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THE writing of this book was brought about rather by the 
influence of the author's circumstances than by any aspira- 
tion or desire on his part to appear before the public in the 
character of a writer. During his childhood, which was 
spent in Natal, one of the chief topics of conversation 
there, of both the black and the white races, was the 
Zulus. His mind was filled with thrilling tales of what 
they had done and were doing, all rendered the more 
romantic by a surrounding element of haze. In after 
years, when he chanced to be closely associated with the 
people and the affairs of their country, he was led by 
a natural process to inquire into the actual facts. The 
task was one to which it was necessary to devote a good 
deal of time and patience. There were many Zulus living 
who possessed the information which was required, but, 
scattered as they were over a wide extent of country, there 
was difficulty, first in learning of and then in meeting 
them. Eventually, however, the material was got to- 
gether which was embodied in the first edition. It was 
hoped, amongst other things, that publication would call 
forth criticism of a kind which would help in rendering 
the work more perfect, but this hope was not realised. 
Those who read the book were disposed rather to regard 
it as authoritative, and to say kind things about it. The 
whole responsibility in the matter thus remained with the 
author, and he has felt it to be his duty, after the lapse of 
some years, to reprint it in a revised and extended form. 
It has been found possible from authorities which were 
unexpectedly discovered, to make certain chronological 



adjustments, and continued inquiry has yielded material 
for fuller accounts of certain events. The narrative has 
also been extended to a later date. 

It is hoped that the merit of accuracy may be claimed 
for the book as regards matters of fact ; and much of the 
matter which it contains would not be available now to 
any more skilful writer who might desire to write on the 

As regards the subject, it is felt that it cannot fail to 
interest a certain number for some time. Amongst the 
influences which induced and directed the expansion of 
European occupation, of which the establishment of the 
Union of South Africa is .the late culminating event, 
a prominent place must be given to the doings of the 
Zulus under their short line of kings. It is believed that 
the book will indicate in a considerable measure how that 
influence operated, and also that the deep and wide im- 
pression which was created by those people themselves 
during the nineteenth century has not yet been entirely 
effaced from the minds of general readers. Whilst hoping, 
however, with a certain degree of confidence, that the 
book may prove of some general utility, the author's chief 
gratification would be derived from the knowledge that 
it had commended itself to the attention of his fellow- 
colonists of a younger generation. 

Of those for whose kindly help the author is indebted, 
he would specially mention Mr. H. V. Ellis, late master of 
Hilton College in Natal, whose continued interest in all 
that relates to the Colony he served so long and so well, 
coupled with his sympathetic disposition towards a visitor 
to this great city from the scene of his labours, has in- 
duced him to examine the proofs, and afford advice, 
the value of which will be fully appreciated by his many 

LONDON, August 1911. 


TSHAKA ....... 

From Nathaniel Isaacs' " Travels and Adventwes 
Eastern Africa," 1836. 










Facing p. 5 









IT is said that those tribes who have become known 
generally as Abantu a name which might, perhaps, be 
more correctly written Aba'Ntu came to South Africa 
from the north of the continent, "under three thousand 
years ago." 1 No doubt so long a period might be suf- 
ficient, in itself, to account for the entire absence of 
tradition amongst the people themselves of this migra- 

The question is one, however, which lies outside 1 the 
scope of the present little volume. I desire only to 
furnish an account of the events, as far as they are 
ascertainable, of a remarkable evolution of one of these 
tribes, which commenced in the eighteenth, and was the 
subject of wide attention during the greater part of the 
nineteenth century. 

But a few words descriptive of the condition which 
obtained before it was disturbed in the manner to be 
narrated may not be uninteresting in this first chapter. 
When Europeans first set foot upon the land which 
Vasco Da Gama had named Natal, the people who 
occupied it were of as settled habits as at any time 
since. This was in 1687, when certain shipwrecked 
Dutch and English mariners were forced to make a 
sojourn in the land. They explored it to a distance of 

1 Sir H. H, Johnston's Colonization of Africa. 


some 150 miles inland. They described it as populous. 
The natives were "friendly, compassionate, strong, in- 
genious; armed with only an assegai; obedient and 
submissive to their chief; lived in communities, in huts 
made of branches, wrought through with rushes and 
long grass, and roofed like hay-stacks in Holland. The 
women attended to cultivation and the men herded 
and milked the cows." They planted corn from which 
they made " very well-tasting and nourishing bread and 
brewed beer." They were extremely hospitable : " the 
men and women vied with each other in offering food 
and drink, and their habitations for lodgings." 

Written records are meagre; but there are remains 
to be found on the old dwelling-places of these Abantu 
from which something can still be learned of their 
habits of life. Where wood was scarce they were com- 
pelled to use stones for the construction of their cattle 
pens, and many of these are still to be found, vary- 
ing greatly in age, but affording no certain data for 
fixing the period of their construction. Wherever they 
occur they are the same in shape, and of nearly the 
same dimensions. They are all circular, and few of 
them are more than about fifteen yards in diameter. 
This circumstance indicates that the people were not 
in the habit of keeping large herds at their own 
homes; that the rich saved themselves the labour 
which would have been involved in increasing the 
size of their pens to accommodate their increasing 
herds, and some of the risks of loss from plunder, by 
apportioning their superfluous beasts amongst the poor. 
Large families did not live together. They formed 
separate homesteads amongst the fruitful spots. The 
habitations were placed around the pens so that the 
inmates might be in a position to guard them, and the 
space to be guarded had to be proportionate to the 
number guarding it. Around these cattle pens 3 some 


of them so old that they have become completely covered 
over with mould, their presence being indicated only 
by circular elevations, may still be found such relics 
as pot-sherds, or the stones upon which the cooking 
pots were supported over the fire, or, more rarely, 
those upon which grain or snuff' was ground. 

A monument of the past which is more general, as 
its coming into existence did not depend upon the 
presence or otherwise of wood, is the Isivivane stone 
cairn. It is unimposing in appearance, and may be 
passed without notice by the unobservant, but some 
information may be gained from it as to whether the 
locality in which it is found has been long or thickly 
populated. It was the custom of wayfarers to place 
a stone, and a handful of grass, upon these cairns as 
an act of propitiation to the guardian spirit of the 
tribe amongst the members of which they were to seek 
hospitality; and so, stone by stone, slowly or rapidly 
according to the number of passers-by, they grew in 
height and breadth, whilst the tribe remained in the 
locality to whose guardian spirit they belonged. 

The dwellings of the people were so simple, and so 
temporary in their character, as to suggest the possi- 
bility that their design had been derived from nomadic 
habits. Long wattles or saplings were inserted in the 
ground, in a circle, and tied together, diagonally, with 
fibrous grass, the upper ends being gradually drawn 
together in a dome shape, and the centre supported by 
one or more posts set in the floor. Over this wattle- 
work a thick coat of grass was laid, and fastened with 
plaited grass. The work of constructing the framework 
was performed by the men; that of thatching by the 

These huts leaked less as the thatch became more 
encrusted and solidified by the soot from the fire in 
the centre of the floor, at which the inmates warmed 


themselves and upon which their meals were cooked. 
They were about fifteen feet in diameter, without par- 
tition, and each generally served to accommodate a 
number of persons of both sexes, who slept upon the 
floor, on straw mats, covered with such skins of animals 
as they had been able to procure. 

The furniture consisted of such articles only as were 
necessary to the rudest form of comfort. There was 
little besides the simple bedding and rough earthen 
pots. An important provision was the Uzwati, or stick 
for producing fire by friction. This was kept for emer- 
gencies. It was a dried stalk of a weed, or shrub, 
about fths of an inch in diameter and 18 inches long. 
In use, the end of this was placed in a hollow near 
the edge of a flat piece of wood, which was held on the 
ground by the operator with his feet, and it was made 
to rotate by rubbing it between the palms, the powder 
produced by the friction finding its way through a notch, 
cut for the purpose, to, and forming a pile upon, some 
powdered grass or other easily ignitible material arranged 
to receive it. To produce a spark by this means required 
certain skill which could only be acquired by practice. 
It was laborious, too, often producing some blisters, and 
there was a great risk of failure to kindle a flame from 
the small quantity of glowing powder which resulted. 
Means were therefore adopted for the preservation of 
fire, such as burying glowing embers in ashes. If this 
failed, and it became necessary to fetch it from the 
kraal of a neighbour, it was done by means of a plant 
called Inkondhlwana, 1 which, if twisted into a rope and 
ignited at the end, will glow till the whole is consumed. 
It was thus used either for conveying fire from a dis- 
tance or, by placing it, lighted, in a sheltered spot, 
for preserving it through the night. 

The land was tilled by means of a hoe, the production 

1 Helichrysum aureo-nitens (Sch. Bip.). 


of which formed the chief industry of the workers in iron. 
Though rude in its design it was an expensive article, 
owing to the large amount of labour it cost in producing. 
It was a rough oval-shaped blade, with a long shank, which 
was inserted in a hole that had been burnt through the 
wooden handle. 

The art of working in iron was handed down from 
father to son, and continued as the heritage of families for 
many generations. There is nothing to show that time 
effected any change or improvement in their methods, or 
that a higher degree of skill was attained in one locality 
than in another. There is no difference in the remains of 
their forges and furnaces in different localities. 

Few smiths now remain, and the operations of 
these are confined to the making of assegais. They no 
longer smelt their own iron, but use such scraps of the 
European article as they can find. Their habitations are 
usually remote from the haunts of Europeans ; their forges 
are so unimposing that one might pass close to where they 
are without becoming aware of their existence. It is there- 
fore natural that few are seen at work by those who might 
be interested in witnessing how implements were made 
in the olden days, and the weapons with which Tshaka's 
army carried out its work of destruction in the nineteenth 
century. For the purpose of the description here given, 
a visit was paid, at the cost of a twenty-mile ride across 
hilly and almost pathless country in a remote part of 
Zululand, to the residence of a man named Matiwane. 
He was of great age, and the trade at which he had worked 
while he had strength was now carried on by his son, 
who, by pre-arrangement, had his appliances in readiness 
and quickly rewarded curiosity by forging an assegai. 
His methods, so far as they were exhibited, were identical 
with those by which his father, and father's fathers, had 
worked. The hammers and tongs which he used had been 
made by the elder man from iron of his own smelting. 


Their production had cost him much labour, and they 
had been carefully preserved. The punching of the eyes 
of the hammers had been an especially difficult task, as 
was evident, in one case, by the angle at which it had 
gone through. The heads were square in shape, the 
largest being about an inch and a half thick and two 
inches and a half long. They were only used for light 
work and finishing ; heavy stones were employed to reduce 
large pieces of iron to a manageable size. Stones, partially 
embedded in the ground, were used as anvils, the operator 
sitting down to his work. We saw only one pair of tongs, 
which were used principally for the purpose of taking the 
iron out of the fire. For that of holding it in position on 
the anvil, hollowed sticks of wood were employed, into 
which the colder end was inserted. The bellows, though 
primitive, were ingenious. They consisted of a bag made 
of softened ox-hide, about the size and shape of a pillow- 
case. In one corner of this was inserted a wooden pipe 
about three feet long, the corner being tightly bound over 
it with a string to prevent the escape of air. The other 
end of the bag was open and hemmed over two straight 
bits of wood, which closed it tightly when pressed together. 
Loops were fastened on the outside, into which the fingers 
and thumb of the blower were inserted, so that the bag 
opened and shut with the movements of the hand. The 
pipe, with the end of the bag, was held down by a heavy 
stone laid upon it, and the process of blowing consisted of 
raising the other end with the mouth held open to admit 
the air, and then closing and pressing it down again. Two 
of these were used, the blower sitting on the ground 
between, and raising and depressing them alternately, 
with his right and left hand, so as to secure a continuous 
blast. The ends of the wooden pipes met at the mouth of 
a funnel- or trumpet-shaped one of clay, the thin end of 
which was inserted in a charcoal fire, for which a small 
hollow had been made in the ground. These clay pipes 


were not burnt before use ; and this accounts for the fact 
that only the hardened nozzles are to be found in old 
abandoned forges: the rest, the unburnt part, having 

For smelting iron a large number of bellows were 
used. The blowers sat round the rude furnace, in which 
the broken-up ore was held in position by clay receptacles, 
and blew until it was melted, the iron obtained being 
afterwards rendered malleable by a process which the 
writer has been unable to ascertain. Steel was not pro- 
duced, although, probably from the use of charcoal, a 
metal of a superior quality was obtained, and blades 
made from it were used for shaving. 

The wants of the people were thus simple, and simply 

They were ambitious of authority and praise, and 
those who were able to acquire a larger number of cattle 
than their neighbours were in a position to gratify these 
desires by lending to the needy. They could gather 
families of such round them, to whom they came to stand 
in the relation of chiefs, who appealed to them for settle- 
ment of their disputes, and amongst whom they maintained 
social order. They were in a position to command the 
help of these dependants when their own rights were 
assailed or their claims disputed. New tribes were thus 
continually created, to be subdivided, later, by family 
disputes, producing the condition of things well described 
by Sir Theophilus Shepstone in a paper read before the 
Society of Arts in Natal on the 22nd of January 1875. 

His information had been supplied by persons who 
had personally experienced the condition, and he says 
that " up to about the year 1812, and for how many years 
before we cannot tell, the country was thickly populated 
by numerous tribes under independent chiefs. These 
tribes lived so close together that tribal change of resi- 
dence was difficult, if not impossible. They intermarried 


with each other, possessed flocks and herds, lived at ease 
themselves and at peace with their neighbours ; until this 
luxury occasionally culminated in a quarrel (as is the 
natural tendency, the natives say, in all that grow fat), 
and these quarrels were settled by a fight ; but these 
fights were by no means the serious matters they after- 
wards became. The day was fixed beforehand ; the men 
of the rival tribes met in battle on that day; and the 
result of a single encounter settled the difference. " l He 
estimated that the people living in this condition in the 
land, which afterwards formed the Colony of Natal, 
numbered about a million souls. The old man, Matiwane, 
was able to remember the time when that condition of 
things had not been entirely terminated, and he described 
the domains of some then prominent chiefs. The areas 
which he indicated were so small that it was difficult to 
realise that they afforded dwelling-place for such consider- 
able tribes as these appear, from tradition, to have been. 
There were no defined boundaries, even, to divide their 
several territories. 

The people were not troubled with thoughts of 
national advancement. The condition in which they 
lived was sufficient for them. They had no conception of 
a purpose in life beyond mere enjoyment. There was that 
in Nature which sufficiently gladdened the hearts of all, 
and they made little modification of Nature's provisions. 
The interests of a man centred chiefly in his cattle. He 
would rise early and regard them with placid satisfaction 
as they filed out of the narrow gate for their morning 
browse. Their home-coming to be milked at about eleven 
o'clock, lowing for their calves, while the herd-boys re- 
sponded by shrilly whistling and reciting their praises, 
was the gladdest occasion of the day. The men milked 
them with great leisure, the milk being poured into 
gourds, to be formed into curds and cream, a prized 

1 Bird's Annals of Natal, i. 156. 


article of diet. Beyond this the men had little duty to 
perform. Their days were spent in making milk-pails, 
spoons or sticks, as their mood dictated, or reposing in 
their huts. Game was very plentiful, but could only be 
secured by parties large enough to surround it. The only 
weapon was the assegai, and this could not be successfully 
thrown at any great distance. The habit of hunting in 
large parties necessitated a well-defined Law of Chase, and 
this has been handed down and continues to be rigidly 
observed. To the person who first strikes a quarry it 
belongs when secured, but prescribed portions are due, 
and readily yielded, to each who contributes to its capture. 
This law secures a wide distribution of the proceeds of a 
day's hunting. 

Hunting parties were called out by the chief of a tribe, 
or, on a smaller scale, by subordinate head-men. The men 
and boys assembled in little companies, into which they 
had been formed by relationship or proximity of dwellings, 
and each, following some recognised head, or captain, 
saluted the master of the hunt on arrival by dancing 
before him. When all had thus sufficiently shown their 
respect, and indulged themselves in merriment, they were 
made to seat themselves on the ground, each company in 
its place, and were instructed by the appointed director of 
the hunt as to the position they were to take up in the en- 
circling movement. Each company had some name by 
which they were called upon successively, and the lines of 
men streamed out to the right and left, the leaders meeting 
at a given point, thus surrounding and gradually closing 
in upon the cover. The startled bucks, after running to 
and fro, were compelled eventually to seek escape by 
breaking through the line, and so to afford an opportunity 
to some of throwing their assegais. Much merriment was 
displayed at these hunts, and the great activity they 
entailed contributed largely, no doubt, to the agility by 
which the race continues to be characterised. The military 


organisation and tactics of the Zulus owed their system 
largely to those of the hunting methods of the olden days. 

The young boys who herded the cattle met on the 
grazing ground those from neighbouring kraals. They 
had boyish fights, which turned their differences into 
friendship ; had their own small hunting parties, some- 
times killing birds, rabbits or small bucks; and, when 
not thus employed, they played together, making little 
circles on flat stones, with mud, to represent cattle kraals, 
with dots around for huts. Inside the circles they placed 
pebbles, or rude models in clay, representing cattle, each 
of which they would associate with some individual 
animal in their fathers' herds. They grew up and ac- 
quired real kraals and real herds, and pursued the same 
indolent life as their fathers ; and, when they died, neither 
work nor tradition remained to speak of them to later 
generations. " He has eaten " came to be a consolatory 
remark on the death of a very old man. The cause for 
gratitude, in their minds, was that he had been long 
spared to enjoy the pleasures of life, not in anything that 
he had accomplished. 

Tradition tells of no events, and there were probably 
none so important as to make a wide impression. The 
Abantu, up to the period to be referred to at the com- 
mencement of the next chapter, may be regarded as 
having been a " happy people whose annals were vacant." 


EVENTFUL history, so far as is known, or can now be 
known, had its beginning in the last twenty years of the 
eighteenth century. It began with a man named Godong- 
wana, who in later life assumed the name by which he 
has become known, Dingiswayo The Troubled One. He 
chose this name in reference to circumstances which had 
set him wandering in his youth. Much more has followed 
in direct sequence from those circumstances than the 
wanderings of Godongwana. 

It was found, or considered, necessary by all who held 
authority amongst these Abantu tribes to repress with 
most rigid measures anything in the nature of pretensions 
to the positions they occupied. Death was immediately 
inflicted on any person, whatever his family relationship, 
who by any act appeared to have assumed the functions 
of the ruling chief. Jobe, the chief of the Umtetwa tribe, 
which occupied the coast-land between the rivers Umfolozi 
and Umhlatuzi, in the country which afterwards became 
known as Zululand, was led to apprehend danger from a 
desire his son Mawewe appears to have evinced to succeed 
him. He followed the usual course by ordering that 
Mawewe and his brother Godongwana should be put to 
death. Execution followed in the case of the first, but 
the second escaped wounded, to return, after wide travels, 
and gain the chieftainship after his father's death. 
Romantic tales were told of the dangers he had passed 
through, and of the prowess and strength he had dis- 
played ; but what is of more importance here is the fact 
that a new idea appears to have been infused into his 


mind by what he saw in strange lands. He reached Cape 
Colony, and there came into contact with white men. 
He witnessed the drilling of European soldiers; and he 
thought of how his own Umtetwa people might be im- 
proved in their fighting powers by subjecting them to 
a somewhat similar discipline. His home-coming was 
marked by romantic incidents, but no details can now 
be gathered from which it would be possible to furnish 
a complete account of these. He was accompanied by a 
white man, whose identity has been lost ; he rode on 
a horse, and carried a gun, neither of which had ever 
been seen in his own country before. The wonder of 
these accompaniments preceded him thfough the tribes 
on his way, and inspired feelings of awe amongst his 
people, which led to such a force joining him on his arrival 
as enabled him to overcome the opposition of a brother 
who had assumed authority in his absence. On estab- 
lishing himself in the chieftainship, he set about carry- 
ing into effect the new ideas which he had imbibed. He 
called together all the men of the tribe and formed them 
into regiments, each regiment being composed of men 
of nearly equal age, and distinguished by a regimental 
name, by which the members were thenceforth called. 
There was thus no limit to the number forming a regi- 
ment, but each was divided into companies of about fifty 
men, headed by an induna, or captain, whose duty it was 
to lead them to the attack. They were drilled so that 
each company could be made to take up the position 
assigned to it by the regimental commander, and a 
systematic attack could thus be substituted for the dis- 
orderly assaults which had hitherto obtained. The sys- 
tem conferred such advantage that the neighbouring 
tribes found themselves unable to oppose effectually the 
attacks to which they were in turn subjected. One by 
one they yielded submission, and, from being the chief 
of a tribe which could not have been very large, and 


which has never since his day been counted specially 
warlike, Dingiswayo attained the position of paramount 
ruler over a wide extent of country. The conquests were 
generally easy, and the position he assumed was no doubt 
one which conferred a boon on many who could claim his 
aid against power which had till then been unrestrained. 
The royal salute, Bayete, may be conceived, at least in its 
present form, to have originated then and in these cir- 
cumstances. There have been differences of opinion 
amongst linguists as to the idea it expresses, but it is 
admittedly an abbreviation of three words, " Ma ba lete," 
signifying " let them bring." There is this peculiarity 
in the Umtetwa speech, that the " y" sound is employed 
where "1" is used in Zulu. Thus their pronunciation of 
" Ma ba lete " would be " Ma ba i/ete." It would take the 
character of a proclamation by the praisers of the king 
to this effect : The all-powerful reigns, if there be that 
which oppresses, or troubles, the people, let them bring 
it " and he will give them rest." 

The extent to which Dingiswayo carried his conquests 
is not definitely known, but he appears to have acquired 
dominion over most of the tribes between the Tugela and 
Pongolo rivers, and his warlike operations created conster- 
nation amongst people at even a greater distance. Tribal 
migration began, with fighting between those who desired 
to escape him and those through whose land they had to 
pass in order to do so. His reign extended over a consider- 
able period, his death occurring, as well as can be ascer- 
tained, about the year 1818. The deeds of his life were 
so much eclipsed by those of a succeeding reign that Zulu 
tradition furnishes few details concerning them. Many 
items of interest were gathered by Europeans, who were 
amongst the first to settle in Natal, from natives who had 
personal recollections of him. From the account of one 
of these, 1 based on information so gathered, Dingiswayo 

1 Henry Francis Fynn. 


would appear to have been imbued with laudable aims 
for the advancement and welfare of the people over whom 
he ruled. 

" In the first year of his Chieftainship he opened a 
trade with Delagoa Bay by sending 100 oxen and a 
quantity of elephants' tusks in exchange for beads and 
blankets," and "the trade thus opened was afterwards 
continued on an extensive scale." "The encouragement 
held out to ingenuity brought numbers round him, liberal 
rewards being given to any followers who devised things 
new or ornamental. Milk dishes, pillows, ladles (of cane 
or wood), and snuff-boxes were produced. A karosse 
manufactory was established, a hundred men being 
generally employed in the work. From the presents he 
received from Delagoa Bay he selected some for imitation, 
and a handsome reward was offered for the production of 
a chair or table. The former article of furniture was 
actually made. It was cut out of a solid block of wood, 
and was by no means disgraced even in the presence of 
its model of European workmanship." 

Some few specimens of the kind of chair thus pro- 
duced are still extant. With the appliances available the 
work of shaping them must have been very great, and the 
result, though interesting, could scarcely be considered 
useful. Probably none but the one artificer ever attempted 
to make one. It may, indeed, be considered as certain 
that no permanent fruit resulted from any efforts of 
Dingiswayo to infuse thoughts of advancement into the 
minds of the people. Their habits had become too fixed 
for this to be possible, except by a very slow process. 

Such as these were the attributes he is reputed to 
have possessed, and displayed, in times of peace ; but we 
are told, on the other hand, by an equally good authority, 1 
that "Let the weak sow and the strong reap" was his 
motto, and that "he always halted his army till his 

1 Sir T. Shepstone. 


enemy's corn was exhausted." Those described as 
" enemies " may, perhaps, be more correctly regarded 
as having been inoffensive tribes against whom he wantonly 
made war, or whose cattle he desired to possess. His 
facetious war-song would point to the latter as having 
been his chief motive : 

"Lezo 'Nkoino, zi 'mbala muni na? 
Zi no 'mland' omkulo," 

which may be thus freely translated : 

" What mean the varied hues of yonder kine ? 
Their owners' sins have thereby mark'd them mine ! " 

The imputation of sin, or wrong-doing, to those whom 
he sought to despoil is some evidence, however, that 
he recognised the principle so deeply rooted in the race 
of which he was a member, that punishment should 
be justified by some kind of guilt on the part of the 

Most of the tribes readily yielded submission, in order 
to be allowed to live in peace, but there were some whose 
submission was very partial, and one at least which he 
never succeeded in overcoming. This was the Ndwandwe 
tribe, which occupied the highlands north of the Black 
Umfolozi River, under a chief named Zwidi. He was 
married to a sister of Dingiswayo, named Gidjimi, and 
a high degree of personal friendship subsisted between 
them, which did not, however, prevent them from fre- 
quently going to war with each other. On these occasions 
Zwidi was generally worsted ; he is said to have been 
sometimes even taken prisoner, but always released again 
on account of his relationship to his captor. But eventually 
Dingiswayo's own turn came to be captured, and then 
he did not meet with the same consideration. The story 
of his last military expedition is still told by the older 
Zulus, and their version agrees exactly with that which 
was obtained and recorded by the early settlers. Malusi, 


the chief of the Nxumalo section of the Ndwandwe tribe, 
had appealed to Dingiswayo with respect to some attack 
or ill-treatment he had suffered at the hands of Zwidi. 
Dingiswayo sent a remonstrance, but to this an insolent 
challenge was returned by Zwidi. And, knowing what 
the result of this would be, the latter anticipated matters, 
and proceeded with his force in the direction from which 
he expected the enemy would advance. The meeting 
took place at Hlabisa, and Dingiswayo, being in advance 
of the main body of his force, was overcome and taken 
prisoner. He was brought to the kraal of Zwidi, the site 
of which is at the north end of the Sigwekwe Hill and 
near to where the Nongoma Magistracy now stands. The 
site is marked by a large fig tree, which was planted there 
in Zwidi's time. There Dingiswayo was put to death : 
some say by his own desire, as he felt unable to brook the 
indignity he had suffered in being taken ; others that his 
execution was insisted upon by Zwidi's chief wife. 

When Dingiswayo was dead his example was pursued 
by the chief of the house of Zulu, by name Tshaka. He 
counted an ancestry of nine chiefs, whose names and 
order of succession are given as Malandela, Ntombela, 
Zulu, Nkosinkulu, Punga, Mageba, Ndaba, Jama, and 
Senzangakona. These lived and ruled successively over 
their little tribe on the Umkumbane and Unzololo 
Streams, on the south of the White Umfolozi River, 
extending their occupation to an unascertained limit 
towards the Ibabanango hills. The graves of all are 
still pointed out there, and the district is called Makosini, 
the place of kings, or chiefs. Nothing is definitely known 
concerning any of them individually, except the last ; but 
that the tribe should have been called the Children of 
Zulu, the third in succession, is evidence that he was 
distinguished by some personal attributes. It was pro- 
bably he who first acquired authority over other people 
than the members of his own family. 


The last of these nine chiefs, Senzangakona, had 
attained a position of some importance, but he was in- 
cluded amongst those who became subject to the authority 
of Dingiswayo. He was, however, but little interfered with 
in the rule of his own tribe, and, in a small measure, 
followed the example of that chief by forming the men of 
his tribe into a little army of his own. 

His son, Tshaka, manifested what he regarded as a 
dangerous disposition, and the course usual in such cases 
was decided upon. Tshaka escaped, however, and, with 
his mother, Nandi, went to her father's home in the Langa 
tribe, then occupying lands in the part of the country 
which has become known as the Nkandhla District of 
Zululand. From thence he went to the Umtetwa country, 
and resided with, and served in warlike operations under, 
Dingiswayo. He so distinguished himself in valour that 
he was given the title of Sigidi, Thousand, in reference to 
the number of the enemy whom he had slain. On Sen- 
zangakona's death Tshaka succeeded him as chief over 
the People of Zulu, being assisted in the attainment of 
that position by Dingiswayo. He added the strength of 
his own little army to that of his patron, and together 
they continued to harass the numerous tribes. He was 
thus able to establish a reputation as a commander and 
ruler before the commencement of his independent career. 

Dingiswayo had not greatly altered the tribal con- 
dition. Submission had been yielded, and tribute paid 
to him during his lifetime ; but the chiefs had been 
allowed to remain in authority over their several tribes, 
and, when his personality was removed, they were little 
disposed to continue their allegiance to his successor in the 
Umtetwa chieftainship. Tshaka seized upon the oppor- 
tunity which the circumstances presented to reconquer 
and establish his own rule over them. To this end he 
subjected the army under his command to more rigid 
discipline than had been previously enforced. An 



experiment taught him that by carrying only one assegai, 
and engaging the enemy hand-to-hand, his men could 
fight more effectively than they had been able to do 
when armed with several, including a certain number for 
throwing. He therefore deprived them of all but one 
spear, and this he required that they should bring back 
with them out of the conflict, if they returned alive. He 
enlarged his army by adding to its strength the men who 
remained of the tribes he conquered, and of those who 
voluntarily submitted to him in order to avoid destruction. 
He impressed upon his warriors that they had to conquer 
or die. At the conclusion of each battle the " cowards " 
were "picked out," under his personal supervision, if he 
were present, or, in his absence, under the supervision of 
the man in chief command. They were reported by the 
sectional leaders, and met with sudden and violent death. 
Until their doom was pronounced men so selected felt, 
probably, that they had performed deeds worthy of a 
different reward. There can be no doubt that much 
injustice was done in this respect, as in the case of 
the execution of Zulus which took place at other times 
and for other causes. But it was a kind of injustice 
which never strongly impressed itself upon the minds of 
the nation. It was generally supposed that the victims 
had committed the offences for which they suffered. In 
the case of the selection of cowards, the leaders whose 
duty it was to do so may conceivably have been guided 
by considerations of personal safety, and have chosen at 
random for the mere purpose of proving that they had 
given close attention to the conduct of the men under 
their command ; or availed themselves of the opportunity 
the situation afforded of securing the removal of persons 
against whom they entertained a personal grudge. But 
the effect was that which was desired. The conflicts were 
close and violent, and the participants were prevented by 
the necessities of self-protection from observing the con- 


duct of their comrades with much precision. Cases of 
injustice would thus escape notice ; and this must have 
been so, for tradition does not say that other than 
cowards suffered. The practice was certainly a -strong 
stimulus to valour. 

Of the several exploits by which Tshaka established 
and extended his dominion few details can be gathered 
from the Zulus. There is an exception in the case of his 
wars with the tribe by which Dingiswayo was taken and 
slain. Zwidi, the chief of this tribe, was his most formid- 
able opponent. His lands were not extensive. They lay 
north from the Black Umfolozi River, and south and east 
from the Ingome forest, but it is impossible to form a 
correct idea of their limits, other tribes being also mentioned 
as having dwelt in the locality. For two years after Tshaka 
had begun his career of conquest this tribe continued to be 
superior to his in strength. Zwidi held him in contempt, 
and failed to appreciate his increasing power. It was 
impossible that the two could remain long so close together 
as they were without measuring their strength against each 
other. About the year 1820 the offensive was assumed by 
Zwidi. He despatched his army to attack Tshaka in his 
own country south of the White Umfolozi. Tshaka did 
not remain there to meet him, but assembled his army and 
people and retreated south, crossing the Tugela River near 
its mouth. Zwidi's forces pursued him ; but as Tshaka 
either carried away, or destroyed, all food supplies along 
the route, their provisions were exhausted by the time they 
reached the Tugela. Then they began to retrace their steps, 
but by the time they reached the Umhlatuzi River they 
were reduced to a famished condition. This was what 
Tshaka had anticipated, and his warriors overtaking them 
there, the greater part of the manhood of the Ndwandwe 
tribe were destroyed. Zwidi had no force left sufficient to 
battle with that of Tshaka, the advent of which might be 
immediately expected, and such men as remained were 


completely unnerved by the slaughter which had taken 
place of their tribesmen. So there was no course left him 
but to gather his people and flocks and herds and what 
else of their effects they might be able to carry, and betake 
himself to a new land. He was pursued as far as the 
Pongolo River, but escaped to the Drakensberg, north 
of where the town of Utrecht stands, and there established 
a settlement and died. 

By the expulsion of this tribe, Tshaka was relieved from 
the presence of any enemy capable of causing him appre- 
hension. Such tribes as remained in a semi-independent 
state were necessitated to concern themselves rather with 
the question how to escape destruction at his hands than 
with any scheme of making an attack upon him. He had 
become the ruler of a nation, but a new element soon 
appeared which was to have an important influence on the 
nation's destiny. Since the discovery of the Bay of Natal 
by Vasco Da Gama in 1497, ships had visited it only at long 
intervals, and merely for the purpose of obtaining supplies. 
Amongst the people who were united under Tshaka, there 
were none who had held communication with men who 
fared by sea. There was some tradition and rumour only 
concerning them, the latter having reference to the killing 
by neighbouring tribes of sailors who had escaped from 
wrecks. Thus when he looked out upon the world, it was 
upon a world peopled by members of his own race, with 
little or no variation in their habits or pursuits. He had 
no example to guide him in the choice of any new aim 
which he might desire to inculcate ; his inherited idea and 
the circumstances in which he had grown up suggested 
the formation of the people into an effective fighting force, 
with his own greatness as the object of their wars. Now 
during the lull in martial activity which succeeded the 
completion of his conquests, there came intelligence that 
white men had been seeking a landing with the object of 
opening up a trade with his country. In 1823, Lieutenant 


Farewell from Port Elizabeth visited his shore with that 
aim, and on his landing at St. Lucia, he lost through 
desertion a Cape frontier native named Jacob Msimbiti, 
whom he had taken with him as an interpreter. This man 
found his way to Tshaka at the Nobamba kraal in the 
White Umfolozi valley, which had been the principal 
residence of his father. Jacob related to Tshaka his 
experiences, and what his master had sought to effect. 
He excited much interest, and was given the name of 
Hlambamanzi, signifying, " Swim-the-water," and accorded 
a place of distinction in the king's establishment. Although 
Farewell did not succeed on this occasion, he did not 
abandon his scheme. In the following year he chartered 
two other vessels, and, having landed at the Natal Bay, he 
and his companion Henry Francis Fynn were accorded a 
hearty welcome at the Bulawayo kraal in July 1824. This 
was the first meeting of Tshaka with white men, and they 
were largely indebted for their favourable reception to what 
had been related concerning them by Jacob, while the 
records they made are the chief resource of those who 
would acquaint themselves with any degree of definiteness 
with the position Tshaka had gained by this time, and with 
the methods by which he ruled. During this first visit 
they witnessed two occurrences of considerable interest, 
confirming the impression of Tshaka which has continued 
to be held by later generations of his race, that he was 
a man who ordered his subjects to execution without pre- 
ferring a charge or admitting of any defence, and showing 
that he had incurred a high degree of resentment. The 
first was a summary order that a man who was standing 
near should be put to death " for what crime," says Fynn, 
" we could not learn ; but we soon found it," he adds, " to 
be one of the common occurrences in the course of the 
day " ; the other was an attempt upon Tshaka's own life, 
to which further reference will be made. 

The time at which the visit took place was exceedingly 


fortunate. It was during a peaceful interval, and the 
visitors were thus placed in a position to note Tshaka's 
habits of home life, concerning which there is little to be 
gathered from tradition. It is, perhaps, easier to secure 
increased means than a corresponding increase of capacity 
for enjoying them. Thus the great wealth which the 
spoils of fallen tribes supplied made but little change in 
Tshaka's personal wants. His fare differed but little from 
that of a native of ordinary means. He knew of no 
choicer food than boiled beef, and the beer which was the 
beverage of any man successful in raising a crop of grain. 
His eyes were reddened by the smoke which filled the 
ventless hut in which he lived. He slept on a straw mat, 
with a wooden pillow to support his head, and a mantle 
made of the skins of animals to cover his body. His 
apparel was neither so rare nor so costly as to be beyond 
the means of a common man. The dress in which he 
appeared on great occasions is thus described by Fynn, 
who stood by while Tshaka bedecked himself, preparatory 
to appearing before a multitude of his warriors and people 
who had assembled at his residence to " make him mirth " : 
" Round his forehead he wore a turban of otter-skin, with 
a feather of a crane erect in front, fully two feet long. 
Earrings of dried sugar-cane, carved round the edges, with 
white ends, and an inch in diameter, were let into the 
lobes of his ears, which had been cut to admit them. 
From shoulder to shoulder he wore bunches, three inches 
in length, of the skins of monkeys and genets, twisted like 
the tails of these animals, and hanging half-way down his 
body. Round the ring on the head were a dozen bunches 
of the red feathers of the lory bird, tastefully tied to 
thorns, which were stuck into the hair. Round the arms 
were white ox-tails, cut down the middle so as to allow 
the hair to hang about the arm, to the number of four 
to each. Round the waist a petticoat, resembling the 
Highland kilt, made of the skins of genets and twisted 


(From Nathaniel Isaac's " Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa," 1836.) 


as before described, having small tassels round the top, 
the petticoat reaching the knees, below which were white 
ox-tails to fit round the knees so as to hang to the ankles." 
His extravagance lay in acts making for the mani- 
festation and recognition of his power. Some 12,000 
fighting men were assembled, and were dancing and 
singing in symphony a song which it pleased him to 
hear; perhaps one of his own composing, something in 
the nature of a motto only about eight or ten words in 
length, perhaps his great war-song 

" The nations lie hath scatter'd far, 
Whither shall he now wage war ? " 

or words commemorative of some battle in which he felt 
an especial pride, stress being laid on the enemy's dis- 
comfiture on that occasion. While this dance was pro- 
ceeding (and it was kept up all day, and for several 
succeeding days), immense droves of cattle were brought 
near and exhibited by those in charge of them ; he de- 
rived a great satisfaction from regarding those herds, a 
satisfaction arising from a simple sense of possession. 
Many hundreds of women, many of them girls of whom 
he was as completely the owner as of the cattle, also 
took part in the singing, and none was more active in 
the dancing than Tshaka himself. 

These proceedings were terminated by the attempt to 
assassinate him already mentioned. The assegai had 
pierced his arm, and passed through between the ribs 
below the left breast, but had not penetrated sufficiently 
to cause fatal injury. Fynn was called in to attend to 
the wound, and applied simple remedies. He recorded 
that the king cried all night from fear, thinking that 
the wound might prove fatal. But it may reasonably 
be doubted whether the tears he shed were induced by 
a fear of this nature. Under the circumstances, a wound 
of a much less serious nature would probably have caused 


the same display of emotion. On another occasion (to be 
mentioned later), he is said to have shed copious tears, 
although it was considered that their cause was neither 
fear nor excess of sorrow. This was at the death of 
his mother Nandi. 

Zwidi's people had prospered in their new dis- 
tant mountain-land, and had become so strong again 
that Tshaka felt that it would be necessary to proceed 
against them. They were being represented as a menace ; 
it was believed, or affected to be believed, that the 
assassin who had failed in his attempt was an emissary 
of that tribe. 

Tshaka's recovery was not long delayed, and he 
attributed it in some measure to the skill of Fynn and 
Farewell. His attitude towards them was all that they 
could desire. He gave them free permission to trade, 
made them generous gifts of cattle, and Farewell returned 
to his place at the Bay armed with a signed cession of 
a large tract of territory, extending one hundred miles 
inland, and including the Harbour. This cession was 
dated the 8th of August 1824. 


LIEUTENANT FAREWELL was considerably astonished by 
the state of things which his visit to Tshaka disclosed. 
He had started on his journey with little information 
as to the condition of the people with whom it was 
his object to open a trade. He appears to have as- 
sumed that there would be no difficulty in the way; 
he brought with him a considerable number of persons, 
including Cape Dutch, as if bent on forming a settle- 
ment. It was probably with that end still in view 
that he induced the king to sign a cession of land in 
his favour. The grant was indeed of little value, the 
question whether its terms should be held binding 
being one dependent upon the caprice of Tshaka, in 
whose power he was. From the subsequent proceed- 
ings of the former it is clear that he never intended 
to concede any other position to the Europeans than 
one subject to his own authority. The intention of those 
who had come to settle was soon changed, for reasons 
which it would perhaps be difficult now to ascertain. 
Most of them returned by the ship that had brought 
them ; the remainder sailed later, and were lost, and 
with them the vessel upon which Farewell himself 
had depended for effecting his departure in the event 
of any circumstances arising which should necessitate 
his retirement. The precise number of those who re- 
mained with him seems to be nowhere stated, but 
Fynn, John Cane, and Thomas Halstead are names 
conspicuously mentioned by those who made note of 
what transpired, and their names are conspicuous in 


the subsequent course of events. All four were destined 
to end their days in the country on the shores of which 
they had landed ; all, but one, to suffer violent death. 

During the following year their relations with Tshaka 
continued to be of the most cordial character. Farewell 
carried on his trade with the people immediately under 
that king, while Fynn extended his operations towards 
Pondoland, Cain and Halstead assisting as occasion 
required. Then, on the 30th of September 1825, there 
came another ship, the master being Lieutenant King, 
an old friend of Farewell, who had accompanied him 
during the more northerly expedition two years earlier; 
with him, as a companion, came Nathaniel Isaacs, 
whose book (where preserved in libraries) will remain 
a lasting record of their experiences in the course of 
some succeeding years. The vessel was wrecked at 
the entrance of the Bay, and both officers and crew 
were compelled to make a lengthened sojourn. 

King and Isaacs entered upon the same pursuits as 
those who had preceded them. They also visited and 
were cordially received by the king, and they engaged 
in trading, while the crew were set to build a craft in 
which they hoped eventually to be enabled to quit 
the shore upon which they had been cast. The pro- 
ceedings of these traders, however, scarcely come within the 
scope of this history. Their records, which it would not 
be possible to learn from tradition, show that Tshaka 
did not proceed upon any important warlike enterprise 
between the date of their arrival and August 1826. 
Zwidi was then dead, and his sons, Sikunyana and Soma- 
punga, had disputed the right to succeed him in the 
rule of the tribe. The former was victorious ; the latter 
barely escaped with his life, and found it needful to 
devise a way of preserving it. To this latter end, and 
perhaps with the view of avenging what he conceived 
to be an injury, Somapunga had made his way to 


Tshaka, and preparations were set on foot for a cam- 
paign against Sikunyana Somapunga to go as guide, 
and Tshaka to command in person. 

The whites at the Bay were notified that they would 
be required to accompany this expedition, and they 
urged in vain that they might thereby incur the dis- 
pleasure of their own Government. The matter was, 
however, compromised ; Farewell and Fynn, and some 
of their Hottentot servants, were compelled to go, the 
sailors and Isaacs being permitted to remain. King 
was at this time temporarily absent, having gone to 
the Cape in a ship which had chanced to call at the 

The army assembled at the Nobamba kraal, and Fynn 
thus describes it as it left that place on its northward 
march. " In the rear of the regiments were the baggage- 
boys, few above the age of twelve years, some not more 
than six. These boys were attached to the chiefs or 
principal men, carrying their mats, pillows, tobacco, 
&c., and driving the cattle of the army. Some of the 
chiefs were also accompanied by girls carrying beer, corn, 
and milk; and when this supply had been exhausted 
these carriers returned home. The whole number of 
men, boys, and women amounted, as nearly as I could 
reckon, to 50,000. All proceeded in a close body, and 
at a distance nothing could be seen but a cloud of 

The march seems to have occupied about ten days, 
including halts for resting, and then the enemy was 
descried near to a mountain named Ihlongamvula. 
The battle which ensued is thus described by Fynn: 

4 'The hill from which we had first seen the enemy 
presented to our view an extensive valley, to the left 
of which was a hill separated by another valley from 
an immense mountain. On the upper part of this was 
a rocky eminence, near the summit of which the enemy 


had collected all his forces, surrounding his cattle ; 
and above them were the women and children of the 
nation in a body. They were sitting down awaiting the 

"Tshaka's forces marched slowly and with great 
caution, in regiments, divided into companies, till within 
twenty yards of the enemy ; and then they made a halt. 
Although Tshaka's troops had taken up a position so 
close, the enemy seemed disinclined to move, till Jacob 
(Hlambamanzi) had lired at them three times. The 
first and second shots seemed to make no impression 
on them, for they only hissed and cried in reply, " Inja 
leyo ! " (That is a dog !). At the third shot both parties, 
with a tremendous yell, clashed together, and continued 
stabbing each other for about three minutes, when both 
fell back a few paces. Seeing their losses about equal, 
both armies raised a cry, and this was followed by 
another rush, and they continued closely engaged for 
about twice as long as on the first onset. Then both 
parties drew off. But the enemy's loss had now been 
more severe, and this encouraged the Zulus to a final 
charge. The shrieks now became terrific. The rem- 
nant of the enemy's army sought shelter in the adjoin- 
ing wood, but were soon driven out. Then began the 
slaughter of the women and children. They were all 
put to death." 

This was perhaps the most important of Tshaka's 
battles. Fynn estimated that the spoil he secured 
numbered about 60,000 head of cattle. Sikunyana's 
tribe, numbering according to the same authority about 
40,000, was all but annihilated. He personally escaped, 
but with what remnant of his people history does not 
say. He is supposed to have found his way to the 
north of Delagoa Bay, and relationship is still ac- 
knowledged between some of those people who were at 
war with the Portuguese in 1896 under Ungungunyana, 


and the family of Somapunga, who resumed the old 
Ndwandwe sites in Zululand under Tshaka. 

Resistance was not yet entirely overcome, however, 
although what remained was only of the kind which 
desperately attempts to ward off destruction. Upon the 
way back from the desolating operations just described, 
two sections of the army were detached to deal with 
two minor tribes who had, at one time, been tributary 
to the old chief Zwidi. They both resisted with con- 
siderable success. Umlotsha at the Mapondwana moun- 
tains, some way north of the Ingome forest, held his 
own for some time, and is recorded to have submitted 
on terms. The other, Beje, " succeeded in cutting to 
pieces one of Tshaka's regiments numbering two thou- 
sand men. ... A few escaped and came to the army 
. . . but orders were given to put them to death at 
once as men who had dared to fly." 

This was no doubt the same Beje against whom Tshaka 
found it necessary later on to impress the aid of the 
Europeans with their firearms. 

No doubt the Sikunyana war added to Tshaka's fame, 
but his name already inspired terror from the Limpopo to 
St. John's River. Immense territories had been depopu- 
lated, including that which afterwards became the Colony 
of Natal. A few stragglers remained, amongst whom 
cannibalism was afterwards found to prevail. The straits 
to which they were reduced by his devastations are said to 
have caused them to adopt this habit, which is abhorrent 
generally to South African natives, and which did not 
long continue to be practised. Of the tribes which were 
dispersed from the land of Natal a list was prepared by 
order of Governor Scott in 1864. Their names, to the 
number of ninety-four, show them all to have spoken the 
language of the Zulu. What became of them can only be 
traced in the case of a few, notably the Fingoes of the 
Cape Colony. Of those who left the territory which 


afterwards became known as Zululand that which took the 
most conspicuous place in later history was the Kumalo 
tribe under Umzilikazi (whose name is generally written 
Moselekatse by historians). Two names will serve to com- 
memorate his association with the Zulu country in the 
days of Tshaka Bulawayo and Nombengula (commonly 
written Lobengula). The first signifies "one being 
killed," and was given by Tshaka to his principal kraal 
in reference to the circumstances which drove him from 
his father's home in his youth ; the second, signifying 
" with-a-fire-brand," was probably chosen by Umzilikazi 
as a name for his son in reference to those events in which 
he set out on his own career. He was a son of Matshobana 
by Nompetu, a daughter of the Ndwandwe chief Zwidi. He 
occupied the northern slopes of the mountain range on 
which grows the beautiful Ingome forest. His tribe was 
not powerful, nor does he appear at that time to have 
been held in much distinction. He yielded submission 
to Tshaka, as well as can be ascertained, about the 
time when the latter obtained his first victory over 
Zwidi. He and his tribesmen were incorporated in the 
Zulu army and associated with the Bulawayo as their 
headquarters. At a later time he became a freebooter and 
broke entirely away, establishing himself eventually in 
what became known as Matabeleland, with a great place 
of his own named after that from which he had 
set out. 

The expansion of Tshaka's dominion was sudden, and 
left him master of vast territories, very sparsely peopled, 
which he was not able to place in official occupation. He 
was only able to establish effective authority over a small 
portion of the land he had conquered. He extended his 
personal occupation as far as practicable. The Bulawayo 
was far from his ancestral domains, between the Umlalazi 
and Umhlatuzi rivers in what has become the Eshowe 
Division of Zululand. He built an important residence 


on the Natal coast, on the site of which now stands the 
village of Stanger, giving it the name of Dukuza. He 
also established other minor kraals farther south, the 
name Congella (or Kangela, a well-known place at the 
head of the Durban Bay), being derived, according to 
tradition, from that of a kraal, afterwards conspicuously 
mentioned in Zululand, which he temporarily erected 
there. Towards the north he planted several personal 
kraals, notably one in the Black Umfolozi in charge of 
Ngqengelele, whose son Umnyanana was destined to be- 
come celebrated as Prime Induna under Cetshwayo. The 
territory lying to the north-east of the Nongoma range he 
assigned to Mapita, a son of his father's brother Sonjiyiza, 
who had greatly distinguished himself in martial operations, 
and who established a power there, of the doings of which 
under his son Usibebu it will be necessary to make especial 
mention in this narrative. 

Tshaka returned from his campaign against Sikunyana 
towards the end of October 1826, and Isaacs has described 
a scene he witnessed at the Bulawayo kraal on the llth 
of the following month. The writer has never heard this 
incident mentioned by Zulus, and the statement has thus 
to rest upon Isaacs's sole testimony. On the other hand, it 
may be argued that it was not so conspicuous amongst 
Tshaka's acts as to be specially remembered. Under the 
rule of the Zulus, conjugal infidelity was a capital offence ; 
both the erring woman and her paramour were put to 
death on proof of their guilt. But this law was probably 
never so rigorously carried out as in the case of those 
women who were either the wives of the king or attached 
to his household, and in respect to anything in the nature 
of an advance towards them by men. Tshaka was not 
married, but he adopted and carried out, to an extent 
probably unprecedented, a custom which had prevailed in 
past generations amongst chiefs generally. Men in want 
of cattle, or perhaps of agricultural implements (which in 


those days were valued as highly), were in the habit of 
transferring, as a consideration to those in a position to 
supply their wants, their paternal power over daughters. 
In cases where tribute was required by the chiefs, its pay- 
ment was sometimes made in this form ; and daughters 
were sometimes translated into families of chiefs as 
voluntary acts by men seeking favour. These girls re- 
sided in the kraals into which they had been translated, 
and were obliged to comply with the wish of him to whom 
they had been given, either by becoming his wives or 
marrying any other men of his choice. The number 
of such girls at Tshaka's kraals was very great. They 
were called the women of the Great House. Their position 
required that their conduct should be as precise as if they 
were married. Tshaka appears to have discovered that 
this character had not been duly maintained during his 
absence at the Front. It was Isaacs's opinion that he 
merely affected to have satisfied himself on the point in 
order to be in a position to give licence to his inhuman 
disposition. He rose early and proceeded to a place some 
distance off, pretending to be in search of a suitable site 
for a new kraal. Instead of this, however, when he had 
attained a sufficient distance to avoid being heard, he 
announced to those who accompanied him the conclusion 
at which he had arrived. He asked what should be done 
in the circumstances, and the expected answer was re- 
turned, " Kill them, Father." Then he ordered his men 
to surround the kraal before suspicion of his design could 
be aroused. " Their number amounted to a hundred and 
seventy boys and girls." Tshaka advanced and personally 
superintended their slaughter. So far as was known, they 
had not so much as been told the cause. 

The Bulawayo kraal was sometimes called Gibigxeku, 
a name which signifies literally, " Take-out-the-old-man." 
This was in reference to the killing of certain men too 
old to go out to war, and whom Tshaka therefore regarded 


as an incumbrance. The mention of the name to a Zulu 
may still evoke a smile. 

Towards the end of the year Tshaka removed to 
the Dukuza kraal, and from such records as exist, he 
would appear to have generally resided there during the 
remainder of his life. 

Operations for the subjection of Beje were in progress 
at the beginning of 1827. This object was effected with 
the aid of certain of the Europeans, which Tshaka exacted 
as a penalty for certain offences committed by Hottentots 
in their service. 

Gradual progress was being made with the building 
of the ship at the Port, and by the middle of this year 
there was reason to hope that a voyage in her might be 
practicable within a reasonable time. And Tshaka con- 
ceived the idea of sending a friendly mission by her to 
the English king, of whom he had heard much from his 
white visitors. There was some importunity displayed by 
the latter in respect to ivory, of which they felt that they 
had not received a quantity commensurate to the articles 
which they had presented to the king, and on the 24th 
of July Tshaka told Lieutenant King that he was going 
to hunt elephants, and that whatever ivory he procured 
would be sent to King George. He seems to have set out 
upon this expedition soon after that date. He had gone 
a considerable distance (Fynn says he was eighty miles 
from home), when intelligence reached him that his 
mother was seriously ill. He hurried back, Fynn pre- 
ceding him, in time to find the sufferer still alive, but on 
the point of death. Her end came about the 9th or 10th 
of August, and, according to what appears to be good 
evidence, at her kraal named Nyakamubi just outside 
Dukuza, and near where Tshaka himself lies buried. The 
event was to prove an important one as a turning-point 
in South African history. _ 

There was reason for the people to apprehend that 



some important result might follow from it of such a kind 
as to seriously affect themselves. Tshaka's mother is the 
first woman to whom Zulu history or tradition assigns 
greatness, but it would perhaps not be safe to say that 
he was the first of the kings or chiefs to give to his 
mother an exalted position. He probably exaggerated 
a custom which had prevailed in previous generations. 
Although there appears to be little known of the mother 
of his immediate successor, Dingana, those of Umpande 
and Cetshwayo long continued to be named in assevera- 
tions. The greatness of Nandi was second only to that 
of Tshaka himself; the respect he required the people 
to accord her impressed them with a sense of her import- 
ance in his eyes. It behoved them to assure him that 
they were grieved by her death. From far and near they 
made haste to the scene with that object ; those who 
arrived early found the king in an attitude which boded 
some grievous issue. 

It is said by those who have hunted lions, that there 
is a certain tone in the growl of those beasts, when 
wounded, which serves to warn their assailants of danger. 
In certain circumstances a Zulu's tears serve the same 
purpose. They flow most freely when induced by a 
desire for vengeance. When Tshaka found that his 
mother was dead, he appeared outside the hut and stood 
there, his head bent forward and the tears rolling down 
his cheeks. He stood so in silence for some twenty 
minutes, and the people knew what was in his mind. 
His attitude and emotions told them plainly that he attri- 
buted his loss to the secret craft of some evil-disposed 
persons, and that his dignity had been hurt by their 
audacity. Each member of the assembled throng per- 
ceived the importance of establishing his own innocence 
of so terrible an offence, and of manifesting a readiness 
to destroy the guilty. They therefore exerted them- 
selves in the display of grief and in the killing of such 


as seemed to be lacking in that direction. The dreadful 
scene continued all night and all next day, by which time 
thousands were dead. Some had died from exhaustion, 
but most from violence, having been beaten to death on 
the pretext that their grief had fallen short of that which 
was to be expected from the innocent. Then the massacre 
was extended to distant residents who had failed to present 
themselves, and carnage and desolation were spread far 
and wide. It is even said that the young calves were 
killed in order that the lowing of their bereaved mothers 
might make it appear that the cattle joined in the 

In six months the ship was completed, and the terrible 
expressions of grief consequent on the death of Nandi 
appeared to have subsided. The project of sending a 
mission was now matured. The ship was Lieutenant 
King's ; he had quarrelled with Farewell, and had largely 
supplanted him in Tshaka's affections. 

In the arrangement under which he was to conduct 
the mission, he was to act independently. The document 
appointing him to the duty embodied a cession of terri- 
tory, which included an important portion of that land 
which had been ceded to Farewell four years earlier. It 
was dated February 1828. It directed King to take 
under his charge and protection Sotobe and others, in- 
cluding Jacob, or Hlambamanzi, and, having reached 
their destination, to "represent that they were sent by 
Tshaka on a friendly mission to His Majesty King George's 
dominions ; and after offering him assurances of friend- 
ship and esteem, to negotiate with His Majesty a friendly 
alliance between the two nations." 

Fynn appears to have now associated himself with 
King ; he himself voluntarily remained as hostage. The 
party sailed on the 30th of April, and reached Algoa Bay 
on the 4th of May, where they remained until the 2nd 
of August. Sotobe was severely questioned as to the 


object of his visit, and was not shown the courtesy which 
he had expected. He was told that he might proceed to 
Cape Town to see the governor, but, as King was not 
permitted to accompany him in the capacity in which 
he had been appointed, he declined. Therefore he and 
King were sent back to Natal in His Majesty's ship 
Helicon, the Natal schooner being taken back by Isaacs, 
both reaching the Bay on the 17th August. 

In the meantime Tshaka had complicated matters. 
He had sent a large expedition along the south coast, 
which seemed to threaten the Cape frontier natives, 
whom it was the duty of the English Government to 
protect. Its object was, according to Fynn, to attack 
those tribes whose cattle were to be considered as tears 
shed for Nandi. It was held out as a continuation of the 
cleansing rite in respect to her death. It placed Sotobe 
in a position of anxiety. He heard of the complications 
likely to arise with the English Government, and expressed 
a desire to be permitted to return to his master to warn 
him of the error into which his ignorance appeared likely 
to lead him. But the expedition did not proceed a great 
distance. It captured a great number of cattle from the 
Pondos, but its success was not otherwise considered to 
be great. It is said to have been recalled on the advice 
of Fynn, who perceived the trouble it was likely to create. 
But before it had been long back it was ordered to set 
out again along the north coast, and attack Sotshangana 
beyond Delagoa Bay, and had left before Sotobe's return. 

The result of the mission did not satisfy Tshaka, as he 
considered that he had been slighted. But neither did 
he give practical effect to his resentment, nor, apparently, 
let it be known to the Zulus generally that his object had 
not been gained. It remained a tradition with the latter, 
during their continuance as a nation, that Sotobe had 
crossed the water and entered into a treaty of friendship 
with the English king. 


The character of Tshaka, as it is known to the descen- 
dants of the people over whom he ruled, was largely 
made up of the two qualities of generosity and wanton 
cruelty. He is reputed to have been liberal in his gifts 
to those who had been so fortunate as to earn his favour, 
whilst acting towards the generality of the people in a 
manner to make it appear that he derived a kind of 
amusement from seeing them killed or placed in situa- 
tions of such danger as to preclude almost all hope of 
escape. His object in practising the first of these attri- 
butes might have been that of securing support, but his 
aim in indulging the second is not so easily to be per- 
ceived. Tradition is vague in regard to it. It merely 
refers generally to the nature of the things he was in the 
habit of doing, without specifying any act in a manner 
which might afford a possibility of authenticating it, or 
assigning a cause. As Fynn's account of his proceedings 
during the absence of his army is in agreement with the 
general impression of his conduct, it may be taken as a 
fair example. 

He affected, as is not uncommon amongst savage 
chiefs, to be possessed of some form of supernatural 
power. He proceeded to practise the divining art, taking 
the wives of his absent warriors as his subjects. " He 
collected the people of the kraals, and subjected them in 
rotation to some operation, selecting some who were to 
be put to death. Though he went through the ordinary 
custom of dream-doctors, yet those who were not selected 
for death did not on that account escape their fate. He 
inquired of them if they were possessed of cats, and 
whether the answer was in the affirmative or negative, 
the result was the same. During three days the bodies 
of women numbering not less than three or four hundred 
were seen carried away to the rivers, or left to the wolves." 

The northern campaign was not successful. The army 
marched, it is said, as far as Inhambane, but it met with 


difficulties with which it could not successfully contend. 
The enemy against which it had been sent employed 
baffling strategy. Food supplies ran short, and fever 
attacked the men. In September they began to straggle 
back into their own country, greatly reduced in number 
and greatly disheartened. The expedition became known 
as " Impi yo Balule," or the Balule campaign, that being 
the native name for the Limpopo River. A reference to it 
fixes the date of other occurrences of about the year 1828. 
What the reception of the defeated army might have 
been under the circumstances in which it returned, can 
only be a subject for speculation. Intelligence met the 
home-coming men that Tshaka was no more. A new 
prospect had opened. 


IT is recorded of Tshaka that he gained the chieftainship 
of the Zulu tribe by causing the assassination of a brother 
who had assumed that position. Of this event no de- 
finite information can be gained ; nor as to whether any 
of the other sons of Senzangakona fell victims to his am- 
bition. It is clear, however, that at the period to which 
reference is now being made, when Tshaka had enjoyed 
an independent career for about twelve years, there were 
still a considerable number of his brothers living. They 
joined in his wars, and it may be assumed that some of 
them fell in battle. One named Unzibe succumbed to 
fever after his return with the expedition to the Limpopo. 
To him it will be necessary to refer again. Another 
brother named Umpande was married, but his descen- 
dants assert that his first sons, born in Tshaka's time, 
were killed, as were any that chanced to be born to 
Tshaka himself. 

Tshaka owed the position to which he had attained so 
entirely to his own personality that he might, with ap- 
parent safety, have regarded himself as free from the 
possibility of intrigue on the part of his brothers. The 
example of Dingiswayo was before them, and they might 
well have been supposed to doubt their ability to main- 
tain authority over the nation, even if placed in a position 
by its creator's removal to assume the kingship over it. 
There were no open signs of intrigue. There is, perhaps, 
no race in which greater circumspection is exercised by 
those in authority than is the case amongst the Zulus. 
The habit of watching for any sign of evil design on the 


part of a neighbour is, indeed, not confined to the chiefs. 
Even young children at the present day seem to be 
affected, by some process of inheritance, with the necessity 
which was felt in days past of guarding against surprise. 
They scarcely ever answer to the first call. It seems to 
have become an instinctive habit of mind not to let it be 
known where they are until they have satisfied them- 
selves, by hearing the voice a second time, as to the 
identity of the person calling. The disposition of chiefs 
is to believe the most incredible tales as to designs 
against themselves, and there are those amongst the 
people who are ever ready to report any semblance of sus- 
picion. The circumstances of Tshaka's death are there- 
fore remarkable. Until he was pierced by the spears of 
his murderers, he appears to have been entirely uncon- 
scious that a plot was in existence against him. 

The plot was carried into effect on the 24th of 
September 1828, the participators being his brothers 
Mahlangana and Dingana, and his confidential servant 
Umbopa ; and the description of how it was done is best 
given in the words of Fynn, who acquainted himself with 
the circumstances shortly after the event : " Some Kafirs 
had arrived from a remote part of the country with crane's 
feathers, which the king had sent them to procure, and 
the king was dissatisfied at their having been so long 
absent. He came out of his hut and went to a small 
kraal fifty yards distant. There these people sat before 
him. Unguazonco, brother of Nandi, an old man much 
in favour with the king, was also there. Tshaka asking 
in a severe tone what had detained them so long with the 
feathers, Umbopa ran up to them with a stick and called 
upon them to state why they had been so long in ful- 
filling the king's orders, and struck at them. Being 
aware that their lives were in danger, and supposing that 
Umbopa had, as was usual when some one was ordered 
to be put to death, received the private signal, they ran 


away. Tshaka, seeing them run, asked Umbopa what 
they had done to deserve being driven off in this way. 
Mahlangana and Dingana had hidden themselves behind 
a small fence near which Tshaka was standing, and each 
had an assegai concealed in his kaross. The former, 
seeing the people run off, and the king by himself, 
stabbed him through the back on the left shoulder. 
Dingana also closed upon him and stabbed him. Tshaka 
had only time to ask : ' What is the matter, children of 
my father ? ' But the three repeated their stabs in such 
rapid succession that he died after running a few yards 
beyond the gate of the kraal. The body remained out 
all night. In the morning people were selected to bury 
him ; and his body was then placed in an empty corn- 
cellar," that is, in a pit in the cattle-kraal which had been 
excavated for the storage of grain. Not so much trouble 
was taken, apparently, as to dig a grave for him. 

The circumstances of Tshaka's death, in all their details, 
form one of the few incidents of Zulu history that have been, 
thus far, carefully preserved by the Zulus themselves. 

Tshaka being dead, the question at once arose between 
his two brothers who had slain him, as to which of them 
should reign in his stead. Mahlangana appears to have 
had reason for believing that he possessed a preferent 
right to the succession, but he soon perceived that 
Dingana was also an aspirant. It was apparent to both 
that the question could only be solved by the death of 
one of them. Mahlangana was seen suspiciously sharpen- 
ing an assegai, and disclosed his design to Umbopa, who 
was in the confidence of both, but who secretly favoured 
Dingana. He at once warned the latter, and placed him 
in a position to strike the first blow. Mahlangana was 
quickly despatched; then it was found necessary to 
forcibly overcome and remove Ungowadi, a son of Nandi 
by a second husband, who was discovered to have preten- 
sions to the kingship supported by a considerable force. 


The way being thus cleared, there was little difficulty 
in conciliating the people. They were thankful for the 
removal of Tshaka, and their affections were easily won 
by the announcement of a more pacific policy. Dingana 
declared himself to be a man of peace. He maintained 
this pretence to his people, and perhaps to himself, during 
the greater part of his reign. But other measures were 
necessary to repair the ruin into which the nation had 
been brought. The bloodshed that had followed the 
death of Nandi had made the scenes of its occurrence 
repellent to the people. The Natal coast-lands were 
almost immediately abandoned. A traveller to the Zulu 
country, in passing the Dukuza some three years later, 
found some ruins only of that great place. The kraal 
had been, or was later, re-established in the valley of the 
White Umfolozi River, accompanied by a translation 
thither of the spirit of Tshaka, his body only remaining 
at, and thus lending little sentimental interest to, his 
burial place. The old inhabitants had been driven out 
and the new population withdrawn ; the country south of 
the Tugela was almost unoccupied. 

The satisfaction with the accession of a new ruler with 
peaceful professions was shared by the white residents. 
They both felt and expressed their confidence in the good 
intentions which he evinced. The friendship which they 
had established with Tshaka seemed to be placed on a 
still better footing with the new king. 
J Dingana established his principal seat, the Umgun- 
gundhlovu, in the fork of the Umkumbane and Unzololo 
streams, in the tribal lands of his ancestors, a place 
which was destined to be the scene of tragic occurrences. 
He soon determined to follow the example of his pre- 
decessor in sending a friendly mission to the British 
authorities at the Cape. Lieutenant King had died 
almost immediately on his return with Sotobe, and 
Farewell was absent. It therefore devolved upon Cane 


to take charge of the new mission. Overland traffic had 
been opened in 1828, and there was no longer occasion 
to travel by sea. Proceeding along the coast, the mission 
reached Grahamstown on the 21st of November 1830, 
and the Civil Commissioner there reported its arrival, 
and the nature of the message it had to convey, in a 
letter to the Secretary to the Government, dated the 26th 
of that month. By this time Cane had resolved on dis- 
posing of the ivory, which had been entrusted to him 
as a present to the authorities, and on purchasing with 
the proceeds a suitable present for Dingana. He re- 
presented that, by delaying, he would incur the risk 
of being stopped by swollen rivers on his return journey. 
The rivers did detain him, and he did not reach Natal 
till the 10th of March 1831. He had been accompanied, 
amongst others, by Jacob, or Hlambamanzi, who pro- 
ceeded on the journey much against his will and with 
feelings of resentment against Cane, whom he suspected 
of having induced Dingana to send him. Cane, on 
arrival, did not go to Dingana personally, contenting 
himself with sending the articles which he had brought 
as presents. Hlambamanzi proceeded to Umgungund- 
hlovu and made reports to Dingana which alarmed and 
incensed him. His relation appears to have been coloured 
by the ill-feeling which he had contracted towards Cane, 
and it found more ready credence in consequence of the 
latter's apparent want of respect. There had been little 
in the nature of reciprocation of Dingana's message, and 
Hlambamanzi told him nothing but what was calculated 
to disturb his confidence in the friendly intentions of the 
British authorities, and of the British residents in his own 
country. He spoke of the white people's methods of 
expansion. They came first and took part of the land. 
Then they increased and drove the natives back, and had 
repeatedly taken more land as well as cattle. They had 
built houses amongst the frontier people, for the purpose 


of subduing them by witchcraft; there was a mission- 
house in every tribe; no less than four kings had died, 
and their deaths were attributed to the witchcraft of the 
whites. During his stay at Grahamstown, the soldiers 
had frequently inquired what sort of a country the Zulus 
inhabited, if the roads were good for horses, if the people 
had plenty of cattle : and they had remarked, " we shall 
soon be after you." He had heard that a few people 
intended to come first to get a part of the land, as Fynn 
and others had done ; that they would build a fort and 
then more would come and demand land and build 
houses, and subdue the Zulus and keep driving them 
back, as they had done in the case of the Cape frontier 
tribes. He reported (which was a fact) that one Cullis 
was on his way to Natal with a number of white men, 
bent on forming a settlement, and said that the British 
troops, which had been dealing with the frontier tribes, 
would advance to see Dingana. Dingana expressed alarm 
at the latter part of the story, and his suspicion that Cane 
had remained behind for the purpose of guiding the 
troops. He sent a force to seize Cane's cattle, which ob- 
ject was carried out, Cane and other Europeans vacating 
their settlements, and thus probably averting more serious 
misfortune. Friendly relations were, however, soon again 
restored. Dingana was induced to believe that the re- 
presentations of Hlambamanzi were entirely false, and 
then the tables were turned upon him. Cane was 
authorised to kill him and take his cattle. 

