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THE Epistles to the Thessalonians can hardly be said to 
have received at the hands of English scholars the 
attention they deserve, in view not only of their own intrinsic 
interest, but of the place which they occupy in the Sacred 
Canon. They are generally believed to be the earliest of 
St Paul's extant Epistles, and, if so, are, in all probability, 
the oldest Christian documents of importance that have come 
down to us. Certainly no other of the Pauline writings give 
us a clearer idea of the character of the Apostle's missionary 
preaching, or present a more living picture of the surroundings 
of the primitive Christian Church. A detailed study of their 
contents is essential, therefore, to a proper understanding of 
the Apostolic Age, and forms the best introduction to the 
more developed interpretation of Christian thought, which we 
are accustomed to describe as Paulinism. 

This must be made the excuse for the length at which 
certain subjects bearing on St Paul's language and teaching as 
a whole are dealt with in the Introduction, and also for the 
numerous references to recent literature dealing with these 
points, which will be found especially in the foot-notes. Writing 
as I have had to do far from a Library, the difficulty I have 
experienced in keeping abreast of the advances of modern 
scholarship has led me to believe that those similarly situated 
may be glad to be directed to the sources where they are most 
likely to find help. 

The Text adopted for the Commentary is the Greek Text 
of Westcott and Hort which, through the kind permission of 


Messrs Macmillan and Co., has been reproduced here exactly as 
it stands in the latest authoritative revision. Full note has, 
however, been taken of all variants of importance, and for the 
convenience of students a brief summary has been given of the 
Authorities for the Text in Introduction vn. 

In Introduction viii. there will be found a selected list of 
the more important Commentaries on the Epistles, and of 
various Monographs dealing with special points raised by them. 
My obligations to these are undoubtedly greater than I have 
been able to acknowledge ; but I have not thought it advisable 
to overload my Notes by discussing or quoting the views of 
others, except where this seemed to be really demanded. An 
exception has been made in the case of the rich and terse 
comments of the patristic writers, and such later expositors as 
Calvin and Bengel : and the Latin translations of Beza, Estius, 
and others have been freely cited, wherever they threw light 
on the exact meaning of the original. 

In addition, moreover, to the ordinary sources of help, there 
are two which have been so largely used in the following work 
that they may be specially mentioned. 

The publication within recent years of large collections of 
Inscriptions and Papyri has now made possible a thorough 
re-study of the Pauline language in the light of contemporary 
documents. Upon the general questions that are thereby 
raised, such as the disappearance of much that used to be 
known as ' Biblical Greek,' and the existence or non-existence 
of 'Semitisms' in the Greek New Testament, this is not the 
place to enter : they will be found fully stated in the writings 
of such experts as Professors Deissmann and Thumb, and 
Dr J. H. Moulton, and, from a more conservative point of view, 
of the lamented Dr Friedrich Blass. All that we are meanwhile 
concerned with is the light thrown upon St Paul's letters by 
the constant occurrence in them of words and phrases, which 
are now proved to have formed part of the common stock of 
the Apostle's own time, even when it is equally clear that their 
meaning has been deepened and enriched in his hands, partly 
through the influence of the Greek Old Testament, and partly 
through the power of his own Christian consciousness. 

Much work has still to be done before the full extent of the 


new lexical discoveries can be properly estimated ; but the 
citations in the following pages may at least serve to draw 
increased attention to the richness of the field that is being 
gradually opened up before the New Testament student. A full 
list of the collections made use of with the names of their 
distinguished editors will be found in Index III. I (a) and (6). 

In the second place, as regards St Paul's thought, or, more 
exactly, the form in which his thought often clothes itself, we 
are again enabled to judge how largely he was a man of his 
own time, through the convenient editions of later Jewish 
literature, which we owe to the labours of the contributors 
to Kautzsch's Apokryphen and Pseudepigraphen of the Old 
Testament in Germany, and of Dr R. H. Charles in England. 
There may be a tendency perhaps in certain quarters to over- 
estimate this dependence, and to lose sight of the far more 
significant extent to which the Apostle was influenced by the 
canonical books of the Greek Old Testament. At the same 
time, more particularly in writings so largely eschatological in 
their character as our two Epistles, it is a constant source of 
interest to trace the parallels that exist between them and 
contemporary apocalyptic literature. A list of citations, with 
the titles of the editions that have been used, is given in 
Index in. 2. 

In a work which has ventured to intrude upon so much 
new and debateable ground, I can hardly hope not to have 
fallen into many errors both of judgment and of fact, and that 
these are not more numerous is due only to the generous help 
of many well-known scholars. I desire to thank in particular 
my friends Dr J. H. Moulton of Didsbury College, Manchester, 
and Mr J. H. A. Hart of St John's College, Cambridge, who, 
amidst their own engrossing duties, have found time to read 
the proofs, and have favoured me with many valuable criticisms 
and suggestions, and Dr A. Souter of Mansfield College, Oxford, 
who has ungrudgingly placed at my disposal his knowledge and 
experience, more particularly in connexion with the textual and 
critical portions of the work. Nor can I forget the unfailing 
courtesy and attention of the officials of the Cambridge 
University Press, and the skill of their compositors and 


It is not easy to part with the work, which has been 
an almost constant companion for a number of years : and I 
never was more conscious of its shortcomings than now, on the 
eve of publication. I can only hope that, in spite of these, it 
may awaken in others a little of the interest it has been to 
myself, and may prove a small contribution to the better 
understanding of Epistles which let us so fully into the heart 
of the great Apostle, and whose message, notwithstanding the 
strange forms in which it is sometimes cast, is still fraught 
with such deep significance for the Church of to-day. 

G. M. 


January, 1908. 




I. The City of Thessalonica xxi 

II. St Paul and the Thessalonian Church . . . . xxvi 

III. General Character and Contents of the Epistles . . xli 

IV. Language, Style, and Literary Affinities. . . . lii 

V. Doctrine Ixiii 

VI. Authenticity and Integrity Ixxii 

VII. Authorities for the Text xciii 

VIII. Commentaries cii 


Analysis of i Thessalonians 2 

Text and Notes of i Thessalonians . 3 

Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 84 

Text and Notes of 2 Thessalonians 85 


A. St Paul as a Letter- Writer 121 

B. Did St Paul use the Epistolary Plural? . . . .131 

C. The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul 133 

D. The Divine Names in the Epistles 135 

E. On the history of evayye'Xioi/, euayyeXib/ia< . . . .141 

F. Ilapawria. 'E7ri<ama. 'ATro/caXvi/as 1 . . . . .145 

G. On ara/crea) and its cognates 152 

H. On the meanings of narex^ 155 

I. The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist 158 

J. The history of the interpretation of 2 Thess. ii. 112 . 166 



I. Subjects . , . 177 

II. Authors . . 179 

III. References 183 

1. Inscriptions and Papyri 183 

(a) Inscriptions 183 

(6) Papyri 184 

2. Judaistic Writings 188 

IV. Greek Words 191 


THE following list of abbreviations applies for the most part 
to lexical and grammatical works, and to periodical publications; 
but the full titles of a few other books have been added for 
convenience of reference, especially where it seemed of im- 
portance to specify the exact editions made use of. 

For abbreviations in connexion with Authorities for the 
Text and Commentators, see Introduction vn. and vm. The 
abbreviations for the Inscriptions and the Papyri are explained 
in Index in. I (a) and (6), and for Judaistic writings in 
Index in. 2. 

A sufficiently full title to identify other books quoted is 
given as a rule on the occasion of their first mention : see the 
references under Index n. Authors. 

It may be added that the quotations from the LXX. follow 
throughout the text of the smaller Cambridge Septuagint The 
Old Testament in Greek edited by H. B. Swete, 3 vols., 
Cambridge, 1887 1894, and the quotations from the N.T. The 
New Testament in the original Greek revised by B. F. Westcott 
and F. J. A. Hort, vol. i. Text, London, 1898. 

The Concordance of Hatch and Redpath has been used for 
the Greek O.T., and that of Moulton and Geden for the N.T. 

By I. i. i is to be understood I Thess. i. I, and by II. i. I, 
2 Thess. i. I. 

Abbott Joh. Gr. = Johannine Grammar, by Edwin A. Abbott. 

London, 1906. 

Am. J. of Th. = The American Journal of Theology. Chicago, 1897 . 
Anz Subsidia = Subsidia ad cognoscendum Graecorum sermonem 

vulgarem e Pentateuchi versione Alexandrina repetita, by H. 

Anz. Halle, 1894. 


Archiv = Archiv fur Papyrusforschung, ed. U. Wilcken. Leipzig, 

1901 . 
Aristeas = Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistula, ed. P. Wendland. 

Leipzig, 1900. 
B.C.H. = Bulletin de correspondence hellenique. Paris and Athens, 

B.D.B. = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, by 

Drs Brown, Driver, and Briggs. Oxford, 1906. 
Blass = Grammar of New Testament Greek, by F. Blass. Eng. Tr. 

by H. St John Thackeray. 2nd Edit. London, 1905. 
Bousset, W. = Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlicJien 

Zeitalter. 2nd Edit, enlarged and re-arranged. Berlin, 1906. 

Burton = Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of New Testament Greek, 
by E. D. Burton. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1894. 

Buttmann = A Grammar of the New Testament Greek, by A. Butt- 
mann. Eng. Tr. by J. H. Thayer. Andover, 1873. 

C.G.T. Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges. 

Conybeare Selections = Selections from the Septuagint (with a Gram- 
mar of Septuagint Greek) by F. C. Conybeare and St George 
Stock. Boston, 1906. 

C.R. = The Classical Review. London, 1887 . 

Cremer = Biblico-Theological Lexicon of New Testament Greek, by 
H. Cremer. Eng. Tr. by W. Urwick. 4th Edit. Edinburgh, 

Cronert = Memoria Graeca Herculanensis, by G. Cronert. Leipzig, 

Dalman Worte = Die Worte Jesu, by G. Dalman. Leipzig, 1898. 
Eng. Tr. by D. M. Kay. Edinburgh, 1902. 

Deissmann BS. = Bible Studies by G. A. Deissmann. Eng. edit, by 
A. Grieve. Edinburgh, 1901. 

Deissmann Hellenisierung Die Hellenisierung des Semitischen 
Monotheismus, by G. A. Deissmann. Leipzig, 1903. 

Deissmann in Christo = Die neutestamentliche formel " in Christo 
Jesu," by G. A. Deissmann. Marburg, 1892. 

Deissmann New Light on the N. T. New Light on the New Testa- 
ment from Records of the Graeco-Roman Period, by G. A. 
Deissmann, tr. by L. R. M. Strachan. Edinburgh, 1907. 


Dieterich Untersuchungen = Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der 
griechischen Sprache, von der hellenistischen Zeit bis zum 10. 
Jahrh. n. Chr., by K. Dieterich. Leipzig, 1898 (Byzantinisches 
Archiv, Heft i.). 

Encyc. Bibl. = Encyclopaedia Biblica, edited by T. K. Cheyne and 
J. S. Black. 4 vols. London, 1899 1903. 

E.G.T. = The Expositor's Greek Testament, edited by W. Robertson 
Nicoll. Vols. i. iii. London, 1897 1903. 

Exp.The Expositor. London, 1875 Cited by series, volume, 
and page. 

Exp. T. = The Expository Times. Edinburgh, 1889 . 

Field Notes = Notes on the Translation of the New Testament (being 
Otium Norvicense iii.), by F. Field. Cambridge, 1899. 

Gildersleeve Syntax = Syntax of Classical Greek, by B. L. Gilder- 
sleeve and C. W. E. Miller. Pt. i. New York, 1900. 

Gradenwitz Einfiihrung = Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, by 
O. Gradenwitz. Heft i. Leipzig, 1900. 

Grimm-Thayer = A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, 
being Grimm's Wilke's Clavis Novi Testamenti, tr, and enlarged 
by J. H. Thayer. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1890. 

Hastings' D.B. = Dictionary of the Bible, edited by James Hastings. 
5 vols. Edinburgh, 1898 1904. 

Hatch Essays = Essays in Biblical Greek, by Edwin Hatch. Oxford, 

Hatzidakis = Einleitung in die Neugriechische Grammatik, by G. N". 
Hatzidakis. Leipzig, 1892. 

Hauck RE. 3 = Herzog's Realencyclopddie, 3rd Edit, by A. Hauck. 
Leipzig, 1896 . 

Hermann Vig. = Vigerus de Idiotismis, ed. G. Hermannus. Leipzig, 

Herwerden = Lexicon Graecum suppletorium et dialecticum, by 
H. van Herwerden. Lugd. Batav., 1902. Appendix, 1904. 
Nova addenda in Melanges Nicole (Geneva, 1905) pp. 241 

Hesychius = Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, ed. M. Schmidt. Jena,. 

Jannaris = An Historical Greek Grammar, by A. N. Jannaris. 
London, 1897. 
M. THESS. b 


Jelf = A Grammar of the Greek Language, by W. E. Jelf. 3rd Edit. 
London, 1861. 

J.H.S. = The Journal of Hellenic Studies. London, 1880 . 
J.Q.R. -The Jewish Quarterly Review. London, 1889 . 
J.T.S. = The Journal of Theological Studies. London, 1900 . 

Kennedy Sources = Sources of New Testament Greek, by H. A. A. 
Kennedy. Edinburgh, 1895. 

Kennedy Last Things = St Paul's Conceptions of the Last Things, 
by H. A. A. Kennedy. London, 1904. 

Kiihner 3 = Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, by 
R. Kiihner. Elementar- und Formenlehre, ed. F. Blass. 2 vols. 
Hanover, 1890, 1892. Satzlehre, ed. B. Gerth. 2 vols. 1898, 

Kuhring = De Praepositionum Graecarum in Chartis Aegyptiis Usu, 
by G. Kuhring. Bonn, 1906. 

Lob. Phryn. = Phrynichi Ecloga, ed. C. A. Lobeck. Leipzig, 1820. 

LS. = A Greek-English Lexicon, by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott. 
6th Edit. Oxford, 1869. 

Mayser = Grammatik der Griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemderzeit, 
by E. Mayser. Leipzig, 1906. 

Meisterhans = Grammatik der attischen Inschriften, by K. Meister- 
hans. 3rd Edit, by E. Schwyzer. Berlin, 1900. 

Mel. Nic. = Melanges Nicole. (A collection of studies in classical 
philology and in archaeology dedicated to Prof. J. Nicole). 
Geneva, 1905. 

Moeris = Moeridis Lexicon Atticum, ed. J. Pierson. Lugd. Batav. 

Moulton Prolegg. = A Grammar of New Testament Greek, by J. H. 

Moulton. Vol. i. Prolegomena. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1906. 

Nageli = Der Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus, by Th. Nageli. Gottin- 
gen, 1905. See p. Iv n. 2 . 

Norden Kunstprosa = Die antike Kunstprosa vom vi. Jahrhundert v. 
Chr. bis in die Zeit der Renaissance, by E. Norden. 2 vols. 
Leipzig, 1898. See p. Ivii n. 5 . 

Ramsay C. and B. = The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, by W. M. 
Ramsay. Vol. i. in two parts. Oxford, 1895 97. 


Reitzenstein Poimandres = Poimandres : Studien zur Griechisch- 

Agyptischen und Friihchristlichen Literatur, by R. Reitzenstein. 

Leipzig, 1904. 
Roberts-Gardner = An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part II. 

The Inscriptions of Attica. Edited by E. S. Roberts and E. A. 

Gardner. Cambridge, 1905. 
Rutherford N.P. = The New Phrynichus, by W. G. Rutherford. 

London, 1881. 
Schmid Attic. = Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretern von Diony- 

si^ls von Halikarnass bis auf den zweiten Philostratus, by W. 

Schmid. 4 vols and Register. Stuttgart, 1887 97. 
Schiirer 3 Geschichte des Jildischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 

by E. Schiirer. 3rd and 4th Edit. Leipzig, 1901 02. Eng. 

Tr. of the 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1890 91. 
SH. = A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to 

the Romans, by "W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam. 5th Edit. 

Edinburgh, 1902. 

SK. = Studien und Kritiken. Gotha, 1828 . 

Soph. Lex. = Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, by 

E. A. Sophocles. Memorial edition. New York, 1887. 
Stephanus Thesaurus = Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, by H. Stephanus. 

8 vols. and Glossary and Index. London, 1816 26. 
Suicer Thesaurus Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus e Patribus Graecis, by 

J. C. Suicer. Amsterdam, 1682. 

Suidas = Suidae Lexicon, ed. I. Bekker. Berlin, 1854. 
Thieme = Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Mdander und das Neue 

Testament, by G. Thieme. Gottingen, 1906. 
Thumb Hellen. Die Griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus, 

by A. Thumb. Strassburg, 1901. 
Trench Syn. = Synonyms of the New Testament, by R. C. Trench. 

New Edition. London, 1901. 
Yiteau - fitude sur le grec du Nouveau Testament, by J. Yiteau. 

Yol. i. Le Verbe: Syntaxe des Prepositions; Yol. ii. Sujet, 

Complement et Attribut. Paris, 1893 96. 
Yolz Jild. Eschat. Jiidische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba, 

by P. Yolz. Tubingen, 1903. 

Yotaw = The Use of the Infinitive in Biblical Greek, by C. W. Yotaw. 
Chicago, 1896. 



Weber Jiid. Theologie = Jiidische Theologie aiif Grund des Talmud 

und verwandter Schriften, being the 2nd Edition by F. Delitzsch 

and G. Schnedermann of F. Weber's System der altsynagogalen 

paldstinischen Theologie or Die Lekren des Talmud. Leipzig, 

WH. or WH. 2 = The New Testament in the original Greek, by B. F. 

Westcott and F. J. A. Hort. Vol. i. Text ; vol. ii. Introduction 

and Appendix containing Notes on Select Readings &c. Revised 

Editions. London, 1898 and 1896. 
Wilcken Ostr. = Griechische Ostraka by U. Wilcken. 2 vols. Leipzig, 

Witk. Epp. = Epistulae Privatae Graecae, ed. S. Witkowski. Leipzig, 

1906. See p. 129. 
WM. = A Treatise on the Grammar of New Testament Greek, by 

G. B. Winer, tr. and enlarged by W. F. Moulton. 8th Eng. 

Edit. Edinburgh, 1877. 
WSchm. = Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Sprachidioms, by 

G. B. Winer. 8th Edit, newly revised by P. W. Schmiedel 

(in progress). Gottingen, 1894 . 
Zahn Einl. = Einleitung in das Neue Testament. Vol. i. 2nd Edit. 

Leipzig, 1900; vol. ii. ist Edit. 1899. 
Z.N.T.W. = Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. 

Giessen, 1900 . 




77 Tracrrys Trep 

Antipater of Thessalonica 
(time of Augustus). 

Thessalonica was built close to the site of the ancient Tne Foun- 
town of Therma or Therme, so named from the hot mineral Thessa- 
springs which still exist in the vicinity, and at the head of the lomca - 
Gulf called after it the Thermaic Gulf 2 . Accounts differ as to 
the origin of the new city, but, according to the most probable 
story, it was founded by Cassander, the son-in-law of Philip of 
Macedon, about the year 315 B.C. and was called by him 
Thessalonica in honour of his wife, the step-sister of Alex- 
ander the Great 3 . Its earliest inhabitants were drawn not 

1 The principal authority for the et Bayet Memoire sur une Mission au 

history of Thessalonica is Tafel's His- Mont Athos (Paris, ! 1876). See also 

toria Thessalonicae (Tubing., 1835), Lightfoot Biblical Essays p. 253 ff., 

afterwards prefixed as Prolegomena to and the artt. 'Thessalonica' in the 

his elaborate monograph De Thessa- EncycL Bibl. and in Hastings' D.B. 

lonica ejusque agro. Dissertatio geo- The present appearance and condition 

graphica (Berol., 1839). Accounts of of the town are graphically described 

the geography and antiquities of the by G. F. Abbott in The Tale of a Tour 

^region are to be found in Cousinery in Macedonia (1903). 

Voyage dans la Macedoine i. p. 23 ff. 2 Herod, vii. 121 6^77 5 rr} tv r$ 

(Paris, 1831), Leake Travels in North- Qepfnaly /c6X7r^ olmifttvy, dir' fs ital 6 

ern Greece in. p. 235 ff. (1835), Heuzey /c6\7roj oSros r^v ^TrwwfjLi^v %ei. 

et Daumet Mission Archeologiqne de 3 Strabo 330 77 irpbrepov 8^17 - 

Macedoine (Paris, 1876), and Duchesne KaAetro. KT^JJ-O. 5' taTiv Ka<r<rdvdpov, 


only from Therme, but from several of the neighbouring cities 
on the shores of the Gulf 1 , and there is ample evidence that it 
soon rose to be a place of very considerable importance. Tt 
owed this in large measure to the natural advantages of its 
situation, commanding, as it did, on the landward side the 
rich plain of the Strymon, on which there also converged the 
three plains, watered respectively by the Axias, the Lydias, and 
the Haliacmon, and being furnished towards the sea with a 
good natural harbour. 

When, accordingly, in 1 68 B.C. Macedonia was conquered 
by the Romans, and divided into four districts, Thessalonica, 
'celeberrima urbs,' was made the capital of Macedonia Secunda 12 . 
And when, a few years later, 146 B.C., the different districts 
were united into a single province, it became virtually the 
capital of the whole. 

Thessa- Under Roman rule the prosperity of the city continued to 

under advance rapidly. Its situation on the great Via JSgnatia 3 , 

Koman about mid way between Dyrrachium on the Adriatic and the 

river Hebrus in Thrace, brought it into such direct contact 

with the stream of traffic that was continually passing along 

that busy highway between Rome and her Eastern depend- 

encies, that Cicero can speak of its inhabitants as placed in 

the lap of the Empire 4 '; and it was here that he himself sought 

refuge in the quaestor's house during his exile 5 . 

On the outbreak of the First Civil War (49 B.C.), Thessa- 
lonica was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party 6 , but 
during the Second was found on the side of Octavius and 
Antonius 7 , and, when their cause triumphed, was declared by 
way of reward a free city 8 . The consequence was that, unlike 

6s tiri T$ 6v6fj.aTi rrjs eavrov yvvcuicbs, imperil nostri ' (de prov. Consul. 2). 
iraidbs 5 3>i\iinrov TOV ' A/j-vvrlov, 5 Pro Plane. 41. 

The new title (under the 6 Dion Cass. xli. 18. 

form QeTToXovlicr)) is first found in 7 Plut. Brut. 46, Appian Bell. Civ. 

Polyb. xxiii. 4. 4, u. 2 &c. Other iv. 118. 

accounts of the foundation of the city 8 ' Thessalonica liberae condicionis ' 

will be found in Tafel p. v. (Plin. N. H. iv. 17). Coins have been* 

1 Strabo I.e., Plin. N.H. iv. 17. discovered with the inscription Qetra-a- 

2 Liv. xlv. 29, 30. \OVLKCUV cXevdepias (-ptct), which 

3 See Tafel Via militaris Eoman- probably refers to this fact (Tafel 
orum Egnatia (Tubing. 1842). p. xxviii f.). 

4 ' Thessalonicenses positi in gremio 


its neighbour Philippi, which was a Roman colony, Thessa- 
lonica remained an essentially Greek city, having the right to 
summon its own assembly 1 , and being ruled by its own magis- 
trates, who, according to the account in Acts, were known by 
the somewhat unusual title of politarchs 2 . This fact, formerly 
urged against St Luke's accuracy, has in recent years been 
triumphantly vindicated by the discovery of various inscriptions 
in which it reappears 3 . 

Other proofs of the flourishing state of Thessalonica are at the 
afforded by Strabo who, writing about a quarter of a century onSf 1 " 
before St Paul's visit, describes it as the most populous of the Christian 
Macedonian cities of his time, a description that is confirmed a 
century later by Lucian 4 . 

Of St Paul's connexion with Thessalonica, and the circum- 
stances attending the introduction of Christianity into it, we 
shall have occasion to speak later. Meanwhile it may be well 
to summarize briefly the story of the city's fortunes down to 
the present time. 

About the middle of the third century it was erected into a in the 
colony, and, according to Duchesne, it probably received about fourth^ 
the same time the title of metropolis of Macedonia 5 . Before centuries, 

1 Ac. xvii. 5 rbv 57j,aoi> (cf. xix. 30, that the number of politarchs in 
33, of Ephesus). As throwing further Thessalonica in N.T. times was either 
light on the political constitution of five or six, and further that the office 
Thessalonica, an interesting inscrip- was by no means confined to Thessa- 
tion, belonging to 143 A.D., may be lonica, as is sometimes erroneously 
recalled, where mention is made not assumed. To Burton's evidence we 
only of its politarchs (see below), but can now add the occurrence of the 
of the decrees passed VTTO 7-775 KpaTia[T7js title on an Egyptian papyrus-letter 
/3ouX]7/s Kai TOV d-fi/mov (Duchesne p. 10). from Oxyrhynchus, belonging to the 

2 Ac. xvii. 6. beginning of the first century, where 

3 The most important of these, the writer claims that his correspon- 
which was found on a Koman Arch dent had made some promise through 
(since demolished), is now preserved the 'politarch' Theophilus (P.Oxy. 
in the British Museum. It is repro- 745, 4 wsKal vir^xov dtarov iroXeiTdpxov 
duced, with a history of the various Qeo<j)i\ov). 

transcriptions that have from time to 4 Strabo 323 Geo-o-aXow/cetas, Ma/re- 
time appeared, by Prof. E. DeWitt dovtKrjs TroXews, 77 vvv ^dXio-ra r&v &\\wv 
Burton in an important art. on 'The etavdpet, Luc. Ann. aur. 46 7r6Xews TWV 
Politarchs' in the Amer. Journ. of ev 'M.aKedovig. 7-775 ^6740-7-775 Qeo-<ra\ot>lKrjs. 
Thcol. ii. (1898), p. 598 ff. (summarized 5 The title occurs as early as Strabo 
in Hastings' D.B. under 'Bulers of the 330 17 5 ^7777)671-0X15 7-775 vvv Ma^eSoi/^as 
City'). From this art. it would appear fort, but, in view of the fact that both 


the foundation of Constantinople, it seems even to have been 
thought of as the possible capital of the world 1 . 

Its patron-saint Demetrius was martyred about 304 A.D. 2 , 
and towards the close of the same century (389 A.D.) Thessalonica 
again received unhappy prominence through the ruthless mas- 
sacre of at least seven thousand of its inhabitants by the order 
of the Emperor Theodosius, an act for which he was refused 
absolution by Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, until, after the lapse 
of eight months, he performed the most abject penance, 
in the In the following century Theodoret describes Thessalonica 

Ages e as ' tne greatest and most populous ' city of the district 3 , and 
the place which it gradually acquired in the history of the 
Church is shown by the fact that Cameniata in the tenth 
century bestows upon it, as its special right, the proud title 
of 'the orthodox city 4 / a designation it continued to deserve 
throughout the Middle Ages, when, according to its historian 
Tafel, it proved itself ' fax quaedam humanitatis . . . fideique 
Christianae promotrix 5 .' 

Amongst its great names during this period none was more 
illustrious than that of Eustathius, who was not only the 
foremost scholar of his age, but, as archbishop of Thessalonica 
from 1 175 to c. 1 192, proved himself 'a man of political insight, 
and a bold and far-seeing reformer 6 .' 

Meanwhile the outward fortunes of the city were very varied, 

contemporary and later inscriptions censi 3 v 5e TOVTO -rrp&rov /ecu Idialrarov 

speak of Thessalonica simply as 7r<5Xis, dieSelKvvro, rb 6p66dooi> ai/Trjv /ecu elvai 

Duchesne(p. 14 f.) thinks that Strabo's /eat 6voft&peff0ai xa.1 rotfry /j.a\\ov TJirep 

words, if not the gloss of a copyist, TOLS dXXots ffcfurfvcffOai. According to 

are best understood figuratively: cf. Tafel (p. xlvi), the name is due to the 

Jacobs Anth. Gr. ii. p. 152, no. 428 city's obstinate defence of image- wor- 

(time of Augustus) Qe<r<ra\oviKr}, ^T-rjp ship against the iconoclastic Emperors 

i] ird<r-r]s...'M.a.Kr]8ovi'r)s. in the eighth and ninth centuries. 

1 ' Before the foundation of Constan- Lightfoot (Bibl. Essays p. 268!.) pre- 
tinople, Thessalonica is mentioned by fers to connect it with the stalwart 
Cedrenus (p. 283), and Sardica by resistance which Thessalonica offered 
Zonaras, as the intended capital ' to successive Gothic and Slavonic in- 
(Gibbon Decline and Fall c. xvii.). vasions, and to its active efforts for 

2 The splendid church erected in his the conversion of the invaders, 
honour is now a Turkish mosque. 6 Praef. p. 3. 

3 Theodoret H. E. v. 17 QeffffaXovlicq 6 J. E. Sandys Hist, of Class. 
irtiXis Iffrl fjifyLcrrj /ecd iroKvavOpuTros. Scholarship 2 p. 421. 

4 Cameniata De excidio Thessaloni- 


but finally, after being plundered by the Saracens in 904, fall- 
ing into the hands of the Normans and Tancred in 1185, and 
being placed under the protection of the Venetian Republic in 
1422, it was taken by the Turks under Amurath II. in 1430, 
and has remained ever since in their possession. 

At the present time under the popular name of Saloniki or and at 
(Turkish) Selanik 1 , it is the second city in European Turkey, sent time. 
and carries on a large and flourishing trade. A recent traveller, 
after a careful examination of the statistics on the spot, esti- 
mated the number of its inhabitants a few years ago at 
1 50,000, of whom he considered that no fewer than 90,000 were 
Jews 2 . These Jews are not, however, to be thought of as the 
direct descendants of the Jews of St Paul's day, but are 
Spanish Jews whose ancestors found refuge here when the Jews 
were expelled from Spain under Ferdinand and Isabella. They 
still speak a kind of Spanish 'much damaged by wear and tear, 
and picturesquely patched up with Turkish and other foreign 
elements 3 / and occupy a distinct mahallah or quarter of the city. 
Their importance is shown by the fact that they possess about 
thirty synagogues, as compared with about an equal number of 
Turkish mosques and twelve Christian churches, while a large 
part of the trade of the city is in their hands. 

The Greek influence on the town, however, notwithstanding 
the comparatively small number of Greek inhabitants, is still 
predominant, so that ' on the whole, Salonica may be said still 
to be what it has been for more than twenty centuries 
a centre of Hellenic influence and civilisation 4 .' 

1 The old name of Qe<rcra\oviKir) is Turkish statistics two things must be 
still used by all Greeks of any educa- kept in mind : first, that the Jews, who 
tion. In the heading of letters this is have no political ambitions, endeavour 
often abbreviated into Q^itcy. to minimize their numbers in order to 

2 Abbott p. 19 f. These figures are avoid taxation; secondly, that the 
very considerably higher than the Christians often exaggerate theirs for 
usual official returns, but, in a com- political reasons. 

munication to the present writer, Mr 3 Abbott p. 20. 
Abbott states that in dealing with 4 Ibid. p. 21. 



AVTOV yap av^et co'craA.ovt'/oy rov TLavXov f.\ LV T ^ s v<rej3ei'as 
TO ovccvos TT/S e/cAoyiys . . . ei/ avTTj /xaAAov rov rrj<s 
0eoyv<oo-ia9 cnropov /caT/?aAe, KOU TroXv^ow a7ro8iSoo-0at TOV T??? 

7TtCTT(OS KdpTTOV 8te(T7TOi;8a(7e. 

Cameniata Z)e excidio Thessalonicensi 3. 

' It is this close combination of cosmopolitan Judaism 
with cosmopolitan Hellenism which afforded the new religion 
its non-local, non-parochial hot-beds, and fitted it (humanly 
speaking) for the acceptance of the world.' 

J. P. Mahaffy The Silver Age of the Greek World 
(1906) p. 317. 

i. The I. It was during what is generally known as his Second 

Founda- Missionary Journey that St Paul first visited Thessalonica, 

the Thes- and founded the Christian Church there. Obliged to leave 

Church 1 Philippi, the Apostle along with Silas and, in all probability, 

Timothy, turned his face towards the South, and, following 

the line of the Great Egnatian Road which here runs through 

scenery of great natural beauty 1 , pushed on steadily over the 

hundred miles that separated Philippi from Thessalonica 2 . 

In the latter busy seaport with its varied population and 

strenuous life St Paul would find just such a scene of work 

as he most desired. At once along with his companions he 

entered on an active mission amongst the Jews of the place, 

frequenting the Synagogue on three successive Sabbath days 

(eVt o-d/Bpara rpla, Ac. xvii. 2) and reasoning in friendly 

intercourse (SteXefaro) with the assembled worshippers 3 . 

1 Kenan St Paul (1869) P- T 54 f ' *he Apostle's successive resting-places 

2 According to the Antonine Itinerary, for the night. But, as the ordinary 
the actual distances were from Philippi rate for travellers on foot did not 
to Amphipolis thirty-three miles, from exceed sixteen to twenty Koman miles 
Amphipolis to Apollonia thirty miles, a day (Ramsay in Hastings' D.B. \. 
and from Apollonia to Thessalonica p. 386), the whole journey probably 
thirty-seven miles, and in consequence occupied from five to six days. 

it has been conjectured that Amphi- 3 Amongst the inscriptions found at 
polis and Apollonia (Ac. xvii. i) formed Thessalonica is a fragment of uncertain 


In doing so, as was natural with such an audience, the 
Apostle found a common starting-point in the Jewish Scriptures, 
expounding and quoting them to prove (Siavoiycov /cat irapa- 
Tideiisvos) that the Christ, for whom the Jews had been taught 
to look, ought to suffer and to rise again from the dead, and 
then passing on to show that these things were indeed ful- 
filled in the historical Jesus whom he had now come to 
proclaim (v. 3). Nor was this all, but, to judge from the nature 
of the charge afterwards brought against the missionaries 
('saying that there is another King, Jesus' v. 7), special stress 
would seem to have been laid on the doctrine of the Kingdom 
which had played so large a part in the teaching of Jesus 
Himself, and above all, as we see clearly from the two Epistles 
afterwards addressed to the Thessalonian Church, upon its 
speedy and final establishment by the glorious return of its 
now exalted and heavenly King. 

So far as the Jews were concerned, the immediate effect 
of this preaching was small, but, in addition to the 'some' of 
them who were persuaded, the historian of the Acts mentions 
other two classes who 'consorted' with the Apostles, or more 
exactly 'were allotted' to them by Divine favour (Trpocre- 
/c\r)pa)6'r)aav), namely, 'of the devout Greeks a great multitude, 
and of the chief women not a few' (v. 4). Both these classes 
were of Gentile birth 1 . And this in itself prepares us for 
the further fact, not referred to in Acts, but amply attested 
by the contents of St Paul's own Epistles, that, on the com- 
parative failure of this Jewish mission, the Apostles turned 
directly to the Gentile inhabitants of the town, and prosecuted 
their teaching amongst them with a far larger degree of success 
(cf. I. i. 9, ii. I4) 2 . 

date, but as late as imperial times, instance it is more natural to think of 

which reads x mr~HEBP o-wjcryaryrj them as of Macedonian extraction 

E/3p[aW], see J.H.S. xviii. (1898), (cf. Knowling E.G.T. ad loc.). For 

p. 333. the important part played by women 

1 Dr Hort indeed thinks that the in Macedonia see Lightfoot Philip- 

'chief women' were probably the plans* p. 55 f., Eamsay St Paul the 

Jewish wives of heathen men of dis- Traveller and the Roman Citizen p. 

tinction as in Ac. xiii. 50 (Jud. 227. 

Christianity p. 89), but on that oc- 2 The Lukan and Pauline accounts 

casion the women were found ranked would be brought into closer harmony 

against the Apostles, and in the present if in Ac. xvii. 4 we could adopt Kam- 




How long St Paul continued his work amongst the Gentiles 
in Thessalonica we can only conjecture, but there are various 
particulars that indicate that it may well have extended over 
several months. Thus, apart from the two separate occasions 
on which he received help from Philippi (Phil. iv. 15 f.), a 
fact in itself pointing to a considerable lapse of time, the 
Apostle evidently found it worth his while to settle down for a 
time to his ordinary trade, and thereby secure the opportunity 
not only of instructing his converts as a whole in the main 
Christian truths (I. i. 9 f.), but of dealing directly and person- 
ally with them (I. ii. 7, 1 1 ; see further p. xlv). There is also 
evidence of a certain amount of organization in the newly- 
formed community either immediately previous to or after the 
missionaries' departure (I. v. 12 ff.). Nor is it without signifi- 
cance as showing how widely St Paul had succeeded in making 
his presence and influence felt outside the circle of his own 
immediate followers that 'the city,' evidently 'all the city' 
(A.V.), though there is no warrant for ' all ' in the original, 
was set in an uproar by the attack made against him (v. 5). 

The primary instigators of this attack were the Jews who, 
Paul. moved by jealousy of the success attending St Paul's preaching, 
but unable of themselves to thwart it, enlisted on their side 
'certain vile fellows of the rabble,' the lazzaroni of the market- 
place, who must have been very numerous in such a city as 
Thessalonica, and with their aid assaulted the house of Jason, 
in which apparently the Apostles were lodging. It had been 
their intention to bring them before that assembly of the 
people which, in virtue of their libera condicio (see p. xxii n. 8 ), 
the Thessalonians were privileged to hold. But means had 
been found for the Apostles' escape, and the mob had to 
content themselves with wreaking their vengeance on Jason 
and certain others of the brethren by bringing them before the 
politarchs, or city-magistrates, on the charge of being revolu- 
tionaries ' these that have turned the world upside down ' 
(v. 6) and more particularly of acting ' contrary to the decrees 
of Caesar, saying that there is another King, Jesus ' (v. 7). 

say's emendation of the text, resulting TroXtf (St Paul p. 235) ; but the reading 
from a comparison of A with D, TroXXot is wanting in MS. authority, nor is it 
TUV (rej3ofjitvwi> Kal 'EXX^wj/ irXydos required on internal grounds. 


The charge was cleverly planned, and in itself clearly betrays 
the Jewish prompting which, as we have just seen, underlay 
the whole riot, for only Jews thought of the Messiah as King 
and could thus have accused the Apostles of proclaiming Jesus 
as 'another' King. At the same time no charge was more 
likely to arouse the hostility of the Greek magistrates 1 . As in 
the case of Pilate, when a similar accusation was laid before 
him against the Lord Himself (Lk. xxiii. 2, Jo. xix. 12, 15), 
the politarchs would be very sensitive to any appearance of 
tolerating treason against the honour of the Emperor, and it 
says much for their desire to administer justice impartially that 
they contented themselves with requiring that 'security,' 
probably in the form of a pecuniary surety or bond, should be 
taken from Jason and the others that the peace of the city 
should not be further disturbed 2 . Moderate, however, though 
this decision was 3 , it made it impossible for St Paul to remain 
in Thessalonica without the risk of involving his friends in 
serious troubles, and possibly of arousing active official oppo- 
sition to his whole work, and accordingly along with Silas he 
departed by night for the important city of Beroea 4 , whither he 
was followed soon after by Timothy. 

2. The missionaries' reception there was even more en- 2. De- 
couraging than at Thessalonica. No longer 'some' but 'many' f^rhe 
of the Jews believed, and along with them 'of the Greek women salonica. 
of honourable estate, and of men, not a few' (v. 12). But the B 
work was not long allowed to go on in peace. The bitter 
malice of the Thessalonian Jews followed St Paul here, and 
so successful were they in again 'stirring up and troubling 
the multitudes' that the brethren sent for the Apostle to go 

1 'Nee Caesaribus honor' is one of illustrated from the inscriptions, e.g. 
the complaints of Tacitus against the O.G.I.S. 484, 50 (ii./A.D.) rb iKav\bv 
Jews (Hist. v. 5). And Just. M. Apol. irpb /c/><r]ews \[a]/j.pdi>e<r6cu, 629, 101 
i. n (Otto) proves how necessary the (ii./A.D.) o6[ros r]6 Uavbv Xa/A/Sa^rw. 
first Christians found it to show that 3 Kamsay describes it as ' the mildest 
by 'kingdom ' they understood nothing that was prudent in the circumstances ' 
'human' (oik els TO vvv rds \7rL8as (St Paul p. 230). 

fyonev)- 4 In an inscription discovered at 

2 Ac. xvii. 9. The phrase Xa/u/3dvetj> Beroea belonging to ii./A.D., the city 
rb iKav6v, which Blass (Acta Aposto- is described as r, a-e^voraTr} fjL-r}Tpoiro\is 
lorum p. 187) traces to Latin influence TTJS MaKeSWcts Kal 5ls j/ew/c6/>os B<f/>ota 
satisdare, satis accipere, can now be (Rev. d. Etudes grecques xv. p. 142). 


Athens. 'as far as to the sea,' where, probably at Dium, some of them 

embarked along with him for Athens (v. 14 f.). 

3. Move- 3. Meanwhile Silas and Timothy remained behind at 
Silas and Beroea, perhaps to prosecute the newly started work, possibly 
Timothy, also to know when it would be safe for St Paul to return to 
Thessalonica, but in any case with instructions to rejoin him as 
quickly as possible. If we had only the account in Acts to 
guide us, we might imagine that they were not able to ac- 
complish this until St Paul reached Corinth (cf. Ac. xviii. 5). 
But again the historical narrative requires to be supplemented 
by the Apostle's own Epistle. For the mention of the despatch 
of Timothy on a special mission to Thessalonica while St Paul 
was still at Athens shows us that he at least had previously 
rejoined the Apostle there (I. iii. I f.); and if so, it is probable 
that Silas had also done the same in accordance with the 
urgent message already sent to both (Ac. xvii. 15). And if we 
can think of the despatch of Silas himself shortly afterwards on 
a similar errand, perhaps to Philippi, with which at the time 
St Paul was in communication (Phil. iv. 15), we can under- 
stand, in accordance with the definite statements of Ac. xviii. 5, 
how on the conclusion of their respective missions the two 
messengers 'came down from Macedonia' to St Paul at Corinth, 
to which city he had gone on alone from Athens 1 . 

Timothy's The report which Timothy brought back from Thessalonica, 
from 1 supplemented possibly by a letter from the Thessalonians 
Thessa- themselves addressed to St Paul 2 , was evidently in the main 
highly satisfactory. The Thessalonians, to judge from the 
Epistle afterwards addressed to them, which is our only defi- 
nite source of information, had proved themselves worthy 
of their 'election' not only in the manner in which they them- 
selves had received the Gospel, but in the 'ensample' they 

1 Cf. Paley Hor. Paul. c. ix. 4. It phatie KaraXfL^d^ai 'left behind' of 
is of course possible that St Paul only I. iii. i, suggesting the immediately 
sent instructions from Athens to previous presence of his companions 
Timothy and Silas while still at with the writer (see note ad loc.). 
Beroea to proceed thence on their 2 For an interesting attempt to re- 
respective missions, and consequently construct this letter see Rendel Harris 
that it was actually first at Corinth 'A Study in Letter- writing,' Exp. v. 
that they rejoined him. But the ex- viii. p. 161 f., and cf. Add. Note A, 
planation given above seems more 'St Paul as a Letter- Writer, p. 126.' 
natural, especially in view of the em- 


had subsequently set to believers throughout Macedonia and 
Achaia (I. i. 4 ff.). At the same time they were exposed to 
certain dangers requiring immediate attention if they were 
indeed to prove a ' crown of glorying ' at the Parousia of the 
Lord Jesus (I. ii. 19). 

4. Thus it would appear that no sooner had St Paul and 4- Circum- 
his companions left Thessalonica than suspicions had begun to leading 
be cast upon the whole course of their Apostolic ministry, with ^^ of 
the obvious intention of diverting the Thessalonian believers i Thessa- 
from their allegiance. Nowhere are we expressly told who were 

the authors of these insinuations. And in consequence many tions 
have referred them to the heathen population of Thessalonica 1 against 
who would naturally resent bitterly the defection of their fellow- St Paul 
countrymen from the old standards of faith and morals. But if 
so, it hardly seems likely that their opposition would have taken 
this particular form, or, even supposing it had, that it would 
have had much effect upon the Christian converts. These last 
could not but know that their fellow-countrymen's zeal against 
the Apostles was dictated not only by prejudice, but by 
ignorance of the facts of the case, and they would hardly allow 
themselves to be led astray by those who had never put them- 
selves in the way of discovering what was the real character and 
teaching of the men they were so eager to traduce. 

If, however, the attacks came from a Jewish source, the case by the 
would be very different. The Thessalonian Jews would be able 

to claim that in virtue of their own past history, and the ants of 

' oracles' that had been committed to their fathers, they were in i on ica/ 

a better position to decide than any newly admitted Gentile 
converts could possibly be, what was the true relation of the 
Apostles' teaching to the whole course of that Divine revela- 
tion, of which it claimed to be the natural and necessary 
fulfilment. We must not indeed suppose that their attacks 
assumed the definite form which St Paul had afterwards to 
face in connexion with his Judaistic opponents in Galatia and 
elsewhere. Of this there is as yet no trace in the Epistles 
before us 2 . On the other hand we can easily understand how 

1 So e.g. Clemen, Paulus (1904) ii. Tr. p. 58 'The new converts were 
p. 181 f. threatened, not by a false Gospel, but 

2 Jiilicher Introd. to the N. T. Eng. by rabid hatred of any Gospel.' 

M. THESS. c 


ready the Jewish inhabitants of Thessalonica would be by open 
assertion and covert hint to throw discredit on the Apostle's 
character and credentials with the object of undermining as 
far as possible the effect of his work 3 . 

It is this latter consideration indeed, which alone enables 
us to understand the large place which St Paul devotes to 
this subject in his Epistle. It may seem strange at first sight 
that he should have thought it worth while to defend himself 
and his companions from attacks coming from a source so 
manifestly inspired by unworthy motives. But the Apostle 
could not but recognize that much more than his own personal 
honour was at stake. The whole future of the Gospel at 
Thessalonica would be endangered, if these ' perverse and 
wicked men' (II. iii. 2) were allowed to get their way. And 
therefore it was that he found it necessary for the Word's sake, 
if not for his own, that they should not only be answered, but 
repudiated and condemned in the most emphatic manner 

(I ii. IS f-)- 

Persecu- Nor was this the only point on which Timothy's report 

theVhes- cause d St Paul grave concern. The persecution, which the 
salonian Apostle had foretold as the lot of Christ's people everywhere, 
had evidently fallen in full measure on the young Thessalonian 
community (I. iii. 3 ff.). And though as yet there were no 
signs of active backsliding, but rather the contrary, St Paul 
dreaded that such a state of things might not continue, 
and that his converts might suffer themselves to be 'lured 
away' (v. 3) from that standing fast in the Lord (v. 8), through 
which alone they could hope to obtain full and complete 
salvation at the Lord's appearing (v. 13, cf. v. 9). The ex- 
hortation of a father therefore (ii. 11) was required, as well 
as the tender dealing of a mother (ii. 7), and this all the more 
in view of certain other matters of a more directly practical 
kind, on which Timothy had evidently represented the Thessa- 
lonians as requiring further guidance. 


1 Cf. B. Weiss 'The Present Status 
of the Inquiry concerning the Genuine- 
ness of the Pauline Epistles' in Amer. 
Journ. of Theol. i. (1897) p. 332 f. 

a paper in which there are many sug- 
gestive remarks regarding the Epistles 
before us. 


These concerned in the first place their moral conduct. Their 
Christian believers though they were, the Thessalonians had m 
not yet learned the completeness of the severance which their 
new faith demanded from various habits and practices they had 
hitherto been accustomed to regard as ' indifferent,' nor the 
necessity of a quiet, orderly continuance in the work and 
relationships of their daily life, notwithstanding the speedy 
coming of their Lord for which they had been taught to look 
(iv. i 12). 

And then as regards that coming itself, there were at least and 
two points on which the Apostle's previous instruction required dim"* 1 
to be supplemented. culties, 

In the first place the Thessalonians had to be reassured 
on a question which was giving them grave concern, and on 
which apparently they had definitely asked St Paul's opinion. 
What of those of their number who were falling asleep while 
as yet Christ had not come ? Would they in consequence 
be shut out from the glory by which His coming would be 
attended 1 ? By no means, so the Apostle hastened to comfort 
them, in one of the few pictorial representations of the Last 
Things that occur in his writings; they would rather be the 
first to share in that glory. For not till the ' dead in Christ ' 
had risen, would the living be caught up along with them 
to meet the descending Lord in the air (iv. 13 -18). 

In the second place, as regarded the time of that coming, 
which to the Thessalonians in their eager love for Christ might 
seem to be unaccountably delayed, St Paul recalled what they 
ought never to have forgotten, that the Day of the Lord would 
come as a surprise, and that in consequence their present duty 
was not to be over-anxious on a point regarding which no 
certain knowledge was possible, but rather to watch and be 
sober, putting on the triple armour of faith and love and 
hope a hope grounded on God's gracious purposes towards 
them, and on the redemptive work of Christ through which 

1 The same problem meets us in dixit ad me : coronae adsimilabo iudi- 

4 Ezra v. 41 f. (ed. Bensly) : 'Et dixi: cium meum; sicut non nouissimorum 

sed ecce, domine, tu praees his qui in tarditas, sic nee priorum uelocitas.' 

fine sunt, et quid facient qui ante iios See further note ad I. iv. 15. 
sunt aut nos aut hi qui post nos ? Et 

C 2 


alone the fulfilment of these purposes had been rendered 
possible (v. i n). 

and Nor was this all, but as appears from the closing section 

(ntern e ai n of the E P istle > St Paul had evidently also been informed of 
discipline, certain difficulties that had arisen in the internal discipline 
of the young community, and in consequence seized the oppor- 
tunity of reinforcing the authority of those who had been placed 
in positions of trust, and of laying down certain general rules of 
holy living, by means of which the well-being of the whole 
community might be secured, and its members be 'preserved 
entire, without blame ' at the coming of the Lord Jesus Christ 
(v. 1223). 

The Such then would seem to have been the circumstances 

substitute whidi led up to the writing of this Epistle, and the manner 
for a in which St Paul met them. Nothing indeed can be clearer 
visit. from the Epistle itself than how much the Apostle regretted 
having to fall back upon this method of communicating with 
his beloved converts. Gladly would he rather have revisited 
them in person, and indeed, as he expressly tells them, on two- 
occasions he had actually made the attempt, but in vain 
'Satan hindered us' (ii. 18). No other course then remained 
open for him but to have resort to a letter, a means of 
conveying religious truth which he had made peculiarly his 
own 1 , and of which he had doubtless frequently availed himself 
before in communicating with the Churches he had founded 2 . 
Written in It is noteworthy too, how closely on the present occasion 
of an*" 3 J St Paul associated Silas and Timothy with himself in the 

the mis- writing of the Epistle. For not only do their names occur 
sionaries. , , , . , . i , 

along with his own in the Address in accordance with a 

favourite and characteristic practice 3 , but the first person plural 

1 See further Add. Note A, 'St Paul other hand I. v. 27, II. ii. 15, iii. 17 f. 
as a Letter- Writer.' have been taken as implying that the 

2 Note the emphatic h navy eTri<rTo\fj habit of sending important Epistles 
in II. iii. 17, which naturally implies was new (Weiss Introd. to the N.T., 
more than a single precursor (San- Eng. Tr. i. p. 204; cf. von Sodeu 
day Inspiration p. 336), and 'On Hist, of Early Christian Literature 
the Probability that many of St Paul's Eng. Tr. p. 27 f.). 

Epistles have been lost ' see Jowett 3 Cf. Cic. ad Att. ix. 7 A. Farrar 
The Epistles of St Paul to the Thessa- (St Paul i. p. 579) recalls the saying 
lonians 2 &c. (1859) * P- *95 ff - On tlae of Origen that the concurrence of Paul 


is maintained throughout both this Epistle and its successor with 
a regularity to which we have no subsequent parallel 1 . It will 
be well therefore to recognize this fact in our subsequent ex- 
position of the Epistle's teaching, and to refer the views there 
expressed to all three Apostles, even though St Paul must 
be regarded as their primary and principal author. 

5. This same consideration helps also to establish what our 5- 
previous account of St Paul's movements has made sufficiently f 7 Thef- 
clear, that it was at Corinth that the First Epistle to the Thessa- salonians. 
lonians was written, for it was there, as we have seen, that 

Silas and Timothy rejoined him on the conclusion of their 
respective missions, nor, so far at least as we can gather from 
the Lukan account, was there any subsequent period in their 
history when the three missionaries were together in one place, 
and consequently in a position to act as joint-sponsors of the 

With this view the internal evidence of the Epistle itself is 
in complete harmony. To place it earlier, as for example at 
Athens, in accordance with the 'subscription' in certain MSS. 
and followed by the A.V., would hardly leave time for all that 
had taken place in the Church at Thessalonica after the 
Apostles' departure (ii. 14, iii. I 6), and, above all, for the 
influence the Thessalonian believers had been able to exert 
on the surrounding district (i. J f., iv. 10). On the other hand, 
to place it subsequent to St Paul's departure from Corinth 
where he remained a year and a half (Ac. xviii. 1 1 ), is obviously 
inconsistent with the freshness that marks his references to 
his Thessalonian friends (i. 5, ii. I fF.), and with his express 
statement that as yet he had been separated from them only 
' for a short season ' (ii. 1 7). 

