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The Story of Verona

The Medieval ^
Town Series

PRAGUE.*

By Count Lutzow.

CHARTRES.t

By Cecil Headlam.

CAIRO.t

By Stanley Lanb-Poole.

BRUGES.t

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ROME.t [2nd Edition.

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FLORENCE, t {3rd Edition.
By Edmund G. Gardner.

ASS I SI.* [2nd Edition.

By LiNA Duff-Gordon.

CONSTANTINOPLE.*

By William H. Hutton.

MOSCOW.*

By Wirt Gerrare.

ROUEN, t [2nd Edition.

By Theodore A. Cook.

NUREMBERG.* [-^rd Edition.
By Cecil Headlam.

PERUGIA.* [^th Edition.

By Margaret Symonds and
LiNA Duff-Gordon.

TOLEDO.*

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"The Story / Vcrona

by Alethea Wiel Illustrated

by Nelly Erichsen and
Helen M. yames

London: J. M. Dent ^ Co.

Aldine House^ 29 and ^q Bedford Street
Covent Garden^ W.C. ^ * 1902

■ O^

My Husband

292091

PREFACE

'VHE story of Verona is no simple record of a simple
town with a continuous rule guiding her fortunes
and directing her destinies. Her tale is mingled with
that of other nations and languages ; and Greek,
Ostrogoth, Longobard and Frank have held sway in
Verona as well as Etruscan and Roman. The
influence of these diverse nationalities has left its
trace on the art and history of the city to a marked
extent. The architecture alone of Verona is of a
nature to demand a long and deep study, and calls
for an expert's hand to do justice to its different
developments of variety and beauty. Her school of
painting too is a subject that has not yet met with
sufficient attention, and that deserves a study which
hitherto has been but scantily bestowed upon it. I
have tried in a humble and limited way to put before
the reader some idea of this school, and to render him
familiar with the names and works and methods of the
masters of painting with whom he will come most in
contact in his wanderings through Verona. Many of
their masterpieces are to be found in the grand old
churches which form one of the chief features of
Verona, and within whose walls it is well to linger
if we wish to grasp fully the character of the town and
of the men who raised these noble buildings, and who
now lie buried in or beside them. The history of
Verona is all-absorbing, but I have tried to give it
only that prominence which is necessary for such an
understanding of the town as will interest the traveller
and enable him to enjoy a stay amid surroundings that
will not now perhaps seem "foreign" to him.

vii

Preface

I have drawn much of my knowledge on the
Veronese school of painting from Sir A. Henry
Layard's excellent work, Handbook of Painting.
The Italian School ; based on the Handbook of
Kugler (London; Murray, 1887), which was
most kindly lent to me by Lady Layard ; and to
Mr Selwyn Brinton's The Renaissance in Italian
Art^ Part IL (London: Simpkin, 1898). My
grateful thanks are also due to Prof. Commendatore
Carlo Malagola, Head of the State Archives in
Venice, for the loan of books and for help as to the
means whereby to arrive at much of the information
I required. I am also indebted to Cav. Giuseppe
Biadego, Bibliotecario of the Biblioteca Comunale of
Verona ; and to Cav. Dr Riccardo Galli for help
during my stay at Verona. Nor must I omit to say
a word in praise of the Hotel de Londres in that city,
where comfort and economy are very happily and
successfully blended by a most courteous and diligent
landlord. My chief thanks though are due to Cav.
Pietro Sgulmero, Vice-Bibliotecario of the Library
and Vice- Inspector of the Monuments in Verona, who
devoted many a spare hour to introducing me to every
part of the town, and in imparting to me all he could
of the knowledge he possesses in an eminent degree of
the history and legends of his native town. My book
owes more to him than I am able to express.

<* Few towns,'' says Mr Selwyn Brinton, ** have an
individuality more delightsome than Verona — Verona
the Worthy (Verona la Degna) as she was called" —
and if I shall succeed in endearing that individuality
and making it familiar to the traveller wandering
through this " worthy " and glorious city, I shall not
have laboured in vain.

Palazzo Soranzo,

Venice, January 1902.

viii

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

FA6B

Origin and Groivth of the City — Verona under
the Romans — Goths and Lombards in
Verona — The Adige .... i

CHAPTER II
The Arena ...... 23

CHAPTER III
The Middle Ages — Ez%elino da Romano . 43

CHAPTER IV
The Scaligers . . . , . . 66

CHAPTER V

From the Fall of the Scaligers to the Present

Day . . . . . . .103

CHAPTER VI

Men of Letters — School of Painting . . 124

Contents

CHAPTER VI]

The Duomo — S. Giovanni in Fonte — Biblioteca
Capitolare — Vescovado — St Anastasia —
Pia%%a delle Erhe . . . . 1 50

CHAPTER VIII

Piaxxa dei Signori — Sta. Maria Antica —

Tombs of the Scaligers . . . . 178

CHAPTER IX

Via Cappello — San Fenno — Museo Civico and

Picture Gallery . . . . . 199

CHAPTER X

^. Paolo di Campo Marte — SS. Na%%aro e
Celso — The Grotto di S. Nazzaro—St
Thomas of Canterbury — Giardino Giusti —
Sta. Maria in Organo — S, Giovanni in
Valle — Teatro Antico — SS. Siro e Libera
— Castle of Theodoric — S. Stefano — S.
Giorgio in Braida . . . . 222

CHAPTER XI

Sant^ Eufemia — Porta dei B or sari — S.S.
ApostoU — .S". Lorenzo — -5". Bernardino —
Sta. Trinita—Tomb of Romeo and Juliet
— Ponte Rojiolo — Piazza Bra . . 250

Contents

CHAPTER XII PAGE

San Zeno ....... 267

CHAPTER XIII
Verona and Its Croivn of Castles . . . 281

CHAPTER XIV
Plan for seeing the Tonvn — Hotels . . 299

20
22

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Centrepiece by Andrea Maniegna behind the High

Altar at San Zeno ( Photogravure) . Frontispiece

Cast el S. Pietrofrom the Adige ... 5

A Vendor of Fresh Water .

The Arena ....

The fagade of the Duomo

Toiver of the former Convent of S, Zeno. {The
only remaining fragment of the building ivhere
the mediaval German emperors stopt on their
fway to Rome) ..... 50

Church of S. Zeno, Capital in the Nave . 54

The Tribuna — Ancient Seat of Judgment,, Pia%%a

delle Erbe ...... 63

Old Seal of Verona 65

The Costa. Pala'z.%0 of Cangrande in the dis-
tance ivhere he entertained Dante . . 75

The back oj Casa Ma%%anti. Once inhabited by

Alberto della Scala . . . . 85

Tomb oj Mastino II. della Scala . . . 91

Ponte Scaligeri. Bridge of Cast el Vecchio . 95

Illustrations

PAGE

Fountain in the Pia'x.'za delle Erbe. {^Statue

said originally to be of the third century ) . 99

Shield of the Scaligers^ <with the " Holy Birdy^

the badge of their dignity as Vicars Imperial 102

The Piazza delle Erbe, avith the Venetian Column ill

Palazzo del Consiglio. Architect Fra Giocondo 125

Madonna and Child, V. Pisanello, Museo Civico 1 3 7

ATadonna, SS. Zeno and Lorenzo Giustiniani,
Girolamo dai Libri, Church of St George in
Braida ....

The Arms of Verona .

South Door of the Duomo

Side Door of Duomo. Detail of Column

Detail of Side Door of Duomo

Church of St Anastasia from the Adige shoiving
the Houses nvhich stood there before the
" muragUoniy'^ built to defend the totvn
against the Inundations of the Adige, ivere
erected . . . . . .161

Holy Water Basin in St Anastasia (Figure
carved by Gabriel Cagliari, Jather of Paul
Veronese . . . . . .164

Madonna and Saints, St Anastasia {^ascribed
alternately to Francesco M or one and Giro-
lamo dai Libri) . . . . .167

Tomb of Guglielmo da Castelbarco . . . 1 70

Piazza delle Erbe , , , , '173

141
149

158

Illustrations

PAGE

Piazza Jet Signori . . . . .179

Outside Staircase, Palazzo Publico or della Regione 182
The Outside Staircase, Palazzo della Ragione . 183
Fifteenth Century Well in Via Mazzanti . 186

Effigy of Cangrande . . . . .189

Monument of Giovanni della Scala, Verona . 192
Tomb of Cansignorio della Scala . . . 193

Juliet^ s House {^traditionally) . . . 20I

Church of S. Fermo Maggiore : The Madonna

and Child and St Anne in Glory, nvith

other Saints below (G. Francesco Caroto) 205
Cavazzola^s Deposition from the Cross . . 211

Museo Civico, The Madonna and Child enthroned,

with St Joseph and the Archangel Raphael

{Girolamo dai IJbri) . . . . 216

Virgin and Child with Saints in Glory {Paolo

Morando detto Cavazzola) . . . 217

Window and Balcony in Via Seminario . . 225

Giardino Giusti . . . . . .227

The Giusti Garden . . . . .231

Doorway of Carved Wood in the Sacristy of

S. Maria 235

Choir Stall of Intarsio Work in S. Maria . 239

Church of S. Giorgio in Braida, Martyrdom of

St George {Paolo Veronese) . . . 243

The Madonna with Holy Women {Moretto du

Brescia) . . . . . .247

Illustrations

PAGE

Balcony in Via St Eufemia . . . . 251

Corso Cavour . . . . . .253

Fresco hy Domenico Morone in the Library of

S. Bernardino . . . . .260

S. Zeno Maggiore. Choir Screen and Entrance

to the Crypt ..... 269

Church of S. Zeno ..... 273
Cloisters, S. Zeno Maggiore . . . . 277

Ruins of the Filla of Catullo . . . . 283

Castle of Sirmione . . . . .289

PLANS

Afap of the Town of Verona, from an Engrav-
ing in the Bihlioteca Comunale of the year
167 1 . . . . face page 103

Plan of the Town of Verona showing the old
walls, from an engraving in the Bihlioteca
Comunale of the year 1535 . . . 303

Map of the Town . . . . . ^/ g^^

All the half-tone illustrations are reproductions from
photographs by Alinari, Florence.

The Story of Verona

CHAPTER I

Origin and Groivth of the City —
Verona under the Romans — Goths
and Lombards in Verona — The
Adige

\/ERONA is no exception to those great cities of
Italy whose origin is wrapt in a background of
uncertainty and mystery. A few scattered huts on the
hillside, now known as the " Colle d'l San Pietro^^ were
probably the beginnings of the town which was soon to
spring up on both sides of the Adige — that mighty
river that formed then as now such an important
feature all round the country through which it flows,
and whose waters have carried as great an amount of
woe in their train as ever they have of weal. These
faint beginnings of a mighty town bore probably some
resemblance to the hamlets we now see in Umbria or
Tuscany, dotted as they are on the slopes up which
they seem to crawl with difficulty, and marking the
sites where bastions, castles and strongholds were to
stand in after times. For Verona was above all else
a fortress. Her existence, as soon as she had assumed
the proportions of a town, was essentially a military

.*. ::•:•/:•••••:: : ,\ The Story of Verona

one, and the character stamped on her in those early
days remains untouched to the present hour. It may
be said of this beautiful city as of Zion of old : "Walk
about Verona, and go round about her, and tell the
towers thereof. Mark well her bulwarks. Set up
her houses that ye may tell them that come after."
This injunction to chronicle the story of the older city
applies equally to the one on the banks of the Adige,
and sharpens the desire to do so as faithfully and
lovingly as may be.

The position of Verona, its vast military construc-
tion, its fortress guarded by three lines of separate
forts, its arsenal and barracks, have made it, if not
the first, at least one of the first military towns of
Italy, and cause an ever-growing longing to investigate
as to its origin and that of the people who founded it.
That longing however has to be repressed, for all is
dark and vague with regard to the early days of
Verona. Her historians indeed claim for her an
ancestry of fabulous antiquity : some asserting that
she existed before Troy came into celebrity ; others
declaring that she was founded soon after the flood.
Veronese writers lose themselves equally in discussions
as to the race from whom sprang the inhabitants of
their city and province. They devote pages to the sub-
ject and consider in turn the probability as to whether
Etruscans, Rhetians, Euganeans, Celts, Cimbrians or
Gauls were the founders. No satisfactory conclusion
is reached. The mystery remains unsolved ; and time
and thought are alike wasted in attempting to lift a
veil which has been inexorably drawn by the Past,
and which she defies us to remove. There can be
no doubt whatever that Verona dates from very early
times, even if it is beyond the knowledge of man to
assert when that date exactly was. It may be assumed
however that the Etruscans had a part in her founda-

Origin and Groivth of the City

tion, and when we bear in mind that this implies a
period embracing the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.,
the age of the city is carried back indeed to a remote
epoch. The supposition most generally accepted
among Veronese writers is that their town came into
being about the fourth century before the Christian era,
and proofs of this are forthcoming to this day in the
discoveries made in and around Verona of remains of
arms, utensils, vessels, tombs, and so forth, which
bear witness to the different peoples who, at one time
or another, were living or ruling there, and to the
period of their rule. By this means, too, evidence can
be found of the dominion of the Barbarians, Gauls,
and Cimbrians ; and indeed to remoter times still when
the age of bronze, and also the neolithic age and the
prehistoric age are reached in turn.

The uncertainty as to the Past clings still to the
period when Rome stretched forth her conquering arms
over the north of Italy. No date can be mentioned
accurately as to when Verona became part of the great
Republic ; nor when, nor by whom the Amphitheatre,
and the Theatre, which form her most classic monu-
ments were erected. It may however be assumed
that at the beginning of the third century b.c, Verona
was subject to Rome. This subjection though was of
a voluntary nature, and in no way arose from the right
of victory. Verona was doubtless wise in time : she
saw how she had everything to gain by throwing in
her lot with that of Rome ; and by expressing a desire
to be under Roman authority and protection forestalled
what would inevitably have been brought about by
invasion and conquest. That this was so may be
safely affirmed by the absence of all documents re-
cording such a conquest, nor is there a chronicle
which adds the name of Verona to the list of triumphs
gained by any general — a triumph which would not

The Story of Verona

have been omitted had it been made, nor would
history have been silent over the conquest had it been
there to record. It is probable that some Veronese
troops came to the assistance of the Roman legions
at the battle of Cannae (216 b.c), and also that they
fought for Rome against the invading forces of the
Teutons and Cimbri at the close of the second century.
This invasion of the Cimbri presented a danger to
Rome greater than was at first imagined, and greater
perhaps than any hitherto experienced by the Eternal
City. The early chroniclers of Verona maintain that
their city bore an important part in staving off the
impending danger. They also declare that a large
band of the invaders took, up their abode in the
neighbourhood, enchanted with the soft climate, the
delicious wines (those of the Valpolicella being re-
nowned even then), and the charms of the sunny sky
of Italy. Here it is said that their descendants
dwell to this day, and are still to be identified by the
difference of their language, which is neither Italian
nor German, though more nearly allied to the latter.
The district where this diversity of language is to be
found is known as the " XIII Comuni Veronesi,^^ and
the " VII Comuni Ficenlini." Modern writers by no
means endorse the Cimbrian legend, and declare that
it has no foundation at all. They ascribe other causes
to the philological difficulty and explain it away as
follows : The proximity of Germany to this part of
Italy, they contend, explains the familiarity of the
Teuton tongue, together with the intercourse of the
two countries and the trading that was carried on
between them.

The influence exercised by Rome over Verona was
great ; and though the chroniclers of the latter city
are eager to maintain that she was in no way dependent
on Rome, or unduly subjected to her, the fact remains

Under the Romans

that she was under the dominion of the Eternal City,
and that Roman laws and habits were felt and adopted
in the northern town. She was not admitted at once
to the full rights and privileges of citizenship, though
the " lex Pompeia " was extended to her b.c. 89,
which entailed on her the rights of a Latin colony.
After the battle of Philippi (b.c. 42 ; year of Rome
712) the privileges of Roman citizenship were granted
to 'IVanspadene Gaul ; though when Verona herself
was admitted to such rights cannot be affirmed with
certainty. There can be however little doubt that
this occurred but a short time afterwards, when she
was included in the tenth region into which Cassar
Augustus partitioned Italy ; a region which was known
as that of " Venet'ia et HistriaJ'^ On the architrave
of the Porta dei Borsari, when by order of the
Emperor Gallienus the city was enclosed afresh by
a wall, there was an inscription recording this fact, and
proclaiming that Verona was " Colonia Augusta Nova
Gallieniana." This inscription is of the more value
as there is nothing beyond it to tell of the relation
between Rome and Verona. No mention is made of
the latter city in the records concerning the Augustan
colonisations ; nor is she enumerated in the list of
colonies given by Pliny the Elder in his history.
Tacitus speaks of her as a colony in the second
century, and in the fourth century we read of Pompeo
Strabone sending a colony there.

In the early days of the Roman Empire, Verona
was a town of much importance ; the chief cause that
contributed to this importance being without doubt her
geographical position. She stood at a spot where
several great highways met ; and all the chief roads
that connected the Empire with its principal towns
in the north of Italy and into Germany passed through
her streets. The Gallican way (Via Gallica), coming

The Story of Verona

from Brescia and leading through Vicenza to Aquileja
(thus ensuring intercourse with the eastern provinces)
went through Verona. So too did the Via Postumia
coming from Bedriaco. Another road led from Verona
to Mantua. Another again led to Bologna. The great
road to the north also started from Verona, and carried
the communication from Italy into Germany, and right
away to the Danubian provinces.

Ruskin^ has described the position occupied by
Verona when speaking of the view over the town as
seen from the road going to Illasi. He says, " Now
this promontory is one of the sides of the great gate
out of Germany into Italy, through which the Goths
always entered : cloven up to Innsbruck by the Inn,
and down to Verona by the Adige. And by this
gate not only the Gothic armies came, but after the
Italian nation is formed, the current of northern life
enters still into its heart through the mountain artery,
as constantly and strongly as the cold waves of the
Adige itself."

A great part was played by Verona at the time of
the war between the Vitellians and Flavians. The latter
who represented the partisans of Flavius Vespasian, and
who aimed at depriving the feeble Emperor Flaminius
of his crown, had taken possession of Aquileja, Vicenza,
Padua, and Verona. Much fighting took place around
Verona, and in the end the Vitellians were defeated,
and Vespasian — whose cause had been espoused by
the Veronese — became Emperor. During the third
century the weakness and decay of the Empire did
but gain ground. This demoralisation proceeded chiefly
from internal seditions and military revolts. The host
sent by Philip the Younger, surnamed "the Arab,'*
against the Barbarians of Pannonia rebelled, and pro-
claimed their general Decius Emperor. Philip

1 Ruskin, Verona and other Lectures. Allen (1894).
8

Under the Romans

journeyed from Rome to quell the revolt, but when
near Verona he was overcome and slain. In the
meanwhile the vigour and audacity of the Barbarians
did but increase. The town of Verona was looked
upon as one of the keys of Upper Italy, protected
as it was by the river Adige and fortified besides by
walls and fortifications. Considered as a stronghold,
even in the days of Augustus, its renown in that
respect was but to gain ground as time went on.
The Emperor Gallienus had extended the outer city
walls, and in this way had rendered the town almost
impregnable against the attacks of the Barbarians.
This extension of the walls had been made to include
the Amphitheatre, an edifice which might well be of
untold advantage to a foe ; for unless rescued from
its outlying position it could easily be taken and turned
into a formidable fort by any enemy of skill and
daring. This strengthening of the walls and fortifica-
tions of Verona was accomplished none too soon. A
vast federation of northern hordes, determined to take
advantage of the corruption and feebleness of Rome,
crossed the Alps in 268, and aimed at the conquest
of Verona. They were met by the Emperor Claudius
II. near the Lake of Garda, and overthrown in a
great fight, when more than half their numbers were
left dead on the field of battle.

In the year 312, Verona was besieged by Constan-
tine, who bore down upon it from the pass of the
Mount Cenis. Gibbon ^ gives an account of this
event as follows : " From Milan to Rome the
Aemilian and Flaminian highways offered an easy
march of about four hundred miles ; but though
Constantine was impatient to encounter the tyrant
(Maxentius), he prudently directed his operations

^ Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire. London, Murray, 1887, vol. ii., ch. xiv., p. 129,

The Story of Verona

against another army of Italians, who, by their strength
and position, might either oppose his progress, or,
in case of a misfortune, might intercept his retreat.
Ruricius Pompeianus, a general distinguished by his
valour and ability, had under his command the city
of Verona, and all the troops that were stationed
in the province of Venetia. As soon as he was in-
formed that Constantine was advancing towards him,
he detached a large body of cavalry, which was de-
feated in an engagement near Brescia, and pursued by
the Gallic legions as far as the gates of Verona. The
necessity, the importance, and the difficulties of the
siege of Verona, immediately presented themselves to
the sagacious mind of Constantine. The city was acces-
sible only by a narrow peninsula towards the west,
as the other three sides were surrounded by the Adige,
a rapid river, which covered the province of Venetia,
from whence the besieged derived an inexhaustible
supply of men and provisions. It was not without
great difficulty, and after several fruitless attempts, that
Constantine found means to pass the river at some
distance above the city, and in a place where the
torrent was less violent. He then encompassed Verona
with strong lines, pushed his attacks with prudent
vigour, and repelled a desperate sally of Pompeianus.
That intrepid general, when he had used every means
of defence that the strength of the place or that of
the garrison could affi^rd, secretly escaped from Verona,
anxious not for his own but for the public safety.
With indefatigable diligence he soon collected an
army sufficient either to meet Constantine in the field,
or to attack him if he obstinately remained within his
lines. The emperor, attentive to the motions, and
informed of the approach of so formidable an enemy,
left a part of his legions to continue the operations
of the siege, whilst, at the head of those troops on

Goths and Lombards

whose valour and fidelity he more particularly de-
pended, he advanced in person to engage the general
of Maxentius. The army of Gaul was drawn up
in two lines, according to the practice of war ; but
their experienced leader, perceiving that the numbers
of the Italians far exceeded his own, suddenly changed
his dispositions, and, reducing the second, extended
the front of this first line to a just proportion with
that of the enemy. Such evolutions, which only
veteran troops can execute without confusion in a
moment of danger, commonly prove decisive : but as
this engagement began towards the close of the day,
and was contested with great obstinacy during the
whole night, there was less room for the conduct of
the generals than for the courage of the soldiers.
The return of light displayed the victory of Con-
stantine, and a field of carnage covered with many
thousands of the vanquished Italians. Their general,
Pompeianus, was found among the slain ; Verona
immediately surrendered at discretion, and the garrison
was made prisoners of war."

Aquileja and Modena surrendered also to the victor,
and the path into Italy lay open to Constantine.

For the remaining part of that century Verona
remained under the sway of the Emperors of the
West, many of whom sojourned there often and
willingly, attracted either by the charm of the place,
or by the convenience afforded by its central position.
Nor is this to be wondered at seeing how it was
a very junction for Milan, Aquileja, and Germany
in turn, and how it was also provided with all that
was needful for the reception and accommodation of
its Imperial guests.

In the following century the Veronese territory was
invaded anew by Barbarians, the first inroad being that
of Alaric and his Visigoths (402); the next that of

The Story of Verona

the Huns under Attila. There can be little doubt
that Verona fell before the armies of the " Scourge of
God," but his speedy withdrawal from Italy — at the
intercession it is said of St Leo — left the town again
free.

The influence exercised by Rome over Verona ever
since she had included her among her colonies had been
felt not only in the laws and habits adopted by the
northern city, but also in the religious creeds and rites
practised in her midst. The worship of false gods
had flourished there in early times. Eastern deities
had had their services and altars, nor was the
Augustan worship omitted. That this worship, which
represented not only the homage rendered to the
person of Cassar but to the world-power of Rome as
well, was celebrated in Verona is evident from the
mention made of the ^^Jlamen divi Augusti et Romae^'
as ranking among her religious observances.

The introduction of Christianity into Verona is
placed at a very early date, and one legend declares
that no less a person than St Peter appointed the first
bishop who was one St Euprepio. This divine, who
is also said to have been one of the seventy appointed
by our Lord (see St Luke, ch. x., v. i), was indeed
the first bishop of Verona, but the date of his episco-
pate cannot be definitely aflBrmed, and can only be
vaguely spoken of as amongst the earliest bishoprics
instituted in Italy. The first bishops of Verona all
attained to the rank of saints ; the fourth being St
Procolo, and the sixth St Lucillo, who took part in
347 at the Council of Sardis. In 380 (or according
to Maffei 390) occurred the death of St Zenone, or
Zeno, the eighth bishop, a man famous for his learning
and saintliness of life, and who according to some
traditions " reduxit Veronam ad baptismum." The
writings of St Zeno have come down to the present

Goths and Lombards

day, and beside their doctrine and devotion have also
some literary merit. It is not known where the
services of the early Christians where held in Verona.
The so-called grotto of San Nazzaro, of which mention
will be made later on,i is generally looked upon as the
place, and tradition has it that Divine worship was
actually celebrated there. The frescoes that adorn the
church are of later date than the building, and were
probably added when the church was restored in the
tenth century, after it had suffered much damage at the
hands of the Hungarians.

That Verona possessed a bishop as early as the
third century of the Christian era would point to the
fact that even at that time the town contained many
believers, though the martyrdoms of S. Fermo and S.
Rustico in the reign of Diocletian would again demon-
strate that at that epoch at all events the pagan world
was in the supremacy. St Zeno's writings on the
other hand assume that Christianity was widespread
through the city, but this point in common with
many others relating to the early days of Verona
cannot be affirmed with certainty. The diocese of
Verona up to the beginning of the fifth century was
subject to the metropolitan jurisdiction of the See of
Milan which extended (especially at the time of St
Ambrose), over the greater part of the north of Italy,
and was known under the Roman administration as the
" vicariatus Italiae." After the death of St Ambrose
and when the Imperial Government fixed its seat at
Ravenna, Milan declined, its metropolitan jurisdiction
was split up, and Verona with other cities in the district
passed under the jurisdiction of the patriarchate of
Aquileja.

The advantages that accrued to Verona from her
geographical position have already been dwelt on.
1 See chapter x.

The Story of Verona

The disadvantages must equally be noted, chief among
them being the facility with which her territory could
be overrun by the wild and undaunted tribes of the
North, who looked upon Italy — the garden of Europe
— as the lawful reward for their labours, and who
considered the trained cohorts of the Roman legions
as foes worthy of their mettle.

Odoacer was the first of these invaders. He bore
down upon Italy at the head of a large force of
warriors, possessed himself of Rome, where he deposed
Augustelo, the last Emperor of the West, and after he
had imprisoned him at Ravenna, he caused himself to
be proclaimed King Jk Italy. This was in 476, and
there can be little doubt that he held sway in Verona,
from whence however he was driven out in a
pitched battle by Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths.
Odoacer lost heavily in the fight (489), his soldiers
were carried away in the rushing, swirling waters of the
Adige, when according to Eunodius "their corpses
choked that grandest of rivers.'* Odoacer himself
withdrew to Ravenna, where he was murdered in 493.

Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, is a name
and personality associated with song and legend. His
love for Verona was great, and though his official
residence, so to speak, was at Ravenna, it was at the
city beside the Adige that he preferred to dwell. Its
strong fortifications, the convenience of its position
for repelling any attack from Germany, added no doubt
to the attraction felt for Verona by "Dietrich von
Bern," as Theodoric was called in German ballads.
Theodoric's love for Verona took shape in the several
buildings which either for beauty or utility he raised
in it. Baths, palaces, strongholds, and external walls
were built in turn by him, and to him too is due the
restoration of the aqueduct. The remains of the
great palace that he built for himself on the hill of

Goths and Lombards

S, Pietro are still to be seen, and point to a style of
architecture that had its origin in Rome. The later
years of Theodoric's life are dimmed (from a Veronese
point of view) by the hatred he is said to have shewn
towards the Catholics. To this is ascribed among
other things his destruction of the oratory of S. Stefano,
at that time the Cathedral church of Verona. This
deed which coincided with the German legends which
easily spread to Verona confirmed the story of the
demoniacal chase which was circulated about Theodoric,
and which is to be found engraved among the bas-
reliefs carved on the fa9ade of S. Zeno. The
legend runs as follows : Theodoric on leaving the bath
mounts his horse, and followed by his hounds gives
chase to a stag. The stag however always manages
to escape. The hunter pursues in reckless haste and
eagerness, till he finds himself brought to the gates
of hell. An allegorical lesson that might have a
warning not only for the king of the Ostrogoths,
but for all of every class and nation who choose to
heed it !

Tradition ascribes to Theodoric at one moment
the building of the whole city, at other times the
Amphitheatre itself, giving to this latter the name of
the " House of Theodoric," just as in Rome the
same name of ** House of Theodoric " was once given
to Hadrian's mole. Nor did legends of different sorts
cease to be circulated about Theodoric in and around
Verona till the fourteenth century.

The Gothic rule began to decline in the days of
Totila (543), and wars in different directions around
Verona, generally ending in the defeat of the Goths,
proved at last their undoing. An invasion of the
Greeks was however successfully withstood, though
more perhaps by fortune than by skill. The Greeks
had actually possessed themselves of Verona, but their

The Story of Verona

greed for booty had made them careless as to securing
their conquest, and before they were aware of it
they were attacked by the Goths and expelled. An
expedition headed by Totila's chief general Teias
against the Emperor Justinian's forces under Narses
was not so successful. Nor did a fresh expedition led
by Totila in person fare better. The Roman and
Gothic armies met at Brescello on the Po, the Goths
were defeated, and Totila was slain. Teias was
appointed king in his stead (560), only to die by the
hand of Narses two years later, and with him the
Gothic rule came to an end in Italy.

Fresh incursions from Germany again followed ;
but it was not till the year 568 that any permanent
rule was established in Verona. That year however
saw the Longobards or Lombards, under their king
Alboin, pour down from the North and spread over
the fertile plain which to this day bears their name.
Their rule extended to Verona, where all traces of
Gothic and Grecian power disappeared before that of
the new-comers.

It was at Verona that the famous banquet took
place, when Alboin ordered his wife Rosamund to
drink wine out of her father's skull. Alboin had
conquered and killed his father-in-law, Cunimund,
king of the Gepedoe, and carried about with him the
trophy of his victory in the shape of the dead man's
skull converted into a drinking cup. He had no
settled capital in Italy, but, as Theodoric had done
before him, he dwelt gladly at Verona. The story
of his orgie is a well-known one, though it may be
that in his drunken debauchery he was hardly conscious
of the sacrilege that he called upon his wife to commit.
His brutality was amply avenged. Rosamund caused
her husband to be murdered (June 28, 572, or according
to Maffei 574) and then fled with Elmicho (who had
16

Jhe Adige

acted for her as Alboin's murderer) to Ravenna,
taking with her Alsuinda, Alboin's daughter, and
the royal treasure. The fugitives sought the pro-
tection of Longinus, the exarch of Constantinople ;
but soon after they reached Ravenna they were
tragically put to death, and Alsuinda together with
King Alboin's treasure was sent to Constantinople.
According to the writings of Paul the Deacon, the
Lombard historian of the eighth century, the *< body
of Alboin was buried by the I^ongobards with tears
and great mourning under a staircase adjoining the
palace. In our days Gilbert or Giselbert, Duke of
Verona, opened the case, drew from it the sword and
ornaments, and then with the vanity peculiar to the
ignorant, boasted that he had seen Alboin." The
whole story of the banquet, the indignity forced upon
Queen Rosamund, the king's death, and all its sequel
is often called in question and doubt thrown on the
whole matter. The certainty of it cannot perhaps be
asserted definitely, but the legend is a well-established
one ; and the historian Paul quoted above tells how
he saw the fateful goblet, and speaks of the murder,
the flight of the wife and of her accomplice, in a
way which proves that he at least believed it all.

The Lombards established duchies throughout Italy,
and after Alboin's death we find dukes in Verona,
one of whom, Auturi, married («V. 589) the famous
Theodolinda, daughter of Garibaldo, king or duke
of the Bavarians, who exercised an important influence
over the Lombard people, and who after her second
marriage with Agilulf, Duke of Turin, converted them
from Arianism to the Catholic faith.

In the year said to have been that of the marriage

of Theodolinda and Duke Auturi, the year a.d. 589,

a terrible inundation of the Adige took place in Verona.

The part this river played, and for the matter of that

B 17

The Story of Verona

still plays, in the history of the town which it bathes
and divides is marked. It rises in Lake Ressen in
South Tyrol, and after a course of some 190 miles,
during which it is joined by a multitude of mountain
streams and torrents, it empties itself into the Adriatic.
The Adige (in German the Etsch) flows down through
the Brenner pass, now enclosed in narrow channels,
now spreading out through lakes and wide openings,
gathering force and volume, till from small beginnings
it becomes the impetuous mass of waters which rushes
headlong through Verona. The floods and over-
flowings from this river have on several occasions
wrought untold damage to the town ; and but a few
years ago when the spring or autumn rains had fallen
in extra abundance, or when the snows were melting
after an unusually hard winter, the rumour that
" L' Adige e in pieno " carried dread to all who
heard it. This fear is almost entirely set at rest now.
Great dykes and walls have been erected ; the latter
known as ** muraglione," which are calculated to ensure
perfect safety to the city, and which certainly have
stood more than one test of extraordinary severity.
The inundation alluded to above is the first recorded
in history ; and one old chronicler asserts that so fear-
ful a deluge had not occurred since the universal one
when mankind was destroyed in the days of Noah.
The country around Verona was submerged for miles,
many inhabitants were drowned, and the number of
corpses of beasts, as well as of human beings, floating
about in the waste of waters may doubtless be held
responsible for the outbreak of a grievous sickness
which shortly after visited the city. The month was
that of October, and the decay of autumn following
close upon a long spell of heat may well have accounted
for the pestilence ; but the Veronese saw only the
wrath of God in the calamities which befell their
18

The Adige

land and considered themselves as under a curse. This
first noted inundation was not only a mark in history,
it was also the occasion for a miracle — at least in the
eyes of the faithful. The waters which rose to the
height of several feet restrained themselves when in the
neighbourhood of the church of S. Zeno. Although
on a level with the windows they forbore to enter the
sacred edifice, though the doors were open and would
have admitted them readily had their reverential attitude
not kept them outside in an upright position ! There
were three churches dedicated to S. Zeno in Verona,
and it is impossible to say around which of the three
the miracle took place. The story relating to it was
told to St Gregory I. by one who came from Verona,
and is spoken of by him in his Dialogues. Many
investigations have been made on the subject, all alike
leading to nothing and leaving the locality of the scene
unestablished. In the twelfth century the mystery was
still unsolved, for Benvenuto da Imola in his Com-
mentary on Dante was evidently in doubt over this
vexed point and records as follows : " Three churches
are named after San Zeno at Verona, one on the hill,
another by the Adige, but this is only a small oratory
or chapel, and I think it is this San Zeno of which St
Gregory writes in the Dialogues, that on one occasion
the Adige had inundated Verona, but did not enter the
windows of the church of San Zeno. The third
church is about a javelin cast from the river, and
there is no fairer church that I have seen in all
Verona." i

The Adige, though famed chiefly for the violence
of its ways and habits, has however another side to its

1 Benvenuti de Rambaldis de Imola, Comentum Super
Dantis Aldighierij Comoediam. Tr. by the Hon. William
Warren Vernon : Readings on the Purgatorio, London,
Macmillan, 1897.

The Story of Verona

character. Its services from a commercial point of
view are great. It acts also as a highway whereby to
convey heavy bales of goods, and many a raft laden
with timber comes floating down its waters, which
season the wood at the same time that they carry it
to its destination.

A VENDOR OF FRESH WATER

THE ARENA

CHAPTER II
The Arena

D EFORE leaving too far behind us the days when
^ Roman art and influence held sway in Verona it
may be well to pause and study the monument of that
past epoch which exists to this day in the shape of the
Amphitheatre, and consider carefully its history in all
its detail. Great uncertainty exists as to when the
Arena was built. Its chroniclers, jealous to claim for
it an antiquity beyond the bounds of probability, wish
to ascribe it to the Etruscans ; but it is Roman as to its
architecture, the lettering over the arches is Roman,
as is also the manner of numbering the seats of the
spectators. I ts age must for ever remain a mystery ;
the only certainty on that point being that it is very
great. Some writers declare that it dates from the
time of Diocletian only, and ask how is it likely that a
mere Roman colony should boast a stone amphitheatre
when the capital itself was lacking in such a possession ?
It may be answered that other towns of less importance
than Verona, colonies too of Rome, were provided
with arenas, some indeed grander and more elaborate
than the Veronese one. It will suffice to mention
those of Capua, Lucca, PozzuoH, and Pola, to show
how many existed even before the days of Augustus
Caesar, and that there was nothing strange in Verona
also having such a building long before the Colisseum
came into being. It probably was erected shortly
before Rome became an Empire ; and it is interesting

The Story of Verona

to trace the uses to which it was put as the ages rolled
on their way, and brought in their train different habits
and customs.

Tlje first use for all amphitheatres was only for
fights of beasts ; elephants, tigers, lions, panthers,
bears, even crocodiles being introduced for the purpose
of warring among themselves, and proving who was
the victor in the struggle for supremacy. These
sports gained in extent and luxury (so-called)
according to the number and variety of beasts that
could be obtained ; and the rarer the animal exhibited
in the arena, the greater the success of the entertainment.
Thus when a hippopotamus and five crocodiles appeared
on the scene, the triumph was well-nigh complete !
Rhinoceroses and cameleopards were introduced by
Julius Ccesar, and skilled hunters on the backs of
elephants were set in array to combat against them.
These sports were first held in the theatres or in the
circuses, but the latter were intended really for horse
and chariot races ; the theatres for scenic representations.
The difficulties both as to seeing and performing
experienced in these buildings called for another kind
of edifice, and led promptly to the formation of the
arenas or amphitheatres of which such beautiful
specimens remain to this day showing us even in their
ruined or mutilated condition on what grand and
colossal lines they were erected. The theatres of
Greece and Rome served to give an idea on which the
needed building should be erected. A semicircle of
steps, spacious and uncovered, would serve to seat
the audience, then in order to accommodate more
spectators and fill in the space destined for the stage,
another semicircle was added, leaving a vacuum in the
middle suitable for games, sports, or fights. The first
amphitheatres ever built were generally of wood, a
material little adapted for this kind of building, and that

The Arena

on more than one occasion came to grief either from
fire, or from the collapse of the entire structure. The
latter event occurred during the reign of Tiberius
Cassar, when at Fidena, a town of Latium, five miles
from Rome, the building subsided, and 20,000
spectators according to Suetonius, 50,000 according
to Tacitus, were among the number between killed and
wounded.

The Arena of Verona was built of great blocks of
stone, in a slightly oHong shape, 168 yards long, and
134 wide, and its arrangements for the coming in and
going out of the 20,000 persons whom it could seat
were admirable. The outer wall consisted originally
of four stories, but of the upper one only a fragment
remains, sufficient however to show how the huge
curtain or veil (velarium) which covered the whole
arena, and protected the spectators from the sun, was
arranged and manipulated. The interior is in an
excellent state of preservation ; and the care lavished
on this magnificent ruin ever since the fifteenth century,
and continued scrupulously to this day, is beyond all
praise. The plan of the building shows that it con-
sisted of an arcade of seventy-two arches, with two
tiers of boxes, and another tier with large windows.
The exits (vomitori), seventy-four in number, com-
municated with internal staircases which led up to the
steps where the spectators were seated. Nor was the
question of class distinctions ignored. Seats of costly
marble and highly ornamented were reserved for those
of high degree ; the knights were allotted places in the
centre ; the Roman matrons had their special quarters ;
the crowd was relegated to the upper part.

The first gladiatorial fights witnessed in Verona
are said to have been at the beginning of Trajan's
reign. These were either given as public festivals or
held by private individuals ; and they took place on

The Story of Verona

such occasions as demanded either the ceIebra^ion of a
triumph, or the propitiation of the deities who watched
over the dead and guided the departed spirits to the
shades of the Blest. One of these latter ceremonies,
judging from the letters of the younger Pliny, was
celebrated in Verona during the second half of Trajan's
reign. A private citizen named Maximus gave many
of these sights in the Arena in honour of his dead
wife, though on one occasion the entertainment failed
to come off owing to a heavy storm at sea having
detained the vessels which should have conveyed some
panthers from Africa. Against these and other wild
animals different conditions of combatants were engaged:
there was a class of gladiators known as " Bestiarii,"
who were trained especially for the purpose ; prisoners
taken in war were also used ; and in later times the
Christians furnished many a martyr and saint, St Paul
himself being of the number and telling us how he had
" fought with beasts at Ephesus."

The spot where the wild animals were confined
at Verona is not certain : some writers say that they
were kept in subterranean cellars close to the Arena,
and introduced through the gates that support the
Podium. 1 Others again say, and with a greater show
of reason, that they were kept in cages either of wood
or iron, which were wheeled up to the Amphitheatre
as they were needed. The dress of the " Bestiarii,''
who were also called *' Hunters of the Arena,"
resembled that of the gladiators, and their weapons
consisted only of a short dagger and a small shield.
They were famed for their dexterity and their cold-

1 " In an amphitheatre, ' podium ' was the name for a
railed basement which ran like a high enclosure round the
vkrhole circumference of the arena." See Mollett, J. W., An
illustrated Dictionary of Words used in Art and Archeology.
London, Sampson Low^, 1883.

The Arena

bloodedness ; and their address lay in avoiding the
animal whom they fought, while at the same time
teasing, enraging, and finally slaying him.

The Arena was also the scene of many a gladiatorial
fight when men only engaged, and several mural tablets
in the Museo Lapidario exist to recount the prowess of
the boldest "secutore," or the most skilful **retiarius"
or net thrower. One of these latter, a certain
** Generoso " by name, fought no less than twenty-
seven times in the Arena, while other monuments
speak of the difl^erent kinds of gladiators who also
performed there. The mention of their various
callings shows too how every sort of combat was
practised, as well as the mixed nature of the fights.
These forms of sport however paled after a time, and
instead of a fair trial of strength, oPbeast against beast,
or armed men contending for the mastery, it was judged
more exciting to see men, and even women and children
exposed to the rage and hunger of the animals with
no weapon worthy of the name in their hands and no
chance of escape from a death of shame and agony.
To the honour of Verona it must however be said
that the number of such scenes was very limited in
their midst, and that the Arena was only on rare
occasions put to the purposes which so often disgraced
the Colisseum at Rome.

The Arena however witnessed the martyrdoms of
S. Fermo and S. Rustico, who suffered during the
persecutions of Diocletian and Massimianus about the
year a.d. 30. Their story is this : Fermo was a
nobleman of Bergamo, and an accusation laid against
him in high quarters denounced him as a Christian.
A quasstor was accordingly sent to take him, and
Fermo who offered no resistance was carried off with
one Rustico, a humble friend who threw in his lot
with him. They were brought to the Emperor, and

ft^t

The Story of Verona

by him consigned to the keeping of one of his
councillors named Anolino. Threats, promises, tor-
tures were employed in vain to induce them to adjure
their so-called errors ; and it was thereupon decided
to bring them into the Arena and delight the in-
habitants of Verona with an exhibition. The night
before their trial the prisoners were joined by the
old and saintly bishop of Verona, St Procolo, who
had been jlrapt in prayer with the few Christians to
whom he ministered outside the town, and who now
determined publicly to declare himself a Christian,
ready to suffer with his brethren for Christ's sake.
He came into the town, joined Fermo and Rustico,
and together they were brought into the Amphitheatre.
The councillor, Anolino, on beholding the old man
bound, uncondemned, and a willing victim, demanded
who he was, and on being told, he refused to accept
St Procolo's self-sacrifice. He would not sanction a
death which had not been decreed by the Emperor,
and declared that the Bishop had become childish
through excess of age. The poor old saint was there-
upon driven out of the Arena with hootings and blows,
and had no choice but to retire to his flock, lamenting
that his name might not be added to those of " the
noble army of martyrs." Fermo and Rustico in the
meanwhile were called on to sacrifice to false gods,
and their refusal to comply was followed by every
kind of torture — one being that they should be roasted
alive. The pile was erected, and the victims placed
thereon. The flames however seized upon the
executioners, and left the saints untouched, according
to one legend. Another one though says that a heavy
shower of rain fell at the very moment when the fire
was about to be kindled, and extinguished it. This
may very probably have been the case, and may too
account for the power ascribed to these saints of
28

The Arena

causing rain to fall whenever it is needed. Their
names are in any case invoked whenever a lengthened
drought prevails, and the response generally obtained
ought to convert every sceptic as to the marvellous
powers possessed by these godly men. The deliver-
ance from this form of death was declared to be
miraculous ; their enemies denounced them as magicians,
and dragged them off to the banks of the Adige,
where they were finally beheaded. This occurred on
the 9th of August, and their bodies, rescued by their
friends, were eventually buried under the high altar
of the magnificent church which bears the name of
S. Fermo Maggiore, and which is dedicated to the
memory of S. Fermo and S. Rustico.

The practice of gladiatorial fights of all kinds came
to an end a.d. 435 ; and the use of an amphitheatre
seemed as though it too had reached its consummation.
The invasion of the Goths and Huns brought with
it a spirit of destruction as to most public buildings
already in existence coupled with a need for walls,
towers, and castles that was urgent and peremptory.
Theodoric with all his love for Verona had no respect
for this its greatest monument, and freely encouraged
the removal of stones, architraves, and blocks of marble
from the Arena to serve for the bastions, aqueducts,
and other buildings with which he enriched the town.
Nor did the Amphitheatre fare better at the hands of
Berengarius. He allowed its mighty stones to be used
whenever a building, private or public, required any
massive addition, and the only marvel is that it was
not absolutely ruined by the wholesale plunders com-
mitted within its walls. Its use in those days was
almost exclusively reserved for judicial trials, for
appeals to Divine Justice, and for duels and tourna-
ments. It also served as the place for public executions,
and for the doing to death of heretics. The largest

The Story of Verona

number who ever suffered for their faith was over a
hundred of the sect of the " Paterani," who were
brought from Sirmione in 1276, and were burned at
the stake in the Arena, by order of Martino and
Alberto della Scala.

