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The   Story   of 
The    Pilgrim    Fathfe, 
160671623    A.r>.f 


D    DDD1    D2D37flci    2 


The  St^ry  of 

.,  *  „  ».*j 

The   Pilgrim    Fathers, 

1606-1623    A.D.  ; 

as   told  by 

Themselves,  their  Friends,  and 
their  Enemies, 


EDITED    FROM    THE   ORIGINAL    TEXTS, 
BY 

EDWARD    ARBER,    F.S.A. 

Fellow  of  King's  College,  London ;  Hon.  Member  of  the  Virginia  and  Wisconsin 

Historical  Societies  ;  Late  English  Examiner  at  the  London  University,  and 

also  at  the  Victoria  University,  Manchester;  Emeritus  Professor  of 

English  Language  and  Literature,  Mason  College,  Birmingham. 


Aoove  all  things,  JLiberty* — J.  SBXDEN. 
Religion  stands  on.  tiptoe  in  our  land, 
Ready  to  $ass  to  the  American  strand, — G.  HERBERT. 

Our  names, 
Familiar  in  their  mouths  as  household  words. —  W.  SHAKKSKBARK. 


LONDON: 

WARD    AND    DOWNEY    LIMITED. 

BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK : 
HOUGHTON,    MtFFLIN    &    CO. 

1897. 


CONTENTS, 

CHAP.  PAGE 

THE  PKEFACE,       .,;...! 

To  OUR  READEBS  IN  BOTH  HEMISPHERES,     .  12 

INTBODUCTION, 22 

I.  DR  COTTON  MATHER'S  LIFE  OF  GOVERNOR  WILLIAM 

BRADFORD, £9 

II.  THE  BRADFORD  MANUSCRIPT, 46 

.  SCBOOBY. 

III.  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THINGS,        ...       ,        .        .  48 

IV.  THE  PILGRIM  DISTRICT  IN  ENGLAND,  ....  57 
V.  SCROOBY  AND  GAINSBOROUGH,      .        .        .        .       .  67 

VL  WILLIAM     BRBWSTER,     POSTMASTER    AT     SCROOBY. 

JANUARY  1589  TO  30  SEPTEMBER  1607,      .        .    i    .  "71 
VII.  THE  FLIGHT  INTO  HOLLAND.     [?  OCTOBER]   1607— 

[?  AUGUST]  1608, &, 

VIII.  THE  ENTRIES  IN  ZACHARY  CLIFTON'S  FAMILY  BWLJS,  9^ 


AMSTERDAM. 

IX.  THE  BRITISH  CHURCHES  IN  AMSTERDAM,    .        .        t  98 
X.  THE  SCANDALOUS  ANCIENT  EXILED  ENGLISH  CHURCH 

AT  AMSTERDAM.    1697—1623, 101 

ITS  EARLY  DAYS,  1592—1597,  .        .        .        .     -    .  103 
GEORGE  JOHNSON.    1592—1603,      .        .       -•       .108 

JOHN  JOHNSON.    SEPTEMBER—OCTOBER  1602, .        .  110 

CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE'S  BOOKS.    1612—1613,    .        .  112 
THE  CASE  *ot  THE  BEV,  THOMAS  WHITE.    1603 —  ^ 

1606,             '          •  »    ,     • •      •  *  1W 

PETER  FAIRLAMBK.    1606,       ..  ,     .        .        -        .  121 


,.  f,  „  i 

THE  AKRIVAL  £/.  ^ET^SH  ENGLISH  CHURCHES  IN 

AMSTERDAM,  1607^-1608, 121 

THAT  UNSPEAKABLE  DANIEL  STUDLEY.  1592 — 1612,     122 
THE    ANCIENT    EXILED    ENGLISH    CHURCH    AT 
AMSTERDAM   SPLITS   IN   TWO.    SATURDAY,    15/25 

DECEMBER  1610, 124 

THE  PROPHETS  OF  THE  "  HOLY  DISCIPLINE,"  AND 
THEIR  COMICAL  PROCEEDINGS.    1602 — 1612,  .        ,      128 
THE  FIENDISH  CRUELTY  OF  ElCHARD  MANSFIELD, 

1610—1612, 127 

THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH  is  AN  ABOMINATION  TO 

THE   CITIZENS   OF    AMSTERDAM.      1605 — 1612,  .         128 

THE  DIVINE  BLESSING  UPON  THE  PlLGRIM  CHURCH,         129 
THE     DEATH -BED     RECANTATION     OF     THE     Refill      ; 

FRANCIS  JOHNSON.    1617,     .        .        .*.(>'.       129 
THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  SEPARATION,  .        .  <*     .      JJW) 
XI.  THE  REV.  JOHN  SMYTH,  PREACHER  OF  THE  cmfl/.yC 
OF  LINCOLN  ;  AFTERWARDS  PASTOR  OF  THE  CHURCH 
AT      GAINSBOROUGH  ;  '  THEN     PASTOR     OF     THE 
BRETHREN  OF    THE    SEPARATION  OF    THE    SECOND 
ENGLISH    CHURCH    AT  AMSTERDAM  ;    AND    LASTLY, 

THE^SE-BAPTIST.    1603—1612, 131 

XII.  THE    SETTLEMENT    OF    THE    SCROOBY    CHURCH    AT 

AMSTERDAM.    OCTOBER  1607 — AUGUST  1608,  .        .      141 

LEYDEN 

XIII.  BEAUTIFUL  LEYDEN, 143 

XIV.  THE  BRITISH  CHURCHES  IN  LEYDEN,        .        .        .145 
XV,  THIS  REMOVAL  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH  TO  LEYDEN, 

BY  ^FRIDAY,  21  APRIL  /I  MAY  1609,  .        ...      146 
XVI.  THE   PURCHASE  OF   THE  *REV.    JOHN   ROBINSON'S 
HOUSE  IN  BELL  ALLEY,   LBYDEN,   ON  THURSDAY, 
26  APRIL  /6  MAY  1611, 155 

XVII.  THE  INMATES  OF  THE  REV.  JOHN  ROBINSON'S 
HOUSE  IN  BELL  ALLEY,  LEYDEN,  ON  SATURDAY, 
5/15  OCTOBER  1622, 159 

SVIIL  THB    MARRIAGES    OF    FOREFATHERS   THAT   WKRE 

REGISTERED     AT     THE     STADHUIS,     OR     ClTY     HALL, 

;   BETWEEN  1611  AND  1621,     ...  161 


Contents.  vii 


CHAP. 


V.MA**.  » «,«»» 

XIX.  OTHER  MARRIAGES  OF  ENGLISH  EXILES  REGISTERED 
AT  THE  STADHUIS,  OE  CITY  HALL,  LEYDEN; 

BETWEEN   1610  AND   1617, 167 

XX.  THE  BEGISTRATION  AT  THE  STADHUIS,  OE  CITY 
HALL,  OF  SUCH  MEMBERS  OF  THE  PILGRIM 
CHTTRCH  AS  WERE  ADMITTED  CITIZENS,  OR 
FREEMEN,  OF  LBYDEN  ;  BETWEEN  1612  AND  1615,  169 

XXI.  THE  MEMBERS  OF  THB  PILGRIM  CHURCH,  AND 
SOME  OTHER  BRITISH  SUBJECTS,  WHO  MATRICULATED 
AT  LEYDEN  UNIVERSITY.  1609—1620,  ...  170 

XXI L  GOVERNOR  BRADFORD'S  PANEGYRIC  OF  THE  CHURCH 
ORDER  OF  THE  EXILED  ENGLISH  CHURCHES  AT 

AMSTERDAM  AND  LEYDEN, 172 

XXI      THE  BEV.    JOHN   BOBINSON  AND  THE  PILGRIM 
'HURCH  AT  LEYDEN;  AND  THEIR  RELATIONS  TO 
»/riiER  REFORMED  CHURCHES.    1609—1625, .       .      174 

*"^~     7.  BRADFORD'S  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  BEEWSTER,  THE 

BULING  ELDER  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH,    .,       .      189 

XXV.  THE  PILGRIM  PRESS  IN  CHOIR  ALLEY,  LEYDEN  ; 

AND  ITS  SUPPRESSION  :  TOGETHER  WITH  THE  BOOKS 
THAT    WERE    PRODUCED    BY   IT,   BETWEEN   OCTOBER 

1616  AND  JUNE  1619,    .  .  .        .      195 


THE  RESOLUTION  TO  MIGRATE  TO  AMERICA. 


XXVI.  THE  TWO  VIRGINIA  COMPANIES.    1606— 
XXVII.  THE    BKASONS    THAT    MOVED    MOST    OF    THE 
PILGRIM    CHURCH    TO    MIGRATE    TO    AMERICA. 
1617,       .........      262 

THE  DISCUSSION  THAT  FOLLOWED,    .       .       -      268 
THE  MEANS  THEY  USED  FOR  PREPARATION  TO 
THIS  WEIGHTY  VOYAGE  [EXPEDITION].    1617,          271 
XXVIII.  MEMBERS  OF   THE  PILGRIM   CHURCH  WHO   DID 

NOT  EMIGRATE  TO  AMERICA,   .....        2  '3 

XXIX,  FRANCIS  BLACKWELL  LEADS  THE  REMNANT  OF 
THE  BEV.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S  CHURCH  TOWARDS 
VIRGINIA.  1618—1619,  .....  277 


viit  Contents. 

CHAP.  PAGE 

THE  NEGOTIATIONS  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH.    , 

XXX.  THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  LONDON  VIRGINIA 

COMPANY.    1617—1619, 280 

Tax  SEVEN-  ARTICLES.    1617,     ....      280 
XXXI.  THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL 
OF  ENGLAND.    THE  THREE  POINTS.    JANUARY — 

FEBRUARY  1618, 293 

XXXII,  THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  DUTCH.    1620,  .      297 

XXXIII.  THE    NEGO*  -TATIONS    WITH    MASTER-    THOMAS 
WESTON,  MERCHANT  ;  AND  THE  ADVENTURERS 

IN  AND  ABOUT  LONDON.    1620,  ....      302 

XXXIV.  WHO  WERE  THE  ADVENTURERS?        .        .        »      3SJO 
XXXV.  CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH,  THB  HERO  OF  VIRGINIA, 

OFFERS  HIS  SERVICES  TO  THB  PlLGRIM  FATHERS  ; 
WHO  DECLINE  THEM  :  AND  THEN  HIS  ADVICE, 
WHICH  THEY  DISREGARD, 323 

THE  VOYAGE  TO  AMERICA. 

XXXVI.  THE  NAMES  OF  THE  PILGRIM  SHIPS,         .        .      326 

JCXXVII.   THE    DEPARTURE    FROM    LiEYDEN.      MAYr— J0LY 

1620, 327 

XXXVIIT.  THE  BUSINESS  AT  SOUTHAMPTON.  [?  WEDNESDAY, 
26  JULY  /5  AUGUST]-— SATURDAY,  5/16  AUGUST 

1620,   .  334 

XXXIX.  THE  STORY  OF  THE  SPEEDWELL,        .        .        ,      339 
XL.  THE    VOYAGE     OF    THE     MATJFLOWXR    FROM 
PLYMOUTH  TO  CAPE  COD.     6/16  SEPTEMBER — 
11/21  NOVEMBER  1620,      .....      347 
XLL  WHO  WERE  THE  PILGRIM  FATHERS?         .        .      356 
XLIL  THE  PASSENGERS   IN  THE  MAYFLOWMR  ;    AND 

WHAT  BECAME   OF  THEM, 358 

XLIII.  THE  FOREFATHERS,  OR  OLD  COMERS.     1620 — 

1623,   , .381 

XLIV.  THAT   THE   DUTCH  COULD   NOT  HAVE  BRIBED 

CAPTAIN  JONES  OF  THE  MAYFLOWER.    1620,     .      389 
XLV.  THAT  CAPTAIN  JONES  OF  THE  MAYWLQWXR  WAS 
NOT    THE    CAPTAIN    THOMAS   JONES   OF   THE 

392 


Contents.  ix 

PAGE 

A  RELATION,  OR  JOURNAL,  OF  THE  BEGINNING 
AND  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PLANTATION 
SETTLED  AT  PLYMOUTH,  IN  NEW  ENGLAND. 
[LONDON,  1622,  4], 395-505 

E.  G.      TO  HIS  MITCH  RESPECTED  FRIEND,  MASTER  I.   P.,        397 
G,   MOITRT.      TO  THE  READER, 399 

I.  E.    [REV.  JOHN  ROBINSON.]    A  LETTER  OF  ADVICE 

TO  THE  PLANTERS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND, 401 

A  EELATION,  OR  JOURNAL,  ETC.,      .       .        .       ...      407 

[THE  COMPACT.], 409 

[THE  FIRST  DISCOVERY.], 410 

[THE  SECOND  DISCOVERY.], 417 

[THE  THIRD  DISCOVERY.], ,  426 

A  JOURNEY  TO  PACKANOKIK,  THE  HABITATION  OF  TH$ 
GREAT  KING-,  MASSASOYT.  As  ALSO  OUR  MESSAGE,  [AND] 
THE  ANSWER  AND  INTERTAINMENT  WE  HAD  OF  HIM,  .  .  462 

A  VOYAGE  MADE  BY  TEN  OF  OTJR  MEN  TO  THE 
KINGDOM  OF  NAXJSET,  TO  SEEK  A  BOY  THAT  HAD  LOST 
HIMSELF  IN  THE  WOODS.  WlTH  SUCH  ACCIDENTS  AS  BEFELL 

us  IN  THAT  VOYAGE, 474 

A  JOURNEY  TO  THE  KINGDOM  OF  NAMASCHET,  IN 
DEFENCE  OF  THE  GREAT  KlNG,  MASSASOYT,  AGAINST  THE 
NARROHIGGANSETS  ;  AND  TO  REVENGE  THE  SUPPOSED  DEATH 

OF  OUR  INTERPRETER  TlSQUANTUM, 479 

A  EELATION  OF  OUR  VOYAGE  TO  THE  MASSACHUSETS  ; 

AND  WHAT  HAPPENED   THERE, .483 

'  E.    W.     [EDWARD    WINSLOW.]     A    LETTER    SETTING 
FORTH  A  BRIEF   AND  TRUE  DECLARATION   OF   THE  WORTH 

OF  THAT  PLANTATION,  ETC., 488 

E.  C.  [EGBERT  CUSHMAN,]  EEASONS  AND 
CONSIDERATIONS  TOUCHING  THE  LAWFULNESS  OF  REMOVING 
OUT  OF  ENGLAND  INTO  THE  PARTS  OF  AMERICA,  .  .  .  495 


x  Contents. 

PAGE 

THE  COMPLAINT  OF  CERTAIN  ADVENTUBERS 
AND  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  PLANTATION  IN  NEW 
ENGLAND  [FOR  THE  ROBBERIES  BY  THE  FRENCH 
MEN  FROM  THE  FORTUNE  IN  FEBRUARY  1622],  506-508 


E.  W.  [EDWARD  WINSLOW.]  GOOD  NEWS  FROM 
NEW  ENGLAND.   [LONDON,  1624,  4],        .      .    509-600 

To  THE  READER, 511 

To  ALL  WELL-WILLERS  AND  FURTHERED  OP 
PLANTATIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND,  ETC.,  .....  513 

GOOD  NEWS  FROM  NEW  ENGLAND, 517 

[THE  RELIGION  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  INDIANS  NEAR 
NEW  PLYMOUTH], 581 

[A  DESCRIPTION  OF    NEW  ENGLAND  ;  AND   OF  THOSE 

WHO  SHOULD   GO    THERE], 592 


A    BRIEF   RELATION    OF    A   CREDIBLE   INTELLIGENCE 

OF  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  VIRGINIA 599 

A  POSTSCRIPT,  .  600 


INDEX, 601 


THE   PREFACE. 

I  HE  appearance,  last  year,  by  the  kind  assent 
of  Doctor  FKEDERICK  TEMPLE,  then  Bishop 
of  LONDON  and  now  Archbishop  of 
CANTERBURY,  of  the  noble  photo-zincographic 
Facsimile  of  the  once  lost  Bradford  Manuscript, 
preserved  at  Fulham  Palace,  London,  has  naturally 
suggested  that  the  Pilgrim  Story  should  be  again  told 
— in  a  manner  brief  yet  accurate;  impartial  yet 
sympathetic  —  in  accordance  with  the  authoritative 
statements  of  that  Manuscript,  and  of  other  information 
that  has  come  to  light  in  recent  years. 

What  a  strange  thing  it  is,  that  hithertp  there  does 
not  exist  any  adequate  account,  scientifically  written 
but  popular  in  form,  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  And  this, 
although  there  has  already  grown  up  around  their  noble 
efforts,  a  considerable  literature,  through  the  incessant 
efforts  of  American  Scholars  and  Historical  Societies: 
a  literature  that  will  no  doubt  continue  to  grow  till  the 
end  of  time. 

Crammed  as  this  volume  is  with  information  on  the 
subject,  most  of  it  of  paramount  authority;  it  has  not 
been  found  possible  to  bring  the  Pilgrim  Story  in  it,  to 
a  later  date  than  1623.  If  that  Story  is  to  be  continued, 
it  must  be  in  another  similar  volume;  which  would 
probably  carry  it  on  to  the.  years  1628,  or  1630. 

What  has  been  here  attempted  haB  been  to  select 
those  facts  which  are  material  to  the  Story,  and  which 
are  also  absolutely,  or  morally,  certain;  to  explode 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  A 


2  The  Preface. 

whatever  myths  we  may  happen  to  have  met  with; 
and  to  give  exact  references  for  everything  that  is 
adduced.  In  one  sense,  it  has  been  a  resetting  of  old 
material ;  in  another,  the  production  of  new  facts.  Our 
great  desire  has  been,  that  there  should  be  nothing  in 
this  Volume  that  the  Reader  may  be  hereafter  compelled 
to  unlearn ;  but  that  he  may  feel  sure  that,  in  respect 
to  all  its  contents,  that  he  is  standing  upon  the  solid 
rock  of  truth. 

Although  the  Pilgrim  Story  must,  after  the 
appearance  of  this  Volume,  assume  a  somewhat 
different  aspect  from  that  which  it  has  hitherto  had ; 
it  has  been  rather  heightened  than  diminished  in  interest. 
There  are  two  sides  to  every  question.  The  Writings 
of  Governor  BRADFORD,  Governor  WINSLOW,  ROBERT 
CU&HMAN,  &c.,  deeply  interesting  and  authoritative  as 
they  are  in  regard  to  the  inner  life,  the  actual 
experiences,  the  hopes  and  fears,  of  the  Pilgrim  Church ; 
yet  are  they,  in  their  nature,  nothing  but  ex  parte 
statements.  Neither  do  they  cover  the  whole  ground 
of  the  Story :  so  that  they  have  to  be  partly  checked, 
and  partly  added  to,  from  the  outside. 

Hitherto  these  Writers  have  either  not  been  read  at 
all:  or  they  have  been  read,  as  if  they  were  so  much 
Gospel ;  and  that  no  other  opinions  varying  from  them 
were  possible.  Now  it  is  quite  certain  that  these  Writers 
knew  of  a  great  many  things  that  they  did  not  feel 
called  upon  to  put  upon  paper.  They  wrote — with 
transparent  honesty  be  it  said — on  behalf  of  the  Cause 
to  which  they  had  consecrated  their  lives.  And  then, 
having  so  successfully  fought  through  "such  a  sea  of 
troubles ; "  they  had,  to  say  the  least,  the  assurance  of 
their  convictions :  just  as,  so  often,  in  private  life,  our 


The  Preface.  3 

successful  friends  have  very  pronounced  opinions ;  which 
we  regard  as  the  allowable  play  of  character  in  such 
energetic  natures. 

Especially  must  Governor  BEADFOED'S  good-natured 
and  optimistic  estimates  of  the  Leaders  of  the  English 
Separation  in  Holland — JOHNSON,  CLYFTON  and  SMYTH — 
be  considered  as  incomplete  and  misleading  :  for  reasons 
which  will  be  found  later  on  in  this  book. 

A  cool-headed  rectification  of  opinions  has  therefore 
been  often  necessary  in  this  Volume. 

The  general  Reader  will  find  not  a  few  notable  facts 
in  this  Volume.  Of  these,  the  following  may  be  here 
mentioned : 

The  story  of  the  "  Holy  Discipline "  :  and  of  its  vanishing 
away. 

The  deliberate  cruelty  shown  to  the  promoters  of  the  "Holy 
Discipline,"  through  the  Bishops'  Courts,  by  JOHN  WHITGIFT, 
Archbishop  of  CANTERBURY  ;  and  BICHARD  BANCROFT,  Bishop  of 
LONDON,  in  the  days  of  Queen  ELIZABETH. 

The  murderous  statute  of  1593,  35  Miz.  c.  1,  intituled,  An  Act 
to  retain  the  Qmen's  subjects  in  obedience. 

The  payments  to  WILLIAM  BREWSTER,  as  Post  Master  of  Scrooby, 
from  January  1589  to  30  September  1607. 

The  identification  of  the  Eev.  JOHN  SMYTH,  the  Se-Baptist, 
with  the  Eev.  JOHN  SMITH,  Preacher  of  the  city  of  Lincoln. 

The  Entries  in  ZACHARY  CLIFTON'S  Bible. 

The  scandalous  Ancient  exiled  English  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

MATTHEW  SLADE'S  account  of  the  burial  of  the  Eev.  FRANCIS 
JOHNSON  at  Amsterdam  on  10/20  January  1617/1618 :  and  of  the 
publication  by  him  there,  a  few  days  before  his  death,  of  a 
Becantation  of  his  opinions,  with  a  Eefutation  of  the  Five  Articles 
[?  of  the  Synod  of  Dort] ;  in  a  book  which  no  modern  scholar  has 
ever  seen,  and  which  is  now  believed  to  be  utterly  lost. 

The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Press  at  Leyden,  and  of  its  suppression ; 
together  with  the  fullest  List,  yet  published,  of  Books  that  may  b% 
assigned  to  it. 

The  fact  that,  for  more  than  a  year  before  he  left  Leyden  in  thet 


4  The  Preface. 

Speedwell,  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  was  a  hunted  man ;  liiding  from 
the  utmost  efforts  of  the  British  Government  to  catch  him.  And 
that,  had  he  been  caught,  so  far  from  becoming  the  revered  Euling 
Elder  of  the  New  England  States ;  he  would  probably  have  lain  in 
prison  till  the  Meeting  of  the  Long  Parliament,  as  his  partner 
THOMAS  BREWER  did ;  if  his  imprisonment  had  not  previously 
killed  him. 

The  Seven  Articles  of  1617.  The  Three  Points  of  1618. 

The  various  Negotiations  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  in  regard  to 
their  Exodus  to  America,  with  (1)  the  London  Virginia  Company, 
(2)  the  Privy  Council  of  England,  (3)  the  Dutch,  and  (4)  the 
Adventurers. 

A  reprint  of  two  Journals  describing  the  adventures  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  during  ihe  first  three  years  they  were  in  New 
England. 

The  Statement  of  the  Claims  in  respect  of  the  robbezies  by  the 
Frenchmen  from  the  Fortune  in  1622. 

Evidence  that  Governor  BRADFORD  sent  home  an  official 
despatch  in  that  vessel :  which  was  stolen,  and  is  now  possibly 
lost  for  ever. 

But  still  more  unexpected,  both  to  the  Editor 
and  the  Reader,  is  the  definition  o£  the  ecclesiastical 
position  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  as  that  of  The  Church 
of  England — once  removed.  The  evidence  convincingly 
demonstrates  the  strong  affection  of  that  exiled  Society 
to  the  Church  of  their  fathers — the  persecuting  Bishops 
apart :  an  affection  which  only  deepened  as  time 
went  on,  and  experience  of  life  increased,  So  that 
the  Pilgrim  Church  stood  then  much  nearer  to 
the  Anglican  Church  than  JOHN  WESLEY  and  his 
Community  did  in  the  last  century.  The  villagers, 
that  grouped  themselves  round  the  Rev.  JOHN 
ROBINSON  and  WILLIAM  BREWSTER,  started  at  first 
on  rigid  lines :  but  as  their  continental  life  mellowed 
|tlieir  experience,  they  became  large-hearted  and 
|broad-sot*led ;  and  came  to  look  on  their  separation 


The  Preface.  5 

from  the  English.  Church  as  their  misfortune,  and  not 
as  a  thing  to  glory  in. 

Therefore,  if  the  Church  of  England  had  existed 
then,  as  it  exists  to-day ;  the  Pilgrim  movement  would 
have  never  come  into  existence  at  all.  Was  it  not 
rather  the  STUART  tyranny,  working  through  the 
Church  organization  (as  it  did  through  all  the  other 
organizations  of  the  State ;  and  notably  that  of  Justice), 
that^created  it. 

In  respect  to  such  points  as  these,  it  may  be  necessary 
to  say  that  we  are  absolutely  impartial :  having  already 
edited  some  twenty  thousand  pages  of  letterpress, 
representing  all  sorts  of  opinions ;  some  of  them  Roman 
Catholic,  and  the  rest  embracing  all  shades  of  Protestant 
thought.  We  have  never  yet  edited  any  book  for  a 
purpose ;  and  never  will  do  so.  We  always  start  upon 
any  investigation  with  a  tabula  rasa;  and  then  just 
simply  follow  the  evidence,  wherever  it  'may  lead  us. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  as  well  to  warn  the  young 
Reader  at  the  outset,  that  the  reproaches  hurled,  in 
this  book,  at  the  then  new  School  of  Protestant  Thinkers, 
called  Arminians  or  Eemonstrants,  are  simply  so  much 
unadulterated  ignorance  and  fanaticism. 

Arminiamsm,  with  its  vigorous  assertion  of  the 
Freedom  of  the  Human  Will,  was  just  the  inevitable 
reaction,  the  swinging  back  of  the  mental  pendulum,  from 
the  perfectly  appalling  doctrine  of  Divine  Predestination 
of  the  rigid  Calvinism,  as  set  forth,  for  instance,  in  the 
nine  Lambeth  Articles  of  the  20th  November  1595. 

At  the  present  day,  the  two  theological  Schools 
of  Calvinism  and  Arminianism  have  representatives 
amongst  the  earnest  Thinkers  of  most  Protestant 
Communities.  Each  doctrine  is,  in  its  essence,  true: 


6  The  Preface. 

but  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  Man  to  harmonize 
them.  Which  doctrine,  therefore,  one  would  adopt 
would  probably  depend  upon  one's  bringing  up,  social 
environment,  mental  pace,  attitude  of  mind,  and  so 
forth.  Therefore  the  young  Eeader  will  come  to 
regard  controversies  on  these  subjects  as  sheer  waste- 
of  time.  Let  each  man  choose  for  himself. 


then  it  was  a  very  wild  time,  an  Age  of 
ceaseless  conflict  all  round  The  human  mind, 
awakening  from  the  sleep  of  Feudalism  and  the  Dark 
Ages,  fastened  on  all  the  problems  that  are  inherent  to 
human  society:  problems  which,  even  at  the  present 
day,  are  not  half  solved.  In  England,  during  that 
seventeenth  century,  men  were  digging  down  to  the 
very  roots  of  things.  They  were  asking,  What  is  the 
ultimate  authority  in  human  affairs  ?  Upon  what,  does 
Government  rest  ?  and  for  what  purpose,  does  it  exist  ? 

And  this  clash  of  opinions  went  on  in  all  Branches 
of  Human  Knowledge  alike  :  in  Politics,  in  Science, 
and  in  Philosophy;  as  well  as  in  Eeligion.  And  yet 
nobody  thinks  any  the  worse  of  Politics,  Science,  and 
Philosophy;  because,  in  these  first  steps,  so  many 
mistakes,  false  starts,  and  abortive  efforts  were  then 
made  by  them,  as  will  be  found  as  regards  Religion 
in  this  volume.  Advance  through  making  mistakes 
seems  to  be  the  law  of  human  progress. 

The  sharpest  possible  attention  must  be  paid  to  the 
dates  :  for  Chronology  is  the  life  of  all  historical  studies. 
The  thing  to  be  certain  about  is  the  Day  of  the  Week. 

In  the  seventeenth  century,  the  difference  between 
the  Old  Style  of  reckoning  time,  and  the  New  Style, 
was  Ten  days.  Thus  the  eleventh  day  of  the  month 


The  Preface.  y 

Old  Style  was  the  twenty-first  day  New  Style,     It 
was  written,  11/21. 

For  instance,  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  at  Plymouth 
in  New  England,  on 

11/21  December  1620,  [See  page  435.] 

which    fell    upon    a   Monday :    a    date  '  since    called 
Forefathers'  Day. 

Another  chronological  point  has  also  to  be  considered. 
The  year  was  reckoned  to  begin  on  different  days  in 
different  countries. 

For  instance,  in  Holland,  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
the  year  began  on  the  1st  of  January :  but,  in  England, 
the  legal  year  began  on  the  25th  of  March.  So  that  the 
eighty-three  days,  between  the  1st  of  January  and  the 
24th  of  March,  were  regarded  as  belonging  to  what  we 
should  now  consider  as  being  the  previous  year. 

For  example,  permission  was  granted  by  the  Town 
Council  of  Leyden  to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  to  come  to 
that  city, 

"in  their  session  at  the  Council  House,  the  12th 
day  of  February,  1609  "  [See  page  148.] 

That,  according  to  the  old  English  reckoning,  was  on 
2  February  1608. 

We  combine  the  two  Styles  together  in  one  formula, 
thus : 

2/12  February  1608/1609 
which  fell  upon  a  Thursday. 

Now  will  be  seen  the  importance  of  the  Day  of  the 
Week.  The  two  Styles  must  coincide  on  the  same  day. 

Which  Style  was  used,  depended  largely  on  the 
nationality  of  the  Writer.  The  English  Ambassador, 
and  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  in  Holland,  generally  dated 
their  letters  in  the  Old  Style. 


8  The  Preface 

Another  point  about  time,  which  may  be  useful  to 
remember  in  the  present  Work,  is  that  the  average  time 
that  elapsed  between  the  writing  of  a  letter  at  the 
Hague  or  Leyden,  and  its  receipt  in  London ;  or  vice 
versa  :  may  be  put  at  nine  or  ten  days.  Sometimes  the 
post  occupied  only  five  days  ;  and  sometimes,  fifteen  or 
sixteen.  It  all  depended  on  the  wind  and  the  weather. 

The  money  of  that  period  must  be  multiplied  by 
about  four  to  represent  its  purchasing  power:  that  is 
£1,  or  5$,  then  would  (roughlm  speaking)  buy  as  much 
as  £4,  or  20$,  would  now.  This  is  merely  a  rough 
approximate  way  of  expressing  the  present  diminished 
purchasing  power  of  gold  coin.  Scientifically  speaking, 
the  ratio  would  vary  with  respect  to  each  article  bought : 
but  as  a  general  approximation,  four  times,  or  a  little  under 
that,  may  be  fairly  accepted  as  the  ratio  of  increased 
value  for  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

At  this  time  of  day,  to  hope  to  add  anything 
absolutely  new,  to  the  sum  of  what  is  already  known 
about  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  is  like  hoping  to  find  the 
Philosopher's  Stone.  The  New  England  Scholars  and 
Historical  Societies,  during  the  last  hundred  years,  have 
so  cleanly  swept  this  field  of  history,  that  not  even  a 
single  ear  of  wheat  is  to  be  hoped  for.  We  ourselves  had 
no  such  hope  at  all.  Therefore  the  more  do  wo  rejoice 
in  our  good  luck  in  finding  the  Statement  of  the  Claims 
in  respect  of  the  robbery  of  the  Fortune  by  the  French 
in  February  1622,  which  will  be  found  at  pages  506-50,8. 

It  is  extraordinary  to  what  a  large  extent  we  are 
dealing,  in  this  volume,  with  what  is  practically  a  Lost 
Literature.  All  the  English  books  printed  in  Holland 


The  Preface.  9 

and  Flanders  before  1641  are  rare  :  but  those  printed 
there  for  the  Separatists,  in  order  to  be  sold  or 
distributed  in  England,  are  amongst  the  rarest  of  them  all. 
One  simple  fact  will  be  a  sufficient  illustration  of  this : 

The  British  Museum  does  not  possess,  at  this  moment 
of  writing,  a  single  copy  of  the  original  editions  of  the 
seven '  books  written  by  the  Rev.  JOHN  SMYTH,  ;  the 
Sq-Baptist;  and  which  were  printed  for  him  between 
1603  and*  1613.  Of  how  many  other  English  Authors 
can  it  now  be  said,  That,  in  their  original  editions,  they 
are  totally  unrepresented  in  the  great  London  Library  ? 

Therefore  we  would  here  strenuously  appeal  to  all 
the  great  Collectors  and  Libraries  of  the  United  States, 
especially  to  those  in  New  England,  that  instant  search 
should  be  made  through  their  Collections,  for  all  the 
English  Separatist  Works  known.  For  this  purpose, 
the  bibliographical  information  contained  in  this  volume 
and  in  Doctor  H.  MABTYN  DEXTEB/S  Congregationalism 
&c.,  will  be  found  helpful.  And,  further,  that  the  finds 
should  be  reported  to,  and  recorded  by,  some  central 
body,  like  the  American  Library  Association.  This  is 
not  a  sectional  Literature.  It  is  that  which  surrounds 
the  ultimate  origin  of  the  United  States  :  and  therefore 
the  effort  may  be  regarded  as  a  national  one, 

Especially  should  a  ceaseless  hunt  be  made  after  all 
copies  of  Editions  that  can,  with  any  probability,  be 
assigned  to  the  Pilgrim  Press  at  Leyden. 

Most  of  all,  that  the  following  two  utterly  lost  books 
be  sought  for,  without  wearying. 

GILES  THORPE.     The  Hunting  of  the  Fox.    Part  I. 

?  Printed  by  THORPE  himself  at  Amsterdam,  about  1610. 

This  is  the  lost  scandalous  chronicle  of  the  Ancient 
exiled  English  Church  in  that  city. 


io  The  Preface, 

The  death-bed  Eecantation  of  the  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNBOK. 
Printed  at  Amsterdam  in  [December]  1617. 

The  Title  even  of  this  book  is  not  known ;  much  less 
its  contents. 

And  now  we  have  to  ask  for  the  kind  co-operation 
of  our  Headers.  We  desire  to  give  a  perfectly  exact, 
though  a  modernized,  text.  Many  of  the  words  and 
idioms  in  it,  have,  naturally  enough,  in  the  nearly  three 
hundred  years  that  have  since  passed  away,  become 
obsolete,  or  have  quite  changed  their  meanings.  In  all 
such  cases  we  have  put  the  real  meaning  after  them, 
thus  : 

admire  [wonder  at.]  lawful  [morally  right.     It 

betake  [entrust.]  does  not  usually  mean 

civil  [civilized.]  legal.] 

civil  [secular,]  painful  [painstaking.] 

condescend  [agree  to]  a     passionate     letter    [a 

estates  [properties.]  suffering,  or  heart-broken 

indifferently  [impartially.]  letter  ;  as  in  the  sense 

of  Passion  Week.  It 
does  not  mean  a  letter 
written  in  a  rage.] 

In  like  manner,  Indian  Place  Names  are  followed 
by  their  present  English  names:  as,  Massachusetts 
[Boston  Bay],  Namaschet  [Middleborough],  Nauset 
[Eastham],  Patuxet  [Plymouth],  Wessagusset 
[Weymouth]. 

Again,  some  part  of  the  text  is  confessedly  very 
roughly  written;  sometimes,  in  what  almost  might  be 
regarded  as  broken  English. 

As  for  this  poor  Relation,  I  pray  you  accept  it,  as  being  writ  by 
th6  several  Actors  themselves,  after  their  plain  and  rude  manner  : 
therefore  doubt  nothing  of  the  truth  thereof.  If  it  be  defective 
in  anything,  it  is  their  ignorance ;  that  are  better  acquainted  with 
planting  than  writing.  If  it  satisfy  those  that  are  well  afeeted 
to  the  business ;  it  is  all  I  care  for.  See  page  397. 


The  Preface.  1 1 

Usually  the  imperfection  of  the  style  is  by  omitting 
words  which  were  present  to  the  mind  of  the  Writer ; 
but  which  he  did  not  put  down  in  writing.  These  lost, 
but  necessary,  words  have  been  supplied  between  square 
brackets. 

In  these  three  ways,  our  Headers  will  have  the 
advantage  of  a  rigidly  exact  text,  unavoidably 
containing  many  obsolete  words  and  idioips;  but 
which  yet  will  be  instantly  understandable. 

In  many  cases,  the  Foot  Notes  are  of  equal  importance 
and  authority  with  the  text.  In  such  cases,  they  are 
merely  the  printer's  device  to  bring  matter  relating  to 
the  same  topic  into  the  closest  possible  juxtaposition. 
Other  Foot  Notes  are  simply  explanatory. 

All  Foot  Notes  supplied  by  the  present  Editor,  are 
followed  by  his  initials — E.  A. 

Our  grateful  thanks  are  here  tendered,  for  valuable 
guidance  and  help  from  Professor  JUSTIN  WINSOB, 
Librarian  of  Harvard  University,  Massachusetts.  This 
gentleman,  so  well  known  as  a  veritable  Rabbin  of 
Bibliography,  is  also  the  greatest  living  authority  upon 
the  colonial  history  of  New  England. 

In  conclusion.  This  story  belongs  to  the  Universal 
Church  of  CHBIST.  May  it  be  especially  helpful  in 
uniting  all  true  Protestant  hearts,  in  the  Old  World  as 
in  the  New,  in  the  love,  service,  and  worship  of  the 

ever-blessed  Trinity ! 

EDWARD  ARBER. 

73  SHEPHEED'S  BUSH  BOAD, 

WEST  KENSINGTON, 

LONDON,  W. 
15  JANUABY  1897. 


TO  OUR  READERS  IN  BOTH  HEMISPHERES. 


Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  divides  itself  into 
two  parts  :  an  ecclesiastical  conflict  in  England 
and  Holland;  and  a  colonizing  effort  in  New 
England.  It  is  as  hard  to  make  the  American 
understand  the  theological  niceties  of  the  first  part  ;  as  it  is  to 
make  the  Englishman  "understand  the  geographical  localities 
of  the  second. 

If  we  would  wish  to  do  but  bare  and  simple  justice  to 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  ;  we  must  strip  ourselves  of  a  great  many 
ideas  and  opinions  which,  in  our  time,  are  the  unquestioned 
and  universal  axioms  of  every  day  life  and  thought, 

There  is  not  one  of  us  but  lives  under  conditions  in  which 
Law  is  always,  and  under  all  circumstances,  the  supreme 
authority.  "We  can  hardly  realize  a  condition  of  society  in 
which  Law  itself  was  struggling  for  existence  ;  in  which 
everybody  and  everything  was  governed  by  the  King's  Will, 
and  was  subordinate  and  contributory  to  (0  amazing  words  1) 
"  the  royal  satisfaction. 

Yet  it  was  under  conditions  such  as  these,  that  the  Pilgrim 
movement  originated,  and  fought  its  way  onward.  Let  us 
endeavour,  then,  to  go  back  in  our  thoughts  to  their  Age  and 
to  tlieir  circumstances. 

Doctor  H.,  MABTYN  DEXTER  has  done  this  for  us,  as  regards 
the  material  things  of  life  : 

Ordinary  average  life,  three  centuries  ago,  was  so  different  from 
life  now,  as  to  make  it  well-nigh  impossible,  even  for  the  most 
diligent  antiquary,  adequately  to  comprehend,  and  describe,  that 
difference. 

12 


To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres.         1 3 

When  t"he  Fratres  Angli  in  Belgia  exulantes  "began  to  change  the 
date  of  their  letters  to  FRANCIS  JUNITJS  from  the  Sixteenth  to  the 
Seventeenth  Century,  even  the  scholars  of  the  great  Universities 
were  still  uncertain  whether  COPERNICUS  had  fairly  out-reasoned 
PTOLEMY  in  his  theory  of  the  solar  system. 

It  was  Fourteen  years,  before  JOHN  NAPIER  of  Merchiston,  by 
the  invention  of  logarithms,  as  LAPLACE  said,  by  reducing  to  a 
few  days  the  labour  of  months,  doubled  the  life  of  all  whose 
occasions  lead  them  to  abstruse  mathematical  calculations; 

It  is  thought  to  have  been  Two  and  twenty  years  after  that 
date,  before  England  saw  her  first  weekly  newspaper. 

It  was  Five  and  twenty,  before  hackney  coaches  began  to  be 
kept  for  hire  in  London. 

It  was  Eight  and  twenty,  before  WILLIAM  HARVEY  published 
his  discovery  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood. 

It  was  Forty,  before  GASCOIGNE  by  his  cross  of  fine  wire  in  the 
focus  of  the  telescope,  raised  it  from  a  vaguely  instructive  curiosity 
to  the  dignity  of  an  eye,  accurate  as  well  as  far-seeing,  to  note 
celestial  phenomena. 

It  was  Eight  and  forty,  before  the  Barometer  became  available 
ko  measure  heights,  and  foretell  storms. 

It  was  Six  and  fifty,  before  HUYGHENS,  applying  the  oscillating 
pendulum  to  the  rude  clock  with  vibrating  balance,  which  had 
been  in  use  for  three  or  four  hundred  years,  first  gave  to  the  world 
a  measurer  of  time,  "  more  accurate  than  the  sun  itself." 

It  was  Four  and  sixty,  before  THOMAS  WILLIS  described  the 
nerve  centre ;  and  showed  that  the  brain  is  a  congeries  of  organs, 
and  the  seat  of  moral  and  intellectual  action. 

It  was  Six  and  sixty,  before  NEWTON,  sitting  in  his  garden,  was 
started  upon  that  train  of  thought  which,  years  after,  led  him 
on  to  the  development  of  the  Law  of  Universal  Gravitation : 
"indisputably  and  incomparably  the  greatest  scientific  discovery 
ever  made," 

It  was  Two  and  seventy,  before  the  same  modest  and 
marvellous  intellect  which  had  unravelled  the  problem  of  the 
celestial  motions,  discovered  the  key  to  the  rainbow  in  the  fact 
that  light  consists  of  rays  of  different  colours  and  diverse 
refrangibility. 

It  was  Three  and  seventy,  before  the  first  Almanack  of  the 
present  character  was  published  in  England. 


14        To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres. 

It  was  Five  and  seventy,  before  ROMIB,  the  Bane,  discovered 
and  measured  the  progressive  motion  of  light. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  nine,  before  a  daily  paper  was  started 
in  London. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  fourteen,  before  Doctor  JOHN 
WOODWOKD  laid  the  foundation  of  the  science  of  Geology,  by 
demonstrating  that  the  surface  of  the  earth  has  an  orderly 
stratification. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  twenty,  before  EOMEE  devised  the 
mercurial  Thermometer ;  and  introduced  it  to  the  Gentleman  and 
the  Farmer  as  well  as  the  Scientist. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  thirty-three,  before  DXJFAY  made 
possible  the  science  of  electricity  as  it  now  exists. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  forty,  before  there  was  a  Circulating 
Library  in  London. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  fifty-eight,  before  CEONBTEDT,  of 
Sweden,  published  the  elementary  principles  of  the  science  of 
Mineralogy. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  sixty,  before  there  was  a  street  light 

in  London. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  seventy-one,  before  BIOHAED 
ARKWEIG-HT  was  weaving  cotton  cloth  at  Cromford  in  Derbyshire, 
by  means  of  spindles  and  looms  driven  by  water. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  seventy-nine,  before  the  steam-engine, 
in  the  form  now  commonly  used  for  manufacture  and  traffic,  was 
first  devised. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  eighty-four,  before  HENEY  CAVENDISH 
published,  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions,  the  proof  that  "Water 
is  a  compound  of  Oxygen  and  Hydrogen  gases. 

It  was  One  hundred  and  ninety-one,  before  LTJIGU  GALVANI 
announced  the  discoveries  establishing  that  branch  of  science  which 
bears  his  name. 

It  was  Two  hundred  and  thirteen,  before  London  Bridge  was 
lighted  with  gas. 

It  was  Two  hundred  and  nineteen,  before  the  first  ship,  whose 
sails  were  aided  by  steam,  crossed  the  Atlantic. 

It  was  Two  hundred  and  twenty-nine,  before  STUFHBNSON'S 
"Bocket"  led  the  panting  and  interminable  succession  of  the 
locomotives  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

It  was  Two  hundred  and  thirty-nine,  before  Lours  DAGXTBERE 


To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres.          15 

announced  the  possibility  of  almost  instantaneously  securing  and 
rendering  permanent  the  facsimile  portrait  of  a  face  or  of  a  scene. 

It  was  Two  hundred  and  forty,  before  the  invention  of 
prepayment  by  stamp,  and  the  era  of  cheap  postage. 

It  was  Two  hundred  and  forty-four,  before  the  Telegraph  was 
first  practically  used  in  the  transmission  of  messages  between 
distant  points :  Two  hundred  and  fifty-eight,  before  the  first 
telegram  made  its  way  from  the  Old  "World  to  the  New  under  the 
Atlantic  :  Two  hundred  and  seventy-seven,  before  the  still  more 
marvellous  Telephone  began  to  offer  itself  to  reunite  the  separated, 
even  by  the  hearing  of  the  ear:  and  Two  hundred  and  seventy-eight, 
before  the  Phonograph,  most  wonderful  of  all,  offered  itself  to  store 
up  for  reproduction — on  the  turning  of  a  crank — whatsoever  of 
talk,  or  song,  may  have  been  admitted  to  its  mysterious  confidence. 
Congregationalism  <&c.,  pp.  683-686,  Ed.  1880,  8. 

Observations  like  these  of  Doctor  DEXTER  make  us 
feel  the  great  distance  of  time  which  separates  us  from  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers;  whose  lives  we  are  about  to  study  so 
closely :  and  they  will  also  help  us  to  avoid  the  folly  of  harshly 
judging  the  opinions  of  the  beginning  of  the  Seventeenth 
Century,  from  the  standpoint  of  the  ideas  of  the  end  of  the 
Nineteenth ;  though,  of  course,  Eight  and  Wrong  are  eternal. 

Then  our  thoughts  must  go  back  to  an  Age  when  the 
general  drift  of  public  affairs  all  over  Europe  was  towards 
tyranny  and  oppression :  a  state  of  things  which  it  is  now 
very  hard  for  us  to  realize. 

Spain,  under  PHILIP  III.,  had  already  become  a  consolidated 
and  illimitable  autocracy.  France  was  on  its  way  to  that 
absolute  royal  despotism  that  enabled  Louis  XIT.,  later 
on,  to  say,  "  I  am  the  State."  FERDINAND  II.,  Emperor  of 
Germany,  was  carrying  on  the  Thirty  Years'  War  in  order 
that  he  might  suppress  Protestantism  in  Germany,  and  the 
liberty  with  which  it  was  associated.  It  is  but  the  simple 
fact  that,  at  the  time  the*  Mayflower  was  crossing  the 
Atlantic,  there  were  only  two  powerful  free  States  in 
Europe,  Great  Britain  and  Holland.  In  nearly  all  the 
other  countries,  the  Governments  were  doing  nothing  else 


1 6         To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres, 

but  ceaselessly  striving,  and  with  a  marked  success,  to 
enslave  the  peoples  committed  to  their  care. 

This  had  been  much  aided  by  the  Counter-Reformation 
carried  on  by  the  Papal  Curia,  from  the  time  of  the  Council 
of  Trent  onwards ;  by  which  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  had 
adapted  itself  to  the  new  conditions  of  European  life.  Of 
that  Counter-Reformation,  with  its  two  special  developments 
of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  and  of  the  Order  of  the  Jesuits,  the 
Reader  will  find  an  able  description  in  A  Relation  of  the  $to*te 
of  Religion  &c.  London,  1605,  4.  It  was  written  by  Sir 
EDWIN  SANDYS  ;  whom  we  shall  meet  with  later  on  in  this 
Story. 

Indeed,  so  absolutely  identified  was  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  of  that  Age,  in  the  minds  of  most  Englishmen, 
with  all  forms  of  political  tyranny,  that,  later  on,  in  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  men  were  punished  for  saying,  That  it 
was  a  Christian  Church  :  a  proposition  that  no  sane  man  now- 
a-days  would  for  a  moment  deny.  Let  us  then  never  forget 
that,  at  the  back  of  all  the  Puritanism  and  Separatism  of  that 
Age,  there  ever  lay  the  intensest  hate  of  Roman  Catholicism 
and  of  the  tyranny  with  which  it  was  then  so  thoroughly 
identified. 

Such  being  the  general  state  of  European  Affairs  :  in 
England,  Absolutism — that  is,  That  the  King  was  above  The 
Law — came  in  with  the  STUARTS.  The  seventeenth  century 
passed  away  in  one  long  fight  between  Englishmen  and  that 
dynasty,  over  the  then  perfectly  new  doctrines  of 

(1)  The  inherent  Divine  Right  of  Kings  by  blood  or 

inheritance, 

(2)  The  absolute    unconditioned  Passive  Obedience  of 

Subjects,  and 

(3)  The  unlawfulness  of  Resistance  or  Self-Defence  in 

cases  of  oppression  or  violence,  whether  national  or 
personal. 
If  w©  have  not  stated  these  monstrous  opinions  sufficiently 


70  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres.         1 7 

clearly:  let  us  do  so  in  the  words  of  Doctor  HUMPHREY 
G-OWER,  the  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Cambridge, 
in  1681 : 

We  still  believe  and  maintain  that  our  Kings  derive  not  their 
Titles  from  the  people  ;  but  from  GOD.  That  to  him  only  they 
are  accountable.  That  it  belongs  not  to  subjects,  either  to  create 
or  censure  ;  but  to  honour  and  obey,  their  Sovereign  :  who  comes 
to  be  so  by  a  fundamental  hereditary  Eight  of  Succession  ;  which 
no  Religion,  no  Law,  no  Fault  or  Forfeiture,  can  alter  or  diminish. 

CHARLES  I.,  after  having  brought  infinite  evil  upon  his 
people,  died  a  martjr  for  such  principles  as  these.  Among 
his  last  words  upon  the  scaffold  before  the  Banqueting  Hall 
of  Whitehall  Palace,  immediately  before  he  was  beheaded, 
were  these : 

For  the  people.  And  truly  I  desire  their  liberty  and  freedom 
as  much  as  anybody  whomsoever.  But  I  must  tell  you,  That  their 
liberty  and  their  freedom  consists  in  having,  of  Government,  those 
laws  by  which  their  life  and  their  goods  may  be  most  their  own. 
It  is  not  for  having  share  in  Government,  Sir.  That  is  nothing 
pertaining  to  them.  A  Subject  and  a  Sovereign  are  clean  different 
things  ;  and  therefore  until  they  do  that,  I  mean,  that  you  do  put 
the  people  in  that  liberty,  as  I  say  ;  certainly  they  will  never 
enjoy  themselves.  King  CHARLES  Ms  Speech  <&c.,  p.  6,  London,  [23 
Feb.]  1649,  4.  British  Museum  Press-mark,  E.  545  (5). 

The  answer  to  that  dying  assertion  is,  That  the  English 
people  had  had  a  share  in  the  national  sovereignty  long  before 
the  STUARTS,  then  only  Norman  Barons  living  near  Oswestry 
in  Shropshire,  went  to  Scotland  to  seek  their  fortunes. 

These  pernicious  political  dogmas  received  their  death-blow 
at  the  happy  and  glorious  Revolution  of  1688.  Then  was 
formulated  what  is  known  as  the  Whig  doctrine  of  the 
Covenant  between  the  King  and  the  People;  the  King 
in  ;his  Coronation  Oath,  and  the  Subjects  in  their  Oath  of 
Allegiance.  This  meant  that  the  Law  was  to  be  above  the 
King;  and  that  he  held  the  throne  by  exactly  the  same 
authority  as  the  subject  held  his  house. 

King  WILLIAM  III.  and  Queen  MAEY  accepted  the  English 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  B 


1 8         To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres. 

Crown  on  these  conditions  on  23rd  February  1689.  England 
had,  however,  to  fight  France  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a 
century  before  this  Whig  doctrine  could  be  regarded  as  an 
assured  political  fact.  From  the  accession  of  GBOKGE  I.  in 
1714,  however,  it  has  never  been  questioned. 
1  Now  when  we  consider  that  this  arduous  vindication  of 
the  supremacy  of  Law  amongst  the  English  people,  occurred 
many  years  after  the  Pilgrim  Exodus  from  Leyden ;  we  can 
the  better  realize  the  wild  times  in  which  they  lived. 

Then  our  thoughts  must  go  back  to  a  time  when  the 
Liberty  of  the  Press  simply  did  not  exist  in  the  British 
Isles. 

Printing  was  then  only  possible  in  London,  Edinburgh, 
and  Dublin ;  and  at  the  University  Presses  at  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  :  but  it  was  chiefly  carried  on  in  London. 

Even  there,  if  a  man  were  so  rash  as  to  buy  type  and  a 
hand  printing  press ;  he  would  be  immediately  sent  to  prison 
for  that  offence.  For  no  one  in  London  was  allowed  to  print 
anything  unless  he  were  a  Freeman  of  the  Company  of 
Stationers :  and  even  of  those  Freemen,  only  a  certain  few 
might  print  books ;  though  all  of  them  were  allowed  to  sell 
or  hind  them. 

There  was  a  tradition  amongst  the  London  trade  that, 
besides  the  King's  Printers  and  other  Patentees,  there  ought 
to  be  Twenty-two  Printing  Houses,  and  no  more,  in  the 
Metropolis.  But,  for  years  together,  there  were  not  even  so 
many  as  that.  On  9th  May  1615,  there  were  nineteen  of 
such  Printing  Houses  in  London;  possessing  thirty-three 
hand  printing  presses. 

The  Master  Printers  could  not  have  as  many  hand  printing 
presses  as  they  would  like.  Everything  was  regulated  and 
fettered.  Each  one,  on  his  filling  the  previous  vacancy, 
started  with  one ;  and,  as  he  rose  in  the  Stationers'  Gompa/n/yy 
he  might  increase  that  number  to  two  of  such  presses,  and  no 
more.  Of  the  above  nineteen  Master  Printers,  the  five  junior 


To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres.        19 

ones  had  only  one  press  each ;  the  fourteen  senior  ones  had 
two  each. 

The  London  compositors  then  usually  set  up  the  books  in 
type  in  their  own  houses ;  and  took  the  "  formes  of  type  "  to 
the  residence  of  the  Master  Printer  to  be  machined.  The 
custody  of  the  hand  printing  press  there  was  regarded  then 
as  dangerous  a  thing  as  the  custody  of  dynamite  would  be 
now.  It  was  most  carefully  locked  up  every  night,  in  order 
to  prevent  secret  printing. 

Regularly,  every  week,  Searchers,  appointed  by  the 
Stationers'  Company,  went  through  the  house  of  each 
Master  Printer,  in  order  to  see  what  books  were  at  press, 
and  whether  they  had  been  properly  licensed. 

By  this  organization,  and  under  these  conditions,  were 
produced  the  books  of  the  Golden  Age  of  English  Literature. 
The  Reader  will  readily  see  how  impossible  it  would  be  for 
anything  that  the  King  or  the  Bishops  might  choose  to 
regard  as  obnoxious,  to  be  printed  in  London.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  such  books  were  printed  on  the  Continent,  as  we  shall 
see  later  on,  in  the  case  of  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  ;  and  smuggled 
into  England. 

The  STUARTS  had  an  instinctive  jealousy  of  the  power 
of  a  free  Press ;  and,  so  far  as  in  them  lay,  kept  it  under  a 
strict  supervision.  Every  "Work,  before  it  could  be  set  up  in 
type,  had  to  be  licensed  by  two  persons  : 

(a.)  By  a  Chaplain  of  the  Archbishop  of  CAOTWBWX;  fig 
of  the  Bishop  of  LONDON,  for  the  time  being:  which  iw 
Prelates  were  more  especially  charged  with  the  Censorship 
of  the  Press,  up  to  the  meeting  of  the  Long  Parliament  in 
1640.  And  this,  not  by  force  of  any  statute  of  the  realm, 
as  by  a  survival  of  that  illimitable  authority  which  formerly 
pertained  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Bishops  of  England  as 
"guardians  of  faith  and  morals." 

(b.)  By  one  of  the  two  Wardens  of  the  Company  of 
Stationers  of  London. 


2O         To  our*  Readers  in  both  hemispheres. 

On  being  licensed,  the  Work  was  usually  entered  in  the 
Registers  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London ;  the  entries  of  which, 
beginning  about  1553,  continue,  with  one  or  two  breaks, 
down  to  the  present  day.  Of  the  entries  in  these  Begisfcers 
between  1553  and  1640;  we  have  privately  printed  a 
Transcript,  in  five  quarto  volumes,  containing  about  3,200 
pages. 

Such  then  being  the  genesis  of  an  English  book  in  the 
days  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  one  can  see  what  a  one-sided 
struggle  they  had  to  carry  on.  The  Bishops  could  freely 
allow  anything  to  be  printed  that  made  for  their  Order  :  but 
nobody  in  his  senses  could  expect  them  to  allow  for  the  press 
anything  that  challenged  the  divine  right  of  the  Hierarchy ; 
or  that  attacked  the  iniquities  and  illegalities  of  the  Bishops' 
Courts,  as  they  existed  up  to  the  time  that  the  Long 
Parliament  swept  them  all  away. 

So  the  Rev.  RICHAED  BAXTEE  tells  that  the  Puritan  and 
Separatist  treatises  were,  in  his  early  days,  very  hard  to  be 
met  with ;  and  were  secretly  read  and  passed  from  hand  to 
hand:  and,  being  prohibited,  they  were  the  more  eagerly 
sought  after. 

The  chiefly  colonial  story  that  we  have  to  tell  in  this 
volume,  represents  but  a  part  of  the  life  of  the  English 
nation  during  this  period.  Por  their  ceaseless  and  strenuous 
home  struggles  against  the  STUAET  Kings;  we  would  refer 
the  Reader  to  JOHN  FORSTEE'S  Sir  Jom  ELLIOT,  1592—1632. 
A  Biography.  2  Vols.,  1872,  8;  and  also  to  Doctor  SAMUEL 
R.  GAEDINEE'S  splendid  History  of  England,  1603 — 1642.  10 
Vols.,  1884,  8. 

Some  day  the  Pilgrim  Story  will  become  the  subject 
of  a  Poet's  Song;  of  which,  perhaps,  this  volume  may  be  a 
Ground  "Work.  It  contains  every  possible  dramatic  element  ; 
nobleness  and  baseness,  bravery  and  cowardice,  purity  and 


To  our  Readers  in  both  hemispheres.         2 1 

impurity  o£  life,  manhood  and  hypocrisy,  gentleness  and 
wronghpadedness.  ,We  very  much  fear,  however,  that 
(though  Dramatic  Poesy  is  the  highest  form  of  human 
expression)  if  that  Song  shapes  itself  into  a  Drama;  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  will  turn  in  their  graves. 

So  we  conclude  here  by  quoting  that  wondrous  passage 
penned  by  MILTON  in  164:1,  in  which  he  defines  the  office  of  a 
Christian  Poet :  a  passage  that  has  oftentimes  been  present 
to  us  during  the  preparation  of  this  volume,  because  it  so 
aptly  expresses  the  faith  and  aims  of  the  Pilgrim  fathers. 

These  abilities,  wheresoever  they  be  found,  are  the  i^pired  gift 
of  GOD  ;  rarely  bestowed,  but  yet  to  some  (though  most  abuse)  in 
every  nation  :  and  are  of  power,  beside[s]  the  office  of  a  Pulpit,  to 
inbreed  and  cherish  in  a  great  people  the  seeds  of  virtue  and 
public  civility  ;  to  allay  the  perturbations  of  the  mind,  and  set  the 
affections  in  right  time ;  to  celebrate,  in  glorious  and  lofty  Hymns 
the  throne  and  equipage  of  GOD's  almightiness ;  and  what  He 
works,  and  what  He  suffers  to  be  wrought  with  high  Providence 
in  his  Church ;  to  sing  the  victorious  agonies  of  Martyrs  and 
Saints,  the  deeds  and  triumphs  of  just  and  pious  nations  doing 
valiantly  through  faith  against  the  enemies  of  CHRIST  ;  to  deplore 
the  general  relapses  of  Kingdoms  and  States  from  justice  and 
GOD's  true  Worship. 

Lastly,  whatsoever  in  Eeligion  is  holy  and  sublime ;  in 
Virtue,  amiable  or  grave :  whatsoever  hath  passion  [suffering]  or 
admiration  [wonderment]  in  all  the  changes  of  that  which  is  called 
Fortune,  from  without ;  or  the  wily  subtleties  and  refluxes  of  Man's 
thoughts,  from  within  :  all  these  things,  with  a  solid  and  treatable 
smoothness,  to  paint  out  and  describe. 

Teaching  over  the  whole  book,  of  sanctity  and  virtue,  through 
all  the  instances  of  examples,  with  such  delight  that  the  paths  of 
honesty  and  good  life  would  then  appear  to  all  men,  both  easy  and 
pleasant.  The  Reason  of  Church  Government  <&c.,  p.  39. 


INTRODUCTION. 

have  now  briefly  to  consider  the  ecclesiastical 
condition  of  England  ;  out  of  which  the  Pilgrim 
Church  sprang. 

The  first  thing  that  we  have  to  recognize  is, 
That  from  the  Reformation  onwards,  England,  as  the  only 
first-rate  Protestant  Kingdom  in  Europe,  was  in  a  condition 
of  constant  and  imminent  peril.  Spain,  by  means  of  its  large 
population  in  Europe ;  its  annual  fleets  of  gold  from  the  West 
Indies ;  and,  later  on,  its  annual  fleets  of  spices  (more  precious 
than  gold)  from  Goa  and  Cochin ;  had  become  the  Colossus  of 
Europe.  As  Sir  THOMAS  OVERBURY  tells  us,  in  his  Observations 
<kc.9  written  in  1609,  the  Hope  of  the  "Western  Monarchy 
was  the  daily  dream  of  the  Spanish  Kings  :  and  as  matters 
then  stood,  if  they  could  only  but  become  masters  of  the 
harbours  of  Flanders,  Holland,  and  England,  they  would  then 
become  the  Lords  of  the  civilized  World.  No  one,  therefore, 
knows  anything  of  our  history  during  the  reign  of  ELIZABETH, 
unless  he  adequately  realizes  the  deep  sense  of  national 
peril  that  ever  lay  behind  the  ceaseless  efforts  of  English 
Statesmen. 

For  whatever  they  might  do,  or  not  do,  PHILIP  II.  was 
unhalting  in  his  ambition ;  anc>  so  became  a  perpetual  danger 
to  Europe.  Non  sufficit  orbis  was  the  badge  of  his  ambition  : 
and  "Time  and  I  against  the  World"  was  the  motto  of  his 
policy. 

And  so,  the  more  we  know  of  that  Age,  the  more  important 
does  the  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada  appear.  It  was  one 
of  the  three  crushing  victories  wherewith  England  has  altered 
for  the  better,  the  history  of  modern  Europe :  the  Defeat  of  the, 
Armada,  the  Battle  of  Blenheim,  and  the  Battle  of  Waterloo. 

22 


Introduction.  2  3 

For  there  was  always  this  about  fighting  the  Spaniards,  that 
they  never  gave  in.  It  was  like  fighting  Eternity.  You  might 
beat  them,  and  plunder  them  to  your  heart's  content ;  but  that 
did  not  stop  the  War :  for  fighting  was  the  normal  occupation 
of  the  Spanish  Gentleman.  All  this  had  been  foreseen 
by  Queen  ELIZABETH  and  her  Advisers  from  the  very  first. 
One  hardly  knows  whether  to  admire  more  the  Thirty  years 
of  Diplomacy,  1558 — 1588,  which  staved  off  the  evil  day:  or 
the  splendid  deeds  of  that  Fifteen  years  of  War,  1588 — 1603, 
the  history  of  which  no  man  has  yet  written ;  which  conflict 
only  came  to  an  end  through  the  death  of  the  brave-hearted 
Queen  and  the  consequent  change  of  dynasty. 

The  extremity  of  the  national  peril  did  indeed  pass  away 
when  the  Scottish  Queen  had  been  beheaded,  and  the  Armada 
had  been  virtually  destroyed  :  but  England  had  still  to  hold 
her  own,  under  the  Divine  Providence,  by  the  strength  of  her 
right  arm. 

Professor  FBOUDE  tells  us  in  his  History  of  Ungland, 
X.,  p.  325,  Ed.  1860,  8,  that  down  to  the  defeat  of  the  Armada, 
three-fourths  of  the  English  nation,  that  is,  about  3,600,000  out 
of  about  4,800,000,  were  Roman  Catholics.  Political  affairs 
were  then  managed  by  the  vigorous  one-fourth  minority ;  who 
lived  chiefly  in  London,  Bristol,  Oxford,  Cambridge,  and  other 
places  in  the  south  of  England. 

Queen  ELIZABETH  had  nothing  of  the  Puritan  in  her. 
She  was  a  nationalist.  Professor  FEOUDE  thus  describes  her : 

She  was  free  of  access  to  her  presence,  quick-witted,  and 
familiar  of  speech  with  men  of  all  degrees.  She  rode,  shot,  jested, 
and  drank  beer  ;  spat,  and  swore  upon  occasions — swore  not  like 
"  a  comfit-maker's  wife "  ;  but  round  mouth-filling  oaths  which 
would  have  ( satisfied  HOTSPUR— the  human  character '  showing 
always  through  the  royal  robes  ;  yet  with  the  queenly  dignity 
never  so  impaired  that  liberties  could  be  ventured  in  return.  .  .  . 

In  her  birth,  she  was  the  symbol  of  the  revolt  from  the  Papacy. 


2  A  Introduction. 

She  could  not  reconcile  herself  with  Borne  without  condemning 
the  marriage  from  which  she  sprang;  but  her  interest  in 
Protestantism  was  limited  to  political  independence.  She  mocked 
at  CECIL  and  "his  brothers  in  CHRIST."  She  affected  an  interest 
in  the  new  doctrines,  only  when  the  Scots  or  the  Dutch  were 
necessary  to  her ;  or  when  religion  could  serve  as  an  excuse  to 
escape  an  unwelcome  marriage.  When  the  Spanish  Ambassador 
complained  [in  June  1578]  of  the  persecution  of  the  Catholics  :  she 
answered,  That  no  Catholic  had  suffered  anything  who  acknowledged 
her  as  his  lawful  Sovereign ;  and  that,  in  spiritual  matters,  she 

believed  as  they  did.  ...  „    ,     ,      ,-  i     vj 

She  would  permit  no  authority  in  England  which  did  not 
centre  in  herself.  The  Church  should  be  a  Department  of  the 
State,  organised  by  Parliament,  and  ruled  by  the  national 
tribunals.  .  .  .  There  should  be  no  conventicles  and  no  chapels, 
to  be  nurseries  of  sedition.  JSfotory  of  England,  Chapter  LX, 
Vol.  x.,  pp.  317,  323-4,  Ed.  1860,  8, 

The  Queen  had  daily  before  her  eyes,  as  a  political  object 
lesson,  the  hopeless  division  and  prostration  of  France :  through 
the  Civil  Wars  between  the  Huguenots  on  the  one  side  ;  and 
the  House  of  Guise,  followed  by  the  Holy  League,  on  the 
other.  Therefore  she  was  not  going  to  allow  the  Puritans  and 
Separatists,  however  staunch  and  loyal  they  might  be  to  her 
personally,  to  dismember  and  exhaust  England  as  the 
Huguenots  had  done  France,  even  though  they  did  not  form 
more  than  one-fifteenth  of  the  French  population. 

Had  she  not  also  seen  the  Netherlands  split  up  into 
Protestant  Holland  and  Eoman  Catholic  Flanders,  simply  on 
the  score  of  religion  ? 

She  would  keep  England  undivided  and  strong.  She 
therefore  stiffly  denied  to  the  lower  clergy  and  to  the  laity  any 
right  of  initiation  in  religious  matters  whatsoever.  She 
suspended  Archbishop  EDMUND  GRINDAL,  SPENSKB'S  ALGIUND, 
because  he  sympathised  with  "  Prophesying®."  She  purposely 
'chose  elderly  men,  whose  ideas  had  been  formed  in  her  sister's 
reign,  for  her  Bishops.  We  seem  to  trace  a  distinctly  -uniform 
policy  as  to  Church  Government*  all  through  her  reign.  Can 
we  say  that  she  was  wrong  ?  Was  not  the  stability  of 


Introduction.  25 

England,  beset  on  so  many  sides  with  enemies,  worth  the 
"Holy  Discipline"  twenty  times  over? 

The  Anglican  Church  first  split  into  two  Schools  of 
Thinkers,  amongst  the  English  exiles  at  Frankfort  on  the 
Main  in  1555 ;  as  is  described  in  A  Brief  Discourse  of  the 
Troubles  begun  at  Frankfort  in  Germany  &c.,  1575,  4 :  a  Work 
that  is  usually  attributed  to  WILLIAM  WHITTINGHAM,  Dean 
of  Durham;  and  which  is  certainly  worthy  of  a  new  edition. 

On  Queen  MARY'S  death,  the  exiles  hastened  home ;  and 
soon  after,  we  have  in  England  the  distinctions  of  Protestants, 
and  of  Puritans  or  Preciscians.  Later,  we  have  the  three 
P's : — Protestants,  Puritans,  and  Papists.  Later  still,  we 
have  Conformists  and  Reformists. 

In  that  most  worthy  man,  Archbishop  MATTHEW  PAEKEB, 
Queen  ELIZABETH  had  a  most  excellent  adviser  in  those  early, 
and  most  perilous,  years  of  her  reign. 

The  Act  of  Supremacy  and  the  Act  of  Uniformity  were 
passed  in  1559  ;  but  not  strictly  enforced  at  first.  By  1565, 
PAEKEE  felt  strong  enough  to  enforce,  by  his  Advertisements 
<&c.,  the  use  of  the  surplice  in  Divine  Worship :  whereupon 
there  arose  what  is  known  as  the  "Ministering  Apparel 
Controversy  "  of  1566. 

By  1571,  the  Puritans  had  developed  their  ideas  as  to 
Ecclesiastical  Polity;  and  they  published  a  book  called  An 
Admonition  to  the  Parliament  of  that  year  :  which  led  to  the 
literary  conflict  in  1572  that  is  known  as  "  The  Admonition 
to  the  Parliament  Controversy." 

In  this  long  struggle,  the  leaders  of  the  opposite  sides  were 
THOMAS  CARTWEIGHT  and  Archbishop  JOHN  WHITGIFT  :  who 
had,  at  one  time,  been  Fellows  together  at  the  same  table  at 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

As  the  first  English  Presbytery  also  met  at  Wandsworth 
in  Surrey,  on  the  20th  November  1572;  we  must  consider 
that  year  as  the  date  of  the  birth  of  the  craze  of  the  "  Holy 
Discipline." 


26 


Introduction. 


Let  us  see  what  this  "  Holy  Discipline "  was,  for  which 
men  so  readily  suffered  imprisonment,  and  even  gave  up  their 
lives ;  and  for  which  they  even  more  readily  affirmed  a  special 
Divine  command,  and  a  perpetual  duration :  but  which  vanished 
away  from  off  the  face  of  the  earth  within  two  generations 
of  its  birth,  and  has  not  left  a  trace  behind. 

The  English  Reformation,  by  the  time  of  Queen  ELIZABETH, 
had  secured  to  her  Protestant  subjects,  the  Right  of  Private 
Judgment,  and  tlie  freest  access  to  the  JBible  as  the  only  rule 
of  faith  and  practice. 

>  Many  earnest  seekers  went  to  the  Scriptures,  and  found 
there,  two  things  : 

I.  In  the  Old  Testament,  the  rigid  and  elaborate  organization 
of  the  Mosaic  Law  and  "Worship :  which  lasted  some  fifteen 
hundred  years,  until  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Emperor 
TITUS. 

II.  And  then  came  the  snare  to  their  understandings,  to 
find  the  counterpart  of  this,  in  the  Christian  Economy.     The 
Church  must  have  some  kind  of  organization :  could  not  they 
excogitate  a  parallel  one  by  the  application  of  private  judgment, 
reason,  and  logic  to  the  New  Testament  1    They  found  very 
little    to  go  upon;    only  the  three    following    passages  of 
Scripture,   which  we  give   exactly  in    the    three    principal 
English  versions : 


GJENIVA  VERSION, 
15CO  AJ>. 


And  GOD  hath  ordcined 
some  in  the  Church;  as 
flrac  Apostles,  secondly 
Prophets,  thirdly  teachers, 
then  them  that  doe  mir 
acles  :  after  that,  the  giftes 
of  healing,  helpers/  gou- 
ernours.f  diuersitie  of 
tongues, 

SIDE  NOTES. 

*  The  offices  of  Deacons. 

t  ffe  setteth  forth  the 
order  of  Elders,  which 
were  the  mainteiners  of  the  Cliurches  discipline. 


AUTHORISED  VERSION. 

1611  A.D. 

1  Corinthians  xii.  28. 

And  GOD  hath  set  some 
in  the  church,  first  apos 
tles,  secondarily  prophets, 
thirdly  teachers,  after  that 
miracles,  then  gifts  of 
healings,  helps,"  govern 
ments,  diversities  of 
tongues. 


VERSION. 
1881  A.D. 


And  GOD  hath  set  some 
in  the  church,  first  apos 
tles,  secondly  prophets, 
thirdly  teachers,  then,  mir 
acles,  then  gifts  of  heal 
ings,  helps,  governments,* 
divers  kinds  of  tongues. 

SIDE  Nom 
*  Or,  wise 


Introduction. 


27 


GENEVA  VEKSION. 
1560  A.I>. 


AUTHORISED  VERSION 

1611  A.D. 

1  Timothy  v.  17. 

Let  the  elders  that  rule 
well  be  counted  worthy  of 
double  honour,  especially 
they  who  labour  in  the 
word  and  doctrine. 


The  Elders  that  rule 
well,  let  them  be  had  in 
double  honour,*  specially 
they  which  labour  in  the 
worde  and  doctrine. 

SIDE  NOTE. 

*  There  were  two  Mndes 
of  Elders,  the  one  attended 
upon  the  gouernement  onely,  and  looked  to 
the  manners  of  the  Congregation;  the  other 
did,  beside  that,  attend  upon  preaching  and 
prayers,  to  and  for  the  Congregation, 

Eomans  xit  6-8. 


EEVISED  VEBSION. 
1881  AD. 


Let  the  elders  that  rule 
well  be  counted  worthy  of 
double  honour,  especially 
those  who  labour  in  the 
word  and  in  teaching. 


Having  then  gifts  diff er- 
ing  according  to  the  grace 
that  is  given  to  us,  whether 
prophecy,  let  us  prophesy 
according  to  the  propor 
tion  of  faith ;  or  ministry, 
let  us  wait  on  our  minister 
ing:  or  he  that  teacheth, 
on  teaching;  or  he  that 
exhorteth,  on  exhortation : 
he  that  giveth,  le^himdoit 
with  simplicity;  he  that 
ruleth,  with  diligence ; 
he  that  sheweth  mercy, 
with  cheerfulness. 


And  having  gifts  differ 
ing  according  to  the  grace 
that  was  given  to  ust 
whether  prophecy,  let  us 
prophesy  according  to  the 
proportion  of  our  faith ;  or 
ministry,  let  us  0ive  our 
selves  to  our  ministry;  or 
he  that  teacheth,  to  Ms 
teaching ;  or  he  that  ex- 
horteth,  to  his  exhorting : 
he  that  giveth,  let  him  do 
it  with  liberality  ;  he  that 
ruleth,  with  diligence;  he, 
that  sheweth  mercy,  with 
cheerfulness. 


*  Seeing  then  that  we 
haue  gifts  that  are  diuers, 
according  to    the   grace 
that    is   giuen    vnto    us, 
whether    we    haue    pro- 
phecie,  letvs  prophecie  ac 
cording  to  the  portion  of 
faith:  or  an  office,  let  us 
waite  on  the   office :    or 
he  that  teacheth,  on  teach 
ing:  or  he  that  exhorteth, 
on    exhortation:   he  that 
distributed,    let    him   do 
it  with  simplicitie  :  he  that 
ruleth,  with  diligence:  he 
that  sheweth  mercie,  with 
cheerfulnssse. 

SICE  NOTE. 

*  And  he  deuideth  them, 
into  two  sortes,  to  wit}  into 

Prophets  and  Deacons:  and  againe  "he 
diwdeth  the  Prophets  into  Doctours,  and 
Pastours.  And  of  Deacons  he  maketh  three 
sortes:  to  wit,  the  one  to  be  such  as  are 
(as  it  were)  treasurers  of  the  Church  Cofers, 
whome  he  calleth  properly  Deacons:  the 
other  to  be  the  gouernours  of  discipline, 
who  are  called  Seniours  or  Elders;  the 
third,  to  be  such  as  properly  serued  in 
the  helpe  of  the  poore,  of  which  sort  the 
companie  of  widowes  were 

Upon  the  Geneva  Version  of  the  above  three  passages ; 
and  more  especially  on  its  unauthorized  Side  Notes,  was 
built  up  the  "  Holy  Discipline  "  with  its  considerable  array  of 
Church  Officers  :  Pastors,  Doctors  or  Teachers,  Ruling  Elders, 
Prophets,  Deacons,  and  Widows  or  Helpers  or  Deaconesses. 

This  organization  was  a  kind  of  exaggerated  Presbyterianism. 
Its  full  nature  may  be  studied  in  the  three  following  books : 


28  Introduction. 

[WALTER  TRAVERS.  ]  A  full  and  plain  Declaration  of  Ecclesiastical 
Discipline  out  of  the  Word  of  GOD ;  and  of  the  declining  of  the  Church 
of  England  from  the  same.  1574,  4. 

A  Demonstration  of  the  truth  of  that  Discipline  which  CMRIST  hath 
prescribed  in  his  Word  for  the  government  of  his  Church  in  all  times 
and  places  until  the  end  of  the  world. 

This  Work  was  secretly  printed  at  the  Martinist  Press  at  East 
Molesey,  in  Surrey,  in  July  1588.  For  writing  it,  the  Author, 
the  Bev.  JOHN  UDALL,  lingered  to  death  in  prison,  through  the 
savage  secular  power  of  the  Bishops. 

BICHARD  HOOKER.  The  Laws  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity.  1594 — 
1618,  fol 

And  so,  for  years  together,  the  conflict  went  on  between 
the  Eldership  and  Episcopacy.  The  Eldership  was  based,  to 
some  extent,  upon  popular  election  and  choice.  In  theory,  at 
any  rate,  it  was  government  from  below :  government  "  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people."  As  regards 
Episcopacy,  the  Bishops  were  appointed  at  the  King's  choice, 
and  were  as  much  Officers  of  State  as  the  Sheriffs.  They 
held  their  lands  by  feudal  tenure.  It  was  government  from 
above ;  and  dependent  solely  on  the  royal  will  and  pleasure. 

Both  systems  had  a  good  many  purely  human  inventions 
in  them.  The  Puritan  might  ask  the  Protestant,  Where  $0 
you  find  Rural  Bean,  Archdeacon,  Chancellor,  or  Archbishop 
in  ihefiible  ?  The  Protestant  might  equally  well  retort,  Where 
do  you  find  Presbytery,  Classis,  Synod,  General  Assembly, 
and  Moderator  in  the  Bible  ?  Of  course,  all  these  were  merely 
human  arrangements  consecrated  to  Divine  purposes;  and 
were  sheer  necessities  in  any  large  and  widely  spread 
organization.  But  then,  there  was  the  constant  endeavour  to 
claim  for  every  part,  and  every  portion,  of  each  Ecclesiastical 
Polity  an  immediate  and  positive  Divine  instruction. 

Such  then,  in  brief,  was  the  "Holy  Discipline":  a  thing 
now  so  dead,  that  but  few  men  know  anything  about  it.  It 
had  two  great  weaknesses  : 

(1)  That  it  was  so  pivoted  upon  the  Eldership,  that  if  an 


Introduction.  29 

Elder  went  wrong  (as  we  shall  see,  later  on,  DANIEL  STUDLEY 
did),  the  system  had  no  remedy.  "Who  was  to  watch  the 
Watchers?" 

(2)  The  question  that  any  practical  Man  of  the  World 
would  put  was,  How  could  it  possibly  be  financed?  Each 
isolated  voluntary  association,  fluctuating  from  month  to 
month  in  numbers,  wa^  to  pay  three  Officers — the  Pastor, 
the  Teacher,  and  the  Euling  Elder:  all  of  whom,  being 
family  men,  must  have  enough  to  keep  them  and  their 
families  in  decent  respectability. 

The  Pilgrim  Church  never  prided  itself  upon  its 
ecclesiastical  organization;  which  was,  all  through,  of  a 
most  make-shift  description. 

When  it  started  at  Scrooby,  it  seems  to  have  had  the 
Rev.  RICHARD  CLYFTON  for  Pastor;  and  the  Rev.  JOHN 
ROBINSON,  when  he  came  North,  acted  as  Assistant  or 
Teacher;  with  probably  one  or  more  Deacons. 

When  it  removed  from  Amsterdam  to  Leyden,  and 
CLYFTON  deserted  that  Church,  about  April  1609;  the  Rev. 
JOHN  KOBINSON  was  the  only  Officer,  besides  the  Deacon  or 
Deacons,  for  a  considerable  time. 

Then,  at  Leyden,  at  some  date  not  later  than  1613, 
WILLIAM  BREWSTEB  was  elected  Ruling  Elder. 

All  the  arrangements  seem  to  have  been  dictated  by 
their  practical  necessities;  and  not  according  to  the  "Holy 
Discipline,"  or  any  other,  theory.  They  never  had  for  their 
Officers,  either  Prophets,  or  Widows. 

As  time  went  on,  they  rather  leaned  to  the  organization 
'of  the  French  Reformed  Churches;  as  will  appear  from  their 
Three  Points  of  1618,  see  p.  293-296. 

Later  still,  the  migration  to  America  split  the  Church 
into  two  sections.  After  ROBINSON'S  death,  the  Leyden 
section  had  no  Minister  at  all,  until  it  went  across  the  seas 
to  join  the  Old  Colony :  and  if  the  Plymouth  Church  had 
one  characteristic  more  than  another,  it  was  That  it  was 


Introduction. 


essentially  a   Church  of  Laymen;   and,  in  that  respect,  it 
anticipated  the  Quakers.     At  any  rate,  as  long  as  Governor 
BRADFOBD  lived ;  no  Minister  even  dared  to  aspire  to  lead 
them,  as  JOHN  ROBINSON*  had  done  at  Amsterdam  and  Leyden. 
So  it  was   ever  a  question  of  Men,   and  not  of  Methods : 
and   therefore    as  an  example  of    a    perfect    ecclesiastical 
organisation,  the  Pilgrim  Church  is  simply  nowhere. 
It  had  also  these  other  two  characteristics  : 
That,   within  the  limits  of  the   Old  Colony,  it  was  a 
National  Church ;  for  it  embraced  the  whole  community. 

And  also,  That,  for  many  a  long  day  to  come,  it  would  no 
more  suffer  Dissent  from  its  organisation  and  methods,  within 
those  limits }  than  JAMES  I.  did  from  his  organisation  and 
methods,  within  Lis  three  Kingdoms.  H^ory  repeats  itself. 

Before  we  pass  away  from  this  subject,  we  may  just 
touch  upon  one  other  point. 

There  were  great  discussions  among  the  Separatists  as  to 
the  meaning  of  the  following  passage : 


GENEVA  VERSION. 
1560  A.D. 


AUTHORISE!)  VERSION. 
1611  A.D. 

Matthew  xviii.  17. 

And  if  he  shall  neglect 
to  hear  them,  tell  it  unto 
the  church. 


And  if  hee  refuse  to 
heare  them,  tell  it  vnto 
the  Church* 

SIDE  NOTE. 

*  He  speaMh  not  of  any 
kinde  of  policie,  but  of  an 
ecclesiastical  assemblie,  for  he  speafceth 
qfterwarde  of  the  power  of  loosing  and 
binding,  which  belonged  to  the  Church, 
and  hee  hath  regard  to  the  order  used 
in  tho^se  dayes,  at  what  time  the  Elders 
had  me  iudgment  of  Church  matters  in 
their  hands,  John  ix.  12,  and  xil.  42,  and 
XTi.  2,  and  used  casting  out  of  the 
Synagogue  for  a  punishment,  as  we  doe 
now  excommunication. 


VERSION, 
1881  A.I>. 


And  if  he  refuse  to  hew 
them,  tell  it  unto  the 
church.* 

SIDBJ  NOTE. 
*  Or,  congregation. 


Will  ib  be  believed  that,  after  the  many  vicissitudes  which 
the  Ancient  exiled  English  Church  had  passed  through  since 
it  originated  in  London  in  September  1592,  and  settled  at 


Introduction.  3 1 

Amsterdam  five  years  later,  that  that  Community  was  rent 
asunder  on  15/25  December  1610,  upon  a  speculative  point 
like  this?  The  Eev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  the  Bev.  BICHARD 
CLYFTON,  DANIEL  STUDLEY,  and  others  held  that  the  word 
Church  here  meant  only  the  Eldership :  maintaining  what 
is  known  as  the  Barrowist  view  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity, 
from  HENRY  BARROW.  The  Eev.  HENRY  AINSWORTH,  JEAN 
DE  I/ECLUSE,  GILES  THORPE,  and  others  held  that  it  meant 
all  the  members  of  the  society :  maintaining  what  is  known 
as  the  Brownist  view  of  ecclesiastical  polity,  from  EOBERT 
BROWNE,  And  so  these  late  friends,  about  a  point  like  this, 
mutually  delivered  one  another  over  to  Satan,  which  was  then 
the  formula  of  Excommunication  \  and  became  known  to  each 
other,  in  derision,  as  the  Franciscans  and  the  AinswortMans. 

It  would  seem  that  in  this,  the  Eev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON 
made  a  grab  for  more  power.  What  a  strange  fascination 
spiritual  power  has  for  some  men  !  At  any  rate,  he  was  bitterly 
punished  during  those  last  seven  years  that  remained  to  him  in 
this  life.  We  do  not  know  the  details  of  the  disastrous  career 
of  his  Church  after  it  left  Amsterdam  for  Emden  about  1613 ; 
but  this  split  seems  to  have  reduced  not  a  few  of  them  to 
beggary.  And  then,  at  last,  to  return  to  Amsterdam,  only  to 
recant  his  opinions  and  die  I  What  a  miserable  fiasco  was  it  all  1 

Such  being  the  clash  of  opinions  and  the  vanity  of 
knowledge  among  men  who  were  earnestly  striving  to  be  good ; 
let  us  now  consider  the  secular  power  which  the  Bishops  put 
forth  for  their  suppression. 

This  secular  power  was  not  based  on  statue  law.  Indeed, 
it  was,  many  times,  a  flagrant  defiance  of  it.  It  rested  chiefly 
on  the  undefined  royal  prerogative. 

JOHN  WHITGIET  owed  his  Primacy  in  1583,  very  largely 
to  the  vigorous  manner  in  which  he  had  fought,  in  his  books, 
THOMAS  CARTWRIGHT  and  the  "  Holy  Discipline."  Upon  his 
becoming  Archbishop,  he  fully  determined,  coute  qui  coute, 
to  stamp  out  not  only  Separatism  or  the  "  Holy  Discipline " 


32  Introduction. 

without  the  Church ;  but  likewise  Puritanism  within  it :  but 
the  more  he  persecuted  them,  the  more  they  both  grew. 
Englishmen  have  never  yet  been  slaves. 

Let  us  see  what  a  Bishop  could  do  in  his  capacity  as 
"Ordinary  of  the  diocese. "  He  could  call  any  man  or  woman 
before  him,  and  question  them :  and,  from  their  answers, 
condemn  them  out  of  their  own  mouth,  without  the  least 
confirmatory  evidence;  and  then  send  them  to  prison,  for 
mere  points  of  religious  belief.  This  was  by  virtue  of  the 
Oath  ex  Officio ;  which  was  the  forerunner  of  the  even  more 
notorious  Etcetera  Oath  of  1640. 

If  the  man  or  woman  refused  to  answer ;  after  reviling 
them,  he  would  send  them  to  prison  for  that  refusal. 

In  either  case,  they  remained  in  prison  as  long  as  the 
Bishop  chose.  The  Habeas  Corpus  Writ  had  not  yet  been 
invented.  The  lawyers  might  say  that  the  procedure  of  the 
Bishops'  Courts  were  illegal:  but  what  did  it  matter  what 
they  said  ?  All  that  a  lawyer  could  say,  was  based  ori  Law : 
and  Law  itself  was  struggling  for  existence.  When  it  made 
for  the  Sovereign,  it  was  enforced ;  when  it  made  against  him, 
it  was  put  aside. 

The  result  of  all  this  was,  that  the  prisons  of  London  were 
crammed  with  good  Christians;  who,  according  to  modern 
ideas,  were  perfectly  innocent  of  any  crime.  No  wonder  the 
Bishops  were  hated,  for  this  use  of  their  secular  power. 

In  1588  — 1589,  JOHN  PBNEY  and  JOB  THBOGMOETON 
tried  to  reach  at  the  Bishops,  by  secretly  printing,  at  the 
wandering  Martinist  Press,  scoffing  and  mocking  pamphlets 
against  them,  supposed  to  be  written  by  a  mock-Archbishop, 
MARTIN  MAE-PEELATE.  These  derisive  Marprelate  Tracts 
circulated  rapidly  all  over  England.  But  the  only  result  of 
this  literary  revolt  from  ecclesiastical  tyranny,  was  the 
punishment,  in  February  1590,  of  all  concerned  in  their 
production.  Of  this  Controversy,  we  have  given  an  account 
in  our  Introduction  to  it,  published  in  1879. 


Introduction.  33 

WHITGIFT,  after  the  utmost  use  for  ten  years  of  the 
far-reaching  powers  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts,  was  still  not 
satisfied.  He  had  not  yet  cowed  religious  Englishmen. 

In  1593,  Parliament  sat  from  the  19th  [February  to  the 
12th  April ;  and  in  that  time  passed  the  most  disgraceful  Act 
of  Queen  ELIZABETH'S  reign,  35  Etiz.  c.  L 

Our  Readers  will  remember  the  brilliant  story  in  the  sixty- 
ninth  Chapter  of  Professor  FEOUDE'S  History,  of  the  itinerant 
barrel  of  beer  at  Chartley  Manor  House  in  1587,  which  carried 
in,  and  out,  the  correspondence  of  MAEY  Queen  of  SCOTS,  in 
relation  to  the  Babington  Conspiracy,  that  brought  her  to  the 
block.  This  correspondence  was  all  deciphered  by  Sir  IfEAirais 
WALSINGHAM'S  Secretary,  whose  name  Professor  FEOUDE  gives 
as  PHILLIPPS;  but  who  is  known  in  the  State  Papers  as 
THOMAS  PHELIPPES,  alias  MOEICE,  the  Decipherer  :  "  a  spare, 
pock-marked,  impassive,  red-haired  man,"  as  the  Professor 
describes  him. 

In  reward  for  his  various  services,  the  Government  made 
PHELIPPES,  the  Collector  of  Customs  for  Cloth  within  the 
Port  of  London :  but,  though  he  held  that  appointment, 
he  was  constantly  engaged  in  disseminating  or  obtaining 
information. 

We  now  give  portions  of  two  letters  written  by  this  man. 

THOMAS  PHELIPPES  TO  WILLIAM  STEBEELL-. 
[?9]  APRIL  15&3. 

Sir-  The  Parliament  is  to  end  this  week.  [It  did  end  (m  \%th 
April.} 

The  Bill  preferred  in  the  Upper  House  against  Catholics,  which 
you  mentioned  in  your  last,  is  passed  both  Houses,  with  some 
amendment.  The  point  is,  That  they  are  tied  to  remain  at  their 
dwellings  :  if  they  do  [not],  to  be  banished  the  realm.  The  other 
Bill,  passed  in  the  Nether  House,  was  thought  so  extreme,  as  it  is 
suppressed. 

There  was  a  Bill  preferred  against  the  Barrowists  and  Browmsts, 
making  it  felony  to  maintain  any  opinions  against  the  Ecclesiastical 
Government ;  which,  by  the  Bishops'  means,  did  pass  the  Upper 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  C 


34  Introduction. 

House :  btit  was  found  [on  5th  April  1593]  so  captious  by  the 
Nether  House,  as  it  was  thought  it  would  never  have  passed  in  any 
sort;  afor  that  it  was  thought  all  the  Puritans  would  have  been 
drawn  within  the  compass  thereof. 

Yet,  by  the  earnest  labouring  of  those  that  sought  to  satisfy  the 
Bishops'  humours,  it  is  passed:  to  this  effect.  That  whosoever 
shall  be  an  obstinate  Eecusant  [i.e.  strictly  speaking,  a  Reject&r 
of  an  accepted  opinion],  refusing  to  come  to  any  Church;  and  do 
deny  the  Queen  to  have  any  power  or  authority  in  Ecclesiastical 
Causes ;  and  do  by  writing,  or  otherwise,  publish  the  same ;  and 
be  a  keeper  [frequenter]  of  conventicles  also :  being  convicted, 
he  shall  abjure  [renounce,  or  give  up']  the  realm  within  three 
months,  and  lose  all  his  goods  and  lands.  If  he  return  without 
licence,  it  shall  be  felony. 

Thus  have  they  minced  it,  as  is  thought,  so  as  it  will  not  reach 
to  any  man  that  shall  deserve  favour ;  in  a  concurrence  of  so 
many  faults  and  actions. 

The  week  before  [on  31st  March],  upon  the  late  conventicle  you 
wrote  of  last,  BARROW  and  GOODMAN  [or  rather  GREENWOOD],  with 
some  others,  were  indicted,  arraigned,  and  condemned,  upon  the 
statute  [23  Elw.,  c.  2]  of  writing  and  publishing  seditious  books ; 
and  should  have  been  executed :  but,  as  they  were  ready  to  be 
trussed  up  [i.e.  tiedby  the  necJcs  to  the  tree})  were  reprieved. 

But  the  day  after  [6th  April]  the  Lower  House  had  shewed 
their  dislike  of  this  Bill,  were,  early  in  the  morning,  hanged. 

It  is  said,  The  reprieval  proceeded  of  a  Supplication  made  to 
the  Lord  Treasurer  [WILLIAM  CECIL,  Lord  BURLEGH],  complaining 
That,  in  a  land  where  no  Papist  was  touched  for  religion  &y  death, 
their  blood  [of  those]  concurring  in  opinion,  touching  faith,  with  that 
[which]  was  professed  in  the  country,  should  be  first  shed:  desiring 
therefore  conference,  to  be  removed  from  their  errors  by  reason ;  or  elm 
furtUr  satisfaction  of  [justification  to]  the  World  touching  tUir 
opinions. 

Which  was  communicated  by  him  to  [JOHN  WHITGIFT,]  the 
Archbishop  of  CANTERBURY,  who  nevertheless  was  very  peremptory; 
so  as  the  Lord  Treasurer  gave  him  and  [RICHARD  FLETCHER] 
^Bishop  of  WORCESTER,  some  round  taxing  words  :  and  used  some 
speech  to  the  Queen  ;  but  was  not  seconded  by  any  [of  the  Privy 
Council],  which  hath'  made  him  more  remiss,  as  is  thought. 

It  is  plainly  said,  That  their  execution  preceeded  of   [the] 


Introduction.  35 

malice  of  the  Bishops,  to  spite  the  Nether  House ;  which  hath 
procured  them  much  hatred  of  the  common  people  affected  that 
way.  8.  P.  Dom.  EUz.,  Vol.  244,  No.  124. 

THOMAS  PHELIPPES  to  WILLIAM  STERRELL. 
12/22  JUNE  1593. 

PENRY,  the  son  [i.e.  an  author  of]  of  MARTIN  MARPRELATE,  was 
hanged  lately  [on  29th  May],  as  two  of  the  principal  Brownists 
BARROW  and  GREENWOOD  were  before ;  so  as  that  Sect  is  in  effect 
extinguished.  £  P.  Dom.  Eliz.,  Yol.  245,  No  30. 

Our  space  allows  us  to  give  in  full,  only  the  first 
Section  of  the  murderous  Act  to  retain  the  Queen's  subjects  in 
obedience,  35  Miz.  c.  1 ;  a  statute  worthy  to  be  put  by  the 
side  of  that  legal  disgrace  of  HENRY  VIII. 's  reign,  the  Act 
of  the  Six  Articles  of  1539 :  and  the  infamy  of  it  must 
be  shared  by  all  the  Bench  of  Bishops  in  that  Parliament 
of  1593. 

For  the  preventing  and  avoiding  of  such  great  inconveniences 
and  perils  as  might  happen  and  grow  by  the  wicked  and  dangerous 
practices  of  seditious  Sectaries  and  disloyal  persons  ;  Be  it  enacted 
by  the  Queen's  most  excellent  Majesty,  and  by  the  Lords  Spiritual 
and  Temporal  in  this  present  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the 
authority  of  the  same  : 

That  if  any  person  or  persons,  above  the  age  of  sixteen  years, 
which  shall  obstinately  refuse  to  repair  to  some  Church  Chapel  or 
usual  place  of  Common  Prayer,  to  hear  Divine  Service,  established 
by  Her  Majesty's  laws  and  statutes  in  that  behalf  made ;  and 
shall  forbear  to  do  the  same  by  the  space  of  a  month  next 
after,  without  lawful  cause :  [Or]  shall,  at  any  time  after  forty 
days  next  after  the  end  of  this  Session  of  Parliament  \i.e.  from 
23rc?  May  1593],  by  printing,  writing,  or  express  words  or 
speeches,  advisedly  and  purposely  practice  ;  or  go  about  to  move  or 
persuade  any  of  Her  Majesty's  subjects,  or  any  others  within  Her 
Highness's  realms  or  dominions,  to  deny  withstand  and  impugn 
Her  Majesty's  power  and  authority  in  Causes  Ecclesiastical  united 
and  annexed  to  the  imperial  crown  of  this  realm  :  Or  to  that  end 
or  purpose,  shall  advisedly  and  maliciously  move  or  persuade 
any  other  person  whatsoever  to  forbear  or  abstain  from  coming 


36  Introduction. 

to  Church  to  hear  Divine  Service  ;  or  to  receive  the  Communion, 
according  to  Her  Majesty's  laws  and  statutes  aforesaid ;  Or  to 
come  to,  or  to  be  present  at,  any  unlawful  assemblies  conventicles 
or  meetings,  under  colour  or  pretence  of  any  Exercise  of-  Eeligion  ; 
contrary  to  Her  Majesty's  said  laws  and  statutes :  Or  if  any 
person  or  persons  which  shall  obstinately  refuse  to  repair  to 
some  Church  Chapel  or  usual  place  of  Common  Prayer,  arid 
shall  forbear,  by  the  space  of  a  month,  to  hear  Divine  Service 
as  is  aforesaid;  shall,  after  the  said  forty  days,  either  of  him 
and  themselves,  or  by  the  motion,  persuasion,  inticement,  or 
allurement,  of  any  others,  willingly  join,  or  be  present  at,  any 
such  assemblies  conventicles  or  meetings,  under  colour  or  pretence 
of  any  such  exercise  of  religion,  contrary  to  the  laws  and  statutes 
of  this  realm,  as  is  aforesaid — 

That  then  every  such  person  so  offending  as  aforesaid,  and 
being  thereof  lawfully  convicted,  shall  be  committed  to  prison : 
there  to  remain,  without  bail  or  mainprise,  until  they  shall 
conform  and  yield  themselves  to  come  to  some  Church  Chapel  or 
usual  place  of  Common  Prayer,  and  hear  Divine  Service,  according 
to  Her  Majesty's  laws  and  statutes  aforesaid;  and  to  make  such 
open  submission  and  declaration  of  their  said  conformity  as 
hereafter  in  this  Act  is  declared  and  appointed.  The  /Statutes  of 
the  Realm,  Vol.  IV.,  Part  II,  p.  841, 1819,  foi 

The  second  Section  provides  that  Offenders  convicted,  not 
conforming  and  submitting  within  three  months  shall  abjure 
the  realm :  and  refusing  to  do  so,  or  returning  to  the  realm, 
shall  be  deemed  Felons ;  and  shall  suffer  [die],  as  in  the  case 
of  .Felony,  without  benefit  of  Clergy. 

It  was  also  provided  "And  this  Act  to  continue  no  longer 
than  to  the  end  of  the » next  Session. of  Parliament";  which 
befell  on  QthFebruary  1598,  40  Miz.  So  from  23rd  May  1593 
till  9th  February  1598,  this  Act  was  the  law  of  the  land. 

We  are  not  able  either  to  prove,  or  to  disprove,  the 
following  statements  of  Governor  BBABFOED  : 

First,  from  Master  PHITLIPS,  A  famous  and  godly  Preacher, 
having  heard  and  seen  Master  BARROW'S  speeches  and  preparations 
for  death,  said,  "BARROW,  BARROW,  my  soul  be  with  thine  I" 


Introduction.  37 

The  same  author  also  reports,  That  Queen  ELIZABETH  asked 
learned  Doctor  [JOHN]  BAINOLDS,  What  he  thought  of  those  two 
men,  Master  BARROW  and  Master  GREENWOOD  ? 

And  he  answered  Her  Majesty,  That  it  could  not  avail  anything 
to  show  his  judgement  concerning  them,  seeing  they  were  put  to 
death. 

And  being  loath  to  speak  his  mind  further ;  Her  Majesty 
charged  him,  upon  his  allegiance,  to  speak. 

Whereupon  he  answered,  That  he  was  persuaded,  if  they  had 
lived,  they  would  have  been  two  as  worthy  Instruments  for  the 
Church  of  GOD  as  have  been  raised  up  in  this  Age. 

Her  Majesty  sighed,  and  said  no  more. 

But,  after  that,  riding  to  a  park  by  the  place  where  they 
were  executed;  and,  being  willing  to  take  further  information 
concerning  them,  demanded  of  the  Eight  Honourable  [GsoRtp 
CLIFFORD,  third]  Earl  of  CUMBERLAND,  that  was  present  when 
they  suffered,  What  end  they  made  ? 

He  answered,  "  A  very  godly  end ;  and  prayed  for  your 
Majesty,  and  the  State,  &c.33 

We  may  also  add,  what  some  of  us  have  heard,  by  credible 
information,  That  the  Queen  demanded  of  the  Archbishop  [JOHN 
WHITGUFT],  What  he  thought  of  them  in  his  conscience  1 

He  answered,  He  thought  they  were  the  servants  of  GOD ; 
but  dangerous  to  the  State. 

"Alas  I3'  said  she,  "shall  we  put  the  servants  of  GOD  to 
death!" 

And  this  was  the  true  cause  wh;f  no  more  of  them  were  put 
to  death  in  her  days. 

First  Dialogue  &G.  [Written  about  1648.]  Printed  in  A, 
YOUNG'S  Chronicles  <&;.,  pp.  431-433,  Ed.  1841,  8. 

The  Header  can  now  sufficiently  appreciate  the  active, 
powerful,  and  deadly  hostility  that  the  Churches  at  Scrooby 
and  Gainsborough,  about  the  year  1606,  deliberately  faced 
when  they  "as  the  LORD'S  free  people,  joined  themselves,  by  a 
Covenant  of  the  LORD,  into  a  Church  Estate,  in  the  fellowship 
of  the  Gospel,  to  walk  in  all  his  ways  made  known,  or  to  be 
made  known,  unto  them,  according  to  their  best  endeavours ; 
whatsoever  it  should  cost  them,  the  LOED  assisting  them." 


38  Introduction. 

Outside  names  haye  often  been  accepted  by  those  at  whom 
they  hare  been  flung;  and  thereby  been  made  honourable. 
Instances  of  this  in  religious  history  are  not  infrequent. 
"  And  the  disciples  were  called  Christians  first  in  Antioch." 
Those  who,  in  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth,  shook  in  their 
divine  worship,  were  called  the  Quakers.  JOHN  WESLEY  and 
his  associates  at  Oxford,  were  called  the  Methodists.  In 
politics  likewise,  reproachful  names  such  as  Whig  and  Tory, 
have  been  subsequently  adopted  as  party  badges. 

In  the  time  of  our  Story,  the  word  Brownist  was  flung  at 
everybody  that  went  out  of  the  English  Church;  quite  regardless 
as  to  whether  they  had  accepted  the  views  of  ROBERT  BROWNE 
or  not.  So  the  Ancient  exiled  Church  and  the  Gainsborough 
Church,  that  had  little  or  nothing  in  common  with  BROWNB, 
were  constantly  called  Brownists. 

So  likewise  was  the  Pilgrim  Church :  although  ROBINSON 
in  his  Farewell  Discourse  to  the  Mayflower  Pilgrims  in  July 
1620,  at  page  183,  distinctly  rejected,  as  his  ecclesiastical 
Leader  one  whom  he  regarded  as  a  renegade;  and  of 
whom,  ten  years  earlier,  he  had  written,  "And  if  the 
LORE  had  not  forsaken  him,  he  had  never  so  returned  back 
into  Egypt  as  he  did:  <to  live  of  the  spoils  of  it/  as  is 
said,  he  speaketk"  A  Justification  of  Sparation,p,  54,  Ed 
1610,4, 


CHAPTER    I 

DOOTOB  COTTON  MATHER'S  LIFE  OF  GOVERNOR 
WILLIAM  BRADFORD, 

*  MONG  those  devout  people  was  our  WILLIAM 
BRADFORD,  who  was  born,  anno  1588. 
[He  was  baptized  on  the  IQth  March  158&/ 
1590],  in  an  obscure  village  called  Austerfield : 
where  the  people  were  as  unacquainted  with  the  Bible 
as  the  Jews  do  seem  to  have  been  with  part  of  it  in  the 
days  of  JOSIAH.  .  .  Here,  and  in  some  other  places,  he 
had  a  comfortable  inheritance  left  him  of  his  honest 
parents ;  who  died  while  he  was  yet  a  child ;  and  cast 
him  on  the  education,  first  of  his  grandparents,  and  then 
of  his  uncles ;  who  devoted  him,  like  his  ancestors,  unto 
the  aflairs  of  husbandry. 

Soon  [An  early]  and  long  sickness  kept  him,  as 
he  would  afterwards  thankfully  say,  from  the  vanities 
of  youth ;  and  made  him  the  fitter  for  what  he  was 
afterwards  to  undergo. 

When  he  was  about  a  dozen  years  old  [?  1602J 
the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  began  to  cause  great 
impressions  upon  him ;  and  those  impressions  were  much 
assisted  and  improved  when,  he  came  to  enjoy  Master 
RICHARD  CLTFTON'S  illuminating  Ministry,  not  far  from 
his  abode.  [ Austerfield  is  now  10  miles  by  the  road  from 
Babworth]  He  was  then  also  further  befriended  by 
being  brought  into  the  company  and  fellowship  of  such 

39 


1 


4<D          The  Life  of  William  Bradford.  Dr.  c.  Matter. 

as  were  then  called  [Christian]  Professors;  though  the 
young  man  that  brought  him  into  it,  did  after  become  a 
profane  and  wicked  apostate.  Nor  could  the  wrath  of 
his  uncles,  nor  the  scoff  of  his  neighbours,  now  turned 
upon  him  as  one  of  the  Puritans,  divert  him  from  his 
pious  inclinations. 

At  last,  beholding  how  fearfully  the  evangelical 
and  apostolical  Church  Form  whereinto  the  Churches 
of  the  Primitive  Times  were  cast  by  the  good  SPIRIT 
of  GOD,  had  been  deformed  by  the  apostacy  of  the 
succeeding  Times;  and  what  little  progress  the 
Reformation  had  yet  made  in  many  parts  of  Christendom 
towards  its  recovery:  he  set  himself,  by  reading,  by 
discourse,  by  prayer,  to  learn,  Whether  it  was  not 
his  duty  to  withdraw  from  the  communion  of  the 
Parish  Assemblies,  and  [to]  engage  with  some  Society 
of  the  Faithful  that  should  keep  close  unto  the  written 
Word  of  GOD  as  the  rule  of  their  Worship.  And,  after 
many  distresses  of  mind  concerning  it,  he  took  up  a  very 
deliberate  and  understanding  resolution  of  doing  so: 
which  resolution  he  cheerfully  prosecuted;  although 
the  provoked  rage  of  his  friends  tried  all  the  ways 
imaginable,  to  reclaim  him  from  it. 

Unto  all  whom,  his  answer  was,  "  Were  I  like[ly]  to 
endanger  my  life,  or  consume  my  estate,  by  any  ungodly 
courses ;  your  counsels  to  me  were  very  seasonable.  But 
you  know  that  I  have  been  diligent  and  provident  in  my 
Calling :  and  not  only  desirous  to  augment  what  I  have, 
but  also  to  enjoy  it  in  your  company;  to  part  from 
which  Will  be  as  great  a  cross  as  can  befall  me. 
Nevertheless,  to  keep  a  good  conscience,  and  walk  in 
such  a  Way  as  GOD  has  prescribed  in  his  Word,  is  a  thing 
which  I  must  prefer  before  you  all,  and  above  life  itself. 
Wherefore,  since  it  is  for  a  good  Cause  that  I  am  like[ly] 


D?.  o.  Mather.    The  Life  of  William  Bradford.          41 

to  suffer  the  disasters  which  you  lay  before  me;  you 
have  no  cause  to  be  either  angry  with  me,  or  sorry  for 
me.  Yea,  I  am  not  only  willing  to  part  with  everything 
that  is  dear  to  me  in  this  world  for  this  Cause :  but  I 
am  also  thankful  that  GOD  hath  given  me  a  heart  so  to 
do ;  and  will  accept  me  so  to  suffer  for,  him." 

Some  lamented  him ;  some  derided  him :  all  dissuaded 
him.  Nevertheless  the  more  they  did  it,  the  more  fixed 
he  was  in  his  purpose  to  seek  the  Ordinances  of  the 
Gospel,  where  they  should  be  dispensed  with  most  of  the 
commanded  purity.  And  the  sudden  deaths  of  the  chief 
relations,  which  thus  lay  at  him,  quickly  after,  convinced 
him,  What  a  folly  it  had  been  to  have  quitted  his 
Profession  in  expectation  of  any  satisfaction  from  them. 
So  to  Holland  he  attempted  a  removal. 

Having,  with  a  great  Company  of  Christians,  hired 
a  ship  to  transport  them  for  Holland ;  the  Master 
perfidiously  betrayed  them  into  the  hands  of  those 
persecutors  :  who  rifled  and  ransacked  their  goods ;  and 
clapped  their  persons  into  prison  at  Boston,  where  they 
lay  for  a  month  together.  But  Master  BBADFORD, 
being  a  young  man  of  about  eighteen  [He  was  in  his 
eighteenth  year  in  this  autumn  of  1607],  was  dismissed 
sooner  than  the  rest. 

So  that,  within  a  while,  he  had  opportunity  with 
some  others,  to  get  over  to  Zealand  [in  the  Spring 
of  1608] ;  through  perils  both  by  land  and  sea  not 
inconsiderable. 

Where,  he  was  not  long  ashore  ere  a  viper  seized  on 
his  hand ;  that  is,  an  Officer,  who  carried  him  unto  the 
Magistrates:  unto  whom  an  envious  passenger  [in  the 
ship]  had  accused  him  as  having  fled  out  of  England 
[i.e.  for  crime].  When  the  Magistrates  understood  the 


42          The  Life  of  William  Bradford.  Dr.  o. 

true  cause  of  Ms  coming  thither,  they  were  well  satisfied 
with  him :  and  so  he  repaired  joyfully  unto  his  brethren 
at  Amsterdam.  Where  the  difficulties  to  which  he 
afterwards  stooped,  in  learning  and  serving  of  a 
Frenchman  at  the  working  of  silks,  were  abundantly 
compensated  [for]  by  the  delight  wherewith  he  sat 
under  the  Shadow  of  our  Lord  in  his  purely-dispensed 
Ordinances. 

At  the  end  of  two  [or  rather  three]  years  [i.e.  about 
March  1611],  he  did,  being  of  age  to  do  it,  convert  his 
estate  [property]  in  England  into  money.  But  setting 
up  for  himself ;  he  found  some  of  his  designs,  by  the 
Providence  of  GOD,  frowned  upon ;  which  he  judged 
a  correction  bestowed  by  GOD  upon  him  lor  certain 
decays  of  internal  piety  whereinto  he  had  fallen.  The 
consumption  of  his  estate  [money],  he  thought,  came  to 
prevent  a  consumption  in  his  virtue. 

But  after  he  had  resided  in  Holland  about  half  a 
score  years  [actually,  from  the  Spring  of  1608  to  22-nc? 
July  1620] ;  he  was  one  of  those  who  bore  a  part  in  that 
hazardous  and  generous  enterprise  of  removing  into 
New  England,  with  part  of  the  English  Church  at 
Leyden :  where,  at  their  first  landing,  his  dearest  consort 
[DOBOTHY  BEADFOED],  accidentally  falling  overboard, 
was  drowned  in  the  harbour. 

And  the  rest  of  his  days  were  spent  in  the  services 
and  the  temptations  of  that  American  wilderness. 

Here,  was  Master  BEADFOED,  in  the  year  1621, 
unanimously  chosen  the  Governor  of  the  Plantation.  The 
difficulties  whereof  were  such,  that  if  he  had  not  been  a 
person  of  more  than  ordinary  piety,  wisdom,  and  courage, 
he  must  have  sunk  under  them.  He  had,  with  a  laudable 
industry,  been  laying  up  a  treasure  of  experiences ;  and 


Dr. o.  Matter.    The  Life  of  William  Bradford.          43 

he  had  now  occasion  to  use  it.  Indeed  nothing  but 
an  experienced  irian  could  have  been  suitable  to  the 
necessities  of  the  people.  .  .  . 

He  was  indeed  a  person  of  a  well-tempered  spirit,  or 
else  it  had  been  scarce  possible  for  him  to  have  kept  the 
Affairs  of  Plymouth  in  so  good  a  temper  for  thirty-seven 
years  together:  in  everyone  of  which  he  was  chosen 
their  Governor ;  except  the  three  years  wherein  Master 
WINSLOW,  and  the  two  years  wherein  Master  PRINCE,  at 
the  choice  of  the  people,  took  a  turn  with  him. 

The  Leader  of  a  people  in  a  wilderness  had  need  to  be 
a  MOSES;  and  if  a  MOSES  had  not  led  the  people  of 
Plymouth  Colony,  when  this  worthy  person  was  their 
Governor,  4he  people  had  never  with  so  much  unanimity 
and  importunity  still  called  him  to  lead  them. 

Among  many  instances  thereof,  let  this  one  piece  of 
self-denial  be  told  for  a  memorial  of  him  wheresoever 
this  History  [Magnolia  CHRISTI  Americana]  shall  be 
considered. 

The  Patent  of  the  Colony  [of  13/23  January 
1629/1630]  was  taken  in  his  name,  running  in  these 
terms  "To  WILLIAM  BBADFOKD,  his  heirs,  associates, 
and  assigns."  But  when  the  number  of  the  Freemen 
was  much  increased,  and  many  new  Townships 
erected ;  the  General  Court  there,  desired  of  Master 
BKADFORD,  that  he  would  make  a  surrender  of  the 
same  into  their  hands :  which  he  willingly  and 
presently  [instantly]  assented  unto,  and  confirmed  it, 
according  to  their  desire,  by  his  hand  and  seal,  reserving 
no  more  for  himself  than  was  his  proportion,  with  others, 
by  agreement. 

But  as  he  found  the  Providence  of  Heaven  many 
ways  recompensing  his  many  acts  of  self-denial :  so  he 
gave  this  testimony  to  the  faithfulness  of  the  Divine 


44          The  Life  of  William  Bradford.    Dr.  o. 

promises,  That  he  had  forsaken  friends,  houses,  and 
lands  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel :  and  the  LOKD  gave 
them  him  again. 

Here  he  prospered  in  his  estate  :  and  besides  a  worthy 
son  which  he  had  by  a  former  wife :  he  had  also  two 
sons  and  a  daughter  by  another,  whom  he  married  in 
this  land. 

He  was  a  person  for  study  as  well  as  action :  and 
hence,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties  through  which  he 
passed  in  his  youth,  he  attained  unto  a  notable  skill  in 
languages.  The  Dutch  tongue  was  become  almost  as 
vernacular  to  him  as  the  English.  The  French  tongue 
he  could  also  manage.  The  Latin  and  Greek  he  had 
mastered.  But  the  Hebrew,  he  most  of  all  studied, 
Because,  he  said,  he  would  see  with  his  own  eyes  the 
ancient  Oracles  of  GOD  in  their  native  beauty. 

He  was  also  well  skilled  in  History,  in  Antiquity, 
and  in  Philosophy.  And  for  Theology,  he  became  so 
versed  in  it,  that  he  was  an  irrefragable  disputant  against 
the  errors ;  especially  those  of  Anabaptism  which  (with 
trouble)  he  saw  rising  in  his  Colony.  Wherefore  he 
wrote  some  significant  things  for  the  confutation  of 
those  errors. 

But  the  crown  of  all  was,  his  holy,  prayerful, 
watchful,  and  fruitful  Walk  with  GOD :  wherein  he 
was  very  exemplary. 

At  length  he  fell  into  an  indisposition  of  body,  which 
rendered  him  unhealthy  for  a  whole  winter  [1656— 
1657] ;  and  as  the  Spring  advanced,  his  health  yet  more 
declined.  Yet  he  felt  himself  not  what  he  counted 
sick  till  one  day  [7th  May  1657].  In  the  night  after 
which,  the  GOD  of  Heaven  so  filled  his  mind  with 


Dr.c.Mator,   The  Life  of  William  Bradford.         45 

ineffable  consolations,  that  he  seemed  little  short  of 
PAUL,  rapt  up  unto  the  unutterable  entertainments 
of  Paradise. 

The  next  morning,  he  told  his  friends,  That  the 
good  SPIRIT  of  GOD  had  given  him  a  pledge  of  his 
happiness  in  another  world  ;  and  the  first  fruits  of  his 
eternal  glory. 

And  on  the  day  following  he  died,  May  9th  1657,  in 
the  69th  [or  rather  68th]  year  of  his  age ;  lamented  by 
all  the  Colonies  of  New  England  as  a  common  Blessing 
and  Father  to  them  all.  Magnalia  &c.,  Book  II,  pp.  3-5, 
Ed.  1702,  foL 


CHAPTER    II 

THE  BRADFORD  MANUSCRIPT. 

a  note,  dated  1646,  Governor  BRADFORD  writes, 
"  Full  little  did  I  think,  that  the  downfall  of 
the  Bishops,  with  their  Courts  Canons  and 
ceremonies,  had  been  so  near,  wheii  I  first 

began  these  scribbled  "Writings ;  which  was  about  the  year 

1630:  and  pieced  [them]  up,  at  times  of  leisure,  afterward." 

'Bradford  MS.,  folio  24. 

Prior  to  that  year,  however,  he  had  been  the  author  of 

two  documents  : 

(1)  His  Pocket  Book,  which  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
Rev.  THOMAS  PRINCE,  of  Boston,  KB.,  in  1736  ;  but  which  is 
now  lost.   It  contained  a  Register  of  the  deaths  <fec.,  commencing 
with  that  of  WILLIAM  BUTTEN  on  board  the  Mayflower  on  6/16 
November  1620,  down  to  the  end  of  March  1621. 

(2)  His  Letter  Book,  as  Governor  of  the  Old  Colony.     The 
surviving  fragment  of  this  manuscript  was  printed  by  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  in  1794  :  see  pp.  321,  322  of 
this  volume.  __ 

Some  Papers,  as  those  printed  at  pp.  309-314,  evidently 
came  into  his  possession  as  the  successor  of  Governor  JOHN 
CARVER. 

ROBERT  CUSHMAN'S  graphic  letter  from  Dartmouth,  at  pp. 
342-345,  probably  reached  him  through  his  second  Wife, 
ALICE ;  as  it  was  addressed  to  her  first  husband,  EDWARD 

SOUTHWORTH. 

Then  the  Bradford  MS.  may  be  regarded  as  a  fair  copy  of 
various  memoranda  letters  and  accounts,  that  was  commenced  in 
1630,  and  digested  into  Annals  down  to  the  year  1646  ;  with 
the  addition,  in  1650,  of  the  List  of  the  Mayflower  passengers. 

46 


The  Bradford  Manuscript.  47 

But  there  is  not  space  here,  further  to  discuss  its  genesis, 
scope,  and  authoritativeness. 


Professor  JUSTIN  WINSOR,  in  his  admirable  Paper, 
Governor  BRADFORD'S  manuscript  History  of  Plymouth 
Plantation;  and  its  transmission  to  our  Times,  Cambridge, 
Massa,  1881,  8.,  gives  us  the  following  particulars  of  the 
adventures  of  this  document. 

PRINCE  died  in  1*758  ;  and  he  left,  by  will,  the  Library  (which 
he  had  gathered  ;  and  which  he  had  kept  in  the  "Steeple 
Chamber"  of  the  Old  South  Church  [Boston,  Massa,])  to  that 
Church,  under  the  care  of  its  Deacons  :  and  it  is  highly  probable 
that  this  manuscript  was  in  this  Collection  at  that  time. 

The  most  commonly  received  opinion  is,  that  it  was  taken  from 
the  Old  South  tower  by  some  one  who  knew  its  value,  during  tie 
time  when  Boston  was  occupied  by  British  troops  in  1775-1*776 ; 
and  was  carried,  upon  the  evacuation,  to  England. 


The  manuscript  then  totally  disappeared  for  nearly  seventy 
years. 

The  Bishop  of  OXFORD  (SAMUEL  WILBERFORCE)  had  already 
published,  in  1844,  his  first  edition  of  the  History  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  in  America ;  and  in  his  reference  [at  page  55]  to 
the  manuscript,  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  "  Manuscript  History  of  the 
Plantation  of  Plymouth  &c.,  in  the  Fulham  Library." 

Several  American  Scholars  have  claimed  the  honour  of 
identifying,  in  February  1855,  from  the  above  description,  the 
long  lost  Bradford  MS. :  but  the  credit  of  it  really  belongs  to 
the  late  Mr  JOHN  WING  ATE  THOBNTON,  of  Boston,  Massa., 
author  of  The  Landing  at  Gape  Anne,  1854,  8 ;  as  is  stated 
by  Professor  WINSOB,  in  his  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  iii.  286,  1886,  8. 


The  manuscript  is  now  one  of  the  literary  treasures  of 
Fulham  Palace,  London. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  BEGINNING  OF  THINGS. 

^ATHANIEL  MORTON",  Secretary  to  the  Court 
for     the     Jurisdiction     of     New     Plymouth, 
commences     his     New     Englantfs      Memorial, 
published     at     Cambridge,    New    England,   in 
1669,  with  the  following  words: 

In  the  year  1602,  divers  godly  Christians  of  our 
English  nation,  in  the  north  of  England,  being ''studious 
of  Reformation ;  and  therefore  not  only  witnessing 
against  hutnan  inventions  and  additions  in  the  Worship 
of  GOD,  but  minding  most  the  positive  and  practical 
part  of  Divine  Institutions  :  they  entered  into  Covenant 
to  walk  with  GOD,  and  one  with  another,  in  the 
enjoyment  of  the  Ordinances  of  GOD,  according  to 
the  primitive  pattern  in  the  Word  of  GOD. 

By  "entering  into  Covenant,"  MORTON  here  means  the 
establishment  of  a  Reformist  Church.  "Now  it  is  clear, 
from  what  Governor  BRADFOBD  states  at  page  78,  that  the 
Serooby  Church  was  formed  about  a  year  before  the  migration 
,to  Holland;  "which  was  in  the  years  1607  and  1608."  We 
have  adduced,  at  pp.  133,  134,  irrefutable  evidence  that,  on 
the  22nd  March  1605,  the  Rev.  JOHN  SMYTH  was  still  a 
Conformist  Minister,  and  Preacher  of  the  city  of  Lincoln. 
So  that,  at  that  date,  he  had  not  even  come  to  Gainsborough ; 
where,  after  nine  months  of  doubting,  he  finally  adopted 
the*  principles  of  the  Separation.  The  formation  of  the 
Gainsborough  Church  cannot  therefore  be  earlier  than  1606. 

48 


The  Beginning  of  Things.  49 

We  also  think  that  both  the  Separatist  Churches  migrated 
to  Holland  about  the  same  time. 

Therefore  we  consider  that  MORTON'S  date  is  wrong  by 
some  four  years. 

The  Bev.  Doctor  HENRY  MARTYN  DEXTER,  of  New 
Bedford,  Massachusetts,  a  wealthy  Congregational  Minister, 
and  a  splendid  Scholar  and  Researcher,  has  made  the 
preparation  of  the  present  volume  easier  by  his  Works ; 
and  especially  by  his  Congregationalism  as  seen  in  its 
Literature,  1880,  8.  Perhaps  no  man  has  ever  hunted  more 
strenuously,  or  over  a  long  period  of  time,  or  more  regardless 
of  expense,  after  the  ultimate  facts  of  the  Pilgrim  Story  than 
Doctor  DEXTER  has  done.  He,  however,  but  represents  the 
knowledge  of  the  year  1880,  when  he  tells  us, 

"Assuming  ROBINSON'S  leaving  Norwich  for  the  North 
to  have  been  in  1604,  we  have  little,  if  any,  evidence,  of 
successful  Separatism  then  anywhere  in  England,  except  at 
Gainsborough.  .  .  .  There  may  have  been  feeble  efforts  in  the 
same  line,  contemporaneously  in  Norwich,  London,  Chatham, 
<fec. :  but  we  know  of  nothing  anywhere  comparable  to  SMYTH'S 
Company  on  the  Trent."  Congregationalism  <fcc.,  p.  376. 

We  are  not  aware  of  any  evidence  tending  to  prove  in 
the  slightest  degree,  that  ROBINSON  was  ever  a  member  of 
SMYTH'S  Church;  and  we  have  proved,  at  pp.  133-134,  that 
the  Gainsborough  Church  was  not  established  till  1606. 
Therefore  if  ROBINSON  went  North  in  1604,  he  must  have 
gone  to  Scrooby, 

Coming  down  thirty-one  years  later  in  the  Story,  Doctor 
DEXTER  says  ' 

"  If  we  remember  that  it  is  not  easy  at  this  date  [1633],  in 
all  England,  to  count  more  than  one  Independent,  and  five  or 
six  Baptist  Churches  (of  these  two  sorts) ;  it  becomes  obvious 
that  Separatism,  as  such,  had  not  been  making  large  growth 
within  the  kingdom  during  the  first  Third  of  the  Seventeenth 
Century.  This  was  not  because  Puritanism  was  dead.  One 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  D 


5o  Th®  Beginning  of  Things. 

explanation  is,  no  doubt,  found  in  the  feet  that  Puritanism 
did  not  take  kindly  to  Separatism."     Ibid.,  pp.  637,  638. 


How  did  it  all  come  about?  Usually  new  religious 
Movements  originate  in  the  busy  throng  of  men,  and  through 
the  conflicting  opinions  of  trained  minds:  as  Lollardism, 
Methodism,  and  Ritualism  at  the  University  of  Oxford ;  and 
the  "  Holy  Discipline  "  at  the  University  of  Cambridge.  But 
the  Pilgrim  District  in  England  consists  of  nothing  but  an 
open  country,  dotted  over  with  small  villages  and  townships 
that,  even  at  the  present  day,  have  a  very  small  population. 

The  Pilgrim  Movement  subsisted  in  this  District  for 
twenty-two  years }  and  no  longer.  Let  us  try  and  look  at  it, 
as  if  we  were  one  of  the  oldest  inhabitants  in  the  place,  that 
had  seen  both  its  beginning  and  its  end. 

It  had  not  been  so  very  long  ago,  since  the  District  had 
been  near  spectators  of,  if  not  actual  participators  in,  the  two 
Koman  Catholic  risings  known  as  "The  Pilgrimage  of  Grace " 
of- 1536,  and  "The  Rising  of  the  North"  of  1569.  Speaking 
generally,  the  District  was  itself  probably  slowly  passing 
from  Boman  Catholicism  to  Protestantism.  JOHN  MILTON'S 
grandfather,  as  well  as  his  own  brother  CIIEISTOPHER,  were 
Roman  Catholics;  and  it  is  more  than  likely,  that  of  the 
three  men  who,  in  succession,  were  the  Post  Masters  at 
Scrooby ;  the  grandfather  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  the  father 
a  Protestant,  as  we  know  the  Ruling  Elder  was  a  Separatist. 

Again,  it  is  almost  impossible  for  us  now  a  days  to  realize 
the  crass  ignorance  of  the  country  peasantry  of  England  in 
the  reign  of  Queen  ELIZABETH. 

"We  know  that  neither  SHAKESPEABE'S  father,  nor  his 
mother,  with  many  other  of  his  relations,  could  either  read  or 
wriit6.  The  great  Dramatist  has  given  us  specimens  of  the 
peasantry  of  his  day,  which  is  also  the  time  of  the  Pilgrim  Church 
in  England,  in  his  Midsummer  NlgMs  Dr^am,  in  NICK  BOTTOM, 
the  Weaver;  FRANCIS  FLTJTE,  the  Bellows  Mender;  PETER 


The  Beginning  of  Things.  5 1 

QUINCE,  the  Carpenter ;  TOM  SNOUT,  the  Tinker  j  SNUG,  the 
Joiner;  and  ROBERT  STARVELING,  the  Tailor :  And  these  seem 
to  be  the  more  learned  of  them,  for  they  could  combine  together 
to  act  a  play.  Then  for  his  Constables,  who  represented 
the  majesty  of  the  law  to  such  peasants ;  has  he  not  given 
us  DOGBERRY  and  VERGES  1  Undoubtedly  all  these  were  not 
exaggerations ;  but  studies  from  the  actual  life  of  his  day. 

By  what  possible  process  then,  could  such  men  as  these, 
rise  up  to  the  intellectual  level  of  the  "  Holy  Discipline,"  and 
sit  in  judgement  upon  the  Bishops?  who,  whatever  drawbacks 
might  be  attributed  to  them,  were  generally  learned  men. 

For  the  peasants  of  the  Pilgrim  District,  the  Great  North 
Road  (itself  a  mere  horse  track,  and  not  fenced  in ;  so  that  the 
traveller  needed  a  guide,  to  prevent  his  wandering  out  of  the 
way)  was  the  only  sign  to  them,  of  that  great  outside  World 
in  which  the  Bishops  lived;  but  of  which  they  personally 
knew  little,  or  nothing  at  all. 

Herein,  however,  they  were  more  fortunate  in  their 
intellectual  development  than  SHAKESPEARE.  They  had 
educated  Leaders.  He  had  none. 

CLYFTON,  BREWSTER,  ROBINSON,  and  SMYTH  were  all 
Cambridge  University  men:  and  but  for  them,  there  never 
would  have  been  any  Pilgrim  Fathers  at  all. 

So  going  back  to  the  ultimate  facts,  we  say  that  the  Pilgrim 
Movement  originated  in  the  Rectory  and  Church  of  Babworth 
in  Nottinghamshire ;  and  that  it  was  mainly  a  Nottinghamshire 
Movement.  The  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire  was  not  in  it; 
except  as  Austerfield  was  the  home  of  Governor  W.  BRADFORD  : 
but  he,  during  the  period  now  under  review,  was  merely  a  child 
growing  to  youthhood.  Lincolnshire,  through  the  Congregation 
at  Gainsborough,  temporarily  furthered  the  Movement  during 
the  years  1606 — 1608:  but  this  was  merely  an  accidental 
help,  occasioned  by  the  coming  to  that  town  of  the  Rev. 
JOHN  SMYTH.  In  the  main,  Nottinghamshire  men  founded 
the  Pilgrim  Church. 

Now  Nottinghamshire,  at  that  time,  as  Archbishop  SANDYS 


52  The  Beginning  of  Things. 

tells  us  at  page  62,  was  wholly  in  the  diocese  of  York ;  and 
whatever  official  ecclesiastical  documents  still  survive,  should 
be  found  in  that  city,  or  at  Southwell. 

JOHN  S.  PIERCY  in  his  History  ofJRetford,  page  205, 1828,  8, 
gives  the  following  information  about  the  Kectors  of  Babworth : 
T&nyp,  Inst.  Meotorea.  Patroni.  Fodatf. 

11  July  1586.    Rev.  RICHARD  CLYFTON.     By  the  Assigns  of        — , 

JOHN  SYDBNHAM. 

Rev.  RIOHAKD  CHESTER.  JPrivat[uai]> 

6  June  1605.    Rev.  GEORGE  TURVIN.  Mortfytw}. 

The  important  point  here,  for  our  present  purpose,  is 
When  did  the  Rev.  RICHARD  CLYFTON  give  up  the  Living 
at  Babworth ;  and  Why  did  he  give  it  up  ?  We  cannot  say. 
We  are  told,  see  following  pp.  95,  96,  that  his  six  children 
were  born  at  the  Rectory ;  and  the  youngest  of  these,  ELBAZAR, 
was  born  on  the  1st  November  1598 :  so  he  was  Rector  till 
that  date,  at  any  rate ;  but  for  how  long  after,  has  not  yet 
been  ascertained. 

To  this  Rectory  then,  some  forty-five  months  before 
Governor  BRADFORD  was  born,  came  this  Derbyshire  man, 
the  Rev.  RICHARD  CLYFTON,  set.  33.  He  was  what  was  then 
called,  a  "  forward  [advanced]  Preacher,"  or  a  Reformist. 

Governor  BRADFORD  (who,  as  a  youth,  attended  his 
Ministry)  writes  of  him,  in  his  First  Dialogue,  "  Much  good 
had  he  done  in  the  country  where  he  lived ;  and  converted 
many  to  GOD,  by  his  faithful  and  painful  Ministry,  both  in 
preaching  and  catechizing.'3  In  fact,  both  intellectually  and 
spiritually,  he*  woke  up  the  neighbourhood.  And  this  may 
have  been  the  easier  j  because,  curiously  enough,  Babwortla 
parish  was  then,  as  now,  pure  country,  with  a  small  population. 
It  contains  6,190  acres,  with  a  population  in  1891  of  753 
persons ;  and,  to  this  hour,  it  has  not  even  a  village :  the 
farm  labourers'  cottages  being  grouped  round  the  several  farms. 

So  that,  although  CLYFTON  deserted  the  Pilgrim  Church 
in  1609;  he  must  ever  be  regarded  as  the  senior  of  the 
Leaders  of  that  Separation. 


The  Beginning  of  Things.  53 

The  next  eve/it,  in  point  of  time,  is  that  WILLIAM 
BEEWSTEE,  also  a  Nottinghamshire  man  and  a  Cambridge 
Undergraduate,  took  charge  of  the  Post  at  Scrooby,  from  about 
January  1589.  f His  particular  method  of  helping  on  the  Cause, 
was  to  furnish  money  for  the  support  of  Reformist  Preachers 
in  the  Parish  Churches  round  about :  "  he  himself  [being]  ," 
as  Governor  BEADFOED  tells  us  at  page  190,  "most  commonly 
deepest  in  the  charge  [expense],  and  sometimes  above  his  ability." 
It  should  ever  be  remembered  that  the  Bui  ing  Elder  worked 
vigorously  for  the  conimon  good,  within  the  Church;  before  he 
went  out  of  it :  and  that  persecution  drove  him  out  of  it. 

These  Preachers  were  not  the  incumbents  of  the  Livings, 
who  often  did  not  preach  at  all,  or  simply  read  one  of  the 
Homilies  ;  but  were  extra  Clergymen,  to  a  large  extent  holding 
"  Holy  Discipline  "  views,  who  preached  vigorous  and  lengthy 
extempore  sermons. 

So  CLYFTON  and  BEEWSTEE  worked  on,  for  years  together, 
till  1601  A.D.  ;  when  another  Nottinghamshire  man  makes 
his  appearance  on  the  scene. 

Worksop,  Notts,  is  seven  miles  from  Babworth ;  and  just 
north  of  Sherwood  Forest  and  the  "  Dukeries." 

JOHN  HOLLAND,  in  his  History  of  Worksop,  page  127, 
1826,  4,  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  Vicars  of  Worksop,  gives  the 
following  information : 

Temp.      Instit.        Vicarii  Ecclesice.  Patroni.  Vacat. 

19  Junii  3  601.        Bic.  BEENAED.        Bic.  WALLET       Cession. 

ar. 
16Febii.    1613.        OLIVEE  BEAT.          Idem.  Jlortfwu]. 

This  BJCHAED  BEENAED  (a  Cambridge  Graduate,  and  a 
most  excellent  man;  afterwards,  and  better  known  as,  the 
Bector  of  Batcombe,  in  Somersetshire)  was  all  but  a  Separatist 
himself.  For  a  long  time,  he  halted  between  two  opinions : 
but  finally  adhered  to  the  established  Church. 

He  seems  to  have  known  all  the  Leaders  of  this  Separation 
personally:  and,  later  on,  he  was  one  of  the  chief  Writers 
against  them.  Here  is  a  story  of  him. 


54  The  Beginning  of  Things. 

But  a  speech  of  your  own,  uttered  to  myself  [and  therefore  at 
some  time  in  the  years  1606—1608],  ever  to  be  remembered  with  fear 
and  trembling,  cannot  I  forget ;  when,  after  the  Conference  passing 
between  Mister  H.  [?  THOMAS  HELWYS,  or  HBLWISSE]  and  me,  you 
uttered  these  words,  "Well,  I  will  return  home,  and  preach  as  I 
have  done  :  and  I  must  say,  as  NAAMAN  did,  The  LORD  be  m&rdful 
unto  me  in  this  thing!"  [II.  Kings  v.  18.,  Geneva  Version.] 

-And,  thereupon,  you  further  promised,  with  any  provocation 
[thereto]  by  me  or  any  other,  That  you  would  never  deal  against 
this  Cause  ;  nor  withhold  any  from  it.  Though  the  very  next  LORD'S 
Day,  or  next  but  one,  you  taught  publicly  against  it :  and  so  broke 
your  vow  j  the  LORD  grant,  not  your  conscience  1  Rev.  JOHN, 
ROBINSON.  A  Justification  of  Separation  &c.,  page  10,  Ed.  1610,  4. 

Then  CLYFTON  and  BREWSTER  continued  to  work  on  for 
the  spiritual  enlightenment  of  the  district,  probably  also  now 
working  together,  until  about  1604,  when  the  Rev.  JOHN 
ROBINSON  another  Nottinghamshire  man  and  also  a  Cambridge 
Graduate,  came  north  from  Norwich. 

The  Separatist  Movement  continued  to  grow ;  but,  as 
Governor  BRADFORD  tells  us  at  page  70,  the  Church  at  Scrooby 
was  not  formally  organised  till  1606  :  when  the  late  Rector  of 
Babworth  became  its  Pastor,  and  the  Rev.  JOHN  ROBINSON 
became  his  Assistant;  with  probably  one  or  more  Deacons. 

When  the  Rev.  JOHN  CLYFTON  declined  to  migrate  to 
Leyden,  and  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  Ancient  exiled  Church 
at  Amsterdam;  then  it  was,  in  1609,  and  not  earlier,  that 
the  Rev.  JOHN  ROBINSON  became  the  Leader  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers ;  'and  so  remained  until  his  death  in  1625. 

About  1606,  the  Rev.  JOHN  SMYTH,  likewise  a  Cambridge 
Graduate,  came  from  Lincoln  to  the  edge  of  the  Pilgrim  District, 
at  Gainsborough,  and  founded  there  a  Separatist  Church; 
which,  after  an  existence  of  two  years,  migrated  to  Amsterdam. 
This  Lincolnshire  Movement  is  entirely  distinct  from  the  one 
we  are  now  considering :  though,  of  course,  the  one  helped  the 
ether.  Worksop  is  about  twenty  miles  from  Gainsborough ; 
so  that  i>he  following  anedote  of  the  Rev.  RICHARD  BERNARD 


The  Beginning  of  Things.  55 


is  a  remarkable  testimony  to  the  power  of  the  Kev. 
SMYTH'S  Ministry  at  that  time. 

Once  [ie.  between  1606  and  1608],  you  know,  Master  BERNARD], 
you  did  separate  from  the  rest,  an  hundred  voluntary  [Christian] 
Professors  into  Covenant  with  the  LORD,  sealed  up  with  the  LORD'S 
Supper,  "to  forsake  all  known  sin,  to  hear  no  wicked  or  dumb 
Ministers,"  and  the  like.  Which  Covenant,  long  since,  you  have 
dissolved  :  not  shaming  to  affirm,  you  did  it  only  in  policy,  to  keep 
your  people  from  Master  SMYTH.  Eev.  JOHN  BOBINSON.  A 
Justification  of  Separation  &c.t  pp.  94,  95,  Ed.  1610,  4. 

With  the  exodus  of  these  two  Congregations,  the  whole  of 
the  Separatist  Movement,  in  the  Pilgrim  District,  absolutely 
died  out  ;  as  if  it  had  never  existed  at  all. 

It  was  entirely  the  work  of  four  Cambridge  University  men  : 
and  when  they  departed  out  of  the  country,  it  departed  with 
them. 

Among  the  other  features  of  this  movement  are  these  : 

1.  London  had  nothing  to  do  with  it. 

2.  It  originated  in  the  locality;  and  nearly  all  its  Leaders 
were  local  men,  or  from  the  adjoining  counties, 

3.  During  this  Nottinghamshire  period  of  its  history,  it 
produced  no  books  :  probably  on  account  of  the  metropolitan 
Censorship  of  the  Press  described  at  pp.  18-20. 


LowuL 

G    H  I  A.    M 

Sultan 


"Worksop 


HLGRIM  DISTRICT 

\         IN  ENGLAND 


CHAPTER    IV. 
THE  PILGKIM  DISTRICT  IN  ENGLAND. 

3 

|HIS  District  lies  entirely  in  the  broad  mlley  of 
the  lower  Trent,  about  thirty  to  forty  miles 
from  its  junction  with  the  Ouse;  when  they 
together  form  the  Humber.  It  is  an  open 
country,  rather  pleasing  than  pretty:  and  far  away  from  any 
great  centre  of  population.  It  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  but 
thinly  populated:  and  it  is  therefore  the  last  place  in  the 
word  where  a  religious  movement  might  have  been  expected 
to  originate. 

Within  four  hours  after  leaving  the  King's  Cross  terminus 
in  London,  the  Great  Northern  Railway  trains  bring  you  to 
Bawtry,  co.  York,  151£  miles  by  rail,  but  153  by  the  Great 
North  Road. 

Bawtry  is  about  an  equal  distance,  of  a  mile  or  so,  from 
Austerfield  to  the  north-east ;  and  Scrooby  to  the  south-east : 
but,  except  that,  later,  it  supplanted  Scrooby  as  the  Post  town 
of  the  locality,  it  does  not  concern  our  present  enquiry. 

Going  southward  from  Bawtry,  one  immediately  perceives 
the  spire  of  St  Wilfrid's,  Scrooby.  Then  on  our  right,  the 
road  to  Blyth,  4  miles  j  and  to  Worksop  11  miles,  turns  off. 

Passing  this,  we  come  to  Ryton  stream,  which  LELAKD, 
at  page  61,  calls  "Scrooby  Water."  It  falls  into  the  Idle 
below  that  village. 

The  Great  North  Road  used  to  go  through  Scrooby ;  but, 
early  in  this  century,  it  was  diverted,  and  is  now  placed  on  the 
west  of  it. 

57 


58          The  Pilgrim  District  in  England. 

As  the  roads  exist  at  the  present  day : 

Looking  northward  from  Scrooby,  Bawtry  is  1  mile 
distant,  Austerfield  2  miles,  Doncaster  10  miles,  and  York 
46  miles. 

Looking  eastward,  Scaftworth  is  1  mile  distant,  Everton 
3  miles,  Gringley  on  the  Hill  6  miles,  Gainsborough  12  miles, 
Lincoln  31  miles,  and  Boston  67  miles. 

Looking  southward,  Babworth  is  8  miles  distant,  Betford 
8  miles,  Tuxford  14£  miles,  Mansfield  25  miles,  and  Nottingham 
35  miles.  , 

Looking  westward,  Blyth  is  4  miles,  and  Worksop  11 
miles. 

But  it  is  a  very  great  question  what  cross  roads  (that 
is  horse  paths ;  for  wheeled  vehicles  were  not  common),  then 
existed.  The  present  road,  six  miles,  from  Gainsborough 
to  Gringley  on  the  Hill,  was  only  made  about  a  hundred 
years  ago. 

The  Church  Living  at  Scrooby  has  been  annexed  to  the 
Rectory  of  Sutton  cum  Lound  :  all  the  three  villages  being  so 
small,  as  that  their  Livings  have  been  thrown  into  one. 

In  the  same  way  the  Living  of  Austerfield  has  been  annexed 
to  the  Rectory  of  Bawtry. 

The  Pilgrim  District  in  England  may  be  roughly  defined 
as  an  isosceles  triangle  of  which  Austerfield,  Babworth,  and 
Worksop  are  the  three  points. 

The  first  impression  on  reaching  Scrooby,  is  that  of  perfect 
wonderment  how  so  small  a  place  could  possibly  have  originated 
the  Pilgrim  Movement,  It  is  about  one  half  the  size  of 
Austerfield,  which  contains  2,781  acres,  with  a  population  in 
1891  of  351 ;  whereas  Scrooby  has  but  1,520  acres,  with  a 
population,  in  that  year,  of  219. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  the  Great  North  Koad  that  was 
the  proximate  cause  of  the  Pilgrim  Church.  That  supported 
WILLIAM  PBEWSTEE  ;  and  he  was  a  leading  spirit,  in,  and  one  of 
the  financiers  of,  that  Cause. 


The  Pilgrim  District  in  England.          59 

It  must  be  clearly  understood  that  the  old  Manor  Place  at 
Scrooby  has  absolutely  disappeared.  The  Rev.  Canon  JOHK 
BAINE,  wrote  in  1860, 

The  Mounds  of  the  Fish  Ponds  of  Scrooby  Palace  still  remain. 
The  Manor  House  itself  is  simply  a  plain  farm  tenement,  with  a 
lofty  and  round  headed  arch,  now  blocked  up,  in  one  wall,  which 
probably  formed  once  a  carriage  entrance ;  and  a  niche  in  another. 
An  old  and  tottering  mulberry  tree*  is  recorded  to  have  been 
planted  by  Cardinal  WOLSET.  And  these  are  all  the  remains  of 
the  archiepiscopal  Palace  of  Scrooby.  Sic  transit !  The  History  and 
Antiquities  of  the  Parish  of  Btyth,  p.  130.  Westminster,  1860,  4. 

The  Manor  House  Farm  has  been  held  for  many  years 
back  by  Mr  SHILLITO  ;  who  died,  aet.  76,  in  1896 ;  and  is  now 
occupied  by  his  widow,  Mrs  CATHARINE  SHILLITO.  It  is  held 
from  Lord  CREWE;  who  himself  holds  it  under  a  long  lease 
from  the  Archbishop  of  YORK. 

When  Mr  SHILLITO  was  a  boy,  about  1830,  the  country 
between  Scrooby  and  Scaftworth  was  not  enclosed ;  and  the 
Idle  covered  more  ground  than  it  does  at  present. 

The  Farm  is  annually  visited  by  some  fifty  persons,  chiefly 
Americans;  but,  in  1896,  double  that  number  came  to  see  it, 

"We  have  here  given  a  Map  of  the  District ;  but  any  one 
desirous  of  more  minute  information,  should  get  from  London 

Ordnance  Map.     One  Inch  to  the  Mile. 
Sheet  101.     (East  Betford.)    Price,  One  Shilling. 
This  map  includes  Gainsborough ;  but  not  Austerfield. 
And  those  who  would  like  to  go  further  into  the  matter, 
should  get 

Ordnance  Map.     Six  Inches  to  the  Mile. 
Nottinghamshire.     Sheet  VI.,  KW.     Price,  Two  Shillings. 
The  Map  gives  Scrooby  very  plainly;  with  the  Manor 
House  Farm  clearly  marked  thereon. 

These  are  really  two  of  the  most  authentic  Memorials  of 
the  Pilgrims  that  can  now  be  procured. 

*  This  tree  has  since  disappeai*ecL — E.  A. 


60          The  Pilgrim  District  in  England* 

Turning  now  to  the  history  of  the  place :  when  Cardinal 
WOLSEY  wanted  to  bury  himself  in  the  country,  away  from 
the  observation  and  wrath  of  King  HENRY  VIII.,  he  went  to 
Scrooby. 

And  the  next  day,  he  came  to  Scrooby ;  -vmliere  he  continued 
until  after  Michaelmas  [1530],  ministering  many  deeds  of  charity. 

Most  commonly,  every  Sunday,  if  the  weather  did  serve,  he 
would  travel  unto  some  parish  church  thereabout,  and  there  would 
say  his  divine  service  ;  and  either  hear  or  say  mass  himself,  causing 
some  one  of  his  Chaplains  to  preach  unto  the  people.  And  that 
done,  he  would  dine  in  some  honest  house  of  that  town :  where 
should  be  distributed  to  the  poor,  a  great  alms  j  as  well  of  meat 
and  drink,  as  of  money  to  supply  the  want  of  sufficient  meat,  if  the 
number  of  the  poor  did  so  exceed  of  necessity. 

,  And  thus  with  other  good  deeds  practising  and  exercising 
during  his  abode  there  at  Scrooby ;  as  making  of  Love  Days,  and 
agreements  between  party  and  party  being  then  *at  variance :  he 
daily  frequented  himself  there,  about  such  business  and  deeds  of 
honest  charity. 

GEOBQB  CAVENDISH.  The  Life  of  Cardinal  Wolsey,  Vol.  I., 
pp.  260,  261,  Ed.  1825,  8. 

An  Inventory  of  the  implements  in  the  39  chambers  or 
apartments  of  the  Manor  House  at  Scrooby,  on  the  12th 
January  1535/1536,  will  be  found  calendared  in  The  Letters 
and  Papers  of  the  Reign  of  HENRY  VIIL,  Vol.  X.,  page  30, 
Ed.  1887,  8. 

Eight  years  later,  in  1538,  JOHN  LELAND  the  Antiquary, 
gives  us  the  following  account  of  Scrooby  and  Bawtry : 
•    From  Gainsborough,  over  Trent,  into  Nottinghamshire ;  and  so 
to  Madersey  [now  Mattersey]  village,  a  five  miles  ... 

Thence  I  rode  a  mile,  in  low  wash  and  somewhat  fenny 
ground,*  and  a  mile  farther  or  more,  by  higher  ground,  to 
Scrooby  in  Nottinghamshire. 

In  the  mean  townlet  of  Scrooby,  I  marked  two  things  : 

The  parish  church  [of  St  Wilfrid]  not  big ;  but  very  well 
builded  ex  lapide  polite  quadrato. 

tThe  second  was  a  great  Manor  Place,  standing  within  a  moat, 
and  [belonging  to  the  Archbishop  of  YORK  ;  [and]  builded  into 
Courts.  Whereof  the  first  is  very  ample,  and  all  builded  of  timber : 


The  Pilgrim  District  in  England.         6 1 

saving  the  front  of  the  Hall,  that  is  of  brick ;  to  which  ascenditur 
pergradus  lapideos.  The  Inner  Court  building,  as  far  as  I  marked, 
was  of  timber  building  ;  and  was  not  in  compass  past  the  fourth 
part  of  the  Utter  Court. 

From  Scrooby  to  Bawtry,  a  mile  or  more. 

Biding  a  very  little  beyond  Scrooby  Manor  Place,  I  passed  by 
a  ford  over  the  [Eyton]  river ;  and  so,  betwixt  the  pales  of  two 
Parks  [belonging  to  Scrooby,  I  came  to  Bawtry. 

Bawtry  is  a  very  bare  and  poor  market  town ;  standing  in 
Yorkshire,  as  the,  inhabitants  of  it  told  me.  So  that,  by  this,  it 
should  seem  that  Scrooby  Water  [the  Ryton  stream],  in  some  parts, 
divideth  the  Shires. 

The  Itinerary  of  JOHN  LELAND,  began  about  1538,  30  Hsmr 
VIII.  Ed.  (in  9  Yols.)  by  THOMAS  HEARNE,  Yol.  I,  pp.  28,  29, 
Oxford,  1710,  8. 

"We  learn  from  the  following  letters  of  EDWIN  SANDYS, 
Archbishop  of  YORK,  that,  in  spite  of  its  small  size  and 
population,  Scrooby  was  an  important  place  in  his  day. 

ARCHBISHOP  EDWIN  SANDYS  TO  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 
SATURDAY,   24  NOVEMBER  /4  DECEMBER   1582. 

Most  gracious  Sovereign.  Your  Majesty's  letter,  dated  at 
Windsor,  the  5th  of  November ;  I  received  at  Bishopsthorpe,  the 
18th  of  the  same :  and,  remembering  that  it  was  in  me  more 
dutiful  to  answer  by  myself  than  by  any  other  means  or  message^ 
I  presently  [at  once]  entered  on  my  journey  towards  the  Court. 

After  I  had  passed  three  days'  journey  from  home,  such  was  the 
weakness  of  my  body  and  the  grief  of  my  mind  meeting  together 
that  I  fell  into  such  a  feebleness  and  sickness  that  I  could  travel 
no  farther  :  by  reason  whereof  I  am,  of  necessity,  forced  to  answer 
by  my  letter,  which  I  minded  to  do  by  word  of  mouth. 

Most  gracious  Sovereign.  Give  me  leave  to  put  you  in  mind, 
that  I  am  an  old  man ;  my  body  worn  out  with  much  painful 
travail.  This  is,  with  me,  annus  dimactericus  onagnus  [i.e.  63  :  for 
he  died  on  10  July  1588,  cet.  69].  I  look  not  to  live  many  days. 
I  have  lived  in  the  Ministry,  and  painfully  travailed  in  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel  these  five  and  thirty  years.  I  have  ever 
entered  at  the  door  by  lawful  Calling,  and  never  at  the  window  by 
indirect  Dealing.  How  I  have  laboured  in  GOD's  vineyard,  how 
uprightly  I  have  walked  in  GOD's  house  :  heaven  and  earth  will 


62          The  Pilgrim  District  in  England. 

record  with  me !  Hitherto  I  never  impaired  any  ecclesiastical 
Living ;  but  left  the  same  in  better  case  than  I  found  it.  I  must 
needs,  in  conscience,  continue  the  like  course. 

But,  alas,  gracious  Sovereign,  your  late  letter  has  greatly 
assaulted  this  course.  For  as  no  creature  living  can  be  more  loath 
than  I,  to  shew  myself  unthankful  in  denying  your  Highness 
anything ;  at  whose  hands  I  have  received  all  things  :  so  may  I 
not  yield  to  that,  wherein  I  should  so  highly  grieve  GOB,  kill 
mine  own  conscience,  and  do  that  which  should  tend  to  your 
Majesty's  dishonour. 

And  when  I  remember  your  Majesty's  most  princely  speech 
uttered  to  me,  at  Richmond,  touching  this  like  matter,  that  was, 
That  you  would  never  impair  any  bishopric  j  but  leave  them  in  as 
good  state  as  you  found  them :  and  That  if  we  were  hurt ;  we 
should  hurt  ourselves,  and  no  fault  in  your  Majesty :  and  also 
how  GOD  hath  appointed  you  to  be  a  Nurse  unto  the  Church  of 
CHRIST  :  I  assure  myself  that  your  Majesty  was  never  acquainted 
thoroughly  with  the  thing  which,  by  your  letter,  was  required. 

The  request  in  your  Highness's  letter  is— to  lease  unto  your 
Majesty,  one  Manor ;  not  naming  any.  The  Lease  sent  withal,  by 
me  to  be  sealed,  compriseth  in  it,  two  great  Manors,  Southwell  and 
Scrooby ;  with  all  their  members  and  appurtences  whatsoever ; 
which  are  all*  the  lands  and  Livings  that  the  See  of  York  hath  in 
Nottinghamshire :  even  so  much,  that  they  are  esteemed  [to  be] 
the  third  part  of  all  the  [Archjbishop's  Livings.  These  two  Manors 
be  stately,  and  the  Countenance  [maintenance]  of  the  [Arch]bishop  ; 
endowed  with  great  liberties  and  Charters  from  your  Majesty's 
progenitors. 

These  granted  away,  the  [Arch]bishop  is  excluded  out  of 
Nottinghamshire,  [it,  however,]  being  wholly  of  his  diocese  :  and 
a  great  part  thereof  where  I  have  twice,  by  my  ordinary 
jurisdiction,  visited  in  mine  own  person ;  and  once,  by  authority 
of  the  High  Commission,  with  [HENRY  HASTINGS]  the  Earl  of 
HUNTINGDON  and  others.  And  also  kept  house  amongst  them,  at 
sundry  times  j  and,  at  some  one  time,  by  four  months  together,  in 
mine  own  house  there. 

The  rent  reserved,  in  this  new  conceived  Lease,  for  the  Manor 
of  Scrooby  with  its  members  is  £40  by  year  ;  and  yet  the  annual 
rent  thereof  to  the  [Arch]bishop  is  £170  by  year.  But  this  is  "a 
small  loss  to  that  which  followeth. 


The  Pilgrim  District  in  England.         63 

I  am  compelled,  by  law,  to  repair  two  fair  Houses  standing 
upon  these  two  Manors  :  whither  I  resort  for  my  lodging,  at  such 
times  as  I  come  thither  for  your  Majesty's  service.  By  this  Lease, 
if  it  should  pass ;  I  am  excluded  out  of  both. 

I  am  restrained  by  your  Majesty's  special  letter,  [either]  to  sell 
or  [to]  give  away  any  timber  trees ;  which  your  Highness 
count[eth]  no  Bishop  hath  better  observed  than  I,  This  Lease 
granteth  liberty  to  cut  down  and  sell  all  woods,  underwoods,  and 
trees. 

There  pertain  to  these  two  Manors,  as  members  thereof,  32 
towns ;  and,  as  it  is  thought,  1000  tenants,  poor  Copyholders,  for 
the  most  part ;  which  have  enjoyed  great  liberties  and  customs 
All  these,  by  this  Lease,  may  be  racked ;  and,  as  the  Prophet 
saith,  the  "  skin  pulled  off  their  backs 3>  [Mic.  iii.  2,  3] :  the  cry 
whereof  would  sound  in  your  Majesty's  ears,  to  your  great 
discontent. 

The  Manor  of  Southwell  hath  belonging  unto  it,  three  Parks 
well  furnishM  with  deer.  By  virtue  of  this  Lease,  they  may  all 
be  disparked ;  and  turned  to  greater  gain. 

In  this  Lease,  be  all  B  granted  ;  which  thing  within 

the  space  of  twenty  years  and  less,  will  make  the  annual  rent  of 
these  two  Manors  above  £1,000  by  year ;  if  the  land  be  racked 
[literally  squeezed  to  the  dregs,  It  means  here,  the  rent  raised  to  the 
uttermost]  as  now  a  days  amongst  men  is  commonly  used. 

The  woods  now  growing  are  esteemed  [to  be]  worth  £5,000 :  so 
that  the  great  abatement  of  the  annual  rent  bef orementioned  [from 
£170  to  £40],  the  want  [neglecting]  of  the  Houses,  the  cutting  down 
of  all  the  woods,  the  great  Liberties  and  Eoyalties  pertaining  to 
these  two  Manors,  the  great  benefit  of  these  E  with 

perquisites  in  Courts,  Felons'  and  Deodans'  goods  ;  with  all  other 
commodities  belonging  to  these  two  Manors  and  their  members ; 
would,  within  the  compass  of  this  Lease,  if  it  should  be  granted,  be 
a  loss  unto  the  See  of  York  of  £70,000  at  the  least.  Too  much, 
most  gracious  Sovereign !  too  much  to  pull  away  from  a  poor 
Bishopric !  inferior  to  many  others  in  revenue,  hut  superior  in 
cnarge  and  countenance  [maintenance"].  The  LORD  forbid  that  I 
should  ever  yield  to  so  great  inconveniences,  or  consent  to  the 
ruin  and  spoil  of  this  poor  Bishopric ;  which,  in  conscience,  I 
should  help  and  not  hurt :  and  it  would,  in  time,  be  chronicled  by 
the  Papists  to  the  slander  of  the  Gospel,  and  my  perpetual  infamy. 


64          The  Pilgrim  District  in  England. 

** 

[Thus  much  known  to  your  Majesty,  I  do  assure  myself,  such  is 
the  great  care  that  your  Highness  hath  for  the  preservation  of  the 
patrimony  of  the  Church,  that  you  will  not  mislike  [nay  denial]  ; 
but  rather  me  unworthy  to  live,  if  T  should  consent  to  so  great  an 
evil. 

0  gracious  Sovereign  !  Let  me  have  the  continuance  of  your 
gracious  favour  !  and  suffer  me  to  live,  while  I  live,  for  my  days 
will  be  short,  with  a  clear  conscience  towards  GOB  !  and  send  not 
my  grey  head  to  the  grave  with  sorrow  !  For  as  I  acknowledge 
myself  most  bound  unto  your  Highness ;  so  is  there  no  subject 
that  beareth  to  your  Majesty  a  more  faithful  true  and  dutiful  heart 
than  I  do. 

And  that  it  may  appear  to  your  Majesty,  that  I  seek  not  myself, 
but  the  good  of  the  Church ;  I  shall  most  gladly  give  all  the 
substance  that  I  have,  as  it  shall  please  you  to  appoint ;  as  also  to 
resign  up  the  whole  Interest  that  I  have  in  this  [arch]bishopric  to 
your  Majesty's  hands,  to  dispose  of ;  or  else  what  thing  soever 
lieth  in  me  to  do,  which  with  a  good  conscience  towards  GOB 
I  may,  that  shall  be  ever  most  ready  to  your  Majesty's  command. 

Thus,  with  my  most  hearty  prayer  to  GOB  for  your  Majesty's 
good  and  long  preservation ;  I  most  humbly  take  my  leave,  this 
24th  day  of  November  1582 

Your  Majesty's 

most  humble  and  faithful  subject, 
E.  EBOR, 

JOHN  LB  NEVE.  The  Lives  .  .  .  of  the  Protestant  Bishops  of  the 
Church  of  England.  Vol.  I,  Part  II.,  pp.  58-63,  Ed.  1720,  8. 

Landsdowne  MS.,  No.  50.  Articles  33,  34  consist  of 
another  letter  and  its  enclosure  from  Archbishop  EDWIN 
SANDYS;  justifying  himself  from  the  attacks  of  MATTHEW 
HUTTON  the  Dean  of  York,  and  also  enclosing  a  List  of  the 
Reversions  and  Leases  that  he  had  given  to  his  six  sons. 

In  the  letter,  he  naively  says,  "  I  am  bound  in  conscience  to 
take  care  of  my  family : "  and  lie  certainly  did  so. 

AE€HBISHOP  EDWIN  SANDYS  TO  WILLIAM  CECJIL,  LOBD  BUBLEGE. 

HUNTINGDON;  22  MAY  /I  JUNK  1586. 
The  List  shews  that  Sir  SAMUEL  SANDYS  had  had  six  leases ; 


The  Pilgrim  District  in  England.          65 

Sir    MILES    SANDYS,   five  leases;    Sir   EDWIN   SANDYS,   four 
leases ;   HENRY  SANDYS,   two    leases ;   THOMAS  SANDYS,  two 
leases ;  and  GEORGE  SANDYS  the  Poet,  two  leases. 
\The  following  Items  in  this  List  concern  Scrooby. 
5.  Item,  an  other  Lease,  of  the  Manor  of  Scrooby  to  the  said 
SAMUEL  SANDYS. 
Annul  redditus.     £21,  2s.  6d. 
Esteemed  to  [be  worth]  £100. 

9.  Item,  a  lease  of  the  Mills  at  Scrooby  to  SAMUEL  SANDYS 
his  son. 

Annui  redditus.     £11,  12s.  2d. 
Esteemed  to  [be  worth]  £100. 

It  was  by  the  granting  of  the  above  leases,  that  WILLIAM 
BREWSTER  became  acquainted  with  the  SANDYS  family:  for 
he  held  the  Manor  House  from  Sir  SAMUEL  SANDYS.  And 
when  the  Pilgrim.  Church  at  Leyden  determined  to  go  to 
America,  the  first  thing  they  did,  was  to  approach  Sir  EDWIN 
SANDYS,  then  one  of  the  Council  for  Virginia,  through  their 
Ruling  Elder.  See  page  284. 

BOBERT  THOROTON  in  his  Antiquities  of  Nottinghamshire, 
London,  1677,  fol. 

Here,  within  memory  [say,  t/ien  from  1620],  stood  a  very  fair 
Palace ;  a  far  greater  House  of  receipt,  and  a  better  seat  for 
provision,  than  Southwell :  and  had  attending  to  it,  the  North 
Soke  ;  consisting  of  very  many  towns  thereabouts.  It  hath  a  fair 
park  belonging  to  it. 

Archbishop  SANDYS  caused  it  to  be  demised  to  his  son,  Sir 
SAMUEL  SANDYS  :  since  which,  the  House  hath  been  demolished 
almost  to  the  ground. 

The  Church,  a  fair  one  too,  if  not  ruinous,  is  appropriated  to 
the  Archbishopric  of  York.  pp.  479,  480. 

To  modern  ideas,  Austerfield  Church  is  a  discredit  to  the 
locality.  It  is  more  like  a  barn  than  a  church. 

At  the  northern  end  of  the  village,  is  a  cottage,  now 
divided  into  two  tenements  which  is  believed  to  have  been 
WILLIAM  BRADFORD'S  home.  Here  again  there  is  nothing 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers*  E 


66          The  Pilgrim  District  in  England. 

remarkable  in  the  scenery.  It  is  simply  open,,  pleasant, 
breezy  country. 

BRADFORD,  as  a  boy,  used  to  walk  from  Austerfield  to 
Babwth,  to  hear  the  Rev.  RICHARD  CLYFTOST,  the  Reformist 
Clergyman  who  was  the  Rector  there. 

"We  walked  the  present  road,  10  miles  \  which  is  probably 
identical  with  that  lad's  tramp  for  the  6  miles  to  Barnby 
Moor :  where  the  Great  North  Road,  going  south,  bears  away 
to  the  eastward.  Considering  the  unenclosed  condition  of 
the  country  then,  BRADFORD  probably  made  some  straight  cut 
from  there,  to  Babworth  \  save  a  mile  or  two  of  the  distance. 

At  Babworth,  the  Church,  the  Rectory,  and  the  Hall,  are 
all  enclosed  in  the  same  beautiful  park.  It  requires  a  very 
strong  literary  faith  to  realize  that  such  a  democratic 
movement  as  that  of  the  Pilgrim  Church,  should  have 
originated  in  what  is  now  such  an  aristocratic  locality,  and 
such  an  early  Paradise. 

We  have  now  briefly  noticed  the  Pilgrim  District  proper  \ 
which,  with  the  exception  of  Austerfield,  is  entirely  in 
Nottinghamshire.  After  the  Pilgrim  Movement  had  been  in 
existence  there  some  twenty  years;  in  1606,  the  Rev.  JOHN 
SMYTH  came  from  Lincoln  to  Gainsborough,  and  dared  to  set 
up  a  Separatist  Church  there. 

There  is  nothing  whatever  in  Gainsborough  that  can  now 
be  definitely  associated  with  either  the  Nottinghamshire,  or 
the  Lincolnshire,  Separatists. 

We  may  mention,  however,  in  passing,  that  Gainsborough 
is  the  St  Oggs  of  GEORGE  ELIOT'S  Mill  on  the  Moss ;  that  the 
Trent  is  the  Floss;  and  that  the  Mill,  which  she  called 
Dorlcote  Mill,  still  exists  below  the  town. 


CHAPTER    V. 