6. If then we are correct in regarding Corinth as the place 6. Date, 
of writing of the Epistle, and are prepared further to think of a 
comparatively early period in the Apostle's sojourn there, the 

exact date will be determined by the view taken of the chrono- 
logy of St Paul's life. It is a subject on which authorities 

and Silas flashed out the lightning of 1 See further Add. Note B, 'Did 
these Epistles (Horn. V. in Jerem. St Paul use the Epistolary Plural?' 
588 b). 


widely differ, but the general tendency is to throw the dates 
backward rather than forward, and we shall probably not be 
far wrong if we place the writing of our Epistle somewhere 
about 5051 A.D. 

Harnack (Chronol. d. altchr. Litt. (1897) i- P- 2 39 n>1 ) dates 
the two Epistles as early as 48 49, and in this he is followed 
by McGiffert (art. ' Thessalonians (Epistles to) ' in Encyc. 
Bill col. 5037). The 'Chronology of the N.T.' advocated by 
Turner in Hastings' D.B., which has met with wide acceptance, 
would throw them forward a year (50), while Ramsay (St Paul 
p. 254) prefers 51 52, the earlier of these dates being also 
supported by St Paul's latest biographer Clemen (see his 
Paulus i. p. 398). W. Bruckner (Chronol. p. 193 ff.), while 
dating the four chief Epistles as late as 61 62, agrees that, 
if i Thessalonians is really the work of St Paul, it must be 
carried back to a much earlier period in the Apostle's life, 
when his theological system was not yet fully developed ; 
cf. Menegoz Le Peche et la Redemption d'apres Saint Paul 
(Paris, 1882) p. 4. 

i Thessa- On this view too of the date, we are probably justified in 
10 robabl regarding i Thessalonians as the earliest of St Paul's extant 
the Epistles. It is impossible indeed to ignore the fact that in 

extant* recent years this honour has been claimed with increasing per- 
Pauline sistency for the Epistle to the Galatians by a very influential 
band of scholars. And, if we are prepared to admit the South 
Galatian address of that Epistle, there is no doubt that a place 
can be found for it previous to the above-mentioned date, and, 
further, that this position is favoured by the often striking 
coincidences between its language and the incidents of the 
First Missionary Journey, and more specially the speech de- 
livered by the Apostle at Pisidian Antioch in the course of it 1 . 

On 'the other hand, if such resemblances in language and 
thought are to be reckoned with, how are we to explain the 
fact that in the Thessalonian Epistle, written, according to most 
of the supporters of this view, very shortly after Galatians (see 
small print below), there is an almost complete absence of any 
trace of the distinctive doctrinal positions of that Epistle ? 
No doubt the differences in the circumstances under which the 

1 The various arguments that bear The Testimony of St Paul to Christ 
upon the exact date of Galatians will (1905) p. 28 ff.; see also Moffatt Hist. 
be found carefully stated by Knowling N.T. p. 125 f. 


two Epistles were written, and the particular ends they had in 
view, may account for much of this dissimilarity. At the same 
time, while not psychologically impossible, it is surely most 
unlikely that the same writer and he too a writer of St Paul's 
keen emotional nature should show no signs in this (according 
to this view) later Epistle of the conflict through which he had 
just been passing, and on which he had been led to take up so 
strong and decided a position. 

If, however, in accordance with the older view, I Thessa- 
lonians along with its successor to the same Church can still 
be placed first, all is clear. As an example of St Paul's mission- 
ary teaching, written before the acuter controversies of his later 
years had forced themselves upon him, and made inevitable 
the presentment of the old truths in a new way, it stands in 
its natural relation to the earlier missionary discourses of 
Acts, which in so many respects it resembles, while the Epistle 
to the Galatians ranks itself along with the other great 
doctrinal Epistles to the Corinthians and the Romans, whether, 
with the majority of modern critics, we place it first amongst 
these, or, with Bishop Lightfoot, in an intermediate position 
between 2 Corinthians and Romans. 

Considerable variety of opinion exists among the supporters 
of the priority of Galatians as to the exact date to be assigned 
to it. Dr Vernon Bartlet (Exp. v. x. p. 263 ff., Apost. Age 
p. 84 ff.), reviving a view suggested by Calvin, thinks that it 
was written at Antioch on St Paul's way to the Council of 
Jerusalem. The same conclusion was arrived at, much about 
the same time, on independent grounds by the Romanist 
Dr Weber (see his Die Abfassung des Galaterbriefes vor dem 
Apostel-Konzil, Ravensburg, 1900, summarized in J.T.S. iii. 
(1902) p. 630 ff.), and recently has formed the main thesis of 
Mr Douglas Round's Essay The Date, of St Paul's fipistle to the 
Galatians (Cambridge, 1906). As a rule, however, a period subse- 
quent to the Council of Jerusalem is preferred McGiffert (Hist, 
of Christianity in the Apost. Age p. 226 ff.) dating the Epistle 
from Antioch before St Paul departed on his Second Missionary 
Journey, Clemen (as against his own earlier view, Chronol. 
p. ippff.) assigning it rather to the Apostle's stay in Athens 
(Paulus i. p. 396 ff, ii. p. 164 ff.), and Zahn (Einl. in d. N.T. 
i. p. 139 ff.) and Rendall (Exp. iv. ix. p. 254) carrying it 
forward to the beginning of the visit to Corinth in the course 
of the same journey. On this last view it can only have 
preceded the Thessalonian Epistles by a few weeks, or at most 


months (cf. Bacon Introd. to the N.T. p. 57 .). The later, 
and more widely accepted, dates assigned to Galatians have 
no direct bearing upon the point before us, except in so far 
as they emphasize that we are there dealing with a wholly 
different 'type' of teaching from that which meets us in the 
Thessalonian Epistles. 

Des- 7. St Paul makes no mention of how his Epistle was sent 

to Thessalonica, but at a time when there was no regular 
lonians. system of posts except for imperial purposes, it can only have 
been by the hand of a personal courier or friend 1 . And it was 
perhaps through him on his return that the Apostle received 
the news which led to the writing of his second Epistle. 
8. Cir- 8. That news was evidently of a somewhat mingled 

stances character. On the one hand, there were not wanting traces 
leading to o f an exceedingly growing faith and of an abounding love 
ing of on the Thessalonians' part (II. i. 3) together with an endurance 
un der continued persecution which called forth the Apostle's 
warmest praise, and seemed in his eyes a happy augury of his 
converts' future bliss at the revelation of the Lord Jesus from 
heaven (i. 4 12). But as against this, there were only too 
evident signs that the thought of the imminence of that reve- 
lation was still exercising a disturbing influence over the 
Thessalonians' daily conduct. So far from their excitement 
having been allayed by St Paul's first letter, as he hoped it 
would have been, the reverse would seem rather to have been 
the case, and not only so, but their restlessness had been still 
further fomented by certain pneumatic utterances, and even by 
carefully reasoned words and a letter, one or all of them shield- 
ing themselves under the Apostle's name and authority, to the 
effect that the Day of the Lord was not only imminent, but was 
actually come (ii. 2). 

In these circumstances then, what more natural than that 
St Paul should seize the opportunity of once more recalling to 
his converts another aspect of his eschatological teaching, of 
which he had been in the habit of speaking (\eyov, ii. 5) 
while with them, but of which apparently they had lost sight? 
Sudden and unexpected though the coming of the Day of the 
Lord would be, it would nevertheless be preceded by certain 

1 See further Add. Note A, 'St Paul as a Letter- Writer, ' p. 130. 


clearly-defined signs, foremost amongst which was the appear- 
ance of the Man of lawlessness, who for the time being was held 
in check, but whose revelation was to be looked for as the final 
precursor of the end. With the details of this crowning revela- 
tion of evil, we are not at present concerned. It is enough 
that in the very thought of it St Paul found an additional 
argument alike for a continued steadfastness on the part of his 
converts (ii. 13 16), and for a quiet and orderly walk, as 
contrasted with the disorderliness which certain idlers and 
busybodies in their midst were displaying (iii. I 15). 

9. More need hardly be said as to the circumstances in 9- p . lace 
which this Second Epistle was written, for the general simi- and Date 8 
larity between it and its predecessor, to which fuller reference 
will have to be made afterwards (see p. Ixxx ff.), shows that in 
the main the historical conditions of the Thessalonian Church 
were very little altered 1 , and that consequently the Second 
Epistle must have been written not many months after the 
First. We therefore date it also from Corinth within the 
period already specified 50 51 A.D. 

The idea first advocated by Grotius (Annot. in N.T. ii. -2 Thessa- 
p. yisff.), and adopted by Ewald (Sendschreiben des Paulus ^J ia ^ or 
p. 17!), Laurent (NTliche Stud. p. 49 ff.), an d (from his own to z xhes- 
standpoint) Baur (Paul, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 336 ff.), that 2 Thessa- salonians. 
lonians was written before i Thessalonians can no longer be 
said to have any serious supporters. Thus, without attaching 
too great weight to such passages as II. ii. 2, 15 which, if not 
directly referring to i Thessalonians, are best explained by 
its existence, it is excluded by I. ii. 17 iii. 6 which could 
hardly have been written by St Paul, if he had previously 
addressed a letter to Thessalonica. The whole relationship 
indeed of 2 to i Thessalonians is of a secondary character 
alike on its literary side, and in the picture presented of the 
* developed ' circumstances of the Church, as shown by the 
heightened praise (IT. i. 4: I. ii. 14) and blame (II. iii. 6 f . : 
I. iv. ii), which these circumstances now called forth. 

1 'Wir treffen...Stimmungen, Er- iiber das bisher bekannte Mass hinaus 

wartungen, Bestrebungen, Lebens- gehobenen Steigerung.' Klopper Der 

formen nach der lobens- wie tadelns- zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (re- 

werthen Seite bin an, in denen wir printed from Theologische Studien und 

alten Bekannten wiederbegegnen. Nur Skizzen aus Ostpreussen ii. p. 73 ff.) 

Alles, Gutes wie Verkehrtes, einer p. 17. 


10. St 10. Regarding St Paul's subsequent connexion with the 

sequent 1 " Thessalonian Church we have no definite information, but it is 
connexion hardly possible to doubt that on more than one occasion he was 
salonica. a ^le to carry out his ardently cherished desire of revisiting in 
person his friends there. Thus he would naturally pass through 
the city both coming and going on his Third Missionary Journey 
(Ac. xx. I ff.), and if we accept the belief in a renewed period of 
active work on the part of the Apostle between a first and 
second Roman imprisonment, he would be almost certain to 
stop at Thessalonica on the occasion of that journey to Philippi 
which he had previously carefully planned in the event of his 
again finding himself a free man (Phil. i. 26, ii. 24). Nor, 
once more, could Thessalonica fail to be included in his pro- 
gramme if he ever paid that last visit to Macedonia, to which 
he alludes in his First Epistle to Timothy (i. 3) 1 . 

1 See further Add. Note C, ' The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul.' 



'Jeder einzelne paulinische Brief 1st eine christliche That 
und will als solche verstanden sein.' 

W. BORNEMANN Die Thessolonicherbriefe p. 256. 

I. From what has already been said of the circumstances i. The 
under which the Epistles to the Thessalonians were written, a^true 
it must be clear that they are in no sense literary documents, letters, 
still less theological treatises, but genuine letters intended 
to meet passing needs, and with no thought of any wider 
audience than those to whom they were originally addressed 1 . 
Of all the N.T. Epistles which have come down to us, they 
are amongst the most 'personal/ and illustrate to perfection 
the 'stenographed conversation' which Renan claims as a 
distinctive feature of the Pauline style 2 . 

Greatly however as this adds to the living interest of 
the Epistles, it is one main source of their difficulties. For, 
whether or not they form only part of a correspondence that 
was passing between St Paul and the Thessalonian Church 
(cf. p. xxx), they so abound in allusions to what the Thessa- 

1 On the whole question of Letter toral Letter addressed by a Church 

versus Epistle in the case of the to its members, or a minister to his 

Pauline literature see especially Deiss- congregation, than to what we under- 

mann BS. p. 3 ff ., and on the danger stand by the ' letter ' of ordinary corre- 

of carrying the distinction too far cf. spondence. 

Lock The Bible and Christian Life 2 Saint Paul (ed. 1869) p. 231 f., 

p. 114 ff., and Kamsay The Letters to 'Le style epistolaire de Paul est le 

the Seven Churches (1904) p. 22 ff. plus personnel qu'il y ait jamais eu.... 

The fact is that the Pauline Epistles On dirait une rapide conversation 

require a new category : while letters, stenographiee et reproduite sans cor- 

they are distinctively religious letters, rections.' 
approaching more nearly to the Pas- 



' occa- 
sional ' 
in their 

but filled 





lonians already know, or have been asking, that it is hardly 
too much to say, that the more familiar the subjects with which 
they deal were to their first readers, the more veiled they are 
from us 1 . 

It is a complete mistake, however, to suppose that because 
our Epistles are thus 'occasional' writings in the strict sense 
of the word, they are therefore marked by that poverty of 
subject-matter which has sometimes been urged against them. 
On the contrary, if, as we shall have occasion to see more fully 
again, what we have come to regard as the distinctive doctrines 
of Paulinism are awanting, and awanting because the special 
circumstances demanding them had not yet arisen, the Epistles 
are nevertheless filled with definite religious teaching. Com- 
bined with the speeches in Acts, which in so many respects 
they recall 2 , they contain the best evidence we possess as to 
the general character of St Paul's missionary preaching to 
Gentiles 3 . 

It is not possible to illustrate this at length here, but 
I. i. 9 f. may be referred to as a convenient summary of the 
earliest Pauline teaching with its two foci of Monotheism, the 
belief in the one living and true God, as distinguished from 

1 The student will not regret being 
reminded of John Locke's famous 
' Essay for the understanding of St 
Paul's Epistles, by consulting St Paul 
himself,' prefixed to his Paraphrase 
and Notes on certain of the Epistles 
(London, 1823) : cf. especially p. 4, 
' The nature of epistolary writings in 
general disposes the writer to pass by 
the mentioning of many things, as 
well known to him to whom his letter 
is addressed, which are necessary to 
be laid open to a stranger, to make 
him comprehend what is said: and 
it not seldom falls out that a well- 
penned letter, which is very easy and 
intelligible to the receiver, is very 
obscure to a stranger, who hardly 
knows what to make of it.... Add to 
this, that in many places it is manifest 
he answers letters sent, and questions 
proposed to him, which, if we had, 

would much better clear those pas- 
sages that relate to them than all the 
learned notes of critics and commen- 
tators, who in after-times fill us with 
their conjectures ; for very often, as to 
the matter in hand, they are nothing 

2 Cf. e.g. for linguistic parallels 
i Thess. i. 9 with Ac. xiv. 1551 Thess. 
i. 10 with Ac. xvii. 3151 Thess. iii. 4 
with Ac. xiv. 22 ; i Thess. v. 9 with 
Ac. xx. 28 : and for the general simi- 
larity of teaching see Sabatier L'Apdtre 
Paul (Strassburg, 1870) pp. 85 97, 
Eng. Tr. pp. 95111. 

3 Prof. B. W. Bacon, while agree- 
ing as to the generally ' missionary ' 
character of the Epistles, points out 
that * Paul's attitude in them is that 
of confirmer rather than proclaimer of 
the Gospel' (The Story of St Paul, 
London, 1905, p. 230). 


the vain idols of heathenism, and the Judgment, as heralded 
by the Parousia of God's Son from heaven, who had already 
proved Himself the only complete Rescuer from the coming 
Wrath. In these great truths, proclaimed not argumentatively, 
but 'in power and in the Holy Spirit and in much assurance' 
(I. i. 5), the missionaries found the most effective means of 
reaching the consciences, and satisfying the religious instincts 
of their heathen auditors, and so of preparing the way for other 
and fuller aspects of Christian doctrine. 

The consequence is that while our Epistles do not exhibit 
the constructive or dialectic skill of the Epistle to the Romans, 
or approach the mystical heights of the Epistle to the Ephesians, 
they reveal with marvellous clearness what has well been called 
the 'pastoral' instinct of the great Apostle 1 , and present an 
unrivalled picture alike of his own missionary character and 
aims, and of the nature of the community he is addressing. 

2. In none other indeed of his Epistles, unless it be in 2. The 
the companion Epistle to a Macedonian Church, the Epistle 

to the Philippians, or in the apologia of the Second Epistle present of 
to the Corinthians, does the real Paul stand out more clearly i n his 
before us in all the charm of his rich and varied personality. 
We see his intense affection for his young converts (I. ii. 7 f., 
17 ff., iii. 5 10, II. i. 4), and his desire for their sympathy and 
prayers (I. v. 25, II. iii. I f.); his keen sensitiveness as to what 
others are saying of him, and the confident assertion of the 
purity of his motives (I. ii. I 12); his proud claim of what 
is due to him as an Apostle of Christ (I. ii. 6), and his willingness 
to forego this right in view of the higher interests of his work 
(I. ii. 9, II. iii. 8 f.); his longing desire for the Thessalonians' 
progress in spiritual things (I. iii. n ff., II. i. ii f.), and the 
fierceness of his indignation against those who were hindering 
the cause of Christ (I. ii. 15 f., iv. 6, II. iii. 2): and we notice 
how through all St Paul is constrained and ruled by his own 

1 Dr Vernon Bartlet (Hastings' D.B. could yet by letter, and so on the 

i. p. 730) finds that 'the true cause' spur of occasion, concentrate all his 

of all the Pauline Epistles 'lay deep wealth of thought, feeling, and matur- 

in the same spirit as breathes in i Th., ing experience upon some particular 

the essentially " pastoral" instinct.... religious situation, and sweep away 

Of a temper too ardent for the more the difficulty or danger.' 
studied forms of writing, St Paul 


sense of union with his Risen Lord, and dependence on His 
authority (I. iv. i f., II. iii. 6, 12). 

and in the Very noteworthy too are the tact and the courtesy which 
spirl ' the Apostle everywhere displays. So far from being the ' very 
disagreeable personage both to himself and others,' whom 
Nietzsche so perversely discovers 1 , he shows the most pains- 
taking desire to do full justice not only to his fellow-workers 
(cf. p. xxxiv f.), but also to his readers. With an intensity 
of feeling, that finds difficulty in expressing itself (I. iii. 9), 
he gives thanks for all (I. i. 2 f, cf. II. i. 3): all, notwith- 
standing the presence of weak and faulty believers amongst 
them, are treated as sons of light, and of the day (I. v. 5): 
and it is to all, with evident emphasis (cf. I. v. 28), that the 
closing greeting of his second and severer Epistle is sent 
(II. iii. 1 8) even the man who is showing signs of setting 
aside his authority is still a 'brother' (II. iii. 14 f.). 

This last form of address, indeed, forms one of the Epistles' 
most noticeable features. It is throughout as ' brothers ' that 
St Paul regards his readers, and he never starts a new line 
of thought without reminding them of the fact, as if to bring 
home to them in the clearest manner, that all these questions 
concerned both them and him alike 2 . 

Hence too, in the appeals which he addresses to them, 
St Paul never loses an opportunity of going back upon his 
readers' previous knowledge (I. i. 5,ii. i f, 5, 9, n, iii. 3 f., iv. 2, 
v. 2, II. ii. 5 f., iii. 7). And when he finds it necessary to 
exhort, he almost goes out of his way to show his appreciation 
of the zeal the young community has already displayed (I. iv. i, 
10, v. u, II. iii. 4). 

and And if such is the spirit of St Paul's missionary work, an 

oThisrnis e( l ua ^y clear light is thrown upon its methods. Driven from 

sionary Philippi, the Apostle might naturally, for a time at any rate, 

have turned to some quieter and more obscure spot ; but 

instead, in characteristic fashion, he boldly carried forward his 

1 Morgenrdtei. 68. 13 f., v. 5, II. i. n f., by which the 

2 'A5eX0o/, as an address, occurs missionaries, almost unconsciously, 
21 times in our Epistles. Notice too identify themselves with their con- 
the subtle change from the 2nd to the verts. 

ist pers. plur. in I. iii. 2 f., iv. 6 f., 


message to what was, in many ways, the most important city 
of the district, in order that from it as a centre the influence of 
his message might penetrate into the whole of the surrounding 
country 1 . 

This is not, however, to say that St Paul at once entered on 
an open and active propaganda amongst the varied population 
of Thessalonica. To have done so would only have been to 
court defeat; and even the preaching in the Synagogue, to 
which in the first instance he trusted for arresting attention, 
formed only a part, and perhaps the less important part of his 
work. That consisted rather in quiet and friendly converse 
with all whom his message had reached. And our Epistles 
enable us to picture him during those long hours of toil for his 
daily support 2 , to which the fear of proving burdensome to 
others had driven him, gathering round him little companies of 
anxious inquirers, and with the authority of a father, and the 
tenderness of a mother, dealing with their individual needs 

(I. ii. I I) S . 

Hence the closeness of the bonds between St Paul and his 
Thessalonian converts : in no forced sense of the phrase they 
were literally his ' greater self.' To be parted from them was to 

1 The Apostle's preference for 'towns' usage of similar terms elsewhere, e.g. 

is in entire accord with the statesman- Asia (Eom. xvi. 5), Achaia (Kom. xv. 

like ideal, which from the first he had 26) , Illyricum (Eom. xv. 19). 

set before himself, of gradually Chris- 2 On the exact nature of this work 

tianizing the Roman Empire : cf. the Epistles throw no light, but it was 

Eamsay Pauline and other Studies probably tent-making (cf. Ac. xviii. 3), 

(London, 1906) p. 49 ff., Lock St Paul though it would appear that the mate- 

the Master-Builder (London, 1899) rial used was not, as is generally 

Lect. i. and ii., and for a full account imagined, cloth or felt but leather : 

of ' missionary methods in the time of cf. the old designation of Paul as 

the Apostles ' with special reference to (T/cirrord/ios (reff. in Suicer Thesaurus 

St Paul see Zahn Skizzen aus dem s.v.), and see further Zahn art.' Paulus' 

Leben der Alien Kirche 2 (Erlangen, in Hauck RE. 3 xv. p. 70 f. 

1898) p. 76 ff. (translated in Exp. vi. 3 Cf. P. Wernle Paulus als Heiden- 

vii., viii., and vn. iv.), and Harnack missionar (Freiburg i. B., 1899) p. 22 f., 

Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Chris- E. von Dobschutz Probleme des Aposto- 

tentums (Leipzig, 1902), Eng. Tr. by lischenZeitalters (Leipzig, 1904) p. 60. 

Moffatt under title The Expansion of The whole of the section on ' The 

Christianity (London, 1904). Organization of the Mission' with its 

By ' the whole of Macedonia ' (I. iv. graphic description of the Apostolic 

i o) we naturally understand the whole 'cure of souls' in WeinePs St Paul 

of the Roman province of that name, Eng. Tr. p. 200 ff. is full of interest. 
in accordance with St Paul's regular 




in the 
of its first 

in its 
' short- 
comings ' 
in moral 

and order, 

suffer 'bereavement' of the acutest kind (I. ii. 17): to hear 
of their continued well-doing was to ' live ' (I. iii. 8) : to see 
them again was his ' constant ' and ' very exceeding ' prayer 
(I. iii. 10). 

Surely there can be no difficulty in recognizing here the 
portrait of one who ' though he was Paul, was also a man 1 / and 
who, in the fine phrase of another early writer, carried ' music ' 
with him wherever his influence penetrated 2 . 

3. Hardly less striking than the picture of their writer is 
the picture of their first readers which our Epistles present a 
picture all the more interesting because here alone in the 
Pauline writings we are brought face to face with a young 
Christian community in all the freshness and bloom of its first 
faith. The Thessalonians, who were by nature of a simple and 
sturdy type of character 3 , had evidently accepted with peculiar 
eagerness the Apostolic message, and even amidst surrounding 
persecution had continued to display a characteristic fidelity 4 , 
which was found deserving of all praise (I. i. 6 f., II. i. 4 ff.). 

There were however various ' shortcomings ' (vo-rep^ara 
I. iii. 10) in their faith which required attention : while it is 
characteristic of them in common with all the early Pauline 
communities, that not at once had they succeeded in freeing 
themselves from some even of the grosser sins of their old pagan 
surroundings (I. iv. 3 8) 5 . Nor was this all, but in their very 
enthusiasm for their new faith with its bright assurance of 

1 Chrys. el Kal IlaOXos rjv a\\' av- 

2 Isidore Epp. ii. 124 6 yfjv Kal 
6d\a<T<rav pvdfUffas. 

s CL Eenan Saint Paul p. 136 ff. 

4 Mommsen Hist, of Rome Bk. in. 
ch. 8, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 229: 'In stead- 
fast resistance to the public enemy 
under whatever name, in unshaken 
fidelity towards their native country 
and their hereditary government, and 
in persevering courage amidst the 
severest trials, no nation in ancient 
history bears so close a resemblance 
to the Eoman people as the Macedo- 
nians ' (cited by Lightfoot Bibl. Essays 
p. 248 n. 5 ). 

5 In addition to possessing all the 
temptations of a great seaport, Thessa- 
lonica was notorious in antiquity as 
one of the seats of the Cabiri, or 
Cabeiri, mysterious deities, whose 
worship was attended with grossly 
immoral rites: cf. Firmicus de Err. 
Prof. Eelig. c. u, 'Hunc eundem 
(Corybantem) Macedonum colit stulta 
persuasio. Hie est Cabirus, cui Thes- 
salonicenses quondam cruento ore cru- 
entis manibus supplicabant' (cited by 
Tafel p. xxxiii). Full particulars re- 
garding the Cabiri will be found in 
Lobeck Aglaopham. iii. ch. 5, p. 1202 ff . : 
see also Lightfoot ut s. p. 257 f. 




(as they believed) an immediate Parousia of the Lord, the 
Thessalonian believers were showing a spirit of restlessness and 
excitement, which was leading to the neglect of their daily 
work and duty, and at the same time making them impatient 
of the restraints their leaders were seeking to lay upon 
them 1 . 

On both points, therefore, we find St Paul addressing to 
them words of prudence and moderation, enforcing, on the one 
hand, the dignity and consecration of labour (I. iv. 1 1 f., II. iii. 
6 if.) 2 , and, on the other, checking the self-assertive spirit, which 
threatened to disturb the peace of the whole community 
(I. v. 12 i, II. iii. 6). 

For it is very noticeable that it is the community as a in its re- 
whole which principally bulks in the Apostle's thoughts. Even 
though there are already clear traces of a certain class who ship, 
were 'to all appearance office-bearers of the Ecclesia,' the 
services which they rendered * were not essentially different 
from services which members of the Ecclesia, simply as 
brethren, were to render each other. They too were to 
admonish the disorderly, as also to do the converse work of 
encouraging the feeble-minded. They too were to make the 
cause of the weak their own, to sustain them, which is at least 

1 As showing how these faults, with we remember that in old Greek thought 

the still more marked virtues of hospi- labour was never regarded otherwise 

tality and brotherly-love, continued to than as a necessity : of. e.g. Aristotle's 

prevail in the Macedonian Church contemptuous allusion to ' those who 

long after the Apostle's time, Arch- live, as their name denotes, O.TTO T&V 

bishop Alexander (Speaker's Comm. on xeip&v ' (Pol. in. iv. 2). According to 

the N.T. iii. p. 701) refers to Hieron. Bigg (The Church's Task in the Roman 

Comm. in Ep. ad Gal. Lib. ii. cap. ii. Empire p. 72) Dion Chrysostom 'is 

opp. torn. vii. 356, ed. Migne : 'Haec the only classical author who speaks 

ex parte usque hodie permanere, non with understanding sympathy of the 

potest dubitare, qui Achaiam viderit. labouring poor.' For the very different 

Macedones in charitate laudantur, et Jewish attitude towards all forms of 

hospitalitate ac susceptione fratrum. honest work see F. Delitzsch Judisches 

Unde ad eos scribitur i Thess. iv. 9. Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu (trans- 

Sed reprehenduntur... (Ibid. TO, n). lated into English as Jewish Artisan 

Quod ne quis putet officio magis do- Life in the Time of Christ in the Unit 

centis, quam vitio gentis admonitum, Library, 1902), Edersheim Sketches 

in secunda ad eosdem inculcat ac of Jewish Social Life c. xi., and cf. 

replicat (2 Thess. iii. 1012).' Taylor Sayings of the Jewish Fathers 2 

3 This is the more noteworthy when (Cambridge, 1897) pp. 18 f., 141. 

M. THESS. d 


one side, if not more, of the " helpful leadership " of the Elders ; 
as well as to show long-suffering towards all 1 .' 

in the And if thus we have here only the first beginnings of later 

oMte " y Church-organization, so Christian worship comes before us in 

worship, its simplest and most comprehensive form. The principal 

stress is laid upon such primary religious duties as praise, 

prayer, and instruction in which all are invited to take part 

(I. v. n). And as the kiss of peace is to be extended to all 

the brethren (I. v. 26), it is again upon all that the closing 

benediction rests (II. iii. 18). 

and in the The very fact too that the Thessalonian believers require 
onts* * ^ e warne d against the danger of indiscriminate bounty 
Christian (II. iii. io f.) shows that, though themselves drawn principally 
era ity. f rom tne p 00rer an( j working classes, they had from the first 
risen to a full sense of their obligation in the matter of 
Christian giving. And that the same trait continued to dis- 
tinguish their later history is proved by the warmth of 
St Paul's commendation of the Macedonian Churches who, 
'according to their power,... yea and beyond their power,' had 
responded to his appeal on behalf of the poor brethren in 
Judaea (2 Cor. viii. I ff.). 

4 . Absence 4- ^ * s obvious from what has been said regarding the 
of plan general character of our Epistles that it is vain to look in them 
Epistles, for any definite plan. Their contents are too personal, too 

varied, to submit themselves to any such restraint. At the 
same time a distinct method and progress of thought is clearly 
traceable in them, so far at least as their leading topics are 
concerned. And though reference has already been made to 
most of these, it may be convenient for the student to have 
them briefly presented again in the order in which they occur 2 . 

5. General 5- Beginning with a greeting which happily combines the 
ofT Thes new watcnwoi> d of ' Grace ' with the old Hebraic salutation of 
salonians. ' Peace,' St Paul and his fellow-writers give thanks with striking 

1 Hort The Christian Ecclesia p. neighbour notice the first and in the 

i26ff. ; cf. Weinel St Paul, Eng. Tr. quotation from i Thessalonians v. 

p. 213, 'In the Pauline communities [12 ff.].' 

the " oversight " and the " admonish- 2 See also the Analyses prefixed to 

ing " were still conceived of as services the two Epistles, pp. 2, 84. 
of love which one man rendered to his 


warmth for the spiritual state of their Thessalonian brethren, i- i- 
And then, as if conscious that it is useless to say anything 1- 2 ~ 10 - 
further until they have set themselves right with their con- 
verts, they proceed to refute certain calumnies, which, so 
they have been informed, are being circulated against them- 

Their apologia takes, as is natural, the form of an ii. 112. 
historical narrative of their ministry at Thessalonica, and is 
marked by frequent appeals to their converts' own knowledge 
of what its character had been. This has the further advantage ii. 1316. 
of giving the Apostles the opportunity of again gratefully 
recognizing how readily the Thessalonians on their part have 
accepted the Word of God, and with what brave endurance 
they have faced the consequent persecution. 

Keturning to more personal matters, St Paul affirms his ii. 1720. 
own and his companions' great desire to see again those who 
have proved such a ' glory ' to them. Only when this was iii. i 10. 
clearly proved to be impossible had he consented to allow 
Timothy to act as his ambassador. And now that he has 
returned with the ' good news ' of the Thessalonians' faith and 
love, words fail the missionaries to express their deep sense 
of thanksgiving and joy. So far moreover from Timothy's 
report leading them to acquiesce in their own enforced absence, 
it has rather increased their desire to see their young converts 
face to face, and to complete the good -work begun in them. 
God alone can secure this. And accordingly it is their con- 
stant prayer that He will open up their way of return, and that iii. 1113. 
meanwhile the hearts of the tried and afflicted Church may be 
stablished in holiness, in view of the approaching Parousia of 
the Lord. 

A second, and more didactic, portion of the Epistle follows, iv - * 
in which the writers proceed to furnish fresh guidance for their 
readers in all that pertains to their Christian calling. In 
particular they warn them against the immorality, which was iv - 28. 
then so marked a feature in Greek city-life, and, while gladly 
recognizing their spirit of charity and brotherly-love, they iv. 9 J2. 
summon all to diligence in their own work, that thereby they 
may preserve an honourable independence, and gain the respect 
of their heathen neighbours. 


iv. 1318. Their fears regarding those of their number who meanwhile 
are falling on sleep are met with the assurance that, so far from 
these being shut out from Christ's glory on His Return, they 

v. i ii. will rather be the first to share in it. And then the suddenness 
of that Return, of which the Thessalonians have already been so- 
fully warned, is made the basis of a practical appeal to watch- 
fulness and sobriety. 

v. 1222. Various exhortations, still addressed to the community as a 
whole, with reference to their attitude to their leaders, and 
to their more feeble brethren, follow, along with some general 

v. 23, 24. rules of Christian living. Arid the whole is sealed once more 
with a characteristic prayer to the God of peace. 

v. 2528. Finally, the Epistle is brought to a close with a salutation 
and benediction. 

6. General 6. The Second Epistle follows on very similar lines. After 

structure ,-, i i 

of 2 Thes- tne opening address and greeting, the writers again give 

salonians. thanks for the Thessalonians' state, dwelling with pride on 
their progress, as proved especially by their patient endurance 
under persecution. They bid them remember that that persecu- 
tion, so far from leading them to think that God had forgotten 
them, should rather encourage them to look forward with con- 
fidence to the final reward by which their present sufferings 

i. 6io. will be crowned. And this, in its turn, leads to a graphic 
picture of what will result alike to believers and unbelievers 

i. ii, 12. when the Lord appears. A prayer, to which the Apostles are 
giving constant expression, that it may be well with the 
Thessalonian Church in that Day, is interjected. 

The writers then proceed to what is the most distinctive 

ii. i^ 2. feature of their second letter. They have learned that their 
former teaching regarding the Parousia, supplemented from 
other sources for which they disown all responsibility, has been 
the unwitting cause of an undue restlessness and excitement on 
the Thessalonians' part. Accordingly, while saying nothing to 
shake the belief in the suddenness of the Parousia, they remind 
their readers of what they had clearly taught them before, that 
it will be preceded by certain well-defined signs. Amongst 

ii. 312. these the principal place is given to the appearance of the Man 
of lawlessness, as the full and crowning manifestation of the 
evil already working in their midst. For the present that 


manifestation is held in check by a restraining power, but 
how long this power will last no one can tell. 

In any case, they urge, the Thessalonians must stand firm ii. 1315- 
and hold fast the traditions they have already been taught, in 
humble dependence upon the God, Who alone can give them 
unfailing consolation, and strengthen them to do and to say all 
that is right. 

To the same God let them also pray on the Apostles' iii. 15. 
behalf. And meanwhile, in conformity with the example the 
Apostles themselves have set them, let them apply themselves iii. 615. 
with diligence to their daily work, shunning every disorderly 
brother, and at all times and in all ways seeking the ' peace ' iii. 1 6. 
which is the peculiar property of ' the Lord of peace/ and which 
it is again the writers' prayer that He may bestow upon 
them all. 

The whole is then confirmed by an autographic salutation iii. 17, 18. 
and benediction in St Paul's own handwriting. 



OlBe yap 17 (ro<f>LO. TOV /xeyaXov IlavAou Trpos TO SOKOVV 
KttT* fovcria.v rots pTjfjLacri Kal T<3 iSt'a) TT^S Siavoias etp/xaJ 7rp<xrap|U,oe6v 
ras ran/ prjfiarmv /ji<a<reis, K<XV Trpos aAAas rtvas evvotas 77 crvvijOeia rrjv 
TWI/ Xcgcwv <j>cprj. 

Gregory of Nyssa 0/?p. Migne n. 1303. 

i- -Lan- i. Language. 


General The two Epistles to the Thessalonians contain in all about 

character ^ o diff eren t W ords. Of these 27 are aTnzf \ey6fj,eva in the 

lary. N. T., and 27 are used by St Paul alone amongst the N. T. 

writers. A still larger number (37) are peculiar to the Pauline 

writings along with the Gospel and Acts of St Luke, and the 

Epistle to the Hebrews. 

Passing to the question of meaning, the influence of the 
Greek O. T. is unmistakable in the case of a very considerable 
number of words. With regard to others, we are led to look 
rather to the ordinary colloquial usage of the Apostle's time for 
the exact sense he is desirous to convey. 

N.T. aira The following is a list of the a7ra Xeyo/xeva referred to. In this 
\ey6fj.eva case it will be convenient to take each Epistle separately, and to 

i? ^ arrange the words in the order in which thev occur. 

Epistles. & mi , ,>/*/ o\ > / 4 / \ / 

i Thessa- J Thessalonians : e^x (0 ( l - )t cu/a/xej/eu/* (i. 10), 7rp07rao-xa> 

lonians. (ii. 2), KoAoicia (ii. 5), rpo<os* (ii. 7), 6/xetpo/* (ii. 8), <riyx.<vAer?7S 
(ii. 14), a.7rop<ai'i'ojuai (ii. 17), aatVo/xat (iii. 3), VTrepjBaLvto* (iv. 6), 
^eoSi'Sa/cTO? (iv. 9), TrepiAenrofuu* (iv. 15), KeXcvcr/xa* (iv. 16), 
ara/cros* (v. 14), 6Aiyoi/ar)(OS* (v. 14), oXoreX^'s (v. 23), i/opKi'a> 
(v. 27). 

Of these 17 words, nine, which are distinguished by an asterisk, 
are found in the LXX. ; four (icoAajcla, TrpoTracrxw, era/vofuu, airop- 
^ai/i^o/xat) are found in good Gk. writers, and a fifth (6AoTeA.?js) in 
Plutarch; while eVop/ao> is found in the A text of 2 Esdr. xxiii. 
(xiii.) 25 (cf. ei/op/cos, 2 Esdr. xvi. (vi.) 18). There thus remain 


only two words which can be regarded as free formations of the 
Apostle's own 0eooYSaKTos and crv/x^uXeT^s. The former, framed on 
the analogy of ^COKTIO-TOS (2 Mace. vi. 23), probably contains a 
reminiscence of Isa. liv. 13 StSaKTo? Oeov. The latter (for class. 
^vXeV^s) may be compared with crvvp.aO'ijTr)<s (Jo. xi. 16), crvj'TroAmys 
(Eph. ii. 19), and with avfji<j>v\o<s in Aq. Zech. xiii. 7 : see further 
Lob. Phryn. p. 471, Rutherford N.P. p. 255 f. for the prevalence 
of similar compounds in late Gk. 

2 Thessalonians : vTrepavgdvia (i. 3), ewcauxao/xcu* (i. 4), ySay/xa 2 Thessa- 
(i. 5), TIVCO* (i. 9)\ tvSogdiofjiai* (i. 10, 12), dra/mos (iii. 6, 11), draKTea) lonians. 
(iii. 7), 7reptepyao/>iai* (iii. n), KaAoTroie'w (iii. 13), cn^aoo/xai* 
(iii. 14). 

Of these 10 words, five are again found in the LXX., three 
(dra/cre'to, draKTCK, eVSeiy/m) are found in the ordinary Gk. of the 
Apostle's time, /caAoTroie'w is found as a variant in Lev. v. 4, while 
V7rpavdv(i> is found several times in late Gk., and is in thorough 
harmony with the Pauline love for compounds in vTrep-. 

The total number of words, which have not yet been quoted 
from any other source than the two Epistles, is thus reduced to 
the two words already discussed in connexion with i Thess. 1 , while 
the Epistles' 27 a7ra Aeyo/xei/a in the N.T. compare very favourably 
with the 41 (4?), which, according to the calculation in Grimm- 
Thayer, are to be found in St Paul's other Epistle to a Macedonian 
Church, the Epistle to the Philippians 2 . 

To the foregoing lists there may be added a number of words Words or 
or phrases, occurring in the Epistles, which are used elsewhere in phrases 
the N.T. only by St Paul. 

ayae/oxrwr;, aytcoo-w*/, aoiaAetTTTtos, apa ovv, etTrep, CKOIKOS, evepyeia, in the 
^a7raTaw, eTri/Japew, CTTK^aveta (Pastorals), tvo-xry/xoVajs, OdXw, fjiYj TTCD?, N.T. 
yu,i/eta, /xo^^os, oAe$pos, 7ra^O5, 7rptK<^>aAaia, TrAeoveKrew, TrpocVT^yut, Trpo- 
Aeyw, o*Tyoj, 

Along with these, the following may be noted as occurring only or to 
in St Paul and the Lukan writings, or in St Paul and the Ep. st Paul 
to the Hebrews, or in all three combined. along with 

v / > , / v , , , o/o , <. / ot Luke 

aycov, atpeo/xai, at0vtoios, tt/xe/xTrro?, avcupeoo, ai/Ta7rootoco/x,i, a^tow, an( j ^he 

aTToSetKi^v/xi, aTrotrTacrt'a, ao-^cxActa, aro:ros, Sta/xaprvpo/xat, e/cSiajKco, Ep. to the 


1 It should be hardly necessary to several words and phrases in 
point out that ct7ra evprj^va is a i Thess. which are used elsewhere 
fitter designation of such words than by St Paul in the same sense 
dVal elpy/jifra, in view of the con- only in the Ep. to the Philippians: 
stant reduction in the words hitherto e.g. irptHfravis (ii. 5; Phil. i. 18), 
believed to be peculiar to the Gk. 4iri6vfji.ia (in good sense ii. 17; Phil. i. 
Bible: see Deissmann ' Hellenistisches 23), /cat a7ra Kal dis (ii. 18 ; Phil. iv. 
Griechisch ' in Hauck E.E.' 3 vii. 16), (rrtyavos (metaph. ii. 19 ; Phil. iv. 
p. 636. i), Keivdai els (metaph. iii. 3 ; Phil. i. 

2 Schmidt (Der erste Thessalonicher- 16), tpwTav (ask, iv. i, v. 12; Phil. 
brief p. 82) has drawn attention to iv. 3). 

the interesting fact that there are 


, ei/KaKo>, CTT to- way toy 77, 

/cara^too/xat, Karapyeeo, Karcv^ww, p.apr'upojtxai, 
/ATaoY8co//,i, /j.LfjL-rjr-^<;, vov^erew, TrapayyeAta, Trapp^tria^o/xai, Treptoxrorepajg, 
TrArypot^opia, TrpoetTroi/, ore^acr/aa, roiyapow, vo-rep^/xa. 

Words From this brief notice of the peculiarities of the Pauline diction 

found with as illustrated by our Epistles, we may turn to one or two lists of 

meaning worc ^ s which are used in them for the first time in the N.T. in a 

special sense. Their history, which is traced more fully in the 

Textual or Additional Notes, is of importance as throwing light 

upon the main sources of the Apostle's vocabulary. 

owing to Amongst these a first place must be given to the words, whose 

the in- meaning here is due apparently in the first instance to the sense in 

theLxx wn * c h tnev were use d * n tne Greek O.T. (including the Apocrypha), 

though in the case of many of them full allowance must also be 

made for the fact that they formed part of the ' common ' dialect 

of the Apostle's time. 

The following are typical examples : d-yaOaxrvvr), dydir-q, ayyeAos, 
), ayiaoyxo?, ayto?, a$T<o, avayKrj, dvo/jiia., avoyuto?, aTroK 
Avi/as, a7rooTa<ria, ctTrwAeia, 8ia/:?oA.os, Soa, Soaw, SovAevw, 
(' gratis '), .0vrj, etScoAov, eipryvr/, tK^i/cos, e/c/cAr/o-ia, 
^ao/tat, i/Tpe7ra> (metaph.), e^ov^ei/ew, cvayyeAi^o/xat, 
cuo (' bene vivo ' I. iii. 8), fle'Ai^a, ^Aii/^t?, Ppoco/uat, KapSta, /cara^io'dj, 
Karev^wco (metaph.), /cav^crts, /cot/xoo/xai (metaph.), oAiyoi/'v^os, o'Ao- 
K\rjpo<s, orofJLa, Treipct^co, Trepi/cc^aAat'a, TreptTrarew (metaph.), Trcpurouycris, 
TTto-Tts, Trovr/pos, 7rpo(TV)(ifj, o~aAevo> (metaph.), o-c/Jacr/xa, o-reAAo/u-at, 
crre^avos (metaph.), o-rrypt^w, virofjiovTi], faxy, x^-P L<s - 

or techni- Other expressions which, starting from a technical or quasi- 
cal visage technical sense in classical or late Gk., have come to be adopted 
in other ag technical terms of the Christian religion are aSeA<os, aTroo-roAo?, 
nexions. StaKOvo?, c^epyeia, 7rt<aj/eia, /x,vetav Troteto-^at, /xvo-T^piov, Trapovcria. 
Words Finally regard must be had to the large number of words and 

illustrated phrases upon which much additional light has been thrown by the 
by the discovery of such non-literary records as the Greek inscriptions of 
^ on - the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, and the papyrus- 

iS I*"* f Egypt- 

of the Evidence of this will be found on practically every page of the 

Apostle's following Commentary. Here it must suffice to draw attention 
time. t o suc h interesting examples as are afforded by 

ayaTnyro's, atwi/tos, a/xe/XTrro?, a/xe/aTmos, aTravrryo-t?, aTroSaWufu, 
ape(TKtv (rtvt), ao-Tra^o/xat, ao"7racr/>ios, araKreaj (and its cognates), 
OLTOTTO?, 8tK->7, cT8os, v (instrumental), cvbrrtjfu, cvopKt^w, c^ovcria, 
7ri^apea>, cpwraw (* rogo '), cuo-x^/xoVco?, eu'xapio-Tcco, Kare^w, Kvpio?, 
TrapaSoo-t?, Trapa/caAew, Trpoto-rajaai, (rr/jLtetoo/xat, TVTTOS, vtos ^coi), <^>tAo- 

General Deductions from mere lists of words are always dangerous, 



and in any case it is obviously impossible to form any definite 

conclusions as to the nature and the sources of the Pauline 


vocabulary on the evidence of two short Epistles. This much 
however is clear that the Apostle had an ample Greek voca- 
bulary at his command, and, notwithstanding his Jewish origin 
and upbringing, had learned to use Greek as virtually a second 
mother-tongue. Not only did he speak freely in Greek, but 
apparently he thought in Greek, and was able to adapt to 
his own special purposes the words he found in current use 1 . 

On the other hand, our Epistles do nothing to confirm 
(though they may not disprove) the idea that St Paul had 
received a thorough Greek education, ^here are no quotations 
in them from ancient Greek authors, and at most two or three 
words (such as aTrop^avi^o/jiaL) for which only classical, as 
distinguished from late Greek, authority has been produced. 
And the general impression which they convey is that for his 
* Wortschatz/ or stock of words. St Paul, when not directly 
indebted to the Greek O.T., was mainly dependent upon the 
living, spoken tongue of his own day, borrowing from time 
to time more or less consciously from ethical writers, but other- 
wise showing little or no dependence upon the literature of 
classical or later times 2 . 

1 On St Paul's indebtedness to the first five letters of the alphabet, 
Hellenism see especially Canon Hicks' s the writer comes to the conclusion 
classical essay ' St Paul and Hellenism ' that for his vocabulary the Apostle 
in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica iv. was mainly indebted not to 'literary 
(Oxford, 1896), and E. Curtius's paper theory,' but to 'life' (p. 28). In the 
on 'Paulus in Athen' in his Gesam- same way von Dobschiitz (Die urchrist- 
melte Abhandlungen ii. p. 527 ff. lichen Gemeinden p. 279) draws atten- 
{Berlin, 1894), translated in Exp. tion to the striking manner ('in 
vii. iv. p. 436 ff. Cf. also Sir W. M. frappanter Weise') in which the 
Ramsay's articles on 'Tarsus' in Exp. special ethical terms of Greek philoso- 
vii. i. and ii., and the same writer's phy are wanting in the Pauline writ- 
articles on ' St Paul's Philosophy of ings : cf. A. Carr ' The use of pagan 
History, 'and 'PaulinismintheGraeco- ethical terms in the N.T.,' Exp. v. ix. 
Roman world' in the Contemporary p. 443 ff. It must be kept in view, 
Review, Sept. and Oct. 1907. however, that, if more of the Stoic 

2 Cf. especially Nageli Der Wort- literature of the period had survived, 
scliatz des Apostels Paulus (Gottingen, this conclusion might require to be 
1905) where, after a careful examina- considerably modified. 

tion of Pauline words, falling under 


ii. Style. ii. Style. 

The The general style of the Epistles confirms what has just 

styte'ofthe been said regarding their vocabulary. There is certainly in 
Epistles is them none of the studied rhetorical art or skilfully framed 
dialect, with which the Apostle is sometimes credited elsewhere 1 . 
St Paul was too much concerned with what he had to say to 
be able to think of mere literary devices 2 . And the drawn-out 
sentences (I. i. 2 ff., ii. 14 ff., II. i. 6 ff., ii. 8 ff.), the constant 
ellipses (I. i. 8, ii. n, iv. 4 ff., 14, II. i. 3, 9, ii. 7, iii. 6), the 
manner in which he 'goes off' at a word (I. ii. 14 f., v. 8 f., 
II. i. 10), the inversion of metaphors (I. ii. 7 b , v. 2, 4), not only 
bear evidence to the intensity of the writer's feelings at the 
time, but are in themselves valuable proofs of 'unstudied 
epistolary genuineness 3 .' 

and This is very far, however, from saying that either Epistle 

shows signs of carelessness, or is wanting in well-ordered 
passages which, if not comparable to, at least prepare the way 
for the splendid outbursts of some of the later Epistles (cf. e.g. 
I. ii. 3 ff., II. iii. I ff). St Paul had evidently that highest gift 
of a great writer, the instinctive feeling for the right word, and 

1 See, e.g., J. Weiss Beitrage zur authenticity, may be turned into an 
Paulinischen Rhetorik (Gottingen, argument in favour of it. St Paul 
1897), where certain sections more had evidently not the pen of a ready 
particularly of the Epp. to the writer, and when he had once found 
Corinthians and Komans are analyzed an expression suited to his purpose 
with the view of showing their artistic found it very difficult to vary it. What 
and even rhythmical arrangement, more natural than that the words and 
and cf. Blass's attempt (Die Rhythmen phrases which, during that anxious 
der asianischen und romischen Kunst- time of waiting for the return of 
prosa, Leipzig, 1905) to find 'Asianic Timothy, he had been turning over in 
rhythm' in Eoman sand other Pauline his mind as the most suitable to 
writings, including i Thessalonians. address to his beloved Thessalonians, 

2 ' Kunstliteratur ' and ' Paulus- should have remained in his memory, 
briefe' are, as Deissmann puts it, and have risen almost unconsciously 
'inkommensurable Grossen' (Hellen- to his lips, as he dictated his second 
isierung, p. 168 n. 4 ). letter to the same Church so shortly 

3 The very closeness indeed of the afterwards ? For a somewhat similar 
literary dependence of i Thess. upon argument applied to the relation of 
the earlier Epistle, and the consequent Colossians and Ephesians see Dr 
stiltedness of style to which this some- Sanday's art. on ' Colossians ' in 
times leads (notably in II. i. 3 10), Smith's D.E? i. pt. i, p. 630. 

so far from disproving that Epistle's 


even when writing, as he does here, in his most 'normal' style 1 , 
and with an almost complete absence of the rhetorical figures, 
so largely practised in his day 2 , he does not hesitate to avail 
himself of the more popular methods of adding point or 
emphasis to what he wants to say 3 , by the skilful arrangement 
of his words (e.g. I. v. 3, II. ii. 6), by compressed word-pictures 
(I. i. 8 e^rj^rjrat, ii. 2 dyoovi,, ii. 17 dTrop^avKrOevres, II. iii. I 
rpe^rj), by interpolated questions (I. ii. 19, iii. 6 (?), 9 f.), and 
even by plays on words (I. ii. 4, II. iii. 2 f., 1 1 ). 

No effort indeed is wanting on the writer's part to bring 
home to his readers the extent of his heart-felt gratitude on 
their behalf, and his concern for their highest welfare. And 
here, as in all the other Pauline writings, we readily recognize 
that the arresting charm of the Apostle's style is principally 
due to 'the man behind 4 / and that the highest form of all 
eloquence, 'the rhetoric of the heart/ is speaking to us 5 . 

iii. Literary Affinities. iii. Lite- 


What has just been said will prepare us not to expect in 
our Epistles any direct affinities with the more distinctly 
literary works of St Paul's or of previous times. There are, 
however, two sources which have left such an unmistakable 

1 See Lightfoot Journ. of Class, and section, and adds pointedly, 'DesPaulus 
Sacr. Philol. iii. (1857) p. 302. Stil ist individuell und packend...Kein 

2 Of., however, the meiosis in I. ii. Klassiker, kein Hellenist hat so 
15, II. iii. 2, 7, the chiasmus in I. v. 6, geschrieben, auch kein Kirchenvater. 
and the intentional anakolouthon in Der von seinem Herrn iiberwaltigte 
II. ii. 7. hellenistische Jude steht fur sich da.' 

a In Dr A. J. Wilson's paper on Cf. also the words of U. von Wilamo- 

' Emphasis in the N.T.' in the J.T.S. witz-Moellendorff as cited on p. 121 of 

viii. p. 75 ff., some of the finer methods this work. 

of expression, beloved by Paul, are 5 There are some good remarks on 

well brought out. this point in Norden's great work on 

4 Even Heinrici in his well-known Die antike Kunstprosa ii. p. 509 f., 

discussion ' Zum Hellenismus des though in pronouncing the Pauline 

Paulus' (in his commentary on Epistles 'unhellenisch,' he falls into 

2 Corinthians in Meyer vi. 8 , Gottingen, the fundamental error of treating 

1900), while emphasizing the Apostle's them as 'Kunstprosa' instead of in 

points of contact with the rhetorical direct connexion with the non-literary 

methods of his contemporaries, quotes texts of the time: cf. Deissmann in 

with approval the words of Gregory of the Theologische Rundschau v. (1902) 

Nyssa prefixed as a heading to this p. 66 ff. 