Several jousts and tournaments were held here
during the reigns of the Scaligers, but the only one
deserving of special notice in these pages is the one
given in 1382 by Antonio della Scala the illegitimate
son of Cansignorio. The reason for this particular
tourney was to wipe out a deed of murder, and to
obliterate from the minds of the people of Verona the
fact that a fratricide and a villain ruled over them.
Cansignorio della Scala had laden his soul with the
murders of two of his brothers in order to secure the
succession to his illegitimate sons Bartolomeo and
Antonio. Bartolomeo was beloved by the people, and
in all ranks of society his presence was hailed with
joy and affection. He was a frequent guest in the
house of the Nogarola family whose palace stands not
far from the church of Sant' Anastasia in the narrow
street of '* The Two Moors" (I due Mori). The
daughter of the house, a young and beautiful maiden,
aroused the love of the young lord of Verona, who
had however a powerful and evidently favoured rival
in the person of a noble youth of the family of
Malaspina. Antonio della Scala, whose jealousy of his
brother was only equalled by his ambition to reign
alone, determined to turn this state of things to his
own advantage, and compass his brother's death.
On the evening of July 12, 1381, Bartolomeo came
home from the chase weary and worn, and attended
only by his secretary, one Galvani. They flung
themselves to rest unconscious of the presence of some
hired assassins in the room who had been concealed
there by Antonio's orders. The murderers but waited

The Arena

till their victims were buried in sleep. They then
stole quietly from their recesses and stabbed the weary
hunters to death. Bartolomeo received no less than
twenty -six wounds in his breast, and the murderers,
favoured by the silence and darkness, proceeded to
wrap the bodies in two black hooded mantles, and
then dragged them to the little square of Sta. Cecilia
where they threw them down close beside the Nogarola
palace. The news of the murder spread like wildfire
through the city, and amid clamours of horror and
indignation the name of the assassin was eagerly
demanded. Antonio declared that his brother had
been foully done to death at the instigation of Malaspina
and with the connivance of Nogarola, who had willed
in this manner to avenge an outrage committed on his
daughter by the murdered man. To give colour to his
accusation he then j)roceeded to order the arrest of
Malaspina and Nogarola together with the maiden, and
caused them to be put to the torture so as to acknow-
ledge their crime. Not one of the victims confessed.
They preferred death to perjury ; and the luckless girl
succumbed to the agony of the rack sooner than declare
herself guilty of a sin which she had never committed.
The assertion of such innocence, even unto death,
aroused the suspicions of the people, and it was not
long before Antonio was denounced as his brother's
murderer. The fratricide was in too secure a position
to suffer the vengeance due to him, but the growing
indignation and wrath throughout the city made his
life far from pleasant, and he deemed it prudent to
distract the thoughts of his subjects and to drown ugly
facts and recollections in scenes of revelry and feasting.
He was betrothed to Samaritana da Polenta, daughter
of the lord of Ravenna, and he resolved to make his
bride's reception in Verona the occasion for such
merriment as would drive out all remembrance of the

The Story of Verona

past. Troops of gaily mounted cavaliers rode out to
meet the bride ; others patrolled the town imparting a
sense of festivity, and preparing men's mind for the
welcome that all were required to extend to the fair
Samaritana. Her beauty is said to have been extra-
ordinary, and when she rode into the city in a robe of
dazzling whiteness covered with gems and seated on a
magnificent white steed, she was hailed with transports
of delight. Courtiers, heralds, pages and trumpeters
preceded and followed her, flags waved throughout
the city, joyousness pervaded every heart, and the
recollection of the corpses wrapped in their grim
sere cloths and crying for vengeance seemed to have
faded from the memory. For twenty-seven days the
revels lasted ; and among the jousts which took place
in the Arena was one called the '* Castle of Love," a
joust much in vogue at that period. It consisted of an
erection set up in the middle of the Amphitheatre, and
representing a rock which was covered with hangings
of costly velvets and silks. The loveliest maidens in
Verona stood inside to defend the castle from its
besiegers, armed with flowers, sweetmeats, and jets of
perfumed waters. The attack was gallantly conducted
and gallantly withstood ! After several assaults how-
ever a host of youths from Vicenza perceived that one
side of the rock was left undefended. They rushed
forward, and though checked for a moment by a rain
of the most exquisite comfits they stormed the breach,
gained an entry into the castle and the damsels were
vanquished ! The rage and jealousy of the other
combatants at the success of the Vicentins threatened
for a moment to convert this toy war into real and
deadly strife ; but peace was decreed by the directors
of the sports, and a grand feast given by the bride
herself became the signal for universal harmony and
goodwill. The cost of this banquet and of the other

The Arena

festivities celebrated on this occasion was enormous,
and laid the taste for the expenditure and extravagance
which now became the rule at the Court of the
Scaligers,! and proved, according to one old chronicler,
" the destruction of Verona.'' -

For several centuries after the fall of the Scaligers
the Amphitheatre was used chiefly for tournaments and
feats of arms, though for some time during the fifteenth
century it was set apart as the abode of the prostitutes
of the town, and stern laws were passed with regard
to their inhabiting no other quarter save that alone.
Under the Venetian government measures were also
taken for the preservation of the Arena, and from that
time forward Verona has studiously used all the means
in her power to guard with scrupulous devotion this
glorious memory of the Past. Some excavations made
of late years have led to the discovery that water
could be conveyed into it by pipes, so that nautical
games and naval displays could also be given when
any occasion called for such a pastime. There were
also, according to Seneca, some hidden tubes laid
in connection with these water-pipes, which spurted
odorous water from the base of the Amphitheatre right
up to the top. From there they spread like a fine
drizzle through the air and were known as " the
sweet-scented rains."

1 The extravagance in which Samaritana indulged con-
tributed in no small degree to the decline and fall of her
husband's house. Her taste for jewellery was of a most
ridiculous — not to say vulgar order. She heaped on jewels
in profusion and would not put on her stockings unless
they too were decorated with precious stones ! She also
excited the indignation of contemporary chroniclers by her
insistance in sending to Ostiglia for some special unguents
which she deemed necessary for beautifying her hair, and
which were conveyed to this port on the Po at great
expense from distant towns."

2 Zagata.

c 33

The Story of Verona

The last joust mentioned in history that took place
in the Arena was at the beginning of* the eighteenth
century, when some tilting at the ring was given in
honour of the Elector of Bavaria, afterwards the
Emperor Charles VII. The entertainment however
failed to please the jaded tastes of that age, and it
was decided to introduce bull-fighting into Verona, and
degrade the Arena with exhibitions of this all un-
worthy order. The first bull-fight was held July
21, 1789, and met with immediate approbation. This
form of sport, though new at that time in Verona,
dates from a very remote epoch. It is said to have
been introduced into Italy in the days when Julius
Caesar was dictator, and it was patronised later by
Nero. At Verona the taste for it spread quickly,
and no foreigner of note or distinction who went there
failed to be present at the bull-fight which would be
sure to be given in his honour in the Arena. The
inscriptions which are studded about in the building,
recording many of the events which have taken place
there, has one which tells how the Emperor Joseph
II. together with several other princes was present at
a bull-fight in the month of August 1782. Another
tablet records a very different scene that took place
earlier in the same year when the Pope Pius VI. on
his way from Vienna halted at Verona, and thousands
of spectators flocked to the Arena to receive the
Papal benediction. Truly the building cannot be
accused of having served for nothing, nor of having
reserved its walls for one kind of spectacle only !
The scene must have been striking, for every corner
of the vast edifice was packed, and thousands who
could not find admittance overflowed into the Piazza
Bra, and awaited there in solemn and respectful silence
till the Pontiff raised his hands to invoke a blessing on
the expectant multitude.

The Arena

At the beginning of the following century the
Emperor Napoleon I. sent a donation of 30,000 lire
(about ^1,200) towards the repairs of the Arena, and
shortly after he came in person to Verona and ex-
pressed his desire to assist at a bull-fight. These
fights were conducted chiefly at that time with dogs,
whose training required that they should seize the bull
by the ear, when the latter was considered vanquished,
and the toreadores gave him the Coup de grace.
The peril run by the hounds — generally mastiffs — was
great. The utmost agility and vigilance was needed
on their part to escape being gored by the horns of
their adversary, and to seize his ear before he ripped
up their sides. On the i6th of July 1805 Napoleon
took his seat amid a vast crowd who gazed on the
mighty conqueror with mixed feelings and emotions,
while he doubtless felt himself to be Caesar indeed,
surrounded by the pageantry and rriisc en scene befitting
his new state. A kind of shelter of a circular form
was erected in the middle of the Arena wherein the
assistants of the fight could take refuge if the bull
became too savage. These assistants were dressed
half in white and half in red, and their business was
to incense the animal by waving red rags in his face,
goading him with prongs and sharp sticks, and other
devices tending to aggravate him beyond endurance.
On the present occasion a young and vigorous bull
was turned loose into the Arena, who came on
snorting, tossing the sand from beneath his feet, and
showing every symptom of courage and sport. The
mastiffs were let loose on to him one by one, but all
in turn were overcome, and lay in the sand so many
heaps of quivering, mangled flesh. At last a splendid
hound, spotted black and white, was let loose, and the
public admiration and expectation was centred on the
graceful movements and wary gait of the dog. His

The Story of Verona

mode of approach and defence was excellent, and he
made more than one attempt to pin his adversary by
the ear. But his skill and training were of little avail.
His final leap up to the bull's ear proved fatal ; the
horn ripped him from end to end, and a groan of dis-
appointment and compassion went up from the crowd
as they saw the poor beast stretched on the sand in
his death agony. Napoleon's interest was aroused to
such an extent that he shouted out, " Loose two
against him," an order promptly obeyed, but attended
with no better fortune. The hounds were again gored
to death, and the Emperor shouted anew, ** Loose
three." Again the bull was victorious. " Loose
them all," cried Napoleon, and the pack was let
loose. The bull surrounded by a host of foes held
them at bay for a while, and with bloodshot eye and
lashing tail made a gallant stand. But the numbers
were more than he could contend with, and bitten,
beaten and overcome, he sank upon the floor, yielding
only to the inexorable doom of force. The story goes
on to say that a general in Napoleon's suite, and who
stood high in the Imperial favour, turned to his master
and bade him draw a lesson from the scene which had
just been enacted before him. He warned him to
beware of any alliance that the European Powers
might form against him, adding that singly he might
defeat each of them in turn, but that united they might
prevail against him. Another writer, describing this
scene and alluding to the Emperor's presence at it,
says : " A fine lesson from which he drew no profit." ^
Napoleon was present again at another bull-fight in the
Arena on the 28th of November 1807. When we
read that the entertainment only began at 4.30 in
the afternoon, we are not surprised to learn that the
Emperor left before the end, probably driven away

^ Belviglieri, Verona e Provincia^ p. 341.

The Arena

by the gloom of evening falling ere the entertainment
was half over. The last bull-fight given in Verona
was in 1815, on the occasion of the Archduke John
of Austria being proclaimed governor of the " Veneto."
The following year the Emperor Francis I. came with
his wife to Verona, but the intention of holding a bull-
fight in their honour was changed to horse-racing, the
reason being that the failing health of the Empress for-
bade of her assisting at such harrowing scenes. The
poor lady indeed died but a few days after in Verona
on the 7th of April.

A sight of unprecedented splendour took place in
Verona on the occasion of the Congress of Sovereigns
that was held there in 1822. The citizens vied with
each other in doing honour to the crowned heads
assembled within their city walls, and among marks
of revelry it was settled to illuminate the whole town,
including of course the Arena. This latter part of
the programme was carried out by a multitude of small
lamps being ranged along the lines of the architecture,
and thereby creating an impression of lightness and
beauty that was almost magical in its efTect. The
royal guests consisted of the Emperors of Russia, and
Austria, the King of the two Sicilies, the King and
Queen of Sardinia, the Archduchess of Parma, the
Viceroy, and the Duke of Modena. A tablet in the
Arena records this Congress and the festivities held to
celebrate it.

Some mention of the game of Pallone — a game
peculiar to Italy, and for that reason not unlikely to
prove of interest in these pages — may be made here,
together with an account of how it was played in the
Arena at Verona. The game itself had its origin in
Greece ; the Romans adopted it in their turn, intro-
ducing it into Spain and into the southern parts of
Gaul, where specially walled-in spaces were built for

The Story oj Verona

it to be played in. At Verona it was originally
played near the Ponte dei Rei Figli or Rofiolo,
along the wide street known to this day as that of"
the Via or Caserma Pallone. The " pallone " (a
huge kind of football) was over one foot and a half
in diameter ; it was formed of an internal bladder
covered with buckskin, and inflated by means of a
tool specially and very accurately made for the purpose.
In modern times the players are armed with a kind of
wooden bat covered with large, wooden, diamond-
shaped teeth, which are so placed as to prevent the
" pallone " running up the bat. The handle of this
bat is hollowed in such a way as to admit of the fist
passing through to grip it firmly. The players,
divided in two sets, donned a costume of red and
white or red and yellow. At one time all ranks took
part in it, and some famous matches took place in the
Arena between the champions of Verona and those
of the neighbouring cities, some at times coming even
from Rome.

The next use for which the Arena served was as
a theatre. A small stage was set up in the grand
Amphitheatre of old, and strolling companies performed
there with unqualified success. Many a good caste
too performed there willingly, and it was in the Arena
Theatre of Verona that both Adelaide Ristori and
Ernesto Rossi made in turn their debut. It was then
used for representations of acrobatic feats, pantomimes,
gymnastics, and such like displays, finishing up with
dancings on the tight rope and conjuring tricks.

All thoughts of games and frivolous entertainments
were however to vanish for a while from the minds of
the Veronese by the turn political events took in the year
1866, and which engrossed all Italy during the whole
of that summer. Victor Emanuel II. with the aid of
his ally. Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, had

The Arena

conquered Lombardy in 1859, and the peace of Villa-
franca signed after this conquest had but heightened
the expectancy which then animated every patriot's
breast as to the deliverance of the " Veneto." A new
alliance between Victor Emanuel and the King of
Prussia in 1 866 had led to a declaration of war against
Austria, and was quickly followed by the opening of
hostilities on the banks of the Mincio. The first
engagement of note was at Custozza on June 24 of
that same year. The day was one of unrivalled
splendour, but also of excessive heat. Since early
dawn the inhabitants of Verona had flocked to the
Porta Nuova, and listened with feverish anxiety as to
what the issue would be of the heavy sounds which
roared across the plain from the oft firing guns of the
two forces. The dread and strain was not lessened
when after mid-day a file of prisoners began to arrive.
These were Italian soldiers taken captive by the
Austrians, and they were at once lodged in the Arena,
now adapted for the time being for military purposes.
The grand old Amphitheatre of the Romans had served
for many a baser use than that to which it was now
put — a prison house for the men who had fought for
their country's freedom ! At eventide the wounded
were brought in, and though grief over their defeat
filled the heart of every citizen of Verona, the whole
city was given over to the care of those who had fought
so gallantly on that day. Churches and houses were
all equally placed at the disposal of the wounded,
and no class distinctions held back men, women and
children from doing all that in them lay to succour the
sufferers, be they friend or foe, victor or vanquished.
The victory of Sadowa however more than obliterated
the overthrow of Custozza, and the restoration of the
" Veneto," and consequently of Verona, to Italy followed
shortly in its train. This was in October of 1866,

The Story of Verona

and in the following month Victor Emanuel came to
Verona to present himself in person to his subjects as
their king. The monarch's entry was greeted with
cheers and acclamations, and the next day he presented
himself in the Arena accompanied by his two sons,
Prince Humbert and Prince Amedeus, and escorted
by the Bishop of Verona, the Cardinal Marquis of
Canossa ; and in this historic spot the first king of a
united Italy received the homage of the people of
Verona. A tablet let into the wall records this visit,
and, as on a previous occasion, the amphitheatre was
illuminated with its myriads of little lamps.

The next occasion on which the Arena was in
requisition was in 1872 when a fair was held in it for
charitable purposes, and it was made to assume the
appearance of an Alpine village. Forests and Swiss
chalets were dotted here and there on its broad steps,
booths and bright pagodas brought their note of colour
into the midst of the solemn stone-work, and the
locality that is said to have suggested to Dante the
plan for some regions of his Inferno was transformed
into a laughing hamlet, fitted only for merriment and
brightness. In one spot were to be found light and
good refreshments ; in another the houses of Romeo
and Juliet appeared unexpectedly on the scene ; lower
down the wheel of fortune offered its allurements to
those who chose to make trial of its seductions ; and
humour, goodwill and hilarity held sway amid sur-
roundings that certainly had never thought originally
of harbouring such elements. The centre of the Arena
was laid out as a garden. In the middle gurgled a
fountain of wine, while round the podium a sale was
carried on of the choicest wines from the Valpolicella
and the Valpantena. The success of this Fancy Fair,
which was held for the benefit of the Home for
Children, was so great in every way that it was deter-
40

The Arena

mined to repeat it at the end of Carnival the following
year. It was accordingly done so, with the sole
difference that in the centre instead of the Fountain of
Wine was a most finished reproduction of the Arco de'
Gavi, remodelled exactly as to size and proportions. i

Another weird and lovely effect obtained in the Arena
was on one occasion when the citizens had all been
bidden to assist at a concert given in the venerable
building. Each person on arrival was presented with
a small candle which they were requested to light at a
given signal. The effect of these thousands of little
lights starting into life as the shades of night fell, and
that too from every part of the building, was very
beautiful and striking, and reflected great credit on the
mind which had planned so original and novel a style
of illumination.

Hare and stag-hunting were also tried in the Arena,
but the spot was not suited for those forms of sport,
which did not besides commend themselves to the
people of Verona, and they were at once abandoned.
Pigeon shooting was also tried here, but that too was
soon given up.

The interest aroused by aeronauts and their en-
deavours to travel through space had appealed in early
days to the Veronese. The first efforts in such directions
had been made in 1782, and the first ascent made from
the Arena was nine years later. The most successful

1 It may be well to remind the reader that this arch
which was taken down in 1805 stood originally near Castel
Vecchio, and was the work of the famous architect Vitruvius
Cerdone, whose name was engraved on the archway. The
inscriptions formerly existing over the niches show that
the statues belonging to them were of the Gavii family.
Panvinio is of opinion that the arch was erected to the
memory of that Gavius who was consul B.C. 145. MafTei
on the other hand says that it was set up to the memory of
the whole of the Gavii family.

The Story of Verona

one however was in 1886, when the Marchese
Pindemonte, one Signor Galletti, and the Frenchman
Blondeau who directed the operations rose from within
the Arena on the 6th of September and surveyed the
town and country around from aerial heights. The
Arena viewed from a great elevation presented, they
said, the appearance of a small ribbed basin speckled
with black spots, the houses beside it looked like so
many dice, the belfries like small chimneys.

A new phase of gymnastic life was afterwards
represented in the Arena in the shape of velocipede
races, together with athletic displays, horse shows,
races, and exhibitions of skill on horseback. " Buffalo
Bill " also gave proof of his prowess within the Arena,
and he and his Indian cowboys delighted their Veronese
audience with the agility shown by themselves and by
their ponies.

Thus the old walls of the Arena of Verona have
looked down on scenes as varied in their nature as the
ages that have witnessed them. The spirit that called
such edifices into being, has certainly passed away
taking with it much of the cruelty, the power, the in-
tolerance of those days, but leaving at the same time
less stamina, less endurance of soul, and less strength
of character.

CHAPTER III

The Middle Ages, E%%elino
da Romano

npHE power of the Lombards, after lasting for over
two centuries in Italy was now tottering to its
fall, and about to give way to that of the Franks in
the northern part at least of the Peninsula. The Popes
seeing to their dismay that the Icmg-'bearded invaders
far from confining themselves to their northern conquests
were planning to add to their possessions in the South,
called in the aid of the Franks. Pepin I. then King
of France, answered readily to the summons ; and after
his death his son Charlemagne was only too glad to
retain a foothold in the land where he meant to
establish his dynasty. Desiderius, at that time King
of the Lombards, saw clearly the danger threatening his -^
realm. To propitiate the French monarch and bind ^1
him to his cause he gave hinTTiis daughter Desideria
in marriage, little foreseeing how such a step was but
to aggravate his difficulties. Desideria was repudi-
ated shortly after her marriage, and came back to her
father's house an injured, outraged woman. Desiderius
swore to be revenged, though he had to conceal his
intentions, and outwardly appear subservient. He
sought to raise up foes against Charlemagne, who
to avert the threatened sedition marched at the
head of an army into Lombardy. Desiderius was
defeated at Le Chiuse di Susa, and forced to fly to

T'he Story of Verona

Pavia. At the same time his son Adelchi, whom he
had associated with him on the throne, withdrew to
Verona, which he fortified — a fact that proves how
even at that date the town was a stronghold and able
to endure a siege. It was at once beleaguered by
the Franks and compelled to open its gates to them
while Adelchi had to retire and seek shelter and help
at Constantinople.

The changes brought about at Verona under the
Carlovingian rule were many. Counts were appointed
in the place of the dukes who had held sway till then ;
and Verona was converted from a duchy into a county,
though as fiir as transpires the extent of territory
belonging to the new condition remained unaltered.
Charlemagne was in Rome in the year 781 when Pope
Adrian I. baptised his two sons, Pepin and Louis,
and afterwards anointed them kings. Their father's
intention had been to appoint the eldest son, Pepin,
King of Italy, and leave his French kingdom to
Louis the second son. Pepin, as other monarchs had
done before him, loved to dwell at Verona, though
fate willed it, that he should die and be buried at
Milan (810). The legends relating to the Carlo-
vingian period in Verona have left a visible form in
the statues of Roland and Oliver which adorn the
facade of the Duomo, where the two paladins stand
as though to guard the beautiful entrance to the
Cathedral. Many fables are circulated as to Pepin,
around whose memory a halo of love and respect has
arisen which is not wholly dimmed to this day. His
tomb was said to be outside the church of S. Zeno,
resting between it and the church of S. Procolo ; and
the seat of justice where he sat and administered the
affairs of state, was pointed out among the excavations
on the Colle di San Pietro. There is however nothing
but tradition whereon to base either of these assertions,

N.LRiftutM.

THE FACADE OF THE DUOMO

V^ADE

The Middle Ages

though the people cling to them as tokens that their
loved monarch lived and died in their midst.

The years that followed Pepin's death and where-
in the Carlovingian kings extended their sway over
Italy, brought no events of moment to Verona. A
new line of rulers came in after the Carlovingian
monarchs in the person of Berengarius I., Duke of
Friuli, and his successors. This Berengarius overcame
his competitor Guido, Duke of Spoleto (886) and
reigned in North Italy till the year 923. The close
of Berengarius*s life is tragic and pathetic in the
extreme. He had retired to Verona after a defeat
which he had sustained at the hands of Rudolph, Duke
of Burgundy. A conspiracy was here set on foot to
murder him, headed by one Flambert, a noble of
Verona, who stood high in King Berengarius's favour,
and whose son had been held at the font by the king
in person. Berengarius was apprised of the plot, and
sent for Flambert to warn him in his turn. He
reminded him of the love which existed between
them ; of the favours he had heaped on him, he
pointed out to him the enormity of his crime, and
the small gain that could accrue to him therefrom.
At last taking a gold cup he gave it to him bidding
him keep it as a pledge of the goodwill henceforward
to exist between them, and reminding him that he,
the king, was also his son's godfather. The same
night Berengarius, to show that no trace of suspicion
lurked in his mind, slept without guards, and instead
of staying even within his fortified palace he caused
his bed to be placed in an arbour in the garden. The
next morning, as he was about to betake himself to
church, Flambert, followed by some armed men, came
to meet him, and making as though he would embrace
him, stabbed him to death. No cause has come to
light to explain the reason that prompted so foul a

T'he Story of Verona

treachery, and the fact that Flambert was executed by
the order of Milo, Count of Verona, who rushed to
avenge the king, carries with it very Uttle satisfaction.

Berengarius was succeeded in turn by Rudolph,
Duke of Burgundy ; then by Hugh, Duke of Provence,
and his son Lothair; afterwards by Berengarius II.
and his son Adalbert. These rulers were for the
most part also marquises of Tuscany, and their
connection with Verona did not affect her history
to any great or stirring extent. Their power came
to an end with Berengarius II. who was overthrown
by Otho I. of Saxony, Emperor of Germany, and
for a while German supremacy was paramount through-
out the land. During that time a series of counts and
marquises filled the office of chief magistrate in Verona.
They acted, it is true, as vassals of the Emperor, but
occasionally they shewed a spirit of independence and
insubordination that cannot always have been reassuring
to their feudal lord.

Verona was often the gathering place for Councils
and Diets ; and a noted one took place there in June
983, under the presidency of Otho II., when warriors,
prelates, and men of letters flocked to the town from
Saxony, Franconia, Suabia, Bavaria, Lorraine, and
from many parts of Italy as well. The Duke of
Bohemia sent his representative, nor were ladies ex-
cluded from the assembly, for not only was Otho's
wife there, the beautiful Greek Theophan^, daughter
of the Emperor of the East, but also his mother
Adelaide of Burgundy, the widow of Otho the Great.
The diet was held in order to consider the ever vexed
question of the sovereignty of the kingdom of Italy,
and the Emperor was successful in procuring the
unanimous nomination of his son Otho as future king
of the Peninsula as well as of Germany.

No incident of importance disturbed the history of
48

E^ilNx,

^^^j(il\ii

J^JJOaz^a^

TOWER OF THE FORMER CONVENT OF S. ZENO

The only remaining fragment of the building when the
mediaeval German emperors stopt on their way to Rome.

The Middle Ages

Verona now for some time. Her intercourse with
Germany kept her trade and interests active beyond
the Hmits of ordinary existence, without at the same
time involving her in wars and dissensions over the
rights and powers to be adjudged to the monarchs
whether of France or of Germany, or to their rivals
and foes the Popes of Rome. This state of things
however came to an end when the struggle between
Henry IV. and Gregory VII. blazed forth in all its
violence ; and men and cities were forced to take sides
with either the Pope or the Emperor. Verona threw
in her lot with Henry IV. Two bishops of Verona
in turn subscribed to edicts published against Hilde-
brand, and Henry was supported anew by the town
when he passed through it to wage war upon the
Countess Matilda of Tuscany. Even when the
Lombard cities forsook the Emperor Verona remained
faithful to him, foreseeing that only in this way could
religious peace be maintained, and anxious at the same
time to put an end to feudalism, and to compass the
introduction of the Free Communes by her own
severance from the Empire.

The adhesion of the Veronese to the Imperial cause
did not blind them however to their religious duties,
and though no abundance of documents exists to record
their prowess, there is sufficient evidence to show that
the people of Verona took their share in more than one
crusade, and that on two occasions their Bishops went
with them.

In the meanwhile the power of the Italian Communes
was working its way to the fore, establishing its
principles, and binding one town after another to its
cause. It failed though in laying that substratum of
unity that where so many were involved could alone
ensure strength ; and though ignorant of its action it
was gradually preparing the way for the incoming of

The Story of Verona

the ** signori " or tyrants who were to domineer over
each town of importance throughout the Peninsula.
The arrival of Frederick Barbarossa in Italy in 1 1 54
was to test to the utmost the new power of the
Communes. Verona, and many another city besides,
had at first intended to stand by the Emperor, and
"maintain the Imperial crown and all its honour in
Italy." But such a course was rendered impossible
by the Emperor's own action. His cruelty towards
Milan, his ambition, his rapaciousness, convinced every
inhabitant south of the Alps that they had in him
an enemy of no mean order, and that every effort was
praiseworthy which sought to expel him from their
midst. The Veronese were eager to give evidence of
their readiness to aid in so laudable an effort, and the
following incident will serve to show how keen they
were to hasten Frederick's departure out of Italy by
fair means or foul. The story though is told only
by German writers. Some native historians indeed
question the narrative. They maintain that the events
related never took place, and seek to exculpate their
fellow-citizens from a charge of treachery over an act
which, if it occurred, may be considered as that of
desperate men bent on freeing their land from an
invader and his forces. The Emperor Frederick
Barbarossa had made one successful descent upon
Italy ; he had been to Rome to be crowned, and was
then forced to return to Germany, his soldiers being
weary of a longer absence from their homes. His way
back led through Verona, " where," according to Otto
von Frisingen (a contemporary chronicler and a cousin
of the Emperor's), "it not being customary for the
Veronese to grant a passage through their city to the
Imperial arms, it was decided to build a bridge for
them outside the town. On Frederick's arrival in
their midst, with an army which had laid waste all

The Middle Ages

Italy, the Veronese flattered themselves that the work
of avenging the whole of Lombardy lay in their hands.
The bridge of boats built above the city was designed
for vengeance, and was a trap rather than a bridge —
the boats being tied together in such guise as only just
to withstand the force of the current. Huge beams of
timber were in the meanwhile to be floated down the
river, which beating against the bridge were to break it
at the moment when the Imperialists would cross it.
The plot failed through a miscalculation as to time.
The Imperial troops had hastened their march so as to
escape from the bands of peasants who were known to
be arming against them, and crossed the bridge in
safety. The timber launched for their destruction
arrived only to work havoc among their foes, for it
~^oke up the bridge, and separated a great number of
Veronese who had followed on the track of the
Germans from their friends ; and the Imperialists
falling on them put them all to the sword. The
Emperor was not strong enough at that moment to
avenge the intended insult ; he had no choice but to
continue his journey, which he did crossing the
mountains into Bavaria by the way of Trent and
Botzen."

This at least is the account given by the Imperial
biographer ; while the Veronese writers say that there
is another side to the story, and that no treachery
was intended. Be that as it may it certainly did not
tend to improve the feeling entertained by the Emperor
towards the people of Verona, while it confirmed on
their side the advisability of protecting themselves as
strongly as they could against the Imperial power and
vengeance. For this intent they joined the League
then forming in Lombardy (1164), which had for its
object to arm against the common foe and fight till
they had vanquished him. The League was warmly

The Story of Verona

supported by Pope Alexander III., and subscribed to
by the towns of Verona, Padua, Vicenza, and the
cities of the Marches. This federation was soon after-
wards joined by Venice, and aroused such anxiety in
Frederick's mind that he hurried into Italy, collected
as formidable an army as he could get together at
Pavia, and determined to lay waste the country round

Verona. The allies
obtained a great
triumph at Vigasio,
in the Veronese
territory, when the
Emperor without
striking a blow
retired from before
his foes, after hav-
ing stood looking
them in the face
for five whole
days. The League
gathered fresh

strength from this
graceless retreat.
More towns threw
in their lot with
the Guelph faction,
and Frederick's
cause losing ground
daily was finally overthrown on May 29, 11 76, at
the battle of Legnano. The peace signed after this
great fight at Venice was witnessed by Bishop
Ognibene of Verona, and the chief magnates of the
city, among whom were the Podesta Turrisendo ;
Sauro di San Bonifacio, Count of Verona ; two of
the Avogadri family, and the Judge Cozone. The
peace was signed actually at Chioggia in July, and soon

CHURCH OF S, ZENO. CAPITAL
IN THB NAVE

The Middle Ages

after the Veronese delegates returned to their city
where they were received with honours and rejoicings.
Their return coincided with the completion of the
basilica of S. Zeno '* in pure, simple, most beautiful
Romanesque style, the most perfect work of art of
Veronese mediae valism." ^ An inscription tells how the
works were finished in 1178, and records that in the
same year in which the campanile was completed
"peace was restored between the Church and the
Emperor."

Peace was however far from being the general
order throughout the land. Civil and intestinal wars
were rife on every side ; and each town of any size
or weight was split up into two factions which held
either for the Pope or Emperor, or occasionally for
its own cause exclusively, regardless of any interest
outside the walls.

In the factions that raged between private families
in Verona that of the Montecchi and Cappelletti has
obtained a renown as lasting as Time itself, noticed
as it is by no meaner writers than Dante and Shake-
speare. The Montecchi, as head of the Ghibelline
faction in the town, were also in constant strife with
many other of their neighbours, especially those who
belonged to the opposite faction. A contest of more
than ordinary violence occurred on May 16, 1206,
when the family of San Bonifacio were at the head
of the Guelph party. After a fierce encounter the
Montecchi were worsted and expelled from the city.
Their rivals, in order to strengthen their cause, appointed
Azzo VI., Marquis of Este, to be Podesta of Verona.
This Azzo had formerly belonged to the Ghibelline
cause, but thought it more to his advantage to change
his politics and side with the Guelphs. The

^ C. Cipolla, Compendia delta Storia Politico di Verona.
Verona, 1899.

The Story of Verona

Montecchi though defeated were not disheartened.
They allied themselves with Bonifacio d'Este, the
uncle of Azzo, and his enemy from private as well as
public reasons, and, their ranks swelled by Ghibelline
partisans, they returned in force to reinstate them-
selves once more in their native city. This was in
the month of August of the same year. Azzo was
seated in his council chamber when his foes burst in
upon him. He barely escaped with his life, and had
to retire from Verona leaving all he possessed behind
him. Help however came to him from Mantua and
from his own followers in Verona, and he likewise
returned to the charge. The struggle lasted for over
a month ; each tower and stronghold held by the two
factions changing hands constantly during that time.
The Ghibelline faction was however the weaker one ;
and though they knew their cause to be hopeless they
resolved to make a final and steady resistance in the
only castle that yet remained to them. No hope of
mercy or of pardon deceived or encouraged these
desperate men. On the night of Saturday, September
8th, they awaited the on-coming of the foe, who were
equally determined on their side to bring matters
to an end. The attack was so well directed, the
number of assailants so overwhelming, the besieged
had to surrender, and were either put to the sword
or taken captive. The castle was dismantled and
burnt ; the prisoners were sent to different dungeons ;
and the civil strife in the town was brought to a close
for the time being. Peace however was not the
normal condition of those days, and this example,
cited from an old document which has come to light
in recent years, is only given to show the nature and
duration of these civil dissensions in a mediaeval town.
The towns were not however blind to their own
interests in so far as it behoved them to unite against

The Middle Ages

the Emperor of GermaDy and prevent his gaining such
a foothold in Italy as to jeopardise their liberties. The
Lombard League, which had originally been formed
against Frederick Barbarossa was renewed against his
grandson Frederick II. in 1226 for a period of twenty-
five years ; and in it the cities of Lombardy swore to
stand by one another, to preserve each other's rights,
and to maintain mutual peace. The question of peace
exercised the minds of all men in Italy at that moment
absorbingly. The Pope preached it from Rome in
the hopes of furthering the cause of the Crusades ; the
towns advocated it from motives of commerce and
industry ; the nobles stood in need of it for the
quieting of those feuds and rivalries which were fast
draining their resources and undermining the life- /
blood of their families. In Verona the plea for peace
was advocated by a powerful Dominican preacher,
Fra Giovanni of Vicenza, a member of the noble
family of Schio. He met with an enthusiastic re-
ception, for he was armed not only with the Pope's
protection, but also with a purity of intention and
zeal for his mission which furthered his cause im- ♦
measurably. He convoked a great assembly on the
plain of Paquara, three miles outside Verona on the
banks of the Adige ; and on August 28, 1233, no
less than 400,000 people flocked to hear him preach,
and to renounce their rivalries and enmities at his
bidding. " The whole population of Verona, Mantua,
Brescia, Padua and Vicenza," says Sismondi, "was
gathered on the plain of Paquara, and the citizens of
each of these Republics collected round their magis-
trates and their carrocctos (war-chariots). The in-
habitants of Treviso, Venice^ Ferrara, Modena,
Reggio, Parma and Bologna were also there, ranged
round their standards ; the bishops of Verona, Brescia,
Mantua, Bologna, Modena, Reggio, Treviso, Vicenza,

The Story of Verona

Padua, the Patriarch of Aquileja, the Marquis of Este,
the lords of Romano, and all those of the Veneto
were there too at the head of their vassals." ^

The scene must have been a striking one, and un-
paralleled till then in the annals of history. Fra
Giovanni ascended a pulpit in the midst of this vast
concourse and harangued the crowd. He took for
his text the words, " Peace I leave with you, my
peace 1 give unto you," and commanded his audience
to forgive each other their offences and to follow after
peace. His injunctions were obeyed. Peace became
for the moment the universal law ; the factions between
the families of Este and da Romano were laid aside ;
Guelphs consorted with Ghibellines, and foes who a
few days previously had met only to stab and outrage
one another now exchanged the kiss of peace and
swore to remain friends.

The preacher's injunctions to forgive injuries were
not observed by him himself when an excess of en-
thusiasm had raised him to the office of chief magis-
trate of Verona. He ordered the execution of sixty
men and women belonging to the most respectable
families of the town, whom he condemned as heretics,
and who were all burnt alive.

The success obtained by Fra Giovanni at the
assembly at Paquara proved his undoing. He be-
came proud and ambitious ; he aimed at becoming
a ruler in those towns where he had preached peace
and goodwill, and after a period of war, rebellion and
imprisonment he retired to Bologna, shorn of all glory
and leaving Lombardy a prey to insurrectipn and strife.

Verona was no exception to this condition of affairs.
Her state was torn by rival factions, the one headed
by the Counts of San Bonifacio ; the other by the

1 Histoire des Republ'iques Italiennes, Sismonde de Sismondi,
Bruxelles, 1838, vol. i., ch. xv., p. 507.

The Middle Ages

Montecchi (or Monticoli), the latter of whom Shake-
speare has immortalized for us under the name of
Montague. Their faction was supported on more
than one occasion by Ezzelino da Romano, who
finally succeeded in making himself lord of Verona,
and who was thus the first of the tyrants to oust the
power of the Communes and introduce that of the
" Signor'i " in their stead. Ezzelino has left perhaps
the most unenviable record among all the bloodthirsty
tyrants of the Middle Ages. The Florentine historian
Villani says of him that " he was the cruellest and most
redoubtable tyrant that ever existed among Christians.
By his might and tyranny he lorded it for a long time
. . . over the March of Treviso, and the town of
Padua, and a great part of Lombardy. He made
away with a fearful part of the citizens of Padua, and
blinded a great number, ever of the best and noblest
among them, taking away their possessions and sending
them adrift to beg through the world. And many others
by divers torments and martyrdoms he put to death,
and in one hour caused i i,coo Paduans to be burnt."
Nor has modern criticism passed a milder judgment
on Ezzelino. Symonds speaking of him in his his-
tory of The Renaissance in Italy, says: "Ezzelino, a
small, pale, wiry man with terror in his face and
enthusiasm for evil in his heart, lived a foe to luxury,
cold to the pathos of children, dead to the enchant-
ment of women. His one passion was the greed of
power, heightened by the lust for blood. Originally
a noble of the Veronese Marches, he founded his
illegal authority upon the captaincy of the Imperial
party delegated to him by Frederic. Verona,
Vicenza, Padua, Feltre and Belluno made him their
captain in the Ghibelline interest, conferring upon
him judicial as well as military supremacy. How
he fearfully abused his power, how a crusade was

The Story of Verona

preached against him,i and how he died in silence
like a boar at bay, rending from his wounds the
dressings that his foes had placed to keep him alive
are notorious matters of history. . . . Ezzelino made
himself terrible not merely by executions and im-
prisonments, but also by mutilations and torments.
When he captured Friola he caused the population,
of all ages, sexes, and occupations, to be deprived of
their eyes, noses, and legs, and to be cast forth to the
mercy of the elements. On another occasion he walled
up a family of princes in a castle and left them to die
of famine. Wealth, eminence, and beauty attracted
his displeasure no less than insubordination or dis-
obedience. Nor was he less crafty than cruel. Sons
betrayed their fathers, friends their comrades under
the fallacious safeguard of his promises. A gigantic
instance of his scheming was the coup-de-main by
which he succeeded in entrapping 1 1 ,000 Paduan
soldiers, only 200 of whom escaped the miseries of his
prisons. Thus by his absolute contempt of law, his
inordinate cruelty, his prolonged massacres, and his
infliction of plagues upon whole peoples, Ezzelino
established the ideal in Italy of a tyrant marching to
his end by any means whatever." ^

He must indeed ever rank as one of the most in-
human and brutal of monsters as far as bloodthirstiness
and cruelty are concerned, but not even his bitterest
foes can deny his talents as a warrior, his indomitable
pluck, his energy, his presence of mind, no matter
hov/ great a difficulty encountered him, and his resource
in the hour of danger. No defeat daunted him ; no
failure depressed him. He would originate some way

1 Alexander IV. issued letters for this crusade in 1255.
It was preached next year by the Archbishop of Ravenna.

2 J. A. Symonds, Age of the Despots. London, Smith,
Elder & Co., 1898, ch. iii., p. 83, &c.

E%%elino da Romano

out of a dilemma however inextricable it might seem ;
and in spite of overwhelming conditions he was never
at his wits' ends for an expedient. He succeeded in
making himself recognised as lord of the towns of
Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Feltre, Belluno, and Trent ;
and no Imperial league was formed in the North of
Italy which did not include him as one of its most
powerful members. In May 1238 his marriage with
Selvaggia, a natural daughter of the Emperor Frederick
II., was celebrated at S. Zeno at Verona ; and a
month later on the green in front of the same church
Ezzelino and the Podesta of Verona, BonaccorsodelPalu,
swore fealty to the Emperor and to his son Conrad.
Their oath was received by Pier della Vigna, the
Emperor's famous chancellor, who according to Dante,
" held both the keys of the heart of Frederick." ^

Ezzelino made as short work of his foes in Verona
as in other towns. Their houses were thrown down ;
their persons tortured and killed. The house of San
Bonifacio fared badly at his hands : the castle was
dismantled (1243) ^^^ stands to this day in ruins;
and most of the partisans of that noble house shared
grimly in the discomfiture of their chief. After a
successful career of thirty-three years Ezzelino's star
began to wane. His enemies — and he had many —
resolved to make head against the designs he was now
beginning to formulate against Milan, and opposed
his forces on the Adda. He was defeated and taken
to Soncino, where he died October i, 1259, tearing
open, it is said, his wounds with his own hands,
preferring death rather than to see the overthrow
of his schemes. The legends and fables which are
circulated round Ezzelino are numerous and fantastic.
Some have insisted that he was the child of the devil,

^ <<Tenne ambo le chiavi

Del cuor di Federigo. "—/«/", xiii. 58-59.

The Story of Verona

no human mind and intellect being capable of com-
mitting the horrors and bloodthirsty deeds which he
is said to have perpetrated. Dante places him in Hell
in the " Bolgia " among the " tyrants who delighted
in blood and gave themselves thereto." ^

The death of Ezzelino da Romano marks a change
in Italian politics. The power of the Communes was
henceforward to disappear entirely, and that of the
*^Signori*' to come to the fore. In Verona the news
of Ezzelino's death, far from rousing the citizens to
rejoicings over their restored liberty, awoke in them
only the desire to re-establish the dignity and power
of the Podesta, so that in the hands of a chief
magistrate their rights should be respected. Their
choice fell upon Mastino della Scala, the son of one
Jacopino della Scala, whose name first appears among
those who formed a covenant with the people of
Cremona in 1254.

The mention of the Scaligers brings with it the
period of Verona's greatest prosperity. The art, the
literature, the romance of the city centres round the
years in which the della Scalas reigned as lords of
Verona, and in which they brought the town to a
degree of prominence and splendour and importance
which she had never reached before and to which she
never attained again. The cruelties of Ezzelino da
Romano were instrumental in bringing the della Scala
family into notice. No less than three persons of that
name had been put to death by Ezzelino, who were
supposed to be some relations, even if not very near
ones, of the new Podesta. The efforts made by some
writers to claim an old and exalted lineage for the
Scaligers has not been crowned with much success.
One legend, based however on no very trustworthy

1 "Tiranni Che dier nel Sangue e nell' aver di piglio." —
Inf. xii. 104-105.

\> __■

""%

«' m

.jHclft/niei- ^

j^Siaxi'i

THE TRJBUNA ANCIENT SEAT OF JUDGMENT, PIAZZA D ERBE

Ez%elino da Romano

foundation, says that they sprang from a man of poor,
nay vile condition, of the name of Jacopo Fico, who
made ladders and sold them, and that from this the
family took its name. The most generally accepted
idea is though that Mastino della Scala, the first of
the name who sprang into notability and who may be
considered as the founder of the family, was a man
of modest origin, and whose line in life was of a
commercial nature. His position was a prominent
one during Ezzelino's reign of oppression and blood-
shed ; and that the tyrant had shown him some regard
implies in itself that Mastino had known how to merit
it. He was an absolute Ghibelline as to politics, a
warrior ever ready to serve his country, and a worthy
ancestor of the great men who followed him. Cipolla
meanwhile bids us observe that neither as Podesta,
nor as Captain was he lord of Verona in the literal
sense of the words ; he was only the first of the
citizens, and never more than that.

CHAPTER IV
The Scaligers

'T^HE rule of Mastino I. in Verona was marked by
the endeavours he made to assuage the factions
in the town, and to conciliate by a policy of pardon
and goodwill those nobles whose politics and actions
were opposed to his own. He recalled Lodovico di
San Bonificio, the head of the Guelph party, and
regardless of the fact that this deed excited much
opposition, and provoked an attempt on his life, he
followed it up by a grant of fresh pardons to Turrisendo
dei Turrisendi, Pulcinella delle Carceri, and Cosimo
da Lendinara, other Guelph leaders. These nobles
repaid Mastino's magnanimity by organizing a rebellion
to restore Guelph influence in Verona. The plot
however failed ; and Mastino, seeing the uselessness
of showing mercy to those who had repaid him in so
sorry a way, put many of the conspirators to death, and
exiled the Count of San Bonificio anew.

In 1262 by the "unanimous wish" of the populace
Mastino was elected " Captain of the People " ; an
election which proved his popularity among the lower
classes of the town irrespective of that felt for him
by the patricians and upper classes. Mastino was
moreover successful in an expedition he organized
against Trent ; he also reduced Piacenza to his rule ;
and gained over Cremona to the Ghibelline faction.
He espoused the cause of Conradin, the last of the
66

The Scaligers

Hohenstauffens, and received the luckless youth at
Verona in 1267 when on his way to claim the throne
of Sicily. After a stay of two months Conradin left
Verona, being accompanied to Pavia by Frederick of
Austria and Mastino della Scala. The boy-king
appointed Mastino *' Podesta," or Rector of Pavia,
and at the end of March 1268, he started on the
fatal expedition to Sicily which cost him both his
kingdom and his life.