SCROOBY  AND   GAINSBOKOUGH. 

nJT  that  I  may  come  more  near  my  intendment ; 
when  as  by  the  travail  and  diligence  of  some 
godly  and  zealous  Preachers  [in  the  Parish 
Churches],    and    GOD's   blessing    on   their 
labours :  as  in  other  places  of  the  land  [of  England]  so  in 
the  north  parts,  many  became  inlightened  by  the  Word  of 
GOD ;  and  had  their  ignorance  and  sins  discovered  unto 
them ;  and  began  by  his  grace  to  reform  their  lives  and 
make  conscience  of  their  ways  :  the  work  of  GOD  was  no 
sooner  manifest  in  them,  but  presently  they  were  both 
scoffed  and  scorned  by  the  profane  multitude  ;  and  the 
Ministers  urged  with  the  yoke  of  Subscription  [to  the 
Thirty -nine  Articles  of  1562],  or  else  must  be  silenced. 
And  the  poor  people  were  so  vexed  with  Apparitors  and 
Pursuivants,  and  the  Commissary  Courts  ;  as  truly  their 
affliction   was  not  small :    which  notwithstanding  they 
bore,  sundry  years,  with  much  patience,  till  they  were 
occasioned,  by  the   continuance  and  increase  of  these 
troubles,  and  other  means  which  the  LORD  raised  up  in 
those  days,  to  see  further  into  things,  by  the  light  of  the 
Word  of  GOD.     How  not  only  these  base  and  beggarly 
Ceremonies  were  unlawful  [morally  wrong] ;  but  also  that 
the  lordly  and  tyrannous  power  of  the  Prelates  ought 
not  to  be  submitted  unto :  which  thus,  contrary  to  the 
freedom  of  the  Gospel,  would  load  and  burden  men's 
consciences;   and,  by  their  compulsive  power,  make  a 

67 


68  Scrooby  and  Gainsborough.     GOT.  w.  Bradford. 

profane  mixture  of  persons  and  things  in  the  worship  of 
GOD.  And  that  their  Offices  and  Callings,  Courts  and 
Canons  &c.,  were  unlawful  and  antichristian :  being 
such  as  have  no  warrant  in  the  Word  of  GOD  ;  but  the 
same  were  used  in  Popery,  and  still  retained. 

Of  which,  a  famous  Author  [EMANUEL  VAN  METEREN] 
thus  writeth  in  his  Dutch  Commentaries,  at  the  coming 
of  King  JAMES  into  England.  "The  new  King,"  saith 
he,  "found  there  established  the  Reformed  Religion, 
according  to  the  Reformed  Religion  of  King  EDWARD 
the  Sixth,  retaining  or  keeping  still  the  spiritual 
[ecclesiastical]  state  of  the  Bishops,  &c.,  after  the  old 
manner :  much  varying,  or  differing,  from  the  Reformed 
Churches  in  Scotland,  France,  and  the  Netherlands, 
Emden,  Geneva,  &c. :  whose  Reformation  is  cut,  or 
shapen,  much  nearer  the  first  Christian  Churches,  as  it 
was  used  in  the  Apostles'  times."  [A  General  History 
of  the  Netherlands,  translated  by  E.  GRIMSTONE,  Lib. 
XXV.,  foL  119,  Ed.  1608,  fol] 

So  many  therefore  of  these  Professors  *  as  saw  the 
evil  of  these  things,  in  these  parts ;  and  whose  hearts 
the  LOBD  had  touched  with  heavenly  zeal  for  his  truth : 
they  shook  off  the  yoke  of  antichristian  bondage.  And, 
as  the  LORD'S  free  people,  joined  themselves,  by  a 
Covenant  of  the  LOED,  into  a  Church  estate,  in  the 
fellowship  of  the  Gospel,  to  walk  in  all  his  ways  made 
known,  or  to  be  made  known,  unto  them,  according' 
to  their  best  endeavours ;  whatsoever  it  should  cost 
them,  the  LORD  assisting  them.  And  that  it  cost  them 
something,  this  ensuing  History  will  declare. 

*  Christian  Professors.     A  title  peculiar  to  some  few  in  the  land  [of 
England] ;  which  favour  the  forward  Preachers,  frequent  their  sermon 
and  advance  the   Cause   of   Reformation.      Rev.   JOHN    ROBINSON.    .4 
Justification  of  Separation  cfcc.,  p.  7,  Ed.  1610,  4. 


GOT.  w.  Bradford.    Scrooby  and  Gainsborough.  69 

These  people  became  two  distinct  bodies,  or  Churches ; 
and  in  regard  of  [the]  distance  of  place,  di*  congregate 
severally.  For  they  were  of  sundry  towns  and  villages ; 
some  in  Nottinghamshire,  some  of  Lincolnshire,  and 
some  of  Yorkshire  :  where  they  [the  three  Counties]  border 
nearest  together. 

In  one  of  these  Churches,  besides  others  of  note,  was 
Master  JOHN  SMITH,  a  man  of  able  gifts  and  a  good 
Preacher ;  who,  afterwards,  was  chosen  their  Pastor. 
But  these,  afterwards  [,  in  1608—1612],  falling  into 
some  errors  in  the  Low  Countries:  there,  for  the 
most  part,  buried  themselves  and  their  names. 

But  in  this  other  Church,  which  must  be  the  subject 
of  our  discourse,  besides  other  worthy  men,  was 
Master  RICHARD  CLYFTON  a  grave  and  reverend 
Preacher:  who,  by  his  pains  and  diligence  had  done 
much  good;  and,  under  GOD,  had  been  the  means 
of  the  conversion  of  many.  Also  that  famous  and 
worthy  man,  Master  JOHN  ROBINSON;  who  afterwards 
was  their  Pastor  for  many  years,  till  the  LORD  took 
him  away  by  death.  Also  Master  WILLIAM  BREWSTER, 
a  reverend  man  ;  who  afterwards  was  chosen  [at  Leyden] 
an  Elder  of  the  Church,  and  lived  with  them  till  old  age. 

But,  after  these  things,  they  could  not  long  continue 
in  any  peaceable  condition;  but  were  hunted  and 
persecuted  on  every  side  :  so  as  their  former  afflictions 
were  but  as  flea-bitings  in  comparision  of  these  which 
now  came  upon  them.  For  some  were  taken  and  clapt  up 
in  prison.  Others  had  their  houses  beset  and  watched, 
night  and  day ;  and  hardly  escaped  their  hands :  and  the 
most  were  fain  to  fly  and  leave  their  houses  and 
habitations,  and  the  means  of  their  livelihood.  Yet  these, 
and  many  other  sharper  things  which  afterwards  befell 
them,  were  no  other  than  they  looked  for :  and  therefore 


7O  Scrooby  and  Gainsborough.      GOT.  w, 

were  [they]  the  better  prepared  to  bear  them  by  the 
assistance  of  GOD'$  grace  and  SPIRIT. 

Yet  seeing  themselves  thus  molested ;  and  that  there 
was  no  hope  of  their  continuance  there  [as  a  Church]:  by  a 
joint  consent,  they  resolved  to  go  into  the  Low  Countries, 
where  they  heard  was  Freedom  of  Religion  for  all  men ; 
as  also  how  sundry,  from  London  and  other  parts  of 
the  land  [of  England],  had  been  exiled  and  persecuted 
for  the  same  Cause,  and  were  gone  thither,  and  lived 
at  Amsterdam  and  in  other  places  of  the  land  [of 
Holland]. 

So,  after  they  had  continued  together  about  a  year ; 
and  kept  their  Meetings  every  Sabbath  in  one  place  or 
another,  exercising  the  Worship  of  GOD  amongst 
themselves ;  notwithstanding  all  the  diligence  and  malice 
of  their  adversaries:  they  seeing  they  could  no  longer 
continue  in  that  condition,  they  resolved  to  get  over  into 
Holland  as  they  could.  Which  [migration]  was  in  the 
years  1 607  and  I  COS,  Bradford  Manuscript,  folios  27-31. 


CHAPTEE   VI 

WILLIAM  BBEWSTER,  POSTMASTER  AT  SCROOBY. 
JANUARY  1589  TO  30  SEPTEMBER  1607. 

'N  the  Public  Record  Office  of  London,  are  the 
following    "Declared    Accounts.     Pipe    Office/' 
rendered  by  the  Master  of    the  Posts,   JOHN 
&TANHOPE  ;  afterwards  the  first  Lord  STANHOPE 
of  Harrington. 

Roll.                         Dates.  Name  of  Accountant. 

2737.  1  April  1£90  to  31  March.  1592.  JOHN  STANHOPE. 

2738.  1  April  1592  to  31  March  1594.  do. 

2739.  1  April  1594  to  31  March  1597.  SIR  JOHN  STANHOPE. 

2740.  1  April  1597  to  31  March  1599.  do. 

2741.  1  April  1599  to  31  March  1602.  do. 

2742.  1  April  1602  to  31  March  1605.  JOHN,  Lord  STANHOPE. 

2743.  1  April  1605  to  31  March  1607.  do. 

2744.  1  April  1607  to  31  March  1609.  do. 

The  first  thing  these  Rolls  give  is  the  following  List  of 
the  Posts,  at  this  time,  a/long  the  great  North  Road,  between 
London  and  Berwick  upon  Tweed  :  to  which  we  have  added 
the  exact  mileage  as  g^ven  in  DANIEL  PATERSON'S  British 
Itinerary  .  .  ,  roads  in  Great  Britain. 


Miles. 

—         Berwick,  co.  Nbrthumb.  337  Jr 

15          Belford,  co.  Forthumb.  322J 

29J        Alnwick,  co.  Northurab.  307f 

48  £        Morpeth,  co.  Northumb. 
71 


72       W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 


Miles.  Miles. 

[—          Carlisle,  co.  Cumb.  56J  330 

20J       Haltwhistle,  co.  Northumb.        35£  309J 

35J        Hexham,  co.  Northumb.  20J  294J 

J*  Newcastle,  the  road  turned  off  westward  to  Carlisle,] 

63J        Newcastle,  co.  Northumb.  273f 
78         Durham,  co.  Durham. 
96         Darnton  [i0.  Darlington],  co.  Durham. 
Northallerton,  co.  York. 


north  ,  alternative  routes  pres&nted  tke^sehm.      The 
above  is  the  Northallerton  route. 

131i        Boroughbridge,  co.  York.  206 

143J        Wetherby,  co.  York.  104 

160         Ferrybridge,  co.  York.  177} 

175J        Doncaster,  co.  York.  162 

[Later  >  the  Post  was  removed  from  Scrooty/  to 

184J-        Bawtry,  co.  York.  153] 

185J        Scrooby,  co.  Notts.  152 

199f       Tuxford,  co.  Notts.  137J 

213      •  Newark,  co.  Line.  124|- 

227  J       Grantham,  co.  Line.  110 

238|        South  Wxtham,  co.  Line.  99 

248         Stamford,  co.  Line.  89J 

262J        Stilton,  co.  Hunts.  75 

[There  were  two  routes  from  London  to  Alconlury  Hill.  The 
shorter  one,  through  Moyston,  which  we  gim  Acre;  which  was  64  miles, 
measured  from  $horeditch  Ohurch,  London:  and  the  longer  one, 
through  Hitchm  ;  which  was  67|  miles,  measured  from  Hirfrs  If  all, 
London.] 

278J       Huntingdon,  co.  Hunts.  58f 

288         Caxton,  co.  Camb.  49j- 

299|        Eoyston,  co.  Herts.  37| 

316i       Ware,  co.  Herts.  21 

326         Waltham  Cross,  co.  Herts.  11  J 

337i       London.  — 


W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby.      73 

Mr  HERBERT  JOYCE,  C.B.,  in  his  History  of  the  Post  Office, 
page  3,  1893,  8,  states 

As  late  as  1621,  all  the  Posts  in  the  Kingdom,  which  even  then 
were  only  four  in  number,  started  from  the  Court : 

I.  The  "  Court  to  Berwick,"  i.e.  the  post  to  Scotland.- 
II.  The  "Court  to  Beaumaris,"  i.e.  the  post  to  Ireland. 

III.  The  "Court  to  Dover,"  i.e.  the  post  to  the  Continent. 

IV.  The  "  Court  to  Plymouth,"  i.e.  the  post  to  the  Eoyal  Dockyard. 

We  now  give  the  contents  of  two  rare  broadside 
Proclamations  of  January  1584,  of  which  copies  are  preserved 
in  the  British  Museum,  Press-mark,  G.  6,463,  as  they  will 
give  us  some  insight  as  to  the  nature  of  the  duties  that 
WILLIAM  BREWSTER  had  to  perform  while  he  was  Post  Master 
at  Scrooby. 

Orders  set  down  and  allowed  ly  the  Lords  of  Her  Majesty's  Privy 
Council,  and  appointed  to  be  put  inprint>for  the  Posts 

between  London  and  the  Borders  of  Scotland. 
At  Westminster,  the  14th  of  January  1583[-4]. 

For  the  avoiding  of  sundry  inconveniences  happening  by  the 
over  great  liberty  of  late  used  in  riding  Post;  and  for  the  easing 
[of]  divers  Her  Majesty's  good  subjects,  greatly  complaining  to  have 
been  thereby  oppressed  ;  and  for  sundry  other  good  considerations  : 
the  Lords  of  Her  Majesty's  most  honourable  Privy  Council  have 
set  down  and  established  these  Orders  following— straitly  charging 
and  commanding,  in  Her  Majesty's  name  and  behalf,  as  well  the 
Master  of  the  Posts  as  all  other  Justices  of  the  Peace,  Mayors, 
Sheriffs,  Bailiffs,  Constables,  Headboroughs,  and  all  other  persons 
whatsoever,  to  see  the  same  duly  observed  and  kept  in  all  places, 
as  they  and  every  of  them  tender  Her  Majesty's  service ;  and 
at  their  perils  will  answer  to  the  contrary. 

Inprimis.  If  any  man,  having  the  place  or  name  of  an  ordinary 
Post,  shall  not  reside  and  dwell  upon  the  same  charge  himself  in 
person ;  but  execute  the  same  by  a  deputy :  the  Master  of  the 
Post  shall  forthwith  remove  him,  and  take  order  for  the  placing 
of  a  sufficient  man  in  his  room. 

Item.     That  it  shall  not  be  lawful  [=  legal}  for  any  man  riding 


74       W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 

in  Post  by  Commission,  to  take  his  horses  of  any  man,  but  of  the 
ordinary  and  standing  Posts ;  or  at  tlieir  appointment :  whose 
Commission  ought  to  be  signed,  either  by  Her  Majesty,  three  of 
Her  Highness  [Privy]  Council,  the  Lord  Treasurer  of  England,  the 
Earl  Marshal  of  England,  the  Lord  Governor  of  Berwick  or  his 
Deputy,  the  Lord  President  of  the  North  or  his  Deputy,  the 
Wardens  of  the  Northern  Marches,  Her  Majesty's  Secretary,  and 
the  Master  of  the  Posts. 

Item.  That  every  one  so  riding  Post  by  Commission  for  Her 
Majesty's  service  and  affairs,  shall  pay  One  Penny,  half  Penny,  the 
mile.  But  whosoever,  upon  any  business  urgent,  shall  be  occasioned 
to  ride  in  Post  without  Commission,  he  shall  be  likewise  horsed  by 
the  standing  Post  of  the  place,  or  by  his  appointment :  and  of 
every  such,  for  their  [the  Post's]  relief,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the 
Posts  to  take  after  the  rate  of  Two  Pence  the  mile. 

Item.  To  this  end,  every  Post  shall  be  bound  to  keep  a  fair 
paper  book,  well  bound;  to  register  the  names  of  all  men 
so  riding  in  Post  (with  the  number  of  their  horses,  and  [the] 
date  of  thepr]  Commission),  as  well  without  Commission  as  with 
Commission. 

Item.  If  in  case,  that  currers  [couriers]  shall  come  so  thick, 
or  in  such  number,  that  the  Post's  own  furniture  [supply  of  horses] 
shall  not  be  able  to  suffice  ;  then  it  shall  be  lawful  for  him  to  take 
up,  or  appoint  such  as  have  horses  to  hire,  to  supply  his  want. 
And  to  this  end,  he  shall  be  assisted  by  the  Mayors,  Constables, 
and  other  Officers.  [They]  taking,  in  those  cases,  for  the  hire  of 
those  horses  [the  prices]  as  the  Posts  themselves  are  wont  to  do  for 
their  own. 

Item.  That  no  man  riding  in  Post,  shall  ride  without  a 
guide :  which  shall  blow  hia  horn,  so  oft  as  he  meeteth  company, 
or  passeth  through  any  town,  or  at  the  least  thrice  every 
mile. 

Item.  That  all  Her  Majesty's  Posts  may  the  better  attend 
upon  their  charges  and  Offices,  and  faithfully  perform  the  daily 
service  thereto  belonging :  Her  Majesty's  pleasure  is  That  they 
be  exempted  from  all  attendance  at  Assizes,  Sessions,  Inquests,  and 
Musters. 

Item.  That  no  packets  or  letters  shall  be  sufficient  warrant  or 
authority  to  constrain  the  Posts  to  run  with  them  in  Post ;  except 
they  be  directed  for  Her  Majesty's  affairs,  and  shall  be  signed 


W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby.      75 

either  by  Her  Majesty,  her  Privy  Council,  or  any  of  the  Personages 
authorised,  and  above  named. 

Item.  That  every  Post  do  daily  observe  the  Orders  sometimes 
[formerly]  set  down  by  Her  Majesty's  Council,  for  [the]  expedition 
of  letters  in  Her  Majesty's  affairs,  viz. 

That  they  ride  in  summer,  accounting  from  the  Annunciation 
of  our  Lady  [25th  March]  to  the  feast  of  St  MICHAEL  the 
Archangel  [29th  September],  Seven  miles  the  hour 
And,  in  the  winter,  which  is  the  rest  of  the  year,  Jive  miles 
the  hour,  as  the  way  shall  fall  out. 

Whereby,  the  Posts  doing  their  duties,  the  Packet  may  be 
carried  in  summer  between  London  and  Berwick  in  forty-two 
hours  [=  294  miles'],  and  in  winter,  in  three  score  [=  &00  imle$.lj* 

Lastly.  It  is  hereby  commanded  that,  from  henceforth,  if  any 
Hackneyman,  Ostlers,  Tapsters,  or  others  shall,  contrary  to  this 
Order,  directly  or  indirectly  carry  Packets  j  or  serve  any  horses 
with  a  guide  or  a  horn,  without  the  consent  or  the  privity  of  the 
ordinary  Post  of  the  place,  that  then  the  Officer  or  Officers  of  the 
place,  or  the  next  Justice  of  the  Peace,  shall  commit  the  same  person 
or  persons  to  prison,  there  to  abide  until  they  have  put  in  sufficient 
bond  and  surety  unto  the  said  Post,  for  the  keeping  and  observing 
of  these  Orders  in  time  to  come. 

All  which  aforesaid  Orders,  Her  Majesty  straightly  chargeth 
and  commandeth  all  Justices  of  the  Peace,  Mayors,  Sheriffs,  Bailiffs, 
Constables,  Headboroughs,  and  all  others,  her  Officers  and  servants, 
to  see  observed  as  far  as  in  them  shall  lie ;  and  to  be  aiding  and 
assisting  unto  her  said  ordinary  Posts  for  the  due  execution  of  the 
same,  as  they  tender  Her  Majesty's  service,  and  at  their  perils  will 
answer  to  the  contrary. 

Lastly.  Because,  that,  through  the  over  great  liberty  of  riding 
in  Post,  many  inconveniences  fall  out,  through  the  Hackneymen  in 
Kent ;  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  Lord  Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
and  the  Master  of  the  Posts  to  take  order  with  the  Posts  between 
London  and  Dover  in  that  behalf. 

*  It  will  be  seen  from  this,  that  the  distance  to  Berwick  was  reckoned 
at  300  miles,  instead  of  337i  miles.— E.  A. 


76       W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 

God  save  the  Queen  ! 

T.  BROMLKT,  Oan^ellariiis].      W.  [Lord]  BURGHLET.     E.  [Earl  of]  LINCOLN. 
F,  [Earl  of]  BEDFORD.    R.  [Earl  of]  LEICESTER,    0.  [Lord]  HOWARD. 

[Sir]  F.  KNOLLES.  H.  [LordJ  HUNSDON. 

[Sir]  0.  HATTON.  [Sir]  F.  WALSINQHAM. 

Imprinted  at  London,  by  CHRISTOPHER  BARKER, 
Printer  to  the  Queen's  most  excellent  Majesty. 


Articles  set  down  by  the   Right    Worshipful  THOMAS  RANDOLPH, 

Esquire,  Master  and  Comptroller  General  of  all  Her  Majesty* s  Posts; 

and  straight^  ty  him  commanded  to  be  Jcept  by  the  Posts  from 

London  to  the  Northern  Borders  against  Scotland,  for  the  letter 

observation  and  due  execution  of  such  Orders  as  lately 

were  appointed  by  the  Lords  of  Her  Majesty's 

Privy  Coivncil. 

First.  That  every  Post  for  the  Service  of  the  Packet  for  Her 
Majesty's  affairs,  shall  have,  in  his  stable,  or  in  a  readiness, 
throughout  the  year,  three  good  and  sufficient  post  horses,  with 
saddles  and  furniture  fit  and  belonging;  three  good  and  strong 
leather  bags,  well  lined  with  baize  or  cotton,  to  carry  the  Packet 
in ;  and  three  horns,  to  blow  by  the  way  :  as  by  their  Lordships' 
Order  is  commanded.  Whosoever  shall  fail  hereof,  at  any  time 
when  they  shall  be  surveyed,  shall  abide  the  punishment  that  the 
Master  of  the  Posts  shall  lay  upon  him. 

2.  That  every  Post,  so  soon  as  the  Packet  directed  for  Her 
Majesty's  affairs  shall  be  brought  unto  him,  shall  forthwith,  or 
within  one  quarter  of  an  hour  after,  with  all  speed  and  diligence 
carry  the  same,  or  cause  it  to  be  carried,  to  the  next  Post : 
according  to  the  Orders  by  their  Lordships  also  set  down.    The 
breach  of  this  Article  shall  also  be  punishable  at  the  Master  of  the 
Posts'  pleasure. 

3.  That  every  Post,  either  of  his  own,  or  such  as  he  shall  keep 
or  appoint  under  him,  shall  have  always  in  readiness  four  good 
and  sufficient  post  horses,  and  two  horns,  to  serve  at  all  occasions 
for   such   as,    either   by  Commission,  or   otherwise    for   better 
expedition,  shall  ride  in  Post.     And  if  the  number  of  horses 
[required]  exceed  their  own  furniture  [supply],  then  that  they 
supply  their  want  as  by  their  Lordships  is  provided  for,  and  set 
down  [in  the  preceding  Order  in  Council], 


W.  JBrewster,  Post  Master  at'  Scrooby.      77 

4.  That  every  Post,  from  henceforth,  keep  two  fair  paper  Books, 
or  one  large  and  great  one,  as  well  to  register  the  names,  dates, 
and  number  of  horses,  of  such  as,  either  with  Commission,  or 
without,  shall  run  the  Post ;  as  also  to  enter  the  Packets  that,  for  Her 
Majesty's  affairs,  shall  pass,  and  be  carried  by  them.     And  the 
same  shall  signify,  at  the  end  of  every  month,  or  within  ten  days 
after,  unto  the  Master  of  the  Posts  :  and  so  often  as  he  shall,  upon 
occasions,  either  generally,  or  particularly,  call  and  send  for  the 
same. 

5.  That  no  Post  shall  hazard,  or  send  any  Packets  directed  for 
Her  Majesty's  affairs,  by  any  person  whatsoever  but  by  an  express 
{actual]  servant  of  his  own,  and  that  in  Post :  upon  pain  of 
forfeiture  of  one  Quarter's  wages  for  the  first  offence;    whereof 
the  half  to  be  given  to  the  Informer  thereof  whosoever,  and  the  other 
half  to  be  at  the  disposing  of  the  Master  of  the  Posts.    And  for  the 
second  offence,  expulsion  out  of  his  Office :  the  same  being  duly 
proved  against  him. 

6.  That  all  Posts  and  guides  riding  with  any  Currior  [Courier 
or  Through  Post,  either  with  Commission,  or  without,  shall  bring 
the  party  so  riding  unto  the  house  and  dwelling  place  of  the  next 
standing  Post,  that  is  also  to  furnish  him  of  fresh  horses  ;  or  shall 
signify  the  same  unto   him,  the  party  being  a  Personage,  or  Man 
of  Sort,  that,  for  his  pleasure,  will  make  choice  of  his  lodging : 
and  shall  not  suffer  him,  so  riding,  to  pass  the  next  ordinary  stage, 
without  the  consent  and  liking  of  the  Post  of  the  place  ;  upon  pain 
of  forfeiture  of  Ten  Shillings  to  the  Post  offended,  and  a  full 
restitution  of  so  much  as  he  should  have  gained. 

7.  Also,  be  it  especially  and  duly  observed  by  all  Her  Majesty's 
Posts,  as  they  will  answered  to  the  contrary,  That  if  any  Innholder, 
Hackneymen,  or  others  whatsoever,  having  horse[s]  to  hire,  shall 
take  upon  him,  contrary  to  their  Lordships'  Orders,  to  deliver  any 
horses  with  horn  and  guide  to  any  man  running  the  Post,  either 
with  Commission,,  or  without ;  without  the  knowledge  and  consent 
of  the  ordinary  Post  of  the  place  where  the  horses  were  delivered, 
if  any  Post  there  be  appointed :  the  Post  of  the  next  stage  by 
whom  he  passeth,  shall,  in  this  case,  stay  [detain]  and  charge  the 
Officer,  with  safe  custody  of  the  guide  or  conductor ;  and  shall  not 
deliver  any  horses  to  the  party  so  riding,  till  notice  be  given,  either 
to  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  [of  State],  or  the  Master  of  the  Posts. 

8.  That  no  Post,  or  guide,  ride  without  his  horn  :  and  the  same 


78       IV.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 

to  blow  as  is  prescribed  by  their  Lordships ;  be  it  either  with  the 
Packet,  or  with  Through  Post.  Neither  shall  lie  refuse  to  carry 
the  mail,  or  other  carriage  [luggage]  of  the  party  riding  behind 
him  [i.e.  on  another  horse],  so  that  the  same  exceed  not  the  weight 
of  forty  pounds  at  the  utmost. 

9.  That  no  Post's  servant  or  boy  riding  with  the  Packet,  shall 
deliver,  any  by-letters  [private  letters],  or  private  packets,  before 
he  have  first  discharged  himself  of  the  Packet  for  Her  Majesty's 
affairs,  by  delivering  the  same  unto  the  hands  of  the  next  standing 
Post :  unto  whom  also,  he  shall  commit  and  deliver  all  the  by -letters 
and  private  packets,  as  well  as  the  other,  upon  pain  of  the  forfeiture 
of  Ten  Shillings  to  the  Post  offended,  and  the  displeasure  of  the 
Master  of  the  Posts. 

10.  That  no  Post's  servant,  or  boy,  riding  with  the  Packet,  and 
having  by-letters,  or  private  packets,  or  other  kind  of  carriage 
[luggage],  committed  nnto  them,  shall  adventure  to  open  or  break 
up,  or  any  other  ways,  directly  or  indirectly,  shall  fraudulently 
embezzle  or  convey  [away]  the  same  wilfully :  but  shall  safely 
deliver  the  same  unto  the  hands  of  the  next  Post,  as  is  above  said. 
And  whatsoever  he  be,  that  shall  be  found  to  be  faulty  herein, 
he  shall  lose  his  Master's  service ;  and  the  Master  shall  underlie 
such   punishment  as  the  Master  of  the  Posts   shall    find  him 
worthy  of. 

11.  Lastly.    Because  that  the  negligence  of  servants  and  boys 
hath  always  been  the  greatest  cause  of  the  former  disorders  ;  and 
that  also  to  grow  and  fall  out,  through  the  small  care  and  want  of 
government  in  the  Masters :  these,  therefore,  for  a  warning  in 
time  to  come,  shall  be  to  signify  unto  all  the  Posts  in  general, 
That  whose  servant  or  boy  soever  shall  hereafter,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  break,  disobey,  or  be  found  faulty  of,  any  of  these  Articles 
above  said ;  the  penalty  and  forfeiture  thereof,  shall  lie  upon  the 
Master  himself,  without  favour  or  remission. 

And  hereunto  I  will  all  Her  Majesty's  Posts  to  have  a  special 
care  and  regard,  as  they  will  answer  to  the  contrary. 
London,  the  22nd  January  1583[-4]. 

THOMAS  BANDOLPII, 
Comptroller  of  all  Her  Majesty's  Posts. 


W.  Brewster^  Post  Master  at  Scrooby.      79 

Sir  THOMAS  RANDOLPH  having  died,  JOHN  STANHOPE  was 
made  Master  of  the  Posts  on  20th  June  1590, 

On  the  following  22nd  August,  he  wrote  the  following 
letter  to  WILLIAM  DAVISON;  who  had  been  lately  one  of 
the  Secretaries  of  State  to  Queen  ELIZABETH. 

JOHN  STANHOPE  TO  WILLIAM  DAVISON. 
OATLANDS;    SATURDAY,  22    AUGUST  /I    SEPTEMBER  1590. 

Sir,  How  willingly  I  would  yield  to  any  [of]  your 
requests,  and  how  readily  do  you  the  best  service  I  could  ; 
I  hope,  if  ever  you  please  to  employ  me,  you  shall  not 
then  need  to  doubt.  And  I  protest  I  am  heartily 
sorry  that  the  party  you  write  for,  hath  wronged 
both  himself,  and  the  respect  I  would  have  had  to 
him  for  your  sake,  in  estranging  himself  from  me,  and 
indirectly  seeking  either  his  continuance,  or  preferment 
to  the  place. 

It  is  most  true,  that  when  old  BREWSTEK  died,  a 
kinsman  near,  cousin-german  full  to  me,  SAMUEL 
BEVERCOTES  by  name,  a  Lawyer  [Barrister]  of  Gray's 
Inn,  one  I  love  and  owe  a  better  turn  to,  wrote 
earnestly  unto  me,  praying  me,  for  that  he  dwelt 
near  in  those  parts,  and  that  the  Post  [Master]  was 
newly  dead,  that  I  would  give  him  the  credit  to 
recommend  one  to  the  place,  fit  and  sufficient,  of 
good  behaviour,  and  such  as  one  as  would  give  for 
it  as  any  other  should. 

Sir,  I  assure  you,  I  was  glad  I  had  any  means  to 
pleasure  him ;  and  presently  [at  once]  returned  him 
answer,  That,  if  the  place  were  void,  I  was  willing  to 
accept  one  from  him,  fit  for  that  service. 


8o       W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 

Within  a  day  or  two,  Master  [THOMAS]  MILLS  (whom 
I  use  still,  as  Master  RANDOLPH  did,  in  this  Office)  coming1 
to  me;  I  told  him  of  ol<J  BREWSTER'S  death,  ajid  *my 
grant. 

He  answered  me,  He  [had]  heard  nothing  thereof: 
and  yet  his  son  [WILLIAM  BREWSTER  afterwards  the 
Ruling  Elder]  was  then  presently  in  town,  and  had 
been  with  him  the  day  before;  but  [Master  MILLS]  said, 
He  would  enquire  :  And  returning  to  me,  the  next 
day,  said,  The  young  man  was  gone  down :  but  he 
remembered  Master  RANDOLPH  had  accepted  of  him,  in 
his  lifetime,  to  exercise  the  place,  for  defaults  of  his 
father's  weakness. 

Presently  I  sent  one  to  my  cousin  BEVERCOTES',  to 
acquaint  him  therewith :  who,  going  into  the  country, 
wrote  unto  me  again,  That  most  certainly  I  was  abused 
in  their  part.  Young  BREWSTER  had  never  used  it  IB 
his  father's  life  :  nor  had  any  hope  now  to  have  it,  but 
by  Master  MILLS  his  means.  He  wrote  further,  That 
Master  MILLS  had  written,  as  he  was  credibly  advertised, 
to  the  Post  of  Doncaster  and  Tuxford,  to  win  them 
to  say,  That  he  [WILLIAM  BREWSTER]  had  admittance 
and  use  of  the  place  in  his  father's  time :  which  they 
refused  to  do  as  a  thing  untrue.  Further,  That  he 
had  lately  given  money  to  him  [Master  MILLS}  for 
the  place. 

All  this  while,  nor  to  this  hour ;  I  never  heard  one 
word  from  young  BREWSTER.  He  neither  came  to  me, 
being  in  town ;  nor  sent  to  me,  being  absent :  but,  as 
though  I  were  to  be  overruled  by  others,  made  his  way 
according  to  his  liking. 

When  my  cousin,  whom  I  trusted,  did  advertise  "tea 
of  this  manner  of  dealing ;  and  instantly  required  the 
admittance  of  him  whom  he  nominated :  I  granted 


W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby.     *8  i 

thereto,  and  have  written  my  letters  accordingly ;  which 
went  away  but  three  days  since. 

Now,  Sir,  in  whom  the  fault  is ;  or  how  to  redress 
my  error  committed  herein  :  I  pray  you  help  me  ! 

First,  I  know  my  interest  such  as,  whether  he  had 
the  place  or  no  ;  I  can  displace  him  :  and  think  him 
worthily  displaced  for  his  contempt  of  me,  in  not 
seeking  me  at  all. 

,  But  if  it  "be  true,  as  I  protest  two  or  three  besides  my 
cousin  have  advertised  me,  that  he  never  used  the  room 
[Office]  in  his  father's  life;  besides,  such  gentlemen  as 
went  down  with  [EDWAED  SOMERSET]  my  Lord  of 
WOECESTEE  to  Scotland  [in  June  1590]  told  me,  the  old 
man  furnished  them  of  horses,  as  they  went ;  and,  in  their 
return,  finding  him  dead,  the  widow  told  them,  Her  son 
was  gone  up  to  sue  for  the  place :  then  have  I  done  but 
like  a  kinsman  to  pleasure  niy  cousin,  without  just 
offence  to  any. 

Of  Master  RANDOLPH'S  promise  to  you  for  your  man, 
I  nothing  doubt ;  because  yourself  write  it :  but  that 
he  was  not  placed  presently  [at  once]  upon  that  promise, 
that  seems  by  their  report. 

Sir,  in  regard  of  you,  I  will  seek  to  be  better 
satisfied  in  the  matter ;  and  if  I  find  cause,  and  may, 
without  disgracing  [to]  my  cousin  and  touch  to  myself, 
I  will  revoke  my  grant :  if  you  shall  not  rest  satisfied 
that  he  have  any  other  [Postmastership]  that  shall  fall 
void  with  the  first. 

And  so,  Sir,  sorry  I  have  troubled  you  with  such 
circumstance  [details],  and  with  so  ill  a  hand[writing]  ; 
being  in  bed  for  sloth,  and  yet  willing  to  despatch  your 
man  [messenger] ;  I  pray  you  believe  of  me  as  I  have 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  $ 


8f       W,  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 

written :  and  you  shall  hear  and  see  ere  long,  what  I 
will  do  to  satisfy  you. 

And  so,  humbly  recommending  you  to  the  Almighty 
I  take  my  leave.    This  22nd  of  August.    Oatlands. 

Yours  most  assured, 

JOHN  STANHOPE, 

Sir,  I  will  send  you  the  letters  [that]  were  sent  me 
by  a  man  of  mine. 

[Addressed]  —  To    his    honourable    friend,   Master 
Secretary  DAVISON. 

S.  P.  Dom.  Etiz.  Vol.  233,  No.  48. 


On  this  letter,  Secretary  DAVISON  has  made  the  following 
endorsement 

That  BREWSTER  ought  not  [to]  be  displaced  more  than 
the  rest  of  the  Posts. 

If  he  were  possessed  of  the  place  by  Master 
RANDOLPH'S  gift,  long  before  his  father's  death;  and 
no  good  cause  now  to  except  against  him ;  then  ought 
he  not  more  to  be  displaced  than  the  rest  of  the  Fonts, 


W.  JBrewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby.      83 


But  he  was 
possessed  of  the 
place  by  Master 
RANDOLPH'S- 
gift  long  before 
his  father's 
death;  as  may 
appear  by  the 


record  of  his  name  in  the  Roll,  among 

the  other  Posts. 

by  receipt  of  the  fee,  this  year  and  a 

half. 

his    Master    [i.e. 


the   testimony    of , 


recommended 
him  thereunto. 
Master  MILLS, 
that  was  privy  to 
the  gift;  and  did 
both  register  his 
name,']  and  pay 
him  his  wages. 

his  exercise  of  the  place  now  above 
a  year  and  a  half;  which  may  be 
testified  by  the  Posts  his  next 
neighbours. 

C  honesty, 

Neither  is  there  any  I  gufficiency  for  the  Service, 
just  cause  now  to  except )  digcharge  thereof  hitherto ; 
against  him,  either  in  \  ^  Qther  reag()ng 
respect  of  his  .  ^ 


Therefore  he  ought  to  be  no  more  displaced  than  the 
rest  of  the  Posts. 

'The    charge    he    hath    been    at    for 

provision,  this  hard  year,  for  the  Service. 

The  loss  he  should  sustain,  or   rather 
Other  reasons.1utter    undoing,     b7     being     suddenly 

dispossessed. 

,The  harms  of  the  example,  &c. 

S.  P.  Dom.  Etiz.  Vol.  233,  No.  48. 


84       W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 

Secretary  DAVISON'S  contention  was  evidently  successful, 
though  we  cannot  prove  any  payment  to  the  future  Euling 
Elder  earlier  than  on  the  1st  April  1594. 

We  now  give  the  various  payments  to  him ;  which  occur 
under  the  heading  of 

SIR  JOHN  STANHOPE'S  ACCOUNTS. 

WAGES  AND  ENTERTAINMENT  OF  ORDINARY  POSTS 

LAID  BETWEEN  LONDON  AND    BERWICK  IN 

HER  MAJESTY'S  SERVICE,  viz. : 

Roll  2737.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

By  the  space  of  two  whole  years  containing  731 
days  within  the  time  of  this  Account,  begun  the  first 
day  of  April  1500,  32  Elia.\  and  ended  the  last  day  of 
March  1592, 34  Eliz. :  both  days  included. 

The  POST  of  SCROOBY  for  his"i 
ordinary  wages,  serving  Her  Majesty 


all  the  time  aforesaid,  after  the  rate 


<£60,   18s.  4d. 


of  %Q&per  diem,  amounting  to  the 
sum  of  j 

The  names  of  the  Postmasters    south    of  London  are 
given  in  this  Roll ;  but  not  of  those  on  the  Great  Forth  Road. 


Roll  2738.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

By  the  space  of  two  whole  years  beginning  the  first 
clay  of  April  1592,  34  Eliz. ;  and  ending  the  last  day 
of  March  1594,  36  Eliz. :  both  days  reckoned  inclusive. 

The  POST  of  SCROOBY  for  his^ 
ordinary  wages  serving  Her  Majesty 


all  the  time  aforesaid,  after  the  rate 


£60,   16s.  8d. 


of  20d  per  diem,  amounting  to  the 
sum  of 

The  southern  Postmasters  are  also  named  in  this  Boll ; 
but  not  those  on  the  Great  North  Road. 


W.  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby.      85 

Roll  2739.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

By  the  space  of  three  whole  years  begun  the  first  of 
April  1594,  and  ended  the  last  of  March  1597,  both  days 
included,  containing  1,096  days. 

WILLIAM    BREWSTER,    Post    ofj 
SCROOBY  for   his   ordinary  wages,  I        £^    gg    g^ 
serving  Her   Majesty,  all  the  time  I 
aforesaid,  at  20d  per  diem.  ' 

Roll  2740.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

By  the  space  of  two  whole  years  begun  the  first  of 
April  1597  and  ended  the  last  of  March  1599,  both  days 
included. 

WILLIAM    BREWSTER,    Post   of  j 
SOROOBY,   for  his  ordinary  wages,!         -  fi      fti 

serving  Her  Majesty,  all  the  time  (       ^DU>   iOb'   OU' 
aforesaid,  at  20d  per  diem.  ) 

Roll  2741.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

For  three  whole  years,  containing  1096  days,  begun 
the  first  of  April  1599  and  ended  the  last  of  March  1602. 

WILLIAM    BREWSTER,   Post    of| 
SCROOBY,  for   his    like  wages,  at  J-          £91,  6s.  8d, 
20d  per  'diem,  for  the  same  time,      J 

Roll  2742.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

WILLIAM    BREWSTER,   Post   o 
SCROOBY,  for  his  wages,  as  well  at 
20d  per  diem,  for  456  days,  begun 
the  first  of  April  1602  and  ended  the 


last  of  June  1603,  £38 ;  as  also  at 
2s  per  diem,  for  640  days,  beginning 
the  first  of  July  1603  and  ended  the 
last  of  March  1605,  £64  :  in  all  the 
sum  of 


£102,  Os.  Od. 


86       W,  Brewster,  Post  Master  at  Scrooby. 


Roll  2743.  Declared  Accounts.  Pipe  Office. 

For  two  whole  years,  containing  730  days,  begun  the 
first  of  April  1605  and  ended  the  last  of  March  1607. 

WILLIAM   BREWSTBR,   Post    o:h 
SCBOOBY,  for  his  wages,  at  2s  pef  !•         £73,  Os.  Od. 
diem,  for  the  said  time  J 


Roll  2744.  Declared  Accounts. 

WILLIAM  BREWSTEK,  Post  of 
SCROOBY,  for  his  wages,  at  2s  per 
diem,  for  183  days,  begun  the  first 
of  April  1607  and  ended  the  last  of 
September  *1607,«£1 8,  6s ;  and  then 
FRANCIS  HALL  succeeding  him  at  2s 
per  diem  for  548  days,  begun  the 
first  ef  October  1607  and  ended  the 
last  of  March  1609,  £54,  16s 


Pipe  Office. 


£73,  2s.  Od. 


*Most  unfortunately  the  Roll  is  now  damaged;  and  is 
only  readable  in  bits  from  here.  We  have  therefore  given  the 
rest  of  this  entry  from  the  print  made  of  it  in  1854,  by 
Mr  JOSEPH  HXJNTEK,  at  p.  68  of  his  Collections  concerning 
the  Founders  of  New  Plymouth. 

This  date,  the  30th  September  [1607],  about  which  there  is 
no  doubt,  is  most  important  in  our  Story ;  because  it  is  the 
anterior  date  of  the  Flight  of  the  Pilgrims  into  Holland. 

BEBWSTER  would  naturally  hold  his  appointment  up  to 
the  very  last  moment  practicable ;  so  the  painful  experience 
that  the  Pilgrims  passed  through  at  Boston,  as  described  at 
pp,  88,  89,  must  have  occurred  in  October,  or  November,  1607. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  FLIGHT  INTO  HOLLAND. 
[?  OCTOBER],  1607— [?  AUGUST]  1608. 

'EING  thus  constrained  to  leave  their  native 
soil  and  country,  their  lands  and  livings, 
and  all  their  friends  and  familiar 
acquaintance:  it  was  much,  and  thought 
marvellous  by  many.  But  to  go  into  a  country  they 
knew  not,  but  by  hearsay;  where  they  must  learn  a 
new  language,  and  get  their  livings  they  knew  not  how ; 
it  [also]  being  a  dear  place,  and  subject  to  the  miseries 
of  war :  it  was  by  many  thought  [to  be]  an  adventure 
almost  desperate,  a  case  intolerable,  and  a  misery  worse 
than  death.  Especially  seeing  they  were  not  acquainted 
with  trades  [handicrafts]  or  traffic,  by  which  that 
country  doth  subsist:  but  had  only  been  used  to 
a  plain  country  life,  and  the  innocent  trade  of 
husbandry. 

But  these  things  did  not  dismay  them,  though 
they  did  sometimes  trouble  them:  for  their  desires 
were  set  on  the  Ways  of  GOD,  and  to  enjoy  Ms 
Ordinances. 

But  they  rested  on  his  Providence ;  and  knew  whom 
they  had  believed  [2  Tim.  i.  12]. 

Yet  this  was  not  all.  For  though  they  could  not 
stay ;  yet  were  they  not  suffered  to  go :  but  the  ports 
and  havens  were  shut  against  them.  So  as  they  were 

87 


88  The  Flight  into  Holland.    ^^,  w.  Bradford. 

fain  to  seek  secret  means  of  conveyance ;  and  to  bribe 
and  fee  the  mariners,  and  give  extraordinary  rates  for 
their  passages. 

And  yet  were  they  oftentimes  betrayed,  many  of 
them;  and  both  they  and  their  goods  intercepted  and 
surprised,  and  thereby  put  to  great  trouble  and  charge. 

Of  which  I  will  give  an  instance  or  two  ;  and  omit 
the  rest : 

There  was  a  large  company  of  .them  purposed  [in 
?  October,  1607]  to  get  passage  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire; 
and  for  that  end,  had  hired  a  ship  wholly  to  themselves, 
and  made  agreement  with  the  Master  to  be  ready  at  a 
certain  day,  and  take  them  and  their  goods  in,  at  a 
convenient  place:  where  they  accordingly  would  all 
attend  in  readiness. 

So,  after  long  waiting  and  large  expenses,  though 
he  kept  not  day  [his  appointed  time]  with  them ;  yet 
he  came  at  length,  and  took  them  in,  in  the  night. 
But  when  he  had  them,  and  their  goods  aboard;  he 
betrayed  them :  having  beforehand  complotted  with 
the  Searchers  and  other  Officers  so  to  do.  Who  took 
them,  and  put  them  into  open  boats;  and  there  rifled 
and  ransacked  them :  searching  them  to  their  shirts 
for  money ;  yea,  even  the  women  further  than  became 
modesty. 

And  then  carried  them  back  into  the  town  [of 
Boston],  and  made  them  a  spectacle  and  [a]  wonder  to 
the  multitude ;  which  came  flocking  on  all  sides  to 
behold  them. 

Being  thus  first  by  these  catchpole  Officers  rifled 
and  stripped  of  their  money,  books,  and  much  other 
goods;  they  were  presented  to  the  Magistrates  [of  the 
locality]:  and  messengers  [were]  sent  to  inform  the 


GO?,  w.  Bradford.     The  Flight  into  Holland.  89 

Lords  of  the  [Privy]   Council  of  them ;  and  so  they 
were  committed  to  ward. 

Indeed,  the  Magistrates  used  them  courteously,  and 
shewed  them  what  favour  they  could;  but  could  not 
deliver  them  till  order  came  from  the  [Privy]  Council 
table.  But  the  issue  was  that,  after  a  month's 
imprisonment,  the  greatest  part  were  dismissed;  and 
sent  to  the  places  from  whence  they  came :  but  Seven 
of  the  principal  were  still  kept  in  prison,  and  bound 
over  to  the  Assizes. 

The  next  Spring  after  [1608],  there  was  another 
attempt  made  by  some  of  these,  and  others,  to  get  over 
at  another  place.  And  it  so  fell  out,  that  they  light  of 
[alighted  on]  a  Dutchman  at  Hull;  having  a  ship  of 
his  own,  belonging  to  Zealand.  They  made  agreement 
with  him,  and  acquainted  him  with  their  condition; 
hoping  to  find  more  faithfulness  in  him,  than  in  the 
former  {Master]  of  their  own  nation. 

He  bade  them  not  fear;  for  he  would  do  well 
enough. 

He  was,  by  appointment,  to  take  them  in  between 
Grimsby  and  Hull  [in  the  mouth  of  the  Humber], 
where  was  a  large  common  a  good  way  distant  from 
any  town. 

Now,  against  the  prefixed  time,  the  women  and 
children,  with  the  goods,  were  sent"  to  the  place  in  a 
small  Bark ;  which  they,  had  hired  for  that  end :  and 
the  men  were  to  meet  them  by  land.  But  it  so  fell  out, 
that  they  were  there  a  day  before  the  ship  came :  and 
the  sea  being  rough,  and  the  women  very  sick;  [the 
women]  prevailed  with  the  seamen  to  put  into  a 
creek  hard  by;  where  they  lay  on  ground  at  low 
water. 


go  The  Flight  into  Holland,     aov.  tr,  Bradford. 

The  next  morning,  the  ship  came :  hut  they  [in  the 
Bark]  were  fast,  and  could  not  stir  till  ahout  noon. 

In  the  meantime,  the  ship  Master,  perceiving  how 
the  matter  was,  sent  his  boat,  to  be  getting  the  men 
aboard ;  whom  he  saw  ready,  walking  about  the  shore. 
But,  after  the  first  boat  full  [including  evidently 
WILLIAM  BRADFORD}  was  got  aboard,  and  she  was 
ready  to  go  for  more;  the  Master  espied  a  great 
company,  both  horse  and  foot,  with  bills  [spears  with 
a  double-edged  sword  at  the  top  of  each  of  them]  and 
guns,  and  other  weapons :  for  the  country  [Country, 
here  meaning  the  north-eastern  part  of  Lincolnshire] 
was  raised  to  take  them.  The  Dutchman  seeing  that, 
swore  his  country's  oath,  Sacremente ! ;  and,  having  the 
wind  fair,  weighed  his  anchor,  hoisted  sails,  and  away ! 

But  the  poor  men,  which  were  got  aboard,  were  in 
great  distress  for  their  wives  and  children ;  which  they 
saw  thus  to  be  taken,  and  were  left  destitute  gf  their 
helps :  and  [for]  themselves  also,  not  having  a  cloth  to 
shift  them  with  [a  change  of  clothing],  more  than  they 
had  on  their  backs ;  and  some,  scarce  a  penny  about 
them;  .all  they  had  being  aboard  the  Bark,  It  drew 
tears  from  their  eyes  ;  and  anything  they  had,  they 
would  have  given  to  have  been  ashore  again :  but  all  in 
vain.  There  was  no  remedy.  They  must  thus  sadly 
part. 

And,  afterwards,  [they]  endured  a  fearful  storm  at 
sea,  being  fourteen  days  or  more  before  they  arrived 
at  their  port ;  in  seven  whereof,  they  neither  saw  sun, 
moon,  nor  stars:  and  were  driven  near  the  coast  of 
Norway.  The  mariners  themselves  often  despairing  of 
life  :  and  once,  with  shrieks  and  cries,  gave  over  all ;  as 
if  the  ship  had  been  foundered  in  the  sea,  and  they 
sinking  without  recovery.  But  when  man's  hope  and 


GOV.  w.  Bradford.     The  Flight  into  Holland.  9 1 

help  wholly  failed;  the  LORD'S  power  and  mercy 
appeared  in  their  recovery:  for  the  ship  rose  again, 
and  gave  the  mariners  courage  again  to  manage  her. 

And  if  modesty  would  suffer  me  [BRADFORD  was 
therefore  on  board],  I  might  declare  with  what  fervent 
prayers,  they  cried  unto  the  LORD  in  this  great  distress. 
Especially  some  of  them,  even  without  any  great 
distraction,  when  the  water  ran  into  their  mouths  and 
ears;  and  the  mariners  cried  out,  "We  sink!  We 
sink!":  they  cried,  if  not  with  miraculous,  yet  with 
a  great  height,  or  degree,  of  divine  faith,  "  Yet  LORD, 
thou  canst  save !  Yet  LORD,  thou  canst  save  I " ;  with 
such  other  expressions  as  I  will  forbear  [to  mention]. 

Upon  which,  the  ship  did  not  only  recover;  but 
shortly  after,  the  violence  of  the  storm  began  to  abate : 
and  the  LORD  filled  their  afflicted  minds  with  such 
comforts  as  every  one  cannot  understand.  And,  in  the 
end,  brought  them  to  their  desired  haven:  where  the 
people  came  flocking  admiring  [wondering  at]  their 
deliverance;  the  storm  having  been  so  long  and  sore. 
In  which,  much  hurt  had  been  done;  as  the  Master's 
friends  related  unto  him,  in  their  congratulations. 

But  to  return  to  the  others,  where  we  left  [them]. 
The  rest  of  the  men,  that  were  in  [the]  greatest  danger, 
made  shift  to  escape  away  before  the  troops  could 
surprise  them  :  those  only  staying  that  best  might  be 
assistant  unto  the  women.  But  pitiful  it  was  to  see  the 
heavy  case  of  these  poor  women  in  this  distress.  What 
weeping  and  crying  on  every  side!  Some  for  their 
husbands  that  were  carried  away  in  the  ship,  as  is 
before  related.  Others  not  knowing  what  should  become 
of  them  and  their  little  ones.  Others  again  melted  in 
tears,  seeing  their  poor  little  ones  hanging  about  them ; 
crying  for  fear,  and  quaking  with  cold. 


92  The  Flight  into  Holland.    GOV.  w.  Bradford. 

Being  thus  apprehended,  they  were  hurried  from  one 
place  to  another;  and  from  one  Justice  [of  the  Peace] 
to  another :  till,  in  the  end,  they  knew  not  what  to  do 
with  them.  For  to  imprison  so  many  women  and 
innocent  children,  for  no  other  cause,  many  of  them, 
but  that  they  must  go  with  their  husbands,  seemed  to 
be  unreasonable :  and  all  would  cry  out  of  them.  And 
to  send  them  home  again  was  as  difficult ;  for  they 
alledged,  as  the  truth  was,  they  had  no  homes  to  go 
to :  for  they  had  either  sold,  or  otherwise  disposed  of, 
their  houses  and  livings. 

To  be  short,  after  they  had  been  thus  turmoiled  a 
good  while;  and  conveyed  from  one  Constable  to 
another  :  they  were  glad  to  be  rid  of  them  in  the 
end  upon  any  terms;  for  all  were  wearied  and  tired 
with  them. 

Though,  in  the  meantime,  they,  poor  souls  I  endured 
misery  enough :  and  thus,  in  the  end,  necessity  forced 
a  way  for  them. 

But  that  I  be  not  tedious  in  these  things,  I  will  omit 
the  rest:  though  I  might  relate  many  other  notable 
passages  and  troubles  which  they  endured  and  underwent, 
in  these  their  wanderings  and  travels  both  at  land  and 
sea.  But  I  haste  to  other  things. 

Yet  I  may  not  omit  the  fruit  that  came  hereby*  For 
by  these  so  public  troubles,  in  so  many  eminent  places, 
their  Cause  became  famous;  and  occasioned  many  to 
look  into  the  sam^:  and  their  godly  character  and 
Christian  behaviour  was  such,  as  left  a  deep  impression 
in  the  minds  of  many.  And  though  some  few  shrank 
at  these  first  conflicts  arid  sharp  beginnings,  as  it  was 
no  marvel ;  yet  many  more  came  on  with  fresh  courage, 
and  greatly  animated  others. 


GO*,  w.  Bradford.    The  Flight  into  Holland.  93 

And,  in  the  end,  notwithstanding  all  these  storms  of 
opposition,  they  all  gat  over  at  length.  Some  at  one 
time,  and  some  at  another ;  and  some  in  one  place  and 
some  in  another:  and  met  together  again,  according 
to  their  desires,  with  no  small  rejoicing.  Bradford 
Manuscript,  folios  31-39. 

Let  us  now  look  at  the  management  of  these  two  Exoduses. 
It  was  the  law  of  England,  that  no  one  could  go  out  of 
the  Kingdom  without  the  King's  license.  When  MILTON 
went  abroad  in  1639,  he  obtained  a  license  for  himself  and  his 
servant,  as  a  matter  of  course.  But  what  sense  there  could  be 
in  hindering  the  emigration  of  Separatists;  whom  we  have 
seen,  at  pp.  35,  36,  from  1593  to  1598,  were  banished  by  law : 
it  is  hard  to  understand. 

The  first  thing  to  notice  is,  that  the  Idle  is  navigable  for 
boats  from  Scaf  tworth,  where  it  is  the  size  of  a  large  canal ;  to 
"West  Stockwith,  where  it  flows  into  the  Trent.  Early  in  this 
century,  coals  were  brought  up  the  Idle,  in  flat  bottom  barges 
towed  by  horses,  to  Bawtry :  and  this  traffic  went  on  till 
railway  competition  killed  it. 

The  women,  children,  and  luggage  could,  therefore  easily 
be  sent  by  water  as  far  as  Gainsborough:  which  place  is 
55  miles  from  Boston.  In  some  way  or  another,  they 
managed  to  reach  the  river  Witham  near  Boston;  and 
embarking  in  the  night,  were  betrayed  on  board,  by  the 
Master,  the  morning.  That  scoundrel  seems  to  have  acted 
as  if  these  Separatists,  in  going  out  of  the  English  Church, 
had  gone  beyond  the  protection  of  English  law;  and  were 
therefore  only  to  be  plundered. 

In  those  days,  a  journey  on  foot  of  50  miles  was  quite  as 
great  a  feat  as  one  of  3,000  miles  by  rail  would  be  now. 
These  inland  Nottinghamshire  people  would  be  utter  strangers 
in  many  things  to  the  Boston  people. 

It  must  ever  be  remembered  that  the  Boston  Magistrates 
befriended  the  Pilgrims,  so  far  as  they  could. 


94  The  Flight  into  Holland.     GOT.  w. 

The  next  time,  in  the  Spring  of  1608,  the  Pilgrims 
organized  better :  but  they  were  still  unfortunate. 

The  women,  children,  and  goods  probably  reached  the 
Trent,  by  the  Idle,  as  before :  and  there  they  were  put  hi  the 
Bark. 

The  Trent  at  Gainsborough  flows  at  about  eight  miles  an 
hour ;  though  many  of  its  affluents,  like  the  Idle,  are  sluggish 
in  their  current. 

It  is  30  miles  from  Gainsborough  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Trent ;  22  miles  from  thence,  to  Hull ;  and  20  miles  from  Hull 
to  Great  Grimsby :  or,  in  all,  72  miles. 

Where  then  was  the  creek  where  the  Bark  lay  on  ground 
at  low  water;  and  " where  was  a  large  common  a  good  way 
distant  from  any  town  \ " 

Local  opinion  would  seem  to  favour  East  Halton  Skitter 
haven,  in  Lat.  53°,  41',  30";  because  that  is  the  only  break 
in  the  specified  coast  line  of  Lincolnshire  viz.  between  Hull 
and  Great  Grimsby :  from  which  latter  place  it  is  distant 
some  twenty  miles. 

If  so,  the  Bark  went  down  the  Trent,  30  miles ;  and  then 
some  20  miles  or  so  along  the  coast :  while  the  men  must  have 
walked  fully  forty  miles  from  "West  Stockwith  to  East  Halton 
Skitter. 

When  this  attempt  had  also  so  unfortunately  failed ;  the 
Pilgrims  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  any  combined  emigration : 
and  stole  over  to  Amsterdam,  in  small  parties. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

THE  ENTRIES  IN  ZACHAEY  CLIFTON'S  FAMILY  BIBLE. 

the  Finch  Collection  of  the  Library  of  the 
Taylorean  Institution  at  Oxford,  Press-mark, 
W.  164,  there  is  a  copy  of  the  Bible,  G-eneya 
Version  (which  is  usually  called  the  "Breeches 
Bible"  from  its  f translation  of  Genesis  iii,  7),  that  was 
printed  at  London,  in  quarto,  by  the  Deputies  of  CHRISTOPHER 
BARKER,  in  1599. 

This  Volume  was  the  Family  Bible  of  the  ZACHABY 
CLIFTON,  the  son  of  the  Rector  of  Babworth,  afterwards 
the  Pastor  of  the  Separatist  Church  at  Scrooby;  whose 
name,  as  printed  in  books,  is  spelt  RICHARD  CLYFTON: 
but  >n  these  entries,  the  family  name  is  uniformly  spelt 
CLIFTON. 

Of  these  entries,  the  following  is  a  line  far  line  modernised 

reprint : 

THOMAS  CLIFTON,  of  Normanton,  in  the  county  of  Derby,  had  issue  by 
his  first  wife,  3  sons,  RICHARD,  EDWARD,  and  JOHN  ;  and  4  daughters, 
JANE,  ELINOE,  ANN,  and  DOROTHY  :  and  by  his  second  wife*  2  sons,  STEVEN 
and  WILLIAM  ;  and  1  daughter,  JANE. 

BIOHABD,  eldest  son  to  THOMAS  CLIFTON,  and  born  at  Normanton  above- 
said,  married  ANN,  daughter  of  I.  STUFFEN  of  Wor[k]sop,  in  the  county 
of  Nottingham,  September      cvnno  1586.  ^  He  was  Minister  and  Preacher 
of  the  Gospel  at  Babworth  on  the  said  county ;  and  had  issue,  by  his 
wife,  3  sons,  ZAOHART,  TIMOTHY,  and  ELEAZER  ;  and  3  daughters,  MARY, 
HANNA,  and  PRISOILLA  :  all  born  at  Babworth  abovesaid. 
MARY,  born       August,  anno  1587  ;  and  died       September  following. 
ZACHARY,  born  May  12, 1589.   {He  died  May  26, 1671 ;  see  entry  ldow.] 
HANNA,  bom  January      ,  anno  1590  ;  and  died  24  March,  anno  1602. 
PRISOILLA,  born      April  1593  ;  and  died      May  following. 
TIMOTHY,  bom  29  September  1595.    He  died  at  Amsterdam,  June  7  1663. 

95 


96         Entries  in  Zachary  C lift  on  s  Bible. 

ELEAZAR,  born  1  November  1598.  He  died  at  Amsterdam,  January  18  1668. 

Memorandum.  RICHARD  CHITON,  with  his  wife  and  children,  came  into 
Amsterdam,  in  Holland,  August  1608. 

ANN,  wife  of  the  said  RICHARD,  died  at  Amsterdam,  3  September 
cvmo  1613;  and  was  buried  in  the  South  Church;  vixit  annos  58. 
RICHARD  CLIFTON  died  at  Amsterdam,  20  May  1616 ;  and  was 
buried  in  the  South  Church :  vixit  annos  63. 

ZACHARY,  son  of  RICHARD  CLIFTON  above  named,  married  MARY  the 
daughter  of  ARTHUR  HOPPS  [by  his  first  wife  DOROTHY  JOHNSON]  of  Richmond, 
in  the  county  of  York,  February  16,  anno  1617  5  and  had  issue  by  her,  2  sons, 
ISRAEL  and  ZACHARY,  both  born  at  Richmond  aforesaid. 
ISRAEL,  born  2  January,  anno  1620  ;  and  died  28  September,  anno  1622. 
ZACHARY,  born  May  4,  anno  1624 ;  and  died  25  July,  anno  1629. 
Memorandum.  MARY,  wife  of  the  aforesaid  ZACHARY  CLINTON  was  born 
at  Richmond  before  named,  March  25,  anno  1598 ;  and  died 
there,  30  October  1625 :  vixit  annos  26,  menses  7,  dies  5. 

ZACHARY  CLIFTON  took  for  his  second  wife,  ELIZABETH  WAYT,  daughter 
LAURENCE  and  KATHERINEWAYT  of  Cookridge  near  Leeds,  in  Yorkshire, 
and  was- married  at  Amsterdam,  22  April  1631.  He  had  issue  by  his 
said  wife,  these  children,  born  at  Amsterdam :  viz.  ELIZABETH, 
ZAOEARY,  ELEAZAR,  ELIZABETH,  MARY,  ISRAEL,  RICHARD,  ELIZABETH 
MARTHA,  HANNA.  Memorandum.  They  were  all  born  such  a  day  of  the  month,  stylo  now. 
ELIZABETH,  bom  14  January  1632.  She  died  2  February  following. 
ZAOHAEY,  bom  10  May  1633.  [Afterwards Rector ofWislrough  Green,  co.  Suss.\ 
ELEAZAR,  born  15  October  1635.  He  died  at  Rotterdam,  June  9  1667. 
ELIZABETH,  born  11  September  1637.  She  died  23  February  1638, 
MARY,  born  28  September  1639.  She  died,  unbaptized,  2  October  following, 
ISRAEL,  born  6  March  1641.  He  died  14  of  the  same. 
EIOHARD,  born  25  November  1642.  He  died  10  November  (Old  Style)  1664. 
ELIZABETH,  born  7  June  1644.  She  died  22  August  following. 
MARTHA,  born  4  November  1645.  .She  died  27  January  1646. 
HANNA,  bom  26  June  1648.  She  died  18  April  1671. 

Memorandum.  EIOHARD,        son       of        ZACHARY        CLIFTON 

by         ELIZABETH  his         wife,          died          at          Newcastle 

upon      Tyne,      the  10th      of      November,      anno      1664:       and 

was           buried  there          at          Allhallows          Church,    ,      in 
the       North       Alley,       near       the       Quire       door ;        by       the 

burial     place     of  Doctor     NEWTON  ;      and      next     to       it,     on 
the   north    side. 

son  of       ZAOHARY       CLIFTON       by       ELIZABETH 


Entries  in  Zachary  Chftoris  Bible         97 

his       wife,      died       at      Rotterdam       in     Holland,     the      9th      of 

June    (Stylo    Novo),    anno    1667 ,       and    was  buried   there    in    the 
French    Church 

HANNAH,      daughter      of      ZACHABY      and  ELIZABETH      CLIFTON 

abovesaid,             died            at            Newcastle,  April            18th 

1671  ,            and          was          buried          there  in          Allhallows 
Church,  by  [besides]  her  brother  BIOHAKD 

ZACHABY        CLIFTON,        son  of        RIOHABD  CLIFTON  died 

at         Newcastle,        26        of  May        1671               was  buried 

in            Allhallows            Church,            Newcastle,           May  the 
29th    1671,    cmno    cetatis    82 


Memorandum     I  came  from  Amsterdam  1  November  1652  >  and  came  to  Newcastle 

4th  January  following 

my     wife     with     1,      and     H      came     from     Amsterdam,     29     March     1653 

they  came  to  Newcastle,  May  6  following 

"We  went  to  housekeeping]  at  Newcastle,  June  6, 1653 

The  importance  of  the  above  entries  in  regaid  to  our 
Story,  lies  in  the  statement  that  the  Rev  RICHARD  CLYFTON, 
the  Pastor  of  the  Scrooby  Church,  arrived  with  his  family 
at  Amsterdam,  in  August  1608 

As  Governor  BRADFORD  tells,  at  page  142,  "Now  when 
Master  ROBINSON,  Master  BREWSTER,  and  other  principal 
members  were  come  over  [to  Amsterdam]  (for  they  were  of 
the  last,  and  stayed  to  help  the  weakest  over  before  them) " } 
and  as  the  Rev  RICHARD  CLYFTON  was  the  Pastor  and 
senior  Clergyman  of  the  Scrooby  Congregation,  though 
(from  the  omission  of  his  name  here  by  BRADFORD)  possibly 
not  its  leading  spirit  we  must  accept  the  date  of  the  arrival 
of  himself  and  his  family  at  Amsterdam,  August  1608,  as  the 
posterior  date  of  the  Exodus  from  Scrooby 


The  Pilgrim  Fathers 


CHAPTER    IX. 
THE  BRITISH  OHUBCHES  IN  AMSTERDAM. 


were,  In  one  way  or  another,  at  different 
periods    in  the  life    time  of    the    Rev.   JOHN 
ROBINSON,      no     less      than     seven    religious 
Communities    of    Englishmen    and    Scotchmen 
in  Amsterdam.     We  will  take  them  in  the  order  of  date. 

THAT  POOR  ENGLISH   CONGREGATION   IN  AMSTERDAM,   TO 

WHOM    H.     0.,     FOE    THE    PRESENT,    ADMINISTEREXH 

THE   GOSPEL*      1597—1599    [,   OE  BVEN   LATER]. 

Yery  little  is  known  of  this  Church  ;  and  that  little  is 
found  in  the  Works  of  the  Rev.  HENOOH  OLAPHAM  before 
1600.  It  was,  however,  clearly  in  existence  before  the 
reorganisation  in  that  city  of  the  Ancient  exiled  English 
Church  in  September  1597  ;  and  it  certainly  lasted  till  1599, 
if  not  later. 

Let  us  see  what  this  Clergyman  wrote  of  himself,  after  he 
had  renounced  the  "  Holy  Discipline,"  in  1600. 

In  iny  first  looking  after  Eeligion,  my  lot  was  to  associate  with 
such  only  as  only  tasted  and  affected  another  kind  of  Ministry  : 
which,  as  they  said,  yet  we  had  not  in  England.  And  that  they 
termed  the  Ministry  of  Pastor,  Doctor,  Elders,  Deacona,  Widows, 
due  to  every  particular  [separate]  Church, 

Those  words,  I  soon  learned  :  as  also,  That  the  Pastor  was  to 
exhort  ;  the  Doctor,  to  teach  and  deliver  doctrine  ;  the  Elders,  to 
govern  and  exercise  the  disciplmal  censures  in  common  with  the 
Pastor  and  Doctor  ;  the  Deacons,  only  to  attend  the  poor  and 
Love  Feasts  ;  the  Widows,  to  wait  on  the  sick. 

All  this  so  hanging  together,  [that]  except  I  would  practice 
contrary  to  my  persuasion  (as  many  deceitfully  have  done),  out  of 
the  land  I  must  !  as  I  loved  my  liberty. 


The  Bnttsh  Churches  in  Amsterdam       99 

I  did  so  First,  into  the  Low  Countries  I  went  afterwards, 
into  Scotland  After  that,  again  into  the  Low  Countries  then 
again  into  Scotland  And  once  again  into  the  Netherlands  &c 
Sometimes  hauled  by  this  faction ,  sometimes  hauled  by  that  faction 

But,  the  LOBD  being  merciful  unto  me,  howsoeTer  I  was  notably 
distiaetfed]  about  external  Church  Government,  yet,  as  all  my 
printed  books  will  testify,  I  kept  me  ever  fast  unto  the  main  point 
—that  19,  unto  the  foundation  of  the  Gospel  I  had  before  here 
received,  and  had,  in  Lancashire,  for  some  two  years  [1591—1593], 
publicly  ministered  being  before,  now  some  nine  years  since 
[1591],  ordained  fully  thereto  [i  e  took  Prwstfs  Orders]  by  Bishop 
[WILLIAM]  WICKHAM,  then  Bishop  of  LINCOLN  Antidoton,  or  a 
wver&ign  Remedy  against  Schism  arid  Heresy,  pp  13  2,  London, 
1600,  4 

CLAPHAM  dedicates  his  Sin  against  the  HOLT  GHOST, 
Amsterdam,  1598,  4-,  "to  his  faithful  Brethren,  a  poor 
Bemnant  of  the  ever  Visible  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Churcli, 
ABRAHAM  CEOTTENDINE,  JOHN  JOOPE,  HUGH  ARMOUBEB, 
CHRISTOPHER  SYMKOTS,  THOMAS  FARRAT,  ABRAHAM  WAKEFIBLD, 

&c" 

One  of  these  Brethren,  JOHN  JOOPE,  published  at 
Amsterdam,  m  1599,  The  Description  of  a  true  Visible 
Christian ,  and,  in  the  Preface,  he  tells  us,  that  this  Work  is 
Chapter  III  of  a  book  by  the  Rev  HENOCH  CLAPHAM, 
consisting  of  26  Chapters  which  book  apparently  was  never 

printed 

In  October  1607,  CLAPHAM  was  made  Vicarof  Forthboume 
in  Kent ,  and  held  that  Living  tall  his  death  m  1614 

THE  ANCIENT  EXILED  ENGLISH  CHURCH       1597 — 1610 

So  much  of  the  history  of  this  Community  as  concerns  our 
present  Story  will  be  found  in  the  next  Chapter 

THE  SCOTCH  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH       1607— THE  PBBSENX  BAY 

On  the  5tk  February  1607,  the  Eev  JOHN  PAGET  preached 
his  first  Sermon  at  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Church  m  the 
Begyn  Hof,  Amsterdam ,  of  which  Church  he  was  Minister 
till  his  death  in  1636  Uev  WILLIAM  STEVEN  The  History 


loo      The  British  Churches  in  Amsterdam 

of  the  Scottish  Church,  Rotterdam.  With  Notices  of  the  other 
British  Churches  in  the  Netherlands,  pp.  273,  279,  Edinburgh, 
1833,  8. 

This  Church  has  continued  to  the  present  time, 

THE  GAINSBOROUGH  CHURCH.      1608 — 1609. 

The  history  of  this  body,  while  united,  in  this  city,  will  be 
found  in  Chapter  XI. 

THE    SCROOBY    CHURCH.      1608 — 1609. 

The  experiences  of  this  Church  at  Amsterdam  are 
described  by  Governor  BRADFORD  in  Chapter  XII. 

MASTER  THOMAS   HELWYS'S  COMPANY.      1609 — 1613. 

'•^  In  1609,  before  the  12th  March ;  the  Gainsborough 
§[  >  Church  divided  asunder :  and  the  majority,  headed  by  the 
';r;  goRev.  THOMAS  HELWYS,  drave  out  a  minority  of  thirty-two 
?  j  &  persons,  headed  by  the  Rev.  JOHN  SMYTH.  See  pp.  137,  140. 

f  2?  MASTER  JOHN  SMYTH'S  COMPANY.      1609 — 1615. 

IIQ  ^* 

^  Some  account  of  this  Church,  at  the  "  Great  Cake  House," 

will  be  found  at  pp.  137-140. 

THE  REV.   FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S  CHURCH.      1610 — 1619. 

On  the  15/25  December  1610,  the  Ancient  exiled  Church 
split  into  two  sections.  Those  who  adhered  to  the  Rev. 
FRANCIS  JOHNSON  were  called  the  Franciscans.  Some  notices 
of  this  period  of  their  career  will  be  found  at  pp.  125,  126, 
129,  130,  277-279,  290  :  but  not  very  much  is  known  of  it 

THE   REV.   HENRY  AINSWORTH7S   CHURCH.      1610 — 1701. 

The  other  section  of  the  Ancient  exiled  Church  survived 
all  the  other  English  Separatist  Communities  in  Amsterdam. 
They  were  called  the  Ainsworthians  until  their  Pastor's  death 
in  the  Spring  of  1623.  The  Rev.  JOHN  CANNE  the  Elder  was 
afterwards  their  Minister.  Their  remnant  were  finally 
absorbed  in  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Church  above  mentioned, 
about  the  10th  April  1701. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE  SCANDALOUS  ANCIENT  EXILED  ENGLISH  OHUECH 
AT  AMSTERDAM.    1595 — 1623. 

In  perils  among  false  brethren.     2  Cor.  xi.  26. 

Religion  is  the  best  thing  :  and  the  corruption  of  it  the  worst.  Neither 
hath  greater  mischief  and  villainy*ever  been  found  amongst  men—Jews, 
Gentiles,  or  Christians — than  that  which  hath  marched  tinder  the  Flag  of 
Religion  ;  either  [Religion]  intended  by  the  seduced,  or  pretended  by 
hypocrites.  Rev.  JOHN  ROBINSON,  Observations  Divine  and  Moral,  p.  40, 
Ed.  1625,  4. 

are  now  come  to  the  most  painful  part  of  this 
book — the  scandalous  proceedings  in  the  Ancient 
exiled  English  Church  at  Amsterdam.  That 
Community  consisted  of  knaves  and  dupes. 
Doubtless  many  of  the  latter  were  well-intentioned  Christians ; 
though  greatly  misled.  Of  course,  we  must  speak  of  this 
Church  as  a  whole. 

We  shall  not  dwell  upon  this  disagreeable  subject  here 
longer  than  is  absolutely  necessary :  but  will  rather  refer  to 
the  authorities  where  the  fuller  details  will  be  found.  It  is 
not  an  actual  part  of  the  Pilgrim  Story  n  but  yet  the  Scrooby 
Church  sojourned  amongst  them  (though  they  were  not  of 
them)  for  a  year  or  so. 

These  scandals,  the  "some  other  reasons"  of  Governor 
BRADFORD,  were  the  cause  that  constrained  the  Pilgrims  to 
uproot  themselves  for  a  second  time  ;  and  that  at  any  cost,  in 
their  pursuit  not  only  of  peace,  but  also  of  moral  purity.  In  a 
large  commercial  city  like  Amsterdam,  there  were  many  more 
possible  ways  of  getting  a  living  than  in  a  smaller  University 
town  like  Leyden.  If  they  had  sought  peace  only,  they 

101 


IO2       The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

might  easily  have  formed'  a  Third  exiled  English  Church  at 
Amsterdam ;  and  still  kept  to  their  livelihoods  in  that  city, 
a  very  important  matter.  But,  once  more,  they  threw  up 
everything  for  principle ;  and  migrated  to  Leyden  to  avoid  not 
simply  the  quarrels  in  the  Ancient  Church :  but  also,  we 
think,  the  moral  pollution  that  was  rampant  in  it.  Surely, 
never  did  men  more  strenuously  strive  to  do  what  they 
thought  to  be  right,  and  that  in  the  most  peaceable  possible 
way,  than  did  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

The  history  of  this  ancient  Reformist  Church  at  Amster 
dam  is  one  of  the  saddest  chapters  in  the  annals  of  Protest 
antism.  It  was  established  upon  what  were  then  considered 
to  be  the  newest  principles.  It  was  based  solely  upon  the 
rational  study  of  the  Scriptures.  It  was  to  be  an  object 
lesson  to  the  whole  World  of  what  the  Christian  Church  of 
the  Puture,  in  all  its  purity  holiness  and  usefulness,  was  to 
be.  Especially  was  it  to  be  a  most  vigorous  protest  against 
the  Church  at  home.  It  was  the  most  notable  English 
Christian  Community  on  the  Continent,  that  was  completely 
organised  on  the  lines  of  the  "Holy  Discipline."  Whereas 
the  other  Separatist  Churches  abroad,  the  Pilgrim  Church 
alone  excepted,  usually  vanished  away  in  a  few  years  ;  this 
Ancient  one  actually  subsisted  unbroken  for  thirteen  years 
[1597—1610]  together. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  all  this,  the  history  of  this  Society 
is  nothing  but  a  tissue  of  folly,  wrongheadedness,  and  violence ; 
of  hypocrisy,  wrangling,  and  immorality :  so  that  its  members 
became  quite  odious  to  the  inhabitants  of  Amsterdam. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      103 


THE  EARLY  DAYS  OF  THE  ANCIENT  ENGLISH  CHUBCH. 

1592—1591 


Ancient  Church  began  with  its  first  Pastor, 
the  Bev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  ;  of  whom  Governor 
BRADFORD  gives  the  following  remarkable 
account.  One  might  almost  say,  That  such 
sudden  conversions,  either  to  good  or  to  evil,  were 
characteristic  of  that  Age. 

1  Doctor  [WILLIAM]  AMES  was  estranged  from,  and  opposed 
Master  EOBINSON  *  ;  and  yet  afterwards  there  was  loving 
compliance  and  near  agreement  between  them. 

And,  which  is  more  strange,  Master  [FRANCIS]  JOHNSON  himself, 
who  was  afterwards  Pastor  of  the  Church  of  GOD  at  Amsterdam, 
was  a  Preacher  to  the  Company  of  the  English  [Merchants]  of  the 
Staple  at  Middelburg  in  Zealand;  and  had  great  and  certain 
maintenance  (£200  per  annum)  allowed  him  by  them,  and  was 
highly  respected  by  them. 

And  [he]  was  so  zealous  against  this  Way  as  that  [when]  Master 
BARROW  and  Master  GREENWOOD'S  [A  plain]  Refutation  of  Master 
@IPFORD[}S  froo/fc,  intituled  A  short  Treatise  against  the  Donatists  of 
England]  was  privately  in  printing  in  this  city,  he  not  only  was  a 
means  to  discover  it  ;  but  was  made  the  [English]  Ambassador's 
Instrument  to  intercept  them  at  the  press,  and  see  them  burnt. 

The  which  charge  he  did  so  well  perform,-  as  he  let  them  go  on 
until  they  were  wholly  finished  ;  and  then  surprised  the  whole 
impression,  not  suffering  any  to  escape  :  and  then,  by  the 
Magistrate's  authority,  caused  them  all  to  be  openly  burnt  ;  [he] 
himself  standing  by,  until  they  were  all  consumed  to  ashes.  Only 
he  took  up  two  of  them  :  one  to  keep  in  his  own  study,  that  he 

*  The  correspondence  between  them,  before  1612,  will  be  found  at  pp. 
47-54  of  The  pro/me  Schism  <&Q.  The  Rev.  JOHN  EOBINSON,  in  the 
Preface  to  his  Religious  Communion  of  1614,  writes  "Now  as  I  neither 
am,  nor  would  be  thought,  insensible  of  this  unchristian  enmity,"  in 
publishing  "  certain  private  letters  passing  between  him  and  me,  about 
private  communion  [joinmg  in  private  worship,  as  in  Prayer  Meetings] 
betwixt  the  members  of  the  true  Visible  Church  and  others." 


IO4      The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

might  see  their  errors  ;  and  the  other  to  bestow  on  a  special  friend, 
for  the  like  use. 

But  mark  the  sequel.  When  he  had  done  this  work,  he  went 
home :  and  being  set  down  in  his  study,  he  began  to  turn  over 
some  pages  of  this  book,  and  superficially  to  read  some  things  here 
and  there,  as  his  fancy  led  him.  At  length,  he  met  with  something 
that  began  to  work  upon  his  spirit ;  which  so  wrought  with  him  as 
[it]  drew  him  to  this  resolution,  seriously  to  read  over  the  whole 
book:  the  which  he  did  once  and  again. 

In  the  end,  he  was  so  taken,  and  his  conscience  was  troubled  so, 
as  he  could  have  no  rest  in  himself  until  he  crossed  the  seas,  and 
came  to  London,  to  confer  with  the  Authors  [1  in  the  summer  of 
1592] ;  who  were  then  in  prison,  and  [were]  shortly  after  executed 
[6th  April  1593]. 

,  '  After  which  conference,  he  was  so  satisfied  and  confirmed  in  the 
truth,  as  he  never  returned  to  his  place  any  more  at  Middelburg ; 
but  adjoined  himself  to  their  Society  in  London  [of  which  he  was 
elected  the  Pastor  in  September  1592] :  and  was  afterwards  [on  5th 
December  1592]  committed  to  prison  [in  the  Clink  Prison] ;  and 
then  [in  1597]  banished. 

And,  in  conclusion,  coming  to  live  at  Amsterdam,  he  caused  the 
same  books,  which  he  had  been  an  Instrument  to  burn,  to  be  new 
printed  and  set  out  [in  1605],  at  his  own  charge. 

And  some  of  us  here  present  testify  this  to  be  a  true  Kelation ; 
which  we  heard  from  his  own  mouth,  before  many  witnesses. 

A  very  grave  man  he  was,  and  an  able  teacher :  and  was  the 
most  solemn,  in  all  his  administrations,  that  we  have  seen  any ; 
and  especially  in  dispensing  the  Seals  of  the  Covenant,  both 
Baptism  and  the  LORD'S  Supper. 

A  good  disputant  he  was.  We  heard  Master  [JOHN]  SMYTH, 
upon  occasion,  say,  That  he  was  persuaded  no  men  living  were  able 
to  maintain  a  Cause  against  those  two  men,  meaning  Master 
JOHNSON  and  Master  AINSWOBTH,  if  they  had  .not  the  truth  on 
their  side. 

He — by  reason  of  many  dissensions  that  fell  out  in  the  Church  j 
and  the  subtilty  of  [DANIEL  STTJDLET,]  one  of  the  [Exiling]  Elders 
of  the  same — came,  after  many  years  [,  in  1609],  to  alter  his 
judgement  about  the  Government  of  the  Church,  and  his 
practice  thereupon :  which  caused  a  division  among  them  [on 
15/25  December  1610]. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      105  t 

But  lie  lived  not  many  years  after ;  and  died  at  Amsterdam  [in 
January  1618],  after  his  return  from  Emden.  First  Dialogue  dc. 
[Written  in  1648.]  Printed  in  A.  YOUNG'S  Chronicles  of  the' Pilgrim 
Fathers,  pp.  423-425,  445,  1841,  8. 

Here  then,  we  think  that  Governor  BRADFORD  is  perfectly 
untrustworthy  in  his  charitable  estimate  of  character.  It  is 
true  that  he  does  not  say  very  much  in  his  favour ;  but  the 
general  impression  of  it  all  is  that  JOHNSON  was  a  Saint : 
whereas,  in  this  book,  he  is  abundantly  proved  to  be  a  most 
remarkable  Sinner.  He  was  an  arrogant,  wrongheaded, 
irascible  man ;  an  unnatural  son,  &c. :  anything,  in  fact,  but 
a  Christian  Gentleman.  In  addition  to  which,  and  apart 
from  all  personal  failings ;  he  was  the  responsible  head  of  a 
Society  which  became  an  abomination  to  the  citizens  of 
Amsterdam. 

JOHNSON'S  character  was  therefore  inconsistent:  having 
some  good  points ;  but  many  more  bad  ones. 

Harleian  MS.  7042  consists  of  the  BAKER  Transcripts 
from  the  Manuscripts  (now  lost)  of  the  Lord  Keeper  of 
the  Great  Seal,  Sir  JOHN  PUCKERING;  who  died  on  30th 
April  1596. 

From  these  Transcripts  we  learn  (,  fols.  30,  60,  61,  63)  that 
the  Ancient  Church  was  constituted,  in  September  1592,  at 
the  house  of  one  Pox  in  Nicholas  lane,  London,  with  the 
following  Officers : 
Pastor.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON. 

Teacher.  JOHN   GREENWOOD.     [Hanged    on    6th 

April  following.] 

Ruling  Elders.     DANIEL  STUDLEY  and  GEORGE  KNIVETON. 
Prophets.  [Not  stated.] 

Deacons,  CHRISTOPHER  BOWMAN    and   NICHOLAS 

LEE. 

Widows  or  Deaconesses.        [?  None.] 
This  is  further  confirmed  by  the  following  passage  from 
page  429  of  A  Survey  of  the  pretended  " Holy  Discipline" 


io6      The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

anonymously  written  by  RICHARD  BANCROFT,  then  Bishop 
of  LONDON  ;  and  published  in  London,  in  1593,  in  quarto. 

One  COLLINS,  a  man,  amongst  them,  not  unlearned  as  it  seemeth, 
doth  write  in  this  sort  hereof :  "  Ecdesia  po tenti  ejus  dextra  adjuta 
&c.  'The  Church,  assisted  with  the  mighty  hand  of  GQDJ  hath 
chosen  Ministers.  Master  JOHNSON  for  her  Pastor ;  Master 
GREENWOOD  for  her  Doctor ;  Master  STUDLEY  and  Master 
GEORGE  KNIFB[TON,  or  KNIVETON],  for  Elders ;  NICHOLAS  LEE 
and  CHRISTOPHER  BOWMAN  for  her  Deacons. 

"The  other  Assembly  also  (whereunto  are  added  JOHN  NICHOLAS, 
THOMAS  MICHELL,  JOHN  BARNES,  and  some  others,  with  me)  with 
GOD's  assistance,  will  begin,  out  of  hand,  to  create  unto  itself 
Ministers." 

So  there  were  two  Groups  of  Separatists  in  London  in 
September  1592. 

Harleian  MS.  7042  contains  the  Answers  to  a  number  of 
Interrogatories  put  to  these  men,  on  or  about  2/12  or  4/14 
April  1593 ;  in  which  are  the  following  descriptions. 

FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  a  Minister,  of  the  age  of  31  years ;  of 
uncertain  abode. 

GEORG-E  JOHNSON,  late  Schoolmaster  in  St  Nicholas  lane, 
London,  born  in  Eichmondshire  in  the  county  of  York,  of  the 
age  of  29  years.  He  was  taken  in  an  assembly  of  people  in  a 
wood  beyond  Islington. 

GEORG-E  KNIVETON,  of  Newgate  Market,  an  Apothecary,  of 
the  age  of  years.  He  was  made  Elder  half  a  year  ago  [i.e.  in 
September  1592], 

CHRISTOPHER  BOWMAN,  a  Goldsmith,  doth  dwell  in  West 
SmitMeld,  of  the  age  of  32  years.  Was  chosen  a  Deacon  in 
September  last.  He  was  imprisoned  five  years  past  [in  1588],  for 
putting  up  a  Petition  to  the  Queen's  Majesty ;  and  continued  in 
prison  four  years  [1588-7-1592]  for  the  same.  He  was  married  in 
JOHN  PBNRY'S  house.  EDWARD  SETTLE  [the  Separatist  Pastor  before 
JOHNSON]  did  pray  ;  and  JOHN  GREENWOOD  was  present. 

EDWARD  BOYS,  a  Haberdasher,  dwelling  in  Fleet  street,  of  the 
age  of  33  years. 

All  thip  Church  organization  was  a  flat  defiance  of  the 
Hierarchy. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.       107 

On  5/15  December  1592,  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  and  JOHN 
GREENWOOD  were  arrested  at  EDWARD  BOYS'S  house. 

On  4/14  March  1592/1593,  fifty-six,  including  GEORGE 
JOHNSON,  were  arrested  in  the  wood  beyond  Islington. 

The  Bishops  kept  the  leaders  in  prison :  EDWARD  SETTLE, 
in  the  Gate  House;  FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  in  the  Clink;  GEORGE 
JOHNSON,  in  the  Fleet;  DANIEL  STUDLEY,  in  Kewgate,  &c. 

The  rest  of  the  Church  gradually  emigrated,  in  1593-4,  to 
Holland :  at  first,  to  Kampen ;  then,  to  ISTaarden ;  and  finally, 
by  1595,  to  Amsterdam. 

About  September  1594,  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  married 
THOMASINE  BOYS,  the  well-to-do  Widow  of  the  aboye 
mentioned  EDWARD  BOYS,  the  Haberdasher:  and  thereby 
commenced  the  Old  Clothes  Controversy  which  is  described 
in  the  next  Chapter. 

On  25  March  /4  April  1597,  the  Privy  Council  of 
England  directed  that  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  and  DANIEL  STUDLEY 
should  be  put  on  board  the  Hopewell ;  and  GEORGE  JOHNSON 
and  JOHN  CLARKE  put  on  board  the  Chancewell.  These  two 
vessels  formed  a  fruitless  Expedition  to  Rainea  [The  Magdalen 
Isles ,  in  the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence~\.  [K.  HAKLUYT, 
Voyages  <kc.,  iii.  242-249,  Ed.  1810,  4.],  and  left  Gravesend 
on  Friday  8/18  April  1597.  The  Chancewell  was  wrecked 
on  the  23  June  /3  July  following :  and  the  Hopewell  was 
back  in  the  British  Channel  on  1/11  September  next. 

Landing  at  Southampton,  the  four  Separatists  stole  over 
to  Amsterdam :  where  the  Ancient  Church  was  reconstituted 
with  the  following  Officers,  about  September  1597* 
Pastor.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON. 

Teacher.  HENRY  AINSWORTH. 

JRuling  Elders.  DANIEL  STUDLEY,  GEORGE  KNIVETON,  and 
Master  SLADE.  [Later  on,  there  was 
also  JEAN  DE  L'ECLUSE.] 


io8       The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 


Prophets. 
Deacon. 
Widow  or 


THOMAS  COOKY.    JACOB  JOHNSON. 
CHRISTOPHER  BOWMAN. 
[Governor     BRADFORD     describes 

"ancient  widow"  at  page  172; 

does  not  tell  us  her  name.] 


this 
but 


GEORGE  JOHNSON. 
1592—1603. 

HE  first  idea  of  the  Separatist  Churches  seems  to 
have  been  that  —  in  order  to  maintain  the 
requisite  high  standard  of  purity  of  life — there 
should  be  a  perpetual  scrutiny  of  each  other's 
faults :  so  that  every  one  was  to  be  a  spy  on  all  the  rest, 
and  to  be  ever  bringing  them  to  book.  "What  a  base 
conception  of  the  Christian  life  ! 

ROBERT  BROWNE'S  Church,  in  1582 — 1583,  was  greatly 
afflicted  in  this  way ;  so  that  existence  there  became  a  positive 
torment. 

The  same  conception  marked  the  early  days,  at  least,  of  the 
Ancient  exiled  English  Church  :  so  that  there  has  come  down 
to  us,  a  most  wonderful  literary  monument  of  this  vulgar 
nagging  spirit,  in  the  following  Work. 

A  Discourse  of  some  Troubles  and  Excommunications  in  the 
banished  English  Church  at  Amsterdam. 
Printed  at  Amsterdam.    1603,  4. 

This  book  is  printed  in  Dutch  black  letter;  and  breaks  off 
abruptly  at  page  214 ;  through  the  death  in  prison  of  the  Author. 

It  was  strenuously  hunted  for,  for  above  sixty  years  together  ; 
but  in  vain  :  so  that  it  was  quite  given  up  for  a  lost  book. 

However,  in  1872,  Doctor  H.  MARTYN  DEXTER,  with  the  kind 
help  of  Mr  WILLIAM  ALDIS  WRIGHT,  then  Librarian,  now  Vice- 
Master,  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  after  a  long  search,  found 
a  copy  in  that  College  Library.  Press-mark,  C.  4,  53. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      109 

-  This  year,  1896,  we  have  found  another  copy  in  the  Library  of 
Sion  College,  London.    Press-mark,  A.  69,  3. 

These  are  the  only  two  copies  at  present  known. 

The  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  about  September  1594, 
married,  in  the  Clink  Prison,  a  well-to-do  Widow,  Mistress 
THOMASINE  BOYS,  the  relict  of  EDWARD  BOYS  the  Haberdasher 
in  Fleet  Street  above  referred  to.  She  was  fond,  as  a 
Jhaberdasher's  Widow  might  well  be,  of  being  well  dressed; 
the  cost  of  which,  be  it  noted,  she  paid  for  out  of  her  own 
money. 

Then  GEORGE  JOHNSON  made  war  upon  her ;  hurling  texts 
of  Scripture  at  his  brother  and  her,  as  opportunity  offered. 
One  sees  in  his  conduct  the  pitiful  meanness  and  vulgarity  of 
the  rigid  Separation. 

Then  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  and  DANIEL  STUDLEY  made  war 
upon  him :  and  the  Story  gets  interesting  in  watching  their 
methods  in  dealing  with  him;  to  see  how  the  "Holy 
Discipline  "  would  act  in  real  [life.  They  offered  to  make  him 
an  Elder,  if  he  would  only  be  quiet :  but  pragmatical  GEORGE 
stood  firm  for  the  principle  of  being  disagreeable  upon 
principle.  So  this  fatuous  Much  ado  about  Nothing  finally 
ends  in  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  delivering  his  brother  GEORGE  over 
to  SATAN,  about  the  year  1599. 

GEORGE  retaliates  by  publishing  the  Story  in  this 
unfinished  Discourse,  in  1603 ;  being  at  that  time  in  Durham 
prison,  where  he  died :  thereby  showing  up  this  Old  Clothes 
Controversy,  as  Doctor  DEXTER  calls  it ;  and  the  perversity 
and  narrow-mindedness  of  all  concerned  in  it. 

It  seems  to  us  that  GEORGE  JOHNSON  richly  deserved  to 
be  cast  out  of  a  Society  in  which  he  had  deliberately  made 
himself  intolerably  offensive:  but  that  his  brother  FRANCIS 
committed  an  error  in  policy,  in  going  so  far  as  publicly  to 
excommunicate  his  own  brother.  Some  other  way  should 
have  been  found. 

But  while  FRANCIS  may,  to  some  extent,  be  excused  for 


1 10      TAe  a/ 

his  action  towards  his  brother  in  1599;  Ms  treatment  of  Ms 

father  in  1602  seema  to  be  perfectly  unpardonable** 

The  Pastor  seems  to  have  been  steadily  going  from  bad  to 
worse  in  that  interval 


JOHN  J 
SEPTEMBER—  OCTOBER  1802* 

[E  have  seen,  at  page  !06S  that  GKOHOK  JOHHHOH 
was  born  in  Richraondfihire,  that  is,  the  North 
Riding  of  Yorkshire,  It  prolmbly  from 

there,  that  his  father,  JOHN  JOHNSON,  a 
septuagenarian,  came  to  Amsterdam  to  make  peace,  about 
September  1602. 

PEANOIS  JOHNSON,  now  a  thoroughly  bad  man,  treated 
his  father  ;  and  suffered  him.  to  be  treated  by  his  Church, 
with  SOCHI  and  derision.  Finally,  though  his  father  did  not 
belong  to  his  Community,  ho  had  the  amazing  impudence  to 
deliver  him  over  to  SATAN. 
CHEISTOPHBE  LAWNE  sjiys 

This  Censure  was  done  so  violently  and  cruelly  that  no  advice, 
counsel,  no  nor  threats,  of  the  Dutch  Church  (W*o«*  JLati* 
D&damtwn  of  29  October  /8  160%  be  'print*]  might 

restrain,  or  stay,  the  rage  of  Master  FRANCIS. 

In  that  Master  FRANCIS  did  continue  and  obstinately 

unto  the  death  of  Ms  father  ;  without  revocation  of  his  error,  or 
reconciliation  to  his  father  ;  sending  his  father  down  to  the  grave 
with  this  curse  upon  his  back  ...  in  all  thi%  he  hath  filled  [up] 
the  measure  of  his  iniquity.  T/mprofam  SoJuwi  <£&,  p.  81, 

Perhaps,  in  all  literature,  there  does  not  exist  a  more 
crushing  rebuke  to  a  bad  son  than  the  following  paper  by 
JOHNSOK,    It  is  written  with  a  studied  moderation* 


Son.  You  asked  me  also,  in  thepresance  of  Mwter  SfUD&ar, 
Wherein  you  were  unnatural  f 


The  Church  at  Amsterdam.       1 1 1 

I  aiurwer  you,  By  thettt  tilings  following  ;  you  urging  me  thereto  ; 
L   That  I  coming,  in  my    old  age,   so   far,    so  hard  and 

dangerous,  a  journey,  to  seek  and  make  peace  between  you,  the 
Church,  and  your  brother :  I  could  never  see  the  least  inclination 
in  you  to  peace.  Neither  tendered  you  my  old  age  ;  but  so  used 
me  as,  if  GOD  strengthened  not  me,  you  might  presently  bring  my 
gray  hairs  with  sorrow  to  the  grave. 

2.  Lodging  in  your  house,  the  first  week  ;  you  were  so  far  from. 
peace,  and  so  unkindly  used  me,  that  you  made  me  weary  before 
the  week  was  ended :  so  was  I  forced  to  shift  to  my  other  son's 
[t  JAUOR  Jofiy^oy]  lodging, 

3.  When  I  dealt  with  you  for  peace  :  you  sought  to  catch  and 
ensnare  me  in  my  words ;  and  afterward,  as  I  perceived,  also 
seduced  the  Eiders  and  the  people  to  the  like  dealing. 

4.  You  upbraided  me  with  things  secret  between  me  and  my 
child  in  the  country  [GmRtts  JOKMON]  ;  which  were  untrue  :  and 
if  they  had  been  true,  you  ought  not  to  disgrace  me  as  HAM  did, 
GenesiH  ix.    You  did  worse  than  he  did ;  but,  GOB  have  praise  ! 
they  were  not  true.    Yet  your  unnatural  and  unchristian  dealing 
appeared  herein;  both  in  upbraiding  rue  untruly  and  unjustly; 
and,  if  it  had  been  true,  so  to  do,  it  in  as  to  vex  and  disgiuce  me. 

5.  To  let  me  stand  two  hours  on  my  feet  before  you  and  the 
people ;  and  yourself  sat  all  the  time  :  and  not  once  bid  me  sit 
down  yourself;  neither  spake  to  the  people  to  bid  me. 

6.  Not  once,  in  the  space  of  yix  weeks,  did  you  come  to  visit 
me,  or  ask  how  I  did  :  being  in  the  game  city  with  you  ;  and  having 
come  BO  far  for  your  peace, 

7.  You  denied  to  give  me  your  hand  fwgnatwt]  unto  that* 
which  before  you  had  granted  to  others. 

8.  You   would   not  trust   my   wordj   but  forced    me    to 
Protestations, 

0.  These,  and  sueh  like  things,  made  me  call  to  mind  your 
unnaturalneas  that,  in  the  »pace  of  five  years  [1597— -1602]  and 
more,  you  had  not  written  to  me,  That  you  were  desirous  to  see 
my  face ;  or  That  I  should  be  welcome  to  you,  when  I  wrote  to  you 
of  my  purpose  in  coming.  So  little  thankfulness  and  Nature  have 
you  shewed  unto  me,  for  all  my  care  and  pains  for  you,  from  your 
youth :  and,  I  fear,  your  example  will  make  many  fathers,  if  they 
be  not  upright-minded,  ix>  hold  their  children  from  learning,  and 
studying  in  the  Universities. 


112       The  Ancient  Ckwrek  at  Amsterdam. 

10.  You   heard    me   scoffed   and  gibed   by   divers   in  the 
Congregation,  and  not  once  rebuked  them  :  -which  many  children 
not  professing  godliness,  but  led  only  by  Nature,  would  not  have 
indured  to  hear  against  their  father. 

11.  But,  no  wonder  !    For,  at  length,  you  became  so  hardened 
that  you  sat  as  principal  'y  and  heard  your  father  excommunicated : 
-being  come  to  be  a  peace-maker.    Hath  the  like  unnaturalness 
been  read,  or  heard  of  ? 

12.  Coming  afterward  to  you,  and  talking  with  you  :  you  said, 
You  might  not  keep  company  with  me.    Doth  Excommunication 
cut  off  duties  of  children  to  fathers,  <&c.  ? 

TJie  profane  Schism  <$c.,  pp.  64-66. 

We  then  come  to  this  judgement  as  to  FEANCIS  JOHNSON. 
That  by  October  1602,  he  was  a  dead  Christian ;  that,  by 
tken,  he  was  an  utter  disgrace  to  our  sacred  Faith ;  and  that 
what  he  afterwards  said,  preached,  or  wrote,  is  not  deserving 
of  serious  attention,  from  a  spiritual  point  of  view. 


CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE'S  BOOKS,  1612— 1613. 

r  E  must  now  break  off  the  chronological  sequence 
of  events,  in  order  to  determine  the  truthfulness, 
or  falsehood  of  LAWNE'S  two  books :  for  they 
profess  to  describe  the  inner  life  of  the  Ancient 
Church  from  the  year  1602  onwards.  We  may  state,  at  once, 
that  we  consider  them  worthy  of  an  implicit  belief ;  and  will 
now  give  our  reasons  for  so  thinking. 

On  the  6/16  July  1612,  there  was  entered  at  Stationers' 
Hall,  London,  to  WALTEE  BUEEB  the  Publisher,  under  the 
hands  [signatures]  of  the  Rev.  Doctor  KIDD,  a  Chaplain  to 
the  Archbishop  of  CANTEEBUEY,  and  also  of  EICHAED  FIELD 
and  HUMPHEEY  LOWNES,  the  two  Wardens  of  the  Stationers' 
Company,  a  book  called  The  prophcme  [=  profane]  Schism  of 
the  Brownists  &c,  [E.  AEBEE,  Transcript  &c.,  iil  490, 
1876,  4]. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.       113 

This  book  was  written  by  four  persons,  CHEISTOPHEB 
LAWNE,  JOHN  FOWLEB,  CLEMENT  SAUNDERS,  and  ROBERT 
BULWARD  :  who  had,  previous  to  the  9/19  July  1611,  with 
drawn  from  the  Ancient  Church,  and  joined  themselves  to  the 
Scotch  Presbyterian  Church  in  Amsterdam ;  of  which  Church 
the  Minister  was  the  Rev.  JOHN  PAGET. 

The  full  Title  of  this  book  is  as  follows  :  in  respect  to 
which  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  names  of  the  Place  of 
Printing,  of  the  Printer,  and  of  the  Publisher,  are  all 
designedly  omitted  from  it;  apparently  (the  book  being 
of  a  highly  libellous  character,  if  untrue)  in  view  of  possible 
legal  proceedings. 

The  profane  Schism  of  the  Brownists  or  Separatists  ;  with  the 
impiety,  dissensions,  lewd  and  abominable  vices,  of  that  impure 
Sect: 

/  CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE, 
j  JOHN  FOWLER,  . 
Discovered  by<  CLEMENT  SATJNDERS, 

\  ROBERT  BULWARD  ; 

lately  returned  from  the  Company  of  Master  JOHNSON,  that  wicked 
Brother,  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church  of  England,  their  true 
Mother.  1612,  4. 

The  Preface  of  this  Work  thus  ends  : 

And  although  we  be  unlearned  men  which  have  composed 
this  book;  yet  we  hope  it  will  not  be  disliked  therefore  :  seeing 
we  speak  of  nothing  "but  which  our  own  knowledge  and  experience 
hath  taught  us  ;  and  the  admonition  may  take  better  place,  because 
that  the  most  which  are  taken  in  the  net  of  Brownism,  are  men  of 
our  condition. 

This  Work  we  refer  to  as,  The  profane  Schism  &c. 

As  soon  as  copies  of  it  reached  Amsterdam,  they  led  to  the 
production  of  another  English  book  therer  with  the  following 

Title  : 

A  Shield  of  Defence  against  the  Arrows  of  Schism  shot  abroad 
by  JEAK  DE  L'ECLTJSE  in  his  Advertisement  against  Master  [THOMAS] 
BRIGHTMAN. 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  H 


114      The  Ancient  Churck  at  Amsterdam. 

Jlereunto  is  prefixed  a  Declaration  touching  a  book  intituled, 
The  profane  Schism,  of  the  Brownists. 

By  JOHN  FOWLER,  CLEMENT  SAUNDERS,  EGBERT  BULWARD. 

Printed  at  Amsterdam,  by  HENRY  LAURENSON,  dwelling  upon 
the  water,  at  the  sign  of  the  Writing  BooL  1612,  4. 

Apparently  the  only  two  copies  known  of  this  Work  are  in 
the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford.  Press-marks,  Pamph.  10 ;  and 
4°  9.48.  Th.  L'EcLirsE's  Advertisement  is  apparently  a  lost  book. 

We  shall  refer  to  this  Work  as  A  Shield  of  Defence  &c. 

The  parts  of  its  Declaration  that  are  material  to  our 
present  purpose,  are  as  follows  : 

Christian  Eeader.  There  was,  of  late,  a  book  published  in 
London,  under  this  title,  The  profane  Schism  of  the  Brownists.  Such 
a  book  indeed  we  sent,  by  one  of  us,  to  be  printed  there  ;  but  in 
the  publishing  thereof,  great  injury  hath  been  done  unto  us,  and 
chiefly  in  three  ways  :  by  Addition,  by  Detraction  [Omission],  and 
by  Alteration  of  the  same. 

Secondly,  there  is,  in  sum,  left  out  the  greatest  part  of  the  book 
which  we  sent  to  be  printed  :  yea,  in  exact  account,  there  is  not  a 
fourth  part  thereof  that  is  printed  .  .  . 

Only  this  we  understand,  by  a  letter  sent  from  CHRISTOPHER 
LAWNE,  who  was  entrusted  with  this  business,  That  he,  according 
to  the  order  in  such  like  cases,  seeking  unto  such  as  were 
appointed  for  the  allowance  of  books  to  be  printed;  and  leaving  it 
in  the  hands  of  [the  Bey.  Doctor  NIBD,]  a  certain  Chaplain  of  the 
Archbishop  [GEORQ-E  ABBOT],  to  get  it  read  over  and  viewed,  until 
he  himself  might  return  out  of  the  country  into  which  he  was 
then  going  down-— before  he  could  come  up  to  London  again, 
he  found  the  book  already  printed,  contrary  to  his  expectation : 
and  in  the  printing  thereof,  so  mangled  and  defaced  as  is  above 
specified. 

And  howsoever  we  do  now  disclaim  this  book  above  mentioned, 
as  none  of  ours  ;  being  thus  corruptly  printed,  with  such  Additions, 
Omissions,  and  Alterations  :  yet  do  we  still  acknowledge  that  all 
the  particular  matters  of  fact  recorded  against  the  Brownists,  in 
that  book,  are  such  things  as  were  taken  out  of  our  Writing 
[manmcrijpt] ;  and  for  proof  thereof,  we  are  able  and  ready  to  produce 
our  testimony  and  witness,  as  occasion  shall  require.  The  most  of 
them  are  testified  and  confessed  by  themselves  ;  and  the  most 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      115 

heinous  things,  even  under  their  own  handwriting  :  and  the  rest 
are  such  things  as  either  we  ourselves,  or  others,  will  witness. 

And  therefore,  though  we  complain  of  injury  for  the  manner  of 
publishing  that  book:  yet  let  not  the  Brownists  insult  thereupon  ! 
Though  we  be  wronged  :  yet  are  not  they  cleared  from  the  matters 
there  noted  ;  which  are  still  in  force  against  them. 

.  The  Rev.  JOHN  PAGET  thus  wrote,  in  1618,  to  the  Rev. 
HENRY  AINSWORTH  of  the  same  city. 

You  speak  of  disguised  pamphlets  that  are  come  out  of  oufr 
Congregation  :  but  the  books  which  you  seem  to  aim  at,  are  such  as, 
for  the  matter  of  them,  are  taken  out  of  your  offensive  Company; 
and  do,  in  part,  shew  the  disguised  practises  of  your  Separation* 

For  the  persons  that  published  them  \i.e.  0.  LAWNE  and  Ms 
fellows],  they  also  were  such  as  came  out  of  your  Company:  who 
(leaving  their  schism,  which  they  once  professed  with  you)  were 
more  fit  to  witness  such  things  as  they  had  heard  and  seen  among 
you. 

For  the  helpers  which  they  had  herein ;  they  had,  beside  others, 
Master  [GILES]  THORPE;  now  an  Elder  of  your  Congregation  also, 
but  then  a  Deacon.  Out  of  whose  Writing  [manuscript]^  which  he 
communicated  with  them,  they  received  sundry  things  which  they 
published;  and  many  more  which  should  have  been  published,  had 
not  their  book  been  misprinted  [in  London],  contrary  to  their 
minds.  For  the  manner  of  printing  and  publishing  one  of  those 
books,  great  injury  hath  been  done  unto  them :  as  hath  been  noted 
before.  [See  previous  page.]  An  Arrow  against  the  Separation  of  the 
Brownists,  pp.  333,  334,  Amsterdam,  1618,  4 

The  next  point  that  we  have  to  note  is,  That  neither  the 
Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S  Church,  nor  the  Rev.  HENRY 
AINSWORTH'S  Church,  either  individually  or  collectively, 
dared  to  attempt,  this  time,  to  vindicate  themselves  from  the 
perfectly  crushing  charges  of  LAWNE'S  and  FOWLER'S  books 
against  them,  in  1612  and  1613,  in  a  Court  of  Justice  :  as  we 
shall  presently  see,  they  had  already  failed  to  do,  in  respect 
to  the  similar  accusations  of  the  Rev,  THOMAS  WHITE,  in 
February  1606,  see  pp.  118-120,  The  presumption  therefore 
is,  That  what  these  books  state  is  perfectly  true. 


1 1 6       The  A  ncienl  Church  at  A  msUrdam. 

But  what  was  decided  to  be  done  was.  That  the  Rev. 
RICHARD  CLYFTON,  who  had  now  absolutely  identified  himself 
with  the  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  and  his  Church,  should  write 
a  reply  to  them  :  which  he  did  under  the  following  title. 

An  Advertisement  concerning  a  Book  lately  published  by 
CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE  and  others,  against  the  English  exiled  Church 
at  Amsterdam. 

By  RICHARD  CLYFTON,  Teacher  of  the  same  Church. 

Printed  in  the  year  of  our  LORD,  1612,  4. 

There  is  a  copy  of  this  rare  book  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 
Press-mark,  Pamph.  10« 

But  it  had  been  better  for  his  friends,  if  CLYFTON  had  held 
his  peace. 

For  at  pages  115-125  of  this  book  is  printed  the  Answer 
of  DANIEL  STUDLBY,  now,  in  1612,  cast  out  of  the  Ruling 
Eldership,  to  the  accusations  of  LAWNE  and  his  fellows :  an 
Answer  that  is  perfectly  amazing ;  for  in  it  STUDLEY  simply 
throws  away  his  defence,  confessing  to  immoralities  even  so 
late  as  in  1610.  How  CLYFTON  could  be  such  a  fool  as  to 
print  this  Answer  is  past  all  comprehension.  How  could  he 
so  play  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies  ! 

But  having  published  the  book;  he  went  yet  a  step 
further  in  folly,  and  retracted  it  all  in  writing :  as  the  Rev. 
JOHN  PAGET,  who  had  the  Separatist  Churches  in  the  city 
where  he  lived  constantly  under  his  observation,  thus  tells 
us  in  1618;  when  CLYFTON  had  been  dead  now  some  twenty 
months. 

The  principal  penman,  or  scribe,  of  the  Separation  [Master 
^LYFTON^  Teacher  in  Master  JOHNSON  Ms  Company],  that  hath 
written  most  and  purposely  against  the  book  which  you  call  a  libel 
[The  profane  Schism  <&c.}>  hath,  long  since,  acknowledged  his  fault 
for  the  same  ;  and  that  under  his  hand  in  writing  :  acknowledging 
the  great  fruit  that  comes  by  publishing  the  personal  sins  of  them 
that  continue  in  error.  And  thus,  by  his  repentance,  hath  made 
some  satisfaction  for  his  offence  :  as,  iri  due  time,  is  further  to  be 
manifested.  An  Arrow  against  the  Separation  of  the  Brownists,  p.  8, 
Amsterdam,  1618,  4 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      117 

To  CLYFTON'S  book,  there  appeared  the  following  reply  by 
the  Rev.  HENRY  AINSWORTH. 

"An  Animadversion  to  Master  EICHAED  CLYFTON'S  Advertisement : 
who — under  pretence  of  answering  CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE'S  book — 
hath  published  another  man's  [H.  AiNSWORTtfs]  private  Letter; 
with  Master  FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S  Answer  thereto. 

Which  Letter  is  here  justified ;  the  Answer  thereto  refuted : 
and  the  true  causes  of  the  lamentable  breach,  that  hath  lately  fallen 
out  in  the  English  exiled  Church  at  Amsterdam,  manifested. 

Imprinted  at  Amsterdam,  by  GILES  THORPE,  anno  Domini, 
1613,  4 

This  Work  throws  some  side  lights  on  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

At  page  111,  the  Rev.  JOHN  ROBINSON  replies  to 
JOHNSON'S  censures  of  his  Justification  of  the  Reparation  <kc. 

At  pp.  133-136,  is  The  Testimony  of  the  Mders  of  the 
Church  at  Leyden,  respecting  the  Split  at  Amsterdam.  It  is 
signed  by  the  Rev.  JOHN  ROBINSON  and  WILLIAM  BREWSTEB. 
Therefore  BREWSTER  was  a  Ruling  Elder  at  Leyden  at  least 
as  early  as  1613. 

At  page  136,  the  following  passage  occurs  in  this 
Testimony. 

And  here  the  work  of  GOD's  Providence  is"  to  be  observed, 
That  they  [the  Franciscans],  who  would  have  no  peacd  with  their 
brethren  [the  Atnsworthians]  abiding  in  the  same  city  with  them, 
are  about  to  leave  it  themselves  ;  and  to  settle  their  abode 
elsewhere. 

This  fixes  the  Exodus  of  the  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S 
Church  to  Emden  in  1613.  But  they  were  not  there  long. 
When  his  next  book,  A  Christian  Plea,  appeared,  in  1617 ; 
the  Church  was  back  again  in  Amsterdam. 

It  also  appears  from  this  book,  that  two  men  and  a  widow 
of  the  Ainsworthians  were  the  chief  owners  of  the  building  of 
the  Meeting  House  at  Amsterdam :  but  that  the  ground  on 
which  it  stood  was  held,  intrust  only,  by  a  man  who  belonged 
to  JOHNSON'S  Church.  It  was  upon  these  facts,  that  the 
Burgomasters  awarded  the  building  to  the  Ainsworthians  : 


n8      The  Ancient  Chnrch  at  Amsterdam. 

who,   ousting    the  Franciscans  therefrom,   occasioned    their 
migration  to  Emden. 

On  the  15/25  May  1613,  there  was  entered,  also  to  WALTER 
EUEBE,  at  Stationers'  HaU,  London,  under  the  license  of  the 
same  Eev.  Doctor  NIDD,  another  book  on  the  Ancient  exiled 
Church.  [E.  ARBEK,  Transcript  <fcc.,  iii.  523,  1876,  4.]  It 
has  the  following  Title. 

Brownism  turned  the  inside  outward.  Being  a  Parallel  between 
the  Profession  and  Practice  of  the  Brownists'  religion. 

By  CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE,  lately  returned  from  that  wicked 
Separation. 

London.  Printed  for  WALTER  BURRE,  and  are  to  be  sold  at 
his  shop  in  Paul's  Churchyard,  at  the  sign  of  the  Crane.  1613,  4. 

This  Work  adds  no  new  facts.  It  merely  applies  those 
already  known.  It  may  be  regarded  as  a  Supplement  to 
The  profane  Schism  doc. 

We  have  gone  thus  deeply  into  the  bibliography  of  these 
books,  in  order  to  show  that  LAWJSTE'S  books  were  never  really 
controverted  by  those  whom  they  so  deadly  attacked ;  and 
therefore,  that  we  must,  in  default  of  their  denials,  accept  the 
statements  contained  in  them  as  substantially  true. 


THE  CASE  OF  THE  REV.  THOMAS  WHITE. 
1603—1606. 


now  to  the  chronological  sequence 
of  events,  we  have  next  to  note  that  about  the 
year  1603,  a  Clergyman  named  the  Rev.  THOMAS 
WHITE  joined  the  Ancient  Church.  He  was  so 
shocked  with  what  he  saw  there,  that  he  wrote  a  book  with 
the  following  Title. 

A  Discovery  of  Brownism  ;  or  a  brief  discovery  of  some  of  the 
errors  and  abominations  daily  practised,  and  increased^  amongst 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      119 

the  English  Company  of  the  Separation  remaining,  for  the  present, 
at  Amsterdam  in  Holland. 

'London.  Printed  by  E.  A.  [EDWARD  ALDEE]  for  ISTATHANIEL 
FOSBROOKE  ;  and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop  at  the  West  End  of 
Paul's.  1605,  4.  • 

British  Museum  Press-mark,  698,  8,  4  (7). 

This  book  was  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall  on  26  October 
/5  November  1605.  [E.  ARBER,  Transcript  &c.>  iil  304, 

1876,  L] 

It  is  as  strong  in  its  accusations  as  anything  that 
CHRISTOPHER  LAWNE  and  his  fellows  ever  wrote  some  seven 
or  eight  years  later. 

The  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON  immediately  published  the 
following  reply. 

An  Inquiry,  and  Answer  of  THOMAS  WHITE  his  Discovery  of 
Brownism,  1606,  4. 

A  copy  of  this  rare  book  is  in  the  Bodleian  Library.  Press-mark, 
C.  3.  1.  Line. 

At  pages  28,  29  of  this  Inquiry  <kc.t  which  was  written 
and  published  before  the  Trial  came  on,  id  the  following 

passage. 

For  which  Master  STUDLEY  hath  called  him  before  the 
Magistrates  here  [i.e.  at  Amsterdam],  for  a  slanderer ;  desiring 
that  proof  may  be  brought,  or  satisfaction  made,  according  to 

justice. 

The  woman  he  hath  named  before  to  be  JUDITH  HOLDER. 
For  which,  also,  she  hath  called  him  before  the  Magistrates  of 
this  city. 

LAWNE,  at  pp.  26-30  of  The  profane  Schism  <fee.,  prints  a 
certified  copy  of  the  Arrest  Moll  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam, 
relating  to  this  trial.  From  which  it  would  appear,  that 
FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  JACOB  JOHNSON,  HENRY  AINSWORTH, 
FRANCIS  BLACKWELL,  DANIEL  STUDLEY,  CHRISTOPHER 
BOWMAN,  JOHN  NICHOLAS,  JUDITH  HOLDER,  WILLIAM  BARBOR, 
and  THOMAS  BISHOP  caused  the  Rev.  THOMAS  WHITE,  and 
his  wife  HOSE  WHITE,  to  be  arrested  on  account  of  the 


i2o      The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

accusations  in  the  above  mentioned  book ;  •which  specifically 
charged  STUDLEY  with  immorality;  and  BOWMAN,  with 
peculation,  on  account  of  which  he  was  called  "  JUDAS  the 
Purse  Bearer." 

The  trial  came  on  upon  the  14/24  February  1606.  We 
give  the  result  in  LAWNE'S  words. 

Concerning  these  Articles  which  they  laid  in  against  Master 
WHITE,  as  though  he  had  slandered  them  therein  :  when  as  Master 
WHITE  had  once  taken  order,  by  his  Attorney,  to  answer  the 
matter;  when  as  also  he  had,  for  proof  thereof,  brought  sundry 
witnesses  before  the  Burgomasters,  which  there  did  testify,  and  by 
their  oaths  and  depositions  confirm,  the  things  which  Master 
WHITE  had  written :  then  was  Master  WHITE  discharged  ;  and 
had  liberty  from  the  Magistrates  to  go  for  England,  as  his 
occasions  or  business  should  require. 

After  which  time,  there  was  never  any  other  sentence  given  by 
the  Magistrates  to  reverse  the  same  :  insomuch  that  at  length,  the 
Brownists  themselves  (although  troublesome  and  contentious  in 
this,  as  in  other  actions)  were  content  to  let  their  Suit  fall,  and 
ceased  to  proceed  any  further  therein.  And  much  better  had  it 
been  for  them,  never  to  have  begun  it ;  than,  with  so  much  shame, 
and  so  many  rebukes,  to  leave  it  off,  pp.  28,  29. 

We  have  only  one  remark  to  make  here  on  this  subject ; 
and  that  is,  That  from  the  date  of  this  verdict,  14/24  February 
1605/1606,  the  Community  over  which  the  Rev.  FRANCIS 
JOHNSON  presided,  must  be  regarded  in  its  collective  capacity 
as  a  Church  of  CHRIST,  to  be  corrupt  and  dead.  For, 
notwithstanding  this  damaging  legal  exposure,  matters  went 
on  in  it,  for  some  years  to  come,  just  as  they  had  gone  on  in 
the  past. 

Here  then  the  "Holy  Discipline,"  in  actual  practice, 
utterly  broke  down. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      \  2 1 


PETER  FAIRLAMBE.    1606. 

the  1/11  July  1606,  there  was  entered  at 
Stationers'  Hall  London,  the  undermentioned 
Work,  pS.  ABBEE,  Transcript  <fec.,  ill  326, 
1876,  4] 

The  Eecantation  of  a  Brownist. 
By  PETEE  FAIRLAHBE. 

At  London.  Printed  for  HENRY  GOSSON  ;  and  are  to  be  sold  at 
the  sign  of  the  Sun  in  Paternoster  row.  1606,  4. 

This  work  contains  a  Bibliography  of  Works  for,  and 
against,  the  Separation,  up  to  the  time  of  its  publication. 
It  does  not  concern  the  Separatist  Churches  in  Holland;  but 
is  connected  rather  with  Barbary  and  the  Rev.  THOMAS 
BERNHERE.  The  Rev.  FKANCIS  JOHNSON  is  however 
frequently  mentioned  in  it. 


THE  ARRIVAL  OF  FRESH  ENGLISH  CHURCHES  IN 
AMSTERDAM.    1607—1608. 

[ETWEEN  October  1607  and  August  1608,  the 
Pilgrim    Church,    from     Scrooby,    arrived    in 
Amsterdam :    and,  for  a  time,  joined  itself  to 
the  Ancient  exiled  Church  there. 
In  1608,  the    Gainsborough    Church,  under   the   Rev. 
JOHN  SMYTH,  the  Se-Baptist,  arrived  in  Amsterdam:  and 
formed  itself  into  the  Second  exiled  English  Church  there. 
Its  history  is  briefly  told  at  pp.  131-140. 


122      The  Ancient  Ckureh  at  Amsterdam. 


UNSPEAKABLE  DANIEL  STUDLEY.     1592—1612. 

are  not  going  to  defile  this  book  with  any 
account  of  the  goings  on  of  DANIEL  STUDLEY  in 
the  Ancient  Church;  from,  at  least,  1604  till 
1612.  We  will  merely  say  that  this  Ruling 
Elder  was  the  EALSTAJFF  of  that  Community;  ever  prowling 
about  after  other  men's  wives,  &c.,  &c.,  <fec.  The  details  will 
be  found  in  The  profane  Schism  &c. 

At  pp.  15,  16,  of  that  Work,  will  be  found  the  Articles 
exhibited  against  him,  at  the  time  of  the  Split  on  15/25 
December  1610,  in  order  to  secure  his  deposition.  An  effort 
which  failed. 

At  page  11,  LAWNE  thus  refers  to  the  two  men  who 
took  the  trouble  to  deliver  him  over  to  SATAN,  on  28  July 
/7  August  1611. 

But  who  be  those  two  subscribers  that  set  their  hands  to  this 
Excommunication  ?  These  two  be  the  two  special  Champions  of 
the  Franciscan  Schism ;  the  two  principal  pillars  of  that  rotten 
Separation :  the  one  [DANIEL  STUDLEY]  by  his  wit,  and  the  other 
[EDWARD  BENET]  by  his  wealth. 

At  page  16,  LAWNE  calls  STUDLEY  "that  hypocritical 
Chameleon." 

The  following  additional  passages  are  all  that  need  be 
adduced  here : 

But  if  any  would  further  know  what  this  DANIEL  STUDLEY  is, 
let  them  ask  SAMUEL  FULLER,  a  Deacon  of  Master  BOBINSON'S 
Church ;  and  desire  to  see  a  copy  of  the  letter  which  DANIEL 
STUDLEY  sent  unto  him  :  or  let  them  ask  Master  [GILES]  THORPE, 
a  Deacon  of  Master  AINSWORTH'S  Church ;  and  desire  to  see  a 
book  intitled  "The  First  Part  of  The  Hunting  of  the  Fox?  and 
tliere  shall  he  see  DANIEL  STUDLEY  traced  up  and  down.  The 
profane  Schism  <&c.,  p.  11,  Ed.  1612,  4. 

It  is  clear  from  this  passage  that  GILES  THOEPE,  the 
Printer  at  Amsterdam,  was  the  author,  and  probably  also 
tli6  printer,  of  The  Hunting  of  the  Fox. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      123 

The  next  passage  shows  that  this,  at  present  lost  book,  was 
printed  before  the  15/25  December  1610. 

Before  the  schism  of  the  Ainsworthians  from  the  Franciscans, 
the  sins  and  scandals  of  DANIEL  STUDLEY  were  shewed  and 
manifested  by  divers  of  the  Ainsworthians  [see  previous  page]  :  and 
yet  such  opposition  was  made  against  them  as  that  DANIEL  STTJDLEY 
did  neither  soundly  repent,  nor  lose  his  Office :  from  which  he  is 
now  [i.e.  on  some  date  between  August  1611  and  August  1612] 
deposed. 

That  which  the  Popular  Government  could  not  then  effect,  is 
now  effected  since  that  Government  was  changed  by  Master 
JOHNSON  [i.e.  since  he  became  the  autocrat  of  his  Church].  A  Shield 
of  Defence,  p.  37. 

Surely  the  Kev.  JOHN  ROBINSON  was  thinking  of  DANIEL 
STUDLEY,  when  he  wrote  the  following  passage  in  the  second 
book  which  he  published  after  his  removal  to  Leyden.  If  so, 
he  had  come  to  regard  the  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam 
as  a  "  rebellious  rout." 

But  this  I  hold,  that  if  iniquity  be  committed  in  the  Church  ; 
and  complaint,  and  proof,  accordingly  made  ;  and  that  the  Church 
will  not  reform,  or  reject  the  party  offending :  but  will,  on  the 
contrary,  maintain  presumptuously,  and  abet,  such  impiety — that 
then,  by  abetting  that  party  and  his  sin,  she  makes  it  her  own 
by  imputation ;  and  enwraps  herself  in  the  same  guilt  with  the 
sinner.  And,  remaining  irreformable  (either  by  such  members 
of  the  same  Church  as  are  faithful,  if  there  be  any ;  or  by  other 
sister  Churches),  wipeth  herself  out  of  the  LORD'S  Church  Boll : 
and  now  ceaseth  to  be  any  longer  the  true  Church  of  CHBJST. 
And  whatsoever  truths,  or  ordinances,  of  CHRIST,  this  rebellious 
rout  {crowd']  still  retains ;  it  but  usurps  the  same,  without  right 
unto  them,  or  promise  of  blessing  upon  them :  both  the  persons 
and  sacrifices  are  abominable  unto  the  Lord.  Tit.  i.  16 ;  Prov. 
xxi.  27.  Justification  of  Separation,  p.  247,  Ed.  1610,  4 

It  would  seem  likely  that,  knowing  the  motives  for  it, 
the  Rev.  FBANCIS  JOHNSON  resented  the  Exodus  of  the 
Pilgrim  Church  to  Leyden;  which  would  have  greatly 
reduced  his  importance,  if  not  his  income.  At  any  rate,  we 


124      The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

have  here  the  reply  of   him  and  his  Ruling    Elder  to  the 
foregoing  opinions  of  the  Pilgrim  Pastor. 

Master  JOHNSON,  for  the  further  manifestation  of  Master 
ROBINSON'S  errors,  since  that  time,  also  brought  Master  ROBINSON'S 
book  against  Master  BERNARD  [A  Justification  of  Reparation  <&c., 
1610]  into  their  Meeting  House  [at  Amsterdam]  ;  and  there,  before 
the  Congregation,  made  a  solemn  testification  against  the  manifold 
errors  contained  in  it :  which  he  disclaimed  ;  and  not  only  so,  but 
wrote  to  Master  ROBINSON,  to  rebuke  him  for  the  same. 

DANIEL  STUDLEY  is  so  apt  in  reproach  that  he  runs  upon  the 
Letter  :  making,  as  it  were,  an  Alphabet  of  Slander  ;  having  it  so 
perfect  as  his  ABC.  For  trial  hereof,,  see  how  he  grinds  his  teeth 
against  SAMUEL  FULLER,  a  Deacon  of  Master  ROBINSON'S  Company  ; 
whom,  with  his  friends,  he  describes  [?  in  1610,  or  1  1611]  as 
being  *  "  ignorant  idiots,  noddy  Nabalites,  dogged  ^  _,, 
DOEGS,  fairfaced  Pharisees,  shameless  Shemites,  Of  studiey's  eio- 
malicious  Macchiavellians."  quent  letter  to 

Thus  doth  this  Alphabetical  Slanderer  flourish  Samuel  Fuller' 
among  them,  with  the  taunting  and  flaunting  figures  of  his  profane 
conceited  spirit.  The  pro  fane  Schism  &c.,  p.  76. 


THE  ANCIENT  EXILED  ENGLISH  CHURCH  AT  AMSTERDAM 
SPLITS  IN  TWO, 

SATURDAY,  15/25  DECEMBER  1610. 

* 

)  OHNSON",  instigated  Governor  BRADFORD  thought 
by  STUDLEY,  in  the  year  1609,  developed  very 
autocratic  views  about  Tell  it  unto  the  Church  ! 
making  the  Eldership  to  be  a  kind  of  aristocracy, 
and  all  the  rest  of  the  community  to  be  merely  dummies. 

Whereupon  there  arose  in  the  Church  a  fierce  wrangle  for 
more  than  a  year;  in  which  AINSWORTH  appears  to  have 
been  very  patient  and  reasonable,  and  JOHNSON  to  have  been 
specially  arrogant  and  violent.  , 

At     last,    the     inevitable    Split    came    on    Saturday, 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam,      125 

15/25  December  1610  :  when  each  section  delivered  the  other 
over  to  SATAN,  as  the  manner  was. 

JOHNSON,  having  deposed  AINSWORTH  from  Ms  Office  of 
Teacher,  appointed  CLYFTON  in  his  place.  He  had  then  for 
his  Ruling  Elders,  DANIEL  STUDLEY,  EDWABD  BENET,  JACOB 
JOHNSON,  STANSHALL  MERCEE:  and,  later,  CHEISTOPHEB 
BOWMAN,  then  a  Deacon,  was  promoted  to  the  Eldership. 

Only  one  of  JOHNSON'S  Elders  went  out  with  AINSWORTH  : 
and  that  was  JEAN  DE  L'EcLUSE.  He  was  immediately 
accused  by  JACOB  JOHNSON  of  drunkenness.  The  profane 
Schism  dfcc.,  p.  73.  Had  he  not  gone  out,  he  would  not  have 
been  so  accused. 

AINSWOBTH  appointed  Master  MAY  for  another  of  Ms 
Ruling  Elders ;  and,  later  on,  promoted  GILES  THORPE,  the 
Deacon  to  an  Eldership  in  his  Church. 

JOHNSON  published  the  following  defence  of  his  opinions. 

A  short  Treatise  concerning  the  exposition  of  those  words  of 
CHRIST.  Tell  the  Church!  <&c.,  Matt,  xviii.  17.  Printed  in  the  year 
of  our  LORD  1611,  4. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  Work,  he  says  : 

The  occasions  that  have  moved  me  hereunto,  are  not  unknown 
to  many  others  besides  myself  :  and  I  need  not  speak  of  them  in 
particular. 

After  that  the  Burgomasters  decided  that  the  Meeting 
House  belonged  to  members  of  AINSWORTH'S  Church ;  the 
Franciscans  migrated,  in  1613,  to  Emden:  apparently  to 
their  great  impoverishment.  Then,  for  the  next  three  or  four 
years,  we  know  very  little  about  them. 

In  November  1614,  Doctor  WILLIAM  AMES,  in  his  Preface  to 
WILLIAM  BRADSHAW'S  The  Unreasonableness  of  the  Separation 
<fc.,  Dort,  1614,  4,  writes  : 

Think  not  evil  I  if  thou  meanest  well.  We  intend  not  to  insult 
over  him  that  is  down,  or  to  pursue  a  man  that  is  flying  of  himself : 
but  to  lend  him  a  hand,  that  knoweth  not  well  which  way  to  take. 
Master  JOHNSON  indeed  is  rather  to  be  pitied  than  much  opposed. 


126      The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

We  need  but  stand  still  as  lookers  on.    He  falleth  willingly  on  his 
own  sword. 

Then  come  JOHNSON'S  printed  Recantation,  his  death 
and  burial  at  Amsterdam ;  as  told  by  MATTHEW  SLADE 
at  pp.  129,  130. 

Then  FRANCIS  BLACKWELL,  acting  on  the  resolution  which 
the  Ley  den  Church  had  already  come  to,  leads  forth  the 
remnant  of  the  Franciscans  to  emigrate  to  Virginia.  Governor 
BRADFORD  tells  us  the  sad  story  at  pp.  277-279.  See  also 
pp.  290,  291.  How,  being  caught  by  the  Bishops,  they  threw 
over  their  principles ;  and  rather  than  be  baulked  of  their 
voyage,  caved  in  to  them :  so  that  BLACKWELL  goes  off  with 
Archbishop  ABBOT'S  blessing.  How  they  mutually  cursed 
one  another  in  the  streets  of  Gravesend.  How  they  were 
packed  in  the  ship  like  herrings.  Lastly,  how  BLACKWELL 
and  most  of  them  died  before  ever  they  saw  Virginia. 

Truly,  FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S  Church  was  buried  in  the 
Atlantic  Ocean. 


THE  PROPHETS  OF  THE  "HOLY  DISCIPLINE/'  AND  THEIK 
COMICAL  PROCEEDINGS.    1602 — 1612. 

gives  us  two  accounts  of  these  Prophets. 
THOMAS  COCKY  and  JACOB   JOHNSON  were 
Prophets    in    the    united    Church,    before    the 
•*     Split. 

Falling  into  variance  one  with  another,  one  of  them  brings  in 
before  the  Church,  a  list  of  fifteen  lies,  wherewith  he  charged  the 
other.  The  other  again,  to  requite  his  pains,  brings  in,  at  the 
next  turn,  against  him,  a  list  of  sixteen  lies.  Betwixt  them  both, 
they  make  up  the  sum  of  thirty-one  lies.  The  profane  Schism 
&c.t  p.  83. 

At  the  Split,  COCKY  became  an  Ainsworthiari. 

At  pp.  58,  59  of  the  same  Work,  there  is  the  following 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      127 

Statement  by  "W.  SIMSON,  a  member  of  AINSWOETH  Cliurcli ; 
who  was  troubled  witli 

(1)  Our  rejecting  communion  with  all  the  Reformed  Churches 
on  earth;  and  all  true  Christians  in  the  same.    [How  contrary  this, 
to  the  practice  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  f] 

(2)  Our  own  manner  of  Exercise  on  the  LOED'S  Day  is  with  such 
confusion,  and  contradicting  one  another ;  so  that  even  our  own 
profession  of  Separation  is  indeed   quite   overthrown    thereby. 
For  example,  THOMAS  COCKY,  in  his  prophesy,  witnessing  against 
England,  saith,  Their  Ministry  is  antichristian :  and  being  so, 
they  can  beget  no  true  faith ;  and  no  true  faith  can  have  no  true 
salvation :  and  so  consequently  in  the  Church  of  England  is  taught 
no  salvation.    A  fearful  sentence  in  my  judgement. 

Again,  our  beloved  Master  [JEAN]  DE  i/EcLxrsi,  in  his  doctrine 
of  prophesy,  laboured  to  prove  Separation  from  a  true  Church  for 
any  corruption  obstinately  stood  in.  This  doctrine  was,  by  another, 
in  prophesying,  then  shewed  to  be  absolutely  contrary  to  that 
place  of  Rev.  ii  24.  Which  how  unsoundly  it  was  concluded  by 
our  Teacher  [the  Rev.  HENRY  AHTSWORTH]  was  then  observed  by 
many.  The  profane  Schism  <#c.,  pp.  58,  59. 

"What  an  affront  to  the  Divine  Majesty,  in  the  very  act  of 
worship,  all  this  was,  need  not  be  dwelt  upon. 

THE  FIENDISH  CBTJELTY  OF  ElCHAED  MASTSFIEKD. 
1610—1612. 

[  E  next  come  to  the  case  of  EICHARD  MANSFIELD. 

LAWNE  tells  us,  at  pp.  32-41  of  The  prof  erne 
Schism  <fcc.,  that  he  was  an  Ainsworthian :  and 
therefore  leads  us  faintly  to  hope  that  atrocious 
indignities  and  unheard  barbarities  to  which  this  brute 
subjected  the  unfortunate  Maidens  of  the  Separation  of  that 
Congregation,  were  not  earlier  than  the  Split  on  the  15/25 
December  1610:  otherwise  the  duration  of  his  horrible 
brutalities  is  not  indicated. 

Had  this  monster  been  living  now,  his  life  would  not  have 
been  worth  five  minutes'  purchase,  outside  a  prison. 


128      The  Ancient  Ctwrch  at  Amsterdam. 


THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH  is  AN  ABOMINATION  TO  THE 
CITIZENS  OF  AMSTERDAM.    1605—1612. 

-N  proof  of  this,  LAWNE,  in  The  profane  Schism  &c.y 
'    p.  21,  cites  the  two  following  facts. 


The  testimony  of  the  Dutch  Chwch 
concerning  the  Brownists. 

When  as  they  sent  their  messengers,  with  some  questions,  unto 
the  Dutch  Eldership :  they  received  this  answer  from  them,  That 
fchey  did  not  acknowledge  their  Assembly  to  be  an  Ecclesiastical 
Assembly,  or  a  lawful  Church. 

And  when  Master  JOHNSON  and  others  of  them,  were  instant 
[wgent]  to  hear  reasons  of  this  answer  from  them :  it  was  further 
answered,  They  would  do  it,  if  they  saw  it  needful ;  or  if  they 
found  anything  that  was  worthy  of  answer. 

The  testimony  of  the  Magistracy  of  Amsterdam, 
concerning  the  Brownists. 

The  Magistrates— both,  of  old,  [in  the  Suit]  against  Master 
[THOMAS]  WHITE  [in  1606] ;  and  now,  of  late,  in  [the]  Suit  about 
their  Meeting  House  [in  1611]— when  they  sought 'to  lay  in  their 
Action  in  the  name  of  the  Church :  they  were  repelled  by  the 
Magistrates  that  are  members  of  the  Dutch  Church.  They  would 
not  receive  complaint  from  them,  in  the  quality  or  name  of  a 
Church ;  or  [in]  the  name  of  any  Elder  or  Deacon  :  but  as  from 
private  men.  The  Magistrates  told  them,  That  they  held  them, 
not  as  a  Church ;  but  as  a  Sect. 

This  only  confirms  what  the  Eev.  THOMAS  WHITE  had 
written  so  far  back  as  the  20/30  July  1605,  There  is  no 
Sect  in  Amsterdam,  though  many,  in  such  contempt  for 
immoral  life,  as  the  Brownists  are.  The  profane  Schism  &c. 
p.  27. 


The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam.      129 


THE   DIVINE  BLESSING  UPON  THE  PlLGRIM  CHURCH. 

\  LL  this  while,  though  they  had  troubles  of  their 
own  (as  who  has  not?),  one  seems  to  see  the 
Divine  blessing  resting  upon  the  Pilgrim  Church. 
The  Children  of  Peace  received  peace.  It  was  as 
if  the  Almighty  would  try  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  as  he  tried 
ABRAHAM  ;  and  then  bless  them,  as  he  blessed  him :  fso  that 
a  mighty  nation  has  sprung  from  their  loins.  Has  he  not 
multiplied  their  seed  "as  the  stars  of  the  heaven;  and  as 
sand  which  is  upon  the  sea  shore  1 " 

And  just  as  the  Amsterdam  people  were  going  further 
and  further  from  the  mother  Church  at  home ;  so  the  Leyden 
Church  was  drawing  nearer  and  nearer  to  it. 


THE  DEATH-BED  RECANTATION  OF  THE  REV.  FRANCIS 
JOHNSON.     1617. 

OW  we  come  to  the  death-bed  acknowledgment  of 
the  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  that  his  whole  life 
had  been  one  long  mistake.  "  If  the  blind  lead 
the  blind,  both  shall  fall  into  the  ditch." 

MATTHEW  SLADE  TO  SIB  DUDLEY  CABLETON. 
AMSTEKDAM  ;  SATUBDAT,   10/20  JANUABY  1617/1618. 

This  day  we  have  buried  Master  FBANCIS  JOHNSOH,  a  man  that 
hath,  many  years  [since  September  1597],  been  Pastor  of  the 
Brownists  :  and  (having  cast  himself,  and  drawn  others,  into  great 
troubles  and  miseries,  for  their  opinions  and  schism)  did,  a  few 
days  before  his  death,  publish  a  Book;*  wherein  he  disclaimed 

*  This  book  was  probably  published  in  the  previous  December,  and 

therefore  would   bear  tbe  date  1617.     It  is  certainly  not  A   Christum 

Plea  Ac.,  which  JOHNSON  published  in  that  year.    Even  the  Title  of  this 

Recantation  is  not  known,  so  utterly  has  the  book  perished.— E.  A. 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers, 


i 


130      The  Ancient  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

most  of  his  former  singularities,  and  refuted  them.  To  which 
Work,  he  hath  also  annexed  a  brief  Eefutation  of  the  Five  Artidet. 
[?  of  the  Synod  of  Dort]. 

S.  P.,  Holland.    Bundle  123. 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  SEPAEATION. 

we  ask  ourselves,  What  effect  had  all  this  Separ 
ation  upon  the  Church  of  England  1  the  answer 
must  be,  Nothing  at  all.  The  Anglican  Church 
went  on  to  its  way,  heedless  of  the  Separatists. 
The  struggle  between  the  King  and  the  Hierarchy  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  lower  Clergy  with  the  spiritually-minded, 
liberty-loving  Laity  on  the  othej,  intensified  as  time  went  on ; 
especially  after  LAUD  became  the  Primate  in  1633.  The 
Separation,  the  Porlorn  Hope  of  Puritanism,  was  a  sign  of 
the  Times ;  nothing  more. 

One  sees  now  so  clearly  how  inevitable  the  great  Civil  War 
was.  In  some  shape  or  other,  it  was  bound  to  come.  The 
regeneration  of  the  British  Constitution  and  of  British  society 
was  not  possible  without  that  great  political  thunderstorm. 


CHAPTER    XL 

THE  REV.  JOHN  SMYTH,  PREACHER  OF  THE   CITY  OF 

LINCOLN;  AFTERWARDS  PASTOR  OF  THE  CHURCH  AT 

GAINSBOROUGH;  THEN  PASTOR  OF  THE  BRETHREN 

OF  THE  SEPARATION  OF  THE  SECOND  ENGLISH 

CHURCH  AT  AMSTERDAM;  AND  LASTLY, 

THE  SE-BAPTIST.    1603 — 1612. 

Bibliography  of  the  Separation  is  most 
difficult.  This  is  partly  because  so  few  copies 
of  these  Works  have  survived.  For  instance, 
if  a  Londoner  would  see  all  the  known  copies  of 
the  first  editions  of  the  Rev.  JOHN  SMYTH'S  Works,  he  must 
travel  first  to  Oxford,  and  then  to  Cambridge,  and  thence  to 
York ;  and  so  back  to  London  :  a  journey  of  some  four 
hundred  miles.  It  is  also  difficult  because  the  Separatists 
hardly  ever  printed  the  month  or  day  on  which  they  finished, 
or  printed,  their  books  ;  but  only  the  year. 

So  likewise,  although  Dr  H.  MARTYR  DEXTER  has  done 
much  to  clear  the  way  in  The  true  Story  of  JOHN  SMYTM, 
the  Se-Baptist,  Boston,  Massa,,  1881,  4,  the  biography  of  this 
Separatist  is  as  difficult  to  write  as  that  of  any  Englishman's 
of  that  Age  could  now  possibly  be.  We  are  able  to  supplement 
Doctor  DEXTER  in  some  respects;  but  cannot  but  feel  that 
what  follows,  is  but  a  mere  sketch.  We  have  not  space  here 
for  a  full  treatment  of  this  subject. 

There  are  two  solid  facts  to  go  upon  : 
1.  The  Rev.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  while  a  Fellow  of  Christ's 
College,  Cambridge,  was  his  Tutor.    Therefore  SMYTH  was  of 
that  College. 

131 


132      Smyth  and  the  Gainsborough  Church. 

Doctor  DEXTER  would  identify  him  with  the  JOHN  SMYTH 
who  matriculated  as  a  Sizar  at  Christ's  College  on  the  26th 
November  1571.  But  that  is  too  early,  as  it  would  make  him 
senior  to  his  Tutor  in  the  College :  for  FRANCIS  JOHNSON 
matriculated  as  a  Pensioner  in  that  College  and  University  on 
the  1st  April  1579. 

2.  The  Rev.  RICHARD  BERNARD  tells  us  (Plain  Evidences, 
page  21)  that  SMYTH  was  ordained  a  Clergyman  by  WILLIAM 
WICKHAM;  who  was  Bishop  of  LINCOLN  between  the  20th 
November  1584  and  the  22  February  1595. 

He  is  therefore  apparently  the  JOHN  SMITH  of  Christ's 
College,  who  took  his  M. A.  in  1593  ;  and  not  the  man  of  the 
same  name  and  College  who  took  his  B.A.  in  1593,  and  his 
M.A.  in  1597.  If  this  be  correct  \  he  would  have  gone  up  to 
the  University  about  1586,  and  was  probably  born  somewhere 
about  1572 ;  and  would  therefore  be  somewhere  about  forty 
years  of  age,  when  he  died  in  August  1612. 

In  his  later  years  at  any  rate,  he  and  those  he  came  in 
contact  with  always  spelt  his  name  SMYTH  :  but  many  of  his 
opponents  spelt  it  SMITH,  as  he  did  himself  at  first. 

We  must  therefore  be  on  our  guard  in  this  matter.  For 
he  had  two  contemporaries,  of  the  name  of  JOHN  SMITH,  both 
Clergymen,  and  who  also  wrote  upon  Prayer.  Curiously 
enough,  though  not  related  to  each  other,  they  were  both  of 
the  same  College ;  St  John's  College,  Oxford : 

JOHN  SMITH,  of  Berkshire,  Vicar  of  St  Laurence's,  Reading, 
Berkshire ;  and  author  of  The  Doctrine  of  Prayer  in  general 
for  all  men,  London,  1595,  4. 

JOHN  SMITH,  of  Warwickshire,  Vicar  of  Clavering,  Essex, 
from  1592  to  1616  ;  and  author  of  The  Substance  and  Pith  of 
Prayer.  His  collected  Works  were  printed  in  1629,  under 
the  title  of  The  Essex  Dove  &c. 

The  next  point  is  to  prove  that  JOHN  SMITH  the  Preacher 
of,  oir  Lecturer  in,  the  city  of  Lincoln  from  1603  to  1605,  is 


Smyth  and  the  Gainsborough  Church.      133 

the  same  man  as  JOHN  SMYTH  the  Se-Baptist,  that  appears  in 
our  literature  from  1608  to  1613. 

In  the  library  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  there  is  a 
copy  of  the  following  Work,  that  is  believed  to  be  unique.  Its 
Press-mark  is  7.  5.  76. 

The  bright  Morning  Star,  or  the  Resolution  and  Exposition  of 
the  22nd  Psalm  ;  preached  publicly  in  four  Sermons  at  Lincoln. 
By  JOHN"  SMITH,  Preacher  of  the  City. 

Printed  by  JOHN  LEGAT,  Printer  to  the  University  of 
Cambridge.  1603. 

And  are  to  be  sold  at  the  Sign  of  the  Crown  in  Paul's 
Churchyard  by  SIMON  WATEESON. 

In  octavo. 

The  following  entry  was  made  at  Stationers'  Hall, 

22  Martij  [1605]. 

Master  MAST     Entered  for  their  copy  vnder  the  hands  of  the 
Senior.  wardens    A  booke  called  A  paterne  of  true  Prayer 

THOMAS  MAN    or  exposicon  vppon  the  lords  prayer    Done  by  JOHN 
Junior.  SMYTHE  &c.  of  Lincoln          .  .  .       vjd 

E.  ARBEB,    Transcript  c£c.,  iii.  285,  Ed  1876,  4 

Every  copy  of  this  first  edition  of  1605  has  apparently 
disappeared.  The  Work  however  was  reprinted  in  1624,  with 
the  following  Title. 

A  Pattern  of  True  Prayer,  A  learned  and  comfortable 
Exposition  or  Commentary  upon  the  LORD'S  Prayer  ;  wherein  the 
doctrine  of  the  Substance  and  Circumstances  of  true  Invocation  is 
evidently  and  fully  declared  out  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

By  JOHN  SMITH,  Minister  and  Preacher  of  the  Word  of  GOB. 

London.  Printed  by  I.  D.  for  THOMAS  MAN  [the  Junior  in  the 
above  entry  at  Stationer^  HaM\ ;  and  are  to  be  sold  by  WILLIAM 

HEFFARD,  JOHN  BELLAMY,  and  BENJAMIN  FlSHER.      1624 

In  octavo. 

It  is  a  considerable  Work ;  running,  besides  the  introductory 
matter,  to  452  octavo  pages*  The  opening  lines  of  the  Epistle 
Dedicatory  to  EDMUND  SHEFFIELD,  Lord  SHEFFIELD  ;  afterwards 
Earl  of  MULGRAVE,  are  as  follows : 

"It  is  neither  ambition,  nor  covetousness,  Eight  Honourable, 
that  moveth  me  to  publish  this  Treatise  to  the  view  of  all ;  which, 


Smyth  and  ike  Gainsborough  Church. 

not  long  since,  I  delivered  to  tlie  ears  of  a  few  :  being  the  Lecturer 
in  the  citj  of  Lincoln.  .  ." 
British  Museum  Press-mark,  873,  f.  36. 

Now  RICHAED  BEKNARD  tells  us,  in  both  his  Works,  Nos. 
2  and  12  of  this  Controversy,  that  the  Writer  of  A  Pattern  of 
true  Prayer  was  JOHN  SMYTH,  the  Se-Baptist.  We  will  here 
further  confirm  this  testimony  by  the  witness  of  JOHN  COTTON 
in  1647. 

As  for  Master  SMITH,  he  standeth  and  falleth  to  his  own 
Master.  Whilst  he  was  Preacher  to  the  city  of  Lincoln,  he 
wrought  with  GOD  then.  "What  temptations  befell  him  after,  by 
the  evil  workings  of  evil  men,  and  some  good  men  too ;  I  choose 
rather  to  tremble  at>  than  discourse  of. 

(1)  The  Bloody  Tenent  washed  &c. 

(2)  A  Reply  to  Master  [ROGEK]  WILLIAMS'  Answer  to  Master 

COTTON'S  Letter,  p.  58. 

London,  [15  May]  1647, 4.  British  Museum  Press-mark,  E.  387  (7). 
See  also  pp.  14, 15  of  ROGEB  WILLIAMS  "Master  COTTON'S  Letter, 
lately  printed,  Examined  and  Answered."  London,  [5  Feb.]  1644,  4  ; 
where  T.  PTGOTT'S  account  of  the  death  of  the  Se-Baptist  [see 
page  140]  is  referred  to  by  COTTON.  British  Museum  Press-mark, 
E.  31  (16). 

Therefore  so  late  as  on  the  22  March  1605,  the  Rev.  JOHN 
SMYTH  was  still  at  Lincoln  \  and  was  still  a  Conformist.  It 
was  later,  at  Gainsbofough,  that,  after  doubting  there  for  nine 
months,  he  threw  off  the  Church  of  England,  embraced  the 
Separation,  and  became  Pastor  of  the  Church  at  Gainsborough. 
This  could  not  have  occurred  earlier  than  1606;  unless 
he  'doubted  after  he  became  Pastor,  and  then  the  date 
might  possibly  be  1605  :  but  we  think  1606  the  more 
likely  date  :  and  that  once  he  decided,  he  did  not  afterwards 
doubt. 

We  also  believe  that  the  Gainsborough  Church  went  to 
Amsterdam  about  the  same  time  as  the  Pilgrim  Church,  in 
4608.  If  so,  it  had  a  very  short  existence  in  England ;  a 
couple  of  years  or  so. 


Smyth  and  the  Gainsborough  Lhurcft.      135 

^  This  Church  was  not  organised  on  the  lines  of  the  "  Holy 
Discipline  " ;  but  upon  Smy  thian  principles.  Its  Pastor  held 
that  Scripture  knew  of  but  one  kind  of  Elders  :  in  opposition 
to  the  "Holy  Discipline"  theory  of  the  three  separate  Offices 
of  Pastor,  Teacher,  and  Elder. 

We  have  shown  at  page  55  that  so  long  as  the  Gainsborough 
and  the  Scrooby  Churches  were  in  England,  they  printed 
nothing.  They  only  began  to  publish  when  they  came  into 
contact  with  the  continental  printers :  and  this  was  not  till 
the  year  1608. 

On  the  17th  October  1608,  the  Second  Volume  (3rd  aiid 
4th  Decades)  of  Bp.  JOSEPH  HALL'S  Epistles  was  entered  for 
publication  at  Stationers'  HaE.  The  first  Epistle  in  this 
Yolume  is 

To  Master  SMITH  and  Master  BOB[INSON],  Bingleaders  of 
the  late  Separation.    At  AMSTERDAM. 

The  coupling  thus  of  these  two  names  together,  favours 
the  idea  that  they  migrated  about  the  same  time. 

Clearly  then  both  of  these  Churches  were  settled  at 
Amsterdam  before  the  17th  October  1608  :  but  how  much 
earlier  than  that  date,  SYMTH'S  Congregation  arrived  there, 
in  that  year,  has  yet  to  be  ascertained. 

The  printed  Controversy  against  this  fresh  Separation 
began  with  the  following  Works. 

1.  The  Sermon  preached  at  the  Cross  [i.e.  PauPs  Cross,  London], 

February  14, 1607  [-8].    By  WILLIAM  CRASHAW,  B.B.  and 
Preacher  at  the  Temple,  London.    1608,  4. 

Entered  for  publication  at  Stationers'  Hall  on  the  19 
April  1608.  (E.  ARBJER,  Transcript  <#a,  iii.  375,  1876,  4.) : 
but  the  Preface  is  dated,  The  Temple,  May  21st  1608. 

2.  Eev.  RICHARD  BERNARD.     Christian  Advertisements   and 

Counsels  of  Peace.    Also  Dissuasions  from  the  Separatists7 
Schism,  commonly  called  Brownism.    London,  1608,  8. 


1 36      Smyih  and  the  Gainsborough  Church. 

The  Preface  is  dated,  "At  Worksop  in  Nottinghamshire, 
June  18  [1608]  : "  on  which  day  also  this  book  was  entered 
at  Stationers1  Hall, 

This  date  is  very  important,  because  BERNARD  wrote  this 
book  in  reply  to  a  letter  which  JOHN  SMYTH,  "  Pastor  of  the 
Church  at  Gainsborough,"  had  written  to  him,  in  three  days, 
some  ,six  or  seven  months  previously;  or  in  November  or 
December  1607  :  and  therefore  the  Gainsborough  Church  had 
not  migrated  to  Holland  at  those  dates.  This  letter,  SMYTH 
printed  in  his  Parallels  &c.  in  1609.  As  we  know  that  the 
Pilgrim  Church  migrated  to  Holland  between  October  1607 
and  August  1608  ;  it  would  again  seem  that  the  two  Churches 
went  over  about  the  same  time:  but  whether  together  or 
separately,  cannot  at  present  be  said. 

Then  comes,  j^thfe-  order  of  time, 

3.  Bishop  JOSEPH  HALL'S  Epistle  to  SMYTH  and  EOBINSON  ;  in 

his  Epistles,  The  Second  Volume.    London.     1608,  8. 

We  hold  that,  SMYTH  could  get  nothing  printed  until  he 
came  to  Holland;  and  therefore  we  place  the  next  book, 
which  is  both  anonymous  and  undated,  in  1608. 

4.  Principles  and  Inferences  concerning  the  Visible  Church 

&c.,  32  pp.  16  mo. 

The  only  known  copy  of  this  "little  Method,"  as  he  calls  it  at 
page  11  of  his  Parallels  <&c.,  is  in  York  Minster  Library. 

It  was  at  one  time  thought  that  the  Gainsborough  Church, 
on  its  arrival  at  Amsterdam,  joined  the  Ancient  exiled 
Church  there,  as  the  Scrooby  Church  certainly  did :  bu,t  it 
is  clear  from  the  next  Work  that  this  was  not  the  case. 
Besides,  the  Gainsborough  Church,  on  its  settling  in  that 
city,  threw  off  the  Calvmistic  doctrines;  and  embraced 
Amrinianism.  This  was  enough,  of  itself,  to  make  a  bottomless 
grail  between  the  two  Churches. 


Smyth  and  the  Gainsborough  Church.      137 

In  the  following  Work,  SMYTH  called  the  "  Ancient  exiled 
Church  "  there,  the  "  Ancient  Brethren  of  the  Separation  n ; 
and  his  own  Community  he  calls  "the  Brethren  of  the 
Separation  of  the  Second  English  Church  at  Amsterdam. 

5.  Eev.  JOHN  SMYTH.    The  Differences  of  the  Churches  of  the 

Separation.     1608,  4. 

There  is  a  copy  of  this  Work  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford. 
Press-mark,  Pamph.  6  (1). 

6.  H.  A.  [HENRY  AINSWOETH.]     Counterpoison.    1608,  4.    A 

Eeply  to  CRASHAW,  No.  1 ;  and  BERNARD,  No.  2. 
This  Work,   at    page  41,   states  that    the  colleague  of 
ROBERT  BROWNE,   "Master  [RICHARD]    HARBISON  returned 
not  unto  your  Church  of  England ;  but  died  at  Middelburg 
in  this  faith  that  we  profess."     This  is  quite  a  new  fact. 

Events  seemed  to  have  movec|,  rapidly  in  the  Gainsborough 
Church. 

In  the  year  1608,  JOHN  SMYTH  baptized  himself ;  and  so 
became  the  Se-Baptist  of  Church  History. 

On  some  date  in  1609,  before  the  12th  March  (Doctor 
DEXTER  [The  true  Story  &c.,  page  37]  has  verified  this  date, 
12th  March  1609  [N.S.],  by  a  reference  to  the  original 
manuscript  in  Amsterdam) ;  and)  therefore  within  four  years 
of  the  foundation  of  the  Church ;  the  Rev.  THOMAS  HELWYS, 
WILLIAM  PYGOTT,  THOMAS  SEAMER,  JOHN  MURTON,  and 
the  majority  cast  out  from  among  them,  the  following 
thirty-two  persons :  who  shortly  after  applied  to  the 
Mennonite  Church,  Amsterdam,  for  membership;  making 
the  following  Confession  of  Error. 

The  names  of  the  English  people  who  confess  this  their  error, 
and  repent  of  the  same,  viz.  That  they  undertook  to  baptize 
themselves ;  contrary  to  the  order  laid  down  by  CHRIST.  Who 
now  therefore  desire  to  get  back  into  the  true  Church  of  CHRIST 
as  speedily  as  may  be.  We  are  of  one  accord  in  the  desire  to  have 
this  our  wish  signified  to  the-Church. 


138      Smyth  and  the  Gainsborough  Church. 

Mm.  (16).  THOMAS  DOLPEINK  ALICE  PAYNTER. 

HUGO  BROMHEAD.  MATTHEW  PYG-OTT.  ALICE  PARSONS, 

GERVASE  NEVILL.  Women.  (16).  JOAN  BRIGGS. 

JOHN  SMYTH.  ANN  BROMHEAD.  JANE  ORGAN. 

THOMAS  CANADYNE.  JANE  SOTJTHWORTH. 

EDWARD  HAWKINS.  MARY  SMYTH.  B.    EVANS,     D.D. 

JOHN  HARDIE.  JOAN  HALTON.  Early  English  Bap- 

THOMAS  PYGOTT.  ALICE  ARNFIELD.  tuts,  i.  244, 245,  Ed, 

FRANCIS  PYGOTT.  ISABEL  THOMSON.  1862,    8.      H.  M. 

EGBERT  STAVELY,  MARGARET  STAVELEY.  DEXTER,  D.D.  The 

ALEXANDER  FLEMINGS.  MARY  G-RINDAL.  true  Story  <&c.y  36, 

ALEXANDER  HODGKINS.  ALICE  PYGOTT.  Ed.  1881,  4. 

JOHN  GRINDAL.  MARGARET  PYGOTT. 

SOLOMON  THOMSON.  BETTERIS  DICKENS. 

SAMUEL  HALTON.  MARY  DICKENS. 

This  application  for  membership  was,  at  some  date  after 
8/18  July  1610,  declined  by  the  Mennonite  Church. 

This  ejection  notwithstanding,  the  Se-Baptist  vigorously 
replied  to  BERNARD,  in 

7.  Eev.  JOHN  SMYTH.    Parallels,  Censures,  and  Observations. 

Printed  1609,  4. 

This  is  a  print  of  the  above  mentioned  Letter  of  November  or 
December  1607 ;  with  Observations  and  Comments. 

Then  the  Ancient  exiled  Church  replied  to  SMYTH'S 
Differences  <&c.,  No.  5,  in  the  following  Work. 

8.  Eev.   HENRY   AINSWORTH   (a)   A   Defence  of   the   Holy 

Scriptures,  Worship,  and  Ministry  used  in  the  Christian 
Churches  separated  from  Antichrist. 

(b)  A  few  Observations  upon  some  of  Master  SMYTH'S 
Censures  in  his  Answer  [Parallels  <&c.]  made  to  BERNARD. 
Amsterdam.  G-ILES  THORPE.  1609,  4. 

Meanwhile,  in  March  1608  [i.e.  1609],  the  Se-Baptist  was 
engaged  in  another  controversy  with  a  member  of  the  Ancient 
exiled  Church,  the  Eev.  RICHAED  CLYFTON,  on  the  subject  of 
Infant  Baptism,  which  he  called  The  Mark  of  the  Beast  The 
following  books  should  always  be  read  together. 


Smyth  and  the  Gainsborough  Church.      139 

« 

9.  The  Character  [le.  Mark,  or  Sign]  of  the  Beast.    Published 

by  the  Eev.  JOHN  SMYTH.    1609,  4 

There  is  a  copy  of  this  Work  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 
Press-mark,  Pamph.  7. 

10.  The    Plea    for  Infants    and    Elder    People   concerning 
their  Baptism.    Published  by  Eev.  EICHAED  CLOTOST. 
Amsterdam,    GILES  THORPE.    1610,  4. 

In  this  year,  1609,  must  have  appeared  the  Pilgrim 
Pastor's  first  book  :  now,  in  its  original  edition,  utterly  lost. 

11.  Eev  JOHN  EOBINSOH.    An  Answer  to  a  censorious  Epistle. 

In  reply  to  No.  Z.      Bp.  HALL    reprinted   it   in   his 
Common  Apology  <&c* 

On  the  18th  December  1609,  there  was  entered  to  WILLIAM 
WELBY  the  Publisher,  Contemplative  Pictures  with  wholesome 
Precepts  <fec.,  by  RICHARD  BERNARD  (E.  ARBER,  Trcmscript  <&c., 
iii.  426,  Ed.  1876,  4.)  No  book,  with  such  a  title,  is  known 
to  have  been  written  by  BERNARD.  We  therefore  take  it  to 
be  the  entry  of  the  following  Work,  also  published  by  WELBY. 

12.  Eev.  EICHARD  BERNARD.    Plain  Evidences :  the  Church 

of  England  is  apostolical ;  the  Separation,  schismaticaL 
London,  1610,  4.    In  reply  to  Nos.  6  and  7. 

In  this  book,  BERNARD  tells  us  that  he  had  heard  of  the 
following  Work,  but  that  he  had  not  yet  seen  it :  so  we  win 
place  it  next. 

13.  Eev.  JOHN  EOBINSON.    A  Justification  of  Separation  from 

the  Church  of  England.    1610,  4.    In  reply  to  No.  2. 

Then  we  have, 

14.  Bishop  JOSEPH  HALL.*  A  common  Apology  of  the  Church 

of  England.   London,  1610,  4.   In  reply  to  No,  11 ;  which 
it  reprints.    This  Work  was  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall 
on  16th  January  1610.     (E.  ARBER,  Transcript  &c.,  iii 
426,  Ed.  1876,  4). 
This  Work  practically  ends  this  particular  Controversy. 


140      Smyth  and  ike  Gainsborough  Church, 

We  will  describe  the  extinction  of  Master  SMYTH'S 
Company  in  the  words  of  Doctor  DEXTER. 

"  JAN  HOTTER  was  a  friendly  Waterlander.  He  owned 
a  ( Great  Cake  House '  or  bakery ;  which  appears  to  have  had 
some  sort  of  annex,  where  men  might  both  meet  and  lodge. 
And  in  the  hinder  part  of  this,  JOHN"  SMYTH  now  seems  to 
have  taken  refuge,  with  his  little  band  .  .  .  and,  to  all 
appearance,  unconnected  with  any  Church  organization,  spent 
here  the  brief  remainder  of  his  earthly  life. 

"  For  years,  a  feeble  man ;  in  the  summer  of  1612,  he  fell 
sick  with  consumption.  And  after  seven  weeks  of  increasing 
debility;  on  1st  September  of  that  year,  he  was  borne  from 
the  Cake  House  to  his  burial  in  the  Niewe  Kerb. 

"Late  in  1614,  what  remained  of  his  Company,  renewed 
their  old  request  for  admission,  to  one  of  the  Mennonite 
Churches;  which,  20th  January  1615  \N.S.~\  was  granted. 

"For  a  short  season,  a  separate  English  Service  was  held 
by  them  in  the  Cake  House :  but  it  was  not  long,  before  they 
became  absorbed  among  the  Dutch;  leaving  no  trace  of 
separate  existence  visible  to  history.  The  true  Story  &c.,  pp. 
37,  38.  

An  undated  book  appeared,  apparently  in  1613,  with  the 
following  Title, 

The  last  book  of  JOHN  SMITH  called,  The  Retraction  of  his 
Errors  ;  and  the  Confirmation  of  the  Truth. 

T.  P.  [THOMAS  PYGOTT],  A  Declaration  of  the  Faith  of  the 
English  People  remaining  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland;  being  the 
Eemainder  of  Master  SMYTH'S  Company.  With  an  Appendix 
giving  an  account  of  his  Sickness  and  Death.  16mo. 