(i) with 
the Greek 

impress upon the Apostle's language, as well as thought, that 
they cannot be passed over here. They are (i) the Greek O.T., 
(2) certain Sayings of Jesus. 

(i) We have seen already how dependent St Paul was on 
the LXX. for many of his most characteristic words. But his 
indebtedness does not stop there. So minute was his acquaint- 
ance with its phraseology, so completely had it passed in sucum 
et sanguinem, that, though in these alone of all his Epistles there 
is no direct quotation from the O.T., there are whole passages 
which are little more than a mosaic of O.T. words and ex- 
pressions. Two short passages may serve to illustrate this. 

as illus- 
trated by 
i Thess. 

The first is St Paul's description of the result of his ministry in 
Thessalonica in i Thess. i. 8 TO. 

i. 8 d<f> v/xon> yap f^tj 
Aoyos TOV Kvpiov. 


77 Trpos rov Otov t&XijXvOcv. 


ib. KO.L TTtOS 7TCrTpl//aT 7T/3OS 
TOV OfOV 0.7TO TWV etS(oA.<DV. 

ib. SovAcveiv 0ea) tfivri /ecu a 

l. IO avatiei/eiv TOV VLOV avTOv 
K TWI/ ovpavwv. 

ib. 'Irycrovi/ TOV pvo/xvov 

ib. CK T^S opy^s T^S epx /^^?. 

6 Joel iii. (iv.) 14 77^01 cfrj) 

lv T-fj KocXdoL T^? BiKrjs. 3 Mace, 
iii. 2 V (friyijir) Bvo~/jivr] < ; c^^etTO. 

Ps. xviii. (xix.) 5 eis Trao-av Trjv 
yfjv i^TjXOev 6 ^^oyyos avTwv. 

4 Regn. xix. 27 TT)V eto-oSor o-ov 

Isa. xliv. 22 7rrrpa<r7Ti Trpo? 
tie, /cat AvTpwo-o/xat o-e. Jer. iii. 
22 7no-Tpd<f>r)T...oovXoi >7'ttt9 eao- 
/xe0a o-oi, OTI o-v Kvpio? 6 

Jos. iii. 10 iv Tovrcu 




Dan. vi. 26 

cart ^eos...^toi/ t? yevcas 

Isa. Ixv. 1 6 evXoytjo-ovo-iv yap TOV 

6f.ov TOV oX-qQwov. 

Isa. lix. 1 1 dvejU.etVa/xv Kpicrw. 

Sap. xvi. 8 (TV et 6 pvo/xe/os e/c 
iravTOs KaKov. Ps. cxxxix. (cxl.) i 
ctTro di/8pos dSt'Kov p{5<rat /xe. 

Isa. xiii. 9 tSov yap T^/xepa Kvptov 
ep^erat dvtaros $v/xou Kat opyrjs. 

and . Our second passage is the great picture of approaching Judg- 

2 Thess. men t in 2 Thess. i. 6 10. Here, as generally in the eschatological 

passages of the Epistles, the O.T. basis of the whole conception is 

even more marked. 


i. 6 

Trapa eoj 
rots 6\L/3ovcnv v/xds 

. 7 Ka 

avO~tv /xe0' 
TOV Kvpiov 


e T 

aTT* ovpavov. 

i. 7 8 /XT' dyyeXwv oWd/xew? 
avTov fv Trvpt <Xoyds. 

i. 8 8t8dvTOS eK8tK^o-ti/ Tots /XT) 
etSdcrt $eov Kat Tots /XT) V7raKOvovo-tv 

cvayyeXtu) TOV Kvpiov TT'/XWV ' 


l. 9 otrives OIKT^V Ticroucru/. 

^0. a?ro 7rpocra>7rov TOV Kvptov 
Kat aV6 TT^S SO^TIS TT;S ta^vos "av- 

i. IO oTav eX0T7 vBoa(r6rji'ai ev 
Tots dytots avTov Kat ^ 
vat ev TrdViv Tots 7rto-Tvo-ao-tv. 


Isa. Ixvi. 4 TO.? d/xaprta? dvra- 
aurots. i6. 6 <WVT) Kv/MOV 
tSoi^Tos avraTroSoirtv rots 
ai/Ti/cei/xei/ois. Lam. iii. 64 o.7ro- 
Swcreis avror? di/raTToSo/xa, Kvpie, 
Kara TO, pya TOJJ/ ^etptov avTcoi/. 
Cf. Obad. 15. 

Isa. xix. 20 KeKpa^ovTttt 7rpo5 
Kvptoi/ 8ia rov? 6\i/3ovra<s avTovs, 
Kat aTroo-TeXet CIVTOIS av^pwTrov os 
o-wo-et avTOvs, Kptvon/ o-wo-et avTovs. 

Ex. iii. 2 (jj<f>0rj 8e avTW ayyeXos 
Kvpiov K Trvpt ^>Xoyos. Sir. viii. 
IO (13) /XT; e/x7rvpto-^7j5 ev Trvpt 

Isa. Ixvi. 15 iSov yap Kvpios o>s 
Trvp ^ct, . aTTOoowai ei/ ^v/xa> /c- 
8t / /cryo~tv avTov...ei/ <f>Xoyl Trvpos. 
Jer. xxv. 12 K8iK-tj(Tw TO Wvos 
e/ceivo. Jer. x. 25 CK^COJ/ TOI/ 
Ovfjiov <rov 7rt ^1/77 TO, /XT} eiSoVa 
ore Kat 7ri yeveas at TO ovo/xd 
crov OVK eTreKaAeVaj/To. 

Prov. xxvii. 1 2 a<f>pove<s 8e eT 

4 Mace. x. 15 TOV atwvtoi/ TOV 


Kvptov Kat a7ro TT;S 80^779 
TV;? to-^vog avTov (cf. w. 19, 21). 

Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 8 6 0eos 
ev8o^a^d/xi/os ev /SovXr) ayuov. Ps. 
Ixvii. (Ixviii.) 36 $av/xao-Tos 6 $eos 
ci/ Tots ocrtots avTov. Ezek. xxviii. 
22 Td8e Xeyet KvptO5...ev8o^ao-^- 
cro/xat V o"ot, . . . ev T<3 rroLrjcraL /xe ev 
o~ot Kpt/xaTa, Kat a'ytao-^Tfcro/xat ev 

Zeph. i. 7 vXa/?to-^ aVo Trpocr- 
COTTOV Kvptov TOV #ov, 8tOTt cyyv? 
7^/xepa TOV Kvpiov. Isa. ii. 19 f. 

CtTTO TT/S 8d^S T7?S tO-^VOS ttVTOV, 

6Vav dvao-Trj Opavfrai TT}V yTyi/. TTJ 
ydp >7/xpa 

(2) More important still is the relation of the Apostle's (2) with 
language in our Epistles to certain Words of the Lord that ofjesus. S 
have come down to us in the Gospels. For without taking any 



I. ii.^7 


Mt. xxiii. 3 1 f . vio& o-T 

TrXrjpwaoLTe TO /xeTpov TWV 
Tro.Tf.pdiv V/JLWV. Of. the Parable 
of the Vineyard Mt. xxi. 33 ff. 
and parallels. 

Mt. xvi. 27 /xe'XXet yap 6 tnos 
ev Trj oorj 

note of some of the subtler resemblances that have been 
detected here, there still remain sufficient to show that St Paul 
must have been well acquainted with the actual words of Jesus, 
and in all probability had actually some written collection of 
them in his possession 1 . 

The following are some of the most obvious examples : 

VTJTTLOL ev Lk. xxii. 27 'Eyoj 8e ev /xeVw 

V/XGJV et/Xl (DS O OiaKOl'WV. 

ii. 1 2 TOV 0eov TOV KaXovvTos Mt. xxii. 3 (the Parable of the 

v/xas cis TTJV eavTov /3ao-tXa'av Kat Marriage Feast) Kat aVeo-TetXev 
Soav. TOVS SovXovs avTOv KaXO"at TOVS 

ii. 14 ff. TWV 'Iov8ata>v, TCOV Kat 
TOV Kvpiov aVoKretvavTwv 'Iryo~ovi/ 
Kat TOVS 7rpo<?7Tas...eis TO avairX^- 
pcuo*at avToov Tas a/xapTtas TTCIVTOTC. 

ill. 13 ev TTJ Trapovcria. TOV Kvpiov 
77/xwv 'Irycrov tteTa TravTwv TOOV dyt'wv 

iv. 8 6 d$T(3v ov/c av@p(DTrov 
t aAAa TOI/ 


iv. 1 6 f. avTOS o Kvptos. . .cv o*aX- 
Trtyyt 0o9 KCLTafttjcreTaL air ovpavov 

, . . 7TtTa >//XtS Ot ^(Uf TS. 

yrjo-OfAeOa ev vc^eXats eis 
TOV Kvpiov cts ctcpa. 


1 See especially A. Besch Der 
Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu (Text. 
u. Unters. N.F. xii.) Leipzig, 1904 
a valuable collection of materials, in 

(Mk. viii. 38 /XCTO. TWV ayye- 
Xwv TWJ/ ay tour, Lk. ix. 26 TOV 
TraTpos Kat TWV a'ytW ayyeXwv). 
Lk. x. 1 6 d a^T(5r v/xas e/xe 

Se /X a^T(OV a^CTCt TOl/ 

iv. 9 Trept 8e T^ 

lS $eoSl'SaKTOt O~T 

Mt. xxiii. 8 TrafTes 8 v/xets 
t eo-T. Cf . Jo. xv. 1 2 aim; 
tv 77 evToX>y 77 C/AT; ti/a ayaTraTe 

Mt. xxiv. 30 f. (Mk. xiii. 26 f., 

x6[JifVOV 7Tt TWV V<^)- 

TOV ovpavov... Kat aVoo-TeXet 
TOVS cxyye'Xovs avTov /XCTO, o"fxX7rty- 
yos /xcyaX^s, Kat 7ricnWovo-iv 


xxv. 6 tSov 6 vv/x^tos, Igepxto-Oe 

19 CL7Ta.VTr]O~lV. 

Mt xxiv. 36 Trept 8e TT^S 7//xepas 

which, however, many of the coinci- 
dences suggested seem to be very 


v. 2 T/'/xepa Kvptov (us /cXe7m?s iv Mt. xxiv. 43 (Lk. xii. 39) ct 



v. 3 Tore atc 
<TTaTat oXe$pos. 

o oiKoSeo-TTOTr;? TTOIO. (frvXaKrj 6 

TT^S ep^Tttl. 

Lk. xxi. 34 /A?;' 7roT...c'jri(rTJ) 

v. 5 


V. 6 

yap v/xets vtot 

Lk. xvi. 8 TOVS vtovs TOV 
Cf. Jo. xii. 36 

va vtot 

Mt. xxiv. 42 yprjyopLT ovv. 
v. 7 ot /x0vo-/co'/xei/ot VVKTOS /xe- Mt. xxiv. 48 f. (Lk. xii. 45) 

o Ka/<os 8ovXos...7rtVr? /xeTa TOJJ/ 

V. I I OtKoSotttT tS TO!' C^tt. 
V. 13 tp^VVT V ettVTOtS. 

v. 1 8 TOVTO yap ^eX^/xa ^eov. 

II. i. 5 ets TO Kara^L(j)Orjrai v'/xas 
T^S /?ao"tXctias TOV ^eov. 

i. 7 & i"fj aTTo/caXvi^et TOV Kvpiov 
'I>ycrov aV ovpavov. 

i. 12 OTTCOS evBo^acrOy TO ovo/xa 
TOV Kvptov ry/xwv 'Ir;o-ov i/ v/xtv, /cat 
i-ets ci/ 

ii. I 

ii. 2 /x^Se 

ii. 3 /x^ Tts v/xas 

ib. a.7roKaXv<f)6r) 6 
T^S dvofj.La<s. 

ii. 4 6 aVTi/cei)avos...a)o-Te 
<ts TOV vaov TOV ^eov KaOicrai. 

ii. 9 f. ov O-Tiv TJ 7rapovo-ta KttT* 
vepytav TOV 2aTava ev Trdcrrj Sv- 
Kai <rrjfJiLOi<s KOL repao-w /^ev- 
feat ev Troia-y aVa-n? a'SiKtas 

TOt? a7ToXXv/XVOl9. 

ii. 1 1 evepyciav TrXav^? cis TO 
< 7rto'Tvo"at avrov? TCO ij/evSei. 

iii. 3 6 Kvptos, os...^>vXa^t aVo 

1 ' It is no exaggeration to say that 
Matt. xxiv. is the most instructive 
commentary on the chapter before us 
[2 Thess. ii.].' Kennedy St PauVs 
Conceptions of the Last Things (Lon- 

Mt. xvi. 1 8 CTTI TavVr? T>7 TreVpa 
oi/co8o/xr;o"oj ttov TT;V KK\rj<TLav. 

Mk. ix. 50 tp7yVVT 1> a'XX^- 


Mt. vii. 21 6 TTOIWV TO OtXriiJia. 
TOV TraTpos /xov (cf. xii. 50). 

Lk. xx. 35 ot 3e Ka.Tai(aOevT<s 

TOV at(oVo? KIVOV TV^(tV. 

Lk. xvii. 30 rj ^/xepa 6 vtos TOV 

Primarily dependent on the 
LXX. (cf. Isai. Ixvi. 5), but see 
John xvii. i, 10, 21 ff. 

Mt. xxiv. 3 1 eTrio-vya^ovo-iv TOVS 
Ovs avTOv 1 . 

Mt. xxiv. 6 /a?} OpoeiaOe. 

Mt. xxiv. 4 ySXeVeTe fjirj Tts v/xas 

Mt. xxiv. 1 2 Sia TO Tr 


Mt. xxiv. 15 TO )88eXvy/xa T^S 

^/X(OO"0>S . . .O"TOS Ct' TO7TO) dyt(t). 

Mt. xxiv. 24 eyepO-1/jarovTa.L yap 

/cat 8<ucrovo~tv o-ry/xcta /txeya'Xa /cat 
TcpaTa WO~T -TrXavao-^at et 8waToi/ 
Kat TOVS /cXe/cTovs. 

Mt. xxiv. 4 /SXcVeTe ^77 Tts 

Mt. vi. 13 pvaat -^/xas aVo TOV 

don, 1904) p. 56. 

2 For possible references to Agrapha 
of Jesus see i Thess. iii. 5, v. 4, 21 f., 
2 Thess. iii. 10 with the notes ad 


Jesus and Upon the larger question, the relation in which so-called 
'Paulinism' stands to the original teaching of Jesus, it is 
impossible to enter here 1 . But no one can take account of 
the foregoing parallels, and of much that will come before 
us in the course of this Commentary, without realizing how 
conscious the disciple was throughout of his complete depend- 
ence upon his Master. His whole 'gospel/ when not directly 
inspired by the living Lord Himself (cf. I. iv. 1 5 lv \6yay Kvpiou 
with note ad loc.\ was firmly rooted in his knowledge of the 
life and words of the historic Jesus, or, perhaps we should 
rather say, upon that knowledge as conditioned by his own 
sense of union with the Risen Christ, and interpreted in the 
light of his own growing Christian experience. 

1 Those who desire to pursue the pamphlet Jesus und Paulus (Tubingen, 

subject may be referred to three im- 1906) Kaftan has replied to the Jesus 

portant monographs which have ap- or Paul' attitude of Bousset's Jesus 

peared lately P. Feine Jesus Christ and Wrede's Paulus in the recent 

und Paulus (Leipzig, 1902), M. Goguel German series of Religionsgeschicht- 

L'Apotre Paul et Jesus-Christ (Paris, liche Volksbttcher. See also A. Jii- 

1904), and E. J. Knowling The Testi- licher's Paulus und Jesus (1907) in 

mony of St Paul to Christ (London, the same series, where the writer 

1905). See also Dr E. J. Drummond's states his conclusion in the words, 

Kerr Lectures on The Relation of the 'Paulus hat also seine Theologie nicht 

Apostolic Teaching to the Teaching of an die Stelle der Eeligion Jesu gesetzt, 

Christ (Edinburgh, 1900). In his sondern rings um sie her ' (p. 72). 



.'Doctrinae divinae vis confluit in amorem.' 

Bengel ad i Thess. iv. 9. 

i. The Epistles to the Thessalonians are generally regarded i. The 
as the least dogmatic of all the Pauline Epistles, and it is true theology 
that there is no mention in them of such distinctive aspects of of * he 
' Paulinism ' as the contrasts between law and gospel, faith - 
righteousness and work-righteousness, and flesh and spirit 
that the term 'justification' is wholly wanting and that even 
the Apostle's favourite watchword of 'grace,' which is found 
twice as often in his writings as in all the rest of the New 
Testament, occurs only in two passages (II. i. 12, ii. 16), 
apart from the more formal salutations and benedictions. 

This is very far, however, from saying that St Paul had not 
by this time reached the definite system of Christian truth 
which, even when not expressed, lies at the base of all his 
writings. He had now been engaged for a period of nearly 
fifteen years in active missionary work, and if he does not find 
it necessary to lay special stress here on certain doctrines which 
later emerged into prominence bwing to the controversies in 
which he found himself engaged, this is mainly due to the 
circumstances under which the Epistles were written 1 . 

Addressing as he was a small working-class community, Eeasons 
composed principally of Gentile Christians, and surrounded for thls * 

1 In his recent Essai sur la Christo- the special needs to which they were 

logie de Saint Paul i. (Paris, 1906) addressed. 'Paul was above all not 

Monteil utters a much-needed warning a doctor and a theologian, but an 

on the danger of drawing out a chrono- apostle ; far less occupied with framing 

logical chart of the Apostle's growth a system of dogma and theology, than 

in Christian truth from, his writings, with announcing the gospel of salva- 

which were conditioned throughout by tion' (p. 12). 

M. THESS. e 


by all the temptations of a great commercial seaport, St Paul 
recognized that what his converts stood most in need of was 
encouragement, combined with certain very definite warnings 
against the undue excitement they were displaying owing 
to a mistaken application of his former teaching. And con- 
sequently he fell back upon the main elements of that teaching, 
with the view not only of showing in what it really consisted, 
but of leading his readers on to the higher truths for which he 
had been preparing them. So far, therefore, from the simple 
theology which the Epistles contain, as compared, for example, 
with the more argumentative methods of the Epistles to the 
Galatians or Romans, throwing any doubt on their authenticity, 
as Menegoz seems tempted to think 1 , it is precisely what we 
should expect in the circumstances 2 , while the many points 
of contact which the Epistles exhibit with the language and 
teaching of the missionary discourses of Acts afford striking 
confirmation of the credibility of both (cf. p. xlii). 
2. Doctrine 2. In view then of the surroundings of his Thessalonian 
* converts, we are not surprised to find the Apostle laying very 
special stress on the doctrine of God or rather of ' the God/ 
as contrasted with the many and vain gods whom formerly they 
worshipped 3 . 

It is from this God, as St Paul and his companions are 

1 Le Peche et la Redemption d'apres out any further designation, is con- 
Saint Paul, p. 4. fined to Christian documents is now 

2 It is only from this point of view disproved on the evidence of the 
that we can accept such statements as papyri: cf. Wilcken Archiv i. p. 436, 
that the Epistles contain 'a first sketeh where such passages are cited as 
of Paul's doctrine' (Sabatier L'Apotre E.G. U. 27, 10 ff. ('certainly heathen' 
Paul p. 95, E. Tr. p. 109), or that they ii./A.D.) Kal irapede^aro ^uas 6 rb-rros 
form 'a kind of Christian primer' cos 6 debs r/deXev, and B. G. U. 246, 12 f. 
(Bruce St Paul's Conception of Chris- ('very probably heathen' ii./iii. A.D.) 
tianity p. 15). Schmidt's statement wTvyxwu T 0e virtp v^w. 

is more exact : ' To sum up : the dog- For similar evidence from the in- 

matic system of the Apostle is for scriptions see Kamsay C. and B. i. 

obvious reasons not fully unfolded in p. 498 f. , where expressions like ' thou 

this Epistle but merely touched on inci- shalt not wrong the God' (<rv /J.TJ 

dentally, but this is done in thoroughly dSt/ojo-ets TOV 0e6v), and 'may he not 

Pauline fashion' (Der erste Thessa- escape the notice of the God' (/J.TJ 

lonicherbrief, p. 78). Xadoiro TOV Oebv], used to prevent the 

3 It should be noted, however, that violation of Christian tombs, are 
the old view (Letronne (Euvres i. p. 8) shown to be based on pagan models : 
that 6 0e6s, taken absolutely and with- see further pp. 147, 150 ff. 


never tired of asserting, that they themselves have derived 
'the gospel' which they declare (I. ii. 2ff.) 1 , and, as they have 
been ' approved ' by God Himself for this purpose (v. 4), so it is 
to His verdict that in the last instance they submit themselves 
(w. 4, 10). How complete indeed their sense of dependence 
is appears in the emphatic manner in which on four distinct 
occasions the missionaries turn from the thought of their own 
efforts to the true Author of all grace and peace (I. iii. II, 
v. 23, II. ii. 16, iii. i6) 2 . And it is to Him similarly that 
throughout the Epistles they refer the Thessalonians for all 
that concerns their own Christian life. They, who formerly 
were amongst those 'who knew not the God' (I. iv. 5 ; cf. II. i. 8), 
have now turned to 'a God living and true ' (I. i. 9), and as 
their 'faith to God ward ' (I. i. 8) is entirely due to the 'call' 
which 'the God' Himself has addressed to them (I. i. 4, II. ii. 13), 
so it is of Him that they must continue to walk worthily, if 
finally they are to reach the kingdom and glory to which His 
'call' is summoning them (I. ii. 12, II. i. 5). Any failure in 
this can only be due to themselves, and not to God, for He 
is 'faithful' to accomplish the work which He Himself has 
begun (I. v. 24; cf. II. iii. 3), and it is 'in the very presence of 
God' before His all-seeing and all-searching eye an emphatic 
phrase used nowhere else in the Pauline Epistles (cf. 2 Cor. 
v. 10), that the highest human hopes are consummated (I. i. 3, 
iii. 9, 13; cf. ii. 19). 

It is very noticeable too as showing the nature of the 
conception which St Paul had already formed of the Deity, 
that frequently in these his oldest extant epistles he describes 
God as ' Father,' and that too in a way to suggest that the 
term was already in general use, and in need of no explanation 
(I. i. I, iii. n, 13, II. i. if., ii. 16). Not only does he thereby 
forge a fresh link between his own teaching and the teaching 
of Jesus (cf. p. lix ff.), but, by the manner in which he associates 

1 The actual phrase (TO) evayytXiov would naturally follow on v. 4, the 
{roD) 0eou occurs elsewhere in the Apostles interject a prayer. 

Pauline Epistles only in Horn. i. i, xv. Bengel (ad I. iii. n) remarks very 

16, i Cor. xi. 7; cf. i Tim. i. n. beautifully: ' Utraque epistola ad Thes- 

2 Cf. also II. iii. 5 where, before salonicenses fere singula capita singu- 
uttering the -rrapayyeXia of v. 6 which lis suspiriis obsignata habet.' 

6 2 


the Father with the glorified Lord, he takes what has been 
called 'the first decisive step' towards the later Christian doctrine 
of the Trinity 1 . 

3. Doctrine 3. Nothing indeed can exceed the exalted place assigned 
:ist> to the Person of Christ even in these markedly monotheistic 
writings. For though, in accordance with general Pauline 
practice, He is only once directly spoken of as the ' Son ' of 
God 2 , He is united with the Father in a manner which 
leaves no doubt as to the essential equality which the writer 
regards as subsisting between them. It is ' in the Lord Jesus 
Christ ' as well as ' in God the Father ' that the Church's life 
consists (I. i. I, II. i. i ; cf. I. ii. 14): to both Father and Son 
(I. iii. 1 1) and even to Son and Father (II. ii. 16 ), followed by 
a verb in the singular, that the missionaries address their 
prayers : and from Both that the highest blessing proceeds 
(I. i. i, v. 28, II. i. 2, iii. i8) 3 . 

The fact too that Christ, even when standing alone, should 
be regarded as the immediate Author of His people's spiritual 
growth and establishment in holiness in view of His Second 
Coming is most significant 4 , especially when taken along with 

1 Sanday, art. 'Jesus Christ' in On the other hand the 'heathen' 
Hastings' D. B. ii. p. 648 ; cf. the usage of the terrr may have stamped 
same writer's The Life of Christ in itself on the Apostle's mind, and de- 
Recent Research (1907), p. 131 f. termined him to recover it to its 

2 As a matter of fact, the full term proper use. 

(6) vios (TOV) deov occurs elsewhere in 3 In view of the constant tendency 

the Pauline Epistles only in Horn. i. 4, to underrate the Christology of St 

2 Cor. i. 19, Gal. ii. 20, Eph. iv. 13, Paul's earlier writings, it may be well to 

though Christ is referred to as ' Son ' quote the weighty testimony of Bishop 

on various other occasions (cf. i Cor. Lightfoot : ' The Christology of the 

i. 9, xv. 28, Gal. i. 16, iv. 4, 6, Bom. Colossian Epistle is in no way different 

i. 3, 9, v. 10, viii. 3, 29, 32, Col. i. 13). from that of the Apostle's earlier 

The comparative rarity of the title letters.... The doctrine is practically 

may perhaps be due to the fact that it involved in the opening and closing 

had already heen assumed by the words of his earliest extant epistle 

Eoman Emperors, as when a papyrus- (i Thess. i. i, v. 28)' (Colossiaw 2 

fragment (B.G.U. 174) of the year p. 122). 

7 A.D. begins 2rous 2[/c]rou K&1 TDLOLKO- 4 On prayer addressed to Christ in 

<rrov [TTJS] Kcu'crct/oos KpaTrjffews deov the Early Church see Zahn Skizzen' 2 

vi[6]i> (for viov) with evident reference p. 271 ff., A. Seeberg Die Anbetung 

to the Emperor Augustus (Deissmann des 'Herrn' bei Paulus (1891), and 

BS. p. 166 f.): cf. Magn. i57 b , 3 f. TOV the short tract in Biblischen Zeit- und 

vlov TOV neyiffTov 0e&v, where the /*ey. Streitfragen by A. Juncker Das Gebet 

deCjv is Claudius, and his 'son' Nero! bei Paulus (1905) p. 10 ff. 



the part assigned to Him at that Coming. For though Christ 
is never directly spoken of as Judge in our Epistles, and the 
final issues are ascribed to God (II. ii. 1 1 f.) in accordance with 
the general Jewish belief of the time \ it is clearly implied that 
in the work of Judgment the Son also will have a part (I. iii. 13, 
iv. 6, 17, v. 2 f., II. i. 7 f., ii. 8) 2 . In this connexion, as constantly 
elsewhere throughout the Epistles, He is described as o /cvpios, 
a title which was the common term for God amongst the Jews 
of the time, but which is here apparently confined to the Person 
of the glorified Lord 3 , while the identical expressions, which the 
Hebrew prophets were in the habit of using of God, are directly 
transferred to Him (e.g. I. v. 2, II. i. 7). 

Other evidence, pointing in the same direction, is to be 
found in the facts that it is from Christ, no less than from God, 
that the Apostles claim to have derived their commission 
(I. ii. 7; cf. iii. 2, v. 12), and 'through the Lord Jesus' that 
they enforce their charges (I. iv. I f. 4 ; cf. v. 27, II. iii. 6, 12), 

1 Cf. e.g. 4 Ezra vi. 6 'facta sunt 
haec per me et non per alium, ut et 
finis per me et non per alium ' ; Orac. 
Sib. iv. 40 ff. d\V 07r6r' Av 5r/ K6<r/u.ov 
KO.L BvrjT&v \dri Kiffis rv 6eos avros 

Elsewhere, however, more particu- 
larly in Enoch, judgment is repre- 
sented as entrusted to the Messiah, 
cf. xlv. 3, Ixii. 2, Ixix. 27 'And he sat 
on the throne of his glory, and the 
sum of judgment was committed unto 
him, the Son of Man ' : see also Apoc. 
Bar. Ixxii. 2, Orac. Sib. iii. 286 f., and, 
on the whole subject, Volz Jiid. 
Eschat. p. 259 f., Holtzmann Neutest. 
Theol. i. p. 262. 

2 For the later teaching of the 
Apostle to the same effect cf. Rom. ii. 
16, i Cor. i. 8, iv. 5, 2 Cor. i. 14, v. 10, 
x. 18; and for its significance on the 
lips of one who had been brought up 
a strict Jewish monotheist see Colani 
Jesus -Christ et les Croyances Mes- 
sianiques de son temps (1864) p. 155, 
'Pour un juif, dire que Jesus pre"sidera 
au jugement, c'etait a peu pres dire 

qu'il est le createur. Aussi je ne sais 
pas de preuve plus eclatante de 1 'im- 
mense impression produite par le 
Galile'en que ce simple fait...un pha- 
risien, comme 1'avait etc" Paul, a pu 
voir en lui le juge des vivants et des 

3 Briggs The Messiah of the Apostles 
p. 86 n. 6 , 'The change of usage by 
Paul in applying Lord so exclusively 
to Christ and in carefully abstaining 
from using it for God the Father was 
a radical change of an importance 
which it is hard for any one to exag- 
gerate. It involved the practical 
substitution of the sovereignty of the 
Messiah for the sovereignty of God 
during the Messianic age.' It would 
perhaps be more exact to say that 
St Paul regarded the Kvpi6rr]s of the 
world as exercised ' through ' the 
Messiah during the period specified. 
See further Addit. Note D, p. 136 ff. 

4 On the causal force of did in this 
passage cf. WM.p. 474, n. 3 ,' the Apostle 
was not acting in his own person, but 
as moved through Christ,' and see 


while the Thessalonians' prayers are specially asked that 'the 
word of the Lord ' Jesus may ' spread rapidly, and be received 
everywhere with honour' (II. iii. i). 

4 . Doctrine 4. This living activity which the power of God (I. ii. 13), 

Hoi/ or of Christ (I. i. 8, II. iii. i), can alone impart to the Word 

Spirit. is no less clearly marked in connexion with the part assigned 

to the Third Person of the Holy Trinity, as when the Spirit 

is made the ground of the 'much assurance' in which the 

Thessalonians had received the Apostolic Gospel (I. i. 5), of 

the 'joy' which, notwithstanding much affliction, they had been 

enabled to display (I. i. 6), and of those charismatic gifts and 

utterances which, in view of recent abuses, they were at the 

moment in danger of despising (I. v. 19 f.). 

On the other hand, to fall into sins of uncleanness was to 
reject 'the God,' Whose gift the indwelling Spirit was (I. iv. /f.), 
and to come short of that complete sanctification which was the 
Spirit's peculiar work (II. ii. 13). ' 

5. Soterio- 5. When we pass to the region of Soteriology, it is certainly 
somewhat surprising at first sight to discover that the great 
doctrine of redemption through the Death of Christ is only 
once mentioned, and then in the most general way (I. v. 10). 
At the same time, if only from what St Paul himself tells 
us regarding his contemporary preaching at Corinth (i Cor. 
i. i/ff., ii. if.), it is clear that this truth was already fully 
present to the Apostle's own mind, and had been previously 
proclaimed and accepted at Thessalonica. Else what meaning 
could his readers have attached to the indirect but significant 
allusion to Jesus as 'the Rescuer' out of the coming Wrath 
(I. i. 10), or to the definition of the Christian Faith as rooted 
in the historic facts of the Death and Resurrection of Jesus 
(I. iv. 14)? 

If too the other great Pauline soteriological doctrine of the 
union of believers with Christ is not stated here with the same 
precision that we find in some of the later Epistles, it is 
certainly implied, as, for example, in the description of the 
'Church of the Thessalonians (which is)... in the Lord Jesus 

A. Schettler Die paulinische Formel 53, 'Hinter seinem schwachen Wort 
4 durch Christus' (Tubingen, 1907) p. steht die Autoritat Jesu.' 


Christ' (I. i. I, II. i. i), or in the emphatic manner in which 
'life with Christ' is shown to be the result of the believer's 
redemption (I. v. IO, tva...a/uia avv avrco tyja-ayfjuev) 1 , and the 
final goal of all his hopes (I. iv. 17 KCU OVTOJS Trdvrore evv /cvpiqy 

6. It is from this latter point of view indeed, as a prize 6. Escha- 
awaiting the believer in the future, that the ' obtaining of 
salvation' is principally viewed in our Epistles (I. v. 9, II. ii. 14). 
The whole outlook is eschatological 2 : and the definite 
announcement of the Parousia of the Lord rounds off each 
step in the Apostolic argument (I. ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15, v. 23, 
II ii. i ff.). 

Nor can there be any doubt that, in common with all the 
other Apostolic writers, St Paul regards this Parousia as close 
at hand (I. iv. I5) 3 , though at the same time he is careful 
to emphasize that the main fact regarding it is that it will 
be unexpected (I. v. i), and even in his second letter, in entire 
keeping with the want of system which distinguishes so much 
of his eschatology both here and elsewhere 4 , the Apostle finds 

1 On this important passage see eschatological hope acquired its in- 
further E. Schader Die Bedeutung des tensity first through the oldest Chris- 
lebendigen Vhristus fur die Rechtferti- tians, who attached ('hefteten') it to 
gung nach Paulus (Gutersloh, 1893) p. the Person of Jesus' (p. 107); but see 
33 f. Sanday Recent Research p. 157 ff. 

2 Upon ' the vital bearing of St In any case it should be noted that 
Paul's eschatological outlook upon his a belief in the near approach of the 
theology as a whole' see especially End is naturally characteristic of 
Dr H. A. A. Kennedy's valuable mono- apocalyptic writing, cf. e.g. 4 Ezra 
graph St Paul's Conceptions of the Last viii. 61 'Quapropter iudicium meum 
Things (London, 1904). There are rnodo appropinquat,' Apoc. Bar. xx. 6 
some significant remarks in Prof. 'For they [the times] will come and 
Shailer Mathews' The Messianic Hope will not tarry ' : see further Volz Jiid. 
in the New Testament (Chicago, 1905), Eschat. p. 163 f., Holtzmann Neutest. 
Part in. c. ii., 'The Eschatological Theol. ii. p. 188. 

Messianism of Paul.' 4 Cf. Deissmann (Theol. Lit. Zeit- 

3 Cf. Jas. v. 8, i Pet. iv. 7, Heb. x. ung, 1898, Sp. 14): 'What is called 
25, Eev. i. i, and for the teaching of the "Eschatology" of Paul has little 
our Lord Himself, on which doubtless that is "Eschatological" about it.... 
in the last instance this belief rested, Paul did not write denovissimis....0ne 
cf. Mt. xvi. 28, Mk. xiv. 62, Lk. xxi. must be prepared for a surging hither 
28. Wellhausen in his Einleitung in and thither of great thoughts, feelings, 
die drei ersten Evangelien (1905) seeks expectations' (cited by Kennedy op. 
to minimize this dependence, e.g. ' The cit. p. 21 n. 2 ). 


room for a parousia of Anti-Christ a supreme manifestation 
of the power of evil then at work in the world by which the 
Parousia of the Christ will be preceded (II. ii. 3 ff.). 

Upon the significance of this picture of 'wickedness in- 
carnate' it will be necessary to dwell at length later 1 . In the 
meantime it is sufficient to notice that final and complete 
victory rests with the returning Lord. As He descends from 
heaven accompanied by His ministering angels (II. i. 7, 
cf. I. iii. I3) 2 , He is met by His risen and living saints (I. iv. i6f): 
they enter into 'rest' (II. i. 7), and 'eternal destruction' falls 
upon the ungodly (II. i. 9). 

It is only natural that in depicting the events of that Great 
Day St Paul should avail himself freely of the figurative 
language borrowed from the Old Testament, and the later 
apocalyptic writings of the Jews 3 . But this only serves to 
set in bolder relief the generally spiritual character of his 
conception, and the ' fine tact ' which enabled him to adapt 
all that was best in the thought of his time for Christian 
service 4 . His whole interest in the Parousia proceeds along 
' redemptive ' lines 5 , and his main concern for his converts is 
that, having found complete deliverance in Jesus now, they will 
be lifted out of the reach of future judgment (I. i. 10), and so 
enjoy that uninterrupted ' life ' which, as we have already 

1 See Addit. Notes I and J, and to gen, 1888). 

the literature cited there add Eamsay 3 A useful collection of Jewish 

Exp. vii. iv. p. 417 ff., where the in- parallels will be found in E. Teich- 

teresting suggestion is thrown out that mann's Die Paulinischen Vorstellungen 

the true key to the cryptic utterance of von Auferstehung und Gericht und 

II. ii. 3 ff. is to be found in the two- ihre Beziehung zur Jildischen Apoka- 

fold light in which St Paul had already lyptik (Freiburg i. B. 1896). 

begun to regard the Eoman Emperor, 4 See A. Titius Die Neutestament- 

as the present servant of the Church, liche Lehre von der Seligkeit, ii. Der 

in restraining the existing powers of Paulinismus (Tubingen, 1900) p. 47 ff. 

disorder, but as no less its future and The above limitation must be kept 

irreconcilable foe, when the idolatry of in view in estimating such dicta as 

the Imperial cult an Emperor sitting 'On no subject, perhaps, was St Paul, 

'in the sanctuary of God, setting him- in his way of thinking, more a man of 

self forth as God' had reached its his time than on that of eschatology ' 

height. (Bruce op. cit. p. 379); 'Everywhere 

2 On the Pauline angelology see we recognize the Jewish expectation of 
especially 0. Everling Die paulinische the future' (Weinel St Paul p. 44). 
Angelologie und Ddmonologie (Gottin- 5 Kennedy op. cit. p. 160 n. 1 . 


seen, he regards as the peculiar possession of Christ's people 
(I. v. 10, iv. i/) 1 . 

7. Hence, to pass to a last point, the emphasis laid 7- Ethical 
throughout on the moral conditions through which alone this 
'life' can be reached or enjoyed. St Paul knows nothing of 
the crude divorce between religion and morality, which is 
sometimes so strangely attributed to him : his whole attitude 
is rather ' a shout of triumph ' as to the reality of the alliance 
existing between them 2 . It is not the mere ' word of hearing ' 
that constitutes * the believer,' but the word ' doing its work ' 
within the heart (I. ii. 13). And, as it is from the personal 
relation of the soul to God, that the necessary pleasing of God 
can alone spring (I. iv. I, cf. ii. 14 f.), so, on the other hand, 
where God teaches, practice must inevitably follow (I. iv. 9 f., 
note the emphatic KOL yap). So far indeed from 'faith' being 
separated from ' works,' it is in its results that it is principally 
viewed here (I. i. 3, II. i. 1 1), and in immediate conjunction with 
the great Christian duty of * love ' (I. iii. 6, v. 8). And as ' sanctifi- 
cation' is God's 'will' for His people (I. iv. 3), this 'sanctification' 
must extend alike to the entire 'spirit and soul and body' if the 
Thessalonians hope to be preserved ' without blame ' at the 
Parousia of their Lord (I. v. 23). 

1 For the manner in which the book, the student will find much illus- 

thought of 'life' dominates the higher trative material in E. Boklen Die 

teaching of Jewish Apocalyptic, see Venvandtschaft der Jttdisch-Christ- 

W. Bousset Die Religion des Juden- lichen mit der Parsischen Eschatologie 

turns im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter (Gottingen, 1902): see also Dr J. H. 

(Berlin, 1906) p. 316, and cf. Volz Moulton's art. ' Zoroastrianism ' in 

op. cit. p. 306. Hastings' D.B. iv. p. 988 f. Several 

The same thought is very prominent of the more striking parallels, such as 

in the wonderfully pure faith of Zoro- the foregoing, are noted by Kennedy 

aster: cf. Soderblom La Vie Future op. cit., especially pp. 321 n. 1 , 330 n. a , 

d'apres le Mazdeisme (Paris, 1901) p. 336 n. 2 . On the influence of Mazdeism 

269, 'Le reve le plus cher de la piete upon pagan thought see especially 

mazdeenne etait celui de la vie 6ter- F. Cumont Les Religions Orientales 

nelle dans un corps purifie", incorrupt- dans le Paganisme Romain (Paris, 1907) 

ible, sur une terre nouvelle, delivree c. vi. with the valuable bibliographical 

de tout ce que la souille encore.' notes. 

The whole relation of Persian to 2 A. Jiilicher Die Religion Jesu und 

Jewish and Christian eschatology is die Anfange des Christentums p. 86 (in 

full of interest, but cannot be followed Die Kultur der Gegenwart, i. 4, Berlin, 

out here. In addition to Soderblom's 1906). 



Hitherto we have been assuming the authenticity of the 
Epistles to the Thessalonians in accordance with tradition and 
the general verdict of the whole Christian Church up to a 
comparatively recent period. Nor, so far as we have come, have 
we discovered anything in the Epistles themselves to throw 
serious doubt on this conclusion. At the same time it is 
impossible any longer to ignore that it is now frequently 
challenged, more particularly with regard to the Second Epistle. 
And though many of the points raised are dependent on the 
exact interpretation of various words and phrases to which we 
have still to turn, it may be well in the meantime to set forth 
the external evidence on which the claims of both Epistles 
to genuineness rest, and to examine as far as possible the 
principal objections that have been brought against them. For 1 
this purpose it will be necessary to treat them separately. 


Authen- l - The external evidence in favour of I Thessalonians is 

tidty of no t so strong as we might have expected, nor can it be carried 

lonians. back to such an early date as in the case of many of the other 

ternal*" N.T. writings. Thus, though there is a certain resemblance 

evidence, between its eschatological teaching and the Didache, it is by 

no means clear that the writer of the latter actually used it. 

Nor do the frequently-cited passages from the Apostolic Fathers 

amount to much, though two passages in Ignatius, and one in 

the Shepherd of Hermas may perhaps be taken as showing 

acquaintance with its contents. Much more important testi- 


mony in its favour is the fact that it is contained in the Canon 
of Marcion (c. 140 A.D.), and in the Syriac Vulgate and Old 
Latin Versions. In the Muratorian Fragment on the Canon 
(c. I/O A.D.) it is placed sixth in the list of St Paul's Epistles. 
Irenaeus (c. 1 80 A.D.) is, so far as we know, the first writer 
to quote it by name. 

For a possible reminiscence of iv. 15 17 in Didache xvi. 
6 f. see the note on iv. 16. The passages from Ignatius are 

Rom. ii. I ov yap 0eAa> v^tta? avOpoyrrapea-KfjcraL aXXa ea) dpeVat, cf. 
ii. 4 ofy ws dj/$pu>7rois dpeo-KOvrcs, aAAa, #eu), and Eph. x. I <x8x- 
AetTTTw? TrpocrevxevOe (where however the reading is doubtful), cf. 
v. 17 dStoAeiTTToos irpoo-^v^aOf. 1 : and the passage from Hermas 
is Vis. III. ix. 10 TraiScvere ovv dAA^Xous /cat tiprjveveTt fv avrots, 
cf. v. I3f. tIprjvevtTe iv eat>TOis* TrapafcaXov/xev Se V/JLO.S, dSeA.<oi, 
vovOtTfiTt.... For the evidence of Marcion see Tert. adv. 
Marc. v. 15, Epiphan. Haer. xlii. 9. Can. Murat. 'ad 

tensaolenecinsis sexta.' In adv. Haer. v. vi. i Irenaeus 
quotes v. 23 as the words of the 'Apostle' 'in prima epistola 
ad Thessalonicenses'; cf. also v. xxx. 2, Clem. Al. Paed. i. 
p. 88 D (ed. Sylburg), Tert. de Res. Cam. c. 24. 

It is not necessary to carry the evidence further down, for, 
apart from the frequent references to the Epistles which are to 
be found in the writings of the Fathers from Irenaeus onwards 
(see small print above), the very existence of 2 Thessalonians, 
whatever its exact date, implies the recognition of the Pauline 
authorship of the First Epistle at a very early period in the 
history of the Church a recognition moreover which it con- 
tinued uninterruptedly to enjoy until the middle of last 

2. The first to raise doubts regarding it was Schrader (Der ? .Ob- 
Apostel Paulus, Leipzig 1836), who proceeded on purely sub- the^ 
jective grounds. And in this he was followed by F. C. Baur, ^^' s 
who developed the attack against both Epistles with great ticity. 
vigour in his Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi (Stuttgart 1845, 
Eng. Tr. 2 vols., London, 1873 75). Baur indeed afterwards 
saw reason to modify his views regarding the relation of the 
two Epistles (in the Theol. Jahrbucher, xiv. 1855, p. 141 ff., 
see his Paul, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 3 14 ff.), but the objections which 

1 'The evidence that Ignatius knew N.T. in the Apost. Fathers (Oxford, 
i Thessalonians is almost nil.' The 1905) p. 74. 


he originally raised may still be said to form the principal 
storehouse from which arguments against the authenticity of 
the First Epistle are drawn, and on that account deserve 

In themselves they are of a somewhat varied character, and 
embrace such points as the meagreness of the Epistle's con- 
tents, and their close dependence on the narrative in Acts, the 
striking similarity to the Corinthian Epistles in thought and 
language, the un-Pauline character of such passages as ii. 146., 
iv. 146., and the traces of a later date implied in the description 
of the Thessalonian Church. 

If, however, the view that has already been taken of 
the circumstances attending the writing of the Epistle is 
correct (p. xxxiff.), none of these objections should cause much 
difficulty. What more natural, for example, than that, writing 
as he did to vindicate his own and his companions' character, 
St Paul should dwell at considerable length on the nature of 
their ministry at Thessalonica ? And if general agreement 
in historical details with St Luke's account is only what we 
would then look for, the no less striking apparent divergences 
(cf. pp. xxvii, xxx) are in themselves strong proof that we have 
the work not of a mere imitator, but rather of an independent 
and more fully informed narrator. Nor are the frequent 
resemblances to the Corinthian Epistles to be wondered at, 
when we remember the short interval of time that elapsed 
between their composition, and the closely similar situations 
that they were designed to meet. The violent polemic against 
the Jews (ii. 14 ff.) is no doubt startling in view of the 
Apostle's general attitude towards his fellow-countrymen, but 
it may be sufficiently accounted for by the strenuous opposition 
which at the time they were offering to him in his work (note 
the pres. participles dpco-Koi/rwi/, KwAvovron/, and cf. p. xxxif.) 1 . 
Nor is there any need to refer v. i6 c to the destruction of 
Jerusalem. The language is too vague to be understood of 
any such literal and outward event, and, as we shall see again, 
clearly refers to the 'judgment' passed upon the Jewish people 
in the rejection of their Messiah. Similarly the ' concrete 
representation' of the Last Things in iv. 14 ff. is not enough, 
as indeed Baur himself admits, to brand the Epistle as un- 
apostolic, and may easily be due to an early and apparently 
transitory stage in St Paul's eschatological thought. And 

1 According to B. Weiss (Apo~kaly- Volke, das den abtriinnigen Vor- 

ptische Studien in SK., 1869, p. 24) kampfer des Christentums mit dem 

'Es war die Periode der scharfsten wildesten Fanaticismus verfolgte.' 
Spannung zwischen ihm und seinem 


finally, the statements regarding the rapid growth and widely- 
extended influence of the Thessalonian Church (i. 7 ., iv. 10), 
even if no account be taken of the Apostle's constant tendency 
to exhibit his converts in the most favourable possible light 
(iii. 6, 12, iv. i), are in entire accord with what we know of 
the Macedonian character (see p. xlvi), and the natural 
advantages Thessalonica enjoyed for an active missionary 
propaganda (see p. xxii). 

There seems to be nothing therefore in these objections to 
cause any serious difficulty 1 . And even if they were much 
stronger than they are, they would be more than counter- 
balanced by the tone and character of the Epistle as a whole 2 . 
There is an unmistakable ring of reality about its more 
personal passages, a revelation alike of writer and readers, to 
which no imitator could ever have attained. Nor again is it 
possible to conceive how any one writing after what had come 
to be regarded as the distinctive truths of Paulinism were 
widely known could so skilfully have avoided their introduction 
into a letter purporting to be written by the Apostle 3 . Only 
in such an actual historical situation as we have tried to depict 
is an adequate explanation of the Epistle's raison d'etre forth- 
coming. And only in St Paul himself can we find a writer 
who could have succeeded in so impressing his personality 
upon what he wrote, combined with the freedom in thought 
and expression which in themselves are so distinctive of an 
original author. Is it likely too that any one writing long after 
the expectation had been falsified would have endangered his 
credibility by ascribing to St Paul language, which certainly on 
the face of it implies that the writer looked for the Parousia 
during his own lifetime (iv. 15)? 

1 Steck's supposed discovery (Jahr- study 'Der erste Thessalonicherbrief ' 
backer /. protest. Theologie 1883, p. in SK., 1885, P- 263 ff. Cf. Jiilicher 
509 ff.) of the \6yos Kvpiov of iv. 15 in Einl. in d. N.T. p. 37, Eng. Tr. p. 58, 
4 Ezra v. 41 f. (cited on p. xxxiii, n. 1 ), 'In opposition to the school of Baur 
and the consequent carrying forward the genuineness of the Epistle should 
of the writing of i Thess. to at least be upheld as unquestionable. In style, 
100 A. D., is of no greater weight, as vocabulary and attitude it approaches 
the relation between the passages is of as nearly as possible to the four Prin- 
the most general kind, and by no means cipal Epistles. ' 

demands any theory of literary depen- 3 Cf. Knowling The Testimony of 

dence: see further Bornemann p. 3 1 o ff . St Paul to Christ (1905) p. 21 f. 

2 See especially von Soden's careful 


3. Present 3- It is only therefore what we should expect, when we find 

asTo itf 1 * ^ a t the claims of I Thessalonians to be regarded as an 

authen- authentic work of the Apostle Paul are now freely admitted by 

practically all N.T. scholars of importance, its opponents being 

limited to those who deny the genuineness of all the Pauline 

Epistles 1 . 

and Nor, apart from the wider question of its authenticity, does 

integrity. t nere seem any good ground for doubting the general integrity 
of the Epistle in the form in which it has come down to us. 
Schmiedel indeed suggests that ii. 15 f. is an interpolation, 
and others, who accept the passage as a whole, are inclined to 
throw doubt on the last clause of v. 16 as possibly an 'editorial 
comment/ added after the destruction of Jerusalem had taken 
place 2 . But for neither position is there any real warrant (see 
notes ad loca)', while v. 2J, which has also been suspected, is, 
whatever the exact interpretation given to it, in thorough 
accord with the strained and anxious mood, through which at 
the time the Apostle was passing (p. xxxi ff.) 3 . 


Authen- On the other hand the authenticity and integrity of 2 Thes- 

Thessa sa l n i ans stand on a different footing, and raise questions of a 

lonians. more difficult character. And, that being so, it is satisfactory 
to find that the external evidence on its behalf is both earlier 
and fuller than in the case of the First Epistle. 

I. Thus, leaving aside possible references in the Didache 
and Ignatius, there are two passages in Polycarp both of which 
appear to have this Epistle directly in view. It is true that in 
the first the writer supposes himself to be quoting words 
originally addressed to the Philippians, but the words (see 
below) are only found in 2 Thessalonians, and Polycarp rnay 
easily have confused between the two Macedonian Churches, 

i. Ex- 

1 E.g. van Manen art. 'Paul' in 
Encyc. Bibl. See the thorough- 
going refutation of such extreme 
positions by Knowling op. cit. p. 7ff., 
as well as in his earlier work The 

Witness of the Epistles (1892) p. 133 ff. 

2 Moffatt Hist. N.T. p. 626. 

3 See further C. Clemen Die Ein- 
heitlichkeit der paulinischen Briefe 
(Gottingen, 1894) p. 13 ff. 


or possibly in view of their vicinity have looked upon Philippi 
and Thessalonica as forming in reality one community 1 . In the 
second, it is hardly possible to doubt that he is consciously 
adapting a passage of 2 Thessalonians for his purpose, though 
unfortunately here, as in the foregoing passage, the Greek 
original is lost. Coining further down we find the Epistle 
again vouched for in the Canon of Marcion, in the Syriac 
Vulgate and Old Latin Versions, and in the Muratorian Frag- 
ment, while the references to it in early Christian literature 
are both numerous and clear. Thus there seems an obvious 
reference to its principal eschatological passage in Justin 
Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho, and an interesting passage 
in the Epistle Vienne and Lyons points even more strongly in 
the same direction. Irenaeus is again the first to mention it 
directly by name. 