The withdrawal of Dingana from the south of the 
Tugela, and the deserted condition in which it left that 
part of the country, gradually induced the European 
residents to consider that it was theirs. Tshaka had 
permitted them to shelter certain tribal remnants, and 
a continuous accession to their adherents and dependents 
now took place. The peaceful professions of Dingana 
conduced to the return of scattered members of tribes, 


and fugitives from the decrees of Dingana made frequent 
additions from the north of the Tugela. A feeling that 
they were becoming independent steadily gained ground, 
but they were conscious of Dingana's superior strength, 
and of the expediency of avoiding a conflict with him. 

There is no doubt that a period of national prosperity 
succeeded the death of Tshaka. Dingana scarcely relaxed 
the military discipline, but his warlike expeditions were 
few and unimportant. According to the account of 
Captain Allan Gardiner, who visited him at Umgun- 
gundhlovu in 1835, his state and military strength would 
appear to have been not inferior then to that which 
Tshaka had held and displayed. The Umgungundhlovu 
was counted a great place. It contained about 1000 huts, 
surrounding spacious enclosures in which cattle were 
penned and military exercises performed. At the head 
of the circle, a certain number of huts were screened off, 
one of which was of larger dimensions and of neater 
workmanship than the rest. This was the dwelling of 
the king himself, the remainder being occupied by the 
" Girls of the Great House." The manner in which he 
lived and derived gratification from the things within his 
power is well described by Captain Gardiner. If solicitude 
for the peace and happiness of the people formed an 
element in the motive which led Dingana to adopt those 
measures by which he gained the kingship, that element 
had then been largely supplanted by growing selfishness. 

It is indeed difficult to discover anything in that or 
any other accounts, whether by Europeans or natives who 
were acquainted with him, which disclosed any loftier 
aspiration in Dingana than the gratification of his personal 
desires. His private apartments were called " Isigodhlo," 
signifying that by which anything is held to one's self. 
As in the case of his predecessor, numerous women 
occupied these apartments with him ; the name implied 
their being kept away from the rest of mankind and 


belonging to himself alone. Their number appears to 
have been a hundred or more at this place ; but each 
separate kraal contained a somewhat similar number. 
These women were a source of danger to the public, for 
any man who by ill chance was caught in conversation 
with any one of them was liable to be instantly put to 
death, and they were avoided by men for this reason. 
Men pledged themselves by way of asseveration to enter 
the Isigodhlo, should their words prove untrue "ngi 
ngene (esigodhlweni)." 

Under these circumstances, notwithstanding that they 
enjoyed in a large measure the two conditions so agree- 
able to the nature of the Zulu idleness and plenty 
their lot must be held to have lacked many of the con- 
ditions necessary to happiness. Yet it was part of their 
duty to amuse the king by a continuous display of 
merriment. "A messenger," says Captain Gardiner, 
" running and breathless, came to inform me that Dingana 
was waiting to see me. I found the king seated near 
the fence of some detached houses at the back of the 
Isigodhlo, where I was joined by my interpreter, who 
informed me that several messengers had already been 
despatched for me in several directions. Dingana appeared 
in high good humour, but with a degree of mystery 
which rather prepared me for some strange antics. He 
began some trifling conversation to eke out the time, 
when, suddenly, the head of a column of the most 
grotesque-looking figures debouched from their ambush 
on the right and marched past, four deep, raising and 
lowering their bent arms, as though in the act of tugging 
at steeple-bell ropes, and repeating two lines of a song 
as they passed, which may be thus translated : 

" ' Arise, Eagle, 
Thou art the bird that eateth other birds.' 

"When they had passed and repassed in this order 


they appeared again, broken into irregular companies, 
according to their dresses; and, seeing that I admired 
the arrangement of their beads, with which they were 
literally covered, they were ordered to advance in file and 
approach nearer so that their dresses might be inspected. 
They proved to be no other than the king's women, 
about ninety in number." 

In such, and other ways, according to his capricious 
wishes did these women contribute to the king's diversion. 
The dancing and military display of his men occupied, 
also, much of his interest, while to an extraordinary 
degree did he revel in that form of praise which is elicited 
by giving. Amid thunderous adulations he daily issued 
in person the rations of all the occupants of his kraal. 

He was of an inquisitive disposition, and in the grati- 
fication of his curiosity he had no regard for the feelings 
and sufferings of those upon whom he might find it con- 
venient to conduct an experiment. He took much interest 
in the products of civilisation which he received as presents 
from Europeans. Some person had presented him with a 
burning-glass, with the harmless intention, no doubt, of 
merely exciting his wonder. He examined Captain 
Gardiner's eye-glass, and inquired whether it would burn. 
He then sent for his own glass, and proceeded to give an 
exhibition of its powers. " His first essay was to ignite 
the dry grass on either side of his chair ; but this was too 
tame an occupation, and, beckoning one of his servants 
near, he desired him to extend his arm, when he firmly 
seized his hand and deliberately held it until a hole was 
actually burnt in the skin a few inches above the wrist." 
During this operation, which was afterwards repeated on 
another, the victim, while obviously "writhing in pain, 
dared not utter a groan." 

The Zulu ideal of the refinement of cruelty is derived 
from the wanton operations he is said to have been in the 
habit of performing on women. 


He has been remembered as well by less harmful 
indulgences. A favourite at his kraal was a man named 
Manyosi, who possessed an insatiable appetite, and he was 
wont to amuse his mind with watching this glutton's 
consumption of the great quantities of food he caused 
to be placed before him. It became a proverb that 
"Even Manyosi died," signifying that much indulgence 
in good things could not alter the general fate of mortal 

f~"As time advanced, and his position became more 
secure, Dingana came to value the lives of his subjects 
as lightly as Tshaka had done. Tradition tells of how 
he caused the destruction of large numbers apparently 
from sheer wantonness, and he is credited with having 
always accomplished his design in that respect by means 
of treachery. It is related how he was wont to cause 
large numbers to be seated in order to partake of food 
which he had provided, and then, by a prearranged 
signal, to call upon a force to massacre them. Places 
are pointed out, where it is said that so many bodies 
of persons killed in this wise were cast that several days 
were required for their removal thither. It may be 
that these stories have been multiplied and varied from 
one incident which formed a dark day in the annals of 
his reign. Of its authenticity there is no doubt, but at 
the time of writing this account it is necessary to depend 
for particulars upon men who heard of it from their 
fathers. What definite cause may have led to it must 
remain a matter of conjecture. It is probable that some 
difficulty was felt in exercising sufficient control over 
the different sections of the people and the chiefs who 
immediately ruled them. The method resolved upon for 
dealing with the situation, whatever it may have been, 
was the removal of the chiefs. To this end a great feast 
was appointed, and a general invitation extended to these. 
There was a great assemblage at Umgungundhlovu, and 


a vast concourse of people. Many cattle were slaughtered, 
and other provisions supplied, and the numerous groups 
which dotted the precincts of the kraal gave themselves 
over unsuspectingly to enjoyment. In the meantime, 
certain regiments had been disposed so as to surround 
the kraal and this assembly, and emissaries were ap- 
pointed, furnished with a list of the doomed. These then 
traversed the grounds, accompanied by bands of execu- 
tioners to whom they pointed out the victims as they 
were found. Chief after chief fell under their clubs. 
No one knew who might be pointed out next, and great 
was the consternation amongst the living as the day 
advanced. Many men of high distinction died that day, 
and those who found themselves alive at its close were 
filled with thankfulness. 

Senzangakona is reputed to have had many sons, but 
only two of them are known to have survived Dingana. 
Some died in war ; but the execution of one, which was 
witnessed by Captain Gardiner, may serve to indicate 
how others were removed from the scene. There was 
some report that this brother was intriguing. Whether 
any trial was held or not is not recorded. He was seen 
to be suddenly hurried out of a gate and across the 
Umkumbane stream to the top of a low stony ridge 
beyond, and there put to death. At his own desire he 
was strangled, this form of death being more in keeping 
with his rank than clubbing. This ridge was called, and 
has retained the name, " Kwa Matiwane," signifying the 
place of Matiwane, from the circumstance that a chief of 
that name, prominently mentioned in other histories, and 
whose descendants and their Amangwane tribe now 
occupy a slope of the Drakensberg, in the Upper Tugela 
Division, was sent to it on a like errand. After this 
man's many vicissitudes he determined to trust himself 
to Dingana's mercy, and repaired to Umgungundhlovu 
almost unattended, and tendered his submission in abject 


tones, saying that he had no cloak to shelter him but 
the king. Dingana, having heard him, ordered his 
death. Kwa Matiwane came to signify proverbially a 
place at which a man arrived for the last time. It was 
still to receive the bones of many, and to be made 
memorable by yet more important events. 

When this brother of Dingana's, Gowujana by name, 
had been slain, a party was despatched to kill all those 
of whom he was chief, and seize their cattle; from the 
induna who went in charge of that party Captain Gardiner 
obtained the following account of what happened : " The 
principal property belonging to Gowujana was in the 
neighbourhood of the Tugela, and thither this officer was 
sent with a party of men, not exceeding thirty, to destroy 
the entire population of the villages. On reaching the 
first of these devoted places, he entered with one man 
only to avoid suspicion. In the course of the evening 
one or two more dropped in, and so on until the whole 
number had arrived. He then informed the principal 
men that he had a message from the king, and, as it 
was addressed to all, it would be better for the men to 
assemble in a place together where all could hear. This 
being arranged, he so contrived it that his men, with 
whom a previous signal had been concerted, should 
intermingle with the party and endeavour to divert their 
attention by offering them snuff. While thus apparently 
upon the most friendly terms the fatal blow was given, 
each of the induna's party at once rising and stabbing 
his fellow with an assegai. The houses were instantly fired, 
and the women and children butchered. The same 
horrors were perpetrated at each of the remaining villages, 
and it is said that very few escaped by flight out of the 
whole number." 

There is no mention in anything that has been 
written, nor have the Zulus preserved any account of 
any important military enterprise in which Dingana had 



engaged up to this time. The name of Umzilikazi was 
referred to in the boasting of warriors; but it does 
not appear that any successful attack had yet been 
made upon him. There were no tribes near from whom 
he had reason to apprehend attack, and there was no 
reason why he and his people should not spend their 
lives in peace. 

Dingana is described as having been " tall, corpulent 
and fleshy, with a short neck and heavy foot," but, 
withal, active and agile in dancing. His colour was 
somewhat darker than usual, but his countenance was 
not unpleasant. " There was nothing sanguinary in his 
appearance," said the Reverend F. Owen, on visiting 
him two years later, " and I could hardly believe that 
those hands had been so often imbrued in blood." 

Being fond of ornaments, a smith was employed in 
the manufacture of brass " throat-rings and armlets, and 
of knobs or studs" for the ornamentation of women's 
girdles. The man who acquired the requisite skill in 
the moulding of brass was held in high distinction. 

His son, Mahloko, and grandson, Zuya, followed him 
in the craft. The last-named now occupies the position 
of a chief. He lost his occupation when Cetshwayo 
fell, his wares being no longer required. Neck-rings 
were probably not worn after Dingana's time; there 
are none extant among the Zulus. But the brass armlet 
continued to be a badge of distinction for men till the 
end of Cetshwayo's reign. It formed part of the court 
dress. It was called "Ingxota." It weighed from two 
to three pounds. The privilege of wearing it was 
accorded by the king, and the individual upon whom 
it was graciously conferred presented him with an ox 
in acknowledgment. The decoration was then pur- 
chased from the maker with another ox. The Zulus 
claim that, when worn on important occasions at court, 
its effect was most striking. The wearing of it occasioned 


much pain, as did the operation of removing it from the 
arm, which was performed by prising it open with the 
shank of a Kafir pick. The brass was imported. So 
far as is known, the Zulus never mined any other metal 
than iron. This man, who had to some extent acquired 
the art of founding brass, was of the Ndwandwe, not 
of the Zulu tribe. But where he learned the craft can 
not now be ascertained. He had probably been taught 
it in some other country, as no improvement in its 
practice in Zululand was effected during the three gene- 
rations. There was nothing in the habits, in the wearing 
apparel or implements, or in the weapons or utensils of 
this time differing in any important respect from those 
followed or employed by the Zulu of the present day. 

Dingana was disposed by reasons of policy to respect 
the protection which was afforded to his fugitive subjects 
by the few Englishmen at Natal. Amongst those reasons 
was the fact that Sotobe was supposed to have established 
certain relations with their nation. But he was gradually 
led by frequent desertions to manifest a degree of irritation 
which alarmed them ; and, in the year 1835 on the 6th of 
May, a treaty was concluded in the following terms: 

" Dingana from this period consents to waive all 
claim to the persons and property of every individual 
now residing at Port Natal in consequence of their 
having deserted from him, and accords them his full 
pardon. He still, however, regards them as his subjects, 
liable to be sent for whenever he may think proper. 

" The British residents at Port Natal, on their part, 
engage for the future never to receive or harbour any 
deserter from the Zulu country or any of its depen- 
dencies, and to use every endeavour to secure th6 return 
to the king of every individual endeavouring to find an 
asylum amongst them." 

The want of an " asylum " was before long to produce 
an important revolution in the affairs of the country. 


THE English residents at the Bay seem to have regarded 
the fact that Dingana signed the Treaty as implying that 
he recognised their title to the land on the south of 
the Tugela. On the 23rd of the month succeeding that 
in which it was signed they laid off a township, naming 
it D' Urban, after the then Governor of Cape Colony, and 
framed a petition to the English king, praying " that 
it would please his Majesty to recognise the country 
intervening between the Umzimvubu and Tugela rivers," 
to which they gave the name of Victoria, in honour of the 
princess who was to become queen two years later, " as a 
Colony of the British Empire." This petition was entrusted 
to Captain Gardiner for conveyance through the British 
authorities at the Cape, but his attempts to reach that 
Colony were to be frustrated by various causes, and his 
object long delayed. 

In the meantime another movement was in active pro- 
gress. There were amongst the British subjects at the Cape 
those who desired as strongly to free themselves from the 
rule to which they had been subjected as did certain Zulus to 
get away from that of Dingana. The Dutch, so far as their 
occupation extended, had constituted themselves masters 
of the native inhabitants. Their industries depended 
upon the labour they exacted from them. They had learnt 
by time and experience by what methods labour could best 
be exacted, and had cultivated a habit of mind which per- 
ceived nothing either harsh or unjust in those methods. A 
new idea was introduced, however, with British rule. What 
had conie to be regarded as legitimate persuasion was now 



held to be criminal, and white men were punished on the 
complaint of their black servants. It is not my purpose to 
trace here the causes of the " great trek," to which ample 
attention has already been given by historians, but its main 
motive lay in the altered relations between white and black 
which followed the cession of the Cape to England in 1806. 
The discontent of the Boers with the new order of things, 
after manifesting itself in various forms and passing through 
various phases, ended by their casting about for some new 
land where they might be free from the restraints under 
which they felt that prosperity was impossible. 

In 1833, Carl Johannes Trichard and Hans van Rens- 
burg at the head of a party numbering thirty-one families, 
actually left the Colony. A writer, 1 to whose work the 
Boers are mainly indebted for what knowledge they possess 
of their history, describes their object to have been to 
" go as far afield as possible, wholly beyond the reach of 
the British flag, where neither English missionaries nor 
Anglicised Hottentots could aggrieve them, where the 
Kafirs were tame, where good pasturage for flocks and 
herds was to be found, and also large game, such as 
elephants, buffaloes and giraffes, and where men could live 
in freedom. Such a land was, according to report, to be 
found in the vicinity of Delagoa Bay, a thousand miles 
distant, but not beyond reach." 

A remnant of this party reached Delagoa Bay in a 
lamentable condition in December 1836. 

Those who formed the trek which concerns this story 
were less precipitate. They sent out " Commissions," 
parties of men commissioned to explore and report. One 
of these reached the Bay of Natal in 1834. It included 
a man who, of all the Voor-trekkers, has been best remem- 
bered by the Zulus, Johannes de Lange. He was destined 
to take a prominent part in the subsequent proceedings of 
the trekkers, to acquire great fame amongst the Zulus 

1 F. Lion Cachet. 


as a warrior and a hunter, and finally to die on the 
scaffold in 1861 for taking the life of a native. 

The report of this party confirmed the impression that 
had already been formed as to the suitability of the land 
of Natal for the purposes of the contemplated new settle- 
ment. It was practically uninhabited; had a seaport, 
and was well adapted to agricultural and pastoral pur- 
suits. To Natal, therefore, would they go. In 1835 a 
beginning was made in that direction. Families moved 
to the north of the Orange River, with all their pos- 
sessions, and waited there for others not yet ready to 
start. After some time had elapsed a body of these 
moved forward, being impatient of delay, and were at- 
tacked and reduced to sore straits by Umzilikazi, who 
had by this time gathered much strength and was at the 
head of a formidable army. He had dispersed and de- 
spoiled many tribes, and was rich in herds. 

In October 1837 Pieter Retief, the Governor of 
Emigrants, was at the Bay of Natal, and on the 5th of 
the following month he arrived at Umgungundhlovu, 
applying to Dingana for permission to occupy the land 
lying on the south of the Tugela River, and, while 
negotiations were still in progress, a large body of the 
people for whom the land was required descended the 
Drakensberg and occupied it. Captain Gardiner had 
returned from his mission. The British Government had 
declined to entertain the request contained in the petition 
he had borne, but had appointed him under a statute 
then recently enacted (6 and 7 William IV. chapter 57) 
to be a Justice of the Peace, the object being to arm him 
with authority to send back to the Cape for trial such 
British subjects as might commit irregularities. This 
arrangement was not at all satisfactory to those whom 
he had represented. They declined to recognise his 
authority, and welcomed the arrival of the Boers, which 
they viewed as establishing a condition of things in which 


the menaces of Dingana might be ignored, and his 
authority over them disowned. 

It is a matter for regret that fuller accounts of the 
journeyings of these people have not come down to 
us. Not even their number is known. By the time 
Retief returned " at least a thousand wagons " had de- 
scended the mountains, and many families followed at a 
later date and spread themselves in groups over a large 
extent of country. They entertained no fear of attack 
from the Zulus, although in the course of their journey 
they had been compelled to defend themselves on more 
than one occasion from the unprovoked attacks of the 
people of Umzilikazi, whom they knew to have formerly 
dwelt in Zululand and to be of the same race, and 
possessed of the same characteristics, as the Zulus. With 
their victories over those people Dingana had become 
fully acquainted. In September of this year his army 
returned from the great campaign of his reign. This 
formed the only one of his warlike expeditions that has 
been specially remembered by the Zulus. The year 1837 
is known to them as the year of the expedition against 
Umzilikazi. If, in after years, a very large number of 
cattle were brought together the old men would compare 
their multitude in their minds with that of those which 
were brought back as spoil on that occasion. 

Amongst the cattle the army had captured were some 
of those that Umzilikazi had taken from the Dutch 
emigrants, besides many of their sheep. There were also 
brought back some captured women, and these were able 
to describe to Dingana how the Boers fought, and how 
difficult it was for men armed only with assegais to hold 
their own against them. Indeed, there was much in the 
advent of the Boers to give rise in the mind of the Zulu 
king to misgivings as to how their presence might affect 
his own security. The action he took against Cane, on 
the report of Hlambamanzi, should have served as a 


warning, but it is not known whether the Boers were 
made aware of this. 

For long these Boer families had journeyed and so- 
journed in trackless and cheerless wastes. For the sick 
and the aged, and for the young children, they had no 
other shelter than that which their covered wagons 
afforded. The hardships that were endured by mothers 
of families it is not easy to fully realise. Ill-provided 
with servants, with little other food than the flesh of 
antelopes, remote from any place at which their stock of 
clothing might be replenished or medical comforts pro- 
cured, they journeyed through a country that was desti- 
tute of fuel, and in which the winter season was extremely 
cold. It was desirable that they should soon take pos- 
session of the land for which they had gone out from 
their old homes, in order that they might make them- 
selves new ones there. And they now saw that land 
spread out beneath their feet, and it seemed good. In 
these circumstances they were lightly impressed with 
possible danger. They had not heard anything of Din- 
gana to inspire them with confidence as to his peaceful 
intentions ; and there was no reason to believe that their 
coming was an event that he would be inclined to wel- 
come. By taking up their abode in the country they 
manifested an intention to remain there, whatever answer 
they received to their request for permission. The re- 
putation which had preceded them was calculated to 
make Dingana doubtful as to his ability to enforce a 
refusal. He was placed in the position of having to 
grant the permission sought or to refuse it, and then 
eject them. Their necessities were pressing, and account 
largely for their apparent indiscretion in not awaiting the 
outcome of Retief s negotiations. But, on the other hand, 
the situation was capable of being viewed by Dingana as 
one calling for special measures. 


DINGANA had reigned nine years. Relations between him 
and the English settlers had occasionally been somewhat 
strained, but none of these had suffered actual violence 
at his hands. The friendly feeling which they had 
established with Tshaka had been generally maintained. 
Missionaries had also been permitted to commence work, 
although, for the time, with but a poor prospect of 
success. The country of the Zulus had presented attrac- 
tive features as a field for missionary enterprise. To the 
mind of the Christian the people were without religion, 
and their social and moral condition was lamentable. 
The conviction was a terrible one that all these people 
were doomed, by reason of not having been taught the 
Gospel of Christ, to eternal torment in the life beyond the 
grave. Referring to a conversation he had with a Zulu 
boy on the subject, one of these pious men recorded this : 
" He asked me whether those who were already dead were 
happy. I gave him to understand that only those who 
had learned God's Word would rise in happiness ; that 
the rest would be cast into fire which would never be 
extinguished." The white men with whom the people 
had for some thirteen years been in a sense associated 
were only traders, and did not make the elevation of 
those with whom they abode and traded one of their 
objects. Their tendency was rather to descend to the 
adoption of the habits of those people. The governing 
power was subject to no moral restraint ; its acts were 
dictated largely by caprice. Conspicuous amongst those 
acts were such as presented themselves to the mind of an 



English Christian as " cold-blooded murders," and the 
king was regarded as the chief murderer. The system of 
government precluded higher aims than the aggrandise- 
ment of the king. His ambition necessitated much 
killing and misery. The hope of modifying this con- 
dition of things by the introduction of Christianity was 
an inspiring one, and the difficulties in the way of its 
acceptance by the king and people did not take away 
from the attractiveness of the undertaking to men who 
had consecrated their lives to the good of mankind. 

The first to be stimulated to definite action by the 
hope of bringing the Saving Faith to this people was 
Captain Allan Gardiner. As has already been noted, he 
was, in March 1835, at Umgungundhlovu, petitioning the 
king for permission to bring the teaching of the words 
that were in the " Book " to his people. He urged that it 
was very far from his thoughts to interfere in any way 
with the laws or customs by which the people were ruled ; 
that respect for kings, and all in authority, was a promi- 
nent feature in the religion which the "Book" taught. 
What he desired was only the spiritual instruction of 
the people. He "enlarged upon the blessings attending 
Christianity, both individually and nationally." But, for 
answer, he was told that the kind of teaching Dingana 
desired for his people was in the use of guns; and his 
mission was, for the time, fruitless. To the "laws and 
customs " with which he expressed himself as having no 
intention to interfere he referred in his narrative with ex- 
treme horror. Doubtless Dingana perceived something 
in his teaching which seemed to " say there was another 
King," and, having betaken himself to Natal, and been 
well received, Captain Gardiner established a mission 
house on the high land overlooking the Bay, and called 
the place "Berea," because his circumstances reminded 
him of the experience of St. Paul when he found the 
people " more noble there than those in Thessalonica." 


The permission thus withheld was provisionally 
granted about the beginning of the following year on the 
application of members of the American Mission, and two 
of these, and the Reverend F. Owen of the Church 
Missionary Society, were established in the country at the 
time of Retief s visit. Mr. Owen had his residence at 
Umgungundhlovu. The admission of these missionaries 
was capable of being regarded as additional evidence of 
friendly disposition on the part of Dingana towards 
Europeans, but vanity was no doubt the real motive which 
actuated him in the matter. It was gratifying to his sense 
of dignity to have about him men of a distant race who 
could talk strange things, and their numbers were so few 
that no harm could result to his position from their 
presence. In the object for which they had gone into the 
country they made no progress. Dingana was, perhaps, 
their chief hindrance. He was unable to perceive that 
any good could be derived from what they taught. Their 
preachings amused rather than enlightened both him and 
his people. At times he was displeased with what they 
told the people. The attributes of God, which they de- 
scribed and extolled, were the opposite to his own, and 
God's powers were represented as infinitely greater than 
those of any man. He naturally suspected that the 
tendency of such preaching might be to lower the people's 
estimate of himself; and so his feelings were occasionally 
manifested by the entire absence of those who had habitu- 
ally attended the services. When events had occurred 
which induced Mr. Owen to resolve on departure, Dingana 
gave expression in a definite form to his feelings on the 

" He referred," wrote the missionary in his journal, 
" to our native servants, who, he said, reported that I 
spoke evil of him ; that we praised God, but when we did 
so we always had him in our hearts. We praised God 
but reviled him." 


Even had this form of opposition been absent the im- 
planting of the Christian Faith would have been extremely 
slow. The minds of the people were not in a condition to 
realise readily the possibility of an after life depending for 
its felicity on good conduct in this. In their own belief 
as to spiritual life there was no trace of this idea. Their 
propitiation of ancestral spirits was only to secure their 
good offices in the ordering of earthly affairs. Moreover, 
Christian ethics involved the sacrifice of many of those 
things upon which the happiness of their lives depended. 
Whatever these missionaries did in the way of building 
has been effaced by time, and that they ever were in the 
country has been forgotten by those for the good of whose 
souls they for a brief space laboured. 

The precise thing which operated on Dingana's mind 
so as to induce the resolution he had adopted respecting the 
Boers cannot now be ascertained. It was probably known 
to few besides himself. If there was anything more 
definite than may be inferred from the circumstances 
which have been indicated, it would appear never to have 
become known to more than those who were his counsellors 
at the time. The actual execution of that resolution was 
witnessed, and described, by Mr. Owen, and little more 
can be gathered from the Zulus than what is stated in his 

The substance of Dingana's reply to Retief s applica- 
tion for the land of Natal is contained in a letter he caused 
Mr. Owen to write, dated the 8th day of November, on 
which date the Boer deputation had returned to the south 
of the Tugela ; but it had, according to the narrative of 
Wynand Bezuidenhout who was present at the interview, 
been stated verbally at Umgungundhlovu. From the latter 
account it appears that Retief offered* to purchase the land 
he sought to acquire. 

In the letter referred to, Dingana said : " As regards 
the request you have made to me as to the territory, I am 


almost inclined to cede it to you ; but, in the first place, I 
desire to say that a great number of cattle have been stolen 
from my country by people having clothing, horses and 
guns. The Zulus assure me that these people were Boers ; 
that the party had gone towards Port Natal ; the Zulus 
now wish to know what to expect. 

My great wish, therefore, is that you should show 
that you are not guilty of the matters alleged against you ; 
for at present I believe you are. My request is that you 
recover my cattle and restore them to me ; and, if possible, 
hand over the thief to me. That proceeding will remove 
my suspicion, and will give you reason to know that I am 
your friend ; then I shall accede to your request." 

The cattle here referred to had been raided by a chief 
named Sigonyela, who dwelt with his tribe on the west 
of the Drakensberg. Retief had become acquainted with 
him, and negotiations had taken place in reference to the 
passing of the Boers through his country on their way to 
Natal. They had, moreover, promised him some payment 
for the right of way. Having observed that some of the 
members of this tribe had horses and guns, and wore 
clothes, Retief at once concluded that they were the 
raiders, and undertook the task of recovering the cattle. 

He proceeded at the head of a sufficient force to a 
mission house near to Sigonyela's residence, and invited 
him to an interview there on the subject of the payment he 
had promised him. Sigonyela, not suspecting any other 
object, came to see him, and sat down to discuss the matter 
which he understood was to be considered. He was then 
suddenly seized and handcuffed by one of Retiefs 
followers, and held prisoner until he had delivered up 
Dingana's cattle and paid a fine in guns and cattle to 
Retief. The latter thus accomplished his mission without 
bloodshed, although by a method not unlike those some- 
times employed by Dingana in the carrying out of his 


With these cattle, numbering some 300, he arrived at 
Umgungundhlovii on the 3rd of February 1838. He was 
accompanied by his son and sixty-eight other Boers, and 
by Thomas Halstead as interpreter. When Dingana 
heard of his approach he sent him an invitation to bring 
all his people with him, promising them a hospitable 
reception. He desired, he said, that they should dance 
upon their horses, and that there should be a dancing 
competition between them and the Zulu warriors. This 
was probably with the view to the more effectively carry- 
ing out the dark design he had formed. Retief had been 
disposed to take a force of 200 men with him ; but, the 
opinion of his advisers being averse to this, those whose 
number has been given accompanied him as volunteers. 
They had with them some 30 native servants ; their horses 
numbered about 200. They entered the kraal, and pro- 
ceeded to show how they " danced on their horses " by 
exhibiting a sham fight and firing volleys. The Zulu 
regiments also danced after their fashion, and general 
cordiality seemed to prevail. Dingana appeared highly 
pleased to have recovered the cattle. Matters proceeded, 
to all appearances, most favourably to the desires of the 
Boers. No objection was made to the cession of the land ; 
and, in fact, it was ceded by a document signed by Dingana 
next day. The restored cattle were taken as full con- 
sideration. No question of further payment appears to 
have been raised. 

"Whereas," this document declares, "Pieter Retief, 
Governor of the Dutch Emigrant South Africans, has re- 
taken my cattle which Sigonyela had stolen ; which cattle 
he, the said Retief, now delivers unto me : I, Dingana, 
King of the Zulus, do hereby certify and declare that I 
thought fit to resign unto him, Retief, and his countrymen 
(on reward of the case hereabove mentioned) the place 
called Port Natal, together with all lands annexed, that is 
to say from Tugela to the Umzimvubu River westward, 


and from the sea to the north, as far as the land may be 
useful, and in my possession." This document was signed 
by Dingana and three men who were designated " Great 
Councillors," but whose names are not elsewhere to be 
met with amongst those of the prominent men of the 
time. It has been found on inquiry that two of them, 
Umnwana Ka Celo and Magonondo Ka Kondhlo, were 
respectively a private servant of and a medicine man 
in attendance upon Dingana. 

The negotiations Retief had opened with the view of 
the purchase of this land, which, to some extent, was in 
occupation by Dingana's subjects, were interrupted by the 
professed suspicion of the latter that the Boers had raided 
his cattle. The cattle had been recovered with the object 
of removing that suspicion. Now their return was 
accepted as the price in full of a vast territory. 

The readiness shown in ceding the land, and the easi- 
ness of the terms, might have struck one acquainted with 
the Zulu character as strange ; but it could scarcely have 
suggested the existence of so terrible a design as that 
which Dingana had formed, and was soon to carry out. 
There had been no occurrence to suggest to the Boers the 
possibility of their being subjected to violence, and they 
accepted Dingana's professions of friendship as sincere. 
They believed that by signing the document with which 
they had presented him, he had intended to cede to them 
the extensive territory it described as a reward for the 
services they had rendered. They entered the cattle-pen 
on the morning of the 6th of February, entirely unarmed 
and free from apprehension of injury, to partake of some 
refreshment prior to taking their departure to their newly 
acquired land. They had piled their arms beneath two 
euphorbia trees that stood near the gate, one of which 
still stands, after more than sixty years, and is reputed to 
mark the burial place of Nkosinkulu, one of Dingana's 
ancestors. Their hearts were gladdened by the feeling 


that their wanderings were over ; that the land, to possess 
which they had journeyed so far and suffered so much, 
was now theirs; that in a few days they would arrive 
amongst their families with the good tidings. They sat 
down in friendly conversation and to drink some milk 
which the king caused to be placed before them. They 
had been accustomed to see large bodies of armed men 
continually near the king, and counted it nothing strange 
that the walls of the enclosure were lined by a large force, 
who were presently ordered to dance for their entertain- 
ment. But Dingana's friendly tones suddenly gave place 
to one of stern command : " Seize them ! " he cried ; and, 
in the words of one who participated in the execution of 
the order, " the dust rose ! " There was no escape ; but 
the one short journey remained for them across the 
Umkumbane to Matiwane's. According to the testimony 
of several Zulus who took part in the massacre, one white 
man broke away and ran for his life, and was not over- 
taken and killed till he had reached the Itala, some 
fifteen miles distant in the direction of the Boer camp; 
and more than sixty years after the event, it is claimed 
by a man named Roman, that he got away on horseback 
and conveyed intelligence and warning to those who had 
remained with the wagons. Thomas Halstead was amongst 
the slain. As has been seen, he was amongst the first- 
comers of 1824; he was the first Englishman who is 
known to have met his death at the hands of a Zulu. 

The next day large forces were sent off to destroy the 
remainder of the Boers in their camps in Natal. These 
unsuspecting people were in a very defenceless state. 
They were living in small groups long distances apart, 
and many of the men were absent hunting large game. 
Women and children were thus in many instances unpro- 
tected ; and the progress made towards their annihilation 
by the Zulus was, at first, subject to little check. The 
news of their onslaught, however, gradually spread; and 


the deadly fire of the Boers, when they had to some 
extent got together and taken up a position of defence, 
was ill to face. Heavy loss was, in their turn, inflicted 
upon the attacking forces, and they were eventually 
forced to retire across the Tugela. They had killed some 
280 of the Boers, chiefly women and children, and about 
250 of their black servants. They carried off large 
numbers of cattle, and thus reduced many families to 

Except by a few of the older Zulus this event has been 
forgotten. There was no special feature in it that they 
would remember; but to the Boers it was a memorable 
event. It is commemorated in Natal, too, by the names 
it gave to streams and places. Moord Spruit, " Stream of 
Murder," and Weenen, " Weeping," are two that were 
suggested by the attack and its consequences. 

The occasion also called forth deeds of heroism by 
which some Dutch names have been, and will long be, 
remembered, especially those of Wynand Bezuidenhout, 
Martenus Ossthuisen and Sarel Celliers. 

The missionaries left Zululand shortly after the death 
of Ketief and his companions; and for some time subse- 
quently there were no Europeans north of the Tugela. 


ALL attempts to form separate homes had, therefore, for 
the time, to be abandoned by the Dutch. The necessities 
of mutual defence required that they should draw together 
with what speed they could. Life in a large camp, in 
their peculiar circumstances, was fraught with hardships 
that were ill to bear. It was the rainy season, and a very 
wet one. The incessant downpour, the large number of 
people living close together, the immense flocks and herds 
necessarily kept close to the camp, resulted very soon 
in such a muddy state of the ground within it that boots 
could not be worn. Women had to go about their duties 
with kilted skirts and bare feet. Bedraggled by day, and 
with only such scant comfort as is afforded by canvas 
covering at night, even the robust constitutions their 
habits of life had given them began to be impaired. It 
was urgently necessary that preparations should be made 
for planting. The land, being scarcely inhabited by 
natives, was practically destitute of grain. For food there 
was little else than flesh and milk to be obtained. Those 
whose cattle had been carried off by the Zulus had to 
depend almost entirely on game, which was happily in 
great plenty and easily procured. 

It was urgently desirable, on the part of the Dutch, 
that no time should be unnecessarily lost in attempting to 
end this unhappy state of things ; and, being strengthened 
by a small body of men under Piet Uys, who had remained 
on the west of the Drakensberg with a portion of the 
emigrants, an expeditionary force was got ready on the 
5th of April. They had also entered into an alliance with 



the English at the Bay. These desired to avenge the 
death of Halstead, whom they highly esteemed. They 
also felt it to be desirable that Dingana's power should be 
broken. With a native force, partly armed with muskets, 
they arranged to advance upon the Zulus along the coast, 
crossing the Tugela near its mouth. On the 8th of the 
month was fought what became known to the Zulus as 
the battle of the Itala. 1 The exact locality of the battle- 
field it would be very difficult to ascertain ; but the Itala 
Hill, near the source of the Umhlatuzi River, is that 
which gave it its name. The Boers had taken only such 
stores as could be carried by horses, and had thus been 
able to traverse the rugged and precipitous valley of the 
Tugela by way of a crossing to the north of the Isipezi 

In this battle the Zulus were entirely victorious. 
They killed Uys and his son and nine of his companions, 
captured most of the baggage horses with their burdens, 
and pursued the Boers a considerable distance. They were 
recorded by the Boers to have sustained heavy losses ; and 
this would naturally have been the case in the circum- 
stances in which they fought. They had no guns, and had 
to charge their enemy in the face of most deadly fire in 
order to get sufficiently near to use their assegais. The 
result of the battle greatly discouraged the Boers. News 
of it, much exaggerated, reached the camp the same 
evening by one De Jager, who, in a great fright, seized a 
black charger named " Tromp," which was already famed as 
the swiftest in the trek, and fully maintained its repu- 
tation by the immense distance it carried its fugitive rider 
in the course of the day. Great was the wailing that was 
produced by the intelligence he brought. One of the 

1 A kind of fatality would appear to attach to this place and name 
as regards Boer enterprise. It was destined to be the scene of a serious 
defeat to a commando under Louis Botha in September 1901 ; while 
Talana, or the little Itala, was that of the first reverse the Boer arms 
sustained in the great war on the 20th of October 1889. 


commanders of the expedition was Hendrik Potgieter, the 
subsequent founder of the Transvaal Republic. He had 
claimed, and been allowed, equal rank with Piet Uys; and 
when the time came for attacking had failed to join with 
the men he commanded in carrying out the plan of battle 
on which the latter had decided. He has been chiefly 
blamed for the adverse termination of the enterprise. So 
impressed did he become with the strength of the Zulus 
that he and his followers decided to abandon all further 
attempt to cope with them. They betook themselves 
across the Drakensberg, leaving those who still hoped to 
overcome their foes much weakened in numbers. The 
English with their native forces set out three days after 
the defeat of Uys. The difficulty of communication 
prevented them from becoming aware of what had trans- 
pired. They occupied four days in marching along the 
coast and crossing the Tugela. Then, on the 15th of the 
month, they were confronted with a greatly superior force, 
flushed with the victory which had been attained over the 
Boers seven days earlier. Seventeen Englishmen were 
with the expedition, of whom Cane seems to receive the 
most conspicuous mention. Of the battle no reliable 
account can be obtained. It appears to have been of 
short duration, the natives who had no firearms running 
to take shelter behind those who had, and thus causing a 
panic. Cane and other twelve whites remained dead on 
the field. The other four eventually reached their homes, 
but the story of how they eluded their pursuers over the 
intervening sixty miles of wilderness has not been told. 
Dingana's army pursued them to the Bay, but it chanced 
by good fortune that a ship lay at anchor there. 

Four months later Dingana made another attempt to 
destroy the Boers. On the 10th of August his army made 
a determined attack on one of the Boer camps, some five 
miles west of the site of the present town of Estcourt. 
They continued the siege for three days, but were 


unsuccessful. They had, on this occasion, brought with 
them the guns they had captured in previous engage- 
ments; but they so lacked skill in their use that they 
failed to hit one man, though " continually firing." Only 
one Boer, who had gone out of the camp and was cut off, 
was killed during the siege. 

From that time for four months there was nothing 
done on either side. Of how the Zulus employed them- 
selves during that time there is no history. It may be 
assumed that Dingana,, while keeping his men in a state 
of readiness to resist attack, had abandoned for the time 
the idea of acting on the offensive. The Dutch were 
soliciting aid from the Cape Colony ; and this came in 
time to enable them to get ready another commando in 
December. On the 16th of that month 600 of them were 
at Ingcome Stream ; which from that date has been known 
to Europeans as the Blood River, because of the colour 
given to its water by the mingling with it of the blood of 
slain Zulus. 

That 16th of December became memorable to both 
Zulus and the Dutch South Africans ; to the latter, per- 
haps, the more so. While the expedition was still on the 
south of the Buffalo River, its members had assembled and 
made a solemn vow " to the Lord their God, that if He 
were with them and gave the enemy into their hands 
they would consecrate to the Lord the day in each year 
and keep it holy as a Sabbath day." It has been so kept, 
and is, till now, annually observed and called Dingana's 
Day. It was a Sunday. The Boer army had camped near 
to the river on the one side and to a deep watercourse, 
or sluit, on the other. The river at the place chosen had 
formed a long and deep reach which could not easily be 
crossed ; the watercourse had banks some 14 feet high, 
and prevented approach from its side. Thus the Zulus 
could attack the camp from two sides only of the quad- 
rangle in which it was formed. The wagons were drawn 


together as a fortification. At daybreak the Zulu army 
had surrounded the camp. They determinedly charged 
it several times; but the losses they sustained through 
the accurate fire of the Dutch forced them to retire. Then 
they were charged by horsemen and completely routed. 
Many sought refuge in the water, but were shot there, 
their blood tingeing it with red. They had only wounded 
two Boers, including the Commandant-General. The loss 
on their side was estimated by the Boers to have been not 
less than 3000. The event is remembered by the Zulus 
as one in which they suffered a defeat of great severity. 
Its story is told by father to son, and there are few even 
amongst the younger generation who are not acquainted 
with it. Amongst the killed were two brothers of Dingana, 
sons of Senzangakona's wife Langazana, who lived, thus 
bereaved, to an extreme old age, dying in 1882, having 
exercised power in the land, during successive reigns, 
second only to that of the kings. Tradition says of these 
princes that they had escaped out of the battle, but, know- 
ing the fate that would meet their return at the hands of 
Dingana, they preferred to await death at those of the 
pursuing Boers. 

The effect of this defeat it was not easy for the Zulus 
to overcome. They offered no resistance to the forced 
march of the Boers, by which they reached Umgungundh- 
lovu on the 20th of the month, in four days. The 
condition of things they found there was calculated to 
impress the Boers with the belief that their victory had 
been complete. There was no force to oppose them ; the 
king's residence and neighbouring family kraals had been 
burnt on their approach by a man whom he had left 
for the purpose. He had- betaken himself across the 
White Umfolozi River. There was, indeed, no living person 
to be seen. They found the bones of their late governor, 
Retief, and his companions, on the ridge upon which they 
had been bleaching since their massacre ten months 


earlier. These were identified by means of fragments 
of clothing still adhering to them. In a satchel amongst 
those of Retief was found the document which, on the 
4th of the previous February, had been signed by Din- 
gana as a cession of the land of Natal. 

All the bones which could be found were collected and 
buried in a grave, still to be seen, after sixty years, at the 
base of a small conical hillock, on the ridge-slope facing 
the site of Umgungundhlovu and about 100 yards from 
the spot on which their bodies had been cast to the wild 
beasts a spot marked by numerous small cairns of stones 
erected at the time wherever identifiable bones were dis- 
covered. The grave is about eight feet long, and, although 
the name of Retief has been a household word throughout 
South Africa, the spot where his bones mingle with those 
of so many of his countrymen has remained unmarked 
up to the present time (1911) except by the few stones 
placed upon it by those by whom they were buried. 

It appeared as if there was nothing more to be done. 
One of the objects of the expedition had been to recover 
the cattle of which the Boers had been deprived by 
Dingana's forces ; but in that respect it appeared likely to 
prove fruitless. 

Soon, however, a man was seen hurriedly seeking 
hiding in a clump of trees. He was promptly seized, and, 
with exhibitions of tremor, had much to disclose. He 
had been sent as a decoy, and played his part well. His 
name was Bongoza. No common man of the Zulu race 
ever attained such fame as he. His name and what he 
did is known to every Zulu of an intelligent age. If a 
man be employed as a guide he will answer to the name 
as his own. 

Dingana's army, he said, had dispersed after the battle 
of Ingcome. Left undefended, he had burnt his kraal and 
fled. He had left his cattle behind in the hope that the 
Boers, when they found these, might refrain from further 


pursuing him. These cattle were in the valley of the 
White Umfolozi ; they were very numerous ; Bongoza was 
in a position to guide those to the place who might go to 
fetch them. By some this story was disbelieved ; but by 
most it was given credence. Therefore, on the 26th, the 
day after the man's capture, the camp was moved some 
eight miles in a south-eastern direction to the top of 
the Mtonjaneni Heights; and on the 27th Bongoza was 
leading 300 Boers towards the east along the ridge. 
He was mounted on a horse and being made much of. 
As the eastern brow was reached a small body of Zulus 
were seen, but on^eing fired upon they retired. Bongoza 
is said to have pointed to this as a proof of the correct- 
ness of what he had said : " See," he is reported to have 
exclaimed, " I told you that there were no men left who 
would fight." That brow has since been known by the 
name of Sanqonqo, a name made up of an imitation of 
the sound of gun-shots. From this point the party 
descended by a steep path, still in use, along the narrow 
back of a spur which projects itself into a sharp and 
deep curve of the White Umfolozi River. The path 
reaches the bottom of the valley near to where the Upate 
stream joins that river, the final descent being a broad 
hill-face strewn with rocks and studded with stunted 
mimosa trees and aloes, the stalks of which it is some- 
times difficult to distinguish at a distance from the bodies 
of men who may be standing near to them. When they 
had entered the gorge and nearly reached the river, they 
were made suddenly to realise the peril into which they 
had placed themselves. On a sharp, rocky, and bush-clad 
peak towards their right front, and on the far side of the 
river, there sat the sentinel Xwana; and now, in those 
clear, high-pitched tones by which a Zulu is able to make 
himself heard so far, he uttered the words, " I si pakati " 
(with prolonged emphasis on the initial and penultimate 
syllables), meaning that the enemy was enclosed. From 


all sides the impis rose and advanced. In the confusion 
which ensued Bongoza made good his escape, but of his 
later life, or how it was ended, nothing can be learned 
with certainty. 

The Boer detachment was under the command of 
Carl Landman, but the man who saved it was Johannes 
De Lange. He held little rank, but the perilous life he 
had been accustomed to lead had fitted him to assume 
the guidance in a crisis such as that which presented 
itself. There was some consultation, the Commandant 
being for standing back to back and fighting ; but De 
Lange saw what the situation demanded, took the lead, 
and was followed by the whole force. To return by the 
way by which they had come was scarcely possible ; they 
had not sufficient ammunition for a prolonged action such 
as threatened ; the difficulties that lay ahead were un- 
known to them ; but, as he rightly perceived, the greater 
hope lay in going forward. 

It has to be concluded, after a careful inquiry and 
an examination of the ground, that there was some con- 
siderable distance between them and the several posts 
occupied by the surrounding Zulus admitting of less 
precipitate movement than has generally been ascribed by 
historians. It is not easy to credit that a body of 300 
horse could gallop over the ground which it was necessary 
to immediately traverse. It is closely bestrewn with 
jagged rocks, overgrown by various thorny trees and aloes, 
and intersected by numerous steep-sided ravines. They 
had no acquaintance with the ground and no guide. It 
appears most probable that the greater part of the 
rougher ground had been passed before the Zulus were 
able to close with them. At any rate, they succeeded in 
crossing the river and attaining the open ground without 
having suffered any loss whatever, and thereafter in 
keeping their assegai-armed foe at a safe distance by 
occasionally turning and firing. They thus traversed the 


Ulundi plains, bearing gradually to the west, and re- 
arriving at the river where it is joined from the south 
by the Umkumbane stream. In the meantime the young 
Udhlambedhlu regiment, viewing their movements from 
that direction, had ascended the river and were awaiting 
them at the crossing. Here five Boers were killed, and 
also Alexander Biggar, who had accompanied the ex- 
pedition with a number of natives from Natal, of whom 
none are supposed to have escaped. The pursuit con- 
tinued for some distance beyond this place, and there was 
still some fifteen miles of difficult ground to cover. But 
eventually, though late and in a state of complete ex- 
haustion, the party reached the camp without further 
loss. Owing to their circuitous retreat they had covered, 
since setting out, some forty miles of very rough country 
on a summer's day and in a valley noted for heat. They 
had been fighting most of the time. They recorded their 
belief that they had killed 1000 Zulus, but this was 
necessarily a mere guess. 

Thus ended the second Boer invasion of Zululand. 
Before recrossing into Natal they attacked and shot some 
cattle herds and captured some 5000 head of cattle ; but 
no more fighting of any importance took place. Con- 
cerning the period occupied in the retreat the records 
left by the Boers differ from the history of the affair 
as it is known to the Zulus, as does also the impression 
as to the result of the campaign. The Zulus, both 
those remaining of the warriors who took part in it 
and those who know of it from what their fathers 
have told them, declare that so precipitate was the 
retreat of the commando that, although the Zulu army 
marched after them next morning, it was found im- 
possible to overtake them ; that they had marched 
during the night, and made for the border with great 
rapidity; that, as a result of the experience they had 
met with, they never again attempted any operations 


against Dingana, but on the contrary sent frequent over- 
tures of peace, until they had been joined by half the 
Zulu nation under Umpande. They claim to have 
repelled the enemy, although the invasion cost them 
many lives, and they speak warmly of the valour the 
Boers displayed. 

On their side the Boers considered that their cam- 
paign was successful; and, with regard to their retreat, 
they recorded that they continued in occupation of 
their camp for three days, during which time they 
sent out patrols in the hope of drawing the Zulus on 
to an attack upon it, but without success; that their 
horses being rendered unfit for offensive operations, 
they retreated very slowly in the hope that pursuit 
might give them an opportunity of finishing the war; 
that on arrival at the Buffalo River they encamped 
again three days for the purpose of sending out a 
patrol to capture cattle. In support of the Zulu version 
it has to be observed that the commando had arrived 
at the Tugela, in Natal, and the spoil was distributed 
on the 9th of January; and, considering the distance 
and the roughness of the road by which they travelled, 
it scarcely appears as if they had time for the deliberate- 
ness they professed to have displayed. 

Although the Zulus claim that they finally repelled 
the invasion, there is no doubt that its effect had been 
to discourage them greatly. Dingana was not to return 
to Umgungundhlovu and the fair Umkumbane stream, 
which he appears to have greatly loved. It is said that 
while he continued at the place to which he retired, 
some fifteen miles distant, he had his private supply 
of water carried thence by his serving men. Soon he 
rebuilt the kraal in the Hluhluwe valley, between Hlabisa 
and the coast, but the prevalence of malarial fever caused 
him to abandon that site in favour of one on the south 
of the Ivuna stream, eight miles from the present magis- 


tracy at Nongoma ; this also he was permitted to occupy 
only for a short space. These spots are still pointed out 
as sites of the Umgungundhlovu kraal. He showed by 
another act that he felt weakened in fighting force. He 
directed the members of his youngest regiment, the 
Udhlambedhlu, lads of about twenty years of age, to 
assume head-rings, thus according to them the status 
of men. These lads, as has been seen, were conspicuous 
in the attempts to carry out the object for which Bongoza 
had led the commando into the valley of the White 
Umfolozi River, and Dingana announced as his reason 
for thus distinguishing them, that the Boers had stipu- 
lated it as a condition of peace, describing them as 
"the boys who had sprung from the bones of the 
warriors they had slain." His object was doubtless to 
encourage them to fill the places of these. 

In the meantime the emigration from the Cape of 
the Boers, and their wars with the Zulus and other tribes, 
had been causing much concern in the minds of the 
British Government, whose subjects they were, and who 
felt responsible for their actions. The feeling that their 
proceedings should be checked had taken practical shape. 
With this object a small body of troops, under the com- 
mand of Major Charters, had landed at Port Natal on 
the 4th of December ; and that officer had despatched, on 
the 6th, a message to the Boer camp at the Tugela, 
addressed to Chief Commandant Pretorius, and warning 
him not to proceed with the expedition, the result of 
which has just been described. But the Boer army 
had already gone out when the messenger arrived at 
the camp; nor would the earlier arrival of the message 
have availed to effect the object for which it had been 
sent. The rights of the British Government to inter- 
fere with their proceedings were not admitted by the 
Boers, and their Council, by whom Major Charters' 
warning was received and acknowledged, took no steps 


to carry out its requirements. The instructions the 
officer in command of the troops had received included 
one to seize all arms and ammunition in the possession 
of the Boers ; and this order was carried into effect in 
regard to a few families who had taken up their abode 
near the Bay. The act gave rise, some time later, to a 
protest from the Boer authorities ; but, except for this, 
the most friendly relations subsisted between them and 
the troops up to the time of the departure of the latter 
about the end of the following year. 

On the 7th of February 1839, Major Charters had 
left Natal, and Captain Jarvis had succeeded to the 
command. Upon that date this officer commenced nego- 
tiations with the view to bringing about peace between 
the emigrants and the Zulus. In the sending of the 
message to Dingana on the subject he was assisted by 
an English resident named Ogle. The message was this : 
" Send Sotobe ; the representative of the Queen desires 
to communicate with you through him." Sotobe had 
acquired a fame, which has made his name familiar to 
the Zulus down to the present time, by having been 
deputed by Tshaka to carry the message from him to 
the English king across the water. 

Sotobe was not sent; but Dingana lost no time in 
responding to the message. His representative arrived 
at the British camp on the 23rd, sixteen days later. He 
was named Gambusha. He expressed, on Dingana's behalf, 
the wish that the Boers might be sent out of the country, 
but his tone manifested an eager desire for peace, and a 
willingness to accept it upon any terms that could be 
arranged. Being instructed as to the message he was to 
convey to his king, Gambusha left on the 24th. A month 
later he returned fully empowered to act on the king's 
behalf. He brought with him about 300 of the horses that 
the Zulus had captured from the Boers. On the 23rd of 
March peace was concluded, the terms being "that the 


Boers should protect the Zulus in case of their being 
attacked unjustly ; that the Zulus should remain on the 
other side of the Tugela until everything was settled, nor 
come on this side without a pass. A place was to be 
appointed at once where the cattle were to be given up " 
the cattle which the Zulus had taken from the Boers since 
their arrival in Natal, and which Gambusha undertook, on 
Dingana's behalf, to restore to them. So definite was the 
agreement that the British Government soon considered 
the object to have been accomplished for which the troops 
had been sent to Natal, and made arrangements for their 

After this Dingana committed no aggressive act 
against the Boers, but he fell short of compliance with 
the conditions of peace in that he did not return the 
Boers' cattle. 

Dingana continued to manifest uneasiness in regard to 
the future. He sent an expedition to Swaziland with the 
serious object of seizing and occupying that country. A 
severe battle was fought, in which, while the Swazis admit 
that they were beaten, they claim to have inflicted such 
heavy loss on the invaders that the object of the expedition 
was wholly abandoned. 

Discontent with his system of government had been 
growing amongst the Zulus for a considerable period. It 
is remembered as one of unsparing slaughter. The absence 
of some power which could afford protection to such as 
might be compelled to flee from its decrees had long been 
felt. The slender protection which the few Englishmen 
who resided at the Bay of Natal were able to afford had 
been sought so frequently, that the force with which these 
attacked him in April 1838 was largely composed of 
refugee Zulus. Except in one instance the agreement by 
which the English had bound themselves to surrender all 
such to Dingana had neither been observed by them nor 
enforced by him. 


IT was a natural outcome of the methods by which law 
was administered amongst the tribes of whom the Zulu 
nation had been formed, that a condition of things should 
have arisen by which the kingdom was constantly 
menaced. For most recognised crimes the punishment 
was death or confiscation of property, or both. The 
establishment of guilt was usually effected by means of 
consulting those persons called Izangoma, who have come 
to be known to the English as "witch-doctors," and 
sentence in such cases was pronounced in the absence of 
the supposed culprit. 

The belief of the people concerning the functions of 
these persons was essentially similar to that which led 
Saul to consult the witch of Endor. They were regarded 
as, and believed themselves to be, the media of communi- 
cation between the earthly and spiritual world. The 
guardian spirits were supposed to make known through 
them to the authorities the persons by whom wrong was 
being done to their earthly charges. 

What the sentence would be was at once known by 
the individual declared to have been pointed out as the 
wrongdoer by the invoked spirit, and he lost no time in 
effecting his escape to some neighbouring tribe. Escapes 
of this kind had become so common that places of refuge 
from the decrees of their chiefs had become generally 
recognised as imperatively necessary. The conquests of 
Tshaka gave him dominion over so great an area that to 
get outside the range of his power was scarcely possible 
to those who might fall under his displeasure ; but even 


he was in the habit of accepting the intercession of those 
to whom such might fly. The case of those who were 
protected by the Europeans at the Bay of Natal is an 
instance. It became the custom, indeed, to grant the 
prayer of any one having sufficient influence to get it 
presented, for leave to "gather the bones" of persons 
condemned to death. The prayer was accompanied by a 
present to the king, and it was understood that the man 
whose bones were asked for was dead only in that he had 
incurred the king's displeasure, and that the person making 
the petition would be responsible for his future good 
conduct. Thus persons holding any sort of authority 
waxed in power continually by gathering round them, as 
did David in the cave of Adullam, those who had got 
themselves into trouble. The growing power of subor- 
dinate chiefs was constantly calling for vigilant watch- 
fulness on the part of the king. At the time at which 
we have now arrived Dingana's position was becoming 
endangered by the growing power of his brother Umpande, 
on the one, and of his cousin Mapita on the other, side of 
the country he ruled. 

The life of the former had been spared, and he had 
been allowed to marry, because he had evinced no 
dangerous attributes. He had gone out with the Balule 
expedition in 1828, but since the death of Tshaka had 
taken no part in warlike operations. He had attained 
middle age, " the traces of wrinkles were beginning to be 
perceived" on his countenance. He dwelt peacefully at 
his kraal, called the Gqikazi, close to the site of the 
present town of Eshowe, and had gained the affections of 
a large number of people occupying the land lying towards 
the Tugela and the sea. 

Six months had elapsed since the conclusion of peace 
with the Boers. There had been no breach of its terms 
on either side, except by Dingana as regards the restoration 

of cattle. In his attack upon the Swazis he appears to 



have been actuated by a hope of escaping the pressure 
of the Boers by conquering and occupying that country, 
and apparently he had not altogether abandoned the 

The lack of activity shown in this campaign by 
Umpande gave a definite form to a suspicion as to his 
loyalty; and there is no doubt that at this time his 
disaffection was well developed. He had ascertained, 
according to his own statement to the Boers some time 
later, that he was in agreement with a northern chief, who 
was, however, unable to get through Zululand to join him. 
This chief was probably Mapita, who had acquired a 
considerable following since taking up his abode in the 
land of the Amandwandwe. 

It was in September, in the year 1839. Dingana's 
dissatisfaction with the manner in which compliance with 
his orders had been yielded by Umpande had manifested 
itself, amongst other ways, in a peremptory summons to 
the latter to attend personally at Umgungundhlovu ; and 
there remained but one course open to the latter if his life 
were to be saved, namely, to immediately carry out the 
design he had secretly formed of crossing the Tugela and 
joining the Boers. 

This accordingly he at once did. He first showed his 
peaceful intention by presenting a number of cattle to 
Johannes De Lange, whom he found killing hippopotami 
near the mouth of the river. Then, proceeding along the 
coast, he encamped near the Tongati River, and opened 
up communication with the Boer authorities at Boesman's 
Randt, or Bushman's Ridge, as then* capital, now Pieter- 
maritzburg, was then called. 

His friendliness was at first doubted, and the question 
was mooted in the Boer Council of surprising and anni- 
hilating the force b^ which he was accompanied. By 
entering the territory south of the Tugela he had broken 
the treaty between the king and the Boers, and justified 


steps, on the part of the latter, for his forcible expulsion. 
But perhaps the effect of his arrival on the minds of the 
Boers is best told in the words of M. Adulphe Delegorgue, 
a French naturalist, who was present and took part in the 
discussion of the situation which followed : . . . " Great 
excitement was caused ... by the fear of these neigh- 
bours : it was difficult to believe that they were refugees. 
The grave proceeding resolved on by Umpande was," in the 
eyes of the Boers, " only a great scheme for authorising 
the entrance into their territory of the army of Dingana, 
this sworn enemy, who refused the payment of an ac- 
knowledged debt, and whose dishonest intentions had 
been so well unmasked. Umpande was as much distrusted 
as Dingana himself. Little was needed to give immediate 
effect to the opinion of the women, for African ladies have 
a voice in the councils, and to them is due the action of 
their husbands. An onslaught was to be made on the 
refugees without any warning, a butchery that would 
oblige them to return from whence they came." 

But wiser and more temperate counsels ultimately 
prevailed, and an alliance was concluded on the 27th of 
October, the object of which was a combined attack upon, 
and the overthrow of, Dingana, and the establishment of 
Umpande as Zulu king. For their assistance in securing 
this object Umpande undertook to pay the Boers the cattle 
that had been stipulated in the treaty with Dingana, and 
he promised that when secured in the kingdom he would 
not permit " any woman, or child, or defenceless aged 
person to be murdered, nor allow any war or hostile action 
on the part of his people against any neighbouring chief or 
tribes without the consent of the Assembly of Emigrants." 

These terms had been definitely concluded when a 
scene occurred which has been remembered by the Zulus. 
The Boers had requested Umpande to nominate three 
persons of those " particularly attached to his person " to 
be his " Chief Captains." He did so, and the three he 


chose included one Umpangazita (whose name, for some 
reason now inexplicable, was written in the records Umpan- 
gazowaga), who had held a prominent position as one of 
Dingana's indunas at Umgungundhlovu. The men were 
addressed by the chief of the Boer representatives on 
the gravity of the responsibility attaching to their office, 
and general satisfaction seemed to result. But no sooner 
had they retired than Umpangazita was set upon by a con- 
siderable body of men and beaten to death with sticks. 
There was no apparent reason for this act. It was be- 
lieved by his sons, who became old and well-known men 
in the nation, that Umpande did trust this man, and that 
his execution was the spontaneous act of the people, who 
felt unable to do so because of the position he had held 
under Dingana. On the other hand, M. Delegorgue says : 
"In our eyes Umpande had cleared himself of crime. 
His eloquence made us believe him innocent. Some 
days elapsed before we learned that the act had been his 
first exercise of kingly authority." And what may per- 
haps be regarded as a second " act of kingly authority " 
was the almost immediate despatch of an armed force 
against some petty tribe in the neighbourhood, which the 
Boers had sanctioned in the course of these negotiations 
at the Tongati. 

Those who had accompanied Umpande in his flight 
were estimated as numbering some 17,000; and such 
fighting strength as could be supplied by that large 
number of people had been added to that of the Boers 
and taken away from Dingana. 

The treaty into which the Boers had entered with the 
latter was now entirely laid aside ; and, as soon as the 
troops at Port Natal were withdrawn by the British, which 
took place in December 1839, preparations were begun for 
an attack upon him by the combined forces of the new 
alliance. The march was commenced in the following 
month. The campaign was fruitful of great results; it 


was the last in which the Boers engaged against the Zulus. 
It was arranged that the forces of Umpande and the Boer 
commando should proceed by different routes, the former 
by way of the Lower Tugela and Eshowe, and the latter 
by the route of their last campaign. Umpande was person- 
ally to accompany the Boers, his men being commanded 
by his chief induna, Nongalaza. 

The ground alleged in the official journal as justifying 
the breaking of the treaty and the renewal of hostilities 
against Dingana was the failure on his part to pay the 
cattle stipulated in it ; they claimed that he was in default 
to the extent of about 40,000 still due. He had sent only 
"some fifty to a hundred cattle, 2000 Ibs. of ivory, and 
vain promises that the cattle still due by him would be 
paid." Having, on these grounds, divested themselves of 
the obligations into which they had entered, they returned 
to the position of things before the treaty, and resolved, 
not only that Dingana should be deposed, but that he 
should expiate the wrongs he had done them with his 
life, as also his two chief indunas, Unzobo and Undhlela. 
He and they, the journal states, " were the monsters who 
stained the earth with the innocent blood of our peaceful 
whites." They offered a reward of fifty head of cattle to 
any who would deliver up Dingana, and twenty-five for 
Undhlela. Unzobo they had with them " in chains." 

The development of affairs had seriously alarmed Din- 
gana. He scarcely knew what to do. He perceived that 
it would not be possible to hold his own against the force 
combined against him. Flight was not likely to secure 
his safety, because he had incurred enmity on all sides. 

The Swazis on the north were hostile to him, so were 
the people of Umzilikazi on the north-west. From the 
south and south-west the impi of Umpande and the Boer 
commando were threatening to advance against him. 
What could be done in the circumstances he did. He 
sent Unzobo (known in histories as Dambuza, his war 


title) to the Boers at Pietermaritzburg to make what terms 
he could with them, promising to agree to anything which 
his ambassador might undertake on his behalf. 

Unzobo and Undhlela, as Dingana's chief advisers, 
were credited with having urged him to commit the 
wrongs of which he was held guilty. Their names are 
conspicuously mentioned in connection with all the ne- 
gotiations that took place between him and the white 
men who had dealings with him. The feeling they had 
evoked in the minds of the Boers was expressed in the 
Journal of the expedition, and was given practical effect 
to, in Unzobo's case, by his immediate arrest. He was to 
accompany the commando for a time, as a prisoner, and 
then suffer the doom which it was desired that there 
might be opportunity of inflicting on all three. 

Dingana did not long feel safe in his new residence at 
Ivuna. His enemies were advancing upon him. He there- 
fore moved another thirty miles away, himself reaching the 
Magundu Mountain, which stands conspicuously about 
eight miles to the south of the Pongolo River ; his army 
remaining at the Maqongqo, a group of round hills a few 
miles to the south of it, whose name has been well known 

There the issue of the situation was determined on 
the 29th of January 1840. The date is a useful one to 
remember, because the event is referred to by Zulus for 
the purpose of fixing the dates of other occurrences. 

Umpande's men had been somewhat rash to stake 
everything on their own strength. The battle was fiercely 
contested, and for a time the issue was doubtful. A sur- 
vivor of Dingana's men stated, in 1899, that at one time 
they believed the victory to be theirs, but that they 
were afterwards overpowered. There were a great number 
killed on both sides : " for many years the place was white 
with their bones." But Nongalaza did ultimately gain 
the fight, and a new course of events began. 


Undhlela died on this occasion. He was in command 
of Dingana's forces, and was wounded. So incensed was 
his chief at his failure that he immediately ordered his 

Unzobo, the other " monster," was to die the next day. 

The Boers had " arrived within a day's march of the 
capital"; they were thus more than sixty miles away 
from its scene when the battle took place. They were 
not aware of the success which had been gained by their 
side. The Commandant-General resolved to " decide the 
fate " of their prisoner, and of a man named Kambazana 
who had accompanied him on his mission. 

A court-martial was convened, of which the Com- 
mandant-General was the President and Umpande a 
member, although he was also the chief witness against 
the accused. The charge against Unzobo was, indeed, 
stated by him, and the essence of it was as follows : (1) 
that the accused had been a consenting party to the 
king's (Dingana's) acts of bloodshed ; (2) that the destruc- 
tion of Zulu families by the king's orders had invariably 
resulted from proposals made by the accused ; (3) that it 
was the accused who prevailed upon Dingana to kill 
Retief and his companions, and order the subsequent 
massacre of the Boers in Natal; (4) that the accused 
had on one occasion induced Dingana to authorise the 
execution of Umpande himself, which authority was, 
however, withdrawn. 

Unzobo was asked whether he had anything to say 
with regard to these accusations and replied in the nega- 
tive ; but declared that his companion, Kambazana, was 
entirely innocent of anything set forth in them. Um- 
pande was thereupon appealed to, and, "declared that 
he (Kambazana) had always instigated the king against 
others by false reports in order to remain in favour with 
the king " ; and thereupon, " with the advice and consent 
of the court-martial," the Chief Commandant proceeded 


to pass sentence of death upon the prisoners, who were 
straightway led out and shot by a party of Boers. 

The death of Unzobo is a well-remembered incident 
in Zulu history. Strangely, the Zulus believe that he 
was tied to the spokes of a wagon-wheel and killed by 
being carried round with it when the vehicle was in 

But nothing connected with this trial and execution 
has been remembered with resentment. It is believed 
that the cruelty of Dingana, and the large number of 
deaths he ordered to be inflicted, were due largely to the 
advice of Unzobo, and that security for life demanded 
that he should die. The action of the Boers was agree- 
able to the feeling of the party who had severed them- 
selves from Dingana and given their adhesion to 
Umpande. That chief gave expression, at the trial, to 
what his party felt on the subject ; and this, no doubt, 
largely influenced the Boers in the course they took. But 
the feeling was only against Unzobo personally, and his 
family were not made to lose their position of distinction. 
His son, Umgamule, grew old in honourable employment 
under the succeeding rulers. The same has to be said of 
Undhlela. His sons, Godide and Mavumengwana, became 
prominent amongst the notables of the country. 

The news of the defeat of Dingana reached the Boers 
on the 1st of February. They had then reached the 
rough country near the Black Umfolozi, and their wagons 
could not proceed further. A party of 250 horsemen 
went in pursuit of the defeated enemy, and nearly had 
an engagement at the source of the Isikwebezi stream. 
Dingana, having been accustomed to hold Umpande in 
contempt, was extremely annoyed at the termination of 
the battle at the Maqongqo. He lost no time in de- 
spatching what force he could still muster to renew the 
conflict. The two impis were about to meet, when that 
of Dingana beheld the Boer force advancing through the 


mist which enveloped the hills, and withdrew. The 
pursuit was continued as far as to the Pongolo River. 

