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ST PAUL’S
EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
LONDON + BOMBAY * CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
NEW YORK * BOSTON + CHICAGO
ATLANTA * SAN FRANCISCO
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
TORONTO
ST PAUL’S
EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
THE GREEK TEXT
WITH
INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
GEORGE MILLIGAN, D.D.
MINISTER OF CAPUTH, PERTHSHIRE ᾿
Z5BRAR Υ-
OF THE
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MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN’S STREET, LONDON |
1908
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PREFACE.
HE Epistles to the Thessalonians can hardly be said to
have received at the hands of English scholars the
attention they deserve, in view not only of their own intrinsic
interest, but of the place which they occupy in the Sacred
Canon. They are generally believed to be the earliest of
St Paul’s extant Epistles, and, if so, are, in all probability,
the oldest Christian documents of importance that have come
down to us. Certainly no other of the Pauline writings give
us a clearer idea of the character of the Apostle’s missionary
preaching, or present a more living picture of the surroundings
of the primitive Christian Church. A detailed study of their
contents is essential, therefore, to a proper understanding of
the Apostolic Age, and forms the best introduction to the
more developed interpretation of Christian thought, which we
are accustomed to describe as Paulinism.
This must be made the excuse for the length at which
certain subjects bearing on St Paul’s language and teaching as
a whole are dealt with in the Introduction, and also for the
numerous references to recent literature dealing with these
points, which will be found especially in the foot-notes. Writing
as I have had to do far from a Library, the difficulty I have
experienced in keeping abreast of the advances of modern
scholarship has led me to believe that those similarly situated
may be glad to be directed to the sources where they are most
likely to find help. ,
The Text adopted for the Commentary is the Greek Text
of Westcott and Hort which, through the kind permission of
vill PREFACE
Messrs Macmillan and Co., has been reproduced here exactly as
it stands in the latest authoritative revision. Full note has,
however, been taken of all variants of importance, and for the
convenience of students a brief summary has been given of the
Authorities for the Text in Introduction VII.
In Introduction vii. there will be found a selected list of
the more important Commentaries on the Epistles, and of
various Monographs dealing with special points raised by them.
My obligations to these are undoubtedly greater than I have
been able to acknowledge ; but I have not thought it advisable
to overload my Notes by discussing or quoting the views of
others, except where this seemed to be really demanded. An
exception has been made in the case of the rich and terse
comments of the patristic writers, and such later expositors as
Calvin and Bengel: and the Latin translations of Beza, Estius,
and others have been freely cited, wherever they threw light
on the exact meaning of the original. |
In addition, moreover, to the ordinary sources of help, there
are two which have been so largely used in the following work
that they may be specially mentioned.
The publication within recent years of large collections of
Inscriptions and Papyri has now made possible a thorough
re-study of the Pauline language in the light of contemporary
documents. Upon the general questions that are thereby
raised, such as the disappearance of much that used to be
known as ‘ Biblical Greek, and the existence or non-existence
of ‘Semitisms’ in the Greek New Testament, this is not the
place to enter: they will be found fully stated in the writings
of such experts as Professors Deissmann and Thumb, and
Dr J. H. Moulton, and, from a more conservative point of view,
of the lamented Dr Friedrich Blass. All that we are meanwhile
concerned with is the light thrown upon St Paul’s letters by
the constant occurrence in them of words and phrases, which
are now proved to have formed part of the common stock of
the Apostle’s own time, even when it is equally clear that their
meaning has been deepened and enriched in his hands, partly
through the influence of the Greek Old Testament, and partly
through the power of his own Christian consciousness.
Much work has still to be done before the full extent of the
Ν PREFACE ΙΧ
new lexical discoveries can be properly estimated; but the
citations in the following pages may at least serve to draw
increased attention to the richness of the field that is being
gradually opened up before the New Testament student. A full
list of the collections made use of with the names of their
distinguished editors will be found in Index III. 1 (a) and (6).
In the second place, as regards St Paul’s thought, or, more
exactly, the form in which his thought often clothes itself, we
are again enabled to judge how largely he was a man of his
own time, through the convenient editions of later Jewish
literature, which we owe to the labours of the contributors
to Kautzsch’s Apokryphen and Pseudepigraphen of the Old
Testament in Germany, and of Dr R. H. Charles in England.
There may be a tendency perhaps in certain quarters to over-
estimate this dependence, and to lose sight of the far more
significant extent to which the Apostle was influenced by the
canonical books of the Greek Old Testament. At the same
time, more particularly in writings so largely eschatological in
their character as our two Epistles, it is a constant source of
interest to trace the parallels that exist between them and
contemporary apocalyptic literature. A list of citations, with
the titles of the editions that have been used, is given in
Index III. 2.
In a work which has ventured to intrude upon so much
new and debateable ground, I can hardly hope not to have
fallen into many errors both of judgment and of fact, and that
these are not more numerous is due only to the generous help
of many well-known scholars. I desire to thank in particular
my friends Dr J. H. Moulton of Didsbury College, Manchester,
and Mr J. H. A. Hart of St John’s College, Cambridge, who,
amidst their own engrossing duties, have found time to read
the proofs, and have favoured me with many valuable criticisms
and suggestions, and Dr A. Souter of Mansfield College, Oxford,
who has ungrudgingly placed at my disposal his knowledge and
experience, more particularly in connexion with the textual and
critical portions of the work. Nor can I forget the unfailing
courtesy and attention of the officials of the Cambridge
University Press, and the skill of their compositors and
readers.
Χ PREFACE
It is not easy to part with the work, which has been
an almost constant companion for a number of years: and I
never was more conscious of its shortcomings than now, on the
eve of publication. I can only hope that, in spite of these, it
may awaken in others a little of the interest it has been to
myself, and may prove a small contribution to the better
understanding of Epistles which let us so fully into the heart
of the great Apostle, and whose message, notwithstanding the
strange forms in which it is sometimes cast, is still fraught
with such deep significance for the Church of to-day.
‘ G. M.
CapuTtH MANSE,
PERTHSHIRE.
January, 1908.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
I. The City of Thessalonica
II. St Paul and the Thessalonian Church ;
III. General Character and Contents of the Epistles .
IV. Language, Style, and Literary Affinities.
V. Doctrine
VI. Authenticity and Tavenetes
VII. Authorities for the Text .
VIII. Commentaries
TEXT AND NOTES.
Analysis of 1 Thessalonians .
Text and Notes of 1 Thessalonians
Analysis of 2 Thessalonians .
Text and Notes of 2 Thessalonians
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
St Paul as a Letter-Writer .
Did St Paul use the Epistolary Plural ?
The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul .
The Divine Names in the Epistles
On the history of εὐαγγέλιον, εὐαγγελίζομαι.
Ilapovoia. ᾿Ἐπιφάνεια. ᾿Αποκάλυψις
On ἀτακτέω and its cognates
On the meanings of κατέχω. ο.
The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist ; :
The history of the interpretation of 2 Thess. ii. 1--12
am More oar b>
PAGE
χχὶ
. Xxvi
xli
lii
. lxili
. xxii
. x¢ciii
οἷ
84
85
121
131
133
135
IAI
145
152
155
158
166
xii CONTENTS
INDEXES.
I. Subjects :
Il. Authors
III. References
1. Inscriptions and Papyri .
(a) Inscriptions .
(6) Papyri .
2. Judaistic Writings
IV. Greek Words
177
179
183
183
183
184
188
I9I
ABBREVIATIONS.
THE following list of abbreviations applies for the most part
to lexical and grammatical works, and to periodical publications;
but the full titles of a few other books have been added for
convenience of reference, especially where it seemed of im-
portance to specify the exact editions made use of.
For abbreviations in connexion with Authorities for the
Text and Commentators, see Introduction vil. and vi. The
abbreviations for the Inscriptions and the Papyri are explained
in Index ΠῚ. 1 (a) and (Ὁ), and for Judaistic writings in
Index II. 2.
A sufficiently full title to identify other books quoted is
given as a rule on the occasion of their first mention: see the
references under Index 11. Authors.
It may be added that the quotations from the Lxx. follow
throughout the text of the smaller Cambridge Septuagint The
Old Testament in Greek edited by H. B. Swete, 3 vols.,
Cambridge, 1887—1894, and the quotations from the N.T. The
New Testament in the original Greek revised by B. F. Westcott
and F. J. A. Hort, vol. 1. Text, London, 1898.
The Concordance of Hatch and Redpath has been used for
the Greek O.T., and that of Moulton and Geden for the N.T.
By I. 1. 1 is to be understood 1 Thess. 1. 1, and by IT. i. 1,
2 Thess. 1.1.
Abbott Joh. Gr.=Johannine Grammar, by Edwin A. Abbott.
London, 1906.
Am. J. of Th. = The American Journal of Theology. Chicago, 1897—.
Anz Subsidia = Subsidia ad coynoscendum Graecorum sermonem
vulgarem e Pentateucht versione Alexandrina repetita, by H.
Anz. Halle, 1894.
XIV ABBREVIATIONS
Archiv = Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, ed. U. Wilcken. Leipzig,
IQOI—.
Aristeas= Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistula, ed. P. Wendland.
Leipzig, 1900.
B.C.H. = Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Paris and Athens,
1877—.
B.D.B. =A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, by
Drs Brown, Driver, and Briggs. Oxford, 1906.
Blass = Grammar of New Testament Greek, by F. Blass. Eng. Tr.
by H. St John Thackeray. znd Edit. London, 1905. :
Bousset, W.= Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen
Zeitalter. 2nd Edit. enlarged and re-arranged. Berlin, 1906.
Burton = Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of New Testament Greek,
by E. D. Burton. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1894.
Buttmann =A Grammar of the New Testament Greek, by A. Butt-
mann, Eng. Tr. by J. H. Thayer. Andover, 1873.
C.G.T. = Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges.
Conybeare Selections = Selections from the Septuagint (with a Gram-
mar of Septuagint Greek) by F. C. Conybeare and St George
Stock. Boston, 1906.
C.R. = The Classical Review. London, 1887—.
Cremer = Biblico-Theological Lexicon of New Testament Greek, by
H. Cremer. Eng. Tr. by W. Urwick. 4th Edit. Edinburgh,
1895.
Crénert = Memoria Graeca Herculanensis, by G. Crénert. Leipzig,
1903. |
Dalman Worte= Die Worte Jesu, by G. Dalman. Leipzig, 1898.
Eng. Tr. by D. M. Kay. Edinburgh, 1902.
Deissmann BS, = Bible Studies by G. A. Deissmann. Eng. edit. by
A. Grieve. Edinburgh, 1901.
Deissmann Hellenisierung = Die Hellenisierung des Semitischen
Monotheismus, by G. A. Deissmann. Leipzig, 1903.
Deissmann in Christo= Die neutestamentliche formel “in Christo
Jesu,” by G. A. Deissmann. Marburg, 1892.
Deissmann New Light on the N.T.= New Light on the New Testa-
ment from Records of the Graeco-Roman Period, by G. A.
Deissmann, tr. by L. R. M. Strachan. Edinburgh, 1907.
" ABBREVIATIONS XV
Dieterich Untersuchungen = Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
griechischen Sprache, von der hellenistischen Zeit bis zum το.
Jahrh, n. Chr., by K. Dieterich. Leipzig, 1898 (Byzantinisches
Archiv, Heft i.).
Encyc. Bibl. = Encyclopaedia Biblica, edited by T. K. Cheyne and
J. 5. Black. 4 vols. London, 1899—1903.
E.G.T. = The Expositor’s Greek Testament, edited by W. Robertson
Nicoll. Vols. i.—iii. London, 1897—1903.
Eup.=The Expositor. London, 1875—. Cited by series, volume,
and page.
Exp. T.= The Expository Times. Edinburgh, 1889—.
Field Notes = Notes on the Translation of the New Testament (being
Otium Norvicense iii.), by F. Field. Cambridge, 1899.
Gildersleeve Syntax = Syntax of Classical Greek, by B. L. Gilder-
sleeve and C. W. E. Miller. Pt. i. New York, 1900.
Gradenwitz Hinfiihrung = Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, by
O. Gradenwitz. Heft i. Leipzig, 1900.
Grimm-Thayer= A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament,
being Grimm’s Wilke’s Clavis Novi Testamenti, tr, and enlarged
by J. H. Thayer. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1890.
Hastings’ D.B. = Dictionary of the Bible, edited by James Hastings.
5 vols. Edinburgh, 1898—1904.
Hatch HLssays = Essays in Biblical Greek, by Edwin Hatch. Oxford,
1889.
Hatzidakis = Hinleitung in die Neugriechische Grammatik, by G. N.
Hatzidakis. Leipzig, 1892.
Hauck RE.’ = Herzog’s Realencyclopddie, 3rd Edit. by A. Hauck.
Leipzig, 1896—.
Hermann Vig. = Vigerus de [diotismis, ed. G. Hermannus. Leipzig,
1802.
Herwerden = Lexicon Graecum suppletorium et dialecticwm, by
H. van Herwerden. Lugd. Batav., 1902. Appendix, 1904.
Nova addenda in Mélanges Nicole (Geneva, 1905) pp. 241—
260.
Hesychius = Hesychit Alexandrini Lexicon, ed. M. Schmidt. Jena,
1867.
Jannaris=An Historical Greek Grammar, by A. N. Jannaris.
London, 1897.
M. THESS. : cee
ΧΥΪ ABBREVIATIONS
Jelf= A Grammar of the Greek Language, by W. E. Jelf. 3rd Edit.
London, 1861.
J.HS. = The Journal of Hellenic Studies. London, 1880—.
J.Q.R. = The Jewish Quarterly Review. London, 1889—.
J.T.S. = The Journal of Theological Studies. London, 1900—.
Kennedy Sources = Sources of New Testament Greek, by H. A. A.
Kennedy. Edinburgh, 1895.
Kennedy Last Things = St Paul's Conceptions of the Last Things,
by H. A. A. Kennedy. London, 1904.
Kihner*® = Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, by
R. Kiihner. Elementar- und Formenlehre, ed. F. Blass. 2 vols.
Hanover, 1890, 1892. Satzlehre, ed. B. Gerth. 2 vols. 1898,
1904.
Kuhring = De Praepositionum Graecarum in Chartis Aegyptiis Usu, -
by G. Kuhring. Bonn, 1906.
Lob. Phryn. = Phrynichi Ecloga, ed. C. A. Lobeck. Leipzig, 1820.
LS8.=A Greek-English Lexicon, by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott.
6th Edit. Oxford, 1869.
Mayser = Grammatik der Griechischen Papyri aus der Ptoleméerzeit,
by E. Mayser. Leipzig, 1906.
Meisterhans = Grammatik der attischen Inschriften, by K. Meister-
hans. 3rd Edit. by E. Schwyzer. Berlin, 1900.
Mél. Nic. = Mélanges Nicole. (A collection of studies in classical
philology and in archaeology dedicated to Prof. J. Nicole).
Geneva, 1905.
Moeris = Moeridis Lexicon Atticum, ed. J. Pierson. Lugd. Batay.
1759.
Moulton Prolegg.= A Grammar of New Testament Greek, by J. H.
Moulton. Vol. i. Prolegomena. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1906.
Niageli= Der Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus, by Th. Nageli. Géttin-
gen, 1905. See p. lv n.?,
Norden Kunstprosa = Die antike Kunstprosa vom vi. Jahrhundert v.
Chr. bis im die Zeit der Renaissance, by E. Norden. 2 vols.
Leipzig, 1898. See p. lvii π.ὅ.
Ramsay C. and B. = The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, by W. M.
Ramsay. Vol. i. in two parts. Oxford, 1895—97.
ἘΠΕ ABBREVIATIONS XVli
Reitzenstein Poimandres = Poimandres: Studien zur Griechisch-
Agyptischen und Friihchristlichen Literatur, by R. Reitzenstein.
Leipzig, 1904.
Roberts-Gardner=An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part II.
The Inscriptions of Attica, Edited by E. 5, Roberts and E. A.
Gardner. Cambridge, 1905.
Rutherford V.P.=The New Phrynichus, by W. G. Rutherford.
London, 1881.
Schmid Attic.= Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretern von Diony-
sius von Halikarnass bis auf den zweiten Philostratus, by W.
Schmid. 4 vols and Register. Stuttgart, 1887—97.
Schiirer* = Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi,
by E. Schiirer. 3rd and 4th Edit. Leipzig, 1901—o2. Eng.
Tr. of the 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1890—g1.
SH.=A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to
the Romans, by W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam. 5th Edit.
Edinburgh, 1902.
SK. = Studien und Kritiken. Gotha, 1828—.
Soph. Lex. = Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, by
EK. A. Sophocles. Memorial edition. New York, 1887.
Stephanus Z'hesawrus = Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, by H. Stephanus.
8 vols. and Glossary and Index. London, 1816—26.
Suicer Thesaurus = Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus 6 Patribus Graecis, by
J. ©. Suicer. Amsterdam, 1682.
Suidas = Swidae Lexicon, ed. I. Bekker. Berlin, 1854.
Thieme = Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Méander und das Neue
Testament, by G. Thieme. Géttingen, 1906.
Thumb Hellen.= Die Griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus,
by A. Thumb. Strassburg, 1901.
Trench Syn. = Synonyms of the New Testament, by R. C. Trench.
New Edition. London, 1901.
Viteau = Htude sur le grec du Nouveaw Testament, by J. Viteau.
Vol. i. Le Verbe: Syntaxe des Prépositions; Vol. ii. Sujet,
Complément et Attribut. Paris, 1893—96.
Volz Jiid. Hschat.=Jiidische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba,
by P. Volz. Tiibingen, 1903.
Votaw = The Use of the Infinitive in Biblical Greek, by C. W. Votaw.
Chicago, 1896.
b2
XViil ABBREVIATIONS
Weber Jiid. Theologie = Jiidische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud
und verwandter Schriften, being the 2nd Edition by F. Delitzsch
and αν, Schnedermann of F. Weber’s System der alisynagogalen
palastinischen Theologie or Die Lehren des Talmud. Leipzig,
1897.
WH. or WH’= The New Testament in the original Greek, by B. F.
Westcott and F. J. A. Hort. Vol. i. Zext; vol. ii. Introduction —
and Appendix containing Notes on Select Readings &c. Revised
Editions. London, 1898 and 1896.
Wilcken Ostr. = Griechische Ostraka by U. Wilcken, 2 vols. Leipzig,
1899.
Witk. Lpp. = Epistulae Privatae Graecae, ed. 8. Witkowski. Leipzig,
1906. See p. 129.
WM.=4 Treatise on the Grammar of New Testament Greek, by
G. B. Winer, tr. and enlarged by W. F. Moulton. 8th Eng.
Edit. Edinburgh, 1877.
WSchm.=Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Sprachidioms, by
G. B. Winer. 8th Edit: newly revised by P. W. Schmiedel
(in progress), Gé6ttingen, 1894—.
Zahn Linl. = Linleitung in das Neue Testament. Vol. i. 2nd Edit.
Leipzig, 1900; vol. ii. rst Edit. 1899.
Z.N.T.W. = Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft.
Giessen, Ig00—.
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
I,
THE CITY OF THESSALONICA?
Soi pe, Opyixins σκυληφόρε, Θεσσαλονίκη,
μήτηρ ἡ πάσης πέμψε Maxndovins.
Antipater of Thessalonica
(time of Augustus).
Thessalonica was built close to the site of the ancient jo Ἑ sa
ation o
town of Therma or Therme, so named from the hot mineral Thessa-
springs which still exist in the vicinity, and at the head of the !o™!.
Gulf called after it the Thermaic Gulf 2
Accounts differ as to
the origin of the new city, but, according to the most probable
story, it was founded by Cassander, the son-in-law of Philip of
Macedon, about the year 315 B.C. and was called by him
Thessalonica in honour of his wife, the step-sister of Alex-
ander the Great’.
1 The principal authority for the
history of Thessalonica is Tafel’s His-
toria Thessalonicae (Tiibing., 1835),
afterwards prefixed as Prolegomena to
his elaborate monograph De Thessa-
lonica ejusque agro. Dissertatio geo-
graphica (Berol., 1839). Accounts of
the geography and antiquities of the
eregion are to be found in Cousinéry
Voyage dans la Macédoine i. p. 23 ff.
(Paris, 1831), Leake Travels in North-
ern Greece 111, p. 235 ff. (1835), Heuzey
et Daumet Mission Archéologique de
Macédoine (Paris, 1876), and Duchesne
Its earliest inhabitants were drawn not
et Bayet Mémoire sur wne Mission au
Mont Athos (Paris, '1876). See also
Lightfoot Biblical Essays p. 253 ff.,
and the artt. ‘Thessalonica’ in the
Encycl, Bibl. and in Hastings’ D.B.
The present appearance and condition
of the town are graphically described
by G. F. Abbott in The Tale of a Tour
in Macedonia (1903).
2 Herod. vii. 121 Θέρμῃ δὲ τῇ ἐν τῷ
Θερμαίῳ κόλπῳ οἰκημένῃ, ἀπ᾽ ἧς καὶ ὁ
κόλπος οὗτος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἔχει.
3 Strabo 330 ἣ πρότερον Θέρμη ἐ-
καλεῖτο. κτίσμα δ᾽ ἐστὶν Κασσάνδρου,
Thessa-
lonica
under
Roman
rule,
XXll THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
only from Therme, but from several of the neighbouring cities
on the shores of the Gulf!, and there is ample evidence that it
soon rose to be a place of very considerable importance. It
owed this in large measure to the natural advantages of its
situation, commanding, as it did, on the landward side the
rich plain of the Strymon, on which there also converged the
three plains, watered respectively by the Axias, the Lydias, and
the Haliacmon, and being furnished towards the sea with a
good natural harbour.
When, accordingly, in 168 B.c. Macedonia was conquered
by the Romans, and divided into four districts, Thessalonica,
‘celeberrima.urbs, was made the capital of Macedonia Secunda*.
And when, a few years later, 146 B.c., the different districts
were united into a single province, it became vie the
capital of the whole.
Under Roman rule the prosperity of the city continued to
advance rapidly. Its situation on the great Via Egnatia’,
about midway between Dyrrachium on the Adriatic and the
river Hebrus in Thrace, brought it into such direct contact
with the stream of traffic that was continually passing along
that busy highway between Rome and her Eastern depend-
encies, that Cicero can speak of its inhabitants as ‘placed in
the lap of the Empire*’; and it was here that he himself sought
refuge in the quaestor’s house during his exile’®.
On the outbreak of the First Civil War (49 B.c.), Thessa-
lonica was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party’, but
during the Second was found on the side of Octavius and
Antonius’, and, when their cause triumphed, was declared by
way of reward a free city®. The consequence was that, unlike
ὃς ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, imperii nostri’ (de prov. Consul. 2).
mados δὲ Φιλίππου τοῦ ᾿Αμυντίου, 5 Pro Plane. 41.
ὠνόμασεν. The new title (under the 6 Dion Cass. xli. 18.
form Θετταλονίκη) is first found in 7 Plut. Brut. 46, Appian Bell. Civ.
Polyb. xxiii. 4. 4, τι. 2 &c. Other iv. 118.
accounts of the foundation of the city 8 «Thessalonica liberae condicionis’
will be found in Tafel p. v. (Plin. N.H. iv. 17). Coins have been®
1 Strabo l.c., Plin, N.H. iv. 17. discovered with the inscription Θεσσα-
2 Liv. xlv. 29, 30. Novixewy ελευθεριας (-ρια), which
3 See Tafel Via militaris Roman- probably refers to this fact (Tafel
orum Egnatia (Tiibing. 1842). p- xxviii f.).
4 «Thessalonicenses positi in gremio
Kes
᾿ THE CITY OF THESSALONICA XXill
its neighbour. Philippi, which was a Roman colony, Thessa-
lonica comubiied an essentially Greek city, having the right to
summon its own assembly’, and being ruled by its own magis-
trates, who, according to the account in Acts, were known by
the somewhat unusual title of politarchs. This fact, formerly
urged against St Luke’s accuracy, has in recent years been
triumphantly vindicated by the discovery of various inscriptions
in which it reappears®.
Other proofs of the flourishing state of Thessalonica are at the
afforded by Strabo who, writing about a quarter of a century ee
before St Paul’s visit, describes it as the most populous of the plana
Macedonian cities of his time, a description that is confirmed a Ὁ
century later by Lucian‘.
Of St Paul’s connexion with Thessalonica, and the circum-
stances attending the introduction of Christianity into it, we
shall have occasion to speak later. Meanwhile it may be well
to summarize briefly the story of the city’s fortunes down to
the present time.
About the middle of the third century it was erected into a in the
colony, and, according to Duchesne, it probably received about pn ne
the same time the title of metropolis of Macedonia®. Before centuries,
1 Ac. xvil. 5 τὸν δῆμον (cf. xix. 30,
33, of Ephesus). As throwing further
light on the political constitution of
Thessalonica, an interesting inscrip-
tion, belonging to 143 4.D., may be
recalled, where mention is made not
only of its politarchs (see below), but
of the decrees passed ὑπὸ τῆς kparta[rns
. βουλ]ῆς καὶ τοῦ δήμου (Duchesne p. το).
2 Ac. xvii. 6.
3 The most important of these,
which was found on a Roman Arch
(since demolished), is now preserved
in the British Museum. It is repro-
duced, with a history of the various
transcriptions that have from time to
time appeared, by Prof. E. DeWitt
Burton in an important art. on ‘The
Politarchs’ in the Amer. Journ. of
Theol. ii. (1898), p. 598 ff. (summarized
in Hastings’ D.B. under ‘Rulers of the
City’). From this art. it would appear
that the number of politarchs in
Thessalonica in N.T. times was either
five or six, and further that the office
was by no means confined to Thessa-
lonica, as is sometimes erroneously
assumed. To Burton’s evidence we
can now add the occurrence of the
title on an Egyptian papyrus-letter
from Oxyrhynchus, belonging to the
beginning of the first century, where
the writer claims that his correspon-
dent had made some promise through
the ‘politarch’ Theophilus (P.Oxy.
745, 4 ὡς καὶ ὑπέσχου διὰ τοῦ πολειτάρχου
Θεοφίλου).
4 Strabo 323 Θεσσαλονικείας, Μακε-
δονικῆς πόλεως, ἣ νῦν μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων
εὐανδρεῖ, Luc. Asin. aur. 46 πόλεως τῶν
ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τῆς μεγίστης Θεσσαλονίκης.
5 The title occurs as early as Strabo
330 4 δὲ μητρόπολις τῆς νῦν Μακεδονίας
ἐστί, but, in view of the fact that both
in the
Middle
Ages,
XXIV THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
the foundation of Constantinople, it seems even to have been
thought of as the possible capital of the world’, ©
Its patron-saint Demetrius was martyred about 304 A.D.’,
and towards the close of the same century (389 A.D.) Thessalonica
again received unhappy prominence through the ruthless mas-
sacre of at least seven thousand of its inhabitants by the order
of the Emperor. Theodosius, an act for which he was refused
absolution by Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, until, after the lapse
of eight months, he performed the most abject penance.
In the following century Theodoret describes Thessalonica
as ‘the greatest and most populous’ city of the district*, and
the place which it gradually acquired in the history of the
Church is shown by the fact that Cameniata in the tenth
century bestows upon it, as its special right, the proud title
of ‘the orthodox city‘’ a designation it continued to deserve
throughout the Middle Ages, when, according to its historian
Tafel, it proved itself ‘fax quaedam humanitatis ... fideique
Christianae promotrix®,
Amongst its great names during this period none was more
illustrious than that of Eustathius, who was not only the
foremost scholar of his age, but, as archbishop of Thessalonica
from 1175 to 6. 1192, proved himself ‘a man of political insight,
and a bold and far-seeing reformer*,
Meanwhile the outward fortunes of the city were very varied,
contemporary and later inscriptions
speak of Thessalonica simply as πόλις,
Duchesne (p. 14 f.) thinks that Strabo’s
words, if not the gloss of a copyist,
are best understood figuratively: cf.
Jacobs Anth. Gr. ii. p. 152, no. 428
(time of Augustus) Θεσσαλονίκη, μήτηρ
ἡ πάσης... Μακηδονίης.
1 ‘Before the foundation οὗ Constan-
tinople, Thessalonica is mentioned by
Cedrenus (p. 283), and Sardica by
Zonaras, as the intended capital’
(Gibbon Decline and Fall ¢, xvii.).
2 The splendid church erected in his
honour is now a Turkish mosque.
3 Theodoret H.E. v, 17 Θεσσαλονίκη
πόλις ἐστὶ μεγίστη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος.
4 Cameniata De excidio Thessaloni-
censi § 3 ἕν δὲ τοῦτο πρῶτον καὶ ἰδιαίτατον
διεδείκνυτο, τὸ ὀρθόδοξον αὐτὴν καὶ εἶναι
καὶ ὀνομάζεσθαι καὶ τούτῳ μᾶλλον ἤπερ
τοῖς ἄλλοις σεμνύνεσθαι. According to
Tafel (p. xlvi), the name is due to the
city’s obstinate defence of image-wor-
ship against the iconoclastic Emperors
in the eighth and ninth centuries,
Lightfoot (Bibl. Essays p. 268 f.) pre-
fers to connect it with the stalwart
resistance which Thessalonica offered
to successive Gothic and Slavonic in-
vasions, and to its active efforts for
the conversion of the invaders.
5 Praef. p. 3.
6 J. E, Sandys Hist. of Class,
Scholarship? p. 421.
THE CITY OF THESSALONICA XXV
but finally, after being plundered by the Saracens in 904, fall-
ing into the hands of the Normans and Tancred in 1185, and
being placed under the protection of the Venetian Republic in
1422, it was taken by the Turks under Amurath II. in 1430,
and has remained ever since in their possession.
At the present time under the popular name of Saloniki or and at
and carries on a large and flourishing trade. A recent traveller,
after a careful examination of the statistics on the spot, esti-
mated the number of its inhabitants a few years ago at
150,000, of whom he considered that no fewer than 90,000 were
Jews*. These Jews are not, however, to be thought of as the
direct descendants of the Jews of St Paul’s day, but are
Spanish Jews whose ancestors found refuge here when the Jews
were expelled from Spain under Ferdinand and Isabella. They
still speak a kind of Spanish ‘much damaged by wear and tear,
and picturesquely patched up with Turkish and other foreign
elements?, and occupy a distinct mahallah or quarter of the city.
Their importance is shown by the fact that they possess about
thirty synagogues, as compared with about an equal number of
Turkish mosques and twelve Christian churches, while a large
part of the trade of the city is in their hands,
The Greek influence on the town, however, notwithstanding
the comparatively small number of Greek inhabitants, is still
predominant, so that ‘on the whole, Salonica may be said still
to be what it has been for more than twenty centuries—
a centre of Hellenic influence and civilisation‘
1 The old name of Θεσσαλονίκη is Turkish statistics two things must be
still used by all Greeks of any educa-
tion. In the heading of letters this is
often abbreviated into O/vixy.
2 Abbott p. τοῦ. These figures are
very considerably higher than the
usual official returns, but, in a com-
munication to the present writer, Mr
Abbott states that in dealing with
kept in mind: first, that the Jews, who
have no political ambitions, endeavour
to minimize their numbers in order to
avoid taxation; secondly, that the
Christians often exaggerate theirs for
political reasons,
3 Abbott p. 20.
4 Ibid. Ὅν 21.
the pre-
(Turkish) Selanik?, it is the second city in European Turkey, se
nt time,
ἣν ee
Founda-
tion of
the Thes-
salonian
Church.
Il.
ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH.
Αὐτὸν yap αὐχεῖ Θεσσαλονίκη tov Παῦλον ἔχειν τῆς εὐσεβείας
διδάσκαλον, τὸ σκεῦος τῆς ἐκλογῆς ...ἐν αὐτῇ μᾶλλον τὸν τῆς
θεογνωσίας σπόρον κατέβαλε, καὶ πολύχουν ἀποδίδοσθαι τὸν τῆς
πίστεως καρπὸν διεσπούδασε.
Cameniata De eaxcidio Thessalonicensi § 3.
‘It is this close combination of cosmopolitan Judaism
with cosmopolitan Hellenism which afforded the new religion
its non-local, non-parochial hot-beds, and fitted it (humanly
speaking) for the acceptance of the world.’
J. P. Mahaffy The Silver Age of the Greek World
(1906) p. 317.
1. It was during what is generally known as his Second
Missionary Journey that St Paul first visited Thessalonica,
and founded the Christian Church there. Obliged to leave
Philippi, the Apostle along with Silas and, in all probability,
Timothy, turned his face towards the South, and, following
the line of the Great Egnatian Road which here runs through
scenery of great natural beauty’, pushed on steadily over the
hundred miles that separated Philippi from Thessalonica’.
In the latter busy seaport with its varied population and
strenuous life St Paul would find just such a scene of work
as he most desired. At once along with his companions he
entered on an active mission amongst the Jews of the place,
frequenting the Synagogue on three successive Sabbath days
(ἐπὶ σάββατα τρία, Ac. xvii. 2) and reasoning in friendly
intercourse (διελέξατο) with the assembled worshippers’.
1 Renan St Paul (1869) p. 154f.
2 According tothe Antonine Itinerary,
the actual distances were from Philippi
the Apostle’s successive resting-places
for the night. But, as the ordinary
rate for travellers on foot did not
to Amphipolis thirty-three miles, from
Amphipolis to Apollonia thirty miles,
and from Apollonia to Thessalonica
thirty-seven miles, and in consequence
it has been conjectured that Amphi-
polis and Apollonia (Ac. xvii. 1) formed
exceed sixteen to twenty Roman miles
a day (Ramsay in Hastings’ D.B. v.
Ῥ. 386), the whole journey probably
occupied from five to six days.
3 Amongst the inscriptions found at
Thessalonica is a fragment of uncertain
ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxvii
In doing so, as was natural with such an audience, the
Apostle found a common starting-point in the Jewish Scriptures,
expounding and quoting them to prove (διανοίγων καὶ παρα-
τιθέμενος) that the Christ, for whom the Jews had been taught
to look, ought to suffer and to rise again from the dead, and
then passing on to show that these things were indeed ful-
filled in the historical Jesus whom he had now come to
proclaim (v. 3). Nor was this all, but, to judge from the nature
of the charge afterwards brought against the missionaries
(‘saying that there is another King, Jesus’ v. 7), special stress
would seem to have been laid on the doctrine of the Kingdom
which had played so large a part in the teaching of Jesus
Himself, and above all, as we see clearly from the two Epistles
afterwards addressed to the Thessalonian Church, upon its
speedy and final establishment by the glorious return of its
now exalted and heavenly King.
So far as the Jews were concerned, the immediate effect
of this preaching was small, but, in addition to the ‘some’ of
them who were persuaded, the historian of the Acts mentions
other two classes who ‘consorted’ with the Apostles, or more
exactly ‘were allotted’ to them by Divine favour (mpoce-
κληρώθησαν), namely, ‘of the devout Greeks a great multitude,
and of the chief women not a few’ (v. 4. Both these classes
were of Gentile birth’. And this in itself prepares us for
the further fact, not referred to in Acts, but amply attested
by the contents of St Paul’s own Epistles, that, on the com-
parative failure of this Jewish. mission, the Apostles turned
directly to the Gentile inhabitants of the town, and prosecuted
their teaching amongst them with a far larger degree of success
(cf. I. i. 9, 11. 14)”.
date, but as late as imperial times,
which reads ‘TOTHEBP συν]αγωγὴ
Ἕβρ[αίων], see J.H.S. xviii. (1898),
Ρ. 333:
1 Dr Hort indeed thinks that the
‘chief women’ were probably the
Jewish wives of heathen men of dis-
tinction as in Ac. xiii. 50 (Jud.
Christianity p. 89), but on that oc-
casion the women were found ranked
against the Apostles, and in the present
instance it is more natural to think of
them as of Macedonian extraction
(cf. Knowling E.G.7. ad loc.). For
the important part played by women
in Macedonia see Lightfoot Philip-
pians? Ὁ. 55 f., Ramsay St Paul the
Traveller and the Roman Citizen p.
227.
2 The Lukan and Pauline accounts
would be brought into closer harmony
if in Ac, xvii. 4 we could adopt Ram-
OF THE
(~
UNIVERSITY
Attack
upon St
Paul.
XXVIII THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
How long St Paul continued his work amongst the Gentiles
in Thessalonica we can only conjecture, but there are various
particulars that indicate that it may well have extended over
several months. Thus, apart from the two separate occasions
on which he received help from Philippi (Phil. iv. 15 f.), a
fact in itself pointing to a considerable lapse of time, the
Apostle evidently found it-worth his while to settle down for a
time to his ordinary trade, and thereby secure the opportunity
not only of instructing his converts as a whole in the main
Christian truths (I. 1. ο f.), but of dealing directly and person-
ally with them (I. ii. 7, 11; see further p. xlv). There is also
evidence of a certain amount of organization in the newly-
formed community either immediately previous to or after the
missionaries’ departure (I. v. 12 ff.). Nor is it without signifi-
cance as showing how widely St Paul had succeeded in making
his presence and influence felt outside the circle of his own
immediate followers that ‘the city,’ evidently ‘all the city’
(A.V.), though there is no warrant for ‘all’ in the original,
was set in an uproar by the attack made against him (v. 5).
The primary instigators of this attack were the Jews who,
moved by jealousy of the success attending St Paul’s preaching,
but unable of themselves to thwart it, enlisted on their side
‘certain vile fellows of the rabble, the lazzaroni of the market-
place, who must have been very numerous in such a city as
Thessalonica, and with their aid assaulted the house of Jason,
in which apparently the Apostles were lodging. It had been
their intention to bring them before that assembly of the
people which, in virtue of their libera condicio (see p. xxii n.°),
the Thessalonians were privileged to hold. But means had
been found for the Apostles’ escape, and the mob had to
content themselves with wreaking their vengeance on Jason
and certain others of the brethren by bringing them before the
politarchs, or city-magistrates, on the charge of being revolu-
tionaries—‘ these that have turned the world upside down’
(v. 6)—and more particularly of acting ‘ contrary to the decrees
of Caesar, saying that there is another King, Jesus’ (v. 7).
say’s emendation of the text, resulting πολύ (St Paul Ὁ. 235); but the reading
from a comparison of A with D, πολλοὸὸ is wanting in ms. authority, nor is it
τῶν σεβομένων καὶ Ἑλλήνων “πλῆθος required on internal grounds.
ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxix
The charge was cleverly planned, and in itself clearly betrays
the Jewish prompting which, as we have just seen, underlay
the whole riot, for only Jews thought of the Messiah as King,
and could thus have accused the Apostles of proclaiming Jesus
as ‘another’ King. At the same time no charge was more
likely to arouse the hostility of the Greek magistrates’. As in
the case of Pilate, when a similar accusation was laid before
him against the Lord Himself (Lk. xxiii. 2, Jo. xix. 12, 15),
the politarchs would be very sensitive to any appearance of
tolerating treason against the honour of the Emperor, and it
says much for their desire to administer justice impartially that
they contented themselves with requiring that ‘security,’
probably in the form of a pecuniary surety or bond, should be
taken from Jason and the others that the peace of the city
should not be further disturbed?. Moderate, however, though
this decision was*, it made it impossible for St Paul to remain
in Thessalonica without the risk of involving his friends in
serious troubles, and possibly of arousing active official oppo-
sition to his whole work, and accordingly along with Silas he
departed by night for the important city of Beroea‘, whither he
was followed soon after by Timothy.
2. The missionaries’ reception there was even more en- 2. De-
couraging than at Thessalonica. No longer ‘some’ but ‘many’ eae RS
of the Jews believed, and along with them ‘of the Greek women salonica.
of honourable estate, and of men, not a few’ (v. 12). But the ere
work was not long allowed to go on in peace. The bitter
malice of the Thessalonian Jews followed St Paul here, and
so successful were they in again ‘stirring up and troubling
the multitudes’ that the brethren sent for the Apostle to go
1 *Nec Caesaribus honor’ is one of
the complaints of Tacitus against the
Jews (Hist. v. 5). And Just. M. Apol.
i. τι (Otto) proves how necessary the
first Christians found it to show that
by ‘kingdom’ they understood nothing
‘human’ (οὐκ εἰς τὸ viv τὰς ἐλπίδας
ἔχομεν).
2 Ac. xvii.g. The phrase λαμβάνειν
τὸ ἱκανόν, which Blass (Acta Aposto-
lorum p. 187) traces to Latin influence
satisdare, satis accipere, can now be
illustrated from the inscriptions, e.g.
O0.G.I.S. 484, 50 (ii./aA.D.) τὸ ἱκαν[ὸν
πρὸ Kplojews λ[ζα]μβάνεσθαι, 629, Io1
(ii./A.D.) οὗ[τος τ]ὸ ἱκανὸν λαμβανέτω.
3 Ramsay describes it as ‘the mildest
that was prudent in the circumstances’
(St Paul p. 230).
4 In an inscription discovered at
Beroea belonging to ii./a.p., the city
is described as 7% σεμνοτάτη μητρόπολις
τῆς Μακεδονίας καὶ δὶς νεωκόρος Βέροια
(Rev. d. Etudes grecques XY. p. 142).
Athens.
3. Move-
ments of
Silas and
Timothy.
Timothy’s
report
from
Thessa-
lonica.
XXX THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
‘as far as to the sea, where, probably at Dium, some of them
embarked along with him for Athens (v. 14 f.).
3. Meanwhile Silas and Timothy remained behind at
Beroea, perhaps to prosecute the newly started work, possibly
also to know when it would be safe for St Paul to return to
Thessalonica, but in any case with instructions to rejoin him as
quickly as possible. If we had only the account in Acts to
guide us, we might imagine that they were not able to ac-
complish this until St Paul reached Corinth (cf. Ac. xviii. 5).
But again the historical narrative requires to be supplemented
by the Apostle’s own Epistle. For the mention of the despatch
of Timothy on a special mission to Thessalonica while St Paul
was still at Athens shows us that he at least had previously
rejoined the Apostle there (I. 111. 1 f.); and if so, it is probable
that Silas had also done the same in accordance with the
urgent message already sent to both (Ac. xvii. 15). And if we
ean think of the despatch of Silas himself shortly afterwards on
a similar errand, perhaps to Philippi, with which at the time
St Paul was in communication (Phil. iv. 15), we can under-
stand, in accordance with the definite statements of Ac. xviii. 5,
how on the conclusion of their respective missions the two
messengers ‘came down from Macedonia’ to St Paul at Corinth,
to which city he had gone on alone from Athens’.
The report which Timothy brought back from Thessalonica,
supplemented possibly by a letter from the Thessalonians
themselves addressed to St Paul’, was evidently in the main
highly satisfactory. The Thessalonians, to judge from the
Kpistle afterwards addressed to them, which is our only defi-
nite source of information, had proved themselves worthy
of their ‘election’ not only in the manner in which they them-
selves had received the Gospel, but in the ‘ensample’ they
1 Cf. Paley Hor. Paul. ο. ix. 4. It
is of course possible that St Paul only
sent instructions from Athens to
Timothy and Silas while still at
Beroea to proceed thence on their
respective missions, and consequently
that it was actually first at Corinth
that they rejoined him. But the ex-
planation given above seems more
natural, especially in view of the em-
phatic καταλειφθῆναι ‘left behind’ of
I. iii. 1, suggesting the immediately
previous presence of his companions
with the writer (see note ad loc.).
* For an interesting attempt to re-
construct this letter see Rendel Harris
‘A Study in Letter-writing,’ Exp. v.
viii. p. 161 ff., and οἵ, Add. Note A,
‘St Paul as a Letter-Writer, p. 126.’
ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxi
had subsequently set to believers throughout Macedonia and
Achaia (I. i. 4 ff.). At the same time they were exposed to
certain dangers requiring immediate attention if they were
indeed to prove a ‘crown of glorying’ at the Parousia of the
Lord Jesus (I. 11. 19).
4. Thus it would appear that no sooner had St Paul and + ee
his companions left Thessalonica than suspicions had begun to leading
be cast upon the whole course of their Apostolic ministry, with eden τὰ
the obvious intention of diverting the Thessalonian believers 1 Thessa-
from their allegiance. Nowhere are we expressly told who were ge cae
the authors of these insinuations. And in consequence many tions
have referred them to the heathen population of Thessalonica!’ ῬΑ ΡΣ
who would naturally resent bitterly the defection of their fellow- δ᾽ Ῥ aul
countrymen from the old standards of faith and morals. But if
so, it hardly seems likely that their opposition would have taken
this particular form, or, even supposing it had, that it would
have had much effect upon the Christian converts. These last
could not but know that their fellow-countrymen’s zeal against
the Apostles was dictated not only by prejudice, but by
ignorance of the facts of the case, and they would hardly allow
themselves to be led astray by those who had never put them-
selves in the way of discovering what was the real character and
teaching of the men they were so eager to traduce.
If, however, the attacks came from a Jewish source, the case by the
would be very different. The Thessalonian Jews would be able rics
inhabit-
to claim that in virtue of their own past history, and the pb of
‘oracles’ that had been committed to their fathers, they were in oe a
a better position to decide than any newly admitted Gentile
converts could possibly be, what was the true relation of the
Apostles’ teaching to the whole course of that Divine revela-
tion, of which it claimed to be the natural and necessary
fulfilment. We must not indeed suppose that their attacks
assumed the definite form which St Paul had afterwards to
face in connexion with his Judaistic opponents in Galatia and
elsewhere. Of this there is as yet no trace in the Epistles
before us» On the other hand we can easily understand how
1 So e.g. Clemen, Paulus (1904) ii. Tr. p. 58 ‘The new converts were
p. 181 f. threatened, not by a false Gospel, but
2 Jiilicher Introd. to the N.T. Eng. _ by rabid hatred of any Gospel.’
M. THESS. c
Persecu-
tion of
the Thes-
salonian
Chris-
tians.
XXXli THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
ready the Jewish inhabitants of Thessalonica would be by open
assertion and covert hint to throw discredit on the Apostle’s
character and credentials with the object of undermining as
far as possible the effect of his work®.
It is this latter consideration indeed, which alone enables
us to understand the large place which St Paul devotes to
this subject in his Epistle. It may seem strange at first sight
that he should have thought it worth while to defend himself
and his companions from attacks coming from a source so
manifestly inspired by unworthy motives. But the Apostle
could not but recognize that much more than his own personal
honour was at stake. The whole future of the Gospel at
Thessalonica would be endangered, if these ‘perverse and
wicked men’ (II. iii. 2) were allowed to get their way. And
therefore it was that he found it necessary for the Word’s sake,
if not for his own, that they should not only be answered, but
repudiated and condemned in the most emphatic manner
(I. ii. 15 f.).
Nor was this the only point on which Timothy’s report
caused St Paul grave concern. The persecution, which the
Apostle had foretold as the lot of Christ’s people everywhere,
had evidently fallen in full measure on the young Thessalonian
community (I. iii. 3 ff.). And though as yet there were no
signs of active backsliding, but rather the contrary, St Paul
dreaded that such a state of things might not continue,
and that his converts might suffer themselves to be ‘lured
away’ (v. 3) from that standing fast in the Lord (v. 8), through
which alone they could hope to obtain full and complete
salvation at the Lord’s appearing (v. 13, cf. v. 9). The ex-
hortation of a father therefore (ii. 11) was required, as well
as the tender dealing of a mother (ii. 7), and this all the more
in view of certain other matters of a more directly practical
kind, on which Timothy had evidently represented the Thessa-
lonians as requiring further guidance.
1 Cf. B. Weiss ‘The Present Status a paper in which there are many sug-
of the Inquiry concerning the Genuine- gestive remarks regarding the Epistles
ness of the Pauline Epistles’ in Amer. _ before us.
Journ, of Theol. i. (1897) p. 332 £.—
ΒΤ PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxiii
These concerned in the first place their moral conduct. Their
Christian believers though they were, the Thessalonians had a
not yet learned the completeness of the severance which their
new faith demanded from various habits and practices they had
hitherto been accustomed to regard as ‘indifferent,’ nor the
necessity of a quiet, orderly continuance in the work and
relationships of their daily life, notwithstanding the speedy
coming of their Lord for which they had been taught to look
Gv; -I—12).
And then as regards that coming itself, there were at least and _
two points on which the Apostle’s previous instruction required rita gs
to be supplemented. oultign,
In the first place the Thessalonians had to be reassured
on a question which was giving them grave concern, and on
which apparently they had definitely asked St Paul’s opinion.
What of those of their number who were falling asleep while
as yet Christ had not come? Would they in consequence
be shut out from the glory by which His coming would be
attended'? By no means, so the Apostle hastened to comfort
them, in one of the few pictorial representations of the Last
Things that occur in his writings; they would rather be the
first to share in that glory. For not till the ‘dead in Christ’
had risen, would the living be caught up along with them
to meet the descending Lord in the air (iv. 13—18).
In the second place, as regarded the time of that coming,
which to the Thessalonians in their eager love for Christ might
seem to be unaccountably delayed, St Paul recalled what they
ought never to have forgotten, that the Day of the Lord would
come as a surprise, and that in consequence their present duty
was not to be over-anxious on a point regarding which no
certain knowledge was possible, but rather to watch and be
sober, putting on the triple armour of faith and love and
hope—a hope grounded on God’s gracious purposes towards
them, and on the redemptive work of Christ through which
1 The same problem meets us in dixit ad me: coronae adsimilabo iudi-
4 Ezra v. 41 f. (ed. Bensly): ‘Et dixi: cium meum; sicut non nouissimorum
sed ecce, domine, tu praees his qui in _ tarditas, sic nee priorum uelocitas.’
fine sunt, et quid facient qui ante nos _See further note ad I. iv. 15.
sunt aut nos aut hi qui post nos? Et
and
failure in
internal
discipline.
The
Epistle a
substitute
for a
personal
visit.
Written in
the name
of all
the mis-
sionaries.
xxxiv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
alone the fulfilment of these purposes had been rendered
possible (v. I—I1).
Nor was this all, but as appears from the closing section
of the Epistle, St Paul had evidently also been informed of
certain difficulties that had arisen in the internal discipline
of the young community, and in consequence seized the oppor-
tunity of reinforcing the authority of those who had been placed
in positions of trust, and of laying down certain general rules of
holy living, by means of which the well-being of the whole
community might be secured, and its members be ‘preserved
entire, without blame’ at the coming of the Lord Jesus Christ
(v. 12—23).
Such then would seem to have been the circumstances
which led up to the writing of this Epistle, and the manner
in which St Paul met them. Nothing indeed can be clearer
from the Epistle itself than how much the Apostle regretted
having to fall back upon this method of communicating with
his beloved converts. Gladly would he rather have revisited
them in person, and indeed, as he expressly tells them, on two
occasions he had actually made the attempt, but in vain—
‘Satan hindered us’ (11. 18). No other course then remained
open for him but to have resort to a letter, a means of
conveying religious truth which he had made peculiarly his
own!, and of which he had doubtless frequently availed himself
before in communicating with the Churches he had founded*®
It is noteworthy too, how closely on the present occasion
St Paul associated Silas and Timothy with himself in the
writing of the Epistle. For not only do their names occur
along with his own in the Address in accordance with a
favourite and characteristic practice*, but the first person plural
1 See further Add. Note A, ‘St Paul
as a Letter- Writer.’
2 Note the emphatic ἐν πάσῃ ἐπιστολῇ
in 11. iii. 17, which naturally implies
more than a single precursor (San-
day Inspiration p. 336), and ‘On
the Probability that many of St Paul’s
Epistles have been lost’ see Jowett
The Epistles of St Paul to the Thessa-
lonians? ἄχ. (1859) i. p. 195 ff. On the
other hand 1. v. 27, 11, ii. 15, iii. 17 ἔς
have been taken as implying that the
habit of sending important Epistles
was new (Weiss Introd. to the N.T.,
Eng. Tr. i. p. 204; cf. von Soden
Hist. of Early Christian Literature
Eng. Tr. p. 27 f.).
3 Cf. Cic. ad Att. ix. 7a. Farrar
(St Paul i. p. 579) recalls the saying
of Origen that the concurrence of Paul
“ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxv
is maintained throughout both this Epistle and its successor with
a regularity to which we have no subsequent parallel’. It will
be well therefore to recognize this fact in our subsequent ex-
position of the Epistle’s teaching, and to refer the views there
expressed to all three Apostles, even though St Paul must
be regarded as their primary and principal author.
5. This same consideration helps also to establish what our 5. Place
previous account of St Paul’s movements has made sufficiently ᾿ eh φος
clear, that it was at Corinth that the First Epistle to the Thessa- salonians.
lonians was written, for it was there, as we have seen, that
Silas and Timothy rejoined him on the conclusion of their
respective missions, nor, so far at least as we can gather from
the Lukan account, was there any subsequent period in their
history when the three missionaries were together in one place,
and consequently in a position to act as joint-sponsors of the
letter.
With this view the internal evidence of the Epistle itself is
in complete harmony. To place it earlier, as for example at
Athens, in accordance with the ‘subscription’ in certain MSs.
and followed by the A.V., would hardly leave time for all that
had taken place in the Church at Thessalonica after the
Apostles’ departure (ii. 14, 111. I—6), and, above all, for the
influence the Thessalonian believers had been able to exert
on the surrounding district (1. 7 ἢ, iv. 10). On the other hand,
to place it subsequent to St Paul’s departure from Corinth
where he remained a year and a half (Ac. xviii. 11), is obviously
inconsistent with the freshness that marks his references to
his Thessalonian friends (i. 5, ii. 1 ff.), and with his express
statement that as yet he had been separated from them only
‘for a short season’ (il. 17).
6. Ifthen we are correct in regarding Corinth as the place 6. Date.
of writing of the Epistle, and are prepared further to think of a
comparatively early period in the Apostle’s sojourn there, the
exact date will be determined by the view taken of the chrono-
logy of St Paul’s life. It is a subject on which authorities
and Silas flashed out the lightning of 1 See further Add. Note B, ‘Did
these Epistles (Hom. V. in Jerem. St Paul use the Epistolary Plural?’
588 b).
1 Thessa-
lonians
probably
the
earliest
extant
Pauline
Epistle.
XXxvl1 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
widely differ, but the general tendency is to throw the dates
backward rather than forward, and we shall probably not be
far wrong if we place the writing of our Epistle somewhere
about 50—5I1 A.D.
Harnack (Chronol. d. altchr, Litt. (1897) i. p. 239 n.') dates
the two Epistles as early as 48—49, and in this he is followed
by McGiffert (art. ‘Thessalonians (Epistles to)’ in neye.
Bibl. col. 5037). The ‘Chronology of the N.T.’ advocated by
Turner in Hastings’ D.b., which has met with wide acceptance,
would throw them forward a year (50), while Ramsay (Sé Paul
Ῥ. 254) prefers 51-52, the earlier of these dates being also
supported by St Paul’s latest biographer Clemen (see his
Paulus i. p. 398). W. Briickner (Chronol. p. 193 ff.), while
dating the four chief Epistles as late as 61—62, agrees that,
if τ Thessalonians is really the work of St Paul, it must be
carried back to a much earlier period in the Apostle’s life,
when his theological system was not yet fully developed ;
cf. Menegoz Le Péché et la Rédemption Maprés Saint Paul
(Paris, 1882) p. 4.
On this view too of the date, we are probably justified in
regarding 1 Thessalonians as the earliest of St Paul’s extant
Epistles. It is impossible indeed to ignore the fact that in
recent years this honour has been claimed with increasing per-
sistency for the Epistle to the Galatians by a very influential
band of scholars. And, if we are prepared to admit the South
Galatian address of that Epistle, there is no doubt that a place
can be found for it previous to the above-mentioned date, and,
further, that this position is favoured by the often striking
coincidences between its language and the incidents of the
First Missionary Journey, and more specially the speech de-
livered by the Apostle at Pisidian Antioch in the course of 10].
On the other hand, if such resemblances in language and
thought are to be reckoned with, how are we to explain the
fact that in the Thessalonian Epistle, written, according to most
of the supporters of this view, very shortly after Galatians (see
small print below), there is an almost complete absence of any
trace of the distinctive doctrinal positions of that Epistle ?
No doubt the differences in the circumstances under which the
1 The various arguments that bear The Testimony of St Paul to Christ
upon the exact date of Galatians will (1905) p. 28ff.; see also Moffatt Hist.
be found carefully stated by Knowling N.T. p. 125 f. ;
‘ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxvil
two Epistles were written, and the particular ends they had in
view, may account for much of this dissimilarity. At the same
time, while not psychologically impossible, it is surely most
unlikely that the same writer—and he too a writer of St Paul’s
keen emotional nature—should show no signs in this (according
to this view) later Epistle of the conflict through which he had
just been passing, and on which he had been led to take up so
strong and decided a position.
If, however, in accordance with the older view, 1 Thessa-
lonians along with its successor to the same Church can still
be placed first, all is clear. As an example of St Paul’s mission-
_ary teaching, written before the acuter controversies of his later
years had forced themselves upon him, and made inevitable
the presentment of the old truths in a new way, it stands in
its natural relation to the earlier missionary discourses of
Acts, which in so many respects it resembles, while the Epistle
to the Galatians ranks itself along with the other great
doctrinal Epistles to the Corinthians and the Romans, whether,
with the majority of modern critics, we place it first amongst
these, or, with Bishop Lightfoot, in an intermediate position
between 2 Corinthians and Romans.
Considerable variety of opinion exists among the supporters
of the priority of Galatians as to the exact date to be assigned
to it. Dr Vernon Bartlet (Hup. v. x. p. 263 ff, Apost. Age
p. 84 ff.), reviving a view suggested by Calvin, thinks that it
was written at Antioch on St Paul’s way to the Council of
Jerusalem. The same conclusion was arrived at, much about
the same time, on independent grounds by the Romanist
Dr Weber (see his Die Abfassung des Galaterbriefes vor dem
Apostel-Konzil, Ravensburg, 1900, summarized in J.7'.S. iii.
(1902) p. 630 ff.), and recently has formed the main thesis of
Mr Douglas Round’s Essay The Date of St Paul’s Epistle to the
Galatians (Cambridge, 1906). As a rule, however, a period swbse-
quent to the Council of Jerusalem is preferred—McGiffert (Hist.
of Christianity im the Apost. Age p. 226 ff.) dating the Epistle
from Antioch before St Paul departed on his Second Missionary
Journey, Clemen (as against his own earlier view, Chronol.
p- 199 ff.) assigning it rather to the Apostle’s stay in Athens
(Paulus i. p. 396 ff, ii. p. 164 ff.), and Zahn (Hinl. in d. NT.
i. p. 139 ff.) and Rendall (Hap. iv. ix. p. 254) carrying it
forward to the beginning of the visit to Corinth in the course
of the same journey. On this last view it can only have
preceded the Thessalonian Epistles by a few weeks, or at most
. Des-
patch of
1 Thessa-
lonians.
8. Cir-
cum-
stances
leading to
the writ-
ing of
2 Thessa-
lonians.
XXXVlll THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
months (cf. Bacon Introd. to the ἢ. 7. p. 57£.). The later,
and more widely accepted, dates assigned to Galatians have
no direct bearing upon the point before us, except in so far
as they emphasize that we are there dealing with a wholly
different ‘type’ of teaching from that which meets us in the
Thessalonian Epistles.
7. St Paul makes no mention of how his Epistle was sent
to Thessalonica, but at a time when there was no regular
system of posts except for imperial purposes, it can only have
been by the hand of a personal courier or friend'. And it was
perhaps through him on his return that the Apostle received
the news which led to the writing of his second Epistle.
8. That news was evidently of a somewhat mingled
character. On the one hand, there were not wanting traces
of an exceedingly growing faith and of an abounding love
on the Thessalonians’ part (II. i. 3) together with an endurance
under continued persecution which called forth the Apostle’s
warmest praise, and seemed in his eyes a happy augury of his
converts’ future bliss at the revelation of the Lord Jesus from
heaven (i. 4—12). But as against this, there were only too
evident signs that the thought of the imminence of that reve-
lation was still exercising a disturbing influence over the
Thessalonians’ daily conduct. So far from their excitement
having been allayed by St Paul’s first letter, as he hoped it
would have been, the reverse would seem rather to have been
the case, and not only so, but their restlessness had been still
further fomented by certain pneumatic utterances, and even by
carefully reasoned words and a letter, one or all of them shield-
ing themselves under the Apostle’s name and authority, to the
effect that the Day of the Lord was not only imminent, but was
actually come (11. 2).
In these circumstances then, what more natural than that
St Paul should seize the opportunity of once more recalling to
his converts another aspect of his eschatological teaching, of
which he had been in the habit of speaking (ἔλεγον, 1]. 5)
while with them, but of which apparently they had lost sight?
Sudden and unexpected though the coming of the Day of the
Lord would be, it would nevertheless be preceded by certain.
1 See further Add. Note A, ‘St Paul as a Letter- Writer,’ p. 130.
ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxix
clearly-defined signs, foremost amongst which was the appear-
ance of the Man of lawlessness, who for the time being was held
in check, but whose revelation was to be looked for as the final
precursor of the end. With the details of this crowning revela-
tion of evil, we are not at present concerned. It is enough
that in the very thought of it St Paul found an additional
argument alike for a continued steadfastness on the part of his
converts (ii. 13—16), and for a quiet and orderly walk, as
contrasted with the disorderliness which certain idlers and
busybodies in their midst were displaying (111. I—I5).
9. More need hardly be said as to the circumstances in 9. Place
which this Second Epistle was written, for the general simi- pial coe
larity between it and its predecessor, to which fuller reference of 2 Thes-
salonians.
will have to be made afterwards (see p. lxxx ff.), shows that in
the main the historical conditions of the Thessalonian Church
were very little altered', and that consequently the Second
Epistle must have been written not many months after the
First. We therefore date it also from Corinth within the
period already specified 50—51 A.D.
The idea first advocated by Grotius (Annot. in N.T. ii. 2 Thessa-
p. 715 ff.), and adopted by Ewald (Sendschreiben des Paulus aeeaioke
p- 17f.), Laurent (W7Zliche Stud. p. 49 ff.), and (from his own ;, TT hes-
standpoint) Baur (Paul, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 336 ff), that 2 Thessa- salonians.
lonians was written before 1 Thessalonians can no longer be
said to have any serious supporters. Thus, without attaching
too great weight to such passages as IT. ii. 2, 15 which, if not
directly referring to 1 Thessalonians, are best explained by
its existence, it is excluded by I. 11. 17—i11. 6 which could
hardly have been written by St Paul, if he had previously
addressed a letter to Thessalonica. The whole relationship
indeed of 2 to 1 Thessalonians is of a secondary character
alike on its literary side, and in the picture presented of the
‘developed’ circumstances of the Church, as shown by the
heightened praise (IT. i. 4: I. ii. 14) and blame (II. iii. 6 ἢ:
I. iv. 11), which these circumstances now called forth.
1 «Wir treffen...Stimmungen, Er-
wartungen, Bestrebungen, Lebens-
formen nach der lobens- wie tadelns-
werthen Seite hin an, in denen wir
alten Bekannten wiederbegegnen. Nur
Alles, Gutes wie Verkehrtes,...in einer
iiber das bisher bekannte Mass hinaus
gehobenen Steigerung.’ Kloépper Der
zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (re-
printed from Theologische Studien und
Skizzen aus Ostpreussen ii. p. 73 fi.)
p. 17.
το. St
Paul’s sub-
sequent
connexion
with Thes-
salonica.
xl THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
10. Regarding St Paul’s subsequent connexion with the
Thessalonian Church we have no definite information, but it is
hardly possible to doubt that on more than one occasion he was
able to carry out his ardently cherished desire of revisiting in
person his friends there. Thus he would naturally pass through
the city both coming and going on his Third Missionary Journey
(Ac. xx. 1 ff.), and if we accept the belief in a renewed period of
active work on the part of the Apostle between a first and
second Roman imprisonment, he would be almost certain to
stop at Thessalonica on the occasion of that journey to Philippi
which he had previously carefully planned in the event of his
again finding himself a free man (Phil. i. 26, 11. 24). Nor,
once more, could Thessalonica fail to be included in his pro-
gramme if he ever paid that last visit to Macedonia, to which
he alludes in his First Epistle to Timothy (i. 3)}.
1 See further Add. Note O, ‘The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul.’
IIT.
GENERAL CHARACTER AND CONTENTS
OF THE EPISTLES.
‘Jeder einzelne paulinische Brief ist eine christliche That
und will als solche verstanden sein.’
W. Bornemann Die Thessalonicherbriefe Ὁ. 256.
1. From what has already been said of the circumstances 1. The
under which the Epistles to the Thessalonians were written, cg
it must be clear that they are in no sense literary documents, !etters,
still less theological treatises, but genuine letters intended
to meet passing needs, and with no thought of any wider
audience than those to whom they were originally addressed’.
Of all the N.T. Epistles which have come down to us, they
are amongst the most ‘personal, and illustrate to perfection
the ‘stenographed conversation’ which Renan claims as a
distinctive feature of the Pauline style’.
Greatly however as this adds to the living interest of
the Epistles, it is one main source of their difficulties.
For,
whether or not they form only part of a correspondence that
was passing between St Paul
(cf. p. xxx), they so abound in
1 On the whole question of Letter
versus Epistle in the case of the
Pauline literature see especially Deiss-
mann BS. p. 3 ff., and on the danger
of carrying the distinction too far cf.
Lock The Bible and Christian Life
p. 114 ff., and Ramsay The Letters to
the Seven Churches (1904) p. 22 ff.
The fact is that the Pauline Epistles
require a new category: while letters,
they are distinctively religious letters,
approaching more nearly to the Pas-
and the Thessalonian Church
allusions to what the Thessa-
toral Letter addressed by a Church
to its members, or a minister to his
congregation, than to what we under-
stand by the ‘letter’ of ordinary corre-
spondence,
2 Saint Paul (ed. 1869) p. 231 f.,
‘Le style épistolaire de Paul est le
plus personnel qu’il y ait jamais eu....
On dirait une rapide conversation
sténographiée et reproduite sans cor-
rections.’
‘ occa-
sional’
in their
origin,
but filled
with
definite
religious
teaching.
xlii THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
lonians already know, or have been asking, that it is hardly
too much to say, that the more familiar the subjects with which
they deal were to their first readers, the more veiled they are
from us}.
It is a complete mistake, however, to suppose that because
our Epistles are thus ‘occasional’ writings in the strict sense
of the word, they are therefore marked by that poverty of
subject-matter which has sometimes been urged against them.
On the contrary, if, as we shall have occasion to see more fully
again, what we have come to regard as the distinctive doctrines
of Paulinism are awanting, and awanting because the special
circumstances demanding them had not yet arisen, the Epistles
are nevertheless filled with definite religious teaching. Com-
bined with the speeches in Acts, which in so many respects
they recall*, they contain the best evidence we possess as to
the general character of St Paul’s missionary preaching to
Gentiles’.
It is not possible to illustrate this at length here, but
I. i. 9 f may be referred to as a convenient summary of the
earliest Pauline teaching with its two foci of Monotheism, the
belief in the one living and true God, as distinguished from
1 The student will not regret being
reminded of John Locke’s famous
‘Essay for the understanding of St
Paul’s Epistles, by consulting St Paul
himself,’ prefixed to his Paraphrase
and Notes on certain of the Epistles
(London, 1823): cf. especially p. 4,
‘The nature of epistolary writings in
general disposes the writer to pass by
the mentioning of many things, as
well known to him to whom his letter
is addressed, which are necessary to
be laid open to a stranger, to make
him comprehend what is said: and
it not seldom falls out that a well-
penned letter, which is very easy and
intelligible to the receiver, is very
obscure to a stranger, who hardly
knows what to make of it....Add to
this, that in many places it is manifest
he answers letters sent, and questions
proposed to him, which, if we had,
would much better clear those pas-
sages that relate to them than all the
learned notes of critics and commen-
tators, who in after-times fill us with
their conjectures; for very often, as to
the matter in hand, they are nothing
else.’
2 Cf. e.g. for linguistic parallels
1 Thess, i. 9 with Ac. xiv. 15; 1 Thess.
i. 10 with Ac. xvii. 31; 1 Thess. iii. 4
with Ac. xiv. 22; 1 Thess. v. 9 with
Ac. xx. 28: and for the general simi-
larity of teaching see Sabatier L’ Apétre
Paul (Strassburg, 1870) pp. 85—97,
Eng. Tr. pp. 95—1II.
3 Prof. B. W. Bacon, while agree-
ing as to the generally ‘missionary’
character of the Epistles, points out
that ‘Paul’s attitude in them is that
of confirmer rather than proclaimer of
the Gospel’ (The Story of St Paul,
London, 1905, p. 230). ‘
CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xliii
the vain idols of heathenism, and the Judgment, as heralded
by the Parousia of God’s Son from heaven, who had already
proved Himself the only complete Rescuer from the coming
Wrath. In these great truths, proclaimed not argumentatively,
but ‘in power and in the Holy Spirit and in much assurance’
(I. i. 5), the missionaries found the most effective means of
reaching the consciences, and satisfying the religious instincts
of their heathen auditors, and so of preparing the way for sien
and fuller aspects of Christian doctrine.
The consequence is that while our Epistles do not exhibit
the constructive or dialectic skill of the Epistle to the Romans,
or approach the mystical heights of the Epistle to the Ephesians,
they reveal with marvellous clearness what has well been called
the ‘pastoral’ instinct of the great Apostle’, and present an
unrivalled picture alike of his own missionary character and
aims, and of the nature of the community he is addressing.
2. In none other indeed of his Epistles, unless it be in2. The
the companion Epistle to a Macedonian Church, the Epistle elie
to the Philippians, or in the apologia of the Second Epistle πὴ ορῤα τς
to the Corinthians, does the real Paul stand out more clearly in his
before us in all the charm of his rich and varied personality. aa
We see his intense affection for his young converts (I. 11. 7 f.,
17 ff., 11. 5—10, II. i. 4), and his desire for their sympathy and
prayers (I. v. 25, II. i. 1 ἢ); his keen sensitiveness as to what
others are saying of him, and the confident assertion of the
purity of his motives (I. ii. I—12); his proud claim of what
is due to him as an Apostle of Christ (I. ii. 6), and his willingness
to forego this right in view of the higher interests of his work
(I. ii. 9, II. i. 8 f.); his longing desire for the Thessalonians’
progress in spiritual things (1. i. 11 ff, II. 1, 11 ἢ), and the
fierceness of his indignation against those who were hindering
the cause of Christ (I. ii. 15 ἢ, iv. 6, II. iii. 2): and we notice
how through all St Paul is constrained and ruled by his own
1 Dr Vernon Bartlet (Hastings’ D.B. could yet by letter, and so on the
i. p. 730) finds that ‘the true cause’ spur of occasion, concentrate all his
of all the Pauline Epistles ‘lay deep wealth of thought, feeling, and matur-
in the same spirit as breathesin1 Th., ing experience upon some particular
the essentially ‘‘ pastoral” instinct.... _ religious situation, and sweep away
Of a temper too ardent for the more the difficulty or danger.’
studied forms of writing, St Paul
and in the
spirit,
and
methods
of his mis-
sionary
work.
xliv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
sense of union with his Risen Lord, and dependence on His
authority (I. iv. 1 f., IT. i. 6, 12),
Very noteworthy too are the tact and the courtesy which
the Apostle everywhere displays. So far from being the ‘very
disagreeable personage both to himself and others, whom
Nietzsche so perversely discovers, he shows the most pains-
taking desire to do full justice not only to his fellow-workers
(cf. p. xxxiv f.), but also to his readers. With an intensity
of feeling, that finds difficulty in expressing itself (I. iii. 9),
he gives thanks for all (1. 1. 2f, οὗ IL 1. 3): all, notwith-
standing the presence of weak and faulty believers amongst
them, are treated as sons of light, and of the day (I. v. 5):
and it is to all, with evident emphasis (cf. I. v. 28), that the
closing greeting of his second and severer Epistle is sent
(II. ii. 18)—even the man who is showing signs. of setting
aside his authority is still a ‘brother’ (II. ii. 14 f).
This last form of address, indeed, forms one of the Epistles’
most noticeable features. It is throughout as ‘brothers’ that
St Paul regards his readers, and he never starts a new line
of thought without reminding them of the fact, as if to bring
home to them in the clearest manner, that all these questions
concerned both them and him alike?.
Hence too, in the appeals which he addresses to them,
St Paul never loses an opportunity of going back upon his
readers’ previous knowledge (I. 1. 5,11. 1 f, 5, 9, 11, i. 3 ἢ, iv. 2,
v. 2, IL. it. 5f, ui. 7). And when he finds it necessary to
exhort, he almost goes out of his way to show his appreciation
of the zeal the young community has already displayed (I. iv. 1,
10, v. 11, IT. ii. 4).
And if such is the spirit of St Paul’s missionary work, an
equally clear light is thrown upon its methods. Driven from
Philippi, the Apostle might naturally, for a time at any rate,
have turned to some quieter and. more obscure spot; but
instead, in characteristic fashion, he boldly carried forward his
1 Morgenrote i. ὃ 68. 13 f., v. 5, Il. i. τα f., by which the
2 ’Adehgol, as an address, occurs missionaries, almost unconsciously,
21 times in our Epistles. Notice too identify themselves with their con-
the subtle change from the 2nd to the __ verts.
1st pers. plur. in I. iii. 2 f., iv. 6 f.,
CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xlv
message to what was, in many ways, the most important city
of the district, in order that from it as a centre the influence of
his message might penetrate into the whole of the surrounding
country’.
This is not, however, to say that St Paul at once entered on
an open and active propaganda amongst the varied population
of Thessalonica. To have done so would only have been to
court defeat; and even the preaching in the Synagogue, to
which in the first instance he trusted for arresting attention,
formed only a part, and perhaps the less important part of his
work, That consisted rather in quiet and friendly converse
with all whom his message had reached. And our Epistles
enable us to picture him during those long hours of toil for his
daily support®, to which the fear of proving burdensome to
others had driven him, gathering round him little companies of
anxious inquirers, and with the authority of a father, and the
tenderness of a mother, dealing with their individual needs
ἘΣ... ..}}"}
Hence the closeness of the bonds between St Paul and his
Thessalonian converts: in no forced sense of the phrase they
were literally his ‘ greater self.’
1 The Apostle’s preference for ‘towns’
is in entire accord with the statesman-
like ideal, which from the first he had
set before himself, of gradually Chris-
tianizing the Roman Empire: cf.
Ramsay Pauline and other Studies
(London, 1906) p. 49 ff., Lock St Paul
the Master-Builder (London, 1899)
Lect. i. and ii., and for a full account
of ‘missionary methods in the time of
the Apostles’ with special reference to
St Paul see Zahn Skizzen aus dem
Leben der Alten Kirche? (Erlangen,
1898) p. 76 ff. (translated in Ezp. vt.
vii., viil., and vii. iv.), and Harnack
Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Chris-
tentums (Leipzig, 1902), Eng. Tr. by
Moffatt under title The Expansion of
Christianity (London, 1904).
By ‘the whole of Macedonia’ (1. iv.
10) we naturally understand the whole
of the Roman province of that name,
in accordance with St Paul’s regular
To be parted from them was to
usage of similar terms elsewhere, e.g.
Asia (Rom. xvi. 5), Achaia (Rom. xv.
26), Illyricum (Rom. xv. 19).
2 On the exact nature of this work
the Epistles throw no light, but it was
probably tent-making (cf. Ac. xviii. 3),
though it would appear that the mate-
rial used was not, as is generally
imagined, cloth or felt but leather:
cf. the old designation of Paul as
σκυτοτόμος (reff. in Suicer Thesaurus
s.v.), and see further Zahn art.‘ Paulus’
in Hauck RE. xv. p. γο f.
3 Cf. P. Wernle Paulus als Heiden-
missiondr (Freiburg i. B., 1899) p. 22f.,
EK. von Dobschiitz Probleme des Aposto-
lischen Zeitalters (Leipzig, 1904) p. 60.
The whole of the section on ‘The
Organization of the Mission’ with its
graphic description of the Apostolic
‘cure of souls’ in Weinel’s St Paul
Eng. Tr. p. 200 ff. is full of interest.
3. The
Thessa-
lonian
commu-
nity—
in the
freshness
of its first
faith,
in its
‘ short-
comings’
in moral
conduct
and order,
xlvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
suffer ‘bereavement’ of the acutest kind (I. 11. 17): to hear
of their continued well-doing was to ‘live’ (I. i. 8): to see
them again was his ‘constant’ and ‘very exceeding’ prayer
(I. ili. 10).
Surely there can be no difficulty in recognizing here the
portrait of one who ‘though he was Paul, was also a man}, and
who, in the fine phrase of another early writer, carried ‘ music’
with him wherever his influence penetrated’.
3. Hardly less striking than the picture of their writer is
the picture of their first readers which our Epistles present—a
picture all the more interesting because here alone in the
Pauline writings we are brought face to face with a young
Christian community in all the freshness and bloom of its first
faith. The Thessalonians, who were by nature of a simple and
sturdy type of character®, had evidently accepted with peculiar
eagerness the Apostolic message, and even amidst surrounding
persecution had continued to display a characteristic fidelity*,
which was found deserving of all praise (I. i. 6f., II. i. 4 ff).
There were however various ‘shortcomings’ (ὑστερήματα
I. iii. 10) in their faith which required attention: while it is
characteristic of them in common with all the early Pauline
communities, that not at once had they succeeded in freeing
themselves from some even of the grosser sins of their old pagan
surroundings (I. iv. 3—8)*. Nor was this all, but in their very
enthusiasm for their new faith with its bright assurance of
1 Chrys. ef καὶ Παῦλος ἦν ἀλλ᾽ ἄν-
θρωπος ἦν.
2 Isidore Epp. ii.
θάλασσαν ῥυθμίσας.
3 Cf. Renan Saint Paul p. 136 fi.
4 Mommsen Hist. of Rome Bk. 111.
ch. 8, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 229: ‘In stead-
fast resistance to the public enemy
under whatever name, in unshaken
fidelity towards their native country
and their hereditary government, and
in persevering courage amidst the
severest trials, no nation in ancient
history bears so close a resemblance
to the Roman people as the Macedo-
nians’ (cited by Lightfoot Bibl. Essays
p. 248 n.°).
124 ὁ γῆν καὶ
5 In addition to possessing all the
temptations of a great seaport, Thessa-
lonica was notorious in antiquity as
one of the seats of the Cabiri, or
Cabeiri, mysterious deities, whose
worship was attended with grossly
immoral rites: cf. Firmicus de Err.
Prof. Relig. c. 11, ‘Hune eundem
(Corybantem) Macedonum .colit stulta
persuasio. Hic est Cabirus, cui Thes-
salonicenses quondam cruento ore cru-
entis manibus supplicabant’ (cited by
Tafel p. xxxiii). Full particulars re-
garding the Cabiri will be found in
Lobeck Aglaopham. iii. ch. 5, p. 1202 ff.:
see also Lightfoot ut s. p. 257 f.
UNIVERSITY
OF b
AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xlvii
(as they believed) an immediate Parousia of the Lord, the
Thessalonian believers were showing a spirit of restlessness and
excitement, which was leading to the neglect of their daily
work and duty, and at the same time making them impatient
of the restraints their leaders were seeking to lay upon
them’.
On both points, therefore, we find St Paul addressing to
them words of prudence and moderation, enforcing, on the one
hand, the dignity and consecration of labour (I. iv. 11 f., 11. iii.
6 ff.)”, and, on the other, checking the self-assertive spirit, which
threatened to disturb the peace of the whole community
erry. 32 £, Ti 1, 6).
For it is very noticeable that it is the community as a
whole which principally bulks in the Apostle’s thoughts. Even
_ though there are already clear traces of a certain class who
were ‘to all appearance office-bearers of the Ecclesia, the
services which they rendered ‘were not essentially different
from services which members of the Keclesia, simply as
brethren, were to render each other. They too were to
admonish the disorderly, as also to do the converse work of
encouraging the feeble-minded. They too were to make the
cause of the weak their own, to sustain them, which is at least
1 As showing how these faults, with
the still more marked virtues of hospi-
tality and brotherly-love, continued to
prevail in the Macedonian Church
long after the Apostle’s time, Arch-
bishop Alexander (Speaker’s Comm. on
the N.T. iii. p. 701) refers to Hieron.
Comm, in Ep. ad Gal. Lib. ii. cap. ii.
opp. tom. vii. 356, ed. Migne: ‘Haec
ex parte wsque hodié permanere, non
potest dubitare, qui Achaiam viderit.
Macedones in charitate laudantur, et
hospitalitate ac susceptione fratrum.
Unde ad eos scribitur 1 Thess. iv. 9.
Sed reprehenduntur... (Ibid. to, 11).
Quod ne quis putet officio magis do-
centis, quam vitio gentis admonitum,
in secundé ad eosdem inculcat ac
replicat (2 Thess. iii. ro—12).’
* This is the more noteworthy when
M. THESS.
we remember that in old Greek thought
labour was never regarded otherwise
than as a necessity: cf. e.g. Aristotle’s
contemptuous allusion to ‘those who
live, as their name denotes, ἀπὸ τῶν
χειρῶν ᾽ (Pol. 111. iv. 2). According to
Bigg (The Church’s Task in the Roman
Empire p. 72) Dion Chrysostom ‘is
the only classical author who speaks
with understanding sympathy of the
labouring poor.’ For the very different
Jewish attitude towards all forms of
honest work see F. Delitzsch Jiidisches
Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu (trans-
lated into English as Jewish Artisan
Life in the Time of Christ in the Unit
Library, 1902), Edersheim Sketches
of Jewish Social Life 6, xi., and ef.
Taylor Sayings of the Jewish Fathers?
(Cambridge, 1897) pp. 18 f., 141.
d
in its re-
sponsible
member:
ship,
xl viii THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
one side, if not more, of the “helpful leadership ” of the Elders;
as well as to show long-suffering towards 8}}}ν
in the — And if thus we have here only the first beginnings of later
simplicity Church-organization, so Christian worship comes before us in
worship, its simplest and most comprehensive form. The principal
stress is laid upon such primary religious duties as praise,
prayer, and instruction in which all are invited to take part
(I. v. 11). And as the kiss of peace is to be extended to all
the brethren (I. v. 26), it is again upon all that the closing
benediction rests (II. iii. 18). |
and in the The very fact too that the Thessalonian believers require
sprel to be warned against the danger. of indiscriminate bounty
Christian (II. 11. 10 f.) shows that, though themselves drawn principally
liberality. from the poorer and working classes, they had from the first
risen to a full sense of their obligation in the matter of
Christian giving. And that the same trait continued to dis-
tinguish their later history is proved by the warmth of
St Paul’s commendation of the Macedonian Churches who,
‘according to their power,...yea and beyond their power, had
responded to his appeal on behalf of the poor brethren in
Judaea (2 Cor. viii. 1 ff.).
4. Absence 4: It is obvious from what has been said regarding the
or pian general character of our Epistles that it is vain to look in them
Epistles. for any definite plan. Their contents are too personal, too
varied, to submit themselves to any such restraint. At the
same time a distinct method and progress of thought is clearly
traceable in them, so far at least as their leading topics are
concerned. And though reference has already been made to
most of these, it may be convenient for the student to have
them briefly presented again in the order in which they occur?
s.General 5. Beginning with a greeting which happily combines the
structure new watchword of ‘Grace’ with the old Hebraic salutation of
ἔτ Thes- AE
salonians. ‘ Peace, St Paul and his fellow-writers give thanks with striking
1 Hort The Christian Ecclesia p. neighbour—notice the first and in the
126 ff.; cf. Weinel St Paul, Eng. Tr. quotation from 1 Thessalonians vy.
p. 213, ‘In the Pauline communities [12 ff.].’
the “ oversight” and the “ admonish- 2 See also the Analyses prefixed to
ing” were still conceived of as services the two Epistles, pp. 2, 84.
of love which one man rendered to his
CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xlix
warmth for the spiritual state of their Thessalonian brethren. i. 1.
And then, as if conscious that it is useless to say anything} ?—'®
further until they have set themselves right with their con-
verts, they proceed to refute certain calumnies, which, so
they have been informed, are being circulated against them-
selves.
Their apologia takes, as is natural, the form of an ii. r—r2.
historical narrative of their ministry at Thessalonica, and is
marked by frequent appeals to their converts’ own knowledge
of what its character had been. This has the further advantage ii. 13—16.
of giving the Apostles the opportunity of again gratefully
recognizing how readily the Thessalonians on their part have
accepted the Word of God, and with what brave endurance
they have faced the consequent persecution.
Returning to more personal matters, St Paul affirms his ii. 17—20.
own and his companions’ great desire to see again those who
have proved such a ‘glory’ to them. Only when this was iii. 1—10.
clearly proved to be impossible had he consented to allow
Timothy to act as his ambassador. And now that he has
returned with the ‘good news’ of the Thessalonians’ faith and
love, words fail the missionaries to express their deep sense
of thanksgiving and joy. So far moreover from Timothy’s
report leading them to acquiesce in their own enforced absence,
it has rather increased their desire to see their young converts
face to face, and to complete the good: work begun in them.
God alone can secure this. And accordingly it is their con-
stant prayer that He will open up their way of return, and that iii. 1:—13.
meanwhile the hearts of the tried and afflicted Church may be
stablished in holiness, in view of the approaching Parousia of
the Lord.
A second, and more didactic, portion of the Epistle follows, iv. t.
in which the writers proceed to furnish fresh guidance ‘for their
readers in all that pertains to their Christian calling. In
particular they warn them against the immorality, which was iv. 2—8.
then so marked a feature in Greek city-life, and, while gladly
recognizing their spirit of charity and brotherly-love, they iv. 9—12.
summon all to diligence in their own work, that thereby they
may preserve an honourable independence, and gain the respect
of their heathen neighbours.
d2
iv. 13—18.
Υν. δ ς
V. 12——22.
¥. 23, 24.
Vv. 25—28.
6. General
structure
of 2 Thes-
salonians.
i, 55.2
i 35>
il. 3—-12.
l THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
Their fears regarding those of their number who meanwhile
are falling on sleep are met with the assurance that, so far from
these being shut out from Christ’s glory on His Return, they
will rather be the first to share in it. And then the suddenness
of that Return, of which the Thessalonians have already been so
fully warned, is made the basis of a practical appeal to watch-
fulness and sobriety.
Various exhortations, still addressed to the community as a
whole, with reference to their attitude to their leaders, and
to their more feeble brethren, follow, along with some general
rules of Christian living. And the whole is sealed once more
with a characteristic prayer to the God of peace.
Finally, the Epistle is brought to a close with a salutation
and benediction.
6. The Second Epistle follows on very similar lines. After
the opening address and greeting, the writers again give
thanks for the Thessalonians’ state, dwelling with pride on
their progress, as proved especially by their patient endurance
under persecution. They bid them remember that that persecu-
tion, so far from leading them to think that God had forgotten —
them, should rather encourage them to look forward with con-
fidence to the final reward by which their present sufferings
will be crowned. And this, in its turn, leads to a graphic
picture of what will result alike to believers and unbelievers
when the Lord appears. A prayer, to which the Apostles are
giving constant expression, that it may be well with the
Thessalonian Church in that Day, is interjected.
The writers then proceed to what is the most distinctive
feature of their second letter. They have learned that their
former teaching regarding the Parousia, supplemented from
other sources for which they disown all responsibility, has been
the unwitting cause of an undue restlessness and excitement on
the Thessalonians’ part. Accordingly, while saying nothing to
shake the belief in the suddenness of the Parousia, they remind
their readers of what they had clearly taught them before, that
it will be preceded by certain well-defined signs. Amongst
these the principal place is given to the appearance of the Man
of lawlessness, as the full and crowning manifestation of the
evil’ already working in their midst. For the present that
CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES li
manifestation is held in check by a restraining power, but
how long this power will last no one can tell.
In any case, they urge, the Thessalonians must stand firm ii.
and hold fast the traditions they have already been taught, in
humble dependence upon the God, Who alone can give them
unfailing consolation, and strengthen them to do and to say all
that is right.
To the same God let them also pray on the Apostles’ iii.
behalf. And meanwhile, in conformity with the example the
Apostles themselves have set them, let them apply themselves iii
with diligence to their daily work, shunning every disorderly
brother, and at all times and in all ways seeking the ‘peace’ iii.
which is the peculiar property of ‘the Lord of peace,’ and which
it is again the writers’ prayer that He may bestow upon
them all.
The whole is then confirmed by an autographic salutation iii.
and benediction in St Paul’s own handwriting.
13—I5.
. 6—15.
17, 18.
i. Lan-
guage.
General
character
of vocabu-
lary.
N.T. ἅπαξ
λεγόμενα
in the
Epistles.
1 Thessa-
lonians.
IV.
LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES.
Οἶδε yap ἡ σοφία τοῦ μεγάλου Παύλου πρὸς τὸ δοκοῦν κεχρῆσθαι
κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν τοῖς ῥήμασι καὶ τῷ ἰδίῳ τῆς διανοίας εἱρμῷ προσαρμόζειν
τὰς τῶν ῥημάτων ἐμφάσεις, κἂν πρὸς ἄλλας τινὰς ἐννοίας ἡ συνήθεια τὴν
κατάχρησιν τῶν λέξεων φέρῃ.
Gregory of Nyssa Opp. Migne 11. 1303.
1. Language.
The two Epistles to the Thessalonians contain in all about
460 different words. Of these 27 are ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in the
N.T., and 27 are used by St Paul alone amongst the N.T.
writers. <A still larger number (37) are peculiar to the Pauline
writings along with the Gospel and Acts of St Luke, and the
Epistle to the Hebrews.
Passing to the question of meaning, the influence of the |
Greek O. T. is unmistakable in the case of a very considerable
number of words. With regard to others, we are led to look
rather to the ordinary colloquial usage of the Apostle’s time for
the exact sense he is desirous to convey.
The following is a list of the ἅπαξ λεγόμενα referred to. In this
case it will be convenient to take each Epistle separately, and to
arrange the words in the order in which they occur.
1 Thessalonians: é&yxéw* (i. 8), ἀναμένειν ἢ (i. το), προπάσχω
(ii, 2), κολακία (ii. 5), τροφός ἢ (ii. 7)» ὀμείρομαι (11. 8), ee ee
(11. 14), ἀπορφανίζομαι (11. 17), σαίνομαι (ili. 3), trepBaivw* (iv. 6),
θεοδίδακτος (iv. 9), meptAcizropar* (iv. 15), KeAevopa* (iv. τό),
araxtos* (v. 14), ὀλιγόψυχος Ἐ (ν. 14), ὁλοτελής (Vv. 23), ἐνορκίζω
Vv. 27).
: Of these 17 words, nine, which are distinguished by an asterisk,
are found in the Lxx.; four (κολακία, προπάσχω, σαίνομαι, ἀπορ-
φανίζομαι) are found in good Gk. writers, and a fifth (ὁλοτελής) in
Plutarch ; while beanies is found in the A text of 2 Esdr. xxiii,
(xiii.) 25 (ef. ἔνορκος, 2 Esdr. xvi. (vi.) 18). There thus remain
LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES [1]
only two words which can be regarded as free formations of the
Apostle’s own—6eodidaxros and συμφυλέτης. The former, framed on
the analogy of θεόκτιστος (2 Macc. vi. 23), probably contains a
reminiscence of Isa. liv. 13 διδακτὸς θεοῦ. The latter (for class.
φυλέτης) may be compared with συνμαθήτης (Jo. xi. 16), συνπολίτης
(Eph. ii. 19), and with σύμφυλος in Aq. Zech. xiii. 7: see further
Lob. Phryn. p. 471, Rutherford V.P. p. 255 f. for the prevalence
of. similar compounds in late Gk.
2 Thessalonians: ὑπεραυξάνω (i. 3), ἐνκαυχάομαι Ἐ (i. 4), ἔνδειγμα 2 Thessa-
(i. 5), τίνω Ἐ (i, 9), ἐνδοξάζομαι Ἐ (i. το, 12), ἀτάκτως (iii. 6, 11), ἀτακτέω lonians.
(iii. 7), περιεργάζομαι Ἔ (iii. 11), καλοποιέω (111. 13), onperdopar*
(iii. 14).
Of ΠΝ το words, five are again found in the Lxx., three
(ἀτακτέω, ἀτάκτως, ἔνδειγμα) are found in the ordinary Gk. of the
Apostle’s time, καλοποιέω is found as a variant in Lev. v. 4, while
ὑπεραυξάνω is found several times in late Gk., and is in thorough
harmony with the Pauline love for compounds in vrep-.
The total number of words, which have not yet been quoted
from any other source than the two Epistles, is thus reduced to
the two words already discussed in connexion with 1 Thess.’, while
the Epistles’ 27 ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in the N.T. compare very favourably
with the 41 (4%), which, according to the calculation in Grimm-
Thayer, are to be found in St Paul’s other Epistle to a Macedonian
Church, the Epistle to the Philippians’.
To the foregoing lists there may be added a number of words Words or
or phrases, occurring in the Epistles, which are used elsewhere in Phrases
the N.T. only by St Paul. pie τὸ
ἀγαθωσύνη, ἁγιωσύνη, ἀδιαλείπτως, apa οὖν, εἴπερ, ἔκδικος, ἐνέργεια, in the
ἐξαπατάω, ἐπιβαρέω, ἐπιφάνεια (Pastorals), εὐσχημόνως, θάλπω, μή πως, N.T.
μνεία, μόχθος, ὄλεθρος, πάθος, περικεφαλαία, πλεονεκτέω, προίστημι, προ-
λέγω, στέγω, στέλλομαι, συναναμίγνυμαι, ὑπεραίρομαι, ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ,
φιλοτιμέομαι.
Along with these, the following may be noted as occurring only or to
in St Paul and the Lukan writings, or in St Paul and the Ep. St Paul.
to the Hebrews, or in all three combined. are seus
ἄγων, αἱρέομαι, αἰφνίδιος, ἄμεμπτος, ἀναιρέω, ἀνταποδίδωμι, ἀξιόω, and ae
ἀποδείκνυμι, ἀποστασία, ἀσφάλεια, ἄτοπος, διαμαρτύρομαι, ἐκδιώκω, Ep. to the
Hebrews.
1 Τὸ should be hardly necessary to several
point out that ἅπαξ εὑρημένα is ἃ ὦ
words and phrases in
Thess. which are used elsewhere
fitter designation of such words than
ἅπαξ εἰρημένα, in view of the con-
stant reduction in the words hitherto
believed to be peculiar to the Gk.
Bible: see Deissmann ‘ Hellenistisches
Griechisch’ in Hauck R.E.’ vii.
Ῥ. 636.
2 Schmidt (Der erste Thessalonicher-
brief p. 82) has drawn attention to
the interesting fact that there are
by St Paul in the same sense
only in the Ep. to the Philippians:
e.g. πρόφασις (il. 5; Phil. i. 18),
ἐπιθυμία (in good sense ii. 17; Phil. i.
23), καὶ ἅπαξ καὶ δίς (ii. 18; Phil. iv.
16), στέφανος (metaph. ii. 19; Phil. iv.
1), κεῖσθαι eis (metaph. 111. 3; Phil. i.
16), ἐρωτᾶν (ask, iv. 1, v. 12; Phil.
iv. 3).
Words
found with
a special
meaning
owing to
the in-
fluence of
the Lxx.,
or techni-
cal usage
in other
con-
nexions.
Words
illustrated
by the
non-
literary
records
of the
Apostle’s
time.
General
conclu-
sion.
liv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
ἐκφεύγω, ἐνίστημι, ἐνκακέω, ἐπισυναγωγή, ἐφίστημι, ἡσυχάζω, ἡσυχία,
καθάπερ, καταξιόομαι, καταργέω, κατευθύνω, μαρτύρομαι, μεθύσκομαι,
μεταδίδωμι, μιμητής, νουθετέω, παραγγελία, παρρησιάζομαι, περισσοτέρως,
πληροφορία, προεῖπον, σέβασμα, τοιγαροῦν, ὑστέρημα.
From this brief notice of the peculiarities of the Pauline diction
as illustrated by our Epistles, we may turn to one or two lists of
words which are used in them for the first time in the N.T. in a
special sense. Their history, which is traced more fully in the
Textual or Additional Notes, is of importance as throwing light
upon the main sources of the Apostle’s vocabulary.
Amongst these a first place must be given to the words, whose
meaning here is due apparently in the first instance to the sense in
which they were used in the Greek O.T..(including the Apocrypha),
though in the case of many of them full allowance must also be
made for the fact that they formed part of the ‘common’ dialect
of the Apostle’s time.
The following are typical examples : ἀγαθωσύνῃ, ἀγάπη, ἄγγελος,
ἁγιάξω, ἁγιασμός, ἅγιος, aderéw, ἀνάγκη, ἀνομία, ἄνομος, ἀποκαλύπτω,
ἀποκάλυψις, ἀποστασία, ἀπώλεια, διάβολος, δόξα, δοξάζω, δουλεύω, δωρεάν
(‘gratis’), ἔθνη, εἴδωλον, εἰρήνη, ἔκδικος, ἐκκλησία, ἐνδοξάζομαι, ἐνκαυ-
χάομαι, ἐντρέπω (metaph.), ἐξουθενέω, εὐαγγελίζομαι, εὐδοκέω, εὐδοκία,
ζάω (‘bene vivo’ 1. iii. 8), θέλημα, θλῖψις, θροέομαι, καρδία, καταξιόω,
κατευθύνω (metaph.), καύχησις, κοιμάομαι (metaph. iy ὀλιγόψυχος, ὁλό-
κληρος, 0 ὄνομα, πειράζω, περικεφαλαία, περιπατέω (metaph.), περιποίησις,
πίστις, πονηρός, προσευχή, σαλεύω (metaph. ), σέβασμα, στέλλομαι,
στέφανος (metaph.), στηρίζω, ὑπομονή, ψυχή, χάρις.
Other expressions which, starting from a technical or quasi-
technical sense in classical or late Gk., have come to be adopted
as technical terms of the Christian religion are ἀδελφός, ἀπόστολος,
διάκονος, ἐνέργεια, ἐπιφάνεια, μνείαν ποιεῖσθαι, μυστήριον, παρουσία.
Finally regard must be had to the large number of words and
phrases upon which much additional light has been thrown by the
discovery of such non-literary records as the Greek inscriptions of
the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, and the papyrus-
letters of Egypt.
Evidence of this will be found on practically every page of the
following Commentary. Here it must suffice to draw attention
to such interesting examples as are afforded by—
adyamnros, αἰώνιος, ἄμεμπτος, ἀμέμπτως, ἀπάντησις, ἀποδείκνυμι,
ἀρέσκειν (τινι), ἀσπάζομαι, ἀσπασμός, ἀτακτέω (and its cognates),
ἄτοπος, δίκη, εἶδος, ἐν (instrumental), ἐνίστημι, ,ἐνορκίζω, ἐξουσία,
ἐπιβαρέω, ἐρωτάω (‘rogo’ )s εὐσχημόνως, εὐχαριστέω, κατέχω, κύριος,
παράδοσις, παρακαλέω, προΐσταμαι, σημειόομαι, τύπος, υἱὸς θεοῦ, φιλο-
τιμέομαι.
Deductions from mere lists of words are always dangerous,
and in any case it is obviously impossible to form any definite
conclusions as to the nature and the sources of the Pauline
LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES — lv
vocabulary on the evidence of two short Epistles. This much
however is clear that the Apostle had an ample Greek voca-
bulary at his command, and, notwithstanding his Jewish origin
and upbringing, had learned to use Greek as virtually a second
mother-tongue. Not only did he speak freely in Greek, but
apparently he thought in Greek, and was able to adapt to
his own special purposes the words he found in current use’.
On the other hand, our Epistles do nothing to confirm
(though they may not disprove) the idea that St Paul had
received a thorough Greek education. "here are no quotations
in them from ancient Greek authors, and at most two or three
words (such as azopdavifouar) for which only classical, as
distinguished from late Greek, authority has been produced.
And the general impression which they convey is that for his
‘Wortschatz, or stock of words, St Paul, when not directly
indebted to the Greek O.T., was mainly dependent upon the
living, spoken tongue of his own day, borrowing from time
to time more or less consciously from ethical writers, but other-
wise showing little or no dependence upon the literature of
classical or later times’.
1 Qn St Paul’s indebtedness to
Hellenism see especially Canon Hicks’s
classical essay ‘St Paul and Hellenism’
the first five letters of the alphabet,
the writer comes to the conclusion
that for his vocabulary the Apostle
in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica iv.
(Oxford, 1896), and E. Curtius’s paper
on ‘Paulus in Athen’ in his Gesam-
melte Abhandlungen ii. p. 527 ff.
(Berlin, 1894), translated in Ezp.
vu. iv. p. 436ff. Cf. also Sir W. M.
Ramsay’s articles on ‘Tarsus’ in Exp.
vir. i. and ii., and the same writer’s
articles on ‘St Paul’s Philosophy of
History,’and ‘Paulinism in the Graeco-
Roman world’ in the Contemporary
Review, Sept. and Oct. 1907.
2 Cf. especially Nageli Der Wort-
schatz des Apostels Paulus (Gottingen,
1905) where, after a careful examina-
tion of Pauline words, falling under
was mainly indebted not to ‘literary
theory,’ but to ‘life’ (p. 28). In the
same way von Dobschiitz (Die urchrist-
lichen Gemeinden p. 279) draws atten-
tion to the striking manner (‘in
frappanter Weise’) in which the
special ethical terms of Greek philoso-
phy are wanting in the Pauline writ-
ings: cf. A. Carr ‘The use of pagan
ethical terms in the N.T.,’ Ep. v. ix.
p. 443 ff. It must be kept in view,
however, that, if more of the Stoic
literature of the period had survived,
this conclusion might require to be
considerably modified.
li. Style.
The
general
style ofthe
Epistles is
direct
and
regular.
lvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
1, Style.
The general style of the Epistles confirms what has just
been said regarding their vocabulary. There is certainly in
them none of the studied rhetorical art or skilfully framed
dialect, with which the Apostle is sometimes credited elsewhere?.
St Paul was too much concerned with what he had to say to
be able to think of mere literary devices. And the drawn-out
sentences (I. i. 2 ff., u. 14 ff, 11. 1 6 ff, i. 8 ff), the constant
ellipses (I. i. 8, u. 11, iv. 4 ff, 14, IL i. 3, 9, ἢ. 7, i. 6), the
manner in which he ‘goes off’ at a word (I. ii. 14 f, v. 8 ἢ,
II. i. 10), the inversion of metaphors (I. ii. 7, v. 2, 4), not only
bear evidence to the intensity of the writer’s feelings at the
time, but are in themselves valuable proofs of ‘unstudied
epistolary genuineness®.’
This is very far, however, from saying that either Epistle
shows signs of carelessness, or is wanting in well-ordered
passages which, if not comparable to, at least prepare the way
for the splendid outbursts of some of the later Epistles (cf. e.g.
I. ii. 3 ff, IL. i. 1 ff). St Paul had evidently that highest gift
of a great writer, the instinctive feeling for the right word, and
1 See, e.g., J. Weiss Beitriige zur
Paulinischen Rhetorik (Gé6ttingen,
1897), where certain sections more
particularly of the Epp. to the
Corinthians and Romans are analyzed
with the view of showing their artistic
and even rhythmical arrangement,
and cf. Blass’s attempt (Die Rhythmen
der asianischen und rimischen Kunst-
prosa, Leipzig, 1905) to find ‘Asianic
rhythm’ in Romans and other Pauline
writings, including 1 Thessalonians.
2 *Kunstliteratur’ and ‘ Paulus-
briefe’ are, as Deissmann puts it,
‘inkommensurable Gréssen’ (Hellen-
isierung, p. 168 n.*4).
3 The very closeness indeed of the
literary dependence of 2 Thess. upon
the earlier Epistle, and the consequent
stiltedness of style to which this some-
times leads (notably in II. i. 3—10),
so far from disproving that Epistle’s
authenticity, may be turned into an
argument in favour of it. St Paul
had evidently not the pen of a ready
writer, and when he had once found
an expression suited to his purpose
found it very difficult to vary it. What
more natural than that the words and
phrases which, during that anxious
time of waiting for the return of
Timothy, he had been turning over in
his mind as the most suitable to
address to his beloved Thessalonians,
should have remained in his memory,
and have risen almost unconsciously
to his lips, as he dictated his second
letter to the same Church so shortly
afterwards? For a somewhat similar
argument applied to the relation of
Colossians and Ephesians see Dr
Sanday’s art. on ‘Colossians’ in
Smith’s D.B.? i. pt. 1, p. 630.
LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES [ν]]
even when writing, as he does here, in his most ‘ normal’ style?,
and with an almost complete absence of the rhetorical figures,
so largely practised in his day’, he does not hesitate to avail
himself of the more popular methods of adding point or
emphasis to what he wants to say*, by the skilful arrangement
of his words (e.g. I. v. 3, II. 1. 6), by compressed word-pictures
(I. 1. 8 ἐξήχηται, ll. 2 ἀγῶνι, 11. 17 ἀπορφανισθέντες, II. i. 1
τρέχη), by interpolated questions (I. ii. 19, 111. 6 (?), 9 ἢ), and
even by plays on words (I. 11. 4, II. 11. 2 f., 11).
No effort indeed is wanting on the writer’s part to bring
home to his readers the extent of his heart-felt gratitude on
their behalf, and his concern for their highest welfare. And
here, as in all the other Pauline writings, we readily recognize
that the arresting charm of the Apostle’s style is principally
due to ‘the man behind‘, and that the highest form of all
eloquence, ‘the rhetoric of the heart, is speaking to us’.
11],
Interary Affinities.
ili. Lite-
rary
What has just been said will prepare us not to expect in 4iinities
our Epistles any direct affinities with the more distinctly
literary works of St Paul’s or of previous times. There are,
however, two sources which have left such an unmistakable
1 See Lightfoot Journ. of Class. and
Sacr. Philol. iii. (1857) p. 302.
2 Cf., however, the meiosis in I. ii,
15, IL. ili. 2, 7, the chiasmus in I. v. 6,
and the intentional anakolouthon in
It. ii. 7.
® In Dr A. J. Wilson’s paper on
‘Emphasis in the N.T.’ in the J.7.S.
viii. p. 75 ff., some of the finer methods
of expression, beloved by Paul, are
well brought out.
4 Even Heinrici in his well-known
discussion ‘Zum Hellenismus des
Paulus’ (in his commentary on
_ 2 Corinthians in Meyer vi.®, Géttingen,
1900), while emphasizing the Apostle’s
points of contact with the rhetorical
methods of his contemporaries, quotes
with approval the words of Gregory of
Nyssa prefixed as a heading to this
section, and adds pointedly, ‘Des Paulus
Stil ist individuell und packend,..Kein
Klassiker, kein MHellenist hat so
geschrieben, auch kein Kirchenvater.
Der von seinem Herrn iiberwaltigte
hellenistische Jude steht fiir sich da.’
Cf. also the words of U. von Wilamo-
witz-Moellendorff as cited on p. 121 of
this work.
5 There are some good remarks on
this point in Norden’s great work on
Die antike Kunstprosa ii. p. 509 f.,
though in pronouncing the Pauline
Epistles ‘unhellenisch,’ he falls into
the fundamental error of treating
them as ‘Kunstprosa’ instead of in
direct connexion with the non-literary
texts of the time: cf. Deissmann in
the Theologische Rundschau v. (1902)
p. 66 ff.
(1) with
the Greek
0.T.
as illus-
trated by
1 Thess.
i, 8—i1o
and .
2 Thess.
i. 6—10.
lviii © THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
impress upon the Apostle’s language, as well as thought, that
they cannot be passed over here. They are (1) the Greek O.T.,
(2) certain Sayings of Jesus.
(1) We have seen already how dependent St Paul was on
the Lxx. for many of his most characteristic words. But his —
indebtedness does not stop there. So minute was his acquaint-
ance with its phraseology, so completely had it passed in sucwm
et sanguinem, that, though in these alone of all his Epistles there
is no direct quotation from the O.T., there are whole passages
which are little more than a mosaic of O.T.
pressions.
words and ex-
Two short passages may serve to illustrate this.
The first is St Paul’s description of the result of his ministry in ~
Thessalonica in: 1 Thess. i. 8—to.
i. ὃ ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν yap ἐξήχηται ὃ
λόγος τοῦ κυρίου.
ab. ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν
ἡ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐξελήλυθεν.
i. 9 ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν
πρὸς ὑμᾶς.
9 ‘ “ > , Ν
ib. καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς
Ν Ν 3 Ν a > ,
τὸν θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν εἰδώλων.
ἐδ. δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀλη-
θινῷ.
“ 5 4 x εν 3 “
1. 10 ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ
ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν.
9 3 “ Ν ε ’ ς »
ab. ᾿Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς.
ib. ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς ἐρχομένης.
Joel iii. (iv.) τ4 ἦχοι ἐξήχησαν
ἐν τῇ κοιλάδι τῆς δίκης. 3 Mace.
iii, 2 V φήμη δυσμενὴς ἐξηχεῖτο.
Ps, xviii. (xix. ) 5 εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν
γῆν ἐξῆλθεν ὃ φθόγγος αὐτῶν.
4 Regn. xix. 27 τὴν εἴσοδόν σου
ἔγνων.
Isa, xliv. 22 ἐπιστράφητι πρὸς
μέ, καὶ λυτρώσομαί σε. Jer. iii.
22 ἐπιστράφητε.. «δοῦλοι ἡμεῖς ἐσό-
μεθά σοι, ὅτι σὺ Κύριος ὃ θεὸς
ἡμῶν εἶ.
Jos. iii. 10 ἐν τούτῳ γνώσεσθε
ὅτι θεὸς ζῶν ἐν ὑμῖν. Dan. vi. 26
λατρεύοντες τῷ θεῷ... αὐτὸς γάρ
ἐστι θεὸς... ζῶν εἰς γενεὰς γενεῶν.
Isa. Ιχν. 16 εὐλογήσουσιν γὰρ τὸν
θεὸν τὸν ἀληθινόν.
Isa. lix, 11 ἀνεμείναμεν κρίσιν.
Sap. xvi. 8 σὺ εἶ 6 ῥυόμενος ἐκ
παντὸς κακοῦ. Ps, cxxxix. (exl.) 1
ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς ἀδίκου ῥ ῥῦσαί με.
158. xill, 9 ἰδοὺ yap ἡμέρα Κυρίου
ἔρχεται ἀνίατος θυμοῦ καὶ ὀργῆς.
Our second passage is the great picture of approaching Judg-
ment in 2 Thess. i. 6—rOo.
Here, as generally in the eschatological
passages of the Epistles, the O.T. basis of the whole conception is
even more marked.
LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES
i. 6 εἴπερ δίκαιον παρὰ θεῷ
3 [η a“ 4 ε n~
ἀνταποδοῦναι τοῖς θλίβουσιν ὑμᾶς
θλίψιν.
Φ. Ἀ ΄“ὦ»Μ A 4
1. 7 καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς θλιβομένοις
bl ee eT > “a 3 ’
ἄνεσιν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει
a > a “
τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ.
i. 7, 8 per ἀγγέλων δυνάμεως
αὐτοῦ ἐν πυρὶ φλογός.
. , wn Ἁ
i. 8 διδόντος ἐκδίκησιν τοῖς μὴ
/ a
εἰδόσι θεὸν καὶ τοῖς μὴ ὑπακούουσιν
“~ 3 ’ la ’ ε a >
᾿ τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἴη-
σοῦ.
= ν ’ ’
1, 9 OLTLVES δίκην τισουσιν.
. ” ,
ab. ὄλεθρον αἰώνιον.
. πος , a ,
ab. απὸ προσώπου τοῦ κυρίου
᾿ Φ Ἃ “ , aA > , “Ὁ 93
καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τῆς ἰσχύος “av-
τοῦ.
. “ a
i. 10 ὅταν ἔλθῃ ἐνδοξασθῆναι ἐν
lal > “ “A
τοῖς ἁγίοις αὐτοῦ καὶ θαυμασθῆ-
a ,
ναι ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς πιστεύσασιν.
lix
Isa. lxvi. 4 τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἀντα-
ποδώσω αὐτοῖς. ἐδ. 6 φωνὴ Κυρίου
ἀνταποδιδόντος ἀνταπόδοσιν τοῖς
ἀντικειμένοις. Lam. iii. 64 dzo-
δώσεις αὐτοῖς ἀνταπόδομα, Κύριε,
κατὰ τὰ ἔργα τών χειρῶν αὐτῶν.
Cf. Obad. 15.
Isa. xix. 20 κεκράξονται πρὸς
Κύριον διὰ τοὺς θλίβοντας αὐτούς,
καὶ ἀποστελεῖ αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ὃς
σώσει αὐτούς, κρίνων σώσει αὐτούς.
Ex. iii. 2 ὦφθη δὲ αὐτῷ ἄγγελος
Κυρίου ἐν πυρὶ φλογός. Sir. viii.
10 (13) μὴ ἐμπυρισθῇς ἐν πυρὶ
φλογὸς αὐτοῦ.
Isa. Ιχν]. 15 ἰδοὺ γὰρ Κύριος ὡς
πῦρ ἥξει,.. ἀποδοῦναι ἐν θυμῷ ἐκ-
δίκησιν αὐτοῦ...ἐν φλογὶ πυρός.
Jer. xxv. 12 ἐκδικήσω τὸ ἔθνος
ἐκεῖνο. Jer. X. 25 ἔκχεον τὸν
θυμόν σου ἐπὶ ἔθνη τὰ μὴ εἰδότα
σε καὶ ἐπὶ γενεὰς αἱ τὸ ὄνομά
σου οὐκ ἐπεκαλέσαντο.
Prov. xxvii. 12 ἄφρονες δὲ ἐπελ-
θόντες ζημίαν τίσουσιν.
4 Mace. x. 15 τὸν αἰώνιον τοῦ
τυράννου ὄλεθρον.
188. 11. το ἀπὸ προσώπου τοῦ
φόβου Κυρίου καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης
τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτοῦ (cf. wv. το, 21).
Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 8 ὁ θεὸς
ἐνδοξαζόμενος ἐν βουλῇ ἁγίων. Ps.
Ixvii. (Ixvill.) 36 θαυμαστὸς ὃ θεὸς
ἐν τοῖς ὁσίοις αὐτοῦ. Ezek. xxviii.
22 Τάδε λέγει Κύριος... ἐνδοξασθή-
σομαι ἐν σοί,...ἐν τῷ ποιῆσαί με ἐν
σοὶ κρίματα, καὶ ἁγιασθήσομαι ἐν
σοί.
Zeph. i. 7 εὐλαβεῖσθε ἀπὸ προσ-
ὥὦπου Κυρίου τοῦ θεοῦ, διότι ἐγγὺς
ἡμέρα τοῦ κυρίουι Isa. ii. 19 f.
ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτοῦ,
ὅταν ἀναστῇ θραῦσαι τὴν γῆν. τῇ
γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ κτλ.
(2) More important still is the relation of the Apostle’s
language in our Epistles to certain Words of the Lord that
have come down to us in the Gospels.
For without taking any
(2) with
the Words
of Jesus.
Ix THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
note of some of the subtler resemblances that have been
detected here, there still remain sufficient to show that St Paul
must have been well acquainted with the actual words of Jesus,
and in all probability had actually some written collection of
them in his possession}.
The following are some of the most obvious examples :
I. ii, 7 ἐγενήθημεν νήπιοι ἐν
μέσῳ ὑμῶν.
ii. 12 τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ καλοῦντος
ε “ > ‘ ε “ ld Ἀ
ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν καὶ
δόξαν.
11. 14 ff. τῶν Ἰουδαίων, τῶν καὶ
τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν
καὶ τοὺς προφήτας... εἰς τὸ ἀναπλη-
ρῶσαι αὐτῶν τὰς ἁμαρτίας πάντοτε.
eee 9 ~ , n~ ,
_ 11. 13 ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου
ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων
αὐτοῦ.
iv. 8 ὃ ἀθετῶν οὐκ ἄνθρωπον
39 “Ὁ 3 A A ’
ἀθετεῖ ἀλλὰ τὸν θεόν.
iv. 9 περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας...
ὑμεῖς θεοδίδακτοί ἐστε εἰς τὸ ἀγαπᾷν
ἀλλήλους.
. > ε , ’
iv. τό f. αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος... .ἐν σάλ-
“a , v3 ΩΝ
πιγγι θεοῦ καταβήσεται ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ
ε “a a“ ε
«ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες... ἄρπα-
/ > , > > /
γησόμεθα ἐν νεφέλαις εἰς ἀπάντησιν
τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα.
V. I περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καὶ τῶν
καιρῶν.
1 See especially A. Resch Der
Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu (Text,
u. Unters, N.F. xii.) Leipzig, r904—
a valuable collection of materials, in
Lk. xxii. Ἔγω δὲ ἐν μέσῳ
ε a eg ε oy Y a é σῷ
ὑμῶν εἰμὶ ὡς ὁ διακονών.
Mt. xxii. 3 (the Parable of the
Marriage Feast) καὶ ἀπέστειλεν
τοὺς δούλους αὐτοῦ καλέσαι τοὺς
κεκλημένους εἰς τοὺς γάμους.
Mt. ΧΧΙΠ. 41. υἱοῦ ἐστε τῶν
φονευσάντων τοὺς προφήτας. καὶ
ὑμεῖς πληρώσατε τὸ μέτρον τῶν
πατέρων ὑμῶν. Of. the Parable
of the Vineyard Mt. xxi. 33 ff.
and parallels.
Mt. xvi. 27 μέλλει yap ὁ vids
an > 4 Μ > nn A
τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἔρχεσθαι ἐν τῇ δόξῃ
τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων
αὐτοῦ (Mk. viii. 38 μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέ-
λων τῶν ἁγίων, Lk. ix. 26 τοῦ
πατρὸς καὶ τῶν ἁγίων ἀγγέλων).
Lk. x. 16 ὁ ἀθετῶν ὑμᾶς ἐμὲ
3 a ε ΄ς ΣΆ A 3 a“ Ν
αθέτεϊ- ὃ δὲ ἐμὲ ἀθετῶν ἀθετεῖ τὸν
ἀποστείλαντά με.
Mt. xxiii. 8 πάντες δὲ ὑμεῖς
ἀδελφοί ἐστε. Cf. Jo. xv. 12 αὕτη
3 Ν ει ἢ \ ees ἐ πε ὁ 3 ΄-
ἐστὶν ἡ ἐντολὴ ἡ ἐμὴ ἵνα ἀγαπᾶτε
> ,
ἀλλήλους.
Mt. xxiv. 30 f. (ΜΚ. xiii. 26 f.,
Lk. xxi. 27) ὄψονται τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου ἐρχόμενον ἐπὶ τῶν νεφε-
λῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ... καὶ ἀποστελεῖ
τοὺς ἀγγέλους αὐτοῦ μετὰ σάλπιγ-
γος μεγάλης, καὶ ἐπισυνάξουσιν
‘ 3 ΄ 3 A
τοὺς ἐκλέκτους αὐτοῦ κτλ. Mt.
xxv. 6 ἰδοὺ 6 νυμφίος, ἐξέρχεσθε
εἰς ἀπάντησιν.
Mt xxiv. 36 περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας
ἐκείνης καὶ ὥρας.
which, however, many of the coinci-
dences suggested seem to be very
precarious,
LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES | lxi
v. 2 ἡμέρα Kupiov ws κλέπτης ἐν
νυκτὶ οὕτως ἔρχεται.
Vv. 3 τότε αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπί-
σταται ὄλεθρος.
Υ. 5 πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς υἱοὶ φω-
τός ἐστε.
v. 6 γρηγορώμεν.
γ. 7 of μεθυσκόμενοι νυκτὸς με-
θύουσιν.
V. II οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς τὸν ἕνα.
5 / 5 ε ἴω
V. 13 εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς.
Vv. 18 τοῦτο γὰρ θέλημα θεοῦ.
ι
Il. 1. 5 εἰς τὸ καταξιωθῆναι ὑμᾶς
τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ.
. > Ὁ , “ ’
1. 7 ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τοῦ κυρίου
Ἰησοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ.
i. 12 ὅπως ἐνδοξασθῇ τὸ ὄνομα
τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν, καὶ
ὑμεῖς ἐν αὐτῷ.
.“- conan > “ 4.3
1 a Σ ὧν ἐπισυνα π᾿
ji rie γωγῆς é
αὐτόν.
li. 2 μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι.
li, 3 μή τις ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσῃ.
. > “~
ab. ἀποκαλυφθῇ ὃ ἄνθρωπος
“ 3 /
τῆς ἀνομίας.