The  only  known  copy  of  this  Work  is  in  York  Minster  Library. 
It  has  been  reprinted  in  EOBEET  BARCLAY'S  The  Inner  Life  of  the 
Religious  Societies  of  the  Commonwealth,  London,  1876, 4. 


•The  Rev.  THOMAS  HELWYS'S  Company  returned  to  London 
about  1613.  So,  in  all,  the  Gainsborough  Church,  as  such, 
was  in  existence  about  ten  years,  from  1606  to  1615. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  SETTLEMENT  OF   THE  SCROOBY   CHURCH 

AT  AMSTERDAM. 
OCTOBER  1607—  AUGUST  1608. 


BRADFORD  thus  describes  the  first 
impressions  of  the  Nottinghamshire  men,  on 
their  arrival  on  the  Continent. 

Being  now  come  into  the  Low  Countries, 
they  saw  many  goodly  and  fortified  cities,  strongly 
walled,  and  guarded  with  troops  of  armed  men.  Also 
they  heard  a  strange  and  uncouth  language  :  and  beheld. 
the  different  manners  and  customs  of  the  people,  with 
their  strange  fashions  and  attires;  all  so  far  differing 
from  that  of  their  plain  country  villages,  wherein  they 
were  "bred  and  had  so  long  lived,  as  it  seemed  they 
were  come  into  a  New  World. 

But  these  were  not  the  things,  they  much  looked  on  ; 
or  [which]  long  took  up  their  thoughts  :  for  they  had 
other  work  in  hand,  and  another  kind  of  war  to  wage 
and  maintain.  For  though  they  saw  fair  and  beautiful 
cities,  flowing  with  an  abundance  of  all  sorts  of  wealth 
and  riches  :  yet  it  was  not  long  before  they  saw  the  grim 
and  grisly  face  of  Poverty  coming  upon  them  like  an 
armed  man  ;  with  whom  they  must  buckle  and  incoun- 
ter,  and  from  whom  they  could  not  fly.  But  they  were 
armed  with  faith  and  patience  against  Mm  and  all  Ms 
encounters  :  and  though  they  were  sometimes  foiled  ;  yet, 
by  GOD's  assistance,  they  prevailed  and  got  the  victory. 

141 


14?        The  Scrooby  CHurch  at  Amsterdam. 

Now  when  Master  BOBIMSON,  Master  BBEWSTER,  and 
other  principal  members  were  come  over  [to  Amsterdam] 
(for  they  were  of  the  last,  and  stayed  to  help  the 
weakest  over  before  them) ;  such  things  were  thought 
on  as  were  necessary  for  their  settling,  and  [the]  best 
ordering  of  the  Church  affairs.  Bradford  M.S.,  folios 
39-41. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

BEAUTIFUL  LEYDEN, 

[  OCTOB,  H.  MARTYN  DEXTER  (Congregation, 
alism  cfcc.,  p.  383,  Ed.  1880,  8.)  gives  us  the 
following  translation  from  Les  Delices  de  Ijeide, 
Ed.  1712: 

"Leyden  was  then  a  city  of  some  one  hundred  thousand 
inhabitants.  It  was  beautiful  exceedingly,  in  its  way. 
One  of  its  French  chroniclers  described  it  thus: 

The  city  of  Leyden  is,  without  contradiction,  one  of 
the  grandest,  the  comeliest,  and  the  most  charming,  cities 
of  the  world. 

The  cleanness  and  breadth  of  its  streets ;  the  number 
of  its  canals  provided  with  bridges,  bordered  on  either 
side  by  lindens,  which  (during  the  summer  heats)  cast 
delightful  shadows  where  the  people  make  their 
promenade;  the  tidiness  and  elegance  of  its  buildings; 
and  its  great  number  of  public  Places  embellished 
likewise  with  lindens  or  elms ;  and  the  extreme  neatness 
of  the  bricks  with  which  the  streets  are  paved:  all 
this,  in  former  times,  caused  POLYANDER,  a  celebrated 
Professor,  who  was  housed  on  the  Rapenburg,  to  boast 
that  he  lived  in  the  most  beautiful  spot  in  the  world. 

Which  he  was  wont  to  prove  familiarly  thus : 

"Of  the  four  quarters  of  the  world,  Europe  is  the 
noblest  and  the  nicest.  The  Low  Countries  are  the  best 
part  of  Europe.  Of  the  Seventeen  Provinces  of  the 
Low  Countries ;  [the  Province  of]  Holland  is  the  richest, 

143 


144  Beautiful  Ley  den. 

tie  most  flourishing,  and  the  finest.  The  most  beautiful 
and  altogether  charming  city  [of  the  Province]  of 
Holland  is  Leyden.  While  the  handsomest  canal  and 
the  loveliest  street  in  Leyden  is  the  Rapenburg. 
Wherefore,"  concluded  he,  "I  am  lodged  in  the  most 
beautiful  spot  in  the  world." 

"  POLYANDER  left  Dort  to  be  Professor  of  Sacred  Theology 
at  Leyden  not  quite  two  years  after  ROBINSOBT  and  his 
Company  arrived." 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
THE  BRITISH  CHURCHES  IN  LEYDEN. 

CURING  the  period  of  our   Story,  in  addition  to 
the  Pilgrim   Church,  there  was  also  at  Leydem, 
an  organization  of  the    Presbyterian  Church  of 
Scotland  ;  to  which  the  City  Council  successively 
allotted,  as  their  place  of  meeting, 

Sfc  Catherine  Gasthuis,  from  1609  till  1622; 
Jerusalem  Kirk,  from  1622  till  1644. 

The  first  two  Ministers  of  this  Church  were 

ROBEKT  DRUEIE,  from  1609  till  his  death  in  1616 ; 
HENRY  GOUDGIER,  from  1617  till  his  death  in  1661. 
See  Rev.  WILLIAM  STEVEN,  History  of  the  Scottish  Church, 
Rotterdam;  from    1614.       With  Notices  of  the  other  British 
Churches  in  the  Netherlands,  pp.  314,  315,  Edinburgh,  1833,  8. 


The  Pilgrim  Fathers. 


CHAPTEE  XV. 

THE  KEMOVAL  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH  TO  LEYDEN,  BY 
FRIDAY,  21  APRIL  /I  MAY  1609. 

0.  M.  [the  Hon.  HENRY  C.  MURPHY,  of  Brooklyn 
K.Y.,  at  the  time  United  States  Minister  at 
the  Hague]  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  III., 
pp.  '357,  058,  Boston  and  New  York,  1859,  4], 
among  some  exceedingly  valuable  contributions  to  the  Pilgrim 
Story  from  the  official  documents  at  Leyden,  thus  refers  to 
Mr  GEORGE  SUMNER  : 

"  He  brings  to  light  the  fact  that  no  Church  was  assigned 
them,  as  was  customary,  by  the  Municipal  Authorities ;  and 
that  their  Pastor  was  buried  in  a  hired  vault :  ,  .  .  without 
apparently  having  once  thought  of  the  other  fact  which 
overlies  those  he  brings  forward ;  and  which  is  proven  by  his 
own  examination  of  the  Records  of  the  city,  that  the  Pilgrims 
never  applied  to  the  city  authorities,  as  did  their  countrymen 
under  DRURIE,  for  a  Place  of  Worship, 

"The  Records  of  the  city,  during  their  residence  in  Leyden, 
are  extant  and  complete ;  and  show  no  application  of  the  sort: 
but,  on  the  contrary,  reveal  another  application  by  them,  that 
for  denization — in  which  they  are  particular  to  declare,  in 
advance  of  their  coming  to  Leyden,  their  independence  of 
all  aid  whatsoever;  in  case  such  liberty  should  be  given 
them.  .  . 

"The  document  to   which  we    now  refei*,   appeared    in 
print  two  years  after  Mr  SUMMER'S  article  [Memoirs  of  the 
Pilgrims  at  Ley  den],  in  the  Nederlansch  Archief  voor  Kerlcelijke* 
Geschiedenis  for  1848,  in  a  Memoir  by  Professor  EJST,  of  the 

146 


The  Removal  to  Leyden.  147 

University  of  Leyden,  reproducing,  with  some  explanations 
and  additions,  the  facts  gathered  by  Mr  SUMNEB. 

"  This  Memoir  is  entitled  JOHN  HOZINSON,  Minister  of  the 
Brownist  Congregation  of  Leyden,  the  Mother  Church  of  the 
English  Independents,  and  Founder  of  the  Colony  of  Plymouth 
in  North  America  :  and  the  document  is  the  application,  by 
the  Pilgrims,  to  the  authorities  of  Leyden  for  denization.  .  . 

"It  is  taken  from  the  Gerechts  Dags  £ceken,  or  Court 
Registers  of  the  city,  for  tlie  12th  of  February  1609;  and 
reads  as  follows : " 

TO  THE  HONOURABLE  THE  BURGOMASTERS  AND  COURT 
OF  THE   CITY  OF  LEYDEN. 

With  due  submission  and  respect ;  JAN  ROBARTHSE, 
Minister  of  the  Divine  Word,  and  some  of  the  members 
of  the  Christian  Reformed  religion,  born  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Great  Britain,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  persons 
or  thereabouts,  men  and  women,  represent  that  they 
are  desirous  of  coming  to  live  in  this  city,  by  the  first 
day  of  May  [N.S.]  next ;  and  to  have  the  freedom  thereof 
in  carrying  on  their  trades,  without  being  a  burden  in 
the  least  to  any  one.  They  therefore  address  themselves 
to  your  Honours;  humbly  praying  that  your  Honours 
will  be  pleased  to  grant  them  free  consent  to  betake 
themselves,  as  aforesaid. 

This  doing,  &c, 

"There  is  no  date  or  signature  to  the  document;  or 
name  of  place  where  it  was  written.  It  is  a  mere  Record  or 
Registration  of  the  Application ;  and  the  phrase  in  this  city 
would  seem  to  indicate,  either  that  some  of  the  applicants 
were  present  at  Leyden  at  the  time ;  or  that  the  Registrar 
entered  the  substance  of  the  petition  in  his  own  words, 

The  action  of  the  Court  is  given  in  the  margin ;  and  reads 
%as  follows : " 

The  Court,  in  making  a  disposition  of  this  present 


148  The  Removal  to  Ley  den.    aov.  w.  Bradford. 

Memorial,  declare  that  they  refuse  no  honest  persons 
free  ingress  to  come  and  have  their  residence  in  this 
city;  provided  that  such  persons  behave  themselves, 
and  submit  to  the  laws  and  ordinances  :  and,  therefore, 
the  coming  of  the  Memorialists  will  be  agreeable  and 
welcome. 

Thus  done,  in  their  session  at  the  Council  House,  the 
12th  day  of  February,  1609  [N.S.]. 

Done  in  my  presence. 

(signed)  I.  VAN  HOTJT. 


Governor  BEADFOED  gives  us  the  following  account  of  the 
experiences  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  at  Leyden. 

And  when  they  had  lived  at  Amsterdam  about  a  year 
[1608],  Master  ROBINSON  their  Pastor  and  some  others 
of  best  discerning,  seeing  how  Master  JOHN  SMITH  and 
his  Company  were  already  [1608]  fallen  into  contention 
with  the  Church  that  was  there  before  them ;  and  no 
means  they  could  use,  would  do  any  good  to  cure  the 
same:  and  also  that  the  flames  of  contention  were 
likefly]  to  break  out  in  the  Ancient  Church  itself, 
as  afterwards  lamentably  came  to  pass  [on  15/25 
December  1610]. 

Which  things  they  prudently  forseeing,  thought  it 
was  best  to  remove,  before  they  were  any  way  engaged 
with  the  same:  though  they  well  knew  it  would  be 
much  to  the  prejudice  of  their  outward  estates;  both 
at  present,  and  in  likelihood  in  the  future — as  indeed  it 
proved  to  be. 

For  these,  and  some  other  reasons,  they  removed  to 
Leyden,  a  fair  and  beautiful  city,  and  of  a  sweet 
situation:  but  made  more  famous  by  the  University 
wherewith  it  is  adori^l ;  in  which,  of  late,  had  beeti  so 


GOT.  w.  Bradford,     The  Removal  to  Ley  den.  149 

many  learned  men.  But  wanting  that  traffic  by  sea 
which  Amsterdam  injoys,  it  was  not  so  beneficial  for 
their  outward  means  of  living  and  estates.  But  being 
now  here  pitched,  they  fell  to  such  trades  and 
imployments  as  they  best  could;  valuing  peace  and 
their  spiritual  comfort  above  any  other  riches 
whatsoever :  and,  at  length,  they  came  to  raise  a 
competent  and  comfortable  living ;  but  with  hard  and 
continual  labour. 

Being  thus  settled,  after  many  difficulties;  they 
continued,  many  years  [Appil  1609 — July  1620],  in 
a  comfortable  condition,  injoying  much  sweet  and 
delightful  society  and  spiritual  comfort  together  in  the 
Ways  of  GOD,  under  the  able  Ministry  and  prudent 
government  of  Master  JOHN  ROBINSON  ;  and  Master 
WILLIAM  BREWSTER  ;  who  was  an  Assistant  unto  him, 
in  the  place  of  an  Elder,  unto  which  he  was  now  [i.e. 
at  Leyden]  called,  and  chosen  by  the  Church.  So  as 
they  grew  in  knowledge,  and  other  gifts  and  graces 
of  the  SPIRIT  of  GOD ;  and  lived  together  in  peace, 
and  love,  and  holiness. 

And  many  came  unto  them,  from  divers  parts  of 
England  ;  so  as  they  grew  [to]  a  great  Congregation. 

And  if,  at  any  time,  any  differences  arose  or  offences 
broke  out,  as  it  cannot  be  but  some  time  there  will,  even 
amongst  the  best  of  men ;  they  were  ever  so  met  with 
and  nipt  in  the  head  betimes,  or  otherwise  so  well 
composed;  as  still  love,  peace,  and  communion  were 
continued:  or  else  the  Church  purged  of  those  that 
were  incurable  and  incorrigible,  when,  after  much 
patience  used,  no  other  means  would  serve;  which 
seldom  came  to  pass. 

Yea,  such  was  the  mutual  love  and  reciprocal  respect 


1 50  The  Removal  to  LeycUn.    GOT.  w.  Bradford. 

that  this  worthy  man  had  to  his  flock ;  and  his  flock,  to 
him :  that  it  might  be  said  of  them,  as  it  once  was,  of 
that  famous  Emperor  MABCUS  AUEELIUS  [ANTONINUS] 
and  the  people  of  Borne,  That  it  was  hard  to  judge 
whether  he  delighted  more  in  having  such  a  people, 
or  they  in  having  such  a  Pastor.     Golden  Book  &c* 
His  love  was  great  towards  them ;  and  his  care  was 
always  lent  for  their  best  good,  both  for  soul  and  body. 
For  besides  his  singular  abilities  in  divine  things,  wherein 
^he  excelled ;  he  was  also  very  able  to  give  directions  in 
^civil    [secular]    affairs,    and    to    foresee    dangers    and 
H  inconveniences :  by  which  means  he  was  very  helpful 
their  outward  estates;   and  so  was,  every  way,  as 
Zj  a  common  father  unto  them. 

g  And  none  did  more  offend  him  than  those  that  were 
close  and  cleaving  to  themselves,  and  retired  from  the 
common  good :  as  also  such  as  would  be  stiff  and  rigid 
in  matters  of  Outward  Order ;  and  inveigh  against  the 
evils  of  others,  and  yet  be  remiss  in  themselves,  and  not 
so  careful  to  express  a  virtuous  conversation. 

They,  in  like  manner,  had  ever  a  reverent  regard 
unto  him  and  had  him  in  precious  estimation  as  his 
worth  and  wisdom  did  deserve.  And  though  they 
esteemed  him  highly  whilst  he  lived  and  laboured 
amongst  them:  yet  much  more  after  his  death,  when 
they  came  to  feel  the  want  of  his  help;  and  saw,  by 


*  BRADFORD,  we  fear,  would  have  been  very  much  horrified,  if  he  had 
known  that  he  was  here  quoting  from  the  Work  of  a  Roman  Catholic 
Bishop.  The  Golden  Booh  of  the  Emperor  MARCUS  AURELIUS  was  really 
written  by  ANTONIO  DE  GUEVARA,  Bishop  of  MONDONEDO,-  and  was 
translated  into  English  by  JOHN  BOURCHIER,  second  Lord  BERNERS. 
Another  translation  of  the  same  Work,  by  Sir  THOMAS  NORTH,  was  called 
The  Dial  of  Princes.  GUEVARA'S  excellent  Works  were  decidedly  popular 
inf  England  in  the  reign  of  Queen  ELIZABETH^-E.  A. 


GOT.  w.  Bradford.     The  Removal  to  Ley  den.  151 

woeful  experience,  what  a  treasure  they  had  lost,  to  the 
grief  of  their  hearts  and  wounding  of  their  souls.  Yea, 
such  a  loss,  as  they  saw  could  not  be  repaired.  For  it 
was  as  hard  for  them  to  find  such  another  Leader  and 
Feeder  in  all  respects,  as  for  the  Taborites  to  find  another 
[ JOHANN  TROCZNOV]  ZISKA  :  and,  although  they  did  not 
call  themselves  Orphans,  as  the  others  [the  Taborites] 
did,  after  his  death;  yet  they  had  cause,  as  such,  to 
lament,  in  another  regard,  their  present  condition  and 
after  usage. 

But  to  return.  I  know  not  hut  it  may  be  spoken  to 
the  honour  of  GOD,  and  without  prejudice  to  any,  That 
such  was  the  true  piety,  the  humble  zeal,  and  fervent 
love,  of  this  people,  whilst  they  thus  lived  together, 
towards  GOD  and  his  Ways ;  and  the  single-heartedness 
and  sincere  affection,  one  towards  another;  that  they 
came  as  near  the  primitive  pattern  of  the  first  Churches, 
as  any  other  Church  of  these  later  Times  has  done, 
according  to  their  rank  and  quality  [in  life]. 

But  seeing  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  treat  of  the 
several  Passages  that  bef  el  this  people  whilst  they  thus 
lived  in  the  Low  Countries,  which  might  worthily  require 
a  large  Treatise  of  itself ;  but  to  make  way  to  shew  the 
Beginning  of  this  Plantation,  which  is  that  I  aim  at: 
yet,  because  some  of  their  adversaries  did,  upon  the 
rumour  of  their  removal,  cast  out  slanders  against  them, 
as  if  that  State  [here  meaning  the  Magistrates  of  Leyden] 
had  been  weary  of  them ;  and  had  rather  driven  them  out 
(as  the  heathen  historians  did  feign  of  MOSES  and  the 
Israelites,  wlien  they  went  out  of  Egypt),  than  that  it 
was  their  own  free  choice  and  motion — I  will  therefore 
mention  a  particular  or  two,  to  shew  the  contrary ;  and 
the  goodacceptation  they  had  in  the  place  where  they  lived. 


152  The  Removal  to  Ley  den.    <*ov.  w. 

And,  first,  though  many  of  them  were  poor;  yet 
there  was  none  so  poor  but  [that],  if  they  were  known  to 
be  of  that  Congregation,  the  Dutch,  either  bakers  or 
others,  would  trust  them  in  any  reasonable  matter,  when 
they  wanted  money:  because  they  had  found  by 
experience,  how  careful  they  were  to  keep  their  word ; 
and  saw 'them  so  painful  [painstaking]  and  diligent  in 
their  callings.  Yea,  they  would  strive  to  get  their 
custom;  and  to  imploy  them  above  others  in  their 
work,  for  their  honesty  and  diligence. 

Again,  the  Magistrates  of  the  City,  about  the  time  of 
their  coming  away  [July  1620],  or  a  little  before,  in  the 
public  Place  of  Justice,  gave  this  commendable  testimony 
of  them,  in  the  reproof  of  the  Walloons,  who  were  of  the 
French  Church  in  that  city,  "  These  English,"  said  they, 
"  have  lived  amongst  us,  now  these  twelve  years  [April 
1609— /i%  1620] ;  and  yet  we  never  had  any  suit,  or 
accusation  came  against  any  of  them :  but  your  strifes 
and  quarrels  are  continual,  &c" 

In  these  Times  also  were  the  great  troubles  raised  by 
the  Arminians ;  who  as  they  greatly  molested  the  whole 
State  [of  Holland],  so  this  city  in  particular,  in  which 
was  the  chief  University:  so  as  there  were  daily 
and  hot  disputes  in  the  Schools  [of  the  University] 
thereabout. 

And  as  the  students  and  other  learned  were  divided 
in  their  opinions  herein;  so  were  the  two  Professors 
or  Divinity  Readers  themselves :  the  one  daily  teaching 
for  it,  the  other  against  it ;  which  grew  to  that  pass,  that 
few  of  the  disciples  of  the  one,  would  hear  the  other 
teach. 

But  Master  ROBINSON,  though  he  taught  thrice  a 
week  himself,  and  writ  sundry  books,  besides  his 


GOT.  w.  Bradford.     The  Removal  to  Ley  den.  i  c  \ 

manifold  pains  otherwise ;  yet  tie  went  constantly  to 
hear  their  Readings,  and  heard  the  one  as  well  as  the 
other:  by  which  means,  he  was  so  well  grounded  in  the 
controversy,  and  saw  the  force  of  all  their  arguments, 
and  knew  the  shifts  of  the  adversary. 

And  being  himself  very  able,  none  was  fitter  to 
buckle  with  them  than  himself ;  as  appeared  by  sundry 
disputes :  so  as  he  began  to  be  terrible  to  the  Arminians. 
Which  made  [SiMON  BISOOP,  Latinized]  EPISCOPIXJS,  the 
Arminian  [Divinity]  Professor,  to  put  forth  his  best 
strength,  and  set  forth  sundry  Theses;  which,  by  public 
dispute,  he  would  defend  against  all  men. 

Now  [JOHN]  POLYANDER,  the  "other  Professor,  and 
[one  of]  the  chief  Preachers  of  the  city,  desired  Master 
ROBINSON  to  dispute  against  him :  but  he  was  loath, 
being  a  stranger.  Yet  the  other  did  importune  him,  and 
told  him,  That  such  was  the  ability  and  nimbleness  of 
the  adversary,  that  the  truth  would  suffer,  if  he  did 
not  help  them.  So  as  he  condescended  [agreed],  and 
prepared  himself  against  the  time. 

And  when  the  day  came ;  the  LORD  did  so  help  him 
to  defend  the  truth,  and  foil  this  adversary,  as  he  put  him 
to  an  apparent  non  plus,  in  this  great  and  public  audience. 
And  the  like,  he  did  a  second,  or  third  time,  upon  such 
like  occasions.  The  which  as  it  caused  many  to  praise 
GOD,  that  the  truth  had  so  famous  [a]  victory ;  so  it 
procured  him  much  honour  and  respect  from  those 
learned  men,  and  others  which  loved  the  truth. 

Yea,  so  far  were  they  from  being  weary  of  him  and 
his  people,  or  desiring  their  absence ;  as  it  was  said  by 
some  of  no  mean  note,  That  were  it  not  for  giving  offence 
to  the  State  of  England,  they  would  have  preferred  him 
otherwise,  if  he  would;  and  allowed  him  some  public 
favour. 


154  The  Removal  to  Ley  den     &<>v.  w.  Bradford. 

Yea,  when  there  was  speech  of  their  removal  into 
these  parts  [of  North  America];  sundry  of  note  and 
eminence  of  that  nation  [the  Dutch]  would  have  had 
them  come  under  them:  and  for  that  end,  made  them 
large  offers. 

Now  though  I  might  alledge  many  other  particulars 
and  examples  of  the  like  kind,  to  shew  the  untruth  and 
unlikelihood  of  this  slander;  yet  these  shall  suffice: 
seeing  it  was  believed  of  few;  being  only  raised  by 
the  malice  of  some,  who  laboured  [for]  their  disgrace. 
Bradford  MS.,  folios  41-47. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE  PURCHASE  OF  THE  REV.  JOHN  ROBINSON'S  HOUSE, 

IN  BELL  ALLEY,  LEYDEN,  ON 
THURSDAY,  26  APRIL  /6  MAY  1611. 

C.  M.  [the  Hon.  HENRY  0.  MURPHY]  in  th& 
Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  330,  331, 
Boston  and  New  York,  1859,  4,  thus  writes : 

"There  is  a  space  o£  two  years,  or  a  little 
more,  "between  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  ROBINSON  and  his 
flock  in  Leyden,  and  the  purchase  of  this  house ;  in  which  he 
afterward  lived  until  his  death.  There  is  nothing  to  show 
where  he  resided  during  that  short  period. 

"But,  on  the  5th  of  May  1611,  a  Transport  Brief  or 
deed,  was  made  to  him,  in  conjunction  with  three  others  of 
his  Congregation,  of  the  house  and  piece  of  ground  in 
question,  nearly  opposite  the  Belfry  which  stood  in  the  rear 
of  St  Peter's  Church,  and  fronting  on  Pieter's  3£erckho£f, 
or  the  Clock  Steech  (literally  translated  Bell  Alley),  a  street 
between  twenty  and  thirty  feet  wide.  .  .  : 

"Now  the  fact  that  the  title  was  taken  in  the  name 
of  four  persons  in  connection  with  another  circumstance, 
disclosed  in  another  Record ;  namely,  that  ROBINSON  was  the 
only  one  of  the  four  who  lived  in  the  house — goes  to  show 
that  the  purchase  was  for  a  general  object ;  of  which  he,  the 
Pastor,  was  the  leader. 

"  This  deed  was  found  recorded  in  Register  M.  M.,  page 
105,  of  Indemnifications  (Protocollen  van  Waerlrieoen) ;  and 
was  doubtless  so  recorded  as  a  security  to  the  Granter,  for 
the  balance  of  the  purchase  money." 

155 


1 56    Rev.  John  Robinsdris  house  at  Ley  den. 

We,  PIETER  ARENTSZOON  DEYMAN  and  AMELIS  VAN 
HOGEVEEN,  Schepens  [Aldermen  or  Toiun  Magistrates]  in 
Leyden,  make  known  that  before  us  came  JOHAN  DE 
LALAING,  declaring,  for  himself  and  his  heirs,  that  he 
had  sold,  and  by  these  presents  does  sell,  to  JAN 
KOBINSZOON,  Minister  of  GOD's  Word  of  the  English 
Congregation  in  this  city,  WILLEM  JEPSON,  HENRY 
WOOD,  and  RAYNULPH  [« RALPH}  TICKENS,  who  has 
married  JANE  WHITE— -jointly  and  each  for  himself 
an  equal  fourth  part — a  house  and  ground,  with  a 
garden  situated  on  the  west  side  thereof,  standing 
and  being  in  this  city  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Pieter's  Kerckhoff  [grounds  of  Peter's  Church]  near 
the  Belfry ;  formerly  called  the  Groene  Port  [Green 
Gate]. 

Bounded  and  having  situated  on  the  one  side, 
eastwardly,  a  certain  small  room,  which  the  Comparant 
[the  Appearer  or  Granter]  reserves  to  himself;  being 
over  the  door  of  the  house  hereby  sold :  next  thereto  is 
WILLEM  SIMONSZOON  VAN  DER  WILDE;  and  next  to 
him,  the  residence  of  the  Commandarije.  And  on  the 
other  side,  westwardly,  having  the  Widow  and  Heirs 
of  HUYCK  VAN  ALCKEMADE;  and  next  to  him,  the 
Comparant  himself;  and  next  to  him  is  the  Donckere 
Graft  [the  Dark  Canal],  which  is  also  situated  on  the 
west  of  the  aforesaid  garden  ( ;  and  next  to  it,  is  the 
Falide  Bagynhoff  [Veiled  Nuns'  Cloister])  extending 
from  the  street  of  the  Kerckhoff  aforesaid,  to  the  rear 
of  the  Falide  Bagynhoff  beforenamed. 

All,  and  so,  as  the  aforesaid  house  is  at  present  built 
and  made,  used  and  occupied ;  with  everything  thereto 
attached  [aert-ennagelvast,  fastened  to  the  ground  or 
nailed],  to  him,  the  Comparant,  belonging :  subject  to  a 
yearly  rent  charge  of  eleven  stivers  and  twelve  pence 


Rev.  John  Robinsons  house  at  Ley  den.     157 
[ «  say  20  English  pence  then]  *  payable  to  the  Heer  VAN 

POELGEEST. 

And  he,  the  Comparant,  promises  the  aforesaid  house 
and  ground,  upon  the  conditions  aforesaid,  to  warrant 
and  defend  from  all  other  incumbrances  with  which 
the  same  may  be  charged,  for  a  year  and  a  day,  and 
for  ever,  as  is  just:  hereby  binding  thereto  all  his 
property,  moveable  and  immoveable,  now  owned,  or 
hereafter  to  be  owned  by  him,  without  any  exception. 

Further  making  known  that  he,  the  Comparant,  is 
paid  for  the  aforesaid  purchase,  and  fully  satisfied 
therewith,  the  sum  of  eight  thousand  guilders  *  [  =  £1,400 
English  then],  the  last  penny  with  the  first:  and 
that  with  a  purchase  money  lien  —  two  thousand 
guilders  [  =  £350  English  then],  being  paid  down ;  and 
five  hundred  guilders  [  £87, 10s.  English  then]  to  be  paid 
in  May  1612,  and  annually  thereafter,  until  all  be  paid 

And  this  all  in  good  faith,  and  without  fraud. 

In  witness  of  these  presents,  we  have  set  our  seals, 
the  5th  of  May  1611. 

(Signed)    J.  SWANENBUECH. 

"The  Grantees  in  this  conveyance,  besides  ROBINSON 
himself,  were  members  of  his  Congregation;  as  we  find  by 
the  Becord  of  Marriages.  None  of  them  went  to  America. 

"JEPSON  bought  out  the  interest  of  the  others,  on  the 
13th  of  December  1629,  after  ROBINSON'S  death.  He  is 
described  in  this  second  conveyance  as  a  Carpenter. 

"TiCKENS  was  the  brother-in-law  of  ROBINSON;    whose 


*  A  Dutch  Single  Stiver  =  1|  English  Penny  ;  and  as  20  Single  Stivers 
went  to  the  Carolus  Guilder,  that  wonld,  theoretically,  have  been  worth 
2s.  8Jd.  English  money.  But,  actually,  the  Carolus  Guilder  seems  to  have 
been  worth,  in  the  way  of  exchange,  3s.  6d. — E.  A. 


158    Rev.  John  Robinsons  house  at  Ley  den. 

wife  BRIDGET  was  the  sister  of  JAKE  WHITE.  EOGEB  WHITE 
who  communicated  from  Leyden,  to  Governor  BRADFORD, 
the  death  of  ROBINSON,  was  the  brother  of  Mrs  ROBINSON. 
From  the  circumstance  that  JANE  WHITE'S  name  is 
mentioned  in  the  deed,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  money 
for  TICKENS'  share  came  from  her.  TICKENS  is  described  as 
a  Looking-Glass  Maker. 

"In  1637,  JEPSON,  who  had  become  the  sole  owner,  having 
died;  the  property  was  conveyed  by  the  Guardians  of  his 
children,  to  STOFPEL  JANSZOON  ELLIS  :  and  thus  ceased  to  be 
held  any  longer  by  the  Brownists. 

"  The  house  was  taken  down,  with  a  number  of  others,  in 
1681-3,  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  Hof  for  the  Walloons  • 
still  remaining,  called  Pesyrts  Hof  [A.  Home  for  aged 
Walloons.]  There  are  over  forty  of  these  Hofs  in  Leyden." 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

THE  INMATES  OF  THE  REV.  JOHN  ROBINSON'S  HOUSE 

IN  BELL  ALLEY,  LEYDEN;  ON 
SATURDAY,   5/15    OCTOBER    1622. 

C.  M.   [the  Hon.  HENRY  0.  MURPHY]  states,  in 
the  Historical  Magazine  III.,  332,  Boston  and 
,    New  York,  1859,  4,  that 

"  The  other  Record  to  which  we  referred 
as  showing  that  ROBINSON  alone  resided  in  the  house — 
excepting,  of  course,  the  room  over  the  door,  reserved  by 
JOHAN  DE  LALAING —  is  a  List  of  those  rated  for  a  Poll 
Tax,  on  the  15th  of  October  1622,  in  the  Bon  or  Wyk 
(that  is,  a  small  district  set  off  for  municipal  purposes), 
called  The  Seven  Houses. 

"  The  only  persons  mentioned  as  living  in  this  house  are 
those  composing  ROBINSON'S  family;   making,  with  himself, 
nine  in  all.     They  are  named  as  follows  : " 
JOHN  ROBINSON,  Minister. 
BRUGITTA  [BRIDGET]  ROBINSON,  his  wife. 
JAMES 
BRUGITTA 

MERCY         ROBINSON'S  children. 

FEAR 
JACOB 
MARY  HARDY,  Maid-servant 

"  The  only  further  mention  of  any  portion  of  the  family 
159 


l6o  Isaac  Robinson. 

that  we  have  noticed,  is  the  marriage  of  the  daughter 
BEIDGET,  on  the  10th  and  26th  May  1629  [-#".£],  to  JOHN 
GRYNWICH,  Student  of  Theology,  Young  Man. 

"On  that   occasion,  ROBINSON'S  Widow   attended  as  a 
witness." 


In  this  connection,  it  may  be  useful  to  record  the  following 
fact  concerning  the  third  child  above  mentioned. 

A  fragment  of  Judge  SE WALL'S  Journal^  during  his  judicial 
circuit  in  the  Old  Colony,  in  1702,  reads  thus. 

Saturday,  April  4th.  Saw  Lieut.  HOWLAND  upon 
the  road  ;  who  tells  us,  he  was  born  February  24th  1626, 
at  our  Plymouth. 

Visit  Master  [ISAAC]  ROBINSON,  who  saith,  He  is  92 
years  old ;  is  the  son  of  Master  KOBINSON,  Pastor  of  the 
Church  of  Leyden;  part  of  which  came  to  Plymouth. 
But,  to  my  disappointment,  he  came  not  to  New  England 
till  the  year  [1631]  in  which  Master  WILSON  was 
returning  to  England;  after  the  settlement  of  Boston. 

I  told  him  [I]  was  very  desirous  to  see  him ;  for  his 
father's  sake,  and  bis  own.  Gave  him  an  Arabian  piece 
of  gold,  to  buy  a  book  for  some  of  his  grandchildren. 

Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  6,  Boston  and  NewYork, 
1860,  4. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 
THE    MARBIAGES    OF    FOREFATHEKS   THAT   WERE 

REGISTERED  AT   THE   STADHUIS,   OR  ClTY   HALL, 

LEYDEN;  BETWEEN  1611  AND  1621. 

C.  M.  [the  Hon.  HENRY  C.  MURPHY]  in  the 
Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  261-263, 
359,  Boston  and  New  York,  1859,  4,  states  : 

"The  Registrar,  or  Clerk,  spelt  the  names 
according  to  his  own  ear,  and  the  powers  of  the  Dutch 
alphabet.  The  consequence  is  that  there  is  hardly  a 
name,  either  of  a  person  or  place,  of  English  derivation 
correctly  spelt.  Still,  in  most  of  the  cases,  the  English  name 
shines  through  the  Butch  covering  sufficiently  distinct.  In 
those  cases,  in  which  we  have  not  been  able  to  recognise  it, 
we  give  the  orthography  as  it  is  in  the  Record,  and  in  italics. 

"  The  Minute  of  each  marriage  is  very  full,  giving,  as 
it  were,  a  succinct  history  of  the  previous  condition  in  life  of 
both  parties.  It  furnishes  the  dates  of  the  First  Publication 
of  the  Bans,  and  of  the  Marriage ;  the  names  of  the  parties  to 
the  ceremony ;  the  occupation  of  the  Bridegroom ;  the  places 
of  birth  of  both;  their  previous  condition  as  to  marriage, 
whether  widowed  or  not ;  and  if  widowed,  the  name  of  the 
deceased :  and  is  accompanied  by  the  names  of  two  or  three 
friends,  on  each  side,  to  prove  their  identity. 

"The  names  which  occur  of  the  Pilgrims  are  not  very 
numerous ;  though  there  is  a » goodly  number  of  them,  and 
some  of  the  most  distinguished. 

"For  convenience  we  will  take  them  up  in  the  order  of 
the  arrival  of  the  ships  in  America." 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  161  !• 


1 62      Marriages  of  Forefathers  at  Ley  den. 

I.  Those  who  came  over  in  1620, 
in  the  Mayflower. 

1611,  October  4,  November  4. — DEQOKY  PKIEST,  of 
London,  in  England ;  accompanied  by  WILLIAM  LYSLE, 
and  SAMUEL  FTJLLEB,  as  witnesses,  with 
SAEAH  VINCENT,  of  London,  Widow  of  JOHN 
VINCENT;  accompanied  by  JANE  DIGGJENS,  and 
ROSAMOND  JEPSON,  as  witnesses. 

"DEGORY  PRIEST  died  in  the  general  sickness  which 
carried  off  so  many  of  the  First  Comers?  shortly  after  his 
arrival  in  America.  His  Wife  did  not  accompany  him  in  the 
Mayflower. 

"  It  appears  by  a  subsequent  Minute  in  this  Record,  that 
she,  married  again,  on  the  13th  of  November  1621,  with 
GrODDARD  GoDBERT;  and  is  there  called  '  SARAH  ALLERTON-, 
Widow  of  DEGORY  PRIEST.' 

"She  was  probably  related  to  ISAAC  ALLERTON,  as  we 
find  the  marriage  of  the  latter  on  the  same  day  as  hers  with 
DEGORY  PRIEST,  as  follows  :  "  [seepage  376.] 

1611.  October    4,    November    4. — ISAAC    ALLEETON, 
Young  Man  (that  is,  having  never  been  married  before), 
of    London,    in  England ;    accompanied    by    EDWAED 

SOUTHWORTH,     RlCHAED      MASTEESON,      and     RANULPH 

[=  RALPH]  TICKENS,  as  witnesses,  with 
MAEY    NORRIS,    Maid,     of     Newbury,    in     England; 
accompanied  by  ANNA  FULLER,  and  DILLEN  CAEPENTEE 
as  witnesses. 

"  ISAAC  ALLERTON  who,  upon  the  death  of  JOHN  CARVER 
the  first  Governor  of  the  Colony,  was  chosen  Assistant,  was, 
as  we  learn  from  another  Record,  a  Tailor." 

1612.  January  27,  February  1. — WILLIAM  WHITE,  Wool 


Marriages  of  Forefathers  at  Ley  den.      163 

Carder,    Young    Man,    of    England,    accompanied    by 
WILLIAM  JEPSON  and  SAMUEL  FULLER,  with 
ANNA    FULLER,    Maid,   of    England,   accompanied   by 
ROSAMOND  JEPSON,  and  SARAH  PRIEST. 

"  WILLIAM  WHITE  died  shortly  after  reaching  America ; 
and  his  Widow  became  the  second  Wife  of  EDWARD  WINSLOW, 
whose  first  marriage  we  find  in  our  Record.77 

1613.  March  15,  April  30.— SAMUEL  FULLER,  Say 
[This  word  means  Silk,  also  Satin,  <wd  likewise  Serge] 
Maker,  of  London,  in  England;  Widower  of  ELSIE 
GLASCOCK;  accompanied  by  ALEXANDER  CARPENTER, 
WILLIAM  HOYT  his  brother  in  law,  ROGER  WILSON,  and 
EDWARD  SOUTHWORTH,  with 

AGNES  CARPENTER,  Maid,  of  Wrentham,  in  England; 
accompanied  by  AGNES  WHITE,  and  ALICE  CARPENTER 
her  sister. 

"SAMUEL  FULLER  was  the  future  Physician  of  the 
Colony.  AGNES,  Ms  Wife  by  this  marriage,  did  not  live 
long:  and  he  married,  as  we  will  presently  see,  his  third 
Wife  in.  Leyden. 

"  ALICE  CARPENTER  became  the  second  Wife  of  Governor 
BRADFORD.  She  came  to  America  a  Widow." 

1613.  November  8,  November  30.  —  WILLIAM 
BBADFOBD,  Fustian  [This  word  now  means  Corduroy, 
also  Moleskin,  and  likewise  Yelveteen]  Maker,  Young 
Man,  of  Austerfield,  in  England,  with 
DOEOTHY  MAY  of  Witzbuts  [?  Wisbeach],  in  England. 
Is  not  identified ;  but  presents  a  Certificate. 

"DOROTHY  MAY  was  drowned  on  the  7th  of  December 
1620,  in  Cape  Cod  harbour.  Her  father  is  mentioned  by 
ROGER  WHITE  in  a  letter,  from  Leyden,  to  Governor 
BRADFORD,  in  1625." 


164     Marriages  of  Forefathers  at  Ley  den. 

1613.    November  80,  December  21. — MOSES  FLETCHER, 

Smith,    o£    England,    Widower    of    MAKIA     EVANS; 

accompanied  by  WILLIAM  LYSLE,  and  WILLIAM  BRADFORD, 

with 

SARAH     DINGBY,     also     of     England,     Widow     of 

WILLIAM  DINGBY,  accompanied  by  SARAH  PRIEST,  and 

MARGARET  SAVERY. 

"  MOSES  FLETCHER  died  in  the  general  sickness." 

1617.  May    12,    May    27.  —  SAMUEL    FULLER,    Say 
Maker,  of   England,  Widower  of   ANNA  CARPENTER; 
accompanied    by  SAMUEL   LEE  his  future  brother  in 
law,  with 

BRIDGET  LEE,  Maid,  of  England ;  accompanied  by  Joos 
LEE,  her  mother. 

1618.  May  27,  May  16.— EDWARD  WINSLOW,  Printer, 
Young  Man,  of  London,  in  England;  accompanied  by 
JONATHAN  WILLIAMS,  and  ISAAC  ALLERTON,  with 
ELIZABETH  BARKER,  Maid,  from  Ohatsum  (Chester?)/ 
in  England ;  accompanied  by  JANE  PHMSEL,  her  niece ; 
and  MARY  ALLERTON. 

II.  Those  who  came  over  in  1621, 
in  the  Fortune. 

""The  first  of  these  was  WILLIAM  BASSETT.  His  Bans 
were  published  first  with  MARY  BUTLER,  on  the  19th  of 
March  1611 ;  but  she  died  before  the  third  publication. 

"  He  soon,  found,  however,  another  bride.7' 
1611.     July    29,    August    13.  —  WILLIAM    BASSETT, 
Englishman,  Widower  of  CECIL  LEGHT-,  accompanied 
by  KOGER  WILSON,  and  EDWARD  GODDARD,  with 
MARGARET  OLDHAM,  Maid,  from  England ;  accompanied 
by  WYBRAN PAUTES,  [?  PANTES]  and  ELIZABETH  NEAL. 

"In  the  division  of  the  lands  by  the  General  Court  of 


Marriages  of  Forefathers  at  Ley  den.      165 

the  Colony,  on  the  22nd  of  May  1627,  the  name  of  the  Wife 
of  WILLIAM  BASSETT  is  given  as  ELIZABETH  BASSETT,  as  there 
are  two  of  that  name  mentioned  in  his  family." 

1617.  May  19,  June  3.  —  EOBEET  CUSHMAN,  Wool 
Carder,  of  Canterbury,  in  England ;  Widower  of  SABAH 
CTJSHMAN  ;  accompanied  by  JOHN  KEBEL  with 
MARY  CHINGLETON  (  ?  SINGLETON),  of  Sandwich, 
Widow  of  THOMAS  CHINGLETON  ;  accompanied  by 
CATHERINE  CARVER  [the  wife  of  JOHN  CARVER]. 

III.  Those  who  came  over  in  1623,  in  the 
Ann  and.  Little  James. 

1612,    July  6,  July  23. — GEORGE  MORTON,  Englishman, 

of  York,  in  England,  Merchant;  accompanied  by  his 

brother  THOMAS  MORTON,  and  EOGER  WILSON  ; 

with 

JULIA  ANN  CARPENTER,  Maid,  accompanied  by  her  father, 

ALEXANDER  CARPENTER,  her  sister  ALICE  CARPENTER, 

and  ANNA  EOBINSON;  as  witnesses. 

1614     Sept.  5,  November  1.    JOHN  JENNE[T],  Young 

Man,  Brewer's   Man,  of  Norwich,  in  England;   living 

in  Eotterdam ;  accompanied  by  KOGER  WILSON  ; 

with 

SARAH    CAREY,    Maid,    of    Moncksoon,   in    England; 

accompanied  by  JOANNA  LYONS. 

"  The  last  of  the  Forefathers  whom  we  have  been  enabled 
to  discover  in  this  List,  is  STEPHEN  TRACY." 
1620.    December   18,     1621,   January   2nd.— STEPHEN 
TRACY,    Say    Maker,     Young     Man,    from    England; 
accompanied  by  ANTHONY  CLEMENS;  with 


i66     Marri&ges  of  Forefathers  at  Ley  den. 

TBIFASA  LE ,  Maid,  o£  England ;  accompanied  by 

PRUCE  JENNINGS. 


' '  There  were  some  who  came  to  America  afterwards ;  but 
they  are  not  reckoned  among  the  First  Comers. 

"The  only  one  of  them,  however,  whom  we  have  been 
enabled  to  discover,  is  RICHARD  MASTERSON;  who  was  of  the 
number  who,  in  1625,  addressed  a  letter  to  BRADFORD  and 
BREWSTER." 

1619.  November  8,  November  26.— RICHAKD  MASTER- 
SON,  Wool  Carder,  Young  Man,  of  Sandwich,  in  England  ; 
accompanied  by  WILLIAM  TALBOT,  and  JOHN  ELLIS 
his  brother  in  law,  with 

MAKY  GOODALL,  Maid,  of  Leicester,  in  England; 
accompanied  by  ELIZABETH  KIBBJEL  [  ?  KEBLE  ]  and 
MARY  FINCH. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

OTHER  MARRIAGES  OF  ENGLISH  EXILES  REGISTERED  AT 
THE  STADHTJIS,  OR  CITY  HALL,  LEYDEN; 

BETWEEN   1610  AND   1617. 

C.  M.  [the  Hon.  HENRY  C.  MURPHY]  continues, 
"  There  are  others  of  ROBINSON'S  Congregation, 
in    this    Record,    who    did    not     emigrate    to 
America ;   as  we  may  judge  from   the  names 
of  the  witnesses. 

"  Thus  WILLIAM  BREWSTEB  is  given  as  a  Witness : 
on  behalf  of  WILLIAM  PANTES,  Fustian  Maker,*  from  near 
Dover,  on  his  marriage 
with  WYSRA  HATJSON,  Maid,  on  the  4th  December  1610 : 

on  behalf  of  KAYNULPH  [  =  RALPH}  TICKENS,  Young  Man,  of 

London ; 

with  JANE  WHITE,   Maid,   of  Hebel,  on  the   llth  of  April 

1611: 

and  for  WILLIAM  BUCKRUM,  Block  Maker,  Young  Man,  oi 

*  With  the  exception  of  THOMAS  BBEWEB,  who  was  a  Gentleman,  and 
a  landed  proprietor,  of  Kent ;  and  of  Merchants,  like  GEOBGE  MOETON, 
EDWABD  PICKEBING,  &c. :  most  of  the  members  of  the  Pilgrim  Church, 
during  their  stay  in  Holland,  had  to  support  themselves  by  handicrafts ; 
whether  they  had  done  so  before  in  England,  or  not.  It  was  the  only 
possible  way  of  getting  a  living  in  a  Dutch  city,  at  that  time.  Governor 
BBADPOBD  tells  us,  at  page  87,  that  the  Scrooby  contingent  were 
agriculturists.  Commerce,  Fishing,  Handicrafts,  and  Agriculture  were 
the  four  chief  ways  in  which  the  Dutch  then  made  their  money.— E.  A. 

167 


1 68       Other  Marriages  of  English  Exiles. 

Ipswich ; 

with  ELIZABETH   NEAL,  Maid,  of  Scrooby,  on  the  17th  of 

December  161L 

"  WILLIAM  BRADFORD  is,  in  the  same  manner,  witness  at  the 
marriage 

of    HENRY    CRULLINS,    Bombazine    Worker,    Widower,    of 
England,  residing  at  Amsterdam ; 

with  ELIZABETH  PETTINGER,  Maid,  of  Moortel,  on  the  20th  of 
November  1613. 

"And  JOHN  CARVER  appears,  in  the  same  capacity,  on 
behalf 

of  JOHN  GILLIES,  Merchant,  of  Essex ;   Widower  of  Elizabeth 
Pettinger ;  on  his  marriage 

with  ROSE  LYSLE,  Maid,  of  Yarmouth,  on  the  23rd  of  March 
1617." 


CHAPTEE    XX. 

THE  REGISTRATION  AT  THE  STADHUIS,  OR  CITY  HALL,  OF 

SUCH  MEMBERS  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH  AS  WERE 

ADMITTED  CITIZENS,  OR  FREEMEN,  OF  LEYDEN  ; 

BETWEEN  1612  AND  1616. 


(  BOM  the  Book  of  Admissions.     The  number 
only  three. 

1612.    March  30.  —  WILLIAM  BRADFORD, 
Englishman;  admitted  upon  the  proof  and 
security  of  EOGER  WILSON  and  WILLIAM  LYSLE. 

1614  February  7.  —  ISAAC  ALLERTON,  Englishman, 
of  London  ;  admitted  upon  the  proof  and  security  of 
ROGER  WILSON  and  HENRY  WOOD. 

1615.  November  16.  —  DEGORY  PRIEST,  Hatter,  of 
England;  admitted  upon  the  proof  and  security  of 
ROGER  WILSON,  Say  Draper,  and  ISAAC  ALLERTON, 
Tailor. 

H.  0.  M*  [the  Hon.  HENRY  C.  MURPHY]  as  before. 


169 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

THE  MEMBEBS  OF  THE  PJLGBIM  CHURCH,  AND  SOME 

OTHER  BRITISH  SUBJECTS,  WHO  MATRICULATED 

AT  LEYDEN  UNIVERSITY.     1609 — 1620. 

jjOCTOR  W.  N.  DU  RIEU,  the  present  Chief 
Librarian  of  this  famous  University,  has 
published,  as  a  tercentenary  memorial  of  its 
foundation,  a  nominal  List  of  all  the  Hectors, 
Curators,  Professors,  and  Students  of  the  University  in  the 
city  of  Leyden,  under  the  title  of  Album  Studiosorum 
Academics  Lugduno  Batavoe,  1575 — 1875.  Accedunt  nomina 
Curatorum  et  Professorum  per  eadem  secula.  Hagae  Comitum, 
1875,  4. 

From  this  list,  we  extract  six  names  :  three  only  of  which, 
BBABBEB  [=BBEWEB],  ROBINSON,  and  BBEWSTEB,  seem  to  be 
members  of  the  Separatist  Church  at  Leyden;  though,  as 
appears  from  page  187,  BASTWICK  attended  that  Church  while 
studying  at  the  University. 

Prom  the  fact  of  married  men,  well  on  in  life,  matriculating  ; 
it  would  seem  that  doing  so,  gave  position  in  Leyden  society. 

17/27  April  1610,  ROBERTUS  DUB^EUS, 
[aet.]  55,  Anglicanae 
Ecclesiae  Min. 

Notice  that  this  Minister  of  the  Scotch  Presbyterian 
Church  is  called  the  Minister  of  the  English  Church. 

7/17  February  1615.    THOMAS   BRAEBEE, 
Anglus,     [set.]     35,     L. 
[Litterarum  Studiosus.] 
170 


Matriculations  at  Ley  den  University.      171 

We  take  this  to  be  the  matriculation  of  THOMAS  BEEWEE, 
of  whom  so  much  is  said  at  pp.  195-247.  His  name,  properly 
spelt,  does  not  occur  in  this  Album.  It  happens,  however, 
that  his  Christian  name,  THOMAS,  was  an  extremely  infrequent 
one  among  the  Students :  so  that,  combined  with  the  word 
Englishman^  would  seem  to  settle  the  matter.  As  he  is 
stated,  at  page  247,  to  have  been  65  when  he  died  in  December 
1640;  the  above  age  also  roughly  agrees. 

26  August  /5  September  1615.  JOANNES  BOBINTSONUS, 

Anglus,  [sat]  39,  T. 
[Theologise  Studiosus]. 

Notice  that  the  Register  does  not  say  that  he  was  the 
"Minister  of  the  English  Church,"  as  it  said  of  DEXJEY, 

Doctor  H,  MAETYN  DEXTER  (Congregationalism  <&c,,  p.  360, 
New  York,  1880,  8.)  gives  us  the  full  wording  of  this  entry. 

September  5,  1615.  Coss.  permissu  [After  leave  by 
the  Magistrates],  JOANNES  EOBINTS[ONUS  —  evidently 
subsequently  added] ;  Anglus,  an.  xxxix,  Stud.  Theol: 
alit  familiam  [He  has  a  family"]. 

4/14  January  161 7.  JOANNES  BASTWYCK, 
Anglus,  [set]  22,  P.  et 

[see  page  186]  Pol.  [Philosophic  et 

Politices  Studiosus.] 

3o  August  /9  September  1617.    ALEXANDER  LEIGHTON, 

Anglus  Londinensis, 
[set.]  40,  M,  Cand. 
[Medicinse  Candidates.] 

12/22  May  1619.  ROBERTUS  BREWSTER, 
Anglus,  [»t]  20,  L 
[Litterarum  Studiosus.] 


CHAPTEE    XXII. 

GOVEBNOB  BBADFOBD'S  PANEGYBIC  OF  THE  CHUBCH 

OBDEB  OF  THE  EXILED  ENGLISH  CHUBCHES 

AT  AMSTEBDAM  AND  LEYDEN, 

*  FTER  what  has  gone  before,  the  Reader  cannot 
accept  this  rose-coloured  description,  written  in 
1648,  some  thirty  years  after  the  events,  as  an 
accurate  and  complete  statement  of  affairs. 

One  cause  of  satisfaction  there  would  undoubtedly  be,  That 
whatever  the  merits  or  the  demerits,  of  the  organization  might 
be ;  it  had  this  crowning  advantage,  That  it  originated  from  the 
people :  and  was  not  imposed  upon  them  from  above,  by  an 
act  of  royal  authority. 

Truly,  there  were  in  them  [those  two  Churches  that 
were  so  long  in  exile]  many  worthy  men  ;  and,  if  you  had 
seen  them  in  their  beauty  and  order  as  we  have  done,  you 
would  have  been  much  affected  therewith,  we  dare  say. 

At  Amsterdam,  before  their  division  and  breach,  they 
were  about  three  hundred  communicants.  And  they 
had  for  their  Pastor  and  Teacher,  those  two  eminent 
men  before  named  [FRANCIS  JOHNSON"  and  HENBY 
AlNSWOBTH];  and,  in  our  time  [1607 — 1609],  four  grave 
men  for  Ruling  Elders ;  and  three  able  and  godly 
men  for  Deacons  :  one  ancient  Widow  for  a  Deaconess ; 
who  did  them  service  many  years,  though  she  was 
sixty  years  of  age  when  she  was  chosen.  She 
honoured  her  place,  and  was  an  ornament  to  the 
Congregation.  She  usually  sat  in  a  convenient  place  in 
the  Congregation,  with  a  little  birchen  rod  in  her  hand ; 

172 


GOT.  w.  Bradford.  Panegyric  of  the  Church  Order.      173 

and  kept  little  children  in  great  awe,  from  disturbing 
the  Congregation.  She  did  frequently  visit  the  sick  and 
weak,  especially  women  ;  and,  as  there  was  need,  called 
out  Maids  and  young  Women  to  watch,  and  do  them 
other  helps,  as  their  necessity  did  require  :  and,  if  they 
were  poor,  she  would  gather  relief  for  them,  of  those 
that  were  able ;  or  acquaint  the  Deacons.  And  she  was 
obeyed  as  a  Mother  in  Israel,  and  an  Officer  of  CHBIST. 

And  for  the  Church  of  Leyden,  they  were  sometimes 
not  much  fewer  in  number ;  nor  at  all  inferior  in  able 
men :  though  they  had  not  so  many  Officers  as  the 
other.  For  they  had  but  one  Ruling  Elder  [WILLIAM 
BREWSTER]  with  their  Pastor  ;  a  man  well  approved  and 
of  great  integrity.  Also  they  had  three  able  men  for 
Deacons  [JOHN  CAEVEE,  SAMUEL  FULLEE,  and  ?  ]. 
And  that  which  was  a  crown  unto  them,  they 
lived  together  in  love  and  peace  all  their  days; 
without  any  considerable  differences,  or  any  disturb 
ance  that  grew  thereby,  but  such  as  was  easily  healed 
in  love:  and  so  they  continued  until,  with  mutual 
consent,  they  removed  into  New  England.  And  what 
their  condition  hath  been  since,  some  of  you  that  are  of 
their  children  do  see  and  can  tell. 

Many  worthy  and  able  men  there  were,  in  both  places, 
who  lived  and  died  in  obscurity  in  respect  of  the  World, 
as  private  Christians:  yet  were  they  precious  in  the 
eyes  of  the  LOED,  and  also  in  the  eyes  of  such  as  knew 
them.  Whose  virtues  we,  with  such  of  you  as  are  their 
children,  do  follow  and  imitate.  First  Dialogue  (fee., 
Printed  in  A.  YOUNG'S  Chronicles  &c.,  pp.  455, 456y  1841, 8. 

But  for  all  the  above;  the  mutual  hatred  between 
members  of  the  Beverend  HENRY  AINSWORTH'S  Church,  and 
the  Reverend  JOHN  ROBINSOH'S,  will  frequently  crop  up 
in  the  following  Story. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

THE  REV,  JOHN  ROBINSON  AND  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 

AT  LEYDEN;  AND  THEIR  RELATIONS  TO  THE 

OTHER  REFORMED  CHURCHES. 

1609—1625. 


BRADFORD  is  very  brief  here,  as 
often  elsewhere;  where  we  should  have  been 
very  thankful,  if  he  had  said  more. 

Master  JOHN  ROBINSON  was  Pastor  of 
that  famous  Church  at  Leyden  in  Holland  ;  a  man  not 
easily  to  be  paralleled  for  all  things  :  whose  singular 
virtues  we  shall  not  take  upon  us  here  to  describe  ; 
neither  need  we,  for  they  so  well  are  known  both  by 
friends  and  enemies. 

As  he  was  a  man  learned,  and  of  solid  judgement, 
and  of  a  quick  and  sharp  wit;  so  was  he  also  of  a 
tender  conscience,  and  very  sincere  in  all  his  ways  ;  a 
hater  of  hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  and  would  be  very 
plain  with  his  best  friends.  He  was  very  courteous, 
affable,  and  sociable  in  his  conversation  ;  and  towards 
his  own  people  especially. 

He  was  an  acute  and  expert  disputant,  very  quick 
and  ready  ;  and  had  much  bickering  with  the  Arminians, 
who  stood  more  in  fear  of  him  than  [of]  any  of  the 
University  [of  Leyden]. 

He  was  never  satisfied  in  himself  until  he  had 
searched  any  cause,  or  argument,  he  had  to  deal  in, 
thoroughly  and  to  the  bottom.  And  we  have  heard  him 

174 


Robinson  ancL  the  Pilgrim  Church.        175 

sometimes  say  to  his  familiars,  That,  many  times,  both 
in  writing  and  disputation,  he  knew  he  had  sufficiently 
answered  others;  but,  many  times,  not  himself.  And 
[he]  was  ever  desirous  of  any  light :  and  the  more  able, 
learned,  and  holy  the  persons  were;  the  more  he 
desired  to  confer  and  reason  with  them. 

He  was  very  profitable  in  his  Ministry,  and 
comfortable  to  his  people.  He  was  much  beloved  of 
them:  and  as  loving  was  he  to  them;  and  entirely 
sought  their  good  for  body  and  soul. 

In  a  word,  he  was  much  esteemed  and  reverenced 
of  all  that  knew  him;w  and  his  abilities  [were 
acknowledged]  both  of  friends  and  strangers. 

But  we  resolved  to  be  brief  in  this  matter ;  leaving 
you  to  better  and  more  large  information  herein  from 
others. 

First  Dialogue  &c.  [Written  in  1648.]  Printed  in 
A.  YOUNG'S  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  pp. 
451-452, 1841,  8. 


THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  POSITION  OF   THE   PILGEIM 
CHUECH   AT  LEYDEN.      1609 — 1625. 

Governor  WINSLOW  thus  defines  the  ecclesiastical  position 
of  the  Pilgrim  Church ;  and  in  doing  so,  gives  us  ROBINSON'S 
celebrated  Farewell  Address  to  the  Mayflower  Pilgrims. 

Having  thus  briefly  shewed  that  the  foundation  of 
our  New  England  Plantations  was  not  laid  upon  schism, 
division,  or  separation;  but  upon  love,  peace,  and 
holiness :  yea,  such  love  and  mutual  care  of  the  Church 
of  Leyden  for  the  spreading  of  the  Gospel,  the  welfare 


1 76         Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

of  each  other,  and  their  posterities  to  succeeding 
generations,  as  is  seldom  found  on  earth.  And  having 
shewed  also  that  the  Primitive  Churches  are  the  only 
pattern  which  the  Churches  of  CHKIST  in  New  England 
have  in  their  eye;  not  following  LUTHER,  CALVIN, 
KNOX,  AINSWORTH,  ROBINSON,  AMES,  or  any  other, 
further  than  they  follow  CHKIST  and  his  Apostles :  I  am 
earnestly  requested  to  clear  up  another  gross  mistake 
which  caused  many,  and  still  doth,  to  judge  the  harder 
of  New  England,  and  the  Churches  there:  "because," 
say  they,  "  the  Church  of  Plymouth,  which  went  first  to 
Leyden,  were  Schismatics,  Brownists,  Eigid  Separatists, 
&c. ;  having  Master  ROBINSON  for  their  Pastor :  who 
made,  and  to  the  last  professed,  separation  from 
other  the  Churches  of  CHRIST,  &c.  And  the 
rest  of  the  Churches  in  New  England,  holding 
communion  with  that  Church,  are  to  be  reputed  such 
as  they  are." 

For  answer  to  this  aspersion.  First,  he  that  knew 
Master  ROBINSON,  either  by  his  doctrine  daily  taught; 
or  hath  read  his  Apology  published  [in  its  English 
version  in  1625]  not  long  before  his  death;  or  knew 
the  practice  of  that  Church  of  CHRIST  under  his 
government;  or  was  acquainted  with  the  wholesome 
counsel  he  gave  that  part  of  the  Church  which  went 
for  New  England  at  their  departure,  and  afterward: 
might  easily  resolve  the  doubt,  and  take  off  the 
aspersion. 

For  his  doctrine  (I  living  three  years  [1617 — 1620] 
under  his  Ministry,  before  we  began  the  work  of 
Plantation  in  New  England),  it  was  always  against 
separation  from  any  [of]  the  Churches  of  CHRIST; 
professing  and  holding  communion  both  with  the  French 


Robinson  and  th^  Pilgrim  Church.       '  177 

and  Dutch  [Reformed]  Churches  ;  yea,  tendering  it  to  the 
Scots  also,  as  I  shall  make  appear  more  particularly  anon : 
ever  holding  forth  how  wary  persons  ought  to  be  in 
separating  from  a  Church;  and  that  till  CHEIST  the 
LOBD  departed  wholly  from  it,  manought  not  to  leave  it, 
only  to  bear  witness  against  the  corruption  that  was  in  it. 

But  if  any  object,  He  separated  from  the  Church  of 
England,  aud  wrote  largely  against  it.  I  acknowledge 
he  wrote  largely  against  it :  but  yet,  let  me  tell  you, 
he  allowed  hearing  the  godly  Ministers  [of  that 
Church]  preach  and  pray  [i.e.  in  extempore  prayer] 
in  the  Public  Assemblies.  Yea,  he  allowed  private 
communion  not  only  with  them;  but  [with]  all  that 
were  faithful  in  CHRIST  JESUS  in  the  Kingdom 
of  England]  and  elsewhere,  upon  all  occasions:  yea 
[honoured  them  [the  Puritan  Anglican  Clergy],  for 
the  power  of  godliness,  above  all  the  other  Professors 
of  religion  in  the  world.  Nay,  I  may  truly  say,  his 
spirit  cleaved  unto  them  [the  Puritan  Anglictm 
Clergy],  being  so  well  acquainted  with  the  integrity  of 
their  hearts,  and  care  to  walk  blameless  in  their  lives : 
which  was  no  small  motive  to  him  to  persuade  us  to 
remove  from  Holland  [to]  where  we  might  probably 
not  only  continue  English;  but  have  and  maintain  such 
sweet  communion  with  the  godly  of  that  nation,  as 
through  GOD's  great  mercy  we  enjoy  this  day. 

'Tis  true,  I  confess,  he  was  more  rigid  in  his  course 
and  way  at  first,  than  towards  his  latter  end.  For  his 
study  was  peace  and  union,  so  far  as  might  agree  with 
faith  and  a  good  conscience ;  and  for  schism  and  division, 
there  was  nothing  in  the  world  more  hateful  to  him. 
But  for  the  government  of  the  Church  of  England  as 
it  was  in  the  Episcopal  Way ;  the  Liturgy  and  stinted 
Prayers  of  the  Church  then  ;  yea?  the  constitution  of  it 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  M 


178         Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

as  National,  and  so  consequently  the  corrupt  communion 
of  the  unworthy,  with  the  worthy,  receivers  of  the  LOKD'S 
Supper :  these  things  were  never  approved  of  him,  but 
witnessed  against,  to  his  death ;  and  are  by  the  Church 
over  which  he  was,  to  this  day.  ...  t 

In  the  next  place,  I  should  speak  of  Master 
ROBINSON'S  Apology ;  wherein  he  maketh  a  brief  defence 
against  many  adversaries,  &c.  But  because  it  is  both 
in  Latin  [Apologia  justa  &c.,  1619]  and  English  [A  just 
and  necessary  Apology  &c.,  1625  and  1644],  of  small 
price  [i.e.  cheap  in  price],  and  easy  to  be  had :  I  shall 
forbear  to  write  of  it ;  and  only  refer  the  Reader  to  it, 
for  the  differences  between  his  Congregation  and  other 
the  Reformed  Churches. 

The  next  thing  I  would  have  the  Reader  take  notice 
of  is,  That  however  the  Church  of  Leyden  differed  in 
some  particulars ;  yet  [it]  made  no  schism  or  separation 
from  the  Reformed  Churches :  but  held  communion  with 
them  occasionally.  For  we  ever  placed  a  large  difference 
between  those  that  grounded  their  practice  upon  the 
Word  of  GOD,  though  differing  from  us  in  the 
exposition  or  understanding  of  it ;  and  those  that  hated 
such  Reformers  and  Reformation,  and  went  on  in 
antichristian  opposition  to  it  and  persecution  of  it,  as 
the  late  Lord  Bishops  did.  .  .  . 

As  for  the  Dutch,  it  was  usual  for  our  members  that 
understood  the  language,  and  lived  in,  or  occasionally 
came  over  to,  London  [?  Leyden],  to  communicate  with 
them :  as  one  JOHN"  JENNEY,  a  brewer,  his  wife  and  family, 
&G.,  long  did ;  and  without  any  offence  to  the  Church. 

So  also  for  any  that  had  occasion  to  travel  into  any 
other  part  of  the  Netherlands ;  they  daily  [that  is,  not 
every  day ;  but  usually']  did  the  like. 


Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church.         179 

And  our  Pastor,  Master  ROBINSON,  in  the  time  when 
Arminianism  prevailed  so  much,  at  the  request  of  the 
most  orthodox  Divines  as  [JOHN]  POLYANDER,  FESTTJS 
HOMMIUS,  &c.,  disputed  daily  [?1616]  in  the  Academy 
at  Leyden,  against  [SiMON  BISCHOP,  or]  EPISCOPHTS 
and  others,  the  grand  champions  of  that  error 
[Arminianism] ;  and  had  as  good  respect  amongst 
them,  as  any  of  their  own  Divines.  Insomuch  as  when 
GOD  took  him  away  from  them  and  us  by  death ;  the 
University  and  Ministers  of  the  city  accompanied  him 
to  his  grave  with  all  their  accustomed  solemnities; 
bewailing  the  great  loss  that  not  only  that  particular 
Church  had,  whereof  he  was  Pastor;  but  some  of  the 
Chief  of  them  sadly  [soberly]  affirmed,  That  all  the 
Churches  of  CHRIST  sustained  a  loss  by  the  death 
of  that  worthy  Instrument  of  the  Gospel. 

I  *  could  instance  also  divers  of  their  members 
[i.e.  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church]  that  understood 
the  English  tongue,  and  betook  themselves  to  the 
communion  of  our  Church;  [who]  went  with  us  to 
New  England,  as  GOBBEBT  GODBERTSON  [afterwards 
corrupted  to  CuTEBERT  CUTHBERTSON],  &c.  Yea,  at  this 
very  instant  [1646],  another  called  MOSES  SYMOKFSON 
[or  SIMONSON;  afterwards  corrupted  to  SIMMONS], 
because  [he  was]  a  child  of  one  that  was  in  communion 
with  the  Dutch  Church  at  Leyden,  is  admitted  into 
Church  fellowship  at  Plymouth  in  New  England ; 
and  his  children  also  to  baptism  as  well  as  our 
cwn.  And  other  Dutch  [are]  also  in  communion 
at  Salem,  &c. 

And  as  for  the  French  [Reformed]  Churches,  that  we 
held,  and  do  hold,  communion  with  them,  take  notice 
of  our  practice  at  Leyden,  viz.  That  one  SAMUEL  TERRY 
[FERRIER,  as  at  page  274]  was  received,  from  the 


1 80         Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

French  Church  there,  into  communion  with  us.  Also 
[HESTER  COOKE]  the  wife  of  FRANCIS  COOKE,  being 
a  Walloon,  holds  communion  with  the  Church  at 
Plymouth,  as  she  came  from  the  French,  to  this  day ; 
by  virtue  of  communion  of  Churches. 

There  is  also  one  PHILIP  DE  LA  NOTE  [afterwards 
corrupted  to  DELANO],  born  of  French  parents,  came 
to  us  from  Leyden,  to  New  Plymouth :  who,  coming 
to  age  of  discerning,  demanded  also  communion  with 
us;  and,  proving  himself  to  be  come  of  such  parents 
as  were  in  full  communion  with  the  French  Churches, 
was  hereupon  admitted  by  the  Church  of  Plymouth. 
And  after,  upon  his  removal  of  habitation  to  Duxbury, 
where  Master  RALPH  PARTRIDGE  is  Pastor  of  the  Church ; 
and  upon  Letters  of  Recommendation  from  the  Church 
at  Plymouth :  he  was  also  admitted  into  fellowship  with 
the  Church  at  Duxbury,  being  six  miles  distant  from 
Plymouth.  And  so,  I  dare  say,  if  his  occasions  lead  him, 
may  [be  admitted]  from  Church  to  Church  throughout 
New  England. 

For  the  truth  is,  the  Dutch  and  French  Churches, 
either  of  them,  being  a  people  distinct  from  the 
World,  and  gathered  into  a  holy  communion  (and 
not  National  Churches — nay,  so  far  from  it,  as 
I  verily  believe,  the  sixth  person  [of  the  population] 
is  not  of  the  [Reformed]  Church);  the  difference  is 
so  small,  if  moderately  pondered,  between  them  and 
us,  as  we  dare  not,  for  the  world,  deny  communion 
with  them. 

And  for  the  Church  of  Scotland,  however  we  have 
had  least  occasion  offered  to  hold  communion  with 
them ;  yet  thus  much  I  can  and  do  affirm  : 

That  a  godly  Divine  [DAVID  CALDERWOOD]  coming 
over  to  Leyden  in  Holland,  where  a  book  was  printed, 


Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church.         1 8 1 

anno  1619,  as  I  take  it,  showing  the  nullity  of  [the]  Perth 
Assembly  * ;  whom  we  judged  to  be  the  author  of  it,  and 
[who  was]  hidden  in  Holland  for  a  season,  to  avoid  the 
rage  of  those  evil  times :  whose  name  I  have  forgotten. 
This  man,  being  very  conversant  with  our  Pastor,  Master 
EOBINSON;  and  using  to  come  to  hear  him  on  the 
Sabbath:  after  Sermon  ended,  the  Church  being  to 
partake  in  the  LOBD'S  Supper,  this  Minister  stood  up  and 
desired  [that]  he  might,  without  offence,  stay  and  see 
the  manner  of  his  administration  [of],  and  [of]  our 
participation  in,  that  Ordinance. 

To  whom  our  Pastor  answered  in  these  very  words> 
or  to  this  effect:  "Reverend  Sir,  You  may  not  only 
stay  to  behold  us :  but  partake  with  us,  if  you  please : 
for  we  acknowledge  the  Churches  of  Scotland  to  be  the 
Churches  of  CHEIST,  &c." 

The  Minister  also  replied  to  this  purpose,  if  not  also 

*  That  GALDERWOOD  was  the  author  of  the  hook  entitled  Perth 
Assembly,  1619  ;  he  tells  us  himself,  in  the  following  passage  in  his  The 
True  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  p.  732,  Ed.  1678,  fol. 

"The  same  day  afternoon  [Friday,  11/21  June  1619],  after  the 
King's  letter  was  read  in  the  Secret  Council  [the  Privy  Council  of  Scotland, 
at  Edinburgh]  the  Captain  of  the  G-uard  was  directed  immediately  to  search 
JAMES  CATHKINE,  RICHARD  LAWSON,  and  ANDREW  HART,  Booksellers 
[at  Edinburgh],  their  booths  and  houses ;  for  all  writs  [writings}  books 
and  pamphlets,  as  it  pleased  them  to  call  them,  set  forth  against 
[the]  Perth  Assembly  [of  25th-27th  August  1618]:  and,  in  special,  tiie 
book  entituled  Perth  Assembly,  which  was  spread  [(Ustrvbuted]  in  the 
beginning  of  June  [1619],  But  neither  the  book,  nor  the  author  Master- 
DAVID  CALDEBWOOD,  was  found.  .  .  . 

f'The  Author  of  the  book,  from  this  time  forth,  removed  from  place 
to  place,  as  the  LOBD  provided  for  him,  till  the  27th  of  August  [1619, 
O.S.] ;  at  which  time  he  embarked,  and  departed  out  of  the  country,'* 

How  the  printing,  by  WILLIAM  PBEWSTEB,  of  CALDERWOOD'S  two 
books  Perth  Assembly,  and  De  regimine  Ecdeswe  Scotwcmte  Irems  Bdatw, 
led  to  the  suppression  of  the  Pilgrim  Press  at  Leyden,  is  fully  told 
at  pp.,  195-247.— E.  A. 


1 83         Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

in  the[se]  same  words :  "  That,  for  his  part,  he  could 
comfortably  partake  with  the  Church;  and  willingly 
would :  but  that  it  is  possible  some  of  his  brethren  of 
Scotland  might  take  offence  at  his  act ;  which  he  desired 
to  avoid,  in  regard  of  the  opinion  the  English  Churches 
(which  they  held  communion  withal)  had  of  us." 
However  he  rendered  thanks  to  Master  ROBINSON  ;  and, 
desired,  in  that  respect,  to  be  only  a  spectator  of  us.  .  . 

In  the  next  place,  for  the  wholesome  counsel, 
Master  ROBINSON  gave  that  part  of  the  Church  whereof 
he  was  Pastor,  at  their  departure  from  him  [1620],  to 
begin  the  great  work  of  Plantation  in  New  England. 

Amongst  other  wholesome  instructions  and 
exhortations,  he  used  these  expressions,  or  to  the 
same  purpose: 

We  were  now,  ere  long,  to  part  asunder;  and  the 
LOED  knoweth  whether  ever  he  should  live  to  see  our 
faces  again.  But  whether  the  LOED  had  appointed  it 
or  not ;  he  charged  us,  before  GOD  and  his  blessed 
angels,  to  follow  him  no  further  than  he  followed 
CHEIST:  and  if  GOD  should  reveal  anything  to  us 
by  any  other  Instrument  of  his,  to  be  as  ready  to 
receive  it,  as  ever  we  were  to  receive  any  truth  by 
his  Ministry.  For  he  was  very  confident  the  LOED 
had  more  truth  and  light  yet  to  break  forth  out  of 
his  holy  Word. 

He  took  occasion  also  miserably  to  bewail  the  state 
and  condition  of  the  Reformed  Churches,  who  were  come 
to  a  period  [full  stop]  in  religion;  and  would  go  no 
further  than  the  Instruments  of  their  Reformation.  As, 
for  example,  the  Lutherans :  they  could  not  be  drawn 
to  go  beyond  what  LUTHEE  saw.  For  whatever  part  of 
GOD's  will,  he  had  further  imparted  and  revealed  to 


Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church.         1 83 

CALVIN  ;  they  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it.  "  And 
so,  also,"  saith  he,  "  you  see  the  Calvinists.  They  stick 
where  he  left  them  :  a  misery  much  to  be  lamented. 

"For  though  they  were  precious  shining  lights  in 
their  Times  ;  yet  GOD  had  not  revealed  his  whole  will 
to  them :  and  were  they  now  living,"  saith  he,  "  they 
would  be  as  ready  and  willing  to  embrace  further  light, 
as  that  they  had  received." 

Here  also  he  put  us  in  mind  of  our  Church  Covenant ; 
at  least  that  part  of  it  whereby  "we  promise  and 
covenant  with  GOD,  and  one  with  another,  to  receive 
whatsoever  light  or  truth  shall  be  made  known  to  tis  from 
his  written  Word  " ;  but  withal  exhorted  us  to  take  heed 
what  we  received  for  truth ;  and  well  to  examine  and 
compare,  and  weigh  it  with  other  Scriptures  of  truth, 
before  we  received  it.  "For,"  saith  he,  "it  is  not 
possible  the  Christian  World  should  come  so  lately  out 
of  such  thick  antichristian  darkness ;  and  that  full 
perfection  of  knowledge  should  break  forth  at  once." 

Another  thing  he  commended  to  us,  was  that  we 
should  use  all  means  to  avoid  and  shake  off  the  name 
of  "  Brownist " ;  being  a  mere  nickname  and  brand  to 
make  religion  odious,  and  the  Professors  of  it,  tq  the 
Christian  World.  "  And  to  that  end,"  said  he,  "  I  should 
be  glad  if  some  godly  Minister  would  go  over  with  yon, 
before  my  coming.  For,"  said  he,  "there  will  be  no 
difference  between  the  unconforrnable  Ministers  [the 
Pwitan  Anglican  Clergy"]  and  you ;  when  they  come 
to  the  practice  of  the  Ordinances  out  of  the  Kingdom." 
And  so  advised  us,  by  all  means,  to  endeavour  to  close 
with  the  godly  party  of  the  Kingdom  of  England  :  and 
rather  to  study  union  than  division,  viz. :  How  near  we 
might  possibly,  without  sin,  close  with  them ;  than,  in 
the  least  measure,  to  affect  division  or  separation  from 


1 84        Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

them.  "And  be  not  loath  to  take  another  Pastor  or 
Teacher/'  saith  he;  "for  that  Flock  that  hath  two 
Shepherds  is  not  indangered;  but  secured  by  it." 

Many  other  things  there  were  of  great  and  weighty 
consequence,  which  he  commended  to  us.  But  these 
things  I  thought  good  to  relate,  at  the  request  of  some 
well-willers  to  the  peace  and  good  agreement  of  the 
godly — so  distracted  at  present  [1646]  about  the  settling 
of  Church  Government  in  the  Kingdom  of  England — 
that  so  both  sides  may  truly  see  what  this  poor 
despised  Church  of  CHRIST,  now  at  New  Plymouth  in 
New  England,  but  formerly  at  Leyden  in  Holland,  was, 
and  is;  [and]  how  far  they  were,  and  still  are,  from 
separation  from  the  Churches  of  CHRIST,  especially 
those  that  are  Reformed. 

'Tis  true,  we  profess  and  desire  to  practice  a 
separation  from  the  World  and  the  works  of  the  World  ; 
which  are  works  of  the  flesh,  such  as  the  Apostle 
speaketh  of.  Ephes.  v.  19-21, 1  Cor.  vi.  9-11,  Ephes.  ii. 
11, 12.  And  as  the  Churches  of  CHRIST  are  all  Saints 
by  Calling;  so  we  desire  to  see  the  grace  of  GOD 
shining  forth,  at  least  seemingly  (leaving  secret  things 
to  GrOD),  in  all  we  admit  into  Church  fellowship  with 
us :  and  to  keep  off  such  as  openly  wallow  in  the  mire 
of  their  sins :  that  neither  the  holy  things  of  GOD, 
nor  the  communion  of  the  Saints,  may  be  leavened  or 
polluted  thereby. 

And  if  any  (joining  to  us  formerly  either  when  we 
lived  at  Leyden  in  Holland,  or  since  we  came  to  New 
England)  have,  with  the  manifestation  of  their  faith  and 
profession  of  holiness,  held  forth  therewith  separation 
from  the  Church  of  England :  I  have,  divers  times,  both  , 
in  the  one  place  and  the  other,  heard  either  Master 


Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Churck.        185 

KOBINSON  our  Pastor,  or  Master  BREWSTER  our  Elder, 
stop  them  forthwith :  shewing  them,  That  we  required 
no  such  things  at  their  hands ;  but  only  to  hold  forth 
faith  in  CHRIST  JESUS,  holiness  in  the  fear  of  GOD,  and 
submission  to  every  ordinance  and  appointment  of  GOD : 
leaving  the  Church  of  England  to  themselves  and  to  the 
LORD,  before  whom  they  should  stand  or  fall ;  and  to 
whom  we  ought  to  pray  to  reform  what  was  amiss 
amongst  them.  Now  this  Eeformation  we  have  lived 
to  see  performed  and  brought  about  [by  the  abolition  of 
Bishops  in  England],  by  the  mighty  power  of  GOD,  this 
day  in  a  "good  measure ;  and  I  hope  the  LORD  JESUS  will 
perfect  his  work  of  Reformation  till  all  be  according 
to  the  good  pleasure  of  his  will. 

By  all  which,  I  desire  the  Eeader  to  take  notice  of 
our  former  and  present  practice ;  notwithstanding  all 
the  injurious  and  scandalous  taunting  reports  [that] 
are  passed  on  us.  And  if  these  things  will  not  satisfy : 
but  we  musti  still  suffer  reproach,  and  others  for  our 
sakes,  because  they  and  we  thus  walk — our  practice 
being,  for  aught  we  know,  wholly  grounded  on  the  written 
Word,  without  any  addition  or  human  invention 
known  to  us:  taking  our  pattern  from  the  Primitive 
Churches,  as  they  were  regulated  by  the  blessed 
Apostles  in  their  own  days;  who  were  taught  and 
instructed  by  the  LORD  JESUS  CHRIST,  and  had  the 
unerring  and  all-knowing  Spirit  of  GOD  to  bring  to 
their  remembrance  the  things  they  had  heard — I  say, 
if  we  must  still  suffer  such  reproach,  notwithstanding 
our  charity  towards  them  who  will  not  be  in  charity 
with  us,  GOD's  will  be  done !  Hypocrisy  unmasked 
&c.,  pp.  92-99,  Ed.  1646,  4 


1 86        Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

To  this,  we  may  add  the  testimony  of  the  Rev.  JOHN 
PAGET,  Minister  of  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Church  at 
Amsterdam ;  who,  in  his  written  controversy,  during  the  year 
1618,  with  the  Rev.  HENRY  AINSWOBTH,  then  the  only  Leader 
left  of  the  Separation  in  that  city,  thus  refers  to  the  Leyden 
Church : 

Seeing  Master  ROBINSON  and  his  people  do  now,  as 
divers  of  themselves  confess,  receive  the  members  of  the 
Church  of  England  into  their  Congregation ;  and  this 
without  any  renunciation  of  the  Church  of  England; 
without  any  repentance  "  for  their  idolatries  committed" 
in  the  Church  of  England :  how  can  you  hold  them  [at 
Ley  den]  to  be  a  true  Church,  and  communion  with  them 
lawful?  An  Arrow  against  the  Separation  of  the 
Brownists,  p.  127,  Ed.  1618,  4. 


One  more  witness,  and  his  testimony  shall  suffice.  JOHN 
EASTWICK,  who  was  a  fellow  sufferer  with  BURTON  and 
PRYNNE,  was  a  strong  Presbyterian.  As  we  have  seen  at 
page  171,  he  matriculated  at  Leyden  University  on  4/14 
January  1617.  In  the  following  passage,  he  sweeps  away, 
as  matters  of  no  account,  many  things  which  are  very  precious 
to  English  Churchmen.  Still,  his  testimony  is  very  important 
for  two  things  : 

1.  The  moderate  requests  of  the  first  English  Reformists  : 
which    however      were     stiffly    denied    by    the     Bishops, 
notwithstanding;    on    the   principle    of    Grant   one    thing; 
you   must    grant    all !    Reform    coming    from    below,    was 
to  be  resisted  to  the  uttermost. 

2.  The  speech,  which  we  have  here  printed  in  a  larger 
type,  of  the  Rev.  JOHN  ROBINSON  to  him  at  Leyden. 

Writing  in  1646,  BASTWICK  tells  us  : 

It  is  well  known  that,  in  the  time  of  the  Prelates5  power,  the 
removal  of  a  very  few  things  would  have  given  great  content  unto 
the  most  scrupulous  consciences. 


Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church.         187 

For  I  myself  can  speak  thus  much,  not  only  concerning  the 
conscientious  Professors  here  in  England,  but  the  most  rigid 
Separatists  beyond  the  seas ;  with  many  of  which,  I  had  familiar 
acquaintance  at  home  and  abroad :  and  amongst  all  that  I  ever 
conversed  with,  I  never  heard  them,  till  within  these  twenty 
years  [1627 — 1646],  desire  any  other  thing  in  Keformation  but 
that  the  Ceremonies  might  be  removed  with  their  Innovations  j 
and  that  Episcopacy  might  be  regulated,  and  their  boundless 
power  and  authority  taken  from  them  ;  and  that  the  extravagances 
of  the  High  Commission  Court  might  be  annihilated  and  made 
void ;  and  that  there  might,  through  the  Kingdom,  be  a  preaching 
Ministry  everywhere  set  up. 

This  was  all  that  the  most,  that  I  was  then  acquainted  with, 
desired  in  the  Reformation  of  Church  matters.  Indeed,  within 
these  sixteen  years  [1631 — 1646],  I  met  with  some  that  desired  a 
more  full  Reformation  :  and  yet,  if  they  might  have  enjoyed  but 
that  I  now  mentioned,  they  would  have  been  very  thankful  to 
GOD  and  Authority,  and  have  sat  down  quietly. 

But  yet,  I  say,  the  extremest  extent  of  their  desires  reached 
but  to  the  removal  of  all  the  Ceremonies  and  Innovations ;  the 
taking  away  of  the  Service  Book  [Bouk*  of  Common  Prayer] :  and 
the  putting  down  of  the  High  Commission  Court  (which  was 
called  the  Court  Christian,  though  it  was  rather  Pagan),  and  the 
removal  of  the  Hierarchy,  root  and  branch ;  and  the  setting  up 
and  establishing  of  a  godly  Presbytery  through  the  Kingdom. 
This  was,  I  say,  all  and  the  uttermost  Reformation  that  was 
required  by  the  most  scrupulous  men  then  living,  that  I  knew. 

Yea,  I  can  speak  thus  much,  In  the  presence  of  QOD, 
That  Master  KoBiNSON,  of  Leyden,  the  Pastor  of  the 
Brownist  Church  there,  told  me,  and  others  who  are  yet 
living  to  witness  the  truth  of  what  I  now  say : 

"  That  if  he  might  in  England  have  enjoyed  but  the 
liberty  of  his  Ministry  there,  with  an  immunity  but  from 
the  very  Ceremonies ;  and  that  they  had  not  forced  him 
to  a  Subscription  to  them,  and  imposed  upon  him  the 
observation  of  them  :  that  he  had  never  separated  from 
it,  and  left  that  Church." 

This  I  can  depose.    So  that  all  men  may  see,  the  very  dispensing 


1 88       Robinson  and  the  Pilgrim  Church. 

with  the  Ceremonies  would  then  have  given  great  content  to  the 
most  austere  Professors :  how  much  more  may  any  man  suppose, 
would  they  have  sat  down  satisfied,  if  but  the  very  Ceremonies 
then  might  have  been  removed. 

Surely,  if  the  Prelates  had  not  been  infatuated  ;  and  had  they 
but,  in  those  things,  a  little  connived,  and  would  have  abated 
somewhat  of  their  rigour ;  for  aught  I  know,  they  might  have 
never  been  questioned:  but  they  might  have  enjoyed  all  their 
honours  and  greatness,  and  whatsoever  they  could  have  desired ; 
and  that,  with  the  good  liking  of  all  the  people.  Tlw  utter  routing 
of  the  whole  Army  of  all  the  Independents  and  Sectaries  <&c.,  Sig. 
F.  2,  1646,  4. 

There  is  a  copy  of  this  rare  book  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 
Press-mark,  Mason  AA.  477. 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

BRADFOED'S  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  BREWSTER,  THE  EULING 
ELDER  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH. 

SHOULD  say  something  of  Ms  life;  if  to 
say  a  little  were  not  worse  than  to  be  silent : 
bat  I  cannot  wholly  forbear,  though  hapfly 
[haply]  more  may  be  done  hereafter. 
After  he  had  attained  some  learning,  viz.  the 
knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue  and  some  insight  in  the 
Greek ;  and  spent  some  small  time  at  Cambridge* :  and 
then,  being  first  seasoned  with  the  seeds  of  grace  and 
virtue,  he  went  to  the  Court ;  and  served  that  religious 
and  godly  Gentleman,  Master  [WILLIAM]  DAVISON 
divers  years,  [before  and]  when  he  was  Secretary 
of  State  [1586—1587].  Who  found  him  so  discreet 
and  faithful,  as  he  trusted  him  above  all  others 
that  were  about  him;  and  only  imployed  him  in  all 
matters  of  greatest  trust  and  secrecy.  He  esteemed  him 
rather  as  a  son  than  a  servant ;  and,  for  his  wisdom  and 
godliness,  in  private  he  would  converse  with  him,  more 
like  a  friend  and  familiar  than  a  master. 

He  attended  his  master  when  he  was  sent  in 
ambas&age  by  the  Queen  into  the  Low  Countries,  in  the 
[ROBERT  DEVEREUX]  the  Earl  of  LEICESTER'S  time,  as  for 

*  Ho  matriculated  at  Cambridge  University  on  the   3rd  December 
1580,  as  a  Pensioner  of  Peterhonse  College. — E.  A, 

389 


190  Life  of  William  Brewster.  <*OY.  w.  Bradford. 

other  weighty  Affairs  of  State,  so  to  receive  possession  of 
the  Cautionary  Towns  [of  Mushing,  Brielle,  and 
Rammekins] :  and  in  token  and  sign  thereof,  the  keys 
of  Flushing  being  delivered  to  him,  in  Her  Majesty's 
name,  he  kept  them  some  time  and  committed  them  to 
this  his  servant ;  who  kept  them  under  his  pillow,  on 
which  he  slept,  the  first  night.  And  at  his  return, 
the  States  [General]  honoured  him  [W.  DAVISON]  with 
a  gold  chain:  and  his  master  committed  it  to  him; 
and  commanded  him  to  wear  it,  when  they  arrived  in 
England,  as  they  rid  [rode]  through  the  country,  till 
they  came  to  the  Court. 

He  afterwards  remained  with  him  till  his  troubles 
[in  April  1587],  that  he  was  put  from  his  place  about 
the  death  of  [MAKY]  the  Queen  of  Scots;  and  some 
good  time  after  [till  December  1588] :  doing  him 
many  faithful  offices  of  service  in  the  time  of  his 
troubles. 

Afterwards  he  went  and  lived  in  the  country  [i.e 
with  his  father  at  Scrooby],  in  good  esteem  amongst  his 
friends,  and  the  Gentlemen  of  those  parts ;  especially  the 
godly  and  religious. 

He  did  much  good,  in  the  country  {district,  or  County"} 
where  he  lived,  in  promoting  and  furthering  Religion ; 
not  only  by  his  practice  and  example,  and  provoking 
and  incouraging  of  others:  but  by  procuring  good 
Preachers  to  [the  Parish  Churches  in]  the  places 
thereabouts;  and  drawing  on  of  others  to  assist  and 
help  forward  in  such  a  work,  he  himself  [being]  most 
commonly  deepest  in  the  charge,  and  sometimes  above 
his  ability. 

And  in  this  state,  he  continued  many  years  [?  1589 
— ?  1606],  doing  the  best  good  he  could;  and  walking 


aov.  w.  Bradford.  Life  of  William  Brewster.  191 

according  to  the  light  he  saw,  until  the  LORD  revealed 
further  unto  him. 

And,  in  the  end,  by  the  tyranny  of  the  Bishops 
against  godly  Preachers  and  people,  in  silencing  the  one 
and  persecuting  the  other;  he,  and  many  more  of  those 
times,  began  to  look  further  into  things;  and  to  see 
into  the  unlawfulness  [wrongfwlness]  of  their  Callings, 
and  the  burthen  of  many  anti-christian  corruptions : 
which  both  he,  and  they,  endeavoured  to  cast  off;  as  they 
also  did,  as  in  the  beginning  of  this  Treatise  is  to  be 
seen  [see  pp.  67-70]. 

After  they  were  joined  together  into  communion  [in 
1606],  he  was  a  special  stay  and  help  unto  them.  They 
ordinarily  met  at  his  house  on  the  LORD'S  Day,  which 
was  a  Manor  of  the  Bishop's  [the  Archbishop  of  YORK}  ; 
and  with  great  love  he  entertained  them  when  they 
came,  making  provision  for  them,  to  his  great  charge : 
and  continued  to  do  so,  whilst  they  could  stay  in  England 
[1606—?  October  1607]. 

And  when  they  were  to  remove  out  of  the  country 
[England},  he  was  one  of  the  first  in  all  adventures,  and 
f  orwardest  in  any  charge.  He  was  the  chief  of  those 
that  were  taken  [in,  ?  October,  or  ?  November,  1607]  at 
Boston  [in  Lincolnshire],  and  suffered  the  greatest  loss ; 
and  of  the  Seven  that  were  kept  longest  in  prison,  and 
after  [were]  bound  over  to  the  Assizes. 

After  he  came  into  Holland,  he  suffered  much 
hardship;  after  he  had  spent  the  most  of  his  means, 
having  a  great  charge  and  many  children :  and,  in  regard 
of  his  former  breeding  and  course  of  life,  not  so  fit  for 
many  imployments  as  others  were;  especially  such  as 


192  Life  of  William  Brews ter.  GOT.  w. 

were  toilsome  and  laborious.    But  yet  he  ever  bofe  his 
condition  with  much  cheerfulness  and  contentation. 
Towar4s  the  latter  part  of  those  twelve  years  [1608 

1620]  spent  in  Holland;   his  outward  condition  was 

mended,  and  he  lived  well  and  plentifully.  For  he  fell 
into  a  way,  by  reason  he  had  the  Latin  tongue,  to  teach 
many  students  who  had  a  desire  to  learn  the  English 
tongue,  to  teach  them  English  :  and  by  his  method  they 
quickly  attained  it  with  great  facility;  for  he  drew 
Rules  to  learn  it  by,  after  the  Latin  manner.  And  many 
Gentlemen,  both  Danes  and  Germans,  resorted  to  him,  as 
they  had  time  from  other  studies  :  some  of  them  being 
Great  Men's  sons. 

He  also  had  means  to  set  up  printing,  by  the  help  of 
some  friends ;  and  so  had  imployment  enough :  and  by 
reason  of  many  books  which  would  not  be  allowed  to  be 
printed  in  England,  they  might  have  had  more  than  they 
could  do. 

But  now  removing  into  this  country  [New  England], 
all  those  things  were  laid  aside  againe,  and  a  new  course 
of  living  must  be  framed  unto ;  in  which  he  was  no  way 
unwilling  to  take  his  part,  and  to  bear  his  burden  with 
the  rest.  Living  many  times  without  bread  or  corn, 
many  months  together ;  having  many  times  nothing  but 
fish,  and  often  wanting  that  also;  and  drunk  nothing 
bat  water  for  many  years  together,  yea,  till  within  five 
or  six  years  of  his  death  [1638  or  1639—1644]:  and 
yet,  he  lived,  by  the  blessing  of  GOD,  in  health  till  very 
old  age. 

And  besides  that  he  would  labour  with  his  hands 
in  the  fields,  as  long  as  he  was  able;  yet,  when  the 
Church  had  no  other  Minister,  lie  taught  twice  every 


GOV.  w.  Bradford.  Life  of  William  JBrewster.  193 

Sabbath,  and  that  both  powerfully  and  profitably,  to 
the  great  contentment  of  the  hearers,  and  their 
comfortable  edification :  yea,  many  were  brought  to 
GOD  by  his  Ministry.  He  did  more  in  this  behalf  in 
a  year  than  many,  that  have  their  hundreds  [of  pounds] 
a  year,  do  in  all  their  lives. 

For  his  personal  abilities,  he  was  qualified  above 
many.  He  was  wise  and  discreet  and  well  spoken, 
having  a  grave  and  deliberate  utterance,  of  a  very" 
cheerful  spirit ;  very  sociable  and  pleasant  amongst  his 
friends ;  of  a  humble  and  modest  mind ;  of  a  peaceabk 
disposition ;  undervaluing  himself  and  his  own  abilities, 
and  sometime[s]  overvaluing  others.  Inoffensive  and 
innocent  in  his  life  and  conversation ;  which  gained  him 
the  love  of  those  without  as  well  as  those  within :  yet, 
he  would  tell  them  plainly  of  their  faults  and  evils, 
both  publicly  and  privately ;  but  in  such  a  manner  as 
usually  was  "well  taken  from  him. 

He  was  tender  hearted  and  compassionate  of  such  as 
were  in  misery :  but  especially  of  such  as  had  been  of 
good  estate  and  rank,  and  were  fallen  unto  want  or 
poverty ;  either  for  goodness'  and  religion's  sake,  or  by 
the  injury  and  oppression  of  others.  He  would  say,  Of 
all  men,  these  deserved  to  be  pitied  most.  And  none 
did  more  offend  and  displease  him,  than  such  as  would 
haughtily  and  proudly  carry  and  lift  up  themselves, 
being  risen  from  nothing ;  and  having  little  else  in  them 
to  commend  them,  but  a  few  fine  clothes  and  a  little 
riches  more  than  others. 

In  teaching,  he  was  very  moving  and  stirring  of 
affections :  also  very  plain  and  distinct  in  what  he 
taught ;  by  which  means  he  became  the  more  profitable 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  » 


194  Life  of  William  Brewster*  aov.w. 

to  the  hearers.  He  had  a  singular  good  gift  in  prayer, 
both  public  and  private,  in  ripping  up  the  heart  and 
conscience  before  GOD;  in  the  humble  confession  of 
sin;  and  [in]  begging  the  mercies  of  GOD  in  CHEIST 
for  the  pardon  of  the  same.  He  always  thought  it 
were  better  for  Ministers  to  pray  oftener,  and  to  divide 
their  prayers  than  [to]  be  long  and  tedious  in  the  same : 
except  upon  solemn  and  special  occasions,  as  in  Days 
of  Humiliation,  and  the  like.  His  reason  was,  That  the 
hearts  and  spirits  of  all,  especially  the  weak,  could 
hardly  continue,  and  stand  bent  as  it  were,  so  long 
towards  GOD  as  they  ought  to  do  in  that  duty,  without 
flagging  and  falling  off. 

For  the  Government  of  the  Church,  which  was  most 
proper  to  his  Office,  he  was  careful  to  preserve  good 
order  in  the  same,  and  to  preserve  purity  both  in  the 
Doctrine  and  Communion  of  the  same ;  and  to  suppress 
any  error  or  contention  that  might  begin  to  rise  up 
amongst  them.  And  accordingly  GOD  gave  gooid 
success  to  his  indeavours  herein  all  his  days;  and  he 
saw  the  fruit  of  his  labours  in  that  behalf. 

But  I  must  break  off:  having  only  thus  touched 
a  few,  as  it  were  Heads  of,  things.  Bradford  Jf$., 
folios  489-493. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

THE  PILGRIM  PJR.ESS  IK  CHOIR  ALLEY,  LEYDEK; 
ITS   SUPPRESSION:   TOGETHER  WITH  THE  BOOKS 
THAT  WERE  PRODUCED  BY   IT,  BETWEEN 
OCTOBER  1616  AND  JUNE  1619. 

suppose  that  we  may  rightly  call  tnat  printing 
organization,  which  two  members  of  the  Leyd0n 
Church  carried  on — THOMAS  BEBWEB,  the  sleeping 
Partner,  finding  the  money,  and  apparently 
asking  no  questions ;  and  WILLIAM  BREWSTER,  the  working 
Partner,  organizing  and  managing  it — the  Pilgrim  Press.  It 
produced  nothing  but  Pilgrim  books :  for  which  cause,  it  was 
suppressed. 

The  Reader  will  do  well  to  refer  now  to  the  method  of 
printing  books  in  London,  described  at  pp.  18-20 ;  and  then 
he  will  note  that,  in  the  following  correspondence,  there  is  no 
hint  whatever  of  a  hand  printing  press.  It  would  seem  that 
BREWER  bought  type  only ;  and  that  BREWSTER  arranged  with 
some  Dutch  Master  Printer,  to  print  off  the  sheets,  from  the 
English  type  sent  to  him  :  and  this  would  be  quite  practical, 
because  the  Press  was  by  no  means  so  stringently  overseen  in 
Holland  as  it  was  in  London. 

The  name  of  DAVID  CALDERWOOD  (the*author  of  tlie  History 
of  the  Kirk  of  Scotlcwd,  1560 — 1625  :  and,  under  the  came  of 
EBWARDUS  DIDOCLAVIUS,  of  The  Altar  of  Damascus  &c.,  1621 ; 
enlarged,  in  the  Latin  edition,  Altare  Damascenum  <fec.,  1623) 
must  henceforth  be  for  ever  associated  with  tnat  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers.  For  it  was  their  production  anonymously,  at  the 
Pilgrim  Press  at  Ley  den,  of  two  of  his  Works — Perth 
Assembly,  1619 ;  and  De  regimine  Mcdesicz  Scoticcmm  brems 

195 


196        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

Relatio,  1619,  that  led  to  the  seizure  of  BREWER'S  types  by 
the  University  of  Leyden;  to  the  imprisonment  of  BREWER 
by  that  town  and  University;  and  to  the  ceaseless,  but 
unsuccessful,  hunt,  for  more  than  a  year,  after  WILLIAM 
BREWSTER  by  the  University  of  Leyden,  by  Sir  DUDLEY 
CARLETOIST  the  English  Lord  Ambassador  in  Holland, 
and  by  Sir  ROBERT  NAUNTON  the  Secretary  of  State  in 
London. 

The  Ruling  Elder  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  was,  for  more 
than  a  year  before  he  left  Delf  shaven  in  the  Speedwell  on  the 
22  July/1  August  1620,  a  hunted  man :  and  it  speaks  volumes 
for  the  fidelity  of  that  Church  that,  through  all  this  storm, 
they  so  bravely  and  faithfully  sheltered  their  beloved  Officer 
from  the  fury  of  the  English  King.  > 

Except  for  the  few  words  of  Governor  BRADFORD  at  page 
192,  not  the  slightest  hint  of  this  business  is  given  in  the 
Pilgrim  literature.  In  reading  this  correspondence,  we  have 
always  to  ask  this  question,  If  they  did  so  much  to  THOMAS 
BREWER  (who  was  a  Gentleman  of  position,  wealth,  and 
lands),  for  merely  supplying  the  money:  what  would  they 
have  done  to  WILLIAM  BREWSTER,  who  was  relatively  a  man  of 
the  people,  for  organizing  and  carrying  on  this  printing  work  1 
At  every  step,  we  feel  the  constant  dread  lest  the  Ruling 
Elder  should  be  found ;  and  so  that  he  should  have  to  share 
the  hard  fate  that  ultimately  overtook  BREWER.  If  JAMES  I. 
so  violently  bullied  JAMES  CATHKIN,  the  Edinburgh  Printer, 
as  described  at  pp.  239-242,  upon,  the  baseless  suspicion  of  his 
having  produced  Perth  Assembly :  what  would  he  have  done 
to  the  actual  printer  of  it  1 

Let  it  however  be  said  at  once,  that,  judged  by  modern 
ideas,  BREWSTER  was  perfectly  within  his  right,  in  running 
this  secret  printing  business  j  and  in  producing  ecclesiastical 
treatises,  which  now  a  days  would  be  considered  as  perfectly 
harmless :  but,  judged  by  the  ideas  of  his  own  Age,  he  was 
nothing  else  than  a  theological  dynamitard. 

At  this  time,  JAMES  I.  was  resolutely  bent  upon  destroying 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        197 

the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  and  in  forcing  Episcopacy  upon  that 
unwilling  nation.  This  wicked  work  was  carried  on  by  Ms 
son  CHARLES  I.,  and  was  the  proximate  cause  of  the  great 
Civil  War. 

We  have  already  seen  how  completely  the  King  and  the 
Bishops  controlled  the  Press  in  Britain.  The  Pilgrims  were 
therefore  materially  damaging  their  enemies,  by  helping  the 
Scotch  Kirk,  through  the  printing,  at  the  Pilgrim  Press,  of 
arguments  against  Episcopacy,  in  DAVID  CALDERWOOD'S  two 
books.  And  it  was  these  two  books  more  especially,  that 
were  so  bitterly  resented  by  the  English  Kong. 

We  now  give  first,  the  despatches  preserved  in  the 
Public  Record  Office,  in  London;  together  with  the  most 
valuable  information  obtained  at  Leyden,  by  H.  C.  M.  [the 
Hon.  HENRY  C.  MURPHY,  of  Brooklyn,  KY.] :  and  then  a 
Bibliography  of  the  books — most  of  them  being  without 
either  the  name  of  the  Printer,  or  that  of  the  Place  of 
Printing — that  may  reasonably  be  assigned  to  the  Pilgrim 
Press, 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  the  various  enclosures  in 
Sir  DUDLEY  CARLETON'S  despatches,  are  not  now  to  be  found 
in  the  Public  Record  Office. 

Mr  MURPHY,  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  Yol.  IV,,  p.  4, 
Boston  and  ISTew  York,  1860,  4,  writes  : 

"  The  name  of  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  occurs  several  times 
besides  on  the  occasions  of  the  Marriages. 

"It  is  connected  with  the  earliest  entry  to  be  found 
relating  to  the  Pilgrims  in  these  Records,  after  the  application 
for  denization ;  and  we  believe,  with  the  earliest  date  yet 
produced  of  their  actual  residence  in  Leyden. 

"  It  is  a  Minute  of  the  death  of  one  of  his  children,  on  the 
20th  of  June  1609.  He  then  resided,  it  appears,  in  a  narrow 
street  or  alley,  called  Steucksteeg. 

"He    subsequently    removed    to    the    Choorsteeg,    Vicm 


198        The  fount  after  William  Brewster. 

Choralis ;  which  is  an  alley  extending  from  the  Broadway, 
to  the  Choir  of  St  Peter's  Church. 

"  These  streets  are  obscure  ;  but  eligibly  situated." 

"THOMAS  BREWER  is  styled  in  the  Records,  Edelman> 
an  Honourable.  He  owned  a  house  near  ROBINSON'S,  in  the 
Eloksteeg  [Bell  Alley] ;  and  it  was  in  the  garret  of  that  house, 
that  the  printing  materials  were  found  and  seized. 

"  Two  years  after  the  death  of  KOBINSON,  he  sold  out  his 
property  and  effects  in  Leyden ;  and  returned  to  England,'7  * 


SIB  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIB  ROBEET  NAUNTOH. 
THE  HAGUE;  SATURDAY,  17/27  JULY  1619. 

I  frave  seen  [i.e.  at  the  Hague],  within  these  two  days, 
a  certain  Scottish  book,  called  Perth  A  ssembly,  written 
with  much  scorn  and  reproach  of  the  proceedings  in  that 
Kingdom  concerning  the  Affairs  of  the  Church.  It  is 
without  name,  either  of  Author  or  Printer :  but  I  am 
informed  it  is  printed  by  a  certain  English  Brownist  of 
Leyden ;  as  are  most  of  the  Puritan  books  sent  over,  of 
late  days,  into  England. 

Which  being  directly  against  an  express  Placaat 
[now  spelt  Plakkaat= Edict]  of  the  States  General, 
which  was  published  in  December  last  [161*8] :  I  intend, 
when  I  have  more  particular  knowledge  of  the  Printer, 
to  make  complaint  thereof ;  conceiving  that  His  Majesty 
will  not  dislike  I  s^cp,ld  so  do. 

Thus  I  humbly  take  my  leave.  From  the  Hague, 
this  17th  of  July  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  132. 

*  The  reason  of  this  will  be  seen  at  pp.  225-247.— E.  A. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        199 

SIR  DUDLEY  CAELETON  TO  SIB  EOBEET  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;   THUESDAY,  22  JULY/I  AUGUST  1619. 

Eight  Honourable.  By  letters  of  14th  and  17th  of 
of  this  present  [month]  by  [GEOEGE]  MAETEN  the  Post,  of 
which  I  sent  the  duplicates  by  [RoBEET  SYDNEY]  my 
Lord  LISLE,  the  18th ;  I  advertised  your  Honour  of  all 
we  had  here  worth  His  Majesty's  knowledge. 

And  withal,  I  sent  your  Honour  a  book,  intituled 
Perth  Assembly :  of  which,  finding  many  copies  dispersed 
at  Leyden,  and  from  thence  some  sent  into  England^ 
I, had  reason  to  suspect  it  was  printed  in  that  town; 
but,  upon  more  particular  enquiry,  [I]  do  rest  somewhat 
doubtful 

Yet,  in  search  after  that  book,  I  believe  I  have 
discovered  the  Printer  of  another  [edition  of]  De 
regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticance,  which  His  Majesty  was 
informed  to  be  done  in  Middelburg :  and  that  is,  one 
WILLIAM  BKEWSTEE,  a  Brownist,  who  hath  been,  for 
some  years,  an  inhabitant  and  printer  at  Leyden;  but 
is  now,  within  these  three  weeks  [2nd — 22nd  July 
1619],  removed  from  thence,  and  gone  back  to  dwell 
in  London.  Where  he  may  be  found  out,  and  examined, 
not  only  of  this  bodk,  De  regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticance : 
but  likewise  of  Perth  Assembly;  of  which,  if  he  was 
not  the  Printer  himself,  he  assuredly  knows  both  the 
Printer  and  the  Author. 

For,  as  I  am  informed,  he  hath  had,  whilst  he 
remained  here,  his  hand  in  all  such  books  as  have  been 
sent  over  into  England  and  Scotland.  As  particularly, 
a  book  in  folio,  intituled  [THOMAS  CAETWEIGHT,]  A 
Confutation  of  the  Hhemists*  Translation,  Glosses,  and 
Annotations  on  the  New  Testament;  anno  1618,  was 
printed  by  him. 


2OO        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

So  was  another,  in  decimo-sexto,  De  vera  et  genuina 
JJESU  QSRISTI  Domini  et  Salvatoris  nostri  Religione] 
of  which.  I  send  your  Honour  herewith  the  Title  Page. 
And  if  you  will  compare  that  which  is  underlined 
therein,  with  the  other  [the  second  edition  of]  De 
regimine  JUcclesice  Scoticance,  of  which  I  send  your 
Honour  the  Title  Page  likewise;  you  will  find  it 
is  the  same  character  [type].  And  the  one  being 
confessed,  as  that  De  vera  et  genuina  JESU  CHRISTI 
&c.,  Religione,  BREWSTER  doth  openly  avow ;  the  other 
cannot  well  be  denied. 

This  I  thought  fit,  for  His  Majesty's  service,  to 
advertise  your  Honour.  .  .  . 

From  the  Hague,  this  22nd  of  July  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.     Bundle  132. 


SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETOF. 
WHITEHALL  ;  TUESDAY,  3/13  AUGUST  1619. 

I  am  told  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  is  come  again  for 
Leyden;  where  I  doubt  not  but  your  Lordship  will 
lay  [wait]  for  him,  if  he  come  thither:  as  I  will 
likewise  do  here  ;  where  I  have  already  committed  some 
of  his  complices,  and  am  commanded  to  make  search 
for  the  rest.  .  .  . 

Whitehall,  3rd  of  August  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.      Bundle  132. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        201 

SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUFTON. 
THE  HAGUE ;  FRIDAY,  20/30  AUGUST  1619. 

I  have  made  good  enquiry  after  WILLIAM  BREWSTER 
at  Leyden,  and  am  well  assured  that  he  Is  not  returned 
thither;  neither  is  [it]  likely  he  will:  having  removed 
from  thence  both  his  family  and  goods.  .  .  . 

From  the  Hague,  this  20th  of  August  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  132. 


SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL;  MONDAY,  23  AUGUST /2  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

My  good  Lord.  His  Majesty  doth  so  much  resent 
those  Puritan  pamphlets  which  are  there  [at  Leyden} 
imprinted  underhand  [secretly]  by  the  practices  of 
BREWSTER  and  his  complices  in  those  parts,  and  in 
Scotland,  and  here — divers  of  whom  [his  accomplices], 
as  we  are  informed,  have  made,  very  lately,  an  escape 
from  hence;  and  are  slipped  over  hither  [to  Leyden] 
with  him,  the  said  BREWSTER — [that  he]  hath  com 
manded  me  again,  over  and  beside  what  I  wrote  unto 
you  in  my  former  [of  the  3/13  August],  to  require  your 
Lordship,  in  his  name,  to  deal  roundly  [energetically] 
with  the  States  [General],  as  in  his  name,  for  the 
apprehension  of  him,  the  said  BREWSTER  ;  as  they  tender 
His  Majesty's  friendship. 

Whitehall,  23°  Augusti  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  132. 


2O2        The  hunt  after  William  JBretvster. 

SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETOtf  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  SATURDAY,  28  AUGUST  /7  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

Touching  BREWSTER,  I  am  now  informed  that 
he  is  on  this  side  the  seas;  and  that  he  was  seen 
yesterday  [27  August  /6  September]  at  Leyden :  but,  as 
yet,  is  not  there  settled. 

To  complain  of  him  in  general  terms,  were  to 
small  effect:  but  when  I  can  certainly  learn  where 
he  is  permanently];  I  will  then  move  the  States 
[General]  to  do  that  which  belongs  to  them,  for  His 
Majesty  satisfaction. 

From  the  Hague,  the  28th  of  August  1619. 

S,  E  Holland.    Bundle  132. 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  FRIDAY,  3/13  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

I  have  used  all  diligence  to  enquire  after  BREWSTER  ; 
and  finds  he  keeps  most  at  Amsterdam:  but,  being 
incerti  /am,  he  is  not  yet  to  be  lighted  upon. 

I  understand  he  prepares  to  settle  himself  at  a  village 
called  Leerdorp  [now  spelt  Leiderdorp],  not  far  from 
Leyden ;  thinking  there  to  be  able  to  print  prohibited 
books  without  discovery:  but  I  shall  lay  wait  for 
him,  both  there  and  in  other  places,  so,  as  I  doubt  but 
either  he  must  leave  this  country ;  or  I  shall,  sooner  or 
later,  find  him  out. 

Thus  I  humbly  take  leave.  From  the  Hague,  this 
3rd  of  September  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland,     Bundle  133. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        203 

THE  SCEEPEBTS  [ALDERMEN]  AND  COUNCIL  OF  LEYBEN 
TO  JACOB  VON  BROUCKHOVEN,  DEPUTY 

OF  THAT  CITY. 
LEYDEN;  THUBSDAY,  9/19  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

To  Master  JACOB  VON  BROUCKHOVEN,  Deputy 
Councillor  of  their  High  Mightinesses. 

We  have  to-day  summoned  into  our  presence 
THOMAS  BREWER,  an  Englishman ;  and  he  being  heard, 
we  learn  that  his  business  heretofore  has  been  printing, 
or  having  printing  done:  but  in  consequence  of  the 
publication  of  the  Placaat  [Edict]  in  relation  to  the 
Printing  of  Books,  [?in  December  1618]*  he  had 
stopped  the  Printing  Office;  which  was,  at  that  time, 
mostly  his  own,  and  that  his  partner  was  a  certain 
WILLIAM  BREWSTER,  who  was  also  in  town  at  present, 
but  sick. 

We  have  therefore  resolved,  after  having  communi 
cated  with  the  Eektor  Magniticus  [REINERUS  BoNTiUS], 
to  deliver  the  said  THOMAS  BREWER,  who  is  a  member 
of  the  University,  in  the  place  where  it  is  the  custom  to 
bring  the  members  thereof :  and  in  regard  to  WILLIAM 
BREWSTER,  to  bring  him,  inasmuch  as  he  is  sick,  into 
the  Debtors'  Chamber,  provisionally;  where  he  went 
voluntarily. 

Of  which  things  we  have  thought  proper  to  inform 
you,  and  to  await  further  orders  in  the  matter. 

Quoted  by  H.  C.  M.  in  Historical  Magazine,  VoL  IV., 
p.  5,  Boston  and  New  York,  1860,  4. 

*  Master  THOMAS  BBEWES  was  evidently  a  strictly  honourable,  and 
perfectly  truthful,  English  Gentleman.  What  then  does  he  mean  here, 
as  to  the  four  books  printed  in  1619,  that  are  described  on  pp.  238,  242,  245 1 


204        The  hunt  after  Wilham  Brewster. 

SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTQN. 
THE  HAGUE  ;  FRIDAY,  10/20  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

I  have  at  length  found  out  BREWSTER  at  Leyden, 
whom  the  Magistrates  of  that  town,  at  my  instance, 
apprehended  yesternight  [last  night,  that  is  9/19 
September],  though  he  was  sick  in  bed;  as  likewise 
one  BREWER,  of  his  profession,  a  Brownist,  who  was 
an  assistant  to  him  in  his  printing. 

By  [Monsieur  BROUCKHOVEN,]  the  Deputy  of  that 
town,  who  is  continually  resident  here  at  the  Hague 
and  is  this  day  gone  thither  [to  Leyden],  I  have 
required  to  have  their  books  and  their  printing  letters 
[type]  seized ;  as  likewise  to  have  them  strictly  examined 
of  all  the  books,  as  well  Latin  as  English,  they 
have  printed,  for  the  space  of  eighteen  months  or  two 
years  past.  [The  printing  however  actually  began 
about  October  1616.]  Of  which,  I  shall  have  answer  this 
night,  or  to-morrow. 

From  the  Hague,  this  10th  of  September  1619. 
S.  P.  Holland.      Bundle  133. 


WARRANT  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  LEYDEN  TO  SEIZE 

BREWER'S  TYPES. 
LEYDEN;  SATURDAY,  11/21  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

Upon  the  application  of  LOTH  HUYGHENSZOON  GAEL, 
Bailiff  of  the  "University,  to  have  an  Assessor  and 
Schepenmaster  [Chief  Justice,  or  Alderman]  to  assist 
him  in  seizing  the  types  of  THOMAS  BREWER,  a  member 
of  the  said  University,  now  in  prison ;  and  in  searching 
his  library  for  any  Works  printed,  or  caused  to  be 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        205 

printed,  by  him,  within  a  year  and  a  half  or  there 
abouts;  and  in  seizing  the  same;  and  in  examining 
Mm  as  to  what  books  he  has  printed,  or  caused  to  be 
printed,  within  a  year  and  a  half  either  in  English  or 
in  other  languages:  the  Rektor  and  Judges  of  the  said 
University  have  appointed,  and  by  these  presents  do, 
Doctor  JOHANNES  POLYANDER,  Assessor;  and  Doctor 
GUILIELMUS  BONTIUS,  Schepenmaster,  provisionally 
only,  for  the  seizure  of  the  type ;  and  searching  of  the 
Library  aforesaid ;  and  seizing  the  books. 

In  pursuance  whereof,  the  types  found  in  the  garret 
were  seized ;  the  garret  door  nailed  in  two  places,  and 
the  seal  of  the  said  Officer,  impressed  in  green  wax  over 
paper,  is  placed  upon  the  lock  and  nails ;  a  Catalogue 
is  made  of  the  books,  and  the  chamber  where  the  same 
were  found  is  sealed  with  the  aforesaid  seal  upon  the 
lock  and  nails. 

Done,  the  21st  of  September  1619,  in  my  presence. 

(signed)  J.  VEEVEY. 

Criminal  and  Civil  Record,  Letter  A. ;  quoted  by 
H.  C.  M.  in  Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  IV.,  pp.  5,  6, 
Boston  and  New  York,  I860,  4. 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIB  ROBEET  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE ;  SUNDAY,  12/22  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

In  my  last,  I  advertised  your  Honour,  that  BREWSTEK 
was  taken  at  Leyden :  which  proved  an  error,  in  that 
the  Scout  [in  modern  Dutch,  Sellout— Bailiff],  who 
was  employed  by  the  Magistrates  for  his  apprehension 
being  a  dull,  drunken  fellow,  took  one  man  for  an6ther. 

But  [THOMAS]  BREWER   (who   set  him  on   work 


2o6        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

and,  being  a  man  of  means,  bare  the  charge  of  his 
printing)  is  fast  in  the  University  [of  Leydenj's  Prison : 
and  his  printing  letters  [type]  (which  were  found  in 
his  house,  in  a  garret  where  he  had  hid  them),  and 
his  books  and  papers,  are  all  seized  and  sealed  up. 

I  expect,  to-morrow,  to  receive  his  voluntary  Con 
fession  of  such  books  as  he  hath  caused  to  be  printed 
by  BREWSTER,  for  this  year  and  a  half  or  two  years 
past  [or  rather,  since  about  October  1616]:  and  then 
I  intend  to  send  one  expressly  to  visit  his  books  and 
papers;  and  to  examine  him  particularly  touching 
Perth  Assembly,  the  discourse  De  regimine  Ecclesm 
Scoticance,  and  other  Puritan  pamphlets  which  I  have 
newly  recovered.  ... 

From  the  Hague,  this  12th/22nd  of  September  1619. 
S.  P,  Holland.    Bundle  133. 


THE  SCHEPENS  AND  COUNCIL  OF  LEYDEN  TO  JACOB 

VON  BROUCKHOVEN. 
LEYDEN ;  MONDAY  13/23  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

We  have,  this  day,  in  consequence  of  your  letter, 
summoned  the  Officer ;  and  strongly  enjoined  upon  him, 
to  do  his  best  to  arrest  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  ;  in  whose 
person  he  was  mistaken :  which  he  has  promised  to  do. 
But,  at  the  same  time,  said,  That  t{ie  said  WILLIAM 
BBEWSTEB  had  already  left. 

A  meeting  was  held  to-day,  at  the  Rektor's,  in  regard 
to  the  case  of  WILLIAM  BREWER. 

Quoted  by  H.  C.  M.  in  Historical  Magazine,  Vol  IV., 
p,  5,  Boston  and  New  York,  1860,  4 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.       207 

WARRANT  OF    THE   UNIVERSITY  OF  LEYDEN  TO   EXAMINE 
THOMAS    BEEWEE;  AND    TO    REMOVE    HIS   TYPE 

TO  THE  UNIVERSITY  BOOMS. 
LEYDEN;  MONDAY,  13/23  SEPTEMBEB  1619. 

On  this  23rd  September  1619,  the  Honourable  Eektor 
and  Judges  of  the  University  in  the  City  of  Leyden, 
have,  upon  the  application  of  LOTH  HUYGHENSZOON 
GAEL,  Bailiff  of  the  University,  appointed,  and  by  these 
presents  do  appoint,  Doctor  CORNELIUS  SWANENBURG, 
Assessor;  and  Doctor  GUILIELMUS  BOKTIUS,  Schepen- 
master ;  to  examine  THOMAS  BEEWEE,  in  custody  of  the 
said  Bailiff,  as  to  what  books  he  has,  within  a  year  and  a 
half  past  [i.e.  since  13/23  March,  1618],  printed,  or  caused 
to  be  printed  in  Latin,  English,  or  other  languages. 

And  the  said  Assessor  and  JAN  BOUT  JACOBSZOON, 
Schepenmaster,  shall  cause  the  type  of  the  said  BREWER, 
which  have  been  seized,  to  be  brought,  for  better 
keeping,  from  his  house,  to  the  University  Rooms. 

Which  is  accordingly  done,  the  day  and  year 
aforesaid,  in  my  presence. 

(signed)    JACOB  V.  YERVEY, 

Quoted  by  EL  C.  M.  in  Historical  Magazine,  VoL 
IV.,  p.  6,  Boston  and  New  York,  1860,  4. 


SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL;  SATURDAY,  18/28  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

I  am  sorry  that  BREWSTER'S  person  hath  so  escaped 
you :  but  I  hope  BREWER  will  help  you  to  find  him  out 
Whitehall,  18°  Septembris  1619. 

S.  R  Holland.     Bundle  133. 


208        The  hunt  after  William  Brews  ter. 

SIR   DUDLEY  CARLETON   TO  SIR   ROBERT   NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  SATURDAY,  18/28  SEPTEMBER  1619. 

Since  my  last  of  the  12th  of  this  present  [month], 
whereby  I  advertised  your  Honour  of  BREWER'S  being 
laid  fast  in  the  University's  Prison  at  Leyden ;  I  have 
sent  an  Advocate  of  this  town  [The  Hague],  who 
understands  our  language,  with  a  servant  of  mine, 
expressly  to  visit  his  books  and  papers  :  and  to  present 
certain  Interrogatories*  to  those  who  examine  him 
whereof  I  send  your  Honour  the  translation ;  with  his 
Answers,*  which  are  so  indirect  that  they  give  no  man 
satisfaction  that  sees  them. 

And  therefore  I  have  now  used  [MAURICE]  the 
Prince  of  ORANGE'S  authority;  who  hath  spoken 
himself  to  \REi&mu8  BONTIUS]  the  Eector  of  the, 
University,  not  to  give  the  prisoner  any  liberty  until 
His  Majesty's  pleasure  be  known  concerning  him: 
which  the  Eector  doth  promise  shall  be  fullfilled  / 
notwithstanding  that  the  whole  Company  of  Brownists 
[the  Leyden  Church]  doth  offer  caution  [security]  for 
BREWER.  And  he  being  a  University  man,  the  scholars 
[students]  are  likewise  stirred  up  by  the  Brownists  to 
plead  Privilege  in  that  kind,  when  caution  [security] 
is  offered. 

Wherefore  I  am  requested  by  the  Eector,  and  by  the' 
Deputy  of  the  town  of  Leyden,  Monsieur  BROUCKHOVEN, 
residing  here  [at  the  Hague]  in  the  Council  of  [the 
Province  of]  Holland,  whose  serious  care  in  this  business 
I  cannot  but  commend  to  His  Majesty,  to  know  His 
Majesty's  pleasure  with  the  soonest :  whereby  to  prevent 
some  disorder,  which  may  happen  upon  this  occasion. 

*  These  Interrogatories  and  Answers  are  not  now  with  the  State 
Papers  ;  and  are  apparently  lost. — E.  A. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.       209 

Meantime  I  intend  to  have  Mm  further  examined, 
which  Monsieur  BROUCKHOVEN  will  give  order  for  on 
Monday  next  [20/30  September],  when  he  goeth  to 
Leyden  for  two  or  three  days ;  and  if  there  be  any  things 
more  particular  in  his  Confession,  I  will  send  the  same 
speedily  to  your  Honour;  as  with  these  which  go 
herewith,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  despatch  this 
bearer  expressly. 

Amongst  the  books  touching  which  I  have  caused 
him  to  be  examined,  I  have  inserted  some,  as  that 
AMESII  in  GRMVINCHOVIUM  {seepage  237],  which  as  he 
cannot  deny  [because  WILLIAM  BREWSTMR'S  name  is  in 
the  imprint]  so  he  may,  and  doth,  confess  it  without 
difficulty :  but  by  that  character  [  type  ] ,  he  is 
condemned  of  the  rest.  And  certain  experienced  printers* 
which  have  viewed  the  letters  [type],  affirm  that  aH 
and  every  one  of  the  books  with  which  he  is  charged, 
particularly  those  De  regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticancz  and 
Perth  Assembly,  were  printed  by  [with]  them. 

And  it  appears  that  this  BREWER,  and  BIIEWSTEB 
whom  this  man  set  on  work,  having  kept  no  open 
shop,  nor  printed  [any  altered  into]  many  books 
fit  for  public  sale  in  these  Provinces,  their  practice 
was  to  print  prohibited  books,  to  be  vented  underhand 
[sold  secretly]  in  His  Majesty's  kingdoms. 

And  if,  hereupon,  His  Majesty  will  be  pleased  that 
I  move  the  States  General  to  take  some  strict  order 
therein,  through  all  their  Provinces ;  either  by  further 
explanation  of  their  late  Placaat  [Edict]  concerning 
[the]  Printing  of  Books  and  Libels,  or  [in]  some  other 
way:  as  I  believe  they  will  do  it  very  willingly,  so 
will  it  serve  for  [the]  preventing  of  the  like  inconvenience 
hereafter. 

What  this  BREWER  is,  and  what  fantastical  courses 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  o 


2io        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster, 

he  hath  run  heretofore,  your  Honour  will  see  by  an 
Information  *  which  hath  been  given  me  concerning  him. 
Thus  I  humbly  take  leave.    From  the  Hague,  the 
18th  of  September  1619. 

Postscript  Upon  some  just  ground  of  suspicion 
that  Master  AMES  hath  his  hand  in  many  of  these 
books,  which  your  Honour  will  find  specified  in  these 
Interrogatories;  I  have  desired  the  Curators  of  the 
University  of  Leyden  not  to  admit  him  to  a  place  of 
public  Professor,  to  which  he  doth  pretend  [aspire] 
and  hath  many  strong  recommendations,  until  he  hath 
given  His  Majesty  full  satisfaction:  which  they  do 
very  willingly  yield  unto ;  and  I  am  very  well  assured, 
his  preferment  will  here  stay  unless  His  Majesty  give 

way  unto  it. 

Thus  I  rest,  your  Honour's  &c., 

DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
S.  P.  Holland.     Bundle  133. 


*  MATTHEW  SLADE  TO  SIB  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
AMSTERDAM;  SATURDAY,  18/28   SEPTEMBER   1619. 

Eight  Honourable.  My  duty  remembered  unto  your 
good  Lordship. 

May  it  please  the  same  to  understand  that  I  have 
made  the  best  enquiry  that  I  could,  concerning  WILLIAM 
BREWSTER,  among  them  that  know  him  well  But 
cannot  hear  otherwise  than  that  he  is  yet  dwelling 
and  resident  at  Leyden. 

*  This  Information  is  not  now  with  the  State  Papers,  and  is  probably 
feifc— &  A. 


Tke  hunt  after  Wilham  Brewster.         211 

Neither  is  it  likely  that  he  will  remove  his  dwelling 
hither :  there  being  another  English  printer  named 
WILLIAM  THORP  [or  rather  GILES  THORPE],  also  a 
Brownist,  settled  here ;  and  for  that  -there  is  also 
variance  about  religion,  between  the  Separatists  [the 
Rev.  HENRY  AINSWORTH*&  Church]  at  Amsterdam  and 
them  of  Leyden. 

If  he  lurk  here,  for  fear  of  apprehension;  it  will 
be  hard  to  find  him.  But  I  will  speak  with  our 
Burgomaster  about  that  business,  at  his  return;  who 
is  not  yet,  in  two  or  three  days,  expected. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  133, 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE; 

WEDNESDAY,   22  SEPTEMBER  /2   OCTOBER   1619. 

Concerning  BREWER,  now  prisoner  at  Leyden,  who 
was  the  chief  subject  of  my  last  despatch ;  I  have,  as 
yet,  no  more  to  advertise  ;  but  I  shall  expect,  with  much 
devotion,  His  Majesty's  pleasure  about  him.  .  .  . 

From  the  Hague,  this  22nd  of  September  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  133. 


SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON, 

HAMPTON  COURT; 
TUESDAY,  28  SEPTEMBER  /8  OCTOBER  1619. 

Sir.  For  answer  to  your  last  of  the  18th  of 
September,  it  is  His  Majesty's  pleasure  that  you  present 
his  princely  thanks  to  that  noble  Prince ;  also  to 
Monsieur  BROUCKHOVEN,  and  [BEINERUS  BONTIUS]  the 


212         The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

Eector  [of  the  University  of  Leyden] :  for  their  serious 
care,  and  respect  shewed,  in  the  apprehension  and 
examination  of  BKEWER.  From  whom,  His  Majesty 
hopes  well  that  you  will  draw  more  particularities  in 
his  after  Confessions  than  yet  he  sees  in  those  you 
have  sent  us  over ;  which  meanwhile  he  takes  in  good 
part  as  a  fair  beginning  and  introduction  to  the  rest. 

When  you  shall  have  discovered  all  you  can  there, 
His  Majesty  would  have  you  move  the  States  [General] 
earnestly,  in  his  name,  that  he  may  be  remanded  [sent 
over]  hither.  Which  he  promiseth  himself,  that  they 
will  not  take  it  for  an  unreasonable  request,  since  he  is 
his  own  native  subject :  they  having  formerly  remanded 
some  of  their  own  [subjects]  hither,  upon  His  Majesty's 
like  motion. 

But  if  any  fond  [foolish]  scruple  or  difficulty  should 
be  made  herein,  in  respect  of  the  scholars  [students] 
their  pleading  their  Privilege  in  that  tumultuous  town, 
especially  in  these  troubled  times ;  or  otherwise :  His 
Majesty  will  have  you,  rather  than  you  should  fail  in 
his  design,  to  descend  [stoop]  thus  much  further,  as  to 
promise  them,  That  if  they  shall  so  require,  he  will 
return  him  [T.  BREWER]  back  again,  after  he  shall  have 
informed  himself  from  him,  of  divers  things  merely 
concerning  his  own  special  service  :  His  Majesty  having 
no  intention  to  touch  him,  either  in  body  or  goods ;  or  to 
punish  him  further  than  with  a  free  Confession  of  his 
own  misdemeanours,  and  those  of  his  complices. 

And  for  the  time  to  come,  you  are  required  to  move 
the  States  [General],  to  take  some  strict  order,  through 
all  their  Provinces,  for  the  preventing  of  the  like  abuses 
and  licentiousness  in  publishing  printing  and  venting 
underhand  [secretly]  -such  scandalous  and  libellous 
pamphlets. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.       213 

For  AMES  his  preferment,  His  Majesty  doth  utterly 
distaste  it ;  as  if  a  new  VOESTIUS  were  reviving  in  him : 
and  would,  in  no  sort,  have  any  way  given  unto  it. 

Hampton  Court,  this  28th  of  September  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  133. 


THE      REFUSAL      OF     THE     UNIVEBSITY    OF     LEYBBlf    TO 

SUEEENDEE  THOMAS  BEBWEB. 
LEYDEN  J  MONDAY,   11/21   OCTOBER  1619. 

At  an  extraordinary  Meeting  of  the  Curators  and 
Burgomasters,  held  on  the  21st  October  1619. 

It  being  represented  to  the  Curators  and  Burgomasters, 
that  the  Ambassador  of  His  Royal  Majesty,  the  King  of 
Great  Britain  requested  that  THOMAS  BEEWEE,  English 
Gentleman,  who  is  now  confined  in  the  Prison  of  the 
University,  upon  the  complaint  of  the  said  Ambassador, 
by  order  of  the  Rektor  and  Assessors,  might  be  taken 
from  here  to  His  Royal  Majesty  in  England,  it  is 
resolved : 

That  the  said  BEEWEE  shall  be  still  offered,  as  before, 
to  the  said  Ambassador, 

for  further  examination  in  the  presence  of  any  one 
whom  His  Excellency  may  be  pleased  to  appoint, 
or  he  shall  go  before  His  Excellency  himself, 
or  otherwise,  a  proper  Obligation  shall  be  demanded 
from  His  Excellency,  to  the  effect  that  the  said 
BEEWEE  shall  be  restored  here  again  within  two 
months. 

Which  he  not  consenting  to;  the  matter  must  be 
referred  to  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  the  States  of 
[the  Provinces  of J  Holland  and  West  Friesland, 


214         The  Imnt  after  William  Brews ter. 

Register  of  the  University,  quoted  by  H.  C.  M.  in 
Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  6,  Boston  and  New 
York,  1860,  4 

It  will  be  noticed  that  Sir  DUDLEY  CABLETON  never 
informed  King  JAMES  of  the  above  refusal ;  of  which  he  must 
have  known. 


SIR  DUDLEY  CAELETOJST  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE  ;  WEDNESDAY,  13/23  OCTOBER  1619, 

In  [A,]  the  further  Examination  of  BREWER,  [R]  the 
remanding  [sending*]  him  into  England,  and  [0.]  the 
moving  [of]  the  States  [General]  to  take  some  strict 
order  against  the  like  abuse  [i.e.  of  secret  printing']  as 
that  of  which  he  is  accused ;  touching  which  three  points, 
I  understand  His  Majesty's  pleasure  by  your  Honour's 
letters  of  the  28th  of  the  last  [month] : 

[A.]  In  the  first,  I  find  it  lost  labour,  he  persisting 
in  his  former  Answers:  only  he  hath  written  me  a 
long  impertinent  letter,  *  which  I  send  your  Honour 
herewith. 

[B,]  In  the  second,  because  I  know  it  will  be  a  matter 
of  much  difficulty  to  effect  his  Majesty's  desire;  in 
regard  of  the  scrupulosity  of  the  town  and  University  of 
Leyden  in  point  of  Privilege:  both  [of]  which  are 
interessed  [interested]  herein,  as  a  mixed  cause;  he 
being  apprehended  by  the  Public  Escoutete  [  =  Schout=: 
Bailif],  and  kept  in  the  University  Prison. 

I  have  therefore  thought  best  to  begin  the  matter 
tJiere,  by  preparing  the  Curators  and  the  Rector  of  the 
University  as  likewise  the  Magistrates  [of  the  town], 

*  Thija  letter  is  not  now  with  the  State  Papers,  and  is  apparently  lost. 
— JL  A. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster*        215 

by  means  of  their  Deputy,  Monsieur  BBOUCKHOVEH: 
having  spoken  likewise  with  [MAURICE]  the  Prince  of 
ORANGE,  to  the  same  effect. 

The  Curators  are  now  at  this  present  at  Leyden, 
upon  the  admission  of  some  of  their  new  Professors ; 
and  have  promised  me  their  endeavours  to  give  His 
Majesty  satisfaction.  Wherein  I  shall  know,  within 
these  two  days,  what  to  trust  to. 

And  then  I  may,  upon  better  grounds,  move  the 
States  [General]  both  touching  that  point  in  particular, 
and  likewise  concerning  the  last  in  general  [0.],  of 
preventing  the  like  abuse,  not  only  in  that  towli 
[Leyden]  but  in  all  the  Provinces.  Wherein  I  will 
neither  fail  of  my  duty  in  doing,  nor  diligence  in 
advertising. 

Meanwhile  I  humbly  take  my  leave.  From  the 
Hague,  this  13th  of  October  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  133. 


SIB  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIB  BOBEBT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE ;   FBIDAY,  22  OCTOBEB/1  NOVEMBEB  1619, 

Eight  Honourable.  The  business  of  BEEWEB,  now 
prisoner  at  Leyden,  whom  His  Majesty  demands  to  be 
remanded  [sent  over]  into  England,  requires  a  letter 
apart. 

Concerning  which,  I  have  been  spoken  with  twice 
since  my  last  to  your  Honour,  by  Sir  THOMAS 
of  the  13th  of  this  present  [month]. 

First,  by  two  of  the  Curators  of  the  University. 

And    after,   by   one    of    the    Curators, 
BONTIUS]  the  Kector,  his  two  Assessors ;  and  a  Deputy 
from  the  town  [of  Leyden]  :   all  which  came  unto  me  in 


2 1 6        The  hunt  after  WilliaM  Brewster* 

one  company  ;  and,  after  large  profession  of  due  respect 
to  His  Majesty  and  desire  to  give  His  Majesty  all  possible 
satisfaction,  they  alledged  unto  me  these  difficulties :  « 

First.  The  Privilege  of  the  University  :  which  any 
man  that  is  matriculated,  as  this  BREWER  is,  may  plead, 
upon  any  accusation,  for  his  trial  upon  the  place; 
without  having  his  cause  or  person  removed  elsewhere, 
contrary  to  his  own  mind. 

Secondly.  The  nature  of  their  University :  consisting 
chiefly  of  strangers  [foreigners] ;  to  whom  if  they  should 
not  carefully  preserve  their  privileges  in  a  matter  of  this 
consequence,  they  would  all  fly  [from]  their  University. 

Thirdly.  The  condition  of  the  time :  there  heing 
now  newly  a  general  Eeformation  made;  and  if  they 
should  neglect  the  preservation  of  their  privileges,  they 
should  expose  themselves  unto  the  scandal  of  such  as  are 
deported  [banished]. 

Lastly.  The  example  of  one  CLUVERUS  [?  PHILIP 
ClWim  or  CLVvmius],  a  German ;  who,  having  printed 
a  book  against  the  Emperor  RODOLPH,  and  thereupon 
being  required  of  the  States  [General],  to  be  sent 
to  Prague,  there  to  be  punished ;  the  University  made  an 
absolute  refusal,  as  that  which  could  not  be  granted 
without  breach  of  their  privileges. 

To  all  which  points  I  answered  : 

First,  concerning  their  Privileges  in  general.  It  was 
an  argument  that  I  sought  to  maintain,  not  to  infringe, 
them  ;  in  that  I  addressed  myself  first  to  them,  who  were 
the  Chief  of  the  University :  before  I  would  move  the 
States  [General]  to  use  authority  this  business, 

And  for  BREWER  in  particular,  though  he  were  a 
matriculate  man,  his  printing  house  where  he,  for  the 
space  of  these  three  years  [This  fixes  the  beginning  of  the 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        217 

secret  printing  in  October  1616],  hath  printed  prohibited 
books  and  pamphlets — not  for  the  use  of  the  University' 
of  Leyden,  or  [of]  these  Provinces;  but  for  His  Majesty's 
disservice,  and  the  trouble  of  his  Kingdoms — was  in  the 
town. 

And,  in  the  like  case,  I  asked  them,  If  some  busy,  or 
factious,  Arminian,  a  subject  of  these  Provinces,  should 
matriculate  himself  in  one  of  the  Universities  of  Oxford 
or  Cambridge ;  and  there  print,  and  Bend  over  hither, 
books  of  that  argument:  of  which  their  Ambassador 
should  complain,  and  desire  to  have  him  remanded  \sem$ 
over} ;  how  they  would  take  it,  if  they  should  be  answered 
by  a  Plea  of  Privilege  ? 

Touching  the  Nature  of  the  University,  which 
consists  of  strangers ;  I  said,  They  must  have,  in  that 
regard,  the  greater  consideration  of  giving  contentment 
to  stranger  [foreign]  Princes  :  otherwise  they  would,  and 
might  very  well,  forbid  their  subjects  from  frequenting 
their  University, 

Concerning  the  time  of  their  present  Reformation ; 
I  desired  them  to  remember  to  whom  they  might 
chiefly  ascribe  this  Reformation :  which  they  have  often 
acknowledged  unto  me,  to  proceed  from  His  Majesty; 
and  then  to  consider,  Whether  it  was  fit  to  allege  this 
Reformation  against  His  Majesty's  satisfaction. 

As  for  CLUVERUS;  I  told  them  the  case  was 
different,  in  that  he  was  required  to  receive  both  trial 
and  punishment  at  Prague :  but  His  Majesty  demands 
BKKWER  without  intention  to  touch  him,  either  in  body 
or  goods;  or  to  punish  him  further  than  with  a  free 
Confession  of  his  own  misdemeanours,  and  those  of 
his  complices;  with  purpose  to  return  him  back  again 
(after  he  shall  have  informed  himself  from  him,  of 
such  things  which  concern  his  service),  if  they  shall  so 


218        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

require  It.  And  for  conclusion,  I  wished  them  to  put 
[a]  difference  between  the  satisfaction  of  that  Emperor, 
with  whom  they  had  little  or  no  correspondence,  and 
the  King  my  Master;  whom  this  State  in  general,  and, 
that  University  in  particular,  could  not  but  acknowledge 
their  best  friend. 

I  found  them  well  apprehensive  of  these  reasons, 
and  to  continue,  in  as  much  as  depended  on  them, 
for  so  they  professed,  in  their  desire  of  giving  His 
Majesty  satisfaction.  But  because  their  University 
acknowledged  for  Founders,  the  States  [of  the  Province] 
of  Holland ;  whose  assembly  is  near  at  hand,  within  a 
fortnight,  or  three  weeks  at  the  furthest,  they  desired 
me  to  forbear  pressing  this  matter  any  further  till  that 
time. 

Wherein  I  made  no  difficulty :  knowing  it  would  be 
fruitless.  Only  I  told  them,  That  if  they  had  readily 
consented,  I  made  no  doubt  but  that  BREWER  might  be 
in  England,  and  returned  again,  before  the  meeting  of 
the  States  of  Holland. 

The  Curators  asked  me,  when  they  alone  were  with 
me,  Whether  I  would  give  them  an  act  [deed]  in  writing, 
in  manner  of  a  Safe  Conduct,  for  BREWEB'S  return ;  in 
case  they  should  send  him  into  England  ? 

Wherein,  having  no  express  order  [i.e.  from  the 
King] ;  I  prayed  them  to  weigh,  Whether  that  were  any 
way  needful ;  in  regard,  by  what  had  passed  in  former 
occasions,  they  might  be  well  assured,  that  His  Majesty's 
word,  given  by  any  of  his  Ministers,  will  never  be 
infringed. 

I  understand  they  have  privately  appointed  [JOHN] 


The  hunt  after  William  Brews ter.        219 

POLYANDEB  and  [ANTHONY]  WALRUS  to  deal  witlx 
BBEWEB,  of  Ms  own  accord  to  desire  to  go  into  England 
whereby  to  satisfy  His  Majesty,  and  preserve  their 
privileges:  which  I  do  not  mislike.  For  if  he  yield 
thereunto,  His  Majesty  hath  what  he  requires.  If  he 
make  difficulty,  I  have  the  more  just  subject  to  press  his 
remanding ;  which,  at  the  time  of  the  assembly  of  the 
States  of  [the  Province  of]  Holland,  I  will  not  fail  to 
do.  And  before  [that],  in  regard  the  University  belongs 
only  to  this  Province,  it  will  be  to  no  purpose  to  move 
anything  to  the  States  General. 

Of  this,  I  beseech  your  Honour  to  advertise  His 
Majesty.  So  I  humbly  take  leave.  From  the  Hague* 
this  22nd  of  October  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  188. 


SIB  EGBERT  NATJNTON  TO  SIB  DUDLEY  CABLETON. 
WHITEHALL ;  SATURDAY,  23  OCTOBEB  /2  NOVEMBEB  1619. 

His  Majesty  hath  charged  me,  once  more,  to 
require  you,  as  from  himself,  that  you  press,  with 
all  earnestness,  the  matter  of  BBEWEB,  in  all  the  three 
points  I  recommended  to  you,  from  Hampton  Court^ 
28°  Septembris. 

Whitehall,  23°  Octobris  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  18a 


SIB  DUDLEY   CABLETON  TO  SIB  BOBEBT  KAUNTON, 
THE  HAGUE  ;  MONDAY,  25  OCTOBEB  /4  NOVEMBEB   1619. 

What    is    done    about  BBEWEB  at    Leyden;    your 


220       The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 
Honour  will  see  by  a  letter  *  I  have,  even  now,  received 

from  POLYANDER. 

Thus  I  humbly  take  my  leave.    From  the  Hague, 
this  25th  of  October  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  133. 


SIB  DUDLEY  CABLETOST  TO  SIB  BOBEBT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  WEDNESDAY,  3/18  NOVEMBER  1619. 

Right  Honourable.  One  of  the  Curators,  and 
[EEINEBUS  BONTIUS]  the  Kector  of  the  University  of 
Leyden ;  with  JOHN  POLYANDER  and  [DANIEL]  HEINSIUS, 
came  to  me  on  Monday  last,  being  the  1st  of  this  present 
[month],  expressly  from  Leyden,  to  let  me  know  their 
resolution  to  send  BREWEB  into  England :  which,  for  the 
preservation  of  the  privileges  of  their  University,  they 
made  appear  unto  me,  by  a  Writing  under  BREWER'S 
hand,  to  proceed  of  his  own  desire,  as  a  dutiful  subject 
to  His  Majesty;  and  willing  to  give  His  Majesty  all 
satisfaction. 

But,  first,  he  requires  of  them,  in  the  said  Writing,  to 
to  be  assured 

[1]  It  is  His  Majesty's  own  pleasure  to  have  him  sent. 

[2]  Next,  That  he  may  go  as  a  free  man  under 
^caution  [security}  of  his  lands  and  goods;  not  as  a 
prisoner. 

[3]  Then,  That  he  may  not  be  punished  during  his 
abode  in  England,  either  in  body  or  goods. 

[4]  And,  That  he  may  be  suffered  to  return  hither, 
in  a  competent  time. 

[5]  And  lastly,  That  his  journey  be  without  his  own 
charge. 

*  This  Letter  Is  not  now  with  the  State  Papers.  Sir  DUDLEY  states,  at 
p.  231,  that  he  had  not  taken  a  copy  of  it.— B.  A. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        221 

These  things  were  requested  of  me  by  the  Curator, 
the  Rector,  and  the  rest,  in  his  behalf.  Wherein  I  made 
them  this  verbal  promise,  without  being  further  moved 
by  any  of  them,  as  I  was  formerly,  to  give  them  my  act 
[deed]  in  writing : 

[1]  That,  for  the  first,  It  was  His  Majesty's  express 
will  and  pleasure :  which  I»might  the  better  assure  them, 
having  the  same,  now  a  second  time,  reiterated  unto  me 
by  your  Honour's  letter  of  the  23rd  of  October ;  which, 
at  that  instant,  I  received. 

[2]  Next,  That  if  they  would  take  caution  [seawrity] 
of  him  of  his  lands  and  goods,  for  his  rendering 
himself  to  His  Majesty  in  England ;  I  left  it*  to  their 
discretions.  But  to  send  him  as  a  free  man  could  not 
well  be,  as  long  as  he  remained  in  reatu  [in  the  state 
of  a  person  arraigned]. 

[3]  Then,  That  for  his  body  and  goods  during  his 
abode  in  England,  I  undertook  he  should  not  be  touched  : 
being  so  warranted  by  your  Honour's  former  letter  of 
the  21st  of  September. 

[4]  And  for  his  return,  That  it  should  be  within  the 
space  of  three  months  at  the  furthest ;  and  sooner,  if  he 
dealt  ingenuously  and  freely  in  his  Confessions. 

[5]  Touching  the  charge  of  his  journey,  I  made 
no  difficulty  to  free  both  him  and  them  thereof :  not 
doubting  but  His  Majesty  will  be  pleased  to  allow  it 

So  as  there  remaining  this  only  point  of  difference 
between  us,  Whether  he  should  go  as  a  prisoner,  or  as  a  free 
man  ?  In  the  end  we  concluded  of  [agreed  to]  a  middle 
way  betwixt  both,  That  he  should  go  swb  libera  custodia. 


*  The  Bond,  dated  2/12  November  1619,  wnich  BBEWSE  gave  tht 
University  of  Leyden,  to  return  to  that  city,  is  printed  by  H.  C.  M.  in 
Historical  Magazine,  VoL  IV.,  p»  0,  Boeton  and  New  York,  I860, 4.-—IL  A. 


222         The  hunt  after  William  £rewster. 

Being  attended  from  Leyden  to  Rotterdam,  by  one 
of  the  Beadles,  with  another  Officer,  of  the  University ; 
and  [to]  be  there  delivered  to  some  such  person  as  I 
should  appoint  for  his  safe  convoy  into  England  :  where  I 
have  undertaken  for  him,  he  shall  not  be  cast  into  any 
common  prison,  nor  be  ill  used.  Though  for  his  liberty, 
I  let  them  know,  he  must  not  expect  it  but  according  as 
he  shall  merit  it  by  the  satisfaction  he  shall  give  His 
Majesty. 

Wherein  if  he  fail  of  what  he  now  seems  willing  to 
perform,  the  fear  of  being  returned  back  thither  again 
to  the  place  [the  Prison  of  the  University  of  Leyden] 
where  he  hath  lain  ever  since  his  first  apprehension  ;  and 
where  he  may  lie  long  enough,  unless  he  be  delivered 
by  His  Majesty's  grace  and  favour,  will  be  a  sufficient 
torture. 

But,  on  the  other  side,  if  he  carry  himself  well  and 
dutifully,  I  beseech  your  Honour  to  be  a  means  to  His 
Majesty,  that  he  may  be  well  treated  and  sent  back 
with  contentment :  the  rather,  because  he  hath  taken 
his  resolution  of  presenting  himself  unto  His  Majesty, 
against  the  minds  of  some  stiff-necked  men  [?  of  the 
Pilgrim  Church]  in  Leyden;  who  endeavoured  to 
dissuade  him.  And  it  will  give  all  inferior  persons 
encouragement  by  his  example,  according  to  the  like 
occasions,  willingly  to  submit  themselves :  he  being  a 
Gentleman  of  a  good  house,  both  of  land  and  living; 
which  none  of  his  profession  [Brownists]  in  these  parts 
are  —  though  through  the  reveries  [dreams]  of  his 
religion  (he  being,  as  I  advertised  your  Honour,  a 
professed  Brownist),  he  hath  mortgaged  and  consumed 
a  great  part  of  his  estate. 

This  noble  Gentleman,  Sir  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE,  being 


The  hunt  after  Wilhant  Brewster,        223 

to  go  into  England  upon  his  own  affairs,  hath,  upon  my 
intreaty,  willingly  undertaken  the  charge  of  conducting 
BREWER  to  your  Honour.  For  which  purpose,  he  hath 
stayed  his  journey  until  this  time,  when  I  am  promised 
BREWER  shall  meet  him  at  Rotterdam :  and  he  being  a 
Gentleman  of  His  Majesty's  Privy  Chamber  as  well  as 
a  servant  to  this  State  [of  Holland] ;  His  Majesty  may 
be  pleased  to  take  notice  of  his  readiness  to  do  His 
Majesty  service. 

Thus  I  humbly  take  leave.  From  the  Hague,  the 
3rd  of  November  1619. 

[P.S.]  At  the  assembly  of  the  States  of  [the 
Province  of]  Holland,  which  is  to  begin  the  8/18  of 
this  present  [month] ;  I  will  not  fail  to  move  the  States 
to  take  some  strict  public  order  against  these  abuses 
of  private  printing,  for  His  Majesty's  service :  as  well 
[as  much]  as  they  have,  not  long  since,  carefully  done 
for  their  own. 

This  despatch  is  endorsed 

By  Sir  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE,  who  carries  BREWER  the 
Printer  into  England,  to  His  Majesty. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  134 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 

THE  HAGUE;  WEDNESDAY,  10/20  NOVEMBER  1619. 

I  will  hope  that  BREWER,  whom  Sir  WILHAM  ZOUCHE 
took  charge  to  conduct  to  your  Honour,  the  3rd  [day]  of 
this  present  [month],  will  be  with  you,  about  this  time  ; 
if  the  winds  have  not  hindered  their  passage. 

For  that  night,  I  understand  he  was  delivered  unto 


224       The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

Sir  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE,  by  the  Beadle  of  the  University 
of  Leyden,  at  Rotterdam;  and  the  next  day,  they  set 
forward  together  by  way  of  Zealand. 

The  Hague,  the  lOfch  of  November  1619. 

S.   P.  Holland.      Wrongly  placed  in  Bundle   133, 
under  10  October  1619, 


SIE  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
ROTTERDAM ;  SATURDAY,  13/23  NOVEMBER  1619. 

Eight  Honourable.  I  did  purpose  to  have  adver 
tised  your  Lordship  of  our  proceedings. 

I  was,  last  night,  almost  out  of  hope  of  having  my 
expected  company :  but,  about  ten  of  the  clock,  Master 
BREWER  arrived,  conveyed  hither  by  the  Beadle  of  the 
University  [of  Leyden],  Master  [JOHN]  ROBINSON  and 
Master  KEBEL  [JOHN  KEBLE]  accompanied  *?et  i  wm 
by  two  other  of  his  friends;  their  names  I  2t°^uibr6  tj* 
think  are  not  worth  the  asking.*  way.  p  o.] 

We  go  forward  about  two  or  three  of  the  clock ;  and 
if  we  find  not  a  boat  of  Terveer  [the  present  Veeve  on 
the  island  of  Walcheren\  ready  to  go  away,  we  intend 
to  lie  at  Dort  this  night. 

The  Gentleman  seems  very  ready  and  willing  to  go 
with  me;  and  hath  good,  hope  of  his  despatch  and 
happy  issue,  if  he  be  not  referred  to  the  judgement  of 
the  Bishops ;  concerning  which,  he  says,  he  made  caution 
[a  proviso]  before  his  departure:  and  if  you  have 
not  written  so  much  already,  he  desires  you  will  do  so 
much,  when  yon  write  next  to  Master  Secretary  [Sir 
EOBERT  NAUNTON.] 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.       225 

He  excuses  his  long  stay  [at  Leyden],  by  reason 
of  the  sudden  warning  to  provide  him[self  for  the 
journey] . 

He  demanded  of  me,  If  I  had  order  to  defray 
him? 

I  have  told  him,  "  Yes." 

He  says,  He  is  contented :  but  says,  It  was  not  his 
desire ;  nor  mentioned  by  him. 

I  assure  your  Lordship,  I  will  make  no  delay ;  but 
take  the  speediest  opportunities  to  be  rid  of  this 
employment. 

My  best  service  humbly  remembered  to  your  Honour 
and  my  honourable  Lady. 

I  take  my  leave  and  rest. 

Heady  to  observe  and  serve  you, 

W.  ZOUCHE. 
Rotterdam, 
the  13th  of  November  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.     Bundle  134. 


SIB  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CABLETON. 
WHITEHALL;  SATURDAY,  20/30  NOVEMBER  1619. 

For  BREWER,  His  Majesty  will  be  well  content  with 
the  course  offered  in  POLYANDER'S  letter  to  your 
Lordship. 

For  his  assurance:  no  good  subject  can  refuse  His 
Majesty's  gracious  promise,  signified  by  my  former 
letter  to  your  Lordship. 

Whitehall,  20°  Novembris  1619. 

8.?.HoOamd.    Bundle  134 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  * 


226        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

SIR  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE  TO  SIE  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
FLUSHING;  FRIDAY,  26  NOVEMBER  /6  DECEMBER  1619. 

Eight  Honourable.  I  have  here  waited  a  wind, 
these  ten  days  [17/26  November];  but  can  get  none 
good:  nor  fair  weather.  No  day  hath  passed  without 
a  storm :  and  some  of  them  so  rude  as  the  streets,  in 
some  places,  have  run  with  salt  water  that  hath  scaled 
the  walls;  and  in  other  [places],  it  hath  made  pools 
and  lakes,  and  kept  the  people  within  their  own 
doors. 

A  ship,  with  a  mast  lost,  brought  news  of  a  Tilt-Boat 
drowned ;  wherein  were  above  thirty.  Of  them,  about 
seven  saved. 

GEORGE  MARTIN  [the  Post]  is  this  day  arrived; 
having  been  nine  days  between  Rotterdam  and  here. 

I  have  had  scarce  any  opportunity  to  go  over  into 
Flanders ;  and  Master  BREWER  [is]  very  unwilling  to  go 
that  way  in  so  bad  weather. 

He  hath  many  friends  in  Middelburg;  and  those 
exceedingly]  earnest  in  his  Cause :  as  the  Treasurer 
General;  his  brother  [the]  Chief  of  the  Reckoning] 
Chamber;  and  his  other  brother  [WlLLEM],  a 
Minister.  Their  name  is  TEELINCK.  And  one,  Master 
VOSBERGHE,  Chief  Reckon-Master  [Accountant] ;  who 
was  on  the  way  towards  Holland,  to  speak  to  His 
Excellency  [MAURICE,  Prince  of  ORANGE],  in  Master 
BREWER'S  behalf  :  and  to  have  advised  him,  to  have 
challenged  the  privileges  of  the  University  and  of  the 
town  [of  Leyden] ;  by  which  he  should  have  had  his 
trial  there. 

They  told  me  many  stories  of  it ;  and  how  an  Earl  of 
HOLLAND  had  been  denied  to  have  a  prisoner  out  of 
the  town. 


The  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        227 

I  was,  on  Monday  was  sevennight  [15/25  November], 
invited  to  dinner  by  them  [  ?  at  Midddburg]  ;  ^herein 
they  did  expostulate  the  business.  / 

As,  how  great  a  power  our  King  hath  here,  as  to 
have  a  prisoner,  after  he  had  been  kept  in  prison  longer 
[than]  the  law  of  the  land  doth  allow,  to  be  sent  to  him, 
almost  with  breach  of  their  privileges  :  and  that  he  shall 
have  ever  the  same  power,  if  he  perform  the  conditions 
made  by  your  Lordship  his  Ambassador  ;  who  will  not 
abuse  them,  but  have  authority  from  His  Majesty  for  all 
you  do. 

But  if  the  conditions  are  broken,  they  will  be  more 
wary  to  satisfy  his  demand  again  in  the  same  kind  ;  ot 
to  trust  your  Lordship. 

And  if  there  be  any  occasion,  they  [the  University  of 
Ley  den]  will  write,  and  send  in  his  behalf:  and  have 
persuaded  me  so  to  signify  so  much  to  His  Majesty. 

I  have  promised  to  tell  so  much  to  Master  Secretary 
[Sir  ROBERT  NAUNTON]  ;  and  to  the  King,  if  it  please  him 
to  question  with  me  concerning  him  :  otherwise  I  durst 
not,  of  myself,  presume  to  speak  with  him  about  it. 

I  was  much  importuned,  as  if  I  had  been  a  Great 
Man,  and  have  had  many  promises  of  their  loves  and 
friendship,  if  I  can  shew  him  any  ;  and  they,  being  my 
Lords  and  Paymasters,  may  do  it,  if  it  please  them. 

My  Lord,  I  pray  you  pardon  my  brevity  ;  for  I  write 
in  haste;  and,  it  may  be,  I  forget  somewhat  of  this 
case. 

The  names  of  the  other  two  that  came  with  Master 
BEIWEB  to  Rotterdam,  are  JENKINS  and  LILE  [WILLIAM 


My  duty  and  service  remembered  to  your  Lordship 
and  my  good  Lady. 


228        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

I  commit  your  Lordship  to  GOD's  protection  ! 

Your  Lordship's 
as  I  ought,  in  all  love,  to  serve  you, 

W.  ZOTJCHK 

Flushing, 
the  26th  of  November  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  134 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIB  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGHJE;  SUNDAY,  28  NOVEMBER  /8  DECEMBER  1619. 

The  States  [Generaljs  Fleet  against  the  Pirates 
could  not  possibly  put  to  sea  until  this  day,  which  is  the 
first  easterly  wind  we  have  had  for  these  six  weeks 
past  [i.e.  si'iice  I7th  October]. 

I  hope  it  will  carry  over  Sir  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE  and 
Master  BREWER  to  your  Honour;  who  have  lain  long 
'together  at  Flushing :  and  his  fellow  Brownists  at 
Leyden  are  somewhat  scandalized,  because  they  hear 
Sir  WILLIAM  hath  taught  him  to  drink  healths. 
The  Hague,  the  28th  of  November  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  134. 


SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON, 
WHITEHALL ;    FRIDAY,  3/13  DECEMBER  1619. 

My  Lord  Ambassador.  Sir.  WILLIAM  ZOUCHE  is  at 
length  arrived  with  his  Charge;  wherewith  I  have 
acquainted  His  Majesty,  the  best  I  can  in  both  their 
favour :  and  do  now  daily  expect  his  own  directions  for 
my  proceeding  in  that  business. 

Whitehall,  the  3rd  of  December  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  134. 


The  knnt  after  William  Brewster.        229 

It  is  delightful  to  find  that  JAMES  I.,  after  all  this  mighty 
preparation,  came  to  feel  that  he  was  in  a  corner.  BREWER'S 
voluntary  surrender,  under  the  protection  of  the  University 
of  Leyden,  had  outwitted  Mm.  So  he  here  turns  round,  and 
rebukes  his  Lord  Ambassador.  But  Sir  DUDLEY  CARLETOF 
knew  him  well ;  and  had  been  sufficiently  guarded,  as  his 
reply  shows. 

SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETOH. 
WHITEHALL;  THURSDAY,  16/26  DECEMBER  1619. 

BREWER'S  manner  of  coming  hath  a  little  troubled  His 
Majesty,  who  saith,  You  should  not  have  intermingled 
those  instructions  which  he  gave  for  the  carriage  of 
this  business  with  the  States  [General],  with  any  other 
fashion  of  proceeding  with  himself  [21  BREWER],  or  with 
any  other  inferior  Officers  apart,  as  you  have  done. 

For  the  charge  of  his  journey,  His  Majesty  hath  no 
purpose  to  take  it  upon  him  longer  than  whiles  he  is 
within  his  dominions. 

As  for  his  coming  hither,  if  it  have  proceeded  from 
his  own  free  motion  only,  His  Majesty  oweth  it  to  him; 
and  not  to  the  States  [General] :  and  so  he  would  have 
you  understand  it,  and  tell  them. 

But  if  the  States  [General]  had  sent  him,  by  their 
own  authority,  whether  he  had  been  willing  to  have 
come  or  not;  His  Majesty  would  have  acknowledged 
the  thanks  to  them  for  it.  And  His  Majesty  had  no 
meaning  to  engage  himself,  nor  purposes  to  do,  further 
to  the  States  [General]  touching  him,  than  that  they 
should  perceive  he  would  not  be  cruel:  and  [that]  his 
desire  of  his  coming  over,  was  to  no  other  end  but 
that  he  might  know  the  truth. 

All  which,  His  Majesty's  pleasure  is,  and  I  am 
commanded  to  instruct  you,  that  you  should  take  heed 


230        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

of  being  too  forward  hereafter  in  confounding  matters  so 
different,  and  so  punctually  [exactly}  to  be  distinguished, 
as  are  the  overtures  of  treating  with  a  free  State,  and 
the  accepting  of  capitulations  [stipulations}  from  a 
subject  delinquent  [failing  in  his  duty]. 

He  [21  BREWER}  remaineth  with  one  of  the 
Messengers  of  the  Chamber;  and  is  to  be  examined 
by  Sir  JOHN  BENET  and  Sir  HENRY  MARTIN. 

You  shall  do  well  to  cause  his  books  and  his  letters, 
and  alphabets  [types}  to  be  kept  in  safe  custody  at 
Leyden :  as  you  advertised  that  they  were. 

Whitehall,  16°  Decembris  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.     Bundle  134. 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  SATURDAY,  1/11  JANUARY  1619/1620. 

Right  Honourable.  In  answer  of  your  Honour's 
letter  of  the  16th  of  this  last  month  and  year;  which 
yesterday  I  received,  by  this  bearer,  WILLIAM  DIRSTON  : 

First,  concerning  the  manner  of  sending  BREWER  into 
England;  I  must  humbly  crave  pardon  for  anything 
[that]  was  done  therein  different  from  His  Majesty's 
pleasure :  which  is,  and  shall  always  be,  a  strict  rule 
of  my  proceedings. 