With iii. 8 ff. cf. Didache xii. 3, and with ii. 3 ff. cf. 
Didache xvi. 6 ff. The passage from Ignatius is Rom. x. 3 
ppcoo-0e 6i9 reAos ev VTTO/AOI/TJ 'I^aov Xpiorov, cf. iii. 5 ets rrjv 
v c 7ro/xoi/r)v rov xpia-roi). It is doubtful, however, whether 
v-rrofjiovfj is to be understood in the same sense in both passages 
(see note ad foe.). With i. 4 wore avrovs tjfjt,a<s ev vfuv ey/cau- 
Xacr0ai h r. e/cKA^orcais r. 0eov cf. Polyc. Ep. xi. 3 ' ego autem 
nihil tale sensi in vobis vel audivi, in quibus laboravit beatus 
Paulus, qui estis in principio epistulae ejus : de vobis etenim 
gloriatur in omnibus ecclesiis 2 '; and with iii. 15 KOL //,>/ o>s 
)(0pov r;yao-$e dAAa vovOtrtlre cos d8eA.<dV, cf. Ep. xi. 4 'et non 
sicut inimicos tales existimetis.' The passage from Justin is 
Dial. HO (ed. Otto) orav KOL 6 rrjs txTrocrTacrtas ai/$po>7ros, 6 K<U 
ets rov vi/acrrov ef^aAAa A.aAcui', CTTI rrj<s yrjs avo/xa ToA/xrfo-^ ets ^ju,as 
TOVS Xpto-navov?, and the passage from the Ep. Vienne and 
Lyons (ap. Eus. H.E. v. i) evta-Krjif/ev 6 avTi/cei'/xcvo?, Trpooifiia- 
^o/xevos ^Sry TTJV /xeAAoucrav eaecr^at Trap over LO.V avroi;...Xpt(7TOs... 
Karapycov rov avTiKi/xi/oi/...ot viol riys ctTrwAetas: cf. ii. 3 ff. In 

adv. Haer. in. vii. 2 Irenaeus introduces a quotation from ii. 8 
with the words *et iterum in secunda ad Thessalonicenses, de 
Antichristo dicens, [Apostolus] ait': cf. also Clem. Al. Strom. 
v. p. 554 (ed. Sylburg), Tert. de Res. Cam. c. 24. 

2. On external grounds then the Epistle is amply vouched ^ In- 
for, but the internal difficulties are here of a much more serious evidence. 

1 Cf. Zahn Geschichte des N cutest. also suggests that he is quoting' (The 
Kanons i. p. 815. N.T. in the Ap. Fathers p. 95). 

2 'The present tense of gloriatur 


character than in the case of I Thessalonians, and have in 
recent years been presented with a skill and force that make 
the question of the Epistle's authenticity one of the most inter- 
esting and keenly debated points in modern N.T. criticism. 

The attack was started by J. E. Ch. Schmidt (in his 
Bibliothek f. Kritik und Exegese des N.T. Hadamar 1801, 
and then in his Einleit. in das N.T. Giesseii 1804), and his 
objections were revived by de Wette in the earlier editions 
of his Lehrbuch der histor.-krit. Einleit. in die kanonischen 
Bucher des JV.T S ., but afterwards abandoned in the fourth 
edition (1842), and in his Exegetisches Handbuch (1841) where 
the Epistle's authenticity is fully recognized. Meanwhile, 
however, doubts had again been raised by Kern (Tubing. 
Zeitschr. f. Theol. ii. 1839) who was closely followed by Baur 
(Paulus, 1845), both writers seeing in the Epistle a fictitious 
writing, dependent on the Apocalypse, and containing features 
borrowed from the person arid history of Nero : while 
Hilgenfeld (Einl. in d. N.T. 1875, P- 642 ff.) went further, 
carrying its composition as far down as Trajan's time, a 
position with which in the main Bahnsen (Jahrb. f. protest. 
Theol. 1880, p. 68iff.) agreed. 

Others in more recent times who have denied the Epistle's 
authenticity are Weizsacker, Pfleiderer, Schmiedel, Holtzmann, 
and Wrede, and, in part, P. W. Schmidt and Dr Samuel 
Davidson. On the other hand it has gained the support of 
Harnack, Jiilicher, and Clemen, has been vigorously defended 
by Zahn, and is now treated as genuine by the great majority 
of commentators in Germany, including its latest expositors 
Bornemann and Wohlenberg, as well as by the general con- 
sensus of N.T. scholarship both in this country and America 1 . 

It cannot be denied however that many who support this 

conclusion do so with a certain amount of hesitation, and only 

because of the still greater difficulties attending any rival 

theory. And it may be well therefore to subject the more 

The important arguments that have been urged against the Epistle 

E P istle to a fresh examination with the view of seeing how far they are 

on the really well-grounded. In the main they are derived from ( I ) its 

ground of i an g ua g e an d style, (2) its literary relationship to I Thessa- 

lonians, and (3) the character of its doctrinal contents. 

1 Dr Charles, who refers to the Isaiah (1900) p. Ixii. On the other 

Epistle 'with some hesitation' in his hand Dr McGiffert (Encyc. Bill. art. 

Jo wett Lectures on Eschatology (1899) ' Thessalonians' col. 5045) speaks of 

p. 380, is now satisfied as to its its genuineness as 'beset with serious 

genuineness: see e.g. his Ascension of difficulties ' and ' at best very doubtful/ 


(i) In itself the vocabulary of the Epistle is by no means (i) Lan- 

remarkable. The words peculiar to it among N.T. writings f^f a 
number only 10, as compared with 17 in i Thessalonians, nor 
do any of them cause any real difficulty (cf. p. liii). And this is 
the more noteworthy when we remember the unique character 
of some of its apocalyptic passages, and the marked tendency 
observable in other of the N.T. writings towards diversity of 
language and style in dealing with similar topics 1 . 

But while the vocabulary is thus in the main genuinely 
Pauline, various words and phrases are often pointed to as used 
in an un-Pauline manner. 

Thus it is said that in i. n (Iva. v/xas a^itocny r-fjs /cArfcreoos 6 
0eos 77//,a)i/) K\.rja-Ls refers to the final call to participation 
in future blessedness instead of, as is usual in St Paul, to 
the initial act of the Christian's life. But even if this future 
reference be admitted, which is by no means certain, we have 
at least a partial parallel in Phil. iii. 14 SIW'KW ets TO f3pa.pti.ov 
rrjs avw /cA^'crew? TOV Oeov eV Xpi<TTa> ^Irjaov, and in any case 
we can hardly refuse to the word a latitude of application 
which St Paul might so naturally have extended to it. Nor 
again surely can any one seriously urge that, because on two 
occasions the Apostle used the verb e^eAe^aro with reference to 
the Divine election (i Cor. i. 27 f., Eph. i. 4), he could not 
therefore have used eiAaro in ii. 13 (on ciAaro v/xas 6 6to<s a-rr 
a PXV < * e ^ s cramyptav), a verb which, as we know from other evi- 
dence (Phil. i. 22), he was in the habit of employing, and which 
from its special reference to the destiny or vocation of the chosen 
was peculiarly appropriate in the present passage. Still more 
idle is the objection to ur^vs in i. 9 (euro T^S 80^5 r-fjs torsos 
avTov} for the more usual Swa/xis, for not only is io~xvs vouched 
for by Eph. i. 19, vi. 10, but in the Thessalonian passage it is 
actually a quotation from Isa. ii. 10. And if any importance is 
to be attached to the solitary appearance of ei/Kca>xao-0cu (i. 4) 
instead of Kavxao-Qai, which is found more than thirty times in 
the Pauline Epistles, or to the combination 6\eOpo<s cuon/tos (i. 9), 
which St Paul does not again use, but which is in perfect 
keeping with the language of the Old Testament, and more 
particularly with that of Jesus, on which in the whole passage 
the writer shows himself so dependent, or to the admittedly 
difficult construction OTL eirio-TevOrj TO papTvpiov ^/xtov <' v/mas 
(i. TO: see note ad loc.) do not these and similar anomalies 
. tell at least as much for as against Pauline authorship, for is it 
likely that any imitator would have endangered the credibility 
of his work by making use of them 1 ? 

1 Cf. Lightfoot Notes on Epistles of St Paul p. 72 f. 
M. THESS. f 


The same might be said of the variation that appears in 
certain familiar formulas or phrases between our Epistle and 
i Thessalonians, even if other explanations of the changes 
were not forthcoming. Thus in the opening thanksgiving, 
when instead of the simple evxapio-Tovptv of I. i. 2 we find 
et>xapio-Tu/ 6(etA.o/Av in i. 3 and again in ii. 13, this, apart 
from the added emphasis, is in entire accord with the more 
formal style of the whole Second Epistle, to which reference 
will have to be made again. And in the closing invocation 
the substitution of 6 /cupios rrjs tlprjvr)*; (iii. 16) for 6 $eos T-fjs 
dprfvys (I. v. 23), taken along with the similar interchange of 
Persons in ii. 13 and I. i. 4, may well be due to the prominent 
place which the exalted Lord was occupying at the moment 
in St Paul's thoughts in view of His glorious Return. In 
any case it seems evident that throughout this Epistle 6 Kvpios 
is to be referred to Christ and not to God, so that there is 
at least no exception here to the general Pauline practice 
(see Add. Note D). 

Other examples of so-called inconsistencies with the language 
of the first Epistle hardly need to be mentioned. When hostile 
criticism has to fall back on minutiae such as these, unless 
they are supported by other and stronger evidence than any 
we have yet discovered, that is in itself a confession of the 
insufficiency of its case. And it will be generally conceded 
that this Epistle, taken as a whole, so far as its language and 
style are concerned, leaves upon the mind of any unbiassed 
reader the impression of a genuinely Pauline work 1 . For not 
only are there abundant traces of the Apostle's characteristic 
phraseology and manner, as has been clearly shown by Dr Jowett 
and others 2 , but the whole Epistle reflects that indefinable 
original atmosphere which a great writer imparts to his work, 
and which, in this instance, we are accustomed to associate 
with the name of St Paul. 

(2) Lite- (2) On the other hand, the very closeness of our Epistle's 

peiidence resemblance to I Thessalonians has been made the ground of 

1 Cf. Jiilicher Einl. in d. N.T. p. 40, ously.' 

Eng. Tr. p. 62, 'The least important 2 Jowett The Epistles of St Paul to 

of these arguments [against the gen- the Thessalonians, &c., 2nd Ed. i. 

uineness of the Epistle] are those re- p. 148 f. According to Eeuss Hist, of 

ferring to the phraseology, for on the the N.T., ed. Houghton, p. 75 'For 

whole the style is so thoroughly Paul- every "unpauline" expression the 

ine that one might indeed admire the concordance shows ten Pauline.' 
forger who could imitate it so ingeni- 


a second objection to its authenticity. For the literary depend- on i Thes- 
ence between the two Epistles has been declared to be of such sa 
a character that the question comes to be not, 'Could one man 
have written both Epistles?' but, 'Is it likely that one man 
writing to the same people at what must have been a very 
short interval of time would repeat himself to so large an 
extent? Or, even if this is conceivable under certain circum- 
stances, is it likely in the case of a writer so richly endowed 
arid so fertile in thought as the Apostle Paul?' 

The first to raise this difficulty pointedly was Weizsacker 1 , 
and his arguments have recently been strongly emphasized by 
H. Holtzmann 2 and W. Wrede 3 . And the objection is at least 
an interesting one, for, when taken in conjunction with other 
peculiarities of the Epistle, it lends itself very easily to the 
idea of an imitator or forger, who, in order to gain credence for 
certain views he wished to express, encased them, so to speak, 
in the framework of a generally accepted Pauline Epistle. 
To this supposition we shall have to return later, but in the 
meantime before expressing any opinion upon it, we must 
notice clearly how far the resemblances between the two 
Epistles really extend. 

Both Epistles begin with a salutation in almost identical 
terms, and marked by a form of address which the Apostle 
does not employ again (I. i. i; II. i. i, 2). 

This is followed by the customary thanksgiving, expressed 
again in a way found nowhere else in St Paul, and based on 
practically the same grounds as regards the Thessalonians' 
state (I. i. 2 ff.; II. i. 3 .). 

A section follows in the main peculiar in thought to the 
Second Epistle (i. 5 12), but exhibiting many parallels of 
language with the First, while the transition to the great 
revelation of chap. ii. is marked by a form of appeal (eptorco/Aev 
Se vVas, dSeA.<oi, ii. i) which is found in the Pauline Epistles 
outside these two Epistles only in Phil. iv. 3. 

The revelation referred to the section regarding the Man 
of lawlessness, ii. i 12 stands so entirely by itself as regards 

l DasApostolischeZeitalter' 2 p.'24()f., lation to the first letter' p. 295). 
Eng. Tr. i. p. 295 f. ('The fact that the 2 Z.N.T.W. ii. (1901), p. 97 ff. 
genuineness of the epistle has been 3 Die Echtheit des zweiten Tliessalon- 

strenuously assailed is not surprising, icherbriefs (Texte und Untersuchungen, 

but inevitable. The reason for this is N.F. ix. 2), Leipzig, 1903. 
found, above all, in its striking re- 


contents, that it is frequently spoken of as constituting the 
raison d'etre of the whole Epistle. But, apart from other 
Pauline peculiarities of language which it exhibits, it is 
interesting to notice in connexion with the point before us, 
that we find here the same reminiscences by the writer of a 
visit to his readers, and of what he had said when with them, 
that we have already met in i Thessalonians (ii. 5 ov fj-vrjfjiovtveTe 
on en (Lv TT/DOS v/xcts TavTa. 4'A.eyov vfjuv ] cf. I. iii. 4 Kat yo.p ore 
Trpos v/xas ^ev, TTpoeA-eyo/xcv vfuv) : this does not occur again 
in the Pauline Epistles. 

No sooner, moreover, has the writer of the Second Epistle 
finished this, his main theme, than he utters a fervid thanks- 
giving and prayer for his readers (ii. i3f.), after the manner 
of I. ii. 13, in which several of the characteristic words and 
phrases scattered through the First Epistle are re-echoed. 

Similar resemblances may also be traced in the exhortation 
that follows to stand firm and to hold fast the traditions they 
have been taught (ii. 15 ; I. iv. i), and more especially in the 
remarkable invocation of ii. 16, which corresponds both in 
form and place with I. iii. ii, though there, in accordance 
with the usual practice, 6 #eos Kat Trarrjp T/'/XCOV comes before 
6 Kvptos r//xuJi/ 'I^o-ovs : while the prayer in iii. 5 6 Se Kvpios 
KOLTtvOvvai v/xwi/ TO.S Ka/oSi'as may be compared with I. iii. 1 1 
avros Se 6 $eos . . . KarevOvvat TYJV 6Soi/ T^/XWV, the only other 
passage in the Pauline writings where the verb KarevOvvtiv is 
found, though it is to be noted that it is used in different 
connexions in the two passages. 

The closing section iii. 6 15, like the closing section 
I. v. i ff., is occupied with a practical exhortation, which in 
the main follows independent lines, though we are again 
struck with the recurrence here of various turns of expression 
and thought with which the First Epistle has already made 
us familiar such as the warning against disorderly walking 
(iii. 6, 7, ii ; I. v. 14) ; the call to imitate the writer's mode of 
life (iii. 7, 9; I. i. 6f.); and the reference to the Apostle's 
labouring night and day that they might not prove themselves 
burdensome to their converts (iii. 8 ; I. ii. 9), to which the 
Second Epistle adds the further thought of providing an 
example to the restless and idle (iii. 9). 

Both Epistles end with an invocation to ' the Lord (God, 
i Thess.) of peace,' and with the customary Pauline benedic- 
tion (II. iii. 16, 18; I. v. 23, 28). 

The resemblances between the two writings are thus very 
striking, and justice can hardly be said to have been done to 
them as a rule by the upholders of the Pauline authorship of 
the Second Epistle. At the same time, care must be taken 
that they are not pressed too far. Even our brief review -has 


indicated what an examination of Wrede's carefully prepared 
Tables makes still more evident, that at most the parallelism 
between the two Epistles cannot be said to extend to more 
than one-third of their whole contents. And from this, again, 
there fall to be deducted such points of contact as are afforded 
by the salutation at the beginning, the benediction at the close, 
the phrases of transition from one subject to another, and similar 
formal expressions, where a close resemblance of language is 
not only natural 'but probable 1 . 

Nor must it be forgotten that even where certain sections 
of the Second Epistle correspond in their general contents to 
certain sections of the First, the actual parallelisms in language 
are by no means always found within these corresponding 
sections, but have frequently to be drawn from the two Epistles 
as wholes. And not only so, but they often occur in such 
different connexions as to suggest not so much the slavish 
copying by one man of another, as rather the free handling 
by the same writer of certain familiar words and phrases 2 . 

The same may be said of the differences of tone, combined 
with the similarities of expression, between the two Epistles of 
which certain critics have made so much. It is quite true that 
in certain particulars the general tone of Second Thessalonians 
is more official and severe than the tone of First Thessalonians, 
though warm and personal passages are not wanting (e.g., i. n, 
ii. i6f., iii. 3 5), and that at places the writer seems in diffi- 
culties as regards both his language and his grammar 3 . 

But while these facts, taken by themselves, might be evi- 
dence of a later writer clumsily imitating another man's work 4 , 

1 According to Schmiedel (Hand- 3 Commenting on i. 3 10, Borne- 
Co mmentar zum N.T. n. i. p. 8), out mann remarks: 'Man hat das Gefiihl, 
of not quite 825 words 'in Second als sei er nicht sofort mit seinen 
Thessalonians over 150 correspond Worten ins rechte Gleis gekommen und 
literally, and over 30, with slight miisse, zum Teil mit den Worten 
variations, with the vocabulary of seines friiheren Briefes, zum Teil mit 
First Thessalonians : not surely a very alttestamentlichen und liturgischen 
large number when the circumstances Wendungen erst den Zug seiner Ge- 
of the Epistle's composition are kept danken rangieren und sammeln' (Die 
in view. Thessalonicherbriefe p. 328). 

2 See further a review by Wernle of 4 ' Kiinstliche oder vielmehr verkiiu- 
Wrede's pamphlet in the Gottingische stelte Nacharbeit.' Holtzmann I.e. 
gelehrte Anzeigen, 1905, p. 347 ff. (sum- p. 100. 

marized in Exp. vn. ii. p. 91 f.). 


they may be equally well accounted for by a change in the 
mood of the same writer, and in the circumstances of those to 
whom he writes. 

St Paul was, we know, subject to great alternations of 
feeling, and when he wrote 2 Thessalonians, not only was he no 
longer under the influence of the same glad rebound from 
anxiety regarding the Thessalonians' state that he experienced 
when he wrote his First Epistle, but there is also evidence that 
at the time he was personally much harassed by 'unreasonable 
and evil men' at Corinth (iii. 2; Acts xviii. 12 ff.). Moreover, 
as regards the recipients of the letter, there are undoubted 
traces in the Second Epistle that, between the time of its 
writing and the writing of the First, St Paul had heard of an 
increasing restlessness among his converts a business which 
was no business (fjLrjbev pyao/j,evov<$ d\\a Trepiepya^ofLevovs, 
iii. n) which might well justify more authoritative and 
severe warnings on his part, without however implying the 
later Church-discipline (' Kirchenzucht ') which Schmiedel tries 
to discover in them. 

Nor is it quite fair, as is generally done by those who lay 
stress on the closeness of the literary dependence between the 
two Thessalonian Epistles, to speak of it as without a parallel 
in early Christian literature. For, to those who admit their 
authenticity, we have within the circle of the Pauline Epistles 
themselves the kindred Epistles to the Ephesians and Colos- 
sians, exhibiting an identity of thought and language, such as 
to make them, notwithstanding their admitted differences in 
aim, almost duplicates of each other. And if St Paul could 
thus repeat himself in two contemporary Epistles, addressed 
if not to the same Church at least to the same district, why 
should not a like similarity run through two other Epistles, 
written at an interval 'according to the traditional view of at 
most a few months, and dealing with a situation which, if 
differing in certain particulars, was in the main unchanged 
(cf. p. Ivi n. 3 ) ? 

A further effort to explain the extent of the resemblances 
between the two Epistles has also been made by the suggestion 
that St Paul had re-read the First immediately before writing 
the Second Epistle, or more precisely that he had in his hands 


the rough draft which his amanuensis had prepared of his first 
letter a clean copy having been despatched to Thessalonica 
and that he drew freely from it in dictating the terms of the 
second letter 1 . 

One cannot say that this is impossible, and there would 
certainly be nothing according to the literary canons of the 
time to prevent a writer thus freely borrowing from his own 
previous work. But the very ingenuity of the suggestion is 
against it, and presupposes that the Apostle attached a greater 
importance to his own writings than their strictly occasional 
character warrants. 

It is safer therefore to be content with such general ex- 
planations as have already been offered, or frankly to admit 
that the resemblances between the two Epistles constitute an 
interesting but, in our present state of ignorance regarding the 
exact circumstances of their writing, an insoluble literary 
problem. This however in no way militates against the Pauline 
authorship of the Second, unless other and more definite grounds 
for disputing it can be produced. 

(3) Such grounds, it is said, are to be found in the Epistle's (3) Doc- 
doctrinal contents, as being, in the first place, inconsistent with con tents. 

the clear teaching of I Thessalonians, and, in the second, in These are 

. . ., . said to be 

themselves of such a character, that it is not possible to think 

of St Paul's having written them. 

(a) As regards the charge of inconsistency with I Thes- () icon- 
salonians, that rests in the main on an alleged change of attitude w ith 

with reference to the nearness of the Parousia. In I Thessa- T ^ h( ? s " 


lonians the Parousia is represented as close at hand, and there 
is no mention of any sign by which it is to be preceded ; but 
in 2 Thessalonians we are distinctly told that it will not take 
place until the Man of lawlessness has been revealed 2 . 

To this it is generally replied that the two pictures are not 
really inconsistent, and that while there is nothing in the 

1 'Fiir den vielbeschaftigten und 2 Th diktirte' (Zahn Einl. in das 

seines erregbaren Temperaments be- N.T. i. p. 179). 

wussten PI lag gerade in diesem Fall 2 Cf. G-. Hollmann Die Unechtheit 

nichts naher, als das Concept des des ziveiten Thessalonicherbriefs in 

i Th, wenn ein vorhanden war, Z. N. T. W. v. (1904), p. 29 ff. 
noch einmal durchzulesen, ehe er den 


teaching regarding the Parousia in I Thessalonians to exclude 
the prior coming of the Man of lawlessness, there is equally 
nothing in his coming as depicted in the Second Epistle to 
delay unduly the expected Parousia of the First: all that is 
said is that Christ will not come just yet 1 . 

But while there is undoubted force in this and parallels 
for the conjunction of the two views, or rather for the two 
aspects of the same truth may be cited from our Lord's escha- 
tological discourse (Mt. xxiv. 296.), and from the Apocalypse 
of St John (Rev. iii. I ff., vi. I If.) it is better not to attempt 
to reconcile the two positions too literally. There are many 
indications that St Paul's eschatological views were at this 
time in a state of flux, and that his teaching concerning the 
Last Things was determined by practical and not theological 
motives, without much regard as to how far that teaching 
presented a consistent whole 2 . And it may well have been that 
in the short time that had elapsed between the writing of 
I and 2 Thessalonians he had heard of circumstances in his 
converts' state, which led him to emphasize afresh an aspect 
of the Parousia, on which he had dwelt when in Thessalonica 
(ii. 5), but of which they had apparently lost sight, and which 
may also have gained a new significance in his own mind. 

(b) Even, however, if the point be thus turned against the 
charge of inconsistency, the question still remains whether it is 
at all likely that St Paul, supposing him to have been the 
writer, would have so far departed from his general mode of 
thought in this particular passage, ii. I 12. In none of his 
other New Testament writings do we find him laying stress 
on the ' signs ' preceding the end ; nor does the person of 

1 Baur admitted this in his earlier different ways ' (Paulus p. 488, Eng. 

and, it seems to us, correcter view of Tr. ii. p. 93). On 'how confused a 

the relation of the two Epistles on this maze of eschatological conceptions 

point. 'It is perfectly conceivable,' could co-exist often in one and the 

he says, ' that one and the same writer, same person,' see Wernle Beginnings 

if he lived so much in the thought of of Christianity Eng. Tr. i. p. 25. 
the parousia as the two Epistles testify, 2 Cf. Vischer Die Paulusbriefe (1904) 

should have looked at this mysterious p. 7 1 ' Wo eine uberschwangliche Hoff- 

subject in different circumstances and nungspricht, darf manmcht juristische 

from different points of view, and so Prazision erwarten.' 
expressed himself regarding it in 


Antichrist, with whom in general his conception corresponds, 
though the actual name is not used, again appear in his Epistles 
except in the incidental notice of 2 Cor. vi. 15 (rt? 8e av^wvr]- 
0-49 Xpio-Tov 7T/00? J$e\iap ;). But this in itself is not sufficient 
ground for maintaining that St Paul can never have shared 
what we know to have been a widely spread belief of his time 
(comp. i Jo. ii. 1 8, 22, iv. 3, 2 Jo. 7, Rev. xii. 13; Gfrorer 
Jahr. des Heils ii. p. 257). And if he did not again lay the 
same stress on it, that may have been either because he had 
outgrown the belief in this particular form, or because he did 
not again find himself confronted with circumstances which 
made such teaching either necessary or desirable. 

Of course if the historical situation lying at the background 
of this teaching is to be sought in the antinomian Gnostic 
heresies of the second century, as Hilgenfeld, Bahnsen and 
Pfleiderer have from various points of view maintained, or 
even in the popular legend of Nero redivivus, which has 
been widely believed from Kern and Baur down to P. Schmidt 
and Schmiedel, the Pauline authorship of the Epistle at once 
falls to the ground. 

But, as has already been indicated, the doctrine of Anti- 
christ did not come into existence with Montanism, but was 
firmly rooted in Jewish soil even before the Christian era; 
while, as regards the Nero-hypothesis, the recent researches 
of Gunkel 1 , Bousset 2 , and Charles 3 have made clear that it 
was at a much later date than the interests of this theory 
require, that those traits belonging to Antichrist were trans- 
ferred to Nero, which alone could make him a fitting basis 
for the Pauline conception. 

Nor can this conception be derived from the Johannine 
Apocalypse, as was at one time freely held 4 . It is now very 
generally admitted by critics of all schools that the 'hindrance' 
to the Man of lawlessness, of which the writer speaks, is to be 

1 Schopfung und Chaos p. 221 ff. subject' (p. Ixii. n. 1 ). 

2 Der Antichrist p. 13 f., Eng. Tr. 4 E.g. Hilgenfeld Einl. in d. N.T. 
p. 21 f. See also art. 'Antichrist' in p. 647 ff. Later critics, while regard- 
Encyc. Bibl. ing the close affinity of the Thessa- 

3 The Ascension of Isaiah p. Ixi ff. Ionian picture with Kev. xiii. &c. as 
' Schmiedel's view which regards 2 unmistakable, re careful not to assert 
Thess. ii. 112. a Beliar Neronic actual literary dependence; cf. Holtz- 
myth (6870 A.D.) is at conflict with mann Neutest. Theologie ii. p. 191, 
the law of development as well as with Pfleiderer Urchristentum* i. p. 97 f. 
all the evidence accessible on the (Eng. Tr. i. p. 138). 


found in the influence of the Roman Government, in perfect 
keeping with such later Pauline passages as Rom. xiii. I 7. 
But if so, it will be at once recognized how wholly different 
this is from the description of Rome given in the Apocalypse, 
drunk with 'the blood of prophets and of saints, and of all 
that have been slain upon the earth ' (Rev. xviii. 24 ; cf. vi. 9 if., 
vii. 14, xiv. 8, xvi. 19)'. 

The whole conception indeed, as it meets us here, is purely 
religious, not political, and it is in the Old Testament, in the 
teaching of Jesus, and, more particularly as regards form, 
in certain Jewish apocalyptic beliefs, that its roots are to be 
found (see further Add. Note I, p. 158 ff.). 

Further than this it is impossible to go at present without 
entering on many of the vexed questions of interpretation 
which the passage raises. But if what has just been said 
is correct, it will be seen that, obscure though the passage 
undoubtedly is, there is still nothing in it to make its 
Pauline authorship impossible, or even improbable ; while its 
genuine Pauline style, and its natural place in the argument of 
the Epistle, are strong evidence in favour of the traditional 

Kival 3- -"- n this general conclusion we are confirmed by the 
Theories unsatisfactory and conflicting nature of the rival theories 
the origin which are offered of the origin and intention of 2 Thessalonians 
^ f ^7 those who deny its authenticity theories which land us in 

2 Thes- greater difficulties than any they serve to remove. Incidental 
The* 1 ' ' notice has been taken of some of these theories already, but 
Epistle there are three in particular which call for further remark 2 . 
(i) to bear (l) There is, in the first place, the theory of Interpolation, 
interpola- w ^^ c ^ ^ as been so frequently resorted to lately to explain, or 
tion, explain away, difficulties in New Testament interpretation, and 
which in the present instance has at least this in its favour, 

1 'A representation of Borne as a origin, see Bornernann Komm. p. 478, 
protecting power, "restraining" Belial, and cf. Wrede's frank admission, ' Vor 
even temporarily, is inconceivable allem darf es nicht bei der blossen 
after July, 64 A.D.' (Bacon Introd. to Negation bleiben : es muss gefragt 
the N.T. p. 78). werden, wie der Brief positiv als 

2 On the necessity of the impugners' pseudonymes Schriftstiick zu begreifen 
of the Epistle's authenticity supplying ist ' (p. 3). 

us with an intelligible account of its 


that we have abundant signs of its presence in the apocalyptic 
literature of the period. May it not then have been at work 

May not, as P. Schmidt suggests, i. I 14, ii. I, 2 a , ii. 
13 1 8 have formed a true Pauline Epistle, into which a later 
writer interpolated the two passages which have caused most 
difficulty, i. 5 12 and ii. I 12 1 ? 

But apart altogether from the arbitrariness of any such 
theory, and the total absence of MS. evidence in support of it, 
the result is to leave a letter so shorn of all its distinctive 
features that it is difficult to see how St Paul could ever 
have thought of writing it 2 . And further, a careful study 
of the Epistle as a whole shows that these two sections are so 
closely related both to what immediately precedes, and to what 
follows, that they cannot be separated from them without 

(2) Of greater interest is the view which Spitta develops (2) to be 
in a striking study on the Epistle contained in his Zur O f 
Geschichte und Litter atur des Urchristentums i. p. 1 1 1 ff. Start- Tim othy, 
ing from the 'inferiority' of the Second Epistle to the First, he 
holds that, with the exception of the authenticating paragraph 
at the end (iii. 17, 18), it is the work not of St Paul, but of 
Timothy. And in this way he thinks that he finds an adequate 
explanation both of its generally Pauline character and of its 
peculiarities of the former, because it was written by Timothy 
in close correspondence with St Paul and by his commission: 
of the latter, because the Jewish cast of its apocalyptic pas- 
sages is in thorough harmony with what we learn elsewhere 
regarding Timothy's Jewish upbringing (Ac. xvi. I, 2 Tim. i. 5, 
iii. I4f.). 

But, to take the last point first, was Timothy after all 
more of a Jew than St Paul ? And difficult though it may be 
to reconcile on paper the attitude towards the Jews which 
underlies ii. i 2 with that afterwards elaborated in Rom. xi., 

1 Der erste Thessalonicherbrief p. (' Grundlage '), which was afterwards 
in ff. (Berlin, 1885). worked up into an Epistle (Neutest. 

2 So strongly does Hausrath feel Zeitgesch. 2 iii. p. 198, Eng. Tr. iii. 
this, that apparently he regards ii. p. 215). 

i 12 as the genuine Pauline fragment 


Dr Moffatt properly insists that 'it would be psychologically 
false to deny the compatibility of both positions at different 
periods within a single personality 1 .' By the time Romans xi. 
came to be written, the Apostle was 'more dispassionate and 
patriotic/ or rather had attained to wider views of the possi- 
bilities God had in store for the chosen people. 

It is in the want, however, of any satisfactory direct evi- 
dence in support of it that the real weakness of Spitta's theory 
may be seen. For the verse on which he relies so much will 
certainly not bear the strain put upon it 'Remember ye not, 
that when I was yet (en) with you, I told you these things?' 
(ii. 5). The en, so Spitta argues, points to a time very shortly 
before that at which the writer is writing 2 . And as Timothy 
had been at Thessalonica more recently than St Paul, the 
reference is thought to be naturally to his visit. But is there 
any need so to restrict en ? All that it implies is the de- 
sire on the writer's part to carry his readers back with him 
to the time when he was with them, whenever that time may 
have been. And further, is it conceivable that e\eyov can be 
understood of any other than the leading writer St Paul, more 
particularly in view of the admitted reference of the first person 
singular to him in II. iii. 17 and I. iii. 5, v. 27, the only other 
passages in the two Epistles where it is used? Had Timothy 
wished to distinguish himself here from his two companions, 
Paul and Silvanus, would he not certainly have added his 
name eya* 6 T^u,o#eo<?, or some such expression, and not have 
trusted to the Thessalonians' recognizing his handwriting as 
different from that of St Paul in the closing paragraph (iii. 17, 
1 8), as Spitta is driven to suggest 3 . 

That Timothy may on this occasion have acted as St Paul's 
amanuensis is of course possible ; and it is perhaps in the 

1 Hist. N.T. p. 626. des Paulus in der Schlussbemerkung, 

2 'Auf eine Anwesenheit in Thessa- 3, 18. Somit ergiebt es sich mit 
lonich, welche bereits langere Zeit ziemlicher Sicherheit, dass der im 
vergangen ist, passt der Ausdruck Namen von Paulus, Silvanus und 
nicht' (p. 124). Timotheus ausgegangene 2. Thess.- 

3 'Ein Missverstandniss war ja fiir Brief von den letzter dieser drei abge- 
die Briefempfanger nicht wohl moglich, fasst uud von den ersten nur mit einen 
davon zu geschweigen, dass sie des eigenhandigen Schlusswort versehen 
Timotheus Handschrift werden ge- ist' (p. 125). 

kannt haben im Unterschied von der 


thought of a change of amanuensis from (say) Silvanus in the 
First Epistle that some of our Epistle's linguistic peculiarities 
may find an explanation (cf. Add. Note A, p. 125 f.). But this is 
very different from supposing that Timothy was actually its 
author, or that the Apostle set his own seal to views with which 
he was not wholly in agreement, as Spitta's theory requires. 

(3) If then the writer was not St Paul, there is nothing ( 3 ) to be 
left for us but to fall back upon the suggestion which has been for er y- 
urged from time to time in various forms, that the Epistle is 
the work of an unknown writer, who, anxious to gain currency 
for his own views regarding the Last Things, imbedded them in 
a framework skilfully drawn from St Paul's genuine Epistle. 

We have seen already the objections attending any such 
theory, in so far as it is connected with a definite historical 
situation such as the expected return of Nero. But apart 
altogether from such considerations, is it likely that a fictitious 
Epistle addressed on this showing to a Church which had 
already an authentic Epistle of St Paul's, and in which many 
of the original recipients may well have been alive, would ever 
have gained currency as the Apostle's ? 

So strongly does Wrede, the latest exponent of the theory, 
feel this that he suggests that the Epistle was never intended 
for Thessalonica at all, but that the unknown writer simply 
made a general use of I Thessalonians, as, owing to its apo- 
calyptic character, best serving the purpose he had in view 
(pp. 38 ff., 68). So that it comes to this : That this Epistle, 
so amply vouched for in antiquity, is nothing but a barefaced 
forgery 1 written in the name of St Paul by one who was not 
St Paul invested with the authority of the Apostle, though 
designed to correct views currently attributed to the Apostle 
and addressed to the Church of Thessalonica, though having 
another and a very different circle of readers in view. Surely 
there are more 'misses' here than any 'hits/ with which, 

1 It is unfortunate to have to use his writing. In view of iii. 17, 18, 
the word 'forgery' round which such there can be no talk here of a harm- 
definite associations have now gathered less pseudonymous writing. Cf. Wrede 
in connexion with our problem ; but p. 86: 'Stammt der zweite Thessa- 
no other word brings out so well the lonicherbrief nicht von Paulus, so ist 
deliberate attempt of one man to use er eine Falschung.' 
the name and authority of another in 


according to the most charitable interpretation of it, the theory 
can be credited ! 

Nor does the view of forgery, so improbable in itself, derive 
any real help from two passages which are often cited in 
support of it, and as in themselves conclusive against the 
Epistle's genuineness. 

The first of these is ii. 2: 'To the end that ye be not readily 
shaken from your reason, nor yet be disturbed either by spirit, 
or by word, or by epistle as from us, as if the day of the Lord 
is now present.' But even if the difficult clause, pyre St? 
67ri(TTo\f]<; o>9 &i rj/JLwv, be taken as referring to the possible 
existence of a pretended or forged epistle, and is not merely 
the exhausting by the writer of the different ways by which 
the Thessaloriians might have been disturbed spirit, word, 
letter, it represents at most just such a vague suspicion as 
might have crossed St Paul's mind (cf. I. v. 27), but which 
would have been exceedingly unnatural in one who was him- 
self engaged in passing off a spurious letter. 

The same may be said of iii. 17: 'The salutation of me 
Paul with mine own hand, which is the token in every epistle: 
so I write.' The particular form of authentication used here is 
unique among the Pauline Epistles ; and if it had been the 
work of a forger, would he not have been more careful to follow 
St Paul's general usage, as it meets us in I Cor. xvi. 21, or 
Col. iv. 18? 'But if Paul wrote the words, they express his 
intention; and this intention was satisfactorily fulfilled if he 
always added the benediction in his own handwriting 1 .' 
4. General 4. On the whole then, without any desire to minimize the 
Son! U difficulties surrounding the literary character and much of the 
contents of this remarkable Epistle, there seems to be nothing 
in them to throw undue suspicion on its genuineness; while 
the failure of those who reject it to present any adequate 
explanation of how it arose, or of the authority it undoubtedly 
possessed in the Early Church, is in itself strong presumptive 
evidence that the traditional view is correct, and that we have 
here an authentic work of the Apostle Paul. 

1 Drummond The Epistles of Paul (in International Handbooks to the 
the Apostle to the Thessalonians &c. N.T.) p. 13. 



The text adopted for the following commentary is the Greek Text 
text of Westcott and Hort : it approximates therefore closely to f or Com . 
the type of text represented by NB. In these circumstances it mentary. 
has not been thought necessary to provide a complete apparatus 
criticus; but wherever the Editors have shown any doubt as 
to the true reading by the use of brackets or the insertion 
of marginal readings, the leading authorities on both sides have 
been cited. These authorities have as a rule been taken from 
the great collection of Tischendorf (Nov. Test. Graec. 8 ii. 
Leipzig, 1872), or from Friedrich Zimmer's useful monograph 
Der Text der Thessalonicherbriefe (Quedlinburg, 1893), an( ^ ^ ne 
citations, more particularly in the case of the versions, have, as 
far as possible, been verified, and sometimes corrected, by a 
comparison with the best available texts of the originals 1 . 

It will be kept in view that the accompanying lists aim Lists of 
only at enumerating the authorities actually cited in the c it e d. 
apparatus or textual commentary. 


The text is contained in whole, or in part, in the following i. Greek 


i. Primary Uncials. i. Primary 

N. Codex Sinaiticus, saec. iv. Discovered by Tischendorf 
in the Convent of St Catherine on Mt Sinai, and 

1 In this connexion I desire to ex- kindly verified the citations from 

press my indebtedness to Mr Norman the Syriac, Armenian, and Aethiopic, 

M c Lean, Christ's College, Cambridge, and from the Egyptian versions re- 

and the Rev. A. E. Brooke, B.D., spectively. 
King's College, Cambridge, who have 


now at St Petersburg. The MS. has been corrected 
by various hands, of which N a is nearly contemporary, 
N b belongs probably to the sixth century, and N C 
to the beginning of the seventh. Ed. Tischendorf, 
Leipzig, 1864. 

A. Codex Alexandrinus, saec. v. Originally at Alexandria. 

Presented by Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Constantinople, 
to Charles I. in 1628, and deposited in the British 
Museum in 1753. Issued in autotype facsimile by 
E. M. Thompson, London, 1879. 

B. Codex Vaticanus, saec. iv. Generally believed to be the 

oldest extant MS. of the Greek Bible. O. von 
Gebhardt dates it c. 331, A. Rahlfs (TheoL Liieratur- 
zeitung, 1899, p. 556) soon after 367. Probably of 
Egyptian origin, though there are also strong grounds 
for inclining to a connexion with the Eusebian library 
at Caesarea (Kenyon, Text. Criticism of the N.T., 
p. 66 tf. ; cf. SH. p. Ixvii .). The MS. has been one 
of the great treasures of the Vatican Library since 
shortly after its foundation, and was issued in photo- 
type by J. Cozza-Luzi and others (Rome, 1889), and 
better in photographed facsimile by Hoepli (Milan, 

C. Codex Ephraemi rescriptus, saec. v. A Palimpsest, much 

mutilated. The remains of the Greek Text, under- 
lying the works of Ephraim the Syrian (t373), were 
deciphered and published by Tischendorf, Leipzig, 
1843. Of our Epistles the fragment i Thess. i. i 
ii. 9 is all that survives. The original MS. is now in 

D(D 2 ). Codex Claromontanus, saec. vi. A Graeco-Latin MS. 
from the monastery of Clermont, near Beauvais, and 
now at Paris. Its type of text is closely akin to 
EFG, and 'all probably go back to one common arche- 
type, the origin of which is attributed to Italy 7 
(Kenyon, p. Si) 1 . Of its correctors D b dates from about 
the seventh, and D c from the ninth or tenth century. 
Ed. Tischendorf, Leipzig, 1852. 

G(G 3 ). Codex Boernerianus, saec. ix. A Graeco-Latin MS., 
so named from Prof. C. F. Boerner, who bought it in 
1705; now at Dresden. For the conjectural history 
of the MS. see SH. p. Ixiv, and for its relation to D 
and the Gothic version, ibid. p. Ixix f. Ed. Matthaei, 
Meissen, 1791. 

1 A. Souter (J. T. S. vi. p. 240 ff.) argues that D belongs to Sardinia. 


H(H 3 ). Codex Coislinianus, saec. vi. Originally in the library 
of the Laura on Mt Athos. Forty-one leaves still 
exist, scattered through various libraries, and in 
addition the text of twenty- two pages has been 
recovered from the 'offsets' left by them on the pages 
opposite. The fragment at Kieff contains i Thess. 
ii. 9 13, iv. 5 ii. The subscription connects the 
MS. with Euthalius, on whom see especially Dean 
Arrnitage Robinson, Euthaliana (Texts and Studies, 
iii. 3), Cambridge, 1895; cf. SH. p. Ixviii f., von 
Dobschiitz in Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, xix. 2, 
von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments (1902), 
i. p. 637 ff, Turner in Hastings' D.B. v. p. 524 ff., 
Conybeare in Z.N.T.W. v. (1904) p. 39 ff., Robinson 
in J.T.S. vi. p. 87 ff. The text was edited by Omont, 
Notices et Extraits, xxxiii. pt. i. p. 141 ff, with the 
St Petersburg offsets, the Paris and Turin offsets by 
Robinson (Euthaliana, p. 48 ff.), and the recently 
recovered Athos offsets by Prof. Kirsopp Lake, 
Facsimiles of the Athos Fragments of Codex H of 
the Pauline Epistles (Oxford, 1905). 

No account has been taken of E(E 3 ) and F(F 2 ) in accordance 
with Hort's judgment that the former in its Greek text is simply 
a transcript of D (D 2 ), and the latter, as certainly, a transcript 
of G(G 3 ), or 'an inferior copy of the same immediate exemplar' 
(Intr* 203). 

ii. Secondary Uncials. ii. Second- 

K(K 2 ). Codex Mosquensis, saec. ix. Moscow. 'cials. " 

L(L 2 ). Codex Angelicus, saec. ix. Rome. 

P(P 2 ). Codex Porphyrianus, saec. ix. St Petersburg. Wants 
i Thess. iii. 5 ju??KeTi...?7/x.eis ot iv. 17. Ed. Tischendorf 
in Mon. Sacr. Ined., Nov. Coll., v., Leipzig, 1865, 
PP- 5 8 364- 

iii. Minuscules. iii. Minus- 


According to von Soden (Die Schriften des N.T. i. p. 44) there 
are now about 630 cursive MSS. available for the Pauline Epistles. 
The following are a few of the most important. 

4** (= Acts 4) : saec. xv, now in Basle, Univ. A.N. iv. 5. 
6 (=Gosp. 6, Acts 6) : saec. xi, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 112. 

17 (= Gosp. 33, Acts 13) : saec. xi, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 14. 
Deserves special notice (Hort, Intr. 2 212). 

23 : A.D. 1056, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Coisl. Gr. 28. 





31 (=Acts 25, Apoc. 7): A.D. 1087, in London, Brit. Mus. 
Harl. 5537. 

37 (= Gosp. 69, Acts 31, Apoc. 14): saec. xv, in Leicester, 
Library of the Town Council. 'Has many Non- 
Alexandrian, Pre-Syrian readings of both kinds' (Hort, 
Intr. 2 212). For the history of this interesting MS. 
see Scrivener, Codex Augiensis (Cambridge, 1859), 
Introd. p. xlff. and Appendix, J. Rendel Harris, 
Origin of the Leicester Codex (Cambridge, 1887). 

47 : saec. xi, in Oxford, Bodl. Roe 16. 

67 (= Acts 66, Apoc. 34) : saec. xi, in Vienna, Imp. Gr. 
th. 302. 

67**: very ancient readings in the margins of 67, which have 
no other cursive attestation. Hort (Intr. 2 212) 
regards them as akin to M paul , though they cannot have 
been derived from the text of M paul itself. 

71 : saec. xii, in Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 61. 

73 (= Acts 68) : saec. xiii, in Upsala, Univ. MS. Gr. i. 

116 (= Acts 101) : saec. xiii, in Moscow, Syn. 333. 

137 {= Gosp. 263, Acts 117): saec. xiii, in Paris, Nat. Gr. 61*. 

154 (= Acts 126) : saec. xi, in Paris, Nat. Gr. 217. 

For Athos, Laura 1846. 64 (saec. x) = a 78 of von Soden's 
list, see Sect. Ill under Origen. 

II. Ver- 

(i) Old 

The ancient Versions are as follows. 

i. Latin, i. Latin. 

(i) Old Latin (Lat Vet Vg or O.L.). The history of the Old 
Latin version (or versions) is still involved in many perplexities : 
it must be sufficient to refer here to the exhaustive art. by 
Dr H. A. A. Kenned}' in Hastings' D.B. iii. p. 47 if., where 
Antioch is suggested as its original home. Mr C. H. Turner and 
Prof. Souter, on the other hand, are emphatic for Rome, while the 
majority of modern critics may be said to favour the theory of an 
African origin. The extant fragments of the version have been 
collected by the Benedictine, P. Sabatier, in his monumental work 
Bibliorum sacrorum latinae versiones sen vetus Italica (Rheims, 
1739 49). See also L. Ziegler, Die lateinischen Bibelubersetzungen 
vor Hieronymus, Munich, 1879. 


The following authorities for the Pauline Epistles have been 
cited. , 

d : Latin version of D (God. Claromontanus). * The genuine 
Old Latin character of the text is indicated by its 
frequent agreement with the quotations of Lucifer 
of Cagliari (tsyo)' (F. C. Burkitt, Encyc. Bibl col. 

f : Latin version of F (Cod. Augiensis). 

g : Latin version of G (Cod. Boernerianus). 

m : the so-called Speculum, a treatise falsely assigned to 
St Augustine, which contains extracts from a Spanish 
text, akin to the Bible used by Priscillian (see Hort 
as quoted in Gregory, Textkritik des Neuen Testamentes 
(1902), ii. p. 606). Ed. by Weihrich in Vienna Corpus 
script, eccles. Lett. xii. 1887. 

r 2 : A fragment, belonging to the seventh century, preserved 
at Munich. Contains i Thess. i. i 10. 

(2) Vulgate (Vg). A revision by Jerome of the Old Latin to (i) Vul- 
bring it closer to the Greek text he possessed (* Graecae fidei ate - 
auctoritati reddidi Novum Testameiitum '). The authoritative edition 
of the Roman Church, issued by Clement VIII. in 1592, has been 
reprinted by Nestle (Stuttgart, 1906) in a very convenient form 
with a carefully selected apparatus. The great critical edition of 
the N.T., which is being prepared by Bishop J. Wordsworth and 
the Rev. H. J. White has not yet advanced beyond the Acts 
(Oxford, 1889). 

The readings of the Vulgate MSS. ( Vg codd ) will be found (partly) 
in Nestle, and more fully detailed in Tischendorf. 

ii. Syriac. ii. Syriac. 

There is naturally no translation of the Bible which has more 
interest for us than the Syriac, though we must be careful not to 
identify this dialect of the Euphrates valley with the Aramaic 
spoken by our Lord : see especially Burkitt, Evangelism da Mephar- 
reshe, vol. ii. (Cambridge, 1904). The history of its various versions, 
and of the vexed questions raised by them, is fully discussed in the 
same writer's art. ' Text and Versions ' in the Encyc. Bibl. col. 
4998 5006. 

We are here concerned only with two of these versions. 

(i) Syr (Pesh) = the Syriac Vulgate or Peshitta, i.e. 'the(i) The 
simple,' so named apparently to distinguish it from 
subsequent editions ' which were furnished with mar- 
ginal variants and other critical apparatus.' Burkitt 
regards it as the work of Rabbula bishop of Edessa 
(or some one deputed by him) between 411 and 
435 A - D - Edd. Leusden and Schaaf (1709); S. Lee 
(1816). The new critical edition of Mr G. H. Gwilliam 

9 2 


has not yet advanced beyond the Gospels (Oxford, 
1901). For the 'Place of the Peshitto Version in 
the Apparatus Criticus of the N.T.' see the same 
writer's art. in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, v. iii. 
Oxford, 1903. 

(2) The (2) Syr (Harcl). A recension made by Thomas of Harkel 

Harclean. in 616 of the older Philoxenian version of 508. The 

text is 'remarkable for its excessive literalness/ and 

follows ' almost invariably that of the later Greek MSS/ 

(Burkitt). It is cited by Tischendorf as S yr 1)[08fcerior] , and 

is edited by J. White as Versio Syriaca Philoxeniana, 

Oxford, 1778 1803. 

Of great importance are certain readings in the margin of 

the foregoing version. 

(Syr (Harcl mg.)) derived from 'three (v.l. two) approved 
and accurate Greek copies' in the monastery of the 
Enatonians near Alexandria (Hort, Intr.* 215). 

in.Arrne- iii- Armenian. 

man ' The existing Armenian Vulgate (Arm) is a revision about the 

middle of the fifth century of certain original translations based 
upon the Old Syriac (Robinson, Euthaliana, p. 726*'.). The Greek 
text used for this revision was apparently closely akin to KB. 
Ed. Zohrab, Venice, 1805. 

iv. Egyp- iv. Egyptian. 

fiTso (*) B nairic (Boh = me (Memphitic) WH., = cop (Coptic) 

hairic Tisch.). A very early date has sometimes been assigned 

to this version, but recent research points rather to 
the sixth or seventh century (Burkitt, Encyc. Bibl. 
col. 5008). The Pauline Epistles have been edited 
by G. Homer in vol. iii. of his Bohairic N.T., Oxford, 

(2) Sa- (2) Sahidic (Sah = the (Thebaic) WH.). Now believed to 

hidic. be older than the Bohairic version, going back at least 

to the early part of the fourth century. The N.T. 
exists only in fragments, which have not yet been 
collected into a formal edition. [It is understood that 
G. Horner is preparing one for the Clarendon Press.] 
Ciasca's collections have been used in the verification 
of the citations in the present volume. 

v. Aethi- v. Aethiopic. 

The date of the Aethiopic version (Aeth) is again uncertain. 
It may be as early as the fourth century, but is more generally 
assigned to the end of the fifth (Scrivener, Tntrod. to the Crit. of 
the N.T.* ii. p. 154)- The text from an edition printed at Rome in 

!,j48 9 is to be found in Walton's Polyglott, also in an edition 

prepared by T. Pell Platt (for the Bible Society) in 1830. 


vi. Gothic. vi. Gothic. 

The Gothic version (Go) was made for the Goths by Ulfilas, who 
succeeded Theophilus as their Bishop in 348. The translation 
follows with great fidelity a Greek text, evidently closely akin to 
the secondary uncials (KLP). It may however have been modified 
by the influence of the Latin versions, and 'for textual purposes, 
therefore, its evidence must be used with care ' (Kenyon, Text. Crit. 
p. 204). Edd. Gabelentz and Loebe, Leipzig, 1836 43. 



The following particulars regarding the patristic authorities 
cited have been drawn, with additions, from Gregory's Text- 
kritik, ii. p. 770 ff. l Migne, P. L., has been used to denote Migne, 
Patrologiae Gursus Completes, Latin series, Paris, 1844 64, 
and Migne, P.G., the corresponding Greek series, Paris, 1857 66. 

Amb = Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, 374 397. Ed. Migne, 
P. L. xiv. xvii. (1845). A considerable portion of 
what will henceforward be the authoritative edition 
of his works has already appeared in the Vienna 
Corpus, under the care of K. Schenkl, and latterly 
of H. Schenkl, Vienna, 1896 . 