Mastino returned to Verona to find fresh disorders
and tumults in the city ; and wars and fightings ensued
when Bocca della Scala, one of his brothers, was killed.
After much strife an important point was gained in
the submission of the town of Mantua ; a town that
for years had headed every rise of the Guelph party,
and shown the keenest animosity against Verona.
This was in 1274, and Alberto della Scala, another
brother of Mastino's and who was to succeed him as
lord of Verona and in carrying on the dynasty, was
sent at once to Mantua as *' Podesta."

Three years later, on October 26, 1277, Mastino
della Scala was treacherously murdered together with
Antonio Nogarola who happened to be with him at
the moment. No reason has been discovered for the
cause of this murder. Some accounts declare that
Mastino fell a victim to a conspiracy planned against
him by the families of Scaramelli and Pigozzi ; others
that he was striving to make peace between two
inimical parties who stabbed him in return for his
good offices. It has even been hinted that his brother
Alberto was the real author of the assassination, but
no conclusive evidence exists to countenance so foul
an accusation. The scene of the murder was close to
Mastino's own house, in a courtyard known as the
" Volto Barbaro," not as most writers assert from
the "barbarous" act here committed, but from its

The Story of Verona

being the quarter inhabited by the family of the Barbaro
who had their dwelHng-place in that spot.^

Mastino's murder was fully avenged. Alberto
hastened from Mantua, and passed sentence of death
or of exile on those assassins who had escaped the
summary justice meted out to them by the mob at
the moment of the murder. Alberto was formally
installed in his brother's stead, and became more
powerful than his predecessor, being in fact absolute
lord of Verona, and able to establish the succession
firmly in his dynasty. Nor was his state confined to
the limits which had bounded it in the days of Mastino.
Besides confirming his rule over the Trentino, Alberto
became lord of Riva, Castel d'Arco, Reggio, and
Parma. Este and Vicenza voluntarily recognised him
as their chief, and he also added Feltre and Belluno
to his possessions. Thus an extensive territory owned
the dominion of the Scaligers and the capital of this
newly-formed principality was Verona. Alberto's
rule was a wise one, and to some extent a peaceful
one too. There were occasional wars with many of
the neighbouring towns, but none of such duration or
importance as to hinder the development of art, or
prevent Alberto from enlarging and beautifying the
town and adding to the number of its fine edifices.
" He beautified Verona with buildings," says a modern
writer, " with bridges, fortified it with new walls,

1 I am aware that I am destroying a legend that has
found its way into nearly every guide-book and even into
some histories of Verona by this assertion. But no Veronese
of any culture or learning supports the popular tradition,
or admits that the deed aroused such horror in the public
mind as to brand the spot with a special name. The '* Volto
Barbaro " simply took its name from the Barbaro family who
lived there, as the "Volto Marioni " in another part of the
town did from the Marioni family — a fact that no one
versed in Veronese matters would ever seek to gainsay or
dispute.

The Scaligers

and in the spring of 1301 laid the first stone of the
* Casa dei Mercanti.' " 1

Alberto was ambitious for his family, and determined
to unite them by marriage with some of the princely
families of Italy. His daughter Constance became
the bride of Obizzo d'Este, the powerful leader of
the Guelphs in Northern Italy ; but the union brought
more position than peace with it. Alberto allied him-
self soon after with Padua and Vicenza, rivals of the
House of Este ; and war was the consequence. The
war was successful for the allies, and its conclusion
was celebrated by a ** curia " of a truly princely nature.
A " curia " was the word in those days to signify
an entertainment given to commemorate any event of
moment brought to a satisfactory issue. The " curia '*
on this occasion was held on St Martin's day (Nov.
11), when Alberto della Scala began by conferring
the honour of knighthood on some of the Nogarola,
and Castelbarco family, as well as on his own sons.
Bartolomeo, the eldest, was raised to this rank, as was
also the youngest Francesco, afterwards so famous as
Cangrande, who can then have been only about three
years old. The gifts presented by the lord of Verona
were not only costly but numerous, and as the condition
of the donor was judged by the abundance and value
of his presents, any parsimony on that head had to
be avoided as certain to prove fatal to his renown.
Alberto at this festival gave no less than 1500 pairs
of garments, lined with fox or lamb skin, of divers
colours such as scarlet, purple, deep red, green, yellow.
Soon after this Alberto's eldest son, Bartolomeo,
married Constance, the daughter of Conrad IV., and
grand-daughter of Frederick II.

Another "curia" was held in 1298, when
Alberto's second son, Alboino, was made a knight

1 Giuseppe Biadego, Dante e gU Scaligeri. Venezia, 1899.

The Story of Verona

at the same time that his marriage was celebrated
with Constance, the daughter of Matteo Visconti,
lord of Milan. The encomiums pronounced on
Alberto della Scala, who died September 3, 1301,
by a contemporary Veronese historian are unbounded,
and declare him to have been : " Sublime in soul,
perfect in his ways, foreseeing in council, pious, merci-
ful, sagacious " ; ^ and that he ardently desired all that
made for the welfare of his people and of his city.
In fact, according to this chronicler every virtue
abounded in Alberto, who apart from his merits ranks
also as the first absolute ruler of the house of the
Scaligers.

He was followed by his son Bartolomeo who,
according to the writer just quoted, ruled over Verona,
" thinking ever of governing his people in perpetual
peace." If such were indeed his object he was not
always able to attain it, for several wars were waged
in his reign, always though as heretofore with neigh-
bouring towns and states. Bartolomeo della Scala
may be said to have acquired more renown from
literature than from history. He not only welcomed
Dante to his court during the exile of the great
Florentine, but his bearing towards him was ever
such as to elicit from his guest expressions of praise
and gratitude, tributes which the poet did not bestow
readily or where he was not fully persuaded that they
were deserved. In the seventeenth canto of the
Paradiso, Dante puts into the mouth of his pro-
phetic ancestor Cacciaguida the following Hnes which
refer to Bartolomeo della Scala, and further on to
Bartolomeo' 8 brother Cangrande : —

" Lo primo tuo rifugio e il primo ostello
Sara la cortesia del gran Lombardo,

^ See CipoUa, of. cit. p. 208.
70

The Scaligers

Che in sulla scala porta il santo uccello,
Che in te avra s\ benigno riguardo
Che dal fare e del chieder, tra voi due,
Fia prima quel che tra gli altri e piu tardo.
Con lui vedrai colui che impresso fue
Nascondo si da questa Stella forte,
Che notabili fien I'opere sue."^

Nor did the literary interest attaching to Bartolomeo
cease with Dante. His name is also associated with
the story of Romeo and Juliet ; and it is supposed that
the tragedy of the two lovers, immortalised for all
time by Shakespeare, took place at this epoch. There
is no historical foundation for the tale of "the star-
cross'd lovers," but Shakespeare has willed that it
should be "in fair Verona where we lay our scene,"
and since a date must be determined why should it
not be that which tradition has assigned to the reign
of Bartolomeo?

Sufficient glory centres round Bartolomeo della
Scala through Dante and Shakespeare to make the
fact that he is not considered a great ruler or warrior
somewhat beside the mark. He gained moreover the
love of his people, of the lower classes especially, and
Saraina says that when he died " it was not the great
folk or the nobility who accompanied him to his grave,
but the poor of the town in tears."

He was followed by his brother Alboino, a good

1 '< Thine earliest refuge and thine earliest inn
Shall be the mighty Lombard's courtesy.
Who on the ladder bears the holy bird.
Who such benign regard shall have for thee
That 'twixt you twain, in doing and in asking,
That shall be first which is with others last.
With him shalt thou see one who at his birth
Has by this star of strength been so impressed,
That notable shall his achievements be."

Paradiso, canto xvii., 76, &c,
(Longfellow's Translation).

The Story of Verona

man, but feeble, and whose anti-Ghibelline tendencies
may perhaps explain Dante's contempt for him (see
Convito, iv. i6). Commerce though flourished under
Alboino, and special treaties were concluded with
Venice, who saw how advantageous it would be for
her to have friendly relations with a town whose
position could insure such handy means of transport
as those offered by the navigation adown the Adige.
It is perhaps needless to add that the Queen of the
Adriatic knew how to draw up the treaty in such a
way as to be the chief gainer in the transaction and to
secure for herself greater concessions than those granted
to the Veronese.

The monotony which might have attached to
Alboino's reign was relieved by his associating his
brother Cangrande with him as joint ruler in Verona.
This youngest son of Alberto I. was the greatest
of the Scaligers, and certainly one of the greatest
princes of his age. The legends that surround his
life are unending and " seize on him,'' says Biadego,
" as an infant ; they follow him as a child, they
environ him in his bold and lucky career as a warrior,
and they accompany him to his glorious tomb." ^ The
same writer tells how his mother bare him without any
of the pains of child-birth, though the first sound that
the new-born babe uttered reverberated through the
palace. When still a child, he goes on to say, his
father took him to see a great pile of gold, when the
lad performed an act expressive of disdain on the heap
to mark his contempt for riches. His impulsiveness in
the moment of peril, his indifference to danger, and his
gift of attaching his followers to him made him a keen
and successful soldier ; while his readiness to receive
and welcome men of letters and of genius, stamp him
as a prince fond of learning and of the fine arts.
1 Giuseppe Biadego, op, cit., p. 12,

The Scaligers

** The story of his conquests " (to quote again from
Biadego) "is noted; his personal valour, his skill as
a leader, made him in a few years lord of Feltre, of
Vicenza, of Cividale, of Belluno, of Monselice, of
Bassano, of Padua, and of Treviso. The rapidity of
his movements, his boldness, and above all his lust
of glory were all gifts possessed by Cangrande, and
celebrated by his contemporaries. Nor, say they,
was he wanting in defects. He was violent with the
Veronese and Vicentins in order to wring money from
them ; he obtained the Vicariat of Verona by purchase ;
nor was he free from vices. Such are the accusations
brought by Ferreto of Vicenza, who, however, praises
him in that he never showed himself by nature blood-
thirsty. And in fact under his rule Vicenza and
Padua improved ; he treated his prisoner Giacomo da
Carrara kindly and honourably ; Albertino Mussato
. . . was often visited in prison by his victor, who
knew how to honour his genius and the integrity of
his character. Let us agree hereupon : Cangrande was
a man of his times, but his great virtues redeem his small
vices and place him above the princes of his day." ^

He was also very religious ; he founded the church j
of Sta. Maria della Scala, and together with Guglielmo '[
del Castelbarco he gave largely to the church of S. ['
Fermo Maggiore. His praises too were sung by
Boccaccio, who pronounced him to be " one of the
most noted and magnificent lords who was known
in Italy since the time of Frederick II., " ^ while
the Guelph historian Villani declares him to be " the
greatest tyrant and the richest and most puissant
prince that has been in Lombardy since Ezzelino
da Romano." ^

^ Op. cit., p. 13.

2 Boccaccio, Giornata I., Novella VII.

3 Gio, Villani, Istoriejiorent'me, lib. x., cap. 139.

The Story of Verona

At the coronation of Louis V. of Bavaria, Cangrande
was present with 2,000 knights and 500 foot soldiers,
^11 armed ; and he spent more on the occasion than
the Emperor and the Visconti put together. The
festivals he held after the conquest of Padua lasted
a month, when tournaments were held, and jugglers
and minstrels were present from all parts of Europe.
Cangrande was also a sportsman, and it is recorded
that he kept no less than 300 hawks. Music,
singers and troubadours found favour with him ;
a table was kept ever spread for all who flocked to
it ; theologians, astrologers, philosophers, met with a
ready welcome from him, as did also travellers from
distant lands who came probably on errands of
commerce. As has been said Cangrande was a
patron of learning and of the arts. Giotto came
to Verona at his invitation, and though nothing
remains of his labours it is known that several frescoes
painted by him at one time adorned the palace of the
Scaligers. The following extract taken from the
Comento Storico of Arrivabene, gives a good and
graphic account of Cangrande's court at that time:^
" Cangrande gathered around him those distinguished
personages whom unfortunate reverses had driven from
their country ; but he also kept in his pay buffoons
and musicians, and other merry persons, who were
more caressed by the courtiers than the men famous
for their deeds and learning. One of the guests was
Sagacio Muzzio Gazzata, the historian of Reggio, who
has left us an account of the treatment which the
illustrious and unfortunate exiles received. Various

1 I have taken this translation from the Notes on the
Paradiso, given in Longfellow's translation of the Divine
Comedy (London, 1877). From there, too, have I taken
the extract from Petrarch, which is to be found in Balbo's
Life of Dante^ translated by Mrs Bunbury, ii. 207.

THE COSTA

PALAZZO OF CANGRANDE IN THE DISTANCE WHERE HE
ENTERTAINED DANTE

T[he Scaligers

apartments were assigned to them in the palace,
designated by various symbols ; a Triumph for the
warriors ; Groves of the Muses for the poets ; Mercury
for the artists ; Paradise for the preachers ; and for
all, inconstant Fortune. Cangrande likewise received
at his court his illustrious prisoners of war ; Giacomo
da Carrara, Vanne Scornazano, Albertino Mussato,
and many others. All had their private attendants,
and a table equally well served. At times Cangrande
invited some of them to his own table, particularly
Dante, and Guido di Castel di Reggio, exiled from
his country with the friends of liberty, and who for
his simplicity was called "the simple Lombard."

" Verona became in this way the home for every exile
of note or of worth who sought to it, and hospitality and
courtesy were, as has been seen, extended freely to all.
Petrarch alludes to this when he speaks of Cangrande
as "the consoler of the houseless and the afflicted,'*
and he then goes on to dilate on what may have been
some of the causes which led to the estrangement
between Dante and the lord of Verona, and that
brought about for a time a coldness between Cangrande
and his haughty client. "When banished from his
country he (Dante) resided at the court of Cangrande,
where the afflicted universally found consolation and an
asylum. He at first was held in much honour by
Cane, but afterwards he by degrees fell out of favour,
and day by day less pleased that lord. Actors and
parasites of every description used to be collected
together at the same banquet; one of these, most
impudent in his words and in his obscene gestures,
obtained much importance and favour with many.
Cane, suspecting that Dante disliked this, called the
man before him, and, having greatly praised him to our
poet, said : * I wonder how it is that this silly fellow
should know how to please all, and that thou canst

The Story of Verona

not, who art said to be so wise.' Dante answered:
* Thou wouldest not wonder if thou knewest that
friendship is founded on similarity of habits and
disposition.' It is also related that at his table,
which was too indiscriminately hospitable, where
buffoons sat down with Dante, and where jests
passed which must have been repulsive to every
person of refinement, but disgraceful when uttered by
the superior in rank to his inferior, a boy was once
concealed under the table, who, collecting the bones
that were thrown there by the guests, according to the
custom of those times, heaped them up at Dante's
feet. When the tables were removed, the great heap
appearing. Cane pretended to show great astonishment
and said : * Certainly Dante is a great devourer of
meat.' To which Dante readily replied, * My Lord,
you would not have seen so many bones had I been a
dog.'"

Other noble refugees who found an asylum at Verona
were Uguccione della Faggiuola, lord of Pisa and
Lucca, who died at Vicenza while in Cangrande's
service and was honourably buried in Verona ; Spinetta
Malaspina, and Fazio degli Uberti.

The importance and position occupied by Cangrande
in the world of letters and amongst men of note must
not however make us forgetful as to the part he played
as a politician. Tradition saw in him the rightful heir
of Imperial ideas ; and many a writer has made it clear
(at least from his own point of view) that in the
"Veltro" prophecy Dante intended this lord of
Verona, and that it was he who was to be the
"Veltro" (Greyhound) whose reign was to bring
widespread good to Italy. {^nf. I. loi.) The
controversy on that point, as is well known, has
lasted for centuries, and is by no means ended yet.

Nor is this Dante's only allusion to Cangrande —

The Scaligers

assuming, that is to say, that he is indeed the " Veltro '*
of the first Canto of the Inferno. There is a fresh
allusion to this lord of Verona in the thirty-third
Canto of the Purgatorio, V. 43, which, according
to Scartazzini, refers without doubt to Cangrande.
The passage is one of those mystic allusions which
have puzzled the great poet's commentators in all ages,
and whose enigma is yet unsolved. Dante says how
that —

*' Verily I see, and hence narrate it,
The stars already near to bring the time,
From every hindrance safe, and every bar.
Within wliich a Five-hundred, Ten, and Five,
One sent from God, shall slay the thievish woman
And that same giant who is sinning with her."^

"To decipher the number given by Dante,'' says
Mr Vernon,2 "one ought to know whether he was
thinking of the symbolic value of the Latin letters,
or only thinking of the letters themselves, D.X.V.,
which transposed, give the word D.V.X., i.e. a
leader or captain. Whichever way one takes it, the
passage evidently implies the hope that a personage
would shortly appear, who would reform the Church,
and re-establish the Imperial authority. It is also
clear from the context that Dante is pointing to some
well-known contemporary personage, on whom he
could found his hopes. Scartazzini feels assured,
moreover, that if this passage is compared with the
prophecy of the Veltro {Inf. I. 100-102), it will be

1 Ch'io veggio certamente, e pero il narro,
A darne tempo, gia stelle propinque,
Sicure d'ogni intoppo e d'ogni sbarro ;
Nel quale un cinquecento diece e cinque,
Messo di Dio, ancidera la fuja
Conquel gigante che con lei delinque.
2 Vernon, Hon. William Warren, Readings on the Purgatorio
of Dante. London, Macmillan, 1889, vol. ii., p. 429, &c.

The Story of Verona

distinctly proved by evidence that the D.X.V. and
the Veltro are one and the same person. Again, the
context proves that the person foretold by Dante can
only be a captain, or secular leader, and not by any
means a pope or a churchman. Let us look at
history. On the i6th December 1318, Cangrande
della Scala, lord of Verona, was elected by the
congregation of the Ghibelline Chiefs, as Captain of
the League against the power of the Guelfs. It was
then he actually received the standard of the Eagle, as
the Leader in Italy of all the followers of the Empire.
And (according to Scartazzini), it was just at the end
of 13 1 8 and at the beginning of 13 19, that Dante was
putting the last finishing touches to the Cantica of the
Purgatorio. Hence Scartazzini feels quite clear that
it was Cangrande della Scala who is the D.V.X.
foretold by Dante. Giuseppe Picci (I luoghi piu
oscuri e controversi della Divina Commedia, page 158
et seq.), observes: "If we write down the name and
qualifications of Cangrande as Kan Grande de Scala
Signore de Verona," and compute numerically the
initials and propositions, we have the following result : —

K . . . . 10

7
4

300

" All things therefore concur in making it intelligible
and probable that the D.V.X. is Cangrande della
80

d
e
S
S
d
e
V

The Scaligers

Seal a — an opinion adopted by the majority of ancient
commentators."

This is not the place to enlarge on the question, but
the fact that Cangrande is considered by many Dante
scholars to have been present twice over in the poet*s
mind as the ideal ruler of a united Empire in Italy
shows how high he ranks in the opinion of thoughtful
men.

There is a legend that Cangrande was among the
princes present at the deathbed of Henry VII. at
Buonconvento ('Sis)) and that the dying monarch
confided his empire to ** lo Scaligero," " Constituens
vicarium — Fidelem commissarium — Canem de Verona."

Cane tried in vain to repudiate this charge, but
overcome by the pressure put on him by the other
princes . . . admittit — Augasti desiderium.^

Cangrande did not accompany Henry VII. on his
progress through Italy beyond Genoa, nor was he
present at his death. The legend is therefore
historically impossible ; " although under a mythical
form," says Cipolla, "it places before us the unbiassed
judgment that the Ghibellines had of the life and
character of Cangrande della Scala." 2

It was on this expedition into Italy that the Emperor
conferred the office of Vicar Imperial in Verona on the
Scaliger brothers, an office that owing to the death of
Alboino soon after ( 1 3 1 1 ) was held and exercised by
Cangrande alone. On the death of Henry of Luxem-
burg (1313) the hopes of the Ghibellines in Italy
centred round the lord of Verona ; and his hopes again
were set on forming a large state in the Peninsular free
from suzerain lord or Emperor, and holding in his own

^ Rithmi de oh'itu Henrici VII., ed, Freher, Germanle-rerum
Scriptores^ i. 1 5, etc.

2 Cipolla, C , f^toria delle Signorie italiani dal 1313 al 1350.
Milano, 1881, lib. i. iv.

F 81

The Story of Verona

hands the destinies of the greater part of Italy. With
this object in view he asked leave of the new Emperor,
Louis of Bavaria, to build a bridge over the Po
at Ostiglia whereby to facilitate communication and
commerce ftom Italy into Germany. The leave was
granted, but the bridge was never built.

This scheme of Cangrande's is dwelt on by all his
biographers without however arousing at the same time
any accusations of ambition against the Scaliger. And
this is as it should be. Cangrande's views for his
country's good were of too pure and lofty a nature
to be prompted by personal ambition. The greatness
of soul which Dante recognised in him, and which in
spite of small differences between them made the poet
rank him ever as a friend, rose to visions of grandeur
for his country's weal which had in them nothing
sordid or self-seeking. His desire to rule over the
state which in his mind's eye foreshadowed the glory
of Italy was but natural, and was altogether void of
any touch of self-aggrandizement. Who indeed but
he could have carried out the schemes which were in
his mind ? Or how could another execute the designs
which had originated in his brain, and that his brain
alone could cope with successfully ? Before however
these visionary glories could take shape Cangrande
died. His end came quickly and unexpectedly at
Treviso on the 22nd July 1329, when he was only
about thirty-eight years of age,i and at the very height
of his glory. It is supposed that his death was brought
about by an illness caused by the heat, and the fatigue
consequent on his unending labours. He died, entrust-
ing his friend and brother-in-law Bailardino Nogarola

^ I have not gone into the lengthy and vexed question of
the date of Cangrande's birth. The year generally accepted
is 1291, and that I have followed as the most probable one,
and the one most deserving of acceptance.

The Scaligers

with the care and education of his two nephews
Mastino and Alberto, the sons of his brother Alboino,
he himself having no legitimate heirs. His body was
taken to Verona, and buried in the beautiful tomb
erected for him outside the church of Sta. Maria
Antica, close beside the parcel of ground which forms
the cemetery of the Scaliger family. Cipolla speaking
of this greatest of the della Scala family says : " more
fortunate than Uguccione (della Faggiuola) who lost
in a moment all that he had gained, less fortunate
than Matteo Visconti, who left to his valiant sons a
state firmly established, Cangrande, by daily and con-
tinual wars acquired an extensive lordship, but one
without stability ; based only on the valour of him who
formed its head. The Scaliger power disappeared
rapidly in a few years after it had been founded."
And again a little further on the same writer says of
Cangrande : ** On the field of battle brave and almost
reckless as to his person, he exposed himself to every
danger ; he was his own general in all his warfares ;
though eager to rule he was faithful to his promises,
and persevering in political aims. He was humane,
even at times generous to the conquered ; and a Paduan
chronicler tells us how from having been a hard foe to
the Paduans, he was as their father when he had con-
quered them. He coveted glory as well as dominion ;
and while other lords had not yet learned to hold in
esteem the gifts of learning, he — not from political
motives alone — received those who, through factions,
had been forced to abandon their countries, and opened
with splendour his palace to Dante, to Giotto, to
Ferreto of Vicenza, to Sagacio Muzzio Gazzata, to
Albertino Mussato. In his gilded halls he entertained
with princely hospitality poets, theologians, musicians.
The exile Alighieri, who had already visited Verona
when Bartolomeo was lord thereof, returned under

T'he Story of Verona

Cangrande, and although he went away thinking how

, . . sa di sale —

Lo pane altrui, e come e duro calle

Lo scendere e il salir per I'altrui scale, . . .

he preserved all the same an ever grateful memory of the
" magnifico e vittorioso signore di Verona," to whom
he dedicated the third of his Canticles " ^ {i.e. the
Parad'iso).

The character of Cangrande is an extremely attrac-
tive one. His valour, his consideration for his foes,
his hospitality to all who needed it, his patronage of
art and learning, make him not only an admirable but
a loveable figure. Nor should his labours for the good
of his people and for his native town be forgotten.
He revised the Statutes that Mastino I. had caused to
be compiled for the government of Verona, and added
another book to the five which already existed. His
love of building — a love shared by wellnigh every
member of his house — took shape in a fresh circuit of
walls, which he caused to be erected round the city in
1324, when wars and wranglings throughout the
greater part of Lombardy made the outlook threatening
for Verona, and persuaded Cangrande of the advisability
of protecting his city from any possible invasion. His
early death must ever be deplored ; and there can be
no doubt that had it not been for that catastrophe many
of his schemes for the greatness of Italy would have
been effected, and the state of the country for one or
two successive centuries materially altered. The chief
stain on his memory is the share he had in the murder
of Passerino Bonaccolsi, lord of Mantua (1327), from
which not even his warmest panegyrists can entirely
exonerate him. It can only be pleaded that consider-
ing the times in which he lived, and the habits and
customs of his contemporaries, he was remarkably
^ CipoUa, op. cit. lib. I. iv.
84

THE BACK or CASA MAZZANTf. ONCE INHABITED BY
ALBERTO DELLA SCALA

The Scaligers

free from the crime — only too common in those days —
of murdering every suspected fr)e, and that with this
one exception his hands were never dyed with the
blood of his neighbours.

Ruskin sums up Cangrande's doings in the following
words : " He fortified Verona against the Germans ;
dug the great moat out of its rocks ; built its wall and
towers ; established his court of royal and thoughtful
hospitality ; became the chief Ghibelline Captain in
Lombardy, and the receiver of noble exiles from all
other states ; possessed himself by hard fighting of
Vicenza also, then of Padua ; then, either by strength
or subtlety, of Feltre, Belluno, Bassano ; and died at
thirty-seven — of eating apples when he was too hot —
in the year 1329." 1

The successors of Cangrande were men of a different
and entirely inferior order. Mastino, the elder of his
two nephews, had certainly much of his uncle's ambi-
tion ; but he had none of his greatness and loftiness of
mind, still less of his talents and intellect. Alberto
cared only for a life of pleasure, and was but too ready
to leave the cares of ofl^ice and government to his
brother, provided he might follow his vicious, frivolous
existence undisturbed. Verona at that moment was at
the very apogee of her glory. Cangrande's victories
over the neighbouring towns were bringing in rich
interest as to money and position ; and the Florentine
historian Villani, writing of the Scaligers, says ; " The
rents which accrued to them from those ten towns and
from their castles were more than 700,000 florins of
gold, which no other Christian king possesses, unless
it be the King of France. Apart from the following
and the friendship of the Ghibellines, never were there
tyrants in Italy possessed of such power."

The ten towns alluded to were Verona, Padua,

^ Verona and other Lectures , Allen, Orpington, 1894.

The Story of Verona

Vicenza, Treviso, Brescia, Feltre, Belluno, Parma,
Modena, and Lucca, and had Mastino but been con-
tented with this ample heritage, his dominion would in
all probability have been more firmly established. His
craving to add to his state, and convert it into a united
kingdom, led however to the downfall of his house.
The jealousy of one or two powerful neighbours was
aroused ; and a sense of the danger about to spread
from Verona and envelop the North of Italy became
patent to all. The Florentines and the Venetians were
the first to stir in the matter, and to unite against the
common foe. Florence was not only afraid of an
invasion of the Veronese troops, but she also wished
to regain possession of Lucca, which had been wrested
from her at a very inopportune moment. The Venetians
had a grievance, and that a serious one, though of a
different nature, against Mastino. He had built a salt
factory between Padua and Chioggia, where every
Venetian vessel as it passed along the Brenta was
called on to pay a tax. The Venetians were not
disposed to accept quietly an affront offered them
on territory which they considered as strictly their
own, and they at once put in a claim for redress.
No notice being taken of this appeal, Venice gladly
threw in her lot with Florence, and the league
between the two Republics was soon after joined by
the houses of Este, Visconti, and Gonzago. The
league was further strengthened in a strange and un-
expected way by Marsilio da Carrara's desire to unite
himself with the other allies against the lord of Verona.
This son of the former lords of Padua was keen to
expel the Scaligers from his native town, where Alberto
della Scala had been appointed governor by his brother
Mastino. Alberto, as has been said, lived only for
pleasure. He had outraged the wife of Ubertino da
Carrara, Marsilio's cousin, but, far from imagining that
88

The Scaligers

such an insult could rankle in the husband's mind, he
placed blind confidence in him and in Marsilio, never
dreaming that they were determined to avenge the
outrage which he for one had so completely forgotten.
Marsilio was well aware of the enmity felt towards
the della Scalas at Venice, and determined to turn it to
his own account. Chance also favoured him. Mastino
sent him on an errand to Venice, where the legend
goes that one night at supper sitting next to the Doge,
Francesco Dandolo, Mastino whispered to him, " I
wish to speak to you." Upon this the Doge dropped
his napkin, and both men bent down to pick it up.
" What will you give to him who gives Padua to you ? "
asked Marsilio. " The lordship thereof," was the reply ;
and when the two heads reappeared above the board the
bargain was struck, and the league which was to end
in Mastino's overthrow was formed.

Marsilio returned to Padua, and set to work at once
to put his schemes into execution. Mastino's fears
were aroused, and hints of what was brewing found
their way to his ears. Again and again he wrote
to Alberto warning him against the Carraresi, and
bidding him be on his guard. Alberto gave no heed ;
and Mastino finally wrote a letter ordering him to
arrest them and arrange for their execution. This
letter arrived with instructions that it was to be given
into no hands save Alberto's ; but he, absorbed
at the moment in a game of chess, handed it to
Marsilio, and bade him read it. Marsilio did so, and
in answer to Alberto's queries as to its contents, replied
that it was only a request from Mastino to send him
some more falcons. He then left the room, sent
directions to the allied force under the ill-fated and
peerless Pietro de' Rossi to march upon Padua when
he would admit them through one of the gates into
the city. These directions were all successfully carried

The Story of Verona

out. Padua was lost to the Scaligers ; Alberto was
sent as a prisoner to Venice, and Mastino's power
received a shock from which it never recovered. He
had presently to cede Belluno to Charles, King of
Bohemia, who had also joined the league against him ;
and shortly afterwards that monarch possessed himself
of Feltre, Cividale, and the Cadore as well. Brescia
and Bergamo surrendered to the Visconti ; and in
December 1338 Mastino was glad to make peace with
the allies and content himself with a state reduced to
the four towns of Verona, Vicenza, Parma, and Lucca.
It was not long however before the two latter cities
were also wrested from him.

These concessions and humiliations exasperated
Mastino past all bearing. He became suspicious and
irascible, a prey to doubts and fears, and in August of
that same year in a fit of ungovernable fury he trans-
fixed Bishop Bartolomeo della Scala with his own
sword. This murder brought down on him the thunders
of the Church. He was excommunicated by Pope
Benedict XL, and it was not till after much negotia-
tion and the payment of a fine that the ban was removed.
There is a legend in Verona that after the murder of
the Bishop and the Papal excommunication Mastino IL
never shewed his face again even to his faithful and
beloved wife Taddea da Carrara. This legend may
arise from the fact that the equestrian statue over his
tomb is represented with the visor drawn — a proof, it
is said, of the desire he had to veil himself from every
eye, and to prevent everyone, even after death, from
gazing on his features.

Before Mastino's death two brilliant marriages took
place in his family ; the first being that of his daughter
Caterina with Barnabo Visconti, the heir to the duchy
of Milan. The bride's name, originally Caterina,
was changed to Beatrice, to denote her worth and
90

TOMB OF MASTING 11. DELLA SCALA

The Scaligers

merits ; and then on account of her queenly bearing
it was turned again to Regina.^ The other marriage
was that of Cangrande II., Mastino's eldest son, with
Elizabeth, daughter of Louis of Bavaria. Mastino
lived but a short time after these marriages. He died
in 1 35 1, leaving three legitimate sons: Cangrande IL,
Cansignorio, and Paolo Alboino. His brother Alberto
did not survive him long. He gave over the cares of
office absolutely to his three nephews, and died in the
month of September of the following year.

Cangrande II. who now succeeded to the chief
power was neither a great nor a good man. He was
nicknamed *' Cajms rabidus," though who gave him the
name, or why it was given, has not come to light.
He loaded his people with taxes, and made his rule so
unpopular that a rebellion raised against him by his
natural brother, Fregnano, met with ready support
from Cangrande's subjects and almost proved his un-
doing. Cangrande had gone from Verona to Botzen
to confer with his brother-in-law the Margrave of
Brandenburg, leaving the town in the charge of
Fregnano and Azzone di Correggio. Fregnano
roused the citizens to revolt ; the Gonzagos of Mantua
— to whom every rebuff given to the Scaligers meant
a gain to them — joined the rebels ; and it is generally
supposed that BarnabS Visconti, lord of Milan, was
not as opposed to the rising as in his capacity of a
loyal brother-in-law he ought to have been. Fregnano,
according to Giovanni Villani, was "beloved by the
people of Verona and Vicenza," and his cause was
warmly espoused by the great mass of the populace.

1 This is not the place to enlarge on the fine character and
qualities of Regina della Scala ; but it is interesting to note
that one of the most famous theatres in Italy takes its name
from her, and that the " Scala " at Milan was so called in
honour of this daughter of Verona.

The Story of Verona

Cangrande however retraced his steps as soon as he
heard of the rebellion ; he entered Verona with haste,
and at once attacked and defeated Fregnano, who fell
fighting at the head of his troops on the Ponte delle
Navi.

The danger was averted, but Cangrande's confidence
in his so-called allies of Milan and Mantua was
destroyed for ever. His plans for insuring his personal
safety at all events against any further peril took shape
in the erection of the "Old Castle," the Castel
Vecchio, which he now caused to be built beside the
Adige, adding to it that fine bridge which spans the
river, and across which he could receive aid from
Germany whenever he required it. The building took
three years to complete, and when it was finished
Cangrande removed into it and passed the rest of his
life there. He also introduced a special bodyguard of
soldiers from Brandenburg, who have left traces of
their sojourn in Verona in the shape of the little church
of St Peter Martyr, said to have been founded by these
Knights of Brandenburg.

Cangrande II., who was neither loved nor respected
by his people, died a violent death on December 14,
1339, being put to death by his brother Cansignorio,
who slew him with his own hand. Cangrande left
three sons : Tebaldo, Guglielmo, and Fregnano, none
of whom reigned as lords of Verona, and of whom
history has no stirring deeds to relate.

Cansignorio was proclaimed lord of Verona and
Vicenza together with his younger brother Paolo
Alboino. The latter however was never admitted
to any share in the government ; and after a few years
Cansignorio, fearing the young man's ever-increasing
popularity in Verona, caused him to be imprisoned.
Opinions as to the character of Cansignorio are not
invariably unanimous. Some writers, among them our

The Scaligers

own Ruskin, have been carried away by a fictitious
glamour concerning this last legitimate ruler of the
Scaligers which facts and history cannot altogether
support. Others see in him only a fratricide, stained
whenever it suited his purpose with the blood of his
brothers, with no redeeming virtues save that of an
interested solicitude for the welfare of his people and
for his native town. As usual in such judgments,
there is doubtless a good deal of truth on both sides,
though few, perhaps, can be found to agree altogether
with Ruskin, who speaks of him as "a prince who
had in every way beautified and cared for the city ;
and among other minor gifts, bestowed on it one by
which it profits to this day, the fountain of the great
Square. He was deeply religious ; meditated con-
stantly on his death, and believed that he should be
entirely happy in the next world if only he were
assured of the prosperity and secure reign of his
children in this one.'* ^

Cansignorio, in common with all the princes of his
house, had an insatiable love of building, and many an
edifice in Verona bears witness to his taste and muni-
ficence in this respect. The greatest proof of it is to
be seen in the magnificent tomb which he caused to be
erected for himself during his lifetime, and of which
mention will in time be made. He also embellished
and improved the town in every possible way, spending
with a lavish hand, and with a recklessness which
almost savoured of extravagance. He rebuilt the
Ponte delle Navi ; he laid out the public gardens near
his palace ; he added to the frescoes in his own house ;
and the many statues and adornments that he caused
to be set up in Verona gained for the town the sur-
name of ** Marmorina." The greatest public benefit
he ever conferred was that mentioned by Ruskin of

^ Op. cit. p. 17.

G 97

The Story of Verona

bringing drinkable water into the city. This he did
by means of leaden pipes laid down to the Piazza delle
Erbe, where the beautiful fountain in the middle stands
as a record to this day of the good deed wrought for
the city by Cansignorio della Scala. He also did all
that lay in his power to alleviate the sufferings of his
people, when from the years 1369 to 1371 they were
stricken with famine ; and in many ways he shewed
himself a wise and considerate ruler.

His love for his two natural sons however blinded
him as to all sense of right and wrong ; and his eager-
ness to secure the succession for them after his death
made him absolutely unscrupulous, and a murderer.
These sons, Bartolomeo and Antonio, were Cansig-
norio's only children, but their illegitimacy barred their
right to reign after their father, and made Paolo
Alboino, Cansignorio's youngest brother, the rightful
heir. Cansignorio however was determined that his
sons, and they only, should be lords of Verona when he
died. Though still a young man — he was not yet thirty-
six — he knew that his end was approaching, and he
laid his plans accordingly. A few years previously,
as has been said, he had imprisoned Paolo Alboino at
Peschiera. The unfortunate youth, who was much
beloved by the people, was now put to death at the
instigation of his brother, it is generally supposed,
though some writers lay the murder at the door of
Cansignorio's sons. The most honourable and exalted
of the citizens were then called on to take the oath
of allegiance to Bartolomeo and Antonio ; the youths
were entrusted to the care of Cansignorio's most faith-
ful councillors and friends; and on October 19, 1375,
this last great lord of Verona died.

Bartolomeo and Antonio reigned for a few years
conjointly. Bartolomeo, the elder, and who was gener-
ally acknowledged as the best of the two, was treacher-

FOUNTAIN IN THE PIAZZA DELLE ERBE

(Statue sai4 originally to be of the 3rd century)

The Scaligers

ously murdered July 12, 1381, and his brocher was
declared to be the murderer. ^ As sole ruler of Verona
Antonio strove to protect himself from the perils which
were fast gathering up against him from the lords of
Milan and of Padua. He entered into an alliance
with Venice, little foreseeing that the great maritime
republic had no idea of protecting him, but dreamt
only of increasing those possessions on the mainland
which it was now her ambition to add to her dominions.
The doom of the Scaligers was sealed. Antonio had
alienated the two friends, Guglielmo Bevilacqua and
Giacomo del Verme, whose wisdom and prowess
in the council-chamber or on the battle-field could
yet have upheld his power. His extravagance,
joined to that of his wife, Samaritana da Polenta, was
hastening to exhaust a failing exchequer ; the power
of the Visconti, and of the Carraresi was every day
assuming proportions of a threatening and overwhelm-
ing nature ; and help was nowhere to be looked for
nor obtained. Antonio endeavoured to restore his
fallen fortunes by resorting to arms, and more than one
important engagement took place between his forces
and those of Padua under the famous English con-
dottiere John Hawkwood, and Giovanni d'Azzo.
The Veronese troops were commanded first by
Cortesia Serego, and after the first defeat when he
was taken prisoner, Guglielmo degli Ordelaffi and
Ostasia da Polenta were appointed as generals. They
met with no better fate : the armies of Verona were
again routed, and Antonio without a friend to stand by
him or advise him, stole secretly away from Verona
the night of the i8th November 1387, handing his
town over to the ambassador of Wenceslaus, king of
the Romans. Verona was apportioned to the duchy
of Milan, and the day after Antonio's flight the banner
1 See pp. 30-31.

^£he Story of Verona

of the! ViscJonti Waved toWf the town. Antonio fled to
Venice, but he did not give up all hope of returning to
Veron9< and resuming his sway there. The following
year he opened negotiations with Carlo Visconti, a son
of BarnabS's, and he also essayed to gain the Pope
Urban VI. over to his cause. He died though before
any of these dealings could be concluded (August
1388) leaving his wife and family in such straits that
they had no choice but to accept the bounty that the
Venetian Republic vouchsafed to bestow upon them.
Antonio left one only son, Can Francesco, who died
in 1392, only four years after his father, and in him
the male line of the Scaligers came to an end.

Several years later an effort was made to restore the
rule of the della Scalas in the person of Guglielmo, one
of the illegitimate sons of Cangrande II. The plot
however failed ; Guglielmo died a few days after he
had been proclaimed lord of Verona, and the hopes of
restoring the dynasty of the Scaligers were at an end
for ever. Their rule had lasted for one hundred and
twenty-eight years, and it certainly comprised the
brightest, most stirring period in the annals of the town
of Verona.

102

OLD SHIELD OF THE SCALIGERS

CHAPTER V

From the Fall of the Scaligers to the
Present Day

npHE head of the house of Visconti at the moment
when Verona was added to the duchy of Milan
was Gian Galeazzo, one of the most treacherous and
ambitious tyrants of his age. In the league formed
between him, the Republic of Venice, and the Carraresi
of Padua, it had been arranged that Verona should be
ceded to the Visconti, and Vicenza to Padua. This
compact was now carried out, though Gian Galeazzo
by guile and force soon after wrested Vicenza from its
destined owner. At Verona the princely system of
building carried on so grandly by the Scaligers was
still maintained. The fortifications already existing
round the town were renewed ; the castles of S. Pietro
and S. Felice (this latter sometimes known as Castel-
nuovo) were erected by order of the lord of Milan,
who doubtless hoped in this way to ingratiate himself
with the Veronese besides providing for his own safety.
Gian Galeazzo did not however win the love of his
new subjects, who, though they had hated Antonio
della Scala, hated still more the man who had stepped
into his rights and usurped all the power of the
Scaligers. The lord of Padua, as was natural, had
also little cause to love the Visconti, who had failed in
keeping his engagements towards him and tricked him
out of his right to possess Vicenza. A plot was
organised to reinstate Can Francesco, Antonio della

103

The Story of Verona

Scala's only son in his father's rights ; and da Carrara
and his son lent their services on the understanding
that in case of success Vicenza should be restored
to them. The plot failed however and Ugolotto
Biancardo, who governed Verona in the Visconti's
name, ordered the town to be given over to fire and
the sword, and for three whole days a hideous pillage
went on.

Can Francesco died in 1394, and no further revolts
for the restoration of the Scaliger dynasty disturbed the
rest of Gian Galeazzo's reign. His life liowever was
not a long one, he died aged only fifty-five years on
September 3, 1402, leaving his sons too young to
administer his vast and scattered states and appointing
his widow, Catherine Visconti (who was also his
cousin), regent of the duchy.

The confusion that ensued on the duke's death
spread throughout the greater part of Italy, and raised
the hopes of those lords who had been dispossessed by
him of their states to regain their own again. Each
one in turn thought the moment had come for this
purpose, and that no time should be lost in bringing
about so laudable an object. The Carraresi thought it
advisable for them to further the cause of the della
Scalas, and help them to regain the lordship of Verona,
seeing that in such an act many advantages would
accrue to them. Francesco di Carrara consequently
persuaded Nicolo III. of Este to unite with him in
advancing the claims of Guglielmo the illegitimate son
of Cangrande II., on Verona, and for a short while
success attended their schemes. The attention of the
Visconti party was exclusively absorbed by affairs in
Lombardy ; the allies were free to march upon Verona,
where the inhabitants greeted Guglielmo with en-
thusiasm, and shouts of " Scala, Scala," echoing
throughout the town proved what a hold the once
104

From the Fall of the Sea tigers

loved dynasty still had on the hearts of the citizens.
Guglielmo was however a dying man when he entered
Verona; weariness and disease had almost done their work
on his exhausted frame, excitement and emotion doubt-
less did the rest. He died the very day after his joyful
entry into the home of his ancestors, leaving two sons,
Brunoro and Antonio, who for a few days remained in
Verona under the delusion that they would succeed to
the honours which had seemed to be within their father's
very grasp. Guglielmo's death has been laid at
Francesco da Carrara's door, but there is no evidence
to prove this accusation, though the fact that the
Carraresi seized on the persons of Guglielmo's sons and
carried them off prisoners, does not altogether help to
lighten the charge. Francesco da Carrara was then
proclaimed lord of Verona, though his enmity with
Venice ought to have made him wary as to the
acquisition of power and territory which he knew were
coveted by her. The great Republic, ever since she
had become possessed of Treviso, had watched with a
jealous eye any increase of dominion on the part of her
neighbours. In an ill-advised moment for herself, she
coveted property on the mainland, forgetful that her
strength and wealth sprang from the sea, and in that
quarter only should she have concentrated all her
energies. The proclamation of the Carraresi as lords
of Verona filled the Venetians with envy, and deter-
mined them to secure so fair a possession for themselves.
They despatched an army under Jacopo del Verme
into the Veronese territory, but the first engagements
were won by the troops of Jacopo da Carrara, Fran-
cesco's son. This was early in 1405, and in the
spring the fighting began again. The Veronese how-
ever were tired of this condition of things : they were
not anxious to own the house of Carrara as their lords ;
and they willingly consented to place themselves under

105

The Story of Verona

the Venetian rule. Verona accordingly passed under
the dominion of Venice, and the act testifying to this
surrender was signed, June 22, 1405.

The Venetian yoke cannot be said to have pressed
heavily on Verona. Her independence, it is true, no
longer existed, but the blessing of peace was hers ; the
conditions as to the forms of government were honour-
ably maintained, and though Venice studied the pre-
servation of the city for her own advantage more than
for that of the inhabitants, this self-interest did not fail
to benefit all concerned. The Republic of St Mark
busied itself with the completion of the walls and
fortresses which the Visconti had begun ; and also
made good the damage done to those buildings in the
past days of insurrection and pillage.

A slight demonstration in favour of the Scaligers
took place early in the fifteenth century when Brunoro,
the son of Guglielmo della Scala, prevailed on the
Emperor Sigismund (with whom he was a great
favourite) to plead for him with Venice, and obtain
some at least of his ancestral rights in Verona. The
Venetian Republic refused however to listen to this
appeal, and Brunoro aware of the hopelessness of his
cause dedicated himself entirely to the service of the
Emperor, and died at Vienna, November 21, 1434)
without leaving any lawful issue.

The wars waged by Venice against Filippo Maria
Visconti, Duke of Milan, brought reflected suffering
upon Verona ; and the honour — as far as it went — of
receiving such famous generals as Francesco Sforza,
and Gattamelata was poor compensation for the sums
of money the town had to give the " condottieri " of the
Republic in order that they might keep their troops
from pillaging the city.