And  though  it  be  true  that  by  public  proposition  in 
the  assembly  of  the  States  General  I  did  not  press  his 
remanding  into  England;  knowing — as  well  by  the 
speech  I  had  with  [MAURICE]  the  Prince  of  ORANGE 
and  some  of  the  States :  as  likewise  by  the  observation 
I  make  of  their  present  carriage  of  affairs,  which  is  full 


The  k&nt  after  William  Brewster.       231 

of  stiffiaess;  out  of  jealousy  [fear]  they  should  be  less 
curious  and  careful  of  [the]  preservation  of  their 
privileges  than  those  who  were  lately  in  Government 
— what  rubs  [hindrances]  it  would  have  met  with. 
And  I  hold  it  no  service  to  His  Majesty  to  entangle 
his  affairs  with  difficulties;  when  the  end  may  be 
attained  unto,  by  a  more  facile  and  feasible  way, 

Yet  I  did  not  so  much  forget  myself,  or  my  duty, 
as  to  capitulate  [make  conditions]  with  Mm;  being, 
as  your  Honour  saith,  "a  subject  delinquent:"  not 
having,  at  any  time  since  his  remanding  came  in 
question,  so  much  as  sent  unto  him;  and,  at  Ms 
going,  I  refused  to  speak  with  him.  So  as  all  which 
passed  was  betwixt  the  Magistrates  and  chief  Officers 
of  the  town  and  [of  the]  University  of  Leyden  and 
himself.  With  which,  it  is  true,  they  acquainted  me^ 
and  I  left  it  to  them  to  proceed  after  their  manner,  so 
as  His  Majesty  might  be  satisfied  in  the  matter:  wMch 
was  to  have  him  sent  over,  whereby  to  know  the  truth 
of  what  belonged  to  his  printing. 

And  this  I  conceived  would  not  have  been 
disagreeable  to  His  Majesty;  having  understood  by 
your  Honour's  letter  of  the  20th  of  November,  that 
His  Majesty  liked  well  of  the  course  set  down  in 
POLYANDER'S  letter,  which  1  sent  your  Honour:  and 
that  was  no  other  than  this  wMch  is  since  taken,  as 
far  as  I  can  call  to  remembrance ;  not  having  retained 
a  copy  of  POLYANDER'S  letter. 

All  I  undertook  for,  was  his  good  treatment  in 
England,  and  yet  that  as  a  prisoner,  not  as  a  free 
man;  and  Ms  safe  return  Mther:  for  wMch  I  had 
His  Majesty's  order. 

About  the  time  of  his  going  over  [?  1/11  December] ; 
a  resolution  was  taken,  at  my  motion,  by  the  States 


232        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

General,  upon  the  first  occasion  to  reprint  and  publish 
anew  their  Placaat  [Edict]  against  private  printings; 
with  addition  of  a  clause,  which  might  comprehend 
more  expressly  than  yet  the  Placaat  doth,  the  chief 
friends  and  allies  of  this  State. 

Which  [reprint]  hitherto  is  not  effected :  but  I  most 
humbly  refer  it  to  His  Majesty,  Whether,  at  such  a  time 
as  it  is  his  pleasure  to  send  BREWER  back,  I  shall  not 
call  upon  them  for  it  ?  with  declaration  of  the  occasion 
which  moves  His  Majesty  thereunto. 

Meantime,  I  fail  not  to  send  to  Leyden,  to  cause 
his  books,  letters,  and  alphabets  [types]  to  be  safely 
kept;  according  as  your  Honour  requires. 

The  Hague,  this  1st  of  January  1619,  stylo  vetero. 
S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  135. 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  THURSDAY,  13/23  JANUARY  1619/1620. 

The  States  General  have  finally  published  a  Placaat 
[Edict]  against  licentious  printing  of  libels  and  pamphlets, 
either  in  strange  languages  or  their  own,  which  doth 
concern  strangers  [foreigners]  in  amity  with  this  State, 
as  well  as  themselves. 

_  And  though  other  Princes  will  receive  benefit  hereby : 
yet  is  it  done  only  in  His  Majesty's  contemplation 
[behalf] ;  and  at  my  pursuit,  [I]  having  carried  the  same 
through  divers  Colleges ;  as  the  States  General ;  the 
States  of  [the  Province  of]  Holland ;  and  the  High 
Councils,  who  do  not  usually  give  way  to  a  restraint  of 
any  thing  which  may  touch  upon  liberty. 

And  there  is  not  a  greater  argument  than  this,  of  a 


The  kwnt  after  William  Brewster.       233 

better  temper  in  this  State  than  formerly.  Wherefore 
His  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  take  particular  knowledge 
thereof  to  their  Ambassadors  [in  England],  to  encourage 
them  in  well  doing. 

The  Hague,  the  13th  of  January  1620. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  135. 


SIR  EGBERT  NAtJNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARL1TOH. 
WHITEHALL;  FRIDAY,  14/24  JANUARY  1619/1620, 

My  Lord  Ambassador.  I  have  cleared  His  Majesty's 
construction  the  best  I  can,  touching  BREWER;  who 
did  all  that  a  silly  creature  could,  to  increase  his 
unsatisfaction :  viz.,  standing  upon  Terms  of  Covenant 
publicly  passed  by  your  Lordship,  and  I  know  not 
what;  as  he  saith,  HEINSIUS,  POLYANDER,  and  I  know 
not  who,  assevered  [asseverated]  it  unto  him.  But  I 
have  beaten  him  from  his  asse  [a  punning  allusion  to 
BAALAM*S  ass];  and  drawn  something  from  him  that 
hath  in  part  contented  His  Majesty:  who  bade  me 
tell  you,  that  he  gives  no  credit  to  this  fool's  confident 
and  improbable  assertions ;  and  that  he  will  be  very 
good  friends  with  you,  if  you  can  procure  BREWSTBR 
to  be  taken,  wherein  he  makes  no  doubt  of  your  careful 
endeavour. 

Whitehall,  14°  Janunrii  1619. 

I  thought  fit  to  let  you  know  by  this  Postscript,  that 
I  have  discharged  BREWER:  who  hath  hitherto  been 
defrayed  by  His  Majesty;  but  offered  to  return  upon 
his  own  charge, 


234        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

I  doubt  [suspect]  he  will  advise  BBEWSTEE  to 
conceal  himself;  and  therefore  have  thus  forewarned 
your  Lordship. 

He  [T.  BREwm]  will  be  known  of  no  privity, 
or  so  much  as  conjecture  that  he  can  make,  how  their 
pamphlets  have  been  vented  [sold]:  which  I  presume 
will  be  better  learned  from  him  there  [at  Leyden],  upon 
the  place,  before  he  shall  be  discharged ;  by  perusing 
his  papers,  and  other  examinations. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  135. 


SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  TO  SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON. 
THE  HAGUE;  FRIDAY,  14/24  JANUARY  1619/1620. 

The  enclosed  from  POLYANDER  will  shew  your 
Honour  that  BREWER'S  letters  [type]  and  papers  are 
in  safe  custody. 

That  which  he  enlargeth  further  concerns  Master 
[WILLIAM]  AMES  :  who,  seeking  for  a  Professor's  place 
[in  the  University  of  Leyden]  (if  not  in  Divinity,  yet 
in  Logic,  or  some  of  the  sciences),  finds  friends  amongst 
the  Curators ;  particularly  PAUW  of  Amsterdam,  whose 
sons  he  hath  under  his  tutelage. 

Upon  knowledge  whereof,  I  recommended  to 
POLYANDER  the  care,  as  I  have  done  formerly  to  all 
the  Curators,  that  His  Majesty  should  not  be  affronted 
with  that  man's  preferment,  before  he  had  given  full 
satisfaction  to  His  Majesty  in  those  things  wherein  he 
hath  offended  His  Majesty. 

From  the  Hague,  this  14th  of  January  1619, 


Tike  hunt  after  William  Brewster.        235 

Enclosure. 

JOHN  POLYANDER  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
LEYDEN;  WEDNESDAY,  12/22  JANUARY  1619/1620. 

Monseigneur.  Les  charact^res  [type}  de  THOMAS 
BREWER  sont  bien  gardes  en  la  chambre  de  Messieurs  les 
Curatenrs ;  et  ses  livres  et  papiers  en  sa  propre  maison, 

Touchant  1'autre  duquel  votre  Excellence  me  paria 
denierement  &  la  Haye ;  j'ai  adverti  mes  amis  de  se 
donner  garde  d'offenser  la  Majest^  de  la  Grande 
Bretagne,  &  laquelle  nous  sommes  tant  obliges,  par 
une  compassion  imprudente.  J'esp&re  qu'ils  en  feront 
leur  profit  au  contentement  de  votre  Excellence. 

An  demeurant,  si  en  quelque  autre  aflFaire  je  pnis 
f aire  par  de  ga  quelque  service  &  votre  Excellence ;  je 
vous  prie  de  fair  4tat  de  moi,  comme  de  votre 
humble  et  fid&le  serviteur, 

JEHAN  POLYANDER. 
De  Leyde, 
le  22de  Janvier  1620. 

S.  R  Holland.    Bundle  135. 


SIR  ROBERT  NAUNTON  TO  SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL;  THURSDAY,  20/30   JANUARY   1619/1620. 

Master  BREWER  being  now  dismissed,  as  I  wrote  in 
my  last ;  His  Majesty  would  have  you  take  occasion, 
upon  his  coming  back  thither,  to  renew  your  former 
motion  for  publishing  anew  their  Placaat  [Edict}  in 
more  particular  terms  against  printing  of  anything  that 
may  touch,  or  give  distaste  or  prejudice  to,  their  friends 
and  allies. 

Whitehall,  20°  Januarii  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  135. 


236        The  hunt  after  William  Brewster. 

SIB  DUDLEY  CABLETON  TO   SIR  BOBEBT  NAUNTON. 

THE  HAGUE; 

SATUBDAY,  29  JANUABY  /8  FEBBUABY  1619/1620. 

Bight  Honourable.  Your  Honour's  letter  of  the  14th 
of  this  present  [month],  came  to  my  hands,  by  way  of 
Antwerp,  the  23rd. 

Since  which  time,  I  have  acquainted  the  Curators 
of  the  University  of  Leyden,  with  the  good  treatment 
which  hath  been  given  unto  BBEWEB,  far  beyond  his 
deserving;  and  with  his  delivery. 

For  which  they  render  His  Majesty  their  humble 
thanks.  And,  at  his  return  hither — unless  he  undertake 
to  them  to  do  his  uttermost  in  finding  out  of  BBEWSTEB — 
wherein  I  will  not  fail  likewise,  of  all  other  endeavours, 
he  is  not  like[ly]  to  be  at  liberty. 

The  suspicion  whereof,  I  believe,  keeps  him  from 
hence ;  for,  as  yet,  he  appears  not  in  these  parts. 
From  the  Hague,  this  29th  of  January  1619. 

S.  P.  Holland.    Bundle  135. 


THE    UNIVEBSITY   OF  LEYDEN"  DECIDE   STILL  TO  KEEP 

THOMAS  BBEWEB'S  TYPE. 
LEYDEN;  SATUBDAY,  29  APBIL  /9  MAY  1620. 

At  a  Meeting  held  the  9th  of  May  1620. 
A  certain  Memorial  of  the  Ambassador  CABLETON  is 
read,  to  the    effect,    That  the  types    and    papers    of 
BBEWEB  might  remain  in  keeping  here. 
It  is  resolved  to  keep  the  said  types  as  hitherto.* 

Quoted  by  H.  C.  M.  in  Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  IV., 
p.  6.,  Boston  and  New  York/1860,  4. 

*  This  Besolution  clearly  proves  that  BREWER  had  not  returned  to 
Leyden  up  to  the  date  of  passing  it. — -E.  A. 


Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press.      237 

In  dealing  with  the  publications  of  the  Pilgrim  Press,  we 
must  proceed  from  the  certain  to  the  probable. 

That  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  printed  the  following  two  books 
is  absolutely  certain:  for  their  imprints  contain  his  name 
and  address. 

1.  THOMAS  CARTWRIGHT.  Conimentarii  snccinti  et  dilucidi  In 

Proverbia  SALOMONS.  Quibus  adhibita  est  Prgefatio JOHAJOTIS 

POLYAKDRI,  Sanctse  Theologise  Profes&oris,  Leidensis. 

Lugduni  Batavorum,  Apud  GUILIBLMUM  BREWSTEHUM.  In 
"vico  Chorali  161*7.  4. 

Professor  POLYANDER'S  Preface  is  dated  31  December 
/10  January  1616/1617.  It  would  be  only  reasonable  to 
allow  two  months  for  the  production  of  a  considerable  Work 
like  this.  That  would  take  us  back  to  October  1616  •  about 
which  time  Sir  DUDLEY  CARLETON  tells  us,  at  page  216?  the 
printing  began.  Therefore  this  was  probably  the  first  book 
that  WILLIAM  BREWSTER  sent  to  press. 

King  JAMES  could,  of  course,  see  nothing  objectionable 
in  a  Work  of  this  kind.  We  have  seen  that  Professor 
POLYANDER  was  active  in  suppressing  the  Pilgrim  Press 
in  1619;  and  perhaps  all  the  more  so,  from  Ms  having 
contributed  a  Preface  to  this  non-controversial  book 
printed  at  it. 


The  next  book  that  probably  issued  from  the  Pilgrim 
Press  was  probably  the  following  Workj  written  by  Doctor 
WILLIAM  AMES  against  NIKOLAAS  GREVIHCHOYIUS. 

2.  GUILIELHI  AUESII  ad  Mesponsium  NICOLAI  GREVUTGHOVZX, 
Rescriptio  oonfracta. 

Prostant  Lugduni  Batavorum.  Apud  GUILUKLMUM  BRKWSTEEUM. 
In  vico  Chorall  1617.  16. 


After  the  production  of  these  two  books,  BREWSTER 
omitted  his  name  and  tiie  place  of  printing  from  the 
imprints  of  all  the  books  produced  by  him. 


238      Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press. 

Next  to  the  above  two  works,  as  to  perfect  certainty  of 
issue  from  the  Pilgrim  Press,  is  the  following  book :  which 
Sir  DUDLEY  CAELETON  stated  on  22  July  /I  August  1619, 
see  page  200,  that  "  BEEWSTEB  doth  openly  avow." 

3.  De  vera  et  genuina  JBSU  CHEISTI  Domini  et  Salvatoris 
nostri  Beligione. 

Authore  Ministr.  Angl. 
Impressis  Anno  Domini  1618.    16. 

Of  this  Work,  the  only  two  copies  at  present  known  are  in  the 
Bodleian  Library,  Oxford.  Press-marks.  8°  A.13,  Th.  BS.;  and 
8°  0.  587.  Line. 


Sir  DUDLEY  CAELETON,  at  page  199,  states  that  BEEWSTER 
also  printed  the  following  bulky  Work. 

4.  THOMAS  CARTWRIGHT.  A  Confutation  of  the  Rhemists3 
Translation,  Glosses,  and  Annotations  on  the  New  Testament 

Printed  in  the  year  1618,  fol 

And  this  accords  with  unbroken  tradition. 


Here  then  we  have  four  Works,  printed  in  1617 — 
1618,  of  a  non-contentious  character  as  regards  the  British 
Government;  the  production  of  which  by  BEEWSTEE,  was 
either  avowed  by  him,  or  is  otherwise  equally  certain. 

Starting  with  these,  Sir  DUDLEY  CAELETON  tells  us,  at 
page  209,  that  certain  experienced  Dutch  printers  affirmed 
that  the  following  two  books  were  printed  from  the  same 
type.  It  is  very  likely  that  they  knew  the  type  well;  and 
that  BEEWEE  originally  bought  it  from  some  Dutch  printer 
or  type-founder.  It  would  be  well  if  this  opinion  could  be 
tested  by  some  typographical  expert  in  the  present  day. 
5.  [DAVID  CALDERWOOD.]  Perth  Assembly.  1619.  4. 


De  regimine  Ecclesiae  Scoticanae  brevis  Relatio.    1619.    8. 
Apparently  two  editions  of  this  small  book  were  printed  in 


Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press.      239 

Holland ;  the  second  one,  in  point  of  time,  by  WILLIAM  BREWSTER 
at  Leyden.  "We  have  only  met  with  one  of  these  editions.  It  has 
no  name  of  Author.  But  when  CALDERWOOD  reprinted  it  in  1623, 
at  the  end  of  his  Altar e  Damascenum,  he  gave  it  the  name  of  an 
imaginary  Author,  HiERomrMtrs  PHILADELPHIA.  So  the  correct 
full  title  is 

6.  HIERONYMUS  PHILADELPHIA  [i.e.  DAVID  CALDERWOOD].    De 
regimine  Eeclesise  Scoticanse  brevis  Belatio.    1619.    8. 


Before  we  pass  from  these  two  books,  the  production  of 
which  more  especially  led  to  the  suppression  of  the  Pilgrim 
Press ;  we  may  dwell  for  a  moment  upon  the  Perth  As^tMy 
of  1619. 

The  General  Assemblies  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  were  the 
regular  pitched  battles  between  the  British  Bang  and  tbe 
Scotch  nation.  In  the  General  Assembly  that  sat  at  Perttt 
on  25th— 27th  August  1618;  JAMES  I.  was  particularly 
aggressive  and  violent  in  his  attempts  to  force  Episcopacy 
upon  an  unwilling  people. 

DAVID  CALDERWOOD  then  wrote  his  book  called  Perth 
Assembly ;  which  was  sent  over  to  Leyden  to  be  printed  at 
the  Pilgrim  Press. 

From  the  following,  slightly  abridged,  passage  from  the 
Rev.  THOMAS  THOMSON'S  Life  of  DAVID  CALDBRWOOD,  in  Vol. 
YIII.  of  the  Woodrow  Society's  Ed.  of  his  History  <fc.,  it 
would  appear  that  copies  of  this  invective  were  in  Scotland 
in  April  1619 ;  though  they  were  not  put  into  circulation 
till  the  June  following,  as  CALDERWOOD  tells  us  himself,  see 
page  181. 

Sir  DUDLEY  CARLETON  first  met  with  a  copy,  at  the  Hague 
on  15/25  July  of  that  year ;  see  page  198. 

While  these  violent  proceedings  of  the  Perth  Assembly  were 
in  progress,  CALDERWOOD  was  still  lurking  in  Scotland;  and 
shifting  from  place  to  place,  according  to  the  emergency.  His 
chief  concealment  was  in  Oanstoun  [near  Edinburgh]  ;  where  a 
secret  chamber  had  been  prepared  for  him,  by  the  kindness  of 


240       Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press. 

Lady  CRANSTOTJN;  and  in  which  he  could  lurk  unsuspected, 
notwithstanding  the  strict  search  by  which  he  was  surrounded 

It  may  be  easily  imagined  that  the  unrighteous  measures  of 
the  Prelatie  faction  were  viewed  by  him,  from  the  loopholes  of 
his  retreat,  with  mingled  indignation  and  sorrow.  But  he  did 
not  confine  himself  merely  to  silent  feeling ;  and,  although  an 
utterance  of  any  kind  was  sure  to  complicate  his  dangers,  he 
wrote  the  well  known  tract  entitled  Perth  Assembly:  in  which 
he  demonstrated  the  utter  nullity  of  that  Meeting  and  all  its 
proceedings. 

It  was  no  easy  matter  to  embody  such  a  work  in  types,  and 
bring  it  before  the  eyes  of  the  Scottish  public.  And,  therefore,  it 
had  to  be  printed  in  Holland ;  so  anonymously  withal,  that  it  bore 
the  name  neither  of  Author,  Printer,  nor  Place  of  Publication : 
and  the  copies  were  smuggled  over  into  Scotland,  in  April  1619, 
with  great  risk  and  difficulty — in  short,  the  pamphlets  were  packed 
up  in  vats  ;  as  if  they  had  been  a  mercantile  consignment  of  French 
wines  or  strong  waters  [brandy]. 

Even  then,  they  had  to  encounter  all  the  hazards  that  commonly 
belong  to  contraband  wares. 

When  they  were  landed  at  Burntisland,  the  Minister  of  the 
parish,  being  a  Prelatist,  would  fain  have  searched  these  suspicious 
looking  commodities :  but  was  only  prevented  by  the  accredited 
functionary  of  such  inquests — the  Collector  of  the  Customs. 

From  Burntisland,  these  vats  were  brought  to  Leith :  and 
while  they  lay  upon  the  landing  place,  among  other  packages 
containing  French  articles  of  traffic,  the  sharp-eyed  [Jonisr 
SPOTTISWOOD]  Archbishop  of  ST  ANDREWS  passed  by,  and  looked 
at  them;  but  happily  without  suspicion. 

But  the  matter  ajid  style  of  Perth  Assembly  betrayed  its 
authorship:  so  that  the  King  and  Bishops,  in  deep  resentment, 
not  only  denounced  the  Work  as  an  atrocious  and  seditious  Libel; 
but  prosecuted  the  search  after  CALDERWOOD  more  keenly  than 
ever. 

On  this  account,  the  house  of  JAMES  CATHKIBT  (a  distinguished 
bookseller  in  Edinburgh ;  and  a  well  known  adherent  of  the 
Historian)  was  particularly  suspected,  and  carefully  rummaged : 
but  although  there  were  five  or  six  copies  of  the  pamphlet  lying 
upon  the  very  bed  which  CALDERWOOD,  at  that  time,  had  been  in 
the  practice  of  using  ;  the  searchers  did  not  perceive  them. 


Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press.     241 

At  length,  in  August  1619,  he  embarked  at  Newhaven  [,  on  the 
Firth  of  Forth],  for  Holland ;  and  reached  that  country  in  safety. 

The  generous-hearted  ladies  of  the  Scottish  metropolis  took 
care  that  the  uncompromising  Champion  of  the  Church  they  loved 
so  well,  should  not  depart  into  exile  in  a  state  of  utter  destitution. 
This  was  sneeringly  alluded  to  by  his  enemy,,  SPOTTISWOOD  .  .  . 
and  he  talked  of  "  that  knave  who  is  now  loupen  over  sea,  with  Ma 
purse  well  filled  by  the  wives  of  Edinburgh." 

CATHKIF  was  groundlessly  suspected  of  having  printed  the  tract 
of  the  Perth  Assembly :  and,  in  consequence  of  this  suspicion,  he 
was  apprehended,  in  June  1619,  at  London;  whither  he  had 
repaired  in  the  course  of  his  mercantile  transactions. 

He  was  examined  by  no  less  a  Personage  than  the  augosfc 
Sovereign  himself. 

"  Where  were  ye  born  ? "  demanded  the  King. 

"  In  the  city  of  Edinburgh,"  replied  the  bibliopole. 

"  What  religion  are  ye  of  ?"  rejoined  the  King. 

"  Of  the  religion  your  Majesty  professes,"  said  the  bookseller. 

"The  devil  take  you  away,  both  body  and  soul !  for  you  are 
none  of  my  religion.  You  are  a  recusant  You  go  not  to 
Church.' 

The  royal  polemic,  having  now  waxed  warm,  proceeded  to 
argue  in  favour  of  Holy  Days ;  but  finding  that  the  Presbyterian 
bookseller  would  not  be  persuaded,  he  broke  off  with,  "Ye  are 
worse  than  Turks  and  Jews ! 5)  Then,  turning  to  the  Courtiers  who 
were  standing  by,  he  exclaimed,  in  a  towering  passion, "  I  can  never 
get  order  of  these  people  of  Edinburgh !  I  forgave  them  &e 
seventeenth  day.  The  devil  rive  their  souls  and  bodies  al  in 
collops,  and  cast  them  into  hell !" 

After  this  unkingly  outburst,  JAMES  proceeded  to  question  &e 
bookseller  about  the  publishing  of  Perth  Ammbty ;  but  in  this,  t&e 
latter  denied  all  participation. 

He  was  then  asked,  Whether  CALDEKWOOD  had  resorted  to 
Ms  house,  while  lurking  about  Edinburgh  ? 

And  the  honest  bookseller,  being  pressed  with  this  question, 
was  obliged  to  confess,  That  CALDEEWOOD  had  occasionally  slept  at 
Ms  house ;  and  that  he  had  spokne  with  him,  within  these  fifteen 

days. 

"  We  have  found  the  taed  S  *  cried  the  King  exultingly.    "  Let 

Tbe  Pilgrim  Fathers,  ^ 


242      Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press. 

us'  hold  us  here,  forsooth  !  Master  DAVID  CALDERWOOD  is  a  good 
brother,  and  a  good  lear  father ! " 

CATEKIN  was  then  charged  with  having  declared  the  Assembly 
of  Perth  to  be  unlawful  [this  word,  used  in  1849,  =  illegal]  :  and, 
in  allusion  to  the  refusal  of  the  Presbyterians  to  receive  the 
Communion  kneeling,  the  King  said  of  the  bookseller,  still  on 
his  knees,  "  See,  thir  people  will  kneel  to  me  ;  and  will  not  kneel 
to  GOD ! "  JAMBS  then  endeavoured  alternately  to  puzzle  and 
browbeat  his  victim  into  conformity  with  the  [Five]  Articles : 
but  CATHKIN'S  Presbyterianism  was  of  too  sturdy  a  character  to 
be  thus  overcome. 

He  was  remanded  to  prison  for  further  examination :  and 
it  was  shortly  after  this  singular  interview,  that  his  house  in 
Edinburgh  was  searched ;  as  has  been  already  mentioned. 

After  a  confinement  of  three  weeks,  he  was  set  at  liberty  :  as 
he  made  it  evident  that  he  had  taken  no  part  in  the  printing,  or 
sale,  of  Perth  Assembly. 

We  have  identified  a  Volume  in  Doctor  WILLIAMS'S  Library 
in  Gordon  square,  London,  Press-mark,  12-30-32,  containing 
the  five  following  texts  in  octavo. 

7.  An  Answer  to  the  Ten  Counter  Demands  propounded  by  T. 
DRAKES  [,  or  THOMAS  DBAX],  Preacher  of  the  Word  at  H[arwich] 
and  D[overcourt],  in  the  county  of  Essex. 

By  WILLIAM  EtrRiNa. 
Printed  in  the  year  1619.    8. 

The  only  copy  at  present  known.  The  Ten  Counter  Demands  is 
apparently  totally  lost :  and  its  existence  is  only  known  from  this 
reply.  

8.  The  People's  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophecy.    Against 
Master  JOHN  YATES  [Preacher  in  Norwich]  his  Monopoly, 

By  JOHN  ROBINSON. 
Printed  in  the  year  1618.    8. 

It  is  not  clear  that  YATES'S  book  was  actually  printed.  If  it 
was,  it  is  now  apparently  quite  lost. 

9.  Certain  Reasons  of  a  Private  Christian  against  Conformity  to 
Kneeling  in  the  very  act  of  receiving  the  LORD'S  Supper. 

By  THOMAS  DIQHTON  Gent[leman]. 
Awno  1618.    8. 


Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press.      243 

There  is  another  copy  of  this  Work  In  the  Bodleian  Library, 
Oxford.    Press-mark  8.  D.  57.  Th. 


10.  The  Second  Part  of  a  plain  Discourse  of  an  unlettered 
Christian  ...  in  refusing  Conformity  to  Kneeling  in  the  act  of 
receiving  the  LORD'S  Supper. 

By  THOMAS  DIOHTON  Gentpeman]. 

Printed  in  the  year  1619,    8. 
?  The  only  copy  at  present  known. 


11.  A  true,  modest,  and  just  Defence  of  The  Pettitwmfor  Refor 
mation  exhibited  [in  1603]  to  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty. 

Containing  an  Answer  to  the  Confutation  published  [in  1603-J 
under  the  names  of  some  of  the  University  of  Oxford  [;  and 
reprinted  in  1608  and  1612]. 

Imprinted  1618.    8. 


Any  one  seeing  this  volume  in  Doctor  WILLIAMS'S  Library, 
would  at  once  say,  That  all  these  five  rare  texts  came  from 
the  same  Press ;  but  that  there  was  nothing  to  show  where 
that  Press  was. 

If  however  we  look  at  their  literary  character  and  general 
drift,  we  cannot  but  believe  that  they  issued  from  the  Pilgrim 
Press  at  Leyden :  for  if  one  was  printed  there,  the  rest  were. 

If  any  one  doubts  this;  he  must  indicate  where  else,  in 
the  years  1618  and  161 9,  it  would  have  been  possible  to  have 
printed  such  English  books  as  these.  Who,  for  instance, 
would  have  dared  to  have  printed  WILLIAM  EtTRma's  book 
but  the  Pilgrims  themselves? 

We  now  come  to  editions  which  are  more  uncertain ;  but 
which  still  may  be  reasonably  assigned  to  the  Pilgrim  Press 
at  Leyden:  mainly  because,  for  books  of  such  a  character, 
and  of  those  dates,  no  other  place  of  origin  cam  be  suggested. 
Typographical  experts  could  however  settle  the  question. 

They  are  all  reprints  of  "  Holy  Discipline,"  or  of  Brownist, 
tracts. 


244       Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press. 

[12.  (WALTER  TRAVERS.)  A  full  and  plain  Declaration  of 
Ecclesiastical  Discipline  out  of  the  Word  of  GOD;  and  of  the 
declining  of  the  Church  of  England  from  the  same.  Eeprinted 
161*7.  4. 

Copies  of  this  Edition  are  in  the  British  Museum,  Press-mark, 
4106.  b.;  and  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford,  Press-mark,  A.  9. 16. 
Line.] 

[13.  (JOHN  FIELD  and  THOMAS  WILCOX.)  An  Admonition  to  the 
Parliament  holden  13  J3liz.,  1570—1571. 

An  Exhortation  to  the  Bishops  to  deal  brotherly  with 
their  Bretheren. 

An  Exhortation  to  the  Bishops  to  answer  a  little  book 
[The  Admonition  <&;.]  that  came  forth  the  last  Parliament. 
(THOMAS  CARTWRIGHT.)     A  Second  Admonition  to  the 
Parliament. 

Imprinted  1(>17.    4. 

A  copy  of  this  Edition  is  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford, 
Press-mark  A.  9.  6.  Line.] 


The  late  Doctor  H.  MARTYN  DEXTER  had  a  copy  of  each 
x>f  the  following  reprint  editions.  They  will  probably  be 
found  in  the  Dexter  Collection;  now  in  Yale  University 
Library,  New  Haven,  Connecticut. 

[14.  B.  H.  (BICHARB  HARRISON).  A  Little  Treatise  upon  Ps. 
cxxii.  1,  stirring  up  unto  careful  desiring,  and  dutifully  labouring 
for,  true  Church  Government.  1618.  16.] 


[15.  (LAURENCE  CHADERTON).    A  fruitful  Sermon  on  Bomans, 
aril  3-8.    1618.     16.] 


It  is  possible  that  the  identification  of  other  issues  of  the 
Pilgrim  Press  may  reward  the  bibliographical  hunt  that  will 
now  set  in  after  them :  and  hunting  after  lost  books,  beats 
fox-hunting. 

Should,  however,  the  above  List  prove  to  be  complete ;  it 
abundantly  witnesses  to  the  great  energy  with  which  WILLIAM 
BREWSTEK  drave  on  this  printing  effort. 


Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press,      24$ 

Let  us  arrange  the  Works  chronologically  under  the  yeare. 
A  stricter  sequence  is  not  possible.  , 

1617. 

1.  THOMAS  CARTWRIGHT.     Commentarii  .   .  .   in  Proverbia 

SALOMONS.  4. 

2.  Doctor  WILLIAM  AMES,    Bescriptio  contraeta,  16. 

12.  [WALTER  TBAVEES.]    A  Declaration  of  Ecclesiastical  Dis 

cipline.  4. 

13.  [Jom*  FIELD  and  THOMAS  WILCOX.]    An  Admonition  to  the 

Parliament, 

[THOMAS   CARTWRIGHT.]     A   Second   Admonition   to  the 
Parliament.  4 

1618. 

3.  De  vera  et  genuina  JESU  CHRISTI  .  .  .  Beligione.  16. 

4.  THOMAS  CARTWRIGHT.      A  Confutation  of  the  Bhemiste^ 

Translation,  &c.  foJ. 

8.  JOHN  BoBmsoK.    The  Peopled  Plea.  8. 

9.  THOMAS  DIGHTON.    Certain  Seasons  .  .  .  against  Conformity 

to  Kneeling  &c.  & 

11.  A  Defence  of  The  Petition  for  Reformation.  8. 

14.  B.  H.  [BICHARD  HARRISON.]     A  little  Treatise  upon  Ps. 

cxxii.  1.  lv. 

15.  [LAURENCE  CHADERTON.]    A  Sermon  on  Bom.  xii.  3-8.      10. 

1619. 

5.  [DAVID  CALDERWOOD.]    Perth  Assembly.  4. 

6.  [DAVII>  CALDERWOOD.]     De   regimine  Eoclesue  Scotic^ae 

brevis  Belatio.  & 

7.  WILLIAM  EURING.     An  Answer  to  THOMAS  DRAKM'  Tm 

Counter  Demands.  & 

10.  THOMAS  DIGHTOH.     The  Second  Part  .  .  .  reftramg  Con 
formity  to  kneeling.  & 

The  above  fifteen  books,  if  not  more,  were  produced  in  the 
thirty-three  months,  at  the  furthest,  between  October  1616 
and  June  1619,  both  inclusive. 

Considering  the  rate  at  which  books  were  then  produced^ 
the  amount  of  matter,  both  IE  Latin  and  in  English,  that 
was  put  into  type,  was  certainly  considerable ;  as  the  secret 


246       Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press. 

organization  for  its  production,  could  not,  in  any  case,  have 
been  a  large  one. 

We  assume  that  the  books  were  printed  off,  or  as  it  is  now 
called  "machined,"  at  Butch  hand  printing  presses. 


THOMAS  BREWER  was  nothing  daunted  with  his  Ley  den 
experiences.  He  lived  for  the  "Holy  Discipline";  and 
suffered  much  on  its  behalf. 

The  following  extracts  tel]  as  briefly  the  story  of  the  rest 
of  his  life. 

JAMES  MARTIN'S  DETECTION  OF  BROWNISTS  IN  KENT. 
SUNDAY,  17/27  SEPTEMBER  1626. 

A  Detection  of  certain  dangerous  Puritans  and  Brownists 
in  Kent. 

1.  THOMAS  BREWER,  Gentleman,  who  hath  writ  a  book  [but 
?  not  printed  it],  containing  about  half  a  quire  of  paper ;  wherein 
he  prophesies  the  destruction  of  England  within  three  years,  by 
two  Kings  :  one  from  the  North,  another  from  the  South. 

The  said  BREWER  coming,  not  long  since,  from  Amsterdam, 
where  he  became  a  perfect  Brownist ;  and  being  a  man  of  good 
estate,  is  the  general  patron  of  the  Kentish  Brownists :  who,  by 
his  means,  daily  and  dangerously  increase. 

He,  the  said  BREWER,  hath  printed  a  most  pestilent  book  beyond 
the  seas :  wherein  he  affirmeth,  That  King  JAMES  would  be  the 
ruin  of  Beligion.  To  the  like  purpose,  he  published  a  book  or  two 
more :  which  DAVID  PAREUS,  at  Neustadt,  shewed  to  a  Knight, 
who  told  me  of  it. 

2.  One  TURNER,  a  candle-maker  or  chandler,  of  Sutton  Valence 
in  Kent,  preaches  in  houses,  barns,  and  woods,  That  the  Church  of 
England  is  the  Whore  of  Babylon,  and  the  Synagogue  of  SATAN, 
&c.    He  hath  many  followers :  and  is  maintained  principally  by 
the  said  THOMAS  BREWER  ;  whose  Chaplain  he  seems  to  be. 

3  and  4.  One  WINOCK  and  [one]  CRUMPE  at  Maidstone,  both 
rich  men,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  maintain  these  Sectaries. 
Witnesses  of  the  Premisses  are 
Sir  P.  H. ;  Knight. 
Master  BARRELL,  Preacher  of  Maidstone. 


Works  printed  at  the  Pilgrim  Press.      247 

Master  SIMONDSOK,  Schoolmaster  of  Maidstone,  and 
Master  FISHEB,  of  Maidstone. 
With  many  more. 

Testified  by  them,  September  16  and  17, 1626. 
JAMES  MARTIH,  M.A. 

S.P.  Bom.  CL  /.,  Vol.  35,  No.  110. 


A  posthumous  Work  by  THOMAS  BREWER,  appeared  in 
London,  [on  25  August]  1656,  in  8vo.  British  Museum 
Press-mark  E.  1654  (1).  It  is  entitled  Gospel  Public  Worship 
<&c.,  and  is  an  Exposition  of  Rom.  xii  1-8,  and  Matthew  xrai, 
already  referred  to  at  pp.  27,  30.  The  following  extracts  from 
its  Preface  tell  us  of  the  fate  which  overtook  BBBWBB  ;  and 
which  would  certainly  have  overtaken  WILLIAM  BBJEWSTEK, 
had  he  been  caught. 

Reader.  In  the  ensuing  Treatises  are  represented  to  thy  view, 
a  few  of  those  many  excellent  manuscripts  penned  by  Master 
THOMAS  BREWER  :  who  (besides  many  former,  and  some  long, 
persecutions  endured  under  the  Prelates)  suffered  imprisonment 
[on  and  from  18th  October  1626]  by  the  Bishops  in  the  King*® 
Bench  Prison,  above  the  space  of  fourteen  years  [together  with  a 
fine  of  £1,000],  for  saying 

That  because  the  Prelates  did  not  derive  their  Offices  from 
His  Majesty  as  they  ought :  therefore  he  durst  not  partake 
with  them,  nor  the  derivers  of  their  Offices  from  them,  in 
the  proper  works  of  their  Offices. 

Who  upon  the  presentation  of  the  said  Petition  [to  the  House  of 
Lords  on  24  November  1640]  was  released :  but,  about  a  monii 
after,  he  died  in  a  good  old  age  and  full  of  days  [*«t.  65.] 

Most  of  which  were  the  Author's  own  experiences  and  practices 
and  experimental  observations.  Who,  in  the  time  of  Ms  liberty, 
was  a  frequent  publisher  of  them  himself  at  Leyden  in  Holland ; 
where  he  walked  in  communion  with  Master  BOBIKSQB"  and  also 
with  Master  ADTSWOKTH.  Also,  after  the  time  of  his  restraint, 
procuring  liberty  of  his  Keeper ;  and  sometimes  in  the  Prison ;  he 
taught  them  frequently  in  several  Congregations  in  London. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

THE  TWO  VIRGINIA  COMPANIES. 

/1624. 
|l635. 

two  English  Virginia  Companies  were  the 
stepping  stones  to  our  colonization  of  New- 
England.  In  themselves,  they  did  not  prosper : 
the  London  one  became  bankrupt,  and  had 
its  Charter  annulled;  and  the  Plymouth  one  voluntarily 
surrendered  up  its  Charter  to  King  CHARLES  I.  But  it  is 
hard  to  conceive  how  New  England  and  Virginia  could  ever 
have  been  peopled  by  Englishmen,  but  for  these  Societies. 

King  JAMES  I.  created  them,  by  giving  them  Charters  on 
the  10/20  April  1606,  as 

The  First,  or  London,  Virginia  Company ;  to  which 
was  assigned  American  territory  between  34  and  41° 
1ST.  Lat. 

The  Second,  or  Plymouth,  Virginia  Company;  ta 
which  was  assigned  American  territory  between  38° 
and  45C  K  Lat. 

*  "We  will  now  very  briefly  sketch  tlie  history  of  each 
Company;  and  then  gather  from  their  Minutes,  what 
information  they  can  give  us  respecting  the  Pilgrim  Fathers, 
down  to  1623. 


24 


The  two  Virginia  Companies.  249 


THE    FIRST,  OB   LONJX>N,  VIBGINIA   COMPANY. 

TUESDAY,  10/20  APRIL  1606  —  WEDNESDAY, 

16/26  JUNE  1624. 

AFTER  WHICH  THERE  WIRE 

THE  LORDS  COMMISSIONERS  FOR  VIRGINIA. 
THURSDAY,  15/25  JULY   1624—          ? 


shall  see,  at  page  289,  ROBEBT 
account  of  the  Split  in  this  Society  on 
28th  April  1619.  From  that  day,  until  the 
16th  June  1624,  when  MILTON'S  JAMES  LEY 
(afterwards  the  1st  Lord  LEY,  and  later  on,  the  1st  Earl  of 
MABLBOBOUGH),  Lord  Chief  Justice,  pronounced  a  Judgement 
against  the  Company,  and  annulled  its  Charter  :  during 
aU  these  years,  the  Council  of  this  Society  was  torn  in 
sunder  by  two  factions.  This  was  however  nothing  but 
what  was  going  on  all  over  Great  Britain.  Everywhere  there 
was  a  struggle  between  the  Royal  Prerogative  and  Popwlur 
Election. 

"What  may  be  regarded  as  the  King's  Party,  being  those 
to  whom  he  shewed  favour,  was  headed  by  ROBERT 
2nd  Earl  of  WABWIOK  ;  Sir  THOMAS  SMITH  ;  Sir 
RICH;  Sir  HEHBY  MILDMAY;  and  Alderman   Sir 
JOHISIBOK: 

What  may  be  regarded  as  the  People's  Party,  was 
headed  by  HEFBY  WRIOTHESLY,  3rd  Earl  of  SOUTHAMPTON 
(the  Patron  of  SHAKESPEARE)  ;  WILLIAM  OAVBSOHSH,  1st  Earl 
of  DEVONSHIRE;  Sir  EDWARD  SACKVILLE;  Sir  JOHK  OGLE; 
and  Sir  EDWIK  SAHDY&. 

(S.  P.  Colonial,  Vol.  II.,  11  &  25  March  1623). 

According  to  modern  ideas,  the  action  of  Sir  THOMAS 


250  The  two  Virginia  Companies. 

SMITH,  after  lie  had  voluntarily  laid  down  the  Treasurership 
of  the  Society,  was  perfectly  indefensible. 

The  State  Papers  represent  the  views  of  the  Popular 
Party:  and  the  Duke  of  MANCHESTER'S  Papers,  now 
temporarily  lodged  in  the  Pviblic  Record  Office,  represent 
the  views  of  the  King's  Party. 

On  the  7/17  May  1623,  the  Council,  in  which  the  Popular 
Party  (of  which  Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS  was  the  moving  spirit) 
had  then  the  majority,  issued  a  Declaration  setting  forth, 
That  the  one  chief  root  of  all  these  divisions  has  been  some 
Instruments  of  the  Earl  of  WARWICK.  This  Declaration  will 
be  found  in  JOHN  BXJRK'S  History  of  Virginia,  i.  316,  Ed. 
1822,  8. 

ARTHUR  WOODNOTH,  who  was  also  of  the  Popular  Party, 
published  A  Short  Collection  of  the  most  remarkable  Passages, 
from  the  Original  to  the  Dissolution  of  the  Virginia  Company \ 
London,  1651,  4.  British  Museum  Press-mark,  B.  626  (3). 

Mr  CONWAY  ROBINSON  has  edited  for  the  Virginia 
Historical  Society  (Collections,  ISTew  Series,  Vol.  7),  An 
Abstract  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Company  of 
London,  1619—1621,  Richmond,  Va.,  1888,  8.  ;  from  Two 
Volumes  which  contain  the  duplicate  Minutes  of  the  Company, 
from  the  28th  April  1619  (the  day  Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS  was 
made  Treasurer)  until  the  7th  June  1624,  nine  days  before 
Lord  Chief  Justice  LEY  annulled  the  Company's  Charter. 

These  two  Volumes  of  Minutes,  after  many  wanderings, 
are  now  amongst  the  manuscript  treasures  of  the  Library  of 
Congress  at  Washington. 

The  original  Minutes  have  apparently  perished-  It 
would  have  been  distinctly  to  the  interest  of  Sir  THOMAS 
SMITH  and  his  party,  that  they  should  perish. 

The  history  of  the  preservation  of  a  contemporaneous 
Copy, of  the  original  Records  is  thus  given. 


The  two  Virginia  Companies.  251 

"  In  one  of  the  old  mansions  of  rural  Chelsea  (which,  tradition 
says,  was  the  home  of  Sir  THOMAS  MORE,  the  warm  friend  of 
Erasmus,  and  author  of  the  political  romance  of  Utopia),  there 
dwelt,  in  1624,  Sir  JOHN  DAHVERS,  a  prominent  member  of  the 
Virginia  Company ;  who  had  married  the  gentle  and  comely 
Widow  HERBEET  :  already  the  mother  of  ten  children  ;  two  of 
whom  were  GEORGE  the  holy  Poet,  and  EDWARD  the  philosophical 
Deist. 

"After  the  King  had  resolved  to  annul  the  C%or&r  of  the 
Company ;  an  attempt  was  made  to  obtain  the  Becords  by  their 
opponents. 

"The  Secretary  of  the  Company  [EDWARD]  CbLMHGWooD, 
probably  under  the  direction  of  Deputy  [Governor]  NICHOLAS 
FERRAR,  one  day  visited  Sir  JOHN  DANVERS  ;  and  mentioned^  Thai 
three  London  merchants  had  lately  called  upon  him,  to  obtain 
information. 

"A  Clerk  of  COLLINGWOOD'S  [EDWARD  WATERHOOSI]  wa« 
immediately  secured  as  [a]  copyist :  and,  to  preclude  discovery,  [he] 
was  locked  up  in  a  room  in  DANVERS'  house  ;  while  he  transcribe 
the  Minutes. 

"After  the  Transactions  were  copied  on  folio  paper;  to 
prevent  interpolation,  each  page  was  carefully  compared  with  the 
originals  by  COLLINGWOOD;  and  then  subscribed  Con  [t.e.  Cwigrwfy 
COLLINGWOOD  :  [when]  DANVERS  took  them  to  the  President  of  the 
Company,  HENRY  WRIOTHESLEY,  Earl  of  SOUTHAMPTON. 

"The  Earl  was  highly  gratified  in  the  possession  of  a  duplicate 
copy  of  the  Company's  Transactions :  and  expressed  it,  by  ttorowiiig 
his  arms  around  the  neck  of  Sir  JOHN  ;  and  then,  turning  to  M» 
brother,  said,  *  Let  them  be  kept  at  my  house  at  Tichfield.  They 
are  the  Evidences  [Title-deeds]  of  my  honour :  and  I  value  ttea 
more  than  the  Evidences  of  my  lands,*  *  Eev.  Dr.  K  D.  Nsm^ 
History  dfo.,  pp.  iii.  iv.,  Ed.  1869,  4 

The  Rev.  Doctor  EDWARD  D.  NEILL  searched  these 
duplicate  Minutes  at  Washington,  and  printed  Ms  gatherings 
in  his  History  of  the  Virginia  Compcmy  of  London,  Ed. 
1869,  4. 

"We  give  at  pp.  253,  254,  such  Minutes  from  this  Work, 
as  relate  to  our  present  Story. 


252  The  two  Virginia  Companies. 


THE  SECOND,  OR  PLYMOUTH,  VIRGINIA  COMPANY. 

TUESDAY,   10/20  APRIL   1606— MONDAY, 

2/12  NOVEMBER   1620. 

THEN,  ON  THE  GRANTING  OF  THE  GREAT  CHARTER, 
THE  COUNCIL  FOR  THE  AFFAIRS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 

IN  AMERICA, 

OR  MORE  BRIEFLY, 

THE  COUNCIL  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND. 

TUESDAY,  3/13  NOVEMBER  1620 — SUNDAY, 

7/17  JUNE  1635. 

spite  of  its  title,  the  Council  of  this  Society 
usually  met  for  business  in  London. 

Sir  FERDINASTDO  GORGES  was  the  ruling  spirit 
of  this  Company. 

Many  of  the  original  Minutes  of  the  Council  of  this 
Company  are  preserved  in  the  Public  Record  Office  at 
London,  in  S.  P.  Colonial,  Yols.  I.  and  II. 

Those  of  these  Minutes  which  are  material  to  our  present 
purpose  will  be  found  quoted  at  pp.  255-261. 

The    firm    settlement,    under   another    Charter,    of    the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  by  Governor  JOHN  WINTHEOP  and  his 
associates,     practically    superseded     this     Company. 
The  following  documents  tell  the  end  of  this  effort. 
1635. 
25  April.     Declaration  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  for  the 

resignation  of  the  great  Charter. 

1st  May.     The  presentation  of  this  Declaration  to  King  CHARLES  I. 
7th  June.    The  Act  of  Surrender  of  the  great  Charter  to  the 
King. 

S.  P.  Colonial,  Vol.  VIII.,  Nos.  54,  58,  60. 


The  two  Virginia  Companies.  253 


MINUTES  OF  THE  TWO  VIEGINIA  COMPANIES, 

KEIATING  TO  THE  PILGRIM  FATHERS, 

IN  CHRONOLOGICAL  ORDER, 

1619—1624 


THE  MINUTES  OF  THE  LONDON  VIRGINIA  COMPANY. 

From  the  Rev.  Dr.  E.  D.  NEILL'S  History  of 
the  Virginia  Company,  Ed.  1869,  4 

WEDNESDAY,  26  MAY  /5  JFOTB  1619. 

May  26,  1619.  One  Master  WENCOP,  commended  to  the 
Company  by  [THEOPHILUS  CLINTON,  aMm  FIENNBS],  the  [4tli]  Earl  of 
LINCOLN,  intending  to  go  in  person  to  Virginia  and  there  to  plant 
himself  and  his  Associates  [the  P$grim  Father^  presented  Ms 
Patent  now  to  the  Court :  which  was  referred  to  the  Committee 
that  meeteth  upon  Friday  morning  [28th  May]  at  Master 
Treasurer's  [Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS']  house  [,  near  Aldersgate],  to 
consider  ;  and  if  need  be,  to  correct  the  same.  p.  128. 


WEDNESDAY,  9/19  JUNE  1619. 

By  reason  it  grew  late,  and  the  Court  [was]  ready  to  break  tip  ; 
and  as  yet  Master  JOHN  WHINCOP'S  Patent  for  him  and  his 
Associates  to  be  read :  it  was  ordered,  That  the  seal  should  b* 
annexed  unto  it.  And  have  referred  the  trust  thereof  to  the 
Auditors  to  examine  that  it  agree  with  the  original :  which  if  it 
do  not,  they  have  promised  to  bring  it  into  the  Court,  and  cancel 
it.  p,  128.  __ 

WEDNESDAY,  2/12  FEBEUAKY  1619/1620. 

At  a  great  and  general  Quarter  Court  holden  for  Virginia,  at 
Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS'  house,  near  Aldersgate,  the  2nd  of  February 
1619  [1620]. 

The  Treasurer,  Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS,  of  Grants  of  land  :  he 
acquainted  them  of  four  several  pair  of  Indentures  lying,  aH 
engrossed,  before  them.  .  .  . 


254  The  two  Virginia  Companies. 

Fourth.  To  JOHN  PEIRCE  and  his  Associates  [the  Pilgmm 
Father $1)  their  heirs  and  assigns. 

Which — being,  all  four,  now  read  and  examined  ;  and  finding 
them  agree  with  the  drafts  perused  and  allowed  by  the  Auditors 
— were  all  of  them  allowed  ;  and  sealed,  in  view  of  the  Court,  with 
a  total  approbation,  p.  168. 


The  Mayflower  returned  to  London  on  the  6th  May 
1621;  and  on  the  following  1st  June,  JOHN  PEIRCE  took  a 
Patent  from  the  Council  for  New  England. 

MONDAY,   16/26  JULY  1621. 

July  16th.  It  was  moved,  seeing  that  Master  JOHN  PEIRCE 
had  taken  a  Patent  of  Sir  FERDINANDO  GORGES,  and  thereupon  [had] 
seated  his  Company  within  the  limits  of  the  Northern  Plantations, 
as  by  some  was  supposed  ;  whereby,  as  by  some  was  supposed,  he 
seemed  t9  relinquish  the  benefit  of  the  Patent  he  took  of  this 
Company  :  that  therefore  the  said  Patent  might  be  called  in  j 
unless  it  might  appear  [that]  he  would  begin  to  plant  within  the 
limits  of  the  Southern  Colony,  p.  133. 


WEDNESDAY,  13/23  FEBRUARY  1621/1622. 

February  13th,  1621.  Master  Deputy  [Treasurer,  JOHN  FERRAR] 
acquainted  the  Court,  that  one  Master  JOHN  CLARKE,  being  taken, 
[soming]  from  Virginia,  long  since  [in  1612],  by  a  Spanish  ship 
that  came  to  discover  that  Plantation,  That  forasmuch  as  he  hath 
since  that  time,  done  the  Company  good  service  in  many  voyages 
to  Virginia  ;  and,  of  late  [i.e.  in  1619,  see  page  316],  went  into 
Ireland,  for  transportation  of  cattle  to  Virginia  :  he  was  a 
humble  suitor  to  this  Court,  that  he  might  be  a  Free  Brother  of  the 
Company,  and  have  s*ome  shares  of  land  bestowed  upon  him. 

The  Kev.  Doctor  E.  D.  NEILL  adds,  "  He  was  hired  by  DANIEL 
GrOOKiN,  owner  of  the  Providence,  to  take  that  ship  to  Virginia  ; 
which  arrived  April  10th  1623.  [See  S.  P.  Colonial,  Vol.  II,  14 
April  1623].  And,  soon  after  this,  he  died  in  the  Colony."  pp 
132, 133. 


The  two  Virginia  Companies.  255 


THE   MINUTES   OF  THE   COUNCIL  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND. 

31  MAY  1622—5  MAY  1623. 

S.  P.  Colonial,  Vol.  II ;  in  the  Public  Eecord 
Office  at  London. 

WHITEHALL  J  FRIDAY,  31   MAY  /10  JTOTS  1022, 

Present 


Sir  FERDOASTDO  Goaa». 

Sir  SAMUEL  ARGALL* 

Doctor  BAR2f ABY 


[LODOVICK   STUART,]  the   [1st] 

Duke  of  LENOX. 
[THOMAS  HOWARD,]  the  [14th] 

Earl  of  ARUHDEL. 
[EDWARD    GORGES]    the    [1st] 

Lord  GORGES  [of  Dundalk], 
Sir  ROBERT  MAHSELL. 

First*  it  is  ordered.  That,  concerning  the  Complaint  made  of 
Master  WESTON  ;  Petition  shall  be  made  to  His  Majesty  for  the 
forfeiture  of  his  ship  and  goods  to  the  President  and  Council's 
use. 

It  is  ordered  that  Doctor  GOCHE  shall  be  Treasurer. 


FRIDAY,  5/15  JULY  1632. 


The  Lord  GORGES. 

Sir  FERDIHAHDO  GORGES. 


Sir  SAMUEL  ARSALL. 
Dr  B.  GOCHE,  Treasurer. 


First,  it  is  ordered,  Tliat  DAVID  THOMPSON  do  attend  the  Lords 
[of  the  Privy  Council],  with  a  Petition  to  His  Majesty,  for  forfeits 
committed  by  THOMAS  WBSTON. 


SATURDAY,  2/12  KOTEMBBR  1622. 

Dr  B.  GOCHE,  Treasurer.  I     Sir  SAMUEL  ARGALL, 

Sir  FERDIKANDO  GORGES,  1     Captain  THOMAS  LOVE. 


256  The  two  Virginia  Companies. 

It  is  ordered,  That  a  Commission  be  engrossed  for  Captain 
FRANCIS  WEST  ;  and  afterwards  sealed. 

fit  was  sealed  on  30th  November  /10  December  1622.] 


FRIDAY,  8/18  NOVEMBER  1622. 

Master  Treasurer.  I     Sir  SAMUEL  ARGALL. 

Sir  FERDINANDO  GORGES.  | 

It  is  agreed  on,  That  there  shall  be  a  Commission  granted  to 
Captain  FRANCIS  WEST,  to  go  to  New  England,  Captain  of  the 
ship  called  the  Plantation]  and  Admiral  of  that  coast  during  this 
voyage. 

And  this  clause  to  be  inserted  in  the  Commission,  That  he  hath 
power  to  take  any  to  associate  [with]  him  there,  for  the  despatch 
of  Mi  employments,  according  as  he  shall  think  meet. 

And  that  a  Patent  be  granted  to  Captain  THOMAS  SQUIBB,  to  be 
aiding  and  assisting  to  the  Admiral. 

[It  was  sealed  on  22nd  November  1622.] 


WEDNESDAY,  13/23  NOVEMBER  1622. 


Sir  SAMUEL  ARGALL. 
Dr.  MATTHEW  SUTCLIFFE. 
[,  Dean  of  Exeter.] 


The  Lord  GORGES. 

Master  Treasurer. 

Sir  FERDINANDO  GORGES. 

Sir  EGBERT  MANSELL'S  Note  for  payment  in  of  his  Adventure 
of  £110,  is  accepted  proutpatet. 

"  I  am  contented  to  pay  this  sum  this  time  two  years  certain  ; 
or  within  six  months  after  such  time,  as  I  shall  receive  letters  of 
advertisement  from  Captain  SQUIBB,  after  his  discovery  and  survey 
of  Mount  Mansell ;  or  else,  within  six  months  after  his  return 
thence. 

"  And  hereunto  I  subscribe,  this  19th  of  November  1622. 
Testatur.  Bo:  MANSELL." 

FRANCIS  SHELDEN. 
THOMAS  SQUIBB. 

,  [This  Note  of  Hand  was  accepted  on  22nd  November  1622.] 


The  pwo  Virginia  Companies.  257 

TUESDAY,  19/29   NOVEMBER  1622. 

Master  Treasurer.  |      Sir  SAMUEL  ARGALL. 

Sir  EERDINAHDO  GORGES.  |      Dr.  MATTHEW  SUTCLIFFE. 

It  is  ordered,  That  a  letter  be  written  from  the  Council  to 
Master  WESTON,  to  deliver  to  LEONARD  PEDDOCK,  a  boy,  native  of 
New  England,  called  PAPA  "WnnrarT,  belonging  to  ABBADAKEST, 
Sachem  of  Massachusetts  [i.e.  Boston  Bay\  :  which  boy.  Master 
PEDDOCK  is  to  carry  over  [to  New  England]  with  him. 

[For  Minute  of  17/27  December  1622,  respecting  Captain  THOMAS 
JONSS  ;  see  page  393.] 

TUESDAY,  21/31  JANUARY  1622/1623. 

Master  Treasurer.  I      Sir  SAMUEL  AR&ALL. 

Sir  FERDISTASTDO  GORGES.  I 

EMANUEL  ALTUM  [or  rather  ALLTHAM]  goeth  Captain  in  the 
new  pinnace  [the  Little  James],  built  for  Master  PMROB*S 
Plantation. 

TUESDAY,  18/28  FEBRUARY  1622/1623. 


[JOHN  EAMSAY,]  the  Earl  of 
HOLDERNESS.  Vice-President. 

[ROBERT  RICH,]  the  [2nd]  Earl 
of  WARWICK. 


Sir  FERDINANDO  GORGES. 
Sir  JOHN  BOURCHIER. 

Sir  HENRY  SPELMAN. 

Sir  SAMUEL  ARGALL. 


Captain  <THOMAS  LOVE. 

Whereas  a  Petition  was  exhibited  to  this  Council,  in  the  behalf 
of  Master  PEIRCE  and  his  Associates,  for  a  certificate  unto  tie 
Mayor  of  Norwich,  to  redeliver  certain  barrels  of  meal  which  they 
had  provided  to  transport  to  New  England,  for  relief  of  Hie 
Planters  there  ;  being  stayed  by  the  Mayor  or  his  Officers. 

The  Council  answered  their  Petition  prout  etc. 

The  Mayor  and  Aldermen  answer  hereunto,  by 
J^onSHy  letter  dated  the  day  [of  March  1622,  seepage  259} ; 
Plymouth  Com-  whereby  it  appeared  the  Council  were  misinformed 
pany.  ^y  ^e  Company,  and  by  one  ROUNCE. 


TUESDAY,  25  FEBRUARY  fl  MARCH  1622/1623. 


Sir  FERDIKANDO  GORGES. 
Sir  HENRY  SPELMAK. 
The  Pilgrim  Fathers. 


Sir  SAMUEL  AROALL. 


258  Tke  two  Virginia  Companies. 

Whereas  the  Adventurers    for   Master   PEIRCE'S    Plantation* 
exhibited  their  Petition  for  the   altering  of  some  part  of  the 
Licence  granted  for  the  Little  James  to  SAMUEL  ALTHEM  [or  rather 
ALLTHAM]  Captain,  viz. 

That  in  consideration  of  many  crosses  and  losses  by  them 

lately  sustained,  they  might  have  to  themselves  the  Moiety 

formerly  reserved  unto  the  Council — [of]  all  such  prizes  as  they 
should  seize  and  lawfully  take  upon  the  coasts  of  New  England  ; 
as  by  the  Petition  and  Licence  appeareth. 

It  is  ordered  and  agreed  accordingly.  And  a  Licence  is  now 
sealed  and  signed  by  EGBERT  [Eicn,  2nd  Earl  of]  WARWICK,  [Sir] 
J-TERDINANDO  GORGES,  [Sir]  SAMUEL  ARQALL  ;  and  the  former 
Licence  is  cancelled,  in  the  presence  of  the  said  Council. 


TUESDAY,  11/21  MARCH  1622/1623. 

Sir  FERDINAND o  GORGES.         |      Sir  HENRY  SPELMAN. 

It  is  ordered,  That  the  Clerk  give  notice  to  Master  JOHN 
PEIRCE,  to  attend  the  Council  on  Tuesday  next,  to  answer  such 
Complaints  as  his  Associates  shall  object. 

EMMANUEL  ALTHAM,  Captain  of  the  Little  James  of  London,  and 
other  of  the  Adventurers  of  New  Plymouth,  crave  the  aid  of  the 
Council,  for  [the]  discharging  of  some  of  their  ship's  company ; 
which  were  lately  pressed  [i.e.  by  a  Press  Gang]  by  the  Marshal 
of  the  Admiralty,  for  His  Majesty's  service. 

Whereupon,  the  Clerk  was  willed  to  acquaint  the  Marshal, 
That  these  persons  were  shipped  in  the  Little  James  to  go  to  New 
.England;  and  therefore  were  free,  by  His  Majesty's  Charter 
granted  to  the  Council  [for  New  England]. 

The  Marshal  answered,  That  he  sent  not  on  board  [the  Little 
James],  to  press  any  :  but  if  any  were  pressed,  it  was  their  own 
fault  to  be  abroad  [i.e.  ashore].  And  that  such  as  were  pressed ; 
their  names  were  returned  to  Chatham,  where  the  King's  ships 
lay:  so  that  he  could  not  discharge  them.  But  he  would 
henceforth  forbear  to  press  any  of  such  ships'  companies  as  should 
be  bound  for  New  England. 


TUESDAY,  18/28  MARCH  1622/1623. 
•  Sir  FERDINANDO  GORGES.         |        Sir  HENRY  SPELMAN. 
Touching   the   Petition    exhibited    to    the    Council,  by  the 


The  two  Virginia  Companies.  259 

Adventurers  of  New  Plymouth  In  New  England  against  Master 
J  OHN  PEIECE  the  Patentee,  with  whom  they  are  Associates  • 
Master  PEIECE  and  the  Associates  met,  and  made  several 
Propositions,  each  to  the  other  ;  but  agreed  not. 

Whereupon  they  were  appointed  to  give  meeting  each  to  other- 
and  then  to  certify  the  Council  what  they  concluded  on-  that 
then  such  further  course  might  be  taken  as  should  be  meet. 

Upon  reading  of  a  letter  written  from  the  Mayor  and 
Aldermen  of  Norwich  to  the  Council,  touching  their  detaining  of 
certain  barrels  of  meal  from  the  Adventurers  of  New  Plymouth  - 
it  appeareth  that  one  BOUNCE  of  Norwich,  Agent  for  the 
Adventurers,  had  misinformed  the  Council  therein. 

Whereupon  it  was  ordered,  That  BOUSCB  should  be  spoken 
with,  touching  his  wrong  information.  And  it  is  thought  fit, 
That  henceforth  no  Information  be  taken  but  upon  oath. 

TUESDAY,  25  MARCH  /4  APEIL  1623. 


Sir  FEEDIHAKDO  GOEGBS. 
Sir  SAMUEL  AEGALL. 
Sir  HENEY  SPELMAN, 


Master  JOHN  PEIECE  and 
his  Associates  [£&  the 
Adventurers]. 


After  a  long  dispute  of  the  differences  between  Master  JOHN 
PEIECE  and  his  Associates, 

It  appeared  that  Master  JOHNT  PEIECE  obtained  from  the 
Council  [for  New  England]  an  Indenture,  purporting  a  Grant  of 
certain  lands  in  New  England  for  settling  of  a  Plantation  there 
dated  the  first  day  of  June  1621.*  * 

It  further  appeared  that,  upon  the  20th  day  of  April  16&2 
Master  Jom  PEIECE  granted  Letters  of  Association  unto  the  said 
Adventurers  ;  whereby  he  made  them  jointly  interested  with  him, 
in  the  lands  granted  by  the  abovesaid  Indenture. 

Moreover  it  appeared  that,  upon  the  said  20th  day  of  April 
1622,  after  the  said  Master  PEIECE  had  interested  the  said 
Adventurers  in  the  lands  passed  unto  him  by  the  said  Indenture, 
that  he  yielded  and  surrendered  up  [to  the  Council  for  New 
England]  the  said  Indenture,  and  received  up  the  Counter-part 
tnereof. 

*  TMs  Patent  is  now  preserved  in  the  Pilgrim  Hall  at  Plymouth, 

Massaelrasets.— B.  A. 


260       ,      The  two  Virginia  Companies. 

And  [that  he]  took  [from  the  same  Council]  a  Patent  or  Deed 
Poll  [a  legal  deed,  not  indented;  executed  ty  one  party r,  and 
therefore  consisting  of  only  one  document]  of  the  said  lands  to 
himself,  his  heirs,  associates,  and  assigns  for  ever ;  bearing  dated 
the  said  20th  of  April  1622.*  "With  which  Surrender  and  New 
Grant,  the  Adventurers  affirmed,  that  they  were  not  privy  unto  : 
and  therefore  conceived  themselves  deceived  by  Master  PEIRCE  ; 
which  was  the  cause  of  their  Complaint. 

At  length,  by  the  mutual  consent  of  Master  PEIRCE  and  of  the 
said  Adventurers,  it  was  ordered  as  f olloweth  : 

Whereas  there  were  several  differences  between  JOHN  PEIRCE, 
Citizen  and  Clothworker  of  London,  and  [JAMES  SHIRLEY]  the 
Treasurer  and  others  the  Associates  of  him  the  said  JOHN"  PEIRCE, 
that  were  Undertakers  with  him  for  [the]  settling  and  advancement 
of  the  Plantation  at  Plymouth  in  the  parts  of  New  England  ;  All 
which,  after  the  full  hearing  and  debating  thereof  before  us,  were 
finally  concluded  upon,  by  the  offer  of  the  said  JOHN  PEIRCE  ;  and 
the  mutual  acception  [acceptation]  of  the  said  Treasurer  and 
Company  then  present,  in  the  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  rest  of 
the  said  Company  : 

That  the  said  Associates  with  their  Undertakers  and 
servants  now  settled,  or  to  be  settled,  in  Plymouth  aforesaid, 
should  remain  and  continue  tenants  unto  the  Council 
established  for  the  managing  of  the  foresaid  Affairs  of  New 
England  :  notwithstanding  a  Grant,  bearing  date  the  20th 
of  April  1622,  by  the  said  PEIRCE  obtained,  without  the 
consent  of  the  said  Associates,  from  the  said  Council ; 
contrary  to  a  former  Grant  to  the  said  PEIRCE,  made  in 
the  behalf  of  himself  and  his  said  Associates,  dated  the 
first  of  June  1621.  And  so  the  said  Associates  are  left  free 


*  On  the  same  day,  he  received  the  new  Patent,  under  which  it  was 
believed  that  he  intended  to  hold  the  settlers  as  his  tenants  ;  and  control 
the  destinies  of  the  Colony.  He  actually  set  sail  for  New  England, 
armed  with,  this  Patent ;  and  was  only  prevented  by  providential  storms, 
which  twice  drove  him  back,  from  consummating  his  ingenious  scheme. 
The  Adventurers  remonstrated  with  him  in  vain  :  and  he  demanded  £500 
in  consideration  of  the  surrender  of  his  Grant. — The  Hon.  W.  T.  DAVIES, 
Ancient  Landmarks  of  Plymouth,  pp.  44,  45.  Ed.  1883,  8. 


The  two  Virginia  Companies.  261 

to  hold  the  privileges  by  the  said  former  Grant  of  the  first 
of  June  ;  as  if  the  latter  had  never  been :  and  they,  the  mid 
Associates,  to  receive  and  enjoy  all  that  they  do,  or  may, 
possess  by  virtue  thereof. 

And  the  surplus  that  is  to  remain  over  and  above,  by  reason 
of  the  latter  Grant ;  the  said  PEIRCE  to  enjoy,  and  to  make 
the  best  benefit  of,  as  to  him  shall  seem  good. 
For    performance    whereof,    both    parties    have    submitted 
themselves  to  the  authority  and  pleasure  of  the  said  Council,  to 
pass  unto  them  new  Grants  for  either  of  their  Interests ;  and  final 
determination  of  all  the  differences  between  them  :  agreeable  [to] 
and  upon  such  conditions  as  are  usual,  or  as  in.  equity  the  Comneil 
shall  think  fit. 

Master  [JAMES]  SHIRLEY,  Treasurer  to  the  said  Adventurers  of 
New  Plymouth,  propoundeth,  in  the  behalf  of  the  said  Adventurers, 
that  they  may  have  a  Patent  for  so  much  as  is  granted  to  them  in 
the  former  Indenture  made  to  Master  PEIRCE,  dated  the  first  of 
June  1621. 


Master  Treasurer. 


MONDAY,  5/15  MAY 


Sir  SAMUEL  ABO-ALL. 


Sir  FERDINAND  GORGES. 

Touching  the  differences  between  Master  [STEPHEN]  HOPKINS 
and  Master  PEIECE  : 

Master  HOPKINS  allegeth  that  he  hath  paid  to  Master  PURGE, 
fo^r  transportation  of  himself  and  two  persons  more  ;  and  likewise 
for  his  goods, 

WHch  Master  PEIRCE  acknowledged :  but  allegeth  tha%  by 
reason  of  his  unfortunate  return,  the  rest  of  the  passengers  that 
went  upon  the  like  conditions,  had  been  contented  to  allow  40a  a 
person  towards  his  loss ;  and  therefore  desireth  that  Master 
HOPKINS  may  da  the  like.  Which  Master  HOEKIFS,  at  length, 
agreed  unto  ;  so  as  Master  PBIBOE  and  his  Associates  will  accept 
£6,  for  three  passengers,  out  of  [the]  £20  his  Adventure  wMcfe 
he  hath  in  their  Joint  Stock* 

And  therefore  they  both  pray  that  the  Council  will  be  pleased 
to  write  to  the  Associates  [the  Admntw^s  m  Imdml  to  accept 
thereof. 

WMch  they  are  pleased  to  do. 

A  letter  was,  this  day,  written  and  signed  pnmt 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

THE  REASONS  THAT  MOVED  MOST  OF  THE  PILGRIM 
CHURCH  TO  MIGRATE  TO  AMERICA.    1617. 


WINSLOWs  account  of  the   more 
public  motives,  is  as  follows  : 

I  persuade  myself,  never  people  upon 
earth  lived  more  lovingly,  and  parted  more 
sweetly  than  we,  the  Church  at  Leyden,  did.  Not 
rashly,  in  a  distracted  humour;  but,  upon  joint  and 
serious  deliberation,  often  seeking  the  mind  of  GOD 
by  fasting  and  prayer:  whose  gracious  presence  we 
not  only  found  with  us;  but  his  blessing  upon  us 
from  that  time  to  this  instant  [1646]:  to  the 
indignation  of  our  adversaries,  the  admiration  of 
strangers,  and  the  exceeding  consolation  of  ourselves, 
'to  see  such  effects  of  our  prayers  and  tears  before  our 
pilgrimage  here  be  ended.  And  therefore  briefly  take 
notice  of  the  true  cause  of  it  : 

3Tis  true  that  that  poor  persecuted  Flock  of  CHRIST, 
by  the  malice  and  power  of  the  late  Hierarchy  [Bishops 
were  abolished  in  England  on  1st  September  1642],  were 
driven  to  Leyden  in  Holland,  there  to  bear  witness, 
in  their  practice,  to  the  Kingly  Office  of  JESUS  CHRIST 
in  his  Church  :  and  there  lived  together  ten  years  [the 
exact  time  of  the  unbroken  Church  at  Leyden  was  from 
April  1609  to  July  1622,  O.S.]  under  the  United  States 
[ie.  the  States  General^  with  much  peace  and  liberty. 

262 


The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  America.    263 

But  our  Reverend  Pastor,  Master  JOHN  ROBINSON 
of  late  memory ;  and  our  grave  Elder,  Master  WILLIAM 
BREWSTER,  now  [1646]  both  at  rest  with  the  LORD; 
considering,  amongst  many  other  inconveniences, 

How  hard  the  country  was,  where  we  lived. 
How  many  spent  their  estate  [i.e.  all  their 
means]   in  it;    and  were  forced  to  return  for 
England. 

How  grievous  [it  was]  to  live  from    under 
the  protection  of  the  State  of  England. 

How  like[ly]  we  were  to  lose  our  language* 
and  our  name,  of  English. 

How  little  good  we  did,  or  were  like[Iy]  to  do, 
to  the  Dutch ;  in  reforming  the  Sabbath. 

How  unable  there,  to  give  such  education  to 
our  children  as  we  ourselves  had  received. 

&e.  &c.  &c. 

They,  I  say,  out  of  -their  Christian  care  of  the  Flock 
of  CHRIST  committed  to  them,  conceived,  If  GOD  would 
be  pleased  to  discover  some  place  unto  us,  though  in 
America ;  and  give  us  so  much  favour  with  the  King 
and  State  of  England  as  to  have  their  protection  there, 
where  we  might  enjoy  the  like  liberty;  and  where, 
the  LORD  favouring  our  endeavours  by  his  blessing^ 
we  might  exemplarily  shew  our  tender  [loving] 
countrymen,  by  our  example,  [they  being]  no  lass 
burdened  than  ourselves,  where  they  might  live  and 
comfortably  subsist;  and  enjoy  the  like  liberties  with 
ourselves,  being  freed  from  antichristian  bondage ;  keep 
their  names  and  nation;  and  not  only  be  a  means  to 
enlarge  the  dominions  of  our  State,  but  [of]  the 
Church  of  CHRIST  also,  if  the  L0Rl>  have  a  people 
amongst  the  natives  whither  he  would  bring  us;  &c. 
Hereby,  in  their  grave  wisdoms,  they  thought  we 


2  64    The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to*  A  merica. 

might  more  glorify  GOD,  do  more  good  to  our  country, 
better  provide  for  our  posterity,  and  live  to  be  more 
refreshed  by  our  labours;  than  ever  we  could  do  in 
Holland  where  we  were.  Hypocrisy  unmasked  $c.,  pp. 
88,  89,  Ed.  1646,  4 

Governor  BRADFORD  tells  us  more  fully  as  to  the  private 
motives  for  the  migration : 

After  they  had  lived  in  this  city  [Leyderi]  some 
eleven  or  twelve  years — which  is  the  more  observable, 
being  the  whole  time  of  the  famous  Truce  between  that 
State  [Holland]  and  the  Spaniards  [This  is  not  quite 
exact.  The  Ten  Years'  Truce  was  from  9th  April  1609 
to  8th  April  1619] — and  sundry  of  them  were  taken 
away  by  death;  and  many  others  began  to  be  well 
stricken  in  years:  the  grave  mistress,  Experience, 
having  taught  them  many  things;  those  prudent 
Governors  [ROBINSON  and  BREWSTER],  with  sundry  of 
the  sagest  members,  began  both  deeply  to  apprehend 
their  present  dangers ;  and  wisely  to  foresee  the  future, 
and  think  of  timely  remedy. 

In  the  agitation  of  their  thoughts,  and  much 
discourse  of  things  hereabout,  at  length  they  began  to 
incline  to  this  conclusion — of  removal  to  some  other 
place.  Not  out  of  any  newfangledness,  or  other  such 
like  giddy  humour;  by  which  men  are  oftentimes 
transported  to  their  great  hurt  and  danger:  but  for 
sundry  weighty  and  solid  reasons;  some  of  the  chief 
of  which,  I  will  here  briefly  touch : 

And  first,  they  saw,  and  found  by  experience,  the 
hardness  of  the  place  [Leyderi]  and  country 
Holland]  to  be  such  as  few,  in  comparison,  would 
come  to  them ;  and  fewer  that  would  bide  it  out, 
and  continue  with  them.  For  many  that  came  to 


The  Reasons  far  Migrating  to  America.    265 

them,  and  many  more  that  desired  to  be  with 
them,  could  not  endure  that  great  labour  and  hard 
fare;  with  other  inconveniences,  which  they 
underwent,  and  were  contented  with.  But 
though  they  loved  their  persons,  approved  their 
Cause,  and  honoured  their  sufferings :  yet  they 
left  them,  as  it  were  weeping,  as  OBPAH  did  her 
mother  in  law  NAOMI  [Ruth  L  14] ;  or  as  those 
Romans  did  CATO  in  Utica,  who  desired  to  be 
excused  and  borne  with,  though  they  could  not 
all  be  CATOES.  For  many,  though  they  desired 
to  enjoy  the  Ordinances  of  GOD  in  their  purity 
and  the  liberty  of  the  Gospel  with  them ;  yet, 
alas,  they  admitted  of  bondage  with  danger  of 
conscience,  rather  than  to  indure  these  hardships. 
Yea,  some  preferred  and  chose  the  prisons  in 
England;  rather  than  this  liberty  in  Holland, 
with  these  afflictions.  But  it  was  thought  that 
if  a  better  and  easier  place  of  living  could  be 
had,  it  would  draw  many  :  and  take  away  these 
discouragements.  Yea,  their  Pastor  would  often 
say,  That  many  of  those  [that]  both  wrote  and 
preached  now  against  them;  if  they  were  int 
a  place  where  they  might  have  liberty  and  Mve 
comfortably,  they  would  then  practice  as  they 
did. 

Secondly.  They  saw  that  though  the  people 
generally  bore  all  these  difficulties  very  cheerfully 
and  with  a  resolute  courage,  being  in  the  best  and 
strength  of  their  years  ;  yet  old  age  began  to  steal 
on  many  of  them,  and  their  great  and  continual 
labours  with  other  crosses  and  sorrows  hastened 
it  before  the  time :  so  as  it  was  not  only  probably 
thought,  but  apparently  seen,  that,  within  a  few 


266    The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  America. 

years  more,  they  would  be  in  danger  to  scatter, 
by  necessities  pressing  them ;  or  sink  under  their 
burdens;  or  both.  And  therefore  according  to 
the  divine  proverb,  that  "a  wise  man  seeth 
the  plague  when  it  cometh,  and  hideth  himself," 
Prov.  xxii.  3  [Geneva  Version];  so  they,  like 
skillful  and  beaten  [veteran  or  weatherbeateri] 
soldiers,  were  fearful  either  to  be  intrapped  or 
surrounded  by  their  enemies,  so  as  they  should 
neither  be  able  to  fight,  nor  fly.  And  therefore 
[they]  thought  it  better  to  dislodge  betimes  to 
some  place  of  better  advantage,  and  less  danger ; 
if  any  such  could  be  found. 

Thirdly.  As  necessity  was  a  taskmaster  over 
them,  so  they  were  forced  to  be  such  not  only  to 
their  servants;  but,  in  a  sort,  to  their  dearest 
children :  the  which,  as  it  did  not  a  little  wound 
the  tender  parts  of  many  a  loving  father  and 
mother,  so  it  produced  likewise  sundry  sad  and 
sorrowful  effects.  For  many  of  their  children  (that 
were  of  best  dispositions  and  gracious  inclinations ; 
having  learnt  to  bear  the  yoke  in  their  youth, 
and  [being]  willing  to  bear  part  of  their  parents' 
burden)  were,  often  times,  so  oppressed  with  their 
heavy  labours  that,  though  their  minds  were  free 
and  willing;  yet  their  bodies  bowed  under  the 
weight  of  the  same,  and  became  decrepid  in  their 
early  youth  ;  the  vigour  of  Nature  being  consumed 
in  the  very  bud  as  it  were.  But  that  which  was 
more  lamentable,  and  of  all  sorrows  most  heavy  to 
be  borne,  was  that  many  of  their  children  (by  these 
occasions ;  and  the  great  licentiousness  of  youth 
in,  that  country,  and  the  manifold  temptations 
of  the  place)  were  drawn  away  by  evil  examples 


The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  America.    267 

into  extravagant  and  dangerous  courses ;  getting 
the  reins  off  their  necks,  and  departing  from 
their  parents.  Some  became  soldiers.  Others 
took  upon  them  far  voyages  by  sea :  and  other 
some,  worse  courses,  tending  to  dissoluteness  and 
the  danger  of  their  souls;  to  the  great  grief  of 
their  parents,  and  dishonour  of  GOD.  So  that 
they  saw  their  posterity  would  be  in  danger  to 
degenerate  and  be  corrupted. 

Lastly,  and  which  was  not  least,  a  great  hope 
and  inward  zeal  they  had  of  laying  some  good 
foundation,  or  at  least  to  make  some  way 
thereunto,  for  the  propagating  and  advancing 
the  Gospel  of  the  Kingdom  of  CHBIST  in  those 
remote  parts  of  the  world:  yea,  though  they 
should  be  but  even  as  stepping  stones  unto  others^ 
for  the  performing  of  so  great  a  work 

The  place  they  had  thoughts  on  was  some  of 
those  vast  and  unpeopled  countries  of  America, 
which  are  fruitful  and  fit  for  habitation:  being 
devoid  of  all  civil  [civilised"]  inhabitants ;  where 
there  are  only  savage  and  brutish  men,  which 
range  up  and  down  little  otherwise  than  the  wflcl 
beasts  of  the  same. 

These,  and  some  other  like,  reasons  moved  them  to 
undertake  this  resolution  of  their  Removal :  the  which 
they  afterwards  prosecuted  with  so  great  difficulties,  as 
by  the  sequel  will  appear.  Bradford  MS.,  folios  47-51. 


268    The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  America. 

THE  DISCUSSION  THAT  FOLLOWED. 

^OVERNOR,  WINSLOW  is  here  very  brief  :-— 

Now  these  their  private  thoughts,  upon 
mature  deliberation,  they  [i.e.  the  Pastor 
and  the  Ruling  Elder]  imparted  to  the 
brethren  of  the  Congregation;  which,  after  much 
private  discussion,  came  to  public  agitation,  till,  at 
the  length,  the  LOKD  was  solemnly  sought  in  the 
Congregation,  by  fasting  and  prayer,  to  direct  us.  Who 
moving  our  hearts  more  and  more  to  the  work  ;  we  sent 
[1617]  some  of  good  abilities  [i.e.  ROBERT  CUSHMAN 
and  JOHN  GARVER\  over  into  England,  to  see  what 
favour  or  acceptance  such  a  thing  might  find  with  the 
King.  Hypocrisy  unmasked  #c.y  page  89,  Ed.  1646,  4  - 

Governor  BRADFOBD  is  much  fuller  on  this  point. 

This  Proposition  being  made  public  and  coming  to 
the  scanning  of  all,  it  raised  many  variable  opinions 
amongst  men,  and  caused  many  fears  and  doubts 
amongst  themselves. 

Some,  from    their    reasons    and    hopes    conceived, 
laboured     to    stir    up     and    incourage    the    rest     to  * 
undertake  and  prosecute  the  same. 

Others  again,  out  of  their  fears,  objected  against  it 
and  sought  to  divert  from  it:  alledging  many  things, 
and  those  neither  unreasonable,  nor  unprobable,  as 

That  it  was  a  great  design  and  subject  to  many 
unconceivable  perils  and  dangers,  &c.  Besides  the 
casualties  of  the  seas,  which  none  can  be  freed  from ; 
the  length  of  the  voyage  was  such  as  the  weak  bodies  of 
women,  and  other  persons  worn  out  with  age  and  travail 
[labour],  as  many  of  them  were,  could  never  be  able  to 
endure.  And  yet  if  they  should,  the  miseries  of  the 


The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  Avneric^   269 

land,  which  they  should  be  exposed  unto,  would  be  too 
hard  to  be  borne;  and  likely  some,  or  all  of  them 
together,  to  consume  and  utterly  to  ruinate  them.  For 
there  they  should  be  liable  to  famine,  and  nakedness, 
and  the  want  (in  a  manner)  of  all  things.  The  change 
of  air,  diet,  and  drinking  of  water  would  infect  their 
bodies  with  sore  sicknesses  and  grievous  diseases. 

And  also  those  which  should  escape,  or  overcome, 
these  difficulties,  should  yet  be  in  continual  danger  of 
the  savage  people.  Who  are  cruel,  barbarous,  and  most 
treacherous;  being  most  furious  in  their  rage,  and 
merciless  where  they  overcome :  not  being  content  only 
to  kill  and  take  away  life ;  but  delight  to  torment  men 
in  the  most  bloody  manner  that  may  be — flaying  some 
alive  with  the  shells  of  fishes :  cutting  off  the  members 
[limbs]  and  joints  of  others  by  piecemeal ;  and,  broiling 
[them]  on  the  coals,  eat  the  collops  of  their  [the  vwtimtf] 
flesh  in  their  sight,  whilst  they  live :  with  other  cruelties 
horrible  to  be  related.  And  surely  it  could  not  be 
thought  but  the  very  hearing  of  these  things  could  not 
but  move  the  very  bowels  of  men  to  grate  [weep]  witMo 
them ;  and  make  the  weak  to  quake  and  tremble* 

It  was  further  objected,  That  it  would  require  gimter 
sums  of  money  to  furnish  such  a  voyage  \exp^iUon\ 
and  to  fit  them  with  necessaries,  than  their  consumed 
estates  would  amount  to :  and  yet  they  must  SB  well 
look  to  be  seconded  with  Supplies  [rdnfcmemmts],  as 
presently  to  be  transported  [conveyed  over  the  sm  to 
America]. 

Also  many  presidents  [precedents],  of  ill  success  and 
lamentable  miseries  [that  had]  befallen  others  in  the 
Eke  designs,  were  easy  to  be  found ;  and  not  forgotten 
to  be  alledged.  Besides  their  own  experience  in  their 
former  troubles  and  hardships  in  their  removal  into 


270    The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  America. 

Holland :  and  how  hard  a  thing  it  was  for  them  to  live 
in  that  strange  place,  though  it  was  a  neighbour 
[neighbouring]  country,  and  a  civil  [civilized]  and  rich 
Common  Wealth. 

It  was  answered,  That  all  great  and  honourable 
actions  are  accompanied  with  great  difficulties ;  and 
must  be  both  enterprised  and  overcome  with  answerable 
courages.  It  was  granted  the  dangers  were  great,  but 
not  desperate;  the  difficulties  were  many,  but  not 
invincible.  For  though  there  were  many  of  them  likely ; 
yet  they  were  not  certain.  It  might  be  [that]  sundry 
of  the  things  feared  might  never  befall ;  others,  by 
provident  care  and  the  use  of  good  means,  might  in  a 
great  measure  be  prevented :  and  all  of  them,  through 
the  help  of  GOD,  by  fortitude  and  patience,  might  either 
be  borne,  or  overcome. 

True  it  was,  That  such  attempts  were  not  to  be  made 
and  undertaken  without  good  ground  and  reason ;  not 
rashly,  or  lightly,  as  many  have  done  for  curiosity,  or 
hope  of  gain,  &c.  But  their  condition  was  not  ordinary. 
Their  ends  were  good  and  honourable;  their  Calling 
lawful  and  urgent :  and  therefore  they  might  expect  the 
blessing  of  GOD  in  their  proceeding.  Yea,  though  they 
should  lose  their  lives  in  this  action  :  yet  might  they 
have  comfort  in  the  same ;  and  their  endeavours  would 
be  honourable. 

They  lived  here  [in  Leyden]  but  as  men  in  exile, 
and  in  a  poor  condition :  and  as  great  miseries  might 
possibly  befall  them  in  this  place.  For  the  twelve 
[or  rather,  ten]  years  of  Truce  were  now  out :  and  there 
ivas  nothing  but  beating  of  drums  and  preparing  for 
war;  the  events  whereof  are  always  uncertain.  The 
Spaniard  might  prove  as  cruel  as  the  savages  of 
America ;  and  the  famine  and  [the]  pestilence  as  sore 


The  Reasons  far  Migrating  to  America.    271 

here  as  there;   and  their  liberty  lass  to  look  out  for 
remedy. 

After  many  other  particular  things  answered  and 
alledged  on  both  sides ;  it  was  fully  concluded  by  the 
major  part  [majority],  to  put  this  design  in  execution ; 
and  to  prosecute  it  by  the  best  means  they  could. 
Bradford  MS.,  folios  51-55. 


THE  MEANS  THEY  USED  FOB  PBEPARATIOF  TO  THIS 
WEIGHTY  VOYAGE   [EXPEDITION]*      1617. 

first,  after  their  humble  prayers  unto 
GOD  for  his  direction  and  assistance,  and 
a  general  conference  held  hereabout;  they 
consulted  what  particular  place  to  pitch 
upon  and  prepare  for. 

Some,  and  none  of  the  meanest,  had  thoughts,  and 
were  earnest  for  Guiana,  or  some  of  those  fertile  places 
in  those  hot  climates.  Others  were  for  some  parts  of 
Virginia,  where  the  English  had  already  made  entrance 
and  beginning. 

Those  for  Guiana  alledged  that  the  country  was  rich, 
fruitful,  and  blessed  with  a  perpetual  Spring  and  & 
flourishing  greenness;  where  vigorous  Nature  brought 
forth  all  things  in  abundance  and  plenty,  without  any 
great  labour  or  art  of  Man :  so  it  must  needs  make  the 
inhabitants  rich,  seeing  less  provisions  of  clothing  and 
other  things  would  serve,  than  in  more  cold  and  lesg 
fruitful  countries  must  be  had.  As  also  that  the 
Spaniards,  having  much  more  than  they  could  possess, 
had  not  yet  planted  there,  nor  anywhere  very  near  the 
sama 


272    The  Reasons  for  Migrating  to  America. 

'  But  to  this  it  was  answered,  That,  out  of  question, 
the  country  was  both  fruitful  and  pleasant ;  and  might 
yield  riches  and  maintenance  to  the  possessors,  more 
easily  than  the  others:  yet  other  things  considered, 
it  would  not  be  so  fit  for  them.  And  first, 
That  such  hot  countries  are  subject  to  grievous 
diseases  and  many  noisome  impediments,  which  other 
more  temperate  places  are  freer  from ;  and  would  not 
so  well  agree  with  our  English  bodies.  Again,  if  they 
should  there  live  and  do  well,  the  jealous  Spaniard 
would  never  suffer  them  long :  but  would  displant, 
or  overthrow,  them,  as  he  did  the  French  in  Florida 
[in  1565],  who  were  seated  further  from  his  richest 
countries;  and  [this]  the  sooner,  because  they  should 
have  none  to  protect  them;  and  their  own  strength 
would  be  too  small  to  resist  so  potent  an  enemy  and 
so  near  a  neighbour. 

On  the  other  hand,  for  Virginia,  it  was  objected,  That 
if  they  lived  among  the  English  which  were  there  planted, 
or  so  near  them  as  to  be  under  their  government; 
they  should  be  in  as  great  danger  to  be  troubled 
and  persecuted  for  their  Cause  of  Eeligion,  as  if  they 
lived  in  England :  and,  it  might  be,  worse  [troubled]. 
And  if  they  lived  too  far  off;  they  should  neither  have 
succour,  nor  defence  from  them, 

But,  at  length,  the  conclusion  was,  to  live  as  a  distinct 
body  by  themselves,  under  the  general  government  of 
Virginia ;  and  by  their  friends  to  sue  to  His  Majesty 
that  he  would  be  pleased  to  grant  them  Freedom  of 
Religion :  and  that  this  might  be  obtained,  they  were 
put  in  good  hope  by  some  Great  Persons  of,  good  rank 
and  quality,  that  were  made  their  friends.  *  Bradford 
MS.,  folio  55, 


CHAPTER    XXVIIL 

MEMBERS  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH  WHO  DID  NOT 
EMIGRATE  TO  AMERICA. 


WINSLOW  tells  us,  at  page 
that  there  were  "a  very  few  who  had  rather 
we   would  have   stayed   [In  Holland]."      Her© 
are  some  of  the  names  of  these  "very  few  :  " 
H.  C.  M.  [the  Hon.  HE^BY  0.  MURPHY],  in  the  Historical 
Magazine,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  358,  359,  Boston  and  Hew  York, 
1859,  i,  writes: 

"  We  have  already  given  the  different  trades  pursued  by 
those  of  ROBINSON'S  Congregation,  who  were  married  at 
Leyden  ;  and  emigrated  in  the  first  four  ships. 

"  We  now  furnish,  from  the  same  source,  a  list  of  some 
of  them  who  did  not  embark  in  the  Mayflower^  the  Wortwns^ 
the  Ann,  or  the  Little  James.  Sometimes  the  particular  city 
is  named  ;  at  others,  only  the  country  from  whence  they  came." 

ZACHARIAH  BERRY,  from  England. 
WILLIAM  BUCKRAM,  from  Ipswich,  Block  Maker. 
SAMUEL  BUTLER,  from  Yarmouth,  Merchant, 
STEPHEN  BUTTERFIELD,  from  England,  Silk  Worker. 
ALEXANDER  CARPENTER. 

"Father  of  Governor  BBADFOBB'S  second  wife,  and  of 
GEOEGE  MORTOH'S  wife." 

BOGER  CHANDLER,  from  Colchester,  Silk  Worker. 

ANTHONY  CLEMENS. 

JOHN  CODMORE,  from  England,  Kibbon  Weaver. 

Tbe  Pilgrim  Fathers.  273  s 


274        Exiles  who  did  not  go  to  America. 

HENRY  CULLENS,  from  England,  Bombazine  Worker. 
"He  lived  at  Amsterdam. " 

JOHN  ELLIS. 

DANIEL  FAIRFIELD,  from  Colchester,  Silk  Worker. 

SAMUEL  FEBEIEB,  from  Caen,  Normandy;  Silk 
Worker. 

"This  is  an  instance  of  the  admission  of  a  Frenchman 
into  the  Congregation.  We  gather  this  from  the  fact  that  he 
married  MILDEETH  CHARLES,  Maid,  from  England,  on  the  16th 
May  1614 :  having,  on  that  occasion,  two  of  the  Congregation, 
namely  ROGER  WILSON  and  SAMUEL  FULLER,  as  witnesses." 

JOHN  GILLIES,  from  Essex,  Merchant. 

ABRAHAM  GKAY. 

THOMAS  HATFIELD,  from  England,  Wool  Carder. 

WILLIAM  HOYT. 

JOHN  JENNINGS,  from  Colchester,  Fustian  Worker. 

EDMUND  JEPSON,  from  England,  Bombazine  Worker. 

HENEY  JEPSON,  from  England,  Silk  Worker. 

WILLIAM  JEPSON. 

JOHN  KEBLE. 

SAMUEL  LEE,  from  England,  Hatter. 

ISAAC  MARCUS. 

HENRY  MARSHALL. 

EGBERT  NELSON,  from  England,  Baize  Worker. 

ISRAEL  NES. 

WILLIAM  PANTES,  from  Dover,  Fustian  Worker. 

JOSEPH  PARSONS,  from  Colchester,  Silk  Worker. 

EDWARD  PICKERING,  from  London,  Merchant. 

JOHN  EEYNOLDS,  from  London,  Printer. 

"  He  lived  at  Amsterdam." 

JOHN  EOBINSON,  from  England,  Minister. 
EOGER  SIMONS,  from  Sarum  [Salisbury],  Mason. 
EOBEET  SMITH. 


Exiles  who  did  not  go  to  America.        275 

THOMAS  SMITH,  from  Bury  [St  Edmunds],  Wool 
Carder. 

"  He  married  ANNA  CKACKSTOK  ;  daughter  of  JOHH 
CKACKSTON,  one  of  the  company  of  the  Mcmfflow&r^ 

EDWAED  SOUTHWOKTH,  from  England,  Silk  Worker. 
"  First  husband  of  Governor  BEADFOEB'S  second  Wife." 
THOMAS  SQTJTHWOBTH. 
"  Brother  of  EDWAED." 

JOHN  SPOONARD,  from  England,  Ribbon  Weaver. 
"  JOHN  CABVER  attended  as  a  witness  to   his  marriage, 
9th  December  1616." 

WILLIAM  TALBOT. 

RAYNULF  [=  RALPH]  TICKENS. 

"  Brother-in-law  of  ROBINSON." 

ROBERT  WAREENEE,  from  England,  Wool  Carder, 
ROGER  WHITE. 
"  Brother  of  Mistress  ROBINSOX." 
ROGER  WILKINS,  from  England,  Wool  Carder. 
JONATHAN  WILLIAMS. 
THOMAS  WILLIAMS. 

HENRY  WILSON,  from  Yarmouth,  Pump  Maker. 
"  JOHN  CAEVEB  attended  as  witness  to  his  marriage*  on 
the  16th  May  1616." 

ROGER  WILSON,  from  England,  Silk  Worker. 
HENRY  WOOD. 

"  These  Lists  might  be  much  extended ;  but  we  have 
confined  ourselves  to  such  as  most  distinctly  appear  to  have 
been  connected  with  ROBIFSOH'S  Congregation  prior  to  the 
sailing  of  the  first  four  ships.  A  close  scrutiny  vould,  we 
doubt  not,  double  lie  number. 

"An  interesting  question  presents  itself,  as  to  what 
became  of  these  numerous  families. 


2  76        Exiles  who  did  not  go  to  America. 

**At  first^  the  Congregation  at  Leyden  consisted,  as  we 
have  wen,  of  about  one  hundred  persons,  men  and  women. 

"  Subsequent  accessions,  from  England  and  other  sources, 
Increased  the  number  to  about  three  hundred  souls,  in  1620 ; 
of  whom  it  is  said  not  more  than  one  half  went  to  America. 

"After  the  death  of  ROBINSON,  in  1625;  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  Minister  among  them.  Some  of  his 
loek,  like  his  own  children,  became  absorbed  in  the  Dutch 
population;  though  there  is  not  at  this  day  [1  August  1859], 
more  than  three  names  of  families,  in  Leyden,  bearing  any 
resemblance  to  those  above  given. JJ 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

FRANCIS  BLACKWELL  LEADS  THE  REMNANT  OF  THE 

REV.  FRANCIS  JOHNSON'S  CHUECH  TOWAEBS 

VIKGINIA.    1618 — 1619. 

GOVERNOR  BRADFORD  thus  writes: 

A  word  or  two,  by  way  of  digression,  touching 
this  Master  BLACKWELL.  He  was  an  Elder  of 
the  Church  at  Amsterdam:  a  man  well  known 
of  most  of  them.  He  declined  from  the  truth  \i.e.  ike  trm 
theory  of  a  Church"],  with  Master  JOHNSON  and  the  rest :  and 
went  with  him,  when  they  parted  asunder  [on  15/25  December 
1610]  in  that  woeful  manner;  which  brought  so  great 
dishonour  to  GOD,  scandal  to  the  truth,  and  outward  rain 
to  themselves  in  this  world.  But  I  hope,  notwithstanding, 
through  the  mercies  of  the  LORD,  their  souls  are  now  at  rest 
with  him  in  the  heavens ;  and  that  they  are  arrived  in  tibe 
haven  of  happiness :  though  some  of  their  bodies  were  thus 
buried  in  the  terrible  seas,  and  others  sunk  under  fee  burden 
of  bitter  afflictions. 

He,  with  some  others,  had  prepared  for  to  go  to  Virginia^ 
And  he,  with  sundry  godly  citizens,  being  at  a  private 
meeting  (I  take  it,  a  Fast)  in  London :   being  discovered!, 
many  of  them  were  apprehended ;  whereof  Master  BLACKWULL 
was  one. 

But  he  so  glossed  with  [cajoled"]  the  Bishops ;  and  either 
dissembled,  or  flatly  denied,  the  truth  [i.«.  the  Prmcl^m  of 
the  Separation^  which  formerly  he  had  maintained :  and  not 
only  so,  bat  very  unworthily  betrayed,  and  accused  another 
gpdly  man,  who  had  escaped,  that  so  he  might  slip  his  own 

277 


278       The  rascality  of  Francis  BlackwelL 

neck  out  of  the  collar;  and,  to  obtain  Ms  own  freedom, 

brought  others  into  bonds.  Whereupon,  he  so  won  the 
Bishops'  favour,  but  lost  the  LORD'S,  as  he  was  not  only 
dismissed:  but,  in  open  court,  the  Archbishop  [GEORGE 
ABBOT]  g%ve  him  great  applause ;  and  his  solemn  blessing  to 
proceed  in  his  voyage.  But  if  such  events  follow  the 
Bishops'  blessings ;  happy  are  they  that  miss  the  same !  It 
is  much  better  to  keep  a  good  conscience,  and  have  the 
LOEB'S  blessing,  whether  hi  life  or  death. 

But  see  how   the  man,  thus    apprehended    by  Master 

Bl*40KWBLi/s  means,  writes  to  a  friend  of  bis. 

Bight  dear  friend  and  Christian  brother.  Master  CARVER,    I 

yon  and  yours  in  the  LORD,  &a    As  for  my  own  present 

condition  ;  I  doubt  not  but  you  well  understand  it  ere  this,  by  our 

iKFOt&fir  MJJSTRESOHB  :  who  should  have  tasted  of  the  same  cup, 

Ms  place  of  residence  and  Ms  person  been  as  well  known  as 

Somewhat  I  have  written  to  Master  CUSHMAN,  how  the  matter 

stll  oocktimm.    I  have  petitioned  twice  to  [the]  Master  Sheriffs, 

ftnd  once  to  my  Lord  COOKK  :  and  have  used  such  reasons  to  move 

to  pity  that*  if  they  were  not  overruled  by  some  others,  I 

I  should  soon  gain  my  liberty.    As  that,  I  was  a  young 

living  by  my  credit,  indebted  to  divers  in  our  city,  living  at 

than  ordinary  charges  in  a  close  and  tedious  prison,  besides 

rents  abroad,  all  my  business  lying  still ;  my  only  servant 

lying  lama  in  the  country,  my  wife  being  also  great  with  child. 

And  yet  no  answer  till  the  Lords  of  His  Majesty's  [Privy] 
Council  gave  consent. 

i  Howbeit^  Master  l^LA^^m^  a  man  as  deep  in  this  action  as  I, 
delivered  at  a  cheaper         ;  with  a  great  deal  less  ado :  yea, 
irtl!*  ail  addition  of  the  Archbishop's  blessing. 

I  am  sorry  for  Master  BLACKWBLL'S  weakness,  I  wish  it  may 

prove  no  worse.    But  yet  he  and  some  others  of  them,  before  tneir 

£i&  ftp  and  tka-eforeth^  left  before  the 4th Seffiember 

IS  1%  tf*         ofM*  letter^  were  not  sorry ;  but  thotight  it  was  for 

I  WHS  nominated  [dauHMoai] :  not  because  tie  LOB» 

^lU,  to  good  ;  but  that  Hie  action  was  good,  yea,  for  the 


The  rascality  of  Francis  BlackwelL       2  79 

One  reason,  I  well  remember,  he  \FEAWQIB  BLAGKWBLL]  used 
was,  because  this  trouble  would  increase  the  Virginia  Plantation  ; 
in  that  now  people  began  to  be  more  generally  inclined  to  go  :  and 

if  he  had  not  nominated  [accymf]  some  such  as  I,  he  had  not 
been  free  ;  because  it  was  \it  Mng\  known  that  divers  citizens, 

besides  themselves,  were  there. 

I  expect  an  answer  shortly  what  they  intend  concerning  me.  I 
purpose  to  write  to  some  others  of  you;  by  whom  you  shall  know 
the  certainty. 

Thus,  not  having  further  at  present  to  acquaint  you  withal, 
commending  myself  to  your  prayers,  I  cease ;  and  commit  you, 
us  all,  to  the  LQBD, 

Your  friend  and  brother  in  bonds, 

SAirai  STABISISORB. 

From  my  Chamber  in  Wood  street  Counter, 
September  4th,  anno  1618. 

But  [ofj  thus  much  by  the  way;  which  may  be  of 
instruction  and  good  use.  Bradford  MS.,  folios  69-71. 


"When  to  the  above,  we  add  what  ROBEET  CUSHMAN  tells 
us  respecting  BLACKWELL,  at  page  2909  of  "a  stratagem  he 
once  made  for  Master  JOHNSON  and  his  people  at  Emden; 
which  was  their  subversion  [utter  ruin] 7J :  it  is  hard  to  say 
which  of  his  Elders  were  the  more  consummate  rascal, 
FRANCIS  BLACKWELL,  or  DANIEL  STUJOLKY.  "  By  their  £rait% 
ye  shall  know  them." 


OHAPTEE   XXX. 

THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  LONDON  VIRGINIA 

COMPANY.    1617—1619, 
TMM  SEVEN  ARTICLES.    1617. 

JHE  first  step  that  was  taken  was  to  draw  up 
the  following  Declaration  of  Faith  and  Church 
Polity:  in  which  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  strove, 
in  order  to  conciliate  the  King  and  Ms 
Government,  to  minimize  to  the  uttermost  their  differences 
from  the  Church  of  England  as  it  then  existed. 

The  following   document   in  the  Public  Record   Office, 
,  is  &  copy  only;  and  its  real  date  is  before  November 


Seven  Articles  which  the  Church  of  Leyden  sent 
to  the  ^rivy]  Cbuncil  of  England  to  be 
considered  of,  in  respect  of  their  Judgements  : 
occasioned  about  their  going  to  Virginia,  ammo 

1618. 

1.  To  the   Confession  of    Faith   [The    39    Articles 
0/  Eeligi&n  of  1562]  published  in  the  name  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  to  every  Article  thereof;  we 
d0  (with  the  Reformed  Churches  where  we  live,  and  also 
elsewhere)  assent  wholly. 

2.  As  we  do  acknowledge  the  Doctrine  of   Faith 
ibere  taught;  so  do  we,  the  fruits  and  effects  of  the 

Boctrine,  to  the    begetting  of   saving   faith  in 

in  the  land  [of  England],  Conformists  and 

as  they  are  Galled:    with,  whom  ate,  as 

ottr   brethren,  we   do   desire   to  keep    spiritual 

280 


The  Seven  Articles,     1617,  281 

communion  in  peace ;  and  will  practice  in  our  parts  all 
lawful  things. 

3.  The  King's  Majesty  we  acknowledge  for  Supreme 
Governor  in  Ms  Dominions  in  all  causes,  and  over  aH 
persons:    and  that  none  may  decline  or  appeal  from 
his  authority  or  judgement  in  any  cause  whatsoever: 
but  that  in  all   things    obedience   is  due  unto  him; 
either  active,  if  the  thing  commanded  be  not  against 
GOD's  Word;   or  passive,  if  it  be,  except  pardon  can 
be  obtained. 

4.  We  judge   it   lawful    [morally   rightj   for    His 
Majesty  to    appoint   Bishops   [to  be]  Civil  Overseers 
or    Officers    in    authority  under    him   in  the   several 
Provinces,    Dioceses,    Congregations,    or    Parishes,    to 
oversee  the  Churches,  and  govern  them  civilly  [peeufariy] 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  land :  unto  whom*  they  ar% 
in  all  things,  to  give  an  account ;   and  by  them,  to  be 
ordered  according  to  godliness. 

5.  The  authority  of  the  present  Bishops  in  the  land 
[of  England],  we  do  acknowledge  so  far  forth  as  tie 
same  is  indeed  derived  from  His  Majesty  unto  them; 
and  as  they  proceed  in  his  name:  whom  we  wffl 
therein  honour  in  all  things ;  and  him,  in  them- 

6.  We  believe  that  no  Synod,  Classes,  Ckmvoes&oii, 
or  Assembly  of  Ecclesiastical  Officers  hath  any  power 
or    authority    at    all    but    as    the    same    [is]  by  the 
Magistrate  given  unto  them, 

7.  Lastly,  we  desire  to  give  unto  all  Superiors  due 
honour,  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  with  aU 
that  fear  GOD,  to  have  peace  with  all  men  what  in  us 
lieth,  and  wherein  we  err  to  be  instructed  by  any. 

Subscribed    per    JOHK    BosufsOM    and    WILWAM 
BBBWSTXR. 

S.  P.,  OdmM,  Vol.  L  No.  43. 


282       Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co. 

The  above  'extremely  able  Paper  gave  rise  to  a  short 
controversy  in  print  at  the  time* 

The  Rev.  THOMAS  T>KAKES  [or  DEAX  as  his  name  is  spelt  in 
&  NswooTOrt  Rep&rtormm,  II,  p.  220,  Ed.  1710,  fol.]  was 
the  Vicar  of  Harwich  aad  Dovercourtj  and  died  before  18 
March  1618, 

Very  soon  then  after  the  presentation  of  the  above  Sewn 
Articles,  he  published  a  reply  to  them  entitled,  a  Ten 
Counter  Demands  propounded  to  the  Separatists  against 
their  Seven  Demands " :  which  Work  is  now  apparently 
totally  lost. 

To  it,  there  appeared  from  the  Pilgrim  Press  at  Leyden, 

the  following  reply. 

WILLIAM  EUBIHG,   aAn  Answer  to    the    Ten    Oount&r 
propounded  by  T.  DEAKES,  Preacher  of  the  Word 
*t  EL  and  D.,  in  the  comity  of  Essex." 

Printed  in  the  year  1619,  8. 

Of  this  Amwer,  only  one  copy  is  at  present  known  to 
exist;  Mid  that  is  in  Doctor  Williams'  library,  Gordon 

London,  W.C.    Press-mark,  12—30—22. 

Tbe  above  Sewn  Articles  have  been  reprinted  by  Mr 

GBOEOI   BANCROFT,    in    2    Wew    TorJs   Historical 
EL,  1856,  8. 


Govamer  Wis»M>w3s  summary  account  of  these  negotiations 

is  as  follows : 

These  [Agents,  i.e.9  ROBERT  CUSHMAN  <md  JOHN 
GAMrsMJ  also  found  GOD  going  along  with  them ;  and 
fjpk  Sir  EDWIN  SAHDYS,  a  religions  gentleman  then 
living,  to  stir  in  it  Who  procured  Sir  EOBEET 

then  Principal  Secretary  of  State  to  King 

-Of  fknons  memoiy,  to  move  His  Majesty,  by 


Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co.       283 

a  private  motion,  to  give  way  to  such  a  people,  who 
could  not  so  comfortably  live  under  the  government  of 
another  State,  to  enjoy  their  liberty  of  conscience  tinder 
his  gracious  protection  in  America :  where  they  would 
endeavour  the  advancement  of  His  Majesty's  dominions, 
and  the  enlargement  of  the  Gospel,  by  all  due  means, 

This,  His  Majesty  said,  was  a  good  and  honest  motion  : 
and  asking,  What  profits  might  arise  in  the  part  we 
intended?  for  our  eye  was  upon  the  most  northern 
parts  of  Virginia ;  it  was  answered  "  Fishing/' 

To  which  he  replied,  with  his  ordinary  asseveration, 
"  So  GOD  have  my  soul !  'tis  an  honest  trade !  It 
was  the  Apostles'  own  calling !  &c." 

But  afterwards  he  told  Sir  ROBERT  NAUFTON,  who 
took  all  occasions  to  further  it,  that  we  should  confer 
with  the  Bishops  of  CANTERBURY  [GEOBGE  ABBOT] 
and  LONDON  [JOHN  KING],  &c. 

Whereupon  we  were  advised  to  persist  upon  his  first 
approbation ;  and  not  to  entangle  ourselves  with  them, 
Which  caused  our  Agents  to  repair  to  the  [First,  or 
London]  Tirginia  Company:  who,  in  their  Court  [or 
Committee  Meeting  in  February  1619],  demanded  oar 
ends  of  going.  Which  being  related;  they  said,  The 
thing  was  of  GOD,  and  granted  a  large  Patent.  AM 
one  of  them  lent  us  £30J1  gratis,  for  three  years :  wMch 
was  repaid.  Hypocrisy  uwma&ked  $c.,  pp.  89>  90,  Ed. 
1646,  4 


284       Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co. 

Governor  BBABFORO'S  account  is  much  more  detailed. 

Whereupon  two  were  chosen,  and  sent  into  England 
at  the  charge  of  the  rest,  to  solicit  this  matter.  Who 
found  the  Virginia  Company  very  desirous  to  have 
them  go  thither :  and  willing  to  grant  them  a  Patent 
with  as  ample  priviledges  as  they  had,  or  could  grant 
to  any;  and  to  give  them  the  best  furtherance  they 
could. 

And  here   it  will   be  requisite  to  insert  a   letter 
or  two  that  may  give  light  to  these  proceedings. 
A  copy  of  a  Letter  from  Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS,*  directed  to 

Master  JOHN  BOBINSON  and  Master  WILLIAM  BREWSTER. 
[London  ;  Wednesday,  12/22  November  1617.] 

After  my  hearty  salutations.  The  Agents  of  your  Congregation, 
BOBEKT  CUBHMAN  and  JOHN  CARVER,  have  been  in  communication 
with  divers  select  [specially  deputed?]  Gentlemen  of  His  Majesty's 
Council  for  Virginia  :  and  by  the  Writing  of  [The]  Seven  Articles, 
subscribed  with  your  names,  have  given  them  that  good  degree 
of  satisfaction,  which  hath  carried  them  on  with  a  resolution  to  set 
forward  your  desire  in  the  best  sort  that  may  be,  for  your  own, 
and  the  public,  good. 

Divers  particulars  [have  to  be  considered],  whereof  we  leave 
to  their  faithful  report :  [they]  having  carried  themselves  here, 
with  that  good  discretion  as  is  both  to  their  own  [credit],  and 
their  credit  from  whence  they  came. 

And  whereas,  being  to  treat  for  a  multitude  of  people, 
Uby  have  requested  further  time,  to  confer  with  them  that 
«e  to  be  interessed  [interested}  in  this  action,  about  the  several 
lorfciccdarities  [points]  which,  in  the  prosecution  thereof,  will 
Ml  out  considerable:  it  hath  been  willingly  assented  to.  And 
so,  they  do  now  return  unto  you. 

If  therefore,  it  may  please  GOD,  so  to  direct  your  desires 
w  tfaa%  <m  your  parts,  there  fall  out  no  just  impediments  ;  I  trust, 
fcy.'tibe  same  direction,  it  shall  likewise  appear  that,  on  our  parts, 

Tfee  Pilgrims  firsfc  acted  upon  WILLIAM  BREWSTER'S  acquaintanc 
*Hfc  Hfeft  S&HBis  family  ;  which  lias  been  described  at  page  65. 


Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co.       285 

all  forwardness  to  set  you  forward  shall  be  found,  in  the  best  sort,, 
which  with  reason,  may  be  expected. 

And  so,  I  betake  [commit]  you,  with  this  design  (which  I  hope 
verily  is  the  work  of  GOD),  to  the  gracious  protection  and  blessing 
of  the  Highest. 

Your  very  loving  friend, 

EDWIN  SANDYS. 
London,  November  12th 
amw  1617. 

Their  answer  was  as  followeth : 

[Leydeii ;  Monday,  15/25  December  1617.] 

Eight  Worshipful, 

Our  humble  duties  remembered,  in  0ur 

own,  our  Messengers',  and  our  Church's  name  :  with  all  thankful 
acknowledgement  of  your  singular  love  expressing  itself  as 
otherwise,  so  more  specially  in  your  great  care  and  earnest 
endeavour  of  our  good  in  this  weighty  business  about  Virginia. 
"Which,  the  less  able  we  are  to  requite,  we  shall  think  ourselves 
the  more  bound  to  commend  in  our  prayers  unto  GOD  for 
reoompence.  "Whom,  as  for  the  present,  you  rightly  behold  in  our 
indeavours :  so  shall  we  not  be  wanting  on  our  parts,  the  mime 
GOD  assisting  us,  to  return  all  answerable  fruit  and  respect  unto 
the  labour  of  your  love  bestowed  upon  us. 

"We  have  (with  the  best  speed,  and  consideration  withal,  that 
we  could)  set  down  our  Bequests  in  writing,  subscribed,  as  you 
willed,  with  the  hands  [signatures]  of  the  greatest  part  of  our 
Congregation  ;  and  have  sent  the  same  unto  the  Council  [for 
Virginia]  by  our  Agent  and  a  Deacon  of  our  Church^  JOMH  OAJKTBR  ; 
unto  whom  we  have  also  requested  [EGBERT  CtrsBiiAJr]  a  Gentleman 
of  our  Company  to  adjoin  himself ;  to  the  care  and  discretion 
of  which  two,  we  do  refer  the  prosecuting  of  the  business, 

Now  we  persuade  ourselves,  Eight  Worshipf  ul*  that  we  need 
not  provoke  your  godly  and  loving  mind  to  any  further,  or  more 
tender,  care  of  us  ;  since  you  have  pleased  so  far  to  interest  us  in 
yourself  that,  under  GOD,  above  all  persons  and  things  in  the 
world,  we  rely  upon  you  :  expecting  the  care  of  your  love,  oounael 
of  your  wisdom,  and  the  help  and  countenance  of  your  authority. 

ISTotibwithstaiidnig,  for  your  encouragement  in  the  work,  so  far 
as  probabilities  may  lead ;  we  will  not  forbear  to  mention  these 
of  Inducement ; 


286       Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co. 

First  "We  verily  believe  and  trust  the  LORD  is  with  us  ;  unto 
whom,  and  whose  service,  we  have  given  ourselves  in  many  trials  : 
and  that  he  will  graciously  prosper  our  indeavour,  according  to  the 
simplicity  \jpure-mindedness]  of  our  hearts  therein. 

Secondly.  We  are  well  weaned  from  the  delicate  milk  of  our 
mother  country:  and  [are]  inured  to  the  difficulties  of  a  strange 
and  hard  land  [Holland]  ;  which  yet,  in  great  part,  we  have,  by 
patience,  overcome. 

Thirdly.  The  people  are,  for  the  body  of  them,  industrious  and 
frugal,  we  think  we  may  safely  say,  as  any  company  [society]  of 
people  in  the  world. 

Fourthly.  We  are  knit  together,  as  a  body,  in  a  most  strict  and 
sacred  Bond  and  Covenant  of  the  LORD  ;  of  the  violation  whereof 
we  make  great  conscience  :  and  by  virtue  whereof,  we  do  hold 
ourselves  straitly  tied  to  all  care  of  each  other's  good,  and  of 
the  whole,  by  every  one  ;  and  so  mutually. 

Lastly.  It  is  not  with  us  as  with  other  men  whom  small  things 
,cmn  discourage,  or  small  discontentments  cause  to  wish  themselves 
at  home  again.  We  know  our  entertainment  in  England,  and  in 
Holland.  We  shall  much  prejudice  both  our  arts  [trades]  and  means 
by  removal  If  we  should  be  driven  to  return  [from  Virginia],  we 
should  not  hope  to  recover  our  present  helps  and  comforts  :  neither 
indeed  look  ever,  for  ourselves,  to  attain  unto  the  like  in  any  other 
place,  during  our  lives  ;  which  are  now  drawing  towards  their 
periods  [ends]. 

These  Motives  we  have  been  bold  to  tender  unto  you,  which 
yoUj  in  your  wisdom,  may  also  impart  to  any  other  our  worshipful 
Meads  of  the  Council  [for  Virginia]  with  you  :  of  all  whose  godly 
disposition  and  loving  pcare]  towards  our  despised  persons,  we 
are1  most  glad  ;  and  shall  not  fail  by  all  good  means  to  continue 
and  increase  the  same. 

We  will  not  be  further  troublesome  ;  but,  with  the  renewed 
remembrance  of  our  humble  duties  to  your  Worship  —  and,  so  far 
as  ia  modesty  we  may  be  bold,  to  any  other  of  our  wellwillers  of  the 
Council  with  you  —  we  take  our  leaves  :  committing  your  persons 
qaod  counsels  to  the  guidance  and  direction  of  the  Almighty. 
Yours  much  botmden  in  all  duty, 

JOHN  ROBINSON, 
WILLIAM  BEEWSTER. 


mum  1017. 


Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co.       287 

And  some  of  the  Chief  of  that  Company  doubted  not 
to  obtain  their  suit  of  the  King,  for  Liberty  in  Beligion  ; 
and  to  have  it  confirmed  under  the  King's  broad  seal, 
according  to  their  desires.  But  it  proved  a  harder 
piece  of  work  than  they  took  it  for :  for  though  many 
means  were  used  to  bring  it  about ;  yet  it  could  not  be 
effected. 

For  there  were  divers  of  good  worth  [who]  laboured 
with  the  King  to  obtain  it,  amongst  whom  was  Sir 
ROBERT  NAUNTON,  one  of  Ms  chief  Secretaries  [of  State] ; 
and  some  others  wrought  with  the  Archbishop  [G-BORGV 
ABBOT]  to  give  way  thereunto:  but  it  proved  aH  in 
vain. 

Yet  thus  far  they  prevailed,  in  sounding  His  Majesty's 
mind,  That  he  would  connive  at  them,  and  not  molest 
them ;  provided  they  carried  themselves  peaceably :  but 
to  allow,  or  tolerate,  them  by  his  public  authority,  under 
his  seal :  they  found  it  would  not  be.  And  this  was  all, 
the  Chief  of  the  Virginia  Company,  or  any  others  of 
their  best  friends,  could  do  in  the  case.  Yet  they 
persuaded  them  to  go  on :  for  they  presumed  they  [the 
Pilgrims]  should  not  be  troubled. 

And  with  this  answer,  the  Messengers  returned ;  and 
signified  what  diligence  had  been  used,  and  to  what 
issue  things  were  come. 

But  this  made  a  damp  in  the  business ;  and  caused 
some  distraction.  For  many  were  afraid  that  if  they 
should  unsettle  themselves,  and  put  off  their  estates 
[sell  off  their  properties],  and  go  upon  these  hopes ;  it 
might  prove  dangerous,  and  but  a  sandy  foundation. 
Yea,  it  was  thought  they  might  better  have  presumed 
hereupon,  without  making  any  suit  at  aU ;  than,  having 
made  it,  to  be  thus  rejected. 

But  some  of  the  CMefest  thought  otherwise,  mid 


288        Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co. 

that  they  might  well  proceed  hereupon  ;  and  that  the 
King's  Majesty  was  willing  enough  to  suffer  them 
without  molestation:  though,  for  other  reasons,  he 
would  not  confirm  it  by  any  public  act  [deed}.  And 
furthermore,  if  there  were  no  security  in  this  promise 
intimated;  there  would  be  no  great  certainty  in  a 
further  confirmation  of  the  same.  For  if,  afterwards, 
there  should  be  a  purpose,  or  desire,  to  wrong  them; 
though  they  had  a  seal  as  broad  as  the  house  floor,  it 
would  not  serve  the  turn:  for  there  would  be  means 
enew  [enough}  found  to  recall,  or  reverse,  it.  And 
seeing  theref  ore  the  course  was  probable  ;  they  must 
rest  herein  on  GOD's  Providence,  as  they  had  done  in 
other  things. 

Upon  this  resolution,  other  Messengers  [this  time 
WILLIAM  BRSWSTER  and  ROBERT  CUSHMAN}  were 
despatched  [in  1619],  to  end  with  the  Virginia  Company 
as  well  as  they  could  :  and  to  procure  a  Patent  with  as 
good*  and  ample  conditions  as  they  might  by  any  good 
means  obtain.  Also  to  treat  and  conclude  with  such 
Merchants,  and  other  friends,  as  had  manifested  their 
fonrardness  to  provoke  to,  and  adventure  in,  this 
Voyage  [E^pedMion}.  For  which  end,  they  had 
inskuctions  given  them,  upon  what  conditions  they 
should  proceed  with  them  ;  or  else  to  conclude  nothing, 
without  further  advice. 

These  things  being  long  in  agitation,  and  Messengers 
passing  too  and  again  about  them,  after  all  their  hopes, 
they  were  long  delayed  by  -many  rubs  that  fell  in  their 


For  at  the  return  of  these  Messengers  into  England, 
tfcey  found  things  far  otherwise  than  they  expected. 
Hie  Virginia  Council  was  now  so  disturbed  with 
quarrels  amongst  themselves,  as  no  business 


Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co.         289 

could  well  go  forward     The  which  may  the  better 
appear  in  one  of  the  Messengers'  letters,  as  f  olloweth : 

[London  ;  Saturday,  8/18  May  1619.] 
To  his  loving  friends,  <$& 

I  had  thought  long  since  to  have  writ  tinto  you,  but  could  not 
effect  that  which  I  aimed  at ;  neither  can  yet  set  things  as  I 
wished.  Yet  notwithstanding,  I  doubt  not  but  Master  If KVWBEBB] 
hath  written  to  Master  BOBINSON.  But  I  think  myself  bound 
also  to  do  something,  lest  I  "be  thought  to  neglect  you. 

The  main  hindrance  of  our  proceedings  in  the  Virginia  business 
is  the  dissensions  and  factions,  as  they  term  it>  amongst  the  Council 
and  Company  of  Virginia;  which  are  such  as  tha%  ever  since  we 
came  up,  no  business  could  by  them  be  despatched. 

-  The  occasion  of  this  trouhle  amongst  them  is,  for  thwfcy  a  wMfe 
since,  Sir  THOMAS  SMITH,  repining  at  his  many  Offices  and  troubles, 
wished  the  Company  of  Virginia  to  ease  him  of  his  Office  in  being 
Treasurer  and  Governor  of  the  Virginia  Company. 

Whereupon  the  Company  took  occasion  to  dismiss  him,  and  [on 
28th  April  161J>]  chose  Sir  EDWIN  SANDYS  Treasurer  and  Governor 
of  the  Company  :  he  having  60  voices  ;  Sir  JOHH  WoL8TXBTHO£JC% 
16  voices  ;  and  Alderman  [Sir  BOBEBT]  JOHHSOK,  24  voices.  But 
Sir  THOMAS  SMITH,  when  he  saw  some  part  of  his  honour  lost>  *wa* 
very  angry ;  and  raised  a  faction  to  cavil  and  contend  about  the 
election :  and  sought  to  tax  Sir  EBWIIT  with  many  things  thafe 
might  both  disgrace  him,  and  also  put  him  by  his  Office  of  Governor, 
In  which  contentions  they  yet  stick;  and  are  not  fit^  nor  reacty, 
to  intermeddle  in  any  business :  and  what  issue  things  will  ccaae 
to,  we  are  not  yet  certain.  It  is  most  likefly]  Sir  BDWIB  will  c«iy 
it  away  \mcwntain  Ms  election] :  and  if  he  do,  things  wiH  go  weH  in 
Virginia  ;  if  other  wise,  they  win  go  ill  enougk  Always  we  hope 
in  two  or  three  Courts  Days  things  will  settle.  Mean  sproe  I 
think  to  go  down  into  Kent  \CmmiAW  came  from  Cfamierbwy 
seepage  165]  ;  and  [to]  come  up  again  [in]  about  fourteen  day%  or 
three  weeks,  hence  :  except  either  by  these  aforesaid  <»ntentio»% 
or  by  the  in  tidings  from  Virginia,  we  be  wholly  discouraged.  Of 
which  tidings  I  am  now  to  speak. 

Ckptain  [Sir  SAMOTL]  AB&ALL  is  co»e  hom®  tibia  weak 
pto£8(&  May  lOia]  He,  upon  notice  of  the  intent  of  the  Cornel, 
came  away  before  Sir  Gmw&  YUARKLIT  came  there :  and  so  there 

Tfee  Filgrim  Fathers,  T 


290       Neg&tmtions  with  the  Virginia  Co. 

la  B0  amoU  dissension  [here].  But  his  tidings  are  ill,  though,  his 
person  be  welcome, 

He  saith,  Master  [FRANCIS]  BLACKWELL'S  ship  came  not  there 
tin  March  [1619].  But  going,  to  wards  winter  [1618  ;  lefore  September 
4^],  they  had  still  northwest  winds  ;  which  carried  them  to  the 
southward,  beyond  their  course.  And  the  Master  of  the  ship  and 
some  six  of  the  mariners  dying  ;  it  seemed  they  could  not  find  the 
[Chesapeake]  Bay  till  after  long  seeking  and  beating  about. 

Master  BLA.CKWELL  is  dead,  .and  Master  MAG-GNER  the  Captain, 
Yea,  there  are  dead,  he  saith,  130  persons,  one  and  [an]other,  in  that 
shi|X  It  is  said,  There  were  in  all  180  persons  in  the  ship  ;  so  as 
they  were  packed  together  like  herrings.  They  had  amongst  them 
the  flux  [dysent&ry\,  and  also  want  of  fresh  water  :  so  as  it  is,  here, 
rather  wondered  at,  that  so  many  are  alive,  than  that  so  many 
are  dead. 

The  Merchants  here  say,  It  was  Master  BLACOTELL'S  fault  tp 
pwfc  so  many  in  the  ship.  Yea,  and  there  were  great  mntterings 
«1  repinings  amongst  them,  and  upbraiding  of  Master  BLAOKWELL 
lor  Ms  dealing  and  disposing  of  them  ;  when  they  saw  how  he 
'tod  disposed  of  them,  and  how  he  insulted  over  them.  Yea,  the 
streets  <*t  Gravesend  rang  of  their  extreme  quarrelings,  crying 
out  one  of  another,  "Thou  has  brought  me  to  this  !  "  and  "  I  may 
tfeee  for  this  !  "  [Thou-ing  and  thee-ing  were  then  expressions 


Heavy  news  it  is,  and  I  would  be  glad  to  hear  how  far  it  will 
discourage  (you  at  Leyden].  I  see  none  here  discouraged  much  ; 
|»t  cither  desire  to  learn  to  beware  by  other  men's  harms,  and  to 
maemd  that  wherein  tlhey  have  failed. 

AM  we  desire  to  serve  one  another  in  love,  so  [let  us]  take  heed 
erf"  Jbelag  lattofied  by  any  imperious  person  ;  especially  if  they 
i»  discerned  to  have  an  eye  to  themselves.  It  doth  often  trouble 
«  ,'to  think  that,  in  ifts  business,  we  are  all  to  learn,  and  none  to 
:  but  better  00,  tfean  to  depend  upon  such  teachers  as  Master 
A  was.  Such  a  stratagem  he  once  made  for  Master 
JoBorsrar  and  Ms  people  at  Emden  ;  wMch  was  their 
L  Bet  though  he  then  cleanly,  yet  unhonestly,  plucked 
%  atiefe  omt  of  the  collar  ;  yet,  at  last,  his  foot  is  caught. 
•jllei*  Moo  letters  come  [from  Virginia].  The  sMp  Captain 


. 

pf  fjUiKfltii}  AEeALLcame  in,  is  yet  in  Ae  west  parts  [of  England], 
,  Att  is  bat  Ms  report.   It  seemeth  he  came  away  secretly, 


Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co.        291 

The  ship  that  Master  BLACKWELL  went  in  will  be  here  shortly.  It 
My  as  Master  ROBINSOST  once  said,  He  thought  we  should  hear  no 
good  of  them  [i.e.  the  remnant  of  the  Mev.  FRANGIB  JOHNSONS  CktmA 
that  went  from  Amsterdam  to  Virginia].  m 

Master  B[BEWSTER]  is  not  well  at  this  time.  "Whether  he  will 
come  back  to  7011,  or  go  into  the  north  [of  England] ;  I  yet  know 
not.  For  myself,  I  hope  to  see  an  end  of  this  business  ere  I  come 
[back]  :  though  I  am  sorry  to  be  thus  from  you.  If  things  had 
gone  roundly  forward,  I  should  have  been  with  you  within  these 
fourteen  days.  I  pray  GOB  direct  us,  and  give  us  that  spirit 
which  is  fitting  for  such  a  business. 

"  Thus  having  suinmarily  pointed  at  things ;  whieh,  Master 
BEBWSTEE,  I  think,  hath  more  largely  writ  of  to  Master  BOBBJSCW  ; 
I  leave  you  to  the  LOBDS'S  protection. 

Yours  in  all  readiness,  $&, 

KOBBRT  CosHiCAJt. 
London, 
May  8th,  anno  1619. 

But,  at  last,  after  all  these  things,  and  their  long 
attendance ;  they  had  a  Patent  granted  them  [by  the 
Company,  on  9/19  June  1619 ;  see  page  253],  and 
confirmed  under  the  Company's  seal :  but  these  diviaons 
and  distractions  had  shaken  off  many  of  their  pretended 
friends ;  and  disappointed  them  of  their  hoped-for  Mid 
proffered  means, 

By  the  advice  of  some  friends,  this  Parent  was  nofc 
taken  in  the  name  of  any  of  their  own  [Company]  but 
in  the  name  of  Master  JOHN  WINCOB  [or  rather  WHUTCOF 
or  WINCOP]  a  religious  Gentleman,  then  belonging  to 
[the  household  of  ELIZABETH  BE  GIINTON,]  the  Countess 
[Dowager]  of  LINCOLN  :  who  intended  to  go  with  them. 
But  GOD  so  disposed  as  he  never  went;  nor  they  ever 
made  use  of  this  Patent,  which  had  cost  them  so  much 
labour  and  charge  :  as  by  the  sequel  wiH  appear. 
Bradford  JJfflL,  folios  55-71. 

Let  us    see  what   progress   had    now  been   made.    In 


292        Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Co. 

October November  1617,  the  negotiations  with  the  London 

Virginia  Company  began ;  and  they,  at  length,  had  culminate! 
in  the  sealing  of  their  first  Patent,  to  JOHN  WiffCOP,  upon 
9/19  June  1619. 

But  the  Pilgrims  wanted  more  than  a  Patent  from  the 
Company :  they  also  wanted  free  shipping.  The  Company, 
however,  was  practically  penniless ;  and  was  on  its  way  to  the 
bankruptcy  which  overtook  it  in  1624. 

So  the  Pilgrims  had  to  cast  about  for  some  means  to  get 
across  the  Atlantic :  and,  then  it  was,  that,  despairing  of  aH 
help  from  home,  they  unwillingly  began  their  negotiations  with 
the  Dutch. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL. 

THE  THREE  POINTS. 
JANUABY — FEBETIABY  1618. 

OYERNOK  BRADFORD  here  carries    on    tfae 

For  further  light  in  these  proceedings,  see 
some  other  Letters  and  Notes,  as  followeth ; 

THE  COPY  OF  A  LETTER  SENT  TO  SIE  JOHK  WOSTLKHOLMJS, 
[LEYDEN;  TUESDAY,  27  JASTUABY  /6  FEBRUARY,  1617/1618.] 

Bight  Worshipful.  "With  due  acknowledgement  of  our 
thankfulness  for  your  singular  care  and  pains  in  the  business  of 
Virginia;  for  our,  and,  we  hope,  the  common,  good:  we  cfo 
remember  our  humble  duties  to  you ;  and  have  sent  in 
as  is  required,  a  further  explanation  of  our  Judgements  in 
Three  Points  specified  by  some  of  His  Majesty's 
Privy  Council.  And  though  it  be  grievous  unto  us,  thai* 
unjust  insinuations  are  made  against  us ;  yet  we  are  most  gi*d 
of  the  occasion  of  making  our  just  purgation  unto  so  honourable 
Personages. 

The  Declarations  we  have  sent  inclosed;  the  one  more  brief 
and  general,  which  we  think  tie  fitter  to  be  presented:  the  other 
something  more  large,  and  in  which  we  express1  some  small  accidental 
differences ;  which  if  it  seem  good  unto  you  and  others  of  our 
worshipful  friends,  you  may  send  instead  of  the  former. 

Our  prayer  unto  GOB  is,  that  your  Worship  may  see  the  fruit 
of  your  worthy  endeavours;  which  on  our  ports  we  shall  not  fail 
to  farther  by  al  good  means  in  m  And  so  praying  that  you 
would  please,  with  the  oonyenietttart  speed  that  may  be,  to  give  us 


294        Negotiations  with  thb  Privy  Council. 

knowledge  of  the  success  of  the  business  with  His  Majesty's  Privy 
Council;  and  accordingly,  what  your  further  pleasure  is,  either  for 
our  direction,  or  furtherance  in  the  same.      So  we  rest. 
Your  Worship's  in  all  duty, 

JOHN  ROBINSON, 
WILLIAM  BREWSTER. 

Leyden,  January  27th 
(mm  1617  [—1618],  Old  Style. 

The  first  brief  Note  was  this  : 

Touching  the  Ecclesiastical  Ministry,  namely,  of  Pastors  for 
Teaching,  Elders  for  Ruling,  and  Deacons  for  distributing  the 
Church's  contribution;  as  also  for  the  two  Sacraments,  Baptism  and 
the  LORD'S  Supper  :  we  do  wholly  and  in  all  points  agree  with  the 
Rench  Reformed  Churches,  according  to  their  public  Confession  of 


The  Oath  of  Supremacy  we  shall  willingly  take,  if  it  be  required 
of  us;  and  that  convenient  satisfaction  be  not  given  by  our  taking 
tlie  Oath  of  Allegiance. 

JOHN  ROBINSON, 
WILLIAM  BREWSTER, 


The  second  was  this  : 

Touching  the  Ecclesiastical  Ministry  &a  ....  (as  in  the 
former)  ....  we  agree  in  all  things  with  the  French  Reformed 
Churches,  according  to  their  public  Confession  of  Faith.  Though 
Sdae  small  differences  be  to  be  found  in  our  practices  ;  not  at  all 
in  Hie  substance  of  the  things,  but  only  in  some  accidental 


As,  first,  Their  Ministers  do  pray  with  their  heads  covered: 
Otir%  uncovered. 

Secondly.  We  choose  none  for  Governing  Elders  but  such  as 
JOB  aWe  to  teach  ;  which  ability  they  do  not  require. 

Tliirdly.  Their  Elders  and  Deacons  are  annual,  or  at  most  for 
fcro  or  three  years:  ours  perpetual 

MmrlMy.  Our  Elders  do  administer  their  Office,  in  Admonitions 
ca&Bs  for  public  scandals,  publicly  j  and  before  the 
tlxeirs  more  privately,  and  in  their  Consistories. 


Negotiations  with  the  Privy  ConmcU.        295 

Fifthly.  We  do  administer  Baptism  only  to  such  infants  as 
whereof  the  one  parent,  at  the  least,  is  of  some  Church :  which 
some  of  their  Churches  do  not  observe  ;  though  in  it  our  practice 
accords  with  their  public  Confession,  and  the  judgement  of  the  most 
learned  amongst  them. 

Other  differences  worthy  mentioning,  we  know  [of]  none  in 
these  Points. 

Then  about  the  Oath,  as  in  the  former. 

Subscribed, 

Joror  BOBDTSOK. 

WILLIAM  BBEWBTBIU 


of  another  Letter  from  Mm  that  delivered  these : 
LONDON  ;  [SATURDAY,]  FEBRUARY  14/24, 1617  [—1618]. 

Your  Letter  to  Sir  JOHN  WOLSTBNHOLME,  I  delivered,  almost 
as  soon  as  I  had  it,  to  his  own  hands ;  and  stayed  with  him  the 
opening  and  reading.  There  were  two  Papers  inclosedi 

He  read  them  to  himself,  as  also  the  Letter:  and  in  fta 
reading  he  spake  to  me,  and  said  "Who  shall  make  them  ?*  viz* 
the  Ministers. 

I  answered  his  Worship,  That  the  power  of  making  was  in  the 
Church,  to  be  ordained  by  the  Imposition  of  Hands  by  the 
Instruments  they  had.    It  mnst  either  be  ki  the  Church,  or  front 
the  Pope :  and  the  Pope  is  Antichrist. 

"  Ho ! w  said  Sir  JOHN,  "  what  the  Pope  holds  good,  as  in  the 
Trinity,  that  we  do  well  to  assent  to :  but*  said  he,  wwe  wii  toot- 
enter  into  dispute  now/' 

As  for  your  Letters,  he  would  not  show  them  at  any  hand  j  lest 
he  should  spoil  all  He  expected  you  should  have  been  of 
ABBOT]  the  Archbishop's  mind  for  the  Calling  of  Ministers  :  bat  it 
seems  you  differed.  I  could  have  wished  to  have  known  the 
contents  of  your  two  [Papers]  inclosed :  at  which  he  stuck  so 
much ;  especially  the  larger  [one]. 

I  asked  his  Worship,  What  good  news  he  tad  for  me  to  write 
fto  Leyden]  to-morrow  f 

He  told  me,  "  Y«ry  good  news ;  for  both  the  King's  Majesty 
and  &e  Bishops  have  consented.® 


296      Negations  with  tie  Privy  Council 

fiesaldhewould  go  to  Master  Chancellor,  Sir  FULKE  GREVILLE, 
as  itns  day;  and  next  week,  I  should  know  more. 

I  met  Sir  EDWIH  SANDYS  on  Wednesday  night  [llth  February]. 
He  wished  me  to  be  at  the  Virginia  Court  fte  next  Wednesday 
[18th  February] ;  where  I  purpose  to  be. 

Thus  loath  to  be  troublesome  at  present,  I  hope  to  have 
somewhat,  next  week,  of  certain,  concerning  you.  I  commit  you 

to  the  LORD. 

Yours, 

SABINE  STARESMORE. 
Bradford  J£8.,  folios  63-65. 


CHAPTER  XXXIL 
THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  DUTCH,  1620, 

E  will  first  give  the  documents ;  and  afterwards 
discuss  them. 

PETITION  OF  THE  DIRECTOBS  OF  THB 

NEW  STBTHEELAND  COMPANY. 
WEDNESDAY,  2/12  FEBRUARY  1619/1620. 

To  the  Prince  of  ORANOE,  &c. 

The  Directors  of  the  Company  trading  to  New  Netherlwid, 
situate  in  latitude  from  40  to  45  cbgrees,  "between  New  France  and 
Virginia,  reverently  represent 

That  they,  the  Petitioners,  have,  as  discoverers  and  first  iacblrs 
of  the  said  countries,  traded  thither  now  several  years ;  in  virtue 
of  a  certain  general  Charter  from  the  High  and  Mghty  I*mbt 
States  General,  dated  the  10th  March  1614  [N.&1  That  they, 
also,  have  delivered  to  their  High  Mightinesses  their  written  Report^ 
with  a  Map^  of  the  situation  and  usef  illness  of  [the]  said  edttatrko. 

And  whereas  the  Petitioners'  (Jhtwt&r  has  expired,  ao  that 
one  is  now  at  liberty  to  trade  there  ;  they  have  again  sent 
two  ships,  in  order  to  preserve  the  reputation  of  [the]  »id 
Some  vessels  have  been  likewise  sent  "by  other  trader^  excta&re  o£ 
ttie  Company. 

Now  it  happens  that  there  is  residing  at  Leyden  a. 
English  Preacher,  versed  in  the  Dutch  language*  who  is  veil 
inclined  to  proceed  thither  to  live :  assuring  the  Petitioners 
he  has  the  means  of   inducing  over  four  hundred  families  to 
accompany  him  thither,  both  out  of  this  country  and  England. 
Provided  they  would  be  guarded  and  preserved  from  all  violence  on 
the  port  of  other  potentates,  by  the  amitowty  and  under  the 
'protection  of  your  Princely  Exeeleaicy  and  tie  High  and  Mighty 
Lords  Stages  'General,  in  the  p^op^ion  of  the  true  [and]  pore 
Cluiriwreifeion,  in  &e  fnsirnction  of  tte  Lidlaas  In  that  country 

t97 


298  Negotiations  with  the  Dutch. 

in  true  learning,  and  in  converting  them  to  the  Christian  faith : 
and  thus,  through  the  mercy  of  the  LORD,  to  the  greater  glory  of 
this  country*®  government,  to  pknt  there  a  new  Commonwealth  j 
all  under  the  order  and  command  of  your  Princely  Excellency 
and  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  States  General. 

And  whereas  they,  the  Petitioners,  have  experienced  that 
His  Majesty  of  Great  Britain  would  be  disposed  to  people  the 
aforesaid  lands  with  the  English  Nation  ;  and  by  force  to  render 
fruitless  their  possession  and  discovery,  and  thus  deprive  this 
State  of  its  right ;  and  apparently  with  ease  surprise  the  ships 
of  this  country  which  are  there,  and  are  ordered  to  remain  there 
the  whole  year ;  wherefore  they,  the  Petitioners,  pray  and  request 
that  your  Princely  Excellency  may  benignly  please  to  take  all 
the  aforesaid  into  favourable  consideration,  so  that,  for  the 
preservation  of  this  country's  rights,  the  aforesaid  Minister  and  the 
foor  hundred  families  may  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  this 
country;  and  that  two  ships  of  war  may  be  provisionally 
despatched  to  secure  to  the  State  the  aforesaid  countries  ;  inasmuch 
as they  would  be  of  much  importance,  whenever  the  West  India 
Company  is  established,  in  respect  to  the  large  abundance  of 
imber  fit  for  shipbuilding,  &c.,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
Wcompanying  BeporL  On  all  which 

(Endorsed)     Petition   of    the    Directors    of    the   Company 
trading  to  New  Netherland,  12  February  1620. 

D&cmn&nts  .  ,  .  procured  in  Holland  <6c.9  Ed.  E.  B. 
O>CALLAGHAK    Vol.  L,  pp.  22,  23.    Albany  N.  Y.,  1856,  4 


RESOLUTION  OF  THE  STATES  GENERAL  ON  THE  PETITION 
OF  THE  NEW  NETHERLAND  COMPANY. 

Saturday,  the  llth  April  1620  \N.S.}. 

The  Petition  of  the  Directors  of  the  New  Netherland  Com- 
,  that  they,  for  the  peopling  of  the  said  Island  [of  Manhattan], 
assisted  with  two  ships  of  war,  is  again  rejected.     Idem, 


SIR  DUDLEY  OARLETON  TO  THE  ENGLISH  PRIVY  COUNCIL. 
THE  HAGUE  ;  TUESDAY,  5/15  FEBRUARY  1621/1622. 

Ilkj  i^iense  your  Lordships,    Having  received  your  Lordships' 


Negotiations  with  th%  Dntch.  299 

letter,  of  tlie  15th  of  Becember  [1621],  touching  the  Hollanders 
entering,  a  year  since  \i.e.  in  December  1620],  and  planting 
a  Colony,  upon  some  parts  of  the  north  of  Virginia,  within  the 
precinct  of  which  His  Majesty  had  formerly  granted,  by  his 
Patent,  the  quiet  and  full  possession  unto  particular  persons :  with 
commandment  from  His  Majesty  to  move  the  States  General,  not 
only  to  make  stay  of  such  ships  as  are  here  prepared  for  that 
voyage ;  but  likewise  to  prohibit  the  further  prosecution  of  that 
Plantation : 

I  took  the  liberty  which  the  season  gave  me — all  these  country 
[Dutch]  ships  being  then,  as  they  still  are,  bound  in  with  ice— to 
inform  myself  of  the  state  of  the  business,  before  I  would  appear 
in  their  Assembly ;  and  could  not  find  (either  by  such  merchants 
with  whom  I  have  acquaintance  at  Amsterdam ;  or  by  [MAUBica] 
the  Prince  of  ORANGE  and  some  of  the  States,  of  whom  I  aaacfe 
enquiries)  any  more  in  the  matter  but  that,  about  four  or  fiveyeaw 
since  [1618,  or  1617],  two  particular  Companies  of  Amsterdam 
merchants  began  a  trade  into  those  parts,  betwixt  40  and  4§ 
degrees  [North] ;  to  which,  after  their  manner,  they  gave  i&eir 
own  names  of  New  Netherlands ;  a  South,  and  a  North,  S«a ;  & 
Texel ;  a  Ylieland ;  and  the,  like.  Whither  they  have,  ever  ffioc^ 
continued  to  send  ships,  of  30  or  40  lasts  [  =  60  to  80  tms]  at  the 
most,  to  fetch  furs ;  which  is  all  their  trade :  for  the  providing 
of  which,  they  have  certain  Factors  there,  continually  residmt, 
trading  with  [the]  savages.  And,  at  this  present,  there  is  a  sMp 
at  Amsterdam  bound  for  those  parts. 

But  I  cannot  learn  of  any  Colony ;  either  ulrmdy  planted 
there  by  these  people,  or  so  much  as  intended 

And  I  have  this  further  reason  to  believe  there  is  n©n»y 
because,  within  these  few  months,  divers  inhabitants  of^tM» 
country,  to  a  considerable  number  of  families  [*.«.  60  &/ 

Walloons]  have  been  suitors  unto  me  to  procure  them  a  place  of 
habitation  amongst  His  Majesty's  subjects  of  thos^pttte :  which, 
by  His  Majesty's  order,  was  made  known  to  the  Directors  of  the 
Plantation  [i.e.  The  Lmdm  Virginia.  Company];  «nd  if 
country  men  [Dvtoknwn]  were  in  any  such  way  iheiaselvas,  &ere  is 
mall  appearance  [that]  they  would  desire  to  mingle  with  staugen, 
and  be  subject  to  their  Government. 

Neverthelm  bemuse  more  may  be  known  to  your  lordships 


3<DO  Negotiations  i&ith  the  Dutch. 


can  learn  here  ;  I  have  not  failed  of  my  duty  in  demanding 
audience  of  the  States,  and  saying  to  them  what  I  was  commaiided: 
the  effect  [swfo&tance]  whereof  (as  the  use  here  is,  being  so  required) 
I  gave  them  in  writing;  according  to  the  copy  I  send  your 
Lordships  herewith. 

Which  those  of  [the  Province  of]  Holland  demanded  of  the 
Assembly  ;  whereby  to  take  information  of  the  business,  of  which 
they  pretended  ignorance  :  thereupon  to  frame  an  Answer  to  His 
Majesty  ;  which,  when  I  shall  receive,  I  will  not  fail  to  advertise 
your  lordships, 

So  I  most  humbly  take  leave.  JTrom  the  Hague,  the  5th  of 
February  I6S1. 

S.  P.,  Holland.    Bundle  145. 


1.  The  first  important  point  here  is,  That  it  is  clear  that, 
OB  tie    2/12   February   1619/1620,    the   date  of  the   first 
document,  Master  THOMAS  WESTON,  the  London  Merchant  of 
•wtem  we  shall  presently  hear  so  much,  had  not  yet  come  to  the 
Iieydan  Church  j  and  made  his  proposals  to  them :  because, 
at  page  317,  the  Rev.  JOHN"  ROBINSON  writes  of  him  to  JOHN 
CAKVIR,  "When  we  had  another  course  with  the  Dutchmen, 
[we]  broke  it  off,  at  his  motion."    Now  these  negotiations 
were  certainly  not  broken  off  on  the  above  date. 

2,  But  these  w&re  broken  off  before  1/11  April  1620,  the 
data  of  the  second  document;  otherwise  they  would  have 
come  to  aa  end  through  the  failure  of  the  Itfew  Ketherland 
Company,  consequent  on  the  refusal  of  the  States  General : 
instead  of  which,  the  Englishmen  broke  them  off. 

&  Therefore  we  can  say  with  certainty,  that,  THOMAS 
WESTOIT  appeared  on  the  scene  at  Leyden,  on  some  date 
tipbreen  2/12  February  and  1/11  April  1620. 

4  Hoiice  Sir  DTJJHJBY  CABLETON'S  statement  that,  up  to 
the  1/15  February  1622,  no  Colony  of  any  kind  existed  at  the 
of  Manhattan ;  but  only  Bbr  Factors. 

Wlff  tibea  did  the  PEgrirn^,  having  rejected  aU  idea  of 


Negotiations  with  the  Dntck.  301 

living  tinder  the  Dutch,  on  the  arrival  of  the  Mayflow&r  off 
Cape  Cod  on  the  9/19  November  1620,  deliberately  sail 
southward  in  order  to  settle  themselves  somewhere  near  tfce 
Hudson  river,  which,  as  they  then  thought,  was  some  thirty 
miles  off,  see  page  407  2 

Three  reasons  may  be  assigned  for  this : 

First.  Their  Patent,  granted  to  Master  WIHOOF,  was  for 
the  northern  parts  of  Yirginia. 

Secondly.  In  the  course  of  their  negotiations  witfo  the  New 
Netherland  Company,  they  must  have  received  some  special 
and  favourable  information  from  them,  respecting  that  part  <rf 
North  America. 

Thirdly.  A  cogent  reason  for  such  a  desired  J^codmily 
would  be,  mutual  help  in  time  of  need.  "We  can  see 
deeply  they  felt  their  utter  isolation  from  all  European 
when  they  first  anchored  in  Cape  Cod  Bay,  from  Governor 
BRADFORD'S  remarks  at  pp.  351-354. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

THE  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  MASTER  THOMAS  WESTON, 

MERCHANT;  AND  THE  ADVENTURERS  IN 

AND  ABOUT  LONDON.    1620. 

I  OR  these  Negotiations,  Governor  BRADFORD  is  the 

only  authority. 

About    this    time,    whilst    they    were 

perplexed  with  the  proceedings  of  the 
Virginia  Company ;  and  the  ill  news  from  thence  about 
llasier  BLACKWELL  and  Ms  Company;  and  making 
enquiry  about  the  hiring  and  buying  of  shipping 
for  their  Voyage:  some  Dutchmen  made  them  [?  in 
January  1620]  fair  offers  about  going  with  them  [to 
the  Hudson  river]. 

Also  one  Master  THOMAS  WESTON,  a  Merchant  of 
London,  came  to  Leyden  about  the  same  time  [?  February 
1620]:  who  was  well  acquainted  with  some  of  them, 
and  a  furtherer  of  them  in  their  former  proceedings  [?  at 
Boston,  or  ?at  Amsterdam,  or  ?at  Leyden].  Having 
much  conference  with  Master  ROBINSON  and  others  of 
ifae  Chief  of  them ;  [he]  persuaded  them  to  go  on,  as  it 
seems;  and  not  to  meddle  with  the  Dutch,  or  too  much 
io  depend  on  the  Virginia  Company.  For  if  that  failed 
|f»  mupplying  them  with  shipping  to  go  to  America], 
if  .tjhey  came  to  resolution  [to  migrate],  he  and  such 
Mtfaohaots  as  were  his  friends,  together  with  their  [the 
|%rim/|  own  means,  would  set  them  forth :  and  they 
.'mate  r/eady,and  neither  fear  want  of  shipping 

302 


Negotiations  with  the  Adwntmrers*      303 

nor  money  ;  for  what  they  wanted  should  be  provided. 
And,  not  so  much  for  himself,  as  for  the  satisfying  of 
such  friends  as  he  should  procure  to  adventure  in  this 
business,  they  were  to  draw  [up]  such  Articles  of 
Agreement,  and  make  such  Propositions,  as  might  the 
better  induce  his  friends  to  venture. 

Upon  which,  after  the  former's  conclusion  [the  break 
off  with  the  D'wtch^  in  1  March  1620],  Article®  were 
drawn,  and  agreed  unto;  and  were  shown  unto  Mm, 
and  approved  by  him:  and  afterwards,  by  their 
Messenger  (Master  JOHN  CABVEE)  sent  into  England 
Who,  together  with  ROBEBT  CUSHMAN,  were  to 
receive  the  monies,  and  mate  provision  both  for 
shipping  and  other  things  for  the  Voyage  :  with  ibis 
charge,  not  to  exceed  their  Commission  ;  but  to  proceed 
according  to  the  former  Articles. 

Also  some  were  chosen  to  do  the  like,  for  such  things 
as  were  to  be  prepared  there  [i.e.  in  Holland^  So  those 
that  were  to  go,  prepared  themselves  with  all  speed, 
and  sold  off  their  estates  Iproperties]  ;  and,  such  as  were 
able,  put  in  their  monies  into  the  Common  Stock  :  which 
was  disposed,  by  those  appointed,  for  the  making  of 
general  provisions. 

About  this  time  also,  they  had  heard,  both  by  Master 
WESTON"  and  others,  that  sundry  honourable  Lords  had 
obtained  a  large  grant  from  the  King  for  the  mow 
northerly  parts  of  that  country,  derived  oat  of  the 
Virginia  Patmt]  and  wholly  secluded  from  their 
Government  :  and  to  be  called  by  another  name,  viz.  New 
England*  Unto  which.  Master  W&SION  and  the  CHef 


*  Here  is  a  dip  of  raeroory  cm  behalf  of  Governor  BEDFORD. 

B  WcurraM  to  Sir  THOMAS  OOVMTET  to  prepare  the  new  P«fe»£,  tor,  The 


304       Negotiations  with  the  Adventurers. 

of  them,  began  to  incline,  it  was  best  for  them  to  go  :  as 
for  other  reasons,  so  chiefly  for  the  hope  of  present 
[immediate]  profit,  to  be  made  by  the  fishing  that  was 
found  in  that  country. 

But  as,  in  all  businesses,  the  acting  part  is  most 
difficult,  especially  where  the  work  of  many  Agents 
must  concur:  so  was  it  found  in  this.  For  some  of 
tho®e  that  should  have  gone,  in  England,  fell  off;  and 
would  not  go.  Other  merchants  and  friends  that  had 
offered  to  adventure  their  monies,  withdrew;  and 
pretended  many  excuses.  Some  disliking  they  went  not 
to  Guiana  Others  again  would  adventure  nothing, 
except  they  went  to  Virginia.  Some  again,  and  those 
that  were  most  relied  on,  fell  in  utter  dislike  with 
Virginia;  and  would  do  nothing,  if  they  went  thither. 

In  the  midst  of  these  distractions,  they  of  Ley  den, 
who  Jted  put  off  their  estates  [sold  their  properties]  and 
Met  out  their  monies,  were  brought  into  a  great  strait  ; 
fearing  what  issue  these  things  would  come  to.  But,  at 
length,  the  Generality  [majority  of  the  Adventurers]  was 
swayed  to  this  latter  opinion  [of  going  to  Virginia]. 

But  now  another  difficulty  arose.  For  Master 
WlSTOH  and  some  others  that  were  for  this  course 
[®fffoing  to  Virginia],  (either  for  their  better  advantage  ; 
,or  rather  for  the  drawing  on  of  others,  as  they  pretended) 
would  have  some  of  these  Conditions  altered,  that  were 
fist  agreed  on  at  Leyden. 

To  which  the  two  Agents  sent  from  Leyden;  or,  at 


to*  the  Affairs  ol  IfwJ&i^awi  in  America,"  k  dated  the  23rd 
:  jyff  ;  and  the  S^ee&mQ,  left  Belfebaven  on  the  26th  July  1620  ;  both 
G  Tte  acted  fkrfewf  mm  not?  signed  till  3rd  November  1620, 


, 
oufy  hare  heard  of  this   Warrant.  on  their 

ataftMBpiMLr--  SL  A. 


Negotiations  with  the  Adventnrers.       505 


least,  one  of  them  [KoBEKT  CTJSHMAH]  who  is 
charged  with  it,  did  consent. 

Seeing  else  that  all  was  like[ly]  to  be  dashed,  and  the 
opportunity  lost  ;  and  that  they  which  had  put  off  their 
estates  [sold  their  properties],  and  paid  in  their  monies, 
were  in  hazard  to  be  undone  :  they  presumed  to  conclude 
with  the  Merchants  on  those  terms,  in  some  things 
contrary  to  their  order  and  Commission;  and  without 
giving  them  [at  Leyden]  notice  of  the  same.  It  was 
concealed,  lest  it  should  make  any  further  delay. 
Which  was  the  cause,  afterward,  of  much  trouble  Mid 
contentions. 

It  will  be  meet  [that]  I  here  insert  these  [altered] 
Conditions  ;  which  are  as  f  olloweth  : 

Anno  1620  [0.&1  [SATTTRBAY,]  July  1st. 

1.  The  Adventurers  and  Planters  do  agree,  That  every  person 

that  goeth,  being  aged  sixteen  years  and  upwvds,  be 
rated  at  £10  :  and  £10  to  be  accounted  a  Single  Shim 

2.  That  he  that  goeth  in  person,  and  famisheth  himself  out 

with  £10,  either  in  money  or  other  protiaone,  jb* 
accounted  as  having  £20  in  Stock  :  and  iti  the  Ditiwm 
shall  receive  a  Double  Share. 

3.  The  persons  transported  and  the  Adventurers  shall  comianue 

their  Joint  Stock  and  PartnersMp  together,  tie 
of  Seven  Years  ;  except  some  mexpected 
cause  the  whole  Oompaay  to  agree  otherwise  ; 
which  time,  aH  profits  and  benefits  that  are  gofc  by  [the] 
trade,  traffic,  tracking,  working,  or  nay 

niean%0f  any  parson,  or  persons,  [abaft]  still  i&  the 

Common  Stock  until  the  Dividon. 

4.  That,  at  their  coming  there  [£*  m  they  choose 

out  such  a  number  of  fit  persons  as  may  furnish  theu 
-ships  and  boate  for  fisMng  upon  the  sea  :  imptoymg  tibe 
rest  in  their  several  faculties  upon  the  had; 

as  building  houses,  and  the  ground,  amd 

maftmg  saA  <xnamoditi0»  w  iball  be  mwfc  for  the 

Colony. 

Tfe©  Filgrim  Fathers  r 


306       Negotiations  with  the  Adventurers. 

&  That  at  the  end  of  the  Seven  Years,  the  Capital  and  Profits 
(viz.  the  houses,  lands,  goods  and  chatties)  be  equally 
divided  betwixt  the  Adventurers  and  [the]  Planters. 
Which  done,  every  man  shall  be  free  from  other  of  them, 
of  any  debt  or  detriment  concerning  this  Adventure. 

6.  Whosoever  cometh  to  the  Colony  hereafter,  or  putteth 

anyfthing]  into  the  Stock,  shall,  at  the  end  of  the  Seven 
Years,  be  allowed  proportionately  to  the  time  of  his  so 
doing. 

7.  He  that  shall  carry  his  wife  and  children,  or  servants,  shall 

be  allowed  for  every  person,  now  aged  sixteen  years 
and  upward,  a  Single  Share  in  the  Division ;  or,  if  he 
provide  them  necessaries,  a  Double  Share  :  or,  if  they  be 
between  ten  years  old  and  sixteen,  then  two  of  them 
to  be  reckoned  for  a  person,  both  in  Transportation  and 
Division. 

8.  That  such  children  as  now  go,  and  are  under  the  age  of 

ten  years,  have  no  other  Share  in  the  Division  but  fifty 

acres  of  unmanured  land. 
0,  That  such  persons  as  die  before  the  Seven  Years   be 

expired,  their  Executors  to  have  their  part  or  Share  at 

Hie  Division,  proportionately  to  the  time  of  their  life  in 

ifce  Colony. 
ID.  That  aH  such  persons  as  are  of  this  Colony  are  to  have  their 

mea^  drink,  apparel,  and  all  provisions  out  of  the  Common 

Stock  and  goods  of  the  said  Colony. 
!Phe  cMef  and  principal  differences  between  these, 
and  the  former,  Conditions  stood  in  those  two  points : 
£&]  That  the  houses,  and  lands  improved,  especially  gardens 

and  home  lots,  should  remain,  undivided,  wholly  to  the 

Planters,  at  the  Seven  Years'  end. 
[11.]  Secondly.      That  they  should  have  had  two  days  in  a 

week  for  their  own  private  imployment,  for  the  more 

comfort  of  themselves  and   their   families ;    especially 

such  as  had  families. 

But  because  Letters  are  by  some  wise  men  counted 
fte  test  part  of  Histories ;  I  shaU  show  their  grievances 
.hqreabotit  by  their  own  letters :  in  which  tie  passages 
of  Hangs  wll  be  more  truly  discerned. 


Negotiations  witk  the  Adventurers.       307 

[We   must  here  re-arrange  these  letters   in   the   Bradford 
Manuscript  in  a  strict  chronological  order. — E.  A.] 

[A   LETTER  FROM  SOTDRY   OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH  TO  THEIR 

A0ESTT8  IK  LOHD02ST.] 
WEDNESDAY,  31    MAY  /10  JUOT   1620. 

To  their  loving  friends  JOHN  CARTER  and  EOBEET 
these,  <&c. 

Good  Brethren.     After  salutations,  <&&     We  received  dfrrex* 

letters  at  the  coming  of  Master  [THOMAS]  NASH,  and  our  PQo$' 
[who  was  to  wwigate  the  Speedwell  from  DdfAx&m  to 
which  is  a  great  incouragement  unto  ui;  wad  for  wfeott,  w 
hope,  after  times  will  minister  occasion  of  Braising"  GOD*    Jjid 
ndeed  had  you  not  sent  him,  many  would  have  been  to'1 

faint  and  go  back  :    partly  in  respect  of  the    new  ' 

which  have  been  taken  up  \accep&&£\  by  you,  which  all  men 
against ;  and  partly  in  regard  of  our  own  inability  to  db 
one  of  those  many  weighty  businesses,  you  refer  to  us  here. 
For  the  former  wfiereof,  Whereas  ROBERT  CUSHMAW 
reasons  for  our  dislike,  promising  thereupon  to  alter  the 
else  saying  we  should  think  he  hath  no  brains :  we  desire  MM 
to  exercise  them  therein,  referring  Mm  to  our  Pastor's 
reasons ;  and  them,  to  the  censure  of  the  godly  wise.    But  out* 
desires  are,  that  you  will  not  entangle  yourselves  and  us  in 
such  unreasonable  courses  as  these  are,  viz. 

[5.]  That  the  Merchants  should  have  the  half  of  men's 

and  lands  at  the  DMdent 

[11.]  And  ttiat  persons  should  be  deprived  of  the  two  [week] 
days  in  a  week  agreed  upon ;  yea,  [of}  of 

tone*  for  their  own  paiticuJar  Bj 

whereof,  we   cannot   conceive  wkj   any  should 
servaali^  for  their  wa  Ibdp  «id  comfort ;  for 
we  can  require  no  more  0!  them,  than  all  men  one  01 
another. 

IMS  we  tawe  mfy  by  rdation  from  NLiBHj  and  not  f 

m&J  writing  of  your  own  j  and  [ws]  hoj*  yoa  not 

proceeded  fax  in  so  grmt  a  tiba^  witfKwfe  us.  Bat  requiring  you 
not  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  you*  Ctawoaaabn ;  which,  was  to 
pttxseed  upon  the  things  or  upon,  and 

Iti  writij^  at  your  going  mrar  abovtt  it,  we  it :  not 


308       Negoimiions  with  the  Adventurers. 

ittarrellfflg  that  yourself  (as  you  write)  knowing  how  small  a  thing 
terableth  our  consultations,  and  how  few  (as  you  fear)  understand 
fiie  "business  aright ;  [you]  should  trouble  with  such  matters  as 
these  are,  ofrc. 

Salute  Master  WESTOH  from  us  ;  in  whom  we  hope  we  are  not 
deceived.  We  pray  you  make  known  our  estate  unto  him  ;  and,  if 
you  think  good,  show  him  our  letters.  At  least,  tell  him,  That, 
under  GOB,  we  much  rely  upon  him  ;  and  put  our  confidence  in 
Mm.  And,  as  yourselves  well  know,  that  if  he  had  not  been  an 
Adventurer  with  us,  we  had  not  taken  it  in  hand :  presuming 
that  if  he  had  not  seen  means  to  accomplish  it,  he  would  not  have 
begun  it.  So  we  hope,  in  our  extremity,  he  will  so  far  help  us 
as  [that]  our  expectation  be  no  way  made  frustrate  concerning  him. 

Since  therefore,  Good  Brethren,  we  have  plainly  opened  the 
state  of  things  with  us,  in  this  manner ;  you  will,  &c. 

Thus  beseeching  the  Almighty,  who  is  aLL-sufficient  to  raise  us 
out  of  this  depth  of  difficulties,  to  assist  us  herein :  raising  such 
meaa%  by  his  Providence  and  fatherly  care  for  us  his  poor  children 
mrf,  servants,  as  we  may  with  comfort  behold  the  hand  of  our  GOB 
f<ir  good  towards  us  In  this  our  business  ;  which  we  undertake  in 
Tarn  name  and  fear,  we  take  leave,  and  remain 

Your  perplexed,  yet  hopeful,  brethren, 

SAMUEL  FULLER. 

June  10th,  Hew  Style,  EDWARD  WINSLOW. 

Ammo  1620.  WILLIAM  BRADFORD. 

ISAAC  ALLERTON. 