The work of the expedition was now accomplished. 
Mapita had yielded submission to Umpande and to the 
Boers. He and Umpande were to continue on terms of 
close friendship as long as they both lived ; and during 
that time he was to gather the strength that was destined, 
under his son, Usibebu, to produce marked effects in the 
future as will be seen. 

The Boers had collected 31,000 head of cattle to take 
back with them, and had done no fighting and lost none 
of their number. They were in high spirits. On the 10th 
of February the Commandant-General ceremoniously de- 
clared Umpande King of the Zulus, and an alliance was 
agreed to between them. 

But, four days later, he read a proclamation setting 
forth that whereas the Zulu nation was still indebted 
to the Boers in the sum of 22,600 rix dollars (1725) 
for horse and wagon hire and other war expenses, and 
as there was no hope of recovering this sum in conse- 
quence of the flight of Dingana, therefore the land between 
the Tugela and the Black Umfolozi, from the mouth of 
the latter to the mountains near its source, and thence 
along the high lands to the Drakensberg, was taken in 
satisfaction of the debt, and would thenceforth be a 
portion of the South African Company's territory. This 
done, they returned to Pietermaritzburg and their homes, 
satisfied with their success, and feeling that an ever- 
imminent danger had been overcome, and that a peaceful 
prospect lay before them. 

Regarding the proclamation, which if given effect to 
would have taken away from Umpande the greater portion 
of the land upon which the people dwelt over whom he 
had been made king, a Dutch historian has this question 
and answer : " How is this proclamation reconcilable with 
the other whereby Umpande was acknowledged King of 


the Zulus? Very simply. The Boers had made him 
King of the Zulus but not of Zululand. He might 
go with his Zulus whither he listed to England, if 
necessary." l 

It will be convenient, now, to follow Dingana to his 
end. He crossed the Pongolo River and took refuge on 
the Lembobo Mountain, by Hlatikulu, the great forest. 
He rested there for some time. He had with him a 
considerable people ; and it was no easy matter to find 
food for their maintenance. He therefore meditated a 
descent on, and occupation of, Swaziland, but his hopes 
of accomplishing this were vague. In the meantime 
most of his fighting men had to be employed in foraging, 
and he had little personal protection, while impatience 
was beginning to be manifested at the non-payment of 
the cattle he had promised for grain supplied by the 
inhabitants of the locality. This payment it did not 
seem that he would ever be able to make, and some 
individual, more impatient than the rest, conceived the 
idea of getting rid of both him and his people by means 
of the Swazis. He offered his services as guide, and an 
impi was sent by the king (or Queen-Regent, the King 
Sobuza being said to have been then dead) to attack him. 
The kraal he occupied was surrounded at night, and, in 
escaping, he was wounded by an assegai in the side. In 
three days he died of this wound, and his people buried 
him. Those who had followed him, Umdidi ka 'Ndhlela, 
or the tail of Undhlela, as they were thenceforth satirically 
called, then returned to their own country glad to submit 
to the new rule. 

It may be interesting to give the account of the 
matter as recorded by a Boer, to whom the story had 
obviously been furnished by one who desired to tell some- 
thing pleasing. This story has since been adopted by 
historians as a true account of Dingana's death. " Sobuza 

i Cachet. 


took Dingana prisoner. On the first day (according to 
the statement of the Kafirs) Sobuza pricked Dingana 
with sharp assegais, no more than skin-deep, from the 
sole of his foot to the top of his head. The second day 
he had him bitten by dogs. On the third day Sobuza 
said to Dingana : ' Dingana, are you still the rain- 
maker? Are you still the greatest of living men? See 
the sun rising, you shall not see him set!' Saying this, 
he took an assegai and bored his eyes out. This was 
related to me by one of Sobuza's Kafirs who were present. 
When the sun set Dingana was dead, for he had neither 
tasted food nor water for three days." 


THE circumstances in which Umpande had gained the 
kingship, as has been seen, threatened to dispossess him 
of the major portion of the land upon which the Zulu 
people dwelt ; that described in the proclamation men- 
tioned at the conclusion of the last chapter included 
nearly all the king's personal places of residence. The 
proclamation had been read in his presence and hearing, 
and there is no reason to suppose otherwise than that 
it was intended to be effective. Favourable circumstances 
would probably have resulted in its provisions being 
carried out. 

But circumstances were soon to bring about a change 
upon which neither party had reckoned. The Boers, 
being now free from the dangers which had overhung 
them, soon began to spread themselves freely over the 
land they had acquired. They built and planted, and 
soon established themselves in a condition of life very 
similar to that which they had left in the Cape Colony. 
Facilities for obtaining such articles as are considered 
necessary in civilised life were wanting ; but the people 
were not without resource, nor the ability to secure such 
comforts as health required. They were generally well- 
to-do. They had regained by recent successes nearly as 
many cattle as they had lost to the Zulus in previous 
reverses. Of money they had but little, but many were 
able to procure from the traders, who soon established 
themselves amongst them, some few luxuries in exchange, 
mainly, for hides and ivory. Large game was very plenti- 
ful, especially in Zululand, which now became a free 


hunting field. The hunting exploits of Johannes De 
Lange have not yet been forgotten. It is still told how 
he attacked a herd of elephants in the Umbekamuzi 
Valley, and, having driven them into a corner, slew so 
many that the valley stank; how the herd included a 
mighty patriarch which was spoken of in tradition, and 
had been given a name signifying " taller than the trees." 
De Lange spent much of his time in Zululand. He 
adopted many of the habits of the Zulu people, perhaps 
in a worse form. At festive gatherings he and they were 
wont to discuss, in loud but friendly tones, the several 
battles in which they had been opposed, and to dispute 
as to which side had been victorious. 

The produce of the land furnished such food as they 
had been accustomed to eat. They were, perhaps, falling 
away somewhat from civilised ways, but they were generally 
content with their lot. They were scarcely affected by the 
Government at Pietermaritzburg ; they enjoyed almost 
complete freedom. 

They were, however, sometimes subjected to a kind of 
annoyance which a Boer is least able to bear. In certain 
parts of the settlement they frequently missed portions of 
their flocks and herds, and there was evidence that they 
were stolen and taken in the direction of Pondoland. They 
persuaded themselves that the thefts had been committed 
by the Mabaca people, the chief of whom at that time was 
a man named Ngcapayi ; but it has been contended that 
the real thieves were a race called Bushmen. 

Poor Bushmen ! It is not easy to see one now, so few 
have they become. But at the time to which reference is 
being made they were numerous. They dwelt partly in 
caves, partly in such rude shelters as they were able to 
construct. They did not plant, but lived on what game 
they could kill, or what they could steal from those who 
owned stock. They were a low type of mankind, very 
short of stature ; of a light, almost yellow, colour ; with 


black, woolly hair, which gathered in tufts, leaving intervals 
of bare scalp ; very high cheek-bones very ugly generally. 
But they did not lack intelligence, and were capable of 
being trained to high usefulness as servants. As such 
they were very highly valued by the Dutch. Their natural 
aptitude for horsemanship rendered them especially use- 
ful as rough-riders. In their natural state they were 
regarded rather as wild animals than human beings. If 
seen in the proximity of a herd of cattle or flock of sheep 
they met with scant consideration at the hands of the 
owner. Their minds, perhaps, were scarcely able to 
appreciate the rights of ownership. They were a con- 
tinual source of annoyance to cattle owners, and a kind 
of war of extermination was waged against them. Sir 
George Napier, the Governor of the Cape Colony, in 
a despatch dated the 25th July 1842, stated that it was 
a well-known practice of the Boers to attack them, kill 
those that were grown up, and bring up the children as 
servants. In their captivity they became so separated as 
seldom to meet with members of their own race ; so that 
they soon disappeared off the face of the earth, leaving, 
as memorial, only the rude paintings which they executed 
in the caves they inhabited, generally depicting wild 
animals and man equipped for slaying them. 

By the end of 1841 complaints of stock thefts had 
become numerous and loud, and, whatever may have been 
the true facts of the case, the Boer authorities felt satisfied 
that Ngcapayi and his tribe were the thieves. They 
subsequently found certain of their stolen animals in 
the possession of these people, which fact they held 
to have justified their action. Commandant Pretorius, 
at the head of 200 men, attacked the tribe, and, after 
a " desperate fight " in which some 150 of the natives 
were killed, and none of the Boers, " as many cattle were 
seized as would repay the people what they had been 
robbed." A number of native children were also brought 


back by the expedition and " apprenticed " to their captors 
or other Boers a form of contract which was in some 
quarters considered to place the apprentice in a position 
differing little from slavery. The children so taken and 
disposed of were termed orphans. It was either believed, 
or affected to be believed, that they had been rendered 
destitute by the death in battle of their natural supporters, 
or by their abandonment through the flight of these. The 
Boers never failed to find some such orphans in the 
course of their military expeditions ; even in that against 
Dingana, in the beginning of 1840, in which they did no 
fighting, being far away from the scene of it, a consider- 
able number of young Zulus were so found and provided 
for by means of apprenticeship. 

Although neither this system of apprenticeship nor 
the breach of the treaty with Dingana had attracted 
much notice, these new proceedings gave rise to a very 
grave concern in the minds of the British authorities 
at the Cape. The Pondo chief, Faku, while professing 
friendship with the Boers and affecting to approve of 
their action against Ngcapayi, sent a message to the 
Governor asking for protection against them. A report 
of the raid reached him at Grahamstown on the 5th 
of January 1841 ; by the 27th he had confirmatory 
intelligence, as well as Faku's appeal for protection, and, 
in response to that appeal, had ordered Captain Smith, 
with a detachment of the 27th Regiment, to proceed to 
the Umgazi River, in the territory of that chief, to take 
up a position there, and afford him the protection for 
which he asked. In the meantime some correspondence 
had passed between the Governor and the Council of the 
Boers at Natal on the relations that should subsist between 
them and the British Government. When asked for a 
statement of their views on the subject the Boers asserted 
that they were a free and independent people ; while, on 
the other hand, they were regarded by the Queen's repre- 


sentative as British subjects, for whose acts of aggression 
the British Government was responsible. The correspon- 
dence promised no satisfactory settlement of the question. 
The Boers were informed by the Governor, in a letter dated 
the 27th of September 1840, that the Queen could not 
acknowledge a portion of her own subjects as an indepen- 
dent republic ; but that, on their receiving a force from 
the Colony, their trade would be placed on the same 
footing as a trade with a British Colony, a proposal which 
the Boers rejected in a letter dated the llth October. 
They contemplated a step, moreover, which seriously 
alarmed the Cape Government. Since their occupation 
of the land of Natal large numbers of natives had come 
from Zululand and elsewhere and taken up their abode in 
it, feeling, probably, that they could enjoy greater security 
there than under their own chiefs. The rapid increase of 
the native population from such sources soon became a 
subject of alarm to the Boers, and, with a view to averting 
the danger they feared, it was resolved by their Council on 
the 2nd of August that the land lying between the Um- 
tamvuna and Umzimvubu rivers should be set apart for 
native occupation and that those inhabiting the land they 
desired should be removed thither. The Commandant- 
General was instructed to see this measure carried into 
effect. It was considered that, apart from the severity of 
the measure itself, the placing of so large a native popula- 
tion on its frontier would be dangerous to the peace of the 
Cape Colony ; the territory to which these people were to 
be removed was that of the Pondo chief, Faku, and his 
permission had not been asked. 

These were among the reasons which led to the resolu- 
tion, which was arrived at by the Governor at the end of 
1841, to resume military occupation of Port Natal. It was 
the wet season, and the movement of the troops stationed 
at the Umgazi, who were designed for that service, had 
to be delayed till the following March. In that month 


Captain Smith began his march; he reached his destination 
early in May 1842, and established a camp near the Port. 
The Boer authorities, having sent him formal protests, 
which he declined to receive, began to collect at Congela, 
where they were soon in considerable force. On the 23rd 
of the month Commandant-General Pretorius demanded 
that Captain Smith should instantly break up his camp 
and withdraw across the borders of the territory which 
the Boers claimed, besides paying the expenses incurred, 
threatening war unless these demands were complied 
with. Captain Smith determined to attack the Boer 
camp, which he accordingly did, with disastrous results 
to himself, the same evening. The Boers were prepared 
for his advance, and suddenly rained a deadly shower of 
bullets upon him from behind trees, killing seventeen and 
wounding thirty-one of his men, and forcing him to retire 
to his camp. There he withstood a vigorous siege till 
relieved, about a month later, by reinforcements from 
Cape Colony, whither news of his position had been 
carried on .horseback by one Richard King. The Boers 
opposed but feeble resistance to the landing of these 
forces, being unable to stand against the fire from the 
ship's guns, under cover of which the landing was effected. 
While manifesting great unwillingness to submit to British 
authority, they did not oppose any further active resis- 
tance to it; and, military occupation having been con- 
tinued till the end of 1842, the English Government 
reluctantly determined to take possession of, and establish 
an administration in, the territory of which the Boers had 
acquired possession, and which later became known as the 
Colony of Natal. That decision having been received by 
the Governor at the Cape in April of the following year, 
steps were soon taken to give effect to it, the Honourable 
Henry Cloete being appointed Her Majesty's Commis- 
sioner for the purpose in the following month, and 
arriving in Natal on the 5th June 1843. 



Favourable conditions were offered to the Boers, who, 
after considerable opposition and threatened resistance, 
submitted, a document embodying their submission being 
signed by the members of their Council at Pietermaritz- 
burg on the 8th of August 1843. 

Umpande had maintained friendly relations with the 
Boers, but matters had remained in a somewhat unsettled 
state. No definite line of division between his and their 
territory had been agreed upon. Claims by Boers to 
farms on the north of the Tugela had been registered, 
while the Zulu king had kraals on the south of the 
Umzinyati, or Buffalo River, which subsequently formed 
the boundary. A settlement of this matter was of urgent 
importance, and two months after Natal had become 
British territory Commissioner Cloete proceeded to the 
kraal of Umpande with the object of effecting it. The 
king readily extended to the British the friendship which he 
had established with the Boers. He was very desirous also 
that a frontier should be agreed upon, and readily fell in 
with the proposal that his territory should be limited on 
the south by the Tugela and Umzinyati rivers. A treaty 
to that effect was signed on the 5th of October. On the 
same day Umpande granted to Her Majesty the Queen a 
cession of St. Lucia Bay, which was to prove of political 
utility forty years later. 

The condition of the Zulu people at this time was in no 
important respect different from that of previous reigns. 
Shortly before Mr. Cloete's visit Umpande had removed 
the only possible cause of political disturbance which 
then existed. Of his father's numerous sons he and one 
other only remained alive when he became king. Two had 
successively reigned over the Zulu nation, and in turn had 
been destroyed by brothers who desired to reign in their 
stead. Some had perished in war, but most had probably 
been killed because of suspected aspirations to the king- 
ship. About the middle of 1843 Umpande's only brother, 


Gququ, was thus suspected. He was married, and had 
established himself on the Sigubutu Hills on the north of 
the Black Umfolozi River. The impression has remained 
with the Zulus that he was beginning to feel his strength ; 
that the suspicion was justified. Captain Smith, who 
inquired into the matter at the time, declared that their 
had been no ground for it ; that action was taken against 
him merely on the word of a man named Tengwana, 
a resident in Natal, who stated that he had heard of 
the conspiracy on the part of Gququ against the king. 1 
But, upon whatever evidence, the king's order went 
forth ; the kraal on the Sigubutu was surrounded 
suddenly, to Gququ's surprise, and he and his family were 
entirely destroyed. That a large portion of the people 
were attached to him is evident from what immediately 
followed. His aunt, Mawa, who resided near the Tugela, 
fled into Natal, and was followed by nearly the whole of 
the people in that part of the country. Commissioner 
Cloete found nearly all the kraals, which had been 
numerous, as far north as the Inseleni stream deserted 
and in ruins; their inmates had been added to the 
rapidly increasing native population of Natal. 

The " Crossing of Mawa " is one of the events in Zulu 
history which mark periods in time. 

There was no one left to dispute the right of Umpande 
to reign, and tranquillity thus prevailed within the borders 
of his country. There could be no further cause of 
civil war until his own sons should grow up and dispute the 
succession with each other. 

Umpande was residing at the Sixebeni kraal, near the 
abandoned site of the Umgungundhlovu, long after the 
chief residence of Langazana. He was indulging in the 
same forms of amusement as his predecessors had done. 
Bands of fighting men performed war-dances before him ; 
large numbers of women sang to him in his private apart- 

1 Annals of Natal, ii. 316. 


ments. He had done nothing in the direction of adopting 
such civilised habits as he had seen during his association 
with the Boers. Mahloko was engaged in the manu- 
facture of the clumsy brass arrnlets already described, 
and he evinced a deep interest in the work, asking, as 
Dingana was wont to ask, to be presented with files for 
the purpose. 

Missionaries had endeavoured to establish themselves 
in the country after his accession, but had lately become 
alarmed and left. Umpande refused them permission 
to return. But he allowed traders free access to his 
country, and any of his subjects who stole or injured their 
property, or that of any white man, was liable to be put 
to death. The property of white men was thenceforth 
to be most rigidly protected in the Zulu country ; perhaps 
in no country in the world did greater security prevail. 
The French naturalist already mentioned went, shortly 
after Umpande's accession, into the valley of the White 
Umfolozi River to collect specimens. He pitched a tent 
there and left it for a time without any one in charge. 
Upon his return he found that it had been entered and 
certain articles or specimens removed or injured. There 
was evidence that this had been done by a human being, 
and he reported the matter to the king. The result was 
interesting, as showing the degree of reprobation in which 
such acts were held by the king, and how justice was, 
and continued to be, administered. Certain men of posi- 
tion were sent to investigate the matter in the locality 
of its occurrence. They called the people of the neighbour- 
hood together and subjected them one by one to search- 
ing examination. At last one showed some hesitation in 
answering the questions addressed to him, from which it 
was at once perceived that he had some knowledge of the 
subject ; and, when closely questioned, he admitted that 
he had seen a certain person leave a hunting party and 
go in the direction in which the tent stood, and mentioned 


other circumstances which he thought might cast sus- 
picion upon this man. Thereupon the person referred to, 
who was also present, was interrogated, and being unable 
to evade the searching questions addressed to him, 
eventually made a full confession. His guilt being 
thus established, he was removed a short distance and 
put to death. 


UMPANDE had always been regarded as the fool of the 
family. He scarcely took any part in politics. He took 
to himself wives, chiefly of the daughters of commoners, 
and was permitted, by reason of his supposed harmless- 
ness of disposition, and his lack of ability to do any 
important thing, even had the disposition been present, 
to live and bring up a family. That his position was not 
always free from danger may be inferred, however, from the 
name which he gave to his eldest son. Cetshwayo signifies 
" The Slandered One." It most probably had reference 
to some accusation brought against Umpande, from which 
he had exculpated himself to Dingana's satisfaction at 
the time of the boy's birth. His sudden rising had been 
a surprise to his reigning brother, and now that he had 
established himself in the position of king the lack of 
ability by which he had been characterised soon began 
to mark his reign. His weakness was so much felt by 
the people that their hopes early turned to his sons. 
The eldest of these were in this year, 1843, about fourteen 
years of age. They were named Cetshwayo and Umbulazi, 
and the chief event of the remaining years of their 
father's reign was to arise from their rival claims to 
succeed him. 

Cetshwayo's mother was singular, amongst the wives 
of Umpande at this time, in being the daughter of a chief. 
The name of her father was Manzini In-the- Water and 
it afterwards became necessary for the women of the 
nation, from respect for him through his queen-daughter, 
to call water by another name, which they still do. Her 



name was Ngqumbazi, and was, and continues to be, held 
in high veneration. 

The mother of Umbulazi was named Monase. She 
was the mother of three sons besides him, all born to 
sorrowful purpose, and three daughters. 

The section of Umpande's family presided over by 
Ngqumbazi continued to reside on the south of the 
Umhlatuzi River, while the residence of Monase was 
established at the Umfaba Hills on the south bank of the 
Black Umfolozi River. The two sections were thus about 
eighty miles apart, the chief residence of the king being 
between them, at the White Umfolozi. Parties began 
gradually to associate themselves with these two centres, 
and gave to themselves the names respectively of Izigqoza 
and Usutu, the latter being the party of Cetshwayo and 
the former that of Umbulazi. By the time Umpande had 
reigned sixteen years the nation was thus divided against 
itself, and he had no power to control the two parties into 
which it was formed. Matters reached a crisis in 1856. 

Umbulazi conceived the idea of applying for help 
to the Natal Government in the conflict which became 
inevitable, and, following the example of his father, he 
gathered his people together, and proceeded with them 
in the direction of that Colony. He arrived at the 
Tugela River in November, at a place near its mouth 
known to the natives by the name of 'Ndondakusuka. 
To reach this place he had traversed the district occupied 
by Cetshwayo with his Usutu section, which was gathered 
to attack him. He crossed the river personally to solicit 
aid in his cause from the British Border Agent, but, this 
being declined, he returned to his people, and abode 
with them the attack. His force was much weaker than 
that against which he was to be opposed, and he was at 
the further disadvantage of having the aged and the 
women and children of his people with him. 

John Dunn, of subsequent notoriety, was at that time 


a young man employed as a clerk in the Border Agent's 
office, and volunteered, with a small force of natives, in 
Umbulazi's service. He has stated the number of the 
opposing armies respectively as 7,000 and 20,000. The 
fight, which took place on the 2nd of December, was short 
and decisive. As is usual in native battles, the Izigqoza, 
when once put to flight, never rallied. They made what 
speed they could to the river, which was swollen. There 
a terrible scene followed. 

Umbulazi's non-combatants were placed between his 
fighting men and the river. Their whole dependence for 
safety was upon the arms of their warriors. With the 
failure of these they were placed in a pitiable position 
indeed. The whole people became a confused crowd, 
resistless as sheep. On the one side advanced the relent- 
less enemy, while on the other rolled the broad and 
treacherous Tugela. On the far side of the river their lives 
would be safe, but there only, and the desperate choice had 
to be made quickly, whether to cast themselves into the 
flood and try to gain that haven, or trust to the mercy of 
the advancing host. It is hard to say to which alternative 
the preference was given. The sea shore, as far south as 
to Durban, bore evidence on succeeding days, in the dead 
bodies which the sea cast up, to the fact that those who had 
trusted themselves to the mercy of the flood rather than 
to that of their angry countrymen had been many. The 
northern bank of the Tugela long testified by bleaching 
bones to the fate of those who hesitated. 

Sharp were the moments of terror and anguish of many 
a mother that day. For themselves they did not much 
fear death. But oh ! if their little ones might be permitted 
to live 3 These many offered as free gifts to such as they 
thought might be able to save them ; but it is doubtful 
whether acceptance was in any case met with. 

In this battle six of Umpande's sons were killed or 
drowned, including Umbulazi, the claimant, Mantantashiya 


and Maclumba, both sons of his mother, Monase. The 
names of the others are well remembered by the Zulus, 
but nothing more is known of them than their names. 

Monase's other son, Umkungo, Umpande surreptitiously 
sent into Natal, where he was to spend an uneventful life, 
returning to Zululand in his old age, when it had become 
British territory. 

The effect of this battle was to place Cetshwayo virtu- 
ally in possession of the kingdom. His father retained 
the position in name only and on sufferance. It is said 
that the suggestion was made that he might be removed, 
but that Cetshwayo declined to entertain it on the same 
grounds as those on which Dingana had spared Umpande 
that he was harmless. But an incident which occurred 
some time later indicated that he was not disposed to allow 
filial respect to stand in the way of his own aspirations. 
Umpande showed some disposition to prefer a wife whom 
he had married after he had gained the kingship above those 
who had become his wives while he was still a subject, and 
she obviously hoped that the succession might pass to her 
sons. Her name was Nomantshali. Her kraal was called 
the Umdumezulu, and was within a short distance of the 
Nodwengu, Umpande's chief residence north of the White 
Umfolozi River, whither he had now removed. Cetshwayo 
resolved upon the extirpation of this family, and despatched 
an impi under the command of Umbomvana, the induna 
of the Ubazini kraal, to carry that resolution into effect. 
Nomantshali had three sons, Umtonga, Umgidhlana and 
Umpoiyana. The two former were absent ; their mother 
was with Langazana at the Sixebeni, Umpoiyana alone 
being at home when the impi arrived. He left, accom- 
panied by several young men, intending to join his 
mother, but without a definite plan of escape. He was 
captured in the part of the White Umfolozi valley into 
which Bongoza betrayed the Boers, and brought back 
to Nodwengu. What then took place shows how com- 


pletely Umpande's authority had passed away by this 
time (1860). He was sitting outside the kraal. When 
he saw his boy arrive he uttered a cry, and advanced as 
if to take hold of him. Before he could do so, however, 
a body of men seized the lad, and threw him violently 
against a hut, from whence he arose bleeding from the 
ear. He was also crying, and inquiring how one so 
young could dispute the succession. He was immediately 
hurried through an opening in the kraal-stockade, across 
the cattle-pen and out by the gate which faced the 
Umdumezulu kraal, from which point it has been found 
impracticable to trace him further. Umpande could but 
weep and address unavailing prayers to his ancestral 
spirits. Intelligence was sent by Langazana of Noman- 
tshali's presence, and a body of men were sent to kill her. 
Umtonga and Umgidhlana escaped to the Boers who 
occupied the land between the Buffalo River and the 
Drakensberg, with results to be recorded later. 

Another cause of trouble in respect to the kingship 
was growing, but it was not suspected then to have that 
tendency. A full brother of Umpande, named Unzibe, 
had died shortly after his return with the Balule expedi- 
tion in 1828. He resided on the ridge which has now 
taken the name of Usibebu's kraal, Xedeni, on the road 
from Nongoma to Hlabisa, where the Xulu family reside, 
of which the head was then Unzibe's henchman, Um- 
nnyeli. His grave may be seen there. So strong is the 
belief in some form of spiritual life that Umpande actually 
took wives for the spirit of this man, and there was born, 
and considered to be born to him, a son, to whom the 
name was given of Uhamu. This family of Unzibe's 
spirit was located on the hills sloping from the Ingome 
forest to the Umkuzi stream, and a strong section with 
independent tendencies began to be formed there, of 
which notice will have to be taken. 

Beyond domestic disturbances there was no important 


event to mark the reign of Umpande. There was one 
campaign undertaken, of necessity against the Swazis, 
there being no other accessible foe, but the date of it can- 
not be ascertained. It was regarded more as a military 
exercise than a serious warfare. It was not due to any 
quarrel, but had for its object merely to enable the 
regiment to which Cetshwayo belonged, the Tulwana, to 
see active service. It has been remembered as the 
"Fund' u Tulwana," Teach the Tulwana campaign. 
Its success was not great. The Swazis betook them- 
selves to the Umdimba Mountains, and waited in security 
there till the invaders retired ; then, with a view to 
appeasing so formidable an enemy, they sent a present 
of cattle to the king. This incident is remembered by 
the Swazis as one which involved them in obligations 
to the Transvaal Boers. On hearing of the Zulu advance 
they sent a large number of cattle into the Transvaal for 
safety, and for the protection which they received they 
acknowledged that they owed a debt. This debt, in sub- 
sequent negotiations, they claimed to have discharged by 
capturing a number of Tonga children on the east of the 
Lebombo Mountain and handing them over to the Boers. 

The disturbance caused by the rivalry of Cetshwayo 
and Umbulazi resulted in a great exodus of people. It 
was the greatest influx into Natal since the crossing of 
Mawa. The Natal Government considered it to be necessary 
to issue what became known as the Refugee Regulations. 
These were issued on the 23rd of the month in which the 
battle of 'Ndondakusuka was fought, and remained in force 
until Zululand became a British possession. They pro- 
vided that each Zulu capable of work and coming into 
Natal should be placed in the service of a white master 
for a period of three years. 

These were the most important interruptions that 
occurred in Umpande's reign of the tranquillity of the 
people. His long rule was otherwise characterised by 


general quietness. While for various reasons some of the 
people found it necessary to seek refuge in Natal, it has to 
be noted that in the year 1858 a chief named Matshana, 
son of Mondise, sought the protection of the Zulu king to 
escape action that was being taken against him by the 
Natal Government. He and his tribe fled across the 
border and were assigned land on the Malagata Hills near 
to it, where they were destined, twenty years later, to 
contribute indirectly to a sorrowful mishap to a portion of 
the British Army. 

Of notable events there were few others. In 1863 the 
country was sorely stricken with small-pox: many still bear 
the marks which the disease left on their faces. The 
scourge was stamped out by means of vaccination, which 
was introduced by Europeans and carried out by the 
people themselves. 

In 1861 the Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal, Mr. 
Theophilus Shepstone, visited the king and obtained the 
formal recognition of Cetshwayo's title to succeed on his 

The laws governing the conduct of the people were 
perhaps scarcely different in principle from those that had 
been in operation before a central government had been 
substituted for the independent rule of numerous chiefs. 
There were then neighbouring tribes to whose protection 
men might fly when the death sentence had been pro- 
nounced against them; this condition had now been 
restored by the governments that had been established in 
Natal and in the Transvaal. When the guilt of an 
accused person had been established with such certainty 
as to be considered seriously to demand his execution, 
great secrecy was observed ; when there was any doubt, 
or when the execution of a condemned man was not held 
to be urgently expedient, rumour was permitted to reach 
him as to what was intended, and he escaped, leaving his 
property to be collected on behalf of the king. 


Two authenticated cases which occurred about this 
time may be given by way of illustration. In the one 
the accused man resided in the north of the country. He 
had given it as his opinion that a relative of his who had 
died had been the victim of some practiser of witchcraft, 
and indicated in what direction his suspicions lay. The 
matter was referred to Cetshwayo, then residing at his 
Landandhlovu kraal, in what is now the Eshowe District, 
and exercising the authority of king, and he ordered a 
consultation of witch-doctors. These pointed to the com- 
plainant as the man who had done the evil deed, and this 
being reported, Cetshwayo ordered that he should be 
killed. The man from whom these particulars were 
obtained was the one to whom instructions were given to 
carry this order into effect. He had to travel a journey 
occupying four days, and was alone, supported only with 
verbal authority to call upon Umnyamana for assistance 
in the execution of his orders. Umnyamana was a man 
scarcely likely to yield ready compliance with such a 
request if the condemned man, as was the case in this 
instance, happened to be in any sense an adherent of his 
own. He was already waxing strong, and his strength 
was in an especial measure made up of those whom he 
had sheltered. He professed inability to act without 
direct instruction, for which he promised to apply, telling 
the messenger that if, in the meantime, he were satisfied 
with his orders, he might of course carry them into effect. 
The necessity for further reference to the king afforded 
the man ample time to remove out of danger, which he 
did by proceeding into the Transvaal. 

The other case was that of a man who, having become 
separated from, and lost sight of, his own family, had 
attached himself to that of a man of such position that 
he had been entrusted with the charge of some of King 
Umpande's cattle. A disease broke out amongst these 
animals, and it was necessary to give some account of this 


in reporting the deaths that resulted to the king. A 
witch-doctor was consulted, and, having no doubt had 
his mind in some way influenced in the matter, he 
pointed to the resident stranger as the man who, by some 
occult art, had induced the disease. This evidence satisfied 
Umpande, and he ordered the man's execution, and 
granted the petition of him in whose kraal he had dwelt 
to be permitted to take, and adopt for his own benefit, the 
children he left. 

The regimental system was actively pursued during 
Umpande's reign. He reigned thirty-two years, and the 
regiments given by the Zulus as having been enrolled 
during that time number thirteen, a list of which, with 
the approximate year of the birth of their members, is 
given at the foot of this page. 

Of the first on the list there remain few alive at the 
time of writing this, but of the yet older, the Udhlambedhlu 
regiment, one may still at times be met with. 

There being no restriction in regard to trading, various 
articles of commerce were brought within the reach of 
most, and imported articles of European manufacture 
substituted largely for those that had been produced by 
native industry. 

Great licence was allowed to sportsmen and hunters, 
and while it may be lamented that many valuable wild 
animals were thus lost to those who came into life at 
a later period, there are many lovers of the chase who 
look back, in their declining days, with great pleasure 
to what they term the "good old days of Zululand." 


1. Indaba-ka-Ombe 
2 Ingwegwe 

3. Izingulube 

4. Isangqu . 

5. Tulwana, Inkonkon 

Umboza , 

6. Indhlondhlo 



7. Dhlokwc. . . . 1835 

8. Dududu .... 1837 

9. Umxapo .... 1840 

10. Umbonambi . . .1842 

11. Nokenke . . . 1845 

12. Kandempemvu or Um- 

citshu . . . 1847 

3. Ingobomakosi . . 1850 


Umpande died in 1872. No portrait of him remained. 
In his later days he became so fat that he was unable to 
walk. In the prime of his manhood he would appear, 
judging from a description by M. Delegorgue, to have 
conveyed a different impression from that which led 
to his being characterised by his family and nation 
as a " fool " : " A brilliant black eye, deep set, well- 
guarded by an advancing frontal angle ; a high forehead, 
straight at the sides, on which the traces of wrinkles were 
beginning to be perceived ; a nose of usual mould, with 
gristles boldly shown; a large mouth often smiling with 
the smile which means 'I understand'; a square chin, 
indicative of resolution ; in fact, a large head, well formed, 
borne on a superb body shining with plumpness, but 
of which the carriage was so noble, the members so 
well under control of his will, the gestures so precise, 
that a Parisian might well have believed that Umpande, 
in his youth, had frequented the palaces of kings." 


THE death of Umpande for the first time rendered the 
Zulu throne vacant by the process of nature. It was 
shortly to be formally assumed by his son, Cetshwayo ; 
but before describing that event it is necessary to take 
a brief note of a long train of other issues from which 
a condition of things had resulted involving it in diffi- 

It has been seen how strongly Hendrik Potgieter was 
impressed at the battle fought at the Itala on the 8th of 
April 1838 with the strength of Dingana's army. He 
lost no time after that event in placing himself beyond 
the reach of so formidable an antagonist. On the west 
of the Drakensberg there were no warlike tribes. Umzili- 
kazi had, since his attack on the Boer immigrants and 
defeat by them and the Zulus, betaken himself farther 
north, leaving only scattered and impoverished rem- 
nants of the tribes through whose lands he had travelled. 
From those Potgieter experienced no important opposi- 
tion. He travelled far, and found a country which at 
first appeared sufficiently remote from British influence 
and otherwise suitable, in what afterwards became 
known as the Rustenburg District of the Transvaal. He 
formed a settlement there and established a capital town, 
to which he gave the name of Potchefstroom Pot-Chef- 
Stroom or Chief-Potgieter-Stream. In this country fight- 
ing took place, but it was attended, if the accounts that 
have been given of it be true, with little danger to the 

The manner in which they prosecuted their wars and 



the treatment to which they subjected the natives are 
described by Dr. Livingstone, who was personally ac- 
quainted with Potgieter, and had opportunity of noting 
the proceedings of the people of whom he was the chief. 
The licence they had allowed themselves might be re- 
garded as largely explaining that objection to British 
rule which had impelled them to seek remoteness and 

" It is difficult," says Dr. Livingstone, " to conceive 
that men possessing the common attributes of humanity 
(and the Boers are by no means destitute of the better 
feelings of our nature) should set out after caressing their 
wives and children and proceed to shoot down men and 
women whose affections are as warm as their own. It was 
long before I would give credit to the tales of bloodshed 
told me by native eye-witnesses, but when I heard the 
Boers either bewailing or boasting the bloody scene in 
which they had themselves been actors I was compelled 
to admit the validity of the testimony." 

These further remarks may be quoted : " In their own 
estimation they are the chosen people of God, and all 
coloured races are black property or creatures given 
them for inheritance. However bloody the massacre 
no qualms of conscience ensue. Indeed, the leader, the 
late Hendrik Potgieter, believed himself to be the peace- 
maker of the country," while, on the other hand, the 
natives who had lately experienced the passage through 
their country of the Matabele chief whose attributes have 
been described as so terrible, declared, according to the 
author quoted, " that Umzilikazi was cruel to his enemies 
and kind to those he conquered, but that the Boers de- 
stroyed their enemies and made slaves of their friends." 

Their methods of warfare Dr. Livingstone thus 
describes : " One or two friendly tribes are forced to 
accompany a party of mounted Boers, and are ranged in 
front to form a shield ; the Boers then coolly fire over 



their heads till the devoted people flee and leave their 
wives and children to the captors. This was done in nine 
cases during my residence in the interior, and on no 
occasion was a drop of Boer blood shed." 

Potgieter is described as having possessed an especi- 
ally strong antipathy to the British. He vehemently 
opposed any attempt to open diplomatic communication 
with them ; he desired only to be so far away as to be free 
from the possibility of their interference. 

He and his people occupied the country he had chosen 
till 1845, but it was found to possess disadvantages. It 
was far inland. The only port through which merchan- 
dise could be introduced was British. It was south of the 
degree of south latitude up to which British subjects 
and he was still a lawful British subject were liable to be 
tried for their acts on return to the jurisdiction of British 
Courts of Justice. Hopes arose of escaping these dis- 
advantages by opening up a trade with Delagoa Bay. 
His mind was attracted thither by another cause. A 
Dutch ship, named the Brazilian, had been sent by 
merchants in Holland to trade with the emigrant Boers 
in Natal. The Boers had been anxious to establish 
political relations with Holland, and the super-cargo of 
this ship, one Smellekamp, had been tempted into 
making promises on behalf of the king of that country. 
Believing that he had acted by authority, the Boers were 
encouraged by the protection they were led to hope for in 
resisting the British Government. 

It was, therefore, considered necessary to prevent their 
further intercourse with Smellekamp, and being forbidden 
to land in Natal, on his return trip from the Netherlands, 
he had steered for Delagoa Bay. Potgieter hoped that if 
that port could be reached it might yet be possible to 
accomplish the object which it had been attempted to 
effect through this man, and to secure the merchandise the 
Brazilian had brought to, but been prevented from 


landing at, Natal. With this view he set out, accompanied 
by a number of his countrymen, in 1843. He did not 
reach the Bay on this occasion, but a second expedition in 
the following year was more successful. He arrived at his 
destination without loss of man or beast. The Portuguese 
authorities were friendly to his proposal to open up a 
trade through their port ; Smellekamp was there, and 
encouraged a hope that a regular trade would soon be 
established with Holland. But the settlement Potgieter 
had formed was too far inland, and for this, and the other 
reasons given, he determined to move to a tract some 200 
miles from the coast, whose features had tempted him in 
the course of his journey and whose locality would be 
more favourable to his scheme. 

Accordingly he organised a new trek in 1845, when, 
with most of those who formed the Rustenburg Settlement, 
he proceeded to, and established himself in, that part of the 
Transvaal territory which has become known as the Lyden- 
burg District. The country was occupied by weak tribes, 
the principal one of which was the Bapeda, under Sikwata, 
whose son, Sinkukuni, in after years became of some 
importance. They did not oppose the Boer advent, and 
the settlement was quietly effected. No arrangement was 
come to with those inhabitants, and, some time later, when 
a Volk's Raad, or People's Council, was appointed, one of 
the first questions they took into consideration was whether 
they were lawfully possessed of the land. The Council 
determined that such possession had still to be acquired, 
that it was necessary to purchase the land from the 
Swazis by whom the local tribes had been conquered. 
Accordingly a "commission" was despatched to the 
Swazi king, a step which was so contrary to the wishes of 
Potgieter, and so drew forth his resentment, as nearly to in- 
volve the young settlement in civil war. The commission, 
however, carried its object, with results that were to be of 
importance to the subject of this story. Its members 


brought with them a document, remarkable alike as 
regards its spelling and composition and its substance. It 
purported to be signed by Umswazi as king and Somcuba 
as regent, and declared that for and in consideration of 
the payment to him of one hundred breeding cattle, fifty 
of which were to be delivered within one month, and the 
remainder within two years, he had ceded to the Dutch 
South African Nation the territory lying between the 
Portuguese possession of Delagoa Bay on the east, the 26th 
degree of south latitude on the south, the Olifants River 
on the north, and extending to Eland's River on the west. 
Upon this territory and under these circumstances was 
formed the Lydenburg Republic, which was to have an 
independent existence as such till 1859. 

In Natal good relations were not successfully estab- 
lished between the British Government and those Boers 
who had remained there. The Government failed to satisfy 
the claims which the Boers set up in respect to land or 
their desires in other respects. When six years had passed 
they had come to regard themselves as so sorely aggrieved 
that steps had become necessary to obtain redress. They 
despatched their late Commandant-General, Andries 
Pretorius, to the Cape, with instructions to lay their 
grievances before the Governor there. He returned both 
dissatisfied and angry. His representations had not 
received the consideration to which he considered they 
were entitled ; he had been denied the interview he sought 
with the Governor. Meetings were thereupon held; he 
was re-elected to his old position of Commandant-General, 
and under his leadership a new " trek " was begun ; 
people gathered together and betook themselves across the 
Drakensberg, in search again of a " free " country. When 
they reached the Tugela they met Sir Harry Smith, who 
had in the meantime succeeded to the Governorship of the 
Cape Colony, and was on his way to Natal. He manifested 
great concern at what he saw, and expressed himself as 


most anxious to remove the cause of discontent. He 
promised at once to appoint a Lands' Commission, with 
Pretorius as one of its members, and to do everything he 
could to further the interests of the people. But they were 
not to be turned back. They crossed the mountain form- 
ing the border of the British Colony of Natal only to find 
themselves, to their intense chagrin, still within British 
territory; on the 3rd of February 1848, all the country as 
far north as the Vaal River had been proclaimed a British 
possession, and British authority established at Bloem- 
fontein. Pretorius was not in a mood to submit to this 
condition of things. He called his countrymen together, 
to the number of some 400, and marched on Bloemfontein, 
where he gave the Administrator one hour to consider 
whether he would remove to the south of the Orange 
River or abide attack. The first alternative was chosen, 
and British authority was not restored till August, when 
Sir Harry Smith engaged and defeated the Boer force at a 
place named Boom-plaats, between the Orange River and 

Pretorius and his followers were proclaimed rebels, 
and had to go for safety across the Vaal River to the 
country lately occupied by the followers of Potgieter. 
Negotiations which followed resulted in the signing four 
years later, on the 17th of January 1852, by British 
Commissioners, of the Sand River Convention, by which 
the "Emigrant Farmers beyond the Vaal River" were 
granted " the right to manage their own affairs and to 
govern themselves according to their own laws, without 
any interference on the part of the British Government." 

The object for which the Boers had so long striven 
had thus at last been gained. They had a vast country 
where entire freedom from British interference could be 
enjoyed. But happiness and peace did not immediately 
follow. Parties had been formed amongst the emigrants 
themselves, and some years of dissension and strife had 


to be passed through, sometimes nearly culminating in 
civil war, before the several republics that had been 
formed were finally merged into one the South African 

The portion of the land composing that Republic, the 
acquisition of which was of most importance to the subject 
of this story, was that known as the Utrecht District. By 
the Sand River Convention the Boers had been granted 
independence " beyond " or to the north of the Vaal River, 
and by the treaty entered into by Commissioner Cloete 
with Umpande in 1843 the British territory of Natal was 
limited on the north-east by the Tugela and Umzinyati 
or Buffalo rivers. The Vaal River, flowing west, takes 
its rise in the Drakensberg; in the same range is the 
source of the Umzinyati, which flows to the opposite 
coast. The territory of Natal ended at the source of the 
latter river ; that to the north-east of it was regarded as 
belonging to the Zulus. As no limit was set to the extent 
to which the Boers might expand their possessions towards 
the north, so was the northern limit of the Zulu territory 
undetermined. No effect was ever given to the proclama- 
tion of Pretorius at the coronation of Umpande ; no Boer 
occupation followed of the land it described. Those 
people of the Zulu race who dwelt along the Umzinyati 
up to its source were subjects of the Zulu king, but near 
the Drakensberg they were few in number. There was a 
large tract of country but barely inhabited, and its verdant 
slopes and fertile valleys presented temptations to the 
eyes of those Boers who resided near to its border in 

One of these, a man who had become well known, and 
who long continued to be held in high distinction by the 
Zulus Cornelius Van Rooyen obtained permission, about 
the year 1847, for himself and a few other Boers to reside 
and graze their stock in it. They acquired no rights, but 
continued for seven years to occupy the land on the same 


terms as Zulu subjects. In 1855, however, they professed 
to have acquired the land by purchase ; to have bought it 
from Umpande for 100 head of cattle. Their title con- 
sisted of a written cession purporting to have been signed 
by the king. After it was considered to have been thus 
acquired it was united to Potgieter's Lydenburg Republic. 
Its boundaries, where it joined Zululand, were but vaguely 
described by the deed of cession, and at subsequent times 
this was interpreted in different ways, being construed, on 
each occasion, as including more land on the Boer side. The 
boundary which the Boers ultimately claimed was the Ing- 
come or Blood River, from its junction with the Umzinyati 
up to where it was crossed by the " old hunting road, and 
thence along that road to the Pongolo River," the road- 
boundary passing near to where the town of Vryheid now 

It was to this district that Umtonga and Umgidhlana 
fled to escape the fate which their mother and brother Um- 
poiyana had suffered at the hands of Cetshwayo's execu- 
tioners ; and in 1861 Cetshwayo, fearing a possible alliance 
such as that which had secured the kingdom for his 
father, opened communication through Cornelius Van 
Rooyen with the view of securing their surrender. The 
negotiations which followed resulted in this, and the 
possession by the Boers of a document signed by Cetsh- 
wayo and his brothers Usiwedu and Usiteku, ceding to 
the Dutch additional land, subsequently beaconed off, 
the boundary running from Rorke's Drift to the Pongolo 
River, and including many Zulu subjects. In addition to 
the surrender of the young princes, Cetshwayo was given 
twenty-five head of cattle. 

The territory professed to have been thus acquired 
was afterwards known as the " Disputed Territory," about 
which more will be seen. 


NEVER had the Zulu nation been more powerful than 
it was at the time of Cetshwayo's formal accession. For 
some thirty-two years there had been a condition of peace 
that was interrupted only on occasions when the aggres- 
sive was assumed by the Zulus against tribes from whom 
they met with but feeble resistance. There had been 
regular enrolment of the men into regiments, so that all 
those between the ages of twenty and fifty had been 
made soldiers. Those forming older regiments were still 
numerous and capable of active service. The whole 
strength of the able-bodied male population was organised 
and ready to be launched, with short notice, against any 
possible foe. The fame of the nation had spread far and 
wide over South Africa. Its greatness formed the favourite 
topic of conversation amongst all tribes. Wild concep- 
tions were formed everywhere of the king's court and 
character, but above all of the number of Zulus. Com- 
parisons were formed with the idea of impressing the 
minds of listeners with a sense of how incomputable they 
were. A story was widely told, and as widely believed, 
which may have had an imaginative origin, that Cetsh- 
wayo on one occasion, after he had become king, sent 
to the Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal a sack-full of 
the grain called Upoko (millet) with the message, " if you 
can count the grains of it then you may also be able to 
count the Zulu people " ; but it was admitted that as 
difficult a task was set by the return of an ox-hide, the 
hairs of which were stated to represent the number of 

English. The habit grew of discussing the Zulu strength 



in comparison with that of England ; and there was 
danger of that being counted the greater which was 
present and could be seen. What they could see of 
England's greatness was in the Colony of Natal, and there 
but little fighting force was visible. And the Zulu nation 
'was well united. Strong sections had been formed under 
various chiefs. In the northern part of the country there 
were three whose personal following gave them great 
power, who were in a position to command certain respect 
and consideration at the hands of the king. These were 
Usibebu, Uhamu and Umnyamana. In the south also 
there were strong chiefs. But amongst them all there 
was none who evinced, or felt, a disposition to oppose the 
accession of Cetshwayo. They had no other design at 
this time to exercise their influence otherwise than in 
tempering his rule, or maintaining their rights as against 
other subjects. 

Some time elapsed after Umpande's death before formal 
steps were taken by Cetshwayo to assume the king- 
ship. He designed first to send an expedition against a 
tribe which dwelt on the north of the Pongolo River, but 
was dissuaded by John Dunn, who had ingratiated himself 
since fighting against him in 1856 at 'Ndondakusuka, and 
now held a high place among his counsellors. The reason 
Dunn urged against the step was that the tribe against 
which he desired to wage war was armed with guns, while 
the Zulus were still without those weapons. He promised 
to seek permission from the Government of Natal for their 
purchase and introduction through the Colony; in the 
fulfilment of which promise he so far succeeded as to be 
able to procure for Cetshwayo 250 firearms. Thus, and 
at this time, was the beginning made of a general arming 
of the Zulus with guns. Many continued to be brought 
through Natal by a system which was called "gun- 
running," but most were introduced through Delagoa 


About the middle of the year following that of Um- 
pande's death preparations were begun for the king's 
progress to Mahlabatini, where the royal seats were. 
There was probably some feeling of uncertainty as to the 
unanimity of sentiment amongst the various sections of 
the people. Whether on that account and with a view to 
making his position the more certain of general recogni- 
tion, or as a mark of respect to the British Government 
and without any definite purpose, it is somewhat uncertain, 
but a message was despatched as from the nation request- 
ing that a representative of that government might be 
present at the ceremony of the assumption by the new 
king of his office. The message was that " the nation 
found itself wandering because of the death of the king." 
There was no king, and the ambassadors brought from the 
nation four oxen, representing the "head of the king," 1 
to the Natal Government. They also asked that Mr. 
Shepstone, who had been present at the nomination of 
Cetshwayo, might go and establish what was wanted, and, 
at the same time, " breathe the spirit by which the nation 
should be governed" a request to which the Natal 
Government acceded. 

In his progress Cetshwayo was accompanied by a very 
large number of people from the southern part of the 
country, where, till this time, he had dwelt. 

As they proceeded, the men branched out of the track 
and indulged in hunting, there was such hunting and 
killing of game as would long be remembered. Wild 
animals that were then plentiful in the Umhlatuzi Valley 
have since been comparatively scarce. 

Thus pleasurably did the journey proceed, without 
consciousness of danger ahead. And yet there was a real, 

1 NOTE. The message was probably not quite correctly understood 
in this respect. The term " Kanda," or " Head," was applied to certain 
chief kraals which formed the Army Divisional Headquarters, or centres 
of government, and it was from the cattle belonging to these that the 
oxen were probably represented as having been taken. 


smouldering danger there. Mapita's strength had grown 
great. He had held the first place among the counsellors 
of the late king. His people had done signal service in the 
interests of him now about to assume the kingship and 
had turned the tide when his other forces were wavering 
at 'Ndondakusuka, thereby securing that victory to which 
he owed his title to assume it. Mapita had died soon 
after Umpande, and those people, proud of the strength 
they felt and had manifested, proud of the obligation 
they felt that the king owed them, were now governed 
by Usibebu, whose courage, resolution and daring stood 
above those of any living Zulu. Uhamu had also waxed 
strong. It was thought that he aspired to the succession, 
but there were most probably no grounds for this idea. 
As has been seen, the circumstances of his birth placed 
him in the position of a nephew rather than that of a 
son of the late king ; and the Zulus did not consider 
that he had a legitimate claim. But he possessed a 
formidable following which would obey his command, 
and he was in a position to demand consideration. He 
and Umnyamana, no less powerful, dwelt with their people 
on the land extending northward from the Inkonjeni 

Neither of those three were represented in the royal 
retipue. They were apprised of the king's progress 
towards the place of his ancestors, and there were mutter- 
ings of "Who are these people that are bringing home 
the king ? " Usibebu especially manifested a resentful 

The procession had reached a place called Emakeni, the 
site of one of the king's ancestral kraals, some four miles 
to the south-east of the Umgungundhlovu site, and not 
far from the base of the Mtonjaneni heights. The king 
had walked most of the way. He possessed a carriage 
drawn by four horses, with John Dunn as a willing driver; 
but policy had forbidden the devotion of so much of his 


society to that chief as riding in it would have involved. 
He did not realise that the northern chiefs had been given 
the same cause for jealousy. 

After he had waited three days at Emakeni these 
appeared with their followings. There were two bodies, 
Usibebu's contingent forming the one and the combined 
adherents of Uhamu and Umnyamana the other. They 
were advancing from different directions. Presently 
Usibebu's force was observed to make a rapid forward 
movement. It was an anxious moment. But a timely 
message to him caused his force to be halted ; explanations 
followed, and a collision was averted which might have 
had important results. 

On the day following Cetshwayo was formally pro- 
claimed King of the Zulus by Masipula, the prime minister 
of his father, after which the progress was continued to 
the north-east of the White Umfolozi River, where, at 
the kraal called Umlambongwenya, that of Umpande's 
mother Songiya (by whose name Zulus may still be heard 
to swear), Mr. Theophilus Shepstone repeated the ceremony 
in August 1873, placing a crown upon Cetshwayo's head 
and proclaiming certain laws or principles by which he 
had promised to be guided in his government. 

In this way it was sought, on behalf of the Natal 
Government, to establish a condition of greater security 
than had existed hitherto against the execution of Zulu 
subjects whose guilt had not been formally established, or 
for offences of a minor character : the punishment of death 
being considered to be too generally applied under the 
existing Zulu law. The proclamation set forth that there 
should be no more indiscriminate shedding of blood in 
the land; that no Zulu should be condemned to death 
without open trial and the public examination of witnesses, 
for and against, and that he should have the right of 
appeal to the king ; that no Zulu's life should be taken 
without the previous knowledge and consent of the king, 


after such trial had taken place and the right of appeal 
had been allowed to be exercised ; that for minor crimes 
the loss of property, all or a portion, should be substituted 
for the punishment of death. 

The terms of these laws, or principles, could have been 
but vaguely understood. The first aimed at restraining 
the king personally in the exercise of his power. It 
required that he should not wantonly order the death of 
subjects who had done no wrong. It does not appear 
whether Cetshwayo explicitly admitted that a condition 
had existed in which indiscriminate shedding of blood had 
prevailed ; but an admission was apparently implied in its 
being proclaimed, with his approval, that that condition 
should cease. Nor does it appear whether the person 
accounted responsible for such a state of things in the past 
was the late king or Cetshwayo himself. It may, how- 
ever, safely be asserted, that at no time would Cetshwayo 
have acknowledged that he had wantonly and without 
cause taken the life of a subject. 

The next three clauses of the proclamation affected 
those charged with the administration of justice rather 
than the king personally, although there may have been 
an implied undertaking on his part to restrain them. 

There were chiefs who had the power to award death 
as a punishment for offences committed by certain of their 
adherents; but the right excluded any member of the 
king's army. No man who " bore a shield " could be put 
to death without the king's authority. These bore the 
proud designation of "Umpakati." But there were, no 
doubt, many, especially women and resident strangers, 
who might have benefited by the enforcement of the 
provisions of the proclamation. 

It may be assumed to have been designed that the 
king should elaborate these regulations; that he should 
lay down detailed orders of procedure for the apprehension 
and keeping in custody of accused persons ; for the nature 


of the evidence to be admitted and the manner in which 
it should be taken; for the report to the king of the 
evidence taken at trials ; for the conveyance to his 
presence of the person condemned, if required. Not only 
was the system entirely new, but the circumstances of the 
country would have rendered exceedingly difficult the 
carrying out of the details it would have involved. 

The requirements as to the examination of witnesses 
naturally precluded the evidence of witch-doctors, for one 
of these could not have been called to disprove the 
evidence of another. It was upon such evidence that the 
discovery of Abatakati entirely depended. Their supposed 
methods of working evil were obscure to the ordinary 
mind; only those in communion with the spirit-world 
were believed to be capable of detecting their deeds of 
darkness. And nearly all the ills to which the people 
were subject were attributed to practisers of a kind of art 
called Ukutakata. 

The conception which had been formed by the native 
races of the powers and methods of these evil-disposed 
persons, called Abatakati, was as vague as the ideas which 
prevailed in olden times in Britain concerning those of 
witches. The main difference was perhaps this, that 
whereas the latter were supposed to be in league with an 
evil spirit, the natives ascribed to the potency of medicines 
the powers supposed to be possessed by their evil-doers. 
By means of unknown and unnameable concoctions they 
were believed to be able to accomplish strange things. As 
their deeds were dark, so they favoured the night for their 
performance ; and, as their medicine-pots were supplied 
mainly from the bodies of the most repellent of animals, 
so were these employed in various ways, in their living 
state, in the execution of their nefarious purposes. A 
favourite caprice was to ride upon a baboon, and the foot- 
prints of one of these animals seen near to a homestead, if 
it happened to be at a distance from their usual haunts, 


gave rise to grave fears as to the consequences that would 
follow to the family from something that its supposed 
nocturnal rider might have deposited near to the kraal. 
So fixed was the belief, that there were individuals who 
actually believed themselves capable of exercising super- 
natural powers by means of mixtures. 

It is plain, when the circumstances are considered, 
that either Cetshwayo did not fully realise the signifi- 
cance of the " laws " he was required to adopt, or that he 
promised to adopt them without serious intention to give 
effect to that promise. It is certain that they were never 
put into practice. 

While awaiting the arrival of Mr. Theophilus Shep- 
stone, Cetshwayo organised and attended a large hunting 
party, from which he returned to find that a grass-fire had 
destroyed one of his kraals. It was afterwards discovered 
that, in the confusion attending the conflagration, some of 
his property had been stolen. A tin box containing two 
dozen bottles of chlorodyne was missing. It was after- 
wards reported that a similar box had been seen in the 
possession of one of the king's attendants who had re- 
turned to his home on the coast, and Cetshwayo sent a 
detective to investigate the matter. The poor delinquent 
supposed that he had come into possession of some kind 
of rare drink. He had not a clear idea as to its nature, 
but, during his entertainment of the man sent to discover 
his guilt, took occasion to try it. He produced the 
bottles and emptied the contents of some of them into 
pots of beer, which he thereupon gave to the women to 
drink in order to observe the effect. Hilarity gave way 
to overpowering sleepiness, and this was succeeded by 
somewhat serious illness. Having by this means become 
assured of the guilt of his host, the detective sent a 
message to the king, before whom the thief was sum- 
moned, shortly after Mr. Shepstone's departure. The fact 
charged against the accused was so clearly established that 


no defence could be offered. He may thus be regarded as 
having had a fair trial. But the case being one of simple 
theft was, perhaps, of the class which it had been intended 
to signify by the term " minor crimes." What followed 
may be best described in the words of John Dunn, who 
witnessed the scene, and by whom the story is told : 

" One morning, about eight o'clock, I was sitting in 
front of one of my wagons, when I saw a gathering of 
indunas in front of the king's kraal. After they had been 
talking for some time I saw, all at once, a scrimmage, and 
a man knocked down and pounced upon. Seeing me in 
view the indunas sent to tell me that they had been trying 
a thief, and that he was to be killed. The poor fellow lay 
on the ground for a short time, for he had been only 
stunned. His arms had been twisted round and tied to- 
gether over his head. As soon as he recovered his senses 
he prepared to march. Having often witnessed similar 
scenes he knew their routine. So he got up of his own 
accord, and, without being told, took the path leading to 
the place of execution, followed by about a dozen men 
who had been told off to finish him." 

John Dunn remarks concerning this incident : " This 
was the first man killed after the coronation almost 
before Mr. Shepstone could have reached Pietermaritz- 
burg. But it served the fellow right, for he was guilty of a 
great breach of trust. The Zulu is only to be ruled by the 
fear of death or the confiscation of his entire property." 

It is recorded by the same authority that shortly after 
this event one of Umpande's old servants was put to 
death, whether for any offence is not stated ; but he ob- 
serves it "was the opening of the ball of killing without 
trial which was usual in Cetshwayo's reign." 

Notwithstanding the immense concourse of people by 
whom the function was attended, the coronation had been 
accomplished in a remarkably orderly manner, no dis- 
turbance of any kind being incidental to it. 


Matters of state had still to be discussed. An account 
had to be given of the acts of the late reign; and the 
person from whom this was due was Masipula. He had 
gained the position which he held under Umpande, of 
first induna, by his own merits, not being an hereditary 
chief; but so high had he risen in the estimation of the 
nation that the sons of the king sought their principal 
wives from amongst his daughters. Like other high 
officials he had acquired a considerable, though not yet 
great, following. His lands lay between the Umkuzi 
Stream and the Pongolo River; he even had adherents 
on the north of the latter. He is worth remembering for 
results of which his people were the cause, at a later time, 
under his son Maboko. 

What the " giving of an account " consisted of must 
remain obscure. Returning from the meeting which had 
been held for that purpose, Masipula called upon John 
Dunn and informed him that his work was finished ; that 
he had resigned his position, and was going to lie down 
and rest. The same night he was taken violently ill, and 
in the morning he was dead. It was supposed by some 
that, having given displeasure to the king, poison had 
been put in his beer. It is curious that Cetshwayo was 
himself destined to die in circumstances calculated to give 
rise to a like suspicion. 

Whether the Zulus are possessed of deadly poisons 
has not been ascertained. Death sometimes results from 
the drugs administered by the medical practitioners, and 
suicidal attempts are sometimes made by a like means ; 
but whether they have ever been able to make a prepara- 
tion in so concentrated a form as to be capable of being 
taken in food without its presence being detected, is 
doubtful. It is certain that they have never made use 
of it for the destruction of obnoxious animals. 

Of the Zulu ceremony of coronation it is impossible 
to learn the details. The receiving by the king of his 



inheritance in cattle formed an important item. These 
were brought from all parts of his dominions and ex- 
hibited to him. So important was this held to be, that 
although lung-sickness prevailed at the time in some 
parts of the country, and the danger of spreading infection 
by bringing cattle together was recognised, the ceremony 
could not be dispensed with. For days the king sat 
watching the herds pass before him, no doubt retaining an 
impression as to their approximate number, appearance and 
the place from which each had been brought. The number 
of his cattle was very great. There had been little disease 
in the country other than that known as Nagana, and 
this being confined to certain localities could be avoided. 
John Dunn has stated that about half of them died as 
the result of this concourse, and that never again did 
cattle become so numerous in the land as they then were. 
The accession of Cetshwayo may be regarded as having 
been attended with happy circumstances. His father had 
died at an advanced age, peacefully and happily ; the 
people had received him as their king in a manner which 
assured him of their loyalty ; he was at the head of what 
he believed to be the strongest nation of South Africa, 
every member of which would yield ready obedience to 
his will. Feeling secure in his own strength, he might 
enjoy his wealth and the adulation of his people without 
fear of interruption ; nothing stood in the way of the 
gratification of his most extravagant desires. Thousands 
of ready hands were already employed in the building of 
the Ulundi kraal, to be constructed after his own taste, 
providing for his physical comfort according to his highest 
ideal. There appeared to be but one object which might 
possibly make it necessary for him to exercise the force 
at his disposal the regaining of that portion of his 
territory upon which the Boers had established them- 
selves and which according to their contention formed 
part of the South African Republic. 


BY the people he ruled Cetshwayo was generally con- 
sidered to be a good king. There were those who felt 
aggrieved, in some respects, by the form in which he 
exercised his power over them. Some felt it to be 
burdensome that their attendance should be so frequently 
required at the royal kraals, as was the case for mili- 
tary exercises. So rigidly was this attendance enforced, 
especially towards the end of the reign, that some who 
believed themselves excused by age or illness were killed 
by armed parties for having failed to present themselves 
at their headquarters. They had to finpl their own food. 
For those who resided at great distances the arrival of 
supplies carried by the female members of the household 
was uncertain, and generally at long intervals, and there 
was considerable hardship in the hunger they had to 
suffer. The constant movement of bodies of armed men, 
who supplied themselves from the crops which they found 
in the fields on their way, was felt to be a hardship 
by the owners. Many who suffered the penalties of 
the laws under which they lived doubtless felt that they 
were the victims of injustice. But the general impression 
created was that the reign was not an oppressive one. 

He was proud of his people, and the people were proud 
of and loyal to him. They recognised in him those 
qualities that the salute " Bayete " implied. If they were 
threatened with famine because of a visitation of locusts, 
or the withholding by the heavens of the customary 
showers, they appealed to him ; and those who were his 
subjects grew old in the firm belief that, through his 


means, they were able to secure relief. He did not claim 
to possess the gift, believed to belong to northern chiefs, 
of being able to control the harmful insects or to cause 
rain to fall; but he could propitiate those chiefs in the 
one case, and the spirits of his fathers in the other. A 
herd of black oxen was especially maintained for this last 
purpose. When the drought was so severe and general 
as to call for a public supplication, these were driven to 
the localities believed to be inhabited by the several 
spirits of the past chiefs, and one ox sacrificed to each, 
while the whole army sang in symphony the songs that 
were wont to delight their ears during their earthly life. 
On certain occasions the war-song of Dingiswayo was also 
sung, showing that his spirit was believed to dwell with 
those of the Zulu chiefs. How it became to be believed 
that rain resulted from these rites can only be guessed. 

The reverence paid to the king's ancestral spirits was 
so profound, that a condemned criminal was considered 
to be entitled to pardon who could so long escape exe- 
cution as to be able to reach the locality in which they 
were understood to dwell and claim their protection. 

There was general peace amongst the tribes who 
formed the nation, and little fighting with those outside 
his dominions. Only two small military expeditions are 
mentioned, of which, there being no written record, the 
date is difficult to fix. A shipment of guns had been 
landed on the north coast, and the king ordered the 
people of certain tribes occupying the land between 
the Lebombo Mountain and the sea to carry them to him. 
They failed to do so, and Usibebu was ordered to punish 
them with that portion of the army which belonged to his 
own tribe. The people thus attacked were unwarlike and 
unable to resist the invasion by force ; but the lakes and 
woods of their country afforded shelter for both them- 
selves and their cattle, and they suffered but little injury. 
The other expedition, or foray, was directed against Sam- 


bane, on the Lebombo Mountain, and designed to punish 
him and his people for their treachery to Dingana in 1840. 
It was also fruitless, the extensive forest and the precipitous 
character of their mountain dwelling-place affording shelter 
to the people till their assailants had withdrawn. These 
events are scarcely remembered except by those who took 
part in them, having produced no result of importance to 
the nation. 

An incident which made a lasting impression, which 
served to mark a period in time, occurred about three years 
after Cetshwayo's accession. The women of the nation, 
like the men, were classified according to age. They were 
assigned a regiment from amongst the members of which 
to find husbands when those men should have received 
the king's permission to marry. They also, like the regi- 
ments, were distinguished by a name. Since the battle 
of 'Ndondakusuka in 1856, the Isangqu regiment had 
taken wives from amongst the girls called Gudhludonga, 
the Tulwana from amongst the Isitimane. A considerable 
time had elapsed since these marriages ; the Indhlondhlo 
and Dhlokwe regiments were unmarried, and aged re- 
spectively about forty and thirty-seven years at the time 
of Umpande's death. Cetshwayo gave the permission 
to these two regiments simultaneously ; they were the 
only regiments to whom, during his reign, he gave it. 
The girls from amongst whom they were to find wives 
were called Ingcugce. They were comparatively young; 
but what their age was it is not practicable now to ascer- 
tain. It was soon found that many of these girls had 
engaged their affections to men younger than those to 
whom leave had been given to marry, and various devices 
were resorted to with the object of evading the regulation 
which now required that they should separate themselves 
from the men they loved. Amongst others was that of 
pretending that they were married to the elder brothers 
of their real husbands. Complaints to the king by those 


who, for this reason, found it difficult to avail themselves 
of the privilege which he had accorded were numerous. He 
was determined that the regulation should have proper 
observance ; and, other means having failed to secure 
that end, he gave the order in 1876 which caused con- 
sternation throughout the land. Armed parties were to 
traverse his dominions in different directions; they were 
to kill any of the Ingcugce girls they might find un- 
married, or married to men younger than the Dhlokwe 
regiment, and seize all the property of their fathers or 
guardians; the bodies of such girls as might be killed 
were to be placed on the paths as a warning to passers 
that the king could not be disobeyed. If, therefore, those 
unhappy girls would save themselves alive, and prevent 
the ruin of their relations, it behoved them to make quick 
sacrifice of their affections and get themselves married to 
members of the two regiments named, or to older men. 
There was no time now even for transference of their 
affections. There were instances of men receiving visits 
from women whom they had never before seen for the 
purpose of offering themselves in marriage. Many were 
not allowed the choice. Fathers and brothers were not 
disposed to risk the loss of their cattle to gratify what 
they regarded as unreasonable fastidiousness on the part 
of their daughters or sisters. It was desirable, in their 
minds, to secure the speedy marriage of those who were 
likely to bring such a calamity upon them. The situation 
was one which might, perhaps, furnish the imaginative 
with subjects for romance. The number of women who 
were actually killed was most probably not more than 
ten. The rest, except some few who, after romantic 
adventures, escaped to spend their lives with the objects of 
their choice, may be regarded as having married as they 
were required to marry ; and it may further be supposed 
that their lives were not entirely blighted. Those still living 
appear little less happy and contented than other women. 


The trait in the Zulu character of which it is most 
difficult to approve is the absence of sympathy for the 
feelings of the female sex. A man is almost as willing to 
marry a woman who hates as one who loves him. Thus 
many girls who were forcibly given in marriage by their 
fathers or brothers were subjected to much violence by 
those to whom they were given to secure fulfilment of 
their duties as wives. Yet some amongst them are 
possessed of strong affections. In one authentic instance 
a man, finding no other way of evading the edict, did 
so in death, which he first inflicted on the woman of 
his heart. 