The effects of the League of Cambray were also
fraught with momentous issues for Verona. This
106

From the Fall of the Scaligers

league, formed with the object of compassing the i
overthrow of Venice, was supported by most of the J
crowned heads of Europe. The jealousy aroused by
the " insatiable cupidity," the ambition, and the
prosperity of Venice was felt principally by the King
of France, the Emperor of^-Gje«iiany, and the Pope.
In the distribution that these potentates had made of
the Venetian territories on the mainland Verona was
allotted to Germany ; and Maximilian I., who was then
Emperor, had already formed visions of an extended |
empire into Italy, of which he had settled that Verona
was to be the capital. The condition of Venice
was indeed critical. The combination of forces
destined to crush her was colossal, and she was in need
of all her statecraft and ingenuity to avert a catastrophe
that seemed bound to overwhelm her. She took a
desperate resolution which has in turn been ascribed to
the subtlest heights of diplomacy, and to the very
depths of despair and terror. She released all her
subjects on the mainland from their oath of allegiance,
setting them free to meet the emergency of the moment
in the way they judged most expedient, and absolving
them from any after reproach of infidelity should they
elect to bow to the on-coming storm. Up till now
Verona had always stood loyally by Venice in her
warfares and struggles with other states, but the present
danger was of a kind involving risks which she would
not and could not run. The upper classes had not
become enamoured of Venetian rule, and the remem-
brance of the Scaligers had left its hold fondly in their
hearts. The populace on the other hand were wholly
Venetian in their thoughts and affections, but they were
not strong enough to maintain their opinions unaided,
and had to succumb to the inevitable. Their attitude
however to the Venetian forces, when after their
defeat at Ghiaraddada they presented themselves dis-

107

The Story of Verona

comfited and weary outside the gates of Verona was
hardly that of subjects who had Hved for years under
a just and liberal rule. A modern writer,^ himself a
Veronese and an ardent patriot, admits that not only
should they have allowed the armies of their countrymen
to find shelter within the walls, but they should gladly
and courageously have shared with them in the dis-
comforts and chances of a siege. The population, as
we have seen, was divided : one part holding for the
Venetians, the other for the Imperial cause. To this
latter faction known as that of the Marani, from the
name of their leader and captain, the famous painter
Falconetto belonged. He himself lived in the
neighbourhood of S. Zeno, and he persuaded a large
number of the inhabitants of that district to side with
him. One reason of this strong feeling for the
Imperialist cause is to be found in the traditions of
Veronese history. Verona was essentially a Ghibelline
city ; her brightest era was associated with Ghibelline
rulers; she was the metropolis in Italy of the Emperors of
Germany, the capital of their vicars, and when the days
of her splendour were over, then, and then only, had
she become a provincial town of the Republic of Venice.
Her sympathies were for the Empire as opposed to the
Republic, and at a solemn meeting convened on May
30, 1509, in the church of St Anastasia — when the
entire population was present — the Emperor Maxi-
milian was unanimously accepted as sovereign lord of
Verona.

The Venetian governors and commandants withdrew
quietly and without uttering one word of protest, and
in October of the same year the Bishop of Trent
(George of Neudeck) entered the town in his
capacity of Imperial lieutenant. The Emperor himself
arrived in Verona a day or two after, in full pomp and
1 P. Sgulmero.
108

From the Fall of the Scaligers

state, under a panoply of cloth of gold, his raiment
being of the same costly material and his appearance,
according to the Venetian chronicler, Sanudo, being
that of a " Cassar of the days of old."

He at once issued a Proclamation, which is a quaint
bit of reading, now full of loving words and phrases,
now reminding his new subjects of the vileness of their
former masters, and insidiously hinting that they had
better remember their duty and allegiance to the Caesar
of to-day. This Imperial decree also congratulates
the Veronese on their good fortune in having escaped
from " the intolerable servitude and the cruel tyranny
of the Venetians." It holds out the happiness that is
in store for them, the first they will enjoy under the
shadow of the Just and Puissant Lord who they now
obey. They are not to be deluded nor deceived, but
must persevere in the faith and devotion and observance
towards this Liege Lord. If they will but confide
absolutely in him they shall be embraced with that
benignity, favour, and grace with which that same
Lord embraces all his faithful subjects ever ready
as he is to succour them, to load them with increase,
honour, and comfort. To prove still more his goodwill
to the town, the Emperor restored the mint which had
fallen into disuse since the days of the Carraresi, and
went so far as to cause some coins to be struck with
the proud motto, *' Verona Civitas Metropolis." Hew
these flattering and caressing promises were to be kept
Time soon showed ! The town was reduced to the
state of a vast and disorderly barrack. German,
French, Spanish, Italian soldiers, without discipline,
without pay, rampaged through the streets bent only
on booty, and reckless as to their way of securing it.
Many a house and shop, the abode till then of quiet
citizens and honest burghers, was ruthlessly sacked
and ruined, and many a one who, rightly or wrongly,

109

The Story of Verona

was suspected of favouring the Venetian party, was
wantonly murdered in the streets without more ado.
Money was also exacted on all sides in order to furnish
the vast sums needed for the expenses of the war, and,
as the writer above quoted justly remarks, the luckless
city was indeed the " civitas metropolis '* of every
public and private misfortune. The internal divisions
became daily more accentuated under this condition of
things. The aristocracy upheld the authority of the
Emperor in the hope that by so doing they would
augment their own ; the lower classes in the meanwhile
sighed for the quiet they had enjoyed under the
Venetian Republic. Nor were these divisions and
tumults the only trials that overtook Verona at that
time, for a terrible pestilence fell on the city in the
years 151 1 and 1512, filling up the cup of woe that
seemed already full to overflowing. Another burden
was however about to be added to those that had
gone before. In 15 16 the Venetians besieged the
town, assisted by the French, who but a few years
previously had been their deadliest foes, but were now
their allies and friends. The treaty of Brussels at the
close of the year fortunately put an end to the siege,
and Verona was soon after restored to Venice. A
series of forms had to be gone through before the
transfer was efl^ected. Verona was handed over first
to Spain, then passed on to the French general Lautrec,
who received it in the name of his master Francis I.,
and from him again it was restored to Venice. The
act of restitution was accompanied by a great religious
function in the Cathedral : high mass was celebrated,
and a general pardon was proclaimed on the part of the
Signory of Venice to all at Verona. It is strange to
read how that here and there some stone lions of St
Mark, which had been stowed away during Maximilian's
reign in Verona, were now brought out from their
no

^^y^^^<?^^^y'^-\^^-

THE PIAZZA DELLE ERBE, WITH THE VENETIAN COLUMN

III

From the Fall of the Scaligers

hiding-places covered with decorations, and set up with
every sign of rejoicing. Peals of bells rang out cheerily,
cries of "Marco, Marco," re-echoed through the
streets, fireworks and illuminations lit up the darkness
of the winter night, and the French invaders could not
contain their surprise over the kindly feeling entertained
by the people of Verona for Venice. To mark still
further the satisfaction felt by the people over the
restoration of the Venetian rule, the beautiful column
that stands at the northern end of the Piazza delle Erbe
was erected in 1523. It is a magnificent block of
white Veronese marble, and the year following the
winged lion was placed on the top, that emblem of the
wavering Evangelist whom the great Republic took for
its Patron and its Saint.

That wary Republic, fully alive to the dangers
through which she had passed, was resolved to provide
against any which might assail her in the future. The
fortifications around Verona were consequently ordered
to be put into a condition to meet the modern require-
ments of war ; old fortresses were to be demolished,
and new ones put in their stead with bastions, moats,
and all the contrivances then considered requisite to
render the town impregnable. The old walls were
only retained on the side towards the hills, where
assaults were considered unlikely, or at the most
harmless. It was while these works were in con-
struction that new entrances into the town were voted
necessary, and the following were therefore erected,
namely — the Porta Nuova (i 541-42), that of the
Palio (1542-57), Porta Vescovo (1520), Porta S.
Zeno (1541-42), and the far less well-built one of
S. Giorgio (1525). These works were done by
Michele San Micheli, a native of Verona, and one of
the greatest architects Italy ever produced. His fame
chiefly rests on all buildings connected with military

H 113

The Story of Verona

matters, though in other edifices, whether of a religious
or a lay nature, his work ranks very high.

An insurrection was set on foot in 1522 to stir up
the Veronese against the dominion of Venice, and to
restore, in the person of a pretender, the line of the
Scaligers. The wars between Francis I. of France
and Charles V. of Spain had let loose a great number
of restless, turbulent spirits, whose aim was to attain to
some position of eminence and honour by the upsetting
of the existing forms of government. One of these
intriguers, a Spaniard it is supposed, gave himself out
as Bartolomeo della Scala, and managed so far as to
secure a promise of provisional support from Spain,
and from the House of Gonzaga. The Venetian
Republic was fully aware of the intrigue. She just
waited for the moment when it suited her best to
strike, and then she did so effectively. She accepted
the offer of a hired assassin to remove the pretender
from her path, and when he was soon after poignarded
in the streets of Mantua (1529), she clenched matters
by condemning the dead man's son, Brunoro, to be
imprisoned for life in the fortress of Famagosta.

For over two centuries no movement of political
importance stirred the even tenor of life at Verona.
A terrible plague in 1630 swept away more than half
the population, and reduced the number of inhabitants,
it is said, from over 50,000 to barely 20,000. Another
misfortune overtook the town in 17 57, when the Adige
overflowed its banks (September 2), swept away two
arches of the Ponte delle Navi, and wrought untold
damage.

Greater and graver disturbances were, however, in
store for Verona at the close of the eighteenth century.
It was then that, after a sojourn of twenty months,
Louis XVIII., under the assumed name of Count de
Lille, left the town owing to the political intrigues
114

From the Fall of the Scaligers

gathering on all sides, and threatening to involve every
state which harboured him. Bonaparte's victories were
now bringing that great general every day nearer to the
Veronese district ; and after his victory over the Austrians
at Borghetto di Valeggio he feigned great indignation
against Verona for harbouring the royal fugitive. He
announced his intention to possess himself of the town,
and the Venetian Republic, now too weak to claim an
authority it was unable to exercise, had quietly to
acquiesce in Bonaparte's occupation of Verona on
June I, 1796.

The followmg digression as to the Comte de Lille's
sojourn in Verona, based as it is on some unpublished
documents belonging to the diplomatic story of the
Revolution and Fall of the Venetian Republic may
prove of interest here. The Comte de Provence
(to give him his real name) had fixed his abode
in Verona towards the end of the year 1794, under
the incognito of " Comte de Lille." His mode
of life was quiet and private, and though his suite
recognised him as Louis XVHL, King of France,
he himself avoided every outward semblance of
majesty so as not to compromise the Venetian
Republic, which had afforded him an asylum and
hospitality in its territory. The nobles of Verona
took no heed of him ; and even the French emi-
grants in the city abstained from paying their court
to him, keeping themselves prudently in the back-
ground. The Count was lodged in the palace of
the patrician family of the Gazzola, and while
there, with the help of his most trusted followers,
he set to work to prepare some despatches, which
he intended eventually to send to the sovereigns of
Europe, in order to ascertain their measures with
regard to him. In the meantime he meant to remain
quietly at Verona, and there to await the tide of

115

The Story of Verona

events. Several persons of note came expressly to
Verona to greet him, among them being the Count
d*Entragues, the Prince of Nassau, and the Spanish
Ambassador, the Chevalier de Las Casas. That
he had received every courtesy from Venice is evi-
dent by a letter that he wrote to Alvise Mocenigo
the Venetian envoy, on the expiration of that noble-
man's term of office in Verona, to thank him for
the civilities that had been- extended to him, and
begging him likewise to convey his gratitude to the
Doge. This letter bears date June i8, 1795. The
Comte de Lille however wrote other letters, which
were not altogether of so simple an order. The
very , next month it was discovered that he had
despatched two letters to the King of Sardinia, the
first of these being to announce his succession to the
throne of France, and written as though he were
actually a king ; the other in a confidential strain,
implored the King of Sardinia to continue his
hospitality to the writer's wife, Marie Josephine of
Savoy, Countess of Provence. The King of Sardinia
took notice only of the second of these letters, though
explaining at the same time that he could take no line
of action about it till he knew what would be the
conduct of the Allied Courts, especially those of
Vienna and London. The Countess of Provence
was allowed to stay on at the Royal palace, where
but a few Frenchmen went to pay their homage to
their so-called queen.

Early in August of this same year a slight Royalist
movement was known to be on foot, and the suspicions
of M. Lallement, the French Plenipotentiary from
Paris in Verona, began to be aroused. The Venetian
Government shared the uneasiness clearly shown by
the Frenchman at the state of afl^airs, the more so,
as they were strangely, not to say nervously anxious,
116

From the Fall of the Scaligers

to maintain scrupulously the terms of armed neutrality
on which they stood with regard to other nations.
Their uneasiness was in no way lessened at M.
Lallement's objection to the residence in Verona of
His Royal Highness the Count of Provence, whom
the French journalists styled derisively "the King
of Verona." In the meantime the French army was
preparing to invade Italy, a measure that was frustrated
for a short while by the opposition offered to such a
step by the joint action of the Piedmontese and
Austrian forces. The Venetian Government all this
time remained passive, making no preparation to meet
the on-coming danger, and careful only not to in-
fringe the neutrality to which they considered them-
selves exclusively bound. This attitude of theirs,
and their apathy as to the suspected plots on behalf
of the Comte de Lille at Verona, provoked the
indignation of the French powers in Paris. A
ministerial note was addressed to Alvise Querini, the
Venetian ambassador in the French capital, to re-
monstrate. It dwelt on the harmony to be desired
and maintained between the two Republics, a harmony
however that could not tolerate " so crying a scandal
as that of the residence in Verona of Louis Stanislaus
Saverio, the so-called Louis XVIII., who proclaimed
himself, and acted as King of France." It further
stated that "since Louis Stanislaus Saverio had not
feared to compromise the Venetian Republic in be-
having while in Venetian territory as King of France,
he had forfeited all claim to the asylum which he had
obtained . . . and the Minister of Public Affairs asked
that he should be deprived thereof throughout all the
states of the Venetian territory." A string of com-
plaints followed this verbose note, together with a
remark couched in a truly ironical spirit, as to the
improbability of the French Republic allowing so

117

The Story of Verona

indiscreet a guest to be tolerated any longer, and the
sad dilemma in which the Venetian Government must
doubtless find itself. The agitation subsequent on the
publication of this despatch in Venice was great. The
** Savii/' urged by M. Lallement to send a prompt
answer, invoked the assistance of the Inquisitors of
State, and they again despatched their secretary Giuseppe
Gradenigo to Verona, while the Count d*Entragues
sent a special messenger to inform the Comte de
Lille of the turn things were taking. The Mar-
chese Carlotti was deputed to present himself to the
Royal exile, and break to him that the Venetian
Government could not but carry out the injunctions
laid on them by the French rulers. The luckless
Count could offer no opposition to this law of the
strongest, but he made an effort to maintain the dignity
of the House of Bourbon, and claimed the right
to erase hia family's name from the " Libro d'Oro'*
of 'Venice, and to take back the suit of armour pre-
sented of old by Henry IV. to the Republic. He
wrote to the Russian ambassador in Venice, com-
plaining of the treatment he had received at the
hands of the Venetians, and entrusting him with a
power of attorney to execute his commission as to
the Libro d'Oro and the suit of armour. Plis letter
ran as follows : — " Louis, by the Grace of God, King
of France and of Navarre to Monsieur Mordino,
Privy Councillor to H.M. the Emperor of all the
Russias, and his Minister Plenipotentiary to the Re-
public of Venice, Chevalier of the Order of Vladimir,
greeting.

<* The Senate of Venice having notified in an
offensive manner that the asylum which We had elected
to choose ceased from this instant, and that they ex-
pected Us to leave Verona in the shortest possible
time. We have replied in these terms to the Marquis

From the Fall of the Scaligers

Carlotti, charged to deliver this commission directly
to Us : — I shall depart, but I exact two indispensable
conditions : — ist, that the Libro d'Oro, where the
name of my family is inscribed, be brought to me, that
I may with my own hand erase it therefrom ; 2nd,
that the suit of armour be restored to me which was
given by my ancestor Henry IV. as a token of friend-
ship to the Republic of Venice. The lawful im-
patience which We have to withdraw from the
Venetian states determines Us to empower you on
Our part to execute the fulfilment of these two con-
ditions, to cancel the name of Our family from the Libro
d'Oro, and to receive in custody the suit of armour of
our ancestor Henry IV. of glorious memory.

" L.S. Given at Verona under Our sign and ordinary
seal the 20th April, year of grace 1796, and of Our
reign the first. — Louis."

These conditions of the would-be King of France
could not however be complied with. The reply to
his demand was only arrived at after a long corre-
spondence had been carried on between the Venetian
Republic and the Court of St Petersburg, and was
altogether unfavourable to the Count's wishes. The
name of the Bourbons, it said, could not be erased
from the Libro d'Oro without causing dire offence
to the sovereigns of Spain, Naples, and Parma, all
of whom belonged to the family of the Bourbons,
nor for the same reason could the armour presented
by Henry IV. to Venice, and jealously guarded by
her, be now given back. Thus Venice gained her
point on all sides. The Count of Lille was banished
from the territory of the Republic, and on the 15th
April 1796, at three o'clock in the afternoon, he
wended his way from Verona to seek in the
direction of the Tyrol for the shelter and safety
that were no longer to be afforded him beside

119

The Story of Verona

the banks of the Adige, and where for twenty
months he had enjoyed a calm, if not a real home.
Nor did Venice forego her possession of the princely
gift bestowed on her by Henry of Navarre. That
suit of armour is to be seen to this day at the
arsenal at Venice, though the sword which belonged
to it was stolen in 1797, and not the least clue
exists as to where it is now to be found. To return
however to Verona.

The occupation of the town by the French was of
short duration, for the Austrian troops under General
Wurmser swept down on the valley of the Adige the
very next month, and entered the town the 30th of
July. Their stay however was also brief. The
French returned as conquerors on August 8, and the
victories of Arcole and Rivole confirmed them in their
possession. They were not beloved by the people
of Verona, of whom the greater part considered them-
selves still subject to Venice, and resented the military
occupation foisted on them by Napoleon. What brought
matters to a climax is unknown, but on the evening of
April 17, the first shot was fired, and the Veronese
rose up in arms against the French. A very wholesale
massacre ensued, though the assertion that the in-
habitants of Verona spared none of their foes, and even
fired on the hospitals, slaughtering both sick and
wounded in their fury, is probably an exaggeration.
Fighting, firing, cannonading, the ringing of bells to
call to arms went on for three whole days. French
troops came hurrying in to the defence of the French,
who poured a ceaseless rain of bullets on to the town
from the forts, till the Veronese had no choice but
to surrender. The Venetian authorities commenced
the negotiations for ceding the town, and on April 27
the French again took possession of Verona without —
and to their honour be it said — in any way insulting
120

From the Fall of the Scaligers

the vanquished or abusing of their victory. The
" Paques Veronaises," the Veronese Vespers, as this
rising and massacre has been styled, may be considered
in a twofold light. It may either be looked upon as
the only effort made to uphold the dying power of
Venice ; or it may be reckoned as a useless waste of
blood and treasure. It certainly did not tend to con-
ciliate the French towards the inhabitants of Verona ;
and it gave Bonaparte an excuse for avenging the
blood of his soldiers — an excuse he was not the man
to forget. Heavy taxes were laid on the city ; citizens
of renown and high degree were executed; and wher-
ever tyranny and oppression were possible they were
indulged in freely.

The French yoke became so obnoxious that when
in 1798 the town was handed over to the Austrians
it seemed to the Veronese as though a stroke of good
fortune had befallen them. The Austrian possession
this time lasted till the peace of Luneville, early in
180G, when the city was divided between the French
and Austrians, the French retaining the half on the
right bank of the Adige, the Austrians reserving that
on the left bank. This condition of affairs lasted till
1805, when the whole town was declared to be French,
and when Napoleon caused himself to be proclaimed
king of Italy, appointing Eugene de Beauharnais as
his viceroy. In 18 14 Verona again changed hands,
being placed once more under the Austrian dominion,
after Napoleon was fallen from his high estate, and
when the might and determination of England had
stopped him from enslaving and oppressing the greater
part of Europe.

For many years Verona belonged to Austria. The
Lombard- Veneto kingdom, ruled over by the Arch-
duke Rainer, brought outward peace to the country
from which it took its name, though the longing to

121

The Story of Verona

expel the foreigner and create a united and independent
kingdom of Italy was growing and developing in the
heart of every true patriot throughout the Peninsula.
This longing took shape in 1848, when the war of
independence was begun. The hopes of freedom and
unification centred round Charles Albert and the small
kingdom of Piedmont, and at the outset fortune smiled
on the gallant undertaking. The Austrians however
were not to be driven lightly out of the country ; they
reconquered Milan ; possessed themselves anew of the
"Veneto"; and inflicted a severe defeat on the Pied-
montese army at Novara (March 23, 1849). No
sooner were they firmly established again in Verona
than they set to work to restore the fortifications and
build new ones all around and about the town. They
converted it into a fortress of the very first rank, and
made certain that from the great quadrilateral — formed
of Verona, Mantua, Legnano, and Peschiera — they
had a base of operations which would render them
impregnable against any attack. And indeed it seemed
as though Austrian rule was fixed for all time in the
North of Italy. Plots and intrigues, it is true, were
constantly being formed, but they collapsed without
accomplishing their aim, and were never sufficiently
serious to unsettle the ruling powers.

It was not till the year 1859 that the patriotic hopes
which had dawned more than eleven years previously
began again to see the light, though the perfect day was
not to be reached even then. Napoleon III., Emperor
of the French, did all that in him lay at that period to
help his ally Victor Emanuel II. to the possession of
his entire realm. The peace of Villafranca, however,
put to flight the hopes that Solferino and S. Martino
had formed, and though a part of the Veronese territory
was restored to Italy, the town itself and much of the
province remained subject to Austria. This state of
122

From the Fall of the Scaligers

things lasted till 1866, when the Prussians became the
allies of Italy, and the Austrians were finally driven
out of the Peninsula. The great battle of Sadowa,
resulting in the peace of Vienna (October 3, 1866),
settled definitely the vexed question as to the rights of
ownership, and on the i6th of the same month the
Italian army entered Verona in triumph. Far different
must have been the feelings with which the Austrians
quitted it. True, the town did not stand on their
native soil, nor was the language spoken therein their
mother tongue. But years of possession had endeared
it to them ; they had guarded it with unceasing love
and care ; they had made it one of the finest fortresses
of Europe. Now all was to be changed. They must
hand it over to the young and newly-formed kingdom
of Italy, and who could assure them that all would be
well with the town in other and inexperienced hands ?
Time alone was to furnish the answer.

On November i8th, 1866, King Victor Emanuel II.
and his sons Humbert and Amedeus of Savoy came to
Verona. The day following they were present at a
great concourse of people held in the amphitheatre.
An enthusiastic welcome awaited them ; the national
joy burst spontaneously from thousands of spectators,
proving the affection of the Veronese for their rightful
princes, and convincing the king and his children of the
love and loyalty that existed for them in the grand old
city of Verona la Degna.

123

CHAPTER VI
Men of Letters — School of Painting

A LOVE of letters and a regard for men of learning

has ever been a marked characteristic throughout

the history of Verona, and stamped the early and after

days of her existence with a special and distinctive

note.

The first name on a long and honoured roll is that
of Valerius Catullus, who was born at Verona about
B.C. 84. As all classical students know he owned a
villa at Sirmione, where the ruins of an old mansion
are pointed out as the abode of the "tenderest of
Roman poets nineteen hundred years ago " — the poet
who might well be called the Heine of his age.

The province of Verona claims Cornelius Nepos as
one of her sons, though the actual town in which he
was born has never been satisfactorily determined.
Cornelius Nepos was the contemporary and friend of
Catullus, who addressed some of his poems to him,
and together they passed most of their lives in Rome,
where Cicero formed one of their circle.

^milius Macer, a well-known poet and philosopher,
the friend of Virgil and of Ovid, was also a Veronese.
There is a work in verse " treating of the virtues of
herbs and of the qualities and instincts of reptiles and
birds," by one Macer, but opinions are divided as to
whether the author hailed from Verona or was another
writer of the same name.

During the Augustan age in which the above named
124

PALAZZO DEL CONSIGLIO. ARCHITECT ERA GIACONDO

Men of Letters — School of Painting

authors lived, Verona also claimed among her citizens
the celebrated architect Vitruvius Cerdone ; a claim
not always, nor very generally, recognised. His statue
however stands among those of her greatest men out-
side the Palazzo del Consiglio, and perpetuates the
fame of the man who designed the once glorious Arco
de' Gavi, that arch which formed one of Verona's
greatest monuments up till 1805, when it was wantonly
taken down. Other writers who were natives of
Verona, or of the surrounding province, were Pom-
ponius Secundus (a writer of tragedies, and who, in
his capacity of Veronese consul at Rome, gave a great
supper to the Emperor Titus, when according to Pliny
who was one of the guests, some wine one hundred and
sixty years old was drunk) ; Cassius or Catius Severus ;
Pliny the Elder, the famous naturalist whose misplaced
zeal led him to meet with his death by too close and
too curious an investigation of the eruption of Vesuvius,
A.D. 81. Pliny the younger, though born at Como,
may almost rank as a Veronese. His mother was the
elder Pliny's sister, his uncle looked upon him and
loved him as his own son, and much of his time was
spent at or near Verona.

Verona too was early endowed with a University,
or as it was termed in those days, a " Cathedral
School." The great impetus given by Charlemagne
to public instruction in Italy is one of the traits which
redounds most to his honour, and Verona which had
always been considered as a spot where learning had
met with encouragement, was one of the first towns to
profit by the French monarch's generosity. Indeed
it is declared that she has done more for Italy with
regard to learning than ever Greece or Athens did.
This assertion can easily be believed when we read
that only nine years after Charlemagne's death an
Imperial decree ordained that a public school or college

127

The Story of Verona

should be founded there, a decree that was endorsed
by the Emperor Louis XI. in 824. A bull of Pope
Benedict XI. in 1339 sanctions this "University," or
more properly, public school, and confirms to it the
right of conferring degrees in law, in medicine, and in
the arts.

A goodly list could be given of several other writers,
many of them bishops and men of saintly lives, whose
erudition added to the fame of Verona and spread her
renown as a centre of learning into ever-widening
circles. Nor were minstrels and troubadours excluded
from the list, especially at the beginning of the twelfth
century. We read of singers known in the history of
minstrelsy, such as Hugues de St Cyr, Pietro Villems,
and Sordello, all coming to Verona and finding a
welcome there.

All names however pale before that of Dante
Alighieri, who, though in no sense a Veronese, found
here a haven in his day of adversity and exile, and
whose acknowledgment of the hospitality accorded him
is of world-wide renown. The causes that brought
Dante to Verona have been much discussed. It may
be that the strong Ghibelline feelings which predomi-
nated in the city made the Florentine exile certain of
being understood there — at least as far as his political
sentiments were concerned. The renown too pos-
sessed by Verona as to the encouragement given within
her walls to learning and men of letters may have
attracted him. Or more probably still, the knowledge
that at the court of the Scaligers he would find not a
welcome only, but also a home where his talents would
be recognised and appreciated, may have induced him
to come to Verona. This last hypothesis may to some
extent be borne out by the opening words of the
"epistola" written by Dante to Cangrande della Scala
at the time he dedicated the Paradiso to him.
128

Men of Letters — School of Painting

This letter, whose authenticity has given rise to much
discussion, but which in these latter times is generally-
accepted as being his, begins by saying: "I heard
the praise of your celebrated magnificence ; I came to
Verona to assure myself of the same. There I saw
your magnanimous doings ; I saw, I experienced your
benefactions ; and while I had at first believed that
the fame of them was superior to the deeds, I became
convinced that the deeds were superior to the fame."

Dante's choice of Verona was a wise one ; and he
found there a reception and a refuge that must have
soothed to some extent the angry wounded suscepti-
bilities of that '* spirito sdegnoso.''

The first of the princely house of della Scala to
receive Dante was Bartolomeo, who, though he is not
mentioned by name by the poet, was without doubt the
" grand Lombard " spoken of by Dante's ancestor
Cacciaguida in Paradiso, canto xvii. 70. For Bar-
tolomeo and Cangrande della Scala Dante has only
words of praise ; but some other members of their
family come in for the full force of the poet's wrath,
and he speaks in scathing terms of Alberto and Alboino,
the former the predecessor, the latter the successor of
Bartolomeo. Nor is he less bitter against an illegiti-
mate son of Alberto della Scala, whom his father had
made abbot of S. Zeno, and who exercised that office
from 1 29 1 to 1314. Speaking of this deformed priest
he says,

"... in his whole body, sick
And worse in mind, and who was evil born "

( . . . mal del corpo intero — E della mente peggio,
e che mal nacque. Purg» xviii. 124, etc.), and how his
father ** with one foot in the grave " (con un pi^ dentro
la fossa) had ** put him in the place of the true pastor "
(ha posto in loco di suo pastor vero).

The reason of Dante's dislike for Alboino, who he
I 129

The Story of Verona

must have known intimately, has never come to light.
The man's want of energy, his indifference as to the
Ghibelline cause, his inefficiency as a warrior, may
perhaps have aroused that contempt for him which
Dante expresses most openly in the Convito, iv. i6.
Cangrande on the other hand calls forth his admira-
tion ; and that Dante dedicated to him the last part of
the Divine Comedy is proof enough of the esteem
and affection in which he held him. Another proof
too is forthcoming in the fact adduced by Boccaccio
and Giovanni Querini that Dante was wont to send
the cantos of the Paradlso as he wrote them, and
before submitting them to any other eye, to the lord
of Verona. The poet recognises too the renown of
Cangrande's deeds by putting into the mouth of
Cacciaguida the prophecy as to " how notable his
works shall be " (che notabile fien Topere sue) ;
words so concise and so forcible in their depth and
truth that they are introduced in the epitaph above
Cangrande's tomb in a Latin form.

" Little is known for certain of Dante's actual
residence in Verona," says Cipolla ; though he quotes
from Ampere's Voyage D antes que to show the favour-
able impression that the town made on this pilgrim
not generally prone to be satisfied, nor minded to
refrain from a sharp and unfriendly criticism. ** Here
at last is an Italian city of which Dante has said
nothing injurious. She owes this almost unique ex-
ception to the hospitality which she offered him."

Dante alludes several times to the town itself in his
writings. He speaks so graphically of the game of the
Palio (/«/". XV. I2i) as to make one fancy he must
have witnessed it in person. It has been said that his
idea of the " bolgie " of the Inferno came to him from
the shape of the arena at Verona, and that standing
on the summit of that vast building he conceived the
130

Men of Letters — School of Painting

notion of creating his Hell on the same lines as those
presented before his eyes. Whether this is really so
or not cannot be definitely affirmed, but it is certain
that no other poet has mapped out an Inferno on the
same lines as that of Dante, while the form he has
given it resembles very closely that of the amphitheatre
of Verona.

Other memories than those which spoke to him only
of the town were also present to Dante's mind when
he was writing his great poem. The country in the
heart of the valley of the Adige is depicted by him at
the opening of the twelfth canto of the Inferno ; and
the surroundings of the Lake of Garda are spoken of
equally in the Inferno at canto xx. 64, etc.

It was at Verona that the remarks as to Dante's
powers of visiting the Infernal regions first arose.
As his " melancholy, pensive " form walked silently
through the streets and byeways of the city, the women
of the lower classes pointed him out one to another as
" he who went to Hell and returned when he listed,
and brought news up above of those who were there
below." It may be that such unsolicited fame would
bring a smile to the solemn, set features, and prove
more acceptable than the applause vouchsafed by
Cangrande's herd of courtiers.

Another distinguished poet came to Verona in 1348,
and indeed visited the town several times. This was
no other than Petrarch ; and it was on the occasion of
his first visit to his friend Guglielmo da Pastrengo that
he dreamed the dream which came only too true, of
Laura's death (April 6). This does not seem how-
ever to have given him a distaste for Verona, where
he had many friends, and from where he wrote in
ecstasies of the beauty of the Lake of Garda and of
the country around.

The wives of the lords of Verona, with but one

'31

The Story of Verona

exception, were not given to literature or the arts.
The only one who endeavoured in any way to attract
men of letters to her court was Samaritana, wife of
Antonio della Scala. This daughter of the house of
da Polenta of Ravenna was in reality too vain and
frivolous to care for learning for its own sake. She
thought it would redound to her glory to collect round
her men whose studies or writings would add to the
lustre of her name, and for this cause it came to pass that
late in the fourteenth century the court of the Scaligers
was again frequented by " litterati." The most con-
spicuous among them was Gidino da Somma Campagna,
who dedicated a book entitled Trattato dei R'ttmi Volgari
to Antonio della Scala. The original manuscript of
the Trattato is preserved in the Biblioteca Capitolare,
and the beautiful designs and scrolls that adorn the
margins of its pages are an example of the miniature
drawing of the day, deserving both of study and
admiration. Besides Gidino da Somma Campagna,
mention may be made of Leonardo da Quinto, a
learned jurisconsult, astrologer, and man af letters.
He was, as Guglielmo da Pastrengo had been before
him, an ardent bibliophile, and both men were possessed
of libraries as fine as any which existed in private
houses at that time. When Antonio della Scala was
in straits for money in 1386, Leonardo da Quinto was
one of the two emissaries whom he sent to Venice to
sell his jewels. Marzagaia and Matteo da Orgiano
can also be added to the above literary set ; the former
was Antonio's tutor ; and the latter, really of Vicenza,
was a Humanist of no mean order, and who became
chancellor at the court of Verona. The possession of
a fine library in those days was by no means the
privilege of the few. Not only did many of the
churches own libraries of no mean order, but most
of the private individuals of note in Verona had collec-

Men of Letters — School of Painting

tions that were at once numerous and costly. The
noble houses of Ottolini, Trevisani, Pelligrini, Pinde-
monte, Moscardo, Maffei, and Muselli had all famous
libraries, while English readers will be interested to
learn that the great Ashburnham collection had its
origin in Verona. This collection was begun by the
Marchese Giovanni Saibante of Verona, who devoted
many years of arduous and loving devotion to the
formation of this unique library. In 1734 it contained
5189 volumes, and 1321 manuscripts, of which 102
were Greek and 70 were Hebrew. The larger part
of this collection was sold in Paris ; from there it
passed into the Earl of Ashburnham' s hands, and in
1884 the Italian Government bought it back for the
sum of ;£'23,ooo.

To set down here the names of the Veronese whose
fame in connection with letters has added to the glory
of their native land would be beside the mark. Suffice
it for the present purpose to mention the following : —
Guarino dei Guarini, the student of Greek and of
Greek science ; Girolamo Fracastoro, whose statue
by Danese Cattaneo in the Loggia of the Palazzo del
Consiglio, set up only two years after his death, shows
how generally his talents were recognised as a poet,
a philosopher, and an astronomer ; Fra Giocondo,
whose fame as an architect was widely spread through
France and Italy, and was so great as to leave but
little room wherein to speak of him as a writer and a
scientist ; Giovanni Antonio Panteo, an author of
various works in Latin, and a friend of all the learned
men of his day ; Torello Saraina, whose book De
Origine et amplitudine Urhts Verona, published in folio
at Verona in 1540, and printed in 1586, is one of the
first histories of Verona both as to date and merit ;
Onofrio Panvinio, a finished Latin scholar, and an
elegant writer on all the Roman remains in his native

133

The Story of Verona

town ; Giulio Cesare Bordoni, surnamed Scaligero,
as famous as a doctor as he was as a writer and man of
science, and who is universally known by the name
which he added to his own, and which was taken for
the purpose of deluding those who knew no better that
he was a descendant of the Scaligers. He was without
doubt one of the most learned and scientific men of his
age, and was honoured and welcomed in every country
in which he set foot.

This list must not draw to its close without includ-
ing the name of Scipione Maffei, whose work Verona
lUustrata, in eight volumes, and often consulted in the
construction of these pages, is one of the most trust-
worthy and complete histories of Verona as far as it
goes. Other writings by Maffei confirmed his celebrity,
and his fellow-citizens gave expression to his merits,
and to the esteem and affection in which they held him,
when they set up, during his lifetime, his statue in the
Piazza de' Signori, where it stands to this day close to
the Volto Barbaro. Among modern writers, or rather
poets, mention must be made of Girolamo Pompei,
Ippolito Pindemonte, and Aleardo Aleardi, all poets of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and all of them
belonging to patrician families of Verona. Pompei and
Pindemonte were apt translators of the great classic
poets of Rome ; while Aleardi' s muse was attuned to
songs of love and patriotism.

The role of notable writers and men of letters is by
no means exhausted in this list, which has no pretence
to do more than give an idea of Verona's chief literary
sons, and to raise her renown in the scholastic world,
as well as in that of art and history.

The school of painting in Verona dates from the
reign of Cangrande. There were it is true paintings
and frescoes in the town prior to th^ Scaligers, but they

134

Men of Letters — School of Painting

could not come under the classification of a " school,"
and are of too remote and uncertain a character to be
placed as pertaining to a given date. The patronage
bestowed by Cangrande on learning and letters was
extended also to painting, and Vasari tells how that
" Giotto did some pictures for Messer Cane in his
palace ; and specially the portrait of that lord." That
Giotto came to Verona at the bidding of this greatest
of the Scaligers is well known, as it is also known that
he worked there to a considerable extent. Nothing
remains, however, of his work in the " Big Doge's "
Palace ; and only small and generally " restored "
examples are to be found in a few of the churches.

The influence of Giotto is felt though markedly in
Verona, where the strong impetus given to painting
by Cangrande developed steadily under the rule of his
descendants. A German critic (Jules von Schlosser)
has indeed said that Verona at that period was the
centre of pictorial art in Northern Italy ; and were all
else wanting, the wonderful miniature painting of that
time testifies in itself to the truth of such a statement.

The actual founder of the Veronese school was
Altichiero, born about 1300, and of whom some
frescoes are to be seen in the church of St Anastasia,
and in that of S. Fermo Maggiore, though on this latter
point there is some doubt. Together with Altichiero
must be mentioned his friend and contemporary Jacopo
d'Avanzo, for they frequently worked together, and
their dual work on the same picture is not easy to dis-
sever. It cannot be denied that they were greatly
inspired by Giotto but, on the other hand, they were
by no means blind followers or even pupils of the
Florentine master, for they maintained a character in
all ways distinct from him, and portrayed their art
in fuller, deeper, richer colouring. They were also
superior as draughtsmen, conveying too a greater

The Story of Verona

sense of life and movement in their figures, and pre-
senting all through their work a strong and marked
individuality. Both artists can really be studied better
at Padua than in their native city where little exists
that can give a true idea of their talent.

With them may be mentioned Martini ; and Pietro
Paolo de' Capelli, who though inferior to Altichiero and
d'Avanzo, lived and worked at the same time, and
prepared the way for the far greater Vittor Pisano or
Pisanello, who was born at S. Vigilio near the Lake of
Garda in 1380. The doubt as to who was Pisanello's
master remains unsolved to the present day. Morelli
inclines to the opinion that he was a pupil of Alti-
chiero— an opinion not shared by Crowe and Caval-
caselle. He doubtless derived much from a study of
Altichiero' s work, and from drawing from the antique ;
but his own personality is revealed in his paintings,
and more still in his medals and in his treatment of
portraits where he represented his sitters " en profile,"
and obtained a striking and lasting success from this
style of portraiture — till then untried and absolutely
original. His skill as a medallist caused him to find
patrons in almost every court in Italy and to be
welcomed at them all in turn. He worked too in
conjunction with Gentile da Fabriano in the Ducal
Palace at Venice, decorating and restoring that
princely building, and imbibing probably much of
Gentile's feeling for finish, colour, and brilliancy.
" But it is in Verona," says Mr Selwyn Brinton,^
** that the best of his work in fresco remains —
damaged, almost ruined, but attesting to his vigorous
art, to his wonderful grasp of animal life." This latter
trait is very marked in Pisanello, and shows that iiis
love of animals, his study of them, as well as of nature

1 Selwyn Brinton, The Renaissance in Italian Art. Part II.,
p. 37. Simpkin, London, 1898.

136

MADONNA AND CHILD, VITTOR PISANELLO, MUSEO CIVICO.

Men of Letters — School of Painting

in every possible form, was deep and true. He intro-
duces some phase of animal life into most of his
pictures, and in the care and finish bestowed on every
bird or beast that he sets before us, we feel we have to
do with an artist who loves and understands his subject.

Pisanello is perhaps even more famous as a medallist
than as a painter, and speaking of his medallions, the
author quoted above says : " They are a gallery of
contemporary portraits, priceless to the student of
Renaissance history. Leonello d'Este (who was his
special friend and patron), lord of Ferrara, with his
strong, ugly face ; Cecilia Gonzaga, the delicate,
refined head poised on the long swan-like neck ;
Inigo d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara ; Sigismondo
Pandolfo Malatesta, the lord of Rimini, the cultured
tyrant, the lover of the fair Isotta degli Atti . . . ;
Filippo Maria Visconti, so conscious of his appearance
that he lived hid in secret chambers, the last of the
Visconti tyrants, his brocaded cap pressed down on the
coarse, heavy face ; Alfonso of Aragon, the patron of
the Humanists ; Gian Francesco Gonzaga, the Marquis
of Mantua ; Johannes Palasologus, with pointed beard
and strange Eastern head attire — all these move before
us; names of which Italian history is full, and show in
the living bronzes their very life and character. And,
lastly, the artist himself, a strong, good-tempered,
square-set face, clean shaved and cap on head, his
broidered jacket just showing ; he is proud of his
position as painter, and inscribes almost every medal —
* Opus Pisani Pictoris.' " ^

Pisanello was followed by pupils, who though never
attaining to their master's height, were good painters,
and have left some beautiful and valuable work in the
churches and gallery of Verona. The chief of these
were Stefano da Zevio (born 1393) ; Giovanni
1 0/. cit. p. 38, etc.

The Story of Verona

Oriolo ; Giovanni Badile ; Girolamo, and Francesco
Benaglio. In these painters the feeling for religious
art as interpreted from the Veronese point of view
was maturing ever more and more till it reached its
consummation in the works of Francesco Morone ;
Girolamo dai Libri ; Paolo Morando or Cavazzola ;
Liberale da Verona ; and in those of Liberale's
great pupils : Francesco Bonsignori ; Gian Francesco
Caroto ; Francesco Torbido ; and Domenico del
Riccio, or Brusasorci.

Francesco Morone, the son of Domenico Morone,
surnamed Pelacani (dogskinner) himself a painter of
considerable merit, was born at Verona in 1473. His
work bears the impress of deep religious feeling,
rendered always with marvellous sweetness and refine-
ment, and set in tones of fine rich colouring. His
frescoes in the Sacristy of Sta. Maria in Organo are
declared by Vasari to be among the most beautiful in
Italy. In the same church stands his famous Madonna
and Child, with S. Augustine and S. Martin below ;
a very beautiful composition, with its graceful details
of canopy flowers and angels. Morone, who died at
Verona in 1529, is best studied in his native town,
though examples of his work are to be found in the
Brera at Milan, and in the National Gallery in
London.

Girolamo dai Libri, born at Verona in 1474, was a
friend of Morone and a fellow-worker with him at Sta.
Maria in Organo. He was brought up, as his father
had been before him and as his son was after him, as a
miniaturist. This art followed by three generations
gave its name to the family, and this surname *' of the
books " might well be assumed by those whose work
had lain so constantly among them. Girolamo's
pictures often abound with fruits, flowers, festoons, and
backgrounds with architectural details, while through
140

MADONNA, S3. ZENO AND LORENZO, GUISTIMANI, GIROLAMO DEI LIBRI
CHURCH OF ST GEORGE IN BRAIDA

141

Men of Letters — School of Painting

them all runs the soft rich colouring peculiar to the
Veronese school and which was inspired largely by
the great miniature painters who helped to form that
school. The faces in his pictures breathe a spirit of
glad yet sober serenity, and the finished detail of
trellis-work, lemon trees heavy with their golden fruit,
and blossoming flowers which often surround the
Madonna and Child bear witness to the training and
taste of a skilled miniaturist. Many of his miniatures
are in the Picture Gallery of Verona, where there are
besides several of his pictures, others being in the
churches of that town, others in London, in Berlin,
and at Hamilton Palace in Scotland. Girolamo dai
Libri died in i 556.

Liberale da Verona, born in Verona in 1451, was
like Girolamo dai Libri educated as a miniaturist.
Endowed perhaps with greater power than Girolamo
he does not always possess such poetic feeling, nor is
his colouring so harmonious and pleasant. His manner
however underwent a marked change when he came
under the influence of Andrea Mantegna. A broader
and more forcible tone of feeling then makes itself
apparent, and though intense finish and detail are still
evident they are subservient to the subject represented
in the picture, and in no way detract from the grand
lines and colours that now employ his brush. The
greater number of his paintings are to be found at
Verona ; but there is a grand S. Sebastian — perhaps
his masterpiece — in the Brera, and other works by him
in London, in several towns in Germany, and at
Vienna. Liberale had also the merit of forming a
goodly array of followers or pupils, whose talents carried
on to all time the fame and honour of their master.

Before enlarging on them however it would be well
to pause for a moment to speak of Paolo Morando,
better known as Cavazzola, who was absolutely distinct

The Story of Verona

from Liberale and Girolamo dai Libri, though living
and working at the same time and in the same city.
He was born at Verona in i486, and died when only
thirty-six years old. His early death cut short a
career of great promise, for Cavazzola had little in
common with the simple grave manner of the early
Veronese masters, he moved along lines of his own
creating, and showed as Burckhardt says in speak-
ing of him a *' transition from the realism of
the fifteenth century to the noble free character of
the sixteenth." As a colourist Cavazzola is cold
and hard ; and though his tints are glowing as to
brilliancy there is little in them that delights the eye or
excites pathos or devotion. His drawing though is
vigorous, his touch free, untrammelled and broad, with
a power and grasp of treatment that caused his con-
temporaries to speak of him as the Veronese Raphael.
Very fine are a series of his pictures, five in number,
which treat of the Passion of our Lord in the gallery
at Verona. There is in them a serious conception as
to composition and vigour in the technique that cause
one to realise a master's thought and execution, and to
feel what possibilities lay within his grasp when death
cut short his career. Nearly all Cavazzola's work is
in Verona, though the National Gallery possesses two
examples, and one is to be found at Dresden.