Ambst (or Ambrstr) = Ambrosiaster (see under List of Com- 
mentaries). The text used, pending the issue of the 
critical edition by H. Brewer S. J. in the Vienna 
Corpus, has been that of Migne, P.L. xvii., but the 
text has been critically revised for this edition with 
MSS. Bodl. 756 (of the eleventh century) and 689 (of 
the twelfth century) by A. Souter. The Commentary 
from which this complete text of St Paul's Epistles 
is extracted was issued in Rome between 366 and 
384 A.D., and contains the (Old-Latin) text commonly 
used in Rome at that date, and revised by Jerome to 
make the Vulgate. A study of this text has been 
published in A. Souter's Study of Ambrosiaster (in 
Texts and Studies, vii.), Cambridge, 1905, and the 
author's conclusions have been accepted by Prof. 
Kirsopp Lake of Leiden (Review of Theology and Phi- 
losophy ii. [1906 1907] p. 620 f.). 

Ath = Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (1373). Ed. Migne, 
P.O. xxv. xxviii. 

1 Eeference may also now be made and Text of the New Testament (Edin- 
to the same writer's graphic Canon burgh, 1907). 


Bas = Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia r 
1379. The Benedictine edition of his works under 
the care of J. Gamier appeared at Paris, 1721 30. 

Chr = John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, 1407. 
For the various readings contained in MSS. of Chry- 
sostom (Chr codd ) see Tischendorf. Collations of these 
were published by Matthaei in his critical edition of 
the N.T. (1803 07). See further under List of Com- 

Clem = Homilies of the Pseudo-Clement. Ed. P. de Lagarde, 
Leipzig, 1865. For the general history of 'The 
Clementine Literature' see A. C. Headlam in J.T.S. 
iii. p. 41 ff. 

Const = Apostolic Constitutions. Edd. P. de Lagarde, Leipzig, 
1862 ; F. X. Funk, Didascalia et C onstitutiones Apostol- 
orum, Paderborn, 1906. 

Cypr = Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, 1258. Ed. W. Hartel 
in the Vienna Corpus, 1868 71. 

Cyr- Alex = Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, 412 444. Ed. 
Migne, P.G. Ixviii. Ixxvii. 

Cyr-Hier = Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, 350 386. Edd. Migne, 
P.L. xxxiii. ; W. C. Reischl and J. Rupp, Munich, 
1848 60; Photius Alexandrides, Jerusalem, 1867 8. 

Did Didymus of Alexandria, 1394 or 399. Ed. Migne, 
P. G. xxxix. 

Ephr = Ephraim the Syrian, 1373. A Latin translation of 
the Armenian version of his Commentaries on the 
Pauline Epistles was edited by the Mechitarist Fathers, 
Venice, 1893. See also F. H. Woods 'An Examination 
of the N. T. Quotations of Ephrem Syrus ' in Stud. BibL 
et Eccles. iii. p. 105 ff.; Oxford, 1891. 

Eus = Eusebius of Caesarea, 1340. Ed. Migne, P.G. xix. 
xxiv. A new edition of his works has begun to appear 
in the Berlin series of Ante-Nicene Greek Fathers. 

Hier = Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus, best known as 
Jerome, 1420. Edd. Migne, P.L. xxii. xxx.; Val- 
larsi, Verona, 1734 42. 

Hipp = Hippolytus of Rome, 1235. Edd. Migne, P.G. x.; 
Bonwetsch and Achelis (in the Berlin series), Leipzig, 

Iren lat = Latin version, not later than the fourth century, 
of Irenaeus' work Adversus omnes haereses, written 
c. i So. Edd. Stieren, Leipzig, 1853; W. W. Harvey, 
Cambridge, 1857. 


Macar = Macarius, an Egyptian ascetic, f 389. His homilies 
are published in Migne, P.O. xxxiv. : cf. J.T.S. viii. 
p. 850. This Macarius must be carefully distinguished 
from Macarius Magnes, whose date is probably a 
quarter of a century later: see J.T.S. ii. p. 6iof., 
viii. pp. 401 ff., 546ff., Schalkhausser, Makarios von 
Magnesia (Leipzig, 1907). 

Orig = Origen, head of the catechetical school in Alexandria, 
1254. Edd. Lommatzsch, Berlin, 1831 48; P. Koet- 
schau, E. Klostermann, and E. Preuschen (in the Berlin 
series). Leipzig, 1899 . See also von der Goltz, 
Eine textkritische Arbeit des 10. bez. 6. Jahrhunderts 
(Texte und (Inters., N. F. n. 4, 1899), which describes 
MS. Athos, Laura 184. B. 64 (saec. x), a manuscript of 
the Acts, Catholic, and Pauline Epistles, which has 
preserved for us many interesting readings of Origen. 

Orig lat = The free Latin version of Origen's works by Jerome 
and others. 

Ps-Ath = Writings wrongly ascribed to Athanasius, and con- 
tained in the Benedictine edition of Athanasius' works 
vol. ii. 

Tert Tertullian, fc. 240. Edd. Migne, P. L. i. iii.; Oehler, 
Leipzig, 1853 4; A. ReifFerscheid, G. Wissowa and 
E. Kroymann (in the Vienna Corpus), Vienna, 1890 . 

Thdt = Theodoret, a Syrian monk, Bishop of Cyrus, fc. 457. 
See List of Commentaries. 

Theod-Mops lat = Latin version of Theodore, Bishop of Mop- 
suestia in Cilicia, fc. 429. See List of Commentaries. 

Vig = Vigilius, an African bishop, flourished c. 484. Ed. 
Migne, P.L. Ixii. The authorship of works under 
this name is disputed. 



Literature The literature relating to our Epistles is dealt with very 
E Q iaties ^ U ^ ^ Bornemann in his Die Thessalonicherbriefe, which replaces 
the work of Ltinemann in the new edition of Meyer's Kritisch- 
exegetischer Kommentar : see pp. I 7 and 538 ff. The following 
list consists for the most part of those Commentaries which 
have been used in the preparation of this volume, the editions 
specified being those to which the present writer has had access, 
though occasionally for the sake of completeness other works 
have been included. For fuller information regarding the 
Greek Patristic Commentaries it is sufficient to refer to 
Mr C. H. Turner's exhaustive article in the supplementary 
volume of Hastings' D.B. The new and valuable facts regard- 
ing the Latin writers have been supplied through the kindness 
of Prof. A. Souter. 



(i) Earlier (i) Earlier Period. 

ORIGEN (1253). From the list of Origen's works given by 
Jerome (Ep. xxxiii.) it appears that Origen wrote a Com- 
mentary on i Thess. in 3 books, and on 2 Thess. in i book. 
Of these unfortunately only fragments now survive. Jerome 
himself (Ep. cxix.) has preserved one relating to i Thess. iv. 
15 17 : and from the same source we learn that Theodore 
of Heraclea, Apollinaris, and Diodore of Tarsus also com- 
mented on i Thess. 

CHRYSOSTOM, JOHN (Chrys.). Chrysostoni (f 407) is generally 
ranked as the greatest of the early Pauline interpreters, more 
particularly on the homiletic side. ' He is at once a true 
exegete and a true orator, a combination found in such 
perfection perhaps nowhere else' (Swete, Patristic Study, 
p. 104). His Homilies on the Thessalonian Epistles appear 
to have been preached as episcopal utterances at Constant!- 


nople. They are printed in Migne, P.O. Ixii., and in a 
critical edition by F. Field, Oxford, 1855. An English 
translation under the editorship of C. M. (Charles Marriott) 
was published at Oxford in 1843 * n tne Library of the 

THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA (Th. Mops.). Theodore, Bishop of 
Mopsuestia (fc. 429), was after the death of Chrysostom 
the most influential teacher in the Eastern Church. By his 
Nestorian followers he was known as par excellence ' the 
Interpreter,' a title which he deserved from his rigid 
avoidance of the allegorical method, and constant endeavour 
to discover the literal and historical meaning of the Sacred 
Writings. The Greek version of his Commentary on the 
Pauline Epistles exists only in fragments, preserved in the 
Catenae, but a Latin version (sixth century ?) embracing ten 
of the Epistles, including i, 2 Thess., is extant. It has been 
edited with a valuable Introduction and Notes by Prof. 
H. B. Swete (Cambridge, 1880 82). 

THEODORET OF CYRRHUS (Thdt.), a third great writer of the 
Antiochene school (fc. 457). According to his own state- 
ment Theodoret intended his Commentary on the Pauline 
Epistles to be little more than an abridgement of the works 
of Chrysostom and Theodore, whom he describes as TOVS rfjs 
otKOD/Aci/?;? <<o(7T?7|oas. But he has done his work with such 
' appreciation, terseness of expression, and good sense ' that, 
according to Bishop Lightfoot (Gal. w p. 230), 'if the absence 
of faults were a just standard of merit' his Commentaries 
'would deserve the first place.' The Commentary on 
i, 2 Thess. will be found in vol. v. of the complete edition 
of Theodoret's works by J. L. Schulze, Halle, 1769 74. 
It was also edited by C. Marriott, Oxford, 1870. 

(2) Later Period. (j) Later 


OECUMENIUS (Oecum.), Bishop of Tricca in Thessaly. His date 
is uncertain, but Turner (I.e. p. 523) places the Catena on 
St Paul as in all probability within the limits 560 640. 
The original Catena draws largely from Chrysostom, while 
later recensions embody copious extracts from Photius, 
Patriarch of Constantinople (c. 820 c. 891). Printed in 
Migne, P. G. cxviii. cxix. 

THEOPHYLACT (Thphl.), Archbishop of Achridia (Ochrida) in 
Bulgaria, c. 1075. His Commentary on the Pauline Epistles 
follows Chrysostom in the main, but with 'a certain inde- 
pendence': ed. A. Lindsell, London, 1636. 

EUTHYMIUS ZIGABENUS (Euth. Zig.), a younger contemporary of 
Theophylact, c. 1115. Ed. Nicolas Kalogeras, late Arch- 
bishop of Patras, Athens, 1887. 


ii. Latin II. LATIN WRITERS 1 . 


AMBROSIASTER (Ambrstr. or Ambst.). Regarding the identity of 
the so-called 'Ambrosiaster ' there has been much difference 
of opinion, but the view most widely held in the present day 
is one suggested by the French scholar Dom Morin of 
Maredsous, Belgium, in the Revue d'Histoire et de Littera- 
ture religieuses for 1899, pp. 97 121, that he was Isaac, 
a converted Jew, who lived in Rome during the pontificate 
of Damasus (366 384)*. His Commentary on the Pauline 
Epistles, from which a complete Old Latin text can be 
derived, has been pronounced by Jiilicher (article 'Ambrosi- 
aster' in Pauly-Wissowa's fteal-Encyclopadie) to be the best 
on St Paul's Epistles prior to the Reformation, and Harnack 
(Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften, 
1903, p. 212) regards it and the Quaestiones Veteris et 
Novi Testamenti, now assigned to 'Ambrosiaster,' though 
printed amongst the works of St Augustine (e.g. Migne, 
P.L. xxxv.), as the greatest literary product of the Latin 
Church between Cyprian and Jerome. For editions see the 
note on p. xcix. 

PELAGIUS (Pelag.). Amongst the works of Jerome (Migne, 
P.L. xxx. p. 670 ff.) there is a series of commentaries on 
the Pauline Epistles, which contain some of the quotations 
which Augustine and Marius Mercator, his contemporaries, 
make from a commentary of Pelagius (fc. 440). The older 
scholars were divided in opinion on the subject of the Pseudo- 
Jerome commentary. Some regarded it as the work of 
Pelagius; others as the commentary of Pelagius after it 
had been expurgated by Cassiodorus and his pupils 3 . A 
few years ago Prof. Zimmer of Berlin discovered at St Gall 
what is a nearer approach to the original commentary than 
Pseudo-Jerome, but even this form is interpolated. Ac- 
cording to Souter (The Commentary of Pelagius on the 
Epistles of Paul [London, 1907] p. 15 ff.) the anonymous 
MS. cxix. of the Grand Ducal Library at Karlsruhe (saec. ix) 
is the only pure copy of Pelagius extant, the Pseudo-Jerome 
commentary being an expansion of the original Pelagius on 
the longer epistles. Pending the appearance of his edition, 

1 The most valuable guide to Latin by later critics. 

commentators 011 the Pauline Epistles 3 This latter view must be given 

down to the time of Luther is Denifle's up, as Pseudo-Jerome contains many 

Luther und Luthertum, Erster Band Pelagian traces : further, Turner has 

(n Abt.), Quellenbelege (Mainz, 1905). suggested (J.H.S.iv. (1902 3) p. 141), 

2 The later view of Morin (Revue and Souter has proved (The Com- 
Benedictine, 1903, pp. 113 131) that mentary of Pelagius (Proceedings of 
he was Decimius Hilarianus Hilarius, British Academy, vol. ii. p. 20) that 
a layman and proconsul, supported, we possess Cassiodorus' revision under 
with caution, by Souter, Study of Am- the name of Primasius (Migne, P.L. 
brosiaster, p. 183 ff., has been rejected Ixviii.). 


the student is recommended to correct the corrupt text of 
Migne by the help of the collation of the St Gall MS. in 
Zimmer's Pelagius in Irland (Berlin, 1901). 



(1) Protestant Writers. Period. 

ERASMUS, DESIDERIUS (t 1536) issued his first edition of the testant 
Greek N.T. (ap. lo. Frobenium) at Basle in 1516. It was Writers, 
accompanied by a new Latin translation and annotations. 
The more popular Paraphrasis in Epp. Pauli omnes appeared 
a few years later. 

CALVIN, JOHN (f 1564), ' the greatest of the commentators of the 
Reformation' (SH. p. ciii.). His Commentarii in omnes 
epistolas Pauli Apostoli was first published at Strassburg in 
1539. The numerous citations in the present work are taken 
from vol. vi. of Tholuck's complete edition of the N.T. 
Commentaries (Berlin, no date). 

BEZA, THEODORE (f 1605). Beza's first edition of the Greek 
N.T. with translation and annotations was published by 
H. Stephanus in 1565 (sine loco), and in 1642 a new edition 
'ad quartam (1598) conformata' was issued from Daniel's 
Press at Cambridge. The Bible Society's convenient reprint 
(Berlin, 1905) of this Cambridge edition has been followed 

(2) Roman Catholic Writers. (2) Roman 


ESTIUS, W. (Est.), Provost and Chancellor of Douay (fi6i3). Writers. 
His In omnes beati Pauli... Epistolas commentaria were 
published after his death (Douay, 1614 16, new ed. Paris, 
1672 76). They form 'a valuable exposition of the Epistles 
in the Augustinian spirit' (Reuss). 
CORNELIUS A LAPIDE (f 1637). Commentaria in... omnes d. Pauli 

epistolas. Antwerp, 1635. 

GROTIUS, H. (De Groot, f 1645), Dutch statesman and theologian. 
His Annotationes on the whole Bible were first published in 
his Opp. theol. (Basle, 1732). The Ann. in N.T. appeared 
separately, Paris, 1641. See also the Critici Sacri. 


BENGEL, J. A. (Beng.) 11752. Gnomon Novi Testament^ Ed. 3 tion . 

adjuv. J. Steudel, London, 1855. Period. 

WETSTEIN, J. J. (f 1754). His edition of the Novum Testamentum 
Graecum (Amsterdam, 1751 52) is still invaluable for its 
large collection of illustrations drawn from Jewish, Greek, 
and Latin sources. A new and revised edition is among the 
great desiderata for N.T. apparatus. 


v. Modern V. MODERN PERIOD. 


It will be convenient to classify the writers of this Period as 
(i) German and (2) English, and to arrange the names in each 
section in alphabetical, rather than in chronological, order. 

(i) Ger- (i) German Writers. 

Writers. BORNEMANN, W. : Die Thessalonicherbriefe in the new edition of 

Meyer's Kommentar (Go'ttingen, 1894) the fullest modern 
Commentary on the Epistles, and a great storehouse of 
materials for all subsequent editors. It has not been trans- 
lated into English. 

DE WETTE, W. M. L.: Briefe an die Thessalonicher, 3 te Aufl. 
von "W. Moeller in Exeg. Handb. zum N. T. n. iii. Leipzig, 

GOEBEL, SIEGFRIED : Die Briefe P. an d. Thess. in Neutest. 
Schriften, i. pp. i 37. 2 te Aufl. Gotha, 1897. Brief Notes. 

HOFMANN, J. C. K. von : Thessalonicherbriefe in Die heilige 
Schrift Neuen Testaments, i. Nordlingen, 1869. 

KOCH, A.: Commentar iiber d. ersten Brief d. Apostels Paulus an 
d. Thessalonicher. Berlin, 1849. 

LUNEMANN, G. : Die Briefe an d. Thessalonicher in Meyer's 
Kommentar. Engl. Tr. by Dr P. J. Gloag from the 3rd 
German edition. Edinburgh, 1880. 

PELT, L. : Epistolae Pauli Apostoli ad Thessalonicenses. Griefs- 
wald, 1830. Rich in patristic references. 

SCHMIDT, P.: Der erste Thessalonicherbrief. Berlin, 1885. A 
small book of 128 pages, but containing, in addition to a 
textual commentary, helpful discussions on the language and 
historical situation of the Epistle, and an excursus on 2 Thess., 
intended to show that it had been subject to interpolation. 

SCHMIEDEL, P. W.: Die Brieje an die Thessalonicher in the 
Hand-Commentar zum N.T. n. i. Freiburg im B., 1891. 
A marvel of condensation, especially in the very useful 
Introductions. The authenticity of 2 Thess. is denied. 

SCHOTT, H. A.: Epistolae Pauli ad Thessalonicenses et Galatas. 
Leipzig, 1834. 

WEISS, BERNARD : Die Paulinische Briefe, 2 te Aufl. Leipzig, 
1902. A revised Text with brief but suggestive Notes. 

WOHLENBERG, G. : Der erste und zweite Thessalonicherbrief in 
Zahn's Kommentar zum N.T. Leipzig, 1903. The most 
recent German commentary of importance on the Epistles. 
The general line of thought is brought out clearly, and there 


is much valuable lexical material contained in the footnotes, 
but the Introduction is very brief, and the question of 
authenticity is practically ignored altogether. 

The German translations of Luther (from Theile and 
Stier's N. T. Tetraglottoii) and Weizsacker (Das neue Testa- 
ment iibersetzt, 9 te Aufl. Tubingen, 1900) have also been 
frequently cited. 

It is understood that Prof, von Dobschiitz of Strassburg 
is preparing still another edition of the Epistles for Meyer's 

(2) English Writers. (2) Eng- 

ALFORD, H. (All) : The Greek Testament, iii. 2nd ed. London, Writers. 


DRUMMOND, JAMES : The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the 
Thessalonians in International Handbooks to the N. T. ii. 
New York, 1899. 

EADIE, JOHN : A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Epistles 
of Paul to the Thessalonians. London, 1877. 

ELLICOTT, C. J. : St Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians, 4th ed. 
London, 1880. Rich in lexical and grammatical material, 
with a revised translation and many interesting citations 
from the old English Versions. There is practically no 

FINDLAY, G. G. : The Epistles to the Thessalonians in the Cambridge 
Bible for Schools and Colleges, 1891, and more recently (1904) 
in the Cambridge Greek Testament. It is only the latter 
book, which is substantially a new work, that has been cited 
in the present volume. The Commentary is marked by the 
writer's well-known qualities as an expositor careful attention 
to the text combined with great theological suggestiveness 
and, within the limits imposed by the Series to which it 
belongs, this is probably the most convenient edition of the 
Epistles for students. 

JOWETT, B. : The Epistles of St Paul to the Thessalonians, 
Galatians, Romans. 2nd ed. London, 1859. Contains 
various striking Essays on such subjects as * Evils in the 
Church of the Apostolical Age,' ' On the Belief in the Coming 
of Christ in the Apostolical Age,' and * On the Man of Sin.' 

LIGHTFOOT, J. B. (Lft.): The Notes on i, 2 Thess. occupy 
pp. i 136 of Bishop Lightfoot's posthumously published 
Notes on Epistles of tit Paul (London, 1895), and combined 
with the same writer's art. * Thessalonians, Epistles to the ' 
in Smith's D. B. and his Essays on * The Churches of Mace- 
donia ' and ' The Church of Thessalonica ' in Biblical Essays 
(London, 1893) p. 235 flf. make up a mass of invaluable 
material relating to the Epistles, to which subsequent workers 
find it difficult sufficiently to express their indebtedness. 


VAUGHAN, C. J. : The First Epistle to the Thessalonians. Cam- 
bridge, 1865. The first part of an Edition (apparently 
never carried further) of the Pauline Epistles for English 
readers, containing a literal new translation and short notes. 

WORDSWORTH, C. : The New Testament in the original Greek, 
Part iii. London, 1859. 

In addition to the foregoing, Commentaries on the Epistles 
have been contributed by Archbishop Alexander to The 
Speaker's Commentary (London, 1881), by Canon A. J. Mason 
to Bishop Ellicott's New Testament Commentary for English 
Readers (London, no date), by Principal Marcus Dods to 
Schaff's Popular Commentary on the New Testament (Edin- 
burgh, 1882), by Dr P. J. Gloag to The Pulpit Commentary 
(London, 1887), and by Dr W. F. Adeney to The Century 
Bible (Edinburgh, no date). 

In his First and Second Epistle to the Thessalonians 
(London, 1899 and 1900) the Rev. G. W. Garrod has 
provided careful Analyses of the Epistles with brief Notes 
for the special use of students in the Church Training 

Amongst more recent homiletical literature dealing with 
the Epistles, mention may be made of Dr- John Lillie's 
Lectures on the Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians (Edin- 
burgh, 1863), of Dr John Hutchison's Lectures on the 
Epistles to the Thessalonians (Edinburgh, 1884), an interesting 
series of discourses founded on a careful exegesis of the 
text, and of Prof. Denney's volume in The Expositor's Bible 
(London, 1892), where the theological side of the Epistles 
is brought out with great clearness and suggestiveness. 

A volume on the Epistles by Professor Frame, of Union 
Theological Seminary, JSTew York, is announced by Messrs 
T. and T. Clark in connexion with the International Critical 



Studies or Monographs dealing with particular points in the 
Epistles are referred to under the relative sections, but the titles 
and aims of a few of the more important may be collected here. 

ASKWITH, E. H. : An Introduction to the Thessalonian Epistles. 
London, 1892. A defence of their genuineness with a new 
view of the eschatology of 2 Thess. 

BRUNIG, W. : Die Sprachform des zweiten Tliessalonicherbriefes. 
Naumburg a. S., 1903. Aims at showing its truly Pauline 

KLOPPER, A.: Der zrveite Brief an die Thessalonicher (from 
Theol. Studien und Skizzen aus Ostpreusseri). Konigsberg, 
1889. A somewhat discursive plea for the Pauline authorship. 


SODEN, H. VON : Der erste Thessalonicherbrief in SK. t 1885, 
p. 26 3ff. Contains a full defence of the authenticity of the 

SPITTA, F. : Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher in Zur 
Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristentums, i. p. logff. 
(Gottingen, 1893). Suggests that Paul left the actual com- 
position of the Epistle to Timothy, who made use in his work 
of a Jewish apocalypse of the time of Caligula. 

VIES, A. B. VAN DER : De beiden brieven aan de Thessalonicensen, 
historisch-kritisch onderzoek naar hunnen oorsprung. Leiden, 

WESTRIK, T. F. : De echtheid van den tweeden brief aan de Thes- 
salonicensen. Utrecht, 1879. 'Especially useful on the 
question of style' (Moffatt). The present writer has been 
unable to make any use of either of the foregoing. 

WREDE, W. : Die Echtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs (in 
Texte und Untersuchungen, N.F. ix. 2), Leipzig, 1903. 
A strong attack on the Epistle's authenticity, principally on 
the ground of its literary dependence on i Thess. 

ZIMMER, F. : Der Text der Thessalonicherbrief e. Quedlinburg, 
1893. A revised Text with Critical Apparatus, and discussion 
of the characteristics of the various authorities. 

ZIMMER, F. : i Thess. ii. 3 8 erklart in Theologische Studien 
B. Weiss dargebracht, p. 248 ff. Gottingen, 1897. Designed 
to show the rich results of a thoroughgoing exegesis applied 
to the Epistles. 


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' OS (TTl XptOTOS I^CTOl'S'. 


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LONIAN CHURCH, i. 2 10. 

THESSALONICA. ii. i 12. 


LONIAN CHURCH, ii. 17 iii. 10. 

(1) Their Desire to revisit Thessalonica and its Cause, 
ii. 17 20. 

(2) The Mission and Return of Timothy, iii. i 10. 

5. PRAYER, iii. n 13. 



(1) General Exhortation, iv. i, 2. 

(2) Warning against Impurity, iv. 3 8. 

(3) Encouragement in Brotherly Love. iv. 9, io a . 

(4) Call to Quiet Work. iv. io b 12. 

ADVENT OF CHRIST, iv. 13 18. 


HOLY LIVING, v. 12 22. 

5. PRAYER, v. 23, 24. 


v. 25 28. 



AYAOE Kal CiXovavos Kai Ti/u66eos TV 6KK\rj(ria 
iKewv eV 6ew Trarpl Kal Kvpico 'Irjcrov 
vfjuv Kal 

TITLE. The heading IIPO2 0E22A- 
AONIKEI2 (B* -NEIK-) A' is found in 
KABK 17 Go Boh. I) prefixes APXE- 
TAI, while in G this is amplified to 
A' HPQTH EHI2TOAH. In the Can. 
Murat. the Epistle is referred to as 
* ad tensaolenecinsis.' Beza, to whom, 
along with the Elzevir editions, the 
received forms of the titles of the 
Pauline Epistles are due, has ' Pauli 
Apostoli Epistola Prima ad THESSA- 

i. 'Paul and Silvan us and Timothy 
to the assembly of the Thessalonians 
who acknowledge God as Father and 
Jesus Christ as Lord, and are gathered 
together in this twofold Name, we 
send you the new greeting with the 
old. Grace, the source of all good, be 
unto yon, and with grace Peace, the 
crown of all blessings.' 

I. IlavXos K. 2i\ovavos K. Ti/Aotfeos] 

For the combination of names see Intr. 
p. xxxiv f. In neither of the Thessa- 
lonian Epp. nor in the Ep. to the 
Philippians does St Paul add, as else- 
where, his official title aVooroAor, 
doubtless owing to the special footing 
of friendship on which he stood to the 
Macedonian Churches, and to the fact 
that his authority had never been 
seriously questioned among them. 

2i\ovav6s (2iA/3ai/6s DG, as regularly 
in the papyri), the Gentile by-name of 
the 2iXa? (for accent, WSchm. p. 74) 
of Ac. xv. 22 xviii. 5 (see Deissmann 
J3S. p. 315 n. 2 ), and the form always 
used by St Paul, is here mentioned 
before Timothy, both because he was 
already known as 'a chief man among 
the brethren' (Ac. xv. 22, cf. v. 32), 
and because he had taken a more 
prominent part in the founding of the 
Thessalonian Church (Ac. xvii. 4, 10). 
After St Paul's departure from 
Corinth (Ac. xviii. 18) Silvanus does 
not again appear in connexion with 
him. He is generally identified with 
the Silvanus of i Pet. v. 12. For an 
attempt to distinguish the Pauline 
Silvanus from the Jerusalem Silas, see 
Weizsacker . Ap. Zeitalter* p. 256 
(Engl. Tr. i. p. 292 f.), and as against 
this Zahn Einl. in d. N.T. i. p. 148 ff. 
In the traditional lists of the k Seventy/ 
compiled by Ps. -Dorotheas, Silas and 
Silvanus appear as distinct indivi- 
duals, the former as Bishop of Corinth, 
the latter as Bishop of Thessalonica 
(Fabric. Lux Enang. p. 117). 

Timothy joined St Paul on his 
second missionary journey at Lystra 
(Ac. xvi. i ff.), and though he is not 
specially mentioned either at Philippi 
(Ac. xvi. 19), or at Thessalonica 
(Ac. xvii. 4, 10), this was probably 
due to his subordinate position at 

i 2 



the time. We read of him as left 
behind at Beroea (Ac. xvii. 14). 
Apparently he rejoined St Paul at 
Athens (i Thess. iii. i), and after a 
special mission to Thessalonica fol- 
lowed him to Corinth (Ac. xviii. 5): see 
further Intr. p. xxx. With occasional 
short interruptions he was the Apo- 
stle's constant companion to the end of 
his life, and is associated with him in 
the opening of six of his Epp. (i, 2 
Thess., 2 Cor., Phil., Col., Philemon), 
and mentioned in the concluding 
chapters of other two (Rom., i Cor.) : 
cf. also Heb. xiii. 23. Two Epp. were 
addressed specially to him. For the 
light in which he was regarded by St 
Paul see the note on iii. 2. 

rf/ KK\r)(r{q Qr(ra\oviK(ov] a form 
of address peculiar to these Epp. (cf. 
II. i. i), and in which the thought of 
the local gathering of believers is still 
prominent. In the Corinthian Epp. 
St Paul prefers to connect the Ecclesia 
with the name of the place where it is 

situated T. cKK\r)(riq r. Ocov T. ovcrrj ev 

Kopiv6a> (i Cor. i. 2, 2 Cor. i. i, cf. Gal. 

i. 2 T. eKK\r)criaiy T. FaXariay), as if he 
were thinking rather of the one Church 
of Christ as it was represented there 
in a particular spot. In the addresses 
of the Epp. of the Captivity all mention 
of the Ecclesia is dropped, and some 
such general designations as naa-i T. 
ayiois (Phil.) or r. ay LOIS K. mfrrols 
(Eph., Col.) are substituted : cf. how- 
ever Philem. 2. For the Biblical 
history of the word eV^o-ia, which 
meant originally any public assembly 
of citizens summoned by a herald, see 
especially Hort The Christian Ecclesia 
(1898) p ; i ff. 

ev #eo> Trarpi KrX.] a defining clause 
connected with ex/cX^o-ia, the absence 
of any uniting art. (T#) helping to give 
more unity to the conception (WM. 
p. 169 f.). In themselves the words 
bring out the truly Christian origin 
and character of the Ecclesia spoken 
of as compared with the many KK\rj- 
o-t'at, religious and civil, which existed 
at the time at Thessalonica. Grot. : 

'quae exstitit, id agente Deo Patre 
et Christo'; Calv. : 'non alibi quae- 
rendam esse Ecclesiam, nisi ubi praeest 
Deus, ubi Christus regnat.' 

On the formula deos norr/p in the 
salutations of the N.T. Epp. see Hort's 
note on i Pet. i. 2, and on the union 
here of $e<5 Trarpi' and Kvp. 'I^tr. Xp. 
under a common vinculum (ev) see 
Intr. p. Ixvi. 

The whole phrase is an expanded 
form of the characteristic Pauline 
formula eV Xprr<u 'Irjcrov by which, as 
Deissmann has shown (Die neutesta- 
mentliche Formel ' in Christo Jesu,' 
Marburg 1892), the Apostle empha- 
sizes that all Christians are locally 
united 'within the pneumatic body 
of Christ,' in so far as they together 
build up His body. 

The different titles applied to the 
Lord throughout the Epp. are dis- 
cussed in Add. Note D. 

^apts vfjiiv K. flprjvT)^ a greeting 
doubtless suggested by the union of 
the ordinary Gk. and Heb. forms of 
salutation (cf. 2 Mace. i. i), though 
both are deepened and spiritual- 
ized. Thus x a>i P flv ( c *- Ac. xv - 2 3 
xxiii. 26, Jas. i. i) now gives place to 
Xopts, a word which, without losing 
sight of the Hellenic charm and joy 
associated with the older formula, is 
the regular Pauline expression for the 
Divine favour as shown in all its free- 
ness and universality ; while eipjvrj, so 
far from being a mere phrase of social 
intercourse (cf. Judg. xix. 20, 2 Esdr. 
iv. 17), is not even confined to its 
general O.T. sense of harmony restored 
between God and man (e.g. Num. vi. 
26), but has definitely in view that 
harmony as secured through the per- 
son and the work of Christ (cf. Jo. 
xiv. 27). On the varied meanings of 
\apts in the Biblical writings see 
especially Robinson Eph. p. 221 ff., and 
for the corresponding growth in the 
sense of elpjvrj see SH. p. 15 f. 

This same form of greeting is found 
in all the Pauline Epp. except i, 2 
Tim. where eXeos is added (cf. 2 Jo. 3). 

I 2] 




TrvTore irep TrvTiav 

fjiveav Troiov/utevoi 67ri TWV Trpocrev^cov 

It occurs also in i, 2 Pet. In Jas. we 
have the simple x a ip fiv > an d i n Jude 

\eos K. (Iprjvr) K. ayairrj. On St Paul's 

use of current epistolary phrases see 
Add. Note A, and for an elaborate 
discussion on the Apostolic Greeting 
see F. Zimmer in Luthardt's Zeit- 
schrift 1886 p. 4436. 

It will be noticed that the T.R. 
clause OTTO 6eov narpos KT\. is omitted 
by WH. in accordance with BG 47 73. 
Its insertion (KAC (?) DKLP) is clearly 
due to the desire to assimilate the 
shorter reading to the later Pauline 
practice: cf. II. i. 2. 





The Address is followed by the 
customary Thanksgiving, which is 
found in all the Pauline Epp. except 
Gal. and the Pastorals (cf. however 

2 Tim. i. 3). At the same time it is again 
clear that we have here no mere con- 
ventional formula, nor even a captatio 
benevolentiae&& in the ancient speeches 
intended to win over the readers, but 
rather an earnest effort on the part of 
the writers to raise the thoughts of 
their converts to the God on whom 
they are wholly dependent, and in 
consequence to rouse them to fresh 
efforts. The warmth of the thanks- 
giving on the present occasion, which 
is most nearly paralleled by Phil. i. 

3 ff., is proved by its being a ; constant' 
attitude (rrai/rore), and by its including 
* all,' irrespective of position or spiri- 
tual progress (Trepl navroiv vfjioov). 

25. ' We thank the one God at 
all times for you all, making mention 
of you unceasingly when we are en- 
gaged in prayer. And indeed we have 
good cause to do so, for the thought 

of your Christian life is for us a con- 
stant fragrant memory as we recall 
how your faith proves itself in active 
work, and your love spends itself in 
toilsome service for others, and your 
hope is directed in all patience and 
perseverance to the time when Christ 
shall be revealed. Nor is this all, but, 
Brothers beloved by God, who know 
better than we the true character of 
your election to Christian privileges ? 
Its reality was proved by the power 
beyond mere words with which our 
preaching came home to you preach- 
ing, moreover, which we felt to be 
inspired by the Divine ardour of the 
Holy Spirit, and by a perfect con- 
viction on our part of the truth of our 
message, as indeed you yourselves 
know from the manner of men we 
proved ourselves to be for your sakes.' 
2. Eiv^apioToO/iei/ KrA.] Eu^apioreu', 
originally ' do a good turn to/ in the 
sense of expressing gratitude is con- 
fined to late writers ('pro gratias 
agere ante Polybium usurpavit nemo ' 
Lob. Phryn. p. 18). It is very com- 
mon in the papyri, e.g. P.Amh. 133, 
2 ff. (ii./A.D.) Trpo Ttov o\(ov aa-7rao/ucu 
(re KOI evxapicrrat (rot on eS^Aaxras /ioi 

rfjv vyeiav aov. In mod. Gk. it appears 
in the form vKapiord). 

For fv%. TravTore cf. II. i. 3, ii. 13, 
i Cor. i. 4, Eph. v. 20, Phil. i. 3 f., and 
for the force of the art. before 6e.w see 
Intr. p. Ixiv. 

fjiveiav Troiovfievoi *rA.] the first of 
three conditional or modal clauses 
describing the nature of the perpetual 
thanksgiving. For /j.vciav Trotelo-tfot in 
the sense of 'make mention of cf. 
Rom. i. 9, Eph. i. 16, Philem. 4, and 
for an interesting instance of its use in 
the papyri in connexion with prayer, 
see B. G. U. 632, 5 ff. (ii./A.D.) pvlav a-ov 
Trapa rois [eV]#aSe 6tois 
'.... The 


3 [JLvriiJLOvevovTes V/ULCOV TOV 



phrase occurs frequently in the in- 
scriptions, e.g. Magn. go, i6f. (ii./B.c.) 
[o d^rjfjLos (paivrjTai \ivtiav iroiovpfvos 
TU>v...KptvdvT<i)v rds KpiWft]?. In the 
passage before us the customary gen. 
(v/zeSi/) is not inserted after pveiav, 
probably on account of the imme- 
diately preceding Trepl iravr^v v/xeoi/: 
cf. Eph. i. 1 6. 

In the N.T. irpoo-cvxij, when refer- 
ring to the act of prayer, is used only 
of prayer to God, and is a more general 
term than 6V?7o-is-. The prep, eni re- 
tains here a slightly local sense 'at,' 
' when engaged in,' cf. Rom. i. 10. For 
a somewhat similar use of els see the 
ancient Christian letter reprinted in 
P.Heid. 6, n f. (IV./A.D.) Iva V.VT)- 

fj.ov[f]vrjs pot fls ras dyias ffov fu^ds. 

aSiaXeiTrroos] The exact connexion 
of aStaXetWtts is disputed. WH. 
and many modern editors (Tisch., 
Weiss, Nestle) follow Chrys. and 
the Gk. commentators in referring 
it to the following pvrjiJLovfvovTcs, but 
on the analogy of Rom. i. 9 (cf. 2 Tim. 
i. 3) it is perhaps better taken as 
qualifying fiv. iroiovfj.. (Syr., Vg.), a con- 
nexion that is further supported by 
the position of corresponding phrases 
in the papyri, e.g. P.Lond. i. 42, 5f. 
(ii./B.C.) 01 fv ouco> TrdvTfs <rov SianavTos 
fjivfiav Troiovpevoi. The word itself 
which is confined to late Gk. (e.g. 
Polyb. ix. 3. 8) is used in the N.T. only 
by St Paul, and always in connexion 
with prayer or thanksgiving (ii. 13, 
v. 17, Rom. i. 9; cf. Ign. Eph. x. v-n-fp 

3. fjivrinovevovTcs] l remembering ' 
(Vg.memores, Estmemoria recolentes] 
in accordance with the general N.T. 
usage of the verb when construed with 
the gen., cf. Lk. xvii. 32, Ac. xx. 35, 
Gal. ii. 10. When construed with the 
ace. as in ii. 9, Mt. xvi. 9, 2 Tim. ii. 8, 
Rev. xviii. 5, it is rather ' hold in re- 


VTTOjJLOvris Trjs e\7T/So5 TOV 

membrance.' In Heb. xi. 22 with nepi 
it is = 'make mention of,' perhaps also 
in the same sense with the simple gen. 
in v. 15 (see Westcott ad /.). 

This second participial clause intro- 
duces us to the first mention of the 
famous Pauline triad of graces, viewed 
however not in themselves but in their 
results, the gen. in each case being 
subjective, so that the meaning is 
practically, ' remembering how your 
faith works, and your love toils, and 
your hope endures' (cf. Blass, p. 96). 
The whole is thus a 'brevis Christian- 
ismi veri definitio' (Calv.), while the 
order in which the graces are here 
mentioned is not only in itself the 
natural order (cf. v. 8 and Col. i. 4, 5 
with Lft.'s note, ' Faith rests on the 
past ; love works in the present ; hope 
looks to the future'), but assigns 
to hope the prominence we would 
expect in an Ep. devoted so largely 
to eschatological teaching : cf. for the 
same order of results Rev. ii. 2 oi8a 
ra cpya (TO v, KOL TOV KOTTOV /ecu TTJV 


vpwv] placed first for emphasis and 
to be repeated with each of the three 

T. fpyov T. 7riWfa>?] not to be limited 
to any particular act of faith, but com- 
prehending the whole Christian life- 
work, as it is ruled and energized by 
faith, cf. II. i. ii, Gal. v. 6 (TTIO-TIS 81 

dydrrrji fUfpyov/j-fvij), Jas. ii. 1 8 ff. 

The meaning of TTLO-TIS in the N.T. 
and in some Jewish writings is dis- 
cussed by SH. p. 31 ff. : see also the 
careful note in Lietzmann Romerbrief 
p. 24 f. (in Handbuch zum N.T. in. 
i, 1906). 

KOI T. KOITOV T. dydirrjs] As distin- 
guished from epyov, KOTTOS brings out 
not only the issue of work, but the cost 
associated with it: cf. its use in the 
vernacular for 7701/0$-, e.g. B.G. U. 844, 
lof. (i./A.D.) KOTTOVS yap /xo[t] nt 


Kvpiov rifjialv 'Irjcrov Xpi&Tov ejJLTrpoa'Oev TOV 6eov Kal 
TrctTpos riiJLtoV) 4 eJSoT9, d$e\(poi fjyaTrrj/uLevoL VTTO [rov] 

I 4 TOV om BDGL al 

do-QfvovvTfi. It is thus here the la- 
borious toil (Grot, molesti labor es) 
from which love in its zeal for others 
does not shrink ; cf. Rev. ii. 2 f. For 
the use made of the word by St Paul 
to describe the character of his own 
life cf. ii. 9, iii. 5, II. iii. 8, 2 Cor. vi. 5, 
xi. 23, 27, and for the corresponding 
verb Koinaa> see the note on v. 12. 

'AyaTTT/, not found in class, writers, 
is one of the great words of the N.T., 
where it is taken over from the LXX. 
to describe the new religious- ethical 
principle of love that Christianity has 
created (cf. SH. p. 374 ff.). The con- 
tention however, that it is a word 
actually 'born within the bosom of 
revealed religion' can no longer be 
rigidly maintained : cf. Deissmann US. 
p. 198 ff, and see further Ramsay 
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia i. 
p. 492, also Exp. T. ix. p. 567 f. 

KOI T. VTTO/iOI/T/y T. tAwi'Sos] 'YTTO/AOVTJ, 

though not unknown to profane litera- 
ture, has also come like dyaTrrj to be 
closely associated with a distinctively 
Christian virtue. It is more than 
passive 'patience' (O.L. patientia) 
under trial, and is rather a 'verbum 
bellicum' pointing to the heroic 
'endurance,' the manly 'constancy' 
(Vg. sustinentia), with which the 
Christian believer faces the difficul- 
ties that beset him in the world : cf. 
II. i. 4, iii. 5, Rom. v. 3 f., 2 Cor. vi. 4, 
Heb. xii. i, Rev. i. 9; and for a full 
discussion of viropovri and its synonyms 
see Trench Syn. liii. 

r. Kvpiov rjfj.a>v rA.] The sentence 
would naturally have finished with 
\7ri8os, but in characteristic fashion 
St Paul lengthens it out by the addi- 
tion of two clauses, both of which are 
best taken as dependent on e\7ri8os 
alone, rather than on all three sub- 
stantives. The first clause sets before 

us the true object of hope 
77 /i. 'tyo-. Xp. (gen. obj.), in accordance 
with the teaching of the whole Ep. 
which centres Christian hope in the 
thought of the speedy Parousia of 
Christ : cf. Col. i. 27 Xptcrros tv v/ui/, 
77 (\n\s TT/P Sor?s, and see Intr. p. Ixix f. 
The second clause emphasizes the 
Divine presence in which this hope 
is manifested epTrpoo-Qev T. 6fov K. 
irarpos ^pav, words which may be 
rendered either * before God and our 
Father,' or 'before our God and 
Father/ The latter rendering is 
preferable, as the art, in itself un- 
necessary, is apparently introduced 
to bind the two clauses together, and 
to connect both with rj/i<5i/ : cf. Gal. 
i. 4 (with Lft.'s note), Phil. iy. 20, the 
only other places where the exact 
phrase occurs. 

The strongly affirmatory f^npoo-dev 
T. deov KT\. is characteristic of this 
Ep., cf. ii. 19 (T. Kvpiov), iii. 9, 13. 
For the more usual cvniriov r. 6tov see 
Rom. xiv. 22, i Cor. i. 29 al. 

4. ei'fiores...] 'having come to 
know...,' a third participial clause, 
conveying the writers' assured know- 
ledge (contrast yvwvat, iii. 5) f ^ ne 
Thessalonians' election, and intro- 
ducing a description of the signs by 
which that knowledge has been 
reached, and is still enjoyed. 

do"f\(poi Tjya.7rrjp.6voi xrA.] The ordin- 
ary address of deA<pot, which is very 
common in these Epp., and seems 
always to be used with a certain 
emphasis attaching to it (Intr. p. xliv), 
is here enriched by the addition of 

yycnr. VTTO [TOV] deov (cf. II. ii. l^rjyaTT. 

VTTO Kvpiov}, a phrase which in this 
exact form is not found elsewhere in 
the N.T. (cf. Jude i TO?? tv 0e<y rraTpl 
rjyaTrrjfjitvois}, but occurs in the LXX. 
Sir. xlv. I r]yairr]p.4vov vrro (dirb N) 



TO evayye\iov 

eh v/uias ev \6yu> fjiovov d\\a KO.I ev 
ev Trvev/uLctTi dyito KCLI 7r\rjpo(popia 7ro\\fj, 



v K. dvdpancov : cf. also its use of 
Ptolemy in O.G.I.S. go, 4 al. (ii./B.c. 

the Rosetta stone) rjyaTrrj^evov vno 

To connect vno [TOU] 

with r. cK\oyrjv vfj.. as in the A.V. is 
inadmissible both on account of the 
order of the words, and because in 
St Paul's sense any other eKKoyij than 
by God is inconceivable. 

The use of ddeXcpoi in the N.T. to 
denote members of the same religious 
community, fellow-Christians, was 
probably taken over from Judaism 
(Ac. ii. 29, 37, iii. 17 &c.), and from 
the practice of the Lord Himself (cf. 
Mt. xii. 48, xxiii. 8) ; but it can also 
be illustrated from the ordinary 
language of the Apostles' time. Thus 
in P.Tor. I. i, 20 (ii./s.c.) the members 
of a society which had to perform 
a part of the ceremony in embalming 
bodies are described as aSeX^ol ot e ras 

\ciTovpyias tv rais V<piais Trape^o/^ie- 

vot, and in P.Par. 42, i &c. (ii./B.c.) 
the same designation is applied to 
the * fellows' of a religious corporation 
established in the Serapeum of 
Memphis. See further Kenyon Bri- 
tish Museum Papyri i. p. 31, Ramsay 
C. and B. i. pp. 96 ff., 630, and for the 
evidence of the inscriptions cf. I.G.S.I. 

According to Harnack, the term, 
as a mutual designation by Christians 
of one another, fell into general disuse 
in the course of the 3rd cent., while, 
as applied by ecclesiastics to the 
laity, it came to be confined (much 
as it now is) to sermons (Mission 
und Ausbreitung des Christentums 
(1902), pp. 291, 303 (Engl. Tr. ii. pp. 
9 f, 3 if.)). 

T. K\oyrjv v/zeoi/] There is nothing 
in the passage to enable us to decide 
whether this K\oyij is to be carried 
back to God's eternal decree (cf. Eph. 

i. 4), or whether it refers only to the 
actual admission of the Thessalonians 
into the Church. As however it is 
clearly stated to be a matter of the 
writers' own knowledge (etSdrey), the 
thought of the historical call must 
certainly be included. Th. Mops. : 
'electi estis (hoc est, quemadmodum 
ad fidem accessistis).' 

'KnXoyrj itself, which is not found 
in the LXX. (cf. however Aq. Isa. xxii. 
7, Sm., Th. Isa. xxxvii. 24, and for 
the verb Isa. xlix. 7), occurs elsewhere 
in the N.T. six times, and always 
with reference to the Divine choice 
(Ac. ix. 15, Rom. ix. ii, xi. 5, 7, 28, 
2 Pet. i. 10). For an apparent in- 
stance of its use with reference to 
man's choosing see Pss. Sol. ix. 7 rd 
fpya yfjuZv cv K\oyfj KOI ct-ovo-iq. rrs 

faxfa W^ v (with Rylo and James' 
note). The corresponding verb e'icA'- 
yeo-dai is found in the Pauline Epp. 
only i Cor. i. 27 f., Eph. i. 4. 

5. on] i how that,' the demonstra- 
tive OTI introducing a description not 
of the ground of the Thessalonians' 
election, but of the signs by which it 
was known to the Apostles these 
being found (i) in the power and 
assurance with which they themselves 
had been enabled to preach at Thessa- 
lonica (v. 5), and (2) in the eagerness 
and joy fulness with which the Thessa- 
lonians had believed (v. 6). For this 
use of on with cldevai cf. ii. i, Rom. 
xiii. ii, i Cor. xvi. 15, 2 Cor. xii. 3f. 

TO cvay yehiov yp.a>v] i.e. ' the gospel 
which we preach,' with reference to 
the contents of the Apostles' message 
rather than to the act of declaring it, 
for though the Apostles might be the 
bearers of the message (ii. 4, 9, II. ii. 
14), in its origin it was God's (ii. 2, 8, 
9), and in its substance Christ's (iii. 2, 
II. i. 8). In this connexion the use of 

clot eyevr'idtiiuev T VIMV Si v/uas' 6 Kai v^els 

5 tfuv KACP 17 31 67** al Boh: iv BDGKL aZ pier dr 2 g Vg Ephr Chr 
Thdt Ambst Theod-Mops lat aZ 

(for form, WM. p. 102), one of 
the characteristic words of the Epp. 
(8 times against 13 in the remaining 
Pauline Epp. of which two are quota- 
tions from the LXX.), is significant as 
pointing to a result reached through 
the working of an outside force, though 
no stress can be laid in this connexion 
on the pass, form which in the N.T., 
as in late Gk. generally, is used inter- 
changeably with the midd. : cf. e.g. 
Eph. iii. 7 with Col. i. 23, 25, and for 
the evidence of the inscriptions see 
Magn. 105 (ii./B.c.) where yfvrjdrjvai 
appears seven times for yeveo-ffat 
(Thieme, p. 13). Similarly, in accord- 
ance with the tendency in late Gk. to 
substitute prepositional phrases for 
the simple cases, els v^as can hardly 
be taken as equivalent to more than : cf. ii. 9, i Pet. i. 25. 

For the history of the word evay- 
ye\iov see Add. Note E. 

OVK...CV Xoyw ^.nvov KT\.~\ The in- 
fluence in which the Gospel came 
to the Thessalonians, is now stated 
first negatively (OVK *v \6y. n6v.} and 
then positively in a series of closely 
related substantival clauses, the first 
(ev Swa/ift) laying stress on the effec- 
tive power with which the Gospel was 
brought home to the Thessalonians, 
the second and third (ev nvevp.. ay. K. 
7T\r]po(p. TroXX^ : note the common pre- 
position) on the Divine fervour which 
the Spirit had been the means of en- 
kindling (cf. Eph. v. 1 8), and of which 
' much assurance ' was the character- 
istic mark. 

For the con trast between \6yos and 
Mvapis cf. i Cor. ii. 4, iv. 20, and 
for the phrase Tri/eC/xa aytov where 
aytov retains its full force as marking 
the essential characteristic of the 
Spirit spoken of cf. 2 Cor. vi. 6, i Pet. 

i. 12 (with Hort's note), and see also 
Weber Judische Theologie (1897) 
p. 190 ff. 

7r\T]po(popia] H\rjpo(popia (not found 

in class, writers or LXX.) is here used 
in its characteristic N.T. sense of 
'full assurance' or 'confidence' ('in 
muche certaintie of persuasion ' Gene- 
van N.T. 1557), cf. Col. ii. 2, Heb. vi. 
II, x. 22; Clem. R. Cor. xlii. 3 pera 
7T\T)po(popias TTVCV para s ayiov 

The corresponding verb is found 
five times in the Pauline Epp., and 
elsewhere in the N.T. only in Lk. i. i. 
An interesting ex. of its use is afforded 
by P.Amh. 66, 42 f. (M./A.D.) in an 
account of certain judicial proceed- 
ings where the complainer, having 
failed to make good his accusation, is 
invited by the strategus to bring 
forward his witnesses to support it 
Iva. Se KOI vvv ir\Tjpo(pop^a(i) eXdeTaxrav 
ots ayfts, 'but now also to give you 
full satisfaction, let the persons whom 
you bring come.' In mod. Gk. TrXrjpo- 
(popia denotes simply 'information': 
cf. for an approximating use of the 
verb in this sense Rom. iv. 21. 

KaQws oi'Sare] KaBws (a late form 
for Attic KaOd, Lob. Phryn. p. 426, 
Rutherford N. P. p. 495) introducing 
an epexegesis of what has preceded, 
cf. i Cor. i. 6. For the appeal to the 
Thessalonians' own knowledge see 
Intr. p. xliv. 

ofoi f'yfv^0rjij.fv KT\.] l what manner 
of men we proved ourselves to you 
for your sakes' ofoi pointing to the 
spiritual power of the preachers, and 
81 vnas (Vg. propter vos, Beza vestri 
causd) bringing out the interest and 
advantage of those for whom, accord- 
ing to God's purpose, that power was 
exercised (cf. P.Grenf. i. 15,9 f. (ii./B.c.) 


Kai TOV Kvpiou, %^dfj.evoi TOV Xoyov iv 

[I 7 




a 8ta <re [{SfftorjOrjue^vai). For 

see above, and for the 
general thought cf. 2 Cor. iv. 715. 

The omission of ev before v^iiv (see 
crit note) may have been due to the 
influence of -&7/i>, while its retention 
(WH. mg.) is further favoured by the 
antithetical 81 vfj-as : see Findlay's crit. 
note where iii. 7, iv. 14, 2 Cor. i. 11, 
20, iii. 1 8, Rom. i. 17 are cited for the 
like Pauline play upon prepositions. 

6, 7. 'As regards yourselves fur- 
ther, you on your own part also gave 
proof of your election by showing 
yourselves imitators of us yes, and 
not of us only, but of the Lord. We 
refer more particularly to your atti- 
tude towards the Word, which was 
marked by a deep inward joy notwith- 
standing much outward affliction. So 
unmistakably indeed did you exhibit 
this spirit that you became an en- 
sample to all Christian believers both 
in Macedonia and in Achaia.' 