“. ε 3 , 7 1 =."
ll. 4 ὃ QvTikeipmevos...woTe αὐτὸν
> Ν Ν lal a ‘4
εἰς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ καθίσαι.
se f δ» Ν ε εὐ δ 3
ll. ο f. οὗ ἐστὶν ἡ παρουσία Kar
ἐνέργειαν τοῦ Σατανᾶ ἐν πάσῃ δυ-
νάμει καὶ σημείοις καὶ τέρασιν ψεύ-
δους καὶ ἐν πάσῃ ἀπάτῃ ἀδικίας
3
τοῖς ἀπολλυμένοις.
ee ’
ll, 11 ἐνέργειαν πλάνης εἰς τὸ
“ > ‘\ “A 4
πιστεῦσαι αὐτοὺς τῷ ψεύδει.
see a >
lll. 3 6 κύριος, ὃς... φυλάξει ἀπὸ
τοῦ πονηροῦ".
1 «Tt is no exaggeration to say that
Matt. xxiv. is the most instructive
commentary on the chapter before us
{2 Thess. ii.].2 Kennedy St Paul’s
Conceptions of the Last Things (Lon-
Mt. xxiv. 43 (Lk. xii. 39) εἰ
ἤδει ὁ οἰκοδεσπότης ποίᾳ φυλακῇ ὃ
κλέπτης ἔρχεται.
Lk. xxi. 34 μή ποτε... ἐπιστῇ
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐφνίδιος ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη
ὡς παγίς.
Lk. xvi. ὃ τοὺς υἱοὺς τοῦ φ τός.
Cf. Je ο. xii. 26 πιστεύετε!
φώς, ἵνα υἱοὶ φωτὸς γένησθ ᾿
Mt. xxiv..42 γρηγορεῖτε οὖν.
Mt. xxiv. 48 ἢ. (Lk. xii, 45)
ὁ κακὸς δοῦλος... πίνῃ μετὰ τῶν
μεθυόντων.
Mt, xvi. 18 ἐ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ πέτρᾳ
οἰκοδομήσω μου τὴν ἐκκλησίαν.
Mk. ix. 50 εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἀλλή-
λοις.
Mt. vii. 21 ὃ ποιῶν τὸ θέλημα
τοῦ πατρός μου (cf. ΧΙ]. 50).
Lk. xx. 35 οἱ δὲ καταξιωθέντες
τοῦ αἰῶνος ἐκείνου τυχεῖν.
Lk. xvii. 30 7 ἡμέρᾳ ὃ υἱὸς τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου ἀποκαλύπτεται.
Primarily dependent on the
Luxx. (cf. Isai. Ixvi. 5), but see
John xvii. 1, 10, 21 fff.
Mt. xxiv. 31 ἐπισυνάξουσιν τοὺς
ἐκλεκτοὺς αὐτοῦ".
Mt. xxiv. 6 μὴ θροεῖσθε.
Mt. xxiv. 4 βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς
πλανήσγ.
Mt. xxiv. 12 διὰ τὸ πληθυνθῆναι
τὴν ἀνομίαν.
Mt. xxiv. 15 τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς
ἐρημώσεως... ἑστὸς ἐν τόπῳ ἁγίῳ.
Mt. xxiv. 24 ἐγερθήσονται γὰρ
ψευδόχριστοι καὶ ψευδοπροφῆται,
καὶ δώσουσιν σημεῖα μεγάλα καὶ
τέρατα wore πλανᾶσθαι εἰ δυνατὸν
καὶ τοὺς ἐκλεκτούς.
Mt. xxiv. 4 βλέπετε μή τις
ὑμᾶς πλανήσῃ.
Mt. vi. 13 ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ
πονηροῦ.
don, 1904) p. 56.
2 For possible references to Agrapha
of Jesus see 1 Thess. iii. 5, v. 4, 21 f.,
2 Thess. iii. το with the notes ad
loca.
Jesus and
Paul.
Ixii THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
Upon the larger question, the relation in which so-called
‘Paulinism’ stands to the original teaching of Jesus, it is
impossible to enter here’. But no one can take account of
the foregoing parallels, and of much that will come before
us in the course of this Commentary, without realizing how
conscious the disciple was throughout of his complete depend-
ence upon his Master. His whole ‘gospel, when not directly
inspired by the living Lord Himself (cf. 1. iv. 15 ἐν λόγῳ Κυρίου
with note ad loc,), was firmly rooted in his knowledge of the
life and words of the historic Jesus, or, perhaps we should
rather say, upon that knowledge as conditioned by his own
sense of union with the Risen Christ, and interpreted in the
light of his own growing Christian experience.
1 Those who desire to pursue the
subject may be referred to three im-
portant monographs which have ap-
peared lately—P. Feine Jesus Christ
und Paulus (Leipzig, 1902), M. Goguel
L’Apétre Paul et Jésus-Christ (Paris,
1904), and R. J. Knowling The Testi-
mony of St Paul to Christ (London,
1905). See also Dr BR. J. Drummond’s
Kerr Lectures on The Relation of the
Apostolic Teaching to the Teaching of
Christ (Edinburgh, 1900). In _ his
pamphlet Jesus und Paulus (Tiibingen,
1906) Kaftan has replied to the ‘ Jesus
or Paul’ attitude of Bousset’s Jesus
and Wrede’s Paulus in the recent
German series of Religionsgeschicht-
liche Volksbiicher. See also A. Jii-
licher’s Paulus und Jesus (1907) in
the same series, where the writer
states his conclusion in the words,
‘Paulus hat also seine Theologie nicht
an die Stelle der Religion Jesu gesetzt,
sondern rings um sie her’ (p. 72).
V.
DOCTRINE.
*Doctrinae divinae vis confluit in amorem.’
Bengel ad 1 Thess. iv. 9.
1. The Epistles to the Thessalonians are generally regarded 1. The
as the least dogmatic of all the Pauline Epistles, and it is true ile
that there is no mention in them of such distinctive aspects of epistles
‘Paulinism’ as the contrasts between law and gospel, faith- é
righteousness and work-righteousness, and flesh and spirit—
that the term ‘justification’ is wholly wanting—and that even
the Apostle’s favourite watchword of ‘grace, which is found
twice as often in his writings as in all the rest of the New
Testament, occurs only in two passages (II. i. 12, 11. 16),
apart from the more formal salutations and benedictions.
This is very far, however, from saying that St Paul had not
by this time reached the definite system of Christian truth
which, even when not expressed, lies at the base of all his
writings. He had now been engaged for a period of nearly
fifteen years in active missionary work, and if he does not find
it necessary to lay special stress here on certain doctrines which
later emerged into prominence wing to the controversies in
which he found himself engaged, this is mainly due to the
circumstances under which the Epistles were written’.
Addressing as he was a small working-class community, Reasons
composed principally of Gentile Christians, and surrounded ' *¥-
1 In his recent Essai sur la Christo-
logie de Saint Paul i. (Paris, 1906)
Monteil utters a much-needed warning
_ on the danger of drawing out a chrono-
logical chart of the Apostle’s growth
in Christian truth from. his writings,
which were conditioned throughout by
M. THESS,
the special needs to which they were
addressed. ‘Paul was above all not
a doctor and a theologian, but an
apostle; far less occupied with framing
a system of dogma and theology, than
with announcing the gospel of salva-
tion’ (p. 12).
2.Doctrine
of God.
Ixiv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
by all the temptations of a great commercial seaport, St Paul
recognized that what his converts stood most in need of was
encouragement, combined with certain very definite warnings
against the undue excitement they were displaying owing
to a mistaken application of his former teaching. And con-
sequently he fell back upon the main elements of that teaching,
with the view not only of showing in what it really consisted,
but of leading his readers on to the higher truths for which he
had been preparing them. So far, therefore, from the simple
theology which the Epistles contain, as compared, for example,
with the more argumentative methods of the Epistles to the
Galatians or Romans, throwing any doubt on their authenticity,
as Menegoz seems tempted to think}, it is precisely what we
should expect in the circumstances*, while the many points
of contact which the Epistles exhibit with the language and
teaching of the missionary discourses of Acts afford striking
confirmation of the credibility of both (cf. p. xlii).
2. In view then of the surroundings of his Thessalonian
converts, we are not surprised to find the Apostle laying very
special stress on the doctrine of God: or rather of ‘the God,
as contrasted with the many and vain gods whom formerly they
worshipped®.
It is from this God, as St Paul and his companions are
11,6 Péché et la Rédemption daprés
Saint Paul, p. 4.
2 It is only from this point of view
that we can accept such statements as
that the Epistles contain ‘a first sketch
of Paul’s doctrine’ (Sabatier L’Apétre
Paul p. 95, Εἰ. Tr. p. 109), or that they
form ‘a kind of Christian primer’ ὡς 6 θεὸς ἤθελεν, and B. G. VU. 246, 12.
(Bruce St Paul’s Conception of Chris- (‘very probably heathen’—ii./iii. a.D.)
tianity p. 15). Schmidt’s statement
out any further designation, is con-
fined to Christian documents is now
disproved on the evidence of the
papyri: cf. Wilcken Archiv i. p. 436,
where such passages are cited as
B.G.U. 27, to ff. (‘certainly heathen’
—ii./A.D.) καὶ παρεδέξατο ἡμᾶς ὁ τόπος
ἐντυγχάνω Te θεῷ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν.
is more exact: ‘To sum up: the dog-
matic system of the Apostle is for
obvious reasons not fully unfolded in
this Epistle but merely touched on inci-
dentally, but this is done in thoroughly
Pauline fashion’ (Der erste Thessa-
lonicherbrief, p. 78).
3 It should be noted, however, that
the old view (Letronne Ziwvres i. p. 8)
that ὁ θεός, taken absolutely and with-
For similar evidence from the in-
scriptions see Ramsay C. and B. i.
p- 498 f., where expressions like ‘thou
shalt not wrong the God’ (σὺ μὴ
ἀδικήσεις τὸν θεόν), and ‘may he not
escape the notice of the God’ (μὴ
λάθοιτο τὸν θεόν), used to prevent the
violation of Christian tombs, are
shown to be based on pagan models;
see further pp. 147, 150 ff.
DOCTRINE lxv
never tired of asserting, that they themselves have derived
‘the gospel’ which they declare (I. ii. 2 ff.)’, and, as they have
been ‘approved’ by God Himself for this purpose (v. 4), so it is
to His verdict that in the last instance they submit themselves
(vv. 4, 10). How complete indeed their sense of dependence
is appears in the emphatic manner in which on four distinct
occasions the missionaries turn from the thought of their own
efforts to the true Author of all grace and peace (I. 111. 11,
v. 23, II. 11. 16, 111. 16)% And it is to Him similarly that
throughout the Epistles they refer the Thessalonians for all
that concerns their own Christian life. They, who formerly
were amongst those ‘who knew not the God’ (I. iv. 5; οἵ, I1.1. 8),
have now turned to ‘a God living and true’ (I. i. 9), and as
their ‘faith to Godward’ (I. i. 8) is entirely due to the ‘call’
which ‘the God’ Himself has addressed to them (1. 1. 4, IT. ii. 13),
so it is of Him that they must continue to walk worthily, if
finally they are to reach the kingdom and glory to which His
‘call’ is summoning them (1. 11. 12, 11. 1.5). Any failure in
this can only be due to themselves, and not to God, for He
is ‘faithful’ to accomplish the work which He Himself has
begun (I. v. 24; cf. IL. ii. 3), and it is ‘in the very presence of
God’—before His all-seeing and all-searching eye—an emphatic
phrase used nowhere else in the Pauline Epistles (cf. 2 Cor.
v. 10),—that the highest human hopes are consummated (LI. 1. 3,
iL ΟΣ 135 ef 1, 19).
It is very noticeable too as showing the nature of the
conception which St Paul had already formed of the Deity,
that frequently in these his oldest extant epistles he describes
God as ‘Father, and that too in a way to suggest that the
term was already in general use, and in need of no explanation
(I. i. 1, iii. 11, 13, IL. i. τ ἢ, 11. 16). Not only does he thereby
forge a fresh link between his own teaching and the teaching
of Jesus (cf. p. lix ff.), but, by the manner in which he associates
1 The actual phrase (τὸ) εὐαγγέλιον would naturally follow on v. 4, the
(rod) θεοῦ occurs elsewhere in the Apostles interject a prayer.
Pauline Epistles only in Rom. i. 1, xv. Bengel (ad I. 111. 11) remarks very
16, 2 Cor. xi. 7; cf. 1 Tim. i. 11. beautifully : ‘ Utraque epistola ad Thes-
2 Cf. also 11. iii. 5 where, before salonicenses fere singula capita singu-
uttering the παραγγελία of v. 6 which 115 suspiriis obsignata habet.’
62
Ixvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
the Father with the glorified Lord, he takes what has been
called ‘the first decisive step’ towards the later Christian doctrine
of the Trinity’.
3. Nothing indeed can exceed the exalted place assigned
to the Person of Christ even in these markedly monotheistic
writings. For though, in accordance with general Pauline
practice, He is only once directly spoken of as the ‘Son’ of
God?, He is united with the Father in a manner which
leaves no doubt as to the essential equality which the writer
regards as subsisting between them. It is ‘in the Lord Jesus
Christ’ as well as ‘in God the Father’ that the Church’s life
consists (I. i. 1, I. i. 1; cf. I. ii. 14): to both Father and Son
(I. iii. 11) and even to Son and Father (II. ii. 16 f.), followed by
a verb in the singular, that the missionaries address their
prayers: and from Both that the highest blessing proceeds
(I. i. 1, v. 28, IL. 1. 2, in. 18}.
The fact too that Christ, even when standing alone, should
be regarded as the immediate Author of His people’s spiritual
growth and establishment in holiness in view of His Second
Coming is most significant‘, especially when taken along with
1 Sanday, art. ‘Jesus Christ’ in
Hastings’ ἢ. B. ii. p. 648; cf. the
same writer’s The Life of Christ in
Recent Research (1907), p-. 131 f.
2 As a matter of fact, the full term
(ὁ) vids (τοῦ) θεοῦ occurs elsewhere in
the Pauline Epistles only in Rom. i. 4,
2 Cor. i. 19, Gal. ii. 20, Eph. iv. 13,
though Christ is referred to as ‘Son’
on various other occasions (cf. 1 Cor.
i. g, xv. 28, Gal. i. 16, iv. 4, 6, Rom.
i. 3, 9, V. 10, Vili. 3, 29, 32, Col. i. 13).
The comparative rarity of the title
may perhaps be due to the fact that it
had already been assumed by the
Roman Emperors, as when a papyrus-
fragment (B.G.U. 174) of the year
7 A.D. begins ἔτους ἕκτου καὶ τριακο-
στοῦ [τῆς] Καίσαρος κρατήσεως θεοῦ
υἱ[6]ν (for υἱοῦ) with evident reference
to the Emperor Augustus (Deissmann
BS. p. 166 f.): cf. Magn. 157°, 3 f. τὸν
υἱὸν τοῦ μεγίστου θεῶν, where the pey.
θεῶν is Claudius, and his ‘son’ Nero!
On the other hand the ‘heathen’
usage of the terr. may have stamped
itself on the Apostle’s mind, and de-
termined him to recover it to its
proper use.
3 In view of the constant tendency
to underrate the Christology of St
Paul’s earlier writings, it may be well to
quote the weighty testimony of Bishop
Lightfoot : ‘The Christology of the
Colossian Epistle is in no way different
from that of the Apostle’s earlier
letters....The doctrine is practically
involved in the opening and closing
words of his earliest extant epistle
(1 Thess. i. 1, v. 28)’ (Colossians?
p. 122).
4 On prayer addressed to Christ in
the Early Church see Zahn Skizzen?
p. 271 ff., A. Seeberg Die Anbetung
des ‘Herrn’ bei Paulus (1891), and
the short tract in Biblischen Zeit- und
Streitfragen by A. Juncker Das Gebet
bei Paulus (1905) p. το ff.
DOCTRINE Ixvii
the part assigned to Him at that Coming. For though Christ
is never directly spoken of as Judge in our Epistles, and the
final issues are ascribed to God (II. i. 11 f.) in accordance with
the general Jewish belief of the time’, it is clearly implied that
in the work of Judgment the Son also will have a part (I. iii. 13,
ἴν. 6, 17, ν. 2 ἔ,, 11. 1. 7 ἢ, 1. 8)". In this connexion, as constantly
elsewhere throughout the Epistles, He is described as ὁ κύριος,
a title which was the common term for God amongst the Jews
of the time, but which is here apparently confined to the Person
of the glorified Lord’, while the identical expressions, which the
Hebrew prophets were in the habit of using of God, are directly
transferred to Him (e.g. I. v. 2, II. 1. 7).
Other evidence, pointing in the same direction, is to be
found in the facts that it is from Christ, no less than from God,
that the Apostles claim to have derived their commission
(I. u. 7; cf. ui. 2, v. 12), and ‘through the Lord Jesus’ that
they enforce their charges (I. iv. 1 f.4; οὗ v. 27, IL. iii. 6, 12),
1 Cf. e.g. 4 Ezra vi. 6 ‘facta sunt
haec per me et non per alium, ut et
finis per me et non per alium’; Orac.
Sib. iv. 40 ff. ἀλλ᾽’ ὁπότ᾽ ἂν δὴ κόσμου
καὶ θνητῶν ἔλθῃ κρίσις, ἣν θεὸς αὐτὸς
ποιήσει.
Elsewhere, however, more particu-
larly in Enoch, judgment is repre-
sented as entrusted to the Messiah,
οὗ, xlv. 3, Ixii. 2, lxix. 27 ‘And he sat
on the throne of his glory, and the
sum of judgment was committed unto
him, the Son of Man’: see also Apoc.
Bar. \xxii. 2, Orac. Sib. iii. 286 f., and,
on the whole subject, Volz Jiid,
Eschat. Ὁ. 259 f., Holtzmann Neutest.
Theol. i. p. 262.
2 For the later teaching of the
Apostle to the same effect cf. Rom, ii.
16, 1 Cor. i. 8, iv. 5, 2 Cor. i. 14, v. 10,
x. 18; and for its significance on the
lips of one who had been brought up
a strict Jewish monotheist see Colani
Jésus-Christ et les Croyances Mes-
sianiques de son temps (1864) p. 155,
‘Pour un juif, dire que Jésus présidera
au jugement, c’était ἃ peu prés dire
qu'il est le créateur. Aussi je ne sais
pas de preuve plus éclatante de l’im-
mense impression produite par le
Galiléen que ce simple fait...un pha-
risien, comme l’avait été Paul, a pu
voir en lui le juge des vivants et des
morts.’
3 Briggs The Messiah of the Apostles
p- 86 π.6, ‘The change of usage by
Paul in applying Lord so exclusively
to Christ and in carefully abstaining
from using it for God the Father was
a radical change of an importance
which it is hard for any one to exag-
gerate. It involved the practical
substitution of the sovereignty of the
Messiah for the sovereignty of God
during the Messianic age.’ It would
perhaps be more exact to say that
St Paul regarded the κυριότης of the
world as exercised ‘ through’ the
Messiah during the period specified.
See further Addit. Note D, p. 136 ff.
4 On the causal force of διά in this
passage cf. WM. p. 474, n., ‘the Apostle
was not acting in his own person, but
as moved through Christ,’ and see
4. Doctrine
of the
Holy
Spirit.
5. Soterio-
logy.
Ixvili THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
while the Thessalonians’ prayers are specially asked that ‘the
word of the Lord’ Jesus may ‘spread rapidly, and be received
everywhere with honour’ (II. iii. 1).
4. This living activity which the power of God (I. ii. 13),
or of Christ (I. i. 8, II. iii. 1), can alone impart to the Word
is no less clearly marked in connexion with the part assigned
to the Third Person of the Holy Trinity, as when the Spirit
is made the ground of the ‘much assurance’ in which the
Thessalonians had received the Apostolic Gospel (I. i. 5), of
the ‘joy’ which, notwithstanding much affliction, they had been
enabled to display (I. 1. 6), and of those charismatic gifts and
utterances which, in view of recent abuses, they were at the
moment in danger of despising (I. v. το f.).
On the other hand, to fall into sins of uncleanness was to
reject ‘the God,’ Whose gift the indwelling Spirit was (I. iv. 78),
and to come short of that complete sanctification which was the
Spirit’s peculiar work (II. ii. 13). *
5. When we pass to the region of Soteriology, it is certainly
somewhat surprising at first sight to discover that the great
doctrine of redemption through the Death of Christ is only
once mentioned, and then in the most general way (I. v. 10).
At the same time, if only from what St Paul himself tells
us regarding his contemporary preaching at Corinth (1 Cor.
i. 17 ff., i. If.), it is clear that this truth was already fully
present to the Apostle’s own mind, and had been previously
proclaimed and accepted at Thessalonica. Else what meaning
could his readers have attached to the indirect but significant
allusion to Jesus as ‘the Rescuer’ out of the coming Wrath
(I. i. 10), or to the definition of the Christian Faith as rooted
in the historic facts of the Death and Resurrection of Jesus
(I. iv. 14)?
If too the other great Pauline soteriological doctrine of the
union of believers with Christ is not stated here with the same
precision that we find in some of the later Epistles, it is
certainly implied, as, for example, in the description of the
‘Church of the Thessalonians (which is)...in the Lord Jesus
A. Schettler Die paulinische Formel 53, ‘Hinter seinem schwachen Wort
‘durch Christus’ (Tiibingen, 1907) p. _ steht die Autoritat Jesu.’
Ξ DOCTRINE lxix
Christ’ (I. i. 1, 11. i. 1), or in the emphatic manner in which
‘life with Christ’ is shown to be the result of the believer's
redemption (I. v. 10, Wa...dua σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν)", and the
final goal of all his hopes (I. iv. 17 καὶ οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ
ἐσόμεθα).
6. It is from this latter point of view indeed, as a prize 6. Escha-
awaiting the believer in the future, that the ‘obtaining of tology:
salvation’ is principally viewed in our Epistles (I. v. 9, II. 11. 14).
The whole outlook is eschatological?: and the definite
announcement of the Parousia of the Lord rounds off each
step in the Apostolic argument (I. 11. 10, ill. 13, Iv. 15, v. 23,
II. ii. 1 ff.).
Nor can there be any doubt that, in common with all the
other Apostolic writers, St Paul regards this Parousia as close
at hand (I. iv. 15)’, though at the same time he is careful
to emphasize that the main fact regarding it is that it will
be unexpected (I. v. 1), and even in his second letter, in entire
keeping with the want of system which distinguishes so much
of his eschatology both here and elsewhere‘, the Apostle finds
1 On this important passage see
further E. Schiider Die Bedeutung des
lebendigen Christus fiir die Rechtferti-
gung nach Paulus (Giitersloh, 1893) p.
33 1
2 Upon ‘the vital bearing of St
Paul’s eschatological outlook upon his
theology as a whole’ see especially
Dr H. A. A. Kennedy’s valuable mono-
graph St Paul’s Conceptions of the Last
Things (London, 1904). There are
some significant remarks in Prof.
Shailer Mathews’ The Messianic Hope
in the New Testament (Chicago, 1905),
Part m1. 6. ii, ‘The Eschatological
Messianism of Paul.’
3 Cf. Jas. v. 8, 1 Pet. iv. 7, Heb. x.
25, Rev. i. 1, and for the teaching of
our Lord Himself, on which doubtless
in the last instance this belief rested,
ef, Mt. xvi. 28, Mk. xiv. 62, Lk. xxi.
28. Wellhausen in his Hinleitung in
die drei ersten Evangelien (1905) seeks
to minimize this dependence, e.g. ‘The
eschatological hope acquired its in-
tensity first through the oldest Chris-
tians, who attached (‘hefteten’) it to
the Person of Jesus’ (p. 107); but see
Sanday Recent Research p. 157 ff.
In any case it should be noted that
a belief in the near approach of the
End is naturally characteristic of
apocalyptic writing, cf. eg. 4 Ezra
viii. 61 ‘Quapropter iudicium meum
modo appropinquat,’ Apoc. Bar. xx. 6
‘For they [the times] will come and
will not tarry’: see further Volz Jiid,
Eschat. Ὁ. 163 f., Holtzmann Neutest.
Theol. ii. p. 188.
4 Cf. Deissmann (Theol. Lit. Zeit-
ung, 1898, Sp. 14): ‘What is called
the ‘‘Eschatology” of Paul has little
that is “Eschatological” about it.,,,
Paul did not write de novissimis.,,,One
must be prepared for a surging hither
“and thither of great thoughts, feelings,
expectations’ (cited by Kennedy op.
cit, p. 21 n.”).
Ιχχ THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
room for a parousia of Anti-Christ—a supreme manifestation
of the power of evil then at work in the world—by which the
Parousia of the Christ will be preceded (II. ii. 3 4.
Upon the significance of this picture of ‘wickedness in-
carnate’ it will be necessary to dwell at length later’. In the
meantime it is sufficient to notice that final and complete
victory rests with the returning Lord. As He descends from
heaven accompanied by His ministering angels (II. 1. 7,
ef. I. iui. 13)?, He is met by His risen and living saints (I. iv. 16f.):
they enter into ‘rest’ (II. i. 7), and ‘eternal destruction’ falls
upon the ungodly (IT. i. 9).
It is only natural that in depicting the events of that Great
Day St Paul should avail himself freely of the figurative
language borrowed from the Old Testament, and the later
apocalyptic writings of the Jews*. But this only serves to
set in bolder relief the generally spiritual character of his
conception, and the ‘fine tact’ which enabled him to adapt
all that was best in the thought of his time for Christian
service*, His whole interest in the Parousia proceeds along
‘redemptive’ lines*®, and his main concern for his converts is
that, having found complete deliverance in Jesus now, they will
be lifted out of the reach of future judgment (I. 1. 10), and so
enjoy that uninterrupted ‘life’ which, as we have already
1 See Addit. Notes I and J, and to
the literature cited there add Ramsay
Exp. vu. iv. p. 417 ff., where the in-
teresting suggestion is thrown out that
the true key to the cryptic utterance of
II. ii. 3 ff. is to be found in the two-
fold light in which St Paul had already
begun to regard the Roman Emperor,
as the present servant of the Church,
in restraining the existing powers of
disorder, but as no less its future and
irreconcilable foe, when the idolatry of
the Imperial cult—an Emperor sitting
‘in the sanctuary of God, setting him-
self forth as God’—had reached its
height. .
2 On the Pauline angelology see
especially O. Everling Die paulinische
Angelologie und Démonologie (Géttin-
gen, 1888).
3 A useful collection of Jewish
parallels will be found in E. Teich-
mann’s Die Paulinischen Vorstellungen
von Auferstehung und Gericht und
thre Beziehung zur Jiidischen Apoka-
lyptik (Freiburg i. B. 1896).
4 See A. Titius Die Neutestament-
liche Lehre von der Seligkeit, ii. Der
Paulinismus (Tiibingen, 1900) p. 47 ff.
The above limitation must be kept
in view in estimating such dicta as—
‘On no subject, perhaps, was St Paul,
in his way of thinking, more a man of
his time than on that of eschatology’
(Bruce op. cit. p. 379); ‘Everywhere
we recognize the Jewish expectation of
the future’ (Weinel St Paul p. 44).
® Kennedy op. cit. p. 160 n.'.
; DOCTRINE Ixxi
seen, he regards as the peculiar possession of Christ’s people
τ ¥..10, iv. £7)
7. Hence, to pass to a last point, the emphasis laid 7
throughout on the moral conditions through which alone ΠΝ
‘life’ can be reached or enjoyed. St Paul knows nothing of
the crude divorce between -religion and morality, which is
sometimes so strangely attributed to him: his whole attitude
is rather ‘a shout of triumph’ as to the reality of the alliance
existing between them? It is not the mere ‘ word of hearing’
that constitutes ‘the believer,’ but the word ‘doing its work’
within the heart (I. 11. 13). And, as it is from the personal
relation of the soul to God, that the necessary pleasing of God
can alone spring (I. iv. 1, cf. ii. 14f.), so, on the other hand,
where God teaches, practice must inevitably follow (1. iv. 9 f,
note the emphatic καὶ yap). So far indeed from ‘faith’ being
separated from ‘ works,’ it is in its results that it is principally
viewed here (I. i. 3, II. i. 11), and in immediate conjunction with
the great Christian duty of ‘love’ (I. 111. 6, v. 8). And as ‘sanctifi-
cation’ is God’s ‘will’ for His people (I. iv. 3), this ‘sanctification’
must extend alike to the entire ‘spirit and soul and body’ if the
Thessalonians hope to be preserved ‘without blame’ at the
Parousia of their Lord (I. v. 23).
Ethical
eaching.
1 For the manner in which the
thought of ‘life’ dominates the higher
teaching of Jewish Apocalyptic, see
W. Bousset Die Religion des Juden-
tums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter
(Berlin, 1906) p. 316, and cf. Volz
op. cit. p. 306.
The same thought is very prominent
in the wonderfully pure faith of Zoro-
aster: cf. Séderblom La Vie Future
@aprés le Mazdéisme (Paris, 1gor) p.
269, ‘Le réve le plus cher de la piété
mazdéenne était celui de la vie éter-
nelle dans un corps purifié, incorrupt-
ible, sur une terre nouvelle, délivrée
de tout ce que la souille encore,’
The whole relation of Persian to
Jewish and Christian eschatology is
full of interest, but cannot be followed
out here. In addition to Séderblom’s
book, the student will find much illus-
trative material in E. Béklen Die
Verwandtschaft der Jiidisch-Christ-
lichen mit der Parsischen Eschatologie
(Géttingen, 1902): see also Dr J. H.
Moulton’s art. ‘Zoroastrianism’ in
Hastings’ D.B. iv. p. 988 f. Several
of the more striking parallels, such as
the foregoing, are noted by Kennedy
op. cit., especially pp. 321 n.!, 330 η.",
336 n.2. On the influence of Mazdeism
upon pagan thought see especially
F, Cumont Les Religions Orientales
dans le Paganisme Romain (Paris, 1907)
6. vi. with the valuable bibliographical
notes.
2 A, Jiilicher Die Religion Jesu und
die Anfiinge des Christentums Ὁ. 86 (in
Die Kultur der Gegenwart, τ. 4, Berlin,
1906).
Authen-
ticity of
1 Thessa-
lonians.
1. Ex-
ternal
evidence.
VI.
THE AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF
THE EPISTLES.
Hitherto we have been assuming the authenticity of the
Epistles to the Thessalonians in accordance with tradition and
the general verdict of the whole Christian Church up to a
comparatively recent period. Nor,so far as we have come, have
we discovered anything in the Epistles themselves to throw
serious doubt on this conclusion. At the same time it is
impossible any longer to ignore that it is now frequently
challenged, more particularly with regard to the Second Epistle.
And though many of the points raised are dependent on the
exact interpretation of various words and phrases to which we
have still to turn, it may be well in the meantime to set forth
the external evidence on which the claims of both Epistles
to genuineness rest, and to examine as far as possible the
principal objections that have been brought against them. For’
this purpose it will be necessary to treat them separately.
I. Tae AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF
1 THESSALONIANS.
1. The external evidence in favour of 1 Thessalonians is
not so strong as we might have expected, nor can it be carried
back to such an early date as in the case of many of the other
N.T. writings. Thus, though there is a certain resemblance
between its eschatological teaching and the Didache, it is by
no means clear that the writer of the latter actually used it.
Nor do the frequently-cited passages from the Apostolic Fathers
amount to much, though two passages in Ignatius, and one in
the Shepherd of Hermas may perhaps be taken as showing
acquaintance with its contents. Much more important testi-
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxili
mony in its favour is the fact that it is contained in the Canon
of Marcion (c. 140 A.D.), and in the Syriac Vulgate and Old
Latin Versions. In the Muratorian Fragment on the Canon
(c. 170 A.D.) it is placed sixth in the list of St Paul’s Epistles.
Irenaeus (c. 180 A.D.) is, so far as we know, the first writer
to quote it by name.
For a possible reminiscence of iv. 15—17 in Didache xvi.
6 f. see the note on iv. 16. The passages from Ignatius are
Rom. ii. 1 οὐ γὰρ θέλω ὑμᾶς ἀνθρωπαρεσκῆσαι ἀλλὰ Θεῷ ἀρέσαι, cf.
li. 4 οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώποις ἀρέσκοντες, ἀλλὰ θεῷ, and Hph. x. 1 ἀδια-
λείπτως προσεύχεσθε (where however the reading is doubtful), cf.
V. 17 ἀδιαλείπτως προσεύχεσθε : and the passage from Hermas
is Vis, 111. ix. 10 παιδεύετε οὖν ἀλλήλους Kai εἰρηνεύετε ἐν αὑτοῖς,
cf. v. 13 f. εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς: παρακαλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί,
νουθετεῖτε..... For the evidence of Marcion see Tert. adv.
Mare. v. 15, Epiphan. Haer. xlii. 9. Can, Murat. ‘ad
tensaolenecinsis sexta.’ In adv. Haer. v. vi. 1 Irenaeus
quotes v. 23 as the words of the ‘Apostle’ ‘in prima epistola
ad Thessalonicenses’; cf. also v. xxx. 2, Clem. Al. Paed. i.
p. 88 p (ed. Sylburg), Tert. de Res. Carn. c. 24.
It is not necessary to carry the evidence further down, for,
apart from the frequent references to the Epistles which are to
be found in the writings of the Fathers from Irenaeus onwards
(see small print above), the very existence of 2 Thessalonians,
whatever its exact date, implies the recognition of the Pauline
authorship of the First Epistle at a very early period in the
history of the Church—a recognition moreover which it con-
tinued uninterruptedly to enjoy until the middle of last
century.
2. The first to raise doubts regarding it was Schrader (Der 2- Ob-
Apostel Paulus, Leipzig 1836), who proceeded on purely sub- ean ei
jective grounds, And in this he was followed by F. C. Baur, ΤΟΝ
who developed the attack against both Epistles with great ticity,
vigour in his Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi (Stuttgart 1845,
Eng. Tr. 2 vols., London, 1873—75). Baur indeed afterwards
saw reason to modify his views regarding the relation of the
two Epistles (in the Theol. Jahrbiicher, xiv. 1855, p. 141 ff,
see his Paul, Eng. Tr. 11. p. 314 ff.), but the objections which
1 «The evidence that Ignatius knew N.T7. in the Apost. Fathers (Oxford,
1 Thessalonians is almost nil.’ The 1005) p. 74.
Ixxiv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
he originally raised may still be said to form the principal
storehouse from which arguments against the authenticity of |
the First Epistle are drawn, and on that account deserve
mention.
In themselves they are of a somewhat varied character, and
embrace such points as the meagreness of the Epistle’s con-
tents, and their close dependence on the narrative in Acts, the
striking similarity to the Corinthian Epistles in thought and
language, the un-Pauline character of such passages as 11. 14 ff.,
iv. 14ff.,and the traces of a later date implied in the description
of the Thessalonian Church.
If, however, the view that has already been taken of
the circumstances attending the writing of the Epistle is
correct (p. xxxiff.), none of these objections should cause much
difficulty. What more natural, for example, than that, writing
as he did to vindicate his own and his companions’ character,
St Paul should dwell at considerable length on the nature of
their ministry at Thessalonica? And if general agreement
in historical details with St Luke’s account is only what we
would then look for, the no less striking apparent divergences
(cf. pp. xxvii, xxx) are in themselves strong proof that we have
the work not of a mere imitator, but rather of an independent
and more fully informed narrator. Nor are the frequent
resemblances to the Corinthian Epistles to be wondered at,
when we remember the short interval of time that elapsed
between their composition, and the closely similar situations
that they were designed to meet. The violent polemic against
the Jews (11. 14 ff) is no doubt startling in view of the
Apostle’s general attitude towards his fellow-countrymen, but
it may be sufficiently accounted for by the strenuous opposition
which at the time they were offering to him in his work (note
the pres. participles ἀρεσκόντων, κωλυόντων, and cf. p. xxxif.)*
Nor is there any need to refer v. 16° to the destruction of
Jerusalem. The language is too vague to be understood of
any such literal and outward event, and, as we shall see again,
clearly refers to the ‘judgment’ passed upon the Jewish people
in the rejection of their Messiah. Similarly the ‘ concrete
representation’ of the Last Things in iv. 14 ff. is not enough,
as indeed Baur himself admits, to brand the Epistle as un-
apostolic, and may easily be due to an early and apparently
transitory stage in St Paul’s eschatological thought. And
1 According to B. Weiss (Apokaly- Volke, das den abtriinnigen Vor-
ptische Studien in SK., 1869, p. 24) kampfer des Christentums mit dem
‘Es war die Periode der schirfsten wildesten Fanaticismus verfolgte.’
Spannung zwischen ihm und seinem
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES Ixxv
finally, the statements regarding the rapid growth and widely-
extended influence of the Thessalonian Church (i. 7f., iv. 10),
even if no account be taken of the Apostle’s constant tendency
to exhibit his converts in the most favourable possible light
(111. 6, 12, iv. 1), are in entire accord with what we know of
the Macedonian character (see Ὁ. xlvi), and the natural
advantages Thessalonica enjoyed for an active missionary
propaganda (see p. xxii).
There seems to be nothing therefore in these objections to
cause any serious difficulty. And even if they were much
stronger than they are, they would be more than counter-
balanced by the tone and character of the Epistle as a whole’.
There is an unmistakable ring of reality about its more
personal passages, a revelation alike of writer and readers, to
which no imitator could ever have attained. Nor again is it
possible to conceive how any one writing after what had come
to be regarded as the distinctive truths of Paulinism were
widely known could so skilfully have avoided their introduction
into a letter purporting to be written by the Apostle*, Only
in such an actual historical situation as we have tried to depict
is an adequate explanation of the Epistle’s raison d’étre forth-
coming. And only in St Paul himself can we find a writer
who could have succeeded in so impressing his personality
upon what he wrote, combined with the freedom in thought
and expression which in themselves are so distinctive of an
original author. Is it likely too that any one writing long after
the expectation had been falsified would have endangered his
credibility by ascribing to St Paul language, which certainly on
the face of it implies that the writer looked for the Parousia
during his own lifetime (iv. 15)?
1 Steck’s supposed discovery (Jahr-
biicher f. protest. Theologie 1883, p.
509 ff.) of the λόγος κυρίου of iv. 15 in
4 Ezra v. 41 f. (cited on p. xxxiii, n.’),
and the consequent carrying forward
of the writing of 1 Thess. to at least
100 A.D., is of no greater weight, as
the relation between the passages is of
the most general kind, and by no means
demands any theory of literary depen-
dence: see further Bornemann p. 310 ff.
2 See especially von Soden’s careful
study ‘Der erste Thessalonicherbrief ’
in SK., 1885, p. 263 ff. Cf. Jiilicher
Einl. in d. N.T. p. 37, Eng. Tr. p. 58,
‘In opposition to the school of Baur
the genuineness of the Epistle should
be upheld as unquestionable. In style,
vocabulary and attitude it approaches
as nearly as possible to the four Prin-
cipal Epistles.’
3 Cf. Knowling The Testimony of
St Paul to Christ (1905) p. 21f.
3. Present
agreement
as to its
authen-
ticity
and
integrity.
Authen-
ticity of
2 Thessa-
lonians.
1. Ex-
ternal
evidence.
Ixxvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
3. Itis only therefore what we should expect, when we find
that the claims of 1 Thessalonians to be regarded as an
authentic work of the Apostle Paul are now freely admitted by
practically all N.T. scholars of importance, its opponents being
limited to those who deny the genuineness of all the Pauline
Epistles'. 7
Nor, apart from the wider question of its authenticity, does
there seem any good ground for doubting the general integrity
of the Epistle in the form in which it has come down to us.
Schmiedel indeed suggests that ii. 15 f. is an interpolation, ᾿
and others, who accept the passage as a whole, are inclined to
throw doubt on the last clause of v. 16 as possibly an ‘editorial
comment, added after the destruction of Jerusalem had taken
place*. But for neither position is there any real warrant (see
notes ad loca); while v. 27, which has also been suspected, is,
whatever the exact interpretation given to it, in thorough
accord with the strained and anxious mood, through which at
the time the Apostle was passing (p. xxxi ἢ),
II. ΤῊΝ AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF
2 'THESSALONIANS.
On the other hand the authenticity and integrity of 2 Thes-
salonians stand on a different footing, and raise questions of a
more difficult character. And, that being so, it is satisfactory
to find that the external evidence on its behalf is both earlier
and fuller than in the case of the First Epistle.
1. Thus, leaving aside possible references in the Didache
and Ignatius, there are two passages in Polycarp both of which
appear to have this Epistle directly in view. It is true that in
the first the writer supposes himself to be quoting words
originally addressed to the Philippians, but the words (see
below) are only found in 2 Thessalonians, and Polycarp may
easily have confused between the two Macedonian Churches,
Witness of the Epistles (1892) p. 133 ff.
2 Moffatt Hist. N.T. p. 626.
3 See further C. Clemen Die Ein-
heitlichkeit der paulinischen Briefe
(Gottingen, 1894) p. 13 ff. ;
1 ἘΠ ΠΡ. van Manen art. ‘Paul’ in
Encyc. Bibl. See the thorough-
going refutation of such extreme
positions by Knowling op. cit. p. 7ff.,
as well as in his earlier work The
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxvii
or possibly in view of their vicinity have looked upon Philippi
and Thessalonica as forming in reality one community. In the
second, it is hardly possible to doubt that he is consciously
adapting a passage of 2 Thessalonians for his purpose, though
unfortunately here, as in the foregoing passage, the Greek
original is lost. Coming further down we find the Epistle
again vouched for in the Canon of Marcion, in the Syriac
Vulgate and Old Latin Versions, and in the Muratorian Frag-
ment, while the references to it in early Christian literature
are both numerous and clear. Thus there seems an obvious
reference to its principal eschatological passage in Justin
Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho, and an interesting passage
in the Epistle Vienne and Lyons points even more strongly in
the same direction. Irenaeus is again the first to mention it
directly by name.
_ With iii. 8ff8 cf. Didache xii. 3, and with ii. 3 ff. cf.
Didache xvi. 6 ff. The passage from Ignatius is Rom. x. 3
ἔρρωσθε eis τέλος ἐν ὑπομονῇ Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, cf. ili. 5 εἰς τὴν
ὑπομονὴν τοῦ χριστοῦ. It is doubtful, however, whether
ὑπομονή is to be understood in the same sense in both passages
(see note ad loc.). With i. 4 ὥστε αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς ἐν ὗρμῖν ἐγκαυ-
χᾶσθαι ἐν τ. ἐκκλησίαις τ. θεοῦ οἵ. Polye. Ep. xi. 3 ‘ego autem
nihil tale sensi in vobis vel audivi, in quibus laboravit beatus
Paulus, qui estis in principio epistulae ejus: de vobis etenim
gloriatur in omnibus ecclesiis?’; and with iii. 15 καὶ μὴ ws
ἐχθρὸν ἡγεῖσθε ἀλλὰ νουθετεῖτε ws ἀδελφόν, cf. Hp.-xi. 4 ‘et non
sicut inimicos tales existimetis.’ The passage from Justin is
Dial. 110 (ed. Otto) ὅταν καὶ 6 τῆς ἀποστασίας ἄνθρωπος, 6 καὶ
εἰς τὸν ὕψιστον ἔξαλλα λαλῶν, ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἄνομα τολμήσῃ εἰς ἡμᾶς
τοὺς Χριστιανούς, and the passage from the Hp. Vienne and
Lyons (ap. Kus. H. Κ΄. ν. τὴ ἐνέσκηψεν ὃ ἀντικείμενος, προοιμια-
ζόμενος. ἤδη τὴν μέλλουσαν ἔσεσθαι παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ... Χριστὸς...
καταργῶν τὸν ἀντικείμενον... «οἱ viol τῆς ἀπωλείας : cf. ii. 3 ff. In
adv. Haer. 111. vil. 2 Irenaeus introduces a quotation from ii. 8
with the words ‘et iterum in secunda ad Thessalonicenses, de
Antichristo dicens, [ Apostolus] ait’: cf. also Clem. Al. Strom.
Vv. p. 554 (ed. Sylburg), Tert. de Res. Carn. 6. 24.
2. On external grounds then the Epistle is amply vouched : ῇ
erna
for, but the internal difficulties are here of a much more serious ae
1 Of. Zahn Geschichte des Neutest. also suggests that he is quoting’ (The
Kanons i. p. 815. N.T. in the Ap. Fathers p. 95).
2 «The present tense of gloriatur
,
The
Epistle
objected to
on the
lxxvili
THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
character than in the case of 1 Thessalonians, and have in
recent years been presented with a skill and force that make
the question of the Epistle’s authenticity one of the most inter-
esting and keenly debated points in modern N.T. criticism.
The attack was started by J. E. Ch. Schmidt (in his
Bibliothek f. Kritik und Hauegese des N.17’. Hadamar 1801,
and then in his Hinleit. in das N.T. Giessen 1804), and his
objections were revived by de Wette in the earlier editions
of his Lehrbuch der histor.-krit. Hinlett. in die kanonischen
Biicher des N.T*., but afterwards abandoned in the fourth
edition (1842), and in his Huxegetisches Handbuch (1841) where
the Epistle’s authenticity is fully recognized. Meanwhile,
however, doubts had again been raised by Kern (T%ibing.
Zeitschr. f. Theol. ii. 1839) who was closely followed by Baur
(Paulus, 1845), both writers seeing in the Epistle a fictitious
writing, dependent on the Apocalypse, and containing features
borrowed from the person and history of Nero: while
Hilgenfeld (inl. in d. N.T. 1875, p. 642 ff.) went further,
carrying its composition as far down as Trajan’s time, a
position with which in the main Bahnsen (Jahrb. f. protest.
Theol. 1880, p. 681 ff.) agreed.
Others in more recent times who have denied the Epistle’s
authenticity are Weizsicker, Pfleiderer, Schmiedel, Holtzmann,
and Wrede, and, in part, P. W. Schmidt and Dr Samuel
Davidson. On the other hand it has gained the support of
Harnack, Jiilicher, and Clemen, has been vigorously defended
by Zahn, and is now treated as genuine by the great majority
of commentators in Germany, including its latest expositors
Bornemann and Wohlenberg, as well as by the general con-
sensus of N.T. scholarship both in this country and America’.
It cannot be denied however that many who support this
conclusion do so with a certain amount of hesitation, and only
because of the still greater difficulties attending any rival
theory.
And it may be well therefore to subject the more
important arguments that have been urged against the Epistle
to a fresh examination with the view of seeing how far they are
really well-grounded. In the main they are derived from (1) its
ground of janguage and style, (2) its literary relationship to 1 Thessa-
lonians, and (3) the character of its doctrinal contents.
1 Dr Charles, who refers to the
Epistle ‘with some hesitation’ in his
Jowett Lectures on Eschatology (1899)
p- 380, is now satisfied as to its
genuineness: see e.g. his Ascension of
Isaiah (1900) p. lxii. On the other
hand Dr McGiffert (Encyc. Bibl. art,
‘Thessalonians’ col. 5045) speaks of
its genuineness as ‘beset with serious
difficulties’ and ‘at best very doubtful.”
.
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES Ixxix
(1) In itself the vocabulary of the Epistle is by no means (1) Lan-
remarkable. The words peculiar to it among N.T. writings δ τὸς οὐδ
number only 10, as compared with 17 in 1 Thessalonians, nor
do any of them cause any real difficulty (cf. p. 1111). And this is
the more noteworthy when we remember the unique character
of some of its apocalyptic passages, and the marked tendency
observable in other of the N.T. writings towards diversity of
language and style in dealing with similar topics’.
But while the vocabulary is thus in the main genuinely
Pauline, various words and phrases are often pointed to as used
in an un-Pauline manner.
Thus it is said that in i. τι (iva ὑμᾶς ἀξιώσῃ τῆς κλήσεως ὃ
θεὸς ἡμῶν) κλῆσις refers to the final call to participation
in future blessedness instead of, as is usual in St Paul, to
the initial act of the Christian’s life. But even if this future
reference be admitted, which is by no means certain, we have
at least a partial parallel in Phil. iii. 14 διώκω εἰς τὸ βραβεῖον
τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, and in any case
we can hardly refuse to the word a latitude of application
which St Paul might so naturally have extended to it. Nor
again surely can any one seriously urge that, because on two
occasions the Apostle used the verb ἐξελέξατο with reference to
the Divine election (1 Cor. i. 27f., Eph. i. 4), he could not
therefore have used εἵλατο in ii. 13 (ὅτι εἵλατο ὑμᾶς ὃ θεὸς ἀπ᾽
ἀρχῆς εἰς σωτηρίαν), a verb which, as we know from other evi- .
dence (Phil. i. 22), he was in the habit of employing, and which
from its special reference to the destiny or vocation of the chosen
was peculiarly appropriate in the present passage. Still more
idle is the objection to ἰσχύς in i. g (ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τῆς ἰσχύος
αὐτοῦ) for the more usual δύναμις, for not only is ἰσχύς vouched
for by Eph. i. το, vi. το, but in the Thessalonian passage it is
actually a quotation from Isa. ii. το. And if any importance is
to be attached to the solitary appearance of ἐνκαυχᾶσθαι (i. 4)
instead of καυχᾶσθαι, which is found more than thirty times in
the Pauline Epistles, or to the combination ὄλεθρος αἰώνιος (i. 9),
which St Paul does not again use, but which is in perfect
keeping with the language of the Old Testament, and more
particularly with that of Jesus, on which in the whole passage
the writer shows himself so dependent, or to the admittedly
difficult construction ὅτι ἐπιστεύθη τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμῶν ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς
(i. 10: see note ad loc.)—do not these and similar anomalies
_ tell at least as much for as against Pauline authorship, for is it
likely that any imitator would have endangered the credibility
of his work by making use of them?
1 Cf. Lightfoot Notes on Epistles of St Paul p. 72 f.
Μ, THESS. F
(2) Lite-
rary de-
pendence
Ixxx THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
The same might be said of the variation that appears in
certain familiar formulas or phrases between our Epistle and
1 Thessalonians, even if other explanations of the changes
were not forthcoming. Thus in the opening thanksgiving,
when instead of the simple εὐχαριστοῦμεν of I. i. 2 we find
εὐχαριστεῖν ὀφείλομεν in i. 3 and again in ii. 13, this, apart
from the added emphasis, is in entire accord with the more
formal style of the whole Second Epistle, to which reference
will have to be made again. And in the closing invocation
the substitution of ὃ κύριος τῆς εἰρήνης (iii. 16) for ὃ θεὸς τῆς
εἰρήνης (I. ν. 23), taken along with the similar interchange of
Persons in ii. 13 and I. i. 4, may well be due to the prominent
place which the exalted Lord was occupying at the moment
in St Paul’s thoughts in view of His glorious Return. In
any case it seems evident that throughout this Epistle ὃ κύριος
is to be referred to Christ and not to God, so that there is
at least no exception here to the general Pauline practice
(see Add. Note D).
Other examples of so-called inconsistencies with the language
of the first Epistle hardly need to be mentioned. When hostile
criticism has to fall back on minutiae such as these, unless
they are supported by other and stronger evidence than any
we have yet discovered, that is in itself a confession of the
insufficiency of its case. And it will be generally conceded
that this Epistle, taken as a whole, so far as its language and
style are concerned, leaves upon the mind of any unbiassed
reader the impression of a genuinely Pauline work!. For not
only are there abundant traces of the Apostle’s characteristic
phraseology and manner, as has been clearly shown by Dr Jowett
and others’, but the whole Epistle reflects that indefinable
original atmosphere which a great writer imparts to his work,
and which, in this instance, we are accustomed to associate
with the name of St Paul.
(2) On the other hand, the very closeness of our Epistle’s
resemblance to 1 Thessalonians has been made the ground of
1 Οὗ Jiilicher Hinl. in ἃ. N.T. p. 40,
Eng. Tr. p. 62, ‘The least important
of these arguments [against the gen-
uineness of the Epistle] are those re-
ferring to the phraseology, for on the
whole the style is so thoroughly Paul-
ine that one might indeed admire the
forger who could imitate it so ingeni-
ously.’
2 Jowett The Epistles of St Paul to
the Thessalonians, &c., 2nd Ed, i.
p. 148 ἢ. According to Reuss Hist. of
the N.T., ed. Houghton, p. 75 ‘For
every ‘“unpauline” expression the
concordance shows ten Pauline.’
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxxi
a second objection to its authenticity. For the literary depend- on 1 Thes-
ence between the two Epistles has been declared to be of such Meanie:
a character that the question comes to be not, ‘Could one man
have written both Epistles?’ but, ‘Is it likely that one man
writing to the same people at what must have been a very
short interval of time would repeat himself to so large an
extent? Or, even if this is conceivable under certain circum-
stances, is it likely in the case of a writer so richly endowed
and so fertile in thought as the Apostle Paul?’
The first to raise this difficulty pointedly was Weizsiicker’,
and his arguments have recently been strongly emphasized by
H. Holtzmann? and W. Wrede*. And the objection is at least
an interesting one, for, when taken in conjunction with other
peculiarities. of the Epistle, it lends itself very easily to the
idea of an imitator or forger, who, in order to gain credence for
certain views he wished to express, encased them, so to speak,
in the framework of a generally accepted Pauline Epistle.
To this supposition we shall have to return later, but in the
meantime before expressing any opinion upon it, we must
notice clearly how far the resemblances between the two
Epistles really extend.
Both Epistles begin with a salutation in almost identical
terms, and marked by a form of address which the Apostle
does not employ again (I. i. 1; II. i. 1, 2).
This is followed by the customary thanksgiving, expressed
again in a way found nowhere else in St Paul, and based on
practically the same grounds as regards the Thessalonians’
state (I. i. 2 ff; II. i. 3 f.).
A section follows in the main peculiar in thought to the
Second Epistle (i. 5-12), but exhibiting many parallels of
language with the First, while the transition to the great
revelation of chap. ii. is marked by a form of appeal (ἐρωτῶμεν
δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, ii. 1) which is found in the Pauline Epistles
outside these two Epistles only in Phil. iv. 3.
The revelation referred to—the section regarding the Man
of lawlessness, ii. 1—12—stands so entirely by itself as regards
1 Das Apostolische Zeitalter® p.249f., lation to the first letter’ p. 295).
Eng. Tr. i. p. 295 f. (‘The fact that the 2 Z.N.T.W. ii. (1g01), p. 97 ff.
genuineness of the epistle has been 3 Die Echtheit des zweiten T hessalon-
strenuously assailed is not surprising, icherbriefs (Texte und Untersuchungen,
but inevitable. The reason for thisis N.F. ix. 2), Leipzig, 1903.
found, above all, in its striking re-
72
Ixxxll THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
contents, that it is frequently spokén of as constituting the
raison détre of the whole Epistle. But, apart from other
Pauline peculiarities of language which it exhibits, it is
interesting to notice in connexion with the point before us,
that we find here the same reminiscences by the writer of a
visit to his readers, and of what he had said when with them,
that we have already met in 1 Thessalonians (ii. 5 οὐ μνημονεύετε
ὅτι ἔτι ὧν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἔλεγον ὑμῖν; cf. I. iii. 4 Kal yap ὅτε
πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἦμεν, προελέγομεν ὑμῖν) : this does not occur again
in the Pauline Epistles.
No sooner, moreover, has the writer of the Second Epistle
finished this, his main theme, than he utters a fervid thanks-
giving and prayer for his readers (ii. 13 f.), after the manner
of I. ii. 13, in which several of the characteristic words and
phrases scattered through the First Epistle are re-echoed.
Similar resemblances may also be traced in the exhortation
that follows to stand firm and to hold fast the traditions they
have been taught (ii. 15; I. iv. 1), and more especially in the
remarkable invocation of ii. 16, which corresponds both in
form and place with I. iii. 11, though there, in accordance
with the usual practice, 6 θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ ἡμῶν comes before
ὃ κύριος ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦς: while the prayer in iii, 5 ὃ δὲ κύριος
κατευθύναι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας may be compared with I. iii. τὰ
αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ θεὸς. . . κατευθύναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῶν, the only other
passage in the Pauline writings where the verb κατευθύνειν is
found, though it is to be noted that it is used in different
connexions in the two passages.
The closing section iii. 6—15, like the closing section
I. v. 1 ff, is occupied with a practical exhortation, which in
the main follows independent lines, though we are again
struck with the recurrence here of various turns of expression
and thought with which the First Epistle has already made
us familiar—such as the warning against disorderly walking
(iii. 6, 7, 11; I. v. 14); the call to emitate the writer’s mode of
life (iii. 7, 9; I. i. 6f.); and the reference to the Apostle’s
labouring night and day that they might not prove themselves
burdensome to their converts (iii. 8; I. ii. 9), to which the
Second Epistle adds the further thought of providing an
example to the restless and idle (iii. 9).
Both Epistles end with an invocation to ‘the Lord (God,
1 Thess.) of peace,’ and with the customary Pauline benedic-
tion (11. ili. 16, 18; I. v. 23, 28).
The resemblances between the two writings are thus very
striking, and justice can hardly be said to have been done to
them as a rule by the upholders of the Pauline authorship of
the Second Epistle. At the same time, care must be taken
that they are not pressed too far. Even our brief review -has
:
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxxili
indicated what an examination of Wrede’s carefully prepared
Tables makes still more evident, that at most the parallelism
between the two Epistles cannot be said to extend to more
than one-third of their whole contents. And from this, again,
there fali to be deducted such points of contact as are afforded
by the salutation at the beginning, the benediction at the close,
the phrases of transition from one subject to another, and similar
formal expressions, where a close resemblance of language is
not only natural: but probable’.
Nor must it be forgotten that even where certain sections
of the Second Epistle correspond in their general contents to
certain sections of the First, the actual parallelisms in language
are by no means always found within these corresponding
sections, but have frequently to be drawn from the two Epistles
as wholes. And not only so, but they often occur in such
different connexions as to suggest not so much the slavish
copying by one man of another, as rather the free handling
by the same writer of certain familiar words and phrases’.
The same may be said of the differences of tone, combined
with the similarities of expression, between the two Epistles of
which certain critics have made so much. It is quite true that
in certain particulars the general tone of Second Thessalonians
is more official and severe than the tone of First Thessalonians,
though warm and personal passages are not wanting (¢.g., 1. II,
li. 16f., 111. 3—5), and that at places the writer seems in diffi-
culties as regards both his language and his grammar’.
But while these facts, taken by themselves, might be evi-
dence of a later writer clumsily imitating another man’s work‘,
1 According to Schmiedel (Hand-
Commentar zum N.T. τι. i. p. 8), out
of not quite 825 words'‘in Second
Thessalonians over 150 correspond
literally, and over 30, with slight
variations, with the vocabulary of
First Thessalonians: not surely a very
large number when the circumstances
of the Epistle’s composition are kept
in view.
2 See further a review by Wernle of
Wrede’s pamphlet in the Gdttingische
gelehrte Anzeigen, 1905, p. 347 ff. (sum-
marized in Exp, vu. ii. p. gt f.).
3 Commenting on i. 3—10, Borne-
mann remarks: ‘Man hat das Gefiihl,
als sei er nicht sofort mit seinen
Worten ins rechte Gleis gkommen und
miisse, zum Teil mit den Worten
seines friiheren Briefes, zum Teil mit
alttestamentlichen und _ liturgischen
Wendungen erst den Zug seiner Ge-
danken rangieren und sammeln’ (Die
Thessalonicherbriefe p. 328).
4 ‘ Kiinstliche oder vielmehr verkiin-
stelte Nacharbeit.? Holtzmann lc.
p- 100.
Ιχχχὶν THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
they may be equally well accounted for by a change in the
mood of the same writer, and in the circumstances of those to
whom he writes.
St Paul was, we know, subject to great alternations of
feeling, and when he wrote 2 Thessalonians, not only was he no
longer under the influence of the same glad rebound from
anxiety regarding the Thessalonians’ state that he experienced
when he wrote his First Epistle, but there is also evidence that
at the time he was personally much harassed by ‘unreasonable
and evil men’ at Corinth (111. 2; Acts xvili. 12 ff.). Moreover,
as regards the recipients of the letter, there are undoubted
traces in the Second Epistle that, between the time of its
writing and the writing of the First, St Paul had heard of an
increasing restlessness among his converts—a business which
was no business (μηδὲν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ περιεργαζομένους,
111, 11)—which might well justify more authoritative and
severe warnings on his part, without however implying the
later Church-discipline (‘ Kirchenzucht’) which Schmiedel tries
to discover in them. :
Nor is it quite fair, as is generally done by those who lay
stress on the closeness of the literary dependence between the
two Thessalonian Epistles, to speak of it as without a parallel
in early Christian literature. For, to those who admit their
authenticity, we have within the circle of the Pauline Epistles
themselves the kindred Epistles to the Ephesians and Colos-
sians, exhibiting an identity of thought and language, such as
to make them, notwithstanding their admitted differences in
aim, almost duplicates of each other. And if St Paul could
. thus repeat himself in two contemporary Epistles, addressed
if not to the same Church at least to the same district, why
should not a like similarity run through two other Epistles,
written at an interval ‘according to the traditional view of at
most a few months, and dealing with a situation which, if
differing in certain particulars, was in the main unchanged
(cf. p. lvi n.*) ?
A further effort to explain the extent of the resemblances
between the two Epistles has also been made by the suggestion
that St Paul had re-read the First immediately before writing
the Second Epistle, or more precisely that he had in his hands
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxxv
the rough draft which his amanuensis had prepared of his first
letter—a clean copy having been despatched to Thessalonica—
and that he drew freely from it in dictating the terms of the
second letter’.
One cannot say that this is impossible, and there would
certainly be nothing according to the literary canons of the
time to prevent a writer thus freely borrowing from his own
previous work. But the very ingenuity of the suggestion is
against it, and presupposes that the Apostle attached a greater
importance to his own writings than their strictly occasional
character warrants.
It is safer therefore to be content with such general ex-
planations as have already been offered, or frankly to admit -
that the resemblances between the two Epistles constitute an
interesting but, in our present state of ignorance regarding the
exact circumstances of their writing, an insoluble literary
problem. This however in no way militates against the Pauline
authorship of the Second, unless other and more definite grounds
for disputing it can be produced.
(3) Such grounds, it is said, are to be found in the Epistle’s
‘doctrinal contents, as being, in the first place, inconsistent with
the clear teaching of 1 Thessalonians, and, in the second, in
themselves of such a character, that it is not possible to think
of St Paul’s having written them.
(a) As regards the charge of inconsistency with 1 Thes- (4
salonians, that rests in the main on an alleged change of attitude
with reference to the nearness of the Parousia. In 1 Thessa-
lonians the Parousia is represented as close at hand, and there
is no mention of any sign by which it is to be preceded; but
in 2 Thessalonians we are distinctly told that it will not take
place until the Man of lawlessness has been revealed?.
To this it is generally replied that the two pictures are not
_ really inconsistent, and that while there is nothing in the
1 «Fir den vielbeschaftigten und 2 Th diktirte’ (Zahn Hinl. in das
seines erregbaren Temperaments be- Ν.Τ. i. p. 179).
wussten Pl lag gerade in diesem Fall 2 Cf. G. Hollmann Die Unechtheit
nichts naher, als das Concept des des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs in
1 Th, wenn ein solches vorhanden war, Z.N.T.W. v. (1904), p. 29 ff.
noch einmal durchzulesen, ehe er den
(3 ) Doc-
trina
contents.
These are
said to be
) incon-
sistent
with
1 Thes-
salonians,
(Ὁ) un-
Pauline,
Ixxxvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
teaching regarding the Parousia in 1 Thessalonians to exclude
the prior coming of the Man of lawlessness, there is equally
nothing in his coming as depicted in the Second Epistle to
delay unduly the expected Parousia of the First: all that is
said is that Christ will not come just yet?.
But while there is undoubted force in this—and parallels
for the conjunction of the two views, or rather for the two
aspects of the same truth may be cited from our Lord’s escha-
tological discourse (Mt. xxiv. 29 ff.), and from the Apocalypse
of St John (Rev. iii. 1 ff, vi. 1 ff.)—it is better not to attempt
to reconcile the two positions too literally. There are many
indications that St Paul’s eschatological views were at this
time in a state of flux, and that his teaching concerning the
Last Things was determined by practical and not theological
motives, without much regard as to how far that teaching
presented a consistent whole?, And it may well have been that
in the short time that had elapsed between the writing of
1 and 2 Thessalonians he had heard of circumstances in his
converts’ state, which led him to emphasize afresh an aspect
of the Parousia, on which he had dwelt when in Thessalonica
(ii. 5), but of which they had apparently lost sight, and which
may also have gained a new significance in his own mind.
(Ὁ) Even, however, if the point be thus turned against the
charge of inconsistency, the question still remains whether it is
at all likely that St Paul, supposing him to have been the
writer, would have so far departed from his general mode of
thought in this particular passage, 11. I1—12. In none of his
other New Testament writings do we find him laying stress
on the ‘signs’ preceding the end; nor does the person of
1 Baur admitted this in his earlier
and, it seems to us, correcter view of
the relation of the two Epistles on this
point. ‘It is perfectly conceivable,’
he says, ‘that one and the same writer,
if he lived so much in the thought of
the parousia as the two Epistles testify,
should have looked at this mysterious
subject in different circumstances and
from different points of view, and so
expressed himself regarding it in
different ways’ (Paulus p. 488, Eng.
Tr. ii. p. 93). On ‘how confused a
maze of eschatological conceptions
could co-exist often in one and the
same person,’ see Wernle Beginnings
of Christianity Eng. Tr. i. p. 25.
2 Cf. Vischer Die Paulusbriefe (1904)
p. 71 ‘Wo eine iiberschwingliche Hoff-
nung spricht, darf man nicht juristische
Prazision erwarten.’
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES ΙΧΧΧΥΙ
Antichrist, with whom in general his conception corresponds,
though the actual name is not used, again appear in his Epistles
except in the incidental notice of 2 Cor. vi. 15 (τές δὲ συμφώνη-
σις Χριστοῦ πρὸς Bediap;). But this in itself is not sufficient
ground for maintaining that St Paul can never have shared
what we know to have been a widely spread belief of his time
(comp. 1 Jo. ii. 18, 22, iv. 3, 2 Jo. 7, Rev. xii. 13; Gfrérer
Jahr. des Heils 11. p. 257). -And if he did not again lay the
same stress on it, that may have been either because he had
outgrown the belief in this particular form, or because he did
not again tind himself confronted with circumstances which
made such teaching either necessary or desirable.
Of course if the historical situation lying at the background
of this teaching is to be sought in the antinomian Gnostic
heresies of the second century, as Hilgenfeld, Bahnsen and
Pfleiderer have from various points of view maintained, or
even in the popular legend of Nero redivivus, which has
been widely believed from Kern and Baur down to P. Schmidt
and Schmiedel, the Pauline authorship of the Epistle at once
falls to the ground.
But, as has already been indicated, the doctrine of Anti-
christ did not come into existence with Montanism, but was
firmly rooted in Jewish soil even before the Christian era ;
while, as regards the Nero-hypothesis, the recent researches
of Gunkel’, Bousset*, and Charles* have made clear that it
was at a much later date than the interests of this theory
require, that those traits belonging to Antichrist. were trans-
ferred to Nero, which alone could make him a fitting basis
for the Pauline conception.
Nor can this conception be derived from the Johannine
Apocalypse, as was at one time freely held’ It is now very
generally admitted by critics of all schools that the ‘hindrance’
to the Man of lawlessness, of which the writer speaks, is to be
1 Schipfung und Chaos Ὁ. 221 ff.
2 Der Antichrist p. 13 f., Eng. Tr.
p. 21 f. See also art. ‘Antichrist’ in
Encyc. Bibl.
3 The Ascension of Isaiah Ὁ. 1xi ff.
*Schmiedel’s view which regards 2
Thess. ii. 1—12...as a Beliar-Neronic
myth (68—7o a.D.) is at conflict with
the law of development as well as with
all the evidence accessible on the
subject’ (p. lxii.‘n.1).
4 ἘΠ 0. Hilgenfeld Hinl. in d. N.T.
p- 647 ff. Later critics, while regard-
ing the close affinity of the Thessa-
lonian picture with Rev. xiii. &c. as
unmistakable, #re careful not to assert
actual literary dependence; cf. Holtz-
mann Neutest. Theologie ii. p. ΤΟΙ,
Pfleiderer Urchristentum? i. p. 97 f.
(Eng. Tr. i. p. 138).
Ixxxvlli THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
found in the influence of the Roman Government, in perfect
keeping with such later Pauline passages as Rom. xiii. I—7.
But if so, it will be at once recognized how wholly different
this is from the description of Rome given in the Apocalypse,
drunk with ‘the blood of prophets and of saints, and of all
that have been slain upon the earth’ (Rev. xviii. 24; ef. vi. 9 ff.,
Vli. 14, xiv. 8, xvi. 19)’.
The whole conception indeed, as it meets us here, is purely
religious, not political, and it is in the Old Testament, in the
teaching of Jesus, and, more particularly as regards form,
in certain Jewish apocalyptic beliefs, that its roots are to be
found (see further Add. Note I, p. 158 ff.).
Further than this it is impossible to go at present without
entering on many of the vexed questions of interpretation
which the passage raises. But if what has just been said
is correct, it will be seen that, obscure though the passage
undoubtedly is, there is still nothing in it to make its
Pauline authorship impossible, or even improbable; while its
genuine Pauline style, and its natural place in the argument of
the Epistle, are strong evidence in favour of the traditional
view.
4. Rival 3. In this general conclusion we are confirmed by the
Theories ynsatisfactory and conflicting nature of the rival theories
regarding ὃ σε ἃ ὃ ᾿ ;
the origin Which are offered of the origin and intention of 2 Thessalonians
car a οἱ by those who deny its authenticity—theories which land us in
2Thes- greater difficulties than any they serve to remove. Incidental
a notice has been taken of some of these theories already, but
Epistle there are three in particular which call for further remark’.
(1) There is, in the first place, the theory of Interpolation,
which has been so frequently resorted to lately to explain, or
explain away, difficulties in New Testament interpretation, and
is said
(1) to bear
which in’ the present instance has at least this in its favour,
traces of
interpola-
tion,
1 *A representation of Rome as a
protecting power, “restraining” Belial,
even temporarily, is inconceivable
after July, 64 4.D.’ (Bacon Introd. to
the N.T. p. 78).
2 On the necessity of the impugners’
of the Epistle’s authenticity supplying
us with an intelligible account of its
origin, see Bornemann Komm. p. 478,
and cf. Wrede’s frank admission, ‘Vor
allem darf es nicht bei der blossen
Negation bleiben: es muss gefragt
werden, wie der Brief positiv als
pseudonymes Schriftstiick zu begreifen
ist’ (p. 3).
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES ΙΧχχὶχ
that we have abundant signs of its presence in the apocalyptic
literature of the period. May it not then have been at work
here ?
May not, as P. Schmidt suggests, 1. I—1I4, 11. I, 2°, 1],
13—18 have formed a true Pauline Epistle, into which a later
writer interpolated the two passages which have caused most
difficulty, 1. 5—12 and 11. 1—12!? .
But apart altogether from the arbitrariness of any such
theory, and the total absence of Ms. evidence in support of it,
the result is to leave a letter so shorn of all its distinctive
features that it is difficult to see how St Paul could ever
have thought of writing it And further, a careful study
of the Epistle as a whole shows that these two sections are so
closely related both to what immediately precedes, and to what
follows, that they cannot be separated from them without
violence.
(2) Of greater interest is the view which Spitta develops (2) to be
in a striking study on the Epistle contained in his Zur eta ssp
Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristentums i. p. 111 ff. Start- Timothy,
ing from the ‘inferiority’ of the Second Epistle to the First, he
holds that, with the exception of the authenticating paragraph
at the end (111. 17, 18), it is the work not of St Paul, but of
Timothy. And in this way he thinks that he finds an adequate
explanation both of its generally Pauline character and of its
peculiarities—of the former, because it was written by Timothy
in close correspondence with St Paul and by his commission:
of the latter, because the Jewish cast of its apocalyptic pas-
sages is in thorough harmony with what we learn elsewhere
regarding Timothy’s Jewish upbringing (Ac. xvi. 1, 2 Tim. i. 5,
i. 14 ἢ)
But, to take the last point first, was Timothy after all
more of a Jew than St Paul? And difficult though it may be
to reconcile on paper the attitude towards the Jews which
underlies 11. 1—2 with that afterwards elaborated in Rom. xi.,
1 Der erste Thessalonicherbrief Ὁ. (‘Grundlage’), which was afterwards
111 ff. (Berlin, 1885). worked up into an Epistle (Neutest.
2 So strongly does Hausrath feel Zeitgesch.? iii. Ὁ. 198, Eng. Tr. iii,
this, that apparently he regards ii. pp. 215).
1—12 as the genuine Pauline fragment
ΧΟ THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
Dr Moffatt properly insists that ‘it would be psychologically
false to deny the compatibility of both positions at different
periods within a single personality’ By the time Romans ΧΙ.
came to be written, the Apostle was ‘more dispassionate and
patriotic, or rather had attained to wider views of the possi-
bilities God had in store for the chosen people.
It is in the want, however, of any satisfactory direct evi-
dence in support of it that the real weakness of Spitta’s theory
may be seen. For the verse on which he relies so much will
certainly not bear the strain put upon it—‘Remember ye not,
that when I was yet (ἔτι) with you, I told you these things?’
(ii. 5). The ἔτι, so Spitta argues, points to a time very shortly
before that at which the writer is writing. And as Timothy
had been at Thessalonica more recently than St Paul, the
reference is thought to be naturally to his visit. But is there
any need so to restrict ἔτ ἡ All that it implies is the de-
sire on the writer’s part to carry his readers back with him
to the time when he was with them, whenever that time may
have been. And further, is it conceivable that ἔλεγον can be
understood of any other than the leading writer St Paul, more
particularly in view of the admitted reference of the first person —
singular to him in II. iii. 17 and 1. iii. 5, v. 27, the only other
passages in the two Epistles where it is used? Had Timothy
wished to distinguish himself here from his two companions,
Paul and Silvanus, would he not certainly have added his
name ἐγὼ ὁ Τιμόθεος, or some such expression, and not have
trusted to the Thessalonians’ recognizing his handwriting as
different from that of St Paul in the closing paragraph (111. 17,
18), as Spitta is driven to suggest®.
That Timothy may on this occasion have acted as St Paul's
amanuensis is of course possible; and it is perhaps in the
1 Hist. N.T. p. 626.
2 «Auf eine Anwesenheit in Thessa-
lonich, welche bereits lingere Zeit
vergangen ist, passt der Ausdruck
nicht’ (p. 124).
8 «Bin Missverstindniss war ja fiir
die Briefempfinger nicht wohl méglich,
davon zu geschweigen, dass sie des
Timotheus Handschrift werden ge-
kannt haben im Unterschied von der
des Paulus in der Schlussbemerkung,
3, 18. Somit ergiebt es sich mit
ziemlicher Sicherheit, dass der im
Namen von Paulus, Silvanus und
Timotheus ausgegangene 2. Thess,-
Brief von den letzter dieser drei abge-
fasst und von den ersten nur mit einen
eigenhiindigen Schlusswort versehen
ist’ (p. 125).
AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES XCl
thought of a change of amanuensis from (say) Silvanus in the
First Epistle that some of our Epistle’s linguistic peculiarities
may find an explanation (cf. Add. Note A, p.125f). But this is
very different from supposing that Timothy was actually its
author, or that the Apostle set his own seal to views with which
he was not wholly in agreement, as Spitta’s theory requires.
(3) If then the writer was not St Paul, there is nothing (3) to be
left for us but to fall back upon the suggestion which has been ‘8°Y-
urged from time to time in various forms, that the Epistle is
the work of an unknown writer, who, anxious to gain currency
for his own views regarding the Last Things, imbedded them in
a framework skilfully drawn from St Paul’s genuine Epistle.
We have seen already the objections attending any ‘such
theory, in so far as it is connected with a definite historical
situation such as the expected return of Nero. But apart
altogether from such considerations, is it likely that a fictitious
Epistle addressed on this showing to a Church which had
already an authentic Epistle of St Paul’s, and in which many
of the original recipients may well have been alive, would ever
have gained currency as the Apostle’s ?
So strongly does Wrede, the latest exponent of the theory,
feel this that he suggests that the Epistle was never intended
for Thessalonica at all, but that the unknown writer simply
made a general use of 1 Thessalonians, as, owing to its apo-
ealyptic character, best serving the purpose he had in view
(pp. 38 ff. 68). So that it comes to this: That this Epistle,
so amply vouched for in antiquity, is nothing but a barefaced
forgery '—written in the name of St Paul by one who was not
St Paul—invested with the authority of the Apostle, though
designed to correct views currently attributed to the Apostle—
and addressed to the Church of Thessalonica, though having
another and a very different circle of readers in view. Surely
there are more ‘misses’ here
1 It is unfortunate to have to use
the word ‘forgery’—round which such
definite associations have now gathered
—in connexion with our problem; but
no other word brings out so well the
deliberate attempt of one man to use
the name and authority of another in
than any ‘hits, with which,
his writing. In view of iii. 17, 18,
there can be no talk here of a harm-
less pseudonymous writing. Cf. Wrede
p- 86: ‘Stammt der zweite Thessa-
lonicherbrief nicht von Paulus, so ist Ὁ
er eine Falschung.’
4. General
conclu-
sion.
XCli THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
according to the most charitable interpretation of it, the theory
can be credited ! ᾿
Nor does the view of forgery, so improbable in itself, derive
any real help from two passages which are often cited in
support of it, and as in themselves conclusive against the
Epistle’s genuineness.
The first of these is ii. 2: “To the end that ye be not readily
shaken from your reason, nor yet be disturbed either by spirit,
or by word, or by epistle as from us, as if the day of the Lord
is now present.’ But even if the difficult clause, μήτε δι
ἐπιστολῆς ὡς δι’ ἡμῶν, be taken as referring to the possible
existence of a pretended or forged epistle, and is not merely
the exhausting by the writer of the different ways by which
the Thessalonians might have been disturbed—spirit, word,
letter, it represents at most just such a vague suspicion as
might have crossed St Paul’s mind (ef. I. v. 27), but which
would have been exceedingly unnatural in one who was him-
self engaged in passing off a spurious letter.
The same may be said of ili. 17: ‘The salutation of me
Paul with mine own hand, which is the token in every epistle:
so I write. The particular form of authentication used here is
unique among the Pauline Epistles; and if it had been the
work of a forger, would he not have been more careful to follow
St Paul’s general usage, as it meets us in I Cor. xvi. 21, or
Col. iv. 18? ‘But if Paul wrote the words, they express his
intention; and this intention was satisfactorily fulfilled if he
always added the benediction in his own handwriting’
4. On the whole then, without any desire to minimize the
difficulties surrounding the literary character and much of the
contents of this remarkable Epistle, there seems to be nothing
in them to throw undue suspicion on its genuineness; while
the failure of those who reject it to present any adequate
explanation of how it arose, or of the authority it undoubtedly
possessed in the Early Church, is in itself strong’ presumptive
evidence that the traditional view is correct, and that we have
here an authentic work of the Apostle Paul.
1 Drummond The Epistles of Paul (in International Handbooks to the
the Apostle to the Thessalonians &c. N.T.) p. 13.
VII.
AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT.
The text adopted for the following commentary is the Greek Text
text of Westcott and Hort: it approximates therefore closely to regis
the type of text represented by NB. In these circumstances it mentary.
has not been thought necessary to provide a complete apparatus
criticus; but wherever the Editors have shown any doubt as
to the true reading by the use of brackets or the insertion
of marginal readings, the leading authorities on both sides have
been cited. These authorities have as a rule been taken from
the great collection of Tischendorf (Nov. Test. Graec® ii.
Leipzig, 1872), or from Friedrich Zimmer's useful monograph
Der Text der Thessalonicherbriefe (Quedlinburg, 1893), and the
citations, more particularly in the case of the versions, have, as
far as possible, been verified, and sometimes corrected, by a
comparison with the best available texts of the originals’.
It will be kept in view that the accompanying lists aim Lists of
only at enumerating the authorities actually cited in the ease
apparatus or textual commentary.
I. Greek MSS.
The text is contained in whole, or in part, in the following I. Greek
MSS.
i. Primary Uncials, i. Primary
‘eg ‘ ‘ : Uncials.
s. Codex Sinaiticus, saec. iv. Discovered by Tischendorf
in the Convent of St Catherine on Mt Sinai, and
1 In this connexion I desire to ex- kindly verified the citations from
press my indebtedness to Mr Norman __ the Syriac, Armenian, and Aethiopic,
M°‘Lean, Christ’s College, Cambridge, and from the Egyptian versions re-
and the Rev. A. E. Brooke, B.D., spectively.
King’s College, Cambridge, who have
χοΙν
THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
now at St Petersburg. The MS. has been corrected
by various hands, of which δε ἢ is nearly contemporary,
x? belongs probably to the sixth century, and x°
to the beginning of the seventh. Ed. Tischendorf,
Leipzig, 1864.
A. Codex Alexandrinus, saec. v. Originally at Alexandria.
Presented by Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Constantinople,
to Charles I. in 1628, and deposited in the British
Museum in 1753... Issued in autotype facsimile by
E. M. Thompson, London, 1879.
B. _ Codex Vaticanus, saec. iv. Generally believed to be the
oldest extant MS. of the Greek Bible. O. von
Gebhardt dates it c. 331, A. Rahlfs (7 λοοῖ. Literatur-
zeitung, 1899, Pp. 556) soon atter 367. Probably of
Egyptian origin, though there are also strong grounds
for inclining to a connexion with the Eusebian library
at Caesarea (Kenyon, Text. Criticism of the N.T.,
p. 66 ff.; cf. SH. p. lxvii ἢ). The MS. has been one
of the great treasures of the Vatican Library since
shortly after its foundation, and was issued in photo-
type by J. Cozza-Luzi and others (Rome, 1889), and
better in photographed facsimile by Hoepli (Milan,
1904).
C. Codex Ephraemi rescriptus, saec. v. A Palimpsest, much
D(D.).
G(G,).
mutilated. ‘he remains of the Greek Text, under-
lying the works of Ephraim the Syrian (7373), were
deciphered and published by Tischendorf, Leipzig,
1843. Of our Epistles the fragment 1 Thess. i. r—
ii. g is all that survives. The original MS. is now in
Paris.
Codex Claromontanus, saec. vi. A Graeco-Latin MS.
from the monastery of Clermont, near Beauvais, and
now at Paris. Its type of text is closely akin to
EFG, and ‘all probably go back to one common arche-
type, the origin of which is attributed to Italy’
(Kenyon, p. 81). Of its correctors D” dates from about
the seventh, and D¢ from the ninth or tenth century.
Ed. Tischendorf, Leipzig, 1852.
Codex Boernerianus, saec. ix. A Graeco-Latin MS.,
so named from Prof. C. F. Boerner, who bought it in
1705; now at Dresden. For the conjectural history
of the MS. see SH. p. Ixiv, and for its relation to D
and the Gothic version, ibid. p. lxix f. Ed. Matthaei,
Meissen, 1791.
1 A, Souter (J. T.S, vi. p. 240 ff.) argues that D belongs to Sardinia.
- AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT XCV
H(H;). Codex Coislinianus, saec. vi. Originally in the library
of the Laura on Mt Athos. Forty-one leaves still
exist, scattered through various libraries, and in
addition the text of twenty-two pages has been
recovered from the ‘offsets’ left by them on the pages
opposite. The fragment at Kieff contains 1 Thess.
il, g—13, iv. 5—11. The subscription connects the
MS. with Euthalius, on whom see especially Dean
Armitage Robinson, Luthaliana (Texts and Studies,
ili, 3), Cambridge, 1895; cf. SH. p. lIxviii ἔν, von
Dobschiitz in Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte, xix. 2,
von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments (1902),
i. p. 637 ff, Turner in Hastings’ D.B. v. p. 524 ff,
Conybeare in Z.NV.7.W. v. (1904) p. 39 ff, Robinson
in J.7'\S. vi. p. 87 ff. The text was edited by Omont,
Notices et Hxtraits, xxxiii. pt. i. p. 141 ff., with the
St Petersburg offsets, the Paris and Turin offsets by
Robinson (Huthaliana, p. 48 ff), and the recently
recovered Athos offsets by Prof. Kirsopp Lake,
Facsimiles of the Athos Fragments of Codex H of
the Pauline Epistles (Oxford, 1905).
No account has been taken of E(E;) and F(F,) in accordance
with Hort’s judgment that the former in its Greek text is simply
a transcript of D(D,), and the latter, as certainly, a transcript
of G(G,), or ‘an inferior copy of the same immediate exemplar’
(Intr.? § 203).
il. Secondary Uncials. ii, Second-
: j Un-
K(K,). Codex Mosquensis, saec. ix. Moscow. eh
L(L,). Codex Angelicus, saec. ix. Rome.
P(P,). Codex Porphyrianus, saec. ix. St Petersburg. Wants
t Thess. iii. 5 pyxerc...ques οἱ iv. 17. Ed. Tischendorf
in Mon. Sacr. Ined., Nov. Coll., v., Leipzig, 1865,
pp. 58—364.
11, Minuscules. iii. Minus-
cules.
According to von Soden (Die Schriften des N.T. i. p. 44) there
are now about 630 cursive MSS. available for the Pauline Epistles.
The following are a few of the most important. ; 3
4** (= Acts 4): saec. xv, now in Basle, Univ. A.N. iv. 5.
6 (= Gosp. 6, Acts 6): saec. xi, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 112.
17 (=Gosp. 33, Acts 13): saec. xi, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 14.
Deserves special notice (Hort, Intr.’ § 212).
23: A.D. 1056, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Coisl. Gr. 28.
M. THESS. 9
AR
OF THE τῇ
UNIVERSITY
II. Ver-
sions.
i. Latin.
(1) Old
Latin.
XCV1 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
31 (=Acts 25, Apoc. 7): A.D. 1087, in London, Brit. Mus.
Harl. 5537.
37 (=Gosp. 69, Acts 31, Apoc. 14): saec. xv, in Leicester,
Library of the Town Council. ‘Has many Non-
Alexandrian, Pre-Syrian readings of both kinds’ (Hort,
Intr.’ ὃ 212). For the history of this interesting MS.
see Scrivener, Codex Augiensis (Cambridge, 1859),
Introd. p. xlff and Appendix, J. Rendel Harris,
Origin of the Leicester Codex (Cambridge, 1887).
47: saec. xi, in Oxford, Bodl. Roe τό.
67 (=Acts 66, Apoc. 34): saec. xi, in Vienna, Imp. Gr.
th. 302.
67**; very ancient readings in the margins of 67, which have
no other cursive attestation. Hort (J/ntr.? ὃ 212)
regards them as akin to M "!, though they cannot have
been derived from the text of M > itself.
71: saec, xii, in Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 61.
73 (= Acts 68): saec. xiii, in Upsala, Univ. MS. Gr. τ.
116 (= Acts 101): saec. xiii, in Moscow, Syn. 333.
137 (<= Gosp. 263, Acts 117): saec, xiii, in Paris, Nat. Gr. 61*.
154 (= Acts 126): saec, xi, in Paris, Nat. Gr. 217.
For Athos, Laura 184 Β. 64 (saec. x)=a 78 of von Soden’s
list, see Sect. III under Origen.
II. VERSIONS.
The ancient Versions are as follows.
1, Latin.
(1) Old Latin (Lat Vet Vg or O.L.). The history of the Old
Latin version (or versions) is still involved in many perplexities :
it must be sufficient to refer here to the exhaustive art. by
Dr H. A. A. Kennedy in Hastings’ D.B. iii. p. 47 ff., where
Antioch is suggested as its original home. Mr C. H. Turner and
Prof. Souter, on the other hand, are emphatic for Rome, while the
majority of modern critics may be said to favour the theory of an
African origin. The extant fragments of the version have been
collected by the Benedictine, P. Sabatier, in his monumental work
Bibliorum sacrorum latinae versiones sew vetus Italica (Rheims,
1739—49). See also L. Ziegler, Die lateinischen νυδόν ae
vor Hieronymus, Munich, 1879.
= AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT xevii
The following authorities for the Pauline Epistles have been
cited.
d: Latin version of D (Cod. Claromontanus), ‘The genuine
Old Latin character of the text is indicated by its
frequent agreement with the quotations of Lucifer
of Cagliari (1370) (F. C. Burkitt, Hncyc. Bibl. col.
4995):
f: Latin version of F (Cod. Augiensis).
g: Latin version of G (Cod. Boernerianus).
m: the so-called Speculum, a treatise falsely assigned to
St Augustine, which contains extracts from a Spanish
text, akin to the Bible used by Priscillian (see Hort
as quoted in Gregory, Teatkritik des Neuen Testamentes
(1902), ii. p. 606). Ed. by Weihrich in Vienna Corpus
script. eccles. Lat. xii. 1887.
r’: A fragment, belonging to the seventh century, preserved
at Munich. Contains 1 Thess. i. 1—10.
(2) Vulgate (Vg). <A revision by Jerome of the Old Latin to (2) Vul-
bring it closer to the Greek text he possessed (‘Graecae fidei 84te.
auctoritati reddidi Novum Testamentum’). The authoritative edition
_ of the Roman Church, issued by Clement VIII. in 1592, has been
reprinted by Nestle (Stuttgart, 1906) in a very convenient form
with a carefully selected apparatus. The great critical edition of
the N.T., which is being prepared by Bishop J. Wordsworth and
the Rev. H. J. White has not yet advanced beyond the Acts
(Oxford, 1889—).
‘The readings of the Vulgate MSS. (Vg°**) will be found (partly)
in Nestle, and more fully detailed in Tischendorf.
ii. Syriac. ii. Syriac.
There is naturally no translation of the Bible which has more
interest for us than the Syriac, though we must be careful not to
identify this dialect of the Euphrates valley with the Aramaic
spoken by our Lord: see especially Burkitt, Hvangelion da Mephar-
veshe, vol. ii. (Cambridge, 1904). The history of its various versions,
and of the vexed questions raised by them, is fully discussed in the
same writer’s art. ‘Text and Versions’ in the Hncyc. Bibl. col.
4998—5006. ἢ
We are here concerned only with two of these versions.
(1) Syr (Pesh)=the Syriac Vulgate or Peshitta, ie. ‘the (1) The
simple,’ so named apparently to distinguish it from Peshifta.
subsequent editions ‘which were furnished with mar-
ginal variants and other critical apparatus.’ Burkitt
regards it as the work of Rabbila bishop of Edessa
(or some one deputed by him) between 411 and
435 A.D. Edd. Leusden and Schaaf (1709); S. Lee
(1816). The new critical edition of Mr G. H. Gwilliam
92
(2) The
Harclean.
iii. Arme-
nian.
iv. Egyp-
tian.
(1) Bo-
hairic.
(2) Sa-
hidie.
v. Aethi-
opic.
xcvili THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
has not yet advanced beyond the Gospels (Oxford,
tgor). For the ‘Place of the Peshitto Version in
the Apparatus Criticus of the N.T.’ see the same
writer's art. in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, v. iii.
Oxford, 1903. |
(2) Syr (Harcl). A recension made by Thomas of Harkel
, in 616 of the older Philoxenian version of 508. The
text is ‘remarkable for its excessive literalness,’ and
follows ‘ almost invariably that of the later Greek MSS.’
(Burkitt). It is cited by Tischendorf as syr™*trt], and
is edited by J. White as Versio Syriaca Philoxeniana,
Oxford, 1778—1803.
Of great importance are certain readings in the margin of
the foregoing version.
(Syr (Harcl mg.)) derived from ‘three (v.l. two) approved
and accurate Greek copies’ in the monastery of the
Enatonians near Alexandria (Hort, Jnér.’ § 215).
lil. Armenian.
The existing Armenian Vulgate (Arm) is a revision about the
middle of the fifth century of certain original translations based
upon the Old Syriac (Robinson, Huthaliana, p. 72 ff.). The Greek
text used for this revision was apparently closely akin to NB. ἡ
Ed. Zohrab, Venice, 1805.
iv. Egyptian.
(1) Bohairic (Boh=me (Memphitic) WH., =cop (Coptic)
Tisch.). A very early date has sometimes been assigned
to this version, but recent research points rather to
the sixth or seventh century (Burkitt, Hncyc. Bibl.
col. 5008). The Pauline Epistles have been edited
by G. Horner in vol. iii, of his Bohairic N.T., Oxford,
1905.
(2) Sahidic (Sah=the (Thebaic) WH.). Now believed to
be older than the Bohairic version, going back at least
to the early part of the fourth century. The N.T.
exists only in fragments, which have not yet been
collected into a formal edition. [It is understood that
G. Horner is preparing one for the Clarendon Press. |
Ciasca’s collections have been used in the verification
of the citations in the present volume.
v. Aethropre.
The date of the Aethiopic version (Aeth) is again uncertain.
It may be as early as the fourth century, but is more generally
assigned to the end of the fifth (Scrivener, /ntrod. to the Crit. of
the N.T.* ii. p. 154). The text from an edition printed at Rome in
1548—g is to be found in Walton’s Polyglott, also in an edition
prepared by T. Pell Platt (for the Bible Society) in 1830.
AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT ΧΟΙ͂Χ
vi. Gothic. vi. Gothic.
The Gothic version (Go) was made for the Goths by Ulfilas, who
succeeded Theophilus as their Bishop in 348. The translation
follows with great fidelity a Greek text, evidently closely akin to
the secondary uncials (KLP). It may however have been modified
by the influence of the Latin versions, and ‘for textual purposes,
therefore, its evidence must be used with care’ (Kenyon, Zext. Crit.
p. 204). Edd. Gabelentz and Loebe, Leipzig, 1836—43.
III. FATHERS. II.
Fathers.
The following particulars regarding the patristic authorities
cited have been drawn, with additions, from Gregory’s Test-
kritik, ii. p. 770 ff." Migne, P. Z., has been used to denote Migne,
Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Latin series, Paris, 1844—64,
and Migne, P.G., the corresponding Greek series, Paris, 1857—66.
Amb= Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, 374—397. Ed. Migne,
ἢ... xiv.—xvii. (1845). A considerable portion of
what will henceforward be the authoritative edition
of his works has already appeared in the Vienna
Corpus, under the care of K. Schenkl, and latterly
of H. Schenkl, Vienna, 1896—.
Ambst (or Ambrstr)= Ambrosiaster (see under List of Com-
mentaries). ‘The text used, pending the issue of the
critical edition by H. Brewer 8. J. in the Vienna
Corpus, has been that of Migne, P.Z. xvii., but the
text has been critically revised for this edition with
MSS. Bodl. 756 (of the eleventh century) and 689 (of
the twelfth century) by A. Souter. The Commentary
from which this complete text of St Paul’s Epistles
is extracted was issued in Rome between 366 and
384 4.D., and contains the (Old-Latin) text commonly
used in Rome at that date, and revised by Jerome to
make the Vulgate. A study of this text has been
published in A. Souter’s Study of Ambrosiaster (in
Texts and Studies, vii.), Cambridge, 1905, and the
author’s conclusions have been accepted by Prof.
Kirsopp Lake of Leiden (Review of Theology and Phi-
losophy ii. [1906—1907] p. 620f.).
Ath = Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (+373). Ed. Migne,
P.G. xxv.—xxviii.
1 Reference may also now be made and Text of the New Testament (Edin-
to the same writer’s graphic Canon burgh, 1907).
THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
Bas= Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia,
+379. The Benedictine edition of his works under
the care of J. Garnier appeared at Paris, 1721—30.
Chr=John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, f 407.
For the various readings contained in MSS. of Chry-
sostom (Chr°@*) see Tischendorf. Collations of these
were published by Matthaei in his critical edition of
the N.T. (1803—-07). See further under List of Com-
mentaries,
Clem = Homilies of the Pseudo-Clement. Ed. P. de Lagarde,
Leipzig, 1865. For the general history of ‘The
Clementine Literature’ see A. C. Headlam in J.7.S.
lil, p. 41 ff
Const = Apostolic Constitutions. Edd. P. de Lagarde, Leipzig,
1862; F. X. Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostol-
orum, Paderborn, 1906.
Cypr=Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, +258. Ed. W. Hartel
in the Vienna Corpus, 1868—71.
Cyr-Alex = Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, 412—444. Ed.
Migne, P.G. lxviii.—lxxvii.
Oyr-Hier = Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, 350—386. Edd. Migne,
P.L, xxxiii.; W. C. Reischl and J. Rupp, Munich,
1848—6o ; Photius Alexandrides, Jerusalem, 1867—8.
Did = Didymus of Alexandria, +394 or 399. Ed. Migne,
P.G. xxxix.
Ephr = Ephraim the Syrian, +373. A Latin translation of
the Armenian version of his Commentaries on the
Pauline Epistles was edited by the Mechitarist Fathers,
Venice, 1893. See also F. H. Woods ‘An Examination
of the N.T. Quotations of Ephrem Syrus’ in Stud. Bib/.
et Eccles. 111. Ὁ. 105 ff.; Oxford, 1891.
Eus = Eusebius of Caesarea, +340. Ed. Migne, P.G. xix.—
xxiv. A new edition of his works has begun to appear
in the Berlin series of Ante-Nicene Greek Fathers.
Hier =Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus, best known as
Jerome, +420. Edd. Migne, P.Z. xxiii—xxx.; Val-
larsi, Verona, 1734—42.
Hipp = Hippolytus of Rome, +235. Edd. Migne, P.G. x.;
Bonwetsch and Achelis (in the Berlin series), Leipzig,
1897—.
Trent = Latin version, not later than the fourth century,
of Irenaeus’ work <Adversus omnes haereses, written
ὁ. 180. Edd. Stieren, Leipzig, 1853; W. W. Harvey,
Cambridge, 1857. q
Ε: AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT Cl
Macar = Macarius, an Egyptian ascetic, 389. His homilies
are published in Migne, P.G. xxxiv.: cf. J.7.S. viii.
Ρ. 85 ff. This Macarius must be carefully distinguished
from Macarius Magnes, whose date is probably a
quarter of a century later: see J.7.S. ii. p. 610f,
viii. pp. 401 ff, 546ff, Schalkhausser, Makarios von
Magnesia (Leipzig, 1907).
Orig = Origen, head of the catechetical school in Alexandria,
+254. Edd. Lommatzsch, Berlin, 1831—48; P. Koet-
schau, E. Klostermann, and E. Preuschen (in the Berlin
series). Leipzig, 1899—. See also von der Goltz,
Eine texthritische Arbeit des το. bez. 6. Jahrhunderts
(Teate und Unters., N.F. τι. 4, 1899), which describes
MS. Athos, Laura 184. B. 64 (saec. x), a manuscript of
the Acts, Catholic, and Pauline Epistles, which has
preserved for us many interesting readings of Origen.
Orig** = The free Latin version of Origen’s works by Jerome
and others.
Ps-Ath = Writings wrongly ascribed to Athanasius, and con-
tained in the Benedictine edition of Athanasius’ works
vol, ii.
Tert = Tertullian, fc. 240. Edd. Migne, P. Z. i.—iii.; Oehler,
Leipzig, 1853—4; A. Reifferscheid, G. Wissowa and
E. Kroymann (in the Vienna Corpus), Vienna, 1890—.
Thdt = Theodoret, a Syrian monk, Bishop of Cyrus, fc. 457.
See List of Commentaries.
Theod-Mops™ = Latin version of Theodore, Bishop of Mop-
suestia in Cilicia, Tc. 429. See List of Commentaries.
Vig = Vigilius, an African bishop, flourished ὁ. 484. Ed.
Migne, P.L. lxii. The authorship of works under
this name is disputed.
Literature
on the
Epistles.
i. Greek
Writers.
VIL.
SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES.
The literature relating to our Epistles is dealt with very
fully by Bornemann in his Die Thessalonicherbriefe, which replaces
the work of Liinemann in the new edition of Meyer’s Kritisch-
exegetischer Kommentar: see pp. I—7 and 538 ff. The following
list consists for the most part of those Commentaries which
have been used in the preparation of this volume, the editions
specified being those to which the present writer has had access,
though occasionally for the sake of completeness other works
have been included. For fuller information regarding the
Greek Patristic Commentaries it is sufficient to refer to
Mr C. H. Turner’s exhaustive article in the supplementary
volume of Hastings’ D.B. The new and valuable facts regard-
ing the Latin writers have been supplied through the kindness
of Prof. A. Souter.
I, GREEK WRITERS.
(1) Earlier (1) Earlier Period.
Period.
ORIGEN (+253). From the list of Origen’s works given by
Jerome (Hp. xxxiii.) it appears that Origen wrote a Com-
mentary on 1 Thess. in 3 books, and on 2 Thess. in 1 book.
Of. these unfortunately only fragments now survive. Jerome
himself (Zp. cxix.) has preserved one relating to 1 Thess. iv.
15—17: and from the same source we learn that Theodore
of Heraclea, Apollinaris, and Diodore of Tarsus also com-
mented on 1 Thess.
Curysostom, Joun (Chrys.). Chrysostom (7 407) is generally
ranked as the greatest of the early Pauline interpreters, more
particularly on the homiletic side. ‘He is at once a true
exegete and a true orator, a combination found in such
perfection perhaps nowhere else’ (Swete, Patristic Study,
p. 104). His Homilies on the Thessalonian Epistles appear
to have been preached as episcopal utterances at Constanti-
SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES cill
nople. They are printed in Migne, P.G. Ixii, and in a
critical edition by F. Field, Oxford, 1855. An English
translation under the editorship of C. M. (Charles Marriott)
was published at Oaterd in 1843 in the Library of the
Fathers.
THEopore or Mopsuestia (Th. Mops.). Theodore, Bishop of
Mopsuestia (fc. 429), was after the death of Chrysostom
the most influential teacher in the Eastern Church. By his
Nestorian followérs he was known as par excellence ‘the
Interpreter,’ a title which he deserved from his rigid
avoidance of the allegorical method, and constant endeavour
to discover the literal and historical meaning of the Sacred
Writings. The Greek version of his Commentary on the
Pauline Epistles exists only in fragments, preserved in the
Catenae, but a Latin version (sixth century?) embracing ten
of the Epistles, including 1, 2 Thess., is extant. It has been
edited with a valuable Introduction and Notes by Prof.
H. B. Swete (Cambridge, 1880—8z).
THEopoRET oF Cyrruus (Thdt.), a third great writer of the
Antiochene school (76. 457). According to his own state-
ment Theodoret intended his Commentary on the Pauline
Epistles to be little more than an abridgement of the works
of Chrysostom and Theodore, whom he describes as τοὺς τῆς
οἰκουμένης φωστῆρας. But he has done his work with such
‘appreciation, terseness of expression, and good sense’ that,
according to Bishop Lightfoot (Gal.” p. 230), ‘if the absence
of faults were a just standard of merit’ his Commentaries
‘would deserve the first place. The Commentary on
1, 2 Thess. will be found in vol. v. of the complete edition
of Theodoret’s works by J. L. Schulze, Halle, 1769—74.
It was also edited by C. Marriott, Oxford, 1870.
ὃ (2) Later
(2) Later Period. Period.
OxEcUMENIUS (Oecum.), Bishop of Tricca in Thessaly. His date
is uncertain, but Turner (/.c. p. 523) places the Catena on
St Paul as in all probability within the limits 560—64o.
The original Catena draws largely from Chrysostom, while
later recensions embody copious extracts from Photius,
Patriarch of Constantinople (c. 820—c. 891). Printed in
Migne, P.G. cxviii.—cxix.
Tueropuytactr (Thphl.), Archbishop of Achridia (Ochrida) in
Bulgaria, c. 1075. His Commentary on the Pauline Epistles
follows Chrysostom in the main, but with ‘a certain inde-
pendence’: ed. A. Lindsell, London, 1636.
Evutuymius ZIGABENuS (Euth. Zig.), a younger contemporary of
Theophylact, c. 1115. Ed. Nicolas Kalogeras, late Arch-
bishop of Patras, Athens, 1887.
civ THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
ii. Latin
II. Latin WRITERS ?.
Writers.
AMBROSIASTER (Ambrstr. or Ambst.). Regarding the identity of
the so-called ‘Ambrosiaster’ there has been much difference
of opinion, but the view most widely held in the present day
is one suggested by the French scholar Dom Morin of
Maredsous, Belgium, in the Revue d'Histoire et de Littéra-
ture religieuses for 1899, pp. 97—121, that he was Isaac,
a converted Jew, who lived in Ronie during the pontificate
of Damasus (366—384)*._ His Commentary on the Pauline
Epistles, from which a complete Old Latin text can be
derived, has been pronounced by Jiilicher (article ‘Ambrosi-
aster’ in Pauly-Wissowa’s Feal-Encyclopddie) to be the best
on St Paul’s Epistles prior to the Reformation, and Harnack
(Sttzungsberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften,
1903, p. 212) regards it and the Quaestiones Veteris et
Novi Testamenti, now assigned to ‘Ambrosiaster,’ though
printed amongst the works of St Augustine (eg. Migne,
P.L, xxxv.), as the greatest literary product of the Latin
Church between Cyprian and Jerome. For editions see the
note on p. xcix.
Pexacius (Pelag.). Amongst the works of Jerome (Migne,
P.L. xxx. p. 670 ff.) there is a series of commentaries on
the Pauline Epistles, which contain some of the quotations
which Augustine and Marius Mercator, his contemporaries,
make from a commentary of Pelagius (tc. 440). The older
scholars were divided in opinion on the subject of the Pseudo-
Jerome commentary. Some regarded it as the work of
Pelagius; others as the commentary of Pelagius after it
had been expurgated by Cassiodorus and his pupils* A
few years ago Prof. Zimmer of Berlin discovered at St Gall
what is a nearer approach to the original commentary than
Pseudo-Jerome, but even this form is interpolated. Ac-
cording to Souter (The Commentary of Pelagius on the
Epistles of Paul [London, 1907] p. 15 ff.) the anonymous
MS. exix. of the Grand Ducal Library at Karlsruhe (saec. ix)
is the only pure copy of Pelagius extant, the Pseudo-Jerome
commentary being an expansion of the original Pelagius on
the longer epistles.
1 The most valuable guide to Latin
commentators on the Pauline Epistles
down to the time of Luther is Denifle’s
Luther und Luthertum, Erster Band
(11 Abt.), Quellenbelege (Mainz, 1905).
2 The later view of Morin (Revue
Bénédictine, 1903, pp. 113—131) that
he was Decimius Hilarianus Hilarius,
a layman and proconsul, supported,
with caution, by Souter, Study of Am-
brosiaster, Ὁ. 183 ff., has been rejected
Pending the appearance of his edition,
by later critics.
8 This latter view must be given
up, as Pseudo-Jerome contains many
Pelagian traces: further, Turner has
suggested (J. H. S. iv. (19g02—3) p. 141),
and Souter has proved (The Com-
mentary of Pelagius (Proceedings of
British Academy, vol. ii. p. 20) that
we possess Cassiodorus’ revision under
the name of Primasius (Migne, P.L.
lxviii.).
SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES cv
the student is recommended to correct the corrupt text of
Migne by the help of the collation of the St Gall MS. in
Zimmer’s Pelagius in Irland (Berlin, 1901).
III. REFORMATION PERIOD. iii. Reform-
ation
(1) Protestant Writers. Period.
P
Erasmus, DesipERIUS (+1536) issued his first edition of the olde
Greek N.T. (ap. Io. Frobeniwm) at Basle in 1516. It was Writers.
accompanied by a new Latin translation and annotations.
The more popular Puraphrasis in Epp. Pauli omnes appeared
a few years later.
Cavin, JoHN (+1564), ‘the greatest of the commentators of the
Reformation’ (SH. p. ciii.). His Commentaria im omnes
epistolas Pauli Apostoli was first published at Strassburg in
1539. The numerous citations in the present work are taken
from vol, vi. of Tholuck’s complete edition of the N.T.
Commentaries (Berlin, no date).
Brza, THEODORE ({ 1605). JBeza’s first edition of the Greek
N.T. with translation and annotations was published by
H. Stephanus in 1565 (stne Joco), and in 1642 a new edition
‘ad quartam (1598) conformata’ was issued from Daniel’s
Press at Cambridge. The Bible Society’s convenient reprint
(Berlin, 1905) of this Cambridge edition has been followed
here.
(2) Roman Catholic Writers. (} Reese
αὐ 0.1
Estivus, W. (Est.), Provost and Chancellor of Douay (71613). Writers.
His In omnes beati Pauli...Epistolas commentaria were
published after his death (Douay, 1614—16, new ed. Paris,
1672—76). They form ‘a valuable exposition of the Epistles
in the Augustinian spirit’ (Reuss).
CorNneELtus A LapipE (+1637). Commentaria in...omnes d. Pauli
epistolas. Antwerp, 1635.
Grotius, H. (De Groot, + 1645), Dutch statesman and theologian.
His Annotationes on the whole Bible were first published in
his Opp. theol. (Basle, 1732). The Ann. in N.T7. appeared
separately, Paris, 1641. See also the Critict Sacri.
IV. Post-REFORMATION PERIOD. iv. Post-
: Reforma-
Bencet, J. A. (Beng.) 1752. Gnomon Novi Testamenti, Ed. 3 tion
adjuv. J. Steudel, London, 1855. Period.
WerstEIn, {΄. 4. (1 1754). His edition of the Vovum Testamentum
Graecum (Amsterdam, 1751—52) is still invaluable for its
large collection of illustrations drawn from Jewish, Greek,
and Latin sources. A new and revised edition is among the
great desiderata for N.T. apparatus.
evi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
v. Modern V. MoperN PERIOD.
It will be convenient to classify the writers of this Period as
(1) German and (2) English, and to arrange the names in each
section in alphabetical, rather than in chronological, order.
(1) Ger- (1) German Writers.
Writer: BornemMann, W.: Die Thessalonicherbriefe in the new edition of
Meyer’s Kommentar (Gottingen, 1894)—the fullest modern
Commentary on the Epistles, and a great storehouse of
materials for all subsequent editors. It has not been trans-
lated into English.
De Werts, W. M. L.: Briefe an die Thessalonicher, 3 Aufl.
von W. Moeller in Hueg. Handb. zum N.7. τι. iii. Leipzig,
1864.
GoEBEL, SiecrrieD: Die Briefe P. an d. Thess. in Neutest.
Schriften, i. pp. 1—37. 2” Aufl. Gotha, 1897. Brief Notes.
Hormann, J. C. K. von: Thessalonicherbriefe in Die heilige
Schrift Neuen Testaments, i. Néordlingen, 1869.
Kocu, A.: Commentar tiber d. ersten Brief d. Apostels Paulus an
d. Thessalonicher. Berlin, 1849.
Linemann, G.: Die Briefe an d. Thessalonicher in Meyer's
Kommentar. Engl. Tr. by Dr P. J. Gloag from the grd
German edition. Edinburgh, 1880.
Pett, L.: Lpistolae Pauli Apostoli ad Thessalonicenses. Griefs-
wald, 1830. Rich in patristic references.
Scumipt, P.: Der erste Thessalonicherbrief. Berlin, 1885. A
small book of 128 pages, but containing, in addition to a
textual commentary, helpful discussions on the language and
historical situation of the Epistle, and an excursus on 2 Thess.,
intended to show that it had been subject to interpolation.
ScumMieDEL, P. W.: Die Briefe an die Thessalonicher in the
Hand-Commentar zum N.T. τι. i. Freiburg im B., 1891.
A marvel of condensation, especially in the very useful
Introductions. The authenticity of 2 Thess. is denied.
Scuort, H. A.: Hpistolae Pauli ad Thessalonicenses et Galatas.
Leipzig, 1834.
Weiss, Bernarp: Die Paulinische Briefe, 2 Aufl. Leipzig,
1902. A revised Text with brief but suggestive Notes.
Woutensere, G.: Der erste und zweite Thessalonicherbrief in
Zahn’s Kommentar zum N.T. Leipzig, 1903. The most
recent German commentary of importance on the Epistles.
The general line of thought is brought out clearly, and there
> SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES evil
is much valuable lexical material contained in the footnotes,
but the Introduction is very brief, and the question of
authenticity is practically ignored altogether.
The German translations of Luther (from Theile and
Stier’s V.7'. Tetraglotton) and Weizsiicker (Das neue Testa-
ment iibersetzt, οἷ Aufl. Tiibingen, 1900) have also been
frequently cited,
It is understood that Prof. von Dobschiitz of Strassburg
is preparing still another edition of the Epistles for Meyer’s
Kommentar.
(2) English Writers. (2) Hinge
ArorD, H. (Alf.): The Greek Testament, iii. 2nd ed. London, Writers.
1857.
Drummonp, James: The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the
Thessalonians in International Handbooks to the N.T. ii.
New York, 1899.
Eaviz£, JoHN: A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Epistles
of Paul to the Thessalonians. London, 1877.
Ex.icorr, C. J.: St Paul’s Epistles to the Thessalonians, 4th ed.
London, 1880. Rich in lexical and grammatical material,
with a revised translation’ and many interesting citations
from the old English Versions. There is practically no
Introduction.
Finptay, G. G.: The Epistles to the Thessalonians in the Cambridge
Lible for Schools and Colleges, 1891, and more recently (1904)
in the Cambridge Greek Testament. It is only the latter
book, which is substantially a new work, that has been cited
in the present volume. The Commentary is marked by the
writer’s well-known qualities as an expositor—careful attention
to the text combined with great theological suggestiveness—
and, within the limits imposed by the Series to which it
belongs, this is probably the most convenient edition of the
Epistles for students.
Jowett, B.: The Epistles of St Paul to the Thessalonians,
Galatians, Romans. 2nd ed. London, 1859. Contains .
various striking Essays on such subjects as ‘ Evils in the
Church of the Apostolical Age,’ ‘On the Belief in the Coming
of Christ in the Apostolical Age,’ and ‘On the Man of Sin.’
Licutroot, J. B. (Lft.): The Notes on 1, 2 Thess. occupy
pp. 1—136 of Bishop Lightfoot’s posthumously published
Notes on Epistles of St Paul (London, 1895), and combined
with the same writer’s art. ‘Thessalonians, Epistles to the’
in Smith’s D.B. and his Essays on ‘The Churches of Mace-
donia’ and ‘The Church of Thessalonica’ in Biblical Lssays
(London, 1893) p. 235 ff. make up a mass of invaluable
material relating to the Epistles, to which subsequent workers
find it difficult sufficiently to express their indebtedness.
vi. Special
Studies.
evlil THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
VauGuHan, C. J.: The First Epistle to the Thessalonians. Cam-
bridge, 1865. The first part of an Edition (apparently
never carried further) of the Pauline Epistles for English
readers, containing a literal new translation and short notes.
WorpswortH, C.: The New Testament in the original Greek,
Part iii. London, 1859.
In addition to the foregoing, Commentaries on the Epistles
have been contributed by Archbishop Alexander to The
Speaker's Commentary (London, 1881), by Canon A. J. Mason
to Bishop Ellicott’s Vew Testament Commentary for English
Readers (London, no date), by Principal Marcus Dods to
Schaff’s Popular Commentary on the New Testament (Edin-
burgh, 1882), by Dr P. J. Gloag to The Pulpit Commentary
(London, 1887), and by Dr W. F. Adeney to Zhe Century
Bible (Edinburgh, no date).
In his First and Second Epistle to the Thessalonians
(London, 1899 and 1goo) the Rev. G. W. Garrod has
provided careful Analyses of the Epistles with brief Notes
for the special use of students in the Church Training
Colleges.
Amongst more recent homiletical literature dealing with
the Epistles, mention may be made of Dr.John Lillie’s
Lectures on the Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians (Edin-
burgh, 1863), of Dr John. Hutchison’s Lectures on the
Epistles to the Thessalonians (Edinburgh, 1884), an interesting
series of discourses founded on a careful exegesis of the
text, and of Prof. Denney’s volume in Zhe Hupositor’s Bible
(London, 1892), where the theological side of the Epistles
is brought out with great clearness and suggestiveness.
A volume on the Epistles by Professor Frame, of Union
Theological Seminary, New York, is announced by Messrs
T. and T. Clark in connexion with the /nternational Critical
Commentary.
VI. SprEcrtaAL STUDIES.
Studies or Monographs dealing with particular points in the
Epistles are referred to under the relative sections, but the titles
and aims of a few of the more important may be collected here.
Asxwitu, Εἰ. H.: An Introduction to the Thessalonian Epistles.
London, 1892. <A defence of their genuineness with a new
view of the eschatology of 2 Thess.
Brinia, W.: Die Sprachform des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes.
Naumburg a. 8., 1903. Aims at showing its truly Pauline
character.
Kuéprer, A.: Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (from
Theol. Studien und Skizzen aus Ostpreussen). Konigsberg,
1889. A somewhat discursive plea for the Pauline authorship.
- SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES C1x
Sopen, H. von: Der erste Thessalonicherbrief in SK., 1885,
Ῥ. 263ff. Contains a full defence of the authenticity of the
Epistle.
Sprrra, F.: Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher in Zur
Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristentums, i. p. 109 ff.
(Gottingen, 1893). Suggests that Paul left the actual com-
position of the Epistle to Timothy, who made use in his work
of a Jewish apocalypse of the time of Caligula.
Viss, A. B. vAN DER: De beiden brieven aan de Thessalonicensen,
historisch-kritisch onderzoek naur hunnen oorsprung. Leiden,
1865.
Westrik, T. F.: De echtheid van den tweeden brief aan de Thes-
salonicensen. Utrecht, 1879. ‘Especially useful on the
question of style’ (Moffatt). The present writer has been
unable to make any use of either of the foregoing.
Wrepe, W.: Die Hchtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs (in
Texte und Unterswchungen, N.F. ix. 2), Leipzig, 1903.
A strong attack on the Epistle’s authenticity, principally on
the ground of its literary dependence on 1 Thess.
Zimmer, F.: Der Text der Thessalonicherbriefe. Quedlinburg,
1893. A revised Text with Critical Apparatus, and discussion
of the characteristics of the various authorities.
ZimMER, F.: 1 Thess. ii. 3—8 erklért in Theologische Stuclien
B. Weiss dargebracht, p. 248 ff. Gottingen, 1897. Designed
to show the rich results of a thoroughgoing exegesis applied
to the Epistles.
οὕτως ἔοτδι ἡ πὰρογοίὰ ΤοΥ͂ γίοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπογ.
> , > - a , eo \ ~ > n~ a
Αδιαλείπτως οὖν προσκαρτερῶμεν TH ἐλπίδι ἡμῶν καὶ τῷ ἀρραβῶνι τῆς
, ~ ~
δικαιοσύνης ἡμῶν, ὅς ἐστι Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς.
PoOLYCARP.
ὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο HMAC ὁ θεὸς εἰς ὀργὴν ἀλλὰ εἰς περιττοίηοιν
οωτηρίδο Ald TOY κυρίογ ἡλλῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριοτοῦ.
Ὶ
ΠΡΟΣ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΕΙ͂Σ A
M. THESS.
νι.»
ANALYSIS.
I. ADDRESS AND GREETING. i. 1.
II. HISTORICAL AND PERSONAL. i. 2—iii. 13.
1. THANKSGIVING FOR THE GOOD ESTATE OF THE THESSA-
LONIAN CHURCH. i. 2—rOo. |
2. GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE AposToLIC MINISTRY AT
THESSALONICA. ii, I—I2.
3. RENEWED THANKSGIVING FOR THE SUCCESS ATTENDING THE
Apostotic Ministry AT THESSALONICA. ii. 13—16.
4, SuBsequEnt RELATION oF THE APOSTLES TO THE THESSA-
LONIAN CHURCH. ii. 17—iii. Io.
(1) Their Desire to revisit Thessalonica and its Cause.
li, 17—20.
(2) The Mission and Return of Timothy. iii. 1—10.
5, PRAYER. ili, 11—r13.
III. HORTATORY AND DOCTRINAL. ἵν. 1—v. 24. ᾿
1, Lessons ΙΝ CuristiAN Morats. iv. 1—12.
(1) General Exhortation. iv. 1, 2.
(2) Warning against Impurity. iv. 3—8.
(3) Encouragement in Brotherly Love. iv. 9, 10%.
(4) Call to Quiet Work. iv. 10°—12.
2. TEACHING CONCERNING THEM THAT ARE ASLEEP AND THE
ADVENT OF CHRIST. iv, 13—18.
3. ‘TEACHING CONCERNING THE SUDDENNESS OF THE ADVENT
AND THE NEED OF WATCHFULNESS. V. I—II.
4, Various PRECEPTS WITH REGARD TO CHURCH LIFE AND
Hoty Livine. v. 12—22.
5. PRAYER. v. 23, 24.
IV. CONCLUDING INJUNCTIONS AND BENEDICTION.
Vv. 25—28.
HOPOS ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΕΙ͂Σ A
ke καὶ Cirovavos καὶ Τιμόθεος τῆ ἐκκλησίᾳ
Θεσσαλονικέων ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ
΄σ / ες “σ \ > /
Χριστῷ" χάρις ὑμῖν Kat εἰρήνη.