To return to Liberale's pupils, Francesco Bonsignori,
also called Francesco da Verona, is one of the first,
being born at Verona in 1455. -^^^ early education,
begun in his native town, was continued at Mantua,
where he was patronised by the Gonzaghi, and where
Mantegna's influence developed his style considerably.
He is chiefly known as a portrait painter, a fact that
impressed Cosmo Monkhouse, and who, ignoring or
forgetting Torbido's work in the same direction, speaks
thus of Bonsignori : " At Verona, alone almost of all
144

Men of Letters — School of Painting

the cities of Italy, there seems to have been Httle
demand for portraits. It produced no portrait painter
of eminence, and though the fact does not prove much,
it may be noted that the only fine portrait by a Veronese
in the National Gallery (that by Bonsignori), is of a
Venetian Senator."

Most of his work is at Verona, though some is in
Florence, some at Milan, and as already stated one fine
portrait is in London. Crowe and Cavalcaselle's
criticism on Bonsignori is as follows : " We are
reminded of Masaccio by the breadth of the modelling,
of Ghirlandjo by the precision of form, of Mantegna
there is no trace." This judgment, slightly modified
at the close, is endorsed by Morelli who says : "Let
anyone study the signed work of Bonsignori (in the
churches of S. Fermo, S. Bernardino, S. Paolo and the
Municipal Gallery of Verona), and I have no doubt
that every connoisseur will see therein the influence of
Gian Bellini, and of Alvise Vivarini, but certainly not
of Mantegna. Later, no doubt, when at Mantua, Bon-
signori learned a good deal from his great colleague."
Bonsignori died at Mantua in i 5 1 9.

Gian Francesco Caroto, another of Liberale's pupils
though influenced besides by Fr. Morone and Mantegna,
was born in 1470. He is a delightful and graceful
painter, recalling Luini at times ; and Morelli speaking
of his early works (cir. 1500) writes thus: "The
student of the early works of Caroto in the galleries of
Modena, of Maldura at Padua, and at Frankfort, will
admit that these small Madonnas of his in drawing
and modelling recall quite as much his master Liberale
as Mantegna."

Caroto is a forcible and striking master ; his colour-
ing is warm and soft and harmonious, his drawing
powerful. To show in what category his pictures
were ranked it is enough to relate how the fine

K 145

The Story of Verona

Madonna and Child with angels carrying large lilies,
by him at Dresden was received at that gallery with a
forged signature of Leonardo. It passed as such for
years, though Morelli first, and now the director of
the gallery have restored it to Caroto. Selwyn Brinton
considers this picture to be " one of the loveliest
paintings which all Italian art has bequeathed to us." ^

Some traces of his fresco painting may yet be seen
on the exterior of several Veronese palaces, especially
in the neighbourhood of St Thomas of Canterbury,
but much of that style of decoration — in which Liberale
and Morone also delighted — has perished beneath the
ravages of time. In common with the majority of his
colleagues, the greater part of Caroto's paintings exist
at Verona (his masterpiece there being at S. Fermo),
while Modena, Padua, Frankfort, Dresden and London
all possess examples of his skill. Gian Francesco had
a brother Giovanni Caroto, who was not only a painter
but also an engraver. He is though very inferior to
his brother.

Francesco Torbido, surnamed II Moro, is no whit
inferior to Liberale's other pupils. Vasari has it that
Torbido went first to Venice to study under Giorgione,
but that master and pupil did not get on together.
From words they came to blows, and Torbido left
Venice, and at the same time abandoned his art. He
withdrew to Verona, where Liberale not only per-
suaded him to resume his brush, but he taught him,
loved him, and finally made him his heir. His time
in Venice had not however been fruitless. Torbido
combines a Giorgionesque feeling in his paintings that
has sometimes led his work to be ascribed to the great
master himself. He maintains at the same time the
Veronese manner which he knows how to blend in a
most effective way with the Venetian, or as Crowe and
^ Op. cit. p. 42.

146

Men of Letters — School of Painting

Cavalcaselle expresses it, "the double character of
Venetian art engrafted on the Veronese." The much
discussed portrait in the Uffizi Gallery at Florence,
called alternately a ** Knight of Malta," and " Gatta-
melata and his Esquire," and assigned generally to
Giorgione, is pronounced by the art-critics cited above
as the unmistakable work of Torbido. These same
critics say : " This is the unmistakable work of
Torbido, illustrated by his strong and unmannered
outline, effective enough in chiaroscuro, but sharp in
contrast of tints . . . wanting the power and modula-
tion of the Venetian." That this portrait hails from
Verona there can be little doubt, for besides Torbido,
it has sometimes been put down to Caroto, while
Morelli assigns it to another and less famous pupil of
Liberale, Michele da Verona. Morelli though states
that Torbido has not received his lawful meed of praise
from Vasari and later writers, and speaks of him as " a
personality that deserves to be more closely studied."
He recognises how Torbido was influenced by Gior-
gione and the elder Bonifazio, but adds, that in spite
of all *' he remained faithful to his first master,
Liberale."

The last of Liberale' s greater pupils is Domenico
del Riccio, whose quaint surname of Brusasorci
(burner of rats) has so far met with no explanation.
This artist's love of rich glowing colour, of pageants,
of gorgeous robes and draperies was ever leading the
way — soon to be followed by Paolo Veronese — to the
fusion of the art of V erona into that of Venice. His
paintings are nearly all at Verona, where the most
celebrated is the great fresco in the Palazzo Ridolfi,
which has for its subject the meeting of the Emperor
Charles V. with Pope Clement VIL at Bologna in
1530. Lanzi, speaking of this painting, says: "One
could not see a finer sight. ... A great mass of

147

The Story of Verona

people, effective grouping of figures, animated faces,
beautiful movements of men and of horses, variety of
raiment, pomp, splendour, dignity, and the joyousness
befitting the occasion."

A drawing that Morelli considers to have been the
preparatory sketch for this fresco is in red chalk in the
Dresden Gallery, and with regard to it he remarks :
" Before this drawing one easily discovers how many
things Paolo Veronese may have learned from his elder
countryman."

Domenico had a son, Felice Brusasorci, of whom
several paintings exist in the churches of Verona, and
some are also in Milan and at the Louvre ; but he is
inferior to his father who was at the same time his
master.

A short account must be given of a few of Liberale's
lesser pupils, who while far from equalling those already
mentioned yet deserve to be included among the
painters of the Veronese school. One of these is
Giovanni Maria Falconetto, whose love of architecture
is apparent in nearly all his pictures, for he introduces
buildings wherever it is possible to do so, bestowing
ever much care on this evident labour of love. He
lived to a good old age, and as years drew on he
renounced painting and became an architect.

Niccolo and Paolo Giolfino, who were brothers were
also Liberale's pupils. They were friends of Mantegna
who lodged with Niccolo (the elder brother and
the better painter) when he came to Verona, and
decorated the exterior of the house (close to the
Porta de' Borsari) with frescoes, few of which have
withstood the ravages of time.

Paolo Farinato and Antonio Badile, though in-
fluenced by Liberale were not under his tutelage, but
they belonged to the great school which he founded,
and they helped to the best of their ability to carry it on
148

Men of Letters — School of Painting

worthily. Farinato can generally be recognised by the
snail which he introduces into his pictures, and which he
would seem to adopt as his badge. Badile's glory lies
almost exclusively in having been the uncle and master
of Paolo Cagliari, surnamed " II Veronese." This
great genius belongs so absolutely to Venice, where he
lived and worked and where all his masterpieces are to
be found, that he cannot be included in the Veronese
school of painting. His surname though reminds
everyone that Verona gave him birth, and that he
himself was proud to own his sonship, and to subscribe
himself to all time as " Paul of Verona."

Speaking of the Veronese school Layard says of it :
" No school in Italy, except the Florentine, shows so
regular and uninterrupted a development, and none is
consequently more deserving of the attention of the
student who seeks in art a phase of the human intellect,
influenced by local and special circumstances. Nowhere
can this school be better studied and understood than
in the public gallery and churches of Verona." ^

1 Handbook of Painting. The Italian schools — based on
the handbook of Kugler — thoroughly revised and in part
rewritten by Sir A. Henry Layard, London. Murray, 1887.
Part I. p, 274.

THE ARMS OF VERONA

149

CHAPTER VII

The Duomo — 5. Giovanni in Fonte —
Biblioteca Capitolare — Vescovado
— St Anastasia — Piazza delle
Erbe

T^HE cathedral church of Verona is said to date
from between the eighth and ninth centuries.
The period of its erection cannot be stated with cer-
tainty, and beyond the fact that it was first dedicated
to Sta. Maria Matricolata nothing definite relating to
it can be affirmed. It was nearly completed in its
primitive state in 806 under Bishop Rathold, though
it was considerably heightened in after years. The
building itself is a mixture of the Lombard style with
Gothic and Italian introduced — a mixture eminently
satisfactory in its results notwithstanding the divergence
of style. Ruskin speaks of it as follows, when, after
six months' close study of Byzantine work in Venice,
he came again to the Lombard work of Verona and
Pavia. " (Verona) — Comparing the arabesque and
sculpture of the Duomo here with St Mark's, the first
thing that strikes one is the low relief, the second the
greater motion and spirit, with infinitely less grace and
science. With the Byzantines, however rude the
cutting, every line is lovely, and the animals or men
are placed in any attitudes which secure ornamental
effect, sometimes impossible ones, always severe, re-
strained, or languid. With the Romanesque workmen
all the figures show the effort (often successful) to
150

SOUTH DOOR OF THE DUOMO

151

The Duomo

express energetic action ; hunting chiefly, much fight-
ing, and both spirited ; some of the dogs running
capitally, straining to it, and the knights hitting hard,
while yet the faces and drawing are in the last degree
barbarous . . . the Lombard building is as sharp,
precise and accurate as that of St Mark's is careless.
The Byzantines seem to have been too lazy to have
put their stones together ; and, in general, my first
impression on coming to Verona, after four months in
Venice, is of the exquisitely neat masonry and perfect
feeling here ; a style of Gothic formed by a combina-
tion of Lombard surface ornament with Pisan Gothic,
than which nothing can possibly be more chaste, pure,
or solemn." i

A temple dedicated to Minerva is said to have stood
here originally, and traces of this can yet be seen,
though in point of size there is no difference whatever
between the Pagan temple of the past and the Christian
church of to-day. The outside decoration of the
apses is very beautiful, and is formed of a frieze of
carved and decorated work running along the upper
lines, and giving an idea of care and finish to the
exterior that is very effective. The chief entrance
in some ways recalls that of St Zeno. It consists of
a beautiful canopied porch, with two columns resting
on colossal griffins, while around are scrolls, and
carvings, and devices, not of such interesting workman-
ship as those at St Zeno, though from some lines on
the archivolt they claim to be the work of the same
man, one Niccolo of the eleventh century. Those
lines are as follows : —

" Artificem quarum qui sculpserit haec Nicolaum

Hunc concurrentes laudent per saecula gentes."^
^ The Stones of Venice. John Ruskin, London. Smith,
Elder & Co., 1858. Vol. i., Appendix 8, p. 361.

2 The artificer Nicholas who carved these things,

The folk who here collect will praise for aye.

The Story of Verona

On each side of the door, and close to it, stand the
figures of Roland and Oliver, the paladins of the
Carlovingian age, who stamp alike their romance and
epoch in lasting forms of stone on the grand fagade
of the Duomo of Verona. Around them are grouped
Old Testament saints, while in the architrave above
are the medallions of three crowned women, who were
once supposed to represent Faith, Hope and Charity.
They are however three queens who gave generously
to the church, namely Bertranda, Charlemagne's
mother ; one of his wives ; and Ermengarda, the
wife of Desiderio, the last of the Lombard kings.
The facade, with its rows of small columns set so as
to show to advantage the noble proportions of the
building, is very impressive, and it is interesting to
follow the traceries of former windows and speculate
over the effect which this west front was once
intended to have shown.

The lateral door on the south side is wonderfully
fine, and belongs to the earlier and purer date of the
building. The polychrome marbles about this door-
way prepare the eye for some frescoes of a very early
date in the lunette above, while yet higher up and of a
still earlier date is a statuette of the Virgin, which may
rank as one of the finest of that period in Verona.

The interior of the Duomo is Gothic in its
character, and is said to have been carried out in
imitation of the Duomo of Milan. The ceiling is ugly
in its mistaken intention to represent *'the^tari*y firma-
ment on high " here set forth in a painted blue curtain
meant for the vault of Heaven with gilt stars upon it.
The shape of the building is cruciform, and supported
by columns and capitals of different forms all made of
marble either from Verona or from the East. In the
first altar to the left on entering is a picture by Titian
of the Assumption. It is a grand painting, and has

The Duomo

evidently gained a certain value in the eyes of the
Veronese by having been carried off to Paris by
Napoleon T., and restored to Verona after that grand
pilferer had left Europe and most of his selected goods
behind him. The frescoes above the high altar vi/^ere
designed by Giulio Romano, and executed by Torbido
in 1534. The rounded colonnaded screen in front of

SIDE DOOR OF CATHEDRAL, VERONA.
COLUMN

the high altar forms one of the chief features of the
church and is extremely beautiful in its way. It was
designed by San Micheli, but is not altogether in keeping
with its Gothic surroundings, being essentially classic
in its plan and execution.

On the top of the screen is a beautiful bronze crucifix
by Giambattista da Verona, whereon are the arms of
Bishop Ludovico Canossa, in whose episcopate it was

The Story of Verona

set up. There is evidently some fine work both as to
marbles and paintings on the altar immediately to the
proper right of the high altar, but an ugly, modern
erection (said to be temporary) in front of the organ
shuts out all the light and leaves the fancy free to
speculate over glories that perhaps do not exist. The
organ itself, a good specimen of "barocco" work,
is richly decorated, and its doors are painted by
Felice Brusasorci. Close to it, but lost and hidden by
the stand above mentioned, is the Cappella Maffei, with
some good, though small paintings by Francesco
Morone ; and some frescoes by Falconetto — indeed the
best work done by this latter, signed by him and bearing
the date 1503, is to be found among these frescoes.

The altar beyond the high altar and to its proper
left, is known as that of St Agatha (1353), and
contains a lovely tomb partly Gothic, partly Renaissance.
A few of the bones of the saint are buried here, the
rest are interred at Catania. Below these relics again
lies the body of Sta. Maria Consolatrice, a sister of
St Annone (bishop of Verona in the fourth century),
who was brought here in 1807 when the church which
was named after her, and where till then her body had
rested, was suppressed.

The last altar to the left coming out of the church
contains part of a picture by Liberale having for its
subject the Adoration of the Magi. Mr Selwyn
Brinton says of this picture: "He (Liberale) was
living between 1489 and 1490 in Verona, when he
painted the Adoration of the Kings in the Duomo, with
a rich landscape. Here he is still the miniaturist in
feeling ; his drawing careful, but unsound ; his action
quaint and startling ; his bright colours thrown to-
gether without harmony ; his background exuberant in
detail." 1

^ Op. cit. p. 59.

156

S. Giovanni in Fonte

Leaving the church by a small door in the left hand
corner we come into all that is left of the first church
of Sta. Maria Matricolare, from which the cathedral
actually took its name and which it retained till it
was sunk in that of Duomo. The remains of this
church consist now of only six columns with capitals
of Lombardo- Byzantine style ; and from here we
pass into the adjoining small church of S. Giovanni
in Fonte, which served in past times as the Baptistery.
It has a magnificent octagonal font in the centre,
carved out of a single block of Verona marble, on which
a series of bas-reliefs, well worth studying, represent
in humorous and quaintly primitive carving scenes from
the early life of our Lord. Within the octagonal font
is a smaller one in quatrefoil shape, wherein the
priest was wont to stand and submerge the catechumens
who presented themselves for baptism. A painting by
Paolo Farinato, representing the baptism of Christ,
stood formerly over the high altar, but has now been
moved to a side wall, where other works by Giovanni
Caroto, Falconetto, and an unknown pupil of Brusa-
sorci, are all hung — and hung too high. Falconetto's
picture is an extremely fine one, recalling in com-
position, feeling and colouring — at least, as far as can
be made out at such a distance — the school of Gian
Bellini and the great early Venetian masters.

From the little church of S. Giovanni in Fonte we
turn away to the left, and keeping always in that
direction, having gone round a corner or two, we
reach the cloisters of the cathedral. They recall in
some way those of St Zeno, though not altogether
similar in arrangement. Here the bases and capitals
are united, each pair as at St Zeno being cut out of a
single block, while on the side nearest the church the
pillars are double — an effect that is remarkably beautiful
and striking.

^57

The Story of Verona

The Duomo forms a centre around which clusters
much that is interesting, though the time for investigat-
ing these various sights will not in reality take long.
In the Piazza on the left hand side facing the chief
portal stands the Biblioteca Capitolare, a library be-
longing to the Duomo, and containing some 18,000
volumes in all. The date of some of the treasures

^teoou^

DETAIL OF SIDE DOOR OF DUOMO, VERONA

contained here is what constitutes the value of this
library, and enhances its worth and interest to an
untold extent. It is said to be even superior to the
Vatican as to the number of the old codexes which it
possesses ; and which — not including fragments of
the fourth century — date from the fifth to the ninth
centuries. It was here that Petrarch discovered the
158

Surroundings of the Duomo

letters of Cicero. Niebuhr brought to light the institu-
tions of Gaius, compiled in the reign of Caracalla ; and men
of letters of all nations and languages find scope here for
research and labour. The value of these codexes, both
palimpsests and parchments is not to be told : the greater
part are membraneous ; others written in purple, with
the sacred names in gold and silver, and all of them
offering fields of discovery whereof students (many from
England but more still from Germany) are not slow to
take advantage. There are also some unedited poems
of Dante ; and here too may be seen the baptismal
certificate of Prince Charles Edward, the young pre-
tender, dated "Roma, ultima Dicemb. 1720.*' A
most friendly and learned custodian, Don Antonio
Spagnolo, is only too pleased to show the treasures
committed to his charge and to explain everything
relating to his priceless and loved books to all who are
interested in such matters.

Opposite this library stands the old disused church
of S. Pietro in Cattedra, with a statue of St Peter over
the doorway, and some graceful windows of the cusped
arched order belonging to the fourteenth century.
Close to the Duomo again is the church of St Elena,
containing some pictures by P'alconetto, Felice Brusa-
sorci, and Niccolo da Verona ; but the chief interest
attaching to this church is the tradition that Dante
held here the conference in Latin in which he treated
"of the elements of earth and water'' (De duobus
elementis terrae et acquae) ; if indeed that much
disputed treatise is by him, a point much questioned
in these days.

Passing round by the east front of the Duomo, and
gazing again with admiration on the frieze running
round the apse, a work which speaks so plainly of an
earlier date than the interior of the church, we come
to the Vescovado, or the Bishop's Palace. This has

The Story of Verona

been altered and rebuilt at various epochs, chiefly about
the year 1356 ; and within its walls Bishop Ognibene
received Pope Lucius III. who died here in 1185
when his successor Urban III. was immediately named
in his stead. The doorway leading to the palace is a
very beautiful bit of work, having the date MD.II.
inscribed on it and said to be by Fra Giocondo of
Verona. It is of a later date than the walls which
support it on either side ; and leads in its turn into a
striking courtyard with columns and arches of the
fanciful Cinquecento style. Inside the Episcopal Palace
there is a beautiful predella in the chapel by Liberale
consisting of three paintings which represent the
Adoration of the Magi, the Nativity of our Lord,
and the passing of the Blessed Virgin. There is also
said to be a picture by Caroto in the palace, but this is
kept in a room not generally shown to visitors.

Several palaces belonging to the old patrician families
of Verona are to be found in the neighbourhood of
the Duomo. In the Via Pigna stands the Palazzo
Miniscalchi, the work of the great architect Michele
San Micheli, and adorned externally with frescoes.
These latter which have suffered outrageously at the
hands of would-be restorers were originally by Torbido,
and ranked as some of the best work he ever did in
that way. The rest are by Giambattista Zeloti.

Not far from the Duomo stands the church of St
Anastasia, a church that owes its being to the
Dominicans, to Guglielmo da Castelbarco, to Alberto
della Scala, and to Pietro Scaligero, bishop of Verona.
This church is a beautiful example of the brick and
marble work that abounds to such a remarkable extent
in Verona, and dates from the second half of the
thirteenth century. The fagade of unfinished brick-
work is rich in mouldings and decorations — equally of
brick — and sets ofl^ the fine portal which leads into the
160

CHURCH OF ST ANASTA8IA FROM THE ADIGE SHEWING THE HOUSES
WHICH STOOD THERE BEFORE THE muraglioni, BUILT TO DEFEND
THE TOWN AGAINST THE INUNDATIONS OF THE ADIGE, WERE
ERECTED

i6i

Sant^ Anastas'ia

church, and which is bilateral. The great wooden
double doors are very fine, and the carvings in marble,
together with the frescoes in the lunettes above, give
a sense of great richness and finish to this principal
entrance of the church, in spite of the incomplete
condition of the fa9ade. The original plan was
evidently to have faced it all with slabs of marble,
or more probably with panels in relief, to some extent
no doubt like those now seen at the side representing
scenes from the life of St Peter Martyr. These
latter however are of a later date than the brickwork
of the facade, as is also the Renaissance ornamentation
round the doors.

The interior is dignified and fine, consisting of a
nave and two narrow side aisles, separated by twelve
columns, and terminating in an apse of five divisions.
The eye is at once caught, though not perhaps
attracted, on entering by the holy water stoups, which
consist of two humpbacked figures, grotesque in the
extreme, and that stand one on each side immediately
under the two first columns. The one to the left was
carved by Gabriel Cagliari, the father of Paolo
Veronese ; the other on the right is the work of
Alessandro Rossi, the father of the humpbacked
painter, Giambattista Rossi known as " Gobbino,"
and on it is inscribed the date of 1591. The Gothic
vaulting of the building is fine, and had the frescoes
that once covered it but remained to this day, the
eflPect of colour and symmetry (which is striking even
now when many of the frescoes have disappeared)
would have been enhanced a hundredfold.

Several fine altars are ranged on either side of the
church, many of them raised on classic lines ; others
again being a mixture of classic and Renaissance.
The first altar on the right hand side, that of the
Fregoso family, is Corinthian, and is reckoned by

163

The Story of Verona

Vasari as one of the finest in Italy. It was both
designed and sculptured in 1565 by Danese Cattaneo.
The second altar is adorned with a good deal of

HOLY WATER BASIN IN ST ANASTASIA
FIGURE CARVED BY GABRIEL CAGLLA.RI, FATHER OF PAUL VERONESE

" finto bronzo," and is a mixture of Renaissance and
classical work that harmonises very happily. High up
and hardly to be seen even with glasses is a fresco
attributed to Mantegna. It is said to have been
" executed with the utmost care '* ; but no judgment
164

Sani Anastasia

is possible in this case from below. The third altar
is again one of those successful blendings of the
Renaissance and classical styles, where rich carvings
in marble and stone are shown off to untold advantage
in their setting of severe lines. Here again we have
to take on faith the statements as to some frescoes of
Caroto of the date of 1470, though too high up for
mortal sight or sense to presume to criticise. There
is also here an entombment ascribed to Liberale. The
fourth altar is built on the lines of the Arco de' Gavi,
and is of interest and service as setting before us, with
very slight deviations, a model of that famous arch as
it once stood close to Castel Vecchio. This altar was
erected by Fiorio Pindemonte in the year 1539, and
has a fine picture of St Martin, one of the last works
of Gian Francesco Caroto.

The chapel known as that of the Crucifix is par-
ticularly interesting. It is entered under a beautiful
archway of rich Lombardesque carving in red marble,
and over the altar hangs a wooden image of our Lord
on the Cross, of a very remote date, and by an unknown
artist. On the left facing this crucifix is a most
curious painted terra - cotta representation of the
Entombment. The expression on the faces of all
who are taking part in the sad and sacred task is
marvellously given, and is full of character and feeling.
Over the next altar belonging to the Centrago family
is a picture, in a lovely frame of the same date, of the
Madonna and Child, enthroned with St Augustine and
St Thomas Aquinas, by Francesco Morone (1474).
It is also ascribed sometimes to Girolamo dai Libri.
Very beautiful too is the decorative festoon of carved
flowers round the altar. The Gothic tomb and the
frescoes at the side belong probably to the same family ;
and no doubt the very attractive old couple whose
portraits are at the bottom of the painting were the

i6s

The Story of Verona

donors of all in that chapel. This same chapel, which
stands in a kind of transept of the church, leads into
one of the divisions of the apse where the Cappella
Cavalli is. It is decorated with frescoes of a very-
early date, which have been in turn ascribed to
Altichiero, Giotto, Morone, and Liberale, and repre-
senting knights of the Cavalli family kneeling before
the Virgin and Child, with other warriors in attendance.
Below the frescoes is the mausoleum of the knight
Federigo Cavalli. There is also here a fine tryptich
of our Lord in the centre, with St Jerome on one hand
and St Gemignano on the other. In the niches are
carved figures, with paintings in between by Liberale.

By the side of the Cavalli chapel stands that of the
Pellegrini family, panelled with terra-cotta reliefs, the
work of a German, in 1400, whose name is unknown.
There is a fine figure of a pilgrim (a play upon the
family name, and emblematical of their badge), who
kneels in the corner with his hands clasped fast in prayer.
The most precious thing in this chapel was a fresco by
Pisanello, which fortunately is now being removed
from a position where it could not be seen, and, worse
still, where it was suffering from damp, to a place of
safety in the sacristy. It represents St George about
to mount his steed after he has slain the dragon and
freed the princess. ^

On the proper right of the high altar is a large
equestrian statue of Cortesia Serego (1432), who was
the brother-in-law of Antonio della Scala, and also
his general. The florid decorations around the statue
are of carved wood. The frescoes round that again
are probably by Francesco Bonsignori, while those still
higher up are sometimes ascribed to Stefano da Zevio

1 Since writing the above it has now (April 1902) been
replaced above the chapel ; but so high up as to be seen
with difficulty.

166

-^ix^4!r^'-wisr^^j^u^£:Kii^v v -a^ v v

MADONNA AND SAINTS, ST ANASTASIA
ASCRIBED ALTERNATELY TO FRANCESCO MORON E AND GIROLAMO DAI LlBRl

167

Sanf Anastasta

(1332). The adjoining chapel owned by the L avagnoli
family, though also known as that of St Anna, contains
some frescoes, unfortunately much injured, in the style
of Mantegna. The next chapel, that of the Salerno
family, where there is a fine Gothic monument to
Giovanni Salerno, is used as the belfry. What with
the mass of hanging ropes, and the storage of church
furniture that lumbers up most of this chapel, it is not
easy to form a right opinion of some fine old frescoes
said to belong to the first half of the fourteenth
century, or to do more than lament the bad condition
in which they are kept. In the sacristy stands the
rescued fresco of St George by Pisanello, and a fine
picture by Felice Brusasorci, while outside the sacristy
are some frescoes by an unknown hand sadly retouched
with startling colours. In the Capella del Rosario is
a picture of the Madonna and Child between St
Dominic and St Peter Martyr, with the portraits of
Mastino II. della Scala and his wife, Taddea da
Carrara, kneeling at the base of the picture on either
side. The tradition that once ascribed this picture to
Giotto has now been completely done away. The
Flagellation here is by Ridolfi. The next chapel,
that of the Miniscalchi family, is rich in Renaissance
and classical decoration, and possesses a good picture
by Giolfino of the Descent of the Holy Spirit (1518).

The remaining altars in the church have no objects
that claim any special attention, and after a study of
so much that is beautiful and absorbing, it is almost a
relief to wander away, noting only once again the glory
of the entire church, and observing with pleasure the
very effective and simple design of the pavement at our
feet in its threefold pattern of grey and red and white
marble.

Immediately outside the church on the right hand
side stands the tomb of Guglielmo da Castelbarco,

169

The Story of Verona

the friend and councillor of Cangrande della Scala —
and a friend too to Verona, in that it was his largess

TOMB OF GUGUELMO DA CASTELBARCO

that contributed chiefly to the building of St Anastasia
and of that of S. Fermo as well.

This munificent patron of Verona (who was besides
its Podesta) deserved to have what has been justly
termed the most perfect monument in the city where
170

Tomb of Guglielmo da Castelbarco

the finest monuments existing in Italy are to be found.
Ruskin indeed has pronounced it to be, "the most
perfect Gothic monument in the world " ; and again
he alludes to it as " pure and lovely, my most beloved
throughout all the length and breadth of Italy — chief
as I think among all the sepulchral marbles of a land
of mourning."

Four columns of white marble surmounted by
sculptured capitals bear the canopy, which is formed
of a simple Gothic arch, richly cusped and adorned with
a decorative piece of carving in harmony with the purity
of style which marks the whole of the monument.
Under the canopy lies the effigy of the dead magistrate,
a recumbent figure laid on the top of a red marble
sarcophagus, which rests in its turn on the backs of two
couchant lions. The whole is bound together by bars
of iron along whose surface a delicate tracery is out-
Hned. An effect is thus obtained of wonderful strength
and grace : for besides the sense of security given by
these bars, the eye is carried along their linear decora-
tion to observe still more forcibly the perfect symmetry
and proportion of the monument. No name exists as
to the author of this masterpiece, but in this case surely
it may be asserted that the good he did is not interred
with his bones, but that it lives after him, a beauty and
a joy for ever.

Three other tombs stand beyond that of Guglielmo
da Castelbarco and immediately outside the adjoining
church of St Peter Martyr. The first is that of
Guinicello de' Principi of a noble family of Bologna,
and bears the date of 1273; the next is that of
Leonardo da Quinto, the learned jurisconsult alluded
to in chapter vi., and one of the witnesses to
Cansignorio's will in 1375; the last is to a member
of the Dussaimi family. Speaking of these tombs
Ruskin says : " Whose they are is of little consequence

171

The Story of Verona

to the reader or to me, and I have taken no pains
to discover ; their value being not in any evidence
they bear respecting dates, but in their intrinsic merit
as examples of composition. Two of them are within
the gate, one on the top of it, and this latter is on the
whole the best, though all are beautiful ; uniting the
intense northern energy in their figure sculpture with
the most serene classical restraint in their outlines, and
unaffected, but masculine simplicity of construction." ^

The small church of St Peter Martyr close by was
once a part of the convent of St Anastasia. It was
endowed by the Knights of Brandenburg, whom
Cangrande II. summoned to his assistance in 1353,
and of whom his special body-guard was formed.
Some of the portraits of these knights can be seen in
the paintings of their gracefully proportioned church,
which was also enriched by several frescoes, the most
remarkable being that of Falconetto above the high
altar. This is a strange rendering under symbolical
emblems of the Incarnation : the Blessed Virgin being
seated in an enclosure with all manner of quaint beasts
around her, while the Babe descends from Heaven in
a halo of light. A crucifix said to be by Giotto, but
of a far earlier date, hangs above Falconetto's painting,
and around are other frescoes by Badile. In front of
the church of St Anastasia and at the side of that of
St Peter Martyr is a statue in white Carrara marble to
Paul Veronese ; designed by Delia Torre and executed
by Romeo Cristiani. It was erected in 1888.

Following the Corso St Anastasia we come to the
Piazza delle Erbe, the market-place of Verona, where
chatter and merry gossip together with the sale of
flowers, vegetables, plants, owls, birds, and other
strange wares go on in as picturesque and original a
setting as can be found anywhere. The whole of the
1 Ruskin, Stories of Fenice, vol. i. Appendix 19.
172

^<ymef^

PIAZZA DELLE ERBE

173

Pia%'za delle Erbe

Piazza is spread with large white umbrellas, that look
like unfinished tents, and that contrast admirably with
the sea of colour which flows beneath, and which
varies from the many tints worn by the chattering
vendors to the hues of the fruits and flowers it behoves
them to sell. In the early morning the bustle and stir
is at its height ; trade is brisker than at any other time,
and the life and movement then going on give a character
to the place, hardly to be imagined by those who see it
for the first time in the afternoon, when the folded
umbrellas, the silence and tidiness where all was busi-
ness and animation, give no real or correct idea of the
Piazza. The historical interest which centres round
the Piazza delle Erbe is as great as its picturesque
attraction. In the days of the Romans the Forum
stood here, and the shape of the Piazza is still that of
a circus, though the modern houses around have some-
what narrowed the "periferia." Before the Amphi-
theatre was built it was here that the gladiatorial fights
were held. At the northern end stands the column of
St Mark, which was placed there as has been said at
the period of the League of Cambray at the moment
when Verona was restored to the rule of Venice. It
is formed of a single block of marble, bearing aloft the
winged lion, which represented for so many years the
dominion of Venice over the town of Verona. This
mark of supremacy, raised in 1524, was destroyed at
the moment of " Les Paques Veronaises " in 1797 5
but in 1888 it was replaced, no longer as a sign of
thraldom or submission but a graceful homage to " the
days that are no more." Below the column stands the
fountain erected according to some by King Alboin,
according to others by King Pepin in 807, and for
which Berengarius introduced the water supply in 916.
Its use as a fountain was not however really brought
about till Cansignorio in 1370 rearranged it on

175

The Story of Verona

thoroughly working and practical lines. This water
supply is probably obtained from one of the great
thermae or baths of the Romans, and is surmounted by
a statue in Greek marble known as "Madonna Verona."
According to an inscription now preserved in the Museo
Lapidario this statue was placed in its present position
in the days of the Emperor Theodosius (380) by the
Consul Valerius Palladio. The motto in *' Madonna
Verona's " hands is : " est justi latrix urbs haec, et
laudis amatrix," and was put there after the peace of
Constance in 1183, the year in which Verona was
declared free.

A little further down is the Tribune or ** Berlina,"
set up in 1207, and from where public decrees were
formulated and sentences of death were pronounced.
Here too in the days of the Scaligers was the spot
where they took their oath of office. The buildings
around are for the most part of interest. Immediately
to the north of St Mark's column is the Palazzo
Trezza (formerly Maffei) a fine block of masonry
though of Barocco style — the upper part is very
inferior — and containing inside a curious spiral stair-
case. Close by this palace stands the "Torre del
Gardello " set up by Cansignorio, and where in 1370
he placed the first clock that struck the hours in
Verona. To the left looking down the Piazza stands
the Casa dei Mazzanti, where Albertino della Scala
lived ( 1 301 ), and decorated externally with frescoes by
Alberto Cavalli of Mantua in the style of Guilio
Romano. On the other side of the Piazza are houses
with frescoes by Liberale and Girolamo dai Libri ;
and beyond them is the old house of merchandise, the
Casa dei Mercanti of the year 1301, in red marble,
now restored and still used as a Chamber of Commerce.
Almost opposite it rises the grand tower of the Lam-
berti, or as it is sometimes called of the Municipio, to
176

Tonjoer of the Lamherti

a height of 273 feet. There is hardly a guide-book
to Verona that does not say that this tower was built
by the Lamberti family ; a statement however that has
no confirmation in any of the archives or city docu-
ments, where no mention of even a family of the name
of Lamberti belonging to Verona is to be met with.

177

CHAPTER VIII

Piazza dei Signori — Sta. Maria
Antica — Tombs of the Scaligers

T INDER the archway known as that of " La Costa,"
from the thigh bone of some antidiluvian monster
which hangs from it, the way leads from the Piazza
delle Erbe to the Piazza dei Signori, or Piazza Dante
as it is frequently called, a name it takes from a statue
of the poet by Ugo Zannoni, placed there in 1865.
This Piazza teems with every personal association
relating to the Scaligers. Their public and private
life centred round this spot ; for while it was here that
their dwelling-houses were built and their seat of
government set up, it was also close by here that the
little church of Sta. Maria Antica stood where they
worshipped, and beside whose walls are grouped the
tombs that glorify them in death.

Entering from the Piazza delle Erbe the first build-
ing on the right is the Palazzo della Ragione, now used,
as in days of yore, for government offices, and where
the traces of old and former windows are still to be
seen. On the outside wall a tablet records that
" Guglielmo dall' Ossa," a Milanese, being '* Podesta
of the Comune, this palace known as that Della
Ragione was built in 1183 for the public offices."
Below this tablet is an archway leading into a court-
yard built chiefly of brick and marble, with fine rounded
arches all much restored, and from whose midst rises a
178

PIAZZA D£i SIONORI

179

PiU'Z'za del Signori

glorious outer staircase leading to the first floor of the
building where an exhibition of modern works of art is
kept. The outline of a huge lion of St Mark is to be
seen on the outside of the Palazzo della Ragione, which
shared the same fate as the one of the column in the Piazza
delle Erbe at the moment of" Les Paques Veronaises."
The whole exterior of the palace bears marks of having
undergone much restoration, most of which was done
in the sixteenth century. Indeed there is not much in
this Piazza which has not been repaired or altered at one
time or another, and now and again it requires much
care and study to make out the original design and
material once used for the construction of this historic
spot.i

On the other side of the Via Dante stands the
battlemented tower of the Scaligers flanking the
Palazzo Tribunalizio, where a tablet states that
" Cansignorio della Scala, Podesta and Captain of the
people from December 14, 1359, to October 10,
1375, when he died, built and inhabited this palace,
which was remodelled in the sixteenth century into
rooms for the Venetian Captaincy.'' This tower with
its forked battlements was at one time a handy prison-
house for any who fell under the displeasure of the
Scaligers. A doubtful legend runs that no less than
four hundred prisoners (one writer says they were only
fifty-three) were once confined within its walls, and
that to the surprise of all who were not in the secret

^ In this courtyard much might be done were the Town
Council of Verona only as ready to lay out sums in guard-
ing and preserving their old treasures as they are in erecting
modern houses and " embellishments " to attract visitors to
their city. Some fine arches dating from the time of the
Scaligers remain here blocked up ; and some lovely frescoes
which ask only to be protected from sun and rain cry aloud
in this Cortile for an attention which is persistently denied
them.

181

The Story of Verona

OUTSIDE STAIRCASE, PUBLICO PALAZZO

It is interesting to compare these two sketches. The
first shows the staircase as it stood some four years ago with
an upper colonnade of fine " Cinquecento " work. The
second shows that work swept away, under the delusion
that it was better to see the staircase in its original form.

the whole number died " naturally " in one day ! The
further statement that they had all died of the same
complaint gave a momentary alarm as to an outbreak
182

"83

Pia%za del Signori

of the plague, but as no further victims succumbed this
alarm also died away.

A doorway by the great architect, San Micheli leads
into a courtyard where traces of lovely but fast vanish-
ing frescoes show what glories once reigned around,
and remind one that barbarous and cruel in many ways
as the rulers of Verona were, they were not indifferent
to the beautifying of their town, nor to that patronage
of art which rightly or wrongly we associate with a
noble nature.

On one side of the courtyard are some arches of
pointed brick-work supported by stone columns with
slightly decorated capitals, a work which was executed
under the Venetian rule. Opposite is seen the Porta
dei Bombardieri, an ugly erection of stone cannons,
drums and implements of war which was set up in
1687. Inside this courtyard is a striking inscription in
honour of Zaccaria Barbaro, who was the Podesta
appointed by Venice over Verona during the latter
half of the fifteenth century. It is recorded of him
that he restored three castles in the city and several in
the country, as well as changing the praetor's house
from wood to stone. His special claim to admiration,
however lies in the fact that at a moment of scarcity of
corn ** he saw to relieving hunger, that he governed
with integrity, administering equal rights to all, so that
at the close of his office the people remembered him
with tears, 1476."

A way was opened out from this courtyard by the
Commune in 1817, so as to give employment to the
work people of the town, it being then a time of dire
want. This way leads to a small public garden, used
as a Botanical School, and that was formerly the garden
of Cansignorio della Scala.

The next building of the Scaligers in the Piazza dei
Signori is that built by Mastino I. (1272) and where

185

The Story of Verona

he and his descendants actually lived. It is now used as
the Prefettura, and as in the Tribunale Guidiziario (built
by Mastino's brother, Alberto), little of the old buildings

J-<J<l/in^»

FIFTEENTH CENTURY WELL IN VIA MAZZANTl

remain, and less still of the frescoes and decorations
that once adorned them. It is known, and has been
mentioned, that at Cangrande's orders Giotto decorated
much of this home of the Scalas, that portraits of
Dante, of Uguccione della Faggiuola, and other illus-
i86

Palazzo del Consiglio

trious men were drawn by him here. No trace how-
ever remains either of his work, or of that of Altichiero
who is also said to have worked here, to convey even
an idea of what was once to be seen.

At right angles with this former residence of the
lords of Verona stands the Palazzo del Consiglio, or
old Town hall, more often called La Loggia di Fra
Giocondo, though critics are not agreed as to whether
he designed the Loggia or whether it is the work of
Antonio Riccio, or Rizzo, a Veronese. It is gener-
ally attributed to Fra Giocondo, and is a most perfect
and beautiful example of Renaissance style. It was
erected by order of the Venetian Republic in 1497,
and is reckoned as one of the loveliest buildings of that
time in the North of Italy. It is a pity that a good
deal of unnecessary gilding was added in 1873 when
the building underwent some restoration. High up on
the corner pillar to the left is to be seen a figure in
a monk's dress, which without sufficient warrant is
accepted as that of Fra Giocondo ; while above are
statues of the men who by their learning or deeds
have brought celebrity to themselves and to Verona
— Catullus ; Cornelius Nepos ; Pliny the younger ;
Vitruvius Cerdo ; and others. Within the Loggia are
two figures in bronze by Girolamo Campagna, which
formerly stood outside and which represent the Annun-
ciation. Around are busts of men who have deserved
well of their town in modern days. The original design
to carry on the Renaissance work of this Palace all along
the same side of the square was never fulfilled, and the
archway which carries on its topmost height a statue
of Fracastoro, the eminent poet and physician, closes
the line of marked and beautiful architecture. The
building on the other side of this beautiful archway
leads to another archway in brick over which is a
statue of the Marchese Scipione Maffei, the historian

187

The Story of Verona

(d. 1755). Passing under this archway into the Via
Mazzanti is a lovely old fountain bearing the date of
1478 on the architrave. It is composed chiefly of
the red marble from Sant' Ambrogio (a few miles
outside Verona), and is as good and perfect a specimen
of its kind as can be seen anywhere. Almost opposite
this fountain or well in the Via Rosa is a strange Latin
inscription which records an important gift to the town
by a member of the grand old Roman family de' Gavi.
It tells how this noble patrician brought an acqueduct
through Verona right over to the left bank of the Adige ;
an undertaking for which he had to pay the sum of
500,000 sertices. A noble and generous gift when
we reflect that such a sum would nowadays represent
some ;^5ooo. Between the Volto Barbaro and
the Via la Costa is a fine brick building, now much
defaced by decorations of the seventeenth century. It
was originally designed in 1273 as a palace for "i
Guidici assessori,'' but an earthquake in 1511 partly
ruined it and modern alterations have reduced it to its
present condition.

Crossing the Piazza again past the Palace of the
Tribunes, we come at once to the church of St
Maria Antica and the Tombs of the Scaligers. It
is well to enter for a moment into the small, dim
Lombardic church of St Maria Antica, the church
used by the Scaligers as their private chapel, and
around which they elected to have their burial ground.
The church was built originally by the monks of St
Oliveto, and dates from about the year 1000. Its
restoration done in recent times, though it has left
probably little of the original building, has been carried
out with taste and judgment. The stern, simple lines
of the arches, the stone capitals and pillars are eflPective
and dignified, and act as a fitting preparation for the
grand monuments which stand outside, and which merit

Tombs of the Scaligers

the closest study. The first is that of Francesco della
Scala, better known as Cangrande, whose rule as sole
lord after his brother Albono's death lasted from 1 3 1 1
to 1329. His monument stands over the entrance to
the church, and is surmounted by a gracefully cusped
canopy, on the top of which is placed an equestrian

EFFIGY OF CANGRANDE

statue of the greatest of the Della Scala family. A
marble sarcophagus rests under the canopy, upheld by
four lovely columns with Corinthian capitals, and on
the sarcophagus is stretched a recumbent figure of
Cangrande, "with hands clasped fast as if still in
prayer." His effigy above on horseback is that of
a knight in armour ; his horse clad too for battle. He

189

The Story of Verona

holds a huge sword in his hand, his helm is flung
far back behind his shoulders. The rider turns his
face towards you and smiles, an indication it may be
that Death, for whom he had no fear while yet in this
life, has equally no dread for him now that he is to
meet him face to face. The tomb rests on the figures
of two great mastiffs, apt emblems of the " Can-
grande " who sleeps above, and who support with
doglike fidelity the shields emblazoned with ladders
(sca/a) committed to their charge.

The other tombs all stand in a piece of enclosed
ground round the church, and are fenced in with a
railing of beautiful wrought ironwork, buckled together
so as to be shaken easily by the hand, and adorned at
every point with the family device of the ladder. The
first tomb inside this small cemetery is that of Mastino
I., the founder of the family, who rests under a plain
marble sarcophagus, whereon is carved a cross, and
where are engraved not only the Scala arms, but those
too of Antonio Nogarola, who was with Mastino at the
moment when he was assassinated, and who shared the
same fate, and evidently the same grave. Beyond that
is the tomb of Mastino's brother, Alberto I., who
died in 1301. This too is of red marble, but much
more ornamented than the first, where besides a relief of
Alberto kneeling before the Blessed Virgin, are other
reliefs of palm branches, heraldic devices, griffins,
birds, and so forth. But the monuments which claim
especial attention after that of Cangrande I., are those
of Mastino II., and of his son Consignorio. These
are likewise formed of three stories, having the
equestrian statue above the apex, and the recumbent
figure laid upon the sarcophagus. Each however is
in its turn more decorated, ficher in design and carving,
and more elaborate both as to conception and execution
than that of the " Great Dog." The tomb of Mastino
190

Tombs of the Scaligers

II. is by one Perino of Milan, and the bold, fine way
in which the architect has planned and carried out his
work proves him to have been a master of his art.
His plan of placing the pyramid or apex with the
horse and his rider on the four pillars of Verona marble
is very striking ; while the perfect way in which these
shafts bear the weight laid on them is a model of skill
and of beauty. On the fagades of the arches are
high reliefs representing Old Testament characters ;
and the bas-reliefs on the stone coffin are equally
taken from Old Testament stories. Mastino is
shown with his vizor drawn and his features com-
pletely hidden from view. As has been seen in
Mastino's history, his actions were not always honour-
able, nor his expeditions always successful. The legend
(alluded to in chapter iv.) as to his never having
shown his face again, even to his wife Taddea da
Carrara, after the murder of the bishop Bartolomeo
della Scala (1338), would seem to have taken shape
in his monument, and his desire as to concealing his
features even after death was evidently respected to
the end.