Besides  these  things,  there  fell  out  a  difference 
amongst  those  Three  that  received  the  monies  and 
made  the  provisions  in  England.  For  besides  these  two, 
formerly  mentioned,  sent  from  Leyden  for  this  end,  viz. 
Master  CAKVEB  and  ROBERT  CTJSHMAN,  there  was  one 
chosen  in  England  to  be  joined  with  them,  to  make  the 
provisions  [arrangements]  for  the  Voyage.  His  name  was 
Master  [CHRISTOPHER]  MARTIN*  He  came  from  Billericay 
in  Essex ;  from  which  parts  came  sundry  others  to  go 
with  tEem ;  as  also  from  London  and  other  places.  And 
was  thought  meet  and  convenient  by  them 


Negotiations  with  the  Admntnreri,       309 

In  Holland,  that  these  strangers  that  were  to  go  with 
them,  should  appoint  one  thus  to  be  joined  with  them  : 
not  so  much  for  any  great  need  of  their  help  as  to 
avoid  all  suspicion,  or  jealousy,  of  any  partiality.  And 
indeed  their  care  for  [ogratw£]  giving  offence,  "both  in 
this  and  other  things  afterward,  turned  to 
inconvenience  unto  them ;  SB  in  the  sequel  will  appear ; 
but,  however,  it  shewed  their  equal  and  honest  minds. 

The  provisions  [preparations]  were,  for  the  most  port* 
made  at  Southampton;  contrary  to  Master  W]KK)2l*s 
and  ROBERT  CUSHMAN'S  mind ;  whose  counsels  did 
concur  in  all  things. 

A  touch  of  which  things,  I  shall  give,  in  a  letter  of 
his,  to  Master  CARVER  :  and  more  will  appear  afiermycfL 

[EGBERT  CUSHMAN  AT  I*OKDON  TO  JOHST  CAETEE,  ?  AT  SOUTHAMPTON! 

SATURDAY,  10/20  JUSTS  1620. 
To  Ms  loving  friend,  Master  Jora  CABVEE,  theee^  Se. 

Loving  friend.  I  have  received  from  you,  aome  letters  foil  til 
[disaffection  and  complaints :  and  what  it  is  you  would  have  of 
me,  I  know  not.  For  your  crying  out,  "  Negligence  !  Negligence ! 
Negligence  ! "  :  I  marvel  why  so  negligent  a  man  was  used  in  the 
business.  Yet,  know  you !'  that  all  that  I  have  power  to  do 
shall  not  be  one  hour  behind,  I  warrant  you ! 

You  have  reference  to  Master  WESTOH  to  help  as  with 
more  than  his  Adventure :    when   he   protesteth,  But  for  Ma 
promise,  he  would  not  have  done  anything.    He  We         * 

heady  course,  and  is  offended  that  our  provisions 
are  made  so  far  off,  as  also  that  he  was  not  mad©  with 

our  quantity  of  things :  and  saith,  That  in  now  being  in 
places  too  far  remote  [ie.  Leydm,  Xcwcfow,  w« 

will,  with  going  up  and  down,  and  wrangling  aztd  expotttulatiog 
pass  over  the  summer  before  we  wfll  go. 

And  to  speak  the  truth  there  is  fallen  already  amongst  us  a  fbfc 
schism ;  and  we  are  readier  to  go  to  dispute,  than  to  set  forward  a 
voyaga  I  have  received  from  Leyde%  mace  you  went  [?  to 
jSo^k&mptonj,  three  or  four  letters  directed  to  you ;  though  they 
only  concern  ma  I  will  not  trouble  you  with  them. 


the  Adventnrers. 

I  always  feared  the  event  of  tlie  Amsterdam's  [i.e.  members  of 
v.  HENRY  AIMSWORT^  Chwrcfo  there]  striking  in  with  us,  I 

w*,  you  must  excommunicate  me,  or  else  you  must  go  without 
Hair  company  ;  or  we  shall  want  no  quarrelling.  But  let  them  pass. 

We  have  reckoned,  it  should  seem,  without  our  host  ;  and 
wanted  upon  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons.  There  cannot  be 
found  above  £1,2PO  and  odd  monies,  of  all  the  Ventures  you  can 
reckon  :  besides  some  cloth,  stockings,  and  shoes  ;  which  are  not 
counted.  So  we  shall  come  short  at  least  £300  or  £400  [i.e. 


I  would  have  had  something  shortened,  at  first,  of  beer  and 
otfeer  provisions,  in  hope  of  other  Adventures.     And  now  we 
could  hare,  both  in  Amsterdam  and  Kent,  beer  inough  to  serve 
0ur  turn:  but  now  we  cannot  accept  it  without  prejudice  [t.e. 
a&ready  made  other  arrangemmts\. 

You  fear,  We  have  begun  to  build  ;  and  shall  not  be  able  to 
make  an  end.  Indeed  our  courses  were  never  established  by 
'toowfel  ;  we  may  therefore  justly  fear  their  standing.  Yea,  there 
**!*&  a  wMsm  amongst  us  [Three],  at  the  first 

Tom  wrote  to  Master  MA.RTIK  to  prevent  the  making  of  the 

p^visions  in  Elent  :  which,  he  did,  and  set  down  his  resolution, 

j&Wr  frock  he  would  have  of  everything  ;  without  respect  to  any 

««H»I,  or  exception.      Surely,  he  that  is  in  a  society,  and  yet 

not  eottoseH,  may  better  be  a  King  than  a  consort. 

To  be  shor%  if  there  be  not  some  other  disposition  settled  unto, 
ye*  is  ;  we,  that  should  be  partners  of  humility  and  peace, 
shall  be  examples  of  jangling  and  insulting. 

Yet  your  money  which  you  there  [f  8®wkJwmptori\  must  have  ; 
we  will  get  provided  for  you  instantly.  £500,  you  say,  will  serve. 
For  the  rest  which  here  and  in  Holland  is  to  be  used  ;  we  may  go 
scratch  for  it. 

For  Master  CRABE,*  of  whom  you  write,  he  hath  promised  to  go 
with  us  :  yet  I  tell  you,  I  shall  not  be  without  fear    #He  wasaMin- 
til  I  see  Mm  shipped  ;    for  he  [i.e.  his  going]  is  feter.   [W.  BJ 
xtedk  opposed.    Yet  I  hope  he  will  not  fail. 

Think  the  best  of  all,  and  bear  with  patience  what  is  wanting  : 
and  the  LORD  guide  us  all  i 

Your  loving  friend, 
EOBBRT 
10th 


Negotiations  with  the  Adventurers.  t      311 


A  LITTER  OP  ROBERT  CUSHIONS  TO  THEM  [AT 
[LONDON;  ?  SATURDAY,  10/20  JUNE  1620.] 

Brethren.  I  understand  "by  letters  and  passages  that  have 
come  to  me,  that  there  are  great  discontents  and  dislikes  of  my 
proceedings  amongst  you.  Sorry  I  am  to  hear  it,  yet  content  to 
bear  it  :  as  not  doubting  but  that,  partly  by  writing,  and  more 
principally  by  word  when  we  shall  come  together,  I  shall  satisfy 
any  reasonable  man. 

I  have  been  persuaded  by  some,  especially  this  bearer  [*&e 
bearer  of  this  :  1  JOHN  Tvmm  mlmdW,  mp%>.  315,  31€]  to  eome?  wad 
clear  things  unto  you  :  but,  as  things  now  stand,  I  cannot  I* 
absent  one  day,  except  I  should  hazard  all  the  Voyage.  Neftfter 
conceive  I  any  great  good  would  come  of  it  Take  then,  Brfefitoeo, 
this  as  a  step  to  give  you  content. 

First,  for  your  dislike  of  the  alteration  of  one  in  thft 

Conditions  ;  if  you  conceive  it  right,  there  can  be  no  blame  le  on 
me  at  all.  For  the  Art  ides  first  brought  over  by  Jomr  CJBYTO  **** 
never  seen  of  any  of  the  Adventurers  here,  except  Master  WBKRW  : 
neither  did  any  of  them  like  them,  because  of  that  dame;  nor 
Master  WBSTO^  himself,  after  he  had  well  consideroi  it,  Bat  *•  i& 
the  first  there  was  £500  withdrawn  by  Sir  GBOB&S  FJLXBKK  and  Ms 
brother,  upon  that  dislike  ;  so  all  the  rest  would  have  -withdrawn, 
Master  WBSTOZT  exempted,  if  we  had  not  altered  that  clause.  Nw 
whilst  we  at  Leyden  concludefd]  upon  points,  as  we  did  ;  w©  reckoned1 
without  our  host  :  which  was  not  my  fault. 

Besides,  I  shewed  you,  by  a  letter,  the  'equity  of  thai 
and  our  inconveniences:  which  might  be  set  against  all 
BoBDTSosfs  inconveniences  : 

That  without  the  alteration  of  that  dams®,  we  could 
neither  have  means  to  get  thither;  nor  Safely 
[rm^tamtaiti]  whereby  to  subsist,  when  we 

Yet  notwitibstancKng  all  tboee  rwwas  ;  wftklt  were  But  mine* 
but  other  men%  wiser  than  myself:  without  awwer  to  any  ««  of 
them  ;  here  cometh  over  nony  querimonia  mi. 
me  ;  of  lording  it  over  my  brfetheroa  ;  and  mrfdug  fiit«r 

for  thieves  and  l»adaiave«  ttan  faoneat  men  ;  and  tint,  of  my  <r*a 
head,  I  did  irhat  I  list. 

And,  at  liwt  a  PSqw  of  Bejrone,  frMtt«i^iiisfe  that  m 

lie  Cmd&wm:  which  as  they  v*a,dBlirmd  me  optta,  ao  »y 
Answer  is  open  to  you  afl.  Aad  finrt>  as  &ey  ave  mo  other  tot 


Negotiations  w&k  the  Adventurers. 

B ;  seek  as  aman  might  frame  twenty  as  great  on  the 
other  aide,  and  yet  prove,  nor  disprove,  nothing  by  them  :  so  they 
miss  and  mistake  both  the  very  ground  of  the  Article,  and  nature 
of  the  project  . 

1.  For,  firsiv  it  is  said,  That  if  there  had  been  no  division  of 
louses  and  lands,  it  had  been  better  for  the  poor. 

Liiwwn]  True,  and  that  showeth  the  inequality  of  the 
Gmditwm*  We  should  more  respect  him  that  ventureth  both  his 
m®my  and  Ms  person,  than  him  that  ventureth  but  his  person  only. 

3.  [Answer.]  Consider  whereabout  we  are.  Not  giving  alms, 
tut  furnishing  a  Store  House.  No  one  shall  be  poorer  than  another 
for  Seven  Years ;  and  if  any  be  rich,  none  can  be  poor.  At  the 
fenrfv  we  must  not,  in  such  business,  cry  "Poor  1  Poor  i  Mercy  I 
Mercy  I9  Gbtarity  hath  its  life  in  Wrecks,  not  in  Ventures.  You 
«e  by  this  most  in  a  hopeful  pity  of  making.  Therefore  complain 
got  before  you  have  need ! 

a  This  will  hinder  the  building  of  good  and  fair  houses ; 
to  the  advice  of  Politics  [Political  Economists]. 

jtetw*.    So  we  would  have  it    Our  purpose  is  to  build  for  "the 

p^seat  each  houses  as,  if  need  be,  we  may,  with  little  grief,  set 

to&  rro  away  by  the  light  [thereof].    Our  riches  shall  not  be 

in  popl*  but  in  strength.    If  GOD  send  us  riches,  we  will  imploy 

to  provide  more  men,  ships,  munition,  Sc.    You  may  see  it 

snpugrt  the  best  Politics  [Poltiwal  Economists],  that  a  Common 

Wml  k  readier  to  ebb,  than  to  flow,  when  once  fine  houses  and  gay 

iqWies  come  up, 

4  The  Government  [there]  may  prevent  excess  in  building. 

But  if  it  be  on  all  men  beforehand  resolved  on,  to  build 
houses ;  the  GrovernmeEt^s  labour  is  spared. 

5.  All  men  are  not  of  one  condition. 

Ammr.  If  by  condition,  you  mean  wealth  ;  you  are  mistaken. 
If  you  mean,  by  condition,  qualities  ;  then  I  say  : 

He  that  is  not  content  his  neighbour  shall  have  as  good  a  house, 
fare,  means,  &c.,  as  himself,  is  not  of  a  good  quality. 

Secondly.  Such  retired  [selfish]  persons  as  have  an  eye  only  to 
themselves,  are  fitter  to  come  where  catching  is,  than  closing :  and 
tee  fitter  to  live  alone ;  than  in  any  society,  either  civil  or  religious. 

0,  It  will  be  of  little  value,  scarce  worth  £5  [a  house,  &c.]. 

J[«wr.  True,  it  may  be  not  worth  half  £5.  If  then  so  small 
*  '%hmjr<  will  content  them  [the  Adventurers] ;  why  strive  we  thus 


Negotiations  with  the  A  dmntnrers.       313 

about  it,  and  give  them  occasiorL  to  suspect  us  to  be  worldly  and 
covetous?  I  will  not  say  what  I  have  heard,  since  these  CompMatff 
came  first  over  [from  Holland]. 

7.  Our  friends  -with  us  that  adventure,  mind  not  their  own 
profit,  as  did  the  old  Adventurers. 

Answer.  Then  they  are  better  than  we,  who  for  [want  of}  a 
little  matter  of  profit  are  ready  to  draw  back.  And  it  is  more 
apparent,  (Brethren,  look  to  it !)  that  [ye]  make  profit  your  main 
end !  Eepent  of  this,  else  go  not !  lest  you  be  like  a  JOHAS  to- 
Tarshish. 

Secondly.  Though  some  of  them  mind  not  their  profit ;  yet 
others  do  mind  it :  and  why  not,  as  well  as  we!  Yenfcuteo  «** 
made  by  all  sorte  of  men ;  and  we  most  labour  to  give  tfeem  all 
content^  if  we  can. 

8.  It  will  break  the  course  of  Community,  as  may  be  showed  % 
many  reasons. 

Answer.  That  is  but  said :  and  I  say  again,  It  wil  best  footer 
Oommunion  [1  the  ammm  mtm-mt,  or  I  the  of  a* 

may  be  showed  by  many  reasons, 

9.  Great  profit  is  likepy]  to  be  made  by  tracking,  fishing^  £& 
Anm&r.    As  it  is  better  for  them,  so  for  us :  for  half  is 

besides  our  living  still  upon  it.  And  if  such  profit  in  that  w^y 
come,  our  labour  shall  be  the  less  on  the  land :  and  our  awl 

lands  must,  and  will  be,  of  less  value. 

10.  Our  hazard  is  greater  than  theirs. 

Amwer.    True;  but  do  they  put  us  upon  it  I    Bo  they  iorg« 
and  egg  us  [on]  ?    Hath  not  the  motion  and  resolution 
in  ourselves  1    Bo  the^  any  more  than,  in  seeing  m  if  wo 

had  the  means,  help  us'  to  means  upon  equal  ml  I 

H  we  will  not  go,  they  are  content  to  keep  their  monies* 

Thus,  I  have  pointed  at  a  way  to  [wajoae  :  ^MAl 

hope  you  will  mnddftr  seriously ;  and  let  me  no  otfr 

about  them.  '  . 

Howy  finite',  I  h«or  a  noise  of  skviA  «>aditiow  by 
bat*  surely,  Ms  is  I  have  ;  »d  [the]  [to 

fcl  I  have  seat  you.     •'  ,        -  t  « 

If  you  me«  it  [»  of  the  two  days  in  a  week  for 

ndmkr  as  mmm  ;  you  «re  deceivwi 

You  may  have  tibree  days  in  a  wetk,  te  me,  if  you  wiE.  Amtt 
when  I  have  spoken  to  the  Adv«ttireri  of  of 


Negoticriions  with  the  Adventurers. 

jfaava  mad,  They  hope  we  are  men  of  discretion  and  conscience  ; 
and  so  It  to  be  trusted  ourselves  with  that. 

And,  indeed,  the  ground  of  our  proceedings  at  Leyden  was 
mistaken ;  and  so  here  is  nothing  but  tottering  every  day,  &c. 

As  for  them  of  Amsterdam  [i.e.  the  members  of  the  Rev.  HENRY 
AxsBWQBvtf*  Chmch  there],  I  had  thought  they  would  as  soon  have 
gone  to  Eome  as  with  us ;  for  our  liberty  [i.e.  moderate  views  &c.~\ 
is  to  them  as  ratsbane ;  and  their  rigour  [i.e.  rigid  ideas]  as  bad 
to  us  as  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  If  any  practice  [performance']  of 
mine  discourage  them  ;  let  them  yet  draw  back  1  I  will  undertake 
they  shall  have  their  money  again  presently  [instantly]  paid 
here :  or  if  the  Company  think  me  to  be  the  JONAS,  let  them  cast 
me  off  before  we  go.  I  shall  be  content  to  stay  [in  England]  with 
good  will ;  having  but  the  clothes  on  my  back. 

Only  let  us  have  quietness,  and  no  more  of  these  clamours. 
!%H  little  did  I  expect  these  things  which  are  now  come  to 


Yours, 
[f  10/tO  June  1620.]  EGBERT  CUSHMAN. 

But  whether  this  letter  of  his  ever  came  to  their 
hands  at  Leyden  I  well  know  not.  I  rather  think 
it  was  stayed  by  Master  GARVEB  ;  and  kept  by  him, 
for  fear  of  offence. 

But  this  which  follows  was  there  received.  Both 
[of]  which,  I  thought  pertinent  to  recite. 

[The  date  of  this  letter  is  llth  June,  which,  in  1620,  fell  on  a 
Sunday.    But  the  date  must  be  an  error  for  two  reasons  : 

(1)  "and  have  took  [a]  liking  of  one  till  Monday,"  could  hardly 
have  been  written  on  the  previous  day ;  but  might  have  been 
written  on  the  day  before  that,  viz.,  Saturday,  10th  June  1620 ; 
wMch  is  the  date  of  the  previous  letter  to  JOHK  CARVEE,  at  pp. 
3Q&-310.  Both  letters  would  seem  to  have  been  dated  the  same  day. 
^(2)  It  is  unlikely  that  one  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  would  have 
written  a  business  letter  on  a  Sunday,  unless  under  some 
«tei«sxiin«ry  necessity.] 


Negotiations  with  the  Adventurers       315 

ROBERT  CUSHMAN'S  REPLY  TO  THE  LETTER  off  THE  FOUR  AT  LETDXK. 

LONDON  ;   SATURDAY,  10/20  JUNE  1620. 

Salutations,  &c.,  I  received  your  letter  [of  31  May  /10  June] 
yesterday  [9/19  June]  by  JOHN  TURNER  :  with  another,  the  same 
day,  from  Amsterdam,  by  Master  W.5  savouring  of  the  place 
whence  it  came. 

And  indeed  the  many  discouragements  I  find  here  \in  Ziondonj, 
together  with  the  demurs  and  retiiings  there  [at  Lmfdm\>  had  made 
me  to  say,  "  I  would  give  up  my  accounts  to  JOHST  CARVER  ;  and, 
at  his  coming  [i.e.  from  Smtkcm/ptm  to  London],  acquaint  him 
fully  with  all  courses  [proceedings] :  and  so  leave  it  quite,  wfil 
only  the  poor  clothes  on  my  back." 

But,  gathering  up  myself,  by  further  consideration ;  I 
yet  to  make  one  trial  more ;  and  to  acquaint  Master  Wisroir 
the  [  ? ]  fainted  [prostrate"}  state  of  our  business. 

And  though  he  hath  been  much  discontented  at  sotoe  tMngfif 
amongst  us  of  late ;  which  hath  made  him  often  say,  Ttn% 
for  his  promise,  he  would  not  meddle  at  all  with  the  business 
more.    Yet  (considering  how  far  we  were  plunged  into  j 

and  how  it  stood  both  on  our  credits  and  undoing),  at  the         if 
gathered  up  himself  a  little  more :  and  coming  to  me,  two 
after,  he  told  me>  He  would  not  yet  leave  it. 
'    And  so,  advising  together,  we  resolved  to  hire  ft  0Mp; 
have  took  [a]  liking  of  on*1  till  Monday  [ISth  Jtme|  [ofj 
sixty  last*  [  z  120  tons]  :  for  a  greater  we  cannot        except  it  Be 
too  great.    But  a  fine  ship  it  is.    And  our  m 

simt-mgkted'l  friends  there  [at  Lmfdm]  are  so  stfaitkeed ;  ire 
to  assims  [make  maw  of  kei]  without  troubli&g  them  any  : 

aacl  if  tfeev  aMp  fall  too  small ;  it  itteth  well,  m 

tut'  atar*ire  already,  mmj  rest  them  there  [at 
worse  bloc/fa  cGmm  in  &e  way,  eite  the  Seven  Y«w  b* 

If  you  lw$<  beatei  m  a  ^0  [£f* 

mApr^}Mhy  16a&]  atti  writ  to  w  m  yew  E0w  (£>;  we 
have  done  pt]  nmdi  more  oon,Tenieiitl)\    Bot  it  ^  » it  i& 


[Sie 

EL  JlKKK,  -4n  fffff**n  ifi.  ppi  «t%  «%  M.  IS80  8.] 

H»%  of  120  tens,  ww  therefore  not  tlw  of  180         ;  wfeisii,  up 

<iat%  12/22  J«nfe  1620,  fad  &0*  ton 

&— EL  JL 


31 6       Neg&twtwns  with  the  Adventurers. 

I  Lope  our  Mends  there  [at  Leydenj,  if  they  be  quitted 
of  the  sMp  Mre  [of  this  ship],  will  "be  induced  to  venture  the 
more. 

All  that  I  now  require  is,  that  salt  and  nets  may  there  [in 
Holland,  the  great  venire  of  the  European  fishing  trade],  be  bought : 
and  for  ail  the  rest,  we  will  here  provide  it.  Yet  if  that  will 
not  be  [i<2.  if  the  Leyden  Venturers  would  not  pay  for  the  salt  and 
mt«] :  let  them  but  stand  for  it  a  month  or  two,  and  we  will  take 
order  to  pay  it  all. 

Let  Master  REYNOLDS  tarry  there,  and  bring  the  ship  [the 
Speedwell  to  Southampton. 

We  have  hired  another  Pilot  here,  one  Mister  [JOHN, 
MB  page  254]  CLARKE  ;  who  went  last  year,  to  Virginia,  with  a 
ship  of  kine  [cattle]. 

You  shall  hear  distinctly  [more  explicitly]  by  JOHN  TURNER  : 
wh%  I  think,  shall  come  hence  on  Tuesday  night  [13th  June]. 

I  had  thought  to  have  come  with  Mm,  to  have  answered  to 
mj  rompLainte  [the  complaintB  of  me] ;  but  I  shall  learn  to  pass 
for  their  censures :  and  if  I  had  more  mind  to  go  and 
and  expostulate  with  them,  than  I  have  care  of  this 
business ;  1  were  like  them  who  live  by  clamours  and 
Jangling.  But  neither  my  mind  nor  my  body  is  at  liberty  to  do 
mttch ;  far  I  am  fettered  with  business  ;  and  had  rather  study  to 
be  quie^  than  to  make  answer  to  their  Exceptions.  If  men  be  set 
OKI  %  let  them  beat  the  air ! 

I  hope  sueh  as  are  my  sincere  friends  will  not  think  but  I  can 
give  some  reason  of  my  actions.  But  of  your  mistaking  about  the 
nutter,  and  other  things  tending  to  this  business ;  I  shall  next 
inform  you  more  distinctly  [eazplwitli/].  Mean  space,  entreat  our 
Mends  not  to  be  too  busy  in  answering  matters,  before  they  know 
them,  If  I  do  such  things  as  I  cannot  give  reasons  for,  it,  is 
Mkepv]  you  have  set  a  fool  about  your  business  :  and  so  turn  the 
reproof  to  yourselves,  and  send  another ;  and  let  me  come  again 
to  my  combs  [wool  comb&,  seepage  165]. 

.  But,  setting  aside  my  natural  infirmities,  I  refuse  not  to 
have  my  cause  judged,  both  of  GOD  and  all  indifferent  men : 
ind  when  we  conie  together,  I  shall  give  account  of  my  actions 
Itere. 

,The  LQR%  who  judgeth  justly  without  respect  of  persons,  see 
onto  the  equity  of  my  cause !  and  give  us  quiet,  peaceable,  and 


Negotiations  with  the  Adventnr^rs.       317 

patient  minds  in  all  these  turmoils  !  and  sanctify  unto  us  all 
whatsoever  ! 

And  so  I  take  my  leave  of  you  all,  in  all  love  and  affection, 

Tour  poor  Brother, 

EGBERT  CUSHMA^. 
June  llth  plOth]1620. 

I  hope  we  shall  get  all  here  [in  London]  ready  in  fourteen 


[The  following  was  written  while  the  last  Letter  was  on  ite 
way  to  Leyden/) 

A  LETTER  OF  MASTKE  B0BIN80H*S  TO  J0H2T  OUCTSB. 
LETDES"  ;  WEDNESDAY,  14/24  JUHB  16iO. 

My  dear  friend  and  brother,  whom  with  your%  1 
remember  in  my  best  affection  ;  and  whose  welfare  I  shall 
cease  to  commend  to  GOD  by  my  best  and  moat  earliest  pr&jftttL 

Tou  do  thoroughly  understand,  by  our  general  letterSj  f&6 

of  things  here  :  which  indeed  is  very  pitiful  ;  especially  by          of 
shipping,  and  not  seeing  means  likelyy  much        cerMa?  of 
it  provided.    Though  withal,  there  be  great  want  of  money, 
means  to  do  needful  things. 

Master  [EDWAKD]  PIGKK&IXQ,  you  know  before  this,  will  i»t 
defray  a  penny  here  ;  though  EOBEBT  CUBHMAH  presumed,  of  1 
know  not  how  many  £100  from  him,  and  I  know  not  whom  :  ye4  It 
seems  strange  that  we  should  be  put  to  him  to  receive  both  M% 
his  partner's  Adventure  ;  and  yet  Master  Wisroir  writ  unto 
tltati  in  regard   of  it,  lie   hath  drawn  upon   him  ft  by  BUI  nf 
Exchange,  for]  a  £100  more.    But  there  is  in  this 
as  indeed  it  seems  there  is  in  the  whole  courie, 

Besides,  whereas  (livers  are  to  pay  in  some  parts  of  their 
yet  behind  :  they  refuse  to  do  it,  till  they  see  shipping  provMdl  ; 
or  a  course  taken  for  it     Neither,  do  I  think,  is  there  a 
here  [who]  would  pay  anything,  if  he  had  M»  mcwy  la 

Mspursa 

You  know  right  well,  we  depended  on  Master  WBSW  ow  alone  ; 
and  upon  such  means  as  he  would  prwsttre  f&f  this  common 
bwn'e«:  and  'when  w*  had  in  hand1  another  wife  the 

Dutchmen,  [we]  broke  it  0fi^  at  fais  mutton1  ;  ani          the 
by  him  shortly  after  propcrandecL    He  dM         in  his  love,  I  know  ; 
Imt  tMngs  appear  not  answerable  fireffla  kon  Mtherta    That  he 
have  first  pot  in  Ma  monies  [I  m   thought  liy 


318       Negotiations  with  the  Adventurers. 

many  feo  have  been  but  fit ;  but  that  I  can  well  excuse,  he  being 
a  Merchant  and  having  use  [interest]  of  it  to  his  benefit ;  whereas 
others,  if  it  had  been  in  their  hands,  would  have  consumed  it.  But 
that  he  should  not  but  have  had  either  shipping  ready  before  this 
time ;  or  at  least  certain  means  and  course,  and  the  same  known  to 
us  for  it;  or  have  taken  other  order  otherwise,  cannot  in  my 
conscience  be  excused. 

I  have  heard,  That  when  he  hath  been  moved  in  the  business, 
he  hath  put  it  off  from  himself,  and  referred  it  to  the  others  :  and 
would  come  [ie.  in  London]  to  GEORGE  MORTON,  and  inquire  news 
of  him  about  things  ;  as  if  he  had  scarce  been  some  accessory  unto 
it  Whether  he  hath  failed  of  some  helps  from  others  which  he 
[hath]  expected,  and  so  be  not  well  able  to  go  through  with  things  ; 
or  whether  he  hath  feared  lest  you  should  be  ready  too  soon, 
and  so  increase  the  charge  [for  the  hire]  of  shipping  above  that 
[which]  is  meet ;  or  whether  he  hath  thought  by  withholding  to 
pttt  w  upon  straits,  thinking  that  thereby  Master  BREWSTER 
and  Master  [IDWARD]  PICKERING  would  be  drawn,  by  importunity, 
to  do  more ;  or  what  other  mystery  is  in  it,  we  know  now :  but 

we  are,  that  things  are  not  answerable  to  such  an  occasion. 
Master  WESTON  makes  himself  merry  with  our  endeavours 
ftbottt  buying  a  ship  [the  Speedwett\ :  but  we  have  done  nothing  in 
thfe  but  with  good  reason,  as  I  am  persuaded ;  nor  yet,  that  I  know 
[ofj  in  anything  else,  save  in  those  two  : 

,  The  one,  that  we  imployed  ROBERT  CUSHMAN,  who  is  known, 
though  a  good  man  and  of  special  abilities  in  his  kind,  yet  most 
unfit  to  deal  for  other  men  by  reason  of  his  singularity  [oddity  or 
porticwfef%]  and  too  great  indifferency  for  any  conditions,  and 
for,  to  speak  tally,  that  we  have  had  nothing  from  him  but  terms 
and  presumptions. 

The  other  that  we  have  so  much  relied,  by  implicit  faith  as  it 
were,  upon  generalities  [a  gm&ral  promise]  5  without  seeing  the 
particular  course  or  means  for  so  weighty  an  aflair,  set  down 
unto  us. 

^  For  shipping,  Master  WESTON  it  should  seem,  is  set  upon 
Mring ;  which  yet  I  wish  he  may  presently  effect :  but  I  see  little 
hope  of  help  from  hence,  if  so  it  be.  Of  Master  [THOMAS]  BREWER, 
you  know  what  to  expect.  I  do  not  think  Master  PICKERING  will 
Ingage;  except  in  the  course  of  buying  [?  ships,  as]  in  former  letters 


Negotiations  with  the  Adventurers,       319 

About  the  Conditions,  you  have  our  reasons  for  our  Judgements 
of  [as  to]  what  is  agreed.  And  let  this  specially  be  borne  in  mind* 
That  the  greatest  part  of  the  Colony  is  Hkepy]  to  be  imployecl 
constantly,  not  upon  dressing  their  particular  [own]  land  and 
building  houses  ;  but  upon  fishing,  trading,  &c.  :  so  as  the  "  land 
and  house  "  will  be  but  a  trifle  for  advantage  to  The  Adventurers  ; 
and  yet  the  division  of  it,  a  great  discouragement  to  the  Planters  ; 
who  would  with  singular  \e$p@<mC\  care  make  it  comfortable, 
with  borrowed  hours  from  their  sleep. 

The  same  consideration  of  common  imployment  constmtly,  hy 
the  most,  is  a  good  reason  not  to  have  the  two  days  in  a 
denied  the  few  Planters  for  private  use  :  which  yet  is  suborfjbwi* 
to  common  good.    Consider  also  how  much  unfit  that  yo% 
your  likes,  must  serve  a  new  [apprenticeship  of  Seven  Years  j  aad 
not  a  day's  freedom  from  task  ! 

Send  me  word  what  persons  are  to  go  ;  who,  of  useful 
[trades],  and  how  many  ;  and  particularly  of  everything. 

I  know  you  want  not  a  mind.    I  am  sorry  you  have  not 
at  London  all  this  while  :  but  tie  provisions 
not  want  ypu.    f  GAMVS&  wm  at  Stmtkampim*] 

Time  will  suffer  me  to  write  no  more.    Fare  yon,  Mid 
well  always  in  the  LORD  :  in  whom  I  rest* 

Yours  to  use? 


I  have  been  the  larger  in  these  things,  axtd  00 
crave  leave  in  some  like  following,  £h<ragjb  m 

other  tMngs  1  shall  labour  to  be  more 
their  children  may  see  with   what 

f  athers  wrestled,  in  going  through  these  things,  in 
first  beginnings:  and  how  GOD  brought  them  along, 
notwithstanding  all  their  and  inlmitiea 

As  also  that  some  nse  may  be  made  hereof,  in 
times,  by  others  in   meh  like  weighty  Impioymemte,' 
jLjotd  herewith  I  will  end  this  Chapter.  MS* 

folios 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

WHO    WEKE  THE  ADVENTUKEES  ? 


JOHN  SMITH  in  Ms  General  History 
of  Virginia^  <fe;.,  published  in  July  1624,  writes 
as  follows  : 

The  Adventurers,  which  raised  the  Stock 
to  Begin  and  supply  [reinforce]  this  Plantation,  were 
pbout  seventy  :  some,  Gentlemen  ;  some,  Merchants  ; 
some,  handicraftsmen;  some  adventuring  great  sums; 
some,  small;  as  their  estates  and  affection  served. 
ffce  General  Stock  already  employed  [expended]  is 
£7,000.  By  reason  of  which  charge,  and  many 
;  many  of  them  would  adventure  no  niore  :  but 
o£h6E8  (that  know  so  great  a  design  cannot  be  effected 
without  both  charge,  loss,  and  crosses)  are  resolved  to 
go  forward  with  it  to  their  powers  ;  which  deserve  no 
Small  commendations  and  encouragement. 

These  [the  Adventurers  generally"]  dwell  most[ly] 
about  London.  They  are  not  a  Corporation  :  but  [are] 
knit  together,  by  a  voluntary  combination,  in  a  Society, 
without  constraint  or  penalty  ;  aiming  to  do  good,  and 
to  plant  Eeligion. 

They  have  a  President  and  a  Treasurer,  every  year 
aewly  chosen  by  the  most  voices  [the  majority  present"], 
who  ordereth  the  affairs  of  their  Courts  and  Meetings  : 
«md^  with  the  assent  of  the  most  of  them,  undertaketh 
all  ordinary  businesses;  but,  in  more  weighty  affairs^ 
tfee  qsmt  of  the  whole  Company  is  required  LIB  VI., 
foi  5547. 


Who  'mere  the  Adventurers? 

In  his  Advertisements  <&<x,  [written  in  October  16&0; 
but  printed  in]  1631,  Captain  SMITH  adds  the  following 
information : 

These  disasters,  losses,  and  uncertainties  made  such 
disagreement  among  the  Adventurers  in  England,  who 
began  to  repent:  and  [would]  rather  lose  all,  than 
longer  continue  the  charge :  being  out  of  purse  J66,000 
or  £7,000 ;  accounting  my  Books  and  their  Relations  as 
old  Alrrianacks. 

But  the  Planters,  rather  than  leave  the  country^ 
concluded  absolutely  to  supply  themselves ;  Mid  to  all 
their  Adventurers,  [to]  pay  them,  for  nine  years,  £200 
yearly,  without  any  other  account :  where,  more  than 
600  Adventurers  for  Virginia,  for  more  titan  £200,00% 
had  not  sixpence,  p.  19. 

The  following  forty-two  Adventurers  signed  the  Oompcmtioti 
with  the  Plymouth  Colony,  on  15/25  November  102%  to 
receive  ^£200  a  year,  for  nine  years.  Apparently  these  irftpe 
all  the  Adventurers  in  England  who  had  any  stake  in  tibe 
Plantation  at  that  time. 

ROBERT  ALLDEK.  TIMOTHY  HATHEELKT. 

EMANTJEL  ALLTHAM.  THOMAS  HBATH, 

RICHARD  ANDREWS.  WILLIAM  HOBSOM. 

THOMAS  AKDREWS.  ROBERT  HOLLATO. 

LAURENCE  AOTHQHY.  THOMAS  HUBSOS. 

EDWARB  BASS,  ROBERT  KBAH. 

JOHN  BEATJCHAMP.  ELIZA  KHIGHT. 

THOMAS  BREWER.  JOHH  EJTOHT. 

HESTRY  BRowKma.  MILM 

WILLIAM  COLLIER.  JOHH  LDSTG. 

THOMAS  COTEHTRY.  THOMAS 

THOMAS  I^ETOHHa.  THOMAS  MOTT. 

THOMAS  G-OFFE.  FBIA. 

PETER  GUDBTJR^.  WILLIAM 
The  Pilgrim  Fatbers. 


22  Wko  mere  the  Adventurers  ? 


PKCBIK.  JAMES  SHIRLEY. 

FOGOCK,  JOHH  THORXED. 

DAHIEL  FOYOTON.  MATTHEW  THORNHILL. 

WittiAM  QUAERES.  JOSEPH  TILDEK. 

JOHH  BEVBLL.  THOMAS  WARD. 

HBWMAH  EOOKEB.  JOHN  WHITE. 

SAMUEL  SHARP.  RICHARD  WRIGHT. 

names  are  preserved  to  us  in  Governor  BRADFORD'S 
3  reprinted  In  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii  48,  Ed.  1794,  8. 


The  following  had  also  been  among  the  Adventurers  prior 
to  the  2§th  November  1626. 

GRMOTE.    EDWARD  FICKERITC.     THOMAS  WESTON. 


names  of  six  of  the  above  are  found  subsequently 
of  tlie  Massachusetts  Company. 


AHDEEWS.    JOHN  FOCOCK.  SAMUEL  SHARP. 

GOFFI.         JOHN  RETELL.  JOHI*  WHITE. 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 
CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH,  THE  HERO  OF  VIBGIKU,  owmm 

HIS  SEEVICES  TO  THE  PlLGEBC  FATHERS;   WHO 

DECLINE    THEM:     A¥D    TBMF    HIS   ADVICB, 

WHICH    THEY    BISBBGABB, 

FTER  his  return  from  Virginia  in  1612,  Qantom 
SMITH  devoted  his  Hf©  to  the  erplomfion  mad 
colonization  of  New  Engknd.  In  the  folding 
passages,  he  describes  Ms  negotiations  with  $h* 
Leyden  Separatist  Church,  All  the  numbers  of  person* 
he  gives  are  merely  round  numbers ;  and  not  exact  onea 

In  the   interim,  many  particular   [separate] 
went  thither,  and  finding  my  Eelations  true ;  and  thai 
I  had  not  taken  that  I  brought  home,  from  the  French 
men,  as  had  been  reported:  yet  further  for  iny  pain*1 
to  discredit  me,  and  my  calling  it  New  England,  tfaqp 
obscured  it,  and  shadowed  it,  with  the  title  of  Ckaacim  - 
tiH,  at  my  humble  suit,  it  pleased  our  moet  royal  King 
CHABLIS,  whom  GOD  long  keep  bless  and  preserve!, 
then  Prince  of  Wales,  to  confirm  it,  with  my  Map 
Book,  by  the  title  of  New  England. 

The   gain   thence   returning   did   make   the 
thereof  so  increase,  that  thirty,  forty,  or  fifty  Sail  went 
yearly ;  only  to  trade  and  fish. 

But  nothing  would  be  done  for  a  Plantation  till 
about  some  hundred  of  your  Brownists  of  England 
Amsterdam  and  Leyden,  went  to  New  Plymouth ;  whose 


324       Captain  J.  Smith  and  the  Pilgrims. 

humorous  ignorances  caused  them,  for  more  than  a  year 
[1620 — 1621],  to  endure  a  wonderful  deal  of  misery  with 
an  infinite  patience ;  saying,  My  Books  and  Maps  were 
much  better  cheap  to  teach  them  than  myself.  Many 
others  have  used  the  like  good  husbandry;  that  have 
paid  soundly  in  trying  their  self-willed  conclusions. 

But  those  [the  Pilgrim  Fathers],  in  time,  doing  well  ; 
divers  others  have,  in  small  handfuls,  undertaken  to  go 
there,  to  be  several  Lords  and  Kings  of  themselves : 
but  most  [have]  vanished  to  nothing. 

The  True  Travels  fan  pp.  46,  47,  [August]  1629,  4 

j 

At  last,  upon  those  inducements,  some  well  disposed 
Brownists,  as  they  are  termed,  with  some  Gentlemen 
aad  Merchants  of  Leyden  ,  and  Amsterdam,  to  save 
diwrgm  [ie.  the  expense  of  employing  Ca/ptain  SMITH], 
Would  try  their  own  conclusions,  though  with  great 
tato  and  much  misery,  till  time  had  taught  them  to  see 
tiuir  own  error :  for  such  humorists  [contrarious  people] 
wil  never  believe  well,  till  they  be  beaten  with  their 
own  rod, 

Yet,  at  the  first  landing  at  Cape  Cod,  being  a 
hundred  passengers,  besides  twenty  they  had  left  behind 
at  Plymouth;  for  want  of  good  take-heed,  thinking 
to  find^  all  things  better  than  I  advised  them,  [they] 
spent  six  or  seven  weeks  in  wandering  up  and  down, 
in  frost  and  snow,  wind  and  rain,  among  the  woods' 
creeks  and  swamps,  [so  that]  forty  of  them  died,  and 
threescore  were  left  in  most  miserable  estate  at  'New 
Plymouth  where  their  ship  [the  Mayflower]  left  them, 
and  but  nine  leagues  [=  27  miles],  by  sea,  from  where 
they  landed. 


Captain  J.  Smith  andtke  Pilgrims*      325 

Advertisements  &c.,  pp.  17-19,  [Written  in  October 
1630;  but  printed]  1631, 4 

While  these  were  tie  opinions  of  Captain  SMITH;  one 
fails  to  see,  looking  back  on  the  events  as  they  actually 
occurred,  where  he  conld  have  done  much  better  than  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  dida  from  the  time  of  their  first  landing  at 
Cape  Cod  until  their  settlement  at  New  Plymouth.  His 
hardened  constitution  mighty  however,  have  maWed  Una  to 
be  very  helpful  in  the  sickness  of  the  following  Spring  of 
1621. 

It  is  very  pleasant  to  see  him  so  well  of  the 

Pilgrims;  although  they  did  not  accept  either  MB  oiferi, 
or  his  advice. 


CHAPTER   XXXVI 
THE  NAMES  OF  THE  PILGRIM  SHIPS. 

was  the  Rev.  G.  CUTHBEET  BLAXLAND,  M.A.,  in 
his  "  Mayflower  Essays,"  that  first  asked,  What 
is  the  authority  for  the  names  of  the  two  Pilgrim 
Ships  of  16201     Curiously  enough,  these  names 
do  not  occur  either  in    the  Bradford   Manuscript  ;    or  in 
Relation. 


Th&  authority  for  the  name  of  the  Mayflower  is  of  the 
year  162$;  and  is  the  heading  in  the  Official  Records  of  the 
Old  (Mony,  reprinted  at  page  383. 

The  authority  for  the  name  of  the  Speedwell  is  very  much 
later;  being  indeed  of  no  earlier  date  than  1669  :  in  which 
year  it  first  appeared  on  the  fifth  page  of  NATHANIEL  MORTON'S 
England  *s  Memorial. 


326 


CHAPTER   XXXVIL 

THE*  DEPABTORE  FROM  LEWDEST, 
MAY— JULY  1620. 

this  Exodus,  we  hare  two   Aeeoraats, 

musi  here  be  blended  together.     We'irfll  begin 

with  Ctovemor  Wm&mw: 

Our  Agents  [£&  WILLIA 
GVSBMAIT]  refenrniiig' ;  we  further 
f  by  s  pubic  -and  solemn  Fast  [I  w  41 

,  1020;  c»  $toe  wAo  to0n^  loct  *a  aril 
M/ore  &$y  '<mdd  put  in  th^w*  fof  • 

Ms  guidance. 

And  hereupon  we  came  to  feMs  resolntiont ; 

That  it  was  best  for  one  part  of  tike  Chnxdi  to 
go  at  first ;  and  the  other  to  stay,  vik 
The  youngest  and  sirongesfc  part  to  go, 
Secondly.    'They  that  went  should  'freely  'dHtof 
themselves. 

Thirdly.    If  the  major  part  wealth® 

Pastor  to  go  with  them :  If  not,  the  Elder  only. 

Fourthly.    If  the  LOBB  should   frown  upon 
our  proc^dings,  ifcen  thc»e  tbafc  went  [were]  to 
retem;    «od   ttia  brethren  that  re«iained 
there,  to  and  be  helpful  to  Cham.    Bert  if 

GOD  should  be  pleased  to  them 

went,  then  they  also  should  endeavour  to  help 
over  soeh  as  were  poor,  and  ancient*  and  wiffiBg 
to  come. 
These  things  ^®®g  agreed,  the  major  part  stayed ;  and 

m 


328  The  Departure  from  Leyden. 

the  Pastor  with  them  for  the  present :  but  all  intended, 
except  a  very  few  who  had  rather  we  would  have  stayed 
jm  Holland],  to  follow  after.  The  minor  part,  with 
Master  BEEWSTEE  their  Elder,  resolved  to  enter  upon  this 
great  work  But  take  notice  the  difference  of  number  was 
not  great  Hypocrisy  unmasked  &c.9  p.  90,  Ed  1646,  4. 

Governor  BBADFOBD  gives  us  some  further  particulars. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  these  things,  by  one  of  their 
Messengers;  they  had  a  solemn  Meeting,  and  a  Day  of 
Humiliation,  to  seek  the  LORD  for  his  direction.  ,  And 
their  Pastor  took  this  text,  1  Sam.  xxiii.  3,  4.  "And 
DAVID'S  men  said  unto  him,  See,  we  be  afraid  here  in 
Jmdah;  how  much  more  if  we  come  to  Keilah  against 
the  host  of  the  Philistines  ?  Then  DAVID  asked  counsel 
0f  the  LOED  again."  [Geneva  Version.]  From  which 
text,  he  taught  many  things  very  aptly,  and  befitting 
their  present  occasion  and  condition :  strengthening  them 
agpingfe  their  fears  and  perplexities;  and  incouraging 
then*  in  their  resolutions. 

After  which,  they  .concluded  both  what  number 
{150*  fl»  sfaxited  at  page  310],  and  what  persons  should 
prepare  themselves  to  go  with  the  first:  for  all  that 
wete  willing  to  have  gone,  could  not  get  ready,  for  [on 
aammt  of]  their  other  affairs,  in  so  short  a  time  [?  May 
— July  1620] ;  neither,  if  all  could  have  been  ready,  had 
there  been  means  to  have  transported  them  all  together. 

Those  that  stayed,  being  the  greater  number, 
required  the  Pastor  to  stay  with  them;  and,  indeed, 
for  Cither  reasons,  he  could  not  then  well  go :  and  so  it 
wm  the  more  easily  yielded  unto. 

Hie  others  then  desired  the  Elder,  Master  B&EWSTEK, 
to  go  with  them:  which  was  also  condescended  unto 
to]. 


The  Departure  from  Ley  den.  329 

It  was  also  agreed  on,  by  mutual  consent  and 
covenant,  that  those  that  went  should  be  an  absolute 
Church  of  themselves,  as  well  as  those  that  stayed; 
seeing,  in  such  a  dangerous  voyage  and  a  removal  to 
such  a  distance,  it  might  come  to  pass  they  should,  lop 
the  body  of  them,  never  meet  again  in  this  irorld*  Yet, 
with  this  proviso,  That  as  any  of*  the  rest  came  over  to 
them,  or  of  the  others  returned  upon  occasion;  they 
should  be  reputed  as  without  atty 

dismission  or  testimonial. 

It  was  also  promised  to  thole  that  went  ffiret^  fey  ftfoft 
body  of  the  reek,  That  if  .the  ZJOKD,  gave  U&b  afidi 

means,  tod  opportunity;  tfaey  would  o>ua6  to  tham  09 
mem  m  they  could.    Bedford  JKSU  foEos  71-73. 

[THTOSDIT,  20/30'  J0MT  16m] 

Governor  WDI&LOW  tlim  daMoritae  the  Farewell  at 

Leyden. 

And  when  the  ship  [the  wa»  re»Jy  to 

carry  us  away,  the  brethren  thai  stayed  (having 
solemnly  sought  the  LORD  with  us,  aad  for  us ;  «ad  w 

farther  engs^ing  our^lves  mutually,  as  before) :  they,  I 
say,  tikafc  stayed  at  Leyden  us         were  to 

our  Pastor's  house,  [it]  being  large;  where  we 
oursel  ves,  after  our  teare*  with  of 

joyful  melody  In  our  as  weH  as  with  the  voiae, 

there  bemg  nutty  of  the  'C/OTgregation  very  expert  in 
muffle ;  Mid  it         the  sweetest  melocly          ^^ 

mine  ^ra  ha»d.  <6o,  p-  90,  91,  Bi  16i6»  4 

Governor  BEA-B^OBB'S  iMeount  is 

At  length,  after  much  travail,  aad  aB 

tMngs  were  got  ready  and  provided    A  ship  [the 

•Speedwell),  of  seme  60  tons,  was  bought  and  in 


330  The  Departure  from  Leyden. 

Holland,:  which  was  intended  as, to  serve  to  help  to 
transport  them;  so  to  stay  in  the  country  and  attend 
upon  fishing  and  such  other  affairs  as  might  be  for  the 
good  and  benefit  of  the  Colony  when  they  came  there. 
Another  was  hired  at  London,  of  burden  [of]  about  nine 
score  [180  tons} :  and  all  other  things  got  in  readiness. 

[THURSDAY,  26/30  JULY  1620.] 

So  being  ready  to  depart,  they  had  a  Day  of  Solemn 
Humiliation :  their  Pastor  taking  his  text  from  JEzra 
viiL  21,  "And  there,  at  the  river,  by  Ahava,  I  proclaimed 
a  Fast,  that  we  might  humble  ourselves  before  our  GOD ; 
aad  seek  of  him  a  right  way  for  us,  and  for  our  children, 
«ad  for  all  our  substance."  [Geneva  Version.]  Upon 
which  [text],  he  spent  a  good  part  of  the  day  very 
prrftabJy  i&eepp.  182-184],  and  suitable  to  their  present 
©oaditlon.  The  rest  of  the  time  was  spent  in  pouring 
out  prayers  to  the  LoEB  with  great  fervency,  mixed 
with  abundance  of  tears,  Bradford  MS.,  folio  91. 

[FKIDAY,  21/31  JULY  1620.] 

Governor  Wrs SLOW  resumes  : 

After  this,  they  [who  stayed]  accompanied  us  to 
Delfshaven  [about  24  miles  from  Leyden]^  where  we 
were  to  embark ;  and  there  feasted  us  again.  Hypocrisy 
nnmasiced  &c.,  page  91,  EA  1646,  4. 

Groveinor  BBADFOBD  is  fuller  here. 

And  the  time  being  come  that  they  must  depart,  they 
were  accompanied  with  most  of  their  brethren  out  of  the 
etty  [of  Leyden]  unto  a  town  sundry  miles  off,  called 
Dfeifshaven ;  where  the  ship  lay  ready  to  receive  them. 
So  they  left  that  goodly  and  pleasant  city,  which  had 
bepa  their  resting  place  near[ly]  twelve  years  [or  more 
from  AprU  1609  to  %lst  July  1620] :  but  they 


The  Departure  from  Ley  den.  331 

knew  they  were  pilgrims  [Heb.  XL]  and  looked  not 
much  on  these  things;  but  Hft[ed]  up  their  eyes  to 
the  heavens,  their  dearest  country,  mid  quieted  their 
spirits. 

When  they  came  to  the  place,  they  f  ound  the  ship 
and  all  things  ready :  and  such  of  their  friends  as  could 
not  come  with  them,  followed  after  than;  and  sundry 
also  came  from  Amsterdam  [about  50  miles]  to  see  tfaexft 
shipped,  and  to  take  their  leave  of  them.  That  aigfe! 
was  spent  with  little  sleep  by  the  most ;  but  wiihinakDtjr 
entertainment,  and  Christian  discourse,  and  other  re*l 
expressions  of  tone  Christian  love, 

[SATURDAY,  22  JULY  /I  AUGUST  1620.] 

He  next  day,  the  wind  being  fair,  they  went  aboard 
[the  Speedwell  and  their  friends  with  them ;  when  trefy 
doleful  was  the  sight  of  that  sad  and  mournful  parting* 
To  see  what  sighs  and  sobs  and  prayers  did  sound 
amongst  them ;  what  tears  did  gush  from  every  eye,  azut 
pithy  speeches  pierced  each  heart ;  that  sundry  of  the 
Dutch  strangers,  that  stood  on  the  key  [quay,  or 
as  spectators,  could  not  refrain  from  tears*  Yai 
comfortable  and  sweet  it  was  to  see  such  lively  Had 
taue  expressions  of  dear  and  unfeigned  love. 

But  the  tide,  which  stays  for  no  man,  calling  them 
away  that  were  thus  loath  to  depart ;  their  Reverend 
Pastor,  falling  down  on  Ms  knew,  and  they  aU  with 
him,*  with  watery  cheeks,  commended  them,  with  most 
fervent  prayer^  to  the  LOBD  and  Ms  blearing.  And 
then,  with  mutual  embraces  and  many  tears,  they  took 
their  leaves  one  of  another :  which  proved  to  be  the  last 
leave  to  many  of  them,  Brad/ore?  JH&,  folios  91-93. 

*  That  IB,  on  board  the  ;  aa£  not  0a  the  a*  In  the 

painting  to  the  Corridor  of  the  Howw  of  PteriiiMWit^- E.  A. 


332  The  Departure  from  Leyden, 

Governor  WINSLOW  adds  a  few  touches  here. 

And  after  prayer  performed  by  our  Pastor,  where  a 
Hood  of  tears  was  poured  out ;  they  accompanied  us  to 
the  ship :  but  were  not  able  to  speak  one  to  another,  for 
the  abundance  of  sorrow  to  part. 

But  we  only  [alone]  going  aboard,  the  ship  lying  to 
the  key  [quay]  and  ready  to  set  sail ;  the  wind  being  fair, 
we  gave  them  a  volley  of  small  shot  [musketry]  and  [of] 
three  pieces  of  ordnance :  and  so  lifting  up  our  hands  to 
each  other;  and  our  hearts  for  each  other  to  the  LOED 
our  GOD,  we  departed — and  found  his  presence  with 
us,  in  the  midst  of  our  manifold  straits  [that]  he  carried 
IB  through. 

And  if  any  doubt  this  Relation,  the  Dutch,  as  I  hear, 
0&  Delfshaven  preserve  the  memory  of  ib  to  this  day 
[1646];  and  will  inform  them. 

But  falling  in  with  Cape  Cod,  [9th  November],  which 
ift  in  New  England ;  and  standing  to  the  southward  for 
the  place  we  intended  [about  the  Hudson  river] ;  we  met 
with  many  dangers :  and  the  mariners  put  back  into  the 
harbour  of  the  Cape,  which  was  the  llth  of  November 
1620.  Where  (considering  winter  was  come ;  the  seas 
[were]  dangerous;  the  season,  cold ;  the  winds,  high ;  and 
being  well  furnished  for  a  Plantation)  we  entered  upon 
discovery ;  and  settled  at  Plymouth :  where,  GOD  being 
pleased  to  preserve  and  enable  us,  we  that  went,  were  at 
a  thousand  pounds  charge  [=£4,000  now]  in  sending  for 
our  brethren  that  were  behind ;  and  in  providing  there 
for  them,  till  they  could  reap  a  crop  of  their  own 
labours. 

And  so,  good  Eeader,  I  have  given  thee  a  true  and 
fnithful  account,  though  very  brief,  of  our  proceedings  : 
wherein  than  seest  how  a  late  Writer  [ROBERT  BAILLIE], 


The  Departure  from  Leyden,  333; 

and    those    that    informed   him,    have   wronged    out 
enterprise. 

And,  truly,  what  I  have  written  is  far  short  of  what  it 
was ;  omitting,  for  brevity  sake,  many  circumstances,  aft : 
The  large  offers  the  Dutch  offered  to  us, 
Either  to  have  removed  into  [the  Province  of] 
Zealand ;  and  there  lived  with  them  : 

Or,  if  we  would  go  on  such  adventures,  to  go, 
under  them,  to  HUDSON'S  river,  where  they  h&ve 
since  a  great  Plantation,  &&  \Neio 
now  New   York} ;  and  how  they  would 
have  transported  us,  and  furnished  every  telly 
with  cattle,  &c. 

Also  the  English  Merchants  that  Joined  with  us 
in  this  expedition :  whom  we  since  bought  out 
Which  is  fitter  for  a  History  than  an  Answer  to' 
an  Objection :    and  [which  History,]  I  trust,  will  be 
accomplished  in  good  tima* 

By  all  which  the  Reader  may  see  there  wai  ao 
breach  between  us  that  went,  and  the  brethren 
stayed :  but  such  love  as  indeed  is  seldom  found  c» 
earth.    Hypocrisy  unmasked  <fee.,  p.  91*  Ed  1646,4 

*  Does  WINOOW  liere  refer  to  the  MB.  I    He 

taown  o£  it— 3BL  A. 


CHAPTER    XXXVIII 

THE  BUSINESS  AT  SOUTHAMPTON. 

[?  WEDNESDAY,  26  JULY  /5  AUGUST]—  SATURDAY, 

5/15  AUGUST  1620. 


let  us  consider  the  excellent  management  and 
strategy  of  this  Exodus.  If  the  Pilgrims  had 
gone  to  London,  to  embark  for  America  ;  many, 
if  not  most,  of  them  would  have  been  put  in 
prison:  especially  WILLIAM  BEEWSTER.  So  only  those 
Wiktrked  in  London,  against  whom  the  Bishops  could  take 
no  action. 

The  stay  at  Southampton  would  not  have  been  more  than 
fere©  or  four  days,  but  for  the  leakage  of  the  Speedwell. 

As  matters  fortunately  turned  out,  in  spite  of  all  delays, 
&ey  were  able  to  leave  England,  without  meeting  with  either 
Mmdrance,  or  annoyance,  from  either  the  Government,  or  the 
'Bishops. 

Thus,  hoisting  sail,  with  a  prosperous  wind,  they 
tome,  in  short  time,*  to  Southampton  ;  where  TMS  was  about 
t&ey  found  the  bigger  ship  come  from  ^  July- 


*  The  date  of  the  arrival  of  the  SpeedweU  at  Southampton  is  not  stated : 
bat  four  days  would  be  a  fair  allowance  for  a  qmck  passage  of  a  60  tons 
meawl,  from  Delfshaven.  If  so,  as  she  sailed  on  Saturday  22  July  /I 
August,  she  would  have  joined  the  Mayflower  on  the  following  Wednesday 
M  July  /5  August 

We  kno^r  for  certainty,  from  page  MS,  that  had  not  the  Speedwdl 
leaky,  the  M^yflQwer  was  ready  to  sail  on  Saturday,  29  July  /8  August ; 


a*.  v.  ^Mjfe-d    The  Business  at  Smtkamptm.       335 
London,    lying    ready,    with    all    the    rest    of   their 


After  a  joyful  welcome  and  mutual  coixgratulatioos, 
with  other  friendly  entertainment  ;  they  fell  to  parley 
about  their  business,  How  to  despatch  with  the  best 
expedition?  as  also  with  their  Agent%  about  the 
alteration  of  the  Conditions. 

Master  C^BVIE  pleaded,  He  was  employed  here  at 
[Soutjhainpton  :  and  knew  not  well  what  the  otters  iutd 
done  at  London. 

Master  CUSHMAN  answered.  He  had  done  nothing,  bet 
what  he  was  urged  to,  partly  by  the  grounds  of  equity; 
and  more  especially  by  necessity:   otherwise  aft 
been  dashed,  and  many  undone.    And  in  the  feginoaiiig, 
he  acquainted  his  fellow  Agents  [JoHH  CABVSB  a&fi 
CHRISTOPHER  MARTIN]  herewith:  who  consented 
him,  and  left  it  to  Mm  to  execute  ;  and  to  receive  tba 
money    at   London,   Mid   send    it  down  to  them  flit 
[Southampton  ;    where    they    made    the    prOTi$i®BS 
Ipreparatiioml.      The     which     he     am>rdiiigly    did;, 
though  it  was  against  his  mind  and  [the  minds  of] 
of  the  Merchants,  that  they  were  them  made     Amd 
for  giving  them  notice  at  Leyden  of  this  [tof 

arrangements];    he  could  not  well,  in  regwd  ol  the 
shortness  of  the  time.    Again  he  knew  it  would 
them,  and  hinder  Hie    business;   which 

but  &e  twice  trimming  of  tit?  at 

departure  for  another  week. 

1  1,    f  The  Bet.  w!te»  in  1  7SU,  had  to  Awroatits  now 

lost,,  studs  BQTO  s 

1  '  ^^rto  fe«l  be»n  the%  With  CCBHIUirt  dmp,"    J 

JK*»^  FNT*  I,  ]*e»  70,  fit  I7S^  & 

If  btt   ecwrect;   tli« 

Ifce  1%'St  »lii!y» 


336        The  Business  at  Southampton. 

delayed  over  long,  in  regard  of  the  season  of  the  year ; 
which  we  feared  they  would  find  to  their  cost. 
But  these  things  gave  not  content  at  present. 

Master  WESTON  likewise  came  up  from  London,  to 
see  them  despatched;  and  to  have  the  Conditions 
confirmed. 

But  they  refused,  and  answered  him,  That  he  knew 
right  well  that  these  were  not  according  to  the  first 
Agreement  Neither  could  they  yield  to  them  without 
the  consent  of  the  rest  that  were  behind :  and  indeed 
they  had  special  charge,  when  they  came  away,  from  the 
Chief  of  those  that  were  behind,  not  to  do  it. 

At  which,  he  was  much  offended;  and  told  them, 
They  must  then  look  to  stand  on  their  own  legs.  So  he 
returned  in  displeasure ;  and  this  was  the  first  ground  of 
discontent  between  them.  And  whereas  there  wanted, 
well  near  £100  to  clear  things  at  their  going  away  ;  he 
would  not  take  order  to  disburse  a  penny :  but  let  them 
sMft  as  they  could. 

So  they  were  forced  to  sell  off  some  of  their  provisions 
to  stop  this  gap :  which  was  some  three  or  four  score 
firkins  of  butter;  which  commodity  they  might  best 
spare,  having  provided  too  large  a  quantity  of  that  kind. 

Then  they  writ  a  letter  to  the  Merchants  and 
Adventurers,  about  the  differences  concerning  the 
Oonditimis,  as  followeth: 

August  3rd,  anno  1620.    [Southampton.] 

Beloved  friends.  Sony  we  are  tliat  there  should  be  occasion 
of  writing  at  all  unto  you  ;  partly  because  we  ever  expected  to  see 
fee  most  of  you  here ;  but  especially  because  there  should  any 
at  all  be  conceived  between  us.  But  seeing  it  falleth 
we  cannot  confer  together :  we  think  it  meet,  though 


o«r.  w.  taunt   T^<?  Business  at  Smthmnpfan.       337 

briefly,  to  shew  you  the  just  catise  and  imson  of  our  differing 
from  those  Artidm  last  made  by  BOBBRT  CUSHXAJF,  without  our 
eomm%ioB  or  knowledge.  And  though  he  might  propound  good 

ends,  to  himself ;  yet  it  no  way  Justifies  Ms  doing  it. 

Our  main  difference  is  in  the  Mfth  and  Ninth  ArtMm^ 
concerning  the  dividing,  or  holding,  of  house  wad  lands  [&» 
pp.  306,  307]  :  the  injoying  whereof,  aome  of  yonrielves  well  know, 
was  one  special  motive,  amongst  many  others,  to  provoke  us  to  ga 
This  was  thought  so  reasonable*  that  when  the  greatest  [one]  «£ 
you  in  adventure,  whom  we  have  much  cause  to  respect*  wfam  he 
propounded  Conditions  to  us,  freely  of  his  own  accord,  he  aefc  tfais 
down  for  one,  A  copy  whereof  we  have  sent  unto  you ;  with 
additions  then  added  "by  us :  which  being  liked  on  batik  «t«%  «nct 
a,  day  set  for  the  payment  of  monies ;  these  of  Holland  paid  in 
theirs. 

After  that,  ROBERT  Ctjgraojsr,  Master  [Jos*]   Psntom,  mA 
Master  [CHRISTOPHME]  MABOTT  brought  them  into  a  totter  form  $ 
and  writ  them  in  a  book  now  extant :  and  upon  BOBABTS 
them,  «id  delivering  Master  [WILLIAM]  MUIJJBB  a  eopy  thereof 
under  his  hand*  which  we  have  ;  he  paid  in  his  money, 

And  we  of  Holland  had  never  seen  other  before  our  coming  to 
[Soutjhampton ;  but  only  as  one  got,  for  himself,  a  private 
of  them.    Upon  sight  whereof  we  manifested  utter  dMIke: 
[we]  had  put  off  our  estates  [yn^mrtm^  and  were  imdy  to  com* ; 
and  therefore  [it]  was  too  late  to  reject  the  Toymge 

Judge  therefore,  we  you,  indifferently  of 

things ;  and  if  a  fault  have  been  committed,  lay  it  where  it  1%  and 
not  upon  us !  who  have  more  cause  to  stand  for  the  «%  you 
have  for  the  other. 

We  never  gave  EOBHRT  CITSHMAK  [a]  eommimon   to 
any  one  ^rlidfe  for  us :  but  only  him  to  receive  monies 

upon  ArtMm  before  agreed  on ;  and  to  tether  the  provisions 
[pnpora^HmtJ  tffl  JOHH  CABVUI  cames  and  to  Mm  in  it. 

Yet  since  you  conceive  yourselves  wronged,  as  well  as  we 
[do] ;  we  [have]  thought  meet  to  add  a  Branch  to  the  end  of  oar 
Ninth  as  will  almost  ixeal  that  wonn^  of  itself,  which  yoi 

conceive  to  Jbe  in  it    But          it  may  to  nil  men,  that  we 

are  not  IOYCTS  of  ourselves-  •  but  desire  the  good  mad 
iariching  of  our  friend%  who  hire  adTentarrf,  ywar  monies  witb 
our  Arsons :  we  have  added  our  last  to  the 

The  Pi%rim  Fsihttnu 


338       The  Business  at  Southampton.  GOT.  w.  Bradford. 

you  agfrin  by  letters  in  the  behalf  of  the  whole  Company  [at 
Soufcmpton,  and  at  Leyden], 

That  if  large  profits  should  not  arise  within     Jt  Was  wel1 

the  Seven  Years,  that  we  will  continue  together  SJL^nit^! 

longer  with  you  ;  if  the  LOED  give  a  blessing,     cepted.  CW.BJ 

^  This,  we  hope,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  any  in  this  case  ;  especially 

Mends:  since  we  are  assured  that  if  the  whole  charge  [41,7001 

were  divided  into  four  parts  ;  [the  Adventurers]  of  three  of  them 

would  not  stand  [insist}  upon  it>  neither  do  regard  it,  <&c. 

We  are  in  such  a  strait  at  present  as  we  are  forced  to  sell 
away  £60  worth  of  our  provisions,  to  clear  the  haven  [the  port  of 
Mmthmptm]  j  and  withal  put  ourselves  upon  great  extremities  : 
scarce  having  any  butter,  no  oil,  not  a  sole  to  mend  a  shoe,  nor  every 
man  a  sword  to  his  side  ;  wanting  many  muskets,  much  armour 
<fc  And  yet  we  are  willing  to  expose  ourselves  to  such  eminent 
togas  as  are  likefly]  to  insue,  and  trust  to  the  good  Providence 
of  WD  rather  than  his  name  and  truth  should  be  evil  spoken  of 


;  Thus  sabting  all  of  you  in  love  ;  and  beseeching  tlie  LOED  to 
gm  »  a  blessmg  to  our  endeavour,  and  keep  all  our  hearts  in  the 
!x»d»  of  peace  and  love  ;  we  take  leave  :  and  rest 

"  Tours  <&c. 
August  3rd  1620. 

It  was  subscribed  with  many  names  of  the  Chiefest 
«tf  the  Company.    Bradford  MS.,  folios  93-97. 


CHAPTIE    XXXIX 
THE  STOBY  OF  im 


are  indebted  to  Governor  BEABFOBU  for  the 
following  information. 

All  things  being  now  ready  and  every 
business  dispatched,  the  Company  was 
together;  and  this  letter  [by  the  Rev.  JOHH  BoBBfsoif 
see  pp.  401-406]  read  amongst  them  :  which  had  good 
acceptation  with  all,  and  after  fruit  with  many.  fbo* 
they  ordered  and  distributed  their  Company  for  either 
ship,  as  they  conceived  for  the  best:  and  chose  a 
Governor,  and  two  or  three  Assistants  for  each  ship, 
to  order  the  people  by  the  way  ;  and  [to]  see  to  tib* 
disposing  of  the  provisions,  and  such  like  affaira  All 
which  was  not  only  with  the  liking  of  the  of 

the  ships  :  but  according  to  their  desires-    WMch  being 
done,  they  set  sail  from  thence  ISontJmmptcml 
the  5th  of  August  [1620]. 

Being  thus  put  to  sea*  they  had  not  gone  far;  tet 
Master    Bjrrifoo>s,   the   Master    of   the  ship* 

eoniplainec!  that  he  fomnd  Ms  ship  so  letkfy]  as  he 
durst  not  put  farther  to  sea  till  she  was;  mended.    So 
the  Master  of  the  bigger  ship,  called 
Mug  consulted  with  ;  they  both  resolved  to  put  into 
DfyrtiBOiith,  and  have  her  there  and  mended  : 

which  accordingly  was  done,  to-  their  great  charge; 
and  loss  of  time,  and  [of]'  A  fair  -wind.  She  waa  hem 
thoroughly  searched  from  stem  to  stem.  Some 


340          The  Story  of  the  Speedwell  g0v.  w. 

were  found  and  mended:  and  now  it  was  conceived 
by  the  workmen  and  all,  that  she  was  sufficient;  and 
[that]  they  might  proceed  without  either  fear  or 
danger. 

So  with  good  hopes,  from  hence  they  put  to  sea 
again,*  conceiving  they  should  go  comfortably  on ;  not 
looking  for  any  more  lets  [hindrances]  of  this  kind: 
but  it  fell  out  otherwise.  For  after  they  were  gone  to 
sea,  again,  above  100  leagues  without  [beyond]  Land's 
End;  holding  company  together  all  this  while:  the 
Master  of  the  small  ship  complained  [that]  his  ship  was 
so  leaky,  as  he  must  bear  up,  or  sink  at  sea ;  for  they 
could  scarce  free  her  with  much  pumping.  So  they  [i& 
JONMS  and  REYNOLDS]  came  to  [a]  consultation 
;  and  resolved  [for]  both  ships  to  bear  up  back 
again*  and  put  into  Plymouth :  which  accordingly  was 
ioae- 

But  no  special  leak  could  be  found ;  but  it  was  judged 
to  be  the  general  weakness  of  the  ship,  and  that  she 
would  not  prove  sufficient  for  the  voyage. 

Upon  which,  it  was  resolved  to  dismiss  her,  and  part 
of  the  Company ;  and  [to]  proceed  with  the  other  ship* 
The  which,  though  it  was  grievous  and,  caused  great 
discouragement,  was  put  in  execution.  So  after  they 
had  took  out  such  provision  as  the  other  ship  could  well 
stow,  and  concluded  what  number,  and  what  persons^ 
to  send  back ;  they  made  another  sad  parting :  the  one 

*  Ckptain  JOHN  SMITH  states : 

They  left  the  cowrt  of  England  the  23rd  of  August,  with  about  120 
persons :  hut,  the  next  day,  the  lesser  ship  sprung  a  leak,  that  forced  &elr 
retten  to  Plymouth :  where  discharging  her  and  twenty  passengers,  with 
t&$  giemfc  ship  and  a  hundred  [or  more  ea«e%  102]  persons,  besides  saikw, 
ftaj  aet  «*H  again  the  6th  of  September.  New  l$nglancP»  Trials,  2nd  Ed 
-~-  4. 


€»r.  w.  BwMiforf.    The  Story  of  the  Speedwell  341 


ship  going  back  for  London;   and  the  other  was  fa 
proceed  on  her  voyage.  * 

Those  that  went  back  [about  18  or  20]  were,  for  the 
most  part,  such  as  were  willing  so  to  do;  either  out  of 
some  discontent,  or  [the]  fear  they  wneeivad  of  the  ill 
success  of  the  Voyage  [Expedition]:  seeing*  so  many 
crosses  befallen,  and  the  year  time  so  for  &peni  But 
others,  in  regard  of  their  own  weakness  [of  health] 
and  charge  of  many  young  children,  were  thought 
useful,  and  most  unfit  to  bear  the  brunt  of  this  harf 
adventure  :  unto  which  work  of  GOD  and  judgement  of 
their  bretheren,  they  were  contented  to  sabaut*  _  And 
thus,  like  GIDEON'S  army,  this  small  number  dmcted: 
as  if  the  LORD,  by  this  work  of  his  Providence, 
these  few  too  many  for  the  great  work  he  had  to  do. 

But  here,  by  the  way,  let  me  show,  how 
it  was  found  that  the  leakiness  of  this  ship  was 
by  [her]  being  overmasted,  and  too  much 
aaQa    For  after  she  was  sold,t  and  put  into  her  old 
trim;   she  made   many   voyages,  and   performed 
service  very  sufficiently;    to  the  gr^ftt  profit  o£  itoiF 
owners, 

But  more  especially,  by  the  cunning  a&d  of 

the  Master  and  his  [ship's]  company;  who  w0rs 
to-  stay  a  whole  year  in  the  country  :  aad 
dislike,  sad  fmring  want  of  plotted 

stratagem  to  free  themselves  ;  a* 
and  by  some  of  them  confessed    For 

*  The  mane*  of  fee  oae  fadrwi  aid  twv  loft 

BymOTtii  in  the  on  6/1$  wftt  be  «fe 

pp.364r$SfK—  &  JL 

f  Tbe  fe»4  boen  niA  tt^aei-,    Th* 

of  te"  iil%  aft*  ti»  to  I^ttddn,  «€  f»  to  tfc« 

4f  fee  oonnium  Jowi          them—  31  A* 


342          The  Story  of  the  Speedwell  GOT.  w. 


that  the  greater  ship,  being  of  force  [better 
mcmned  cmd  armedl  and  in  which  most  of  the 
provisions  were  stowed;  she  would  retain  enough  for 
herself,  whatsoever  became  of  them  or  the  passengers  : 
and  indeed  such  speeches  had  been  cast  out  by  some  of 
them.  And  yet,  besides  other  incouragements,  the  Chief 
of  them  that  came  from  Leyden  went  in  this  ship,  to 
give  the  Master  content.  But  so  strong  was  self  love 
and  his  f  ears,  as  he  forgot  all  duty  and  former  kindnesses, 
and  dealt  thus  falsely  with  them  ;  though  he  pretended 
otherwise* 

Amongst  those  that  returned  was  Master  CUSHMAN 
and  Ms  family  :  whose  heart  and  courage  was  gone 
from  him  before,  as  it  seems;  though  his  body  was 
with  them  till  now  he  departed.  As  may  appear  by  a 
jmisianate  [hewrt-brokeri]  letter  he  writ  to  a  friend  in 
London  from  Dartmouth,  whilst  the  ship  lay  there  a 
i^ndimg:  the  which  [as],  besides  the  expressions  of 
his  own  fears,  it  shows  much  of  the  Providence  of  GOB 
wofMng  for  their  good,  beyond  man's  expectation  ;  and 
o&ier  things  concerning  their  condition  in  these  strait®  ; 
I  wffl  here  relate  it  And  though  it  discover  some 
infirmities  in  him  (as  who  under  temptation  is  free!): 
yet  after  this,  he  continued  to  be  a  special  Instrument 
for  their  good  ;  and  to  do  the  offices  of  a  loving  friend 
a»d  faithful  brother  unto  them,  and  partaker  of  much 
comfort  with  them.  The  letter  is  as  f  olloweth  : 

TO  HIS  LOVING  FRIEND  EDJWARDJ  8[OUTHWOKTH]  AT  HENIGE  HOUSE, 

IN  THE  DUKE  PLACE  [,  LONDON],  THESE. 
DARTMOUTH  ;  [THUESDAT,]  AUGUST    17,  JLZOTO  1620. 

Loving  friend.  My  most  kind  remembrance  to  you,  and  your 
wif%  with  loving  E.  M.  <&&  ;  whom  in  this  world  I  never  look  to 
see  a^wn.  For,  besides  the  eminent  \imwmmt\  dangers  of  this 
i  are  no  less  than  deadly,  an  inlrmity  of  body  hath 


.  w.  Arwsforf.   J&£  S&ry  of  the  SpeedwdL          543 


seized  me  which  will  not,  in  all  likelihood,  leave  me  iaB 

What  to  call  it,  I  know  not.     But  it  is  a  bundle  of  lead,  as  it 
were  crushing  my  heart  more  and  more  these  14  days  [3—17 
as  that,  although  I  do  the  actions  of  a  living  man,  yet  I  am  bat  as 
dead.    But  the  will  of  GOB  be  done  ! 

Our  pinnace  [,  the  Speedwell,]  will  not  cease  leaking;  else,  I  thi&k, 
we  had  been  half  way  at  Virginia,  Our  voyage  hither  hath 
m  full  of  crosses  as  ourselves  have  been  of  crookedness.  We  put 
in  here  to  trim  her  ;  and  I  think,  as  others  also,  if  we  bad  stayed 
at  sea  but  three  or  four  hours  more,  she  would  have  sunk  right 
down.  And  though  she  was  twice  tmnmed  at  [8cmth|baniptoi  ; 
yet  now  she  is  as  open  and  [as]  leaky  as  a  sieve  :  and  them  it 
board,  two  feet  long,  a  man  might  have  pulled  off  with  tt»  ; 

where  the  water  came  in  as  at  a  mole  hole, 

We  lay  at  [South]hampton  seven  days  [30  Jkff—  -§ 
In  fair  weather,  waiting  for  her  :  and  now  we  Me 
for  her  in  as  fair  a  wind  as  can  blow,  and  m  have  done 
days  [13  —  17  Augutt];  and  are  likepy]  to  lie  four 
oMmMy  left  on  23  August^  and  by  that  time  the  wind  will 
[haply}  tmrn,  as  it  olid  at  [Soutjhampton.    Our  Is, 

half  eaten  up,  I  think,  before  we  go  from  the  of 

and,  if  our  voyage  last  long,  we  shall  not  have  a  nkouih's 
when  we  come  in  the  country, 

Nearpy]  £700  hath  been  bestowed  [pen*]  at  [8oat]bamptQi^ 
upon  what   I   know  not.     Master  [CHEIOTOFHBE]    *mA^m^m^ 
MAHTIH*  saith,  He  neither  can,  nor  will,  give  any  «*«r    fa    tat 
account  of  it    And  if  he  be  called  upon  for  accounts  ; 
he  crieth  out  of  untliaiakMiieis  for  Ms  pains  aad  oar^  A^^^ 
that  we  are  suspicious  of  Mm  ;  and  flings  away,  and 
will  end  nothing.    Also  he  so  imulteth  wer  our  poor  $»0|>1&  [Ifa 
Leydm  PUgnms^  with  such  scorn  and  m  if          W  e» 

not  gotxl  enough  to  wipe  his  shoes*    It  would  break  your          10 
see  MB  dealing,  and  the  mooniiQg  of  our  people.    Tkej 
to  me  ;  Mid,  alas,  I  can  dh>  Bo&i&g  for  them.    If  1  to  M% 

he  flies  in  my  face^  .as  [if  I  were]  mutlBOBi  ;  and  with,  Mo 
shall  bs  heard  or  seoexred  tffit  by  himwdf  ;  »fid  Th^  an 

froward  and  waajtish  di«»iiteafc«i  people,  wad  I  do  ill  to  b«r 
them*  There  are  otfie»  that  woaM  lose  a!  they  pot  in,  or 
Bwi©  saiitffeustiom  for  whsi  thfff  fesri  had,  that  might  ; 

bat  be  wil  not  kear  them  ;  nor  safer          to  go  bat 


344          ^*  Sfary  of  the  Speedwell,  QOV.  w.  Bradford. 

Hie  sailors  also  are  so  offended  at  his  ignorant  boldness  in 
meddling  and  oontroliag  in  things  he  knows  not  what  belongs  to 
[tlieml  as  that  some  threaten  to  mischief  him.  Others  say,  They 
will  leave  the  ship,  and  go  their  way.  But  at  th e  best,  this  cometh  of 
i%  that  he  makes  himself  a  scorn  and  [a]  laughing  stock  unto  them. 
As  for  Master  WESTO>?,  except  grace  do  greatly  sway  with 
Mm,  he  will  hate  us  ten  times  more  than  ever  he  loved  us,  for  not 
confirming  the  Conditions.  But  now  since  some  pinches  have  taken 
them,  they  begin  to  reveal  the  truth,  and  say,  Master  ROBINSON"  was 
in  the  fault,*  who  charged  them  never  to  consent  to  *  x  think  he 
those  Conditions,  nor  choose  me  into  Office ;  but  was  deceived  in 
indeed  appointed  them  to  choose  them  they  did  choose.  these  ^Bfi8- 
But  he  and  they  will  rue  too  late.  They  may  now  '3 
see,  and  all  be  ashamed  when  it  is  too  late,  that  they  were  so 
Sgttoi'anfv  yea,  and  so  inordinate  in  their  courses,  I  am  sure  as  they 
wore  resolved  not  to  seal  those  Conditions,  I  was  not  so  resolute 
[I  <w  fwota*}  at  [Southjhampton  to  have  left  the  whole  business, 
oaaept  they  would  seal  them :  and  better  the  Voyage  to  have 
htafceB,  off  then,  than  to  have  brought  such  misery  to  ourselves, 
dfalKwar  to  GOB,  and  detriment  to  our  loving  friends,  as  now 
it  ft  lifcefiy]  to  <Ja  Four  or  five  of  the  Chief  of  them  which  came 
fewi  Leydeo,  came  resolved  never  to  go  on  those  Conditions. 

Jjid  Master  [CHRISTOPHEB]  MAETIN,  he  said,  He  never  received 
on  those  CowKtioml  He  was  not  beholden  to  the 
for  a  pin !  They  were  bloodsuckers !  and  I  know  not 
Simple  man  1  He  indeed  never  made  any  Conditions  with 
fbe  Merchwits,  nor  ever  spake  with  them :  but  did  [made]  ail 
tfafe  money  [the  J700]  fly  to  [at]  [Sout]hampton,  or  was  it  his  own  f 
Who  will  go  and  lay  out  money  so  rashly  and  lavishly  as  he  did ; 
and  never  know  how  he  comes  by  it,  or  on  what  conditions  1 

Secondly,  I  told  him  of  the  alteration  long  ago,  and  he  was 
content :  but  now  he  domineers,  and  said,  I  had  betrayed  them 
into  the  hands  of  slaves  !  He  is  not  beholden  to  them  !  He  can  set 
out  two  ships  himself  to  a  voyage  !  when,  good  man  !  he  hath  but 
£50  in  [the  Venture] ;  and  if  he  should  give  up  his     *T  h . 
accounts,  he  would  not  have  a  penny  left  him  [ie.  found  troe  ^te^ 
of  Ms  own}?  as  I  am  persuaded,  So.    [Seepage  442.]  ward-   [W»  B.] 
Kiend,  if  ever  we  make  a  Plantation,  GOD  works  a  miracle  1 
especially  considering  how  scant  we  shall  be  of  victuals ;  and,  most 
$  '«&>  wnaited  amongst  ourselves,  and  devoid  of  good  tutors  and 


GW,  w,  Bedford.    The  Story  of  the  Speedwell          345 

regiment  \Uaders  and  organimtion],  Violence  will  break  all, 
Where  is  the  meek  and  humble  spirit  of  Mosis  ?  and  of  NKHBCIAH, 
who  reedified  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  State  of  Israel ! 
Is  not  the  sound  of  EEHOBOAM'S  brags  daily  heard  amongst  us  ? 
Have  not  the  philosophers  and  all  wise  men  observed  that*  even 
in  settled  Common  "Wealths,  violent  Governors  bringt  either 
themselves,  or  [the]  people,  or  both,  to  ruin  f  How  much  more  in 
the  raising  of  Common  Wealths,  when  the  naoitar  is  yet  scarce 
tempered  that  should  bind  the  walls  ? 

If  I  should  write  to  you  of  all  things  which 
forerun  our  ruin,  I  should  overcharge  my  weak  head, 
your  tender  heart :  only  this  I  pray  you.  Prepare  for  evil  tidx&gv 
of  us,  every  day  !    But  pray  for  us  instantly 
It  may  be  the  LORD  will  be  yet  intreated,  one  way  or  other,  to 
for  us,    I  see  not>  in  reason,  how  we  shall  escape,  even  the  of 

hunger-starved  persons :  but  GOD  can  do  much ;  and  Ms  will  be        ! 

It  is  better  for  me  to  die,  than  now  for  me  to  bear  it :  wMch  I 
do  daily,  and  expect  it  hourly;  having  received  the  of 

death  both  within  me  and  without  me.    Poor  WILLIAM;  Kisfit  and 
myself  do  strive  who  shall  be  meat  first  for  the  fishes  ;  but  wo 
for  a  glorious  resurrection,  knowing  CHEIST  fbe 

no  more:  but  looking  unto  the  joy  that  is  before  us,  we  will  endure 
all  these  things,  and  account  them  light  in  comparison  of  that  joy 
we  hope  for. 

Remember  me  in  all  love  to  our  friends,  as  if  I  named  them : 
whose  prayers  I  desire  earnestly,  and  wish  to  me  [them] ;  but 

not  till  I  can,  with  more  comfort,  look  them  in  the  Hit  Jtoap 

give  us  that  true  comfort  which  none  ean  take  from  us  ! 

I  had  a  desire  to  make  a  brief  Relation  of  our  to 

friend  I  doubt  not  but  your  wisdom  wMl          you  to 

utter  things,  as  hereafter  you          be  called  to  it    That  which  1 
have  written  is  true;   and  many  things  more,  which  I 
foreborne.    I  write  it,  am  upon  my  life  ia 

England    What  is  of  use  to  be  afloat  of  patently  fa*  jw 

may  speak  of  it ;  mad  what  id  fit  to  conceal,  !    BMB  by 

my  weak  manner !  for  nay  bead  is  my  IxAy  feeble. 

LOED  make  me  strong  in  Min*  and  keep  t»ti  y«t        ycmrs  ! 
Tour  lofing  friend, 


346          The  Story  of  the  Speedwell.   G^T,  w. 

Those  being  his  conceptions  and  fears  at  Dartmouth ; 
they  must  needs  be  much  stronger,  now  at  Plymouth. 
Bmdfvrd  MS.,  folios  101-109. 

We  have  seen,  at  page  307,  that  the  Pilot,  who  was  to 
navigate  the  Speedwell  to  Southampton,  had  arrived  at 
Leyden  before  the  31  May  /10  June  1620.  Therefore  that 
vessel  had  been  bought  before  that  date.  Governor  BEADFOED 
teHs  us,  at  pp.  329,  330,  that  that  ship  had  "  been  bought 
and  fitted  in  Holland." 

Now  it  was  those  members  of  the  Leyden  Church  who 
were  responsible  for  this  fi&ing  of  the  Speedwell,  that  were 
the  proximate  causes  of  most  of  the  troubles  on  the  voyage  out ; 
and  of  many  of  the  deaths  at  Plymouth  in  New  England, 
in  the  course  of  the  following  Spring.     For  they  overmasted 
fee  vessel ;  and  by  so  doing,  strained  her  hull  while  sailing. 
Then  that    cunning   rascal,   Captain   REYNOLDS  finding 
eut :  all  that  he  had  to  do,  was  to  clap  on  all  possible 
and  so  to  make  the  hull,  as  BOBEBT  CUSHMAK  tells  us  it 
c*  [as]  leaky  as  a  sieve." 

Jbr  this  fatuous  and  supreme  error  of  judgment  in  busi- 
matters,  and  all  that  came  of  it ;  the  Leyden  Church 
were  responsible.    No  one  in  England  had  anything  to 
do  with  it. 

Imagine  for  a  moment,  what  might  have  occurred  had  not 
fciie  trim  of  the  SpeodweU  been  so  unfortunately  altered. 

The  Mayflower  and  the  Speedwell  would  probably  have 
left  Southampton  about  the  30  July  /9  August  1620 ;  and 
would  then  have  arrived  at  the  Hudson  river,  in  the  following 
September/October.  The  whole  course  of  the  subsequent 
history  of  New  England  would  have  been  entirely  different 
iron*  that  which  has  actually  occurred. 

Most  certainly  the  overmasting  of  the  Speedwell  during 
her  refitting  in  Holland,  in  May--July  1620,  is  one  of  the 
Itaxmng  Points  of  modern  history.  What  mighty  events 
sometimes  proceed  from  small  causes  1 


CHAPTER    XL 

THE    YOYAGE   OF  THE   MAYFLOWER   FEOM 

PLYMOUTH  TO  CAPE  COB. 
6/16  SEPTEMBER— 11/21  NOVEJOBB  1620. 

jOYERNOR  BRADFORD  m  our  only 

for  this  Voyage  which  (including  both  d*y  of 
departure  and  that  of  arrival)  took  w&j-mwm 
days  *  and  his  account  is  far  to©  Brief, 
September  6.     These  troubles  being  blown  over, 
now  all  being  compact  together  in  one  ship;  they  put  to 
sea  again  with  a  prosperous  wind:   which  oontinoed 
divers    days   together,  and  was    some    in<xrarageiiiaiit 
to  them.     Yet,  according  to  the  nsnal  manner, 
were  afflicted  with  sea  sickness. 

' '  And  I  may  not  omit  here  a  special  work  of  QQDfe 

Providence.      There  was  a  proud  and  very    profane 
young  man,  one  of  the  seamen ;  of  a  lusty  able  lodjv 
which  made  him  the  more  hanghty.     He  would 
be  contemning  the  poor  people  in  their 

cursing  them  daily  with  grievous 

did  not  let  [^c^p]  to  teH  them,  Hat  he  hoped  to  help  fe> 


*  Captain  JOHN  SMITH  states  : 

Bat  Wag  pei taerf  [«wgr*««Klfirf|  nine  weeto  ia  trnwiifile* 

«l  Itt  flmr  ;  »<^  erf  gwwr  T«rj  Mad 

^»  Tr«f^  Sad  Bi^  W22,  4. 

wr 


348        The  Voyage  of  the  Mayflower.  GOV. 

cast  half  of  them  overboard  before  they  came  to 
their  journey's  end;  and  to  make  merry  with  what 
[property]  they  had.  And  if  he  were  by  any  gently 
reproved,  he  would  curse  and  swear  most  bitterly. 

But  it  please  GOD,  before  they  came  half  [the]  seas 
over,  to  smite  this  young  man  with  a  grievous  disease ; 
of  which  he  died  in  a  desperate  manner  and  so  [he]  was 
himself  the  first  that  was  thrown  overboard.  Thus 
Ms  curses  light[ed]  on  his  own  head :  and  it  was  an 
astonishment  to  all  his  fellows ;  for  they  noted  it  to  be 
the  just  hand  of  GOD  upon  him. 

After  they  had  injoyed  fair  winds  and  weather  for  a 
season,  they  were  incountered  many  times  with  cross 
winds ;  and  met  with  many  fierce  storms ;  with  which 
the  ship  was  shrewdly  shaken,  and  her  upper  works 
tttftda  very  leaky.  And  one  of  the  main  beams  in  the 
Uttdships  was  bowed  and  cracked;  which  put  them  in 
some  fear  that  the  ship  could  not  be  able  to  perform 
the  voyage.  So  some  of  the  Chief  of  the  Company, 
perceiving  the  mariners  to  fear  the  sufficiency  of  the  ship 
(as  appeared  by  their  mutterings),  they  entered  into 
seriouis  consultation  with  the  Master  and  other  Officers 
of  ifae  ship,  to  consider,  in  time,  of  the  danger :  and 
mther  to  return,  than  to  cast  themselves  into  a  desperate 
mid  inevitable  peril. 

And  truly  there  was  great  distraction  and  difference 
of  opinion  amongst  the  mariners  themselves.  Fain 
would  they  do  what  could  be  done,  for  their  wages' 
sake;  being  now  near[ly]  half  the  seas  over.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  were  loath  to  hazard  their  lives  too 
desperately. 

But  in  examining  of  all  opinions,  the  Master  and 
others  affirmed,  They  knew  the  ship  to  be  strong  and 


GOT.  w.  Brwifora.   The  Voyage  of  the  Mayflower.       349 

firm  under  water:  and  for  the  buckling  [farming 
with  a  loop  of  won]  of  the  main  beam,  there  was  a 
great  iron  screw  [that]  the  passengers  [had]  brought 
out  of  Holland,  which  would  raise  the  beam  into  his 
place.  The  which  being  done,  the  Carpenter  and 
Master  affirmed,  That  a  post  put  under  it,  set  firm 
in  the  lower  deck;  and  otherways  bound;  he  [tiwy] 
would  make  it  sufficient.  And  as  for  the  decks  and  upper 
works,  they  would  caulk  them  as  well  as  they  eoidd: 
and  though,  with  the  working  of  the  ship*  they  would 
not  long  keep  staunch ;  yet  there  would  otherwise  ta 
no  great  danger,  if  they  did  not  overpress  her  with 
sails, 

So  they  committed  themselves  to  the  wil  of  €K)D;t 
and  resolved  to  proceed. 

In  sundry  of  these  storms,  the  winds  were  so 

and  the  seas  so  high,  as  they  could  not  bear  a  knot  o£ 
sail :  but  were  forced  to  hull  [drift  about, 
for  divers  days  together. 

And  in  one  of  them,  as  they  thus  lay  at  hoQ,  in  A 
mighty  storm,  a*  lusty  young  man,  caUedt  JOHN  H0WLA$2>, 
coming  upon  some  occasion  above  the  gratings* 
with  the  seel  [rott  or  pitching]  of  the  sbip 
the  sea :  but  it  pleased  GOD  that  he  caught  told  01  the 
topsail  halliards,  which  hung  overbowd  and  &t 

length;  yet  he  held  his  hold,  though  he 
fathoms  u&der  water*  til  he  was  up,  by  the 

same  rope,  to  the  brim  of  the  water;  a 

boathook  and  other  means,  [was]  g°&  foto  $*&  ^P  «g*i% 
aiod  his  life  saved.  And  though  he  '  ill 

with  it:  yet  fee  Eved  mmj  beeame 

»  profitable  member^  both  in    Oteeti    and 
Weaitk 


35O       TA&  Voy&ge  of  the  Mayflower,  oov. 

In  afl  this  voyage,  there  died  but  one  of  the 
passengers;  which  was  WILLIAM  BUTTON,  a  youth, 
servant  to  [Doctor]  SAMUEL  FULLER;  [and  he  died] 
when  they  drew  near  the  coast  [of  New  England], 

But  to  omit  other  things,  that  I  may  be  brief, 
after  long  beating  at  sea,  they  fell  [in]  with  that  land 
which  is  called  Cape  Cod :  the  which  being  made,  and 
eerteinly  known  to  be  it ;  they  were  not  a  little  joyful 

After  some  deliberation  had  amongst  themselves,  and 
witfc  the  Master  of  the  ship ;  they  tacked  about,  and 
resolved  to  stand  for  the  Southward,  the  wind  and 
weather  being  fair,  to  find  some  place  about  HUDSON'S 
river,  for  their  habitation. 

But  after  they  had  sailed  that  course  about  half  the 
cby,  iitey  fell  amongst  dangerous  shoals  and  roaring 
tteifcers,*  and  they  were  so  far  intangled  therewith, 
as  they  conceived  themselves  in  great  danger:  and 
tie  wind  shrinking  \faXLvng\  *  upon  them  withal,  they  f 
resolved  to  bear  up  again  for  the  Cape;  and  thought 
feerttfielvesf  happy  to  get  out  of  those  dangers  before 


Hie  Jfay4b0er  probably  made  the  Cape  towards  its  northern  extremity. 
perBow  sbonis  and  breakers,  among  which  she  became  entangled, 
sailing  above  half  a  day  south  (or  sonth-soiith-west,  as  on  page  407J 
undoubtedly  those  which  lie  off  the  sooth-eastern  extremity  of  the  Cape, 
near  Monamoy  Point  The  Pollock  Bip,  the  most  considerable  of  these, 
corresponds  to  the  "  roaring  breakers  "  mentioned  by  BBAWPOBD. 

She  may  have  also  encountered  the  Great,  and  Little  Bound  Shoals. 
It  is  not  likely  that  she  sailed  far  enough  south,  to  fall  in  with  the  Bass 
B£p»  or  the  Great  Bip.  Because  she  could  reach  these ;  the  current  and 
Hood  tide1  probably  drove  her  in  between  Monamoy  Point  and*  Nantucket. 

Had  the  wind  permitted  her  to  pursue  a  southern  course ;  she  might, 
in  a  few  hours,  have  found  an  opening,  and  passed  safely  to  the  westward. 
4.  IpocM*  dtwmi(£e$  *fe»  p,  108,  Ed,  1841,  8. 

fit  is  quite  clear  from  the  wording  of  the  text,  that  the  Pilgrims 


€tor,w.  Bedford,  The  Voyage  of  the  Mayflower.       351 

night  overtook  them,  as  by  GOD's  good  Providence  they 
did  And  the  next  day  [but  one],  they  got  into  the 
Cape  harbour ;  where  they  rid  in  safety, 

A  word  or  two,  by  the  way,  of  this  Cape. 
It  was  thus  first  named  [Cape  CM]  by  Cap- 
tain  GOSNOLD  and  his  Company,*  Anno  1602. 

And  after,  by  Captain  [JoHK]  SMITH  was  -called  [in 
1616]  Cape  James :  but  retains  the  former  name  amongst 
teamen.  Also  the  Point  which  fust  showed  these  dwfr- 

gerous  shoals  unto  them,  they  [Captain  (fosir&JUf* 
called  Point  Care,f  and    Tucker's   Terror  t= 
French  and  [the]  Dutch,  to  this  day,  call  it 

reason  of  those  perilous  shoals,  and  the  they 

suffered  there* 

Being  thus  arrived  in  a  good  harbour,  and  brought 

safe  to  land ;  they  fell  upon  their  knew  amd  blessed  the 
GOD  of  heaven :  who  had  brought  them  over  the         and 
furious  ocean,  and  delivered  them  from  all  the  perils 
and  miseries  thereof ;  again  to  set  their  feet  cm  the  tea 
and  stable  earth,  their  proper  element    And  no  marvel 
if  they  were  thus  joyful,  seeing  wise  SIHECA  was  ap 
affected  with  sailing  a  few  miles  on  the  coast    j^^j^ 
of  Ms  own  Italy,  as  he  affirmed,  That  he  had 
rather  remain  twenty  years  on  his  way  by  laud, 
pass  by  sea  to  any  place  in  a  short  time ;  so  tedious  *ad 
dreadful  was  the  same  to  him. 


wt»t  course  Hw  JHTogJfoiMrwtt  totato; 

dfcottwe.  Captain  »  to  point*  erf  attmuu&ip.    ftfeeto  efc«  tlmt 

Joi»  fully  to  tils  fMp  :  and  tlwfc  ftcy 

^l,  wjo4<»l  tc^tbcr,  whan  &«J  tad  siws^oly  turned  l»A*— E,  A. 
'  f  Ptirt  C»»  is  Mkmairoy  Pdiat ;  wd  T«ctoA  T«WD?  »  die 


352        The  Voyage  of  the  Mayflower.  <*OT.  w. 


[THE  OOTLOOK  WHIN  THE  MAYFLOWER  ANCHOBED  IN 

CAPE  COB  HABBOTJB,  ON  llTH  NOVEMBEK  1620.] 

But  here  I  cannot  but  stay  and  make  a  pause; 
and  stand  half  amazed  at  this  poor  people's  present 
condition.  And  so  I  think  will  the  Beader  too, 
when  he  well  considers  the  same. 

Being  thus  passed  the  vast  ocean;  and  a  sea  of 
troubles  before,  in  their  preparation,  as  may  be 
remembered  by  that  which  went  before:  they  bad 
now  no  friends  to  welcome  them  ;  nor  inns  to  entertain 
or  refresh  their  weather-beaten  bodies;  no  houses,  or 
much  less  towns,  to  repair  to,  to  seek  for  succour. 

It  is  recorded  in  Scripture,  as  a  mercy  to  the  Apostle 
sad  his  shipwrecked  company,  that  "the  Barbarians 
shewed  us  no  small  kindness"  in  refreshing  them,  Acts 
xxyiii  [Geneva  Version]  :  but  these  savage  barbarians, 
when  they  met  with  them,  as  after  will  appear,  were 
readier  to  fill  their  sides  full  of  arrows,  than  otherwise. 

And  for  the  season,  it  was  winter:  and  they  tha^t 
know  the  winters  of  that  country,  know  them  to  be 
sharp  and  violent,  and  subject  to  cruel  and  fierce  storms  ; 
[and]  dangerous  to  travel  to  known  places,  much  more 
to  search  an  unknown  coast. 

Besides,  what  could  they  see  but  a  hideous  and  deso 
late  wilderness,  full  of  wild  beasts  and  wild  men  ;  Mid 
what  multitudes  there  might  be  of  them,  they  knew  not. 
Neither  could  they,  as  it  were,  go  up  to  the  top  of  PisgaJi 
to  view  from  this  wilderness,  a  more  goodly  country  to 
feed  their  hopes:  for  which  way  so  ever  they  turned 
their  eyes,  save  upward  to  the  heavens,  they  could  have 
Kttl&  solace  and  content  in  respect  of  any  outward  objects* 

For  summer  being  done,  all  things  stand  upon  them 


GOT,  w.  Btrndfora.   The  Voyage  of  the  Mayiower*       353 

witli  a  weather-beaten  face ;  and  the  whole  country  full 
of  woods  and  thickets,  represented  a  wild  and  savage 
hue. 

If  they  looked  behind  them,  there  was  the  mighty 
ocean  which  they  had  passed ;  and  [which]  was  now  as  & 
main  bar  and  gulf  to  separate  them  from  all  the  civil 

[civilized]  parts  of  the  world. 

If  it  be  said*  They  had  &  sMp  to  ;  It 

is  traa    But  what  heard  they  daily  from  the 
and  [the  ship's]  company  ?    But  with 

they  should  look  out  a  place,  with  their  shallop,  whare 

they  would  be,  at  some  near  distance;  (for  the 
was  such,  as  he  would  not  stir  from  thenee?  till  a 
harbour  was  discovered  by  them,  where  they  would  be ; 
and  [to  which]  he  might  go  without  danger) : 
that  [the]  victuals  consumed  apace;  but  he  must, 
would,  keep  sufficient  for  themselves;  and  [for] 
return  [to  England].    Yeas  it  was  muttered  by 
That  if  they  got  not  a  place  in  time ;  they  would  turn 
them  and  their  goods  ashore,  and  leave  them. 

Let  it  also  be  considered,  what  weak  hopes  of  Supply 
[remfonxmental  and  succour,  they  left  behind 
that  might  be&r  up  their  minds  in  this  sud  cwnfiliofi  micl 
trial  they  were  under ;  and  they  could  not  but  be  vary 
ixnaJL    It  is  true,  indeed^  the  love  of 

brethren  at  Leyden  cordial  and 

item;    but  they  had  power  to  them   or 

themselves:    and   how  the  between 

and  the  Heminait^  at  their  coining  away, 
been  declared. 

HKS  P%nm  Fathers.  £ 


354       2^  Voyage  of  the  Mayflower.  a0y.  w. 

What  could  now  sustain  them,  but  the  SPIRIT  of 
GOD,  and  Ms  grace  ? 

May  not,  and  ought  not,  the  children  of  these  fathers 
rightly  say,  Our  fathers  were  Englishmen,  which  came 
over  this  great  ocean,  and  were  ready -to  perish  in  this 
wilderness:  but  they  "cried  unto  the  LORD,  and  he 
heard  their  voice,  and  looked  on  their  adversity,  &c." 
Deut.  xxvi.  7  [Geneva  Version],  Let  them  therefore 
"praise  the  LoBD,  because  he  is  good  and  his  mercies 
endure  for  ever.  Yea/let  them  which  have  been  redeemed 
of  the  LOED^/dbfew  how  he  hath  delivered  them  from  the 
hand  of  thei  (Oppressor.  When  they  wandered  in  the 
4eserf  wilderness,  out  of  the  way ;  and  found  no  city  to 
dwell  in.  Both  hungry  and  thirsty,  their  soul  was 
overwhelmed  in  them.  Let  them  confess  before  the 
IIQBD,  Ms  loving  kindness;  and  his  wonderful  works, 
before  the  sons  of  men."  Ps.  cvii  1,  2,  4,  5,  8  [Geneva 
Vemon;  fati  not  quoted  exactly].  Bradford  MS, 
Mm  109-lia 


CHAPTEK   XLL 

WHO  WISE  THB  PrjLGEBIM 


were  the  Pilgrim  Fatten  ? 
Hie  general  answer  to  this  must  be  : 
All  those  of  the  <rt 

m/dm^  who  &e  to 

th&y  w&re  actuary         to  $®          or  «ol  .* 
such  oA&rs  cm  joined  thmr  Chnrcik/mm 

MemhrAipin  tlm  PU^rim  Clmreh 
mlwwfa^  or  tttitooLi  to  ii« 

an*. 

Thm   genffl^d   definition   wffl   include   the    Ber. 
Bow2f»O2f  and  MB  family  ;  who  were  unable  to 
It  also  includes  the  35  members  of  the  Laydeo  Ghordb  who 
arrivoi,  at  Plymoutk  in  S"ew  England,  in  the  » 

162  It;  the  SO  who  arrived,  in  the  and 

in  August   1623";    the   35  with 
arrived  in  the  Mayflower  t  ,in  August  1S29  ^iaotd  tt®  60  who 
waived  in  the  Bamdm&M^  in  May  1630. 

It  likewise  includes  Ms 

who  joined  from  Blleocay  in  :         BICHARO  WAERKS, 

and  JQHK  BIMJWOTOIT          «ad  hw  family  ; 
London. 

It   cmbiw»i  WIMJAM    KJSG,    who 

Somthttuptaat  in  the  on  the  8th  1690; 

who,  with  CU«»AK,  tte 

at  Plymouth  ;  »e          S45. 
It  farther  imclodes  hired  mei^  as  JOKST 

in,  Gtofwnor  CjJErXKTi  fiamSj  ;   aad 


356          Who  were  the  Pilgrim  Fathers. 

J&sass  the  Cooper  :  who  both  came  out  in  the  Mayflower  ,  and 
eventually  embracing  the  Pilgrim  Cause,  became  honoured 
among  the  Pilgrim  Fathers. 


On  the  other  hand,  it  excludes  all  those  members  of  the 
Pilgrim  Church  who  had  no  wish  to  go  to  America.  A  List 
of  some  of  these  will  be  found  at  pp.  273-276. 

It  also  excludes  all  hired  men  who  went  out  in  the 
Ma^ftaw&r;  and  who  did  not  become  members  of  the  Church 
in  the  Old  Colony.  So  all  the  Mayflower  passengers  were  not 
Pilgrim  Fathers, 

It  likewise  excludes  THOMAS  WESTOSF  and  all  the  seventy 
Adventurers,  as  such  :  for  having  Shares  in  the  Joint  Stock 
«Iid  not  make  them  Pilgrim  Fathers. 

It  farther  excludes  (though  it  is  very  hard  to  make  the 
tedwiom)  three  of  the  four  London  Merchants,  now  known 
as  Hie  noble  FBIBHDS  OF  THE  PILGRIMS;  who  were  among 
ifai  lumber  of  the  Adventurers,  and  who  also  joined  with 

'.'  -eight  Undertakers  of  the  Colony  in  the  Composition 

lief/'  i  IB/35    November    1626:    RICHARD    ANDREWS,    Jom 

and   JAMES    SHIRMY;    but    it   includes   the 

fourth  of  these,  TIMOTHY  HATHERLIY,  because  he  settled 

at  Sciteate  about  the  year  1635. 

The  eight  Colonial,  and  the  four  London,  Undertakers  of 
the  Composition  of  1626,  were  also  called,  The  Purchasers, 

Governor  BRADFORD,  writing  in  1650,  calk  the  passengers 
in  the  Jfc^ower,  the  Old  Stock. 

Doctor  ALEXANDER  YOUN&  states,  "  Those  who  came  in 
tiie  irsfe  three  ships  the  Mayft<wer  [11/21  December  1620], 
tfe  Fortune  [9/19  Novemoer  1621],  and  the  Anne  [and  LMe 
J«ww^  August  1623],  ar©  distinctively  called  the  OLD  Counts 

or  !l€HBi*ATHimJJ    Ghronidm  <fcc,,  page  352,  EA  1841,  8. 


Who          ike  Pilgrim  Fathers. 

For  the  names  of  all  the  Forefathers,  ami  some  accouBt 

of  what  became  of  many  of  them,  seethe  next  two  Ghaptas, 


We  also  s|>eak  of  the  Pilgrim  Church :  meaning  by  that 
the  Scrooby  Congregation  in  their  ndgmtions  ta  Amsterdam 

and  Leyden ;  with  &e  various  a^cesaoiii  to  tiber  Enmb«r  ta 
both  those  cities. 


CHAPTER    XLII, 

THE  PASSENGEBS  IN  THE  MAYFLOWER  ;  AND  WHAT 
BECAME  OP  THEM. 

!  AB1OTJS  numbers  have,  at  different  times,  been 
given  as  to  the  number  of  the  passengers  that 
were  on  board  the  Mayflower,  in  her  voyage  to 
America  in  1620.    Those  given  by  Captain  JOHN 
Surra,  at  page  324,  are  merely  round  numbers. 

We  "will  now  proceed,  on  the  authority  of  the  Bradford 
4T&,  to  place  this  matter  beyond  any  further  dispute. 

Hi©  reckoning  all  depends  on  the  date  in  respect  to  which 
it  is  made. 

TI»  following  Nominal  list  shows  that  ONE  HUNDBED 
TWo  persons  left  Plymouth  in  Devonshire,  on  board  the 
r,  on  Wednesday  6/16  September  1620;  and  that 
number  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  finaL 

While  at  sea,    29.  WILLIAM  BTJTTEN  died,  and 

103.  OOBAKUS  HOPKIKS  was  born. 

So  the  number  on  board  at  one  time  was  still  102,  when 
the  Max/flower  first  anchored  in  Cape  Cod  harbour  on  11/21 
November  1621 ;  on  which  day,  the  Compact  was  signed. 

The  number  of  different  individuals  conveyed  by  the  ship, 
was  further  increased  to  104,  between  the  6th  and  12th 
December,  by  the  birth,  in  Cape  Cod  harbour,  of 

104.  PEKEGRWE  WHITE,  the  first  Englishman  born  in  New 

England ;  see  page  426. 

flb  102  individuals  actually  left  England,  1  died  at  sea,  2 
bora    on  board,  and  103    actually  arrived  in  New 

258 


The  Passmgers  in  the  Miylower.        359 

It  win  be  noticed  that  Governor  BBADfOBB  gnmpa 
104  persons  into  (1)  Honseliolds  or  Families,  24  in  iraiobcr ; 
roughly  arranged  according  to  the  Order  of  the  SigBaktres  m, 

tbe  Compact,  see  page  378 :  aud  (2)  Single  Hen :  whereas 
in  the  Relation  <6c.,  see  page  440  of  this  volmnej  we 
that,  on  the  afternoon  of  Thursday,  28  December  /7  Janmarj 
1620/1621, 

« "We  went  to  measure  out  tie  grounds.  And  first^  we 
took  notice  kow  many  familes  there  weie:,£pjjBi$g  aH  slugto 
10605  that  had  no  wives,  to  join  with  family  ft*  tbtf 

thought  fit,  that  so  we  might  bmid  fewer  booswu   "Which  ww 
done  ;  and  we  reduced  them  to  nineteen  families/* 

Let  us  now  classify  104  different  In 

accordance  with  the  following  Kominal  Lwt : 


Busenfers  to  tb© 

Dtodtetbt  fbnt 

fbe  Swrttv»f»  M 
fAf  K«?.1M1. 

Male.                           Hal* 

L  HOIJOTHOJUBS 

The  Heads         24 

13 

_ 

U 

Their  Wiveg      —        18 

14 

_    ,       4 

Their  Sons,  or 

other    Male 

rektivea         13        — 

3 

^ 

10 

Ttifeir   Daugh 
ters,  or  other 
Female    re- 

I^U^es            —          1 

— 

— 

—  .         7 

Their       Male 

Serraats        14        — 

9 

— 

5 

Ckie 

Servft&t          —         1 

^. 

^ 

—          1 

EL  6x*QL*           1^       — 

9 

;,r    e     -:  

Aianm    06  4-  if  «  Bi 

S4   * 

14  *«  48 

3i   4  18*  44 

III                       »  -f    a  «  !i 

4    -f 

1  -    § 

5    4     t  **'  » 

7S  4*  »    104 

38   + 

1|  ta  jS 

S1?   4-  14  -  &l 

360         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

The  almost  entire  destruction  of  the  Wives  is  a  most 
affecting  fact.  Did  they  sacrifice  themselves  for  their 
cMldrenl  For  none  of  the  Daughters  died;  and  the  3  Sons 
who  did,  were  in  two  families  in  which  all  the  parents,  there 
present,  also  died. 


Of  the  twenty-four  Households,  four  were  completely 
obliterated  by  the  sickness ;  which  chiefly  took  the  form  of 
scttrvy. 

IX.  Master  CHRISTOPHER  MAETIN  containing    4  persons 
XIX.  THOMAS  TIHKLBR  „  3      „ 

XX.   JOOT  ElGDALE  „  2        „ 

XXIIL  Jom  TXJBNKR  „  3     „ 

=     " 
Four  other  Households  entirely  escaped  the  infection. 

XII.  Ifester  STEPHEN  HOPKINS  containing  8  persons. 
XHL  Master  RICHARD  WARREN          „         1  person. 
33V.  JOHH  BILLDWFOH  sen.  „         4  persons. 

XVII.  FBAKOTS  COOKE  „        2     „ 

15     „ 

Each  of  the  remaining  sixteen  Households  lost  one,  or 
more,  of  its  members. 

Of  the  66  men  who  embarked  on  board  the  Mayflfover, 
WILLIAM  BUTTED  died  at  sea :  so  that  the  utmost  possible 
number  of  signatures  to  the  Compact  in  Cape  Cod  harbour, 
withe  11/21  November  1620,  was  SIXTY-FIVB  :  but  only  FOKFT- 
0JW  actually  signed  that  document;  whose  names  will  be 
&uad  at  pp.  378-380,  together  with  the  names  of  the  TWEOTY- 
who  did  not  sign. 


The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower.          36'! 


Of  the  53  who  died,  beginning  with  WILLIAM 
47    died  before  the  Mc^/kn^r  started  homewards  on  9/1© 

April  162L 

6    inekiding    Governor    Jora    CABVBB    and    MMirete 

KATHERINE    CARVEE?   died    after  that    date;    and 

before  tb©  arrival  of  the  fortune  on  9/19  November 

—        1621.    Governor  BBADFOKD,  however,  give*  no  ME! 

53        SA  "to  the  nameB  of  tsh6  other  fora?. 


The  names  of  53  who  died  In  the  fiiBt  j6Uy  are 
in  the  following  Nominal  last,  in  Itailies. 

'Of  the  51  Survivors  on  the  wrivid  of  the  ; 

23  died  by  the  year  16-50,  Le.  in  the  following  twtaty-nittt 
yews.  The  nMnas  of  the  28,  then  alive,  will  be  I  oo 
the  next  page. 

Where  Governor  BEAOTORD  difiew,  in  the  of 

personal  naaaaes  in  tMs  Uts^  from  that  of  the  printed  text*;  or 
the  accepted  normal  spelling  ;  his  spelling  is  given  in 
between  square  brackets,  thus  : 

[TILLIX], 


362          The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 


THE  KAHES  OF  THOSE  WHICH  CAME  OVEB  FIBST,  IN  THE 

Y1AB  1620,  A*O>  THEIE  FAMILIES;   AND  WEEE,  BY  THE 

BLESSING  OF  GOD,  THE  FIBST  BEGmNE&S,  AND  (IN  A 

SOKT)   THE  FOUNDATION,  OF   ALL  THE  PLANTATIONS 

AND    COLONIES    IN    NEW    ENGLAND. 

Of  these  100  [or  rather  104]  persons  which  came 
first  over  in  this  first  ship  together:  the  greater  half 
[actually  53]  died  in  the  general  mortality ;  and  most  of 
them  in  two  or  three  months'  time.  And  from  those 
which  survived  (though  some  were  ancient ;  and  others 
left  the  place  and  country) ;  yet  of  those  few  remaining, 
there  are  sprung  up  above  160  persons  [We  make  their 
wwmber  to  be  181],  in  this  thirty  years,  and  are  now 
living  in  this  present  year  1650 :  besides  many  of  their 
children  which  are  dead,  and  come  not  within  this  account, 

€£  And  of  the  Old  Stock  [i.e.  the  Mayflower  passengers], 
of  one  and  another,  there  are  yet  living,  in  this  present 
year  1650,  near  30  persons.*  Let  the  LOBD  have  the 
praise  I  who  is  the  high  preserver  of  men. 

*  Tbe  exact  numbeir  would  appear,  from  the  following  Nominal  List, 


to  be  28f  «  follows  : 
L  JOHN  HOWLAND. 

IL  BacHARD  MOKE. 
HL  Grov.  EDWARD  WINSLOW. 

GlOBGE  SOWLI, 
IV.  GOT.  WILLIAM  BRADFORD. 

V.  ISAAC  ALUSRTON. 

BARTHOLOMEW  ALLBRTON 
REMEMBER  ALLEETON, 
MARY  ALLEETON. 
YHI.  Capfc.  MILES  STAKDISH. 
X.  PBISCTLLA  MULLINS. 
XL  SUSANNA  WHITE. 
KEBOLVBD  WHITE. 


1  XJLf 


OOOTTANTA  HOPKINS, 
BAMARIS  HOPKINS. 
EDWARD  BOTHY. 
XIV.  FRANCIS  BIM/INGTON. 
XV.  HENRY  SAMSON. 
XVT,  ELIZARFTH  TILLEY. 
XVII.  FRANCIS  COOKE. 

JOHN  COOKE. 

XVIIL  JOSEPH  ROGERS. 

XXI.  MARY  CHILTON. 

XXII.  SAMUEL  FXTLLER. 

XXIV.  SAMUEL  EATON. 


JOHN  ALDEN, 


The  P(^$s^ers  in  the  Mayflower,         363 


These,  being  about  a  Jxratdred  serais,  came  OTer  in 
this  first  ship;  and  began  this  work:  which  GOD,  of 
his  goodness,  hath  hitherto  blessed.  Let  Ms  holy  name 
have  the  praise  ! 

And  seeing  it  hath  pleased  him  to  give  me  to  see 

thirty  years  completed   once  these  beginnings;    Mid 

that  the  great  works  of   Ms  Providence   we   to  be 
observed  :  I  have  thought  it  not  unworthy  my  to 

take  a  View  of  the  and  of 

persons;    and  [of]  such  changes  as  h&tb  over 

them  and  theirs  in  this  thirty  yearn    It         be  of 
use  to  such  m  come  after  :  but*  however,  I  fo 

my  own  benefit  folios  526,  521,  590. 

The  between    cl  ?l,  are    the 

of  Governor  BXADTOBDW      The  other  the 

substance  of  what  he  writes. 


We  must  BO'W  introduce  a  Work  to  our 

Beaders,  4*0*1*  by  fefee  Hon. 

T.  DAVIS,  formerly  President  of  the  Pilgrim  ;  and 

published   at  Boston,  in   1883,  8.     Among 

thousands  of  names;  it  contains  of  all  the 

at  Plymouth  down  to  1700  JuD.  ;  whew  the  *** 

about  a  thoosHid  sods.     It  also  has 
la  tli©  HOE,  Mr  BA¥I%  we  hsro  on©  <rf  the  «f 

locsl  fflaM%nwi«  :  «M!»  witt  to  tlie 

it  tECwta^  his  Work  to  b» 


We  Mr 

the  c£  tbo  of  c*  the 

passengers. 


364         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 


L  Gkw&rnor  JOMN  CARVER. 

He  died  at  Plymouth,  in  April  1621. 

2.  Mwtoess  KATHARINE  CARVER,  his  Wife. 

She  died  at  Plymouth,  in  June  1621. 

3,  DESIRE  MlNTEB. 

She  returned  to  her  friends  in  England;  and  proved  not 
very  well,  and  died  there. 

4  JOHN  HOWLAKB,  a  Man-servant. 

He  married  ELIZABETH  TILLET,  the  daughter  of  JOHN 
TILLET.  a  And  they  are  both  now  living  [in  1650] ;  and 
have  10  children  now,  all  living.  And  their  eldest 
daughter  hath  4  children  ;  and  their  second  daughter 
1 5  ail  living.  So  15  are  come  of  them,"  15 

£He  died  at  Plymouth,  N.E.,  in  leYS.—W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

i 

5*  MOGMM  WIL&MR,  a  Man-servant 

He  die«|,  in  the  first  sickness,  in  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 

of  1621. 

6.  WILUAM  LATHAM,  a  servant  boy. 

After  more  than  twenty  years  stay  in-  the  Old  Colony;  he 
went  into  England,  and  from  thence  to  the  Bahama 
Islands:  and  there,  with  some  others,  was  starved  to 
death. 

7.  A  Maid-Servant. 

She  married  at  Plymouth;  and  died,  a  year  or  two  after, 
there. 

8.  JASPJSR  MORM,  a  toy  that  was  put  to  this  family. 

BrcHARD  MOKE'S  brother.  He  died  in  Cape  Cod  harbour, 
on  6/16  December  1620. 

IS 


The  P^sseMgars  in  the  Mayflower.         3*5 


II 
9.  Master  WILLIAM  BBEWSTIB,  the  Baling  Elder. 

He  lived  to  a  very  old             About  eighty  lie 
was,  when  lie  died  [at                   m 
having  lived           28  or  24  years           in  fete  comxtiy. 

"  His  daughters,  which            over                   aar*  : 

but  have  left  sundry  children  dive     Hi«  son 

is  still  living  [in  1660]  ;  and           t  of  10  : 
one  married,  who  lath  a  child  or  SLB     r 

10.  Mistress  MABY  BEEWSTEE,  Ms  Wife. 

His  Wife  died  long  [at  PIym<ititltf 

1627]  ;  yet  she  died  aged. 

11.  LOVE  BEEWsraR,  their  SOB. 

He  Hired  till  this  year  1650  :  and  [at 

left  4  eMlctren  now  living; 

12.  WRASTKJB  [or 

He  died  a  jaaag 

13.  RICHARD  MOBB»  a  boy  that          put  to  this 

family. 
44  He  is  married,  and  [in  1650]  4  or  5  til 


[He  wms  MAW  ;  and  died  mi 

N  JL,  in  165a—  W/T. 


14     I  a  toy  ^te^  tww  jput  to 

&CHJ.EI>  brofchen    He  died,  in  the  irst 

afc  Plyacmtli,  in  &e  of  MIL 

HI. 

15.  Governor 

Bfa  dM  the  firvt  winter;   end   tie 

the  WIfew  of  Wmw;  aoi 

(Sn          S  till  tore  2 


366         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

16.  Mistress  ELIZABETH  WINSLOW,  his  first  Wife.        36 
She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth  on  24  March 
/3  April  1621. 

1*7.  GEORGE  SOWLE  [or  SOTJLE],  a  Man-servant. 

u  Is  still  [in  1650]  living ;  and  hath  8  children.''  g 

[He  died  at  Duxbury,  N.E.,  in  1680.— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

18.  ELIAS  STORY,  a  Man-serwmt. 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

19.  ELLEN  MORE,  a  little  girl  that  was  put  to  this 

family. 

BICHABD  MOKE'S  sister.  She  died,  in  the  first  sickness, 
at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring  of  1621, 

IV. 

20.  Gorernor  WILLIAM  BRADFORD. 

His  wife  died  soon  after  their  arrival :  and  he  married 
again,  and  hath  [In  1650]  4  children ;  3  whereof  are 
married.  4 

He  died  at  Plymouth,  N.3L,  on  9th  May  1657,  see  p.  45. 

21.  DOROTHY  BRADFORD,  his  first,  Wife. 

She  -was  drowned  from  on  board  the  Mayflower,  in  Gape 
CM  harbour,  on  7/17  December  1630. 

V. 

22.  Master  ISAAC  ALLEETON. 

"Himself  married  again  with  the  daughter  of  Master 
BEEWSTEB  ;  and  hath  1  son  living  by  her :  but  she  is 
long  since  dead.    And  he  is  married  again  ;  and  hath  left 
jfchis  place  \PlymowtK\  long  ago,3*   He  had  sons  in  England.      1 
*[He  died  at  New  Haven,  N.E.,  in  1659.— W,  T.  DAVIS.] 

40 


The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

23,  Mistress  MART  AiLmTQW*  MB  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  8iekae8%  at  Plymouth,  on  the  35 
February  /7  Mawii  1681. 

24  BABTHOLOMEW  AXIJEBION,  their  son. 

"Is  married  in  EEgkad  ;  but  I  know  not  how 
children  he  hath.* 

25.  EEMEMBER  ALKERTOK,  their  daughter. 

"Is  married  at  [,  N.  B,];  and  loth  pa  3 

or  4  children  lining.11 

[She  married  MATBBICK  ;  and  died  tl 

after  1662.—  W.  T. 


26.  MABY  ALLERTON,  their  daughter. 

"  Is  married  at  Hjmouth  ;  aad  hath  [in          4 
[She  married  THOMAS  ;  ind  ^i«i^  afc 

N.B.,  in  1099.—  W.  T.  DAVIS.    She  WM  the  last 
of  those  wAo  le/l  in  the 

27.  /OJTJF  HOOKS,  a  boy. 

He  died,  in  the  first  wckn^  at  Hjmoiitl^  in  the 
of  1621. 

.      VI 

28.  SAMUEL  FOTLER,  the  Deacon,  and  Surgeon* 
a  After  his  Wife  came  over,  he  had  2  cMliren  by 
which  are  [in  1650]  living,  and  grown  up  in 

he  died  some  fifteen  years  ago. 

'[He  died  at  Plymouth,  H.I,,  in  1638,—  W,  T. 

29.  WILLIAM  BUTTMN,  a 

He  died  on  board  the  mt  sea  ;  *aeir  the 

Baglaad,  on  6/16  K  w«ab«r 


VBL 
30.  Josxr 

Hedid;i»tttei^sii^^^HymM%iii  tf» 
of  10S1 


8S 


368         Tke  Pa^ssngers  in  the  Mayflower. 

31.  JQHJJ  CBACKSTOK  \GRA KSTON]  jwn. 

"And  about  five  or  six  years  after  [in  1628],  his  son  died 
[at  Plymouth].  Having  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  his  foot 
became  frozen  ;  which  put  him  into  a  fever,  of  which  he 
died." 

VIII 

32.  Captain  MILES  STANDISH. 

"He  married  again:  and  hath  4  sons  living  fin  1650]; 
and  some  are  dead.7'    Who  died  3rd  October  1655. 
[He  died  at  Duxbury,  N.E.,  in  1656.— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

33.  Mistress  ROSE  STANDI&H,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  on  29 
January  /8  February  1621. 

IX. 

34  MoM&r  CHRISTOPHER  MARTIN,  the  Treasurer. 
He  came  from  Billericay  in  Essex,  sea  page  308.    He  died, 
fa  tfce  first  sickness,  on  board  the  Mayflower >  at  Plymouth, 
on  8/18  January  1621.    See  pp.  343,  344,  442. 

35.  Mispress     t     MARTIN,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth  in  the  Spring 
of  16*L 

36.  SOLOMON  PROWSR>  a  Han-servcmt. 

Hedied,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  on  24  December 
/3  January  1630/1621, 

37.  Jossr  LAN&EMORE,  a  Mmi-s&rvant 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621.  The  Sixth  and  last  who  died  in  December  1620. 

X. 

38.  Mast&r  WILLIAM  MULLING 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  on  21 
February  /3  March  1620/1621. 


The  Passengers  m  the  Mayflower,         369 


39.  Mistress        I        MuLtiNS^Hs  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
Spring  of  1621. 


40.  JOSEPH  MULLINS;  thefa*  sony  a 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Hymtmtlt,  In   the 
*  Spring  of  1621. 

41.  PEISCILLA  MULLINS  ;  their  daughter,  a  cMldL 
"Married  with  JOHH  ALDKH  ;  who  are  both  [in  1680] 
living,  and  have  11  children.    And  their  eldest  daughter 
is  married,  and  hath  5  children.7* 

[She  died  at  Doxboiy,  ISLE.,  after  1680.—  W.  T. 


42,  ROBERT  GARTMR^  a 

He   died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymoatli,  ffl 
Spring  of  1621. 

XL 


48,  Nosier  WILLIAM 

He  died,  in  the  first   sicfaaees,  at 
February  /3  Mkrch  1620/1621. 

44.  Misiaress  SIIS.AHHA  WHITE,  his  Wife. 
She  afterwards  married  Governor:  EWTJJUD 
[She  died  at  Marshfield,  N.R,  in  16aa—  W.  T. 


45.  IfaEBOLVEi>  WBOm,  thdr  son. 
He  rnamed,  **and  hath  [in 
[He  died  at  Salem,  NJ5L,  l«8a—  W.  T. 

104.  PsBWSBiifE  WHITE,  their  son,  an 

He  was  bora  ©m  bond  the  »  CM 

barixmr,    in    JD««Blwr    ICM,       He   w«s    tto   fira 
boia  in  H«r 
' 


{He  died  «fc  K3L»  *n  SOfli  J«ly  1WML] 

Tfe«  I%KW 


370         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

46.  WILLIAM  HoLmcK,  a  Man-s&rvank  85 

He  died,  in  the  first  siekness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

4*7.  EDWARD  THOMPSON,  a  Man-servant. 

He  died  on  board  the  Mayf^wer^  in  Cape  Cod  harbour, 
on  4/14  December  1620.  He  was  the  first  that  died 
after  the  Pilgrims  arrived  in  New  England. 

XII 

» 

48.  Master  STEPHEN  HOPKINS. 

He  came  from  London,  see  page  427. 
Master  HOPKIHS  and  Ms  "Wife  are  now  [in  1650]  both 
dead.      But  they  lived   twenty  years  in    this  place 
[Pfym(wtK\  :   and  had  1  son  (who  became  a  seaman 
and  died  at  Barbadoes)  and  4  daughters  born  here.  5 

[He  died  at  Plymouth,  N.E.,  in  1644.—W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

49,  Mistress  ELIZABETH  HOPKINS. 

[She  died  at  Plymouth,  3OL,  after  1640.—  W.  T.  DAVI&] 


chUcbr&n  by  his  former  Wife.] 

50.  GILES  HOPKINS,  his  son. 

u  Is  married,  and  hath  [in  1650]  4  children." 

[Be  died  at  Yarmouth,  N.K,  in  1690.—W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

51.  CONSTANTA    [or    CONSTANCE]    HOPKINS,    Ms 

daughter. 

"  Is  also  married,  and  hath  12  children  :   aU  of  them 
[in  1650]  living,  and  one  of  them  married." 
[She  married  NICHOLAS  SHOW  j  and  died  at  Eastham, 
N.E.,  in  1677.—  W.  T. 


[Two  more  children^  by  his  Wife  ELIZABMTK!\ 
DAMABIS  HOPKINS,  their  daughter. 
[She  married  JACOB  COOKE,  of  Plymouth,  N.E.  ;  and 
died  there,  between  1666  and  1669.  —  W.  T, 


106 


The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower.         371 

108.  OCMANUS  HOPKINS*  thew  son,  <m  mfant  W* 

He  was  bom  on  board  the  Ma^flower^  at  sea. 
[He  died  at  Plymouth,  N.B,  in  l&l.—'W.  T.  DATOL] 

53.  EDWABD  DOTEY  [Dorr],  a  Ita-servant 

"By  a  second  Wife,  hath  7  children  :  and  bofth  lie  and 
they  are  living  [in  1650}*  He  <»me  from  London*  see 
page  4i7.  ? 

[He  died  at  Yarmouth,  NJ£,  In  1655.—  W.  T.  BATIS.} 

54  EDWAED  LEIOTEE  [Lnm&R],  a  Man-aervwii 

"After  he  wm  at  liberty  [i«.  Aoc?  Atf 

to  Virginia  ;  and 


XIII 


55.  Master  RioHAKB 

He  cmine  from  London,  see  427.    Mis  Wife 

children  were  left  behind  ; 

His  Wife  cam©  over  to  him  ;  by  whom  he         2 

before1  hft  died  ;  »od  one  of  is  aal 

hath  2  chiHraL 

KBut  he  had  5  daughters  mor%  [who]  over 

his  Wife  :  who  are  all  married,  and  luring  [in  ; 

and  have  many  children.*5 

[He  died  at  Plymouth,  N.R,  in  1628.—  W.  T,  DAVIS.] 

XIV. 

56.  JO-HK  BlLLIHGTDH  [BllJU&TQX]  «»l. 

**He^  and  mm®  of  hi%  had  becm  fw 

mMCMTM^es  before  ;  being  one  of  the 

anion^t  tibem.    Hiey  c»ne  from  London  :         1 

not,  by  what  Mends,  into 

JfE,  folio  Mi 
He  ww  hanged  in  October  183%  for  the  0! 


,  his  Wife. 

[Sbe  awrried  la  1€^*—  W. 


117 


372         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

58.  J0HKBllJLlHGTON,jwfc.,  their  son.  11*7 
He  died  before  Ms  father  was  executed  in  October  1630. 

59.  FRANCIS  BILUNGTOK,  their  son. 

*  Is  married,  and  hath  8  children  [in  1650].37  g 

[He  died  at  Yarmouth,  N.E.,  after  1650.— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

XV. 

60.  Mast&r  EDWARD  TILLET  [TnxiEJ. 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

61.  ANN  TILLEY,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

6L  HlKBY  SAMSON,  their  cousin,  a  child. 

*Is  still  living  [in   1650];    and  is  married,  and  nath 
7  children."  ~ 

Pe  died,  at  Duxbury,  H.E.,  in  1684— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

63,  HtOdLiTY  COOPER,  their  cousin,  a  child. 
She  "  was  sent  for  into  England ;  and  died  there." 

XVI. 

64  Hcmtm-  JOHN  TILLEY  [TILME], 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Sprin^ 
of  162L  * 

65.  Mistress     ?      TILLMY,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1681.  F     * 

66.  ELIZABETH  TILLEY,  their  daughter. 

She  married  JOHK  HOWLAHD. 

[She  died  at  Plymouth,  H.H,  in  16S7.—  W.  T.  DAVIS.] 


The  Passengers  m  the  Mayflower^ 

XVII 
67.  FRANCIS  COOKE.  im 

"He  is  still  living  [in  1650],  a  very  old  man  ;  and  bath 
seen  his  children's  children  have  cMldreEu 
u  After  his  Wife  came  over,  with  others  of  his  eMldren  ; 
he  hath  [had]  3,  still  living,  hy  her  ;  «B  mutudy  and 
have  5  children.  So  their  increase  is  B®  ,  <  "<  8 

[He  died  at  Plymouth,  N.E.,  in  1663.—  W,  T. 


68*  JOHN  COOKE,  his  son. 

a  Is  married  ;  and  hath  four  children  living  [in  4 

[He  died  at  Dartmouth,  N.E.,  after  1094—  W.  T. 

XVIII. 

69  TMOMAS  Ro0MM& 

He  died,  in  the  fir*  at  Plyn&ontl^  in  Ae 

of  1621. 

The  «f    fm&mm 

^terw»i*;  and  are  iMyrM,  wad 

70.  JCBEPH  EOGBBS,  his  BOO. 

"  Is  married  ;  and  hath  6  children  [in  1650}"  0 

[He  died  at  Eartbam,  N.IL,  in  1678.—  W,  T,  DAVHL] 

XIX. 

71.  TffOMAS  Tlff&XR. 

He  died,  in  the  first  at  Piymc»t*!i»  im  the 

0f  1621. 

72.  I        TiM£M&,  km  Wife. 

'     Shftdiwl,  in  tha  first  at  »  tta 

of  1681- 

tS.     f      Timm,         mm. 

IBM  iM,  in  tibe  i»t  •*  i»  &e 

erf  1€21-  _ 

169 


374          *Tke  />$ss#ng%?'s  m  the  M^yflow;er. 

XX. 

74  JOHNRl&DALK  1& 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

75.  ALICE  RIGDALE,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

XXL 

76.  JAMES  CHILTON. 

(He  died  on  board  the  Mayflower,  in  Gape  Cod  harbour, 
on  8/18  December  1620.— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 
They  had  another  daughter,  that  was   married  ;   who 
came  afterwards. 

77.  ?       CSILTON,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

7&  MA  BY  CHILTON,  their  daughter. 

**Is  still  living  [in  1650],  and  hath  9  children  j  and  one 
daughter  [of  them]  is  married,  and  hath  a  child.  So 
their  increase  is  10."  "  10 

[She  married  JOHH  WHTSLOW  {Gov.  E.  WINSLOW'S  brother) ; 
aad  died  at  Boston,  N"  JL,  in  1679.— W.  T.  DAvia] 

xxn. 

79.  EDWARJ>  FULLER. 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

80,  ?        FULLER,  his  Wife. 

She  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the  Spring 
of  1621. 

16S 


The  Passengers  ,  in  ffa  Mayflower;        375 

81.  SAMXTKL  FTOLEB,  their  SOB,  a  yamg  child.  ^ 

"Is  living  [in  1650],  and  married;  and  lath  4  children, 
or  more."  4 

[He  died  at  Barnstable,  N.&,  in  168a~-W.  T< 


XX13X 

82.  JOEN  TUIUSTZR.  t 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at  Plymouth,  in  the 

of  1621. 

"He  had  a  daughter  [who]  came,  to 

Salem  [N.E.]  ;  where  she  is  n0w  [« 

niarriexi,  and  approved  of." 

83.  ?        TURNER,  hw 

He  died,  in  the  lust  at  Bjiw>tifch»  in  tike 

01  1611. 

84.  ?         TuR^m*  his 

He  died  in  the  fin*  at  Plymouth,  in  the 

of  1681. 

XXIV. 

85.  FRANCIS  EATON. 

He  married  again  ;  and  his  Wife  ht 

married  the  third  ;  and  had  by  her  3  On«  tf  ' 

them  is  married,  and  hath  a  child    The  arc 

He  died  about  axteen  ago.  4 

[He  died,  at  Plymouth,  N.K,  in  im—  W.  T.  BAV».] 

86.  S^JW  ^  EATOW,  Ms  Wife, 

She  died,  in  the  In*  at  la  the 

of  1021. 

8*1.  SAMUEL  EATOM,  their        & 

"Is  also  mam«i  asd  fe»A  &  oMM  [ia  1 

Pe  died  at  NJfc,  in  l«fiH—  V.  T. 

175, 


3/6         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

"All  these  died  soon  after  their  arrival,  in  the  general 
sickness  that  befel;  and  left  no  posterity  here." 


88.  MOSMS  FLETCHER. 

89.  THOMAS  WILLIAMS. 

90.  JOHN  GOODMAN. 

91.  EDMUND  MAR&ESON. 

92.  RICHARD  BRITTMRIDQE. 

He  died  on  board  the  Mayflower,  in  Plymouth  harbour,  on 
21/31  December  1620,    The  first  who  dies  in  this  harbour. 

93.  RICHARD  GLARK& 


04  DMGORT  PRIEST. 

He  died,  in  the  first  sickness,  at   Plymouth,  on   1/1  1 

January  1620/21. 

u  His  Wife  and  children  [were]  sent  hither  afterwards  : 

she  being  Master  [ISAAC]  ALLEETO^S  sister."    [See 


05.  RfoHAED  GARDINER. 

"Secame  a  seaman;  and  died  in  England,  or  at  sea." 
,96,  GmBlBT  Wl¥SLOW. 

He  was  another  of  Governor  JB.  WKTSLOW^S  brothers. 

a  After  diTers  years'  abode  here;  he  returned  into  England, 

and  died  there." 

97.  PETEE  BROWNE. 

He  "married  twice.    By  his  first  Wife,  he  had  2  children: 

who  are  living  [in  1650],  and  both  of  them  married  ;  and 

the  one  of  them  hath  2  children. 

"  By  his  second  wife,  he  had  2  more/5 

[Se  died  at  Plymouth,  N.E,  in  1633.—W.  T, 


181 


The  Pmmngers  in  the  Mayflower.        377 

[Neast  fottow,  the  Jim  hired  men.]  181 

98.  JOHN  AIDEN. 

**  Was  hired  for  a  Cooper  at  Southampton,  where  the 
[the  Mayflower]  Yicfcmled :  sod*  being  a  hopef ul  yotmg 
man,  wm  much  desired;  tat  [waft]  left  to  Ms  own  liking, 

to  go,  or'stay,  when,  he          here. 

"But  he  stayed,  and  mam«l  here, 

a  JOHK  ALDKM  married  with  PEISCIKLAJ 

his  daughter.** 

[He  died  at  Duxbury,  N.R,  in  1W7-— W*  T.  DAVIS.] 

99.  JOMT  ALLSMTON?  a  aai2ar.  427»} 

He  was  a  hired  man ;  but        reputed  oae  of  the 

[ie  of  the  jP%fi»  Fol^w];  bufc  was  to  go  * 

seaman,  for  the  help  of  the  others  behind. 

He  however  died,  in  the  f  rsfc  a& 

b^or«  the  d0pttrted  homewMtis  oa  5/15  April 

168L 

1<K).  THOMAS  E&OLISH,  a 

He  was  liirexi  to  the  Master  of  a  at  Plymouth. 

He,  however,  died  tteres  In  the  first 

the  depsxtei  homewards  on  5/15  April  1631. 


"There  were  also  other  two  to         * 

in  the  country: 

10L  WILLIAM  TBEVOBE,  a  sailor, 

102.    /    EIJUS,  a  sailor. 

Bttt^  when  Aeir  time  wa»  oafe^  tfeej          rrtnnwi* 

JSl 
Jf«Lt  ftlioft 


378          The  Pmsmgers  in  the  Mayflower. 

We  have  now  to  show  the  connection  of  the  above  Nominal 
%  containing  the  names  of  66  Males,  exclusive  of  Children, 
with  the  41  Signers  of  the  Compact  at  Cape  Cod  harbour, 
on  the  11/21  November  1620. 

HATHAHIAL  MORTOH,  who  had  evidently  seen  the  original 
document^  gives  the  names  of  the  Signers  at  pp.  15,  16,  of  his 
N&w  England  Memorial,  1669,  4,  in  the  following  order.  It 
is  a  scandalous  disgrace  to  the  Officials  of  the  Old  Colony,  that 
so  precious  a  document  as  the  Compact  should  ever  have  been 
lost. 

[These    were  tt  *>**  OA*!**  L      1' 

2.  WILLIAM  BRADFORD        IV.    20. 


evidently  the 
Chief    of    the 


3.  EDWARD  WINSLOW         III    15. 


Pilgrim     Fathers,         WILLIAM  BREWSTER  II.      9. 

•ttiusdate— RA1     ^Js^oAiUERTON  V.    22. 

A'J  I  6.  MILES  STANDISH  VIII.    32. 

7.  JOHN  ALDIN  —  98. 

8.  SAMUEL  FULLER  VL  28. 

9.  CHRISTOPHER  MARTIN  IX.  34. 

10.  WILLIAM  MULLINS  X.  38. 

11.  WILLIAM  WHITS  XL  43. 

12.  RICHARD  WARREN  XIII.  55. 

13.  JOHN  HOWULND  I.  4. 

14.  STEPHEN  HOPKINS  XIL  48. 

15.  EDWARD  TILLMY  XV.  60. 

16.  JOHNTILLSY  XVI.  64. 

17.  FRANCIS  COOKE  XVII  67. 

18.  THOMAS  ROGMRS  XVIII.  69. 

19.  THOMAS  TINKER  XIX.  71. 

20.  JOHN  EIGDALM  XX.  74. 

21.  EDWARD  FVLLMR  XXH.  79, 

22.  JOHW  TURJVMR  XXIII.  82. 
28L  EBANOES  EATON  XXIV.  85. 


The  Pa?$$mger$  in  tk&  If  ayffower. 


24  JAMBS  CfflLTON  XXI  76, 

25.  JOBS'  CRACKBTOM  VIL  30. 

26.  JOHF  BILLWGTW  [a€w.]  XIV.  56. 

27.  MOSES  FLETCHER  —  88. 

28.  Joffff  GOODMA  JT  —  90. 

29.  DJS&OMY  PMIMST  •  —  94 

30.  THOMAS  WILLIAMS  —  80. 

31.  GlLBEKT  WlHSLOW  —  06- 

32.  EDMUND  MARGMSON  —  01. 

33.  PEiiEEt  BEOWKE  —  ,  97. 

34.  RICHARD  J^R\ITT&RI®&S         •  —  •  SWL 

35.  GEO'BaB  SOFLl  III,  If, 

36.  RICHARJ)  CLARKE  —  M, 

37.  RICHARB  GABDDOEB  —  §5- 

38.  Jaffjr  ALLMRTOW  —  if 

39.  THOMAB  EW&LISS  —  100L 

40.  EBWJJLB  D0TET  XIL  Si* 

41.  EBWAEB  LEISTBR  XIL  54 


We  have  next  to  account  for  the  25  who  did  not 
sign  the  Compact. 

One  Isad  died  already. 

42.  WlLLIA M  J3OTTJMT  VI.  2i. 

Iben  0vidmtly  the  agn&tniw  of  ike  ih» 

of  their  sons,  IS  in  nmiaber ;  as  follows ; 

43,  LOVE  BBJPVSTKB  IL  11. 
44  WBASTLI  JX  I2* 
45.  BABTfiowMOW  ALLBBTOH  V.  24. 
46*  JOHM  V"tt  31- 

47.  E^ffiOLVM)  WHETB  XL  45. 

48.  OlMB  HOPKBffS  XIL  60, 

49.  JOB^BlUDiOVON/ttn»  HV.  58. 


380         The  Passengers  in  the  Mayflower. 

50.  FRAFCIS  BILUNGTOI  XIV.       59. 

51.  JOHN  COOKE  XVII.        68. 

52.  JOSEPH  ROGERS  XVIII.        70. 

53.  t       TINKER  XIX.        73. 
54       f       TURNER  XXIII        83. 

55.  f       TURNER  XXIIL        84 

The  following  Male  Servants,  Men  and  Youths,  did  not 
sign  the  Compact : 

56.  ROGER  WILDER  I.         5. 

57.  WILLIAM  LATHAM  I.         6. 

58.  EUAS  STORY  III        18. 

59.  JOHN  HOOKS  V.        27. 

60.  SOLOMON  P ROWER  IX.        36. 
6!  JOHN LANQMMORE  IX.       37. 

62.  ROBERT  GARTER  X.        42. 

63.  WILLIAM  HOLBEVK  XI.        46 
64  EDWARD  THOMPSON  XI.        47. 

As  eight  of  these  nine  persons  soon  died,  they  may  have 
been  too  ill  to  sign. 

Lastly,  we  have  the  two  temporarily  Mred  sailors. 

65,  WILLIAM  TBEVOEE  —         101. 

66.  ?         ELLIS  —          102. 


CHAPTEE  XLIIL 

THE  FOBEFATHEBS,  OB  Ou>  COMERS.     162ft— 162JL 

IE  authority  for  their  names  is  the  of  **• 

Colony    of  in 

printed,  in  twelre  volumes^  at  Barton* 

1861,  4,     VoL  XII.  Vat  L^  % 

Ifc  DATI0  1R0ESIWEBL   COntftinR   the  following  JlKEOfT12U(w^Ott  * 

**Tli©  R6cx>rcL  io  'Goverayw  B^BADiK^tti^'s  hs^iiwiititiyg^  o* 
J%d  and  «^»<  *»   162(^   Or  to 

the  poge«  containing  Ae  reoord,  fay  the  <rf 

the  Alola»ai»  df  laad  in  If  2S. 
»^wyraaa«  of  h»Timg  wriMsra   in  the 

in  tiie  reoord.w 

TOE  MBEBSTEATO  AHD  GARDEN  PI^TS  OF 

CAME  FIRST,  LAID  OUT  [IN  1620. 

[The  Sea,  (m  the 

The  North  mde.  The  aide. 

^ 

C    JOHH  GOOBMAH. 
IS   2  WlfJUIAH 


^"E 

S   ^    JOHH  BltlilHGTO* 

S  feAAC  AlXSKTOK, 

jl  FEAHCIS 

jRwf  Fill,  on  ifee  F^rf 


382         The  Forefathers,  or  Old  Comers, 

Governor  BBADFORD,  writing  of  the  Spring  of  1623,  says : 
"AH  this  while,  no  Supply  [reinforcement]  was  heard  of; 
neither  knew  they  when  they  might  expect  any. 

So  they  began  to  think  how  they  might  raise  as  much 
corn  [maize]  as  they  could;  and  obtain  a  better  crop  than 
they  had  done:  that  they  might  not  still  thus  languish  in* 
misery. 

At  length,  after  much  debate  of  things ;  the  Governor 
[WttMAH  BRADFORD],  with  the  advice  of  the  Chiefest  amongfit 
them,  gave  way  [agreed] 

That  they  should  set  corn,  every  man  for  his  own 
particular  [individual  use]  ]  and,  in  that  regard,  [to] 
trust  to  themselves*  In  all  other  things,  to  go  on  in 
the  general  [jointetock]  way,  as  before. 

And  so  [he]  assigned  to  every  family  a  parcel  of  land, 
according  to  the  proportion  of  their  number,  for  that  end; 
only  for  present  use ;  but  made  no  division  for  inheritance. 
And  ranged  all  boys  and  youths  under  some  family. 

This  had  very  good  success.  For  it  made  all  hands  very 
mduskious ;  so  as  much  more  corn  was  planted  than  other 
ways  would  have  been,  by  any  means  the  Governor  or  any 
oli^g  could  use:  and  saved  him  a* great  deal  of  trouble*  and 
gftve  far  better  content.  The  women  now  went  willingly  into 
tie  field,  and  took  their  IMe  ones  with  them,  to  set  corn; 
winch  before  would  alledge  weakness  and  inability :  whom  to 
have  compelled  would  have  been  thought  great  tyranny  and 
oppression."  Brad/or d  MS.,  folio  193. 

See  also  Governor  WINSLOW'S  account  of  this  transaction 
at  pp,  575-577. 

The  following  Heading  is  the  earliest  authority  in 
existence,  that  the  of  tie  Pilgrim  ship  of  1620  was 

tie  Mayflower. 


The  Forefathers,  or  Old  Comers.         383 


South  svde  of 


THE  FAIJLS  [BY  LOT]  OF  THEIB  GEOUNBS;  WHICH 

FlitST  OVEE  IN  THB  JO  r-JPXO  ITJBR  :    ACCOBDEfG 

AS  THEIR  LOIS  WERE  OAST,  [IN 

MAECH]  1623  [SEE  PAGE  576]. 

EOBEET  CUSHMAN  1  tte  nmatar 

[dj 

.6  to 

3  one, 

2 
1 
7 

^f  S 

1 

a1 

2 


r  WHUAM 
WILUAM  BRADFORD 
EICHAEB  GAEBINEE 


Bcm-mcarm  \  %  .«. 


Master  ISAAC 


T.  T.  BAVIS}    PKHEE 


JC»KPH 


lie  on  the 

of 

ttm  \Twan] 
to  &* 


to  the 

former 
ing  u 

mow  Watocmfs 
fl5B.—  W.  T. 

BATIS], 


20 


JOHN  HOWLAND  4 

STEPHEN  HOPKINS  t{ 

EDWAED  1 

EBWAEB  1 

GILBERT  WINSLOW  1 

SAMUEL  FULLEE  S 


Tb«te  ixmtain  1 
HDBAMAK'B  gromud; 
tetweea 


and 


384        The  Forefathers,  or  Old  Comers 


These  ft'oores         WlLLlAM  WHITE 

Ueth  behind  the     [He  had  been   dead 

three  years.] 
Fort  to  the 


Littie  Pond 

[i.e.  between 

the  Burial  Hill 

and  Murdochs 

Pond.-^W.  T. 

DAVIS]. 

EDWAED  WINSLOW 

4 

The&e  lie  on  the 

EJCHAED  WAEEEN 

[2] 

north  side  of 

the  town;  next 

JOHN  GOODMAN 

X 

adjoining  to 

JOHN  CEACKSTON 

X 

thew  gardens 

[of  those] 

JOHN  ALDEN 

X 

which  came  in 

MAEY  CHILTON 

the  Portuna 

[«.<?.  between 

Captain  MILES 

t 

STANDISH 

2 

and  the 

FEANCIS  EATON 

4 

harbowr.  —  W. 

T.  DAVIS], 

HEXEY  SAMSON 

1 

HUMILITY  COOPEE 

1 

the  number 
[of]  acres 
to  [each] 
one. 


Tfoe  Forefathers^  or  Old  Comers*         385 


THE  FALLS  [BY  LOT]  OF  THEIR  GROUNDS,  WHICH 

IN  THE   FORTUNBl  ACCORDING  AS  THBIR  LOIS  WERE 

CAST,  [IN  MARCH]  1628  [See  page  576]. 

Tfcli 

[On  ike  Jffortk  side  of  the  Zbton*] 

These  lie  to  *  the  9m,  lie  fie 

tAe 


WILLIAM  HELTON 

WnxuM                 ) 

c% 

JOSH  WINSLOW 

HTlo    YV  ¥T  T  ¥  A"W    J^j*|j*"f*     1 

2 

WffiLLiJi  'CONNER 

1 

JOHN  ADAMS 

1 

I 

WILUASC  TENCH       ) 

2    STEVBN  BEAM 

1 

Mid  JOHN  CANNON   |" 

i 

and                             i 

2 

PHILIFPE  DE  LA  NOTE] 

EBWABD 

1 

lie                CLEMENT 
the               Brook 

1 
1 

WILLIAM 

2 

L,    •      u  '     J. 

1 

HUGH  STATIB 

1 

1 

WILLIAM  BEALE  and) 
THOMAS  CUSHMAN    \ 

2                 FULVZLL  \ 

Ma             I" 

f 

AUSTEN  NICHOLAS 

1 

1 

Widow  FOORD 

4    WILLIAM 

2 

15 
[/*  te  14] 

Tlie 


19 


2  B 


386         The  Forefathers,  or  Old  Comers. 

THE    FALLS  [BY   LOT]  OF  THEIR  GROUNDS,  WHICH  CAME 

OVER  IN    THE    SHIP    CALLED    THE    ANNS    [,  AND 

IN  THE  LITTLE  JAMJSS] :   ACCORDING  AS 

THEIR  [LOTS]  WERE  CAST,  [IN  THE 

AUTUMN  OF]   1623. 

[These  45  acres  were  situated  on  both  sides  of  Cold  Spring 
Brook.— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 

These  to  the  sea,  Eastward. 

acres.  acres. 

JAMES  RANDE  1     FRANCIS  SPRAGGE    "i 

[or  rather 
SPRAGUE] 

These  following  lie  beyond  the  [Town] 

Brook,  to  Strawberry  Hill  [now 

called'  Watson's  Hill]. 

EDMUND  FLOOD  1     EDWARD  BURGHER         2 

CHRISTOPHER  OONNANT    1     JOHN  JENINGS          1 

[    5 
FRANCIS  COOKE  4       [or  rather  JENNET]  J 

Goodwife  FLAVELL         1 
MANASSEH  FA[U]NCE 
and 


JOHN  FA[U]NCE         } 


The  Forefathers,  or  Old  Comers. 

These  [ajmt  against  the 
Swamp  and   [the]  Reed     by  the  Pond. 
Pond. 


387, 


GEOME  MOETON 
and 
MI[T 

PlHH 


THOMAS 
jwmor 

WUXIAM  HILTON 
Wife  and  two 
cMldren 


•8  I 

Wife  and 

1 
1 


1 


1 


us,  fais    V 

k 
I 


PATIINCI 


aad  PEAI 
with 

WlJLLIAM 

[f  The 

Wife*], 


S 


The  Forefathers,  or  Old  Comers. 


These  following  lie  on  the  other  [,  the  ecbstJ\ 
side  of  the  Town  ;  towards  the  Eel  River. 

[These  50  acres  were  located  on  both  sides  of  the  Wellingsly 
Brook.— W.  T.  DAVIS.] 


MARY  BUCKETT; 
adjoining  to 
JOSEPH  ROGERS 

Master  [  JOHN] 
OLDHAM,  and  those 


-  10 


joined  with  Mm 
CtTTHBEBT  CUTHBERTSON  6 
ANTHONY  AN[N]ABLE  4 
THOMAS  TILDEN  3 

RICHARD  WARREN          5 
[EDWARD]  BANGS  4 


ROBERT  RATCLIFFE,    "} 
beyond  the  swampy  i  [2] 
and  stony  ground    J 

These  [ajbut  against 
HoVs  Hole. 

NICHOLAS  SNOWE  x 

ANTHONY  Dix  x 

Master  PE[I]RCEJS  two  } 
servants  J 

RALFE  WAL[L]EN  x 


STEPHEN  TRACY, 
three  acres 

THOMAS  CLARKE, 
one  acre 

ROBERT  BARTLET, 
one  acre 


North. 

EDWARD  HOLMAN, 

one  acre 

FRANCES  [PALMER] 
Wife  to 

WILLIAM  PALMER 
one  acre 

JOSHUA  PRATT  and 
PHINEAS  PRATT 


CHAPTER    XLIV. 

THAT  THE  DUTCH  COULI>  HOT  HAVE  CAPTAIN 

JONES  OF  THE  MAYFLOWMM,  1020. 

PE  have  at          315,  that^  on  10/20 

June    1620,    ROBERT  and 

WESTQF,  at  London,  not  tint 

Mayflower*;    of   180   tons  :    bat 
then  tMnking  of  a  of  120  tens  ;  ta 

look  over  and  charter  on  the  following  12/22  of 

month. 

The  hiring  of  the  did  do  it, 

their  act  alone  ;  the  Leyden  Church 

whatever  to  do  with  it. 

We  have  also  at  331,  that  the  of  §§ 

tons,  left  Belfehaven  on  Saturday,  22  July  /I 
and,  at  page  334,  she  probably  arrived  at  0a 

the  following  Wednesday,  26  July  /§  sitj 

found  the  bigger  ship  for  her.     The 

therefore  have  left  London  some 

If  then  the  Dutch  (by  which  we        to  a0 

but  the  New  Sutherland  Company  ;  at 

the  Hagme,  or  at  Amsterdam)  bribed  ;  It 

have  teas  at          tame  in  the  forty-eight 
10/20  June  and          26  July  /I  August.     Further^  we 

it    to   have  'done    at  Londcm  ;  not  at 

Southampton,    under    the    watchful  of   the 


Again,  if  PECTCB  be  eorreet,  see  335,  he 


390       The  supposed  Plot  of  Captain  Jones. 

the  M.wjfl<xmr  had  already  been  at  Southampton  seven  days. 
This  would  reduce  the  above  period,  in  which  the  supposed 
bribery  must  have  been  effected,  to  the  forty-one  days  from 
10/20  June  to  19/29  July  1620. 

Let  us  now  quote  NATHANIEL  MORTON'S  account  of  this 
supposed  Plot, 

Nevertheless,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  their  putting 
into  this  place  [Cape  Cod  harbour],  was  Of  thjg  Hof 
partly  by  reason  of  a  storm  by  which  they  betwixt  th* 
were  forced  in  [This  is  not  a  strictly  accurate 


statement]  :    but    more    especially    bv  the  I  have  had 

*        J    T  J  x   •  *.LI_        *  -T     [in  1669]  and  cer- 

fraudulencyand  contnvanceof  the  aforesaid  tain  intelligence. 
Master  JONES,  Master  of  the  ship.  [N-  M-3 

For  their  intention,  as  is  before  noted,  and  his 
engagement,  was  to  Hudson's  river:  but  some  of  the 
Dutch,  having  notice  of  their  intentions;  and  having 
thoughts,  about  the  same  time,  of  erecting  a  Plantation 
there  likewise  [This  is  flatly  contradicted  by  Sir 
DUDLEY  CARZJSTOifs  Report  to  the  Privy  Council,  on 
5/15  February  1621/1622;  fifteen  months  after  Gaptam 
JoMMtfs  supposed  act  of  betrayal:  see  pp.  299],  they 
fraudulently  hired  the  said  JONES  (by  delays  while 
they  were  in  England;  and  now  under  pretence  of 
danger  of  the  shoals,  &c.)  to  disappoint  them  in  their 
going  thither.  New  England's  Memorial  page  12  Ed 
1669,  4  ' 

We  have  seen,  at  page  346,  that  the  delays  off  the  English 
coast  arose  entirely  from  the  overmasting  of  the  Speedwett  ; 
and  the  cunning  use  that  that  scoundrel,  Captain  BEYiiroiiDS* 
made  of  that  f  act. 

A  careful  reading  of  Governor  BRADFORD'S  account^  at 
page  356,  of  **  the  Pilgrims  "  turning  back  at  the  "  daaagerow 


The  supposed  Plat  of  Captain  James.      39 1 

shoals  and  roaring  breakers  '*  of  the  Pollock  Rips  will 
that  the  alarm  on  board  the  Mayflmmr  at  that  time,         n0 
pretence;   but  a  very  real  thing  indeed.     They  "thought 
themselves  happy  to  get  out  of  those  dangers  before  night 
overtook  them." 

The  Captains  of  those  days  were  but  rough  m  *t 

the  best :  but  all  we  'know  of  the  of  the 

goes  to  show  that  he  was  both  fair-minded  friendly 

towards  the  Pilgrim  See  pp.  417420,  442, 


CHAPTER   XLV. 

THAT  CAPTAIN  JONES  OF  THE  MAYFLOWER  WAS  NOT 
THE  CAPTAIN  THOMAS  JONES  OF  THE  DISCOVERY. 

Christian    name    of    the     Captain    of    the 
Mayflower  is  not  known.     It  has  been  sometimes 
said  that  he  was  the  disreputable  and  piratical 
Captain   THOMAS  JONES   of  the  Discovery;   hut 
this  seems  not  to  be  the  case,  for  the  two  following  reasons  : 

1.  The  Rev,  Doctor  E.  D.  NEILL  tells  us  that  at 
A  Quarter  Court,  21  November  /I  December  1621,  Commi^ioas 

were  granted  for  Fishing  and  Trade,  among  others,  to 

Captain  THOMAS  JOXES,  Master  of  the  Discovery,  of  60  tons. 

ffutiory  of  the  Virgima  Company,  page  261,  Ed.  1869,  4. 

'Now  the  Mayflower  was  of   180  tons;    and  it  is  very 

unlikely  that  its  Captain  would  afterwards  take  charge  of  a 

vessel  one-third  of  its  size.    It  would  have  been  a  kind  of 

professional  degradation  to  have  done  so. 

S.  Governor  Bradford  writes : 

Behold  now  another  Providence  of  GOB.  A  ship  comes  into 
the  Itarbour,  one  Captain  JO^ES  being  chief  therein.  They  were 
set  out  by  some  Merchants,  to  discover  all  the  harbours  between 
this  and  Virginia,  and  the  shoals  of  Cape  Cod  ;  and  to  trade 
along  the  coast  where  they  could  Bradford  MS.,  folios  181-183. 

Now  it  is  quite  impossible  that  Governor  BBADFOBD,  who 
had  been  in  the  closest  possible  friendly  intercourse  with  the 
Captain  of  the  Mayflow&r  for  the  seven  months  from  the 
6th  September  1620  till  the  5th  April  1621,  could  ever  after 
have  designated  him  as  "  one  Captain 

392 


Captain  T.Jones  of  the  Discovery.       393 

12  Jt  ^7  ^  Interesting  to  trace  the  career  of  tfafe 
JONES  up  to  Ms  death  ;  the  more  so  he  Jons? 

POBY  as  a  Passenger. 

The  Dwm&ry  left  London  at  the  end  of  November  1621  ; 
and  did  not  arrive  at  Jmm  Town,  Vuginii»  till  April 
1622.  It  was  In  August  1622,  that  gbe  arrived  at-  New 
Plymouth. 

The  following  documents  tell  the  rest  of  this          ; 


OF  tUS  TOCTCII*  FOE  VEW 

T,  17/27 

the  Tower  [of 


Sit*  AIMQK  A        . 
Sir 


LttTJB^ 


the  are  bj 

(who  wts  by  the  of  t6 

fiah  upon  the  of  New  this  Imt  ymr 

robbed  the  there,  of  their  fun ;  and  to 

carry  eome  of          »w»y  :  but,  tlit 

n»r  tiipe  Ckl,  the  aoi 

the  present  of  New  Fur 

punishment  whereof.  Sir  FEHDINAVDO  ia  to 

tbis  abuse,  bj  letter  from  the  Council,  to 
the  Ear!  of  SOUTHAMPTON  f ,  of  the  Tirgliia 

Tell. 


394        Captain  T.Jones  of  the  Discovery. 

JOHN  CHAMBERLAIN  TO  SIB  DUDLEY  CARLETON. 
LONDON ;   SATURDAY,  26  JULY  /5  AUGUST  1623. 

Our  old  acquaintance,  Master  PORT,  is  in  poor  case,  and  in 
prison  at  the  Terceiras  [=tke  Azores]  :  whither  he  was  driven  by 
contrary  winds  from  the  north  coast  of  Virginia,  where  he  had 
been  upon  some  discovery  ;  and,  upon  his  arrival  [at  Terceira],  was 
arraigned,  and  in  danger  to  be  hanged  for  a  pirate. 

S.  P.  Bom.    James  Z    Vol.  149,  No.  48. 

GOVERNOR  SIB  FRANCIS  WYATT  AND  THE  COUNCIL    OF  VIRGINIA, 

TO  THE  LOBDS  COMMISSIONERS  FOB  TEE  AFFAIRS  OF 

VIRGINIA  [IN  LONDON]. 

JAMES  CITY  ;  MONDAY,  3/13  JANUARY  162x5. 

About  the  middle  of  July  last  ]1624],  arrived  Captain  JONES, 
in  a  Spanish  frigate,  which  he  had  taken  in  the  West  Indies ; 
under  the  Commission  of  the  States  [General],  as  he  pretended, 
granted  to  Captain  POWELL  :  from  whose  consortship  he  separated 
Mmself,  and  put  in  here  for  relief ;  his  vessel  being  very  leaky, 
and  her  victuals  spent.  She  brought  in  no  prize  [plunder],  but 
some  few  raw  hides ;  which,  by  negligence,  lay  sunk  in  the  sjhip, 
and  were  spoiled.  Himself  died  shortly  after  [July  1624]. 

And  since  his  death,  there  are  rumours  risen,  contrary  to  their 
first  Examinations,  of  mutinies  and  disorders  committed  by  Captain 
JONBS  and  some  of  his  [ship's]  company  against  Captain  POWELL  : 
of  which,  perhaps,  we  may  have  more  light  from  England,  or  the 
Low  Countries  ;  according  to  which,  we  may  the  better  know  how 
to  proceed,  since  we  conceive  the  substance  of  their  acts  against 
Hie  Spaniards  are  not  now  too  strictly  to  be  questioned, 

S,  P.  Colonial.    Vol.  IV.,  No.  1. 


A 

Relation,  or  Journal, 

of  the 

Beginning  and  Proceedings 

of  the 

English  Plantation  settled  at  Plymouth, 

in  New  England; 

by  certain  English  Adventurers,  both  Merchant* 

% 

With 

tibeir  difficult  Passage ;  their          Arrival ;  their  joyful  bttllcfeigf  of* 
and  comfortable  pirating  tlwmfdtoai  lw, 

well-defended  Town  of  New  Flymen  A* 


As  Ac* 

a  Relation  of  Four  several  DiBcofferiw,  by 

some  of  the  wane  Bngliili  Pluattri 

tiiews  resident 

I.  In  &  jw»«y  to  PttclaaoMck,  thehiftfttiloii  cf  tti 
MASIISOTT;  w  abo  thdr  ^e  Answer  ud  tai  if 

£l3H. 