Tirte. The heading ΠΡΟΣ ΘΕΣΣΑ-
AONIKEIS (B* -NEIK-) A’ is found in
NABK 17 Go Boh. D prefixes APXE-
TAI, while in G this is amplified to
ἌΡΧΕΤΑΙ ΠΡῸΣ OGESSAAONIKAIOYS
A’ ΠΡΩΤῊ ἘΠΙΣΤΟΛΗ. In the Can,
Murat. the Epistle is referred to as
‘ad tensaolenecinsis.’ Beza, to whom,
along with the Elzevir editions, the
received forms of the titles of the
Pauline Epistles are due, has ‘ Pauli
Apostoli Epistola Prima ad TH ESSA-
LONICENSES,’’
I. 1. ADDRESS AND GREETING.
1. ‘Paul and Silvanus and Timothy
to the assembly of the Thessalonians
who acknowledge God as Father and
Jesus Christ as Lord, and are gathered
together in this twofold Name, we
send you the new greeting with the
old. Grace, the source of all good, be
unto you, and with grace Peace, the
crown of all blessings,’
I. Παῦλος «κκ- Σιλουανὸς κ. Τιμόθεος
For the combination of names see Intr.
p. xxxivf. In neither of the Thessa-
lonian Epp. nor in the Ep. to the
Philippians does St Paul add, as else-
where, his official title ἀπόστολος,
doubtless owing to the special footing
of friendship on which he stood to the
Macedonian Churches, and to the fact
that his authority had never been
seriously questioned among them.
Σιλουανός (Σιλβανός DG, as regularly
in the papyri), the Gentile by-name of
the Sas (for accent, WSchm. p. 74)
of Ac. xv. 22—xviii. 5 (see Deissmann
BS. p. 315 η.3), and the form always
used by St Paul, is here mentioned
before Timothy, both because he was
already known as ‘a chief man among
the brethren’ (Ac, xv. 22, cf. v. 32),
and because he had taken a more
prominent part in the founding of the
Thessalonian Church (Ac. xvii. 4, To).
After St Pauls departure from
Corinth (Ac. xviii. 18) Silvanus does
not again appear in connexion with
him. He is generally identified with
the Silvanus of 1 Pet. v.12. For an
attempt to distinguish the Pauline
Silvanus from the Jerusalem Silas, see
Weizsicker .Ap. Zeitalter? p. 256
(Engl. Tr. i. p. 292 f.), and as against
this Zahn Einl. in d. N.T. i. p. 148 ff.
In the traditional lists of the ‘Seventy,’
compiled by Ps.-Dorotheus, Silas and
Silvanus appear as distinct indivi-
duals, the former as Bishop of Corinth,
the latter as Bishop of Thessalonica
(Fabric. Lux Evang. p. 117).
Timothy joined St Paul on his
second missionary journey at Lystra
(Ac. xvi. 1 ff.), and though he is not
specially mentioned either at Philippi
(Ac. xvi. 19), or at Thessalonica
(Ac. xvii. 4, 10), this was probably
due to his subordinate position at
i=?
4 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
the time. We read of him as left
behind at Beroea (Ac. xvii. 14).
Apparently he rejoined St Paul at
Athens (1 Thess. iii. 1), and after a
special mission to Thessalonica fol-
lowed him to Corinth (Ac. xviii. 5): see
further Intr. p. xxx. With occasional
short interruptions he was the Apo-
stle’s constant companion to the end of
his life, and is associated with him in
the opening of six of his Epp. (1, 2
Thess., 2 Cor., Phil., Col., Philemon),
and mentioned in the concluding
chapters of other two (Rom., 1 Cor.) :
cf. also Heb. xiii. 23. Two Epp. were
addressed specially to him. For the
light in which he was regarded by St
Paul see the note on iii. 2.
TH ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεσσαλονικέων] a form
of address peculiar to these Epp. (cf.
II. i. 1), and in which the thought of
the local gathering of believers is still
prominent. In the Corinthian Epp.
St Paul prefers to connect the Ecclesia
with the name of the place where it is
situated τ. ἐκκλησίᾳ τ. θεοῦ τ. οὔσῃ ἐν
Κορίνθῳ (1 Cor. i. 2, 2 Cor. i. 1, ef. Gal.
i. 2 τ. ἐκκλησίαις τ. Ταλατίας), as if he
were thinking rather of the one Church
of Christ as it was represented there
in a particular spot. In the addresses
of the Epp. of the Captivity all mention
of the Ecclesia is dropped, and some
such general designations as πᾶσι τ.
ἁγίοις (Phil.) or τ. ἁγίοις x. πιστοῖς
(Eph., Col.) are substituted: cf. how-
ever Philem. 2. For the Biblical
history of the word ἐκκλησία, which
ineant originally any public assembly
of citizens summoned by a herald, see
especially Hort The Christian Ecclesia
(1898) p. 1 ff.
ἐν θεῷ πατρί κτλ. a defining clause
connected with ἐκκλησίᾳ, the absence
of any uniting art. (τῇ) helping to give
more unity to the conception (WM.
Ῥ. 169 f.). In themselves the words
bring out the truly Christian origin
and character of the Ecclesia spoken
of as compared with the many ἐκκλη-
cia, religious and civil, which existed
at the time at Thessalonica. Grot.:
[I 1
‘quae exstitit, id agente Deo Patre
et Christo’; Caly.: ‘non alibi quae-
rendam esse Ecclesiam, nisi ubi praeest
Deus, ubi Christus regnat.’
On the formula θεὸς πατήρ in the
salutations of the N.T. Epp. see Hort’s
note on 1 Pet. i. 2, and on the union
here of θεῷ πατρί and Kup. "Ino. Xp.
under a common vinculum (ἐν) see
Intr. p. lxvi.
The whole phrase is an expanded
form of the characteristic Pauline
formula ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ by which, as
Deissmann has shown (Die neutesta-
mentliche Formel ‘in Christo Jesu,
Marburg 1892), the Apostle empha-
sizes that all Christians are locally
united ‘within the pneumatic body
of Christ, in so far as they together
build up His body.
The different titles applied to the
Lord throughout the Epp. are dis-
cussed in Add, Note D.
χάρις ὑμῖν x. εἰρήνη] a greeting
doubtless suggested by the union of
the ordinary Gk. and Heb. forms of
salutation (cf. 2 Mace. i. 1), though
both are deepened διὰ spiritual-
ized. Thus χαίρειν (cf. Ac. xv. 23,
xxiii. 26, Jas. i. 1) now gives place to
χάρις, a word which, without losing
sight of the Hellenic charm and joy
associated with the older formula, is
the regular Pauline expression for the
Divine favour as shown in all its free-
ness and universality ; while εἰρήνη, so.
far from being a mere phrase of social
intercourse (cf. Judg. xix. 20, 2 Esdr.
iv. 17), is not even confined to its
general O.T. sense of harmony restored
between God and man (e.g. Num. vi..
26), but has definitely in view that
harmony as secured through the per-
son and the work of Christ (cf. Jo.
xiv. 27). On the varied meanings of
xapis in the Biblical writings see
especially Robinson Zph, p.221 ff., and
for the corresponding growth in the
sense of εἰρήνη see SH. p. 15 ἢ
This same form of greeting is found
in all the Pauline Epp. except 1, 2
Tim. where ἔλεος is added (cf. 2 Jo, 3).
I 2]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 5
> - ΄σ ~~ / \ ,
"Εὐχαριστοῦμεν τῷ θεᾷ πάντοτε περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν
/ ? \ ~ a σι Β
μνείαν ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ τῶν προσευχῶν ἡμῶν, ἀδιαλείπτως
It occurs also in 1, 2 Pet. In Jas. we
have the simple χαίρειν, and in Jude
ἔλεος x. εἰρήνη x. ἀγάπη. On St Paul’s
use of current epistolary phrases see
Add. Note A, and for an elaborate
discussion on the Apostolic Greeting
see F. Zimmer in Luthardt’s Zeit-
schrift 1886 p. 443 ff.
It will be noticed that the T.R.
clause ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρός κτλ. is omitted
by WH. in accordance with BG 47 73.
Its insertion (SAC(?) DK LP) is clearly
due to the desire to assimilate the
shorter reading to the later Pauline
practice: cf. II. i. 2.
I. 2—III. 13. HISTORICAL AND
PERSONAL.
I. 2—10. THANKSGIVING FOR THE
GOOD ESTATE OF THE THESSA-
LONIAN CHURCH.
The Address is followed by the
customary Thanksgiving, which is
found in all the Pauline Epp. except
Gal. and the Pastorals (cf. however
2 Tim.i.3). At the same time it is again
clear that we have here no mere con-
ventional formula, nor even acaptatio
benevolentiaeas in the ancient speeches
intended to win over the readers, but
rather an earnest effort on the part of
the writers to raise the thoughts of
their converts to the God on whom
they are wholly dependent, and in
cousequence to rouse them to fresh
efforts. The warmth of the thanks-
giving on the present occasion, which
is most nearly paralleled by Phil. i.
3 ff., is proved by its being a ‘constant’
attitude (πάντοτε), and by its including
‘all, irrespective of position or spiri-
tual progress (περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν).
2—5. ‘We thank the one God at
all times for you all, making mention
of you unceasingly when we are en-
gaged in prayer. And indeed we have
good cause to do so, for the thought
of your Christian life is for us a con-
stant fragrant memory as we recall
how your faith proves itself in active
work, and your love spends itself in
toilsome service for others, and your
hope is directed in all patience and
perseverance to the time when Christ
shall be revealed. Nor is this all, but,
Brothers beloved by God, who know
better than we the true character of
your election to Christian privileges ?
Its reality was proved by the power
beyond mere words with which our
preaching came home to you—preach-
ing, moreover, which we felt to be
inspired by the Divine ardour of the
Holy Spirit, and by a perfect con-
viction on our part of the truth of our
message, as indeed you yourselves
know from the manner of men we
proved ourselves to be for your sakes,’
.2. Ἑὐχαριστοῦμεν κτλ.] Εὐχαριστεῖν,
originally ‘do a good turn to,’ in the
sense of expressing gratitude is con-
fined to late writers (‘pro gratias
agere ante Polybium usurpavit nemo’
Lob. Phryn. p. 18). It is very com-
mon in the papyri, e.g. P.Amh. 133,
2 ff. (ii./A.D.) πρὸ τῶν ὅλων ἀσπάζομαί
σε καὶ εὐχαριστῶ σοι ὅτι ἐδήλωσάς μοι
τὴν ὑγείαν σου. ἴῃ mod. Gk. it appears
in the form ὑκαριστῶ.
For evy. πάντοτε cf. II. i. 3, ii. 13,
1 Cor. i. 4, Eph. v. 20, Phil. i. 3 f., and
for the force of the art. before θεῷ see
Intr. p. lxiv.
μνείαν ποιούμενοι κτὰλ.}] the first of
three conditional or modal clauses
describing the nature of the perpetual
thanksgiving. For μνείαν ποιεῖσθαι in
‘the sense of ‘make mention of’ οἵ,
Rom. i. 9, Eph. i. 16, Philem. 4, and
for an interesting instance of its use in
the papyri in connexion with prayer,
see B.G.U. 632, 5 ff. (ii./A.D.) μνίαν σου
ποιούμενος mapa τοῖς [ἐν]θάδε θεοῖς
ἐκομισάμην [ely ἐπι[σ]τόλιον.... The
6 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[13
wey t “~ ~ sf ~ ~
ϑμνημονεύοντες ὑμῶν TOU ἔργου τῆς πίστεως καὶ TOU
/ . ~ ᾽ / lan
κοποὺ τῆς ayamns Kal τῆς
phrase occurs frequently in the in-
scriptions, e.g. Magn. 9o, 16f. (ii./B.c.)
[ὁ δ]ημος φαίνηται μνείαν ποιούμενος
τῶν... «κρινάντων τὰς κρίσε[ ι]ς. In the
passage before us the customary gen.
(ὑμῶν) is not inserted after μνείαν,
probably on account of the imme-
diately preceding περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν:
cf, Eph. i. 16.
In the N.T. προσευχή, when refer-
ring to the act of prayer, is used only
of prayer to God, and is a more general
term than δέησις. The prep. ἐπί re-
tains here a slightly local sense ‘at,’
‘when engaged in,’ cf. Rom.i. 10. For
a somewhat similar use of eis see the
ancient Christian letter reprinted in
P.Heid. 6, τι ἢ (iv./A.D.) ἵνα μνη-
μονΐ ε]ύης μοι εἰς τὰς ἁγίας σου εὐχάς.
ἀδιαλείπτως] The exact connexion
of ἀδιαλείπτως is disputed. WH.
and many modern editors (Tisch.,
Weiss, Nestle) follow Chrys. and
the Gk. commentators in referring
it to the following μνημονεύοντες, but
on the analogy of Rom. i. 9 (cf. 2 Tim,
i. 3) it is perhaps better taken as
qualifying pv. ποιούμ. (Syr., Vg.), a con-
nexion that is further supported by
the position of corresponding phrases
in the papyri, e.g. P.Lond. I. 42, 5f.
(ii./B.C.) of ἐν οἴκῳ πάντες σου διαπαντὸς
μνείαν ποιούμενο. The word itself
which is confined to late Gk. (e.g.
Polyb. ix. 3. 8) is used in the N.T. only
by St Paul, and always in connexion
with prayer or thanksgiving (ii. 13,
v.17, Rom. i. 9; cf. Ign. Eph. x. ὑπὲρ
τῶν ἄλλων δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἀδιαλείπτως
προσεύχεσθε).
3. μνημονεύοντες} ‘remembering’
(Vg.memores, Est.memoria recolentes)
in accordance with the general N.T.
usage of the verb when construed with
the gen., cf. Lk. xvii. 32, Ac. xx. 35,
Gal. ii, το. When construed with the
ace. as in ii, 9, Mt. xvi. 9, 2 Tim. ii..8,
Rey. xviii. 5, it is rather ‘hold in re-
ε ~ ~ 3 7 -
ὑπομονῆς τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ
membrance. In Heb. xi. 22 with περί
it is= ‘make mention of,’ perhaps also
in the same sense with the simple gen. _
in v 15 (see Westcott ad /.).
This second participial clause intro-
duces us to the first mention of the
famous Pauline triad of graces, viewed
however not in themselves but in their
results, the gen. in each case being
subjective, so that the meaning is
practically, ‘remembering how your
faith works, and your love toils, and
your hope endures’ (cf. Blass, p. 96).
The whole is thus a ‘brevis Christian-
ismi veri definitio’ (Calv.), while the
order in which the graces are here
mentioned is not only in itself the
natural order (cf. v. 8 and Col. i. 4, 5
with Lft.’s note, ‘ Faith rests on the
past ; love works in the present ; hope
looks to the future’), but assigns
to hope the prominence we would
expect in an Ep. devoted so largely
to eschatological teaching : ef. for the
same order of results Rev. ii. 2 οἶδα
Ta ἔργα σου, καὶ τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν
ὑπομονήν σου.
ὑμῶν] placed first for emphasis and
to be repeated with each of the three
clauses.
τ. ἔργου τ. πίστεως not to be limited
to any particular act of faith, but com-
prehending the whole Christian life-
work, as it is ruled and energized by
faith, cf. II. i. 11, Gal. v. 6 (πίστις δύ
ἀγάπης ἐνεργουμένη), Jas. ii. 18 ff.
The meaning of πίστις in the N.T,
and in some Jewish writings is dis-
cussed by SH. p. 31 ff: see also the
careful note in Lietzmann Riémerbrief
p. 24 f. (in Handbuch zum N.T. 111.
I, 1906).
καὶ τ. κύπου τ. ἀγάπης] As distin-
guished from ἔργον, κόπος brings out
not only the issue of work, but the cost
associated with it: cf. its use in the
vernacular for πόνος, e.g. B.G.U. 844,
10f, (i./A.D.) κόπους γάρ pot] παρέχει
~
I 4]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 7
κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ Kai
\ ε lo 4 100 ἰδ \ > / κε \ a
πατρὸς ἡμῶν, *eloTEs, adehhor ἠγαπημένοι ὑπὸ [τοῦ]
14 τοῦ om BDGL al
ἀσθενοῦντει. It is thus here the la-
borious toil (Grot. molesti labores)
from which love in its zeal for others
does not shrink; cf. Rev. ii. 2f. For
the use made of the word by St Paul
to describe the character of his own
life cf. ii. 9, iii. 5, II. iii. 8, 2 Cor. vi. 5,
xi. 23, 27, and for the corresponding
verb κοπιάω see the note on Vv. 12.
᾿Αγάπη, not found in class. writers,
is one of the great words of the N.T.,
where it is taken over from the Lxx.
to describe the new religious-ethical
principle of love that Christianity has
created (cf. SH. p. 374 ff.). The con-
tention however, that it is a word
actually ‘born within the bosom of
revealed religion’ can no longer be
rigidly maintained: cf. Deissmann BS.
p. 198 ff., and see further Ramsay
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia i.
p. 492, also Hap. T. ix. p. 567 f.
καὶ τ. ὑπομονῆς τ. ἐλπίδος] Ὕπομονή,
though not unknown to profane litera-
ture, has also come like ἀγάπη to be
closely associated with a distinctively
Christian virtue. It is more than
passive ‘patience’ (O.L. patientia)
under trial, and is rather a ‘verbum
bellicum’ pointing to the heroic
‘endurance, the manly ‘constancy’
(Vg. sustinentia), with which the
Christian believer faces the difficul-
ties that beset him in the world: ef.
II. i. 4, iii. 5, Rom. v. 3 f., 2 Cor. vi. 4,
Heb. xii. 1, Rev. i. 9; and for a full
discussion of ὑπομονή and its synonyms
see Trench Syn. § liii.
τ. κυρίου ἡμῶν κτλ.] The sentence
would naturally have finished with
ἐλπίδος, but in characteristic fashion
St Paul lengthens it out by the addi-
tion of two clauses, both of which are
best taken as dependent on ἐλπίδος
alone, rather than on all three sub-
stantives. The first clause sets before
us the true object of hope—r. κυρίου
ἡμ. Ino. Xp. (gen. obj.), in accordance
with the teaching of the whole Ep.
which centres Christian hope in the
thought of the speedy Parousia of
Christ: cf. Col. i. 27 Χριστὸς ἐν ὑμῖν,
ἡ ἐλπὶς τῆς δόξης, and see Intr. p. lxix f,
The second clause emphasizes the
Divine presence in which this hope
is manifested—é¢umpoobev τ. θεοῦ x,
πατρὸς ἡμῶν, words which may be
rendered either ‘before God and our
Father, or ‘before our God and
Father” The latter rendering is
preferable, as the art., in itself un-
necessary, is apparently introduced
to bind the two clauses together, and
to connect both with ἡμῶν: cf. Gal.
i. 4 (with Lft.’s note), Phil. iv. 20, the
only other places where the exact
phrase occurs.
The strongly affirmatory ἔμπροσθεν
τ. θεοῦ κτὰ. is characteristic of this
Ep., cf. ii. 19 ᾿(τ. κυρίου), iil. 9, 13.
For the thore usual ἐνώπιον τ, θεοῦ see
Rom. xiv, 22, 1 Cor. i. 29 al,
4. εἰδότες... ‘having come to
know...,’ a third participial clause,
conveying the writers’ assured know-
ledge (contrast γνῶναι, 111, 5) of the
Thessalonians’ election, and _ intro-
ducing a description of the signs by
which that knowledge has _ been
reached, and is still enjoyed.
ἀδελφοὶ ἠγαπημένοι κτλ.] The ordin-
ary address of ἀδελφοί, which is very
common in these Epp., and seems
always to be used with a certain
emphasis attaching to it (Intr. p. xliv),
is here enriched by the addition of
ἤγαπ. ὑπὸ [τοῦ] θεοῦ (ef. II. ii. 13 ἡγαπ.
ὑπὸ Κυρίου), a phrase which in this
exact form is not found elsewhere in
the N.T. (cf. Jude 1 τοῖς ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ
ἠγαπημένοις), but occurs in the Lxx,
Sir. xlv. 1 ἠγαπημένον ὑπὸ (ἀπὸ &)
ὃ THE FIRST EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS
{Is
~ \ > \ ε “ « ? / -
θεοῦ, τὴν ἐκλογὴν ὑμῶν, ὅὅτι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ἡμῶν οὐκ
3 / > ς δὲ ᾽ , ? \ aa / \
ἐγενήθη εἰς ὑμᾶς ἐν NOyw μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν δυνάμει Kal
ἐν πνεύματι ayiw καὶ πληροφορίᾳ πολλῆ, καθὼς οἴδατε
ματι ἁγίς ἡροφορίς ἢ,
θεοῦ x. ἀνθρώπων : cf. also its use of
Ptolemy in 0.G.Z.S. 90, 4 al. (ii./B.c.
—the Rosetta stone) ἠγαπημένου ὑπὸ
τοῦ 6a. To connect ὑπὸ [τοῦ] θεοῦ
with τ. ἐκλογὴν vy. as in the A.V. is
inadmissible both on account of the
order of the words, and because in
St Paul’s sense any other ἐκλογή than
by God is inconceivable.
- The use of ἀδελφοί in the N.T. to
denote members of the same religious
community, fellow-Christians, was
probably taken over from Judaism
(Ac. ii. 29, 37, iii. 17 &c.), and from
the practice of the Lord Himself (cf.
Mt. xii. 48, xxiii. 8); but it can also
be illustrated from the ordinary
language of the Apostles’ time. Thus
in P.Tor, I. 1, 20 (ii./B.c.) the members
of a society which had to perform
a part of the ceremony in embalming
bodies are described as ἀδελφοὶ οἱ τὰς
λειτουργίας ἐν ταῖς vexpiats παρεχόμε-
νοι, and in P.Par. 42, 1 ὅτο. (ii./B.c.)
the same designation is applied to
the ‘ fellows’ of a religious corporation
established in the Serapeum of
Memphis. See further Kenyon Bri-
tish Museum Papyrit. p. 31, Ramsay
C. and B. i. pp. 96 ff., 630, and for the
evidence of the inscriptions cf. .G.ST.
956 B.
According to Harnack, the term,
as a mutual designation by Christians
of one another, fell into general disuse
in the course of the 3rd cent., while,
as applied by ecclesiastics to the
laity, it came to be confined (much
as it now is) to sermons (Mission
und Ausbreitung des Christentums
(1902), pp. 291, 303 (Engl. Tr. ii. pp.
of., 31 f.)).
τ. ἐκλογὴν ὑμῶν]! There is nothing
in the passage to enable us to decide
whether this ἐκλογή is to be carried
back to God’s eternal decree (cf. Eph.
i. 4), or whether it refers only to the
actual admission of the Thessalonians
into the Church. As however it is
clearly stated to be a matter of the
writers’ own knowledge (εἰδότες), the
thought of the historical call must
certainly be included. Th. Mops. :
‘electi estis (hoe est, quemadmodum
ad fidem accessistis).’
᾿Εκλογή itself, which is not found
in the uxx. (cf. however Aq. Isa. xxii.
7, Sm., Th. Isa. xxxvii. 24, and for
the verb Isa. xlix. 7), occurs elsewhere
in the N.T. six times, and always
with reference to the Divine choice
(Ac. ix. 15, Rom. ix. 11, xi. 5, 7, 28,
2 Pet. i. 10). For an apparent in-
stance of its use with reference to
man’s choosing see Pss. Sol. ix. 7 ra
ἔργα ἡμῶν ev ἐκλογῇ καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ tis
ψυχῆς ἡμῶν (with Ryle and James’
note). The corresponding verb ἐκλέ-
yer@a is found in the Pauline Epp.
only 1 Cor, i. 27 f., Eph. i. 4.
5. ὅτι] ‘how that,’ the demonstra-
tive ὅτε introducing a description not
of the ground of the Thessalonians’
election, but of the signs by which it
was known to the Apostles—these
being found (1) in the power and
assurance with which they themselves
had been enabled to preach at Thessa-
lonica (Ὁ. 5), and (2) in the eagerness
and joyfulness with which the Thessa-
lonians had believed (v. 6). For this
use of ὅτι with εἰδέναι ef. ii, 1, Rom.
xiii. 11, 1 Cor. xvi. 15, 2 Cor. xii. 3 f.
TO εὐαγγέλιον ἡμῶν] i.e. ‘the gospel
which we preach,’ with reference to
the contents of the Apostles’ message
rather than to the act of declaring it,
for though the Apostles might be the
bearers of the message (ii. 4, 9, II. ii,
14), in its origin it was God’s (ii. 2, 8,
9), and in its substance Christ’s (iii. 2,
II. i. 8). In this connexion the use of
I 6]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 9
KF ’ / ΤΉΝ ey ee Pe ~ Wi +
οἷοι ἐγενήθημεν ᾿ ὑμῖν OC ὑμᾶς" “καὶ ὑμεῖς μιμηταὶ ἡμῶν
5 ὑμῖν SACP 17 31 67** al Boh: ἐν ὑμῖν BDGKL al pler dr?g Vg Ephr Chr
Thdt Ambst Theod-Mops" al
ἐγενήθη (for form, WM. p. 102), one of
the characteristic words of the Epp.
(8 times against 13 in the remaining
Pauline Epp. of which two are quota-
tions from the Lxx.), is significant as
pointing to a result reached through
the working of an outside force, though
no stress can be laid in this connexion
on the pass. form which in the N.T.,
as in late Gk. generally, is used inter-
changeably with the midd.: cf. e.g.
Eph. iii. 7 with Col: i. 23, 25, and for
the evidence of the inscriptions see
Magn. 105 (ii./B.c.) where γενηθῆναι
appears seven times for γενέσθαι
(Thieme, p. 13). Similarly, in accord-
ance with the tendency in late Gk. to
substitute prepositional phrases for
the simple cases, εἰς ὑμᾶς can hardly
be taken as equivalent to more than
viv: cf. ii. 9, 1 Pet. i. 25.
For the history of the word evay-
γέλιον see Add. Note E.
οὐκ...ἐν λόγῳ μόνον κτλ.] The in-
fluence in which the Gospel came
to the Thessalonians, is now stated
first negatively (οὐκ év Ady. μόν.) and
then positively in a series of closely
related substantival clauses, the first
(ἐν δυνάμει) laying stress on the effec-
tive power with which the Gospel was
brought home to the Thessalonians,
the second and third (ἐν πνεύμ. ay. x.
᾿ wAnpod. πολλῇ : note the common pre-
position) on the Divine fervour which
the Spirit had been the means of en-
kindling (cf. Eph. v. 18), and of which
‘much assurance’ was the character-
istic mark.
For the contrast between-Adyos and
δύναμις cf. 1 Cor. ii. 4, iv. 20, and
for the phrase πνεῦμα ἅγιον where
ἅγιον retains its full force as marking
the essential characteristic of the
Spirit spoken of cf. 2 Cor. vi. 6, 1 Pet.
i. 12 (with Hort’s note), and see also
Weber Jiidische Theologie (1897)
p. 190 ff.
πληροφορίᾳ] Πληροφορία (not found
in class. writers or Lxx.) is here used |
in its characteristic N.T. sense of
‘full assurance’ or ‘confidence’ (‘in
muche certaintie of persuasion’ Gene-
van N.T. 1557), cf. Col. ii. 2, Heb. vi. .
11, x. 22; Clem. R. Cor. xlii. 3 pera
πληροφορίας πνεύματος ἁγίου ἐξῆλθον,
εὐαγγελιζόμενοι.
The corresponding verb is found
five times in the Pauline Epp., and
elsewhere in the N.T. only in Lk. i. 1.
An interesting ex. of its use is afforded
by P.Amh. 66, 42 f. (ii./A.D.) in an
account of certain judicial proceed-
ings where the complainer, having
failed to make good his accusation, is
invited by the strategus to bring
forward his witnesses to support it—
ἵνα δὲ καὶ νῦν πληροφορήσω ἐλθέτωσαν
ovs ἄγεις, ‘but now also to give you
full satisfaction, let the persons whom
you bring come.’ In mod. Gk. πληρο-
gopia denotes simply ‘information’ :
cf. for an approximating use of the
verb in this sense Rom. iv. 21.
καθὼς οἴδατε] καθώς (a late form
for Attic καθά, Lob. Phryn. p. 426,
Rutherford WV. P. p. 495) introducing
an epexegesis of what has preceded,
ef. 1 Cor.i. 6. For the appeal to the
Thessalonians’ own knowledge see
Intr. p. xliv.
οἷοι ἐγενήθημεν κτλ. ‘what manner
of men we proved ourselves to you
for your sakes’—oio. pointing to the
spiritual power of the preachers, and
dv ὑμᾶς (Vg. propter vos, Beza vestri
causa) bringing out the interest and
advantage of those for whom, accord-
ing to God’s purpose, that power was
exercised (cf. P.Grenf. 1. 15, οὗ, (ii./B.0.)
ΙΟ THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[17
/ ~ /
ἐγενήθητε καὶ τοῦ κυρίου, δεξάμενοι τὸν λόγον ἐν θλίψει
΄ \ ~ / e 7 .« 7
7
πολλῇ μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου, Τὥστε γενέσθαι
ἐσόμεθα διὰ σὲ [βεβοηθημέ]ναι).. For
ἐγενήθημεν see above, and for the
general thought ef. 2 Cor. iv. 7—15.
The omission of ἐν before ὑμῖν (see
crit. note) may have been due to the
influence of -θημεν, while its retention
(WH. mg.) is further favoured by the
antithetical δι᾿ ὑμᾶς : see Findlay’s crit.
note where iii, 7, iv. 14, 2 Cor. i, 11,
20, 111, 18, Rom. i. 17 are cited for the
like Pauline play upon prepositions.
6,7. ‘As regards yourselves fur-
ther, you on your own part also gave
proof of your election by showing
yourselves imitators of us—yes, and
not of us only, but of the Lord. We
refer more particularly to your atti-
tude towards the Word, which was
marked by a deep inward joy notwith-
standing much outward affliction. So
unmistakably indeed did you exhibit
this spirit that you became an en-
sample to all Christian believers both
in Macedonia and in Achaia.’
6. καὶ ὑμεῖς μιμηταί κτλ.] A second
proof of the Thessalonians’ ἐκλογή,
which, instead of being thrown into
a second subordinate clause depen-
dent on εἰδότες, is stated in a separate
sentence. Ὑμεῖς is emphatic, ‘You on
your part,’ while the periphrasis with
ἐγενήθητε again lays stress on the
moral responsibility of those spoken
of (cf. Gildersleeve Syntaa δὲ 61, 141).
Μιμηταί ‘imitators’ (R.V.) rather than
‘followers’ (A.V. and all previous Engl.
versions): cf. ii. 14; 1 Cor. iv. 16, xi. 1,
Eph. v. 1, Heb. vi, 12, the only other
places where the word is found in
the N.T., and see also Xen. Mem. i.
6. 3 of διδάσκαλοι τοὺς μαθητὰς μιμητὰς
ἑαυτῶν ἀποδεικνύουσιν (cited by Koch).
For the corresponding verb see II. iii,
7, 9. The compound συνμιμητής is
found in Phil. iii. 17.
k. τοῦ kxupiov} Ambrstr. ‘ipsius-
Domini, Beng.: ‘ Christi, qui Patris
apostolum egit, et verbum de coelo
attulit, et sub adversis docuit’—a
clause added to prevent any possible
misunderstanding by showing the real -
source of what the Thessalonians were
called upon to imitate: cf. 1 Cor. xi.
1, Eph. v. 1, and for the title rod
κυρίου see Add. Note D,
δεξάμενοι τὸν λόγον] The special
ground of imitation is now stated,
consisting not only in the ‘ready re-
ception’ (Vg. excipientes, Calv. am-
plexi estis) of ‘the word’ but in the
interwoven affliction and joy with
which that reception was accompanied,
For δέχομαι see ii, 13 note.
θλίψει) Θλίψις (or θλῖψις, WSchm,
Ῥ. 68) like the Lat. tribulatio, is a
good ex. of a word transformed to
meet a special want in the religious
vocabulary. Occurring very rarely in
profane Gk. writers even of a late
period, and then only in the literal
sense of ‘pressure, it is found fre-
quently both in the Lxx. and N.T. to
denote the ‘affliction,’ ‘ trial,” which is
the true believer’s lot in the world;
cf. Rom. v. 3, vili. 35, xii, 12, 2 Cor,
i. 4. For the existence of these afflic-
tions at Thessalonica cf. iii. 3, 7, LI. i.
4 ff.; and see Intr. p. xxxii.
μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου] Πνεύ-
ματος gen, of originating cause, ‘joy
inspired by, proceeding from the Holy
Spirit’: cf. Rom. xiv. 17 χαρὰ ἐν πνεύ-
ματι ἁγίῳ, XV. 13, Gal. v, 22. Thdt.:
πάντων μέγιστον τὸ.. πνευματικῆς ἡδονῆς
ἐμφορεῖσθαι.
For this union of suffering and joy as
marking ‘a new aeon’ in the world’s
history, see for St Paul’s own case
2 Cor. vi. 10, Col. i. 24, and for the
Macedonian Churches generally 2 Cor.
viii. 1,2; cf. also 1 Pet. iv. 13.
Mera with gen. to denote manner
is very frequent in the Κοινή, e.g. P.
Oxy. 292, 5f. (i./A.D.) διὲ παρακαλῶ oe
pera πάσης δυνάμεως (Other exx. in
Kuhring, p. 34). 3
17]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS II
e ~~ r / “ἢ ~ ~ / ? ~ M ὃ ,
υμας = TUTOV Taolv TOL WlOTEVOVOLY EV TH AKE Ova
" τύπον BD* 617 67** aldr?g Vg Syr (Pesh) Sah (?) Boh (?) Arm Aeth Ephr
Ambst Theod-Mops al: τύπους SACGKLP 37 al pler g Syr (Harel) Chr Thdt αἱ
7. ὥστε γένεσθαι)] The inf. intro-
duced by ὥστε is here consecutive,
and points to a result actually reached
and not merely contemplated (Votaw,
p. 13)—this result being further
viewed in its direct dependence upon
the previously-mentioned cause. Ὥστε
is found with the ind. with a somewhat
similar force in Jo. iii, 16, Gal. ii. 13,
but as a rule when so construed the
conjunction (as in class, Gk.,- Jelf
§ 863) does little more than draw
attention to the result as a new fact
without emphasizing its connexion
with what went before: see Moulton
Prolegg. p. 209 f.
τύπον] ‘an ensample,’ the use of the
sing. showing that it is the community
as a whole that is thought of: cf. II,
iii. 9, Didache iv. 11 ὑμεῖς δὲ [οἱ] δοῦλοι
ὑποταγήσεσθε τοῖς κυρίοις ὑμῶν ὡς τύπῳ
θεοῦ.... The ν.]. τύπους (W H. mg.) pro-
bably arose from assimilation to ὑμᾶς.
In itself ruzos (τύπτω) meant origin-
ally the ‘mark’ of a blow (cf. Jo. xx.
25 τ. τύπον Tt. ἤλων), and from being
frequently used to denote the ‘stamp’
struck by a die came to be applied to
the ‘figure’ which a stamp bears, or
more generally to any ‘copy’ or
‘image. Hence by a natural transi-
tion from effect to cause, it got the
meaning of ‘pattern, ‘model,’ and
finally of ‘type’ in the more special
Bibl. sense of a person or event pre-
figuring someone or something in the
future. For the history of the word
and its synonyms see Radford Exp.
Vv. vi. p. 377 ff., and add the interest-
ing use of the word in the inscriptions
to denote the ‘models’ in silver of
different parts of the body, presented
as votive offerings to the god through
whose agency those parts had been
healed; see Roberts-Gardner p. 161
with reference to Ο.1.4. 11. 403
(iii./B.C.).
πᾶσιν τ. πιστεύουσιν ‘to all believers,’
the part. with the art. being practi-
cally equivalent to a substantive ; cf.
ii. το, II. i. 10 (τ. πιστεύσασι), and for
the similar technical use of οἱ πιστοί
(1 Tim. iv. 12) see Harnack Miss. τι.
Ausbr. p. 289 (Engl. Tr. ii. p. 6 f.).
ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ κτλ.}] The repe-
tition of the art. shows that the
writers are here thinking of Mace-
donia and Achaia as the two distinct
though neighbouring provinces into
which after 142 B.c. Greece was
divided, whereas in the next verse |
they are classed together as embrac-
ing European Greece as a whole (cf,
Ac. xix. 21, Rom. xv. 26),
For the extension of the Gospel
throughout Macedonia cf. iv. 10, and
for the existence of believers in
Achaia see such passages as Ac. xvii.
34, xviii. 8, 2 Cor.i.1. It heightened
the praise of the Thessalonians that it
was to ‘nations so great and so famed
for wisdom’ (Thdt.) that they served
as an ensample.
8—r1o. Further confirmation of
what has just been stated in Ὁ. 7.
‘We say this of your ensample, for
indeed our experience has been that
from you as a centre the word of the
Lord has sounded out like a clear and
ringing trumpet-blast in the districts
just mentioned, and not only so, but
your faith in the one true God has
gone forth everywhere. Common
report indeed speaks so fully of this
that it is unnecessary that we our-
selves should add anything. All are
prepared to testify that as the result
of our mission amongst you, you have
turned from many false idols to the
service of one God who is both living
and true, and are confidently waiting
for the return of His Son out of the
heavens. We mean of course Jesus,
whom God raised from the dead, and
12 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
καὶ ἐν th “Ayal
ν᾿ τῇ Axate.
-~ > * ~
τοὺ κυρίου οὐ μόνον ἐν TH
to whom we all have learned to look
as our Rescuer from the Wrath that is
even now coming.’
8. ad’ ὑμῶν] ‘from you as a centre’
(cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 36), rather than ‘ by
your instrumentality’ as missionaries,
which would naturally, though not
necessarily (Blass p. 125), have been
ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν.
ἐξήχηται] ᾿Ἐξηχέω. am. dey. N.T., is
found in the Ltxx. Joel iii. (iv.) 14,
3 Macc. iii. 2 V, Sir. xl. 13 ὡς βροντὴ
μεγάλη ev ὑετῷ ἐξηχήσει, cf. Philo in
Place. ὃ 6 (ii. p. 522 M.) ἐκ περιεσ-
τῶτος ἐν κύκλῳ πλήθους ἐξήχει βοή τις
ἄτοπος. The Engl. verss. from Tindale
(with the exception of Rheims ‘ was
bruited’) agree in the rendering
‘sounded out’ (Beza personuit, Erasm.
exsonuit, sive ebuccinatus est), pointing
to the clear, ringing nature of the
report as of a trumpet (Chrys. ὥσπερ
σάλπιγγος λαμπρὸν ἠχούσης). Lft. finds
the underlying metaphor rather in the
sound of thunder (cf. Sir. xl. 13 quoted
above and Pollux i. 118 ἐξήχησεν
Bpovrn), and recalls Jerome’s descrip-
tion of St Paul’s own words, ‘non
verba sed tonitrua’ (Zp. 48).
ὁ λόγος Tov κυρίου] a familiar O.T.
phrase for a prophetic utterance, used
here with* direct reference to the
Gospel-message (‘a word having the
Lord for its origin, its centre, and its
end’ Eadie) which had been received
by the Thessalonians, and which they
had been the means of diffusing to
others. The exact phrase, though
frequent in Ac., is used elsewhere by
St Paul only II. iii. 1. Afterwards he
prefers ὁ λόγος τ. θεοῦ, and once, in
Col. iii. 16, ὁ λόγος τ. χριστοῦ (Mg.
κυρίου).
οὐ μόνον ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ κτλ. If we
follow the usual punctuation, the con-
struction of the rest of the sentence
is irregular, as instead of ev π. τύπῳ
standing in opposition to ἐν τ. Mak. x.
[18
Sap’ ὑμῶν yap ἐξήχηται ὁ λόγος
Μακεδονίᾳ καὲ ᾿Αχαίᾳ, ἀλλ᾽
"Ay. we find ἃ new subject introduced,
It has accordingly been proposed to
place a colon after τ. κυρίου, dividing
v. 8 into two parts. The first part
ad’ ὑμῶν... κυρίου then gives the reason
of ». 7, and the second part takes up
the preceding ἐξήχηται, and works it
out according to locality. This yields
good sense, but it is simpler to find
here another ex. of St Paul’s im-
petuous style. He had meant to stop
at τόπῳ, but in his desire to make a
forcible climax he lengthens out the
sentence.
As regards the fact, the situation
of Thessalonica made it an excellent
centre for missionary enterprise (Intr.
p. xxii), while it is possible as further
explaining the hyperbole ἐν παντὶ
τόπῳ (cf. Rom. i. 8, xvi. 19, 2 Cor.
ii. 14, Col. i. 6, 23) that St Paul had
just heard from Aquila and Priscilla,
who had recently arrived in Corinth
from Rome, that the faith of the
Thessalonians was already known
there (so Wieseler Chronol. p. 42).
The preposition ἐν following a verb
of motion may have a certain signifi-
cance as indicating the permanence
of the report in the regions indicated
(WM. p. 514), a fact that is also im-
plied in the use of the perf. ἐξελήλυθεν,
but the point cannot be pressed in
view of the frequent occurrence of ἐν
for eis in late Gk.: see the exx. in
Hatzidakis p. 210, eg. Acta Joh.
(Zahn) 36 ἤλθομεν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ, to
which Moulton (Prolegg. p. 234) adds
the early P.Par. το, 2 f. (ii./B.c.) παῖς
ἀνακεχώρηκεν ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ. For the
corresponding εἰς for ἐν ef. B.G.U.
385, 5f. (ii—iii./a.D.) ἡ θυγαϊτἼ]ηρ μου
is ᾿Αλεξανδρείαν ἔσσι.
Ἐξέρχομαι is used in a similar Ἢ
connexion in Rom. x. 18 (Lxx.), 1 Cor.
xiv. 36, and, like the preceding ἐξηχέω,
conveys the idea of rapid, striking
progress. Chrys.: ὥσπερ yap περὶ
Ι 9]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 13
3 \ / € 4 « a ε \ \ A 3 /
ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν ἡ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐξελή-
θ .« \ / 1 fea, ~ i > \ \
λυῦθεν, ὥστε μὴ χρείαν ἔχειν ἡμᾶς λαλεῖν τι" PavTOL yap
“ » ᾽ \
περὶ "ἡμῶν' ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν πρὸς
~ ΄σ 3 / \ \ \ > \ ~
ὑμάς, Kal πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς Tov θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν
9 ἡμῶν] ὑμῶν Β αἱ ἃ Sah Thdt al
ἐμψύχου τινὸς διαλεγόμενος, ᾿οὕτως
εἶπεν, "ἐξελήλυθεν" - οὕτως ἦν σφοδρὰ
καὶ ἐνεργής.
ἡ πίστις vp. ἡ πρὸς τ. θεόν] The
connecting art. ἡ is here inserted
before the defining clause to prevent
ambiguity (Blass p. 160), while the
definite τὸν θεόν emphasizes ‘the God’
towards whom the Thessalonians’ faith
is directed in contrast with their pre-
vious attitude towards ra εἴδωλα (Ὁ. 9).
ὥστε μὴ χρείαν κτλ.}] On ὥστε with
inf. see v. 7 note, and for χρείαν ἔχειν
followed by the simple inf. ef. iv. 9,
v. 1, Mt. iii. 14, xiv. 16, also Heb. v. 12.
Λαλεῖν can hardly be distinguished
here from λέγειν, but in accordance
with its original reference to personal,
friendly intercourse, it perhaps draws
attention to the free and open nature
of the communication thought of.
The verb is especially characteristic
of the Fourth Gospel, where it is
assigned to Christ thirty-three times
in the first person, cf. especially for
the sense Jo, xviii. 20 ἐγὼ παρρησίᾳ
λελάληκα τῷ κόσμῳ...καὶ ἐν κρυπτῷ
ἐλάλησα οὐδέν, and see Abbott Joh.
Grammar p. 203.
9. αὐτοὶ γάρ] 1.6. the men of Mace-
doniaandelsewhere. For an ingenious
conjecture that the reading of the
verse ought to be αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀπαγγέλ-
Aere... With reference to a letter sent
by the Thessalonians to St Paul see
Rendel Harris, Exp. v. viii. p. 170 f.,
and cf. Intr. p. xxx.
ὁποίαν εἴσοδον] ‘what sort of en-
trance’—eicodov being used of the ‘act
of entering’ (ii. 1, Ac. xiii. 24) rather
than of the ‘means of entering’ (Heb.
Χ. 19, 2 Pet. i. 11), while the indirect
interrogative ὁποίαν (WM. p. 209 n.°)
points to the nature of that entrance,
how happy and successful it was (Ὁ. 5).
For the disappearance of ὁποῖος
from common Gk. (elsewhere in N.T.
only Ac. xxvi. 29, Gal. ii. 6, 1 Cor.
iii. 13, Jas. i. 24) see WSchm. p. 191,
Meisterhans p. 237. It is found in
the curious combination ὅτι ὁποίαν in
P.Gen. 54, 1 ff. (iii./A.D.) oidas...dr¢
ὁποίαν προέρεσιν ἔχω καὶ oidas...0re
γν[ μη ὁποία ἐστιν.
καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε κτλ.] ‘and how
you turned...’ not ‘returned’ (as in
A.V. 1611), ém- having here appar-
ently simply a directive force, cf. Rev.
i. 12. For the bearing of the whole
clause on the generally Gentile charac-
ter of the Thessalonian Church see
Intr, p. xliif. The thought of manner
(Chrys. : εὐκόλως, μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς σφο-
δρότητος) if not wholly wanting in πῶς
is certainly not prominent, as in late
Gk. the word is practically = ὅτε (Blass
p. 230, Hatzidakis p. 19).
᾿ΕἘπιστρέφειν, While frequent in Acts
of Gentiles turning to God, is not
again used by St Paul in this sense;
contrast Gal. iv. 9, 2 Cor. iii. 16, the
only other places in his Epp. where it
occurs. To indicate the fact of con-
version the Apostle preferred as a
rule such general terms as πιστεύειν,
ὑπακούειν, perhaps as emphasizing not
the mere turning away from error, but
the positive laying hold of truth. That
however this latter condition was ful-
filled in the Thessalonians’ case is
proved by the description that follows
of their Christian life under the two-
fold aspect of doing and of waiting, of
active service and of confident hope.
14 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[I 10
’ ΄ι- ΄ο \ ΄σ A /
εἰδώλων δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀληθινῷ, Kal ἀναμένειν
΄ ΄σ ΄σ rat af ΄σ
τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν, ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν]
10 τῶν om AC αἱ Eus
δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι xrd.] ‘to serve
God living and true,’ the absence of
the art. drawing attention to God in
His character rather than in His
person, and δουλεύειν (inf. of purpose)
pointing to complete, whole-hearted
service: cf. Rom. xii. 11, xiv. 18, xvi.
18, Eph. vi. 7, Col. iii. 24, and for the
thought Jer. iii. 22 ἐπιστράφητε.. «ἰδοὺ
δοῦλοι ἡμεῖς ἐσόμεθά σοι, ὅτι σὺ Κύριος
ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν εἶ, [Eng. Ch. Cat.: ‘My
duty towards God is... to serve Him
truly all the days of my life.’]
AovAevew is apparently never used
in a religious sense in pagan literature:
cf. however ἱερόδουλοι as a designa-
tion of the votaries of Aphrodite at
Corinth.
Under ζῶντι in accordance with the
- regular O.T. conception (Deut. v. 26,
Jos. iii. 10, Dan. vi. 20, 26; cf. Sanday
Exp. T. xvi. p. 153 ff.) must be in-
cluded not merely the being, but the
activity or power of God (Ac. xiv. 15,
2 Cor. iii. 3, Heb. ix. 14; ef. Grill
Untersuchungen tiber die Entstehung
des vierten Evangeliums (1902) i. p.
237); while ἀληθινῷ (here only in St
Paul) is ‘true’ in the sense of ‘real’
(Jo. xvii. 3, 1 Jo. v. 20; οὗ Trench
Syn. ὃ viii.), the ‘very’ God of the
creeds as distinguished from false
gods who are mere empty shams and
shows (εἴδωλα, in Lxx. for DrDroN
nothings Lev. xix. 4 &., and 0°33
breaths Deut, xxxii. 21, Jer. xvi. 19
&c.). Thdt.: ζῶντα μὲν αὐτὸν ὠνόμα-
σεν, ὡς ἐκείνων [τῶν εἰδώλων] οὐ
ζώντων" ἀληθινὸν δέ, ὡς ἐκείνων ψευδῶς
θεῶν καλουμένων.
10. καὶ ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ]
᾿Αναμένειν, am. dey. N.T., but fairly
frequent in the Lxx., e.g. Job vii. 2,
Isa. lix. 11 ἀνεμείναμεν κρίσιν, and see
also the instructive parallel from
Aesch. Hum. 243 ἀναμένω τέλος δίκης
(cited by Chase The Lord’s Prayer
p. 72 n.”). The leading thought here
seems to be to wait for one whose
coming is expected (Beng.: ‘de eo
dicitur, qui abiit ita, ut venturus sit’),
perhaps with the added idea of pa-
tience and confidence (dva-, Winer
de verb. comp. pt. iii. p. 15). In Ae.
i. 4 περιμένειν is found in the same
sense. The more general word is
ἀπεκδέχεσθαι, 1 Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii. 20.
Calv.: ‘Ergo quisque in vitae sanctae
cursu perseverare volet, totam men-
tem applicet ad spem adventus
Christi.’
For τὸν υἱὸν avrot—the only place
in these Epp. where Christ is so de-
scribed—see Intr. p. Ixvi.
ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν] ‘out of the heavens’
(Wycl. fro heuenes: Tind. and the
other Engl. verss. preserve the sing.).
The plur. may be a mere Hebraism,
the corresponding Heb. word DYDY
being plur. in form, but it is possible
that St Paul’s language here, as else-
where, is influenced by the Rabbinic
theory of a plurality of heavens, gene-
rally regarded as seven in number,
through which ‘the Beloved’ ascends
and descends: cf. especially The As-
cension of Isaiah vi.—xi., and on the
whole subject see Morfill and Charles
Book of the Secrets of Enoch p.
xxxff., Cumont Religions ortent.(1907)
p. 152. This reference must not how-
ever be pressed in view of the fact
that the sing. actually occurs oftener
than the plur. (11: 10) in the Pauline
writings: note particularly the use of
the sing. in practically the same con-
text as here in iv. 16, II. i. 7.
It may be added as showing the
difference in usage among the N.T.
writers that in St Matthew’s Gospel
the plur. is used more than twice as
T ro]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 15
a > ~ A e F € ~ 9 ΄σ ᾽ ΄σ ~
νεκρῶν, ᾿Ιησοῦν Tov ῥνόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς
ἐρχομένης.
often as the sing. (55: 27), while in the
Apocalypse out of 52 occurrences of
the word only one is in the plur. (xii.
12), and that in a passage under the
direct influence of the Lxx. (Isa. xliv.
23, xlix. 13, cf. also Dan. iii. 59), where
the plur. ovpavoi (like our colloquial
heavens) is frequently used of the
visible sky, especially in the Pss. (e.g.
viii. 4, xviii. (xix.) 2; cf. F. W. Mozley
The Psalter of the Church (1905) p. 4).
For the use of the art. before ovpa-
νῶν in the present passage cf. Mt. iii.
17, Mk. i. 11 (WSchm. p. 162).
ov ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν] ‘whom
He (sc. God) raised out of the dead’—
the resurrection of Jesus being traced
as always in the Pauline teaching to
the direct act of God, οἵ, 1 Cor. vi.
14, xv. 15, Gal. i. 1 ὅτ. . It is to be
noted that in the present passage the
thought of the resurrection is intro-
duced not as the argumentum pal-
marium for the Divine Sonship (as in
Rom. i. 4), but, in accordance with
the context, as the necessary prelude
to Christ’s Return, and the general
resurrection by which it will be ac-
companied: cf. Rom. viii. 11, 1 Cor.
xv. 20 ff., 2 Cor. iv. 14, Col. i. 18, and
especially the words spoken at Athens
so shortly before Ac. xvii. 31. Calv.:
‘in hune finem resurrexit Christus,
ut eiusdem gloriae nos omnes tan-
dem consortes faciat, qui sumus eius ©
membra.’
For ἐγείρειν cf. iv. 14 note, and for
the phrase ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν (elsewhere
with art. only Eph. v. 14, Col. i. 18)
see WSchm. p. 163.
Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς] It is
the historical Jesus (Add. Note D)
Who acts as ‘our Rescuer’ (cf. Rom. xi.
26 from uxx. Isa. lix. 20), the thought
of deliverance by power being appar-
ently always associated with ῥύεσθαι
in the Bibl. writings (cf. Gen. xlviii. 16,
Rom. vii. 24, xv. 31, 2 Cor. i. Io,
2 Tim. iv. 17 f.), while the following
ἐκ (contrast ἀπό II. iii. 2) emphasizes
its completeness in the present in-
stance— He brings us altogether out
of the reach of future judgment’; cf,
Sap. xvi. 8 and see Ps.-Clem. vi. 7
ποιοῦντες γὰρ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ. Χριστοῦ
εὑρήσομεν ἀνάπαυσιν" εἰ δὲ μήγε οὐδὲν
ἡμᾶς ῥύσεται ἐκ τῆς αἰωνίου κολάσεως
(cited by Chase The Lord’s Prayer
Ρ. 79, where the constructions of
ῥύεσθαι are fully discussed).
ἐκ τ. ὀργῆς τ. ἐρχομένης] ‘out of
the wrath that is coming "---τῆς ὀργῆς,
as in 11, 16, Rom. ili. 5, v. 9, ix. 22,
xiii. 5, being used absolutely of the
Divine wrath, and in accordance
with the context (ἀναμέν. τ. υἱόν κτλ.)
and the general N.T. usage, having
here the definite eschatological refer-
ence for which the language of the
prophetic writings has prepared us,
cf. e.g. Isa. ii. 1o—22, Zeph. iii. ὃ ff,
and see further Ritschl Rechtfer-
tigung u. Versihnung® ii. Ὁ. 142 ff.
A similar application of the term is
found in Judaistic literature, e.g. Book
of Jubilees xxiv. 30 (‘nor one that will
be saved on the day of the wrath of
judgment’), Secrets of Enoch xliv. 2
(‘the great wrath of the Lord shall
consume him’), and for classical usage
ef. Kur. Hipp. 438 ὀργαὶ δ᾽ εἰς σ᾽ ἐπέ-
σκηψαν θεᾶς.
This wrath is further described as
τῆς ἐρχομένης (cf. Eph. v. 6, Col. iii. 6),
the repeated art. drawing attention
to ‘coming’ as its essential feature,
while both verb and tense bring out
the certainty and perhaps the near-
ness of its approach (cf. v. 2 note).
Needless to say it is no angry re-
sentment that is thought of, but the
hostility to sin which is as necessary
a part of God’s nature as His love;
cf. Isa. lxi. 8, Zech. viii. 17, and see
Lact. de ird Dei 5: ‘nam si deus non
irascitur impiis et iniustis, nec pios
16 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 1, 2
IT.
τ Αὐτοὶ yap οἴδατε, ἀδελφοί, τὴν εἴσοδον ἡμῶν
\ A ε ΄σ « 3 \ “ 2 .9 \ ,
τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς OTL οὐ κενὴ γέγονεν, "ἄλλα προπαθόντες
ε , \ af > >
καὶ ὑβρισθέντες καθὼς οἴδατε ἐν Φιλίπποις ἐπαρρησια-
/ > ~ ~ 8 “ - ε ~
σάμεθα ἐν τῷ θεᾷ ἡμῶν λαλῆσαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς TO εὐαγγέ-
utique iustosque diligit.... In rebus
enim diversis, aut in utramque par-
tem moveri necesse est, aut in
neutram.’
On the bearing of vv. 9, 10 on the
missionary teaching of St Paul see
Intr. p. xlii f.
11, 1—12. GENERAL CHARACTER OF
THE AposToLIC MINISTRY AT
THESSALONICA.
Having borne witness to the reality
of the ‘ election’ of their Thessalonian
converts, the Apostles now turn to
deal more particularly with certain
charges that had been brought against
themselves after their departure from
Thessalonica, and of which they had
heard probably through Timothy
(Intr. p. xxx). This section of the
Epistle accordingly takes the form
of an ‘apologia,’ or a vindication on
the part of St Paul and his com-
panions of their Apostolic claims, in
so far as these were evidenced by
their entrance into Thessalonica
(wv. 1, 2), the general character of
their preaching (vz. 3, 4), and its par-
ticular methods (vv. 5—12). Compare
with the whole section, both for lan-
guage and tone, 2 Cor. iv. 1—6.
1,2. ‘Why speak however of the
report of others, seeing that we can
confidently appeal to your own ex-
perience as to the effective character
of our ministry. For even though we
were subjected to shameful contumely,
as you well know, at Philippi, never-
theless we boldly declared to you the
Gospel of God. Not that this boldness
was our own. It came to us from
God, and so upheld us in the midst of
the opposition we encountered.’
1. Αὐτοὶ yap οἴδατε κτλ.] Anappeal
again to the Thessalonians’ own ex-
perience (cf. i. 5), as distinguished
from the report of others (αὐτοί emph.),
and strengthened in the present in-
stance by the repetition of the
significant ἀδελφοί (ef. i. 4); while the
resumptive yap refers back to i. 9%,
and in meaning is almost =‘ however.’
ov κενὴ γέγονεν] ‘hath not been
found vain’—the reference being to
the essential content of the Apostles’
preaching rather than to its results.
(Chrys.: οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνη, οὐδὲ ἡ τυ-
χοῦσα; Beng.: ‘non inanis, sed plena
virtutis.’) That however an enduring
result was secured is proved by the
perf, γέγονεν. For κενός in this sense
ef. τ Cor. xv. τὸ and see Trench Syn.
§ xlix., and for the form of the
sentence by which οἴδατε claims in
anticipation the subj. of γέγονεν for
its object see WM. p. 781.
2. ἀλλὰ προπαθόντες κτλ. See
Ac. xvi. 19 ff, Phil. i. 30. Προπα-
θόντες (class., dm. rey. N.T.) finds its
full explanation in the second parti-
ciple which is almost=aore καὶ ὑβ-
picOnva: cf. Dem. 6. Conon. ad init.
ὑβρισθείς, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, καὶ παθὼν
ὑπὸ Κόνωνος (cited by Wetstein).
More than the bodily suffering it was
the personal indignity that had been
offered to him as a Roman citizen
(cf. Cic. in Verr. v. 66 ‘scelus ver-
berare [civem Romanum|]’) that had
awakened a sense of contumely in
St Paul’s mind. For a similar use
of ὑβρίζειν cf. Mt. xxii. 6, Lk. xviii. 32,
Ac. xiv. 5, 2 Mace. xiv. 42, 3 Mace. vi. 9.
The somewhat awkward repetition of
καθὼς οἴδατε after οἴδατε (Ὁ. 1) brings
out strongly the writers’ desire to
carry their readers along with them
(Intr. p. xliv).
ἐπαρρησιασάμεθα ἐν τῷ θεῷ κτλ.] In
itself ἐπαρρησιασάμεθα may refer gene-
II 3,4] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 17
-:. wn ᾿ o ~~ e \ / e _
λιον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν πολλῷ ἀγῶνι. 34 γὰρ παράκλησις ἡμῶν
29Q\ > / 3 \
οὐκ ἐκ πλάνης οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀκαθαρσίας οὐδὲ ἐν δόλῳ, “ἀλλὰ
rally to the Apostles’ whole attitude,
but as the verb is always used else-
where in the N.T. (Ac.’, Eph.) of the
bold proclamation of the Gospel it is
better to give it the full meaning
‘became bold of speech’ (aor. of in-
ception, Kiihner? ὃ 386. 5), the nature
of this boldness being further brought
out by the explanatory inf. λαλῆσαι
(i. 8 note), while the added clause ἐν
τ. θεῷ ny. points to its true source.
Oecum.: διὰ τὸν ἐνδυναμοῦντα θεὸν
τοῦτο ποιῆσαι τεθαρρήκαμεν.
The expression ‘our God’ is rare
in the Pauline Epp., occurring else-
where only in iii. 9, II. i. 11, 12, 1 Cor.
vi. 11: it is common in the Apocalypse.
ἐν πολλῷ ἀγῶνι] ‘in much conflict’—
the reference, as the context shows,
being to the eaternal dangers to
which the Apostles had been sub-
jected (O.L. in multo certamine)
rather than to any internal fears on
their part (Vg. in multa sollicitudine,
cf, Col. ii. 1): ef. Phil. i. 30 τὸν αὐτὸν
ἀγῶνα ἔχοντες οἷον εἴδετε ἐν ἐμοί, τ Tim.
Vi. 12 ἀγωνίζου τὸν καλὸν ἀγῶνα τῆς
πίστεως. ‘The metaphor, as in the
case of the allied ἀθλεῖν, ἄθλησις
(2 Tim. ii. 5, Heb. x. 32), is derived
from the athletic ground: cf. Epict.
Diss. iv. 4. 30 where life is compared
to an Olympic festival in which God
has given us the opportunity of show-
ing of what stuff we are made—ede
ἤδη ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, δεῖξον ἡμῖν ri ἔμαθες,
πῶς ἤθλησας.
3—7*. ‘We said that we were bold
in God, and that it was the Gospel of
God we preached, and we said rightly,
for our whole appeal to you is not
rooted in error, neither has it any con-
nexion with licentious and delusive
practices (as was the case with some of
your old religious teachers), On the
contrary, as those who have been
approved by the all-seeing God Him-
self we were entrusted with His
M, THESS.
Gospel. It is this indeed which
makes us independent of all merely
human considerations. And conse-
quently we did not at any time play
the part of flatterers, as you well know,
nor, and here we call God Himself to
witness, did we under any fair out-
ward pretext conceal an inward spirit
of covetousness. On the contrary
worldly glory either at your hands or
at the hands of others was so little in
our thoughts, that we did not even
demand the support and honour to
which as Apostles of Christ we were
entitled.’
3. παράκλησις] Vg. Ambrstr. ewx-
hortatio, Tert. adwocatio. Though
closely allied with διδαχή (Chrys.) or
διδασκαλία (Thdt.), παράκλησις is not
to be identified with either, but im-
plies something more in the nature of
an appeal (Huth. Zig.: ἡ διδασκαλία, ἡ
πρὸς TO πιστεῦσαι προτροπή), having
for its object the direct benefit of
those addressed, and which may be
either hortatory or consolatory accord-
ing to circumstances: cf. the almost
technical use of λόγος παρακλήσεως in
Ac. xiii. 15. In the present instance
παράκλησις is what Bengel finely calls
‘totum praeconium evangelicum, pas-
sionum dulcedine tinctum.,’
A characteristic use of the word in
ordinary life is cited by Wohlenberg
from Polyb. iii. 109. 6 f., where with
reference to the address of Aemilius
Paulus to the soldiers before the
battle of Cannae it is said that for the
hired soldier ὁ τῆς παρακλήσεως τρόπος
is necessary, but that for those who
fight for life and country no such ex-
hortation is required—vmropyncews
μόνον, παρακλήσεως δ᾽ ov, προσδεῖ.
For the corresponding verb παρα-
καλεῖν see the note on Ὁ. 11.
οὐκ ἐκ πλάνης] ‘does not arise out.
of error,’ πλάνης, as ἐκ (not ἐν) proves,
being used, as apparently always in
2
18 THE FIRST EPISTLE ΤῸ THE THESSALONIANS
[II 4
\ ’ \ ~ ~ ~
καθὼς δεδοκιμάσμεθα ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πιστευθῆναι TO εὐ-
/ e/ ~ > ς >
αγγέλιον οὕτως λαλοῦμεν, οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώποις ἀρέσκοντες
the N.T., in the pass. sense of ‘error’
rather than in the act. sense of ‘ deceit.’
In contrast with false teachers who
are not only ‘deceivers’ but ‘deceived’
(πλανῶντες κ. πλανώμενοι 2 Tim. 11]. 13)
the Apostles know whom they have
believed (2 Tim. i. 12), and are con-
fident in ‘the word of the truth of the
gospel’ (Col. i. 5) which they have been
called upon to declare (cf. Eph. iv. 14 f.,
and see also 1 Jo, iv. 6).
οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀκαθαρσίας} ‘nor out of un-
cleanness’—the reference being not to
‘covetousness,’ a meaning of ἀκαθαρσία
for which no sufficient warrant can
be produced, nor even to ‘impure
motives, but to actual ‘impurity,’
‘sensuality’ (cf. iv. 7, Rom. vi. 19), the
‘disclaimer, startling as it may seem,’
being not ‘unneeded amidst the im-
purities consecrated by the religions of
the day’ (Lft.): see further Intr. p. xlvi.
οὐδὲ ἐν δόλῳ] a new and distinct
negative clause (ovdé, Buttmann p.
366), the ἐν, as distinguished from the
preceding ἐκ (bis) of the originating
cause, drawing attention rather to
the general habit or method of the
Apostles’ working. Unlike the ἐργάται
δόλιοι With whom at the time they
were confronted (2 Cor. xi. 13, cf. ii. 17,
iv. 2), and with whose ‘guile’ they
were sometimes charged (2 Cor.
xii. 16), they had never used un-
worthy means for ensnaring (δόλος
from same root as δέλεαρ a bait,
Curtius Gr. Etym. ὃ 271) their con-
verts. Thdt.: ovre μὴν δόλῳ χρώμενοι
συνεργῷ εἰς ὄλεθρον ὑμᾶς ᾿θηρεύομεν.
For the absence of δόλος as a mark of
Christ Himself see 1 Pet. ii. 22 (Isa.
1111. 9): cf. also Jo. i. 47.
4. ἀλλὰ καθὼς δεδοκιμάσμεθα κτλ.
‘put according as we have been ap-
proved by God.’ Δοκιμάζω means
originally ‘put to the test’ (cf. ». 4°,
1 Cor. iii. 13), but in the N.T. gene-
rally conveys the added thought that
the test has been successfully sur-
mounted (Rom. i. 28, ii. 18, xiv. 22),
in accordance with the technical use
of the word to describe the passing
as fit for election to a public office,
e.g. Plato Legg. vi. 765 0, D ovs ἂν καὶ
Ψῆφος ἡ τῶν δοκιμαζόντων δοκιμάσῃ"
ἐὰν δέ τις ἀποδοκιμασθῇ κτλ., and from
the inscriptions such a passage as
C.I.A. 11. 23, 30 ff. νόμος ἐραν[ισ τῶν"
[μη]δενὶ ἐΐ ξ]έστω (ε)ἰσι[έν]αι [eis] τὴν
σεμνοτάϊτ]ην σύνοδον τῶν ἐρανιστῶν
π[ρὶ]ν ἂν δοκιμασθῇ : cf. Magn. 113, 9 ff.
ἀνὴρ δεδοκιμασμένος τοῖς θείοις κριτη-
ρίοις τῶν Σεβαστῶν ἐπί τε τῇ τέχνῃ κτλ.
In the Lxx. the idea of approval is as
a rule wanting, but cf. 2 Macc. iv. 3
διά τινος τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σίμωνος δεδοκι-
μασμένων, ‘through one of Simon’s
tried (or trusted) followers.’
In the present passage the verb is
almost=aé.ody (11. i. 11), though we
must beware of finding here any
suggestion of innate fitness on the
Apostles’ part (Chrys.: εἰ μὴ εἶδε
παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένους βιωτικοῦ, οὐκ ἂν
ἡμᾶς εἵλετο) The whole point is that
their preaching is to be referred en-
tirely to God as its source, in contrast
with the sources previously disowned:
they had been, and still were, ‘en-
trusted’ with it (‘nicht befunden...
sondern genommen’ Hofmann).
πιστευθῆναι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον] For
this use of πιστεύομαι cf. Rom. iii. 2,
Gal. ii. 7, 1 Tim. i. 11, Tit. i. 3, and
for the construction see WM. p. 287.
Πιστεύομαι Cc. gen. as sometimes in late
Gk. (e.g. Polyb. vi. 56. 13 πιστευθεὶς
ταλάντου) does not occur in the N.T,
οὕτως] not the antecedent to the
following ὡς, but =‘in the same
manner, ‘in accordance therewith’
with reference to the Divine com-
mission just spoken of; cf. Mt. v. 16,
Eph. vy. 28.
οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώποις apéokovres| not a ὁ
mere restatement of the preceding
II 5]
\ ~~ ΄σ΄ ’ ͵ ~
ἀλλὰ θεᾷ Tw δλοκιμάζοντι τὰς Kapdiac ἡμῶν.
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS —| 19
5 ν᾽ /
οὔτε yap
3 / ‘ δ,
ποτε ἐν λόγῳ κολακίας ἐγενήθημεν, καθὼς οἴδατε, οὔτε
clause in another light according to
a favourite Pauline practice (cf. Col.
i. 5°, 6), but an independent clause
describing the manner of the Apostles’
preaching in contrast with the charge
of ἐν δόλῳ, and rendered more em-
phatic by the substitution of ov for the
more regular μή with the participle.
On this construction for the statement
of a definite fact see Moulton Prolegg.
p. 231 f., where it is fully illustrated
from the papyri, e.g. P.Oxy. 726, 1of.
(ii./A.D.) ov δυνάμενος bv ἀ[σ]θένειαν
πλεῦσαι, ‘since he is unable through
sickness to make the voyage. For
the general thought cf. Ps. lii.(liii.) 6,
Pss. Sol. iv. 8 ἀνακαλύψαι ὁ θεὸς τὰ
ἔργα ἀνθρώπων ἀνθρωπαρέσκων. In no
case must ἀρέσκοντες be weakened
into ‘seeking to please.’ The state-
ment is absolute, and the verb here
betrays something of the idea of
actual service in the interests of
others (cf. Rom. xv. 1, 3, 1 Cor. x. 33),
which we find associated with it in
late Gk. Thus in monumental inscrip-
tions the words ἀρέσαντες τῇ πόλει, TH
πατρίδι &c., are used to describe
those who have proved themselves
of use to the commonwealth as in
0.G.IS. 646, 12 (Palmyra, iii./A.D.)
dpécavta τῇ τε αὐτῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ
δήμῳ.
ἀλλὰ θεῷ τῷ δοκιμάζοντι κτλ.] Δοκι-
μάζοντι chosen here with reference to
the preceding δεδοκιμάσμεθα (for a
similar word-play cf. Jer. vi. 30) shows
a tendency to relapse into its original
meaning of ‘prove,’ ‘try’ (Beza Deo
exploranti, Est. ‘vtpote cordium
nostrorum inspectorem et explorato-
rem’): cf. Jer. xi. 20 Κύριε κρίνων
δίκαια, δοκιμάζων νεφροὺς καὶ καρδίας.
Καρδία, according to Bibl. usage, is
the focus of the personal life, the
centre of all, intellectual as well as
emotional, that goes to make up the
moral character, and is thus equiva-
lent to the inner, hidden man known
to God alone, cf. 1 Regn. xvi. 7, Ac. 1,
24, Rom, viii. 27, Rev. ii. 23, and see
art. ‘Heart’ in Hastings’ D.B. The
-use of the plur. here and of ψυχάς
(v. 8) cannot be explained by the
attraction of the plur. verb, but shows
that throughout St Paul is thinking
of his fellow-preachers at Thessa-
lonica as well as of himself (Intr.
p. xxxiv f.).
5. ovre...ev λόγῳ κολακίας ἐγενή-
θημεν] ‘For neither at any time did
we fall into the use of speech of
flattery —Adyo being clearly the
preachers’ own ‘discourse’ or ‘ teach-
ing’ at Thessalonica, and not the
‘report’ of others regarding it.
Κολακία (for form, WH.? Notes
p. 160) az. λεγ. N.T., though common
in class. writers, carries with it the
idea of the tortuous methods by
which one man seeks to gain in-
fluence over another, generally for
selfish ends. Thus Aristotle defines
the κόλαξ: ὁ δ᾽ ὅπως ὠφέλειά τις αὑτῷ
γίγνηται εἰς χρήματα καὶ ὅσα διὰ χρημά-
των, κόλαξ (Eth. Nic. iv. 12. 9): ef.
Theophr. Charact. 2 τὴν δὲ κολακείαν
ὑπολάβοι ἄν τις ὁμιλίαν αἰσχρὰν εἶναι,
συμφέρουσαν δὲ τῷ κολακεύοντι. How
easily such a charge might be brought
against the Apostles is evident from
what we know of the conduct of the
heathen rhetoricians of the day, cf.
Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. Ἰχχὶ. 35, Dion
Chrys. Orat. xxxii. p. 403.
For a new work περὶ κολακείας by
Philodemus the Epicurean (50 8.0.)
see Rhein. Museum \vi. p. 623.
For γίνεσθαι ἐν (versari in) meaning
entrance into and continuance in a
given state or condition cf. Rom.
xvi. 7, 1 Cor. ii, 3, 2 Cor. iii, 7, Phil.
ii. 7, 1 Tim. ii. 14, Sus. 8 ἐγένοντο ἐν
ἐπιθυμίᾳ αὐτῆς.
2-..2
20 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [16,7
προφάσει πλεονεξίας, θεὸς μάρτυς, “οὔτε ζητοῦντες ἐξ av-
, / of > 47> ἢ > af 4. 'gh ΑΝ, 76 ΄
θρώπων δόξαν, οὔτε ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν οὔτε ἀπ᾽ ἄλλων, Τδυνάμενοι
> f > ε ψας ὁ ἰῷ / 3 eee /
ἐν Bape εἶναι ἐς Χριστοῦ ἀπόστολοι" ἀλλὰ ἐγενήθημεν
προφάσει πλεονεξίας] i.e. ‘the cloak
of which covetousness avails itself.’
Had covetousness been the preachers’
motive it would have hidden itself
under some outward pretext (cf. Hor .
Epist. 1. xvi. 45 ‘introrsum turpem,
speciosum pelle decora’). Beng.:
‘practextu specioso, quo tegeremus
avaritiam,
Πρόφασις (wrongly rendered occasio
Vg., Clarom., Calv., Est.) is the osten-
sible reason for which a thing is done,
and generally points to a false reason
as opposed to the true, cf. εἴτε mpo-
φάσει εἴτε ἀληθείᾳ Phil. i. 18, and the
class. parallels there adduced by Wet-
stein, and see also P.Oxy. 237. Vi. 31,
Vii. 11, 13, 16 (ii./A.D.); while πλεο-
veéia, though often associated by St
Paul with sins of the flesh (Eph. iv.
19, v. 3, cf. 1 Cor. v. off, vi. gf, and
see also Musonius p. 90 (ed. Hense) o
Oeds...anrrntos μὲν ἡδονῆς, ἀήττητος δὲ
πλεονεξίας), is in itself simply ‘covet-
ousness, being distinguished from
φιλαργυρία ‘avarice’ as the wider and
more active sin : see Lft.’s note on Col.
iii, 5 where it is explained as ‘entire
disregard for the rights of others.’
θεὸς μάρτυς) Cf. Ὁ. το, also Rom.i. 9,
2 Cor. i. 23, Phil. i, 8. Chrys.: ὅπερ
ἦν δῆλον, αὐτοὺς καλεῖ μάρτυρας.. ὅπερ
δὲ ἄδηλον ἦν...θεὸν καλεῖ μάρτυρα.
Dr Dods aptly compares Cromwell’s
declaration to his first Parliament:
‘That I lie not in matter of fact, is
known to very many; but whether
I tell a lie in my heart, as labouring
to represent to you what was not
upon my heart, 1 say, the Lord be
judge.’
6. οὔτε ζητοῦντες xtrh.] Upon the
repudiation of covetousness follows
naturally the repudiation of worldly
ambition (cf. Ac. xx. 19, 2 Cor. iv. 5,
Eph. iv. 2). Calv.: ‘duo enim sunt isti
fontes, ex quibus manat totius minis-
terii corruptio” For ζητεῖν in the
sense of selfish seeking cf. Rom. x. 3,
1 Cor. x. 24, 33, xiii. 5, 2 Cor. xii. 14,
Phil. ii. 21, and for δόξα in its original
sense of ‘good opinion’ see note on
v.12. In Hellenistic Gk. ἐξ and ἀπό
are frequently used interchangeably
(WM. p..512, Moulton Prolegg. p.237,
Meisterhans p. 212): in accordance
however with the earlier distinction
between them ἐξ may here point to
the ultimate source, and ἀπό rather to
the more immediate agents (Ambrstr.
ex hominibus...a uobis).
It should be noted that what the
Apostles disclaim is the desire of
popularity. Th. Mops.: ‘cautissime
enim posuit non qguaerentes ; hoc est,
“non auspicantes hoc,” nec hane ha-
bentes actus nostri intentionem.’
7%, δυνάμενοι ev βάρει εἶναι] ‘when
we might have been burdensome’
(Wycl. whanne we...my3ten haue
be in charge)—a concessive part.
clause subordinate to the preceding
(nrovvres. Most modern editors follow
the A.V. in regarding this clause as
part of ὁ. 6.
_ Bapos is here understood (1) in its.
simple meaning of ‘ weight,’ ‘ burden’
(Vg. oneri esse), with reference to the
Apostles’ right of maintenance, cf. Ὁ. 9,
and see further II. iii, 8, 1 Cor. ix. 11,
2 Cor. xi. 7 ff., Gal. vi. 6, also Jos. Antt.
1. 250 (xvi. 2) οὐδὲ yap ἔσεσθαι βαρὺς
...daravais ἰδίαις χρησάμενος ; or (2) in
its derived sense of ‘authority,’ ‘dig-
nity’ (Clarom. in gravitate [honore}
esse), pointing to the honour they
might have expected to receive at the
Thessalonians’ hands, cf. 2 Cor. iv. 17
βάρος δόξης, Polyb. iv. 32. 7 πρὸς ro
βάρος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, Diod. Sie.
iv. 61 διὰ τὸ βάρος τῆς πόλεως. The
two meanings are however compatible,
ἘΠῚ]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 21
/ > / ε “ ε ΓᾺ: \ / ee ~
νήπιοι ἐν μέσῳ ὑμῶν, WS Eav τροῷος θάλπη τα εαὐυτῆης
and it is probable that St Paul plays
here on the double sense of the phrase :
ef. the Latin proverb ‘Honos propter
onus.’
ὡς Χριστοῦ ἀπόστολοι] Χριστοῦ poss.
gen., placed emphatically first to show
whose Apostles they were, and why
therefore they were entitled to claim
honour (cf. Add. Note D). For the
title ἀπόστολοι here including Silvanus
and Timothy almost in the sense of
our missionaries cf. Ac. xiv. 4, 14,
Rom. xvi. 7, 2 Cor. viii. 23, xi. 13,
Phil. ii. 25, Rev. ii. 2, Didache xi. 3 f. ;
and for the wider use of the word
generally see Lft. Gal. p. 92 ff., Har-
nack Die Lehre der zwilf Apostel
p. 93 ff., Hort Ecclesia p. 22 fi.
In class. Gk. ἀπόστολος generally
denotes ‘a fleet,’ ‘an expedition’ (cf.
Dittenberger Sylloge? 153, an Attic
inscription iv./B.c., and see Archiv iii.
p. 221), but it occurs in Herodotus in
the sense of ‘messenger, ‘envoy’ (i. 21,
ef. v. 38), and is found with the same
meaning in 3 Regn. xiv. 6A ἐγὼ εἶμι
ἀπόστολος πρός σε σκληρὸς (cf. Sm.
Isa. xviii. 2). See also the interesting
fragment in P.Par. p. 411 f. (ii./B.c.),
where, if we can accept the editor’s
restoration of the missing letters, we
read of a public official who had sent
to a delinquent a messenger (ἀπόστο-
Aov) bearing the orders he had disre-
garded—|éreo |radkérwyv ἡμῶν πρός σε
τὸν ar| ὀστολον]. Upon the existence of
‘apostles’among the Jews see Harnack
Miss. u. Ausbr. p. 237 ff. (Engl. Tr.
i. p. 409 ἢ), and cf. Krauss Die ji-
dischen Apostel in J.Q.R. 1905, p.
370 fff.
7>_12, A positive counterpart to
the previously-mentioned hostile
charges.
7>,8. ‘Nay, we went further, for to
establish a sure bond of sympathy
with you we showed ourselves ready
to act the part of children in your
midst. Or we may put it in this way—
we yearned over you with the same
tender affection that a nursing-mother
displays towards her children. With
such deep affection indeed did we
long after you that we shared with
you not only the Gospel of God, but
also our very lives—so dear had you
proved yourselves to us.’
"Ὁ, ἀλλὰ ἐγενήθημεν νήπιοι κτλ. The
reading here is doubtful. If νήπιοι
(S*BC*D*G minusc. alig.) be adopt-
ed, the whole clause is the avowal on
the writers’ part of their becoming as
children to children, speaking what
St Augustine describes as ‘decurtata
et mutilata verba’ (de catech. rud. 15),
baby-language to those who were still
babes in the faith: cf. Origen on Mt.
XV. 17 6 ἀπόστολος ἐγένετο νήπιος καὶ
παραπλήσιος τροφῷ θαλπούσῃ τὸ ἑαυτῆς
παιδίον καὶ λαλούσῃ λόγους ὡς παιδίον
διὰ τὸ παιδίον. On the other hand, if
the well-attested ἤπιοι (ΘΑ ΟΡ ΘΚ LP
17 &c.) be preferred, the Apostolic
‘gentleness’ is placed in striking con-
trast with the slanders that had been
insinuated against them (ee. 5, 6): ef.
2 Tim. ii. 24 where ἤπιος εἶναι is men-
tioned as a mark of the true pastor.
This agreement with the context leads
most modern editors and commen-
tators to favour ἤπιοι, especially as
the reading νήπιοι can be easily ex-
plained as due to dittography of the
final ν of ἐγενήθημεν. ΜῊ." (Notes
p. 128), on the other hand, point out
that ‘the second ν might be inserted
or omitted with equal facility,’ and
that ‘the change from the bold image
to the tame and facile adjective is
characteristic of the difference be-
tween St Paul and the Syrian re-
visers.’
ev μέσῳ ὑμῶν] 1.6. ‘as one of your-
selves,’ ‘without any undue assump-
tion of authority.’ Beng.: ‘non age-
bant, quasi ex cathedra.’ Cf. our
Lord’s own words: ᾿Εγὼ δὲ ἐν μέσῳ
ὑμῶν εἰμὶ ὡς ὁ διακονῶν (Lk, xxii. 27).
22 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
’ ‘
TEKVAa"
ὡς ἐὰν τροφὸς θάλπῃ κτλ. ‘as if
a nurse were cherishing her own
children’: cf. Gal.iv. 19. By a sudden
change of metaphor by no means un-
common in the Pauline writings (cf.
Vv. 2, 4, 2 Cor. iii. 13 ff.) the attitude of
the Apostles is now described as that
of a ‘nurse,’ or rather a ‘ nursing-
mother’ towards her children. Th.
Mops.: ‘“nutricem” uero hoc in loco
matrem dixit quae filios suos nutrit’ :
ef. Aug. Serm. xxiii. 3. Too much
stress however in this connexion must
not be laid on ἑαυτῆς which in late
Gk. has lost much of its emphatic
force: cf. the common legal formula
in the papyri by which a woman
appears μετὰ κυρίου Tov ἑαυτῆς ἀνδρός,
e.g. P.Grenf. 1. 18, 4 f. (11.,8.6.).
Τροφός, am. λεγ. N.T., occurs in the
Lxx., Gen. xxxv. 8, 4 Regn. xi. 2,
2 Chron. xxii. 11, Isa. xlix. 23 as the
translation of N23"); cf. also B.G.U.
297, 12 ff. (i./A.D.) where a nurse ac-
knowledges that she had received ra
τροφεῖα καὶ τὰ ἔλαια καὶ τὸν ἱματισμὸν
καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα καθήκει δίδοσθαι τροφῷ
τοῦ τῆς γαλακτοτροφίας διετοῦς χρόνου
καὶ τιθηνήσεως μηνῶν ἕξ κτλ. For
τροφός -- μήτηρ see Kaibel Epigram-
mata Graeca (1878) 247, 7 (i./ii. A.D.).
The poetic θάλπω, elsewhere in N.T.
only Eph. v. 29 (ἐκτρέφει x. θάλπει),
means properly ‘to warm,’ and
thence, like the Lat. fovere, comes to
signify ‘cherish,’ ‘foster’: cf. Deut.
xxii. 6 καὶ ἡ μήτηρ θάλπῃ ἐπὶ τῶν
νοσσῶν, and for its metaphorical use
see O.G.IS. 194, 6 (i./B.0.) τὴν πόλιν
ἔθαλψε.
It may be added that, while the
sense seems to favour the use of ἐάν
as the ordinary conditional particle,
it.is possible that we have here an
instance of the late use of ἐάν for ἄν
(WM. p. 390), ὡς ἐάν then implying
‘a standing contingency,—“as it may
be (may be seen) at any time”’ (Find-
lay). For early instances of this use
ΠῚ 8
4 > / ~ ~ =
δοὕτως ὀμειρόμενοι ὑμῶν ηὐδοκοῦμεν μεταδοῦναι
οἵ ἐάν from the Κοινή οἵ, P.Petr. m1.
43 (2), iii. 4 (iii./B.C.) ὅσωι ἐὰν πλεῖον
εὕρηι, P.Grenf. τι 18, 27 (11.,8.0.) ἐξ
οὗ ἐὰν αἱρῆται, and see further Moulton
Prolegg. PP. 43, 234, Mayser p. 152 f.
οὕτως ὀμειρόμενοι ὑμῶν] " even 50
being eagerly desirous of you’ (Vg.
ita desiderantes vos, Beza ita cupidi
vestri). ᾿Ομείρομαι (for breathing,
WH.? Notes p. 151) is not found
elsewhere in the Bibl. writings ex-
cept in Job iii. 21 (cf. Sm. Ps. Ixii.
(lxiii.) 2). The common derivation
from ὁμοῦ and eipew (hence Thpht.=
προσδεδεμένοι, Oecum. = ἀντεχόμενοι
ὑμῶν) is philologically impossible, and
Dr J. H. Moulton suggests rather the
ν΄ smer ‘to remember’ (Skt. smirté
‘memory, smardmi ‘I remember,’ Lat.
memor) with a prepositional element,
and compares as parallel formations
δύρομαι δια ὀδύρομαι, κέλλω and ὀκέλλω,
ὀ-μόργνυμι, ὠ-κεανός (pte. of ὠ-κεῖμαι
‘to lie around’). Wohlenberg conjec-
tures that it may here be used ‘as a
term of endearment’ (‘edles Kose-
wort’) derived from the language of
the nursery: cf. note on νήπιοι (Ὁ. 7).
For the construction with the gen. in
the case of verbs of ‘longing’ see
Kiihner® § 416, 4b.
nvdoxovpev| The absence of ἄν with
ηὐδοκοῦμεν (for augment, WH.2 Notes
Ῥ. 169, WSchm. p. ror) points to a
result actually reached, while the verb
itself which is only found in late Gk.
(in Lxx. frequently for M87) draws
attention to the hearty goodwill at-
tending the writer’s attitude ‘were
well-pleased’ (Vg. cupide volebamus).
Of. the use of εὐδοκεῖν in 1 Cor. i. 21,
x. 5, Gal. i. 15, with reference to God,
and in Rom. xv. 26f., 2 Cor. v. 8, xii.
10 with reference to man; see also
the note on εὐδοκία 11. i. 11, and for a
full discussion of both words Fritzsche
Rom. ii. p. 369 ff. An interesting ex,
of εὐδοκεῖν is afforded by P.Lond. 1.
3, Off. (11..8.0.) ηὐδόκησάς με τῆς τιμ[ῆς
II 9]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 23
ὑμῖν ov μόνον TO εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ ἀλλὰ καὶ Tas
~ / > \ « ~ /
ἑαυτῶν ψυχάς, διότι ἀγαπητοὶ ἡμῖν ἐγενήθητε" 5 μνη-
/ \ / ~ \ \ /
μονεύετε yap, ἀδελφοί, τὸν κόπον ἡμῶν καὶ τὸν μόχθον'᾽
τ]οῦ ἡμίσους τοῦ [τρίτου λογείας τῶν
κειμένων νεκρῶν, apparently = ‘thou
hast granted me the honour of the
half of the offerings collected for the
dead (mummies).’ In legal documents
the verb is frequent in the sense of
‘give consent, eg. in the marriage-
contract P.Oxy. 496, ὃ (ii./A.D.) where
the husband is not allowed to dispose
of certain property χωρὶς εὐδοκούσης
τῆς γαμουμένης, ‘without the consent
of the bride’: see further Gradenwitz
Eiinfiihrung i. p. 160 ff.
τὰς ἑαυτῶν Ψυχάς] ‘our very lives,’
‘our very selves’—wWvyds (for plur.
cf. v. 4 note) according to its ordinary
Bibl. usage laying stress on what
belonged essentially to the writers’
personality (Beng.: ‘anima nostra
cupiebat. quasi immeare in animam
vestram’): cf. Mk. viii. 35, 2 Cor. xii,
15, Sir. xxxv. 23 (xxxii. 27) ἐν παντὶ
ἔργῳ πίστευε τῇ Ψυχῇ σου, and for
a full discussion of ψυχή in the Lxx.
see Hatch Essays p. τοῖ ff.
For the reflexive ἑαυτῶν referring
to the 1st pers. plur. cf. II. iii. 9 (note),
Rom. viii. 23, 2 Cor. i. 9, iii. 5 &c. (WM.
p. 187, WSchm. p. 204); and see P. Par.
47, 26 (ii./B.c.) αὑτοὺς deddxaper,
P.Tebt. 47, 30f. (ii./B.0.) ἵν᾽ ἡμεῖς μὲν
κομισώμεθα τὰ ἑαυτῶν (Mayser, p. 303).
διότι ἀγαπητοί xrd.| Out of the
Apostles’ intercourse with the Thes-
salonians a relationship of love (ἀγαπ.
used by St Paul of his converts in
all groups of his Epp.) had been de-
veloped once for all (aor. ἐγενήθητε)
which had led to the consequent
ηὐδοκοῦμεν κτλ.
Διότι (propterea quod) has appa-
rently always a causal force in the
N.T. (Wilke nil. Rhet. p. 251), though
in the τχχ. and late Gk. generally it
is also frequently found in a sense
differing little from ὅτε ‘that’: cf.
2 Mace. vii. 37 ἐξομολογήσασθαι διότι
μόνος αὐτὸς θεός ἐστιν, B.G.U. τοτι.
ii, 15 ff. (ii./B.c.) διότι. γὰρ πολ[λὰ]
ληρώι[δη] καὶ ψευδῆ προσαγί[γ]έλ[λε]ται
κατανοεῖς καὶ αὐτός, and for similar
evidence from the Attic inscriptions,
where διότε never = ‘ because,’ see
Meisterhans, p. 252f. On the other
hand in P.Tebt. 24, 34 (ii./B.0.) καὶ
διότι must have its full causal force.
In mod. Gk. the word is used instead
of γάρ, a meaning which Fritzsche
(Rém, i. p. 57) finds even in such
passages as Ac. xviii. 10, Rom. i. 19
(cf. Blass p. 274); see also 1 Pet. iii.
10 where γάρ is used to introduce a
quotation from the O.T. instead of
διότι which is preferred in i. τό, 24,
ii. 6. Jebb (in Vincent and Dickson
Mod. Gk? App. p. 338) cites the
passage before us along with Gal. ii.
16 to illustrate the ease of the col-
loquial transition.
g. ‘That this is no idle vaunt you
yourselves very well-know, for you
cannot have forgotten our self-sacri-
ficing labours amongst you, how, even
while working night and day for our
own maintenance so as not unduly to
burden you, we preached to you the
Gospel of God.’
9. μνημονεύετε yap KTA. | For pvn-
povevm Cc. acc. see i. 3 note, and for
ἀδελφοί see i. 4 note.
κόπος (i. 3 note) and μόχθος are
found together again in II. iii. 8,
2 Cor. xi. 27, the former pointing to
the ‘ weariness’ or ‘fatigue’ resulting
from continual labour, the latter
rather to the ‘hardship’ or ‘struggle’
involved in it. The similarity in sound
between the words is well brought
out in the rendering ‘toil and moil’
(Lft.).
24 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[II 10
? \ δ ΕΣ 4 \ \ \ ΄σ
VUKTOS καὶ ἡμέρας ἐργαζόμενοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἐπιβαρῆσαί
ε ~ 5 7 3 ς ~ > , ΄- ~
τινα ὑμῶν ἐκηρύξαμεν εἰς ὑμᾶς TO εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ.
1ο - - / δ νος , ‘
ὑμεῖς μαρτυρες Kal ὁ θεός, ὡς ὁσίως καὶ δικαίως Kat
νυκτ. κι ἡμ. ἐργαζόμενοι] An ex-
planatory clause which gains in force
through the absence of any connect-
ing particle. For the fact οὗ Ac.
xviii, 3, and: for the picture here
presented of St Paul’s missionary
activity see Intr. p. xlv.
It may be noted that νυκτὸς x.
ἡμέρας (gen. of time) is the regular
order of the words in St Paul (iii. 10,
II. iii. 8, 1 Tim. v. 5, 2 Tim. i. 3). In
the Apocalypse on the other hand we
find always ἡμέρας x. νυκτός (iv. 8, Vii.
15 &c.), and so in St Luke (xviii. 7,
Ac. ix. 24). When however St Luke
adopts the acc., the order is changed
νύκτα xk. ἡμέραν (ii, 37, Ac. xx. 31,
XXVi. 7).
πρὸς TO μὴ ἐπιβαρῆσαι κτλ.] ‘in order
that we might not burden any of you’:
ef. LL. iii. 7 ff. for an additional reason
for these self-denying labours.
The late Gk. ἐπιβαρεῖν is used only
figuratively in the N.T. (II. iii. 8,
2 Cor. ii. 5) and is nearly = καταβαρεῖν
(2 Cor. xii. 16, ef. 2 Regn. xiii. 25),
though the preposition in ἐπιβαρεῖν is
mainly directive (onws itmponere), in
καταβαρεῖν rather perfective ‘to weigh
aman to the ground, For its use in
the inscriptions cf. Magn. 113, 15 f.
where a certain physician Tyrannus
is said to have behaved ὡς μηδένα ὑφ᾽
αὑτοῦ παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν τοῦ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν
μεγέθους ἐπιβεβαρῆσθαι, and for the
simple verb Bapeiv (2 Esdr. xv. (v.) 15,
1 Tim. v. 16) in the same sense, ef.
IGS. 830, 15 (Puteoli ii./a.p.) ἵνα
μὴ τὴν πόλιν βαρῶμεν. In the late
P.Oxy. 126, 8 (vi./A.D.) one Stephanous
undertakes to ‘burden herself’ (βα-
ρέσαι τὸ ἐμὸν ὄνομα) with certain im-
posts hitherto paid by her father.
On πρὸς τό with inf. signifying not
mere result but subjective purpose see
WM. p. 414, Moulton Prolegg. p.218 ff.
10o—12. ‘ We are not afraid indeed
to appeal alike in your sight and in
the sight of God to the whole charac-
ter of our relations with you. All
believers will be ready to testify how
these were marked throughout by
holiness and righteousness, and how
careful we were to give no offence in
anything. Indeed, as you very well
know, we acted the part of a father
to each one of you, as we exhorted,
and encouraged, and solemnly charged,
according to your several require-
ments, in order that you might re-
spond to your privileges, and your
whole lives be worthy of the God
who is calling you to share in His
kingdom and glory.’
10. ὑμεῖς μάρτυρες krA.] The two
former appeals to the witness of men
(v. 1) and of God (ὁ. 5) are now united
in confirmation of the whole character
of the Apostolic ministry.
ὡς ὁσίως κτὰλ.] In accordance with
the distinction found in Plato (Gorg.
507 B) and other Gk. writers, it has
been common to describe ὁσίως as
indicating duty towards God, and
δικαίως duty towards men. But the
distinction, which even in class, Gk.
is sometimes lost sight of, must not
be pressed in the N.T., where all right-
eousness is recognized as one, ‘growing
out of a single root, and obedient to
a single law’ (Trench Syn. p. 307).
Accordingly ὁσίως and δικαίως are
best regarded as descriptive of the
Apostles’ attitude towards both God
and man from its positive side, that
attitude being viewed first from a
religious (ὁσίως) and then from a
moral (δικαίως) standpoint, while the
following ἀμέμπτως from the negative
side emphasizes their general blame-
lessness in these same two respects. _
As regards the individual expres-
II 11,12] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS) 25
72 / ς σ - / > , /
ἀμέμπτως ὑμῖν τοῖς πιστεύουσιν ἐγενήθημεν, “καθάπερ
> ε / ~~ \ / ς πὶ
οἴδατε ὡς ἕνα ἕκαστον ὑμῶν ὡς πατὴρ τέκνα ἑαυτοῦ
΄σ ε “ \ , \ /
παρακαλοῦντες ὑμὰς Kal παραμυθούμενοι καὶ μαρτυρό-
sions, ὁσίως is found only here in the
N.T., while ἀμέμπτως occurs again in
_ vy. 23 (οὗ iii. 13 WH. marg.). Both
ἄμεμπτος and -ws are common in the
inscriptions and papyri, 6.5. O.G.L.S.
485, 14 ἁγνῶς καὶ ἀμέμπτως. For the
combination ὁσίως κ. δικαίως seefurther
Apol. Arist. xv. sub fine, also P.Par.
63. Viii. 13 f. (ii./B.c.) where a letter-
writer makes a claim for himself as
having ὁσίως καὶ... δικαίως [πολι͵τευσά-
μενος before the gods, and for ἀμέμπτως
x. ὁσίως cf. Clem. R. Cor. xliv. 4.
On ὡς see Blass p. 230, and for the
use of the adverbs instead of the
corresponding adjectives, as bringing
out more fully the mode and manner
of ἐγενήθημεν (Ambrstr. facti sumus),
οὗ 1 Cor. xvi. 10 va ἀφόβως γένηται
πρὸς ὑμᾶς.
ὑμῖν τ. πιστεύουσιν͵] ΟΥ̓ i. 7. The
clause is not ‘ pointless’ (Jowett), but
is to be closely connected with ἐγενή-
θημεν (cf. Rom. vii. 3), as marking
the impression the missionaries made
upon their Thessalonian converts,
whatever might be the judgment of
others. Thdt.: ov yap εἶπεν, ἄμεμπτοι
πᾶσιν ὥφθημεν, ἀλλ᾽ Ὑμῖν τοῖς πιστεύ-
ουσι.
11. καθάπερ οἴδατε] The expres-
Sive καθάπερ (‘die schirfste aller
Gleichheitspartikeln’ Meisterhans p.
257) is found in the N.T. only in the
first two groups of the Pauline Epp.
(16 times) and in Heb. iv. 2: ef.
P.Hib. 49, 6 f. (iii./B.0.) καθάπερ ἔγραψα
and the common legal formula καθάπερ
ἐγ δίκης ‘as if in accordance with a
legal decision’ (e.g. P.Amb. 46,. 13
(ii./B.c.)). In the Decrees ra μὲν ἄλλα
καθάπερ ὁ δεῖνα ‘was the usual intro-
duction to an amendment proposed
in the Ecclesia to a probouleuma’
(Roberts-Gardner p. 18): eg. CLG.
84, 6 f. Κέφαλος εἶπε" τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθά-
περ τῇ βουλεῖ" ἀναγράψαι δὲ....
ὡς ἕνα κτλ. The construction is
irregular αύ, 1 this is not to be taken
as an instance of the Hellenistic use
of the part. for the ind. (cf. Moulton
Prolegg. p. 222 f.), we may either
resume ἐγενήθημεν (v. 10) after os,
leaving both ἕνα ἕκ. and ὑμᾶς to be
governed by the following participles,
or still better supply such a finite
verb as ἐνουθετοῦμεν Which the writer
lost sight of owing to the extended
participial clause.
"Eva ἕκαστον (Vg. unumquemque),
an intensified form of ἕκαστον, marks
the individual character of the
Apostles’ ministry. Chrys.: BaBai, ἐν
τοσούτῳ πλήθει μηδένα παραλιπεῖν, μὴ
μικρόν, μὴ μέγαν, μὴ πλούσιον, μὴ πένητα.
ὡς πατήρ KTA.|an appropriate change
from the figure of the nursing-mother
(v. 7) in view of the thought of instruc-
tion which is now prominent. Pelag.:
‘parvulos nutrix fovet: proficientes
vero jam pater instituit.’
12. παρακαλοῦντες ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ‘ex-
horting you and encouraging and
testifying’—a clause which, contrary
to the usual verse-division, is included
by WH. in τ. 12. Παρακαλεῖν, like
παράκλησις (Ὁ. 3 note), is a favourite
word with St Paul, occurring no less
than ten times in these Epp. with the
double meaning of ‘exhort’ and ‘com-
fort. The former idea is prominent
here, while the succeeding παραμυθού-
μενοι (elsewhere in N.T. only in v. 14,
Jo. xi. 19, 31, cf. 2 Macc. xv. 9) is
addressed to the feelings rather than
to the will. Fora similar combination
of the corresponding nouns see 1 Cor.
xiv. 3, Phil. ii. 1.
Μαρτύρεσθαι, properly ‘summon to
witness, and then absolutely ‘ asseve-
26 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [II 12
> A ~ ~ 7 lanl ~ cad
μενοι, εἰς TO περιπατεῖν ὑμᾶς ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ
΄- ~ > \ ΄ 5 ͵ /
"καλοῦντος" ὑμάς εἰς THY ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν Kal δόξαν.
II 12 καλοῦντος BDGHKLP 17 al pler ἃ g Syr (Harel mg) Chr 3 Ambst Ephr al:
καλέσαντος SA 23 31 al pauc’Vg Go Syr (Pesh Harcl) Sah Boh Arm Theod-Mops™*
rate,’ ‘protest,’ from which it is an easy
transition to the meaning ‘conjure,’
‘solemnly charge’ which suits best
the present passage and Eph. iv. 17:
see Hort on 1 Pet. i. 11 who cites
in support of this rendering Plut. ii.
19 B (of Homer) ἐν δὲ τῷ προδιαβάλλειν
μόνον ov μαρτύρεται καὶ διαγορεύει μήτε
χρῆσθαι κτλ. ‘solemnly warns not to
use’—a charge as in the presence of
God. An interesting parallel is also
afforded by P.Oxy. 471, 64 f. (ii./A.D.)
μαρτύρονται κύριε THY σὴν τύχην, Where
however the editors translate ‘they
bear evidence,’ as if it were the com-
moner μαρτυροῦσι. According to Lft.
(ad loc., cf. note on Gal. v. 3) pap-
τύρομαι has never this latter sense in
the N.T. any more than in class. Gk.,
but that the two words were some-
times confused in late Gk. is proved
by such a passage as P.Amh. 141, 17 f.
(iv./A.D.) τοσοῦτο μαρτυραμένη [κ]αὶ
ἀξιοῦσα τῆς παρὰ σοῦ ἐκδικείας τυχεῖν,
where we can only translate ‘ bearing
witness to the facts and praying to
obtain satisfaction by you.’
eis τὸ περιπατεῖν κτλ.] On εἰς τό
with the inf. expressing here not so
much the purpose as the content of the
foregoing charge see Moulton Prolegg.
p. 218 ff., where the varying shades of
meaning attached to this phrase in the
Pauline writings are fully discussed.
Περιπατεῖν with reference to general
moral conduct occurs thirty-two times
in the Pauline Epp., and twelve times
in the writings of St John (Gosp.’,
Epp.’*). St Luke prefers πορεύεσθαι
(Gosp.? Ac.”) for this purpose, as do
St Peter and St Jude. The metaphor
though not unknown in class. Gk. (cf.
Xen. Cyr. ii. 2. 24 ἡ πονηρία διὰ τῶν
παραύτικα ἡδονῶν πορευομένη, and the
essentially similar metaph. use of
ἀναστρέφεσθαι, ἀναστροφή) is Hebra-
istic in origin: cf. the early designation
of Christianity as ἡ ὁδός (Ac. ix. 2 &¢.)
in keeping with the common meta-
phorical use of the word in the Lxx.
For the use of the pres. inf. περι-
πατεῖν (ν.1. -τῦσαι D°KL) see Blass
p.195n', For περιπατεῖν ἀξίως cf. Eph,
iv. 1, and for ἀξίως with gen. of a person
cf. Rom. xvi. 2, Col. i. 10, 3 Jo. 6. The
exact phrase ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ is found in
the Pergamene inscription 248, 7 ff.
(ii./B.c.) where Athenaios, a priest of
Dionysios and Sabazius, is extolled
as συ[ν]τετελεκότος τὰ iepd...evoeBos
[μ]ὲγ καὶ ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ (see Deissmann
BS. p. 248).
Thieme (p. 21) cites similar exx,
from the Magnesian inscriptions, e.g.
33, 30 ἀξίως [τ]ῆ[-ς] θ[ε]ᾶς (Gonnos in
Thessaly iii./B.c.), 85, 10 f. ἀξίως τῆς τε
᾿Αρτέμιδος...καὶ [τοῦ] δήμου (Tralles);
but rightly draws attention to the diffe-
rence of spirit underlying the appeal
of the Christian Apostle to his con-
verts to walk worthily of the Gospel,
and the praise which a Greek com-
mune bestows on the ambassadors of
another state for acting ἀξίως τῆς θεᾶς
καὶ τοῦ δήμου.
τοῦ καλοῦντος] ‘who is calling,’ the
verb being used in its technical sense
of ‘call to the kingdom’ with the
further idea, as throughout the Pauline
Epp., that the calling as God’s act has
been effectual (Rom. viii. 30, 1 Cor. i. 9).
The use of the pres. part. instead of
the more common aor. (καλέσαντος,
WH. mg.) in this connexion (cf. iv. 7,
Gal. i. 6, 15, v. 13, but not Ὁ. 8) may
be due to the fact that the whole
phrase is practically =‘ our caller’ (cf,
i. 10, and see Rom. ix. 11 where ἐκ
τοῦ καλοῦντος is contrasted with ἐξ
ἔργων), but is perhaps sufficiently ex-
IE 12]
plained by the eschatological refer-
ence of the present passage. Believers
are continually being called to an in-
heritance on which they have not yet
fully entered, but of which they are
assured (cf. v. 24).
On the different uses of καλέω see
SH. p. 241 ἢ
eis τ. ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν κτλ. Though
there are undoubted instances in the
Pauline Epp. of βασιλεία as the
present kingdom of God’s_ grace
(Rom. xiv. 17, 1 Cor. iv. 20, Col. i. 13),
its reference in the main is to the
future (II. i. 5, 1 Cor. vi. 9, xv. 50,
Gal. v. 21, 2 Tim. iv. 1, 18), and that
this is the case here is shown by its
inclusion with the eschatological δόξα
under one art. The two expressions
must not however be united as if=
‘His own kingdom of glory,’ or even
‘His own kingdom culminating in
His glory,’ but point rather to two
manifestations of God’s power, the
first of His rule, the second of His
glory. On ἑαυτοῦ which seems here
to retain its full emphasis see note
on v. 7, and on St Paul’s teaching
regarding the ‘kingdom’ at Thessa-
lonica see Intr. p. xxvii.
Δόξα, in class. Gk. = ‘opinion,’ ‘good
opinion’ (cf. x, 6), through the influence
of the Lxx. where it is commonly used
to translate Heb. 143 ‘honour,
‘glory,’ came to be applied in the
N.T. to the full manifestation of
God’s glory (‘Gloria, divinitas con-
spicua ’—Beng. on Ac. vii. 2), or more
specially to that glory as revealed to
men in the Divine majesty and good-
ness (e.g. Eph. i. 6, 12, 17, iii. 16, Col.
1. 11 with Lft.’s note). From this it
was a natural transition to the future
bliss or glory that awaits God’s people,
the ethical conception being still
always predominant: cf. Rom. v. 2
ἐπ᾽ ἐλπίδι τ. δόξης τ. θεοῦ, viii. 18 πρὸς
_ τ. μέλλουσαν δόξαν ἀποκαλυφθῆναι εἰς
ἡμᾶς. This sense of the word can also
be illustrated from post-canonical
literature by such passages as Apoc.
Bar, xv. 8 ‘For this world is to them
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 27
a trouble and a weariness with much
labour; and that accordingly which
is to come, a crown with great glory’;
xlviii. 49 ‘And I will recount their
blessedness and not be silent in cele-
brating their glory, which is reserved
for them’; and especially 4 Ezra vii.
42 where the state of the blessed is
described as ‘neque nitorem neque
claritatem neque lucem’ but only
‘splendorem _ claritatis _altissimi’
[perhaps=dravyacpa δόξης Ὑψίστου,
SH. p. 85].
For the Bibl. history of the word
δόξα see further Kennedy Last
Things p. 299 ff., and for the possi-
bility that δόξα may originally have
had a ‘realistic’ meaning in the
ordinary Gk. of the day though no
actual instance of this use has yet
been found, see Deissmann Hellenis-
werung p. 165 f., where its use as a
name for women and ships (F. Bechtel,
Die attischen Frauennamen (1902)
p. 132) is cited as a partial parallel.
In the passage before us the whole
phrase τ. καλοῦντος κτλ. shows affinity
with the ‘invitation’ in the Parable
of the Supper, Mt. xxii. 1 ff., Lk. xiv.
16 ff.: ef. Dalman Worte p. 97 (Engl.
Tr. p. 118 f.) where similar exx. are
adduced from Jewish literature.
11. 13—16. RENEWED THANKSGIVING
FOR THE SUCCESS ATTENDING THE
AposToLic MINISTRY AT THESSA-
LONICA,
Because their ministry had been
attended with so much toil and zeal
(vv. I—12), the Apostles are now all
the more ready to renew their thanks-
giving to God that the Thessalonians
had not come short either in their
ready acceptance of the Gospel-
message (Ὁ. 13), or in their endurance
under persecution (Ὁ. 14)—the latter
thought leading to a vehement con- |
demnation of the persecuting Jews
(vv. 15, 16).
13, 14. ‘Seeing then that we on
‘our part have bestowed so much
labour and affection upon you, we are
2ὃ THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS | [II 13
\ \ ~ \ - ΄- - ΄
"3 Καὶ δια τοῦτο καὶ ἡμεῖς εὐχαριστοῦμεν TH θεῷ
ἰδ / «“ / / > ~ 2 oe ~
ἀδιαλείπτως, OTL παραλαβόντες λόγον ἀκοῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν
~ ΄σ > / / / \ \
τοῦ θεοῦ ἐδέξασθε οὐ λόγον ἀνθρώπων ἀλλὰ καθὼς
> ΄σ > \ / ~~ «ἃ ~ > ε ~ ~
ἀληθώς ἐστὶν λόγον θεοῦ, Os καὶ ἐνεργεῖται ἐν ὑμῖν τοῖς
the more unceasingly thankful that
you yourselves have not come short
in the act of receiving. Nay rather
when the “word of hearing” was de-
livered to you, it became something
more than the “word of hearing.” We
might be its bearers, but God was its
author. And in welcoming it as you
did, it proved itself no mere human
message, but a Divine power in all
believing hearts. How true this is
your own lives testified in that, after
the example of the Christian Churches
of Judzea, you underwent the same
sufferings at the hands of your fellow-
countrymen that they did at the hands
of the unbelieving Jews.’
13. καὶ ἡμεῖς) ‘we on our part’—
καί denoting the response of the
Apostles to the favourable character
of the news they had received: ef.
111. 5, Col. i. 9 (with Lft.’s note). For
a different view according to which
καί really belongs to the verb see
Lietzmann on om. iii. 7 (in Handb.
2. N.T. iii. 1 (1906)).
ὅτι παραλαβόντες xTA.] ὅτε not so
much causal (II. i. 10, ii. 13), as intro-
ducing the subject-matter of the
εὐχαριστία, namely that the Thessa-
lonians had not only outwardly
received (παραλαβόντες) the Apostolic
message, but had inwardly welcomed
(ἐδέξασθε) it, and that too not as the
word of men, but as the word of God.
For a similar use of παραλαμβάνω in
the Pauline Epp. cf. iv. 1, II. iii. 6,
Gal. i. 9, 12, 1 Cor. xv. 1, 3, Phil. iv. 9,
Col. ii. 6, and for δέχομαι of willing,
hearty reception cf. i. 6, 11. ii. 10,
1 Cor. ii. 14, 2 Cor. viii. 17, Gal. iv. 14.
In the present passage the Vg. makes
no attempt to mark the difference of
the verbs (accepissetis...accepistis),
but Clarom. has percepissetis...ex-
cepistis, and Ambrstr. accepissetis...
suscepistis.
λόγον ἀκοῆς] ᾿Ακοῆς may be under-
stood in the active sense of ‘a hearing’
(cf. Gal. iii. 2, where it is contrasted
with ἔργων) in keeping with the part
here assigned to the Thessalonians
themselves, but it is better taken in
its (ordinary) passive sense of ‘a mes-
sage’ spoken and heard (Vg. verbum
audités): cf. Rom. x. 16 (Luxx. Isa,
liii. I), Heb. iv. 2.
map ἡμῶν] to be connected with
παραλαβόντες, notwithstanding the
interjected Ady. ἀκοῆς, as indicating
the immediate source of the message
delivered and received, while the em-
phatic τοῦ θεοῦ is added to point to
its real source lest the Apostles should
seem to be making undue claims (ef.
1 Cor. ii. 13).
ov λόγον ἀνθρώπων κτλ. To under-
stand ws before oy. dvOp. (as A.V.,
R.V.) is unnecessary, and fails to
bring out as clearly as the absolute
rendering the real character of the
message here referred to. For (0)
λόγος (rod) θεοῦ with reference to the
preaching of the Gospel cf. 2 Tim. ii. 9,
Apoc. i. 9, and for the whole clause
cf. Apol. Arist. xvi. οὐ yap ἀνθρώπων
ῥήματα λαλοῦσιν [οἱ χριστιανοί), ἀλλὰ
τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ.
ὃς καὶ ἐνεργεῖται] ‘which also is set
in operation’ (Clarom., Ambrstr. guod
operatur)—evepyeirac being best un-
derstood in the pass. sense in which
it is frequently found in late Gk. (e.g.
Polyb. i. 13. 5, ix. 12. 3), and which
brings out more clearly than the
midd., which is generally found here,
the Divine agency that is at work.
For this energizing power of God’s
II 14]
,
πιστευουσιν.
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 29
“4yuels γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί,
ra] 9 ~ ~ ΄ι ΄ > ~ > wa 3 / 3
τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῆ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ ἐν
~ ΄ ε \ \ / \ ~ \ τι
Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν
iol a θ \ \ > \ € A ΄- Ἴ ὃ /
ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθως καὶ αὐτοῖ ὑπὸ τῶν Ιουδαίων;
word cf. Heb. iv. 12, Jas. i. 21, 1 Pet.
i. 23, Isa. lv. 11; and for a valuable
note on the use of ἐνεργεῖν and its
cognates in the N.T, see Robinson
Eph. p. 241 ff.
ἐν ὑμῖν τ. πιστεύουσιν] a clause
added to emphasize that, powerful
though the word of God is, it can
only operate where a believing atti-
tude exists and continues: cf. Ὁ. 10,
and for the thought see Mt. xiii. 23,
58, Heb. iv. 2.
14. ὑμεῖς yap κτλ.] A practical con-
firmation of the ἐνέργεια just spoken
of. The Thessalonians in their turn
(ὑμεῖς emph.) had shown themselves
not idle hearers, but active ‘imi-
tators’ of the Churches of God in
Judaea, which are apparently speci-
ally mentioned here simply because
they were the earliest Christian com-
munities, and had throughout their
history been exposed to severe hos-
tility.
For the added clause ἐν Xp. "Inc.
cf. i. 1 note, and for similar appeals
to the lessons of past sufferings cf.
1 Cor. xv. 32, Gal. iii. 4, Heb. x. 32 ff.
ὑπὸ τ. ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν] Accord-
ing to derivation συμφυλέτης (am. λεγ.
N.T.) means literally ‘one belonging
to the same tribe’ (Vg. contribulibus),
but is evidently used here in a local
rather than a racial sense (Ambrstr.
conciuibus), and need not therefore
exclude all reference to those Jews
by whom, as we know from Ac. xvii.
5, 13, the persecutions at Thessalonica
were first instigated. If so, this
would seem to be one of the in-
stances where a certain weakened
force must be allowed to ἰδίων (cf.
ἑαυτῆς, Ὁ. 7) in accordance with a not
infrequent tendency in Hellenistic
Gk., e.g. Job vii. 10 οὐδ᾽ ov μὴ ἐπι-
στρέψῃ eis τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον : cf. Mt. xxii.
5, 1 Cor. vii. 2, and the memorial
inscription found at Thessalonica
᾿Απολλωνία Νεικῶνι τῷ ἰδίῳ ἀνδρὶ
μνήμης χάριν (Heuzey p. 282). See
further Deissmann BS. p. 123 f., Mayser
Ρ. 308, and on the danger of pushing
this ‘exhausted’ ἴδιος too far Moulton
Prolegg. p. 87 ff.
For the thoroughly class. use of ὑπό
with an intrans. verb to point to the
author cf. such a passage from the
Kowy as P.Amh. 78, 4f. (ii./A.D.) βίαν
πάσχων ἑκάστοτε ὑπὸ κύσεως.
καθὼς καὶ αὐτοί κτὰ.] Αὐτοί, i.e. the
persons included in the collective ἐκ-
kAnowwv. For the imperfect antece-
dent cf. WM. p. 181, and for the
repetition of καί in order to strengthen
the comparison with the immediately
preceding καὶ ὑμεῖς cf. Rom. i, 13,
Col. iii. 13. Ἰουδαία is here used in
its larger sense of all Palestine in-
cluding Galilee, cf. Lk. iv. 44, Ac. x.
37, Jos. Antt. τ. 160 (vii. 2) eis τὴν τότε
μὲν Xavavaiay λεγομένην viv δὲ Ἰουδαίαν,
μετῴκησε. Of the precise nature of
the sufferings of the Judzean churches
after St Paul began his missionary
labours we have no record in Acts,
but they would doubtless consist in
excommunication and social outlawry,
as well as in actual legal persecution
(cf. Ramsay C.R.Z. p. 349). In any
case the mere mention of ‘the Jews’
is sufficient to recall to the Apostle
what he himself had suffered at the
hands of his fellow-countrymen, and
accordingly he ‘goes off’ at the word
into a fierce attack upon them.
15, 16. This attack is so different
from St Paul’s general attitude to his
fellow-countrymen (e.g. Rom. x. 1 ff.)
that the whole passage has been pro-
nounced an interpolation but without
30 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 15, 16
~ \ \ , / lo \
ST@Y Kal TOV κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων ᾿Ϊησοῦν Kat τοὺς
/ A ~~ / ~ \ > /
προφήτας καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων, καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων,
\ ~ > / / / ~ a
καὶ Tao. ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων, "“κωλνόντων ἡμᾶς τοῖς
any sufficient warrant (Intr. p. lxxvi).
The sharp judgment expressed is due
rather to the Apostle’s keen sense of
the manner in which the Jews had
opposed God’s will, both in thwarting
his own missionary work, and after-
wards in seeking to shake the faith
of his Thessalonian converts. It is
however deserving of notice that this
is the only passage in the Pauline
writings in which the designation
‘the Jews’ is used in direct contrast
to Christian believers in the sense
which St John afterwards made so
familiar in his Gospel (i. 19, ii. 18 &c.).
For a somewhat similar digression cf.
Phil. iii. 2 ff., and for the light in
which the Jews are here regarded
see Stephen’s charge Ac. vii. 51 ff.
15,16. ‘Did we speak of the Jews
as persecutors? Why, are they not the
men at whose door lies the guilt of
the death of Jesus, and who in the
past drove out the prophets, even as
they are now driving out us? The
least that can be said of them is that
they do not please God, while their
well-known hostility to all mankind is
shown in the present instance by their
deliberately standing in the way of
the Gentiles’ salvation. But in so
doing they are only “filling up the
measure of their iniquity” with the
result that “the Wrath of God” which
they have so fully deserved has reached
its final stage.’
15. τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον κτλ. The
words are skilfully arranged so as
to lay emphasis on both κύριον and
Ἰησοῦν: it was ‘the Lord’ whom the
Jews slew, ‘even Jesus’: cf. Ac. ii. 36
and see Add. Note D. For the guilt of
the crucifixion as lying at the door of
the Jewish people cf. such passages
as Lk. xxiv. 20, Jo. xix. 11, Ac. ii, 23,
and Gosp. Pet. 7, and for the general
thought see our Lord’s own parable
Mk. xii. 1 ff, which may have sug-
gested his language here to the
Apostle. If this latter connexion can
be established, it is natural to follow
the usual order and place τ. προφήτας
also under the government of ἀποκτει:
vavrov. On the other hand, to avoid
the slight anticlimax that is thereby
occasioned by the prophets following
the Lord Jesus, various modern editors
prefer to connect τ προφήτας with
ἡμᾶς under the direct government of
ἐκδιωξάντων, an arrangement which
has the further advantage of com-
bining closely the prophets and the
Apostles as the Divine messengers in
the past and the present: cf. Mt. v. 12
οὕτως yap ἐδίωξαν τ. προφήτας τ. πρὸ
ὑμῶν, and see also Mt. xxiii. 31, Lk.
xi. 47,
The reading ἰδίους, which is found
in certain Mss. (D>°K L) before προφή-
ras, is due not to any doctrinal bias
(Tert. adv. Marc, v. 15 ‘licet suos
adjectio sit haeretici’), but to a desire
for precision of statement: cf. iv. 11,
Eph. iv, 28.
καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων] ‘and drove us
out’ (Beng.: ‘qui persequendo ejece-
runt’). For the fact cf. Ac. xvii. 5 ff,
13 ff, and for the force of ἐκδιώκειν
(am. λεγ. N.T.: v.l Lk. xi. 49) ef. such
passages in the Lxx. as Deut. vi. 19
ἐκδιῶξαι πάντας τοὺς ἐχθρούς σου πρὸ
προσώπου σου, Joel ii. 20 καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ
βορρᾶ ἐκδιώξω ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν: see also
Thue. i. 24 6 δῆμος αὐτῶν ἐξεδίωξε
τοὺς δυνατούς, οἱ δὲ ἀπελθόντες κτλ.;
Dem. Or. xxxii. p. 883 ἐκδιωκόμενος
[seid. e navi] ῥίπτει ἑαυτὸν eis τὴν θά-
λασσαν.
καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων] a notable
instance of mezosis, cf. IL. iii. 2, 7.
For the expression which is a favourite
one in the Pauline writings cf. Ὁ. 4,
iv. 1, Rom. viii. 8,2 Cor. v. 9, Col. i. 10,
καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων} the
116] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 31
=~ ε δὰ \ > al = |
ἔθνεσιν λαλῆσαι ἵνα σωθῶσιν, εἰς TO ἀναπληρῶολι αὐτῶν
only passage in the N.T. where ἐναν-
trios is used of persons. The words
naturally recall the ‘hostile odium’
(Tac. Hist. γ. 5) towards all men with
which the Jews have often been
charged: cf. Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 1 τοὺς
Ἰουδαίους μόνους ἁπάντων ἐθνῶν ἀκοινω-
νήτους εἶναι, Philostr. Apoll. v. 33, Jos.
δ. Apion. τι. 121 (10), and the col-
lection of passages in T. Reinach’s
Textes...relatifs au Judaisme (1895)
under the heading ‘Misoxénie’ in the
Index. The reference here however,
as the following clause shows, is more
limited.
16. κωλυόντων ἡμᾶς κτλ.] ‘in that
they forbid us to speak to the Gentiles
in order that they may be saved.’ The
emphasis lies on τ. ἔθνεσιν : it was to
the Gentiles (Wycl. hethen men) that
the Jews did not wish anything said
that had for its object their salvation.
Chrys.: εἰ yap τῇ οἰκουμένῃ δεῖ λαλῆ-
σαι, οὗτοι δὲ κωλύουσι, κοινοὶ τῖς
οἰκουμένης εἰσὶν ἐχθροί. For the fact
ΠΝ Ac. xiii. 45. 50, xvii. 5, 13, xxi.
27 ff. &c., and for a similar instance of
ἵνα with its full telic force cf. 1 Cor.
x33
On the history of the word ἔθνος,
which is here used in its strict Lxx.
sense of all outside the covenant-
people (O%3i3), see Kennedy Sources
p. 98, Nigeli p. 46, and ef. Hicks in
C.R. i. p. 42 f. where it is shown that
ἔθνος first gained significance as a
political term after Alexander and his
successors began to found cities as out-
posts of trade and civilization. Then
‘Hellenic life found its normal type
in the πόλις, and barbarians who lived
κατὰ κώμας or in some less organized
form were ¢6vn.’
The attitude of the stricter Pharisa-
ism towards other nations is well
brought out in such a passage as
4 Ezra vi. 55 f.: ‘Haec autem omnia
dixi coram te, domine, quoniam
dixisti quia propter nos creasti primo-
genitum saeculum. Residuas autem
gentes ab Adam natas dixisti eas
nihil esse et quoniam saliuae adsimi-
latae sunt et sicut stillicidium de uaso
similasti habundantiam eorum.’
There are however occasional traces
of a more liberal view, e.g. Pss. Sol.
xvii. 38, ‘He [the Messiah] shall have .
mercy upon all the nations that come
before him in fear’; Apoc. Bar. i. 4
‘I will scatter this people among the
Gentiles that they may do good to
the Gentiles’ (i.e. apparently by
making proselytes of them, Charles
ad loc.).
eis TO ἀναπληρῶσαι κτλ.] ‘in order
to fill up the measure of their sins at
all times’ (Vg. wt impleant peccata
sua semper). There is no need to
depart here from the ordinary sense
of eis τό with the inf. to denote
purpose (cf. Ὁ. 12 note), the reference
being ‘grammatically’ to the Jews,
but ‘theologically’ to the eternal
purpose of God ‘which unfolded itself
in this wilful and at last judicial blind-
ness on the part of His chosen
people’ (Ellic.): cf. Rom. 1. 24, and
for other exx. of εἰς τό introducing
a purpose contemplated not by the
doer but by God cf. Rom. i. 20, iv.
11. In acting as they were doing the
present Jews were but carrying for-
ward to its completion the work
which their fathers had begun (Beng.:
‘ut semper, ita nunc quoque’), and
which had now brought down upon
them God’s judicial wrath: cf. Gen.
XV. 16 οὔπω γὰρ ἀναπεπλήρωνται ai
ἁμαρτίαι τῶν ᾿Αμορραίων ἕως τοῦ νῦν,
‘and especially our Lord’s own words
recorded in Mt. xxiii. 31 f. ὅτι υἱοί
ἐστε τῶν φονευσάντων τοὺς προφήτας.
καὶ ὑμεῖς πληρώσατε τὸ μέτρον τῶν
πατέρων ὑμῶν. The plur. αἱ ἁμαρτίαι
laying stress not on specific acts of sin,
but on sin in the aggregate, is found
in all groups of St Paul’s Epp.; ef.
Westcott Eph. p. 165 f. where the
32 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [1116
‘ ε , /
TAC AMAPTIAC TAVTOTE.
> 7
εἰς τελος.
ἔφθασεν" δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ
16 ἔφθασεν SAD>* GKLP cet Orig Eus Chr Thdt al: ἔφθακεν ΒΤ)" 31 137 154
different Pauline words for ‘sin’ are
classified, and for a non-Christian use
of the word see P.Leip. 119, 3 (iii./A.D.)
τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν] τὰς πονηρίας cuvexa[s
ἀἸνορθουμένων. For the unemphatic
αὐτῶν cf. WM. p. 193.
ἔφθασεν δέ κτλ.] ‘Tristis exitus’
(Beng.). The wrath which in i. 10
was represented as ‘coming’ is now
thought of as actually ‘arrived,’
thereby marking an ‘end’ in the
history of God’s dealings with the
Jewish people. For this meaning of
φθάνειν, which in late Gk. (perhaps in
accordance with its original meaning,
cf. Thue. iii. 49 and see Geldart Mod.
Gk. p. 206) has entirely lost the sense
of anticipation, cf. Rom. ix. 31, 2 Cor.
x. 14, Phil. iii. 16, and such passages
from the papyri as P.Oxy. 237. vi.
30 f. (ii./A.D.) καὶ ὅτι φθάνει τὸ πρᾶγμα
ἀκρειβῶς [ἐξ]ητασμένον ‘and the fact
that a searching enquiry into the
affair had already been held, P.Fior.
9, 9 f. (iii./A.D.) φθάσαντός μου πρὸς
τοῖς μναιμίοις (μνημείοις) ‘when I had
arrived near the tombs. There is no
need to treat the aor. as prophetic,
resembling the Heb. perf. of pre-
diction (Findlay): in accordancerather
with one of its earliest usages it de-
notes what has just happened, and is
thus best rendered in English by the
perf. ‘is (or has) come,’ cf. Moulton
Prolegg. p. 135, and for the survival
of this ancient aor. in mod. Gk.
(€p@aca= ‘here I am’) see p. 247.
WH. read ἔφθακεν i in the margin.
On ἡ ὀργή see the note on i. 10, and
for the wrath coming upon (éni) the
Jews from above cf. Rom. i. 18 ἀποκα-
λύπτεται yap ὀργὴ θεοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ ἐπὶ
πᾶσαν ἀσέβειαν. The phrase φθάνειν
ἐπί is found elsewhere in the N.T.
only Mt. xii. 28, Lk. xi. 20: it occurs
six times in the Lxx. (Hawkins Hor.
Syn. p. 51).
eis τέλος] an adv. phrase =‘ finally,’
‘to an end’ (Vg. in finem, W eizsicker
zum Ende), in accordance with the
regular N.T. usage (e.g. Mt. x. 22, Lk.
xviii. 5, Jo. xiii. 1) supported by
many passages in the Lxx., e.g. Job
ΧΙ, 20, xx. 7, Pasi xlviii, (xlix.)
10 where it represents the Heb. ns,
Some translators however prefer the
intensive meaning ‘to the uttermost,’
‘ completely’ (Hofm. ganz und gar,
Weiss im hichsten Grade), relying”
on such passages as 2 Chron. xii. 12
(for 123?), xxi. 1 (for ΠΡΟ Ργ; ef
also Pss. Sol. i. 1 with Ryle and
James’s note. In either case the
sense remains much the same, namely,
that in the case of the Jews the
Divine ὀργή (πάλαι ὀφειλομένη x. προω-
ρισμένη x. προφητευομένη, Chrys.) had
now reached a final and complete end
in contrast with the partial judg-
ments which had hitherto been
threatened (cf. Jer. iv. 27 συντέλειαν
δὲ ov μὴ ποιήσω).
In what exactly this ‘end’ consisted
is not so easy to determine, but in no
case have we here any direct refer-
ence to the Fall of Jerusalem as Baur
and other impugners of the Hpistle’s
authenticity have tried to show (Intr.
p. lxxiv). The whole conception is
ethical, the Apostles finding in the
determined blindness of the Jewish
people with its attendant moral evils
an infallible proof that the nation’s
day of grace was now over, cf. Rom.
xi. 7 ff.
For an almost literal verbal parallel
to the whole clause cf. Test. xii patr.
Levi vi. 11 ἔφθασε δὲ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ
τοῦ θεοῦ εἰς τέλος, whence St Paul
may have derived it, if it is not to be
regarded as ‘a half-stereotyped Rab-
binical formula’ (Lock, enn 2.8.
iv. p. 746).
117] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 33
"1 Huis δέ, ἀδελφοί, ἀπορφανισθέντες ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν πρὸς
καιρὸν ὥρας, προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ, περισσοτέρως ἐσπου-
II. 17—III. το. Sussequent ΒῈ-
LATION OF THE APOSTLES TO THE
THESSALONIAN CHURCH.
11. 17—20. Their Desire to revisit
Thessalonica and its Cause.
From their outburst against their
Jewish opponents the writers return
to their relation to their Thessalo-
nian converts, and in a paragraph
full of deep feeling give expression to
their anxiously-cherished desire to
see them again. The paragraph is
only loosely connected with the fore-
going section, though the emphatic
ἡμεῖς δέ (v. 17) may well stand in
contrast with the Jews just spoken
of. While these had done their ut-
most to prevent the preaching of the
gospel in Thessalonica, the Apostles
on their part had been only the more
eager to resume their interrupted
work, The main stress however is no
longer, as in vv. I—12, on the delivery
of the message, but rather on the
faith by which it had been received,
and which was now in need of en-
couragement and comfort in view of
the sufferings to which the Thessa-
loniaus were exposed. In no case
does the passage contain an apology
for the Apostles’ absence, as if on
their own account they had deserted
the Thessalonian Church. On the
contrary the vehemence of the lan-
guage employed shows how keenly
they felt the enforced absence.
17, 18. ‘But as for ourselves,
Brothers, when we had been bereaved
of you for a short season, albeit the
separation was in bodily presence, not
in heart, we were exceedingly de-
sirous to see you again face to face,
and all the more so because of the
hindrances we encountered. For
when we had resolved to revisit
you—so far indeed as I Paul was
concerned this resolution was actually
Μ, THESS.
come to on two separate occasions—
it was only to find that Satan had
effectually blocked our path.’
17. ἀπορφανισθέντες)])͵ The meta-
phor underlying ἀπορφανισθέντες (ar.
Aey. N.T., elsewhere Aesch. Choeph.
241, Philo) can hardly be pressed in
view of the latitude with which ὀρ-
φανός is often used (e.g. Pind. Lsthm.
7. 15 ὁ. ἑταίρων), though the closeness
of the ties between the Apostles and
their converts (cf. ii. 7, 11) makes the
special meaning very appropriate here.
Th. Mops.: ‘desolati a uobis ad in-
star orphanorum ’; Oecum.: ἄνω μὲν
εἶπεν, ὅτι, ὡς πατὴρ τέκνα, καὶ ὡς τροφός"
ἐνταῦθα δέ, ἀπορφανισθέντες ὅπερ ἐστὶ
παίδων, πατέρας ἐπιζητούντων.
πρὸς καιρὸν ὥρας] ‘for a space of an
hour’ (Vg. ad tempus horae, Beza ad
temporis momentum), the combina-
tion laying stress on the shortness of
the period referred to (cf. ‘horae mo-
mento’ Hor. Sat. 1. i. 7 f., Plin. NV. A.
vii. 52). For the simple πρὸς καιρόν
cf. Luke viii. 13, 1 Cor. vii. 5, and for
πρὸς ὥραν cf, 2 Cor. vii. 8, Gal. ii. 5,
and for πρός c. ace. to denote the
time during which anything lasts cf.
πρὸς ὀλίγον (I Tim. iv. 8), πρὸς τὸ
παρόν (Heb. xii. 11), and such a pas-
sage from the papyri as O.P.R. 32, 9 f.
(iii./A.D.) πρὸς μόνον τὸ ἐνεστὸς β' ἔτος
μισθώσασθαι.
προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ] ‘a local dative
ethically used’ (Ellic. on Gal. i, 22):
cf. WM. p. 270. The same contrast
is found in 2 Cor. y. 12: for the
thought cf. 1 Cor. v. 3, Col. ii. 5.
Grotius cites by way of illustration
the line descriptive of lovers, ‘Illum
absens absentem auditque videtque.’
περισσοτέρως ἐσπουδάσαμεν] ‘were
more exceedingly anxious’—a sense
of eagerness being present in the
verb ἐσπουδάσαμεν, Which we do not
usually associate with our Engl. ‘ en-
deavoured’ (A.V., R.V.). Tindale,
3
33 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 18, 19
ὃ / \ / ε ~ > = > Ong ῊΣ ΄
ἄσαμεν τὸ πρόσωπον ὑμῶν ἰδεῖν ἐν πολλῇ ἐπιθυμίᾳ.
/ > / 3 ~ ~~ 5 ~
**SidTt ἠθελήσαμεν ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἐγὼ μὲν Παῦλος
, ee 8 \ / \ / ΄σ a
Kal ἁπαξ και δίς, καὶ ἐνέκοψεν ἡμᾶς ὁ (ατανᾶς.
followed by Cranmer and the Genevan
versions, has ‘enforsed.’ For σπου-
δάζειν, which in the N.T. is regularly
constructed with inf. (in 2 Pet. i. 15
ace. and inf.), cf. Gal. ii. 10, Eph. iv. 3,
2 Tim. ii. 15, Heb. iv. 11, 2 Pet. i. 10,
111. 14.
The comparative περισσοτέρως (for
form, WSchm. p. 98) is appa-
rently never used in the Pauline
writings without a comparison, either
stated or implied, being present to
the writer’s mind (cf. WM. p. 304 f.).
In the present instance this is best
found not in the preceding amop¢.
(‘separation, so far from weakening
our desire to see you, has only
increased it’ Lft.), nor in what the
Apostles had learned regarding the
persecutions to which the Thessalo-
nians had been exposed (P. Schmidt,
Schmiedel), but in the hindrances
which, according to the next verse,
had been thrown in the way of their
return, and which, instead of chilling
their ardour, had rather increased it
(Bornemann, Wohleuberg).
ἐν πολλῇ ἐπιθυμίᾳ] ‘with great de-
sire’—one of the few instances in
the N.T. in which ἐπιθυμία is used in
a good sense, cf. Lk. xxii. 15, Phil. i.
23, Rev. xviii. 14.
18. διότι ἠθελήσαμεν] ‘because we
had resolved’—with the idea of active
decision or purpose which as a rule
distinguishes θέλω in the N.T. from the
more passive βούλομαι ‘desire,’ ‘wish.’
It is right however to add that by
many scholars this distinction is re-
versed (see the elaborate note in
Grimm-Thayer s.v. θέλω), while Blass
(p. 54) regards the two words as
practically synonymous in the N.T.,
though his contention that Bovdo-
μαι is ‘literary’ as compared with
the more ‘popular’ (so mod. Greek)
a2 aks
θέλω cannot be maintained in view of
the frequent occurrences of the former
in the non-literary papyri. For the
form θέλω which always stands in the
N.T. for the Attic ἐθέλω, and which is
always augmented in 7-, see WSchm.
p. 54. Διότι (v. 8 note) is better sepa-
rated only by a colon from the pre-
ceding clause.
ἐγὼ μὲν Παῦλος] For a similar em-
phatic introduction of the personal
name cf. 2 Cor. x. 1, Gal. v. 2, Eph.
iii. 1, Col. i. 23, Philem. 19. For μέν
solitaritum see Blass p. 267.
x. ἅπαξ κ. δίς] ‘both once and twice’
i.e. ‘twice’ as in Phil. iv. 16; ef. Plato
Phaedo 63D καὶ dis καὶ τρίς. Where the
first καί is wanting as in Deut. ix. 13,
2 Esdr. xxiii. (xiii.) 20, 1 Mace. iii. 30,
the meaning may be more general
‘once and again,’ ‘repeatedly.’
καὶ ἐνέκοψεν κτὰλ.] On καί here as
not adversative (Hermann Vig. p. 521)
but ‘copulative and contrasting’ see
Ellic. on Phil. iv. 12 (ef. WM. p.
544 n.').
᾿Ἐνκόπτω ‘cut into’ used originally
of breaking up a road to render it
impassable, came to mean ‘hinder’
generally (Hesych.: ἐμποδίζω, διακω-
Avw); cf. Ac. xxiv. 4, Rom. xv. 22,
Gal. v. 7, 1 Pet. iii. 7, and see P.Alex.
4, I f. (iii./B.c.) ἡμῖν ἐνκόπτεις καλά.
The exact nature of the hindrance is
here left undefined, but in accordance
with the profound Bibl, view it is re-
ferred in the last instance to Satan,
as the personal force in whom all evil
centres; οὗ II. ii. 9, 2 Cor. xii. 7. In
the Lxx. caray is found in the general
sense of ‘adversary’ in 3 Regn. xi. 14
without the art., and in Sir. xxi. 27
(30) with the art.: in the N.T. the
name whether with or without the
art., always denotes the Adversary κατ᾽
ἐξοχήν. Elsewhere in this Ep. Satan
20] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 35
\ . a 9 \ x 1 eae / / 9. 3 \
yao ἡμῶν ἐλπίς ἡ Kapa ἡ στέφανος καυχήσεως----ἢ οὐχί
ε ~ ~ ’ ς ~ σι» ro ~~
Kal ὑμεῖς--- ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν τῆ αὐτοῦ
διε τος τὸ
παρουσίᾳ; '
is described as ὁ πειράζων (111. 5). For
the development of the Jewish belief
in ‘Satan’ see Enc. Bibl. s.v., and cf.
Bousset Die Religion des Juden-
tums? (1906) p. 382 ff.
-19. ‘Nor is this longing on our
part to be wondered at. If any de-
serve to be called our hope or joy or
crown of holy boasting at the time
when our Lord Himself appears, it is
surely you. Yes indeed! you are our
glory and our joy.’
19. τίς yap ἡμῶν ἐλπίς κτλ.] The
warmth of the Apostles’ feelings to-
wards their converts now finds ex-
pression in one of the few rhetorical
passages in the Ep. (intr. p. lvii): ef.
Phil. iv. 1. With ἡμῶν ἐλπίς ef. Liv.
XXviii. 39 ‘Scipionem...spem omnem
salutemque nostram’ (cited by Wet-
stein),
The phrase στέφ. καυχήσεως (ἀγαλ-
λιάσεως A, Tert. exultationis) is
borrowed from the .Lxx. (cf. Prov.
xvi. 31, Ezek. xvi. 12, xxiii. 42, where
it translates the Heb. ΓΒ ND),
and in accordance with the general
Bibl. use of στέφανος is to be under-
stood of the ‘wreath’ or ‘garland of
victory’ which their converts would
prove to the Apostles at the Lord’s
appearing: cf. for the thought 2 Cor.
i. 14, Phil. ii. 16. The distinction
between στέφανος ‘crown of victory’
(‘Kranz’) and διάδημα ‘crown of
royalty’ (‘Krone’) must not however
be pressed too far (as Trench Syn.
§ xxiii.) for στέφανος is not infre-
quently used in the latter sense, see
Mayor’s note on Jas. i. 12, and add
the use of στέφανος to denote the
‘crown-tax’ for the present made to
the king on his accession or some
other important occasion (cf. 1 Mace.
x. 29, and see Wilcken Ostraka i. p.
295 ff.). In this latter connexion an
ὑμεῖς γάρ ἐστε ἡ δόξα ἡμῶν Kal ἡ χαρά.
instructive parallel to the passage
before us is afforded by P.Petr. 11.
39 (e), 18 (iii./B.c.) where if we adopt
Wilcken’s emendation (wt s. p. 275)
and read ἄλλου (scil. στεφάνου) map-
ovaias, the reference is to an addi-
tional ‘crown’ given at the king’s
παρουσία or visit (cf. Add. Note F).
For παράληψις τοῦ στεφάνου to denote -
entering on the priestly office see
B.C.H. xi. p. 375, and for the general
use of the term to denote a ‘reward’
for services performed see P.Cairo 5, 5
(ii./B.c.) where a certain Peteuris offers
a στέφανον χαλκοῦ (τάλαντα) πέντε to
the man who secures his freedom; cf.
P.Grenf. 1. 41, 3 (ii./B.c.), P.Par. 42,
12 (ii./B.0.), and see Archiv ii. p. 579.
The figure may also be illustrated
from Jewish sources by Pirge Aboth
iv. 9, ‘R. Cadoq said, Make them [thy
disciples] not a crown, to glory in
them’ (Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish
Fathers", p. 68).
ἡ οὐχὶ καὶ ὑμεῖς] a rhetorical pa-
renthesis interjected into the main
‘sentence to draw special attention
to the position of the Thessalonians.
Chrys.: ov γὰρ εἶπεν, ὑμεῖς, ἀλλά, “ καὶ
ὑμεῖς," μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων.
For the unusual use of the dis-
junctive particle 7 (wanting in &*) see
Blass p. 266.
ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου κτλ.] The first
definite reference to the Parousia of
the Lord Jesus which plays so large
a part in these Epp., cf. iii. 13, iv. 15,
v. 23, IL. ii. 1, 8; Intr. Ὁ. lxix.
For the meaning of παρουσία see
Add. Note F, and for ἐν not merely
‘at the time of, but ‘involved in,’ ‘as
the result of, cf. 1 Cor. xv. 23
(with Alford’s note).
20. ὑμεῖς yap ἐστε κτλ.] Tap
here introduces a confirmatory reply
‘Truly, ‘Yes indeed’ (cf. 1 Cor. ix.
3—2
36 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
III.
10; Blass p. 274 f.), while the art.
before δόξα marks out the Thessa-
lonians in the language of fond ex-
aggeration as ‘the’ glory of the
Apostles (WSchm. p. 161). In ac-
cordance with its general meaning
(Ὁ. 12 note) and the context (v. 19),
the main reference in δόξα must be
eschatological, so that the pres. ἐστέ
is to be taken as practically =‘you
are now and therefore will be.’
On the depth of affection dis-
played in the whole passage Theo-
doret remarks: ἐπειδὴ μητρὶ ἑαυτὸν
ἀπείκασε τιθηνουμένη τὰ βρέφη, τὰ
αὐτῆς φθέγγεται ῥήματα. αὐταὶ γὰρ τὰ
κομιδῆ νέα παιδία καὶ ἐλπίδα, καὶ χαράν,
καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα προσαγορεύειν εἰώθασι.
III. 1—10. The Mission and Return
of Timothy.
Hindered in his own desire to re-
visit Thessalonica, St Paul now recalls
how he had done the next best thing
in his power by sending Timothy who
had already proved himself so faith-
ful a ‘minister in the gospel of Christ’
to establish his beloved Thessalonians
amidst the ‘afflictions’ which were
proving the inevitable accompaniment
of their Christian calling (vv. 1—5):
while at the same time he can find no
adequate words to express his thank-
fulness at the ‘good news’ of which
Timothy had been the bearer on his
return (vv. 6—10).
1—5. ‘Unable to bear the thought
of this continued separationany longer,
we made up our minds—I speak of
Silas and myself—to be left behind
alone, even though it was in Athens,
a city “wholly given to idolatry,” while
we dispatched Timothy, our true
brother in Christ, and called by God
Himself to the ministry of the Gospel,
in order that he might be the means
not only of establishing you more
firmly in your present conduct, but
also of encouraging you in the heart-
{1Il 1
τ Δ \ / / 5 /
LO MHKETL στέγοντες NUOOKHOaMEV καταλει-
possession of the Faith. And there is
the more need of this in view of the
troubles which (so we hear) are now
falling upon you, and by which if you
are not on your guard you may be led
astray. You cannot surely have for-
gotten that these are the inevitable
lot of Christ’s disciples. For even
while we were still with you, we
warned you clearly that we are bound
to encounter trouble. And so it has
now proved in your own experience.
So anxious however are we still re-
garding you that-—let me say it once
more for myself—unable to bear the
thought of this continued separation
any longer, I sent Timothy to bring
back a full report of your faith, lest,
as we feared might have been the case,
Satan had succeeded in tempting you,
and our toil on your account had
come to naught.’
1. Διὸ μηκέτι στέγοντες) ‘Where-
fore no longer bearing’ (Vg. non
sustinentes amplius) viz. the sepa-
ration referred to in ii. 17f. Sréyew
originally =‘cover,’ and thence either
‘keep in’ in the sense of ‘conceal,
‘hide,’ or ‘keep off’ in the sense of
‘bear up under, ‘endure’ (Hesych. :
στέγει᾽ κρύπτει, συνέχει, βαστάζει, ὑπο-
μένει). Hither meaning yields good
sense here and in Ὁ. 5, but the latter,
as Lft. has shown, is to be preferred
in view of 1 Cor. ix. 12, xiii. 7, the
only other passages in the N.T. where
the verb occurs, and its general use
in later Gk. e.g. Philo in Place. § 9 (ii.
p. 526 M.) μηκέτι στέγειν δυνάμενοι τὰς
ἐνδείας. For the more literal sense of
‘ward off’ cf. Polyb. iii. 53. 2, Ditten-
berger Sylloge? 318, 24 (ii./B.c.) ἔστεξεν
τὴν ἐπιφερομένην τῶν βαρβάρων ὁρμήν.
ηὐδοκήσαμεν καταλειφθῆναι κτλ.
Grot.: ‘ Triste hoc, sed tamen hoe /-
benter, feceramus...vestri causa.’ For
ηὐδοκήσαμεν (Vg. placuit nobis) see ii.8
note, and for καταλειφθῆναι in the sense
of being left behind owing to the
a
᾿ΤΠ 2]
‘THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 37
φθῆναι ἐν ᾿Αθήναις μόνοι, * καὶ ἐπέμψαμεν Τιμόθεον, τὸν
ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν καὶ "διάκονον τοῦ θεοῦ" ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ
τοῦ χριστοῦ, εἰς τὸ στηρίξαι ὑμάς καὶ παρακαλέσαι
III 2 διάκονον τοῦ θεοῦ NAP 6 67** al Vg Go Boh Syr (Pesh Harcl) Aeth Bas
Theod-Mops"* ; συνεργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ D* 17 ἃ Ephr (?) Ambst: συνεργὸν B Ephr (?)
departure of others cf. [Jo.] viii. 9,
Ac. xxv. 14. Hence the verb is
frequently used in connexion with
dying (Deut. xxviii. 54, Prov. xx. 7,
Mk. xii. 19, Lk. xx. 31), and is also
the technical term in wills of the
Ptolemaic period for ‘bequeath,’ e.g.
P.Petr. 1. 11, 9f. (the will of a cavalry
officer) ἐὰν δέ τι ἀνθρώπινον πάθω κατα-
λείπω.. τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὰ ὅπλα πτολε-
μαίῳ[ι]. In the same will, according
to Mahaffy’s restoration, the testator
appoints a certain Demostratus his
executor with the formula καταλείπω
ἐπίτροπον.
In the passage before us the ist
pers. plur. ηὐδοκήσαμεν may be under-
stood of St Paul alone (Add. Note B),
but in view of ~. 5 (see note) is best
referred to St Paul and Silas (ef.
Intr. p. xxx). How keenly the two
older Apostles felt the departure of
their younger companion is proved
by the emphatic pdvo.—the sense of
loneliness being further deepened by
their position in Athens ‘urbe vi-
delicet a Deo alienissimi’ (Beng.).
{Cf. the now almost proverbial ‘Alone
in Londou.] Calv.: ‘signum ergo
rari amoris est et anxii desiderii, quod
se omni solatio privare non recusat,
ut subveniat Thessalonicensibus.’
2. κ. ἐπέμψαμεν Τιμόθεον κτλ. Ti-
mothy is described as αδελφός by
St Paul in the salutations of 2 Cor.,
Col., and Philem. (cf. Heb. xiii. 23),
but the title διάκονος is not elsewhere
bestowed on him exe. in 1 Tim. iv. 6
(καλὸς ἔσῃ διάκονος Xp. Ἰησοῦ). Here
the lofty διάκ. τ. θεοῦ is further defined
by ἐν τ. evayy. τ. χριστοῦ to mark the
sphere in which the service or mi-
nisiry is rendered, viz. ‘the Gospel’
which has for its object ‘the Christ’
as the fulfiller of the one God’s gra-
cious purposes on His people’s behalf
(Add. Note D)—the whole descrip-
tion being intended not so much
to emphasize the greatness of the
Apostles’ sacrifice in parting with
Timothy, as to lay stress on the
dignity of his mission and prevent
the Thessalonians from undervaluing
it (ef. 2 Cor. viii, 18 ff., Phil. ii. 20 ff.).
In contrast with δοῦλος or θεράπων,
the servant in his relation to a person,
διάκονος represents rather the servant
in relation to his work (Trench Syn.
§ ix), and like ἐπίσκοπος (Deissmann,
BS. p. 230f.) is already found as a
term. techn. in pre-Christian times.
Thus in CL.G. τι. 3037 along with a
ἱερεύς and a ἱέρεια of the δώδεκα θεῶν
we hear of two διάκονοι and of a
female διάκονος (cf. Rom. xvi. 1), and
in Magn. 109 (ce. i./B.c.) in a list of
sacred functionaries there appear μά-
γειρος.. «διάκονος (cf. Thieme p. 17 f.).
The reading διάκ. τ. θεοῦ is however
by no means certain in the passage
before us, and if the marginal συνερ-
yov [τοῦ θεοῦ] is adopted, the thought
then finds a striking parallel in 1 Cor.
iii. 9 θεοῦ yap ἐσμεν συνεργοί, cf. 2 Cor.
vi. 1, vill. 23. Weiss (Textkritik der
paulinischen Briefe (in Text. τι.
Unter. xiv. 3) p. 13) regards the read-
ing of B συνεργόν without τοῦ θεοῦ as
the original, on the ground that the
genesis of the other variants is thus
most easily explained.
εἰς TO στηρίξαι κτλ.] Στηρίζειν in
its metaph. sense is found only in late
Gk., cf. eg. Epict. Gnomologium
Stobaei 39 (ed. Schenkl) τοὺς ἐνοικοῦν-
Tas εὐνοίᾳ κ. πίστει x. φιλίᾳ στήριζε.
By St Paul, who uses it only in these
Epp. and in Rom. (i. 11, xvi. 25), it is
38 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 3,°4
΄σ ἐ ΄σ \ / / ; ΄-
ὑπὲρ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν ὁτὸ μηδένα σαίνεσθαι ἐν ταῖς
θλίψεσιν ταύταις.
of « > ΄σ
αὐτοὶ γὰρ οἴδατε ὅτι εἰς τοῦτο
« \ ς Fal ἊΝ ’ ~
κείμεθα: “καὶ yap OTE πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἦμεν, προελέγομεν ὑμῖν
ς ae 4 A ae
ὅτι μέλλομεν θλίβεσθαι, καθὼς καὶ ἐγένετο καὶ οἴδατε.
again combined with παρακαλέσαι (ii.
11 note) in II. ii. 17: for ἐπιστηρίζειν
in the same combination cf. Ac. xiv. 22,
xv. 32. Swete (ad Apoc. iii. 2) classes
στηρίζειν With βεβαιοῦν and θεμελιοῦν
as technical words in primitive pas-
toralia. For eis ro with inf. see the
note on ii. 12.
ὑπὲρ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν) not ‘con-
cerning’ (A.V., R.V.) but ‘for the
furtherance of your faith’—vzép here
retaining something of its original
force ‘for the advantage or benefit
of’: contrast II. ii. 1.
3. τὸ μηδένα σαίνεσθαι κτλ.] ‘to wit,
that no one be led astray in the midst
of these afflictions.’ Ms. evidence is
decisive in favour of τό (not τῷ) which
introduces a statement in apposition
to the whole foregoing clause, cf. iv. 6.
Blass (p. 234) regards the art. as quite
superfluous in both passages, but it
may be taken as lending more weight
to the inf. by making it substantival
(cf. iv. 1 and see WM. p. 402 ἢ).
Σαίνεσθαι (am. rey. N.T.) is generally
understood in the sense of ‘ be moved,’
‘be shaken’ (Hesych.: κινεῖσθαι, σαλεύ-
εσθαι, ταράττεσθαι), but this is to lose
sight unnecessarily of the original
meaning of the word. Properly it is
used of dogs in the sense of ‘ wag the
tail, ‘fawn’ (e.g. Od. x. 217 ὅτ᾽ ἂν
ἀμφὶ ἄνακτα κύνες ... σαίνωσιν), and
hence came to be applied meta-
phorically to persons, ‘fawn upon,’ ‘be-
guile’ (e.g. Aesch. Choeph. 186 caivo-
μαι δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐλπίδος). What the Apostles
evidently dreaded regarding the
Thessalonians was that they would
allow themselves to be ‘drawn aside,’
‘ allured’ from the right path in the
midst of (ἐνὶ the afflictions (θχίψεσιν,
i. 6 note) which were then (ταύταις)
falling upon them (cf. Zahn Zin. i.
p. 159 f.).
For an entirely different rendering
see Severianus (ayud Cramer Cat. vi.,
Ῥ. 353) “σαίνεσθαι᾽ εἰπὼν τὸ μηδένα
ξενίζεσθαι. Lachmann reads μηδὲν
ἀσαίνεσθαι. For the reading of FG σιέ-
veo Oat i.e. σιαίνεσθαι ‘to be disturbed,
troubled, which has much to recom-
mend it, see Soph. Lew. (s.v.), and ef.
Nestle Z.N.7.W. vii. p. 361 f., and
Exp. T. xviii. p. 479.
κείμεθα] ‘we are appointed.’ For
κεῖμαι (practically perf. pass. of τίθημι
for the rarely used τέθειμαι) in this
sense cf. Lk. ii. 34, Phil. i. 16, Josh.
iv. 6, and for the general thought see
Mk. viii. 34, of which we may here
have a reminiscence. The plur., while
referring in the first instance to St
Paul and his companions along with
their Thessalonian converts, embodies
a perfectly general statement. Calv.:
‘in hoc sumus constituti, tantundem
valet ac si dixisset hac lege nos esse
Christianos,’
4. καὶ yap ὅτε πρὸς ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ‘For ἡ
in addition to other considerations
when we were with you’—‘ γὰρ intro-
ducing the reason, καὶ throwing stress
upon it’ (Ellic.). Πρός is here con-
strued with the acc. even after a verb
of rest in accordance with its prevail-
ing use in the N.T. (c. gen. 1, dat. 6,
ace. 679, Moulton Prolegg. p. 106).
Προλέγειν is sometimes understood in
the sense of ‘tell openly or plainly,
but the ordinary predictive force of
mpo- (Vg. praedicebamus) is more in
harmony with the following clause:
cf. 2 Cor. xiii, 2, Gal. v. 21.
ὅτι μέλλομεν θλίβεσθαι] ‘that we
are to suffer persecution "---ὅτε intro-
ducing the substance of what’ the
III ς, 6] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
39
5 \ ~~ > \ Sch / of > \ lo
διὰ τοῦτο κἀγὼ μηκέτι στέγων ἔπεμψα εἰς TO γνῶναι
\ <a ΄ ᾽ / δι τ δὰ ¢ /
τὴν ‘TioTW ὑμῶν", MN πως ἐπείρασεν ὑμᾶς ὁ πειράζων
\ e / ε -
καὶ εἰς κενὸν γένηται ὁ κόπος ἡμῶν.
“ἤΑρτι δὲ ἐλθόντος
5 πίστιν ὑμῶν SADGKLP al pler: ὑμῶν πίστιν B 37 73 116
Apostles foretold, and μέλλομεν (ce.
pres. inf. as almost always in N.T.)
bringing out its Divinely-appointed
character : cf. Rom. viii. 13, 18, Gal.
iii. 23. A striking parallel both in
thought and expression to the whole
passage is afforded by Ac. xiv. 22
where Paul and Barnabas are de-
scribed as ἐπιστηρίζοντες τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν
μαθητῶν, παρακαλοῦντες ἐμμένειν τῇ
πίστει καὶ ὅτι διὰ πολλῶν θλίψεων δεῖ
ἡμᾶς εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ
θεοῦ.
5. διὰ τοῦτο κἀγώ κτλ.}] So keenly
alive was St Paul to the dangers
threatening his beloved Thessalonians
that he reiterates his eagerness with
regard to the despatch of Timothy,
employing now the emphatic Ist pers.
sing. ‘I also, ‘I on my part,’ to bring
out still more forcibly his own share
in the joint-action already referred to
(v. 1). A wholly different turn is
given to the verse by Hofmann’s
suggestion (favoured by Spitta Ur-
christentum i. p. 121 ff.) that after
the despatch of Timothy, and the sub-
sequent departure of Silas, St Paul
had still no rest, and in his anxiety
despatched another messenger or
letter on his own account. But if
this were so, the fact and nature of
this second sending would surely have
been more clearly defined, whereas
the actual words of vv. 1, 2 seem
.rather to be expressly repeated, in
order to show that the same sending
is still in view.
μή πως ἐπείρασεν κτὰ.} Μή πως
‘lest haply,’ a combination found in
the N.T. only in the Pauline Epp.,
and construed here with both ind.
and subj.—the former (ἐπείρασεν) de-
scribing an action that the writers
feared had already taken place, the
latter (γένηται) a possible future con-
sequence of that action: see WM.
p. 633 f. and for a similar transition
only this time from the subj. to the
ind. cf. Gal. ii. 2. Findlay prefers to
take the clause interrogatively to
which there can be no grammatical
objection, and which has the advan-
tage of vividness: ‘Had the Tempter
anyhow tempted you, and would our
toil prove in vain?’ For the thought
cf. Jas. i. 13 and the agraphon as-
cribed to Christ in Hom. Clem. m1.
55, Ῥ. 51, 20 τοῖς δὲ οἰομένοις ὅτι ὁ
θεὸς πειράζει, ὡς αἱ γραφαὶ λέγουσιν,
ἔφη ὁ πονηρός ἐστιν ὁ πειράζων (Resch
Agrapha (1889) pp. 115, 233).
ὁ πειράζων] subst. part. applied to
Satan as in the history of the Lord’s
Temptation (Mt. iv. 3) to bring out
his characteristic office (‘seine nie
ruhende Anstrengung ’ Everling An-
gelologie, p. 78): ef. 1 Cor. vii. 5 ἵνα
μὴ πειράζῃ ὑμᾶς ὁ Σατανᾶς. For the
distinction between πειράζω (Att. πει-
paw) and δοκιμάζω (ii. 4 note) see
Trench Syn. ὃ Ixxiv.
eis κενόν) ‘in vain,’ ‘to no purpose,’
ef. 2 Cor. vi. 1, Gal. ii. 2, Phil. ii. 16.
6—10. ‘In view then of the fears
just spoken of, imagine our relief
when Timothy brought back to us—
as he has at this moment done—the
tidings of your faith and love and of
the kindly remembrance which you
are always continuing to cherish of
us, reciprocating our longing desire
to meet again. To us such a report
was a veritable gospel, and through
your faith we ourselves were com-
forted amidst the crushing trials and
cares we are encountering in our
present work. No news could have
40 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[III 6
ε on φ, ἃ ΄- 3 / ~
Τιμοθέου πρὸς ἡμᾶς aj ὑμῶν καὶ εὐαγγελισαμένου ἡμῖν
\ \ ? / ε οὶ ie «{ ᾽
τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην ὑμῶν, καὶ ὅτι ἔχετε μνείαν
ἡμών ἀγαθὴν πάντοτε ἐπιποθοῦντες ἡμᾶς ἰδεῖν καθάπερ
helped us more, and we seem to be
entering on anew lease of life, so
long as we hear that you are standing
fast in the Lord. Words fail us in-
deed to express our thanksgiving to
God for the joy with which you are
filling our hearts in His sight—a joy
that is finding unceasing expression
in our ardent prayers that we may
not only hear of you, but once more
see you face to face, and make good
any shortcomings in your faith.’
6. Αρτι] may be connected gram-
matically either with ἐλθόντος or with
the principal verb παρεκλήθημεν, but
the former arrangement is decidedly
preferable. Timothy's return had
been anxiously waited for, and no
sooner had he returned than St Paul
proceeded to give vent to the feelings
of thankfulness and joy that filled his
heart. Beng.: ‘statim sub Timothei
adventum, recenti gaudio, tenerrimo
amore, haec scribit.’
For ἄρτι denoting strictly present
time (‘just now,’ ‘at this moment’) as
contrasted with time past or future
cf. Jo. ix. 19, 25, Gal. i, 9 f., 1 Cor.
xiii. 12, 1 Pet. i. 6, ὃ, also Epict. Diss.
ii. 17. 15 ἀφῶμεν ἄρτι τὸν δεύτερον
τόπον, B.G.U. 594, 5 f. (i./A.D.) μετὰ
τὸν θερισμὸϊν ἐργολ]αβήσομαϊ ει], ἄρτι
γὰρ ἀσθενῶν. See further Lob. Phryn.
p. 18 ff, Rutherford V.P. p. 70 ff.
εὐαγγελισαμένου] ‘ Participium in-
signe’ (Beng.). So good was
Timothy’s news that to the Apostles
it was a veritable ‘gospel.’ The point
is lost in the Latin verss. which
give adnuntiante or cum adnun-
tiasset: in the Latin of Th. Mops.
however we find euangelizante.
Chrys.: ὁρᾷς τὴν περιχάρειαν Παύλου;
οὐκ εἶπεν, ἀπαγγείλαντος, ἀλλ᾽ “ εὐαγ-
γελισαμένου᾽- τοσοῦτον ἀγαθὸν ἡγεῖτο
τὴν ἐκείνων βεβαίωσιν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην.
For the history of εὐαγγελίζομαι,
which is only found here in the Pauline
Epp. in its wider sense, see Add. Note
K.
τ. πίστιν κ. τ. ἀγάπην vp.| Calv.: ‘to-
tam enim pietatis summam breviter
indicat his duobus verbis.’ The same
combination is found again in y. 8
and several times in the Pastoral
Epp. (1 Tim. i. 14, ii, 15 &c.), and
always in this order (cf. however
Philem. 5): on the other hand in Rev.
ii. 19 St John characteristically places
τ. ἀγάπην first.
καὶ ὅτι ἔχετε κτὰ.] Yet a third
point in Timothy’s good news. Not-
withstanding the efforts of the hostile
Jews, the Thessalonians had always
(πάντοτε) cherished, and were still
cherishing (ἔχετε) a ‘kindly remem-
brance’ towards their former teachers.
For μνείαν ἔχειν ‘hold, maintain a
recollection’ cf. 2 Tim. i. 3, and for
ἀγαθός in the sense of ‘ friendly,’ ‘well-
disposed,’ cf. Rom. v. 7 (with Gifford’s
note), Tit. ii. 5, 1 Pet. ii. 18, and see
further on v. 15.
ἐπιποθοῦντες ἡμᾶς ἰδεῖν κτλ.] ‘long-
ing to see us...’: cf. Rom. i. 11, 2 Tim.
i. 4. ᾿Ἐπιποθεῖν, a favourite word
with St Paul who uses it seven out of
the nine times in which it occurs in
the N.T. (elsewhere Jas. iv. 5, 1 Pet.
ii. 2. It seems to be somewhat
stronger than the simple ποθεῖν (not
found in N.T.), ém- by marking direc-
tion (‘idem declarat, quod πόθον ἔχειν
ἐπί twa’ Fritzsche Rom. i. 11) lending.
a certain intensity to the idea, though
this must not be pressed in view of
the fondness of late Gk. for com-
pounds which have lost their strong
sense: cf. especially for its use here
Diod. Sic. xvii. 101 καὶ παρόντι μὲν οὐ
χρησάμενος, ἀπόντα δὲ ἐπιποθήσας.
For καθάπερ see ii. 11 note, and: for
Iil7—9] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 41
€ ~ ἴω \ ~ Ξ
καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑμᾶς, Ἰδιὰ τοῦτο παρεκλήθημεν, ἀδελφοί, ἐφ᾽
~ > , ΄σ 7 \ ε ~ ΄σ =
ὑμῖν ἐπὶ πάση TH ἀνάγκη καὶ θλίψει ἡμῶν διὰ τῆς ὑμῶν
“
πίστεως,
8 ef a σ΄ >A ς τὰς , > ,
ὅτι νῦν ζώμεν ἐαν ὑμεῖς στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ.
ϑτίνα γὰρ εὐχαριστίαν δυνάμεθα τῷ θεῷ ἀνταποδοῦναι
ἐ έ
καί in sentences of comparison cf.
WM. p. 548f.
7. διὰ τοῦτο παρεκλήθημεν κτλ. ‘On
this account ’—the sing. τοῦτο gather-
ing up as a unity the faith and the
love and the kindly remembrance just
spoken of—‘ we were comforted over
you, as the basis on which our παρά-
κλησις rested (cf. 2 Cor. vii. 7). Nor
was this all, but the comfort which
the Apostles experienced on the
Thessalonians’ account bore also ἐπὶ
πάσῃ τ. ἀνάγκῃ κτλ. from which at the
time they themselves were suffering
(2 Cor. vi. 4, xii. 10)—émi having again
a slightly /ocal force, which can, how-
ever, hardly be brought out in English.
For ἀνάγκη in its derived sense in
Hellenistic Gk. of outward calamity
or distress cf. Lk. xxi. 23, 1 Cor. vii. 26,
Pss. Sol. v. 8, Dittenberger Sylloge?
255, 23 f. ἐν ἀνάγκαις καὶ κακοπαθίαις
γένηται, and for the combination
with θλίψις (i. 6 note) cf. Job xv. 24,
Pss. evi. (cvii.) 6, cxviii. (cxix.) 143,
Zeph. i. 15. How little the Apostles
were disturbed by this ‘distress and
affliction’ is proved by the emphatic
διὰ τ. vp. πίστεως with which they
return to the ground of comfort they
have just received, and in so doing
prepare the way for the striking de-
claration of the next verse.
8. ὅτι νῦν ζῶμεν] In view of the
preceding ἄρτι (v. 6), νῦν is best taken
in its full temporal force, and if so
ζῶμεν can only refer to the present
life lived in the fulness of power and
satisfaction (Calv.: ‘vivimus, inquit,
hoc est recte valemus’): cf. 2 Cor. vi. 9
and for the thought see 2 Cor. iv. 7—15.
For a similar use of ζῆν corresponding
to the Heb. ΠῚ Π in the pregnant sense
of fulness of life ‘in the Divine favour
οὗ Deut. viii. 3, Pss. exviii. (cxix.) 40,
93, CXxxvil. (CXXXVill. )7, Isa. xxxviii. 16.
ἐὰν ὑμεῖς στήκετε κτλ.] ‘if ye stand
fast in the Lord’ (Beza si vos per-
statis in Domino; Est. ‘si vos in
fide Christi Domini constantes per-
manetis’)—the condition on which
the Apostles’ ‘life’ depended, and
which is expressed by ἐάν with the
ind., perhaps to bring out more
strongly the writers’ confidence that
it would certainly be fulfilled.
For other exx. of ἐάν with ind. in
the N.T. cf. Lk. xix. 40, Ac. viii. 31,
1 Jo. v. 15, and such passages from
the Lxx. as Gen. xliv. 30 ἐὰν εἰσπο-
ρεύομαι, Job xxii. 3 ἐὰν σὺ ἦσθα. The
same irregularity is frequent in the
papyri, e.g. P.Tebt. 58, 55 ἢ (ii/B.o.)
ἐὰν δεῖ, P.Amh. 93, 24 (ii./A.D.) ἐὰν
φαίνεται (Moulton Prolegg. p. 168).
For the late form στήκω (mod. Gk.
στέκω) formed from the perf. ἔστηκα
ef. I]. ii. 15, 1 Cor. xvi. 13, Phil. i. 27,
and see WH.? Notes p. 176, Dieterich
Untersuchungen p. 219. Bornemann
suggests that in ζῶμεν, ἐὰν vpeis |
στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ We may have a cita-
tion, somewhat altered, from a Jewish
or a Christian hymn.
9. τίνα yap εὐχαριστίαν krd.| Thdt.:
νικᾷ τῆς εὐφροσύνης TO μέγεθος τῆς
γλώττης τὴν ὑμνῳδίαν. Ἑὐχαριστία,
which in the Lxx. is confined to the
apocr. books, is used by St Paul
twelve times in a theological sense:
cf. Rev. iv. 9, vii. 12, where it is found
in doxologies, and see Ac. xxiv. 3 for
its only other occurrence in the N.T.
The word, of which I have as yet
found only one ex. in the papyri
P.Lond. 111. 1178, 25 (ii./A.D.), is fre-
quent in the inscriptions, e.g. O.G.LS.
227; 6 (iii./B.0.) διὰ τὴν τοῦ δήμου edxa-
42 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III to, 11
\ ε ~ 3 \ / wi a oe / Ψ- 1 ΄σ ᾽}
περὶ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ πάσῃ τῇ χαρᾷ ἢ χαίρομεν δι’ ὑμᾶς ἔμ-
~ ~ c τ \ , ς
προσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν, "“νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ὑπερεκ-
περισσοῦ δεόμενοι εἰς τὸ ἰδεῖν ὑμῶν τὸ πρόσωπον Kal
/ ee: / ΄σ ΄σ
καταρτίσαι τὰ ὑστερήματα τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν;
ριστίαν. For its later Christian usage
see a note by Dr Hort published in
JS.T.S. iii. p. 594 ff.
The avri- in ἀνταποδοῦναι expresses
the idea of full, complete return, ef.
11.1.6. The verb is used in a good
sense as here in Lk. xiv. 14, Rom. xi. 35
(ef. 2 Cor. vi. 13 ἀντιμισθία), and in a
bad sense in Rom. xii. 19, Heb. x. 30
(both from Lxx.).
ἐπὶ πάσῃ τ. χαρᾷ κτλ.} For ἐπί
pointing to the basis of the thanks-
giving (O.L. super omne gaudium
rather than Vg. in omni gaudio) see
note on ὃ. 7. Ἧ χαίρομεν is usually
understood as a case of attraction for
nv xaip.: cf. however the cognate dat.
in Jo. iii. 29 χαρᾷ χαίρει. Av ὑμᾶς
‘because of you,’ emphasizing more
pointedly the περὶ ὑμῶν of the pre-
vious clause. ‘ Zen times, with an
emphasis of affection, is the pronoun
ὑμεῖς repeated in wv. 6—10’ (Findlay).
ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ ἡμ.] to be con-
nected with χαίρομεν, and deepening
the thought of the joy by referring it
to its true author. It was because
their success in the work entrusted to
them was due to ‘our God’ (ii. 2 note)
that the Apostles could thus rejoice
‘before’ Him.
10. vuKr. kK. ἡμ... δεόμενοι] a partic.
adjunct developing the main thought
of the preceding verse. For the
phrase νυκτ. x. nu. see ii. 9 note, and
for an interesting parallel, apparently
from a heathen source (Intr. p. lxiv),
to its use in the present passage cf.
B.G.U. 246, τι ff. (ii—iii./a.D.) οὐκ
idores, ὅτι νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐντυνχάνω
τῷ θεῷ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν.
“Ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ (O.L. superabun-
dantius, Ambrstr. abundantissime)
is found elsewhere only in v. 13
τ Αὐτὸς
and Eph. iii. 20. For the form see
Buttmann p. 321, and for St Paul's
fondness for compounds in ὑπερ- see
Ellic. on Eph. iii. 20 and cf. the note
on II. i, 3.
Δεόμενοι ‘ beseeching’ stronger than
προσευχόμενοι, and embodying a sense
of personal need. Except for Mt.
ix. 38 the verb is confined in the N.T.
to Luke and Paul®. It is very com-
mon in petitions addressed to ruling
sovereigns as distinguished from those
addressed to magistrates where ἀξιῶ
is preferred, e.g. P.Amh, 33, 21 (ii./B.0.)
where certain petitioners appeal to
Ptolemy Philometor and Cleopatra IT.
to rectify a legal irregularity —deopue0”
ὑμῶν τῶν μεγίστων θεῶν κτλ.: 866
further R. Laqueur Quaestiones Epi-
graphicae et Papyrologicae Selectae
(1904) p. 3 ff.
εἰς τὸ ἰδεῖν xrd.| ‘to see your face’
—the eis phrase doing little more
here than take the place of a simple
inf. as ‘obj. of the foregoing verb
(Votaw p. 21).
καταρτίσαι] Καταρτίζειν originally to
‘fit’ or ‘join together’ (cf. Mk. i. 19
καταρτίζοντας τὰ δίκτυα) is used in the
N.T. especially by St Paul and in the
Ep. to the Hebrews in the general
sense of ‘prepare’ or ‘ perfect’ any-
thing for its full destination or use
(Rom. ix. 22, 1 Cor. i. 10, Gal. vi. 1,
Heb. x. 5 (LXx.), xi. 3), the further
thought in the present passage of
supplying what is lacking being
suggested by the accompanying r.
ὑστερήματα τ. πίστ. vy. ‘the short-
comings (Wycl. the thingis that
failen) of your faith’ For ὑστέρημα
ef. 1 Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. viii. 13 f,
ix. 12, xi. 9, Phil. ii. 30, Col. i. 24,
and for πίστις see v. 2 note. Calv.:
III 12] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 43
\ \ A ἣ ΄σ ς ~ 3 ΄
δὲ ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ ἡμῶν καὶ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦς
7 \ ς χω \ ε ΄σ ΄σ΄
κατευθύναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῶν προς ὑμᾶς" "“ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος
‘Hine etiam patet quam necessaria
sit nobis doctrinae assiduitas: neque
enim in, hoc tantum ordinati sunt
doctores, ut uno die vel mense homi-
nes adducant ad fidem Christi, sed ut
fidem inchoatam perficiant.’
III. 11—13. PRAYER.
This section of the Ep. is now closed
with a Prayer which in its two peti-
tions re-echoes the longings of the
constant prayer of Ὁ. 10,
11—13. ‘But after all is said and
done, it is to God that we must look
for the success of our efforts. May
He open up our way to return to you.
And in any case, whatever may be the
Divine pleasure with regard to us,
may the Lord Jesus grant you an
increasing and overflowing love not
only towards one another but towards
all men, after the measure of the love
which we on our part are displaying
towards you. Itis our earnest prayer
indeed that this love may be the
means of so inwardly strengthening
your hearts that your lives may show
themselves free from reproach and
holy in the sight of the all-seeing God,
when the Lord Jesus comes with all
His holy ones.’
Αὐτὸς δέ] There is no need to
seek any definite contrast for the
emphatically placed αὐτός either in
δεόμενοι (Ὁ. 10) or in Satan who had
hitherto been blocking their path
(ii, 18). It arises simply from the
writers’ constant habit of referring
everything in the last instance to the
direct agency of God, ‘ Now may God
Himeelf...’: see Intr. p. ]xv, and for the
apparent weakening of αὐτὸς ὁ in
Hellen. Gk. see Moulton Prolegg.p.91.
καὶ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν xtA.| For the
close union of 6 κύρ. "Inc. (Add. Note
D) with ὁ θεός κτλ. followed by a verb
in the sing. see Intr. p. Ixvi.
κατευθύναι ‘make straight’ rather
than ‘direct’ (Vg. dirigat), in accor-
dance with the original meaning of
the word, and the removal of the
obstacles (ἐνέκοψεν, ii. 18 note) here
prayed for. ‘The verb occurs else-
where in the N.T. only in a meta-
phorical sense (II. iii. 5, Lk. i. 79), and
for a similar use in the Lxx. see
1 Chron. xxix. 18, 2 Chron. xix. 3,
Ps. xxxvi. (xxxvii.) 23 παρὰ Κυρίου τὰ
διαβήματα ἀνθρώπου κατευθύνεται. The
opt. κατευθύναι (WSchm. p. 114) is
here used without dy to express a
wish as frequently in these Epp., iii.
12, v. 23, 11. ii. 17, iii. 5, 16 (Burton
S$ 175, 176).
12. ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος... Ὑμᾶς em-
phatic, marking the Apostles’ desire
that whatever the Lord may be pro-
posing as regards themselves (‘sive
nos veniemus, sive minus’ Beng.), the
Thessalonians at least will not come
short in any good gift. ‘O κύριος
may apply to God, but in view of the
general Pauline usage, and the appli-
cation of the title to Jesus in the
preceding clause, it is best understood
of Him again: cf. Add. Note D, and
for prayer addressed to the Lord
Jesus see Intr. p. ]xvi.
It is not easy to distinguish between
πλεονάσαι and περισσεύσαι (for forms,
WSchm. p. 114), but the latter verb
is the stronger of the two, implying
an overplus of love, and hence is
often used by St Paul in referring to
the Divine grace: cf. Rom. v. 15, 20
(ὑπερπερισσεύειν), 2 Cor. ix. 8, Eph. i. 8,
and see Fritzsche Rom. i. p. 351. For
its use here in connexion with ἀγάπῃ
(for dat. cf. Ac. xvi. 5, 2 Cor. ili. 9) cf.
Phil. i. 9 ἵνα ἡ ἀγάπη ὑμῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον
καὶ μᾶλλον περισσεύῃ ἐν ἐπιγνώσει κτλ.
and Bacon’s fine saying ‘Sola charitas
non admittit excessum’ (de augm.
Scient. vii. 3) cited by Gwynn ad loc.
Chrys.: ὁρᾷς τὴν μανίαν τῆς ἀγάπης
44
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE ΤΉΞΗΒΑ ae {III 13
πλεονάσαι Kal περισσεύσαι τῇ ἀγάπῃ εἰς ἀλλήλους καὶ
εἰς πάντας, καθάπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς ὑμᾶς, 18 εἰς TO στηρίξαι
ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας “ ἀμέμπτους" ἐν ἁγιωσύνῃ ἔμπροσθεν
τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου
ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων αὐτοῦ.
13 ἀμέμπτου9] ἀμέμπτως BL 17 31 47 137 Boh (Ὁ) Ps-Ath
αὐτοῦ solum
X°BD°GKL al pler g Vg°4 sia Go Syr (Pesh Harcl) Arm Ephr Chr Thdt Ambst
Theod-Mops™ ;
τὴν ἀκάθεκτον, τὴν διὰ τῶν ῥημάτων
δεικνυμένην ; “Πλεονάσαι, φησί, καὶ περ-
ἐισσεύσαι,᾽ ἀντὶ τοῦ, αὐξήσαι.
This is one of the few passages in
the N.T. where περισσεύειν is used
transitively (Lk. xv. 17, 2 Cor. iv. 15(?),
ix. 8, Eph. i. 8): the transitive use of
πλεονάζειν (contrast 11. 1, 3) can be
paralleled only from the txx. (Numb.
XXxvi. 54, Ps. Ixx. (Ixxi.) 21).
As regards the objects of this
abounding love on the Thessalonians’
part, they are in the first instance
their fellow-believers at Thessalonica
(εἰς ἀλλήλους), and then all men with-
out distinction (eis mavras), and not
merely those of the same faith else-
where (τ. ὁμοπίστους, Thdt.): cf. v. 15,
and for the thought see Rom. xii. 16 f.,
Gal. vi. 10, 1 Pet. ii. 17.
καθάπερ xk. ἡμεῖς κτλ.] a Clause
added to strengthen the Apostles’
prayer by an appeal to their own
example. Thpht.: ἔχετε yap μέτρον
καὶ παράδειγμα τῆς ἀγάπης ἡμᾶς. For
καθάπερ see ii. 11 note.
13. εἰς τὸ στηρίξαι xrA.] For εἰς
τὸ With inf. to denote end or purpose
see note on ii. 12, and for στηρίξαι
see nute on iii. 2. The combination
στηρίξαι καρδίας is found again in
Jas. v. 8, where however there is an
appeal to human effort, and not, as
generally elsewhere, to the strength-
ening influence of the Divine work-
ing (II. ii. 17, 1 Pet. v. 10, Ps. 1. (li.) 14,
Sir. vi. 37, Pss. Sol. xvi. 12): cf. also
Sir. xxii. 16 (19 f.) καρδία ἐστηριγμένη
ἐπὶ διανοήματος βουλῆς ἐν καιρῷ ov
δειλιάσει.
αὐτοῦ ἀμήν X*AD* 37 al pauc ἃ Vg Boh Aeth
ἀμέμπτους ev aywwovry| ‘(so as to
be) unblameable in holiness’: ef. WM.
p. 779. For the force of ἄμεμπτος
(ἀμέμπτως, WH. mg.) cf. C.P.R. 27 (a
marriage-contract— ii./A.D.) αὐτῆς δὲ
τῆς Θ. ἄμεμπτον καὶ ἀκατηγόρητον map-
ἐχομένης.
᾿Αγιωσύνη (for form, WH.? Wotes
p- 159) is used in the Lxx. only of the
Divine attributes, e.g. Pss. xxix. (xxx.)
5, xcv. (xcevi.) 6 &c.: cf. 2 Mace. iii, 12
(with reference to the temple) τοὺς
πεπιστευκότας TH TOU τύπου ἁγιωσύνῃ.
As distinguished from ἁγιασμός the
process οἵ sanctification (iv. 3 f., 7,
II. ii. 13, Heb. xii. 14, 1 Pet. i. 2)
ἁγιωσύνη points rather to the resulting
state (Rom. i. 4, 2 Cor. vii. 1), and is
thus closely akin to ἁγιότης (Heb.
xii. 20) in which, however, the thought
of the abstract quality predominates.
An interesting parallel to its use in
the passage before us is afforded by
Test. xit. patr. Levi xviii. 11, where it
is said of the saints in Paradise, καὶ
πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἔσται ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς.
Th. Mops. rightly draws attention to
the connexion with the following
ἁγίων: ‘per quam (sc. sanctitatem)
poteritis etiam in futuro die fiduciam
ad Deum adsequi, cum ceteris omni-
bus qui placite conuersantur in
uirtute.’
ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ κτλ.] Two con-
ditions of this ‘blamelessness in
holiness’ on the Thessalonians’ part
are now stated (1) that it will be
realized ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ κτλ. to
whom it is due, and by whom it will
be tested (cf. ii. 4), and (2) that this
1ΠΙ|Ι.13] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 45
will take place at the Parousia of the
Lord Jesus, to which throughout these
Epp. the writers point as the goal of
all Christian hope (Intr. p. lxix).
μετὰ πάντων τ. ἁγίων avrov| There
is considerable difference of opinion
as to whether we are to understand
by of ἅγιοι (1) ‘saints’ in the sense of
just men made perfect, or (2) ‘angels,’
or (3) a general term including both.
The first reference is rendered almost
necessary by the regular Pauline use
of the term (II. i. 10, 1 Cor. i. 2 &e.),
and is supported by the place assigned
to holy ‘men’ in such passages as
iv. 14, 1 Cor. vi. 2 (ef. Mt. xix. 28,
xx. 21, Rev. ii. 26 f,, xx. 4, and Sap.
iii. 8 κρινοῦσιν [δικαίων ψυχαὶ] ἔθνη
καὶ κρατήσουσιν λαῶν). On the other
hand, though οἱ ἅγιοι is nowhere else
expressly applied to ‘angels’ in the
N.T., they are so frequently described
in this way both in the O.T. and later
Jewish literature (see especially Zech.
xiv. 5 on which this passage is evi-
dently founded καὶ ἥξει Κύριος ὁ θεός
μου, καὶ πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ, and
ef. Dan. iv. 10 (13), viii. 13, Pss. Sol.
xvii. 49, Enoch i. 9 with Charles’s
note), and are so expressly associated
with the returning Christ elsewhere
(cf. II. i. 7, Mt. xiii. 41, Mk. viii. 38
μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων τῶν ἁγίων), that it
seems impossible to exclude the
thought of them altogether here. On
the whole therefore the term is best
taken in its widest sense as including
all (note πάντων), whether glorified
men or angels, who will swell the
triumph of Christ’s Parousia. As
further illustrating the vague use of
the term, it is of interest to notice
that in Didache xvi. 7 its original
reference to ‘angels’ in Zech. xiv. 5
(cited above) is lost sight of, and the
passage is applied to risen Christian
believers.
For the general thought cf. such
passages from Jewish apoc. literature
as 4 Ezra vii. 28: ‘reuelabitur enim
filius meus Iesus [Syr Ar! Messias]
cum his qui cum 60, et iocundabit
qui relicti sunt annis quadringentis’ :
xili. 52 ‘sic non poterit quisque super
terram uidere filium meum uel eos
qui cum eo sunt nisi in tempore
diei’: Asc. Isai. iv. 16, ‘But the
saints will come with the Lord with
their garments which are (now)
stored up on high in the seventh
heaven: with the Lord they will come,
whose spirits are clothed, they will
descend and be present in the world,
and He will strengthen those, who
have been found in the body, together
with the saints, in the garments of
the saints, and the Lord will minister
to those who have kept watch in this
world.’
The ἀμήν at the end of the verse
(WH. mg.) is well-attested, and its
disappearance in certain MSs. may
perhaps be traced to the apparent
improbability of its occurrence in
the middle of an Epistle. ‘ Videtur
αμην hoe loco interiectum offendisse’
(Tisch.). On the other hand its addi-
tion can be equally readily explained
through the influence of liturgical
usage.
IV. 1—V. 24. HORTATORY AND
DOCTRINAL.
LEssons IN CHRISTIAN
MorRALSs.
With c. iv. we enter on the more
directly practical side of the Ep.,
exhortation and doctrine being closely
intermingled (Intr. p. lxxi) with the
view of conveying certain great lessons
in Christian morals of which the
Apostles knew their converts to stand
in need.
The section opens with an exhorta-
tion of a general character.
IV. 1,2. General Exhortation.
1,2. ‘And now, Brothers, to apply
more directly what we have been
saying, we entreat you as friends, nay
we exhort you with authority in the
Lord, to carry out ever more fully the
mode of life which is pleasing to God,
as you have already learned it from
LV. 1—12.
46 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
IV.
{IV 1
/ / ? “~ cee
*"Aourov', ἀδελφοί, ἐρωτῶμεν ὑμᾶς καὶ Tapa-
καλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ, [ἵνα] καθὼς παρελάβετε παρ᾽
IV 1 λοιπόν solum B* 17 31 al pauc Vg44 “ia Syr (Pesh) Boh Arm Orig Chr
Theod-Mops"™*: λοιπὸν οὖν SADG al pler
iva BD*G 17 37 al pauc Lat (Vet Vg) Syr
(Pesh) Boh Arm Go Chr 4 Ambst : om SAD°KL al pler Syr (Harel) Aeth Chr δ Thdt
Theod-Mops™ al
us. We know indeed that you are
doing this, but there is still room for
progress, as you cannot but be aware
in view of our previous instructions.’
1. λοιπόν] a colloquial expression .
frequently used to point forward to
a coming conclusion (ef. 2 Cor. xiii. 11,
2 Tim. iv. 8; τὸ Ao. 11. iii. 1, Phil,
iv. 8), but in itself doing little more
than mark the transition to a new
subject as in late Gk. where it is prac-
tically equivalent to an emphatic οὖν:
ef. Polyb. i. 15. 11 λοιπὸν ἀνάγκη ovy-
χωρεῖν, Tas ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις
εἶναι ψευδεῖς, Epict. Diss. i. 22. 15
ἄρχομαι λοιπὸν μισεῖν αὐτόν, and the
other passages cited by Jannaris 1}.
Υ. viii. p. 429 f.: see also Schmid
Attic. iii. p. 135. As showing its fre-
quency as a connecting particle in the
Kowy (cf. B.G.U. 1039, 8 (Byz.)),
Wilcken remarks that it has passed
over into Coptic in this sense (Archiv
iii. p. 507). In mod. Gk. λοιπόν has
displaced οὖν altogether.
In the present passage οὖν is re-
tained in the text by WH. mg,,
Tischdf., Zimmer, Nestle. It might
easily have dropped out after the -ον
of λοιπόν: on the other hand the
combination λοιπὸν οὖν is found no-
where else in the N.T., cf. however
B.G.U.1079, 6 ff. (a private letter—
i./A.D.) λοιπὸν οὖν ἔλαβον παρὰ ro(d)
“ApaBos τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ ἀνέγνων καὶ
ἐλυπήθην.
ἐρωτῶμεν ὑμᾶς κτλ.} Ἔρωτᾶν in
class. Gk. always=‘interrogare’ is
frequently used in the N.T.=‘rogare,’
ef. v. 12, 11. ii. 1, Phil. iv. 3, the only
other occurrences of the word in the
Pauline writings. This usage is amply
vouched for in the Κοινή (e.g. P.Oxy.
292, 7 f. (i./A.D.) ἠρώτησα δὲ καὶ Ἕρ-
pilaly τὸν ἀδελφὸν διὰ γραπτοῦ ἀνη-
γεῖ[σθα([] σοι περὶ τούτου, and the
other exx. below), and need therefore
no longer be traced to the influence
of the Heb. SN (cf. Deissmann BS.
pp. 195f., 290f.). In this, its later
sense, ἐρωτᾶν can hardly be distin-
guished from αἰτεῖν, though by laying
greater stress on the person asked
than on the thing asked for, it is more
appropriate in exhortation (Grimm-
Thayer s.v.airéw). The note of urgency
underlying its use is heightened here
by its conjunction with παρακαλοῦμεν
(ii. 11 note), and still more by the
addition of ἐν κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ, pointing
to the real source of the writers’
authority (cf. Eph. iv. 17).
For the conjunction of the two
words in epistolary phrases cf. P.Oxy.
294, 28 f. (i./AD.) ἐρωτῶ δέ σε καὶ
mapaxa\|@® γράψει μοι ἀντιφώνησιν
περὶ τῶν γενομένων], 744, 6 ἴ. (i./B.C.)
ἐρωτῶ σε καὶ παρακαλῷ σε ἐπιμελή-
0<nr>.Te παιδίῳ. The latter papy-
rus also supplies an instance of ἐρωτάω
construed with ἵνα, 13 f. ἐρωτῶ σε οὖν
iva μὴ ἀγωνιάσῃς “1 urge you therefore
not to worry,’
[ἵνα] καθὼς mapedaBere| ‘[that] even
as ye received. If iva is read it
should have a comma placed after it
to show that it really belongs to the
last clause of the verse, where, on
account of the long parenthesis, it is
repeated. For this semi-final wa
when the subject of the prayer is
blended with its purpose ef. v. 4, IT. i.
11, iii. 1, 2, 2 Cor. i. 17, and for the
development of this usage in the later
language see Hatzidakis p. 214 ff,
Moulton Prolegg. p. 206 ff. A good
IV 2]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 47
Sap A ΄ι ~ lanl ~ a A
ἡμῶν TO πῶς δεῖ ὑμᾶς περιπατεῖν Kal ἀρέσκειν θεῷ, καθως
\ ΄σ' / cy
καὶ TEDLTATELTE,—LVA περισσεύητε μᾶλλον.
5οἴδατε
\ 7 > / an ~
yap τίνας παραγγελίας ἐδώκαμεν ὑμῖν διὰ τοῦ κυρίου
ex. from the Kowr occurs in the
Christian papyrus-letter already cited
P.Heid. 6, 14 ff. (iv./A.D.) παρακαλῶ
[o]év, δέσποτα, ἵνα μνημον εἸύης μοι eis
τὰς ἁγίας σου εὐχάς, ἵνα δυνηθῶμεν
μέρος τὸν (ἁμ)αρτιῶν καθαρίσεως.
Παραλαμβάνω as usual lays stress not
so much on the manner of the Thessa-
lonians’ receiving, as on the contents
of what they received: cf. note on
ii, 13, and for περιπατεῖν as the result
of this teaching see ITI. iii. 6, Col. ii. 6.
τὸ πῶς δεῖ ὑμᾶς περιπατεῖν κτλ.} In
accordance with a usage peculiar to
St Luke and St Paul in the N.T. ro
(ὅπως without τό FG) is here used to
introduce an indirect interrogative
sentence (cf. Lk. i. 62, Rom. viii. 26;
Blass p. 158), while at the same time
in quite class. fashion it binds together
all that follows into a kind of sub-
stantival object to παρελάβετε (cf. iii.
3, and see further Viteau Etude i.
p. 67 f.). The two infinitives are
consequently best taken as closely
connected, the second stating the
necessary result of the first, ‘how to
walk and (so) please God’ (cf. WM.
p. 544 n-1). For περιπατεῖν cf. 11. 12
note, and for ἀρέσκειν θεῷ cf. ii. 4
note. In Ps. xxv. (xxvi.) 3 the Lxx.
rendering for nDPon7 is εὐηρέστησα.
καθὼς κ. περιπατεῖτε] a clause amply
vouched for on ΜΆ. authority (δ ABD*
G 17...), and in entire accord with the
writers’ practice to praise whenever
praise is due (Intr. p. xliv), but which,
by destroying the regularity of the
sentence, leads them to substitute ἵνα
περισσεύητε μᾶλλον for the οὕτως καὶ
περιπατῆτε Which we would otherwise
have expected. For a similar irregu-
larity of construction due to the same
cause cf. Col. i. 6 (with Lft.’s note),
and for the intensive μᾶλλον cf. v. 10,
2 Cor. vii. 13, Phil. i. 23, Mk. vii. 36.
2. παραγγελίας] Tapayyedia (for
verb cf. v. 11 note) is found elsewhere
in the Pauline Epp. only in 1 Tim. i,
5, 18, where it refers to the whole
practical teaching of Christianity.
Here the plur. points rather to special
precepts (Vg. praecepta) or rules of
living, which the writers had laid
down when in Thessalonica, and which
they had referred to the Lord Jesus
(διὰ τ. κυρ. “Inc.) as the medium
through. whom alone they could be
carried into effect: cf. Rom. xv. 30,
1 Cor. i. το. Thpht.: οὐκ ἐμὰ γάρ,
φησίν, ἃ παρήγγειλα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνου
ταῦτα.
For παραγγελία ἃ8 denoting a ‘word
of command’ received as from a
superior officer that it may be passed
on to others cf. Xen. Hell. ii. 1—4,
and for its use more particularly in
connexion with instruction cf. Arist,
Eth, Nic. ii. 2. 4.
IV. 3—8. Warning against
Impurity.
From this general-exhortation the
Apostles proceed to recall more defi-
nitely the nature of their former
precepts, laying special stress on the
Christian duty of sanctification in
view of the dangers to which their
Thessalonian converts were exposed
(Intr. p. xlvi). The will of God regard-
ing this is stated (1) generally (Ὁ. 3),
and (2) particularly as it affected
(a) themselves (vv. 4, 5), and (δ) their
relation to others (Ὁ. 68). And the
whole warning is enforced by re-
calling the punishment that will follow
its neglect (v. 6°), and the opposition
which the offender is in reality offer-
ing alike to his Divine call (Ὁ. 7), and
the Divine spirit working within him
(w. 8).
3—8. ‘In particular we call upon
48
᾿Ιησοῦ.
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 5,4
5 Τοῦτο yap ἐστιν θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, ὁ ἁγιασ-
\ € ~ 2 / 0 en 3 \ - / 4-29/
Mos ὑμων, ἀπέχεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τῆς πορνείας, “εἰδέναι
e/ ς - \ ~ ΄σ- e -
ἕκαστον ὑμῶν τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σκεῦος κτᾶσθαι ἐν ἁγιασμᾷ
you to avoid all taint of impurity.
For God’s purpose regarding you is
nothing less than this—that you lead
a holy life, abstaining from fornication
and learning to gain the mastery over
your bodily passions. Lust with its
dishonour is the mark of Gentile
godlessness. It is a sin which, while
it degrades the man himself, brings
wrong and injury upon others. And
hence, as we have already warned you
in the most solemn manner, it incurs
the just vengeance of the Lord.
Therefore he who deliberately sets
aside this warning is setting aside not
man but God, Who is the bestower
of the Spirit whose distinguishing
characteristic is holiness, and of whose
presence in your hearts you are al-
ready conscious.’
3. Τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν κτλ.} As re-
gards construction, the emphatic
τοῦτο is clearly the subject pointing
forward not only to ὁ ἁγιασμός which
is in apposition with it, but also to
the succeeding inf. clauses by which
the nature of the ἁγιασμός is defined,
while the predicate is formed by
θέλημα τ. θεοῦ, the absence of the
art. before θέλημα pointing to the
general nature of the conception as
compared with the specific mapay-
γελίαι already spoken of.
Θέλημα (almost entirely confined to
Bibl. and late writers), while denoting
properly the resu/t as distinguished
from the act of willing (θέλησις), is
here used rather in the sense of the
Divine purpose (cf. Ac. xxii. 14, Eph.
i. 9, v. 17, Col. i. 9, iv. 12) and em-
braces the thought not only of God’s
‘commanding’ but of His ‘enabling’
will. ‘God works in us and with us,
because our sanctification is His will’
(Denney). In the same way ἁγιασμός
retains here the active force which it
always has in the Pauline writings
(cf. iii. 13 note), and is=‘that you lead
a holy life, a positive injunction re-
stated from the negative side in the
clause that follows.
ἀπέχεσθαι ὑμᾶς κτλ. a warning ren-
dered necessary by the fact that in
the heathen world πορνεία (for form,
WH.’ Notes, p. 160) was so little
thought of (Hor. Sat. 1. 2. 33 ff., Cie.
pro Cael. 20) that abstinence from it,
so far from being regarded as inevit-
able by the first Christian converts,
was rather a thing to be learned: ef.
Ac. xv. 20 (with Knowling’s note) and
see Jowett’s Essay ‘On the Connexion
of Immorality and Idolatry’ (Zpp. of
‘St Paul ii. p. 70 ff.).
᾿Απέχεσθαι (appos. inf., Burton ὃ 386)
is here construed with ἀπό, perhaps
to emphasize the idea of separation,
cf. v. 22, Job i. 1, 8, ii. 3 δε It is
found with the simple gen., as gene-
rally in class. Gk., in Ac. xv. 20, 29,
1 Tim. iv. 3, 1 Pet. ii. 11.
For the act. ἀπέχω =‘ have wholly,’
‘possess,’ cf. Phil. iv. 18, Philem. 15,
and for its technical use in the papyri
and ostraca to denote the receipt of
what was due (e.g. B.G.U. 612, 2f.
(i./A.D.) ἀπέχω παρ᾽ ὑμῶν τὸν φόρον
τοῦ ἐλα[ι]ουργίου, ὧν ἔχετέ [poly ἐν
μισθώσει) cf. Deissmann BS. p. 229,
Wilcken Ostraka i. pp. 86, τοῦ ff.,
Archiv i. p. 77 ff.
4. εἰδέναι ἕκαστον κτὰλ.} a second
inf. clause parallel to the preceding,
and emphasizing the truth therestated
in greater detail.
The principal difficulty is the mean-
ing to be attached to ro ἑαυτ. σκεῦος.
Does it refer to (1) ‘his own body,’ or
(2) ‘his own wife’? The latter view,
advocated by Theodore of Mopsuestia
(σκεῦος τὴν ἰδίαν ἑκάστου γαμετὴν ὀνο-
pater) and St Augustine (‘suunr_vas
ΙΝ 5] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
\ -~ 5 Vas (θ > θ / θ / \ ye ’
Kal τιμῇ; bn εν πσαῦει ἐπι UMLaS κα aTrEp Καὶ τὰ EONH τὰ.
possidere, hoc est, uxorem suam’ c.
Jul. Pelag. iv. 10), has been adopted
by the great majority of modern com-
mentators, principally it would appear
on account of the objections that can
be urged against the former.
though supported by certain Rabbinic
parallels (e.g. Megill. Est. i. 11 ‘vas
meum quo ego utor’) and by the
occurrence of the phrase κτᾶσθαι
yvvaikxa=‘ducere uxorem’ (e.g. Sir.
XXxvi. 29 (26), Xen. Conv. ii. 10), it is
not, it will be admitted, at first sight
the natural view, and is suggestive of
a lower view of the marriage-state
than one would expect in a passage
specially directed to enforcing its
sanctity (cf. Titius Neut. Lehre von
der Seligkeit (1900) ii. p. 113). On the
whole therefore it seems better to
revert to the meaning ‘his own body’
which was favoured by the Gk. com-
mentators generally (e.g. Thdt. ἐγὼ δὲ
νομίζω τὸ ἑκάστου σῶμα οὕτως αὐτὸν
κεκληκέναι) as well as by Ambrstr.,
Pelagius, Calvin, Beza, Grotius; for
though no other instance of σκεῦος by
itself in this sense can be produced
from the N.T., it is sutliciently vouched
for by such approximate parallels as
2 Cor. iv. 7 ἔχομεν δὲ τὸν θησαυρὸν
τοῦτον ἐν ὀστρακίνοις σκεύεσιν, and by
the use of the word in Gk. writers to
denote the vessel or instrument of the
soul, e.g. Plato Soph. 2194; cf. Philo
quod det. pot. ins. § 46 (i. p. 186 M.) τὸ
τῆς Ψυχῆς ἀγγεῖον, τὸ σῶμα.
The most serious objection to this
rendering is that it requires us to take
κτᾶσθαι in what has hitherto been re-
garded as the unwarranted meaning
of ‘possess.’ But to judge from the
papyri it would seem as if at least
in the popular language this meaning
was no longer confined to the perf.
(xéxrnoOa). Thus in P.Tebt. 5, 241 ff.
(ii./B.0.) we find it decreed μηδ᾽ ἄλλους
κτᾶσθαι μηδὲ χρῆσθαι rots...€pyareious
‘nor shall any other persons take
possession of or use the tools,’ and in
M. THESS.
But.
49
P.Oxy. 259, 6 (i./A.D.) a certain Theon
declares on oath that he ‘has’ thirty
days (κτήσεσθαι nulé|pas τριάκοντα) in
which to produce a prisoner for whom
he has become surety. There seems
no reason therefore why κτᾶσθαι
should not be used in the passage
before us of a man’s so ‘possessing’
or ‘taking possession of’ his body, as
to use it in the fittest way for God’s
service in thorough keeping with the
general Pauline teaching (1 Cor. vi.
15 ff., ix. 17, Rom. xii. 1).
Nor further can it be urged as a
‘decisive’ objection against this view
that it fails to bring out the pointed
contrast in which κτᾶσθαι τὸ ἕαυτ.
σκεῦος is placed to πορνεία, if only we
give its proper weight to the preceding
εἰδέναι, for by means of it the condition
of purity spoken of is emphasized
as a matter of acquired knowledge.
(Thpht. : σημείωσαι δὲ καὶ τὸ εἰδέναι"
δείκνυσι γὰρ ὅτι ἀσκήσεως καὶ μαθήσεώς
ἐστι τὸ σωφρονεῖν.)
For εἰδέναι followed by an inf.=
‘know how’ cf. Lk. xii. 56, Phil. iv.
12, 1 Pet. v.9; also Soph. Ajaw 666 f.
τοιγὰρ τὸ λοιπὸν εἰσόμεσθα μὲν θεοῖς
εἴκειν.
5. μὴ ἐν πάθει ἐπιθυμίας] ‘not in
lustfulness of desire’ (Vg. non in
passione desiderii, Beza non in morbo
cupiditatis)—maos, according to the
usual distinction, denoting the passive
state or condition in which the active
ἐπιθυμία rules: cf. Col. iii. 5, and see
Trench Syn. ὃ lxxxvii.
καθάπερ καὶ τὰ ἔθνη κτλ.] Cf. IT. i. 8,
Gal. iv. 8. This description of τὰ ἔθνη,
(ii. 16 note) is evidently founded on the
Lxx. (cf. Ps. Ixxviii. (Ixxix.) 6, Jer. x.
25), the use of the art. before μὲ «id.
pointing to the Gentiles’ ignorance of
the one true God (τὸν θεόν) as their
peculiar property (cf. WSchm. pp. 178,
184), and the cause of their sinfulness,
‘ Ignorantia, impudicitiae origo. Rom.
i. 24’ says Bengel. That, however,
St Paul did not regard this ignorance
4
-
50
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[IV 6
\ γεν \ , 6 \ RG ,ὔ \ σ΄ >
MH εἰδοτὰ TON θεὸν, “TO MY ὑπερβαίνειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν ἐν
~ , \ - \ ΄σ Pm ’ A
τῷ πραγματι TOV ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ, διότι ἔκλικοο Κύριος περὶ
as absolute is proved by Rom. i. 19 ἢ,
28: hence Bengel again, ‘ Coeli sereni-
tatem adspice : impuritatis taedium te
capiet.’
For καθάπερ see ii. 11 note, and for
the use of καί in comparison see WM.
Ρ. 549.
6. τὸ μὴ ὑπερβαίνειν κτλ.] a third
inf. clause in apposition with ὁ
ἁγιασμός, and parallel therefore to
the two preceding clauses, the pre-
fixed ro (see iii. 3 note) leading us to
look for a further explanatory state-
ment of the truths already laid down.
‘YrepBaive (am. rey. N.T., cf. 11. 1.
3 note) may govern adeAdoy in the
sense of ‘get the better of, but is
better taken absolutely =‘ transgress,’
cf. Plato Rep. ii. 366 A ὑπερβαίνοντες
καὶ ἁμαρτάνοντες, Kur. Alc. 1077 μὴ viv
ὑπέρβαιν᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναισίμως φέρε. In
the present passage the nature of the
transgression is defined by the follow-
ing πλεονεκτεῖν ‘take advantage of,
‘overreach, any reference to un-
chastity lying not in the word itself,
but in the context (cf. πλεονεξία, ii.
5 note). The verb occurs elsewhere
in the N.T. only jn 2 Cor. ii. 11
(pass.) and in vii. 2, xii. 17 f., where,
though intrans. in class. Gk., it is
followed as here by a direct obj. in the
acc. : cf. for the sense P.Amh. 78, 12 ff.
(ii./A.D.) παντοδαπῶς plou] πλεονεκτῖ
ἄνθρωπος ἀϊ σ]θενής (α[ὑἸ]θάδης, Rader-
macher). The gravity of the charge
in the present instance is increased
by the fact that it is a (Christian)
‘brother’ who is wronged : ef. ii. Io.
The expression ἐν τῷ πράγματι has
caused difficulty. In the Vg. it is
rendered in negotio (Wycl. in chaffar-
inge, Luth. im Handel, Weizs. in
Geschiften), and in accordance with
this the whole clause has been taken
as a warning against defrauding one’s
brother in matters of business or
trade. But no other adequate ex. of
πρᾶγμα in this sense in the sing. has
been produced, and the words are too
closely connected with what precedes
and what follows (v. 7 ἀκαθαρσία) to ad-
mit of any such transition to a wholly
new subject. In ἐν τ. πράγματι there-
fore we can only find a veiled reference
(Corn. a Lap. ‘honesta aposiopesis’)
to ‘the matter’ on hand, viz. sins of
the flesh ; cf. 2 Cor. vii. 11, and see
LS. 8.0. πρᾶξις 11. 3. In no case can it
be rendered ‘in any matter’ (A.V.).
Of this enclitic τῳ (for τινί) there is
no clear instance either in the Lxx.
or N.T. (WSchm. p. 71).
διότι ἔκδικος Κύριος κτλ.) The fore-
going warning is now enforced hy
recalling the punishment which will
follow upon its neglect in terms clearly
suggested by Deut. xxxii. 35 (Heb.):
cf. Rom. xii. 19, Heb. x. 30, and for a
class. parallel see Hom. Batrach. 97
ἔχει θεὸς ἔκδικον ὄμμα. There is no
reason however why, as ordinarily in
these Epp., κύριος should not be re-
ferred directly to the Lord Jesus
through whom God will judge the
world: cf. 11. i. 7 ff. and see Intr.
p. Ixvii.
ἜἜκδικος, elsewhere in N.T. only
Rom. xiii. 4, denoted’ primarily ‘law-
less,’ ‘unjust,’ but later passed over
into the meaning of ‘avenging, ‘an
avenger, in which sense it is found in
the apocr. books of the O.T. (Sap. xii.
12, Sir. xxx. 6, cf. 4 Mace. xv. 29). In
the papyri it is the regular term for a
legal representative, e.g. P.Oxy. 261,
14 f. (i./A.D.) where a certain Demetria
appoints her grandson Chaeremon éy-
δικον ἐπί τε πάσης ἐξουσίας ‘to appear
for her before every authority’: see
further Gradenwitz Hinfiihrung i.
p. 160, and for a similar use in the
inscriptions = ‘ advocatus’ (cf. Cie. ad
Fam. xiii. 56) see Michel Recueil
459, 19 f. (ii./B.0.) ὑπέμεινεν ἑκουσίως
[ἔκ]δικος.
IV 7,8] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 51
/ 7 \ 4 , ~ \
πάντων τούτων, καθὼς Kal προείπαμεν ὑμῖν Kal διεμαρ-
τυραμεθα.
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἁγιασμῷ.
7oU γὰρ ἐκάλεσεν ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς ἐπὲ ἀκαθαρσίᾳ
~ ε 3 > > γ
ὑτοιγαροῦν ὁ ἀθετῶν οὐκ ἄνθρωπον
΄ \ \ \ \ ’ ὡς a Or
ἀθετεῖ ἀλλὰ Tov θεὸν Tov λιλόντὰ τὸ πνεῦμα δὐτοῦ TO ἅγιον
Seeberg (Der Katechismus der
Urchristenheit (1903) p. 10 ἢ) points
to this verse as a proof of a tradi-
tional catalogue of sins lying at the
basis of the Pauline lists, for though
only two sins are directly mentioned
here, judgment takes place περὶ
πάντων τούτων.
προείπαμεν] Of. iii. 4 note, and for
the aor. in -a see WH.? Notes p. 171 f.,
WSchm. p. 111 f.
διεμαρτυράμεθα] Διαμαρτύρομαι, a
word of Ionic origin (Niageli p. 24)
and stronger than the simple μαρτύ-
ρομαι (ii. 11), is used of solemnly testi-
fying in the sight of God (ἐνώπιον τ.
Θεοῦ) in 1 Tim. vy. 21, 2 Tim. ii. 14,
iv. 1, the only other passages in the
Pauline writings where it occurs. It
is found frequently in the Lxx. in this
sense (e.g. Deut. iv. 26, viii. 19, 1 Regn.
Vili. 9), and is used absolutely by St
Luke as here in Lk. xvi. 28, Ac. ii. 4o;
cf. also Heb. ii. 6. Calv.: ‘ Obtestati
sumus; tanta enim est hominum tar-
ditas, ut nisi acriter perculsi nullo
divini iudicii sensu tangantur.’
7. οὐ γὰρ ἐκάλεσεν κτὰλ.] The em-
phasis lies on ἐκάλεσεν (cf. ii. 12 note),
the thought of the definite Divine call
being introduced as an additional
reason for the foregoing warning,
or, perhaps, in more immediate con-
nexion with the preceding clause,
as a justification of the vengeance
there threatened.
The interchange of the prepositions
ἐπί and ἐν is significant, the former
pointing to the object or purpose of
the call (cf. Gal. v. 13, Eph. ii. 10, Sap.
il. 23 ὁ θεὸς ἔκτισεν τὸν pe ἐπ᾽
ἀφθαρσίᾳ), the latter to its essential
basis or condition (ef. Eph. iv. 4 with
Abbott’s note), ἁγιασμός being used in
the same active sense as in vv, 3, 4.
ὃ, τοιγαροῦν ὁ ἀθετῶν κτλ. ‘Where-
fore then the rejecter rejects not
man but (the) God’—the compound.
τοιγαροῦν (class., elsewhere in N.T,
only Heb. xii. 1) introducing the con-
clusion ‘with some special emphasis
or formality’ (Grimm-Thayer s.v.).
᾿Αθετεῖν literally=‘make ἄθετον, or:
‘do away with what has been laid
down,’ refers here to the action of the
man who of his own will ‘rejects’ or
‘sets aside’ the calling just mentioned
(v. 7): ef. especially Lk. x. 16 of which
we may here have a reminiscence.
The verb, which is not approved by
the Atticists (frequent in Polyb. eg.
Vili. 2. 5 dO. τ. πίστιν, XV. 1. 9 ἀθ. τ.
ὅρκους καὶ τ. συνθήκας), Occurs other
four times in the Pauline writings,
always however with reference to
things, not persons—r. σύνεσιν (1 Cor.
i. 19), τ. χάριν (Gal. ii. 21), διαθήκην
(Gal. iii. 15), τ. πίστιν (1 Tim. vy. 12),
In the Lxx. it represents no fewer
than seventeen Heb. originals. For
its use in the papyri_see P.Tebt. 74,
sof. (ii./B.C.) ἐμβρόχου τῆς ἐν τῆι ἠἡ-
θετημένηι i ἱερᾷ (cf. 61 (b), 207 note), and
in the inscriptiony see 0.G.LS8. 444,
18 ἐὰν δέ τινες τῶν πόλεων ἀθετ[ dou] τὸ
σύμφωνον.
The absence of the art. before ἄν-
θρωπον followed as it is by τὸν θεόν
deserves notice (cf. Gal. i. 10), while
the contrast is further heightened by
the use of the absolute negative in the
first conception, not to annul it, but
rhetorically to direct undivided atten-
tion to the second (ef. Mk. ix. 37, Ac.
V. 4, 1 Cor. i. 17; WM. p. 622 f.),
τὸν δίδοντα κτλ.}] The reading here
is somewhat uncertain, but the weight
of the ms. evidence is in favour of the
pres. part. (S*BDG as against AKL
for δόντα), the aor. having probably
4—2
52 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
εἰς YMAC.
[IV 9
9 Περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε
~ > ς ΄ 3 3 \
γράφειν ὑμῖν, αὐτοὶ yap ὑμεῖς θεοδίδακτοί ἐστε εἰς TO
arisen from its occurrence elsewhere
in the same connexion (e.g. 2 Cor. i.
22, v. 5). As regards the meaning,
the pres. may be taken as pointing to
the ever ‘fresh accessions of the Holy
Spirit’ (Lft.) which God imparts, or
perhaps better as along with the art.
constituting another subst. part. ‘the
giver of His Holy Spirit.’
For the emphatic τὸ wv. τὸ ay. where
the repeated art. lays stress on the
dy. in keeping with the main thought
of the whole passage cf. Mk. iii. 29,
xiii. 11, Eph. iv. 30; while if any
weight can be attached to εἰς ὑμᾶς in-
stead of ὑμῖν (cf. i, 5 note) it brings
out more pointedly the entrance of
the Spirit into the heart and life: οἵ,
Gal. iv. 6, Eph. iii. 16, Ezek. xxxvii.
14 δώσω τὸ πνεῦμά μου εἰς ὑμᾶς καὶ
ζήσεσθε, also the interesting reading
of D in Mk. i. 10 and parallels, where
it is stated that at the Baptism the
dove entered into Jesus (eis αὐτόν),
and did not merely rest upon Him
(ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν), (Nestle Hap. 1. xvii.
p. 522 n.1).
IV. 9, τοῦ, Encouragement in
Brotherly Love.
From impurity, which is at root so
cruel and selfish, the Apostles pass by
a subtle link of connexion to the
practice of brotherly or Christian
love, admitting frankly at the same
time the Thessalonians’ zeal in this
respect.
9, 10% ‘And so again with regard
to love of the brethren, that is a sub-
ject on which it is not necessary to
say much, seeing that as those who
are filled with God’s Spirit you have
already been taught to love: and
not only so, but you are actively prac-
tising what you have been taught
towards all Christian brethren through-
out Macedonia.’ .
9. Περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας] For
περὶ δέ introducing a new subject ef.
v. 1. In profane Gk. and the Lxx.
φιλαδελφία is confined to the mutual
love of those who are brothers by
common descent (e.g. Luc. dial. deor,
xxvi. 2, 4 Macc. xiii. 23, 26, xiv. 1)
but in the N.T. the word is used in the
definite Christian sense of ‘love of
the brethren,’ of all, that is, who are
brethren in virtue of the new birth:
cf. Rom. xii. 10, Heb. xiii. 1, 1 Pet. i.
22, 2 Pet. i. 7 ἐν δὲ τῇ φιλαδελφίᾳ τὴν
ἀγάπην. The last passage is interest-
ing as showing how readily this mutual
love amongst believers passed over
into the wider ἀγάπη, love for all man-
kind (cf. iii. 12 note).
οὐ χρείαν xrA.| not an instance of
paraleipsis, or a pretending to pass
over what in reality is mentioned for
the sake of effect (Chrys.: τῷ εἰπεῖν,
ov χρεία ἐστί, μεῖζον ἐποίησεν ἢ εἰ
εἶπεν), but a simple statement of fact.
The use of the act. inf. (γράφειν) for
the pass. (γράφεσθαι, cf. v. 1) is too
amply vouched for in similar com-
binations to cause any difficulty: see
WM. p. 426, Buttmann p. 259 n.1.
OeodiSaxrot] The word is dz. dey.
in the N.T. (cf. Barn. Zp. xxi. 6, Tat.
Orat. 6. 29 p. 165 B θεοδιδάκτου δέ μου
γενομένης τῆς Ψυχῆς, Theoph. ad
Autol. ii. 9 οἱ δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄνθρωποι...
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐμπνευσθέντες καὶ
σοφισθέντες ἐγένοντο θεοδίδακτοι), and
like the corresponding phrase διδακτοὶ
τοῦ θεοῦ points not so much to ‘one
divine communication’ as to ‘a divine
relationship’ established between be-
lievers and God (see Westcott on Jo.
vi. 45): hence it is as those who have
been born of God, and whose hearts
are in consequence filled by God’s
spirit that the Thessalonians on their
part (αὐτοὶ... ὑμεῖς) can no longer help
loving; cf, Isa. liv. 13, Jer. xxxviii.
(xxxi.) 33 ἢ, Pss. Sol. xvii. 35. Calv.:
‘quia divinitus edocti sint: quo sig-
IV το, 11] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS 53
> ~ > / 10 \ \ a 3 \ > /
ayarav ἀλληλους" “Kat yao ποιεῖτε αὐτὸ εἰς παντας
τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς [τοὺς] ἐν ὅλῃ TH Μακεδονίᾳ.
καλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, περισσεύειν μᾶλλον,
Π]αρα-
\
kal
κι ε f \ , a Pe ΡΝ
φιλοτιμεῖσθαι ἡσυχάζειν καὶ πράσσειν τὰ ἴδια καὶ ἐρ-
10 τοὺς S°BD**HKL cet Chr al: om ἐς ΑΘ 6 Chrood
nificat insculptam esse eorum cordibus
caritatem, ut supervacuae sint literae
in charta scriptae.’ Beng. : ‘doctrinae
divinae vis confluit in amorem.’
On εἰς τό as here acting for the
epexegetic inf. see Moulton Prolegg.
p. 219.
10. καὶ yap ποιεῖτε αὐτό xrA.| ‘for
indeed ye do it...’ καί not losing its
force as in the classical καὶ yap =‘ete-
nim, but marking an advance on the
preceding statement (Blass p. 275):
the Thessalonians have not only been
taught, but, looking to the fact that
God has been their teacher, they
practise (ποιεῖτε) what they have been
taught, cf. 1 Jo. iii. 16 ff.
If rovs is omitted before the de-
fining clause ἐν ὅλῃ τ. Mak., these
words are best connected directly
with ποιεῖτε, as denoting the region
‘in’ which the love of the brethren
was displayed. For the extent
of the region thus referred to (‘all
Macedonia’) see Intr. p. xlv.
1o°—12. Call to Quiet Work.
A continued exhortation to the
Thessalonians to advance in increas-
ing measure in the practice of the
φιλαδελφία whose presence in their
midst has just been so fully recognized
(v. 10°), and at the same time to avoid
that spirit of restlessness and of in-
attention to their daily work, of which
apparently they had already begun to
show traces, and which, if not checked,
could not fail to create an unfavour-
able impression on the minds of un-
believers (vv. 11, 12).
1o°—12. ‘This however is not to
say that we do not urge you to still
further efforts in the practice of this
love, while there is one point to which
you will do well to pay heed. Instead
of giving way further to that restless
spirit of which you are already showing
signs, make it your earnest aim to
preserve a quiet and orderly atti-
tude—attending to your own business,
and working with your hands for your
own livelihood, even as we directed
while still present with you. By so
doing you will not only convey a
good impression to your unbelieving
neighbours, but you will yourselves
maintain an honourable indepen-
dence.’
10°, Παρακαλοῦμεν δέ κτλ. For a
similar appeal see δ. 1, though here the
more regular inf. is used after mapa-
cad. instead of the fva-construction :
cf. P.Oxy. 292, 5 ff. διὸ παρακαλῶ σε
μετὰ πάσης δυνάμεως ἔχειν αὐτὸν συνε-
σταμένον. For περισσεύειν see note
on ili. 12, and for μᾶλλον see note on
0. 1.
11. καὶ φιλοτιμεῖσθαι ἡσυχάζειν)
For a certain amount of restlessness
amongst the Thessalonians, apparently
owing to their eschatological expec-
tations, see Intr. p. xlvi f.
The verb φιλοτιμεῖσθαι is found
again in Rom. xv. 20, 2 Cor. v. 9, and
in all three passages seems to have
lost its original idea of emulation (‘be
ambitious’), and to mean little more
than ‘be zealous,’ ‘strive eagerly, in
accordance with its usage in late Gk.:
cf. Aristeas 79 ἅπαντα φιλοτιμηθέντες
εἰς ὑπεροχὴν δόξης τοῦ βασιλέως ποιῆ-
σαι, and see P.Petr. m1. 42 Ἡ (8) ἔ,, 3 f.
(iii./B.C.) ἐφιλοτιμοῦ pe παραγενέσθαι
πρὸς σὲ καὶ] ἦλθον, P.Tebt. 410, 10
(i./A.D.) ἐφιλοτ[ ι]Ἱμοῦ σὺν ἐμοὶ μεῖναι, and
for the corresponding adj. P. Petr. 1. 29,
54 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 12
~ € ro y \ ~ 7
γάζεσθαι ταῖς χερσὶν ὑμῶν, καθὼς ὑμῖν παρηγγείλαμεν,
ε lon ? / \ \ af \ \
"iva περιπατῆτε εὐσχημόνως πρὸς τοὺς ἔξω Kal μηδενὸς
χρείαν ἔχητε.
12 (Ptol.) where a steward writes to
his employer that he had borrowed
four artabae of wheat which a certain
Dynis bad offered and ‘ was pressing’
(φιλοτίμου ὄντος) to lend, Along with
φιλοτιμία, φιλοτιμεῖσθαι is Very com-
mon in Gk, honorary decrees where
its general meaning is ‘to act with
public spirit,’ e.g. CIA, τι. 444, 23 ff.
(ii./B.C.) ὅπως οὖν καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ
δῆμος μνημονεύοντες φαίνωνται τῶν εἰς
ἑαυτοὺς φιλοτιμουμένων. See also Field
Notes p. 165, Hicks Οἱ R. i. p. 46.
With ἡσυχάζειν (a favourite Lukan
word, e.g. Lk. xiv. 3, Ac. xi. 18) con-
trast περιεργάζεσθαι 11. iii. 11, and with
the striking oxymoron (Beza θέ con-
tendatis quiett esse) cf. Rom. xii. 11
τῇ σπουδῇ μὴ ὀκνηροί, Phil. iv. 7 ἡ
εἰρήνη..-φρουρήσει, Heb. x. 24 εἰς παρ-
οξυσμὸν ἀγάπης.
καὶ πράσσειν τὰ ἴδια] The commen-
tators draw attention to the similar
juxtaposition found in Plato Rep. vi.
496 D where the philosopher who has
escaped from the dangers of political
life is described as ἡσυχίαν ἔχων καὶ
Ta αὑτοῦ πράττων, while the general
thought is illustrated by another pas-
sage from the same book iv. 433 A, τὸ Ta
αὑτοῦ πράττειν καὶ μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν
δικαιοσύνη ἐστί : cf. also Dion Cass. Lx.
27 τὴν δὲ δὴ ἡσυχίαν ἄγων, καὶ Ta ἑαυτοῦ
πράττων, ἐσώζετο. Inall three passages
the more correct ra ἑαυτοῦ for ra ἴδια
(cf. Lk. xviii. 28) may also be noted
(οἵ, Lob. Phryn. p. 441).
καὶ ἐργάζεσθαι κτλ.] For the bear-
ing of these words on the general
standing of the Thessalonian converts
cf, II. iii. 10 f., and for the new dignity
imparted by the Gospel to manual
labour see Intr. p. xlvii.
In accordance with a tendency of
transcribers towards greater precision
of statement certain mss.(8* A D°KL)
insert ἰδίαις here before χερσίν: cf.
note on ¢, ii. 15.
καθὼς ὑμῖν παρηγγείλαμεν] ‘even
as we charged you’—the use of the em-
phatic παραγγέλλειν, which is specially
used in class. writers of the orders of
military commanders (cf. note on παραγ-
γελία τ. 2), bringing out the authority
with which the Apostles spoke, cf. LI.
iii. 10 ff. The verb is a favourite with
Luke (Gosp.* Ac."), and outside these
Epp. and 1 Tim. is found elsewhere
in the Pauline writings 1 Cor. vii. Io,
"ὦ AM ds
12. ἵνα περιπατῆτε κτλ.) The pur-
pose of the foregoing παράκλησις. By
avoiding undue interference with the
affairs of others, and paying diligent
attention to their own work, the
Thessalonians would not only present
a decorous appearance to their un-
believing neighbours, but themselves
enjoy an honourable independence.
Εὐσχημόνως, ‘decorously,’ ‘ becom-
ingly,’ corresponding to the old Eng.
‘honestly’ (Vg. honeste) of the A.V.
here and in Rom, xiii. 13, is found
combined with κατὰ τάξιν in 1 Cor.
xiv. 40 to express the beauty and
harmony that result in the Church
from every member’s keeping his own
place: ef, Aristeas 284 ra τοῦ βίου
per εὐσχημοσύνης καὶ καταστολῆς γινό-
μενα, and especially the use of the
adj. to denote the Egyptian magis-
trates who had charge of public
morals, e.g. B.G.U. 147, 1 (ii.—iii./A.D.)
ἀρχεφόδοις καὶ εὐσχήμοσι κώμης, and
Wilcken Ostraka no. 1153 (Rom.)
πέμψατε τοὺς εὐσχήμονας τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν
παρολκημάτων (where see note).
Πρὸς τοὺς ἔξω a phrase derived
from the Rabbinical ὩΣ ΝΠ (ef,
Schéttgen on 1 Cor, y. 12), and em-
bracing all outside the Christian com-
munity whether Gentiles or unbeliey-
IV 13] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 55
τ Οὐ θέλομεν δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, περὶ τῶν
ing Jews, cf. Mk. iv. 11, 1 Cor. ν. 12f,,
Col. iv. 5, 1 Tim. iii. 7 (ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξω-
éev). ‘It is characteristic of St Paul
to ask, “What will the Gentiles say of
us?” a part of the Christian prudence,
which was one of the great features
of his life’ (Jowett). For a similar
exhortation with the same end in
view cf. 1 Pet. ii. 11 ff Chrys. thus
applies the reproof to his own age:
εἰ yap of παρ᾽ ἡμῖν σκανδαλίζονται τού-
τοις, πολλῷ μᾶλλον οἱ ἔξωθεν...διο καὶ
χριστεμπόρους καλοῦσιν ἡμᾶς.
καὶ μηδενός κτλ.}] Μηδενός may be
either masc. or neut. The former in
view of the context yields good sense
(Wycl. of no mannes 36 desire ony
thing): cf. Hieron. in Gal. τι. ὁ. iii.
‘They are sharply censured because
they go round idly from house to
house, expecting food from others,
while they try to make themselves
agreeable to this person and that
(singulis)’ On the other hand the
use of χρείαν ἔχειν elsewhere with
the gen. of the thing (e.g. Mt. vi. 8,
Lk. x. 42, Heb. v. 12; ef. Rev. iii. 17
οὐδὲν χρείαν ἔχω) points rather to the
rendering ‘have need of nothing’
(Beza et nullius indigeatis): by their
own work they would be placed in a
position of αὐτάρκεια, ef. II. iii. 8, 12.
IV. 13—V.11. From the foregoing
practical exhortations St Paul turns to
two difficulties of a more doctrinal
character, which, from the manner in
which they are introduced, would
seem to have been referred directly
to him by the Thessalonians, or more
probably were brought under his
notice by Timothy in view of what
he had heard at Thessalonica (Intr. p.
xxxiiif.). The first relates to the lot of
those dying before the Lord’s Return,
the second to the time when that
Return might be expected. The two
sections are closely parallel, each con-
sisting of a question (iv. 13, v..1); an
answer (iv. I4—I7, Vv. 2—I0): and
a practical exhortation (iv. 18, v. 11).
IV. 13—18. TEACHING CONCERNING
THEM THAT ARE ASLEEP AND THE
ADVENT OF CHRIST.
13, 14. ‘ With regard moreover to
that other matter which we under-
stand is causing you anxiety, the fate
namely of those of your number who
are falling on sleep before the coming
of the Lord, we are anxious, Brothers,
that you should be fully informed.
There is no reason why you should
sorrow, as those who do not share
in your Christian hope cannot fail
to do. For as surely as our belief
is rooted in the death and resurrection
of Jesus, even so we are confident that
God will bring along with the return-
ing Jesus those who have fallen on
sleep through Him!
13. Ov θέλομεν δέ xrd.] a phrase
used by St Paul to introduce a new
and important topic, and always with
the impressive addition of ἀδελφοί ;
ef. Rom. i. 13, xi. 25, 1 Cor. x. I, ΧΙ,
1, 2 Cor. i. 8, and for a near parallel see
P.Tebt. 314, 3 (ii./A.D.) πιστεύω oe μὴ
ἀγνοεῖν. The corresponding formula
γινώσκειν oe θέλω is Very common in
the papyri, especially in opening a
letter after the introductory greeting,
eg. B.G.U. 27, 3 ff Gi.—iii./A.D.) καὶ
διὰ π[α]ντὸς εὔχομαί σε ὑγιένεν καὶ
[ἐγὼ 1] αὐτὸς ὑγιένω. Τινώσκειν σε
θέλω κτλ.
περὶ τῶν κοιμωμένων] ‘concerning
them that are falling asleep’ (Vg. de
dormientibus)—the pres. part. not
only indicating a state of things that
was going on, but also lending itself
more readily to the thought of a
future awakening than the perf. would
have done (cf. Lft. ad loc.). It
was doubtless indeed the extreme
appropriateness of the word κοιμᾶσθαι
in the latter direction (Thdt. : τῷ yap
ὕπνῳ ἐγρήγορσις ἕπεται, Aug. Serm.,
xciii. 6, ‘Quare enim dormientes
vocantur, nisi quia suo die resusci-
tantur?’) that led St Paul to prefer
it to ἀποθνήσκειν in speaking of the
56
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 13
/ .« \ ~ \ \ ε \ ς \
κοιμωμένων, iva μή λυπῆσθε καθὼς Kal οἱ λοιποὶ οἱ μὴ
death of believers who alone are
thought of here, though in no case
must the underlying figure be pressed
as if descriptive of his idea of their
intermediate state,
The same metaphor frequently
occurs in the earlier O.T. and apoca-
lyptic literature without any reference
to the resurrection-hope, e.g. Gen.
xlvii. 30, 2 Regn, vii. 12, Jer. xxviii,
(li.) 39 (ὕπνον αἰώνιον), Jubilees xxiii,
1, xxxvi. 18, Ass. Mos. i, 15, x. 14,
Apoc. Bar. xi. 4, Test. xii. patr.
Jos, xx. 4 (ἐκοιμήθη ὕπνον αἰώνιον) ;
on the other hand as preparing us for
the later Christian use of the term
ef, Dan. xii. 2, 2 Mace. xii. 44, 4
Ezra vii. 32 ‘et terra reddet qui in ea
dormiunt, et puluis qui in eo silentio
habitant.’
On the varied connotation of the
term in Jewish eschatology see Volz
Jiid. Eschat. p. 134, and for the
occurrence of the figure in pagan
literature, cf. Callim. Zpigr. x. 1,
Hom. J/. xi. 241, Soph. Electr. 500,
Verg. Aen. vi. 278 (‘consanguineus
leti sopor’). See also the striking
saying of Gorgias (v./B.c.) in his ex-
treme old age ἤδη pe 6 ὕπνος ἄρχεται
παρακατατίθεσθαι τἀδελφῷ (Aelian
V.H, ii. 35).
The verb (especially ἐκοιμήθην) is
very common in Christian inscriptions,
e.g. L.GSL. 549, 1 σὺν θεῷ...ἐκοιμ[ἡθη]
ἡ δουλὴ τοῦ [θεοῦ] SaBeiva, 68, 1 ἐκοι-
μήθη ἡ θεοκοίμητος Aiyeia. The allied
subst, κοιμητήριον appears by the
middle of the 3rd cent. if not earlier,
Thus the formula of dedicating τὸ κοι-
pln |r |pcov ἕως ἀναστάσεως is found in
an inscription at Thessalonica (C.1.G.
9439) which Kirchhoff thinks may be-
long to the 2nd cent., though Ramsay
carries it forward to the middle of the
4th (C. and B. i. p. 495). The word
is often thought to be exclusively
Christian, but Roberts-Gardner (p.
513) quote two inscriptions which by
the figures of a seven-branched cande-
labrum are shown to be of Jewish
origin. The first of these (CLG.
9313) runs—Koipunrnprov Evrvy ijas τῆς
μητρὸς ᾿Αθηνέου κὲ Θεοκτίστου. For
the existence of a Jewish colony in
Athens cf. Ac. xvii, 17, and see art.
‘Athens’ in Hastings’ D.B. by F. C.
Conybeare.
καθὼς καὶ οἱ λοιποί] ‘even as also the
rest,’ i.e. ‘all who are not believers,’
synonymous with oi ἔξω (Ὁ. 12): ef.
Rom, xi. 7, Eph. ii. 3. The clause is
often interpreted as=‘to the same
extent as the rest’ (Thdt. : τὴν ἀμετρίαν
[λύπην] ἐκβάλλει), but this is to strain
the Gk. unduly, and we have rather
one of the constantly recurring in-
stances in which St Paul ‘states his
precept broadly, without caring to
enter into the qualifications which
will suggest themselves at once to
thinking men’ (Lft.). On the force
of καί see ii. 14 note.
οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες κτλ.}] The general
hopelessness of the pagan world in the
presence of death is almost too well-
known to require illustration, but see
e.g. Aesch. Hum. 618 ἅπαξ θανόντος,
οὔτις ἐστ᾽ ἀνάστασις, Theocr. Jd. iv.
42 ἐλπίδες ἐν ζωοῖσιν, ἀνέλπιστοι δὲ
θανόντες, Catull. v. 5 f. ‘nobis cum
semel occidit breuis lux, nox est
perpetua una dormienda, and the
touching letter of Cicero ad Fam. xiv.
2, which was dated— Thessalonicae.
The inscriptions tell the same tale, e.g.
ILG.SI. 929, 13 κοιμᾶται τὸν αἰώνιον
ὕπν(ον), 1879, 11 εὐψυχῶ.. ὅστις οὐκ
ἤμην καὶ ἐγενόμην, οὐκ εἰμὶ καὶ οὐ
λυποῦμαι.
14. No mention has been made of
the reason of Gentile hopelessness, but
it is clearly traceable to ignorance of
the revelation of the one God (ef. Eph.
ii. 12 ἐλπίδα μὴ ἔχοντες κ. ἄθεοι ἐν τ.
κόσμῳ), and accordingly the Apostles
proceed to lay down the real ground
of Christian hope. That ground is
the death and resurrection, of the
historic Jesus (cf. Add. Note-D),
IV 14,15] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 57
ἔχοντες ἐλπίδα.
14 3 \ / « > ΄' > /
εἰ yao πιστεύομεν ὅτι ᾿ΪΙησοῦς ἀπέ-
\ a, 6 « δ, \ \ / \
θανεν καὶ ἀνέστη, οὕτως καὶ ὁ θεὸς Tous κοιμηθέντας διὰ
af ῷ -~ of \ 3 ΄σ΄
tov ᾿Ιησοῦ ἀξει σὺν αὐτά.
which, by an impressive irregularity
of grammatical structure, are here
brought into direct relation not with
the resurrection of believers, but, in
keeping with the general drift of the
Ep., with their return with Christ in
glory.
εἰ γὰρ πιστεύομεν κτλ. The use of
εἰ in the opening clause of the syllogism
instead of throwing any doubt on the
belief spoken of, rather makes it more
definite, cf. Rom. v. 15, Col. iii. 1, and
for the conjunction ἀπέθ. x. ἀνέστη see
Rom. xiv. 9, where it is said in the
same sense as here eis τοῦτο yap
Χριστὸς ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἔζησεν ἵνα καὶ
νεκρῶν καὶ ζώντων κυριεύσῃ. The use
of ἀπέθανεν in the present passage is
specially noticeable in contrast with
κοιμᾶσθαι applied to believers (Ὁ. 13):
it is as if the writers wished to em-
phasize that because Christ’s death
was a real death, ‘a death of death,’
His people’s death has been turned
into ‘sleep.’ Chrys. : ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἦλθεν
ὁ Χριστός, καὶ ὑπὲρ ζωῆς τοῦ κόσμου
ἀπέθανε, οὐκέτι θάνατος καλεῖται λοιπὸν
ὁ θάνατος, ἀλλὰ ὕπνος καὶ κοίμησις (de
Coemit. et Cruce, Op. ii. 470 ed.
Gaume).
It may be noted that only here and
in ὃ. 16 does St Paul employ ἀνίστασθαι
with reference to resurrection from
the dead ; cf. also the metaph. use in
Eph. vy. 14. As a rule he prefers
ἐγείρειν, cf. i. 10 and other forty
occurrences in his Epp. The subst.
ἀνάστασις is found eight times. It is
frequent in the inscriptions for the
‘erection’ of a statue or monument,
eg. Magn. 179, 28f. ἐπὶ τῇ ἀναστάσει
Tov ἀνδριάντος.
οὕτως καὶ ὁ θεός] ‘80 also (we believe
that) God, οὕτως virtually resuming
the protasis and καί, which belongs
not to the single word ‘God’ but to
*S Τοῦτο yap ὑμῖν λέγομεν
the whole clause, serving to strengthen
still further the comparison stated in
the apodosis (cf. ii. 14 note). ‘O θεός
is emphatic: it is the one true God
who, as the raiser-up of Jesus, will
raise up His people along with Him,
ef. 1 Cor. vi. 14, 2 Cor. iv. 14. In
order, however, that He may do so
there must be a certain oneness be-
tween the Head and His members, and
it is to the existence of this connecting
link in the case of the Thessalonian
believers that the next words point.