In the north-east corner of the little cemetery
stands the most gorgeous of the Scaliger tombs. It is
that of Cansignorio, and was raised by him during his
lifetime, the architect and sculptor being Bonino da
Campiglione. This monument far exceeds that of
Cangrande I. and Mastino II. in exuberance of orna-
mentation and in richness of detail. Cansignorio was
evidently determined to atone for the lack of godliness
and goodness in his nature by an ostentatious display
of saintly characters and saintly actions about his tomb.
As has been shown, he was cunning, ambitious, and
cruel, and a fratricide twice told. He had never-
theless no hesitation in causing himself to be represented
as being received by our Lord and His mother in an

191

The Story of Verona

attitude of devotion, and probably had no misgivings
as to the eventful fulfilment of the scene thus given.
The monument is hexagonal, supported on six columns;
the canopy and apex are of Verona marble, of the
kind known as " mandolato," while the inside dome
of the canopy is painted with gold stars on a blue
ground. Six figures of warrior saints on square

MONUMENT OF GIOVANNI DELLA SCALA, VERONA

pilasters keep watch over this lord of Verona (who
some writers say was neither a saint nor a warrior)
and are St Quirinus, St Valentine, St George, St
Sigismund, St Martin, and St Louis. Above them
again are the figures of Faith, Hope, Charity, Prudence,
Justice, and Fortitude ; while to crown the whole is
the effigy of Cansignorio himself on horseback, with
his vizor raised and the " scala " on his breast. This
badge of the family is brought in at every possible
192

TOMB OF CAN3IGN0RI0 DELLA SCALA

Tombs of the Scaligers

opportunity, and is always here shown surmounted
by the Cross.

Very beautiful also is the tomb of Giovanni della
Scala, an illegitimate member of the family, and Vicar-
General of Vicenza, His remains, first buried in the
church of St Fermo Minore, were afterwards brought
here, and laid to rest with every honour, and in a
manner befitting such impressive surroundings. These
monuments are Gothic in style, and may justly rank
among the finest things that the fourteenth century has
produced in this way. It must be borne in mind that
they were fashioned before Verrocchio and Donatello
had executed the works which were to astonish the
world, and model for after generations the types of
equestrian statues which were to serve as guides for all
ages to come. It will be well to refresh our memories
with Ruskin's beautiful words as to these tombs, words
which were poured forth in all the glow of admiration
and enthusiasm over objects he loved so well, and
which he describes in language which cannot be heard
too often.

"At Verona, where the great Pisan school had
strong influence, the monumental sculpture is im-
measurably finer than at Venice ; and so early as
about the year 1335, the consummate form of the
Gothic tomb occurs in the monument of Cangrande
della Scala at Verona. It is set over the portal of
the chapel anciently belonging to the family. The
sarcophagus is sculptured with shallow bas-reliefs re-
presenting (which is rare in the tombs with which
I am acquainted in Italy, unless they are those of
saints), the principal achievements of the warrior's
life, especially the siege of Vicenza and battle of
Piacenza ; these sculptures, however, form little more
than a chased and roughened groundwork for the fully
relieved statues representing the Annunciation, pro-

195

The Story of Verona

jecting boldly from the front of the sarcophagus.
Above, the lord of Verona is laid in his long robe of
civil dignity, wearing the simple bonnet, consisting
merely of a fillet bound round the brow, knotted and
falling on the shoulder. He is laid as asleep ; his
arms crossed upon his body, and his sword by his side.
Above him, a bold arched canopy is sustained by two
projecting shafts, and on the pinnacle of its roof is the
statue of the knight on his war-horse ; his helmet,
dragon-winged and crested with the dog's head, tossed
back behind his shoulders, and the broad and blazoned
drapery floating back from his horse's breast, — so truly
drawn by the old workman from the life, that it seems -
to wave in the wind, and the knight's spear to shake,
and his marble horse to be evermore quickening its
pace, and starting into heavier and hastier charge, as
the silver clouds float fast behind it in the sky.

Now observe, in this tomb as much concession is
made to the pride of man as may ever consist with
honour, discretion, or dignity. I do not enter into any
question respecting the character of Can Grande,
though there can be little doubt that he was one of the
best among the nobles of his time ; but that is not to
our purpose. It is not the question whether his wars
were just, or his greatness honourably achieved ; but
whether, supposing them to have been so, these facts
are well and gracefully told upon his tomb. And I
believe there can be no hesitation in the admission of
its perfect feeling and truth. Though beautiful, the
tomb is so little conspicuous or intrusive that it serves
only to decorate the portal of the little chapel, and is
hardly regarded by the traveller as he enters. When
it is examined, the history of the acts of the dead is
found subdued into dim and minute ornament upon his
cofiin ; and the principal aim of the monument is to
direct the thoughts to his image as he lies in death, and
196

Tombs of the Scaligers

to the expression of his hope of resurrection ; while,
seen as by the memory, far away, diminished in the
brightness of the sky, there is set the likeness of his
armed youth, stately, as it stood of old in the front of
battle, and meet to be thus recorded for us, that we
may now be able to remember the dignity of the frame,
of which those who once looked upon it hardly remem-
bered that it was dust.

" This, 1 repeat, is as much as may ever be granted,
but this ought always to be granted to the honour and
affection of men. The tomb which stands beside
that of Can Grande, nearest it in the little field of
sleep, already shows the traces of erring ambition. It
is the tomb of Mastino IT., in whose reign began the
decline of his family. It is altogether exquisite as a
work of art ; and the evidence of a less wise or noble
feeling in its design is found only in this, that the image
of a virtue, Fortitude, as belonging to the dead, is
placed on the extremity of the sarcophagus, opposite to
the Crucifixion. But for this slight circumstance, of
which the significance will only be appreciated as we
examine the series of later monuments, the composition
of this monument of Can Mastino would have been as
perfect as its decoration is refined. It consists, like
that of Can Grande, of the raised sarcophagus, bearing
the recumbent statue, protected by a noble four-square
canopy, sculptured with ancient scripture history. On
one side of the sarcophagus is Christ enthroned, with
Can Mastino kneeling before Him ; on the other, Christ
is represented in the mystical form, half-rising from
the tomb, meant, I believe, to be at once typical of
His passion and resurrection. The lateral panels are
occupied by statues of the saints. At one extremity
of the sarcophagus is the Crucifixion ; at the other, a
noble statue of Fortitude, with a lion's skin thrown
over her shoulders, its head forming a shield upon her

197

The Story of Verona

breast, her flowing hair bound with a narrow fillet, and
a three-edged sword in her gauntleted right hand,
drawn back sternly behind her thigh, while in her left,
she bears high the shield of the Scalas.

" Close to this monument is another, the stateliest and
most sumptuous of the three ; it first arrests the eye of
the stranger, and long detains it — a many pinnacled
pile, surrounded by niches with statues of the warrior
saints.

" It is beautiful, for it still belongs to the noble time,
the latter part of the fourteenth century ; but its work
is coarser than that of the other, and its pride may well
prepare us to learn that it was built for himself, in his
own life-time, by the man whose statue crowns it. Can
Signorio della Scala. Now observe, for this is in-
finitely significant. Can Mastino II. was feeble and
wicked, and began the ruin of his house ; his sarco-
phagus is the first which bears upon it the image of a
Virtue, but he lays claim only to Fortitude. Can
Signorio was twice a fratricide, the last time when he
lay upon his death-bed : his tomb bears upon its gables
the images of six Virtues — Faith, Hope, Charity,
Prudence, and (I believe) Justice and Fortitude."^

Not far from '* le Arche degli Scaligeri,*' and going
towards the Piazza Independenza is a beautiful example
of an old house, dating perhaps from the year looo.
Though it is in a dreadful state of neglect and dirt (it
is now used for stabling humble vehicles and ponies),
the beauty of the brickwork and of different styles of
arches — some round, some pointed — is very apparent.
The old wooden forked battlements are very uncommon
and interesting ; and a legend which says that the house
was once that of Romeo is so apposite we would fain
believe it to be true even while knowing it to be
altogether impossible.

1 Ruskin, Stones of Venice, of. cit. vol. iii. p. 70, etc.
198

CHAPTER IX

Via Cappello — San Fermo — Museo
Civ i CO and Picture Gallery

CROM out the active stirring Piazza delle Erbe
* runs the narrow quiet street of the Via Cappello.
The tramway which traverses all Verona from the
Porta Nuova to the Porta Vescovo passes at a foot's
pace along it, and almost touches an old mediaeval
house that tradition points out as the house of the
Capulets, and where Juliet is said to have lived and
loved. A tablet ^ over the door records the legend,
though no romance attaches to the use to which the
house is now put — a stable for carriers and their vans —
and probably few who pass under the archway ever
think of the ill-starred lovers or consider their story
as aught but a myth.

A little further down the street and on the same
side stands the Biblioteca Comunale, where precious
volumes and manuscripts are stored in laudable order,
and where the kindness and courtesy of the officials
makes it a pleasure to study and hunt among the
treasures so freely placed at one's disposal. Close

^ The tablet runs as follows: —

Queste furono le case These were the houses

Dei Capuleti Of the Capulets

Onde usci la Giulietta From whence sprang Juliet

Per cui For whom

Tanto piansero i cuori gentili So many gentle hearts have wept

E 1 poeti cantarono. And poets have sung

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The Story of Verona

beside it is the disused church of St Sebastian ; and
but a short way further on is the Arco dei Leoni, a
Roman ruin, said to have been part of GaUienus's
wall, and worthy of a better place and surrounding.
A tinsmith's shop is all around it, and zinc baths and
tin wares and utensils hang beside the fine columns
and architraves that are lost in so incongruous a setting.
That this grand old ruin was once one of the gateways
into the town seems probable ; but archaeologists are
divided as to its exact origin and purpose, and only
agree in claiming for it without hesitation a very
remote antiquity. Other houses in this street, now
called Via Leoni, have traces of Roman architecture,
often stowed away in inner courtyards, and evidently
proving of more interest to the passing prying stranger
than to the owner and inhabitant.

The church of S. Fermo Maggiore is close at
hand ; one of the four finest churches of Verona, and
beautiful from whichever side we approach it. It is
another example of the blending of brick and marble
peculiar to Verona ; and while studying the harmonious
fusion of these materials it is interesting to observe the
different periods of building and the different dates
that have left their mark on the construction of this
noble edifice. The fagade, the presbytery, and the
belfry are fine examples of the Lombard-Gothic style ;
and the approach to the principal entrance up a^ flight
of stairs, with tombs, niches, windows around, and a
deep portal above is very impressive. To the left of
the entrance is the tomb of Aventino Fracastoro, the
physician of Cangrande (1350). This monument, of
great beauty, consists in true Veronese fashion of the
sarcophagus supported on brackets, placed under a
canopy. On the other side is another canopy, looking
as though intended for a tomb, but of smaller dimen-
sions than the one above-mentioned, and placed there
200

juuet's house (traditionally)

20]

S, Fermo Maggiore

for no reason that has yet been discovered. The
actual church of S. Fermo dates from about the year
1065, but the oldest part of it is the crypt which
boasts of a very great antiquity. From the archae-
ologist's and historian's point of view the chief interest
attaching to S. Fermo centres round this crypt, and
they ascribe some portions of it to at least the second
half of the eighth century. The different styles of
architecture and of fresco-painting in this subterranean
church are of all-engrossing matter ; and hours might
be spent here pondering over the ascendancy of Greek,
Roman, Lombard, and Christian art, and deciphering
the unmistakable signs that tell how, even in the ninth
century, this lower church was decorated with the
crude and primitive paintings then coming into vogue.
The carvings representing in rude outline the cross in
various shape, the fish, and other allegorical symbols
point, as far as date is concerned, to a very early
period of Christianity, and confirm the generally
accepted belief that the crypt was the work of the
very first Christians, and built at the moment of the
suppression of paganism.

To return however to the church. The interior
is striking and beautiful. It consists of a single nave ;
no aisles are included in the plan, and it is crowned
by a magnificent roof made of larch, and shaped like
the ribbing of a ship, with paintings and carvings
introduced at every possible coign of vantage. The
church was first built for the Benedictines in the
eleventh century as has been said. Two hundred
years later it was transferred to the Franciscans, and
it underwent considerable additions and alterations both
at their hands, and again in the early part of the
fourteenth century. These works were largely helped
on by the piety and generosity of Daniele Gusman,
the prior of S. Fermo, and by Guglielmo da Castel-

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The Story of Verona

barco who, as has been seen, did so much for St
Anastasia, and whose tomb standing outside that church
has already been described. Here too his memory
has been perpetuated in a fresco over the archway to
the right and left of the high altar, where he on one
side, and Prior Gusman on the other are represented
" offering willingly to the Lord." The doubt as to
who is the author of these frescoes is still unsolved.
For a long time they were attributed to Giotto ; and
though Crowe and Cavalcaselle say that none of his
work done in S. Fermo is left, they admit that the
fresco of Castelbarco presenting the church of S. Fermo
is by a different hand to the other frescoes in the
church — these latter being all by Veronese masters.

Over the doorway of the main entrance — a door by
the way very rarely opened, and to get into the church
one must go to the one on the left hand side — is a
fresco of the Crucifixion, ascribed first to Cimabue,
then to Giotto, and though by neither of them, is at
the same time the work of some very early master.
To the left of this entrance, and above an ugly
mausoleum to the Brenzoni family, is a most beautiful
fresco by Vittore Pisanello, and according to Layard,
his only fresco-painting, besides the one at St Anas-
tasia, yet remaining in Verona. The subject is the
Annunciation, very gracefully and effectively treated,
and with some very beautiful architectural drawing
around the Madonna. Further on are more frescoes
of the fourteenth century, which have not been long
discovered, among them being a striking one of the
Crucifixion. Close by is the Chapel of the Sacrament,
where hangs the masterpiece of Gian Francesco Caroto.
It is described as follows by Layard: — "His (Caroto's)
best existing work is an altarpiece in the church of S.
Fermo Maggiore (Verona), representing the Virgin
and Child and St Anne in glory, with four saints
204

CHURCH OF S. FERMO MAGGIORE
MADONNA AND CHILD AND ST ANNE IN GLORY, WITH OTHER SAINTS BELOW
(G. FRANCESCO CAROTO)

5. Fermo Maggiore

beneath, signed and dated 1528. It is grandly con-
ceived, powerful in colour, giving the impression that
he had seen and been influenced by Bernardino Luini ;
the Madonna is a beautiful woman with a tender and
gentle expression ; the Child less pleasing ; the heads
of SS. Roch and John are especially fine." ^

The fresco over a small door leading into the
Torriani chapel is by Francesco Bonsignori, signed and
dated 1484 ; and inside the chapel is the tomb raised
by Girolamo della Torre, and said to be one of the
most precious works of art preserved in S. Fermo.
This may doubtless be so for those who first of all are
fortunate enough to find some means whereby they can
obtain sufficient light to view this treasure ; and who
secondly are content to be put off with copies of the
original. For the bronze bas-reliefs which once
decorated this tomb were carried off to Paris, where
they are still preserved at the Louvre, and copies
supplement the place they once filled. What is left
is however pronounced by all who have seen it to be
of great merit, and worthy of the designer and artist,
Andrea Riccio of Padua.

Several interesting examples of the Veronese school
are to be found in this church. In the chapel after
that of the Della Torre family is a good "Adoration"
by Orbetto, fine in tone and colour, though the group-
ing is a little confused and overcrowded. In the
chapel dedicated to St Anthony is a picture by
Liberale of " St Anthony in Glory," showing,
according to Mr Selwyn Brinton, the improvement
gained by him after he came " under the influence of
the mighty Mantegna, when a greater conception of
art seems to strike him." ^ In one of the chapels
beside the high altar is a fine Crucifixion by Domenico
Bnisasorci. The Alighieri chapel is more or less
1 Op. cit. Part I. p. 268. 2 Qp^ ^it^ p^ ^g_

207

The Story of Verona

on the lines of the Arco de' Gavi, and was erected by
Francesco, the last Hneal male descendant of Dante,
who with two or three other members of the family,
is buried here. The picture over the altar is by
Battista del Moro.

A fact that is of botanic interest is to be met with
here in the epigraph below the organ to Francesco
Calceolari. He was the first botanist who ever made
his mark in Verona, and his name at all events suggests
some connection with the flower whose gaudy colours
were once in such request for the bedding-out garden.

Immediately below the sacristy is the marble sarco-
phagus erected by the citizens of Verona to the memory
of Torello Saraina, who, as has been said, wrote the
first printed history of the town, and whose opinion
and authority on Veronese antiquities and monuments
is of great weight and value. The Saraina chapel
standing beside the tomb was erected by the historian
himself, and dedicated by him to the Trinity, to the
Virgin, and to the Archangel Raphael. It contains a
fine painting by Torbido over the altar, a Madonna and
Child in the clouds, with the Archangel and Tobias
below. According to Morelli, this work makes
Torbido worthy to be compared with the elder Boni-
fazio. The coffin containing the ashes of Saraina was
probably removed to the side (where it stands resting
on two turrets of marble) when the chapel was arranged
for the celebration of the Mass. Saraina died May 8,
1550. That he was a patron of art as well as a man
of letters is proved by the fact that not only did he
order the fine picture painted by Torbido for the
Saraina chapel, but that the house he inhabited in the
Via della Stella was also by his desire decorated with
frescoes by the same master.

The pulpit is a beautiful bit of fourteenth century
work. It is rich in marbles, and has many good
208

S, Fermo Maggiore

designs surmounted with frescoes that for many years
were supposed to be the work of Stefano da Zevio.
Recent investigations, however, have proved them to
be by Martini, whose signature upon them has also
come to light.

The patron saint of the church is S. Fermo, who
together with S. Rustico, suffered martyrdom early in
the fourth century. Their bodies first buried in the
crypt were afterwards placed under the high altar in
the church, where they were at all events safe from
those inundations of the Adige that so often wrought
havoc to the town, and that in their impetuosity
respected neither saint nor sanctuary. The festival
of the martyred saints is held on the 9th of
August.

The beautiful exterior of the apse and belfry can be
well seen and studied on the way to the Palazzo
Pompei. This palace contains the Museo Civico and
the Picture Gallery, and stands on the other side of
the Adige. The way to it lies across the Ponte delle
Navi, a modern bridge built to replace the one set up
in 1373 by Cansignorio, which was swept away in the
inundation of 1757.

It must seem ungracious on the part of a visitor, and
of one too who has received much kindness and
courtesy in the town, to complain of the arrangements
and methods customary in the public buildings of
Verona. But the way in which the works of art are
kept and treated is lamentable in the extreme, and the
disregard and indifference as to those treasures cannot
but evoke feelings of surprise, indignation, and regret.
The Palazzo Pompei, a fine Doric building designed
by San Micheli, was bequeathed by its late owner to the
city for a picture gallery ; and that it was never built
or intended for the purpose to which it is now put may
perhaps serve as some excuse for its total inadequacy,
o 209

The Story of Verona

The rooms are small ; the windows so placed that a
great deal of light falls on some pictures leaving others
in darkness, and threatening besides to ruin paintings
exposed for hours on bright days to a flood of
unmitigated and uncurtained sunshine.

The ground-floor consists of a collection of the
most varied kind: there are Etruscan and Roman
remains ; prehistoric antiquities from the Lake of
Garda ; marble vases and sculptures, coins, utensils
belonging to the prehistoric, bronze, and iron ages ;
mediaeval statues in stone and in bronze ; a large array
of capitals, columns, and fragments of buildings and
fortifications that have been dug up at recent excavations
and brought here, and casts of modern works. The
great inundation of the Adige in 1882, which is
answerable for so much damage in Verona is also held
responsible for the state of disorder to which this
heterogeneous mass is reduced. The flood disarranged
the Museum ; and time and money do not yet seem to
have been found wherewith to repair the mischief then
caused.

The pictures are on the first floor, and are for the
most part the works of Veronese masters. The first
room, known as the Sala Bernasconi, -has a fine but
faded picture by Paolo Farinato (No. 13) of Christ
shown to the multitude. No. 32 is an early but
graceful work by Titian of the Madonna and Child
and St John. No. 34, a Madonna and Child, and
St John the Baptist with two angels, is said to be by
Perugino ; and much of it probably is by him, the rest
by one of his pupils.

Room II. has several good pictures, though not all
are by the artists to whom they are ascribed. No. 86,
for instance, is a lovely Presentation in the Temple,
with a forged signature of Gian Bellini. No. 88 is a
Holy Family by Andrea del Sarto, but so cleaned as
210

CAVAZZOLA S DEPOSITION FROM THE CROSS

211

Picture Gallery

to leave little of the original. No. 90 is a Madonna
and Child that from its likeness to the fresco in S.
Fermo is said to be by Pisanello. No. 92 a Madonna,
Francesco Caroto, restored and hard. No. 97, a
powerful and authentic portrait by Antonio Moro.
No. 120, a Madonna and Child with St Joseph by
Perugino. No. 121, a graceful Annunciation by
Garofolo. No. 155, a Madonna and Child with two
Saints by Francia ; a picture full of the charm that
this Bolognese master rarely fails to exercise. Nos.
112, 108, and 154, are all by Caroto, though in his
earlier rather than in his best and later manner.
Other pictures in this room are by good masters but
hung so high that all effort to judge of them is
vain.

Room III. has no work in it which demands especial
attention.

Room IV., No. 240, a Madonna by Giolfino ;
a hard and somewhat cold picture though not
lacking in expression. No. 243, a Madonna en-
throned, with saints and angels ; an early work by
Paolo Veronese. No 244, a Madonna and Saints by
Antonio Badile ; a good picture though hung too high.
No. 250, Christ washing the disciples' feet by Boni-
fazio ; a picture full of the rich warm colouring of this
master, and lacking — as is often the case with him — in
all sense of religious feeling. No. 252, a Madonna
enthroned with SS. Roch and Sebastian, by Girolamo
dai Libri ; and also by him No. 253, the Baptism of
Christ. No. 267, a portrait by Paolo Veronese ; the
only really fine portrait to be found in Verona by
Verona's greatest painter, and representing one of the
Guarienti family attired as a warrior. No. 271, a
Madonna by Bonsignori.

Room V. This is the most interesting room in the
gallery. No. 290 is a Holy Family by Girolamo dai

213

^he Story of Verona

Libri, known as *' la Vergine dei Conigli," or "of the
rabbits." Though somewhat faded and hung too high
it is a charming picture representing the Madonna,
with St Joseph, St Jerome, and St John the Baptist
worshipping the Babe. The landscape is glowing with
colour and with rich detail, and the rabbits seated with
due solemnity give a humorous touch to the whole
scene. There are several important paintings in this
room by Paolo Morando surnamed Cavazzola, of
whose works in this collection Mr Selwyn Brinton
speaks as follows: "In visiting Verona, 1 found the
Public Gallery rich in his paintings ; the earnestness
of his style, and his power in drawing and colour find
illustration in the series of five subjects from the
Passion in that gallery (brought there from S. Bernard-
ino). Most of all among them I gave my admiration
to the most striking * Descent from the Cross,'
powerful, of great pathos, brilliant, and yet cold in
colour." 1

Of the power of Cavazzola's painting, and of the
decorative value of his work there can be no doubt, but
he strikes one as being careful to attain a correct
form in his figures rather than to convey depth of
devotion, and to be merely affected when he would
fain be pathetic. His work at times though very hard
and formal is yet often full of expression ; his back-
grounds are interesting and to be liked ; and his vivid
colouring is nearly always to be admired. A fine
work of his, the last he ever painted, and perhaps his
masterpiece, is No. 335 in this room. It is an altar-
piece, showing the Madonna in glory with angels,
saints, and the donor, the Contessa di Sacco, at the
bottom of the picture. Nos. 292, 293, 294, 295 are the
series alluded to above ; No. 298 is St Thomas question-
ing our Lord's resurrection by him. Nos. 302 and 303
1 Op. cit. p. 64.
214

THE VIRGIN AND CHILD ENTHRONED, WITH ST JOSEPH, THE
ARCHANGEL RAPHAEL AND TOBLAS (OIROLAMO DAI LlBRl)
2l6

virgin and child with saints in glory ( paolo morando detto
cavazzola)

217

Picture Gallery

are also by him ; and so too are Nos. 306 and 308.
No. 329 is a pleasant portrait by Domenico Brusasorci
of himself as a musician. No. 330, the Trinity by
Francesco Morone. No. 333, a Madonna and Child
with St Andrew and St Peter, by Girolamo dai Libri.
No. 334, a very fine Madonna and Child with two
saints by Cima da Conegliano. No. 339 is again by
Girolamo dai Libri, showing a lovely landscape with
an enthroned Madonna, the Child, St Joseph, Tobias,
and the angel all in rich glowing colour, and altogether
delightful. There are also three pictures by Caroto
in this room : one of the three archangels with Tobias
over the door is particularly good. It is signed and
is very worthy of notice. On the wall coming into
this room is a collection of fragments of miniatures
from liturgical books by Liberale, and Girolamo dai
Libri. They are all framed, and form as choice and
rich a collection of such works of art as exists
anywhere.

Room VL (No. 351), a fine picture of the
Madonna and cherubs by Carlo Crivelli showing the
influence of the Paduan school. No. 355 is a
painting on wood in several compartments by one
Turone in a frame of the same date (fourteenth cen-
tury) and representing divers saints. This picture,
dated 1360, is cited by Crowe and Cavalcaselle as a
proof of how the Veronese school held aloof from all
Giottesque influence. Such independence does not
meet with the approval of the two art critics, who
refuse to see in this course of action an individuality
which declined to borrow even from a superior source
— an attitude of originality that was indulged in at a
possible loss of increased technique and drawing, but
that is worthy all the same of respect.

No. 359 is a painting on wood by Stefano da
Zevio : a youthful work, signed and dated 1363, of

219

The Story of Verona

the Madonna and St Catherine in a garden of roses.
No. 362, the Crucifixion by Jacopo BelHni, a grand
solemn picture even if somewhat retouched. Nos. 368
and 369 are small altar-pieces by Girolamo Benaglio,
in frames characteristic of the period (fifteenth century)
and in good taste. No. 376, the Resurrection, attri-
buted to Squarcione, and possibly containing some of
his work. No. 377, a Deposition by Liberale, but
hung too high to be seen well. Nos. 390, 392, 394,
are far and away the gems of this room, and are all
fine works by Cavazzola. They represent Geth-
semane, the Deposition, the Bearing of the Cross.
The Deposition is the most famous of this series,
which, as shown by the inscription, was painted in
1 5 1 7, and in it is to be seen the artist's portrait to
the left of the cross, while in the background stand
out the heights of Verona with the castle of San
Pietro and the Adige below.

Few of the other rooms have anything of interest
or merit in them, though in No. IX. — when not
closed — are to be seen some of the medals of Vittore
Pisanello ; and a fresco by Cavazzola, brought here
from the church of SS. Nazzaro and Celso. There
is also a fine fresco in Room XII. by Francesco
Morone, of the Madonna with saints, that shows great
power of grouping. This was originally on the
exterior of a house near the Ponte delle Navi, and
was brought here for preservation. Layardsays: "A
charming specimen of his (Morone's), warm, rich
colouring, and delicate and graceful sentiment was,
until recently, to be seen in a fresco of the Virgin
and Child and saints, on the fagade of a house near
the Ponte delle Navi at Verona, dated 151 5, which
added much to the picturesque beauty of the site.
It has unfortunately been transferred to canvas,
suffering irreparably in the process and by clumsy
220

Picture Gallery

restoration, and is now a mere wreck in the public
gallery." i

Here, too, are some frescoes by Martino da Verona,
by Giolfino, and by Caroto, and with a glance at them
the visit to the picture gallery may be brought to a
close.

1 Op. cit. Part I. p. 264.J

221

CHAPTER X

S. Paolo di Campo Marte — SS. Na%-
%aro e Celso — The Grotto di S,
Nazzaro — St Thomas of Canter-
bury — G'lardino Giusti — St a,
Maria in Organo — S. Giovanni
in Valle — Teatro Antic o — SS,
Siro e Libera — Castle of Theo-
doric — S, Stefano — S. Giorgio in
Braida

npHE left bank of the Adige lies in that part of
^ the city known as " Veronetta/' where several
churches are scattered at no wide distances the one
from the other ; some small and of but meagre interest,
others striking both from an historical and artistic point
of view. After passing the church of S. Paolo di
Campo Marte, where Paolo Farinato lies buried, and
where are to be seen works by Girolamo dai Libri,
by Paolo Veronese and others ; and leaving the little
church of S. Giacomo in the Via XX. Settembre, we
eventually arrive at the church of SS. Nazzaro e
Celso. The external aspect of this church, dating
from the eleventh century is more imposing than the
interior which was restored in 1510. Before visiting
the church it will be well to go first to the Grotto
of S. Nazzaro, a small chapel excavated out of the
222

S. Nazzaro

"tufo," and in which the early Christians met to
worship. The walls were evidently once all covered
with frescoes, and many traces yet remain which have
given rise to much discussion, and about whose date
and execution opinions are still divided. Some writers
claim for these paintings an epoch as remote as the
sixth century, and ascribe them to the period when
the Ostrogoths ruled in Verona. Others again say
that the very oldest of the paintings are not prior to
the year 996, while the latest belong to the eleventh
century. There is no doubt whatever that the church
or grotto is of far older date than the paintings on the
walls ; and the historical interest centring around
the spot can on no account be called in question.
Whatever the date of the frescoes they betoken differ-
ent periods from their style, the earliest being of a
crude, primitive nature that make one at first more
inclined to smile than to admire. Those of the second
period — among them being our Lord's Baptism in
Jordan — have a less comic appearance, while one and
all bear traces of the Roman influence which permeated
into the works of art carried out by the invaders of
Italy in the land of their adoption.

The church of S. Nazzaro consisted originally of
five aisles. The restoration brought about in 15 10
reduced it to three, and though not as imposing as it
must formerly have been, there is a dignified and
religious feeling in its present character which suits the
traditions that haunt its neighbourhood and hallow to
this day the fine Renaissance building. There are
many good paintings in the church ; in the transept
on the right are two panel paintings by Bartolomeo
Montagna of St John the Baptist, and of SS. Nazzaro,
Celso and Benedict ; and in the sacristy there is a
Pieta, and a S. Biagio and Sta. Giuliana also by him.
(It is impossible not to utter a protest against the

223

The Story of Verona

state of neglect and decay into which most of the
frescoes in this church have fallen, and to hope that
some effort may be made to preserve them ere it is too
late.) In a beautiful old frame over the altar of S.
Biagio is a grand work by Francesco Bonsignori ; while
in the predella below are some lovely miniatures by
Girolamo dai Libri. The dome is decorated with
frescoes, all by Falconetto, except the " Annunciation "
over the principal door which is by Cavazzola — a fine
bit of work. There are more works by this master,
as well as others by Brusasorci, Falconetto, Badile,
Torbido, and Farinata. Indeed most of the best
known Veronese masters have left some evidence
of their work in this out-of-the-way church ; would
that the Veronese of to-day would show themselves
worthier of the treasures bequeathed to them by
their ancestors, and provide at least for their pre-
servation !

Not far from here after two or three turns to the
left rises the church of St Thomas of Canterbury.
The doorway is a fine example of Italian Gothic, and
some interesting inscriptions beside it relate how the
piety of two women of the Stagnolo family contributed
towards the work of the fa9ade. Inside the church
are some frescoes by Brusasorci ; and before the altar
of Sta. Maria Maddalena lie the mortal remains of the
architect San Micheli, to whom Verona owes so much,
and whose work, though so pre-eminently famed for
fortified buildings and all relating to military construc-
tions, is admirable in secular and ecclesiastical edifices
as well.

Wandering through this part of Verona the eye is
often arrested by frescoed palaces and houses of marked
architectural beauty and merit, among them being the
Casa Barbarani ; the Seminario Vescovile ; and other
houses belonging to private individuals. In the Via
224

Giardino Giusti

Giardino Giusti stands the Palazzo Giusti, a handsome
block of masonry, decorated externally by Paolo

WINDOW AND BALCONY IN VIA SEMINARIO

Farinato, and leading through a pleasant cortile to the

beautiful and famous Giardino Giusti. The cypress

trees in this part of the garden form its chief glory and

P 225

Ihe Story of Verona

renown ; and very striking is the view on entering of
these grand trees leading up in a straight long avenue to
the upper part of the grounds, while single ones dotted
about " stand like Druids of old " imparting a sense of
solemnity and grandeur to the scene. It is evident
that this garden was well known in the seventeenth
century from the relation of a Cardinal Rossetti's
journey from Cologne to Ferrara via Verona written
by his secretary one Vincenzo Armanni. He ttlls
how they embarked at Bussolengo the evening of
Friday, July 8, 1644, and came in the space of an hour
in a straight course down the Adige to Verona, where
they were courteously entertained by the Dominicans.
*' Saturday the 9th," he writes, " we remained in-
cognito in Verona, and went to see a most beautiful
garden of the Signori Giusti, and many places in
that city which in sooth is possessed of conditions so
estimable as to cause it to rank among the best in
Italy."

The age of the cypresses is remarkable, some being
no less than four hundred, others again five hundred
years old ; while only a short time ago a patriarchal
giant died at the age of seven hundred years. The lie
of the land is also well suited to show off these noble
trees to advantage ; the ground slopes upwards to the
walls of the city till it stops close to where the church
of S. Zeno in Monte once stood, and where the tower
still stands marking the site of the former monastery.
No words can better describe the magnificent view
over the town of Verona than those used by Ruskin
when he depicts this view, and in language of equal
force and beauty presents the panorama, instinct with
life and loveliness, to all who have eyes to see and to
read. He wrote, it is true, from another spot, but he
might have been standing on the upper terrace of the
Giardino Giusti when he penned the following' lines so
226

GIARDINO GIUSTI

227

Vieiv over Verona

admirably does the description tally with the scene
here laid before us.

" There is, first, this blue Lombardic plain, wide as
the sea, and in the very centre of it, at about twelve
miles away from you, a little cluster of domes and
towers, with a gleam of white water round them.
That is Mantua. Look beyond its fretted outline,
and you will see that in that direction the plain, else-
where boundless, is ended by undulations of soft hills.
Those are the Apennines above Padua. Then look to
the left, and just beyond the roots of the Alps, you
will see the cluster of the cones of the Euganean hills,
at the space at their feet in which rests Padua, and the
gleam of the horizon beyond them in which rests
Vt-nice. Look then, north-eastward, and touched
into a crown of strange rubies as the sun descends,
there is the snowy cluster of the Alps of Friuli. Then
turn to the north-west, and under the sunset itself you
will see the Adige flow from its enchanted porch of
marble, and in one strong and almost straight stream,
blanched always bright by its swiftness, reflecting on
its eddies neither bank nor cloud, but only light,
stretch itself along the vines, to the Verona lying at
your feet ; there first it passes the garden wall of the
church of S. Zeno, then under the battlements of the
great bridge of the Scaligers, then passes away out of
sight behind the hill on which, though among ghastly
modern buildings, here and there you may still trace a
grey fragment of tower and wall — the remnants of the
palace of Theodoric of Verona — Dietrich of Bern.

" Now I do not think that there is any other rock
in all the world, from which the places and monuments
of so complex and deep a fragment of the history of its
ages can be visible, as from this piece of crag, with its
blue and prickly weeds. For you have thus beneath
you at once, the birthplaces of Virgil and of Livy ;

229

The Story of Verona

the homes of Dante and Petrarch ; and the source of
the most sweet and pathetic inspiration of your own
Shakespeare ; the spot where the civilization of the
Gothic kingdoms was founded on the throne of
Theodoric, and where whatever was strongest in the
Italian race redeemed itself into life by its league
against Barbarossa. You have the cradle of natural
science and medicine in the schools of Padua ; the
central light of Italian chivalry in the power of the
Scaligers ; the chief stain of Italian cruelty in th.it of
Ezzelin ; and, lastly, the birthplace of the highest art ;
for among these hills, or by this very Adige bank, were
born Mantegna, Titian, Coreggio, and Veronese.'* ^

Beyond the Garden Street of the Giusti lies the
tract of the " Acqua Morte," formed by the branch
or canal of the Adige, which once flowed here but
was filled in in 1895 when the great works of the
" muraglioni " were executed which have confined the
river into bounds which it cannot pass, nor break the
limits now imposed upon it. In this quarter is the
church of Sta. Maria in Organo, another of the
Veronese churches of special interest and individuality.
The date of the church is uncertain, but of its
antiquity there can be no doubt, some writers placing
it even as far back as the sixth century. The founda-
tion of the monastery of Sta. Maria in Organo is
ascribed to the piety of the Lombard Duke Lupone
and his wife Ermelinda in the year a.d. 615. The
actual building was erected on the site of an older one
in 1 1 3 1 . It was committed to the monks of Monte
Oliveto in 1444 ; shortly after that date the campanile
was added, and San Micheli began the fa9ade which
for some unknown reason was never completed. The
interior of the church is rich in paintings and frescoes,
every chapel having its picture over the altar, and the

1 Ruskin, Verona and other Lectures. Allen, 1894.
230

THE GIU3TI GARDEN

231

Sta. Maria in Organo

sides being decorated as well. There are some fine
frescoes in the nave from Old Testament scenes, which
are probably by Brusasorci, though occasionally ascribed
to F'rancesco Morone. A great deal of Morone's work
is to be found here both in the church and sacristy, and
speaking of this latter Layard says: "He (Morone)
excelled as a painter in fresco, as he has shewn in the
decoration of the sacristy of the church of Sta. Maria
in Organo in Verona, in which he has introduced half-
length figures of popes, monks, and nuns, of the
Olivetan order.'* ^

Over the third altar on the left facing the high altar
is "the most lovely Madonna and Child under a
canopy adorned with flowers ; on each side an angel
sings and plays. Below, the stately figures of SS.
Augustine and Martin. A very fascinating work.
Signed work ( 1 503), painted apparently on silk backed
by canvas." -^ The detail of this picture is exquisite ;
the composition powerful, and the grace and dignity
of each figure in turn is striking. There are fine
paintings throughout the church all by Veronese masters,
the most marked among them being by Brusasorci,
Giolfino, Farinato, Caroto, Balestra, Zavoldo, Torbido.
The chapel in the right transept contains a Sta. Francesca
Romano by Guercino, with paintings on the side by
Cavazzola. In the chapel to the left of the choir is
a picture of St Benedict by Brentana. This picture
serves as a screen, and is sometimes removed when a
quaint mediaeval statue is revealed of our Lord seated on
the ass's colt. The statue, of a great age, is known as
** La Muletta," and is an object of great veneration.
It is shown to the public on Palm Sunday when no
doubt the gaudy colours — for the figure and animal
though of wood are painted — impress each gazer's eye

1 Op. at. p. 264,

2 Selwyn Brinton, op. cit. p. 58, etc.

^33

The Story of Verona

with wonder and admiration. Above the seats of the
high altar are frescoed landscapes by Cavazzola and
Brusasorci.

The centre of interest in this church culminates
however in the sacristy which Vasari rightly pro-
nounced to be one of the most beautiful in Italy. On
the right hand side are some lovely intarsia panels by
Fra Giovanni da Verona, one of the monks belonging
to the monastery of this church. "The rich play of
fancy shown by this illustrious brother deserves a
volume and a pen of gold to describe it," says an
Italian writer ; " festoons of fruit and flowers, sphinxes,
chimeras, birds, perspective — all is wrought with a perfect
and exquisite sense of art, all has succeeded in produc-
ing an unparalleled harmony of line and colour in a calm
outpouring of inspiration, in a continuous and marvel-
lous freshness." ^ The richness of design employed
is indeed wonderful, and is only equalled by the execu-
tion of the work. The carving is as perfect and delicate
as it is bold and crisp ; and it is not difficult to believe
that this intarsia possesses the renown of being the most
perfect of its kind in Italy. Above these lovely panels
are frescoes by Morone of the Olivetan monks in their
white garbs ; while again in the lunettes overhead are
portraits of the popes who were elected out of the
order to fill the Papal See. In a corner by the door
leading into the choir and almost concealed by a cup-
board is the portrait of Fra Giovanni himself, the friar
who as has been said did this intarsia work, the
greatest master of the kind that Italy has ever pro-
duced. He died in 1520. The frescoes are all by
Morone, and it has well been said that this sacristy is
a masterpiece of Veronese art. There is also here a
lovely picture by Girolamo dai Libri, the ** Madonna
del Limone," of the Blessed Virgin enthroned, with

^ Spaventi-Guida di Verona^ p. 1 32.

DOORWAY OF CARVED WOOD IN THE SACRISTY OF S. MARIA

235

Sta, Maria in Organ o

St Stephen and St Catherine below, a delightful setting
of leaves, fruit, and architectural detail, all in a flood
of sunlight which enhances the effect a hundredfold.^

The choir of the monks opens out from the sacristy,
and here again are treasures of carving and of inlaid
woodwork also by Fra Giovanni, possessing a topo-
graphical value as well as an artistic one in that they
represent views of the city of that date and place before
us scenes which no longer exist. There are here views
of Rome also ; and the value of such abiding testimony
as to **the days that are no more," is enough in itself to
make one linger in the church of Sta. Maria in Organo,
and muse in delight and wonder over the industry and
talent that prompted this labour of love so many
centuries ago. In the choir there is also a magnificent
candelabrum equally by Fra Giovanni, carved in walnut
wood ; and the carving and inlay work testify anew to the
craft and power of this frate, and prove him to have been
indeed a consummate master of his art. The inundation
of 1882 did frightful damage to the woodwork in this
church ; and though the damage has been remedied to
a great extent traces of it yet remain and show to what
an extreme peril these treasures were exposed.

Beyond the church of Sta. Maria in Organo
the winding narrow by-way of S. Giovanni in Valle
leads to the little church of the same name. Its
antiquity is great seeing that it dates from the fifth
century ; and its plan of erection, its crypt, and all its
accessories point to its being one of the earliest churches
in Verona. There are frescoes by Brusasorci, and
Giolfino, inside, and traces of paintings of a far earlier
date than these are being discovered under the white-
wash and plaster that cover the walls. Fragments of

1 The authorship of this picture is open to doubt. It has
been attributed to different masters in turn. Mr Berenson
is of opinion that it is by Girolamo Mocetto, an opinion
also held by Crowe and Cavalcaselle.

The Story of Verona

Roman remains are to be found near the tower and the
cloisters, and here too is the peculiar sort of column
similar to the one in the Piazza delle Erbe and in the
Piazza Bra, and which gives evidence that a market-
place once stood there. In the beautiful crypt are two
sarcophagi of Greek marble, dating from the very
earliest days of Christianity. One of them is supposed
to contain the bones of St Simon and St Jude ; and both
of them have bas-reliefs of great interest and originality.
The fresco over the principal entrance is by Stefano da
Zevio, and close beside are two modern windows that
sadly deface the pure early style oi the facade.

The next point of interest that we come to is the
" Teatro Antico," the old theatre of the Romans,
which is said to have been built in the age of Augustus.
In true Roman fashion it is posted on the side of a hill ;
this plan for saving labour together with increased con-
venience in the construction of a theatre being often
resorted to in days of old. Nor was the hill at the
back the only natural adjunct to the theatre. The
river was also turned on to aid in whatever scenery
required water effects, and above all for the naval
displays that formed a part in the representations which
were given in the theatre. The excavations made here
in 1836 by Cav. Andrea Monga have brought to light
almost all that remains of this ruin, and revealed what
has so far escaped the destroying hand of Time. There
is not however a great deal to be seen, for one thing
after another has combined to wreck this archaeological
relic. An earthquake in the year 793 damaged it to
a great extent ; and rather more than a century later
tradition says that Berengarius I., under the impression
that its stability was of so insecure a nature as to
threaten every habitation in its neighbourhood, issued a
decree that anyone who chose might demolish it and
carry away the materials to use as they saw fit. How
238

CHOIR STALL OF INTARSIO WORK IN S. MARIA

" Colle di San Pietro "

many a building in Verona may not have been enriched
with stones, or capitals, or columns from this mighty
ruin ! It is interesting to see among the recent excava-
tions some of the seats where the spectators once sat in
rows, together with what is said to have been the box
with the name over its entrance of a private family, and
part of the stage, and to wander among the ruins of
what must certainly have been one of the finest theatres
of antiquity.

At no distance from the " Teatro Antico " rises the
little church of SS. Siro and Libera, built over a
part of the theatre, and deriving a legendary interest
from the tradition that Christianity was introduced into
Verona by S. Siro, and that the first time mass was
ever celebrated in the town it was celebrated by the
saint in the church now dedicated to him and to
Sta. Libera.

The ground around and about here is replete with
associations of Roman and Gothic times, and with the
very earliest existence of Verona as a town ; for the
hills above this left bank of the Adige — the hills of
S. Pietro and S. Felice — are the sites where the first
inhabitants of the city had their dwelling. On the
"colle di S. Pietro" stood the castle of Theodoric,
King of the Ostrogoths, of whom Carlo Cipolla (the
most trustworthy of Verona's modern historians) says :
" He embellished Verona with baths, with palaces, with
covered ways ; he fortified it with new wails, and
renewed the aqueduct thereof. Considerable traces
of his palace on St Peter's hill still remain in the walls
which encircle the summit, and which are built on the
Roman system. . , . Less numerous and less evident
are the vestiges of his real and own palace which stood
on the part of the hill overlooking the river, and it is
not always easy to distinguish between what actually
belonged to the palace of Theodoric and what were

Q 241

^he Story of Verona

fragments appertaining to the theatre that stood below."
On a previous page speaking of Theodoric the same
writer says : " In the poetic legends of Germany the
king is called Theodoric of Verona, Dietrich von
Bern ! The last chapters of the Nibelungenlied are
filled with tales of his heroic deeds and with those of
his warriors. Likewise in Germany up to the time
of Frederick II. of Swabia, and maybe even after
Verona was known as * Dietrich's Bern.' The
mountaineers of Giazza to this day never speak of
Verona save as * Beam,' which is nothing after all but
the Latin name turned into German." ^

The king of the Ostrogoths, as has been said, spent
his time gladly in Verona ; but little remains of his
buildings or fortifications, imposing as they must have
been. The walls he set up have been built over by
Cangrande, who erected those with forked battlements
which remain to this day, a token of picturesque
strength to the town, stamping it for ever as a city
whose bulwarks can defy every foe, and laugh to scorn
every invader.