The general impression left on the minds of the Zulus 
by the proceeding was not one of sympathy with the 
women, who were the chief victims, so much as a sense 
of satisfaction in those who thereby acquired, and injury 
in those who were deprived of, intended wives. It has 
been useful in marking a date, the time of the " marriage 
of the Ingcugce" serving the same purpose to Zulus 
as "the year 1876 " to Europeans. 

Two years later another somewhat important event 
occurred. It was the season of the first-fruits, and the 
army was assembled for the purpose of the celebration. 
The Tulwana regiment, being that to which Cetshwayo 
personally belonged, had its headquarters at his Ulundi 
kraal, as had also the youngest, the Ingobamakosi regi- 
ment, which, though formed during Umpande's lifetime, 
was considered to have been enrolled by Cetshwayo. These 
two regiments, the proud veterans and the boastful, un- 
tried boys, were thus quartered together, although on 
different sides of the kraal. 

Reverence for age is a prominent trait in the Zulu, 
and there is nothing that calls forth greater resentment 
in men of years than the assumption of equality with 
them by persons in their youth. Thus there was no 
reason for discord in the mere circumstance of the two 


regiments being quartered together. But there were causes 
at work which were to have a grievous issue. The Tulwana 
were not so numerous at this time as was desired ; and, to 
fill up their ranks, there had been associated with them a 
corps of younger men called Indhluyengwe. These were 
not considered by the Ingobamakosi to be entitled to the 
respect due to their older comrades, and they made sport 
of the position they held amongst them. Feeling against 
the Tulwana was not entirely absent. Some of the 
Ingcugce girls had married members of that regiment to 
escape destruction, and in doing so had been obliged to 
abandon their young Ingobamakosi lovers. The feelings of 
the latter were sometimes covertly expressed over their early 
morning smoking-horns in high-pitched tones designed to 
reach and offend the ears of the men from whom they had 
suffered this injury. Eventually they assaulted the Ind- 
hluyengwe, and a fight with sticks ensued, in which the 
older regiment suffered considerably, and became so in- 
censed by the insolence the boys had exhibited, that they 
armed themselves with assegais and attacked them, the 
fight thus resolving itself into a battle. Cetshwayo mani- 
fested great concern on seeing what was taking place, but 
could not stop the fighting. It was dangerous, indeed, 
for any one to approach the scene. Neither side was 
giving quarter ; on the one the foe was recognised by 
head-rings, on the other by their absence. It was, there- 
fore, difficult for the king to find a messenger who would 
not be marked out for destruction, and consequently to get 
a command conveyed to the combatants. The fighting 
continued till dark, by which time some seventy men 
were dead. 

The king was sorely vexed by the occurrence. That 
his power was not absolute became evident from the 
manner in which he proceeded to deal with those who 
had committed so serious a breach of peace. The resent- 
ment of Uhamu, who was the chief induna of the Tulwana, 


knew no bounds. That boys should presume to fight with 
his men was more than he was able to bear. He left 
abruptly, and returned to his home north of the Ingome, 
declaring that nothing but the execution of Usigcweleg- 
cwele, the chief commander of the Ingobamakosi, would 
appease him. 

Some time later a story was given credence to by the 
king that a baboon had visited his kraal during the 
night. He professed to believe that it had been sent by 
Usigcwelegcwele, "not to injure me," he explained to 
John Dunn, " but to turn my heart so that I may not be 
angry with him. He has sent his beast because he is 
afraid I might kill him after what lately occurred." 

Usigcwelegcwele had escaped to his own home near 
the Ungoye Forest in the south, and, as the simplest way 
out of the difficulty, Cetshwayo resolved that he should 
die. Messengers were instructed to request him to return, 
giving him assurances of forgiveness; he was to be 
waylaid and killed by a party to be sent along the path 
by which he would travel. John Dunn, having gathered 
this from a conversation he overheard between certain 
indunas, secretly sent a warning of danger, and Usigcwe- 
legcwele found an excuse for not complying with the 
summons, afterwards adjusting the matter by the pay- 
ment of a fine. 

These were the chief events of Cetshwayo's reign. 
They were viewed much more seriously by the British 
authorities than by the Zulu people. 


THOMAS FRANCOIS BURGERS was elected President of the 
South African Republic in the year of Umpande's death, and 
he and Cetshwayo may be regarded, in a sense, as having 
commenced their rule together ; they were destined also to 
end the careers thus begun the one soon after the other. 

The South African Republic was labouring under a 
lamentable condition of financial depression. To guide 
it to prosperity was a task which the wisest ruler could 
scarcely have hoped to accomplish. Its resources had 
never been developed. Its revenue did not suffice to 
maintain an adequate administration. Its people lacked 
enterprise and industry. Spread over a vast extent of 
territory, each individual conducted himself according to 
the dictates of his own feelings. He was able, generally, 
to rule his own household and his native servants ; he 
could secure at a cost of but little labour, on the farm 
he owned, the things needful to supply his simple wants. 
The need for a government scarcely impressed him ; 
he contributed very little towards the support of a 
government. A sufficient revenue could not be gathered. 
Government securities had risen somewhat in value con- 
sequent upon the recent discovery of diamonds in West 
Griqualand, and of gold within the borders of the Republic, 
but they were still reckoned at only half their face value. 
It was not possible to pay salaries, much less to carry 
out needful public works. 

Burgers during his candidature held out great hopes 
as to the improvements which he would be able, if elected, 
to secure in these respects. He promised that roads and 



bridges and railways should be constructed, and a system 
of education established which would bring instruction 
within the reach of all. 

His efforts to carry out the promises he had made ; 
how he attempted to restore the public credit by borrowing 
money on the security of land ; how he spent large sums 
of it in the redemption of notes at par, most of which were 
in the possession oY speculators who had acquired them at 
less than half the amount : how he endeavoured to raise 
funds for the construction of a railway from Delagoa Bay 
to Pretoria, and spent large sums of the money subscribed 
in the purchase of material which had afterwards to be 
sold to pay costs of transport ; how his various schemes 
and endeavours only involved the country in greater 
difficulty these subjects will have been made familiar 
to the reader by the many books that have been written 
upon this period of the Transvaal's history. 

What is of special importance to the present subject is 
that, to crown misfortune, he became involved in a Kafir 
war. Sikwata, whose tribal lands were included in the 
territory claimed to have been purchased from the Swazi 
king in 1846 for one hundred cows, had been succeeded 
by his son, Sikukuni, and the latter was not disposed to 
continue acquiescence in that transaction. He asserted 
that the Boers had no valid title to that land, and ex- 
pressed himself as prepared to maintain the assertion by 
force if necessary. His tribe was one of considerable 
power. It had grown much in strength during the thirty 
years of freedom from harassment by the Swazis that 
had succeeded the supposed cession. The fame of its 
fighting force had reached remote parts of South Africa. 
That strength had been augmented, too, by the acquisi- 
tion of firearms and ammunition by those of the people 
who had gone to work in the diamond mines at Kimber- 
ley. They were an intelligent people, and readily attained 
considerable skill and precision in the use of those arms. 


It became necessary to coerce him into the required 
submission; and, to that end, the President called out 
a strong force of Burghers and led them personally to 
war against Sikukuni. The aid was sought, also, of the 
Swazis, of whom a large contingent accompanied the 
expedition, and of whose cruelty in certain attacks that 
followed upon some of Sikukuni's people, much has since 
been said. Some preliminary engagements, in which, on 
the Boers' side, the Swazis appear to have borne the 
chief part, were successful. But when the time came 
for storming the chiefs main stronghold the Boers would 
not advance to the fight. They refused, indeed, to con- 
tinue the war any longer, and returned to their homes. 
Thereafter an attempt was made to continue operations 
by means of a hired army ; and a kind of desultory war- 
fare was, for some time, maintained by a Captain Von 
Schlikmann, with a force consisting chiefly of foreigners 
of various nationalities by whom he was joined from the 
diamond fields of Kimberley and elsewhere. No definite 
success was ever attained, and the commander was finally 
shot in an engagement with the enemy. 

Not only had the Boers refused to fight ; they refused 
also to pay taxes, and revenue was unobtainable. The 
stipulated salaries of officials could not be paid, and 
government was practically at an end. 

Sikukuni had held his own; and it was a question 
how the more formidable danger which threatened the 
south-eastern border was to be met. Cetshwayo mani- 
fested a clear intention to establish the right he claimed 
over the territory called the "disputed." He had re- 
frained from taking action because of the hope he enter- 
tained of a recognition of his claim through the mediation 
of the Natal Government, which he had repeatedly sought 
during a number of years. But his attitude was making 
it more and more apparent that he would not brook much 
more delay in a settlement. 


Matters had reached this position in 1876. The Boers 
attributed their difficulty to the errors of their President 
and his Government. They had lost confidence in him, 
and felt that the salvation of their country lay in a new 
election. They had no sympathy either with his political 
schemes or with the personal standard he maintained. 
The first they regarded as out of keeping with the condi- 
tion of the country and its inhabitants, the second as 
vanity. They would elect Paul Kruger, one of them- 
selves, who would understand how to govern the country 
agreeably to the feelings and circumstances of the people. 

The view taken of the situation by the British Govern- 
ment was different. They considered that the weakness 
which the Boer Government had shown was likely to 
encourage a general rising of the black against the white 
races, and so endanger the safety of the British Colonies 
adjacent to their republic. The condition of this country 
was, moreover, an obstacle in the way of South African 
Federation, which it was the policy of the administration 
of the time to secure. The selection of Sir Bartle Frere 
for the position of High Commissioner at the Cape was 
with the special view to the employment by him of his 
great diplomatic experience towards this end. 1 It was 
thought that in the condition into which the country had 
fallen, the Boers might be willing to accept the protection 
that would be afforded by the establishment in it of 
British authority. Therefore, in September 1876, Sir 
Theophilus Shepstone (lately knighted) was commissioned 
by the queen to make inquiry into the origin, the nature 
and the circumstances of the disturbances ; and, if neces- 
sary and agreeable to the majority of the inhabitants, to 
annex to the British Crown all, or a portion of, the 
territory of the republic. 

He was cordially welcomed by all classes, and resided 
and carried out his inquiries at Pretoria : arriving at the 

1 Martineau's Lift of Sir Bartle Frere, ii. 161. 


conclusion which found expression in the annexation of 
the whole territory in April 1877, a step which called 
forth loud rejoicings from the foreign, and pretestings 
from the Boer, section of the inhabitants. President 
Burgers retired into permanent privacy, receiving a 

The effect upon the Zulus of this event was to convert 
the dispute with the Boer Government into one with the 
British Government. Sir Theophilus Shepstone, to whom, 
as Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal, Cetshwayo had 
addressed his requests for mediation, and who had evinced 
some sympathy with him in the subject of his representa- 
tions, was now the chief of that people against whom they 
had been made. His mind was to some extent impressed 
in favour of the Zulu contention, but the position in which 
he was placed was embarrassing. The section of the people 
of the country he governed whom it was most important 
to conciliate, were those who had gone into it when it was 
an unknown wilderness and made their homes there the 
Boers. Those people were, if acquiescing at all, acquies- 
cing but sullenly in the act by which he was at the head 
of their Government. Their protests were followed up by 
the despatch of a deputation to England to reason with the 
queen's Government against that act. The possibility of 
having to begin his administration by the abandonment of 
a considerable territory was unpleasant at a moment when 
it was so desirable that his acts should commend his rule. 
But inquiry into the subject set his conscience at rest, and 
he soon entirely set himself in opposition to the Zulu claim. 
He met men commissioned by Cetshwayo in October at 
the Blood River, including the prime induna, Umnyamana, 
" prepared, if it should be insisted upon by the Zulus, as 
he then thought it might justly be, to give up a tract of 
country which had from thirteen to sixteen years been 
occupied by Transvaal farmers, and to whose farms title- 
deeds had been issued by the late Government." But he 


was startled by the extent of land included in the Zulu 
claim. It was not only that claimed by the Boers to have 
been ceded in 1861 for the surrender of Umtonga and 
Umgidhlana, it included the town of Utrecht itself. The 
Zulu commissioners asserted this claim, moreover, in a 
tone expressive of their determination to have the land 
to which it applied. The conference proving fruitless, Sir 
Theophilus Shepstone took occasion, some weeks later, to 
investigate the grounds upon which the Republic had based 
its claim to the " disputed " land, and "then learned, for the 
first time, what had since been proved by evidence the most 
uncontrovertible, overwhelming and clear, that the boundary 
line had been formally and mutually agreed upon and been 
formally ratified by the giving and receiving of tokens of 
thanks ; and that the beacons had been built up in the 
presence of the President and members of the Executive 
Council of the Republic in presence of commissioners 
from both Umpande and Cetshwayo ; and that the spot 
upon which each beacon had stood was indicated by the 
Zulu commissioners themselves placing the first stones 
upon it." The sense of right was thus equally strong on 
both sides. Cetshwayo followed up the definite assertion 
made on his behalf at Blood River by a military occupa- 
tion of the land, and the Boer occupants retired. The 
king's own claim to territory differed from that which was 
set forth at Blood River by Umnyamana and the indunas 
who accompanied him to the conference. He claimed 
the Blood River as the boundary up to its source, and 
thence the Drakensberg watershed northward ; they 
claimed as the boundary the stream upon which the 
village of Utrecht is built. The situation was difficult 
and critical. Cetshwayo and his counsellors would not 
yield in respect to the boundary question. In reply to a 
message sent him on the subject in December, he said 
that he would not fight, but that he neither could nor 
would consent to any other boundary than that which he 


had described ; his chief counsellors went so far as to say 
that the nation would fight for that boundary. The 
existence of the dispute, and its subject, were known to 
the whole people. The regiments, which were made up of 
men from all parts of the country, were at the royal kraal 
for the first-fruit festival. They clamoured as they passed 
in review before the king to be led to war upon the 
question. There was little doubt that the king was in 
the hands of the nation ; that he had to maintain a firm 
attitude or be despised by his people. On the other side 
many Boers had taken alarm, abandoned their homes, 
and were living in camps until the Government should 
restore them. 

In these circumstances there came a suggestion from 
Sir Henry Bulwer, the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, that 
the question should be submitted to arbitration, and to 
this suggestion both parties agreed. The commission of 
arbitrators, which was appointed in the following March 
(1878), consisted of the Honourable Michael Henry 
Gallwey (Attorney-General of Natal), the Honourable 
John Wesley Shepstone (Secretary for Native Affairs), 
and Colonel A. W. Durnford (of the Royal Engineers); 
the referee being the High Commissioner for South Africa, 
the Right Honourable Sir Bar tie Frere. 

The claims set up by the Zulu representatives before 
this commission included much more land even than that 
which Umnyamana had claimed. The Zulu country, they 
said, was limited on the Natal side by the Buffalo (or 
Umzinyati) River up to its source, and from thence towards 
the north by the watershed ; what evidence was available 
was adduced on the other side in support of the boundary 
based on the alleged cession in 1861. 

The decision of the commission was not to be known 
till the end of the year, when it was to be delivered 
with important accompaniments. 

The beginning of the year 1878 was fraught with 


occurrences affecting the safety and welfare of the inhabi- 
tants of South Africa in various parts ; and a feeling gained 
ground that a beginning only had been made of what was 
to be an attempt on the part of the black to expel the white 
races from the country. War had been waged against the 
Cape Government by Kreli, chief of the Galekas, living on 
the east of the Kei River ; he was shortly joined by Sandilli 
and his Gaika tribe, who were subjects of that Govern- 

To overcome those tribes the resources of the Cape 
Colony were to be sorely taxed ; and it was only to be 
accomplished after a prolonged struggle. After the 
annexation of the Transvaal it was hoped that satisfactory 
relations had been established with Sikukuni ; but a 
change of attitude was being manifested by that chief 
soon to culminate in open hostilities. Captain (afterwards 
Sir) Marshal Clarke, the Civil Commissioner at Lyden- 
burg, having sent a message to him complaining of a 
breach of the treaty he had signed, received early in March 
the curt reply that Sir Marshal Clarke and the English 
had gone the wrong way to work with him ; that he would 
return to the Boers ; that the English were afraid to fight. 
A struggle had to be entered into with this chief, to which 
the resources of the Transvaal were, for the time, 

In these matters, and wherever disturbances or signs 
of disturbances existed, Cetshwayo was credited, rightly 
or wrongly, with having in some way encouraged the 
chiefs in their hostile attitude. In the case of Sikukuni 
he was very definitely blamed. Writing from Lydenburg 
on the 14th of January, the Rev. A. Nachtigall, 
a missionary, reported : " Sikukuni has again received a 
message from Cetshwayo wherein he tells him that his 
people, by strategy, have taken one of the laagers of the 
white people ; that the remainder of the white people 
have escaped, and their cattle are at the Vaal River 


and Komati ; Sikukuni, therefore, also had better begin at 
once, then he would easily get the upper hand." 

This is the most explicit instance given in the pub- 
lished correspondence of the time of incitement by Cetsh- 
wayo of other chiefs to make war against the Europeans; 
and whether the report accurately represented a message 
actually sent by him must always remain a doubtful 

It will never, perhaps, be known for certain what was 
the actual purport of his messages; but it is known 
that they ranged wide, that they reached tribes in remote 
parts, that intercourse was carried on with them with 
some regularity. He professed only to send his messengers 
to procure articles which could not be obtained except in 
those countries ; it is certain that it was considered neces- 
sary, in varying circumstances, to invoke the special 
attributes of different chiefs or members of their tribes. 

But the conviction they conveyed to the minds of the 
British authorities was certain, and this was expressed in a 
despatch by Sir Bartle Frere, dated the 5th of November, 

" It is not in this " (the Cape) " Colony alone, but 
wherever the Kafir races are to be found, from the Fish 
River to the Limpopo, and from the Lower Orange River 
to Delagoa Bay, that the influence of the Zulu king has 
been found at work fostering and directing this warlike 
spirit. It is not of late years only that this has been the 
case. Even before Sir Garnet Wolseley's arrival in Natal 
(1875) the danger was seen by most competent judges ; 
and every month since has accumulated evidence of the 
reality of the danger." The disposition which Cetshwayo 
was thus declared to have been fostering was to "try 
by more or less decided wager of war whether the white 
man still retained his supremacy, or whether it had passed 
with the white man's weapons into the hands of the more 
numerous native races." 


This proud Zulu people, feared and respected through- 
out South Africa by the races of their own colour, had 
always been regarded, from the point of view of Euro- 
pean civilisation, as so sunk in darkness that it was an 
important object of charity to bring them light. Mis- 
sionaries from Germany had been labouring to this end 
since 1856. They had established some ten mission 
stations and expended many thousands of pounds sterling. 
Norway had been in the field even longer ; her mission- 
aries had been labouring since 1845 ; were nine in number, 
assisted by five catechists, and had converted about a 
hundred Zulus to Christianity. The Church of England 
had obtained a footing in 1859, but had made little 
expansion from the station then established by the 
Rev. R. Robertson at Kwa Magwaza. The number 
of converts shown by the Norwegian missionaries may 
be taken as indicating the general proportion of suc- 
cess that had been attained. From the first " the king 
could not understand the use of Zulus becoming con- 
verts," although "he tolerated it." It was, perhaps, 
somewhat short of justice to say that conversion had 
been accorded mere toleration. Such records as there 
are seem to show that, though few, the converts enjoyed 
comparative freedom from those duties which the Zulu 
subjects were required to render to their king. Nor 
do any of them appear during twenty-seven years to 
have suffered any of the penalties of the Zulu criminal 
laws. But, as was the case in the time of Dingana, the 
ethics sought to be inculcated were not compatible with 
the system by which the kingdom had been set up and 
was maintained. 

During the last year the rule had been broken through 
by which the lives of Christians were specially protected. 
Three professed Christians were killed for the alleged 
practice of witchcraft or other offences, and others were 
threatened. The remainder, therefore, took alarm and 


fled to Natal. Cetshwayo had on various occasions ex- 
pressed himself as averse to missionary teaching amongst 
his people; his aversion was now being given practical 
expression to, in various ways, by Zulus in different parts 
of the country. In February the chief Sirayo built a 
kraal so close to one of the stations, near to the Buffalo 
River, that the continuance there of the missionary was 
rendered scarcely possible. An appeal was made against 
this act to the king; but, for reply, he accused the 
missionaries of reporting concerning him to the Natal 
Government and to the newspapers, especially with writ- 
ing to the Natal Mercury an account of the fight 
between the two regiments at Ulundi in December : an 
account in which he was personally commented upon in 
severe terms. Their denial was not, at the time, accepted, 
and the king expressed a desire that they would leave 
his country. He told them that he had thrown them 
off, meaning that he would no longer protect them. In 
consequence, and guided by advice they obtained from 
the Administrator of the Transvaal, the whole of them 
took their departure and had left in May. 

War between Britain and the Zulus was then regarded 
as an event unlikely to be avoided. The minds of the 
European public were generally impressed with the neces- 
sity for it, although as yet no definite cause could be 
stated. The persons and property of such white men as 
traded, or carried on other pursuits, in the country were, 
as they always had been, rigidly respected. They were 
under the protection of the king, and none dared harm 
them. The feeling was due to the fear that had grown 
that the great force at Cetshwayo's disposal might some 
day be used for the destruction of his white neighbours. 
The determined steps he had taken in warning the Boers 
off the land in dispute between him and the Transvaal 
was the chief ground for such fear. In that matter he 
had shown a clear intention to assert his rights against 


a white people by force of arms unless they were peace- 
fully yielded : if he could do so in one case there was 
no security against similar action in regard to other 
claims which events might make him feel justified in 
setting up. There is no doubt that to be exposed to the 
possibility of such proceedings, at the hands of a nation 
possessing so little in the nature of mercy as the 
Zulus did, was a condition justifying serious apprehension. 
Then the belief was very general that the king's system 
of administration was so tyrannous that his people were 
generally groaning under oppression ; that many of them 
were being killed to gratify caprice or cupidity. The 
report in the Natal Mercury of the fight between the 
two regiments, which he charged the missionaries 
with having written, accused him of having purposely 
caused it in order to be in a position to exact fines from 
the combatants; Sir Theophilus Shepstone endorsed the 
view expressed in that report. 

Much was said of his failure to carry out the changes 
in the system of administration which he had promised 
at his coronation to inaugurate. 

And in July there came a violation of territory which 
doubtless called for serious notice, and which was to form 
the chief definite cause of what the end of the year was 
to bring forth. On the 26th day of that month there 
appeared before the Magistrate of the Umsinga Division 
of Natal a native named Maziyana, a border guard, who 
reported that, about six days previously, a native woman 
named Ka Qwelebana, had taken refuge in Natal. She 
was the wife of the chief Sirayo, one of the king's coun- 
sellors, who was at the time absent at the king's kraal. 
The cause of her flight had been an attempt on the part of 
her husband's chief son, Mehlokazulu, to put her to death 
on the charge that she had been unfaithful. Two days 
after crossing the border river she had been brought to 
Maziy ana's kraal. She was suffering from the injuries 


she had received at Mehlokazulu's hands. She had rested 
there till this day, when, in the early morning, the sound 
was heard of horses approaching, and on going out 
Maziyana had found these to be ridden by Mehlokazulu 
and his brother Bekuzulu, and twenty or thirty other 
Zulus, who were then advancing towards the front of 
the hut. Another force numbering some forty or fifty, 
on foot and armed with shields and assegais, were seen 
advancing from the rear. Asked the cause of this visit, 
Mehlokazulu said he was in search of his mother, and 
thereupon ordered the men who were on foot to search 
for the woman in the huts. She was found there, dragged 
out and along the footpath and through the river by 
the ford called Nomavovo's. Another large body of 
Zulus was on the Zululand side of the river waiting. 
When the capture had thus been effected a war-song 
was struck up, and, the whole force having proceeded 
to a distance of about 800 yards beyond the river, the 
woman was shot dead, much firing of guns and noise 

In seizing the woman Mehlokazulu was not charged 
with having committed actual violence against the in- 
mates of the kraal in which she was found ; but he was 
declared to have said, on remonstrance being made, that 
it placed him in the position of having to regard those 
who made it as enemies, from which they inferred that 
it would be discreet to say no more. 

This proved to be the second case of the same kind. 
Two days earlier Mehlokazulu, accompanied by another 
member of his father's family, had seized another of 
his father's wives in the hut of another border guard 
higher up the river, under similar circumstances, and 
subjected her to similar treatment. The accounts fur- 
nished to the Government of these occurrences were 
substantially correct; all the Zulus have to say, in the 
way of justifying the deeds, is that the native border 


guards did not offer any serious objection when the 
surrender of the women was demanded; that they were 
not killed on British, but on Zulu soil. They consider 
that the matter was one in which Mehlokazulu was 
liable to punishment by his king; but the approval of 
his action by Sirayo would have freed him from this 
liability, and there can be no doubt that he had been 
assured of that approval before acting. 

Perhaps the most important political significance that 
attached to the occurrence lay in the novelty of its 
character. Since Natal became a British Colony there had 
been no violation of its border by the Zulus. When their 
wives or daughters, or when fugitive offenders crossed the 
stream which marked the frontier, they had invariably 
been free from pursuit. These wives of Sirayo had 
lingered for days under a sense of absolute safety, 
within sight of those at whose hands they knew they 
would receive no mercy did not the border intervene. 

The proceedings of Mehlokazulu had been without 
the king's sanction, but he did not regard them with 
any high degree of reprobation. He acknowledged that 
wrong had been done; but did not admit that the 
offence against the Natal Government had been of a 
very serious character. In answer to Sir Henry Bulwer's 
request that he would surrender those who had led the 
raid he offered to pay a fine of 50. 

In the meantime the commission had arrived at a 
decision regarding the border dispute. Its reports, dated 
the 20th day of June, declared that there had been no 
cession by the Zulu kings to the South African Republic 
of any of the land between the Drakensberg and the 
Buffalo River. But having regard to long occupation 
by the subjects of that state; to the fact that a white 
government had been established in it, well known to 
the Zulus, and permitted if not sanctioned and acquiesced 
in by them ; to the practical recognition of Boer sove- 


reignty, especially in the application made by Cetshwayo 
in 1861 for the surrender of his fugitive brothers, when 
he respected it as Boer territory, they held that the 
sovereignty over that tract claimed to have been ceded 
by Umpande to the Boers in 1845 should be considered 
to have passed to the Transvaal. The boundary of this 
tract had been variously stated at different times ; each 
successive description had extended the Boer dominions 
and yet left its exact position in some obscurity. The 
commission had not inspected the ground, and the 
boundary it recommended was vaguely stated as " a 
line stretching from the junction of the Buffalo and 
Blood rivers, along the latter river to its source, and 
thence straight to a round hill between the two main 
sources of the Pongolo River in the Drakensberg." They 
awarded to the Zulus that land which the Boers claimed 
to have been ceded to them in 1861. 

This report had been forwarded to the High Com- 
missioner by the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, who 
generally concurred in its recommendations. But Sir 
Bartle Frere's mind had been strongly impressed with 
the belief that more serious issues were involved than 
that of the settlement of territorial dispute. He arrived 
in Natal on the 23rd of September, and on the last day 
of that month reported to the Secretary of State that 
he had found the position of affairs far more critical 
even than he had expected. There could be no doubt, 
he wrote, that the design of the native tribes to com- 
bine and resist and drive back the white man was in 
process of attempted execution. He regarded the atti- 
tude of the Zulus and their king as threatening the 
safety of the Colony of Natal, and urged the necessity 
of strengthening the defensive force. 

The missionaries who had long resided in the Zulu 
country now furnished accounts of the occurrences that 
had come to their notice during that time. Of the 


reports they furnished, that of the Rev. R. Robertson sup- 
plied the most definite information. 

"I have stated publicly, and offered to produce 
witnesses to prove it, that within a radius of eight 
miles from Kwa Magwaza twenty-four persons have 
been killed in eighteen years, nineteen of whom have 
been killed since the death of the late king. I believe 
this is not an overdrawn picture of what takes place in 
other parts of the country. I am writing from memory, 
but I think that a list Mr. Oftebro gave me contained the 
names of twenty-nine persons killed, to his knowledge, 
since 1873 ; and Mr. Stavem writes of, I think, seven- 
teen in about nine years in his immediate neighbourhood. 
Another reason I have for believing it to be true is, that 
I have seen parties on their way to kill and have seen 
the captured cattle on their way to the king's kraal. 

"No one can go to the king's kraal and listen to 
what goes on there, as I have done, without knowing that 
killing must be going on every day. The Zulus believe 
in witchcraft, and attribute all their ills to it. Whatever 
may be the matter with them or their property, they 
consult a witch-doctor. Some one is ' smelt out,' and 
then the matter goes to the indunas, and from them 
to the king. Many escape, of course, especially if they 
have not cattle, but too many cases end in the death 
of the one smelt out ; often also of some one belonging 
to him." At another time Mr. Robertson furnished a 
list of the nineteen cases, and it is notable that the 
cause assigned for the killing of one of them was that 
he " was ill." This may be regarded as a specific case 
of killing for failure to discharge military duty. It has 
not been practicable to learn of others, and the pro- 
bability is that very few suffered death for this cause. 

These reports tended to confirm the impression that 
had been gained, that the people were sorely oppressed 
by the king and would gladly be freed from his authority. 


The fact was not sufficiently borne in mind that they 
" believed in witchcraft," and that the prevailing feeling 
in regard to the killing of those convicted of its practice 
was that it was done for their protection. No case is 
known of a man having been killed by Cetshwayo for 
mere caprice. 

The feeling gradually gained ground, both in Natal 
and Zululand, that important events were impending. 
Additional troops arriving in the Colony for its defence 
against possible Zulu invasion, suspicion was given rise 
to, in the Zulu mind, of sinister designs on the part of 
the British. It had been " freely talked about " in Natal 
" that the troops recently arrived had come to fight the 
Zulus." Hunts on a large scale were reported as taking 
place near the border, and the Lieutenant-Governor, 
fearing that the men thus gathering might have for 
their object an invasion of the Colony, caused some 
troops to be moved to Grey town and Verulam. Not- 
withstanding assurances sent by him that the troops 
which continued to arrive were merely for the purpose 
of defence and giving assurance of safety to the in- 
habitants of Natal, who were alarmed by the prevailing 
rumours, the impression steadily gained strength in the 
Zulu mind that there were other motives. Writing on 
the 15th of October Mr. Rudolph, the landdrost at 
Utrecht, said: 

" Some time ago Gwekwana, Uhamu's confidential 
induna, came here under the old pretence of looking up 
cattle for girls. He said that Uhamu had sent him to say 
that Sintwangu, who has been in Natal since the Rorke's 
Drift Commission, came back saying that it appears that 
there is going to be war with Cetshwayo ; that Uhamu 
sent him, in consequence, to me, to be informed what he 
is to do in the case of war, as he will not fight against the 
English, but will come to them, and wished to know how he 
should act and where he is to go when the time comes." 


The sequence of this movement on Uhamu's part will 
required to be traced : it was to be marked by much blood- 
shed. The incident is noted here as the first step towards 
important events ; it is also notable as showing that 
Uhamu, with the same means of obtaining information as 
other Zulu leading men, had at that time become per- 
suaded that there was to be war ; that it was to be begun 
by the English. 

Three occurrences have to be noted, the first two dat- 
ing about the end of September. The land upon which a 
small German settlement had been formed under the 
Transvaal Government, called Luneburg, was included in 
that claimed by Cetshwayo as Zulu territory. This settle- 
ment lay to the north-east of Utrecht, east of the Drakens- 
berg. He had caused the occupation of it, in May, by a 
representative named Faku. Some temporary consterna- 
tion was excited by the incident amongst the white 
population, but, as it was not followed by a more 
aggressive act on Faku's part than the building of a kraal 
for his personal accommodation, this had again subsided. 
But now, by order of the king, he notified to the settlers 
that they were required to " leave their farms and home- 
steads, as the lands were required for grazing purposes for 
the king's cattle which were being sent up from Zululand, 
and the garden grounds were required for field cultivation ; 
that, as the winter was now over and there was plenty 
of young grass to be found at the Vaal River for stock, 
they (the Germans) were required to go away." 

The second was held to be another violation of British 
territory, and an offence against two British subjects. A 
Mr. Smith, a surveyor in the Colonial Engineer's Depart- 
ment, had gone to inspect a road leading from Greytown 
to the Tugela River ; a road which had been made some 
years previously by order of Sir Garnet Wolseley, but 
had fallen into disuse. The fear of British aggression 
had become so serious that the Zulus along the border 


river had been ordered to keep guard over the crossings. 
Smith and his companion Deighton, a trader, went down 
to the river, which at that time was very low and running 
close to the Zulu bank. Their presence created a sus- 
picion that their object was to examine the crossing for 
the purpose of an invasion of the country, and they were 
seized and taken through the river by a party of Zulus. 
There they were detained for some time and questioned 
regarding their object and then released by order of a 
head-man who came upon the scene. 

The third occurrence had the 7th of October for its 
date. One of the subjects of Cetshwayo was a Swazi chief 
named Umbilini. He was a member of the Swazi royal 
family, and had sought refuge in Zululand from the con- 
sequences of his pretensions to the kingship with which he 
had been threatened in his own country. He had proved 
an unruly subject to the king ; had a following of men who 
were not enrolled in the regular army, and with whom he 
habitually made armed forays in various quarters. His 
location was near to the Pongolo River, and the facts 
of the occurrence of the date given were thus reported at 
the time by Mr. Rudolph : 

" The audacious Umbilini made a daring attack on 
some four or five Swazi kraals at the lower Makosini 
kopjes, near Mozana, or Sendeling's River, north of the 
Pongolo River. He, with his followers, attacked these 
kraals before daybreak, and in the struggle four Swazi 
men were killed and others wounded. Umbilini burnt 
the kraals and made off with some ten women as captives 
or slaves." 

The order delivered to the Luneberg settlers by Faku 
was never enforced, but led to the placing of a military 
force there to protect them. 

These were ill-timed occurrences. But it must be 
admitted that they were not, in themselves, the cause of 
the conflict soon to begin. The High Commissioner was 


persuaded by other causes that the time had arrived when 
war with the Zulus could no longer be avoided. The 
Government in England still hoped for a peaceful settle- 
ment of the difficulties. In a despatch dated one month 
after the raid by Umbilini, the Secretary of State for the 
Colonies, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, observed that all the 
information that had reached Her Majesty's Government 
appeared to them to justify the confident hopes that, by 
the exercise of prudence and by meeting the Zulus in a 
spirit of forbearance and compromise, it would be possible 
to avert war. In answer to this Sir Bartle Frere stated 
at length the conviction at which he had arrived and the 
grounds upon which it was based. In this despatch little 
reference was made to the overt acts of the Zulus in viola- 
tion of British territory. Gradually, since his arrival on 
the frontier of the Cape Colony, an " irresistible body of 
evidence from all parts of South Africa " evidence not at 
present available to the public had convinced him of a 
common purpose among the Kafir races to try conclusions 
with the white man ; that " Cetshwayo, as king of the most 
powerful tribe, was the head and moving spirit of the com- 
bination." It was, moreover, necessary to establish the 
credit of the British nation with the Boers of the Trans- 
vaal, and to justify to them the reasons which had been 
assigned for the annexation of that territory, that the 
danger which threatened it from the Zulu power should 
be removed. Occasion was taken in the despatch for a 
statement of his view of the character of Cetshwayo, by 
which he is made to appear in a very different light from 
that in which he is regarded by the people he ruled : 

" It is no exaggeration to say that his history, from the 
first, has been written in characters of blood. I do not 
refer merely to the long chronicle of his butcheries, from 
the slaughter of his brothers and their followers early in 
his career down to the more recent indiscriminate and 
wholesale destruction of all the unmarried women who 


attempted to evade his order, given in a fit of caprice, that 
they should accept as husbands the elderly unmarried 
soldiers of his army ; the massacre being subsequently 
extended to all the relatives who took away for burial the 
exposed corpses of the slaughtered women." 

It was plainly his settled purpose to " imitate Tshaka, 
his uncle, who formed his dynasty on a system of indis- 
criminate slaughter of all his enemies, the vanquished and 
most submissive as well as those who resisted ; of all who 
in any way offended him or crossed his will, and even of 
his own wives as soon as there was a possibility of their 
giving birth to an heir to the throne." He was utterly 
unreliable. The Secretary for Native Affairs had re- 
ported : " This Government has had ample proof that no 
declaration of the Zulu king made to it, at any time or 
in any way, however important the matter may be, can 
be relied on." 

The troops in Natal were strengthened by " every 
available company," and, in time, were considered suffi- 
cient, though not so strong as was desirable; and the 
purpose was so generally understood to be that of settling 
the Zulu question that to recede would have created a 
dangerous impression in the minds, not only of the Boers, 
but of all native races. 

With a mind so impressed, and in these circumstances, 
Sir Bartle Frere arrived at the decision regarding the dis- 
puted territory which was communicated to representatives 
of the Zulu king sent by him to receive it, at the Lower 
Tugela on the llth day of December 1878. 

The award assigned the boundary that the commission 
had recommended, but there were conditions attached to 
it which would have been troublesome to the Zulus. They 
were briefly indicated in the document itself, and more 
clearly stated in another paper in which the High Com- 
missioner's intentions were fully set forth : 

"It is intended that in this district" (that awarded 


to the Zulus) "individual rights to property which were 
obtained under the Transvaal Government shall be re- 
spected and maintained, so that any Transvaal farmers 
who may now elect to remain in the territory may possess, 
under British guarantee, the same rights they would have 
possessed had they been granted holdings from the Zulu 
king under guarantee of the great Zulu Council." 

A British Resident was to be appointed, who would 
see that those rights were maintained. It was the 
sovereignty only that was to be restored to Cetshwayo ; 
and it was not to be sovereignty as understood by him, 
but subject to restrictions agreeable to the requirements 
of those who might become his white subjects. 

But the award was an incident of merely passing 
interest. Half an hour after its delivery the king's 
deputies were again called together, and the document 
read to them called the Ultimatum, in which certain acts 
of reparation for injuries done to the British Government 
and reforms in his own were set forth, and required to be 
effected by the king, within specified times, war to be the 
result of failure on his part to comply with those require- 
ments. Mehlokazulu, and those of his relatives who had 
aided him in the seizure of the wives of Sirayo on Natal 
territory in July, were to be given up to the Natal Govern- 
ment for trial, and a fine of 500 head of cattle paid ; also 
a fine of 100 head of cattle for the insult to Smith and 
Deighton at the Tugela Drift : all within twenty days. 
Umbilini was also required to be given up, and such others 
of those who were associated with him as should be stated 
in a further communication which would be addressed to 
the king. 

It was pointed out to the Zulu king that the promises 
he had made to the British Government at his coronation 
had not been kept. The indiscriminate killing of his 
subjects had not abated. Hundreds of them had suffered 
death without trial or form of trial. No man knew whether 


he might not be set upon at any moment and killed, and 
all belonging to him destroyed or taken away. The British 
Government in Natal had sent a representative to be 
present at Cetshwayo's coronation, not from any desire on 
its part, but in compliance with the request of Cetshwayo 
and the Zulu nation. It had stipulated, as the only con- 
dition, that reforms should be made which Cetshwayo, in 
the presence of representatives of the Zulu nation, had 
promised on that occasion to effect in the administration of 
the Zulu Government. These promises had been made, 
and it was due to the honour of the British nation that their 
observance should be required. The system of government 
pursued by the king was destroying the country. 

All the young men, all the able-bodied men, were 
taken for soldiers. They were taken from their homes at 
an age when they were becoming useful to their parents, 
and kept for several years in the compulsory service of the 
king. They were not allowed to marry, but had to await 
the permission of the king, which was often long withheld. 
They were not allowed to labour for themselves, or to 
plant, or to reap, or to live in quiet and in peace with 
their families and relatives. They were constantly sum- 
moned up to the king's kraal as if for war, although there 
was no enemy, and thus they came to fight amongst them- 
selves, and there was bloodshed and distress and moaning 
in the land ; or they were sent out in parties to surround 
the kraals of those who had given offence to the king, or 
who were accused by private enemies, and who then, with- 
out trial, without a word, were killed, their homes laid 
desolate and their families and all they had carried off or 
destroyed. Thus the army was made an instrument for 
the oppression of the country, not for its protection. It 
served no useful purpose ; there being no enemy against 
which it could be employed, there was no need for it. 

Besides, while the king was maintaining this army, 
and constantly calling it together, it was impossible for the 


neighbouring states to feel secure. They never knew what 
might happen, and the British Government was obliged to 
keep large numbers of the queen's troops in Natal and the 
Transvaal in order to protect British subjects against the 
danger of possible aggression by the Zulu king. 

It was, therefore, necessary that the existing military 
system should be abolished, and such new regulations 
adopted as might be decided upon, after consultation with 
the great council of the Zulus, and with representatives of 
the British Government. The army as it stood should 
be disbanded, and the men composing it permitted to 
return to their homes. The obligation to defend their 
country, when necessary, would remain with them ; but 
they should not be called together as regiments ex- 
cept with the approval of the great council of the nation 
assembled, and with the consent of the British Government. 
Every man on attaining man's estate should be free to 

Then with regard to the promises made at the corona- 
tion, rules should at once be laid down for the trial of 
persons accused of offences. It was necessary that com- 
pliance with those promises should be no longer delayed. 
In order to secure it, the High Commissioner would 
appoint an officer as his deputy to reside in the Zulu 
country, or on its immediate border, who would be the eyes, 
and ears, and mouth of the British Government towards the 
Zulu king and the great council of the nation. 

Several missionaries had settled in the Zulu country 
by permission of the late king. Cetshwayo had continued 
that permission to them. But during the past two years 
some of the natives residing at the mission stations had 
been killed without trial or form of trial, and others 
terrified ; and thus most of the missionaries had been 
obliged to abandon their stations. 

The High Commissioner desired that they and the 
natives should be allowed to resume occupation ; that the 



missionaries should be allowed to teach, as in Umpande's 
time, and that no Zulu should be punished for listening 
to them. 

A case of dispute in which any of the missionaries, or 
any European, might be concerned should be heard by 
the king in presence of the British Resident ; no sentence 
of expulsion from Zululand should be carried out until 
it had been communicated by the king to the British 
Resident and approved by him. 

The king was given thirty days within which to 
signify his assent to these required reforms, assuming 
that in the meantime the previous requirements had been 
complied with. 

These reforms professed to be designed to ameliorate 
the condition of the Zulus. The message by which their 
adoption was required drew from one of the king's deputies 
the question : " Have the Zulus complained ? " The chief 
answer to be found to that question in available documents 
is that contained in a report by F. Bernard Fynney, whose 
acquaintance with the Zulus was perhaps greater than 
that of most white men. One Zulu had asked him what 
the Natal Government intended to do about the killing, 
and his report proceeds : 

" What Mr. Shepstone had spoken " (quoting from the 
Zulu) " was not spoken in the night, but in the sunshine ; 
the king was not alone, but his people were with him, 
and the ears of all Zululand heard these words, and the 
hearts of all Zulus were joyful, and in gladness they lifted 
up their hands saying : ' The mouth of our white father 
has spoken good words ; he has cautioned his child in the 
presence of his people, and a good sun has risen this day 
over Zululand.' Has the king listened ? Does he hold 
fast these words ? No ! Not one. The promises he 
made are all broken. What does Mr. Shepstone say to 
this ? You should stay at my kraal yonder for a few days 
and see the Iziza" (confiscated property of convicted 


Zulus) " pass, and you would then see with your own eyes 
how a case is tried." 

As of his own knowledge Mr. Fynney then remarks : 
" When a charge is made against a Zulu the question 
is generally asked, ' has he any cattle ? ' and, if answered in 
the affirmative, there is little chance of escape. Instances 
of killing occurred while I was in Zululand, and, to my 
knowledge, no trial was allowed. An armed party was 
despatched on the morning I left Ulundi, and, as I was 
informed, to kill." 

Against this it might be well to place the statement 
of the Zulu deputies, in reference to the Ultimatum to 
which they had just listened : " No one had been put to 
death without cause. The utmost forbearance had been 
shown to those guilty of witchcraft. When any one had 
been accused of this offence he was removed from the 
neighbourhood of the persons whom he had bewitched. If 
he was accused by those to whose neighbourhood he had 
gone, he was yet another time removed. But if again 
accused by his neighbours, his guilt was held proved and 
he was put to death." 


THERE is, perhaps, nothing more remarkable in the Zulu 
people than the great power of memory which is possessed 
by those of them who are accustomed to deal with im- 
portant affairs. Having no writing, there has been, from 
time immemorial, no other record of events than the 
impressions upon their minds ; these impressions are 
rendered distinct by the habit they have acquired or 
inherited of giving their undivided attention to what- 
ever matter may be immediately under discussion or 

Communications between the British authorities and 
the Zulu kings had almost invariably been conducted by 
means of verbal messages conveyed by natives, and there 
is no instance known of failure on their part to accurately 
deliver the words entrusted to them. There was thus 
nothing so remarkable as might at first appear in the 
circumstance that the substance of the Ultimatum now 
addressed to Cetshwayo was conveyed to him, not by 
direct reading, but, to a distance of over eighty miles, in 
the memory-stores of the messengers whom he had sent 
to receive it from the British Commissioners. It was a 
lengthy document, containing some 4000 words, and its 
practical purport was considerably involved in comment 
upon the state of things which it was desired to remedy. 
The document itself never reached him, but was left in 
the hands of John Dunn, near the place at which it was 

His own envoys included men of considerable age, and 
their sense of dignity disposed them to be leisurely in their 


movements ; and, recognising this, John Dunn sent mes- 
sengers of his own, who informed the king in advance of 
what was required of him. In response Cetshwayo at once 
instructed John Dunn to write agreeing to the surrender 
of Sirayo's sons and brother, and payment of the fines 
demanded, but to ask that, if the number of days allowed 
should have elapsed before the arrival of the persons and 
cattle, action might not be immediately taken ; owing to 
the swollen state of the rivers his envoys had not been able 
to return, and those whose surrender was required were at 
their kraals at Nqutu, distant, perhaps, two days' journey. 
The other demands he promised to give answer to after 
consulting with his counsellors. Eleven days later mes- 
sengers arrived at the Tugela direct from the king with 
this message: "The king directed us to say that he has 
heard the words of the Government, but the land is great, 
and he has to put them before the Zulu nation, and asks 
for time to do so. The king directed us further to say 
that, in the case of Messrs. Smith and Deighton, the people 
accused of ill-treating them deny having come on to Natal 
soil at all. There are two islands on the Tugela at the 
point where Messrs. Smith and Deighton were, and they 
were on the one nearest to the Zulu side, which the king 
believes belongs to the Zulu nation ; and he asks that His 
Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal will be 
pleased to send some one to see if it is not so." 

In answer to these representations it was agreed that 
hostilities should not be commenced till the full period of 
thirty days should have elapsed; but it was made clear 
that the right was reserved to the general to advance 
across the border, should he deem it advisable to do so 
for military reasons, at the end of the shorter period of 
twenty days, unless by that time the fines were paid and 
surrender made of the persons named in the demand. 

There is considerable evidence that some practical 
steps were taken in the direction of paying the fines of 


cattle ; that they were collected for the purpose of being 
paid over. But, as regards the other matters, it is doubt- 
ful whether they proceeded beyond the king's personal 
promise, which he could not have fulfilled except by the 
consent of the nation through their representatives. 

It must remain doubtful, moreover, whether at this 
time there was any serious hope on either side of averting 
hostilities. Evidence of its absence from the mind of the 
High Commissioner is perhaps stronger than that which 
supports the contention that Cetshwayo had abandoned it. 

The conditions set forth in the Ultimatum upon which 
peace would be permitted to continue were such as could 
not be complied with except with considerable difficulty. 
That requiring the disbandment of the army was, perhaps, 
the most difficult. The organisation could not but remain 
while the men lived of whom the army was composed. Sir 
Henry Bulwer recognised this in a despatch written three 
years later in view of a contemplated restoration of the 
Zulu king. The country had by then been divided into 
thirteen different parts, each ruled over by an independent 
chief, and it had been so ruled for about three years : 

" Unfortunately, the military system is not a system 
that has to be created. It is not a something that has to be 
laboriously, and with difficulty, thought out and brought 
into existence. The system exists already. It exists a 
dormant, inactive power, it may be, at the present moment, 
but it exists a perfect organisation, such as it has been 
from the time of Tshaka. The system which was then 
established has, during a period of half a century, taken 
deep root in the Zulu nation. It is part and parcel of the 
Zulu life ; and its extinction would be the work of many 
years. The organisation is there, the material is there, 
the machinery is there. And, as a time-piece which has 
been suffered to run down and lie in disuse is silent, but 
no sooner is the action of its mainspring restored than, 
complete in all parts of its mechanism, it begins again to 


tell the hours and moments of time, so is the wonderful 
mechanism of the Zulu military system ; it needs only to 
be touched by the master hand of whoever is recognised 
by the Zulus as their chief, and straightway the whole 
machinery is put in motion. It needs but the word to be 
spoken, and forthwith, as in the fabled scene where Cadmus 
sows the dragon's teeth, the land brings forth a living 
harvest of armed men. They gather at the appointed 
places, the regiments are marshalled, the companies are 
told off, the vacant places filled up, a nation stands in 

The nature of the new military system, by which that 
in existence would have to be replaced, was not indicated 
beyond that it was to admit of every man employing his 
time to his own advantage, unless occasion arose to defend 
his country ; that men were all to be permitted to marry 
on arrival at man's estate. It was believed that the men 
composing the army would eagerly welcome a reformation 
conferring these advantages upon them ; that the require- 
ment would hold out a prospect so tempting as to withdraw 
their support from the king. In this they were mis- 
judged. There were advantages attaching to membership 
of the army which, to their minds, compensated for the few 
hardships it entailed. They enjoyed the direct protection 
of the king, while those outside the army were subject to 
the will of subordinate chiefs ; they were conscious that the 
nation to which they were proud to belong had been created 
and was supported by the system it was sought to abolish. 

The proposed new system of administering justice was 
also one which would not, in the circumstances of the 
country, readily have commended itself to the minds of 
the people at large. 

There was a good deal of discussion amongst the 
assembled Zulu notables at Ulundi, but of how counsel was 
swayed it is not possible now to obtain a reliable account. 
There appear, from such information as can be gathered 


to have been some who advocated the surrender of Mehlo- 
kazulu and others; but the feeling of the majority was 
opposed to it. Sirayo was a man of considerable influence 
and power, and his own feeling in the matter would neces- 
sarily have carried weight. Some were more strongly 
impressed than others with the importance of maintaining 
peace with the British Government. 

The majority did not consider that the necessity for 
this lay in their own weakness. They had not had any 
manifestation of British superiority, either in strength or 
bravery. They had felt no disposition at any time to yield 
to threats. When defences were organised in Natal, 
Cetshwayo had called out a portion of his own forces to 
watch the border and resist possible invasion ; and now, 
when the sand was running out, when the time within 
which he had to choose between yielding and fighting was 
fast drawing to an end, he could see nothing irresistible in 
the forces that were distributed along the border of his 
country. The display of force that had accompanied the 
delivery of the Ultimatum had not greatly impressed the 
Zulu messengers to whom the document was presented. 
Sintwangu, one of them, reported to the king that their 
number was so small that " they might be demolished like 
bits of meat." 

The forces available for the enforcement of the 
demands were, indeed, somewhat scanty. 

The General Commanding in Chief in South Africa, 
Lord Chelmsford, had arrived in Natal from the Cape 
Colony on the 6th of August. He had been impressed 
before arrival with the belief that war with the Zulus would 
be necessary ; and, although the views of the Lieutenant- 
Governor of Natal were of a somewhat opposite tendency, 
he continued to regard the situation as demanding an 
increased defensive force. The war with Sikukuni was 
proceeding on very unequal terms. There were opposed 
to that chief 117 European officers and men, with 25 


horses, 100 Natal natives, and 25 who had been enlisted 
from the members of a local tribe. The European portion 
of the force was raised, with great difficulty, by the end of 
the month to 375, with 146 horses. Other forces were sent 
forward, notably the Frontier Light Horse, under Major 
Redvers Buller, afterwards an officer of great renown. But 
the season when horses could not live in the locality soon 
setting in, the enterprise had to be abandoned till a more 
favourable opportunity. 

In Natal, if there were any real grounds for the belief 
entertained by the High Commissioner and the general 
that an invasion was meditated by the Zulus, the position 
was a serious one. The garrison of regular troops was 
small, and the local force consisted of some 200 mounted 
European police and 400 volunteers. The scheme of 
defence formulated by the general included the doubtful 
experiment of forming three native regiments of 2000 men 
each. Each company was composed of 13 Europeans and 
101 natives; the first consisting of a captain, two lieu- 
tenants and ten non-commissioned officers ; the second 
of an officer, ten non-commissioned officers and ninety 
privates. The arms consisted of guns of an old pattern 
supplied by the Natal Government for the native officer 
and non-commissioned officers, and shields and assegais for 
the privates. Each regiment of two battalions was placed 
under the command of a British officer, styled a Comman- 
dant, and the force was designated Native Contingent. 

In response to urgent representations the Secretary of 
State despatched two additional battalions of troops to 
Natal, with the stipulation that they should be used only 
for the defence of the Colony; and, at the time of the 
delivery of the Ultimatum, there were four columns in the 
field ready to act. They were composed and distributed 

(1) No. 1 Column: the "Buffs," 200 Natal Volunteers, 
Naval Brigade, one regiment Native Contingent, and two 


guns ; to which was to be added one battalion of the 
troops expected from England, making the strength up 
to about 2000 Europeans and a like number of natives. 
This column was stationed at the Tugela Ford, near the 
mouth of that river, and was under the command of 
Colonel Pearson. 

(2) No. 2 Column, under Lieutenant-Colonel Durn- 
ford, was stationed in the vicinity of the Tugela Ford 
called Middle-Drift, at which Smith and Deighton sus- 
tained the unpleasant experience at the hands of Zulus, 
and consisted of one rocket battery (two tubes), three 
battalions Native Contingent and five troops Mounted 
Native Contingent. 

(3) No. 3 Column was stationed at Helpmakaar, the 
highlands some eight miles from Rorke's Drift. It con- 
sisted of two battalions of the 24th Regiment, in all 
fourteen companies; two squadrons Imperial Mounted 
Infantry under Major Russell ; 200 Natal Volunteers and 
150 Natal Mounted Police under Major Dartnell; two 
battalions Natal Native Contingent under Commandant 
Lonsdale ; six guns of the Royal Artillery under Major 
Harness, and one half company of Royal Engineers. 

(4) No. 4 Column, under Evelyn Wood, who had 
gained distinction in the Cape Frontier War, lately con- 
cluded, and was about to add to his renown, was stationed 
at Utrecht. It was made up of the first battalion of the 
13th Regiment under Lieutenant-Colonel Gilbert; the 
90th Light Infantry under Major Rogers ; Buller's Fron- 
tier Light Horse (back from the country of Sikukuni); 
about 200 Native Contingent; 50 Boers under Piet Uys; 
six guns under Major Tremlett, and one half-company 
Royal Engineers. 

It was designed that these columns should converge 
upon Ulundi as soon as the given time should have elapsed, 
without compliance having been yielded by Cetshwayo 
with the demands that had been made upon him. 


On the llth of January a general advance was made, 
numbers one and three columns crossing the border river 
at the fords opposite to which they were respectively 
placed. Hostilities were immediately begun. Colonel 
Wood had availed himself of the right which had been 
reserved of entering the Zulu country at the end of the 
shorter period of twenty days. He was encamped on Zulu 
soil, and rode to meet the general, who accompanied 
number three column, on the day upon which Rorke's 
Drift was crossed. 

The meeting took place midway between the two 
camps, and on his way back Colonel Wood seized some 
2000 head of cattle, reporting that the people made no 
active resistance, but merely expressed their surprise. 

No opposition was presented at this time by the 
Zulus : but the general found himself confronted with 
difficulties greater than he had anticipated. There had 
been much rain, and the ground over which he had to 
march had become so soft that the wagons sank to their 
bodies. It was found that four days would necessarily be 
occupied in making a road across a swamp not far from 
where the column had crossed the river, and similar 
obstacles were found to exist in front. In these circum- 
stances the general set about reviewing his original plan 
of campaign, and making such modifications as the un- 
expected condition of things rendered necessary. He 
would endeavour, by means of expeditions from fixed 
positions to be taken up by the several columns, to drive 
the Zulus away from the vicinity of the Natal and Trans- 
vaal borders, so as to secure these against invasion, and 
await a more favourable season for a general advance. 
Cetshwayo would thus be forced to keep his army mobil- 
ised. They would find difficulty in procuring food. If 
kept inactive they would become dangerous to the king ; 
if ordered to attack they would be " playing the general's 


When the British troops had occupied Zulu soil for 
five days there was still no indication of the intention of 
the Zulus. The general appears to have thought that 
his chief difficulty would be in inducing them to meet 
him in battle. It is difficult to understand upon what 
ground the opinion was formed that detached bodies of 
Zulu warriors might be found along the border, but it 
would seem that this was the form in which Zulu opposi- 
tion was expected to be encountered. The instructions 
which Colonel Durnford received were interpreted by him to 
mean that he was to " operate against Matshana " ; Colonel 
Wood was conducting attacks on other minor chiefs 
farther north. Seketwayo, the chief of the Umdhlalose 
tribe, had manifested some disposition to tender his sub- 
mission to the British, and, as an inducement to carry 
this into effect, his cattle were seized by that officer, and 
their return promised when he should have done so. 
Writing on the 16th of January, the general said that a 
few days would decide whether Seketwayo would sur- 
render or be defeated. Uhamu's early overtures had not 
been forgotten ; communications were opened up with him 
with the object of securing his defection from the king 
and submission to the British military authorities; fear 
only prevented him, for the present, from doing so. 

As soon as progress could be made by number three 
column an attack was conducted upon a party of Sirayo's 
men, who were in charge of some cattle between Korke's 
Drift and Isandhlwana Hill. These men showed some 
resistance, and thirty of their number were killed and 
their cattle taken. 

It scarcely appears to have occurred to the general, 
or to the officers commanding the several columns, that 
there might be some other cause than lack of disposition 
to fight for the absence of opposition to their attacks on 
Zulu subjects. There was soon to be a rude awakening. 
The men of the several minor tribes that were being 


attacked and despoiled were members of the army ; they 
would fight as such and not separately in defence of their 
tribal lands and property. While these events were 
transpiring, while plans were being formulated for further 
harassing the border tribes, with the object of forcing the 
king to take action, the bulk of the men were with their 
regiments getting marshalled in battle order. There had 
been scarcity, and it was difficult to get the men to 
assemble on account of the hunger that prevailed. The 
full force of the army was, indeed, not got together for 
this reason. But had it been possible to view for a short 
time the doings at the head kraals in the White Umfolozi 
Valley, it would, perhaps, have been perceived that the 
modified plans had been made without real cause. 

The number of men gathering and being marshalled 
there far exceeded that of the whole invading army, 
and was proportionately greater than any of the several 
columns which might be attacked separately; as was, 
indeed, designed. 

At the end of ten days number three column had been 
enabled to cover a distance of ten miles. Crossing a small 
stream called Manzamnyama, and ascending a somewhat 
steep ridge on its eastern side, it passed through a neck 
and encamped by the south-eastern base of the hill whose 
name, Isandhlwana, or Isa-'Ndhlwana, " Like-a-little- 
house," was soon to be rendered memorable. It was the 
general's design to penetrate as far as the Isipezi 
Mountain, and there form the camp from which the ex- 
peditions that were contemplated in his modified plan of 
campaign were to issue. On the day upon which the 
column arrived at Isandhlwana the 20th of January he 
personally reconnoitred the ground towards the right 
front for the purpose of ascertaining the character of the 
reputed strongholds of Matshana ka Mondisa, who, since 
his escape from Natal in 1858, had dwelt with his tribe, 
waxing in power, amongst the rugged hills that rise on its 


left from the valley of the Buffalo River. Being unable 
to complete his examination of the locality he, next day, 
sent Major Dartnell with the Natal Volunteers and 
Mounted Police, and two battalions of the Native Con- 
tingent, to do so. 

For the safety of the camp at the foot of Isandhlwana 
no apprehension was entertained ; no steps were taken to 
entrench it. The position, indeed, was one which, in view 
of the fighting appliances and methods of the enemy, 
gave the idea that it afforded sufficient security. The 
Zulus, though to a large extent armed with guns, were 
not possessed of long-range rifles or artillery. There was 
no cover from which they could surround the camp un- 
observed. The steep face of the Nqutu range, separated 
from Isandhlwana Hill by a low and somewhat narrow 
neck, curved towards the left front. To approach the 
camp from its ridge would entirely expose the Zulus to 
the rifle-fire of the British soldiers long before their own 
smooth-bore guns were within effective distance. Towards 
the right front the ground was somewhat broken and 
stony, but capable of being swept over a considerable 
range by rifle fire, while the rear was in a large measure 
protected by the Isandhlwana Hill. 

In the course of his reconnaissance Major Dartnell 
happened upon a body of Zulus. He reported the circum- 
stance to the general and received orders to attack. But, 
later in the day, he ascertained that he was in the 
proximity of a considerable force, and decided to bivouac, 
sending to the general to ask for the support of two com- 
panies of infantry. His message reached the general 
about two o'clock on the morning of Wednesday the 22nd 
of January. On receiving it the general and Colonel 
Glyn, with four guns and two companies of the 2nd 
battalion of the 24th Regiment, left the camp to give the 
desired assistance. The camp was left under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine. Colonel Durnford, 


who was at Rorke's Drift with some 500 natives, about 
half of whom were mounted, and two rocket tubes, was 
given orders to join and strengthen it. Its strength, when 
thus augmented, would therefore be 2 officers and 78 men 
of the Royal Artillery, with 2 guns; 15 officers and 342 
non-commissioned officers and men of the 1st battalion of 
the 24th Regiment ; 5 officers and 90 non-commissioned 
officers and men of the 2nd battalion ; mounted corps 
numbering some 400, including mounted infantry and 
Natal Volunteers and Police ; Colonel Durnford's force, 
and 1 officer and 10 men with the rocket tubes. 

The Zulu army had in the meantime advanced to 
within five miles of the camp without having been de- 
tected or its presence suspected. According to Usibebu, 
who superintended the scouting, he encountered and 
drove in a patrol which would otherwise soon have come 
in view of the army : and it was probably his party that 
was reported by the general as having been observed by 
him from the ridge on the right front, on the afternoon of 
the day previous to that upon which he set out to join 
Major Dartnell. Undabuko, Cetshwayo's brother, in- 
formed the author that some scouts from what he believed 
to be the force that was reconnoitring in Matshana's 
country actually saw the army, or a portion of it, but did 
not apparently realise the importance of the discovery 
they had made. The army had advanced in the day time 
across open country, and ought, with proper vigilance, to 
have been discovered. 

The 22nd of January was the day of the new moon. 
She was to begin her new life at eight minutes before two 
o'clock in the afternoon, and her "dark day" was con- 
sidered by the Zulus as unfitting for an engagement in 
battle. It was, therefore, their design to defer attack till 
the 23rd. But the events of the day were destined to be 
guided rather by accident than by the will of those in 
direction. The year was one of scarcity. Many had 


little food to bring with them ; others had travelled far, 
and such little supplies as they had taken with them from 
their homes were exhausted. Hunger prevailed amongst 
them, and foraging parties were early astir to gather 
what could be found in deserted maize fields. These 
parties came into collision with the British outposts ; and 
by nine o'clock a despatch reached the general from 
Colonel Pulleine reporting that firing had taken place 
on his left front. The firing thus reported occurred at 
about seven o'clock in the morning. Still the presence 
of a large Zulu army was unsuspected. The strength of 
the force seen was reported to be about 400 ; they showed 
no disposition to engage in battle ; they retired in all 
directions. Such preparations for meeting an attack as 
were considered necessary in the early morning had been 
discontinued when Colonel Durnford arrived from Rorke's 
Drift, shortly before eleven o'clock, and all was then quiet 
and orderly. Lieutenant Milne, of the Royal Navy, had 
been able to view the camp through a powerful telescope 
from the summit of a high hill, and to assure the general 
that nothing unusual was happening there. 

Colonel Durnford did not remain in camp longer than 
was necessary to ascertain the position of affairs, as it was 
understood by Colonel Pulleine. Matters were evidently 
involved in some doubt which it was highly necessary to 
clear up. He therefore took a step which had the acci- 
dental effect of drawing on an attack for which the troops 
were unprepared. Sending Captain George Shepstone 
along the ridge to the left, with a party of mounted natives, 
he proceeded himself toward the left front with the re- 
mainder of that force, leaving orders for the rocket battery 
to follow him. He passed somewhat to the right of a 
small conical hill standing at the base of the ridge, and 
proceeded, as it chanced, directly to the Zulu camp. 

The Zulu army, which has been computed to have 
numbered about 20,000 men, may be said to have been 


composed of four divisions: (1) the Ulundi, comprising 
the Tulwana, with its Indhluyengwe auxiliaries, and the 
Indhlondhlo regiment ; (2) the Gqikazi, consisting of the 
Dhlokwe, with auxiliaries called Makwentu ; (3) the Nod- 
wengu, comprising the Dududu, Isangqu and Nokenke ; 
and (4) the Umcitshu, or Kandempemvu, the Umbonambi 
and Ingobamakosi regiments. There had been much 
agitation in the camp, occasioned by the firing that had 
taken place in the morning, and restraint was becoming 
difficult when Captain Shepstone, having seen a foraging 
party driving a small herd of cattle which they had found, 
pursued them to within view of it. He at once hastened to 
report the discovery which he had made, while two divisions 
of the Zulu army those numbered three and four above 
thinking they were being attacked, sprang to their arms 
and broke away from the control of their commanders. 
The companies leapt forward spontaneously to join their 
leaders or captains. It was about this time, as well as 
can be gathered, that Colonel Durnford came within 
sight of the Zulus. Division three had streamed out to 
the Zulu right, along the ridge of the Nqutu range ; four 
had started out to the left, and this he at once encountered, 
fighting bravely, but borne back from post to post by 
superiority of numbers. His rocket battery never over- 
took him. Attracted by the firing it had deviated from the 
course which he had taken and proceeded to scale the ridge 
by way of the conical hill. Of what it accomplished little 
is known, but, as he retired in the direction of the camp, 
he found it to have been completely wrecked. 

In the meantime the Zulu commanders had been using 
their utmost endeavours to restrain their men until they 
could be seated in an umkumbi, or semi-circle, and sent 
into the fight in proper battle order. In this they 
succeeded as regards divisions one and two ; the process 
occupying a considerable time, and resulting in important 



Several companies of the 24th Regiment were sent out 
on the ridge to the British left to stay the Zulu "right 
horn," while, reinforced by Natal Volunteers, Durnford 
made an obstinate stand against their left in the water- 
course traversing the ground towards the right front. 

But neither attempt was found possible. The Zulus 
describe the whizzing of bullets around them as having 
been like to the passing of a, swarm of bees. Cannons 
roared and shells burst in their midst. Hundreds fell 
pierced by the first or lacerated by the second. But still 
they pressed forward till they overwhelmed the infantry 
opposed to their right, and drove in the artillery ; till the 
volunteers and native troops, from want of ammunition 
and close pressure, had to relinquish their position and fall 
back on the camp. By this time the Zulu right wing was 
streaming past both sides of the Isandhlwana Hill and 
threatening to cut off the only retreat, seeing which the 
mounted natives made a dash for safety through the neck, 
over which the column had come two days previously, and 
down the Manzamnyama Valley to a crossing in the Buffalo 
River, since known as Fugitive's Drift, saving also by their 
example some few of those Europeans who were not too 
long in following it. 

How the end came must be left to the imagination 
of the readers. It was not witnessed by a European who 
lived to tell the tale. After those had left who were in 
time to get outside the Zulu circle, and some few of whom 
reached Natal soil and safety, there was still a struggle 
that lasted for a considerable time, the living witnesses to 
which are those Zulus only who were engaged in it. 
Some idea of its concluding scene can be gathered from 
the declamations of some of these, as, with staring eyes 
and foaming lips, they recount the incidents of their own 
progress to the goal. Pictures are presented of Zulus 
falling flat on the ground on the issue of smoke from the 
cannon to evade the projectiles ; tossing their heads from 


side to side as the bullets passed close to the right or left 
of them ; of the final assault when the soldiers stood at bay, 
and their men were seen slashed almost in two with swords, 
or their skulls shattered with clubbed rifles. But the 
awfulness of the scene would have been beyond the powers 
of description, even of any who might have beheld it. 
The aspect of the victorious Zulus was truly ferocious. 
There is a question which cannot be solved with certainty 
one way or the other whether the king had ordered that 
quarter was to be given. By some it is stated that it was 
offered in some cases, but that the soldiers, not under- 
standing, replied with sword-cuts and blows. It is plain 
that it was not expected, and that even had it been given 
in individual cases, it would have been impossible to pro- 
tect for any length of time, in the fury that prevailed, 
those it might have been desired to save. Neither fighting 
nor surrender would serve to avert destruction, and escape 
by flight soon became hopeless. Little cairns of stones 
mark the resting places, along the line of retreat, of many 
who made the attempt ; but the most fought and slew 
until they were themselves slain. The terrors of those 
who fled were scarcely lessened when the closing circle 
of the Zulus had been passed. The track leading to the 
river was such as to be at ordinary times considered 
scarcely practicable to a horse ; to abandon their mounts 
would render it almost impossible to reach the river before 
the fleet foe that was pursuing, or to ford it if reached. 
There was the feeling that an impassable obstacle might 
be encountered at any moment. The straight stalks of 
the many aloes that grew on the stony hills around were 
scarcely distinguishable, at a distance, from the bodies 
of Zulus, and gave the impression that these were in 
countless numbers in all directions. So rough was the 
ford, and so strong was the stream, that those who did 
finally reach and enter it scarcely hoped to gain the other 
bank ; many, indeed, were drowned in the attempt. 