τοὺς. κοιμηθέντας διὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ]
‘those that are fallen asleep through
Jesus, κοιμηθέντας being used with
a purely midd, sense, and the instru-
mental διά pointing to Jesus as the
mediating link between His people’s
sleep and their resurrection at the -
hands of God (ef. διὰ τ. ἐνοικοῦντος
αὐτοῦ πνεύματος in a similar connexion
in Rom. viii. 11). Stated in full the
argument would run: ‘so also we
believe that those who fell asleep
through Jesus, and in consequence
were raised by God through Him,
will God bring with Him. This is
better than to connect διὰ τ. Ἰησοῦ
directly with ἄξει. Such an arrange-
ment, while grammatically possible,
is not only contrary to the parallelism
of the sentence (Ino. ἀπέθ....τ. κοιμηθ.
διὰ τ. Ino.) and to the analogy of the
closely following οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Xp. (v. 16),
but gives a halting and redundant
conclusion to the whole sentence :
‘God will bring through Jesus along
with Him!
For κοιμηθῆναι see the note on
v. 13, and as further illustrating its
midd. sense cf. P.Cairo 3, 9ff.
(iii./B.0.) ἡνίκα ἤμελλον κοιμηθῆναι,
ἔγραψα ἐπιστόλια 8. Dr W. F. Moul-
ton has proposed that in the verse
before us the verb may be a true
58 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 15
3 4 / « ε ΄ ε ΄ ε
ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου, ὅτι ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι
> \ 7 cat
εἰς τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ κυρίου οὐ μὴ φθάσωμεν τοὺς
passive ‘were put to sleep’ (see
Moulton Prolegg. p. 162). But how-
ever beautiful the sense that is thus
obtained, it is not the one that
naturally suggests itself.
ἄξει] ‘ducet, suave verbum: dicitur
de viventibus’ (Beng.). With the
thought cf. Asc. Isai. iv. 16 quoted
above on iii. 13.
15—18. ‘Regarding this, we say,
we are confident, for we have it on
the direct authority of the Lord
Himself that we who are surviving
when the Lord comes will not in any
way anticipate those who have fallen
asleep. What will happen will rather
be this, The Lord Himself will
descend from heaven with a shout
of command, with the voice of an
archangel, and with the trumpet-call
of God. Then those who died in
Christ, and in consequence are still
living in Him, shall rise first. And
only after that shall we who are sur-
viving be suddenly caught up in the
clouds with them to meet the Lord in
the air. Thus shall we ever be with
the Lord. Wherefore comfort one
another with these words.’
15. ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου] The ‘word’
is often found in some actual saying
of the Lord while He was upon the
earth, such as Mt. xxiv. 30f. (=Mk.
xiii. 26 f., Lk. xxi. 27), xvi. 27, Jo. Vi.
39f., but none of these cover the
statement of the present verse, which
must certainly be included in the
teaching referred to (as against von
Soden who finds it only in τ. 16);
while again this very want of similarity
with any ‘recorded’ saying should
make us the more chary of postulating
an ‘unrecorded’ one (cf. Ac. xx. 35,
and see Ropes Spriiche Jesu p. 152ff.).
On the whole, therefore, it is better
to fall back upon the thought of a
direct revelation granted to the
Apostles to meet the special circum-
stances that had arisen (ef. 1 Cor. ii.
10, 2 Cor, xii, 1ff., Gal, i. 12; 16;
Eph. iii. 3), or more generally to
find in this and the following vz.
the interpretation which, acting under
the immediate guidance of the Lord’s
own spirit (‘quasi Eo ipso loquente,’
Beza), St Paul and his companions
were able to put upon certain current ἡ
Jewish apocalyptic ideas. On a
subject of such importance they
naturally felt constrained to appeal
to the ultimate source of their
authority : cf. 1 Cor, vii, 10 οὐκ ἐγὼ
ἀλλὰ ὁ κύριος. Thdt.: οὐ γὰρ οἰκείοις
χρώμεθα λογισμοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ θείας ἡμῖν
ἀποκαλύψεως ἡ διδασκαλία γεγένηται.
On Steck’s discovery of the λόγος in
4 Ezra vy. 41f. see Intr. p. Ixxv, and
on the use made by Resch of this verse
to prove (‘auf das Deutlichste’) St
Paul’s dependence on the Logia (Der
Paulinismus u, die Logia Jesu
(1904) p. 338 ἢ) see Kirsopp Lake in
Am. J. of Th. 1906 p. τον ἢ, who
finds in it rather the suggestion of
a smaller and less formal collection of
sayings.
ὅτι ἡμεῖς κτλ.}] ‘that we who are
alive, who survive unto the Parousia
of the Lord.” These words must not
be pressed as conveying a positive
and unqualified declaration on the
Apostles’ part that the Lord would
come during their lifetime, if only
because as we learn elsewhere in
these Epp. they were well aware that
the time of that coming was quite
uncertain (v. 1, II. ii. 1ff.). At the
same time there can be no doubt that
the passage naturally suggests that.
they expected so to survive (cf. 1 Cor.
xv. 51f.), and we must not allow the
fact that they were mistaken in this
belief to deprive their words of their
proper meaning, as when ἡμεῖς is
referred generally to believers who
shall be alive at Christ’s appearing, or
IV 16] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
/
κοιμηθέντας" *°
the participles are taken hypotheti-
cally ‘if we are alive,’ ‘if we survive.’
How far indeed an interpreter may go
in the supposed interests of Apostolic
infallibility is shown by the attitude
amongst others of Calvin who thinks
that the Apostles used the first
person simply in order to keep the
Thessalonians on the alert (‘ Thessa-
lonicenses in exspectationem erigere,
adeogue pios omnes tenere suspen-
sos’)! As a matter of fact the near
approach of the Parousia here im-
plied would seem, notwithstanding
many statements to. the contrary, to
have been held by St Paul throughout
his life: see Kennedy Last Things
pp. 160 ff., where the evidence of the
Epp. down to the closing statement
Phil. iv. 5 ὁ κύριος ἐγγύς is carefully
examined.
On περιλείπεσθαι see below on Ὁ: 17,
and on παρουσία see Add. Note F.
ov μὴ φθάσωμεν κτλ.] ‘shall in no
wise precede them that are fallen
asleep.’ So far from the living having
any advantage at the Parousia over
those already dead, it would rather
be the other way, an assurance which
was the more required in view of the
prevalent Jewish belief that a special
blessing attached to those who sur-
vived the coming of the Kingdom:
see Dan. xii. 12, Pss. Sol. xvii. 50, Ase.
Isai. iv. 15 (with Charles’s note), and es-
pecially 4 Ezra xiii. 24 ‘scito ergo quo-
niam magis beatificatisunt qui derelicti
super eos qui mortui sunt’; while as
showing how the same difficulty con-
tinued to linger in the early Christian
Church cf. Clem. Recogn. i. 52 (ed.
Gersdorf) ‘Si Christi regno fruentur
hi, quos iustos invenerit eius adventus,
ergo qui ante adventum eius defuncti
sunt, regno penitus carebunt ?’
, Φθάνειν (ii. 16 note) reappears here
in its generally class. sense of “ antici-
pate, ‘precede,’ old Engl. ‘ prevent’
(Wright Bible Word-Book s.v.), ef.
59
/ \ ’ 3 / ?
OTL αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι, ἐν
Sap. vi. 13, xvi. 28, where, as here,
it is followed by an ace.
The double negative οὐ μή is found
elsewhere in the Pauline Epp., apart
from LxXx. citations, only in v. 3,1 Cor.
viii. 13, Gal. v. 16, always apparently
with the emphatic sense which it has
in class. Gk., and which can also be
illustrated from the Kown: see e.g.
the well-known boy’s letter to his
father P.Oxy. 119, 14 f. (ii—iii./A.D.)
ἂμ μὴ πέμψῃης οὐ μὴ φάγω, ov μὴ πείνω.
ταῦτα ‘if you don’t send, I won’t eat,
I won't drink; there now!’ On the
general use of ov μή in the Gk. Bible
see Moulton Prolegg. pp. 39, 187 ff.
16. ὅτι] not parallel to the pre-
ceding ὅτι, and like it dependent on
λέγομεν, but introducing a justification
of the statement just made (οὐ μὴ
φθάσ.) by a fuller description of the
Lord’s Parousia.
αὐτὸς 6 κύριος KTA.| Αὐτός (‘ Lpse,
grandis sermo’ Beng.) draws atten-
tion to the fact that it is the Lord in
‘His own august personal presence’
(Ellic.) Who will descend, and thereby
assure the certainty of His people’s
resurrection (cf. 1 Cor. xv. 23).
For the thought-ef. Ac. i. 11, and
for καταβαίνειν in a similar’ eschato-
logical sense cf. Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 2, 10,
also Mic. i. 3 ἰδοὺ Κύριος ἐκπορεύεται
ἐκ τοῦ τόπου αὐτοῦ, καὶ καταβήσεται
ἐπὶ τὰ ὕψη τῆς γῆς.
On ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ see i. 10 note.
ἐν κελεύσματι κτλ.] ‘with a shout of
command, with an archangel’s voice
and with God’s trumpet ’"—accompani-
ments of the descending Lord, evi-
dently chosen with special reference to
the awaking of those who were asleep.
The three clauses may represent
distinct summonses, but the absence
of any defining gen. with κελεύσματι
makes it probable that it is to be
taken as the general idea, which is
then more fully described by the two
appositional clauses that follow. In
60
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 16
win ἀργαγγέλου καὶ ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ, καταβήσεται
Φωνῇ apxayyenow κ πλάεγγι Deel, 1 m
ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ot νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται
any case it must be kept in view that
we are dealing here not with literal
details, but with figures derived from
the O.T. and contemporary Jewish
writings, and that the whole is coloured
by the imagery of our Lord’s eschato-
logical discourses, especially Matt.
xxiv. 30f.
For the use of év to denote the
attendant circumstances of the Lord’s
descent cf. Lk. xiv. 31, Eph. v. 26, vi.
2, Col. ii. 7; Blass p. 118.
KéAevopa (dm. λεγόμενον in the
N.T., in uxx. only Prov. xxiv. 62 (xxx.
27)) is frequently used in class. Gk. with
reference to the ‘ word of command’
in battle (Hdt. iv. 141) or the ‘call’
of the κελευστὴς to the rowers (Hur.
Iph. in T. 1405): cf. also for a close
parallel to the passage before us Philo
de praem. et poen. § το (ii. p. 928 M.)
ἀνθρώπους ἐν ἐσχατιαῖς ἀπῳκισμένους
ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἑνὶ κελεύσματι συναγώγοι
θεὸς ἀπὸ περάτων. It is not stated by
whom the κέλευσμα in the present
instance is uttered, perhaps by an
archangel, more probably by the Lord
Himself as the principal subject of
the whole sentence. Reitzenstein
(Poimandres, p. 5 n.*) recalls a pas-
sage from the Descensus Mariae in
which Michael (see below) is described
as TO κέλευσμα τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος.
ἐν φωνῇ apxayy.| a more specific
explanation of the preceding κέλευσμα.
The word dpyayyedos is found else-
where in the N.T. only in Jude 9,
where it is directly associated with
Michael, who is generally supposed
to be referred to here; cf. Lueken
Michael (G6ttingen, 1898), Volz Jiid.
Eschat. p. 195 for the part played by
Michael in Jewish eschatology, and
see also Cheyne Hap. vil. i. p. 289 ff.
The absence of the artt., however, be-
fore φωνῇ and dpxayyéAov makes it
very doubtful whether any special arch-
angel is thought of, and for the same
reason the gen. both here and in σάλπ.΄.
θεοῦ is best treated as possessive— a
voice such as an archangel uses,’ ‘a
trumpet dedicated to God’s service’
(WM. p. 310).
ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ] In 1 Cor, xv. 52
this accompaniment is twice referred
to as a distinguishing sign of Christ’s
approach ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ σάλπιγγι σαὰλ-
πίσει γὰρ κτλ., the figure apparently
being drawn from the parallel des-
cription in Joel 11. 1 σαλπίσατε σάλ-
πιγγι ἐν Σειῶν,...διότι πάρεστιν ἡμέρα
Κυρίου, ὅτι ἐγγύς.
For similar exx. of trumpet-sounds
accompanying the revelations of God
ef. Ex. xix. 16, Isa. xxvii. 13, Zech.
ix. 14, Pss. Sol. xi. 1, 4 Ezra vi. 23
(‘et tuba canet cum sono, quam cum
omnes audierint subito expauescent’),
and for the speculations of later
Judaism on this subject see Weber
Jiid. Theologie p. 369 f.
καὶ οἱ νεκροί κτλ.] ‘and the dead
in Christ shall rise first.’ The whole
phrase οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Xp. forms one
idea in antithesis to ny. of ζῶντες of
the following clause, the significant
formula ἐν Χριστῷ (cf. note on i. 1)
pointing to the principle of life.which
was really at work in those who out-
wardly seemed to be dead.
The resurrection of a// men does
not here come into view, if indeed
it is ever taught by St Paul (cf. Titius
Seligkeit ii. p. 51 f.). All that the
Apostles desire to emphasize, in
answer to the Thessalonians’ fears,
is that the resurrection of ‘the dead
in Christ’ will be the first act in
the great drama at the Parousia, to
be followed by the rapture of the
‘living’ saints: οὗ, especially Didache
xvi. 6f. where a ‘first’ resurrection
of the saints alive is similarly assumed,
ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν᾽ ov πάντων δέ, ἀλλ᾽
ὡς ἐρρέθη: Ἥξει ὁ Κύριος καὶ πάντες of
ἅγιοι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. :
IV 17] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 61
“ A ~ ~ ε / ε΄
πρῶτον, "ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζώντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι ἅμα
\ 3 lon e / 3 7 3 > /
συν auTols ὡἁρπαγησόμεθα εν νεφελαις εἰς απαντησιν
The ν.]. πρῶτοι (D*G) may perhaps
be due to the desire to assimilate the
passage to the wholly different πρώτη
ἀνάστασις of Rey. xx. 5.
17. ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς κτλ.] ‘then we who
are alive, who survive’—the qualify-
ing clauses being repeated from Ὁ.
15 for the sake of emphasis. Περιλεί-
πομαι is found only in these two δῦ. in
the N.T., but occurs several times
in the apocr. books of the Lxx. (e.g.
2 Mace. i. 31, 4 Mace. xiii. 18), and
in the later Gk. verss. (e.g. Sm. Ps.
xx. (xxi.) 13). The word is class.
(Hom. 741. xix. 230 ὅσσοι δ᾽ ἂν πολέμοιο
περὶ στυγεροῖο λίπωνται), and survives
in the Κοινή e.g. P.Par. 63, 168 ἢ,
(ii./B.0.) ἀγεώργητος περιλειφθήσεται.
The thought of the present passage
finds a striking parallel in 4 Ezra
vii. 28 ‘renelabitur enim filius meus
Iesus cum his qui cum eo, et iocun-
dabit qui relicti sunt annis quadrin-
gentis’: cf. also xiii. 24 cited above
(Ὁ. 15 note).
For ἔπειτα (ἐπ᾿ εἶτα, Hartung Partik.
i. p. 302) denoting the speedy follow-
ing of the event specified upon what
has gone before, cf. 1 Cor. xv. 6 (with
Ellicott’s note).
ἅμα] to be closely connected with
σὺν αὐτοῖς ‘together with them, ‘all
together, in a local rather than in a
temporal (Vg. simul) sense: cf. v. 10,
and for the studied force of the ex-
pression see Deissmann BS. p. 64 n.?.
ἁρπαγησόμεθα] ‘shall be caught up’
‘snatched up’ (Vg. rapiemur), the
verb in accordance with its usage both
in class. Gk. and the Lxx. suggesting
forcible or sudden seizure, which, as
the context proves, is here due to
Divine agency (cf. Ac. viii. 39, 2 Cor.
xii. 2, 4, Rev. xii. 5), the effect being
still further heightened by the mys-
terious and awe-inspiring accompani-
ment ἐν νεφέλαις as the vehicle by
which the quick and dead are wafted
to meet their Lord (Grot. ‘tanquam in
curru triumphali’). According to
Thackeray Relation of St Paul to
Contemporary Jewish Thought (1900)
p. τορ f. no adequate illustration of
this use of the ‘clouds’ has yet been
produced from contemporary Jewish
or Christian literature, but for partial
parallels cf. Mt. xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64
(ἐπὶ τ. νεφελῶν), Rev. i. 7 (μετὰ τ.
νεφελῶν), passages which point back
ultimately to Dan. vii. 13 ἰδοὺ ἐπὶ
(μετὰ Th.) τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ὡς
υἱὸς ἀνθρώπου ἤρχετο, Where the con-
nexion with the present passage is all
the closer owing to its primary refer-
ence to the glorified people of Israel.
Cf. also the description of the taking
up of Enoch: ‘It came to pass when
I had spoken to my sons these men
(the angels A) summoned me and took
me on their wings and placed me on
the clouds’ (Secrets of Enoch iii. 1).
eis ἀπάντησιν κτλ. lit. ‘for a meet-
ing of the Lord into (the) air’ (Vg.
obviam Christo in aéra, Beza in
occursum Domini in aéra). The
thought is that the ‘raptured’ saints
will be carried up_into ‘air, as the
interspace between heaven and earth,
where they will meet the descending
Lord, and then either escort Him down
to the earth in accordance with O.T.
prophecy, or more probably in keeping
with the general context accompany
Him back to heaven. In any case, in
view of the general Jewish tendency
to people the ‘air’ with evil spirits (cf.
Eph. ii. 2, and see Asc. Isai. vii. 9,
Test. vit. pair. Benj. iii. 4 τοῦ depiov
πνεύματος τοῦ Bediap), it can hardly
be regarded here as the abode of final
bliss: cf. Aug. de civ. Dei xx. 20. 2
‘non sic accipiendum est, tanquam in
aére nos dixerit semper cum Domino
esse mansuros; quia nec ipse utique
ibi manebit, quia veniens transiturus
est. Venienti quippe ibitur obviam,
62
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 18
ὃς , ᾽ »7 \ / , \
TOV KuUplov εις aEepa* καὶ OUTWS TAaAVTOTE συν κυρίῳ
3 /
ἐσόμεθα.
/
TOUTOLS.
non manenti.’ It will be noted that
nothing is said here of the physical
transformation with which according
to St Paul’s teaching elsewhere (1 Cor.
XV. 35—53, 2 Cor. v. 1—4, Phil. iii.
20 f.) this ‘rapture’ will be accom-
panied,
The phrase εἰς ἀπάντησιν (frequent
in uxx. for Heb. NIP?) is found ¢.
gen. in Mt. xxvii. 32 (WH. mg.), ec. dat.
in Ac. xxviii. 15,and is used absolutely
in Mt. xxv. 6: cf. also Mt. xxv. 1 εἰς
ὑπάντησιν τοῦ νυμφίου where the
closely-related ὑπάντησιν lays stress on
‘waiting for’ rather than on actual
‘meeting. An interesting instance of
the phrase is furnished by Polyb. v.
26. ὃ εἰς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ‘at his re-
ception,’ with reference to the pre-
parations made for the welcome of
Apelles in Corinth, with which may
be compared P.Tebt. 43, 7 (ii./B.c.)
παρεγενήθημεν εἰς ἀπάντησιν of the
formal reception of a newly-arriving
magistrate. B.G. U.362.vii. 17 (iii./A.D.)
πρὸς [a}ravtn| ow τοῦ] ἡγεμόνος and the
Pelagia-Legendenp.t9 (ed. Usener) eis
ἀπάντησιν τοῦ ὁσίου ἀνδρός illustrate
the genitive-construction of the pas-
sage before us. See further Moulton
Prolegg. p. 14 η.8.
καὶ οὕτως κτλ.] It was towards this
goal, a life of uninterrupted (πάντοτε)
communion with his risen and glorified
Lord that St Paul’s longings in think-
ing of the future always turned: ef.
v. 10, II. ii. 1, 2 Cor. v. 8, Col. iii. 4,
Phil. i. 23 σὺν Χριστῷ εἶναι.
Christ is the end, for Christ was the
beginning,
Christ the beginning, for the end is
Christ.
The contrast with the generally
materialistic expectations of the time
hardly needs mention (see Intr. p. lxx),
but, as showing the height to which
74 a“ > κι
8" COore παρακαλεῖτε ἀλλήλους ἐν τοῖς λόγοις
even Pharisaic belief occasionally rose,
cf. Pss. Sol. iii. 16 of δὲ φοβούμενοι
[rév, Gebhardt] κύριον ἀναστήσονται eis
ζωὴν αἰώνιον, καὶ ἡ ζωὴ αὐτῶν ἐν φωτὶ
κυρίου καὶ οὐκ ἐκλείψει ἔτι, and 4 Ezra
Vili. 39, ‘sed iocundabor super ius-
torum figmentum, peregrinationis
quoque et saluationis et mercedis
receptionis.’
18. ὥστε παρακαλεῖτε κτλ.) Aug. :
‘Pereat contristatio, ubi tanta est
consolatio’ (Serm. clxxiii. 3). For
παρακαλεῖν here evidently in its se-
condary sense of ‘comfort’ see ii. 11
note ; while, as showing the difference
between Christian and heathen sources
of comfort, reference may be made
to the papyrus-letter of ‘consolation’
(P.Oxy. 115 (ii./a.D.)) where, after ex-
pressing his grief at the news of a
friend’s death, the writer concludes—
ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδὲν δύναταί τις πρὸς τὰ
τοιαῦτα. παρηγορεῖτε οὖν ἑαυτούς, ‘ but
still there is nothing one can do in the
face of such trouble. So I leave you
to comfort yourselves.’ For the whole
letter see Add. Note A, and ef. Deiss-
mann New Light on the N.T. (1907)
p. 76.
ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τούτοις] “ with these
words’ viz. vv. 15—17. This is ap-
parently one of the instances where
a full instrumental sense can be given
to ἐν in accordance with a usage not
unknown in classical (Kiihner? ὃ 431,
3a), and largely developed in later
Gk., cf. Lk. xxii. 49, 1 Cor. iv. 21,
and for exx. from the Κοινή see
P.Tebt. 48, 18f. (ii./B.c.) Δύκος σὺν
ἄλλοις ἐν ὅπλοις and the other in-
stances cited by the editors on p. 86.
On the consequent disappearance of
another of the so-called ‘Hebraisms’
from the N.T. see Deissmann BS,
p. 118 ff, Moulton Pyrolegg. pp. 12,
61 ἢ, and cf. Kuhring p. 31f.
V1,2] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 63
I \ \ sy ἐ: \ ~ ΄- 9 /
Vv. Περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καὶ τῶν καιρῶν, ἀδελφοί,
> > « ~ > ΄
οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε ὑμῖν γράφεσθαι, "αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀκριβῶς
VY. 1—11. TEACHING CONCERNING THE
SUDDENNESS OF THE ADVENT AND
THE NEED OF WATCHFULNESS.
The second difficulty or danger of
the Thessalonians was closely con-
nected with the first. So long as
they had thought that only those
who were actually alive at the time
of Christ’s Parousia would share in
His full blessedness, they had been
doubly impatient of any postpone-
ment in His coming, lest they them-
selves might not survive to see that
Day. And though the principal
ground of their disquiet had now
been removed (iv. 13—17), the pre-
vailing restlessness and excitement
were such (see Intr. p. xlvif.), that the
Apostles were led to remind their
converts of what they had already
laid down so clearly in their oral
teaching, that ‘the day of the Lord’
would come as a surprise (vv. I—5),
and consequently that continued
watchfulness and self-restraint were
necessary on the part of all who would
be found ready for it (vv. 6—11).
1—5. ‘We have been speaking of
Christ’s Return. As to the time
when that will take place, Brothers,
we do not need to say anything
further. For you yourselves have
already been fully informed that the
coming of the Day of the Lord is as
unexpected as the coming of a thief
in the night. It is just when men
are feeling most secure that ruin
confronts them suddenly as_ the
birth-pang a travailing woman, and
escape is no longer possible. But as
for you, Brothers, the case is very
different. You are living in the day-
light now: and therefore the coming
of the Day will not catch you un-
awares.’ .
I. Περὶ δὲ τ. χρόνων κτλ. Vg. de
temporibus autem et momentis, Beza
porro de temporibus et opportuni-
tatibus. The two words (cf. Ac. i. 7,
Dan. ii. 21, vii. 12, Eccles. iii. 1, Sap.
viii. 8; P.Lond. 1. 42, 23 f. (ii./B.c.)
τοσούτου χρόνου ἐπιγεγονότος Kal τοι-
οὕτων καιρῶν) are often distinguished
as if they referred to longer and
shorter periods of time respectively
(Beng.: χρόνων partes, καιροί), but
xpovos rather expresses simply dura-
tion, time viewed in its extension, and
καιρός a definite space of time, time
with reference both to its extent and
character: cf. Tit. i. 2 f where this
distinction comes out very clearly, ἣν
(se. ζωὴν αἰώνιον) ἐπηγγείλατο ὁ ἀψευ-
δὴς θεὸς πρὲ χρόνων αἰωνίων ἐφανέρωσεν
δὲ καιροῖς ἰδίοις. In the present in-
stance therefore χρόνων may be taken
as a general description of the ‘ages’
that may elapse before the Parousia,
while καιρῶν draws attention to the
critical ‘periods’ (articuli) by which |
these ‘ages’ will be marked.
In the N.T. καιρός is very common
with an eschatological reference, pro-
bably, as Hort suggests (1 Pet. p. 51),
owing to the manner of its use in
Daniel (ix. 27 &c.): cf. Mk. xiii. 33,
Lk. xxi. 8, 24, Ac. iii. 19, Eph. i. 10,
1 Tim. vi. 15, Tit. i. 3, Heb. ix. 10,
Rev. i. 3, xi. 18, xxii. 10. It should
be noted however that it is by no
means limited by St Paul to its
special use, but is also used of time
generally, e.g. Rom. iii. 26, viii. 18,
1 Cor. vii. 29, Eph. v. 16 (with Robin-
son’s note). See further Trench Syn.
§ lvii., and for an interesting dis-
cussion of the Gk. idea of καιρός see
Butcher Harvard Lectures on Greek
Subjects (1904) p. 117 ff. The dis-
tinction alluded to above survives in
mod. Gk. where ypovos=‘year, and
καιρός = ‘ weather.’
On ἀδελῴοί see i. 4 note, and on
ov xp. ἔχ. see iv. 9 note.
2. αὐτοὶ yap ἀκριβῶς κτλ.] ‘For
64 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[V 2
10 ε΄ ς / K 7 ε / > \ /
OLOATE OTL nMEpa υριου ὡς κλεσπ τῆς εν VUKTL OUT@S
yourselves (A.V. 1611 ‘your selues’)
know accurately’—a further appeal
to the Thessalonians’ own experience
(cf. ii. 1 note), the addition of ἀκριβῶς
being due not only to the stress laid
by the Apostles on this point in their
oral teaching, but perhaps also to the
fact that then as now (see below) that
teaching had been based on the actual
words of the Lord. For a somewhat
similar use of ἀκριβῶς cf. Ac. xviii. 25
where it is said of Apollos ἐδίδασκεν
ἀκριβῶς τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, though it
is going too far to find there with
Blass a proof that Apollos made use
of a written gospel (‘accurate...vide-
licet non sine scripto euangelio’: cf.
Knowling 1.6.1. ad loc., and see
J. H. A. Hart ὦ ΤΟΝ vii. p. 17 ff.).
In Eph. v. 15, the only other Pauline
passage where the word occurs, it can
mean little more than ‘ carefully’ if we
follow the best-attested reading βλέ-
mete οὖν ἀκριβῶς (N*B): if however
with N°A ἀκριβῶς belongs to περι-
mareire, the thought of strict con-
formity to a standard is again
introduced. The same idea under-
lies the old Engl. use of ‘diligently’
by which the word is rendered in
the A.V. of Mt. ii. 8 (ef. ἠκρίβωσεν
‘inquired diligently’ v. 7), as is shown
by the translators’ own description of
their version as ‘with the former
Translations diligently compared and
revised.’
᾿Ακριβῶς is found with οἶδα as here
in P.Cairo 3, 8f. (iii./B.0.) ὅπως ἀκρι-
Bas εἰδῆις, P. Petr. τ΄. 15 (1), 11 (iii./B.0.)
εἰδῆσαι ἀκριβῶς ; οἵ. P.Hib. 4o, 6 ἢ
(iii./B.C.) ἐπίστασο μέντοι ἀκριβώς.
ὅτι ἡμέρα Κυρίου κτλ.] an evident
reminiscence of the Lord’s own teach-
ing Mt. xxiv. 43, Lk. xii. 39: ef. Rev.
iii. 3, xvi. 15, and for a similar use of
the same figure 2 Pet. iii. 10. The
absence of the art. before ἡμέρα is
due not only to the fact that the
expression had come to be regarded
as a kind of proper name, but to the
emphasis laid on the character of the
day, a day of the Lord. It ‘belongs
to Him, is His time for working, for
manifesting Himself, for displaying
His character, for performing His
work—His strange work upon the
earth’ (A. B. Davidson, Theol. of the
O.T. (1904) p. 375).
The phrase is first found in the
O.T. in Amos v. 18 ff, where the
prophet criticizes the popular ex-
pectation that the ‘day’ was to be a
day not of judgment but of national de-
liverance (perhaps in connexion with
phrases like the ‘day of Midian’ Isa.
ix. 4 recalling the victory of Israel
over her foes, see W. R. Smith
Prophets of Israel” p. 397 f.). It is
very frequent in the later prophecies
(e.g. Isa. ii, 12 Εἰ, Zeph. i. γῆς, Mal.
iii. 2, iv. 1), and always with a definite
eschatological reference to the term
fixed for the execution of judgment:
see further A. B. Davidson op. cit.
p. 374ff, and Art. ‘Eschatology’ in
Hastings’ D.B. i. p. 735 ff, also the
elaborate discussion in Gressmann
Der Ursprung der israelitischjii-
dischen Eschatologie (1905) p. 141 ff.
The actual comparison ὡς κλέπτης
is not found in the O.T. (but ef. Job
xxiv. 14, Jer. xxix. 10 (xlix. 9), Obad.
5), while the addition of ἐν νυκτί,
which is peculiar to the present
passage, may have led to the belief
so widely prevalent in the early
Church that Christ would come at
night (Lact. Znstt. vii. 19 ‘intempesta
nocte et tenebrosa, Hieron. ad Mt.
xxv. 6 ‘media nocte’). "“Epyerac, pres.
for fut., lends vividness and certainty
to the whole idea (cf. Blass, p. 189).
For Jewish apocalyptic speculations
as to the nearness of the End, com-
bined with uncertainty as to its exact
date, see Volz Jiid. Eschat. p. 162 ff.
V 3)
ἔρχεται.
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
65
ε 7 3 / > / /
ὅταν λέγωσιν Εἰρήνη καὶ ἀσφάλεια, τότε
> ~ / ε ~ 93
αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπίσταται ὄλεθρος ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδὶν TH ἐν
V 3 ὅταν solum S*AG 17 al paue ἃ g Go Syr (Pesh) Boh Arm Aeth Tren Tert
Cypr Orig'** Ambst Hier Theod-Mops™ al: ὅταν δὲ 8°BD al Syr (Harel) Eus Chr Thdt
3. ὅταν λέγωσιν xrd.| There is
good authority for inserting δέ (WH.
mg.) after ὅταν, but on the whole ms.
evidence is against it, and the verse
must be regarded as standing in close
(asyndetic) relation to the preceding
clause. The subject is left indefinite,
but can only be unbelieving men
(Beng. : ‘ceteri, qui sunt tenebrarum ),
while the pres. (instead of the aor.)
subj. after ὅταν points to coincidence
of time in the events spoken of: it is
‘at the very moment when they are
saying’ &c., cf. Rev. xviii. 9, and see
Abbott Joh. Gr. p. 385.
Εἰρήνη κτλ.] a reminiscence of Ezek.
xiii. 10 (λέγοντες Εἰρήνη, καὶ οὐκ ἦν
εἰρήνη), ἀσφάλεια (Vg. securitas,
Clarom. munitio, Ambrstr. jirmitas)
being added here to draw increased
attention to the feeling of security.
The latter word is rare in the N.T.
occurring elsewhere only twice in Lk.
(Go. Ac.’): in the papyri it is found
as a law-term=‘ bond,’ ‘ security,’ e.g.
P.Tebt. 27, 73 f. (ii./B.c.) ἄνευ τοῦ
δοῦναι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν.
τότε αἰφνίδιος κτλ.] Cf. Lk. xxi. 34
προσέχετε δὲ ἑαυτοῖς μή ποτε...ἐπιστῇ
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐφνίδιος ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη ὡς
παγίς.
Αἰ(ε)γφνίδιος is found only in these
two passages in the N.T., but it
occurs seyeral times in the O.T.
apocrypha, Sap. xvii. 15 (14) αἰφνίδιος
yap αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀπροσδόκητος φόβος
ἐπῆλθεν, 2 Mace. xiv. 17, 3 Mace. iii.
24; ef. also O0.G.I.S. 339, 18 (11.8.0.
ἐκ τῆς αἰφνιδίου περιστάσεως. For the
form see WH.? NVotes Ῥ. 157 ἴ., and for
the use of the adjective, where we
would expect an adverb, to give point
and: clearness to the sentence see
WM. p. 582f. The adverb is found
M. THESS.
in P.Fay. 123, 21f. (c. A.D. 100) ἀλλὰ
αἰφνιδί[[Πὡὼς εἴρηχεν ἡμῖν σήμερον.
In ἐπίσταται (Vg. superveniet, Beza
imminet) the idea of suddenness does
not belong to the verb itself, though
frequently, as here, it is suggested by
the context, cf. Lk. xx. 1, Ac. vi. 12,
XVii. 5, where ἐφίστημι is used simi-
larly of hostile intent. It occurs
elsewhere in the Pauline writings
only in 2 Tim. iv. 2, 6 The un-
aspirated form ἐπίσταται may be due
to confusion with the other verb ἐπί-
σταμαι (WH.? Notes p. 151, WSchm.
. 39).
”OdcOpos (class., LXX.) is confined in
the N.T. to the Pauline Epp., and,
while not necessarily implying ann7-
hilation (cf. 1 Cor. v. 5), carries with
it the thought of utter and hopeless
ruin, the loss of all that gives worth
to existence (II. i. 9, 1 Tim. vi. 9): ef.
Sap. i. 12 and especially 4 Mace. x. 15
where τὸν αἰώνιον τοῦ τυράννου ὄλεθρον
is contrasted with τὸν ἀοίδιμον τῶν
εὐσεβῶν βίον. The word is thus
closely related to ἀπωλεία (Mt. vii.
13, Rom. ix. 22, Phil. ili. 19): see
further J. A. Beet The Last Things
(ed. 1905) p. 122 ff.
ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδίν κτλ.}] Another remi-
niscence of our Lord’s teaching, Mt.
xxiv. 8, Mk. xiii. 8, cf. Jo. xvi. 21.
The same figure is frequent in the
O.T. eg. Isa. xiii. 8, Jer. iv. 31, Hos.
xiii. 13, 2 Hsdr. xvi. 38 f—passages
which doubtless suggested the Rab-
binie expectation of the MW197"23N,
see Schiirer Geschichte® ii. p. 523 ἢ,
(ΕἸ ΤΥ. Div. τι. ii. p. 154 f.), Weber Jiid.
Theol. p. 350f. The expression is
never however used by St Paui in
this sense (for the idea cf. 1 Cor. vii.
26), and in the present passage the
5
66 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V4, 5
ἀνα , \ ? A Ἰΐῳ /
γαστρί ἐχουσῃ, καὶ ov μὴ ἐκφυγωσιν.
ἐὑμεῖς δέ, ἀδελ-
/ 3 > see. / 4 ε ε / ς ΄ ε = / =
pot, οὐκ ἐστε EV OKOTEL, να ἡ NUEVA υμᾶς ὡς KAer Tas
/ 5 f \ ε ~ e5 % / > \ ee
καταλάβῃ, πάντες Yap ὑμεῖς νιοι φωτὸς ἐστε Kal VLOL
4 κλέπτας AB Boh: κλέπτης SDG cet fere omn verss Ephr Chr Theod-Mops
figure must not be pressed to denote
more than the suddenness of the
coming—
For suddenly
It comes; the dreadfulness must be
In that; all warrants the belief—
‘At night it cometh like a thief.’
(R. Browning ‘ Easter-Day.’)
The late ὠδίν (for ddis) is found in
the uxx. Isa. xxxvii. 3; cf. in the
Κοινή nom. εὐθύριν, P.Grenf. τι. 35, 5
(i./p.c.). In od μὴ ἐκφύγ. we have
probably another reminiscence of Lk.
Xxi. (see above), ἵνα κατισχύσητε ἐκφυ-
γεῖν ταῦτα πάντα (v. 36). For the
absolute use of the verb in the
present passage cf. Ac. xvi. 27, Heb.
ii. 3, xii. 25, Sir. xvi. 13 (14), and for
ov μή see the note on iv. 15.
4. ὑμεῖς δέ κτλ.] Ὑμεῖς emphatic,
and conjoined with the following
ἀδελφοί suggesting a direct contrast
to the unbelieving men of τ. 3: cf.
Eph. iv. 20. Whatever the past state
of the Thessalonians may have been,
in the eyes of the Apostles they are
no longer (οὐκ ἐστέ) in darkness, the
reference being not merely to mental
ignorance (Thdt. τὴν ἄγνοιαν), but, as
the sequel shows, including also the
thought of moral estrangement from
God (Chrys. τὸν σκοτεινὸν καὶ ἀκάθαρ-
τον βίον). For the general thought
ef. 2 Cor. vi. 14, Eph. v. 8, Col. i. 12.
Td (for 6) σκότος, rare in good Attic
writers, is the regular form in the
N.T.: cf uxx. Isa. xlii. 16.
iva ἡ ἡμέρα κτλ.] It is possible to
give ἵνα here its full telic force (cf. 11.
16) as indicating the Divine purpose
for those who are still ἐν σκότει, but
it is simpler to find another instance
of its well-established late ecbatic use,
‘so that the day...’: see the note on
iv. 1. ‘H ἡμέρα can only be ‘the day’
already referred to (Ὁ. 2), the day par
excellence, the day of judgment, while
for καταλάβῃ (Vg. comprehendat, Beza
deprehendat) of ‘overtake’ in a hostile
sense cf. Mk. ix. 18, Jo. xii. 35, and
the saying ascribed to the Lord ἐν οἷς
ἂν ὑμᾶς καταλάβω, ἐν τούτοις Kal κρινῶ
(Just. M. Dial. 47).
ὡς κλέπτας) By an inversion of
metaphor by no means uncommon in
the Pauline writings (cf. ii. 7° note),
the figure of the ‘thief’ is now trans-
ferred from the cause of the surprise
(v. 2) to its object, the idea being that
as the ‘day’ unpleasantly surprises
the thief who has failed in carrying
through his operations, so ‘the day’
will ‘overtake’ those who are not
prepared for it. The reading how-
ever, though well-attested, is by no
means certain, and the dependence
of the whole passage on Mt. xxiv. 43
(Lk. xii. 39) may be taken as sup-
porting the easier κλέπτης (WH. mg),
Weiss (Του γι p. 17) regards ὑμᾶς
ὡς κλέπτας as a ‘purely mechanical
conformation.’
5. πάντες yap ὑμεῖς κτλ.] a restate-
ment of what has just been said from
the positive side, but extended to em-
brace al/, and deepened by the relation
now predicated of the Thessalonians.
They are not only ‘in’ light, but are
‘sons of light,’ sharing in the being
and nature of light, and also ‘sons of
day,’ ἡμέρας being used apparently not
so much generally of the enlightened
sphere in which light rules, as with
special reference to the ‘day’ of
Christ’s appearing already spoken of,
in which the Thessalonians in virtue
of their Christian standing will have
part. On the connexion of light with
V 6)
ἡμέρας.
- ΤῊΝ FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 67
ak \ \ ἾδΔ / 6" 5 \
Οὐκ €O MEV VUKTOS OVOE σκοτους" apa OUV μη
καθεύδωμεν ὡς οἱ λοιποί, ἀλλὰ γρηγορώμεν Kal νήφωμεν.
the day of the Lord in O.T. prophecy
see such passages as Hos. vi. 5 τὸ
κρίμα μου ὡς φῶς ἐξελεύσεται, Mic. Vii.
Sf. ἐὰν καθίσω ἐν τῷ σκότει, Κύριος
φωτιεῖ μοι... καὶ ἐξάξεις με εἰς τὸ φώς,
and οὗ Enoch xxxviii. 4 (with ΟΠ ]68᾽5
note), cviii. 11 ἢ
For the ‘New Testament’ idiom
underlying vi. dor. and vi. ny. cf. Lk.
xvi. 8, Eph. v. 8 and see Deissmann
BS. p. 161 ff., and for the chiasmus—
σκότους corresponding to φωτός, and
νυκτός to nuéepas—see Kiihner? ὃ 607,
3. Lft. cites by way of illustration
Eur. Iph. in Taur. 1025—6 I®. ὡς
δὴ σκότος λαβόντες ἐκσωθεῖμεν ἄν; OP.
κλεπτῶν γὰρ ἡ νύξ, τῆς δ᾽ ἀληθείας τὸ
φώς, but the passage is wanting in
the best mss., and is probably a
Christian interpolation.
5%—11. ‘Surely then, as those who
have nothing to do with the darkness,
we (for this applies to you and to
us alike) ought not to sleep, but to
exercise continual watchfulness and
self-control. Night is the general
time for sleep and drunkenness. But
those who belong to the day must
control themselves, and put on the
full panoply of heaven. That will not
only protect them against sudden
attack, but give them the assurance
of final and complete salvation. Sal-
vation (we say), for this is God’s
purpose for us, and He has opened
up for us the way to secure it through
our Lord Jesus Christ. His death on
our behalf is the constant pledge that,
living or dying, we shall live together
with Him. Wherefore comfort and
edify one another, as indeed we know
that you are already doing.’
Ὁ, Οὐκ ἐσμὲν νυκτός xrd.] For the
substitution of the 1st for the 2nd
pers. see Intr. p. xliv π.2, and for the
gen. with ἐσμέν pointing to the sphere
to which the subjects belong see WM.
Ῥ. 244.
6. dpa οὖν] introduces emphatically
the necessary conclusion from the
preceding statement, ‘the illative ἄρα
being supported and enhanced by
the collective and retrospective ody’
(Ellic.). The combination is peculiar
to St Paul in the N.T., and always
stands at the beginning of sentences,
ef. II. ii. 15, Rom. v. 18, vii. 3, 25 &c.,
Gal. vi. 10, Eph. ii. 19, and see WM.
p. 556f.
μὴ καθεύδωμεν xrr.| For καθεύδω
in its ethical sense of moral and
spiritual insensibility cf. Mk. xiii. 36,
Eph. v. 14, and contrast the usage in
v. 7 and again in v 10. For os oi
λοιποί see the note on iv. 13.
ἀλλὰ γρηγορῶμεν κτὰλ.] Cf. 1 Pet.
γ. 8 where the same combination of
words is found though in a different
connexion. In the present passage
the words are probably echoes of our
Lord’s own eschatological teaching ;
thus for γρηγορῶμεν cf. Mt. xxiv. 42,
xxv. 13, Mk. xiii. 35, and for νήφωμεν
cf. Lk. xxi. 34, where however the
word itself does not occur.
Τρηγορέω (a late formation from
eypyyopa, Lob. PAryn. p. 118 ἢ,
WSchm. p. 104n.”) is found twenty-
three times in the N.T., and occasion-
ally in the later books of the Lxx.,
e.g. Jer. xxxvili. 28, 1 Mace. xii. 27
ἐπέταξεν ᾿Ιωναθὰν τοῖς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ypn-
γορεῖν...δ ὅλης τῆς νυκτός ; cf. also
Ign. Polye. i. γρηγόρει ἀκοίμητον
πνεῦμα κεκτημένος. From it was
formed the new verbal noun γρη-
γόρησις Dan. TH. v. 11, 14: cf. also
the proper name Ipnydpuos.
In addition to this v. and v. ὃ mde
is found in the N.T. only in 2 Tim. iv.
5 (νῆφε ἐν πᾶσιν) and three times in
1 Pet. (i. 13, iv. 7, v. 8). As dis-
tinguished from γρηγορέω, a mental
attitude, it points rather to a con-
dition of moral alertness, the senses
being so exercised and disciplined
53
68
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 7, ὃ
7 ε \ θ ὃ \ , ‘\ «ες /
οἱ yap καθεύδοντες νυκτὸς καθεύδουσιν, καὶ οἱ μεθυσκό-
\ / 8 ~ ε >
μενοι νυκτὸς μεθύουσιν" “ἡμεῖς δὲ ἡμέρας ὄντες νήφωμεν,
> , ἤ / > U
ENAYCAMENO! θώρακα πίστεως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶ TepIkedadaian
that all fear of sleeping again is re-
moved (Chrys.: γρηγορήσεως ἐπίτασις
ἡ νῆψίς ἐστιν): cf. Aristeas 209 where
the τρόπος βασιλείας is said to consist
in τὸ ouvrnpetv...€avrdv ἀδωροδόκητον
καὶ νήφειν τὸ πλεῖον μέρος τοῦ βίου.
7. οἱ γὰρ καθεύδοντες κτλ. There
is no need to look here for any figura-
tive reference of the words (e.g. Clem.
Al. Paed. τι. ix. 80, 1 τουτέστιν ἐν τῷ
τῆς ἀγνοίας σκότῳ, Aug. ad Ps. cxxxi.
8): they are simply a statement of the
recognized fact that night is the
general time when men sleep and
are drunken; cf. 2 Pet. ii. 13 ἡδονὴν
ἡγούμενοι τὴν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τρυφήν for the
deeper blame associated with revel-
ling in the day-time, and see Mt.
xxiv. 48 ff. for the possible source of
the passage before us.
The verbs μεθύσκω lit. ‘make drunk’
and μεθύω ‘am drunk’ are here virtu-
ally synonymous (‘ohne merklichen
Unterschied,’ WSchm. p. 129), and
nothing is gained by trying to dis-
tinguish them in translation (Vg.
ebrit sunt...ebrii sunt, Clarom., Beza
inebriantur ...ebrit sunt). Νυκτός,
gen. of time, cf χειμῶνος Mk. xiii.
18, and see WM. p. 258.
8. ἡμεῖς δέ κτλ.] “ But let us, since
we are of the day, be sober’—the
part. having a slightly causal force
almost = ὅτι ἡμέρας ἐσμέν. On the
other hand the aor. part. ἐνδυσάμενοι
is to be closely connected with the
principal verb as indicating the
manner in which the νήφειν is ac-
complished, ‘having put on’ once for
all, whether as an antecedent or a
necessary accompaniment: cf. 1 Pet.
i. 13 ἀναζωσάμενοι.. «νήφοντες τελείως,
ἐλπίσατε ἐπὶ τ. φερομένην ὑμῖν χάριν
ἐν ἀποκαλύψει Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
θώρακα πίστεως κτλ. The first oc-
currence of the favourite Pauline
figure of armour: cf. Rom. xiii. 12 ἢ.
(where there is the same connexion
of thought), 2 Cor. vi. 7, x. 4, and for
amore detailed account Eph. vi. 13 ff.,
where however the particulars of the
figure are applied somewhat differ-
ently, showing that the imagery must
not be pressed too closely. For the
origin of the simile in each case see
the description of Jehovah in Isa.
lix. 17 καὶ ἐνεδύσατο δικαιοσύνην ὡς
θώρακα, καὶ περιέθετο περικεφαλαίαν
σωτηρίου ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς (cf. Isa. ΧΙ.
4f., Sap. v. 17 ff.), though in his use
of it St Paul may also have been in-
fluenced by the Jewish conception of
the last great fight against the armies
of Antichrist (Dan. xi., Orac. Sib. iii.
663f., 4 Ezra xiii. 33, Enoch xe. 16) as
suggested by SH. p. 378.
It should be noted however that
in the present instance the weapons
spoken of are only those of defence
in view of the trials which beset be-
lievers. Thus we have in the first
place θώρ. πίστεως κτλ. ‘a breastplate
of (or, consisting in) faith and love’
(gen. of apposition, Blass p. 98)—a
significant complement to the θώρ. τ.
δικαιοσύνης οἵ Eph. vi. 14: ‘by faith
we are able to realise the Divine will
and the Divine power and by love to
embody faith in our dealings with
men: this is righteousness’ (Westcott.
ad loc.). This is accompanied by
περικεφ. ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας ‘an helmet
the hope of salvation,” where from its
eschatological reference σωτηρίας can
only be gen. obj. ‘hope directed to-
wards salvation,’ the mention of ‘hope’
which does not occur in the Isaian
and Ephesian passages being in accord
with the dominant teaching of the
whole Epistle.
The Hellenistic περικεφαλαία is
found eleven times in the Lxx., else-
Υ̓ 9, 10] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 69
' 4 of ΄:
ἐλπίδα cotupiac’ ϑὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο “ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς" εἰς ὀργὴν
A nn “-
ἀλλα εἰς περιποίησιν σωτηρίας διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν
΄σ΄' ΄ ~ > ’ ~ c
᾿Ιησοῦ [Χριστοῦ], “τοῦ ἀποθανόντος “περὶ ἡμῶν ἵνα
9 ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς] ὁ θεὸς ἡμᾶς Β 37 116
ὑπὲρ SCADG cet Chr Thdt al
where in the N.T. only in Eph, vi.
17. For the growth in the Bibl. con-
ception σωτηρία, which in the Κοινή
is frequently=‘ health’ eg. B.G.U.
380, 19 ff. (a mother’s letter, iii./A.D.)
μὴ οὖν ἀμελήσῃς, τέχνον, γράψε μοι
περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας [σἼου, see SH. p. 23 f.
The title σωτήρ is discussed by Wend-
land Z.N.T. W.v. (1904) p. 335 Εἰ, and
σώζειν and its derivatives by Wagner
Z.N.T.W. vi. (1905) p. 205 ff., where
it is shown that in the N.T. the
positive conception of deliverance to
new and eternal life is predominant.
9. ὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο κτλ.] Ὅτι, ‘be-
cause,’ introducing the ground not so
much of the hope as of the completed
salvation just referred to, which is
now described under its two essential
aspects of (1) deliverance from wrath,
(2) the imparting of eternal life. It
is with (1) only that the present Ὁ.
is concerned and that from (@) a
negative (οὐκ ἔθετο κτλ.) and (Ὁ) a
positive standpoint (ἀλλὰ εἰς περιποί-
now KTA.).
ἔθετο] While the ‘somewhat vague’
ἔθετο must not be pressed too far, it
clearly carries back the deliverance
of the Thessalonians to the direct
purpose and action of God, cf. i. 4,
11. 12, 11. ii, 13 ἢ, and see Intr. p. Ixv.
For a similar use of τίθημι cf. Jo. xy.
16, Ac. xili. 47, 1 Tim. ii. 7, 2 Tim. i.
11, and τ Pet. ii. 8 (with Hort’s note).
For ὀργή cf. i. 10 note.
eis περιποίησιν σωτηρίας] a difficult
phrase from the doubt whether περι-
ποίησιν is to be understood actively
of the ‘winning’ of salvation on the
part of man, or passively of the
‘adoption’ of (consisting in) salvation
bestowed by God. In support of the
Χριστοῦ om B Aeth
Io περὶ 8*B 17:
latter view appeal is made to 1 Pet.
ii.9 and Eph. i. 14, but the sense of
the former passage (which is taken
from Mal. iii. 17) is determined by the
use of the word λαός, ‘people for a
possession, and in Eph. i. 14 the
passive sense, though undoubtedly
more natural, is not necessary (cf. ἡ
Abbott ‘a complete redemption which
will give possession’). And as in the
only other passages where the word
occurs in the N.T. (II. ii. 14, Heb. x.
39), the active sense is alone suitable,
it is better to employ it here also, all
the more so because, as Findlay has
pointed out, it is the natural sequel of
the ‘wakeful, soldierlike activity’ to
which the Thessalonians have already
been summoned (vv. 6—8).
The thought of this activity on the
part of true believers is not however
allowed to obscure the real source of
all salvation, namely διὰ τ, κυρ. ny.
"Ino. [Χριστοῦ], where emphasis is laid
not only on the Divine side (κυρίου)
of the historic Jesus, but, if Χριστοῦ
(omit B aeth) is read, on the fulfilment
in Him of God’s redemptive purposes.
On how this is effected, and the full
blessing of salvation as eternal life
secured, the next Ὁ. proceeds to show.
10. τοῦ ἀποθανόντος κτλ.] ἃ re-
lative clause emphasizing that it is
specially to the Lord ‘ who died’ that
we must look as the medium of our
salvation, the intimate character of
the relation between His ‘death’ and
our ‘life’ being brought out still more
clearly if we can adopt the v.l. ὑπέρ
(WH. mg.) for the more colourless περί,
which is found elsewhere in the Pau-
line Epp. in a similar connexion only
in Rom. viii. 3 (ἁμαρτίας), cf. Gal. i. 4
70 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[V 11
sf ~ sf / εἴ \ al /
εἴτε γρηγορώῶμεν εἴτε καθεύδωμεν ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν.
\ ~ / ~~ 4Φ \
"Διὸ παρακαλεῖτε ἀλλήλους Kal οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς TOV
c/ \ \ ~
eva, Kkabe's καὶ TTOLELTE.
WH.mg. The point cannot however
be pressed in view of the ‘enfeebling’
of the distinction between the two
prepositions in late and colloquial Gk. :
cf. Moulton Prolegg. p. 105.
It will be noticed that there is no
direct mention here of the accom-
panying Resurrection of Christ as in
i. 10, iv. 14, and generally throughout
the Pauline Epp. (Rom. iv. 25, v. 10
&c.), but it is implied in the follow-
ing ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν. For the
doctrinal significance of this whole
verse see Intr. p. lxviiif.
iva εἴτε γρηγορῶμεν κτλ.] ‘in order
that whether we wake or sleep’—the
verbs being used no longer in the
ethical sense of v. 6, but by a slight
change of figure as metaphorical de-
signations of life and death. Thdt.:
ἐγρηγορότας yap ἐκάλεσε τοὺς ἔτι κατ᾽
ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν περιόντας " καθεύ-
δοντας δὲ τοὺς τετελευτηκότας.
To this particular use of γρηγορέω
no Bibl. parallel can be adduced, but
καθεύδω, as denoting death, is found
in the Lxx., Ps. lxxxvii. (Ixxxviii.) 6,
Dan. xii. 2. Wohlenberg suggests that
some proverbial saying may underlie
the phrase (cf. 1 Cor. x. 31), and cites
by way of illustration Plato Sym.
203A where it is said of Eros διὰ
τούτου πᾶσά ἐστιν ἡ ὁμιλία καὶ ἡ διά-
Aextos θεοῖς πρὸς ἀνθρώπους, καὶ ἐγρη-
γορόσι καὶ καθεύδουσι. In its use here
the Apostles were doubtless influenced
by the perplexity of the Thessalonians
which their previous teaching had
been directed to meet (iv. 13 ff.).
Εἴτε... εἴτε with the subj., though
rare among Attic prose-writers (cf.
Plato Legg. xii. 958D εἴτε tis ἄρρην
εἴτε τις θῆλυς ἢ), is common in Hellen-
istic and late Gk. In the present
instance the subj. may be the result
of attraction to the principal verb
ζήσωμεν, but is perhaps sufficiently
explained by the nature of the
thought, the ‘waking’ or ‘sleeping’
being presented in each case as a
possible alternative (Burton § 253).
ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν) ‘we should
live together with Him’—the use of
the aor. ζζσωμεν pointing to this ‘life’
as a definite fact secured to us by the
equally definite death (τ. ἀποθανόντος)
of our Lord. It may be noted how-
ever that Blass (p. 212) prefers the
reading ἕήσομεν (A) on the ground
that the aor. (jowpev (δὲ al) would
mean ‘come to life again’ as in Rom.
xiv. 9.
The question whether this ‘life’ is
to be confined to the new life which
belongs to believers here, or to the
perfected life that awaits them here-
after, can hardly be said to arise. It
is sufficient for the Apostle that
through union with (ἅμα σύν, iv. 17
note) their Lord believers have an
actual part in His experience, and
that consequently for them too
‘death’ has been transformed into
‘life’; cf. Rom. xiv. 8 f.
For ‘to live’ as the most universal
and pregnant description of ‘salvation’
in the apocalyptic teaching of St Paul’s
day see Volz Jiid. Eschatologie p. 306.
11. Διὸ παρακαλεῖτε κτὰ.] Cf. iv.
18, διό here taking the place of ὥστε,
as serving better to sum up the
different grounds of encouragement
contained in the whole section iy.
I13—V. 10.
καὶ οἰκοδομεῖτε xrA.] ‘and build up
each the other’ (Vg. aedificate al-
terutrum, Beza aedificate singuli
singulos)—the first occurrence of a
favourite Pauline metaphor, perhaps
originally suggested by our Lord’s
own words (Mt. xvi. 18, cf. vii. 24 ff.),
and here used in its widest spiritual
V 12]
_THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 71
΄σ \ ~ 3 / > 4 \ ~
*?” CowTw Mev δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, εἰδέναι τοὺς κοπιῶντας
~ / ~ 3 \ a
ἐν ὑμῖν καὶ προϊσταμένους ὑμῶν ἐν κυρίῳ καὶ νουθετοῦν-
sense (cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 4). Blass (p. 144)
traces the unusual combination εἷς τὸν
ἕνα (-- ἀλλήλους) to Semitic usage, but
it finds at least a partial parallel in
Theocr. xx. (xxii.) 65 εἷς ἑνὶ χεῖρας
depov. The nearest N.T. parallel is
1 Cor. iv. 6 ἵνα μὴ εἷς ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἑνὸς
φυσιοῦσθε κατὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου, ‘St Paul’s
point there being the dividing effect
of inflatedness or puffing up, as here
the uniting effect of mutual building
? (Hort Ecclesia p. 125 n.1): ef.
also Eph. v. 33 οἱ καθ᾽ ἕνα, and in
mod. Gk. the phrase ὁ ἕνας τὸν ἄλλον.
καθὼς καὶ ποιεῖτε] Grot.: ‘ Alternis
adhibet hortamenta et laudes: quasi
diceret, σπεύδοντα καὶ αὐτὸν ὀτρύνω---
festinantem hortor et ipsum.’
V. 12—22. Various PRECEPTS WITH
REGARD ΤῸ CHuRCH LIFE AND
Hoty Lrvina.
12—15. From the general exhorta-
tion contained in the preceding section
(iv. I—v. 11) the Apostles now turn
to define more particularly the duties
of their converts (1) to their leaders
(vv. 12, 13) and (2) to the disorderly
and faint-hearted in their number
(vv. 14, 15)—the counsels in both
instances being addressed to the com-
munity at large, as shown by the
repeated ἀδελφοί (vv. 12, 14) without
qualification.
12, 13. ‘And now to pass before
closing to one or two points in this
life of mutual service, we call upon
you, Brothers, to pay proper respect
to those who exercise rule over you
in the Lord. Hold them in the
highest esteem and love on account
of their Divine calling, and thus pre-
serve a spirit of peace in the whole
community,’
12. εἰδέναι] evidently used here
in the sense of ‘know in their true
character,’ ‘appreciate’ (Calv.: ‘ Ag-
noscere hic significat Habere rationem
aut respectum’)—a usage of the word
for which no adequate parallel has
yet been produced from class. or
Bibl. Gk.: οὗ however 1 Cor. xvi. 18
ἐπιγινώσκετε οὖν τοὺς τοιούτους, and
see Ign. Smyrn. ix. καλῶς ἔχει Θεὸν
καὶ ἐπίσκοπον εἰδέναι. Bornemann well
remarks on the ‘ Feinheit’ displayed
in the choice of the word in the
present passage: it is knowledge
founded on ‘Hinsicht’ that the writers
have in view.
τοὺς κοπιῶντας κτλ.] ‘them that toil
among you, and are over you in the
Lord, and admonish you.’ In view of
the common art. the three participles
must be referred to the same persons,
in all probability the ‘presbyters,’ their
work being regarded from three dif-
ferent points of view, cf. 1 Tim. v. 17
and see Intv. p. xlvii f.
κοπιῶντας] Κοπιάω in class. Gk.=
‘grow weary, a sense which it also
retains in the Lxx. (e.g. 2 Regn. xvii.
2, Isa. xl. 30), is generally used in the
N.T. (contrast Mt. xi. 28, Jo. iv. 6,
’ Rey. ii. 3) with the derived meaning
of ‘toil, ‘work with effort,’ with re-
ference to both bodily and mental
labour (cf. κόπος, i. 3 note). It is a
favourite word with St Paul (Epp."),
who frequently employs it with re-
ference to the laborious character of
his own ministerial life (1 Cor. xv.
10, Gal. iv. 11, Phil. ii. 16, Col. i. 29,
1 Tim. iv. 10). Lift. (ad Ign. Polye.
vi.) derives the metaphor from the
toilsome training for an athletic con-
test. By the use of the word here,
as Calvin characteristically remarks,
the Apostle excludes from the class
of pastors ‘omnes otiosos ventres.’
προϊσταμένους] not a technical term
of office as shown by its position be-
tween κοπιῶντας and νουθετοῦντας, but,
in accordance with the general usage
of the verb in the N.T. (Rom. xii.
δι. Tim. δ᾿ 455,. 12, 08 TH k's,
72 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[V 13
ab ass 13 \ ε - θ ? \ rt or 3
Tas υμας, καὶ ἡγεισῦαι aAvTOUS ὑπερεκπερισσου €V
ἀγάπη διὰ TO ἔργον αὐτῶν
γάπῃ διὰ τὸ ἔργ
/ > a
ELONVEVETE ἐν ἑαυτοῖς.
13 ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ NAD? vele cet Chr Thdt: ὑπερεκπερισσῶς BD*G Orig
14), pointing rather to the informal
guidance in spiritual matters which
the Thessalonian elders exercised ‘in
the Lord’ towards individual members
of the Church: cf. Hort Zcclesia p. 126,
and for the later ecclesiastical use of
the verb see Just. M. Apol. i. 67,
Hermas Vis. τι. iv. 3.
For an ‘ official’ sense attaching to
προΐστασθαι in the papyri see P.Tebt.
5, 58 (ii./B.c.) where it is applied to
‘the superintendents of the sacred
revenues’ (τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν ἱερῶν
προσόδων]), cf. 53, 8 (ii./B.c.); and for
a similar use in the inscriptions see
Dittenberger Sylloge* 318, 8 f. (ii./B.c.),
where, in an inscription found close to
Thessalonica, a certain Maapxos is
described as προϊστάμενος τῶν τε κατὰ
κοινὸν πᾶσιν Μακεδόσιν συνφερόντων:
cf. also Ο.6.1.8.. 728, 4 (iii./B.c—from
the Thebaid) προέστη τῶν κα[θ᾽ αὑτὸν]
ἀξίως τῆς πόλεως. The word=‘to
practise in business’ is discussed by
Field Notes p. 223f.: in P.Petr. m1. -
73, 4f. (undated) it is used of ‘the
landlord’ of a lodging-house (rod
ml polearnkoros Tis...cvvorkias).
vovGerouvras| NovGereiv (lit. ‘put
in mind’) has apparently always a
sense of blame attached to it, hence=
‘admonish,’ ‘warn,’ cf. v. 14, II. iii.
15. In Col. i. 28 it joined with διδά-
σκειν, aS presenting complementary
aspects of the preacher’s duty ‘warn-
ing to repent, instructing in the
faith’ (Lft.). Outside the Pauline
Epp. the word is found in the N.T,
only in Ac. xx. 31; ef. 1 Regn. iii. 13,
Sap. xi. 10(11), xii. 2, Pss. Sol. xiii. 8,
also Plato Gorg. 479A μήτε νουθετεῖ-
σθαι μήτε κολάζεσθαι μήτε δίκην δί-
δοναι.
13. καὶ ἡγεῖσθαι κτλ.1] The exact
construction of these words is not
unattended with difficulty. Many
commentators render ‘hold them in
love exceeding highly,’ connecting ἐν
ἀγάπῃ closely with ἡγεῖσθαι on the
ground of such partial parallels as
ἔχειν twa ἐν τινι (Rom. i. 28, Thue.
ii. 18, iii, 9). But it is simpler to
take the words in the order in which
they stand, and to translate with the
ΒΥ. ‘esteem them exceeding highly
in love,’ ἐν ἀγάπῃ being then a loose
adjunct to the whole phrase ny. avr.
vmepex.: cf. Job xxxv. 2 ri τοῦτο
ἡγήσω ev κρίσει; The only difficulty is
the somewhat strong sense ‘esteem’
(Thdt.: πλείονος ἀξιοῦν τιμῆς) that is
thus given to the generally colourless
ἡγεῖσθαι, and for which Lft. can find
no nearer parallel than Thue. ii. 42 τὸ
ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ παθεῖν μᾶλλον ἡγησάμενοι
ἢ τὸ ἐνδόντες σώζεσθαι ‘preferring
rather to suffer in self-defence ὅσο.
It is supported however by the
analogous use of εἰδέναι (v. 12), and
by the general warmth of tone of the
whole passage: ef. II. iii, 15 note.
For ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ (ὑπερεκπερισ-
σῶς, WH, mg.) see note on iii, 10.
διὰ τ. ἔργον αὐτῶν] ‘for their work’s
sake,’ i.e. both because of their ac-
tivity in it, and its own intrinsic
importance. Calv.: ‘Huius operis
inaestimabilis est excellentia ac dig-
nitas: ergo quos tantae rei ministros
facit Deus, nobis eximios esse opor-
tet.’
elpnvevere κτλ.] ‘be at peace among
yourselves’—a precept not to be
dissociated from the preceding, but
implying that by their affectionate
loyalty to their leaders the Thessa-
lonians were to maintain the peace
of the whole community (Beza pacem
colite inter vos mutuo). For eipn-
νεύειν in this sense cf, Mk. ix. 50,
Rom. xii. 18, 2 Cor. xiii. 11, Sir.
XXvViii. 9, 13 (15).
V 14, 15]- THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
14 Παρακαλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς,
ρ μ μ
73
ἀδελφοί, νουθετεῖτε τοὺς
σ΄ \ ,
ἀτάκτους, παραμυθεῖσθε τοὺς ὀλιγοψύχους, ἀντέχεσθε
τῶν ἀσθενῶν, μακροθυμεῖτε
If the more difficult but well-
attested ἐν αὐτοῖς (ND*GP) is pre-
ferred, the meaning will then be ‘find
your peace through them’ i.e. ‘through
their leadership.’ In no case can we
render ‘be at peace with (ie. in
your intercourse with) them’ (Vg.
cum eis), which would require per
αὐτῶν (cf. Rom. xii. 18).
14, 15. A fresh series of instruc-
tions still addressed like the pre-
ceding to the whole company of
believers, and calling upon the
(stronger) ‘brethren’ to extend their
aid towards those who are ‘ weak.’
‘Further we call upon you, Brothers,
to warn those who are neglecting their
proper duties. Let the despondent
be encouraged, and those who are still
weak in faith be upheld. Cherish a
spirit of forbearance towards all men,
and take special care that, so far from
yielding to the old spirit of revenge,
you make it your constant effort to
seek the good of all.’
14. vovereire τ. ἀτάκτους] Beza
monete inordinatos rather than Vg.
corripite inquietos. ”Arakros (dm. Ney.
N.T.) primarily a military term ap-
plied to the soldier who does not
remain in the ranks, and thence used
more generally of whatever is out of
order. In the present passage the
special reference would seem to be
to the idleness and neglect of duty
which characterized certain members
of the Thessalonian Church in view of
the shortly-expected Parousia (Intr.
p. xlvif.). Contrast the unbroken front
over which St Paul rejoices in Col. ii.
5 xaipav καὶ βλέπων ὑμῶν τὴν τάξιν
καὶ τὸ στερέωμα τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν πίστεως
ὑμῶν.
For the meaning of ἄτακτος see
further Add. Note G. |
παραμυθεῖσθε κτλ. ‘encourage the
πρὸς πάντας. "δὸρᾶτε μή
faint-hearted’ (Vg. consolamini pusil-
lanimes, Wycl. counforte 3e men of
litil herte), whether from over-anxiety
regarding their departed friends, or
from fear of persecution, or from any
other cause leading to despondency.
᾿Ολιγόψυχος, am. ey. N.T., occurs
several times in the uxx. (e.g. Isa.
Ivii. 15 ὀλιγοψύχοις διδοὺς paxpobv-
μίαν), as do the corresponding subst.
(ὀλιγοψυχία) and verb (ὀλιγοψυχεῖν).
For the verb cf. also P.Petr. τι. 40 (a),
12 f. (iii./B.c.) μὴ οὖν ὀλιγοψυχήσητε
ἀλλ᾽ ἀνδρίζεσθε.
ἀντέχεσθε κτλ.] ‘lay hold of the
weak’ with the added idea of sup-
porting them (Beza sublevate in-
Jirmos). For ἀντέχεσθαι (N.T. only
midd.) in its more primary sense
‘hold firmly to’ cf. Mt. vi. 24, Lk.
xvi. 13, Tit. i. 9, Isa. lvi. 4 ἀντέχωνται
τῆς διαθήκης pov; and from the Κοινή
such passages as P.Par. 14, 22f.
(ii./B.0.) οὐθενὸς δικαίου ἀντεχόμενοι,
P.Amh. 133, 11 ff. (ii./A.D.) καὶ μετὰ
πολλῶν κόπων ἀνηκάσαμεν αὐτῶν ayTa-
σχέσθαι τῆς τούτων ἐνεργίας ἐπὶ τῷ
προτέρῳ ἐκφορίου, *and with great
difficulty I made them set to work
at the former rent.’
The weak here can only be the
spiritually weak (Thdt. τοὺς μὴ ἑδραίαν
κεκτημένους πίστιν) : cf. Rom. xiv. 1,
1 Cor. viii. 9, Τῇ; ix. 22.
μακροθυμεῖτε xrd.| ‘be long-suffering
toward all,’ 1.6. do not give way to a
‘short’ or ‘quick’ temper (ὀξοθυμία)
towards those who fail, but be patient
and considerate towards them: cf.
1 Cor. xiii. 4, Gal. v. 22, and especi-
ally Eph. iv. 2 where μακροθυμία is
explained as ἀνεχόμενοι ἀλλήλων ἐν
ἀγάπῃ. In this sense μακροθυμία is
assigned as an attribute to God Him-
self, Rom. ii. 4, ix. 22, 1 Pet. iii. 20,
Th. Mops. (who confines the reference
74
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[V 16
‘ > \ a \ 9 ~~ > ‘ / \
τις κακὸν ἀντὶ κακοῦ τινὶ ἀποδῷ, ἀλλὰ πάντοτε TO
> \ / ¥ & / /
ἀγαθὸν διώκετε ᾽ εἰς ἀλλήλους Kal εἰς πάντας.
τό Πάν-
15 διώκετε solum S*ADG 17 37 67** al pauc ἃ g τὰ Vg (?) Go Boh (2) Syr (Pesh)
Arm Aeth Ambst Theod-Mops™: διώκετε καὶ &°B al pler Vg (?) Syr (Harel) Ephr Bas
Chr Thdt
to the Church-leaders): ‘patientes
estote ad omnes, eo quod hoc neces-
sarium ualde est magistris, ita ut non
facile desperent propter peccata, pa-
tienter uero suam impleant doctrinam,
expectantes semper ut discipuli me-
liores sui efficiantur.’
15. ὁρᾶτε μή τις κτλ.] ‘see that
none pay back evil in return for evil
to any one’: cf. Rom. xii. 17, 1 Pet.
iii. 9. The saying, which reflects the
teaching of our Lord in such a passage
as Mt. v. 43 ff., is often claimed as a
distinctive precept of Christianity,
and, notwithstanding such isolated
maxims from the O.T. as Ex. xxiii.
4, Prov. xxv. 21 ἢ, and the lofty spirit
occasionally found in heathen philo-
sophers as in a Socrates (see Plato
Rep. i. 335), it is certainly true that
Christianity first made ‘no retaliation’
a practical precept for all, by providing
the ‘moral dynamic’ through which
alone it could be carried out.
On the durative ὁράω (cognate with
our ‘ beware’) see Moulton Prolegg.
p. 110f., and for ὁρᾶτε μή with the
subj. cf. Mt. xviii. 10 (Burton § 209),
also P.Oxy. 532, 15 (ii./A.D.) ὅρα οὖν
μὴ ἄλλως πράξῃς. If ἀποδοῖ (N*D>G)
is read, it also must be taken as
a subj., formed after the model of
verbs in -όω (WM. p. 360n.”). Both
forms can be illustrated from the
Kown, e.g. P.Par. 7, 11 (i./B.0.) ἐὰν δὲ
μὴ ἀποδῷ, B.G.U. 741, 27 (ii./A.D.) ἐὰν
δὲ μὴ [a]rodot: see further Crénert
p. 216. The simple dot is found in
an illiterate fragment of the iii./B.¢.,
P.Petr. 11. 9 (5), 5 ὅπως Soi.
ἀλλὰ πάντοτε κτλ.] ‘but always pur-
sue after that which is good’—dayador
being used in the sense of ‘beneficial,’
‘helpful’ (utile) as opposed to the
preceding κακόν, rather than of what
is morally good (honestum): cf. iii,
6 note. For the favourite Pauline
oxewv in the sense of ‘ pursue,’ ‘ seek
eagerly after’ (Thpht.: ἐπιτεταμένως
σπουδάζειν τι) cf. Rom, ix. 30, Phil.
iii. 12, where in both passages it is
associated with the correlative xara-
λαμβάνειν : see also Hx. xv. 9 εἶπεν 6
ἐχθρός Διώξας καταλήμψομαι. Outside
the Pauline Epp. the metaphorical
use of the verb in the N.T. is con-
fined to Heb. xii. 14, 1 Pet. iii. 11
(from LXX. ); ef. Plato Gorg. 507 B οὔτε
διώκειν οὔτε φεύγειν ἃ ἃ μὴ προσήκει.
16—22. From social duties the
Apostles now pass to inculcate cer-
tain more directly religious duties.
‘At all times cherish a spirit of
joyfulness ; in unceasing prayer make
known your every want; under all
circumstances give thanks to God:
for only in these ways can God’s
purposes for you in Christ Jesus be
fulfilled. With regard to the gifts of
the Spirit, see to it that you do not
quench them, or make light of pro-
phesyings. At the same time do not
accept these without discrimination.
Rather bring everything to the test,
and thus keep firm hold of the
genuine, while you abstain from evil
in whatever form it appears.’
16. πάντοτε χαίρετε] an injunction
striking the same glad note that is
so often repeated in the Ep. to the
other Macedonian Church (Phil. ii.
18, iii. 1, iv. 4), its significance in the
present instance being much increased
in view of the sufferings already
spoken of (i. 6, ii. 14, iii. 2ff.). For
the paradox cf. Rom. v. 3, 2 Cor. vi.
10, and for the true source of this joy
see our Lord’s own words Jo. Xv. II,
xvi. 24, xvii. 13. Leighton’s words
(cited by Dods) may be recalled: ‘All
V 1γ---20] - THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 75
7 17 ἐδ Xr / / 6 18 2 \
TOTE χαίρετε, “αδιαλείπτως προσεύχεσῦθε, “ἐν παντὶ
2 a o \ / ee: ~? a
εὐχαριστεῖτε" τοῦτο yap θέλημα θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ι]ησοῦ
΄σ a \ / \
εἰς Uuas. “TO πνεῦμα μὴ σβέννυτε, “προφητείας μῆ
spiritual sorrows, of what nature so-
ever, are turned into spiritual joy:
that is the proper end of them; they
have a natural tendency that way.’
An interesting ex. of the spirit of
joy ruling in the early Church is
afforded by the names found in the in-
scriptions—Victor, Nice, Gaudentius,
Gaudiosus, Hilaris, Hilaritas (Ramsay
C. and B. i. p. 493). See also Stanley
Christian Institutions (1881) p. 250 f.
17. ἀδιαλείπτως προσεύχεσθε] a
second precept, not to be interpreted
merely as showing how the former
precept may be fulfilled, but an in-
dependent injunction in thorough
accordance with St Paul’s constant
teaching, cf. Rom. xii. 12, Eph. vi. 18,
Col. iv. 2. For the absolute manner
(ἀδιαλείπτως, i. 3 note) in which the
precept is expressed see the note on
iv. 13, and for a striking commentary
on it note the constantly interjected
prayers in this and the later Ep,
(intr. p. lxv),
For prayer as a part of Church-life
cf. Didache xv. 4 ras δὲ εὐχὰς ὑμῶν...
ποιήσατε ws ἔχετε ἐν τῷ evayyerio τοῦ
Κυρίου ἡμῶν, and for the conditions
under which the whole life of the
saint becomes μίαν συναπτομένην pe-
γάλην.. εὐχήν, see Orig. de Orat. xii. 2
(ed. Koetschau) “ἀδιαλείπτως᾽ δὲ προσ-
εύχεται...ὁ συνάπτων τοῖς δέουσιν
ἔργοις τὴν εὐχὴν καὶ τῇ εὐχῇ τὰς πρε-
πούσας πράξεις.
18. ἐν παντὶ εὐχαριστεῖτε] Vg. in
omnibus gratias agite—év παντί not
being ‘on every occasion’ (Chrys. :
dei), but ‘in all circumstances,’ even
in persecutions and trials. Thdt.: μὴ
μόνον ἐν τοῖς θυμήρεσιν, ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς
ἐναντίοις. οἷδε γὰρ τὸ συμφέρον ὁ με-
γαλόδωρος. For a similar stress laid
by St Paul on universal thanksgiving
cf, Eph. v, 20, Phil. iv. 6, Col. iii. 17.
For εὐχαριστεῖν see i. 2 note, and
add the late use of the verb by which
it is practically =evyeoOa, as in the
interesting Christian amulet (vi./A.p. ?)
reproduced by Wilcken (Archiv i.
p. 431 ff.) where after an invocation
to God and Christ and the holy
Serenus the writer proceeds evya-
ptoTa...kal κλίνω τὴν κεφαλήν [polv...
ὅπως διώξῃς ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ...τὸν δαίμονα
προβασκανίας. May we not have an
earlier trace of this usage in P.Tebt.
56, 9 (late ii./A.D.) where the render-
ing ‘pray’ seems to suit the context
better than the editors’ ‘give thanks’?
τοῦτο γάρ κτλ.] Τοῦτο, collective
with reference to the foregoing pre-
cepts, while the θέλημα θεοῦ (iv.
3 note) regarding them is specially
defined as resting ἐν Xp. “Inc. not
only as their supreme manifestation,
but also as the means through whom
alone they can be made effective.
For the absence of the art. before
eis ὑμᾶς ‘with regard to you’ as well
as for the Ayperbaton cf. Lk. vii. 30
τὴν βουλὴν τοῦ θεοῦ ἠθέτησαν eis
ἑαυτούς (Field Notes p. 60).
19. τὸ πνεῦμα μὴ σβέννυτε] in itself
a perfectly general precept but, in
view of the προφητείας of the next
clause (see note), employed here with
special reference to the charismatic
gifts which had shown themselves at
Thessalonica as afterwards at Corinth
(1 Cor. xii, xiv.). Against these ap-
parently a reaction had arisen owing
to a certain amount of ἀταξία in their
exercise (see Intr.p.xxxiv and cf.1 Cor.
xiv. 29 ff.), and consequently the
Apostles found it necessary to warn
their readers lest in their dread of
over-enthusiasm the χαρίσματα should
be extinguished altogether: cf. 2 Tim.
i. 6 ἀναμιμνήσκω σε ἀναζωπυρεῖν τὸ
χάρισμα τοῦ θεοῦ.
76 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 21—23
ἐξουθενεῖτε" “'πάντα [δὲ] δοκιμάζετε, TO καλὸν κατέχετε,
22 > \ ‘ 10 wk Sy
ATO TIANTOC ELOOUS πονηροῦ arTeyecde.
Autos δὲ ὁ θεὸς τῆς
21 πάντα solum &*A al Boh Syr (Pesh) Orig Ephr Bas 4 Chr 3 Thdt Tert
Orig™ : πάντα δὲ 8°BDG al dg Vg Go Syr (Harcl) Aeth Clem Bas 3 Chr 4 Ambst
Theod-Mops!"t
The use of σβέννυτε (for form,
WSchm. p. 124) is in accord with
the frequent application of the meta-
phor of fire to the Spirit in Scripture
(Ac. ii. 3, xviii. 25, Rom. xii. 11; οὗ
Plut. de defect. orac. § 17, p. 419B
ἀποσβῆναι τὸ πνεῦμα) : while μή with
the pres. imp. instead of the aor. subj.
points to the necessity of desisting
from a course of action already going
on, as distinguished from avoidance of
similar action in the future (Moulton
Prolegg. pp. 122 f., 247).
20. προφητείας μὴ ἐξουθενεῖτε) an
injunction closely related to the fore-
going (cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 1 (yAotre δὲ τὰ
πνευματικά, μᾶλλον δὲ iva προφητεύητε),
and pointing to the impassioned ut-
terances regarding the deep things
of God which so frequently showed
themselves in the Early Church under
the direct influence of the Spirit: cf.
Ac. ii. 17, xix. 6, 1 Cor. xii. 10, Rev, i.
10, and see further McGiffert Apost.
Age p. 526 ff.
The strong verb ἐξουθενέω ‘set at
naught, ‘make of no account’ (Suid, :
ἀντ᾽ οὐδενὸς λογίζομαι) is found in the
N.T. only in Lk. and Paul’, and
under the form ἐξουδενεῖν in Mk.
In the uxx. it occurs in four forms
ἐξουδενεῖν, -vovv, ἐξουθενεῖν, -οῦν : 866
Lobeck Phryn. p. 182.
21. πάντα [δὲ] δοκιμάζετε] The con-
necting particle δέ, which is amply
vouched for, ought probably to be
retained here, its omission being
easily explained through the in-
fluence of the following δο-. In any
case whether δέ is retained or not,
the whole clause stands in a certain
limiting relation to the foregoing
precepts: important as ‘gifts’ and
‘prophesyings’ are, they cannot be
accepted unhesitatingly, but must be
put to the test (cf. 1 Jo. iv. 1).
Nothing is said as to how this διά-
κρισις πνευμάτων (1 Cor. xii. 10, xiv.
29) is to be effected, but it can only
be by a ‘spiritual’ standard (ef. 1 Cor.
ii. 13), and not by the ‘rational’ in-
quiry which is sometimes found here,
and to which the ‘prove’ of A.V.,
R.V. lends a certain colour.
For δοκιμάζω see the note on ii. 4,
and for the thought ef. Rom. xii. 2,
Phil. i. ro, |
TO καλὸν κατέχετε] It is not easy
to find an adequate English equiva-
lent for τὸ καλόν, but when used in
its moral sense the word denotes
generally what is good in itself (ef.
Arist. het. i. 9. 3 καλὸν μὲν οὖν ἐστίν,
ὃ ἂν dv αὑτὸ αἱρετὸν ὃν ἐπαινετὸν 7) as
distinguished from τὸ ἀγαθόν what is
good in virtue of its results. Thus
it is used of genuine as opposed to
counterfeit coin (cf. Xen. Mem. iii. 1
διαγιγνώσκειν τό τε καλὸν [ἀργύριον
καὶ τὸ κίβδηλον), and is very appro-
priate here to denote the goodness
which passes muster in view of the
testing process just spoken of: ef.
the noble comment of the historian
Socrates on this verse—ro γὰρ καλόν,
ἔνθα ἂν 7, ἴδιον τῆς ἀληθείας ἐστίν
(Z.E. iii. 16).
For κατέχω =‘ hold fast’ οἵ, Lk. viii.
15, 1 Cor. xi. 2, xv. 2, Heb. iii. 6, 14,
x. 23, and see Add. Note H.
22. ἀπὸ παντὸς εἴδους κτλ.] ‘from
every form of evil abstain’ This
rendering may be criticized on two
grounds—(1) it takes εἶδος in its
quasi-philosophical sense of ‘kind,’
‘species, which though frequent in
class. writers and more especially in
Plato, is not found elsewhere in the
N.T., and (2) it treats πονηροῦ, though
anarthrous, as a subst. But-as re-—
V 23]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 77
3 / € -- ΄ ε ε ~ \
εἰρήνης ὡγιάσαι ὑμᾶς ὁλοτελεῖς, Kal ὁλόκληρον ὑμῶν TO
gards (1), apart from such passages
as Jos. Antt. vit. 80 (iv. 2), X. 37 (iii. 1)
εἶδος μέλους, πονηρίας, we have now
confirmation of this more popular use
of εἶδος from the papyri as when in
P.Tebt. 58, 20 ἢ (ii./B.c.) a taxgatherer
undertakes to collect a wheat-tax ἀπὸ
παντὸς εἴδους ‘from every class’; cf.
P.Oxy. 237. viii. 42f. (ii./A.D.) κατὰ
κώμην καὶ κατ᾽ εἶδος ‘under villages
and classes,’ and see P.Fay. 34, 6f.
(ii./A.D.) where ἄλλα εἴδη may be used
not of ‘other taxes’ but of ‘other
kinds’ of produce on which a certain
tax (yovodecpia) was levied (see
editors’ note ad loc.). While with
reference to (2), the anarthrous use
of the neut. sing. to denote abstract
ideas is too frequent to cause any
real difficulty, e.g. Gen. ii. 9 τὸ ξύλον
τοῦ εἰδέναι γνωστὸν καλοῦ Kk. πονηροῦ,
Heb. v. 14 πρὸς διάκρισιν καλοῦ τε καὶ
κακοῦ, and cf. Didache iii. 1, appa-
rently a reminiscence of the present
passage, φεῦγε ἀπὸ παντὸς πονηροῦ x.
ἀπὸ παντὸς ὁμοίου αὐτοῦ.
The alternative rendering ‘abstain
from every appearance of evil’ (R.V.
marg.) has the advantage of taking
εἶδος in the same sense as elsewhere
in the N.T. (Lk. iii. 22, ix. 29, Jo. v.
37, 2 Cor. v. 7), but, if it is preferred,
care must be taken not to impart into
the word the idea of ‘semblance’ as
opposed to ‘reality’: it is rather ‘ap-
pearance’ in the sense of ‘outward
show,’ ‘visible form.’
On ἀπέχεσθαι ἀπό see iv. 3 note,
and on the more active idea of evil in
πονηρός ‘malignant’ as compared with
κακός ‘base’ see Trench Syn. ὃ lxxxiv.
Commentators generally draw at-
tention to the change from τὸ καλόν
to παντὸς εἴδους πονηροῦ, for while the
good is one, evil has many forms; cf.
Arist. Eth. Nic. ii. 5. 14 ἔτι τὸ μὲν
ἁμαρτάνειν πολλαχῶς ἐστίν,...τὸ δὲ κατ-
ορθοῦν μοναχώς. ;
It is also of interest to notice that
δῦ. 21, 22 are frequently connected
by early Christian writers with the
agraphon ascribed to our Lord yi-
νεσθε δόκιμοι τραπεζῖται (for reff. see
Suicer Thesaurus s.v. τραπεζίτης), and
it is at least possible that the writers
of our Ep. had this saying of Jesus
in mind here: see further Resch
Agrapha pp. 116ff., 233ff., Pauli-
nismus p. 408 f., Ropes Spriiche
p. 142f.
V. 23, 24. PRAYER.
From these several injunctions the
Apostles turn in characteristic fashion
to the Divine power in which alone
they can be fulfilled. Beng.: ‘non
meo studio, inquit Paulus, sed divino
praesidio muniti eritis.’
23,24. ‘As however without God
all your strivings must be in vain we
pray that the God of peace Himself
will sanctify you through and through,
that the whole man may become
God’s, each part preserved entire and
without blame, and found so at the
Parousia of the Lord Jesus. Nor
need you have any fear regarding
this. The very fact that it is God
Who is calling is to you the pledge
that He will not suffer His calling
to become null and void.’
23. ὃ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης] a frequent
title at the close of the Pauline Epp.
(Rom. xv. 33, xvi. 20, 2 Cor. xiii. 11,
Phil. iv. 9, (Heb. xiii. 20); cf. 11. iii.
16 ὁ κύρ. τ. eip.), and intended to
bring out ‘the peace’ which is not
only the one God’s characteristic at-
tribute, but which it is His peculiar
privilege to bestow, and which in the
present passage gains in significance
in view of the ἀταξία just spoken of.
For ‘ Peace’ as a Talmudic Name
of God see Taylor Sayings? p. 25 f. ;
while as further illustrating the per-
sonal application of the term it may be
noted that in P.Oxy. 41, 27 (iii./iv. A.D.)
the prytanis at Oxyrhynchus is popu-
larly acclaimed as εἰρήνη πόλεως.
ἁγιάσαι ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ‘sanctify you
78 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 23
~ Ace \ \ \ ΄ι. / 3 ΄σ
πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ TO σῶμα ἀμέμπτως ἐν TH παρου-
wholly ’—ayiaoae not being limited
to the initial act of consecration,
but (as in Rom. xv. 16, Eph. v. 26)
pointing to the actual inward sancti-
fication of the Thessalonians ‘in their
whole persons’ (Vg. Ambrstr. per
omnia, Luth. Weizsiicker durch und
durch).
For this ethical sense of ἁγιάζειν
cf. Lev. xi. 44 ἁγιασθήσεσθε καὶ ἅγιοι
ἔσεσθε, ὅτι ἅγιός εἰμι ἐγώ, and for a
full discussion of the word and its
synonyms see Westcott Heb. p. 346 f.
For ὁλοτελής (an. Aey. N.T.) οὗ Plut.
Mor. ii. 909 B, Dittenberger Sylloge?
376, 45 ἀνεισφορίαν, ἣν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρό-
τερον Σεβαστῶν ὁλοτελῆ ἔδωκεν. The
adv. ὁλοτελῶς, by which Suidas defines
the common ὁλοσχηρῶς, is found in
Aq. Deut. xiii. 16 (17).
ὁλόκληρον] a secondary predicate to
be taken closely along with τηρηθείη, and
as belonging to all three substantives
(WM. p. 661). As regards meaning,
ὁλόκληρος can hardly be distinguished
from ὁλοτελής though, in accordance
with its derivation, it draws more
special attention to the several parts
to which the wholeness spoken of
extends, no part being wanting or
lacking in completeness. Thus in the
Lxx. the word is used of λίθοι as yet
untouched by any tool (Deut. xxvii. 6,
1 Mace. iv. 47), and it is the regular
expression in Philo (de anim. § 12, ii.
p. 836M.) and Josephus Antt. m1. 278
(xii. 2) to denote the integritas re-
quired both in priests and victims.
From this the transition is easy to the
metaphorical sense of mental and
moral completeness which the word
has in the apocr. books of the O.T.
(Sap. xv. 3 ὁλόκληρος δικαιοσύνη,
4 Mace. xv. 17 τὴν εὐσέβειαν ὁλόκλη-
pov), and in Jas. i. 4 where it is
joined with τέλειος (for distinction be-
tween them see Trench Syn. § xxii.)
and explained as ἐν μηδενὶ λειπόμενος.
An interesting parallel to the use
οὗ ὁλόκληρος in the present passage
is afforded by the magical papyrus
P.Lond, 1. 121, 589 f. (iii./A.D.) διαφύ-
λασσε μου TO σῶμα τὴν ψυχὴν ὁλόκλη-
pov, while its original meaning is seen
in P.Oxy. 57, 13f. (iii./A.D.) ὑπὲρ rod
ὁλόκληρον (SC. ποιῆσαι) τὴν ἐπίσκεψιν
τῶν χωμάτων. The allied subst. odo-
kAnpia (cf. Ac. iii. 16) occurs in the
sense of physical wholeness, health,
eg. B.G.U. 948, 2 ff. (iv./v. A.D.) εὔχο-
με...τὰ περὶ τ]ῆς vyias σου kal
ὁλοκληρίας σου χαίριν, and for the
verb see P.Grenf. 1. 53, 4f. (iv./A.D.)
ὅπως ὁλοκληροῦντα σὲ ἀπολάβομεν.
ὑμῶν τὸ πνεῦμα KTA.] The precedent
gen. ὑμῶν is unemphatic (cf. Abbott
Joh. Gr. p. 416), and belongs to each
of the following substantives, ‘your
spirit and your soul and your body,’
but this triple subject must not be
pressed as if it contained a psycho-
logical definition of human nature.
St Paul ‘is not writing a treatise on
the soul, but pouring forth, from the
fulness of his heart, a prayer for his
converts’ (Jowett), and consequently
all appeals to the verse in support of
a Pauline system of Trichotomy as
against the Dichotomy found else-
where in his Epp. are beside the
mark, At the same time it will not
do to regard the three subjects as
of ‘mere rhetorical significance’ (de
Wette): they are evidently chosen
in accordance with the general O.T.
view of the constitution of man to
emphasize a sanctification which shall
extend to man’s whole being, whether
on its immortal, its personal, or its
bodily side: cf. Heb. iv. 12 with
Westcott’s Add. Note p. 114 ff.
The trichotomist arguments based
on the passage will be found fully
stated by Ellicott The Destiny of the
Creature, Serm. v. with the accom-
panying Notes. For the more im-
portant inquiry how far St Paul
may have been influenced here by
V 24,25] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 79
gia τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ πτηρηθείη.
\
*4Or iO TOS
e ΄ ~~ εἶ 7]
ὁ καλῶν ὑμᾶς, ὃς καὶ ποιήσει.
259 / / 0 \ \ e ~
Αδελφοί, προσεύχεσθε [καὶ] περὲ ἡμῶν.
25 καὶ BD* 4** 6 17 31 37 al pauc Go Syr (Harcl) Arm Orig Chr Theod-Mops"* ;
om SAD°G cet f g Vg Boh Syr (Pesh) Aeth Thdt Ambst al
Pharisaic theology see Wohlenberg
ad loc., and cf. Jos. Anitt. τ. 34 (i. 2).
For the occurrence of the same tri-
chotomy in Egyptian rites in the order
‘soul, body, spirit’ see the interesting
note by Rev. F. E. Brightman in
i. 7.S, 11. p.. 273 £.
ἀμέμπτως] an adverbial adjunct
(ii. 10 note) qualifying the whole
expression ὁλόκληρον. ..τηρηθείη : cf.
Clem. R. Cor. xliv. 6 ἐκ τῆς ἀμέμπτως
αὐτοῖς τετιμημένης (τετηρημένης, Lft.)
λειτουργίας. ;
It is not without interest to notice
that ἀμέμπτως, which in the N.T. is
confined to this Ep., occurs in certain
sepulchral inscriptions discovered at
Thessalonica, e.g. an inscription of
50 A.D. Εἰσιάδι τῇ συνβίωι ζησάσῃ a-
μέμπτως ἔτη κη.. [μνε]ίας χάριν (NO. 30
Duchesne οὐ Bayet Mission au Mont
Athos p. 29).
ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ κτὰλ.] a temporal
clause marking also the condition
under which the blameless ὁλοκληρία
will be made manifest (cf. ii. 19 note).
Wohlenberg prefers to connect the
words more closely with τηρηθείη,
the thought then being that in the
judgment following upon Christ’s ap-
pearing, while others find themselves
the subjects of God’s wrath, those who
have undergone this triple sanctifica-
tion will be preserved in bliss. The
difference in meaning is not very
great, but under no circumstances
can the A.V. ‘unto (as if eis) the
coming’ be accepted, however true
the thought underlying it (cf. Phil.
i. 6). For παρουσία see Add. Note F.
24. πιστὸς 6 καλῶν xtA.| Chrys. :
"Opa τὴν ταπεινοφροσύνην. ᾿Ἐπεέιδὴ yap
ηὔξατο, μὴ νομίσητε, φησίν, ὅτι ἀπὸ
τῶν ἐμῶν εὐχῶν τοῦτο γίνεται, GAN
ἐκ τῆς προθέσεως, ἧς ὑμᾶς ἐκάλεσεν.
Beng. : ‘magnam hic versiculus exul-
tationem habet.’
For ὁ καλ. vu. which, as always in
St Paul, can only refer to God οἵ, ii.
12 note, and for πιστός in a similar
connexion cf. II. iii. 3, 1 Cor. i. 9, x.
13, 2 Cor. i. 18, 2 Tim. ii. 13, Heb. x.
23, xi. 11, Deut. vii. 9, Isa. xlix. 7,
Pss. Sol. xiv. 1. The absolute use of
ποιήσει is very striking, and sets in
bold relief the doing with which God
accompanies His calling: cf. Num.
XXiil. 19 αὐτὸς εἴπας οὐχὶ ποιήσει; Ps.
XXXVi. (XXXVii.) 5 ἔλπισον ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν,
καὶ αὐτὸς ποιήσει. For ἃ similar certi-
tudo fidet on the part of St Paul ef.
Rom. xvi. 25, Phil. i. 6, and for a like
spirit in later Jewish theology see
Apoc. Bar. xiii. 3, ‘Thou shalt there-
fore be assuredly preserved to the
consummation of the times.’
V. 25—28. CONCLUDING IN-
JUNCTIONS AND BENE-
DICTION.
25—28. ‘Meanwhile, Brothers, in
your prayers do not forget us. Con-
vey our greetings with the customary
holy kiss to all the Brothers. As
regards this letter I charge that it
be read aloud to all the Brothers.
The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ
be with you.’
25. ᾿Αδελφοί, προσεύχεσθε κτλ.] Cf.
II. iii. 1, and for a similar request see
Rom. xv. 30, Eph. vi. 19, Col. iv. 3,
Heb. xiii. 18. Τῇ καί is read, it intro-
duces the feeling of reciprocity—‘as
we have prayed for you, do you also
pray for us,’
80 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 26, 27
“᾿Ασπάσασθε τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πάντας ἐν φιλήματι
ε »
aylw.
/ ~~ > a \
“Τ᾽ Ενορκίζω ὑμᾶς Tov κύριον ἀναγνωσθῆναι τὴν
J \ -_ ~ > ~
ἐπιστολήν πᾶσιν τοῖς ' ἀδελφοῖς.
27 τοῖς] add ἁγίοις X°AKLP al pler Vg Go Boh Syr (Pesh Harel) Arm Chr Thdt
Theod-Mops!*
26. ᾿Ασπάσασθε xrd.| an exhorta-
tion addressed like the preceding to
the whole Church, and not only to
those to whom the Ep. was directly.
sent, presumably the elders. Had
any such restriction been intended,
it could hardly fail to have been
clearly notified, while any difficulty
in the general application of the in-
junction owing to the use of τ. dé.
πάντας is met by the want of stress
here attaching to πάντας (WSchm.
189), the whole phrase being
practically equivalent to the more
customary ἀλλήλους.
᾿Ασπάζομαι is of constant occurrence
in the papyri for conveying the greet-
ings at the end of a letter, e.g. P. Fay.
119, 25 fi. (¢. i./A.D.) ἀσπάζου "Emayaboy
καὶ τοὺς φιλοῦντες ἡμᾶς πρὸς ἀληθίαν.
ἐν φιλήματι ἁγίῳ] ‘with a kiss that
is holy,’ as a token of friendship and
brotherly love, cf. Rom. xvi. 16, 1 Cor.
xvi. 20, 2 Cor. xiii. 12, in each case
the attribute ἅγιον being added to
bring out the true character of the
φίλημα: see also 1 Pet. v. 14 ἐν
φιλήματι ἀγάπης. The practice may
have arisen from the customary mode
of saluting a Rabbi, Wiinsche Neue
Beitrdge p. 339; cf. also F. C. Cony-
beare in Lap. Iv. ix. p. 460ff.
For the first mention of the ‘kiss
of peace’ as a regular part of the
Christian service see Just. M. Apol.
i, 65 ἀλλήλους φιλήματι ἀσπαζόμεθα
παυσάμενοι τῶν εὐχῶν, and for full
particulars of its liturgical use see
art. ‘Kiss’ in Smith’s D.C.\A., and
Hauck RE. vi. p. 274. In some
parts of Greece the EHaster-greeting
(Χριστὸς ἀνέστη) is still accompanied
by the brotherly kiss.
27. ᾿ἘἘνορκίζω ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ᾿Ἐνορκίζω,
not found elsewhere in the Bibl.
writings except as a variant in
2 Esdr. xxiii. (xiii.) 25, is apparently
a strengthened form of ὁρκίζω (for
form, Rutherford WP. p. 466f.), and
like it (Mk. v. 17, Ac. xix. 3) is here
construed with two accusatives: cf.
ILM.A. U1. 1238 (Christian) ἐνορκίζω
ὑμᾶς τὸν ὧδε ἐφεστῶτα ἄνγελον, μή Tis
ποτε τολμή(σῃ) κτλ.; and see also Ram-
say C. and B.i.p.734. Fora similar |
usage of ἐξορκίζω see P.Leid. V. 4. 31
(iii./A.D.) ἐξορκίζω σε τὴν δύναμιν cov,
and for ὁρκίζω τινά see Deissmann BS,
p. 274 ff.
The presence of the adjuration in
the present passage has been explain-
ed as due either to the Apostle’s deep
sense of the importance of his Ep. to
all without exception, or to a pre-
sentiment that a wrong use might be
made of his name and authority as in
II. ii. 2, iii. 17, or to the fact that the
reading of such letters had not yet
been officially established. But after
all no special reason need be sought.
Writing as he did to explain his
continued personal absence, and to
enforce truths which he felt to be
of vital importance to his converts,
St Paul naturally took precautions to
ensure that his letter should be read
and circulated as widely as possible :
see Intr. p. xxxiv, and for the change
to the ist pers. sing. to give the appeal
a more personal character cf. ii. 18,
iii. 5.
ἀναγνωσθῆναι] ᾿Αναγνωσθῆναι (for
construction, Blass p. 241) a time-
less aor., and hence lending no sup-
port to Alford’s view that a special
assembly was to be held for this
purpose. At the same time it is
clear from the context that it is a
V 28]
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS SI
“Ἢ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ pel
ὑμῶν.
public reading or a reading aloud
that is alone thought of here. For
this sense of ἀναγιγνώσκειν (almost
universal in class. Gk., Butcher Har-
vard Lect. p. 230, n.") ef. Lk. iv. 16, Ac.
xiii. 27, xv. 21, 2 Cor. iii. 15, Col. iv.
16, Rev. i. 3 (with Swete’s note), and
for the result of this reading aloud in
giving the N.T. writings an authori-
tative character see Sanday J/nspira-
tion Ὁ. 360 f.
Tertullian is sometimes quoted as
mentioning Thessalonica and Philippi
as churches where the letters of the
Apostles were read in the original
(‘apud quas ipsae authenticae literae
eorum recitantur’ de praescr. 36), but
the reference to Thessalonica (‘ habes
Thessalonicenses’) is plainly an in-
sertion, clumsy in form, and wanting
in the best Mss.
In the papyri ἀναγιγνώσκειν is
found=both ‘read’ and ‘read aloud,’
Thus for the latter sense cf. P.Grenf.
I. 37, 15 (ii./B.C.) ἐπιλέγματος ἀναγνω-
σθέντος οἵ the reading aloud of a
petition, and P.Cairo 29. 3. 1 (ii./A.D.)
ἧς ἀναγνωσθείσης of the reading aloud
of a will. On the other hand the
word must mean simply ‘read’ in
B.G.U. 1079 (cited iv. 1 note), and in
P.Fay. 20, 23 (iiii—iv./a.D.) where it
refers to copies of an edict set up in
Μ, THESS.
public places σύνοπτα τοῖς ἀναγιγνώ-
σκουσιν ‘in full view of those who
wish to read.’
τὴν ἐπιστολήν] obviously the present
letter now drawing to a close, cf. 11,
iii, 14, Rom. xvi. 22, Col. iv. 16
(WSchm. p. 149).
πᾶσιν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς] Πᾶσιν em-
phatic (contrast πάντας Ὁ. 26), but
not necessarily including others than
the combined members of the Thessa-
lonian Church. ‘Ayiors, if read before
ἀδελφοῖς (WH. mg.), would produce a
combination occurring nowhere else
in the Pauline Epp. (cf. however Eph.
iii. 5 τ. ἁγίοις ἀποστόλοις), and is better
omitted.
28. Ἢ χάρις κτλ.] a concluding
benediction in which the favourite
Pauline conception of ‘grace’ takes
the place of the ordinary epistolary
ἔρρωσο (ἔρρωσθε) or ἐρρῶσθαί σε (ὑμᾶς)
εὔχομαι: οἵ, II. iii. 18, Rom. xvi. 20,
1 Cor, xvi. 23.
A shorter form ἡ χάρις μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν is
found in Col. iv. 18, 1 Tim. vi. 21,
2 Tim. iv. 22, Tit. iii. 15 (add πάντων),
while this is expanded in various ways
in Gal. vi. 18, Eph. vi. 24, Phil. iv. 23.
The full trinitarian benediction occurs
in 2 Cor. xiii. 13.
The liturgical ἀμήν is found in
AD’*KLP &c.: οὗ iii. 13 note.
Ae? γὰρ TayTa γενέοθδι πρῶτον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εὐθέως.
Τὰ ἀναγκαῖα πάντα δῖλα.
᾿ . . r
2 trictéc λέ ἐστιν € κύριοο, ὃς οτηρίξει ὑμᾶς Kal yAazer
τς ΠΟΝΗΡΟΥ͂. i | , an
ΠΡΟΣ OESSAAONIKEIS B
II.
ITI.
δ
ANALYSIS.
ADDRESS AND GREETING. i. 1, 2.
HISTORICAL AND DOCTRINAL. i. 3—ii. 17.
1. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER FOR THE THESSALONIANS’ STATE,
i, 3—I2.
2. TEACHING CONCERNING THE EVENTS PRECEDING THE LORD'S
PAROUSIA. il. I—12.
3. RENEWED THANKSGIVING AND EXHORTATION, ii. 13—15.
4, PRAYER. li. τό, 17.
CONSOLATORY AND HORTATORY. iii. 1—16.
1. REQUEST FOR THE THESSALONIANS PRAYERS. iii. I, 2.
2. CONFIDENCE IN THE THESSALONIANS’ PROGRESS. iii. 3—5.
3. CHARGE WITH REGARD TO THE DISORDERLY. ili. 6—12.
4, ExXHORTATION TO THE LoyAL MEMBERS OF THE CHURCH.
11. 13—15.
5. PRAYER. iii. 16,
SALUTATION AND BENEDICTION. iii. 17, 18.
ΠΡΟΣ
ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΊΚΕΙΣ
Β
| eine καὶ Cirovavos καὶ Τιμόθεος τῆ ἐκκλησίᾳ
Θεσσαλονικέων ἐν θεᾷ πατρὲ ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίῳ
᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστᾷ" *yapis ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς
\ 7 3 ro A
καὶ κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
ADDRESS AND
GREETING.
I. Παῦλος κτλ.] The address cor-
responds word for word with the
address in I. i. r (where see notes)
except in the addition of ἡμῶν after
πατρί emphasizing that it is the Divine
fatherhood in relation to man and not
to Christ that is specially in view.
2. amo θεοῦ πατρός κτλ. These
words, though unauthentic in 1. i. 1,
form part of the true text here, and,
as in all subsequent Pauline Epp.,
carry back the customary greeting
χάρις κ. εἰρήνη to its ultimate source.
Both subjects θεοῦ πατρός and κυρ.
"Ino. Xp. are under the government of
the same preposition ἀπό, and any
distinction between them therefore as
the ‘ultimate’ and the ‘mediating’
channel of grace and peace (as Find-
lay), however true in reality, is out of
place here. In 2 Jo. 3 the same
relation is brought out by the repeated
mapa...mapa, Which can hardly be dis-
tinguished from ἀπό in this connexion,
thougli in accordance with its general
sense it may help to draw attention
to the passage from the giver to the
receiver (cf. Lft. on Gal. i. 12).
The addition of ἡμῶν after πατρός ‘is
well attested (NAG...Vg Go Boh Syrr),
but in accordance with BDP 17 is
Bt) 2.
omitted by WH. Its insertion was
doubtless due to its frequent presence
in corresponding Pauline formulas.
I. 3—II. 17. HISTORICAL AND
DOCTRINAL.
I, 3—12. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER
FOR THE THESSALONIANS’ STATE.
Following upon the Address comes
the customary Thanksgiving which,
while again closely recalling the
Thanksgiving of the First Epistle,
presents certain independent features.
Thus special stress is now laid on
the progress of the Thessalonians’
faith and love with the consequent
boasting of the writers on their be-
half (vv. 3, 4), while the mention of
the afflictions from which at the
time the Thessalonian Church was
suffering is a natural starting-point
for an emphatic appeal to the righteous
judgment of God, by which the perse-
cuted will be recompensed and the
persecutors condemned (vv. 5—1I0).
The whole is crowned by a character-
istic reference to the Apostles’ con-
tinual intercession for their converts
(vv. 11, 12).
3, 4. ‘We count it a duty, as well
as a privilege, Brothers, to give thanks
to God at all times for you, as indeed
your own conduct fully merits, in view
86
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [I 3,4
3Εὐχαριστεῖν ὀφείλομεν τῷ θεῷ πάντοτε περὶ ὑμῶν
x ρ φ μ ‘ ‘ ρ μ ?
> / \ " ’ > « € ’ « /
ἀδελφοί, καθὼς ἀξιόν ἐστιν, ὅτι ὑπεραυξάνει ἡ πίστις
ε “ ’ / \ ες ’ cad
ὑμῶν καὶ πλεονάζει ἡ ἀγάπη ἑνὸς ἑκάστου πάντων ὑμῶν
« A -~ > ε ~ > -
εἰς ἀλλήλους, ὥστε αὐτοὺς ἡμάς ἐν ὑμῖν ἐνκαυχάσθαι ἐν
of the marvellous growth of your faith
and the abounding love which you are
all displaying towards one another.
So marked indeed are these, that we
on our own part are able to make
a boast of you in the churches of God,
as we think of the endurance and the
faith which you have continued to
show even among the persecutions and
afflictions which are falling upon you
at this time.’
3. ἙΕὐχαριστεῖν ὀφείλομεν] Cf. I. i.
2, the addition of ὀφείλομεν in the
present passage bringing out the
Apostles’ sense of thanksgiving as
actually a debt owing to God in view
of their converts’ rapid growth in
spiritual things (see below). As con-
trasted with δεῖ ‘an obligation in the
nature of things,’ ὀφείλω expresses ‘a
special, personal obligation ’ (Westcott
on I Jo. ii. 6). It is found combined
with εὐχαριστεῖν as here in ii. 13; ef.
Clem. R. Cor. xxxviii. 4, Barn. Zp. v.
3 (ὑπερευχαριστεῖν) Vii. 1.
καθὼς ἄξιόν ἐστι] not a mere tauto-
logical repetition of ὀφείλομεν for the
sake of emphasis (as Jowett), but
bringing out the duty of the εὐχαρισ-
ria from the human standpoint—* it
is also merited by your conduct’
(Lft.): ef. Phil. i. 7, and for a similar
use of ἄξιος see I Cor. xvi. 4.
ὅτι] referring back to the principal
statement evy. ὀφείλομεν, and in view
of the emphatic ὀφείλομεν (see above)
best given its full causal significance
‘because, cf. ii. 13 and contrast
I, it. 11%
ὑπεραυξάνει] ‘ groweth exceedingly ’
(Vg. supercrescit, Beza vehementer
augescat, Wycl. ouer wexith), as
compared with the ὑστερήματα τ.
πίστεως, I. iii. το.
The verb is another of the verbs
compounded with ὑπερ- for which St
Paul shows such a marked predi-
lection, cf. ὑπερβαίνω (I. iv. 6),
ὑπερεντυγχάνω (Rom. viii. 26), ὑπερ-
νικάω (Rom. viii. 37), vmepexreiva (2
Cor. x. 14), ὑπερπλεονάζω (1 Tim. i. 14),
all, like ὑπεραυξάνω, being az. λεγόμενα
in the N.T.: see also the note on
I. iii. 10, Like the simple αὐξάνω
in the N.T. (except 1 Cor. iii. 6f,
2 Cor. ix. 10), the verb is here used
intransitively.
καὶ πλεονάζει κτλ.] a fulfilment of
the prayer of I. iii, 12. As dis-
tinguished from ὑπεραυξάνει, πλεονάζει,
which is found in the N.T. outside the
Pauline Epp. only in 2 Pet. i. 8, points
to diffusive rather than organic
growth, and hence is fittingly used of
ἀγάπη, while this love is further
characterized as not only individually
manifested (ἑνὸς ἑκάστου, ef. 1. ii. 11),
but 48. extended to the entire
Christian community at Thessalonica
(πάντων ὑμῶν eis ἀλλήλους). Chrys. :
καὶ ὅρα ayamnv' ov τὸν μὲν ἠγάπων,
τὸν δὲ οὔ, ἀλλ᾽ ἴση ἦν παρὰ πάντων.
4. ὥστε αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς κτλ. “80
that we on our part... the emphati-
cally placed αὐτούς not being simply
reflexive, but serving to draw atten-
tion to the fact that the Apostles,
as well as the Thessalonians, have
ground for boasting, inasmuch as it
was through their agency, humanly
speaking, that the foundations of
the Thessalonians’ faith were laid.
For ὥστε with inf. cf. I. i. 7 note.
évkavxao bat | Ἐνκαυχᾶσθαι (for form,
WH.? Notes p. 156f.) instead of the
favourite Pauline καυχᾶσθαι (Epp.*)
does not occur elsewhere in the N.T.,
but is found with the same con-
struction as here in Pss. li. (lii.) 3,
xevi. (xevii.) 7 (ἐγκ-), cv. (cvi.) 47. For
I's]
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
87
~ > ~ ~ \ ΄“ rd ri \
ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τοῦ θεοῦ ὑπερ Trs ὑπομονῆς ὑμῶν Kal
~ ~ ~ ΄σ \ ~ ,
πίστεως ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς διωγμοῖς ὑμῶν Kal ταῖς θλίψεσιν
ἘΣ » Ὁ ~ , “- ~
ais “dvexyerGe', "ἔνδειγμα τῆς δικαίας κρίσεως τοῦ θεοῦ,
14 ἀνέχεσθε] ἐνέχεσθε Β
the thought cf. I. ii. 19 στέφανος
καυχήσεως, and for ἐν indicating the
ground of the boasting see WM.
p. 292.
ἐν τ. ἐκκλησίαις τ. θεοῦ] ie. in
Corinth and its neighbourhood, cf. 2
Cor. i. 1. For a similar instance of
boasting cf. 2 Cor. viii. 1ff., and for
the use made of the present passage
by Polycarp see Intr. p. lxxvif.
ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑπομονῆς KTA.| Ὑπομονή
(I. i. 3 note) is usually found associated
with ἐλπίς, and its close union here
with πίστις under a common art. has led
to the latter’s being taken in the sense
of ‘faithfulness’ (Beng.: ‘ fidelem
constantiam confessionis’). But this
passive significance of πίστις is, to say
the least, very rare in the N.T. (ef.
Rom. iii. 3, Gal. v. 22), and the occur-
rence of the word in its ordinary
active sense of ‘faith’ in the im-
mediately preceding verse makes it
more natural to give it the same
meaning here. Nor need the added
Clause ἐν πᾶσιν τ. διωγμοῖς κτλ. cause
any difficulty in this respect. It was
the very point of the Apostles’ boast
that the Thessalonians had maintained
a true religious ‘faith’ even in the
midst of the ‘persecutions’ and
‘afflictions’ which had been both
numerous (πᾶσιν) and continuous
(ἀνέχεσθε pres.).
For the combination διωγμ. κ. θλίψ.
ef. Mt. xiii. 21, Mk. iv. 17, the former
being the more special term, with
reference to the external persecutions
inflicted by enemies of the Gospel (cf.
Ac. viii. 1, xiii. 50, 2 Mace. xii. 23),
the latter (cf. I. i. 6, note), more com-
prehensively, afflictions of any kind.
ais ἀνέχεσθε] ‘which ye are endur-
ing. Ais is generally regarded as an
attraction for ὧν ἀνέχεσθε, as elsewhere
in the N. T. ἀνέχομαι is found with the
gen. (e.g. 2 Cor. xi. 1, 19, Eph. iv. 2).
But such an attraction as this would
be unique (WM. p. 204 n.”), and it
is simpler to regard ais as directly
governed by ἀνέχεσθε for which we
have class, authority, e.g. Hur. An-
drom. 980 ξυμφοραῖς δ᾽ ἠνειχόμην.
Findlay suggests that the gram-
matical anomaly may have led to the
Otherwise interesting variant αἷς
ἐνέχεσθε (WH. mg.) ‘in which you are
involved, ais being then regularly
governed by ἐν- : cf. Gal. v. 1 μὴ
πάλιν ζυγῷ δουλείας ἐνέχεσθε, P.Fior.
57, 30 (iil./A.D.) ἐνέχεσθε ταῖς λειτουρ-
γίαις.
5. ‘ We have spoken of your heroic
faith under persecution, and we gladly
dwell upon it, becausein itself it affords
a proof of what awaits you in the day
of God’s final judgment, and will then
result in your being found worthy of
the heavenly Kingdom, for which you
are now suffering.’
5. ἔνδειγμα κτλ.] ‘a plain token of
the righteous judgment of God’ (Beza
quae res indicium est tusti tudicit
Dei). "Evdevypa (am. rey. N.T.) in
accordance with its passive form
denotes strictly a result that has been
reached, ‘a thing proved, but as
frequently in similar cases where the
abstract gives place to the concrete
can hardly be distinguished from
ἔνδειξις the actual proof by an appeal
to facts, cf. Rom. iii. 25 f., 2 Cor. viii.
24, and especially the closely parallel
passage Phil. i. 28 μὴ πτυρόμενοι ἐν
pndevi...qris ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς evderkis
ἀπωλείας.
As regards construction, the analogy
of this last passage has led to the
treating of ἔνδειγμα as a nominative,
some such ellipsis as 6 éorw being
88
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[I 5
᾽ \ ~ pe Ne See , ε αι ΣᾺ
εἰς τὸ καταξιωθῆναι ὑμᾶς τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ, ὑπέρ'
supplied (Blass p. 293). But it is
more in keeping with class. usage to
regard such noun-phrases as ac-
cusatives, in apposition to the whole
idea of the foregoing sentence (οἵ.
Rom. viii. 3, xii. 1, 1 Tim. ii. 6, and
see further Kiihner® ὃ 406, 6, Riddell
The Apology of Plato (1877) p. 122).
In the present instance, therefore, the
meaning is that the heroic faith of the.
Thessalonians under persecution is in
itself a ‘ proof, a ‘sign’ (Est. ‘ argu-
mentum et indicium’) of what God’s
final judgment in their case will be.
For δικαίας κρίσεως, a phrase not
found elsewhere in the Pauline Epp.
cf. Rom. ii. 5 δικαιοκρισίας which, how-
ever, denotes ‘not so much the charac-
ter of the judgment as the character
of the Judge’ (SH. p. 56), and for the
whole thought see Rom. viii. 18 ff.,
2 Cor. iv. 16 ff.
As a literary parallel Garrod aptly
cites the lines from Browning’s ‘ Abt
Vogler ’—
And what is our failure here but a
triumph’s evidence
For the fulness of the days?
And as still better illustrating the
confident appeal to the supreme judg-
ment by which all present sufferings
will be set in their true light, Dante’s
great lines (Purg. x. 109---111) may
be recalled—
Non attender la forma del martire :
Pensa la succession ; pensa che, a
peggio,
Oltre la gran sentenza non puo ire.
eis τὸ καταξιωθῆναι κτλ.] Of. the
common Rabbinic expression ‘To be
worthy of the future aeon’ (Dalman
Worte Ὁ. 97, E. Tr. p. 119).
Καταξιόω, like the simple ἀξιόω (2.
I1), denotes not ‘make’ but ‘ count
worthy,’ and is found elsewhere in the
N.T. only in Lk. xx. 35 of δὲ καταξιω-
θέντες τοῦ αἰῶνος ἐκείνου τυχεῖν, Ac.
Υ͂. 41 ὅτι κατηξιώθησαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος
ἀτιμασθῆναι. In the Lxx. it is confined
to Maccabees?! ; cf. Aristeas 175 τοὺς
δὲ ἥκοντας τιμῆς καταξιῶν μείζονος. It
is frequent in Polybius (e.g. i. 23. 3,
iv. 86. 8); see also C.I.A. 111. 690, 9 f.
ἀνατροφῆς τῆς αὐτῆς καταξιωθείς.
For εἰς τό with inf., and for the
meaning of τ. βασιλ. τ. θεοῦ see the
notes on 1. ii. 12. :
ὑπὲρ ἧς καὶ πάσχετε] cf. Rom. viii.
17,. 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii, 10, and
Dante Purg. xix. 76 f.—
O eletti di Dio, li cui soffriri
E giustizia e speranza fan men duri.
6—10. From the thought of the
future recompence awaiting the per-
secuted Thessalonian Church the
Apostles proceed to describe more
fully the issue of the Lord’s Parousia
in an apocalyptic passage closely based
on the O.T. as regards both language
and imagery (see Intr. p. lix). The
form is largely rhythmical, so much
so that Bornemann (pp. 329, 336) con-
jectures that vv. 7°—10* may be an
adaptation of some primitive Christian
psalm or hymn.