The Castel di S. Pietro is now a fortress, so too
is the Castel di S. Felice, which stands on the hill
above it ; and from both these forts magnificent views
can be had over the city.

Beyond the Ponte di Pietra, and almost at the very
bend of the river, stands the church of S. Stefano, for
many years the Cathedral of Verona, and linked with
all its early history, and with days of persecution and
trouble. This church, standing on the foundations of
a former one destroyed by King Theodoric, was rebuilt
in the eleventh century, though the crypt and choir are
of an earlier period, and are both beautiful and interest-
ing in the character and originality of their conception.

^ C. CipoUa, Compendia della Storia Polhicadi Verona. Verona
1899, pp. 46 and 44.
242

\ M-4

^H^K

Ik ■^^^l^'fli^^^^■

j^^

^^yM

>^^^|^^Hy^H

JRCH OF S. GIORGIO IN BKAIDA, MARTYRDOM Of ST GEORGE (PAOLO VERONESE)

San Stefano

The whole plan — though on far smaller and simpler
lines — recalls that of S. Zeno, for here again is the
nave and two side aisles, as well as the three floors
formed by the crypt, the central building, and the
raised choir. This latter forms a striking feature in
S. Stefano ; and very remarkable indeed it is with its
rough-hewn bishop's throne — recalling the one in the
cathedral church of Torcello, erected there in ico8 —
and leading to another and older choir beyond, both of
which are decorated with frescoes. From the older
choir a passage communicates with the crypt, a most
unusual contrivance, and one that serves perhaps to
demonstrate that those parts of the building date from
the same epoch. The crypt is in the form of a Latin
cross, and has rows of columns disposed somewhat in
the same fashion as those in the crypt of S. Fermo,
save that at S. Stefano the columns are of Oriental
marble. Many of the bishops of Verona lie buried in
this crypt, together with forty martyrs who were done
to death in the reign of Diocletian. Here too is the
tomb of Galla Placidia, the daughter of the Emperor
Valentinian, and wife of Olibrius, Emperor of the
East. An ancient statue of St Peter stands in the
church, and there are besides several paintings by
Brusasorci, Farinato, Giolfino, and other Veronese
painters. The facade of the church is impressive,
dating probably from the eleventh century, though a
careful study will detect traces of a still earlier date ;
and were it possible to remove two or three additions
made in more recent times, the original frontage would
stand out in all its simplicity and beauty.

A little further on is the church of S. Giorgio in
Braida, or S. Giorgio Maggiore, as it is also called,
a building partly raised by San Micheli. This church
contains some very fine pictures, for the most part by
Veronese masters. Behind the high altar is a grand

245

The Story of Verona

painting by Paolo Veronese, of peculiar value, as few
of his works are to be met with in his native town,
most of them having found a home in Venice, the
scene of his labours, and where he lived and worked
and died. The subject is the martyrdom of St George ;
and apart from the fine treatment of the figures, the
boldness of outline and depth of colour, the picture is
intensely interesting as showing the artist's own portrait
in the person of the warrior on liorseback in the left
hand corner. On either side of this picture are two
good paintings, the one on the right by Felice
Brusasorci, of the giving of the manna in the desert,
fine in tone and in conception, though finished by his
pupils ; the other by Paolo Farinato in extreme old
age, when perhaps his hand had lost some of its
cunning. Farinato's portrait is to be seen in a group
of his own family painted in a corner of the picture.
The altar below the organ, the first on the right
coming down the church, contains a beautiful work
by Alessandro Bonvicini of Brescia, known as " II
Moretto," of St Cecilia between St Catherine, St
Lucy, and other saints, with the Virgin above. This
picture bears the inscription, " Alexandre Morettus
Brix. MDXC." Just beyond is a most lovely Virgin
and Child by Girolamo dai Libri, also signed by the
author, and dated 1526. The Virgin, who is en-
throned, has S. Lorenzo Giustinian on her right, and
S. Zeno on her left ; below are three exquisite angels,
two of whom are singing, while the third accompanies
them on the lute. The detail of the picture is of the
same lovely and finished order in which this great
miniaturist delighted and excelled, and which he intro-
duced into almost all his work. The third altar has
paintings, by Caroto, of SS. Roch and Sebastian ; and
by Domenico Brusasorci, of the Apostles exorcising an
evil spirit. Beyond that is the martyrdom of Lorenzo
246

THE MADONNA WITH HOLY WOMEN (MORETTO DU BRKSCIa)

247

'' Ponte della Pietra "

by Sigismondo da Stefano ; and a not very beautiful St
Ursula is in the adjoining chapel by Caroto. In the
second altar coming down the church on the left are
some angels by Brusasorci ; and an Annunciation by
Caroto, in which the Archangel Gabriel is more
beautiful to look on than the Blessed Virgin. Above
the main door is a picture of our Lord's Baptism by
Tintoretto, but hung at so great a height it is not easy
to see.

The way back into the town leads either across the
modern iron bridge called after Garibaldi, or by that
known as the Ponte della Pietra, a magnificent example
of Roman work, and one of the most picturesque
bridges in Verona. The two arches towards the hill
are of recognised Roman construction ; the rest leading
into the town and towards the tower on that side
erected by the Scaligers, is said to be the work of
Fra Giocondo in 1521. Soon after crossing the
"Pons marmoreus," as it was also called, we come to
an old house at the bend of the road and facing the
bridge which has a fresco painted under the eaves
depicting the wares sold in the shop below, among
which may be seen a bunch of tallow candles tied by
their wicks and suspended on high — a practice familiar
enough among ourselves. The painting was done in
the "cinque cento," and the trade of "wholesale
grocer " goes on in the building to-day as it did some
five centuries ago.

In the Via Cappelletta, that opens out from the
Via Ponte Pietra, is a house which claims to have
been that of the Capulets — a claim that has no founda-
tion, and that perhaps has only been raised in order
to entice the passer-by to go in to see a very pretty
courtyard, which certainly deserves a moment's glance
if the inspection of the many sights of " Veronetta "
has not exhausted all our powers of endurance.

249

CHAPTER XI

Sanf Eufemia — Porta dei B or sari —
S,S, Apostoli — 5. Lorenzo — 6*.
Bernardino — Sta, Trinita — Tomb
of Romeo and Juliet — Ponte
Rojiolo — Pia%%a Bra

npHE church of Sant' Eufemia may be reached either
by following the broad open way of the Lungadige
Panvinio, or by proceeding along the Corso Porta
Borsari and turning up to the right. The church, of
Gothic style, dates from the thirteenth century, but
it is much spoilt internally by modern restorations.
The fa9ade is imposing, and each side of the door is
flanked by a tomb: that on the right being a grand
sarcophagus of the fourteenth century of red Verona
marble to the Cavalcani-Bandi family ; the one on the
left, of the sixteenth century, by San Micheli, to the
Counts Lavagnolo. There is also some more of
San Micheli's work to be seen close to a lateral door
on the south side in the shape of a monument to the
Verita family ; while over this same door is a fresco
by Stefano da Zevio. San Micheli was also the designer
for the cloister of this church. Inside, the building
strikes one as cold and poor. There are though some
good frescoes by Caroto and Domenico Brusasorci, and
an altar-piece by this latter of the Madonna in glory
may certainly rank among his best works. In the
250

Sant^ Eufemia

Spolverini Chapel (to the proper left of the high altar)
are some very interesting frescoes by Caroto " repre-
senting the story of Tobias, in which the compositions
are skilfully balanced, the personages natural in move-

BALCONY IN VIA S. EUFEMIA

ment and expression, and the colouring especially
entitled to commendation." i

Returning to the Corso di Porta Borsari the ancient
church of S. Giovanni in Foro (so called because it
was close to the old Roman Forum) stands to the
right, and claims a moment's attention on account of
its Gothic wall decorations, and the fresco by Domenico
Brusasorci of the " Deposition from the Cross."
1 Layard, op. cit. p. 268.

251

The Story of Verona

There is also here an inscription let into the wall
which tells that in the year a.d. 1 172 a fire devastated
the town of Verona. Beyond the little church rises
the Porta dei Borsari, the famous Roman gateway,
or, it may be, triumphal arch. It consists of a double
archway with two storeys of windows overhead, while
the side looking towards the Corso Cavour retains
still the carvings and ornamentations round the archi-
traves and on the sides. The style is Corinthian,
having pediments over the archways as well as over
the windows on the upper storeys, while spiral fluted
columns flanking these windows bring in a style of
architecture of a different character and form an
anomaly altogether unexpected. Opinions difl^er as
to the date of this archway, some placing it at the
year a.d. 265 when Roman art was at a low ebb,
others maintaining that it shows evidence of a good
period as to style, and that an inscription which it
bore in honour of the Emperor Gallienus was not of
the same date as the archway. This inscription was
formed of bronze letters fastened in relief upon the
stone. These letters were removed at a very early
date, but the marks they left served for deciphering
the words originally placed on the archway. The
conclusion generally arrived at as to the age of the
building is that it was probably erected at the time of
Vespasian, or of the Antonines — a good period as far
as the art of building was concerned — and that in spite
of its inconsistencies it is a remarkable and grand piece
of architecture, forming a link of consummate interest
between the Verona of to-day and the great Roman
Empire of more than fifteen hundred years ago.

Immediately beyond the '* Porta " the street opens

out into the Corso Cavour, and some interesting houses

and palaces spring up around. There is first the house

of the painter Nicolo Giolfino, where some restored

252

CORSO CAVOUR

253

Corso Cavour

and damaged frescoes are all that is left of the decora-
tion once lavished on this house by Andrea Mantegna.
Opposite in the little square of S. Micheletto stands a
column surmounted by a lamb, placed there to mark
that at one time the Guild of Wool — " Arte della
Lana" — whose device was a lamb bearing a banner,
had their offices there. Immediately beside the
column stands the Palazzo Carlotti, a handsome
though somewhat heavy edifice of the decadent
period, with an ornate door set in a colonnade.
This is followed by the Casa Pozzoni, a palace of
Venetian Gothic of the fourteenth century, fine and
well preserved. Facing it is a still finer building, the
Palazzo della Banca Nazionale, with beautiful balconies,
windows, and decorations, all good specimens of the
best Renaissance date. Further on is the Piazza dei
S.S. Apostoli, where a statue to the poet and patriot
Aleardi (born in Verona in 1812) was put up in 1H78,
the very year in which he died. The sculptor was
Ugo Zannini, the same who executed the statue to
Dante in the Piazza dei Signori. Behind Aleardi's
statue is the church of the S.S. Apostoli, with that of
Sta. Fosca and Sta. Teuteria annexed to it. These
churches date from very early times, that of the S.S.
Apostoli being prior to the eleventh century, and they
bear to this day traces of the construction carried out
at so remote an epoch. The apse and the belfry are
Romanesque ; and at the side of the belfry are some
primitive stone sarcophagi that belonged of old to three
patrician families of Verona. The interior of the
church contains some fine Lombard-Byzantine decora-
tions, and some later ones of the Renaissance epoch.
The Virgin Saints Sta. Fosca and Sta. Teuteria — (and
might one without undue levity or irreverence venture
to inquire if this latter were the patron saint of toy
terriers ? ) lie buried in the little church that bears their

255

The Story of Verona

names. This church is of even earlier date than that
of the S.S. Apostoli, being said to belong to the eighth
century, and to have been consecrated in 751. There
are tombs within it of the Bevilacqua family, whose
palace close by was designed by San Micheli, and is
looked upon as one of his masterpieces.

Opposite Aleardi's statue and on the other side of
the Corso Cavour is the church of S. Lorenzo, which
stands off from the street, and is reached under an
archway, which bears a figure of the saint aloft holding
his gridiron, and through a picturesque courtyard. It
is said that this church is built on the ruins of a Roman
basilica dedicated presumably to Venus, and that it
dates from the fifth century. The plan is altogether
on the lines of ihe Roman basilicas, and consists of two
tiers, the upper one having been set apart for the use of
the women. This again was split up into compartments,
one being for the virgins, another for the widows, and
another for the matrons. The style of this church is
Roman- Lombardesque, and in spite of a good deal of
misdirected zeal and modern renovation there is much
to admire in the building. The plans for restoring it
to its original condition are also to be admired and
encouraged, and one can but wish success to Don
Pietro Scapini, the worthy vicar of the church, for his
schemes for lowering the floor to its former level, and
for other designs calculated to add to the beauty and
interest of the old church of S. Lorenzo. The round
towers at the west front are striking and characteristic.
They led up formerly to the women's gallery, and have
curious circular basements, not often to be seen, though
similar ones exist in one or two other places in
Verona. The round arches in the interior of S.
Lorenzo are very fine ; and the alternate columns
and pillars are of Veronese and foreign marbles
and have all differently ornamented capitals. The
256

Corso Cavour

material of which the church is chiefly built — " tufo "
and brick — is very effective, and the layers of alternate
red and yellow form a mixture of colour at once
harmonious and peculiar. The discovery of frescoes
on the walls points strongly to the probability that
once the church was all covered with paintings ; many
doubtless having still to come to light, while others
have disappeared irretrievably. Above the high altar is
a Madonna and Child in the clouds by Domenico Brusa-
sorci, with S.S. John and Lorenzo below (1566).

Emerging again into the Corso Cavour, and on this
same right hand side, is the Palazzo Portalupi, with an
Ionic front of the eighteenth century, but " barocco "
as to style, and over-ornamented. A little higher up
— always on the same side — is the Palazzo Canossa,
by San Micheli, one of the finest palaces in this Corso,
and commanding an extensive view over the Adige
and the country beyond it. The next point of interest
is the Castel Vecchio, built as we have seen by
Cangrande II. between the years 1353 and 1358.
It will also be remembered that this second Cangrande
della Scala built too the bridge across the river opening
out from the castle, whereby he could receive help from
Germany, and over which it may be that the hosts of
Brandenburg marched to his assistance into the city.
A third arch was added to the bridge in later times in
order to strengthen it against the impetuous rush of the
Adige ; and the whole surmounted with the forked
battlements wherewith the Scaligers usually crowned
their buildings is a marked addition to the beauty
of this mediaeval stronghold. It is now used as a
barrack, but carts and wagons cross under the arch-
way over the bridge, and foot passengers may go in
and out as their business or fancy leads them. It is well
to stand for a while on the bridge to ponder over the
days of yore and to watch the rapid, swirling river as it
R 257

The Story of Verona

rushes along, oblivious of Past and Present, and seeking
only in headlong fashion to reach the home which awaits
it in the far off distant sea.

From the Castel Vecchio the " Stradone di S.
Bernardino " leads away to the left till it reaches the
church of that name. The entrance into the church
is through a cloister, to which some courteous monks
open the door, and show the way into the building
ivself. This is of the fifteenth century, and belongs
to the Franciscan brotherhood. The rood screen and
organ loft are worthy of notice, but the object of
special interest is the beautiful " Cappella Pellegrini,''
a gem in its way, and the masterpiece — in so far as a
religious edifice is concerned — of San Micheli. It is
a circular chapel in Renaissance style, and was erected
by Margherita Pellegrini to the memory of her husband.
The decorations and classical severity of the pediments,
cornices, and pilasters are considered almost faultless
as to symmetry and design. The fact that San Micheli
did not superintend its completion may account how-
ever for some blemishes, and for the falling away from
the absolute purity of style which would otherwise have
doubtless been preserved. In spite of this it is an
exquisite piece of graceful refined work, unique in its
way, and an abiding proof of the versatility and power
of Verona's greatest architect. It must be owned
that there is no picture of extraordinary renown in
this church, those that possessed any special merit
having been transferred to the Public Gallery, and
copies placed in their stead. There is however a good
Crucifixion, by Francesco Morone in the interesting
Cappella di Sta. Croce, and other fair work by Nicolo
Giolfino and Caroto. To the left of the altar is a
good picture by Benaglio of the Madonna and saints,
" inscribed with his name, with an architectural back-
ground and festoons of fruit and flowers, such as

258

San Bernardino

painters of the (Veronese) school were fond of intro-
ducing into their pictures." ^ The pictures in S.
Bernardino are for the most part by the less famous
of the Veronese masters, and the celebrity of the church
rests mainly on the classical architectural merits of the
Pelligrini Chapel. The cloisters are lined with tablets
and mortuary records, for the cemetery of the town
existed for some twenty years here before it was trans-
ferred, nearly a century ago, to the site which it now
occupies on the other side of the Adige just below the
iron bridge, the Ponte Aleardi.

The Library of S. Bernardino (now a boys' school)
contains a striking fresco by Domenico Morone, which
is rarely seen by the traveller though well worth a
visit on account of its individuality and interest. The
fresco — a large composition divided into three parts
by classical columns, represents Franciscan saints and
dignitaries. In the centre is placed the Madonna and
Child enthroned, with numerous saints around them,
among them being the donors of the painting under
the form of St Francis and Sta. Chiara. The effect of
the background, giving as it does the idea of a distant
and most lovely landscape, is beautiful, and goes far
to redeem the stiffness of outline evident in the drawing
and the awkward treatment of the figures and drapery

Following the road which runs beside the grand
wall of bastions set up by the Viscontis, we gain a
small height on which stands the church of Sta.
Trinitk. On the right going up the slope is the
former church of Sta. Maria degli Angeli, now used
as a college for girls of good families, but containing
no treasures of art. The little hill is known as the
"clivo del Monte Oliveto" from the Olivetan monks
who came from Vallombrosa to settle here, and to
build the church of Sta. Trinitk, which was consecrated
1 Layard, op. cit. p. 263.

261

The Story of Verona

in 1 1 17. The facade of the church is lovely, with
beautiful arches severe in their simplicity, and in the
grace and evenness of their design. In fact simplicity
is the keynote of the front and vestibule of this church,
and in spite of the alterations and restorations now
going on, this characteristic has been successfully main-
tained. The building is in sad need of funds, and it
is easy to see how beautiful the church could again
become once many an arch, now filled in, were opened
out, and the original scheme adhered to and executed.
This scheme was symbolical as well as beautiful, for
not only is it clear that the steps which led down into
the church were meant to be so to show that man
should humble himself when about to enter the house
of God, but also the right transept (the church is
cruciform) has a curved irregular shape, intended to
represent the pressure made on the cross by our Lord's
right shoulder weighing more heavily on that side of
it. There are some fine frescoes above the principal
arch that have only just been uncovered, but their
authorship is unknown. The exterior of the east end
of the church is very interesting and well worth inspect-
ing. To arrive there one must go through a side
corridor and the sacristy, and then one comes upon as
fine an apse and belfry as can well be seen. Here is
some remarkable Roman masonry with the oft-repeated
layers of "tufo," and brick, together with dentellated
work, now in brick and now in stone, which is very
effective and shows off forcibly some carved heads
placed immediately under a succession of arches. Two
shapeless and ugly windows have been opened out on
both sides of the apse, and wanton sacrilegious hands
have ruthlessly broken through a large portion of the
beautiful work of Roman days. The belfry too is
a grand specimen of Roman building, combining the
force and beauty of vigour and stability with all the
262

Foot Races in Verona

grace and loveliness of proportion and elegance ; and
this out-of-the-way unknown bell-tower may certainly
rank as one of the loveliest among the many lovely ones
here in Verona.

Below the church of Sta. Trinita and now leading
past a huge barrack built by the Austrians, runs the
old Roman road which led out towards Ostiglia on
the Po, and into the town through the gate formerly
known as that of Sta. Croce. It was along this road
that the race was run to which Dante alludes in the
Inferno —

. . . " e parve di coloro
Che corrono a Verona il drappo verde
Per la campagna ; e parve di costoro
Quegli che vince e non colui che perde.''^

— {Inf. XV. 121, etc.)

Mr Vernon says : "^ " During his sojourn at Verona
Dante would often have witnessed the foot race that
took place annually on the first Sunday in Lent for
the Pallio, or green mantle, in which race Boccaccio
says the runners were naked . . . Scartazzini says
this popular spectacle was instituted to celebrate the
victory that was won on the 29th September 1207, by
Azzo d'Este, Podestk of Verona, over the adherents
of the Conte di San Bonifazio and the Conte Mon-
tecchi. The statutes of Verona state that four prizes
were to be exhibited for competition, the first of which
was to be run for by virtuous women, even \i only one
could be found.'*

1 . . . <' and seemed to be of those
Who at Verona run for the g^reen mantle
Across the plain ; and seemed to be among them
The one who wins, and not the one who loses."

— (Longfellow's Translation.)
2 Readings on the Inferno of Dante, Hon. William Warren
Vernon (London: Macmillan, 1894), vol. i. p. 532, etc.

263

The Story of Verona

Soon after the Palazzo Gazzalo, which boasted a
fine garden now only kept as a nursery garden, is the
old church of the Cappucines, with traces here and
there of Roman masonry. It is now given up to the
manufacture of torpedo boats. A few paces further
on (going always towards the town) we come to a
large enclosure where a horse fair is held twice a year,
and where a brisk trade is done in that line, horses to
the number of about a thousand coming from Italy,
Hungary and other countries to be bought and sold.
Through this modern commercial part of Verona we
pass to the garden of the Orfanotrofio, where the made-
up tomb of Romeo and Juliet has been placed. The
tomb is of red Verona marble, but before it was put
to this use it served as a washing-trough. A feeling
of pity and disdain cannot but be felt over the fraud
here practised to arouse false sentimentality. The
story of the two lovers, as is well known, had no
foundation, and was taken by Shakespeare from one of
the tales of Luigi di Porto, a novelist of the sixteenth
century. The enmity between the two houses of
Montagu and Capulet was indeed a fact historically
true, and a fact also whose effect made itself felt in the
civil wars and dissensions that had so often disturbed
the internal life of Verona. This enmity has also
been noticed by Dante, who speaks of it in the Purg.
vi. 107. But the very silence maintained by the great
Tuscan over the story of the lovers is proof enough
that so touching a romance had no foundation. Had
there been one we may be sure that the master-hand
at whose touch Paolo and Francesca have been
endowed with immortal fame, and who in six short
lines has sketched for us the tragedy of La Pia, would
not have left "unwept, unhonoured and unsung" the
memory of the lovers of Verona. Romeo and Juliet
lived only in the imagination of our great dramatist,
264

Piazza Bra

who has bestowed on them a fame and immortality
which they could never have gained for themselves,
and which has endeared them to every heart.

The bridge called '<Rofiolo" leads into the wide
Via Pallone, and close beside it is to be seen a tablet
with some heads carved on it in high relief. The
story of this tablet and of the strange name of
" Rofiolo " has been explained as follows : some
"guilty sons" {rei Jigli^ hence rofiolo) murdered their
parents and threw them into the canal which flows
hard by. The name of these '* guilty sons'' has
consequently been affixed to the spot where their
iniquity was perpetrated, and their effigies have been
placed near at hand. Such at least is the tradition,
into whose absolute veracity it were perhaps well not
to inquire too closely.

The Via Pallone leads into the Piazza Vittorio
Emanuele, or Piazza Brk (from Preatum, a meadow)
where on one side is an equestrian statue of Victor
Emanuel by Borghi, placed there in 1883. The
Arena on the east side of the Square forms naturally
enough the chief object of interest, but there are also
some buildings and palaces around for which a
moment's notice may be claimed. The double arch-
way which leads out of the Piazza into the Corso
Vittorio Emanuele dates from the epoch of the
Scaligers, or more probably from that of the Visconti,
as does also the pentagonal tower beside it. Close to
this again is the Palazzo della Gran Guardia Vecchia,
a huge massive building ascribed to one Curtoni ( 1609)
a pupil of San Micheli. It was built for public meet-
ings, concerts, lectures and the like, and serves for
such purposes still. On the other side of the arch-
way, or as it is called, the Portone della Bra, is the
Museo Lapidario, which stands inside the courtyard
of the Philharmonic Theatre. It was founded and

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The Story of Verona

organised by the historian Scipione MafFei, and con-
tains a large amount of precious lapidary relics among
which are to be discovered runic, Latin, Greek,
Arabic, Egyptian, Persian and Hebrew inscriptions.
The most fashionable cafes are also to be found in this
Piazza, and in hot weather those inhabitants of Verona
who cannot escape for change of air and scene to the
country wend their way thither to court the fresh
breeze of the wide open square at even-time.

266

CHAPTER XII
San Zeno

T^HE road to S. Zeno leads straight past the Castel
Vecchio ; and away from the noise and bustle
of the town we approach one of the finest examples of
a Romanesque church to be found in the whole of
Northern Italy. A quiet dignity and simplicity may
be said to be the characteristics of this glorious basilica
both within and without ; while the blending of pagan
antiquity and Christian feeling has brought about a
harmony in expression and construction that is very
impressive. Tradition has it that King Pepin, Charle-
magne's son, was the founder, but no document exists
to prove this, though the belief that it was begun about
the year 900, and that its erection was gone on with
for two succeeding centuries has much to support it.
It is certain that the Emperor Otho I. of Germany
on his way to Rome through Verona sojourned for
a while at the monastery of S. Zeno, and left a large
sum of money with the Bishop Rathold towards the
fund for the completion of the church. There is not
a corner of S. Zeno that is not of interest, and this
begins with the west front, with the portals, and with
the doors, each one claiming in turn its meed of praise
and admiration. The church has been enlarged and
restored, but nevertheless it retains its noble proportions
intact, and modern works have done little to injure the

267

The Story ofVerofia

plan and construction of the building. The fa9ade is
embellished with bas-reliefs, carved in the yellow stone
of the country, and taken from legendary and sacred
subjects. In the right hand corner the legend of King
Theodoric is represented, for it is supposed that he is
the warrior here at the chase, pursuing the stag which
cannot be caught, and in whose pursuit the hunter rides
on till he reaches the gates of hell. The sculptures
are rough and uncouth, but full of life and movement,
and were executed in the year 1139 by Wiligelmus
and Nicolaus, this latter being the same artist whose
work has already been noticed at the Duomo. The
round window above the portal stands for the wheel of
fortune, with figures in different attitudes to express
the moods of the changeable goddess. On the outer
circle is engraved in leonine lines : —

" En ego Fortuna moderor mortalibus una,
Elevo, depono, bona cunctis vel mala dono."

which may be loosely rendered —

<' Behold, I, Fortune, I alone bestow on mortals,
I raise, depose; to all I give or good or evil gifts."

On the inner circle is written : —

" Induo nudatos, denudo veste paratos,
In me confidit, si quis derisus abibit."

" I clothe the naked, despoil from those in garments clad.
If anyone in me confides, derided will he go from hence."

The portal below is borne on two columns resting
on lions of red marble placed on each side of the door
like couchant sentinels, and above is seen the divine
hand held up in blessing with the words " Dextra Dei
gentes benedicat sacra petentes " (God's right hand
blesses those who sacred sites do haunt). On the
portal are also scenes from the Bible and from the life
of S. Zeno, the one in the centre being supposed to
268

S. ZENO MAGGIORE. CHOIR SCREEN AND ENTRANCE TO THE CRYPT

269

San Zeno

represent the deputation sent to him by the Emperor
GaUienus. The doors are covered with panels of
carved bronze reliefs (perhaps the oldest specimens
of that form of metal decoration to be found in the
country), and are said to belong to the ninth century.
The scenes they represent are forty-eight in number,
and are taken from the Old and New Testament.
They are quaint and archaic to a degree, but the work
is that of a bold and cunning craftsman, and the
grotesque yet forcible attitudes of some of the per-
sonages (as, for example, Salome dancing before
Herod) show the skill and humour that worked and
lived in these men of old, hundreds of years ago.
Within the doors a flight of steps leads down into the
church, and one's impulse on entering is to stand at
the head of those steps and gaze in silent admiration
and reverence at the scene before one. It is so grand,
so calm, so severe, so solid, and yet so graceful in the
perfect proportion of lines, arches, columns, shafts.
The nave extends between two side aisles in a line of
faultless symmetry till it reaches in the centre to a
double flight of stairs, the one flight leading down to
the crypt, the upper and smaller one leading to the
high altar and choir. To the right on entering is
the baptismal font, formed from a single piece of
marble, and designed by Brioletto, who was also the
author of the window known as the Wheel of Fortune.
On the other side is the famous "Coppa," or cup
of S. Zeno, with the following legend attached to
it : S. Zeno had freed a daughter of the Emperor
Gallienus from an evil spirit which possessed her.
The grateful father thereupon wished to present the
saint with a crown of gold, but S. Zeno refused this
and asked instead for a porphyry vase, which the demon,
exorcised from the maiden, was ordered to carry from
Rome to Verona. Crossing the Tiber the demon

271

The Story of Verona

dropped the pedestal and arrived at Verona with the
vase only. "Hie back," said S. Zeno, when the
demon appeared with only half his burden, " and bring
hither the other part as well." The order was obeyed,
and that, too, in one moment of time, and only the
crack in the vase bears witness to the small mishap
which befel the precious cup in its transit from Rome
to the place where it now stands.

The columns in the nave are of different sizes and
styles, and the capitals, most of them of pure Corin-
thian, are nearly all varied. The richness of origin-
ality and design shows to great advantage amidst the
simplicity which exists on every side, and the freedom
from an abundance of side-altars and — on the whole —
from tawdriness of ornaments and paper flowers adds
to the effect and dignity of the scene in a most grateful
manner. A fine side-altar is to be noticed on the
right going up the church, with four columns of red-
dish-brown marble all carved out of a single block, and
resting on a lion and an ox, and dating from the
fourteenth century. The walls are all of brick and
of that picturesque stone known as "tufo" which we
have had occasion to remark in nearly all the principal
buildings in Verona. This^tufo" must be cut from
the quarries in summer, when it hardens into such
solidarity as to make it well-nigh everlasting. Should
it be cut in winter its porous qualities remain and
assert themselves, and it perishes and crumbles away
in a short while. There can be little doubt that at
one time the walls were all covered with frescoes, and
even now many a one remains to testify to the piety
and art that marked the twelfth, thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries. Layard points this out in his valuable
work so often referred to in these pages. He says : ^
" Like other Italian cities, Verona possessed, from a
1 Layard, o/>. cit. Part I. p. 253.
272

San Zeno

very early period, and before the revival of the arts in
the thirteenth century, artists who decorated churches
and public buildings with rude wall-paintings. Such
early works are still to be seen in the ancient church

CHURCH OF S. ZENO, VERONA

of S. Zeno. They have no particular character or
style to distinguish them from other productions of a
similar kind." The balustrade that divides the nave
from the choir and that stands above the arches over
the crypt has on it a fine row of figures of our Lord
and the twelve Apostles, a work that probably belongs
s 273

The Story of Verona

to the end of the thirteenth century, or to even earlier
days.

The archways leading into the crypt are formed of
perfect semicircles (of Roman as opposed to Byzantine
shape) and contribute largely to the effect by which
this low-lying and generally concealed portion of the
church is brought into prominence. The pillars and
columns in the crypt support a vaulted roof, through
which some of them pierce into the choir above and
carry on here the work begun on the lower floor.
Some of these columns are very graceful, and would
almost seem like feathers rising from the blocks of
solid stone and masonry which are placed at limited
intervals about the crypt. The capitals of these
columns differ one from another ; here and there they
are quaint, not to say grotesque ; others again are
plain and classical, while one and all are in keeping
with their surroundings, and bear witness to the love
and skill that planned and placed them there. There
are frescoes too upon the walls and about the columns,
some very Byzantine in feeling and execution, some
approaching again to the Giottesque period. Several
saints and bishops are buried here — a solemn burial-
place, and fitting for those who were the first to toil
in the vineyard of souls at Verona, and whose earthly
remains now rest from their labours in the beautiful
crypt of S. Zeno. The sense of religion and devotion
is enhanced by hanging lamps which cast an uncertain
flickering light on the scene, and intensify the effect of
shadow and shade that is thrown by the " shafts of
shapely stone'' clustering on every side. In the
middle of the crypt stands the tomb of S. Zeno. The
body lies in a bronze coffin, a fine piece of modern
work by the brothers Spazzi (1889), guarded by
seated figures of Faith, Hope, Charity and Religion.
The whole is enclosed in the same kind of beautiful
274

San Zeno

iron work such as has already been noticed round the
tombs of the Scaligers, and. which was erected by
order of Mastino II. della Scala.

Coming up from the crypt to the choir, the great
picture by Andrea Mantegna hanging behind the high
altar claims a careful study. The painting is on wood,
in a lovely Renaissance frame which harmonises well
with the decorative architectural detail in the picture.
It was originally in six compartments, three above and
three below, but was carried off to Paris by Napoleon,
whence it was returned without the predella, which
remained in the Salon carre of the Louvre (the present
one at S. Zeno is a copy). The Blessed Virgin sits
enthroned in the centre, holding the Child in the
tender reverential manner to be found in the Bellini
school, and supported by angels and cherubs. A
lovely festoon of fruit and foliage is carried through
the upper three compartments, caught up with red
tassels, while the accessories of carpet, drapery, and
hangings are extremely rich and glowing. St Peter,
St Roch, St Paul, St John, and St Augustine are on
the left of the picture ; on the right are St John the
Baptist, St Gregory, St Lawrence, and St Benedict ;
all the figures possessed of dignity and individuality,
and expressing by their action or their attitude the
characteristic peculiar to each one of them. " The
Virgin is in a classic portico," says Mr Selwyn
Brinton, "adorned with bas-reliefs, with festoons of
fruit and coral. Eight robed child-angels of wonder-
ful beauty play lutes, and sing beneath and beside her
throne. She looks up, holding the beautiful Christ-
child poised upright on her left hand ; her expression
and attitude seem full of quiet dignity. A master-
piece of his (Mantegna's) earlier style." ^

The picture unfortunately is hung so high it is not
1 Selwyn Brinton, op. cit. p. 53.

275

The Story of Verona

easy to see, but a good view can be gained by clamber-
ing up the steps at the back of the altar where one is
more on a level with it.

In the choir are some old carved walnut seats of the
fourteenth century, and in an apse is a fresco of S.
Zeno with his right hand raised in blessing. He is
dressed in full episcopal robes, with a gorgeous dress
of red, edged with gold, and lined with green, and
with medallions of a particularly pretty shape studded
about it. On the right hand of the choir is a quaint
Giottesque fresco of St George, with his spear through
the dragon's head, while the Princess stands by with a
look which seems to imply that she would fain escape
from knight and dragon alike did she but know how.
St George's mantle flies in the breeze and reveals a
beautiful lining of ermine ; on his shield the Cross
stands boldly out on a field of red, in harmonious
keeping with the ermine-lined red cloak. The steed
stands quietly by, and shows no apparent concern at
the way in which his hind legs are encircled with
coils of the dragon's body. Another fresco close by
represents the raising of Lazarus, where most of the
spectators hold their noses, remembering evidently
Martha's caution as to the four days that her brother
had spent beneath the sod ! This fresco which is
Byzantine in character is supposed to date from the
eleventh century. Of the same, or maybe even an
earlier date is a statue of S. Zeno, where his face is
painted black (to remind us of his Eastern origin) and
having a fish attached to his pastoral rod, a token of
his profession as a fisher of souls.

Opening out from the church on the left hand
side are the cloisters, of striking and original beauty.
They were built in the twelfth century, and consist
of twisted columns of red Verona marble, cut from a
single block, and ingeniously held above and below by
276

277

San Zeno

short pieces of marble. These were not added for the
purpose but cut, together with the columns, out of the
one solid bit of marble which served to form the
whole. On the further side from the church the
arches open out into a square form of arcading, the
pillars here being larger than those of the actual
cloisters. They were supposed to have stood round
a sort of lavatory used probably by the monks either
for themselves or for the vessels they required for their
service.

Some fine tombs are placed here in the cloisters,
resting on brackets on the wall, and belonging to the
great families of Verona. There is a quaint saying as
to some of these families that lie buried here, and that
declares that they were : *' Bevilacqua, che mai la
bevero ; Conti Verita, che mai la dissero ; Conti
Giusti che mai lo furono." (Bevilacqua — or Drink-
water — who never drank it ; Counts Verita — or
Truth — -who never said it ; Counts Giusti — or Just —
who never were it.) This saying certainly speaks
better for the wit of the Veronese (which be it
observed is known to be pithy and cutting) than for
the manners of the gentry.

Here too is the tomb of Giuseppe, illegitimate son
of Alberto della Scala, whom his father made Abbot
of S. Zeno, and of whose appointment to that post
notice has already been made.^ Lana in his Com-
mentary on the Divina Commedia speaking of the
allusion made by Dante in the Purgatorio'^ to this
transaction says : " Messer Alberto della Scala, who
was aged had committed a great sin, in that he had
made his son Abbot of S. Zeno, who was unworthy
of such an episcopate ; firstly, because he was infirm in
the body ; secondly, that he was defective in mind as

1 In chapter vi.

2 Purgatorio, xviii. 124.

279

The Story of Verona

in body ; thirdly, that he was a natural son ; so that he
had these three great defects." ^

Before leaving the church, and its pleasant well-
informed custodian, one Lodovico Marchiori, whose
family have carried on that office for one hundred and
eighty-seven years, some attention must be given to the
campanile of S. Zeno, which is one of the finest in
Verona, if not in Italy. It was begun in 1045, and
finished in 11 78, and is a grand square tower sur-
mounted with a spire which has four corner turrets set
on a double row of arches. A quaint Latin inscription
on the north side of the belfry, and dating from the
beginning of the fifteenth century tells how there rests
here one Henry of Tearen, ^ whose only claim to
celebrity seems to have been that he was the husband
of Gertrude ! Who Gertrude was does not transpire,
but the evidence that even in those days a man could
be no more than the husband of his wife would seem
to imply that the " new woman " was not so much a
creation of these days as a continuation of a state of
things recognised centuries ago and worthy to be
recorded for all time.

To the left side of the fa9ade of S. Zeno rises a
square brick tower with forked battlements. This is
all that remains of the actual monastery that belonged
to the church, and within whose walls kings and
emperors had found hospitality when in days of old
they sojourned for a while in the fair city of Verona
la Degna.

1 La Di'vina Commedia, col commento di Jacopo della Lana,
Bologna, 1866, 3 vols. 8vo.

2 Hie reqviescat Heinricus de Tearen se maritus Gertrvdis.

280

CHAPTER XIII
Verona and its Crown of Castles

npHERE is another side of Verona to be studied
apart from that connected with her glorious
churches and other buildings. To wander through
the squares and streets, studying the battlements and
towers, and noting the outdoor existence, so to speak,
of the town is necessary to a thorough understanding
and enjoyment of the place. In this way we shall
realise the balconies which form so beautiful and
special a feature in the picturesque loveliness of the
town, and of which Ruskin speaks as follows :
" The chief city of Italy, as regards the strict effect
of the balcony, is Verona ; and if we were once to
lose ourselves among the sweet shadows of its lonely
streets, where the falling branches of the flowers
stream like fountains through the pierced traceries
of the marble, there is no saying whether we might
be able to return to our immediate work." ^

Nor must the doorways be overlooked, those
grand old arches of red Verona marble — generally
of Renaissance style — denoting the entrance to many a
noble palace, and often, alas ! being the only trace now
left of some once princely residence. The acquaint-
ance thus gained of the exterior of the town will lead
us on maybe to more outlying places, and tempt us to
make expeditions to some of the old castles which

^ Ruskin, op. cit. vol. ii. ch. vii. p. 248.

281

The Story ofVero?ia

stand around Verona. Of these castles mention will
only be made of those which still boast of standing
walls, or of ruins which are sufficiently imposing to be
worth a visit, and whose beauty or historic merit will
reward the trouble taken to reach them. Four of
such castles, Montorio, Illasi, Tregnano, Soave, stand
on the left bank of the Adige ; on the right bank the
castles — five in number — are Villafranca, Valeggio,
Nogarole, Sanguinetto, Sirmione.

There is little to be said about some of these castles
from an historic point of view. Their origin is lost
in the remote past ; and in cases such as those of
Montorio and Tregnano it can only be said that they
formed strong fortresses in the line of defence above
Verona, and were additional gems in the crown poised
above the city, and which contributed at once to her
beauty and security. Montorio would certainly seem
to have dated from the time of the Romans, were it
only for the amount of coins and inscriptions belonging
to that period which have been found there. Tregnano,
lying in the valley of Illasi, is of an older date, accord-
ing to Cipolla, than Soave, though of smaller propor-
tions. The chief point of interest yet remaining is a
grand old pentagonal tower. From this a wall branches
out which surrounds the castle and which has small
towers at intervals, all of a most simple form. More
than one fine castle stands in this same valley of
Illasi, but the best known is the one which takes its
name from the valley. It was presented to the
Scaligers by Pope Nicholas III., and, with the other
possessions of the della Scalas, shared the same fate
that made the lords of Milan, and of Padua, and the
Venetian Republic, owners in turn of their goods
and wealth. In the sixteenth century Illasi passed
into the hands of the Veronese patricians, the Counts
Pompei ; and their villas and houses form one of the
282

RUINS OF THE VILLA OF CATULLO

283

Verona and its Crown of Castles

chief features of the site, situated as they are at the
foot of the hill on which is perched the castle, and
from where Ruskin wrote the beautiful description of
the view obtained from here, and which is given in
chapter x., p. 229.

In 1885 Count Antonio Pompei, the last direct
descendant of this great family, died. These Counts
of Illasi, who had received their title from the
Venetian Republic early in the sixteenth century
(with the obligation of offering every year a wax
taper of the value of a ducat to the Church of St
Mark in Venice), received many and lasting honours
from other states and sovereigns. The Emperor
Charles V. conferred the rights of citizens of Milan
on them ; the same privilege with regard to the town
of Mantua was granted by Duke Ferdinand Charles ;
and Henry IV. allowed them to quarter the lilies of
France on their shield. This last Count of Illasi
(whose family is now merged in that of the Counts
Perez) was a worthy descendant of a long line of
jurisconsults, lawyers, writers, poets, ambassadors,
generals and knights. He was himself an archs-
ologist, and a writer too on such matters. He had
been present in his youth at the demolition of an old
wall of the Castle of Illasi, and on that occasion came
across a sad and undoubted evidence of a tragedy that
had occurred in his family many hundreds of years
previously. The skeleton of a woman was found in
this wall, heavily laden with chains, and the story
goes that it was certainly that of the Countess
Ginevra, the wife of Count Girolamo Pompei,
whose infidelity to her husband had been avenged
in this awful way. No hope of escape for the wife
whom he knew false ! No mercy for her who had
proved unfaithful ! Only the chains weighing heavily
on her young and lovely limbs ; the wall slowly closing

285

Tthe Story of Verona

in upon her ; the lingering death of agony and star-
vation; the remorse when alone she faced her doom; —
can a fate more terrible be imagined ? or a vengeance
more complete have been exacted ?

The last castle on the left bank of the Adige, that
of Soave, is without doubt the most interesting of all
these strongholds, and should certainly not be left
unvisited. The tramway which starts just outside
the Porta Vescovo takes one there in a good hour.
The journey lies through a flat country, fertile with
corn, maize, and vines, and leading up to the hills
which rise "on and always on" till they are lost in
the distant horizon. A short walk under an avenue
of " Paulownia Imperialis " leads to the old town,
which is girt with a circuit of brick battlemented
walls, perfect both as to condition and construction.
A grand double archway, on which is carved the
arms of the Scaligers, opens into the town, while at
its further end is a stone pathway which leads up a
steep incline to the castle perched on the top. The
position is splendid, overlooking miles of plain, and
bounded on the northern side by the heights of Monte
Lessini. The building takes us back in fancy to some
of our old Norman fortresses, for here too is the moat,
the drawbridge, the portcullis, and all that goes to
form a feudal stronghold. The moat though is now
dried up and overgrown with vegetation, and the walls
are of brick as opposed to stone, albeit of such beautiful
masonry as to arouse no sense of disparaging comparison.
Crossing the drawbridge under a grand archway with
the portcullis set in the brickwork, we gain the first
courtyard, which opens again through another doorway
into a second and inner courtyard. The banqueting
hall probably stood here of old, or it may be the
kitchen, to judge from the outline of a huge chimney
which can yet be traced clearly and which evidently
286

Verona and its Crown of Castles

once towered high up into the air. From here,
stooping low under a small archway, we come into an
enclosed square, not large as to circumference, but shut
in to the extent of some sixty feet in height. Prisoners
or criminals were thrown down into this hold, and those
who did not die of the shock or fall (and they would be
the exceptions) were left to linger till death released
them from their sufferings. A fine old well stands in
the last and inner courtyard, its edges worn away inside
with the marks of the ropes which for centuries have
performed their office of drawing water — and very
good water too — from the old well. On the ground
floor of this portion of the castle is a vaulted chamber
said to have been the guard-room, and from there a
narrow staircase leads up to the only part of the build-
ing that would be habitable did its owner choose to
live in it. The rooms, consisting of a bedroom, sitting-
room and dining-room, are kept though more for show
than for use ; and from the dining-room one passes
through a small anteroom up a narrow stone staircase
on to the battlements. An excellent view is had from
here of the castle itself, its turrets, inner courts, grass
slopes, and steep parapets, to the little town sheltering
in true feudal fashion at the foot of the castle. The
city walls are also clearly discernible from this height,
forming as they do an uninterrupted square of turreted
walls, each turret or tower equidistant from its neigh-
bour, and presenting as perfect an example of a mediaeval
stronghold as can well be seen anywhere. The good
woman who acts as " custode " has a ready story of
how the Scaligers who built and owned this fortress
existed long before the birth of Christ, and had indeed
inhabited it in those far-off ages. The real tale is that
the name of Soave came from a colony of Swabians
(Svevi or Suabi) who came into Italy, with Otho I.
of Germany, and settled there. It is also very pro-

287

The Story of Verona

bable that the Romans had once built on those heights
and laid the foundations of the citadel which the
Scaligers perfected in after times. Such an hypothesis
gains ground from the number of Roman coins, pins,
fibulae, inscriptions, stones, and so forth that have
been found in and around Soave, and that are all col-
lected and kept in the old castle. Its present state
of preservation is owing to the Senator Camuzzoni,
whose one thought and care has been to restore the
castle on its original lines and guard it intact from injury
or decay.