6. Kal i/fj.els p.ifjLr)Tai KT\.] A second 
proof of the Thessalonians' e/cXoy^', 
which, instead of being thrown into 
a second subordinate clause depen- 
dent on cidorcr, is stated in a separate 
sentence. 'Y/*eIs is emphatic, 'You on 
your part,' while the periphrasis with 
cyevjdrjTc again lays stress on the 
moral responsibility of those spoken 
of (cf. Gildersleeve Syntax 61, 141). 
Mitral ' imitators' (R.V.) rather than 
'followers' (A.V. and all previous Eiigl. 
versions) : cf. ii. 14; i Cor. iv. 16, xi. i, 
Eph. v. i, Heb. vi. 12, the only other 
places where the word is found in 
the N.T., and see also Xen. Mem. i. 

6. 3 ot diddcTKaXoi TOVS fj.adr}Tas fJ,tfj.r)Tas 

favTtHv d7ro8iKvvovo~iv (cited by Koch). 
For the corresponding verb see II. iii. 

7, 9. The compound 0-vvfj.ip.rjTijs is 
found in Phil. iii. 17. 

K. TOV KvpLov] Ambrstr. ' ipsius- 
Domini} Beng. : 'Christi, qui Patris 
apostolum egit, et verbum de coelo 

attulit, et sub adversis docuit' a 
clause added to prevent any possible 
misunderstanding by showing the real 
source of what the Thessalonians were 
called upon to imitate: cf. i Cor. xi. 
i, Eph. v. i, and for the title TOV 
Kvpiov see Add. Note D. 

dcgdpcvot TOV \6yov] The special 
ground of imitation is now stated, 
consisting not only in the ' ready re- 
ception' (Vg. excipientes, Calv. am- 
plexi estis) of 'the word* but in the 
interwoven affliction and joy with 
which that reception was accompanied. 
For dc'xo/zai see ii. 13 note. 

<9Xi>] e\fyis (or 6\tyis, WSchm. 
p. 68) like the Lat. tribulatio, is a 
good ex. of a word transformed to 
meet a special want in the religious 
vocabulary. Occurring very rarely in 
profane Gk. writers even of a late 
period, and then only in the literal 
sense of 'pressure,' it is found fre- 
quently both in the LXX. and N.T. to 
denote the 'affliction,' 'trial,' which is 
the true believer's lot in the world ; 
cf. Rom. v. 3, viii. 35, xii. 12, 2 Cor. 
i. 4. For the existence of these afflic- 
tions at Thessalonica cf. iii. 3, 7, II. i. 
4 ff. ; and see Intr. p. xxxii. 

O. ^apcis nvevfj-aTos ayiov] Ylvev- 
gen. of originating cause, 'joy 
inspired by, proceeding from the Holy 
Spirit': cf. Rom. xiv. 17 xapa ev TTVCV- 
p,aTi ayi'w, xv. 13, Gal. v. 22. Thdt. : 
iravrwv peyio-TOV TO. ..TrvevfJ.aTiKrjs ydovfjs 

For this union of suffering and joy as 
marking 'a new aeon' in the world's 
history, see for St Paul's own case 
2 Cor. vi. 10, Col. i. 24, and for the 
Macedonian Churches generally 2 Cor. 
viii. i, 2; cf. also i Pet. iv. 13. 

Mera with gen. to denote manner 
is very frequent in the Koii/y, e.g. P. 
Oxy. 292, 5f. (i./A.D.) 8u Trapa/caXco <T 

l*fTa Trdvrjs Suj/a/uccos (other exx. in 
Kuhring, p. 34). 


VJJLO.S r TV7rov~ [ TTacriv 

TricTTevovcriv ev 

7 rfaov 60*61767** al d r 2 g Vg Syr (Pesh) Sah (?) Boh (?) Arm Aeth Ephr 
Ambst Theod-Mops lat al: ruirovs KACGKLP 37 alplerg Syr (Hard) Chr Thdt al 

7. JO-T* yfveo-Qai] The inf. intro- 
duced by wore is here consecutive, 
and points to a result actually reached 
and not merely contemplated (Votaw, 
p. 13) this result being further 
viewed in its direct dependence upon 
the previously- mentioned cause, "ficrre 
is found with the ind. with a somewhat 
similar force in Jo. iii. 16, Gal. ii. 13, 
but as a rule when so construed the 
conjunction fas in class. Gk., Jelf 
863) does little more than draw 
attention to the result as a new fact 
without emphasizing its connexion 
with what went before : see Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 209 f. 

TVTTOV] 'an ensample,' the use of the 
sing, showing that it is the community 
as a whole that is thought of: cf. II. 
iii. 9> Didache iv. 1 1 v^ds 8e [of] SoCAoi 

VTroTay^aftrde rots Kvpiois v/j.a>v toy Tinrtp 

6tov.... The v.l. rv7rouy(WH. mg.) pro- 
bably arose from assimilation to v/xas. 
In itself TVTTOS (rurrrto) meant origin- 
ally the 'mark' of a blow (cf. Jo. xx. 
25 r. TVTTOV T. TJfXo)!/), and from being 
frequently used to denote the 'stamp' 
struck by a die came to be applied to 
the 'figure' which a stamp bears, or 
more generally to any 'copy' or 
'image/ Hence by a natural transi- 
tion from effect to cause, it got the 
meaning of 'pattern,' 'model,' and 
finally of 'type' in the more special 
Bibl. sense of a person or event pre- 
figuring someone or something in the 
future. For the history of the word 
and its synonyms see Radford Exp. 
v. vi. p. 377 ff, and add the interest- 
ing use of the word in the inscriptions 
to denote the 'models' in silver of 
different parts of the body, presented 
as votive offerings to the god through 
whose agency those parts had been 
healed; see Roberts-Gardner p. 161 
with reference to C.I. A. u. 403 

. 7ri(TTiiov(riv] 'to all believers,' 
the part, with the art. being practi- 
cally equivalent to a substantive ; cf. 
ii. 10, II. i. 10 (r. TricrreiWo-t), and for 
the similar technical use of of -maroL 
(i Tim. iv. 12) see Harnack Miss. u. 
Ausbr. p. 289 (Engl. Tr. ii. p. 6 f.). 

fv rrj MaKcdovia KT\.] The repe- 
tition of the art. shows that the 
writers are here thinking of Mace- 
donia and Achaia as the two distinct 
though neighbouring provinces into 
which after 142 B.C. Greece was 
divided, whereas in the next verse 
they are classed together as embrac- 
ing European Greece as a whole (cf. 
Ac. xix. 21, Rom. xv. 26). 

For th.e extension of the Gospel 
throughout Macedonia cf. iv. 10, and 
for the existence of believers in 
Achaia see such passages as Ac. xvii. 
34, xviii. 8, 2 Cor. i. i. It heightened 
the praise of the Thessaloniaris that it 
was to 'nations so great and so famed 
for wisdom' (Thdt.) that they served 
as an ensample. 

8 10. Further confirmation of 
what has just been stated in v. 7. 

' We say this of your ensample, for 
indeed our experience has been that 
from you as a centre the word of the 
Lord has sounded out like a clear and 
ringing trumpet-blast in the districts 
just mentioned, and not only so, but 
your faith in the one true God has 
gone forth everywhere. Common 
report indeed speaks so fully of this 
that it is unnecessary that we our- 
selves should add anything. All are 
prepared to testify that as the result 
of our mission amongst you, you have 
turned from many false idols to the 
service of one God who is both living 
and true, and are confidently waiting 
for the return of His Son out of the 
heavens. We mean of course Jesus, 
whom God raised from the dead, and 


Kai ev TIJ 'A%aia. 8 d<p' v/uwv yap 

TOV KVpiov ov fjiovov ev Ttj MaK6$ovia Kai ' 

6 \6yos 

to whom we all have learned to look 
as our Rescuer from the Wrath that is 
even now coming.' 

8. d0' vp.a>v] 'from you as a centre' 
(cf. i Cor. xiv. 36), rather than * by 
your instrumentality ' as missionaries, 
which would naturally, though not 
necessarily (Blass p. 125), have been 

e'a>, an. \ey. N.T., is 
found in the LXX. Joel iii. (iv.) 14, 
3 Mace. iii. 2 V, Sir. xl. 13 ms /Spoi/ri) 

peyaXr) ev vera f&xjjo-fi, cf. Philo in 
FlaCC. 6 (ii. p. 522 M.) e< Trepieo- 
T<0To$ ev KVK\(p TrXr/dovs f^X t ft or l TIS 

aroTTos. The Engl. verss. from Tindale 
(with the exception of Rheims 'was 
bruited') agree in the rendering 
' sounded out' (Beza personuit, Erasm. 
exsonuit^ivQ ebuccinatus est\ pointing 
to the clear, ringing nature of the 
report as of a trumpet (Chrys. axrtrep 
o~a\7riyyos Xa/ZTrpof rj^oixrr]s}. Lft. finds 
the underlying metaphor rather in the 
sound of thunder (cf. Sir. xl. 13 quoted 
above and Pollux i. 118 fnx r ) (TV 
/3poi>rr;), and recalls Jerome's descrip- 
tion of St Paul's own words, 'mm 
verba sed tonitrua ' (Ep. 48). 

o \6yos ro\> Kvpiov] a familiar O.T. 
phrase for a prophetic utterance, used 
here with" direct reference to the 
Gospel-message ('a word having the 
Lord for its origin, its centre, and its 
end' Eadie) which had been received 
by the Thessalonians, and which they 
had been the means of diffusing to 
others. The exact phrase, though 
frequent in Ac., is used elsewhere by 
St Paul only II. iii. i. Afterwards he 
prefers o \6yos r. $eo, and once, in 
Col. iii. 1 6, o \6yos T. xpioroC (mg. 

ov fiovov ev rf) MaKfSoviq KT\.] If we 
follow the usual punctuation, the con- 
struction of the rest of the sentence 
is irregular, as instead of ev TT. TOTTO) 
standing in opposition to ev r. Ma*. K. 

'AX- we find a new subject introduced. 
It has accordingly been proposed to 
place a colon after T. Kupi'ou, dividing 
v. 8 into two parts. The first part 
a0' vfjLwv. . .Kvpiov then gives the reason 
of 9. 7, and the second part takes up 
the preceding f^xn rat i anc ^ works it 
out according to locality. This yields 
good sense, but it is simpler to find 
here another ex. of St Paul's im- 
petuous style. He had meant to stop 
at TOTTW, but in his desire to make a 
forcible climax he lengthens out the 

As regards the fact, the situation 
of Thessalonica made it an excellent 
centre for missionary enterprise (Intr. 
p. xxii), while it is possible as further 
explaining the hyperbole tv Travrl 
roTro) (cf. Rom. i. 8, xvi. 19, 2 Cor. 
ii. 14, Col. i. 6, 23) that St Paul had 
just heard from Aquila and Priscilla, 
who had recently arrived in Corinth 
from Rome, that the faith of the 
Thessalonians was already known 
there (so Wieseler Chronol. p. 42). 

The preposition eV following a verb 
of motion may have a certain signifi- 
cance as indicating the permanence 
of the report in the regions indicated 
(WM. p. 514), a fact that is also im- 
plied in the use of the perf. cgf\ri\v6ev, 
but the point cannot be pressed in 
view of the frequent occurrence of ev 
for sis in late Gk.: see the exx. in 
Hatzidakis p. 210, e.g. Acta Joh. 
(Zahn) 36 ffXddfiev eV ria TOTT&J, to 
which Moulton (Prolegg. p. 234) adds 
the early P. Par. 10, 2 f. (ii./B.c.) irais 

ava.Kxa>pr)Kfv ev y A\eav8p(ia. For the 
corresponding els for ev cf. B.Gr.U. 
385, 5 f . (ii. iii./A.D.) 77 6vya\r]r)p p.ov 
Is *A\fav8piav etr&i. 

'Egfpxopai is used in a similar 
connexion in Rom. x. i8(LXX.), i Cor. 
xiv. 36, and, like the preceding e^^e'co, 
conveys the idea of rapid, striking 
progress. Chrys.: <3(nrfp yap nc pi 


eV TravTi TOTTO) r\ 7r/crTis VJULCLV r\ TTpos TOV 6eov e; 
\ a / ^ f tf * ** \ v * 9' 

7TjO/ r ri[Ji(av^ a7ra f y f ye\\ov(riv OTroiav eia'oo'ov ecr^o//ei/ TT^OOS 
7recrTp6\^aTe Trpos TOI/ 6eoi/ CCTTO TC<;I/ 

9 ^awy] uyttwv B Z d Sah Thdt al 

interrogative onoiav (\VM. p. 209 n. 3 ) 
points to the nature of that entrance, 
how happy and successful it was (v. 5). 
For the disappearance of onolos 
from common Gk. (elsewhere in N.T. 
only Ac. xxvi. 29, Gal. ii. 6, i Cor. 
iii. 13, Jas. i. 24) see WSchm. p. 191, 
Meisterhans p. 237. It is found in 
the curious combination on orroiav in 
P. Gen. 54, i ff. (iii./A.D.) ol8as...ori 
onoinv Trpoepeaiv e^co ACQI ot'Sa$'...ort 

TLVOS 8ia\cyo/j.vns, OVTODS 

flTTfV, ' ^f\Tj\vdV ' OVTWS T\V OXpoSpa 

Kal evfpyrjs. 

77 Tria-Tis v/j.. 77 irpbs T. 6e6v] The 
connecting art. ?/ is here inserted 
before the defining clause to prevent 
ambiguity (Blass p. 160), while the 
definite rbv 6tov emphasizes 'the God' 
towards whom the Thessalonians' faith 
is directed in contrast with their pre- 
vious attitude towards ra eidcoXa (v. 9). 

coo-re /zi) xpeiai/ *crX.] On coo-re with 
inf. see v. 7 note, and for xpeiW e%civ 
followed by the simple inf. cf. iv. 9, 
v. i, Mt. iii. 14, xiv. 16, also Heb. v. 12. 
AaXeti/ can hardly be distinguished 
here from Xeyeiv, but in accordance 
with its original reference to personal, 
friendly intercourse, it perhaps draws 
attention to the free and open nature 
of the communication thought of. 
The verb is especially characteristic 
of the Fourth Gospel, where it is 
assigned to Christ thirty-three times 
in the first person, cf. especially for 
the sense Jo. xviii. 20 e'yco irapprja-ia 
\e\a\rjKa rep Koor/io)...Kat ev KpvnTto 

e\aXr)o-a ov8cv, and see Abbott Joh. 
Grammar p. 203. 

9. avrol yap] i.e. the men of Mace- 
donia and elsewhere. For an ingenious 
conjecture that the reading of the 
verse ought to be aurot yap oTrayyeX- 
Xerf... with reference to a letter sent 
by the Thessalonians to St Paul see 
Rendel Harris, Exp. v. viii. p. 170 f., 
and cf. Intr. p. xxx. 

OTroiav eio-oSoi/] 'what sort of en- 
trance' flo-obov being used of the 'act 
of entering' (ii. i, Ac. xiii. 24) rather 
than of the ' means of entering' (Heb. 
x. 19, 2 Pet. i. 11), while the indirect 


Kal irats fVeorpe'^are /crX.] 'and how 
you turned...' not 'returned' (as in 
A.V. 1611), eVi- having here appar- 
ently simply a directive force, cf. Rev. 
i. 12. For the bearing of the whole 
clause on the generally Gentile charac- 
ter of the Thessalonian Church see 
Intr. p. xlii f. The thought of manner 

(Chrys. : evKoXcos, /*era 7ro\\rjs rrjs (T(po- 
Sporqros) if not wholly wanting in TTUS 
is certainly not prominent, as in late 
Gk. the word is practically = ort (Blass 
p. 230, Hatzidakis p. 19). 

'ETj-ioTpe'cpeii/, while frequent in Acts 
of Gentiles turning to God, is not 
again used by St Paul in this sense ; 
contrast Gal. iv. 9, 2 Cor. iii. 16, the 
only other places in his Epp. where it 
occurs. To indicate the fact of con- 
version the Apostle preferred as a 
rule such general terms as Trio-reveti/, 
vTraKoveiv, perhaps as emphasizing not 
the mere turning away from error, but 
the positive laying hold of truth. That 
however this latter condition was ful- 
filled in the Thessalonians' case is 
proved by the description that follows 
of their Christian life under the two- 
fold aspect of doing and of waiting, of 
active service and of confident hope. 


TOV viov avTOV IK TWV ovpavcov, ov ryeipev e/c 

10 TUI> om AC al Eus 

Aesch. Eutn. 243 dvaiitva reXo? 8iKrjs 

(cited by Chase The Lord's Prayer 
p. 72 n. 2 ). The leading thought here 
seems to be to wait for one whose 
coming is expected (Beng. : 'de eo 
dicitur, qui abiit ita, ut venturus sit '), 
perhaps with the added idea of pa- 
tience and confidence (ai/a-, Winer 
de verb. comp. pt. iii. p. 15). In Ac. 
i. 4 Trfpipeveiv is found in the same 
sense. The more general word is 
a7Tf<8e'^fo-^at, i Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii. 20. 
Calv. : ' Ergo quisque in vitae sanctae 
cursu perseverare volet, totam men- 
tern applicet ad spem adventus 

For TOV viov OVTOV the only place 
in these Epp. where Christ is so de- 
scribed see Intr. p. Ixvi. 

< TWV ovpavav] 'out of the heavens' 
(Wycl. fro heuenes: Tind. and the 
other EngL verss. preserve the sing.). 
The plur. may be a mere Hebraism, 
the corresponding Heb. word Dp^ 
being plur. in form, but it is possible 
that St Paul's language here, as else- 
where, is influenced by the Rabbinic 
theory of a plurality of heavens, gene- 
rally regarded as seven in number, 
through which ' the Beloved ' ascends 
and descends : cf. especially The As- 
cension of Isaiah vi. xi., and on the 
whole subject see Morfill and Charles 
Book of the Secrets oj Enoch p. 
xxxff., Cumont Religions orient.(i^oj} 
p. 152. This reference must not how- 
ever be pressed in view of the fact 
that the sing, actually occurs oftener 
than the plur. (11 : 10) in the Pauline 
writings : note particularly the use of 
the sing, in practically the same con- 
text as here in iv. 16, II. i. 7. 

It may be added as showing the 
difference in usage among the N.T. 
writers that in St Matthew's Gospel 
the plur. is used more than twice as 

dov\tviv 0f feoiri /crX.] 'to serve 
God living and true,' the absence of 
the art. drawing attention to God in 
His character rather than in His 
person, and dov\fvtiv (inf. of purpose) 
pointing to complete, whole-hearted 
service: cf. Rom. xii. n, xiv. 18, xvi. 

1 8, Eph. vi. 7, Col. iii. 24, and for the 
thought Jer. iii. 22 enio-Tpa(pr)'ov 
dov\oi qfjifls etropeda (701, on o~v Kvpios 

o faos rjp.a>v et [Eng. Ch. Cat. : ' My 
duty towards God is... to serve Him 
truly all the days of my life.'] 

AovXeveii/ is apparently never used 
in a religious sense in pagan literature : 
cf. however icp68ov\ot as a designa- 
tion of the votaries of Aphrodite at 

Under f<5i/ in accordance with the 
regular O.T. conception (Deut. v. 26, 
Jos. iii. 10, Dan. vi. 20, 26 ; cf. Sanday 
Exp. T. xvi. p. 153 ff.) must be in- 
cluded not merely the being, but the 
activity or power of God (Ac. xiv. 15, 

2 Cor. iii. 3, Heb. ix. 14 ; cf. Grill 
Untersuchungen uber dieEntstehung 
des vierten Ecangeliums (1902) L p. 
237); while d\r)0ii>(p (here only in St 
Paul) is ' true ' in the sense of ' real ' 
(Jo. xvii. 3, i Jo. v. 20; cf. Trench 
Syn. viii.), the 'very' God of the 
creeds as distinguished from false 
gods who are mere empty shams and 

shows (tideoAa, in LXX. for DY^&C 

nothings Lev. xix. 4 &c., and D^il H. 
breaths Deut. xxxii. 21, Jer. xvi. 19 
&C.). Thdt. : <3i/ra pev O.VTOV 

d\r)6ivbv tie, as CKfi 

IO. Kal dvapevfiv TOV viov 
*A.vap.(vciv, air. Xey. N.T., but fairly 
frequent in the LXX., e.g. Job vii. 2, 
Isa. lix. 1 1 dvffj.fivap,v Kpia-iv, and see 
also the instructive parallel from 


', 'Iricrovv TOV pvofj.evov *j/>cas IK Trjs opyrjs 

often as the sing. (55 : 27), while in the 
Apocalypse out of 52 occurrences of 
the word only one is in the plur. (xii. 
12), and that in a passage under the 
direct influence of the LXX. (Isa. xliv. 
23, xlix. 13, cf. also Dan. iii. 59), where 
the plur. ovpavoi (like our colloquial 
heavens] is frequently used of the 
visible sky, especially in the Pss. (e.g. 
viii. 4, xviii. (xix.) 2 ; cf. F. W. Mozley 
The Psalter of the Church ( 1 905) p. 4). 
For the use of the art. before ovpa- 
va>v in the present passage cf. Mt. iii. 
17, Mk. i. ii (WSchm.p. 162). 

ov rjyeipev CK \ra>v\ veKpoiv] * whom 

He (sc. God) raised out of the dead' 
the resurrection of Jesus being traced 
as always in the Pauline teaching to 
the direct act of God, cf. i Cor. vi. 
14, xv. 15, Gal. i. i &c. It is to be 
noted that in the present passage the 
thought of the resurrection is intro- 
duced not as the argumentum pal- 
marium for the Divine Sonship (as in 
Rom. i. 4), but, in accordance with 
the context, as the necessary prelude 
to Christ's Return, and the general 
resurrection by which it will be ac- 
companied : cf. Rom. viii. n, i Cor. 
xv. 20 ff., 2 Cor. iv. 14, Col. i. 18, and 
especially the words spoken at Athens 
so shortly before Ac. xvii. 31. Calv. : 
'in hunc finem resurrexit Christus, 
ut eiusdem gloriae nos omnes tan- 
dem consortes faciat, qui sumus eius 

For cyeipeiv cf. iv. 14 note, and for 
the phrase [T&V] v*pa>v (elsewhere 
with art. only Eph. v. 14, Col. i. 18) 
see WSchm. p. 163. 

'Irivovv rbv pvofj-fvov was] It IS 

the historical Jesus (Add. Note D) 
Who acts as 'our Rescuer' (cf. Rom. xi. 
26 from LXX. Isa. lix. 20), the thought 
of deliverance by power being appar- 
ently always associated with pveo-dat 
in the Bibl. writings (cf. Gen. xlviii. 16, 
Rom. vii. 24, xv. 31, 2 Cor. i. 10, 

2 Tim. iv. 17 f.), while the following 
K (contrast OTTO II. iii. 2) emphasizes 
its completeness in the present in- 
stance ' He brings us altogether out 
of the reach of future judgment'; cf. 
Sap. xvi. 8 and see Ps.-Clem. vi. 7 

yap TO 6f\r)fj.a TOV Xpiorou 
dvcrrravo-iv el de p-ijye ovdev 
K Tr/s ala>viov Ko\do-a>s 

(cited by Chase The Lord's Prayer 
p. 79, where the constructions of 
pvfo-dai are fully discussed). 

K T. OpyfjS T. pXOfJiVT]s] ' OUt Of 

the wrath that is coming ' Tf/s opyfjsj 
as in ii. 16, Rom. iii. 5, v. 9, ix. 22, 
xiii. 5, being used absolutely of the 
Divine wrath, and in accordance 
with the context (dvaptv. T. viov ACT\.) 
and the general N.T. usage, having 
here the definite eschatological refer- 
ence for which the language of the 
prophetic writings has prepared us, 
cf. e.g. Isa. ii. 10 22, Zeph. iii. 8 ff., 
and see further Ritschl Rechtfer- 
tigung u. Versohnung* ii. p. 142 ff. 
A similar application of the term is 
found in Judaistic literature, e.g. Book 
of Jubilees xxiv. 30 ('nor one that will 
be saved on the day of the wrath of 
judgment'), Secrets of Enoch xliv. 2 
('the great wrath of the Lord shall 
consume him'), and for classical usage 
cf. Eur. Hipp. 438 opyal ' els <r 67TC- 
tTKt]\fsav deas. 

This wrath is further described as 
TTJS (pxofj-evTjs (cf. Eph. v. 6, Col. iii. 6), 
the repeated art. drawing attention 
to ' coming' as its essential feature, 
while both verb and tense bring out 
the certainty and perhaps the near- 
ness of its approach (cf. v. 2 note). 

Needless to say it is no angry re- 
sentment that is thought of, but the 
hostility to sin which is as necessary 
a part of God's nature as His love ; 
cf. Isa. Ixi. 8, Zech. viii. 17, and see 
Lact. de ird Dei 5 : 'nam si deus non 
irascitur impiis et iniustis, nee pios 


II. x AVTOI yap oi'Sare, d$e\<poi, TY\V ei 
?T|OO9 v/uas OTL ov Kevri yeyovev, *d\\a 7rpo7ra66vT6s 
i v/3pi<r6evT6s Ka6cos offiare ev tPiXiTTTrois eTrapprjcrta- 
a ev TCO 6ea q/uwv XaXfjcrai Trpos i//xas TO eucryye- 

perience (cf. i. 5), as distinguished 
from the report of others (avroi emph.), 
and strengthened in the present in- 
stance by the repetition of the 
significant d8f\<poi (cf. i. 4) ; while the 
resumptive yap refers back to i. 9 a , 
and in meaning is almost = ' however.' 
ov Kfvf) yeyovev] ' hath not been 
found vain' the reference being to 
the essential content of the Apostles' 
preaching rather than to its results. 

(Chrys. : OVK dvOpaTrivr), ovde rj TV- 
X<>v<ra; Beng.: l non inanis, sed plena 
virtutis.') That however an enduring 
result was secured is proved by the 
perf. yeyovfv. For KCVOS in this sense 
cf. i Cor. xv. 10 and see Trench Syn. 
xlix., and for the form of the 
sentence by which oi'Sare claims in 
anticipation the subj. of yeyovev for 
its object see WM. p. 781. 

2. dXXa irpoira66r>TS KT\.] See 
Ac. xvi. 19 flf., Phil. i. 30. Upona- 
66vTs (class., air. Xey. N.T.) finds its 
full explanation in the second parti- 
ciple which is almost = coore Kai v)3- 
pio-O^vai : cf. Dem. c. Conon. ad init. 
v/3pi(r$ei's, co avdpes dtxacrrat, Kai iradwv 
VTTO KOI/COJ/OS (cited by Wetstein). 
More than the bodily suffering it was 
the personal indignity that had been 
offered to him as a Roman citizen 
(cf. Cic. in Verr. v. 66 'scelus ver- 
berare [civem Romanum]') that had 
awakened a sense of contumely in 
St Paul's mind. For a similar use 
of vfipi&iv cf. Mt. xxii. 6, Lk. xviii. 32, 
Ac. xiv. 5, 2 Mace. xiv. 42, 3 Mace. vi. 9. 
The somewhat awkward repetition of 
Katius oi'Sare after oiSare (v. i) brings 
out strongly the writers' desire to 
carry their readers along with them 
(Intr. p. xliv). 

firapprpiao-uiJicOa ev TOO $eoo xrX.] In 

itself enapprjviaadfjieda may refer gene- 

utique iustosque diligit.... In rebus 
enim diversis, aut in utramque par- 
tern moveri necesse est, aut in 

On the bearing of vo. 9, 10 on the 
missionary teaching of St Paul see 
Intr. p. xlii f. 


Having borne witness to the reality 
of the * election ' of their Thessalonian 
converts, the Apostles now turn to 
deal more particularly with certain 
charges that had been brought against 
themselves after their departure from 
Thessalonica, and of which they had 
heard probably through Timothy 
(Intr. p. xxx). This section of the 
Epistle accordingly takes the form 
of an * apologia,' or a vindication on 
the part of St Paul and his com- 
panions of their Apostolic claims, in 
so far as these were evidenced by 
their entrance into Thessalonica 
(vv. i, 2), the general character of 
their preaching (ov. 3, 4), and its par- 
ticular methods (ov. 5 12). Compare 
with the whole section, both for lan- 
guage and tone, 2 Cor. iv. i 6. 

i, 2. 'Why speak however of the 
report of others, seeing that we can 
confidently appeal to your own ex- 
perience as to the effective character 
of our ministry. For even though we 
were subjected to shameful contumely, 
as you well know, at Philippi, never- 
theless we boldly declared to you the 
Gospel of God. Not that this boldness 
was our own. It came to us from 
God, and so upheld us in the midst of 
the opposition we encountered.' 

I. Auroi yap oiSarf KrX.J An appeal 

again to the Thessalonians' own ex- 


\iov TOV 6eov eV 
OVK e'/c TrAaV^s oi/Se 


ctKadapcrias ovSe ev So Aw, 4 d\\d 

rally to the Apostles' whole attitude, 
but as the verb is always used else- 
where in the N.T. (Ac. 7 , Eph. 1 ) of the 
bold proclamation of the Gospel it is 
better to give it the full meaning 
* became bold of speech ' (aor. of in- 
ception, Kiihner 3 386. 5), the nature 
of this boldness being further brought 
out by the explanatory inf. XaX^o-ai 
(i. 8 note), while the added clause lv 
r. 6ftj> rjp.. points to its true source. 
Oecum. : 5ia TOV tv&waftovvra 6eov 
TOVTO iroirjcrai>. 

The expression 'our God' is rare 
in the Pauline Epp., occurring else- 
where only in iii. 9, II. i. 1 1, 12, i Cor. 
vi. 1 1 : it is common in the Apocalypse. 

(v 7roXX<5 dya>vi\ 'in much conflict' 
the reference, as the context shows, 
being to the external dangers to 
which the Apostles had been sub- 
jected (O.L. in multo certamine) 
rather than to any internal fears on 
their part (Vg. in multa sollicitudine, 
cf. Col. ii. i): cf. Phil. i. 30 TOV avTov 
dya>va e^ovTes oiov ti'Serc ev e'juoi, I Tim. 
vi. 12 dya)vlov TOV KaXov dyava TT}S 
TTLo-Tfws. The metaphor, as in the 
case of the allied ddXelv, adXrjo-is 
(2 Tim. ii. 5, Heb. x. 32), is derived 
from the athletic ground: cf. Epict. 
Diss. iv. 4. 30 where life is compared 
to an Olympic festival in which God 
has given us the opportunity of show- 
ing of what stuff we are made e'X0e 
rjdr) 67ri TOV dycova, delgov rt 

3 7 a . 4 We said that we were bold 
in God, and that it was the Gospel of 
God we preached, and we said rightly, 
for our whole appeal to you is not 
rooted in error, neither has it any con- 
nexion with licentious and delusive 
practices (as was the case with some of 
your old religious teachers). On the 
contrary, as those who have been 
approved by the all-seeing God Him- 
self we were entrusted with His 


Gospel. It is this indeed which 
makes us independent of all merely 
human considerations. And conse- 
quently we did not at any time play 
the part of flatterers, as you well know, 
nor, and here we call God Himself to 
witness, did we under any fair out- 
ward pretext conceal an inward spirit 
of covetousness. On the contrary 
worldly glory either at your hands or 
at the hands of others was so little in 
our thoughts, that we did not even 
demand the support and honour to 
which as Apostles of Christ we were 

3. napdicXrjo-is] Vg. Ambrstr. ex- 
hortatio, Tert. aduocatio. Though 
closely allied with dida x ri (Chrys.) or 
didao-KoXia (Thdt.), Trapd<\rjo-is is not 
to be identified with either, but im- 
plies something more in the nature of 
an appeal (Euth. Zig.: 77 Sifiao-KaXia, r} 
TTpos TO 7rio~Tevo~ai TrporpoTTT/), having 
for its object the direct benefit of 
those addressed, and which may be 
either hortatory or consolatory accord- 
ing to circumstances: cf. the almost 
technical use of \6yos 7rapaK\T]o-a)s in 
Ac. xiii. 15. In the present instance 
irapdK\r)o-is is what Bengel finely calls 
' totum praeconium evangelicum, pas- 
sionum dulcedine tinctum.' 

A characteristic use of the word in 
ordinary life is cited by Wohlenberg 
from Polyb. iii. 109. 6 f., where with 
reference to the address of Aemilius 
Paulus to the soldiers before the 
battle of Cannae it is said that for the 
hired soldier o TTJS Trapa/cXr/a-fats rpoiros 
is necessary, but that for those who 
fight for life and country no such ex- 
hortation is required vTro/Mi/rJo-ecwy 
fjiovov, rrapaK\^cra>s 5' oi>, Trpoerfiet. 
For the corresponding verb rrapa- 
KaXelv see the note on v. ii. 

OVK. f< rrXdvrjs] ' does not arise out 
of error,' TrXavr/y, as * (not eV) proves, 
being used, as apparently always in 


VTTO TOV 6eov 
ayyeXiov OVTCOS AaAcw/uej/, 

the N.T., in the pass, sense of 'error' 
rather than in the act. sense of ' deceit.' 
In contrast with false teachers who 
are not only 'deceivers' but 'deceived' 

(ir\ava)VTes K. 7r\avcap,evoi 2 Tim. iii. 13) 

the Apostles know whom they have 
believed (2 Tim. i. 12), and are con- 
fident in ' the word of the truth of the 
gospel' (Col. i. 5) which they have been 
called upon to declare (cf. Eph. iv. 14 f., 
and see also i Jo. iv. 6). 

ov8e eg aKaOapa-ias] ' nor out of un- 

cleanness' the reference being not to 
'covetousness/ a meaning of aKadapo-ia 
for which no sufficient warrant can 
be produced, nor even to 'impure 
motives,' but to actual 'impurity,' 
'sensuality' (cf. iv. 7, Rom. vi. 19), the 
* disclaimer, startling as it may seem,' 
being not 'unneeded amidst the im- 
purities consecrated by the religions of 
the day' (Lft.): see further Intr. p. xlvi. 

ov8e ev S6Xo>] a new and distinct 
negative clause (ov8e, Buttmann p. 
366), the ev, as distinguished from the 
preceding en (bis) of the originating 
cause, drawing attention rather to 
the general habit or method of the 
Apostles' working. Unlike the epyarai 
doXiot with whom at the time they 
were confronted (2 Cor. xi. 13, cf. ii. 17, 
iv. 2), and with whose 'guile' they 
were sometimes charged (2 Cor. 
xii. 1 6), they had never used un- 
worthy means for ensnaring (86Xos 
from same root as 8e\eap a bait, 
Curtius Gr. Etym. 271) their con- 
verts. Thdt. : OVT p.f)v 86\<o xpco/zei/oi 
crvvepycp els o\e6pov vp,as 6r]pevop,ev. 
For the absence of 86\os as a mark of 
Christ Himself see i Pet. ii. 22 (Isa. 
liii. 9) : cf. also Jo. i. 47. 

4. aXXa Kado>s 8e8oKip.da-p.e6a <rX.] 

'but according as we have been ap- 
proved by God.' AoKi/iao> means 
originally 'put to the test' (cf. v. 4 b , 
i Cor. iii. 13), but in the N.T. gene- 
rally conveys the added thought that 

TO ev- 

the test has been successfully sur- 
mounted (Rom. i. 28, ii. 18, xiv. 22), 
in accordance with the technical use 
of the word to describe the passing 
as fit for election to a public office, 
e.g. Plato Legg. vi. 765 c, D ots av <al 

^^(pos rj TWV 8oKip,aovT(t>v 8oK.ip,d(rrj ' 
eav 8e ris aTroSoxi/xao-^ rX., and from 
the inscriptions such a passage as 

O.I.A. III. 23j 3 ff- vvp-os epav[i(r~}ra)v 

]r)v crvvoftov TWV 

7r[pi]i> av 8oKip.aa0f) : cf. Magn. 1 13, 9 fl 7 . 
dvrjp 8e8oKtp.aa-p.evos rots Be to is KpiTT)- 
piois TWV Sf/Sao-rcoi/ eiri re TTJ rex v fl KT ^' 

Iii the LXX. the idea of approval is as 
a rule wanting, but cf. 2 Mace. iv. 3 
did rivos TO>V VTTO TOV 2t/io)voy 8e8oKi- 
p.aap.evwv, 'through one of Simon's 
tried (or trusted) followers.' 

In the present passage the verb is 
almost =dioi>v (II. i. ii), though we 
must beware of finding here any 
suggestion of innate fitness on the 
Apostles' part (Chrys. : p,r) eldc 
TravTos d7TT)\\ayp.evovs jSicoTi/coC, OVK av 
was etXero). The whole point is that 
their preaching is to be referred en- 
tirely to God as its source, in contrast 
with the sources previously disowned: 
they had been, and still were, 'en- 
trusted' with it ('nicht befunden... 
sondern genommen' Hofmann). 

TTio-revBr/vai TO evayyeXiov] For 
this use of Treo-reuo/mt cf. Rom. iii. 2, 
Gal. ii. 7, i Tim. i. ii, Tit. i. 3, and 
for the construction see WM. p. 287. 
Ilto-reuo/zcu c. gen. as sometimes in late 
Gk. (e.g. Polyb. vi. 56. 13 Trio-Tevdels 
TaXdvTov] does not occur in the N.T. 

oimos] not the antecedent to the 
following tas, but = ' in the same 
manner,' 'in accordance therewith' 
with reference to the Divine com- 
mission just spoken of; cf. Mt. v. 16, 
Eph. v. 28. 

o\>% coy dvQpwrrois dpea-KovTes] not a 

mere restatement of the preceding 



ev Xdyw KO\aKia$ e f yvt]6rj]uei' ) 

5 OVT 

offiare, OVTC 

clause in another light according to 
a favourite Pauline practice (cf. Col. 
i. 5 b , 6), but an independent clause 
describing the manner of the Apostles' 
preaching in contrast with the charge 
ofci> SoXo>, and rendered more em- 
phatic by the substitution of ov for the 
more regular ay with the participle. 
On this construction for the statement 
of a definite fact see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 231 f., where it is fully illustrated 
from the papyri, e.g. P.Oxy. 726, 10 f. 
(ii./A.D.) ov dvvdpevos di d[o~]6eveiav 
TrXeCo-cu, 'since he is unable through 
sickness to make the voyage.' For 
the general thought cf. Ps. lii.(liii.) 6, 
Pss. Sol. iv. 8 dvaKa\v\lrat 6 debs TO. 
epya dvdpwjr&v dvdptorrapeo-Kav. In no 

case must dpeo-Kovres be weakened 
into ' seeking to please.' The state- 
ment is absolute, and the verb here 
betrays something of the idea of 
actual service in the interests of 
others (cf. Rom. xv. i, 3, i Cor. x. 33), 
which we find associated with it in 
late Gk. Thus in monumental inscrip- 
tions the words dpeo-avTes rfi TroXei, rfj 
Trarpi'St &c., are used to describe 
those who have proved themselves 
of use to the commonwealth as in 
O.G.LS. 646, 12 (Palmyra, iii./A.D.) 
apeo~avTa TTJ re avrfj j3ov\f) KCU TO> 

dXXa deep ro) So<a/zd*oi/rt KrX.] Ao/a- 
H<i(ovTi chosen here with reference to 
the preceding SeSo/a/xaV/ii-tfa (for a 
similar word-play cf. Jer. vi. 30) shows 
a tendency to relapse into its original 
meaning of * prove,' * try ' (Beza Deo 
exploranti, Est. ' vtpote cordium 
nostrorum inspectorem et explorato- 
rem'): cf. Jer. xi. 20 Kvpte Kpivav 
&'*ata, 8oKifjid<av ve(ppovs KCU K.apo'ia.s. 

KapSia, according to Bibl. usage, is 
the focus of the personal life, the 
centre of all, intellectual as well as 
emotional, that goes to make up the 

moral character, and is thus equiva- 
lent to the inner, hidden man known 
to God alone, cf. i Regn. xvi. 7, Ac. i. 
24, Rom. viii. 27, Rev. ii. 23, and see 
art. 'Heart' in Hastings' D.B. The 
use of the plur. here and of ^u^as 
(v. 8) cannot be explained by the 
attraction of the plur. verb, but shows 
that throughout St Paul is thinking 
of his fellow-preachers at Thessa- 
lonica as well as of himself (Intr. 
p. xxxivf.). 

5- ovTe...V Xdyo) KoXa/a'as eyevj- 
Orj/jLtv] 'For neither at any time did 
we fall into the use of speech of 
flattery' Xoyo> being clearly the 
preachers' own ' discourse ' or ' teach- 
ing' at Thessalonica, and not the 
' report * of others regarding it. 

KoXaKta (for form, WH. 2 Notes 
p. 1 60) cm. \ty. N.T., though common 
in class, writers, carries with it the 
idea of the tortuous methods by 
which one man seeks to gain in- 
fluence over another, generally for 
selfish ends. Thus Aristotle defines 
the KoXa : o &' OTTCOS <a<peXeia TIS avrd) 
ylytnjrat (if ^pr/^ara KCU ocra dia xprj/jid- 
TO>I>, /coXa (Eth. Nic. iv. 12. 9) : cf. 
Theophr. Charact. 2 rr/v de KoXaKeiav 
av ns OjUiXiai/ alo~xpav e/at, 
rw KO\a.Kfvovri. How 
easily such a charge might be brought 
against the Apostles is evident from 
what we know of the conduct of the 
heathen rhetoricians of the day, cf. 
Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. Ixxi. 35, Dion 
Chrys. Orat. xxxii. p. 403. 

For a new work n-epi <o\aKfias by 
Philodemus the Epicurean (50 B.C.) 
see Rhein. Museum Ivi. p. 623. 

For yiveo-tiai ev (versari in) meaning 
entrance into and continuance in a 
given state or condition cf. Rom. 
xvi. 7, i Cor. ii. 3, 2 Cor. iii. 7, Phil, 
ii. 7, i Tim. ii. 14, Sus. 8 eyevovro cv 

2 2 


s, 6eos /mdprvs, 6 ovre 

, OVT6 d(p' V/ULCOV OVT6 OLTT aAAfc)!/, 

eV /3dpei elvai &S XpicrTOv aTTOCTToXoi' d\\d 

7rpo<pao-ei 7r\covfias] i.e. 'the cloak 
of which covetousness avails itself/ 
Had covetousness been the preachers' 
motive it would have hidden itself 
under some outward pretext (cf. Hor . 
Epist. i. xvi. 45 'introrsum turpem, 
speciosum pelle decora'). Beng. : 
l praetextu specioso, quo tegeremus 

np6(pao-is (wrongly rendered occasio 
Vg., Clarom., Calv., Est.) is the osten- 
sible reason for which a thing is done, 
and generally points to a false reason 
as opposed to the true, cf. <?iW npo- 
<pd&ei eeVe d\r]6eia Phil. i. 1 8, and the 
class, parallels there adduced by Wet- 
stein, and see also P.Oxy. 237. vi. 31, 
vii. ii, 13, 1 6 (ii./A.D.); while TrXeo- 
yeia, though often associated by St 
Paul with sins of the flesh (Eph. iv. 
19, v. 3, cf. i Cor. v. 9ff., vi. 9 f., and 
see also Musonius p. 90 (ed. Hense) o 


7rXeoi/eias), is in itself simply 'covet- 
ousness,' being distinguished from 
(pi\apyvpia 'avarice' as the wider and 
more active sin : see Lft.'s note on Col. 
iii. 5 where it is explained as * entire 
disregard for the rights of others.' 

6ebs pdpTvs] Cf. v. 10, also Rom. i. 9, 
2 Cor. i. 23, Phil. i. 8. Chrys.: oirep 
r^v dfi\ov t avTovs KaXei p.dpTvpas...o7rcp 
de a8r]\ov rjv...6ebv KaXei pdprvpa. 
Dr Dods aptly compares Cromwell's 
declaration to his first Parliament: 
' That I lie not in matter of fact, is 
known to very many; but whether 
I tell a lie in my heart, as labouring 
to represent to you what was not 
upon my heart, I say, the Lord be 

6. ovrf {rjTovvTfs KT\.] Upon the 

repudiation of covetousness follows 
naturally the repudiation of worldly 
ambition (cf. Ac. xx. 19, 2 Cor. iv. 5, 
Eph. iv. 2). Calv. : * duo enim sunt isti 

fontes, ex quibus manat totius minis- 
terii corruptio.' For ^reiv in the 
sense of selfish seeking cf. Rom. x. 3, 
i Cor. x. 24, 33, xiii. 5, 2 Cor. xii. 14, 
Phil.ii. 21, and for Soa in its original 
sense of ' good opinion ' see note on 
v. 12. In Hellenistic Gk. e| and OTTO 
are frequently used interchangeably 
(WM. p. 512, Moulton Prolegg. p. 237, 
Meisterhans p. 212): in accordance 
however with the earlier distinction 
between them e' may here point to 
the ultimate source, and dno rather to 
the more immediate agents (Ambrstr. 
ex hominibus . . .a uobis}. 

It should be noted that what the 
Apostles disclaim is the desire of 
popularity. Th. Mops.: 'cautissime 
enim posuit non quaerentes ; hoc est, 
" non auspicantes hoc," nee hanc ha- 
bentes actus nostri intentionem.' 

7 a . dvvdpfvoi V /3apei elvai] 'when 
we might have been burdensome' 
(Wycl. whanne we . . . tny^ten haue 
be in charge) a concessive part, 
clause subordinate to the preceding 
frrovvTes. Most modern editors follow 
the A.V. in regarding this clause as 
part of v. 6. 

Bdpos is here understood (i) in its 
simple meaning of 'weight,' 'burden' 
(Vg. oneri esse], with reference to the 
Apostles' right of maintenance, cf. v. 9, 
and see further II. iii. 8, i Cor. ix. 11, 
2 Cor. xi. 7 ff., Gal. vi. 6, also Jos. AntL 

I. 250 (xvi. 2) ovSe yap earea-Qai ftapiis 
...daTrdvais Idiais ^p^o-a/xevoy ; or (2) in 
its derived sense of 'authority,' 'dig- 
nity' (Clarom. in gravitate [honore] 
esse\ pointing to the honour they 
might have expected to receive at the 
Thessalonians' hands, cf. 2 Cor. iv. 17 
/3apos fi6|>7?, Polyb. iv. 32. 7 irpos TO 
ftdpos TO A.aKf8aijJLOVL(i)v, Diod. Sic. 
IV. 6 1 did TO jSapoy TTJS TroXeo)?. The 

two meanings are however compatible,. 


ei/ fJLecrw VJULCOV, o>s eav Tpo<pos 6d\7rrj Ta ( 

and it is probable that St Paul plays 
here on the double sense of the phrase : 
cf. the Latin proverb 'Honos propter 

cos Xpitrrou a.7roo~TO\oi] XpicrroC pOSS. 
gen., placed emphatically first to show 
whose Apostles they were, and why 
therefore they were entitled to claim 
honour (cf. Add. Note D). For the 
title aTroo-roXoi here including Silvanus 
and Timothy almost in the sense of 
our missionaries cf. Ac. xiv. 4, 14, 
Rom. xvi. 7, 2 Cor. viii. 23, xi. 13, 
Phil. ii. 25, Rev. ii. 2, Didache xi. 3 f. ; 
and for the wider use of the word 
generally see Lft. Gal. p. 92 ff., Har- 
nack Die Lehre der zwolf Apostel 
p. 93 ff., Hort Ecclesia p. 22 ff. 

In class. Gk. airoa-ToXos generally 
denotes 'a fleet,' 'an expedition 3 (cf. 
Dittenberger Sylloge 2 153, an Attic 
inscription iv./B.c., and see Archiv iii. 
p. 221), but it occurs in Herodotus in 
the sense of ' messenger,' ' envoy ' (i. 2 1 , 
cf. v. 38), and is found with the same 
meaning in 3 Regn. xiv. 6 A e'yco et/u 
a.7r6o~To\os rrpos Of o~K\rjpus (cf. SlU. 
Isa, xviii. 2). See also the interesting 
fragment in P. Par. p. 411 f. (ii./B.c.), 
where, if we can accept the editor's 
restoration of the missing letters, we 
read of a public official who had sent 
to a delinquent a messenger (drroo-To- 
Xov) bearing the orders he had disre- 
garded [e7re(r]raXKorcoi> ri^wv irpos vf 
TOV a7r[ooroXoi/]. Upon the existence of 
* apostles 'among the Jews see Harnack 
Miss. u. Ausbr. p. 237 ff. (Engl. Tr. 
i. p. 409 ff.), and cf. Krauss Die ju- 
dischen Apostel in J.Q.R. 1905, p. 

370 ff. 

7 b 12. A positive counterpart to 
the previously-mentioned hostile 

7 b , 8. ( Nay, we went further, for to 
establish a sure bond of sympathy 
with you we showed ourselves ready 
to act the part of children in your 
midst. Or we may put it in this way 

we yearned over you with the same 
tender affection that a nursing-mother 
displays towards her children. With 
such deep affection indeed did we 
long after you that we shared with 
you not only the Gospel of God, but 
also our very lives so dear had you 
proved yourselves to us.' 

7 b . aXXa eyevTjdrjpev vrjmoi JcrX.] The 

reading here is doubtful. If vrjirioi 
(K*BC*D*G minusc. %.)be adopt- 
ed, the whole clause is the avowal on 
the writers' part of their becoming as 
children to children, speaking what 
St Augustine describes as ' decurtata 
et mutilata verba ' (de catech. rud. 1 5), 
baby-language to those who were still 
babes in the faith : cf. Origen on Mt. 
XV. 17 6 anoo-ToXos eyeveTo vr/TTios KOI 
TTctpaTrXT/'o-ioy rpocpco 6a\Trovo-Tj TO favrfjs 
iraiftiov Kal \a\ovo~r] \6yovs a>9 TraiSt'oi/ 
8id TO TTaidiov. On the other hand, if 
the well-attested faun (K c AC b I) c KLP 
17 &c.) be preferred, the Apostolic 
' gentleness ' is placed in striking con- 
trast with the slanders that had been 
insinuated against them (vv. 5, 6) : cf. 
2 Tim. ii. 24 where TJTTLOS elvai is men- 
tioned as a mark of the true pastor. 
This agreement with the context leads 
most modern editors and commen- 
tators to favour rjirioi, especially as 
the reading vrj-moi can be easily ex- 
plained as due to dittography of the 
final v of (yei'rjdrj/j.ev. WH. 2 (Notes 
p. 128), on the other hand, point out 
that ' the second v might be inserted 
or omitted with equal facility,' and 
that 'the change from the bold image 
to the tame and facile adjective is 
characteristic of the difference be- 
tween St Paul and the Syrian re- 

ev fjio-(o vfjiwv] i.e. 'as one of your- 
selves,' 'without any undue assump- 
tion of authority.' Beng.: 'non age- 
bant, quasi ex cathedra.' Cf. our 
Lord's own words : 'Eyw de eV /neVw 
(as o diaKovav (Lk. xxii. 27). 


o) fav Tpo(pbs 6d\irr) KrX.] 'as if 

a nurse were cherishing her own 
children': cf. Gal. iv. 19. By a sudden 
change of metaphor by no means un- 
common in the Pauline writings (cf. 
v. 2, 4, 2 Cor. iii. i3ff.) the attitude of 
the Apostles is now described as that 
of a 'nurse,' or rather a 'nursing- 
mother' towards her children. Th. 
Mops. : ' " nutricem " uero hoc in loco 
matrem dixit quae filios suos nutrit' : 
cf. Aug. Serm. xxiii. 3. Too much 
stress however in this connexion must 
not be laid on eavrrjs which in late 
Gk. has lost much of its emphatic 
force : cf. the common legal formula 
in the papyri by which a woman 
appears jxera Kvpiov row tavTrjs dvdpos, 
e.g. P.Grenf. i. 18, 4f. (ii./B.c.). 