IL  In  »  Toyagp  naide  Wy  ton  of  them  to  th«  of  t»         *  Iny  Im 

Ia4  tort  Mtaseif  in  tl»  ;  wtth  u  la  4|*t 

HL  lii  fteir  i«ra^  to  H»  «f  fa  cf 

Kin?,  MAiSASorr,  a  .^inst  tk&  HvniiigiottKte  ;  aoA  to  Ite  a  f 

tiMtr  interprettr  TiwcABtw. 

If.  Their  wyige  to  Hit  and 


Answer  Id  ill  tf  «ro  any 

the  cf 

itt 


Pmted  for  JOHH  Biu^Uf i^  and  aw  to  be          at  to 
at  ta*  Jw  la 

tha 

lltt 


TO   HIS  MUCH  BESPECTE0  FRIEND, 

MASTIE  L  P. 

3OD   friend.      As  we   cannot    but    aecotmt 

it  an   extraordinary  Hewing  of    GOD  in 
directing  our  course  for  these  parts, 
we  came  out  of  our  n&tlve  country;  for 
that  we  had  the  happiness  to  be  of    the 

comforts  we  receive  by  the  benefit  of  one  of  the 
pleasant,  most  healthful^  and  most  fruitful  of 

world:  so  must  we  acknowledge  the  to 

be  multiplied  upon  our  whole  Company,  for  nr0 

obtained  the  honour  to  receive  allowance  and 
of  our  free  possession  and  enjoying  thereof,  under 
authority  of  those  thrice  honoured  persons,  the 
and  Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New  England,     By 
bounty  and  grace,  in  that  behalf*  aH  of  us  to 

dedicate  our  best  service  unto  them ;  as 
Majesty,  that  we  owe  it  unto :  whose 
in  these  their  actions,  the  GOD  of 
multiply  to  his  glory,  and  their  own  ! 

As  for  this  poor  JSetoiow,  I  pmy  you  to  1% 

m  being  writ  by  the  several  Actors 
their  plain  and  rude  manner:  therefore 
of  the  truth  thereat     If  it  be  defective  in 
it  is  their  ignorance ;  ire 

planting  than  writing.    If  it  m» 

to  the  business;  it  is  «U  I         for. 
Sure  I  am,  the  wa  Are  in,         the 

are  apparent,  cannot  but  will  not 

'enough  i    Mithfflt  is  ifa^»  of 


E.  G, 


398  To  his  friend,  Master  I.  P. 

rouattl  among  us  but  company,  to  enjoy  the  blessings 
so  plentifully  bestowed  upon  the  inhabitants  that  are 

While  I  was  a  writing  'this,  I  had  almost  forgot,  that 
I  had  but  the  recommendation  of  the  Relation  itself  to 
your  further  consideration:  and  therefore  I  will  end 
without  saying  more ;  save  that  I  shall  always  rest 

Tours,  in  the  way  of  friendship, 

K.  G. 

From  Plymouth  in 
New  England. 


To  THB  BBJJDXS. 

OURTEOUS  Bender.    Be  to  a 

f avonmble  mnsiraetloa  of  my 
in     publishing 

The  desire  of  'Carrying  the  of 

into  those  £ oreiga  parts,  a* 

yet  have  had  no  knowledge,  nor  of  GOD;  a*  «l*o 

to  procure  unto  themselves  and  others,  a 
comfortable  habitation :  were,  tht 

indB<»uaentB  unto  undertakers  of 

and  now  exjmrinient^ly  known  for 

Plantation  in  New  England,  to  set  tad 

tibte  same. 

And  though  It  with  them,  as  It  Is  to 

the  of         nature         the 

prove  difficult,  as  the  more  at 

yat  it  GOD,  even  OTT 

In  so  a  time,  to  give          of  c  f 

gee he  out  of  of 

Tea« —  of  of  of 

by  at 

as  [I|  *ni 

to  (If  tfaft  will !},  the  to 

IB  tlii*  and  la  the 

to  say  ay 

known  and  on  1  do 

much         ;  1  it  not  to 

of   a  of 

«id  the 

s» 


4OO  To  the  Reader. 


o. 


of  the  Honourable  Virginia  and  Bermudas  Companies 
(incountering  with  so  many  disasters,  and  that  for  divers 
years  together,  with  an  unwearied  resolution  ;  the  good 
effects  whereof  are  now  eminent)  may  prevail  as  a  spur 
of  preparation  also,  touching  this  no  less  hopeful  country, 
though  yet  an  infant:  the  extent  and  commodities 
whereof  are  as  yet  not  fully  known,  [but  which]  after 
time  will  unfold  more. 

Such  as  desire  to  take  knowledge  of  things,  may 
inform  themselves  by  this  insuing  Treatise:  and,  if 
they  please,  also  by  such  as  have  been  there  a  first  and 
[a]  second  time  [i.e.  in  the  Mayflower;  and  also  in  the 
Fortune]. 

My  hearty  prayer  to  GOD  is,  That  the  event  of  this, 
and  all  other  honourable  and  honest  undertakings,  may 
be  for  the  furtherance  of  the  Kingdom  of  CHRIST  ;  the 
inlarging  of  the  bounds  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  Bang 
JAMES  ;  and  the  good  and  profit  of  those  who,  either  by 
purse,  or  person,  or  both,  are  agents  in  the  same. 
So  I  take  leave,  and  rest 
Thy  friend, 

G.  MOUBT. 


CERTAIN  USEFUL  ADVEBTISBMENTS  SENT  i»  A 

WBITTEH  BY  A  DISCREET  FBIEKB  UHT0  TUB 
IN  NEW  ENGLAND,  AT  THEIR  FIRST  SAIL 

SOUTHAMPTON  ;  WHO  EABHESTLY 

PROSPERITY  OF  THAT,  NEW, 

PLANTATION. 

COVING     and     Christian  I     10 

heartily,  and  in  the  LORD,  all* 

as  being  they  whom  I  am  la 

my  best  affection,  and  most 
after  you ;  though  I  be  constrained,  for  a  to  be 

bodily  absent  from   you.      I  say,  GOB 

knowing  how  willingly  and  much 
I  would  have  borne  my  with  yom  in 

brunt;   were  I  not,  by  for 

the  present.  of  me,  in  the 

aa  o£  a  m»n  divided  in  ; 

as,  set  my 

you* 

And  I  noi  in 

y0m 
which 

;  yet  1  [it]  but 

my  duty,  to  of 

who  mn  ;  if  not  yon  it,  yet 

I  owe  it  in  love         duty, 

401  2  c 


402  A  Letter  of  Advice  to  tfie       Bev. 

And  first,  as  we  are  daily  to  renew  our  repentance 
with  our  GOD;  special,  for  our  sins  known;  and 
general,  for  our  unknown  trespasses ;  so  doth,  the  LOBD 
call  us,  in  a  singular  manner,  upon  occasions  of  such 
difficulty  and  danger  as  lieth  upon  you,  to  a  both  more 
nairrow  search,  and  careful  reformation,  of  our  ways  in 
Ms  sight ;  lest  he  (calling  to  remembrance  our  sins 
forgotten  by  us,  or  unrepented  of)  take  advantage 
against  us;  and,  in  judgement,  leave  us  for  the 
same  to  be  swallowed  up  in  one  danger  or  other. 
Whereas,  on  the  contrary,  sin  being  taken  away 
by  earnest  repentance,  and  pardon  thereof  from  the 
LORD  sealed  up  unto  a  man's  conscience  by  his 
SPIRIT:  great  shall  be  his  security  and  peace  in 
all  dangers ;  sweet,  his  comforts  in  all  distresses ;  with 
happy  deliverance  from  all  evil,  whether  in  life  or  in 

Now  next  after  this  heavenly  peace  with  GOD  and 
our  own  consciences*  we  are  carefully  to  provide  for 

with  aB  men,  what  in  us  Heth ;  especially  with 
our  associates:  said,  for  that  end,  watchfulness  must 
be  had,  that  we  neither  at  all  in  ourselves  do  give ;  no, 
nor  easily  take,  offence,  [it]  being  given  by  others. 

Woe  be  unto  the  World  for  offences!    For  though  it 

be  necessary  (considering  the  malice  of  SATAH,  and 

corruption)  that  offences  come :  yet  woe  unto  the 

mail,  or  woman,  either  by  whom  tie  offence  eotiaeth! 

CHBIST,  Matthew  xviil  7.  .  And  if  offences,  in 

'tbe.'ttn^asonable  use  of  things  in  themselves  indifferent, 

1b6  to  be  f eared  than  death  itself,  as  the  Apostle 

1   Cor.  ix  15:    how  mtidk  more  in    things 

j  in  which  neither  honour  of  QODt  nor  love 

:-  $          iflf  worthy  to  be  regarded. 


Planters  of  New  England.         403 

1  Neither  yet  is  it  sufficient  that  we  keep  by 

the  grace  of  GOD,  from  giving  offencefs] ;  except  withal, 

we  be  armed  against  the  taking  of  them,  when  they 
are  given  by  others.    For  how  imperfect  is 

the  work  of  grace  in  that  person  who 
[wherewith]  to  cover  a  multitude  of  as  the 

Scriptures  speak. 

Neither  are  you  to  be  exhorted  to 
upon  the  common  grounds  of  Christianity; 
That  persons  ready  to  take  offence,  either 
to  'cover  offences;  or  wisdom  duly  to 
fraility;   or  lastly,  are  gross,  though 
as  CHEIST  our  LOEB  teaeheth,  \ii  1*3.    AM 

indeed,  in  mine  own  experience,  few  or 
found,  which  sooner  give  offence,  as 

take  it:    neither  have  they  ever  proved 
profitable  members  in  societies,  which 
in  themselves  that  touchy  humour. 

But,  besides  these>  there  are 
provoking  y  on*  above  others,  to 
this  way. 

As,  first,  you  are,  many  of  you,  m  to  th« 

persons^  so  to  the  Infirmities*  OTe  of  id 

in  need  of  ratore  w*y, 

things  fall  out  in         and  as 

yon  be 

which  doth  require,  ml  your 
dbarity  for  the  covering  of 

way. 

Amd?  lastly  »yosr  Civil 

wy    ifc  <jf  ft  will 

of  will  to   as 

for  fe»;  y<»  It 

with  bwiherly  If 


404  A  Letter  of  Advice  to  the      Eev.  j. 

causelessly,  or  easily,  at  men's  doings  be  so  carefully  to 
be  avoided :  how  much  more  heed  is  to  be  taken  that 
we  take  not  offence  at  GOD  himself;  which  yet  we 
certainly  do,  so  oft  as  we  do  murmur  at  his  Providence 
in  our  crosses,  or  bear  impatiently  such  afflictions 
as  wherewith  he  pleaseth  to  visit  us.  Store  we  up 
therefore  patience  against  the  evil  day !  without  which, 
we  take  offence  at  the  LOED  himself  in  his  holy  and  just 
works, 

A  fourth  thing  there  is  carefully  to  be  provided  for, 
to  wit,  That  with  your  common  employments,  you  join 
common  affections,  truly  bent  upon  the  general  good: 
avoiding  (as  a  deadly  plague  of  your  both  common  and 
special  comfort)  all  retiredness  of  mind  for  proper 
advantage  [individual  self-seeking],  and  all  singularly 
affected  any  manner  of  way.  Let  every  man  repress 
in  himself;  and  the  whole  body,  in  each  person  (as  so 
many  rebels  against  the  common  good),  all  private 
respects  of  men's  selves !  not  sorting  with  the  general 
eonveniency.  And  as  men  are  careful  not  to  have  a 
mew  house  shaken  with  any  violence  before  it  be  well 
settled,  and  the  parts  firmly  knit :  so  be  you,  I  beseech 
you  brethren,  much  more  careful  that  the  House  of 
GOD,  which  you  are  and  are  to  be,  be  not  shaken 
with  unnecessary  novelties,  or  other  oppositions,  at  the 
first  settling  thereof. 

Lastly,  whereas  you  are  to  become  a  Body  Politic, 
using  amongst  yourselves  Civil  Government;  and  are 
not  furnished  with  any  persons  of  special  eminency 
above  the  rest,  to  be  chosen  by  you  into  Office  of 
Government:  let  your  wisdom  and  godliness  appear, 
only  in  dioosing  such  persons  as  do  entirely  love. 


Planters  of  40$ 

and  will  diligently  promote,  the  common  but 

also  in  yielding  unto  them  all  due  honour 

in  their  lawful  adminktratlons,    Not  in 

the  ordinariness  of  their  persons;  but  GOD's 

for  your  good :  nor  being  like  unto'  the  ; 

who  more  honour  the  gay  coat,  the 

mind  of  the  man,  or  [the]  of  the 

Lom 

But  you  know  better  things:  tie 

of  the  LoEB'tt  power  and  authority,  the 

beareth,  is  honourable  in  how 
And  this  duty  you  both  may  the  ««t 

ought  the  more  conononably  to  ;  yon 

are,  at  least  for  the  present,  to  have  only  for 

ordinary  Governors,  which 
of  for  that  work. 


Sundry  other  tilings  of  1 

you  in  mind  of,  and  of  in 

more  words;  but  I  will  not  so  far 
minds,   as   to   think    you  of 

there  being  divers  so  to 

wlmonlsh    both  mad  of 

them- 

few  and  the  ia  ftw 

1  do 

:  my 

the  he  tie 

and  the  the  ae*  and  si!  of  and 

is          afl  hw 

til  Ms  for  »  tad 

in  your  (as  %  bis  SPIRIT ; 

m  by  the  of  Ms  as 

you,  and  we  &ts0  for  Mid 


406  A  Letter  of  Advice  &c.         BW.  j. 

matter  of  praising  his  name,  all  the  days  of  your,  and 
our,  lives. 

Fare  yon  well  in  him !  in  whom  you  trust,  and  in 
whom  I  rest 

An  unfeigned  well-wilier 
of  your  happy  success 
in  this  hopeful  voyage, 

I  R  [JOHN  ROBINSON.] 


A 

Relation,  or  Journal^ 

of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Plantation 

settled  at  Plymouth  In 

Hew  England, 

;  the  of 

the  wind  coming  $Torth  a* 

we  from 

having  kindly 

eoarteonaly          by  : 

in  at 

by    GOD'S  Providences  the    9th  of 

f  "by  of  the  day,  we  ; 

we  to  be  Coi,  and  m  it 

And  the  of  it  much  us ; 

so  goodly  a  to  the  of  the 

«a;  it  us  to  GOD 

given  us  once  to  see 

And  thus  we  our 

to  go  to  *  river  ten  to  of 

the  Ofcpe:  Mtf  a*  the  we 

for  the          of  Cod. 

the  llth  of  we  to  an  in  tie 

;  is  a  [»]  ; 

in  the  is 

four  to 

to  the  vtry  se% 
juniper  It  is  a 

4§7 


4Q&  New  England  in  America. 

harbour  wherein  a  thousand  Sail  of  ships  may  safely 
ride. 

There  we  relieved  ourselves  with  wood  and  water, 
and  refreshed  our  people ;  while  our  shallop  was  fitted 
to  coast  [sail  along  the  shore  of]  the  Bay,  to  search  for  a 
[place  of]  habitation. 

There  was  [there]  the  greatest  store  of  fowl  that 
ever  we  saw.  And,  every  day,  we  saw  whales  playing 
hard  by  us.  Of  which,  in  that  place,  if  we  had  [had] 
instruments  and  means  to  take  them ;  we  might  have 
made  a  very  rich  return  :  which  [instruments],  to  our 
great  grief,  we  wanted.  Our  Master  and  his  Mate,  and 
others  experienced  in  fishing,  professed  we  might  have 
made  £3,000  or  £4,000  worth  of  oil.  They  preferred  it 
before  Greenland  whale-fishing ;  and  purpose,  the  next 
winter  [1621—1622],  to  fish  for  whale  here. 

For  cod,  we  assayed ;  but  found  none.  There  is  good 
store,  no  doubt,  in  their*  season. 

Neither  got  we  any  fish  all  the  time  we  lay  there ; 
but  some  few  little  ones  on  the  shore.  We  found  great 
mussels,  and  very  fat  and  full  of  sea  pearl[s] :  but  we 
could  not  eat  them ;  for  they  made  us  all  sick  that  did 
ea%  as  well  sailors  as  pas®engera  They  caused  to  cast 
[vomit]  and  scour  [purge].  But  they  were  soon  well 
again. 

The  Bay  [i.e.  Provmcetown  harbour]  is  so  round  and 
circling  that,  before  we  could  come  to  anchor,  we  went 
round  all  the  points  of  the  compasa  We  could  not 
come  near  the  shore,  by  three-quarters  of  an  English 
mile;  because  of  shallow  water:  which  was  a  great 
prejudice  to  us.  For  our  people,  going  on  shore,  were 
forced  to  wade  a  bow-shot  or  two,  in  going  aland ; 
which  caused  many  to  get  colds  and  coughs :  for  it  was, 
many  times,  freezing  cold  weather. 


New  'Efil&nd  m  Aweriw.  • 


THs  day*  before  we  came  to  harbour, 
Bom*  not  well  affected  to  unity  and  concord; 
some  appearance  of  feetlon  :  It  was  thought  good 

should  be  an  Association  and  Agreement         we 
combine  together  in  one  body  ;  and  to  to  saefa 

Government  and  Goveraois  m  we  by 

eoasant,  agree  to  make  wad  :  and          set  our 

hands  to  this  that  follows,  word  for  word. 

N  the          of  GOD,  Amen.    We, 
are  the  of  mf 

Lml  %  tfc 

0roca  of  GOD,  of 

;  of  the          ;  <fce. 

jBfownjr  /or  tfte  o/  ff^J>,  and 

a/  Ifo  <*«d 

fl»^  a  to  fie 

yitvt  m  ft«  o/  ,  [«)  rfov 

%  and  in 

o/  IrOD  ««<i  one  »/  m«i 

info  a  /or  «r 

and  ;  and  «/ 

IJIi  «md«  and,  %  to 

«m€  JM^  ««^   ^/^ 

aet*>  time  ft 

a*  «fcaB  be  nmt  mut  md 

lie  f  D«i  o/  tt«  ;  w»to  «e 

all  dic« 

Ii  tf0  Aaue 

Cap*  Cod,  lift  o/  to 


wi«  by  tffty-ttts,  cat  «f  ike 

tlitn  oa  tH  S«t  tie  rf 

wt*  «ad  cl          whD  <IE4  B<  At  fp.  S73-SBIX—  E»  A. 


4io  New  England  in  America. 

reign  of  owr  Sovereign  Lord  King  JAMES,  of  England 
France  and  Ireland  18;  and  of  Scotland  54.  Anno 
Domini  1620. 

The  same  day,  so  soon  as  we  could,  we  set  ashore 
fifteen  or  sixteen  men,  well  armed ;  with  some  to  fetch 
wood,  for  we  had  none  left:  as  also  to  see  what  the 
land  was ;  and  what  inhabitants  they  could  meet  with. 

They  found  it  to  be  a  small  neck  of  land.  On  this 
side,  where  we  lay,  is  the  Bay ;  and  [on]  the  further  side, 
the  sea.  The  ground  or  earth  [consists  of]  sandhills,  much 
like  the  downs  [dunes]  of  Holland:  but  much  better. 
The  crust  of  the  earth,  [at]  a  spit's  depth  [i.e.  bekw  the 
sand],  excellent  black  earth:  all  wooded  with  oaks, 
pines,  sassafras,  juniper,  birch,  holly,  vines,  some  ash, 
walnut.  The  wood  for  the  most  part  open,  and  without 
underwood ;  fit  either  to  go,  or  ride,  in. 

At  night,  our  people  returned ;  but  found  not  any 
person,  nor  habitation:  and  laded  their  boat  with 
juniper,  which  smelled  very  sweet  and  strong ;  and  of 
which  we  bonify  the  most  part  of  the  time  we  lay  there. 

Monday,  the  13th  of  November,  we  unshipped  our 
shallop,  and  drew  her  on  land,  to  mend  and  repair  her  : 
having  been  forced  to  cut  her  down,  in  bestowing 
[Rowing]  her  betwixt  the  decks ;  and  she  was  much 
opened,  with  the  people's  lying  in  her.  Which  kept  us 
long  there :  for  it  was  sixteen  or  seventeen  days  before 
the  Carpenter  had  finished  her. 

Our  people  went  on  shore  to  refresh  themselves; 
and  our  women  to  wash  [i&  to  wash  clothes  in  fresh 
wafer],  as  they  had  great  need. 

[THE  FIRST  DISCOVEEY.] 
But  whilst  we  lay  thus  still,  hoping  our  shallop 


England  in  America.  41  1 

wotdd  be  ready  in  five  or  six  days,  at  the  furthest  ;  but 
our  Carpenter  made  slow  work  of  it,  so  that  of 

otor  people,  impatient  of  delay*  desired,  for  our 
fErfherance,  to  travel  by  land  into  the  country  (which 
was  not  without  appearance  of  danger  ;  not  having  the 
shallop  with  them,  nor  means  10  e«ry  p  rovisionfjs]  bnfc 
on  their  backs),  to  see,  Whether'  it  might  be  fit  for  us  to 
seat  [settle]  in  or  no.  And  the  rather,  as  we 

sailed  into  the  harbour,  there  to  be  a  river 

opening  itself  into  the  main  land. 

The  wffifflgness  of  the  was          :  bat  the 

thing  itself,   in   regard   of  the 
permitted  than  approved. 

And  so,  with 

sixteen  man  set  out,          every          Ma 

sword,,  and  under  the  of 

STAIHHSH  ;  unto  whon^,  for 

WIIMAM  and 


Wednesday,  the  15th  of  November  they 

set  a«hore  ;  they  in 

the  order  of  a  File,  and  tba 

of  &  mile,  by  the  sea  five  or  six 

with  a  dog  coming  ;  : 

who,  when  they  saw  nua          the  ;  anel 

the  dog  Ac, 

to  to  tit  mud  of  las 

;  for  and  of  : 

font  to  be 

into  the  lest  01  the 

lie  in 

tt»  saw  our 

raaa  Mid  :  and  ottr 

oat  of  the  for  it  wan  the 


412  New  England  in  America. 

they  intended  to  go;  but  they  could  not  come  near 
them.  They  followed  them  that  night  about  ten  miles, 
by  the  trace  [track]  of  their -footings ;  and  saw  how  they 
had  come  the  same  way  they  went :  and,  at  a  turning, 
perceived  how  they  [had]  run  up  a  hill,  to  see  whether 
they  followed  them. 

At  length,  night  came  upon  them;  and  they  were 
constrained  to  take  up  their  lodging.  So  they  set  forth 
three  sentinels ;  and  the  rest,  some  kindled  a  fire,  and 
others  fetched  wood :  and  there  [we]  held  our  randevous 
[= rendezvous  -encampment]  that  night. 

In  the  morning  [,  of  Thursday,  the  16th  November], 
so  soon  as  we  could  see  the  trace,  we  proceeded  on  our 
journey;  and  had  the  track  until  we  had  compassed 
the  head  of  a  long  creek  [East  Harbour  Creek"] :  and 
there  they  took  into  another  wood,  and  we  after  them ; 
supposing  to  find  some  of  their  dwellings.  But  we 
marched  through  boughs  and  bushes,  and  under  hills 
and  valleys,  which  tore  our  very  armour  in  pieces :  and 
yet  could  meet  with  none  of  them,  nor  their^  houses ; 
nor  find  any  fresh  water,  which  we  greatly  desired, 
and  stood  in  need  o£  For  we  brought  neither  beer, 
nor  water  with  us ;  and  our  victuals  were  only  biscuit 
and  Holland  cheese,  and  a  little  bottle  of  Aqua  vitce 
[brandy] :  so  as  we  were  sore  athirst. 

About  ten  a  dock,  we  came  into  a  deep  valley 
{East  Harbour,  in  Truro],  full  of  brush,  wood-gaile 
[bay-berry],  and  long  grass;  through  which  we  found 
little  paths  or  tracts :  and  there  we  saw  a  deer 
and  found  springs  of  fresh  water;  of  which  we  were 
heartily  glad,  and  sat  us  down  and  drank  our  first  New 
England  water  with  as  much  delight  as  ever  we  drank 
drink  in  all  our  lives. 

When  we  had  refresh  ourselves,  we  directed  our 


New  England  in  413 

course  full  south,  that  we  might  to  the  stoics  [of 

the  Bay]:  which,  within  a  short  while  after,  we  did; 
there  made  a  fire  that  they  in  the  ship  set 

where  we  were,  as  we  had  direction ;         so  oa 

towards  this  supposed  river. 

And,  as  we  went  into  we  a 

fine  clear  pond  of  fresh  water 
at          415.    Now  Pond  in  Truro] 

a  musket-shot  broad,  aa  long, 

many  vines:  [wild] 

haunted  there.    There 

From  thences  we  on, 

ground,  about  fifty  It  for  the  *ad 

where  the  had 

After  this,  it          for  of  the 

river,  k>  go  down  and  on  the  "by 

which  of  o«r  mud 

behind. 

So  we  and  ftp ;  and 

into  the  we  a  to 

of  fie 

One  whereof  old  tfidt  had  ft 

urooclen    thing,  a 

on  the  top  of  it;  and  aa  pot  laid  in  A 

hole  at  the  end  We,  it 

t»9  and  a  as  we 

bat  We 

;  we 

we  jrat  in  the  and  it 

up  m§  it  tie  ;  wt 

it  be  to 

•epuleltrai* 

We  <m  »ad  of 

had  this  and 


414  New  England  in  America, 

walnut  [wnockerniit  hickory]  trees,  full  of  nuts ;  and  great 
store  of  strawberries  [strawberry  vines] ;  and  some  vines 
[grape  vines]. 

Passing  thus  a  field  or  two,  which  were  not  great; 
we  came  to  another,  which  had  also  been  newly  gotten 
[in] :  and  there  we  found  where  a  house  had  been,  and 
four  or  five  old  planks  laid  together  [They  catted  this 
place  Cornhitt,  see  page  419.  It  is  now  called  Hopkins's 
Cliff.  This  hill  is  between  Great  Hollow,  and  Hopkins'® 
Creek  or  tlie  PaTnet  Little  River].  Also  we  found  a 
great  kettle ;  which  had  been  some  ship's  kettle,  and 
[had  been]  brought  out  of  Europe. 

There  was  also  a  heap  of  sand,  made  like  the  former ; 
but  it  was  newly  done.  We  might  see  how  they  had 
paddle  [smootlied,  or  stnwk]  it  with  their  hands.  Which 
we  disced  up :  and  in  it  we  found  a  little  old  basket  full 

OO  x 

of  fair  Indian  corn  [maize].  And  [we]  digged  further, 
and  found  a  fine  great  new  basket,  full  of  very  fair 
corn  of  this  year;  [together]  with  some  36  goodly  ears  of 
corn,  some  yellow,  and  some  red,  and  others  mixed  with 
blue ;  which  was  a  very  goodly  sight  The  basket  was 
round,  and  narrow  at  the  top.  It  held  about  three  or 
four  bushels;  which  was  as  much  as  two  of  us  could 
lift  up  from  the  ground,  and  was  very  handsomely  and 
cunningly  made.  But  whilst  we  were  busy  about  these 
things,  we  set  our  men  [as]  sentinel[s]  in  a  round  ring ; 
all  but  two  or  three,  which  digged  up  the  corn. 

We  were  in  suspense  what  to  do  with  it,  and  the 
kettle:  and,  at  length,  after  much  consultation,  we 
concluded  to  take  the  kettle  and  as  much  of  the  corn  as 
we  could  carry,  away  with  us.  And  whqn  our  shallop 
came,  if  we  could  find  any  of  the  people,  and  come  to 
parley  with  them ;  we  would  give  them  the  kettle  again, 
and  satisfy  them  for  their  com. 


England  in  America.  4 1 5 

So  we  took  all  the  [86]         ;  and  put  &  of 

the  loose  corn  in  the  kettle,  for  two          to  bring 
on  a  staff.    Besides,,  they  that  could  put 
pockets,  filled  the  same.    The  rest,  we  buried  :  for 

we  were  so  laden  with  armour,  that  we  n0 

more, 

Not  far  from  this  place,  we  found  tie  of 

an  old  fort  or  palizado;  which,  as  we 
been  made  by  some  Christiana 

This  was  also  hard  by  that  we 

been  a  river;  unto  which  we  weal,  It  eo 

to  be;  dividing  itself  into  two  by  a 

[not?  OM  2Y>mv#  JEfifif,  in 

right  by  the  cut,  or  mouth,  which  the 

That  which  us  was  the  less 

or  jRr0rf&  w  tit 

other  as  tiot 

unlikely]  to  be  a  for  or 

or  .flireriottr}    But  It  be 

&  river,  or  only  an  of  the  *ea»  we 

BO-  to  :  for  we  to  be 

0ttfc  but  two  Here  we 

:  the  one  on  the  ome  side  [of  the  ;  aai  the 

on  the  Wt  mot  it 

a  till  we  it* 

So  we  tit 

to  our  ;  to  the 

Water  Pond;  and  we  our 

a  & 

4?i  <gf  to 

wind  ward  of    us; 

all  one  MB 

;  ive  or  six  of 

It  a 


4 1 6  New  England  in  America. 

In  the  morning  [of  Friday,  the  17th  November],  we 
took  our  kettle :  and  sunk  it  in  the  Pond ;  and  trimmed 
our  muskets,  for  few  of  them  would  go  off  because  of 
the  wet:  and  so  coasted  [skirted]  the  wood  again  to 
come  home,  in  which  we  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and 
lost  our  way. 

As  we  wandered,  we  came  to  a  tree  where  a  young 
sprit  [sproutf  or  shoot  of  wood]  was  bowed  down  over  a 
bow,  and  some  acorns  strewed  underneath.  STEPHEN 
HOPKINS  said,  It  had  been  to  catch  some  deer.  So  as 
we*  were  looking  at  it,  WILLIAM  BBADFOED  being  in 
the  rear,  when  he  came,  looked  also  upon  it :  and  as  he 
went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up  ;  and  he  was 
immediately  caught  by  the  leg.  It  was  a  very  pretty 
device,  made  with  a  rope  of  their  own  making;  and 
having  a  noose  as  artificially  [cunningly]  made  as  any 
roper  [rope~wwiJcer]  in  England  can  make,  and  as  like 
ours  as  can  be :  which  we  brought  away  with  us. 

In  the  end,  we  got  out  of  the  wood ;  and  were  fallen 
about  a  mile  too  high  above  the  creek.'  Where  we  saw 
three  bucks ;  but  we  had  rather  have  had  one  of  them* 
We  also  did  spring  three  couple  of  partridges :  and,  as 
we  came  along  by  the  creek,  we  saw  great  flocks  of 
;wild  geese  and  ducks;  but  they  were  very  fearful 
of  ua 

So  we  marched  some  while  in  the  woods,  some  while 
on  the  sands,  and  other  while  in  the  water  up  to  the 
knees,  till,  at  length,  we  came  near  the  ship ;  and  then 
we  shot  off  our  pieces,  and  the  long  boat  came  to  f  etch, 
ua  Master^  JONES  and  Master  CABVEE,  being  on  the 
shore,  with  many  of  our  people,  came  to  meet  us. 


*  Clearly  this  narrative  of  the  First  Discovery  was  not  written  by 
C^overaor  BBAIWOSD  ;  but  probably  by  Crovemor  WiMsijOW. — H  A. 


England  in  Afmri^a*  417 

And  thus  we  eame,  both  weaiy  and  welcome,  ; 

delivered  In  our  corn  into  the  stora^  to  be  for 

seed;   for  we  knew  not  how  to  come  by  any, 
therefore  [we]  were  very  glad ;  so          as  we 

could  meet  with  of  the  of 

to  make  them  large  satisfaction. 
This  was  o-ur  First  Discovery. 

Whilst  our  shallop  in  our 

did  make  things  as  fitting  as  they 
would,  in  seeking  out  wool,  of 

sawing  of  timber,  to  boild  a  but 

of  the  did  m» 

For  we  could  neither  go  to,  nor 
tout  at  high  ;  which  to  onr 

hurt    For  to  the  of  the 

and  ofi  to  tine  to  go          nacl 

did  it  and  for 

It  to  the  If  not  to  all* 

and 

),  which  to  the  ; 

died. 

our  it  fthe 

;  for  wna  two 

on         ;  of 

to1  go  ft 

of  the 

to  go          us ;  of  Ms 

a*  he  for  ms :  in  all 

thirty-f oar 
We  JciKEK  our  for  we 

The  ^  fl 


41 8  New  England  in  America. 

ifc  best  herein*  to  gratify  [acknowledge]  his  kindness  and 
fcrwardnesa 

When  we  were  set  forth  [on  ?  Monday,  the  27th 
Wovember],  It  proved  rough  weather  and  cross  winds ; 
so  as  we  were  constrained,  some  in  the  shallop,  and 
others  in  the  long  boat,  to  row  to  the  nearest  shore  the 
wind  would  suffer  them  to  go  unto,  and  then  to  wade 
out  [of  the  sea]  above  the  knees. 

The  wind  was  so  strong  a*s  the  shallop  could  not 
keep  the  water ;  but  was  forced  to  harbour  there  that 
Bight :  but  we*  marched  six  or  seven  miles  further ;  and 
appointed  the  shallop  to  come  to  us  as  soon  as  they  could. 

It  Mowed  and  did  snow  all  that  day  and  night ;  and 
froze  withal.  Some  of  our  people  that  are  dead,  took 
lie  original  of  their  death  here. 

The  next  day  [,  ?  Tuesday,  the  28th  November],  about 
eleven  a  dock,  our  shallop  came  to  us,  and  we  shipped 
oonelves;  and  the  wind  being  good,  we  sailed  to  the 
W6  formerly  discovered,  which  we  named  Cold 
Ehrboor  river] :  to  which  when  we  came,  we 

found  it  not  navigable  for  ships;  yet  we  thought  it 
Bttigfei  be  a  good  harbour  for  boats,  for  it  flows  there 
twelve  feet  at  high  water. 

We  landed  our  men  between  the  two  creeks  [Le. 
of  OH  TmCs  Hitt,  m  Indian  Neck],  and  marched  some 
four  or  Ive  miles  by  the  greater  of  them  [the  Pa/met 
;  and  the  shallop  followed  us. 

At  length,  night  grew  on ;  and  our  men  were  tired 
with  marching  up  and  down  the  steep  hills  and  deep 
valleys,  which  lay  half  a  foot  thick  with  snow.  Master 
S,  wearied  with  marching,  was  desirous  we  should 


,     *  Ifcft  w  »  evidently  merely  to  the  party 

tet  was  to  rgo  t#  IKI&--E.  A. 


m 

ap  our  of  us 

marched  further*    So  we  our  far 

that  night,  iiader  a  few  pine  as  it  fell  t»t» 

we  ^  got  three  fat  and  six  to  our 

which  we  eat  with  for  we  had 

little  all         day.    Our  next  momlng  to 

go  up  to  the         of  this  river :  for  we  it 

prove  fresh 

Bat  in  the  [of  f  tlie 

November],  our  held   not; 

liked  not  the  of  the  aoil  asi  of 

the  harbour.    S0  we  the  ; 

that  we  go  over  aid  look  for  the  rest  of  the  eon* 

we  left  behind  we 

When  we  to  the  we  saw  the 

lie  OB  the  dry  :  and  a  of  In 

the  river,  at  oae  a          and  a 

of  them.  we  the  and 

:  and  we  had  she  IP 

ewer  [the  creek],  by  or  at 

This  we  to  the  we  tail 

the  earn  formerly,  we 

Clef] :   and  and  the  rest ;  of 

we  were  v«y 
We  also  in  a  a  tad 

a  of  oil 

We  weal  to  we  had  ; 

and  tncl  ora:  vk.  two  or 

foil  of  and  a  tag  of 

a  of  iiir  ears  |>>.  «0rw  of 

Of    ttH  tip 

of  [/.«. 

whicli  they  up 


420  New  England  in  America. 

So  as  we  had,  in  all,  about  ten  bushels ;  which  will 
serve  us  sufficiently  for  seed. 

And  sure[ly]  it  was  GOD's  good  Providence  that 
we  found  this  corn ;  for  else  we  know  not  ^ 
how  we  should  have  done.  For  we  knew 
not  how  we  should  find,  or  meet  with,  any  of  the 
Indians ;  except  it  be  to  do  us  a  mischief.  Also  we 
had  never,  in  all  likelihood,  seen  a  grain  of  it ;  if  we 
had  not  made  our  first  journey :  for  the  ground  was 
now  covered  with  snow,  and  so  hard  frozen  that  we 
were  fain,  with  our  curtleaxes  [cutlasses]  and  short 
swords,  to  hew  and  carve  the  ground  a  foot  deep ;  and 
then  [to]  wrest  it  up  with  levers ;  for  we  had  forgot  to 
bring  other  tools. 

Whilst  we  were  in  this  imployment,  foul  weather 
being  towards  [approaching] ;  Master  JONES  was  earnest 
to  go  aboard  [the  Mayflower] :  but  sundry  of  us  desired 
to  make  further  discovery,  and  to  find  out  the  Indians* 
habitations.  So  we  sent  home,  with  him,  our  weakest 
people  and  some  that  were  sick ;  and  all  the  com :  and 
eighteen  of  us  stayed  still,  and  lodged  there  that  night ; 
and  desired  that  the  shallop  might  return  to  us  next 
day,  and  bring  us  some  mattocks  and  spades  with  them. 

The  next  morning  [  of  ?  Thursday,  the  30th  November], 
we  followed  certain  beaten  paths  and  tracts  of  the 
Indians  into  the  woods:  supposing  they  would  have 
led  us  into  some  town  or  houses.  After  we  had  gone 
a  while,  we  %ht[ed]  upon  a  very  broad  beaten  path, 
well  nigh  two  feet  broad.  Then  we  lighted  all  our 
Matches  [cord  bwning  slowly,  and  carried  alight,  m 
ord&r  to  fire  of  the  matcMoeks],  and  prepared  ourselves ; 
concluding  we  were  near  their  dwellings :  but,  in  the 
end,  we  found  it  to  be  only  a  path  made  to  drive  deer 
in,  when  the  Indians  hunt,  as  we  supposed. 


in 

When  we  had  five  or  sk  ifa* 

no  of  we 

way.  as  we  the 

ground,  we  a  like  a  :  but  II 

and  any  we  had  yet  it 

wan         covered  with  :  go  a*  we  It 

Bhould  be,  to  dig  it  up. 

Where  we  a          and  a  fair 

;  ;  a 

[of  a 

painted,  with  or  on 

the  top  like  a  crown.  the  we 

and          like  At 

we  to  a  fair  and 

the  one  the  less.    We 

the  [0&&]>  ft»d  found  in  It,  a  of 

ine  and  red  powder;  mil  in  it  the 

and  of  &  The  had  fine 

on  it ;  of  the 

up  with  it,  a  knife,  ft 
and  two  or  old  iron  It 

up  in  a  s 

of  cloth  The  red  was  a  of 

and  a  bit  no 

It         as         as 
We  the 

of  the  in  it,  and  the  and  of 

a  the  legs  and  of  It 

ani  of  fiae 

waft  also  by  it  a 
[of   a  tad 

We  of  the 

us ;  up  the 


422  New  England  in  America. 

After  this,  we  digged  in  sundry  like  places;  but 
found  no  more  corn,  nor  any  things  else  but  graves. 

There  was  variety  o£  opinions  amongst  us  about 
the  embalmed  person.  Some  thought,  It  was  an  Indian 
lord  and  king.  Others  said,  The  Indians  have  all  black 
hair;  and  never  any  [one]  was  seen  with  brown,  or 
yellow,  hair.  Some  thought.  It  was  a  Christian  of  special 
note,  which  had  died  amongst  them;  and  they  thus 
buried  him,  to  honour  him.  Others  thought,  They  had 
killed  him ;  and  did  it  in  triumph  over  him. 

Whilst  we  were  thus  ranging  and  searching,  two 
of  the  sailors,  which  were  newly  come  on  the  shore 
[from  the  shallop],  by  chance,  espied  two  houses :  which 
had  been  lately  dwelt  in;  but  the  people  were  gone. 
They,  having  their  pieces  [matchlocks,  or  muskets]  and 
hearing  nobody,  entered  the  houses;  and  took  out 
some  things,  and  durst  not  stay:  but  came  again  and 
told  us.  So  some  seven  or  eight  of  us  went  with  them : 
and  found  how  we  had  gone  within  a  flight  shot  [tlie 
flight  of  an  o/rrow  from  the  long  bow]  of  them 
before. 

The  houses  [wigwawis]  were  made  with  long  young 
sapling  trees,  bended  and  both  ends  stuck  in  the  ground. 
They  were  made  round  like  an  arbour,  and  covered 
down  to  the  ground  with  thick  and  well  wrought  mats ; 
and  the  door  was  not  over  a  yard  high,  made  of  a  mat 
to  open.  The  chimney  was  a  wide  open  hole  in  the  top : 
for  which  they  had  a  mat,  to  cover  it  close  when  they 
pleased.  One  might  stand  and  go  upright  in  them.  In 
the  midst  of  them  were  four  little  tranches  [staJces,  or 
po&fe]  knocked  into  the  ground ;  and  small  sticks 
Md  over,  on  which  they  hung  their  pots  and  what  they 
bad  to  seethe*  Bound  about  the  fire,  they  lay  on  mate ; 
wfeiefe  are  their  beda  The  houses  were  double  matted ; 


in 

for  as  they  ;  » 

with  newer 

In  the  we 

of  crab 
wrought  ma  0r  it 

a  bail  but  It 

were  of 

leaser;   finer 
wrought   with  white,    In 

;  and  of 

We    found  two    or 

had  far    It 

There  a  of 

up  In  the 
claws,  and  sundry 

«r  full  of  of 

a  of  a  We  & 

a 

we 
Without,  of 

to 

into  a  two  or  of  ; 

but  we  thought  It  fitter  [,  for  the 

for  us, 

of  the  w»  us ; 

the  as 

Sos  It  *»d  the 

we  our 

to  the  got 

might:  to 

to  in    tlie  In 

of  we  to 

But  it  not  %  of  our 

CM:  so  as  wt 


424  New  England  in  America. 

can  meet  conveniently  with  them,  we  will  give  them 
full  satisfaction. 

Thus  much  of  our  Second  Discovery. 

Having  thus  discovered  this  place,  it  was  controversial 
amongst  us,  What  to  do  touching  our  abode  and  settling 
there. 

Some  thought  it  best,  for  many  reasons,  to  abide 
there. 

As  first.  That  there  was  a  convenient  harbour  for 
boats ;  though  not  for  ships, 

Secondly.  Good  corn-ground  ready  to  our  hands,  as 
we  saw  by  experience  in  the  goodly  corn  it  yielded: 
which  would  again  agree  with  the  ground,  and  be 
natural  seed  for  the  same. 

Thirdly.  Cape  Cod  was  like[ly]  to  be  a  place  of 
good  fishing:  for  we  saw  daily  great  whales,  of  the 
best  kind  for  oil  and  bone,  come  close  aboard  our  ship  ; 
and,  in  fair  weather,  swim  and  play  about  us.  There 
was  once  one,  when  the  sun  shone  warm,  came  and  lay 
above  water,  as  if  she  had  been  dead,  for  a  good 
while  together,  within  half  a  musket  shot  of  the  ship. 
At  which,  two  were  prepared  to  shoot,  to  see  whether 
she  would  stir  or  no.  He  that  gave  fire  first,  his  musket 
flew  in  pieces,  both  stock  and  barrel:  yet,  thanks  be 
to  GOD,  neither  he,  nor  any  man  else,  was  hurt  with  it, 
though  many  were  there  about.  But  when  the  whale 
saw  her  time,  she  gave  a  snuff,  and  away ! 

Fourthly.    The  place  was  likely  to  be  healthful, 
secure,  and  defensible. 

But  the  last  and  especial  reason  was,  That  now  the 
heart  of  winter  and  unseasonable  weather  was  come 
us:   so   that  we  could   not  go    upon    coasting 
and  discovery  without  danger  of  losing  men 


in 

tad  boat;  the  of 

all, 

do  wad  wet 

fio  tainted  our  (for  of  us 

from  vehement  ss  If 

in  it  the  of  and 

mud  «.  w©  had 

yet  beer,  and 

whieh  woidd  quickly  be  all          :  we 

nothing  to  comfort  us  in  the  sad  toil 

we  were  iikefly]  to  at  the  Inst    It  mm  alaft 

conceived,  whilst  we  had  the 

would          with  ms :  but 

be          ;  and  let  us          as  we 
Others  the  to  or 

a 

off  to  the  to>  be  an 

for  Mii 

fishing. 

Secondly.    For  we  be, 

by  us,  a  far  and  it  be  ft 

to  we 

agun. 

Thirdly.    The  was  but  in  ;  and  it  wa* 

would    be  in  c*r 

Kttia 

Fourthly.    The  be  up  & 

steep  Ml  [i«.  al  Gorfthill;  (^iffj* 

But   to  wad 

;  it         in  the  ©ad,  To 

the  but  In  no  »  fkr  as 

A&goam. 

Ctoppis,  omr  of 

a  in  the 


426  New  England  in  America. 

headland  of  the  Bay  [Manomet  Bluff,  or  Head;  lying 
diredly  south  of  the  entrance  to  Plymouth  harbour], 
almost  right  over  against  Cape  Cod,  being,  [in]  a  right 
line,  not  much  above  eight  leagues  [  =  24  miles] 
distant ;  in  which  he  had  been  once :  and  because  that 
one  of  the  wild  men,  with  whom  they  had  some 
trucking,  stole  a  harping  iron  [harpoon]  from  them, 
they  called  it  Thievish  Harbour  [Plymouth  harbour]. 
And  beyond  that  place,  they  were  enjoined  not  to  go. 

Whereupon  a  Company  was  chosen  to  go  out  upon 
a  Third  Discovery. 

Whilst  some  were  imployed  in  this  Discovery,  it 
pleased  GOD  that  Mistress  WHITE  was  brought  to  bed 
of  a  son ;  which  was  called  PEREGRINE. 

[Tuesday,]  the  5th  day  [of  December],  we,  through 
GOD'8  mercy,  escaped  a  great  danger  by  the  foolishness 
of  a  boy ;  one  of  FRANCIS  BILLINGTON'S  sons  [or  rath&t\ 
FRANCIS,  the  son  of  JOHN  BILLINGTON  senior ;  see  page, 
872] :  who,  in  his  father's  absence,  had  got  gunpowder, 
and  had  shot  off  a  piece  [musket]  or  two ;  and  mad© 
squibs.  And  there  being  a  fowling  piece  charged,  in 
his  father's  cabin,  shot  her  off  in  the  cabin  ;  there  being 
a  little  barrel  of  powder  half  full,  scattered  in  and  about 
the  cabin ;  the  fire  [discJiarge]  being  within  four  feet  of 
the  bed  [bwik]  between  the  decks ;  and  many  flints  and 
Iron  things  about  the  cabin;  and  many  people  about 
the  fire — and  yet,  by  GOD's  mercy,  no  harm  done. 

[THE  THIRD  DISCOVERY.] 

Wednesday,  the   6th  of  December  [1620],  it  was 

resolved  our  Discoverers  should  set  forth :  for  the  day 
before  was  [of]  too  foul  weather,  And  so  they  did; 


in 

though  it  was  well  over  the  day  ere  all  be 

ready. 

So  ten  of  our  appointed^  who  of 

themselves  willing  to  undertake    if*  to  wit, 
STAKDXSH,  CA&VER,  WIILUM 

WXNBLOW,    JOHN    IIIXEY,    EDWAEB    TIIXET, 
HOWLAND;  and  of  London, 

HOPKIKS  and  find  two  of 

oiw  seamen,  [or 

and  THOMAS  [aee  877J    Of  the 

ay,  two  of  the 

,  we  25*3  CLABII  asi 

,  tlie  Omioner,  and 

The  of 

one  of  the  [i«.  F/W./-IJT  ^^ 


the  6th  of  we  net 

oat:  [It]  very 

We  ft  we  the 

we  get  of  a 

jP0mi],  lay  less  a  of  the 

In  time,  two          veiy         ;  mad 

had          to 

Qunner  ^oto  bat  of 

him  go:  and  «>  all 

and  the 

At  we  got          of  the  awl  got 

up  oar         ;  an  or          we  got 

the  (>*•  ^*  *^rf  ^/  Cfrjf* 

tiie  anil  had 

and  kit  it  was 

o»ii;  for  the  on  our  and 

of 


428  New  England  in  Awwnca 

We  sailed  six  or  seven  leagues  by  the  shore,  but 
saw  neither  nver  nor  creek 

At  length  we  met  with  a  tongue  of  land,  being 
flat,  off  from  the  shoie,  with  a  sandy  point  [Billingsgate 
Pomt]  We  bore  up  to  gam  the  point ,  and  found  there, 
a  fair  m-come  01  road  of  a  Bay  [Wellfleet  Bay],  being  a 
league  over  at  the  narrowest,  and  some  two  or  three 
[leagues]  in  length  But  we  made  right  over  to  the  land 
before  us  and  left  the  discovery  of  this  in-come  till  the 
next  day 

As  we  drew  near  to  the  shore,  we  espied  some  ten 
or  twelve  Indians  [who  were]  very  busy  about  a  black 
thing  ,  what  it  was  we  could  not  tell ,  till  afterwards 
they  saw  us,  and  ran  to  and  fro,  as  if  they  had  been 
carrying  something  away 

We  landed  a  league  or  two  from  them,  and  had  much 
ado  to  put  ashore  anywhere  it  lay  so  full  of  flat  sands 

When  we  came  to  shore,  we  made  us  a  barncado, 
and  got  firewood,  and  set  out  our  sentinels  /  and  betook 
us  to  our  lodging,  such  as  it  was  We  saw  the  smoke 
of  the  fire  which  the  savages  made  that  night,  about 
four  or  five  miles  from  us 

In  the  morning  [of  Thursday,  the  7th  Decembei  J 
we  divided  our  company  Some  eight  in  the  shallop, 
and  the  rest  [that  ^s  twelve]  on  the  shore,  went  to 
discover  this  place  but  we  found  it  only  to  be  a  Bay, 
without  either  river  or  creek  coming  into  it  Yet  we 
deemed  it  to  be  as  good  a  harbour  as  Cape  Cod  For 
they  that  sounded  it,  found  a  ship  might  ride  in  five 
fathomfs  of]  water  We,  on  the  land,  found  it  to  be  a 
level  soil,  but  none  of  the  fruitfulest  We  saw  two 
beeks  of  fresh  water,  which  were  the  first  running 
streams  that  we  saw  in  the  country  -  but  one  might 
stride  over  them  We  found  also  a  great  fish,  called  a 


iltt  429; 

oa  tide  They  in  the 

two  of  them         In  the  bottom  of  the  Bay,          In 

They  up  at  mot 

get  off  for  the  ice.    They  0r 

six          [12|  to  15  Mid  two 

of  fat,  and  a  They 

a  deal  of  oil ;  if 

to  have  taken  ii 

So  we  finding  for  oar          :  we 

shallop  returned. 

We  then  our  the  «ea  to 

we  the  Wlien  w^ 

theres  we          it  a 

cutting  up.    They  cut  It  or 

an  ell  [forty-jvee 
fall  We 

a  by  the         as  It  for 

the  we  call 

;  we  so  of 

We  the  of  the  n 

way  on  the  At  we 

into  the  by  the         of  m 

in 

As  we  to          the  one          H<s 

lie        an  the  So 

up  to  see ;  we          the 

of  till  ;  it 

or        a 

So  we  on  a  but          no  ; 

a  the 

At  iw  *et :  bnt 

year. 


•430  New  England  in  America. 

Anon  we  found  a  great  burying  place,  one  part 
whereof  was  incompassed  with  a  large  palamdo 
[pcdiaade],  like  a  churchyard,  with  young  spires  [shoots 
or  saplings],  four  or  five  yards  long,  set  as  close  one  by 
another  as  they  could,  two  or  three  feet  in  the  ground 
Within,  it  was  full  of  graves:  some  bigger  and  some 
less,  some  were  also  paled  about ;  and  others  had  like 
an  Indian  house  [urigwam]  made  over  them,  but  not 
matted.  Those  graves  were  more  sumptuous  than  those 
at  Cornhill.  Yet  we  digged  none  of  them  up  :  but  only 
viewed  them,  and  went  our  way. 

Without  the  palazado  were  graves  also ;  but  not  so 
costly. 

From  this  place  we  went,  and  found  more  com 
ground ;  but  not  of  this  year. 

As  we  ranged,  we  light[ed]  on  four  or  five  Indian 
houses,  which  had  been  lately  dwelt  in :  but  they  wert 
uncovered,  and  had  no  mats  about  them ;  else  they  were 
like  those  we  found  at  Cornhill ;  but  had  not  been  so 
lately  dwelt  in.  There  was  nothing  left  but  two  or 
three  pieces  of  old  mats,  [and]  a  little  sedge. 

Also  a  little  further,  we  found  two  baskets  full  of 
parched  acorns  hid  in  the  ground  ;  which  we  supposed 
had  been  corn,  when  we  began  to  dig  the  same.  We 
cast  earth  thereon  again,  and  went  our  way* 

All  this  while,  we  saw  no  people.  We  went  ranging 
up  and  down  till  the  sun  began  to  draw  low :  and  then 
we  hasted  out  of  the  woods,  that  we  might  come  to  our 
shallop;  which,  when  we  were  out  of  the  woods,  we 
espied  a  great  way  off. 

And  [we]  called  them  to  come  unto  us ;  the  which 
they  did  as  soon  as  they  could,  for  it  was  not  yet  high 
water. 


in  431 

Th&y  to  see  us :  for 

they  had    not  us  In  so  a 

tMnklng  we  kept  by  the 

So,  being  weary  for  we 

nothing  all  day :  we  fell  to  our  ; 

and  [to]  get  firewood,  u*  a 

of  labour. 
By  that  we  our 

to  us,  It         within  :         we  fed 

victuals  as  we        ;  us  to  oar  we 

had  set  our  watch. 

About  we          a  and  cry : 

our  "  Arm !  ! " 

oft*  a  of 

and  [the]  We  it          a 

of  or  For  one  iii,  Bfe 

a          in 

a  in  the  [ol? 

8th  we  to  be  0r 

which 

go  off  0r  no,  of  ; 

off,  but  at  all  [of  it]. 

After  prayer,  we  for 

for  a  journey :         It  the 

It  to  the 

to  the  It  was  not          to  tlit 

Thej  be 

10  or 

not  till  bill 

at  mil 

As  It  fell        the  not 

the  [ie  on  the 

up  to 
Anon,  all  a  we  a 


432  Niw  Engk&nd  m  America, 

cry;  which  we  knew  to  be  the  same  voices 
[(ftn&nior  BRADFORD  adds,  they  heard  in  the  night 
(Bmdford  MS.,  folio  121) :  therefore  he  is  the  Writer  of 
Narrative],  though  they  varied  their  notes.  One 
of  our  company,  being  abroad  [at  a  distance],  came 
miming  in,  and  cried,  "They  are  men!,  Indians!, 
Indians!":  and  withal  their  arrows  came  lying 
amongst  us. 

Oar  men  ran  out,  with  all  speed,  to  recover  their 
arms ;  as,  by  the  good  Providence  of  GOD,  they  did 

In  the  mean  time.  Captain  MILES  STANDISH,  having 
a  snapfaanee  [a  hmid-gim  fired  with  flint    Om  iret  ^^ 
sted]  ready,  made  a  shot;  and  after  **   witt*    a* 
him,  another.     After  they  two  had  shot,  In^aim- 

two  of  us  lone  of  whom  was  evidently  BRADFORD] 

:  but  he  wished  us  not  to  shoot  till  we  could 

aim,  for  we  knew  not  what  need  we  should  have. 

And  there  were  four  only  of  us  which  had  their  arms 

ready ;  and  [we]  stood  before  the  open  side  of  our 

which  was  first  assaulted. 

They  thought  it  best  to  defend  it ;  lest  the  enemy 
should  take  it  and  our  stuff,  and  so  have  the  more 

against  us. 

Our  care  was  no  less  for  the  shallop ;  but  we  hoped 
all  the  rest  [i&  the  16  others]  would  defend  it  We  called 
unto  them,  to  know  how  it  was  with  them.  And  they 
answered  u  Well  I,  Well  !/*  every  one ;  and  "  Be  of  good 
courage  I"  We  heard  three  of  their  pieces  gooff:  and 
the  rest  called  for  a  firebrand  to  light  their  Hatches 
[mote^-eonZ].  One  took  a  log,  out  of  the  fire  [i.e.  at  the 
bG^rwdde]t  on  his  shoulder;  and  went  and  carried  it 
unto  them :  which  was  thought  did  not  a  little  discourage 
aur  enemies. 

ay  of  our  enemies  was  dreadful ;  especially 


New  in  433 

our  men  raa  out  to  recover 

note  was  after  tMs  mamer,  **  Woftth!  Woaeh!  Hm!  Ha! 
Haeh!  Woach!" 

Our  men  were  no  to  but 

the  enemy  were  ready  to  them.    There          A 

lusty  man,  and  no  whit  leis  valiant,  who 
to  be  their  [He]  *  tree, 

half  a  musket  shot  of  us;  1st  Ms  fly 

at  us.    He  to 

all  avoided.      For  he  at  whom  the 
aimed,        it>  and  ctowia ;          it 

The  rest  were  avoided  He  of  a 

mosketh    At  length,  m  he          foil         at 

him.    After  wMel^  ha          aa  cscy : 

they  went  «U ! 

We  *  of  a        t  tat  Wit 

«x  to         <mr  ;  for  we  of  our 

we  all  two 

times;  0ff  a  of  00 

TMs  we  did  see  we         i»fc 

of  ;  nor  Thro  it  G0B 

to  onr  ;         give  us 

By  their  we  not 

lew  thirty  or  forty; 

they  Yet  in  the          of  tie 

wt  not  so  the  Ait 

eontcl  see  us,  by  our  fin 

We  up  of  we 

to  by  [of    the 

torn ;  and 

more,  B0  :  for         we 

Yet,  by  the 

of  GOD,          of  hit,  or  hurt*  us ; 

Tt»  2  K 


434    '      ,    New  ^Eitgfaad  in  America. 

though  many  came  dose  by  us,  and  on  every  side  of  us 
wad  same  coats,  which  hung  up  In  our  barricade^  were 

through  and  through. 

So,  after  we  had  given  GOD  thanks  for  our 
deliverance  ;  we  took  our  shallop,  and  went  on  our 
journey:  and  called  this  place,  The  First  Encounter. 
[It  took  place  right  in  the  middle  of  Nawet 
(Eastham);  "for  howsoever,  through  snow  or  otherwise^ 
we  no  houses  (wigwams)  ;  yd,  we  were  in  the  midst, 


From  hence,  we  intended  to  have  sailed  to  the 
Ijferesaid  Thievish  Harbour  [Plymouth  harboivr]  ;  if  we 
found  no  convenient  harbour  by  the  way. 

Having  the  wind  good,  we  sailed  all  that  day  along 
the  coast,  about  fifteen  leagues:  but  saw  neither  river, 
nor  <roek»  to  put  into.  After  we  had  sailed  an  hour  or 
fcwov  it  began  to  snow  and  rain,  and  to  be  bad  weather. 
About  the  midst  of  the  afternoon,  the  wind  increased  ; 
sad  the  began  to  be  very  rough  :  and  the  hinges  of 
tibe  rudder  broke,  so  that  we  could  steer  no  longer  with 
ii  j  but  two  men?  with  much  ado,  were  fain  to  serve  with 
$  comple  of  oara  The  were  grown  so  great,  that  we 
much  troubled  ;  and  in  great  danger  :  and  night 
on, 


Anon,  Master  COPPIX  bade  us,  Be  of  good  cheer!  be 
saw  the  harbour.  As  we  drew  near,  the  gale  being  stiff, 
and  we  bearing  great  sail  to  get  in,  [the  wind]  split  our 
mast  in  three  pieces;  and  was  like,[ly]  to  have  cast 

away  oiit  shallop  :  yet»  by  GOD  s  •  mercy,  recovering 
©tradves,  we  had  the  flood  [tide]  with  us,  and,  struck 
into  the  harbour. 

Noirhe  that  thought  that  had  b^en,tibe  plac5%was 


PLYMOUTH  BAY,   MASSACHUSETTS, 


in  411 

it  a  not         of  us 

':  and  the  he^          Win 

CWF  Pilot  [ie  0<WWA  J,  did          op  ; 

which  If  we  we 

Yet        the  us*         we          up  for  an 

[CZarV*  BS  ;  and 

being 
night  us,  it  the* 

we  fell  n  of  ;  our 

did  and  all 

&  ;  our 

all  night,  In  the  :  itt 

the  we  II,  no 

at  all.    And  we  car 

all         day :  [It]  ftli 

of  On  the  irf 

And  on  |»  llth 

J-tey,]  we  th«  and  it  A 

for  our  We  thf 

imd  and 

A  for 

So  we  [I  on  to 

cor  fa>  the  raft  of  0ttr 

;  ili 

Oa  the           cl*f  [of  we  flc  Iht 

to  gp  to  the  wt  h*i 

;  of  the 

we           not            tht                ;  tat  to  psi 

0^  to  our 

and  the          w«s  at 


436  New  England  in  America. 

But  it  pleased  GOD  that,  the  next  day,  being 
Saturday  the  16th,  the  wind  came  fair;  and  we  put  to 
sea  again  [or  rather,  towards  the  land],  and  came  safely 
into  a  safe  harbour.  And,  within  half  an  hour,  the 
wind  changed:  so  as  if  we  had  been  letted  [hindered] 
but  a  little,  we  had  gone  back  to  Cape  Cod. 

This  harbour  is  a  bay  greater  than  [that  of]  Cape  Cod, 
compassed  with  a  goodly  land:  and  in  the  bay,  two 
fine  islands  [Clark's  Island  and  Saquish  peninsula] 
uninhabited ;  wherein  is  nothing  but  wood,  oaks,  pines, 
walnut,  beech,  sassafras,  vines,  and  other  trees  which 
we  know  not. 

This  bay  is  a  most  hopeful  place.  [It  has  an] 
innumerable  store  of  [wild]  fowl ;  and  excellent[ly]  good  : 
and  [it]  cannot  but  be  [full]  of  fish  in  their  seasons. 
Skate,  cod,  turbot  [  flounder],  and  herring  [alewives]  we 
have  tasted  of.  Abundance  of  mussels,  the  greatest  and 
best  that  we  ever  saw.  Crabs  and  lobsters,  in  their 
time,  infinite. 

It  [the  harbour]  is  in  fashion  like  a  sickle,  or 
fishhook. 

Monday,  the  13th  day,  we  [i.e.  the  shallop]  went 
aland,  manned  with  the  Master  of  the  ship,  and  three  or 
four  of  the  sailors. 

We  marched  along  the  coast  [westwards,  towards 
Kingston],  in  the  woods,  some  seven  or  eight  miles  ;  but 
saw  not  an  Indian,  nor  an  Indian  house  [wigwam] :  only 
we  found  where  formerly  had  been  some  inhabitants ; 
and  where  they  had  planted  their  corn.  We  found  not 
any  navigable  river:  but  four  or  five  small  running  brooks 
of  very  sweet  fresh  water,  that  all  ran  into  the  sea. 

The  land,  for  the  crust  of  the  earth,  is  [at]  a  spit's 
depth,  excellent  black  mould ;  and  fat  in  some  places. 

Two  or  three  great  oaks,  but  not  very  thick.    Pines, 


in  43'7 

beech*  ash,  Mwfa,  holly,  mp 

in     abidance:    and    Vines, 

Ghmy-trees,  plam-tree^  and  many  we 

knew  not.    Many  of  we  found  in 

winter;  as etrawbeny leaves innioaerftUe, 
carvell  [dtawtt],  brook-lime,  liverwort, 
great  store  of  leeks  and  ;  an 

kind  of  flax  and  hemp.    Here  are  ;  cad 

excellent  clay,  no  tetter  in  the  world,  for 

will  of 

though  soft;  and  the 

we  drank ;         the  brooks  to  be  fill  of 

That  night,  wt 

went  aboard 

The  the  of 

December,  we  to 

went  on  and  in  the  The           W« 

found,  as   the  day  we   did.     And  we 

a  rirsr],    and  up 

A  very  river.    At  full  nea,  a 

of  thirty  go  up;   lint  At  low 

shallop  could 

•>  fAe  <y  we  land 

a  to  in ;  but          It         so  for 

ottr  our  Had  so 

we  be  ia  of  ti* 

;  mud  our  so  and  no 

to          :  to  qmt  «i«l 

till  we          of 

of  TO,  a  for  to 

In  the  isle  we  the  bay, 

is  five  or  six  mad  lie  »li 

a          and  a          or  two  pn 

all  and  no  bttt  two  or  pit*  [«oj 


43?  New  England  in  America. 

that  we  doubted  [were  doubtful]  of  fresh  water  in 
summer :  and  so  full  of  wood  as  we  could  hardly  clear 
so  much  as  to  serve  us  for  corn.  Besides,  we  judged  it 
cold  for  our  corn;  and  some  part  [of  it]  very  rocky. 
Yet  divers  thought  of  it  as  a  place  defencible  and  of 
great  security. 

That  night,  we  return  again  a-shipboard;  with 
resolution,  the  next  morning,  to  settle  on  some  of  those 
places. 

So,  in  the  morning  [of  Wednesday],  after  we  had 
called  on  GOD  for  direction,  we  came  to  this  resolution, 
To  go  presently  [at  once]  ashore  again ;  and  to  take  a 
better  view  of  two  places  which  we  thought  most 
fitting  for  us.  For  we  could  not  now  take  time  for 
further  search  or  consideration  :  our  victuals  being  much 
spent,  especially  our  beer ;  and  it  being  now  the  20th 
of  December. 

After  our  landing,  and  viewing  of  the  places  so  well 
as  we  could;  we  came  to  a  conclusion  by  [the]  most 
voices  [the  majority]  to  se[a]t  on  the  mainland,  on  the 
first  place  [of  the  two],  on  a  high  ground,  where  there 
is  a  great  deal  of  land  cleared,  and  [that]  hath  been 
planted  with  corn  three  or  four  years  ago ;  and  [where] 
there  is  a  very  sweet  brook  [that]  runs  under  the  hill 
side ;  and  many  delicate  springs  of  as  good  water  as  can 
be  drunk  ;  and  where  we  may  harbour  our  shallops  and 
boats  exceeding  well:  and  in  this  brook,  much  good 
fish  in  their  seasons :  [and]  on  the  further  [i.e.  the  south] 
side  of  the  river  [the  Town  Brook]  also,  [there  is]  much 
corn  ground  cleared. 

In  one  field  is  a  great  hill  [The  Mownt,  see  page  533 : 
fii/t&nmrds  called  Fort  Hill ;  and  now,  Burial  Hill] ; 
oa  which  we  [ap]point  to  make  a  Platform  or  Fort], 
and  to  pltot  our  ordnance;  which  will  command  all 


43? 

round  about    Eran  we          ate          Hit 

and    far   into   the   sea :     tad   we  see 

Gape  Cod. 

Our  will  be  the  of  our 

wood,  which  is  half  a  of  m  [**a 

fmimff,  or  220  :  bat          is  » fiur  oft 

What  people  we  not ;  for  nt  fit 

we  have         none. 

So  there  we  our  ;         &  for 

some  of  our  people,  In  ihe 

morning,  to  wine  all  to 

But  the  next  the          nf 

December,  It  was  and  wet         we  mot  go 

ABC!  all 

do  nothing ;  tat  :  not 

to  a  of 

it  to' 

All  it  and  It 

ao  the  not  go  OB 

so         as  ;  for          had  ao  on 

About  a  the 

ado,  with  ;  but  not  it  so 

[it]  was          foal  we 

to  let  fall  our  [  f  :  ami  ride 

Friday,  the  The  still  we 

not  gtt  :  near  to  us 

WAS  of  a  iwa ;  bat         torn* 

So  of  n»  iw 

anil  to 

for 

the  on  a  eiy 

of  «w  :  an 


440  New  England  in  America. 

and  to  stand  on  their  guard,  expecting  an  assault :  but 
all  was  quiet. 

Monday,  the  25th  day.  We  went  on  shore.  Some 
to  f eU  timber,  some  to  saw,  some  to  rive,  and  some  to 
carry :  so  no  man  rested  all  that  day.  But  towards 
night,  some,  as  they  were  at  work,  heard  a  noise  of 
some  Indians;  which  caused  us  all  to  go  to  our 
musketa  But  we  heard  no  further  [of  it]  :  so  we  came 
aboard  again,  and  left  some  twenty  to  keep  the  court  of 
guard.  That  night  we  had  a  sore  storm  of  wind  and 
rain. 

Monday,  the  25th,  being  Christmas  Day,  we  began 
to  drink  water  aboard.  But,  at  night,  the  Master  caused 
us  to  have  some  beer.  And  so  on  board,  we  had  divers 
times,  now  and  then,  some  beer :  but  on  shore  none  at 
all. 

Tuesday,  the  26th,  it  was  foul  weather,  that  we  could 
not  go  ashore. 

Wednesday,  the  27th.     We  went  to  work  again. 

Thursday,  the  28th  of  December.  So  many  as  could, 
went  to  work  on  the  hiU  [The  Mown£\\  where  we  purposed 
to  build  our  Platform  [Fort]  for  our  ordnance;  and 
which  doth  command  all  the  plain  and  the  bay ;  and  from 
whence  we  may  see  far  into  the  sea.  And  [it]  might  be 
[the]  easier  impaled ;  having  two  rows  of  houses,  and  a 
fair  street  [now  Leyden  street]. 

So,  in  the  afternoon,  we  went  to  measure  out  the 
grounds.  And  first,  we  took  notice  how  many  families 
tfeere  were:  willing  all  single  men,  that  had  no  wives,  to 
join  some  family,  as  they  thought  fit,  that  so  we  might 
build  fewer  houses.  Which  was  done ;  and  we  reduced 
them  to  nineteen  families. 

Tb  greater  families,  we  allotted  larger  plots:  to 
person,  half  a  Pole  [  »2f  yards]  in  breadth,  and 


im  441 

three  fulfil  in  length*    And  flo 

where  every  maa  should  lie-     WMcfa 
staked  out 

We  thought  this  at 

the  first*  for  houses  to  : 

considering  the  of  our  of 

growiog  111  with  colds  for  of}  our 

Discoveries  in  frost  ;  the  *i 

Cape  Cod  had  brought  n$y 

increased  so  every  ; 

wa«  the  of  of 

Friday  and  Sataxky.    We  for  our 

laborer :  but  our  people  on 
discouraged  with  ;  [it] 

voy  atomy  Mid  We  saw  of  fire* 

made  by  the  Indians*  six  or  Hit 

as  we 

Monday,  the    1st   <rf  |liil}    le 

to  work.    We  5a  no 

fur  off  from  the  the  : 

we  lost  much  For  our          [of  ISO 

so  much  she  lay  a  * 

off :  though  a         of  70  or  *0          at 

to  the 
Wednesday,  the    Srd   of  of  uur 

to  get  and  ; 

of  the  and  it 

yet  SAW  of  the  aor  had 

say  of  we          to  this 

the  4th   of 

car  five  to  see  if 

of  the  In 

the  ires  They  to  of 

;  but  not  :  yet  not 


442  New  England  in  America. 

meet  with  any.  As  they  came  home,  they  shot  at  an 
eagle  and  killed  her ;  which  was  excellent  meat.  It  was 
hardly  to  be  discerned  from  mutton. 

Friday,  the  5th  of  January,  One  of  the  sailors 
found  alive  upon  the  shore,  a  herring;  which  the 
Master  had  to  his  supper:  which  put  us  in  hope 
of  fish;  but  as  yet  we  had  got  but  one  cod.  We 
wanted  small  hooks. 

Saturday,  the  6th  of  January.  Master  [CHRISTOPHER] 
MARTIN  was  very  sick ;  and,  to  our  judgement,  [with] 
no  hope  of  life :  so  Master  CARVER  was  sent  for,  to  come 
aboard  [the  Mayflower]  to  speak  with  him,  about  his 
Accounts  [as  Treasurer  of  the  Company]. 

Who  came,  the  next  morning.     [See  page  344]. 

Monday,  the  8th  day  of  January,  was  a  very  fair  day ; 
and  we  went  betimes  to  work.  Master  JONES  sent  the 
shallop,  as  he  had  formerly  done,  to  see  where  fish  couM 
be  got.  They  had  a  great  storm  at  sea,  and  were  in 
some  danger.  At  night,  they  returned  with  three  great 
seals;  and  an  excellent  good  cod:  which  did  assure  us 
that  we  should  have  plenty  of  fish  shortly. 

This  day,  FRANCIS  BILLINGTON  (having,  the  week 
before,  seen,  from  the  top  of  a  tree  on  a  high  hill,  a  great 
sea,  as  he  thought)  went  with  one  of  the  Master's  Mates  to 
see  it.  They  went  three  miles  ;  and  then  came  to  a  great 
water  divided  into  two  great  lakes  :  the  bigger  of  them 
five  or  six  miles  in  circuit,  and  in  it  an  isle  of  a  cable's 
length  [  =  100  fathoms  =.  GQOfeet]  square  ;  the  other,  three 
mMes  in  compass.  In  their  estimation,  they  are  [of]  fine 
fresh  water ;  full  of  fish  and  fowl.  A  brook  [the  Town 
Brwk]  issues  from  it.  It  will  be  an  excellent  help  far 
us  in  time. 

Tlwy  found  seven  or  eight  Indian  houses  [wiffwamsj  i 
lint1  'mot  lately  inhabited.  When  they  saw  the 


443 

they  were  IB  some         :  for  they 
one  piece 

Tuesday,  the  9th  January,         a  : 

and  we  went  to  day  in  the  o£ 

our  town,  In  two  «>w»  of  for  We 

divided  by  lot  the  plot  of  to  oar 

town.    After  the  [me 

;  we  agreed  every  Ms 

house :  thinking,  by 

in  The 

House,  1ft  which,  for  the          mfe  our 

It 

twenty  ; 

:  so          in  of  it 

and  foul  u* 

This  of  the  ve 

the 

the  lltli,    WILLIAM  at 

work,  for  it  a  fair 

with  a  so  to  Ms 

It  wa0  that  he 

Ha   got  la   the 

the  and  fait 

Ms  by  Bat  he  a 

night;    anil  IB 
in  the  me  of 

the  We  to  ;  but, 

It  to  It  t»*  to 

work* 

two  of  nar  put  m  in 

nnd  There  to  m»d  cut 

In   the  nad   two  of 

and  cut  ail 

the  to  a  :  tin  1  the 


444  New  Englctwd  m  America. 

f 

other  two  to  bind  up  that  which  was  cut,  and  to  follow 
them.  So  they  did,  [it]  being  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  our  Plantation. 

But  when  the  two  came  after;  they  could  not  find 
them,  nor  hear  anything  of  them  at  all :  though  they 
hallowed  [JiaMooed]  and  shouted  as  loud  as  they  could 
So  they  returned  to  the  Company,  and  told  them 
of  it. 

Whereupon  Master  LEAVER  [or  rather  CARVER]  and 
three  or  four  more,  went  to  seek  them :  but  could  hear 
nothing  of  them.  So  they  returning,  sent  more:  but 
that  night  they  could  hear  nothing  at  all  of  them. 

The  next  day  [,  Saturday,  the  13th],  they  armed  ten 
or  twelve  men  out;  verily  thinking  the  Indians  had 
surprised  them :  but  could  neither  see  nor  hear  anything 
at  all.  So  they  returned  with  much  discomfort  to 
us  all 

These  two  that  were  missed :  at  dinner  time  tpok 
their  meat  in  their  hands,  and  would  go  [and]  walk 
and  refresh  themselves.  So  going  a  little  off,  they 
find  a  lake  of  water  [?  Lowt  Pond,  near  BiUmgten 
$ea]:  and,  having  a  great  mastiff  bitch  with  them 
and  a  spaniel,  by  the  water  side  they  found  * 
great  deer.  The  dogs  chased  him;  and  they  followed 
*so  far  as  they  lost  themselves,  and  could  not  find  the 
way  back. 

They  wandered  all  that  afternoon,  [it]  being  wet; 
and  at  night  it  did  freeze  and  snow.  They  were 
slenderly  apparelled;  and  haxi  no  weapons,  but  each 
i>me  Ms  sickle ;  nor  any  victuals. 

They  ranged  up  and  down;  and  could  find  none  of 
lie  sa? ages*  habitations  Iwffwams]. 

When  it  drew  ^o  Bight,  they  were  much  perplexed 


ik  445 

for  not 

frost  and  mow,  twn»  to  tha 

bed;  and  the 

ttootrber  thing  did  very  They 

as  they 

for  a  long  time  ;  and  a 

very  ;  so,  not  to  do, 

resolved  to  climb  up         a         as  ; 

thoogh  that  would  an 

So  they  at  the  the 

came,   they  of 

eEmbrag  up.    The  to          fey  lit 

;  for  she  to  £ha 

II  GOD  80  to  tie 

Cfiiiie  not. 

So  op  and  t!tt»  tree  all 

It        am 

So          as  it  : 

by  inaay  ;         la 

the  the  of  in 

length,  Is  a  [opfu]  01  en* 

In  the  it  GOD  a  Mil 

the  in  the 

in 

fii^  got  to  the  ta 

of  ; 

to          hin  cut  off  Ms         ; 

AO  :  «ad  It  was  a  en? 

It  to  go. 

OB  the  at 

rafcim:     but  on  « 


446  New  England  in  America. 

But  the  next  day,  being  [Sunday,]  the  14th  of 
January,  in  the  morning,  about  six  of  the  clock,  the 
wind  being  very  great ;  they  on  shipboard  spied  their 
great  new  randevous  on  fire :  which  was  to  them  a  new 
discomfort;  fearing,  because  of  the  supposed  loss  of 
the  men,  that  the  savages  had  fired  them. 

Neither  could  they  presently  go  to  them,  for  want 
of  water;  but,  after  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  they 
went:  as  they  had  purposed,  the  day  before,  to  keep 
the  Sabbath  on  shore;  because,  now,  there  was  the 
greater  number  of  people. 

At  their  landing,  they  heard  [the]  good  tidings  of 
the  return  of  the  two  men;  and  that  the  house  was 
fired  occasionally  [accidentally]  by  a  spark  that  flew 
into  the  thatch :  which  instantly  burnt  it  [i.e.  the  thatch] 
all  up ;  but  the  roof  stood  and  [was]  little  hurt. 

The  most  loss  was  Master  CARVER'S  and  WILLIAM 
BRADFORD'S  ;  who  then  lay  [there]  sick  in  bed :  and,  if 
they  had  not  risen  with  good  speed,  had  been  blown  up 
with  powder ;  but,  through  GOD's  mercy,  they  had  no 
harm. 

The  house  was  as  full  of  beds  as  they  could  lie  one 
by  another;  and  their  muskets  were  charged:  but, 
blessed  be  GOD,  there  was  no  harm  done. 

Monday,  the  15th  day.  It  rained  much  all  day,  that 
they  on  shipboard  could  not  go  on  shore ;  nor  they  on 
shore  do  any  labour :  but  were  all  wet. 

Tuesday,  Wednesday,  Thursday  were  very  fair 
sunshiny  days ;  as  if  it  had  been  April :  and  our  people, 
so  many  as  were  in  health,  wrought  cheerfully. 

[Friday,]  the  19th  day,  we  resolved  to  make  a  Shed, 
to  put  our  common  provision^]  in ;  of  which  some  were 
already  set  on  shore :  but  at  noon  it  rained,  that  we 
could  not  work. 


New  in 


This  day,  in    the  evening,  JOBS 
abroad,  to  «se  his  lame  feet,  that  were  pitifully  ill 
the  cold  he  had  got    Having  a  » 

little  way  from  the  Plantation,  two  ran 

after  the  dog.    The  dog  ran  to  him  ;  a&d  fain 

legs,  for  succour.    He  In  his  but 

took  up  a  stick,  and  threw  at  one  of  and  hit  Mm  ; 

and   they  presently  ran  tot 

He  got  a  pale  board  [#  atafe*  or  In  big  ; 

axtd  they  sat  both  on  their  at          & 

good  while*  and  [then]  went 

Saturday,  the  20th,  we  up  our  f«r  011 

common  goods, 

Sunday,  the  21st,  we  kept  our  on 

Monday,  the  22ndf  was  a  fnir  We  on 

our  houses;   and,  in    the  isp   ear 

hogsheads  of  to  our  [fa.  |/«* 

S&aEJ, 

The  of  the  week,  we  our 

likewise. 

Monday,  the  20th,  In  the  and 

sleet:  but,  after,  fair.  the  boat 

mud  the  shallop  brought  our  0a 

Tuesday  and  Wednesday,  30th  of 

Cold  frosty  we  not 

In  the  moniing,  the  mid  saw  two 

that  had  been  on  tie  our 

ship.    What  they  for,  we  not 

were  g®5bg  Cpow]  so  far 
descried,         we  could  not 

Sunday,  tie  4th  of  February,  was  very  ; 

with  the  greatest  of  wind  we 

we  forth  [i«.//w»  :  we 

rid  In  a  very  harbour,  yet  we  in 


448  New  England  in  America* 

because  our  ship  was  light  the  goods  [being]  taken  out, 
and  she  unballasted.  And  it  caused  much  daubing- 
[plaster  made  of  earth]  of  our  houses  to  fall  down. 

Friday  the  9th.  Still  the  cold  weather  continued, 
that  we  could  do  [but]  little  work.  That  afternoon,  our 
little  house  for  our  sick  people,  was  set  on  fire  by  a 
spark  that  kindled  in  the  roof ;  but  no  great  harm  was 
done.  That  evening,  the  Master  [Captain  JONES],  going 
ashore,  killed  five  geese ;  which  he  friendly  distributed 
among  the  sick  people.  He  found  also  a  good  deer 
killed.  The  savages  had  cut  off  the  horns  ;  and  a  wolf 
was  eating  of  him.  How  he  came  there  we  could  not 
conceive. 

Friday,  the  16th  day,  was  a  fair  day:  but  the 
northerly  wind  continued,  which  continued  the  frost 

This  day,  after  noon,  one  of  our  people  being  a 
fowling;  and  having  taken  a  stand  by  the  creek  side,  in 
the  reeds,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  our  Plantation ; 
there  came  by  him  twelve  Indians,  marching  towards 
our  Plantation :  and  in  the  woods,  he  heard  the  noise  of 
many  more.  He  lay  close  till  they  were  passed ;  and 
then,  with  what  speed  he  could,  he  went  home,  and  gave 
the  alarm.  So  the  people  abroad  in  the  woods  returned, 
and  armed  themselves ;  but  saw  none  of  them :  only 
toward  iihe  evening,  they  made  a  great  fire,  about  the 
place  where  they  were  first  discovered  [seepage  441]. 

Captain  MELES  STAHDISH  and  FRANCIS  COOKE,  being 
at  work  in  the  woods,  coming  home,  left  their  tools 
behind  them :  but,  before  they  returned,  their  tools  wem 
taken  away  by  the  savages. 

This  coming  of  the  savages  gave  us  occasion  to  keep 
more  strict  watch;  and  to  make  our  pieces  and 
furniture  [wmskets  a*nd  their  eqmpment]  ready,  which 
by  the  moisture  and  rain  were  out  of  temper. 


ffem  England  in  Am^rum. 

Saturday,  the  17th  day  [of  February,  m  the 

morning,  we  called  a  meetiog-  for  the  of 

Military  Orders  amongst  ourselves :         we 
STANDISH,  our  Captain;    and  of 

command  in  affairs. 

And  as  we  were  in  consultation  two 

savages  presented  themselves  upon  the  top  of  a  Ml 
[Strawberry  Hill,  now  EUL    Its 

name  was  Ccmt<mgcantee8k]  over  ma:  Plantation, 

about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  and  leas ; 
us,  to  come  unto  them. 

We  likewise  made  unto  thefay  to  to  us. 

Whereupon  we  armed  oursilves,  : 

sent   two  over  the  [the 

them,  to  wit,  Captain  STAMDISH  ; 

who  went  towards  Only  one  of  * 

musket ;  which  they         down  on  the  ia 

sight,  in  of  and  to  :   feat 

the  would  not  tarry  A  of  a 

great  many  more  the  hill:  but  00 

more  came  in 

This  caused  us  to  plant  our  in 

most  convenient. 

Wednesday,  the  21st  of  February.    Hie 
on  shore,  with  many  of  Ms 
him  one  of  the  a  [,  a 

1,200  a  o/  3f 

firing  us  to  it  up  the  Mil ; 

with  lay  OB          :  ; 

and  a  Saker  [,  or  a 

a  cjf  S| 

aiad  two  [»  202  &&, 

a         of  If 

He  "brought  with  him,  a  very  fat          to  eat          us ; 

The  Pilgrim  Fatbm.  2  » 


New  Emgl&nd  in  America. 

and  we  bad  a  fat  crane,  and  a  mallard,  and  a  dried  neat's 
tongue ;  and  so  we  were  kindly  and  friendly  together. 

Saturday,  the  3rd  of  March,  the  wind  was  south ; 
the  morning,  misty ;  but  towards  noon,  warm  and  fair 
weather.  The  birds  sang  in  the  woods  most  pleasantly. 
At  one  of  the  clock,  it  thundered :  which  was  the  first 
we  heard  in  that  country.  It  was  [of]  strong  and 
great  claps;  but  short.  But,  after  an  hour,  it  rained 
very  sadly  [grievously]  till  midnight 

Wednesday,  the  7th  of  March.  The  wind  was  full 
east;  cold,  but  fair.  That  day,  Master  CARVEE,  with 
five  others,  went  to  the  great  ponds  [Bittington  Sea; 
or  possibly,  the  Grmt  S(Mth  Pond]  ;  which  seem  to  be 
excellent  fishing  places.  All  the  way  they  went,  they 
fottad  it  exceedingly  beaten  [trodden]  and  haunted  with 
deer ;  but  they  saw  none.  Amongst  other  f owl[s],  they 
saw  a  milk-white  fowl  with  a  very  black  head. 

This  day,  some  garden  seeds  were  sown. 

Friday,  the  16th  [March  1621],  a  fair  warm  day 
towards  [promising]. 

This  morning,  we  determined  to  conclude  of  the 
Military  Orders:  which  we  had  begun  to  consider  of 
before:  but  were  interrupted  by  the  savages;  as  we 
'meatlcmed  formerly. 

And  whilst  we  were  busied  hereabout,  we    were 
Interrupted    again.      For    there    presented  himself   a 
;  which  caused  an  alarm. 

He  very  boldly  came  all  alone,  and  along  the  houses, 
straight  to  the  randevous:  where  we  intercepted  him, 
not  suffering  him  to  go  in ;  as  undoubtedly  he  would, 
out  of  his  boldnesa 

He  saluted  us  in  English,  and  bade  us  "  Welcome!  * 
For  he  had  learned  some  broken  English  amongst  the 
Bbglsbmen  that  came  to  fish  at  Moachjggoo  [Mankegwi, 


New  in  45 1 

off  the          of  ;  and  by  the  of 

the  Captains,  Commanders, 
come  [there]. 

He  was  a  free  in  s0  &r  as  he 

express  his  mind ;         of  a 

We  questioned          of  Be          tba 

first  savage  we  could  He         Ha        not 

of  these  parts;   but  of  and  0n0  01  tie 

Sagamores  or  Lords  ;  and  had 

[Jtily  1020  —  in  It 

hence  a  mil  with  a  ;  and  fcy 

land.    He  of  the  of 

province ;  and  of  of 

men  Mid 

The  wind  to          a  we  & 

horseman's  for  be 

^having]  only  a  his  a 

about  a  or  [a]  He        a 

two  ;  the  the 

He        a  tell  The         of  hw 

;  :  on  his 

at  all 

He  [for]  ;  but  we 

water  ;  ? 

cheese,  a  of  a  :  all 

*                       »           of  *  and           and 

erf           i»          th*            of  HP            to                  on 

baud  of                                      at  *            fat        on  big         to 

on  hfe  1619/1420:   »ni  to 

bj               on  €  jet ;           bt                          tfc* 

tielr  fftirt^w*                             P!X 

the  *    and  tie                                 gtl1! 

bis  new             :  fey  that 

wMcli              fcim  f*w  t1!**  t»i»  rrf  te>            h*                jal.— 

H.  M.                Wl.  of  Am  I.  B^,  E»l.  l?fS»  I. 


452  New  England  in  America. 

he  liked  well;  and  had  been  acquainted  with  such 
amongst  the  English. 

He  told  us  the  place  where  we  now  live  is  called 
Patuxet:  and  that,  about  four  years  ago  [in  1617],  all 
the  inhabitants  died  of  an  extraordinary  plague;  and 
there  is  neither  man,  woman,  nor  child  remaining;  as 
indeed  we  have  found  none.  So  as  there  is  none  to 
hinder  our  possession,  or  to  lay  claim  unto  it. 

All  the  afternoon,  we  spent  in  communication  with 
Mm.  We  would  gladly  have  been  rid  of  him  at  night : 
but  he  was  not  willing  to  go  this  night.  Then  we 
thought  to  carry  him  on  shipboard ;  wherewith  he  was 
well  content,  and  went  into  the  shallop :  but  the  wind 
was  high,  and  the  water  scant  [shallow],  that  it  could 
not  return  back.  We  lodged  him,  that  night,  at 
STEPHEN"  HOPKINS'S  house;  and  watched  him. 

The  next  day  [,  Saturday,  the  17th],  he  went  away, 
back  to  the  Masasoits ;  from  whence,  he  said,  he  came  : 
who  are  our  next  bordering  neighbours.  There  are  sixty 
strong,  as  he  saith. 

The  Nausites  are  as  near  south-east  [or  rather 
north-east]  of  them,  and  are  a  hundred  strong ;  and 
those  were  they,  of  whom  our  people  were  encountered; 
as  we  before  related  [at  pp.  431-434].  They  are  much 
incensed  and  provoked  against  the  English :  and  about 
eight  months  ago  [?  July  1620],  slew  three  Englishmen; 
and  two  more  hardly  escaped  by  flight  to  Monhiggon 
[Monhegan].  They  were  Sir  FERBINANDO  GOKGES  his 
men ;  as  this  savage  told  us.  As  he  did  likewise  of  the 
Tmgg&riey  that  is  "  fight,"  that  our  Discoverers  had  with 
the  Nausites  [  see  pp.  431-434] :  and  of  our  tools  that  were 
taken  out  of  the "  woods ;  which  we  willed  him  should 
be  brought  again,  otherwise  we  would  right  ourselvea 

These  people  are  ill  affected  towards  the  English,  by 


New  in  451 

of  one  &  0f  * 

sMp;  who  deceived  the  people;          got 
colour  of  trucking  of 

twenty  out  of  this  very  we 

seven  from  the  Naasltes:  [to 

Spain],  and  sold  for  for  £20  »  Ike  ft 

wretched  man  that  not  he          for 

Ms  profit. 

Saturday,  in  the  we  the  ; 

and   gave    Mm  a  knife*  m  sad  a  Ht 

promised,  within  a  night  or  two,  to  to 

"bring  with  him,  of  the  our 

with  such  beavers*  as  to  us» 

Saturday         Sunday  [were] 

On  this  day  tta 

the  ;  tolt 

proper  They  a 

on  Mm ;  and  the  of  had  a 

skin,  or  such  like,  on  the  one  of 

them?  long  or  up  to 

dosefly]  ;  to 

another  leather.    They  the 

[trouper*]. 

They  are  of  like  our 

Mo  hsir,  or  very  on  On 

long  hair  to  0nly  cut 

[with  it]  up  » 

a  fan ;  a]          tall  ami 

to  0ar 

their  bows  a  of  a 

town. 

We  as  we 

fitting  [to]  them.    They  did  eat  of  0ar 

vict»ala    They  us  of 


454  New  England  tn  Africa. 

and  amity  They  sang  and  danced  after  their  manner, 
like  antics  [grotesque  persons]  They  brought  with 
them,  in  a  thing  like  a  [long~]bow  case  [leathern  girdle}, 
which  the  principal  of  them  had  about  his  waist,  a  little 
of  their  corn  pounded  to  powder  [parched  meal]  ,  which 
put  to  a  little  water,  they  eat  He  had  a  little  tobacco 
in  a  bag  but  none  of  them  drank  [it,  ^  e  smoked  ^t],  but 
when  he  listed.  Some  of  them  had  their  faces  painted 
black,  from  the  forehead  to  the  chin,  four  or  five  fingers 
Inroad  others,  after  other  fashions,  as  they  liked 

They  brought  three  or  four  skins,  but  we  would  not 
truck  at  aU  that  day ,  but  wished  them  to  bring  more, 
and  we  would  truck  for  all  which  they  promised 
within  a  night  or  two,  and  would  leave  these  behind 
th^m,  though  we  were  not  willing  they  should  And 
they  brought  us  aU  our  tools  again  ,  which  were  taken 
in  the  wools  in  our  men's  absence 

So,  because  of  the  day  [*  e  Sunday],  we  dismissed 
them  so  soon  as  we  could 

But  SAMOSET,  our  first  acquaintance,  either  was  sick, 
or-  feigned  himself  so,  and  would  not  go  with  them,  and 
stayed  with  us  till  Wednesday  morning 

Then  we  sent  him  to  them,  to  know  the  reason  they 
came  not,  according  to  their  words  and  we  gave  him  a 
hat*  a  pair  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and  a  piece  of 
cloth  to  be  about  his  waist  [i  e  a  low,  doth} 

The  Sabbath  Day,  when  we  sent  them  from  us,  we 
gave  every  one  of  them  some  trifles,  especially  the 
principal  of  them  We  earned  {escorted}  them  along, 
with  our  arms  [armed  men],  to  the  place  where  they 
left  their  bows  and  arrows  -  whereat  they  were  amazed , 
mid  two  of  them  began  to  slink  away,  but  the  others 
eaUecl  them. 

When   they   took    their   arrows,    we    bade    them 


New  in 

farewell ;   and  they  were  so, 

thanks  given  us,  they 
would  come  again. 

Monday  and  Tuesday  proved  We 

our  grottnde,  and  sowed  our 

Wednesday  [t  the  21st  March,  a  fbe 

day.    We  sent  away 

That  dayswe  hud          a  to  the 

and  Orders  for  ;         to 

Orders  that  were  f  omeriy 
off  by  the  coming :  but  so  we          the 

For,  after  we  had          an  hour  on  the  tap 

of  the   hill  over  us  [ie*  two 

or  three 

erf  us*  as  we  So 

STAHXHSH  with 

Town  Brook]  to  two  of  the 

that  [! 

two  with  them. 

They  and 

and  strings ;  and  of  :  bat  0w 

men  drew         them,  they 

Thus  we  were  by 

This  day,  with  much         we  got  our  [ia. 

of  the  had  of  the 

to  It  our  to          all  [0»  ft  ii 

tfc  Ie/1  the 

the          of  [1621],  was  »  very  Mr 
day. 

About  noon,  we  met  oar                         : 

but  we  had                    an  but 

eftme  again;  and  only 

of  Pattaxet,             we  (Wh0  was  one  of  tlit 


456  JVew  England  in  Amerua. 

twenty  captive  that,  by  HUNT,  were  carried  away ;  and 
had  been  in  England,  and  dwelt  in  Cornhill  [in  London] 
with  Master  JOHN  SLANT,  a  Merchant ;  and  could  speak 
a  little  English),  with  three  others :  and  they  brought 
with  them,  some  few  skins  to  truck;  and  some  red 
herrings  newly  taken  and  dried,  but  not  salted. 

And  [they]  signified  unto  us,  that  their  great 
Sagamore  MASASOYT  was  hard  by,  with  QTJADEQIJINA 
his  brother,  and  all  their  men.  They  could  not  well 
express  in  English  what  they  would :  but,  after  an  hour, 
the  King  came  to  the  top  of  a  hill  over  against  us 
[Watson's  Hill],  and  had  in  his  train  sixty  men;  that 
we  could  well  behold  them,  and  they  us. 

We  were  not  willing  to  send  our  Governor  [JoHH 
CARVIR]  to  them;  and  they  [were]  unwilling  to  come 
to  m  So  SQUANTO  went  again  unto  him ;  who  brought 
word  that  we  should  send  one  to  parley  with  him : 
which  we  did,  which  was  EDWARD  WINSLOW;  to  know 
Ms  mind,  and  to  signify  the  mind  and  will  of  our 
€tovarnor,  which  was  to  have  trading  and  peace  with  him. 

We  sent  to  the  Bang  a  pair*  of  knives,  and  a  copper 
dbaln  with  a  jewel  to  it.  To  QUADIQXJINA,  we  sent 
likewise  a  knife,  and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear.  And 
ifithal  a  pot  of  strong  water  [spirits,  ?  brandy] ;  a  good 
cpaatity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter :  which  were  all 
willingly  accepted. 

Our  messenger  made  a  speech  unto  him,  That  King 
JAMES  saluted  him  with  words  of  love  and  peace,  and 
did  accept  of  him  as  his  friend  and  aUy;  and  that 
our  Governor  desired  to  see  him,  and  to  truck  with 
Mm,  and  to  confirm  a  peace  with  him,  as  his  next 
neighbour. 

He  liked  well  of  the  speech,  and  heard  it  attentively : 
the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  ii 


New  in  457 

After  he  had  eaten  and  aacl 

given  the  rest  to    Ms  lie  0ttr 

messenger's  sword  and  armour  which  lie  had  on, 
intimation  of  his  to  buy  it:  bat*  on  the 

side,  our  messenger  showed  his  to 

with  it 

In  the  end,  he  left  of 

Ms  brother  ;  and  over  the 

and  some  twenty  men  all 

bows  and  arrows  behind  We  six  or 

as  for  our 

G*ptain   STAHPISH   afad  [or 

of  ike 

at  Ply  moutfi,  met  the  ml 

the  brook,  with         * 

;         lie,  &  0a  the  one  OB  the 

ome         and  the  on  fee  to  a 

house  then  in  ;  we  a 

and  three  or  four 

Then  OOT 

with  [a]  dram  and  [a]  and  few 

musketeers. 

After  our  to  the 

King  him  :         so          sat  down. 

The  Governor  for  nmd 

drank  to         :         he  a  [of 

Mm  all  the  Be  for  * 

the          did  eat  ml 

did  give  Ms 

They  of  waa 

ta,  ««*  0/ 


0r  rfo  Iwn,  to  any 
of 


458  New  England  in  America. 

2.  And  if  amy  of  Ms  did  hwrt  to  any  of  ours;  he 

should  send  the  offender  [to  us],  that  we  might 
punish  him* 

3.  Tha£  if  any  of  our  tools  were  taken  away,  when 

our  people  were  at  work;  he  should  cause 
them  to  be  restored:  and  if  ours  did  any  harm 
to  any  of  his,  we  would  do  the  like  to  them. 

4.  //  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him  ;  we  would 

awl  him.  If  any  did  war  against  us,  he  should 
aid  us. 

5.  He  should  send  to  his  neighbouring]  confederates* 

to  certify  them  of  this,  that  they  might  not 
wrong  us;  but  might  be  Ukewise  comprised  in 
the  Conditions  of  Peace. 

6*  That  when  their  men  came  to  us,  they  shcndd 
leave  their  bows  and  arrows  behind  them ;  as 
we  should  do  owr  pieces^  when  we  came  to  them. 

1.  Lastly,  thcct  doing  thus,  King  JAMES  would 

esteem  of  him  as  his  friend  and  ally. 
All  which  the  King  seemed  to  like  well ;  and  it  was 
applauded  of  his  followers. 

All  the  while  he  sat  by  the  Governor,  he  trembled 
for  fear. 

la  Ms  person,  he  ie  a  very  Insty  man,  in  his  best 
ye$ar&}  [of]  an  able  body,  grave  of  countenance,  and  spare 
of  speeeL  In  his  attire,  [he  was]  little  or  nothing 
dffleringfrom  the  rest  of  his  followers :  only  in  a  great 
chain  of  white  bone  beads  abont  his  neck ;  and  at  it, 
behind  his  neck,  hangs  a  little  bag  of  tobacco,  which  he 
dteank  [smoked]  and  gave  us  to  drink  [smoke].  His 
was  painted  with  a  sad  [deep]  red  like  murrey  \_tlie 
of  a  mulberry] ;  and  [he]  oiled  both  head  and 

e,,  t$»i  he  looked  greasily.    All  his  followers  likewise 


New 


n 


were,  in  their  faces,  in  part,  or  in  whole, 

black,  some  red,  some  yellow,  and  wMte; 

with  crosses,  and  other  antic 

had  skins  on  them,  and  some  [were]  :  al 

tall,  all  [OTU£  toll]  men  in 

So,  after  all         done,  the  Governor 
to  the  brook  :  and  there  they 
he  departed  ;  we  diligently 

We   expected  our 

word  was  brought  us,  WAA  ; 

and  our  messenger  til  Ms 

Who  presently  Mid  a 

him.    So  likewise  we 
to  the  place  He  of  our 

and  of  that 

be  carried  : 

that  they  be  He  n 

proper  tall  of  a  and 

;        he  did  of  omr 

80  we  Mm  aa  we  did  tfa*  but 

of  their 

When  he  out 

Two  of  Ms  all 

night  :  but  we  not  It 

One  I  The  had  in  Ms 

hanging  at  a  a  He 

much  at  our  ;  of  Ma 

it  aa  well  as  they 

and  all 

us  :  sad  the  King*         all  Ms  lay  all  in  the 

woods^  not  an  us  ;          all 

their  wives         women  with 

They  that,  or 

would  set         ca  the  of  the 


460  New  England  in  America. 

\the  Town  Brook],  and  dwell  there  all  snmmer ;  which 
is  hard  by  us. 

That  night,  we  kept  good  watch :  but  there  was  no 
appearance  of  danger. 

The  next  morning  [of  Friday,  23rd  March],  divers  of 
their  people  came  over  [the  Town  Brook]  to  us;  hoping 
to  get  some  victuals,  as  we  imagined. 

Some  of  them  told  us,  The  King  would  have  some  of 
us  come  [to]  see  him. 

Captain  STANDISH  and  ISAAC  ALLEBTON  went 
venturously:  who  were  welcomed  of  him,  after  their 
manner.  He  gave  them  three  or  four  groundnuts,  and 
some  tobacco. 

We  cannot  yet  conceive  but  that  he  is  willing  to 
have  peace  with  us.  For  they  have  seen  our  people 
sometimes  alone,  [or]  two  or  three,  in  the  woods,  at 
work  and  fowling:  when  as  they  offered  them  no 
haxm,  as  they  might  easily  have  done.  And  especially 
because  he  hath  a  potent  adversary,  the  Narowhiganseis 
\Na/iT(j^cm&M8\  that  are  at  war  with  Mm:  against 
whom,  he  thinks,  [that]  we  may  be  some  strength  to 
Mm ;  for  our  pieces  are  terrible  unto  them. 

This  morning,  they  stayed  till  ten  or  eleven  of  the 
clock;  and  our  Governor  bade  them  send  the  King's 
kettle,  and  [he]  filled  it  full  of  pease:  which  pleased 
tbaat  well.  And  so  they  went  their  way. 

Friday  [,  the  23rd  March,]  was  a  very  fair  day. 
SAMOSET  and  SQUANTO  *  still  remained  with  us. 


*  Afterwards  they,  as  many  as  were  able,  began  to  plant  their  com. 
In  which  service,  SQUANTO  stood  them  In  great  stead  :  showing  them,  both 
the  manner  how  to  set  it  j  and  after  how  to  dress  and  tend  it.  Also  he 
told  them,  except  they  got  fish,  and  set  with  it  [i.e.  -manured  the  ground 
wftl  oZnovwt*  at  ike  tiwbeof  ^Mmtf  ;  see  pp*  488,  5%] ;  in  these  old  ground^ 
It  would  mine  to  nothing.  And  he  showed  them,  that  in  the  middle  of 


New  England  in  America.  461 

SQUAKTO  went,  at  noon,  to  fish  for  eels  [I  at  JSUt 

River],    At  night,  lie  came  home  with  w  a§  it 

could  well  lift  in  one  hand;    which  our 
glad  of.    They  were  fat  and  He  out 

with  his  feet;  and  so  caught  with  his 

without  any  other  instrument* 

This   day,   w©   proceeded   on   with   our 
business;  from  wHch  we  had  to 

by  the  savages'  coming :  of 

Orders,  and  of  Orders:  as  we 

behovefol  for  our 

[we]  did  likewise  [ie  0nr 

Governor  for  ;  was 

J0HH  CABVEE^  m 
wei  m 


they  [of  iip  tbt 

by  to          :  nail  to          ft. 

And  pie  told  to  gel  I «*  All 

wMeii  %         and 

§ew  as  and  ;  tat  It 

no*  to         ;  fey  tfa*  of  the          or  of  tie 

m          or  fol  141, 


A  JOURNEY  TO  PACKANOKIK,  THE  HABITATION  OF  THE 

GREAT  KING,  MASSASOYT.     As  ALSO  OUR 

MESSAGE,    [AND]   THE  ANSWER   AND 

INTERTAINMENT  WE  HAD  OF  HIM. 

IT  seemed  good  to  the  Company,  for  many 
considerations,  to  send  some  amongst  them 
to  MASSASOYT,  the  greatest  Commander 
amongst  the  savages  bordering  about  us: 
partly  to  know  where  to  find  them,  if  occasion  served  ; 
as  also  to  see  their  strength,  discover  the  country, 
prevent  abuses  in  their  disorderly  coming  to  us,  make 
satisfaction  for  some  conceived  injuries  to  be  [have  been] 
done  on  our  parts,  and  to  continue  the  league  of  peace 
and  friendship  between  them  and  us. 

For  these,  and  the  like,  ends ;  it  pleased  the  Governor 
to  make  choice  of  STEPHEN  HOPKINS  and  EDWARD 
WINSLOW  to  go  unto  him.  And  having  a  fit  opportunity 
by  reason  of  a  savage  called  TISQUANTUM,  that  could 
speak  English,  coming  unto  us ;  with  all  expedition  [we] 
provided  a  horseman's  coat  of  red  cotton,  and  laced  with 
a  slight  [small]  lace,  for  a  present ;  that  both  they  and 
their  message  might  be  the  more  acceptable  amongst 
them.  The  message  was  as  f olloweth : 

That  forasmuch  as  his  subjects  came  often,  and 
without  fear,  upon  all  occasions,  amongst  us;  so  we 
were  now  come  unto  him :  and  in  witness  of  the  love 
<md  good  witt  the  English  bear  vmto  him,  the  Governor 
hatk  sent  him  a  coat;  desiring  that  the  peace  and 

462 


in 

m  $m 

Wot        we  to  we  tiot 

to  any:  to  Ktv  g* 

o#  so  otw 


lit 
to  m;  the 

;  |/0I 

(«*  feeing  to  oa  y  d  al 

Plymouth;  n^?i  owr 

t00  WO 

eml^toiiimewi  «  iw  cur  tr« 

to  <fo.     F«rfs  i/  1€  6a  to  ^r 

[i/J  cwiy  of  km  to  «e  i»f 

Aim,  &e  J  fid  to  lAe         nv 

^w»  our 

Atm  a  if 

/rcwi  to  tw,  ta  % 

brmffiwg  it 

to  Att 

a^  ID  tis  ; 

fAe  »ff 


of  crj 

%  ««»  t00  tn 

;  no  but 

of  like]  the          : 

if         we  of 

to  to  tt«e         /or  if.    Frf,  tt» 

fA«  /or          of 

««,  to  !A« 

a/  [a/]  or 

11*0  to 

0ll« 


464  New  England  in  America. 

so  much  unto  them;  and  we  would  content  him  for  his 
pains. 

And,  last  of  all,  our  Governor  requested  one  favour 
of  him;  which  was  that  he  would  exchange  some  of 
their  corn*  for  seed,  with  us;  that  we  might  make  trial 
which  best  agreed  with  the  soil  where  we  live. 

With  these  presents  and  [this]  Message,  we  set 
forward  [Sunday]  the  10th  [of]  June  [This  date  is 
considered  to  be  an  error.  Governor  BRADFORD 
(Bradford  MS.,  folio  143)  states  that  the  messengers 
started  on  Monday,  2nd.  July  1621],  about  nine  a  clock 
in  the  morning ;  our  guide  [TiSQUANTUM]  resolving  that 
night  to  rest  at  Namaschet  [Middleborough]^  a  town 
under  MASSASOTT  :  and  conceived  by  us  to  be  very  near, 
because  the  Indians  flocked  so  thick,  upon  every  slight 
occasion,  amongst  us;  but  we  found  it  to  be  some 
fifteen  English  miles. 

On  the  way,  we  found  some  ten  or  twelve  men 
women  and  children,  which  had  pestered  [annoyed]  us 
till  we  were  weary  of  them :  perceiving  that,  as  the 
manner  of  them  all  is,  where  victual  is  easiliest  to  be  got, 
there  they  live,  especially  in  the  summer ;  by  reason 
whoreof ,  our  Bay  affording  many  lobsters,  they  resort 
every  spring-tide  thither;  and  now  returned  with  us 
to  Namaschet. 

*  Probably  what  is  now  called  Rhode  Island  corn,  which  is  a  different 
species  from  that  usually  raised  in  Massachusetts;  yielding  a  more 
delicate  and  whiter  meal.— -H.  M.  DEXTEB,  lAb.  of  New  England  ffi$t.t 
I.  100,  Ed.  1865,  4. 

f  The  spot  so  designated  here  is  in  what  is  now  Middleborough,  on  the 
Nemasket  river ;  about  thirty  rods  above  the  bridge,  passed  in  going  frojE 
the  Green  to  the  Four  Corners,  on  the  Middleborough  and  Plymouth  road  ; 
being  the  rapids  near  the  Lower  Factory,  which  is  now  called  the  Star 
Mills,— H.  M.  DEXTEB,  M).  of  New  England  Hist.,  I.  101,  Ed.  1865,  4. 


m  463 

we  a  th0 

a?          joy  in  the 

could ;  giving  us  &  of  by 

and  the  of  got 

in  abundance,  insomuch  as          gave  UB  to 

[with].    With  :  bat 

of  the  w©  eat 

After  they  on©  of  oar  to 

at    a    crow; 

in  their  com  by 
[yards]  off,          killing; 

a*]    It,    as    [at]  om 

cwxmslons* 

After  toltl  no,  we 

in  one  ;  a§ 

to  go  wa 

to  our  journey  f  we          ; 

thither  at  we 

of  the  they   so  the  of 

&  hud 

0B  a  river  which  to  ; 

of 

us  BB  of  fish ;  and 

of  our  ;  w« 

we 
we  in  tht  for 

fain}  of 

the 

Tto          of  this  river  pAe  is  to  bo 

*  at  tiw  Old  so  m«*r  ia  A* 

of  ,  two  or  of  tb« 

of  g»  with  &»  m«r.— H.  EL  X*& 

f/  Aiw  fl'wt,  L  102,  RI 1W*,  4 

Tints  2  ;, 


466  New  England  in  America. 

not  far  from  the  place  of  our  abode.  [It  rises  within 
six  miles  of  Plymouth.]  Upon  it  are,  and  have  been, 
many  towns :  it  being  [of]  a  good  length.  The  ground 
is  very  good  on  both  sides ;  it  being  for  the  most  part 
cleared.  Thousands  of  men  have  lived  there ;  which 
died  in  a  great  plague  not  long  since:  and  pity 
it  was,  and  is,  to  see  so  many  goodly  fields,  and 
so  well  seated,  without  men  to  dress  and  manure 
the  same. 

Upon  this  river  [the  Taunton]  dwelleth  MASSASOYT. 
It  eonieth  into  the  sea  at  the  Narrohiganset 
[Narragansett]  Bay:  where  the  Frenchmen  so  much 
use  [frequent].  A  ship  may  go  many  miles  up  it, 
as  the  savages  report ;  and  a  shallop  to  the  head  of  it : 
but  so  far  as  we  saw,  we  are  sure  a  shallop  may. 

But  to  return  to  our  journey.  The  next  morning 
[,  Tuesday,  the  3rd  July],  we  brake  our  fast,  took  our 
leave,  and  departed;  being  then  accompanied  with 
some  six  savages. 

Having  gone  about  six  miles  by  the  river  side,  at  a 
known  shoal  place,*  it  being  low  water ;  they  spake  to 
us  to  put  off  our  breeches,  for  we  must  wade  through. 

Here  let  me  not  forget  the  valour  and  courage  of 
some  of  the  savages  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
For  there  were  remaining  alive  [there]  only  two  men, 
both  aged ;  especially  the  one,  being  above  three  score. 
These  two,  espying  a  company  of  [8]  men  entering  the 
river,  ran  very  swiftly  and  low  in  the  grass,  to  meet  us 
at  the  bank  :  where,  with  shrill  voices  and  great  courage, 
standing,  [they]  charged  upon  us  with  their  bows. 
They  demanded,  What  we  were?  supposing  us  to  be 

*  Theie  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  this  crossing-place  was  at  what 
is  now  known  as  Squabetty,  3J  miles  east-by-south  of  Taunton  Green. — H. 
M.  DEXTEB,  LVb.  of  New  England  Hist.,  I.  103,  Ed.  1865,  4. 


New  England  in  America.  467 

enemies ;  and  thinking  to  take  advantage  on  us  in  the 
water.  But  seeing  we  were  friends,  they  welcomed 
us  with  such  food  as  they  had:  and  we  bestowed  a 
small  bracelet  of  beads  on  them.  Thus  far,  we  are  sure, 
the  tide  ebbs  and  flows.  • 

Having  here  again  refreshed  ourselves,  we  proceeded 
in  our  journey ;  the  weather  being  very  hot  for  travel : 
yet  the  country  [was]  so  well  watered,  that  a  man  could 
scarce  be  dry  [thirsty]  but  he  should  have  a  spring  at 
hand  to  cool  his  thirst ;  besides  small  rivers  in  abundance. 
But  the  savages  will  not  willingly  drink  but  at  a  spring 
head. 

When  we  came  to  any  small  brook,  where  no  bridge 
was ;  two  of  them  desired  to  carry  us  through,  of  their 
own  accords.  Also  fearing  we  were,  or  would  be,  weary ; 
[they]  offered  to  carry  our  pieces.  Also  if  we  would 
lay  off  any  of  our  clothes,  we  should  have  them  carried  ; 
and  as  the  one  of  them  had  found  more  special  kindness 
from  one  of  the  messengers,  and  the  other  savage  from 
the  other,  so  they  shewed  their  thankfulness  accordingly, 
in  affording  us  all  help  and  furtherence  in  the  journey. 

As  we  passed  along,  we  observed  that  there  were 
few  places  by  the  river  but  had  been  inhabited ;  by 
reason  whereof,  much  ground  was  clear,  save  of  weeds 
which  grew  higher  than  our  heads.  There  is  [there] 
much  good  timber;  both  oak,  walnut  tree,  fir,  beech, 
and  exceeding  great  chestnut  trees. 

The  country,  in  respect  of  the  lying  [lay]  of  it,  is 
both  champanie  [open  and  level]  and  hilly,  like  many 
places  in  England.  In  some  places,  it  is  very  rocky ; 
both  above  ground  and  under  it  And  though  the 
country  be  wild  and  overgrown  with  woods;  yet  the 
trees  stand  not  thick,  but  a  man  may  well  ride  a  horse 
amongst  them. 


468  New  England  in  America. 

Passing  on,  at  length,  one  of  the  company,  an  Indian, 
espied  a  man ;  and  told  the  rest  of  it  We  asked  them, 
If  they  feared  any  ? 

They  told  us,  That  if  they  were  Narrohigganset 
[Narragansett]  men,  they  would  not  trust  them. 

Whereat,  we  called  for  our  pieces  [musJcets];  and 
bade  them  not  to  fear :  for,  though  they  were  twenty, 
we  two  alone  would  not  care  for  them. 

But  they  hailing  him,  he  proved  a  friend ;  and  had 
only  two  women  with  him.  Their  baskets  were  empty ; 
but  they  fetched  water  in  their  bottles:  so  that  we 
drank  with  them,  and  departed. 

After,  we  met  another  man  with  other  two  women ; 
which  had  been  at  [a]  randevow  [encampment]  by  the 
salt  water ;  and  their  baskets  were  full  of  roasted  crab 
*fishes3  and  other  dried  shellfish.  Of  which  they  gave  us ; 
and  we  eat  and  drank  with  them :  and  gave  each  of 
tae  women  a  string  of  beads,  and  departed. 

After,  we  came  to  a  town*  of  MASSASOYT'S;  where 
we  eat  oysters  and  other  fish. 

From  thence,  we  went  to  Packanokiek  f :  but 
MASSASOYT  was  not  at  home.  There  we  stayed;  he 
being  sent  for. 

When  news  was  brought  of  his  coming,  our  guide 
TISQUANTUM  requested  that,  at  our  meeting,  we  would 
discharge  our  pieces.  But  one  of  us  going  about  to 
charge  his  piece ;  the  women  and  children,  through  fear 


*  This  was  probably  at  Matapuyst  [see  pages  471,  548,  556]  now 
known  as  Gardner's  Neck,  in  Swansey,  Massa. — H.  M.  DBXTEE,  Lib.  of  New 
England  Hut.,  I.  106,  Ed.  1865,  4. 

t  While  Packanokik  was  a  general  name  for  the  Warnpanoag  territory, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  what  are  now  Warren,  Bristol,  &e,,  Ehode  Island  ; 
the  Indian  village  here  intended  was  So  warns,  built  around  the  spring, 
called  Massasoit's  Spring,  near  Baker's  Wharf,  in  Warren. — Idem. 


New  England  in  America.  469 

to  see  Mm  take  up  his  piece,  ran  away;  and  could  not 
be  pacified  till  he  laid  it  down  again ;  who  afterward 
were  better  informed  by  our  interpreter. 

MASSASOYT  being  come  [on  Wednesday,  &th  July] 
we  discharged  our  pieces,  and  saluted  him :  who  (after 
their  manner)  kindly  welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into 
his  house,  and  set  us  down  by  him.  Where,  having 
delivered  our  foresaid  Message,  and  presents;  and  [he] 
having  put  the  coat  on  his  back  and  the  chain  about 
his  neck ;  he  was  not  a  little  proud  to  behold  himself, 
and  his  men  also  to  see  their  King,  so  bravely 
attired. 

For  Answer  to  our  Message,  he  told  us : 

We  ivere  welcome;  and  he  would  gladly  continue 
that  peace  and  friendship  which  was  between  him  and 
us ;  and  for  his  men,  they  should  no  more  pester  us  as 
they  had  done.  Also  that  he  would  send  to  Paomet 
[Pamet];  and  would  help  us  with  corn  /or  seed: 
according  to  our  request. 

This  being  done,  his  men  gathered  near  to  him :  to 
whom  he  turned  himself,  and  made  a  great  speech ;  they 
sometimes  interposing,  and,  as  it  were,  confirming  and 
applauding  him  in  that  he  said.  The  meaning  whereof 
was,  as  far  as  we  could  learn,  thus  : 

Was  not  he,  MASSASOYT,  Commander  of  the  country 
about  them  ?  Was  not  such  -a  town  his,  and  the 
people  of  it?  and  should  they  not  bring  their  skins 
unto  us  ? 

To  which  they  answered,  These  were  his ;  and  would 
be  at  peace  with  us,  and  bring  their  skins  to  us. 

After  this  manner,  he  named  at  least  thirty  places  ; 
and  their  answer  was  as  aforesaid,  to  every  one :  so  that, 
as  it  was  delightful,  [so]  it  was  tedious,  unto  us. 

This  being  ended ;  he  lighted  tobacco  for  us  :  and  fell 


New  England  in  America. 

to  discoursing  of  England  and  of  the  King's  Majesty ; 
marvelling  that  he  would  live  without  a  wife  [QueenANNJS 
(of  Denmark}  had  died  in  1619].  Also  he  talked  of  the 
Frenchmen;  bidding  us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come  to 
Narrohiganset  [Naragansett],  for  it  was  King  JAMES  his 
country ;  and  he  also  was  King  JAMES  his  man. 

Late  it  grew;  hut  victuals  he  offered  none:  for 
indeed  he  had  not  any;  [it]  being  he  came  so  newly 
home.  So  we  desired  to  go  to  rest. 

He  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  himself  and  his  wife; 
they  at  one  end,  and  we  at  the  other:  it  being  only 
planks  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground,  and  a  thin  mat  upon 
them.  Two  more  of  his  chief  men,  for  want  of  room 
pressed  by  and  upon  us :  so  that  we  were  worse  weary  of 
our  lodging,  than  of  our  journey. 

The  next  day,  being  Thursday  [,  5th  July],  many  of 
their  Sachems  or  petty  Governors  came  to  see  us ;  and 
many  of  their  men  also.  There,  they  went  to  their 
manner  of  games  for  skins  and  knives.  There,  we 
challenged  them  to  shoot  with  them  for  skins  :  but  they 
durst  not.  Only  they  desired  to  see  one  of  us  shoot 
at  a  mark:  who  shooting  with  hail  shot  [bird  shot], 
they  wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes. 

About  one  of  the  clock,  MASSASOYT  brought  two 
fishes  [?  bass]  that  he  had  shot  [with  an  arrow].  They 
were  like  bream ;  but  three  times  so  big,  and  better 
meat.  These  being  boiled;  there  were  at  least  forty 
[that]  looked  for  share  in  them.  The  most  eat  of  them. 
This  meal  only  we  had  in  two  nights  and  a  day  [ie. 
at  Sowams] :  and  had  not  one  of  us  bought  a  partridge, 
we  had  taken  our  journey  fasting. 

Very  importunate  he  was,  to  have  us  stay  with  him 
longer :  but  we  desired  to  keep  the  Sabbath  at  home ; 
and  feared  we  should  be  lightheaded  for  want  of 


New  England  in  America,  47 1 

sleep.  For  what  with  bad  lodging;  the  savages* 
barbarous  singing,  for  they  use  to  sing  themselves 
asleep;  lice  and  fleas  within  doors;  and  muskeetoes 
[mosquitoes]  without:  we  could  hardly  sleep  all  the 
time  of  our  being  there.  We  much  feared  that  if  we 
should  stay  any  longer,  we  should  not  be  able  to 
recover  home  for  want  of  strength. 

So  that,  on  the  Friday  morning  [,  6th  July],  before 
sunrising,  we  took  our  leave  and  departed ;  MASSASOYT 
being  both  grieved  and  ashamed  that  he  could  no  better 
entertain  us :  and,  retaining  TISQUANTUM  to  send  from 
place  to  place  to  procure  truck  for  us,  he  appointed 
another,  called  TOKAMAHAMON,  in  his  place;  whom 
we  had  found  faithful  before,  and  after,  on  all 
occasions. 

At  this  town  of  MASSASOYT'S  where  we  before  eat, 
[?  Matapuyst],  we  were  again  refreshed  with  a  little 
fish:  and  bought  about  a  handful  of  meal  of  their 
parched  corn,  which  was  very  precious  at  that  time  of 
the  year ;  and  a  small  string  of  dried  shellfish,  as  big  as 
oysters.  The  latter  we  gave  to  the  six  savages  that 
accompanied  us ;  keeping  the  meal  for  ourselves.  When 
we  drank,  we  eat  each  a  spoonful  of  it,  [together]  with 
[smoking]  a  pipe  of  tobacco ;  instead  of  other  victuals  : 
and  of  this  also,  we  could  not  but  give  them,  so  long  as 
it  lasted. 

Five  miles,  they  led  us,  to  a  house,  out  of  the  way,  in 
hope  of  victuals :  bat  we  found  nobody  there ;  and  so 
were  but  worse  able  to  return  home. 

That  night  we  reached  to  the  wire  [  Wear,  near  Titicut] 
where  we  lay  before:  but  the  Namascheucks  were 
returned;  so  that  we  had  no  hope  of  anything  there. 
One  of  the  savages  had  shot  a  shad  in  the  water ;  and  a 
small  squirrel,  as  big  as  a  rat,  called  a  Neuxis.  The  one 


472  New  England  in  America. 

half  of  either,  lie  gave  us :  and  after  went  to  the  wire  to 
fish. 

From  hence,  we  wrote  to  Plymouth:  and  sent 
TOKAMAHAMON  before  to  Namasket ;  willing  him  from 
thence  to  send  another  [to  Plymouth],  that  he  might 
meet  us  with  food  at  Namasket. 

Two  men  now  only  remained  with  us ;  and  it  pleased 
GOD  to  give  them  good  store  of  fish,  so  that  we  were 
well  refreshed. 

After  supper,  we  went  to  rest ;  and  they  to  fishing 
again.  More  they  gat,  and  fell  to  eating  afresh; 
and  retained  sufficient,  ready  roast[ed]  for  all  our 
"breakfasts.  About  two  a  clock  in  the  morning  [of 
Saturday,  7th  Judy],  arose  a  great  storm  of  wind,  rain, 
lightning,  and  thunder,  in  such  [a]  violent  manner  that 
we  could  not  keep  in  our  fire :  and  had  the  savages  not 
roasted  fish  when  we  were  asleep,  we  had  set  forward 
fasting ;  for  the  rain  still  continued  with  great  violence, 
even  the  whole  day  through,  till  we  came  within  two 
miles  of  home. 

Being  wet  and  weary,  at  length,  we  came  to 
Namaschet.  There  we  refreshed  ourselves ;  giving  gifts 
to  all  such  as  had  shewed  us  any  ^indness. 

Amongst  others,  one  of  the  six  that  came  with  us 
from  Packanokik  (having,  before  this,  on  the  way 
unkindly  forsaken  us)  marvelled  we  gave  him  nothing ; 
and  told  us,  what  he  had  done  for  us. 

We  also  told  him  of  some  discourtesies  he  offered  us, 
whereby  he  deserved  nothing:  yet  we  gave  him  a 
small  trifle. 

Whereupon  he  offered  us  tobacco. 

But,  the  house  being  full  of  people,  we  told  him,  He 
stole  some  by  the  way ;  and  if  it  were  of  that,  we  would 
not  take  it :  for  we  would  not  receive  that  which  was 


New  England  in  America.  473 

stolen  upon  any  terms.    If  we  did,  our  God  would  be 
angry  with  us,  and  destroy  us. 

This  abashed  him ;  and  gave  the  rest  great  content. 
But,  at  our  departure  [from  Namasket  (Middleborougk)], 
he  would  needs  carry  him  on  his  back  through  a  river ; 
whom  he  had  formerly,  in  some  sort,  abused. 

Fain  they  would  have  had  us  to  lodge  there  all 

night ;  and  wondered  we  would  set  forth  again  in  such 

weather :  but,  GOD  be  praised  !  we  came  safe 

home  that  night ;  though  wet,  weary, 

and  surbated  [footsore]. 


A  VOYAGE  MADE  BY  TEN  OF  OUR  MEN  TO  THE  KINGDOM 

OF  NAUSET,  TO  SEEK  A  BOY  THAT  HAD  LOST  HIMSELF 

IN  THE  WOODS.     WlTH  SUCH  ACCIDENTS  AS 

BEFELL  US  IN  THAT  VOYAGE. 

llth  of  June  [This  date  is  considered  to 
be  an  error.  Governor  BRADFORD  (Bradford 
M.S.,  folio  145)  states,  About  the  latter  end 
of  this  month  [July  1621],  one  JOHN 
BILLINGTON  lost  himself  in  the  woods;  and  wandered 
up  and  down  some  five  days>  living  on  berries  and  what 
he  could  find.  This  rescue  expedition  was  therefore 
in  August.],  we  set  forth,  the  weather  being  very  fair : 
but,  ere  we  had  been  long  at  sea,  there  arose  a  storm  of 
wind  and  rain,  with  much  lightning  and  thunder, 
insomuch  that  a  spout  [water  spout]  arose  not  far  from 
us.  But,  GOD  be  praised !  it  dured  not  long :  and  we 
put  in,  that  night,  for  harbour,  at  a  place,  called 
Cummaquid  [Barmtable  harbour] ;  where  we  had  some 
hope  to  find  the  boy  [JOHN  BILLINGTON  junior].  Two 
savages  were  in  the  boat  with  us:  the  one  was 
TISQUANTUM  our  interpreter ;  the  other  TOKAMAHAMON, 
a  special  friend.  It  being  night,  before  we  came  in ;  we 
anchored  in  the  midst  of  the  bay :  where  we  were  dry 
[aground]  at  a  low  water. 

In  the  morning,  we" espied  savages  seeking  lobsters ; 
and  sent  our  two  interpreters  to  speak  with  them, 
the  channel  being  between  them.  Where  they  told 
them,  What  we  were,  and  for  what  we  were  come; 

474 


New  England  in  America.  475 

willing  them  not  at  all  to  fear  us,  for  we  would  not 
hurt  them. 

Their  answer  was,  That  the  boy  was  well,  but  he 
was  at  Nauset ;  yet  since  we  were  there,  they  desired  us 
to  come  ashore  and  eat  with  them.  Which,  as  soon  as 
our  boat  floated,  we  did ;  and  went  six  [of  us]  ashore, 
having  four  pledges  for  them  in  the  boat. 

They  brought  us  to  their  Sachem  or  Governor,  whom 
they  call  IYANOUGH,  a  man  not  exceeding  twentysix 
years  of  age;  but  very  personable  [comely],  gentle, 
courteous,  and  fair  conditioned :  indeed  not  like  a 
savage,  save  for  his  attire.  His  entertainment  was 
answerable  to  his  parts;  and  his  cheer  plentiful  and 
various. 

One  thing  was  very  grievous  unto  us  at  this  place. 
There  was  an  old  woman,  whom  we  judged  to  be  no  less 
than  a  hundred  years  old ;  which  came  to  see  us  because 
she  never  saw  English  [before] :  yet  could  not  behold  us, 
without  breaking  forth  into  [a]  great  passion,  weeping 
and  crying  excessively.  We  demanding  the  reason  of 
it ;  they  told  us,  She  had  three  sons,  who,  when  Master 
HUNT  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard  his  ship  to  trade 
with  him  ;  and  he  carried  them  captives  into  Spain,  for 
TiSQUANTUM  at  that  time  was  carried  away  also:  by 
which  means,  she  was  deprived  of  the  comfort  of  her 
children  in  her  old  age. 

We  told  them,  We  were  sorry  that  any  Englishman 
should  give  them  that  offence ;  that  HUNT  was  a  bad 
man,  and  that  all  the  English  that  heard  of  it  condemned 
him  for  the  same  :  but  for  us,  we  would  not  offer  them 
any  such  injury ;  though  it  would  gain  us  all  the  skins 
in  the  country.  So  we  gave  her  some  small  trifles; 
which  somewhat  appeased  her. 

After  dinner,  we  took  boat  for  Nauset  [Hc^stham] ; 


476  New  England  in  America. 

IYANOUUH  and  two  of  his  men  accompanying  us.  Ere 
we  came  to  Nauset,  the  day  and  tide  were  almost  spent, 
insomuch  as  we  could  not  go  in  with  our  shallop :  but 
the  Sachem  or  Governor  of  Cummaquid  went  ashore, 
and  his  men  with  him.  We  also  sent  TlSQXJANTUM  to 
tell  ASPINET,  the  Sachem  of  Nauset,  wherefore  we 
came. 

The  savages  here  came  very  thick  amongst  us,  and 
were  earnest  with  us  to  bring  in  our  boat;  but  we 
neither  well  could :  nor  yet  desired  to  do  it,  because  we 
had  less  cause  to  trust  them;  being  they  only  [they 
being  those  who]  had  formerly  made  an  assault  upon  us, 
in  the  same  place,  in  [the]  time  of  our  winter  Discovery 
for  [a  place  of]  habitation  [,  see  pp.  431-434].  And 
indeed  it  was  no  marvel  they  did  so:  for  howsoever 
[then],  through  snow  or  otherwise,  we  saw  no  houses ; 
yet  we  were  [then]  in  the  midst  of  them. 

When  our  boat  was  aground,  they  came  very  thick  ; 
but  we  stood  therein  upon  our  guard :  not  suffering  any 
to  enter  except  two,  the  one  being  of  Maramoick 
[?  Monomoyick,  now  Chatham] ;  and  one  of  those,  whose 
corn  we  had  formerly  found.  We  promised  him 
restitution :  and  desired  him  either  to  come  to  Patuxet  for 
satisfaction ;  or  else  we  would  bring  them  so  much  corn 
again.  He  promised  to  come.  We  used  him  very 
kindly  for  the  present.  Some  few  skins  we  gat  there ; 
but  not  many. 

*  After  sunset,  ASPINET  came,  with  a  great  train ;  and 
brought  the  boy  with  him,  one  bearing  him  through  the 
water.  He  had  not  less  than  a  hundred  with  him :  the 
half  whereof  came  to  the  shallop  side  unarmed  with 
him ;  the  other  [half]  stood  aloof  [at  a  distance],  with 
their  bows  and  arrows.  There  he  delivered  us  the  boy, 
behung  with  beads;  and  made  peace  with  us:  we 


New  England  in  America.  477 

bestowing  a  knife*  on  him ;  and  likewise  on  another  that 
first  entertained  the  boy,  and  brought  him  thither.  So 
they  departed  from  us. 

Here,  we  understood  that  the  Narrohigansets 
[Narragansetts]  had  spoiled  some  of  MASSASOYT'S  men, 
and  taken  him.  This  struck  some  fear  in  us :  because 
the  Colony  was  so  weakly  guarded  [It  will  be  seen  from 
page  359,  that,  excluding  these  ten  men,  there  were  now 
only  22  adult  males  at  Plymouth]  the  strength  [the 
picked  'men]  thereof  being  abroad  [away  here  at 
Eastham]. 

But  we  set  forth  with  resolution  to  make  the  best 
haste  home  we  could.  Yet  the  wind  being  contrary ; 
[and]  having  scarce  any  fresh  water  left,  and  at  least 
sixteen  leagues  [,  =  48  miles,  to]  home,  we  put  in  again 
for  the  shore.  There  we  met  again  with  IYANOUGH, 
the  Sachem  of  Cummaquid  ;  and  the  most  of  his  town, 
both  men  women  and  children,  with  him.  He  being  still 
willing  to  gratify  us,  took  a  rundlet  [containing  18 
gallons],  and  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a  great  way  for 
water ;  but  could  find  none  good :  yet  brought  such  as 
there  was,  on  his  neck,  with  them.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  women  joined  hand  in  hand,  singing  and  dancing, 
before  the  shallop;  the  men  also  shewing  all  the 
kindness  they  could.  IYANOUGH  himself  taking  a 
bracelet  from  about  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  upon  one 
of  us. 

Again,  we  set  out :  but  to  small  purpose,  for  we  gat 
but  little  homeward.  Our  water  also  was  very  brackish ; 
and  not  to  be  drunk. 

The  next  morning,  IYANOUGH  espied  us  again ;  and 
ran  after  ms.  We,  being  resolved  to  go  to  Cummaquid 
again  to  water,  took  him  into  the  shallop:  whose 


New  England  in  America. 

entertainment  [there,  then,]  was  not  inferior   unto  the 
former  [occasion]. 

The  soil  at  Nauset  and  here  [at  Cummaquid]  is 
alike,  even  and  sandy:  not  so  good  for  corn  as  where 
we  are.  Ships  may  safely  ride  in  either  harbour.  In 
summer,  they  abound  with  fish. 

Being   now    watered,    we    put    forth    again;    and, 
by  GOD's  Providence,  came  safely 
home  that  night. 


A   JOURNEY   TO   THE   KINGDOM    OF    NAMASCHET,  IN 

DEFENCE    OF    THE     GREAT    KlNG,    MASSASOYT,    AGAINST 

THE  NARROHIGGANSETS  ;  AND  TO  REVENGE  THE 

SUPPOSED    DEATH  OF   OUR  INTERPRETER 
TlSQUANTUM. 

jT  our  return  from  Nauset,  we  found  it  true 
that  MASSASOYT  was  put  from  his  country 
by  the  Narrohiggansets  [Narragansetts]. 

Word  also  was  brought  unto  us,  That 
one  COUBATANT  [or  CAUNBATANT.  BRADFORD  spells 
this  name  CORBITANT],  a  petty  Sachem  or  Governor 
under  MASSASOYT,  whom  they  ever  feared  to  be  too 
conversant  [intimate]  with  the  Narrohiggansets,  was  at 
Namaschet  [Middleborough]:  who  sought  to  draw  the 
hearts  of  MASSASOYT'S  subjects  from  him  ;  speaking  also 
disdainfully  of  us;  storming  at  the  Peace  between 
Nauset,  Cummaquid,  and  us ;  and  at  TISQUANTUM  the 
worker  of  it;  also  at  TOKAMAHAMON  and  one 
HOBBAMOCK  [or  HoBOMOKJ,  two  Indians  or  Lemes 
[TJiis  word  is  thought  to  be  a  misprint] ;  one  of  which 
he  would  treacherously  have  murdered  a  little  before, 
[he]  being  a  special  and  trusty  man  of  MASSASOYT'S. 

TOKAMAHAMON  went  to  him  [openly] :  but  the  other 
two  would  not.  Yet,  putting  their  lives  in  their  hands, 
privately  [they]  went  to  see  if  they  could  hear  of  their 
King;  and,  lodging  at  Namaschet,  were  discovered  to 
COUBATANT  [CAUNBATANT,  or  CORBITANT]  :  who  set  a 
guard  to  beset  the  house,  and  took  TISQUANTUM  ;  for  he 
said,  If  he  were  dead;  the  English  had  lost  their 
tongue. 

479 


480  New  England  in  America. 

HOBBAMOCK  (seeing  that  TISQUANTUM  was  taken ; 
and  [that]  COUBATANT  held  a  knife  at  his  breast),  being 
a  strong  and  stout  man,  brake  from  them :  and  came 
to  New  Plymouth  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for 
TISQUANTUM,  whom  he  thought  to  be  slain. 

Upon  this  news,  the  Company  [at  Plymouth] 
assembled  together  [on  Monday,  the  13th  of  August 
1621] ;  and  resolved,  on  the  morrow,  to  send  ten  men 
armed  to  Namaschet,  and  HOBBAMOCK  for  their  guide : 
to  revenge  the  supposed  death  of  TISQUANTUM,  on 
COUBATANT  our  bitter  enemy;  and  to  retain  [arrest] 
NEPEOF,  another  Sachem  or  Governor,  who  was  of  this 
confederacy,  till  we  heard  [of]  what  was  become  of  our 
friend  MASSASOYT. 

On  the  morrow  [,  Tuesday,  t£e  ,14th  of  August],  we 
set  out  ten  men  armed;  who  tobk  their  journey  as 
aforesaid  :  but  the  day  proved  very  wet. 

When  we  supposed  we  were  within  three  or  four 
miles  of  Namaschet;  we  went  out  of  the  way,  and 
stayed  there  till  night:  because  we  would  not  be 
discovered.  There  we  consulted  what  to  do:  and 
thinking  [it]  best  to  beset  the  house  at  midnight,  each 
was  appointed  his  task  by  the  Captain;  all  men 
incouraging  one  another  to  the  utmost  of  their  power. 

By  night,  our  guide  [HoBOMOK]  lost  his  way ;  which 
much  discouraged  our  men :  [it]  being  we  were  wet,  and 
weary  of  our  arms.  But  one  of  our  men,  having  been 
before  at  Namaschet,  brought  us  into  the  way  again. 

Before  we  came  to  the  town,  we  sat  down  and  ate 
such  as  ourknapsack[s]  afforded.  That  being  done,  we 
threw  them  aside;  and  all  such  things  as  might  hinder 
us :  and  so  went  on,  and  beset  the  house  ;  according  to 
our  last  resolution. 


New  England  in  America.  481 

Those  that  entered,  demanded,  If  COUBATANT  were 
not  there  ?  But  fear  had  bereft  the  savages  of  speech. 

We  charged  them  not  to  stir:  for  if  COUBATANT 
were  not  there,  we  would  not  meddle  with  them.  If  he 
were,  we  came  principally  for  him,  to  be  avenged  on 
him,  for  the  supposed  death  of  TISQUANTUM  ;  and  other 
matters  :  but,  howsoever,  we  would  not  at  all  hurt  their 
women  or  children. 

Notwithstanding,  some  of  them  pressed  out  at  a 
private  door,  and  escaped ;  but  with  some  wounds. 

At  length,  perceiving  our  principal  ends,  they  told 
us,  COUBATANT  was  returned,  with  all  his  train;  and 
that  TISQUANTUM  was  yet  living,  and  in  the  town: 
offering  some  tobacco ;  [and]  such  other  as  they  had  to 
eat. 

In  this  hurly  burly,  we  discharged  two  pieces  at 
random;  which  much  terrified  all  the  inhabitants 
except  TISQUANTUM  and  TOKAMAHAMON:  who,  though 
they  knew  not  our  end  in  comming ;  yet  assured  them 
of  our  honesty,  that  we  would  not  hurt  them. 
Those  boys  that  were  in  the  house,  seeing  our  care 
of  [the]  women,  often  cried  Neen  squaes,  that  is  to 
say,  "  I  am  a  woman  [or  rather  a  girl] " :  the  women 
also  hanging  upon  HOBBAMOCK,  calling  him  towam,  that 
is,  "  friend." 

But,  to  be  short,  we  kept  them  we  had ;  and  made 
them  make  a  fire,  that  we  might  see  to  search  the  house. 
In  the  meantime,  HOBBAMOCK  gat  on  the  top  of  the 
house;  and  called  TISQUANTUM  and  TOKAMAHAMON: 
which  came  unto  us,  accompanied  with  others ;  some 
armed,  and  others  naked  [unarmed]. 

Those  that  had  bowes  and  arrows,  we  took  them  away 
[from  them] ;  promising  them  again  when  it  was  day. 
The  house  we  took  for    our    better    safeguard ;    but 
The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  2  H 


482  New  England  in  America, 

released  those  we  had  taken ;   manifesting  whom  we 
came  for,  and  wherefore. 

On  the  next  morning  [,  Wednesday,  the  15th  August], 
we  marched  into  the  midst  of  the  town ;  and  went  to 
the  house  of  TISQUANTUM  to  breakfast.  Thither  came 
all  whose  hearts  were  upright  towards  us :  but 
COUBATANT'S  faction  were  fled  away. 

There,  in  the  midst  of  them,  we  manifested  again 
our  intendment ;  assuring  them,  That  although 
COUBATANT  had  now  escaped  us:  yet  there  was  no 
place  should  secure  him  and  his  from  us,  if  he  continued 
his  threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us ; 
who  had  kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended 
evil  towards  him,  till  he  now  so  justly  deserved  it. 
Moreover,  if  MASSASOYT  did  not  return  in  safety  from 
Narrohigganset  [ Narragansett] ;  or  if  hereafter  he 
{COUBATANT]  should  make  any  insurrection  against 
him ;  or  offer  violence  to  TISQUANTUM,  HOBBAMOCK,  or 
any  of  MASSASOYT'S  subjects  :  we  would  revenge  it  upon 
him,  to  the  overthrow  of  him  and  his.  As  for  those 
[who]  were  wounded :  we  were  sorry  for  it,  though 
[they]  themselves  procured  it,  in  not  staying  in  the 
house  at  our  command ;  yet,  if  they  would  return  home 
with  us,  our  Surgeon  [SAMUEL  FULLER]  should  heal 
them. 

At  this  offer,  one  man  and  a  woman  that  were 
wounded  went  home  with  us :  TISQUANTUM  and  many 
other  known  friends  accompanying  us ;  and  offering  all 
help  that  might  be,  by  carriage  of  anything  we  had,  to 
ease  us. 

So  that,  by  GOD's  good  Providence,  we  safely  returned 

home,  the  morrow  [i.e.  the  Wednesday]  night 

after  we  set  forth. 


A  EELATION  OF  OUK  VOYAGE  [EXPEDITION]  TO  THE 
MASSACHUSETS  ;  AND  WHAT  HAPPENED  THEBE. 

seemed  good  to  the  Company  in  general 
that,  though  the  Massachusets*  [the  Indians 
of  Boston  Bay]  had  often  threatened  us, 
as  we  were  informed;  yet  we  should  go 
amongst  them:  partly  to  see  the  country;  partly  to 
make  peace  with  them ;  and  partly  to  procure  their 
truck  [commodities]. 

For  these  ends,  the  Governor  chose  ten  men  fit  for 
the  purpose,  and  sent  TlSQUANTUM  and  two  other 
savages ;  to  bring  us  to  speech  with  the  people,  and  [to] 
interpret  for  us. 

We  set  out  about  midnight  [of  Tuesday,  18th 
September  1621],  the  tide  then  serving  for  us.  We, 
supposing  it  to  be  nearer  than  it  is,  thought  to  be  there 
the  next  morning  betimes:  but  it  proved  well  near 
twenty  leagues  [=60  miles:  but  the  actual  distance 
by  water  from  Plymouth  to  Boston  is  about  44  miles] 
from  New  Plymouth. 

We  came  into  the  bottom  of  the  Bay  [i.e.  by  Point 
Atterton  to  Lighthouse  Channel] ;  but  [it]  being  late 
[on  Wednesday,  the  19th  September],  we  anchored, 
and  lay  in  the  shallop :  not  having  seen  any  of  the 
people. 

*  The  Indian  word  Massachusetts  means,  "A  hill  in  the  form  of  an 
arrow's  head"  :  referring  to  the  Blue  Hills,— H.  M.  DEXTER,  Lib.  of  New 
England  His^  1. 124,  Ed  1865,  4. 

483 


484  New  England  in  America. 

The  next  morning  [of  Thursday,  the  20th  September], 
we  put  in  for  the  shore.  There  we  found  many  lobsters, 
that  had  been  gathered  together  by  the  savages :  which 
we  made  ready  [cooked]  under  a  cliff  [  f  at  the  north-east 
of  the  peninsula  of  Squantum].  The  Captain  [MiLES 
STANDISH]  set  two  sentinels  behind  the  cliff,  to  the 
landward,  to  secure  the  shallop:  and,  taking  a  guide 
with  him  and  four  of  our  company,  went  to  seek  the 
inhabitants ;  where  they  met  a  woman  coming  for 
her  lobsters.  They  told  her  of  them  ;  and  contented 
her  for  them.  She  told  them  where  the  people  were. 
TISQUANTUM  went  to  them.  The  rest  returned ;  having 
direction^]  which  way  to  bring  the  shallop  to  them. 

The  Sachem  or  Governor  of  this  place  is  OBBATINEWAT 
[not  to  le  confounded  with  OBBATINNUA]  :  and,  though 
he  lives  in  the  bottom  of  the  Massachuset  Bay,  yet 
he  is  under  MASSASOYT.  He  used  us  very  kindly.  He 
told  us,  He  durst  not  then  remain  in  any  settled  place  ; 
for  fear  of  the  Tarentines  [The  Tarratines  lived  on  the 
Penobscot  river,  Maine]:  also  the  Squa[w]  Sachem,  or 
[the]  Massachusets'  Queen,  was  an  enemy  to  him. 

We  told  him  of  divers  Sachems  that  had  [at  Plymouth, 
on  the  previousISth  September,]  acknowledged  themselves 
to  be  King  JAMES  his  men ;  and  if  he  also  would  submit 
himself,  we  would  be  his  safeguard  from  his  enemies : 
which  he  did ;  and  went  along  with  us,  to  bring  us  to 
the  Squa[w]  Sachem. 

Again  we  crossed  the  Bay  [from  what  is  now  Quincy 
to  Charlestown]y  which  is  very  large ;  and  hath  at  least 
fifty  islands  in  it,  but  the  certain  number  is  not  known 
to  the  inhabitants.  Night  it  was,  before  we  came  to 
that  side  of  the  Bay  where  this  people  were.  On  shore, 
the  savages  went :  but  found  nobody.  That  night  also, 
we  rid  at  anchor  aboard  the  shallop. 


New  England  in  America.  485 

On  the  morrow  [of  Friday,  the  21st  September],  we 
went  ashore,  all  but  two  men ;  and  marched,  in  [under] 
arms,  up  in  the  country.  Having  gone  three  miles; 
we  came  to  a  place  where  corn  [maize]  had  been 
newly  gathered,  a  house  [wigwam]  pulled  down,  and  the 
people  gone. 

A  mile  from  hence  [i.e.  at  what  is  now  Medford], 
NANEPASHEMET  their  King,  in  his  lifetime,  had  lived. 
His  house  was  not  like  others :  but  a  scaffold  was  largely 
built  [a  large  scaffold  was  built]  with  poles  and  plariks, 
some  six  feet  from  [the]  ground ;  and  the  house,  upon 
that :  [it]  being  situated  on  the  top  of  a  hill  [,  now  called 
Rock  Hill]. 

Not  far  from  hence,  in  a  bottom  [near  Mystic  Pond, 
in  Medford],  we  came  to  a  Fort,  built  by  their  deceased 
Bang.  The  manner  [of  it  was]  thus : 

There  were  poles,  some  thirty  or  forty  feet  long, 
stuck  in  the  ground  as  thick  as  they  could  be  set  one 
by  another :  and  with  these,  they  inclosed  a  ring  some 
forty  or  fifty  feet  over.  A  trench,  breast  high,  was 
digged  on  each  side.  One  way  there  was,  to  go  into 
it;  with  a  bridge.  In  the  midst  of  this  pallizado 
[palisade],  stood  the  frame  of  a  house  [wigwam] ; 
wherein,  being  dead,  he  lay  buried. 

About  a  mile  from  hence,  we  came  to  such  another ; 
but  seated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  Here  NANEPASHEMET 
was  killed:  none  dwelling  in  it,  since  the  time  of  his 
death  [in  1619]. 

At  this  place  [now  Medford]  we  stayed:  and  sent 
two  savages  to  look  [for]  the  inhabitants ;  and  to  inform 
them  of  our  ends  in  coming,  that  they  might  not  be 
fearful  of  us.  Within  a  mile  of  this  place,  they  found 
the  women  of  the  place  together,  with  their  corn  on 
heaps.  Whither  we  supposed  them  to  be  fled  for  fear 


486  New  England  in  America. 

of  ns :  and  the  more,  because  in  divers  places  they  had 
newly  pulled  down  their  houses :  and,  for  haste  in  one 
place,  had  left  some  of  their  corn  covered  with  a  mat, 
and  nobody  with  it. 

With  much  fear,  they  entertained  us  at  first:  but 
seeing  our  gentle  carriage  [behaviour']  towards  them, 
they  took  heart  and  entertained  us  in  the  best  manner 
they  could ;  boiling  cod,  and  such  other  things  as  they 
had,  for  us. 

'At  length,  with  much  sending  for,  came  one  of  their 
men,  shaking  and  trembling  for  fear :  but  when  he  saw 
we  intended  them  no  hurt,  but  came  to  truck,  he  promised 
us  his  skins  also.  Of  him,  we  enquired  for  their  Queen : 
but  it  seemed  she  was  far  from  thence.  At  least,  we 
could  not  see  her. 

Here  TISQUANTUM  would  have  had  us  rifle  the  savage 
women ;  and  take  their  skins,  and  all  such  things  as 
might  be  serviceable  for  us:  "for,"  said  he,  "they 
are  a  bad  people ;  and  have  often  threatened  you/1 

But  our  answer  was,  "  Were  they  never  so  bad ;  we 
would  not  wrong  them,  or  give  them  any  just  occasion 
against  us.  For  their  words,  we  little  weighed  them : 
but  if  they  once  attempted  anything  against  us,  then 
we  would  deal  far  worse  than  he  desired." 

Having  well  spent  the  day,  we  returned  to  the 
shallop:  almost  all  the  women  accompanying  us,  to 
truck  Who  sold  their  coats  from  their  backs;  and 
tied  boughs  about  them :  but  with  great  shamef astness 
[shamefacedness] ;  for  indeed  they  are  more  modest  than 
some  of  our  English  women  are.  We  promised  them,  to 
come  again  to  them ;  and  they,  us,  to  keep  their  skins 
[i.e.  beaver  skins]. 

Within  this  Bay,  the  savages  say,  there  are  two 
rivers  [,  the  Mystic  and  the  Charles] :  the  one  [the  Mystic] 


New  England  in  America.  487 

whereof  we  saw,  having  a  fair  entrance ;  but  we  had 
no  time  to  discover  it.  Better  harbours  for  shipping 
cannot  be,  than  here  are.  At  the  entrance  of  the  Bay 
are  many  rocks ;  and,  in  all  likelihood,  very  good 
fishing  ground.  Many,  yea,  most,  of  the  islands  have 
been  inhabitated  ;  some  being  cleared  from  end  to  end  : 
but  the  people  are  all  dead,  or  removed. 

Our  victual[s]  growing  scarce,  the  wind  coming  fair, 

and  having  a  light  moon ;  we  set  out  at  evening :  and, 

through  the  goodness  of  GOD,  came  safely  home,  before 

noon  the  day  following  [i.e.  Saturday, 

September  1621]. 


A  LETTER  SENT  FROM  NEW  ENGLAND  TO  A  FRIEND  IN 

THESE  PARTS  [LK  ENGLAND],  SETTING  FORTH  A  BRIEF 

AND   TRUE   DECLARATION   OF   THE    WORTH   OF   THAT 

PLANTATION;  AS  ALSO  CERTAIN  USEFUL  DIRECTIONS 

FOR  SUCH  AS  INTEND  A  VOYAGE 

INTO  THOSE  PARTS. 

COVING  and  old  friend.  Although  I  received 
no  letter  from  you  by  this  ship  [the  Fortune]: 
yet,  forasmuch  as  I  know  you  expect  the 
performance  of  my  promise  (which  was  to 
write  unto  you  truly  and  faithfully  of  all  things) ;  I 
have  therefore,  at  this  time,  sent  unto  you  accordingly  ; 
referring  you,  for  further  satisfaction,  to  our  more 
large  Relations  [here  printed  at  pp.  407-487]. 

You  shall  understand,  that  in  this  little  time  [from 
the  16th  of  December,  when  the  Mayflower  arrived  at 
Plymouth,  to  the  llth  December  1621,  the  first  Forefathers' 
Anniversary]  that  a  few  of  us  have  been  here,  we  have 
built  seven  dwelling  houses ;  and  four  for  the  use  of  the 
Plantation :  and  have  made  preparation  for  divers  others. 
We  set,  last  Spring,  some  twenty  acres  of  Indian 
corn ;  and  sowed  some  six  acres  of  barley  and  pease : 
and,  according  to  the  manner  of  the  Indians,  we  manured 
our  ground  with  herrings,  or  rather  shads  [alewives] ; 
which  we  have  in  great  abundance,  and  take  with  great 
ease  at  our  doors  [i.e.  in  the  Town  Brook]. 

Our  corn  did  prove  well,  and,  GOD  be  praised !  we 

488 


New  England  in  America.  489 

had  a  good  increase  of  Indian  corn;  and  our  barley 
[was]  indifferently]  good:  but  our  pease  [were]  not 
worth  the  gathering ;  for  we  feared  they  were  too  late 
sown.  They  came  up  very  well,  and  blossomed:  but 
the  sun  parched  them  in  the  blossom. 

Our  harvest  being  gotten  in,  our  Governor  [WILLIAM 
BRADFORD]  sent  four  men  on  fowling;  that  so  we 
might,  after  a  more  special  manner,  rejoice  together, 
after  we  had  gathered  the  fruit  of  our  labours  [What, 
•in  England,  would  be  called,  a  Harvest  Festival.  It 
was  the  first  New  England  Thanksgiving  Day].  They 
four,  in  one  day,  killed  as  much  fowl  as,  with  a  little 
help  besides,  served  the  Company  [by  which  is  here 
intended,  the  about  fifty  English  people  then  left  alive  in 
the  Colony']  almost  a  week.  At  which  time,  amongst 
other  recreations,  we  exercised  our  Arms  [i.e.  drilled] ; 
many  of  the  Indians  coming  amongst  us. 

And,  amongst  the  rest,  their  greatest  King, 
MASSASOYT,  with  some  ninety  men;  whom,  for  three 
days,  we  entertained  and  feasted.  And  they  went  out, 
and  killed  five  deer :  which  they  brought  to  the 
Plantation ;  and  bestowed  on  our  Governor,  and  upon 
the  Captain  [MILES  STANDISH],  and  others. 

And  although  it  be  not  always  so  plentiful  as  it  was 
at  this  time  with  us :  yet,  by  the  goodness  of  GOD,  we 
are  so  far  from  want,  that  we  often  wish  you  partakers 
of  our  plenty. 

We  have  found  the  Indians  very  faithful  in  their 
Covenant  of  Peace  with  us ;  [and]  very  loving  and 
ready  to  pleasure  us.  We  often  go  to  them ;  and  they 
come  to  us.  Some  of  us  have  been  fifty  miles  by  land 
in  the  country  with  them  [i.e.  to  Sowams  in  PokanoJcet ; 
see  pp.  462-473] :  the  occasions  and  Relations  whereof 
you  shall  understand  by  our  general  and  more  full 


49°  New  England  in  America. 

Declaration  [aforesaid]  of  such  things  as  are  worth 
the  noting. 

Yea,  it  hath  pleased  GOD  so  to  possess  the  Indians 
with  a  fear  of  us,  and  love  unto  us,  that  not  only  the 
greatest  King  amongst  them,  called  MASSASOYT  ;  but 
also  all  the  Princes  and  peoples  round  about  us,  have 
either  made  suit  unto  us,  or  been  glad  of  any  occasion 
to  make  peace  with  us :  so  that  seven  of  them  at  once 
have  sent  their  messengers  to  us  to  that  end.  Yea,  an 
isle  at  sea,  which  we  never  saw  [Gapawack,  now  called 
Martha's  Vineyard],  hath  also,  together  with  the  former, 
yielded  willingly  to  be  under  the  protection  [of],  and 
subjects  to,  our  Sovereign  Lord  King  JAMES.  So  that 
there  is  now  great  peace  amongst  the  Indians  themselves, 
which  was  not  formerly ;  neither  would  have  been  but 
for  us :  and  we,  for  our  parts,  walk  as  peaceably  and 
safely  in  the  wood  as  in  the  highways  in  England.  We 
entertain  them  familiarly  in  our  houses ;  and  they,  as 
friendly,  bestowing  their  venison  on  us. 

They  are  a  people  without  any  religion,  or  knowledge 
of  any  God  [This  error  WINSLOW  corrects  at  page  582]; 
yet  very  trusty,  quick  of  apprehension,  ripe  witted,  [and] 
just.  The  men  and  women  go  naked  ;  only  a  skin  about 
their  middles. 

For  the  temper  of  the  air  here,  it  agreeth  well 
with  that  in  England:  and  if  there  be  any  difference 
at  all,  this  is  somewhat  hotter  in  summer.  Some 
think  it  to  be  colder  in  winter:  but  I  cannot,  out  of 
experience,  so  say.  The  air  is  very  clear  ;  and  not  foggy, 
as  hath  been  reported.  I  never,  in  my  life,  remember  a 
more  seasonable  year  than  we  have  here  enjoyed :  and 
if  we  have  once  but  kine,  horses,  and  sheep  ;  I  make  no 
question  but  men  might  live  as  contented  here  as  in  any 
part  of  the  world. 


New  England  in  America.  491 

For  fish  and  fowl,  we  have  great  abundance.  Fresh 
cod,  in  the  summer,  is  but  coarse  meat  with  us.  Our 
Bay  is  full  of  lobsters  all  the  summer ;  and  aflbrdeth 
variety  of  other  fish.  In  September,  we  can  take  a 
hogshead  of  eels  in  a  night,  with  small  labour  ;  and  can 
dig  them  out  of  their  beds.  All  the  winter,  we  have 
mussels  and  othus  [?  a  misprint  for  clams]  at  our  doors. 
Oysters  we  have  none  near:  but  we  can  have  them 
brought  by  the  Indians,  when  we  will.  All  the 
Spring  time,  the  earth  sendeth  forth  naturally  very 
good  sallet  herbs  [i.e.  vegetables  like  lettuce,  endive, 
&c.  for  salad].  Here  are  grapes,  white  and  red,  and 
very  sweet  and  strong  also ;  strawberries,  gooseberries, 
raspas  [raspberries],  &c. ;  plums  of  three  sorts,  white, 
black,  and  red,  being  almost  as  good  as  a  damson: 
abundance  of  roses,  red,  white,  and  damask ;  single,  but 
very  sweet  indeed. 

The  country  wanteth  only  industrious  men  to  employ 
[cultivate  it].  For  it  would  grieve  your  hearts  if  (as  I) 
you  had  seen  so  many  miles  together,  by  goodly  rivers, 
uninhabited :  and  withal  to  consider  those  parts  of  the 
world  wherein  you  live,  to  be  even  greatly  burdened 
with  abundance  of  people. 

These  things  I  thought  good  to  let  you  understand ; 
being  the  truth  of  things,  as  near[ly]  as  I  could 
experimentally  take  knowledge  of ;  and  that  you  might, 
on  our  behalf,  give  GOD  thanks,  who  hath  dealt  so 
favourably  with  us. 

Our  supply  [reinforcement]  of  men  from  you,  came 
the  9th  of  November  1621.  Putting  in  at  Cape  Cod, 
some  eight  or  ten  leagues  from  us;  the  Indians  that 
dwell  thereabout,  [who]  were  they  who  were  owners  of 
the  corn  which  we  found  in  caves  [?  graves] :  for  which 


49 2  New  England  in  America. 

we  have  given  them  full  content,  and  are  in  great 
league  with  them :  they  sent  us  word,  There  was  a 
ship  near  unto  them,  but  thought  it  to  be  a  Frenchman 
[a  French  ship] ;  and  indeed,  for  ourselves,  we  expected 
not  a  friend  so  soon. 

But  when  we  perceived  she  made  for  our  Bay,  the 
Governor  [WILLIAM  BRADFORD]  commanded  a  great 
piece  [a  cannon]  to  be  shot  off,  to  call  home  such  as  were 
abroad  at  work.  Whereupon  every  man,  yea,  boy  that 
could  handle  a  gun,  was  ready ;  with  full  resolution  that, 
if  she  were  an  Enemy,  we  would  stand,  in  our  just 
defence,  not  fearing  them.  But  GOD  provided  for  us 
better  than  we  supposed. 

These  came  all  in  health  unto  us;  not  any  being 
sick  by  the  way,  otherwise  than  by  sea  sickness :  and 
so  continue  at  this  time,  by  the  blessing  of  GOD.  The 
goodwife  FORD  was  delivered  of  a  son,  the  first  night 
she  landed:  and  both  of  them  [mother  and  child]  are 
very  well. 

When  it  pleaseth  GOD,  we  are  settled;  and  fitted 
for  the  fishing  business  and  other  trading:  I  doubt 
not  but,  by  the  blessing  of  GOD,  the  gain  will  give 
content  to  all.  In  the  mean  time,  that  we  have 
gotten,  we  have  sent  by  this  ship  [the  Fortune;  see 
pp.  506-508] :  and  though  it  be  not  much ;  yet  it  will 
witness  for  us  that  we  have  not  been  idle  ;  considering 
the  smallness  of  our  number  all  this  summer  [viz.  32 
men  only].  We  hope  the  Merchants  [the  Adventurers] 
will  accept  of  it;  and  be  incouraged  to  furnish  us 
with  things  needful  for  further  employment:  which 
will  also  incourage  us  to  put  forth  ourselves  to  the 
uttermost. 

Now  because  I  expect  your  coming  unto  us  with 


New  England  in  America.  493 

others  of  our  friends ;  whose  company  we  much  desire: 
I  [have]  thought  good  to  advertise  you  of  a  few  things 
needful. 

Be  careful  to  have  [on  board  your  ship]  a  very  good 
Bread-room,  to  put  your  biscuits  in.  Let  your  caske 
[casks]  for  beer  and  water  be  ironbound ;  for  the  first 
tyre  [the  lowest  tier  of  casks  in  the  ship],  if  not  more. 
Let  not  your  meat  be  dry  salted.  None  can  better  do  it 
than  the  sailors.  Let  your  meal  be  so  hard  trodd[en]  in 
your  cask  that  you  shall  need  an  adze  or  hatchet  to 
work  it  out  with.  Trust  not  too  much  on  us  for  corn  at 
this  time :  for,  by  reason  of  this  last  company  that  came 
[the  35  persons  in  the  Fortune],  depending  wholly  upon 
us,  we  shall  have  little  enough  till  harvest  Be  careful 
to  come  by  [be  able  to  get  at]  some  of  your  meal,  to  spend 
[consume]  by  the  way.  It  will  much  refresh  you. 
Build  your  cabins  as  open  as  you  can  ;  and  bring  good 
store  of  clothes  and  bedding  with  you.  Bring  every 
man  a  musket,  or  fowling  piece.  Let  your  piece  be  long 
in  the  barrel ;  and  fear  not  the  weight  of  it,  for  most 
of  our  shooting  is  from  stands  [props  for  the  muskets]. 
Bring  juice  of  lemons;  and  take  it  fasting.  It  is  of 
good  use.  For  hot  [distilled]  waters,  Anniseed  Water 
is  the  best ;  but  use  it  sparingly.  If  you  bring  anything 
for  comfort  in  the  country ;  butter,  or  sallet  [salad]  oil, 
or  both,  are  very  good.  Our  Indian  corn,  even  the 
coarsest,  maketh  as  pleasant  meat  as  Rice:  therefore 
spare  that,  unless  to  spend  by  the  way.  Bring 
paper  and  linseed  oil,  for  your  windows;  with  cotton 
yarn  for  your  lamps.  Let  your  shot  be  most[ly] 
for  big  fowls;  and  bring  store  [plenty]  of  powder 
and  shot. 

I  forbear  further  to  write,  for  the  present ;  hoping  to 
see  you  by  the  next  return  [of  a  ship  here].  So  I  take 


494  New  England  in  America. 

my  leave ;  commending  you  to  the  LOKD,  for  a  safe 
conduct  unto  us  : 

Besting  in  him 

Your  loving  friend, 

E.  W.  [EDWABD  WINSLOW.] 

Plymouth,  in  New  England, 
this  llth  of  December 
162L 


REASONS    AND    CONSIDERATIONS     TOUCHING    THE 

LAWFULNESS    \_RIGHTFULNESS\    OF    BEHOVING 

OUT  OF  ENGLAND   INTO  THE    PARTS 
OF    AMERICA. 

ORASMUCH  as  many  Exceptions 
are  daily  made  against  the  going 

Preamble.  into>  and  inhabiting  of,  foreign 

desert  places ;  to  the  hinderances 
of  Plantations  abroad  and  the  increase  of  distractions  at 
home  :  it  is  not  amiss  that  some  (which  have  been  Ear 
witnesses  of  the  Exceptions  made  ;  and  are  Agents,  or 
Abettors,  of  such  Removals  and  Plantations)  do  seek  to 
give  content  to  the  World,  in  all  things  that  they  possibly 
can. 

And  although  most  of  the  opposites  [opponents]  are 
such  as  either  dream  of  raising  their  fortunes  here,  to 
that  than  which  there  is  nothing  more  unlike[ly];  or 
such  as  affecting  their  homeborn  country  so  vehemently 
as  that  they  had  rather,  with  all  their  friends,  beg,  yea 
starve  in  it,  than  undergo  a  little  difficulty  in  seeking 
abroad:  yet  are  there  some  who  (,  out  of  doubt,  in 
tenderness  of  conscience  and  fear  to  offend  GOD,  by 
running  before  they  be  called)  are  straitened;  and  do 
straiten  [hinder]  others  from  going  into  foreign 
Plantations. 