Soave is also celebrated for an excellent white wine
which hails from there ; by no means feeble as to
character, and as famous in its way as its red neigh-
bour from the Val Policella. Another white wine,
also very good, is made at Soave, called Vino Santo.
This however is sweet, and commends itself more as
a liqueur than as a beverage. The little town too is
full of interest, and many an hour might be whiled
away in this mediaeval hamlet did the castles lying on
the right bank of the Adige not claim a passing notice
in their turn.

The first of these in geographical order is the castle
of Villafranca Veronese, so called to distinguish it from
the other seven and twenty Villafrancas which are said
to lie scattered over the face of the globe. It lies
between Verona and Mantua, and owes its fame in
modern days to the peace signed here, 12th July 1859,
between the Emperors of Austria and France, when
Lombardy was ceded to Italy, and a very forward step
taken in the events which culminated in Italian unity
and independence. The cause that led originally to
the erection of the fortress was as follows ; — The
Veronese had built a castle at Ostiglia on the Po,
a castle that was of all-important moment to them from
a military and commercial point of view. The fre-
288

289

Verona and Its Crovon of Castles

quent inundations of the river had damaged the fort,
and the Veronese saw fit to repair it. The inhabitants
of Mantua were annoyed that this frontier town should
be put into a condition to resist their incursions, and
they determined to molest the works, or if possible
to prevent them altogether. This resolution annoyed
the Veronese not a little. The Mantuans however
persisted, and finally both parties resorted to arms.
The Veronese were victors in the fight ; but the
Mantuans only prepared for further action, and resolved
on being revenged. To guard against any surprises
the Veronese set to work to erect a fort in an advanced
and advantageous spot, and chose Villafranca for the
purpose. The works were at once begun; in 1202
the castle was finished, and a good body of soldiers
were placed in it to guard against any attack or invasion
from the south. The walls and bastions are of remark-
able solidity and thickness, and the fortress of Villafranca
may certainly rank as one of the strongest and most
imposing to be seen in Italy. The sole object of its
erection was for defence, and it has fulfilled its purpose
absolutely. Scenes of violence, of siege, and of fire
have occurred within its walls, but no tales of love or
romance, which for the most part lighten the story of
many a gloomy massive pile, are forthcoming from the
sombre stronghold of Villafranca. It was closely
besieged in 1233 by Ezzelino da Romano, when
several Guelph leaders from Verona and the neigh-
bourhood defended it. The people of Mantua at that
epoch supported the Guelph faction and took the part
of Riccardo da Sambonifacio against the Ghibellines.
To strengthen themselves against these incursions of
the Mantuans, the people of Verona aided their Podesta
Enrico d'Egna to add to the fortress of Villafranca,
and a massive tower (such as is to be seen in wellnigh
every mediaeval fortress of importance) was built,

391

The Story of Verona

together with a moat. The love of building possessed
to such a remarkable degree by the Scaligers was
brought into play by them at Villafranca ; and Mastino
II. wishing to protect himself still further against
Mantua, began the erection of the great wall known
as the " Serraglio," and leading from Villafranca
towards the enemy's territory. The outbreak of a
pestilence in Verona in 1349 (the very year in which
the "Serraglio" was begun) stopped the work, which
was finished under Cangrande II., the son and successor
of Mastino II. This stupendous work, consisting of
towers at stated intervals with ditches and moats behind
which to shelter the peasants with their flocks and
herds, brought Villafranca almost into touch with
Valeggio (another castle soon to be mentioned) and
acted as a mighty rampart between the territory
belonging to Verona, and that owned by the lords
of Mantua.

In 1 404 the inhabitants of Mantua took refuge
within the fortress of Villafranca to protect themselves
against the forces of Galeazzo Gonzaga, who was
determined to become lord of Mantua, and whose
rule met with bitter opposition. The men of Mantua
set fire to their houses and fled with their wives and
children and chattels to the rock of Villafranca.
Gonzaga irritated at this opposition resolved to quell
it and assaulted the fort with violence. In vain he
tried every artifice that strength and ingenuity could
suggest. His forces were driven back at every point.
He lost heavily, and retired at length after three days of
uninterrupted attack to Vigasio, resolved to return with
renewed forces and take vengeance on the bold de-
fenders of their homes and hearths. Other sieges took
place at Villafranca often and again in the course of
the fifteenth century, but neither then nor in later
times were its strongholds or towers destroyed by foe
292

Verona and its Croivn of Castles

or fire, and it stands to this day a marvel of strength
and resistance, its sternness softened by the nursery
gardens kept within its courtyards where the grace and
beauty of vegetable life contrast in soft and gentle
harmony with the solidity and masonic craft of by-
gone ages.

At a distance of five miles from Villafranca is the
castle of Valeggio on the banks of the Mincio. It
was either built or rebuilt by Cangrande II. della Scala,
and may very probably have been set up by that prince
as the complement to the great wall of the ** Serraglio "
which was finished during his reign. It boasts a
number of subterranean passages, vaults, and dungeons,
and together with Borghetto, which stands on the
opposite height, occupies an important military position,
commanding the passage of the Mincio. The view
from the castle terrace is not only grand, but full of
interest and association for every lover of Italian
history and of Italian independence. On one side is
to be seen a stately old square tower, which stands
above the memorable field of Solferino. On another
side is the Tower of San Martino, and again to the
West rises high in the distance the column that marks
where the bones of the dead were laid to rest after the
" day of pride and sorrow " of Custozza. Valeggio is
celebrated too for the marvellous stone bridge con-
structed by Gian Galeazzo Visconti, duke of Milan at
the close of the fourteenth century to strengthen himself
against Francesco Gonzaga, lord of Mantua. To
relate all the intrigues and quarrels which led to the
erection of this bridge over the Mincio would be out
of place here ; suffice it to say that it was laid on a
Roman substructure, and had high gateways with towers
at each end, while the arches of the bridge spanned the
river. Only one arch remains now, but the ruin shows
what a colossal work it was, worthy even in its decay

293

The Story of Verona

of the titles of " famous," " gigantic," ** most noble,"
and " magnificent " that have been lavished on it by
different writers. The ulterior purpose of the bridge
is yet a matter of discussion, and historians are still at
variance as to whether Gian Galeazzo built the bridge
with the intent to alter the course of the river, or to
raise for himself a causeway into the Veronese territory.

History and tradition have alike little to say about
Nogarole, beyond the fact that it was built by Mastino
II. della Scala against the Mantuans. The old castle,
situated at no great distance from Villafranca, no doubt
derived its name at some time or other from the family
of Nogarola, a family which figured so often and so
honourably in the story of Verona, and of whom the
last remaining member died only a few years ago.

Sanguinetto is one of the few castles under discus-
sion that has no associations with the great house of
the Scaligers beyond the fact that Bartolomeo and
Antonio della Scala gave over the castle in 1376 to
their general Jacopo del Verme. It has, in common
with all the villages and towns in the province of
Verona, many and evident traces of Roman life and
habits. The castle was the scene of much fighting in
the Middle Ages, and that it was used also as prison
is clearly proved by the discovery made there some
fifty years ago of a skeleton in armour which was found
enclosed in the walls. The grand old castle was
sadly damaged in 180c, and what has escaped the
ravages of time and the destroying hand of man is now
preserved with care by the municipality, and used for
public offices.

It only remains now to speak of Sirmione, the most
interesting perhaps after Soave, of the sites around
Verona, and which the traveller should on no account
omit to visit. The Peninsula of Sirmione on the
Lake of Garda was famed in Roman times, and is a
294

Verona and its Croivn of Castles

spot whose praises have been sung by bards in all ages
and tongues. Covered with olive and bay trees it
would seem to invite poets to inhabit its groves, and
to chant of the soft balmy air that floats round its
shores. Hills and gentle slopes alternate with the
level swards on which villages and villas are dotted at
intervals, bringing life and movement to the scene and
imparting a spirit of animation to this otherwise
secluded spot. In the days of the Romans it was
prosperous and active. They surrounded it with walls
and entered it on their maps as a strategical point,
possessing besides a secure camp and a strong station.
There were also many luxurious villas here inhabited
by nobles of wealth and position, among them being
the one owned by Catullus's father, a man whose
fortune allowed of his entertaining Julius Cassar, and
whose habitation at the northern extremity of the
peninsula must have been splendid judging from the
ruins which are pointed out to this day as those of the
Grotto of Catullus.

One of the chief objects that catches the eye on
alighting at the southern end is the castle of the
Scaligers. Their heraldic badge of the ladder (scala)
is on the door, and the manifestation of their might
and power is alike visible in the great wall which
surrounds the castle, and which fortifies it on the side
sloping down to the lake as well as on the land side.
A moat runs below this outer wall, and in front of
the chief entrance are evidences of a drawbridge which
must once have stood there. The entrance has two
approaches, one by which carriages and wheeled
vehicles could pass, the other for foot passengers.
The actual plan of the castle is a quadrangle, but
there are inner walls and courtyards of different heights
and elevations, and towers at stated distances break
up the effect of evenness presented to the eye, and

295

The Story of Verona

result in a picturesque and formidable-looking citadel.
The castle had three entrances, two by land, and one
on to the lake, both those by land being approached
by drawbridges. The interior of the castle was
formed of two divisions, and the masonry of these
courts is as perfect as it can be, and fit to be com-
pared with the finest and best Roman work.

" Out upon Time I who for ever will leave
But enough of the Past for the Future to grieve ! "

These walls are now in ruin ; decay is over a building
which would seem to have once defied even Time
itself; the owl and the bat haunt the chambers that
rang with mirth and joyaunce when " high dames and
mighty earls " held court there, and when the chase
and the dance followed each other in quick succession,
and all seemed made for merriment and happiness.

There was prosperity for the inhabitants of the
land in the Scaligers' time, but there was sorrow
and mourning too, for the lords of Verona were not
always mild rulers, and any opposition to their ideas
or wishes was apt to meet with a severity of the
harshest kind. Such was the case when the sect
known as the Patarins (Patarini, or Catari) set up
their religious tenets against those of their liege lords.
These tenets (which the historians of Sirmione confess
frankly have never met with an exponent who has
clearly revealed them) appear to have resembled in
some way the doctrines of the Manchaeans. They
were persecuted, outlawed, and burnt by popes, em-
perors, and kings. Their courage, or (as their
enemies called it) their audacity, made them assert
themselves again and again, and, when possible, turn
the arm of persecution on their persecutors. They
had however need of some spot where they could be
safe from their foes, and Sirmione seemed tp them
206

Verona and its Croijon of Castles

a haven where they could retire and pursue their
worship unmolested. They reckoned without their
host. Mastino I. della Scala, then lord of Verona,
and consequently of Sirmione as well, was made aware
of the heresy which infected his lands, and which was
spreading rapidly round his castle. A commission
was formed to inquire into the evil, and to extirpate
it if possible. Remonstrance however failed to do
much, though a few acknowledged the error of their
ways, and were received afresh into the true fold
with many injunctions and admonitions, all, we are
told, of a most benign and fatherly nature. We can
hardly say as much for the punishment meted out to
the obdurate. They were condemned to be burnt to
death, and no less than a hundred (some say i 50, and
some 75) men and women were brought to Verona
and there suffered at the stake in the Arena (1276).
Mastino's zeal met with a handsome recompense, for
the Pope, Nicholas III., bestowed on him the castle
of Illasi with its feudal rights and privileges.

It is not stated definitely if Dante visited Sirmione,
but his knowledge of the country around, of the
Benaco, and so forth, may be taken as evidence that
he had been there, and spoke of these places from his
personal knowledge of them.

Sirmione followed the fortunes of Verona. After
the fall of the Scaligers (all of whom were liberal and
generous patrons of the place), it became subject to
the Visconti, then to the Carraresi, and finally it came
under the rule of the Venetian Republic.

Its condition for many years was that of extreme
poverty and misery. A few fishermen carried on a
hard and unprofitable trade ; no travellers halted at a
spot that boasted only bad accommodation ; and the
outlook for a while was deplorable. All that how-
ever is now changed. The discovery of some hot

297

The Story of Verona

sulphur springs has brought doctors and strangers in
abundance to the place. Baths and hotels are already
set up, and though the quiet, picturesque past is
threatened with an overflow of modern buildings,
fashions, and elegance (so-called), let us hope that
the inhabitants at all events will profit by these inno-
vations, even if the artist and archaeologist may sigh
over them.

?oS

CHAPTER XIV
Plan for seeing the Toison — Hotels

npHE length of a traveller's sojourn in Verona is
generally a short one, and the outside of his
visit is at the most from three to four days. The
time is short for seeing and understanding the town,
and the following plan is sketched out so as to include
the principal sights and to lay before the passer-by as
good an idea as can be had in a limited time of the
chief centres of interest in Verona: —

(i) The Church of Sant' Anastasia, beside which
stands the famous tomb of Guglielmo da
Castelbarco (p. i6o, etc.) ; along the Via Liceo
and down the Via Duomo to the Duomo ;
S. Giovanni in Fonte ; the Vescovado, and by
by-ways to the Piazza delle Erbe (which can
never be seen too often) into the Piazza dei
Signori, or Piazza Dante, to the tombs of the
Scaligers and the little Church of Sta. Maria
Antica (chapters vii. and viii.).

(2) Through the Piazza delle Erbe, down the Via
Cappello and the Via S. Sebastiano, etc., to the
Church of S. Fermo. Then across the Adige
by the Ponte delle Navi to the Museo Civico, or
Picture Gallery (chapter ix.).

(3) By the Corso Cavour (see St Eufemia, Porta dei
Borsari, and Castel Vecchio on the way — chapter

299

The Story of Verona

xi.) to the Church of S. Zeno (chapter xii.),
and from there to S. Bernardino, driving round
through the Porta Palio and Porta Nuova to
the Arena (chapter ii.).

(4) Across the Ponte di Pietra to the chief churches
on the other side of the Adige, S. Giorgio in
Braida ; S. Stefano, Sta. Maria in Organo ; and,
if time allows of it, a visit to the Giardino Giusti
(chapter x.).

A delightful ex]:)edition, occupying a good four
hours, can be had by tram or carriage, to Soave,
but a little walking is required to go right up to the
Castle of the Scaligers, perched above the old walled-
in town (chapter xiii.).

The best hotel in Verona is the Hotel de Londres,
also known as that of the Deux Tours. Part of the
building is said to have once formed part of the Palace
of the Scaligers, a statement that may well be the case,
given its position and proximity to the house once
inhabited by the lords of Verona. Here too is a
good guide, one Illuminato Veronesi, who speaks
English and knows his Verona well.

The Hotel S. Lorenzo is pleasantly placed near
the banks of the Adige. The Hotel Colomba d'Oro
stands in the Via Colomba, and is not far from the
Piazza Vittorio Emanuele and the Arena.

300

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303

INDEX

" acqua morta," 230.

Adalbert, 48.

Adelaide of Burgundy, 48.

Adelchi, 44.

Adige, I, 8, 10, 14, 17 et seq., 57

94, 209, 229, 230, 257.
Adrian I., Pope, 44.
iEMiLiAN Way, 9.
Agatha, St, 156.
Agilulf, Duke of Turin, 17.

AlARIC, II.

Alboin, 16, 175.

Aleardi, Aleardo, 134, 255.

Alexander III., Pope, 54.

IV., Pope, 60.

Alfonso of Aragon, 139.
Alighieki Chapel, 207.

Dante, see Dante.

Francesco, 208.

Alps, 229.
Alsuinda, 17.

Altichiero, 135, 136, 166, 187.
Ambrose, St, 13.
Amedeus of Savoy, 40, 123.
Ampere, Voyage Dantesgue, 130.
Amphitheatre, see Arena.
Andrea del Sarto, 210.
Annone, St, 156.

Anolino, 28.
Apennines, 229.
Aquileja, 8, II, 13.

Patriarch of, 13.

Arche degli Scaligeri, 198.
Arco de' Gavi, 41, 127, 165, 208.

de' Leoni, 200.

Arcole, 120.

Arena, 3, 9, 23 et seq., 263, 295,

298.
Armanni, Vincenzo, 226.
Arrivabene, 74.
ashburnham library, 133.

AtTILA, 12.

Augustolo, 14.

Autari, King of the Lombards, 17.
AvALOS, Inigo d', 139.
Avanzo, Jacopo d', 135, 136.
Avogadri, family, 54.
Azzo, Giovanni d', loi.

Badile, Antonio, 14
213, 224,

Giovanni, 140.

Balestra, 233.
Barbarians, 3, 9, 11.
Barbaro, family, 68.
Zaccaria, 185.

Bassano, 73, 87.
Battista del Moro, 208.
Beauharnais, Eugene de, 121.
Bellini, Gian, 145, 157.

Jacopo, 220.

Belluno, 59, 61, 68, 73, 87, 88,

90.
Benaglio, Francesco, 140.

Girolamo, 140, 220, 258.

Benedict XL, Pope, 90, 128.
Benedictines, 203.
Berengarius I., 29, 47, 175, 238.

II., 48.

Berenson, Mr, 237.
Bergamo, 90.
Bertranda, 154.
Bestiarii, 26.
Bevilacqua, family, 277.

Guglielmo, loi.

Biadego, Cav. Giuseppe, 69, 72,

73-
Biancardo, Ugolotto, 104.
Biblioteca Capitolare, 132, 158,

Comunale, 199.

Blondeau, 42.
Boccaccio, 73, 130.
Bologna, 58.
BoNACCOLSi, Passerino, 84.

Index

BONACCORSO DEL PaLU, 6i.

BoNiFAZio, the Elder, 147, 213.

BONINO DA CaMPIGLIONE, I91.

BoNSiGNORi, Francesco, 140, 144,

145, 166, 207, 213, 224.
BoNViciNO, Alessandro di Brescia,

" il Moretto," 246.
BoRDONi, Giulio Cesare, 134.

BORGHETTO, 291.

Di Valeggio, 115.

BORGHI, 263.

Botanical Gardens, 185.
Bourbon, House of, 118, 119.
Brandenburg, Knights of, 94, 172,
257-

Marquis of, 93.

Brenta, 88.
Brentana, 23^.
Brenzoni, family, 204.

Brera, Gallery at Milan, 140, 143.
Brescello, 16.
Brescia, 10, 57, 88, 90.
Brinton, Selwyn, 136, 139, 146,

156, 207, 214, 275.
Brioletto, 269.
Brusasorci, Domenico Riccio

detto, 140, 147, 148, 157, 207,

219, 224, 233, 234, 237, 245, 246,

249, 250, 251, 257.

Felice, 148, 156, 159, 169.

246.

Brussels, Treaty of, 110.
" Buffalo Bill," 42.
Buonconvento, 81.

Cacciaguida, 70, 129, 130.

Cadoke, 90.

C^SAR, Augustus, 23.

Julius, 24, 295.

Tiberius, 25.

Cagliari, Gabriel, 163.

P., see Veronese, Paolo.

Calceolari, Francesco, 208.
Cambray, League of, 106.
Campagna, Girolamo, 187.
Camuzzoni, Senator, 288.
Cannae, battle of, 4.
Canossa, Bishop Lodovico, 155.

Cardinal, Marquis, Bishop

of Verona, 40.

Capelli, Pietro Paolo de', 136.
Cappelletti, family, 55.
Capua, 23

306

Capulet, family, 199, 249, 264.
Carceri, Pulcinella della, 66.
Carlotti. Marchese, 118, 119.
Caroto, Gian Francesco, 140, 145-

147, 160, 165, 204, 213, 219, 221,

246, 24p, 251, 258.

Giovanni, 146, 157.

Carraka, House of, 102-104, 297.

Francesco da, 104, 105.

Giacomo da, 73, 77,

Jacopo da, 105.

Marsilio da, 88, 89,

Taddea da, wife of Mastino

II. della Scala, 90, 169, 191.
Casa DEI Mazzanti, 176.

Mercanti, 69, 176.

Cassius, or Catius Severus, 127.

Castelbarco, family, 69.

Guglielmo da, 73, 160, 169,

203, 204.
Castel d'Arco, 68.

S. Felice, 242.
S. Pietro, 242.
Vecchio, 94, 257, 258, 299.

Catania, 156,
Cattanko Danese, 133, 164.
Catullus, 124, 187, 295.
Cavalli, Alberto, 176.

family, 166.

Federigo, 166.

Cavalcani-Bandi, 250.
Cavazzola, Paolo Morando, detto,

140, 143, 144, 214, 220, 224, 233,
^234-
Celts, 2.

Centrago, family, 165.
Charlemange, 43, 44, 127.
Charles Albert, 122.
Charles, King of Bohemia, 90.

v.. Emperor, 114, 147, 285.

VII., Emperor, 34.

Edward, the young Pre-
tender, 159.
Chiara, Sta.,259.
Chioggia, 54, 88.
Christians, 13.
Churches —

St Anastasia, 108, 135, 160-170,
299.

S. Bernardino, 145, 258, 259, 300.

of the Cappucines, 264.

Duomo, no, 150-156, 299.

St Elena, 159.

St Eufemia, 250, 251, 299.

S. Fermo Maggiore, 29, 73, 135,
145, 146, 170, 200, 299.

S. Fermo Minore, 195.

Index

CnvRCiiKS— continued.
S. Giacomo, 222.
S. Giovanni in Foro, 251.

in Valle, 237, 238.

S. Giorgio in Braida, or Maggiore,

141, 245, 246, 300.
S. Lorenzo, 256.
Sta. Maria Antica, 83, 188, 299.

degli Angeii, 259

Matricolare, 150, 157.

in Organo, 140, 230-237

300.

della Scala, 73.

SS. Nazzaro e Celso, 222-224.
S. Paolo, 145.

di Campo Marte, 222.

S. Peter Martyr, 94, 171, 172.

S. Pietro in Cattedra, 159.

S. Procolo, 44.

S. Sebastiano, 200.

SS. Siro e Libera, 241.

S. Stefano, 242, 245, 300.

Sta. Teuteria, 255.

S. Thomas of Canterbury, 146,

224.
S. Trinitk, 259.

S. Zeno Maggiore, 15, 19, 55, 61,
i53i 157- 267-280, 300.

• in Monte, 226.

Cicero, 124.

CiMA DA CONEGLIANO, 219.

CiMBRi, Invasion of, 2-4.
CiPOLLAs Carlo, 65, 70, 81, 83, 130,
241.

CiVIDALE, 73, 90.

Claudius IL, 9.

Clement Vn., Pope, 147.

Coliseum, 23, 27.

CoLLE DI San Pietro, i, 15, 44,

241.
Column, Venetian, in Piazza delle

Erbe, 113, 175.
Communes in Italy, 51 et seg.,

62.
Conrad, son of Emperor Frederick

11,61.
Conradin of Swabia, 66.
CoNSiGLio, Palazzo del, 133.
Constance, daughter of Conrad

IV., 69.
daughter of Matteo Visconti,

70.
CoNSTANTiNE, Empcror, 9, 10.

CONVITO, 130.

coreggio, 230.
Cornelius Nepos, 124, 187.
CoRREGGio, Azzone di, 93.

CoRso Cavour, 252.

Porta Borsari, 250, 251.

Cozone, Judge, 54.

Cremona, 66.

Cristiani, Romeo, 172.

Crivelli, Carlo, 219.

Crowe and Cavalcaselle, 136,

145, 147, 204, 219.
cunimund, 16.
"Curia," 69.

CURTONI, 263.
CUSTOZZA, 39, 293.

Dandolo, Francesco, 89.
Dante, 40, 55, 61, 62, 70, 72, 77,

78, 82, 83, 128-131, 159, 178, 186,

230, 263, 264, 297.
Decius, 8.
Della Torre, 172.

family, 207.

Girolamo, 207.

Desideria, 43.
Desiderius, King, 43.
Diocletian, 13, 27.
Divine Comedy, 130, 279.
Dominicans, 160, 226.
Dresden, 144, 146.
DussAiMi, family, 171.

Egna, Enrico d', 289.

Elizabeth of Austria, wife of

Cangrande II. della Scala, 93.
Elmicho, 16.

Entragues, Count d', 116, 118.
"Epistola," 128, 129.
Erbe, see "Piazza."
Ermelinda, wife of Duke Lupone,

230.
Ermengarda, 154.
Este, 68, 88.

Azzo VI., 55.

Azzo d', 261.

Bonifazio d', 56.

Leonello d', 139.

Marquis of, 58.

Obizzo d', 69.

Etruscans, 2, 23.

Eudonius, 14.

Euganeans, 2.

Euprepio, St, 12.

Ezzelino da Romano, 230, 291

Index

Falconetto, Giovanni Maria,
io8, 148, 156, 157, 159, 172, 224.

Famagosta, fortress of, 114.

Fakinato, Paolo, 148, 149, 157,
209, 222, 224, 225, 233, 245.

Fazio degli Uberti, 78.

Feltre, 59, 61, 68, 73, 87, 88, 90.

Ferdinand Charles, Duke, 283.

Ferrara, 57.

Ferreto of Vicenza, 73, 83.

FiDENA, 25.

Flambert, 47.
Flaminian Way, 9.
Flaminius, 8.
Flavians, 8.
Florence, 88, 145, 147,
Fracastoro, Aventino, 1B7, 200.

Girolamo, 133.

Francia (Raibolini, Francesco),

Francis I., of France, no, 114.

I., Emperor, 37.

Francis, St, 259.
Franciscans, 203, 258, 259.
Frankfort, 145, 146.
Franks in North Italy, 43.
Frederick Barbarossa, 52, 230.

II., Emperor, 57, 59.

Frederick of Austria, 67.
Fregoso, family, 163.
Friola, 60.
Frisingen, Otto von, 52.

Galla Placidia, 245.
Gallatti, 42.

Gallienus, Emperor, 7, 9, 271.
Galvani, 30.

Garda, lake of, 9, 131, 136, 209.
Garibaldo, Duke of Bavaria 17.
Garofalo, 213.
Gattamelata, 106, 147.
Gauls, 2, 3.
Gavi, family, 41, 188.
Gazzata, Sagacio Mazio, 74, 83.
Gazzola, family, 115.
"Generoso," 27.
Gentile da Fabriano, 136.
George, St, 192.
Germany, 7, 8, 11, 14, 16, 51, 94.
Ghiarraddada, battle of, 107.
Ghibellines in Verona, 55, 56,
58, 60, 80.

Ghirlandajo, 145.
Giambattista da Verona, 155,

GlARDINO GlUSTI, 225, 226, 300.

Gilbert, Duke of Verona, 17.
GiocONDO, Fra, 133, 160, 187, 249.
Giolfino, Niccol6, 148, 169, 213,

221, 233, 237, 245, 252, 258.

Paolo, 148.

Giorgione (Giorgio Barbarelli),

146, 147.
Giotto, 74, 83, 135, 166, 172, 1S6,

204.
Giovanni, Fra, da Schio, 57, 58.

da Verona, 234.

Girolamo dai Libri, 140, 143, 144,

165, 176, 213, 219, 222, 224, 246.
Giuno Romano, 155, 176.
GiusTi, family, 279.
GoNZAGA, House of, 88, 93, 114,

144.

Cecilia, 139.

Galeazzo, 292.

Gian Francesco, 139, 293.

Gothic Rule in Verona, 14, 15.
Goths, 16.

Gradenigo, Giuseppe, 118.
Greeks in Verona, 15.
Gregory VII., Pope, 51.
Grotto of S. Nazzaro, 223.
GuARiNO de' Guarini, 133.
Guelphs in Verona, 54, 55, 58,

65,80.
Guercino, 233.
GuiDO Di Castel di Reggio, 77.

Duke of Spoleto, 47.

Guinicello de' Principi, 171.
GusMAN, Daniele, 203, 204.

Hav^tkwood, John, loi.
Henry IV., of France (his armour
in Venice), 118, 119.

of France, 283.

Emperor, 51.

VII., Emperor, 81.

Hotels, 300.

Hugh, Duke of Provence, 48.

Hungarians, 13.

Huns, 12.

Humbert of Savoy, 40, 123.

308

Illasi, 8, 280, 297.
Counts of, 282, 286.

Index

Inferno, 130. 131, 263.
Innsbruck, 8.

ISOTTA DEGLI AtTI, 139.

John, Archduke of Austria, 37.
Joseph II., Emperor, 34.
Juliet, 71, 199, 264.

Lallement, M., 116, 118.
Lamberti, Tower of, 176, 177.
Lanzi, 147.

Las Casas. Chevalier de, n6.
Lautrec, General, no.
Lavagnoli, family, 169, 250.
Layard, Sir A. Henry, 149, 204,

220, 233, 259, 272.
Le Chiuse di Susa, 43.
Legnano, 54, 122.
Lendinara, Cosirao da, 66.
Leo, St, 12.

Leonardo da Vinci, 146.
Libera, Sta., 241.
Liberale da Verona, 140, 143-

148, 156, 160, 165, 166, 176, 207,

219, 220.
Library of St Bernardino, 259.
"LiBRo d'Oro" (of Venice), 118,

119.
"LiLLE, Comte de," in Verona,

114-120.
Lion of St Mark, no.
LivY, 229.

Lombard League, 53, 57.
Lombards or Longobards, 16, 17,

43-
Lombard-Veneto Kingdom, 121.
lombardy, 59, 84.
longinus, 17.
Louis of Bavaria, 74, 82.

France, 44.

XI.. Emperor, 128.

XVIII., j^<"Lille,Comtede."

St, 192.

Louvre, 275.
Lucca, 23, 78, 88, 90.
LUCILLO, St, 12.
Lucius III., Pope, 160.
LuiNi, 145.
Luneville, peace of, 121.

LUNGADIGE PaNVINIO, 250.

LuPONE, Duke, 230.

Macer, iEmilius, 124.

Maffei, Marchese Scipione, 12,

41, 133, 134, 187, 266.
Malaspina, 30, 31, ■

Spinetta, 78.

Malatesta, Sigismondo Pandolfo,

139-
Maldura Gallery, at Padua,

145.
Mantegna, Andrea, 143, 145, 148,

164, 230, 255, 275.
Mantua, 57, 58, 67, 68, 114, 122,

144, 145, 288, 291.
" Marani," faction of, 108.
Marchiori, Lodovico, 280.
Maria, Sta. Consolatrice, 156.
Marioni, family, 68.
Martin, St, 192.
Martini, 209.
Martino da Verona, 221.
Marzagaia, 132.
Masaccio, 145.
Massimianus, 27.
Matilda, Countess of Tuscany,

51-
Matteo da Orgiano, 132.
Maxentius, 9.
Maximilian I., Emperor, 107, 108,

no.
Michele da Verona, 147.
MiNiscALCHi, family, 169.
Milan, 9, 13, 61, loi.
MiLO, Count of Verona, 48.
MiNCIO, 291.
MocENiGO, Alvise, 116.
MocETTO, Girolamo, 237.
MoDENA, n, 57, 88, 145, 146.
Monga, Cav. Andrea, 238.
MoNKHOUSE, Cosmo, 144.
Monselice, 73.
MoNTAGNA, Bartolomeo, 223.
Montague, 59.
Monte Oliveto, Monks of, 230,

234. 259- , .,
Montecchi, family, 55, 59, 263,

264.
Montorio, 282.
MoRANDO, see Cavazzola.
Mordino, M., 118.

MORELLI, 136, 145, 147) 148, 208.

Moro, Antonio, 213.

MoRONE, Domenico, detto " Pela-

cani," 140, 259.
MoRONE, Francesco, 14°. i45. 146,

156, 165, 166, 219, 220, 233,234,258.

Index

MOSCARDO, 133.

" MULETTA, la," 233.

Municipal Gallery, or " Museo
Civico," 137, 139. 143. 145-

"MURAGLIONI," 18, 230.
MUSELLI, 133.

Museo Lapidario, 176, 265.
MussATO, Albertino, 73, 77, 83.

Napoleon I., the Great, 35-37.

115, 120, 121, 155, 275-
Napoleon III., Emperor, 38, 122..
Narses, 16.
Nassau, Prince of, 115.
National Gallery ok London,

140, 143, 144' 145, 146. .
Neudeck, George of. Bishop of

Trent, 108.
NiccoLo DA Verona, 159.
Nicholas III., Pope, 282, 297.

NiCOLAUS, 268.
NiEBUHR, 159.

NoGAROLA, Antonio, 67, 190.

Bailardino, 82.

Castle of, 280, 294.

family, 30, 31, 69.

NovARA, battle of, 122.

Odoacer, 14.

Ognibene, Bishop, 54, 160,

Olibrius, Emperor, 245.

Oliver, 44, 154.

Orbetto, 207.

Ordelaffi, Guglielmo degli, 101.

Orfanotrofio, Garden of, 264.

Oriolo, Giovanni, 140.

OssA, Guglielmo dell', 178.

OSTIGLIA, 33, 82, 288.

Otho I., Emperor, 48, 267, 287.

II., Emperor, 48.

Ottolini, 133.
Ovid, 124.

Padua, 8, 57, 59, 61, 69, 73i 87-

loi, 146, 229.
Palaces—

Barbarani, 224.

della Banca Nazionale, 255.

Bevilacqua, 256.

FAi^ACES—amtinued —

Canossa, 257.

Carlotti, 255.

Del Consiglio, 187.

Gazzola, 115, 264.

Giusti, 225.

della Gran Guardia Vecchia,
263.

of the Judges, 188.

Miniscalchi, i6c.

Pompei, 209.

Portalupi, 257.

Pozzoni, 255.

della Ragione, 178.

Ridolfi, 147.

of the Scaligers, 300.

Trezza (once Maffei). 176.

Tiibunalizio, 181, 188.
Pal/EOLOGUS, Johannes, 139.
Palladio, Valerius, 176.
"Pallio" RACE, 130, 261.
"Pallone," game of, 37. _
Panteo, Giovanni Antonio, 133.
Panvinio, Onofrio, 41, 133.
Paquara, Peace of, 57.
PAques V^ronaises, les, 175, 181.
Paradiso, 70, 74, 84, 128, 129,

130.
Parma, 57, 68, 88, 90.
Pastrengo, Guglielmo da, 131,

132.
♦* Patarani," or Patarins, 30, 296.
Paul, the Deacon, 17.
Pavia, 67, 150.
Pellegrini Chapel, 258.

family, 133, 166.

Margherita, 258.

Pepin I., 43.

II., 44. 175. 267.

Perino of Milan, 191.
Perez, Counts of, 285.
Perugino, 209, 213.
Peschiera, 122.
Peter, St, 12, 26.
Petrarch, 74, 77, 131, 158, 230,
Philharmonic Theatre, 265.
Philip the Younger, 8.
Philippi, battle of, 7.
Piacenza, 66.
Piazza—

S.S. Apostoli, 255.

Bra, or Vittorio Emanuele, 34,
265.

delle Erbe, 98, 172-176, 299.

Indipendenza, 198.

S. Micheletto, 255.

dei Signori, or Dante, 178, 299.

Index

Picci, Giuseppe, 80.

Picture Gallery, 209-221, 299.

Piedmont Kingdom, 122.

PlEDMONTESE FORCES IN ItALY,
117, 122.

Pier della Vigna, 61.

PiGOZZI, 67.

Pindemonte, House of, 133.

Marchese, 42.

Florio, 165.

Ippolito, 134.

Pisa, 78.

Pisanello, Vittore, 204, 213, 22a

Pius VI., Pope, 34.

Pliny, the Elder, 7, 127.

the Younger, 26, 127, 187.

POLA, 23.

Polenta, Ostasio da, loi.

Samaritana da, 31-33, loi,

132.
PoMPEi, Count Antonio, 287.
• family, 282.

Countess Ginevra, 285.

PoMPEO Strabone, 7.
PoMPONius Secundus, 1^7.
Ponte—

Aleardi, 259.

delle Navi, 94, 97, 114, 209, 220,
299.

della Pietra, 242, 249.

Rofiolo, 38, 265.
Porta—

dei Borsari, 8, 252, 299.

Bombardieri, 185.

Sta. Croce, 263.

S. Giorgio, 113.

Nuova, 39, 113, 299.

Palio, 113, 299.

Vescovo, 113.

S. Zeno, 113.
Porto Luigi di. 204.
Portone BrA, 265.
Prefettura, 186.
Procolo, St, 28.
Provence, Comte de, see Louis

XVIII.
Comtesse Marie Josephine,

116.

PURGATORIO, 79, 80, 264, 279.
POZZUOLI, 23.

Querinx, Alvise, 117.

Giovanni, 130.

QuiNTO, Leonardo da, 132, 171.
QuiRiNUS, St, 192.

Rainer, Archduke, 121.
Rathold, Bishop, 150, 267.
Ravenna, 13, 14, 17.

Archbishop of, 60.

Reggio, 57, 68.

Rhetians, 2.

Riccio, Andrea, of Padua, 207.

or Rizzo Antonio, 187.

RiDOLFI, 169.
RiSTORi, Adelaide, 38.
RiVA, 68.
RiVOLE, 120.

Roland, 44, 154.

Romano, Ezzelino da, 59-63, 73.

family, 58.

Rome, 4, 9, 12.
Romeo, 71, 198, 264.
Rosamund, 16.
RossETTi, Cardinal, 226.
Rossi, Alessandro, 163.

Ernesto, 38.

Giambattista, 163.

Pietro de', 89.

Rudolph, Duke of Burgundy, 47,
48.

RURICIUS PomPEIANUS, 10, II.

RusKiN, John, 87, 97, 150, 171, 19s,

226, 281.
RusTico, St, 13, 27, 29, 2og.

Sacco, Contessa di, 214.

Sadowa, 123.

Saibante, Marchese Giovanni,

133-
St Cyr, Hugues de, 128.
Salerno, family, 169.
Giovanni, i6q.

Sambonifacio, Riccardo da, 291.
San Bonifacio, family, 55, 59, 61,

I 263-

I Lodovico da, 66.

I Sauro di, 54.

j Sanguinetto, 282, 204.
I San Martino, 122.
I Tower of, 291.

San Micheli, Michele, 113, 155,
160, 185, 209, 224, 230, 242, 250,
256, 259.

Sanudo, 109.

Saraina, Torello, 71, 133, 208.

Sardinia, King of, 115.

Sardis, Council of, 12.

3i»

Index

Saverio, L. S., see Louis XVIII.

"Savii," ii8.

SCALA or Scaliger, House of, 162,

178, 230, 257, 282, 287, 295-297.

— ^ Albertino della, 176.

Alberto I. della, 30, 67-70,

129, 160, 190, 279, 294.

II., della, 83, 87-91.

• Alboino della, 69, 71, 72-74,

8r, 83, 129, 130.
Antonio della, 30, 32-98,

loi, 105-132, 166.
— — Bartolomeo I. della, 69, 71,

83, 129, 294.

II. della. 30, 98.

Bishop della, 90, 191.

Bocca della, 67.

Brunoro della, 105, 106, 114.

Can Francesco della (son of

Antonio), 102-104.

Cangrande I., 6g, 70, 72-87,

128-130, 134, 135, 170, 186, 189,

angrande II., 93, 94, 172,

190, 195, 242
G

257, 292, 293,
Can ■

nsignorio, 30, 93, 94, 97,
175, 176, 181, 185, 190, 192, 198.

Caterina, B. Regina, wife of

Barnab6Visconti, lord of Milan,

90. 93-

Constance, 69.

Fregnano, son of Mastino

II., 93, 94.
Fregnano, son of Cangrande

II., 94.

Giovanni, 192, 195-197.

Giuseppe, son of Alberto I.,

279.

Jacopino, 62.

Mastino I., 30, 62, 65-68,

84, 185, 190, 297.
Mastino II., 83, 87-91, 93,

169, 190, 197-198, 275, 294.

Paolo Alboino, 93, 94, 98.

Pietro, Bishop, 160.

Tebaldo, 94.

ScALiGERO, see Bordoni.
ScAPiNi, Don Pietro, 256.

SCARAMELLI, 67.
SCARTAZZINI, 79, 80, 263.

ScMLOSSER, Jules von, 135.
ScORNAZANO, Vanne, 77.
Selvaggia, daughter of
Emperor Frederick II., 61.
Seminario Vescovile, 224.
Serego, Cortesia, loi, 166.
"Serraglio," 292.
312

the

Sforza, Francesco, 106.
Shakespeare, 55, 59, 71, 230, 264.
SiGtSMUND, Emperor, 106.

St, 192.

da Stefano, 249.

" SiGNORI," 52, 62.

Simon, St, and St Jude, 238.

SiRO, S, 241.

SiRMlONE, J 24, 282, 294.
SiSMONDI, 57.

Soave, 280, 286-288, 300.

solferino, 122, 293.

SoMMA Campagna, Gtdino da, 132.

SONCINO, 61.
SORDELLO, 128.

Spagnolo, Don Antonio, 159.
Spain, no.
Spazzi, 274.
Squarcione, 220.
Stagnolo, family, 224.
Stefano, S., 15.
Suetonius, 25.
SvMONDs, J. A., 59.

Tacitus, 7, 25.

" Teatro Antico," 238-241.

Tearen, Gertrude of, 280.

Henry of, 280.

Texas, 16.

Teuton Invasion, 4.
Theatre, Roman, 3.
Theodolinda, Queen, 17.
Theodoric, King, 14, 15, 29, 229,

241, 242, 268.
Theodosius, Emperor, 176.
Theophania, Empress, 48.

llNTORETTO, 249.

Titian, 154, 209,230.

Tombs of Castelbarco, 169-171, 299.

of the Scaligers, 188-198, 299.

Torbido, Francesco, 140, 144, 146,

155, 160, 208, 224, 233.
torcello, 245.
"Torre del Gardello," 176.
Totila, 15, 16.
Trajan, Emperor, 25.
Tregnano, 282.
Trent, 61, 66.
Trentino, 68.
Trevisani, 133.
Treviso, 57, 59, 73, 82, 88.
Tribune in Piazza delle Erbe, 176.
" Tufo," 223, 257, 262, 272.

Index

TURONE, 219.
TURRISENDO, 54.

de' Turrisendi, 66.

Uguccione della Faggiuola,
78, 83, 186.

Urban III., Pope, 160.
VI., Pope, 102.

Valeggio, 282, 293.

Valentin, St, 192.

Valpantena, 40.

Valpolicella, 4, 40.

Vasari, 140, 146, 164, 234.

Venice, 54, 57, 72, 88, 101-103,
115, 150, 229, 297.

Venetia, 10.

VeritA, family, 250, 279.

Verme, Giacomo del, loi.

Jacopo del, 105, 294.

Vernon, Hon. William Warren,

' 19, 26, 79.

Verona : Origin and growth, i ;
fortifications, 52 ; founders, 2 ;
subject to Rome, 3 ; invaded by
Teutons and Cimbri, 4 ; Roman
influence, 7 ; constituted a Roman
colony, 7 ; important geographical
position, 8; part played by Verona
in Roman wars, 8 ; besieged
by Constantine, 9; invaded by
Alaric, 11 ; by Attila, 12; Chris-
tianity in Verona, 12 ; invaded
by Odoacer, 14 ; Theodoric at
Verona, 14 ; Verona possessed by
the Greeks, 16 ; Alboin and the
Longobards in Verona, 16 ; in-
undations in Verona, 18 ; end
of the Lombard rule, 43 ;
Carlovingians in Verona, 44 ;
Berengarius I,, Duke of Friuli,
in Vergna, 47 ; intercourse with
Germany, 48-51 ; sides with the
Emperor Henry IV. against the
Pope, 51 ; takes part in the
Crusades, 51 ; joins the Lombard
League, 53 ; Guelph faction in
Verona, 54, 55 ; civil strife in the
town, 56, 59 ; Verona under the
Scaligers, 62-102 ; Verona under
the Visconti, 103 ; under the
Carraresi, 105 ; under the Vene-

tian Republic, 106 ; effect of the
League of Cambray on Verona,
106, 107 ; Imperial rule in
Verona, 108, 109 ; pestilence in
Verona, no; Verona restored to
Venice, 110-114 ; plague and in-
undation in Verona, 114; the
" Comte de Lille " in Verona,
114-120 ; insurrection against
the French, known as " Les
Paques V^ronaises " in Verona,
120, 121 ; Verona handed over
to Austria, 121 ; half of it to
France, then again to Austria.
121 ; War of Independence, 122 ;
Austrian rule re-established, 122 ;
Verona restored to Italy: king-
dom newly formed, 123 ; Verona
the home of letters, 124 ; endowed
with a University, 127; men
of letters in Verona, 128-134 ;
school of painting in Verona,
134-149 ; churches, picture gal-
lery, sights in and around
Verona, 150-300.

Veronese, Paolo Cagliari, detto
II, 147-149, 213, 222, 230, 246.

" Veronetta," 222, 249.

Vescovado, 159, 160, 299.

Vespasian, Flavins, 8.

Via Gallica, 7.

Postumia, 8.

Cappello, 119, 299.

Cappelletta, 249.

Colomba, 300.

Corso Cavour, 257, 299.

99-
Giu

La Costa, iS

Leone, 200.

Liceo, 299.

Mazzanti, 188.

Pallone, 38, 265.

Pigna, 160.

Ponte Pietra, 249.

Rosa, 188.

Della Stella, 208.

S. Sebastian, 299.

Stradone di S. Bernardino,

258.

Venti Settembre, 222.

Vicenza, 8, 57, 59. 61, 68, 69, 73,

87, 88, 90, 93, 103.
Victor Emmanuel II., King,

38-40, 122, 123, 265.
Vienna, 143.
Peace of, 123.

Duomo, 25

Giardino Giusti, 225, 230.

Index

ViGASIO, 54, 202.
ViGILIO, S., 136.
ViLLAFRANCA, 282, 288.

Peace of, 39, 122.

ViLLANi, Giovanni, 59, 73, 87, 93.
ViLLEMS, Pietro, 128.
Virgil, 124, 229.
ViscoNTi, House of, 88, 90, 102.

Barnabo, 93.

Carlo, 102.

■ Catherine, 104.

Filippo Maria, 108, 139.

Gian Galeazzo, 102, 292,

293.

Matteo, 83.

Visigoths, ii.

VlTELLIANS, 8.

ViTRUvius Cerdone, 41, 127, 187.
ViVARiNi, Alvise, 145.

" Volte Barbate, " 67, 134, i88
" Marioni," 68.

Wenceslaus, King of the Romans,

lOI.

WiLIGELMUS, 268.
WuRMSER, General, 120.

Zannoni, Ugo, 178, 255.

Zavoldo, 233.

Zeloti, Giambattista, 160.

Zeno, or Zenone, St, 12, 13, 276,

300.
Zevio, Stefano da, 139, 166, 219,

238, 250.

314

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