‘We are the more confident of this
because it is in accord with God’s
righteous law to mete out trouble
to troublers, and to the troubled
rest—a rest which we hope to share
along with you at the revelation from
heaven of the Lord Jesus attended by
the angels, as the instruments of His
power, and surrounded by a “fire
of flame.” Then will He inflict full
justice upon all who in wilful ignor-
ance oppose themselves to God, and
in consequence disobey the Gospel of.
Christ. All such shall suffer a fitting
penalty. Nothing less than eternal |
ruin will fall upon them—banishment
from the presence of the Lord and
from the glory of His might. Yes,
from that glory the wicked, your
persecutors, will be shut out, for the
object of the Lord’s coming is to
be glorified in His saints and revered :
Ι 6—8] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 89
ἧς καὶ πάσχετε, “εἴπερ δίκαιον παρὰ θεῷ ἀνταποδοῦναι
τοῖς θλίβουσιν ὑμᾶς θλίψιν Τκαὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς θλιβομένοις
ἄνεσιν μεθ᾽ ἡμών ἐν TH ἀποκαλύψει τοῦ κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ
ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ μετ᾽ ἀγγέλων δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ “ἐν πγρὶ φλογός,
in all believers (amongst whom we
may reckon you, for you received our
testimony) in that great Day.’
6. εἴπερ δίκαιον κτλ. Εἴπερ (‘si
quidem’) an intensive form, confined
in the N.T. to the Pauline writings,
which, without implying doubt as to
the truth of the condition assumed,
lays some stress on it as a condition
(ef. Rom. iii. 30, viii. 9, 17; SH. p.
96). That condition is here the exer-
cise of the strict righteousness of God
conceived as a jus talionis.
For δίκαιον cf. δικαίας κρίσεως (Ὁ. 5),
and for παρὰ θεῷ (‘judice Deo’) see
WM. p. 493.
ἀνταποδοῦναι κτλ. Th. Mops. retri-
buere his qui tribulant uos retribu-
lationem. For ἀνταποδίδωμι see I.
lil. 9 note, and for θλίψις 1. i. 6 note.
The language as well as the thought
(cf. Rom. ii. 6ff.) is clearly suggested
by O.T. prophecy, cf. especially Isa.
Ixvi. 4, 14ff., and for a terse descrip-
tion of the close connexion between
sin and its ‘other half’ punishment
see Sap. xi. 16 (17) δι᾿ ὧν τις ἁμαρτάνει,
διὰ τούτων κολάζεται.
7. ἄνεσιν] “Aveors, lit. ‘loosening,’
‘relaxing’ of the cords of endurance
now tightly drawn (cf. Plato Rep. i.
349E ἐν τῇ ἐπιτάσει Kal ἀνέσει τῶν
χορδῶν), is, with the exception of Ac.
xxiv. 23 (‘indulgence’ R.V.), used in
the N.T. only by St Paul, and always
with the contrast to θλίψις either
stated or implied; cf. 2 Cor. ii. 13
(see Ὁ. 4), vii. 5, Viii. 13. In the
apocryphal books of the O.T. it is
found also in the more general senses
of ‘liberty’ (1 Esdr. iv. 62) and of
‘licence’ (Sir. xv. 20 (21), xxvi. 10
(13)): ef. also Aristeas 284 ἐν ταῖς
ἀνέσεσι καὶ ῥᾳθυμίαις, P.Tebt. 24, 73
(ii./B.0.) ἐν ἀν[ἔ]σει γεγονότας ‘ becom-
ing remiss,’
In the present passage the ‘rest’
spoken of (Est.: ‘remissionem, relaxa-
tionem, scilicet a pressuris hujus mun-
di’) is practically synonymous with
the καιροὶ ἀναψύξεως of Ac. iil. 19,
where the context again determines
the eschatological reference of the
phrase: cf. also 486. sat. iv. 15 ‘ And
He will give rest to the godly whom
He shall find in the body in this
world.’
μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν] }.6. with Paul and his com-
panions, rather than with Christians
in general: cf. 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. i. 30.
Oecum.: ἐπάγει τὸ μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν, iva
κοινωνοὺς αὐτοὺς λάβῃ καὶ τῶν ἀγώνων
καὶ τῶν στεφάνων τῶν ἀποστολικῶν.
ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει xtr.| Cf. 1 Cor. i.
7, and for the original suggestion of
the phrase see Lk. xvii. 30 7 ἡμέρᾳ ὁ
υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀποκαλύπτεται. Ἔν
is not purely temporal but ‘in and
through’ (cf. I. ii, 19 note), the ἀνταπό-
doors being not only associated with
the ἀποκάλυψις but actually forming a
part of it: cf. 1 Pet. i. 7 (with Hort’s
note), and on the distinction between
ἀποκάλυψις and παρουσία see Add.
Note F.
For similar language from Jewish
Apocalyptic cf. 4 Ezra vii. 28 (quoted
I. iv, 17 note); xiii. 32 ‘et erit cum
fient haec...tunc reuelabitur _filius
meus quem uidisti uirum ascendentem,’
per ἀγγέλων κτλ.] ‘accompanied by
angels of His power’—dvvayews not
being a mere epithet of ἀγγέλων, but,
as the accompanying αὐτοῦ shows,
pointing directly to the power of the
Lord Himself, of which the angels (cf.
1. iii. 13 note) were the exponents and
ministers. Calv.: ‘angelos potentiae
90
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [19
διδόντος ἐκδίκησιν τοῖς MH εἰδόοι θεὸν καὲ τοῖς MH YTIAKOYOYCIN
ΜΌΝ ᾽ , ~ 7 ~~ ~ / ’
τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ, 9οἵτινες δίκην
vocat, in quibus suam potestatem
exseret,’
_ 8, ἐν πυρὶ φλογός a common figure
in O.T. theophanies, and frequently
associated as here with the thought
of judgment, eg. Isa. Ixvi. 15 ἰδοὺ
yap Κύριος ὡς πῦρ ἥξει... ἀποδοῦναι ἐν
θυμῷ ἐκδίκησιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀποσκορακισ-
μὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν φλογὶ πυρός. See also
Apoc. Bar. xviii. 30, ‘Therefore a fire
will consume their thoughts, and in
flame will the meditations of their
reins be tried; for the Judge will
come and will not tarry, where as
elsewhere in the same book (xliv. 15,
lix. 2 (with Charles’s note), Ixxxv. 13)
material fire seems to be intended.
In St Paul’s hands on the contrary
the figure has become entirely spiri-
tualized, and there is certainly no
thought here of ‘fire’ as the actual
instrument for the destruction of the
ungodly, as Kabisch appears to sug-
gest (Eschatologie des Paulus (1893)
p. 246).
The v.l. ἐν φλογὶ πυρός (BDG 47 71)
appears to be a conformation to Isa.
Ixvi. 15 (cited above); on the other
hand in ἐν πυρὶ φλογός (NAKLP) we
may have a reminiscence of Lxx. Ex.
iii. 2, where however AF read ἐν φλ.
mup.: Cf. Ac. vii. 30 where there is a
similar variation of reading.
διδόντος ἐκδίκησιν] not to be con-
nected with πυρός but directly with
τ. kup. Ἰησοῦ, and serving to bring out
further the judicial aspect under which
this ἀποκάλυψις is here presented.
᾿Εκδίκησις from ἔκδικος (I. iv. 6 note)
is full, complete punishment, cf. 1 Pet.
li. 14 εἰς ἐκδίκησιν κακοποιῶν: elsewhere
it has the meaning of ‘avenging,’ ‘vin-
dication’ (e.g. Lk. xviii. 7 ff.). The
exact phrase δοῦναι ἐκδίκησιν is found
only here in the N.T., but it occurs
several times in the Lxx., e.g. Ezek.
xxv. 14: cf. Isa. lxvi. 15 ἀποδοῦναι
ἐκδίκησιν, and more particularly for
the thought Deut. xxxii. 35 ἐν ἡμέρᾳ
ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. On the power
of judgment here ascribed to the Lord
Jesus see Intr. p. lxvii.
The v.l. διδούς (D*FG and some
Latin authorities) for διδόντος, if it
were better attested, would be an
instance of the indifference to con-
cord which we find so frequently in
the Apocalypse, and in the less
educated papyri (Moulton Prolegg.
Pp. 9, 60).
τοῖς μὴ εἰδόσι κτλ.] ‘to them that
know not God and to them that obey
not the gospel of our Lord Jesus.’
The two clauses (note repeated art.)
are often referred to the Gentile —
(I. iv. 5 note) and Jewish (Rom. x.
16 ff.) opponents of the Gospel re-
spectively. But it is doubtful whether
any such distinction was in the writers’
minds at the time, nor can it be strictly
applied, for Gentiles as well as Jews
can be taxed with disobedience
(Rom. xi. 30), while the wilful
ignorance of God which alone can
be thought of here (cf. Rom. ii. 14)
is elsewhere directly ascribed to Jews
(cf. Jer. ix. 6 οὐκ ἤθελον εἰδέναι pe).
On the whole therefore it is better,
and more in keeping with the He-
braistic strain of the whole passage
(Findlay), to take both clauses as
referring to the same general class,
viz. all who as the result of wilful
ignorance or disobedience oppose
themselves to God: οὗ Jer. x. 25
ἔκχεον τὸν θυμόν σου ἐπὶ ἔθνη τὰ μὴ
εἰδότα σε καὶ ἐπὶ γενεὰς αἱ τὸ ὄνομά
σου οὐκ ἐπεκαλέσαντο, Where again the
two closely parallel clauses form one
extended category.
The substitution of τ. evayy. τ. κυρ.
hu. Ino. for τ. evayy. τ. θεοῦ (I. ii, 2
&c.) is in accordance with the promi-
nence given to the Lord Jesus
throughout the section. .
9. otrwes|‘men who’ (‘quippe qui’),
πο τ δ 4 J
CALIFOR™
IT1o] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS ΟΙ
af , , ’ a ’ \ ΗΠ
“πίσουσιν ὄλεθρον αἰώνιον ἀπὸ προοώπογ τοῦ κυρίου Kal ἀπὸ
τῆς δόξης τῆς IcyYoc Δ τοῦ, *°6TAN
the qualitative character of ὅστις,
though generally lost in late Gk.,
being apparently maintained in the
Pauline Epp., cf. Rom. i. 25, 1 Cor.
iii. 17, Gal. iv. 24, 26, Phil. iv. 3, and
see Blass p. 173, Moulton Prolegg.
p. 91 ἢ
In the papyri of the Ptolemaic
period ὅστις has almost wholly dis-
appeared, its place being taken by
the simple ὅς, and in the plural often
by ὅσοι (Mayser p. 310).
δίκην ticovow] ‘shall pay a penalty.
Δίκη, originally ‘custom,’ ‘usage,’ and
hence ‘right’ considered as established
usage, came to be extended to a ‘pro-
cess of law’ or ‘judicial hearing’ (e.g.
P.Hib. 30, 24 (iii./B.c.) ἡ δίκη σοι
avaypapynoet{[al. ‘the case will be
drawn up against you,’ P.Reinach 15,
21 (ii./B.c.) ἄνευ δίκης καὶ κρίσεως καὶ
πάσης εὑρεσιλογίας ‘sans proces, con-
testation, ni chicane d’aucune sorte’),
and then to the result of the lawsuit,
‘execution of a sentence,’ ‘ punish-
ment’: see Jude 7, Sap. xviii. 11,
2 Mace. viii. 11,and cf. P.Fay. 21, 24 f.
(ii. /A.D.) τὴν προσήκουσαν δίκην ὑ]πό-
σχωσι ‘may pay the fitting penalty.’
The exact phrase δίκην τίνειν does
not occur elsewhere in the N.T. though
it is very common in class. writers, cf.
Soph. Electra 330 ἀλλ᾽ ἴσθι τοι τίσουσά
γ᾽ ἀξίαν δίκην, and the other exx. cited
by Wetstein. For the verb οὗ Prov.
XXVii. 12 ζημίαν τίσουσιν, B.G.U. 242,
7f. (ii./A.D.) [πλ]ηγαῖς πλίσταις pe
[ἐτ]είσατο.
ὄλεθρον αἰώνιον) a phrase not found
elsewhere in the N.T., but cf. 4 Mace.
X. 15 τὸν αἰώνιον τοῦ τυράννου ὄλεθρον.
As ὄλεθρον (I. v. 3 note) does not
necessarily imply annihilation, so in
itself αἰώνιον need not mean more than
‘age-long, ‘age-lasting,’ the period
over which it extends depending on
the nature of the object with which
the aeon has to do. Thus in both
?
ἔλθη ENAOZACOANAI EN τοῖς ἁγίοις
papyri and inscriptions it is οἵ fre-
quent occurrence with reference to
the span of a Caesar’s life, cf. B.G.U.
362. iv. 11 f. ὑπὲρ σωτηριῶν καὶ aia viov |
διαμο[νῆ]ς τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν (Severus),
and for a similar weakened sense of
the word see Magn. 188, 12 f. (ii./a.D.)
where reference is made to the monies
spent by a certain Charidemos during
his ‘life-long’ tenure of the office of
gymnasiarch (εἰς γυμνασιαρχίαν aid-
νιον). On the other hand, in view of
St Paul’s consistent teaching regard-
ing ὁ αἰὼν 6 μέλλων which is once and
for ever to supplant ὁ αἰὼν οὗτος, the
thought of ‘finality’ is necessarily
present in the passage before us: the
destruction is an ‘eternal’ one. See
further Kennedy Last Things Ὁ. 316ff.,
and the passages cited by Volz Jiid.
‘Eschat. Ὁ. 286 f. to: show that the
eternity of woe was the ordinary
teaching of Jewish writers.
Lachmann’s reading ὀλέθριον is only
supported by A 17 47 73; ef. Tert. adv,
Mare. v. 16 ‘quos ait poenam luituros
exitialem, aeternam.’
ἀπὸ προσώπου κτλ.] ‘The words are
borrowed, as Tertullian had already
remarked (adv. Marc. v. 16 ‘verbis
usus Hsaiae’), from Isa. ii. 10, 19, 21,
and hence ἀπό is best understood
neither temporarily nor causally but
locally in the sense of separation from
the face of the Lord. For this preg-
nant use of the preposition cf. ii. 2,
Rom. ix. 3, 2 Cor. xi. 3, Gal. v. 4, and
for the thought such passages as
Mt. vii. 23, xxv. 41, Lk. xiii. 27 con-
trasted with Mt. v. 8, 1 Jo. iii. 2,
Rev. xxii. 4.
Δόξης, as in I. ii. 12, is the visible
glory which is the symbol of the
Divine presence, while ἰσχύος (gen.
orig.) is the strength by which the
Lord is characterized, and from which
His glory radiates ; cf. Ps. exlvi.(cxlvii.)
5 μέγας ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν, Kal μεγάλη ἡ
92 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
[I 10
> “Ὁ \ ὥς 3 ~ ~ / εὖ
ΔΥτοῦ καὶ θαγμδοθῆναι ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς πιστεύσασιν, ὅτι "ἐπι-
\ / ΄σ ~ 5) We, Sad 2 '
στεύθη" τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμῶν ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ἐν TA ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνη.
10 ἐπιστεύθη] ἐπιστώθη 31
ἰσχὺς αὐτοῦ. For the distinction be-
tween ἰσχύς strength absolutely and
κράτος might, strength in relation to
an end to be gained, see Westcott
Eph. p. 25 f.
10. ὅταν ἔλθῃ κτλ. ‘whenever He
has (or, shall have) come...,’ the aor.
subj. with ὅταν describing a completed
action ‘future by virtue of its mood,
punctiliar by its tense’ (Moulton
Prolegg. p. 186).
᾿Ενδοξασθῆναι is found elsewhere in
the N.T. only in v. 12, but is common
in the Lxx., cf. Ex. xiv. 4 ἐνδοξασθήσο-
pat ἐν Φαραώ, andespecially Ps.1xx xviii.
(Ixxxix.) 8 ὁ θεὸς ἐνδοξαζόμενος ἐν βουλῇ
ἁγίων, a verse which may have sug-
gested its use in the present passage.
ἐν τ. ἁγίοις.) In accordance with
the context these words can refer
here only to redeemed men (ef. I. iii.
13 note), the preposition marking
them out not as the agents of the
Lord’s glorification (Chrys.: ἐν, διά,
ἐστί), but as the sphere or element
in which this glorification takes
place; cf. Jo. xvii. 10 δεδόξασμαι
ἐν αὐτοῖς.
καὶ θαυμασθῆναι κτλ. parallel to the
preceding clause and with the same
wide sweep, cf. Ps. Ixvii. (Ixviii.) 36
θαυμαστὸς ὁ θεὸς ἐν τοῖς ὁσίοις αὐτοῦ.
Bengel’s proposal to limit τ. ἁγίοις to
converted Jews and πᾶσιν τ. πιστεύ-
caow to converted Gentiles is quite
untenable.
For ὁ πιστεύσας as an almost
technical title for ‘one who has ac-
cepted the Gospel,’ ‘a believer,’ ef.
Ae. ἅν 3%, Si 47.
ὅτι ἐπιστεύθη κτλ. a parenthetical
clause catching up the preceding τ.
morevoaow,and expressing the writers’
conviction that in the Thessalonians’
case the testimony addressed to them
had secured the desired result.
While however the general sense is.
clear, the construction of this clause
is admittedly difficult. The words
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς are usually connected directly
with τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμ., as the order of
the sentence naturally suggests, but
no other instance of μαρτύριον with
ἐπί in this sense is forthcoming (in
Lk, ix. 5 éwi=‘against’) and Findlay’s
idea of a ‘testimony accosting (assail-
ing, challenging) you’ for which he
compares 1 Tim. i. 18, Eph. ii. 7, Rey.
xiv. 6 is, to say the least, somewhat
far-fetched. We must be content
therefore either to regard this as a
unique construction, intended to em-
phasize the direction the testimony
took, or (with Lft.) connect ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς
with ἐπιστεύθη in the sense ‘belief in
our testimony directed itself to reach
you. WH.? (Wotes p. 128) favour
this latter connexion, but despairing
of then finding a proper meaning for
ἐπιστεύθη propose the conjectural
emendation ἐπιστώθη (read in cod.
min. 31) ‘was confirmed’: ‘the Chris-
tian testimony of suffering for the
faith had been confirmed and sealed
upon the Thessalonians.’
ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ] a predicate of
time connected with θαυμασθῆναι and
rendered emphatic by position. For
ἡ ἡμ. ἐκείνη as denoting the day of
Christ’s final coming cf. Mk. xiii. 32,
xiv. 25, Lk. xxi. 34, 2 Tim. i. 12, 18,
iv. 8, and for the general meaning of
the phrase see note on I. v. 2.
11, 12. A characteristic reference
to the writers’ constant prayers on
their brethren’s behalf.
‘And now that all this may be
brought to pass, our earnest prayer
is that our God will count you worthy
of the heavenly rest for which you are
looking. To this end may He mightily
animate you with all delight in good-
ness, and with a whole-hearted activity
inspired by the faith you profess. Thus
1117
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 93
Ii > e\ 4 / 0 ’ 4 e ~ ε ς ~
Eis ὃ καὶ προσευχόμεθα πάντοτε περὶ ὑμῶν, iva ὑμᾶς
΄σ / \ ΄- \ , -
ἀξιώση τῆς κλήσεως ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν καὶ πληρώση πάσαν
L
> / \ 7, 7 > 7
εὐδοκίαν ἀγαθωσύνης καὶ ἔργον πίστεως ἐν δυνάμει,
the full glory of the Lord Jesus will
be displayed in you, as you in your
turn derive your glory from Him in
accordance with the gracious purposes
of our God and the Lord Jesus Christ.’
11. Eis 6] ‘to which end’ with
reference to the whole contents of
φῦ. 5—IO.
iva vp. ἀξιώσῃ A€vow ‘count worthy’
(cf. καταξιόω Ὁ. 5) Occurs seven times
in the N.T., and is usually associated
as here with the thought of reward
- {e.g. 1 Tim. v. 17, Heb. iii. 3), cf. how-
ever Heb. x. 29 ἀξιωθήσεται τιμωρίας.
The verb is frequent in the papyri
in the sense of ‘beg,’ ‘entreat,’ e.g.
P.Tebt. 28, 15 (ii-/B.0.) ἀξιοῦμεν ἐμβλέ-
ψαντα εἰς τὰ ὑποδεδειγμένα “we beg you
to look into the matters indicated
and...’
For ἵνα following προσεύχομαι cf.
Mk. xiii. 18, xiv. 35, 38, Phil. i. 9, and
for its semi-final force here see the
note on Ἷ. iv. I.
κλήσεως] Usually in the N.T.
κλῆσις is applied to the initial act
of salvation as a Divine invitation
(Rom. xi 29, 1 Cor. i. 26) carrying
with it great responsibilities (Eph.
iv. 1,2 Pet. i. 10), and that meaning
is by no means impossible here in the
sense that on the day of Christ’s
return the Thessalonians’ whole life
may be found to have been in har-
mony with the call once addressed to
them. There seems no reason how-
ever why the word should not be
definitely extended to include the
final issue of the calling, much in
the sense of τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως in Phil.
iii. 14 or κλήσεως ἐπουρανίου in Heb.
iii. 1: cf. the similar use of καλέω in
]. ii. 12, and see further Intr. p. lxxix.
ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν] For the expression cf.
1. ii. 2 note, and for the change from
the 2nd pers. pron. (ὑμᾶς) to the Ist
cf. I, v. 5» note.
καὶ πληρώσῃ κτλ.] ‘and may fulfil
every delight in goodness and work
of faith in power.’ The almost tech-
nical use of εὐδοκία in the Bibl.
writings to denote the good-will of
God to man (e.g. Ps. ev. (evi.) 4, Lk.
ii. 14, Eph. i. 5, 9, Phil. ii. 13; ef. Pss.
Sol. viii. 39, Enoch i. ὃ καὶ τὴν εὐδοκίαν
[εὐοδίαν, Charles] δώσει αὐτοῖς) has led
to the translation of the A.V. ‘all the
good pleasure of his goodness’ (Beza
totum suae bonitatis libitum). But if
this had been intended we should
have expected the art. before evdo-
κίαν, While the further considerations
that ἀγαθωσύνης is never used else-
where of God (cf. Rom. xv. 14, Gal.
Υ. 22, Eph. v. 9) and that the accom-
panying parallel clause x. ἔργον πίσ-
rews must refer to the Thessalonians
are both in favour of extending εὐδο-
κίαν to them also. The word can then
only mean the ‘good pleasure,’ ‘de-
light’ in ‘goodness’ (ἀγαθωσύνης, gen.
obj.), which it was the prayer of the
Apostles that their converts might
evince in full measure.
For evdoxia (not found in class. Gk.)
in this sense cf. Sir. xxix. 23 (30),
XXXV. 14 (xxxii. 18), Pss. Sol. xvi, 12
εὐδοκίᾳ δὲ μετὰ ἱλαρότητος στήρισον
τὴν Ψυχήν μου, and see the note on
εὐδοκέω I. ii. 8. The corresponding
subst. evdoxnois occurs O.G.L.S. 335,
122 (Perg.) κατὰ τὴϊν τοῦ δήμου
ἐπιταγὴν καὶ τὴν βασιλέω]ς εὐδόκησιν.
ἀγαθωσύνης] ᾿Αγαθωσύνη ἃ late form
(WH.? Notes p. 159, WSchm, p. 134)
found only in the .txx., N.T., and
writings derived from them. It is
always rendered ‘goodness’ in A.V.,
R.V., and ‘represents the kindlier, as
δικαιοσύνη represents the sterner ele-
ment in the ideal character: comp.
Rom. v. 7’ (Robinson Eph. p. 200).
See further Trench Syn. ὃ lxiii., and
cf. the valuable note on δίκαιος and
94 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [I 12
we Ε a κι ~ / e ~ > ~ > «7
OTIC ENAOZACOH TO ONOMA TOU KUPLOU ἡμῶν Ιησ οῦ €N YMIN,
\ ~ ΄- \ A / ΄ a ΄ \
Kal ὑμεῖς ἐν αὐτῷ, κατὰ THY χαριν TOU θεοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ
κυρίου ᾿Ιησ οὗ Χριστοῦ.
ἀγαθός in Lft. Notes on Epp. of
St Paul p. 286 f.
For ἔργον πίστεως ‘activity inspired
by faith’ cf. I. i. 3 note.
ἐν δυνάμει] an adv. adjunct to
πληρώσῃ to bring out the manner
of God’s working, cf. Rom. i. 4,
Col. i. 29, and the Prayer-Book collect
for Monday in Haster-week: ‘That, as
by Thy special grace preventing us
Thou dost put into our minds good
desires, so by Thy continual help we
may bring the same to good effect.’
12. ὅπως] rare with St Paul, and
used here probably to vary the pre-
ceding iva, cf. 1 Cor. i. 29, 2 Cor. viii.
14 (Blass p. 211).
ἐνδοξασθῇ]} cf. v. το note, and for
the reciprocity here implied (ἐν ὑμ. x.
vp. ἐν αὐτῷ) resting on the essential
union between the Lord and His
people see Jo. xvii. 9 f., 20 ff.
τὸ ὄνομα τ. kup. Hu. Ἰησοῦ] The use
of ὄνομα here goes back to the O.T.,
where in accordance with its most
characteristic usage ‘the name of
Jehovah’ is to be understood as em-
bodying His (revealed) character (see
B.D.B. 5.0. 08, and ef, Art. ‘Name’ in
Hastings’ D.B. iii. p. 478 ff.). The
glorification of the name of the Lord
Jesus thus implies the showing forth
of the Lord Jesus as He really is, in
all the fulness of His person and
attributes (cf. Phil. ii. 9 f., Heb. i. 4).
With this may be compared the
well-established Gk. usage of ὄνομα
as a title of dignity or rank, eg.
P.Oxy. 58 (iii./a.D.) where the writer
complains of the expense caused to
the treasury by the number of persons
who have devised ‘offices’ for them-
selves (ὀνόματα ἑαυτοῖς ἐξευρόντες), and,
after providing for a single trust-
worthy superintendent, ordains that
the remaining ‘offices’ shall cease
(ra δὲ λοιπὰ ὀνόματα παύσηται). It
should be noted however that very |
frequently ὄνομα can mean little more
than ‘person,’ eg. B.G.U. 113, 11
(1..4.}.) ἑκάστῳ ὀνόματι παραγ(ενομένῳ):
see further Deissmann BS. p. 196 ff,
Reitzenstein Poimandres p. 17 u.°,
and cf. the note on iii. 6.
κατὰ τὴν χάριν κτλ.] not merely the
norm but the source of the glorifica-
tion spoken of in accordance with a
common derived use of xara (WM.
p. 501). Pelag.: ‘Expetit a nobis,
quod possumus: ut quod non pos-
sumus, largiatur,’
The fact that the art. is not repeated
before κυρίου would seem at first sight
to imply that both θεοῦ and κυρίου
refer to the same person, ‘(grace) of
our God and Lord, Jesus Christ,
But this cannot be pressed in view
of the frequent occurrence of κύριος
without the art. as practically equiva-
lent to a proper name, and it is more
in keeping with general Pauline usage
to distinguish between the Father as
θεός and Jesus Christ as κύριος, οἷ. in
these Epp. I. i. 1, II. i. 1, 2, ii. 16,
We translate therefore as in the R.V.,
‘according to the grace of our God
and the Lord Jesus Christ’: see
further Middleton On the Greek
Article (ed. Rose) p. 379 ff.
II. 1—12. TEACHING CONCERNING THE
EVENTS PRECEDING THE LoRD’s
PAROUSIA.
We have seen already what were
the circumstances leading up to the
writing of this remarkable section—
how, on the one hand, St Paul had to
do his utmost to allay the restless
excitement of which there were in-
creasing signs amongst the Thessa-
lonians, and, on the other, to guard
against saying anything to discourage
their belief in the near approach of the
Lord (Intr. p. xxxviiif.). And it must
11] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 95
ue
᾿Ἐρωτώμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, ὑπὲρ τῆς παρου-
, - / ea ies We ΄“ “ ἈΝ ΕΥ̓ τ δὰ 2
σίας Tov κυρίου [jor] ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ HMMWV ἐπισυνα-
IL ἡμῶν om Β Syr (Harcl)
be at once admitted that the manner
in which he proceeds to do so is at
first sight both strange and bewilder-
ing. For, instead of conveying his
warning in a clear and definite form,
the Apostle prefers to embody it in
a mysterious apocalyptic picture,
which has not only no parallel in his
own writings, but is unlike anything
else in the N.T., unless it be certain
passages in the Revelation of St John
(e.g. xiii, 5—8, 12—1I7, xvi. 9—I1I).
Nor is this all, but the difficulties of
the passage are still further increased
by the grammatical irregularities and
frequentellipses with which it abounds,
and even more by the manifest reserve
with which the whole subject is
treated.
In the following exposition there-
fore we shall try and discover as
clearly as possible with the aid of the
O.T. and the apocalyptic writings of
the Apostle’s time the meaning of the
different words and phrases, leaving
the general teaching of the passage to
Add. Note I, and the history of the
various interpretations that have been
offered of it to Add. Note J. The
arguments against the authenticity
of the Ep. to which it has given rise
have already been discussed Intr.
p. Ixxxv f.
The section opens with an appeal
to the Thessalonians not to be led
astray by false ideas regarding the
coming of the Lord (vv. 1, 2). So far
from His Parousia being ‘upon them,’
it will not take place until after the
great Apostasy, culminating in the
‘parousia’ of the Man of lawlessness
(wv. 3,4). The signs of that ‘parousia’
are already at work, and it only re-
quires the removal of the presently
restraining influence for its full revela-
tion to take place (wv. 5—7)—a revela-
tion which, though it will end in the
complete destruction of the ‘lawless
one,’ will bring judgment on all who
have set themselves against the Truth
(wv. 8—12).
1—4. ‘We have been speaking of
the great Day of the Lord, but that
you may not fall into any mistake as
to the Parousia of the Lord by which
it will be ushered in, and the as-
sembling of believers by which it will
be accompanied, we beg of you,
Brothers, not to allow your minds to
be unsettled for little or no reason,
or to be kept disturbed by any pro-
phetic utterance, or teaching, or letter,
any or all of them purporting to come
from us, to the effect that the Day of
the Lord has actually arrived. De
not, we beg of you, let any man lead
you completely astray in this or any
other way. For in no case will this
Parousia take place until after the
great Apostasy, and the consequent
revelation of the Man of lawlessness,
that son of perdition. So terrible
indeed will be his revolt that, as the
embodiment of Satanic power, he will
be found exalting himself against
every one that is spoken of as god, or
that is an object of worship. Yes, he
will even go the length of seating him-
self in the Temple of God, and claiming
to be God.’
I. ἜἘρωτώῶμεν δέ xtd.] For ἐρωτάω
see 1. iv. 1 note, and for ἀδελφοί see
1. i. 4 note.
ὑπὲρ τ. παρουσίας] ‘as regarding the
Parousia,’ the original meaning of
ὑπέρ ‘on behalf of, ‘in the interest of’
being here almost wholly lost sight of,
ef. Rom. ix. 27, 2 Cor. i. 8, viii. 23,
xii. 8, and such a passage from the’
Κοινή as P.Tebt. 19, of. (ii./B.0.) ὑπὲρ δὲ
ὧν onpaivers κωμογραμματέων μόλις ἕως
τῆς κε χωρισθήσονται, ‘regarding the
96 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 2
γωγῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, "εἰς τὸ μὴ ταχέως σαλευθῆναι ὑμᾶς
ἀπὸ τοῦ νοὸς μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι μήτε διὰ πνεύματος μήτε
komogramateis whom you mention,
they will hardly depart until the 25th.’
In no case is there any warrant for
the A.V. rendering ‘by’ as an adjura-
tion (Vg. per adventum).
For παρουσία see Add. Note F, and
for the full title τ. κυρ. "Ino. Xp. see
Add. Note D.
emauvvaywyns| The word goes back
to such a saying of the Lord as
Mk. xiii, 27 καὶ ἐπισυνάξει τοὺς
ἐκλεκτοὺς αὐτοῦ, and is found else-
where in the N.T. only in Heb. x. 25
where it is applied to the ordinary
religious assembling of believers as an
anticipation of the great assembling
at the Lord’s Parousia: cf. 2 Mace. ii. 7
ἕως av συνάγῃ ὁ θεὸς ἐπισυναγωγὴν τοῦ
λαοῦ with reference to the gather-
ing of the tribes into the temporal
kingdom of the Messiah. For the verb
see Deut. xxx. 4, Ps. cv. (cvi.) 47, Zach.
xii. 3, 2 Mace. i. 27, Didache ix. 4,
and cf. 0.G.LS. 90, 23 (ii./B.o.—the
Rosetta stone) τοῖς ἐπισυναχθεῖσιν εἰς
αὐτὴν ἰΔύκων πόλιν] ἀσεβέσιν.
2. εἰς τὸ μὴ τάχ. σαλευθῆναι] ‘to
the end that you be not readily driven
away’ from your sober sense, as a ship
from its safe anchorage. For this
use of σαλεύειν cf. especially Plut.
Mor. ii. 493 D (cited by Lft.) where
ὔρεξιν τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν ἀποσαλεύουσαν
is followed almost immediately by ὡς
ἐπ᾿ ἀγκύρας τῆς φύσεως σαλεύει.
The verb (from σάλος, Lk. xxi..25),
which is very common in the Lxx. in
its literal sense of the motion pro-
duced by winds and storms, is found
also figuratively, as here, especially in
the Pss. (e.g. ix. 27 (x. 6), xxix. (xxx.)
7): ef. 1 Mace. vi. 8, Pss. Sol. viii. 39,
xy. 6, Ac. xvii. 13 (where it is joined
with ταράσσειν), Heb. xii. 26 ἔ,, also
ο.Ο.1.8. 515, 47 (iii/A.D.) σαλεύει yap
ws dAn|Oas ἡ σωτηρία τῆς πόλε]ως ἐκ
κακουργίας.
Ταχέως ‘ hastily,’ ‘ readily,’ the refer-
ence being not so much temporal as
modal: cf. Gal. i. 6, τ Tim. v. 22.
ἀπὸ τοῦ νοός} ‘from your reason’
(Wycl. from your witte)—vods (for
form, WSchm. p. 84) being used in its
regular Pauline sense of the reasoning
faculty, especially on its moral side,
the highest part of man’s own nature,
through which he is most open te
Divine influences: cf. 1 Cor. xiy.
14 ff., Phil. iv. 7. The word, which is
rare in the Lxx. (usually for py) or
135), is found in the N.T. outside
the Padiins writings only in Lk. xxiv.
45, Rev. xiii. 18, xvii. 9. Thpht.:
παρατραπῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ νοός, ὃν μέχρι
τοῦ νῦν ἔχετε ὀρθῶς ἱστάμενον.
μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι)] ‘nor yet be dis-
turbed’ in accordance with the re-
gular Bibl. use of θροεῖσθαι : cf. Cant.
V. 4 καὶ ἡ κοιλία μου ἐθροήθη ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν,
and especially Mt. xxiv. 6, Mk. xiii. 7
where, as here, it is used with refer-
ence to the Parousia. The present
tense should be noted as pointing to
a continued state of agitation follow-
ing upon a definite shock received
(σαλευθῆναι).
μήτε διὰ πνεύματος κτὰλ.}] The
Apostles now proceed to distinguish
three ways in which the θρόησις just
spoken of may have been caused, the
thrice repeated pyre dividing the
foregoing negation (μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι)
into its component parts: ‘neither
by spirit (i.e. ecstatic utterance, cf.
I. ν. 19), nor by (reasoned) discourse,
nor by letter.’
So far the meaning seems clear,
but the introduction of the following
words ὡς δ ἡμῶν has been the cause
of much difficulty. As usually under-
stood, they are regarded as a kind of
adjectival clause appended to ἐπίστο-.
Ags ‘as though (coming) from us’ or
‘as though we had written it’ ri
II 3] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 97
\ 7 7 4 4 a ες Φ᾽Ξκ a e c/ PY
διὰ λόγου μήτε Ol ἐπιστολῆς ὡς Ov ἡμῶν, ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστη-
ΣΑΣ 4 eee ον a 3 / κ΄ το ον / \
κεν ἡ ἡμέρα τοῦ "κυρίου. μή τις ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσῃ κατὰ
2 kuplov,—sic distinguere conati sunt WH
A.D.) ra διὰ τῶν ἐπ[ιΠστολῶν αὐτοῦ).
But if so, in view of the close
parallelism of the preceding clauses,
it seems impossible not to extend
the qualification to them also. The
general meaning would then be that
in the event of false teachers arising
and appealing in support of their
views to some revelation or teaching
or letter purporting to come from
the Apostles, the Thessalonians were
not to be disturbed as if they (the
Apostles) were in reality in any way
responsible. (Erasm.: ‘ Paulus non
vult eos commoveri, neque per
spiritum tanquam a Paulo profec-
tum, neque per sérmonem Pauli no-
mine allatum, neque per epistolam
illius iussu aut nomine scriptam.’)
A modification of this view, suggest-
ed appareutly first by Dr Marcus Dods,
and since advocated on independent
grounds by Askwith (Zntrod. p. 92 ff.)
and Wohlenberg, by which ὡς δι᾽
ἡμῶν, instead of being dependent on
the noun-clauses, is rather to be re-
ferred back to σαλευθῆναι and θροεῖ-
σθαι as a separate statement, has
the advantage of giving διά the same
force as in the preceding clauses.
But the former connexion is on the
whole simpler, nor is there any real
difficulty in the use of διά in the
qualifying clause instead of παρά or
ἀπό. Ina friendly letter the use of the
prepositions must not be judged with
the same strictness as in a classical
treatise, more especially when, as
here, no important doctrinal issue is
at stake. In any case there is no need
to fall back on the conjectural reading
ὡς δὴ ἡμῶν ‘as pretending to be ours,’
Field Notes p. 202.
It is only necessary to add that the
anarthrous ἐπιστολῆς cannot -be re-
ferred directly to 1 Thess. (as by Paley
Hor. Paul. x. § 3), although the
M. THESS.
knowledge that passages in their
former Ep., such as iv. 13 ff, had
been misunderstood may have been
the cause of the writers’ referring to
‘a letter’ at all as amongst the possible
sources of error.
ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστηκεν κτλ.] ‘as if the day
of the Lord is now present’ (Vg.
quasi instet dies Domini)—oés ὅτι
being equivalent to. the Attic ὡς
c. gen. abs. (cf. 2 Cor. v. 19, xi. 21,
and see Blass’, p. 235 f.), and évéorn-
κεν denoting strictly present time as
in Rom. viii. 38, 1 Cor. iii. 22, Heb.
ix. 9. Beng.: ‘magna hoe verbo pro-
pinquitas significatur; nam ἐνεστὼς
est praesens. The verb is very
common in the papyri and inscrip-
tions with reference to the current
year, e.g. P.Oxy. 245, 6 (i./A.D.) εἰς τὸ
ἐνεστὸς ιβ (ἔτος), Magn. 100 b, 26 ἐν τῶι
ἐνεστῶτι ἐνιαυτῶι. ἡ
It may be added that in late Gk.
ὡς ὅτι also appears in a sense hardly
differing from the simple ὅτι, eg.
Dion. Hal. Anit. ix. 14 ἐπιγνοὺς ὡς
[om. ws, Kiessling] ὅτι ἐν ἐσχάτοις εἰσὶν
οἱ κατακλεισθέντες ἐν τοῖς λοφοῖς,
C.P.R. 19, 3 (iv./A.D.) πρώην βίβλια
ἐπιδέδωκα τῇ σῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ ws ὅτι
ἐβουλήθην τινὰ ὑπάρχοντά μου ἀποδόσ-
θαι (Jannaris, § 1754, Moulton, Pro-
legg. Ῥ. 212).
3. μή τις ὑμ. ἐξαπατήσῃ) A general
warning leading up to the statement
of the following clause. In their
margin WH. suggest placing a comma
at κυρίου, and thus connecting the
words elliptically with what has gone
before—‘(we say this) lest any one
should....’ But the ordinary con-
nexion is simpler, and more in keep-
ing with our Lord’s saying which may
well have been in the writers’ minds :
βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς πλανήσῃ᾽ πολλοὶ
γὰρ ἐλεύσονται κτλ. (Mt. xxiv. 4 f.).
᾿Ἐξαπατάω, a strengthened form οὗ
7
98
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II3
δέ , i ε΄ a A af θ ε > , ΄σ
μηδένα τρόπον" OTL ἐαν μὴ ἔλθη ἡ ἀποστασία πρῶτον
\ > xr θη Sf θ a ΓΞ 9 7 =| ε ©} 4
kat ἀποκαλυφθη ὁ ἀνθρωπος τῆς "ἀνομίας", ὁ υἱὸς τῆς
3 ἀνομίας SB al pauc Sah Boh Orig } Cyr-Hier al: ἁμαρτίας ADG al pler Lat
(Vet Vg) Syr (Pesh Harcl) Go Iren™* Orig ὁ
Theod-Mops"* al plur
ἀπατάω (τ Tim. ii. 14), is confined in
the N.T. to the Pauline writings, ef.
Rom. xvi. 18, 1 Cor. iii. 18. For the
rare use of the prohibitory subj. in the
3rd_pers. ef. 1 Cor. xvi. 11 (Burton,
§ 166).
κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον] i.e. not only
not in any of the three ways already
specified, but ‘in no way ’—evidently
a current phrase, cf. P.Amh. 35, 28
(ii./B.c.), P.Lond. ut. 951, 4 f. (iii./A.D.).
Thdt. : πάντα κατὰ ταὐτὸν τὰ τῆς ἀπάτης
ἐξέβαλεν εἴδη.
ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ ἔλθῃ κτλ. an elliptical
sentence, the apodosis being lost
sight of in view of the length of
the protasis, but too clearly implied
in what precedes to occasion any
difficulty: ‘because the Parousia of
the Lord will not take place unless
there come the Apostasy first.’
It is not so easy, however, to deter-
mine in what this Apostasy consists.
In late Gk. ἀποστασία is found as an
equivalent of ἀπόστασις (Lob. Phryn.
Ῥ. 528) in the sense of political de-
fection or revolt, e.g. Plut. Galba i.
κάλλιστον ἔργον διαβαλὼν τῷ μισθῷ,
τὴν ἀπὸ Νέρωνος ἀποστασίαν προδοσίαν
γενομένην, and the same meaning has
been attached to it here, as when
it has been referred to the revolt of
the Jews from the Romans (Schéttgen
Hor. Heb. i. p. 840). But the usage
of both Luxx. and in N.T. is decisive
against any such interpretation. Thus
in Josh. xxii. 22 the word is directly
applied to rebellion against the
Lord (ἐν ἀποστασίᾳ ἐπλημμελήσαμεν
ἔναντι τοῦ κυρίου), and in 1 Mace. ii. 15
to the efforts of the officers of An-
tiochus Epiphanes to compel the
people to sacrifice to idols (οἱ xara-
ναγκάζοντες τὴν ἀποστασίαν... ἵνα θυ-
Hipp Eus Ephr Chr Orig!** Ambst
σιάσωσιν), cf. also 2 Chron. xxix. 19,
Jer. ii. 19; while in Ac, xxi. 21, the
only other passage in the N.T. where
it occurs, we read of dzrooraciav...amo
Μωυσέως, With which may be com-
pared the use of the corresponding
verb ἀφίσταμαι in 1 Tim. iv. 1, Heb.
iii. 12; cf. M. Anton. iv. 29 ἀπόστημα
κόσμου ὁ ἀφιστάμενος καὶ χωρίζων
ἑαυτὸν τοῦ τῆς κοινῆς φύσεως λόγου.
Whatever then the exact nature of
the apostasy in the present connexion,
it must at least be a religious apo-
stasy, and one moreover, as the use of
the def. art. proves, regarding which
the Apostles’ readers were already
fully informed. In this conclusion
we are confirmed when we pass to the
next words.
καὶ ἀποκαλυφθῇ] ‘and (so) there be
revealed (the man of lawlessness) ’—
a second historical condition pre-
ceding the Lord's Parousia, or rather,
giving καί its full consecutive force
(I. iv. 1 note), the sign in which the
just-mentioned ἀποστασία finds its
consummation.
The emphatic ἀποκαλυφθῇ by which
the appearance of this sign is de-
scribed is very significant, not only as
marking the ‘superhuman’ character
of the coming spoken of, but as
placing it in mocking counterpart
to the ἀποκάλυψις of the Lord Jesus
Himself, cf. i. 7 and note the repe-
tition of the same verb in vv. 6, ὃ of
this chapter. For other exx. of hostile
powers assuming the semblance of
what they oppose see 2 Cor. xi. 13 ff.,
Rev. ii, 2, and cf. Asc. Lsai. iv. τὸ
where it is said of Beliar that he
‘manifested himself and acted openly
in this world,’
ὁ ἄνθρωπος τ. ἀνομίας] the man, that
-»»..... ...
1411] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
99
3 / 4 > / Re , > \ ' λ
ἀπωλείας, 40 ἀντικείμενος Kal ὑπερδιρόμενοο ἐπὶ πᾶντὰ λε-
e/ \ 5 ᾿ A in “
γόμενον θεὸν ἢ σέβασμα, ὥστε αὐτον εἶς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ
is, of whom ‘lawlessness’ is the true
and peculiar mark—dvoypias being
used here, as elsewhere in the N.T.,
to describe the condition not of one
living without law, but of one who
acts contrary to law, and thus as prac-
tically equivalent to the ν.]. ἁμαρτίας
(WH. mg.): ef. 1 Jo. iii. 4 ἡ ἁμαρτία
ἐστὶν ἡ ἀνομία, and as illustrating
the active sense belonging to the
word cf. P.Par. 14, 27 f. (11.8.6.
ἀφορήτῳ δὲ ἀνομίᾳ ἐξενεχθέντες. The
lawless one is thus none other than
Belial (cf. 2 Cor. vi. 15) in accordance
with the Bibl. usage by which >y*?3
is rendered by ἀνόμημα (Deut. xv. 9),
ἀνομία (2 Regn. xxii. 5), or ἀποστασία
(3 Regn. xx. (xxi.) 13 A), and in keeping
with the (erroneous) Rabbinical deri-
vation of the word from 3 ‘ without’
and δὴν ‘yoke,’ ie. one who will not
accept the yoke of the law (see Jew.
Encycl. 5.0. ‘ Antichrist’). ‘Law, in
all its manifestations is that which he
[the Antichrist] shall rage aguinst,
making hideous application of that
great truth, that where the Spirit is,
there is liberty’ (Trench Hulsean
Lectures Ὁ. 136; οὗ Syn. ὃ Ixvi.
227 £.).
ὁ vids τ. ἀπωλείας] a second dis-
tinguishing epithet: so completely
has the lawless one fallen under the
power of ‘perdition’ (cf. Jo. xvii. 12)
that it may be regarded as his ulti-
mate destination, cf. 1 Regn. xx. 31
υἱὸς θανάτου οὗτος i.e. ‘destined to .
death. The thought of final doom
is, however, only indirectly present in
the description (cf. note on ὄλεθρος,
i. 9). Here rather, as elsewhere in
his Epp. (Rom. ix. 22, Phil. i. 28, iii.
19, 1 Tim. vi. 9), St Paul employs ἀπώ-
λεια in direct antithesis, either stated
or implied, to σωτηρία, full and com-
plete blessedness, in harmony with
the usage of the word (and its allied
terms) in the txx. and the later
writings of the Jews: cf. I. v. 3 note,
and see further Kennedy Last
Things p. 119 f£., Volz Jitid. Eschat,
p. 282 ἢ.
The phrase ‘sons of perdition’
(=}72N7 °22) is found in Jubilees
x. 3, with reference to those who-
perished in the Flood.
4. ὁ ἀντικείμενος kK. ὑπεραιρόμενος
κτλ.] a continued description of the
lawless one in two participial clauses
bound together under the vinculum
of a common article. The first clause
is generally taken as a participial
subst.=‘the adversary’ (cf. Lk. xiii.
17, Phil. i. 28, 1 Tim. v. 14), but if
so, care must be taken not to refer
the description to Satan himself.
Rather, as v. 9 shows, the being
_ spoken of is the tool or emissary of
Satan, working in his name and
power (κατ᾽ ἐνέργειαν τ. Σατανᾶ), and,
as such, is further distinguished as
‘the exalter of himself against every
one called god or object of worship.’
Beng. : ‘effert se corde, lingua, stilo,
factis, per se, per suos.’
Ὑπεραίρομαι is found in the N.T.
only here and in 2 Cor. xii. 7 (bis);
cf. 2 Chron. xxxii. 23, and see the
note on i. 3. For πάντα dey. θεόν cf.
1 Cor. viii. 5, and for the compre-
hensive σέβασμα (Vg. quod colitur,
Beza numen) denoting everything
held in religious honour, see Ac. xvii.
23, and cf. Sap. xiv. 20, xv. 17,
Bel 27 Th. also Apol. Arist. xii.
οὐ yap ἠρκέσθησαν [οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι)
τοῖς τῶν. Χαλδαίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων σε-
βάσμασιν.
ὥστε] See note on 1. 1. 7.
τ. ναὸν τ. θεοῦ] These words were
understood of the actual temple at
Jerusalem by Irenaeus (adv. Haer. v.
30. 4), but this view was modified by
Chrysostom and the Antiochenes who
extended them metaphorically to the
7—2
ΙοΟ THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [II 5,6
' 3 / \ « ,
κἀθίοςδι, ἀποδεικνύντα ἑαυτὸν OTL ἔστιν bEdc—.
5Ou
e/ of \ \ ε ΄-: ΄σ » ΄
μνημονεύετε ὅτι ἔτι WY πρὸς ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἔλεγον ὑμῖν;
6
Church or Churches of Christ: Chrys.:
ov τὸν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ
καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐκκλησίαν (γ.]. εἰς τὰς
πανταχοῦ ἐκκλησίας); Thdt.: “ναὸν
δὲ “θεοῦ᾽ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐκάλεσεν ;
Th. Mops.: ‘“in Dei templis,” hoc
est, et in domibus orationum’; cf.
Hier. Zp. 121 ‘in templo Dei uel
Ierosolymis, ut quidam putant, uel
in ecclesia, ut uerius arbitramur.’
In favour of the latter interpretation
is the undoubtedly figurative use of
the expression elsewhere in the
Pauline Epp., eg. 1 Cor. iii. 16 ἢ,
vi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16, Eph. ii. 21. On
the other hand, the nature of the
context, the use of such a local term
as καθίσαι, and the twice-repeated
def. art. (τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ) all point
to a literal reference in the- present
instance, a conclusion in which we
are confirmed when we keep in view
the dependence of the whole passage
upon the description of Antiochus
Epiphanes in Dan. xi. 36 f. (see below),
and upon the language of the Parousia-
discourses in Mt. xxiv. 15, Mk. xiii. 14
(ef. Dan. xii, 11).
καθίσαι] ‘takes his seat.’ The verb
is intrans. as generally in the N.T.
(contrast 1 Cor. vi. 4, Eph. i. 20, and
cf. Ev. Pet. 3). For the construction
with εἰς cf. Mk. xiii. 3 (WM. p. 516).
ἀποδεικνύντα ἑαυτόν κτλ.] ᾿Απο-
δείκνυμι, lit. ‘show off, ‘exhibit,’ is
frequently used in late Gk. =‘ nomi-
nate’ or ‘proclaim’ to an office, e.g.
Jos. Antt. VI. 35 (iii. 3) ἱκέτευον ἀπο-
δεῖξαί τινα αὐτῶν βασιλέα, O.G.LS. 437,
92 (i./B.C.) οἱ ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων τῶν δήμων
ἀποδειχθέντες ἄνδρες ἐπὶ τῶν συλλύσεων.
This gives excellent sense in the
present passage, and, while simpli-
fying the construction of the follow-
ing ὅτε clause (WM. p. 781), draws
more pointed attention to the impious
nature of the claim advanced in it.
\ ~ \ ’ af 3 δ, “- 3 \
Kal νῦν TO κατέχον οἴδατε, εἰς TO ἀποκαλυφθῆναι αὐτον
We translate therefore ‘proclaiming
himself that he is god’ For the
suggestion of this trait in the character
of the lawless one cf. Ezek. xxviii. 2
ἀνθ᾽ οὗ ὑψώθη σου ἡ καρδία, καὶ εἶπας
Θεός εἰμι ἐγώ, and for the whole
description see Dan. xi. 36 ἢ καὶ
ὑψωθήσεται ἐπὶ πάντα θεόν, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν
θεὸν τῶν θεῶν ἔξαλλα λαλήσει... «καὶ ἐπὶ
τοὺς θεοὺς τῶν πατέρων αὐτοῦ οὐ μὴ προ-
νοηθῇ...ὅτι ἐν παντὶ ὑψωθήσεται κτλ.
5—7. ‘You cannot have forgotten
that while I was still with you, I was
in the habit of telling you these
things. And since then you have
had experience for yourselves of the
working of that power by which the
full revelation of the lawless one is
kept in check until his appointed time
shall have arrived. The full reve-
lation we say—for the spirit of law-
lessness is already at work, though in
secret, until he who at present is
keeping it in check is taken out of
the way.’
Ov μνημονεύετε ὅτι xrd.| Est.:
‘Tacita obiurgatio.’ Calv.: ‘Obser-
vanda etiam Pauli mansuetudo, qui
quum acrius excandescere posset,
tantum leniter eos castigat.’
For μνημονεύειν cf. I. i. 3 note, and
for the construction εἶναι πρός ef.
I. iii. 4 note. The use made of ἔτι as
against the Pauline authorship of the
Ep. is discussed Intr. p. xe.
6. καὶ νῦν τὸ κατέχον οἴδατε] ‘and
now you know that which restraineth’
—voy having its full temporal sense
in keeping with the emphasis laid in
the context on the present working
of the power of lawlessness (cf. 2. 7).
It must not, however, be taken as
if it actually belongs to κατέχον (ef.
however Jo. iv. 18 καὶ νῦν ὃν ἔχεις), or
be opposed to the preceding ér ὦν.
which yields no good sense, but
rather be placed in contrast with the
II 6] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
following ἀποκάλυψις ἐν τῷ αὐτοῦ
καιρῷ : ‘for the present (ie. prac-
tically ‘so far as regards the present’)
the Thessalonians know only the re-
straining power: what is restrained
is not yet revealed.’ See further
Bornemann’s elaborate note ad Joc.
It is more difficult to determine
what we are to understand by ro
κατέχον. That the verb is here used
in the sense of ‘restrain,’ ‘hold back,’
rather than of ‘ hold fast’ (as in I. v.21),
is too generally admitted to require
further proof (see Add. Note H):
while, as we have just seen, whatever
is intended must clearly be some-
thing which was actually at work at
the time when the Ep. was written,
and of which moreover its readers
had personal knowledge. Nor is this
all, but, as the occurrence of the same
phrase in the masc. (ὁ κατέχων, Ὁ. 7)
proves, this impersonal principle or
power is capable also of manifesting
itself under a personal form. When
these different considerations are
taken into account, it will be recog-
nized how much is to be said for the
view that goes back as far as Ter-
tullian (‘quis nisi Romanus status ?’
de Resurr. c. 24; cf. Apol. c. 32),
and which has since won the support
of the great majority of ancient and
modern scholars, that we have here a
veiled description of the restraining
power of law and order, especially as
these were embodied at the time in
the Roman Empire or its rulers.
And in this view we are further con-
firmed when we remember that St
Paul had already found a ‘ restraining
power’ in the Roman officials both
at Paphos (Ac. xiii. 6 ff.) and at
Thessalonica itself (Ac. xvii. 6 ff),
and that it was doubtless these and
similar experiences that afterwards
led him to write to the Romans of
‘the powers that be’ as ‘ordained of
God,’ and of ‘rulers’ as ‘ not a terror
to the good work, but to the evil’
(Rom. xiii. 1, 3). There is nothing
unlikely, then, to say the least, in his
IOI
having the same thought in his mind
on the present occasion, while the
fact that he does not give more de-
finite expression to it is not only in
accord with the generally cryptic
character of apocalyptic writings, but
may also be due to prudential motives,
seeing that afterwards he is to speak
of this power as being ‘taken out Of
the way’ (ὁ. 7).
This last particular indeed appears
to be decisive against the only other
interpretation of τὸ κατέχον which
requires to be mentioned, namely
that it refers to the working of the
Holy Spirit (Severianus ap. Cramer
Cat. vi. 388, “τὸ κατέχον, φησί, τὴν
τοῦ ᾿Αγίου Πνεύματος χάριν), or more
generally to a limit of time fixed by
Divine decree (Thdt.: ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ
τοίνυν αὐτὸν ὅρος viv ἐπέχει φανῆναι ;
Th. Mops.: τοῦ θεοῦ [λέγων] τὸν ὅρον)
with special reference (so Thdt.) to
Mt. xxiv. 14, as indicating one of the
limits by which this condition will be
attained. For then ὁ κατέχων (Ὁ. 7)
can only be God Himself, and it
seems impossible to conceive of any
adequate seuse in whitch the words
ἕως ἐκ μέσου γένηται can be applied
to Him (cf. Swete’s note on Th. Mops,
ad loc.). That however this restrain-
ing power acts in accordance with the
Divine purpose is proved by the
words that follow. .
[For a modification of this view
according to which the Man of law-
lessness is the imperial line with its
rage for deification, and the restrain-
ing power the Jewish State, see
Warfield Lap. ut. iv. p. 30ff.; and
ef. Moffatt Hist. N. Τ. p. 143.]
eis τὸ ἀποκαλυφθῆναι xrdr.| The
‘revelation’ (v. 3 note) of the lawless
one is not immediate (Chrys.: οὐκ
εἶπεν ὅτι τάχεως ἔσται), but like the
revelation of the Lord Jesus Himself
(cf. 1 Tim. vi. 14 f.) will take place in
the ‘season’ (I. v. 1) appointed for
’ him by God, and which can therefore
be described emphatically as ‘his’
(αὐτοῦ N*AKP, ἑαυτοῦ S*BDGL),
102 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [117 8
5 ~ 3 ~ ae 9 \ \ / s/ 3 ~
ἐν TW αὐτοῦ καιρῷ" τὸ yap μυστήριον ἤδη ἐνεργεῖται
~ > / / af « > / /
τῆς ἀνομίας" μόνον ὁ κατέχων APTL ἕως EK μέσου γένηται.
8
\ / > / c 3Ι ε ε / >
καὶ τότε ἀποκαλυφθήσεται ὁ ἄνομος, ὃν ὁ κύριος ['ly-
8 Ἰησοῦς SAD*G al pauc Lat (Vet Vg) Sah Boh Syr (Pesh Harcl) Arm Aeth
Iren™t Hipp Orig 2 Const Ath Cyr-Hier Bas Chr Thdt ὃ al Tert Hil Ambst Orig’
Theod-Mops™ : om BD¢ al pler Orig 4 Macar Ephr That ὃ Vig
For the insertion of ἐν before καιρῷ
cf. Rom. iii. 26, xi, 5, 2 Cor. viii. 14;
and for similar Janguage applied to
the coming of the Messiah cf. Pss.
Sol. xvii. 23 εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ὃν οἶδας
σύ, ὁ θεός.
7. τὸ γὰρ μυστήριον κτλ.] ἃ Con-
firmatory explanation of the pre-
ceding statement, in which the main
stress is evidently laid on τὸ μυστήριον
both on account of its isolated and
emphatic position in the sentence,
and from its contrast with the pre-
ceding ἀποκαλυφθῆναι: the revelation,
that is, of the lawless one, just spoken
of, will be a revelation only, for, as a
matter of fact, the principle of which
he is the representative is already at
work, though as yet only in secret.
For this the regular Bibl. sense of
μυστήριον pointing to a secret to be
revealed see Robinson Eph. p. 234 ff.,
where the different shades of meaning
attached to the word in the Pauline
writings are fully discussed, and for
ἐνεργεῖται cf. I. ii. 13 note.
μόνον] There is no need to find a
case of ellipsis here as in v. 3, μόνον
belongs to ἕως, and introduces the
limitation in the present working of
τὸ μυστ. τ. avow., While the order of
the following words is rhetorical, 6
κατέχων ἄρτι being placed before ἕως
for the sake of emphasis (cf. Gal. ii.
10 μόνον τῶν πτωχῶν ἵνα μνημονεύωμεν,
and see WM. p. 688, Buttmann
p. 389).
For the meaning of ὁ κατέχων see
note on v. 6, and for ἄρτι, strictly
present time, as compared with the
more subjective ἤδη ‘already,’ see the
note on I. iii. 6, and cf. Kihner®
δδ 498, 499.
ἐκ μέσου yevnra] Nothing is said
as to how the removal spoken of is
to be effected, nor can the absence
of ἄν with the subj. in this clause be
pressed, as if it lent additional cer-
tainty to the fact, in view of the
general weakening of ay in later Gk.,
leading to its frequent omission,
especially after such temporal par-
ticles as ἕως, ἕως οὗ &c.: see WM.
p- 371, and add such passages from
the Κοινή as P.Oxy. 259, 30 (i./A.D.)
ἕως ἑαυτὸν αὐτ[ὸ]ν ποιήσω, 294, 15 fF.
(i./A.D.) ἕως ἀκούσω φάσιν παρὰ σοῦ
περὶ ἁπάντων.
For ἐκ μέσου cf. 1 Cor. ν. 2, Col: ii. 14.
8—1o. ‘Then indeed the lawless
one will be revealed, only however
to find himself swept away by the
breath of the Lord’s mouth, and
brought utterly to naught by the
manifestation of the Lord’s Parousia,
In what mocking counterpart will Ais
parousia then appear! With what
activity on the part of Satan will it
be accompanied! How it will make
itself known by all manner of false
miracles and false signs and false
wonders, as well as by every kind
of unrighteous device calculated to
deceive those who are already on the
path of destruction, seeing that they
have no affinity with the Truth by
which alone they can be saved!’
ὃ, καὶ τότε ἀποκαλυφθήσεται ὁ
ἄνομος] Not until ὁ κατέχων has been
removed, can the revelation of 6
ἄνομος take place, but ‘then’ it will
no longer be delayed. For the
solemn and emphatic x. τότε οἵ.
Mt. xxiv. 10, 14, 30, 1 Cor. iv. 5.
Ὃ ἄνομος is clearly to be identified
with ὁ ἄνθρ. τ. ἀνομίας (Ὁ. 3), While
II 8] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
103
‘aig > a , a , > an \ /
cous] γὰνελεῖ" τᾷ TINEYMATI TOY CTOMATOC ayTOY καὶ καταργήσει
ἀνελεῖ] dvadot δὲ ἢ Orig (non semper)
ἀποκαλυφθήσεται recalls ἀποκαλυφθῇ
(v. 3) and ἀποκαλυφθῆναι (v. 6). ‘Thrice,
with persistent emphasis, ἀποκαλύπ-
τεσθαι is asserted of ὁ ἄνομος, as of
some portentous, unearthly object
holding the gazer spell-bound’
(Findlay).
For the idea of a world-crisis on
the fall of the Roman Empire in
Jewish apocalyptic literature see Apoc.
Bar. xxxix. 7, ‘And it will come to
pass when the time of his consum-
mation that he should fall has ap-
proached, then the principate of My
Messiah will be revealed’: cf. 4 Ezra
y. τ Similar evidence from Rab-
binical sources is given by Weber
Jiid. Theologie p. 366.
ὃν ὁ κύριος κτλ.] a relative sentence
describing the fate οἵ ὁ ἄνομος in
language borrowed from Isa. xi. 4
πατάξει γῆν τῷ λόγῳ τοῦ στόματος
αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐν πνεύματι διὰ χειλέων
ἀνελεῖ ἀσεβῆ. ᾿Ανελεῖ is a post-class.
fut. from ἀναιρέω, the verb, which is
very common in Acts, not being found
elsewhere in the Pauline Epp., but
occurring in Heb. x. 9 in the sense
of ‘remove,’ ‘do away with” Beza
renders it in the passage before us
by absumet, while the Lat. verss.
have interjficiet.
The marginal reading ἀναλοῖ has
the advantage of offering a ready
explanation of the genesis of certain
other variants—dvadoce (D° KL al
pler) being then due to grammatical
emendation, and the unusual ἀνελοῖ
(D*G 17 67**) toasimple interchange
of a and e, or toa mingling of ἀναλοῖ
and ἀνελεῖ (see Zimmer). But the
evidence for ἀνελεῖ (ABP 23 31 ad) is
too strong to be easily set aside, even
with the further possibility of its being
a conformation to Lxx. Isa. xi. 4 (cited
above).
τ. πνεύμ. τ. στόμ. αὐτ. a perfectly
general statement not to be limited
to any actual ‘word’ of the Lord
(Thdt.: φθέγξεται μόνον ; Th. Mops. :
‘spiritu oris, hoc est, uoce’), still less
to the work of the Third Person of
the Holy Trinity (as Athan. ad Serap.
i. 6 ad fin.), but emphasizing that,
terrible as was the power of the
lawless one, the mere ‘breath’ of the
Lord’s mouth will be sufficient for his
destruction. In addition to Isa. xi. 4
(cited above), where according to the
old (incorrect) Jewish interpretation
the ‘wicked’ is the future arch-enemy
of the Jews, cf. Job iv. 9 ἀπὸ δὲ πνεύ-
ματος ὀργῆς αὐτοῦ (sc. Κυρίου) ἀφανισ-
θήσονται, and see also Sap. xi. 20 (21),
Pss. Sol. xvii. 27, 41, Enoch lxii. 2,
4 Ezra xiii. 38 (‘perdet eos sine
labore’).
καὶ καταργήσει κτλ. Karapyéo,
rare in class. Gk. and the Lxx.
(2 Esdr.*), occurs twenty-five times
in the Pauline writings (elsewhere in
N.T. only Lk.1, Heb.‘), and in accord-
ance with its derivation (κατά caus-
ative and ἀργός -- ἀεργός) means
literally ‘render idle or inactive,’ and
hence ‘abolish, ‘bring to naught’:
cf. especially with the present passage
2 Tim. i. 10 Xp. Ἰησοῦ, καταργήσαντος
μὲν τὸν θάνατον φωτίσαντος δὲ ζωὴν καὶ
ἀφθαρσίαν διὰ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου. AS
showing the different shades of mean-
ing that may be attached to the word,
Vaughan (on Rom. iii. 3) states that
the A.V. gives it no less than seven-
teen different renderings in the
twenty-seven places of its occurrence
in the N.T. It is found also in the
Kown in a much weakened sense, e.g.
P.Oxy. 38, 17 (i./A.D.) καταργοῦντός pe
χειρότεχνον ὄντα ‘hinders me in my
trade.’
For the thought in the present
passage cf. Isa. xxvi. 10 ἀρθήτω ὁ
ἀσεβής, ἵνα μὴ ἴδῃ τὴν δόξαν Κυρίου,
and for the meanings to be assigned
to ἐπιφάνεια and παρουσία see Add.
104 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 9, 10
~~ ~ ' = e's
TH ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῦ, 5 οὗ ἐστὶν ἡ παρουσία
/ ~ ~ 3? / /
κατ᾽ ἐνέργειαν τοῦ Catava ἐν πάση δυνάμει καὶ σημείοις
καὶ τέρασιν ψεύδους *°
oD / 3 / ’ ~
καὶ ἐν πασὴη ἀπάτη ἀδικίας τοῖς
/ 3 - \ > / ΄
ἀπολλυμένοις, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν τὴν ἀγάπην τῆς ἀληθείας οὐκ
Note F. Chrys.: ἀρκεῖ παρεῖναι αὐτόν,
καὶ πάντα ταῦτα ἀπόλωλε: στήσει τὴν
ἀπάτην καὶ φανεὶς μόνον.
9. οὗ ἐστὶν ἡ παρουσία κτλ.] ἃ
second relative clause resuming the
ov of τ. 8, and describing the working
of the lawless one, as the former had
described his doom. As the Lord
Jesus has His Parousia, the lawless
one has his (cf. Rey. xvii. 8 τὸ θήριον...
πάρεσται), in which he shows himself
the representative and instrument of
Satan. Th. Mops.: ‘adparebit ille
Satana sibiinoperante omnia.’ Beng.:
‘ut ad Deum se habet Christus, sic e
contrario ad Satanam se habet anti-
christus, medius inter Satanam et
perditos homines.’
As distinguished from δύναμις
potential power, ἐνέργεια is power
in exercise, operative power (‘potentia,
arbor: efficacia, fructus, Calv. on
Eph. i. 19), and except here and in
δ. 11 is always confined in the N.T.
to the working of God; ef. especially
with the present passage Eph. i. το ἢ
κατὰ τὴν ἐνέργειαν..«ἣν ἐνήργηκεν ἐν τῷ
χριστῷ, and for a similar use in the
inscriptions with reference to the
pagan gods cf. 0.G.L.S. 262, 4 (iii./a.D.)
Eo conybivcas μοι περὶ τῆς ἐνεργείας
᾿ θεοῦ Διὸς Βαιτοκαίκης.
ev πάσῃ δυνάμει..-«ψεύδους | the sphere
in which the parousia of the lawless
one makes itself known; cf. Mt. xxiv.
24, Mk. xiii. 22, also Rev. xiii. 14,
xix. 20. As regards construction both
πάσῃ and ψεύδους belong to all three
substantives, wWevdous being best
understood as a gen. of quality (cf.
Jo. viii. 44), without however ex-
cluding the further thought of effect,
aim. False in themselves, the works
spoken of lead also to falsehood.
For the combination dvv. x. σημ. k.
rép. cf. Ac. ii. 22, Rom. xv. 19, 2 Cor.
xii. 12, Heb. ii. 4, and for the dis-
tinction between them see ‘l'rench
Syn. ὃ xci. SH. p. 406. Similar
portents are ascribed to the Beliar-
Antichrist in Asc. Isai. iv. 4 ff., Orae.
Sib. iii. 63 ff.
10. ἀπάτῃ] ‘deceit, ‘deceitful
power, in accordance with the regular
N.T. use of the word, e.g. ἀπάτη τ.
πλούτου (Mk. iv. 19), τ: ἁμαρτίας (Heb.
iii. 13); cf. 4 Mace. xviii. ὃ λυμεὼν
ἀπάτης ὄφις. If in 2 Pet. ii. 13 we
can read ἀπάταις (but see Bigg ad
loc.) we seem to have an ex. of the
word in its Hellenistic sense of ‘pas-
time, ‘pleasure’; cf. Polyb. ii. 56, 12
and see Deissmann AHellenisierung
p. 165 n°. Moeris: ᾿Απάτη, ἡ πλάνη
map ᾿Αττικοῖς.. ἡ τέρψις παρ᾽ Ἕλλησιν.
ἀδικίας] ‘unrighteousness,’ ‘wrong-
doing’ of every kind, cf. Rom. i. 18,
ii. ὃ where, as here and in τ. 12, it is
opposed to ἀλήθεια, and Plato Gorg.
477 © where it is coupled with σύμ-
πασα Ψυχῆς πονηρία. By its union
with ἀπάτη, ἀδικία is evidently thought
of here as an active, aggressive power
which, however, can influence only
τ. ἀπολλυμένοις, the use of the ‘per-
fective’ verb marking out those so
described as having already ideally
reached a state of ἀπώλεια; ef. 1 Cor.
i, 18, and see Moulton Pvrolegg.
p. 114 ἢ.
ἀνθ᾽ ὧν] ‘in requital that,’ ‘for the
reason that’—a class, phrase occurring
several times in the Lxx., but in the
N.T. only here and in Luke (Gosp.’,
Ac.’): ef. ἀντὶ τούτου Eph. v. 31.
τῆς ἀληθείας] may be understood of
truth generally as contrasted with
τὸ ψεῦδος (v. 11), but is better limited
II 11,12] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS 105
,ὔ \ ~ oe \ \ lan /
ἐδέξαντο εἰς TO σωθῆναι αὐτούς" “Ka διὰ τοῦτο πέμπει
~ e > / \ ~ \
αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἐνέργειαν πλάνης Els τὸ πιστεῦσαι αὐτοὺς
a , 12°/ - Γ ͵ 4 ε ‘ ,
τῷ Ψεύδει, Miva κριθῶσιν πάντες" οἱ μη πιστεύσαντες
cond \ ’ ~ /
TH ἀληθείᾳ ἀλλα εὐδοκήσαντες TH ἀδικίᾳ.
ἐ .
12 πάντες BD al plur Orig 4 Hipp Chr Thdt: ἅπαντες SAG 12 17 31 Orig ὃ Cyr-
Alex
to ‘the truth’ κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, the truth
of the Gospel, in accordance with its
use elsewhere with the art. (2 Cor.
iv. 2, xiii. 8, Eph. iv. 24), while the
insertion of τ. ἀγάπην shows that those
spoken of had not only not ‘welcomed’
(ἐδέξαντο, I. ii. 13 note) this truth, but -
had no liking for it, no desire to
possess it.
According to Westcott (on 1 Jo.
ii. 5) this is the only instance in the
N.T. where the gen. after ἀγάπη
‘marks the object of love’; Abbott
(Joh. Gr. p. 84) adds Lk. xi. 42
παρέρχεσθε τὴν κρίσιν Kal τὴν ἀγάπην
τοῦ θεοῦ ‘[just] judgment and Jove
toward God.’
11, 12. ‘That is why God uses
Satan as His instrument in punishing
them, visiting them with a fatal
delusion in believing this (great) Lie.
False belief becomes thus the proof
of falseness, and sentence is passed
upon all who refused to believe the
truth, and made evil their good,’
Il. πέμπει] pointing not merely
to the permissive will of God (Th.
Mops.: ‘concessionem Dei quasi opus
eius’), but to the definite judicial act
by which, according to the constant
teaching of Scripture, God gives the
wicked over to the evil which they
have deliberately chosen, cf. Ps. Ixxx.
(Ixxxi.) 12 f., Rom. i. 24, 26, 28, and
for similar teaching in Gk. drama see
Aesch. Pers. 738 ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν σπεύδῃ τις
αὐτός, χὠ θεὸς συνάπτεται, Fragm. 294
(ed. Nauck) ἀπάτης δικαίας οὐκ ἀπο-
στατεῖ θεός.
εἰς τὸ πιστεῦσαι τῷ Ψεύδει} ‘to the
end that they should believe the lie’-—
the thought of purpose, and not mere
result (I. ii. 12 note) being undoubt-
edly uppermost here in accordance
with the leading thought of the main
sentence.
For τῷ ψεύδει ‘the lie’ as con-
trasted with τὴν ἀληθείαν (Ὁ. το) cf.
Rom. i. 25 οἵτινες μετήλλαξαν τὴν
ἀληθείαν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν τῷ ψεύδει. ‘Among
the Persians “the Lie” (Drauga, akin
to the Avestan demon Drzw)) is a com-
prehensive term for all evil’ (Moulton
Exp. T. xviii. p. 537).
12. ἵνα κριθῶσιν πάντες] ‘in order
that they might all be judged,’ any
idea of condemnation being derived
from the context, and not from
κριθῶσι per se: see Lft. Fresh Re-
cision of Engl. N.T.* p. 69 ff. for a
full discussion of κρίνειν and its com-
pounds. For κρίνω in its wider sense
of ‘resolve’ cf. P.Grenf. 1. 30, 5 f.
(ii./B.c.) διὰ γραμμάτων ἐκρίναμεν
σημῆναι.
The reading πάντες is well-attested,
but the stronger and rarer ἅπαντες
(WH. mg.) has good grounds to be
considered, both as less likely to be
substituted by the copyists, and as
better suiting the emphatic position
here assigned to it. Beng.: ‘late ergo
et diu et vehementer grassatur error
ille.’
For the evidence (by no means
decisive in the N.T., Blass p. 161)
that in the Κοινή, as in Attic writers,
the use of πᾶς or ἅπας was determined
on the ground of euphony, πᾶς being
found after a vowel, and ἅπας after a
consonant, see Mayser p. 161 f.
οἱ μὴ πιστεύσαντες κτλ. Of. 1 Cor.
xiii. 6. By a usage characteristic of
Bibl. writers (but cf. Polyb. ii, 12. 3)
106 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 13
3°Huels δὲ ὀφείλομεν εὐγαριστεῖν τῶ θεῶ πάντοτε
μ μ Xap ᾿ ;
ε ΄σ 3 . ε ‘ ' « [74 ΄
περὶ ὑμῶν, ἀδελφοὶ ἠγαπημένοι ὑπὸ Κγρίογ, ὅτι εἵλατο ὑμᾶς
εὐδοκεῖν (I. ii. 8 note) is generally
construed with ἐν, but here according
to the best texts (NS*BD*G as against
S°A D°K LP)it is followed by the simple
dat. as in 1 Mace. i. 43, 1 Esdr. iv.
39, Rom. i. 32 (συνευδοκεῖν), and late
writers generally (e.g. Polyb. ii. 38. 7,
iii. 8. 7). The verb is found ec. ace.
Mt. xii. 18, Heb. x. 6, and with εἰς
2 Pet. i. 17.
For the general thought of the
verse in Jewish literature cf. Apoc.
Bar. liv. 21 ‘For at the consumma-
tion of the world there will be ven-
geance taken upon those who have
done wickedness according to their
wickedness, and Thou wilt glorify the
faithful according to their faithful-
ness.’
11. 13—15. RENEWED THANKS-
GIVING AND EXHORTATION.
From the terrible picture they
have been conjuring up the Apostles
turn with a sigh of relief to give God
thanks on their converts’ behalf in
view of the salvation which He has
worked for them—a salvation begin-
ning in His eternal choice, and to
be completed by their sharing in the
glory of the Lord Jesus Christ
Himself (vv. 13, 14). The two verses
thus form ‘a system of theology in
miniature’ (Denney), and in character-
istic Pauline fashion lead up to the
practical exhortation to the Thessa-
lonians to hold fast to what they have
been taught (2. 15).
13—15. ‘But not to dwell on this
melancholy picture, what a different
prospect opens itself up before us!
What an unceasing debt of gratitude
we owe to God on your behalf,
Brothers beloved not only of us but
of the Lord! Is it not the case that
from the beginning God purposed
your salvation, and not only purposed,
but accomplished it through the
sanctifying influence of the Holy
Spirit, and your belief in the Truth?
It was to this salvation indeed that
He called you by the Gospel-message
of which we were privileged to be
bearers, and those who finally obtain
it will obtain also the glory which
belongs to it—the glory which is
Christ’s own. Such then being the
Divine purpose regarding you, see to
it that you on your own part, Brothers,
stand firm, keeping fast hold of all
sound doctrine and practice as you
have learned them from us both by
word and by letter.’
13. Ἡμεῖς δέ κτλ.] See the notes
on i. 3, the emphatic ἡμεῖς in the
present passage lending additional
stress to the writers’ keen sense of
indebtedness to God for the good
estate of the Thessalonian Church.
For dé. ny. ὑ. Kup. see I. 1. 4 note.
ὅτι εἵλατο κτλ.] EiAaro (for form,
WH. Notes p. 172) is used of the
Divine election in Deut. xxvi. 18
Κύριος εἵλατό σε... λαὸν περιούσιον (οἵ,
προείλε(α)το Deut. vii. Of, x. 15), but
does not occur elsewhere in the N.T.
in this connexion: cf. Phil. i. 22 and
see Intr. p. lxxix. In the present
instance the reference would seem to
be to the eternal choice or purpose
of God (1 Cor. ii. 7, Eph. i. 4, 2 Tim,
i. 9), as otherwise (cf. note on éexAoyy
I. i. 4) the qualifying ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς would
almost have required some distin-
guishing addition such as τ. εὐαγγελίου
(ef. Phil. iv. 15).
It is possible however that the
real reading is not am ἀρχῆς but
ἀπαρχήν (WH. mg.), ἃ thoroughly
Pauline word (Rom. viii. 23, xi. 16,
xvi. 5, 1 Cor. xv. 20, 23, xvi. 15),
which might fairly be applied to the
Thessalonians as the ‘first-fruits’ (Vg.
primitias) of Macedonia, seeing that
their conversion followed that of the
Philippians by only a few weeks, and
II 14,15] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 107
\ > ~ 3 ~ 7
ὁ θεὸς "ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς εἰς σωτηρίαν ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος
\ 7 3 7 14 > We 9 / ec ~ ὃ \ ~ >
Kal πίστει ἀληθείας, “eis ὃ ἐκάλεσεν ὑμᾶς δια TOU εὐαγ-
΄:- / ’ ΄ , ~
γελίου ἡμῶν, εἰς περιποίησιν δόξης τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν
᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
᾽ gs. /
"Apa οὖν, ἀδελφοί, στήκετε, Kal
a « > 5)
κρατεῖτε Tas παραδόσεις as ἐδιδάχθητε εἴτε διὰ λόγου
13 dw ἀρχῆς δὲ Ὁ al pler ἃ g Syr (Pesh) Arm Aeth Chr Thdt Ambst Vig Theod-
Mops! al: ἀπαρχὴν BG al pauc Vg Syr (Harel) Boh Did Amb al
was attended by such striking results
(cf. I. i. 8, iv. Io).
For σωτηρία as denoting completed
blessedness see I. v. 8 note.
ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος καὶ πίστει
ἀληθείας] In view of the obvious
parallelism of the clauses it is natural
to understand the two genitives in
the same way, and if so they may be
taken either objectively, a ‘sanctifica-
tion’ having for its object the ‘spirit’
and a ‘faith’ that has for its object
‘truth,’ or as genitives of the causa
eficiens, ‘sanctification by the Spirit
and faith by the truth.’ In the former
case πνεῦμα can only be the human
spirit: in the latter it must be the
Holy Spirit of God. To this latter
rendering the absence of the art. is
no real objection, and it is supported
by the recurrence of the same phrase
in 1 Pet. i. 2 where the Third Person
of the Trinity is clearly intended
(see Hort ad loc.).
For ἁγιασμός cf. note on I. iv. 7,
and with πίστις ἀληθείας contrast of
μὴ πιστεύσ. τ. ἀληθείᾳ (Ὁ. 12).
14. ἐκάλεσεν] the historical fulfil-
ment of the Divine purpose expressed
in εἵλατο: cf. 1. ii. 12, v. 24, notes.
eis περιποίησιν δόξης) ‘unto the
obtaining of the glory’ (Vg. in acqui-
sitionem gloriae, Weizs. zum Erwerb
der Herrlichkeit). For περιποίησις
ef. I. v. 9 note, and for δόξα I. ii. 12
note.
15. “Apa οὖν, ἀδελφοί, στήκετε κτλ.
The practical conclusion from what
has just been said. The work of God,
so far from excluding all human
effort, rather furnishes the reason for
it and the pledge of its final success:
ef. Phil. ii. 12 f, iii, 12.
For dpa οὖν see I. v. 6 note, and
for στήκετε I. 111. 8 note.
κ. κρατεῖτε τ. παραδόσεις) Cf. 1 Cor.
xl. 2 τ. παραδόσεις κατέχετε, and for
the relation of κρατεῖν and κατέχειν
see Add. Note H. The construc-
tion of κρατεῖν with the acc. (as
generally in the N.T.—acc.*, gen.§)
may be due simply to the tendency
to enlarge the sphere of the acc. in
later Gk. (Hatzidakis p. 220 ff.), but
serves also in the present instance to
lay emphasis on the παραδόσεις as
being already in the Thessalonians’
possession; cf. Rev. iii. 11 κράτει ὃ
ἔχεις. Beng.: ‘tenete, nil addentes, -
nil detrahentes.’
In themselves_these παραδόσεις
(cf. iii. 6) included both the oral and
written teaching on the part of the
Apostles (Thdt.: λόγους, ots καὶ
παρόντες ὑμῖν ἐκηρύξαμεν, καὶ ἀπόντες
ἐγράψαμεν) with the further thought
imbedded in the composition of the
word itself of the ultimate authority
whence that authority was derived:
cf. 1 Cor. xi. 23 ἐγὼ yap παρέλαβον
ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν. *
In the inscriptions Treasure Lists
and Inventories are frequently known
as παραδόσεις, the articles enumerated
being ‘handed over’ (παρέδοσαν C.I.A.
I. 170, 2 (v./B.0.)) by one set of officers
to their successors; see Roberts-
Gardner p. 256.
For the fact and contents of a
Christian ‘tradition’ in the Apostolic
108 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 16, 17
af ᾽ ᾽ - ε _
εἴτε δι᾽ ἐπιστολῆς ἡμῶν.
"Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν
~ \ \ \ ~ s /
᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς καὶ [6] θεὸς ὁ πατὴρ ἡμῶν, ὁ ἀγαπήσας
ent \ \ / > 7 δ (ὃ ᾽ θὴ 3
ἡμᾶς καὶ δοὺς παράκλησιν αἰωνίαν καὶ ἐλπίδα ἀγαθὴν ἐν
΄ \ / \ /
χάριτι, “παρακαλέσαι ὑμῶν Tas καρδίας καὶ στηρίξαι ἐν
Vow \ rs > ~
παντὶ ἔργῳ καὶ λόγῳ ayabw.
16 ὁ om BD*K 17 37 Orig Chr°4
Age see Mayor Jude pp. 23, 61 ff, and
for the possibility that we have here
(ef. Rom. vi. 17, xvi. 17) a reference
to an early catechism or creed, based
upon the sayings of Christ, which was
used by the first missionaries, see
Seeberg Katechismus pp. 1 ff., 41 f.
The title of of κρατοῦντες, applied
by eccles. writers to Christians, is
probably due to this passage (LS.
8.0. κρατέω).
II. 16, 17. PRAYER.
A prayer is again interjected that
the exhortation spoken of may be
fulfilled in the Thessalonians’ case.
Chrys.: πάλιν εὐχὴ pera παραίνεσιν"
τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν ὄντως βοηθεῖν.
16,17. ‘May our Lord Jesus Christ
Himself and God our Father Who
loved us, and in His Divine bounty
bestowed upon us abiding comfort and
good hope, comfort your hearts and
strengthen you to do and to say
everything that is right.’
16. Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος np. KTA.|
The invocation is identical with I. tii.
11 except that ὁ kup. Ino. Xp. is now
placed first, and that the def. art. is
substituted before πατήρ for the more
ordinary καί, while the first ὁ before
θεός is doubtful. The order (ef.
2 Cor. xiii. 13, Gal. i. 1) may have
been determined by the immediate‘y
preceding reference to the glory of
the Lord Jesus (v. 14), or be due
to the fact that He is the inter-
mediary through whom the purposes
of God for His people are carried
out. In either case we have another
striking e>. of the equal honour
ascribed to the Son with the Father
throughout these Epp. (Intr. p. Ixvi).
Chrys.: ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν οἱ τὸν υἱὸν
ἐλλατοῦντες; Thdt.: τῇ τῆς τάξεως
ἐναλλαγῇ τὴν ὁμοτιμίαν δεικνύων.
ὁ ἀγαπήσας nyu. x. δούς κτλ.] The
two participles under the vinculum
of the common art. belong to 6 θεός
alone, and the use of the aor. shows
that the reference is to the definite
historical act in which the Gospel
originated.
For παράκλησις see I. ii. 3 note, and
for αἰωνίαν (for form, WSchm. p. 96)
as bringing out the ‘final and abiding’
character of this ‘comfort’ compared
with the transitory joys of earth see
i. 9 note. ᾿Αγαθήν ‘good’ both in its
character and results; cf. I. iii. 6,
v. 15, and for the phrase ἀγαθὴ ἐλπίς
in Gk, literature see Dem. Cor. 258
(8 120) δεῖ δὲ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας
ἐγχειρεῖν μὲν ἅπασιν ἀεὶ τοῖς καλοῖς,
τὴν ἀγαθὴν προβαλλομένους ἐλπίδα.
ἐν χάριτι] not the human disposition
in which the gifts just spoken of were
received, but the Divine favour or
bounty by which the ‘consolation of
Israel’ was freely extended to those
who were Gentiles by birth, cf. i. 12
note.
17. παρακαλέσαι κτὰλ.] For mapa-
καλεῖν see I. ii. 11, iii. 2 notes, and for
στηρίζειν see I. iii. 2 note.
Παντί and ἀγαθῷ refer to both the
intervening nouns (cf. ». 9), and the
whole expression is of the most general
character ‘whatever you may do or
say, any attempt to limit λόγῳ to
specific Christian doctrine (Chrys.:
δόγματα, Oalv.: ‘sana doctrina’) being
quite out of place.
III 1, 2]. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 109
it.
: Τὸ λοιπὸν προσεύχεσθε, ἀδελφοί, περὶ ἡμῶν,
.« ε , - / / \ , \ \
ὡς Kal
iva ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου τρέχῃ καὶ δοξαζηται Kal
~ Ve ¢ ΄σ- > ΄' >
πρὸς ὑμᾶς, "καὶ ἵνα ῥυσθῶμεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀτόπων καὶ TOVN-
III. 1—16. CONSOLATORY
AND HORTATORY.
The writers now pass to teaching
of a more directly consolatory and
hortatory character, and, as in their
former Epistle (I. v. 25), accompany it
with the request for their readers’
prayers.
III. 1, 2. REQUEST FOR THE
THESSALONIANS’ PRAYERS.
1,2. ‘Nor do we only pray for you,
we ask further that you, Brothers,
should pray for us, and especially that
the word of the Lord may. have the
same swift and glorious course every-
where that it has already had amongst
you. To this end do you pray that
we may be rescued from the perverse
and evil men who are at present
placing obstacles in our path—for it
is not every one who has a true faith
in Christ.’
I. Τὸ λοιπὸν προσεύχεσθε κτλ.]
The request is another proof of the
closeness of the bond which the
Apostles recognized as existing be-
tween their ‘brethren’ and them-
selves (Intr. p. xliv), while as regards
its contents (for the sub-final iva see
note on I. iv. 1) it is significant that
in the first instance it is of the further-
ance of their work rather than of any
ease or advantage to themselves that
they think.
For τὸ λοιπόν οἵ. I. iv. 1 note, and
for προσεύχεσθε περί I. v. 25 note.
ὁ λόγος τ. κυρίου] ‘the word of the
Lord’ Jesus in accordance with the
general practice of the Epp. (Add.
Note D). The use of the title in
the present section is very marked,
occurring as it does four times in
we. I—5. :
τρέχῃ] ‘may run’ emphasizing the
living, active nature of the word in
the Apostles’ eyes, and their ardent
desire that it may speed ever onward
on its victorious course: cf. I. i. 8.
The figure, which falls in with St
Paul’s well-known fondness for meta-
phorical language from the stadium
(Rom. ix. 16, 1 Cor. ix. 24 ff, Gal. ii. 2,
v. 7, Phil. ii, 16, 2 Tim. iv. 7), is
derived from the O.T., see especially
Ps. exlvii. 4 (exlvi. 15) ἕως τάχους
δραμεῖται ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ, and the
splendid imagery of Ps. xviii. (xix.)
directly cited in Rom. x. 18. Findlay
aptly recalls Vergil’s lines on Fama
beginning ‘Mobilitate viget, viresque
adquirit eundo’ (Aen. iv. 175 ff.).
καὶ δοξάζηται] the inner recognition
following on («ai consec.) the outward
progress of the word: cf. Ac. xiii. 48
ἀκούοντα δὲ τὰ ἔθνη ἔχαιρον καὶ ἐδόξαζον
τὸν λύγον τοῦ θεοῦ, and for the thought
see Tit. ἢ, 10. On the deepened
significance of δοξάζω in Bibl. Gk.
see SH. p. 44, and for the slightly
stronger ἐνδοξάζω cf. i. 10, 12. As
illustrating the N.T. usage, the follow-
ing invocation from the long magical
papyrus P.Lond. 1. 121, 502 ff. (iii./a.D.)
is noteworthy : κυρία Ἶσις.. .δόξασόν pe
(μοι Pap.), ὡς ἐδόξασα τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ
viod(s) σου “Qpov (cf. Reitzenstein
Poimandres p. 22 n.°).
καθὼς x. πρὸς ὑμᾶς] For this use
of πρός with acc. cf. I. iii. 4 note, and
for the fact see I. 1, 5 ff., ii. 1, 13.
2. καὶ ἵνα ῥυσθῶμεν κτλ.) a second
and more personal need for which the
prayers of the Thessalonians are asked,
and which, though independent of the
first, is closely connected with it: cf.
Rom. xv. 30 f., and note the striking
verbal parallel in Isa. xxv. 4 ἀπὸ
ἀνθρώπων πονηρῶν ῥύσῃ αὐτούς. Thdt.:
διπλῆ μὲν ἡ αἴτησις εἶναι δοκεῖ, μία δὲ
ὅμως ἐστί. τῶν γὰρ πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων
ἡττωμένων, ἀκωλύτως καὶ ὁ τοῦ κηρύγ-
ματος συντρέχει λύγος.
IIo
~ \ ,
ρῶν ἀνθρώπων, ov yap πάντων ἡ πίστις.
For the meaning of ῥυσθῶμεν (late
pass. aor., WSchm. p. 131) =eripiamur
(Beza) rather than liberemur (Vg.),
see the note on I. i. 10, and contrast
the construction with ἀπό, not ἐκ, in
the present passage, laying stress
perhaps on the deliverance itself
rather than on the power from which
it is granted, cf. Rom. xv. 31, 2 Tim.
iv. 18, and from the xx. Ex. ii. 19
ἐρρύσατο ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τῶν ποιμένων. For
a late instance of ῥύεσθαι ἀπό see
P.Lond. π΄. 413, 3 f. (iv./A.D.) ἐὔχομ]αι
σ[.]ῶ τῷ θεῷ περὶ [rH |s σ[ωτ]ηρίας iva
ῥύσει σαὶ ἀπό....
τ. ἀτόπων κ. πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων]
ἤλτοπος, originally=‘out of place,’
‘unbecoming, is used in class. Gk.
especially in Plato in the sense of
‘marvellous,’ ‘odd’ (e.g. Legg. i. 646 B
τ. θαυμαστοῦ Te καὶ ἀτόπου), from which
the transition is easy to the ethical
meaning of ‘improper,’ ‘unrighteous’
in later Gk., e.g. Philo Legg. Alleg.
iii. § 17 (i. p. 97 M.) παρ᾽ ὃ καὶ ἄτοπος
λέγεται εἶναι ὁ φαῦλος" ἄτοπον δέ ἐστι
κακὸν δύσθετον, and such a passage
from the Κοινή as P.Petr. Im. 43 (3),
17 f. (iii./B.0.), where precautions are
taken against certain discontented
labourers ἵνα μὴ ἄτοπ[ό]ν τι πράξωσιν:
cf, also B.G.U. 757, 21 (i./A.D.) where
ἕτερα aroma are ascribed to certain
marauders who had pulled to pieces
a farmer’s sheaves of wheat, and the
very interesting public notice con-
tained in P.Fior. 99 (i./ii. A.D.) to the
effect that the parents of a prodigal
youth will no longer be responsible
for his debts or for ἄτοπόν τι πράξη}
It is in this sense accordingly,
implying something morally amiss,
that, with the exception of Ac.
xxviii. 6, the word is found in the
Luxx, and the N.T. (Job iv. 8, xi. 11 &e.,
Prov. xxiv. 55 (xxx. 20), 2 Mace. xiv. 23,
Lk. xxiii. 41, Ac. xxv. 5), and in the
passage before us it is best given some
such rendering as ‘perverse’ or ‘fro-
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 3
3Πιστὸς δέ
ward’ rather than the ‘unreasonable’
of A.V., R.V.
Similarly πονηρός (as frequently in
the Lxx., e.g. Gen, xxxvii. 20, Ps. Ixxvii.
(Ixxviii.) 49, Esth. vii. 6; ef. Hatch
Essays p. 77 f.) is used not so much
of passive badness as of active harm-
fulness, while the prefixed art. shows
that the writers have here certain
definite persons in view, doubtless the
fanatical Jews who at the time were
opposing their preaching in Corinth
(Ac. xviii. 12 ff.), as they had already
done in Thessalonica and Beroea
(Ac. xvii. 5, 13): cf. IL ii 14 ff
ov yap πάντων ἡ πίστις] ‘for not to
all does the Faith belong’ (Luth. denn
der Glaube ist nicht jedermanns
Ding). For a similar meiosis cf. Rom.
X. 16 ἀλλ᾽ ov πάντες ὑπήκουσαν τῷ
εὐαγγελίῳ. As illustrating the form
of the sentence, Wetstein quotes the
proverbial saying, ov παντὸς ἀνδρὸς és
Κόρινθον ἐσθ᾽ ὁ πλοῦς (Strabo viii. 6.20).
III. 3—5. CoNFIDENCE IN THE
THESSALONIANS’ PROGRESS.
From the want of faith on the part
of men, the Apostles turn to the
thought of the faithfulness of the
Lord Jesus (cf. 2 Tim. ii. 13) with the ©
view moreover of reassuring not them-
selves, but their converts.
3—5. ‘We have spoken of the want
of faith in certain quarters. However
this may be, know assuredly that the
Lord is faithful. He will set you ina
firm place. He will protect you from
the attacks of the Evil One. And
seeing that He will do this, we have
confidence that you on your part will
not come short, but will continue as
at present to do the things which we
are enjoining. May the Lord direct
you into the love of God and into the
patience of Christ.’
3. Πιστός] recalling the πίστις of
the previous verse. For a similar
word-play cf. Rom. iii. 3.
III 4, 5]. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
ig
> e A "ἢ eon ‘ 7 ΓΞ. ~
εστιν O κυριος, ος στηρίξει υμας Kal φυλάξει avo TOU
πονηροῦ.
/ \ load \ /
ραγγέλλομεν [καὶ] ποιεῖτε καὶ ποιήσετε.
4 iO δὲ > 7 ors Tou | ΄ .« «
πεποίθαμεν OE EV κυρίῳ EP ὑμᾶς, OTL a πα-
"Ὁ δὲ κύριος
III 4 καὶ om SAD* ἃ (g) Boh
os στηρίξει vy. κτλ] Not only will
the Lord ‘set them in a firm place’
(στηρίξει, for form, WM. p. 110), but
He will also ‘protect’ (φυλάξει, Vg.
custodiet) them there from external
assaults: cf. for the thought Jo. xvii.
12. For στηρίζειν (I. iii. 2 note) cf.
1 Pet. v. 10 6 δὲ θεὸς πάσης χάριτος...
αὐτὸς καταρτίσει, στηρίξει, σθενώσει,
and for the constr. φυλάσσειν ἀπό cf.
Ps. exl. (cxli.) 9 φύλαξόν με ἀπὸ πάγιδος
ἧς συνεστήσαντό μοι, and see Butt-
mann p. 192.
ἀπὸ τ. πονηροῦ] The precise sense
to be attached to these words is best
determined by the meaning assigned
them in the petition of the Lord’s
Prayer ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ
(Mt. vi. 13), of which we have
apparently a reminiscence here (cf.
Col. i. 13, and see Feine Jesus Christ
und Paulus Ὁ. 252 f.). As the
general consensus of modern scholar-
ship is to understand πονηροῦ there
as masc. rather than as neut. in
accordance with the predominant
usage of the N.T. (Mt. v. 37; xiii. 19,
38, Eph. vi. 16, 1 Jo. ii, 13 f, iii
12%, v. τὸ ἢ as against Lk. vi. 45, Rom.
xii, 9), and the unanimous opinion
of the Gk. commentators, we follow
the same rendering here, and trans-
late ‘from the evil one’: a rendering,
it may be noted further, which forms
a fitting antithesis to ὁ κύριος of the
preceding clause, and is moreover in
thorough harmony with the pro-
minence assigned shortly before to
the persons of Satan and his represen-
tative (ii. 1—12), and more especially
to the evil men (πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων)
of the preceding clause. See further
Lft.’s note ad loc. and the same writer’s
Revision of the Engl. N.T? p. 269 ff.,
and especially the exhaustive dis-
cussion by Chase The Lord’s Prayer
p. 112 ff.
4. πεποίθαμεν δέ κτλ.] The assur-
ance that it is the Lord Who is
protecting the Thessalonians gives the
Apostles a corresponding confidence
that the Thessalonians themselves will
faithfully fulfil their part. Chrys.:
δεῖ μὲν yap τὸ πᾶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ῥίπτειν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐνεργοῦντας καὶ αὐτούς, τοῖς πόνοις
ἐμβεβηκότας καὶ τοῖς ἀγῶσι.
For ἐν κυρίῳ (see I. iv. 1), as the
ground with correspondingly new
resources in which all St Paul’s hopes
and desires are centred, cf. Gal. v. 10,
Eph. iv. 17, Phil. ii. 19, 24, and for
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς, instead of the class. dat., as
marking. the direction of the con-
fidence displayed cf. Mt. xxvii. 43,
2 Cor. ii. 3, Ps. cxxiv. (exxv.) 1.
ὅτι ἃ παραγγέλλομεν κτλ. For a
similar use of ὅτι introducing the
objective statement of the Apostle’s
confidence cf. Phil. ii. 24. Under a
παραγγέλλομεν must be understood
not such injunctions as had already
been given (eg. I. iv. 1—12), but
rather, as the resumption of the same
verb in v. 6 proves, those that im-
mediately follow, and which, on
account of their hardness, are further
prefaced by a short ejaculatory
prayer.
For παραγγέλλω see I. iv. 11 note,
and as bringing out the idea of
transmission contained in the word
cf. P.Grenf. 1. 40, 6 f. (ii./B.c.) ἔκρινον
γράψαι σοι ὅπως εἰδὼς παραγγείλης
καὶ τοῖς] ἄλλοις ἱερεῦσι.
5. ὯὉ δὲ κύριος κατευθύναι κτλ.}] ὋὉ
κύριος can only be the Lord Jesus as
in vv. I, 3, 4, any reference to the
Holy Spirit (as Basil de Spiritu sancto
Ὁ. 21 and most of the Gk. commen- ©
tators) being outruled if only on the
112
THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [II16
/ ς ΄σ΄ \ / > \ > / ~ ~
κατευθύναι υμων τας καρδίας εἰς τὴν ayamnv TOU θεοῦ
\ 3 \ : \ ΄- ~
Kal εἰς THY ὑπομονὴν τοῦ χριστοῦ.
\ ~ , ΄σ
“Παραγγέλλομεν δὲ ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοί, ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ
ground that ὁ κύριος is never 80
employed in the N.T. (not even in
2 Cor. iii. 18).
For κατευθύνω see I, iii. 11 note:
its metaphorical use is further illus-
trated by Aristeas 18 κατευθύνει τὰς
πράξεις καὶ tas ἐπιβολὰς ὁ κυριεύων
ἁπάντων θεός.
εἰς τ. ἀγάπην τ. θεοῦ κ. εἰς τ. ὑπο-
μονὴν τ. χριστοῦ] The close parallelism
of the two clauses makes it natural
(as in ii. 13) to understand the geni-
tives in the same way, and as the
subjective interpretation of the second
clause is rendered almost necessary
by the regular meaning of ὑπομονήν
in the N.T., ‘constancy,’ ‘ endurance’
(I. i. 3. note) not ‘patient waiting’
(ἀναμονήν, cf. I, i. 10), we are similarly
led to think of τ. ἀγαπὴν τ. θεοῦ as”
the love which is God’s_ special
characteristic, and which He has
displayed towards us; cf. Rom. v. 5,
viii. 39, 2 Cor. xiii. 13, Eph. ii. 4, and
see Abbott Joh. Gr. p. 84.
The use of the art. before χριστοῦ
is significant as emphasizing the con-
nexion of the ‘patience’ spoken of
not merely with the earthly trials of
the Saviour, but with these trials as
the inevitable lot of the suffering
servant of Jehovah. Cf. for the
general thought Heb. xii. 1 ἢ, Rev.
iii. το, and see Ign. Rom. x. 3 ἔρρωσθε
eis τέλος ἐν ὑπομονῇ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ,
where however Lft. (ad Joc.) inclines
to the meaning ‘patient waiting for
Christ.’
III. 6—12. CHARGE WITH REGARD
TO THE DISORDERLY.
It is ‘in the Lord,’ as has just been
shown, that the Apostles’ trust for
their converts is centred. At the
same time they are anxious that these
should not forget the responsibilities
resting on themselves. And accord-
ingly in a section, in which the
severity of the language shows the
serious nature of the evils com-
plained of, they once more (ef. I. vy.
14 f.) rebuke the idle and disorderly
behaviour, which at the time certain
members of the Thessalonian com-
munity were displaying.
6—12. ‘In order, however, that
this happy result may be attained,
we again on our part urge you—and
yet not we, but the Lord—not in any
way to associate with a brother who
is not living a well-ordered life in
accordance with our teaching. For
you yourselves cannot but be conscious
that you ought to follow our example.
When we were with you, we did not
depend on others for our support.
Rather in toil and moil, night and
day, we worked that we might not
lay an unnecessary burden upon any
of you. You must not indeed sup-
pose that we have not the right to
maintenance, but we waived our right
in order to set an example for you to
follow. And not only so, but we gave
you a positive precept to this effect.
For you cannot have forgotten that
while we were with you, we were in
the constant habit of urging upon you
that “ If any will not work, neither let
him eat.” And weare the more led to
go back upon this, because information
is reaching us regarding certain of your
number who are livingill-ordered lives,
and, instead of attending to their own
business, are busy with what does not
concern them. It is such as these
that we urge and entreat in the Lord
Jesus to attend quietly to their own
work and earn their own living.’
6. Παραγγέλλομεν δὲ ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοί]
In introducing their παραγγελία the
Apostles adopt a tone at once of
affection and of authority—of affec-
III 7] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS
113
~ ct 7 ΄σ \ \
κυρίου " ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ στέλλεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ παντος
T'S / a \ \ \ \ “
ἀδελφοῦ ἀτάκτως περιπατοῦντος καὶ μή κατὰ τὴν παρα-
δοσιν ἣν "παρελάβετε' παρ᾽ ἡμῶν.
7 3 \ \ 10
αὐτοὶ yao οἰδατε
~ ~ ~ ‘ci / / ~
πῶς δεῖ μιμεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς, OTL οὐκ ἠτακτήσαμεν ἐν ὑμῖν
6 κυρίου solum BD* ἃ Cypr: add ἡμῶν δα cet g Vg cet verss Ambst ‘Theod-
Mops'**
παρελάβοσαν &*A 17 Bas (non semper)
tion, because it is to their ‘ brethren’
that they appeal, and of authority,
because it is as the representatives of
one Jesus, Who had been made known
both as Lord and Christ, that they
enforce their charge.
ἐν ὀνόματι τ. κυρ. “Ino. Xp.] prac-
tically synonymous here with διὰ τ.
kup. "Ino. (1. iv. 2 note), though the
introduction of the common O.T. peri-
phrasis (cf. Ex. v. 23, Deut. xviii. 22,
Jer. xi. 21) lays greater stress on the
personality and consequent authority
of the person spoken of: cf. i, 12 note,
and for a full discussion of this and
similar expressions see the exhaustive
monograph by W. Heitmiiller Jm
Namen Jesu (Gottingen, 1903).
A similar usage occurs in the Κοινή
where ὄνομα with the gen. often stands
for the dat. of the name of the person
addressed, e.g. Ostr. 670 Πανίσκος...
ὀνό(ματι) [ὀνό(ματος), Wilcken] Πασή-
puos κτλ. (other exx. in Herwerden).
στέλλεσθαι ὑμᾶς κτλ.] Στέλλειν
originally =‘ set,’ ‘place,’ and hence
‘bring together,’ ‘make compact’ as
e.g. of shortening the sails of a ship
(Hom. 11. i. 433, Od. iii. 11), by a
natural transition came to denote
generally ‘restrain,’ ‘check, and is
found in the midd. in the sense of
‘draw or shrink back from’ anything,
whether from fear (Hesych.: στέλλε-
ται" φοβεῖται) or any other motive
as in Mal. ii. 5 ἀπὸ προσώπου ὀνό-
patos μου στέλλεσθαι αὐτόν, 3 Mace.
i. 19 ai δὲ καὶ προσαρτίως ἐσταλμέναι
(‘die sich ganz zuriickgezogen halten’
Kautzsch, and cf. Grimm’s note ad
loc.): cf, Hipp. Vet. med. 10(ed. Foesius)
M. THESS.
mapeddBere BG al pauc g 4 Go Syr (Harel) Arm Orig 4 Bas (?) Thdt:
οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἀπόσχοιντο ὧν ἐπιθυμεοῦσιν, οὔτε
στείλαντο, and see the old gloss quoted
in Steph. Thesaur. 8.0. where στέλ-
λεσθαι is explained by ἀφίστασθαι,
ἀναχωρεῖν. This gives the clue to its
meaning here (Vg. ut subtrahatis vos)
and in 2 Cor. viii. 20 στελλόμενοι
(Vg. devitantes) τοῦτο μή tis ἡμᾶς
μωμήσηται, the only other place where
it is found in the N.T. Thdt.: τὸ
στέλλεσθαι ἀντὶ τοῦ χωρίζεσθαι τέ-
θεικ. The compound ὑποστέλλω
(ομαι) is used in the same sense in
Ac. xx. 20, 27, Gal. ii. 12, Heb. x. 38;
cf. Deut. i. 17, Job xiii. 8, Sap. vi.
7 (8).
παντὸς ἀδελφοῦ] Notwithstanding
his faults, the title of ‘brother’ is not.
denied to the disorderly person, even
while duty to the ‘ brotherhood’ re-
quires that he be avoided; cf. 1 Cor.
v. II.
ἀτάκτως] See Add. Note G.
κατὰ τ. παράδοσιν κτλ.] For mapa-
δοσιν see ii. 15 note, and for παρελά-
Bere see I. ii. 13 note.
The marginal reading παρελά-
βοσαν is well-attested, and, if adopted,
must have its subj. supplied from the
collective ἀπὸ παντὸς ἀδελφοῦ. The
termination in -οσαν receives how-
ever scanty warrant from the papyri
(Moulton Prolegg. p. 52), and in the
present instance may have originated
‘in an ocular confusion with -oovw
(παράδοσιν) in the corresponding place
of the line above’ (W H? Woes p. 172).
7. αὐτοὶ yap οἴδατε] Of. I. i. 5, ii.
1, 5, 11 &c.; Intr. p. xliv.
μιμεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς] The verb μιμέομαι,
repeated in Ὁ. 9, is found elsewhere in
8
[14 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 8—10
δοὐδὲ δωρεὰν ἄρτον ἐφάγομεν Tapa τινος, GAN ἐν κόπῳ
καὶ μόχθῳ νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐργαζόμενοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ
ἐπιβαρῆσαί τινα ὑμῶν" ϑοὐχ ὅτι οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα ἑαυτοὺς τύπον δώμεν ὑμῖν εἰς τὸ μιμεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς.
kal γὰρ ὅτε ἦμεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, τοῦτο παρηγγέλλομεν
the N.T. only in Heb. xiii. 7, 3 Jo.
11; it occurs several times in the
apocr. books of the O.T., ef. also
Aristeas 188 μιμούμενος τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ
διὰ παντὸς ἐπιεικές. For the thought
of the present passage see I. i. 6 note.
οὐκ ἠτακτήσαμεν] another instance
of meiosis (cf. τ. 2, 1. ii. 15), embody-
ing the ground of the Thessalonians’
knowledge just spoken of. For ἀτακ-
réw see Add. Note G.
8. δωρεάν) ‘gratis’ as frequently
in the Lxx. (Gen. xxix. 15, Hx. xxi.
2 &c.): cf. Rom. iii. 24, 2 Cor. xi. 7,
also P.Tebt. 5, 249 ff. (ii./B.c.) ἐπε-
pimrew...épya δωρεὰν μηδὲ μισθῶν ὕφει-
μένων ‘to impose labour gratis or at
reduced wages.’ In Jo. xv. 25 (LXX.),
Gal. ii. 21 the word has the further
sense of ‘ uselessly,’ ‘ without sufficient
cause.’
ἄρτον ἐφάγομεν] a general expression
for taking food of any kind (cf. Mk.
iii. 20, Lk. xiv. 1), corresponding
to the Heb. on>~bas (Gen. 111. 19,
4 Regn. iv. 8).
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν κόπῳ κτὰ.] See the notes on
I. ii. 9, and as further illustrating the
meaning of the phrase νυκτ. k. np.
cf. Magn. 163, 7f. ἀδιαλείπτως θέντα
τὸ ἔλαιον ἡμέρας τε Kal νυκτός.
οὐχ ὅτι οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν] ἃ
limitation introduced to avoid any
possible misconception as to the
Apostolic claim to gratuitous sup-
port: cf. I. ii, 6 and especially 1 Cor.
ix. 4, 7—14 where St Paul traces this
same ‘right’ (ἐξουσίαν, v. 4) to the
enactment of the Lord Himself (v. 14,
Lk. x. 7 f.); see also 1 Tim. v. 18,
Didache xiii. 1 πᾶς δὲ προφήτης ἀλη-
θινὸς.. ἄξιός ἐστι τῆς τροφῆς αὐτοῦ.
For this later sense of ἐξουσία
(primarily ‘liberty of action’) to de-
note a definite ‘claim’ or ‘right,
with the further idea of ‘authority’
over others, cf. its frequent technical
use in the papyri in connexion with
wills and contracts, e.g. P.Oxy. 491, 3
(ii./A.D.), ἐφ᾽ ὃν μὲν περίειμι χρόνον
ἔχειν ple] τὴν τῶν ἰδίων ἐξου[ σί]αν
‘so long as I survive I am to have
power over my own property, 719,
25 (ii./A.D.) ἐξουσίας σοι οὔσης ἑτέροις
παρ[αχωρεῖν] ‘the right resting with
you to cede to others.’
For the use of οὐχ ὅτι-- οὐ λέγομεν
ὅτι (.. ἀλλά) in the N.T. for the pur-
pose of avoiding misconception cf.
2 Oor. i. 24, iii. 5, Phil. iv. 17; WM.
p. 746.
ἀλλ᾽ iva ἑαυτοὺς τύπον krA.| a second,
and in the present instance, the main
reason of the Apostles’ self-denying
toil: not only did they desire to
remove any hindrance from the free
diffusion of the Gospel (cf. I. ii. 9),
but also by their own daily lives and
conduct to impress more forcibly
upon their converts’ hearts the real
significance of their message.
For ἑαυτούς with reference to the
ist pers. plur. cf. 1. ii.8 note. It is of
interest to notice that this usage does
not seem to have extended to the
sing. except in the case of very
illiterate documents, e.g. B.G.U. 86,
5 (ii. /A.D.) συνχωρῶ μετὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ
τελευτὴν τοῖς γεγονόσι αἰὑτ]ῷ ἐκ τῆς
συνούσης αὑτοῦ γυναικός (cf. Moulton
C.R. xv. 441, xviii. 154). With τύπος
(I. i. 7 note) ef. the use of ὑποτύπωσις
in 1 Tim. i. 16, 2 Tim. i. 13, the meta-
phor there, according to Lft. (on
Clem. R. Cor. v. ad jin.), being due
to the art of sculpture, ‘the first
rough model.’
10. καὶ yap ὅτε ἦμεν κτλ.]. Of. 1.
III 11, 12] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 115
~ ε ᾽ / , ‘ > 7
ὑμῖν, ὅτι εἴ τις οὐ θέλει ἐργάζεσθαι μηδὲ ἐσθιέτω.
> eed 3 ~ 3 ῇ
τ ἀκούομεν γάρ τινας περιπατοῦντας ἐν ὑμῖν ATAKTWS,
3 \ / ~ \
μηδὲν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ περιεργαζομένους" “rots δὲ
\ ~ 3 /
TOLOUTOLS παραγγέλλομεν καὶ παρακαλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ
iii. 4, the only difference being that,
in view of v. 6, τοῦτο παρηγγέλλομεν
is substituted for προελέγομεν. For
similar references by St Paul to his
previous public teaching cf. 1 Cor. xi.
23, XV. I.
ὅτι εἴ τις οὐ θέλει xrA.] ‘that if any
one is not willing (Beng. : ‘nolle vitium
est’) to work, neither let him eat.’
Pelag.: ‘Haec sit inquietudinis non
solum poena, sed etiam emendatio.’
For ὅτι which is here equivalent
to little more than our inverted
commas see WM. p. 683 n.!, and for
illustrations of the maxim, which was
apparently a proverbial Jewish say-
ing based on Gen. 111. 19, see the
passages cited by Wetstein, especially
Bereschith R. ii. 2 ‘ego vero si non
laboro, non edo,’ xiv. 12 ‘ut, si non
laborat, non manducet’: cf. also
Didache xii. 3 εἰ δὲ θέλει πρὸς ὑμᾶς
καθῆσαι, τεχνίτης ὦν, ἐργαζέσθω καὶ φα-
γέτω. According to Resch (Agrapha,
p. 240 ff., Paulinismus, Ὁ. 409 f.) the
saying in its present form may have
been derived from ἃ logion of the Lord
Himself.
For εἰ... οὐ see WM. p. 599, Jannaris,
§ 1807, and for the strong negative
μηδέ (ne quidem) with the imperative
ef. Eph. v. 3.
II. ἀκούομεν yap xtA.] Fresh news
from Thessalonica had reached the
writers since the despatch of their
first Epistle, perhaps through the
bearer of that Epistle on his return,
of such a character as to lead them
to single out the offenders, who were
evidently known to them, for direct
rebuke.
For the pres. ἀκούομεν instead of
the perf. cf. 1 Cor. xi. 18 (Burton,
§ 16, Gildersleeve Syntax ὃ 204),
and for its construction with the acc.
and part. to describe an actually
existing state see Buttmann p. 302 f.
μηδὲν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ meptepya-
ζομένους ‘ doing no business but being
busy bodies ’—a translation suggested
by Ellic. which has the merit of pre-
serving the play of words in the
original: cf. Beza ‘nihil agentes, sed
inaniter satagentes,’ Est. ‘nihil oper-
antes, sed circumoperantes, and
amongst more modern renderings
Ew., Schm. ‘keine Arbeit treibend,
sondern sich herumtreibend,’ Zéckl.
‘nicht schaffend, sondern vielge-
schaftig,” Jowett ‘busy only with
what is not their own business.’
The same play on the original Gk.
words is found in Dem. PaAii. iv.
150 σοὶ μὲν ἐξ ὧν ἐργάζει Kal πε-
ριεργάζει τοὺς ἐσχάτους ὄντας κινδύ-
νους. For other exx. of paronomasia
from the Pauline Epp. see v. 13,
Rom. i. 20, xii. 3, 1 Cor. vii. 31,
2 Cor. iv. 8, Phil. iii, 2 f. (WM.
p. 794 f., Blass, p. 298 ἢ).
Περιεργάζομαι, ἅπ. λεγ. N.T. (ef.
περιεργός Ac. xix. 19, I Tim. v. 13), is
found in the same sense as here in
Sir. ili. 23 (24) ἐν τοῖς περισσοῖς τῶν
ἔργων σου μὴ περιεργάζου : cf. Plato
Apol. 19 B, where it is said of Socrates
in an accusatory sense, περιεργάζεται
ζητῶν τά τε ὑπὸ γῆς καὶ τὰ ἐπουράνια,
and for a significant ex. from the
inscriptions see C.Z.A. 11. 74, 14 f. ὃς
ἂν δὲ πολυπραγμονήσῃ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ἣ
περιεργάσηται, ἁμαρτίαν ὀφιλέτω κτλ.
Quintilian defines περιεργία as ‘super-
vacua operositas’ (viii. 3. 55): cf.
M. Anton. x. 2 τούτοις δὴ κανόσι
χρώμενος, μηδὲν περιεργάζου.
12. τ. δὲ τοιούτοις παραγγέλλομεν
κτλ.] The παραγγελία is now addressed
directly to the ἄτακτοι themselves in
so far as they possess the above-
8—2
116 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 13, 14
Ἴ “ a. ~ / ΡΝ ᾽ς > / \ ς ~
noov Ἄριστῳ va META ἡσυχίας ἐργαζόμενοι TOV εαυὐτῶν
» > ,
ἀρτον ἐσθίωσιν.
καλοποιοῦντες.
mentioned characteristics—rois τοιού-
τοις, cf. Mt. xix. 14, Rom. xvi. 18,
1 Cor. v. Τῇ:
For παρακαλοῦμεν cf. I. ii. 12 note,
and for ἐν κυρ. "Ino. Xp. ef. I. iv. 1
note.
iva μετὰ ἡσυχίας κτλ.] It is not
enough that they should not be dis-
orderly, they must also work, and
that too ‘with quietness’ for their
own maintenance.
‘Hovxia (elsewhere in N.T. only
Ac, xxii. 2, 1 Tim. ii. 11 ἢ; οὗ ἡσυχά-
¢ew I, iv. 11, and for a class. parallel
[Dem.] Zvord. Or. 1445 ἔχειν ἡσυχίαν
kal Ta ὑμέτερα αὐτῶν πράττειν) differs
from ἠρεμία in denoting tranquillity
arising from within rather than from
without (Ellic. on 1 Tim. ii. 2).