It is a belief amongst the Zulus that the swelling of 
men whom they have slain will produce a like effect in them- 
selves ; and to prevent the possibility of this it is their 
habit to disembowel those who fall to their arms. They 
therefore do not leave any alive of those they wound, 
but proceed to the extinction of life in order to perform this 
act of self-protection. There were none to recover of those 
they had overcome. All were dead. The closing scene 
has been described as a " butchery." But it seems com- 
parable with one described by Lord Roberts in his book 
Forty-one Years in India, in which British troops, and 
not savages, were the victors. When, in one of the opera- 
tions which preceded the relief of Lucknow, the Sikandra- 
bagh was stormed, it was found to contain 2000 Indian 
troops. " They were," he says, " completely caught in a 
trap, the only outlet being by the gate-way and the breach, 
through which the troops continued to pour. There could 
be no thought of escape, and they fought with the despera- 
tion of men without hope of mercy, and determined to sell 
their lives as dearly as they could. Inch by inch they were 
forced back to the pavilion, and into the space between it 
and the north wall, where they were all shot or bayoneted. 
There they lay in a heap as high as my head, a heaving, 
surging mass of dead and dying inextricably mixed." 

The battle of Isandhlwana was thus fought by a por- 
tion of the Zulu army which broke away from control ; the 
portion which waited to receive orders was able only to 
follow up, finding the work done as they proceeded. 

Of what had occurred in the camp the general and 
those with him were so completely ignorant that the com- 
mander of one of the native regiments, Commandant Lons- 
dale, rode into it during the afternoon and did not fully 
realise the true state of things until he saw the blood on 
the spears of the Zulu occupants. The force which Major 
Dartnell had descried on the previous day had melted 
away during the night. Small bodies only were seen, who 


opposed no resistance, but retired in the direction of the 
Isipezi Mountain. Some of these were shot, but the day's 
operations had been fruitless of important incidents. The 
general had selected a site for his next camp, and was 
returning to Isandhlwana without thought of anything 
untoward having happened there. Commandant Lonsdale 
met and enlightened him. To what thoughts such intelli- 
gence gave rise it is for the imagination to conceive. But 
the one course open in the circumstances was bravely and 
instantly adopted. The column, which had been ordered to 
bivouac, was recalled and marched back in fighting order 
through Isandhlwana Field, which lay in the only line of 
retreat out of the Zulu country. It was seen advancing 
by the Zulus, who were gradually retiring to their camping 
ground across the Nqutu range. They had fought their 
fight and would do no more that day. They were, indeed, 
too tired for further effort. Most of them had left their 
bivouac without having eaten ; they had covered a great 
distance over very rough country, and their method of 
fighting had imposed great physical strain. After the 
fighting was over they lost no time in seizing upon the 
provisions in camp with which to satisfy their hunger. 
The Zulus were extremely ignorant at that time. Being 
forbidden to leave their own country, they had no oppor- 
tunity of gaining any sort of knowledge of the things and 
ways of Europeans. What they found in bottles they 
drank, believing that it could only have been intended 
for slaking thirst. Many who found wines or spirits 
became intoxicated ; others who found drugs of various 
kinds died or suffered various degrees of pain according 
to the action of the particular preparation they had 
chanced upon. Such as had regaled themselves too freely, 
or were ill from what they had taken, were found still 
in the camp when the returning column arrived ; but no 
attempt at resistance was made. The unhappy soldiers, 
after driving out or despatching such inmates as they 


found, might lie down near their slain comrades till dawn 
without molestation. 

But in the meantime a furious battle was raging at 
Rorke's Drift. The Ulundi and Gqikazi divisions had not 
been content that their share in the day's operations 
should only be to see the work done by those in their 
van. There was still the small post beyond the river left 
for them to take. It has been contended by some that 
there was much in the attitude of Cetshwayo for which 
the British authorities, both military and civil, should 
have been grateful. Amongst other instances it is 
affirmed that he forbade his commanders to proceed 
beyond the borders of his own territory. The cross- 
ing of the border for the purpose of attacking the 
post at Rorke's Drift was a spontaneous act on the 
part of a body of disappointed warriors, and affords 
no proof one way or the other. But there is the 
authority of his own brother, Undabuko, who may be 
assumed to have been to some extent in his confidence, 
in believing that he had not issued any explicit order 
on the subject. Undabuko told the writer that, on 
seeing that portion of the army which had not been 
engaged cross the border, he called to members of his 
own regiment, the Umbonambi, to join them ; but that 
they declined on the ground that it was necessary to 
return to the field of battle to attend to their wounded. 

The engagement at Rorke's Drift was very remark- 
able on both sides. The strength of the post there 
was in all a little over sixty men, made up of Royal 
Engineers and members of the 2nd battalion of the 
24-th Regiment, under the command of Lieutenants 
Chard and Bromhead. These officers received warning 
from Captain Gardner, a member of the general's staff 
who had been in the battle of Isandhlwana and seen 
that the day was lost there, that they might expect to be 
attacked by the whole Zulu army. With this expectation 


they fortified their position with biscuit boxes and other 
packages, and calmly awaited what might come. Their 
action was remarkable in regard to the courage it displayed. 
The assault upon them commenced between three and four 
o'clock in the afternoon, and was remarkable because, 
instead of abandoning the enterprise after the first repulse 
as is the usual habit with Zulus, they persisted in it all 
night. Again and again they stormed the breastworks, 
only to be shot or bayoneted. When finally they drew 
off between three and four o'clock in the morning 
there were nearly 400 of their number dead ; thirteen 
of the defending force having been killed and nine 

Lord Chelmsford returning to Natal in the early morn- 
ing, and they to their own country, regarded each other at 
a respectful distance, neither being disposed to engage in 
further battle that day. 

Another battle, the memory of which has been some- 
what eclipsed by that of the events described, was fought 
on the same day as that at Isandhlwana between number 
one column and those members of the Zulu army whose 
residences were south of the Umhlatuzi River. Colonel 
Pearson was advancing towards Eshowe by a wagon-road 
now seldom used, a more direct one having been sub- 
stituted. The field upon which he fought his battle is thus 
seldom seen. If seen, there is little of feature by which 
to remember it. 

The leading columns having crossed the Inyezane 
stream and gone some distance, a halt was called for rest 
and breakfast, when the advance scouts came into contact 
with the Zulu impi. The attack developed by the Zulus 
throwing out wings and advancing, under cover of the 
clumps of trees that studded the ground, and firing their 
guns, with, however, but little precision of aim. As troops 
became available by the gradual shortening of the column 
they were disposed in defensive attitude ; and by half-past 


nine o'clock the attack, which had commenced at about 
eight, had been effectively repulsed with a loss to the 
Zulus estimated by the British officers at about 400 
but the number was never definitely ascertained and a 
British loss of twelve killed and twenty-three wounded. 
Colonel Pearson was thus enabled to reach Eshowe on 
the 23rd of January, where he was obliged by the events 
that have been narrated to make a prolonged and painful 


THE awe in which the Zulu power had been held by the 
inhabitants of Natal had, for the moment, been allayed 
by the military force displayed along the border. The 
success that had attended his operations against the Cape 
frontier tribes had inspired them with a profound con- 
fidence in the general. The improvements that had 
lately been effected in the machinery of war had led the 
expressions, on the subject of the approaching conflict, to 
turn rather on the destruction that would be dealt out to 
any Zulu force that might dare to attack than on the 
possibility of a British reverse. The border farmers con- 
tinued to reside on their farms, rejoicing in the ready 
market for their produce which the presence of troops 

The news of Isandhlwana came as a thunder-clap out 
of the blue sky, and the resultant consternation was as 
extreme as its cause had been unexpected. They beheld 
themselves suddenly exposed to the mercy of the roused 
Zulus. There was no longer such a force on the border as 
could hope to stay their armies if they should decide on 
following up their success by invading the Colony. The 
Natal Native Contingent speedily melted away. They 
had proved useless. Commanded mostly by officers who 
could not speak their language, they had been led to war 
by methods to which their race had never been accustomed. 
The manner in which they were led made impossible the 
rapid encircling movements, the excitement of effecting 
which has always been the great stimulant in native 
attack. They were armed with shields and assegais, 



which were the arms of their race, but they had never 
had an opportunity of using them in a conflict or other- 
wise. They were required to face a foe stronger in 
numbers, and of greater courage than themselves, and 
armed with guns. The natives residing in Natal were no 
longer a warlike people. Their courage had languished 
with the absence of the discipline by which the Zulu 
kings had inculcated and maintained it in their own sub- 
jects. They had, moreover, fought their fight on this day, 
and been beaten ; and that part of their nature, at least, 
which required that they should return to their homes was 
still active. On the day following that of the return from 
Isandhlwana they were observed to be packing up their kits 
and departing. The general proceeded to Pietermaritz- 
burg; complete reorganisation had become necessary. 
Terror spread abroad. The people became agitated by 
thoughts of massacres such as had characterised the in- 
vasions by the armies of Dingana. Scarcely a family in 
the uplands remained in occupation of their homesteads. 
Before many days had elapsed the bulk of the white in- 
habitants of the northern part of the colony were wending 
their way, with their stock and such of their household 
goods as they could place on their wagons, towards the top 
of the Drakensberg. Those in other parts who could not 
avail themselves of the mountains were seeking other 
refuge. Natives in remote places sought out rocky fast- 
nesses, and for a time took up their abode in them. 
Lieutenants Chard and Bromhead were credited, as time 
went on, with having repelled the invasion by their 
defence of Rorke's Drift, and great was the gratitude in 
which they were held. 

But the Zulus had accomplished that which they had 
set out to do, and for the time they also desired to return 
to their homes. They had driven from their land one of 
the columns by which it had been invaded and completely 
disorganised another. It was their intention to drive out 


the invaders and not to assume aggressive action, and 
there still remained within their borders the columns 
called numbers one and four. In due time there might 
be another effort made to expel these, but a time was 
wanted to sorrow for those who had fallen. The country 
was sorely stricken. Grief had found its way to the 
homes of the people in its remotest parts, and sore was 
their wailing. There was no writing in the country, and 
the sorrows of that time are remembered now by few 
besides the living of those who bore them. There was 
in the country one white man who made some notes of 
the events passing immediately around him. His name 
was Cornelius Vijn, and what he saw and noted was 
edited by Bishop Colenso, and published in the form of 
a book entitled Cetshwayo's Dutchman. He had entered 
Zululand on the 1st of November, and, in spite of warn- 
ings of danger, had gradually penetrated to Ulundi. He 
had carried on for some time a successful trade there, and 
then proceeded farther north until he crossed the Black 
Umfolozi River. He had heard much of the talk of the 
Zulus on the political situation, but amidst all the excite- 
ment his person and property had been rigidly respected. 
When the war broke out he found his safety threatened, 
and claimed the king's protection, which was readily 
given. Cetshwayo sent men with orders to place him at 
the kraal of his brother Usiwedu, by the foot of the 
Sigwekwe Hill, near to Nongoma, and to see that no 
harm befell him. 

While there, and, as he believed, on the 25th of 
January, he noted : " Our attention was drawn to a troop 
of people who came back from the gardens crying and 
wailing. As they approached I recognised them as per- 
sons belonging to the kraal at which I was staying. When 
they came into or close to the kraal they kept on wailing 
in front of the kraals ; rolling themselves on the ground 
and never quieting down ; nay, in the night they wailed so 


as to cut through the heart of any one. And this wailing 
went on night and day for a fortnight ; the effect of it was 
very depressing. I wished I could not hear it. 

" The reason of this was that the head-man of the kraal, 
Umsundusi, a trusty person and the husband of four wives, 
had fallen in the fight at Isandhlwana." 

Not far from where Vijn witnessed these manifestations 
of grief may still be pointed out a spot where a wounded 
warrior succumbed, and was buried, after being helped 
home by his brethren over the weary hundred of miles 
from the field of battle. Thus, helping home the wounded, 
returning to mourn with their kindred for the slain, or, 
perhaps, to convey the spoil they had taken, did the men 
who composed the victorious army disperse themselves 
over the country, leaving no such force as might have 
been deemed sufficient for an invasion of Natal ; scarcely 
such even as prudence might have suggested as necessary 
for the purpose of defence. 

There was no public recognition of individual bravery ; 
no name has been specially remembered as that of the doer 
of any specially heroic deed. Not even to the chief com- 
mander, Untshingwayo, has any personal credit been given, 
for the battle was won by a breach of his command. It 
was been left to individuals to inform the public them- 
selves, if they desire and are able to, of their deeds of 
personal valour. The honour of the day was to some ex- 
tent disputed between the two divisions ; it was generally 
conceded that the brunt of the fighting had fallen to the 
lot of that which formed the left wing. There was thus 
little inducement to those who had private offices to per- 
form either to return first to the king, or to remain in the 
ranks, after they had done what they considered they had 
been called together to do. 

Thus far the nation had held well together. The 
promises of a happier state of things that had been held 
out by the British authorities to such as might yield 


peaceful submission had withdrawn but few from their 
allegiance. John Dunn had crossed into Natal with his 
numerous family and ample herds, thenceforth to be 
numbered with the foes of his benefactor. This was 
natural. It was clear to his superior intelligence that the 
British arms would necessarily prevail. He found that 
the king was no longer disposed to accept his counsel ; that 
he was rather inclined to suspect his good faith. He was 
of a disposition to follow rather that course which would 
conduce the best to his continued prosperity than the dic- 
tates of a sense of obligation. But the number of those 
who followed him was not so great as had been anticipated, 
and scarcely affected the power of the nation. 

Uhamu had not abandoned the hope of securing the 
kingship for himself by secession, but he had been unable, 
with personal safety, to carry out his design, and obliged 
to employ such force as he commanded in the interests 
of his reigning brother. 

Usibebu had had some cause to be ill-disposed towards 
Cetshwayo. He had lately been apprised of a design . 
against certain of his brothers, the execution of which he 
had resolved to resist. The necessity to try conclusions 
was obviated only by the crisis created by the English 
demands. He had been opposed, moreover, to entering 
upon what he knew would be a futile war, and counselled 
the surrender of Sirayo's sons and those others who had 
given offence to the British Government. But he had not 
only joined in the war, when once engaged upon, but been 
foremost in the fighting. He had pursued the fugitives 
into Natal, and seized a number of cattle within the border 
of the colony. This adventure led to his narrowly escap- 
ing death. Occupied till late in the evening with his efforts 
to get the booty through the river, he had been unable to 
reach Isandhlwana till darkness had set in. There was 
no moonlight, and he was not aware of the presence of the 
British troops until he found himself amongst them . Being 


unacquainted with the ground his escape was rendered ex- 
tremely difficult. But, stumbling over boulders and fall- 
ing into water-courses, he picked his way to, and eventually 
joined, his comrades with no worse injury than a broken 
finger. The mark of that injury he was to retain for life ; 
but life itself was saved, and he was destined to play an 
important part in later events. 

The Zulus had by their victory secured the whole of the 
arms and ammunition of that portion of the column with 
which they were engaged. The cannon were intact, and 
conveyed to the king's kraal, but were of no service to 
him owing to there being none who understood how to 
use them. 


WHILE these events were in progress Piet Joubert was 
on the road to Pietermaritzburg. He and Paul Kruger 
had returned from England and reported to their con- 
stituents the result of their mission thither. A great 
meeting had been held to hear and consider the answer 
that the British Government had given to their prayer 
for retrocession of the Transvaal. The answer had been 
a refusal; but it was promised that fresh instructions 
would be communicated to the High Commissioner. The 
meeting had appointed a general committee, and the 
committee had adopted this resolution : 

" That the committee, supported by the views of the 
people, could not rest satisfied with the answer of Sir 
Michael Hicks-Beach, and resolved to continue protesting 
against the injustice done, and, with the people, to concert 
further measures towards the attainment of their object." 

Joubert's mission was to convey this resolution to Sir 
Bartle Frere ; and from the letter of his instruction he 
could by no means be induced to depart. He had heard 
by the way of the disaster at Isandhlwana. At the inter- 
view on the 4th of February Sir Bartle Frere impressed 
upon him the seriousness of the situation ; he might tell 
the people of the Transvaal that if they held aloof, and 
did not help to defend their own border, as they would 
have done in former days, terrible events might happen 
in Natal and elsewhere, so that none of those then present 
might be spared to take any part in the final settlement 
of affairs in the Transvaal. If every British subject were 
driven out of Natal it would not make the slightest 


difference in the determination of the English people 
to put forth all their power for the suppression of the 
Zulu opposition. The feeling of the English people was 
entirely in favour of doing all that could be done for the 
prosperity and happiness of their fellow-subjects in the 
Transvaal. He would have Joubert to judge of their 
feelings if they were left to accomplish all this task of 
resisting the Zulus without the help or sympathy of the 
Transvaal people, and in a contest which had arisen more 
for their rights and interests than for those of the English. 
Should Cetshwayo succeed in driving the English into 
the sea he would certainly not rest there ; and the state 
of those who remained after purchasing a temporary peace 
by standing aloof, would be that of serfs under Zulu 
masters. The effect of this standing aloof had already 
been manifested. Messengers from Cetshwayo conveying 
to Paul Kruger and others the intelligence of the 
disaster to the British troops, and pointing out that the 
opportunity was a favourable one for the Boers to rise 
against the British Government, had been intercepted. 
The messengers had been directed to beg that the Boers 
would at least sit still. He did not believe that either 
Mr. Kruger or any other leader of the people of the 
Transvaal would entertain any such overtures; but the 
incident showed how their standing aloof was viewed by 
the Zulu king. Then, in tones of solemn warning, he 
said : "I am an old man, and worn with work, and, 
should I come successfully out of these Zulu difficulties, 
I cannot hope to work for the Transvaal many years 
longer ; but I hope that you will carefully bear in mind 
what I have said, for I believe that what I have now told 
you is God's truth in the matter, and, should we not meet 
again, I hope you will remember my parting words, and 
that, when they find themselves standing on the brink of 
a precipice, the Transvaal people will at least remember 
that I have warned them." 


But by no means could he elicit any more favourable 
response from the Boer delegate than that it was the 
unanimous feeling of the people that they should have 
their independence; that they would be satisfied with 
nothing short of it. 

The Boers of the Transvaal at this time were 
animated with but this one feeling: they would have 
back their land. Joubert, who represented them, could 
not express sympathy which his constituents did not 
share, nor promise assistance out of the difficulties in 
which the High Commissioner found himself involved, 
which he knew they were not disposed to give. "We 
will have back our land " was their only cry ; it was the 
only answer that could be got by the numerous in- 
dividuals who attempted to argue with individual Boers 
on the question whether it had been for their benefit or 
otherwise that the Transvaal had been annexed to the 
British Crown. The difficulties they had experienced 
with the Zulus, to remove which was the main object of 
the war, were entirely forgotten. They would take no 
part in the war. Piet Uys, a son of the commandant 
who fell at Itala in 1838, had, indeed, joined Colonel 
Wood with a number of his countrymen, and was con- 
ducting a kind of warfare which partook largely of the 
character of raiding. There was much heard of his ex- 
ploits, which on the part of the British officers it was 
politic to extol, and which there was a predisposition on the 
part of his countrymen to regard as marked by great ability. 
But the general sympathy of the Boers was not with him ; 
and, when finally he died in battle, his friends regretted 
that he had been so foolish as to involve himself in the 
war at all. His monument at Utrecht was erected by 
British officers; and there is reason to believe that this 
also was suggested by motives of policy. 

Colonel Wood, the fame of whose achievements at 
this time was spreading far, had been operating against 



detached bodies of Zulus composed of members of local 
tribes, and had not encountered any portion of the regular 
army. The people whom he found most formidable were 
those of the Swazi chief Umbilini, whose surrender had 
been one of the demands of the Ultimatum. He was a man 
of great enterprise, and commanded a considerable force, 
with which he acted independently. Another section of 
the Zulu people with whom his attention was particularly 
engaged were the Abaqulusi. They occupied the valley 
of the Bivane stream, and derived their name from that 
of one of the Zulu kraals named Ebaqulusini, of which 
the mistress was Umkabayi, a sister of Senzangakona, and 
which had been removed thither on the extension of the 
Zulu king's dominions from his tribal domains in the 
White Umfolozi Valley. They were, as members of that 
kraal, the personal retainers of the king. They were 
then, and have continued to be, very strongly attached to 
the hereditary king. They were not strong enough to 
oppose effective resistance to the forces brought against 
them, and lost greatly in life and property, their kraals 
being burnt and their cattle taken. Uhamu, with his 
people, also occupied a portion of the country over which 
Wood's operations extended ; but the hope of his defection, 
which the British commander had entertained since the 
commencement of hostilities, led him to treat that chief 
with somewhat marked leniency, a circumstance which 
soon led the king to suspect his loyalty. 

Fear of the result of this suspicion, and the hope of a 
kingship, gradually led him to a decision which he carried 
out at considerable peril, arriving at the camp at 
Kambula Hill, or as the place is generally named by the 
Zulus, Ingqaba-ka-Rawana " the stronghold of Rawana " 
on the 10th day of March 1879, bringing with him a con- 
siderable following, and so to some extent weakening the 
king's fighting force. 

Colonel Pearson, who had fortified himself at Eshowe, 


after Isandhlwana, was in a somewhat critical position. 
His supplies were not great, and the prospect in the minds 
of himself and all other Europeans was that of death 
to every member of his force, either from hunger or the 
assegai, unless relief came. There seems reason to believe 
that another course would have been possible, which, how- 
ever, would have involved humiliation, and was not to 
be thought of. In one of a series of messages addressed 
by Cetshwayo to the British authorities, beginning im- 
mediately after the battle of Isandhlwana, he offered the 
column safe conduct to the Tugela, provided that the 
discussion of terms of peace might be entered upon. 

The apprehended invasion of Natal did not take place. 

While the Zulu king was endeavouring by frequent 
messages, the bearers of which would appear to have met 
with but scant courtesy at the hands of those to whom 
they were delivered, to secure the cessation of hostilities 
and a resumption of negotiations, he was also preparing 
for another effort to drive the enemy out of his land. 
His army, which was scattered all over the country, had 
to be got together and something decided as to the next 
step to be taken. This was to occupy about two months. 

In the meantime British reinforcements were arriving 
in great numbers. The mounted corps raised in the 
colonies numbered, on the 16th of March, 1033 men, and 
the Imperial forces in the field 7520 men. The Natal 
Volunteers and Mounted Police were still on active 
service and numbered in all 334. 

By that time the British forces had suffered another 
disaster. On the 12th Umbilini had attacked a transport 
train, which was being escorted to Luneburg by Captain 
Moriarty with a company of the 80th Regiment, at a cross- 
ing of the Intombi stream near that village, and killed 44 
of them, including the commanding officer. Yet another 
and a more serious disaster was to follow. 

This same chief had established himself on the top of 


the Ihlobane Mountain a lofty flat summit encircled by 
tall cliffs, with difficult access from west and north-east. 
Thither he and his following had taken their cattle, which 
might be viewed from Colonel Wood's camp, and formed 
a strong temptation. 

On the 28th Buller (now Colonel) was sent with a con- 
siderable force to dislodge him and take his cattle. The 
force which engaged in this enterprise consisted of the 
Frontier Light Horse ; a body of horse lately raised by 
Colonel Weatherley (a man who had since the annexation 
of the Transvaal been gaining some notoriety at Pretoria, 
and of whom a good deal may be read in the Blue Books 
and other publications of the time), and detachments of 
other mounted corps and Native Contingent. The Boer 
Commandant, Piet Uys, was with it. The ascent of the 
mountain was made from two directions, and the cattle were 
secured with but little loss or opposition. The defenders 
were mostly in hiding amongst the encircling rocks. So 
far as they were concerned the expedition had succeeded. 
But it chanced, by a fatal coincidence, that the Zulu army 
had been got ready for its second great effort, and was 
actually near to the Ihlobane Hill on its way to attack the 
Kambula camp. Although Umbilini was unable himself 
to repel the attack he could, by means of the clear voices 
of his men, acquaint this force with his position. The Zulu 
warriors in great numbers hastened to the scene, and the 
British force found, while resting and taking breakfast, 
that their retreat was being quickly cut off. It was neces- 
sary to make all haste down the mountain, and the steep, 
sharp western end, where the descent was made, may be 
viewed from Vryheid, and continues to be pointed out to 
visitors by the inhabitants of that village as a place of 
historical interest. 

All that could be attempted was to escape with life 
and reach the camp. Many accomplished this, and Colonel 
Buller greatly distinguished himself by the bravery he dis- 


played during the perilous retreat. But the loss was great. 
Colonel Weatherley perished with all his men, except one 
officer and a few others. The Frontier Light Horse also 
lost heavily, some thirty being killed. Other corps lost 
smaller numbers, but altogether the loss, in European 
troops, amounted to some 100 killed. The Native Con- 
tingent, known as Wood's Irregulars, also suffered heavily, 
and were so discouraged that all their survivors deserted 
from the Kambula camp that night. They had possibly 
realised, better than others did, what the real situation 
was and what would happen on the morrow. 

On this day there occurred another instance of betrayal 
by a Zulu of his country, with no other object than that 
of personal gain. A petty chief named Umbangulana 
obtained access to Colonel Wood and informed him, with 
great exactness, of the plans of the Zulu commanders. 
The camp was to be attacked next day at a particular 
time. The army was large, and it would be necessary 
to prepare stout resistance. 

Indeed, the position of the column was a critical one. 
The food supply of the country had become plentiful with 
the advance of the season. The men of the Zulu army 
were in better fighting condition than when they were 
called upon to advance on Isandhlwana. They were in 
greater number, better fed, and their successes had made 
them feel confidence in their powers. All the available 
strength of the nation was being put into this effort, under 
the personal command of the prime induna, Umnyamana. 
On the other hand, there had been much of a nature 
calculated to unnerve those against whom they were 
about to launch themselves. The only occurrence in 
the war calculated to inspire courage was the defence 
of Rorke's Drift. This had shown the great advantage 
conferred by breastworks, and might induce the hope 
that the entrenched position at Kambula, with the force 
it contained, would be able to resist, as was about to 


become necessary, the bulk of the Zulu army. There was 
also the consciousness in the defenders that defeat would 
mean annihilation. 

This most important battle in the Zulu War began at 
the time at which Umbangulana said it would begin at 
half-past one o'clock after noon, on the 29th day of March, 
and lasted till half-past four, or three hours. 

One portion of the Zulu army was led by retiring 
cavalry to make a somewhat precipitate rush upon the 
camp. They were mown down by bullets, and those other 
divisions which arrived at the position later from other 
directions were deprived of their co-operation. The 
attack was, however, pressed with great determination 
and courage. A portion of the British camp was entered. 
A cattle-enclosure was seized, but could not be held. 
Retreat became a rout, and those who took part in the 
affair say that only darkness saved them eventually from 
destruction. They were hotly pursued by British Horse, 
while light lasted, and their loss was enormous. In his 
report on the following day Colonel Wood stated that he 
estimated the Zulus killed at 1000, and he was probably 
within the mark. The Zulus counted their losses in an 
imperfect way. The commanders of the different regi- 
ments, or divisions, made up an estimate from infor- 
mation they were able to obtain from subordinate officers. 
It was generally stated, as the result of the number arrived 
at, that the loss sustained at Isandhlwana, including 
Rorke's Drift, was small when compared with that of 
this day. It had a most disheartening effect, and sub- 
sequent fighting was engaged in with but little spirit. 

The estimate made by Colonel Wood of the strength 
of the Zulu force which attacked him was probably within 
rather than without the mark. And, if 20,000 were the 
number, the loss as stated by him to have been inflicted 
was equal to one in twenty or five per cent. But the 
number given was that of killed alone, and the estimate 


was made from Zulus that were left dead on the field. 
A greater number were doubtless wounded, many of 
whom, though able to move off the field, never reached 
their kraals. They were far from home, and there was 
little in the way of surgical appliance available. The 
locality where the battle was fought was the most sparsely 
inhabited in the country ; almost the whole of the force 
had come from great distances. They had no means of 
travelling other than what was afforded by their own legs ; 
but few had even friendly help. The sufferings that re- 
sult from such circumstances are but imperfectly ap- 
preciated by those who are so fortunate as to escape 
unhurt. To obtain an idea of what they were it is 
necessary to ask for the experience of those who received 
wounds. That of a chief now living, and well known, 
may be taken as an example. The attack had failed, and 
the Zulus were in full retreat. He was armed with a 
Martini-Henri rifle, and being still within range, he con- 
ceived and proceeded to gratify a desire to have a last 
shot at the camp. It chanced by coincidence that some 
one there also was trying the effect of long-range firing at 
the retreating Zulus. As he drew the trigger a bullet 
from an unseen foeman in the English camp struck off his 
thumb and smashed the stock of his rifle. He was without 
help beyond his own resources, and the loss of blood was 
rapid and gradually producing weakness. Almost uncon- 
sciously he rushed into a native hut which he chanced upon, 
and there, to his consternation, found himself in the pre- 
sence of the commander-in-chief, Umnyamana. In this 
place he could not rest ; but being recognised as a son of 
Dilikana, the chief of the Amambata, such help as could be 
procured was at last afforded. 

There was again mourning throughout the country. 
The border agents in Natal reported much wailing, which 
could be heard across the Tugela River. 

The Zulus were soon to experience another defeat. 


The Commander-in-Chief, Lord Chelmsford, writing on 
the 25th of March, stated that, thanks to the rapid 
despatch of reinforcements, he felt able to advance in 
three days with a strong column to relieve the garrison 
at Eshowe, which had then been holding that post for 
upwards of ten weeks. 

The preparations considered necessary for this advance 
show how differently the Zulu power had come to be 
regarded by that time. The force which mustered was 
formed into two divisions, consisting respectively of 1660 
European troops and 1480 Native Contingent, with two 
nine-pounder guns, two twenty-four-pounder rocket-tubes 
and one Gatling gun ; and 1680 European troops and 800 
Native Contingent, with two twenty-four-pounder rocket- 
tubes and one Gatling gun ; in all, 3340 white and 2280 
native fighting men, or a total of 5620. Yet the general 
had some misgivings as to his ability to carry out his 
object if opposed by the whole strength of the Zulu 
army. With the view of creating a diversion in his 
favour he had ordered all the officers commanding the 
several military posts along the border to make simul- 
taneous raids into the Zulu country. The character of 
the war had now changed. The action of the people 
in supporting the king as they had done with their 
arms, had led him to regard them as having so iden- 
tified themselves with the war that it could no longer 
be regarded as directed against the king personally. 
When the general heard of the reverse which his forces had 
sustained at Ihlobane he believed that the attack upon 
that place had been made in compliance with the order 
he had issued. He was most fortunate in regard to 
his wish for a diversion ; but the circumstance that the 
Zulu army was marching on Kambula while he was 
preparing to march to the relief of Eshowe was entirely 
fortuitous. That the bulk of the opposing army was 
engaged in the north at the time chosen by him for 


operations in the south was one of those accidents by 
which the course of the war was so conspicuously 

Eshowe was relieved on the 3rd day of April, five 
days after the battle of Kambula. The relieving force 
was attacked on the previous day at Gingindhlovu, one 
of Cetshwayo's military kraals, by such force as could 
be mustered south of the Umhlatuzi River. The site 
of the battle is traversed by the road from the railway 
station of that name to Eshowe. The men advanced 
bravely, entirely without cover, some getting within a 
hundred yards of the British firing lines, but were 
repulsed with heavy loss, the number of their killed 
being estimated at 700. 

John Dunn accompanied the general as guide, and 
not only afforded valuable information and advice, but 
utilised his own rifle with much effect in the battle 
against his late fellow-subjects. The wagons had been 
drawn into a square for defence, after the manner of 
a Dutch laager. Upon one of these he perched himself, 
and, with the sure aim acquired by long practice on 
wild animals, he "picked off his men," counting at the 
end of the fight that he had killed some thirty. 

The battle was of short duration, and the casualties on 
the British side were few. 

The beleaguered garrison was much in need of the relief 
which the general was enabled by the result of the action 
to afford it. Sickness was rife amongst the men. Their 
food supply was running short, so that, even though 
living on short rations, their stock could not much 
longer have saved them from the choice between casting 
themselves, with such strength as they had, upon the 
investing enemy in the forlorn hope of forcing their 
way through his lines, or of submitting themselves to his 
mercy, a course which it was believed would be followed 
by the indiscriminate massacre of the whole force. 


The commanding officer claimed for the column that 
in holding Eshowe it had contributed to the safety of 
Natal, because it had necessitated the employment of 
a large force in its investment which might otherwise 
have been used for the invasion of the Colony. Beyond 
this it is not recorded that it accomplished much. A 
force had sallied out in the direction of the Umhlatuzi 
River and burnt a kraal of the king's brother, Dabula- 
manzi, and shot some twelve fleeing Zulus. At another 
time foraging parties had gone out and taken supplies 
of corn-cobs from the fields in the vicinity, to the great 
sorrow, no doubt, of the women whose labour had raised 
the crops. Of even such occurrences there had been but 
few to vary the condition of being simply shut up within 
the walls of a fort during the long, weary, and anxious 
period that had elapsed since the column had arrived 
with the joyful sense of having fought the victorious 
battle of Inyezane, or, as the Zulus call it, of lombane. 


THE third and last phase of the war was now to begin. Its 
development was to occupy just three months, dating 
from the relief of Eshowe. Its termination was to be in 
the destruction of the Zulu national system. 

The Zulus had been disposed, since the beginning of 
the war, to remain within the borders of their own country. 
They were now so discouraged by the two reverses they had 
sustained in such rapid succession, that they had little 
inclination even to fight more. The land was filled with 

A sense of security had been restored to the white in- 
habitants of Natal. They had been gradually resuming 
occupation of their deserted homes. The continued 
augmentation of troops had created a market such as 
colonists had not before experienced. Whatever they 
had to sell now realised prices, in cash, that were beyond 
the most extravagant hopes they had ever entertained. 
There were provident men laying the foundations of 
wealth, and men of the opposite tendency who were 
revelling in temporary plenty ; an air of prosperity and 
happiness prevailed. 

Cetshwayo made several attempts to secure the open- 
ing of peace negotiations. His messengers were not well 
received, the military authorities being disposed to regard 
them rather as spies than accredited envoys. Much 
difficulty was experienced in getting his representations 
heard by the officer who alone was empowered to deal with 
them. Lord Chelmsford insisted that any messenger sent 
on the subject should go direct to him. It was not easy 



for the Zulu king to become acquainted with this require- 
ment, or to ascertain where the general was to be found 
when it did become known to him. It was not till the 
6th of June, when preparations for another advance on 
Ulundi had been completed, that anything like definite 
communications were opened on the subject. Three 
messengers who had arrived at his camp on the previous 
day were admitted to an audience and informed by the 
general of the terms upon which he would be prepared to 
discuss proposals for peace. 

The warlike preparations had been extensive. The 
general had under his command a force of 17,528 men, 
consisting of 9364 Imperial Infantry, 3957 Colonial 
Infantry, 1190 Imperial Cavalry, 1877 Colonial Cavalry, 
755 Artillery (with 36 guns), and 385 Engineers. He 
had ample power to crush that of the Zulus, and was re- 
volving in his mind a matter of greater difficulty, what 
new order of things should be set up amongst the Zulu 
people when their existing system of government should 
have been abolished. 

One resolution had been definitely arrived at, that the 
Zulu power was a thing which it was necessary to crush. 
" I can see no alternative," wrote Sir Bartle Frere, " com- 
patible with our duty, but effectually to crush the Zulus 
and govern them, as other South African races, subject to 
the British Crown and Government. 

" It seems to me that no terms can possibly be made 
with Cetshwayo which can be compatible with such a 
result save with the indispensable preliminary of his entire 

With this view the general was entirely agreed. He 
also expressed his concurrence in the views expressed by 
one Charles Brownlee, once Secretary for Native Affairs in 
the Cape Colony, who, by reason of long experience of South 
African races, was credited with possessing great knowledge 
regarding them. Mr. Brownlee's suggestions were : 


(1) That the whole of the Zulu army should be dis- 
armed and disbanded : that each regiment, headed by its 
officers, and armed and dressed in regimentals, be required 
to lay down their arms and war-dress before an officer 
appointed to receive the surrender, the commander-in-chief, 
Umnyamana, and Cetshwayo's brother, Dabulamanzi, being 
required to be the first in performing this act of submission ; 

(2) That every article taken by the Zulu forces in the 
several engagements should be surrendered at the same 
time ; that thereafter it should be held penal to possess any 
article, or shred of an article, so taken ; 

(3) That every clan incorporated by Tshaka should be 
made independent of the Zulus, and their government be 
administered independently by their hereditary chiefs ; 

(4) That Cetshwayo should no longer be supreme in 
the Zulu clan proper, but that his authority be divided 
between his brothers ; 

(5) That no execution of any kind whatever should 
take place without the approval of the British Resident ; 

(6) That a British Resident should be appointed, with 
supreme authority, under the High Commissioner or 
Governor of Natal. 

It was on the 2nd of June that Lord Chelmsford 
wrote concerning these suggestions that he favourably 
regarded them. Up to this time it is clear that he had 
but very imperfectly grasped the problem which final 
victory would present for his solution. 

Its solution, was, indeed, to be placed in other hands. 
The course of events in South Africa was exciting grave con- 
cern in the minds of the English Government. The main 
object for which Sir Bartle Frere had been appointed to 
the office of High Commissioner that of securing Federa- 
tion had not been advanced. The lately acquired Trans- 
vaal territory was promising serious trouble. Sir Bartle 
Frere had visited the camps of the disaffected and tried 


whether diplomatic language would reconcile them to the 
new order of things ; but they had still the one answer 
only: they would have their independence. And their 
temper showed a disposition to seek it by other means if 
words should fail. There was still a lingering hope that 
Federation might be possible, and it was desired on the 
part of the Government that Sir Bartle Frere should be 
able to devote more time to that subject than was practi- 
cable while his responsibilities extended over so wide and 
troublous a field. And matters had arisen which seemed 
to render it desirable that there should be at the scene of 
action a combination of both military and civil authority 
in an officer of standing. A difference had occurred be- 
tween the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal and the general 
commanding the army regarding the right of the latter to 
employ certain native levies outside the borders of the 
Colony. In addition to those natives who had been en- 
rolled into regiments for the purpose of the operations 
against the Zulus, certain others had been called together 
for the purpose of protecting the border of Natal. The 
general, desiring that raids should be made into the Zulu 
country, ordered that these men should take part. The 
Lieutenant-Governor maintained that the general had no 
right to order such service without his authority as sup- 
reme chief over the native population ; that their being 
so employed was, moreover, not in accordance with the 
understanding arrived at between them, and contrary to 
the purpose for which the men had been engaged. The 
general, on the other hand, asserted that the position taken 
up by the Lieutenant-Governor was an interference with 
his command, and expressed his inability to employ the 
native regiments unless his absolute authority over all the 
forces in the field were secured. The question being sub- 
mitted to the Government in England, was answered by the 
appointment, on the 25th of May, of Sir Garnet Wolseley 
to supreme military command and as Special Commissioner 


for the territories of South-E astern Africa situate to the 
northward and eastward of the Colony of Natal and the 
Transvaal territory, and not included within the territory 
of the Orange Free State or any foreign power ; and as 
Governor of the Colony of Natal and the Transvaal terri- 
tory, with power to supersede, at his discretion, the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor or Administrator respectively. To him, 
therefore, was to fall the duty of establishing the new 
order of things after the old should have been abolished. 

But in the meantime the general in command, till his 
arrival, had to give some preliminary attention to the sub- 
ject, because an answer had to be given to Cetshwayo's 
messengers. The answer which he sent partook largely of 
Brownlee's suggestions. " If," he said, " Cetshwayo wishes 
for peace he must give substantial proof of being in earnest. 
He must at once restore all horses, oxen, arms, ammunition 
and other property taken during the war. One or more regi- 
ments, to be named by me, must come under a flag of 
truce, and, at a distance of one thousand yards from my 
camp, lay down their arms as a token of submission. If 
this is done I shall order cessation of hostilities pending 
discussion of final terms of peace. Until this is done Her 
Majesty's troops will continue to advance." 

The messengers represented the impossibility of carry- 
ing out the requirement regarding the arms and ammuni- 
tion, for the reason that these were distributed amongst 
the Zulus over the whole country ; upon which this require- 
ment was modified to the extent that the two seven-pounder 
guns taken at Isandhlwana, and the oxen then at the king's 
kraal, would be accepted. It was required that these 
should be brought by one of the ambassadors to whom the 
ultimatum was delivered at the Tugela in December, and 
that he should at the same time bring a promise from the 
king that all arms, &c., when collected, would be given up. 
It was also agreed by the general that the surrender of 
one regiment would be accepted. 


Lord Chelmsford was at this time at the Nondweni 
stream with the second division, commanded by General 
Newdigate, and consisting of 3364 Infantry, 1303 Cavalry 
and 300 Artillery (two batteries), and 58 Engineers. 

Some miles in advance was the flying column, com- 
manded by General Sir Evelyn Wood, who had been pro- 
moted and distinguished for his operations in the north 
and in the action at Kambula. He had marched from that 
place to join in the advance now proceeding on Ulundi. 
The strength of this column consisted of 2278 Infantry, 
807 Cavalry, 194 Artillery and 95 Engineers, making the 
total advancing force up thus to 5642 Infantry, 2110 
Cavalry, 494 Artillery and 843 Engineers, or a total 
strength of 9089 men. 

Sir Evelyn Wood's march from Kambula had been 
marked by what has been characterised as the most 
lamentable event of the war. The war had excited much 
interest and had attracted to its scene, amongst others, 
the Prince Imperial of France, who desired to see active 
service. He had attached himself to Wood's column, 
and, during the march, had gone out with a scouting 
party under Captain Carey. The party had halted to 
rest at a spot in the vicinity of the Nqutu Range and 
near to the source of the Intshotshose stream. It was 
an ill-chosen spot, for not only did it command no distant 
view, but the ground was cut up by dongas, or nullahs, 
which afforded complete, shelter, to within a hundred 
yards of it, for an approaching enemy. The party was 
thus surprised by a body of Zulus, who had been sent 
out as scouts by the local tribes from the fastnesses in 
which they had taken refuge. On seeing that they were 
about to be attacked the scant time available was utilised 
by the party in preparation for a retreat. Haste was 
necessary, and the prince's horse becoming so excited that 
he could not mount it, he was left no choice but to 
abide his death ; the rest of the party, led by their com- 


manding officer, all except two made good their escape. 
The most painful feeling to which the event gave 
rise was that caused by the apparent absence of any 
attempt on the part of his companions to rescue the 
prince from the situation in which his unruly horse placed 

It was reckoned that the messengers leaving the 
general's camp on the 6th of June should be able to 
reach the king in time to enable him to return an 
answer in eight days. But they had been given a written 
document embodying the general's demands, and, on 
receipt of this, Cetshwayo, desiring to know its contents, 
sent for Cornelius Vijn, who was still dwelling in security 
at the foot of the Sigwekwe Hill, as the only available 
person capable of reading it. And it is characteristic of 
the Zulu race that not even in the extremity at which 
matters had arrived did dignity permit of hurry. 

The distance from Ulundi to the place where Vijn 
resided was about thirty miles. How long it took the 
messengers to cover this distance in the outward journey 
is not precisely known, but Vijn's own account of that in 
which he accompanied them back to Ulundi shows how 
leisurely the matter was proceeded with : 

" It was a rainy morning when we started. At every 
kraal we came to they had to supply us with food and find 
also food for the horses, which was readily done without 
a murmur. On the other side of the Black Umfolozi" 
(ten miles from the starting place) " we decided to pass 
the night at one of the kraals ; we got there at 
3 P.M., so that there was time to slaughter a beast, 
since we would gladly have something to eat. Also we 
were so fortunate as to find there a good quantity of 
beer, which was acceptable after a long ride on horse- 
back. . . . Next morning we went on again. Our way 
passed through bush country the whole day, and we saw 
nothing but troops of Zulus going up continually to the 



king. . . . An hour before sunset we came out of the 
bush into the open, and stayed to sleep at the first 
kraal we came to. ... 

" Next morning the weather was quite different. The 
morning-tide promised a very pleasant day, and we passed 
on our way more vigorously to the Umbonambi, one of 
the royal kraals, where the king was, at the present 
moment, staying. About 11 A.M. I rode into the 

After being provided with refreshment, Vijn was pre- 
sented with the document, which was, indeed, addressed 
to himself, and requested to translate it. This was done 
by and to the prime minister, Umnyamana. Next day 
he was called into the presence of the king and requested 
to write an answer. Though never delivered to Lord 
Chelmsford owing, apparently, to the difficulty the 
king's messengers experienced in approaching the British 
camp, this document has been preserved in Cetskwayd 's 
Dutchman. It displayed no humility on the part of 
Cetshwayo, nor readiness to negotiate on any but equal 
terms. It merely asked how he could discuss the subject 
of peace while the English army was in his country 
killing his subjects, burning their homes and carrying 
off their cattle. 

And, indeed, while his messengers were at Nondweni 
delivering the king's message to Lord Chelmsford, Colonel 
Buller had issued from the camp of the Flying Column 
and was shooting and burning the kraals of the people 
on the western base of the Zungunyana Mountain ; and, 
even as the king was dictating his reply to the general, 
the same officer, with some 250 Horse, was away in the 
direction of the Intabankulu carrying out operations 
which he thus describes : 

" Soon after daylight we attacked the kraals on the 
east side of the Intabankulu and those in the Ulenjana 
Valley simultaneously. Many were completely surprised, 


and some in the valley had been warned of our coming 
and hastily left. The Zulus made but slight resistance, 
and we captured about 300 head of cattle, principally 
cows and calves, and about 100 sheep and goats, killing 
twelve Zulus and taking one man and about fifteen 
women and children prisoners. As we went up the Ulen- 
jana Valley the number of the enemy increased rapidly : 
towards the head they were so many, and the country 
was so impracticable for horses, that I deemed it advis- 
able to retire without burning three of the kraals at the 
head of the valley. In all we burned about twenty-four 

It was probably from the locality of this action that 
the party had gone out at whose hands the Prince Imperial 
met his death, and the people could not claim that they 
were not hostile. 

The method of causing diversions adopted in connec- 
tion with the relief of Eshowe had been steadily pursued. 
When the general began this, his final movement into 
the Zulu country, he issued orders similar to those then 
issued. Thus on the 22nd of May three bodies of Native 
Contingent had crossed the Tugela opposite to Krantzkop 
and destroyed the kraals that lay within their reach, and 
done such other injury to the people as was practicable. 
It was especially provoking to the Zulus that these de- 
predations were committed by Natal Kafirs. One of the 
sufferers was the chief son of Undhlela, Godide, whose 
kraal was destroyed by fire. Much was heard of this 
event afterwards ; for, a month later, on the 22nd of June, 
a body of Zulus numbering about 1000 and guided by 
one Beje, a man who had removed into the Zulu country 
from Natal shortly before the commencement of the war, 
made a reprisal which formed the most serious inroad 
into Natal of any that had been made by the Zulus since 
the war began. Some twenty-two kraals were burnt and 
a number of natives killed, including some women and 


children, and captives were taken and cattle carried off. 
For his part in this enterprise Beje was afterwards tried, 
as a British subject, and convicted of high treason ; 
and much discussion followed regarding the legality or 
justice of the proceeding. 

These events were all that specially marked the pro- 
gress, or the period, of the march on Ulundi. Another 
overture, accompanied by some 100 head of cattle and 
some tusks of ivory, was rejected by the general because 
it was not a complete compliance with his demands ; a 
last one, to be accompanied by a number of cattle out of 
the king's special white herd and the two cannon taken 
at Isandhlwana, was attempted only, the warriors turning 
the cattle back, as they doubtless considered they were 
expected by the king to do, and declaring that they would 
die rather than submit to the English. The sword of the 
Prince Imperial, also sent by the king, was apparently all 
that reached the general. 

Negotiations being thus ended, and the short armis- 
tice granted by the general having expired, a reconnais- 
sance was made by Colonel Buller as far as the Nodwengu 
kraal on the 3rd of July. The undertaking was attended 
with great risk, and Buller narrowly escaped being cut off 
with his entire force, but he escaped without great loss, 
having chosen a site for the morrow's battle which was 
the most perfect possible for the method of fighting it had 
been decided to employ. The spot is still marked by the 
low breast-works that were hastily thrown up before the 
fight began and numerous empty cartridge cases. From 
all sides the ground falls gradually away, rendering it 
impossible to approach without being exposed to full view 
at a great distance. To this spot the troops marched, in 
hollow square, in the early morning of the 4th of July, 
having crossed the White Umfolozi River on the right, 
or south-eastern side of the precipitous hill overlooking 
the ford. 


The conflict which ensued was called by the English, 
and became known as, the battle of Ulundi ; but, having 
been fought in front of the chief kraal of Umpande, the 
Nodwengu, it was, perhaps more correctly, so named by 
the Zulus. It is curiously known also, and equally well, 
as the battle of the sheet-iron fort " Ocwecweni." How 
this name came to be applied to it is not clearly known, 
but it may be assumed that the flash of the infantry 
bayonets, on the four sides of the square, gave the idea of 
four walls of tinned sheet-iron. 

The storm of bullets which proceeded from the four 
sides of this square proved so destructive to life that the 
Zulus soon became convinced that approach was im- 
possible, and broke and fled, pursued by Lancers and 
Dragoons who at once issued from within it. The ground 
was well suited to cavalry pursuit, and great havoc was 
wrought by them amongst the flying warriors. 

Cetshwayo, after arranging the disposition of his men, 
had betaken himself to a kraal on the hills to the south- 
east, from a summit of which he either watched the battle 
personally or was kept informed of its progress by sentinels. 
Neither he nor his people had entertained any real hope 
of success. Kambula had practically decided the issue of 
the war. The hope that had arisen from the absence of a 
fort was quickly dispelled by the impression that one had 
been built of iron. The war was ended. 

Many Zulus had been killed and wounded. Their 
number will never be known. The survivors scarcely 
know for what definite cause they fought. They had 
heard of the discussion of various subjects of difference ; 
of various representations being made by the British 
authorities. But as to what the exact purport of these 
representations was they were generally ignorant. Some 
say, metaphorically, that they reached their ears in the 
cracking of rifles. 

The result in mortality, on the British side, during the 


war, is set forth on the monument that was erected to 
commemorate it in Pietermaritzburg : 

" In Memory of Honour 

In Hope of Peace." 

The number there given is 977 European officers and 
men, and 487 natives ; altogether 1464. 



THE Dragoons and Lancers were slashing and spearing 
the vanquished warriors as they fled in aimless despair 
over the plains that surround the site of the Nodwengu 
kraal. The king set forth to seek safety from their fury 
in the wilderness that lay to the east, in the valley of the 
Black Umfolozi River. As he descended the heights from 
whence he had viewed the battle there rose behind them, 
and him, dark columns of smoke, telling of the destruction 
of his dwellings that was proceeding. He had become a 
wanderer whose concern it would be to find refuge ; who 
would be allowed no voice in matters relating to the 
restoration of peace in his country. For nearly two 
months he was thus to wander. 

When, by a circuitous course, he reached after some 
days the kraal of his prime minister, Umnyamana, 
Ekushumayeleni, built on a mountain terrace overlooking 
the Isikwebezi River, he issued an order that the Zulu people 
were to make their peace with the victors ; for he recog- 
nised that hope no longer lay in fighting. There he might 
also rest for a short space. Sir Garnet Wolseley had 
arrived and assumed command of the troops and the func- 
tions of High Commissioner. Lord Chelmsford's authority 
in the country had ceased. Immediately after the battle 
which crowned his victory he had withdrawn from its 
scene. For a short time there was quiet. But it was 
marred by the consciousness that retribution would be re- 
quired. In the brief quiet which Cetshwayo was permitted 
to enjoy it was necessary that he should ponder this, and 
speculate as to what form it might take. The question 



occurred: What precisely was the wrong he had com- 
mitted to bring this ruin upon him ? His attitude towards 
the missionaries ? these had been very troublesome people. 
His refusal to permit his soldiers to marry ? he would no 
longer withhold this from any but the youngest of his 
regiments. He would cause a letter to be written praying 
that, for pity, he might be permitted to retain the country 
of his fathers; and would promise to surrender all his 
cattle when these could be got together. Cornelius Vijn 
was with him, in the retreat he had been carried along : he 
would write that letter. 1 He did not yet know the decision 
arrived at after the battle of Ulundi to accept nothing 
from him short of personal and unconditional surrender. 

After a sojourn of some two weeks he repaired to the 
kraal of his brother, Usiwedu, on the Nongoma Ridge, and 
there the intelligence reached him ere long that the 
British troops had returned to the vicinity of Ulundi. 
News came also that he was threatened with an inroad of 
Swazis from the north. It was necessary to do something. 
He sent Umnyamana to the Commander-in-Chief with an 
instalment of cattle, and Vijn to say that the remainder 
were being collected and would be handed over. The first 
of these messengers, on arrival at his destination, was 
regarded as having come to treat on his own behalf; the 
second agreed for a sum of money to induce the king to 
surrender. He came back, not with any answer to the 
message he had borne, but offering that personal advice, 
compliance with which would have secured substantial 
pecuniary benefit to himself. In this he was disappointed. 
His advice was not accepted, but he was at once sent back 
with a definite proposal of terms. This time for answer 
there came a force of cavalry, numbering some 500, and, 
at their head, as guide, rode Cornelius Vijn, still hoping 
to gain his reward by showing them where the king was. 

It was, therefore, necessary again to fly. The kraal 

1 Cetshivayo' s Dutchman. 


at which Vijn had left him was that of Zonyama, 1 on the 
heights west of, and overlooking, the Umona stream. It was 
forty miles from Ulundi. The road lay across broken, 
stony and wooded country. The night was dark, and the 
progress of so large a body of cavalry was necessarily slow. 
Before the Nongoma Ridge could be reached the sun was 
high in the heavens. Notice of their approach was for- 
warded by the people who perceived it, and, when Zon- 
yama's kraal was eventually reached, an hour after noon, 
Cetshwayo was not there. He had crossed the deep and 
steep valley to the kraal of his relative, Unkabonina, on 
the opposite hill, where dwell the Hlabisa tribe. Thither 
the weary pursuers had to follow. The path descends by 
the south side of the Undunyeni Hill, and the few who 
may chance to travel by it will realise to some extent the 
experience of those jaded cavalrymen. It was not to be 
expected that they would find the king awaiting them 
on the opposite side ; but, if the scent could be renewed 
there, something might be gained. There was, however, 
in the people at this place much of the kind of sentiment 
which so conspicuously characterised the Highland Scotch 
when, in like plight, Prince Charles Stuart sought refuge 
from his pursuers amongst their hills, and which has so 
enriched their songs since that event. They could not be 
induced by threats, or any other means, to disclose what 
they knew of the course the king had taken. Not till a 
considerable time had elapsed could a clue be found, and 
this led down the steep hills, in a southerly direction, to 
the valley of the Black Umfolozi River, near where the 
Umona stream joins it, amid a profusion of trees, cacti and 
various tangle, and where, more hopelessly baffled, the 
troops formed detached parties and wandered wildly, end- 
ing in a sorrowful and disappointed return to head- 
quarters. They had, at times, nearly come up with the 
object of their pursuit, who had ascended the valley. 

1 Nephew of Sotobe. 


Other parties went out with no better success. But, 
although the sentiment of loyalty was strong, it is a 
quality in the Zulu upon which too much reliance should 
never be placed in time of adversity. The places at which 
the king, or, as termed by them, the shadow of him, had 
been seen began ere long to be whispered. Guides were 
found to conduct parties to such places or localities. 
Gradually information became more definite, till at last, 
on the 28th of August, a party of Dragoons under Major 
Marter were able to make sure of his hiding. At a kraal 
on the southern slope of the Ingome Range, some way 
west of the Ibululwana stream, and near to a detached 
portion of the great Ingome Forest, he was surrounded 
and taken. By whom his retreat was definitely pointed 
out has remained a secret, except for a suspicion that has 
attached to Umnyamana. It is certain that it could not 
have been discovered except by the aid of some of the 
king's own people. He was tired and travel-worn. 
Neither he nor any of his men made any attempt at 
resistance. He was hurried away to the coast and sent by 
ship to Cape Town, there, for the time, to be confined in 
the Castle. 

The incidents of his wandering have been well re- 
membered by the Zulus. The paths he trod and the 
places where he took rest or shelter are pointed out and 
regarded with interest. 

To the removal of his person there could be no op- 
position made : but it was soon to be found that the sup- 
pression of the influence he had gained over the minds of 
the people was a matter of much greater difficulty. 

The task set Sir Garnet Wolseley was to establish a 
new order of things in which the king was to have no 
share ; to divide the country into a certain number of 
"states or principalities," each under an independent 
ruler, bound by engagements directly with the Imperial 
Government. The number of these principalities was 


eventually fixed at thirteen. Sir Garnet Wolseley was at 
Ulundi settling the details of this arrangement. It must 
be left to doubt whether the notion of reviving the clans 
that were incorporated into the Zulu nation by Tshaka 
was seriously considered. There were few of the hereditary 
chiefs that could have been found to assume the position 
from which their fathers had been deposed, and perhaps 
fewer still of the clans they ruled in anything like an 
organised condition. The Zulu element had entirely per- 
vaded the nation. Such chiefs as there were, were either 
related or owed their position to the king. There was 
but one clan which had maintained anything like an 
unbroken existence, the Umtetwa. Its chief, though not 
of direct descent, was of the family of Dingiswayo, by 
whom the example of kingship was set which Tshaka 
perfected. But he had married a daughter of the Zulu 
house, and in this now lay his chief distinction. Umgo- 
jana was a grandson of the Nd wand we chief Zwidi, and 
occupied the hereditary lands of his tribe; but he also 
had married a sister of Cetshwayo, and for his restoration 
his father, Somapunga, had been, as has been seen, in- 
debted to Tshaka. Of the people who had composed the 
clan but few were with him. 

That these two men were chosen would indicate that 
the idea was not entirely lost sight of ; but of the other 
eleven chiefs appointed one was an Englishman, one a 
Basuto who had never resided in the country, two members 
of the Zulu family and others were indunas, or descendants 
of indunas, of the Zulu kings. 

With some exceptions, these men would scarcely have 
been prepared to undertake the duties imposed by their 
appointments but for the feeling that the British Govern- 
ment would afford them practical support. The people, 
feeling that their defeat had been complete, were prepared, 
for the time being, to acquiesce in any arrangement which 
the conquering power might make. They also did not fully 


realise that the power which had beaten them was being 
withdrawn from any share in their control. 

The country was duly divided, and the limits of the 
portion assigned to each of the thirteen chiefs were marked 
with beacons, which long continued to form useful land- 

The settlement became known as that of Sishwili, the 
name of the plain in front of the Ulundi kraal upon which 
it was concluded. 

It was destined to last some three years, and to effect 
important changes in the condition of the people. There 
was to be a good deal of blood spilt during that period, 
but, on the whole, the people were to enjoy privileges that 
were new to them and which they highly prized. It was 
to be terminated by the substitution of another, under 
which more blood was to be spilt and the country thrown 
into a state of greater confusion. 


EACH of the thirteen chiefs promised as a condition of 
appointment that he would not permit the existence of 
the Zulu or any other system of military organisation 
within his territory ; that he would permit all men to 
marry who desired to do so ; that he would permit men 
to go to Natal and the Transvaal, or elsewhere, to work 
for wages ; that he would not allow the lives of his people 
to be taken except by sentence passed in council and after 
a fair and impartial trial and the hearing of witnesses ; 
that he would not tolerate the employment of witch- 
doctors ; that he would not sell or alienate any of the land 
of his territory; that all people desiring to leave his 
territory would be permitted to do so freely ; that all arms 
found in the possession of his people would be handed 
over to the British Resident, as also all cattle that had 
belonged to Cetshwayo ; that he would not permit the 
importation of firearms into his territory ; that he would 
observe and respect the boundaries of his territory and 
not make war upon any other chief without the sanction 
of the British Resident ; that in all disputes in which 
British subjects were involved he would abide by the 
decision of the British Resident, and that he would not 
hold any trial upon a British subject without that officer's 
consent. The nomination of his successor should be in 
accordance with the laws and customs of the Zulu people, 
and subject to the approval of the British Government. 

As to the people, all that was required of them was 
that they should yield due submission to the chiefs in 

whose territory they elected to reside. But that which 



constituted due submission was a matter the definition of 
which had in a large measure to be left to the chiefs, and, 
in some cases, there were to arise serious differences on the 
point between them and their subjects. 

With the appointment of these chiefs the British 
Government transferred to them such sovereignty as had 
been acquired by the conquest ; for the right to exercise 
any sort of influence over the affairs of the country it 
depended on compliance by them with their promise that 
in certain matters they would be guided by the advice of 
the British Resident. 

To this latter office was appointed Mr. (afterwards Sir) 
Melmoth Osborn, till then, since the annexation of the 
Transvaal, the Government Secretary in that territory, 
and previously well known amongst the Zulus and other 
South African natives. His task was one of great difficulty, 
how difficult will perhaps never be fully realised. His 
position was one in which it was difficult to obtain credit 
for the trouble he prevented, because of the large amount 
of trouble that occurred. 

In a general sense the new order of things made a 
satisfactory beginning. The privileges it brought to the 
commonality were highly appreciated by them. All men 
under forty years of age were still unmarried ; they lost 
no time in availing themselves of the general permission 
to marry which was now given. No shield-bearing Zulu 
had been permitted to leave his country ; the young men 
now hastened to places where they could earn that by 
means of which they could acquire herds. The men re- 
joiced in freedom from the hunger which military duty 
had entailed. 

But in some other respects their feelings were not 
those of entire satisfaction. They, at first, regarded the 
change as having made them British subjects. They were 
surprised only that no form of tribute was required of 
them. They made preparation to pay tax. They were 



imposed upon by, and made payments to, adventurous 
natives from Natal and the Transvaal, who represented 
themselves as messengers from the British Government. 
They regarded the appointed chiefs as indunas of the 
British Government rather than as independent rulers. 
But gradually they realised the true state of things, and a 
disposition grew to resent the uncontrolled authority of 
those under whom they found themselves, who were, 
moreover, not always the chiefs they had been accustomed 
to obey. 

Hlubi the Basuto chief was followed from his own 
country, west of the Drakensberg, by a considerable 
number of people of his race; but of the original 
inhabitants of the tract of which he was made the 
ruler the number was far greater than that of these, 
and between him and them there was no common 
feeling; neither did they feel any affection towards 
him. His territory included the lands of Sirayo and 
Matshana. The objects of his appointment were the reward 
of his services during the war and the security which his 
presence at that part of the border, with a Basuto following, 
would afford to Natal. He was sufficiently strong to control 
the people over whom he was placed, and sufficiently 
intelligent to grasp the principles of the justice which 
he undertook to administer, so that, as time passed, he 
gradually overcame the difficulty of race in a large 
measure, and little fault was found with his rule either 
by his subjects or his critics. He imposed a tax of fourteen 
shillings on each hut and applied the proceeds to his own 
purposes ; but this payment may be regarded as having 
appeared to him as a necessary token of the people's 
submission to his authority. 

On the south-east his territory was adjoined by that of 
John Dunn, which extended along the Tugela River and 
the sea-shore to the Umhlatuzi River. He had held a high 
position under Cetshwayo, but had not widely ingratiated 


himself with the people. When the country had fallen 
into trouble he had left it and joined those at war with it. 
As a reward for this act he was given ascendency over chiefs 
who had previously regarded him as their inferior. These 
included several of the ex-king's brothers (the principal of 
whom was Dabulamanzi), and Mavumengwana and Godide, 
sons, the latter the chief son, of Dingana's chief induna, 
Undhlela, both of whom had held high rank in the Zulu 
nation. The territory assigned to Dunn was the most 
extensive of the thirteen, and its inhabitants were more 
alien to him, and more divided in their affections, than 
those of the territories of any of the other twelve chiefs. 
He also imposed a tax on the people placed under him, 
part of which he devoted to the administration of justice 
and to public works. He appointed and maintained three 
European magistrates, whose decisions were subject to 
appeal to himself as final judge. 

In the north Uhamu, whose secession during the war 
had secured to him exception from the principle that had 
been proposed of excluding all members of the Zulu family 
from a share in the ruling of the country, was given an 
extensive territory, including within its boundaries the land 
occupied by Umnyamana, with his numerous following, and 
the Abaqulusi. Umnyamana, when the selection of chiefs 
was made, shared the impression which had induced 
Uhamu's secession, that the latter's reward would be the 
kingship; and, believing that he would thereby the best 
serve his personal interests, he expressed his willingness to 
be subject to him. The Abaqulusi, having been members 
of the king's personal kraal, were, perhaps, purposely left 
out when sentiment was under consideration. 

The territory lying to the eastward of Uhamu's was 
assigned to the hereditary chief of the Ndwandwe tribe, 
Umgojana. It consisted almost entirely of land occupied 
by the Umgazini tribe, which had been formed by 
Umpande's chief induna, Masipula. It excluded Umgo- 


jana's personal kraals, and he wisely interfered but little 
with its government. 

Usibebu was placed over the territory lying to the 
south-east of this. Although his personal kraals and 
following were within its borders there were also others 
who had never been subject to his authority. These 
included Cetshwayo's brother and half-brother, Undabuko 
and Usiwedu, who had both occupied a high place in the 
king's, and the nation's, estimation. 

South-east of this again, and along the coast, lay 
successively the tracts assigned to Somkele, the chief of 
the Umpukunyoni, and Umlandela, of the Umtetwa tribe. 
These two were the recognised chiefs of the people over 
whom they were respectively placed ; and, as far as they 
were concerned, it might have been supposed that no 
difficulty would arise. 

Of the remaining chiefs little need be specially said. 
They were characterised chiefly by the weakness which 
was soon detected in them, and taken advantage of, by 
the people they were set to govern ; they did nothing 
during their short reign that made a lasting impression. 

In some parts of the country missionaries were en- 
abled to resume their labour, and, except for the reluctance 
of the people to relinquish those social habits held to be 
incompatible with Christianity, the obstacles in the way to 
success were not so serious as in the past. 

Altogether, at first, there was no reason to regard the 
prospect as unpromising. 

But a change soon began to take place. It is not easy 
to ascertain how, precisely, it received its first impulse, 
but it may be regarded as having originated with Unda- 
buko and Umnyamana. These two men smarted under 
the sense of the altered position in which they found them- 
selves. The first, who had ranked next to the king, was 
now a mere vassal of Usibebu ; the second, who had held 
the highest place among the commonality, was in a like 



relationship to Uhamu. Undabuko felt himself to be, 
and the people regarded him, in the absence of the king, 
as the representative of the throne. The heir, Dinuzulu, 
was a young boy and under his guardianship. It only 
required a lead to secure to him the reverence of a very 
large portion of the Zulu people. He and Umnyamana 
resided near to each other ; their feelings spread and found 
sympathy amongst the people around them, and a combina- 
tion was formed which gave rise to serious concern in the 
minds of the appointed chiefs. Undabuko proceeded to 
Pietermaritzburg with the ostensible object of paying his 
respects to the Governor. His real object found expres- 
sion in a request that he might have Cetshwayo's bones, 
a metaphor the meaning of which has already been ex- 
plained. In taking this course he incurred the serious 
resentment of Usibebu, while in the course of his journey 
he met with much sympathy and support. That Umnya- 
mana was a party to the movement was apparent to those 
concerned, and Usibebu and Uhamu proceeded in the 
manner which appeared to them to have been rendered 
necessary by the circumstances to secure the submission 
they considered their due from those chiefs. 

The British Government, as has been seen, had re- 
quired that the appointed chiefs should collect, and hand 
over, all royal cattle and the guns in the possession of the 
Zulus. This requirement furnished a pretext for the 
action which suggested itself. Many men had yielded to 
their natural desire to retain their guns. Many others, 
who had been lent cattle by the king, had possessed 
them so long, and depended upon them so much for the 
subsistence of their children, that they had come to 
regard them almost as their own, and to view the loss 
of them with much dread. They naturally tried to evade 
their loss. 

While Uhamu was escaping to the British camp also, 
Umnyamana, acting on behalf of the king, had captured 


certain of his cattle, and these, owing, perhaps, to the 
unsettled state of matters, had remained amongst the 
latter's own herds. 