Tpo$o?, GOT. Xey. N.T., occurs in the 
LXX., Gen. xxxv. 8, 4 Regn. xi. 2, 
2 Chron. xxii. u, Isa. xlix. 23 as the 
translation of nj53*D; cf. also B.G.U. 
297, 12 ff. (i./A.D.) where a nurse ac- 
knowledges that she had received ra 

rpocpfia Kol TO. e\aia Koi TOV ip.aTKTfJt.ov 
/ecu raXXn ocra KaB^Kfi diSo&Oai rpofpw 
TOV TTJS ya\ctKTOTpo<pias dierovs xpovov 
\vr]vwv e KrX. For 

see Kaibel Epigram- 
mata Graeca (1878) 247, 7 (i./ii. A.D.). 
The poetic 6a\Tra>, elsewhere in N.T. 
only Eph. v. 29 (frrptyri K. QdXnfi), 
means properly 'to warm,' and 
thence, like the Lat. fovere, comes to 
signify 'cherish,' 'foster': cf. Deut. 
xxii. 6 KOI TI fjLi^Trjp 0a\7rr) eVi T<BI> 
roo-o-wi/, and for its metaphorical use 
see O.GJ.S. 194, 6 (i./s.c.) TTJV n6\iv 

It may be added that, while the 
sense seems to favour the use of eaV 
as the ordinary conditional particle, 
it is possible that we have here an 
instance of the late use of cdv for av 
(WM. p. 390), o>r edv then implying 
l a standing contingency, "as it may 
be (may be seen) at any time " ' (Find- 
lay). For early instances of this use 

of fav from the Koti/r; cf. P.Petr. in. 
43 (2), iii. 4 (iii./B.c.) oo-coi eav nXdov 
vpr)i, P.Grenf. i. 18, 27 (ii./B.c.) 
ov ta.v aipfJTai, and see further Moulton 
Prolegg. pp. 43, 234, Mayser p. 152 f. 
8. ovrco? op.fip6p.fvoi vfj,<6v] ' even so 
being eagerly desirous of you' (Vg. 
ita desiderantes vos, Beza ita cupidi 
vestri). 'O/iti'po/zat (for breathing, 
WH. 2 Notes p. 151) is not found 
elsewhere in the Bibl. writings ex- 
cept in Job iii. 21 (cf. Sm. Ps. Ixii. 
(Ixiii.) 2). The common derivation 
from o/ioO and c'tpeiv (hence Thpht. = 
/zeVot, Oecum. = dvTxop,voi 

is philologically impossible, and 
Dr J. H. Moulton suggests rather the 
v ' smer 'to remember' (Skt. smirti 
' memory ,'smardmi 'I remember,' Lat. 
memor] with a prepositional element, 
and compares as parallel formations 
8vpop,ai and o8vpop,ai, Ke'XXeo and OKe'XXo), 
6-p.opyvvp.i, (o-Kfavds (ptc. of ( 
' to lie around '). Wohlenberg conjec- 
tures that it may here be used ' as a 
term of endearment' ('edles Kose- 
wort') derived from the language of 
the nursery : cf. note on VTJTTLOL (v. 7). 
For the construction with the gen. in 
the case of verbs of 'longing' see 
Kiihner 3 416, 4b. 

rJSoKovpLev] The absence of av with 
rjvdoKovp,fv (for augment, WH. 2 Notes 
p. 169, WSchm. p. 101) points to a 
result actually reached, while the verb 
itself which is only found in late Gk. 
(in LXX. frequently for H^fJ) draws 
attention to the hearty goodwill at- 
tending the writer's attitude 'were 
well-pleased' (Vg. cupide volebamus}. 
Cf. the use of cvdonelv in i Cor. i. 21, 
x. 5, Gal. i. 15, with reference to God, 
and in Rom. xv. 26 f., 2 Cor. v. 8, xii. 
10 with reference to man ; see also 
the note on ev'So/a'a II. i. 1 1, and for a 
full discussion of both words Fritzsche 
Rom. ii. p. 369 ff. An interesting ex. 
of evdoKflv is afforded by P.Lond. i. 
3, 6ff. (ii./B.C.) T)v8oKrj(rds p. TTJS 


ov JJLOVOV TO evayyeXiov TOV 6eov d\\a K.CU 
\lsvxds, SLOTI dyaTrrjToi rifjiiv eyevridriTe ' 9 
ap, d$e\<poi, TOV K.OTTOV q/uiwv Kat TOV / 

T]OV yfiicrovs TOV [rpi'Jrov \oyfias TU>V 
KfifjLfvcov i/eicpcoi/, apparently = 'thou 
hast granted me the honour of the 
half of the offerings collected for the 
dead (mummies).' In legal documents 
the verb is frequent in the sense of 
'give consent,' e.g. in the marriage- 
contract P.Oxy. 496, 8 (ii./A.D.) where 
the husband is not allowed to dispose 
of certain property ^copis evdoKovo-rjs 
rfjs ya/zou/ie'i/T/y, ' without the consent 
of the bride': see further Gradenwitz 
Einfuhrung i. p. 160 ff. 

ray cavrwv V^u^as] 'our very lives,' 
'our very selves' ^v^as (for plur. 
cf. v. 4 note) according to its ordinary 
Bibl. usage laying stress on what 
belonged essentially to the writers' 
personality (Beng. : 'aninia nostra 
cupiebat quasi immeare in animam 
vestram'): cf. Mk. viii. 35, 2 Cor. xii. 
15, Sir. xxxv. 23 (xxxii. 27) ev -rravrl 
pyco Trio-rev* TTJ ^fvxii <rov, and for 
a full discussion of ^fvxn in the LXX. 
see Hatch Essays p. 101 fF. 

For the reflexive eavrwv referring 
to the ist pers. plur. cf. II. iii. 9 (note), 
Rom. viii. 23, 2 Cor. i. 9, iii. 5 &c. (WM. 
p. 187, WSchm. p. 204); and see P.Par. 

47, 26 (ii./B.O.) avrovs 8eSa>Ka/uei>, 

P.Tebt. 47, 30 f. (ii./s.c.) tv ^/-tels pev 
a eavT&v (Mayser, p. 303). 
dyaTTTjToi /erA.] Out of the 
Apostles' intercourse with the Thes- 
salonians a relationship of love (ayarr. 
used by St Paul of his converts in 
all groups of his Epp.) had been de- 
veloped once for all (aor. ryeygdgrt) 
which had led to the consequent 

T)v8oKOV[Jil> KT\. 

Atori (propterea quod] has appa- 
rently always a causal force in the 
N.T. (Wilke nil. Rhet. p. 251), though 
in the LXX. and late Gk. generally it 
is also frequently found in a sense 

differing little from Sri 'that': cf. 
2 MaCC. Vli. 37 e'^o/zoAo-yiJo-acrtfcu Siort 
fj.6vos avros 0os e<rriz>, B.G.U. IOII. 
ii. 1 5 fF. (ii./B.C.) 8i6n yap 7roX[Xa] 
\r)ptoi[8rj] KOI ^ev8fj 7rpo0-ay[y]e'A[Xe]rai 
Karavoels Kal avros, and for similar 
evidence from the Attic inscriptions, 
where diort never = ' because,' see 
Meisterhans, p. 252 f. On the other 
hand in P.Tebt. 24, 34 (ii./B.c.) KOI 
dion must have its full causal force. 
In mod. Gk. the word is used instead 
of ydp, a meaning which Fritzsche 
(Rom. i. p. 57) finds even in such 
passages as Ac. xviii. 10, Rom. i. 19 
(cf. Blass p. 274) ; see also i Pet. iii. 
10 where yap is used to introduce a 
quotation from the O.T. instead of 
dioTt which is preferred in i. 16, 24, 
ii. 6. Jebb (in Vincent and Dickson 
Mod. G/c. 2 App. p. 338) cites the 
passage before us along with Gal. ii. 
1 6 to illustrate the ease of the col- 
loquial transition. 

9. ' That this is no idle vaunt you 
yourselves very well know, for you 
cannot have forgotten our self-sacri- 
ficing labours amongst you, how, even 
while working night and day for our 
own maintenance so as not unduly to 
burden you, we preached to you the 
Gospel of God.' 

9. fJivijfJLOVfvfTf yap rX.] For p.vr}- 

povfva c. acc. see i. 3 note, and for 
d8e\(poi see i. 4 note. 

KOTTOS (i. 3 note) and ^o^Bos are 
found together again in II. iii. 8, 
2 Cor. xi. 27, the former pointing to 
the ' weariness ' or ' fatigue ' resulting 
from continual labour, the latter 
rather to the 'hardship' or 'struggle' 
involved in it. The similarity in sound 
between the words is well brought 
out in the rendering 'toil and moil' 


VUKTOS Ka rip.epas epya^ojuevoi Trpos TO fj.ri 67ri/3aprj<rai 
TWO. vpwv 6Kripua^ev eis v/ua^ TO evayyeXiov TOU 6eou. 
^dpTVpes Kal 6 fleos, o5s ocritos Kal 

. K. ??/u. epyaofj.fvoi] An ex- 
planatory clause which gains in force 
through the absence of any connect- 
ing particle. For the fact cf. Ac. 
xviii. 3, and for the picture here 
presented of St Paul's missionary 
activity see Intr. p. xlv. 

It may be noted that WKTOS K. 
ypepas (gen. of time) is the regular 
order of the words in St Paul (iii. 10, 
II. iii. 8, i Tim. v. 5, 2 Tim. i. 3). In 
the Apocalypse on the other hand we 
find always jpepas K. WKTOS (iv. 8, vii. 
15 &c.), and so in St Luke (xviii. 7, 
Ac. ix. 24). When however St Luke 
adopts the ace., the order is changed 
K. jpepav (ii. 37, Ac. XX. 31, 

irpos TO fir} 7rif3aprjcrai KT\.] 'ill order 
that we might not burden any of you': 
cf. II. iii. 7 ff. for an additional reason 
for these self-denying labours. 

The late Gk. w^apc'iv is used only 
figuratively in the N.T. (II. iii. 8, 
2 Cor. ii. 5) and is nearly = Kara/Sapeii/ 
(2 Cor. xii. 1 6, cf. 2 liegn. xiii. 25), 
though the preposition in eiriftapelv is 
mainly directive (onus imponere), in 
KaTapapelv rather perfective 'to weigh 
a man to the ground.' For its use in 
the inscriptions cf. Magn. 113, 15 f. 
where a certain physician Tvrannus 
is said to have behaved cos prjo'eva vfi 
O.VTOV Trapa TTJV diav TOV Kaff f 

and for the 
simple verb /3apf?t> (2 Esdr. xv. (v.) 15, 
i Tim. v. 1 6) in the same sense, cf. 
I.G.SJ. 830, 15 (Puteoli ii./A.D.) Iva 
P.TJ TTJV TTO\LV /3apo3/^ei>. In the late 
P.Oxy. 126, 8 (vi./A.i>.) one Stepbmous 
undertakes to 'burden herself (/3a- 
pea-ai TO fj.ov oi/o/ta) with certain im- 
posts hitherto paid by her father. 

On npos TO with inf. signifying not 
mere result but subjective purpose see 
\VM. p. 414, Moulton Prolegg. p. 2i8ff. 

10 12. ' We are not afraid indeed 
to appeal alike in your sight and in 
the sight of God to the whole charac- 
ter of our relations with you. All 
believers will be ready to testify how 
these were marked throughout by 
holiness and righteousness, and how 
careful we were to give no offence in 
anything. Indeed, as you very well 
know, we acted the part of a father 
to each one of you, as we exhorted, 
and encouraged, and solemnly charged, 
according to your several require- 
ments, in order that you might re- 
spond to your privileges, and your 
whole lives be worthy of the God 
who is calling you to share in His 
kingdom and glory.' 

10. vfMfls pdpTvpcs KT\J] The two 
former appeals to the witness of men 
(v. i) and of God (v. 5) are now united 
in confirmation of the whole character 
of the Apostolic ministry. 

cos do-iW /crX.] In accordance with 
the distinction found in Plato (Gorg. 
507 B) and other Gk. writers, it has 
been common to describe oo-tW as 
indicating duty towards God, and 
diKaicos duty towards men. But the 
distinction, which even in class. Gk. 
is sometimes lost sight of, must not 
be pressed in the N.T., where all right- 
eousness is recognized as one, 'growing 
out of a single root, and obedient to 
a single law' (Trench Syn. p. 307). 
Accordingly oo-itos and diKaicos are 
best regarded as descriptive of the 
Apostles' attitude towards both God 
and man from its positive side, that 
attitude being viewed first from a 
religious (otrtW) and then from a 
moral (8t/cmW) standpoint, while the 
following dpcpTTTus from the negative 
side emphasizes their general blame- 
lessness in these same two respects. 

As regards the individual expres- 


yev^Q^jjiev 9 " Ka6a7rep 
TraTrjp T6Kva eavTOv 

v/uiv rots 7TL(TT6vov<jiv 
cos eva e/cacrroy VJJLMV w 
7rapaKa\ovvTes v^as Kai 


sions, oo-ias is found only here in the 
N.T., while a/ze^m-co? occurs again in 
v. 23 (cf. iii. 13 WH. inarg.). Both 
afjif/jLTTTos and -coy are common in the 
inscriptions and papyri, e.g. O.G.I.S. 
485, 14 ayvwf KOI a/jie/iTrrcos 1 . For the 
combination oo-iW K. SiKaivs see further 
Apol. Arist. xv. sub fine, also P. Par. 
63. viii. 13 f. (ii./B.c.) where a letter- 
writer makes a claim for himself as 
having ocruos Kat...Si>caicos [7roXi]rev(ra- 
pevos before the gods, and for anep-nrais 
K. oo-tW cf. Clem. R. Cor. xliv. 4. 

On o$s see Blass p. 230, and for the 
use of the adverbs instead of the 
corresponding adjectives, as bringing 
out more fully the mode and manner 
of fyfvTjdrjuev (Ambrstr. facti sumus), 
cf. I Cor. XVI. 10 iva dfpoftus 


VfUV T. TTlO-T^VOVO-Lv] Cf. i. 7 '. TllC 

clause is not * pointless ' ( Jowett), but 
is to be closely connected with eyej/r/- 
6r)[jLi> (cf. Horn. vii. 3), as marking 
the impression the missionaries made 
upon their Thessalonian converts, 
whatever might be the judgment of 

Others. Thdt. : ov yap etVef, 


ii. Kadcnrep oiSare] The expres- 
sive Kadcnrfp ('die scharfste aller 
Gleichheitspartikeln ' Meisterhans p. 
257) is found in the N.T. only in the 
first two groups of the Pauline Epp. 
(16 times) and in Heb. iv. 2 : cf. 
P.Hib. 49, 6 f. (iii./B.C.) naOcnrep eypa^fa 
and the common legal formula Kadcnrep 
ey 8i<r]s 'as if in accordance with a 
legal decision' (e.g. P.Amh. 46, 13 
(ii./B.c.)). In the Decrees ra ^ev aXXa 
Kadajrep 6 dclva l was the usual intro- 
duction to an amendment proposed 
in the Ecclesia to a probouleuma' 
(Roberts-Gardner p. 18): e.g. C.I. G. 

84, 6 f. Ke0aXoy ewre- ra fj.fv dXXa KaOa- 
nep rrj jSouXft' dvaypatyai 6e.... 

ok eva rX.] The construction is 
irregular but, if this is not to be taken 
as an instance of the Hellenistic use 
of the part, for the ind. (cf. Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 222 f.), we may either 
resume eyfvijd^fj.fv (v. 10) after eoy, 
leaving both eva CK. and v/j,as to be 
governed by the following participles, 
or still better supply such a finite 
verb as evovdeTov^ev which the writer 
lost sight of owing to the extended 
participial clause. 

"Ei/a eKaarrov (Vg. unumquemque), 
an intensified form of tKaoroi/, marks 
the individual character of the 
Apostles 5 ministry. Chrys. : /3a/3ai', Iv 

) (J.T) 1T\OV<TIOV, fjL^ 7TVr)T(l. 

a>s irarrip icrX.] an appropriate change 
from the figure of the nursing-mother 
(0. 7) in view of the thought of instruc- 
tion which is now prominent. Pelag.: 
' parvulos nutrix fovet : proficientes 
vero jam pater instituit.' 

12. TrapaKoXovvTes v/ KrX.] 'ex- 
horting you and encouraging and 
testifying' a clause which, contrary 
to the usual verse-division, is included 
by WH. in v. 12. IIapa/<aXeZi/, like 
Trapa<\r)(ri5 (o. 3 note), is a favourite 
word with St Paul, occurring no less 
than ten times in these Epp. with the 
double meaning of 'exhort' and 'com- 
fort.' The former idea is prominent 
here, while the succeeding irapanvQov- 
IJLCVOI (elsewhere in N.T. only in v. 14, 
Jo. xi. 19, 31, cf. 2 Mace. xv. 9) is 
addressed to the feelings rather than 
to the will. For a similar combination 
of the corresponding nouns see i Cor. 
xiv. 3, Phil. ii. i. 

Maprvpeo-Oai, properly 'summon to 
witness,' and then absolutely ' asseve- 


ek TO TrepiTraTeiv u/xas d^icos TOV 6eov TOV 
is TY\V eavTOv /SacriXeiav Kat 

II 12 /caXoOvTos BDGHKLP 17 af pZer d g Syr (Hard mg) Chr Ambst Ephr aZ : 
Ka\t(ravTos KA 23 31 aZ pane Vg Go Syr (Pesh Hard) Sah Boh Arm Theod-Mops lat 

rate," protest,' from which it is an easy 
transition to the meaning 'conjure/ 
' solemnly charge ' which suits best 
the present passage and Eph. iv. 17: 
see Hort on i Pet. i. n who cites 
in support of this rendering Plut. ii. 
19 B (of Homer) ev 8e r< 7rpo8iaf3d\\fiv 
fj,6vov ov papTvperai KOI 8iayopevft pyre 
Xprjo-dcu KT\. 'solemnly warns not to 
use' a charge as in the presence of 
God. An interesting parallel is also 
afforded by P.Oxy. 471, 64 f. (H./A.D.) 

[taprvpovTai Kvpif rr]v o~r)v TU^TJI', where 

however the editors translate 'they 
bear evidence,' as if it were the com- 
moner fj.apTvpovo-i. According to Lft. 
(ad loc., cf. note on Gal. v. 3) fiap- 
Tvponai has never this latter sense in 
the N.T. any more than in class. Gk., 
but that the two words were some- 
times confused in late Gk. is proved 
by such a passage as P.Amh. 141, 17 f. 

(iv./A.D.) Tocrovro fiaprvpafJLfvr} []ai 
diov<ra r?)s irapa o~ov JK&ucttak Tv\fw, 
where we can only translate ' bearing 
witness to the facts and praying to 
obtain satisfaction by you.' 

fls TO TrepnraTelv KT\.] On fls TO 
with the inf. expressing here not so 
much the purpose as the content of the 
foregoing charge see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 218 ff., where the varying shades of 
meaning attached to this phrase in the 
Pauline writings are fully discussed. 

Ufpinarelv with reference to general 
moral conduct occurs thirty-two times 
in the Pauline Epp., and twelve times 
in the writings of St John (Gosp. 2 , 
Epp. 10 ). St Luke prefers iropcvea-Qai 
(Gosp. 2 Ac. 2 ) for this purpose, as do 
St Peter and St Jude. The metaphor 
though not unknown in class. Gk. (cf. 
Xen. Cyr. ii. 2. 24 T) jrovrjpia 8ta TWV 
irapavriKo. rjdovav iroptvopfvr), and the 
essentially similar metaph. use of 

dvacrTpf(f)O'6ai) dvavrpocpr)) is Hebra- 
istic in origin : cf. the early designation 
of Christianity as j 686s (Ac. ix. 2 &c.) 
in keeping with the common meta- 
phorical use of the word in the LXX. 

For the use of the pres. inf. Trepi- 
Trareti/ (v.l. -rfo-at D C KL) see Blass 
p. 1 95 n 1 . For Trcpnrarc'iv ai'eos cf. Eph. 
iv. i, and for aiW with gen. of a person 
cf. Rom. xvi. 2, Col. i. 10, 3 Jo. 6. The 
exact phrase aiW TOV 6co\> is found in 
the Pergamene inscription 248, 7 ff. 
(ii./B.c.) where Athenaios, a priest of 
Dionysios and Sabazius, is extolled 

aS (rv[v\TT\ KOTOS TO, ifpfl. . .VO-(f3(S 

[^]ey KOI dia>s TOV 6cov (see Deissmann 
p. 248). 

Thieme (p. 21) cites similar exx. 
from the Magnesian inscriptions, e.g. 
33, 30 dia>s [r]r?[Y] 0[Y]aff (Gonnos in 
Thessaly iii./B.c.), 85, 10 f. a^'co? TTJS re 
*ApT^i8os-.-Kai [TOV] 8^ov (Tralles); 
but rightly draws attention to the diffe- 
rence of spirit underlying the appeal 
of the Christian Apostle to his con- 
verts to walk worthily of the Gospel, 
and the praise which a Greek com- 
mune bestows on the ambassadors of 
another state for acting dia>s TT/S 0as 


TOV KaXovvTos] 'who is calling,' the 
verb being used in its technical sense 
of 'call to the kingdom' with the 
further idea, as throughout the Pauline 
Epp., that the calling as God's act has 
been effectual (Rom. viii. 30, i Cor. i. 9). 
The use of the pres. part, instead of 
the more common aor. (icaMo-avTos, 
WH. mg.) in this connexion (cf. iv. 7, 
Gal. i. 6, 15, v. 13, but not v. 8) may 
be due to the fact that the whole 
phrase is practically = ' our caller' (cf. 
i. 10, and see Rom. ix. n where e< 
roC KoXovvros is contrasted with c 
epyo>j>), but is perhaps sufficiently' ex- 


plained by the eschatological refer- 
ence of the present passage. Believers 
are continually being called to an in- 
heritance on which they have not yet 
fully entered, but of which they are 
assured (cf. v. 24). 

On the different uses of KaXe'co see 
SH. p. 241 f. 

ds r. eavrov /3ao-iXetai> *rX.] Though 
there are undoubted instances in the 
Pauline Epp. of /Sao-iXf/a as the 
present kingdom of God's grace 
(Rom. xiv. 17, i Cor. iv. 20, Col. i. 13), 
its reference in the main is to the 
future (II. i. 5, i Cor. vi. 9, xv. 50, 
Gal. v. 21, 2 Tim. iv. i, 18), and that 
this is the case here is shown by its 
inclusion with the eschatological 86ga 
under one art. The two expressions 
must not however be united as if= 
' His own kingdom of glory,' or even 
'His own kingdom culminating in 
His glory,' but point rather to two 
manifestations of God's power, the 
first of His rule, the second of His 
glory. On eWroG which seems here 
to retain its full emphasis see note 
on v. 7, and on St Paul's teaching 
regarding the 'kingdom' at Thessa- 
lonica see Intr. p. xxvii. 

Aoa, in class. Gk. = f opinion,' 'good 
opinion' (cf.??. 6), through the influence 
of the LXX. where it is commonly used 
to translate Heb. "fa? 'honour/ 
'glory,' came to be applied in the 
N.T. to the full manifestation of 
God's glory ('Gloria, divinitas con- 
spicua ' Beng. on Ac. vii. 2), or more 
specially to that glory as revealed to 
men in the Divine majesty and good- 
ness (e.g. Eph. i. 6, 12, 17, iii. 16, Col. 
i. ii with Lft.'s note). From this it 
was a natural transition to the future 
bliss or glory that awaits God's people, 
the ethical conception being still 
always predominant: cf. Rom. v. 2 
eV eXflri'Si r. 86t-r)s T. deov, viii. 1 8 Trpos 
T. jMeXXoiKTaz/ 8oai> a7roKa\v<f)6fjvai fls 

77 /nay. This sense of the word can also 
be illustrated from post -canonical 
literature by such passages as Apoc. 
Bar. xv. 8 'For this world is to them 

a trouble and a weariness with much 
labour; and that accordingly which 
is to come, a crown with great glory ' ; 
xlviii. 49 'And I will recount their 
blessedness and not be silent in cele- 
brating their glory, which is reserved 
for them ' ; and especially 4 Ezra vii. 
42 where the state of the blessed is 
described as 'neque nitorem neque 
claritatem neque lucem ' but only 
' splendorem claritatis altissimi ' 

SH. p. 85]. 

For the Bibl. history of the word 
oa see further Kennedy Last 
Things p. 299 ff., and for the possi- 
bility that Sda may originally have 
had a ' realistic ' meaning in the 
ordinary Gk. of the day though no 
actual instance of this use has yet 
been found, see Deissmann Hellenis- 
ierung p. 165 f., where its use as a 
name for women and ships (F. Bechtel, 
Die attischen Frauennamen (1902) 
p. 132) is cited as a partial parallel. 

In the passage before us the whole 
phrase r. KaXovvros KT\. shows affinity 
with the 'invitation' in the Parable 
of the Supper, Mt. xxii. i ff., Lk. xiv. 
1 6 ff.: cf. Dalman Worte p. 97 (Engl. 
Tr. p. 118 f.) where similar exx. are 
adduced from Jewish literature. 


Because their ministry had been 
attended with so much toil and zeal 
(vv. i 12), the Apostles are now all 
the more ready to renew their thanks- 
giving to God that the Thessaloniaus 
had not come short either in their 
ready acceptance of the Gospel- 
message (v. 13), or in their endurance 
under persecution (v. 14) the latter 
thought leading to a vehement con- 
demnation of the persecuting Jews 
(vo. 15, 1 6). 

13, 14. 'Seeing then that we on 
our part have bestowed so much 
labour and affection upon you, we are 


13 K 

a Sia TOVTO Kai 

ev^apia'TovjUiev TW 6ew 

, OTL 7rapa\a/36vT6s \oyov aKOrjs Trap' qjULtov 
TOV 6eov eSe^acrde ov \6yov dvdptOTrcov d\\d Ka6ws 
d\rj6tos ivrlv \6yov 6eou, os Kai ivepyeiTai ev vjuiiv TCUS 

the more unceasingly thankful that 
you yourselves have not come short 
in the act of receiving. Nay rather 
when the "word of hearing" was de- 
livered to you, it became something 
more than the " word of hearing." We 
might be its bearers, but God was its 
author. And in welcoming it as you 
did, it proved itself no mere human 
message, but a Divine power in all 
believing hearts. How true this is 
your own lives testified in that, after 
the example of the Christian Churches 
of Judaea, you underwent the same 
sufferings at the hands of your fellow- 
countrymen that they did at the hands 
of the unbelieving Jews.' 

13. KOI ?7ju,eis] 'we on our part' 
KOI denoting the response of the 
Apostles to the favourable character 
of the news they had received: cf. 
iii. 5, Col. i. 9 (with Lft.'s note). For 
a different view according to which 
Kai really belongs to the verb see 
Lietzmann on Rom. iii. 7 (in Handb. 
z. N.T. iii. i (1906)). 

on TrapitXajBovTes KrX.] on not SO 

much causal (II. i. 10, ii. 13), as intro- 
ducing the subject-matter of the 
evxapicrn'a, namely that the Thessa- 
lonians had not only outwardly 
received (napaXapovTes) the Apostolic 
message, but had inwardly welcomed 
(eoVao-0e) it, and that too not as the 
word of men, but as the word of God. 
For a similar use of 7rapaAa/ij3ai/o> in 
the Pauline Epp. cf. iv. i, II. iii. 6, 
Gal. i. 9, 12, i Cor. xv. i, 3, Phil. iv. 9, 
Col. ii. 6, and for Se^o/uai of willing, 
hearty reception cf. i. 6, II. ii. 10, 
i Cor. ii. 14, 2 Cor. viii. 17, Gal. iv. 14. 
In the present passage the Vg. makes 
no attempt to mark the difference of 
the verbs (accepissetis^.accepistis], 

but Clarom. has percepissetis...ex- 
cepistis, and Ambrstr. accepissetis . . . 

\oyov aKorjf] 'AKofjs may be under- 
stood in the active sense of 'a hearing ' 
(cf. Gal. iii. 2, where it is contrasted 
with cpyav) in keeping with the part 
here assigned to the Thessalonians 
themselves, but it is better taken in 
its (ordinary) passive sense of 'a mes- 
sage' spoken and heard (Vg. verbum 
auditus)-. cf. Rom. x. 16 (LXX. Isa. 
liii. i), Heb. iv. 2. 

Trap' r)fj.a>v] to be connected with 
7rapaXa/3oi/res, notwithstanding the 
interjected Xo-y. a/co^r, as indicating 
the immediate source of the message 
delivered and received, while the em- 
phatic TOV tieov is added to point to 
its real source lest the Apostles should 
seem to be making undue claims (cf. 
i Cor. ii. 13). 

rX.] To under- 

stand toy before Xoy. avQp. (as A.V., 
R.V.) is unnecessary, and fails to 
bring out as clearly as the absolute 
rendering the real character of the 
message here referred to. For (o) 
Xo-yos (TOV) Qeov with reference to the 
preaching of the Gospel cf. 2 Tim. ii. 9, 
Apoc. i. 9, and for the whole clause 
cf. Apol. Arist. xvi. ov yap a.i>Qpa>ira>v 
prjfjiaTa XaXovcriv [ot ^pioriai/oij, dXXa 
TO. TOV Oeov. 

os Kai fWpyeTrai] * which also is set 
in operation 3 (Clarom., Ambrstr. quod 
operator) eWpyetrat being best un- 
derstood in the pass, sense in which 
it is frequently found in late Gk. (e.g. 
Polyb. i. 13. 5, ix. 12. 3), and which 
brings out more clearly than the 
midd., which is generally found here, 
the Divine agency that is at work. 
For this energizing power of God's 


jap pifJLijTai eycwj&prc, d$6\<poi, 

KK\ri(TL(jov TOU deov Ttov ov(ru)V iv Trj ' lovSaia V 

'Iqcrov, OTL TCL avTci ewdQere KCCI u//e?s VTTO 
crv/uiCbvXeTwv KaBcos KCLI avrol VTTO TWV ' 

(TTp\}/T) (IS TOV tSlOI/ OLKOV I Cf. Mt. XXH. 

5, i Cor. vii. 2, and the memorial 
inscription found at Thessalonica 
'ATroXAom'a Net/ccoj/t ra> Idito dvdp\ 
pvrjurjs x<*P iV (Heuzey p. 282). See 
further l)eissmann#/S'. p. 1 23 f., Mayser 
p. 308, and on the danger of pushing 
this 'exhausted' i'Stos- too far Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 87 ff. 

For the thoroughly class, use of vrro 
with an intrans. verb to point to the 
author cf. such a passage from the 
Koivrj as P.Amh. 78, 4f. (ii./A.D.) /St'ai/ 

word cf. Heb. iv. 12, Jas. i. 21, i Pet. 
i. 23, Isa. Iv. ii; and for a valuable 
note on the use of evepyelv and its 
cognates in the N.T. see Robinson 
Eph. p. 241 ff. 

fv vfjiiv r. irio-revovo-iv] a clause 
added to emphasize that, powerful 
though the word of God is, it can 
only operate where a believing atti- 
tude exists and continues : cf. v. 10, 
and for the thought see Mt. xiii. 23, 
58, Heb. iv. 2. 

14. v/zets ydp KT\.] A practical con- 
firmation of the fvepyeia just spoken 
of. The Thessalonians in their turn 
(vp-fls emph.) had shown themselves 
not idle hearers, but active 'imi- 
tators' of the Churches of God in 
Judaea, which are apparently speci- 
ally mentioned here simply because 
they were the earliest Christian com- 
munities, and had throughout their 
history been exposed to severe hos- 

For the added clause eV Xp. 'Irjo: 
cf. i. i note, and for similar appeals 
to the lessons of past sufferings cf. 
i Cor. xv. 32, Gal. iii. 4, Heb. x. 32 ff. 

VTTO r. idiav o"u/i<uXera>i/] Accord- 
ing to derivation (rvn<pv\eTT)s (air. \ey. 
N.T.) means literally 'one belonging 
to the same tribe' (Vg. contribulibus), 
but is evidently used here in a local 
rather than a racial sense (Ambrstr. 
conciuibus), and need not therefore 
exclude all reference to those Jews 
by whom, as we know from Ac. xvii. 
5, 13, the persecutions at Thessalonica 
were first instigated. If so, this 
would seem to be one of the in- 
stances where a certain weakened 
force must be allowed to ZSiW (cf. 
favrrjs, v. 7) in accordance with a not 
infrequent tendency in Hellenistic 
Gk., e.g. Job vii. 10 ov'S' ou ^ eVi- 


ws KOI avroi KT\.] AUTOI, i.e. the 
persons included in the collective e'/c- 
K\rj(ria>v. For the imperfect antece- 
dent cf. WM. p. 1 8 1, and for the 
repetition of <ai in order to strengthen 
the comparison with the immediately 
preceding KCU v^cis cf. Rom. i. 13, 
Col. iii. 13. 'lovdaia is here used in 
its larger sense of all Palestine in- 
cluding Galilee, cf. Lk. iv. 44, Ac. x. 
37, Jos. Antt. I. 1 60 (vii. 2) els TTJV rore 
fifv Xavavaiav \fyo^.lvr]v vvv e 'louSai'ai/, 

/zfrajKTjo-f. Of the precise nature of 
the sufferings of the Judsean churches 
after St Paul began his missionary 
labours we have no record in Acts, 
but they would doubtless consist in 
excommunication and social outlawry, 
as well as in actual legal persecution 
(cf. Ramsay C.R.E. p. 349). In any 
case the mere mention of ' the Jews ' 
is sufficient to recall to the Apostle 
what he himself had suffered at the 
hands of his fellow-countrymen, and 
accordingly he 'goes off' at the word 
into a fierce attack upon them. 

15, 1 6. This attack is so different 
from St Paul's general attitude to his 
fellow-countrymen (e.g. Rom. x. i ff.) 
that the whole passage has been pro- 
nounced an interpolation but without 


I5 T(*)v Kat TOV Kvpiov dTTOKTeivavTOJV 'Irjcrovv Kcti TOI)S 

s Kal t]juas eV&o>aWfc>y, Kai 6ea) /m 
iratTLV dvQpWJTOis ivavTicov, l6 KO)\vdvT(x)v 

any sufficient warrant (Intr. p. Ixxvi). 
The sharp judgment expressed is due 
rather to the Apostle's keen sense of 
the manner in which the Jews had 
opposed God's will, both in thwarting 
his own missionary work, and after- 
wards in seeking to shake the faith 
of his Thessalonian converts. It is 
however deserving of notice that this 
is the only passage in the Pauline 
writings in which the designation 
1 the Jews' is used in direct contrast 
to Christian believers in the sense 
which St John afterwards made so 
familiar in his Gospel (i. 19, ii. 18 &c.). 
For a somewhat similar digression cf. 
Phil. iii. 2 ff., and for the light in 
which the Jews are here regarded 
see Stephen's charge Ac. vii. 5 1 ff. 

1 5, 1 6. * Did we speak of the Jews 
as persecutors } Why, are they not the 
men at whose door lies the guilt of 
the death of Jesus, and who in the 
past drove out the prophets, even as 
they are now driving out us? The 
least that can be said of them is that 
they do not please God, while their 
well-known hostility to all mankind is 
shown in the present instance by their 
deliberately standing in the way of 
the Gentiles' salvation. But in so 
doing they are only "filling up the 
measure of their iniquity " with the 
result that " the Wrath of God " which 
they have so fully deserved has reached 
its final stage.' 

15. TtoV KO.I TOV KVplOV KT\J] The 

words are skilfully arranged so as 
to lay emphasis on both wpiov and 
'ITJO-OVV : it was ' the Lord ' whom the 
Jews slew, ' even Jesus ' : cf. Ac. ii. 36 
and see Add. Note D. For the guilt of 
the crucifixion as lying at the door of 
the Jewish people cf. such passages 
as Lk. xxiv. 20, Jo. xix. n, Ac. ii. 23, 
and Gosp. Pet. 7, and for the general 
thought see our Lord's own parable 


Mk. xii. i ff, which may have sug- 
gested his language here to the 
Apostle. If this latter connexion can 
be established, it is natural to follow 
the usual order and place T. 717 
also under the government 
vdvTo>v. On the other hand, to avoid 
the slight anticlimax that is thereby 
occasioned by the prophets following 
the Lord Jesus, various modern editors 
prefer to connect T. Trpocp^ras with 
rjfias under the direct government of 
e/<Sta>ai>Te0i/, an arrangement which 
has the further advantage of com- 
bining closely the prophets and the 
Apostles as the Divine messengers in 
the past and the present : cf. Mt. v. 12 
OVTO)S yap f8io>av T. Trpocpr'/ras T. irpo 

vpaiv, and see also Mt. xxiii. 31, Lk. 
xi. 47. 

The reading Iftiovs, which is found 
in certain MSS. (D bc KL) before n-po^j/- 
ray, is due not to any doctrinal bias 
(Tert. adv. Marc. v. 15 'licet suos 
adjectio sit haeretici'),but to a desire 
for precision of statement : cf. iv. 1 1, 
Eph. iv. 28. 

Kal r)/ias Ko~ia)dvT(i>v] ' and drove us 
out' (Beng. : 'qui persequendo ejece- 
runt'). For the fact cf. Ac. xvii. 5 ff, 
I3ff, and for the force of eKS/mi> 
(air. Xey. N.T. : v.l. Lk. xi. 49) cf. such 
passages in the LXX. as Deut. vi. 19 
irdvras TOVS c^^pouy crov npo 
crov, Joel ii. 20 Kal TOV drro 
/Soppa /cStco<a a<p' VJJLWV : see also 
Thuc. i. 24 o drjpos avT&v e|fio>e 
TOVS dvvaTovs, ol de dnt\Qovrf$ KT\.J 
Dem. Or. xxxii. p. 883 ocSuBKo/ievo? 
\scil. e navi] piVrft eavrov fls TTJV 6d- 

Kal 6f<a /i)) dpf<TKQVTO)v\ a notable 
instance of meiosis, cf. II. iii. 2, 7. 
For the expression which is a favourite 
one in the Pauline writings cf. v. 4, 
iv. i, Rom. viii. 8, 2 Cor. v. 9, Col. i. 10. 

Kal Tracriv dvOpntrois eWi/riW} the 


\a\rj(rai *lva crcoBcocriv, ek TO ANATTAHPOCJCAI CLVTCOV 

only passage in the N.T. where Ivav- 
rios is used of persons. The words 
naturally recall the 'hostile odium 7 
(Tac. Hist. v. 5) towards all men with 
which the Jews have often been 
charged : cf. Diod. Sic. xxxiv. i TOVS 

'louSaiou? povovs anavTOiv eOv&v aKOiva)- 
VIJTOVS eii/at, Philostr. Apoll. v. 33, Jos. 
c. Apion. n. 121 (10), and the col- 
lection of passages in T. Reinach's 
Textes...relatifs au Juddisme (1895) 
under the heading 'Misoxenie' in the 
Index. The reference here however, 
as the following clause shows, is more 

16. Ka>\v6vTo>v TJ/zas KrA.] 'in that 
they forbid us to speak to the Gentiles 
in order that they may be saved.' The 
emphasis lies on r. edveo-iv : it was to 
the Gentiles (Wycl. hethen men) that 
the Jews did not wish anything said 
that had for its object their salvation. 
Chrys. : el yap TTJ olKOVpevrj del Xa\^- 
<rat, OVTOI 5e KeoAuovcrt, KOIVOL TTS 
oiKoviJ,vr)s elo-\v c^OpoL For the fact 
cf. Ac. xiii. 45, 50, xvii. 5, 13, xxi. 
27 ff. &c., and for a similar instance of 
iva with its full telic force cf. i Cor. 

*. 33- 

On the history of the word edvos, 
which is here used in its strict LXX. 
sense of all outside the covenant- 
people (D^ijin^ see Kennedy /Sources 
p. 98, Nageli p. 46, and cf. Hicks in 
CM. i. p. 42 f. where it is shown that 
eOvos first gained significance as a 
political term after Alexander and his 
successors began to found cities as out- 
posts of trade and civilization. Then 
'Hellenic life found its normal type 
in the TroAty, and barbarians who lived 
Kara Kaj/iay or in some less organized 
form were eQvrj.' 

The attitude of the stricter Pharisa- 
ism towards other nations is well 
brought out in such a passage as 
4 Ezra vi. 55 f.: 'Haec autem omnia 
dixi coram te, domine, quoniam 
dixisti quia propter nos creasti primo- 

genitum saeculum. Residuas autem 
gentes ab Adam natas dixisti eas 
nihil esse et quoniam saliuae adsimi- 
latae sunt et sicut stillicidium de uaso 
similasti habundantiam eorum.' 

There are however occasional traces 
of a more liberal view, e.g. Pss. Sol. 
xvii. 38, 'He [the Messiah] shall have 
mercy upon all the nations that come 
before him in fear' ; Apoc. Bar. i. 4 
'I will scatter this people among the 
Gentiles that they may do good to 
the Gentiles' (i.e. apparently by 
making proselytes of them, Charles 
ad loc.). 

els TO dva7T\r)pa><rai KrA.] ' in Order 

to fill up the measure of their sins at 
all times' (Vg. ut impleant peccata 
sua semper). There is no need to 
depart here from the ordinary sense 
of els TO with the inf. to denote 
purpose (cf. v. 12 note), the reference 
being 'grammatically' to the Jews, 
but 'theologically' to the eternal 
purpose of God ' which unfolded itself 
in this wilful and at last judicial blind- 
ness on the part of His chosen 
people' (Ellic.) : cf. Rom. i. 24, and 
for other exx. of els TO introducing 
a purpose contemplated not by the 
doer but by God cf. Rom. i. 20, iv. 
n. In acting as they were doing the 
present Jews were but carrying for- 
ward to its completion the work 
which their fathers had begun (Beng.: 
'ut semper, ita nunc quoque'), and 
which had now brought down upon 
them God's judicial wrath : cf. Gen. 
XV. 1 6 ovna) yap avaireirX^puivTai at 
a/iaprtai rail/ 'A/uoppat'ooi/ eW TOV vvv, 
and especially our Lord's own words 
recorded in Mt. xxiii. 31 f. cm vloi 

WV (frovevardvTtov TOVS 

TO /zerpoi/ r<i/ 
7rarepo>i> vfAa>v. The plur. at a/>taprtat 
laying stress not on specific acts of sin, 
but on sin in the aggregate, is found 
in all groups of St Paul's Epp.; c 
Westcott Eph. p. 165 f. where the 



S T\09. 

16 tyeaaev KAD bc GKLP cet Orig Eus Chr Thdt 

r e<pdacrev^ Se eV avrovs 1} opyrj 


137 154 

different Pauline words for 'sin' are 
classified, and for a non-Christian use 
of the word see P.Leip. 1 19, 3 (iii./A.D.) 

For the unemphatic 

avTwv cf. WM. p. 193. 

f(p0ao-ev fie /crA.] 'Tristis exitus ' 
(Beng.). The wrath which in i. 10 
was represented as 'coming' is now 
thought of as actually 'arrived,' 
thereby marking an 'end' in the 
history of God's dealings with the 
Jewish people. For this meaning of 
(pddvftv, which in late Gk. (perhaps in 
accordance with its original meaning, 
cf. Thuc. iii. 49 and see Geldart Mod. 
Gk. p. 206) has entirely lost the sense 
of anticipation, cf. Rom. ix. 31, 2 Cor. 
x. 14, Phil. iii. 1 6, and such passages 
from the papyri as P.Oxy. 237. vi. 

30 f. (ii./A.D.) KOI OTI (pddvfi TO npayna 
aKpeiftus [e^Tao-fievov 'and the fact 
that a searching enquiry into the 
affair had already been held,' P.Fior. 

9, 9 f. (iii./A.D.) (pddaravros pov rrpos 
rots fivaifjLiois (fj.vr)fjieiois) ' when I had 

arrived near the tombs.' There is no 
need to treat the aor. as prophetic, 
resembling the Heb. perf. of pre- 
diction (Findlay) : in accordance rather 
with one of its earliest usages it de- 
notes what has just happened, and is 
thus best rendered in English by the 
perf. 'is (or has) come,' cf. Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 135, and for the survival 
of this ancient aor. in mod. Gk. 
(e<p6a<ra = 'here I am') see p. 247. 
WH. read ecpOaKev in the margin. 

On 77 opyri see the note on i. 10, and 
for the wrath coming upon (eVt) the 
Jews from above cf. Rom. i. 18 dnoKa- 
AvTrrerat yap opyrj 0eov air* ovpavov eVt 
rracrav do-efteiav. The phrase (pddveiv 
fTri is found elsewhere in the N.T. 
only Mt. xii. 28, Lk. xi. 20: it occurs 
six times in the LXX. (Hawkins Hor. 
i. p. 51). 

fls re'Aoy] an adv. phrase = ' finally,' 
' to an end ' (Vg. infinem, Weizsacker 
zum Ende\ in accordance with the 
regular N.T. usage (e.g. Mt. x. 22, Lk. 
xviii. 5, Jo. xiii. i) supported by 
many passages in the LXX., e.g. Job 
xiv. 20, xx. 7, Pss. ix. 7, xlviii. (xlix.) 

10 where it represents the Heb. R^, 
Some translators however prefer the 
intensive meaning 'to the uttermost,' 
' completely ' (Hofm. ganz und gar, 
Weiss im hochsten Grade), relying 
on such passages as 2 Chron. xii. 12 
(for PD), xxxi. i (for nbjr-|l>) ; cf. 
also Pss. Sol. i. i with Ryle and 
James's note. In either case the 
sense remains much the same, namely, 
that in the case of the Jews the 

Divine dpyr (nd\ai 6(pei\ofjLevrj K. Trpoo)- 
pia-fJLvrj K. 7rpo(pr)TcvoiJ,evr), Chrys.) had 

now reached a final and complete end 
in contrast with the partial judg- 
ments which had hitherto been 
threatened (cf. Jer. iv. 27 o-vi/re'Aemi/ 

8e ov /LIT) iroirjara)). 

In what exactly this 'end' consisted 
is not so easy to determine, but in no 
case have we here any direct refer- 
ence to the Fall of Jerusalem as Baur 
and other impugners of the Epistle's 
authenticity have tried to show (Intr. 
p. Ixxiv). The whole conception is 
ethical, the Apostles finding in the 
determined blindness of the Jewish 
people with its attendant moral evils 
an infallible proof that the nation's 
day of grace was now over, cf. Rom. 
xi. 7ff. 

For an almost literal verbal parallel 
to the whole clause cf. Test, xii pair. 

Levi VI. 1 1 efpOcure de avrovs r) opyrj 

rov Beov els re'Aoy, whence St Paul 
may have derived it, if it is not to be 
regarded as 'a half-stereotyped Rab- 
binical formula' (Lock, Hastings' D. B. 
iv. p. 746). 


I7 ' HjULels Se, d$e\<poiy aTropfyavicrBevTes d(p' VJJLWV Trpos 
Kaipov WjOas, TrpCHrtoTra) ov KapSia, TrepLcrcroTepcos icnrov- 

come to on two separate occasions 
it was only to find that Satan had 
effectually blocked our path.' 

17. a7rop(pavi(r0evTes] The meta- 
phor underlying dnop(pavio-6ei>Tes (air. 
Aey. N.T., elsewhere Aesch. Choeph. 
241, Philo) can hardly be pressed in 
view of the latitude with which op- 
(pavos is often used (e.g. Pind. Isthm. 
7. 1 5 d. eVatpo)!/), though the closeness 
of the ties between the Apostles and 
their converts (cf. ii. 7, 1 1) makes the 
special meaning very appropriate here. 
Th. Mops.: 'desolati a uobis ad in- 
star orphanorum'; Oecum.: ai>o> p,ei/ 
fi-rrfv, OTI, eos Trariyp TtKva, KU\ toy rpo(pns- 
fvravOa 8e, diTop(pavi(r6evTcs oircp eWt 
Trat'Scoi/, Trarepas 1 7Tir)TOvvT(t>v. 

Trpos- ttaipuv copas] 'for a space of an 
hour' (Vg. ad temp us horae, Beza ad 
temporis momentum}, the combina- 
tion laying stress on the shortness of 
the period referred to(cf. 'horae mo- 
mento' Hor. Sat. i. i. 7 f., Plin. N. H. 
vii. 52). For the simple Trpos naipov 
cf. Luke viii. 13, i Cor. vii. 5, and for 
npus topav cf. 2 Cor. vii. 8, Gal. ii. 5, 
and for npos c. ace. to denote the 
time during which anything lasts cf. 
Trpos oXiyov (i Tim. iv. 8), npos TO 
napov (Heb. xii. ii), and such a pas- 
sage from the papyri as C.P.R. 32, 9 f. 
(iii./A.D.) Trpos p-ovov TO evfo-Tos ft' ZTOS 


II. 17 20. Their Desire to revisit 
Thessalonica and its Cause. 

From their outburst against their 
Jewish opponents the writers return 
to their relation to their Thessalo- 
nian converts, and in a paragraph 
full of deep feeling give expression to 
their anxiously-cherished desire to 
see them again. The paragraph is 
only loosely connected with the fore- 
going section, though the emphatic 
jpels dc (v. 17) may well stand in 
contrast with the Jews just spoken 
of. While these had done their ut- 
most to prevent the preaching of the 
gospel in Thessalonica, the Apostles 
on their part had been only the more 
eager to resume their interrupted 
work. The main stress however is no 
longer, as in vv. i 12, on the delivery 
of the message, but rather on the 
faith by which it had been received, 
and which was now in need of en- 
couragement and comfort in view of 
the sufferings to which the Thessa- 
lonians were exposed. In no case 
does the passage contain an apology 
for the Apostles' absence, as if on 
their own account they had deserted 
the Thessalonian Church. On the 
contrary the vehemence of the lan- 
guage employed shows how keenly 
they felt the enforced absence. 

17, 1 8. 'But as for ourselves, 
Brothers, when we had been bereaved 
of you for a short season, albeit the 
separation was in bodily presence, not 
in heart, we were exceedingly de- 
sirous to see you again face to face, 
and all the more so because of the 
hindrances we encountered. For 
when we had resolved to revisit 
you so far indeed as I Paul was 
concerned this resolution was actually 


v /capSi'a] ' a local dative 
ethically used' (Ellic. on Gal. i. 22): 
cf. WM. p. 270. The same contrast 
is found in 2 Cor. v. 12: for the 
thought cf. i Cor. v. 3, Col. ii. 5. 
Grotius cites by way of illustration 
the line descriptive of lovers, ' Ilium 
absens absentem auditque videtque.' 
Trepio-o-orepcoy eo-rrouSao-a/xez'] ' were 

more exceedingly anxious' a sense 
of eagerness being present in the 
verb eo-TrouSao-a/ie*', which we do not 
usually associate with our Engl. ' en- 
deavoured' (A.V., R.V.). Tindale, 





TO TTpocrtoTrov V/U.CLV ISeu/ eV 7ro\\tj 

ajjiev eXOeiv Trpos v/u.ds, eyco /uev FlavXos 
Kai Sts, Kai 6V6KO\jsev rj/mds 6 Carat/as. 

followed by Cranmer and the Genevan 
versions, has 'enforsed.' For O-TTOU- 
Safeti/j which in the N.T. is regularly 
constructed with inf. (in 2 Pet. i. 15 
ace. and inf.), cf. Gal. ii. 10, Eph. iv. 3, 
2 Tim. ii. 15, Heb. iv. n, 2 Pet. i. 10, 
iii. 14. 

The comparative irfpio-o-oreptos (for 
form, WSchm. p. 98) is appa- 
rently never used in the Pauline 
writings without a comparison, either 
stated or implied, being present to 
the writer's mind (cf. WM. p. 304 f.). 
In the present instance this is best 
found not in the preceding drropfp. 
('separation, so far from weakening 
our desire to see you, has only 
increased it' Lft.), nor in what the 
Apostles had learned regarding the 
persecutions to which the Thessalo- 
nians had been exposed (P. Schmidt, 
Schmiedel), but in the hindrances 
which, according to the next verse, 
had been thrown in the way of their 
return, and which, instead of chilling 
their ardour, had rather increased it 
(Bornemann, Wohlenberg). 

ev TroAAj; TTi6vp.ia\ 'with great de- 
sire* one of the few instances in 
the N.T. in which eTntiv/jiia is used in 
a good sense, cf. Lk. xxii. 15, Phil. i. 
23, Rev. xviii. 14. 

1 8. 8i6n TjtfeAtjora/zff] 'because we 
had resolved' with the idea of active 
decision or purpose which as a rule 
distinguishes 0e'Ao> in the N.T. from the 
more passive ovAo/uai 'desire/ 'wish.' 
It is right however to add that by 
many scholars this distinction is re- 
versed (see the elaborate note in 
Gritnm-Thayer s.v. 0'Ao>), while Blass 
(p. 54) regards the two words as 
practically synonymous in the N.T., 
though his contention that /SovAo- 
pai is 'literary' as compared with 
the more 'popular' (so mod. Greek) 

0\co cannot be maintained in view of 
the frequent occurrences of the former 
in the non-literary papyri. For the 
form #e'Xa> which always stands in the 
N.T. for the Attic ede\a>, and which is 
always augmented in r)-, see WSchm. 
p. 54. Atort (v. 8 note) is better sepa- 
rated only by a colon from the pre- 
ceding clause. 

cya> IlaCAos-] For a similar em- 
phatic introduction of the personal 
name cf. 2 Cor. x. i, Gal. v. 2, Eph. 
iii. i, Col. i. 23, Philem. 19. For pcv 
solitarium see Blass p. 267. 

K. ana% K. dis] 'both once and twice' 
i.e. 'twice' as in Phil. iv. 16; cf. Plato 
Phaedo 63 r> KCU 8ls KOI rpis. Where the 
first KOI is wanting as in Deut. ix. 13, 
2 Esdr. xxiii. (xiii.) 20, i Mace. iii. 30, 
the meaning may be more general 
'once and again,' 'repeatedly.' 

Kai VKo\l/'fv <rA.] On /cat here as 
not adversative (Hermann Vig.p. 521) 
but 'copulative and contrasting' see 
Ellic. on Phil. iv. 12 (cf. WM. p. 
544 n. 1 ). 

'EVKOTTTCO 'cut into' used originally 
of breaking up a road to render it 
impassable, came to mean 'hinder' 
generally (Hesych. : e/*7ro8io>, 5ia/co>- 
Aua>); cf. Ac. xxiv. 4, Rom. xv. 22, 
Gal. v. 7, i Pet. iii. 7, and see P.Alex. 