For the force of μετά see the note
on I. i. 6, and cf. P.Lond. 1. 44, 17 f.
(ii./B.C.) μεθ᾽ ἡσυχίας ἀναλύειν.
III. 13—15. ΕἸΧΗΟΒΤΑΤΙΟΝ TO THE
LoyaL MEMBERS OF THE CHURCH.
After the digression caused by the
rebuke of the disorderly, the writers,
fearing that their example may have
a bad effect, address a special word
of exhortation to the main body of
their readers.
13—15. ‘On the other hand as
regards the rest of you, Brothers, we
exhort you not to fail in doing the
right thing, but to persevere in your
honourable course. And in order
that you may do this, there is nothing
for it but to mark the man who is
disregarding what we have said in
this Epistle, and not in any way to
associate with him, in order that
thereby he may be shamed. And
yet in saying this, we need hardly
caution you that you are not to treat
him as if he were in any sense an
enemy, but rather to counsel him as
a brother.’
~ / - > /
3°Yueis δέ, ἀδελφοί, μὴ ἐνκακήσητε
> a > ε ΄ , ε vod
*4e δέ τις οὐχ ὑπακούει τῷ λόγῳ ἡμῶν
13. Ὑμεῖς δέ] ‘But you’—what-
ever may have been the conduct of
others. Thdt.: μὴ νικήσῃ τὴν vpe-
τέραν φιλοτιμίαν ἡ ἐκείνων μοχθηρία.
μὴ ἐνκακήσητε] ᾿Ἐνκακέω (for form,
WH. Notes p. 157 f.) from κακός
‘cowardly’ is found elsewhere in
N.T. only in Lk. xviii. 1, 2 Cor. iv. 1,
16, Gal. vi. 9, Eph. iii. 13: ef: Polyb.
iv. 19. 10 τὸ μὲν πέμπειν τὰς βοηθείας
...evexaxnaay ‘they omitted through
cowardice to send assistance.’
For the use of the aor. subj. in
2nd pers. after μή, which is compara-
tively rare in Paul, see Moulton
Prolegg. p. 122 ff.
καλοποιοῦντες] ‘doing the fair, the
noble thing’ rather than ‘ conferring
benefits’ (ἀγαθοποιοῦντες) : cf. the
double exhortation in 1 Tim. vi. 18
ἀγαθοεργεῖν, πλουτεῖν ἐν ἔργοις κα-
λοῖς. '
The verb καλοποιέω is not found
elsewhere in the N.T. (for similar
compounds, Lob. PAryn. p. 199 f.),
but for the thought see Gal. vi. 9 ro
δὲ καλὸν ποιοῦντες μὴ ἐνκακῶμεν, Where,
as here, καλός carries with it the
thought not only of what is right in
itself (I. v. 21 note), but of what is
perceived to be right (1 Tim. v. 25 ra
καλὰ πρόδηλα), and consequently
exercises an attractive power. See
further for this sense of καλός the
interesting discussion by Lock, S¢
Paul p. 117 ff.
14. τῷ λόγῳ ἡμῶν διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς]
‘our word (sent) through the (present)
epistle’ (Th. Mops. interpr.: ‘uerba
quae per epistolam loquimur’). The
interpretation favoured by some of
the older commentators by which διὰ
τ. ἐπιστ. is rather to be connected with
what follows in the sense ‘ by means
of a letter (from you) do you notify’
(ef. Tind. sende vs worde of him by a
letter) is exposed to the well-founded
III 15] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 117
A mom ~ CG
διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, τοῦτον
΄σ e/ 3 =
νυσθαι αὐτῷ, iva ἐντραπῆ"
objections that it is inconsistent
with the natural order of the words,
and with the use of the demonstrative
τῆς (I. v. 27 note), which points to an
existing letter rather than to one to
be written afterwards.
τοῦτον σημειοῦσθε] “οἵ this man take
note’ (Vg. hance notate). Σημειόομαι
(ar. Aey. N.T.) means to ‘mark or
notify for oneself, and from being
used in a neutral or even favourable
(Ps. iv. 7) sense came also to have the
idea of disapprobation connected
with it, eg. Polyb. v. 78. 2 (of a
sinister omen) σημειωσάμενοι τὸ γε-
γονός. The ordinary usage of the
word is illustrated by Aristeas 148
παραδέδωκεν ὁ νομοθέτης σημειοῦσθαι
τοῖς συνετοῖς εἶναι δικαίους, O.G.LS.
629, 168 (Palmyra, ii./A.D.) ὁ κράτιστος
ἐσημ(εγιώσατο ἐν τῇ πρὸς Βάρβαρον
ἐπιστολῇ.
It may be added that with the
grammarians σημείωσαι is used in the
sense of ‘nota bene,’ and that in the
ostraca and papyri σεσημείωμαι is the
regular term for the signature to a
receipt or formal notice, as when in
P.Oxy. 237. Vii. 29 (ii./A.D.) the prefect
gives legal validity to the ὑπομνη-
ματισμός by the words ἀνέγνων: σεση-
μ(είωμαι).
μὴ συναναμίγνυσθαι αὐτῷ] lit. ‘not
to mix yourselves together up with
him’ (Vg. ne commisceamini cum illo,
Beza ne commercium habete cum eo)
—the expressive double compound
being found elsewhere in the N.T.
only in 1 Cor. v. 9 μὴ συναναμίγνυσθαι
mopvos: cf. Hos. vii. 8A Ἐφράιμ ἐν
τοῖς λαοῖς αὐτοῦ συνανεμίγνυτος For
the corresponding adj. in the Κοινή
see P.Oxy. 718, 16 f. (ii./a.D.) ἀρούρας
τῆς βασιλικῆς συναναμίγους εἶναι τῇ
vrap|xovon μοι γῇ].
ἵνα ἐντραπῇ ] ‘in order that he may
be put to shame’ (Vg. ut confun-
datur, Beza ut erubescat), following
σημειοῦσθε, μὴ συναναμίγ-
Skat μὴ ὡς ἐχθρὸν ἡγεῖσθε,
the late metaphorical sense of ἐν-
τρέπω, cf. Ps. xxxiv. (xxxv.) 4, 1 Cor.
iv. 14, Tit. ii. 8, and from the Kown
such passages as P.Par. 47, 3 f.
(ii./B.0.) [e]? μὴ μικρόν τι ἐντρέπομαι,
49, 29 f. (ii./B.0.) γίνεται γὰρ ἐντρα-
πῆναι. The corresponding subst. év-
τροπή (-- αἰσχύνη) is found in 1 Cor.
vi. 5, xv. 34. For its sense of aidws as
in class. Gk. (e.g. Soph. Oed. Col. 299)
οἵ, the late magical papyrus P.Lond.
I. 46, 16 f. (iv./A.D.) δὸς ἐντροπὴν τῷ
φανέντι πρὸ πυρός.
In the midd. the verb =‘ reverence,’
and contrary toclass. usage is construed
in the Bibl. writings with the acc., e.g.
Sap. ii. 10, Mk. xii. 6, Heb. xii. 9.
15. καὶ μὴ ws ἐχθρόν κτὰλ.] a clause
added to prevent any possible mis-
understanding of the foregoing.
Throughout the conduct enjoined
has in view the final amendment of
the offender (Th. Mops.: ‘ut modis
omnibus increpatione, obsecratione,
doctrina reducatis eum ad id quod
honestum est’): cf. Didache xv. 3
ἐλέγχετε δὲ ἀλλήλους μὴ ἐν ὀργῇ ἀλλ᾽
ἐν εἰρήνῃ, and Clem. R. Cor. xiv. 3
χρηστευσώμεθα αὐτοῖς [rois ἀρχηγοῖς
τῆς στάσεως) κατὰ τὴν εὐσπλαγχνίαν
καὶ γλυκύτητα τοῦ ποιήσαντος ἡμᾶς.
For the softening effect of ὡς ‘as
if he were an enemy’ cf. Blass
Ῥ. 246 n.1, and for nyéowa and vov-
θετέω see the notes on I. v. 13, I. v.
12, respectively. As further illus-
trating the ‘stronger’ sense of ἡγέο-
μαι in the former passage see M.
Anton. iv. 1 where the best texts
read ὁρμᾷ μὲν πρὸς τὰ ἡγούμενα
(‘moves towards things preferred ’)
in the sense of mponyovpeva in the
parallel passage v. 20 (see Crossley’s
note ad /oc.).
III. 16. ῬΒΑΥΒΒ.
16. ‘May the Lord, from whom
all peace comes, Himself give you His
118 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 16—18
ἀλλὰ νουθετεῖτε ὡς ἀδελφόν.
"Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος τῆς
δ σύν 7 = \ 3 / Ἁ \ 3 \ /
εἰρηνῆς δῴη UMLY τὴν εἰρήνην διὰ παντὸς ἐν παντὶ τρόπῳ.
/ \ / ΄σ
ὁ κύριος μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν.
+ ~ ~ / 9 -~
“O ἀσπασμὸς τῆ ἐμῆ χειρὶ Παύλου, ὅ ἐστιν σημεῖον
ἐν πάση ἐπιστολῆ" οὕτως yoadw. “δὴ yaols τοῦ κυρίου
ν πάσῃ ῇ ᾿ γράφω. "ἡ χάρ ρ
΄σ' > ~ o « ΄“
ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν.
peace at all times and in all ways.
The Lord be with you all.’
16. Αὐτὸς δέ κτλ.) For αὐτὸς δέ
see I. iii. 11 note, and for 6 kup. τ.
eip., here evidently the Lord Jesus
(cf. v. 5), see I. v. 23 note. The
Hellenistic opt. δῴη (for δοίῃ) is found
again in the N.T. in Rom. xv. 5,
2 Tim. i. 16, 18 (WSchm. p. 120). For
διὰ παντός ‘continually, as distin-
guished from πάντοτε ‘at all times’
see Westcott’s note on Heb. ix. 6, and
cf. P.Lond. 1. 42, 6 (cited in note on
Ty d. 3).
The ν.]. ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ (A*D*G 17
Vg Go) doubtless arose through the
desire to conform a somewhat awk-
ward phrase (cf. παντὶ τρόπῳ Phil. i.
18, κατὰ πάντα τρόπον Rom, iii. 2) to
the more common expression (ef. I. 1.
8, 1 Cor. i. 2, 2 Cor. ii. 14, 1 Tim.
ii. 8).
μετὰ πάντων vuoyv|—even with the
disorderly brother, cf. v. 18 and for
πάντων used with a similar emphasis
see the Benedictions in 1 Cor. xvi. 24,
2 Cor. xiii. 13.
III. 17, 18% SALUTATION AND
BENEDICTION.
17,18. “1 add this salutation with
my own hand, signing it with my name
Paul, as I am in the habit of doing.
May the grace of our Lord Jesus
Christ be with you all.’
17. ‘O ἀσπασμὸς τῇ ἐμῇ χειρὶ
Παύλου] Cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv.
18, and for a similar use of domacpos
in the Kowy see P.Oxy. 471, 67 ἢ.
(ii./A.D.) ἀναμενόντων...τὸν ἀσπασμόν
‘waiting to salute him,’ and cf. the
note on ἀσπάζομαι I. v. 26.
Παύλου is gen. in apposition with
ἐμῇ in accordance with a common Gk.
idiom (Kiihner® ὃ 406, 3).
ὅ ἐστιν σημεῖον xrA.| namely the fact
of St Paul’s writing the salutation
with his own hand, and not merely
the insertion of the immediately pre-
ceding words, which as a matter of
fact are found elsewhere only in two
of his Epp. (1 Cor., Col.). Because
however St Paul does not always
pointedly direct attention to the
autographic nature of the salutations
is in itself no proof that he did not
write them: cf. Intr. p. xcii and see
Add. Note A. Inthe present instance
he may have considered a formal
attestation of the clearest kind the
more necessary in view of the false
appeals that had been made to his
authority in Thessalonica (see note on
ii. 2).
οὕτως γράφω] with reference to the
characters in which vv. 17, 18 were
written, which the Thessalonians
would henceforth recognize as hisy
cf. Gal. vi. 11. Any reference to an
ingeniously-framed monogram (Grot.:
‘certum quendam nexum literarium’)
used by the Apostle for his signa-
ture is quite unnecessary.
18. ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου κτλ.}] The
substance of the Pauline ἀσπασμός,
embodying the Apostle’s favourite
idea of ‘grace, and by the significant
addition of πάντων extending it to
‘all’ alike, even those whom he had
just found it necessary to censure (cf.
v. 16 note).
As in the First Ep. (cf. I. v. 28 note)
a liturgical ἀμήν has found its way
into certain mss. (N°CADGKLP).
ADDITIONAL NOTES
Καθὼς καὶ ὁ ἀγαπητὸς ἡμῶν ἀδελφὸς Παῦλος κατὰ
Ν a 9. ἡ 7 ” ¢ A ς x os ,
τὴν δοθεῖσαν αὐτῷ σοφίαν ἔγραψεν ὑμῖν, ὡς καὶ ἐν πάσαις
3 a a 3 ᾽ a \ / > > \
ἐπιστολαῖς λαλῶν ἐν αὐταῖς περὶ τούτων, ἐν als ἐστὶν
δυσνόητά τινα.
2 Pet. iii, 15, 16.
NOTE A.
St Paul as a Letter- Writer.
Φιλοφρόνησις γάρ τις βούλεται εἶναι ἡ ἐπιστολὴ σύντομος, καὶ περὶ ἁπλοῦ
πράγματος ἔκθεσις καὶ ἐν ὀνόμασιν ἁπλοῖς.
Demetrius de Elocutione 231 (ed. Roberts, p. 176).
‘Als einen Ersatz seiner persénlichen Wirkung schreibt er seine Briefe.
Dieser Briefstil ist Paulus, niemand als Paulus; es ist nicht Privatbrief und
doch nicht Literatur, ein unnachahmliches, wenn auch immer wieder nach-
geahmtes Mittelding.’
τ. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff Die Griechische Literatur des Altertums
p. 157 (in Die Kultur der Gegenwart τ. 8, Berlin, 1905).
We have already seen that the Thessalonian Epistles are true ‘letters,’ The
and not doctrinal treatises, and that, in adopting this method of com- Pauline
municating with his scattered Churches, St Paul found a means of pa ats
communication admirably suited alike to his own temperament, and to jetters.
the circumstances under which he wrote. The use of a ‘letter’ indeed
for religious purposes was not altogether without precedent. It was by
a letter that Jeremiah communicated God’s will regarding them to the
Jewish captives in Babylon (Jer. xxix.)!, and by a letter again, to come
down to Christian times, that the Council at Jerusalem announced their
decision to the Gentile Churches (Ac. xv.) But, notwithstanding these
partial parallels, St Paul was apparently the first to recognize the full
possibilities that layin a letter as a means of conveying religious in-
struction®, And as there is good reason to believe that in the Thessalonian
Epistles we have the earliest of his extant writings (see p. xxxvif.), this is
a fitting opportunity for trying to form as clear an idea as possible of the
outward form and method of the Pauline correspondence.
Towards this, recent discoveries in Egypt have lent most valuable aid. Light
For though it is somewhat remarkable that no copy of a Pauline Epistle, persica του
. m by
or any part of one, on papyrus, belonging to the first three centuries, has yecent dis-
yet come to light 4, the ordinary papyrus letters of the Apostle’s time enable coveries of
1 Cf, in the Apocrypha the so-called
Epp. of Jeremiah and Baruch, and
2 Mace. i. τ, το. Renan (Saint Paul
(1869) p. 229 n.*) refers also to the,
iggéret or risdlet, which the Jewish
synagogues were in the habit of
addressing to one another on points
of doctrine or practice.
2 «Letters of recommendation’ (ἐπι-
στολαὶ συστατικαί) were common, Ac.
ix. 2 (xxii. 5), xviii. 27; cf. Rom. xvi.
I, 2, 2 Cor. iii. 1, and for a pagan
example see the first of the papyrus-
letters reproduced on p. 127.
3 An exception is sometimes made
in favour of the Epistle of James; but
see Sanday Inspiration p. 344 f.
4 There are various fragments be-
papyri.
Papyrusas
@ writing
material.
Themanu-
facture of
papyrus.
122 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
us to picture to ourselves with great distinctness what must have been the
exact format of the Pauline autographs.
Thus there can be no doubt that, like other letter-writers of his time, .
St Paul wrote his letters on papyrus. The costlier pergament, which was
used for copies of the O.T. books’, was not only beyond the Apostle’s
slender means, but would have been out of keeping with the fugitive and
occasional character he himself ascribed to his writings*. And he would
naturally fall back upon a material which was easily procurable, and whose
use for the purposes of writing had already a long history behind it*.
In itself papyrus is derived from the papyrus-plant (Cyperus papyrus L.)*,
and was prepared for the purposes of writing according to a well-
established process, of which the elder Pliny (W.H. xiii. 11—13) has left
a classical account.
According to this, the pith (βύβλος) of the stem of the papyrus-plant
was cut into long strips (philyrae), which were laid down vertically to form
a lower or outward layer. Over this a corresponding number of strips
were then placed horizontally ; and the two layers were pressed together
to form one sheet (scheda), the process being assisted by a preparation
of glue, moistened, when possible, with the turbid water of the Nile, which
was supposed to add strength to 108,
longing to the fourth and fifth
centuries, amongst which Dr Kenyon
(Hastings’ D.B. v. p. 354) includes
one containing 2 Thess. i. 1— ii. 2
(Berlin Museum P. 5013); but, in a
private communication to the present
writer, he states that, in reality, this
is not on papyrus, buton vellum. The
important papyrus containing about
one-third of the Ep. to the Hebrews
(P.Oxy. 657) is certainly not later
than the fourth century, perhaps the
end of the third.
1 These are probably referred to in
τὰς μεμβράνας of 2 Tim. iv. 13, as
compared with τὰ βιβλία, the ordinary
papyrus-rolls.
2 The very fact that Josephus
mentions that the letter of the Jews
to Ptolemy Philadelphus was written
on parchment (διφθεραί, Antt. xii. 89
(ii. 11)) shows that this was unusual.
3 Theearliest extant papyrus-writing
is a statement of accounts, dated in
the reign of Assa, the last King of the
fifth dynasty in Egypt, about 3580—
3536 B.c. (Kenyon Palaeography of
Greek Papyri p. 14). According to
Sir E. M. Thompson (Greek and Latin
Palaeography p. 33), papyrus continued
After being dried in the sun, and
to be manufactured in Egypt for
writing purposes down to the tenth
century of our era. Recently attempts
have been made to supply charta
according to the ancient model from
the papyrus- plants growing near
Syracuse. In addition to the authori-
ties quoted, see the essay on ‘ Ancient
Papyrus and the mode of making
paper from it’ by Prof. Ezra Abbot,
reprinted in his Critical Essays |
(Boston, 1888) p. 137 ff.
4 The most probable derivation of
the word ‘papyrus’ is from the
Egyptian pa-p-yér, ‘the (product) of
the river,’ i.e. ‘the river-plant’ (see
Encycl. Bibl. col. 3556). The plant is
mentioned in Job viii. 11; in Ex, ii. 3
the ND) NIM was a ‘chest of paper-
reed,’ or 8 papyrus-boat, cf. Isa. xviii.
2 ἐπιστολὰς βυβλίνας. For the Gk.
word πάπυρος cf. P.Leid. S p. 97
col. 1*, 8, 11 (ii./B.c.), and (παπύρους)
P.Par. 55 bis col. 1 and 2 (ii./B.c.),
and for the adj. P.Leid. U col. 2°, 6 f.
(ii./B.c.) πλοῖον παπύρινον, ὃ καλεῖται
Αὐγυπτισεὶ ‘Poy. See further Mayser
p- 37:
5 This appears to be the correct
interpretation of Pliny’s ‘turbidus
ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 123
rubbed down with ivory or a smooth shell to remove any roughness, the
sheet was ready for use—a scripturabilis facies.
The size of the sheets thus formed would obviously vary according Size of
to the quality of the papyrus; but Dr Kenyon has shown that for non- P&@PyTus-
literary documents the size in ordinary use would be from 5 to 53 inches in sheote.
width, and from 9 to 11 inches in height'.
For a brief note, like the Epistle to Philemon, a single sheet would
therefore suffice, but, when more space was required, it was easily pro-
curable by fastening the requisite number of sheets together to form
a roll?, the beginning (πρωτόκολλον) and the end (ἐσχατοκόλλιον), as the
parts most usually handled, being not infrequently strengthened by
attaching extra strips of papyrus at the back. These rolls would seem
to have been generally sold in lengths of twenty sheets (scap7), the cost of
two sheets being at the rate of a drachma and two obols each, or a little
over a shilling of our money 3,
As a rule the original writing was confined to one side of the papyrus- Recto and
sheet, that side being chosen on which the fibres lay horizontally (recto), Verso,
which was therefore smoother for the purpose. But occasionally, when
space failed, recourse was had also to the back (verso). The verso was
also frequently used for some other writing of less importance, or for
scribbling purposes, much as we use the back of an old letter’.
The matter was arranged in columns (σέλιδες, paginae) of from two to Width of
three inches wide, which were as a rule placed close together, so that there columns.
liquor vim glutinis (dat.) praebet,’ as
elsewhere he recognizes only the form
glutinum, and not gluten, according to
which glutinis would be a genitive:
ef. Birt Das antike Buchwesen (1882)
p. 231 f., and for the whole of Pliny’s
description see Gardthausen Griech-
ische Palaeographie (1879) p. 31 f.,
Thompson op. cit. Ὁ. 30f., Kenyon op.
cit. p. 15.
1 Op. cit. p. 16 ff.
2 Cicero (ad Fam. xii. 30. 1) speaks
of so delighting in his correspondence
with Cornificius, that he desires to
send him ‘not letters but rolls.’
3 Thompson op. cit. p. 28; οἵ.
Karabacek Fiihrer durch die Papyrus-
sammlung (1904) of the Rainer Museum
at Vienna, p. xvi. Karabacek also refers
(p. xv) to the different qualities of
papyrus-paper, such as the Charta
claudia, a very white paper, and the
Charta salutatrixz, a favourite form
for ordinary correspondence. The
finest of all was the Hieratica, while
the Emporetica, made out of the rougher
layers served much the purposes of
brown paper amongst ourselves.
4 Cf. Ezek. ii. gf. ‘a roll of a book
...written within and without,’ and
Rev. v. 1 βιβλίον γεγραμμένον ἔσωθεν
καὶ ὄπισθεν, the roll was so full that
the contents had overflowed to the
verso of the papyrus (but see Nestle
Text. Crit. of the Gk. N.T. p. 333).
A similar peculiarity distinguishes the
long magical papyrus P.Lond. 1. 121
(iii./a.p.). On the distinction between
Recto and Verso see especially Wilcken
in Hermes xxii. (1887) p. 487 ff.: οὗ,
Archiv i. p. 355 f.
5 The letter P.Gen. 52 is written on
the verso, the writer explaining—
χάρτην (xdpriov, Wilcken Archiv iii.
Ῥ. 399) καθαρὸν μὴ εὑρὼν πρὸς τὴν ὧραν
εἰς rot[rlov ἔγραψα. See also the
interesting caricature from the back
of a papyrus (ix./B.c.) reproduced in
Erman and Krebs dus den Papyrus
der Kéniglichen Museen [zu Berlin],
Berlin, 1899, p. 6.
Ink and
pen.
A papy-
rus-roll,
Mode of
reading.
St Paul’s
employ-
ment of an
amanuen-
sis.
124 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
would be little room for the marginal annotations St Paul is sometimes
credited with having made, unless we are to think of these as inserted at
the top or bottom of the sheet.
To complete our survey of the writing-materials, it is sufficient to notice
that the black ink (μέλαν, or μέλαν γραφικόν) ordinarily used was prepared
from a mixture of soot and gum-water! and that a rush or reed (κάλαμος,
or κάλαμος ypadixds) served as a pen (cf. 3 Jo. 13 διὰ μέλανος καὶ
καλάμου) 3.
When finished, the roll was rolled round upon itself, and fastened
together with a thread*, and in ordinary letters the address or title was
then written on the back of the roll. In the case of more important
literary works, which would be preserved in libraries, a σίλλυβος, or small
strip of papyrus containing the title, was frequently attached to the end of
the roll for the purpose of identification‘.
In order to ascertain its contents, the reader held the roll with two
hands, unrolling it with his right, and with his left hand rolling up what he
had finished reading®: a practice which enables us to understand the
imagery of Rev. vi. 14 ὁ οὐρανὸς ἀπεχωρίσθη ὡς βιβλίον ἑλισσόμενον
(ἑλισσόμενος &), where the expanse of heaven is represented as parting
asunder, ‘the divided portions curling up and forming a roll on either hand’
(Swete ad Joc.).
From these more general details that help to throw light on the
outward method of the Pauline correspondence, it is necessary now to turn
to one or two particulars that affected its contents. Amongst these a
first place must be given to the fact that as a rule St Paul, following a
well-established custom (Norden Kunstprosa ii. Ὁ. 954 ff.), seems to have
1 Pliny N.H. xxxv. 6. The excellent
quality of this ink is shown by the
way it has preserved its colour after
the lapse of so many years. At the
same time by not sinking into the
texture of the paper like our modern
inks, it readily lent itself to being
washed completely off: hence Col.
li. 14 ἐξαλείψας τὸ...χειρόγραφον (see
Williams’ note ad loc. in C.G.T.).
2 Directions for buying papyrus,
pens, ink &c. will be found in P. Grenf.
11. 38 (cf. Witkowski Epp. no. 55),
a letter of i./p.c. For illustrations
of the ordinary writing-materials see
Erman and Krebs op. cit. p. 8 f., and
the above-cited Fiihrer through the
Rainer collection at Vienna p. 6.
8 The wooden-roller (ὀμφαλός, uwm-
bilicus) with projecting knobs or tips
(κέρατα, cornua) would seem to have
been confined to the costlier editions
of literary works (Gardthausen op. cit.
p. 52f., Kenyon op. cit. p. 23). And
the same would be the case with the
φαινόλης or φαιλόνης, the ‘cover’ by
which more valuable works were pro-
tected. Birt (op. cit. p. 65) finds a
reference to this ‘cover,’ and not to
the Apostle’s ‘ travelling-cloke,’ in the
φελόνη of 2 Tim. iv. 13.
4 Specimens of these σίλλυβοι have
been recovered: see P,Oxy. 301, 381.
ὅ Cf. Lucian imag. ὁ. 8 βιβλίον ἐν
ταῖν χεροῖν εἶχεν, és δύο συνειλημμένον"
καὶ ἐῴκει τὸ μέν τι ἀναγνώσεσθαι αὐτοῦ,
τὸ δὲ ἤδη ἀνεγνωκέναι (cited Gardthausen
Ῥ. 52). Seneca, who prided himself
on his brevity, breaks off a letter with
the remark that no letter should ‘fill’
the left hand of the reader (Ep. 45
‘quae non debet sinistram manum
legentis implere’), implying that, were
it longer than a single sheet, the reader
would require to use both hands (Bir
p- 62).
ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 125
dictated his letters. This at least is the most obvious interpretation of
such a passage as Rom. xvi. 22 ἀσπάζομαι ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ Téprios ὁ γράψας τὴν
ἐπιστολὴν ἐν κυρίῳ, Where, unless we are to think of Tertius’ writing a
copy of the letter the Apostle had previously penned, we can only regard
him as the actual scribe. Further confirmation of this practice is afforded
by 2 Thess. iii. 17, a verse which sets the authenticating signature of
the Apostle in direct contrast with the rest of the letter as written by
someone else: cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv. 18.
To such a mode of procedure the Egyptian papyri again offer striking
confirmation, the signature being often in a different hand from the body
of the document itself, as when a letter on land-distribution by three
officials, Phanias, Heraclas, and Diogenes, is endorsed at the bottom by
the second of these (Ἡρακλ(ᾶς) σεση(μείωμαι)), the letter itself having no
doubt been written by a clerk (P.Oxy. 45 (i./a.D.) with the edd. note)?.
In speaking of St Paul’s amanuensis, we must not however think of
a professional scribe (raxvypados, notarius), but rather of some educated
friend or companion who happened to be with the Apostle at the time
(cf. Rom. xvi. 21). The writing would then be of the ordinary, non-literary
character, though doubtless more than the usual care would be taken
in view of the importance of the contents. The words, in accordance with
general practice, would be closely joined together. Contractions, especially
in the way of leaving out the last syllables of familiar words’, would be
frequent. And, as a rule, accents and breathings would be only sparingly
employed. The bearing of these facts upon the various readings that crept
later into the Pauline texts is at once obvious. But for our present
purpose it is more important to ask, How much was St Paul in the habit
of leaving to his amanuensis? Did he dictate his letters word for word,
his scribe perhaps taking them down in some form of shorthand?®?
1 Mahaffy (P.Petr. 1. p. 48) finds
here the clue to the correct interpre-
tation of the πήλικα γράμματα of Gal.
vi. 11—the large, irregular characters
of the man who wrote but little, as
compared with the smaller, cursive
handof his more practised amanuensis:
ef, for a striking illustration of this the
facsimile of Pap. 215 in the Fiihrer to
the Rainer collection (p. 68), where
the rude, uncial signatures of two
consenting parties are clearly dis-
tinguishable from the more cultured
hand in which the body of the contract
is written. But Ramsay (Hist. Comm.
on Galatians p. 466) is probably nearer
the mark in saying that by the use of
‘large’ letters the Apostle desired
rather to draw special attention to the
‘importance’ of the following sen-
tences, in accordance with a well-
Or was
established custom in ancient times.
2 Kenyon’s statement (Palaeography
p- 33) that the omission of the middle
portion of words is not found in Gk.
papyri now requires modification : ef.
P.Amh. 35, 55 (ii./B.c.) βα(σιλι)κῶν,
where the editors point out that the
scribe first wrote 8+, and then added
κων to distinguish it from B+=£a-
(σιλέως) in the previous line, and see
also Kenyon himself (P.Lond. m1. p. 91)
where kA κοι = κλήρου κατοικοῦ is allowed
as ‘one of the very few exceptions’ to
his own above-stated rule.
3 For the practice of shorthand
amongst the ancients see art. ‘Nota’
in Smith’s Dict. of Gk. and Rom. Anitt.,
and cf. Kenyon op. cit. p. 33. To the
literature there adduced may be added
an art. by F. G. W. Foat On old Greek
Lachygraphy in J.H.S. xxi. (1901)
Signifi-
cance of
this fact
Possibility
of quota-
tions
and
marginal
annota-
tions.
126 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
he content to supply a rough draft, leaving the scribe to throw it into
more formal and complete shape? It is true that to these questions no
definite auswer can be given. In all probability the Apostle’s practice
varied with the special circumstances of the case, or the person of the
scribe whom he was employing. More might be left to the discretion
of a Silvanus or a Timothy, than of a Tertius. But, in any case, the very
fact that such questions can be put at all shows how many of the difficulties
regarding the varied style and phraseology of the different Epistles might —
be solved, if we had only clearer knowledge of the exact conditions under
which they were severally written!.
Nor can we leave out of sight the possibility that, when dictating,
St Paul may frequently have held some letter he was answering in his
hand, and that consequently quotations from his correspondents’ language,
which we should now in print at any rate distinguish by the use of inverted
commas, may have found their way into his answer, or at any rate suggested
the exact form of the language employed *.
In a suggestive paper in the Ewpositor (v. vi. p. 65 ff.) Dr Walter Lock
has applied this possibility to the elucidation of 1 Cor. viii. 1—9, and more
recently Dr Rendel Harris (Zap. v. viii. p. 169 ff.) has tried in the same way
to disentangle from our existing 1 Thessalonians traces of a lost letter
previously addressed by the Thessalonians to St Paul. Some of the points
raised may perhaps seem to the ordinary reader over-subtle, and capable
of simpler explanation. But the idea is a fruitful one,and may yet be found
to do good service in the explanation of various Pauline linguistic and
grammatical anomalies®.
Another possibility is that what were originally marginal annotations
now form part of the Pauline Epistles. What more natural, it has been
argued, than that St Paul should have read over his letter, after his scribe
had finished writing it, and jotted down in the margin explanatory
comments or additions, which afterwards found their way into the text*.
That marginal annotations of this kind were added later is well known;
p. 238ff., which contains a general
résumé of the present state of the
question.
1 Cf. Sanday Inspiration p. 342, and
for the possibility that in the ‘ dicta-
tion’ and ‘revision’ of the fourth
Gospel, which early tradition asserts
(especially Can. Murat. p. toa.), we
may have a key to the differences
between it and the Apocalypse see
Swete Apoc. p. clxxix f.
In an art. in the Churchman for
June 1906 (summarized in Hap. T.
XVii. p. 433) Bishop Moule cites a mode
of procedure from the modern mission-
field which may have some bearing on
the point before us. According to
this when a European missionary in
China desires to send a message, he
first writes it down in his own Chinese,
and then submits it to a ‘ writer,’ who
drafts it afresh into the correct classical
phraseology. After revision it is then
sent out by the missionary, ‘as his
own authentic message.’
2 Cf. Weizsiicker Apost.
p- 102 ff.
8. For its application to the Ep. to
the Philippians see Kennedy Phil.
p. 403 in E.G.T.
4 See especially Laurent Newtest.
Studien (Gotha, 1866) p. 3 ff., and ef.
Renan Saint Paul (1869) p. 232.
Age ii.
ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 127
but it is very doubtful whether any of them can be traced back to St Paul
himself. The general form of an ordinary papyrus-letter left, as we have
already seen, little room for them. And such a phrase for example as
ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ παρουσίᾳ (1 Thess. ii. 19), which
Laurent (p. 28 ἢ) cites in support of this view, may just as readily have
formed part of the original writing.
We are on surer ground when we turn to the undoubted light which General
the correspondence of the time throws upon the general form of the form
Pauline letters. That form, as is well known, consists as a rule of an Pee :
Address or Greeting, a Thanksgiving, Special Contents, Personal Salu- jotters,
tations, and an Autographic Conclusion. And when full allowance has
been made for difference in character and tone, it is remarkable how
closely this structure resembles the structure of an ordinary Greek
letter.
This will perhaps be best shown by giving one or two specimens of Examples
the latter. We begin with a short letter from Oxyrhynchus, of date of papy-
A.D. 16, in which the writer Theon recommends to the notice of his borer
brother Heraclides the bearer of the letter Hermophilus. A letter of
P.Oxy. 746. pao
Θέων Ἡρακλείδηι τῶι ἀδελφῶι tion. 3
πλεῖστα χαίρειν καὶ ὑγιαίνειν.
ἙἝἙρμόφιλος <6> ἀποδ[ι]δούς σοι τὴν
ἐπιστολήν [ἐ]στίι]. [-.]. κί. .7μ. φί.7ηρι
[-Ἰερίου, καὶ ἐρώτησέν με γράψαι σοι.
[π]ροφέρεται ἔχειν πραγμάτιον
[ἐν τῆι] Κερκεμούνι. τοῦτο οὖν ἐάν
σοι φα[ί]νηται σπουδάσεις κατὰ τὸ
δίκαιον. τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα σεαυτοῦ ἐπιμελοῦ
ἵν᾽ ὑγιαίνῃς.
ἔρρωσο.
(ἔτους) γ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Φαῶφι γ.
On the verso is written the address :
Ἡρακλείδηι βα(σιλικῶι) γρ(αμματεῖ)
᾿Οξυ(ρυγχίτου) Κυνοπί(ολίτου)
the round brackets indicating the resolution of the abbreviations
employed.
The general similarity of. the Address and the closing Salutation to A letter of
the ordinary Pauline practice is at once obvious, and the same may be invitation.
said of the following letter of invitation from the Faiyim, belonging to the
year A.D. 84.
B.G.U. 596:
Δίδυμος ᾿Απολλωνίωι
τῶι τιμιωτάτωι
χαίρειν.
Καλῶς ποιήσεις συνελθὼν
[Α]ἰλουρίωνι τῶι κομίζον-
τί σοι τὸ ἐπ[ι]στ[όἤλιον, ὅπως
A letter
from a
mother
to her
children.
A letter of
consola-
tion,
128 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
eis τὴν ἑωρτὴν (sic) περιστε-
ρείδια ἡμεῖν ἀγοράσηι,
καὶ ἐρωτηθεὶς κατελ-
θὼν συνευωχηθῆ[ι]
ἡμεῖν. Τοῦτ[ο] οὖν ποιή-
σας ἔσῃ μοι μεγάλην
χάριταν (sic) κατ[α]τεθειμῖ ἔ]νο(ς).
ἤλσπασαι τοὺς σοὺς πάντας.
ἜἜῤῥωσο.
(ἔτους) τρίτου Αὐτοκράτορος
Καίσαρος Δομιτιανοῦ
Σεβαστοῦ Τερμανικοῦ Παχί(ὼν) τε.
The address is again on the verso:
Eis Βακχιάδα [ἀπόδος ᾿Απολλωνίωι} τῶι τιμιωτ[άἀ(τω!)}.
Our next example still more closely recalls a Pauline letter, as, in
addition to more formal resemblances, it contains an earnest prayer to the
writer's god Serapis for the welfare of her children. This letter was also
discovered in the Faiyim, and belongs to the end of the second, or the
beginning of the third, century of our era.
B.G.U. 332:
Σεραπιὰς τοῖς τέκνοις Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ ᾿Απολιναρίᾳ καὶ
Πτολεμαίῳ πλεῖστα χαίρειν.
Πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι ἡμᾶς ὑγιαίνιν, ὅ μοι πάντων
ἐστὶν ἀνανκαιότερον. Τὸ προ[σ]κύνημα ἡμῶν ποιῶ παρὰ τῷ
κυρίῳ Σεράπιδι, εὐχομένη ἡμᾶς ὑγιαίνοντες ἀπολαβεῖν,
ὡς εὔχομαι ἐπιτετευχότας. “Eydpny κομισαμένη γράμματα,
ὅτι καλῶς διεσώθητε. ᾿Ασπάζου ᾿Αμμω[ν]οῦν σὺν τέκνοις καὶ
συμβίῳ καὶ τοὺς φιλοῦντάς σε. ᾿Ασπάζεται ἡμᾶς Κυρίλλα
καὶ ἡ θυγάτηρ ‘Eppias ‘Eppias (sic), Ἕρ[μ]ανοῦβις ἡ τροφός, ᾿Αθηναΐς ἡ δέσκα-
λος, Κυρίλλα, Κάσια, [..]u.. vs, 3[...Javos, Ἔμπις, οἱ ἐνθάδε πάντες.
᾿Ερωτηθεὶς οὖν πρ[ ayy Ja πράσσις γράψε μοι; εἰδὼς ὅτι, ἐὰν γράμματά
σου λάβω, ihapa εἰμι περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἡμῶν.
᾿Ἐῤῥῶσθαι ἡμᾶς εὔχομαι.
On the verso this letter has two addresses, one in the original hand to
the effect
᾿Απόδος Πτολε X μαίῳ τῷ τέκνῳ.
᾿Ασπάζου..
and the second in a different hand
᾿Απόδ(ος) Πτολεμαίῳ X ἀδε(λ)γφῷ ᾿Απολινα[ρί]ας.
It would appear therefore that the first recipient Ptolemaios had after-
wards forwarded his mother’s letter to his brother of the same name, and
his sister Apolinaria.
To these three letters I am tempted to add in full the pagan letter
of consolation already referred to (see 1. iv. 18 note) as, apart from
similarity in outward form, its contents stand in such striking contrast to
the bright and hopeful character of the Epistles before us.
- ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER
P.Oxy. 115 (ii./A.D.):
129
Εἰρήνη Ταοννώφρει καὶ Φίλωνι
εὐψυχεῖν.
και
,
οὕτως ἐλυπήθην ἔκλαυσα ἐπὶ
τῶι
Ἑὐμοίρωι ὡς ἐπὶ Διδυμᾶτος
ἔκλαυσα, καὶ πάντα ὅσα ἦν κα-
θήκοντα ἐποίησα καὶ πάντες
οἱ ἐμοί, ᾿Ἐπαφρόδειτος καὶ Θερμού-
θιον καὶ Φίλιον καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος
καὶ Πλαντᾶς.
ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδὲν
’ ‘ ~
δύναταί τις πρὸς Ta τοιαῦτα.
- > ’
παρηγορεῖτε οὖν ἑαυτούς.
᾿ ἢ
εὖ πράττετε.
On the verso
᾿Αθὺρ a.
Ταοννώφρει καὶ Φίλωνι.
Nothing would be easier than to multiply examples!, but these must Current
suffice to show the amount of truth there is in Deissmann’s dictum that the &Pistolary
Pauline letters ‘differ from the messages of the homely Papyrus leaves
phrases,
from Egypt not as letters, but only as the letters of Paul’ (BS. p. 44):
while they also make clear how frequently the actual phrases employed
are drawn from the current epistolary language of the Apostle’s time”
This is naturally most noticeable in the more formal parts of the letter
such as the address or the closing salutation?; but it is by no means
confined to these, as will be seen from the preceding Notes on such passages
ΠΤ ΤΟΙ 3, 23, LES i, 3, Mi. 2%,
Similarly with the authenticating signature. Reference has already St Paul’s
been made to the fact that this was apparently generally added in St Paul’s !82ature.
own hand in accordance with general practice®.
1 An excellent collection of the
letters belonging to the Ptolemaic
period will be found in Witkowski’s
Epistulae Privatae Graecae (Leipzig,
Teubner, 1906).
2 For the existence of similar ex-
pressions in Latin letters see Tyrrell
and Purser The Correspondence of
Μ΄. T. Cicero (3rd ed..Dublin, 1904) i.
p. 56 ff.
3 This point did not escape the notice
of the older commentators. Thus
Theodore of Mopsuestia writes with
reference to I. i. τ (ed. Swete): τὸ
χάρις ὑμῖν οὕτως τίθησιν ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς
τὸ χαίρειν ἐν ταῖς προγραφαῖς τῶν
ἐπιστολῶν εἰώθαμεν " τὸ ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ
τεθεικώς, ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς τὸ ἐν κυρίῳ
γράφομεν. Cf. also Theodoret on II.
M. THESS.
And it is enough to add
i. 2: τὸ δὲ ἐν θεῷ πατρί ἔοικεν τῷ παρ᾽
ἡμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς Ὑραφομένῳ" καὶ
γὰρ ἡμεῖς εἰώθαμεν γράφειν" “ὁ δεῖνα τῷ
δεῖνι ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν.) On the original
formula see Dr G, A. Gerhard’s dis-
sertation ‘Die Formel ὁ δεῖνα τῷ δεῖνι
χαίρειν ᾿ forming the first part of his
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des
griechischen Briefes (Philologus Ixiv.
(N. F. xviii.), 1905, p. 27 ff.).
4 Further evidence pointing in the
same direction will be found in the
Dean of Westminster’s Note ‘On some.
current epistolary phrases’ in his great
commentary on St Paul’s Epistle to
the Ephesians.
5 Cf. Cic. ad Attic. viii. 1, Suet.
Tib. 21, 32, Dion Cass. lviii, τα.
9
Mode of
despatch
of the
Pauline
letters.
130 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
that the οὕτως γράφω (like our ‘signed’) with which the Apostle draws
attention to it in II. iii. 17 finds a ready parallel in the σεσημείωμαι (generally
contracted into σεση), with which so many of the Egyptian papyrus-letters
and ostraca close. ;
The only other point requiring notice is the mode of despatch of the
Pauline letters. By this time the Imperial Post, established by Augustus’,
was in full operation, but its use was strictly limited to state and official
needs, and ordinary correspondence could only be sent by special messenger,
or by favour of some friend or passing traveller?» Even had it been
otherwise, it is obvious that many of the Apostle’s communications could
only have been entrusted with safety to a Christian messenger in full
sympathy with their object®. The messenger’s part would thus be an
important one. And there can be little doubt that to St Paul’s messengers
there often fell the task of reinforcing and supplementing the Apostolic
message to the Churches addressed‘.
1 Suet. dug. 49. In this, as in so
many other customs of his court,
Augustus doubtless followed a Persian
model (Friedlaender Sittengeschichte
Roms? ii. p. 8, cf. i. p. 395).
2 Cic. ad Attic. i. 9. 1, Pliny Ep. vii.
12, Mart. 111. roo. 1.
8 According to a modern traveller,
even to this day, in view of the perils
attending correspondence at the hands
of the Turkish postal authorities,
Christians in Macedonia ‘are forced
to employ private couriers of their
own creed and nationality’ (G. F.
Abbott Tale of a Tour in Macedonia
p. 275).
4 For the union of messenger and
letter cf. P.Grenf. 1. 30 (ii./B.c.),
B.G.U. 1009 (ii./B.c.).
NOTE B.
Did St Paul use the Epistolary Plural ?
The question of whether St Paul ever uses the epistolary plural is one The ques-
of some general interest, and has also a direct bearing upon the interpreta- tion not
tion of several passages in our Epistles. It is a question which has some- Je a ἃ
times been answered very definitely in the negative, as when it has been eategoric-
maintained that St Paul never uses the Ist pers. plur. except with reference ally,
to more than one person (Hofmann Die heil. Schrift neuen Testaments
(1862) i. p. 147 and passim), or, more guardedly, that in those Epistles
where several names occur in the address all subsequent 1st persons plur.
must be referred to them, except where the context demands a still wider
reference, as e.g. to Christians in general (Zahn Hin/. in d. N.T.i. pp. 150 ff,
219f.). Laurent, on the other hand, as positively declares (SK. 1868 p. 159 ff.,
Neutest. Stud. p. 117 f.) that, so far at least as the Thessalonian Epistles
are concerned, the 1st pers. plur. is always to be referred to St Paul alone
as a kind of pluralis maiestaticus, being used by the Apostle when he
speaks in his official capacity, while as a private individual he uses the
singular. As a matter of fact, however, as Karl Dick has shown in his
elaborate monograph Der schriftstellerische Plural bei Paulus (Halle,
1900), no such hard and fast rule on either side can be carried consistently
through without doing constant violence to the sense. And the general con-
clusion at which Dick arrives after a complete survey of the evidence is
that St Paul uses the 1st pers. plur. with such a wide variety of nwances
and shades of meaning, that the pluralis auctoris may well have a place
amongst them, wherever it is found to be most in keeping with the con-
text, and the circumstances of writing at the time.
Nor in this would the Apostle cause any undue difficulty to his readers. but in the
For if the use of the 1st pers. plur. for the 1st pers. sing. seems only to ἄταν of
have existed to a very limited extent in classical Gk. (cf. Kiihner® τι. i. cients τ
§ 371. 3, Gildersleeve Syntax ὃ 54), in later writers it is very common (e.g. classical
Polyb. i. 41. 7 πειρασόμεθα, Jos. Vita 10 (2) ἐβουλήθην... εἴπομεν.. .ᾧμην). and later
And, what is still more pertinent to our present inquiry, this plural can Greek,
now be illustrated from the ordinary correspondence of St Paul’s time.
We must be careful indeed not to overstrain the evidence in this andespeci-
direction, as some of the instances which are usually cited are by no means pee of the
certain, owing to the possibility that the writer may be including those ἠῤῥλοτφος τὰ
around him, members of his family or friends, in the plural reference. pondence
Thus in the first of Dick’s two examples B.G.U. 27 (not 41, as Dick), 5 ff. of the
εἰς γῆν ἐλήλυθα.. «καὶ ἐξε[κ]ένωσα μὲν (or ἐξεκενώσαμεν).. «καὶ mapedéEaro ἡμᾶς Apostle’s
ὁ τόπος, the corn-merchant, who is its author, seems undoubtedly to be roa
Q—2
The con-
sequent
possibility
of such
a usage
in the
Pauline
Epistles.
Special
circum-
stances to
be taken
into
account in
the case of
132 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
thinking of his comrades as well as of himself, when he uses the plural},
and similarly in the illiterate B.G.U. τοῦ, 1 ff. (i./A.D.) καλῶς ποιήσεις...
κατελθὼν συνευωχηθῆ[ ι] ἡμεῖν. Τοῦτ[ο] οὖν ποιήσας ἔσῃ μοι μεγάλην χάριταν
(stc) κατί αἸτεθειμῖ ἐἸνο(ς), there is again no reason why the reference in ἡμεῖν
and μοι should be identical ?.
Other examples can however now be cited in which it seems impossible
to establish any distinction between the two numbers. For example, in the
opening salutation of P.Par. 43 (ii./B.c.) we find εἰ ἔρρωσθαι, ἔρρωμαι δὲ
καὐτοί, the plur. reading καὐτοί being here regarded as ‘certain’ by
Witkowski (Zpp. p. 55) as against καὐτός (Letronne); and with this may —
be compared such documents as P.Tebt. 58 (ii./B.c.) evpnxapev...edpor...
βεβουλεύμεθα, P.Hib. 44 (iii./B.0.) ἐγράψαμεν..-ὁρῶντες...ὦιμην, and, from a
much later date, P.Heid. 6 (iv./A.D.) murrevopev...ypapo καὶ φλυραρήσω....
δυνηθῶμεν. Evidence to the same effect is afforded by the Inscriptions,
as in O.G.J.S. 484, possibly a rescript of Hadrian, in which the sing.
and plur. are interchanged in a truly astonishing manner, e.g. 1 ... λοῦμεν,
2 [μετεπεμ͵ψάμην, βουληθείς, 13 ἔδοξεν ἡμεῖν, 27 ἐδοκιμάσαμεν, 31 ἐπίστευον,
41 δίκαιον ἡγησάμην, 54 νομίζω (see Dittenberger’s note ad Joc.).
It is unnecessary to go on multiplying instances. These are sufficient
to prove the possibility, to say the least, of the use of ἡμεῖς for ἐγώ in
a writer of St Paul’s time. And if, accordingly, we find passages in his
Epistles where the 1st pers. plur. seems to be best understood of the
Apostle alone, we need not hesitate so to apply it.
On the other hand in view of the fact that in several of his Epistles
(1 Cor., Gal., Phil., Philemon) St Paul, after starting with an address from
several persons, employs the 1st sing. throughout in the body of the letters,
the continued use of the ist pers. plur. throughout the Thessalonian
Epistles is surely significant, and may be taken as indicating a closer and
more continuous joint-authorship than was always the case at other times.
And as we are further supported in this conclusion by all that we know
1, 2 Thes- regarding the special circumstances under which the two Epistles were
salonians.
written (see Intr. p. xxxiv ἢ), we shall do well to give its full weight to this
normal use of the plural in them, and to think of it as including St Paul’s
two companions along with himself wherever on other grounds this is
possible.
1 Οὗ Moulton Prolegg.? Ὁ. 246 as against p. 86 of the rst edition.
2 See the whole letter on p. 127 f.
NOTE C.
The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul.
In view of the strength of the ties which bound St Paul to the
Thessalonian Church, it is not surprising to find that several of its
members were afterwards reckoned amongst his close personal friends.
Amongst these a first place is naturally given to Jason who was his
host at Thessalonica, and who must subsequently have joined St Paul
on his missionary journeyings, if, as is generally thought, he is to be
identified with the Jason who unites with the Apostle in sending greetings
from Corinth to the Roman Christians (Rom. xvi. 21). In this case too we
get the further information regarding him that he was a Jew by birth (cf.
oi συγγενεῖς pov /.c.), and his name consequently is to be explained as the
Grecized form of the Heb. Jesus or Joshua!.
More prominently mentioned in connexion with St Paul’s later history
is a certain Aristarchus of Thessalonica (Ac. xx. 4). He was with the
Apostle on his last journey to Jerusalem, and afterwards accompanied him
and St Luke on the voyage to Rome (Ac. xxvii. 2). Bishop Lightfoot thinks
that on this occasion he did not accompany St Paul all the way, but that,
when the Apostle’s plans were changed at Myra, Aristarchus continued in
the Adramyttian vessel to his own home in Thessalonica (Philipp. p. 34 f.).
But if so, he certainly rejoined St Paul later in Rome, and apparently
shared his captivity, to judge from the language of Col. iv. 10 ᾿Αρίσταρχος
ὁ συναιχμάλωτός pov. Itis possible however that his captivity was voluntary,
as in Philemon 24 he is spoken of simply as St Paul’s fellow-worker
(συνεργός), while the title συναιχμάλωτος is transferred to Epaphras (v. 23)—
a circumstance that lends a certain colour to the suggestion that St Paul’s
companions took turns in sharing his captivity with him?
It is sometimes thought that Aristarchus is included in the οἱ ὄντες
_ ἐκ περιτομῆς of Col. iv. 11, and that consequently he was a Jew by birth;
but that clause is better understood as referring only to Mark and Jesus
Justus. The fact that Aristarchus was one of the deputation bearing
the offerings of the Gentile Churches for the poor saints at Jerusalem
(Ac. xx. 4) points rather to his own Gentile origin (cf. Klépper, Peake
ad loc.).
As illustrating the connexion of the name with Thessalonica, it may be
1 Cf. Jos. Antt. xii. 239 (v.1) ὁ μὲν in a spiritual sense (cf. Rom. vii. 23,
οὖν ᾿Ιησοῦς ᾿Ιάσονα αὑτὸν μετωνόμασεν, 2 Cor. x. 5, Eph. iv, 8) like σύνδουλος
and see Deissmann BS. p. 315 n.?. (Col. i. 7, iv. 7), and συνστρατιώτης
2 It is of course possible that the title (Phil. ii. 25, Philem. 2): see Lft.
συναιχμάλωτος is applied to Aristarchus Philipp.? p, 11 n.°,
1. Jason.
3. Secun-
dus.
4. Gaius,
5. Demas.
134 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
mentioned that in an inscription containing a list of politarchs recently
discovered at Thessalonica the list begins with ᾿Αριστάρχου τοῦ ᾿Αριστάρχου :
see Dimitsas Ἢ Μακεδονία (Athens, 1896) p. 428, inscr. 368 (cited by Burton
Am. Journ. of Theol. ii. p. 608).
Closely associated with Aristarchus in Ac. xx. 4 is another Thessalonian,
Secundus, of whom we know nothing further, though again it is not without
interest to notice that the same name occurs among the Thessalonian
politarchs in the list on the triumphal Arch (C.Z.G. 11. 1967; ef. Intr.
p. xxiii), and is also found on a memorial inscription of the year 15 A.D.,
discovered in a private house in the Jewish quarter of Thessalonica, which
runs ᾿Απολλωνίῳ.. .Εὔτυχος Μαξίμου καὶ Σεκοῦνδα οἱ θρεπτοὶ τὸν βωμὸν μνείας
χάριν κτὰ. (Duchesne no. 59, p. 43), and with which may be compared Γάϊος
*IovALos Σεκοῦνδος Πρίμῳ τῷ ἰδίῳ τέκνωι μνήμης χάριν (ibid. no. 78, p. 50),
This last inscription recalls yet another Macedonian friend of St Paul,
the Gaius of Ac. xix. 29 Γαῖον καὶ ᾿Αρίσταρχον Μακεδόνας. Beyond however
this juxtaposition with Aristarchus, there is no evidence definitely connecting
Gaius with Thessalonica, though again we may notice the occurrence of the
name in the list of politarchs (C.Z.G. 11. 1967). The name was evidently
a common one even in the Gk. world, and is borne by two other friends
of St Paul, Gaius of Derbe (Ac. xx. 4), and Gaius of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23,
1 Cor. i. 14), as well as by ‘Gaius the beloved’ to whom St John addresses
his Third Epistle (3 Jo. 1).
There remains still a fifth possible Thessalonian as holding a place for
a time in the circle of St Paul’s more immediate friends. In Philem, 24 a
certain Demas is described along with the Thessalonian Aristarchus as a
συνεργός of the Apostle (cf. Col. iv. 14). And when later this same man in
the hour of his defection is described as going to Thessalonica (2 Tim. iy. 10)
it is at least a fair surmise that he did so, because this was his native
town!. His name at least is not Heb. but Gk. (see Meyer on Col. iv. 14,
and οὗ 6.16. m1. 3817 Δημᾶς καὶ Taios), and under its full form Demetrius?
appears twice in the already frequently cited list of politarchs (C_Z.G. 11.
1967), as well as in that other list referred to under Aristarchus—Ilo\crap-
χούντων ᾿Αριστάρχου τοῦ ᾿Αριστάρχου,... Δημητρίου] τοῦ ᾿Αντιγόνου, which,
according to Dimitsas, is to be dated between 168 B.c. and the Christian
era (see Burton wt 8. p. 608).
A later instance of the name is afforded by the martyr Demetrius who
perished at Thessalonica in the persecution under Maximian (Intr. p. xxiv),
1 Chrys. Hom, X. in II ad Tim. 2 For the simple Δημᾶς cf. P.Petr.
εἵλετο μᾶλλον οἴκοι τρυφᾶν ‘he chose 11, 49, 7, B.G.U. το, 12 (ii./A.D.),
to live in luxury at home.’
NOTE Ὁ.
The Divine Names wm the Epistles.
Kal ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν, καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν
ὄνομα, ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι ᾿Ιησοῦ πᾶν TONY κἄλλψῃ ἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων
καὶ καταχθονίων, καὶ TACA Γλώσοὰ ἐξολλολογήοσητδι ὅτε ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ
ΧΡΙΣΤῸΣ εἰς δόξαν θεοΥ͂ πατρός. Phil, ii. 0---τι.
The early date of the Epp. to the Thessalonians, combined with the
generally undogmatic character of their contents, makes their evidence
as to the view taken of the Person of Christ in the Apostolic Church
specially significant. It is of importance therefore, as helping us to under-
stand that view, to examine more closely than was possible in the Com-
mentary the Names by which the Lord is here spoken of.
We begin naturally with the human Name Jesus which, standing by
itself, is found only in two passages:
I. i. 10 ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τ. ὀργῆς
τ. ἐρχομένης.
I. iv. 14 εἰ γὰρ πιστεύομεν ὅτι ᾿Ιησοῦς ἀπέθανεν x. ἀνέστη, οὕτως καὶ ὁ
θεὸς τ. κοιμηθέντας διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ ἄξει σὺν αὐτῷ.
This rare occurrence of the Name by which the Saviour was familiarly
known during His earthly life may seem at first sight somewhat surprising,
but is in entire accord with the general trend of Pauline teaching, the centre
of which is to be found not in the earthly but in the heavenly and exalted
Christ!. Only when, as in the foregoing passages, the reference to the
historic facts of the Saviour’s life is so direct as to make any other Name
less suitable does St Paul use it alone without any other title.
Thus, to refer briefly to his later usage, in the four principal Epp. the
name Ἰησοῦς is found alone ten times, five times with (2 Cor, iv. 10 (bés), 11,
xi. 4 (ἄλλον Ἰησοῦν), Gal. vi. 17), and five times without (Rom. iii. 26,
1 Cor, xii. 3, 2 Cor. iv. 5, 11, 14) the article. In the Epp. of the Captivity
it is found only twice, Eph. iv. 21 (with art.), Phil. ii. 10 (without art.). In |
the Ep. to the Colossians and the Pastoral Epp. it is not found at all.
Its use is characteristic of the Ep. to the Hebrews, and of the Apo-
calypse of St John where, except in the opening Greeting (i. 5) and in
the Benediction (xxii. 21), Ἰησοῦς always stands alone.
1 Thus Deissmann, while insisting the central point of his Christian
on the identity between the historical thoughts’ (In Christo Jesu Ὁ. 80).
and the exalted Christ, says: ‘Christ See also a suggestive passage in Dean
is for him [Paul] first of alla present Robinson’s Ephesians Ὁ. 23 ff.
living Being: the “‘exalted’’ Christ is
I.
Jesus.
2. Christ,
the Christ.
3. Christ
Jesus.
4. Lord,
the Lord.
136 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
The Name Christ by itself is also comparatively rare, occurring four
times altogether:
I. ii. 6 δυνάμενοι ἐν βάρει εἶναι ws Χριστοῦ ἀπόστολοι.
I. iii. 2 Τιμόθεον...διάκονον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ χριστοῦ.
I. iv. 16 οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται πρῶτον.
Il. iii. 5 ὁ δὲ κύριος κατευθύναι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας. ..εἰς τὴν ὑπομονὴν τοῦ
χριστοῦ.
On two of these occasions the Name is accompanied by the def. art.,
and, as generally, when this is the case, is used in its official sense of
‘the Christ,’ ‘the Messiah’ (I. iii. 2, II. iii. 5: see notes ad loca)’. On the
other hand in 1. ii. 6 the anarthrous Χριστοῦ must have its full force as
a Proper Name: it is as emissaries of ‘Christ,’ belonging to Him, and
despatched on His service, that the Apostles might, had they so willed
it, have claimed their full right of maintenance. Similarly in I. iv. 16
the phrase οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ forms in reality a single idea ‘the-dead-
in-Christ.’
The combination Christ Jesus, which denotes the Saviour alike in
His official and personal character, and whose use in the N.T. is con-
fined to St Paul?, occurs twice, both times in the characteristic formula
ev Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ:
I. ii. 14 τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ “Iovdaia ἐν Χριστῷ
Ἰησοῦ.
I. v. 18 τοῦτο γὰρ θέλημα θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰς ὑμᾶς.
The early Christian formula Ἰησοῦς Χριστός, where the Names follow
the historical order, and in which stress is laid on the religious significance
Jesus has for believers, is not found in these Epp. at all.
We now come to Lord, or the Lord, the frequency of whose occurrence
entitles it to be regarded as the distinctive Name of these Epp.*.
It
is found in all twenty-two times, eight times with, and four times without
the article.
1 On the history of the title ‘the
Christ’ see Westcott Epp. of St John
p- 189 ff., where it is shown that,
unless in the disputed passage Dan. ix.
25f., the name is not applied to the
expected Divine King and Saviour of
Israel in the O.T., but is so used in
some of the later books of the Jews.
2 Cf, Ac. xvii. 3, where, in accord-
ance with AD, WH. read Χριστὸς
᾿Ιησοῦς in the margin: also xviii. 5,
28 τὸν χριστὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν.
3 The history of the title ‘the Lord’
as a designation of Jesus is attended
with much difficulty, and cannot be
followed out here, but for the Jewish
and Synoptic usage reference may be
made to Dalman Worte p. 266 ff.
And though the two usages cannot be so clearly distinguished
(E. Tr. p. 324 ff.), while the new im-
port attaching to ὁ κύριος as a Divine
title, in contrast with its pagan use,
is well brought out by Deissmann in
his New Light on the N.T. p. 79 fi.
Whether St Paul himself intended it
so or not, Deissmann thinks that his
first readers can hardly have failed to
find in the designation, as applied to
Jesus, ‘a tacit protest against other
‘‘Lords,” or even against the ‘‘ Lord,”
as the Roman emperor was beginning
to be called’ (p. 81). Cf. the in-
sidious plea addressed to Polycarp on
his ge to trial: ‘Ti yap κακόν ἐστιν
εἰπεῖν, Κύριε Kaloap, καὶ θῦσαι καὶ δια-
σώζεσθαι;᾽ (Επ5. H.E. iv. 15. 13).
~ THE DIVINE NAMES IN THE EPISTLES 137
as in the case of Χριστός and ὁ χριστός, the fact that almost two-thirds
of the occurrences are anarthrous is sufficient to show how completely by
this time the word had come to be recognized as a Proper Name}, The
passages are as follows:
1. i. 6 μιμηταὶ ἡμῶν ἐγενήθητε καὶ τοῦ κυρίου.
8 ἐξήχηται ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου.
iii, 8 ἐὰν ὑμεῖς στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ.
12 ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος πλεονάσαι.
iv. 6 διότι ἔκλικος Κύριος περὶ πάντων τούτων.
15 λέγομεν ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου.
» οἱ περιλειπόμενοι εἰς τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ κυρίου.
16 αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι... καταβήσεται.
17 εἰς ἀπάντησιν τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα.
» οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα.
Vv. 2 ἡμέρα Κυρίου ὡς κλέπτης... «ἔρχεται.
12 τοὺς.. .προϊσταμένους ὑμῶν ἐν κυρίῳ.
27 ἐνορκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν κύριον.
II. i. 9 ὕλεθρον αἰώνιον ATO TIPOCWTTOY TOY κυρίου.
ii. 2 ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστηκεν ἡ ἡμέρα τοῦ κυρίου.
13 ἀδελφοὶ HPATTHMENO! ὑττὸ Kypfoy.
iii. 1 προσεύχεσθε.. «ἵνα ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου τρέχῃ.
3 πιστὸς δέ ἐστιν ὁ κύριος.
4 πεποίθαμεν δὲ ἐν κυρίῳ ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς.
5 ὁ δὲ κύριος κατευθύναι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας.
16 αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος τῆς εἰρήνης.
9) ὁ κύριος μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν.
In some of these passages the Name may seem at first sight to refer
to God rather than to Christ, as e.g. in the passages derived from the Lxx.
(I. iv. 6, IT. i. 9, ii. 13), but as in the vastly preponderating number of
instances it can only apply to the Son, it is better so to refer it through-
out, in accordance with St Paul’s general usage elsewhere’.
When we do so, the varied connotations in which we find it used throw
a flood of light upon the depth of meaning which thus early in the
history of the Church had come to be read into the simple title. It
stands no longer, as apparently it generally did for the disciples during
the earthly lifetime of Jesus, for Rabbi or Rabboni, a title which from
St John’s interpretation they must have understood in a sense differing
1 In addition to the passages cited
above, the anarthrous κύριος with re-
ference to Christ is used by St Paul
in such passages as Rom. xiv. 6, xvi.
2, 1 Cor. vil. 22, x. 21, xvi. 10, 2 Cor.
111. 16 ff., Eph. ii. 21, ἄορ. It is found
as a title of address (κύριε) to a super-
human person in Rev. vii. 14, with
which Swete (ad loc.) compares such
passages from O.T. Apocalyptic as
Dan. x. 16f., Zech. iv. 5,13. In the
Kowy, apart from its legal sense of
‘guardian’ (cf. Archiv iv. p. 78 ff.),
κύριος is very common as a general
title of respect in addressing officials,
or near relatives, e.g. P.Leip. r1o, 1 f.
(iii.-iv./A.D.) Σαραπίω]ν τῇ κ[υ]Ἱρίᾳ μου
mnrpl...24 ἴ. τὴν κυρίαν μου ἀδελφὴν
πολλὰ προσαγόρευε Ταῆσιν.
2 Perhaps uniform usage, if we
except quotations from the O.T., e.g.
2 Cor. vi. 17f.: see Stanton Jewish
and Christian Messiah p. £58 n.’.
138 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
little from ‘ Master’ (xx. 16, cf. Mt. xxiii. 8, xxvi. 25, 49, Mk. x. 51). But,
in accordance with a tendency of which we find clear traces very shortly
after the Resurrection (Ac. ii. 36 κύριον αὐτὸν καὶ χριστὸν ἐποίησεν 6 θεός,
τοῦτον Tov Ἰησοῦν ὃν ὑμεῖς ἐσταυρώσατε), it is now employed as a brief
and comprehensive description of Jesus as the Divine Lord, risen, glorified,
and exalted!. :
This is seen most clearly in the use of the title in connexion with the
’ actual Parousia of the Lord and the events associated with it (I. iv. 15 ff.,
v. 2, II. ii. 2). But it comes out also in the other references to which the
foregoing passages bear witness.
Thus it is ‘the word’ of the ‘Lord’ which the Apostles find to be
sounding forth in every place (I. i. 8, cf. II. iii. 1), and to which they look
as embodying a direct communication to themselves (I. iv. 15 note). It
is ‘in the Lord, in whom their ideal ‘ Christian’ life is actually lived out?,
that the Thessalonians are encouraged to stand firm (I. iii. 8, ef. 11. iii. 3 1.
and to the same ‘ Lord’ that the Apostles pray to perfect in their converts
the graces (I. iii, 12, II. iii. 5, 16), of which He Himself is the perfect
example.
Nothing indeed can be more significant of the hold which this aspect
of Christ has taken of St Paul than that when calling upon the Thessa-
lonians to be ‘imitators’ of himself and of his fellow-writers, he does not
add, as we might have expected, ‘and of Jesus, or even ‘and of the
Christ,’ but ‘and of the Lord’ (I. i. 6), thereby pointing not merely to
the supreme pattern to be copied, but to the living power in which alone
this ‘imitation’ could be accomplished, and man’s highest end successfully
reached 8,
How completely however the Apostle recognized that the earthly
‘Jesus’ and the heavenly ‘ Lord’ were one and the same is proved by the
next combination that meets us.
That combination is the Lord Jesus, and the first occasion on which
it is used throws into striking relief at once the Divine glory and the
human character of Him to whom it refers:
I. ii. 15 τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν.
He whom the Jews had slain was not only ‘the Lord’—* Him whom
5. Lord
Jesus.
1 According to Kennedy #.G.T. ad
Phil. 11, 6: ‘This position of Κύριος
is the reward and crowning-point of
the whole process of His voluntary
Humiliation.’ And later (ad ii. 11)
the same writer well remarks: ‘The
term ‘‘Lord” has become one of the
Christ we are in heaven, in the Lord
we must live on earth’ (Robinson
Eph. p. 72).
3 «Paul craved in a perfect Example
one who was not only in the graces of
human character all that man should
be, but who had attained to that
most lifeless words in the Christian
vocabulary. To enter into its mean-
ing and give it practical effect would
be to recreate, in great measure, the
atmosphere of the Apostolic Age.’
2 «The Christ of the privileged posi-
tion is the Lord of the holy life; if in
destiny for which man was made.
This he found in the Christ in whom
Man had overcome death, and been
* erowned with everlasting life’ (Somer-
ville St Paul’s Conception of Christ
Ῥ. 291).
~ THE DIVINE NAMES IN THE EPISTLES 139
they were bound to serve’ (Jowett)—He was moreover ‘Jesus,’ their
Saviour.
And so, from another point of view, when in their Second Ep. the
Apostles refer to the revelation in and through which God’s righteous
ἀνταπόδοσις will be accomplished, it is pointedly described as:
ΤΙ. i. 7 ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ.
The other passages in which the same combination occurs, and which
are equally deserving of study, are:
1. 11. 19 ris yap ἡμῶν ἐλπὶς... ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν τῇ
αὐτοῦ παρουσίᾳ;
iii, 11 ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς κατευθύναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῶν.
13 ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ.
iv. I παρακαλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ. :
2 τίνας παραγγελίας ἐδώκαμεν ὑμῖν διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ.
II. i. ὃ τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ.
12 ὅπωο ἐνλοξδοθῆ τὸ GNOMA τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν YMIN.
ii. 8 ὁ ANOMOC, ὃν ὁ κύριος [Ἰησοῦς] ἀνελεῖ.
Apart from any special considerations which may have led to the use
of this compound Name in the above passages, we cannot forget that in
itself it formed the shortest and simplest statement of the Christian creed
(Ac. xvi. 31, Rom. x. 9)—a statement moreover ‘so completely in defiance
of the accepted dogma about the Christ, so revolutionary in its effects on
the character of the believer, that it was viewed as springing from Divine
inspiration. “No man,” said Paul in writing to the Corinthians, “can say
that Jesus is Lord, but by the Holy Spirit” (1 Cor. xii. 3)*”
On the other hand, this makes the comparative rarity of the title in
the Pauline Epistles, other than those to the Thessalonians, all the more
remarkable. In the Ep. to the Galatians it is not found at all. In the
relatively much longer Epp. to the Corinthians it occurs only seven times
(1 Cor. v. 4 (bis), 5, xi. 23, xii. 3, 2 Cor. iv. 14, xi. 31), while only a single
instance of its use can be produced from each of the Epp.to the Ephesians
(i. 15), Philippians (ii. 19), and Colossians (iii. 17), the explanation probably
being a growing preference on St Paul’s part for the still more compre-
hensive and expressive combination, the Lord Jesus Christ?.
Already, indeed, in our Epp. we find this full Name completely estab- 6. Lord
lished, occurring as it does five times in the First and no less than nine Ssh ;
times in the short Second Epistle. :
1 Somerville op. cit. p. 12f. For ὑμῶν, the words being a quotation
the idea of the suffering Messiah as
not pre-Christian see Stanton op. cit.
p. 122 ff.
2 The combination κύριος χριστός or
χριστὸς κύριος is not found in the
Pauline Epp.: to the Apostle it would
have been a pleonasm. The latter
form is however found in Lk, ii. 11,
and in τ Pet. iii. 15 we read κύριον δὲ
τὸν Χριστὸν ἁΓιάσδτε ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις
from Isa, vili. 13 with τὸν Χριστόν
substituted for the original αὐτόν. Cf,
also χριστὸς Κύριος used of an earthly
king in Lam, iv. 20, and the descrip-
tion of the Messianic King in Pss. Sol.
XVii. 36 καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν χριστὸς
κύριος, and in xviii. 8 χριστοῦ κυρίου----
all passages, however, where we may
have a mistranslation of the Heb,
MM MWD, ‘the Lord’s anointed,’
140 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
1.1.1, 1101. 1 τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεσσαλονικέων év...kuvpio ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
3 μνημονεύοντες... τῆς ὑπομονῆς τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ
Χριστοῦ.
Vv. 9 εἰς περιποίησιν σωτηρίας διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ [Χριστοῦ]:
ef. II. ii. 14.
23 ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: cf. IL. ii. 1.
28, IL. iii. 18 ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ μεθ᾽ (μετὰ
πάντων) ὑμῶν.
II. i. 2 χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ. . κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
12 κατὰ τὴν χάριν.. «κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
ii. 16 αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστός.
ili. 6 παραγγέλλομεν...ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
12 παρακαλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ.
None of these passages call for special remark beyond the evidence
which they afford of the appropriateness of the full Name with all its
associations for Addresses, Benedictions, and solemn Charges of any kind—
a usage which the testimony of the later Epp. abundantly confirms}.
1 There is a useful paper on ‘The apostolischen Zeitalters an der evange-
Chief Pauline Names for Christ’ with lischen Geschichte (in Theologische
Tables by F. Herbert Stead in Exp. Abhandlungen Carl von Weizsicker
111. vii. p. 386 ff. Cf. also von Soden’s gewidmet) p. 118 f.
famous Essay on Das Interesse des
NOTE E.
On the history of εὐαγγέλιον, εὐαγγελίξομαι.
‘ Buagelio (that we cal the gospel) is a greke worde, & signyfyth good, mery,
glad and ioyfull tydinge, that maketh a mannes hert glad, and maketh hym
synge, daunce, and leepe for ioye.’
Tindale (after Luther) Prologue to N.T., 1525.
Εὐαγγέλιον and εὐαγγελίζομαι are two of the great words of the
Christian vocabulary, and in view of the facts that the former occurs
eight times in our Epistles, forming indeed the key-word of one of their
most important sections (I. ii. 1—12), and that the latter is found here
(I. iii. 6), and nowhere else in the Pauline Epistles, in its earlier or more
genéral sense, a brief Note may be devoted to recalling one or two facts
in their history. :
The subst. εὐαγγέλιον, which is very rare in the singular in classical Gk.1, Usage in
means originally the reward for good tidings (Hom. Od. xiv. 152, 166), classical
and is used with greater frequency in the plural in the sense of thank-
offerings made on behalf of such tidings, e.g. Aristoph. Hg. 654 εὐαγγέλια
θύειν, Xen. Hell. iv. 3. 14 ἐβουθύτει ὡς εὐαγγέλια; cf. O.G.LS. 4, 42 f. εὐ-
αγγέλια k. σωτήρια ἔ[ θ]υσε.
Afterwards in later Gk. it came to be extended to the good tidings and later
themselves, as in Lucian Asin. 26, and on several occasions in Plutarch.
In the txx. it is found only once, where it reverts to its original Homeric The LXX.
meaning (2 Regn. iv. 10 @ ἔδει pe δοῦναι εὐαγγέλια)", while the verb, apart
from the passages in which it is-specially associated with good news
(of victory 1 Regn. xxxi. 9, of the birth of a son Jer. xx. 15), is also found
on several occasions with reference to tidings of any kind (2 Regn. xviii.
19, 20 (bis), 26), following in this the Heb. 13, which in 1 Sam. iv. 17
is actually used of mournful tidings (cf. Dalman Worte p. 84 (Engl. Tr.
p. 103) )%.
1 It would appear to have dropped
altogether out of general use in the
Κοινή. At least I have been able to
find no instance of it in the papyrus
collections to which I have access. In’
his art. on the title Ἐὐαγγελιστής in
Z.N.T.W. i. p. 336 ff. A. Dieterich
cites an inscription from Asia Minor
in which, with reference to the birth-
day of the σωτήρ Augustus, it is said—
ἦρξεν δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ τῶν δι᾽ αὐτὸν εὐαν-
γελ[ίων] (Ο. G.I. S. 458, 40).
2 In 2 Regn. xviii. 22, 25 we should
probably read εὐαγγελία “(not evay-
γέλια), in view of v. 20 ἀνὴρ εὐαγγελίας.
3’ It is a curious fact, in view of its
later history, that εὐαγγελίζω should
be the word used by Agrippina to
convey to Nero the ‘good news’ (!)
that his attempt upon her life had
failed—xat ὅτι σώζοιτο εὐηγγέλικε δῆθεν
αὐτῷ (Dion Cass. lxi. 13).
The
Gospels,
Other
N.T
writings.
142 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
In addition to these passages, however, εὐαγγελίζομαι is used in the
Psalms to herald the righteousness and salvation of God, as in Ps. xxxix.
(xl.) 10 εὐηγγελισάμην δικαιοσύνην, a phrase which Keble renders—
Thy righteousness aloud,
Good tidings of great joy I tell.
Cf. also Ps. xev. (xevi.) 2 εὐαγγελίζεσθε...τὸ σωτήριον αὐτοῦ.
And more especially in Deutero-Isaiah we find it in contexts which
pave the way for its full Christian meaning.
Thus in Isa. xl. 9 the prophet summons a messenger to ascend a high
mountain, and proclaim to Sion and Jerusalem the glad tidings of God’s
appearing (ἐπ᾿ ὄρος ὑψηλὸν ἀνάβηθι, 6 εὐαγγελιζόμενος Σείων...ὁ εὐαγγελιζό-
μενος ᾿Ιερουσαλήμ)", and similarly in 11]. 7 (cf. Nah. i. 15 (ii. 1)) we are
called upon to admire the swift-footed messengers, as they carry their
joyful message over the mountains: of Judah and Jerusalem (ὡς πόδες
εὐαγγελιζομένου ἀκοὴν εἰρήνης, ὡς εὐαγγελιζόμενος ἀγαθά). And still more
pointedly this same ‘ evangelic’ office is claimed by the servant of the
Lord himself—Tvetpa Κυρίου ἐπ᾽ ἐμέ, οὗ εἵνεκεν ἔχρισέν pe εὐαγγελίσασθαι
πτωχοῖς (ἰΧΪ. 1).
This last passage indeed from our Lord’s own use of it in Lk. iv. τὸ ἢ
may be said to have set the stamp upon εὐαγγελίζομαι as the most fitting
term to describe the true character of the message of the new Messianic
King. And it is in special relation to that message accordingly that we
find it repeatedly used by St Luke (viii. 1, ix. 6 &c.),
It can only be an accident, therefore, that he finds no occasion to use
the corresponding subst. in his Gospel (but cf. Ac. xv. 7 speech of Peter,
xx. 24 speech of Paul), as do both St Mark and St Matthew.
St Mark’s usage in this respect is very instructive, as apart from i, 1
where we seem to have a trace of εὐαγγέλιον in its later meaning of
a ‘record’ of the Lord’s life and words (see below), the word is used in
v. 14 to draw attention to the nature of the proclamation of Jesus (κηρύσ-
σων τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ), as contrasted with the proclamation of His
forerunner (Ὁ. 4 κηρύσσων βάπτισμα μετανοίας), and again in v.15 to indicate
the ‘nucleus’ of Christian teaching embodied in this proclamation (πιστεύετε
ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ: see Swete’s notes ad loca). And in the same way St
Matthew employs it with reference to the glad news of the ‘kingdom’ in
which the Messianic hopes and blessings are centred and fulfilled (iv. 23,
ix. 35, Xxiv. 14, cf. xxvi. 13).
It is all the more surprising, therefore, that in the case of the other
writers of the N.T., with the exception of St Paul, the use of the
two words is by no means so common as we might have expected.
Neither St James in his Epistle, nor St John in his Gospel and Epistles,
uses either term, though the latter in the Apocalypse employs the subst.
once (xiv. 6), and the verb in the active twice (x. 7, xiv. 6). St Peter
1 In the original Heb. it is Sion and Pss. Sol. xi. 2 κηρύξατε ἐν Ἱερουσαλὴμ
Jerusalem who act as ‘evangelists’: φωνὴν εὐαγγελιζομένου, ὅτι ἠλέησεν
ef. Aq. Sm. Th. εὐαγγελιζομένη Σιών. ὁ θεὸς Ἰσραὴλ ἐν τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ αὐτῶν.
For an echo of the 1Χχ. rendering see 2 For the rare active εὐαγγελέζω,
143
in his First Epistle has the subst. once (iv. 17), and the verb three
times (i. 12, 25, iv. 6): and in the Epistle to the Hebrews the verb occurs
twice (iv. 2, 6).
In the case of St Paul, however, both words occur with a frequency,
which shows how strongly he had been attracted by them, as the most
fitting terms to describe the message with which he had been entrusted:
and it is to his influence accordingly that we must look for the prominence
which they and their equivalents have since gained in the language of
Christendom}.
Thus the subst. εὐαγγέλιον is found no less than sixty times in his
Epistles, occurring in all except the Epistle to Titus: while the verb, apart
from its exceptional usage in 1 Thess. iii. 6, is found twenty times (once
in a quotation from the Lxx.) in its distinctive Christian sense.
Naturally in so widely extended a list of examples, the two words
are used with a considerable variety of application, as when the subst.
is used absolutely as a convenient summary of the whole contents of the
Christian message (Rom. x. 16 &c.), or defined more particularly in its
relation to God (1 Thess. ii. 2 &c.), or to Christ (1 Thess. iii. 2 &c.), or to the
Apostle himself as entrusted with its proclamation (1 Thess. i. 5, 2 Thess.
ii. 14 &c.). In another important set of passages St Paul draws attention
to characteristic aspects of this message by such phrases as ἡ ἀλήθεια τ.
εὐαγγελίου (Gal. ii. 14), or ἡ πίστις τ. εὐαγγελίου (Phil. i. 27).
Of the later usage of εὐαγγέλιον to denote the ‘book’ in which
Christ’s teaching is recorded, as distinguished from that teaching in
itself, there is no instance in the N.T., unless perhaps in Mk. i. 1 ἀρχὴ
τ. εὐαγγελίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (cf. Hos. i. 2 ἀρχὴ λόγου Κυρίου ἐν ‘Qoje)*, and
we must look for the earliest witnesses in this direction to such passages
as Didache viii. 2 ὡς ἐκέλευσεν ὁ Κύριος ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ αὐτοῦ, XV. 4 ὡς ἔχετε
ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν, where a written Gospel (apparently
St Matthew’s from the nature of the accompanying citations) seems to
: ON ΕΥ̓ΑΓΓΕΛΙΟΝ, EYATFEAIZOMAI
which is found only in later Gk., see
the passage already cited from Dion
Cassius, and cf. P.Amh. 2, 16 (a
Christian hymn, iv./A.p.) παισὶν δ᾽
[εἸὐγγέλιζε λέγων, Πτωχοὶ βασιλείαν...
Note also the interesting use of the
adj. with reference to the Lord’s
Prayer in the Christian amulet B.G.U.
954, 13 ff. (vi./A.D.) ὅπως ὑγιανῶ.. εἰπεῖν
εν
τὴν εὐαγγελικὴν (αγγελικὴν Pap.) εὐχὴν
[οὕτως 3 Πάτερ ἡμῶν...7: ef. Wilcken
Archiv i. p. 431 ff.
1 The ordinary Engl. rendering
‘gospel’ is the modern form of the
Anglo-Saxon ‘godspell’=‘God (i.e.
Christ) story,’ as may be seen in King
Alfred’s translation of 2 Cor. iv. 4
‘onlihtnes Cristes godspelles’ (in his
version of Bede’s Hecl. Hist. 122),
and in Aelfric’s Homily on Mt. xi. 4 ff.
‘and Searfan bodia®’ godspel.’ For
other examples of this use of the word
see A. 8. Cook Biblical Quotations in
Old English Writers (1898) Index s.v.
‘godspell.’ According to Skeat (Con-
cise Etym. Dict., 1901) the A.S. ‘ god-
spell’ was originally ‘ good spell,’ a tr.
of εὐαγγέλιον.
2 In Rev. xiv. τό (ἄλλον ἄγγελον...
ἔχοντα εὐαγγέλιον αἰώνιον εὐαγγελίσαι),
which is also cited in this connexion,
St Paul.
Eeclesi-
astical
usage.
‘St John has in view not the Gospel .
as a whole, but rather a gospel which
is a particular aspect of it, the gospel
of the Parousia and the consumma-
tion which the Parousia will bring’
(Swete ad loc.).
144 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
be clearly intended, or Ign. Philad. v. προσφυγὼν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ ὡς σαρκὲ
Ἰησοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἀποστόλοις ὡς πρεσβυτερίῳ ἐκκλησίας, where Ignatius dis-
tinguishes between two classes of writings included in our N.T.—7o εὖ-
αγγέλιον the Gospel or Gospels, and of ἀπόστολοι the Apostolic Epistles’.
The plural εὐαγγέλια with direct reference to our four canonical Gospels
is first found in the well-known passage in Just. M. Apol. i. 66 oi yap ἀπό- —
στολοι ἐν τοῖς γενομένοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπομνημονεύμασιν, ἃ καλεῖται εὐαγγέλια.
In the same way the title εὐαγγελιστής, which in the N.T. describes
the man who brought the first news of the Gospel-message to any new
region (Ac. xxi. 8, Eph. iv. 11, 2 Tim. iv. 5; cf. Eus. 17... v. το. 2 of
Pantaenus), was afterwards applied to the ‘writer’ of a ‘Gospel, as by
Hippolytus and Origen’.
1 For a different interpretation of i. p. 336 ff. Curtius (Ges. Abhand-
the passage, according to which τὸ
εὐαγγέλιον retains its original sense of
‘the teaching,’ not ‘the book,’ see
Bishop Lightfoot’s note ad loc.
2 Of. Encycl. Bibl. s.v, ‘Evangelist,’
and on the heathen use of the title see
especially Dieterich’s art. in Z.N.T.W.
lungen i. p. 532 1.) recalls, as illustrat-
ing the Hellenistic practice of laying
special stress on the first proclamation
of a happy discovery, that the shepherd
Pixodaros, who accidentally found the
stone-bridge at Ephesus, received the
heroic name Euangelos (Vitruv. x. 7).
NOTE F.
Παρουσία. ᾿Ἐ-πιφάνεια. ᾿Αποκάλυψις.
The three words παρουσία, ἐπιφάνεια, ἀποκάλυψις are used in our Epistles
with reference to the return of the glorified Lord. All have interesting
histories. And it may be well briefly to recall these, in order to determine
as exactly as possible the different shades of meaning between them.
i. Tlapoycfa.
In classical Gk. the word” παρουσία denotes generally presence, e.g. Classical
Aesch. Pers. 171 ὄμμα yap δόμων νομίζω δεσπότου παρουσίαν, Thue. vi. 86 Gk.
πόλει δὲ μείζονι τῆς ἡμετέρας παρουσίας (-- ἡμῶν τῶν παρόντων), but it is also
found in the closely-related sense of arrival, e.g. Eur. Alc. 209 ἀλλ᾽ εἶμι
καὶ τὴν σὴν ἀγγελῶ παρουσίαν, Thuc. i. 128 Βυζάντιον yap ἑλὼν τῇ προτέρᾳ
παρουσίᾳ.
The same usage may also be illustrated from later Gk. Thus in Polyb. Later Gk.
iii. 41. 1 certain events are summarized as having taken place from the
beginning of the war ἕως eis τὴν ᾿Αννίβου παρουσίαν ‘until the arrival of
Hannibal, and further on in the same chap. (8) Publius, when informed
of the arrival of the enemy (παρεῖναι τοὺς ὑπεναντίους) is said not to have
believed it διὰ τὸ τάχος τῆς παρουσίας. In xviii. 31. 4, on the other hand,
the reference is rather to a coming that has not yet taken place, C. Cor-
nelius counselling Philip to send ambassadors to Rome ἵνα μὴ δοκῇ τοῖς
καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύων ἀποκαραδοκεῖν τὴν ᾿Αντιόχου παρουσίαν".
With this general usage of the word may be compared such a passage The
from the Κοινή as P.Oxy. 486, 15 (ii./A.D.), where a certain Dionysia, who Papyri.
is engaged in a lawsuit, petitions for leave to return home as the care
of her property demands her ‘presence’ (χρήζει μου τῆς mapovoials]):
cf. P.Par. 45, 5 (ii./B.C.) κὰ αὐτὸς παρέσομαι ταχύ, 46, 18 (ii./B.c.) mapa-
χρῆμα παρέσομαι πρὸς σέ.
But along with this it is important to notice that παρουσία occurs
frequently in the papyri as a kind of terminus technicus with reference
to the ‘visit’ of the king, or some other official. Thus in P.Petr,
II. 39 (e), 18 (iii./B.c.), as emended (see note on I. ii. 19), it is used of
a royal visit by a Ptolemy to a district which was mulcted to provide a.
1 Cf. the verb in Diod. Sic. xvii. 8 told him’—a passage that is of signi-
περὶ ταῦτα δ᾽ ὄντος αὐτοῦ, παρῆσάν τινες ficance for Lk. xiii. 1 (Field Notes:
ἀπαγγέλλοντες πολλοὺς τῶν ᾿Ἑλλήνων p. 65). :
νεωτερίζειν, ‘there came some that
M. THESS. Io
Greek
O.T.
Jewish
apoca-
lyptic
writings.
146 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
στέφανος, and similarly in P.Tebt. 48, 13 f. (ii./B.c.) we hear of an extra
levy of wheat imposed πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν: see also P.Tebt.
116 (ii./B.c.), an account including items incurred ἐν ro(is) βα(σιλέως)
παρουσίας (57), and P.Grenf. 11. 14 (b), 2 (iii./B.c.) announcing preparations
ἐπὶ τὴν παρουσίαν τὴν Χρυσίππου, and cf. Dittenberger Sylloge? 226, 84 ff.
(iii./B.0.) τῶν δὲ ἀρχόντων συναγαγόντων ἐκλησίαν καὶ τήν Te παρουσίαν ἐμ-
φανισάντων τοῦ βασιλέως.
Other instances might easily be given, but these are sufficient to
suggest an interesting comparison with the N.T. usage of the word to
denote the Parousia of their King or Lord for which His people are
to make ready. And we fall back upon them the more gladly because
for this particular sense of the word the Jewish sacred writings give
us little help.
In the Lxx. παρουσία is found only once as a variant for πορεία (BS)
in the A text of 2 Esdr. xii. 6 (= Neh. ii. 6) ἕως πότε ἔσται ἡ παρουσία σου,
and the same untechnical sense marks its few occurrences in the Apo-
crypha, as when in Judith x. 18 the report is spread of the ‘arrival’ or
‘presence’ of Judith (ἡ παρουσία αὐτῆς) in the camp of Holofernes, or as
when Judas, on hearing of the inroad of Nicanor, communicates to his
followers τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ στρατοπέδου (2 Mace. viii. 12; cf. 2 Mace. xv.
21, 3 Mace. iii. 17). ἣ
Nor is the case substantially different in the later apocalyptic writings.
It is true that in Apoc. Bar. xxx. 1 ‘And it will come to pass after these
things, when the time of the advent of the Messiah is fulfilled, and He ~
will return in glory, Dr Charles draws attention to the fact that the word
translated ‘advent’ (duds) was an ordinary rendering of παρουσία,
which may therefore have been found in the Gk. version of the book.
And with this there may be compared two passages in the Zest. wit. patr.
in the first of which the word is used with reference to God (Jud. xxii. 3
ἕως παρουσίας τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς δικαιοσύνης), and in the second with reference
to John Hyrcanus regarded as the prophet of the Highest, ie. the
Messiah (Lev. viii. 15 ἡ δὲ παρουσία αὐτοῦ ἀγαπητή ἐστιν ὡς προφήτης).
But these instances—and I have not been able to discover any others*—
are hardly sufficient in themselves to suggest an established use of the
term with reference to the Messiah in Jewish writers®.
1 As showing the burden that these
and similar ‘visits’ often imposed, the
petition of the priests of Isis at Philae
may be recalled in which they com-
plain that the officials resorting to
the temple ἀναγκάζουσι ἡμᾶς παρουσίας
αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι οὐχ ἑκόντας (C.I.G, iii.
4896 (ii./B.c.)): see further Wilcken
Ostraka i. p. 274ff., and for an ad-
ditional ex. of the word cf. Wilcken
Ostr. 1372 (i./A.D.) wupod...o0 ἔλαβες
ἀπὸ θησαυροῦ els τὴν παρουσίαν ᾧλάκος
ἡγήμων (for Φλάκκου ἡγεμόνοΞ).
2 In the interesting passage in Test.
Abraham § xiii. a where Abel is ap-
pointed judge μέχρι τῆς μεγάλης καὶ
ἐνδόξου αὐτοῦ [sc. θεοῦ] παρουσίας, we
read also of a δευτέρα παρουσία when
all souls κριθήσονται ὑπὸ τῶν δώδεκα
φυλῶν τοῦ ᾿Ισραήλ, but a Christian
interpolator has evidently been at
work here (see James The Testament
of Abraham p. 50, in Texts and
Studies ii. 2).
3 Cf. Teichmann Paul. Vorstel-
lungen von Auferstehung u. Gericht
TTAPOYCIA. ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙΑ. ATTOKAAYYIC 147
In these circumstances it would seem as if for the definite N.T. The
usage of the term to describe the coming of the glorified Christ, we Gospels.
must look directly to the impression produced upon His disciples’ minds
by the words of the Lord Himself. For though neither in St Mark nor
in St Luke is He represented as having used the term, it is found four
times in the great eschatological discourse in Matt. xxiv. (vv. 3, 27, 37, 39).
And without discounting the possibility of the hand of a later redactor,
there is after all no reason why the first Evangelist should not on this
occasion supply the word, ‘which most faithfully represents the original
language of Jesus.
If so, we have at once a full and satisfactory explanation of the fact The N.T.
that the term παρουσία is definitely employed as a term. techn. by all the Epistles.
Apostolic writers. St James uses it twice in this sense (v. 7,8), St Peter—
or whoever wrote the Second Epistle of that name—thrice (2 Pet. i. 16,
iii. 4, 12), St John once (1 Jo. ii. 28), while by St Paul, apart from several
occurrences with the more general meaning of ‘ presence’ as opposed to
‘absence’ (1 Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. vii. 6f., Phil. i. 26, ii. 12; ef. 2 Cor. x. 10),
the word is used seven times of the ‘ Parousia’ of the Lord Jesus (1 Thess.
ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15, v. 23, 2 Thess. ii. 1, 8, 1 Cor. xv. 23), and once of its
mocking counterpart (2 Thess. ii. 9). And though in all these passages the
primary reference is eschatological, to a definite coming that had not yet
been fully manifested, it is impossible not to notice how appropriate the
word was to emphasize the nearness and the certainty of that ‘coming.’
So near was it that it was not so much a ‘coming’ as already a ‘ presence’
of the Lord with His people, a permanent presence moreover, which not
even absence from sight for a little while could really interrupt, and which,
when fully re-established, would last for ever!.
To complete our survey of the history of the word it may be added Ecclesi-
that this technical use of the term has become firmly established in @Stical
the ecclesiastical writers, though by them it is extended also to the Weare
First Coming of the Lord, a use which is never found in the N.T.
fhnus Ignatius Philad. ix. writes ἐξαίρετον δέ τι ἔχει τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, τὴν
παρουσίαν τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, τὸ πάθος, αὐτὴν τὴν ἀνάστασιν,
where the position of παρουσίαν shows that the Incarnation must be
intended, while in Justin Martyr the teaching regarding the double
Parousia is fully developed: see Dial. 14 (Otto 11. 32 D), 49 (1. 158 B), and ὁ
especially 31 (IL. 98 Β) δύο παρουσίας αὐτοῦ γενήσεσθαι ἐξηγησάμην, μίαν μὲν
p- τι η.. According to Volz Jiid.
Eschat. p. 189, the term. techn. for
the coming of God on the Great Day
seems rather to have been ἐπισκοπή.
1 Cf. Ewald Die drei ersten Evan-
gelien p. 333 (though it should be
noted that the actual expression
Shekinah never occurs in the O.T.):
‘The παρουσία Χριστοῦ perfectly cor-
responds with the nay of God in
the O.T.—the permanent dwelling
of the King, where His people ever
behold Him, and are ever shielded
by Him. During the present im-
perfect state He is not so actually
and fully present as His people hope
and long for;...even when the expres-
sion more immediately denotes the
advent, it still always includes the
idea of a permanent dwelling from that
coming onwards’ (quoted by Cremer
p- 238).
70-“Ξ Σ
Later Gk.
The
Inscrip-
tions.
Greek
O.T.
148 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
ἐν 7 ἐξεκεντήθη ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, δευτέραν δὲ ὅτε ἐπιγνώσεσθε εἰς ὃν ἐξεκεντήσατε.
Cf. also Tertull. Apol. 21, Clem. Recogn. i. 49, 69.
ii, ᾿Επιφάνειὰ.
The subst. ἐπιφάνεια is not found at all in classical, but is frequent in
later Gk. to denote any sudden appearance or manifestation (e.g. of the
dawn Polyb. iii. 94. 3, of the enemy i. 54. 2), and is used more particularly
with reference to the intervention of the higher powers on behalf of their
worshippers. Thus in Diodorus Siculus we read of the honours due to
Isis διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς θεραπείαις ἐπιφάνειαν (i. 25), and in Dion. Hal. Ant.
ii. 68. 1 it is declared to be a worthy act τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἱστορῆσαι τῆς θεᾶς,
ἣν ἐπεδείξατο ταῖς ἀδίκως ἐγκληθείσαις παρθένοις.
A similar use is found in the inscriptions where the word is employed
not only of divine assistance (e.g. O.G.L.S. 331, 52 ras ἐξ αὐτοῦ [τοῦ Διὸς
τοῦ Σαβαζίου] γενομένας ἐπιφανείας), but is extended in characteristic fashion
to the accession of a Roman Emperor as in Jnscriptions of Cos 391 [ἐἸνιαυτοῦ.
πρώτου ras [Γαΐου Kaicapos...emupaveias. In Magn. 157 ¢, 6 the predicate
of ἐμφανέστατος [θεός] is bestowed on Claudius}.
In the canonical books of the Lxx. the word is found only three times,
in passages (2 Regn. vii. 23, Esth. v. 1, Amos v. 2) none of which throws much
light on its special meaning. But in 2 and 3 Maccabees it occurs several
times with reference to God’s supernatural interpositions ras ἐξ οὐρανοῦ
γενομένας ἐπιφανείας (2 Mace. ii. 21) on behalf of His people. Thus in
2 Mace. iii. 24, on the appearance of Heliodorus to confiscate the money
in the Treasury, ‘the Sovereign of spirits and of all authority caused
a great manifestation (ἐπιφανίαν μεγάλην), so that all who had presumed
to come in with him were stricken with fear; and in xiv. 15 the Jews are
represented as making solemn supplication to Him Who, alway ‘making
manifest His presence, upholdeth them that are His own portion’ (μετ᾽
ἐπιφανείας ἀντιλαμβανόμενον τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μερίδος): cf. also 2 Mace. xii. 22,
3 Mace. ii. 9, v. 8,51. In 2 Mace. v. 4 the word is used of an ai
announcing misfortune?.
With this use of the subst. there should also be compared the ire.
1 See further Thieme Die Inschrif-
ten von Magnesia p. 34 ff. Moulton
(Prolegg. p. το n.*) has pointed out
that ἐπιφανής as the regular appella-
tion of Ptolemy V. can no longer
be translated ‘illustrious,’ but is
=‘manifest,?’ much in the sense of
the Sanskrit Avatar; cf. O.G.I.S. go,
6 (Rosetta stone) θεοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς Εὐχα-
plorov with Dittenberger’s note, where
a number of parallel passages are cited.
See also Schiirer® i. p. 192 f.
2 In his valuable note on the use of
ἐπιφάνεια With reference to God in the
Journal of Biblical Literature and
Exegesis i. p. 16 ff. (reprinted in Criti-
cal Essays (Boston, 1888) p. 454 ff.),
Prof. Ezra Abbot draws attention to
the instructive example from the
Additions to Esther Text B vii. 6
(Fritzsche Lib. Apocr. Vet. Test. p.
71) where the sun and light of Morde-
cai’s dream are said to represent ém-
φάνια τοῦ θεοῦ in the deliverance of
Jews. Similar instances of the word
are also quoted from Josephus, as
when in connexion with the dividing
of the waters of the Red Sea Moses is
described as ὁρῶν τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ
θεοῦ (Antt. τι. 339 (ΧΥΪ. 2)).
TIAPOYCIA. ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙΑ. ATTOKAAYYIC 149
quent use of the verb in the Psalms to denote God’s making His face to
shine upon His people, e.g. Ps. xxx. (xxxi.) 17, exvii. (cxviii.) 27; while the
corresponding adj. ἐπιφανής is applied by the Lxx. translators to the
great day of the Lord in, Joel ii. 31 (iii. 4), Hab. i. 7, Mal. i. 14 (ef. Judg.
xiii. 6 A) evidently in the sense of ‘manifest’ of all, through a misunder-
standing on their part of the original Hebrew 813, ‘ terrible.’
In the N.T. ἐπιφάνεια is used only by St Paul, and, with the ex-
ception of 2 Thess. ii. 8, only in the Pastoral Epp. (1 Tim. vi. 14, 2 Tim.
i. 10, iv. 1, 8, Tit. ii. 13). In all these passages it is rendered ‘ap-
pearing, both in A.V. and R.V., and except in 2 Tim. i. το (cf. Tit. ii. 11,
iii. 4 ἐπεφάνη), where it is used of Christ’s First Coming (διὰ τ. ἐπιφανείας
τ. σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Χριστοῦ ᾿Ἰησοῦ), has a detinite eschatological reference.
The same is the case in 2 Thess. ii. ὃ καταργήσει τ. ἐπιφανείᾳ τ. παρουσίας
αὐτοῦ, where the A.V., probably on account of the following παρουσίας,
wrongly renders it ‘ brightness’ (Vg. t/ustratione)', for which the Revisers
have substituted ‘manifestation.’ This last is probably as accurate a ren-
dering as we can get for the word in English, involving as it does the
idea of something striking—a conspicuous intervention from above”.
In ecclesiastical writers ἐπιφάνεια has the same double reference as
παρουσία, and when referring to the First Coming of Christ is sometimes
distinguished by a characterizing epithet such as ἔνσαρκος (Eus. Demonstr.
Evang. viii. p. 226), Hence too it came to be applied not only to the day
sacred to Christ's Nativity (e.g. Epiphan. de Haer. ii. ad jin. οὔτε ἐν τῇ
ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἐπιφανίων, ὅτε ἐγενήθη ἐν σαρκὶ ὁ κύριος), but also to the day of His
Baptism as in the oration of Gregory of Nazianzus inscribed eis τὰ ᾿Επιφάνια.
For its reference to the Second Coming it is sufficient to refer to the letter
of Dionysius, preserved in Eus. H. £. vii. 24, where in close connexion with
τῆς ἐνδόξου καὶ ἀληθῶς ἐνθέου τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν ἐπιφανείας we are assured.
οὗ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστάσεως καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπισυναγωγῆς καὶ
ὁμοιώσεως. From Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. p.77 A it would appear that the word
was also applied by ecclesiastical writers to saints or martyrs.
iii. *AtroKdAyyic.
The
Pauline
Epp.
Ecclesi-
astical
writers.
᾿Αποκάλυψις, though not wholly‘, is distinctively a Biblical word, and is Greek
used euphemistically for NYP in 1 Regn. xx. 30 (εἰς αἰσχύνην ἀποκαλύψεως
μητρός σου), and metaphorically in the apocryphal book of Sirach, where it
is applied to the revelation of a man’s deeds in the hour of death (xi. 27
ἐν συντελείᾳ ἀνθρώπου ἀποκάλυψις ἔργων αὐτοῦ), and to the revealing of
secrets (xxii. 22 μυστηρίου ἀποκαλύψεως, xlii. 1 ἀπακαλύψεων λόγων κρυφίων),
The corresponding verb ἀποκαλύπτειν is however much more common,
1 Alford aptly recalls Milton’s fine
line,—‘ far off His coming shone,’
2 Chrys. Hom, ix. in IT. ad Tim.:
’"Emiddvera δὲ λέγεται διὰ τὸ ἐπάνω
φαίνεσθαι, καὶ ἄνωθεν ἀνατέλλειν.
3 Suid.: ᾿Επιφάνεια...ἡἣ τοῦ σωτῆρος
ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἔνσαρκος οἰκονομία.
4 It occurs a few times in Plutarch
(e.g. Mor. 7ο 5). To the class. and
late Gk. instances of the verb given by
the dictionaries may now be added the
new class, fragment in P.Oxy. 413,
166 f. ἀϊποκ]άλυψον iva ἴδω αὐτήν.
OT.
N.T.
Pauline
Epp.
I50 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
and is already definitely applied to the revelations of God to men, e.g.
I Regn. ii. 27 τάδε λέγει Κύριος ᾿Αποκαλυφθεὶς ἀπεκαλύφθην, iii. 21 ἀπε-
καλύφθη Κύριος πρὸς Σαμουήλ, and especially such passages from the
Theodotion version of Daniel as ii. 19 ἐν ὁράματι τῆς νυκτὸς TO μυστήριον
ἀπεκαλύφθη, 22 ἀποκαλύπτει βαθέα καὶ ἀπόκρυφα, 28 θεὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ ἀπο-
καλύπτων μυστήρια.
These passages, combined with our Lord’s own words Lk. xvii. 30
κατὰ Ta αὐτὰ ἔσται 7 ἡμέρᾳ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀποκαλύπτεται, give
the key to the use of the subst. in the N.T., where it is applied ex-
clusively to communications that proceed from God or Christ, or to
the Divine unveiling of truths that have been previously hidden. It is
thus the exact correlative of μυστήριον as that word is used in the
N.T.1, as when in the Gospels it is employed with reference to our Lord
Himself as the light given to dispel heathen darkness (Lk. ii. 32 φώς εἰς
ἀποκάλυψιν ἐθνῶν), or sums up the visions granted to St John on Patmos
under the significant title ᾿Αποκάλυψις Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (Rev. i. 1). Similarly
in 1 Pet. we read of the ‘praise and glory and honour’ which are to be
made known ἐν ἀποκαλύψει Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (i. 7; cf. Ὁ. 13, iv. 13), Where,
as in 1 Thess. ii. 19 (see note), the preposition is not to be understood
simply as referring to a contemporaneous event, but rather as implying
the means ‘in and through’ which the finding unto praise spoken of is to
be brought about (cf. Hort 1 Pet. p. 44).
The word is, however, pre-eminently a Pauline one, occurring in all the
groups of the Epp. except the Pastorals, and always in its higher or spiritual
sense. Thus it is δή ἀποκαλύψεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (Gal. i. 12) that the
Apostle himself received the Gospel, and it is through a similar revelation
that he elsewhere claims to have been entrusted with the Divine secret of
the extension of that Gospel to the Gentiles (Eph. iii. 3 κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν
ἐγνωρίσθη μοι τὸ μυστήριον, cf. Gal. ii. 2). The whole of Christianity indeed
according to the Pauline view may be summed up as ‘a revelation of
a mystery’ (Rom. xvi. 25 ἀποκάλυψιν μυστηρίου), and consequently ἀποκά-
Avis is in its turn the means by which men enter into the knowledge
of its highest truths (Eph. i. 17 πνεῦμα σοφίας καὶ ἀποκαλύψεως ἐν ἐπιγνώσει
αὐτοῦ, cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 6, 26, 2 Cor. xii. 1, 7). As however this knowledge
is at present necessarily limited, it is to the final ‘revelation of our Lord
Jesus Christ’ (1 Cor. i. 7 τ. ἀποκάλυψιν τ. κυρίου nu. Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ) that we
are taught to look for the complete fulfilment of the work begun now.
Then, in accordance with the ‘revelation of the righteous judgment of
God’ (Rom. ii. 5 ἀποκαλύψεως δικαιοκρισίας τ. θεοῦ), justice will be meted
out to all (2 Thess. i. 7), and the whole creation will rejoice in ‘the revelation
of the sons of God’ (Rom. viii. 19 τ. ἀποκάλυψιν τ. υἱῶν τ. θεοῦ)".
In all these passages it will be noticed that, notwithstanding a con-
siderable latitude of application, the fundamental idea of the word is
always the same—an unveiling of what already exists, though hitherto
1 Reference may again be made to to the Study of the Gospels® (1881) p. 9
Dean Armitage Robinson’s valuable n.?, on which the above summary
note, Eph, p. 234 ff. : is based, also the same writer’s Eph.
2 Cf. Westcott’s note, Introduction p. 178f.
~ TIAPOYCIA. ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙΑ. ATTOKAAYYIC 151
it has been hidden, or at best only imperfectly known: an unveiling
which, though it may pass through a long and varying process, finally
reaches its climax in the full revelation of the now unseen, though ever-
present Lord.
The religious history of the word outside the Canon need not detain Jewish —
us. In view of what has been said, it will be obvious how readily it lent 224 Chris-
itself as a title to the large class of writings, both Jewish and Christian, Apoca-
which, dealing with what lay outside the immediate range of human ex- lypses.
perience and knowledge, aimed at exhorting and consoling those to whom
they were addressed in the dark days on which they had fallen. ‘Tracts
for the Times,’ as they have been called, they were also ‘Tracts for Bad
Times!, and with widely-differing degrees of insight sought by the aid of
symbolism and eschatological speculation to disclose to men the hidden
but ever-present rule and purposes of God?
iv. Summary.
If we have been correct in the foregoing distinctions between the General
three words, it will be seen that, while all may be used to describe dis-
the Return of the now exalted and glorified Lord, they do so from three resi
distinct points of view.
The first, παρουσία, lays stress on the ‘presence’ of the Lord with His παρουσία,
people, which, while existing now, will only at that Return be completely
realized,
The second, ἐπιφάνεια, draws attention to His ‘presence’ as the result ἐπιφάνεια,
of a sublime ‘manifestation’ of the power and love of God, coming to
His people’s help.
The third, ἀποκάλυψις, reminds us that the ‘manifestation’ is also and ἀποκά-
a ‘revelation’ of the Divine plan and purpose which has run through λυψι5.
all the ages, to find its consummation at length in the ‘one far-off divine
event,’ to which the whole Creation is slowly moving.
1 Cf. C. A. Scott, Revelation (in ἘΠῚ] particulars, with references to the
The Century Bible) p. 27. relative literature, will be found in
2 For a brief account of these Schiirer? iii, p. 181 ff.
‘apocalypses’ see Swete Apoc. p. xviiiff.
1. Ατακ-
τος.
Classical
writers.
Greek
O.T,
NOTE G.
On ataxtéw and its cognates.
The three words ἀτακτέω, ἄτακτος, and ἀτάκτως are only found in the
Thessalonian Epistles amongst the writings of the N.T. In these cir-
cumstances it may be well to bring together a few passages illustrating
their usage both from classical and from later Gk., more particularly
as the exact meaning to be attached to them has an important bearing
upon the view we form of a certain section of the Thessalonian Church
at the time of St Paul’s writing.
In doing so we begin with the adj. ἄτακτος, which means primarily
‘out of order, ‘out of place,’ and hence, like the Latin inordinatus, is
readily employed as a military term to denote a soldier who does not
keep the ranks, or an army advancing in disarray. It is found in this
sense in Xen. Oec. viii. 4, where an ἄτακτος is contrasted with a τεταγμένη
στρατιά, and a suggestive example of the same usage is afforded by Dem.
Phil. i. 50, where the great orator indignantly condemns the want of
preparation with regard to the war—araxra ἀδιόρθωτα ἀόριστα ἅπαντα---
compared with the care bestowed—ovdev ἀνεξέταστον οὐδ᾽ dopisrov—upon
games and festivities.
From this the transition is easy to disorderly or irregular living of
any kind as in Plato’s reference to ἄτακτοι ἡδοναί (Legg. ii. 660 B, ef. vii.
806 0), or in Plutarch’s rebuke of those who, neglecting a ‘sane and well-
ordered life’ (ὑγιαίνοντος x. τεταγμένου βίου), hurl themselves headlong into
‘disorderly and brutal pleasures’ (ras ἀτάκτους x. ἀνδραποδώδεις ἡδονάς,
de lib. educ. ὃ 7 p. 54; cf ἀκόλαστα x. ἄτακτα, de def. orac. ὃ 20
p. 420 E).
The word is not found in the canonical books of the Lxx., but in
Sap. xiv. 26 the corresponding subst. occurs in the phrase γάμων ἀταξία,
with which are associated μοιχεία x. ἀσέλγεια. On the other hand the
more primary sense of the adj. is well illustrated in 3 Mace. i. 19,
where it is used to describe the ‘disorderly rush’ (δρόμον ἄτακτον) of the
newly-married brides into the street at the siege of Jerusalem’.
1 An interesting use of ἄτακτος,
though it throws no light on the
meaning of the word in our Epp., is
afforded by the Tribal Lists in the
Inscriptions, where it is applied to a
city that has been granted, but has
not yet exercised the privilege of self-
assessment (e.g. C.I.A. 1. 243, 36 ἄτακ-
τος πόλις: see Roberts-Gardner p.
290). Evraxros is found as a proper
name in an inscription discovered at
Thessalonica—A(ovxtos) Σέξτιος Εὔτακ-
ros (no. 114, Heuzey et Daumet p.
280). :
, ΟΝ ATAKTEQ AND ITS COGNATES 153
The usage of ἀτάκτως naturally follows similar lines, as when in Thue. 2. ᾿Ατάκ-
iii. 108 we read’ that many of the Peloponnesians, after the defeat of Olpae, Classical
perished when hurrying ἀτάκτως x. οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ to reach their camp, FURIES
whereas the Mantineans through the excellence of their order (μάλιστα
ξυντεταγμένοι) were able to effect a retreat’: while for the more meta-
phorical sense we can point to such a phrase as πλημμελῶς k. ἀτάκτως in
Plato Tim. 30 a, or to Isocr. Boagr. 1071 E οὐδὲ πρὸς ἕν ἀτάκτως οὐδ᾽ ἀνω-
μάλως διακείμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμοίως τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ὁμολογίας ὥσπερ τὰς ἐν τοῖς
λόγοις διαφυλάττων.
A late example to much the same effect is afforded by the dis- Late Gk.
covery in the Fayim of the fragment of a philosophic work concerning
the gods, belonging to the second century, in which the words occur δεῖ
‘trav [ἀν]θρώπων ἄρχειν [τῶν] πράξεων ἐκεί[νου]ς δὲ εὐθὺς ἐφέπεσθαι, οὐκ
ἀτάκτως μέντοι ἀλλ᾽ εἱμα[ρ]μέϊνως. τοῦ γὰρ ἀστόχως.. (Ρ. Fay. 337, 16 ff).
We come now to draxréw. Like its adj. it is frequently applied 3. ᾿Ατακ-
to soldiers marching out of order, or quitting the ranks (e.g. Xen. Cyr. Cla, lt aS
vii. 2. 6), and hence is extended to every one who does not perform his writers,
proper duty, as in Xen. 066. v. 15 where the ἀτακτοῦντες are contrasted
with τοῖς ποιοῦσιν ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν. Cf. P.Par. 26, 15 (ii./B.c.) ὑπέδειξαν ws av
εὐτακτηθησομένων ἡμῖν τῶν καθηκόντων.
In later Greek this ethical sense is very common, as when, by Philo- Later Gk.
stratus I., the verb was applied to children who dreaded punishment
‘if they had done any thing amiss’ (εἴ re ἀτακτήσειαν Vit. Soph. p. 230,
ed. Kayser), or generally speaking to any irregularities on the part of
men (οἱ yap ὑπὲρ τοιούτων ἀτακτοῦντες Vit. Ap. p. 17, ψυχαὶ ἀτακτοῦσαι
Ρ. 338).
In these circumstances we are prepared to take both the verb and its Thessa-
cognates metaphorically in the Thessalonian Epp., as indeed the context lonian
clearly demands. And the only question that remains is whether they are PP.
to be understood positively of actual wrong-doing, or in a more negative
sense of a certain remissness in the conduct of life.
Of the Gk. commentators Chrysostom apparently inclines to the
former view, as when in his Homily on I. v. 14 he describes the ἄτακτοι
as πάντες ot παρὰ τὸ τῷ θεῷ δοκοῦν πράττοντες... “πάντες οἵἱ ἁμαρτάνοντες.
On the other hand Theodoret confines the ἀταξία complained of to idle-
ness—araxrovs τοὺς ἀργίᾳ συζῶντας ἐκάλεσεν (ad I. v. 18): τῇ ἀργίᾳ συζῶσιν
(ad 11. iii. 11).
And of this latter view, at least in a slightly modified form, we have The
lately received unexpected confirmation in two striking examples of the Papyri.
use of draxréw in the Kowy, much about the time of St Paul’s writing.
The first occurs in P.Oxy. 275 (A.D. 66) in a contract of apprenticeship,
according to which a father binds himself not to take away his son during
a certain specified period, with the further condition that if there are any
days on which the boy ‘fails to attend,’ or ‘plays the truant’ (ὅσας δ᾽ ἐὰν
ἐν τούτῳ ἀτακτήσῃ ἡμέρας, 24f.), he is to produce him for an equivalent
number of days after the period is over.
1 Symmachus uses the word in of Jehu—ardxrws ἄγει (Heb. fwawa,
4 Regn. ix. 20 to describe the driving madly). ;
154 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
The second also comes from Oxyrhynchus in a similar contract, dated
about one hundred and twenty years later, P.Oxy. 725, according to which
a weaver’s apprentice is allowed twenty holidays in the year, ‘but if he
exceeds this number of days from idleness or ill-health or any other reason’
(ἐὰν δὲ πλείονας τούτων ἀργήσῃ [ἢ ἀσ]θενήσῃ ἢ ἀτακτήσῃ ἢ δι’ ἄλλην τω[ὰ
αἰτίαν 30 ff.), he has to make his absences good without wages.
If then these instances can be taken as typical of the ordinary colloquial
sense of the verb, we can understand how readily St Paul would employ
it to describe those members of the Thessalonian Church who, without
any intention of actual wrong-doing, were neglecting their daily duties,
and falling into idle and careless habits, because of their expectation of
the immediate Parousia of the Lord,
NOTE Η.
On the meanings of κατέχω.
The verb κατέχω is found in our Epistles in two distinct senses:
(1) ‘Hold fast’:
I. ν. 21 τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε.
(2) ‘Hold back’:
IL. ii. 6 viv τὸ κατέχον οἴδατε.
7 μόνον ὁ κατέχων ἄρτι ἕως ἐκ μέσου γένηται.
Both meanings are well-established, but in view of the importance of
the passages in which they occur, it will not be out of place to bring
together a few passages from the Kowy, which may help to illustrate
them. |
The first meaning ‘hold fast’ is best reached through κατέχω as ai. κατέχω
perfective of ἔχω =‘ possess, as in 1 Cor. vii. 30, 2 Cor. vi. 10 ὡς μηδὲν i ae:
ἔχοντες kK. πάντα xatéxovres!, with which may be compared P.Amh. 30, 26 f. ae
(ii./B.0.) where, in an official report regarding the ownership of a house,
proofs were adduced to establish that a certain Marres κατεσχηκέναι
τὴν οἰκίαν (‘had become owner of the house’), and the corresponding
use of the subst. κατοχή = bonorum possessio in B.G.U. 140, 24 ff. (6. 1./A.D.),
ὅμως κατ οἸχὴ[ν] ὑϊπα]ρχόντων ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ μέϊρ]ους τοῦ διατάγματος.
From this the transition is easy to the sense ‘take possession of, ‘lay
hold of, and accordingly in the interesting rescript regarding the Third
Syrian War, ascribed with all probability to Ptolemy III. himself, the King
narrates how certain ships, acting in his interest, sailed along the coast
of Cilicia to Soli, and took on board τὰ ἐκί εἴ 1]σε κατασκεθέντία χρήΪματα
‘the money that had been seized there’ (P.Petr. 11. 45, ii. 3 f., cf. P.Petr.
Ill. p. 335 f.).
In this passage, it will be noticed, the verb is practically = κρατεῖν.