Uhamu now required repayment of these, while both 
he and Usibebu manifested much zeal in the collection of 
guns and royal cattle from those whose disaffection they 
suspected. Those in whose possession either were found 
were punished for their concealment by confiscation of 
their own herds ; those suspected were required to asseve- 
rate, by means of the payment of a cow, that the suspicion 
was unfounded ; those whose cattle were seized on un- 
founded suspicion were able to get them back only by the 
sacrifice of one or more of their number to their captors 
an exaction which had long been common, and was 
metaphorically called a fee to the person who stabbed for 
withdrawing his spear (Kok'umkonto). 

The pursuit of these measures tended to gratify the 
natural desire of Zulu rulers to add to their herds, but was 
scarcely calculated to secure the affections of those whom 
they desired to subordinate. It was hoped that they would 
have the effect of checking agitation ; that hope was also 
to be disappointed. That agitation was stimulated, rather 
than otherwise affected, by the efforts of the chiefs to sup- 
press it. Complaints began to be made to the British 
Resident of oppression. It became necessary to take 
notice of these complaints in order to avoid a conflict. 
Umnyamana was prepared to resist his chief by force of 
arms, and a serious fight was imminent. The seizure of 
cattle in this case had amounted to over 2000 head, mostly 
for but slender cause, partly without any. The parties 
agreed to accept arbitration in the matter, and Sir Evelyn 
Wood, in Natal at that time administering the Govern- 
ment, since the death of Sir George Pomeroy-Colley on 
Majuba, and arranging, with other Commissioners, the 
matters relating to the retrocession of the Transvaal, was 
urged by the Resident, and agreed to arbitrate. 


A revolution arose in the Umtetwa tribe. A man 
from Natal, named Sitimela, came representing himself to 
be the grandson of their great chief Dingiswayo. He pre- 
tended that his father, a son of that chief, had been expelled 
by Tshaka ; that he had himself been born in the Trans- 
vaal ; that he had been kept out of his right by the Zulu 
kings who had placed his tribe under a chief not of the 
direct line. The tradition of Dingiswayo was still strongly 
impressed on the minds of the people. The story gained 
credence, and his adherents rapidly increased, largely 
owing to the lavish generosity he displayed when he had 
succeeded in seizing a portion of the chief Umlandela's 
herds. He also succeeded, by means of a judicious dis- 
tribution of these presents, in gaining a considerable 
amount of sympathy outside the tribe to the chieftainship 
of which he aspired. Old Umlandela was forced to fly, 
and took refuge with John Dunn. It was feared that, like 
the chief whose grandson he professed to be, Sitimela 
would attempt to extend his dominions. He professed 
great power as a magician, and his fame rapidly spread. 
He induced the belief that those who fought against him 
would be attacked by reptiles of such kinds and ferocity 
as had never before been heard of. He had collected a 
considerable army, and to have allowed him to retain the 
position he had gained in the Umtetwa tribe would, it was 
feared, have led to general insurrection. 

Mr. Osborn was, therefore, instructed to visit the dis- 
trict over which Sitimela had assumed authority ; to 
persuade him, if possible, to disperse his following and 
take his departure, and if he should decline to do so to 
advise other chiefs to assist Umlandela in his expulsion. 
The latter course was the result. Mr. Osborn, having 
warned Sitimela of what would happen if he failed to 
disband his following within a given space of time, de- 
parted from the locality, leaving it to John Dunn to see 
that the warning was obeyed. Dunn's own account of 


what followed, which was an accurate statement, exhibits 
a good example of how Zulu battles were fought : 

"As I wrote to you on the 31st of July, Sitimela's men 
chased and killed ten of Umlandela's, and wounded one, 
running them to within a mile of my camp. I at once 
saw that if I delayed, and allowed a single day to pass, 
his cause would have been strengthened ; so I mustered 
my force, allowing Sitimela's men time to get back to 
their headquarters, which were sheltered by a high ridge 
of hills about 1500 yards from the kraal. I then followed 
up and divided my force, which was about 2000 strong, 
and made for the kraal right, left and centre. As soon 
as we showed on the top of the hill we saw all his men 
collected 'gwiyaing' and making a great noise in the 
kraal at their success. As soon as they saw us they came 
out of the kraal and formed in fighting order. I then, 
myself, fired three shots into the middle of them, killing 
one man. This caused a commotion, and the whole of 
the force broke and made for the top of a high hill at the 
back of the kraal. My men followed up sharp, which 
caused a panic amongst the rebels, and they broke and 
fled after five or six shots had been fired at them. The 
loss on my side was only three or four killed and four 
wounded; it would be difficult to tell the loss of the 
rebels, but I should say over 200." 

The slaughter was great, occurring almost entirely 
in the merciless pursuit which followed the rout. 

Thus ended the pretensions of Sitimela. As to whether 
he was the rightful heir to the chieftainship of the Um- 
tetwa tribe no inquiry is reported to have been made, 
and to this day there exists no evidence. He disappeared 
when his forces dispersed, and has not since been heard 
of. The operation by which his object was defeated was 
scarcely different from what it might have been under 
the king. The two victorious chiefs added largely to 
their private herds by the spoil they gained. For the 


people on either side little advantage resulted. Of 
general result there was little. The agitation throughout 
the country was not checked. Only about two years had 
elapsed since the king's overthrow, and already there had 
occurred a more sanguinary conflict than any during the 
period of his actual reign. And it was to be followed within 
two months by one more sanguinary still. The Abaqulusi 
had not yielded that submission to Uhamu which he re- 
garded - as his due. They had assisted in the building of 
his kraals and the planting of his crops, and paid such 
demands as had been made upon them. But their sub- 
mission was not of that free character that should mark 
the conduct of willing subjects. They were, no doubt, 
in active sympathy with the agitation, now assuming 
formidable strength, for the restoration of the king. 
Their chief head-man had informed Uhamu that he was 
precluded from formally transferring his allegiance by 
the circumstance that he had been the custodian of the 
king's medicines. An alliance was forming between 
Uhamu and Usibebu, who perceived that they would 
sooner or later require to defend their positions against 
a formidable combination ; for, whether or not Cetshwayo 
were restored, it was plain that the control of the Zulu 
people was rapidly passing from the chiefs who had been 
appointed over them. The combination under Umnya- 
mana and Undabuko was becoming so strong as to 
seriously threaten the security of those chiefs against 
whom their efforts were chiefly directed ; and it was 
desirable that he who would continue to rule should take 
steps to remove disaffection from within his borders. 
Usibebu having for this reason expelled Undabuko and 
Usiwedu from his territory, offered assistance to Uhamu 
to expel the Abaqulusi. He refrained from sending a 
force for this purpose only because the British Resident 
would not sanction it. 

Complaints to the Resident became frequent and 


urgent. Uhamu charged the Abaqulusi with lack of 
submission and they accused him of causeless oppression. 
But, as the Resident's powers were limited to the giving 
of advice, he was unable to effect a settlement of the 
matters in dispute between them. Both Uhamu and the 
Abaqulusi had armed forces in the field, and seizures and 
destruction of property, as an inevitable consequence, 
soon took place on both sides. A conflict became un- 
avoidable, and the first to be killed were three women 
of the people of Uhamu. They were put to death by 
members of his own force, who probably believed at the 
time that they belonged to the disaffected. The mistake, 
though discovered, was not acknowledged, and Uhamu, 
in order to justify the steps that were maturing, repre- 
sented to the Resident that the Abaqulusi had done the 
deed. Matters culminated on the 2nd of October 1881. 
The two hostile forces met on the right bank of the 
Bivana River. The battle, as usual, was short; the 
pursuit which followed was, as usual, merciless. Many 
hundreds of the defeated Abaqulusi were killed, only 
those escaping who were able to gain and cross the 
Bivana River, which formed the border of the Transvaal 
territory. The people were thus driven from their homes. 
They were refused permission to return except on con- 
dition that they delivered up all the cattle they had 
driven to the Transvaal for safety, and yielded submission. 
These were the only two serious conflicts that actually 
took place under the settlement of 1879. Others of a 
more serious character were averted by the intervention 
of Mr. Osborn. But it was perceived that the arrange- 
ment as it stood could not endure. A system under 
which a greedy chief might destroy and confiscate the 
goods of such sections of the people within the territory 
under his authority as did not, in his judgment, yield 
him due deference could not be tolerated. Some supreme 
authority was necessary by which the action of the chiefs 


might be controlled. John Dunn proposed himself for 
the position of supreme chief; but, for the present, 
nothing was done beyond acknowledging the necessity 
for central authority. Sir Evelyn Wood had visited the 
Residency at Inhlazatshe, and held a meeting of chiefs 
there on the 31st of August. He had delivered awards 
in the matters in dispute between Uhamu and Umnya- 
mana, and Usibebu and Cetshwayo's brothers, Undabuko 
and Usiwedu. He supported the chiefs in their authority, 
but found that they had made excessive seizures. Uhamu 
was required to pay back 700 head of the cattle he had 
taken from Umnyamana, and Usibebu one-third of those 
he had seized from Undabuko and others, who were 
directed to quit his territory. He proposed certain 
measures to the chiefs for the better administration of 
their territories, which included the imposition of taxes 
and the appointment of residents, leaving it to them to 
consider the expediency of those proposals. 

The support he gave to the chiefs had the effect of 
allaying active resistance to their authority, and the con- 
dition of things had improved as the year closed. 

But it was only a superficial improvement. Important 
events had occurred. In July of the year following the 
Zulu war a general election in Great Britain had resulted 
in a change of Administration, the Liberal Party, under 
the leadership of Mr. Gladstone, coming into power. The 
Ministry in power at the time when the war was embarked 
upon had never been very clear regarding actual facts 
justifying it. During the election those who had now 
succeeded to office had condemned it as an unjust war; 
and, being elected, it was necessary that they should evince 
some sympathy with those who had suffered by it. 

The members of the new Cabinet had also adversely 
criticised the annexation of the Transvaal; shortly after 
their appointment they had to face a Boer insurrection in 
that country. These people, after much futile petitioning, 


had taken up arms to regain their independence. They 
beleaguered the towns, and opposed the advance of British 
troops at the Lang's Nek Pass of the Drakensberg. So 
stout was the fight they maintained, and so general was the 
rising, that the Government determined to abandon the 
country rather than enforce its rule on an unwilling people. 
When the retrocession had taken place the Settlement of 
Zululand was condemned by the Boer Government that 
became established in the country. 

In a minute, dated the 25th of October, it urged the 
release of Cetshwayo and his restoration " to his rights " in 
order to prevent further bloodshed in Zululand. 

This representation was made on the recommendation 
of Piet Joubert, then Superintendent of Native Affairs. 
The bloodshed to which the communication had special 
reference was that which had occurred in the conflict 
between Uhamu and the Abaqulusi ; it was dated twenty- 
three days after that event. But it urged also that the 
peace of South Africa would be endangered if the restora- 
tion did not take place, thus directly contradicting 
the view by which Sir Bartle Frere had, in a large 
measure, justified the war. It was a remarkable con- 
tradiction of that view, coming as it did from the repre- 
sentatives of those people whose safety was the main 
consideration which led to the overthrow of Cetshwayo's 

Cetshwayo, on his own behalf, was most importunate. 
His letters to various persons in high authority were 
frequent and eloquent. He soon began to produce the 
desired impression. On the 15th of July he had addressed 
a letter to Lord Kimberley, the Colonial Secretary, in 
which he said that continued banishment might induce 
him to take away his own life, and begged that he might 
be taken to England in order to state his case and clear 
himself of the wrong-doing of which he had been accused ; 
a telegraphic reply came on the 14th of September by 


which he was informed that the Government were disposed 
to favourably consider his application. 

In Zululand his cause was very strongly advocated by 
those who were disaffected to the appointed chiefs. Indeed, 
some of the appointed chiefs themselves joined in the 
movement in favour of his restoration. 

In April of the following year a party proceeded to 
Pietermaritzburg to make formal application for this 
through the Governor. It was headed by his brother, 
Undabuko, numbered some 800 men, and was highly 
representative of the Zulu people, being composed of 
notables from all parts of the country. It represented also 
a very extensive disaffection to those of the appointed chiefs 
who desired to retain their positions, and the suppression 
of the movement was a matter which could not be looked 
forward to except with dread. 

It was becoming plain that some change would be 
necessary ; to those acquainted with the facts there could 
have remained little doubt that Cetshwayo's cause would 
in some degree prevail. 



MATTERS did not proceed with great rapidity. It was 
not till January 1883 that those who had from the first 
watched for the king's return were rewarded by the sight 
of a " mast-head appearing over the waves." 

Cetshwayo had been to England, and seen and spoken 
to the great English Queen. He had been much impressed 
with the magnificence of her surroundings, as well as by 
what he saw generally of English civilisation. He had 
also not failed to impress with agreeable feelings regarding 
himself those to whom he had gone to present his petition. 
As he appeared in London he was of handsome presence ; 
his intelligence and rich metaphoric form of expression 
were striking. 

There had been much opposition to his restoration, 
and much general expression of opinion as to what might 
result from it. Sir Henry Bulwer was now again Governor 
of Natal and Special Commissioner for Zululand. His 
desire to do right was very strong ; the pains he took to 
inform himself correctly in respect to the position of affairs 
were very great. The varied and voluminous corre- 
spondence which took place is interesting, and contains 
much detailed information which is useful. But it would 
not be safe to accept as entirely correct its exposition of 
the causes that were at work in producing the complications 
which it was sought to unravel. 

The various reports and arguments had been con- 
sidered, and the outcome was the anchoring of Her 
Majesty's ship Algerine at Port Durnford, near the 
mouth of the Umlalazi River, on the 9th of the month, 



with preparations proceeding for the landing there of 
Cetshwayo on the following day. Feeling had run high, 
and this somewhat precarious landing had, perhaps, been 
chosen for that reason in preference to the safer harbour 
of Natal. An important experiment was being tried; 
doubt prevailed amongst the Zulus, no less than amongst 
those less capable of judging, as to what would be the 
result of it. 

The question of restoring Cetshwayo had involved 
serious considerations. There was the question of Natal's 
safety ; whether the old danger, the belief in which had 
contributed so largely to the reasons for which the war 
had been waged, of a Zulu invasion of the Colony would 
not be renewed with the restoration of the Zulu kingdom. 
There was that of the appointed chiefs ; whether the cir- 
cumstances justified their being deprived of the rights 
that had been conferred with their appointments. There 
was the question of the protection of private individuals 
who had done such things during the king's absence as 
might have rendered them liable to punishment if done 
during his reign. There was the question of how a 
better administration could be secured than that by 
which Cetshwayo's previous reign was considered to 
have been characterised. 

The consideration of these questions had led to im- 
portant restrictions both in regard to the territory and 
power to which he was about to be restored. His ter- 
ritorial dominion was to be reduced on the south and 
west by those tracts which, in the settlement of 1879, 
were assigned to the chiefs John Dunn and Hlubi. 
These were to form a Native Reserve under a British 
Resident Commissioner, and to be a place to which 
such Zulus might remove as might be unwilling to 
accept the rule of the restored king. 

On the north-east Usibebu was to retain his inde- 
pendence and territory. He was distinctly unwilling to 


subject himself again to the rule of the Zulu king; in 
his exercise of authority he had committed himself to 
an attitude which would have created difficulty in the 
way of his being accepted as a subject. But an altera- 
tion was made in the boundaries of his territory. The 
expulsion of Undabuko and Usiwedu from the Ivuna 
Valley had been a somewhat serious matter. It was 
felt to be desirable that they should be enabled to 
return to their former homes under the restored king; 
and in order to admit of this Usibebu's boundary was 
removed from the Ivuna Stream to the Nongoma Ridge. 
By an easterly line it was also sought to exclude from 
his domains the lands of the Hlabisa and Umdhletshe 
tribes, under the chiefs Umbopa and Umsutshwana, who 
had been very unwilling subjects, and had constantly 
supported the agitation, the effect of which was now 
ripening. The loss of territory which this alteration 
involved did not seriously affect Usibebu, the people 
occupying it never having been his personal adherents, 
and being of a disposition to oppose rather than to 
support him. It was, moreover, to a large extent un- 
inhabitable land. But in area it was extensive, and it 
was thought to be due to him that he should receive 
some compensation for its loss. This it was resolved 
to effect by pushing his northern boundary from the 
Umkuzana and Umkuzi streams to the Pongolo River. 
Umgojana had never occupied the territory assigned to 
him between those rivers, but remained at his own 
hereditary sites on the south of it, and he could there- 
fore have no objection to its transference to Usibebu. 
The circumstance that he had refrained from attempting 
to exercise authority, owing to a sense that it would 
be impracticable to do so, over the powerful Umgazini 
tribe, which occupied it, does not appear to have been 

The chief of this tribe was Maboko, the son of 


Umpande's prime induna, Masipula. His name appears 
on the list of those chiefs who proceeded to Pietermaritz- 
burg to petition for the restoration ; it should have been 
plain from this circumstance that his affections were with 
the king and not with Usibebu. The assignment of his 
territory to that chief, in the circumstances, was indeed 
in effect merely an authorisation to him to conquer it. 
Sir Henry Bulwer does not appear from the correspon- 
dence to have had full information on the subject. 

Cetshwayo had been required to sign conditions by 
which he undertook to be guided in the position to 
which he was being restored. They were in terms 
almost identical with those by which the thirteen ap- 
pointed chiefs had promised to be bound, but varied by 
the undertaking that he would respect, specifically, the 
territory of Usibebu and that reserved for occupation 
under the British Resident Commissioner, and in no 
way interfere with the people living on those territories ; 
that he would leave unmolested any of the girls of the 
royal household who might have married during his 
absence, and make no claim whatever in respect to 
them, or their husbands, parents, or guardians; that 
he would hold no one criminally, or otherwise, liable 
for any acts committed during his absence. A British 
Resident would be appointed to see that the conditions 
he had agreed to were faithfully observed. 

The feeling in the country was mixed. There were 
those in the several territorial divisions who desired, and 
those who did not desire, to have the king back. Many 
were in a condition to be influenced by the tide of events 
rather than by sentiment. Those possessed of a consider- 
able following were little disposed to resign their authority 
and resume a subordinate position ; the men who supported 
such chiefs were disposed to be guided in their affections 
by the course that would the best ensure their own comfort 
and safety. It was difficult so to gauge the probabilities 


as to justify an immediate selection. There was danger 
of becoming compromised by declaring openly for the 
king, as there was in definitely espousing the cause of 
such chiefs as might have contemplated refusing to 
subject themselves to his authority. Those chiefs who 
resided in the territory reserved by the British Govern- 
ment, might enjoy a larger measure of independence 
by remaining there than would be allowed them if they 
left it and placed themselves under the king ; but it was 
doubtful whether there was that in their circumstances 
which would satisfy the ambitions of the followers on 
whom their positions depended. Usibebu alone of those 
outside the land restored to Cetshwayo, had so assured 
himself of the integrity of his people as to be prepared 
to resist any attack that might be made upon him. 
The others, if they could retain their people, and thus 
their power, might perhaps feel secure under the pro- 
tection afforded by the British Government; but if 
their people should elect to acknowledge the king's 
authority they also would naturally have to seek his 

Uhamu's territory was included in that restored. 
His position was not a pleasant one. If he should 
elect to submit, he could not fail to be affected by 
the circumstances that he had destroyed the Abaqulusi 
and incurred the enmity of those who had led the agi- 
tation for the restoration. He had a strong personal 
following, and the land which he occupied was favoured 
with strongly defensible positions. He might refuse either 
to submit or to leave. There was an element of un- 
certainty in the position of things that might well 
inspire uneasiness in the mind of the returning king. 

The shores presented no conspicuous demonstration of 
welcome. It was, indeed, not within his own dominion 
that he was to land. It was within the Reserved territory, 
the administration of which had already been placed, for 


the time, in the hands of John Shepstone, whose illustrious 
brother, Sir Theophilus, was on the beach to receive the 
king on his landing, as he did, in a somewhat dazed 
condition, by means of a surf-boat. There was also a 
strong detachment of the 6th Dragoons, by whom he was 
to be escorted to the place at which he was to be reinstated. 
But of his own people there were not many. His first 
message to them was sent by a young man in the employ 
of the Government. 

It was just ten years since his first progress to his royal 
seat ; now began the second, but in altered circumstances. 
The singing of the multitude, the exultant cries of the 
hunters over their quarry, the clamorous shouts of loyalty 
that rent the air during the journey of 1873, were absent 
on this occasion. It was perhaps fitting, as Sir Theophilus 
Shepstone said when addressing the meeting at the installa- 
tion some days later, that a portion of the army which had 
captured and carried him into exile should accompany 
him on his return. The escort of Dragoons was doubtless 
necessary and gratifying. But of his own people, whose 
presence would have been more gratifying and reassuring, 
there were singularly few. As the procession wended its 
way up the valley of the Umhlatuzi and over the Inkwenke 
Heights to the northward it was visited at intervals by 
men and women, the first giving loud expression to joy and 
wonder, the second to wonder only. All were impressed 
with the desirability of saying such things only as would 
be pleasing alike to the returning king and to those in 
whose hands he still was. Much uncertainty hung over 
their immediate future ; it behoved them to be wary lest 
in some way they should bring trouble upon themselves. 

Arriving at Mtonjaneni on the 17th of January, he 
still found little to dispel misgivings. Below and in front 
lay the broad valley of the White Umfolozi; some few 
miles away to the left were the graves of many of his 
ancestors; within sight was the Makeni where Masipula, 


ten years before, had proclaimed him king of the Zulus ; he 
was near to, and within sight of, his ancestral home, and 
about to be again invested with the kingly office, because 
events had made it appear good that it should be so, in 
the interests of the Zulu people. But of these people few 
were to be seen. Umnyamana, by whom his loyal subjects 
were led, had not arrived ; days passed and yet he did not 
arrive. He was, indeed, known to be coming ; but Uhamu, 
by whom he had been accompanied on the first occasion, 
would not be with him on this. Usibebu came, but alone, 
and to greet Sir Theophilus Shepstone, not the returning 
king. As he rode into the camp he was execrated by the 
women. Umfanawendhlela, whose dominion, as one of 
the appointed chiefs, had included the royal sites, also 
came; but he brought an offering to the British Com- 
missioner, not to Cetshwayo. His bearing towards the king 
was, moreover, in marked contrast to that of former days. 
In approaching the royal presence he had then crawled 
on the ground, now his servant carried a chair, upon 
which he seated himself for the interview. He was again 
to be a subject, with residence near to where the king was 
to reside, but his attitude promised only partial submission. 
Days passed, and yet the^representatives of the nation by 
whom the king expected to be welcomed did not present 
themselves. It became apparent that considerable numbers 
of armed men were gathering in the valley ; it began to be 
whispered that there might be a purpose to accomplish 
what Usibebu had almost attempted at Makeni, forcibly to 
seize the king and avoid having to receive him at the 
hands of those by whom he had been brought into their 
midst. Matters were, therefore, discreetly pushed forward ; 
and, with due speeches and ceremony, the reinstallation 
was effected on the 29th of January, and the commission 
with the escort withdrawn, without loss of time, across the 

Mr. Osborn's duties as British Resident were ended. 



He had done what could be done in a difficult position. His 
place as British Resident was now taken by Henry Francis 
Fynn, whose father had been associated with the founder 
of the Zulu nation and witnessed some of the important 
battles by which it had been built up. It was now to be 
his lot to witness some of the events attending its final 
downfall. The reports he wrote of these events are in- 
structive and interesting. 

The situation was not long in developing. Umnyamana 
was in his old position as prime induna. His tribe or 
following, called the Butelezi, formed the most consider- 
able section of the king's supporters. He was now in a 
position which promised an opportunity to turn the tables 
on his late oppressor, Uhamu, to whom in his turn the 
two alternatives presented themselves, of yielding due 
submission or of quitting the land upon which he dwelt. 
Feeling secure in his alliance with Usibebu, now sufficiently 
established, he was resolved to do neither the one nor 
the other. The second section of Cetshwayo's supporters 
were mixed people, classed generally as the Usutu party, 
while the third consisted of the Umgazini tribe, headed 
by Maboko, who by territorial division were made subjects 
of Usibebu. There were those besides Uhamu occupying 
land within the territory restored to Cetshwayo who were 
unwilling either to remove from it or yield him submission ; 
in the Reserve there were many similarly disposed towards 
the power ruling there. Pressure was brought to bear upon 
the latter by the Resident Commissioner to declare what 
they would do. It was not a question which they felt that 
it was safe to decide hurriedly. The previous policy of the 
British Government had not been such as to assure them 
of the permanence of the new arrangement. Sir Henry 
Bulwer himself had misgivings on the subject. He had 
stated with emphasis that the main principle in the 
Reserved Territory should be the establishment in it of 
British authority and protection ; the Secretary of State 


had directed the withdrawal of the second term on the 
ground that its use might detract from the inhabitants' 
sense of obligation to protect themselves. The number of 
Imperial troops left in the Territory was but small, and 
these were soon to be relieved by a small force of Zulus 
raised and brought into discipline by Commandant George 
Mansel, and called Carbineers. For the main purposes of 
defence the Resident Commissioner was to be dependent on 
disorganised levies of natives whose loyalty to him had not 
been proved. 

For the greater part the chiefs declared themselves in 
favour of remaining under the British Commissioner in 
the Reserve, but a minority expressed a contrary inten- 
tion. In the meantime, as their crops were standing in 
the fields, neither the latter nor such as might elect to 
leave Cetshwayo's territory were required to do more than 
signify what they intended to do. The actual removal, 
either way, would have been a serious matter. It would 
have involved the abandonment of land that had been en- 
riched by long occupation for that which would probably 
be found unfruitful for some years. Much of the land on 
the hill-sides of Zululand is of very poor quality. Cereals 
will not grow upon it without artificial fertilisation. The 
Zulu method of manuring is most primitive. When their 
huts have stood for a certain length of time, with the cattle- 
pen within the circle which they form, it becomes necessary 
for sanitary reasons to remove to fresh ground. The aban- 
doned site is then planted, and, however poor the soil may 
have been, yields a good crop. The value of a locality to 
the occupiers increases with the number of these fertilised 
spots, and migration often entails a period of scarcity. 
The inducement to migrate would require to be very strong, 
and that of sentiment would seldom, in itself, be sufficient 
to cause a people to risk the prospect of hunger by follow- 
ing their chief. There was very strong hope amongst the 
chiefs and people generally that the necessity for removal 


would be obviated. Cetshwayo hoped that a general ex- 
pression by the people of their affection towards himself 
might induce the British Government to restore that por- 
tion of the country to him which had been professedly 
reserved for the disaffected. With the object of eliciting 
such an expression he gave them to understand that the 
reservation was only a temporary measure. They, being 
uncertain whether to believe these assurances or the con- 
trary from the Resident Commissioner, endeavoured for 
the moment to secure the favour of both. While to the 
latter they stated their preference for British rule, they 
excused themselves for it to Cetshwayo by the pretence 
that they had been in doubt whether it was really he who 
had returned. The popular form of salutation thus be- 
came the question and answer : " Is it he ? Verily it is ! " 
The difficulties that were to beset the Resident Commis- 
sioner did not promise to be light ; but those to which 
Cetshwayo was to be subjected were the first to manifest 
themselves. Scarcely had he taken up his position when 
news came that the Abaqulusi were making reprisals for 
what they considered past oppression by killing and 
plundering the people of Uhamu. He could scarcely 
afford to alienate the affections of this section by causing 
reparation to be made to the man, or the people, to whose 
action was mainly due the part it had taken in the agita- 
tion for his restoration, especially as he felt he had strong 
reason for disliking and distrusting that man and those 
people. He felt little disposition to take steps in regard 
to the complaints that reached him. The occurrences of 
disorder, he said, were merely a continuance of what had 
obtained during his absence. 

It was necessary that he should cultivate his own 
party, and this consisted mainly of those who had looked 
for redress of their grievances through his return. Those of 
them who had dwelt on the borders of Usibebu's territory 
had been the strongest advocates of his restoration, and 


were the most expectant of redress. The object at which 
Sir Henry Bulwer had aimed had been in but a small 
measure realised. He had intended that the new boun- 
daries should exclude these from Usibebu's dominion. 
There were a number of sections, or clans, of them, and 
they were styled by him Ultra Usutu. He was under the 
impression that his wish in their regard had been given 
effect to. But this had only been the case in regard to 
the sites of Undabuko and Usiwedu and a portion of those 
of the Hlabisa tribe under Umbopa. The others were still 
subject to Usibebu, to whose unwilling subjects had been 
added also, as already mentioned, the Umgazini tribe under 

Cetshwayo was not long in sounding a warning as to 
what would be the outcome. On the 6th of February, 
eight days after his reinstatement, he caused Mr. Fynn 
to intimate to Sir Henry Bulwer that he was keeping 
those chiefs with him because he feared there might be 
disturbance if they returned to their homes. The most 
important of them were Mahu, the son of Usibebu's uncle, 
Tokotoko ; Umsutshwana, chief of the Umdhletshe tribe ; 
Umfinyeli, the Xulu chief ; and Haiana, a brother of Usi- 
bebu, who had shared expulsion with Undabuko. None 
of these would yield submission to Usibebu ; and there was 
an obvious resolution of the people, which doubtless Cetsh- 
wayo felt no desire, and which it would have endangered 
his position, to check, to regard any attempt on his part to 
assert his authority over them as an act of war. 

An error prevailed in the minds of the British autho- 
rities at this time in the belief which they entertained that 
the will of the Zulu king was absolute in all matters affect- 
ing the people he governed. To some extent this was 
justified by the assumptions of some of Cetshwayo's pre- 
decessors ; but the fate of these showed plainly that only 
those governed securely who governed according to the will 
of the generality of the people. Tshaka was assassinated 


with the approval of the nation he had formed, Dingana's 
subjects rose in rebellion against him and sought, at the 
risk of losing their country, the aid of the Boers in ridding 
themselves of his oppression. 

It was impressed upon Cetshwayo that he was person- 
ally responsible for the keeping of good order, but it must 
remain doubtful whether he possessed the power to control 
the development that was in progress. It is certain that, 
had he done so, he would have sadly disappointed the ex- 
pectations by which those were actuated who had prayed 
for his restoration. 

The Ulundi kraal was rebuilt near to the site upon 
which it had formerly stood. It was, said Mr. Fynn, 
about 500 yards in diameter, and capable of accommodat- 
ing a large number of people. The king's household was 
established at the head of it, as before, and the general 
circumstances of kingship restored. In reality, however, 
its restoration was never to take place. 

Its first rude shock was to be received just two months 
after the reinstatement at Mtonjaneni. Usibebu had not 
been blind to what he would have to face. He had perceived 
that an armed defence of his position would be inevitable. 
With the dogged courage that marks his character he 
awaited events, committing no act himself to which excep- 
tion could be taken by the British Government. Not only 
did those of the Usutu party who dwelt within his boundary 
fail to yield submission to his authority, but they com- 
mitted acts of violence against his loyal subjects. These 
acts he contented himself with reporting to the British 
Government ; but from the tone of those reports it was 
plain that he regarded hostilities as imminent. He re- 
solved on a step which could not in his circumstances be 
well avoided, but which he doubtless knew would bring 
matters to an issue. He assembled a large force, led it 
into the land of Maboko, and demanded the submission of 
that chief. 


In the course of the expedition his army, as is usual, 
supported themselves by taking of the crops standing in 
the fields. The effect was electrical. His force was with- 
drawn on the 23rd of March; on the 30th Usibebu was 
face to face, in the valley of Umsebe, with an army which 
outnumbered his own by about three to one. A force 
composed of three divisions, the Usutu, the Umgazini, 
and the Butelezi, had hastened to his destruction. Cetsh- 
wayo had not, as it was supposed he would do, reorganised 
the latent regimental system. It may, indeed, be re- 
garded as true that he bore but little personal part in the 
organisation or sending of- this expedition; that it was 
scarcely within his power to prevent its being sent. It 
was an effort on the part of those who had petitioned for 
his restoration to right a condition of things which they 
considered that event would have afforded a means of 
righting. Even if he had possessed the power to do it, he 
could not have prevented the movement except at the 
cost of disappointing the whole of his supporters. 

The army assembled according to its tribal divisions. 
It was very loosely handled ; but it was large, and pre- 
sented a formidable appearance as it marched across the 
open ground from the Inhlopenkulu to the Inxongwana 
Hill, beyond which was the Inkungwini, one of Usibebu's 
chief kraals. It met with no opposition, so far, although 
far within the boundary of his territory. It numbered, as 
well as can be gathered, about 5000 fighting men; its 
strength was made to appear much greater by the numer- 
ous baggage-boys who accompanied it. Some small 
bodies of the enemy were seen, but quickly retired, 
giving the impression that it was regarded as irresistible. 
The Inkungwini kraal, when reached, was burnt, and 
there the army was fired upon by a small force of Usibebu's 
mounted men, who then retired precipitately in a north- 
easterly direction, towards the Umsebe Valley. 

The name Umsebe will long serve to fix a date, for the 


battle fought there on the 30th of March 1883 was memor- 
able. There is no conspicuous landmark by which it can 
be recognised ; but the mouldering bones of the slain may 
still be seen. 

Of the reasons which induced Usibebu to select the 
ground upon which he had decided to make a stand it 
would be difficult to obtain an explanation ; but the con- 
ditions which favoured it are easily discernible after the 
event. There was no lofty point from which his position 
could be viewed. The slopes of the valley's sides are not 
abrupt ; they are ribbed by the action of surface water ; 
the curve of the ridges between the channels thus formed 
renders it impossible to see any great distance. At the 
time of the event the grass was long enough to conceal a 
crouching man; much cover was also afforded by scrub 
and mimosa trees. That the invading force was badly 
informed regarding Usibebu's position, and the disposition 
of his men, is evident from the circumstance that they 
went into action while still accompanied by the baggage- 
boys, who are usually left in a position of safety. Usibebu's 
line was stretched north and south near where the wagon 
track to Ubombo traverses the valley. The advancing 
force moved upon it still in its tribal divisions. When it 
had come sufficiently near, Usibebu personally rode 
along his line of men setting them on. Fighting was 
scarcely begun when wavering was perceived on the side 
of Cetshwayo's army. Owing to the nature of the ground 
they could see little of each other ; word passing along 
their ranks that portions were in flight created a panic in 
the whole force. Despair overtook them. Men were 
heard crying, " Oh, my children ! " It was early in the 
day. There was no cover along their line of retreat. The 
pursuit continued till dark. Some few eluded pursuit by 
running down the valley ; the rest, trusting to their speed 
alone, made their way across the fifteen miles of open 
country that lay between the field of battle and Nongoma. 


Their course is still marked by the bones of those that 
were overtaken. They might have been expected to walk 
(for running had soon to be abandoned) as fast as those by 
whom they were pursued. Spread widely over the flats, 
it might have been supposed that many would defend 
themselves in single combat against the individuals who 
overtook them. It is curious how completely hope is 
abandoned by the Zulu when once defeated in the field of 
battle. Of Usibebu's men only some ten were killed ; but 
a small proportion of the invading force escaped. The 
wide expanse over which skulls may still be found proves 
how great must have been the number that fell. Once 
overtaken they were as defenceless as sheep. A curious 
scene is described by one of those who pursued as having 
been witnessed by himself. A man was flourishing his 
shield and stabbing wildly at the air as if engaged in a 
fierce conflict. Despair had so deprived him of reason 
that while thus engaged one of the pursuers advanced 
and despatched him without meeting with any resistance 
or apparently exciting any consciousness of his presence. 

Two men were captured and their lives spared 
Usiteku, a brother of Cetshwayo, and Undulunga, a son of 
Umnyamana. To the rest no mercy was shown. When 
night interrupted the slaughter, the victors, and those that 
remained alive of the vanquished, had reached the place 
where the Nongoma Magistracy now stands. The pursuit 
was resumed next morning, but the broken character of 
the country now made escape more easy. Few were 
killed on that day ; but the course of the victors was 
marked, as far as the Umfolozi River, by the flames that 
rose from the habitations of the people. Probably in no 
battle had the Zulus ever suffered greater loss of life. 


IN the result of the matters related in the last chapter 
Cetshwayo suffered both the calamity and the blame. It 
was felt by the Special Commissioner that he had sent the 
force against Usibebu in wanton violation of the solemn 
promises he had made as a condition of reinstatement ; 
that in repelling the invasion Usibebu had acted entirely 
within his rights. Neither could he find much fault with 
the latter because, in the heat of pursuit, he had 
followed the invaders across his own boundary. But he 
counselled Usibebu to keep within the limits of his own 
territory, and reproved him for an act of retaliation he 
committed subsequent to the invasion. 

Having regard to the small extent of his territory, 
comprising, as it did, only a portion of what is now the 
Magisterial District of Ndwandwe, and the comparatively 
small number of its inhabitants, Usibebu's performance 
had been marvellous. It could not but excite admiration 
even in his enemies. But any admiration was necessarily 
mingled with the feeling that it would not be possible for 
him to hold his own for long. 

The calamity that had befallen Cetshwayo was serious 
indeed. Of the men that had gone forth, the greater 
number had been slain, and those remaining were sorely 
discouraged. On the other hand, Usibebu had overcome 
such difficulty as sentiment might have placed in the way 
of waging war against the king. The success which had 
attended him in the first encounter had astonished his 
own warriors as much as those against whom they had 
fought. He was greatly angered by the feeling that he 



had been unjustly attacked, and little disposed to be 
merciful if placed in a position to exact vengeance. Such 
fighting strength as he possessed had not been reduced 
by the conflict that had taken place, no appreciable loss 
having been inflicted upon him. He could no longer be 
regarded as a mere annoyance ; he had become a serious 
danger. One result of his success was to render active 
the alliance which had subsisted between him and Uhamu. 
That chief now felt that he might with some degree of 
safety oppose active resistance to the authority of the 
restored king. It became necessary, if he were to be 
reduced to submission, that coercion should be applied, 
and in this task the reinstated prime induna, Umnyamana, 
willingly engaged. The grudge he owed his late chief was 
in no wise diminished. The cattle he should have received 
under Sir Evelyn Wood's award had not been paid, nor 
had he obtained any redress for the various other injuries 
under a sense of which he laboured. His turn was now 
come. He might now, without the restraint which the 
British Resident had imposed, try conclusions with his 
oppressor; and he had under his command for this 
purpose all Cetshwayo's available forces. The task seemed 
not a difficult one, but experience soon belied anticipations. 
Uhamu betook himself to the fastnesses of that rugged 
region where the Sihlenge Stream joins the Umkuzi 
River, whose precipitous ravines have been called Ingotshe 
gorge, or that which swallows and could not be dis- 
lodged. There was fighting and killing and burning of 
homes and seizure of cattle and food ; but, on the whole, 
the advantage remained with the besieged. Uhamu was 
sometimes helped by Usibebu, but this help was scarcely 
needed for the mere purpose of defence. Usibebu had a 
difficult position of his own to maintain. The Umgazini 
tribe had not yielded him submission, but cast in their lot 
entirely with the king's party. Any invasion of their 
lands they regarded as invasion of the king's territory. 


They met and fought with any force sent by Usibebu to 
exact submission, and such attempts as he made against 
them were not successful. The Swazis, too, and farther 
east the Amatonga, were suspected of being in alliance 
with Cetshwayo, so that, with the powerful Umpukunyoni 
tribe, under Somkele, on his south-east, he was regarded 
as entirely encompassed by the enemy. At any time he 
might be attacked from any quarter, and he was kept in a 
state of constant expectation of a combined movement 
against him by reports which reached him from all sides. 
That such an attack was contemplated there can scarcely 
be a reasonable doubt. His position was regarded by the 
Special Commissioner as hopeless. That the position was 
one of his own choosing was the only consolation that 
Sir Henry Bulwer could derive to himself from the 

There was much confusion in the country, and there 
appeared no hope of issue except in the shedding of blood. 
Nor was there such shaping of affairs as to indicate the 
conclusion towards which war might lead. The little 
territory that had been the country of the Zulus was 
divided into three parts and placed under three separate 
rulers. The people, according as their sentiment or in- 
terests might divide them, were required to support these 
rulers, if need should arise, against their own countrymen, 
perhaps against their own kindred. The success of either 
ruler had to depend upon how sentiment or self-interest 
should divide the people, and the chances of native 

In the Reserve it was no less so than in the other two 
territories. The people who resided there were not all 
willing to accept the rule of the Resident Commissioner. 
Some professed their willingness, but their visits to the 
king created a doubt as to the sincerity of their profes- 
sions ; others expressed their preference for the king, but 
evinced no disposition to remove within his boundaries. 


Cetshwayo continued to believe, or to profess the belief, 
that the object of the establishment of that separate 
territory would cease if it could be shown that the people 
were generally well-disposed towards him. He became 
impatient of the oft-repeated advice of the Resident to 
keep within his own boundaries ; to permit those to go 
who desired to leave and find a place for those who 
desired to come to him. He did not see, he said, why 
people should be expatriated because they were his people. 

And at this time there came to him one who was more 
prepared to prophesy things that were agreeable to his 
feelings and aspirations. He reposed his confidence in 
William Grant, of Durban, who visited him shortly after 
his misfortune, although how recommended it is not 
practicable to ascertain. On the 14th of June he appointed 
Mr. Grant "to be his resident adviser and counsellor, to 
confer with him on all matters affecting the constitution 
of his country and the government of his people, and to 
act as a medium of communication and faithful representa- 
tion between himself and Her Majesty's Government, with 
the view to the restoration and maintenance of peace and 
good order within his borders." 

The hope of attaining that which was aimed at was 
strengthened by the advice given to Mr. Grant ten days 
later by Natal's leading lawyer and politician, Harry 
Escombe, who said : " Bear in mind that whilst Cetshwayo 
wants the Reserve back the Crown has no interests in re- 
taining it ; England will be glad to be free of Zululand ; 
Natal does not covet any portion of it. As between the 
two Governments, the one in the Reserve, the other in 
Cetshwayo's district, the fitter will absorb the other." 

Cetshwayo therefore endeavoured to secure the affec- 
tions of the people in the Reserve territory, and they were 
filled with misgivings as to the wisdom or safety of oppos- 
ing themselves to him. The principal chiefs continued 
to reside at Ulundi, notwithstanding their repeated recall 


by Mr. Osborn, who had assumed the office of British 
Resident Commissioner in the Reserve. There was no 
circumstance to justify those who might prefer the rule 
of the Resident Commissioner in believing that greater 
security lay in that rule than in making their submission 
to the Zulu king. 

Cetshwayo's weakness will, perhaps, be apparent from 
what has already been said. Usibebu and Uhamu were 
ranged against him. The second, though within his own 
territory, was supported in his resistance of authority by 
the first. Both, and together, they had successfully battled 
with his forces. Before he could hope to carry out his aims 
in regard to the Reserve, it was necessary that he should 
vanquish the one and exact submission from the other ; 
if Usibebu could but be overcome the rest might be easy. 

That he designed attacking Usibebu he himself de- 
clared to Mr. Fynn. The operations against Uhamu were 
pressed with less vigour, although the main force was kept 
in his immediate neighbourhood ; and Usibebu maintained 
his army in a state of readiness to resist the expected attack, 
chafing somewhat under the delay which occurred. 

The strain became great ; but eventually the spell was 
broken on the 14th of July. The forces of Cetshwayo 
that were stationed at the Isikwebezi River proceeded in 
the night, in two divisions, to the Itokazi Hill, a consider- 
able distance within Usibebu's territory, and uniting there, 
swept back, killing a number of people whom they sur- 
prised, and carrying off their cattle and other property. 
What gave immediate rise to this movement cannot be pre- 
cisely ascertained, but it was natural in the circumstances. 

The incident was seized upon by Usibebu as justify- 
ing a movement on which he had resolved some time 
previously, and for which he had been making prepara- 
tions. He was now joined by a contingent furnished by 
Uhamu, and began assembling his forces at the Ekuvu- 
keni kraal on the eastern slope of the Nongoma Ridge. 

m w" \$ 



Although rumours of his designs were brought to Cetsh- 
wayo they were not credited, and the bulk of the force re- 
mained at the Isikwebezi with Umnyamana. Very many 
of the notables and old men of the nation were residing at 
Ulundi, and went to rest on the night of the 20th of July 
unconscious of danger, having no thought of what was in 
store for them on the morrow. No one believed that so 
audacious an enterprise would be embarked upon as an 
attack upon the king at his capital. But as sleep came 
upon them, the Mandhlakazi, by which name Usibebu's 
followers were known, with their allies, were filing down 
the steep and stony sides of the Qonqo Hill and, crossing 
the Black Umfolozi River, were heading by a bee-line for 
the heights overlooking Ulundi on its south-east. At 
their head rode the resolute little man whose personality 
nerved them for the enterprise which lay before them. 
The road lay through a wide mimosa-clad valley, whose 
only inhabitants were wild beasts. The distance to be 
covered during the night was over twenty miles, but there 
would be nothing to take alarm at their approach except 
an occasional antelope or wild cat. Nothing would oppose 
their march till Ulundi itself should be reached ; but woe 
to them if they should waver before the enemy to be 
encountered there! Tired with their long night march, 
there would be little hope of retraversing the wide expanse 
by which they would be separated from their homes before 
the fury that their audacity would have evoked. Usibebu 
must be regarded as one of the most remarkable of the 
Zulus. It is impossible to see his face without recognis- 
ing those qualities that will dare much. But though the 
enterprise was daring it had not been rashly embarked 
upon. He knew what was practicable in the circumstances. 
The men he was going to fight were still unnerved by the 
recollection of their hopeless flight across the Umona Plains ; 
their preparations for battle were incomplete; and they 
were made to feel weak by the absence of so large a portion 


of the army to which they belonged. They would not 
stand before a determined attack, and he knew he could 
trust his men to attack with determination. 

As the day dawned he concentrated his men upon a 
narrow neck some five miles from the Ulundi kraal, and 
having assigned to each company the place it was to 
occupy in the action, the march was continued in file by 
a footpath till the heights were reached. Then each 
section fell into its place and the encircling movement 
began. Not till it had got within sight of Ulundi was 
the approaching army detected. Then the available force 
was called to arms and sent out to meet it ; but to meet 
it was all that these defenders of the king were able to do. 

Unprepared for fighting, the Usutu turned and ran as 
soon as they received an impression of the resolution which 
animated their assailants. Fynn was an eye-witness of 
the scene. " About eight o'clock," he says, " on the morn- 
ing of the 21st of July 1883, I saw the forces proceeding 
from Ulundi towards the south-east. They had proceeded 
about a mile when they spread out in detachments, ap- 
parently in irregular form, on the knolls east of Ulundi, 
and appeared to become disconnected. About 8.30 they 
became scattered like a swarm of bees and were running, 
and passed the entrance of Ulundi in their flight, when I 
observed the huts on the right-side of the entrance to be 
on fire, and could hear gun-shots amongst the scattered 
people running and covering the country westward of 
Ulundi. The fire in Ulundi spread until the whole kraal 
was in a blaze (I estimated the number of huts to be 1000 
or more)." 

So for the second time did that ill-fated kraal ascend 
in smoke, while its owner and defenders sought escape in 
flight. The king himself was perhaps in less danger at the 
hands of the present attacking force. The men composing 
it had been his subjects and knew him and held his person 
in a high degree of sacredness. Not less appalling, even 


in the ranks of the enemy, would be a deliberate attempt 
on his life than was the reported declaration of Oliver 
Cromwell that " if he met the king in battle he would fire 
his pistol at the king as at another." 

Cetshwayo had left at an early stage of the proceed- 
ings, and, mounted on a somewhat sorry horse, betaken 
himself in a south-western direction. But before pro- 
ceeding a great distance he took shelter in a clump of trees, 
where he was presently discovered by a party of Usibebu's 
force, led by one Ralijana, a son of Somfula, the chief of 
a section of the Hlabisa tribe, who cast their assegais at 
him, two of them wounding him in the thigh. Upon his 
remonstrating with them, however, for stabbing their 
king, they desisted, explaining that they had mistaken 
him for his brother, Usiwedu. He was thus enabled to 
escape. As for Ralijana, he could no longer dwell with 
the chief for whom he had fought, so serious was the re- 
sentment he incurred by injuring the king's person. 

For others there was no respect or mercy shown. Mr. 
Fynn prepared a list of the principal chiefs and notables 
who were slain. The list gives the names of fifty-nine of 
them. They were from all parts of Zululand, including 
the Reserve territory. The list includes the names of 
Seketwayo and Ntshingwayo, who had been appointed 
chiefs in the settlement of 1879, and the latter of whom 
commanded the Zulu forces at Isandhlwana ; Godode, the 
chief son of Dingana's adviser and victim, Undhlela ; 
Sirayo, whose son had given the immediate cause for the 
Zulu war ; Umbopa, the Hlabisa chief, the same man who 
participated in the assassination of Tshaka, whose aunt 
was the mother of Umpande, and whose name, Songiya, 
may still be heard in asseverations ; Nkabonina, brother 
of Umbopa, who had been prominent in sheltering 
Cetshwayo when pursued by the troops in 1879 ; Dili- 
kana, the chief of the Amambata ; Haiana, the brother of 
Usibebu, whose disaffection had been fruitful of much 



trouble, and others of less note, perhaps, but who never- 
theless had filled important places in the nation. The 
destruction of old men which occurred on this occasion 
rendered it difficult afterwards to find those in the country 
who could supply from memory accounts of the incidents 
of the nation's progress. 

The slaughter was very great ; in the wake of the vic- 
torious invaders there remained nothing but blackness and 
desolation ; the flames of grass fires sped over the hills ; 
the homes of the people were burnt, wherever found, and 
their cattle and food taken, and their women made captives. 

In Usibebu's service, and assisting him in these pro- 
ceedings, were five Englishmen ; and he was possessed of, 
and carried into use, a considerable number of guns which 
he had acquired, although in what way it is not clear, after 
the general disarmament which followed the war of 1879. 

He was become a terror, and, sweeping round by the 
Inhlazatshe Mountain, he soon made Umnyamana's posi- 
tion extremely precarious. 

The country was in worse confusion than ever. For 
days Cetshwayo was believed to be dead, and Mr. Osborn 
had instructions, on verification of this belief, to proceed 
to his territory and endeavour to restore order. But veri- 
fication was not forthcoming, and contrary rumours soon 
began to circulate. 


RUMOUR was soon found to have spoken truly. By the 6th of 
August it was clearly established that Cetshwayo not only 
was alive but that he was at the kraal of the chief 
Usingananda, in the vicinity of the Inkandhla bush, and 
within the Reserve territory. And it soon became evident 
that a strong disposition existed amongst the people there to 
treat him rather as their own king than as a fugitive from 
his country. On the strength of this disposition a good 
deal had now to depend. The maintenance of the Reserve 
depended upon that of those people within it who were 
opposed to Cetshwayo's rule ; the question seemed likely to 
arise : What number were prepared to fight for the king 
or for the white ruler ? Mr. Osborn, while expressing his 
confidence that those on his side were both able and willing 
to support him, urged the importance of sending a body of 
troops into the territory he ruled in order to impart con- 
fidence as to the determination of the British Government 
to maintain the position in the country which it had 
assumed. As for Cetshwayo, his attitude did not clearly 
disclose his intention. Hearing of the approach of troops 
towards the border, he expressed his willingness to place 
himself under their protection. But he evaded seeing 
Mr. Osborn, who visited the locality in which he had taken 
up his abode, and declined to proceed to his seat of govern- 
ment at Eshowe. He accused Mr. Osborn and the British 
authorities in Natal of favouring those who sought his 
destruction. He declared that Usibebu had been supplied 
with guns, and that he had been encouraged in the pro- 
ceedings he had taken. The circumstance that that chief 



was assisted in his recent operations by European subjects 
of the queen was proof, he said, of the correctness of the 
accusation. It soon began to be said that he was holding 
communication with the Boers in the Transvaal. He 
denied this ; but it is clear, at least, that those people were 
already regarding the condition of affairs as holding out a 
promise of addition to their territory. Indeed, an inde- 
pendent party of Boers was already establishing a settle- 
ment near to the Ihlobane Mountain, and measuring off 
farms and appointing a committee of management. 

Usibebu continued active. About the middle of 
August he led his forces to the coast and attacked Somkele, 
forcing him to take shelter in the Dukuduku Forest, and 
seizing large numbers of his cattle. Just before the 
attack Sokwetshata, now chief of the Umtetwa tribe, 
instigated by Usibebu, and emboldened by the general de- 
moralisation under which Cetshwayo's adherents laboured, 
attacked, with the same result, some minor tribes on the 
immediate south. 

In these acts Usibebu had proceeded in direct opposi- 
tion to the injunction of the Special Commissioner, who 
had hastened to request, on hearing of the attack on 
Ulundi, that he would discontinue warlike operations pend- 
ing such decision as might be come to by the British 
Government. Finding that this injunction, which had 
been sent to all chiefs, had been disobeyed in these in- 
stances, messengers were at once sent to repeat it. 

A story told by one of these, who visited the domains 
of Somkele immediately after the departure of Usibebu's 
impi, may be interesting for its similarity to that of Jael 
and Sisera, as well as showing how the killing of those 
opposed to them in war was regarded by the Zulu race. 
Arriving at a kraal, there the messenger beheld the inmates 
engaged in a dance of the kind which celebrates the 
performance of some heroic deed. Prominent amongst 
the dancers was a young woman. She was decorated 


with Iziqu threaded bits of wood worn by those who 
have slain an enemy which had been lent for the 
occasion by her brothers. She leaped wildly while her 
praises were vociferated by the assemblage. One of 
Usibebu's men had lost his way in the bush. He had 
wandered hopelessly for several days without food or water. 
Eventually he had emerged where the heroine of the scene 
was employed in her garden, and, confiding in her, begged 
a drink. She told him to hide while she fetched water, 
promising also to bring food. When presently she re- 
turned, however, there were with her two stalwart brothers, 
armed with assegais, and they laid hold of him and held 
him fast while she stabbed him to death with one of those 
weapons. It was for this act of heroism that her praises 
were being celebrated. 

Cetshwayo continued at the Inkandhla bush. A num- 
ber of armed men had accompanied him from his own 
territory, and there gathered round him also some from 
amongst the people of the Reserve. His attitude was 
regarded by the Special Commissioner as extremely un- 
satisfactory. He neither acknowledged himself to be a 
fugitive from his own dominions nor complied with the 
imperative demand of the Resident Commissioner that he 
would disperse his armed following and proceed to the 

On the 24th of August Mr. Osborn telegraphed 
announcing his determination to " call up the loyal tribes 
and coerce him without delay " ; and again on the following 
day that he meant to " push coercive measures rapidly." 
It thus seemed as if the question who was to govern them 
was again about to plunge these unhappy people into a 
sanguinary conflict ; the one party, on this occasion, having 
the support of the British Government. But caution 
prevailed. Circumstanced as the Resident Commissioner 
then was the issue would have been very doubtful. It 
would have depended upon the result of the first encounter ; 


and the chances of success were not favourable to him 
because of the strong position held by Cetshwayo's forces. 
The state of the people was such that one failure would 
have entirely discouraged them. British troops were 
urgently appealed for in order to give "moral" courage 
to the loyal tribes. These did not arrive till a month 
later. In the meantime frequent communications were 
exchanged without giving any hope of a peaceful settle- 
ment. William Grant, acting on the appointment he had 
received at Ulundi, had joined Cetshwayo at Inkandhla and 
advised him to stay there until he should receive a reply 
to voluminous representations which he had made on his 
behalf to the Secretary of State. Sir Henry Bulwer's solemn 
warning as to what would be the result of a continuance 
to disregard the request that Cetshwayo should proceed to 
Eshowe failed to produce any effect ; and by the beginning 
of October there appeared to be no course open but that 
of the application of force. 

But the hopelessness of his position was beginning to 
impress itself upon Cetshwayo's mind. Usibebu had 
gauged the situation. He had perceived that his own 
safety lay in the failure of Cetshwayo to re-establish him- 
self. It was apparent to him that the position of the 
Reserve was critical. He had, therefore, assembled a large 
force, made up partly of men supplied by Uhamu and the 
chief Umfanawendhlela, and marched to the Ibabanango, 
a point on the border stream, the Umhlatuzi, opposite to 
the position occupied by Cetshwayo in the Reserve. This 
was a strong moral support to the people of that territory 
who might be disposed to fight against the king, but of a 
character which had necessarily to be repudiated by the 
British authorities. 

The necessary instructions were issued and prepara- 
tion made to enforce the demands with which Cetshwayo 
had failed to comply; but Fynn, the British Resident at 
Ulundi, having been recalled, volunteered on his arrival 


at Eshowe to convey personally a final message of warn- 
ing, and to use his personal influence in persuading 
Cetshwayo into compliance. He was successful. His 
persuasive eloquence was palpably supported by the proxi- 
mity of Usibebu ; but the important result attained was 
that he was able to return to Eshowe on the 15th of the 
month bringing the fugitive king with him. 

The place at which Cetshwayo took up his residence 
there was near to the spot which was occupied in 1839 by 
the Gqikazi kraal, from which his father, Umpande, pro- 
ceeded on the enterprise which resulted in his becoming 
king of the Zulus. As for him, his kingship and life were 
shortly to end there. 

The state of the country was, indeed, a sad one. That 
portion which had been given back to Cetshwayo was 
without a ruler. Usibebu was walking rampant over it, 
seizing the cattle and food of the people. Large areas 
were depopulated, the places where the people had dwelt 
being marked by the ashes of their dwellings. The 
planting season had come, but there was no planting. 
The question what should be done to end so unhappy 
a condition was greatly perplexing the British authorities. 
Should Cetshwayo be reinstated ? Against this it was argued 
that he had so violated the conditions of his restoration 
that he could not be trusted to abide by such requirements 
as it would be necessary, in the interests of law and order, 
to stipulate ; that he had abandoned the territory assigned 
to him and could not return without the support of British 
troops, which might thus become involved in such lawless 
acts as he might commit ; that by the attitude he had 
assumed in the Reserve he had forfeited all claim to 
such support. Should Usibebu be recognised as by right 
of conquest ? This would be unjust to those Zulus who 
were opposed to him, and would put him in a position in 
which he would have to assert and maintain his authority 
by the spear. Should the country be left to itself ? The 


result would be harrowing. Should the principles of 
the Zulu Native Reserve Territory be extended over 
the whole of it? This course the Special Com- 
missioner believed would best secure the welfare of the 
people, but its success could not be secured unless Cetsh- 
wayo were sent out of the country. Should Dinuzulu, the 
then only son of Cetshwayo and a minor, be established 
in the place of his father, with a British Resident and 
Council of Regency composed of Zulu head-men ? This 
was believed to be practicable if Usibebu's authority were 
extended to the Black Umfolozi and Cetshwayo removed. 
Of these alternatives the only one which in any sense 
commended itself to the Secretary of State was the last. 
This he was prepared to accept, provided that it could be 
ascertained to be acceptable to the people by whom Cetsh- 
wayo's territory was occupied. It had been perceived by 
Sir Henry Bulwer that it would not be acceptable to 
Uhamu at least. The object which he had in view, when 
he made the proposal conditional on the extension of 
Usibebu's border, was plainly to bring Uhamu under the 
authority of that chief. He assumed, perhaps, that as 
these two chiefs were in alliance there would be no ob- 
jection on the part of the one to the rule of the other; 
there would have been a danger in acting upon this 
assumption. The object of the alliance had been to secure 
independent rule to each ; the arrangement would, with- 
out doubt, have set them at war with each other. The 
bulk of Umnyamana's lands and tribe would also have 
fallen to Usibebu, as also the Umpukunyoni under 
Somkele. The circumstances precluded almost all hope 
of a peaceful adjustment. 

Cetshwayo had entirely lost even the little to which 
he had been restored. Those chiefs within his territory 
who had yielded unwilling submission to his authority 
now thought they saw in the state of things a prospect 
of being able to throw it off again, and regain independent 


authority over their own tribes. Conspicuous amongst 
these was Umfanawendhlela, the Zungu chief. So satisfied 
had he become that the desire, which he had not dis- 
guised from the first, was about to be realised, that he 
actually afforded assistance to Usibebu in his operations 
against Cetshwayo. There is evidence that he had an 
understanding with the former before he made the attack 
on Ulundi on the 21st of July; it has been seen that 
a number of his men were with him at the Ibabanango 
at the time when the question was presented to Cetshwayo 
whether he would go to Eshowe voluntarily or under 
compulsion. He expected that a speedy settlement of the 
affairs of the country would be arranged by the British 
Government, and shaped his course in the way which 
seemed to him most likely to secure him favour at the 
hands of that Government. His proceedings had early 
attracted the attention and called forth the resentment 
of the king. Soon it became known that an attack upon 
him was comtemplated by the king's partisans, and he 
betook himself with his people for safety to the territory 
of Usibebu. Thinking, however, that nearness to that 
chief would afford sufficient protection, he returned with 
his own family to the south of the Black Umfolozi River, 
to a kraal he had built in the mimosa bush there. In 
the meantime Mankulumana, a son of the Ndwandwe 
chief, Somapunga, was gathering an impi for his destruc- 
tion ; and early on the morning of the 14th of December 
he was awakened by its arrival. There was no mercy in 
that impi and no way of escape. 

This was the most serious breach of the peace that 
had occurred for some time. There were other fitful 
raids and reprisals; but generally the injunction of the 
Special Commissioner to all to remain quiet, till they 
should hear of the decision to be arrived at, had been 
observed. Usibebu had been restrained by this injunction 
from further harassing Umnyamana. Though in constant 


expectation of attack, the people of that chief were gene- 
rally able to go into the fields to plant. 

Such quietness as prevailed was, however, of but a 
temporary character. Something had to be done by the 
British authorities to give permanent peace. Sir Henry 
Bulwer prepared exhaustive expositions of the prevailing 
condition and strove to indicate a remedy. But, as has 
been seen, there was little that was promising in his sug- 
gestions. The Zulu country and its affairs formed, per- 
haps, the most perplexing and distasteful of the subjects 
with which Mr. Gladstone's Government had to deal. 

A period was given to the course of events on the 8th 
of February 1884, on the cause and effect of which were 
despatched and received these two telegrams, both dated 
the 9th of the same month, the one from Sir Henry 
Bulwer to the Earl of Derby, Secretary of State for the 
Colonies, the other in answer to it : " Mr Osb orn has 
telegraphed, under date the 8th instant, to say that 
Cetshwayo died in his hut about 4.30 P.M. on that day, 
and that Dr. Scott, who saw him after death, was of 
opinion that death was due to fatty disease of the heart." 
" Circumstances are now altered ; have you any new sug- 
gestions ? " 


THERE was in reality but little alteration in the circum- 
stances. When Cetshwayo was dead his brothers went 
to Mr. Osborn and made a report which surprised him 
and in a higher degree surprised Sir Henry Bulwer. 
Both had been led to understand that his death had 
occurred suddenly and unexpectedly. Now it was formally 
announced to them that he had called the members of 
his family together and told them that he felt himself 
to be overtaken by death, but that he would not altogether 
die, inasmuch as he had a son, Dinuzulu, who would 
succeed him. 

That he had actually done this was seriously doubted ; 
but it mattered little whether or not, since those who 
made the announcement were the same to whom the 
dying words were supposed to have been addressed, and 
it was their design to be guided by their purport. 

The king had been placed in a position in which he 
could afford little help to the party which supported him. 
That party could be little worse off with a king who 
was still a minor, but who was free to act as might be 
necessary. Therefore they were resolved to recognise 
Dinuzulu as the successor to Cetshwayo and, with his 
uncle Undabuko as regent, to set about the business 
of getting out of their difficulties. There at first appeared 
no clear way to that end. The quarrel with Usibebu 
had become so serious a matter that conciliation was 
not possible ; he was grown so strong that they could 
not live in his proximity except by his permission. 

Sir Henry Bulwer made his recommendation. It was 



that the dominion of Usibebu should be extended to the 
Black Umfolozi River from the north, and British autho- 
rity, as established in the Reserve Territory, from the 
south. The Usutu party would thus be apportioned 
between the Resident Commissioner and Usibebu. It 
is not necessary to mention this proposal except to show 
that the condition of affairs had become such that no 
remedy could be found that would not involve bloodshed. 
It was rejected by the English Government, a telegram, 
dated the 16th of May 1884, announcing their purpose 
to "adhere to their decision not to extend sovereignty 
or protection over Zululand." 

By this time there had been fighting in the Reserve, 
and important movements were in progress out of it. 

Events had been carefully watched by certain Boers, 
and they perceived that the time had arrived when the 
object which they had in view might be gained. There were 
two of these whose names had already become familiar to the 
Zulus, and have ever since been remembered, not without 
bitterness, by the party for whose benefit it was their 
policy to manifest solicitude. The first was Jacobus Van 
Staden, known to the Zulus as Kontshi a mis-pronuncia- 
tion of Kootje, the Dutch diminutive of his Christian 
name; the other Conrad Meyer, a Boer emissary of old 
standing. These men first proceeded to Umnyamana, 
but finding that, with his characteristic caution, he would 
not commit himself by countenancing their proposals, 
they set about searching for Dinuzulu, who was a mere 
boy; but whose position they knew would render their 
offer a tempting one. They came with offers of Boer help to 
secure him in the succession. They desired him to accom- 
pany them to Wakkerstroom, where arrangements would 
be made for placing him on the throne, as had been done 
in the case of his grandfather Umpande. 

By the 3rd of April he had left Inkandhla, where he 
had been resident at the time of his father's death, and 


proceeded to join Umnyamana at his Ekushumayeleni kraal 
for the purpose of considering this offer. There was much 
misgiving in the minds of the Zulus. They suspected 
some design to take their land, and intimated their 
fear in that regard. But the most emphatic assurances 
were given to the contrary. The Boer emissaries " made 
a heap of stones and put a stick in it as their oath. 
One of them took off his hat and placed it on the heap 
of stones swearing that they wanted neither cattle nor 

Their mission was successful. Dinuzulu accom- 
panied them. And the necessities of the circumstances 
thus created added to the disposition of those of the Usutu 
party who resided in the Reserve Territory to withhold 
that submission which the authority there considered its 
due. The principal Usutu chief residing within the 
borders of that territory was Dabulamanzi. His attitude 
was such that the Resident Commissioner felt it to be 
necessary to reduce him by force to submission or to expel 
him. Accordingly he mustered what he could of the men 
well affected to himself, about 3000, and, with the Zulu 
Carbineers under Mansel, was at the Inkandhla early in 
May. He summoned the Usutu there to answer for moles- 
tation of loyal natives, of which they had been accused, 
and, no response being vouchsafed, he ordered the seizure 
of their cattle. A slight conflict ensued, with a few 
casualties on both sides, and, in the early morning of the 
10th of the month, Dabulamanzi attacked his camp with 
a considerable force. It was fortunate for the Commissioner 
that he had the disciplined and properly armed Carbineers, 
for the other native force which he had brought would plainly 
not have withstood the attack. Dabulamanzi was repulsed 
with considerable loss ; but the situation was still so dis- 
couraging that Mr. Osborn decided on a retirement to 
Eshowe, and concluded that he would be unable to 
maintain his position without the aid of troops, which 


aid was authorised a few days later, some regulars being 
soon despatched to Eshowe. 

But of serious attack or armed opposition he was, for 
the time being, in little danger. The attention of the 
Usutu party was engaged in the main enterprise in which 
the help of the Boers had been secured. 

By the 7th of May some 400 Boers, armed as for war, 
were in central Zululand, and matters proceeded with con- 
siderable rapidity. 

It was still the profession of the Boers that they were 
actuated by motives of solicitude towards the Zulu people. 
They desired, they said, to make an end to the strife which 
was destroying them ; to give them peace. They sent 
assurance of friendship to Usibebu, and invited him to 
attend the ceremony of Dinuzulu's installation as king. 
They affected a hope that friendly feeling might be re- 
established between these two chiefs by this means. 

In some measure they would appear to have believed 
that the object they professed was their real object. But 
that at which they aimed could not be attained by friendly 
intercession, and the pretence, whether to themselves or to 
others, was not long maintained. They were marching 
against the man who had proved himself so formidable a 
foe to the Usutu that they could no longer trust in their 
own strength to prevail against him. 

In vain Usibebu applied to and supplicated the British 
authorities for help in his extremity. He had no fear of 
the Usutu force by itself : but, aided by this considerable 
European army, he realised that he would be no match 
for it. He was resolved, nevertheless, to face the odds 
that were advancing against him. He elected to make 
his stand where the Umkuzi Stream enters the gap in the 
Lebombo Mountain, through which it has found its way to 
the sea. The spot is some fourteen miles to the north- 
east of his principal kraal, the Banganomo. It is still 
marked, after sixteen years, by the bones of those that fell 


in the battle that ensued, and has an interest to the few 
who travel in the remote locality in which it lies. When 
those bones have finally returned to their elements the 
scene of the battle will possess a sufficient interest in its 
own physical grandeur and beauty. The mountain on the 
southern side of the gap forms a lofty peak of bald rock, 
called by the Zulus Itshana, or the little stone, which has 
become more widely known for the battle that was fought 
at its base. On the north it is less abrupt, so that it has 
been found possible to make a road by which vehicles may 
be drawn to the magistracy at the top. It is clothed with 
wood and a profusion of vegetation, and presents a land- 
scape the beauty of which largely compensates for the 
fatigue involved in the ascent. Tall trees and various 
luxuriance of heat-loving plants fringe the stream at the 

Usibebu placed his fighting men between the Itshana 
and the stream, and those who could not bear arms in 
places of security on the brow which faces the south. 