For  whose  cause,  especially  ;  I  have  been  drawn,  out 
of  my  good  affection  to  them,  to  publish  some  Reasons 
that  might  give  them  content  and  satisfaction  ;  and  also 

495 


496  The  lawfulness  of  Plantations     B.  c 

stay  and  stop  the  willful  and  witty  caviller  [captious 
objector].  And  herein  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  blamed  of 
any  godly  wise  [man]  though,  through  my  slender 
judgement,  I  should  miss  the  mark ;  and  not  strike  the 
nail  on  the  head :  considering  it  is  the  first  attempt  that 
hath  been  made,  that  I  know  of,  to  defend  those 
enterprises.  Eeason  would  therefore,  that  i£  any  man, 
of  deeper  reach  and  better  judgement,  see  further,  or 
otherwise ;  that  he  [would]  rather  instruct  me,  than 
deride  me. 

Cautions.  And,  being  studious  for  brevity,  we 
must  first  consider,  That  whereas  GOD,  of  old,  did 
Gen.  xii.  i,  2;  call  and  summon  our  fathers  by  predictions, 
"iirtthV'w  dreams,  visions,  and  certain  illuminations, 
Psai.cv.i3/  to  go  from  their  countries,  places,  and 
habitations,  to  reside  and  dwell  here,  or  there ;  and 
to  wander  up  and  down  from  city  to  city,  and 
land  to  land,  according  to  his  will  and  pleasure : 
now  there  is  no  such  calling  to  be  expected,  for  any 
matter  whatsoever;  neither  must  any  so  much  as 
imagine  that  there  will  now  be  any  such  thing. 

GOD  did  once   so  train   up  his    people:    but  now 

he  doth  not ;  but  speaks  in  another  manner. 

e  ' L  J)  2*      And    so     we    must    apply    ourselves    to 

GOD's    present    dealing ;    and    not    to    his     wonted 

dealing.    And  as  the  miracle  of  giving  manna  ceased, 

when  the  fruits  of  the  land  became  plenty 

[plenteous] :  so  GOD,  having  such  a  plentiful 

storehouse  of  directions  in  his  holy  Word ;  there  must 

not  now  any  extraordinary  revelations  be  expected.  But 

now  the  ordinary  examples  and  precepts  of  the  Scriptures, 

reasonably  and  rightly  understood  and  applied,  must  be 

the  Voice  and  Word  that  must  call  us,  press  us,  and 

direct  us  in  every  action. 


The  lawfulness  of  Plantations.          497 

Neither  is  there  any  land  or  possession  now,  like 
unto  the   possession  which  the  Jews  had  in  Caanan ; 
being  legally  holy,  and  appropriated  unto  a 
holy   people,    the    Seed    of    ABRAHAM:   in 
which  they  dwelt  securely,  and  had  their  days  prolonged. 
It  being  by  an  immediate  Voice  said,  That  he,  the  LORD, 
gave  it  them,  as  a  land  of  rest  after  their  weary  travels  ; 
and  a  type  of  eternal  rest  in  heaven. 

But  now  there  is  no  land  of  that  sanctimony 
[sanctity']  ;  no  land,  so  appropriated ;  none,  typical :  much 
less  any  that  can  be  said  to  be  given  of  GOD  to  any 
nation,  as  was  Caanan  ;  which  they  and  their  seed  must 
dwell  in,  till  GOD  sendeth  upon  them  Sword  or 
Captivity.  But  now  we  are  all,  in  all  places, 
strangers  and  pilgrims,  travellers  and  sojourners :  most 
properly,  having  no  dwelling  but  in  this  9  Oor  v  x  3 
earthen  tabernacle.  Our  dwelling  is  but  a 
wandering ;  and  our  abiding,  but ,  as  a  fleeting  [a 
hastening  away] ;  and,  in  a  word,  our  home  so  were  the 
is  nowhere  but  in  the  heavens;  in  that  £™;  temporti 
house  not  made  with  hands,  whose  maker  blessings  and  in- 
and  builder  is  GOD ;  and  to  which  all  ascend, 
that  love  the  Coming  of  our  LORD  JESUS. 

Though  then  there  may  be  reasons  to  persuade  a  man 
to  live  in  this  or  that  land ;  yet  there  cannot  be  the  same 
reasons  which  the  Jews  had :  but  now  as  natural,  civil, 
and  religious  bands  tie  men ;  so  must  they  be  bound  ; 
and  as  good  reasons  for  things  terrene  and  heavenly 
appear,  so  they  must  be  led. 

Objection.  And  so  here  falleth  in  our  question,  How 
a  man,  that  is  here  born  and  bred,  and  hath  lived  some 
years  [here],  may  remove  himself  into  another  country  ? 

Answer.     I  answer,  A  man  must  not  respect  only  to 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  2  i 


498  The  lawfulness  of  Plantations. 

live  and  do  good  to  himself ;  but  he  should  see  where  he 
can  live  to  do  most  good  to  others :  for,  as  one  saith,  "  He 
whose  living  is  but  for  himself ;  it  is  time  he  were  dead." 
Some  men  there  are  who,  of  necessity,  must  here 
live ;  as  being  tied  to  duties,  either  to  Church, 
Common  "Wealth,  household,  kindred,  &c.  But  others, 
and  that  many,  who  do  no  good  in  none  of  those 
i.  what  persons  [Callings],  nor  can  do  none;  as  being  not 
may  lie  nee  able,  or  not  in  favour,  or  as  wanting 

opportunity:  and  living  as  outcasts, 
nobodies,  eyesores  ;  eating  but  for  themselves  ;  teaching 
but  themselves  ;  and  doing  good  to  none,  either  in  soul 
or  body ;  and  so  pass  over  days,  years,  and  months ; 
yea,  so  live  and  so  die. 

Now  such  should  lift  up  their  eyes  and  see,  Whether 

there  be  not  some  other  place  and  country 
siiouid^move67  to  which  they  may  go,  to  do  good :  and 

have  use  towards  others,  of  that  knowledge, 
wisdom,  humanity,  reason,  strength,  skill,  faculty,  &c. ; 
which  GOD  hath  given  them  for  the  service  of  others, 
and  his  own  glory  ? 

But    not    to   pass    the    bounds  of  modesty  so  far 
as  to  name  any,  though  I  confess  I  know  many  who  sit 

here  still,  with  their  talent  in  a  napkin, 

having  notable  endowments,  both  of  body 
and  mind;  and  might  do  great  good  if  they  were  in 
some  places ;  which  here  do  none,  nor  can  do  none :  and 
yet,  through  fleshly  fear,  nieeness  [fastidiousness  or 
daintiness],  straitness  [na/rrowness]  of  heart,  &c.,  sit  still 
and  look  on ;  and  will  not  hazard  a  dram  of  health,  nor 
a  day  of  pleasure,  nor  an  hour  of  rest,  to  further  the 
knowledge  and  salvation  of  the  sons  of  ADAM 

^n  ^^  New  World ;  where  a  drop  of  the 

knowledge  of  CHRIST  is  most  precious,  which 


n.      The  lawfulness  of  Plantations.  499 

is  here  not  set  by.  Now  what  shall  we  say  to  such  a 
Profession  of  CHRIST,  to  which  is  joined  no  more  denial 
of  a  man's  self  ? 

Objection.  But  some  will  say,  What  right  have  I 
to  go  [and]  live  in  the  heathen's  country  ? 

Answer.  Letting  pass  the  ancient  discoveries, 
contracts,  and  agreements  which  our  Englishmen  have, 
long  since,  made  in  those  parts ;  together  with  the 
acknowledgement  of  the  Histories  and  Chronicles  of 
other  nations ;  who  profess  [acknowledge]  the  land  of 
America,  from  Cape  de  Florida  unto  the  Bay  of  Canada 
[Gulf  of  St  Lawrence] — which  is  South  and  North,  300 
leagues  and  upwards ;  and  East  and  West,  further  than 
yet  hath  been  discovered — is  proper  [belongs]  to  the 
King  of  England.  Yet  letting  that  pass,  lest  I  be 
thought  to  meddle  further  than  it  concerns  me,  or 
further  than  I  have  discerning:  I  will  mention  such 
things  as  are  within  my  reach,  knowledge,  sight,  and 
practice,  since  I  have  travailed  [Laboured]  in  these  affairs. 

And  first,  Seeing  we  daily  pray  for  the  conversion 
of  the  heathens ;  we  must  consider,  Whether 
there  be  not  some  ordinary  means  and  Beason2 
course  for  us  to  take  to  convert  them:  or 
whether  prayer  for  them,  be  only  referred  to  GOD's 
extraordinary  work  from  heaven  ?  Now  it  seemeth  unto 
me,  that  we  ought  also  to  endeavour  and  use  the  means 
to  convert  them :  and  the  means  cannot  be  used,  unless 
we  go  to  them,  or  they  come  to  us.  To  us,  they  cannot 
come :  our  land  is  full.  To  them,  we  may  go :  their 
land  is  empty. 

This  then  is  a  sufficient  reason  to  prove  our  going 
thither  to  live,  lawful  [morally  right].  Their 

it*  •  j          -j  j i      .1  EeasonS. 

land  is   spacious  and  void,  and   there  are 

few ;  and  [they]  do  but  run  over  the  grass,  as  do  also 


500  The  lawfulness  of  Plantations.    R.cashm&n. 

the  foxes  and  wild  beasts.  They  are  not  industrious : 
neither  have  art,  science,  skill,  or  faculty  to  use  either 
the  land,  or  the  commodities  of  it ;  but  all  spoils,  rots, 
and  is  marred,  for  want  of  manuring,  gathering, 
ordering,  &c.  As  the  ancient  Patriarchs  therefore 
removed  from  straiter  places  into  more  roomthy,  where 
the  land  lay  idle  and  waste,  and  none  used;  though 
there  dwelt  inhabitants  by  them,  as  Gen.  xiii.  6,  11,  12 
and  xxxiv.  21,  and  xli.  20  :  so  is  it  lawful  now  to  take  a 
land,  which  none  useth  ;  and  [to]  make  use  of  it. 

And  as  it  is  a  common  land  or  unused,  and  [an] 

undressed  [uncultivated]   country ;    so  we 

E6iSS(Ts4'to  te  have  it,  by  common  consent,  composition, 

considered     as  and  agreement ;  which  agreement  is  double : 

SSS^dNS        First,  the  imperial  Governor,  MASSASOIT 

territories  ai>o»t  /whose  circuits  [boundaries],  in  likelihood, 

the  Plantation.      ^  ^^  ^^  England   and  Scotland)   hath 

acknowledged  the  Kings  Majesty  of  England  to  be  his 
master  and  Commander ;  and  that  once  in  my  hearing 
[in  November,  or  December  1621]  :  yea,  and  in  writing, 
under  his  hand,  to  Captain  STANDISH,  both  he  and  many 
other  Kings  which  are  under  him  (as  Pamet,  Nauset, 
Cummaquid,  Narrowhiggonset,  Namaschet,  &c.) ;  with, 
divers  others  that  dwell  about  the  Bays  of  Patuxet 
[Plymouth]  and  Massachuset  [Boston  Bay]. 

Neither  hath  this  been  accomplished  by  threats  and 
blows,  or  [the]  shaking  of  sword  and  sound  of  trumpet. 
For  as  our  faculty  that  way  is  small,  and  our  strength 
less '  so  our  warring  with  them  is  after  another 
manner,  namely,  by  friendly  usage,  love,  peace,  honest 
and  just  carriages  \behqviour],  good  counsel,  &c: :  that  so 
we  and  they  may  not  only  live  in  peace  in 
yiel(j  subjection  to  an 


The  lawfulness  of  Plantations.  501 

earthly  Prince ;  but  that  as  voluntaries,  they  may 
be  persuaded  at  length  to  embrace  the  Prince  of 
Peace,  CHRIST  JESUS  ;  and  rest  in  peace  with  him 
for  ever. 

Secondly.  This  composition  is  also  more  particular 
and  applicatory  as  touching  ourselves  there  inhabiting. 
The  Emperor,  by  a  joint  consent,  hath  promised  and 
appointed  us  to  live  at  peace,  where  we  will,  in  all  his 
dominions;  taking  what  place  we  will,  and  as  much 
land  as  we  will ;  and  bringing  as  many  people  as  we 
will.  And  that  for  these  two  causes. 

First.  Because  we  are  the  servants  of  JAMES,  King 
of  England  ;  whose  the  land,  as  he  confesseth,  is. 

Secondly.  Because  he  hath  found  us  just,  honest, 
kind,  and  peaceable ;  and  so  loves  our  company. 

Tea,  and  that  in  these  things  there  is  no  dissimulation 
on  his  part,  nor  fear  of  breach  [quarrel]  (except  our 
security  ingender  in  them  some  unthought-of  treachery ; 
or  our  uncivility  [rudeness]  provoke  them  to  anger)  is 
most  plain  in  other  Relations  [at  pp.  407-494] ;  which 
shew  that  the  things  they  did,  were  more  out  of  love 
than  out  of  fear. 

It  being  then,  first,  a  vast  and  empty  chaos ;  secondly, 
acknowledged  the  right  of  our  Sovereign  King  ;  thirdly, 
by  a  peaceable  composition  in  part  possessed  of  divers 
of  his  loving  subjects :  I  see  not,  who  can  doubt  and  call 
in  question  the  lawfulness  [righteousness]  of  inhabiting 
or  dwelling  there;  but  that  it  may  be  as  lawful  for 
such,  as  are  not  tied  upon  some  special  occasion  here,  to 
live  there  as  well  as  here.  Yea,  and  as  the  enterprise  is 
weighty  and  difficult:  so  the  honour  is  more  worthy, 
to  plant  a  rude  wilderness,  to  enlarge  the  honour  and 
fame  of  our  dread  Sovereign ;  but  chiefly  to  display  the 
efficacy  and  power  of  the  Gospel,  both  in  zealous 


502  The  lawfulness  of  Plantations. 

preaching,  Professing,  and  wise  walking  under  it,  before 
the  faces  of  these  poor  blind  infidels. 

As  for  such  as  object  the  tediousness  of  the  voyage 

thither ;  the  danger  of  pirates'  robbery,  [and]  of  the 

savages'  treachery,   &c.  ;    these   are  but  lions   in  the 

way :   and  it  were  well  for  such    men,  if 

Prov.  xxii.  13.       ,  ,  ^  / 

they  were  in  heaven.  For  who  can  shew 
them  a  place  in  this  world,  where  iniquity  shall  not 

compass  them  at  the  heels  ?  or  where  they 
^touTLw.  shall  have  a  day  without  grief?  or  a  lease 

of  life,  for  a  moment  ?  And  who  can  tell 
but  GOD,  what  dangers  may  lie  at  our  doors,  even  in  our 
native  country  ?  or  what  plots  may  be  abroad  {hatching']  ? 
or  when  GOD  will  cause  our  sun  to  go  down  at 

noonday  ?  and,  in  the  midst  of  our  peace  and 

Amos.  vin.  9.  . .         ,  ,         . 

security,  lay  upon  us  some  lasting  scourge 
for  our  so  long  neglect  and  contempt  of  his  most 
glorious  Gospel  ? 

Objection.  But  we  have  here  great  peace,  plenty  of 
the  Gospel,  and  many  sweet  delights  and  variety  of 
comforts. 

Ansiver.     True  indeed,  and  far  be  it  from  us  to  deny 

and    dimmish    the  least  of  these   mercies. 

£  curon.xzxii.  But  haye  we  rendered  unto  GQD  thankful 

\  obedience  for  this  long  peace,  whilst  other 

peoples  have  been  at  war  [The  allusion  here  is  to  the 
Thirty  Years  War  then  raging  in  Germany]  ?  Have  we 
not  rather  murmured,  repined,  and  fallen  at  jars  amongst 
ourselves ;  whilst  our  peace  hath  lasted  with  foreign 
Power[s]  ?  Were  there  ever  more  suits  in  law,  more  envy, 
contempt,  and  reproach,  than  now  a  days  ?  ABEAHAM 
and  LOT  departed  asunder,  when  there  fell  a  breach 


R.  Cttshnmn.      The  lawfulness  of  Plantations.  503 

betwixt  them;    which  was   occasioned  by 


.  ,  ,  •,  ^         i  T  1  T  T  IT  *1-  -      »  10' 

the  straitness  ot  the  land:  and,  surely,  I 
am  persuaded  that  howosever  the  frailities  of  men  are 
principal  [the  primary  causes]  in  all  contentions,  yet 
the  straitness  of  the  place  is  such,  as  each  man  is  fain 
to  pluck  his  means,  as  it  were,  out  of  his  neighbour's 
throat.  There  is  such  pressing  and  oppressing,  in  town 
and  country,  about  farms,  trades,  traffic,  &c.  ;  so  as  a 
man  can  hardly  anywhere  set  up  a  trade,  but  he  shall 
pull  down  two  of  his  neighbours. 

The  towns  abound  with  young  tradesmen  [artisans]  ; 
and  the  hospitals  are  full  of  the  ancient  [ones].  Thecountry 
is  replenished  with  new  farmers  ;  and  the  almhouses 
are  filled  with  old  labourers.  Many  there  are  who  get 
their  living  with  bearing  burdens  ;  but  more  are  fain  to 
burden  the  land  with  their  whole  bodies.  Multitudes 
get  their  means  of  life  by  prating  ;  and  so  do  numbers 
more,  by  begging.  Neither  come  these  straits  upon 
men  always  through  intemperancy,  ill  husbandry, 
indiscretion,  &c.,  as  some  think  :  but  even  the  most 
wise  sober  and  discreet  men  go  often  to  the  wall  ; 
when  they  have  done  their  best.  Wherein,  as  GOD's 
Providence  swayeth  all,  so  it  is  easy  to  see,  That  the 
straitness  of  the  place,  having  in  it  so  many  strait 
[narrow]  hearts,  cannot  but  produce  such  effects  more 
and  more.  So  as  every  indifferent  [impartial]  minded 
man  should  be  ready  to  say,  with  father  ABBAHAM, 
"  Take  thou,  the  right  hand  ;  and  I  will  take  the  left  !" 
Let  us  not  thus  oppress,  straiten,  and  afflict  one  another  I 
but  seeing  there  is  a  spacious  land,  the  way  to  which  is 
through  the  sea,  we  will  end  this  difference  in  a  day  I 

That  I  speak  nothing  about  the  bitter  contention 
that  hath  been  about  Religion,  by  writing  disputing  and 
inveighing  earnestly  one  against  another:  the  heat  of 


508  The  robbery  of  the  Fortune. 

road ;  lie  caused  our  company  to  be  stowed  under  the 
hatches.  And — having  detained  them  thirteen  days  [? 
from  Wth  January  to  1st  February  1622.  The  Fortune 
arrived  in  London  on  the  Uth  February] ;  and  fed  them 
with  lights,  livers,  and  entrails :  because  he  suffered  his 
soldiers  to  eat  all  their  good  victuals — at  length,  he  sent 
them  aboard  a  little  lean  flesh,  a  hogshead  of  small 
[poor]  wine,  some  little  bread  and  vinegar,  to  victual 
them  home.  But  withal  prepounded  to  them,  to  testify, 
under  their  hands,  That  he  had  taken  from  them  but 
two  *  hogsheads  of  fox  skins  f :  else,  he  said,  they  should 
not  have  liberty. 

Howbeit,  by  the  kindness  of  a  young  Gentleman, 
pitying  their  distress  —  who  only  amongst  the  French 
could  speak  English — they  were  discharged;  giving, 
under  their  hands,  That  the  Marquis  of  CERA  had  taken 
from  them  two  hogsheads  of  beaver  skins,  and  some 
other  small  matters. 

Endorsed 

A  Complaint  of  divers  Adventurers 
and  Inhabitants  of  New  England. 

S.  R  Colonial,  Vol.  V.,  No  112. 


*  Captain  JOHN  SMITH  states,  "  Within  a  month,  they  [in  the  Fortune] 
returned  here  I  from  New  Plymouth]  for  England,  laded  with  clapboard, 
wainscot  [pakwood  for  Dandling]  and  walnut  [wood],  with  about  three 
hogsheads  of  beaver  skins,  and  some  saxefras  [sassafras'],  the  13  December 
[1621]."  New  England's  Trials,  2nd  Ed.,  1622,  4. 

If  so,  CUSHMAN  must,  in  some  way  or  other,  have  outwitted  the  noble 
pirate  ;  and  saved  one  of  the  hogsheads  of  beaver  skins  from  his  clutches. 
BRADFORD,  however,  says,  "two  hogsheads  of  beaver  and  other  skins." 
MS.  153. 

t  The  Marquis  had  probably  never  seen  a  beaver  skin  in  his  life  ;  and 
gave  the  skins  the  only  name  he  knew  of. — E.  A. 


Good  News  from 

New    England: 

or 

a   true   Relation   of   things   very   remarkable   at 

the  Plantation  of  Plymouth  in 

New  England. 

Shewing  the   wonderful   Providence  and  goodness   of 

GOD,  in  their  preservation  and  continuance; 

being  delivered  from  many  apparent 

deaths  and  dangers. 

Together  with 

a   Belation    of   such   religious   and   civil  laws   and 

customs  as  are  in  practice  amongst  the  Indians 

adjoining  to  them,  at  this  day. 

As  also 

what  commodities  are  there  to  be  raised  for  the 

maintenance  of  that  and  other  Plantations 

in  the  said  country. 

Written  by  E.  W. ;    who  hath  borne  a  part  in 
the  forenamed  troubles,  and  there  lived 
since  their  first  arrival. 

LONDON. 

Printed  by  I.  D.  [JOHN  DAWSON]  for  WILLIAM  BLADEN 

and  JOHN  BELLAMIE  :  and  are  to  be  sold  at  their 

shops;  at  the  BiUe  in  Paul's  Churchyard, 

and  at  the  Three  Golden  Lions  in 

Cornhill,  near  the  Royal 

Exchange. 


To  THE  READER. 

Reader.  When  I  first  penned  this 
discourse,  I  intended  it  chiefly  for  the 
satisfaction  of  my  private  friends:  but, 
since  that  time,  have  been  persuaded  to 
publish  the  same.  And  the  rather,  because  of  a 
disorderly  Colony  [of  THOMAS  WESTOJ^S  men}  that  are 
dispersed,  and  most  of  them  returned  [to  England]; 
to  the  great  prejudice  and  damage  of  him  that  set 
them  forth.  Who,  as  they  were  a  stain  to  Old  England 
that  bred  them,  in  respect  of  their  lives  and  manners 
amongst  the  Indians :  so,  it  is  to  be  feared,  [they]  will  be 
no  less  to  New  England,  in  their  vile  and  clamorous 
reports;  because  she  would  not  foster  them  in  their 
desired  idle  courses. 

I  would  not  be  understood  to  think  there  were  no 
well-deserving  persons  amongst  them.  For,  of  mine 
own  knowledge,  it  was  a  grief  to  some,  that  they  were 
so  yoked :  whose  deserts  as  they  were  then  suitable  to 
their  honest  protestations ;  so,  I  desire,  [they]  still  may 
be,  in  respect  of  their  just  and  true  Relations. 

Peradventure  thou  wilt  rather  marvel  that  I  deal 
so  plainly ;  than  any  way  doubt  of  the  truth  of  this, 
my  Relation.  Yea,  it  may  be,  tax  me  therewith :  as 
seeming  rather  to  discourage  men,  than  [in]  any  way  to 
further  so  noble  an  action. 

If  any  honest  mind  be  discouraged ;  I  am  sorry. 
Sure  I  am,  I  have  given  no  just  cause :  and  am  so  far 
from  being  discouraged  myself,  as  I  purpose  to  return 

511 


512  To  the  Reader.  QO 

forthwith.  And  for  other  light  and  vain  persons ;  if 
they  stumble  hereat,  I  have  my  desire:  accounting  it 
better  for  them  and  us,  that  they  keep  where  they 
are;  as  being  unfit  and  unable  to  perform  so  great  a 
task. 

Some  faults  have  escaped;  because  I  could  not 
attend  on  the  press :  which  I  pray  thee  correct  as  thou 
findest ;  and  I  shall  account  it  as  a  favour  unto  me. 

Thine, 

K  W. 


TO  ALL  WELL-WILLEBS  AND  FUBTHEBEBS  OF  PLANTATIONS 

IN  NEW  ENGLAND  ;  ESPECIALLY  TO  SUCH  AS  EVER  HAVE 

[ASSISTED],  OB  DESIBE  TO  ASSIST,  THE  PEOPLE 

OF  PLYMOUTH  IN  THEIB  JUST  PBOCEEDINGS  ; 

GRACE  AND  PEACE  BE  MULTIPLIED! 

£  IGHT  Honourable  and  Worshipful  Gentleman ; 
or  whatsoever.  Since  it  hath  pleased  GOD 
to  stir  you  up  to  be  Instruments  of  his 
glory,  in  so  honourable  an  enterprise  as  the 
inlarging  of  His  Majesty's  dominions,  by  planting  Ms 
loyal  subjects  in  so  healthful  and  hopeful  a  country  as 
New  England  is:  where,  the  Church  of  GOD  being 
seated  in  sincerity,  there  is  no  less  hope  of  convincing 
the  heathen  of  their  evil  ways,  and  converting  them 
to  the  true  knowledge  and  worship  of  th$  living 
GOD,  and  so  consequently,  the  salvation  of  their 
souls  by  the  merits  of  JESUS  CHRIST  than  elsewhere ; 
though  it  be  much  talked  on,  and  lightly  or  lamely 
prosecuted. 

I  therefore  think  it  but  my  duty,  to  offer  the  View 
of  our  Proceedings  to  your  worthy  considerations: 
having,  to  that  end,  composed  them  together  thus 
briefly,  as  you  see.  Wherein,  to  your  great  encouragement, 
you  may  behold  the  good  Providence  of  GOD  working 
with  you,  in  our  preservation  from  so  many  dangerous 
plots  and  treacheries  as  have  been  intended  against  us : 
as  also  in  giving  his  blessing  so  powerfully  upon  the 
weak  means  we  had;  inabling  us  with  health  and 
ability,  beyond  expectation,  in  our  greatest  scarcities ;  and 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  513  2  K 


514  The  Epistle  Dedicatory.       GOV. 

possessing  the  hearts  of  the  savages  with  astonishment 
and  fear  of  us.  Whereas  if  GOD  had  let  them  loose, 
they  might  easily  have  swallowed  us  up;  "scarce[ly] 
being  a  handful  in  comparison  of  those  forces  they 
might  have  gathered  together  against  us:  which  now, 
by  GOD's  blessing,  will  be  more  hard  and  difficult,  in 
regard  our  number  of  men  is  increased ;  our  town, 
better  fortified;  and  our  store,  better  victualled. 
Blessed  therefore  be  his  name !  that  hath  done  so  great 
things  for  us ;  and  hath  wrought  so  great  a  change 
amongst  us. 

Accept,  I  pray  you,  my  weak  endeavours.  Pardon 
my  unskilfullness  ;  and  bear  with  my  plainness  in  the 
things  I  have  handled.  Be  not  discouraged  by  our 
former  necessities ;  but  rather  incouraged  with  us : 
hoping  that  as  GOD  hath  wrought  with  us  in  our 
beginning  of  this  worthy  work,  undertaken  in  his  name 
and  fear ;  so  he  will,  by  us,  accomplish  the  same  to 
his  glory  and  our  comfort,  if  we  neglect  not  the 
means. 

I  confess,  it  hath  not  been  much  less  chargeable  to 
some  of  you  [the  Adventurers],  than  hard  and  difficult 
to  us,  that  have  endured  the  brunt  of  the  battle :  and 
yet  small  profits  returned.  Only,  by  GOD's  mercy,  we 
are  safely  seated,  housed,  and  fortified :  by  which  means, 
a  great  step  is  made  unto  gain ;  and  a  more  direct 
course  taken  for  the  same,  than  if,  at  first,  we  had  rashly 
and  covetously  fallen  upon  it. 

Indeed,  three  things  are  the  overthrow  and  bane,  as 
I  may  term  it,  of  Plantations. 

1.  The  vain  expection  of  present  [instant]  profit: 
which,  too  [far]  too  commonly,  taketh  a 
principal  seat  in  the  heart  and  affections ; 


GOV.  E.  wmsiow.         The  Epistle  Dedicatory.  515 

though  GOD's  glory  &a  is  preferred  before 
it  in  the  mouth,  with  protestation. 

2.  Ambition  in  their  Governors  and  Commanders, 

seeking  only  to  make  themselves,  great;  and 
slaves,  of  all  that  under  them :  to  maintain  a 
transitory  base  honour  in  themselves ;  which 
GOD  oft  punisheth  with  contempt. 

3.  The  carelessness  of  those  that  send  over  supplies 

[reinforcements']  of  men  unto  them  ;  not  caring 
how  they  be  qualified:  so  that  oft  times 
they  are  rather  the  Image  of  Men  endued 
with  bestial,  yea,  diabolical  affections ;  than 
the  Image  of  GOD  endued  with  reason, 
understanding,  and  holiness. 

I  praise  GOD,  I  speak  not  these  things  experimentally, 
by  way  of  complaint  of  our  own  condition :  but  have 
great  cause,  on  the  contrary  part,  to  be  thankful  to 
GOD,  for  his  mercies  towards  us. 

But  rather,  if  there  be  any  too  desirous  of  gain,  to 
intreat  them  to  moderate  their  affections;  and  [to] 
consider  that  no  man  expecteth  fruit  before  the  tree 
be  grown.  Advising  all  men  that,  as  they  tender  their 
own  welfare,  so  to  make  choice  of  such  to  manage  and 
govern  their  affairs  as  are  approved,  not  to  be  seekers 
of  themselves,  but  [of]  the  common  good  of  all  for  whom 
they  are  imployed.  And  beseeching  such  as  have  the 
care  of  transporting  men  for  the  supply  and  furnishing 
of  Plantations,  to  be  truly  careful  in  sending  such  as 
may  further,  and  not  hinder,  so  good  an  action. 

There  is  no  godly  honest  man  but  will  be  helpful  in 
this  kind ;  and  adorn  his  Profession  with  an  upright 
life  and  conversation :  which  Doctrine  of  Manners  ought 
first  to  be  preached,  by  giving  a  good  example  to  the 


5  1  6  The  Epistle  Dedicatory.       GOT.  E.  wi 


poor  savage  heathens,  amongst  whom  they  live.  On 
the  contrary  part,  what  great  offence  hath  been  given 
by  many  profane  men;  who,  being  but  seeming 
Christians,  have  made  CHRIST  and  Christianity  stink  in 
the  nostrils  of  the  poor  infidels  ;  and  so  laid  a  stumbling 
block  before  them  :  but  "  woe  be  to  them,  by  whom  such 
offences  come  3  " 

These  things,  I  offer  to  your  Christian  considerations  ; 
beseeching  you  to  make  a  good  construction  of  my 
simple  meaning,  and  [to]  take  in  good  part  this  ensuing 
Eelation  :  dedicating  myself,  and  it,  evermore  unto  your 
service;  beseeching  GOD  to  crown  our  Christian  and 
faithful  endeavours,  with  his  blessings  temporal  and 
eternal. 

Yours,  in  this  service, 

Ever  to  be  commanded, 

E.  W.  [EDWAKD  WINSLOW.] 


Grood  News 
from  New  England. 

good  ship,  called  the  Fortune  (which, 
in  the  month  of  November  1621,  blessed 
be  GOD !  brought  us  a  new  Supply 
[reinforcement]  of  35  persons)  was  not 
long  departed  [from]  our  coast  [on  13th  December  1621], 
ere  the  great  people  of  Nanohigganset  [Narragansetf], 
which  are  reported  to  be  many  thousands  strong,  began 
to  breathe  forth  many  threats  against  us ;  notwithstand 
ing  their  desired  and  obtained  peace  with  us,  in  the 
foregoing  summer:  insomuch  as  the  common  talk  of 
our  neighbouring]  Indians,  on  all  sides,  was  of  the 
preparation  they  made  to  come  against  us. 

In  reason,  a  man  would  think  they  should  have  now 
more  cause  to  fear  us  that  before  our  Supply  came. 
But,  though  none  of  them  were  present;  yet 
understanding  by  others,  That  they  [in  the  Fortune] 
neither  brought  arms,  nor  other  provisions  with  them  ; 
but  wholly  relied  on  us:  it  occasioned  them  to  slight 
and  brave  us  with  so  many  threats  as  they  did. 

At  length,  came  one  of  them  to  us,  who  was  sent  by 
CANAUACUS  [i.e.  CANONICUS]  their  chief  Sachem  or 
King ;  accompanied  with  one  TOKAMAHAMON,  a  friendly 
Indian. 

This  messenger  inquired  for  TiSQUANTUM  our 
interpreter ;  who  not  being  at  home,  [he]  seemed  rather 

517 


5 1 8    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E.  window 

to  be  glad  than  sorry  :  and  leaving  for  him,  a  bundle  of 
new  arrows  lapped  in  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  desired  to 
depart  with  all  speed.  But  our  Governors  (not  knowing 
what  to  make  of  this  strange  carriage  [behaviour] ;  and 
comparing  it  with  what  we  had  formerly  heard) 
committed  him  to  the  custody  of  Captain  STANDISH: 
hoping  now  to  know  some  certainty  of  that  we  so  often 
heard;  either  by  his  own  relation  to  us,  or  to 
TiSQTJANTUM  at  his  return;  desiring  myself,  having 
special  familiarity  with  the  other  f orenamed  Indian,  to 
see  if  I  could  learn  anything  from  him.  Whose  [i.e. 
ToKAMAHAMotfs]  answer  was  sparingly  to  this  effect, 
That  he  could  not  certainly  tell ;  but  [he]  thought  they 
were  enemies  to  us. 

That  night,  Captain  STANDISH  gave  me  and  another, 
charge  of  him ;  and  gave  us  order  to  use  him  kindly, 
and  that  he  should  not  want  anything  he  desired :  and 
to  take  all  occasions  to  talk,  and  inquire  of  the  reasons 
of  those  reports  we  heard;  and  withal  to  signify  that, 
upon  his  true  relation,  he  should  be  sure  of  his  own 
freedom. 

At  first,  fear  so  possessed  him  that  he  could  scarcely] 
say  anything:  but,  in  the  end,  [he]  became  more 
familiar,  and  told  us,  That  the  messenger,  which  his 
master  sent,  in  summer  [of  1621],  to  treat  of  peace  ;  at 
his  return,  persuaded  him  rather  to  war:  and  to  the 
end  he  might  provoke  him  thereunto,  as  appeared  to 
him  by  our  reports,  [he  =  the  former  messenger]  detained 
many  of  the  things  [that]  were  sent  him  [i.e.  CANONICUS] 
by  our  Governor  [WILLIAM  BRADFORD]  ;  scorning  the 
meanness  of  them,  both  in  respect  of  what  [he]  himself 
had  formerly  sent  [to  Plymouth],  and  also  of  the 
greatness  of  his  own  person.  So  that  he  [the  Indian 
with  whom  WINSLOW  was  now  talking]  -much  blamed 


GOT.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    519 

the  former  messenger,  saying,  That,  upon  the  knowledge 
of  this,  his  false  carriage;  it  would  cost  him  his  life. 
But  [he]  assured  us  that,  upon  his  relation  of  our  speech 
then  with  him,  to  his  master,  he  would  be  friends  with  us. 

Of  this,  we  informed  the  Governor  [WILLIAM 
BRADFORD]  and  his  Assistant  [ISAAC  ALLERTON],  and 
Captain  [MILES]  STANDISH:  who,  after  consultation, 
considered  him  howsoever  but  in  the  state  of  a 
messenger  ;  and,  it  being  as  well  against  the  Law  of  Arms 
amongst  them,  as  us  in  Europe,  to  lay  violent  hands  on 
any  such,  set  him  at  liberty.  The  Governor  giving 
him  order,  to  certify  his  master,  That  he  had  heard  of 
his  large  and  many  threatenings,  at  which  he  was  much 
offended :  daring  him,  in  those  respects,  to  the  utmost, 
if  he  would  not  be  reconciled  to  live  peaceably,  as  others 
his  neighbours ;  manifesting  withal,  as  ever,  his  desire 
of  peace,  but  his  fearless  resolution,  if  he  could  not  so 
live  amongst  them. 

After  which,  he  caused  meat  to  be  offered  him :  but 
he  refused  to  eat,  making  all  speed  to  return,  and  giving 
many  thanks  for  his  liberty.  But  requesting  the  other 
Indian  again  to  return :  the  weather  being  violent,  he 
[i.e.  TOKAMAHANON]  used  many  words  to  persuade  Mm 
to  stay  longer ;  but  could  not.  Whereupon  he  [i.e. 
TOKAMAEAMON\  left  him;  and  said,  He  was  with  his 
friends ;  and  would  not  take  a  journey  in  such  extremity 
[of  weather]. 

After  this,  when  TISQUANTUM  returned ;  and  the 
arrows  were  delivered,  and  the  manner  of  the 
messenger's  carriage  related:  he  signified  to  the 
Governor,  That  to  send  the  rattlesnake's  skin,  in  that 
manner,  imported  enmity ;  and  that  it  was  no  better 
than  a  challenge. 

Hereupon,  after    some  deliberation,  the    Governor 


5  2O    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E. 

stuffed  the  skin  with  powder  and  shot;  and  senb  it 
back:  returning  no  less  defiance  to  CONANACUS 
\CANONICUS\\  assuring  him,  If  he  had  [had]  shipping 
now  present,  thereby  to  send  his  men  to  Nanohigganset 
[Narragansett,  now  Rhode  Island],  the  place  of  his 
abode ;  they  should  not  need  to  coine  so  far  by  land  to 
us :  yet  withal  shewing  that  they  should  never  come 
unwelcome  or  unlocked  for. 

This  message  was  sent  by  an  Indian  ;  and  delivered 
in  such  sort,  as  it  was  no  small  terror  to  this  savage 
King  ;  insomuch  as  he  would  not  once  touch  the  powder 
and  shot,  or  suffer  it  to  stay  in  his  house  or  country  : 
whereupon,  the  messenger  refusing  it,  another  took  it 
up ;  and  [it]  having  been  posted  from  place  to  place  a 
long  time,  at  length  [it]  came  whole  [unopened]  back 
again  [to  Plymouth]. 

In  the  mean  time,  knowing  our  own  weakness, 
notwithstanding  our  high  words  and  lofty  looks  towards 
them ;  and  still  lying  open  to  all  casualty,  having,  as  yet, 
under  GOD,  ncf  other  defence  than  our  arms :  we 
thought  it  most  needful  to  impale  our  town;  which, 
with  all  expedition,  we  accomplished  in  the  month  of 
February  and  some  few  days  [in  March].  Taking 
in  the  top  of  the  hill  [now  the  Burial  Hill]  under 
which  our  town  is  seated:  making  four  bulwarks 
or  jetties  [bastions  or  projections]  without  the  ordinary 
circuit  of  the  pale  [palisade],  from  whence  we  could 
defend  the  whole  town  in  three  whereof,  are  gates  ; 
and  [in]  the  fourth,  [there  will  be  one]  in  time  to  be. 

This  being  done,  Captain  STANDISH  divided  our 
strength  [forces]  into  four  Squadrons  or  Companies  ; 
appointing  whom  he  thought  most  fit,  to  have  command 
of  each :  and,  at  a  General  Muster  or  Training,  appointed 


GOV.  E."  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    5  2 1 

each  his  place  ;  gave  each,  his  Company ;  giving  them 
charge,  upon  every  alarm,  to  resort  to  their  leaders  to 
their  appointed  place;  and  in  his  absence,  to  be 
commanded  and  directed  by  them.  That  done,  according 
to  his  order,  each  drew  his  Company  to  his  appointed 
place  for  defence  ;  and  there  together  [they]  discharged 
their  muskets.  After  which,  they  brought  their  new 
Commanders  to  their  houses ;  where  again  they  graced 
them  with  their  shot,  and  so  departed. 

Fearing  also  lest  the  enemy,  at  any  time,  should  take 
any  advantage  by  firing  our  houses ;  Captain  STANDISH 
appointed  a  certain  Company  that  (whensoever  they 
saw  [fire],  or  heard  "  Fire ! "  to  be  cried  in  the  town) 
should  only  betake  themselves  to  their  arms ;  and 
should  inclose  the  house,  or  place,  so  indangered ;  and 
stand  aloof  [at  a  distance]  on  their  guard,  with  their 
backs  towards  the  fire:  to  prevent  treachery,  if  any 
were  in  that  kind  intended.  If  the  fire  were  in  any  of 
the  houses  [of  the  district]  of  this  guard;  they  were 
then  freed  from  it  [i.e.  from  being  thus  on  guard] ;  but 
not  otherwise,  without  special  command. 

Long  before  this  time,  we  promised  the  people  of 
Massachuset  [i.e.  Boston  Bay],  in  the  beginning  of 
March  [1622]  to  come  unto  them,  and  trade  for  their 
furs :  which  [time]  being  then  come,  we  began  to  make 
preparation  for  that  voyage. 

In  the  mean  time,  an  Indian,  called  HOBBAMOCK,  who 
still  lived  in  the  town  [of  Plymouth,  see  page  383],  told 
us,  That  he  feared  the  Massachusets,  or  Massaehuseucks 
(for  so  they  called  the  people  of  that  place),  were 
joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nanohigganeucks 
or  people  of  Nanohigganset  [Narragansetts] ;  and 
that  they  therefore  would  take  this  opportunity  to 


522    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOV.E 

cut  off  Captain  STANDISH  and  his  company  abroad 
[while  away] :  but  howsoever,  in  the  mean  time,  it  was 
to  be  feared  that  the  Nanohigganeuks  would  assault  the 
town  at  home ;  giving  many  reasons  for  his  jealousy.  As 
also  that  TISQUANTUM  was  in  the  confederacy  :  who,  we 
should  find,  would  use  many  persuasions  to  draw  us 
from  our  shallops  to  the  Indians'  houses  [wigwams],  for 
their  better  advantage. 

To  confirm  this  his  jealousy,  he  told  us  of  many  secret 
passages  that  passed  between  him  and  others,  having 
their  meetings  ordinarily  abroad  in  the  woods :  but  if  at 
home  [at  Plymouth]  howsoever,  he  was  excluded  from 
their  secrecy ;  saying,  It  was  the  manner  of  the  Indians, 
when  they  meant  plainly,  to  deal  openly. 

But  in  this  his  practice  [plot],  there  was  no  shew  of 
honesty. 

Hereupon  the  Governor,  together  with  his  Assistant 
[ISAAC  ALLERTON]  and  Captain  STANDISH,  called  together 
such  as,  by  them,  were  thought  most  meet  for  advice 
in  so  weighty  a  business;  who,  after  consideration 
hereof,  came  to  his  resolution  : 

That  as  hitherto,  upon  all  occasions  between  them 
and  us,  we  had  ever  manifested  undaunted  courage  and 
resolution ;  so  it  would  not  now  stand  with  our  safety  to 
mew  [sfait]  up  ourselves  in  our  new-enclosed  town: 
partly  because  our  Store  was  almost  empty,  and  therefore 
[we]  must  seek  out  for  our  daily  food,  without  which  we 
could  not  long  subsist ;  but  especially  for  that  thereby 
they  would  see  us  dismayed,  and  be  encouraged  to 
prosecute  their  malicious  purposes  with  more  eagerness 
than  ever  they  intended.  Whereas,  on  the  contrary,  by 
the  blessing  of  GOD,  our  fearless  carriage  might  be  a 
means  to  discourage  and  weaken  their  proceedings. 

And  therefore,  [it  was]  thought  best  to  proceed  in 


Good  News  from  New  England.    523 

our  Trading  Voyage,  making  this  use  of  that  we  heard 
— to  go  better  provided,  and  use  the  more  carefulness 
both  at  home  and  abroad :  leaving  the  event  to  the 
disposing  of  the  Almighty.  Whose  Providence,  as  it  had 
hitherto  been  over  us  for  good  ;  so  we  had  now  no  cause, 
save  our  sins,  to  despair  of  his  mercy  in  our  preservation 
and  continuance :  where  we  desired  rather  to  be 
Instruments  of  good  to  the  heathens  about  us,  than  to 
give  them  the  least  measure  of  just  offence. 

All  things  being  now  in  readiness,  the  forenamed 
Captain,  with  ten  men,  accompanied  with  TISQUANTUM 
and  HOBBAMOCK,  set  forwards  for  the  Massachusets  [i.e. 
Boston  Bay,  44  miles  away]. 

But  we*  had  no  sooner  turned  the  point  of  the 
harbour,  Gurnet's  Nose,  (where,  being  becalmed,  we  let 
fall  our  grapnel;  [in  order]  to  set  things  to  rights, 
and  prepare  to  row);  but  there  came  an  Indian  of 
TISQUANTXJM'S  family,  running  to  certain  of  our  people 
that  were  from  home  [in  the  fields,  distant  from, 
Plymouth*],  with  all  eagerness,  having  his  face  wounded, 
and  the  blood  still  fresh  ou  the  same,  calling  to  them 
to  repair  home ;  oft  looking  behind  him,  as  if  some 
others  had  him  in  chase:  saying,  That  at  Namaschet 
[Middleborough],  a  town  some  fifteen  miles  from 
us,  there  were  many  of  the  Nanohiggansets 
[Narragcmsetts],  MASSASSOWAT  our  supposed  friend, 
and  COMBATANT  [or  CORBITANT],  our  feared  enemy, 
with  many  others;  with  a  resolution  to  take 
advantage,  on  the  present  opportunity,  to  assault 
the  town,  in  the  Captain's  absence.  Affirming  that  he 


*  WINSLOW  was  therefore  one  of  the  eleven  Englishmen  in  the  shallop. 

— E.  A. 


524    Good  News  from  New  Eng  land.    o-ov.  E, 

received  the  wound  in  his  face,  for  speaking  in  our 
behalf,  and  by  slight  [craft]  escaped ;  looking  oft 
backward,  as  if  he  suspected  them  to  be  at  hand. 

This  he  affirmed  again  to  the  Governor :  whereupon 
he  gave  command  that  three  pieces  of  ordnance  should 
be  made  ready  and  discharged ;  to  the  end  that,  if  we 
were  not  out  of  hearing,  we  might  return  thereat. 

Which  we  no  sooner  heard ;  but  we  repaired 
homeward  with  all  convenient  speed :  arming  ourselves, 
and  making  all  in  [a]  readiness  to  fight.  When  we 
entered  the  harbour,  we  saw  the  town  likewise  on  their 
guard:  whither  we  hasted,  with  all  convenient  speed. 

The  news  being  made  known  unto  us ;  HOBBAMOCK 
said  flatly,  That  it  was  false:  assuring  us  of 
MASSASSOWAT'S  faithfulness*  Howsoever  he  presumed 
[felt  certain],  he  would  never  have  undertaken  any 
such  act  without  his  privity ;  himself  being  a  Pinese, 
that  is,  one  of  his  chiefest  champions  or  men  of  valour : 
it  being  the  manner  amongst  them,  not  to  undertake 
such  enterprises  without  the  advice  and  furtherance  of 
men  of  that  rank. 

To  this,  the  Governor  answered,  He  should  be  sorry 
that  any  just  and  necessary  occasions  of  war  should 
arise  between  him  and  any  [of]  the  savages ;  but 
especially  MASSASSOWAT  :  not  that  he  feared  him  more 
than  the  rest ;  but  because  his  love  more  exceeded 
towards  him  than  any. 

Whereunto  HABBAMOCK  replied,  There  was  no  cause 
wherefore  he  should  distrust  him;  and  therefore  [the 
Governor]  should  do  well  to  continue  his  affections. 

But  to  the  end  things  might  be  made  more  manifest ; 
the  Governor  caused  HOBBAMOCK  to  send  his  wife,  with 
all  privacy,  to  Puckanokick  [i.e.  to  Sowams  inPokcunoket], 
the  chief  place  of  MASSASSOWAT'S  residence,  pretending 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    525 

other  occasions :  there  to  inform  herself,  and  so  us, 
of  the  right  state  of  things. 

When  she  came  thither,  and  saw  all  things  quiet  ; 
and  that  no  such  matter  was,  or  had  been,  intended, 
[she]  told  MASSASSOWAT  what  had  happened  at  Plymouth^ 
by  them  called  Patuxet.  Which,  when  he  understood! 
he  was  much  offended  at  the  carriage  [behaviour]  of 
TiSQUANTUM :  returning  many  thanks  to  the  Governor 
for  his  good  thoughts  of  him ;  and  assuring  him  that, 
according  to  their  first  Articles  of  Peace,  he  would  send 
word,  and  give  warning,  when  any  such  business  was 
towards  [approaching]. 

Thus,  by  degrees,  we  began  to  discover  TiSQUAtfTUM  ; 
whose  ends  were  only  to  make  himself  great  in  the  eyes 
of  his  countrymen,  by  means  of  his  nearness  and  favour 
with  us :  not  caring  who  fell,  so  he  stood. 

In  the  general,  his  course  was  to  persuade  them,  he 
could  lead  us  to  peace  or  war,  at  his  pleasure.  And 
would  oft  threaten  the  Indians,  sending  them  word,  in  a 
private  manner,  we  were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them  ; 
that  thereby  he  might  get  gifts  to  himself,  to  work  their 
peace :  insomuch  as  they  had  him  in  greater  esteem 
than  many  of  their  Sachems.  Tea,  they  [the  Sacheww] 
themselves  sought  to  him :  who  promised  them  peace  in 
respect  to  us,  yea,  and  protection  too,  so  as  they  would 
resort  to  him.  So  that  whereas  divers  were  wont  to  rely 
on  MASSASSOWAT  for  protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode : 
now  they  began  to  leave  him,  and  seek  after  TiSQUANTUM. 

Now  though  he  could  not  make  good  these  his 
large  promises;  especially  because  of  the  continued 
peace  between  MASSASSOWAT  and  us:  he  therefore 
raised  this  false  alarm,  hoping,  whilst  things  were  hot 
in  the  heat  of  blood,  to  provoke  us  to  march  into  his 
country  against  him ;  whereby  he  hoped  to  kindle  such 


526    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  B.  window. 

a  flame  as  would  not  easily  be  quenched.  And  hoping, 
if  that  block  were  once  removed,  there  were  no  other 
between  him  and  honour ;  which  he  loved  as  his  life,  and 
preferred  before  his  peace. 

For  these,  and  the  like  abuses,  the  Governor  sharply 
reproved  him :  yet  was  he  so  necessary  and  profitable 
an  Instrument  as,  at  that  time,  we  could  not  miss  him. 
But,  when  we  understood  his  dealings,  we  certified  all 
the  Indians,  of  our  ignorance  and  innocency  therein: 
assuring  them,  [that]  till  they  began  [to  fight]  with  us, 
they  should  have  no  cause  to  fear ;  and  if  any  hereafter 
should  raise  any  such  reports,  they  should  punish  them 
as  liars,  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance.  Which 
gave  the  Indians  good  satisfaction  on  all  sides. 

After  this,  we  proceeded  in  our  voyage  to  the 
Massachusets ;  where  we  had  good  store  of  trade: 
and,  blessed  be  GOD!  returned  in  safety;  though 
driven  from  before  our  town,  in  great  danger  and 
extremity  of  weather. 

At  our  return,  we  found  MASSASSOWAT  at  the 
Plantation ;  who  made  his  seeming[ly]  just  apology  for 
all  former  matters  of  accusation :  being  much  offended 
and  inraged  against  TISQTJANTUM  ;  whom  the  Governor 
pacified  as  much  as  he  could  for  the  present. 

But,  not  long  after  his  departure,  he  sent  a  messenger 
to  the  Governor,  intreating  him  to  give  way  to  the  death 
of  TISQUANTUM  ;  who  had  so  much  abused  him. 

But  the  Governor  answered,  Although  he  had 
deserved  to  die,  both  in  respect  of  him  and  us;  yet, 
for  our  sakes,  he  desired  he  would  spare  him :  and  the 
rather,  because  without  him,  he  knew  not  well  how  to 
understand  himself,  or  any  other  [of]  the  Indians. 


GOT  E  winsiow.    Good  Ne ws  from  New  England.    527 

With  this  answer,  the  messenger  returned ;  but  caine 
again,  not  long  after,  accompanied  with  divers  others ; 
demanding  him,  from  [on  behalf  of]  MASSASSOWAT  their 
master,  as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  whom  by  our  first 
Articles  of  Peace  [see  pp.  457-458]  we  could  not  retain : 
yet  because  he  would  not  willingly  do  it,  without  the 
Governor's  approbation,  [he]  offered  him  many  beavers' 
skins  for  his  consent  thereto ;  saying,  That,  according  to 
their  manner,  their  Sachem  had  sent  his  own  knife,  and 
them  therewith,  to  cut  off  his  head  and  hands,  and  bring 
them  to  him. 

To  which  the  Governor  answered,  It  was  not  the 
manner  of  the  English  to  sell  men's  lives  at  a  price ;  but 
when  they  had  deserved  justly  to  die,  to  give  them  their 
reward :  and  therefore  refused  their  beavers'  [skins]  as  a 
gift.  But  sent  for  TiSQUANTUM ;  who  though  he  knew 
their  intent,  yet  offered  not  to  fly :  but  came  and  accused 
HOBBAMOCK  as  the  author  and  worker  of  his  overthrow  ; 
yielding  himself  to  the  Governor,  to  be  sent  or  not, 
according  as  he  thought  meet. 

But,  at  the  instant,  when  our  Governor  was  ready  to 
deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  his  executioners,  a  boat 
was  seen  at  sea  to  cross  before  our  town,  and  fall  behind 
a  headland  not  far  off.  Whereupon,  having  heard  many 
rumours  of  the  French,  and  not  knowing  whether  there 
were  any  combination  between  the  savages  and  them ; 
the  Governor  told  the  Indians,  He  would  first  know 
what  boat  that  was,  ere  he  would  deliver  Mm  into  their 
custody.  But,  being  mad  with  rage,  and  impatient  at 
delay,  they  departed  in  [a]  great  heat. 

Here  let  me  not  omit  one  notable,  though  wicked, 
practice  [deceit]  of  this  TISQUANTUM;  who  (to  the  end 
he  might  possess  his  country  men  with  the  greater  fear 
of  us ;  and  so  consequently  of  himself)  told  them,  We 


528    Good  News  from  New  England,    aov.  E. 

had  the  plague  buried  in  our  Storehouse :  which,  at  our 
pleasure,  we  could  send  forth  to  what  place  or  people  we 
would ;  and  destroy  them  therewith,  though  we  stirred 
not  from  home. 

Being,  upon  the  forenamed  brabbles  [wrangles'],  sent 
for  by  the  Governor,  to  this  place  where  HABBAMOCK 
was,  and  some  other  of  us ;  the  ground  being  broke[n] 
in  the  midst  of  the  house  (whereunder  certain  barrels 
of  powder  were  buried;  though  unknown  to  him) 
HOBBAMOCK  asked  him.  What  it  meant  ? 

To  whom,  he  readily  answered,  That  was  the  place, 
wherein  the  plague  was  buried;  whereof  he  formerly 
told  him  and  others, 

After  this,  HOBBAMOCK  asked  one  of  our  people, 
Whether  such  a  thing  were  ?  and  Whether  we  had 
such  command  of  it? 

Who  answered,  No.  But  the  God  of  the  English  had 
it  in  store :  and  could  send  it  at  his  pleasure ;  to  the 
destruction  of  his  and  our  enemies. 

This  was,  as  I  take  it,  about  the  end  of  May  1622. 

At  which  time,  our  store  of  victuals  was  wholly 
spent :  having  lived,  long  before,  with  a  bare  and  short 
allowance. 

The  reason  was  that  [the]  Supply  of  men  before 
mentioned  [the  35  persons  who  came  in  the  Fortune], 
which  came  so  unprovided;  not  landing  so  much  as  a 
barrel  of  bread  or  meal  for  their  whole  company :  but 
contrariwise  received  from  us,  for  their  ship's  store 
homeward.  Neither  were  the  setters  forth  thereof 
altogether  to  be  blamed  therein:  but  rather  certain 
amongst  ourselves,  who  were  too  prodigal  in  their 
writing  and  reporting  [by  the  Mayflower]  of  that 
plenty  we  enjoyed. 


GOV.  E.  wonsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    529 

But  that  I  may  return.  This  boat  proved  to  be 
a  shallop,  that  belonged  to  a  fishing  ship,  called  the 
Sparrow,  set  forth  by  Master  THOMAS  WESTON,  late 
Merchant  and  citizen  of  London:  which  brought  six 
or  seven  passengers,  at  his  charge,  that  should  before 
have  been  landed  at  the  Plantation ;  who  also  brought 
no  more  provisions]  for  the  present,  than  served  the 
boats  gang  [crew]  for  their  return  to  the  ship.  Which 
made  her  voyage  [i.e.  made  her  profit  by  fishing} 
at  a  place  called  Damarin's  Cove  near  Munhiggen 
[Damariscove  Islands,  near  Monhegan,  off  ike  coast 
of  Maine],  some  forty  leagues  [  =  120  miles]  from  us 
north-eastward.  About  which  place,  there  fished  above 
thirty  Sail  of  ships. 

And  whither  [I]  myself  was  imployed  by  our 
Governor,  with  orders  to  take  up  such  victuals  as  the  ships 
could  spare.  Where  I  found  kind  entertainment  and 
good  respect;  with  a  willingness  to  supply  our  wants. 
But,  being  not  able  to  spare  that  quantity  I  required 
(by  reason  of  the  necessity  of  some  among  themselves ; 
whom  they  supplied  before  my  coming),  [they] 
would  not  take  any  Bills  [of  Exchange]  for  the  same : 
but  did  what  they  could  freely,  wishing  their  store 
had  been  such  as  they  might  in  greater  measure  have 
expressed  their  own  love,  and  supplied  our  necessities, 
for  which  they  sorrowed ;  provoking  one  another  [to 
free  gifts  for  the  Colony]  to  the  utmost  of  their 
abilities.  Which,  although  it  were  not  much,  amongst 
so  many  people  as  were  at  the  Plantation ;  yet  through 
the  provident  and  discreet  care  of  the  Governors,  [it] 
recovered  and  preserved  strength  till  our  own  crop  on 
the  ground  was  ready. 

Having  dispatched  there;  I  returned  home  with 
all  speed  convenient :  where  I  found  the  state  of  the 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers  2  I* 


530    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  B 

Colony  much,  weaker  than  when  I  left  it.  For  till 
now,  we  were  never  without  some  bread :  the  want 
whereof,  much  abated  the  strength  and  flesh  of  some ; 
and  swelled  others. 

But  here  it  may  be  said,  If  the  country  abound  with 
fish  and  fowl  in  such  measure  as  is  reported  ;  how 
could  men  undergo  such  measure  of  hardness  [hardship], 
except  through  their  own  negligence  ? 

I  answer,  Everything  must  be  expected  in  its  proper 
season.  "No  man,"  as  one  saith,  "will  go  into  an 
orchard  in  the  winter,  to  gather  cherries : "  so  he  that 
looks  for  fowl  there  in  the  summer,  will  be  deceived  in 
his  expectation.  The  time  they  continue  in  plenty  with 
us,  is  from  the  beginning  of  October  to  the  end  of 
March :  but  these  extremities  bef el  us  in  May  and 
June.  I  confess  that  as  the  fowl  decrease,  so  fish 
increase ;  and  indeed  their  exceeding  abundance  was 
a  great  cause  of  increasing  our  wants.  For  though 
our  bay  and  creeks  were  full  of  bass  and  other  fish; 
yet  for  want  of  fit  and  strong  saynes  [seines — an 
encircling  net  with  floats  at  its  top]  and  other  netting, 
they  for  the  most  part  brake  through  and  carried 
all  away  before  them:  and  though  the  sea  were  full 
of  cod;  yet  we  had  neither  tackling  nor  harseis 
[hawsers]  for  our  shallops.  And  indeed  had  we  not 
been  in  a  place  where  divers  sorts  of  shell  fish  are, 
that  may  be  taken  with  the  hand,  we  must  have 
perished ;  unless  GOD  had  raised  some  unknown  or 
extraordinary  means  for  our  preservation, 

In  the  time  of  these  straits,  indeed  before  my  going 
to  Munhiggen  [M onhegan] ;  the  Indians  began  again 
to  cast  forth  many  insulting  speeches;  glorying  in 
our  weakness,  and  giving  out  how  easy  it  would  be 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow    Good  News  from  New  England.    53  1 


ere  long  to  cut  us  off.  Now  also  MASSASSOWAT  seemed 
to  frown  on  us;  and  neither  came,  or  sent,  to  us,  as 
formerly. 

These  things  occasioned  further  thoughts  of 
fortification.  And  whereas  we  have  a  hill,  called  The 
Mount  [Afterwards  called  Fort  Hill,  and  'now  Burial 
Hill],  inclosed  within  our  pale  [palisade],  under  which 
our  town  is  seated  ;  we  resolved  to  erect  a  Fort  thereon  ; 
from  whence  a  few  might  easily  secure  the  town  from 
any  assault  the  Indians  can  make  ;  whilst  the  rest  might 
be  imployed  [elsewhere],  as  occasion  served.  This  work 
was  begun  with  great  eagerness,  and  with  the 
approbation  of  all  men:  hoping  that,  this  being  once 
finished,  and  a  continual  guard  there  kept,  it  would 
utterly  discourage  the  savages  from  having  any  hopes 
or  thoughts  of  rising  against  us  :  And  though  it  took 
the  greatest  part  of  our  strength  from  dressing  our 
corn  [in  May  and  June  1622]:  yet,  life  being  continued, 
we  hoped  GOD  would  raise  some  means  instead  thereof, 
for  our  further  preservation. 

In  the  end  of  June,  or  beginning  of  July  [1622], 
came  into  our  harbour  [at  Plymouth],  two  ships  of 
Master  [THOMAS]  WESTON'S  aforesaid;  the  one  called 
the  Charity,  and  the  other  the  Swan  :  having  in  them 
some  fifty,  or  sixty,  men,  sent  over  at  his  own  charge 
to  plant  for  him.  These  we  received  into  our  town; 
affording  them  whatsoever  courtesy  our  mean  condition 
could  afford.  There  the  Charity,  being  the  bigger  ship, 
left  them;  having  many  passengers,  which  she  was 
to  land  in  Virginia. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  body  of  them  refreshed 
themselves  at  Plymouth;  whilst  some,  [who  were]  most 
fit,  sought  out  a  place  for  them.  The  little  store  of  corn 


532     Good  News  from  New  England.    QOV.  E.  window. 

[growing  maize]  we  had,  was  exceedingly  wasted  by  the 
unjust  and  dishonest  walking  of  these  strangers;  who 
though  they  would  sometimes  seem  to  help  us  in  our 
labour  about  our  corn ;  yet  spared  not,  day  and  night,  to 
steal  the  same — it  being  then  eatable  and  pleasant  to 
[the]  taste ;  though  green  and  unprofitable.  And  though 
they  received  much  kindness  [from  us ;  yet]  set  light 
both  by  it  and  us  ;  not  sparing  to  requite  the  love  we 
shewed  them,  with  secret  backbitings,  revilings,  &c.: 
the  Chief  of  them  being  forestalled  [prepossessed  by 
THOMAS  WJSSTON]  and  made  against  us,  before  they 
came ;  as  afterwards  appeared. 

Nevertheless,  for  their  Master's  sake,  who  formerly 
had  deserved  well  from  us,  we  continued  to  do 
them  whatsoever  good,  or  furtherance,  we  could: 
attributing  these  things  to  the  want  of  conscience  and 
discretion ;  expecting  each  day  when  GOD,  in  his 
Providence,  would  disburden  us  of  them ;  sorrowing 
that  their  Overseers  were  not  of  more  ability  and 
fitness  for  their  places ;  and  much  fearing  what  would 
be  the  issue  of  such  raw  and  unconscionable 
[ill-considered  and  unreasonable]  beginnings. 

At  length,  their  coasters  [surveyors]  returned; 
having  found,  in  their  judgement,  a  place  fit  for  [a] 
Plantation,  within  the  Bay  of  the  Massachusets  [i.e. 
Boston  Bay],  at  a  place  called  by  the  Indians 
Wichaguscusset  [Wessagusset,  now  called  Weymouth] 
To  which  place,  the  body  of  them  went,  with  all 
convenient  speed ;  leaving  still  with  us,  such  as  were 
sick  and  lame,  by  the  Governor's  permission,  though  on 
their  parts  undeserved:  whom  our  Surgeon  [SAMUEL 
FULLER],  by  the  help  of  GOD,  recovered  gratis 
for  them;  and  they  fetched  home,  as  occasion 
served. 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    533 

They  had  not  been  long  from  us,  ere  the  Indians 
filled  our  ears  with  clamours  against  them;  for  stealing 
their  corn,  and  other  abuses  conceived  by  them.  At 
which  we  grieved  the  more ;  because  the  same  men  [the 
Boston  Bay  Indians],  in  mine  own  hearing,  had  been 
earnest  in  persuading  Captain  STANDISH,  before  their 
coming  [i.e.  WESTO^S  men],  to  solicit  our  Governor, 
to  send  some  of  his  men,  to  plant  by  them :  alledging 
many  reasons,  how  it  might  be  commodious  for  us. 

But  we  knew  no  means  to  redress  those  abuses ;  save 
reproof,  and  advising  them  to  better  walking,  as 
occasion  served. 

In  the  end  of  August  [1622],  came  other  two  ships 
into  our  harbour  [at  Plymouth] :  the  one,  as  I  take  it, 
was  called  the  Discovery,  Captain  [THOMAS]  JONES 
having  the  command  thereof ;  the  other  was  that  ship  of 
Master  WESTON'S,  called  the  Sparrow,  which  had  now 
made  her  voyage  of  fish  [had  a  full  cargo  of  fish]% 
and  was  consorted  with  the  other,  being  both  bound  for 
Virginia.  [This  is  a  mistake.  The  Discovery  was 
returning  from  Virginia  to  England.  See  pp.  392-394] 

Of  Captain  JONES,  we  furnished  ourselves  of  such 
provisions  [for  trading,  i.e.  beads  &c.]  as  we  most 
needed,  and  he  could  best  spare :  who  as  he  used  us 
kindly ;  so  [he]  made  us  pay  largely  for  the  things  we 
had.  And  had  not  the  Almighty,  in  his  all-ordering 
Providence,  directed  him  to  us;  it  would  have  gone 
worse  with  us  than  ever  it  had  been,  or  after  was.  For 
as  we  had  now  but  small  store  of  com  [maize]  for  the 
year  following ;  so,  for  want  of  Supply  [reinforcement], 
we  were  worn  out  [exhausted]  of  all  manner  of  trucking 
stuff  [commodities  for  barter],  not  having  [therefore] 
any  means  left  to  help  ourselves  by  trade:  but,  through 


534    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT,  B 

GOD's  good  mercy  towards  us,  he  had  wherewith  ;    and 
did  supply  our  wants  on  that  kind  competently. 

In  the  end  of  September,  or  beginning  of  October 
[1622],  Master  WESTON'S  bigger  ship,  called  the  Charity, 
returned  for  England:  and  left  their  Colony  [at 
Wessagusset]  sufficiently  victualled ;  as  some  of  most 
credit  amongst  them  reported.  The  lesser,  called  the 
Swan,  remained  with  his  Colony,  for  their  further  help. 

At  which  time,  they  desired  to  join  in  partnership 
with  us,  to  trade  for  corn.  To  which  our  Governor 
[WILLIAM  BRADFORD]  and  his  Assistant  [ISAAC 
ALLERTON]  agreed,  upon  such  equal  conditions  as  were 
drawn  [up]  and  confirmed  between  them  and  us. 

The  chief  places  aimed  at,  were  to  the  southward 
of  Cape  Cod:  and  the  more,  because  TiSQTJANTUM 
(whose  peace,  before  this  time,  was  wrought  with 
MASSASSOWAT)  undertook  to  discover  unto  us  that 
supposed,  and  still  hoped  for,  passage  within  the  shoals 
[the  Pollock  Rip,  &c.]. 

Both  Colonies  being  thus  agreed,  and  their  companies 
fitted  and  joined  together;  we  resolved  to  set  forward: 
but  were  oft  crossed  in  our  purposes. 

As  first,  Master  RICHARD  GREENE  (brother  in  law  to 
Master  WESTON;  who  from  him  had  a  charge  in  the 
oversight  and  government  of  his  Colony)  died  suddenly 
at  our  Plantation:  to  whom  we  gave  burial  befitting 
his  place,  in  the  best  manner  we  could.  Afterward, 
having  further  order  to  proceed  by  letter  from  [JoHN 
SANDERS]  their  other  Governor  at  the  Massachusets : 
twice  Captain  STANDISH  set  forthwith  them;  but  [they] 
were  driven  in  again  by  cross  and  violent  winds; 
himself,  the  second  time,  being  sick  of  a  violent  fever. 

By  reason  whereof  (our  own  wants  being  like[ly] 


GOV.  E.  wmsiow    Good  News  from  New  England.    535 

to  be  now  greater  than  formerly:  partly  because  we 
were  enforced  to  neglect  our  corn,  and  spend  much,  time 
iu  fortification ;  but  especially  because  such  havock  was 
made  of  that  little  we  had,  through  the  unjust  and 
dishonest  carriage  [behaviour]  of  those  people  before 
mentioned,  at  our  first  entertainment  of  them);  our 
Governor,  in  his  own  person,  supplied  the  Captain's 
place;  and,  in  the  month  of  November  [1622],  again 
se\  forth,  having  TISQUANTUM  for  his  interpreter  and 
pibt:  who  affirmed  he  had  twice  passed  within  the 
shoals  of  Cape  Cod,  both  with  [the]  English  and  [the] 
French. 

Nevertheless,  they  went  so  far  with  him,  as  the 
Master  of  the  ship  [the  Swan]  saw  no  hope  of  passage : 
buj  being,  as  he  thought,  in  danger,  bare  up;  and, 
according  to  TISQUANTTJM'S  directions,  made  for  a 
harbour  not  far  from  them,  at  a  place  called 
Manamoycke  [Chatham].  Which  they  found;  and 
sounding  it  with  their  shallop,  found  the  channel, 
though  but  narrow  and  crooked:  where,  at  length, 
they  harboured  the  ship.  Here  they  perceived  that 
the  tide  set  in  and  out,  with  more  violence  [than]  at 
some  other  place[s]  more  southerly:  which  they  had 
not  seen,  nor  could  discover,  by  reason  of  the  violence 
of  the  season,  all  the  time  of  their  abode  there.  Some 
judged  the  entrance  thereof  might  be  beyond  the 
shoals :  but  there  is  no  certainty  thereof  as  yet  known. 

That  night,  the  Governor,  accompanied  with  others, 
[and]  having  TISQUANTUM  for  his  interpreter,  went 
ashore.  At  first,  the  inhabitants  played  least  in  sight 
[hardly  appeared],  because  none  of  our  people  had  ever 
been  there  before :  but  understanding  the  ends  of  their 
[i.e.  our]  coming ;  at  length,  came  to  them :  welcoming  our 
Governor  according  to  their  savage  manner ;  refreshing 


536    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E.  winsiow. 

them  very  well  with  store  of  venison  and  other 
victuals,  which  they  brought  them  in  great  abundance; 
promising  to  trade  with  them,  with  a  seeming  gladness 
of  the  occasion.  Yet  their  joy  was  mixed  with  much 
jealousy,  as  appeared  by  their  after  practices.  For, 
at  first,  they  were  loath  their  dwellings  should  be 
known;  but  when  they  saw  our  Governor's  resolution 
to  stay  on  shore  all  night;  they  brought  him,  to  their 
houses;  having  first  conveyed  all  their  stuff  to  a 
remote  place,  not  far  from  the  same;  which  one  of 
our  men,  walking  forth,  occasionally  [accident'y], 
espied;  whereupon,  on  the  sudden,  neither  it  aor 
them  could  be  found.  And  so,  many  times,  upon 
conceived  occasions;  they  would  be  all  gone,  bag 
and  baggage. 

But  being  afterwards,  by  TISQANTUM'S  means,  better 
persuaded;  they  left  their  jealousy,  and  traded  with 
them.  Where  they  got  eight  hogsheads  of  cqrn  and 
beans;  though  the  people  were  but  few.  Thi£  gave 
our  Governor  and  the  company  good  encouragement. 

TISQUANTUM  was  still  confident  in  the  passage  ;  and 
the  inhabitants  affirmed,  They  had  seen  ships  of  good 
burden  pass  within  the  shoals  aforesaid.  But  here, 
though  they  had  determined  to  make  a  second  assay ;  yet 
GOD  had  otherways  disposed,  who  struck  TISQUANTUM 
with  sickness;  insomuch  as  he  there  died.  Which 
crossed  [stopped]  their  southward  trading:  and  the  more, 
because  the  Master's  sufficiency  was  much  doubted ;  and 
the  season  very  tempestuous,  and  [in  which  it  was] 
not  fit  to  go  upon  discovery,  having  no  guide  to 
direct  them. 

From  thence  they  departed ;  and,  the  wind  being  fair 
for  the  Massachusets  [i.e.  Boston  Bay],  [they]  went 
thither;  and  the  rather,  because  the  savages,  upon  our 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    537 

motion,  had  planted  nmcla  corn  for  us:  which,  they 
promised  [to  have  ready]  not  long  before  that  time. 
When  they  came  thither,  they  found  a  great  sickness  to 
be  amongst  the  Indians ;  not  unlike  the  plague,  if  not  the 
same.  They  renewed  their  complaints  to  our  Governor, 
against  that  other  Plantation  seated  by  them  [at 
Wessagusset] ;  for  their  injurious  walking.  But  indeed 
the  trade,  both,  for  furs  and  corn,  was  overthrown  in 
that  place:  they  \WMSTON' s  men]  giving  as  much  for 
a  quart  of  corn,  as  we  used  to  do  for  a  beaver's  skin. 
So  that  little  good  could  be  there  done. 

From  thence,  they  returned  into  the  bottom  of  the 
Bay  of  Cape  Cod,  to  a  place  called  Nauset  [now  called 
Eastham]:  where  [ASPINET,]  the  Sachem  used  the 
Governor  very  kindly;  and  where  they  bought  eight 
or  ten  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans. 

Also  at  a  place  called  Mattachiest  [the  country 
between  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth  harbours :  but  here 
the  word  probably  means  Oummaquid  =  Barnstable 
harbour.  See  page  474];  where  they  had  like  kind 
entertainment,  and  corn  also. 

During  the  time  of  their  trade  in  these  places,  there 
were  so  great  and  violent  storms,  as  the  ship  [the  Swan] 
was  much  endangered ;  and  our  shallop  [was]  cast  away : 
so  that  they  had  now  no  means  to  carry  the  corn  aboard 
that  they  had  bought ;  the  ship  riding,  by  their  report, 
well  near  two  leagues  from  the  same  [i.e.  from  Eastham] ; 
her  own  boat  being  small,  and  so  leaky  (having  no 
Carpenter  with  them)  as  they  durst  scarcely]  fetch 
wood  or  water  in  her. 

Hereupon  the  Governor  caused  the  corn  to  be  made 
in  a  round  stack;  and  bought  mats  and  cut  sedge,  to 
cover  it :  and  gave  charge  to  the  Indians,  not  to  meddle 
with  it ;  promising  him  that  dwelt  next  to  it  a  reward,  if 


5  3  8    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E.  window. 

he  would  keep  vermin  also  from  it ;  which  he  undertook, 
and  [ASPINET]  the  Sachem  promised  to  make  good  [to 
see  it  was  done]. 

In  the  mean  time,  according  the  Governor's  request ; 
the  [same]  Sachem  sent  men  to  seek  the  shallop :  which 
they  found  buried  almost  in  sand  at  a  high  water 
mark;  having  many  things  in  her,  but  unserviceable 
for  the  present.  Whereof  the  Governor  gave  the  Sachem 
special  charge,  that  it  should  not  be  further  broken; 
promising  ere  long  to  fetch  both  it  and  the  corn: 
assuring  them,  if  neither  were  diminished,  he  would 
take  it  as  a  sign  of  their  honest  and  true  friendship; 
but  if  they  were,  they  should  certainly  smart  for  their 
unjust  and  dishonest  dealing ;  and,  further,  make  good 
whatsoever  they  had  so  taken. 

So  he  did  likewise  at  Mattachiest  [?  Barnstable 
harbour], 

And  took  leave  of  them,  being  resolved  to  leave  the 
ship  [the  Swan] ;  and  take  his  journey  home  by  land, 
with  our  own  company :  sending  word  to  the  ship,  that 
they  should  take  their  first  opportunity  to  go  for 
Plymouth;  where  he  determined,  by  the  permission  of 
GOD,  to  meet  them. 

And  having  procured  a  guide,  it  being  no  less  than 
fifty  miles  to  our  Plantation  [i.e.  from  Eastham  to 
Plymouth,  "by  land],  set  forward :  receiving  all  respect 
that  could  be,  from  the  Indians  in  his  journey ;  and 
came  safely  home,  though  weary  and  surbated 
[footsore]. 

Whither,  some  three  days  after,  the  ship  also  came. 
The  corn  being  divided,  which  they  had  got;  Master 
WESTON'S  Company  went  to  their  own  Plantation  [at 
Wessagusset] :  it  being  further  agreed,  that  they  should 
return,  with  all  convenient  speed,  and  bring  their 


Good  News  from  New  England.    539 

Carpenter ;  that  they  might  fetch  the  rest  of  the  corn, 
and  save  their  shallop. 

At  their  return,  Captain  STANDISE,  being  recovered 
and  in  health,  took  another  shallop,  and  went  with 
them  to  the  corn :  which  they  found  in  safety,  as  they 
[had]  left  it.  Also  they  mended  the  other  shallop ;  and 
got  all  their  corn  aboard  the  ship  [the  Swan]. 

This  was  in  January  [1623],  as  I  take  it.  It  being 
very  cold  and  stormy;  insomuch  as,  the  harbour 
[Eastkam  liarbour]  being  none  of  the  best,  they  were 
constrained  to  cut  both  the  shallops  from  the  ship's 
stern ;  and  so  lost  them  both,  a  second  time.  But  the 
storm  being  over;  and  seeking  out;  they  found  them 
both,  not  having  received  any  great  hurt. 

Whilst  they  were  at  Nauset  [Eastham]  (having 
occasion  to  lie  on  the  shore;  laying  their  shallop  in  a 
creek  not  far  from  them),  an  Indian  came  into  the  same, 
and  stole  certain  beads,  scissors,  and  other  trifles,  out  of 
the  same.  Which  when  the  Captain  missed,  he  took 
certain  of  his  company  with  him,  and  went  to  [AspiNET] 
the  Sachem ;  telling  him  what  had  happened,  and 
requiring  the  same  again  ;  or  the  party  that  stole  them, 
who  was  known  to  certain  of  the  Indians:  or  else  he 
would  revenge  it  on  them  before  his  departure.  And 
so  took  leave  for  that  night,  [it]  being  late:  refusing 
whatsoever  kindness  they  offered. 

On  the  morrow,  [  ASPINET]  the  Sachem  came  to  their 
randevous  [encampment],  accompanied  with  many  men, 
in  a  stately  manner ;  who  saluted  the  Captain  in  this 
wise,  He  thrust  out  his  tongue  [so]  that  one  might  see 
the  root  thereof,  and  therewith  licked  his  hand  from  the 
wrist  to  the  finger's  end;  withal  bowing  the  knee, 
striving  to  imitate  the  English  gesture :  being  instructed 


540    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOV.  E. 

therein  formerly  by  TiSQUANTUM.  His  men  did  the 
like :  but  in  so  rude  and  savage  a  manner  as  our  men 
could  scarcely]  forbear  to  break  [/rom  breaking]  out  in 
open  laughter. 

After  salutation,  he  delivered  the  beads  and  other 
things  to  the  Captain ;  saying,  He  had  much  beaten  the 
party  for  doing  it ;  causing  the  women  to  make  bread, 
and  [to]  bring  [it  to]  them,  according  to  their  desire ; 
seeming  to  be  very  sorry  for  the  fact,  but  glad  to  be 
reconciled. 

So  they  departed,  and  came  home  in  safety :  where 
the  corn  was  equally  divided,  as  before. 

After  this,  the  Governor  [WILLIAM  BBADFOKD]  went 
to  two  other  inland  towns,  with  another  company; 
and  bought  corn  likewise  of  them:  the  one  is  called 
Namasket  [Middleborough]  ;  the  other,  Manomet 
[Sandwich]. 

That  from  Namasket  was  brought  home  partly  by 
Indian  women:  but  a  great  sickness  arising  amongst 
them,  our  own  men  were  inforced  to  fetch  home  the 
rest. 

That  at  Manomet,  the  Governor  left  in  the  Sachem's 
custody.  This  town  lieth  from  us  south,  well  near 
twenty  miles;  and  stands  upon  a  fresh  [water]  river 
which  runneth  into  the  Bay  of  Nanohigganset  [This  is 
an  error.  The  Manomet  river  runs  into  Manomet  or 
Buzzard's  Bay;  and  not  into  Narragansett  Bay.]; 
and  cannot  be  less  than  sixty  miles  from  thence.  It 
will  bear  a  boat  of  eight  or  ten  tons  to  this  place 
[Sandwich].  Hither  the  French,  or  Dutch,  or  both,  use 
[are  accustomed]  to  come. 

It  is  from  hence  to  the  Bay  of  Cape  Cod  [atlScusset 
harbour]  about  eight  miles :  out  of  which  Bay  it'floweth 


V.  E.  win 


Good  News  from  New  England.    54  1 


into  a  creek  some  six  miles,  almost  direct  towards  the 
town.  The  heads  o£  the  [Manomet]  river,  and  [of]  this 
creek  are  not  far  distant. 

The  river  yieldeth,  thus  high  [from  the  ocean],  oysters, 
mussels,  clams,  and  other  shell  fish  ;  one  in  shape  like  a 
bean,  another  like  a  clam:  both  good  meat,  and  [in] 
great  abundance  at  all  times.  Besides,  it  aboundeth  with 
divers  sorts  of  fresh  fish,  in  their  seasons. 

The  Governor  or  Sachem  of  this  place  \Ma'&omet'\, 
was  called  CANACUM  [or  CAWNACOME]:  who  had 
formerly  [viz.  on  I3th  September  1621],  as  well  as  many 
others,  (yea,  all  with  whom  as  yet  we  had  to  do) 
acknowledged  themselves  the  subjects  of  our  Sovereign 
Lord  the  King. 

This  Sachem  used  the  Governor  very  kindly  ;  and, 
it  seemed,  was  of  good  respect  and  authority  amongst 
the  Indians. 

For  whilst  the  Governor  was  there,  within  night, 
in  bitter  weather,  came  two  men  from  Manamoick 
[Chatham]  before  spoken  of;  and  having  set  aside 
their  bows  and  quivers;  according  to  their  manner, 
sat  down  by  the  fire,  and  took  a  pipe  of  tobacco; 
not  using  any  words  in  that  time:  nor  any  others  to 
them;  but  all  remained  silent,  expecting  when  they 
should  speak. 

At  length,  they  looked  towards  CANACIJM;  and  one 
of  them  made  a  short  speech,  and  delivered  a  present  to 
him  from  his  Sachem  :  which  was  a  basket  of  tobacco, 
and  many  beads  ;  which  the  other  received  thankfully. 
After  which,  he  made  a  long  speech  to  him;  the 
contents  whereof  were  related  to  us  by  HOBBAMOCK, 
who  then  accompanied  the  Governor  for  his  guide,  to 
be  as  followeth: 


Good  News  from  New  England.    aov.  E. 

It  happened  that  two  of  their  men  fell  out,  as  they 
were  in  game  (for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as  anywhere : 
and  will  play  away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their  backs  ; 
yea,  and  for  their  wives'  skins  also,  although  it  may  he 
they  are  many  miles  distant  from  them,  as  [I]  myself  have 
seen),  and  growing  to  [a]  great  heat,  the  one  killed  the 
other.  The  actor  of  this  fact  was  a  Powah  [Powow  =  a 
Medicine  Man] ;  one  of  special  note  amongst  them,  and 
such  a  one  as  they  could  not  well  miss :  yet  another  people, 
greater  than  themselves,  threatened  them  with  war,  if 
they  would  not  put  him  to  death.  The  party  offending 
was  in  hold  [prison] ;  neither  would  their  Sachem  do 
one  way  or  another  till  their  return :  resting  upon  him 
for  advice  and  furtherance  in  so  weighty  a  matter. 

After  this,  there  was  silence  a  short  time.  At  length, 
men  gave  their  judgement,  What  they  thought  best. 

Amongst  others,  he  asked  HOBJBAMOCK,  What  he 
thought  ? 

Who  answered,  He  was  but  a  stranger  to  them  :  but 
thought  it  was  better  that  one  should  die  than  many; 
since  he  had  deserved  it,  and  the  rest  were  innocent. 

Whereupon,  he  \GANACUM]  passed  the  sentence  of 
death  upon  him. 

Not  long  after,  having  no  great  quantity  of  corn 
left,  Captain  STANDISH  went  again  with  a  shallop  to 
Mattachiest  [Barnstable  harbour]:  meeting  also  with 
the  like  extremity  of  weather,  both  of  wind  snow  and 
frost ;  insomuch  as  they  were  frozen  in  the  harbour,  the 
first  night  they  entered  the  same. 

Here  they  [the  Indians]  pretended  their  wonted  love ; 
and  spared  them  a  good  quantity  of  corn  to  confirm  the 
same.  Strangers  also  came  to  this  place,  pretending  to 
see  him  and  his  company;  whom  they  never  saw 


GOV.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    543 

before  that  time:  but  intending  to  join  with  the  rest 
to  kill  them,  as  after  appeared. 

But,  being  forced  through"  extremity  [of  weather],  to 
lodge  in  their  houses  [wigwains],  which  they  much 
pressed ;  GOD  possessed  the  heart  of  the  Captain  with 
[a]  just  jealousy  [suspicion] :  giving  strait  command 
that  as  one  part  of  his  company  slept,  the  rest  should 
[keep  a]wake ;  declaring  some  things  to  them 
which  he  understood,  whereof  he  could  make  no 
good  construction. 

Some  of  the  Indians,  spying  a  fit  opportunity,  stole 
some  beads  also  from  him,  which  he  no  sooner  perceived, 
having  not  above  six  men  with  him,  [he]  drew  them 
all  from  the  boat ;  and  set  them  on  their  guard  about 
the  Sachem's  house,  where  most  of  the  people  were: 
threatening  to  fall  upon  them  without  further  delay, 
if  they  would  not  forthwith  restore  them;  signifying 
to  the  Sachem  especially,  and  so  to  them  all,  that 
as  he  would  not  offer  the  least  injury;  so  he  would 
not  receive  any  at  their  hands,  which  should  escape 
without  punishment  or  due  satisfaction. 

Hereupon  [,  IYANOUGH,]  the  Sachem  bestirred  himself 
to  find  out  the  party ;  which,  when  he  had  done,  [he] 
caused  him  to  return  them  again  to  the  shallop :  and  came 
to  the  Captain,  desiring  him  to  search  whether  they  were 
not  about  the  boat ;  who,  suspecting  their  knavery,  sent 
one,  who  found  them  lying  openly  upon  the  boat's  cuddy 
[locker]. 

Yet,  to  appease  his  anger,  they  brought  corn  afresh  to 
trade :  insomuch  as  he  laded  his  shallop,  and  so  departed. 

This  accident  so  daunted  their  courage,  as  they  durst 
not  attempt  anything  against  him.  So  that,  through 
the  good  mercy  and  Providence  of  GOD,  they  returned 
in  safety. 


544    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV  E. 

At  this  place  [Barnstable  harbour],  the  Indians  get 
abundance  of  bass,  both  summer  and  winter :  for  it  being 
now  February,  they  abounded  with  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  March  [1623],  having  refreshed 
himself,  he  took  a  shallop,  and  went  to  Manomet 
[?  to  Scusset  harbour,  which  goes  up  westward  towards 
Manomet],  to  fetch  home  that  which  the  Governor 
had  formerly  bought  [see  page  540] :  hoping  also  to 
get  more  from  them.  But  was  deceived  in  his 
expectation:  not  finding  that  entertainment  he  found 
elsewhere,  and  [that]  the  Governor  had  there  received. 

The  reason  whereof,  and  of  the  treachery  intended 
in  the  place  before  spoken  of,  was  not  then  known 
unto  us ;  but  [till]  afterwards :  wherein  may  be  observed 
the  abundant  mercies  of  GOD,  working  with  his 
Providence  for  our  good. 

Captain  STANDISH  (being  now  far  from  the  boat,  and 
not  above  two  or  three  of  our  men  with  him ;  and  as 
many  with  the  shallop)  was  not  long  at  CANACTTM  the 
Sachem's  house :  but  in  came  two  of  the  Massachuset 
[Boston  Say]  men.  The  chief  of  them  was  called 
WlTUWAMAT  a  notable  insulting  villain :  one  who  had 
formerly  imbrued  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  English  and 
French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his  own  valour;  and 
derided  their  weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said, 
they  died  crying,  making  sour  faces,  more  like  children 
than  men. 

This  villain  took  a  dagger  from  about  his  neck,  which 
he  had  gotten  of  Master  WESTON'S  people,  and  presented 
it  to  the  Sachem ;  and  after  made  a  long  speech,  in  an 
audacious  manner,  framing  it  in  such  sort  as  the 
Captain,  though  he  be  the  best  linguist  [i.e.  in  the 
Indian  dialects]  amongst  us,  could  not  gather  anything 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.     545 

from    it.      The    end    [purpose]    of    it    was  afterward 
discovered  to  be  as  followeth: 

The  Massacheuseucks  had  formerly  concluded  to 
ruinate  Master  WESTON'S  Colony;  and  thought 
themselves,  being  about  thirty  or  forty  men,  strong 
enough  to  execute  the  same:  yet  they  durst  not 
attempt  it  till  such  time  as  they  had  gathered  more 
strength  to  themselves,  to  make  their  party  good 
against  us  at  Plymouth ;  concluding-  that  if  we 
remained,  (though  they  had  no  other  arguments  to  use 
against  us),  yet  we  would  never  leave  the  death  of  our 
countrymen  unrevenged;  and  therefore  their  safety 
could  not  be,  without  the  overthrow  of  both  Plantations. 

To  this  end,  they  had  formerly  solicited  this  Sachem, 
as  also  the  other  called  I[Y]ANOUGH  at  Mattachiest,  and 
many  others,  to  assist  them:  and  now  again  came  to 
prosecute  the  same.  And  since  there  was  so  fair  an 
opportunity  offered  by  the  Captain's  presence;  they 
thought  best  to  make  sure  [of]  him  and  his  company. 

After  this  his  message  was  delivered,  his 
entertainment  [by  the  Sachem]  much  exceeded  the 
Captain's :  insomuch  as  he  [MiLES  STAKDISH]  scorned 
at  their  behaviour ;  and  told  them  of  it.  After  which, 
they  would  have  persuaded  him,  because  the  weather 
was  cold,  to  have  sent  to  the  boat  for  the  rest  of  his 
company  :  but  he  would  not,  desiring,  according  to 
[their]  promise,  that  the  corn  might  be  carried  down, 
and  he  would  content  the  women  for  their  labour; 
which  thly  did. 

At  the  same  time,  there  was  a  lusty  Indian  of 
Paomet  [Pamef]  or  Cape  Cod,  then  present;  who  had 
ever  demeaned  himself  well  towards  us :  being,  in  his 
general  carriage,  very  affable,  courteous,  and  loving; 
especially  towards  the  Captain.  This  savage  was  now 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  2  M 


546    Good  News  from  New  England,   aov.  E. 

entered  into  confederacy  with  the  rest ;  yet,  to  avoid 
suspicion,  made  many  signs  of  his  continued  affections  : 
and  would  needs  bestow  [give]  a  kettle  of  some  six  or 
seven  gallons,  on  him ;  and  would  not  accept  of  anything 
in  lieu  thereof,  saying,  He  was  rich ;  and  could  afford  to 
bestow  such  favours  on  his  friends  whom  he  loved. 
Also  he  would  freely  help  to  carry  some  of  the  corn: 
affirming  he  had  never  done  the  like  in  his  life  before. 
And  the  wind  being  bad,  would  needs  lodge  with  him 
at  their  randevous  [encampment]  :  having  indeed 
undertaken  to  kill  him,  before  they  parted  ;  which 
done,  they  intended  to  fall  upon  the  rest. 

The  night  proved  exceedingly  cold,  insomuch  as  the 
Captain  could  not  take  any  rest :  but  either  walked,  or 
turned  himself  to  and  fro  at  the  fire. 

This,  the  other  observed ;  and  asked,  Wherefore  he 
did  not  sleep  as  at  other  times  ? 

Who  answered,  He  knew  not  well ;  but  [he]  had  no 
desire  at  all  to  rest. 

So  that  he  [the  Indian]  then  missed  his  opportunity. 

The  wind  serving  on  the  next  day,  they  returned 
home ;  accompanied  with  the  [this]  other  Indian :  who 
used  many  arguments  to  persuade  them  to  go  to  Paomet 
[Pamet] ;  where  [he]  himself  had  much  corn,  and  many 
others,  the  most  whereof  he  would  procure  for  us ; 
seeming  to  sorrow  for  our  wants. 

Once  the  Captain  put  forth  with  him  [i.e.  for 
Pamet];  and  was  forced  back  by  [a]  contrary  wind. 
Which  wind  serving  for  the  Massachuset;  [he]  was 
fitted  to  go  thither :  but  on  a  sudden  it  altered  again. 

During  the  time  that  the  Captain  was  at  Manomet, 
news  came  to  Plymouth,  that  MASSASSOWAT  was 
like[ly]  to  die;  and  that,  at  the  same  time,  there  was 


GOT  E  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    547 

a  Dutch  ship  driven  so  high  on  the  shore,  by  stress  of 
weather,  right  before  his  dwelling  [at  Sowa/ms  in 
Pokanoket],  that,  till  the  tides  increased,  she  could  not 
be  got  off. 

Now  it  being  a  commendable  manner  of  the  Indians, 
when  any,  especially  of  note,  are  dangerously  sick,  for 
all  that  profess  friendship  to  them,  to  visit  them  in 
their  extremity ;  either  in  their  persons,  or  else  to  send 
some  acceptable  persons  to  them:  therefore  it  was 
thought  meet,  being  a  good  and  warrantable  action, 
that  as  we  had  ever  professed  friendship,  so  we  should 
now  maintain  the  same  by  observing  this  their  laudable 
custom;  and  the  rather,  because  we  desired  to  have 
some  conference  with  the  Dutch;  not  knowing  when 
we  should  have  so  fit  an  opportunity. 

To  that  end,  myself  having  formerly  been  there  [see 
pp.  462-473],  and  understanding  in  some  measure  the 
Dutch  tongue;  the  Governor  again  laid  this  service 
upon  myself;  and  fitted  me  with  some  cordials,  to 
administer  to  him :  having  one,  Master  JOHN  HAMDEN 
(a  Gentleman  of  London;  who  then  wintered  with  us, 
and  desired  much  to  see  the  country)  for  my  consort ; 
and  HOBBAMOCK.  for  our  guide. 

So  we  set  forward;  and  lodged  the  first  night  at 
Namasket  [Middleborough],  where  we  had  friendly 
entertainment. 

The  next  day,  about  one  of  the  clock,  we  came  to 
a  ferry  in  CONBATANT'S  [or  CORBITANT'S]  country :  where, 
upon  discharge  of  my  piece,  divers  Indians  came  to  us, 
from  -a  house  not  far  off.  There  they  told  us,  That 
MASSASSOWAT  was  dead,  and  that  day  buried ;  and  that 
the  Dutch  would  be  gone  before  we  could  get  thither, 
having  hove  off  their  ship  already.  This  news  struck 


548    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E.  wmsiow. 

us  blank  [put  us  at  a  nonplus]',  but  especially 
HOBBAMOCK:  :  who  desired  we  might  return  [to  Plymouth] 
with  all  speed. 

I  told  him,  "  I  would  first  think  of  it.  Considering 
now  that  he  being  dead,  CONBATANT  [or  COEBITAKT] 
was  the  most  like[ly]  to  succeed  him ;  and  that  we  were 
not  above  three  miles  from  Mattapuyst  [a  neck  of  land, 
now  called  Gardner's  Neck,  in  Swansey],  his  dwelling 
place :  although  he  were  but  a  hollow-hearted  friend 
towards  us,  I  thought  no  time  so  fit  as  this  to  enter 
into  more  friendly  terms  with  him,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Sachems  round  about ;  hoping,  through  the  blessing  of 
GOD,  it  would  be  a  means,  in  that  unsettled  state,  to 
settle  their  affections  towards  us. 

"  And  though  it  were  somewhat  dangerous,  in  respect 
of  our  personal  safety ;  because  myself  and  HOBBAMOCK 
had  been  imployed  upon  a  service  against  him  [pp.  479- 
482],  which  he  might  now  fitly  revenge :  yet  esteeming 
it  the  best  means,  leaving  the  event  to  GOD  in  his 
mercy,  I  resolved  to  put  it  in  practice,  if  Master 
HAMPDEN  and  HOBBAMOCK  durst  attempt  it  with  me." 

Whom  I  found  willing  to  that,  or  any  other  course, 
[that]  might  tend  to  the  general  good. 

So  we  went  towards  Mattapuyst.  In  the  way, 
HOBBAMOCK,  manifesting  a  troubled  spirit,  brake  forth 
into  these  speeches,  Neen  womasu  SagimusJ  Neen 
womasu  Sagvmusf  <&c.,  "  My  loving  Sachem  !  My  loving 
Sachem !  Many  have  I  known ;  but  never  any  like 
thee!" 

And  turning  him  to  me,  said,  "  Whilst  I  lived ;  I 
should  never  see  his  like  amongst  the  Indians."  Saying, 
He  was  no  liar.  He  was  not  bloody  and  cruel  like  [the] 
other  Indians.  In  anger  and  passion,  he  was  soon 
reclaimed ;  easy  to  be  reconciled  towards  such  as  had 


GOT.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    549 

offended  him;  ruled  by  reason  in  such,  measure,  as  he 
would  not  scorn  the  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  he 
governed  his  men  better  with  few  strokes  than  others 
did  with  many ;  truly  loving,  where  he  loved.  Yea, 
he  feared  we  had  not  a  faithful  friend  left  among  the 
Indians :  shewing  how  he,  oft  times,  restrained  their 
malice,  &c.  Continuing  a  long  speech,  with  such  signs 
of  lamentation  and  unfeigned  sorrow,  as  it  would  have 
made  the  hardest  heart  relent. 

At  length,  we  came  to  Mattapuyst,  and  went  to  the 
Sachimo  Oomaco ;  for  so  they  call  the  Sachem's  place ; 
though  they  call  an  ordinary  house  [wigwam]  Witeo: 
but  CONBATANT  the  Sachem  was  not  at  home;  but  at 
[Sowams  in]  Puckanokick,  which  was  some  five  or  six 
miles  off.  The  Squa[w]  Sachem,  for  so  they  call  the 
Sachem's  wife,  gave  us  friendly  entertainment. 

Here  we  inquired  again  concerning  MASSASSOWAT. 
They  thought  him  [to  be]  dead ;  but  knew  no  certainty. 

"Whereupon  I  hired  one  to  go,  with  all  expedition, 
to  Puckanokick:  that  we  might  know  the  certainty 
thereof;  and  withal  to  acquaint  CONBATANT  with  our 
there  being. 

About  half  an  hour  before  sunsetting,  the  messenger 
returned;  and  told  us,  That  he  was  not  yet  dead:  though 
there  was  no  hope  we  should  find  him  living. 

Upon  this,  we  were  much  revived  ;  and  set  forward 
with  all  speed,  though  it  was  late  within  night  ere  we 
got  thither. 

About  two  of  the  clock,  that  afternoon,  the  Dutchmen 
departed:  so  that,  in  that  respect,  our  journey  was 
frustrate  [of  no  avail]. 

When  we  came  thither  [i.e.  to  Sowawis],  we  found  the 
house  so  full  of  men  as  we  could  scarce  get  in ;  though 
they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make  way  for  us. 


5  50    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E. 

There  were  they,  in  the  midst  of  their  charms  for  him : 
making  such  a  hellish  noise,  as  it  distempered  us  that 
were  well ;  and  therefore  [was]  unlike[ly]  to  ease  him 
that  was  sick.  About  him  were  six  or  eight  women, 
who  chafed  his  arms,  legs,  and  thighs;  to  keep  heat 
in  him. 

When  they  had  made  an  end  of  their  charming ;  one 
told  him,  That  his  friends  the  English  were  come  to  see 
him. 

Having  [his]  understanding  left,  but  his  sight  was 
wholly  gone ;  he  asked,  "  Who  was  come  ?  " 

They  told  him,  "WiNSNOW."  For  they  cannot 
pronounce  the  letter  I ;  but  ordinarily  [use]  n  in  the 
place  thereof. 

He  desired  to  speak  with  me. 

When  I  came  to  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it ;  he 
put  forth  his  hand  to  me,  which  I  took.     Then  he  said 
twice,  though  very  inwardly  [in  a  low  tone],  Keen 
WINSNOW?  ,  which  is  to  say,  "  Art  thou  "WlNSLOW  ? " 
I  answered,  Ahhe  ;  that  is,  "  Yes." 
Then  he  doubled  [repeated]  these  words,  Matta  ween 
wonckanet   namen   WINSNOW?,    that    is    to  say,    "0 
WlNSLOW,  I  shall  never  see  thee  again." 

Then  I  called  HOBBAMOCK,  and  desired  him  to  tell 
MASSASSOWAT,  That  the  Governor  [WILLIAM  BRADFORD], 
hearing  of  his  sickness,  was  sorry  for  the  same :  and 
though,  by  reason  of  many  businesses,  he  could  not 
come  himself ;  yet  he  sent  me  with  such  things  for  him, 
as  he  thought  most  likely  to  do  him  good,  in  this  his 
extremity.  And  whereof,  if  he  pleased  to  take ;  I  would 
presently  [at  once]  give  him. 

Which  he  desired.  And  having  a  confection 
[preparation]  of  many  comfortable  conserves  &c. :  on 
the  point  of  my  knife,  I  gave  him  some ;  which  I  could 


GOT,  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England*    551 

scarce  get  through  his  teeth.  When  it  was  dissolved  in 
his  mouth,  he  swallowed  the  juice  of  it :  whereat  those 
that  were  about  him,  much  rejoiced;  saying,  He  had 
not  swallowed  any  thing  "in  two  days  before. 

Then  I  desired  to  see  his  mouth,  which  was 
exceedingly  furred;  and  his  tongue  [had]  swelled  in 
such  a  manner,  as  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  eat 
such  meat  as  they  had,  his  passage  [gullet]  being 
stopped  up.  Then  I  washed  his  mouth,  and  scraped 
his  tongue;  and  got  abundance  of  corruption  out 
of  the  same. 

After  which,  I  gave  him  more  of  the  confection; 
which  he  swallowed  with  more  readiness,  Then  he- 
desiring  to  drink  ;  I  dissolved  some  of  it  in  water,  and 
gave  him  thereof.  Within  half  an  hour,  this  wrought 
a  great  alteration  in  him,  in  the  eyes  of  all  that  beheld 
him.  Presently  after,  his  sight  began  to  come  to  him : 
which  gave  him  and  us  good  encouragement. 

In  the  mean  time,  I  inquired,  How  he  slept;  and 
when  he  went  to  the  stool  ? 

They  said,  He  slept  not  in  two  days  before  ;  and  had 
not  had  a  stool  in  five. 

Then  I  gave  him  more  [of  the  confection  in  water] ; 
and  told  him  of  a  mishap  we  had,  by  the  way,  in 
breaking  a  bottle  of  drink;  which  the  Governor  also 
sent  him :  saying,  If  he  would  send  any  of  his  men  to 
Patuxet,  I  would  send  for  more  of  the  same ;  also  for 
chickens  to  make  him  broth;  and  for  other  things 
which  I  knew  were  good  for  him :  and  would  stay  the 
return  of  the  messenger,  if  he  desired. 

This  he  took  marvellous[ly]  kindly ;  and  appointed 
some,  who  were  ready  to  go  by  two  of  the,  clock  in  the 
morning:  against  which  time,  I  made  ready  a  letter, 
declaring  therein  our  good  success,  the  state  of  his  body, 


552    Good  News  from  New  England.    QO 

&c. :  desiring  to  send  me  such  things  as  I  sent  for,  and 
such  physic  as  the  Surgeon  [SAMUEL  FULLEB]  durst 
administer  to  him. 

He  requested  me  that,  the  day  following  I  would 
take  my  piece,  and  kill  some  fowl  [geese,  ducks  &c.] ;  and 
make  him  some  English  pottage,  such  as  he  had  eaten  at 
Plymouth :  which  I  promised. 

After,  his  stomach  [appetite]  coming  to  him,  I  must 
needs  make  him  some  without  fowl,  before  I  went 
abroad.  Which  somewhat  troubled  me,  being 
unaccustomed  and  unacquainted  in  such  businesses; 
especially  having  nothing  to  make  it  comfortable 
[tasty]:  my  consort  [Master  JOHN  HAMDEN]  being 
as  ignorant  as  myself.  But  [it]  being,  we  must  do 
somewhat;  I  caused  a  woman  to  bruise  some  corn, 
and  take  the  flour  from  it:  and  we  set  the  grut 
[groats],  or  broken  corn,  in  a  pipkin;  for  they  have 
earthen  pots  of  all  sizes. 

When  the  day  broke,  we  went  out,  it  being  now 
March  [1623],  to  seek  herbs :  but  could  not  find  any 
but  strawberry  leaves ;  of  which  I  gathered  a  handful, 
and  put  in  the  same.  And  because  I  had  nothing  to 
relish  it ;  I  went  forth  again,  and  pulled  up  a  saxaf ras 
[sassafras]  root :  and  sliced  a  piece  thereof,  and  boiled 
it  [in  the  broth]  till  it  [the  broth]  had  a  good  relish ;  and* 
then  took  it  [the  slice  of  sassafras]  out  again.  The 
broth  being  boiled ;  I  strained  it  through  my  [pocket] 
handkerchief :  and  gave  him  at  least  a  pint,  which  he 
drank;  and  liked  it  very  well.  After  this,  his  sight 
mended  more  and  more :  also  he  had  three  moderate 
stools;  and  took  some  rest.  Insomuch  as  we,  with 
admiration  [wonderment],  blessed  GOD,  for  giving  his 
blessing  to  such  raw  and  ignorant  means :  making  no 
doubt  of  his  recovery ;  [he]  himself,  and  all  of  them, 


GOT.  E.  winaiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    553 

acknowledging    us    [to    be]    the    Instruments   of    his 
preservation. 

The  morning,  he  caused  me  to  spend  in  going  from 
one  to  another,  amongst  those  that  were  sick  in  the 
town:  requesting  me  to  wash  their  mouths  also,  and 
give  to  each  of  them  some  of  the  same  [that]  I  gave 
him;  saying,  They  were  good  folk.  This  pains  I  took 
with  willingness  ;  though  it  were  much  offensive  to  me, 
not  being  accustomed  with  [to]  such  poisonous  savours.  ' 

After  dinner,  he  desired  me  to  get  him  a  goose  or 
duck ;  and  make  him  some  pottage  therewith,  with  as 
much  speed  as  I  could. 

So  I  took  a  man  with  me,  and  made  a  shot  at  a 
couple  of  ducks,  some  six  score  paces  [=100  yards]  off; 
and  killed  one  :  at  which  he  wondered.  So  we  returned 
forthwith,  and  dressed  it :  making  more  broth  therewith, 
which  he  much  desired.  Never  did  I  see  a  man,  so  low 
brought,  recover  in  that  measure  in  so  short  a  time. 

The  fowl  being  extraordinary  fat,  I  told  HOBBAMOCK, 
I  must  take  off  the  top  thereof  [the  fat  on  the  top  of  the 
pottage] ;  saying,  It  would  make  him  very  sick  again, 
if  he  did  eat  it.  This  he  acquainted  MASSASSOWAT 
therewith,  who  would  not  be  persuaded  to  it :  though  I 
pressed  it  very  much,  shewing  the  strength  thereof ;  and 
the  weakness  of  his  stomach,  which  could  not  possibly 
bear  it.  Notwithstanding  he  made  a  gross  [heavy] 
meal  of  it ;  and  ate  as  much  as  would  well  have  satisfied 
a  man  in  health.  About  an  hour  after,  he  began  to  be 
very  sick ;  and  straining  very  much,  east  up  the  broth 
again :  and  in  overstraining  himself,  began  to  bleed  at 
the  nose,  and  so  continued  the  space  of  four  hours. 
Then  they  all  wished  he  had  been  ruled;  concluding 
now  he  would  die:  which  we  much  feared  also. 

They  asked  me,  What  I  thought  of  him  ? 


5  54    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E.  window. 

I  answered,  cc  His  case  was  desperate :  yet,  it  might 
be,  it  would  save  his  life.  For  if  it  ceased  in  time,  he 
would  forthwith  sleep,  and  take  rest:  which  was  the 
principal  thing  he  wanted."  Not  long  after,  his  blood 
stayed  [the  bleeding  ceased] ;  and  he  slept  at  least  six  or 
eight  hours. 

When  he  awaked,  I  washed  his  face;  and  bathed 
and  suppled  his  beard  and  nose  with  a  linen  cloth.  But, 
on  a  sudden,  he  chopt  [put]  his  nose  in  the  water ;  and 
drew  up  some  therein,  and  sent  it  forth  with  such  violence 
as  he  began  to  bleed  afresh.  Then  they  thought 
there  was  no  hope :  but  we  perceived  [that]  it  was  but 
the  tenderness  of  his  nostril ;  and  therefore  told  them, 
"  I  thought  it  would  stay  presently,"  as  indeed  it  did. 

The  messengers  were  now  returned.  But  finding 
his  stomach  [appetite]  come  to  him ;  he  would  not  have 
the  chickens  killed:  but  kept  them  for  breed.  Neither 
durst  we  give  him  any  [of  the]  physic  which  was  then 
sent ;  because  his  body  was  so  much  altered  since  our 
instructions:  neither  saw  we  any  need,  not  doubting 
now  of  his  recovery,  if  he  were  careful. 

Many,  whilst  we  were  there,  came  to  see  him  :  some, 
by  their  report,  from  a  place  not  less  than  a  hundred 
miles.  To  all  that  came,  one  of  his  chief  men  related 
the  manner  of  his  sickness ;  how  near[ly]  he  was 
spent;  how,  amongst  others,  his  friends  the  English 
came  to  see  him ;  and  how  suddenly  they  recovered  him 
to  this  strength  they  saw  :  he  being  now  able  to  sit 
upright  of  himself. 

The  day  before  our  coming ;  another  Sachem,  being 
there,  told  him,  That  now  he  might  see  how  hollow- 
hearted  the  English  were.  Saying,  If  we  had  been  such 
friends  in  deed,  as  we  were  in  shew,  we  would  have 
visited  him  in  this  his  sickness.  Using  many  arguments 


GOV.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    555 

to  withdraw  his  affections ;  and  to  persuade  Mm  to  give 
way  to  some  things  against  us,  which  were  motioned 
[suggested]  to  him,  not  long  before. 

But  upon  this  his  recovery,  he  brake  forth  into 
these  speeches,  "  Now  I  see  the  English  are  my  friends, 
and  love  me  :  and  whilst  I  live,  I  will  never  forget  this 
kindness  they  have  shewed  me." 

Whilst  we  were  there,  our  entertainment  exceeded 
[that  of]  all  other  strangers. 

Divers  other  things  were  worth  the  noting :  but  I 
fear  I  have  been  too  tedious. 

At  our  coming  away,  he  called  HOBBAMOCK  to  him, 
and  privately  (none  hearing  save  two  or  three  of  his 
Pinesesy  who  are  of  his  Council)  revealed  the  plot  of 
the  Massacheuseucks,  before  spoken  of,  against  Master 
WESTON'S  Colony  [at  Wessagusset] ;  and  so  against  us. 
Saying  that  the  people  of  Nauset  [Eastham]  Paomet 
[Pamet]  Succonet  [Falmoutk]  Mattachiest  [Barnstable] 
Ago  way  warn  [Wareham]  and  the  Isle  of  Capawack 
[Martha's  Vineyard]  were  joined  with  them.  Himself 
also,  in  his  sickness,  wa£  earnestly  solicited  :  but  he 
would  neither  join  therein ;  nor  give  way  to  any  of  his. 
Therefore  (as  we  respected  the  lives  of  our  countrymen ; 
and  our  own  after-safety)  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men 
of  Massachuset ;  who  were  the  authors  of  this  intended 
mischief. 

And  whereas  we  were  wont  to  say,  We  would 
not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began;  if,  said 
he,  upon  this  intelligence,  they  [at  Plymouth]  make 
this  answer,  tell  them}  When  their  countrymen  at 
Wiehaguseusset  [Wessagusset]  are  killed,  they  being 
not  able  to  defend  themselves;  that  then  it  will  be 
too  late  to  recover  their  lives.  Nay,  through  the 


556    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOV.  E. 

multitude  of  adversaries,  they  shall,  with  great  difficulty, 
preserve  their  own.  And  therefore  he  counselled, 
without  delay  to  take  away  the  principals  [originators] ; 
and  then  the  plot  would  cease. 

With  this,  he  charged  him  thoroughly  to  acquaint 
me  by  the  way;  that  I  might  inform  the  Governor 
[WILLIAM  BRADFORD]  thereof,  at  my  first  coming  home. 

Being  fitted  for  our  return,  we  took  our  leave  of  him : 
who  returned  many  thanks  to  our  Governor,  and  also  to 
ourselves,  for  our  labour  and  love.  The  like  did  all 
that  were  about  him.  So  we  departed. 

That  night,  through  the  earnest  request  of  CONBATANT 
[or  CORBITANT],  who  till  now  remained  at  Sowams  or 
Puckanukick  [Pokanoket],  we  lodged  with  him  at 
Mattapuyst. 

By  the  way,  I  had  much  conference  with  him;  so 
likewise  at  his  house.  He  being  a  notable  politician: 
yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs  [quips  or  sarcasms]; 
and  never  better  pleased  than  when  the  like  are 
returned  again  upon  him. 

Amongst  other  things  he  asked  me,  If,  in  case  he 
were  thus  dangerously  sick,  as  MASSASSOWAT  had  been, 
and  should  send  word  thereof  to  Patuxet  for  maskiet, 
that  is,  "  physic  " :  Whether  then  Master  Governor  would 
send  it?  and  if  he  would,  Whether  I  would  come 
therewith  to  him? 

To  both  which  [questions],  I  answered,  "  Yea  "  : 
whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful  thanks. 

After  that,  being  at  his  house,  he  demanded  further, 
How  we  durst,  being  but  two,  come  so  far  into  the  country? 

I  answered,  "  Where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear ; 
and  that  my  heart  was  so  upright  towards  them,  that, 
for  mine  own  part,  I  was  fearless  to  come  among  them." 


V.  E. 


Good  News  from  New  England.  -557 


"  But/'  said  he,  "  if  your  love  be  such,  and  it  bring 
forth,  such  fruits  ;  how  cometh  it  to  pass  that,  when  we 
come  to  Patuxet,  you  stand  upon  your  guard,  with  the 
mouths  of  your  pieces  presented  towards  us  [i.e.  firing 
a  salute]  ?  " 

Whereunto  I  answered,  "  It  was  the  most  honourable 
and  respective  [respectful]  entertainment  [reception]  we 
could  give  them.  It  being  an  order  [custom]  amongst 
us,  so  to  receive  our  best  respected  friends.  And  as  it 
was  used  on  the  land  ;  so  the  ships  observed  it  also  at 
sea  :  which  HOBBAMOCK  knew,  and  had  seen  observed." 

But,  shaking  the  head,  he  answered,  That  he  liked 
not  such  salutations. 

Further,  observing  us  to  crave  a  blessing  on  our 
meals,  before  we  did  eat  ;  and  after,  to  give  thanks  for 
the  same  :  he  asked  us,  What  was  the  meaning  of  that 
ordinary  custom  ? 

Hereupon,  I  took  occasion  to  tell  them,  of  GODJs 
works  of  Creation  and  Preservation;  of  his  Laws  and 
Ordinances,  especially  of  the  Ten  Commandments  :  all 
which  they  hearkened  unto  with  great  attention; 
and  like  well  ol  Only  the  Seventh  Commandment 
they  excepted  against;  thinking  there  were  many 
inconveniences  in  it,  that  a  man  should  be  tied  to  one 
woman.  About  which,  we  reasoned  a  good  time. 

Also  I  told  them,  That  whatsoever  good  things  we 
had  ;  we  received  them  from  GOD,  as  the  Author  and 
Giver  thereof  ;  and  therefore  craved  his  blessing  upon 
that  we  had,  and  were  about  to  eat,  that  it  might 
nourish  and  strengthen  our  bodies;  and  having  eaten 
sufficient,  being  satisfied  therewith,  we  again  returned 
thanks  to  the  same  our  GOD,  for  that  our  refreshing, 
&c. 

This  all  of  them  concluded  to  be  very  well;   and 


558    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E. 

i 

said,  They  believed  almost  all  the  same  things:  and 
that  the  same  Power  that  we  called  GOD,  they  called 
Kietitan. 

Much  profitable  conference  was  occasioned  thereby; 
which  would  be  too  tedious  to  relate :  yet  was  no  less 
delightful  to  them,  than  comfortable  to  us. 

Here  we  remained  only  that  night :  but  never  had 
better  entertainment  amongst  any  of  them. 

The  day  following,  in  our  journey,  HOBBAMOCK  told 
me,  of  the  private  conference  he  had  with  MASSASSOWAT  ; 
and  how  he  charged  him  perfectly  [thoroughly*]  to 
acquaint  me  therewith:  as  I  shewed  before. 

Which  having  done,  he  used  many  arguments  himself, 
to  move  us  thereunto. 

That  night,  we  lodged  at  Namasket  [Middleborough]. 

And  the  day  following,  about  the  midway  between 
it  and  home,  we  met  two  Indians ;  who  told  us 
that  Captain  STANDISH  was,  that  day,  gone  to  the 
Massachusets. 

But  contrary  winds  again  drove  him  back ;  so  that 
we  found  him  at  home.  Where  the  Indian  of  Paomet 
still  was :  being  very  importunate  that  the  Captain 
should  take  the  first  opportunity  of  a  fair  wind,  to  go 
with  him.  But  their  secret  and  villanous  purposes 
being,  through  GOD's  mercy,  now  made  known:  the 
Governor  caused  Captain-  STANDISH  to  send  him  away, 
without  any  distaste,  or  manifestation  of  anger,  that  we 
might  the  better  effect  and  bring  to  pass  that  which 
should  be  thought  most  necessary. 

Before  this  journey  [to  Sowams],  we  heard  many 
complaints,  both  by  the  Indians,  and  some  others  of 
best  desert  amongst  Master  WESTON'S  Colony,  how 


aor.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    559 

exceedingly  their  Company  abased  themselves,  by 
undirect  means,  to  get  victuals  from  the  Indians  who 
dwelt  not  far  from  them,  fetching  them  wood  and  water 
&c. ;  and  all  for  a  meal's  meat.  Whereas,  in  the  mean 
time,  they  might  with  diligence  have  gotten  enough  to 
have  served  them  three  or  four  times  [over].  Others, 
by  night,  brake  [through]  the  earth;  and  robbed  the 
Indians'  store;  for  which  they  had  been  publicly 
stocked  [put  in  the  stocks]  and  whipt:  and  yet  there 
was  there  small  amendment.  This  was  about  the  end  of 
February  [1623] :  at  which  time,  they  had  spent  all 
their  bread  and  corn,  not  leaving  any  for  seed ;  neither 
would  the  Indians  lend,  or  sell,  them  any  more,  upon 
any  terms. 

Hereupon  they  had  thoughts  to  take  it  by  violence ; 
and  to  that  [end],  spiked  up  every  entrance  into  their 
town  [Wessagusset],  [it]  being  well  impaled,  save  one: 
with  a  full  resolution  to  proceed. 

But  some,  more  honestly  minded,  advised  JOHN 
SANDERS,  their  Overseer,  first  to  write  to  Plymouth; 
and  if  the  Governor  advised  him  thereunto,  he  might 
the  better  do  it.  This  course  was  well  liked;  and  an 
Indian  was  sent,  with  all  speed,  with  a  letter  to  our 
Governor;  the  contents  whereof  were  to  this  effect: 

Tliat  being  in  great  want,  and  their  people  daily  falling  down ; 
he  intended  to  go  to  Munhiggen  [Monhegan]  (where  was  a  Plantation 
of  Sir  FERDINANDO  GORGES),  to  buy  bread  from  the  ships  that  came 
thither  a  fishing,  with  the  first  opportunity  of  wind  :  but  he  knew 
not  how  the  Colony  would  be  preserved  till  his  return. 

He  had  used  all  means,  both  to  buy  and  borrow  [corn]  of  [the] 
Indians ;  whom  he  knew  to  be  stored,  and,  [as]  he  thought, 
maliciously  withheld  it :  and  therefore  was  resolved  to  take 
it  by  violence ;  and  only  waited  the  return  of  the  messenger, 
which  he  desired  should  be  hastened. 

Craving  advice  therein ;  promising  also  to  make  restitution 
afterwards. 


560    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E.  window. 

The  Governor,  upon  the  receipt  hereof,  asked  the 
messenger,  What  store  of  corn  they  [the  Boston  Bay 
Indians]  had  ?  as  if  he  had  intended  to  buy  of  them. 

Who  answered,  Very  little  more  than  that  they 
reserved  for  seed  ;  having  already  spared  all  they  could. 

Forthwith,  the  Governor  [WILLIAM  BRADFORD]  and 
his  Assistant  [ISAAC  ALLERTON]  sent  for  many  of  us, 
to  advise  with  them  herein.  Who,  after  serious 
consideration,  no  way  approving  of  this  intended  course ; 
the  Governor  answered  his  letter,  and  caused  many  of 
us  to  set  our  hands  thereto,  the  contents  whereof  were 
to  this  purpose: 

"We  altogether  disliked  their  intendment  [purpose],  as  being 
against  the  law  of  GOD  and  Nature  ;  shewing  how  it  would  cross 
[stop]  the  worthy  ends  and  proceedings  of  the  King's  Majesty,  and 
his  honourable  Council  for  this  place  [the  Council  for  the  Affairs  of 
New  Englan^  both  in  respect  of  the  peaceable  enlarging  of  His 
Majesty's  dominions,  and  also  of  the  propagation  of  the  knowledge 
and  law  of  GOD,  and  the  glad  tidings  of  Salvation  :  which  we,  and 
they,  were  bound  to  seek ;  and  not  to  use  such  means  as  would 
breed  a  distaste  [dislike]  in  the  savages  against  our  persons  and 
Professions  :  assuring  them,  their  Master  would  incur  much  blame 
thereby  ;  neither  could  they  answer  the  same. 

Tor  our  own  parts,  our  case  was  almost  the  same  with  theirs  ; 
having  but  a  small  Quantity  of  corn  left :  and  [we]  were  enforced 
to  live  on  groundnuts,  clams,  mussels,  and  such  other  things  as 
naturally  the  country  afforded ;  and  which  did,  and  would,  maintain 
strength,  and  were  easy  to  be  gotten.  All  which  things  they  had 
in  great  abundance ;  yea,  oysters  also,  which  we  wanted :  and 
[t]herefore  necessity  could  not  be  said  to  constrain  them  thereunto. 

Moreover,  that  they  should  consider,  if  they  proceeded  therein, 
[that]  all  they  could  so  get  would  maintain  them  but  a  small  time  ; 
and  then  they  must,  perforce,  seek  their  food  abroad  :  which,  having 
made  the  Indians  their  enemies,  would  be  very  difficult  for  them. 
And  therefore  [it  was]  much  better  to  begin  a  little  the  sooner  ; 
and  so  continue  their  peace  :  upon  which  course  they  might,  with 
good  conscience,  desire  and  expect  the  blessing  of  GOD ;  whereas 
on  the  contrary,  they  could  not. 


GQV.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    561 

Also  that  they  should  consider  their  own  weakness,  being 
most[ly]  swelled  and  diseased  in  their  "bodies ;  and  therefore  the 
more  unlikepy]  to  make  their  party  good  against  them  [have  the 
victory  over  the  Boston  Bay  Indians} ;  and  that  they  should  not 
expect  help  from  us  in  that,  or  any  [other]  the  like  unlawful 
actions. 

Lastly,  that  howsoever  some  of  them  might  escape,  yet  the 
Principal  Agents  should  expect  no  better  than  the  Gaol  House ; 
whensoever  any  special  Officer  should  be  sent  over  by  His  Majesty, 
or  his  Council  for  New  England ;  which  we  expected :  and  who 
would  undoubtedly  call  them  to  account  for  the  same. 

These  were  the  contents  of  our  answer ;  which  was 
directed  to  their  whole  Colony. 

Another  particular  [private]  letter,  our  Governor 
sent  to  JOHN"  SANDEBS;  shewing  how  dangerous  it 
would  be  for  him,  above  all  others ;  [it]  being  he  was 
their  leader  and  Commander :  and  therefore,  in  friendly 
manner,  advised  him  to  desist. 

With  these  letters,  we  despatched  the  messenger. 

Upon  the  receipt  whereof,  they  altered  their 
determination :  resolving  to  shift  as  they  could,  till  the 
return  of  JOHN  SANDERS  from  Munhiggen  [Mmkegari], 

Who,  first  coming  to  Plymouth,  notwithstanding  our 
own  necessities,  the  Governor  spared  him  some  corn  to 
carry  [feed]  them  to  Munhiggen.  But,  not  having 
sufficient  for  the  ship's  [the  Swan}  store:  he  [JOHN 
SANDERS}  took  a  shallop;  and  leaving  others  with 
instructions  to  oversee  things  till  his  return,  set  forward 
about  the  end  of  February  [1623].  So  that  he  knew 
not  of  this  conspiracy  of  the  Indians  before  his  going : 
neither  was  it  known  to  any  of  us,  till  our  return  from 
Sowams  or  Puckanokick. 

At  which  time  also,  another  Sachem,  called 
WASSAPINEWAT,  brother  to  OBTAKIEST  the  Sachem 
of  the  Massachusets :  who  had  formerly  smarted  for 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  *  2  N 


562    Good  News  from  New  England.    aov. 

partaking  with  COUBATANT  [or  COBBITANT  :  see  pp.  4*79- 
482];  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  purge  himself, 
revealed  the  same  thing. 

The  three  and  twentieth  of  March  [1623]  [The 
Reader  should  remember  that  the  English  year  began 
on  the  Z5th  March],  which  is  a  Yearly  Court  Day, 
the  Governor  [WILLIAM  BRADFORD]  (having  a  double 
testimony;  and  many  circumstances  agreeing  with  the 
truth  thereof),  not  being  [empowered]  to  undertake 
war  without  the  consent  of  the  [main]  body  of  the 
Company,  made  known  the  same  in  Public  Court, 
offering  it  to  the  consideration  of  the  Company:  it 
being  high  time  to  come  to  resolution,  how  sudden 
soever  it  seemed  to  them;  fearing  it  [i.e.  the  intended 
massacre  of  the  whites  at  Wessagusset]  would  be  put  in 
execution  before  we  could  give  any  intelligence  thereof. 

This  business  was  no  less  troublesome  than  grievous ; 
and  the  more,  because  it  is  so  ordinary,  in  these  times, 
for  men  to  measure  things  by  the  events  [results]  thereof : 
but  especially  for  that  we  knew  no  means  to  deliver 
our  countrymen  and  preserve  ourselves,  than  by  returning 
their  malicious  and  cruel  purposes  upon  their  own  heads ; 
and  causing  them  to  fall  into  the  same  pit  [which]  they 
had  digged  for  others — though  it  much  grieved  us  to 
shed  the  blood  of  those ;  whose  good  we  ever  intended  and 
aimed  at  as  a  principal  [purpose]  in  all  our  proceedings. 
But  in  the  end,  we  came  to  this  public  conclusion  : 

That  because  it  was  a  matter  of  such  weight  as  every 
man  was  not  of  sufficiency  to  judge,  nor  fitness  to  know ; 
because  of  many  other  Indians  which  daily,  as  occasion 
serveth,  converse  [have  intercourse]  with  us :  therefore 
the  Governor  [WILLIAM  BRADFORD],  [ISAAC  ALLERTON] 
his  Assistant,  and  the  Captain  [MILES  STANDISH],  shall 


GOV.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    563 

take  such,  to  themselves,  as  they  thought  most  meet  ; 
and  conclude  thereof  [finish  off  the 


"Which  done,  we  [i.e.  the  above  three,  and  tJwir  chosen 
associates]  came  to  this  conclusion  : 

That  Captain  STANDISH  should  take  so  many  men 
as  he  thought  sufficient  to  make  his  party  good  against 
all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachuset  Bay  [Boston  Bay], 
And  because,  as  all  men  know  that  have  had  to  do  in 
that  kind,  it  is  impossible  to  deal  with  them  upon  open 
defiance  ;  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps  as  they  lay  for 
others  :  therefore  he  should  pretend  to  trade,  as  at  other 
times;  but  first  go  to  the  English  [at  Wessagusset], 
and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot,  and  the  end  of  his 
own  coining.  That  comparing  it  with  their  [the  Boston 
Bay  Indians']  own  carriages  [behaviour]  towards  them, 
he  might  the  better  judge  of  the  certainty  of  it  ;  and 
more  fitly  take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same:  but 
should  forbear,  if  it  were  possible,  till  such  time  as  he 
could  make  sure  [of]  WITUWAMAT,  that  bloody  and  bold 
villain  before  spoken  of  ;  whose  head  he  had  order  to 
bring  [back]  with  him,  that  it  might  be  a  warning  and 
terror  to  all  of  that  disposition* 

Upon  this,  Captain  STANDISH  made  choice  of  eight 
men:  and  would  not  take  more,  because  he  would 
prevent  jealousy  [suspicion];  knowing  their  guilty 
consciences  would  soon  be  provoked  thereunto. 

But  on  the  next  day  before  he  could  go,  came 
[PHINBHAS  PEAT,]  one  of  Master  WESTON'S  Company, 
by  land  unto  us,  with  his  pack  [bundle]  at  his  back  ;  who 
made  a  pitiful  narration  of  their  lamentable  and  weak 
estate,  and  of  the  Indians'  carriages  [behaviour].  "Whose 
boldness  increased  abundantly,  insomuch  as  the  victuals 
they  [the  Englishmen]  got,  they  would  take  it  out  of  their 


564    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E. 

pots  and  eat  [it]  before  their  faces ;  yea,  if  in  anything 
they  gainsaid  them,  they  [the  Indians]  were  ready  to 
hold  a  knife  at  their  breasts  ;  that  to  give  them  content, 
since  JOHN  SANDERS  went  to  Munhiggen  [Monhegan],  they 
had  hanged  one  of  them  [of  the  English]  that  stole  their 
corn,  and  yet  they  [the  Indians]  regarded  it  not ;  that 
another  of  their  Company  was  turned  savage  [Indian] ; 
that  their  people  had  most[ly]  forsaken  the  town,  and 
made  their  randevous  [encampment]  where  they  got 
their  victuals,  because  they  would  not  take  pains  to 
bring  it  home ;  that  they  had  sold  their  clothes  for 
corn,  and  were  ready  to  starve,  both  with  cold  and 
hunger  also,  because  they  could  not  indure  to  get 
victuals,  by  reason  of  their  nakedness ;  and  that  they 
were  dispersed  into  three  companies,  scarce  having 
any  powder  and  shot  left. 

What  would  be  the  event  of  these  things,  he  said,  he 
much  feared;  and  therefore,  not  daring  to  stay  any 
longer  among  them,  though  he  knew  not  the  way,  yet 
adventured  to  come  to  us :  partly  to  make  known  their 
weak  and  dangerous  estate,  as  he  conceived  ;  and  partly 
to  desire  [that]  he  might  there  [at  Plymouth]  remain, 
till  things  were  better  settled  at  the  other  Plantation. 

As  this  Relation  was  grievous  to  us :  so  it  gave  us 
good  encouragement  to  proceed  in  our  intendments 
[designs] ;  for  which  Captain  STANDISH  was  now  fitted : 
and  the  wind  coming  fair,  the  next  day,  [he]  set  forth 
for  the  Massachusets. 

The  Indians  at  the  Massachusets  missed  this  man ; 
and  suspecting  his  coming  to  us,  as  we  conceive,  sent 
one  after  him :  and  gave  out  there,  that  he  would  never 
come  to  Patuxet ;  but  that  some  wolves  or  bears  would 
eat  him.  But  we  know,  both  by  our  own  experience 
and  the  report  of  others,  that,  though  they  find  a  man 


GOT.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  JVew  England.    565 

sleeping ;  yet  so  soon  as  there  is  life  discerned,  they 
fear  and  shun  him. 

The  Indian  missed  him  but  [by]  very  little;  and 
missing  him,  passed  by  the  town  [of  Plymouth]  and 
went  to  Manomet  [Sandwich] ;  whom  we  hoped  to  take 
at  his  return  :  as  afterward  we  did. 

Now  was  our  Fort  made  fit  for  service,  and  some 
ordnance  mounted:  and  though  it  may  seem  [a]  long 
work,  it  being  ten  months  [May  1622,  see  pp.  530-531 — 
March  1623]  since  it  [was]  begun  ;  yet  we  must  note 
that  where  so  great  a  work  is  begun  with  such  small 
means,  a  little  time  cannot  bring  [it]  to  perfection. 

Besides,  those  works  which  tend  to  the  preservation 
of  man,  the  Enemy  of  Mankind  will  hinder  what  in  him 
lieth;  sometimes  blinding  the  judgement,  and  causing 
reasonable  men  to  reason  against  their  own  safety :  as, 
amongst  us,  divers,  seeing  the  work  prove  tedious,  would 
have  dissuaded  from  proceeding  [with  it] ;  flattering 
themselves  with  peace  and  security,  and  accounting  it 
rather  a  work  of  superfluity  and  vain  glory  than  [of] 
simple  necessity.  But  GOD  (whose  Providence  hath 
waked,  and,  as  I  may  say,  watched,  for  us;  whilst  we 
slept)  having  determined  to  preserve  us  from  these 
intended  treacheries,  undoubtedly  ordained  this  as "  a 
special  means  to  advantage  us,  and  discourage  our 
enemies :  and  therefore  so  stirred  up  the  hearts  of  the 
Governors  and  other  forward  Instruments,  as  the  work 
was  just  made  serviceable  against  this  needful  and 
dangerous  time ;  though  we  [were]  ignorant  of  the  same. 

But  that  I  may  proceed.  The  Indian,  last  mentioned, 
in  his  return  from  Manomet  [Sandwicli\y  came  through 
the  town  [of  Plymouth],  pretending  still  friendship,  and 
in  love  to  see  us  :  but,  as  formerly  others',  so  his  end  was, 
to  see  whether  we  continued  in  health  and  strength ;  or 


566    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  B.  w 

fell  into  weakness,  like  their  neighbours  [at  Wessagusset] ; 
which  they  hoped  and  looked  for  (though  GOD  in  mercy 
provided  better  for  us),  and  he  knew  would  be  glad 
tidings  to  his  countrymen. 

But  here  the  Governor  stayed  [arrested]  him ;  and 
sending  for  him  to  the  Fort,  there  gave  the  guard  charge 
of  him,  as  their  prisoner :  where  he  told  him,  He  must  be 
contented  to  remain  till  the  return  of  Captain  STANDISH 
from  the  Massachusets. 

So  he  was  locked  in  a  chain  to  a  staple  [post]  in  the 
Court  of  Guard  [Guard  Room] ;  and  there  kept.  Thus  was 
our  Fort  handselled  [used  for  the  first  time] :  this  being  the 
first  day,  as  I  take  it,  that  ever  any  watch  was  there  kept. 

The  Captain,  being  now  come  to  the  Massachusets 
[i.e.  to  Wessagusset],  went  first  to  the  ship  [the  Swan] ; 
but  found  neither  man,  nor  so  much  as  a  dog  therein. 
Upon  the  discharge  of  a  musket;  the  Master  [of  the 
Swan]  and  some  others  of  the  Plantation  shewed 
themselves :  who  were  on  shore,  gathering  groundnuts, 
and  getting  other  food.  After  salutation,  Captain 
STANDISH  asked  them,  How  they  durst  so  leave  the  ship, 
and  live  in  such  security  ? 

Who  answered  like  men  senseless  of  their  own 
misery,  They  feared  not  the  Indians :  but  lived  [with 
them],  and  suffered  them  to  lodge  with  them;  not 
having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the  same. 

To  which,  the  Captain  answered,  If  there  were  no 
cause,  he  was  the  gladder. 

But,  upon  further  inquiry,  understanding  that  those 
in  whom  JOHN  SANDEBS  had  received  [placed]  most 
special  confidence,  and  left  in  his  stead  to  govern  the 
rest,  were  at  the  Plantation :  thither  he  went. 

And,  to  be  brief,  made  known  the  Indians'  purpose, 


GOT.  E.  winsiow.    Good  Ne ws  from  New  England.    567 

and  the  end  of  his  own  coming :  as  also  (which  formerly 
I  omitted),  That  if,  afterward,  they  durst  not  there  stay 
it  was  the  intendinent  [intention]  of  the  Governors  and 
People  of  Plymouth,  there  to  receive  them,  till  they 
could  be  better  provided  :  but  if  they  conceived  of  any 
other  course  that  might  be  more  likely  for  their  good ; 
that  himself  should  further  them  therein,  to  the 
uttermost  of  his  power. 

These  men,  comparing  other  circumstances  with  that 
they  now  heard,  answered,  They  could  expect  no  better  : 
and  it  was  GOD's  mercy  that  they  were  not  killed  before 
his  coming ;  desiring  therefore  that  he  would  neglect  no 
opportunity  to  proceed. 

Hereupon  he  advised  them  to  secrecy ;  yet  withal 
to  send  special  command  to  [the]  one  third  of  their 
Company  that  were  farthest  off,  to  come  home:  and 
there  enjoined  them,  on  pain  of  death,  to  keep  the  town 
[Wessagusset] ;  himself  allowing  them  a  pint  of  Indian 
corn  to  a  man  for  a  day ;  though  that  store  he  had,  was 
spared  out  of  our  seed. 

The  weather  proving  very  wet  and  stormy ;  it  was 
the  longer  before  he  could  do  anything. 

In  the  mean  time,  an  Indian  came  to  him,  and 
brought  some  furs :  but  rather  to  gather  what  he  could 
from  the  Captain's  [proceedings],  than  coming  then  for 
trade.  And  though  the  Captain  carried  things  as 
smoothly  as  he  possibly  could :  yet,  at  his  return,  he 
[the  Indian]  reported,  He  saw,  by  his  eyes,  that  he  [the 
Captain]  was  angry  in  his  heart :  and  therefore  [they] 
began  to  suspect  themselves  discovered. 

This  caused  one  PECKSUOT,  who  was  a  Pinese,  being 
a  man  of  a  notable  spirit,  to  come  to  HOBBAMOCK,  who 
was  then  with  them,  and  told  him,  He  understood  that 
the  Captain  was  come  to  kill  himself,  and  the  rest  of 


568    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E.  window. 

the  savages  there.  "  Tell  him,"  said  he,  "  we  know  it : 
but  fear  him  not,  neither  will  we  shun  him.  But  let  him 
begin,  when  he  dare ;  he  shall  not  take  us  at  unawares." 

Many  tifiaes  after,  divers  of  them,  severally,  or  a  few 
together,  came  to  the  Plantation  to  him :  where  they 
would  whet  and  sharpen  the  points  of  their  knives 
before  his  face ;  and  use  many  other  insulting  gestures 
and  speeches. 

Amongst  the  rest,  WITTJWAMAT  bragged  of  the 
excellency  of  his  knife :  on  the  end  of  the  handle  [of 
which]  there  was  pictured  a  woman's  face.  "  But,"  said 
he,  "  I  have  another  at  home,  wherewith  I  have  killed 
both  French  and  English :  and  that  hath  a  man's  face 
on  it;  and,  by  and  bye,  these  two  must  marry." 
Further,  he  said  of  that  knife  he  there  had,  Him/navm, 
no/men,  Jiifmai'm  michen,  matta  cuts,  that  is  to  say,  "  By 
and  bye  it  should  see ;  and  by  and  bye  it  should  eat, 
but  not  speak." 

Also  PECKSUOT,  being  a  man  of  greater  stature  than 
the  Captain,  told  him,  Though  he  were  a  great  Captain  ; 
yet  he  was  but  a  little  man.  And  said  he,  "  Though  I 
be  no  Sachem ;  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great  strength  and 
courage." 

These  things  the  Captain  observed ;  yet  bore  with 
patience  for  the  present. 

On  the  next  day,  seeing  he  could  not  get  many 
of  them  together  at  once;  and  this  PECKSUOT  and 
WITUWAMAT  [being]  both  together,  with  another  man, 
and  a  youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was 
brother  to  WITUWAMAT  and,  villain-like,  trode  in  his 
steps,  daily  putting  many  tricks  upon  the  weaker  sort 
of  [English]  men  ;  and  having  about  as  many  [i.e.,  four] 
of  his  own  Company  in  a  room  with  them ;  [the  Captain] 
gave  the  word  to  his  men. 


GOV.E  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    569 

And  the  door  being  fast  shut,  [he]  began  himself 
with  PECKSUOT  ;  and,  snatching  his  own  knife  from  his 
neck,  though  with  much  struggling,  [he]  killed  him 
therewith:  the  point  whereof,  he  had  made  as  sharp 
as  a  needle ;  and  [had]  ground  the  back  also  to  an  edge. 
WITUWAMAT  and  the  other  man,  the  rest  killed;  and 
took  the  youth,  whom  the  Captain  caused  to  be  hanged. 
But  it  is  incredible  how  many  wounds  these  two  Pineses 
[Wiru-WAMAT  and  PECKSTTOT]  received  before  they  died ; 
not  making  any  fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their 
weapons  and  striving  to  the  last. 

HOBBAMOCK  stood  by,  all  this  time,  as  a  spectator 
and  meddled  not:  observing  how  our  men  demeaned 
themselves  in  this  action.  All  being  here  ended, 
smiling  he  brake  forth  into  these  speeches  to  the 
Captain,  "  Yesterday,  PECKSUOT,  bragging  of  his  own 
strength  and  stature,  said,  c  Though  you  were  a  great 
Captain;  yet  you  were  but  a  little  man/  But  to-day, 
I  see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  him  on  the  ground." 

But  to  proceed.  There  being  some  women  [there] 
at  the  same  time ;  Captain  STANDISH  left  them  in  the 
custody  of  Master  WESTON'S  people,  at  the  town  [of 
Wessagusset] :  and  sent  word  to  another  Company, 
that  had  intelligence  of  things,  to  kill  those  Indian 
men  that  were  amongst  them.  These  killed  two  more. 

[He]  himself  also,  with  some  of  his  own  men,  went 
to  another  place ;  where  they  killed  another :  and, 
through  the  negligence  of  one  man,  an  Indian  escaped ; 
who  discovered  and  crossed  [put  an  end  to}  their 
proceedings. 

Not  long  before  this  execution,  three  of  Master 
WESTON'S  men  (which  more  regarded  their  bellies,  than 
any  command  or  Commander)  having  formerly  fared 


570    Good  News  from  New  England,    o-ov.  E. 

well  with  the  Indians  for  making  them  canoes,  went 
to  [OBTAKIEST]  the  Sachem,  to  offer  their  service ;  and 
had  entertainment. 

The  first  night  they  [Captain  STANDISH'S  party] 
came  thither  [to  Wessagusset],  within  night  late,  came 
a  messenger,  with  all  speed,  and  delivered  a  sad  [an 
important]  and  short  message.  Whereupon  all  the 
[three]  men  gathered  together,  put  on  their  boots  and 
breeches,  trussed  [tied]  up  themselves,  and  took  their 
bows  and  arrows  and  went  forth :  telling  them  [the 
Englishmen],  they  went  a  hunting ;  and  that,  at  their 
return,  they  should  have  venison  enough. 

Being  now  gone,  one,  being  more  ancient  and 
wise  than  the  rest,  calling  former  things  to  mind, 
especially  the  Captain's  presence  and  the  strait  charge 
[he  had  given]  that,  on  pain  of  death,  none  should  go  a 
musket  shot  from  the  Plantation;  and  comparing  this 
sudden  departure  of  theirs  therewith,  began  to  dislike 
[it],  and  wish  himself  at  home  again ;  which  was  further 
off  than  divers  others  dwelt  [at].  Hereupon,  he  moved 
his  fellows  to  return;  but  could  not  persuade  them. 
So  there  being  none  but  women  left  [at  Wessagusset], 
and  the  other  [Englishman]  that  was  turned  savage : 
about  midnight,  [he]  came  away,  forsaking  the  paths 
[trails]  lest  he  should  be  pursued ;  and  by  this  means, 
saved  his  life.  [The  other  two,  with  a  third  Englishman, 
were  killed :  see  page  574.] 

Captain  STANDISH  took  the  one  half  of  his  men, 
and  one  or  two  of  Master  WESTON'S,  and  HOBBAMOCK  ; 
still  seeking  to  make  spoil  of  them  and  theirs.  At 
length,  they  espied  a  file  of  Indians,  which  made 
towards  them  amain.  And  there  being  a  small 
advantage  in  the  ground,  by  reason  of  a  hill,  near 


GOV.E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    571 

them  ;  both  companies  strove  for  it.  Captain  STANDISH 
got  it.  Whereupon  they  retreated,  and  took  each  man 
[to]  his  tree :  letting  fly  their  arrows  amain,  especially 
at  himself  and  HOBBAMOCK.  Whereupon  HOBBAMOCK 
cast  off*  his  coat;  and  being  a  known  Pinese,  theirs 
being  now  killed,  chased  them  so  fast,  as  our  people 
were  not  able  to  hold  way  with  him :  insomuch  as  our 
men  could  have  but  one  certain  mark ;  and  then  but  the 
arm  and  half  face  of  a  notable  villain,  as  he  drew  at 
Captain  STANDISH.  Who,  together  with  another,  both 
discharged  [their  muskets]  at  once  at  him,  and  brake  his 
arm.  Whereupon  they  [the  Indians]  fled  into  a  swamp. 

When  they  were  in  the  thicket,  they  parleyed :  but 
to  small  purpose,  getting  nothing  but  foul  language.  So 
our  Captain  dared  [OBTAKIEST]  the  Sachem  to  come 
out,  and  fight  like  a  man;  shewing  how  base  and. 
womanlike  he  was,  in  tonguing  [reviling]  it,  as  he  did. 
But  he  refused,  and  fled. 

So  the  Captain  returned  to  the  Plantation  [at 
Wessagusset],  where  he  released  the  women :  and  would 
not  take  their  beaver  coats  from  them,  nor  suiFer  the 
least  discourtesy  to  be  offered  them. 

Now  were  Master  WESTON'S  people  resolved 
to  leave  their  Plantation ;  and  go  for  Munhiggen 
[Monhegan]:  hoping  to  get  passage,  and  return  [to 
England]  with  the  fishing  ships. 

The  Captain  told  them,  That,  for  his  own  part,  he 
durst  there  live  with  fewer  men  than  they  were ; 
yet  since  they  were  otherways  minded,  according  to 
his  order  from  the  Governors  and  People  of  Plymouth, 
he  would  help  them  with  com  competent  for  their 
provision  by  the  way.  Which  he  did,  scarce  leaving 
himself  more  than  brought  them  home. 

Some    of  them  disliked  the  choice  of  the  [main] 


5  7  2    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  B. 

body  to  go  to  Munhiggen;  and  therefore  desiring 
to  go  with  him  to  Plymouth,  he  took  them  into  the 
shallop. 

And  seeing  them  [the  main  body  in  the  Swan] 
set  sail,  and  clear  of  the  Massachuset  Bay ;  he  took 
leave,  and  returned  to  Plymouth :  whither  he  came 
in  safety,  blessed  be  GOD  ! ;  and  brought  the  head  of 
WITUWAMAT  with  him. 

Amongst  the  rest,  there  was  an  Indian  youth,  that 
was  ever  of  a  courteous  and  loving  disposition  towards 
us.  He,  notwithstanding  the  death  of  his  countrymen 
[the  Boston  Bay  Indians],  came  to  the  Captain  without 
fear;  saying,  His  good  conscience  and  love  towards 
us  imboldened  him  so  to  do.  This  youth  confessed, 
That  the  Indians  intended  to  kill  Master  WESTON'S 
people ;  and  not  to  delay  any  longer  than  till  they  had 
two  more  canoes  or  boats :  which  Master  WESTON'S 
people  would  have  finished  by  this  time,  having  made 
them  three  already;  had  not  the  Captain  prevented 
[anticipated]  them,  and  the  end  of  stay  for  [purpose 
in  building]  those  boats,  was  to  take  their  ship 
[the  Swan]  therewith. 

'  Now  was  the  Captain  returned,  and  received  with 
joy:  the  head  [of  WlTUWAMAT]  being  brought  to  the 
Fort,  and  set  up  [as  traitors'  heads  were  then  set  on 
spikes,  in  England].  The  Governors  and  Captains, 
with  divers  others,  went  up  [to]  the  same,  further  to 
examine  the  prisoner  [,  the  Boston  Bay  Indian,  who 
pursued  PHINESAS  PRATT]  :  who  looked  piteously  on 
the  head. 

Being  asked,  Whether  he  knew  it?  he  answered 
"Yea." 

Then  he  confessed  the  plot :  and  that  all  the  people 
provoked  OBTAKIEST  their  Sachem  thereunto;  [he] 


GOT.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    573 


being  drawn  into  it  by  their  importunity.  Five  there 
were,  he  said,  that  prosecuted  it  with  more  eagerness 
than  the  rest.  The  two  principal  [ones]  were  killed: 
being  PECKSUOT,  and  WITUWAMAT  whose  head  was 
there.  The  other  three  were  Powahs  [=  Powwows  = 
Medicine  Men},  being  yet  living  and  known  to  us; 
though  one  of  them  was  wounded,  as  aforesaid.  For 
himself,  he  would  not  acknowledge  that  he  had  any 
hand  therein;  begging  earnestly  for  his  life:  saying, 
He  was  not  a  Massachuset  man  ;  but,  as  a  stranger,  lived 
with  them. 

HOBBAMOCK:  also  gave  a  good  report  of  him,  and 
besought  for  him  :  but  was  bribed  so  to  do.  Nevertheless, 
that  we  might  shew  mercy  as  well  as  extremity,  the 
-Governor  released  him:  and  the  rather,  because  we 
desired  that  he  might  carry  a  message  to  OBTAKIEST 
his  master. 

No  sooner  were  the  irons  from  his  legs;  but  he 
would  have  been  gone  :  but  the  Governor  bade  him  stay 
and  fear  not,  for  he  should  receive  no  hurt.  And,  by 
HOBBAMOCK,  commanded  him  to  deliver  this  message  to 
his  master  : 

That,  for  our  parts,  it  never  entered  into  our  hearts 
to  take  such  a  course  with  them,  till  their  own  treachery 
enforced  us  thereunto;  and  therefore  [they]  might  thank 
themselves  for  their  own  overthrow.  Yet,  since  he  had 
begun  ;  if  again,  by  any  [of]  the  like  courses,  he  did 
provoke  him,  his  country  should  not  hold  him  :  for  he 
would  never  suffer  him,  or  his,  to  rest  in  peace,  till  he 
had  utterly  consumed  them;  and  therefore  [that  he] 
should  take  this  as  a  warning.  Further,  that  he  should 
send  to  Patuxet,  the  three  Englishmen  he  had  ;  and  not 
kill  them.  Also,  that  he  should  not  spoil  [destroy]  the  pale 
[palisade]  and  houses  at  Wichaguscusset  [Wessagusset]. 


574    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV 

And  that  this  messenger  should  either  bring  the  English, 
or  an  answer ;  or  both :  [the  Governor]  promising  his 
safe  return  [to  him]. 

This  message  was  delivered;  and  the  party  would 
have  returned  with  answer:  but  was  at  first  dissuaded; 
whom,  afterwards,  they  would,  but  could  not,  persuade 
to  come  to  us.  At  length,  though  long  [after],  a  woman 
came  and  told  us,  That  OBTAKIEST  was  sorry  that  the 
English  were  killed  before  he  heard  from  the  Governor : 
otherwise  he  would  have  sent  them.  Also  she  said,  He 
would  fain  make  his  peace  again  with  us ;  but  none  of 
his  men  durst  come  to  treat  about  it :  [he]  having 
forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily  removed  from  place 
to*  place;  expecting  when  we  would  take  further 
vengeance  on  him. 

Concerning  those  other  people  that  intended  to  join 
with  the  Massachuseucks  against  us,  though  we  never 
went  against  any  of  them;  yet  this  sudden  and 
unexpected  execution,  together  with  the  just  judgement 
of  GOD  upon  their  guilty  consciences,  hath  so  terrified 
and  amazed  them  as,  in  like  manner,  they  forsook  their 
houses,  running  to  and  fro  like  men  distracted,  living 
in  swamps  and  other  desert  places :  and  so  brought 
manifold  diseases  amongst  themselves,  whereof  very 
many  are  dead;  as  CANACUM  the  Sachem  of  Manomet 
[Sandwich],  ASPINET  the  Sachem  of  Nauset  [Eastkam], 
IYANOUGH,  Sachem  of  Mattachiest  [Bwrnstdble].  This 
[last]  Sachem,  in  his  life,  in  the  midst  of  these  distractions, 
said,  The  God  of  the  English  was  offended  with  them ; 
and  would  destroy  them  in  his  anger.  And  certainly 
it  is  strange  to  hear  how  many  of  late  have  [died],  and 
still  daily  die  amongst  them.  Neither  is  there  any 
likelihood  it  will  easily  cease  :  because,  through  fear, 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.     575 

they  set  little  or  no  corn,  which  is  the  staff  of  life ; 
and  without  which,  they  cannot  long  preserve  health 
and  strength.  From  one  of  these  places,  a  boat  was 
sent  with  presents  to  the  Governor,  hoping  thereby 
to  work  their  peace  ;  but  the  boat  was  cast  away,  and 
three  of  the  persons  drowned,  not  far  from  our 
Plantation:  only  one  escaped;  who  durst  not  come 
to  us,  but  returned.  So  as  none  of  them  dare  [to] 
come  amongst  us. 

I  fear  I  have  been  too  tedious,  both  in  this  and 
other  things :  yet  when  I  considered  how  necessary  a 
thing  it  is  that  the  truth  and  grounds  of  this  action 
especially,  should  be  made  known;  and  [also]  the 
several  dispositions  of  that  dissolved  Colony  [at 
Wessagusset],  whose  reports  undoubtedly  will  be  as 
various:  I  could  not  but  enlarge  myself,  where  I 
thought  to  be  most  brief ;  neither  durst  I  be  too  brief, 
lest  I  should  eclipse  and  rob  GOD  of  that  honour, 
glory,  and  praise  which  belongeth  to  him  for  preserving 
us  from  falling,  when  we  were  at  the  pit's  brim  ; 
and  yet  feared  [not],  nor  knew  not  that  we  were  in 
danger. 

This  month  of  April  [1623]  being  now  come,  on  all 
hands,  we  began  to  prepare  for  corn.    And     ^^  ^ 
because  there  was  no  corn  left  before  this 
time,  save  that  [which]  was  preserved  for  seed;  being 
also  hopeless  of  relief  by  Supply  [reinforcement] :  we 
thought   [it]  best  to   leave  off  all  other    works,  and 
prosecute  that,  as  most  necessary. 

And  because  there  was  so  small  hope  of  doing  good 
in  that  common  [general]  course  ,of  labour  that  formerly 
we  were  in;  for  that  the  Governors  that  followed  men 
to  their  labours,  had  nothing  to  give  men  for  their 


576    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOV.  E. 

necessities;    and  therefore  could  not  so  well  exercise 

that  command  over  them  therein,  as  formerly  they  had 

done.    Especially  considering  that  self-love  [self-interest]; 

wherewith  every  man,  in  a  measure  more  or  less,  loveth 

and  pref erreth  his  own  good  before  his  neighbours' :  and 

also  the  base  disposition  of  some  drones  that,  as  at 

other  times  so  now  especially,  would  be  most  burdenous 

to  the  rest.    It  was  therefore  thought  best,  That  every 

man  should  use  the  best  diligence  he  could,  for  his  own 

preservation,  both  in  respect  of  the  time  present,  and  to 

prepare  his  own  corn  for  the  year  following :  and  [to] 

bring  in  a  competent  portion  for  the  maintenance  of 

Public  Officers,  Fishermen,  &c, ;    which  could  not  be 

freed  from  their  Calling,  without  greater  inconveniences. 

This  course  was  to  continue  till  harvest:  and  then 

the  Governors  to  gather  in  the  appointed  portion,  for 

the  maintenance   of    themselves    and    such    others    as 

necessity  constrained  to  exempt  from  this  condition. 

Only,  if  occasion  served,  upon  any  special  service,  they 

might  employ  such  as  they  thought  most  fit  to  execute 

the  same,  during  this  appointed  time:  and  at  the  end 

thereof,    all  men  to  be  employed  by  them,  in    such 

service  as  they  thought  most  necessary  for  the  general 

good.     And  because  there  is  great  difference  in   the 

ground,  that  therefore  a  set  quantity  [viz.  one  (acre,  see 

pp.  383-385]  should  be  set  down  for  a  person  :  and  each 

man  to  have  his  fall  by  lot ;    as  being  most  just  and 

equal,  and  against  which  no  man  could  except. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Company  [?  in  March 
1623],  many  courses  were  propounded :  but  this  approved 
and  followed,  as  being  the  most  likely  for  the  present 
and  future  good  of  the  Company ;  and  therefore  before 
this  month  [of  April],  [we]  began  to  prepare  our  ground 
against  seed  time. 


E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    577 


In  the  midst  o£  April,  we  began  to  set,  the  weather 
being  then  seasonable  :  which  much  incouraged  us, 
giving  us  good  hopes  of  after  plenty.  The  setting 
season  is  good  till  the  latter  end  of  May. 

But  it  pleased  GOD,  for  our  further  chastisement, 
to  send  a  great  drought;  insomuch  as  in  six  weeks 
after  the  latter  setting  [?  1st  June  —  ?  15th  July  162S] 
there  scarce  fell  any  rain:  so  that  the  stalk  of  that 
[which]  was  first  set,  began  to  send  forth  the  ear 
before  it  came  to  half  growth  ;  and  that  which  was 
later  [set],  not  like[ly]  to  yield  us  any  [corn]  at  all, 
both  blade  and  stalk  hanging  the  head  and  changing 
the  colour  in  such  a  manner  as  we  judged  it  utterly 
dead.  Our  beans  also  ran  not  up,  according  to  their 
wonted  manner;  but  stood  at  a  stay:  many  being 
parched  away,  as  though  they  had  been  scorched  before 
the  fire.  Now  were  our  hopes  overthrown;  and  we 
discouraged  :  our  joy  being  turned  into  mourning. 

To  add  also  to  this  sorrowful  estate  in  which  we 
were  ;  we  heard  of  a  Supply  [reinforcement]  that  was 
sent  unto  us  many  months  since  :  which  [ship,  the 
Paragon],  having  two  repulses  before,  was  a  third  time 
in  company  of  another  ship,  three  hundred  leagues  at 
sea  [i.e.  900  miles  from  England]  ;  and  now,  in  three 
months'  time,  heard  no  further  of  her.  Only  the  signs 
of  a  wreck  were  seen  on  the  coast  ;  which  could  not  be 
judged  to  be  any  other  than  the  same. 

So  that,  at  once,  GOD  seemed  to  deprive  us  of 
all  future  hopes.  The  most  courageous  were  now 
discouraged  ;  because  GOD,  which  hitherto  had  been 
our  only  Shield  and  Supporter,  now  seemed,  in  Ms 
anger,  to  arm  himself  against  us:  and  who  can 
withstand  the  fierceness  of  his  wrath? 

These,  and  the  like  considerations  moved  not  only 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers,  2  o 


578    Good  News  from  New  England. 


V.  E. 


every  good  man  privately  to  enter  into  examination 
with  his  own  estate  [condition]  between  GOD  and  his 
conscience  ;  and  so  to  humiliation  before  him  :  but  also 
more  solemnly  to  humble  ourselves  together  before  the 
LORD  by  fasting  and  prayer. 

To  that  end,  a  Day  was  appointed  by  public 
authority,  and  set  apart  from  all  other  employments: 
hoping  that  the  same  GOD  which  had  stirred  us  up 
hereunto,  would  be  moved  hereby  in  mercy  to  look  down 
upon  us,  and  grant  the  request  of  our  dejected  souls  ;  if 
our  continuance  there,  might  any  way  stand  with  his 
glory  and  our  good. 

But,  0  the  mercy  of  our  GOD  !  who  was  as  ready  to 
hear  as  we  to  ask.  For  though  in  the  morning,  when 
we  assembled  together,  the  heavens  were  as  clear,  and 
the  drought  as  like[ly]  to  continue,  as  ever  it  was  :  yet, 
our  Exercise  [Public  Worship]  continuing  some  eight  or 
nine  hours,  before  our  departure,  the  weather  was 
overcast,  [and]  the  clouds  gathered  together  on  all  sides. 
And,  on  the  next  morning,  [they]  distilled  such  soft, 
sweet,  and  moderate  showers  of  rain,  continuing  some 
fourteen  days  [?  18th  —  31st  July},  and  mixed  with  such 
seasonable  weather  ;  as  it  was  hard  to  say,  Whether  our 
withered  corn,  or  [our]  drooping  affections,  were  most 
quickened  or  revived.  Such  was  the  bounty  and 
goodness  of  our  GOD. 

Of  this,  the  Indians,  by  means  of  HOBBAMOCK,  took 
notice.  Who  being  then  in  the  town  [of  Plymouth], 
and  this  Exercise  [occurring]  in  the  midst  of  the  week, 
said,  It  was  but  three  days  since  Sunday  [therefore  the 
Fast  was  on  a  Wednesday].  And  [he]  therefore  demanded' 
of  a  boy,  What  was  the  reason  thereof  ?  Which  when  he 
knew,  and  saw  what  effects  followed  thereupon  ;  he  and 
all  of  them  [the  Indians]  admired  [wondered  at]  the 


GOV.  E.  •wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    579 

goodness  o£  our  GOD  towards  us,  that  wrought  so  great 
a  change  in  so  short  a  time.  Shewing  the  difference 
between  their  conjuration,  and  our  invocation  on  the 
name  of  GOD,  for  rain.  Theirs  being  mixed  with  such 
storms  and  tempests  as  sometimes,  instead  of  doing  them 
good,  it  layeth  the  corn  flat  on  the  ground,  to  their 
prejudice:  but  ours,  in  so  gentle  and  seasonable  a 
manner,  as  they  never  observed  the  like. 

At  the  same  time,  Captain  STANDISH,  being  formerly 
employed  by  the  Governor  to  buy  provisions  for 
the  refreshing  of  the  Colony,  returned  with  the 
same ;  accompanied  with  one  Master  DAVID  TOMSOX,  a 
Scotchman:  who  also,  that  Spring  [of  1623],  began  a 
Plantation  twenty-five  leagues  north-east  from  us,  near 
Smith's  Isles  [now  called  the  Isles  of  Shoals],  at  a  place 
called  Pascatoquack  [or  rather,  Little  Harbour,  on 
the  Piscataqua  river  ;  the  present  Portsmouth,  in  New 
Hampshire]  ;  which  he  liketh  well. 

Now  also  heard  we  of  the  third  repulse  of  our  Supply 
[reinforcement],  of  their  safe  though  dangerous  return 
[in  the  Paragon]  into  England  ;  and  of  their  preparation 
to  come  to  us  [in  the  Anne]. 

So  that,  having  these  many  signs  of  GOD's  favour 
and  acceptation,  we  thought  it  would  be  great  ingratitude, 
if  secretly  we  should  smoother  up  the  same ;  or  content 
ourselves  with  private  thanksgiving  for  that  which  by 
private  prayer  could  not  be  obtained.  And  therefore 
another  Solemn  Day  was  set  apart  and  appointed  for 
that  end  :  wherein  we  returned  glory  honour  and  praise, 
with  all  thankfulness  to  our  good  GOD,  which  dealt  so 
graciously  with  us ;  whose  name  (for  these,  and  all  other 
his  mercies  towards  his  Church  and  chosen  ones),  by 
them,  be  blessed  and  praised,  now  and  evermore.  Amen. 


580    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT. 

In  the  latter  end  of  July,  and  the  beginning  of 
August  [1623],  came  two  ships  with  Supply 
[reinforcements]  unto  us ;  who  brought  all  their 
passengers  in  health,  except  one  who  recovered  in 
[a]  short  time  :  who  also,  notwithstanding  all  our 
wants  and  hardships,  blessed  be  GOD  ! ,  found  not 
any  one  sick  person  amongst  us,  at  the  Plantation. 

The  bigger  ship,  called  the  Anne,  was  hired;  and 
there  [at  Plymouth]  again  [was]  freighted  back :  from 
whence  we*  set  sail,  the  10th  of  September  [1623]. 

The  lesser,  called  the  Little  James,  was  built  for 
the  Company;  at  their  charge.  She  was  now  also 
fitted  for  trade  and  discovery  to  the  southward  of 
Cape  Cod  ;  and  almost  ready  to  set  sail :  whom,  I  pray 
GOD  to  bless,  in  her  good  and  lawful  proceedings. 

Thus  have  I  made  a  true  and  full  Narration  of  the 
state  of  our  Plantation ;  and  such  things  as  were  most 
remarkable  therein  since  December  1621.  If  I  have 
omitted  anything  ;  it  is  either  through  weakness  of 
memory,  or  because  I  judged  it  [to  be]  not  material. 
I  confess  my  style  [to  be]  rude ;  and  [my]  unskilfulness 
in  the  task  I  undertook  :  being  urged  thereunto  by 
opportunity  [having  had  the  chance  of  obtaining 
knowledge  on  the  spot  by  actual  experience],  which  I 
knew  to  be  wanting  in  others;  and  but  for  which,  I 
would  not  have  undertaken  the  same.  Yet,  as  it  is  rude  ; 
so  it  is  plain,  and  therefore  the  easier  to  be  understood. 

Wherein  others  may  see  that,  which  we  are  bound 
to  acknowledge,  viz.,  That  if  ever  any  people,  in  these 
later  Ages,  were  upheld,  by  the  Providence  of  GOD, 
after  a  more  special  manner  than  others ;  then  we 

*  EDWAED  WINSLOW,  the  Writer  of  this  Good  News  <fcc.,  therefore  came 
to  England  in  the  Anne :  and  the  utmost  period  of  this  narrative  is  therefore 
from  the  13th  December  1621  to  the  10th  September  1 623.— E,  A. 


GOV.  B.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.     581 

[were] :  and  therefore  are  the  more  bound  to  celebrate  the 
memory  of  his  goodness,  with  everlasting  thankfulness. 

For,  in  these  f orenamed  straits,  such  was  our  state, 
as,  in  the  morning,  we  had  often  our  food  to  seek  for 
the  day ;  and  yet  performed  the  duties  of  our  Callings. 
I  mean  the  other  daily  labours,  to  provide  for  after  time. 
And  though,  at  some  times,  in  some  seasons,  at  noon, 
I  have  seen  men  stagger,  by  reason  of  faintness  for 
want  of  food:  yet,  ere  night,  by  the  good  Providence 
and  blessing  of  GOD,  we  have  enjoyed  such  plenty,  as 
though  the  windows  of  heaven  had  been  opened  unto  us. 
How  few,  weak,  and  raw  [inexperienced]  were  we  at 
our  first  beginning,  and  there  settling ;  and  in  the  midst  of 
barbarous  enemies  I  Yet  GOD  wrought  our  peace  for  us. 
How   often  have  we  been  at  the  pit's  brim,  and 
in  danger  to  be  swallowed  up ;  yea  not  knowing,  till 
afterward,  that  we  were  in  peril  ?      And  yet  GOD 
preserved  us.     Yea,  and  from  how  many  [perils]  that  we 
yet  know  not  of ;  he,  that  knoweth  all  things,  can  best  tell 
So  that,  when  I    seriously  consider    of  things,  I 
cannot  but  think  that  GOD  hath  a  purpose  to  give 
that  land,  as  an  inheritance,  to  our  nation.    And  great 
pity  it  were,  that  it  should  long  lie  in  so  desolate  a  state  ; 
considering  it  agreeth  so  well  with  the  constitution  of 
our  bodies  :  [it]  being  both  fertile  ;  and  so  temperate, 
for  heat  and  cold,  as,  in  that  respect,  one  can  scarce[Iy] 
distinguish  New  England  from  Old  [England]. 