And, as a matter of fact, we find it used interchangeably with κρατεῖν in
the long Petition of Dionysia (P.Oxy. 237 (ii./a.D.)) regarding the ‘right
of ownership’ (κατοχή) of a property (οὐσία) which she claimed: see especially
col. viii. 22 f. and 34 f., ras Αἰγυπτιακὰς γυναῖκας... κατέχειν τὰ ὑπάρχοντα τῶν
ἀνδρῶν and κατά τινα ἐπιχώριον νόμον κρατεῖται Ta ὑπάρχοντα.
Other examples of the more legal or technical uses of the terms, which
cannot be discussed here, are—for the verb, P.Tebt. 5, 47 (a Royal ordinance,
11.8.0.) [kparei |v ὧν κατεσχήκασι κλή(ρων), and for the subst., P.Oxy. 713, 36
(i./A.D.), where an applicant declares for registration his ‘right’ (κατοχήν)
1 Cf. Magn. 105, 51 (ii./A.D.), where tory is expressed by the formula ‘iva
the right of possession in certain terri- ὀ ἔχωσιν κατέχωσίν re καρπί ζ]ωνταί re.’
11. κατέχω
=‘hold
back.’
156 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
to certain arourae that had belonged to his mother. Cf. also the important
legal rescript, P.Strass. 22 (iii./A.p.).
More important for our present purpose are the instances of the verb
in a slightly metaphorical sense, as when a letter-writer of the second
century accuses his correspondent of ‘being oppressed by an evil con-
science’ (ὑπὸ κακοῦ συνειδότος κατεχόμενος, P.Oxy. 532, 22 ff.), or as when
a would-be purchaser of confiscated property declares that in a certain
contingency she will not be ‘bound’ by her promise (P.Amh. 97, 17 f.
(ii./A.D.) od κατασχε[ θ]ήσομαι τῇ [ὑ]ποσχέσει)".
And if we accept the view, which has recently found strong support,
that the κάτοχοι of the Serapeum are to be regarded as those ‘ possessed’
by the spirit of the σο 3, we have cans evidence pointing in the same
direction.
If, on the other hand, we incline to the older view, according to which
they are to be thought of as a species of monks, living for the time being
‘in retreat’ (ἐν κατοχῇ) within the temple-precincts*, we are prepared for
the further modifications in the meaning of κατέχω, according to which
it gains the sense of ‘detain, ‘arrest, while κατοχή signifies ‘the place
of custody,’ ‘the gaol.’
Thus in P.Lond. 11. 342, 7 f. (ii./A.D.) a charge is laid against one
Sempronius of attempting to lay hands on the relatives of the petitioner as
ἐπιπλόους or boat-overseers (προφάσι τοῦ κατέχειν ἐπιπλόους τοὺς συνγενεῖς
μου), While in a fragmentary letter in the same collection (422), belonging
to the fourth century, directions are given to arrest a certain individual
and ‘put him in irons’ (σιδηρῶσαι αὐτόν) for selling stolen camels, and it
is added κατέχεται ἡ γυνή (‘his wife is already arrested’). Similarly in
B.G.U. 372, 16 (ii-/ A.D.) we read of a man who is ‘arrested’ (xareyo-
μενον) as a tramp: while κατοχή =‘ custody’ appears in such passages as
P.Amh, 80, 9 (iii./A.D.) [ἐϊγλύσωσίν pe [τῆς κα]τοχῆς, B.G.U. 323, 11 f. (Byz.)
[ei]s κατοχὴν ποιήσω πάντα τὰ ὄντα ἐν τῷ] μου χωρίῳ ξένα πρόσωπα.
These last examples bring us to the second main use οἵ κατέχω which
we set out to illustrate, in which the thought of ‘holding fast,’ ‘arresting,’
passes into the thought of ‘holding back,’ ‘ detaining, as may be seen from
a single papyrus in which the verb occurs with both meanings.
A beneficiarius of one village addresses a letter to the comarchs of
1 Cf. Jo. v. 4 @ δήποτε κατείχετο
νοσήματι (A).
* See especially E. Preuschen
Méinchtum und Serapiskult 2% Aufl.
Giessen, 1903. Wilcken (Archiv iv.
207) cites in support of this view an
inscription from Priene to the effect—
ἀπὸ τῶν τραπεζῶν ὧν ἂν δῆμ[ος κοσμῆι,
δεδόσθω] [τ]οῖς κατεχομένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ
(Priene 195, 28f. (ii./B.c.)). Of. also
Dittenberger, O. G.I. 5. ii. Addenda
Ρ. 5491.
5. “Inclusio voluntaria in Serapieio
a vita coenobitarum nonnullorum
haud multum diversa’ (Herwerden
Lex, 8.0. κατοχή). With this view
Kenyon (British Musewm Papyri τ. p.
29 ff.) in the main agrees, nor does it
seem possible to attach any other
meaning to such a phrase as ὑπὲρ τοῦ
ἀπολελῦσθαί σε ἐκ τῆς κατοχῆς (P.Lond.
I, 42, 26f. (ii./B.c.)), than that the
person spoken of had been ‘released
from his seclusion.’ See also the
references to the use of κατοχή in
Mayser p. 22f.
ἢ ON THE MEANINGS OF ΚΑΤΕΧΩ 157
another, bidding them deliver up to the officer whom he sends a certain
Pachoumis ὃν κατεσχήκατε, ‘whom you have arrested,’ and then, after
enjoining them if they have anything to say in his favour to come along
with him and say so, the writer adds—épa μὴ κατάσχητε τὸν vmnpétn<v>,
‘see that you do not detain the officer’ (P.Oxy. 65 (iili—iv./4.D.)).
Earlier examples of the same usage are afforded by P.Fay. 109, II
(i./A.D.) μὴ κατάσχῃς Κλέωνα, P.Tebt. 315, 19 f. (ii./A.D.) ἐ ἐὰν δέ σέ τι κατέχῃ,
and the illiterate B.G.U. 775, 12 (ii./A.D.) μὴ κατάσχῃ] οὖν τὸ κλειδίν μου.
It is hardly necessary to carry the evidence further, but, for the sake
of its intrinsic interest, reference may be made to the heathen (Archiv
6. pe 173) Charm which Crum prints in his Coptic Ostraca no. 522
parece Ἡπγενρα ὁ κατέχων τὸν θυμὸν ὅλων τῶν ἀνθρώπων κάτεχε τὸν
θυμὸν ὯΩρι...
The name
Anti-
christ.
Possible
connexion
with a
Baby-
lonian
myth.
NOTE LI.
The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist’.
Παιδία, ἐσχάτη wpa ἐστίν, καὶ καθὼς ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἀντίχριστος ἔρχεται, καὶ νῦν
ἀντίχριστοι πολλοὶ γεγόνασιν" ὅθεν γινώσκομεν ὅτι ἐσχάτη ὥρα ἐστίν. τ JO. ii, 18.
The whole subject of Antichrist is surrounded with difficulties, and
raises many questions which are altogether outside the scope of this
Commentary. The utmost that can be attempted here is to supply a few
Notes, tracing the historical growth of the idea in the sacred Scriptures
and in the apocalyptic writings of the Jews, with the view of further
illustrating and confirming the interpretation given to the Man of law-
lessness in the foregoing pages”.
1. The actual name Antichrist is first found in the Johannine Epistles
(1 Jo. ii. 18, 22, iv. 3, 2 Jo. 7), but the main idea underlies St Paul's
description of the Man of lawlessness in 2 Thess. ii. 1—12, while, from the
manner in which both writers refer to this mysterious figure, it is evident
that they had in view an oral tradition current at the time (1 Jo. iv. 3
ἀκηκόατε, 2 Thess. ii. 6 οἴδατε. Any attempt therefore to understand the
doctrine of Antichrist as it meets us in the N.T. must naturally begin with
this tradition, so far as it is now possible to trace it.
2. Here, according to the latest view, we are carried very far back.
Gunkel in his epoch-making book Schipfung und Chaos (1895) would
have us find the roots of the Jewish doctrine of Antichrist in the primitive
Babylonian dragon myth of a monster (Tiamat) who opposed the Creator
(Marduk) in the beginning and was overcome by Him, but who, it was
believed, would in the last days again rear his head in rebellion only to
1 The following Note in a condensed Encyclopaedia, and by Sieffert in
form appears in The Standard Dic- Hauck RE.*, and to the Excursuses
tionary of the Bible under the title in their Commentaries on the Thessa-
‘Antichrist and the Man of Sin.’ lonian Epistles by Bornemann and
? On the whole subject, in addition Findlay. Thackeray has a useful
to the special literature cited in the Note in his Essay on The Relation
course of the Note, reference may be of St Paul to Contemporary Jewish
made to the articles on ‘Antichrist’ by Thought (1900) p. 136 ff., and the
Bousset in the Encycl. Bibl., by James elaborate study Zur Lehre vom Anti-
(under the title ‘Man of Sin’) in’ christ by Schneckenburger-Boehmer
Hastings’ D.B., by Moffatt (under the in the Jahrbiicher fiir Deutsche Theo-
title ‘False Christs’) in Hastings’ logie iv. (1859) p. 405 ff. may still be
D.C.G., by Ginsburg in the Jewish consulted with advantage.
BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 159
be finally crushed. And more recently this view has been adopted and
developed on independent lines by Bousset in his elaborate monograph
on Der Antichrist (1895, translated into English, with a new Prologue by
A. H. Keane, under the title The Antichrist Legend, 1896).
It is impossible here to examine in detail the evidence adduced by
those writers, but their investigations have made it practically certain
that this myth had reached Palestine, and is alluded to in the O.T. (see
artt. ‘Rahab’ and ‘Sea-Monster’ in Hastings’ D.B.). At the same time
its influence must not be exaggerated. Whatever part it may have had
in familiarizing the Jews with the idea of an arch-enemy of God, it
exercised little influence on the development of the idea amongst them,
and many of the traits ascribed to Antichrist, which are to be found in
the eschatological commentaries of Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and other early
writers, and which, because unsupported by anything he can find else-
where, Bousset is inclined to refer back to some such esoteric doctrine,
are more naturally explained as the result of the imaginations of these
commentators themselves, working on the data supplied to them by the
Scriptures.
3. In any case we are on surer ground when we turn to those data, Anti-
and, in proceeding to examine them, we may start from the general christ in
Jewish belief in a fierce attack that would be directed against Israel in ἦν ΟἹ.
the end of the days by some hostile person or power, but which would
be finally frustrated by the action of Jehovah or His Messiah, The con-
ception which the Jewish writers formed of the exact nature of this.
attack was naturally largely influenced by their particular circumstances
at the time, but, as it first meets us, it is generally thought of as pro-
ceeding from the heathen nations of the world.
Thus in Ps. ii., which Friedlinder regards as the real source (‘ Quelle’) Psalms.
of the later Antichrist legend!, we have a graphic picture of the rebellion
of the world-kingdoms ‘against the Lord and against His Anointed,’
coupled with the assurance that all such rebellion, because directed against
Jehovah Himself, is hopeless, and, if persevered in, can only result in the
complete overthrow of the nations: while in the exilic Psalm xciii. (xciv.)
the Psalmist comforts the oppressed Israelites with the reminder that the
Lord cannot have any alliance with ‘the throne of lawlessness’ (v. 20 μὴ
συνπροσέσται σοι θρόνος ἀνομίας), but will cause their lawlessness to recoil
upon all evil-doers (Ὁ. 23 ἀποδώσει αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀνομίαν αὐτῶν)".
The thought of the same contest ending in the same way meets us Post-exilic
also in the post-exilic prophets, as for example in the description of the Prophets.
onslaught by Gog from the land of Magog, as the type of the world’s
that during the last century B.c,
Beliar was the embodiment of the
1 Der Antichrist in den vorchrist-
lichen jiidischen Quellen (1got) p. 128
—an Essay in which much valuable
evidence is gathered together both from
the O.T., and the later data of the
Midrash and Talmud, in proof of the
Jewish doctrine of Antichrist, what-
ever may be thought of its main thesis
antinomian spirit which pervaded the
Jewish sect of 03°),
2 Cf. also the striking linguistic
parallels between Ps. lxxxviii. (lxxxix.)
and 2 Thess. i. and ii. adduced by
Bornemann p. 356 f.
Daniel.
Anti-
christ in
later
Jewish
writings.
Psalms of
Solomon.
160 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
power, against God’s people who ‘dwell securely’ (Ezek. xxxviii., xxxix.)},
or of the final assault against Jerusalem to which all nations of the
earth go up, and which again ends in the intervention and universal head-
ship of God (Zech. xii—xiv.).
It is however in the visions and prophecies of the Book of Daniel
(B.0. 168—165) that we find the real starting-point of many of the later
descriptions of Antichrist, and especially in the picture that is there
presented of Antiochus IV., called Epiphanes*. No other foreign ruler
was ever regarded by the Jews with such hatred on account both of his
personal impieties (1 Mace. i. 24 SV ἐλάλησεν ὑπερηφανίαν μεγάλην), and of
his bitter persecution of their religion, and, accordingly, he is here por-
trayed as the very impersonation of all evil. Some of the traits indeed
ascribed to him are of such a character (see vii. ὃ Ὁ, 20 b, 21, 25, xi. 36—45)
that it has often been thought that the writer had not so much Antiochus
as the future Antichrist directly in view. And, though this is not exegeti-
cally possible, it is easy to understand how his description influenced the
Apostolic writers in their account of the arch-enemy of God and man
(cf. e.g. 2 Thess. ii. 4 with Dan. xi. 36f., and Rev. xiii. 1—8 with Dan. vii.
8, 20, 21, 25, Vill. 24, xi. 28, 30; and see Driver Daniel p. xcvi ff.).
With the fall of Antiochus and the rise of the Maccabean kingdom,
the promise of deliverance, with which Daniel had comforted God’s people
during their dark days, received its proximate fulfilment. But when the
nation again fell under a foreign yoke, the old fears were once more
revived, and received a fresh colouring from the new powers by which the
Jewish nation now found itself opposed.
4. In determining the Jewish views regarding Antichrist during this
period, much difficulty is caused by the uncertainty regarding the exact
date of some of the relative writings, and the possibility of their having
received Christian interpolations in the form in which they have come
down to us. The following references, however, deserve notice.
In the Pharisaic Psalms of Solomon (48— 40 B.c.) Pompey as the re-
presentative of the foreign power that had overthrown Zion is described
as the personification of sin (ii. 1 ὁ ἁμαρτωλός), and even as the dragon
(v. 29 6 δράκων), perhaps an unconscious survival of the dragon-myth?:
and in Ps. xvii. 13 if we may adopt Ewald’s conjectural reading, which has
been generally approved by the editors, of ὁ ἄνομος (ὁ ἄνεμος in all the
made manifest’ (cf. Add. Note F, p.
148). For a graphic description of
the circumstances of his reign see
E. Bevan, Jerusalem under the High
1 For the later connexion of Gog
and Magog with the story of Anti-
christ cf. Rev. xx. 7f. The actual
identification of Gog with Antichrist,
however, does not occur till the seventh
century, and even then only in Jewish
sources (Bousset art. ‘Antichrist’ in
Encycl. Bibl. § 12).
2 The epithet Epiphanes is generally
rendered ‘the illustrious,’ but its real
meaning, as seen when the title is
stated in full θεὸς ἐπιφανής, is the ‘god
Priests (1904), and for the general
interpretation of the visions of Dan.
vii.— xii. see Porter The Messages of
the Apocalyptical Writers (1905) p.
125 ff.
3 See Charles The Ascension of
Isaiah Ὁ. liv.
BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 161
Mss.), we have another epithet applied to Pompey which, if used techni-
cally, is proper to the Beliar-myth (see below), It may, however, in the
present instance mean no more than ‘ heathen’ as in 1 Cor. ix. 21.
Similarly in the Apocalypse of Baruch which, though belonging to Apoca-
the last decade of the ist cent. a.D., is in the main a true Jewish writing, ‘pee of
we have a description of the destruction of the ‘lost leader’ of the enemies °@”"“”
of Israel by the Messiah on Mount Zion (xl. 1, 2), where again Pompey
may be thought of. And in 4 Ezra v. 1—6, belonging to about the same 4 γα.
time, after an enumeration of the signs of the last times, and the coming
of the fourth (Roman) Empire, after the third (Greek) Empire has passed
away in disorder (‘post tertiam turbatam’ ed. Bensly)', we read of one
who ‘shall rule whom they that dwell upon the earth look not for’ (‘et
regnabit quem non sperant qui inhabitant super terram’), a mysterious
being, who is generally identified with the future Antichrist”.
In none of these passages, it will be noticed, have we more than a God- .
opposing being of human origin, but it has recently been pointed out with
great cogency by Dr Charles (Ascension of Isaiah p. ἵν ff.)* that, in the
interval between the Old and the New Testaments, a further develop-
ment was given to the Jewish belief in Antichrist through the influence
of the Beliar-myth.
In the O.T. ‘belial’ is never strictly speaking a proper name, but
denotes ‘worthlessness,’ ‘wickedness*” From its frequent occurrence,
however, along with another noun in such phrases as ‘daughter’ (1 Sam.
i. 16), ‘man’ (1 Sam. xxv. 25), and especially ‘sons’ (Deut. xiii. 13, Judg.
xix. 22 &c.) of ‘belial, it is obvious how readily the idea lent itself to
personification, while it is not without significance in our present inquiry
that in those latter passages it is rendered in the Lxx. by παράνομος (e.g.
Deut. xiii. 13 ἐξήλθοσαν ἄνδρες παράνομοι).
~ In the later pseudepigraphical literature of the Jews this humanizing or
rather demonizing process is carried still further, until the title regularly
appears as a synonym for Satan or one of his lieutenants.
Thus in the Book of Jubilees (ii./B.0.) we read ‘ Let Thy mercy, O Lord, Jubilees,
be lifted up upon Thy people...and let not the spirit of Beliar rule over Testa-
them’ (i. 20, cf. xv. 33, ed. Charles). And similar references to Beliar as ments of
a Satanic spirit are frequent in the Testaments of the xii Patriarchs ie
(ii./B.c., in part at least): see e.g. Reub. iv. 7, vi. 3, Levi iii. 3, xviii. 12. arches.
1 Gunkel (in Kautzsch Pseudepi-
grapha p. 359) prefers to supply ‘diem’
after ‘post tertiam’ (Ξ-- μετὰ τὴν τρίτην
ἡμέραν, Blass), and understands the
three ‘days,’ as the secret apoca-
lyptic number, which denotes the
world-rule until its destruction: cf.
the three-and-a-half ‘days’ of Rev. xi.
9; and see Schipfung u. Chaos pp. 268
n.}, 269 n.}.
2 Cf. L. Vaganay Le Probléme Es-
chatologique dans le iv? Livre @’ Esdras
(Paris, 1906) p. 86f.
_ M. THESS.
3 See also Friedlander op. cit. p.
118 ff.
4 The origin of the word byrba is
disputed, but the old derivation from
3 ‘without’ and δ)» ‘profit’ is still
strongly supported. For an interest-
ing discussion, in which Dr Cheyne
finds in the word a modification of
the Babylonian Bililu in the sense of
the ‘land without return,’ i.e. the
underworld, see Hap. T. viii. and ix.
s.v. ‘Belial’ in the Indices,
II
Sibylline
Oracles.
Rabbi-
nical
writings.
Anti-
christ in
our Lord’s
teaching.
162 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
The most interesting passage, however, for our purpose is contained
in the third book of the Sibylline Oracles, in a section which in the main
goes back to the same early date, where Beliar is depicted as a truly
Satanic being accompanied by all the signs that are elsewhere ascribed
to Antichrist’. The passage is as follows:
ἐκ δὲ Σεβαστηνῶν3 ἥξει Βελίαρ μετόπισθεν
καὶ στήσει ὀρέων ὕψος, στήσει δὲ θάλασσαν
ἠέλιον πυρόεντα μέγαν λαμπράν τε σελήνην,
καὶ νέκυας στήσει καὶ σήματα πολλὰ ποιήσει
ἀνθρώποις"
# ~ * * *
καὶ δύναμις φλογόεσσα δι οἴδματος ἐς γαῖαν ἥξει,
καὶ Βελίαρ φλέξει καὶ ὑπερφιάλους ἀνθρώπους
πάντας, ὅσοι τούτῳ πίστιν ἐνεποιήσαντο.
Orac. Sib. iii. 63 ff. (ed. Rzach).
With this passage should also be compared Orac. Sib. ii. 167 f. where
it is stated that ‘ Beliar will come and do many signs to men’
καὶ Βελίαρ θ᾽ ἥξει καὶ σήματα πολλὰ ποιήσει
ἀνθρώποις,
though here the originally Jewish origin of the passage is by no means
so certain.
In the same way it is impossible to lay too much stress in the present
connexion on the speculations of Rabbinical theology regarding the person
of Antichrist in view of the late date of our authorities’, But we may
accept, as in the main reflecting the views of the Jews about the beginning
of the Christian era, the general conception of a powerful ruler to be
born of the tribe of Dan‘ and uniting in himself all enmity against God
and hatred against God’s people, but whom the Messiah will finally slay
by the breath of His lips®. ;
5. We can see how readily this idea would lend itself to the political
and materialistic longings of the Jews, and it is only therefore what
we should expect when we find our Lord, true to His spiritual ideals,
saying nothing by which these expectations might be encouraged in the
1 Cf. 4 Ezra v. 4 ‘et relucescet
subito sol noctu, et luna interdie,’
Asc. Isai. iv. 5 ‘et eius verbo orietur
sol noctu, et luna quoque ut sexta
hora appareat, efficiat.’ For later
Christian references to the wonders of
Antichrist see Bousset The Antichrist
Legend p. 175 ff.
2 This reference to the Σεβαστηνοί,
by whom we naturally understand
‘the race of Augustus,’ has caused
difficulty in accepting this as a purely
Jewish picture, but, unless it is to be
regarded as a later interpolation
(Schiirer® iii. p. 441, Engl. Tr. 11. iii.
p- 284), it is probably to be under-
stood of the inhabitants of Sebaste-
Samaria.
3 None of these are earlier than the
second century A.D.
4 Support was lent to this view by
such passages as Gen. xlix. 17, Deut.
xxxiii, 22, Jer. viii. 16; cf. the omis-
sion of Dan in Rev. vii. 5 ff., and see
further Friedlinder op. cit. c. ix Die
Abstammung des Antichrist aus Dan.
5 See Weber Jiid. Theologie p. 365.
BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 163
minds of His hearers, but contenting Himself with warning them against
false teachers, the ‘false Christs’ and the ‘false prophets’ who would be
ready ‘to lead astray, if possible, even the elect’ (Mt. xxiv. 24, Mk. xiii. 22).
Even too, when in the same discourse He seems to refer to a single Anti-
christ, the reference is veiled under the mysterious figure derived from
Daniel of the ‘abomination of desolation standing (ἑστηκότα) where he
ought not’ (Mk. xiii. 14; cf. Mt. xxiv. 15). A similar reticence marks His
words as recorded by St John, if here again, as is most probable, He
has Antichrist in view: ‘I am come in my Father’s name, and ye receive
me not: if another shall come in his own name, him ye will receive’
(Vv. 43).
6. Slight, however, though these references in our Lord’s recorded Anti- _
teaching are, they would naturally direct the attention of the Apostolic Christ in
writers to the traditional material lying to their hands in their treat- Apoatolis
ment of this mysterious subject, and, as a matter of fact, we have clear writers,
evidence of the use of such material in the writings of at least two
of them.
Thus, apart from his direct reference to the Jewish belief in Beliar St Paul.
in 2 Cor. vi. 15 (“And what concord hath Christ with Beliar?’), St Paul
has given us in 2 Thess. ii. 1—12 a very full description of the working
of Antichrist, under the name of the Man of lawlessness, in which, as
we have already seen (comm. ad loc.), he draws freely on the language
and imagery of the O.T. and of the speculations of later Judaism. It is
unnecessary to recapitulate the evidence, but for the sake of completeness
it may be well to summarize briefly the leading features in the Pauline
picture.
(1) ‘The mystery of lawlessness’ is already at work, though for the
moment it is held in check by a restraining person or power, probably
to be identified with the power of law or government, especially as these
were embodied at the time in the Roman State. (2) No sooner has
this restraining power been removed (cf. 4 Ezra v. 4, Apoc. Bar. xxxix. 7)
than a general ‘apostasy’ results, which finds its consummation in the
‘revelation’ of ‘the Man of lawlessness.’ (3) As ‘the opposer’ he ‘ex-
alteth himself against all that is called God’ (cf. Dan. xi. 36 f.) and actually
‘sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth as God’—the de-
scription being again modelled on the Danielic account (cf. Dan. viii. 13,
ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11), and the ‘lying wonders’ by which his working is
distinguished being illustrated by such passages as Orac. Sib. iii. 64 f.,
Asc. Isai. iv. 5 (see above). (4) Powerful as this incarnation of wicked-
ness seems to be, the Lord Jesus at His Parousia will ‘slay him with
the breath of His mouth,’ the words being a quotation from Isa. xi. 4,
a passage which the Targum of Jonathan afterwards applied to the de-
struction of Armilus the Jewish Antichrist!, and whose use here St Paul
1 For Armilus (Θ δ Ἴ) ie.Romu- Tr. τι. ii. p. 165); οἵ. Bousset The
lus, as the name of the chief adversary Antichrist Legend p. 105, Castelli 11
of the people ot Israel, in later Rab- Messia secondo gli Ebrei (1874) p.
binism see Schiirer® ii. Ὁ. 533 (Engl. 230 ff,
EL 2
St John.
The
Apoca-
lypse.
164 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
may well have drawn from the Jewish tradition of his time (cf. the use of
the same passage in Pss. Sol. xvii. 27, 39, 4 Ezra xiii. 10).
The whole description, it will thus be seen, is of a very composite
character}, though at the same time it is so definite and detailed?, that it is
hardly to be wondered at that there has been a constant endeavour to find
its suggestion in some historical personage of the writer’s own time®. But
though the sacrilegious conduct of Caligula (Jos. Andtt. xviii. 261 (viii. 2),
Tac. Hist. v. 9, Suet. Calig. xxii. 33) may have influenced the writer’s
language in v. 4, the real roots of the conception lie elsewhere, and it is
rather, as we have seen, in the O.T. and in current Jewish traditions
that its explanation is to be sought*.
7. The same may be said, in part at least, of the various evil powers
which meet us in the Johannine Apocalypse. The first wild Beast of the
Seer (Rev. xiii—xx.) vividly recalls the horned wild Beast of Dan. vii., viii.,
and the parallels that can be drawn between the language of St John and
of St Paul (cf. Rev. xii. 9, xiii. 1 ἢ with 2 Thess. ii. 9 ἢ; xiii. 5 ff, xiv. 11
with ii. 4, 1O—12; xili. 3 with ii. 9 ff.) point to similar sources as lying at
the roots of both. On the other hand the Johannine descriptions have
now a direct connexion with contemporary secular history which was largely
wanting in the earlier picture. This is seen noticeably in the changed
attitude towards the power of Rome. So far from this being regarded
any longer as a restraining influence, it is rather the source from which
evil is to spring’. And we can understand therefore how the city of Rome
and its imperial house supply St John with many of the characteristics
under which he describes the working of Antichrist, until at length he
sees all the powers of evil culminate in the Beast of c. xvii., who, according
to the interpretation of Bousset (adopted by James in Hastings’ D.B.),
is partly representative of an individual who ‘was, and is not, and shall
be present’ (Ὁ. 8 ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν καὶ πάρεσται), that is a Nero redivivus;
partly of a polity, namely that of Rome.
1 «The dvouos-expectation of 2 Thes-
salonians is not the arbitrary inven-
tion of an individual, but only the
expression of a belief which had a
long historical development, and was
at the time universally diffused’
(Gunkel Schipfung u. Chaos p. 221).
2 ¢There is scarcely a more matter-
of-fact prediction in the Bible’ (Find-
lay Thessalonians p. 219). The whole
Appendix on ‘The Man of Lawless-
ness’ is a clear and well-balanced
statement on this difficult subject,
to which the present writer gladly
acknowledges his indebtedness both
in this and the following Note. _
3 H.g. Caligula (Spitta Urchristen-
tum i. Ὁ. 294ff.), Nero (Schmiedel
Handcommentar, τι. i. Ὁ. 30f.); see
further Add. Note J.
+ «We have here a Jewish-Christian
dogma, which is to be understood by
means of the history of religious re-
flexion, and very indirectly by means
of the history of the Caesars’ (Gunkel
Schopfung u. Chaos p. 223).
> For the effect of the imperial per-
secutions, initiated by Nero in a.p. 64,
in leading St John to regard their
authors as the direct vassals of Satan,
see Swete Apoc. Ὁ. lxxviii ff. The
whole of this interesting section ‘ Anti-
christ in the Province of Asia’ should
be studied in connexion with the sub-
ject of this Note.
BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 165
8. There remain only the references in the Johannine Epistles to The
which, it will be remembered, we owe the name of Antichrist. In these, “péstles.
conformably to the writer’s main object, the spiritual side of the con-
ception is again predominant. Thus, after indicating some of the main
elements in Christian Truth, St John passes in I. ii. 18 to the conflict into
which at ‘a last hour’ Truth will be brought with Falsehood, and in token
of this points to the decisive sign by which this crisis will be known,
namely, the coming of ‘ Antichrist, the absence of the article in the
original showing that the word has already come to be used as a technical
proper name. Nor does ‘ Antichrist’ stand alone. Rather he is to be
regarded as ‘the personification of the principle shown in different anti-
christs’ (Westcott ad loc.), who, by their denial that ‘Jesus is the Christ,’
deny in like manner the revelation of God as Father (ii. 22), and, con-
sequently, the true union between God and man (iv. 3).
It is, therefore, into a very different atmosphere that we are intro- Present
duced after the strange symbolism of the Apocalypse, and the scenic Si8ni-
representation of the Pauline description. And one likes to think that ἌΡΗ,
_ the last word of Revelation on this mysterious topic is one which leaves christ,
it open to every one to apply to the spiritual workings of evil in his own
heart, and in the world around him, a truth which has played so large
a part in the history of God’s people in the past, and which may still
pass through many varying and progressive applications, before it reaches
its final fulfilment in the ‘dispensation of the fulness of the times’
(Eph. i. 10).
Varied
interpre-
tations
of the
passage.
i. The
Ante-
Nicene
Church.
General
view.
NOTE J.
On the interpretation of 2 Thess. 11. 1—12.
"Expiv δὲ τὸν μὲν ἕτερον τῶν ἄκρων καὶ βέλτιστον υἱὸν ἀναγορεύεσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ
τὴν ὑπεροχήν, τὸν δὲ τούτῳ κατὰ διάμετρον ἐναντίον υἱὸν τοῦ πονηροῦ δαίμονος καὶ
Σατανᾷ καὶ διαβόλου.
Orig. 6. Cels. vi. 45 (ed. Koetschau 1. 116).
There are few passages in the N.T. for which more varied interpretations
have been proposed than for 2 Thess. ii. 1—12. It is impossible to attempt
to give a full account of these here’. But it may be well at least to
indicate the main lines along which the exegesis of the passage hasrun. In
doing so we shall follow as far as possible the historical order, for, though
the different schools of interpreters cannot be rigidly distinguished according
to periods of time, there have been on the whole certain clearly marked
cycles in the method of interpretation applied to this difficult and mysterious
passage.
i. The Ante-Nicene Church.
In the Early Church the ecclesiastical writers, amidst considerable
differences in detail, agreed in regarding the whole passage as a prophecy
which, at the time when they wrote, was still unfulfilled. Rightly inter-
preting the Parousia as the personal Return of the Lord for the Last
Judgment, they saw in the Man of lawlessness an equally definite personality,
who was to be manifested at the close of the world’s history, but who for the
time being was held in check by a restraining influence, generally identified,
from the time of Tertullian? onwards, with the power of the Roman Empire.
1 Special excursuses are devoted to
the passage in most of the commen-
taries: see especially those of Liine-
mann, Bornemann and Wohlenberg
among the German expositors, and
of Eadie, Gloag, and Findlay among
the English. The article on ‘Anti-
christ’ by Rev. F. Meyrick in Smith’s
D.B. contains many interesting details.
Cf. also Déllinger The First Age of
Christianity (tr. by Oxenham, 4th ed.
1906) Appendix 1., and W. Bousset
The Antichrist Legend (Eng. Tr. by
Keane, London, 1896), where the
patristic evidence is given very fully.
E.Wadstein has collected much curious
material in his essay on Die escha-
tologische Ideengruppe: Antichrist-
Weltsabbat-Weltende und Weltgericht
(Leipzig, 1896) p. 81 ff., and for the
conceptions of Antichrist from the
xvth to the xxth century see H. Preuss
Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im
spiteren Mittelalter, bei Luther, und
in der Konfessionellen Polemik (Leip-
zig, 1906).
2 De Resurr. 6. 24 ‘quis nisi Ro-
manus status?’ Elsewhere Tertullian
INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 1—12 167
Of this line of interpretation we find traces already in the Didache xvi., Early
and in Justin Martyr Dial. 110, and it is clearly enunciated by Irenaeus Greek
who presents a vivid picture of a personal Antichrist ‘diabolicam apostasiam di eae
in se recapitulans,’ and ‘seducens eos qui adorant eum, quasi ipse sit
Christus’ (adv. Haer. ν. 25. 1). Elsewhere (v. 30. 2) he ascribes to Anti-
christ a Jewish origin, tracing his descent, in accordance with O.T.
prophecy (Jer. viii. 16), to the tribe of Dan—a view that was shared by
Hippolytus (de Antichristo c. 14)". Origen is equally definite in looking for
a single being, υἱὸν τοῦ πονηροῦ δαίμονος καὶ Σατανᾶ καὶ διαβόλου, who is to be
opposed κατὰ διάμετρον to the Christ (6. Celsum vi. 45 f. ed. Koetschau 11.
115 ff.), and similarly Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of Antichrist as Satan’s
‘organ,’ who will take his place in the Temple of Jerusalem, when not one
stone of the old building has been left standing upon another, and adds the
pious wish that he himself may be spared from seeing the horrors of that
day (Catech. xv. 7).
The Latin commentators follow on much the same lines» By The Latin
‘Ambrosiaster’ the Antichrist is not named, but, arising out of the circum- CO™men-
cision he is to kill the saints and restore liberty to Rome. The working of cig
this mystery of iniquity had already begun with Nero, who had killed
the Apostles, and from him it had passed on to Diocletian and Julian.
‘ Ambrosiaster’ appears to identify ὁ ἄνομος with the devil.
Pelagius says pointedly ‘Nisi Antichristus uenerit, non ueniet Christus,’
and then goes on to describe how the ‘homo peccati’ (‘diaboli scilicet’) will
attempt to revive the Temple and its worship with the view of persuading
the Jews to accept him ‘pro Christo*.’ For this the false doctrines already
at work were preparing the way: the only restraining influence was the
‘regnum, quod nunc tenet.’
Differences in this general view were naturally caused, according as τὸ Differ-
μυστήριον τῆς ἀνομίας was found in the political or in the religious sphere? : tre πα,
says that Christians should pray for et sacramenta culturae diuinae corri-
the Emperor, because ‘clausulam sae-
culi acerbitates horrendas comminan-
tem Romani imperii commeatu scimus
retardari’ (Apol. c. 32).
1 Cf. ὁ. 6, ἐν περιτομῇ ὁ Σωτὴρ ἦλθεν
εἰς τὸν κόσμον, καὶ αὐτὸς [i.e. the Anti-
christ] ὁμοίως ἐλεύσεται. Elsewhere
(c. 15) Hippolytus describes the Anti-
christ as τύραννος καὶ βασιλεύς, κριτὴς
δεινός, υἱὸς τοῦ διαβόλου.
2 For ‘Ambrosiaster’ and Pelagius
see the List of Commentaries.
3 The passage may be given in full
according to the correct reading of the
Karlsruhe ms., kindly supplied by Prof.
Souter; in this short extract it differs
‘in nine places from the text of the
Pseudo-Jerome in Migne: ‘Supra omni-
potentiam et aeternitatem se iactabit
gere uel augere se dicet, et templum
Hierusolymae restaurare temptabit
omnesque legis caerimonias reparare
tantum ut ueritatis Christi euangelium
soluat, quae res Iudaeos eum pro
Christo suscipere persuadebit, in suo,
non in dei, nomine uenientem.’
4 In Chrysostom we find again the
attempt to associate Nero with Anti-
christ: Νερῶνα ἐνταῦθά φησιν ὡσανεὶ
τύπον ὄντα τοῦ ἀντιχριστοῦ...καὶ καλῶς
εἶπε, τὸ μυστήριον" τουτέστιν, οὐ φανερῶς,
ὡς ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲ ἀπηρυθριασμένως (Hom.
iv. in II. ad Thess.). Theodoret, on the
other hand, thinks that the Apostle
has in view the heresies that were
beginning to spring up (τὰς ἀναφυείσας
αἱρέσει) within the Church itself.
According to Ephrem Syrus (Comm. in
ii. The
Middle
Ages.
The
Eastern
Church.
The
Western
Church.
First hints
of the
possibility
of a Papal
Anti-
christ.
Develop-
ment of
168 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
while it is further significant to notice, in view of later developments, that,
according to the testimony of Augustine!, there were already some who,
despairing apparently of finding a consistent literal interpretation for the
different details, had come to apply it in a general way to all forms of evil
as they arose in the Church.
ii. The Middle Ages.
During the earlier portion of the Middle Ages this prophetic interpreta-
tion of the passage as an inspired description of what was actually to happen
in the great Day of the Lord continued to prevail, not however without such
modifications as were required by the changing relations between Church
and State, and the divisions that were arising within the Church itself.
Already too there were increasing signs of the tendency, afterwards to
become so marked, to find at least partial fulfilments of the prophecy in
contemporary historical events.
Thus in the Eastern Church, struggling for bare existence against the
forces of Islamism, Muhammad was readily identified with Antichrist, while
in the Western Church the arrogant pretensions of some of the Church’s
own rulers had already begun to lead to whispers of the possibility of
a Papal Antichrist. It is a curious fact indeed that the first traces of such
a view seem actually to have come from an occupant of the Papal See itself,
when, towards the close of the sixth century, Gregory I., in denouncing the
claims of the contemporary Byzantine patriarch, went the length of saying
that whoever arrogates to himself the title of ‘universal priest’ is a pre-
cursor of Antichrist and described the title as ‘erroris nomen, stultum
ac superbum vocabulum, perversum, nefandum, scelestum vocabulum,
nomen blasphemiae?”’ Four centuries later Arnulph, Bishop of Orleans,
declared much to the same effect at the Council of Rheims (a.p. 991) that if
the Roman Pontiff was destitute of charity, and puffed up with knowledge,
he was Antichrist. It was only therefore giving statements such as these a
general application when in the twelfth century Joachim of Floris in his
Enchiridion in Apocalypsim began to trace a correspondence between the
warnings of the Apocalypse and the evils of his time—a mode of interpre-
tation which another Franciscan, John Oliva, followed up by asserting that
in the opinion of some Antichrist would be a ‘pseudo-papa®.’
When such hints were thrown out within the Church itself, one can
readily understand that they were eagerly laid hold of by all who, on grounds
Ep. Pauli, Venice 1893, p. 193) Anti-
christ is to be a circumcised Jew of
the tribe of Judah (‘ex ipso populo et
ex tribu Judae, neque in praeputio, sed
in circumcisione’) who, imitating the
coming of the Lord, is to take his
place in the Church itself, but who for
the time being is ‘restrained’ by the
Jewish Temple-worship and afterwards
by the preaching of the Apostles (see
further Wohlenberg, p. 194 f.). —
1 De Civ. Dei xx. 19 ‘alii...non
putant dictum, nisi de malis et fictis,
qui sunt in Ecclesia.’ Augustine him-
self despaired apparently of finding a
correct interpretation for the passage :
‘Ego prorsus quid dixerit, me fateor
ignorare’ (wt s.).
2 Ep. xxxiii. lib. vii. p. 891, Opera
τι. Migne.
3 See Swete Apoc. p. ceviii f.
~ INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 169
of liberty or morality, found themselves obliged to oppose the Roman this view
hierarchy, and that the identification of the Papacy with Antichrist 4mongst
gradually became a commonplace amongst the sects. At first apparently κὲ ετῳεοιρν
it was only an individual that was thought of, but from this the transition pier.
was easy to a succession of individuals or a.polity, as when Wycliffe asserted archy.
of the Pope generally that he did not seem to be ‘the vicar of Christ,
but the vicar of Antichrist!, and in the last year of his life (1384) wrote a
treatise De Christo et suo adversario Antichristo, in which he identified
the Pope with Antichrist for twelve reasons, many of these being applicable
to the Pope as such.
5 Ὁ 12
iii. The Reformed Church.
The reference of Antichrist to the Papal Hierarchy continued to be the iii. The
prevailing view of the Reformers. And such stress was laid on it by Reformed
Luther in the great controversial writings of 1520 and succeeding years? that 2 sisabont
it found a place in the Articles of Smalkald which, under his influence, were view, 5
adopted in 1537 by ἃ number of evangelical theologians as their rule of Papacy=
faith®. In England both Houses of Convocation decreed in 1606 that Anti-
‘if any man shall affirm that the intolerable pride of the Bishop of Rome, °2™S*-
for the time still being, ... doth not argue him plainly to be the Man of Sin,
-mentioned by the Apostle, he doth greatly err*’ And a few years later the
Translators of our A.V. complimented King James for having by means of
his tractate Apologia pro Juramento Fidelitatis ‘given such a blow to that
man of sin, as will not be healed.’ A section of the Westminster Confession
of Faith is devoted to defending the same view. And, with a few honourable
exceptions, the equation ‘the Pope, or the Papacy, is Antichrist’ may be ~
said to have been the prevailing view of Protestant exegetes for a period of’
about two hundred years,
1 Dial. 31. 73 ‘videtur papam non
esse Christi vicarium, sed vicarium
antichristi.’ Elsewhere he goes the
length of saying that no man is better
fitted to be the vicar of Satan than the
Roman pontiff himself (‘ ut sit vicarius
principalis Satanae et praecipuus anti-
christus ’ de Blasphemia 6. 3), and
characterizes his legates as ‘a latere
antichristi.’
2 On «τ Oct. 1520 Luther writes,
‘Jetzt bin ich um vieles freier, nach-
dem ich endlich gewiss geworden bin,
dass der Papst der Antichrist ist’
(Briefwechsel, ed. Enders ii. 491), and
to this conviction he clung to the end
of his life; see Preuss op. cit. p. 145 ff.
3 In the later authoritative Latin
translation of these Articles the refer-
ence runs as follows: ‘Haec doctrina
praeclare ostendit, papam esse ipsum
verum Antichristum, qui supra et
contra Christum sese extulit et evexit,
quandoquidem Christianos non vult
esse salvos sine sua potestate, quae
tamen nihil est, et a deo nec ordinata
nec mandata est. Hoc proprie lo-
quendo est se efferre supra et contra
deum, sicut Paulus 2 Thess. ii. lo-
quitur.’
4 Cardwell Synodalia i. p. 379.
5 The position of Calvin (Comm. ad
loc.) is interesting. While agreeing in
the general reference of Antichrist to
the Papacy (‘Quid, obsecro, est se
efferre supra omne quod numen repu-
tatur, si hoc Papa non facit?’), he
finds the restraining influence in the
limited diffusion of the Gospel. Not
till the Gospel was preached to the
Rise of
new
methods
of inter-
pretation,
iv. Modern
Views.
(1) The
ideal view.
Later
modifica-
tions.
170 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
But not to dwell further on a system of interpretation which has nothing
to commend it except the ease with which it lends itself to partisan
purposes}, it is of more importance to trace the rise of certain new methods
of apocalyptic interpretation, which have powerfully affected the view taken
of this passage in modern times,
iv. Modern Views.
(1) Amongst these a prominent place must be given to the tendency to
regard the whole conception in a purely ideal manner. Unable to agree
with a method of interpretation in which personal references and animosities
played so large a part, the followers of this system understood the passage
in a general or spiritual sense. The concrete individual traits of the Pauline
picture were wholly ignored, or else treated simply as symbolic representa-
tions of certain great principles always at work in the Church and the world.
Of this tendency C. L. Nitzschis a striking example2. Inthe Appendix
to his Essays De Revelatione (1808), starting from the assumption that the
παρουσία is ἃ ‘factum ideale, not to be looked for at any definite time
or place, but whenever and wherever faith needs to be strengthened, he
goes on to say that, as regards the Man of lawlessness, no such man ever
has existed or apparently will exist (‘nusquam quisquam fuit nec in
posterum futurus esse videtur’). St Paul, that is to say, in his whole re-
presentation was influenced by subjective considerations, and without any .
regard to the historic truthfulness of his picture desired only the edifica-
tion of his readers. .
Others who followed in this direction, without perhaps going the same
length, or losing sight so entirely of objective realities, were such expositors
as Pelt in Germany, who lays down as a preliminary condition to his whole
discussion that St Paul was looking for no visible Return of Christ®, and
Jowett in England, who for a guide to the Apostle’s meaning in this
particular passage lays stress on his ‘habitual thought’ as revealed in such
passages as Col. ii. 8, 16, or the spiritual combat of Rom. vii.
whole world, would the Man of Sin be
manifested (‘ Haec igitur dilatio erat,
donec completus esset Evangelii cur-
sus: quia gratuita ad salutem invitatio
ordine prior erat’). .
1 It is hardly to be wondered at that
many Romanist scholars (e.g. Estius
+1613) should adopt the methods of
their opponents, and retaliate by as-
serting that the Pauline apostacy was
rather to be found in defection from
Rome, and that consequently Luther
and his followers were the real Anti-
christ. At the same: time it is right
to notice that to the Jesuit scholars
Ribeira (+1601) and Alcasar (+1613)
belongs the credit of inaugurating
more scientific methods in the inter-
pretation of the Apocalypse: see Swete
Apoc. p. ecix f.
2 On Nitzsch’s position see especi-
ally Bornemann p. 428 ff.
3 P. 185 ‘...tenentes, illum Christi
adventum a Paulo non visibilem habi-
tum.’ De Wette is even more explicit
in declaring that ‘ whoever finds more
than a subjective outlook of the Apostle
into the future of the Christian Church
from his own historical position falls
into error,’ and that to expect any
actual embodiment of Satan is ‘con-
trary alike to the reflective under-
standing and the pious feelingg
INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 1—12 171
The practical advantages of this view are at once apparent. The
prophecy is made universally applicable, and lessons can be drawn from it
for all succeeding generations of readers, whatever the special circumstances
in which they find themselves. But this result is only reached by depriving
the very literal and precise statements of the passage of all definite
meaning, and consequently we are not surprised to find that a large
and influential body of English expositors, while applying the truths of the
prophecy continuously throughout the whole course of the world’s history
lay stress at the same time on their final and complete embodiment at the English
end of the days. Amongst supporters of this view it is sufficient to ©*Positors.
mention such names as Alford, Ellicott, Eadie, Alexander, Dods, and most
recently Findlay, according to whom, ‘The ideal Antichrist conceived
by Scripture, when actualized, will mould himself upon the lines of the
Antichrists whose career the Church has already witnessed’ (p. 231). But
however true this may be as an application of the Apostle’s words, it
contributes little or nothing to their interpretation!, or to the exact
meaning they must have conveyed to their first writer or readers. So far
from their conceiving an ‘ideal’ Antichrist, ‘there is scarcely,’ in Findlay’s
own words already quoted elsewhere (p. 164), ‘a more matter-of-fact
prediction in the Bible.’ And it is not until the expositor has succeeded
in forming some idea of the genesis and reference of its varied details, that
he can hope to apply with any degree of success the underlying law or
principle to present-day needs. It is only therefore in keeping with the
growth of the historical spirit that alongside of this more subjective school
of criticism, there should have been a determined attempt to find the real
key to the passage in the historical circumstances of the time when it was
written.
For the rise of this method of interpretation, which is generally known (2) The
as the praeterist or historical to distinguish it from the futurist or ραβδὶ
predictive method, we can go back as far as Grotius who in his Annotationes Bogin.
(Paris, 1644), starting from the untenable position that the Epistles were nings of
written in the second year of Caligula, found the fulfilment of the passage in this view.
that Emperor’s desire to set up a statue of himself in Jerusalem (Jos. Antz.
XViii, 261 (viii. 2), cp. Suet. Calig. xxii. 33), the restraining power being the
proconsul Vitellius, ‘vir apud Judaeos gratiosus et magnis exercitibus
imperans,’ and the ἄνομος, who was wrongly dissdciated from the Man of
lawlessness himself, Simon Magus. Wetstein on the other hand identified
the Man of lawlessness with Titus, on the ground that his army brought
their standards into the Temple, offered sacrifices to them, and proclaimed
the Emperor as αὐτοκράτωρ (Jos. B.J. vi. 6. 1), while Déllinger preferred to
think of the youthful Nero, restrained by the efforts of the dull Claudius.
Apart too from these distinctive references to the Imperial House Varieties
another important band of scholars sought the apostasy referred to rather ™_1ts ap-
in the revolt of the Jews from the Roman yoke—the restraining power pHensan
being found either in their leaders who were against the revolt (Le Clerc),
or in the prayers of the Christians who warded off for a time the destruction
1 For some good remarks on the two very different things see Denney
difficulty caused by confusing these Thess. p. 317 f.
The Nero
Redivivus
theory.
172 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS
of Jerusalem (Schéttgen), or, if an individual had to be sought, in the
influence of such a man as James the Just (Wieseler).
It soon became obvious indeed that this system lent itself to almost end-
less modifications and combinations in accordance with the predilections of
its supporters. And we can understand therefore the relief with which in
the beginning of last century an application of it was hailed, which for
a time seemed to command widespread assent.
Its author was Kern! who, starting with the postulate that the whole
passage was written under the influence of the Apocalypse, found the Man
Οὗ lawlessness in the widespread belief in Nero Redivivus, the restraining
power in Vespasian and his son Titus, and the apostasy in the wickedness of
the Jews in their war against the Romans. This line of interpretation was
adopted by Baur?, Weizsicker®, Holtzmann*, and Schmiedel®, to mention
only a few representative names. But apart from the consideration that, if
accepted, it would be fatal to the authenticity of the Epistle, in which we
have already found good reason for believing (Intr. p. lxxvi ff.), it is wrecked
on the fact that the παρουσία referred to by St Paul cannot be understood
of the period of the destruction of Jerusalem, as the theory requires, but
only of the second and personal coming of the Lord Jesus Himself. On this
the evidence of the Epistles is quite decisive. And in view of it it is
unnecessary to spend time in showing that, even were it otherwise, the
precise traits of the Pauline picture are not fulfilled in Caligula, Nero®, or
any other Emperor of the period, though we must not lose sight of the fact
that some of the actions of the first-named may have influenced the
Apostle’s language’.
The real roots of his delineation are however, as we have already
had occasion to notice, to be sought elsewhere. And it is one of the great
services of what may be known as the traditional view to have drawn
1 Tiibinger Zeitschrift fiir Theologie
ii. 1839, p. 145 ff.
2 Theol. Jahrbiicher xiv. 1855, p.
141 ff., translated as Appendix m1. to
the Engl. ed. of Paul, His Life and
Works (Lond. 1873—5).
3 Das apost. Zeitalter p. 521, Engl.
Tr. ii. p. 193 f. ‘It is impossible that
anything else can have been meant
than the Neronic Antichrist, who at
present is delayed by the living Em-
peror, and who in his own time will
be supported by the deceit of false
prophecy (cf. Rev. xiii).’
4 Hinl’ p. 217 ‘Zur Conception
eines Bildes ‘wie Apoc. 13...hat Nero
gesessen.’
5 Hand. Comm. zu 2 Thess. ii. r—12
‘Nur die zeitgeschichtliche Deutung
hat wissenschaftliches Recht.’
δ᾽ So strong an opponent of the
Epistle’s authenticity as Wrede says
pointedly, ‘Die Deutung der Stelle
auf Neré ist jedenfalls griindlich er-
schiittert’ (Echtheit p. 1). Similarly
Pfieiderer (Urchristentum? p. 97 f.,
Engl. Tr. i. p. 138 1.) while postulating
the close affinity of the Pauline repre-
sentations with Rev. xiii., xvii., xix.,
xx., admits that ‘the distinctive
features which in the Johannine ~
apocalypse point to the legend of the
return of Nero are completely wanting
in 2 Thess.’
7 For the relation of the Pauline
picture to Caligula see Klépper Der
zweite Brief an die Thess. p. 53, and
ef. Spitta Urchristentum i. p. 148
‘Es handelt sich hier eben um die
Anwendung der Caligula-Apokalypse
auf eine neue Zeit.’
INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 1—12 173
attention afresh to how largely the whole delineation grew out of the Jewish
experiences of the Apostle. For not only did the uncompromising hostility
of his Jewish fellow-countrymen suggest to St Paul the source whence the
crowning development of evil was to manifest itself (see pp. xxviii, xxxi ἢ),
but he was led to fall back on O.T. prophecy and current Jewish Apocalyptic
for the actual details which he worked up into his dread picture.
This line of interpretation is by no means new. From the earliest times
the dependence of many traits in the Pauline Antichrist upon the godless
king in Daniel have been clearly recognized. But it is only in more recent
years that increasing knowledge of the sources has made it possible to trace
systematically the Jewish tradition lying at the base of the N.T. passage.
According to Bousset (Zncyc. Bibl. col. 179) the credit of breaking fresh
ground in this direction belongs to Schneckenburger?. And now Bousset Possible
himself has endeavoured to carry the tradition still further back, and relation to
to find in the Antichrist legend ‘a later anthropomorphic transformation’ P™™t1ve
of the old Babylonian Dragon myth, which he regards as ‘one of the
earliest evolved by primitive man®’ The data on which this theory is built
up are too uncertain to make it more than a very plausible conjecture
(cf. p. 159), nor, after all, even if it were more fully established, would it
have any direct bearing on our inquiry, for certainly all thought of any
such mythical origin of the current imagery was wholly absent from
St Paul’s mind*, In the meantime, then, we must be content with re- General
emphasizing that it is to the Jewish apocryphal and pseudepigraphic conclu-
writings, and especially to the prophetical books of the Greek O.T., and sion.
the eschatological teaching of Jesus, that we must principally look for light
on the outward features of the Pauline representation.
1 See the survey of his writings by 2 The Antichrist Legend Ὁ. 13 ff.
Bohmer in the Jahrbiicher fiir Deutsche 3 Cf. Preuschen Z.N.T.W. ii. p.
Theologie iv. (1859) p. 405 ff. 169 n.1.
INDEXES
I. SUBJECTS.
Achaia, xlv, 11
Acts of Apostles, parallels with, xlii
Agrapha of our Lord, 39, 66, 77, 115
Amanuensis, St Paul’s employment of
an, xcf., 124 ff.
Analysis of the Epistles: 1 Thess., 2;
2 Thess., 84
Angels, Ixx, 45, 89
Antichrist, Biblical doctrine of, 158 ff.;
views regarding, at different periods
in the history of the Church, 166 ff.
Aorist: of inception, 17; expressing
immediate past, 32
Apostle, title of, 21
Armilus, 163
Article: emphatic, 13, 49, 105, 112;
demonstrative, 81, 117; absence of
the, 4, 14, 48, 51; 64; 75> 94
Authenticity of the Epistles: 1 Thess.,
Ixxii ff.; 2 Thess., Ixxvi ff,
Benediction, 81
Brother, xliv, 8; brotherly-love, 52 f.
Cabiri, xlvi
Call, the Divine, 26, 51, 79, 93
Chiasmus, 67
Christ, the title of, 136; the doctrine
of, lxvi ff.
Church, St Paul’s use of the term, 4
Church-life in Thessalonica, xlvi ff.,
71 ff.
Commentaries on the Epistles, cii ff.
Compound-verbs, St Paul’s love for, liii,
40
Conversion, 13
Crown, 35
Date of the Epistles, xxxv ff,
Day of the Lord, 64
Death: of Christ, 57, 69 f.; of believers,
ff
Destruction, eternal, ΟἹ
Dichotomy and trichotomy, 78 f.
Divinity of our Lord emphasized, Ixvi f.
Election, 8, 106
Emphasis in the N. T., lvii
Epistolary formulae, 129
Μ, THESS.
Eschatology, lxix ff.
Ethical teaching, Ixxi
Faith, 6; and works, 6, 94; and love,
40, 68
Friends, St Paul’s Thessalonian, 133 f.
Gentiles, 31, 49
Glory, 27
God, doctrine of, lxiv ff.
Gospel, the Apostolic, lxv, 8 f., 17 ff. ;
see also p. 141 ff.
Grace, 4, 81
Greeting, Apostolic form of, 4 f.
Heart, 19
Heathen-world: its immorality, 48 ff. ;
its hopelessness, 56
Heavens, the, 14 ἢ,
Hellenism, St Paul and, lv, lvii
Hope, 7
Impurity, 48 ff.
Infinitive: consecutive with ὥστε, 11;
explanatory, 17; articular, 38, 47;
with πρὸς τό, 243. with εἰς τό, 26, 31,
42, 53
Inscriptions, Greek, use made of,
viii f.; see Index III. 1 (a)
Integrity: of 1 Thess.,
2 Thess., lxxxviii f.
lxxvi; of
Jesus, the name of, 135; the words
of, lix ff.; Jesus and Paul, lxii
Jews, opposition of, to St Paul,
xxviii f., xxxi ἔν; condemnation of,
29 ff.
Joy, 10, 74 f.
Judaea, 29
Judaistic literature, use made of, ix;
see Index III. 2
Judge, Christ as, lxvii
Judgment, the Last, 88 ff.
Kingdom, xxviii f., 27
Kiss, 80
Letter-writer,
St Paul as a, xxxiv,
xli ff., 121 ff.
12
178
Life with Christ, lxviii f., Ixx f., 62, 70
Lord, the name of, lxvii, 136 ff.; the
word of the, 12, 58, 109
Love, 7
Macedonia, xlv, 11
Man of lawlessness, 98 ff.
Manual labour, xlvii, 54, 114 f.
Manuscripts, Greek, of the Epistles,
xcilii ff.
Meiosis, 30, 110, 114
Metaphors derived from the way, 13,
26, 43; the athletic ground, 17, 71,
109; the home, 21 f., 25, 331 build-
ing, 37, 70; warfare, 68; inversion
of metaphors, 22, 66
Michael, 60
Morals, lessons in Christian, 45 ff.
Muhammad and Antichrist, 168
‘Name,’ significance of, 94, 113
Nero redivivus, 1xxxvii, 172
Old Testament, Greek, relation of
language to, liv, lviii f.
Order of the Epistles, xxxix
Papacy and Antichrist, 168 f.
Papyrus, manufacture of, 122 f.;
examples of papyrus-letters, 127 ff.
Papyri, Greek, use made of, viii f.; see
Index III. 1 (bd)
Parousia of Christ, lxix f., 59 ff.; of
Antichrist, 98 ff.
Participle: present part. with art., 11,
15, 26, 39, 79; with ov, 19; for the
ind., 25
Patristic authorities for the
xcix ff,
Paul as a man, ΧΙ f.; as a mis-
sionary, xliv ff.; ‘I Paul,’ 34, 39
Peace, 4, 77
Persecution at Thessalonica, xxxii, 10,
text,
87
Philippians, Epistle to the, coin-
cidences with, liii
Place of writing of the Epistles, xxxv,
XXxix
Plays on words, 19, 54, 110, II5
Plural, epistolary, 131 f.
Prayer: instances of, in the Epistles,
lxv; addressed to Christ, lxvi; the
duty of, 75
Prepositions, uses of, in late Greek,
12, 20, 38, 62, 95, 109
Prophesyings, 76
Quotations in Pauline Epistles, 126
Rabbinical literature cited, 35, 49, 54,
77, 88, 115
Readings, some variant, discussed, 5,
INDEXES
10, 21, 30, 37, 38, 45, 51, 66, 85,
90, 92, 103, 105, 106, 113
Resurrection of Jesus, 15, 57; of be-
lievers, 60
Retaliation forbidden, 74
Rhythm, supposed, in Pauline Epp., lvi
Roman Empire as the restraining
power, lxx, lxxxviii, 1o1
Salvation, 69
Satan, 34 f., 39, 111
Sayings of Jesus, reminiscences of,
lix ff.
Signature, authenticating, xcii, 129 f.,
and see Index IV. s.v. γράφω
Silvanus, 3
Sleep, figurative use of, 55 ff.
Son, Christ as, lxvi
Soteriology, lxviii f.
Spirit: doctrine of the Holy Spirit,
Ixviii; spiritual gifts, 75 f., 96; spirit
of man, 78 :
Structure, general, of the Epistles,
xlviii ff.
Studies, special, on the Epistles,
eviii f.
Style of the Epistles, lvi f.
Text, Greek, adopted, vii f.; authorities
for, xciii ff.
Thanksgiving: the Apostolic, 5, 27,
41, 86, 106; the duty of, 75
Thessalonica, the city of, xxi ff.; St
Paul’s connexion with, xxvi ff.;
general character of Church of,
xlvi ff
Timothy, 3 f., 37; as supposed author
of 2 Thess., lxxxix ff.
Title of the Epistles, 3
Tradition, 107 f.
Truth and falsehood, τος f.
Type, 11
Verse- divisions, unusual, in the WH.
text, 6, 20, 25
Versions, ancient,
xevi ff.
Versions, renderings from various : early
English, 9, 10, 12, 14, 20, 33 f., 50, 55,
73, 86; A.V. of 1611, 13, 64; German,
32, 50, 78, 107, 110, 115; Latin, 6,
7, 12, 17, 22, 28, 40, 41, 42, 55, 68,
73, 78, 86, 107, 115
Vocabulary of the Epistles, lii ff.; of
2 Thess., lxxix f.
of the Epistles,
Will of God, 48
Women, position of,
XXVii
Wrath, Divine, 15
in Macedonia,
Zoroastrianism, ]xxi
Π. AUTHORS.
The main object of this Index is to supplement the lists of authorities in the
Table of Abbreviations and in the Introduction vir and γι.
As a rule, there-
fore, no references are given to the grammatical, lexical, and textual works
that are there described, or to the commentators on the Epistles, though
occasionally, in the case of works most frequently cited, a general reference has
been added for the sake of completeness.
It should be noted further that the
majority of references are to actual quotations, and not to mere citations of the
authors specified.
Abbot, Ezra, 122, 148
Abbott, Edwin A., 13 and passim
Abbott, G. F., xxi, xxv, 130
Abbott, T. K., 51, 69
Aeschylus, 14, 38, 56, 105, 145
Antipater of Théssalonica, xxi
Antoninus, Marcus, 98, 115, 117
Aristides, 25, 28, 99
Aristophanes, 141
Aristotle, xlvii, 19, 47, 76, 77
Arnulph, 168
Athanasius, 103
Augustine, 21, 48, 55, 61, 62, 168
Bacon, 43
Bacon, Β. W., xxxviii, xlii, lxxxviii
Bahnsen, lxxviii
Barnabas, 52, 86
Bartlet, xxxvii, xliii
Basil, 111
Baur, F. C., xxxix, Ixxiii ff., lxxviii,
Ixxxvi, 172
Bechtel, 27
Beet, J. A., 65
Bevan, E., 160
Bigg, xlvii, 104
Birt, 123 f.
Blass, viii, xxix, lvi, 6 and passim
Boehmer, see Schneckenburger
Boklen, Ixxi
Bousset, lxii, Ixxi, lxxxvii, 35, 158
159, 162, 163, 166, 173
Briggs, lxvii
Brightman, 79
Brooke, A. E., xciii
Browning, R., 66, 88
Bruce, A. B., lxiv, lxx .
Briickner, xxxvi
Burton, xxiii, 134
Butcher, 63, 81
9
Cameniata, xxiv, xxvi
Carr, A., lv
Castelli, 163
Catullus, 56
Charles, R. H., ix, Ixxviii, Ixxxvii;
and see Index III, 2
Chase, 14, 15, III, 193
Cheyne, 60, 161
Chrysostom, xlvi, 57, 82, 134, 149
Cicero, xxii, 16, 48, 56, 123
Clemen, xxxi, xxxvi, xxxvii, lxxvi,
xxviii
Clement of Alexandria, 68
Clement of Rome, 9, 79, 117; Pseudo-
Clement, 15
Clementine Homilies, 39
Clementine Recognitions, 59
Colani, lxvii
Conybeare, F. C., 56, 80, and see
Index IV. passim
Cook, A. 8., 143
Cousinéry, xxi
Cromwell, Ο., 20
Cumont, F., lxxi, 14, 193
Curtius, E., lv, 144
Cyril of Jerusalem, 167
Dalman, 27, 88, 136, 141
Dante, 88
Davidson, A. B., 64
Davidson, 8., lxxviii
Deissmann, viii, 1111, lvi, lxix, 3, 4,
62 and passim
Delitzsch, F., xlvii
Demetrius, 121
Demosthenes, 16, 30, 108, 115, 116,
152
Dick, K., 131
Dieterich, A., 141
Dimitsas, 134
I2——2
180
Diodorus Siculus, 20, 31, 40; 145, 148
Dion Cassius, 19, 54, 141
Dion Chrysostom, 19
Dion Halicarnassus, 97, 148
Dobschiitz, von, xlv, lv
Déllinger, 166
Driver, 160
Drummond, R. J., lxii
Duchesne and Bayet, xxi, xxiii, and
see Index III. 1 (a).
Edersheim, xlvii
Ellicott, 33, 78, 116
Ephrem Syrus, 167
Epictetus, 17, 37, 40, 46
Epiphanius, 149
Epistle Vienne and Lyons, 1xxvii
Erman and Krebs, 123 f.
Euripides, 15, 50, 67, 87, 145
Kusebius, 149
Everling, 1xx, 39
Ewald, xxxix, 147, 160
Fabricius, 3
Feine, lxii, 111
Firmicus, xlvi
Foat, 125
Friedlander, L., 130
Friedlinder, M., 159, 161, 162
Fritzsche, 22, 23, 40, 43
Gardner, see Roberts
Gardthausen, 123 f.
Geldart, 32
Gerhard, G. A., 129
Gfrorer, lxxxvii
Gibbon, xxiv
Gifford, 40
Ginsburg, 158
Goguel, Ixii
Gorgias, 56
Gregory, C. R., xcix
Gregory of Nazianzen, 149
Gregory of Nyssa, lii
Gressmann, 64
Grill, 14
Gunkel, Ixxxvii, 158, 161, 164
Harnack, xxxvi, xlv, lxxviii, 8, 11,
21, 193
Harris, Rendel, xxx, 13, 126
Hart, ix, 64
Hartung, 61
Hatch, 23 and passim
Hausrath, lxxxix
Hawkins, 32
Heinrici, lvii
Heitmiiller, W., 113
Hermas, lxxiii, 72
Herodotus, xxi, 21
Heuzey and Daumet, xxi, and see
Index III. 1 (a)
INDEXES
Hicks, ἘΠ, L., lv, 31, 54, 192
Hilgenfeld, lxxviii, Ixxxvii
Hippocrates, 113
Hippolytus, 167
Hollmann, Ilxxxv
Holtzmann, Ixvii, Ixix, Ixxxi, lxxxiii,
172
Homer, 38, 50, 61, 113, 141
Horace, 20, 33, 48
Hort, xxvii, xlviii, 4, 9, 21, 26, 42,
63, 71, 72, 89, 193, 194
Ignatius, Ixxiii, lxxvii, 6, 67, 71, 112,
νἀ Seer ‘
Irenaeus, lxxiii, xxvii, 99, 167
Isidore of Pelusium, xlvi
Isocrates, 153
James, M. R., 158, and see Index
III. 2
Jannaris, 46
Jebb, BR. C., 23
Jerome, xlvii, 12, 55, 64, 100
Joachim, 168
Josephus (ed. Niese), 20, 29, 77, 78,
100, 122, 131, 133, 148, 164
Jiilicher, xxxi, lxii, |xxi, lxxv, Ixxviii,
lxxx
Juncker, lxvi
Justin Martyr, xxix, Ixxvii, 66, 72,
144, 147
Kabisch, 90
Kaftan, lxii
Karabacek, 123
Kautzsch, ix
Keble, 142
Kennedy, H. A. A., Ixix, Ixx, 27, 31,.
59, 91, 99, 126, 138
Kenyon, F. G., 8, 122 ff., 156, and
see Index III. 1 (b)
Kern, lxxviii, 172
Klépper, xxxix, 133
Knowling, xxvii, xxxvi,
lxxvi, 48, 64
Krauss, 21
Krebs, see Erman
Ixii, Ixxv,,
Lactantius, 15, 64
Lake, Kirsopp, 58
Laqueur, R., 42
Laurent, xxxix, 126, 131
Leake, xxi
Leighton, 75
Lietzmann, 6, 28
Lightfoot, J. B., lvii, Ixvi, lxxix, 6, 20,
21, 71, 94, 105, 111, 114) 133 and
passim
Livy, 35
Lobeck, xlvi
Lock, W., xli, xlv, 32, 116, 126
Locke, John, xlii
᾿ Il.
Lucian, xxiii, 52, 124, 141
Lueken, 60
Luther, 169
Mahaffy, xxvi, 125, and see Index III.
1 (Ὁ)
Manen, van, Ixxvi
Mathews, Shailer, lxix
Mayor, J. B., 35, 108
M°Clellan, 193
M°Giffert, xxxvi, Xxxvii, Ixxviii, 76
M°‘Lean, ‘Norman, xcili
Menegoz, xxxvi, ixiv
Meyrick, 166
Middleton, 94
Moffatt, xxxvi, lxxvi,
Mommsen, xlvi
Monteil, lxiii
Moule, 126
Moulton, J. H., viii, ix, Ixxi, 11, 22,
105 and passim
Moulton, W. F., 57
Mozley, F. W., 15
Musonius, 20
Myers, 62
ΧΟ, IOI
Nageli, lv and passim
Nestle, 38, 52, 123
N. T. in Ap. Fathers, xxiii, Ixxvii
Nietzsche, xliv
Nitzsch, C. L., 170
Oliva, 168
Origen, xxxiv, 21, 166, 167
Paley, xxx, 97
Peake, 133
Pelagia-Legenden (ed. Usener), 62
Pfleiderer, Ixxxvii, 172
Philo (cited by sections and by Man-
gey’s pages), 12, 36, 49, 60, 78
Philodemus, 19
Philostratus, 153
Pindar,
Plato (ed. Stallbaum), 18, 24, 34, 50,
54> 70, 72, 74, 104, τὸ, 115, 152,
153
Pliny, xxii, 33, 122 ff
Plutarch, 26, 76, 78, 06, 98, 152
Pollux, 12
Polybius (ed. Schweighauser), 17, 18,
20, 46, 51, 62, 105, 116, 117, 131,
145
Polycarp, lxxvii, cx
Porter, F, C., 160
Preuschen, E., 156, 173
Preuss, H., 16
Purser, see Tyrrell
Quintilian, 115
Radford, 11
AUTHORS
181
Ramsay, W. M., xxvii, xxix, xxxvi,
ΧΗ, xlv, lv, lxiv, Ixx, 7, 29, 125
and passim
Reinach, T., 31
Reitzenstein, 60, 94, 109, and see
Index IV. passim
Renan, xli, xlvi, 121, 126
Rendall, XXXVii
Resch, A., Ix, 39, 58, 77, 115
Reuss, Ixxx
Riddell, 88
Ritschl, 15
Roberts and Gardner, 11 and passim
Robinson, J. Armitage, 4, 29, 93, 102,
129, 135, 138
Ropes, 58, 77
Round, Douglass, xxxvii
Sabatier, xlii, lxiv
Sanday, xxxiv, lvi, lxvi, lxix, 14, 81,
121, 126
Sanday and Headlam, 4 and passim
Sandys, xxiv
Schider, E., lxix
Schettler, Ixviii
Schmidt, J. Εἰ. C., lxxviii
Schneckenburger-Boehmer, 158, 173
Schéttgen, 54, 98, 172
Schrader, lxxiii
Schiirer, 65, 148, 151, 162, 163
Scott, C. A., 151
Seeberg, Ixvii, 51, 108
Seneca, 124
Severianus, 38, 101
Sieffert, 158
Skeat, 143
Smith, W. R., 64
Socrates, 76
Soden, von, xxxiv, lxxv, ΧΟΥ͂, 140
Séderblom, lxxi
Somerville, 138, 139
Sophocles, 49, 91, 117
Souter, A., ix, xciv, xcix, cii, civ
: Spitta, Ixxxix ff., 39; 164, 172
Stanley, A. P., 75
Stanton, V. H, 137, 139
Stead, F. H., t40
Steck, Ixxv, 58.
Strabo, Xxi, xxiii, 110
Suetonius, 130, 164
Swete, 38, 81, ror, 126, 137} 142,
143, 151, 164
Tacitus, xxix, 31, 164
Tafel, xxi, xxii
᾿ Tatian, 52
Taylor, xlvii, 35, 77
Teichmann, Ixx, 146
Tertullian, 30, 81, 91, tor, 166
Thackeray, St John, 61, 158
Theocritus (ed. Ziegler), 56, 71
Theodoret, xxiv
182
Theophilus, 52
Theophrastus, 19
Thompson, E. M., 122 ff.
Thucydides, 30, 145, 153
Thumb, A., 1x, 193
Tindale, 141
Tischendorf, xciii
Titius, lxx, 49, 60
Trench, R. C., 7, 99 and passim
Turner, C. H., xxxvi, cii
Tyrrell and Purser, 129
Vaganay, 161
Vaughan, 103
Vergil, 56, 109
Vischer, lxxxvi
Volz, lxvii, lxix, 56, 60, 64, 70, 91,
99, 147
Wadstein, 166
Wagner, 69
Warfield, ror
Weber, F., 9, 60, 65, 103, 162
Weber, V., xxxvii
Weinel, xlv, xlviii
Weiss, B., xxxii, lxxiv, 37, 66
Weiss, J., lvi
INDEXES
Weizsicker, Ixxxi, 3, 126, 172
Wellhausen, lxix
Wendland, 69
Wernle, xlv, Ixxxiii, lxxxvi
Westcott, 6, 31, 52, 68, 78, 86, 105,
118, 136, 150
Wette, de, Ixxviii
Wieseler, 12, 172
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 121
Wilcken, Ixiv, 35, 46, 48, 75, 123, 143
Wilke, 23
Williams, A. L., 124
Wilson, A. J., lvii
Witkowski, 129, 132, and see Index IV.
passim
Wrede, lxii, 1xxxi ff.
Wright, 59
Wiinsche, 80
Wycliffe, 169
Xenophon, 10, 26, 47, 49, 76, 141,
152, 153
Zahn, xlv, Ixvi, Ixxvii, lxxviii, Ixxxv,
3 and passim
Zimmer, F., xciii, 5
Ill. REFERENCES.
I. INSCRIPTIONS AND PAPYRI.
(a) INSCRIPTIONS.
C.1L.A.
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PAGE PAGE : PAGE
“190 : χα τῶν {ἀν 444 ; ae | ta ee: Sane 9 ‘ vo es
243 ‘ . EES |! Was ag ; ES 690 ᾿ ae
Il. 403 : ANS ἊΣ
C.1.G.
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. A. Boeckh (Berlin, 1828—).
I. 84 ’ :- 28 | mr. 3827 : . 134 | IV. 9313 ‘ Σ "50
II. 1967 ; see Ὁ 4896 ‘ εὐ δῦ 9439 Ἶ ἘΝ ἢ ΒΕ,
3037 . +) Se
Cos
Inscriptions of Cos, by W. R. Paton and E. L, Hicks (Oxford, 1891).
no. 301 : - 4148
Crum
Coptic Ostraca, by W. E. Crum (London, 1902).
no. 522 ‘ aa
Duchesne et Bayet
Mémoire sur une Mission au Mont Athos, by L’Abbé Duchesne and M. Bayet
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p29 . 5 τ Se aa ; ety.) Se ἘΣ, ae ὃ Sa «5 E
Heuzey
Mission Archéologique de Macédoine, by L. Heuzey and H. Daumet (Paris,
1876).
p- 280 , . 152 | p. 282 - «ag
1.G.8.1.
Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1890).
no. 549 : . 56 | no. g29 ‘ . 56 | no. 1879 ‘ + +80
830 ὶ aa 956 . 8
LM.A.
Inscriptiones Graecae Insularum Maris Aegaei, edd. H. von Gaertringen and
W. BR. Paton (Berlin, 1895—).
ΠῚ, 1238 . ς΄ «8
184 INDEXES
J.H.S.
' Journal of Hellenic Studies.
PAGE PAGE PAGE
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Kaibel
Epigrammata Graeca, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1878).
no. 247 . . 22
Magn.
Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, ed. O. Kern (Berlin, 1900).
no. 33 ὃ + Gel BO. 168 ; 9,155 | no. 163 ; | ee
85 : ΕΝ | 109 : PAREN τ 170 ; . ΤᾺΝ
go ' : 6 113, ; 18, 24 188 ‘ .. ae
100 : ae | 157 . Ixvi, 148
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no. 459 ἢ tn γ 5.
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Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, ed. W. Dittenberger, 2 vols, (Leipzig,
1903—05).
Nos. 4 : - 41 | no. 335 : - 93 | no. 485 ; . ee
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[04 : ies 437 . - I00 629 .. KXIX, 117
227 ; ea | 444 : mee 648 ua: "ἢ ΝΣ
262 , : 104 484 . XXIX, 132 728 ; . a
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Pergamene
Die Inschriften von Pergamon [in Altertiimer von Pergamon viii.], ed.
M. Frankel (Berlin, 1g00—).
no. 248 ; (0 6
Priene
Die Inschriften von Priene, ed. H. von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1906).
no. 195 7 7. ὅν
Revue des Etudes Grecques.
XV. 142 5 ᾿ς ΚΕΙ͂Σ
Sylloge?
Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 2nd Edit., ed. W. Dittenberger, 2 vols.
and Index (Leipzig, 1888—rgor).
no. 153 : » atop mos.318 ‘ 36, 72 | no. 376 : Soe
255 ‘ Ta Τὶ
Wilcken Ostr.
Griechische Ostraka, ed. U. Wilcken, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1899).
li.no.670 . : 25g ) a me. 175-5 πος [πόρον = ee
(ὁ) ῬΑΡΥΒΙ.
P. Alex.
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Part 1. nos, I—9.
no. 2 ὲ . 143
Part 1. nos. 1o—201.
no, 30 2 . 1155 | no. 66 ; g | no. 97 ; τ δῦ,
33 τς 78 ὩΣ 29, 50 E350 oe ΤΕ
35 “58, 128 8ο ‘ . 156 [41 ὃ rae
46 ; ae.” 93 ‘ ape gt
B.G.U.
Griechische Urkunden, from the Berlin Museum.
Vol. 1. nos, r—361 (1895).
no. 10 Ἶ δ | no. 140 Ἶ . 155 | no. 246 Poly 0, ae
a7 - IKiV, §5, 131 147 ; ele 207 ; tay
86 114 174 : lxvi 323 ; iL eee
113 : a ς Ὁ, 242 ‘ τ οὐδὲ 332 ; . 125
Vol. 11. nos. 362—6096.
no. 362 3 62, gt | no. 385 f . «2 | no. 612 : Mea
372 é ae TS 594 ὃ - 40} 632 Ae ae 5
380 ‘ ae! 596 «S975 433
Vol. m1. nos. 697—1012.
no. 741 : ~ Sak Mes Sag : : 6 | no. 954 : > ee
757 : jo eS 884 Α i, δ 1009 : ; 430
775 ° ΟΝ ἔν 948 : ΤΟΥ ἐπ i, ΙΟΙΙ ; Se |
Vol. tv. (in progress).
no. 1039. ᾿ς « —46.) RO. 1079. - 46, 81
P.Cairo
Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, ed. E. J. Goodspeed (Chicago, ner
D4 ‘ 57, 64 | no. 5 : 2 98°) Ret 20 . 81
C.P.R.
Corpus Papyrorum Raineri archiducis, 1. Griechische Texte, ed. C. Wessely
(Vienna, 1895).
no. 19 ἢ Se, ἡ ον. ἢ : ἐπὰν ἡ Hos 94 : os
P.Fay.
Faytim Towns and their Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and
Ὁ. G. Hogarth (Egyptian Exploration Fund, London, 1900).
no. 20 ‘ . δὲ. | no. χοῦ ‘ . 157 | no. 123 4 cage Oe
21 , i ge 119 ; «OS 337 ‘ 185
34 - τευ
P.Fior.
Papiri Fiorentini, ed. G. Vitelli (Milan, 1905—06).
Part 1. 1—35.
no. 9 ‘ Ἐν ΤᾺ
Part τι. 36—I05.
no. 57 ; a ORO. Οὐ ‘ Laie
P.Gen.
‘Les Papyrus de Geneve, I. Papyrus Grecs, ed. J. Nicole (Genéve, 1896—1900).
no. 52 ; oi 323. Fe TO Re F aa Ε
186 INDEXES
P.Grenf. I.
An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment, and other Greek Papyri, chiefly Ptolemaic,
ed. B. P. Grenfell (Oxford, 1896).
PAGE PAGE PAGE
no. 15 : ‘ Q 1 Ne, “gy ᾿ Set. | BO ae < ere
18 : - 22] σε ες 4 κ᾿ ΠΕ et 53 ‘ Pa:
30 » £05, 130 |
P.Grenf,. ITI.
New Classical Fragments, and other Greek and Latin Papyri, edd. B. P.
Grenfell and A. 5. Hunt (Oxford, 1897).
no. 14 . 6... ἄρ F : 5) 66. | no. 38 : - 324
P.Heid.
Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung, τ. Die Septuaginta- Papyri und andere
altchristliche Texte, ed. A. Deissmann (Heidelberg, 1905).
no. 6 Oy γε. 138
P.Hib.
The Hibeh Papyri 1., edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. 5. Hunt (Egypt Exploration
Fund, London, 1906).
no. 30 . . ΟΙ no. 44 . - 132 no. 49 . . 25
40 . . 64
P.Leid.
Papyri graeci Musei antiquarii publici Lugduni-Batavi, ed. C. Leemans,
2 vols. (1843, 1885).
no. 8 ; ale Re + a ἢ : , 20.1 no.) '¥ ; .,
P.Leip.
Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, 1., ed. L. Mitteis
(Leipzig, 1906).
no. 110 : . 137 | no. ἃ 19 : ν᾿ |
P.Lond.
Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 3 vols. (London, 1893, 1898, 1907).
Vol. 1. nos. 1—138, ed. F. G. Kenyon. ἡ
DO.) ἃ Ξ - 22 | RO. 44 ; . 16 | no. ΣΥΥ . 78, 109, 123
42. 6, 63, 118, 156 46 ; 19
Vol. 11. nos. 139—484, ed. F. α. Kenyon.
no. 342 ; . 156 | no. 413 ᾿ ων το
Vol. ur. nos. 485—1331, edd. F. G. Kenyon and H. J. Bell.
no. Ο51 , fs OB 1.449. 2d 7B, is Pee | |
P.Oxy.
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. 8. Hunt (Egyptian
Exploration Fund, London, 1898, 1899, 1903, 1904).
Part I. nos. I—207.
no. 38 ‘ . 103 | no. 57 Σ . 78 | no. 115 . - 69am
41 : DD | 58 ; +. 94 119 : ee
a ‘ - 1125 65 5 τ S62 126 ‘ ee
Part u. nos. 208—400.
NO. 237 20,32,77,117,155 | no. 261 . . 50 | no. 294 . 46, 102
245 ; ee 275 ; See { 301 : . 1%
259 7 49, 102 292 . 10, 46, 53 385 : . 12%
; III. REFERENCES 187
PAGE PAGE PAGE
Part 111. nos. 401—653.
no. 413 : . 149 | no. 486 ; «F465 | no. 496 : δα τ, ἢ
471 « 16. 118 491 ; Mn? | 532 «> Fahy 156
Part ᾿ν. nos. 654—839.
no. 657 i . +122
713 : . LESS
718 : . BET
725 ‘ . 154 745 ; xxiii
ees | ea χα | Be Bae og ote ge
726 : ΣΟ 746 : PID 127
P.Par.
Paris Papyri in Notices et Extraits xvi. ii., ed, Brunet de Presle (Paris,
1865).
no. 00 2 πριν τὰ ; . 8,35 | no. 49 ; hes ὁ ἦν
10 ; aN | 43 P ie ¥as 55 : 122
14 “pe es &. 45 : - 148 63 ; 61
26 ‘ τ ee 47 Ae Pep κὸν
P. Petr.
The Flinders Petrie Papyri (in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy —
“Cunningham Memoirs,” nos. viii., ix., xi.), 3 vols. (Dublin, 1891, 1893).
Part 1. nos. 1—30, ed. J. P. Mahaffy.
no. I! ; ον 9 4 te. 50 ; ae ΤῸ
Part τι. nos. 1—50, ed. J. P. Mahaffy.
no. 9 β “ey f | no. 39 a. hs 48 1 UO 45 ° Paes ©:
15 6 40 Ξ ne F
Part 111. nos. 1—146, edd. J. P. Mahaffy and J, G. Smyly.
no. 42 : ἐπ ee Me ay : a aa | no. 73 i ἈΝ τ.
43 τ χης 110
P.Reinach
Papyrus Grecs et Démotiques, ed. Th. Reinach (Paris, 1905).
no. 15 ; sc Ot
P.Strass. :
Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserl. Universitdts- und Landesbibliothek zu
Strassburg 1., ed. Fr. Preisigke (Strassburg, 1906).
no. 22 ὃ ΝΟ
P.Tebt.
The Tebtunis Papyri, 2 vols. (University of California δἰσυρεων London,
1902, 1907).
Part 1. nos. 1—264, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and J. G. Smyly.
NO. 5 40) 72; te 155 | no. 43 : ἐν ee He 6S “a 77,132
19 : 95 47 ᾿ a ae 61 oo ae
24 3 23, 89 48 «Gay τ τ 74 ; oe
27 ὃ ‘ee 56 ; πῇ ἐν τὴν 116 : τ tas
28 : + Ge
Part τι. nos. 265—689, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, with the assistance
of E. J. Goodspeed.
no. 314 . - 55 | no. 315 : . 157 | no. 410 ; eee
P.Tor.
Papyri graeci regii Taurinensis Musei Aegyptii, ed. A. Peyron, 2 vols. (Turin,
1826, gee
no. I ν 8
188 INDEXES
II. JUDAISTIC. WRITINGS.
Apoc. Bar.
The Apocalypse of Baruch, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1896).
PAGE PAGE PAGE
A ; Re XXX. I Ξ . 146 | xlviii. 49 s say
Xi. 4 56 | xxxix. 7 - 103, 163 lix. 2 ; ᾿
xiii. 3 79 <a, 4. . 61 | Ixxii. 2 : lxvii
xv. 8 27 xliv. 15 5 90: ΕΣ ΤΆ ; ΟΝ
χχ. 6 Ixix | xlviii.39 ὁ, * go
Aristeas
Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistula, ed. P. Wendland (Leipzig, 1goo).
no. 79 = - 53 [| no. 188 : . 14 | no. 284 ; oe
148 : 4 417 209 68
Asc. Isai. |
The Ascension of Isaiah, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1900).
iv. 4 ff. ἱ - 104 iv. 16 : 45, 58 | vi.— xi. ; oS
5 - 162, 163 18 ‘ «98 vii. 9 : . ee
15 59, 89
Ass. Mos.
The Assumption of Moses, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1897).
i. 15 : Oe Xi. τὰ : RG
Bel
27 , . . 99
Didache
The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, ed. H. de Romestin, 2nd Edit. (Oxford,
1885); and ed. A. Harnack (Texte und Untersuchungen ii. 1 and 2,
Leipzig, 1884). rs
oS Oe ae A oe ey tes ᾿ . 1g | xvi. δ: ; 86
2° 6 3 ᾿ς O02) Reign ‘ Fate © τς ; ee
x2. % ᾿ τὰ 18 Pa : ἐς ὟΝ
Enoch
The Book of Enoch, tr. from the Ethiopic and ed. by R. H. Charles (Oxford,
1893).
hes ae lxii. 2 . .&vii, 103 χὸ; 1B fe ὐ ἢ <n
SENG ATs 9. Ixix. 27 5 . Ixvii | ovili, if... Κα τὶν
ἈΝ δῦ his lxvii
1 Esdras
IV. ὍΣ. , . BO
2 Esdras
xii, δ᾽." ° - 146
4 Ezra
The Fourth Book of Ezra, edd. R. L. Bensly and M. R. James (Texts and
Studies iii. 2, Cambridge, 1895).
v 2m. . 103,161 | Vii. 28 . 45, 61, 89 | xiii. 24 : 59, 61
4 ὦ . 162, 163 32 : τᾶς | 32 : . 89
41 f. . Xxxili, 58 42 ‘ Rae | 33 : eS
Wi? 6°. - lxvii | viil. 39 : x 2/68 38 : - 103
2. , - 60 61 ‘ ep 3: Wy 52 ; a
55 Ὁ, ; “par Su. χὸ ; . 164
Jubilees
11. REFERENCES
The Book of Jubilees, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1902).
i. 20.
Ὁ. 45. Ὁ
Judith
x. 18
1 Maccabees
vi. 8
2 Maccabees
3 Maccabees
i, 19
ll. 9
4 Maccabees
Riis.
xii, 18.
Orac. Sib.
PAGE
161
161
146
96
152
148
65, 91
ey DE
XXili. I
XXiv. 30
xil. 27.
Vii. 37 .
Vili. 11 .
12.
ΧΙ]. 22.
28:
iii. 17
XV. I 7 .
24.
PAGE
a)
Oracula Sibyllina, ed. A. Rzach (Vienna, 1881).
11. 167 f.
iii. 63 ff.
Pss. Sol.
162
104, 162
iii. 64 f.
286 f.
. ixvii
163
Xxxvi. 18
xii. 44.
Riv. 18.
re ae
23.
XV. 21.
v. 8, 51
Xvili. 8.
iii. 663f. .
iv. 40 ff.
189
PAGE
56
104
68
. xvii
The Psalms of Solomon, edd. H. E. Ryle and M. R. James (Cambridge, 1891) ;
and ed. O. von Gebhardt (Texte und Untersuchungen xiii. 2, Leipzig,
1895).
i, Ἐν 49 160 | xiii. 8
iii. I 62 | xiv. I
iv. 8 Rate ΚΟ xv. 6
Vili. 39 93, 96 | Xvi. 12
ce τ ; 8 | xvil. 13
Ὁ 1.4 60 23
2 142
Sap.
The Wisdom of Solomon.
ae eee 65 1. 15.
li, 16... χα | viii. 8.
453: 51 ὅδ᾽; Ἔθ
is 50 48 16.
w. 49 68 20.
vi. 7 ike to Se ἂς
Sayings”
P- 25
77 | p- 68
35
XVii, 27,41 .
XvVili. 8
103, 164
139
Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 2nd Ed., μ C. Taylor (Cambridge, 1897).
190 INDEXES
Secrets of Enoch
The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, tr. from the Slavonic by W. R.
ed. by R. H. Charles (Oxford, 1896).
PAGE
δὲ | xliv.2.
PAGE
18
ἐπι 2 ς ;
I.
The Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus,
iii. 23 . 115 xxii. 16 44 | XXxix. 23
yy 149 22 149 | XXXV. 14
XV. 20. 89 XXVi. Io 89 _ 23
xvi. 13. 66 | xxviii. 9, 13 72 xlii. 1
Testament of Abraham
Ed. M. R. James (Texts and Studies ii. 2, Cambridge, 1892).
§ xiii. a 146
Test. xii. patr.
Morfill, and
PAGE
The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, ed. R. H. Charles (Oxford, 1908).
Benj. iii. 4 61 | Levi vi. 11 32 | Levi xviii. 12 161
Jos. XX. 4 56 Εν 146 | Reub. iv. 7 161
Jud. xxii. 3 . 146 “¢ XViil, 37 44 a: ἃ 161
Levi iii. 3 161
IV. GREEK WORDS.
This is intended to be primarily an Index to the Greek words discussed in
the Introduction and Notes, and not a Concordance to the Epistles: in the case,
however, of characteristic words and phrases, references have sometimes been
given to passages which are not directly annotated. A few additional references
have also been inserted, principally to lexical and grammatical authorities, in the
hope that they may prove useful to the student.
The abbreviations employed
for this purpose are explained in the list of abbreviations, p. xiii ff.
ἀγαθόν I. iii. 6, v. 15, Il. ii. 16
ἀγαθωσύνη, 11. 1. 11
ἀγαπάω, I. iv. 9; ἠγαπήμενος ὑπό,
oe R04, Ee. Be ἐ5
ἀγάπη, 1. i. 3, iii. 6, 11. iii. 5 (ay. τ. θεοῦ)
ἀγαπητός, 1. ii. 8
ἄγγελος, 11. i. 7; cf. Nageli p. 38
ἁγιάζω, I. v. 23
ἁγιασμός, 1. iv. 7, 11. ii. 13
ἅγιος, I. i. 5 f., iv. 8; of ἅγιοι, 1. iii.
Ba, an. Δ 10
ἁγιωσύνη, I. iii. 13; οἵ, Nageli p. 43
ἀγνοέω, I. iv. 13
ἄγω; I. iv. 14
ἀγών, I. ii. 2
ἀδελφός, I. i. 4; p. xliv, ef. Witkowski
Epp. p. 38 :
ἀδιαλείπτως, I. 1. 2, ii. 13, V. 17
ἀδικία, 11. 11. τὸ
ἀήρ, I. iv. 17
aderéw, I. iv. 8
᾿Αθῆναι, 1. iii. 1
aipéouat, IT. ii. 13; cf. Nageli p. το f.
αἰφνίδιος, I. v. 3
αἰώνιος, 11. i. g, ii. τό
ἀκαθαρσία, I. 11. 3, iv. 7
ἀκοή; I. ii. 13
ἀκούω, 11. 111. τι
ἀκριβῶς, I. v. 2
ἀλήθεια, 11. 11. 133 ἡ ἀλήθεια, 11. ii.
IO, 12
ἀληθινός, I. i. g
ἀληθῶς, 1. ii. 13
ἅμα σύν, I. iv. 17, Υ. τὸ
ἁμαρτία, I. ii. 16, ΤΙ, ii. 3
ἄμεμπτος, I. iil. 13
ἀμέμπτως, I. ii. το, ili, 13, V. 23
ἀμήν, p. 45
ἀνάγκη, I. ili. 7
dvatpéw, II. ii. 8
ἀναμένω, 1. i, 10
ἀναπληρόω, I, ii. 16
ἀνέχομαι, II. i, 4
ἄνθρωπος, I. ii. 4; ὁ ἄνθρ. τ. ἀνομίας,
ΠῺΣ ἃ
ἀνίστημι, I. iv. 14, 16
ἀνομία, 11. 11. 3, 7
ἄνομος, 11. 11. 8
ἀνταποδίδωμι, I. iii. 9, II. i. 6
dvréxouat, I. v. 14
ἀντί, 1. v. τα; ἀνθ᾽ ὧν 11. ii. το
ἀντίκειμαι, 11. 11. 4
ἄξιος, 11. 1. 3
ἀξιόω, 11. 1. τἰ
ἀξίως τ. θεοῦ, 1. 11. 12
ἀπαγγέλλω, I. i. 9
ἀπάντησις, I. iv. 17
ἅπαξ καὶ dis, I. 11. 18
ἀπαρχή, p. 106; cf. Wilcken Ostr. i.
Ρ. 345 f.
ἅπας, 11. 11. 12
ἀπάτη, II. ii. το
ἀπέχω, I, iv. 3, v. 22; cf. Nigeli p. 54 f.
dé, I. i. 8, ii. 6, ID. i. g
ἀποδείκνυμι, 11. 11. 4
ἀποδίδωμι, I. v. 15
ἀποθνήσκω, I. iv. 14, Υ. 10
ἀποκαλύπτω, 11. ii. 3, 6, 8; p. 149 f.
ἀποκάλυψις, 11. i. 7; p. 149 ff.
ἀποκτείνω, I. 11. 15
ἀπόλλυμι, II. 11. 10
ἀπορφανίζομαι, I. 11. 17
ἀποστασία, 11. ii. 3
ἀπόστολος, I. ii. 6
ἀπώλεια, 11. 11.
ἄρα οὖν, I. v. 6, IL. ii, 15
ἀρέσκω (θεῷ), I. 11. 4, 15, iv. 1
ἁρπάζω, I. iv. 17
dpri, I. iii. 6, IL. ii. 7
ἄρτος, 11. iii. 8, 12
ἀρχάγγελλος, I. iv. τό;
p- 48 f.
ἀρχή, 11. ii. 13
ἀσθενής, I. v. 14
cf. Nageli
192 ἘΞ
ἀσπάζομαι, I. v. 26
ἀσπασμός, 11. iii. 17
ἀσφάλεια, I. v. 3
draxréw, II. 111. 7; p. 153 f.
ἄτακτος, I, v. 143 Ῥ. 152
ἀτάκτως, Il. iil. 6, 115 p. 153
ἄτοπος, 11. 111. 2
αὐτός, 6, I. iii. 11, iv. 16, v. 23, II. ii.
τό, 111. τό
’"Axala, I. i. ον p. xlv
βάρος, I. ii, 7
βασιλεία, I. ii. 12, 11. i. 5
γάρ, I. ii. 1, 203 καὶ γάρ, I. iii. 4
γαστήρ, I. τ.
γίνομαι" γέγονα, I. ii. 13 ἐγενόμην, 1. i.
7, iii. 4 f., IL. ii. 75 ἐγενήθην, 1. 1. 5
(bis), 6, ii. 5) 7. 8, 10, 14
γινώσκω, I. 111. 5
ράφω, οὕτως, II. iii. 17; for the
authenticating signature cf. Mél.
Nic. p. 130 ff.
venyopéw (ethical), I. v. 6,
phorical) I. v. τὸ
(meta-
dei, p. 86
δέομαι, I. 111. 10
δέχομαι, I. i. 6, ii. 13, IL. il. τὸ
δῆμος, ὁ, Pp. xxiii
διά, 6. gen. I. iii. 7, iv. 2, 14, IL. ii. 2
(ws δι’ ἡμῶν) ; c. ace. 1. i. 5 (δι᾽ ὑμᾶς)
διάκονος, I, iil. 2
διαμαρτύρομαι, I. iv. 6
δίδωμι, 1. iv. 2, 8; δῴη, II. iii. τό
δίκαιος, Il. i. 5, 6; cf. Lift. Notes
p. 286 f
δικαίως, I. ii, τὸ
δίκην τίνω, 11. i. g
Bia αν Ἦν AE
διότι, I. ii. 8; cf. Mayser p. 161
διωγμός, 11. 1. 4
διώκω, I. v. 15
δοκιμάζω, I. ii, 4 (bis), v. 21
δόλος, I. ii. 3
δόξα, 1. 11. 6, 12, 20, II. i. 9, ii, 14
δοξάζομαι, 11. 111. 1
δουλεύω, 1. 1. 9
δύναμις, I. i. 5, II. i,
TH. i. 11; il. 49
δωρεάν, 11. 111. 8;
7; ἐν δυνάμει,
cf. Niageli p. 35 f.
ἐάν, I. ii. 7; with ind. iii. 8; ἐὰν μή,
II. ii. 3; for ἄν, p. 22; cf. Conybeare
Selections Ὁ. gt f.
ἑαυτοῦ, I. 11. 7, 12; ἑαυτῶν (for 1st
pers. plur.) Ὰ ii. 8, II. ili. g; ef.
Schmid Attic. i. p. 82
ἐγείρω, I. i. 10
ἐγώ (emphatic), I. ii. 18, iii. 5
ἔθνος, I. 11. τό, iv. 5; of. Niigeli p. 46
εἰ, I. iv. 143 εἰ ot, 6. ind., IL. iii. 10, 14
INDEXES
εἰδέναι, I. iv. 4
εἶδος, I. v. 22
εἴδωλον, 1. i, g!
εἰμὶ πρός, I. iil. 4, 11. 11, 5
εἴπερ, ἃ δ ΤΥ
εἰρηνεύω, I. v. 13
εἰρήνη, I. i. 1, V. 35 ὁ θεὸς (κύριος) τ.
εἰρήνης, I. v. 23, IIL. 111, τό
εἰς, 1. i. 5, iv. 8; εἰς τό ὁ. inf. (result),
I, ii. 12, (purpose) IT. ii. 11
εἷς ἕκαστος, I. 11. τ΄, IL. i. 33 εἷς τὸν
ἔπ I. v. 11
εἴσοδος, I. i. Q, ii.
elre (with the subj. ), I. v. 10
éx, I. ii. 6
ἐκδίκησιν δοῦναι, II, i. 8
ἔκδικος, I. iv. 6; cf. Soph. Lex. s.v.,
Hicks C.R. i. p. 44
ἐκδιώκω, I. ii. 15
ἐκκλησία Θεσσαλονικέων, I. i. 1, Uf, tote
ἐκκλησίαι τ. θεοῦ, 1. ii. 14, ΤΙ. ΤΥ
ἐκλογή, I. i. 4
ἐκφεύγω, 1. v. 3
ἐλπίς, I. i. 3, ii. 19, iv. 13, Υ. 8; ἐλπὶς
ἀγαθή, IL. ii. τό
ἐμός, 11. 111. 17
ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ (κυρίου), I. i. 3, ii. 19,
iil. 9, 13
ἐν" I. iv. 7, 16; for εἰς, i. 8; instru-
mental, iv. 183 θεῷ πατρί, i. τ; Xp.
Ιησοῦ, ii. 143 κυρίῳ, ili. 8; λόγῳ
κυρίου, iv. 153 ὀνόματι τ. κυρίου,
II. iii. 6
ἐναντίος, I. ii. 15
ἔνδειγμα, 11. i. 5
ἐνδοξάζομαι, 11. 1. 10, 12
ἐνδύω, 1. ν. 8
ἐνέργεια, 11. ii. g, 11
évepyéw, I. ii. 13, IL. 11.
éviornut, II. ii. 2; οὗ, Mayser p. 371
ἐνκακέω, 11. 111. 13
ἐνκαυχάομαι, 11. 1. 4
ἐνκόπτω, I. ii. 18
ἐνορκίζω, I. v. 27
ἐντρέπομαι, 11. 111. 14; cf. Anz Subsidia
p. 13 f., Witkowski Epp. p. 47
ἐξαπατάω, II. ii. 3
ἐξέρχομαι, I. i. 8
ἐξηχέω, I. 1. 8
ἐξουθενέω, I. v. 20; cf. Soph. Lem. s.v.
ἐξουδενέω
ἐξουσία, Il. iii. 9; οὗ, Reitzenstein
Poimandres p. 48
ἔξω, oi, I. iv. 12
ἔπειτα, I. iv. 17
ἐπί, 6. gen. I. 1, 2; 6. dat. iil. 7, 9,
iv. 7; 6. acc. ii. 16, II. i. 10, 111. 4
ἐπιβαρέω, I. ii, g, 11. iii. 8
ἐπιθυμία, 1. 11. 17, iv. 5
ἐπιποθέω, I. 111. 6
ἐπιστολή, I. v. 27, 11. ii. 2, 15, iii. 14,
17
τ: IV. GREEK WORDS
ἐπιστρέφω, I. i. g; cf. Anz Subsidia
p- 33 + -
ἐπισυναγωγή, 11. ii. 1
ἐπιφάνεια, 11. ii. 8; p. 148 Ff.
ἐπιφανής, pp. 148, 160
ἐργάζομαι, 1. 11: g, iv. τι, IL. iii, 8, 10,
ΧΡ τὰ
pie (wiorews), I. i. 3, IL. i. 11; διὰ
- ἔργον, I. v. 13
fetid rogo,’ L. iv. ΤΥ, 5, ΡΤ Ὁ
cf. Thumb Hellen. p. 121
ἐσθίω, 11. 111. τὸ
ἔτι, ΤΠ. ii.
εὐαγγελίζομαι, I. iii. 6; Ρ. ται ff
Be tira 96, 459%: 43 ἡμῶν, tah Pea
Il. ii. 1437 Oeod,. I. ii. 2, 8, 9;
ἢ βαϑιλ᾿ I. iii, 2; 7. κυρίου nym.
"Inood, Il. i. 8; p. 141 ff.
evdoxéw, I. ii. 8; 111. 1; 6. dat. 11, ii.
12
εὐδοκία, II. i. 11
εὐσχημόνως, I. iv. 12
εὐχαριστέω, 1. i. 23 ἐν παντὶ edy., I.
v. 18
εὐχαριστία, I. 111. 0
ἐφίστημι, I. v. 3
ἕως (conj.), II. 11. 7
ζάω, I. 111. 8, v. το; θεὸς ζῶν, I. i. g
ζητέω, I. ii. 6
ἢ οὐχί, I. 11. 19
ἡγέομαι, I. v. 13, II. iii. 15
ἤδη, Il. it. 7
ἡμέρα, ἡ, I. v. 43 ἡμέρα κυρίου. ν. 2;
ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη, 11. i. το; viol ἡμέρας,
ἀν τ 8
ἤπιος, p. 21; οἵ. Herwerden Lez. s.v.
ἡσυχάζω, I. iv. τι
ἡσυχία, 11. iii. 12
θάλπω, I. ii. 7; cf. Thumb Hellen.
p. 215, Mél. Nic. p. 249
θαυμάζω, 11. i. το
θέλημα (θεοῦ), I. iv. 3, v. 18; ef. Hort
ise. p. 14. ἢ,
θέλω, I. ii. 18, IL. iii.
ἀγνοεῖν, I. iv. 13
θεοδίδακτος, I. iv. g
θεός, ὁ, p. lxiv; θεὸς πατήρ, p. Ixv
Θεσσαλονικεύς, I. i. τ, 11. i. 1
OrliBw, I. iii. 4, IL. i. 6, 7
θλίψις, 1. 1. 6, Ἢ aoe. AL, Asay 6
θροέομαι, 11. ii.
θώραξ irae. I. v. 8; for the
‘militia Christi’ see Harnack’s
Essay (1905), and cf. Cumont Relig.
orient. p. xiii ff
10; ov θέλω
ἴδιος, I. ii. 143 τὰ ἴδια, iv. Τί
ἱερόδουλοι, p. 143 οἵ. Herwerden Ap-
pendix 8.υ.
M. THESS.
193
Ἰησοῦς, p. 135 ff.; cf. Chase Credibility
of Acts p. 205 f,
ἱκανὸν λαβεῖν, Ῥ. ΧΧΙΧ
ἵνα final, I. ii. 16, v. 10; semi-final,
1 ἀν dy Dae 2001, ἀπὸ Ty He Rh,
| a |, A
Ἰουδαῖος, I. ii. 14
ἰσχύς, 11. i. 9
καθάπερ, 1. » 113; καθάπερ καί, iii. 6,
123 iv.
καθεύδω (ethical), I. v. 6; (literal) v. 7;
(metaphorical) v. ro
καθίζω, IL. 11. 4
καθώς, I. i. 83 καθ. οἴδατε, p. xliv
καί in comparison, I. ii. 5; contrasting,
ii. 18
καιρός" πρὸς καιρὸν ὥρας, 1. Be .ἘΠ5
ἐν TE αὐτοῦ καιρῷ, IT. 11. 6; χρόνοι κ.
καιροί, I. v. τ; cf. Revue di Etudes
grecques XV. Ὁ. 4
κακός, I. v. 15
καλέω, I. ii. 12, iv. 7, v. 24, II. ii. 14
καλοποιέω, 11. iii. 13; of. Soph. and
Herwerden Lew. s.v.
καλός, I. v. 21
καρδία, I. ii. 4, 17 (προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ),
111. 13 (στηρίξαι καρδίας)
καταλαμβάνω, I. v. 4
καταλείπω, I. iii. 1
καταξιόω, 11. i. 5; οἵ. Anz Subsidia
p. 38
καταργέω, II. ii. 8
καταρτίζω, I. iii. 10; cf. Mayser p. 2of,
κατευθύνω, I. iii, τι, II. iii.
κατέχω, I. v. 21; II. ii. 6, 7; p. 155 ff.
καύχησις, I. 11. 19
κεῖμαι, 1. ili. 3
κέλευσμα, 1. iv. 16
κενός, I. ii, 1; εἰς κενόν, iil. 5
κηρύσσω, 1. il. g
κλέπτης, I. Vv. 2, 4
κλῆσις, 11. i. τι
κοιμάομαι, I. iv. 13 ff.
κολακία, I. il. 5
κοπιάω, I. Vv. 12
κόπος, 1. i. 3, iii, 5; κόπος κ. μόχθος,
ii. g, II. ii. 8
Kparéw, 6. acc., IL. il, 15; p. 155
κρίνω, II. ii. 12
κρίσις, 11. i. 5
κτάομαι, I. iv. 4.
κύριος, p. 136 ff.; ef. Hort 1 Pet.
Ρ. 30 ff., and for the legal use of
κύριος in the papyri see Archiv iv.
ff.
p. 80
κωλύω, 1. ii. τό
λαλέω, I. i. 8; οἵ, MeClellan Gospels
p- 383. fl.
λόγος, 1. i. 53 ὁ λόγος, i. 6; θεοῦ, ii. 13;
κυρίου, 1. 8, iv. 15, II. ili. 13 ἡμῶν,
13
194
Il. iii. 14; κολακίας, 1. ii, 5; ἀκοῆς,
li. 135 ἐν τ. λόγοις, iv. 18; διὰ λόγου,
II. i. 2, 15; ἔργῳ κ. λόγῳ; ii, £7
λοιπός" οἱ λοιποί, I. iv. 13, V.6; λοιπόν,
iv. 1; τὸ λοιπόν, 11. iii. 1
Μακεδονία, 1. i. 7 f., iv.
μακροθυμέω, 1. ve. 14
μᾶλλον (intensive), I. iv. 1, 10
μαρτύριον, II. i, τὸ
μαρτύρομαι, 1. ii, 12
μάρτυς, 1. il. 5, τὸ
μεθύσκομαι, I. v. 7
μεθύω, I. ve. 73 Cf.
Poimandres p. 240 f.
μέλλω, 1. ili. 4
μέν (solitarium), I. ii, 18
μέσος, I. ii. 73 ἐκ μέσου, 11. 11. 7
μετὰ, I. i. 6, IL. iii. τὰ
μεταδίδωμι, 1. 11. 8
μή with pres. imp., I. v. 19; with aor.
subj., Il. iii. 13; μή πως, 1. ill. 5
μιμέομαι, " 111. 7 9
μιμητής, I. 1. 6, τὶ. 14
μνείαν woveteBas, I. i, 23 μνείαν ἔχειν,
ili. 6
μνημονεύω, c. gen. 1, 1. 33
iM. lis Ὁ
μόνον, 11. ii. 7
μόνος, I. 11], τ
μόχθος υ. κόπος
μυστήριον, 11. ii. 7; cf. Hatch Essays
Ρ. 57 ἢ.
vads, II. ii. 4
νεκρός, I. i. το, iv. τό
νεφέλη, 1. iv. 17
νήπιος, I. 11. 7
νήφω, I. v. 6, 8; cf. Hort τ Pet. p. 65 f.
νουθετέω, I. v. 12, 14, IL. iii. 15
νοῦς, II. ii. 2
νῦν, I. 111. 8, 11. ii. 6
νύξ, 1. v. 2, 5, 73 νυκτὸς κ. ἡμέρας,
I. ἢ. g, ili. 10, II. ili. 8
το; p. xlv
Reitzenstein
c. acc.
ὁ demonstrative, I. v. 27, II. iii. 14
ὁδός, I. ili. 1
οἶδα, 1. i. 4 ; καθὼς οἴδατε, 1. i. 5, Ὁ. xliv
οἰκοδομέω, 1. v. 11
olos, I. i. 5
ὄλεθρος, I. v. 3; Or. αἰώνιος, 11. i. g
ὀλιγόψυχος, I. v. 14
ὁλόκληρος, I. Vv. 23
ὅλος, 1. iv. 10
ὁλοτελής, I. v. 23
ὀμείρομαι, I. ii. 8
ὄνομα, 11. i. 12, 111. 6; οἵ, Herwerden
s.v., and Mél. Nic. p. 253
ὁποῖος, I. i. g
ὅπως, 1 χὰ
ὁρᾶτε μή, I. v. 15
ὀργή, 7, I. i. τὸ, ii. 16
INDEXES
ὁσίως, I. 11. 10
ὅστις, 11. i. ο; οἵ, Dieterich Unter-
suchungen p. 199 f.
ὅταν with aor. subj., Il. i. Io
ὅτε, I. iii. 4, II. iii, 10
ὅτι demonstrative, I. i. 5, ii. 13, iii. 4
causal, I. iv. 16, v. 9, II. i. ᾿ il. 13
οὐ with part., I. ii. 4; od μή, I. iv. 155
οὐχ ὅτι, II. ili. 9
οὐδέ, I. 11. 3
οὐρανός, I. i. τὸ, iv. τό, 11. 1. 7
οὔτε, I. ii. 5, 6
οὕτως, I. ii. 4, iv. 14, II. iii. 17 (οὕτως
γράφω)
οὐχί, I. 11. το
ὀφείλω, 11. i, 3, ii. 13
πάθος, I. iv. 5
πάντοτε, I. i. 12, li. τό, iil. 6, iv. 17,
Wolk, Δ. ΤΙ, 2.35, eee
πάπυρος, Ῥ. 122
παρά ὁ. gen., I. ii. 13, iv. 1, IL. ili. 6,
8; c. dat. II. i. 6
παραγγελία, 1. iv. 2
παραγγέλλω, I. iv. 11, 11, iii. 4,6, 10, 12
παράδοσις, II. ii. 15, ili. 6
παρακαλέω, 1. ii, 12; ¢ ἵνα, 1. iv. τὶ;
e. inf. iv. 10
παράκλησις, I. ii. 3, IL. ii. τό
παραλαμβάνω, 1. ii. 13, iv. τ; παρελά-
βοσαν p. 113, cf. Conybeare Selections
p- 32
παραμυθέομαι, I. 11. 11, V. 14
παρουσία, 1. ii. το, ili. 13, iv. 15, V. 23,
IT. ii. 1, 8, g; cf. p. 145 ff.
παρρησιάζομαι, 1. ii. 2
πᾶς, I. iii. 12, 13, v. 26, II. iii. τό, 18;
ἐν παντί, 1. v. 18; διὰ παντός, 11. iii.
τό
maoxm, I. ii. 14, IL i. 5
πατήρ, 1, li. 11; (of God) I. i. 1, 3,
ili. 21, £3, ΠΤ, 9) gee
p. lxv f.
Παῦλος (emph.), I. ii. 18
πείθω, 11. iii. 4
πειράζω, 1. iii. 5
πέμπω, 11. ii. 11
περὶ δέ, I. iv. 9, Vv. I
περιεργάζομαι, II. ili. 11
περικεφαλαία, 1. v. ὃ -
περιλείπομαι, I. iv. 15, 17
mepimaréw, I. il. 12
περιποίησις, L.¥.°9, ἄταν ty
περισσεύω, I, 111. 12, iv. 1, 10
περισσοτέρως, eB 17
πιστεύω, 1. iv. 143 ὁ πιστεύων, Τα
ii. 10, 133 6 πιστεύσας, Il. i. 10;
πιστεύομαι 6. ace. I, ii. 4
πίστις, ἡ, 11. iii. 2; “πρὸς τ. θεόν, Live
ἔργον πίστεως, I. ΤΡ ΩΣ πίστις
κ. ἀγάπη, I. iii. 6, v. 8
motos, I. v. 24, IL. iii. 3
IV. GREEK WORDS
mrdvyn, I. ii, 3, IL. il. 11
πλεονάζω, I. 111. 12, Il. i. 3
πλεονεκτέω, 1. iv. 6
πλεονεξία, I. ii. 5
πληροφορία, I. i. 5
πληρόω, ἘΠῚ γι γὲ
πνεῦμα, I. v. 19, 23, IL. il. 2, 13: of
Christ, II. ii. 8; πνεῦμα ἅγιον, 1. i.
5, 6, iv. 8
ποιέω, Lv. 24
πονηρός, I. v. 22, 11, iii. 2, 3
πορνεία, I. iv. 3
πρᾶγμα, 1. iv. 6
πράσσω, I. iv. 11
mpotornm, I. v. 12
προλέγω, I. iii. 4, iv. 6
προπάσχω, 1. li. 2
πρός 6. acc. after verb of rest, I. 11]. 4,
Il. ii. 5s ili. 1; πρὸς τό c. inf, I, il. Ὁ
προσευχή, 1. 1. 2
προσεύχομαι, I, v. 17;
iva, ΠῚ i. τὺ; iii. 1
προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ, 1. ii. 17
πρόφασις, I. ii, 5
προφητεία, I. Vv. 20
προφήτης, 1. ii. 15
πρῶτον, I. iv. τό
πῦρ, 11. i. 8
mwas, 1. i. g3 TO πῶς, iv. I
προσεύχομαι
ε
ῥύομαι (ἐκ), I. i. το, (ἀπό) 11. iii. 2;
ef. Anz Subsidia p. το f.
σαίνομαι, I. iii. 3; see also σιαίνομαι
σαλεύω, 11. ii. 2
σάλπιγξ, I. iv. τό
Σατανᾶς, I. ii. 18, 11. ii. g
σβέννυμι, 1. v. 19
σέβασμα, 11. ii. 4
σημεῖον, II. ii. g, 111. 17
σημειόομαι, II. iii. 14
σιαίνομαι, p. 38; cf. also Z.N.T.W.
Vill. p. 242
Σιλονανός, 1. 1. 1, IL. i
σκεῦος, I. iv. 4
oxéros, I. v. 4 f.
σπουδάζω, I. 11. 17
oréyw, I. 111. τ, 5
στέλλομαι, 11. iii. 6
στέφανος, 1. il. 19;
Lex. 8.v.
στήκω, I, 111, 8, II. ii. 15; cf. Conybeare
Selections ‘Pp. 42
ornpifw, I. iii. 2, 13, II. ii. 17, iii. 3;
cf. Anz Subsidia p. 20 f.
συμφυλέτης, 1. ii. 14
σύν Vv. ἅμα
συναναμίγνυμαι, 11. iii, 14 |
συνεργός, Pp. 37
σώζω, I. li. τό, 11, ii. to
σῶμα, I. v. 23
cf. Herwerden
ber mulls
UNIVERSITY
NIRA
A
195
σωτηρία, I. v. 8, 9, 11. ii. 13
ταχέως, 11. ii. 2
τέκνον, I, li. 7, 11
τέλος eis, 1. 11. 16
τέρας, Il. ii. 9
τηρέω, I. v. 23
τίθημι, I. v. 9
τιμή, 1. iv. 4
ἡ μόθεος, I. i. 1, iii. 2, 6, IT. i.
τίνω, 11. i. g
76 with inf., I. iii. 3
τοιγαροῦν, I, iv. 8
τοιοῦτος, 11. ili. 12
τόπος, I. i. 8
τότε, Il. il, Ἢ
τρέχω, 11. Ι
τρόπος, τὴν ii. 3, iii. 16
τροφός, 1. ὴῚ
τύπος, I. i. 7, IL. iii. ; οὗ, Herwerden
Lex. 8.v.
ὑβρίζω, I. ii. 2
vids (of Christ), 1. i. 10; φωτὸς x.
ἡμέρας, Υ. 5; τ. ἀπωλείας, ΤΙ ἢν ἃ
ὑπακούω, 11. i. 8, ili. 14
ὑπέρ, Ἐς ΗΠ 11.1.4, 4, 4
ὑπεραίρομαι, 11. ii. 4
ὑπεραυξάνω, 11. i. 3
ὑπερβαίνω, I. iv. 6
ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ, 1. ili. 10, V. 13
ὑπό, 1. il. 14
ὑπομονή, 1. i. 3)» Il.
ὑστέρημα, 1. 111. το
I; p. 69
Ἐν 1s
φθάνω, I. ii. τό, iv. 15
φιλαδελφία, I. iv. 9
φίλημα, I. v. 26
Φίλιπποι, 1. ii. 2
φιλοτιμέομαι, 1. iv. 11
φλόξ, 11. 1. 8
φυλάσσω, II. 111. 3
φωνή, I. iv. 16
φῶς, I. v. 5
χαίρω, I. iii. 9, Vv. 16
χαρά, 1. i, 6, υς ΤΟΣ τ. ἃ
χάριν, I. i. 1, v. 28, II. i. 2, τῷ, ii. 16,
ili. 18
xelp, I. iv. 11, II. iii. 17
χρείαν ἔχειν, 1. i. 8
Χριστός, p. 136 ff.
χρόνος, I. v. 1; see also καιρός
ψεῦδος, 11. ii. g, 11
ψυχή, I. ii. 8, Vv. 23
ὠδίν, I. v. 3
wpa, I, ii. 17
ws ἐάν, 1. ii. 73 ws ὅτι, 11. ii. 2
wore consecutive, I. i. 4
5
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