The position was obviously chosen with the view of 
escaping in the event of defeat, while if success should 
attend him the invaders might be pursued to destruction 
across the fourteen miles of waste level which they had 
traversed before reaching it. 

The invading army was advancing. The Boers were 
mounted and were a serious difficulty, as, by conducting a 
running fight, they would render but partial any success 
the defenders of the position might attain. Usibebu per- 
ceived this, and made a disposition by which he hoped to 
destroy their horses at the beginning of the engagement. 

An accidental shot betrayed this intention. 

The Boers had, as when they went to war on behalf of 
Umpande, designed that the Zulus should do their own 
fighting. They placed them in front, undertaking to sup- 
port them if necessary with their rifles. 

The collision took place on the 5th of June, The 


Usutu army was strong, but experience had led it to respect 
the foe it had to encounter. The Boers took up the best 
covering position the ground would afford; it was the 
sense of their presence that induced the Usutu to advance 
to the attack. Their formation was as usual, but the 
ground was ill-adapted for an encircling movement, the 
space between the Itshana and the stream being narrow 
and wooded. The right wing was the first to encounter 
Usibebu's force near the base of the hill. The shock it 
received forced it back in some confusion on the main 
body. Then the Boers' rifles came into action. They 
were unable to distinguish between friend and foe ; many 
of both fell to their fire. But it had the effect of 
checking the retreat. The Mandhlagazi, being unable 
to face the shower of bullets that rained upon them, 
turned and fled ; the Usutu also turned, partly for the 
same cause, partly because their pursuers had turned. 
The battle was over. The pursuit was active and un- 
sparing. The stream, sluggish in parts, with its tangle- 
grown banks, seriously impeded retreat, as is testified 
by the number of bones to be seen there. The battle of 
Etshaneni has been well remembered, and may be referred 
to for the purpose of fixing a date. 

Usibebu was at last vanquished and driven forth. 
Dinuzulu was recognised as king of such Zulus outside of 
the Reserve as would yield him allegiance ; those who 
would not had, perforce, for the present to seek other 
dwelling places or the shelter of rocks. Usibebu, and 
those of his people who could get there, took refuge in the 
Reserve, as did Sokwetshata and his Umtetwa people. 
Uhamu maintained a kind of resistance in his own rocky 
country ; he and his people were destined to find them- 
selves tenants on Boer farms, into which his land was soon 
to be converted. 

As for the Usutu, it was now required of them that 
they should make payment for the help they had received, 


and the claim was a heavy one. A farm was demanded 
for each Boer who had joined in their service. Report 
of the expedition, and the prospect it held out, had spread 
far, and the Boers claiming reward were found to number 
some 800. To provide each with a farm would require a 
quantity of land that would very seriously diminish the 
little country that still remained to the Zulu kingdom. 

In vain the Usutu repudiated any agreement to give 
land, or offered what to their minds would be sufficient 
for the service that had been rendered them, or protested 
that they had not engaged so large a number of Boers. 
" If," said one of the latter, at a meeting to discuss the 
matter two months after the battle, " the Kafirs don't 
want to give the land we must take the land and bring 
the Kafirs to their senses " ; and he thus gave expression 
to the view of the matter which prevailed amongst his 

William Grant was with Dinuzulu exercising the 
functions of " representative and adviser of the Zulu 
nation." His appointment was at first verbal, but after- 
wards, for the satisfaction of the British authorities, it was 
reduced to writing and signed by Dinuzulu, Undabuko and 
Umnyamana. The written appointment was dated the llth 
of September. Already, on the 16th of August, Dinuzulu 
as King of the Zulus and Grant in the capacity named 
had signed a document granting to the Boers the full reward 
which they had demanded ; consenting, apparently, while 
they protested that they would never consent. As to how 
this came about, the statements of Mr. Grant are entirely 
opposed to those of the persons he represented. While he 
declared on the one hand that he was empowered to sign 
the document and that its contents were understood, the 
men who were supposed to give him that power declared 
with great emphasis that they had neither understood it 
nor authorised its signature. 

It " granted a certain number of South African farmers 


in Zululand, for their free use and as their property, a 
certain portion of Zululand, bordering on the South 
African Republic and the Reserve Territory, in extent, 
more or less, 1,355,000 morgen, with the right to establish 
there an independent Republic called the New Republic" ; 
and further proclaimed that from its date the remaining 
portion of Zululand and the Zulu nation should be subject 
to the supervision of the said New Republic. 

On the strength of this document the measuring of 
farms was proceeded with. It continued until the sea was 
reached, and there remained little for the Zulus beyond 
what had formed the territory of Usibebu. 


MATTERS continued in this condition until April 1886, 
when the Zulu authorities resolved on asking for the 
intervention of the British Government on their behalf. 
The message on the subject was conveyed by Undabuko 
and Tshingana, and was represented as from Dinuzulu in 
the capacity of Zulu king. He was generally regarded as 
possessing the kingly quality. The Boers had declared 
him king, although possibly with the same mental re- 
servation as has been claimed on behalf of their fore- 
fathers in the case of Umpande, whose kingship they are 
said to have intended to affect the people and not the 

It was nearly two years since the assumption by the 
Boer community of sovereignty over territory, the limits 
of which were to comprehend farms of a specified number 
and acreage ; they had also during that period exercised 
such supervision over the whole of the country that had 
been under Zulu rule as amounted to the assumption of 
complete authority over it. Dinuzulu and his council 
had never, on their part, shown any disposition, whatever 
may have been their understanding of it, to abide by the 
terms of the document he and Mr. William Grant had 
signed, and by virtue of which the Boers maintained their 
sovereign rights as a community and title to ownership of 
land as individuals. They consistently repudiated the 
construction placed upon that document by the Boers, 
declaring that they had understood it to have reference 
to a piece of land on the north-western side of their 
country, limited by a line from the Inkandi to the Zun- 



geni Hill ; that it was designed to reward about a hundred 
Boers, which number only had actively helped them in their 
operations against Usibebu. In their view of the subject 
their minds would appear to have gone back to the 
territorial dispute which preceded the Zulu war ; and 
they were willing, for the help they had been afforded, to 
surrender the land which had formed the subject of that 

As the result of their representation to the Governor 
of Natal in his capacity as Special Commissioner for Zulu 
Affairs, communication was opened between that officer 
and the authorities of the new republic at their capital 
town of Vrijheid. 

There had been established a Volks Raad there under 
the presidency of Lucas Johannes Meyer, who was des- 
tined to command the first attack upon the British forces 
in the Boer war at Talana. 

In response to an invitation, he and other Boers 
forming an authoritative deputation proceeded to Natal, 
and met the Special Commissioner in Durban with the 
object of endeavouring to arrive at some agreement ; but 
there was no result. The Boer delegates declared them- 
selves unable to accept the basis of negotiations laid 
down by the Special Commissioner. This contained the 
conditions that the land to be acquired by the Boers 
should be bounded on the south-east approximately by a 
line drawn from the Ibabanango Hill to the Inhlazatshe 
Mountain, and thence in a northerly direction to the 
Pongolo River ; that the Boers should abandon all claim 
to a protectorate over Zulus residing outside that boun- 
dary, called the Zulu nation, and leave them in undis- 
turbed possession of what remained of their country ; 
that they should guarantee within the land to be acquired 
by them the rights derived by missionary bodies, of 
whatever nationality, from Cetshwayo and his prede- 


The negotiations were broken off and the Boer deputa- 
tion made a statement of their case to the Press. They 
had found it impossible, they said, to consider the question 
of accepting the boundary stipulated by the Special 
Commissioner. They required 2,260,600 acres to provide 
farms for 800 Boers; the boundary he had indicated 
would deprive them of 250 farms, leaving provision only 
for 550. The deprivation of 250 Burghers would cause 
dissatisfaction and imperil the young republic. It would 
moreover reduce the area of their land so greatly as to 
render it incapable of supporting a government. 

The deputation returned to Vrijheid and the admini- 
stration of the republic proceeded as before. The chiefs and 
people were made to realise that they had become subject 
to the rule of the Boer invaders ; that their position had 
become that of tenants, subject to the same conditions 
in that respect as members of the native race in other 
parts of South Africa which were under European 
occupation. They had to render personal service to 
their landlords, and found this exacted in some cases 
by means of bodily coercion. In their own exag- 
gerative words, "in all the country where there was a 
Boer, their people were beaten; they were tied up and 
beaten, men, women and children ; they had wounds on 
their heads and wales on their backs." 

On the 4th of the month succeeding that of the 
abortive conference, Dinuzulu and his councillors ad- 
dressed a long and pathetic appeal to the Special Com- 
missioner, setting forth these troubles and complaining 
particularly that the graves of his ancestors, Makosini, 
were being desecrated. Then on the 12th of October 
came three other messengers, Siziba, Zeyize and Umlul- 
wana, to report two occurrences to which great impor- 
tance was attached, and to reiterate the prayer for 
intervention by the British Government. The first of 
these occurrences was the death of Dabulamanzi. He 


had been arrested by a Boer field-cornet on the 21st of 
September for declaring the rights of Dinuzulu to the 
land, and, .escaping on the following day into the Reserve 
territory while being escorted to Vrijheid, and there 
claiming British protection and refusing to proceed, was 
shot by his guard. The second was the burning by the 
Boer authorities of the Ondini, or Ulundi kraal, which 
Dinuzulu had caused to be built at Inhlazatshe. 

In the meantime there had been a renewal of corre- 
spondence with the authorities of the New Republic. 
The Special Commissioner had assumed a more impera- 
tive tone on the subject of the desired settlement. On 
the 6th of September he had addressed a letter to the 
president, in which, while expressing a willingness still to 
negotiate, he intimated that it might become necessary in 
the event of negotiation being declined, to send a com- 
missioner into Zululand to fix a line of demarcation in 
such a manner as might seem expedient after inquiry on 
the spot; and it had been agreed that another meeting 
should take place between him and a Boer deputation on 
the 18th of October. 

The meeting was held at the appointed time, and 
attended on behalf of the New Republic by President 
Meyer, R. J. Spies and D. J. Esselen ; the Zulus were un- 
represented except in so far as they may be regarded as 
having placed their case in the hands of the Special 

The negotiations proceeded upon the basis previously 
laid down, except in regard to the question of boundary ; 
the Special Commissioner had found it necessary to admit 
discussion of that which he had previously indicated. 

On the fourth day (22nd October 1886) an agreement 
was arrived at. The Boer deputation undertook, subject 
to the approval of the Zulus, to abandon all claim to 
protection over them as a nation, and gave the required 
guarantee in respect to missionaries. Approval of the 


agreement by the British Government was to carry with 
it the recognition of the New Republic as an independent 
state. These questions involved little difficulty, but the 
matter of boundary was different. In regard to this a 
very considerable departure had been made, in favour of 
the Boers, from that which had been proposed by the 
Special Commissioner at the earlier meeting. The one 
agreed upon was to leave the Ibabanango and Inhlazatshe 
far to the west, and instead of reaching the Pongolo River 
by a northerly line from the latter mountain, it was to 
proceed from a point on the White Umfolozi River over 
the Idhlebe and Ceza mountains, and by way of the 
Umkuzana and Umkuzi streams and the ridge of the 
Lebombo Mountain. Then a large tract of country lying 
still to the eastward was made subject to the proviso 
marked " B," " that all settlers having received allotments " 
therein " might continue to occupy and possess such allot- 
ments " : the additional land thus made available for Boer 
occupation, and of which they were to become the absolute 
owners, extended to a line drawn from the Hlopekulu 
Mountain, some ten miles below the Ulundi Drift of the 
White Umfolozi River, straight towards the Hlokohloko 
Mountain, as far as to the Umhlatuzi River, by which the 
territory was to be further limited. The wagon road from 
the upper Umhlatuzi to the Ulundi Drift completed the 
boundary of the New Republic. This excluded from what 
remained of Zululand that portion of the country " described 
as the ' cradle ' of the Zulu nation, in which are situated 
the sites of the royal burial places," which under a mis- 
apprehension the Special Commissioner reported that he 
had secured to the Zulus. 

And before twenty days had elapsed there came another 
deputation from Dinuzulu and his councillors, in the 
persons of his uncle Tshingana, Sibamu, and Umtshupana, 
the latter being a well-known induna of the old prime 
minister Umnyamana. They had heard of the Ibabanango- 


Inhlazatshe boundary which the Special Commissioner 
had at first proposed, and sent this deputation to protest 
against it as ceding too much land to the Boers. They 
said they had been led to expect, and still expected, that 
they would be afforded an opportunity of discussing the 
question with the Boers in the Special Commissioner's 
presence. This deputation caused a letter to be written to 
the queen in like terms, and requested the Special Com- 
missioner to forward it. But by this time the agreement 
had been approved by the Secretary of State, and it 
remained only to intimate its terms to the Zulu deputa- 
tion, and to convey through them the request to the 
Zulu authorities, that they would appoint a com- 
missioner to represent the nation at the demarcation of 
the boundary shortly to be proceeded with by the Resident 
Commissioner of the Reserve territory, Mr. Osborn and 
Colonel Frederic Cardew on the part of the British 
Government, and commissioners representing the New 

The Boer deputation had objected to the boundary first 
proposed, on the ground that it would deprive individual 
Boers of their allotments. Any alienation of country to 
them necessarily affected individual Zulus in the same 
way. The boundary which had been agreed upon deprived 
whole tribes of all rights whatever, and made them liable 
to summary removal by those who had come into owner- 
ship of the land they had dwelt upon for generations. 
Amongst the tribes so affected were the Umgazini, that of 
Uhamu, the Umdhlalose, the Abaqulusini, and the greater 
portion of the Butelezi under Umnyamana. These derived 
no compensating benefit from the agreement. It was only 
theoretically possible for them to come within the land 
secured to the Zulu nation. In the course of his interview 
with the Zulu deputation the Special Commissioner threw 
out the suggestion that a large tract had become available 
through its abandonment by Usibebu, but how far this 


promised practical relief will be seen as this account 

The commissioners duly proceeded with the work of 
demarcation. A beginning was made on the 4th of 
December 1886. The expected Zulu Commissioner, Umeni, 
did not arrive ; it transpired that his horse had fallen 
with and injured him. An educated native Christian 
named Martin Lutuli, who acted as interpreter and writer 
to Dinuzulu, was present with the British Commission, 
but merely as a spectator. On the 12th of the month the 
old man Kwabiti presented himself, the work having been 
in progress in the meantime. He was a man of distinc- 
tion derived from long life and important experience. 
His memory extended back to the days of Tshaka, whom 
he remembered to have seen ; amongst other experiences 
he had been present at the death and received the dying 
words of Dingana. But as regards the powers conferred 
upon him on this occasion, these appear to have been very 
limited. He announced to the British Commissioners the 
desire of Dinuzulu and Umnyamana to be accorded an 
interview in order to protest against the partition of the 
country. He did not accompany the commissioners to 
the points upon which beacons were to be erected, but 
contented himself with receiving reports from Martin 
Lutuli. Eventually he ceased to attend, and to a question 
as to the reason of his absence, Umnyamana replied that 
he did not know that it was necessary for a condemned man 
to appoint any one to witness his execution. Martin Lutuli 
continued to attend, taking no part in the proceedings. 
At a meeting held on the 3rd of January 1887, the chiefs, 
including Dinuzulu and Umnyamana, protested personally 
against the demarcation, and refused to admit that a final 
decision had been arrived at on the subject by the British 
Government. They also refused to entertain the question 
of accepting a British Protectorate, which was suggested 
to them, and denied willingness, which they were reported 


to have expressed, to come under the Government of 

The work of demarcation was completed on the 15th 
of January, but there remained the question, which seemed 
of some urgency, what was to be done to secure the safe 
settlement of the Zulus upon what remained of their 
country. Mr. Osborn had been charged with the duty 
of solving this question. He remained in camp at the 
Idhlebe Hill when the other members of the Commission 
dispersed, in order to seek a solution; and was able to 
report on the 8th and 10th of February the decision he 
had arrived at and the attitude towards it of the Zulus, 
an attitude which scarcely seems from the reports of the 
proceedings to have been so definitely favourable as it was 
subsequently held to be. 

Mr. Osborn had held meetings with those in charge 
of the affairs of the Zulu nation, the chief of whom was 
Umnyamana, and impressed upon them the hopelessness 
of the situation in which they had been placed by the 
events which had culminated in the work just completed 
by the Commission. It was impossible for them, he said, 
to continue as a semi-independent people in presence of 
the dangers by which they were beset. 

From those dangers nothing could free them but 
British protection. He asserted, and they admitted, that 
the queen might, by virtue of her existing sovereign 
rights in and over Zululand, extend such protection 
without consulting them. The object of discussing the 
subject with them was to convey to their minds a true 
understanding of the situation, and thus enable them 
to fully appreciate the great benefit which the queen was 
graciously pleased to confer in the offer to place them 
under the protection and supreme authority of the British 
Government. He invited them to express their views on 
the subject, intimating that the British Government 
would disclaim all responsibility for any trouble that 


might overtake them from within or without their borders 
if they should delay in availing themselves of the proffered 
benefits. They asked for time to consider, but days passed 
without manifestation on their part of a disposition to 
come to a decision. When urged to resume the adjourned 
meeting they pleaded illness. Mr. Osborn thought that 
he perceived the reason underlying this attitude, and that 
it was favourable to his proposal. He reflected that they 
were precluded by their laws and traditions from ex- 
pressing acquiescence in any surrender of sovereignty or 
alienation of territory, although they were capable of 
understanding the necessity of yielding to conquest or 
submission to what circumstances might render inevitable. 
He construed their omission to refute his statement of 
their case as a tacit admission that he had correctly 
stated it. 

He therefore resolved to take the initiative into his 
own hands, and notified Umnyamana, the principal 
members of Dinuzulu's family, and other chiefs, on the 
5th day of February 1887, that "British Protection, 
carrying with it the supreme authority of Her Majesty's 
Government," was extended over Eastern Zululand from 
that date. He assumed at the same time the duties of 
Resident Commissioner in that territory. The answer of 
the Zulus was awaited with some anxiety, but when it 
came it was of a somewhat indefinite nature. It did not 
recognise any change in their relations with the British 
Government. The Zulu house, it said, had belonged to 
the English since the day when Tshaka sent Sotobe to 
the king across the water. They desired to be permitted 
to take Dinuzulu to Pietermaritzburg to see the Special 
Commissioner and urge him to make some further en- 
deavour to get back the land which the Boers had taken. 

At the request of the Special Commissioner the effect 
of what had thus transpired was construed by Mr. Osborn, 
and also by Sir Theophilus Shepstone, whose valued 


advice upon natives and their habits of thought and ways 
of acting was still available at this time. To the first he 
put the specific question, " Is it understood by the Zulus 
that the assumption of the Queen's authority is Annexa- 
tion to Empire or Protection?" The answer as to the 
question of understanding by the Zulus was vague, but 
Mr. Osborn recommended annexation on the ground that 
the Zulus would not be able to understand protection. 
Sir Theophilus Shepstone's observations were also of a 
general character. He characterised the assent given by 
the Zulu authorities as half-hearted, but attributed the 
cause to past vacillation on the part of the British 
Government. It could not be expected, he said, that the 
Zulus would give an express approval to a proposal by 
which they might be embarrassed in the event of failure 
to give it definite and permanent effect. Only the royal 
family had been dealt with in the matter, who had 
personal interests to serve, and against whose views the 
people would not venture to speak. Those personal in- 
terests were, however, opposed to the quiet of the country 
and the happiness of the people ; and it was a reproach 
to the British authorities that they alone had been con- 
sulted in the past. The members of that family would 
doubtless feel that the step was adverse to their personal 
ambitions, but the generality of the people would hail it 
with gratitude. He appears to have assumed that an- 
nexation was contemplated. 

When Sir Arthur Havelock reported acquiescence by 
the Zulus in the action taken, he was still undecided as 
to the degree of authority he should assume. The ques- 
tion was resolved by the Imperial Government. The 
decision was telegraphed on the llth of May 1887. By 
that telegram the Secretary of State authorised the 
Special Commissioner, whom he at the same time ap- 
pointed to be Governor of the new territory with power 
to legislate by proclamation, to declare the whole of what 


remained of Zululand, including the Reserve Territory, 
to have become a British possession, under the name of 
Zululand. The proclamation giving effect to this decision 
was issued on the 14th of the month, and made operative 
from the 9th day of May 1887. 

The request of Dinuzulu and his advisers for permission 
to visit Sir Arthur Havelock in Pietermaritzburg had 
resulted in the arrival of a deputation there on the 19th 
of April. Dinuzulu excused himself for not having gone 
personally by the fact that certain of his relatives had 
recently died, including Dabulamanzi and Uhamu, the 
death of the latter having occurred during the previous 
February. The message which the deputation bore was 
a protest against the giving of the country to the Boers, 
and a request for an inquiry, to be attended by repre- 
sentatives of the New Republic and of the Zulu nation ; 
but to all such representations the answer given was that 
the settlement was a final one, and that no further dis- 
cussion could take place, upon the subject. 


THE proclamation of the 14th of May was followed by a 
second, declaring the laws in force in the Colony of Natal 
to be extended to the territory of Zululand, so far as 
they were applicable to its circumstances, and promul- 
gating certain special laws and regulations, based upon 
those of the Protectorate of Bechuanaland. By these 
laws and regulations there was no special status recog- 
nised as belonging to the heir to the Zulu kingship, or 
the members of the Zulu royal family. They contem- 
plated equality of authority in all chiefs, and were silent 
as to who were to be recognised or appointed as such. 
Such as were to be regarded as entitled to the office 
were given jurisdiction in all civil causes between natives 
of their respective tribes ; and in criminal matters their 
powers were limited only by certain classes of crime 
involving capital punishment under Roman Dutch law, 
and cases of pretended witchcraft and faction-fighting. 
Their decisions were all to be subject to appeal, first to 
the magistrates of their respective districts, and there- 
after to the Chief Magistrate, an office which was com- 
bined with that of Resident Commissioner. 

The Royal Commission appointing the Governor of 
Natal to be Governor of Zululand and the annexing 
proclamation of the 14th of May were read at Eshowe 
by the Resident Commissioner in presence of a large 
concourse of chiefs and people, who saluted the flag 
when hoisted at the conclusion of the ceremony and 
expressed no dissent. Afterwards, on the 7th of July, 
the ceremony was repeated at Inkonjeni, where the 


members of the royal family were expected to be pre- 
sent. Dinuzulu did not personally attend, but his uncle 
Undabuko, who was virtual regent during his minority, 
was there, and also the prime induna Umnyamana, and 
Tshingana, and various others associated by office with 
the royal house, the whole gathering numbering some 
600 men. These also saluted the flag, as they were 
required to do. Copies of the proclamation and of the 
laws and regulations were sent to Dinuzulu, but he 
refused to receive them. 

The precise extent of the change that had taken 
place in Dinuzulu's position would perhaps have been 
somewhat difficult for him to realise, but he appears not 
to have recognised any change. The question cannot be 
definitely answered, how far he exercised his personal 
authority, but either he or his uncle and guardian 
Undabuko continued to administer the affairs of the 
people who adhered to him in the same manner as 
had previously been the practice. A man named Um- 
fokazana, residing near to where the Isikwebezi joins the 
Black Umfolozi River, was found guilty, through the 
instrumentality of a diviner, of having practised witch- 
craft and thereby procured the death of several persons. 
He was condemned to death and confiscation, and a party 
of men was despatched to execute the sentence. Um- 
fokazana was found to be absent, but his wife was put 
to death and his cattle were taken. A quarrel took place 
between two brothers named Umkosana and Zonyama, 
residing near the Undunyeni Hill, overlooking the Umona 
valley, which was regarded as having taken the form of 
a faction-fight ; this Dinuzulu also dealt with by seizure 
of cattle. The magistrate who had been appointed over 
the district in which he had established his principal 
(" Usutu ") kraal, and where he resided, required that 
the cattle should be restored in both cases in order 
that such offences as might have been committed by 


the persons accused might be dealt with by lawful 
authority. Dinuzulu declined or failed to comply with 
this request, and the Resident Commissioner proceeded 
to the Inkonjeni, where the magistracy had been tem- 
porarily established, in order to obtain an explanation. 
He summoned Dinuzulu and Undabuko to meet him 
there on the 3rd of September, and as they failed to 
attend personally, he imposed upon the first a fine of 
30 cattle. Neither these, nor those the restoration of 
which had been demanded being delivered, a force was 
sent to seize a sufficient number, this being effected 
without resistance. 

In the meantime a large meeting had been held at 
the Usutu, and a resolution arrived at to appeal to their 
late allies at Vrijheid in respect to the proceedings of 
the British authorities in taking the country and depos- 
ing Dinuzulu from the kingship. Dinuzulu proceeded 
personally to Vrijheid to give effect to this resolution. 
He was accompanied thither by Undabuko, another uncle 
named Mahanana, the chief Maboko of the Umgazini 
tribe, Bantubensumo, chief of a section of the Butelezi, 
and other representative chiefs and head-men. Tshani- 
bezwe, the chief son of Umnyamana, also went, but 
according to evidence he gave later, his father did not 
authorise him to express agreement with the object of 
the visit. 

There had not, up to this time, been a definite expres- 
sion on behalf of what had been called the Zulu nation, of 
that approval subject to which the authorities of the 
New Republic had abandoned their claim to a protec- 
torate over it, and the latter understood, or affected 
to understand, that what took place at the meeting 
between their president and this deputation amounted 
to an assertion by the Zulus of their right to be protected 
against that of which they now complained. The Governor 
regarded the proceeding as amounting to treason, and 


demanded an explanation through the Resident Com- 
missioner, who was still at Inkonjeni. To this demand, 
though frequently repeated, no compliance was yielded, 
and the Resident Commissioner's messengers reported 
that they were treated with indignity, one being actually 
assaulted by an irresponsible individual without visible 
intervention by the chiefs. Finally, on the 14th of 
October, an answer came from Undabuko referring gene- 
rally to the subject of complaint. Dinuzulu, he said, had 
taken cattle from his own people, in his own country ; 
Dinuzulu had never agreed to the annexation of the 
country by the queen ; as regarded the request that they 
should personally attend before the Resident Commis- 
sioner, they were prevented by the recent death of the 
mother of Usiwedu and the illness of Dinuzulu. The 
messengers reported that the latter was not ill, that 
they had seen him ride out upon his horse. 

It was to secure himself in the kingship that Dinuzulu 
had embarked on the proceedings which had culminated 
in the annexation, and the terms of the annexation de- 
prived him entirely of the kingly office. He resented 
the action by which he found himself thus deprived; 
it appeared contrary to the nature of the help he had 
asked the British Government to afford him in his 
trouble with the Boers. It was his policy to avoid any act 
of acquiescence in the measures which the British Govern- 
ment had adopted. It was to avoid what might be 
construed as a manifestation of acquiescence that the 
surrender of the cattle which he had seized, and payment 
of the fine that had been imposed upon him, were so 
obstinately neglected. 

The objection to the new state of things was not very 
general. It was entirely from sentiments of loyalty to 
Dinuzulu as heir to the kingship that any objection 
existed at this time. The majority of the people accepted 
the change cheerfully, and especially those who had for 


some years experienced a modified form of British rule in 
the Reserved Territory. By the settlement it had been 
arranged to pay stipends to certain chiefs, principally 
members of the royal house, and these had been accepted, 
except by Dinuzulu and Undabuko. Umnyamana was 
showing signs of a disposition to secede from the royal 

The Governor felt that it was necessary to take serious 
notice of the conduct of Dinuzulu and Undabuko, especially 
in respect to their mission to Vrijheid, but also of their 
attitude towards the Resident Commissioner and their 
treatment of his messengers. He summoned them to 
meet him at Eshowe, being resolved to cause their arrest 
and trial on the charge of treason in the event of a failure 
on their part to comply with his summons. 

The question had in the meantime been under con- 
sideration, whether Usibebu should be permitted to return 
to his tribal lands, from which Dinuzulu, with Boer aid, 
had expelled him in 1884. His misfortune on that 
occasion had been viewed by the British Government as 
a matter in which its obligation did not extend beyond 
that of affording him a haven in the Reserve. There he 
had been residing with those members of his tribe who 
had accompanied him since the time of his expulsion. A 
considerable number of his adherents had sought other 
refuge. His chief induna, Usikizana, had gone with a con- 
siderable following to Swaziland; his brother Hlomuza, 
with others, had remained and yielded submission to the 
victorious Zulu house. Other tribes and tribal sections 
who had been expelled by him in the circumstances 
which attended the restoration of Cetshwayo had returned 
to the sites of their old homes, and Dinuzulu had signalised 
his assumption of authority by causing a personal kraal to 
be established in his late territory. In his exile, when 
importuning the British Government for restoration, he 
based his appeal on the question, what wrong he had done. 


He had, he affirmed, obeyed all orders and injunctions 
which the British authorities had addressed to him. 
It was due to obedience of such instructions in evacuating 
Cetshwayo's country after he had been forced by the 
aggressions of that king to conquer it, that his misfortune 
had been brought about. 

The latest of these representations had been made on 
the 26th of April 1887, just before the annexation, but 
after the announcement of protection and the assumption 
of sovereignty. Upon this, inquiry was made and advice 
sought ; the advice which resulted was unanimously in 
favour of granting his request. Sir Theophilus Shepstone, 
Mr. Henrique Shepstone, then Secretary for Native Affairs 
in Natal, and Mr. Osborn, the Resident Commissioner in 
Zululand, wrote memoranda strongly recommending it. 
In their view restoration was an act due to Usibebu in 
consideration of the loyal attitude he had maintained 
towards the British Government ever since the settlement 
of 1879. Omission to restore him might alienate his 
affections from the Government, and at the same time the 
influence and energy he was capable of exerting on its 
behalf. There might even be difficulty in restraining him 
from spontaneous action in returning to his lands. His 
presence in the Eshowe district, in the lands of John Dunn, 
was embarrassing. If restored to his own domains by the 
hands of the Government, and his affections thus secured, 
his presence in the eastern portion of the country would 
exercise a salutary effect upon any disaffected persons. It 
was believed that the fear his warlike operations had 
inspired in the past would be a sufficient safeguard against 
any attack upon him, and that his loyal disposition was a 
guarantee against any aggression on his part. Upon these 
views, which Sir Arthur Havelock heartily endorsed, he 
" earnestly begged," in a despatch dated 3rd of August 
1887, " to be entrusted with authority to arrange for the 
repatriation of Usibebu, at such time and in such manner 


as circumstances might render convenient," and his request 
was acceded to by the Secretary of State in a despatch 
dated the 12th of September. 

By the energetic persuasion of the magistrate, Dinuzulu 
was induced to obey the summons of the Governor, and, 
having been preceded by Undabuko, they both appeared 
in his presence on the 14th of November, and had their 
altered position strongly impressed upon them. " The 
House of Tshaka," the Governor declared (he might 
perhaps more correctly have said the House of ZULU), " is 
a thing of the past ; like water that is spilt." He had 
other things to say little less unpleasant. He had re- 
solved on fining each of them fifty cattle for neglecting 
to obey the summons and directions of the Kesident 
Commissioner. Then he had to tell them of the decision 
that had been come to in regard to Usibebu. That chief 
and Sokwetshata, of the Umtetwa tribe, were to return to 
their tribal lands. The case of the latter was counted 
of little importance. He had vacated his tribal lands 
about the same time as Usibebu, his alliance with that 
chief having rendered his situation unsafe when the 
change of fortune occurred. But, beyond the dislike in 
which he was held by the neighbouring tribes, there 
was nothing in the way of his reoccupation of his old 
sites. The case of Usibebu was different. Everything 
had been hazarded to secure his expulsion, and every- 
thing had been lost. The bare satisfaction of having 
driven him out was all that remained ; now even that 
was to be taken away. 

The decision was given immediate effect to. In ten 
days after the announcement the two chiefs had started. 
The reason for such precipitancy is perhaps scarcely to be 
learned from the public statements of the time upon the 
subject. Those statements cannot be regarded in them- 
selves as justifying it. It was summer, and the crops 
were growing in the fields. There had been no warning 


against planting issued to those occupying the lands 
that had been Usibebu's. On the contrary, the Resident 
Commissioner had expressed his surprise at a question 
asked by Dinuzulu on the 21st of September, whether the 
people might proceed with the planting of their crops. 
It was the duty, he said, of every one to do so, and the 
chiefs were to do nothing to prevent them. There can be 
no doubt that the people referred to by Dinuzulu's question 
included those in the territory that had been Usibebu's. 
That chief was now launched amongst these with the 
"male portion of his tribe," an army of some 700 men 
entirely unprovisioned, the inhabitants being expected to 
make way for him, and nothing being said about their 
standing crops. Perhaps the extent to which the land 
was inhabited had not been realised, or possibly such con- 
sideration as the question might otherwise have deserved 
was held to be outweighed by the circumstances of the 
country. The garrison of Imperial troops in the territory 
and the Zululand Native Police numbered less than 1000 
men, in widely distributed detachments. The authority of 
the Government depended in a considerable measure upon 
the strength of the well-affected people. It was believed 
that the presence of Usibebu with a fighting force would 
overawe disaffection in a somewhat critical locality. 

The seat of magistracy was now changed from the 
Inkonjeni (a lofty plateau between the White and Black 
Umfolozi rivers, deriving its name from one of Langa- 
zana's kraals which once stood upon it) to the site which 
had been chosen for it beyond the Ivuna stream, known 
later as Nongoma. There had been two other magistrates 
appointed for the added territory ; the two sub-com- 
missionerships in that which had previously been styled 
the Reserve were also changed to magistracies, the officers 
occupying the posts being given the additional office of 
assistant commissioners. The Eshowe district was also 
created a magistracy. 


When " Mr. R. H. Addison, the Assistant Commis- 
sioner and Resident Magistrate of the Ndwandwe district, 
accompanied by 50 men of the Zululand Police (by which 
title Mansel's Carbineers were now designated) under 
Sub-inspector Pearse," arrived at his new seat of office 
at Nongoma on the 18th of November 1887, he found 
himself almost immediately beset with difficulties. Usibebu 
with his 700 hungry followers reached his district on the 
3rd of December, and the initial note of trouble was 
sounded on that day in what had once been the domains 
of Umbopa, and which had since Usibebu's absence been 
reoccupied by his son Umtumbu. 

Those troubles, which it is the principal object of this 
chapter to sketch, became the subject later of much 
acrimonious comment and elaborate inquiry. The papers 
referring to it, and presenting the views of the responsible 
officials and those affected by their acts, as well as the 
comments of partisans, are numerous and voluminous, 
including much sworn evidence. These documents are 
attainable only by a few, while those who might be 
willing to devote to them the time and energy necessary 
to determine the question of blame, to which so much 
importance was attached at the time, would doubtless 
be fewer still. The primary official aim was to establish 
British sovereignty over the people, and to eradicate affec- 
tion for that which had been declared extinct. This was 
a condition, in their view, necessarily precedent to the 
fostering of an improved state of social life, and it was a 
condition necessarily somewhat difficult of attainment 
in presence of the man in whom the supposed extinct 
sovereignty had been embodied, and the varied and 
uncertain sentiments towards that man, and opinions 
as to whether the kingly quality had in fact gone 
out of him. It was hardly to be expected that he 
would desire to be regarded as so bereft, or that the 
people as a whole would desire him to hold himself 


divested of that which gave them title to be called a 

There had been but little time to arrive at an under- 
standing of the condition which it might be thought 
desirable to improve. The personal power, daring, and 
obedience to British authority and later misfortunes of 
Usibebu, had by the prominence they attained become 
well known, but of the effects of his acts upon the minds 
and fortunes of those who had been opposed to him an 
imperfect grasp had been obtained. The Hlabisa tribe, 
amongst which Umbopa had attained chief importance 
by reason of the office he had held under the king, had 
long occupied the lands surrounding what has become 
the seat of the Hlabisa magistracy. It has been seen 
that Cetshwayo took temporary shelter at his kraal when 
he was being pursued by the military in 1879, and that 
his loyalty was strongly manifested on that occasion. His 
family was highly distinguished in the sentiments of the 
nation because of the fact that the mother of Umpande 
was a member of it. The family had now become divided 
into two sections, Umbopa being the head of the one and 
his cousin Somfula that of the other. The latter claimed 
by the law of primogeniture to be the chief representative 
of it ; the former was ranked higher in the popular esti- 
mation because of the distinction his father had enjoyed 
under the king. Somfula had submitted to Usibebu and 
shared exile with him ; Umtumbu, who had assumed 
charge of Umbopa's family affairs after the latter's death 
at Ulundi in 1883, had continued faithful to the royal 
cause and been driven out. Somfula was amongst those 
now to be restored with Usibebu, Umtumbu being found 
in occupation of the locality in which his father had dwelt, 
the absence of Usibebu since 1884 having enabled him to 
return thither. It was in that locality that the first note 
of trouble was heard. Umtumbu had accompanied Dinu- 
zulu to Eshowe, and brought back intelligence of Usibebu 's 


impending advent. Either from Dinuzulu or in his name 
a warning quickly pervaded the people that any one suc- 
couring the latter would be destroyed. A Mr. Galloway, 
who officially accompanied Usibebu, reported on the 1st of 
December that the people were all up in arms against 
him, declaring that they would not permit him to re- 
occupy the district ; that his followers were nearly starving, 
and there was difficulty in restraining them from seizing 
the inhabitants' stores to satisfy their hunger; according 
to evidence given at Dinuzulu's subsequent trial stores 
were pillaged. Two days later, when the Umsebe Valley 
had been reached, the same official reported that Usibebu 
had not met with a single friend, whereas he had expected 
that all the members of his former following would have 
hailed his return with delight and hastened to join him. 
His brother Hlomuza, who had sent friendly greetings to 
him while he was on the way, now declared that he did 
not know him. Usibebu, "with about 700 men, was in 
the midst of thousands of enemies, without food, and 
yet tied by the order of the Government not to help 
himself." It was "absolutely necessary that he should 
be supported by an armed force." Dinuzulu's " Usutu " 
party regarded, or affected to regard, Usibebu's advent 
as a hostile invasion, which their own safety rendered it 
necessary that they should prepare to resist. 

The magistrate found the condition of things much 
confused. In his district there had been no express recog- 
nition or appointment of the chiefs by whom the juris- 
diction prescribed by the laws and regulations was to be 
exercised. Certain individuals were considered to be chiefs 
by virtue of the rank they had held in the Zulu nation, 
but there had been no arrangement as to the people or 
territory over whom or which they were to rule. By the 
laws and regulations they were given authority over " their 
respective tribes," but that might have been construed 
to mean several things. In effect it could hardly have 


gone beyond such people as might have been willing 
to submit to the authority of any particular chief. The 
clan-name could have been of little help, because of the 
people who composed the respective followings of chiefs, 
the fewest were members of their own clans. The term 
" tribe" practically meant a party rather than a clan, and 
the integrity of each party depended upon the degree 
in which the chief had secured its affections. In many 
cases the attachment of the people had resulted from 
sudden and temporary causes, and was easily broken 
by any reason of inconvenience. There had been no 
territorial limits assigned ; the people, though divided by 
affection, were intermixed by residence. 

It was imperative that territorial limits should be 
assigned to Usibebu at least, and the magistrate was 
placed in the position of having to do this after he had 
taken possession. There had been two definitions of his 
territory, but the permission he had now received from 
the Governor was to return to his " old tribal lands," and 
the extent of these had never been ascertained. The first 
delimitation had been effected in 1879, the second in anti- 
cipation of Cetshwayo's return in 1883. Both had been of 
an arbitrary kind and based upon political considerations. 
His right to land under the Zulu kings had been regu- 
lated by the extent of his personal occupation, and the 
Governor's desire and expectation was that he should be 
repatriated on this basis. It was of course intended that 
those who had been driven out with him should go 
back with him. The subject was one which needed 
careful inquiry. 

Mr. Addison effected a provisional settlement by par- 
tially adopting the boundary laid down in 1883. He cur- 
tailed Usibebu's territory thereby limited, by drawing it in 
somewhat at the north-western corner, and added largely 
to it by extending it to the Black Umfolozi River on the 
south-east, and towards the sea on the east. Those within 


the boundary thus assigned who were in occupation of 
sites that had belonged to Usibebu or his adherents, as 
well as those who were not in occupation of such sites but 
refused to submit to Usibebu's authority, were required to 
move out. Some did so ; others had to be forced. The 
number of persons who thus sought new homes was 
officially stated to be about 800 ; from the Zulu account 
it would appear to have been much greater. The people 
had stored their previous year's crop in pits underground, 
and that for the coming year was standing in the fields. 
The former they were permitted to remove ; for the latter 
it was decided that they should receive compensation 
according to assessment. 

These proceedings met with sullen protest, but not 
with active resistance, although a considerable number of 
Dinuzulu's adherents armed and assembled at his kraal. 
The magistrate visiting him on the 14th of January 1888, 
found some 2000 men there, being members of two young 
regiments. They " looked very thin and half-starved." 
The impression conveyed to his mind of what he saw was 
that there was a resolution to attack Usibebu. Undabuko 
and Dinuzulu " complained most bitterly about the stand- 
ing crops." It seemed plain that the proceedings of the 
Government were regarded by Dinuzulu as having created 
a situation in which he might have to assert his own posi- 
tion by means of his own force. 

The Governor relaxed somewhat the imperious tone in 
which he had emphasised the fact of the chiefs altered 
state in November. He now required that the magistrate, 
whom he designated as the representative of the Govern- 
ment in the district, should "repeatedly and personally 
visit both Dinuzulu and Undabuko, especially the former, 
and thus obtain, by personal discussion with them of the 
questions underlying the prevailing unrest, direct oppor- 
tunity of explaining to them any matters which they might 
consider grievances through not properly comprehending 


them." This instruction implied considerable deference to 
those chiefs. 

Irritation and dissatisfaction continued to prevail. 
Usibebu was pressing for the removal of all Usutu from 
his land; the Usutu chiefs were crying out against the 
hardships they alleged they were being subjected to by 
the incidents of his return. They refrained generally 
from acts of violence, but the rule was broken in March. 
A headman of the Unzuza tribe named Unkowana, who 
had been removed to make room for Usibebu, with one 
or more companions attacked and killed two of the latter' s 
men at the Umtatube Stream, some three miles north of 
the magistracy. They removed a portion of their victims' 
bodies, as if to prepare medicine for the purposes of 
war. They were, however, apprehended and subsequently 
brought to trial. 

Respecting the boundary, Dinuzulu made a strong 
representation to the Governor in this month (March 
1888), and it appeared to the latter, and to the Resident 
Commissioner, that there were grounds for his contention, 
that it gave more land to Usibebu than he required and 
more than had ever belonged to him as a tribal chief. 
Mr. John L. Knight, the magistrate of the Mtonjaneni 
district, was accordingly appointed to revise it. He began 
his investigation, the disputing parties being present, on 
the 16th, and on the 20th he completed the work, having 
made no alteration which improved matters for Dinuzulu's 
party. He declared his decision to be authoritative and 
final, but the Governor reserved signification of his ap- 
proval for six months to admit of appeal. 

There had been reason to hope from the circumstances 
attending Usibebu's arrival, that it might be practicable to 
replace Somfula upon his old sites without disturbing the 
other section of the Hlabisa tribe under Umtumbu. The 
sites were said by the latter to be vacant, except one, 
of which Somfula's son Umkonto had remained in occupa- 


tion when the tribe removed to Eshowe. But Usibebu 
applied for the removal of the people on the ground that 
they were antagonistic to him, and this was decided upon. 
Umtumbu was furnished with a reference to the magistrate 
of the Lower Umfolozi district, and ordered to remove 
thither with his following. He threw away this reference, 
repaired to the Usutu kraal, and declined to respond to 
the magistrate's summons to appear before him and 
explain his conduct. 

Mr. Osborn had gone to Nongoma at the same time as 
Mr. Knight. The Governor had suggested that he should 
do so in order to be in a position to facilitate on the spot 
settlement of any complicated question which might arise. 
The context indicated that the complications antici- 
pated were in connection with the resettlement of Usibebu. 
Six days after Mr. Knight's decision, Mr. Osborn resolved 
upon an important step (26th April 1888). He had 
already caused the seizure of a balance due of the cattle 
which Dinuzulu and Undabuko had been ordered to pay as 
fines. He now resolved to deal with another difficulty 
which had presented itself. Umtumbu could not be pre- 
vailed upon to appear. Three other men had failed to 
answer the magistrate's summons, two to plead to civil 
claims, one of which had been preferred by Usibebu ; the 
other to give evidence in a civil cause. Warrants were 
issued for the apprehension of these persons, who were 
known to be at the Usutu kraal, and Sub-inspector Osborn 
proceeded thither with 80 men of the Zululand police, 
starting during the night and reaching the kraal at dawn. 
There he found a Zulu force which he estimated to 
number 1000 men, and this was immediately called to 
arms and presented such a front as to cause the abandon- 
ment of the attempt to arrest the men required ; they were 
demanded, but not delivered up. Undabuko was present 
at the Usutu kraal, but Dinuzulu had been absent since the 
3rd of May visiting friendly tribes in the New Republic. 


The Resident Commissioner urged the need of troops 
to support the magistrate's authority, and a squadron of 
the 6th Dragoons under Colonel (afterwards Sir Richard) 
Martin was advanced to a point north of the Ivuna 
Stream, and about seven miles from the magistracy. 
There the Colonel established himself upon a low apex 
to which the ground gently and evenly rose from all 
sides. He regarded the position as possessing very high 
defensive qualities, and took some credit to himself for 
its selection, as a result of which his friends playfully 
called it Fort I. 

The expedition was not otherwise commemorated. 

Some communications were still interchanged between 
the Resident Commissioner and Undabuko, but on the 
13th of May the latter betook himself with an armed 
following to a fastness, while the families of his party 
abandoned their homes and sought safety in distance 
from the scene of expected trouble. Dinuzulu returning 
from the New Republic with some 500 men whom he had 
enlisted in his service there, the forces were united, and 
encamped on the lower edge of the bush which partially 
encircles the summit of the Ceza Mountain. 

The question what Dinuzulu's motives and hopes were 
in the action thus taken will perhaps always have but a 
speculative answer. On the one side it was asserted that 
he deliberately defied the Government by the attitude 
he took up; on the other, that oppression and fear of 
Usibebu had driven him to adopt the course he did as 
a forlorn hope. He always ridiculed the notion that he 
had been so presumptuous as to contemplate war against 
the English queen. He likened what he did to the 
scratching which a cat might attempt if trodden upon 
by an elephant. The men he assembled on the date 
given have been computed as numbering only some 1500 ; 
they were drawn largely from tribes residing in the New 
Republic. It was plain that the feeling against the new 


settlement was not so general as to justify him in hoping 
that he might be enabled to overthrow it. The local 
Government was manifestly supported by Imperial troops. 
Dinuzulu was acquainted with the nature of the Governor's 
office and had already appealed to him in respect to what 
he represented as oppressive measures by the officials ; 
he had, however, started for that visit to the New Republic 
from which he had just returned without waiting for 
an answer to that appeal. It is scarcely credible that 
he in fact feared an attack from Usibebu. Usiwedu 
and Umnyamana, whose enmity towards that chief had 
been as strong as his own, had held aloof from the enter- 
prise on which he was embarked, thus showing that 
danger was not seriously apprehended. These chiefs 
realised, and it is difficult to doubt but that Dinuzulu 
realised, that the question was no longer one between 
him and Usibebu, but a question between him and the 
Queen of Great Britain. Umnyamana propounded a simile 
at this time which has often been quoted. He said it was 
an act of aggression to strike a dog which the owner was 
leading by a string. It seems incredible that it could have 
been regarded as possible for the Government to observe 
neutrality in respect to renewed war between the Usutu and 
Mandhlagazi parties. But the actions of the Bantu people 
are seldom supported by a clearly ascertained or logical 

The army of 1500 men was encamped at Ceza; its 
leaders had made it clear that they were not amenable 
to the authority of the Government, and it was necessary 
to decide upon some course of action by which that 
authority could be established over them, or the menace 
removed which their attitude and position formed. The 
need for this was soon accentuated. The maintenance 
of so large a body of men in a camp was necessarily 
attended with some difficulty in regard to food supply. 
The old method of cattle-raiding had to be resorted to, 


and the first victims were Umnyamana and Usiwedu. 
From the former 103 cattle were taken; on the 22nd of 
May 1888, on a boisterously windy night, a party carried 
off a considerable number from the latter and his adherents 
residing some miles south of the magistracy on the 
Nongoma range. 

A report having reached Umnyamana that there was 
a design to assassinate him, he had placed himself under 
the protection of the troops at Inkonjeni ; but there was 
some uncertainty as to how many of his followers might 
adhere to him or join Dinuzulu's party. 

Up to this time, except for the contumacious acts for 
which they had been fined, it was felt that Undabuko 
and Dinuzulu had not offended in a manner so definite 
as to justify the taking of criminal proceedings against 
them ; but these raids were regarded as necessitating 
their arrest for cattle-stealing. Warrants were accordingly 
issued for that purpose, and arrangements made to have 
them executed by the Zululand police with the support 
of Imperial troops. Communication with Dinuzulu had 
ceased, messengers expressing themselves afraid to go 
to him. 

Mr. Osborn had moved to Inkonjeni on the 21st of 
May, the day before the second raid. From there a 
movement was made on the 1st of June to attempt the 
arrests that had been decided upon. The main force 
marched to the store of Dirk Louw at the Umfabeni Hill, 
about half-way to the objective, and slept there. They 
were joined by some more Zululand police commanded 
by Sub-inspector Pearse, and accompanied by the magis- 
trate from Nongoma. Next morning some 400 of 
Umnyamana's men joined the force at the Insugazi kraal, 
some miles farther on. 

The regular troops were commanded by Captain Penne- 
father of the 6th Dragoons, and consisted of 3 officers and 
81 non-commissioned officers and men of that regiment, 


and 43 and 35 non-commissioned officers and men respec- 
tively of the Royal Irish Fusiliers and the 1st North 
Staffordshire Regiment, as mounted infantry, with one 
officer from each of those regiments. The Zululand police 
under Mansel numbered 66 men, 17 of whom were mounted. 
The whole force, exclusive of native levies, numbered 
about 208. It reached the house of Piet Louw at the 
base of Ceza Mountain at about 11 o'clock. Dinuzulu's 
camp was in full view and about two miles distant as the 
crow flies. There, while at breakfast, they saw the Usutu 
impi form up in semi-circle for the purpose of being 
addressed by those in charge of it, or of being assigned its 
disposition for the purpose of battle. They concluded that 
the latter was the purpose, but it is not clear from later 
inquiry that the Usutu commanders had formed any 
definite intention. Prayers were said by a native Christian, 
but no definite orders followed. Soon, with what object 
it is not clearly known, the impi was marched through the 
encircling bush towards the summit of the mountain, by 
two paths some distance apart, the one ascending the 
south-western side, the other by a spur on the north-east. 
A small portion of the open ground beyond the bush was 
on the British side of the boundary, but both the paths by 
which it could be reached lay partly within that of the New 
Republic. The position of the boundary was not clearly 
known to those in charge of the expedition. While Com- 
mandant Mansel with his 17 mounted men proceeded in 
line with the lower edge of the bush towards the south- 
western path, Captain Pennefather took up a covering 
position within the New Republic by that on the north- 
east. A number of the Usutu lingered about where that 
path enters the bush towards which Mansel was advancing, 
and as he approached they presented a front which he held 
to justify him in opening fire. This was immediately 
returned, and a charge begun which made it necessary 
for Captain Pennefather to afford active protection. The 


sound of battle brought back many who had ascended the 
mountain, and it was soon held to be necessary on the part of 
the Government forces to withdraw from the position alto- 
gether. Umnyamana's men had declined to advance, in 
which they were probably justified by the circumstances. 
The Usutu felt that they had been victorious, and pursued 
the retreating troops till the evening, but were prevented 
by the fine handling of his cavalry by Captain Pennefather 
from getting within effective distance. The losses on the 
side of the Government were two men of the regulars killed 
and two wounded. The whole force returned to Inkonjeni 
next day, having made an unsatisfactory beginning in the 
enforcement of authority. Dinuzulu was present during 
the action and accompanied the pursuers. 

The magistracy at Nongoma being weakly protected, 
Usibebu had been directed to assemble his men there 
to protect it ; he and they could see from their bivouac on 
the northern base of the Undunu Hill the smoke from the 
volleys on the Ceza Mountain, and the result of the con- 
flict was soon heard. But it was not thought that the 
Usutu would be so audacious as to attack him there. 

The tension which precedes the first blow usually pro- 
duces unreasoning violence when that has been struck. 
Unpleasant occurrences quickly succeeded each other. On 
the next day raiding parties pervaded the domains of the 
nation's old adviser Umnyamana. He had definitely 
separated himself from the Usutu cause, and taken up 
arms against it, and that party felt no disposition to spare 
any of his partisans who might fall into its power. Most 
had fled into rocky fastnesses, but it fared ill with one 
family who had ventured home. The head of it was 
named Butshelezi ; his kraal was close to that of Um- 
nyamana's brother Santinga, in the vicinity of the Umfaba 
Mountain. He had accompanied the expedition to Ceza ; 
it was on the morning of the third day after that event 
that a raiding party found him at his kraal. There 



were with him three men, three women, and two young 
boys. Of these there were killed, besides himself, two of 
the men, one woman, and a small boy, the others escaping, 
except the elder of the boys, who was taken captive and 
thus lived and afterwards declared as an eye-witness that 
Dinuzulu had been of the party and personally killed his 
child-brother by running him through with an assegai. 
Upon the same day as the affair at Ceza, Dirk Louw was 
shot dead near to his store. He had believed himself to 
be on such friendly terms with the Zulus generally as to 
be free from danger of injury at their hands. On the 5th 
his son Klaas met the same fate at his store at Ivuna. 
Upon that date also two of Usibebu's men were killed 
at their kraal on the western side of the Iwela Stream, 
near the road leading to Inhlwati. This was the act of 
certain young men of the Umdhletshe tribe on hearing of 
the result of the attack upon Ceza. Their chief Umsut- 
shwana manifested disapprobation of the deed, and en- 
deavoured to convey a report of it to the magistrate at 
Nongoma, but was unable to induce his messenger to go 
there on account of the presence of Usibebu's impi. On the 
7th another of Usibebu's men, travelling by the road, was 
attacked and killed by Hlabisa people, and on the 9th the 
kraal of Somfula's son Urnkonto, who had now rejoined 
Usibebu's party, was raided by another party of the Um- 
dhletshe tribe. This party took certain of the cattle there 
seized to Umsutshwana, who was residing temporarily at 
a kraal on the edge of the forest on the eastern side of the 
Inhlwati Mountain, and left them there, although the chief 
expressed strong disapproval of their act. 

In consequence of the occurrence at Ceza, the Resident 
Commissioner had instructed Usibebu to patrol the dis- 
trict ; that chief now (10th June) set out with 350 men, 
with the declared object of carrying out these instructions 
in the locality in which these acts of lawlessness had been 
committed. He informed the officials that his objective 


was Umkonto's kraal, but did not go there, as he after- 
wards explained, because of intelligence he received after 
setting out. He divided his force, despatching one portion 
to the kraal of Unkowana, a brother of Umsutshwana, who 
with a section of the tribe occupied the land lying along 
the head of False Bay near the coast ; he with the other 
portion arrived at the kraal where Umsutshwana was at 
dawn on the 12th of June. There were afterwards diverse 
accounts of the personal part he took in the proceedings 
which followed, but an important result of the visit was 
the death of Umsutshwana and some women and a child. 
The cattle found at the kraal were taken away, and 
amongst them some of those that had been raided from 
Umkonto's kraal were recognised. 

The advance party attacked Unkowana's kraal later 
in the morning, killing a woman and' carrying off cattle. 
Other kraals were also visited in that locality and persons 
killed and cattle and captives taken, the patrol returning 
to the magistracy on the 13th of the month. 

A brief lull followed, but intelligence of what had 
occurred was quickly conveyed to Dinuzulu at Ceza, and 
probably added definiteness to such design as may have 
been in the course of formation. And the stillness of the 
evening and night of the 22nd (of June 1888) was broken 
by the significant and awe-inspiring clatter of assegais in 
the hands of a long file of warriors descending by a narrow 
path the steep hillside from the mountain to the valley 
of the Isikwebezi ; up the other side to the Mahashini 
plateau (deriving its name from that of a kraal Dinuzulu 
had established there at which to keep his horses, on 
account of its comparative healthiness) ; down again into 
the Ivuna valley, and finally, after being marshalled into 
battle order, at the dawning of the 23rd up to the seat of 
magistracy at Nongoma. It was a long and toilsome march, 
and the last ascent alone would have proved in no small 
degree fatiguing to an ordinary pedestrian. 


Mr. Addison had returned to his magistracy some days 
before. He had with him a force of native police number- 
ing in all some 50 men under the command of Sub-inspector 
Osborn, son of the Resident Commissioner, who had con- 
structed a circular fort of turf, large enough to accommo- 
date that number of men. Between him and Usibebu's 
position was a deep, swampy ravine ; it was about half a 
mile distant. 

The Usutu impi, which was estimated to number 
about 4000, appeared at the head of the ravine and 
divided into two bodies, the one coming over the round hill 
upon which the courthouse has since been built and head- 
ing towards the fort some 700 yards distant, down the 
ridge ; the other moving in an easterly direction towards 
Usibebu's bivouac on the edge of the scrubby bush on the 
Undunu Hill. The alarm being given, the magistrate with 
his small force repaired to the fort, and there awaited 
what might befall ; Usibebu marshalled his men and ad- 
vanced to meet Dinuzulu's left wing, soon coming into 
conflict with it. The opposing forces ran towards each 
other, and for a short space engaged in mortal combat, 
fighting hand-to-hand with assegais. Then Usibebu's men 
turned and fled, seeing which the right wing swung round 
to its left to intercept any who might attempt to cross the 
ravine to the fort. As they did so lire was opened upon 
them from there, inflicting some loss. Many of Usibebu's 
men met their death in the swamp at the bottom of the 
ravine. Many others, who trusted to their speed to afford 
them escape testified with their dead bodies that the pur- 
suit was active and sustained, notwithstanding the dis- 
tance the attacking impi had marched during the night. 
Usibebu lost some 200 of his small force in killed, and 
the fort was made melancholy as the morning advanced by 
the arrival at it of wounded persons of both sexes. 

Amongst the slain was the Ndwandwe chief Umgojana 
one of the thirteen appointed by Sir Garnet Wolseley in 


1879. His career had since then been one of vicissitude 
and misfortune ; and he had become a follower of Usibebu 
holding no position of importance. 

The horses of the officials and police and all cattle that 
happened to be at the fort were carried off. The cattle 
were the property of friendly natives who had come 
for protection, amongst whom were the followers of 
Dinuzulu's uncle Usiwedu. But when Usibebu had been 
routed and these captures effected the '.jmpi conducted 
itself as if it held the object for which it had set out to 
have been accomplished. It gradually retired in the 
direction of Ceza ; only a few casual and ineffective 
shots were fired in the direction of the magistrate's post. 
Next day this was relieved by a strong force from Inkonjeni, 
and abandoned, the remnant of Usibebu's men and many 
other natives retiring under the protection of the troops 
to the latter place. There Umnyamana and Usibebu, who 
had so long waged deadly war against each other, had for 
the time being to regard themselves as "brothers in 

Dinuzulu personally accompanied this force ; the com- 
mand of it was, however, in the hands of the old induna 
Hemulana, who had also commanded at Etshaneni. 

Although it has been strongly contended that Usibebu 
was the sole objective, it seems clear from what sub- 
sequently occurred that the officials were also regarded as 
their enemies by the Usutu party. From Inkonjeni the 
magistrate beheld the house he had partially built as- 
cending in smoke and flames. The party who burnt it 
also seized the official safe, and succeeded in wrenching it 

But the Boers, whose proceedings, and the complaints 
of the Usutu people in regard to them, had brought the 
British authorities into the position in which they found 
themselves, were entirely immune from attack from those 
people. Indeed, almost immediately after the repulse of 


the police at Ceza, certain Boer officials employed a portion 
of Dinuzulu's impi there assembled for the purpose of 
coercing a chief within their dominions who had threatened 
to be refractory. Wherever Europeans were found on 
the British side of the boundary they were killed ; on the 
Boer side the farmers occupied their homes with assured 

The situation had become critical. The force available 
for suppression of the insurrection was small ; an increase 
was necessary to the strength of Imperial troops in the 
territory. Much depended upon how far the divided 
sections might be affected, and the nation reunited by the 
adversity the new rulers had sustained at the hands of their 
late king's son. Emissaries had been busy since the day 
of Ceza calling upon chiefs and people in various parts 
to join him. Two of these, named Unkunzemnyama and 
Mafukwini, were especially active in the coast districts 
amongst the tribes of Somkele, Somopo and Bejana, and 
were producing an effect. About the 28th of June two 
traders, Knight and White, were attacked by men from 
the first-named tribe while on their way to Pretorius's 
magistracy at the Lower Umfolozi, and pursued a great 
distance, reaching their destination wounded and with 
great difficulty. They were obliged toj abandon their 
wagon, and a man named Ashby and a native woman who 
had been unable to leave it were attacked and killed. 
The magistrate called up the men of the Umtetwa tribe, 
and a spiritless attack was made upon them at the magis- 
tracy on the 30th by a large force composed of men from 
the three tribes named. Again there arose a question 
whether the magistrate or Sokwetshata was the object of 
the attack. 

There appears to have been general indefiniteness and 
indecision on the part of the assailants, and they inflicted 
little loss and gained no advantage. The Zululand police 
under Sub-inspector Marshall, behaving with conspicuous 


gallantry in the face of an enemy overwhelmingly superior 
in numbers, checked the advance of one of the flanks. 

This attack upon the magistracy was not pressed, but 
an armed party was placed on the road to Eshowe, cutting 
off communication with the Resident Commissioner. With 
a view to opening the way a party of Sokwetshata's 
men were sent out early on the morning of the 5th of 
July. They marched with a considerable show of bravery 
as far as to a place called Isikalasemizi, where they found 
the enemy and opened fire upon them. But as soon as 
opposition was shown they turned and made what speed 
they could to the magistracy, being hotly pursued and 
leaving some forty of their number on the line of retreat. 

It transpired later that on the 3rd of the month a 
trader named Cecil Vivian Tonge, who was quietly 
travelling in an ox-cart in the direction of the Umhlatuzi 
River, was overtaken by a party of young men and wantonly 
stabbed to death by one of their number named Umpikwa, 
his servants thereupon being pursued and slain by other 
members of the party. Umpikwa, who was afterwards 
tried and convicted, could only say in defence of what he 
had done that it was in compliance with the injunctions 
of Mafukwini. 

The rising had likewise spread in another direction. 
Tshingana, Dinuzulu's uncle, betook himself with some 
followers to the fastnesses of the Hlopekulu Mountain on 
the 4th of June, three days after Ceza. There on the 13th 
of the same month he was joined by Somhlolo, the acting 
chief of the Biyela, with a portion of that tribe ; the other 
portion refusing to join him, and subsequently arming on 
behalf of the Government. According to Tshingana's own 
account he had nine companies in all with him, these 
being all under strength, the strongest numbering some 
thirty men. 

Tshingana was one of those whose former kraals fell 
on the side of the New Republic. Being unable to accept 


the position of a tenant on a Dutch farm, he had removed 
into British Zululand and taken up his residence in the 
White Umfolozi valley, where the principal kraals of the 
king had been. He had submitted to the new authority and 
accepted payment of the stipend awarded to him. His 
reason for joining in the insurrection must remain obscure. 

From the Hlopekulu there went forth raiding parties, 
and the cattle of persons friendly to the Government were 
taken, and the store of Alfred Moor on the Ulundi plain 
was looted and burnt down. Tshingana's small endeavour, 
which is supposed to have been made on behalf of Dinuzulu, 
must be regarded as having been wanting in definiteness 
of prospect. His position was within striking distance of 
the military stationed at Inkonjeni, and so isolated that 
no succour could reach him in case of attack from the 
rest of the party he had joined. He and his people 
collected all their cattle on the mountain, and would 
appear scarcely to have hoped to accomplish more than 
the defence of these and themselves. 

In the territory previously styled the Reserve, the 
loyalty of the people to the Government had been well 
secured. They were generally willing to take up arms in 
its support ; many did so when called upon later, prominent 
amongst whom were the men under John Dunn and the 
Basutos of Hlubi. 

What presented itself to the authorities as of chief 
urgency was the necessity to dislodge Tshingana and dis- 
perse the men whom he had assembled. This was set about 
on the early morning of the 2nd of July, just a month 
after the attempt on Ceza. A native contingent had been 
brought up from Eshowe numbering some 1000 men; 
400 of Umnyamana's men had been enrolled ; Major 
M'Kean of the 6th Dragoons, who had been acting as 
magistrate at Rorke's Drift, had brought 140 mounted 
Basutos to the scene; Commandant Mansel commanded 
17 mounted and 70 dismounted native police with regular 


military training ; these forces were " supported" by Captain 
Pennefather with 5 officers and 129 non-commissioned 
officers and men of the 6th Dragoons, and 3 officers and 
61 non-commissioned officers and men, as mounted infantry, 
of the 1st North Staffordshire Regiment and Royal 
Inniskilling Fusiliers under Captain Purdon, altogether 
a force nearly 2000 strong. Colonel Froorne was also to 
demonstrate from the south of the White Umfolozi River 
with a squadron of dragoons and some mounted infantry, 
and two guns of the Royal Artillery under Major Aitchison, 
together with native levies under Mr. Knight, the magis- 
trate of the Mtonjaneni district, numbering about 500. 
This force was to co-operate in the attack if necessary, 
but to guard the road to Empangeni. 

The mountain was reached somewhat after eleven 
o'clock. The mounted Zululand police when ascending 
a kopje were fired upon by a party of thirty men who 
had been placed there to guard the approach, twenty of 
whom were armed with guns. The police retired, their 
officer, Sub-inspector Osborn, receiving a slight wound. 
Commandant Mansel then led the infantry against the 
position. Approaching to within forty yards of it under 
cover, he ordered his men to charge with fixed bayonets, 
which they did in a most vigorous style, turning the 
defenders out of their position and pursuing them beyond 
all control of their commander. Of the thirty who held 
the position only ten survived. 

The fighting now proceeded in a somewhat promiscuous 
manner, chiefly between natives and around the cattle. This 
continued during the greater part of the day, many natives 
being killed on both sides. The result, which was gener- 
ally favourable to the attacking force, was rendered con- 
spicuously so by the large number of cattle it captured. 
One officer of the Inniskilling Fusiliers, Lieutenant Briscoe, 
was shot through the head from a bush by a native 
whose presence had not been suspected. 


The troops bivouacked on the mountain, and returned 
to camp next day. Tshingana left during the night and 
made his way to Dinuzulu at Ceza. 

Although this action preceded the affair at Isikala- 
semizi by three days, it may be described as the deter- 
mining event of the disturbances. It was soon followed 
by a general dispersion of armed Usutu. Major M'Kean 
hastened with a mobile column to the relief of the Lower 
Umfolozi magistracy, arriving there on the 9th of the 
month, having encountered no opposition, although John 
Dunn, who accompanied him with some 2000 men, com- 
plained that his rearguard had been molested. Having 
established a military post at the magistracy, Major 
M'Kean returned to Eshowe, burning deserted kraals and 
killing such insurgent stragglers as he happened upon by 
the way. 

The conduct of operations was now in the hands of 
the officer commanding the regular troops, it having been 
found that the local police were unequal to the task of 
restoring order. It was believed to be still necessary to 
deal with Dinuzulu at Ceza, where his force had become 
considerable. This threatened to be a difficult matter. 
An effective attack upon him was rendered impossible by 
his proximity to the border of the New Republic, and the 
facility he was afforded in crossing it by the strip of dense 
bush in rear of his camp. The army which he had 
gathered there was composed chiefly of men from 
that State, the Government of which had failed, either 
through inability or unwillingness, to enforce neutrality. 
While Mr. Osborn, the Resident Commissioner, declared 
that these men joined Dinuzulu " without let or hind- 
rance," the Governor believed that the authorities of the 
New Republic "at all times tried to give effect to the 
loyal assurances they had constantly given." They had 
but little force to control the large native population of 
which they had become the rulers. But a change was in 


progress. It had apparently not been designed from the 
first to attempt the maintenance of permanent independ- 
ence. A treaty of union with the South African Republic 
was signed as early as the 14th of September 1887, 
subject to ratification by the Volks Raad. This treaty, 
which affected the territory defined by the agreement of 
the 22nd of October 1886, was approved by the High 
Commissioner and made subject to the provisions of the 
London Convention of 1884, on the 29th of June 1888. 
The Government of the South African Republic definitely 
renounced for ever all claim theretofore advanced to a 
protectorate over all or any portion of Zululand ; and on 
the 25th (of July 1888) the President telegraphed that the 
treaty of union had been ratified ; that the former Presi- 
dent of the New Republic had been appointed Border 
Commissioner, and " received orders to at once take care 
of neutrality respecting the Zulu question." 

The Imperial troops in the territory now numbered 86 
officers and 2163 non-commissioned officers and men, 816 
of whom were mounted, including the 6th Dragoons, and 
large native levies had been organised. 