[THE  RELIGION  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  INDIANS 

NEAR  NEW  PLYMOUTH.] 

A  few  things  I  [have]  thought  meet  to  add  hereunto, 
which  I  have  observed  amongst  the  Indians  :  both 
touching  their  religion,  and  sundry  other  customs 
amongst  them. 


582    Good  News  from  >  New  England.    GOV.  E.  wmsiow. 


And  first,  whereas  myself  and  others*  (in  former 
Letters,  which  came  to  the  press  [in  London]  against 
my  will  and  knowledge  [WiNSLOW  being  then  at  New 
Plymouth])  wrote  [see  pp.  407-494,  507],  That  the 
Indians  about  us,  are  a  people  without  any  religion, 
or  knowledge  of  any  God  :  therein  I  erred,  though  we 
could  then  gather  no  better. 

For  as  they  conceive  of  many  Divine  Powers  :  so  of 
The  meaning  one,  whom  they  call  Kiehtan,  to  be  the 
£*M£?I  tl£k  Principal  and  maker  of  all  the  rest  ;  and 
hath  reference  to  be  made  by  none.  "He,"  say  they, 
n'oid  "  created  the  heavens,  earth,  sea,  and  all. 


man;  Kiehctiise,  creatures  contained  therein."    Also  that  he 

a  man  that  ex-  ..  _ 

ceedeth  in  age.  made  one  man  and  one  woman  ;   of  whom 
!E-  W-J  they,  and  we,  and  all  mankind  came  :   but 

how  they  became  so  far  dispersed,  that  know  they  not. 

At  first,  they  say,  there  was  no  Sachem  or  King  but 
Kiehtan  ;  who  dwelleth  above  in  the  heavens  :  whither  all  • 
good  men  go  when  they  die,  to  see  their  friends,  and  have 
their  fill  of  all  things.     This  his  habitation  lieth  far 
westward  in  the  heavens,  they  say. 

Thither  the  bad  men  go  also,  and  knock  at  his  door  : 
but  he  bids  them,  Quatchet,  that  is  to  say,  "Walk 
abroad  !,  for  there  is  no  place  for  such."  So  that  they 
wander  in  restless  want  and  penury. 

Never  man  saw  this  Kiehtan.  Only  old  men  tell  them 
of  him  :  and  bid  them  tell  their  children  ;  yea,  to  charge 
them,  to  teach  their  posterities  the  same,  and  lay  the 
like  charge  on  them.  This  Power  they  acknowledge  to 
be  good  ;  and  when  they  would  obtain  any  great  matter, 
[they]  meet  together,  and  cry  unto  him  :  and  so  likewise, 


*  WINSLOW  was  therefore  the  principal  Writer  of  what  we  have  here 
printed  at  pp.  407-494.— E.  A. 


<*ov.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    583 

for  plenty,  victory,  &c.,  [they]  sing,  dance,  feast,  give 
thanks;  and  hang  up  garlands  and  other  things,  in 
memory  of  the  same. 

Another  Power  they  worship,  whom  they  call 
Hobbamock  ;  and  to  the  northward  of  us,  Hobbamoqni 
This,  as  far  as  we  can  conceive,  is  the  Devil.  Him,  they 
call  upon,  to  cure  their  wounds  and  diseases.  When  they 
are  curable :  he  persuades  them,  he  sends  the  same  for 
some  conceived  anger  against  them  ;  but  upon  their 
calling  on  him;  [he]  can  and  doth  help  them.  But  when 
they  are  mortal,  and  not  curable  in  nature :  then  he 
persuades  them,  Kiehtan  is  angry,  and  sends  them,  which 
none  can  cure.  Insomuch  as,  in  that  respect  only,  they 
somewhat  doubt  whether  he  be  simply  good  :  and 
therefore,  in  sickness,  never  call  upon  him. 

This  Hobbamock  appears  in  sundry  forms  unto  them  : 
as  in  the  shape  of  a  man,  a  deer,  a  fawn,  an  eagle,  &c. ; 
but,  most  ordinarily,  [in  that  of]  a  snake.  He  appears 
not  to  all;  but  [to]  the  chief est  and  most  judicious 
amongst  them:  though  all  of  them  strive  to  attain  to 
that  hellish  height  of  honour. 

He  appeareth  most  ordinary  [ordinarily  to],  and  is 
most  conversant  with,  three  sorts  of  people.  One,  I 
confess,  I  neither  know  by  name,  or  Office,  directly.  Of 
these  they  have  few ;  but  esteem  highly  of  them :  and 
think  that  no  weapon  can  kill  them.  Another,  they  call 
by  the  name  of  Powah ;  and  the  third,  Pinese. 

The  Office  and  duty  of  the  Powah  [  =  Powwow = 
Medicine  Man]  is  to  be  exercised  principally  in  calling 
upon  the  Devil;  and  curing  diseases  of  the  sick  or 
wounded.  The  common  people  join  with  Mm  in  the 
Exercise  of  Invocation:  but  do  but  only  assent,  or  as 
we  term  it,  say  "Amen",  to  what  he  saith;  yet  sometime[s] 


584    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOV.  B. 

[they]  break  out  into  a  short  musical  note  with  him.  The 
Powah  is  eager,  and  free  in  speech ;  fierce  in  countenance ; 
and  joineth  many  antic  [grotesque]  and  laborious  gestures 
with  the  same,  over  the  party  diseased. 

If  the  party  be  wounded,  he  will  also  seem  to  suck 
the  wound :  but  if  they  be  curable,  as  they  say,  he 
toucheth  it  not;  but  a  Skooke,  that  is  the  snake,  or 
WobsacucJc,  that  is  the  eagle,  sitteth  on  his  shoulder,  and 
licks  the  same.  This  none  sees  but  the  Powah;  who 
tells  them,  he  doth  it  himself. 

If  the  party  be  otherwise  diseased ;  it  is  accounted 
sufficient  if,  in  any  shape,  he  but  come  into  the  house  : 
[they]  taking  it  for  an  undoubted  sign  of  recovery. 

And,  as  in  former  Ages,  APOLLO  had  his  temple  at 
Delphos ;  and  DIANA  [,hers]  at  Ephesus  :  so  have  I 
heard  them  call  upon  some ;  as  if  they  had  their  residence 
in  some  certain  places,  or  because  they  appeared  in  those 
forms,  in  the  same. 

In  the  Powah's  speech,  he  promiseth  to  sacrifice 
many  skins  of  beasts,  kettles,  hatchets,  beads,  knives, 
and  other  the  best  things  they  have,  to  the  Fiend ;  if  he 
will  come  to  help  the  party  diseased :  but  whether  they 
perform  it,  I  know  not.  The  other  practices  I  have  seen ; 
being  necessarily  called,  at  some  times,  to  be  with  their 
sick :  and  have  used  the  best  arguments  I  could  make 
them  understand,  against  the  same. 

They  have  told  me,  I  should  see  the  Devil,  at  those 
times,  come  to  the  party;  but  I  assured  myself  and 
them,  of  the  contrary:  which  so  proved.  Yea, 
themselves  have  confessed,  They  never  saw  him  when 
any  of  us  were  present. 

In  desperate  and  extraordinary  travail  in  childbirth ; 
when  the  party  cannot  be  delivered  by  the  ordinary 
means :  they  send  for  this  Powah.  Though,  ordinarily, 


.    Good  News  from  New  England.    585 

& 

their  travail  is  not  so  extreme  as  in  our  parts  of  the 
world :  they  "being  of  a  more  hardy  nature.  For,  on  the 
third  day  after  childbirth,  I  have  seen  the  mother  with 
the  infant,  upon  a  small  occasion,  in  cold  weather,  in  a 
boat  upon  the  sea. 

Many  sacrifices  the  Indians  use ;  and,  in  some  cases, 
kill  children.  It  seemeth,  they  are  various  in  their 
religious  worship,  in  a  little  distance;  and  grow  more 
and  more  cold  in  their  worship  to  Kiehtan ;  saying,  In 
[within]  their  memory,  he  was  much  more  called  upon. 

The  Nanohiggansets  [NarngaMsetts]  exceed  in  their 
blind  devotion;  and  have  a  great  spacious  House 
wherein  only  some  few  (that  are,  as  we  may  term  them, 
Priests)  come.  Thither,  at  certain  known  times,  resort 
all  their  people;  and  offer  almost  all  the  riches  they 
have  to  their  gods,  as  kettles,  skins,  hatchets,  beads, 
knives,  &c. :  all  which  are  cast  by  the  Priests  into  a 
great  fire  that  they  make  in  the  midst  of  the  house, 
and  there  consumed  to  ashes.  To  this  offering,  every 
man  bringeth  freely:  and  the  more  he  is  known  to 
bring,  hath  the  better  esteem  of  all  men.  This,  the 
other  Indians  about  us,  approve  of  as  good ;  and  wish 
their  Sachems  would  appoint  the  like :  and  because  the 
plague  hath  not  reigned  in  Nanohiggansetfifarra^aTis^t, 
now  called  Rhode  Island]  as  at  other  places  about  them, 
they  attribute  to  this  custom  there  used. 

The  Pineses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wisdom. 
And  to  these  also  the  Devil  appeareth  more  familiarly 
than  to  others:  and,  as  we  conceive,  maketh  covenant 
with  them,  to  preserve  them  from  death  by  wounds 
with  arrows,  knives,  hatchets,  &e.;  or,  at  least,  both 
themselves,  and  especially  the  people,  think  themselves 
to  be  freed  from  the  same.  And  although  against  their 
battles,  all  of  them  by  painting,  disfigure  themselves ; 


586    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOT.  E. 

* 

yet  are  they  known  by  their  courage  and  boldness  :  by 
reason  whereof,  one  of  them  will  chase  almost  a  hundred 
men,  for  they  account  it  death  for  whomsoever  [shall] 
stand  in  their  way. 

These  are  highly  esteemed  of  all  sorts  of  people ;  and 
are  of  the  Sachem's  Council :  without  whom,  they  will 
not  war  or  undertake  any  weighty  thing.  In  war,  their 
Sachems,  for  their  more  safety,  go  in  the  midst  of  them. 
They  are  commonly  men  of  greatest  stature  and 
strength ;  and  such  as  will  endure  most  hardness :  and 
yet  are  more  discreet,  courteous,  and  humane  in  their 
carriages  [behaviour]  than  any  amongst  them ;  scorning 
theft,  lying,  and  the  like  base  dealings;  and  stand  as 
much  upon  their  reputation  as  any  men. 

And  to  the  end  they  may  have  stories  of  these 
[Pineses],  they  train  up  the  most  forward  and  likeliest 
boys,  from  their  childhood,  in  great  hardness ;  and  make 
them  abstain  from  dainty  meat :  observing  divers  orders 
prescribed,  to  the  end,  when  they  are  of  age,  the  Devil 
may  to  appear  them.  Causing  to  drink  the  juice  of  sentry 
[centaury]  and  other  bitter  herbs,  till  they  cast  [vomit] ; 
which  they  must  disgorge  into  the  platter,  and  drink 
again,  and  again,  till,  at  length,  through  extraordinary 
oppressing  of  nature,  it  will  seem  to  be  all  blood. 
And  this,  the  boys  will  do  with  eagerness,  at  the  first ; 
and  so  continue  till,  by  reason  of  faintness,  they  can 
scarcely]  stand  on  their  legs :  and  then  must  go  forth 
into  the  cold.  Also  they  beat  their  shins  with  sticks ; 
and  cause  them  to  run  through  bushes,  stumps,  and 
brambles:  to  make  them  hardy  and  acceptable  to  the 
Devil,  that,  in  time,  he  may  appear  unto  them. 

Their  Sachems  cannot  be  all  called  Kings ;  but 
only  some  few  of  them :  to  whom  the  rest  resort  for 


w.   Good  News  from  New  England.    587 

protection,  and  pay  homage  unto  them.  Neither  may 
they  war  without  their  knowledge  and  approbation :  yet 
to  be  commanded  by  the  greater  [ones],  as  occasion 
serveth.  Of  this  [greater]  sort,  is  MASSASSOWAT,  our 
friend ;  and  CONANACtrs  [CANOtficus],  of  Nanohiggenset 
[Narragansett],  our  supposed  enemy. 

Every  Sachem  taketh  care  for  the  widow  and  father 
less  :  also  for  such  as  are  aged,  and  [in]  any  way  maimed ; 
if  their  friends  be  dead,  or  not  able  to  provide  for  them. 

A  Sachem  will  not  take  any  to  wife  but  such  a  one 
as  is  equal  to  him  in  birth ;  otherwise,  they  say,  their 
seed  would,  in  time,  become  ignoble.  And  though  they 
have  many  other  wives :  yet  are  they  no  other  than 
concubines  or  servants  ;  and  yield  a  kind  of  obedience 
to  the  principal  [one],  who  ordereth  the  family,  and  them 
in  it.  The  like,  the  men  observe  also ;  and  will  adhere 
to  the  first  [wife]  during  their  lives,  but  put  away  the 
others  at  their  pleasure. 

This  Government  is  successive ;  and  not  by  choice. 
If  the  father  die  before  the  son,  or  daughter,  be  of  age  ; 
then  the  child  is  committed  to  the  protection  and 
tuition  of  some  one  amongst  them :  who  ruleth,  in  his 
stead,  till  he  be  of  age ;  but  when  that  is,  I  know  not. 

Every  Sachem  knoweth  how  far  the  bounds  and 
limits  of  his  own  country  extendeth;  and  that  is  his 
own  proper  inheritance.  Out  of  that,  if  any  of  his  men 
desire  land  to  set  their  corn  ;  he  giveth  them  as  much  as 
they  can  use,  and  sets  them  their  bounds.  In  [withm] 
this  circuit,  whosoever  hunteth,  if  they  kill  any  venison, 
bringeth  him  his  fee:  which  is  the  fore  parts  of  the 
same,  if  it  be  kiUed  on  the  land ;  but  if  [the  deer]  be 
killed  in  the  water,  then  the  skin  thereof. 

The  great  Sachems,  or  Kings,  know  their  own 
bounds,  or  limits  of  land,  as  well  as  the  rest. 


588    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E. 

All  travellers,  or  strangers,  for  the  most  part,  lodge  at 
the  Sachem's.  When  they  come  they  tell  them,  how  long 
they  will  stay ;  and  to  what  place  they  go  :  during  which 
time,  they  receive  entertainment  according  to  their 
persqns ;  but  want  not. 

Once  a  year  the  Pineses  use  [are  accustomed]  to 
provoke  the  people  to  bestow  much  corn  on  the  Sachem. 
To  that  end,  they  appoint  a  certain  time  and  place,  near 
the  Sachem's  dwelling;  where  the  people  bring  many 
baskets  of  corn,  and  make  a  great  stack  thereof.  There, 
the  Pineses  stand  ready  to  give  thanks  to  the  people,  on 
the  Sachem's  behalf :  and,  after,  acquainteth  the  Sachem 
therewith ;  who  f  etcheth  the  same,  and  is  no  less 
thankful,  bestowing  many  gifts  on  them. 

When  any  are  visited  with  sickness,  their  friends 
resort  unto  them  for  their  comfort ;  and  continue  with 
them  oft  times  till  their  death,  or  recovery.  If  they  die, 
they  stay  a  certain  time,  to  mourn  for  them.  Night 
and  morning,  they  perform  this  duty,  many  days  after 
the  burial,  in  a  most  doleful  manner;  insomuch  as 
though  it  be  ordinary  [commonplace],  and  the  note  [not] 
musical  which  they  take  one  from  another  and  all 
together :  yet  it  will  draw  tears  from  their  eyes ;  and 
almost  from  ours  also.  But  if  they  recover,  then  because 
their  sickness  was  chargeable ;  they  send  corn  and  other 
gifts  unto  them,  at  a  certain  appointed  time;  whereat 
they  feast  and  dance,  which  they  call  Oommoco. 

When  they  bury  the  dead ;  they  sew  up  the  corpse 
in  a  mat,  and  so  put  it  in  the  earth.  If  the  party  be  a 
Sachem ;  they  cover  him  with  many  curious  mats,  and 
bury  all  his  riches  with  him,  and  inclose  the  grave  with 
a  pale  [palisade].  If  it  be  a  child,  the  father  will  also 
put  his  own  most  special  jewels  and  ornaments  in  the 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    589 


earth,  with  it  :  [and]  also  will  cut  his  hair,  and  disfigure 
himself  very  much,  in  token  o£  sorrow.  If  it  be  the 
man  or  woman  of  the  house,  they  will  pull  down  the 
mats,  and  leave  the  frame  standing,  and  bury  them  in  or 
near  the  same;  and  either  remove  their  dwelling,  or 
give  over  housekeeping. 

The  men  imploy  themselves  wholly  in  hunting  and 
other  exercises  of  the  bow  ;  except  at  some  times  they 
take  some  pains  in  fishing. 

The  women  live  a  most  slavish  life.  They  carry 
all  their  [the  men's]  burdens,  set  and  dress  their  corn, 
gather  it  in,  seek  out  for  much  of  their  food,  beat  and 
make  ready  the  corn  to  eat,  and  have  all  [the]  household 
care  lying  upon  them. 

The  younger  sort  reverence  the  elder;  and  do  all 
mean  offices  whilst  they  are  together:  [even]  although 
they  be  strangers  [to  each  other], 

Boys  and  girls  may  not  wear  their  hair  like  men  and 
women  ;  but  are  distinguished  thereby. 

A  man  is  not  accounted  a  man  till  he  do  some 
notable  act,  or  shew  forth  such  courage  and  resolution 
as  becometh  his  place.  The  men  take  much  tobacco  :  but 
for  boys  so  to  do,  they  account  it  odious. 

All  their  names  are  significant  and  variable  :  for 
when  they  come  to  the  state  of  men  and  women,  they 
alter  them  ;  according  to  their  deeds  and  dispositions. 

When  a  maid  is  taken  in  marriage,  she  first  cutteth 
her  hair;  and,  after,  weareth  a  covering  on  her  head 
till  her  hair  be  grown  out. 

The  women  are  diversely  disposed.    Some  [are]  as 

modest  as  they  will  scarce[ly]  talk  one  to  another  in  the 

company  of  men;   being  very  chaste  also:   yet  other 

some  [are]  light  [iiwomtant],  lascivious,  and  wanton. 

If  a  woman  have  a  bad  husband,  or  cannot  affect 


590    Good  News  from  New  England.   GOT.  E.  window. 

[have  no  affection  for]  him;  and  there  be  war  or 
opposition  between  that,  and  any  other,  people :  she  will 
run  away  from  him  to  the  contrary  party,  and  there 
live ;  where  they  never  come  unwelcome,  for  where  are 
most  women,  there  is  greatest  plenty.  .  .  . 

For  adultery,  the  husband  will  beat  his  wife ;  and 
put  her  away,  if  he  please.  .  ,  . 

In  matters  of  unjust  and  dishonest  dealing,  the 
Sachem  examineth  and  punisheth  the  same.  In  cases 
of  thefts:  for  the  first  offence,  he  is  disgracefully 
rebuked;  for  the  second,  he  is  beaten  by  the  Sachem, 
with  a  cudgel  on  the  back ;  for  the  third,  he  is  beaten 
with  many  strokes,  and  hath  his  nose  slit  upward,  that 
thereby  all  men  may  both  know  and  shun  him.  If 
any  man  kill  another ;  he  must  likewise  for  the  same. 

The  Sachem  not  only  passeth  the  sentence  upon 
malefactors ;  but  executeththe  same  with  his  own  hands, 
if  the  party  be  then  present.  If  not,  [he]  sendeth  his 
own  knife,  in  [a]  case  of  death,  in  the  hands  of  others,  to 
perform  the  same.  But  if  the  offender  be  to  receive  other 
punishment ;  he  will  not  receive  the  same,  but  from  the 
Sachem  himself :  before  whom,  being  naked,  he  kneeleth, 
and  will  not  offer  to  run  away  though  he  beat  him  never 
so  much ;  it  being  a  greater  disparagement  for  a  man 
to  cry  during  the  time  of  his  correction,  than  is  his 
offence  and  punishment. 

As  for  their  apparel,  they  wear  breeches  [leggings'] 
and  stockings  in  one,  like  some  Irish ;  which  is  made  of 
deer  skins;  and  have  shoes  [mocassins]  of  the  same 
leather.  They  wear  also  a  deer  skin  loose  about  them,  like 
a  cloak ;  which  they  will  turn  to  the  weather  [windward] 
side.  In  this  habit  [dress]  they  travel :  but  when  they 
are  at  home,  or  come  to  their  journey's  end,  presently 
[immediately]  they  pull  off  their  breeches,  stockings 


GOV.  E  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    591 

and  shoes;  wring  out  the  water  i£  they  be  wet,  and 
dry  them,  and  rub  or  chafe  the  same.  Though  these 
be  off;  yet  have  they  another  small  garment  that 
covereth  them.  The  men  wear  also,  when  they  go 
abroad  in  cold  weather,  an  otter,  or  fox,  skin  on  their 
right  arm ;  but  only  their  bracer  [turist-giLard]  on  the  left. 

Women,  and  all  of  that  sex,  wear  strings  [of  beads] 
about  their  legs :  which  the  men  never  do. 

The  people  are  very  ingenious  and  observative. 
They  keep  account  of  time  by  the  moon,  and  [by] 
winters  or  summers.  They  know  divers  of  the  stars 
by  name.  In  particular,  they  know  the  North  Star; 
and  call  it  Maske,  which  is  to  say  "  The  Bear."  Also 
they  have  many  names  for  the  winds.  They  will  guess 
very  well  at  the  wind  and  weather  beforehand,  by 
observations  in  the  heavens.  They  report  also,  That  some 
of  them  can  cause  the  wind  to  blow  in  what  part  they  list, 
[and]  can  raise  storms  and  tempests.  Which  they  usually 
do,  when  they  intend  the  death  or  destruction  of  other 
people;  that,  by  reason  of  the  unseasonable  weather, 
they  may  take  advantage  of  their  enemies  in  their 
houses.  At  such  times,  they  perform  their  greatest 
exploits :  and,  in  such  seasons,  when  they  are  at  enmity 
with  any,  they  keep  more  careful  watch  than  at  other  times. 

As  for  the  language,  it  is  very  copious,  large,  and 
difficult.  As  yet  [i.e.  to  the  Wth  Septemnb&r  1623],  we 
cannot  attain  to  any  great  measure  thereof;  but  can 
understand  them,  and  explain  ourselves  to  their 
understanding;  by  the  help  of  those  that  daily 
converse  with  us.  And  though  there  be  [a]  difference, 
in  a  hundred  miles  distance  of  place,  both  in  language 
and  manners:  yet  [it  is]  not  so  much,  but  that  they 
very  well  understand  each  other. 

And  thus  much  of  their  lives  and  manners. 


592    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E 

Instead  of  records  and  chronicles,  they  take  this 
course.  Where  any  remarkable  act  is  done :  in  memory 
of  it,  either  in  the  place  or  by  some  pathway  near 
adjoining,  they  make  a  round  hole  in  the  ground,  about 
a  foot  deep  and  as  much  over:  which,  when  others, 
passing  by,  behold,  they  enquire  the  cause  and  occasion 
of  the  same  ;  which,  being  once  known,  they  are  careful 
to  acquaint  all  men,  as  occasion  serveth,  therewith.  And 
lest  such  holes  should  be  filled,  or  grown  up  [with 
herbage],  by  any  accident;  as  men  pass  by,  they  will 
oft  renew  the  same.  By  which  means,  many  things  of 
great  antiquity  are  fresh  in  memory.  So  that,  as  a 
man  travelleth,  if  he  can  understand  his  guide,  his 
journey  will  be  the  less  tedious,  by  reason  of  the  many 
historical  discourses  [that]  will  be  related  to  him. 

[A  DESCRIPTION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND;    AND   OF  THOSE 
WHO  SHOULD  GO  THERE.] 

In  all  this,  it  may  be  said,  I  have  neither  praised 
nor  dispraised  the  country:  and  since  I  [have]  lived 
so  long  therein,  my  judgement  thereof  will  give  no  less 
satisfaction  to  them  that  know  me,  than  the  Relation  of 
our  proceedings. 

To  which  I  answer,  That  as  in  [the]  one,  so  of  the 
other ;  I  will  speak  as  sparingly  as  I  can :  yet  [I]  will 
make  known  what  I  conceive  thereof. 

And,  first,  for  that  continent  on  which  we  are,  called 
New  England.  Although  it  hath  ever  been  conceived, 
by  the  English,  to  be  a  part  of  that  main  land  adjoining 
to  Virginia:  yet,  by  [the]  relation  of  the  Indians,  it 
should  appear  to  be  otherwise.  For  they  affirm 
confidently,  That  it  is  an  island:  and  that,  either  the 
Dutch  or  [the]  French,  pass  through  [i.e.  along  the 
Hudson  river]  from  sea  to  sea  [the  Atlantic  to  the 


GOT.  E.  wmsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.     593 

river  St  Lawrence]  between  us  and  Virginia ;  and  drive 
a  great  trade  in  the  same.  The  name  of  that  inlet  of 
the  sea,  they  call  Mohegon ;  which  I  take  to  be  the  same 
[as  that]  which  we  call  Hudson's  river:  up  which, 
Master  [HENRY]  HUDSON  went  many  leagues ;  and  for 
want  of  means,  as  I  hear,  left  it  undiscovered. 

For  confirmation  of  this  their  opinion,  [there]  is  thus 
much.  Though  Virginia  be  not  above  150  leagues 
[  —  450  miles]  from  us:  yet  they  never  heard  of 
POWHATAN,  or  knew  that  any  English  were  planted 
in  his  country,  save  only  by  us,  and  TISQUANTUM  who 
went  in  an  English  ship  thither.  And  therefore  it  is 
the  more  probable;  because  the  water  is  not  passable 
for  them,  who  are  [yet]  very  adventurous  in  their  boats. 

Then  for  the  temperature  of  the  air,  in  almost  three 
years'  experience  [9th  November  1620 — I0th  September 
1623],  I  can  scarcely]  distinguish  New  England  from  Old 
England,  in  respect  of  heat  and  cold,  frost,  snow,  rain, 
winds,  &c.  Some  object,  because  our  Plantation  lieth  in 
the  latitude  of  42°  [North] ;  it  must  needs  be  much  hotter. 
I  confess  I  cannot  give  the  reason  of  the  contrary :  only 
experience  teacheth  us,  That  if  it  do  exceed  England,  it  is 
[by]  so  little  as  must  require  better  judgements  to  discern 
it.  And  for  the  winter ;  I  rather  think,  if  there  be  [any] 
difference,  it  is  both  sharper  and  longer  in  New  England 
than  [in]  Old :  and  yet  the  want  of  those  comforts  in 
the  one,  which  I  have  enjoyed  in  the  other,  may  deceive 
my  judgement  also.  But,  in  my  best  observation, 
comparing  our  own  condition  with  the  Relations  of  other 
parts  of  America;  I  cannot  conceive  of  any  to  agree 
better  with  the  constitution  of  the  English :  not  being 
oppressed  with  extremity  of  heat,  nor  nipped  with 
biting  cold;  by  which  means,  blessed  be  GOD,  we  enjoy 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  2  p 


594    Good  News  from  New  England,   GOT.E 

our  health,  notwithstanding  those  "difficulties  we  have 
undergone,  in  such  a  measure  as  would  have  been 
admired  {wondered  at},  if  we  had  lived  in  England,  with 
the  like  means. 

The  day  is  two  hours  longer  than  here,  when  it 
is  at  the  shortest :  and  as  much  shorter  there,  when  it 
is  at  the  longest. 

The  soil  is  variable :  in  some  places,  mould  ;  in 
some,  clay ;  [and]  others,  a  mixed  sand,  &c.  The  chief  est 
grain  is  the  Indian  Mays  [maize]  ,or  Guinea  wheat 
[,  also  called  Turkey  wheat]. 

The  seed  time  beginneth  in  the  midst  of  April,  and 
continueth  good  till  the  midst  of  May.  Our  harvest 
•  beginneth  with  September.  This  corn  increaseth  in 
great  measure ;  but  is  inferior,  in  quantity,  to  the  same 
in  Virginia :  the  reason,  I  conceive,  is  because  Virginia 
is  far  hotter  than  it  is  with  us ;  it  requiring  great  heat 
to  ripen. 

But  whereas  it  is  objected  against  New  England, 
That  corn  will  not  there  grow  except  the  ground  be 
manured  with  fish:  I  answer,  That  where  men  set 
[corn]  with  fish  [i.e.  alewives],  as  with  us,  it  is  more 
easy  so  to  do:  than  to  clear  ground  and  set  without 
[fish]  some  five  or  six  years ;  and  so  begin  anew  [by 
clearing  fresh  ground]  ;  as  in  Virginia,  and  elsewhere. 

Not  but  that,  in  some  places,  where  they  [i.e.  the 
fish  =  alewives]  cannot  be  taken  with  ease,  in  such 
abundance,  the  Indians  set  four  years  together  without 
[fish] ;  and  have  as  good  corn,  or  better,  than  we  have 
that  set  with  them :  though  indeed,  I  think,  if  we 
had  cattle  to  till  the  ground,  it  would  be  more  profitable, 
and  better  agreeable  to  the  soil,  to  sow  wheat,  rye, 
barley,  pease,  and  oats,  than  to  set  mays,  which  our 
Indians  called  Ewachim.  For  we  have  had  experience 


<*ov.  E.  winsiow.    Good  News  from  New  England.    595 


that  they  [wheat,  rye,  &c.]  like  and  thrive  well  [in  the 
ground]:  and  the  other  [maize]  will  not  be  procured 
without  good  labour  and  diligence;  especially  at  seed 
time,  when  it  must  also  be  watched  by  night,  to  keep 
the  wolves  from  the  fish  till  it  be  rotten,  which  will 
be  in  fourteen  days;  yet  men  agreeing  together,  and 
taking  their  turns,  it  is  not  much. 

Much  might  be  spoken  of  the  benefit  that  may 
come  to  such  as  shall  here  plant,  by  trade  [barter] 
with  the  Indians  for  furs;  if  men  take  a  right 
course  for  obtaining  the  same.  For  I  dare  presume, 
upon  that  small  experience  I  have  had,  to  affirm,  that 
the  English,  Dutch,  and  French  return  yearly  many 
thousands  [of]  pounds  [of]  profits  by  trade  only,  from 
that  island  [see  page  593]  on  which  we  are  seated. 

Tobacco  may  be  there  planted:  but  not  with  that 
profit  as  in  some  other  places.  Neither  were  it 
profitable  there  to  follow  it,  though  the  increase  were 
equal;  because  fish  is  a  better  and  richer  commodity, 
and  more  necessary  :  which  may  be,  and  are  there, 
had  in  as  great  abundance  as  in  any  other  part  of 
the  world.  Witness  the  West  Country  Merchants  of 
England  [i.e.  of  Devonshire  and  Cornwall]',  which 
return  incredible  gains  yearly  from  thence.  And 
if  they  can  so  do,  which  here  buy  their  salt  at  a 
great  charge,  and  transport  more  company  to  make 
their  voyage  than  will  [is  necessary  to]  sail  their 
ships:  what  may  the  Planters  expect,  when  once 
they  are  seated,  and  make  the  most  of  their  salt 
there,  and  imploy  themselves  at  least  eight  months 
in  fishing  ?  whereas  the  others  fish  but  four,  and 
have  their  ship  lying  dead  [idle]  in  the  harbour  all 
the  time  :  whereas  such  shipping  as  belong  to  [the] 
Plantations,  may  take  freight  [outwards]  of  passengers 


596    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT. 

or    cattle    thither ;    and    have    their   lading    provided 
[ready]  against  they  come. 

I  confess  [that]  we  have  come  so  far  short  of  the 
means  to  raise  such  returns,  as,  with  great  difficulty, 
we  have  preserved  our  lives:  insomuch  as  when  I 
look  back  upon  our  condition,  and  [our]  weak  means 
to  preserve  the  same,  I  rather  admire  [wonder]  at 
GOD's  mercy  and  Providence  in  our  preservation, 
than  that  no  greater  things  have  been  effected  by  us. 
But  though  our  beginning  hath  been  thus  raw 
[inexperienced],  small,  and  difficult ;  as  thou  hast  seen  : 
yet  the  same  GOD,  that  hath  hitherto  led  us  through 
the  former,  I  hope  will  raise  means  to  accomplish 
the  latter.  Not  that  we  altogether,  or  principally, 
propound  profit  to  be  the  main  end  of  that  we  have 
undertaken;  but  the  glory  of  GOD,  and  the  honour 
of  our  country,  in  the  inlarging  of  His  Majesty's 
dominions.  Yet  wanting  outward  means  to  set  things 
in  that  forwardness  we  desire,  and  to  further  the 
latter  by  the  former;  I  thought  meet  to  offer  both 
to  consideration :  hoping  that  where  religion  and  profit 
jump  together,  which  is  rare,  in  so  honourable  an 
action,  it  will  encourage  every  honest  man,  either  in 
person  or  purse,  to  set  forward  the  same ;  or,  at 
least  wise,  to  commend  the  welfare  thereof,  in  his 
daily  prayers,  to  the  blessing  of  the  blessed  GOD. 

I  will  not  again  speak  of  the  abundance  of  fowl 
[i.e.  wild  fowl],  store  of  venison,  and  variety  of  fish ; 
which  might  incourage  many  to  go  in  their  persons. 
Only  I  advise  all  such  before  hand  to  consider,  That 
as  they  hear  of  countries  that  abound  with  the  good 
creatures  of  GOD;  so  means  must  be  used  for  the 
taking  of  everyone  in  his  kind:  and  therefore  not 
only  to  content  themselves  that  there  is  sufficient ;  but 


GOV.  E.  winsiow.   Good  News  from  New  England.    597 

\ 

to  foresee  how  they  shall  be  able  to  obtain  the  same. 
Otherwise,  as  he  that  walketh  London  streets,  though 
he  be  in  the  midst  of  plenty ;  yet  if  he  want  means, 
is  not  the  better  but  hath  rather  his  sorrow  [is]  increased 
by  the  sight  of  that  he  wanteth,  and  cannot  enjoy. 
So  also  there,  if  thou  want  art  [skill]  and  other 
necessaries  thereunto  belonging;  thou  mayest  see  that 
thou  wantest  and  thy  heart  desireth,  and  yet  be  never 
the  better  for  the  same.  Therefore,  if  thou  see  thine  own 
insufficiency  of  thyself ;  then  join  to  some  others,  where 
thou  mayest  in  some  measure  enjoy  the  same :  otherwise 
assure  thyself,  thou  art  better  where  thou  art ! 

Some  there  be  that,  thinking  altogether  of  their 
present  wants  [that]  they  enjoy  [suffer]  here,  and  not 
dreaming  of  any  there,  through  indiscretion,  plunge 
themselves  into  a  deeper  sea  of  misery.  As  for  example, 
it  may  be  here  [that]  rent  and  firing  are  so  chargeable 
as,  without  great  difficulty,  a  man  cannot  accomplish 
the  same :  never  considering  that,  as  he  shall  have  no 
rent  to  pay,  so  he  must  build  his  house  before  he  have 
it ;  and  perad venture  may,  with  more  ease,  pay  for  his 
fuel  here,  than  cut  and  fetch  it  home  (,  if  he  have  not 
cattle  to  draw  it,)  there ;  though  .there  is  no  scarcity, 
but  rather  too  great  plenty  [of  it]. 

I  write  not  these  things  to  dissuade  any  that  shall 
seriously,  upon  due  examination,  set  for  themselves  to 
further  the  glory  of  GOD  and  the  honour  of  our 
country  in  so  worthy  an  enterprise :  but  rather  to 
discourage  such  as,  with  too  great  lightness,  undertake 
such  courses.  Who  peradventure  strain  themselves  and 
their  friends  for  their  passage  thither;  and  are  no 
sooner  there  than,  seeing  their  foolish  imagination  made 
void,  are  at  their  wit's  end :  and  would  give  ten  times 


598    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOV.  E. 

so  much  for  their  return,  if  they  could  procure  it ;  and 
out  of  such  discontented  passions  and  humours,  spare 
not  to  lay  that  imputation  upon  the  country  and  others, 
which  themselves  deserve. 

As  for  example,  I  have  heard  some  complain  of 
others,  for  their  large  [ample]  reports  of  New  England  : 
and  yet  because  they  must  drink  water,  and  want  many 
delicates  they  here  enjoyed,  could  presently  here  return 
with  their  mouths  full  of  clamours.  And  can  any  be 
so  simple,  as  to  conceive  that  the  fountains  should 
stream  forth  wine  or  beer;  or  the  woods  and  rivers 
be  like  butchers'  shops,  and  fishmongers'  stalls,  where 
they  might  have  things  taken  to  their  hands  ?  If  thou 
canst  not  live  without  such  things  ;  and  hast  no  means 
to  procure  the  one,  and  wilt  not  take  pains  for  the 
other;  nor  hast  ability  [money]  to  employ  others  for 
thee;  rest  where  thou  art!  For  as  a  proud  heart,  a 
dainty  tooth,  a  beggar's  purse,  and  an  idle  hand  be  here 
intolerable :  so  that  person  that  hath  these  qualities 
there,  is  much  more  abominable. 

If,  therefore,  GOD  hath  given  thee  a  heart  to 
undertake  such  courses,  upon  such  grounds  as  bear 
thee  out  in  all  difficulties,  viz.  his  glory  as  a  principal 
[motive];  and  all  other  outward  good  things,  but  as 
accessories ;  which  peradventure  thou  shalt  enjoy,  and 
it  may  be  not:  then  thou  wilt,  with  true  comfort 
and  thankfulness,  receive  the  least  of  his  mercies ; 
whereas,  on  the  contrary,  men  deprive  themselves  of 
much  happiness,  being  senseless  of  greater  blessings  ; 
and,  through  prejudice,  smother  up  the  love  and  bounty 
of  GOD — whose  name  be  ever  glorified  in  us,  and  by 
us,  now  and  evermore.  Amen. 

FINIS, 


A  BRIEF  RELATION  OF  A  CEEDIBLE  INTELLIGENCE 

OF  THE  PRESENT  ESTATE  OF  VIRGINIA. 

r 

JT  the  earnest  entreaty  of  some  of  my  much 
respected  friends;  I  have  added  to  the 
former  Discourse,  a  Kelation  of  such  things 
as  were  credibly  reported  at  Plymouth  in 
New  England,  in  September  [1623]  last  past,  concerning 
the  present  estate  of  Virginia. 

And  because  men  may  doubt,  how  we  should  have 
intelligence  of  these  Affairs,  [it]  being  we  are  so  far 
distant ;  I  will  therefore  satisfy  the  doubtful  therein. 

Captain  FRANCIS  WEST,  being  in  New  England, 
about  the  latter  end  of  May  [1623]  past;  sailed  from 
thence,  to  Virginia,  and  returned  in  August.  In 
September,  the  same  ship  and  company,  being  discharged 
by  him  at  Damarin's  Cove  [The  Damariscove  islands, 
off  the  coast  of  Maine],  came  to  New  Plymouth :  where, 
upon  our  earnest  inquiry  after  the  state  of  Virginia, 
since  that  bloody  slaughter  committed  by  the  Indians 
upon  our  friends  and  countrymen  [on  the  22nd  March 
1622] ;  the  whole  ship's  company  agreed  in  this,  viz. : 

That,  upon  all  occasions,  they  chased  the  Indians  to 
and  fro ;  insomuch  as  they  sued  daily  unto  the  English 
for  peace :  who,  for  the  present,  would  not  admit  of 
any.  That  Sir  GEORGE  YEARDLEY,  &c.  was,  at  that 
present,  employed  upon  service  against  them.  That, 
'amongst  many  others,  OPECHANCANOIJGH,  the  chief 

599 


6oo    Good  News  from  New  England.    GOT.  E. 

Emperor,  was  supposed  to  be  slain.  His  son  also  was 
killed  at  the  same  time. 

And  though,  by  reason  of  these  forenamed  broils, 
in  the  fore  part  of  the  year  [1623],  the  English  had 
undergone  great  want  of  food  :  yet,  through  GOD's 
mercy,  there  never  was  more  show  of  plenty;  having 
as  much,  and  as  good,  corn  on  the  ground  as  ever  they 
had.  Neither  were  the  hopes  of  their  tobacco  crop 
inferior  to  that  of  their  corn.  So  that  the  Planters 
were  never  more  full  of  encouragement. 

Which  I  pray  GOD  long  to  continue ;  and  .  so  to 
direct  both  them  and  us,  as  his  glory  may  be  the 
principal  aim  and  end  of  all  our  actions:  and  that 
for  his  mercy's  sake.  Amen. 


A   POSTCRIPT. 

any  man  desire  a  more  ample  Relation  of 
the  state  of  this  country  before  such  time 
as  this  present  Eelation  taketh  place ;  I  refer 
them  to  the  two  former  printed  books : 
The    one    published    by    the    President    and 
Council   for  New    England   [A    brief  Eelation 
of    the    Discovery    and    Plantation    of     New 
England,  1607  to  1622.    London,  1622,  4],  and 
The    other    gathered    by  the   inhabitants    of 
this    present    Plantation  at  Plymouth  in  New 
England  [i.e.  the  Relation,  or  Journal,  reprinted 
at  pp.  395-505]. 

Both  which  books  are  to  be  sold  by  JOHN  BELLAMY, 
at  his  shop,  at  the  Three  golden  Lions,  in  Cornhill,  near 
the  Royal  Exchange. 


INDEX 


PEINCIPAL  PERSONS,  PLACES,  ETC. 

Societies,  Buildings,  Districts,  Streets  &c.  will  be  found  under  the 
name  of  the  town— as  under  Amsterdam,  Leyden,  London,  Plymouth 
in  N.E..  Scrooby,  &c. 

N.E.=New  England. 


A.,  E.—  see  Aldee,  E. 

A.,H.—  see  Ainsworth, 
Eev.  H. 

Abbadakest,  a  Sachem 
of  Massachusetts 
(ZtosfcwJBay.  [Isthis 
a  variant  spelling  of 
Obtakiest?]257 

Abbot,  George  ;  Abp. 
of  Canterbury,  112, 
114,  126,  278,  283, 
287,  295 

Adams,  John,  385 

Adventurers  (in  and 
about  London)  of 
New  Plymouth  in 
New  England  ;  The 
=The  Associates  of 
John  Peirce,  4,  257- 
261,  304,  311-314, 
320,  321,  322,  333, 
336-338,  344,  353, 
356,  399,  492,  493, 
506-508,  514.  See 
also,  Conditions,  &c., 
The 

A  g  a  w  a  m     (Ipsioich  , 


Agoway  warn  (  Wa  r  e- 
ham,  NJE.),  555 

Agreement  of  Peace 
between  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  and  Massa- 
The  Pilgrim  Fathers, 


soit,  457,  458,  463, 
489,  525,  527 

Ainsworth,  Eev. 
Henry,  31, 104,  107, 
115,  117,  119,  124, 
125,  127,  137,  138, 
172, 176,  186,  247 

Ainsworth's  Church  at 
Amsterdam,  1610- 
1623 ;  The  Eev. 
Henry,  100,  122, 
127,  173,  211,  310, 
314,315.  Also  called, 
The  Ainsworthians 

Ainsworthians  of  the 
English  Protestant 
exiles  atAmsterdam, 
The,  31,  100,  117, 
118, 123, 126 

Alckemade,  Huyck 
van,  156 

Alconbury  Hill,  co. 
Hunts,  72 

Aldee,  Edward;  the 
London  Printer, 
119 

Alden,  John;  the 
Cooper,  356,  362, 369, 
377,  378,  384 

Alden  (previously 
Mullins);  Priscilla, 
Wife  of  John,  362, 
369,  377 

601 


Alderton,  G-oodwife 
—see  Allerton,  M. 

Alderton,  John — see 
Allerton,  J. 

Algrind  —  Edmund 
Spenser's  poetical 
name  for  Abp. 
Edmund  G-rindal,  24 

Allden,  Eobert,  321 

Allerton,  Bartholo 
mew,  362,  367,  379 

Allerton,  Isaac ;  first 
Assistant  of  Ply 
mouth  Colony,  162- 
164,  169,  307-308, 
362,  366,  376,  378 
381,  383,  457,  460, 
519,  522,  534,  560 
562,  563 

Allerton,  John ;  a 
sailor,  377,  379,  427 

Allerton,  (previously 
Norris),  Mary,  first 
Wife  of  Isaac,  162, 
164,  367,  439 

Allerton,  afterwards 
Cushman ;  Mary  [the 
last  survivor  of  those 
who  left  England  in 
the  Mayflower  on  6/16 
September  1620], 
362,  367 

Allerton,     afterwards 

2  Q 


602 


Index. 


Maverick ;  Bemem- 

ber,  362,  367 
All er ton  [sister  to 

Isaac,    376],    after 
wards    Vincent; 

then    Priest ;    and 

finally  G-odbert; 

Sarah,  162-164,  376 
Allerton,  Point; 

Boston  Bay,  483 
All  t  ham,     Captain 

Emmanuel,  257, 258, 

321 
Alnwick,    co.    Nor- 

thmnb.,  71 
Altham,  Emmanuel — 

see  Alltham,  E. 
Althem,    Samuel— see 

Alltham,  E. 
Altum,  Emanuel — see 

Alltham,  E. 
American        Library 

Association,  9 
Ames,  Doctor  William, 

103,   125,  176,  209, 

210,  213,  234,  237, 
245 

Amesius  —  see  Ames, 
Doctor  W. 

Amsterdam,  9,  10,  29, 
31,  42,  70,  95-105, 
107,  110,  113,  115, 
117,  119,  121,  122, 
125,  129,  134-140, 
142,  148,  149,  168, 
172,  186,  202,  210, 

211,  234,  246,   274, 
291,  299,  301,  302, 
310,  314,  315,   323, 
324,  330,  331,  389 

Amsterdam  : 

-  Ancient  exiled 
English  Church 
(1597  - 1610),  The, 
3,  9,  13,  30,  31, 
38,  54,  70,  98,  99, 
101-136,  138,  148. 
277 

Ainsworth's  Church,  ( 
The    Eev.    Henry,  j 


Amsterdam  (cont.) 
(1610-1701),  100, 115, 
122,   125,   127,  211, 
310,  314,  315 
Begyn  Eof,  99 
Brethren  of  the  Se 
paration,    The    An 
cient—see    Ancient 
exiled  English 
Church 

Brethren  of  the  Se 
paration  of  the 
Second  English 
Church,  The  —  see 
Gainsborough 
Church,  The 
Clifton  family  at, 
The,  95-97 
Dutch  Eeformed 
Church,  The,  110, 
128 

English    Congrega 
tion,  (1597-  ?1599), 
That  poor,  98,  99 
Gainsborough 
Church,  (1608-1615), 
The,   100,  121,  131, 
135-137,  140 
Great  Cake  House, 
The,  100, 140 
Helwys's    Company 
(1609-1613),  Master 
Thomas,  100, 137, 140 
Johnson's     Church, 
(1610-1619);     The 
Eev.  Francis,  10, 100, 
115,  117,  277 
Meeting   House    of 
the  Ancient  exiled 
English  Church,  The, 
117,  124,  125,  128 
Mennonite   Church, 
A,  137, 138,  140 
Niewe  Kerk,  140 
Scottish        Presby 
terian  Church,  (1607 
— to     the    present 
day),  The,  99,  186 
Scrooby       Church, 
(1608  - 1609),  The— 


Amsterdam  (cont.) 
see  Pilgrim  Church 
at  Amsterdam,  The 
Smyth's    Company 
(1609-1615),  Master 
John,  100,  137-140  - 
South  Church,  The 
96 

The  Church  at— see 
Johnson's  Church 
The  Eev.  F.  ' 

Writing  Book,  At 
the  Sign  of,  114 
Amsterdam's.  See 
Amsterdam — Ains- 
worth's  Church,  The 
Eev.  H. 

Ancient  Brethren    of 
the  Separation.   See 
Amsterdam  —  An 
cient  exiled  English 
Church  at,  The 
Ancient  exiled  English 
Church  —  see   Am 
sterdam 
Andrews,       Eichard 

321,  356 
Andrews,  Thomas,  321, 

322 

Angoum— see  Agawam 

Anguum  — see  Agawam 

Annable,  Anthony,  388 

Anne    (of   Denmark), 

Queen    Consort    of 

James  I.,  470 

Anthony,     Lawrence, 

321 

Antwerp,  235 
Appaum  —  see    Ply 
mouth  in  3SF.E.,  The 
Town  &c.  of 
Apsley,  Sir  Allen,  393 
Argall,     Sir    Samuel, 
255-258,    261,    289, 
290,  393 

Arkwright,  Eichard,  14 
Armada,  The  Spanish, 

22,23 

Armourer,  Hugh,  99 
Armstrong  (previously 


Index. 


603 


Billington),  Ellen  ; 
wife  of  Gregory, 
371 

Armstrong,  Gregory, 
371 

Arnfield,  Alice,  138 

Articles  of  Agreement 
between  the  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden 
and  the  Adventurers 
(in  and  about  Lon 
don)  of  New  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E.,  The 
— see  Conditions  &c., 
The 

Articles  of  the  Church 
of  England,  (1562); 
The  Thirty -nine,  67, 
280 

Articles  exhibited 
against  Daniel 

Studley,  (1610);  The, 
122 

Articles  at  the  General 
Assembly  at  Perth, 
(1618);  The  Five, 
242 

Articles,  (20  Nov. 
1595) ;  The  Nine 
Lambeth,  5 

Articles  of  Peace  be 
tween  the  Plantation 
or  Colony  of  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E.  and 
Massasoit,  the  Wam- 
panoag  Sagamore  of 
Pokanoket,  (1621)  ; 
457,  458,  463,  489, 
525,  527 

Articles  of  the  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden, 
(1617);  The  Seven, 
4,  280-282,  284 

Articles  [  ?  of  the 
Synod  of  Dort] 
(1618) ;  The  Five,  3, 
130 

Aspinet,  the  Sachem 
of  Nauset,  476,  537- 
539,  574 


Aurelius  Antoninus, 
The  Emperor  Mar 
cus,  150 

Austerfield,  co.  York, 
39,  51,  57-59,  65,  66, 
163 

Austerfield : 
Governor  Bradford's 
cottage,  65 
Church,  The,  65 
Living,  The  Church, 
58 

Azores,  The,  394 

BABINGTQN  Con- 
spiracy,  The,  33 

Bab  worth  Church, 
Hall,  and  Rectory ; 
co.  Notts,  39,  51-53, 
58,  66,  95 

Bahamas,  The,  364 

B  a  i  11  i  e,  Principal 
Eobert,  332 

Baker's  "Wharf, 
Warren,  B.  I.,  N.E., 
468 

Bancroft,  George,  282 

Bancroft,  Eichard ; 
Bp.  of  London,  after 
wards  Abp.  of  Can 
terbury,  3,  106 

Bangs,  Edward,  388 

Barbadoes,  370 

Barbary,  121 

Barbor,  William,  119 

Barclay,  Robert,  140 

Barker,  Christopher, 
76 

Barker,  The  Deputies 
of  Christopher,  95 

Barker,  afterwards 
Winslow;  Elizabeth, 
164,  366 

Barnby  Moor,  co. 
Notts,  66 

Barnes,  John,  106 

Barnstable,  N.E.,  375, 
474,  537,  538,  542- 
544,  555,  574 

BarreU. ,  246 


Barrow,    Henry,    31 

34-37,  103,  104 
Barrowists,  33 
Bartlet,  Eobert,  388 
Barton,  Thomas ;  Cap 
tain  of  the  Fortune 

(16i!L-1622),  506 
Bass,  Edward,  321 
Bass  Eip,  The  ;  Cape 

Cod,  N.E.,  350 
Bassett,     Cecil ;     1st 

Wife  of  William,  164 
Bassett,  Elizabeth;  3rd 

Wife  of  William,  165 
Bassett     (previously 

Oldham),  Margaret ; 

2nd  Wife  of  William, 

164 
Bassett,  William,  164 

165,  385 
Bassite,  William — see 

Bassett,  W. 
Bastwick,  John,   171, 

186-188 
Bastwyck,    Joannes — 

see  Bastwick,  J. 
Batcombe,  co.  Som.,  53 
Bawtry,  co.  York,  57, 

58,  60,  61,  72,  93 
Baxter,  Eev.  Eichard, 

20 
Bay.  This  word  is  of  ten 

used  on  pp.  407-600 

of  this  volume,  in  the 

sense  of  Harbour 
Baylie,  Eobert  —  see 

Baillie,  Principal  E. 
Beale,  William/385 
Beauchamp,  John,  321, 

356 
Beaumaris,  The  Court 

to,  73 

Bebel,  England,  167 
Belford,co.Northumb., 

71 
Bellamy  or  Bellamie, 

John,  133,  395,  509, 

600 

Benet,  Edward ;  a  Bui- 
ing  Elder,  122,  125 


604 


Index. 


Benet,  Sir  John,  230 
Bermuda      Company, 

The,  400 
Bernard,  Bev.  Bichard, 

53-55,  124,  132,  134- 

139 
Bernhere,Bev.Thomas, 

121 

Berry,  Zachariah,  273 
Berwick  on  Tweed,  71, 

74,  75,  84 
Berwick    on    Tweed, 

The  Court  to,  73 
Bevercotes,      Samuel, 

79-81 
Billericay,   co.    Essex, 

308,  355,  368 
Billingsgate       Point, 

Cape  Cod,  N.E.,  428 
Billington,  Ellen ;  Wife 

of  John  sen.,  371 
Billington,  afterwards 
1  Armstrong,     Ellen, 

371 
Billington,       Francis, 

362,372,380,426,442 
Billington   sen,,  John, 

355,  360,  371,  372, 

379,  381,  383,  426 
Billington,  jiw.,  John, 

372,  379,  474-476 
Billington    Sea  —  see 

Plymouth  in  N.E., 

The  Town  &c.  of 
Billinton— see  Billing 
ton 
Biseog  [latinized  Epis- 

eopius],      Professor 

Simon,  153,  179 
Bishop,  Thomas,  119 
Bishops  of  the  Church 

of  England,  The,  35, 

46,  51,  185,  281,  295, 

334 
Bishopsthorpe,         co. 

York,  61 
Blackwell,  Francis;  a 

Buling  Elder,    119, 

125,    126,    277-279, 

290,  291,  302 


B]aden,  William,  509 
Blaxland,     Bev.      G. 

Cuthbert,  326 
Blenheim,  The  Battle 

of,  22 

Blyth,  co.  Notts,  57,  58 

Bompas,  Edward,  385 

Bootes^    Documents, 

/Serials,  <&c. :  See  also 

Articles  and  Points. 

Catch  words  of  Titles 

only. 

Abstract . .  .Virginia 
Co.  (1888);  by  C. 
Bobinson,  250 
Act  to  retain  the 
Queen's  subjects  in 
obedience,  (1593),  3, 
35,36 

Act  of  the  Six 
Articles,  (1539),  35 
Act  of  Supremacy, 
(1559),  25 

Act  of  Uniformity, 
(1559),  25 

Admonition  to  the 
Parliament,  (1572)  ; 
by  Bev.  J.  Field  and 
Bev.  T.  Wilcox,  244, 
245 

Admonition  to  the 
Parliament,  (1572), 
A  Second ;  by  Bev. 
T.  Cartwright,  244, 
245 

Advertisement 
against  T.  Bright- 
man,  (?  1611);  byJ. 
de  L'Ecluse,  114 

Kdvertisements, 
565) ;  by  Abp.  M. 
Parker,  25 
Advert!  se  men  ts, 
(1631);  by  Capt.  J. 
Smith,  321,  325 
Album  Studiosonm, 
(1875);   by  Dr  W. 
1ST.    Du   Bieu,    170, 
171 
Altar  of  Damascus, 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
(1621) ;  by  Bev.  D. 
Calderwood,  195 
Altar e  Damascenum. 
(1623) ;  by  Bev.  D. 
Calderwood,  195, 239 
Ancient  Landmarks 
&c.,  (1883)  ;  by  the 
Hon.  W.  T.  Davis, 
260,  363-377 
Animadversions  &c. 
(1613) ;  by  Bev.  H. 
Ains  worth,  117 
Answer     &c.,     An, 
(1619) ;      by       W. 
Euring,    242,     243, 
245,  282 

Answer  &c.,  An, 
(1609) ;  by  Bev.  J. 
Bobinson,  139 
Antidoton,  (1600); 
by  Bev.  H.  Clap- 
ham,  99 

Antiquities  of  Notts, 
(1677);byB.Thoro- 
ton,  65 

Apologia  justa  <&c., 
(1619) ;  by  Bev.  J. 
Bobinson,  178 
Apology  &c.,  (1625); 
by  Bev.  J.  Bobinson, 
176,  178 

Arrest  Boll  of  the 
city  of  Amsterdam, 
(1606),  119,  120 
Arrow  &c.,  (1618); 
by  Bev.  J.   Paget, 
115,  116,  186 
Baker    Transcripts, 
The,  105 

Bradford  MS.,  The, 
(1630-1650),  1,  46, 
47,  93,  142, 154,  194, 
267,  271,  272,  279, 
291,  296,  307,  319, 
326,  329-331,  333, 
338,  346,  354,  358, 
363,  371,  377,  382, 
392,432,461,464,474 
Brief  Discourse, 


Index. 


605 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
(1575);      by   Dean 
W.  Whittingham,25 ; 
Bright        Morning 
Star,  (1603);  by  Rev. 
J.  Smyth,  133 
British     Itinerary ; 
by  D.  Paterson,  71 
Brownism    &  c., 
(1613);byC.Lawne, 
118 

Certain  Reasons  &c., 
Part  L  (1618) ;  by 
T.  Dighton,  242,  245 
— see  also  Discourse 
Character  &  c., 
(1609) ;  by  Rev.  T. 
Smyth,  138,  139 
Christian  Advertise 
ments  &c.,  (1608);  by 
Rev.  R.  Bernard,  135 
Christian  Plea,  A., 
(1617) ;  by  Rev.  F. 
Johnson,  117,  129 
Chronicles  &c., 
(1841) ;  by  Rev.  A. 
Young,  37,  105,  173, 
175,  350,  351,  356 
Chronological  Hist. 
&c.,  (1736)  ;  by  Rev. 
T.  Prince,  335 
Collections  &c., 
(1854);  by  J.  Hun 
ter,  86 

Colony  Records,  The 
Old,  326,  381-388 
OommentarH       <$e., 
(1617) ;  by  T.  Cart- 
wright,  237,  245 
Common     Apology 
&c.,  A,  (1610) ;    by 
Bp.  J.  Hall,  139 
Confession  of  Faith 
of  the  French  Re 
formed      Churches, 
294,  295 

Confutation  &c., 
(1618) ;  by  Rev.  T. 
Cartwright,  199, 
238,  245 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
C  o  n  g  r  e  g  ationalism 
&c.,  (1880) ;  by  Rev. 
H.   M.   Dexter,  15, 
49,  50,  143,  171 
Contemplative    &c., 
(1609) ;  by  Rev.  R. 
Bernard,  139 
Counterpoison    &c., 
(1608) ;  by  Rev.  H. 
Ainsworth,  137 
Declaration        &c., 
(1574)  ;  by  W.  Tra- 
vers,  28,  244,  245 
DeedPoll&c.,(1622), 
in  favour  of  J.Peirce, 
260,  261 

Defence  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  &c., 
(1609);  by  Rev.  H. 
Ainsworth,  138 
Defence  of  the  Peti 
tion  &c.,  (1618), 
243,  245 

Delices  de  Leidey  Les, 
(1712)  143 
Demonstration  &c., 
A.,  (1588) ;  by  Rev. 
J.  Udall,28 
De  Regimiiie  <£sc.,[2nd 
Edition]  (1619);  by 
Rev.  D.  Calderwood, 
181,  195,  199,  200, 
206,  209,  238,  239, 
245 

Description  &c., 
(1599) ;  by  Rev.  H. 
Clapham,  99 
De  vera . .  Religions, 
(1618);  200,  238, 
245 

Dial  of  Princes,  by 
Bp.  A.  de  Guevara, 
150 

Differences  &c., 
(1608);  by  Rev.  J. 
Smyth,  137, 138 
Discourse  &c.,  Part 
II,  (1619);  by  T. 
Dighton,  243,  245 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 

—  s  ee  Certain 

Reasons 

Discourse    of  some 

Troubles  &c.,  (1603); 

by  G.  Johnson,  108, 

109 

Discovery£c.,(1605); 

by  Rev.  T.  White, 

118-120,  128 

Doctrine  of  Prayer 

&c.,  (1595)  ;  by  Rev. 

J.  Smith  of  Reading, 

132 

Early  Eng.  Baptists, 

(1862);  by   Doctor 

B.  Evans,  138 

Elliott,    Sir  J., 

(1872);  by  J.   For- 

ster,  20 

English     Garner 

(1880),  An  ;  Ed.  by 

Prof.  E.  Arber,  315 

Epistles,  (1608);  by 

Bp.  J.  Hall,  135,  136 

Essex  Dove,  (1623)  ; 

by  Rev.  J.  Smith  of 

Clavering,  132 

First  Dialogue  &c., 

(1648)  ;  by  Gov.  W. 

Bradford,    37,     52, 

173,  175 

Gen.   Hist,   of  the 

Netherlands,  (1608); 
•    by  E.  van  Meteren, 

68  .     - 


147 

Golden  Book  &c., 
by  Bp.  A.  de  Gue 
vara,  150 

Good     News     &c., 
(1624)  ;  by  Gov.  E. 
Winslow:  reprinted 
at  pp.  509-600. 
Gospel  Public  "Wor 
ship,  (1656)  ;  by  T. 
Brewer,  247 
ffabeas  Corpus,  The 
Writ  of,  32 


6o6 


Index, 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
Harl.  MS.,  7042, 
105-107 
Hist,  of  Blyth, 
(1860),  by  Rev.  J. 
Raine,  59 
Hist,  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  (1678) ; 
by  Rev.  D.  Calder- 
wood,  181, 195,  239 
Hist,  of  England, 
(1860) ;  by  Prof.  J. 
A.  Froude,  23,  24,  33 
Hist,  of  England, 
(1884);  by  Dr.  T 
R.  Gardiner,  20 
Hist,  of  the  London 
Virginia  Co.,  (1869); 
by  Rev.  Dr.  E.  D. 
Neill,  251,  253,  254, 
392 

Historical  Maga 
zine,  (1859,  1860), 
146,  155-169,  197, 
203,  205-207,  214, 
221,  236,  273 
Hist,  of  Plymouth 
Plantation,  by  Gov. 
W.  Bradford  — see 
Bradford  MS.,  The 
Hist,  of  the  Post 
Office,  (1893);  byH. 
Joyce,  73 

Hist.oftheProt.Ep. 
Church  in  America, 
(1844);    by  Bp.  S. 
Wilberforce,  47 
Hist,     of    Retford, 
(1828);     by    J.    S. 
Piercey,  52 
Hist,  of  the  Scottish 
Church,  Rotterdam, 
(1833) ;  by  Rev.  W. 
Steven,  99, 100, 145 
Hist,    of    Virginia, 
(1624) ;  by  Capt.  J. 
Smith,  320 
Hist,    of   Virginia, 
(1822) ;  by  J.  Burk, 
250 


Books  &c.  (cont) 
Hist,   of   Worksop, 
(1826) ;  by  J.  Hal- 
land,  53 

Homilies,  The  Two 
Books  of  the,  53 
Hunting  of  the  Eox, 
Part  I.,  (c.  1610) ;  ? 
by  Giles  Thorpe,  9, 
122,  123 

Hypocrisy  un 
masked  &c.,  (1646), 
by  Gov.  E.  Winslow, 
185,  268,  283,  328- 
330,  333 

Indemnifications, 
Register  M.M.  of, 
155 

Inner  Life  &c., 
(1876);  byR.  Bar 
clay,  140 

Inquiry  &c.,  (1606); 
by  Rev.  E.  Johnson, 
119 

Itinerary,  begun 
1538,  by  J.  Leland, 
61 

John  Robinson  &c., 
(1848);  by  Prof. 
Kist,  147 

Justification  &c., 
(1610) ;  by  Rev.  J. 
Robinson,  38,  54, 55, 
68,117,123,124,  139 
Landing  at  Cape 
Anne,  (1854) ;  by  J. 
W.  Thornton,  47 
Lansdowne  MS., 
No.  50  ;  64 
Last  Book  of  Rev. 
J.  Smyth,  (1613), 
140 

Laws     of     Eccles. 
Polity,  (1594-1618); 
by  R.  Hooker,  28 
Letter  Book  of  Gov. 
W.    Bradford,   The 
Official,     46,     321, 
322 
Letters  of  &c.,  the 


"enry 


Books  &e.  (cont.) 
reign  of  HI 
VEIL,  60 
Library  of  New 
England  History, 
Ed.  by  Rev.  H.  M. 
Dexter,  451,  464- 
466,  468,  483 
Life  of  Card.  T. 
Wolsey,  (1825) ;  by 
Gr.  Cavendish,  60 
Life  of  Rev.  D. 
Calderwood,  (1849)  ; 
by  Rev.  T.  Thomson, 
239-242 

Lives  ...  of  the 
Prot.  Bishops  &c., 
(1720)  ;  by  J.  Le. 
Neve,  61-64 
London  Virginia  Co. 
Hist,  of,  (1869) ;  by 
Rev.  Dr.  E.  D, 
Neill,  251,  253, 254 
London  VirginiaCo., 
Short  Collection, 
(1651);byA,Wood- 
noth,  250 

Magnalia  Christi 
&c.,  (1702);  by  Dr. 
C.  Mather,  39-45 
Manuscript  Hist. 
&c.  —  see  Bradford 
MS. 

Mark  of  the  Beast 
&c. — see  Character 
Massachusetts   His 
torical  Society's  Col 
lections,  46,  322 
Mwyjfow&r    Essays ; 
by  Rev.  G.  C.  Blax- 
land,  326 

Memoirs  of  the  Pil 
grims    &c.,  (1846); 
by  G.  Summer,  146 
Midsummer's  Night 
Dream,  A ;  by  "W. 
Shakespeare,  50 
Mill  on  the  Moss; 
by^G.  Eliot,  66 
Minutes  of    the 


Index. 


607 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
Council     for    New 
England,    255-261, 
393 

Mourt's       Relation 
<&c.,  G,  (1622)  ;  326, 
359,  600  ;    and   re 
printed,  at  395-505 
Narrative  . . .  Hist. 
&c.,  (1886);  by  Prof. 
J.  Winsor,  47 
Wederlansck  ArcMef 
&c.  (1848),  146 
New  England's 
Memorial,  (1669);  by 
N.  Morton,  48,  326, 
378, 390 

New   England's 
Trials,    (1622);    by 
Capt.  J.  Smith,  340, 
347,  506,  508 
New      York    His 
torical  Society'sPub- 
lications,  282 
Oaths : 

Etcetera  Oath,  32 
Ex  Offido  Oath,32 
Oath  of  Allegiance, 
294,  295 

Oath     of    Supre 
macy,  294,  295 
Observations       &c., 
(1625) ;  by  Eev.  J. 
Robinson,  101 
Parallels  &c.,  (1609); 
by  Rev.  J.  Smyth, 
136,  138 

Patent  for  the  Coun 
cil  for  New  England, 
(1620),  304 
Patent  for  Plymouth 
Colony,  (1619),  253 
Patent  for  Plymouth 
Colony,  (1620),  253, 
254 

Patent  for  Plymouth 
Colony,  (1621),  254, 
259-261 

Patent  f  orPlvmouth 
Colony,  (1630),  43 


Books  &c.  (cont.)  ' 

Pattern  of  true 
Prayer,  (1605)  ;  by 
Rev.  J.  Smyth,  while 
a  Conformist  at 
Lincoln,  133,  134 
People3sPlea,(1618); 
by  Rev.  J.  Robinson, 
242,  245 

Perth  Assembly, 
(1619) ;  by  Rev.  D. 
Calderwood,  181, 
195,  196,  198,  199, 
206,  209,  238-242, 
245 

Philosophical 
Transactions,  14 
Placaat  \=Edict\  of 
the  States  General 
of  Holland,  198,  203, 
209,  232,  233,  235 
Plain  Evidences  &c., 
(1610);  by  Rev.  R. 
Bernard,  139 
Plain       Refutation 
&e.,  (1591) ;  by  H. 
Barrow    and   J. 
Greenwood,        103, 
104 

Plea  &c.,  (1609) ;  by 
Rev.  R.  Clyfton,  139 
Pocket  Book  of  Gov. 
W.  Bradford,  46 
Principles   &c., 
(1608) ;    by  Rev.  J 
Smyth,  136 
Profane  Schism  &c., 
(1612);byaLawne 
&c.,    103,     110-115, 
122,  124-128 
Protocollenvan  Waer- 
brieoen,  155 
Reason   of    Church 
&c.,   (1641);   by  J. 
Milton,  21 
Recantation        &c., 
(1606) ;  by  P.  Fair- 
lambe,  121 
Records      of      the 
Colony  of  New  Ply- 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
mouth,     326,    381- 
388 

Relation  or  Journal 
— see  Mourt,  G. 
Relation     of  ... 
Religion,  (1605) ;  by 
Sir  E.Sandys,  16 
Religious    Com 
munion,  (1614) ;  by 
Rev.   J.    Robinson, 
103 

Repertorium  &c., 
(1710) ;  by  R,  New- 
court,  282 

Rescriptio  contract®, 
(1617) ;  by  Dr.  W. 
Ames,  237,  245 
Retractation       &c., 
(?  1613) ;  by  Rev.  J. 
Smyth,  140 
Sermon  &c.,  (1608); 
by  Rev.    W.    Cra- 
shaw,  135 

Shield   &c.,  (1612); 
by    J.  Fowler  &c., 
113-115, 123 
Short  Treatise  &c.» 
(1611) ;  by  Rev.  F. 
Johnson,  125 
Speech,  on  the  scaf 
fold,  of  Charles  I, 
(1649),  17 
Statutes  &c.,  36 
Substance   ...  of 
Prayer ;  by  Rev.  J. 
Smith  of  Clavering, 
132 

Survey  &c.,  (1593); 
by  Abp.R.  Bancroft, 
105, 106 

Ten  Counter  &e.,  (c. 
1618);  by  Rev.  T. 
Drakes,  242,  282 
Transcript  &c.,  A., 
(1876) ;  by  Prof.  E. 
Arber,  20, 112,  118, 
119,   121,  133,  135, 
139 
Transport     Brief, 


6o8 


Index. 


Books  &c.  (cont.) 
(1611),  A ;  for  Eev. 
J.  Eobinson,  155 
True  Story  &a,  The, 
(1881) ;  by  Rev.  H. 
M.  Dexter,  131, 137, 
138,  140 

True  Travels  of  Capt. 
J.Smith,The,(1629); 
324 

Unreasonableness 
Ac.,  (1614);  by  W. 
Bradshaw,  125 
Utopia,  (1514);  by 
Sir  T.  More,  251 
Utter  Eouting  &c., 
(1646) ;  by  J.  Bast- 
wick,  188 

Voyages  &c.  (1599- 
1600);  by  Eev.  E. 
Hakluyt,  107 
Warrant  for  Council 
for  New  England, 
(1620);  304 

Boroughbridge,  co. 
York,  72 

Boston,  co.  Line.,  41, 
58,  86,  88,  89,  93, 
191,  302 

Boston,  N.E.  (Shaw- 
wwf),  46, 47, 131, 146, 
155,  159,  160,  191, 
197,  203,  205-207, 
214,  221,  236,  273, 
363,  374,  381,  483 

Boston,  1ST.E. : 
Massachusetts  His 
torical   Society,  46, 
321,  322 

Old  South  Church, 
The,  47 

Old  South  Tower, 
The,  47 

Prince  Library,  The; 
in  the  Steeple  Cham 
ber  of  the  Old  South 
Church,  47 

Boston  Bay,  The  inner 
[Its  first  name  was 
Massachusets  (spelt 


with  one  t)  Bay.],  10, 
257,  483-486,  500, 
521,  523,  526,  532, 
536.  See  also  Wes- 


Boston  Bay  Indians, 
The,  257,  483-486, 
533,  544,  555,  560, 
561,  563,  572 

Bourchier,  2nd  Lord 
Berners ;  John,  150 

Bourchier,  Sir  John, 
257 

Bowman,  Christopher  ; 
a  Deacon,  afterwards 
a  Euling  Elder,  105- 
109,  119,  120,  125 

Boys,  Edward,  106, 
107,  109. 

Boys,  Thomasine,  "Wife 
of  Edward,  107, 109 

Boys,  afterwards  John 
son  ;  Thomasin  e,  1 07, 
109 

Bradford  (previously 
Carpenter,  then 
Southworth),  Alice  ; 
second  Wife  of  Gov. 
W.,  46, 163, 273,  387 

Bradford  (previously 
May),  Dorothy;  first 
Wife  of  Gov.  W., 
42,  163,  366 

Bradford,  William. 
His  personal  char 
acter  and  career, 
39-45,  51,  52,  65,  66, 
90,  91,  163, 164,  168, 
169,  273,  275,  307, 
308,  362,  366,  378, 
383,  411,  416,  427, 
432,  443,  446 

Bradford,  as  Governor; 
William,  4,  30,  42, 
43, 46, 158,  163,  381, 
382,  462,  489,  492, 
507,  508,  515,  518- 
520,  522,  533-538, 
540-542,  547,  550, 
556,  558-562 


Bradford,  as  a  Writer; 
William,  2, 3,  36,  37, 
46,  48,  52-54,  67-70, 
87-93,  100,  101,  103, 
104,  105,  108,  124, 
126,  141,  142,  148- 
154,  167,  172-175, 
189-194,  196,  264- 
272,  277-279,  284- 
291,  293-296,  301- 
319,  328-331,  334- 
354,  356,  358-375, 
381,  382,  390,  391, 
392,  427-435,  464, 
474 

Bradshaw,  William, 
125 

Braeber,  Thomas  — 
see  Brewer,  T. 

Bray,  Eev.  Oliver,  53 

Bretagne,  506 

Brethren  of  the  Se 
paration  of  the 
Second  English 
Church  at  Amster 
dam,  136 

Brewer  the  Printer — 
see  Brewer,  T. 

Brewer,  Thomas,  4, 
167,  170,  171,  195- 
247,  318,  321 

Brewster,  Fear,  387 

Brewster,  Jonathan, 
385 

Brewster,  Love,  365, 
379 

Brewster,  Mary,  Wife 
of  William,  365 

Brewster,  Patience, 
387 

Brewster,  Eobertus, 
171 

Brewster,  William. 
His  personal  char 
acter  and  career,  65, 
142,  167,  189-194, 
197,  284,  289-291, 
318,  334,  365,  366, 
378,  381,  383 

Brewster,       William, 


Index. 


609 


Post  Master  at 
Scrooby,  3,  53,  54, 
65, 73, 79-86, 190, 284 

Brewster,  William,  as 
a  religious  worker 
at  Scrooby,  and  at 
Amsterdam ;  and  as 
Bulmg  Elder  at 
Leyden,  and  at  Fly- 
month  in  New  Eng 
land,  4,  29,  51,  53, 

-  58,  69,  97,  117,  142, 
149,  173,  185,  191- 
194,  263,  264,  268, 
280,  281,  284-286, 
293-295,  327,  328 

Brewster,  William,  as 
Agent  in  England, 
for  the  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden, 
65,  284,  288-291, 
327 

Brewster,  William,  as 
secret  Printer  at 
Leyden,  4,  19,  181, 
192,  195-247,  334 

Brewster's  eldest  son, 
William,  365 

Brewster's  father,  the 
Post  Master  at 
Scrooby  before  him ; 
William,  50,  79-83 

Brewster's  grand 
father,  William,  50 

Brewster's  mother, 
William,  81 

Brewster,  Wrastle,  or 
Wrestling,  365,  379 

BrieUe,  189 

Brigges,  Clement,  385 

Briggs,  Joan,  138 

Brightman,  Thomas, 
113 

Bristol,  co.  Som.,  23 

Bristol,  Maine,  451 

Bristol,  Ehode  Island, 
468 

Brittany,  506 

Britteridge,  Eichard, 
376,  379 


Bromhead,       Ann; 

2  Wife  of  Hngo,  138 
Bromhead,  Hugo,  138 
Bromley,  Sir  Thomas ; 

Lord  Chancellor,  76 
Brouckhoven,  Jacob 

von,  203,  204,  208, 

209,  211,  215 
Browne,    Peter,    376, 

379,  381,  383,  443- 

446 
Browne,  the  Brownist ; 

Eev.  Robert,  31,  38, 

108,  137 

Browning,  Henry,  321 
Brownism,   118,    119, 

135 
Brownists,  33,  35,  38, 

112-116,    120,     129, 

158,   183,   198,  204, 

208,   211,  222,  228, 

243,  246,  323,  324 
Brownist    Church   at 

Leyden,   The  —  see 

Pilgrim    Church  at 

Leyden,  The 
Brownist      Congrega 
tion  at  Leyden,  The 

— see  Pilgrim  Church 

at  Leyden,  The 
Buckett,  Mary,  388 
Buckrum    (previously 

Neal),      Elizabeth ; 

WifeofWilliam,164, 

168 
Buckrum,       William, 

167,  273 
Bulward,  Eobert,  113- 

116, 119 

Burcher,  Edward,  386 
Burk,  John,  250 
Burntisland,  240 
Burre,Walter,  112, 118 
Burton,  Henry,  186 
Bury  St  Edmunds,  275 
Butler,  Mary,  164 
Butler,  Samuel,  273 
Butten,    William,  46, 

350,  358,   360,  361, 

367,  379 


Butterfield,    Stephen, 

273 
Buzzard's  Bay,  540 

C.    H. — see  Clapham, 

Eev.  Henoch 
C.  E. — see   Cushman, 

Eobert 
Caen,  274 
Calderwood,  Eev. 

David  ;  the  Church 

Historian    of   Scot 
land,    180-182,  195, 

197,  238-242,  245 
Calvin,  Jean,  176,  183 
Cambridge,  The  Uni 
versity  of,    17,    23, 

50,    51,  53-55,    131, 

189, 217 
Cambridge ; 

Christ's  College,  131, 

132 

Emmanuel   College, 

133 

Peterhouse  College, 

189 

Trinity  College,  25, 

108 

University      Press, 

The,  18,  133 
Cambridge,  N.E.,  47, 

48 
Canacum — see  Cawna- 

corne 
Canada  (New  France), 

297,  323 
Canada,  Bay  of  —  see 

St  Lawrence,   Gulf 

of 

Canadyne,  Thomas,  138 
Cananacus — see    Can- 

onicus 
Canauacus — see  Can- 

onicus 
Canne,  the  Elder,  The 

Eev.  John,  100  1^; 
Cannon,  John,  385  |i:. 
Canonicus,  Sagamore 

of  the  Narragansett 

Indians    of    Ehode 


6io 


Index. 


Island,  517,  518, 520, 
587 

Canterbury,  Abp.  of 
— see  Grindal,  E. 

Canterbury,  Abp.  of 
— see  Laud,  W. 

Canterbury,  Abp.  of 
—  see  Parker,  M. 

Canterbury,  Abp.  of— 
see  Temple,  F. 

Canterbury,  Abp.  of — 
see  Whitgift,  J. 

Canterbury,  as  Licen 
ser  of  Books ;  The 
Abp.  of,  19 

Canterbury,  co,  Kent, 
165,  289 

Capawack,  The  isle 
of,  now  Martha's 
Tineyard,  490, 
555 

Cape  Cod  (called  by 
Captain  John  Smith, 
Cape  James)  301, 
324,  325,  332,  350, 
351,  393,  407,  409, 
423,  424,  426-428, 
435,  436,  439,  441, 
451,  463,  491,  534, 
545,546.  Also  called 
Pamet. 

Cape  Cod,  Shipwrecked 
Frenchmen  at,  414, 
421,  451 

Cape  Cod,  The  shoals 
of,  392,  535.  See  also 
Pollock  Kip,  The 

Cape  Cod,  Trade  and 
Discovery  to  the 
southward  of,  534, 
535,  580 

Cape  Cod  Bay,  407, 
464,  491,  500,  537, 
540,  560 

Cape  Cod  Harbour 
(Provincetmvn  Har 
bour),  42,  163,  301, 
358,  364,  366,  369, 
370,  374,  378,  390, 
407,  408,  410,  411, 


416-418,  423,  427, 
435,  436. 

Cape  James-— see  Cape 
Cod 

Carey,  1st  Lord  Huns- 
don  ;  Henry,  76 

Carey,  afterwards 
Jenney ;  Sarah,  165 

Carleton,  the  Ambas 
sador — see  Carleton, 
Sir  D. 

Carleton,  afterwards 
Viscount  Dor 
chester  ;  Sir  Dudley, 
7,  129,  196-202,  204- 
239,  298-300,  390, 
394 

Carleton,  Lady,  225, 
227 

Carlisle,  co.  Cumb.,  72 

Carpenter,  after 
wards  Fuller ;  Agnes, 
163,  164 

Carpenter,  Alexander, 
163,  165,  273 

Carpenter,  afterwards 
Southworth ;  and 
later  Bradford; 
Alice,  46,  163,  165, 
273,  387 

Carpenter,  Anna  —  a 
mistake  for  Carpen 
ter,  Agnes ;  which 
see 

Carpenter,  Dillen,  162 

Carpenter,  afterwards 
Morton ;  Julia  Ann, 
165,  273 

Carter,  Robert,  369, 
380 

Cartwright,  the 
Apostle  of  the  "Holy 
Discipline  "  ;  Rev. 
Thomas,  25,  31,  199, 
237,  238,  244,  245 

Carver,  Catharine  or 
Katharine ;  Wife  of 
John,  165,  361,  364 

Carver,  John,  a  Deacon 
of  the  Pilgrim 


Church ;  and  the 
first  Governor  of 
Plymouth  Colony, 
46,  165,  168,  173, 
268,  275,  278,  285, 
300,  303,  355,  361, 
364,  378,  416,  427, 
442,  444,  446,  450, 
456,  457,  460,  461 

Carver,  John,  as  Agent 
in  England,  for  the 
Pilgrim  Church  at 
Leyden,  268,  282, 
284,  285,  303,  304, 
307-319,  335,  337 

Cathkin,   James,  181, 

196,  240-242 
Caunbatant,  a  Sachem, 

a  subject  of  Massa- 
soit,  living  at  Mata- 
puyst  and  Nama- 
schet,  479-482,  523, 
547-549,  556  -  558, 
562 

Cavendish,  George,  60 
Cavendish,  Henry,    14 
Cavendish,  1st  Earl  of 
Devonshire ; 
William,  249     " 
Cawnacome,     Sachem 
of  Manomet  (Sand 
wich),  541,  542,  544, 
574 

Caxton,  co.  Camb.,  72 
Cecil,    1st    Lord 
Burlegh ;      William, 

34,  64,  65,  76 
Cera,  The  Marquis  de, 

506-508 

Chaderton,  Eev.  Laur 
ence,  244,  245 
Chamberlain,      John, 

394 

Chandler,  Roger,  273 
Charles  I.,  King,   17, 

197,  248,       252, 
323 

Charles,  afterwards 
Ferrier  ;  Mildreth, 
274 


Index. 


611 


Charles  river,  N.E. ; 
The,  486 

Charlestown,  Boston 
Bay,  N.E.,  484 

Chartley  Manor 
House,  co.  Staffs.,  33 

Chatham,  Cape  Cod, 
N.E.,  476,  535,  536, 
541 

Chatham,  co.  Kent, 
49,  258 

Chatsum,  164 

Chesapeake  Bay,  290 

Chester,  England,  164 

Chester,  Eev,  Eichard, 
52 

Chilton,  James,  374, 
379 

Chilfcon,  ?  ;  "Wife  of 
James,  374 

Chilton,  afterwards 
Winslo  w ;  Mary,  362, 
374,  384 

Chingleton  (?  Single 
ton),  afterwards 
Cushman ;  Mary, 
165 

Chingleton  (?  Single 
ton),  Thomas,  165 

Chudley,  Captain,  393 

Church  at  Leyden, 
The  —  see  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden, 
The, 

Cinque  Ports,  The, 
75 

Clapham,  Rev. 
Henoch,  98,  99 

Clark's  Island  in  Ply 
mouth  harbour  in 
N.E.  [It  was  named 
from  John  Clarke, 
the  Pilot],  435-438, 
445,  447 

Clarke,  John,  107 

Clarke,  the  Pilot ; 
John,  254,  316,  427 

Clarke,  Eichard,  376, 
379 

Clarke,  Thomas,  388 


Clavering,    co.  Essex, 

132 
Clemens,       Anthony 

165,  273 
Clifford,  3rd  Earl  of, 

Cumberland; 

George,  37 
Clifton,    the   spelling 

of  the  names  in  the 

Family  Bible  of  the 

relatives  of  the  Eev. 

Eichard  Clyfton,  95- 

97 
Clifton,  Ann  ;  Wife  of 

the   Eector  of  Bab- 
worth— see  Clyfton, 

A. 

Clifton,  Ann,  95 
Clifton,  Dorothy,  95 
Clifton,  Edward,  95 
Clifton,    Eleazar   (1), 

52,  95,  96 
Clifton,    Eleazar    (2), 

96,97 

Clifton,  Elinor,  95 
Clifton  (previously 

Wayt),      Elizabeth 

(1)  ;  second  Wife  of 

Zachary  (1),  96,  97 
Clifton,  Elizabeth  (2), 

96 
Clifton,  Elizabeth  (3), 

96 
Clifton,  Elizabeth  (4), 

96 

Clifton,  Hanna  (1),  95 
Clifton,  Hanna  (2),  96, 

97 

Clifton,  Israel  (1),  96 
Clifton,  Israel  (2),  96 
Clifton,  Jane  (1),  95 
Clifton,  Jane  (2),  95 
Clifton,  John,  95 
Clifton,  Martha,  96 
Clifton,  Mary  (1),  95 
Clifton       (previously 

Hopps),   Mary  (2); 

first  Wife  of  Zach- 

ary  (1),  96 
Clifton,  Mary  (3),  96 


Clifton,  Priscilla,  95 
Clifton,  Eichard  (1)~- 
see  Clyfton,  Eev.  E. 
Clifton,  Eichard  (2),  96 
Clifton,  Steven,  95 
Clifton,     Thomas; 
father  of  the  Eev. 
E.  Clyfton,  95 
Clifton,  Timothy,  95 
Clifton,  William,  95 
Clifton,   Zachary  (1) ; 
eldest  son  of  Eev.  E. 
Clyfton,  3,  95-97 
Clifton,  Zachary  (2),  96 
Clifton,  Zachary  (3),  96 
Clinton,  alias  Fiennes; 
1st  Earl  of  Lincoln; 
Edward  de,  76 
Clinton,  alias  Fiennes; 
Countess    Dowager 
of   Lincoln ;  Eliza 
beth  de,  291 
Clinton,  alias  Fiennes, 
4th  Earl  of  Lincoln  ; 
Theophilus,  253 
Cluverius,  Philip,  216, 

217 

Cluverus  —  see     Clu 
verius,  orCluvier,  P. 
Cluvier,Philip,216,217 
Clyfton      (previously 
Stuffen),  Anne;  Wife 
of  the  Eev.  Eichard, 
95,  96 

Clyfton,  Eev.  Eichard, 
3,  29,  31,  39,  51-54, 
66,   69,   95-97,   116, 
117,  125, 138,  139 
Cochin,  India,  22 
Cocky,  Thomas;  aPro- 

S'let  of  the  "Holy 
iscipline  *  ;  108, 
126, 127 

Codmore,  John,  273 

Colchester,  co.  Essex, 
273,  274 

Cold  Harbour,  Cape 
Cod,  N.E.— see  Pa- 
met  river 

Collier,  William,  321 


6l2 


Index. 


Coll  logwood,  Edward ; 
Secretary  of  the 
London  Virginia 
Company,  251 

Collins, ;  a  Se 
paratist,  106 

Colony  in  the  North 
ern  Parts  of  Vir 
ginia — see  Plymouth 
in  N.E.,  The  Plan 
tation  or  Colony  of 

Colony,  The  Old  — see 
Plymouth  in  N.E., 
The  Plantation  or 
Colony  of 

Common  Stock  —  see 
Joint  Stock 

Compact,  The,  358, 360, 
378-380,  409,  410 

Company  [at  Ply 
mouth,  N.E.],  The 
=  The  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  335,  338, 
339,  371,  377,  480 

Conanacus  —  see  Can- 
onicus 

Conbatant— see  Caun- 
batant 

Conditions,  or  Articles 
of  Agreement  as  to 
a  Joint  Stock  and 
Partnership,  for 
Seven  Years,  be 
tween  the  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden 
and  the  Adventur 
ers;  TliQ,  303-308, 
311-315,  317-319, 
,  335-338,  344,  See 
also,  Joint  Stock, 
The, 

Conditions  of  Peace 
between  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  at  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E.,  and 
Massasoit;The,457, 
458,  463,  489,  525, 
527 

Congregation  at  Ley- 
den,  The— -see  Pil 


grim  Church  at  Ley- 
den,  The 

Connant,  Christopher, 
386 

Conner,  William,  385 

Cooke,  Damaris;  Wife 
of  Jacob,  370 

Cooke,  Francis,  180, 
360,  362,  373,  378, 
381,  383,  386 
448 

Cooke,  a  Walloon ; 
Hester,  Wife  of 
"Francis,  180 

Cooke,  Jacob,  370 

Cooke,  John,  362,  373, 
380 

Cooke,  Lord,  278 

Cookridge,  co. York,  96 

Cooper,  Humility,  372, 
384 

Copernicus,  Nicolaus, 
13 

Coppin,  Robert ;  "  our 
Pilot "  on  board  the 
Mayflower,  425,  427, 
434,  435 

Corbitant— see  Caun- 
batant 

Cornhill  [=Hopkins3s 
Cliff],  Cape  Cod, 
N.E.,  414,  419,  430, 
463,  469,  476,  491 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  134 

Coubatant — see  Caun- 
batant 

Council  for  New  Eng 
land  —  see  next 
article 

Council  for  the  Affairs 
of  New  England  in 
America,  The  Presi 
dent  and,  252,  254- 
261,  304,  393,  397, 
560,  561,  600 

Covenant  of  Peace  be 
tween  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  at  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E.,  and 
Massasoyt  (1621) ; 


The,  457,  458,  463, 
489,  525,  527 

Coventry,  Thomas,  321 

Coventry,  Sir  Thomas. 
303 

Crabe,  Rev. ,  310 

Crackston,  afterwards 
Smith ;  Anna,  275 

Crackston  sen.,  John, 
275,  367,  379,  384 

Crackston  jun.9  John, 
368,  379 

Crakston — see  Crack 
ston 

Cranstoun,  Lady,  240 

Cranstoun,  near  Edin 
burgh,  239 

Crashaw,  Rev.  Wil 
liam,  135,  137 

Crewe,  Lord,  59 

Cromford,  co.  Derby, 
14 

Cronstedt,  Axel  Frede 
rick,  14 

Crottendine,  Abra 
ham,  99 

Crullins  (previously 
Pettinger)  ;  Doro 
thy  ;  Wife  of  Henry, 
168 

Crullins,  Henry,  168 

Crumpe, ,  246 

Cullens  [?  Crullins], 
Henry,  274 

Cummaquid  (Barns- 
table  harbour.,  N.E.\ 
474,  475-479,  500, 
537,  538,  542-544 

Cushman  (previously 
Chingleton)  Mary  ; 
2nd  Wife  of  Robert, 
165 

Cushman  (previously 
Allerton) ;  Mary, 
Wife  of  Thomas, 
362,  367 

Cushman,  Robert.  His 
personal  character 
and  career,  46,  165, 
278,  289,  342-346, 


Index. 


613 


355,  383,  500,  SOB- 
SOS 

Bushman,  Eobert ;  as 
Agent  in  England 
for  the  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden, 
268,  282,  284,  285, 
288-291,  303,  305, 
307-318,  327,  335, 
337,  389 

Oushman,  Eobert ;  as 
a  Writer,  2,  46,  249, 
279,  288-291,  309- 
317,  327,  342-345, 
346,  495-505 

Cushman,  Sarah ;  1st 
Wife  of  Eobert,  165, 

Cushman,  Thomas,  367, 
385 

Cuthbertson,  Cuth- 
bert,  a  corruption  of 
Godbertson,  G.,  179, 
388 

D.  I. — see  Dawson,  J. 

Daguerre,  Louis,  14 

Damarin's  Cove  —  see 
"Damariseove 
Islands 

Damariseove  Islands, 
near  Mohegan, 
Maine,  529,  599 

Danvers,  Sir  John,  251 

Darlington,  co.  Dur 
ham,  72 

Darnton — see  Darling 
ton 

Dartmouth,  co.  Devon, 
46,  339,  842-346 

Dartmouth,  N.E.,  373 

Davis,  The  Hon.  W. 
T.,  260,  363-377, 383, 
384,  386,  388 

Davison,  William ; 
sometime  a  Secre 
tary  of  State  to 
Queen  Elizabeth, 
and  the  patron  of 
William  Brewster, 
79-84, 189,  190 


Dawson,    John ;     the 

Printer,  133,  509 
Deaconesses,    or 

Widows,  or  Helpers, 

31,  108,  172 
Dean,  Steven,  385 
Delano,  Philip — see  La 

Noye,  P.  de 
Delfshaven,   196,  304, 

307,   330-332,    334, 

389 
Dermer,  Capt.  Thomas, 

451 
Devereux,     Earl     of 

Leicester  ;    Eobert, 

76, 189 
Dexter,   Eev.   Doctor 

H.  Martyn,  9, 12-15, 

49,108,109,131,132, 

137,   138,   140,  143, 

171,  244,  451,  464- 

466,  468,  483 
Dexter   Collection    of 

Books  in  the  Library 

of  Yale  University, 

New  Haven,  Conn. ; 

The,  244 
Deyman,  Pieter  Aren- 

tszoon,  156 
Dickens,  Betteris,  138 
Dickens,  Mary,  138 
Didoclavius,  Edwardus 

—  see    Calderwood, 

Eev.  D. 

Diggens,  Jane,  162 
Dighton,  Thomas,  242, 

243,245    - 
Dingby,      afterwards 

Fletcher;  Sarah,  164 
Dingby,  William,  164 
Dirston,  the  Post 

\Kmffs    Messenger] ; 

William,  230 
Discovery,  The  First, 

410-417 
Discovery,  The  Second, 

417-424 
Discovery,  The  Third, 

426-435 
Dix,  Anthony,  388    * 


Dolphine,  Thomas,  138 
Doneaster,   co.  York, 

58,  72,  80 
Dort    or    Dordrecht, 

125, 130,  144,  224 
Dotey,  Edward,   362, 

371,  379,  427 
Doty,     Edward  —  see 

Dotey,  E. 
Dover,  co.  Kent,  75, 

165,  274 

Dover,  The  Court  to,  73 
Dovercourt,  co.  Essex, 

242,  282 
Drakes,  Eev.  Thomas, 

242,  282 
Drax,   Eev.    Thomas, 

242,  282 
Drurie,  Eev.  Eobert, 

145, 146, 170,  171 
Dublin,  18 

Du  Fay,  Charles  Fran 
cois,  14 
Du  Jon   the     Elder, 

Francois,  13 
"Dukeries,"co.  Notts; 

The,  53 
Durseus,    Eobertus  — 

see  Drurie,  Eev.  E. 
Durham,  72 
Durham : 

The  Prison  at,  109 
Du  Eieu,  Doctor  W. 

N.,  170 

Dutch   New   Nether- 
land  Company,  The, 

4,  292,  296,  303,  317, 

333,  389 
Dutch  Eeformed 

Church,    The,    110, 

176, 179,  180 
Dutch     West     India 

Company,  The,  298 
Button,  Sir   Thomas, 

215 
Duxbury,    N.E.,    365, 

366,  368,  369,  372, 

377 
Duxbury,  N.E. ;    The 

Church  at,  180 


6i6 


Index. 


Greenwood,  John,  34, 
35,  37,  103-107 

Greville,  1st  Lord 
Brooke ;  Fulke,  296 

Grevinchovius,  Niko- 
laas,  209,  237,  245 

Grlmsby  —  see  Great 
Grimsby 

Grimstone,  Edward ; 
Serjeant  at  Arras  to 
the  House  of  Com 
mons,  68 

Grindal,  Edmund; 
Abp.  of  Canterbury, 
24 

Grindal,  John,  138 

Grindal,  Mary ;  1  the 
Wife  of  John,  138 

Gringley  on  the  Hill, 
co.  Notts,  58 

Grynwich  (previously 
Robinson) ;  Bridget, 
Wife  of  John,  160 

Grynwich,  John,  160 

Gudburn,  Peter,  321 

Guevara,  Antonio  de ; 
Bp.  of  Mondonedo, 
150 

Guiana,  271,  304 

Guise,  the  House  of,  24 

H.,  Master,  54 
EL,  Sir  P.,  246 
H.  K. — see  Harrison,R 
H.  and  D.  in  Essex, 

242 
Habbamock— see  Ho- 

bornock 
Hagse  Comitum  —  see 

Hague,  The 
Hague,    The,  8,    146, 

170,    198-202,    204- 

206,    208-210,    215, 

219,  220,  223,  224, 

228,    230-235,    239, 

298,  300,  389. 
Hakluyt,     Rev.      R, 

107 
Hall,  Francis ;  the  Post 

Master  at   Scrooby 


after  W.  Brewster, 

86 
Hall,  Joseph;  Bp.  of 

Exeter,  135, 136, 139 
Haltoii,  Joan ;  ?  Wife 

of  Samuel,  138 
Halton,  Samuel,  138 
Haltwhistle,   co.  Nor- 

thumb.,  72 
Hamden,    John,    547, 

548,  552 

Hampton— see  South 
ampton 
Hampton    Court,    co. 

MiddL,  213,  219 
Hardie,  John,  138 
Hardy,  Mary,  159 
Harrison,  Richard ;  the 

coadjutor  of  Robert 

Browne,    137,    244, 

245 

Hart,  Andrew,  181 
Harvard     University, 

Cambridge,  N.E.,  11 
Harvey,  William,  13 
Harwich,  242,  282 
Hastings,     3rd    Earl 

of    Huntingdon; 

Henry,  62 

Hatfield,  Thomas,  274 
Hatherley,    Timothy, 

321,  356 

Hatton,    Sir   Christo 
pher,  76 
Hauson,      afterwards 

Pantes ;    Wybra[n], 

164,  167 

Hawkins,  Edward,  138 
Haye,       La  —  see 

Hague,  The 
Heard,  William,  387 
Hearne,  Thomas,  61 
Heath,  Thomas,  321 
Heinsius,  Daniel,  220, 

233 
Helwisse,  Rev.  Thomas 

— see  Helwys,  Rev. 

T. 
Helwys,  Rev.  Thomas, 

54,  100,  137,  140 


Helwys's      Company, 
The  Rev.  T.,  100, 140 
Henry    VIIL,    King. 
35, 60  l 

Herbert,  Edward,  251 
Herbert,  George,  251 
Hexham,     co.     Nor- 

thumb.,  72 
Hickes,    Robert,   385, 

387 

Hickes's     Wife     and 
children,  Robert,  387 
Hilton,  William,  385 
Hilton's     Wife     and 
children,     William, 
387 

Hitchen,  co.  Herts,  72 
Hobamok  —  see    Ho- 

bomock 
Hobbamock  —  see 

Hobomok 

Hobbamock,  the  Devil 
in  the  Religion  of 
the  N.  E.  Indians, 
583-586 

Hobomok,  a  Wampa- 

noag    Pinese,    383, 

479-481,   521,   523, 

524,  527,   528,  541, 

542,   547,   548,  550, 

553,   555,   557,   558, 

569,  571,  573 

Hobson,  William,  321 

Hodgkins,  Alexander, 

138 
Hogeven,  Amelia  van, 

156 
H  o  1  b  e  c  k,    William, 

370,  380 

Holder,  Judith,  119 
Holland,  Earl  of,  226 
Holland,  John,  53 
Holland,  Robert,  321 
Holland     and     West 
Triesland,  The  Pro 
vinces  of,  143,  144, 
208,  213,   218,  219, 
223,  232,  300 
Holman,  Edward,  388 
"Holy     Discipline,33 


Index, 


617 


The,  3,  25-29,  31,  50, 

51,  53,  98,  99,  102, 

105,  106,   109,   120, 

134,  135,  243,  240 
Holy  League,  The,  24 
Hornniius,  Festus,  179 
Hooke,  John,  367,  380 
Hooker,  Rev.  Richard, 

28 
Hopkins,     afterwards 

Snow ;  Constanta  or 

Constance,   362,  370 
Hopkins,     afterwards 

Cooke  ;      Damaris, 

362,  370 
Hopkins,     Elizabeth ; 

Wife    of    Stephen, 

370 
Hopkins,    Giles,    362, 

370,  379 
Hopkins,    0  e  e  a  n  u  s, 

358,  371 
Hopkins,    Stephen, 

261,  360,   370,   378, 

383,  411,   416,   427, 

449,  452,  462-473 
Hopkins's  Cliff, 

[=  Cornhffl],     Cape 

Cod,  N.B.,  414,  419, 

430,  463,   469,  476, 

491 
Hopkins's    Creek    [or 

North    Branch,    or 

Pamet  Little  River], 

Cape  Cod,  N.E.,  414, 

415 

Hopps,  Arthur,  96 
H  o  p  p  s,     afterwards 

Clifton ;  Mary,  96 
Howard  of  Effingham, 

Charles,  Lord,  76 
Howard,  14th  Earl  of 

Arundel ;    Thomas, 

255 
Howland,    Lieut. 

160 
Howland    (previously 

Tilley),    Elizabeth; 

Wife  of  John,  362, 

364,  372 
The  Pilgrim  Fathers, 


Howland,   John,  349, 

355,   362,   364,  372, 

378,  383,  427 
Hoyt,    William,    163, 

274 

Hudson  the  Navi 
gator  ;  Henry,  333, 

350,  390,  593 
Hudson,  Thomas,  321 
Hudson     river,    The, 

301,   302,  332,  333, 

346,  350,  390,  407, 

592,  593 
Huguenots,    The,   24, 

506 
Hull,    co.    York,    89, 

94 
Humber,    The    river, 

57,89 
Hunt,  Capt.  Thomas, 

453,456,  475 
Hunter,  Joseph,  86 
Huntingdon,  64,  72 
H  u  1 1  o  n,  Matthew  ; 

Dean  of  York,  64 
Huyghens,    Christian, 

13 

IDLE,  The  river,  57, 
59,  93,  94 

Indian  Neck,  Cape 
Cod,  KE.,  415,  418 

Indian  Tribes  in  N.E. 
were  organised  as» 
(1)  Sagamores,  (2) 
Sachems,  (3)  Pineses, 
(4)  Powahs  ;  which 
see:  The,  581-592 

Inquisition,  The,  16 
314 

Ipswich,  co.  Suff.,  168, 
273 

Ipswich,  N.E.,  425 

Ireland,  73,  254, 410 

Isles  of  Shoals,  Maine, 
579 

lyanough,  Sachem  of 
Curnmaquid  or  Mat- 
tachiest,  475  -  479, 
543,  545,  574 


JACOBSZOOH,   Jacob. 

V.,  207 

James  L,  King,  30, 
68,  153,  196,  197, 
214,  237,  239,  241, 
242,  246,  248,  282, 
283,  295,  303,  400, 
409,  410,  456,  458, 
470,  484,  490,  500, 
501,  541,  560,  561 

James  City,  Virginia, 
393,  394 

Jenings,  John — 
see  Jenney,  J. 

Jenkins,  1  a  member  of 
the  Pilgrim  Church, 
at  Leyden,  227 

Jenney,  John,  165, 
178,  386 

Jenney  (previously 
Carey),  Sarah ;  Wife 
of  John,  165 

Jennings,  John,  274 

Jennings,  Pmce,  166 

Jepson,  Edmund,  274 

Jepson,  Henry,  274 

Jepson,  Rosamond ; 
?Wife  of  William, 
162, 163 

Jepson,  William,  156- 
158,  163,  274 

Jesuits,  The,  16 

Junius,  Francis — see 
Du  Jon  the  Elder, 
F. 

Johnson,  afterwards 
Hopps ;  Dorothy,  96 

Johnson,  Rev. 
Francis,  3,  10,  31, 
103-107,  109-113, 
115-117,  119-121, 
123-126,  128,  129, 
131,  132,  172,  277, 
279,  290,  291 

Johnson's  Church, 
1610-1619,  The  Rev. 
F.,  277-279,  290,  291 

Johnson,  George,  106- 
111 

Johnson,  Jacob ",  first 


6i8 


Index. 


a  Prophet,  then  a 
Billing  Elder,  108, 
111,  119, 125,  126 

Johnson,  John ;  the 
father  of  Francis, 
George,  and  Jacob, 
110-112 

Johnson,  Alderman 
Sir  Robert,  249,  289 

Joint  Stock  and 
Partnership  for 
Seven  Years  be 
tween  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  and  the 
Adventurers,  (1620); 
The,  303,  305,  306, 
341,  356,  382 

Jones, ,  Captain  of 

the  Mayflower,  339, 
340,  348,  349,  351, 
353,  389-393,  411, 
416-418,  420,  433, 
442,  448,  449,  450 

Jones,  Thomas ;  Cap 
tain  of  the  Discovery, 
257,  392-394,  533 

Jones's  river,  Ply 
mouth,  N.E.  Said 
to  have  been  so 
named  from  the 
Captain  of  the  May 
flower,  437 

Joope,  John,  99 

Joyce,  C.  B. ;  Herbert, 
73 

Junius,  Francis — see 
Du  Jon  the  Elder,  F. 

KAMPEN,  Holland,  107 
Kean,  Robert,  321 
Kebel,     Mas  fcer  —  see 

Keble,  J. 
Kebel,       John  —  see 

Keble,  J. 
Keble      Elizabeth; 

?  Wife  of  John,  166 
Keble,  John,  165,  224, 

274 
KibbeI,Elizabeth— see 

Keble,  E. 


Kiehtan,  The  God  in 

the  Religion  of  the 

N.E.  Indians,    558, 

582,  585 

Kietitan — see  Kiehtan 
King,    John,    Bp.    of 

London,  283 
King,    William,    345, 

355 
Kingston,    a    village 

near  Plymouth,   in 

N.E.,  436,  437 
Kist,  Prof,,  146,  147 
Knight,  Eliza,  321 
Knight,  John,  321 
Knifefton],   George — 

see  Kniveton,  G. 
Kniveton,    George,   a 

Ruling  Elder,   105, 

106,  107 
Knolles,  Sir  Francis, 

76 

Knowles,  Miles,  321 
Knox,  John,  176 

LALAING,  Johann  de, 

156,  157, 159 
Land's  End,  co.  Corn., 

340 
Langemore,       John, 

368,  380 
La    Noye   [corrupted 

to  Delano],  Philippe 

de,  180,  385 
Laplace,  Pierre  Simon, 

Marquis  de,  13 
Latham,  William,  364, 

380 
Laud,  William ;  Abp. 

of  Canterbury,  130 
Laurenson,  Henry,  114 
Lawne,     Christopher, 

103,   110,   112,  113, 

115-119,  126,  128 
Lawson,  Richard,  181 
Le ,      afterwards 

Tracy ;         Trif  asa, 

165 
Leaver,     Master— see 

Carver,  J. 


Lecht,  afterwards  Bas- 
sett ;  Cecil,  164 

L'Ecluse,  Jean  de ;  a 
Ruling  Elder,  31. 
107,  113,  125,  127 

Lee,  afterwards  Ful 
ler  ;  Bridget,  164 

Lee,  Joos,  164 

Lee,  Nicholas;  a 
Deacon,  105,106 

Lee,  Samuel,  164, 
274 

Leeds,  co.  York,  96 

Leerdorp—  see  Leider- 
dorp, 

Legat,  John,  133 

Leiderdorp,  202 

Leighton,  Alexander, 
171 

Leister,  Edward,  371, 
379 

Leith,  240 

Leland,John,57,60,61 

Le  Neve,  John,  64 

Ley,  1st  Lord  Ley"; 
afterwards  1st  Earl 
of  Marlborough ; 
James,  249,  250 

Ley  den,  "that  tumult 
uous  town,"  212 

Leyden,  The  City  of, 
3,  8,  18,  29,  30,  54, 
65, 69,  101, 102,  117, 
123,  143-154,  176, 
178  -  180,  184,  186, 
196-202,  204,  205, 
209-211,  214,  215, 
220,  222,  224,  225, 
226,  228,  232,  234- 
236,  239,  243,  247, 
262,  264,  270,  273, 
276,  285,  286,  290, 
293-295,  297,  300, 
302,  304,  305,  308, 
309,  311,  314-317, 
323,  324,  329,  330, 
335,  338,  342,  346, 
353,  355,  357 
Leyden,  The  City  of  : 
Academy  at  —  see 


Index. 


619 


Leyden  (cont) 

University    in    the 

City  of 

Belfry  in  the  rear  of 

St.   Peter's  Church 

155,  156 

Bell  Alley,  Rev.  J, 

Robinson's  house  in, 

155-159,  198,  329 

Bell       Alley,       T. 

Brewer's   house  in, 

198,  206 

Bon  or  "Wyk  called, 

The  Seven  Houses, 

159 

Burgomasters  &c. — 

see     City     Council, 

The 

Broadway,  The,  198 

Choir  Alley,  195, 197, 

198,  237 

Choir  of  St.  Peter's 

Church,  198 

Choorsteeg  —  see 

Choir  Alley 

City  Council,  The,  7, 

145,   147,    148,  151, 

152,  203,  206,  231 

City       Hall  —  see 

Stadhuis 

Clock    Steech  — see 

Bell  Alley 

Council  House — see 

Stadhuis 

Dark    Canal,    The, 

156 

Debtors'    Chamber, 

The,  203 

Donckere  Graft,  156 

Dutch  Beformed 

Church,        The, 

179 

English  Church  at 

— see    Presbyterian 

Church  of  Scotland 

Falide     Bagynhoff, 

156 

French  Church,  150 

Green  Gate,  156 

Groene  Port,  156 


Leyden  (cont.) 
Jerusalem  Kirk,  145 
Kloksteeg — see  Bell 
Alley 

Magistrates  of,  The 
— see  City  Coun 
cil 

Pesyn's  Hof,  on  the 
site  of  the  Rev.  J. 
Robinson's  house,  in 
Bell  Alley,  158 
Pieter's  Kerckhoff— 
see  St.  Peter's 
Church,  The  grounds 
of 

Pilgrim  Church,  The 
— see  Pilgrim  Church 
at  Leyden,  The 
Pilgrim  Press  in 
Choir  Alley,  The,  3, 
9,  181,  192,  195- 
246,  282 

PresbyterianChurch 
of  Scotland,  The, 
145,  170 

Rapenburg     Canal, 
The,  143,  144 
St.  Catherine  Gast- 
huis,  145 

St.  Peter's  Church, 
155 

St.  Peter's  Church, 
The  grounds  of,  155, 
156 

Schepens— see  City 
Council 

Schout=  City  Bailiff, 
203,  205,  206,  214 
Seven  Houses,  The, 
159 

Stadhuis,  148,  161, 
167,  169,  273-275 
Steucksteeg,  197 
Town    Council — see 
City  Council 
Veiled       Nuns' 
Cloister,  156 
Vicus  Choralis— see 
Choir  Alley 
Leyden,  The  Brown- 


ist  Church  at — see 
Pilgrim   Church  at 
Leyden,  The 
Leyden    Church,  The 

—  see     Pilgrim 
Church  at  Levden, 
The 

Leyden  Pilgrims,  The 

—  see    Pilgrim 
Fathers,  The 

Leyden,  The  Pil 
grim  Exodus  from, 
327-332 

Leyden,  The  Separat 
ist  Church  at— see 
Pilgrim  Church  at 
Leyden,  The 

Leyden,  The  Univer 
sity  in  the  City  of, 
147,  148,  152,  153, 
170,  171,  174,  179, 
186,  196,  210,  213, 

214,  215,  217,  219, 
221,  226,  227,  229, 
231,  232.  234-236 

Leyden,  The  "Univer 
sity  in  the  City  of  : 
Assessors  and 
Schepenmasters, 

The,  204,  205,  207, 
910 

Bailiff,  The,  204,  207 
Beadle,  The,  222, 224 
Chief  Librarian,  170 
Council  of  the  Cura 
tors  and  Burgomas 
ters,  The,  206,  213, 

215,  236 

Curators,  The,  210, 
213,   214,   215,  218, 
220,  221,  235,  236 
Curators,  The  Cham 
ber  of  the,  207,  235, 
236 

Prison,  The,  204, 206, 
208,  213,  214,  222 
Rektor  Maguificus, 
203,  205,  206,  208, 
211,  213,  214,  215, 
220  221 


622 


Index. 


under    Massasoit, 

452,  453 
Massasoit's     Spring, 

Warren,  RL,  468 
Masterson  (previously 

G  o  o  d  a  1 1),    Mary  ; 

Wife    of    Richard, 

166 
Masterson,     Richard, 

162,  166 
Matapuyst  or  Matta- 

puyst  (Gardner's 
Neck,  in  Swansey, 
N.E.\  the  residence 
of  Caunbatant,  468, 
471,  548,  549,  556- 
558 

Mather,  Doctor 
Cotton,  39-45 

Mattachiest  (the 
country  behind  Barn- 
stable'.,  N.E.\  537, 
538,  542,  545,  555, 
574 

Mattersey,  co.  Notts, 
60  ^ 

Maurice,  Prince  of 
Orange,  Stadh  older 
of  Holland,  208,211, 
215,  226,  230,  297, 
299 

Maverick,  Moses,  367 

Maverick  (previously 
Allerton),  Remem 
ber;  Wife  of  Moses, 
362,  367 

May,  afterwards  Brad 
ford  ;  Dorothy,  42, 

163,  366 

May,  Master ;  Dor 
othy's  father,  163 

May,  Master,  a  Ruling 
Elder ;  125 

Medford,  N.E.,  484 

Mercer,  Stanshall ;  a 
Ruling  Elder,  125 

Merchants,  The  Eng 
lish  —  see  Adven 
turers,  The 

Merchants  and  Adven 


turers,  The — see  Ad 
venturers,  The 

Merchiston  Castle, 
Edinburgh,  13 

Meteren,  E  in  a  n  IT  e  1 
van,  68 

Michell,  Thomas,  106 

Middelburg,  Holland, 
103,  104,  137,  199, 
226,  227 

Middleborough,  N.E., 
10,  375,  464,  485, 
472,  473,  523,  540, 
547,  558 

Mildmay,  Sir  Henry, 
249 

Mills,  Thomas,  80,  83 

Millsop,  Thomas,  321 

Milton,  Christopher, 
50 

Milton,  the  Poet,  John, 
21,  50,  93 

Milton's  father,  John, 
50 

Milton's  grandfather, 
John,  50 

Minter,  Desire,  364 

Mitchell,  Experience 
387 

Mohegon,  593 

Molesey,  East,  co.  Sur 
rey,  28 

Monamoy  Point,  Cape 
Cod,  N.E.,  350,  351 

Monchiggon  —  see 
Monhegan 

Moncksoon,  165 

Monhegan,  the  isle  of; 
Maine,  N.E.,  450- 
452,  529,  530,  559, 
561,  564,  571,  572 

Monhiggon — see  Mon- 


Monomoyick  —  see 

Manamoick 
Moortel,  168 
Morattigon      (Bristol, 

Maine,  N.&]  451 

Moore, ,  365 

More,  Ellen,  366 


More,  Jasper,  364 
More      afterwards 

Mann ;  Richard,  362, 

364-366 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  251 
Morgan,  Benet,  385 
Morice,   Thomas— see 

Phelippes,  T. 
Morpeth,     co.     Nor- 

thumb.,  71 
Morton,  George,   165, 

167,  273,   318,   387, 

507 
Morton       (previously 

Carpenter) ;      Julia 

Ann,     Wife     of 

George,  165 
Morton,    Secretary 

Nathaniel,    48,    49, 

326,  378,  390 
Morton,  Thomas.  165, 

385 
Morton  jun.,  Thomas, 

387 

Mott,  Thomas,  321 
Mount  Mansell,  256 
Mourt,  G.  [  ?  Morton, 

George],  400 
Mulgrave,    The    Earl 

of— see  Sheffield,  E. 
Mullins, ;  Wife  of 

William,  369 
Mullins,  Joseph,  369 
Mullins,  Priscilla,  362. 

369,  377 
Mullins,  William,  337, 

368,  377,  378 
Munhiggen — see  Mon 
hegan 

Munter,  Jan,  140 
Murphy,     The    Hon. 

Henry  Q,   146-148, 

155-169,     197,    203, 

205-207,    214,    221, 

236,  273 
Murton,    Rev.    John 

137 
Muster,  or   Training, 

in   N.E.,  The    first 

General,  520,  521 


Index. 


623 


Mystic  Pond,  Med- 
ford,  N.E.,  485 

Mystic  river,  N.E., 
The,  486,  487 


NAAHDEN,  Holland, 

107 

Namascheueks,  The 
Wampanoag  "In 
dians  of  Namaschet, 
465,  471 

Namaschet,  or  Namas- 
ket  (Middleborough, 
N.JE),  10,  395,  464, 
465,  472,  473,  479, 
480,  500,  523,  540, 
547,  558 

Nanepashemet,  the 
Sagamore  of  the 
Boston  Bay  Indians, 
485 

Nanohigganeucks  = 
the  Narragansett 
Indians 

Nanohiggaiisets,       or 
Nanohiggonsets    — 
see  NarragaD  setts 
Nanohigganset  Bay  — 
Manomet    or   Buz 
zard's  Bay,  540 
Nantucket,    KB., 

350 
Napier  of  Merchiston, 

John,  13 

Narowhiganseis  —  see 

Narragansetts,  The 

Narragansett        Bay, 

KB.,  466,  540 
Narragansetts,  The  = 
The  Indians  of 
Rhode  Island,  &c., 
395,  460,  468,  470, 
477,  479,  482,  500, 
517,  520,  521-523, 
585 

Narrohiganet   —   see 

Narragansetts,  The 

Narrohigansets  —  see 

Narragansetts,  The 


Narrohiganset  Bay  = 

Narragansett    Bay, 

466,  540 
Narro[w]higgonsets  — 

see     Narragansetts, 

The 

Nash,  Thomas,  307 
Naunton,  Sir  Robert, 

196,    198-202,    204, 

205,  224,   225,   228- 

234,  235,  236,   282, 

283 
Nauset     (Eastham, 

N.E.\  10,  395,  431- 

434,    452,    475-479, 

500,    506,    537-539, 

555,  574 
Nausites,     The     (The 

Indians  of  Nauset) } 

452,  453 

Nawset — see  Nauset 
Neal,       afterwards 

Buckrura ;       Eliza 
beth,  164, 168 
Neill,  Rev.  Dr.  E.  D., 

251,  253,  254,  392 
Nelson,  Robert,  274 
Nemasket  river,  N.E. ; 

The,  464,  465 
Nepeof,  a  Sachem,  480 
Nes,  Israel,  274 
Neustadt,  246 
Neville,  Gervase,  138 
New  Amsterdam,  333 
Newark,  co.  Line.,  72 
Newbald,  Fria.,  321 
New  Bedford,  N.E.,  49 
Newbury,   co.   Berks, 

162 
Newcastle  -  on  -  Tyne, 

eo.  Northumb.,   72, 

96,97 

Newcomen,  John,  371 
Newcourt,      Richard, 

282 

New  England,  4,  7,  9, 
11,  12,  42,  160,  176, 
179,  180,  182,  184, 
192,  248,  254,  256- 

258,    260,  303,  323, 


332,  346,   350,   355, 
358,  367,  369,    370, 
387,  393,  395,  401, 
407,   488,  500,  507, 
511,   513,   581,  593, 
594,  599,  600 

New  England,  Certain 
Adventurers  in,  506- 
508 

New  England,  The 
Council  for  the 
Affairs  of  —  see 
Council  &c.,  The 

New  England,  The 
Plantations  and 
Colonies  in,  45, 175, 
362,  399 

New  England,  sup 
posed  by  the  Indians 
to  be  an  island,  592, 
595 

New  England  Thanks 
giving  Day,  The 
first,  489 

New  France  —  see 
Canada 

New  Hampshire,  579 

New  Haven,  Conn., 
244,  366 

Newhaven,  Firth  of 
Forth,  240 

New  Netherland  Com 
pany,  The  Dutch, 
4,  292,  296-303,  317, 

333,  389 

New  Netherlands  in 
America,  299 

New  Plymouth  in  N. 
E.,The  Adventurers 
of — see  Adventurers 
&c.,  The 

New  Plymouth,  The 
Jurisdiction  of — see 
Plymouth  in  KB., 
The  Plantation  or 
Colony  of 

New  Plymouth,  The 
Town  of— see  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E.,  The 
Town  &c.  of 


624 


Index. 


Newton,  Dr, ,  96 

Newton,  Ellen,  387 
Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  13 
New  York,  146,   155, 

159,   160,   171,  197, 

203-207,    214,    221, 

236,  273,  333 
Nicholas,  Austen,  385 
Nicholas,  John,  106,119 
Nidd,  Bev.   Dr,  112, 

114, 118 
Normanton,  co.  Derby, 

95 
Norris,       afterwards 

Allerton ;       Mary, 

162,  164,  367,  439 
North,    Sir    Thomas, 

150 
Northallerton,    co. 

York,  72 
Northbourne,  co. 

Kent,  99 
North      Branch — see 

Hopkins's  Creek 
Northern  Plantations, 

The— see  New  Eng 
land 
North   Sea  in  North 

America,  A,  299 
Norway,  90 
Norwich,  49,  54,  165 

242,  257,  259 
Nottingham,  58 
Nottinghamshire,    51, 

53,   55,   59,   60,   62, 

66,  69,  93,  95,  135, 

141 
Noye,  Philippe  de  la — 

see  La  Noye,  P.  de 

OATLAKDS,  co.  SUIT., 
82 

Obbatinewat,  Sachem 
of  Shawmut  (Los* 
ton),  484 

Obbatiimua,  a  Sachem 

Obtakiest,  Sachem  of 
the  Boston  Bay 
Indians  who  plotted 
against  the  English, 


561,    570-574.     See 
also  Abbadakest 
0<Callaghan,E.B.,298 
Ogle,  Sir  John,  249 
Old  Colony,  The— see 
Plymouth  in  N.E., 
The   Plantation   or 
Colony  of 

Old  Comers  or  Fore 
fathers,    The,    356, 
357,  381-388 
Oldham,  John  388 
Oldham,      afterwards 
Bassett ;  Margaret, 
164 

Old  Indian  Wear,  near 
Titicut;    The,  465, 
471,  472 
Old  Stock,  The,  356, 

362 

Old  Tom's  Hill,  Cape 

Cod,  N.E.,  415,  418 

Opechancanough,  599, 

600 

Organ,  Jane,  138 
Oswestry,  co.  Salop.,  17 
Ousamequin— see 

Massasoit 
Ouse  The  river,  57 
Overbury,  Sir  Thomas, 

22 
Oxford,    Bp.    of — see 

Wilberforce,  S. 
Oxford,  The  University 
of,   23,  38,  50,  131, 
217,  238,  243,  244 
Oxford : 

Bodleian  Library, 
114,  116,  119,  137, 
139,  188,  238,  243, 
244 

StJohn'sCollege,132 
Taylorean    Institu 
tion,  95 
"University  Press,  18 


P.  I.  [  -=  ?  Peirce,  the 
Patentee ;  John], 
395,  396 


P.  T.— see  Pyffott,  T. 

Packanoki[cjk — s  ee 
Pokanoket 

Paget,  of  Amsterdam ; 
Eev.  John,  99,  113, 
115,  116,  186 

Pakanokik — see  Pok 
anoket 

Palmer,  Frances ;  Wife 
of  William,  388 

Palmer,  William,  385, 
388 

Pamet,  or  Cape  Cod, 
N.E.,  463,  469,  500, 
545,  546,  555,  558 

Pamet  Little  Eiver — 
see  Hopkins's  Creek 

Pamet  river  [=  Cold 
Harbour],  or  Pamet 
creek,  or  Pamet  har 
bour,  Cape  Cod,N.E., 
415,  418 

Pantes,  William,  167, 
274 

Pantes,  (previously 
Hauson)  Wybra[n] ; 
Wife  of  William, 
164,  167 

Paomet — see  Pamet 

Papa  Whinett,  257 

Pareus,  David,  246 

Paris,  507 

Parker,  Matthew ; 
Abp.  of  Canterbury, 
25 

Parliaments,  4,  19,  33- 
36 

Parsons,  Alice,  138 

Parsons  Joseph,  274 

Partridge,  Eev.  Ealph, 
180 

Pascatoquack — see 
Little  Harbour, 
Piscataqua  river 

Paterson,  Dariiel,  71 

Patuxet["  The  Indian 
name,  perhaps  of 
that  part  of  Ply 
mouth  south  of 
Town  Brook."— W. 


Index. 


625 


T.  Davis.],  10,  452, 
453,  455,  463,  476, 
525,  551,  556,  564, 
567,  573 

Patuiet,  The  Bay  of 
— see  Cape  Cod  Bay 

Pautes,  Wybran — 
see  Pantes,  W. 

Paw, ,  234 

Paynter,  Alice,  138 

Pecksuot,  a  Pinese  of 
the  Boston  Bay 
Indians,  567  -  569, 
573 

Peddock,  Capt.  Leon 
ard,  257,  393 

Peirce  the  Patentee, 
John ;  Citizen  and 
Clothworker  of  Lon 
don,  254,  258-261 
337,  395,  396 

Peirce's  Associates, 
Master  John— see 
Adventurers  &c., 
The;  and  also  Pil 
grim  Fathers,  The 

Peirce's  Plantation, 
Master  John  —  see 
Plymouth  in  N.E., 
The  Plantation  or 
Colony  of 

Peirce's  two  servants, 
Master  [John],  388 

Pemaquid  (Bristol, 
Maine,  N.K\  451 

Penn,  Christian,  387 

Pennington,  William, 
321 

Penobscot  river,  The ; 
Maine,  N.E.,  484 

Penrin,  "William,  322 

Penry,  Eev.  John,  32, 
35, 106 

Perth  in  1618,  The 
General  Assembly 
of  the  Kirk  of  Scot 
land  at,  181,  239 

Pettinger,  afterwards 
Crullins  ;  Dorothv, 
168 


Pettinger,  afterwards 
Gillies,  Elizabeth, 
168 


the  Decipherer  ; 
Thomas,  33-35 

Phesel,  Jane,  164 

Philadelphus, 
HieronyniTis  —  see 
Calderwood,  B. 

Philip  II.,  22 

Philip  III,  15 

Phillips,  Master,  36 

PhillippSjThomas  —  see 
Phelippes,  T. 

Pickering,  Edward, 
167,  274,  317,  318, 
322 

Piercy,  John,  S.,  52 

Pilgrimage  of  Grace, 
The,  50 

Pilgrim  Church  at 
Amsterdam,  The,  29, 
30,  35,  42,  52,  100, 
121,  123,  134,  141, 
142,  167,  168,  357, 
521 

Pilgrim  Church  '  at 
Leyden,  The,  4,  7, 
18,  29,  30,  38,  42,  69, 
102,  122,  123,  126, 
127,  129,  145,  147- 
155,  160,  167,  170, 
173,  175,  178,  180, 
184-187,  195,  196, 
208,  211,  212,  222, 
228,  262,  273-276, 
300,  302,  307-319, 
323,  325,  346,  353, 
355-357,  389 

Pilgrim  Church  at  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E.,  The, 
29,  30,  176,  177,  179, 
180,  184,  185,  356, 
357 

Pilgrim  Church  at 
Scrooby,  The,  29,  37, 
48-51,  53,  54,  58,  70, 
95,97,101,  134,  136, 
176,  357 


Pilgrim  District  in 
England,  The,  49-66 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  The, 
4,  7,  8, 12, 15,  20,  51, 
54,248,253,254,280, 
292,  304,  323-325. 
334,  335,  337,  343, 
355-357,  377,  389, 
390,  457,  480 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  The 
four  Friends  of  the> 
356 

Pilgrim  Press  in  Choir 
Alley,  Leyden ;  The, 
3,  9,  181,  192,  195- 
246,  282 

Pineses,  The.  The 
Champions  of  the 
Indian  tribes  in 
N.E.  ;  like  Hobo- 
mok,  Pecksuot 
and  Wituwamat, 
585,  586,  588 

Piscataqua  river,  The ; 
New  Hampshire, 
N.E.,  579 

Pitt,  William,  385 

Plantation,  The—see 
Plymouth  in  N.E., 
The  Plantation  and 
Colony  of 

Planters  of  New  Eng 
land,  The  —  see 
Plymouth  in  N.E., 
The  Governors  and 
People  of 

Plymouth,  co.  Devon, 
73,  324,  340,  341, 
346,  355,  358,  407 

Plymouth  [,co.  Devon,] 
Virginia  Company, 
The  Second,  or,  248, 
252,  255-261 

Plymouth  in  N.E.,  The 
Church  of — see  Pil 
grim  Church  at  Ply 
mouth  in  N.E. 

Plymouth  [in  K.E.] 
Company,  The — see 
Plymouth  in  N.E., 


626 


Index. 


The  Plantation  or 
Colony  of :  and  also 
Adventurers  &c., 
The 

Plymouth  in  KE. : 
The  Plantation  or 
Colony  of;  or  The 
G-overnors  and 
People  of  [=The 
Old  Colony],  29,  30, 
42,  43,  46,  160,  257, 
258,  260,  321,  356, 
364,  393,  399,  401, 
409,  477,  480,  509, 

545,  555,    559-561, 
567,  571,  600 

Plymouth  in  KE.,  The 
Plantation  or  Colony 
of: 

Day  of  Humiliation 
and  Prayer,  577, 578 
Days  of  Thanksgiv 
ing,  489,  579 
Muster  or  Training ; 
The  first  general, 
520,  521 

Yearly  Court  Day, 
The,  562 

Plymouth  in  KK,  The 
Town  &c.  of,  7,  10, 
147,  160,  180,  184, 
323,  324,  325,  332, 
346,  355,  364-377, 
393,  395,  398,  407, 
426,  435  -  443,  453, 
457,  463,  4-66,  472, 
477,  480,  483,  484, 
494,  500,  5183  520, 
522,  523,  525,  526, 
529,  531,  534,  538, 

546,  548,   561,   564, 
565,        572;        580, 
599 

Plymouth  in  JST.E,,  The 
Town,  Harbour, 'and 
Neighbourhood  of : 
Appaum.  [The  In 
dian  name,  perhaps, 
of  that  part  of  Ply 
mouth  north  of  the 


Plymouth  (cont.) 
Town  Brook.— W.T. 
Davis.] 

Billington  Sea,  442, 
444,  450 

Burial  Hill,  The, 
381,  384,  438,  440, 
531 

Cantaugeanteest, 
afterwards  (in  1623) 
Strawberry  Hill, 
now  Watson's  Hill, 

383,  386,  449,   455, 
456 

Clark's  Island,  435- 
438,  445,  447 
Cold  Spring  Brook, 
386 

Common  House  or 
Kandevous,  The, 
443,  446 ; 

Court  of  Guard,  = 
Guard  Boom  in  the 
Fort,  565 ; 
Court    street,    384, 
385 

Eel  river,  388,  460  ; 
First  Brook,  The, 
385 

Fort,  The,  [Built  be 
tween  June  1 622 
and  March  1623, 
531],  384,  440,  565, 
572 

Fort  Hill,  The  [= 
Mount,  The],  381, 

384,  438,  440,  531 
Great  South  Pond, 
450 

Gurnet's  Nose,  523 
Harbour,   The,  383, 
384,    426,    434-436, 
441,   446,   452,   492, 
523,  531,  533 
Highway    [to    the 
Town   Brook],  The, 
381 

Hob's  Hole,  388 
Hopkins's       house, 
Stephen,  452 


Plymouth  (cont.) 
Ley  den  street,  381, 
440 

Little      Pond— -see 
Murdock's  Pond 
Lout  Pond,  444 
Mount,  The;  after 
wards    Fort    Hill ; 
now    Burial     Hill, 
381,   384,  438,   440, 
531 

Murdock's  Pond,  384 
Patuxet  [The  Indian 
name,  perhaps,  of 
that  part  of  Ply 
mouth  south  of 
Town  Brook.  — -W. 
T.  Davis.],  10,  452, 
453,  455,  463,  476, 
525,  551,  556,  564, 
567,  573 

Pilgrim  Society, 
The,  363 

Eeed  Pond,  The, 
387 

Sandwich  street, 
383 

Saquish  peninsula, 
436,  445 

Second  Brook,  The, 
385 

Storehouse,  or  Shed, 
The,  446,  447,  522, 
528 

Strawberry   Hill  — 
see  Cantaugeanteest 
Street,  [now  Leyden 
street],  The,  381, 440 
Swamp,  The,  387 
Town   Brook,   The, 
381,   383,   386,  438, 
442,   449,   455,   457, 
459-461,  488 
Town    impaled,    in 
Feb. -March   1621; 
The,  520-522 
Watson's    Hill— see 
Cantaugeanteest 
Wellingsly     Brook, 
388 


Index. 


627 


Plymouth  (cont.) 
Wood,  The,  383, 385 

Pocock,  John,  322 

Poelgeest,  Heer  van, 
157 

Point  Allerton,  Boston 
Bay,  483 

Point  Care,  Cape  Cod, 
N.E.— -see  Monamoy 
Point 

Points,  (1618),  The 
Three,  4,  29,  293-296 

Poitou,  France,  506 

Pokanoket  (Rhode  Is 
land,  <&.)>  The  dis~ 
trict  of,  395,  462, 
465,  468,  472,  489, 
524,  525,  547,  549- 
556,  561 

Pollock  Rip,  Cape  Cod, 
N.E.,  The,  350,  351, 
391,  534 

Polyander,  Prof.  Br 
Johann,  143,  144, 
152,  153,  179,  205, 
218-220,  225,  231, 
233-235,  237 

Pond  Village,  Cape 
Cod,  N.E.,  413 

Portsmouth,  New 
Hampshire,  N.E., 
579 

Pory,  John,  393, 
394 

Powahs  of  the  Indian 
Tribes  in  N.E.,  The, 
583-585 

Powell,  Capt.,  394 

Powhatan,  593 

Poynton,  Daniel,  322 

Pratt,  Joshua,  388 

Pratt,  Phinehas,  388, 
563-565,  572 

Prague,  216,  217 

Prence,    Thomas— see 

Prince,  Gov.  T. 
Priest,    Begory,    162, 

169,  376,  379 
Priest  (previously 
Allerton),    Sarah, 


"Wife     of     Begory, 
162-164,  376 

Prince,  Gov.  Thomas 
43,  385 

Prince,  Rev.  Thomas, 
46,  47,  335,  389 

Privy  Council  of  Eng 
land,  The,  4,  34,  73- 
76,  89,  107,  255,  278, 
280,  293-296,  298- 
300,  390 

Privy  Council  of  Scot 
land,  The,  181 

Provincetown  har 
bour — see  Cape  Cod 
harbour 

Prower,  Solomon,  368, 
380 

Prynne,  John,  186 

Ptolemy,  Claudius, 
13 

Puckanukick,  or  Puk- 
anokik  —  see  Poka 
noket 

Puckering,  Sir  John, 
105 

Pulsifer,  Bavid,  381 

Purchasers,  or  Under 
takers  ;  The  Twelve, 
356 

Puritan  Anglican 
Clergy,  The,  177, 
183 

Pygott,  Alice,  138 

Pygott,  Francis,  138 

Pygott,  Margaret,  138 
Pygott,  Matthew,  138 
Pygott,  Thomas,  134, 

138,  140 
Pygott,  William,  137 

QUAD[D]EQUINA,  a 
Wampanoag  Sac 
hem,  the  brother  of 
Massasoit,  456, 
459 

Quakers,  The,  30,  38 
Quarles,  William,  322 
Quincy,   Boston    Bay, 
N.E.,  484 


R.,  I — see  Robinson, 

Rev.  J. 
Raine,     Rev.     Canon 

John,  59 
Rainea— see  Magdalen 

Isles 
Rainolds,      Rev.    Br 

John,  37 
Rammekins,  189 
Ramsay,  Earl  of  Hold- 

erness  ;  John,  257 
Rande,  James,  386 
Randolph,  SirThomas ; 
Master  and   Comp 
troller  -  General    of 
aU    Her   Majesty's 
Posts,  76-83 
Ratcliffe,  Robert,  388 
Reading,  co.  Berks,  132 
Retford,  co.  Notts,  52 

58,  59 

Revell,  John,  322 
Reynolds, ;  Cap 
tain  of  the  Speedwell, 
316,   326,  339,   340, 
346,  390 
Reynolds,    a   Printer, 

John,  274 

Rhode     Island,     The 
State  of,  464,   520, 
585 
Rich,    Sir    Nathaniel, 

249 

Rich,    2nd  Earl    of 
Warwick ;    Robert, 
249,  250,  257,  258 
Richmond,  co.    SUIT., 

62 

Richmond,  Va,,  250 
Richmond,    co.  York, 

96 

Richmondshire  —  see 
York,  North  Riding 
of 
Rigdale,  Alice,    Wife 

of  John,  374 
Rigdale,    John,     360, 

374,  378 

Rising  of  the  North, 
The,  50 


628 


Index. 


Eobarthse,  Jan — see 
Robinson,  Eev.  J, 

Roberts, ,  337 

Robinson,  Anna,  165 
Robinson  (previously 
White);  Mistress 
Brugitta  [Bridget], 
Wife  of  the  Rev. 
John,  159,  160,  275, 
276 

Robinson,    afterwards 
Grynwich ;  Brugitta 
[Bridget],  159,  160 
Robinson,    C  o  n  w  a  y, 

250 

Robinson,  Fear,  159 
Robinson,  Isaac,   159, 

160 

Robinson,  Jacob,  159 
Robinson,  James,  159 
Robinson,  Rev.  John, 
4,  29,  30,  38,  49,  51, 
54,  55,  68,  69,  97,  98, 
100,  103,  117,  123, 
•124,  135,  136,  139, 
142,  147-149,  152, 
153,  155-160,  171, 
173-187,  198,  224, 
242,  245,  247,  263, 
264,  268,  274-276, 
280,  281,  284-286, 
289,  291,  293-295, 
297,  300,  302,  307, 
311,  317-319,  328- 
332,  339,  344,  355, 
401-406,  544 
Robinson's  Ch  u  r  c  h, 
Master — see  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leydeu, 
The 

Robinson's  Company, 
Master — see  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden, 
The 

Robinson's  C  o  n  g  r  e- 
gation— see  Pilgrim 
Church  at  Leyden, 
The 

Robinson's  house  in 
Bell  Alley,  Leyden; 


The  Rev.  John,  155- 

159,  198,  329 
Robinson,  Mercy,  159 
Robinszoon,   Jan — see 

Robinson,  Rev.  J. 
Robintsonus,  Joannes 

— s  e  e       Robinson, 

Rev.  J. 
Rochelle,  506 
Rock  Hill,    Medford, 

N.E.,  485 
Rodolph,  Emperor  of 

Germany,  216 
Roemer,  Olaus,  14 
Rogers,   Joseph,    362, 

373,  380,  383,  388 
Rogers,  Thomas,  373, 

378 

Rome,  150,  314 
Rookes,  Newman,  322 
Rotterdam,  96, 97, 100, 

145,    165,     222-225, 

227 

Rounce, ;  of  Nor 
wich,  257,  259 
Royston,  co.  Herts,  72 
Russell,  2nd  Earl  of 

Bedford,  Francis,  76 
R  y  t  o  n   stream,     co. 

Notts,  57,  61 

S.,  E.— see  South- 
worth,  E. 

Sachems  of  the  Indian 
tribes  in  N.E.,  The, 
470,  586-588,  590 

Sackville,  Sir  Edward, 
249 

Sagamores,  or  para 
mount  Chiefs  and 
landed  proprietors 
of  the  Indian  tribes 
in  N,E. ;  as  Canoni- 
cus,  Massasoit, 
Nanepashemet,  and 
Samoset.  The,  451, 
485,  586,  587 

St  Andrews,  A  b  p. 
of  —  see  Spottis- 
wood,  J. 


St  Lawrence,  The  Gulf 

of,  107,  499 
St     Lawrence,     The 

river,  593 
Salem,  N.E.,  179,  369, 

375 

Salisbury,  co.Wilts,274 
Samoset,  a  Sagamore  of 

Pemaquid   (Bristole, 

Maine,  N.E.}i   450- 

455,  459,  460 
Samson,    Henry,   362, 

372,  384 

Sanders,  John ;  Joint- 
Governor  at  Wessa- 

gusset,  534,  559-561, 

564,  566 
Sandwich,    co.   Kent, 

165,  166 
Sandwich,   N.E.,   540, 

541,   545,   546,   565, 

574 
Sandys,  Edwin;  Abp. 

of  York,  51,  61-65 
Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  16, 

65,    249,    250,    253, 

282,   284,   285,   289, 

296 
Sandys    the    Poet, 

George,  65 
Sandys,  Henry,  65 
Sandys,  Sir  Miles,  65 
Sandys,    Sir    Samuel, 

64,  65 

Sandys,  Thomas,  65 
Sarum — see  Salisbury 
Saunders,       Clement, 

113-116,  119 
Savery,  Margaret,  164 
Scaftworth,  co.  Notts, 

58,  59,  93 

Scituate,N.E.,  356,  365 
Scotland,  The  Churches 

of  —  see     Scotland, 

The  Kirk  of 
Scotland,  The  Kirk  of, 

177,  180,  181 
Scots,  The  =  Scotland, 

The  Kirk  of 
Scrooby,  co.  Notts,  3, 


Index. 


629 


49,  50,  53,  54,  57-60, 
72,73,84-86,95,167, 
168,  190,  357 
Scrooby,  (1606-1608): 
The  Separatist 
Church  at — see  Pil 
grim    Church    at 
Scrooby,  The 
The    Great    North 
Eoadat,57,  58,  72 
The    great    Manor 
Place  at.    [With  its 
39    rooms,    it    was 
larger  than  the 
Manor     House     at 
Southwell.  It  is  now 
ManorHouseFarm.] 
59,  60,  62,  63,  65 
The  Mills  at,  65 
St  Wilfrid's  Church 
at,  57,  60 
Scrooby    Water  —  see 

Eyton  stream 
Scusset     Harbour, 
Cape  Cod,  N.E.,  540, 
544 

Seamer,  Thomas,  137 
Secret    Council,     The 
— see  Privy  Council 
of  Scotland,  The 
Separation,  The,  9,  48, 

131,  135,  186 
Separation  remaining 
at  Amsterdam,  The 
English  Company 
of  the.  See  Amster- 
d  a  m  —  Ancient 
exiled  English 
Church 

Separatists,  The.    See 

Amsterdam  —  Ains- 

worth's  Church,  The 

Eev.  H. 

Settle,   Kev.  Edward, 

106,  107 

Sewall,   Samuel;    a 
Judge  in  the  Ply 
mouth  Colony,  160 
Shakespeare,  William, 
50,  51,  249 


Sharp,  Samuel,  322 

Sheflard,  William,  133 

Sheffield,  3rd  Lord 
Sheffield;  Edmund, 
133 

Shelden,  Francis,  256 

Shillito,  Mr,  59 

Shillito,  Mrs  Cathar 
ine,  59 

Ships,  either  printed, 
or  to  be  understood  ; 
The  Names  of : 
Ann,  or  Anne,  165- 
166,  273,  275,  355, 
356,  386-388,  579, 
580 

Chancewell,  107 
Charity,  531,  534 
Discovery  (60  tons), 
392,  393,  533 
Fortune   (40    to  50 
tons),  4,  8,  40,  164, 

165,  273,   355,  356, 
361,   384,   385,  400, 
488,  491,  492,   493, 
506-508,  517,  528 
Handmaid,  355 
Hopewell,  107 
Little   James,   165- 

166,  257,  258,   273, 
278,  355,  356,  386- 
388,  580 

May  flower  (180  tons) 
of  1620,  15,  38,  46, 
162-164,  175,  254, 
273,  275,  301,  315, 
324,  326,  334,  335, 
339-353,  355,  356, 
358-384,  389-392, 
400,  407,  417,  420, 
423,  433,  435,  436, 
438,  442,  451,  452, 
455,  488,  528 
Mayflower  (Hon- 
nage)  of  1629, 
355 

Paragon,    260,   261, 
577,  579 

Plantation,  256,  260, 
599 


Ships  (cont.) 
Providence,  254 
Sparrow,  529,  533 
Speedwell  (60  tons), 
4,  196,  304,  307,  316, 
318,    326,    329-331, 
334,     335,    339-346, 
389,  390 

Swan,  531,  534,  535, 
537,  538,  539,  561, 
566,  572 

Shirley,  James,  Treas 
urer  of  the  Adven 
turers  &c.,  260,  261, 
320,  322,  356,  507 

Shoals,  Isle  of,  579 

Shoals  off  Cape  Cod- 
see  Great,  Little, 
^Eip 

Simmons,  Moses — see 
Symonson,  M. 

Simondson, ,  247 

Simons,  Koger,  274 

Simonson,  Moses — see 
Symonson,  M. 

Simson,  W.,  127 

Slade, ,  a  Euling 

Elder  ;  107 

Slade,  Matthew,  3,126, 
129,  130,  210,  211 

Slany,  John,  456 

Smith,  Capt.  John, 
320,  321,  323-325, 
340,  347,  358,  506, 
508 

Smith's  Isles,  [Capt. 
John]— see  Isles  of 
Shoals 

Smith,  Eev.  John  — 
see  Smyth,  Eev.  J. 

Smith  of  Berkshire, 
Eev.  John,  132 

Smith  (Christ's  Col 
lege,  Cambridge)  (1), 
John  —  see  Smyth, 
Eev.  J. 

Smith    (Christ's    Col 
lege,  Cambridge)  (2), 
John,  132 
Smith    of    Warwick- 


630 


Index. 


shire,    Eev.     John, 
132 

Smith,  Minister  and 
Preacher  of  the 
Word  of  God  ;  John 
— see  Smyth,  Eev.  J. 

Smith,  Preacher  of,  or 
Lecturer  in,  the  city 
of  Lincoln  ;  John — 
see  Smyth ,  Eev. 
J. 

Smith,  Eobert,  274 

Smith,  Thomas,  275 

Smith,  Sir  Thomas, 
249,  250,  289 

Smyth,  the  Se-Baptist; 
Eev.  John,  3,  9,  48, 
49,  51,  54,  55,  66, 69, 
100,  104,  121,  131- 
140,  148 

Smyth,  Mary ;  ?  Wife 
of  the  Eev.  John, 
138 

Smyth's  Company, 
Master  [=  Mev. 
John],  100,  140 

Snowe,  Nicholas,  370, 
388 

Soke  of  Nottingham 
shire,  The  North,  65 

Somerset,  4th  Earl  of 
Worcester ;  Edward, 
81 

Soule,  George  —  see 
Sowle,  G. 

Southampton,  107, 304, 
307,  309,  310,  315- 
317,  319,  334-339, 
343,  344,  346,  355, 
377,  389,  390,  401 

Southern  Colony,  The 
— see  London  Vir 
ginia  Company 
South   Sea   in  North 

America,  A,  299 
Southwell,  co.  Notts. 

52 

Southwell,  co.  Notts ; 
The  Manor  of,  62, 
63,  65 


South     Witham,     co. 

Line.,  72 
Southworth       (previ 
ously      Carpenter), 
afterwards       Brad 
ford,  Alice,  Wife  of 
Edward,  46, 163,  387 
Southworth,   Edward, 
46,    162,    163,    275, 
342-345 

Southworth,  Jane,  138 
Southworth,    Thomas, 

275 

Sowams,  in  Pokanoket, 
468,  489,  524,  525, 
547,  549-556,  558, 
561 

Sowle,       or       Soule, 
George,    362,     366, 
379,  383 
Spelman,   Sir   Henry, 

257,  258,  259 
Spenser,  Edmund,  24 
Spoonard,  John,  275 
Spottiswood,  John ; 
Abp.  of  St  Andrews, 
240,  241 
Spragge,  Francis — see 

Sprague,  F. 
Sprague,  Francis,  386 
Squabetty,  N.E.,  466 
Squanto,   This  would 
seem     to     be     the 
familiar  English  ab 
breviation    of    Tis- 
quantum ;       which 
see 

Squantum,  The  penin 
sula  of ;  Boston  Bay, 
484 
Squibb,  Capt.  Thomas, 

256 

Stamford,  co.  Line.,  72 
Standish,'      Barbara ; 
2nd  Wife  of  Capt. 
Miles,  387 

Standish,  Capt.  Miles, 
362,  368,  378,  384, 
387,  411,  427,  432, 
441,  448,  449,  455,  | 


457,  460,  484,  489, 
500,  518-522,  533- 
535,  539,  542-546, 
558,  563,  564,  566- 
572,  579 

Standish,  Eose ;  1st 
Wife  of  Capt.  Miles, 
368 

Stanhope,  1st  Lord 
Stanhope ;  John, 
Master  and  Comp 
troller  General  of 
all  H.M.  Posts,  71, 
79-86 

Staresniore,  Sabine, 
279,  296 

Statie,  Hugh,  385 

Stavely,  Margaret;  ? 
Wife  of  Eobert, 
138 

Stavely,  Eobert,  138 

Stephenson,     George, 

Sterrell,  William,  33- 

35 
Steven,  Eev.  William. 

99,  145 

Steward,  James,  385 
Stilton,  co.  Hunts,  72 
Stock,  The  Common — 

see  Joint  Stock,  The 
Story,  Elias,  366,  380 
Stuart,    1st   Duke   of 

Lenox  ;     Lodovick, 

255 
Stuart  Kings,  The,  5. 

16,  17,  20 
Studley,     a      Euling 

Elder;    Daniel,   31, 

104-107,    109,   110, 

116,    119,   120,  122- 

125,  279 
Stuffen,       afterwards 

Clyfton;    Ann,    95, 

96 

Stuffen,  I,  95 
Succonet,     (Falmouth. 

ff.Et),  555 
Simmer,  George,  146, 

147 


Index. 


631 


Sutcliffe,  Matthew ; 
Dean  of  Exeter,  256, 
257 

Sutton,  co.  Notts,  58 

Sutton  Valence,  co. 
Kent,  246 

Swanenburch,  J,,  15*7 

Swanenburg,  Dr  Cor 
nelius,  207 

Swansey,  Massa.,  N.E., 
468,  548,  556 

Sydenham,  John,  52 

Sydney,  Lord  Lisle ; 
Eobert.  The  brother 
of  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
199 

Symkins,  Christopher, 
99 

Symonson  [corrupted 
to  Simonson ;  and 
later,  to  Simmons], 
Moses,  179,  305,  385 

TABORITES,  The,  150, 
Talbot,  William,  166, 

275 
Tarentines,    The — see 

Tarratines,  The 
Tarratines,  The,  484 
Taunton  Green,  N.E., 

466 
Taunton  river,  N.E. ; 

The,  465,  466 
Teelinck,  Eev.  Willem, 

226 
Temple,  Dr  Frederick ; 

late  Bp.  of  London, 

and  the  present  Abp. 

of  Canterbury,  1 
Tench,  William,  385 
Terceira,  Azores,  394 
Terceiras,  The  = 

Azores,  The 
Terry,    Samuel  —  see 

Ferrier,  S. 
Terveer  —  see  Veere, 

Walcheren,  224 
Texel    in     North 

America,  A,  299 
Thievish  harbour — see 


Plymouth  in  N.E., 
The  Town  &c.  of 

Thompson,  or  Tomp- 
son,  David,  255,  559, 
579 

Thompson,  Edward, 
370,  380 

Thomson,  Isabel ;  ? 
Wife  of  Solomon, 
138 

Thomson,  Solomon, 
138 

Thomson,  Rev. 
Thomas,  239 

Thorned,  John,  322 

Thornhill,  Matthew, 
322 

Thornton,  John  Win- 
gate,  47 

Tlioroton,  Eobert,  65 

Thorp,  William  —  see 
Thorpe,  G. 

Thorpe  the  Printer, 
Giles  ;  a  D  e  a  c  o  n, 
then  a  Ruling  Elder, 
9,  31,  115,  117,  122, 
125,  138,  139,  211 

Throgmorton,  Job,  32 

Tichfield,  251 

Tickens  (previously 
White),  Jane ;  Wife 
of  Ealph,  156-158. 
167 

Tickens,  Ealph,  156- 
158,  162,  167,  275 

Tilden,  Joseph,  322 

Tilden,  Thomas,  388 

Tilley, ;  Wife  of 

John,  372 

Tilley,  Ann  ;  Wife  of 
Edward,  372 

Tilley,  Edward,  372, 
378  411,  427 

Tilley,  afterwards 
Howland ;  Eliza 
beth,  362,  364, 
372 

Tilley,  John,  361,  364, 
372,  378,  427 

Tillie— see  Tilley 


Tinker,  Thomas,  360, 
373,  378 

Tinker,  ?  ;  Wife  of 
Thomas,  373 

Tinker  1  ;  son  of 
Thomas,  373,  380 

Tisquantum,  the  sur 
viving  native  of 
Patuxet ;  who  had 
been  to  Spain,  Lon 
don,  and  Virginia. 
He  was  the  inter 
preter  to  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers ;  and  was, 
in  many  ways,  very 
helpful  to  them  be 
tween  March  1621, 
and  November  1622 
when  he  died  at 
Chatham,  N.E.  See 
also  Squanto  and 
Squantum,  395,  451, 
455,  456,  459-462, 
464,  465,  468,  471, 
474,  475r  479-483, 
486,  517-519,  522, 
523,  525,  527,  534- 
536,  540,  593 

Titicufc  river,  N.E. ; 
The,  465,  471 

Tokamahainon,  471, 
472,  474,  479,  481, 
517-519  " 

Tompson,  David — see 
Thompson,  D. 

Tracy,  Stephen,  165, 
388 

Tracv  (previously 

Le  ),  Trifasa, 

Wife  of  Stephen, 
165,  166 

Training,  or  General 
Muster,  in  N.E. ; 
The  first,  520,  521 

Travel's,  Walter,  28, 
244,  245 

Trent,  The  Council  of 
16 

Trent,  The  river,  49, 
57,  60,  66,  93,  94 


632 


Index. 


Trevore,  William,  377, 

380 
Truro,  Cape  Cod,  NE., 

412,  413 
Tucker's    Terror — see 

Pollock  Rip,  The 
Turner, ;  a  candle 

maker,  and  Preacher, 

246 
Turner,  John,  311, 315, 

316 
Turner,  John,  360, 375, 

378 
Turner,  ? ;  son  of  John, 

375,  380 
Turner,  ? ;    a   second 

son  of  John,  375, 380 
Turvin,   Eev.  George, 

52 
Tuxford,  co.  Notts,  58, 

72,80 

UDALL,  Eev.  John,  28 
Undertakers  of  1626, 

The  Twelve,  356 
Use,  Isle  d'  [?  Isle  d' 

Yeu,    off     Poitou], 

506-508 

VAN  HOUT,  1, 148 
Veere,  Walcheren,224 
Vervey,  Jacob  Y.,  205, 

207 

Vincent,  John,  162 
Vincent  (previously 
Allerton)  Sarah ; 
Wife  of  John,  162' 
Virginia,  126,  248, 253, 
254,  271,  272,  277- 
280,  283,  285,  286, 
289-291,  297,  299, 
301,  304,  305,  316, 
323,343,371,392-394, 
531,  533,  592-594, 
599 

Virginia,  The  Adven 
turers  for — see  Lon 
don  Virginia  Com 
pany 
Virginia,"   at    James 


City,     Va. ;     The 
Council  of,  394 

Virginia,  The  Council 
and  Company  of — 
see  London  Virginia 
Company,  The 

Virginia,  The  First 
Colony  in  the 
Northern  Parts  of 
— see  Plymouth  in 
N.E.,  The  Planta 
tion  or  Colony  of 

Virginia,  The  Hero  of 
— see  Smith,  Capt.  J. 

Virginia,  His  Ma 
jesty's  Council  for— 
see  London  Virginia 
Company 

Virginia,  The  Lords 
Commissioners  for 

•  the  Affairs  of,  249, 
394 

Virginia  Company, 
The  —  see  London 
Virginia  Company, 
The 

Virginia  Council,  The 
—see  Virginia,  The 
Lords  Commis 
sioners  for 

Virginia  Historical 
Society,  The,  250 

Vlieland  in  North 
America,  A,  299 

Vorstius,  Mlms  Ever- 
'  hard,  213 

W.,  Master,  315 

W.  E.— 'See  Winslow, 

Gov.  E. 
Wakefield,   Abraham, 

99 

Walseus,  Anthony,  219 
Walcheren,  The  island 

of,  224 
Wallen,        Ealfe, 

388 

Walley,  Eichard,  53 
Walloons,    The,    158, 

299 


Walsingham,  Sir  Fran 
cis,  33,  76 
Waltham    Cross,    co 

Herts,  72 

Wampanoag,  Indians, 

of  which  Massasoit 

was  the  Sagamore, 

The 

Wandswortkco.  Surr., 

25 

Ward,  Thomas,  322 
Ware,  co.  Herts,  72 
Wareham,  N.E.,  555 
Warren,  Eichard,  355, 
360,  371,  378,  384, 
388,  427 
Warren,  Eh  ode  Island, 

N.E.,  468 

Warrener,  Eobert,  275 
Washington,    D.    C. ; 
The  Library  of  Con 
gress  at,  250,  251 
Wassapinewat,   a 

Sachem,  561 
Waterhouse,  Edward, 

251 

Waterlander,  A,  140 
Waterloo,  The  Battle 

of,  22 

Waterson,  Simon,  133 
Wayt,  afterwards  Clif 
ton  ;  Elizabeth,  96, 
97 

Wayt,  Katherine; 
Wife  of  Laurence, 
96 

Wayt,  Laurence,  96 
Welby,  William,  139 
Wellfleet    Bay,    Cape 

Cod,  N.E.,  428 
Wencop,    John  —  see 

Wincop,  J. 
Wesley,  Eev.  John,  4, 

38 

Wessagusset  ( Wey- 
mouth,  N.E.);  The 
English  Colony  at, 
10,  511,  531,  532- 
534,  537,  538,  545, 
555,  558-575.  See 


Index. 


633 


See  "Western's  Colony 
&c.,  T. 
West,  Capt.    Francis, 

256,  599 

West  India  Company, 
The  Dutch,  298 

West  Indies,  22,  365, 
394 

Westminster  =  White 
hall  Palace,  73 

W  e  s  t  o  n,  Thomas 
[Gov.  Winslow  de 
signates  him,  in 
1624,  "  late  Mer 
chant  and  citizen  of 
London,"  529],  255, 

257,  300,    302-304, 
308,  309,   311,   317, 
318,  322,   336,  344- 
356,   389,   529,  531, 
534 

Weston's  Colony,  or 
Company,  or  men, 
or  people  at  Wessa- 
gusset;  Thomas,  511, 
533,  537,  538,  544, 
545,  555,  558-564, 
566-572 

West  Stockwith,  co. 
Notts,  93,  94 

Wetherby,  co.  York, 
72 

Weymouth,  N.E.— see 


Whincop,   John  — see 

Wincop,  J. 
White,  Agnes,  163 
Whit  e,     afterward  s 

Robinson;  Bridget, 

158-160,  275 
White,     afterwards 

Tickens  ;  Jane,  1 56- 

158,  167 

White,  John,  322 
White,  Peregrine,  358, 

362,  369,  426 
White,  Eesolved,  362, 

369,  379 
White,    Roger,     158, 

163,  275 


White,  Rose  ;  Wife  of 
the  Rev.  Thomas, 
119 

White  ( previously 
Fuller),  afterwards 
Winslow;  Susanna, 
162,  163,  362,  365, 
369,  426 

White,  Rev.  Thomas, 
115,  118-120,  128 

White,  William,  162, 
365,  369,  378,  384 

Whitgif  t,  John  ;  Abp. 
of  Canterbury,  3, 25, 
31,  33,  34,  37 

Whittingham,  Wil 
liam  ;  Dean  of  Dur 
ham,  25 

Wichaguseusset  —  see 


Wickham,     William ; 

Bp.  of  Lincoln,  99, 

132 
Wilberforce,  Samuel ; 

Bp.  of  Oxford,  47 
Wilcox,  Rev.  Thomas, 

244,  245 
Wilde,  Willem  Sinions- 

zoon  van  der,  156 
Wilder,    Roger,    364, 

380 

Wilkins,  Roger,  275 
William  III.,  King,  17 
Williams,     Jonathan, 

164,  275 
Williams,  Rev.  Roger, 

134 

Williams,  Thomas,  275 
Williams,  Thomas,  376, 

379 
Williamson,  Master — 

see  Allerton,  I. 
Willis,  Thomas,  13 
Wilson,  Henry,  275 
Wilson,     Rev.    John, 

160 
Wilson,    Roger,    163- 

165,  169,  274,  275 

|   Wincob,       John— see 
|       Wincop,  J. 


Wincop,  John,  253, 
291,  292,  301 

Wincop's  [or  Whin- 
cop  ;  or  as  Brad 
ford  spells  it,  Win- 
cob]  Associates, 
John—see  Pilgrim 
Fathers 

Windsor,  co.  Berks,  61 

Winock, ,  246 

Winslow,  Gov.  Ed 
ward,  43,  164,  307, 
308,  362,  365,  369, 
374,  376,  378,  381, 
384,  427,  456-450, 
462-473,  518,  519, 
523,  529,*  530,  547- 
558,  580 

Winslow,  as  a  Writer  ; 
Gov.  Edward,  2, 175- 
185,  262-264,  268, 
273,  282,  283,  327- 
330,  332,  333,  382, 
416,  462-473,  488- 
494,  507,  509-600 

Winslow  (previously 
Barker),  Elizabeth ; 
1st  Wife  of  Gov. 
Edward,  164,  366 

Winslow,  Gilbert,  376, 
379,  383 

Winslowj  John,  374, 
385 

Winslow  (previously 
Chilton),  Mary; 
Wife  of  John,  374S 
384 

Winslow  (previously 
Fuller,  then  White) 
Susanna ;  2nd  Wife 
of  Gov.  Edward,  162, 
163,  362,  365,  369 

Winsor,  Prof.  Justin, 
|       11, 47 

i  Wintlirop,  Gov,  John, 
I      252 

Wisbeacb,  co.  Camb., 

163 

1  WisbroTigh  Greeny  co. 
;       Suss.,  96 


The  Pilgrim  Fathers. 


634 


Index. 


Witham,  The  river,  93 
Wituwamat,  a  Pinese 

of  the  Boston  Bay 

Indians,    544,    563, 

568,  569,  572,  573 
Witzbuts  (?  Wisbeach\ 

163 
Wolsey,  Card.  Thomas, 

59,60 
Wood,    Henry,     156, 

169,  2*75 

Woodnoth,  Arthur,  250 
Woodrow  Society,  The, 

239 

Woodward,DrJohn,14 
Worcester,  Bp.  of — see 

Metche*,  E. 
Worksop,    co.    Notts, 

53,  54, 57,  58, 95, 135 
Wostleholme,SirJohn, 

289,  293-296 
Wrentham,   co.  Suff., 


Wright,  Richard,  322 

Wright,  William,  385, 

'  Wright, WilliamAldis, 

108 
Wriothesley,  3rd  Earl 

of      Southampton ; 

Henry,  249,  251,  393 
Wyatt,      Gov.       Sir 

Francis,  394 

YALE  University  Lib 
rary,  New  Haven, 
Conn,,  244 

Yarmouth,  Cape  Cod, 
N.E.,  370-372,  537 

Yarmouth,  Great;  co. 
Suff.,  168,  273,  275 

Yates,  Eev.  John, 
242 

Yeardley,  Gov.  Sir 
George,  289,  599 

York,  The  Abp.  of,  59, 
60,  191 


York,  The  city  of,  52, 
58,  131,  165 

York,  The  diocese  or 
see  of,  52,  62,  63, 
65 

York :        ! 
The    Minster    Lib 
rary,  136,  140 

Yorkshire,  The  North 
Eiding  of,  106,  110 

Yorkshire,  The  West 
Eiding  of,  51,  57,  61, 
69,96 

Young,  Eev.  Alex 
ander,  37,  105,  173, 
175,  350,  351,  356 

ZEALAND,  Holland,  41, 
89,  103,  324,  333 

Ziska,  Johann  Trocz- 
nov.,  150 

Zouche,  Sir  William, 
222-228 


THE   END 


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THE  HISTORY 

OF  THE 

PLIMOTH  PLANTATION 

WRITTEN  BY 

WILLIAM  BRADFORD, 

One  of  the  Founders  of,  and  Second  Governor  of  that  Colony 

AND  NOW   IN  THE  LIBBAEY  OF  FULHAM  PALACE. 

WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY 

JOHN  A.  DOYLE, 

Fellow  of  All  Soul's  College,  Oxford. 


LONDON  :   WAED  &  DOWNEY,  LIMITSD. 
BOSTON,  MASS.  :  HOUGHTON  MIFPLIN  &  CO, 


THE  Manuscript  contains  an  account  of  the  Settlement 
in  Holland,  first  at  Amsterdam,  and  afterwards  at 
Leyden,  of  the  Community  of  Puritan  Separatists  commonly 
known  as  Brownists ;  of  their  departure  from  Holland 
and  embarkation  at  Southampton  in  1620  in  the  ship 
"  Mayflower  " ;  of  the  voyage  of  the  "  Pilgrim  Fathers  n  in 


the  "  Mayflower  "  to  America  ;  of  the  foundation  by  them 
there  of  "  Plimoth  Plantation/'  and  of  the  history  and 
government  of  the  Plantation  until  1646. 

It  contains  also  :  "  The  names  of  those  which  came 
over  first,  in  the  year  1620,  and  were  (by  the  blessing  of 
God)  the  first  beginners,  and  (in  a  sort)  the  foundation  of 
all  the  plantations  and  Colonies  in  IsTew  England  (and 
their  families)/' 

The  Manuscript  belongs  to  the  Library  at  Fulham 
Palace.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  it  was  brought  to 
England  at  the  time  of  the  American  War ;  but  there  is 
no  reference  to  its  existence  in  America  later  than  1767. 
Up  to  1854  American  students  of  the  history  of  their 
country  failed  to  trace  it,  and  Dr  Young  in  his  "  Chronicles 
of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  "  (published  in  1841)  refers  to  it  as 
"  hopelessly  lost,"  Attention  was,  however,  in  1854, 
directed  to  its  resting-place  by  passages  and  citations  in 
UA  History  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of 
America,"  by  Samuel  Wilberforce,  Bishop  of  Oxford.  Leave 
was  obtained  to  transcribe  the  MS.,  and  it  was  published  by 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  in  their  "  Collections  " 
in  1856. 

The  MS.  consists  of  280  folio  pages,  in  William 
Bradford's  own  handwriting,  and  is  an  example  of  clear 
and  beautiful  penmanship. 

The  edition  is  limited  to  350  copies,  printed  on  fine 
hand-made  paper,  and  each  copy  is  numbered, 


WARD  &  DOWNEY,  Limited, 
12  York  Buildings,  Adelphi,  W.C. 


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