Major M'Kean was the first to undertake an effective 
movement. With a considerable column he marched along 
the coast from Eshowe, receiving the surrender of Somkele 
and several headmen, and reaching Nongoma on the 6th 
of August without having met with any opposition. A 
note had been received on the 2nd of the month by the 
Commanding Officer from a Boer, written on behalf of 
Dinuzulu, notifying that he did not intend to continue 
fighting ; on the 7th and 9th respectively Undabuko and he 
evacuated their position at Ceza, burning the shelters which 
they had constructed and proceeding to what had become 
the Vrijheid district of the South African Republic. Their 
surrender was refused by that State on the ground of 
insufficiency of the law in that respect, but they com- 
mitted no further acts of aggression. Military posts were 


established in various parts of the territory, including the 
vicinity of Umnyamana's Insukazi kraal, Ceza Mountain 
and the Inhlopenkulu plateau some three miles north of 
the Nongoma magistracy, which was now reoccupied by 
the magistrate. 

At the last-named military post Undabuko surrendered 
to the commanding officer (Colonel Martin) on the 16th of 
September. Dinuzulu, after various movements, causing 
much speculation as to what he meant to do or attempt, 
finally proceeded to Pietermaritzburg and surrendered on 
the 15th of November. Tshingana, having returned to his 
own kraal, had been arrested on the 6th of the same 

They and other chiefs and headmen were subsequently 
indicted before a special Court appointed by legislative 
proclamation, the members being Mr. Justice Walter 
Wragg of the Natal Supreme Court, Mr. G. M. Rudolph, and 
Mr. J. E. Fannin, magistrates of that Colony. They were 
convicted of treason and public violence, and sentenced 
to varying but long terms of imprisonment : Dinuzulu, 
Undabuko, and Tshingana being sent to St. Helena to serve 
their terms there. Against the common people no pro- 
ceedings were taken, except in cases where murder had 
been committed. 

A period of peace ensued, during which the house of 
Zulu had no share in the direction of affairs. 



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ABANTU, the : migration of, 1 ; life in, 1687, 2 ; in 1812, 7-10 ; population 
in 1812, 8 ; records of, in old dwelling-places, 2, 3 ; cattle pens, 2, 243 ; 
stone cairns, 3 ; huts, construction of, 2, 3 ; furniture, 4 ; fire, method 
of producing by friction, 4 ; food, 22 ; work in iron, 5-7 ; a forge 
described, 5-6 ; occupations and interests of, 8-10 ; tribal fights, 8 ; 
hunting, 9-10 ; law of chase, 9 ; ambitious of authority, 7 ; chieftain- 
ship, 7 ; penalty for pretension to functions of chief, 11 ; principle 
regarding justification of punishment, 15 ; vacant annals, 10 ; illogical, 
302. And see under Zulu 

Abaqulusi tribe, the, 194, 224, 280 ; attitude to Uhamu after settlement of 
Sishweli, 230 ; dispute with Uhamu, 230-1 ; defeated at Bivana River, 
231, 233, 239 ; make reprisals, 244 

Addison, R. H., 294, 296-7, 308 

Aitchison, Major, 313 

Ashby, , 310 

BANTUBENSUMO, chief, 288 

Battles and Fights : Bivana River, 231 ; Ingcome (Blood River), 70-1 ; 
Boom-plaats, 117; with John Cane, 69; Congella, 97 ; Eshowe, siege 
of, 184, 194-5, 200-2 ; Estcourt, 69-70; Etshaneni, 271, 309; Gingin- 
dhlovu kraal affair, 201 ; Hlopekulu Mountain, 312-4 ; Ihlobane Hill, 
196-7, 200 ; Ihlongamvula, 27-28 ; at the Inkandhla, 269 ; Intshotshose 
Stream affair, Prince Imperial killed, 208-9 ; Inyezane or lombane, 
183-4, 202 ; Isandhlwana, 173-81, 185-8, 190, 197, 207 ; Isikalasemizi 
affair, 310 ; Itala, 68 ; Itshana, see Etshaneni ; Luneburg, affair near, 
195 ; Majuba, 227, 233 ; Maqongqo, 86, 88 ; 'Ndondakusuka, 103-4, 
123 ; Nongoma, 308 ; Rorke's Drift, 182-3 ; with Sitimela, 229 ; Ulundi 
(Sheet-iron fort), 213, 215 ; Ulundi, Cetshwayo with Usibebu at, 
256-8 ; Umsebe, 247-9 ; Weenen, 66 ; character of native battles, 69, 
104, 183, 185, 229, 248-9 ; and see Zulu War 

Bayete, royal salute, 13, 131 

Bechuanaland, 286 

Bejana, 310 

Beje, success of, against Tshaka, 29 ; subjection of, 33 

Beje, raid into Natal, 211-12 ; trial of, 212 

Bekuzulu, a son of Sirayo, 150 

Bezuidenhout, Wynand, 61, 66 

Biggar, Alexander, 75 

Bird's Annals of Natal, cited 8, 99 

Blood River, 70 ; conference on Disputed Territory at, 142-3 

Boers, the, and native labour, 53, 54 ; British rule, 54 ; main motive of 
great " trek," 54 ; trek to Delagoa Bay, 1836, 54 ; the " Commissions" 
of the voortrekkers, 54; trek to Natal, 55 ; attacked by Umzilikazi, 55, 
112 ; trek under Retief, 55-7 ; Dingana's misgivings concerning, 56, 57 ; 
Dingana's reply to Retief, 61-2 ; recover cattle from Sigonyela, 62-3 ; 
massacre of Retief and companions, 64-5, 71-2. 87 ; Weenen, 66-7, 



87 ; expedition against Dingana, 67-8 ; defeat at Itala, 68 ; fatality 
of Itala, 68 n. ; Dingana's Day, 70 ; decoyed by Bongoza, 72-5 ; Zulu 
version of retreat of, 75-6 ; overtures to Dingana, 76 ; valour praised by 
Zulus, 76 ; attitude to British Government, 77-8 ; treaty with Din- 
gana, 78-9, 84-5, 95 ; alliance with Umpande, 82-4 ; view of Dingana, 
83 ; last campaign against Zulus, 85-9 ; resolve to depose Dingana, 
85; offer reward, 85; arrest Unzobo, 86; feeling regarding Unzobo 
and Undhlela, 86; trial and execution of Unzobo and Kambazana, 
87-8; declare Umpande "King of the Zulus," 89-90; request Um- 
pande to nominate Chief Captains, 83-4; annex major portion of 
Zululand in satisfaction of debt, 89, 118 ; relations with Umpande, 98 ; 
freedom, 92-3 ; thefts of stock of, 93-4 ; raid on the Mabaca, 94-5 ; prac- 
tice with Bushmen, 94; and captured native children, 94-5 ; relations 
with British, 95-6 ; alarm at increased native population, 96 ; set 
aside Faku's land for native occupation, 96 ; demand withdrawal of 
British from Port Natal, 97 ; repulse Captain Smith, 97 ; submit to 
British authority, 97, 98 

Potgieter : separation of Potgieter, 69, 112 ; Potchefstroom founded, 112 ; 
antipathy to British, 114 ; hope of establishing relations with Holland, 
114-5 ; intercourse with Smellekamp, 114-5 ; proposal to open up 
trade through Delagoa Bay, 114 ; new " trek" in 1845 (to Lydenburg 
district), 115 ; land purchased from Swazis, 115-6 ; the Lydenburg 
Kepublic, 116, 119 

Pretorius: claims in Natal, 116; "trek" from Natal under Pretorius, 
116 ; march on Bloemfontein, 117 ; defeated at Boom-plaats, 117 ; 
Sand River Convention, 117, 118 ; formation of parties involving dis- 
sension and strife, 117-8 ; the Utrecht district, 118; Cornelius van 
Eooyen, 118 ; cession of land by Cetshwayo ; the Disputed Territory, 
119, 130, 143, 144 

Burgers : Burgers elected President, 138-9 ; condition of life in South 
African Republic, 138 ; financial depression, 138 ; war with Sikukuni, 
139-40 ; Burghers refuse to fight, 140 ; refuse to pay taxes, 138, 140 ; 
loss of confidence in Burgers, 141 ; resolve to elect Kruger, 141 ; 
British annexation of Transvaal, 141-2, 157, 191, 193 ; demand for 
retrocession, 142, 191-3, 206, 227, 233 ; aloofness from Zulu War, 192 ; 
insurrection of, 232-3 ; Lang's Nek Pass, Majuba, 227, 233 ; condemn 
Settlement of Zululand, 233 ; urge release of Cetshwayo, 233 ; take 
advantage of the confusion in Zululand, 260, 268 ; manifest solicitude 
for Zulus, 268 ; give assurances of disinterestedness, 269, 270 ; send 
assurances to Usibebu, 270 ; disingenuousness of, 270 ; aid Dinuzulu 
at Itshana, 271-2 ; demand payment for services at Itshana, 273 ; 
Dinuzulu declared king by, 275 ; receive document granting territory 
signed by Dinuzulu and Grant, 273-4 ; with right to establish the 
New Republic, 274 ; reward repudiated by Dinuzulu, 273, 275-6 
New Republic : assumption of sovereignty over Zululand, 275 ; Volks 
Raad established at Vrijheid, 276 ; negotiations with British as to 
boundary and protectorate, 276-7, 278 ; treatment of natives, 277 ; 
shoot Dabulamanzi, 278 ; burn Ulundi kraal, 278 ; abandon claim to 
protectorate over Zulus, 278, 315 ; agreement as to boundary, 278-9 ; 
proviso "B." 279 ; Zulu protest against boundary agreement, 279-80, 
281 ; demarcation of boundary, 280-2 ; immune from attack during 
Dinuzulu's insurrection, 309-10 ; employ impi to coerce refractory 
chief, 310 ; attitude of New Republic during insurrection, 314 ; union 
with South African Republic, 315 ; refuse surrender of Dinuzulu and 
Undabuko, 315 

Boer War, 1889 and 1901, 68 note, 276 

Boesman's Randt (Pietermaritzburg), 82 

INDEX 323 

Bongoza, the Zulu decoy, 72-4, 77, 105 

Botha, Louis, 68, note 

Brass moulding, 51, 52 ; the " Ingxota " or brass armlet, 51-2, 100 

Briscoe, Lieut., 313 

British, the (see also Natal), at Bay of Natal, 52 ; and fugitive natives, 52 ; 
relations with Dingana, 52, 58-9 ; view as to land south of Tugela, 53 ; 
establish Durban, 53 ; petition English king to recognise Victoria 
(Natal), 53 ; petition refused, 55 ; effect of British rule on Boer 
relations with natives, 53-4, 113 ; alliance with Boers against Dingana, 
68 ; defeat of, by Zulus after Itala, 69 ; Government concern on 
account of Boers, 77, 95-6 ; relations with Boers, 55, 78-9, 95-6 ; peace 
with Dingana : troops withdrawn, 79, 84 ; Faku appeals to, for pro- 
tection, 95 ; resume military occupation of Port Natal, 96-7 ; under 
Capt. Smith attack Boers, 97 ; establish administration in Boer terri- 
tory, 97-8 ; relations with Umpande, 98 ; receive cession of St. Lucia 
Bay, 98 ; refuse aid to Umbulazi, 103 ; prevent Boer intercourse with 
Smellekamp, 114 ; establish authority at Bloemfontein, 117 ; sign Sand 
Eiver Convention, 117; and the "Disputed" territory, 140-4, 151-2, 
154, 158-9 ; view of weakness of Boer Government, 141 ; and South 
African Federation, 141; annex Transvaal (1877), 141-2; war with 
Sikukuni, 145, 168-9 ; possibility of war with Cetshwayo, 148, 154 ; 
territory violated, 149-51, 155-6, 159 ; hopes of averting war, 157 ; 
Ultimatum to Cetshwayo, 159-62, 164-8, 194 ; complaints of Zulu 
government, 159-61 ; require abolition of Zulu military system, 161, 
166 ; forces available for war, 168-70 
Zulu War, 171 ff. ; and see that heading 

Government's requirements under settlement of Sishweli, 221, 226 ; 
Liberals condemn war, 232 ; criticism of Transvaal annexation, 232 ; 
Boer insurrection, 232-3 ; abandon Transvaal, 233 ; Government 
favours Cetshwayo's release, 234 ; vacillating policy of, 242 ; error as 
to Zulu government, 245 ; attitude to Zululand and Native Reserve, 
253 ; determination to maintain position in the country, 259 ; enjoin 
chiefs to remain quiet, 260, 265 ; threaten Cetshwayo, 261 ; efforts to 
bring about settlement in Zululand, 263-6, 294 ; intention not to 
extend sovereignty over Zululand, 268 ; and Wm. Grant's appoint- 
ment, 273 ; Zulus ask intervention in New Republic boundary dispute, 
275, 277 ; negotiations regarding boundary, 276-8 ; boundary agree- 
ment, 278-80, 285 ; demarcation commission, 280-2 ; Protectorate 
suggested to Zulus, 281-3 ; Protectorate over Eastern Zululand, 283 ; 
annex Zululand, 284-7 ; view of Usibebu's expulsion, 290 ; restore 
Usibebu, 291-2; Dinuzulu's insurrection, 301 ff. ; see also under 
Bulwer, Frere, Havelock, Osborn. 

Bromhead, Lieut., 182, 186 

Brownlee, Charles, 204 ; suggestions as to terms of peace with Cetshwayo, 
205, 207 

Buller, Major R. (Sir Redvers), 169, 170 ; at Ihlobane, 196 ; operations of, 
quoted, 210-1 ; reconnaissance to Nodwengu kraal, 212 

Bulwer, Sir Henry (Governor of Natal), 144; on the Disputed Territory, 
144, 152; precautions against invasion, 154 ; quoted on Zulu military 
system, 166-7 ; views as to war with Zulus, 168 ; difference with 
Lord Chelmsford, 206-7 ; Cetshwayo's restoration, 235-8, 245, 252 ; 
Reserved Territory, 242 ; establishment of Dinuzulu, 264 ; recom- 
mendation after Cetshwayo's death, 267-8 ; boundary, New Republic, 
276-82 ; otherwise mentioned, 151, 165, 234, 262, 266 

Burgers, T. F., 138-42 

Bushmen, the, 93-4 

Butshelezi, a headman, 305-6 

324 INDEX 

CACHET, F. Lion, quoted, 54, 89-90 

Cane, John, 25, 26, 42-3, 44, 56, 69 

Cannibalism, 29 

Cape Colony, ceded to England (1806), 54 ; sends aid against Dingana, 
70; Kafir wars, 145, 170, 185 

Cardew, Col. Frederick, 280 

Carey, Capt. , 208 

Celliers, Sarel, 66 

Cetshwayo : meaning of name, 102 ; his mother, 34, 102-3 ; and Umbulazi, 
rival claimants for succession, 103; defeats Umbulazi, 103-4; spares 
Umpande, 105 ; orders death of Umpoiyana and Nomantshali, 105, 
106; the Fund' u Tulwana campaign, 107; recognition of his title 
to succession, 108 ; negotiations for surrender of Umtonga and Um- 
gidhlana, 119, 152; cedes land to Boers, the "Disputed Territory," 
119 ; story of his sending sack of millet to Secretary for Native 
Affairs,jl20; Zulu nation at time of his accession, 121, 130, 132 ; Dunn 
procures firearms for, 121 ; proclaimed king of the Zulus, 124, 128, 
241 ; requests a British representative at his coronation, 122, 160 ; 
progress to Mahlabatini, 122-3, 240 ; jealousy of the northern chiefs, 
123-4; promises to adopt modifications of law suggested by Natal 
Government, 124-7, 149, 159-61 ; Masipula poisoned, 129 ; coronation 
and exhibition of cattle, 129-30 ; the theft of chlorodyne, 128 ; and 
indiscriminate shedding of blood, 125, 159-60; killing without trial 
usual in his reign, 128, 159, 161, 163 ; missionary reports as to killing 
and witchcraft, 153 ; no case known of killing by, for mere caprice, 
154 ; Zulu statement regarding, 163 ; military discipline under, 131 ; 
the marriage of the Ingcugce, 133-6 ; 157-8 ; the fight between two 
regiments, 135-8 ; 148, 149 ; view of British authorities regarding, 
137 ; attitude of, regarding " Disputed Territory," 130, 140, 142-4, 148 ; 
reoccupies Luneburg, 155 ; credited with encouraging hostility to 
Europeans, 145-6 ; view that he was head of combination of Kafir races 
against whites, 157 ; view of his character, Sir Bartle Frere quoted, 157- 
58 ; his unreliability, quoted, 158 ; attitude of, to missionaries, 147-8, 
161-2 ; determination to assert his rights against whites, 149, 158 ; 
European fears regarding : view of his administration, 149, 160, 167; 
view of proceedings of Mehlokazulu, 151 ; and award of disputed terri- 
tory commission, 159; British Ultimatum to, 159-66, 168, 194 ; action 
regarding Ultimatum, 165-6 ; abandons hope of averting hostilities, 166 ; 
attitude to invasion of Natal, 182 ; grants protection to Vijn, 187 ; 
Cetshwayd's Dutchman cited, 187, 210, 216 ; attitude of Usibebu to, 
189 ; overtures to the Boers, 192 ; offers safe conduct to Col. Pearson's 
column, 195 ; his attempts to secure cessation of hostilities, 195, 203, 
207, 210; conditions of peace, 204-5, 207, 209, 216; reply to Lord 
Chelmsford, 210 ; watches battle of Ulundi, 213 ; flight of, 215-8, 257, 
295 ; orders his people to make peace, 215 ; reflections of, 215-6 ; 
capture of, 217-8 ; difficulty of suppression of his influence, 218 ; 
release of, urged by Boers, 233 ; his importunity for release, 233 ; 
movement in favour of his restoration, 234 ; taken to England, 235 ; 
impression of, in London, 235; opposition to his restoration, 235; 
landed at Port Durnford, 236, 240 ; conditions of restoration, 238 ; 
restriction of dominion and power, 236-8 ; feeling of his people and 
chiefs regarding restoration, 236-44 ; his misgivings concerning, 240 ; 
his reception, 240-1 ; restoration difficulties, 244 ; does not reorganise 
regimental system, 247 ; his supporters proceed against Usibebu, 247 ; 
battle of Umsebe, 247-50 ; suffers blame for, 250 ; operations against 
Uhamu, 251, 254 ; view of the Eeserved Territory, 244, 253, 254, 263 ; 
appoints Wm. Grant resident adviser, 253, 262; weakness of his posi- 


tion, 254 ; attack upon Usibebu, 254 ; defeat at Ulundi, 256-8 ; 
wounded by Ealijana's men, 257 ; believed to be dead, 258, 259 ; 
a fugitive in the Keserve, 259, 261 ; evades Mr. Osborn, 259, 261 ; 
accusations against British, 259 ; supposed intercourse with the Boers, 
260; demoralisation of his adherents, 260; Mr. Osborn threatens 
coercion, 261, 262; disregards requests to proceed to Eshowe, 259, 
261, 262; begins to realise his hopeless position, 262; persuaded by 
Mr. Fynn, proceeds to Eshowe, 263 ; objections to reinstatement of, 
263 ; chiefs throw off his authority, 264-5 ; his partisans' attack on 
Umfanawendhlela, and other disturbances, 265 ; death, 129, 266-7 
Zulu impression of his reign, 131 ; confidence in, 131-2 ; otherwise 
mentioned, 51, 221, 223, 230, 276, 290, 291 

Chard, Lieut., 182, 186 

Charters, Major, 77-8 

Chelmsford, Lord, 168; confidence in, 185; forces under, 169-70, 200, 
204 ; plans of, 170-5, 200, 211 ; retreat after Isandhlwana, 180-1, 183, 
186 ; advance to relieve Eshowe, 200-1 ; peace negotiations by, 203-4,, 
207-10, 212 ; difference with Sir Henry Bulwer, 206 ; victory at 
Ulundi, 212-3 ; withdrawal, 215 

Clarke, Sir Marshal, 145 

Cloete, The Hon. Henry, 97-9, 118 

Colenso, Bishop, Cetshwayo's Dutchman cited, 187, 210, 216 

Congella, 31 ; battle of, 97 

" Cowards," fate of, under Tshaka, 18-9, 29 

Cromwell, Oliver, cited, 257 

Cullis, , 44 

DABULAMANZI, a brother of Cetshwayo, 202, 205, 224, 269 ; death of, 277- 

Dambuza, see Unzobo 

Dartnell, Major, 170, 174, 175, 180 

Deighton, Mr., a trader, 156, 159 

De Jager, fugitive from the Itala battle, 68 

Delagoa Bay, 116, 121 ; trade with, opened by Dingiswayo, 14 ; Potgieter's 
attempt to open up a trade with, 114-5 

de Lange, Johannes, 54, 74, 82 ; hunting exploits of, 93 ; adopts habits of 
Zulu people, 93 

Delegorgue, M. Adulphe, quoted on Umpande, 83, 84, 100, 111 

Derby, Earl of, 266 

Dilikana, chief of the Amambata, 199, 257 

Dingana, assassinates Tshaka, 40-1 ; slays Mahlangana, 41 ; assumes chief- 
tainship, 41-2 ; declares his policy, 42, 45 ; sends mission to the Cape, 
42 ; Hlambamanzi reports to, on white methods, 42-3 ; seizes Cane's 
cattle, 44 ; massacre of chiefs by, 49 ; his brothers, 49 ; Matiwane 
appeals to his mercy, 49-50 ; massacres Gowujana and his people, 50 ; 
and asylum of fugitive subjects in Natal, 52, 79 ; expedition against 
Umzilikazi, 56 ; misgivings concerning the Boers, 56, 57 ; relations 
with the English, 58 ; attitude to missionaries, 58-60, 147 ; reply to 
Ketief, 61-2 ; his cattle recovered from Sigonyela, 62-3 ; massacres 
Retief and his party, 64-5 ; massacre of Weenen, 65-6 ; alliance of 
Dutch and English against, 68 ; battle of Itala, 68-9 ; unsuccessful 
attack on Boers, 69-70 ; Dingana's Day, 70-1 ; repels Boers, 75-6 ; 
retires from Umgungundhlovu, 76-7 ; distinguishes the young regi- 
ment, 77 ; negotiations of Capt. Jarvis with, 78 ; desire of, for peace, 
78 ; agreement with British, 78-9 ; conditions of peace, 79 ; fails to 
return Boer cattle, 79, 81, 85 ; expedition to Swaziland, 79, 81-2 ; 


326 INDEX 

growing discontent with, among Zulus, 79, 246 ; contemptuous view 
of Umpande, 88, 105 ; danger from growing power of Umpande and 
Mapita, 81, 102 ; disaffection of Umpaude, 82, 84 ; alarmed by pro- 
ceedings of Boers and Umpande, 85-6 ; Boer distrust of, 83 ; his 
chief indunas, 86-8, 224 ; defeated at Maqongqo, 86, 88, 95 : executes 
Undhlela, 87 ; flight of, 90 ; meditates descent on Swaziland, 90 ; 
death of, 90, 281 ; his mother, 34 

Characteristics, 45, 47, 51 ; capricious, 46-7 ; cruel to women, 47 ; in- 
quisitive, 47 ; treacherous, 48 ; vain, 47, 60 

State and military strength of, 45 ; his warlike expeditions unimportant, 
45, 50, 56 ; the Umgungundhlovu Kraal, 42, 45, 76 ; private apart- 
ments of (Isigodhlo), 45-6 ; the king's women, 46-7 ; tradition re- 
garding his destruction of his subjects, 48, 79 
Otherwise mentioned, 56, 100, 102, 112, 133, 186, 257 

Dingiswayo : the wanderings of Godongwana, 11 ; gains ideas from white 
people, 12 ; chief of the Umtetwa, 12 ; military organisation of, 12- 
13 ; conquests of, 13, 15 ; war song of, 15, 132 : wars with Zwidi, 15, 
16 ; opens trade with Delagoa Bay, 14 ; encouragement to ingenuity, 
14 ; attributes of, 14 ; death of, 13, 16 ; influence of, on the tribal 
condition, 17 ; otherwise mentioned, 39, 219, 228 

Dinuzulu, Cetshwayo's heir, 226, 264, 267 ; approached by the Boers, 268- 
70 ; expels Usibebu, 272, 290 ; recognised as king, 272-3, 275 ; Wm. 
Grant appointed adviser to, 273 ; signs document rewarding Boers, 
273 ; repudiates document, 275-6 ; asks for British intervention, 275, 
277 ; complains of Boer treatment, 277-8 ; protests against boundary 
agreement, 279-81, 283 ; refuses British Protectorate, 281-5 ; attitude 
to annexation, 285, 287, 289; refuses stipend, 290; fails to comply 
with magistrate's summons, 288-9 ; his cattle seized for fine, 288, 
300 ; appeals to Boers, 288 ; British demand explanation from, 288- 
90 ; builds personal kraal in Usibebu's territory, 290 ; appears before 
Governor, 292; attitude to repatriation of Usibebu, 292-3, 295-6, 
298 ; representations as to Usibebu's boundary, 299 ; gathers force 
at Ceza, 301-2; raids cattle, 302-3; decision to arrest him, 303; 
engagement with troops at Ceza Mountain, 304-5 ; raids Butshelezi's 
kraal, 305-6 ; attacks Nongoma, 307-9 ; Boers employ his impi, 310 ; 
discrimination between Boer and British territory, 310 ; attack on 
Pretorius' magistracy, 310-11 ; attitude to the New Eepublic, 314 ; 
gives up fighting : shelters in Vrijheid, 315 ; surrender and exile, 316 ; 
otherwise mentioned, 300, 307, 311, 314 

Disputed territory, the, 119, 143 ; Cetshwayo's determined attitude, 130, 
140, 148; Zulu claims, 142-4; arbitration, 144, 152 ; award, 158-9 

Drakensberg, the, 118 

Dunn, John, 103-4, 121, 123, 223-4, 232 ; volunteers in Umbulazi's service, 
104 ; quoted on ruling the Zulu, 128 ; quoted, 130 ; receives the Ulti- 
matum, 164-5 ; defection from Cetshwayo, 189 ; at relief of Eshowe, 
201 ; position under settlement of Sishweli, 223-4, 236 ; quoted, 
action against Sitimela, 2289 
Otherwise mentioned, 129, 137, 291, 312, 314 

Durban established, 53 

Durnford, Lt.-Col. A. W., 144, 170, 172, 175, 176, 177 

Dutch, the, see heading Boers 

ENGLISH, see under British 

Englishman, Thomas Halstead, the first slain by a Zulu, 65 

Escombe, Harry, quoted, 253 

Eshowe, division of Zululand, 30 

INDEX 327 

Eshowe, 81, 293 ; siege of, 184, 194-5, 202 ; relief of, 200-1, 211 ; value of 
defence, 202 ; Cetshwayo's offer of safe conduct to garrison, 195, 201 

Esselen, D. J., 278 

Estcourt, 69 

Europeans : Settlers, Farewell's companions, 25 ; in Dingana's country, 44, 
58, 66 ; views on war with Cetshwayo, 148 

FAKU, Pondo chief, 95-6 

Faku (occupation of Luneburg), 155, 156 

Fannin, J. E., 316 

Farewell, Lieut., 21, 24-5, 27, 35, 42 

Fingoes, the, 29 

Fire : produced by friction, the Uzwati described, 4 ; preservation of, 4 

Frere, Sir Bartle, 141, 144, 205 ; quoted, on Cetshwayo's incitement of 
native chiefs against Europeans, 146 ; on the attitude of the Zulus, 
152, 156-7, 166, 169, 233 ; on the character of Cetshwayo, 157-8 ; 
" disputed territory " award by, 158-9 ; Cetshwayo's coronation 
promises, 161-2 ; quoted, conditions for peace, 204 ; interview with 
Joubert, 191-2 ; the Transvaal and Federation, 205-6 

Froome, Col., 313 

Frontier Light Horse, the, 169, 170, 196, 197 

Fugitive natives, 44, 52, 81 

Fugitive's Drift, 178 

Fynn, Henry Francis, 24-6, 33-7, 44, 242 ; cited, Dingiswayo, 13 ; re- 
ceived by Tshaka, 21 ; views instance of Tshaka's tyranny, 21 ; quoted, 
Tshaka's dress, 22-3 ; on battle with Sikunyana, 27-8 ; account of 
Tshaka's death, 40-1 

Fynn, Henry Francis (secundus), 242, 245, 246, 254, 256, 262 ; cited, chiefs 
slain at Ulundi, 257 

Fynney, F. Bernard, quoted, 162-3 

GALLOWAY, Mr., quoted, 296 

Gallwey, Hon. Michael, H., 144 

Gama, Vasco da, 1, 20 

Gambusha, Dingana's envoy, 78-9 

Gardiner, Capt. Allan, 53, 55 ; account of Dingana in 1835, 45-7, 49-50; 

missionary work of, 59 
Gardner, Capt. , 182 
Gidjimi, wife of Zwidi, 15 
Gilbert, Lt.-Col., 170 
Girls of the Great House, massacre of, by Tshaka, 32 ; Dingana's 

" Isigodhlo," 45-7 ; source of danger to the public, 31, 46 
Girls, paternal power over, transferred in exchange for cattle, 32 
Gladstone, Mr., 232, 266 
Glyn, Col., 174 

Godide, son of Undhlela, 88, 211, 224, 257 
Godongwana, see Dingiswayo 
Gowujana, a brother of Dingana, 49-50 
Gququ, a brother of Umpande, 99 
Grant, William, 253, 262, 273, 275 

Gun running, 121, 132 ; guns in Usibebu's possession, 258 
Gwekwana, an induna, 154 

HAIANA, a brother of Usibebu, 245, 257 
Halstead, Thomas, 25-6, 63, 65, 68 
Harness, Major, 170 

328 INDEX 

Havelock, Sir A., annexation of Zululand : appointed Governor, 283-6 ; 
attitude to Dinuzulu, 288, 290, 292, 298, 302 ; Usibebu's repatriation, 
291, 297-300 ; neutrality of the New Republic, 314-5 

Hemulana, an induna, 309 

Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael, 157, 191 

Hlambamanzi, a Cape frontier native, 21, 28, 35, 43, 57 

Hlomuza, Usibebu's brother, 290, 296 

Hlubi, Basuto chief, 223, 236, 312 

Holland, Boer efforts to establish political relations with, 114-5 

Hunting, 9-10, 110, 122 

Huts, construction of, 2, 3 

INDIAN Mutiny cited, 180 

Ingcugce, marriage of the, 1336 

Iron, work in, 5-b ; the only metal mined by Zulus, 52 

Isaacs, Nathaniel, 26, 27, 36 ; Travels cited, 26 ; testimony as to massacre 

of women of the Great House, 31-2 
Isandhlwana, battle, 173-81, 185-8, 190, 197, 207, and see 108 ; Zulu loss 

at, 188, 198 ; Zulu commander, 188, 257 
Isivivane, the (stone cairn), 3 
Izigqoza, Umbulazi's party, 103-4 

JAEL and Sisera, a Zulu type of, 260-1 

Jarvis, Capt., 78 

Jobe, Umtetwa chief, 11 

Johnston, Sir H. H., Colonization of Africa, cited, 1 

Joubert, Piet, 191-3, 233 

KAMBAZANA, companion of Unzobo, 87-8 

Kambula, 194, 196 ; the battle at, 197-9, 213 

Kangela, see Congella 

Ka Qwelebana, wife of Sirayo, 149 

Kimberley, 139, 140 

Kimberley, Lord, 233 

King, Lieut., 26, 27, 33, 35, 36, 42 

King, Richard, 97 

Knight, John L., 299-300, 313 

Knight, , trader, 310 

Kraals : Banganomo, 270; Bulawayo, 30,32; Dukuza, 31, 33, 42 ; Ebaqulusini, 
194 ; Ekuvukeni, 254 ; Ekushumayeleni (of Umnyamana), 215 ; Gibig- 
xeku, see Bulawayo; Gingindhlovu, 201 ; Gqikazi, 263 ; Inkukazi, 316 ; 
Inkungwini, 247 ; Landandhlovu, 109 ; Mahashini, 307 ; Mahlabatini, 
122 ; Nobamba, 27 ; Nodwengu, 212 ; Nyakamubi, 33 ; Sixebeni, 99 ; 
Ulundi, 130, 246, 256 ; Umbonambi, 210 ; Umgungundhlovu (principal 
seat of Dingana), 42, 45, 76 

Kreli, Galeka chief, 145 

Kruger, Paul, 141, 191, 192 

Kwabiti, Zulu commissioner, 281 

LANDMAN, Carl, 74 

Langazana, wife of Senzangakona, 71, 99, 105, 106, 293 

Limpopo River, 38 

Livingstone, Dr., quoted; on Boer licence with natives, 113; on Boer 

methods of warfare, 113-4 
Lobengula, 30 

Lonsdale, Commandant, 170, 180-1 
Louw, Dirk, storekeeper, 303, 306 ; Piet Louw, 304 ; Klaas Louw, 306 

INDEX 329 

Lucknow, relief of, storming of the Sikandrabagh cited, 180 
Luneburg, occupation of by Cetshwayo, 155, 156 ; action at, 195 
Lutuli, Martin, 181 

MABOKO, son of Masipula, 129, 237, 242, 245, 246, 288 

M'Kean, Major, 312, 314, 315 

Madumba, a son of Umpande, 105 

Mafukwini, chief, 310, 311 

Mahanana, uncle of Dinuzulu, 288 

Mahlangana, assassin of Tshaka, 40-1 

Mahloko, brass worker, 51, 100 

Mahu, son of Tokotoko, 245 

Majuba, 227 

Makosini, the place of kings, 16, 240, 277, 279 

Malusi, Ndwandwe chief, 15 

Mandhlagazi, the, Usibebu's followers, 255, 272, 302 

Mankulumana, son of Somapunga, 265 

Mansel, Commt. George (Zulu Carbineers), 243, 269, 294, 304, 312-3 

Mantantashiya, a son of Monase, 104 

Manyosi, favourite of Dingana, 48 

Manzini, a chief, 102 

Mapita, cousin of Tshaka, 31, 81, 82, 89, 123 

Maqongqo hills, 86 

Marshall, Sub-Inspector, 310 

Marter, Major, 218 

Martin, Col. (Sir Richard), 301 

Martineau's Life of Sir Bartle Frere cited, 141 

Masipula, Umpande's chief induna, 124, 129, 224, 238, 240 

Matabeleland, 30 

Matiwane, blacksmith, 5, 8 

Matiwane, chief, appeals to Dingana's mercy, 49 ; is murdered, 50 ; the 

Kwa Matiwane (place of execution), 49-50, 65 
Matshana, son of Mondise, 108, 172, 173, 223 
Matshobana, father of Umzilikazi, 30 
Mavumengwana, son of Undhlela, 88, 224 
Mawa The Crossing of Mawa, 99, 107 
Mawewe, son of Jobe, 11 
Maziyana, native, a border guard, 149-50 
Mehlokazulu, Sirayo's chief son, 149-51, 159, 168, 257 
Meyer, Conrad, 268 
Meyer, L. Johannes, 276, 278 
Milne, Lieut. R.N., 176 
Missionaries, amongst the Zulus, 58-61, 66, 147, 161 ; Capt. Allan Gardiner, 

59; American Mission, 60; the Eev. F. Owen, Church Missionary 

Society, 60 ; leave Umpande's country, 100 ; attitude of Cetshwayo to, 

147-8, 161-2; Cetshwayo's accusations against, 148, 149 ; the Rev. A. 

Nachtigall quoted, 145 ; accounts of killing under Cetshwayo, 152-3 ; 

resume work after the war, 225 ; Boers required to guarantee rights 

of, 276, 278 

Monase, Umbulazi's mother, 103, 105 
Mondise, 108 
Moor, Alfred, 312 
Moriarty, Capt., 195 
Moselekatse, see Umzilikazi 
Msimbiti, Jacob, 21, see Hlambamanzi 
Mtonjaneni Heights, Sanqonqo, 73 

330 INDEX 

NACHTIGALL, the Kev. A., quoted, 145 

Nandi, mother of Tshaka, 17, 34 ; death of, 24, 33, 34, 42 

Napier, Sir George, 94 

Natal, in 1687, 1 ; Bay of, 20 ; coast lands abandoned by Zulus, 42 ; Dutch 
" trek " to, 55 ; position of Dutch and British in, 95-6, 116-7 ; military 
occupation of Port Natal resumed by British, 96-7 ; British administra- 
tion established, 97 ', Umpande cedes territory, 98 ; asylum of fugitive 
natives in, 44, 52, 79, 108, 151 ; native population of, 96, 99, 107, 186 ; 
Kefugee Regulations issued, 107 ; Matshana seeks protection from 
Natal Government, 108; boundaries of, 118; Government sends Mr. 
Shepstone to Cetshwayo's coronation, 122, 160; endeavours to modify 
Zulu law, 124-7 ; Zulu violation of border of, 149-51 ; fears of invasion 
in, 154, 236; troops in, 158, 161, 169; feeling in, at commencement 
of Zulu war, 185 ; fears of invasion after Isandhlwana, 185-6, 188, 
191, 195 ; sense of security restored, 203 ; and see under Bulwer 

Natal, Lieut. -Governor, see Bulwer, Sir Henry, and Havelock, Sir A. 

Natal Mercury cited, 148, 149 

Natal Native Contingent, 169, 185-6 ; Wood's Irregulars, 197 

Native life : Natal in 1687, see Abantu 

Native reserve, 236, 238 ; main principle in, 242 ; defence in, 243 ; position 
in, at restoration, 239, 243-4, 252-4, 259, 261-3 ; extension of suggested, 
264, 268 ; conflict with Usutu in, 268-70 ; official changes in, 293 ; 
loyalty in, 312, and see under Osborn 

Natives' declaration on their treatment by Boers and Matabele con- 
trasted, 113 

Newdigate, General, 208 

Ngcapayi, chief of the Mabaca people, 93, 94 

Ngqengelele, Umnyamana's father, 31 

Ngqumbazi, Cetshwayo's mother, 34, 102-3 

Nkandhla district, 17 

Nkosinkulu, one of Dingana's ancestors, 16, 64 

Nomantshali, a wife of Umpande, 105-6, 119 

Nombengula, 30 

Nompetu, daughter of Zwidi, 30 

Nongalaza, Umpande's chief induna, 85, 86 

Nongoma magistracy, 72, 249, 293-4 ; attack by Dinuzulu, 305-9 

OFTEBEO, Mr., cited, 153 

Ogle, 78 

Orange Free State, 207 

Osborn, Mr. (Sir Melmoth), 222; appointed British Resident, 222; com- 
plaints to, 227, 230-1 ; Sitimela, 228 ; duties as Resident end, 241 ; 
Resident Commissioner in the Reserve, 254 ; asks for troops, 259 ; 
action regarding Cetshwayo in the Reserve, 261-2 ; conflict with 
Dabulamanzi, 269-70 ; New Republic boundary commission, 280-2 ; 
British Protectorate, 282-4; Usibebu's restoration, 291, 300-1, 303, 
306 ; neutrality of New Republic, 314 
Otherwise mentioned, 251, 258, 266, 267, et passim 

Osborn, Sub-Inspector, 300, 308, 313 

Ossthuisen, Martenus, 66 

Overland traffic opened, 1828, 43 

Owen, Rev. F., of the C.M.S., 60-1 ; quoted on Dingana's appearance, 51 

PEARSE, Sub-Inspector, 294, 303 

Pearson, Col., 170, 183-4, 194-5 

Pennefather, Capt., 303-5, 313 

Pietermaritzburg, 82 ; Zulu War monument in, 214 

INDEX 331 

Pomeroy-Colley, Sir G., 227 

Pondos, the, sec Faku 

Portuguese, 28, 115 

Potchefstroom, 112 

Potgieter, Hendrik, 69, 112-3 ; antipathy to British, 114 ; intercourse with 

Smellekamp, 114-5 ; resentment at Volks Kaad's decision to purchase 

land, 115 ; Lydenburg Eepublic of, 115-6, 119 
Pretorius, Chief Commandant, 77, 89, 94, 97. 116-7, 118 ; defeated at 

Boom-plaats, 117 

Pretorius's Lower Umfolozi Magistracy, 310, 314 
Prince Imperial, circumstances of his death, 208-9, 211, 212 
Pulleine, Lieut.-CoL, 174, 176 
Purdon, Capt., 313 

RALIJANA, son of Somfula, 257 

Rawana, the stronghold of, 194 

Rensburg, Hans von, 54 

Resident Commissioner, see Osborn, Sir Melmoth 

Relief, Pieter, 55 ; seeks permission to occupy land south of Tugela, 55, 

56, 64; Dingana's reply to, 61-2; recovers cattle from Sigonyela, 

62-3 ; massacred, 65 ; his remains, 71-2 
Roberts, Lord, Forty-one Years in India, quoted, 180 
Robertson, the Rev. R., 147 ; quoted on the killing under Cetshwayo, 153 
Rogers, Major, 170 

Roman, , escapes from Retief massacre, 65 
Rooyen, Cornelius van, 118-9 

Rorke's Drift, 175, 182-3, 186, 197 ; lessons of, 197 ; Zulu loss at, 198 
Rudolph, Mr., quoted, 154, 156 
Rudolph, G. M., 316 
Russell, Major, 170 
Rustenburg District, 112, 115, 117 

ST. Lucia Bay, ceded by Umpande, 98, 118 

Sambane, a chief, 133 

Sandilli, Gaika chief, 145 

Sand River Convention, 117, 118 

Santinga, Umnyamana's brother, 305 

Schlikmann, Capt. von, 140 

Scotch, the Highland, cited, 217 

Scott, Dr., 266 

Scott, Governor, 29 

Seketwayo, chief of Umdhlalose tribe, 172, 257 

Senzangakona, Tshaka's father, 16-7, 49, 71, 194 

Shepstone, Capt. G-, 176, 177 

Shepstone, Henrique, 291 

Shepstone, Hon. John Wesley, 144, 240 

Shepstone, Sir Theophilus, cited, 7, 14-5, 141, 148, 149, 240; obtains 
recognition of Cetshwayo's title to succeed, 108, 122 ; crowns 
Cetshwayo, 124, 162; and the disputed territory, 142-3; on Cetsh- 
wayo's unreliability, 158 ; on Zulu settlement, 283-4 ; recommends 
Usibebu's restoration, 291 
Otherwise mentioned, 127, 128, 241 

Sibarnu, Zulu councillor, 279 

Sigonyela, raids Dingana's cattle, 62-3 

Sikukuni, chief of the Bapeda, 115, 139-40, 145, 146, 168 

Sikunyuna, chief, Ndwandwe tribe, 26-9 

Sikwata, father of Sikukuni, 115, 139 

332 INDEX 

Sintwangu, Zulu envoy, 154, 168 

Sirayo, Zulu chief, 148, 149, 151, 159, 165, 168, 172, 189, 223, 257 

Sishweli, the Settlement of, 218-20 ; and see sub-heading under Zulus 

Sitimela, pretender to chieftainship of Umtetwa tribe, 228-9 

Siziba, Zulu envoy, 277 

Smellekamp, 114-5 

Smith, Capt., 95, 97 ; cited, on Gququ, 99 

Smith, Sir Harry, 116 ; defeats Pretorius at Boom-plaats, 117 

Smith, Mr., surveyor, 155, 159, 170 

Sobuza, King of the Swazis, 90-1 ; story of Dingana's death, 91 

Sokwetshata, chief of the Umtetwa, 260, 272, 292, 310-11 

Somhlolo, chief, 311 

Somapunga, a son of Zwidi, 26-7, 28, 219, 265 

Somfula, chief, Hlabisa tribe, 257, 295, 299 

Somkele, a chief, 225, 252, 260, 264, 310, 315 

Somopo, 310 

Songiya, Umpande's mother, by whose name Zulus swear, 124, 257, 295 

Sotobe, Tshaka's envoy, 35-6, 42, 78, 217, 283 

Sotshangana, 36 

South African Kepublic, see under heading Boers 

Special Commissioner, see 276, and under Bulwer, and Havelock 

Spies, R T., 278 

Stavem, Mr., 153 

Stuart, Prince Charles Edward, cited, 217 

Swazis, the: Zulu campaign against (Fund' u Tulwana), 107 ; send cattle 
into Transvaal for protection, 107 ; Umswazi and Somcuba cede terri- 
tory to the Boers, 115-6 ; aid Boers against Sikukuni, 140 ; Umbilini, 
194 ; otherwise mentioned, 85, 216, 222, and see Sobuza 

" Swim-the-water," see Hlambamanzi 

TENGWANA, a native, 99 

Tokotoko, Usibebu's uncle, 245 

Tonge, C. V., 311 

Transvaal, 108, 141, 145, 205-6, 222, and see under heading Boers 

Tremlett, Major, 170 

Tribal migration, 13, 243 

Tribes: Abaqulusi, 194, 224, 230-1, 233, 239, 244, 280; Amambata, 199, 
257 ; Amandwandwe, 82 ; Amangwane, 49 ; Amatonga, 252 ; Bapeda, 
115; Biyela, 311; Butelezi, 242, 247, 280, 288; Gaika, 145; Galeka, 
145 ; Hlabisa, 217, 237. 245, 257, 294, 295, 299, 306 ; Kumalo, 30 ; 
Langa, 17; Mabaca, 93; Ndwandwe, 15-6, 19-20, 24, 29, 219, 224, 
237,265, 308; Umdhlalose, 172, 280; Umdhletshe, 237, 245, 306-7; 
Umgazini, 224, 237, 242, 245, 247, 251-2, 280, 288 ; Umpukunyoni, 
225, 252, 264, 310; Umtetwa, 11, 13, 219, 225, 228-9, 260, 272, 292, 
310 ; peculiarity in language, 13 ; Unzuza, 299 ; Usutu, see that heading ; 
Zungu, 265 ; tribes dispersed from Natal by Tshaka, 29 ; the term 
"tribe," 296-7 

Trichard, Carl Johannes, 54 

Tshaka, 16 ; escapes his father, 17 ; serves under Dingiswayo, 17 ; distin- 
guished in valour, 17; chief of the Zulu, 17, 39; his brothers, 39; 
kills his first sons, 39 ; on Dingiswayo's death reconquers subject 
tribes, 17, 20; enlarges his army, 18; experiment with assegai, 18; 
fate of "cowards," 18-9, 29 ; injustice of, 18 ; attacked by Zwidi, 19; 
destroys Ndwandwe tribe, 19-20 ; appearance of white men, 20-1, 26 ; 
habits of home life of, 22; his dress for great occasions, described, 
22 ; festivities, 23 ; attempted assassination of, 23-4 ; his tears, 23, 
34 ; attitude towards Fynn and Farewell, 24, 25 ; and King, 35 ; 

INDEX 333 

campaign against Sikunyana, 27-31 ; his army on the march, de- 
scribed, 27 ; submission of Umlotsha, 29 ; success of Beje against, 29 ; 
territories depopulated by, 29 ; permits Europeans to shelter tribal 
remnants, 44, 81 ; expansion of his dominion, 30, 80 ; assigns terri- 
tory to Mapita, 31 ; unmarried, 31 ; his kraal girls, 32 ; inhuman 
disposition evinced in massacre of kraal girls, 32 ; removes to Dukuza 
kraal, 33 ; subjection of Beje, 33 ; idea of mission to English king, 
33, 35 ; result of mission, 36 ; death of his mother, 33, 36 ; massacre 
and carnage, 34-5 ; cession of territory to Lieut. King, 35 ; expedition 
against Cape natives, 36 ; Sotobe, 35, 36, 78, 283 ; expedition against 
Sotshangana, Balule campaign, 36-8 ; affects supernatural powers, 
37 ; massacre of women, 37 ; assassinated, 38, 40-1, 245 ; burial, 41, 
42 ; translation of spirit. 42 ; national prosperity following his death, 
45 ; characteristics, 22-3, 37 ; personality, 39 ; bloodthirsty tyranny 
of, 21, 32 ; Sir Bartle Frere quoted, 158 

Otherwise mentioned, 45, 48, 58, 81, 166, 205, 219, 228, 281 ; records of, 
by Farewell and Fynn, 21 ; by Isaacs, 26 

Tshingana, Dinuzulu's uncle, 275, 279, 287, 311-6 

Tshambezwe, son of Umnyamana, 288 

UHAMU, parentage, 106 ; attitude to Cetshwayo's coronation, 121, 123-4 ; 
chief induna, resents assault on the Tulwana, 136; defection from 
Cetshwayo, 154-5, 172, 194, 226 ; hope of securing kingship, 189, 
224 ; position under Sishweli settlement, 224, 226 ; zeal in enforcing 
conditions of Sishweli, 226-7 ; seizure of Umnyamana's cattle, 227, 
232 ; alliance with Usibebu, 230 ; dispute with the Abaqulusi, 230-1 ; 
battle at Bivana Eiver, 231, 233 ; position of, at the restoration, 239, 
242 ; Abaqulusi make reprisals on, 244 ; encouraged by victory at 
Umsebe to resist the king, 251 ; attacked by Umnyamana, 251, 254 ; 
Sir Henry Bulwer's proposal regarding, 264 ; position of, after Itshana, 
272 ; effect of New Eepublic boundary, 280 ; death, 285 
Otherwise mentioned, 241, 262 

Umbangulana, chief, 197, 198 

Umbilini, Swazi chief, 156, 157, 159, 194, 195-6 

Umbomvana, an induna, 104 

Umbopa, servant of Tshaka, 40-1 ; chief of Hlabisa, 237, 245, 257, 294, 295 

Umbulazi, 102 ; applies to British for help against Cetshwayo, 103 ; de- 
feated by Cetshwayo, 103-4 

Umeni, Zulu Commissioner, 281 

Umfanawendhlela, 241, 262, 265 

Umfinyeli, Xulu chief, 106, 245 

Umfokazana, 287 

Umgamule, son of Unzobo, 88 

Umgidhlana, a son of Nomantshali, 105, 106, 119, 143 

Umgojana, a grandson of Zwidi, 219, 224, 237, 308-9 

Umkabayi, a sister of Senzangakona, 194 

Umkonto, Somfula's son, 299, 306 

Umkosana, 287 

Umkowana, a headman, 299, 307 

Umkumbane stream (Kwa Matiwane Dingana's slaughtering place), 49 

Umkungo, a son of Monase, 105 

" Umpakati," the, members of the King's army, 125 

Umlandela, Umtetwa chief, 225, 228 

Umlotsha, tributary to Zwidi, 29 

Umlulwana, a Zulu envoy, 277 

Umnyamana, Cetshwayo's prime induna, 31, 142, 197, 210, 215, 226; 
growing strength of, 109; attitude to Cetshwayo's coronation, 121, 

334 INDEX 

123-4 ; Disputed territory, 142, 144 ; and the capture of Cetshwayo, 
218; becomes subject to Uhamu, 224, 225 ; trouble over cattle, 226-8, 
251; combines with Undabuko, 226, 230; and the restoration, 241, 
242; grievances of, 251; proceeds against Uhamu, 251, 255; pre- 
carious position of, after Ulundi fight, 258, 265 ; and the Boer 
emissaries, 268-9 ; and boundary New Kepublic, 280-1 ; British Pro- 
tection, 282-3, 287 ; the appeal to Boers, 288 ; secedes from Royal 
cause, 290, 305, 314 ; his simile on Usibebu's reinstatement, 302 ; 
his cattle raided, 302-3 ; fears assassination, 303 ; his domains raided, 
305, 309 ; otherwise mentioned, 199, 205, 216, 249, 264, 273, 279 

Umpande, brother of Tshaka, 39, 76, 81 ; disaffection for Dingana, 82 ; 
alliance with the Boers, 82-3; Umpangazita beaten to death, 84; 
number of his people, 84 ; expedition with Boers against Dingana, 
85 ; battle of Maqongqo, 86; witnesses against Unzobo and Kambazana, 
87-8; Dingana's view of, 88; receives Mapita's submission, 89; de- 
clared King of the Zulus, 89 ; not of Zululand, 90, 92 ; boundaries of 
his territory settled, 98 ; cedes St. Lucia Bay, 98 ; destroys his brother 
Gququ and family, 99 ; life at Sixebeni kraal, 99-100 ; unaffected by 
civilised habits of Boers, 100 ; attitude to missionaries and traders, 
100 ; rigid protection of white property by, 100 ; Cetshwayo and 
Umbulazi divide the nation, 103 ; six of his sons killed in battle, 104 ; 
his life spared by Cetshwayo, 105 ; his authority gone, 105-6 ; the 
death of Umpoiyana, 106 ; takes wives for the spirit of Unzibe, 
106 ; campaign against Swazis, 107 ; character of his rule, 107-8 ; 
length of his reign, 110 ; death of, 111, 112, 130 
Characteristics, the fool of the family, 102 ; M. Delegorgue quoted, 84, 

85, 111 ; his mother, see Songiya 

Otherwise mentioned, 34, 109-10, 118, 119, 121-2, 133, 135, 143, 152, 
162, 213, 263, 268, 271 

Umpangazita (Umpangazowaga), an induna of Dingana, 84 

Umpikwa, 311 

Umpoiyana. a son of Nomantshali, 105, 106, 119 

Umsebe, battle of, 247-9 ; curious scene : the demented warrior, 249 

Umsundusi, a headman, 188 

Umsutshwana, chief, Umdhletshe tribe, 237, 245, 306, 307 

Umtetwa, the, see heading Tribes 

Umtonga, a son of Nomantshali, 105-6, 119, 143 

Umtshupana, an induna, 279 

Umtumbu, son of Umbopa, 294-5, 299-300 

Umzilikazi (Moselekatse), chief of Kumalo tribe, 30, 51; attacks "trekkers," 
55, 56 ; despoiled by Dingana, 56, 85 ; defeated by Boers, 112 

Undabuko, Cetshwayo's brother, 175, 225 ; quoted, 175, 182 ; the repre- 
sentative of the throne, 226 ; position under Sishweli settlement, 225 ; 
refuses stipend, 290 ; asks for Cetshwayo's bones, 226 ; combines with 
Umnyamana, 226, 230; expelled by Usibebu, 230, 232, 237, 245 ; applies 
for Cetshwayo's restoration, 234 ; regent on Cetshwayo's death, 267, 
287 ; cattle seized for fine, 288, 300 ; British annexation, 287-9; appeal 
to Boers, 288 ; summoned to Eshowe, 292 ; Usibebu's repatriation, 298, 
301 ; decision to arrest him, 303 ; shelters in Vrijheid, 315 ; surrender 
and exile, 316 ; otherwise mentioned, 273, 275 

Undhlela, a chief induna of Dingana, 85-8, 211, 224, 257 ; the " tail " of, 90 

Undulunga, a son of Umnyamana, 249 

Ungowadi, a son of Nandi, 41 

Unguazonco, brother of Nandi, 40 

Ungungunyana, 28 

Unkabonina, brother of Umbopa, 217, 257 

Unkunzemnyama, chief, 310 

INDEX 335 

Untshingwayo, an Indiana, 188, 257 

Unzibe, brother of Tshaka and Umpande, 39 ; Umpande takes wives for 
spirit of, 106 

Unzobo, chief induna to Dingana, 85-8 

Usibebu, son of Mapita, 31, 89 ; attitude to Cetshwayo at coronation, 121, 
123-4, 241 ; scouting before Isandhlwana, 175 ; resists Cetshwayo, 189; 
attitude to war with English, 189 ; narrow escape of, 189-90 ; territory 
assigned to under treaty of Sishweli, 225, 297 ; zeal in enforcing con- 
ditions, 226, 227 ; alliance with Uhamu, 230, 242, 251, 254, 262, 264 ; 
expels Undabuko and Usiwedu, 232 ; position at the restoration, 236-9, 
245, 297; demands submission of Maboko, 246; wages war against 
Cetshwayo, 250, 254 ; battle of Umsebe, 247-51 ; reproved by Special 
Commissioner, 250 ; difficulties of, with surrounding tribes, 251-2 ; 
his followers known as the Mandhlagazi, 255 ; wars against Cetshwayo 
at Ulundi, 254-8 ; assisted by Englishmen, 258, 260 ; becomes a 
terror, 258, 263 ; seriousness of quarrel with royal party, 267 ; attacks 
Somkele and instigates attacks by Sokwetshata, 260 ; British injunc- 
tions to, 260, 265; view of Cetshwayo's position, 262; moral support 
to people in the Keserve, 262, 263 ; objections to recognition of, 263 ; 
extension of his authority suggested, 264, 268 ; assurances of Boers 
to, 270; appeals to British, 270; battle of Itshana, 270-2; takes 
refuge in the Reserve, 272, 290 ; British view of his expulsion, 290 ; 
pleads for restoration, 290-1 ; restoration urged by officials, 291-2 ; 
restoration, 292-5 ; his reception, 296 ; necessity of assigning terri- 
torial limits to, 297 ; Mr. Addison's settlement, 297-9 ; attitude of 
Dinuzulu to, 298-9, 301-2 ; presses for removal of Usutu, 299, and 
Hlabisa, 300 ; attacked by Unzuza tribe, 299 ; raids and reprisals, 
305-7 ; defeated by Usutu at Nongoma, 308-9 ; retires to Inkonjeni, 
309 ; characteristics of, 123, 246, 255, 295 
Otherwise mentioned, 106, 132, 241, 244, 265, 274, 280 

Usigcwelegcwele, an induna, 137 

Usikizana, Usibebu's chief induna, 290 

Usingananda, chief, 259 

Usiteku, a brother of Cetshwayo, 119, 249 

Usiwedu, brother of Cetshwayo, 119, 187, 216, 225, 232, 237, 245, 257, 289, 
302-3, 309 

Usutu party, adherents of Cetshwayo, 103, 242 ; the ultra Usutu, 245 ; 
commit acts of violence against Usibebu, 246, 247 ; prepare to resist 
Usibebu, 296 ; complaints against Usibebu, 299 ; general dispersion 
of armed Usutu, 314, see Dabulamanzi, Dinuzulu et passim 

Utrecht District, 118, 143, 155 

Uys, Piet, 67, 68, 69 

Uys, Piet (secundus), 170, 193, 196; monument to, at Utrecht, 193 

VAAL KIVEK, the, 118 

Vaccination introduced amongst Zulus, 108 

Van Staden, Jacobus, 268 

Vijn, Cornelius, 187, 209-10, 216-7 

Vryheid, 119, 196 

WEATHEKLEY, Col., 196-7 

White, , trader, 310 

Wolseley, Sir Garnet, 146, 155, 206-7, 215, 218-9, 308 

Wood, Gen. Sir Evelyn, 170; operations of, 171, 172, 193-7; battle of 

Kambula, 197-8, 208 ; cited, Zulu loss at Kambula, 198 ; arbitrates in 

disputes with chiefs, 227, 232, 251 
Wragg, Justice W., 316 

336 INDEX 

XULU family, the, 106 
Xwana, Zulu sentinel, 73 

ZEYIZE, envoy, 277 

Zonyama, 287 ; nephew of Sotobe, 217 

Zulu : and see heading Abantu 

Administration, 80, 108 ; governing power and moral restraint, 58-9 ; 
aims of, 59 ; will of the king not absolute, 245 ; punishment of death 
too generally applied, 80, 124-5, 159-60, 163; establishment of 
guilt, 80 ; sentence, 80; confiscation of property, 80, 162-3 ; discrimi- 
nation in dealing with accused persons, 108-10 ; asylum of fugitives, 
44, 52, 80-1, 108, 132, 151; death for failing in military duty, 153; 
white persons and property, 100, 148 ; an administration of justice 
described, 100-1 ; Natal attempt to modify Zulu law, 124-6, 160-1 ; 
under Sishweli settlement, 221 ; laws, &c., promulgated at annexation, 
286 ; see sub-head, Witchcraft 

Agriculture : condition of land, 243 ; primitive method of manuring, 243 ; 
first-fruits festival, 135, 144 

Army, the : military organisation, 9-10, 160, 166-7 ; divisions, 177 ; list 
of regiments, 110 ; regimental system, 110, 120; regiments mentioned, 
133, 135-6, 177, 182 ; arms, 9, 18, 174 ; battle order, 177 ; signalling, 
73, 196 ; character of native battles, 69, 104, 183, 185, 229, 248-9 ; 
advantages and hardships of attachment to, 125, 160, 167, 222 ; the 
Umpakati, 125 ; punishment for failing to discharge military duty, 
153; strength at period of Zulu war, 176-7 

Asseverations, 116, 124, 257 
Bayete, the royal salute, 13, 131 

Beliefs : propitiation of ancestral spirits, 61 ; spiritual life, 61, 106, 132 ; 
rites to ensure rain, 132 ; as to swelling of slain enemies, 180 

Characteristics, 46, 64, 181 ; affections, absence of sympathy for feelings 
of females, 135 ; age, reverence for, 135 ; conservatism, 52 ; dignity, 
209 ; leisureliness, 209 ; loyalty, not reliable in adversity, 218 ; 
memory, great power of, 164 ; tears as a warning of danger, 34 ; 
wariness, 39-40 ; circumspection of those in authority, 39-40, 81 ; 
clear voices, 73, 196 ; John Dunn quoted on, 128 

Customs and habits, 52 ; classification according to age, 133 ; enemies, 
killing of, 260 ; girls translated into the families of chiefs, 32 ; leave 
to " gather the bones," 81, 226 ; Kok'umkonto, 227 ; heroism, 
celebration of, 260-1 ; tribute, daughters as consideration for, 32 ; 
chiefs, execution by strangulation, 49 

Faction fighting, 160, 286, 287 

History : absence of written records, 2, 10, 187, 258 

Kraals, see that heading 

Marriage: conjugal infidelity a capital offence, 31, 149; custom of 
chiefs, 31-2 ; the women of the Great House, 32 ; of soldiers, 160, 
161, 167, 222 

Old men, considered an incumbrance, 32 ; Zulu reverence for age, 135 ; 
and the nation's records, 8, 258 

Ornaments, 51 ; the Ingxota, 51-2 ; head-rings, 77 
Poisons, 129 

INDEX 337 

Zulu (continued) : 

Proverbs and Metaphors ; to " gather the bones" of a person, 81, 226 ; 
Kwa Matiwane, 50 ; Manyosi, 48 ; the Isigodhlo, 46 ; the refinement 
of cruelty, 47 

Keligion, attitude to Christianity and converts, 60-1, 147, 225, and see 
Beliefs above 

Tribes, see that heading 
Weapons, 9, 18 

Witchcraft, 126-7, 153-4, 163, 286, 287, 299; witch doctors, 80, 110, 
126 ; baboons in, 126-7, 137 

Women: absence of sympathy for feelings of, 135; of the "Great 
House," 32, 46-7, 238 ; wives, see Marriage ; Nandi, first woman to 
whom greatness is assigned, 34 ; Songiya, by whose name Zulus 
swear, 124, 257, 295 
Zulu Carbineers, see Mansel 

Zulu Native Keserve Territory, see Native Eeserve 
Zulu War : 

Battles and Fights: Eshowe, siege of, 184, 194-5, 200-2; Gingindhlovu 
kraal, 201 ; Ihlobane Hill, 196-7, 200 ; Intshotshose Stream affair : 
Prince Imperial killed, 208-9 ; Inyezane, or lombane, 183-4, 202 
Isandhlwana, 173-81, 185-8, 190, 197, 207 ; Zulus engaged, 177 ; impis 
get out of hand and attack, 177, 180 ; closing scene described as a 
butchery, 180 ; British retreat after, 181 ; condition of Zulus after, 

Kambula camp, decisive battle at, 198, 200, 213 ; strength and con- 
dition of Zulus, 197-8 
Luneburg, affair near, 195 

Rorke's Drift, 182-3 ; lessons of, 197 ; persistence of Zulus at, 183 
Ulundi, or Nodwengu (sheet-iron fort), 213-15 ; incidents of march 

on, 211-12 

British : forces engaged in, 168-70, 195, 204 ; disposition of forces and 
plans, 170-5 ; method of causing diversions, 200, 211 ; Natal Kafirs 
employed, 211 ; losses, 195, 213-4; view of Zulu power, 200 
Causes of, 142 ff., 236, 257 ; Zulu ignorance of, 213 
End of, 203, 213 ; destruction of Zulu national system, 203, 218-9 
Peace, negotiations, 204, 209, 212; suggestions as to terms of, 205; 

settlement of Sishweli, 218-20, and see sub-heading under Zulus 
Zulus : marshalling of forces, 172-3 ; plans of, 172-3, 175, 186-7, 203 ; 
hunger of, 173, 175-6, 181 ; ignorant drinking by, 181 ; condition of, 
before Kambula, 197 ; sufferings of wounded, 199 ; losses, 198-9, 213 ; 
mourning and wailing for slain, 187-8, 199 ; ignorance of cause of 
war, 213 ; instance of betrayal, 197 ; view of Boer aloofness, 192 ; 
attitude to invasion of Natal, 182 

Zulus (and see under chiefs' names) : the house of Zulu, 16 ; chiefs, an- 
cestors of Tshaka, 16 

Tshaka: campaign against Sikunyana, 27-31 ; expansion of dominion, 
30, 80 ; Balule campaign, 36-8, 81 ; death of Nandi, 33-6 ; Natal 
coast lands abandoned, 42 ; thankfulness for death of Tshaka, 42 ; 
national prosperity after Tshaka's death, 45 

Dingana : expedition against Umzilikazi, 56 ; defeat Dutch at Itala, 68 ; 
defeat English, 69 ; defeated at Ingcome (Blood River), 71 ; discon- 
tent with Dingana's government, 79 ; battle of Maqongqo, 86 ; death 
of Unzobo, 88 
Umpande : land annexed by Boers, 89 ; life under Umpande, 98-9 ; the 

338 INDEX 

Zulus (continued) : 

crossing of Mawa, 99, 107 ; Fund' u Tulwana campaign, 107 ; 'Ndon- 
dakusuka battle, 103-4 ; exodus into Natal after battle, 107 ; scourge 
of small-pox, 108 

Cetshu-ayo ; nation at Cetshwayo's accession, 120-1, 130; habit of dis- 
cussing strength in comparison with that of England, 121 ; general 
arming with guns, 121 ; coronation of the king, 129-30 ; view of 
Cetshwayo's reign, 131 ; general peace under Cetshwayo, 132 ; the 
"marriage of the Ingcugce," 133-6 ; fight between regiments, 135-8, 
148, 149 ; the Disputed territory, 119, 140-4, 148, 152, 158-9 ; 
European view of Zulus, 147 ; attitude to missionaries and converts, 
147-8, 161 ; violate British territory, 149-51, 159 ; invasion feared by 
British, 154, 157 ; suspicion of British intentions, 154-6 ; guards seize 
Smith and Deighton, 155-6, 159, 165 ; attack on Swazi kraals, 156 ; 
life under Cetshwayo, white view of, 153-4, 159-60 ; Zulu complaint 
of Cetshwayo, 162-3 ; statement of deputies, 163 ; British Ultimatum 
to, 159-66, 168, 194 ; action regarding Ultimatum, 165-6 ; discussion 
of Ultimatum, 167-8 ; view of British strength, 168 ; united against 
British, 188 

Zulu War, see that heading 

Sishweli, settlement of, 218-20 ; notion of reviving clans, 219 ; feel- 
ing after the war, 219, 222-3 ; views of relations to British, 219-20, 
222-3 ; country divided and assigned to chiefs, 220-5 ; British Govern- 
ment's requirements, 221, 226 ; submission of people to chiefs, 221-2 ; 
prepare to pay tax, 222-3 ; frauds by natives, 223 ; administration by 
the chiefs, 223-5 ; complaints of oppression, 227, 231 ; control passing 
from chiefs, 230 ; disaffection to chiefs, 234 ; disadvantages of settle- 
ment, 231, 296 ; necessity for central authority, 231-2 ; meeting of 
chiefs at Inhlazatsche, 232 

Movement for restoration of Cetshwayo, 234 ; attitude of people and 
chiefs to restoration, 238-44 ; position in the Reserve, 252-4, 259, 
261 ; division and confusion, 252, 258, 263 ; battle of Ulundi, 256-8 ; 
notables slain, 257-8 ; conditions of a settlement, 264 ; no remedy 
that would not involve bloodshed, 268 ; receive Boer assurances, 268- 
70 ; Itshana battle, 271-3 ; territory claimed by Boers, 273-4 ; pro- 
tectorate over, assumed by Boers, 274 ; repudiate Boer claims, 275 ; ask 
British intervention, 275, 276, 277; made to realise subjection to Boers, 

277 ; complaints of Boer treatment, 277 ; and boundary commission, 

278 ; tribes deprived under boundary decision, 280 ; protest against 
boundary decision, 279-81, 283, 285; deputation sends letter to Queen 
Victoria, 280 ; refuse British Protectorate, 281-3 ; laws and traditions 
as to territory, 283 ; Eoyal house and interests of the people, 284 ; 
annexation of Zululand, 283-7 ; position of royal family and chiefs 
after proclamation, 286 ; appeal to Boer protection, 288 ; attitude to 
annexation, 286-7, 289, 301-2 

Zuya, brass worker, 51 

Zwidi, chief Ndwandwe tribe, 15, 19 ; slays Dingiswayo, 16 ; attacks 
Tshaka, 19 ; defeated by him, 19 ; establishes settlement north of 
Utrecht, 20, 24 ; death, 20, 26 ; otherwise mentioned, 219 

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