4, I f. (iii./B.C.) YIIMV evKOTTTfts KaAa. 
The exact nature of the hindrance is 
here left undefined, but in accordance 
with the profound Bibl. view it is re- 
ferred in the last instance to Satan, 
as the personal force in whom all evil 
centres; cf. II. ii. 9, 2 Cor. xii. 7. In 
the LXX. a-arav is found in the general 
sense of 'adversary' in 3 Regn. xi. 14 
without the art., and in Sir. xxi. 27 
(30) with the art.: in the N.T. the 
name whether with or without the 
art., always denotes the Adversary Kar 
Elsewhere in this Ep. Satan 


\ t ~ j x ^ y\ \ y\ / , / 

yap fifj.cov eATT^s v] X a P a *l o"'7"(pai/o? Kav^rjo'ecos 
Kal Jjuels eu-TTpocrvev TOV KVQLOV yawis 'Irjcrov ev Trj 

' f -s / ^ \' 

TrapovcTLa] 20 vjULl^ y a p G"T Y] ooa rifjicov K.CLL r\ 


is described as o neipdfav (iii. 5). For 
the development of the Jewish belief 
in 'Satan' see Enc. Bibl. s.v., and cf. 
Bousset Die Religion des Juden- 
tums* (1906) p. 382 ff. 

19. 'Nor is this longing on our 
part to be wondered at. If any de- 
serve to be called our hope or joy or 
crown of holy boasting at the time 
when our Lord Himself appears, it is 
surely you. Yes indeed! you are our 
glory and our joy.' 

19- TLS yap ij/j.a>v e\rris KrX.J The 
warmth of the Apostles' feelings to- 
wards their converts now finds ex- 
pression in one of the few rhetorical 
passages in the Ep. (Intr. p. Ivii) : cf. 
Phil. iv. i. With rn*.a>v \iris cf. Liv. 
xxviii. 39 'Scipionem...spem omnem 
salute inque nostram' (cited by Wet- 

The phrase crre<. Kavx^o-f^s (dyaX- 
Xtaa-fooy A, Tert. exultationis) is 
borrowed from the LXX. (cf. Prov. 
xvi. 31, Ezek. xvi. 12, xxiii. 42, where 
it translates the Heb. 

and in accordance with the general 
Bibl. use of ar^avos is to be under- 
stood of the 'wreath' or 'garland of 
victory' which their converts would 
prove to the Apostles at the Lord's 
appearing : cf. for the thought 2 Cor. 
i. 14, Phil. ii. 1 6. The distinction 
between o-Te(pavos 'crown of victory' 
('Kranz') and 8id8rjp.a 'crown of 
royalty' ('Krone') must not however 
be pressed too far (as Trench Syn. 
xxiii.), for irrefpavos is not infre- 
quently used in the latter sense, see 
Mayor's note on Jas. i. 12, and add 
the use of are^avos to denote the 
'crown-tax' for the present made to 
the king on his accession or some 
other important occasion (cf. i Mace. 
x. 29, and see Wilcken Ostraka i. p. 
295 ff.). In this latter connexion an 

instructive parallel to the passage 
before us is afforded by P.Petr. n. 
39(0), 1 8 (iii./B.c.) where if we adopt 
Wilcken's emendation (ut s. p. 275) 
and read aXXov (scil. a-Te(pavov) irap- 
ovvias, the reference is to an addi- 
tional 'crown' given at the king's 
irapovaria or visit (cf. Add. Note F). 
For 7rapd\r)\lsis TOV ore$ai/ov to denote 
entering on the priestly office see 
B.C.H. xi. p. 375, and for the general 
use of the term to denote a 'reward' 
for services performed see P.Cairo 5, 5 
(ii./B.c.) where a certain Peteuris offers 

a (TT(f)avov XO\KOV (raXavTa) Trevre to 
the man who secures his freedom; cf. 
P.Grenf. i. 41, 3 (ii./B.c.), P.Par. 42, 
12 (ii./B.c.), and see Archiv ii. p. 579. 
The figure may also be illustrated 
from Jewish sources by Pirqe Aboth 
iv. 9, ' R. Qadoq said, Make them [thy 
disciples] not a crown, to glory in 
them ' (Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish 
Fathers*, p. 68). 

ij ovxl Koi vp.f'is] a rhetorical pa- 
renthesis interjected into the main 
sentence to draw special attention 
to the position of the Thessalonians. 
Chrys. : ov yap einfv, u/ieiv, a'XXa, " Kal 
vfieZs-," iJLfTa T>V aAXa>i>. 

For the unusual use of the dis- 
junctive particle fj (wanting in K*) see 
Blass p. 266. 

e^Trpoo-flfv TOV Kvpiov KrX.] The first 
definite reference to the Parousia of 
the Lord Jesus which plays so large 
a part in these Epp., cf. iii. 13, iv. 15, 
v. 23, II. ii. 1,8; Intr. p. Ixix. 

For the meaning of napovo-ia see 
Add. Note F, and for ev not merely 
'at the time of,' but 'involved in,' 'as 
the result of,' cf. i Cor. xv. 23 
(with Al ford's note). 

2O. v/ueis yap e'crre *rX.] Tap 
here introduces a confirmatory reply 
'Truly,' 'Yes indeed' (cf. i Cor. ix. 


III. * Aio /ULr]KTt (TTeyovTes ^i/So/o/cra/zey Kara\L- 

10 ; Blass p. 274 f.), while the art. 
before Soa marks out the Thessa- 
lonians in the language of fond ex- 
aggeration as 'the' glory of the 
Apostles (WSchm. p. 161). In ac- 
cordance with its general meaning 
(v. 12 note) and the context (v. 19), 
the main reference in d6a must be 
eschatological, so that the pres. e'oW 
is to be taken as practically = ' you 
are now and therefore will be.' 

On the depth of affection dis- 
played in the whole passage Theo- 
doret remarks: eneid 
aTTftKaaf Ti6r)vovp.fvrj TO. 
avrfjs (pOeyyfTai prj/iara. avral -yap ra 
Kopidf) vfa Traidia Kal eXfrida, Kal x a P<*v, 
Kal TO. Toiavra npocrayopeveiv eta>$a<ri. 

III. i 10. The Mission and Return 
of Timothy. 

Hindered in his own desire to re- 
visit Thessalonica, St Paul now recalls 
how he had done the next best thing 
in his power by sending Timothy who 
had already proved himself so faith- 
ful a 'minister in the gospel of Christ' 
to establish his beloved Thessalonians 
amidst the 'afflictions' which were 
proving the inevitable accompaniment 
of their Christian calling (vv. i 5): 
while at the same time he can find no 
adequate words to express his thank- 
fulness at the 'good news' of which 
Timothy had been the bearer on his 
return (vo. 6 10). 

i 5. ' Unable to bear the thought 
of this continued separation any longer, 
we made up our minds I speak of 
Silas and myself to be left behind 
alone, even though it was in Athens, 
a city " wholly given to idolatry," while 
we dispatched Timothy, our true 
brother in Christ, and called by God 
Himself to the ministry of the Gospel, 
in order that he might be the means 
not only of establishing you more 
firmly in your present conduct, but 
also of encouraging you in the heart- 

possession of the Faith. And there is 
the more need of this in view of the 
troubles which (so we hear) are now 
falling upon you, and by which if you 
are not on your guard you may be led 
astray. You cannot surely have for- 
gotten that these are the inevitable 
lot of Christ's disciples. For even 
while we were still with you, we 
warned you clearly that we are hound 
to encounter trouble. And so it has 
now proved in your own experience. 
So anxious however are we still re- 
garding you that let me say it once 
more for myself unable to bear the 
thought of this continued separation 
any longer, I sent Timothy to bring 
back a full report of your faith, lest, 
as we feared might h;i ve been the case, 
Satan had succeeded in tempting you, 
and our toil on your account had 
come to naught.' 

I. AlO p,J]KTl CTTtyOVTfs] ' WhcrC- 

fore no longer bearing' (Vg. non 
sustinentes amplius] viz. the sepa- 
ration referred to in ii. ijf. Sreyetv 
originally = ' cover,' and thence either 
'keep in' in the sense of 'conceal,' 
'hide,' or 'keep off' in the sense of 
'bear up under,' 'endure' (Hesych. : 

Either meaning yields good 
sense here and in v. 5, but the latter, 
as Lft. has shown, is to be preferred 
in view of i Cor. ix. 12, xiii. 7, the 
only other passages in the N. T. where 
the verb occurs, and its general use 
in later Gk. e.g. Philo in Flacc. 9 (ii. 

p. 526 M.) p.r)KTi o-Tfyeiv dvvapevoi ras 

evdfias. For the more literal sense of 
'ward off' cf. Polyb. iii. 53. 2, Ditten- 
berger Sylloge 21 318, 24 (ii./B.c.) e 

t KT\.] 

Grot. : ' Triste hoc, sed tamen hoc li- 
benter, feceramus...vestri causa.' For 
r)vdoKTJ<rafj.fv (Vg.placuitnobis') see ii.8 
note, and for KaraXfKpd^vai in the sense 
of being left behind owing to the 



Ti/uLo6eov, TOV 
rto va<yye\iip 
TOV -vpiarTOV, ets TO (TTtipt^ai vfjias Kcu 7rapctKa\e<rai 

III 2 SHLKOVOV TOV deov NAP 6 67** al Vg Go Boh Syr (Pesh Hard) Aeth Bas 
Theod-Mops lat : evvepybv TOV deov D* 17 d Ephr (?) Ambst : avvepybv B Ephr (?) 

(f)6fjvai eV 'Adtivcus /ULOVOI, a KCLI 
dSe\(f>ov v/uLWV Kal r $ia.KOVov TOV Oeoi 

departure of others cf. [Jo.] viii. 9, 
Ac. xxv. 14. Hence the verb is 
frequently used in connexion with 
dying (Deut. xxviii. 54, Prov. xx. 7, 
Mk. xii. 19, Lk. xx. 31), and is also 
the technical term in wills of the 
Ptolemaic period for 'bequeath,' e.g. 
P.Petr. i. 1 1, 9 f. (the will of a cavalry 
officer) fav 8e ri avOptomvov iraBa) Kara- 

AflTTO). ..TOV 17T7TOI/ KOI TO. OTrAd TTToAe- 

/Wa>[i]. In the **ame will, according 
to MahafFy's restoration, the testator 
appoints a certain Demostratus his 
executor with the formula KaraAeiVo) 


In the passage before us the ist 
pers. plur. j/ufioK^'o-a/ifi/ may be under- 
stood of St Paul alone (Add. Note B), 
but in view of v. 5 (see note) is best 
referred to St Paul and Silas (cf. 
Intr. p. xxx). How keenly the two 
older Apostles felt the departure of 
their younger companion is proved 
by the emphatic p.6voi the sense of 
loneliness being further deepened by 
their position in Athens 'urbe vi- 
delicet a Deo alienissima' (Beng.). 
[Cf. the now almost proverbial 'Alone 
in London.'] Calv.: 'signum ergo 
rari amoris est et an xii desiderii, quod 
se omni solatio privare noli recusat, 
ut subveniat Thessalonicensibus.' 

2. K. f7TIJL\lsap.V Tlp,60OV KrA.] Ti- 

mothy is described as dd\<p6s by 
St Paul in the salutations of 2 Cor., 
Col., and Philein. (cf. Heb. xiii. 23), 
but the title dtdicovos is not elsewhere 
bestowed on him exc. in i Tim. iv. 6 
(KaXoy (ay diaKovos Xp. 'Iqo-oC). Here 
the lofty diaK. r. 6fov is further defined 
by (v T. fva-yy. r. ^pioroG to mark the 
sphere in which the service or mi- 
nistry is rendered, viz. 'the Gospel' 
which has for its object 'the Christ' 

as the fulfiller of the one God's gra- 
cious purposes on His people's behalf 
(Add. Note D) the whole descrip- 
tion being intended not so much 
to emphasize the greatness of the 
Apostles' sacrifice in parting with 
Timothy, as to lay stress on the 
dignity of his mission and prevent 
the Thessalonians from undervaluing 
it (cf. 2 Cor. viii. 18 ff., Phil. ii. 20 ff.). 

In contrast with SoCAos or Gepcnrcov, 
the servant in his relation to a, person, 
diaKovos represents rather the servant 
in relation to his work (Trench Syn. 
ix), and like CTTIO-KOTTOS (Deissmann, 
US. p. 230 f.) is already found as a 
term, techn. in pre-Christian times. 
Thus iu C.I.G. ii. 3037 along with a 
ifpfvs and a itpeta of the 8(odf<a 6(<a>v 
we hear of two SIOKOVOI and of a 
female SIOKOVOS (cf. Rom. xvi. i), and 
in Magn. 109 (c. i./B.c.) in a list of 
sacred functionaries there appear pd- 
yetpos...did.Kovos (cf. Thieme p. 17 f.). 

The reading Sia/c. r. 6fov is however 
by no means certain in the passage 
before us, and if the marginal arwep- 
yov [TOV Qcov] is adopted, the thought 
then finds a striking parallel in i Cor. 
iii. 9 deov yap (rp.v crvvepyoi) cf. 2 Cor. 

vi. i, viii. 23. Weiss (Textkritik der 
paulinischen Briefe (in Text. u. 
Unter. xiv. 3) p. 13) regards the read- 
ing of B (rvvfpyov without TOV deov as 
the original, on the ground that the 
genesis of the other variants is thus 
most easily explained. 

fls TO o-TTjpigat *rA.] 2nty>(rM in 
its metaph. sense is found only in late 
Gk., cf. e.g. Epict. Gnomologium 
Stobaei 39 (ed. Schenkl) TOVS fvoucovv- 
Tas cvvoia K. Trio-ret AC. (ptAia orr/pi^e. 

By St Paul, who uses it only in these 
Epp. and in Rom. (i. n, xvi. 25), it is 


VTrep Trjs 7ri<TTews vfjiwv S TO jji^eva craivecrOai eV 
6\i\js(nv Tavrais. avTOL yap oi'Sare OTL ek TOVTO 
4 Kai yap ore Trpos v/ma^ YHJLCV, TrpoeXtyofjiev 


6Xi/3ecr6aL 9 Kadcos Kai eyeveTO Kai 

again combined with 7rapaKaXe'o-ai (ii. 
ii note) in II. ii. 17: for eTrto-Trjpi^eiv 
in the same combination cf. Ac. xiv. 22, 
xv. 32. Swete (ad Apoc. iii. 2) classes 
(TTTjpi^fLv with (3(j3aiovv and 6e^f\io\>v 
as technical words in primitive pas- 
toralia. For ek TO with inf. see the 
note on ii. 1 2. 

VTrep TTJS 7TLO-Tf<OS VfMWv] Hot ' COn- 

cerning' (A.V., R.V.) but 'for the 
furtherance of your faith ' virep here 
retaining something of its original 
force 'for the advantage or benefit 
of: contrast II. ii. I. 

3. TO fj.r)8eva (raivfo-Qai *rX.] 'to wit, 
that no one be led astray in the midst 
of these afflictions.' Ms. evidence is 
decisive in favour of TO (not r<a) which 
introduces a statement in apposition 
to the whole foregoing clause, cf. iv. 6. 
Blass (p. 234) regards the art. as quite 
superfluous in both passages, but it 
may be taken as lending more weight 
to the inf. by making it substantival 
(cf. iv. i and see WM. p. 402 f.). 

2cuW0<u (air. X*y. N.T.) is generally 
understood in the sense of ' be moved,' 
'be shaken' (Hesych.: Kivflcrdai, traXcv- 
cor0at, raparreo-0m), but this is to lose 
sight unnecessarily of the original 
meaning of the word. Properly it is 
used of dogs in the sense of ' wag the 
tail,' 'fawn' (e.g. Od. x. 217 or av 

dp(pl civaKTa Kvvfs ... craivuxriv)^ and 

hence came to be applied meta- 
phorically to persons, 'fawn upon,' 'be- 
guile' (e.g. Aesch. Choeph. 186 craivo- 
pai 8' VTT' eXiri&os). What the Apostles 
evidently dreaded regarding the 
Thessalonians was that they would 
allow themselves to be ' drawn aside,' 
' allured ' from the right path in the 
midst of (eV) the afflictions (6\tyeo-iv, 
i. 6 note) which were then 

falling upon them (cf. Zahn EinL i. 
p. 159 f.). 

For an entirely different rendering 
see Severianus (apud Cramer Cat. vi., 
P- 353) l o-aiveo-dai' dna>v TO p.r)8eva 

gcvi(fo-6ai. Lachmann reads ^SV 
i. For the reading of FG o-ie- 
i.e. (riuiv(r6ai 'to be disturbed, 
troubled,' which has much to recom- 
mend it, see Soph. Lex. (*..), and cf. 
Nestle Z.N.T.W. vii. p. 361 f., and 
Exp. T. xviii. p. 479. 

Keip,f6a] ' we are appointed.' For (practically perf. pass, of riOrmi 
for the rarely used r'$ei/uru) in this 
sense cf. Lk. ii. 34, Phil. i. 16, Josh, 
iv. 6, and for the general thought see 
Mk. viii. 34, of which we may here 
have a reminiscence. The plur., while 
referring in the first instance to St 
Paul and his companions along with 
their Thessalonian converts, embodies 
a perfectly general statement. Calv.: 
' in hoc sumus constituti, tantundem 
valet ac si dixisset hac lege nos esse 

4. *ai yap ore rrpos vfj,as KT\.~\ 'For 
in addition to other considerations 
when we were with you ' ' yap intro- 
ducing the reason, Km throwing stress 
upon it' (Ellic.). Ilpoy is here con- 
strued with the ace. even after a verb 
of rest in accordance with its prevail- 
ing use in the N.T. (c. gen. i, dat. 6, 
ace. 679, Moulton Prolegg. p. 106). 
HpoXeyeti/ is sometimes understood in 
the sense of 'tell openly or plainly/ 
but the ordinary predictive force of 
Trpo- (Vg. praedicebamus) is more in 
harmony with the following clause: 
cf. 2 Cor. xiii. 2, Gal. v. 21. 

on fjL\\ofj.fv 6\lfif(r6ai\ l that we 
are to suffer persecution' on intro- 
ducing the substance of what' the 


5 Sid TOVTO Kay co /urjK6TL crTeycov 67reiu.\lsa ets TO yvcovai 

TY\V ir<rriv 

TTCOS eTrepacrev 

Kcti ek Kevov yevtjTcu 6 KOTTOS rifjuav. 6>f ApTi Se e 

5 iriffTiv vfjuZv KADGKLP al pier : v/mw Tricmv B 37 73 116 

Apostles foretold, and p,e\\opfv (c. 
pres. inf. as almost always in N.T.) 
bringing out its Divinely-appointed 
character: cf. Rom. viii. 13, 18, Gal. 
iii. 23. A striking parallel both in 
thought and expression to the whole 
passage is afforded by Ac. xiv. 22 
where Paul and Barnabas are de- 

scribed aS 7Tl<TTr)pioVT(S TCIS ^V\CIS TWV 

[ia.6r)T<nv, TrapaKaXovvTey (fjifj.eveiv TJJ 
7rio~Ti KOI OTI 8ia 7roAAe5i> 6\L"^fO)V 6ei 
els TT/V fta<Ti\eiav rov 

5. 8ia TOVTO Kayo) KT\.] So keenly 
alive was St Paul to the dangers 
threatening his beloved Thessalonians 
that he reiterates his eagerness with 
regard to the despatch of Timothy, 
employing now the emphatic ist pers. 
sing. ' I also,' ' I on my part,' to bring 
out still more forcibly his own share 
in the joint-action already referred to 
(v. i). A wholly different turn is 
given to the verse by Hofmann's 
suggestion (favoured by Spitta Ur- 
christentum i. p. 121 ff.) that after 
the despatch of Timothy, and the sub- 
sequent departure of Silas, St Paul 
had still no rest, and in his anxiety 
despatched another messenger or 
letter on his own account. But if 
this were so, the fact and nature of 
this second sending would surely have 
been more clearly denned, whereas 
the actual words of vv. i, 2 seem 
rather to be expressly repeated, in 
order to show that the same sending 
is still in view. 

/LIT; TTCOS CTTfipao-ev KT\.] Mrf TTCOS 
'lest haply,' a combination found in 
the N.T. only in the Pauline Epp., 
and construed here with both ind. 
and subj. the former (eVe ipaa-fv] de- 
scribing an action that the writers 

feared had already taken place, the 
latter (ycV^rai) a possible future con- 
sequence of that action : see WM. 
p. 633 f. and for a similar transition 
only this time from the subj. to the 
ind. cf. Gal. ii. 2. Findlay prefers to 
take the clause interrogatively to 
which there can be no grammatical 
objection, and which has the advan- 
tage of vividness : 'Had the Tempter 
anyhow tempted you, and would our 
toil prove in vain 1 ' For the thought 
cf. Jas. i. 13 and the agraphon as- 
cribed to Christ in Horn. Clem. in. 

55 P- 5 1 ) 2O TO ~ tS $* OtO/bltJ/Oly OTI O 

6fos TTfipdfci, coy at ypctfpai \iyova-iv, 
e(pr) o TTOvrjpos fVTiv o TTfipdfav (Resch 

Agrapha (1889) pp. 115, 233). 

o 7reipacoi/] subst. part, applied to 
Satan as in the history of the Lord's 
Temptation (Mt. iv. 3) to bring out 
his characteristic office ('seine nie 
ruhende Anstrengung 'Everling An- 
gelologie, p. 78): cf. i Cor. vii. 5 tva 
p.r) nfipd(r) 6 2arai>ay. For the 
distinction between 7Tfipaa> (Att. Tret- 
paco) and doKipafa (ii. 4 note) see 
Trench Syn. Ixxiv. 

ets- Kfvov] ' in vain,' ' to no purpose/ 
cf. 2 Cor. vi. i, Gal. ii. 2, Phil. ii. 16. 

6 10. 'In view then of the fears 
just spoken of, imagine our relief 
when Timothy brought back to us 
as he has at this moment done the 
tidings of your faith and love and of 
the kindly remembrance which you 
are always continuing to cherish of 
us, reciprocating our longing desire 
to meet again. To us such a report 
was a veritable gospel, and through 
your faith we ourselves were com- 
forted amidst the crushing trials and 
cares we are encountering in our 
present work. No news could have 



rivets d<p' V/ULWV Kai evayyeXurafjievov 
i Tt\v dyaTrriv VJJLWV, Kai OTI e^ere ij.vei.av 
TrdvTOTe 7ri7ro6ovvTes quds iSelv 

helped us more, and we seem to be 
entering on a new lease of life, so 
long as we hear that you are standing 
fast in the Lord. Words fail us in- 
deed to express our thanksgiving to 
God for the joy with which you are 
filling our hearts in His sight a joy 
that is finding unceasing expression 
in our ardent prayers that we may 
not only hear of you, but once more 
see you face to face, and make good 
any shortcomings in your faith/ 

6. "A/art] may be connected gram- 
matically either with f\66vTos or with 
the principal verb Trape^cX//'^^, but 
the former arrangement is decidedly 
preferable. Timothy's return had 
been anxiously waited for, and no 
sooner had he returned than St Paul 
proceeded to give vent to the feelings 
of thankfulness and joy that filled his 
heart. Beng. : 'statim sub Timothei 
adventum, recenti gaudio, tenerrimo 
amore, haec scribit.' 

For apTi denoting strictly present 
time ('just now,' 'at this moment') as 
contrasted with time past or future 
cf. Jo. ix. 19, 25, Gal. i. 9 f., i Cor. 
xiii. 12, i Pet. i. 6, 8, also Epict. Diss. 

ii. 17. 15 d(pa>fifv apri rov devrepov 
TOTTOV, B.G.U. 594, 5 f. (i./A.D.) /uera 
rov 8tpi(TfMo[v /ryoX]u/3f7(ro/Ma[il, apn 

yap d(T0va>i: See further Lob. Phryn. 
p. 1 8 ff., Rutherford N.P. p. 70 ff. 

evayyeXio-apevov] ' Participium in- 
signe ' (Beng.). So good was 
Timothy's news that to the Apostles 
it was a veritable ' gospel.' The point 
is lost in the Latin verss. which 
give adntmtiante or cum adnun- 
tiasset: in the Latin of Th. Mops, 
however we find euangelizante. 
Chrys. : opqs TTJV nepL^apetav IIovXov; 
OVK eiTTfv, dn-ayyeiXai>ros, aXX' ' evay- 
y\L<rauVov ' TCHTOVTOV ctyaoov T^yetTo 
/3f/3ai' axrii' KOI TT]V aycnrT]i>. 

For the history of evayyeX iopai, 
which is only found here in the Pauline 
Epp. in its wider sense, see Add. Note 

r. TriVrti/ K. T. dyanrjv v/i.] Calv.: 'to- 

tam enim pietatis summam breviter 
indicat his duobns verbis.' The same 
combination is found again in v. 8 
and several times in the Pastoral 
Epp. (i Tim. i. 14, ii. 15 &c.), and 
always in this order (cf. however 
Philem. 5): on the other hand in Rev. 
ii. 19 St John characteristically places 

r. dya-rrrjv first. 

Kai on ex fTf K^X.] Yet a third 
point in Timothy's good news. Not- 
withstanding the efforts of the hostile 
Jews, the Thessalonians had always 
(ndvTOTf) cherished, and were still 
cherishing (e^ f7 " 6 ) a ' kindly remem- 
brance' towards their former teachers. 
For pveiav fx flv 'hold, maintain a 
recollection' cf. 2 Tim. i. 3, and for 
dyaBos in the sense of ' friendly,' * well- 
disposed,' cf. Rom. v. 7 (with Gifford's 
note), Tit. ii. 5, i Pet. ii. 18, and see 
further on v. 15. 

7rnro6ovvTfs rjfJicis ISflv' KrX.] 'long- 
ing to see us...': cf. Rom. i. ii, 2 Tim. 
i. 4. 'Emrrodelv, a favourite word 
with St Paul who uses it seven out of 
the nine times in which it occurs in 
the N.T. (elsewhere Jas. iv. 5, i Pet. 
ii. 2). It seems to be somewhat 
stronger than the simple noQelv (not 
found in N.T.), eVi- by marking direc- 
tion (' idem declarat, quod -noBov e\fiv 
eni rira' Fritzsche Rom. i. 1 1) lending 
a certain intensity to the idea, though 
this must not be pressed in view of 
the fondness of late Gk. for com- 
pounds which have lost their strong 
sense: cf. especially for its use here 
Diod. Sic. xvii. IOI cat napovri p,ev ov 

For Kaddncp see ii. 1 1 note, and- for 


d TOVTO 7rap6K\ti6rnuiv, d$e\(f)oi, e(f) 
7n Trdarr] TY\ dvdyKr] Kai 6\i\fs6i rfiuwv Sid Ttjs v/mwv 

VVV ^JJLV O.V V/uel ' 

g TLva yap ev-^apiCTTLav SuvdjUieda Tip dew 

/cat in sentences of comparison cf. 
WM. p. 548 f. 

7. old TOVTO TrapdcXr/drjuev KT\.~] 'On 
this account ' the sing. TOVTO gather- 
ing up as a unity the faith and the 
love and the kindly remembrance just 
spoken of ' we were comforted over 
you,' as the basis on which our rrapd- 
K\T)O~IS rested (cf. 2 Cor. vii. 7). Nor 
was this all, but the comfort which 
the Apostles experienced on the 
Thessalonians' account bore also eVl 
Trdo-fl T. avayicrj rX., from which at the 

time they themselves were suffering 
(2 Cor. vi. 4, xii. 10) eVi having again 
a slightly local force, which can, how- 
ever, hardly be brought out in English. 
For dvdyKTj in its derived sense in 
Hellenistic Gk. of outw r ard calamity 
or distress cf. Lk. xxi. 23, i Cor. vii. 26, 
Pss. Sol. v. 8, Dittenberger Sylloge 2 

255 23 f. cv dvdyKais Kai 

yevrjTai, and for the combination 
with 6\fyis (i. 6 note) cf. Job xv. 24, 
Pss. cvi. (cvii.) 6, cxviii. (cxix.) 143, 
Zeph. i. 15. How little the Apostles 
were disturbed by this 'distress and 
affliction' is proved by the emphatic 
Bid T. \ifji. Trio-Teas with which they 
return to the ground of comfort they 
have just received, and in so doing 
prepare the way for the striking de- 
claration of the next verse. 

8. OTI vvv {upe*] In view of the 
preceding dpTi (v. 6), vvv is best taken 
in its full temporal force, and if so 
o>/Aei> can only refer to the present 
life lived in the fulness of power and 
satisfaction (Calv.: 'vivimus, inquit, 
hoc est recte valemus'): cf. 2 Cor. vi. 9 
and for the thought see 2 Cor. iv. 7 1 5. 
For a similar use of ^v corresponding 
to the Heb. IVn in the pregnant sense 
of fulness of life in the Divine favour 

cf. Deut. viii. 3, Pss. cxviii. (cxix.) 40, 
93,cxxxvii. (cxxxviii.)7, Isa.xxxviii. 16. 

e'ai> vpfls 0-TrjK.fTf <rX.] 'if ye stand 
fast in the Lord* (Beza ** vos per- 
statis in Domino ; Est. ' si vos in 
fide Cliristi Domini constantes per- 
manetis') the condition on which 
the Apostles' 'life' depended, and 
which is expressed by tdv with the 
ind., perhaps to bring out more 
strongly the writers' confidence that 
it would certainly be fulfilled. 

For other exx. of edv with ind. in 
the N.T. cf. Lk. xix. 40, Ac. viii. 31, 
i Jo. v. 15, and such passages from 
the LXX. as Gen. xliv. 30 cav elo-jro- 
pevo/iat, Job xxii. 3 e'av (ri> fada. The 
same irregularity is frequent in the 
papyri, e.g. P.Tebt. 58, 55 f. (ii/B.o.) 
fav 8, P.Amh. 93, 24 (ii./A.D.) eai/ 
</>aii/ereu (Moulton Prolegg. p. 1 68). 

For the late form O-T^KCO (mod. Gk. 
o-reVco) formed from the perf. eo-TrjKa. 
cf. II. ii. 15, i Cor. xvi. 13, Phil. i. 27, 
and see WH. 2 Notes p. 176, Dieterich 
Untersuchungen p. 219. Bornemann 
suggests that in C^M 6 ") * av vpds \ 
o-rr/Kere ev Kvpia> we may have a cita- 
tion, somewhat altered, from a Jewish 
or a Christian hymn. 

9. Tiva yap ev^apiariav KT\.~\ Thdt.: 
VIKO. TT/S ev<ppoo-vvr)s TO p,(yfdos TTJS 
y\oiTTijs Ttfv vp.vwo'iav. Eu'^apiorta, 

which in the LXX. is confined to the 
apocr. books, is used by St Paul 
twelve times in a theological sense: 
cf. Rev. iv. 9, vii. 12, where it is found 
in doxologies, and see Ac. xxiv. 3 for 
its only other occurrence in the N.T. 
The word, of which I have as yet 
found only one ex. in the papyri 
P.Lond. in. 1178, 25 (ii./A.D.), is fre- 
quent in the inscriptions, e.g. O.G.I.S. 
227, 6 (iii./B.C.) dia Trjv TOV dijp.ov eu 


I0 i/f/cTos KCLL 


7rpo<r6ev TOV 6eov 

TrepKrcrov c6OjULvoi ei? TO tSeu/ V/ULCJOV TO TrpocrtOTrov KCII 

KaTapTicrai TO, va-reprnuLara Trjs Trio-Tews VJJLWV', 

iav. For its later Christian usage 
see a note by Dr Hort published in 
J.T.S. iii. p. 594 ff. 

The nirt- in dvraTroSovvai expresses 
the idea of full, complete return, cf. 
II. i. 6. The verb is used in a good 
sense as here in Lk. xiv. 14, Rom. xi. 35 
(cf. 2 Cor. vi. 13 avTipurOia), and in a 
bad sense in Rom. xii. 19, Heb. x. 30 
(both from LXX.). 

7Ti 7rd<T7) r. x a P$ "wX.] For C'TTI 
pointing to the basis of the thanks- 
giving (O.L. super omne gaudium 
rather than Vg. in omni gaudio) see 
note on v. 7. T H ^aipo/Aei/ is usually 
understood as a case of attraction for 
TJV xaip.: cf. however the cognate dat. 
in Jo. iii. 29 x a P9- x a ^P L - At* 
'because of you, 3 emphasizing more 
pointedly the nepl v/j.a>v of the pre- 
vious clause. * Ten times, with an 
emphasis of affection, is the pronoun 
v^fts repeated in vv. 6 10' (Findlay). 

c/Jurpoo-Qev r. 6cov ?)/i.] to be con- 
nected with xat'po/ifi/, and deepening 
the thought of the joy by referring it 
to its true author. It was because 
their success in the work entrusted to 
them was due to 'our God ' (ii. 2 note) 
that the Apostles could thus rejoice 
' before ' Him. 

10. WKT. K. ^....Sfofiei/oi] a partic. 
adjunct developing the main thought 
of the preceding verse. For the 
phrase WKT. K. T)/H. see ii. 9 note, and 
for an interesting parallel, apparently 
from a heathen source (Intr. p. Ixiv), 
to its use in the present passage cf. 
B.G.U. 246, ii ff. (ii. iii./A.D.) ov< 


TW $<5 virep vfj.a>v. 

'YTrfpfKTrfpKro-ov (O.L. superabun- 
dantius, Ambrstr. dbundantissime) 
is found elsewhere only in v. 13 

and Eph. iii. 20. For the form see 
Buttmann p. 321, and for St Paul's 
fondness for compounds in inrtp- see 
Ellic. on Eph. iii. 20 and cf. the note 
on II. i. 3. 

Ae6/zei/oi ' beseeching ' stronger than 
7rpocrevxo/tez/oi, and embodying a sense 
of personal need. Except for Mt. 
ix. 38 the verb is confined in the N.T. 
to Luke 15 and Paul 6 . It is very com- 
mon in petitions addressed to ruling 
sovereigns as distinguished from those 
addressed to magistrates where a'i<5 
is preferred, e.g. P.Amh. 33, 21 (ii./B.c.) 
where certain petitioners appeal to 
Ptolemy Philometor and Cleopatra II. 
to rectify a legal irregularity deopcd* 
v/io>i> ro3i> /^eyioTTcoi/ Qtwv xrX. : see 
further R. Laqueur Quaestiones Epi- 
graphicae et Papyrologicae Selectae 
(1904) p. 3 ff. 

els TO Idelv /crX.] ' to see your face ' 
the els phrase doing little more 
here than take the place of a simple 
inf. as 'obj. of the foregoing verb 
(Votaw p. 21). 

KaTapTicrai] Karapri^eiv originally to 
'fit' or 'join together' (cf. Mk. i. 19 
KaTapTi^ovras TO. diKTva) is used in the 

N.T. especially by St Paul and in the 
Ep. to the Hebrews in the general 
sense of * prepare ' or ' perfect ' any- 
thing for its full destination or use 
(Rom. ix. 22, i Cor. i. 10, Gal. vi. i, 
Heb. x. 5 (LXX.), xi. 3), the further 
thought in the present passage of 
supplying what is lacking being 
suggested by the accompanying T. 
voreprj/iara T. TTI'OT. vp.. ( the short- 
comings (Wycl. the thingis that 
fallen] of your faith.' For tioWp^p-a 
cf. i Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. viii. 13 f., 
ix. 12, xi. 9, Phil. ii. 30, Col. i. 24, 
and for ITLO-TIS see v. 2 note. Calv. : 

Se 6 6e6s Kal TraTrip rifJiwv Kal 6 Kvpios 


'Hinc etiam patet quam necessaria 
sit nobis doctrinae assiduitas: neque 
enim in hoc tantum ordinati sunt 
doctores, ut uno die vel mense homi- 
nes addueant ad fidem Christi, sed ut 
fidem inchoatam perticiant.' 

III. 1113. PRAYER. 

This section of the Ep. is now closed 
with a Prayer which in its two peti- 
tions re-echoes the longings of the 
constant prayer of v. 10. 

ii 13. 'But after all is said and 
done, it is to God that we must look 
for the success of our efforts. May 
He open up our way to return to you. 
And in any case, whatever may be the 
Divine pleasure with regard to us, 
may the Lord Jesus grant you an 
increasing and overflowing love not 
only towards one another but towards 
all men, after the measure of the love 
which we on our part are displaying 
towards you. It is our earnest prayer 
indeed that this love may be the 
means of so inwardly strengthening 
your hearts that your lives may show 
themselves free from reproach and 
holy in the sight of the all-seeing God, 
when the Lord Jesus comes with all 
His holy ones.' 

AuVos 8c] There is no need to 
seek any definite contrast for the 
emphatically placed avros either in 
deoftefoi (v. 10) or in Satan who had 
hitherto been blocking their path 
(ii. 1 8). It arises simply from the 
writers' constant habit of referring 
everything in the last instance to the 
direct agency of God, ' Now may God 
Himself...': see Intr. p. Ixv, and for the 
apparent weakening of avrbs 6 in 
Hellen. Gk. see Moulton Pro^p^.p. 91. 

Kal 6 Kvpios TIIIWV KrA.] For the 
close union of 6 Kvp. 'lrj<r. (Add. Note 
D) with 6 6(6s KT\. followed by a verb 
in the sing, see Intr. p. Ixvi. 

'make straight' rather 


than 'direct' (Vg. dirigat\ in accor- 
dance with the original meaning of 
the word, and the removal of the 
obstacles (eveKo-^fv, ii. 18 note) here 
prayed for. The verb occurs else- 
where in the N.T. only in a meta- 
phorical sense (II. iii. 5, Lk. i. 79), and 
for a similar use in the LXX. see 
i Chron. xxix. 18, 2 Chron. xix. 3, 
Ps. xxxvi. (xxxvii.) 23 napa Kvpiov TO. 
dtafirj fj.ara dvOpcatrov KdTv6vvfTai. The 
opt. KdTfvdvvcu (WSchm. p. 114) is 
here used without av to express a 
wish as frequently in these Epp., iii. 
12, v. 23, II. ii. 17, iii. 5, 16 (Burton 


12. upas de 6 Acuptoy...] 'Y/ias em- 
phatic, marking the Apostles' desire 
that whatever the Lord may be pro- 
posing as regards themselves ('sive 
nos veniemus, sive minus ' Beng.), the 
Thessalonians at least will not come 
short in any good gift. C O Kvpios 
may apply to God, but in view of the 
general Pauline usage, and the appli- 
cation of the title to Jesus in the 
preceding clause, it is best understood 
of Him again : cf. Add. Note D, and 
for prayer addressed to the Lord 
Jesus see Intr. p. Ixvi. 

It is not easy to distinguish between 
7r\fovd(rai and nepKrcreixrai (for forms, 
WSchm. p. 114), but the latter verb 
is the stronger of the two, implying 
an overplus of love, and hence is 
often used by St Paul in referring to 
the Divine grace : cf. Rom. v. 1 5, 20 
(virfpTTpifr(Ti>fiv\ 2 Cor. ix. 8, Eph. i. 8, 
and see Fritzsche Rom. i. p. 351. For 
its use here in connexion with dydnrj 
(for dat. cf. Ac. xvi. 5, 2 Cor. iii. 9) cf. 

Phil. i. 9 iva T) dydnr) vp.a>v en /iaXXoi/ 
/cat p,aX\ov nepia'a'evT) V (Triyvaxrft KrA., 
and Bacon's fine saying ' Sola charitas 
non admittit excessum' (de augm. 
Sclent, vii. 3) cited by Gwynn ad loc. 
Chrys.: opas rrjv paviav rfjs dyaTrrjs 


7r\eovd(rat Kai 7repi(r<r6vcrai 
ek TraWas, Ka6a7rep Kai 
vpwv T? KapSi 
TOV 6eov Kai. TraTpos ^fjiwv eV Trj Trapovcria TOV Kvpiov 
'Irjcrov //era TTCLVTWV TWV dyicov avTOvJ 

k d\\ri\ovs 
eis V/ULCCS, 13 ek TO <rrriplai 

as r djj.ejJL7rTov^ ev dyiuMrvv 

Tr]v aKadeKTov, rrjv Sia ra>v 
deiKWfjivr)v; 'nXfovao-ai, (prjffi 

13 d/j.t}j.irTovs] d/x^uTrrcos BL 17 31 47 137 Boh (?) Ps-Ath avrov solum 

K'BD'GKL al pier g Vg c dd a i Go Syr (Pesh Hard) Arm Ephr Chr Thdt Ambst 
Theod-Mops lat : atrov d^v K*AD* 37 al pane d Vg Boh Aeth 

a/Me'/i7rroiy fv ayiaxrw'jy] ' (so as to 
be) unblameable in holiness': cf. WM. 
p. 779. For the force of a/ue/iTrroff 
This is one of the few passages in (o/*e>Trra>s, WH. mg.) cf. C.P.R. 27 (a 
the N.T. where Trepin-aevetv is used marriage-contract ii./A.D.) avTr/s Se 

transitively (Lk. XV. 17, 2 Cor. iv. !$(?), TTJS 0. a/Ae/WTOi/ KCU dKarrjyoprjTov nap- 

ix. 8, Eph. i. 8): the transitive use of 
TrXtoi/afcti/ (contrast II. i. 3) can be 
paralleled only from the LXX. (Numb, 
xxvi. 54, Ps. Ixx. (Ixxi.) 21). 

As regards the objects of this 
abounding love on the Thessalonians' 
part, they are in the first instance 
their fellow-believers at Thessalonica 
(ets aXXr;Xovy)> and then all men with- 
out distinction (els -rrdvTas), and not 
merely those of the same faith else- 
where (T. t'fjunritrrovs, Thdt): cf. v. 15, 
and for the thought see Rom. xii. 16 f., 
Gal. vi. 10, i Pet. ii. 17. 

KaBdtrep K. qpels /crX.] a clause 
added to strengthen the Apostles' 
prayer by an appeal to their own 
example. Thpht. : e\ fre 7P P-* T P OV 
TTJS dydnrjs r]p,as. For 

see ii. n note. 

13. els TO o-TTjpigai KrX.] For els 
TO with inf. to denote end or purpose 
see note on ii. 12, and for o-TT]pigai 
see note on iii. 2. The combination 
o-Trjpigai Kapdias is found again in 
Jas. v. 8, where however there is an 
appeal to human effort, and not, as 
generally elsewhere, to the strength- 
ening influence of the Divine work- 
ing (II. ii. 17, i Pet. v. 10, Ps. 1. (Ii.) 14, 
Sir. vi. 37, Pss. Sol. xvi. 12): cf. also 

Sir. xxii. l6 (19 f.) Kapdia 
firi diavoijpaTos 

(for form, WH. 2 Notes 
p. 1 59) is used in the LXX. only of the 
Divine attributes, e.g. Pss. xxix. (xxx.) 
5, xcv. (xcvi.) 6 &c.: cf. 2 Mace. iii. 12 
(with reference to the temple) rov? 


As distinguished from dyiao-pos the 
process oV sanctification (iv. 3 f., 7, 
II. ii. 13, Heb. xii. 14, i Pet. i. 2) 
dyia>o-vvr) points rather to the resulting 
state (Rom. i. 4, 2 Cor. vii. i), and is 
thus closely akin to ayiorrjs- (Heb. 
xii. 20) in which, however, the thought 
of the abstract quality predominates. 
An interesting parallel to its use in 
the passage before us is afforded by 
Test. xii. pair. Levi xviii. 1 1, where it 
is said of the saints in Paradise, KOI 
Trvevfia dyi(ao-vvT]s eorat eV avTols. 
Th. Mops, rightly draws attention to 
the connexion with the following 
dyiwv: 'per quam (sc. sanctitatem) 
poteritis etiam in futuro die fiduciam 
ad Deum adsequi, cum ceteris omni- 
bus qui placite conuersantur in 

epTTpoadev T. 6eoi> *crX.] Two COn- 
ditions of this ' blamelessness in 
holiness' on the Thessalonians' part 
are now stated (i) that it will be 

realized epnpoo-Bev T. 6eov KT\. to 
whom it is due, and by whom it will 
be tested (cf. ii. 4), and (2) that this 



will take place at the Parousia of the 
Lord Jesus, to which throughout these 
Epp. the writers point as the goal of 
all Christian hope (Intr. p. Ixix). 

fjLfra irdvTcov T, dytwv avrov] There 

is considerable difference of opinion 
as to whether we are to understand 
by 01 ayioi (i) 'saints' in the sense of 
just men made perfect, or (2) 'angels,' 
or (3) a general term including both. 
The first reference is rendered almost 
necessary by the regular Pauline use 
of the term (II. i. 10, i Cor. i. 2 &c.), 
and is supported by the place assigned 
to holy ' men ' in such passages as 
iv. 14, i Cor. vi. 2 (cf. Mt. xix. 28, 
xx. 21, Rev. ii. 26 f., xx. 4, and Sap. 

iii. 8 Kpivovo-iv [diKaiatv \^u^at] fdvr) 
Kal Kpa.rr](rova iv Aaa>i/). On the other 

hand, though of a-ytoi is nowhere else 
expressly applied to 'angels' in the 
N.T., they are so frequently described 
in this way both in the O.T. and later 
Jewish literature (see especially Zech. 
xiv. 5 on which this passage is evi- 
dently founded KOI rjfi Kvptos o Bcos 
/JLOV, KOL ndvTes oi dyioi /Mer' avrov, and 

cf. Dan. iv. 10 (13), viii. 13, Pss. Sol. 
xvii. 49, Enoch i. 9 with Charles's 
note), and are so expressly associated 
with the returning Christ elsewhere 
(cf. II. i. 7, Mt. xiii. 41, Mk. viii. 38 
fifra TO>V dyyeXtov TU>V ayi'coi/), that it 
seems impossible to exclude the 
thought of them altogether here. On 
the whole therefore the term is best 
taken in its widest sense as including 
all (note 7raz/ro>z>), whether glorified 
men or angels, who will swell the 
triumph of Christ's Parousia. As 
further illustrating the vague use of 
the term, it is of interest to notice 
that in Didache xvi. 7 its original 
reference to 'angels' in Zech. xiv. 5 
(cited above) is lost sight of, and the 
passage is applied to risen Christian 

For the general thought cf. such 
passages from Jewish apoc. literature 
as 4 Ezra vii. 28: 'reuelabitur enim 
filius meus lesus [Syr Ar 1 Messias] 
cum his qui cum eo, et iocundabit 

qui relicti sunt annis quadringentis ' : 
xiii. 52 'sic non poterit quisque super 
terram uidere filium meum uel eos 
qui cum eo sunt nisi in tempore 
diei': Asc. Isai. iv. 16, 'But the 
saints will come with the Lord with 
their garments which are (now) 
stored up on high in the seventh 
heaven : with the Lord they will come, 
whose spirits are clothed, they will 
descend and be present in the world, 
and He will strengthen those, who 
have been found in the body, together 
with the saints, in the garments of 
the saints, and the Lord will minister 
to those who have kept watch in this 

The d^v at the end of the verse 
(WH. nig.) is well-attested, and its 
disappearance in certain MSS. may 
perhaps be traced to the apparent 
improbability of its occurrence in 
the middle of an Epistle. ' Videtur 
aurjv hoc loco interiectum offendisse' 
(Tisch.). On the other hand its addi- 
tion can be equally readily explained 
through the influence of liturgical 




With c. iv. we enter on the more 
directly practical side of the Ep., 
exhortation and doctrine being closely 
intermingled (Intr. p. Ixxi) with the 
view of conveying certain great lessons 
in Christian morals of which the 
Apostles knew their converts to stand 
in need. 

The section opens with an exhorta- 
tion of a general character. 

IV. i, 2. General Exhortation. 

i, 2. 'And now, Brothers, to apply 
more directly what we have been 
saying, we entreat you as friends, nay 
we exhort you with authority in the 
Lord, to carry out ever more fully the 
mode of life which is pleasing to God, 
as you have already learned it from 


IV. ir Ao*7roV, dSe\(poi 9 epooTCu/uev vjuas Kai Trapa- 
ev Kvpiw 'Irjcrov, [iva] Ka0ois 7rape\d(3eTe Trap' 

IV i XoiT^ solum B* 17 31 al pane Vg codd ali i Syr (Pesh) Boh Arm Orig Chr 
Theod-Mops lat : \onr6v ovv KADG alpler 'iva BD*G 1 7 37 alpauc Lat (Vet Vg) Syr 
(Pesh) Boh Arm Go Chr \ Ambst : om KAD C KL al pier Syr (Hard) Aeth Chr % Thdt 
Theod-Mops lat al 

us. We know indeed that you are 
doing this, but there is still room for 
progress, as you cannot but be aware 
in view of our previous instructions.' 

i. Aoiirov] a colloquial expression 
frequently used to point forward to 
a coming conclusion (cf. 2 Cor. xiii. 1 1, 
2 Tim. iv. 8 ; TO XOITT. II. iii. i, Phil, 
iv. 8), but in itself doing little more 
than mark the transition to a new 
subject as in late Gk. where it is prac- 
tically equivalent to an emphatic ovv: 
cf. Polyb. i. 15. II Xoirrov dvdyKrj crvy- 
^copetv, ray dp%ds /cat ray vnodeo'eis 
flvai ^euSeTy, Epict. Diss. i. 22. 15 
ap^o/iai \OITTOV uiaflv avrov, and the 
other passages cited by Jannaris Exp. 
v. viii. p. 429 f. : see also Schmid 
Attic, iii. p. 135. As showing its fre- 
quency as a connecting particle in the 
Koti/7? (cf. B.G.U. 1039, 8 (Byz.)), 
Wilcken remarks that it has passed 
over into Coptic in this sense (Archiv 
iii. p. 507). In mod. Gk. \onrov has 
displaced ovv altogether. 

In the present passage ovv is re- 
tained in the text by WH. mg., 
Tischdf., Zimmer, Nestle. It might 
easily have dropped out after the -ov 
of XoiTToV: on the other hand the 
combination XotTroi/ ovv is found no- 
where else in the N.T., cf. however 
B.G.U. \o-j<), 6ff. (a private letter 

L/A.D.) XoiTTOi' ovv e'Xa/3oi> Trapa TO(V) 
*Apa/3oy TTJV Trio~TO\T)v /cat dveyvotv Kai 

p<oT(>[j.fv vfjias KT\.~\ 'Epcorai/ in 
class. Gk. always = ' interrogare ' is 
frequently used in the N.T. = 'rogare,' 
cf. v. 12, II. ii. i, PhiL iv. 3, the only 
other occurrences of the word in the 
Pauline writings. This usage is amply 
vouched for in the Kotvrj (e.g. P.Oxy. 

292, 7 f. (i./A.D.) rjpnrrio-a 8e /eat 'Ep- 
p.t'[a]t> rbv dSfXtpop 8ia ypairrov dvrj- 
yeTfo-^ai] aoc npl TOVTOV, and the 
other exx. below), and need therefore 
no longer be traced to the influence 
of the Heb. b^ (cf. Deissmann & 
pp. 195 f., 290 f.). In this, its later 
sense, eparav can hardly be distin- 
guished from aireti/, though by laying 
greater stress on the person asked 
than on the thing asked for, it is more 
appropriate in exhortation (Grimm- 
Thayer s.v. atV<-'o>). The note of urgency 
underlying its use is heightened here 
by its conjunction with TrapaKaXov^fv 
(ii. ii note), and still more by the 
addition of ev Kvpia* 'l^troC, pointing 
to the real source of the writers' 
authority (cf. Eph. iv. 17). 

For the conjunction of the two 
words in epistolary phrases cf. P.Oxy. 

294, 28 f. (i./A.D.) ep&>r<3 8V ae /cat 
7rapaKaX[cS ypatyfi pot dvTi(pa>vr)<Tiv 
Trept TWV yvop.v[o)v], 744, 6 f. (J./B.C.) 
epcorco <re /cat Trapa/caXoo o~e fTTtfieXT;- 
6<rjT>i T<5 TratStG). The latter papy- 
rus also supplies an instance of fpa>Taa> 
construed with ti/a, 13 f. po>r<5 o-e ovv 
iva M ayaivido-rjs ' I urge you therefore 
not to worry.' 

[ti/a] Kadws TrapeXctjSere] '[that] even 
as ye received.' If Iva is read it 
should have a comma placed after it 
to show that it really belongs to the 
last clause of the verse, where, on 
account of the long parenthesis, it is 
repeated. For this semi-final iva 
when the subject of the prayer is 
blended with its purpose cf. v. 4, II. i. 
n, iii. i, 2, 2 Cor. i. 17, and for the 
development of this usage in the later 
language see Hatzidakis p. 214 ff., 
Moulton Prolegg. p. 206 ff. A good 


TO Tret? Sel vfJLas TrepiTraTeiv Kai dpecrKeiv 6ew, KaBws 
repiTraTelTe, *iva TrepKra'evrjTe /uciXXov. a o'/SaT 
<ya/o T/i/as TrapcfyyeXias eocoKajuev vjuuv oia TOV KVpiov 


ex. from the Kou/r occurs in the 
Christian papyrus-letter already cited 
P.Heid. 6, 14 ff. (iv./A.D.) 7rapa<a\<o 
[o]ti/, fieo-Trora, ti/a /ji/j/^oi^eji^s /not els 

ray ayia? (rou etnas', iva 
fjiepos rov (a/i)apTid>i/ KaOap 

napaXa/M/3ai/a> as usual lays stress not 
so much on the manner of the Thessa- 
lonians' receiving, as on the contents 
of what they received : cf. note on 
ii. 13, and for Trfpnrarelv as the result 
of this teaching see II. iii. 6, Col. ii. 6. 

ro TTO>S Set ireparaTflv xrX.] In 
accordance with a usage peculiar to 
St Luke and St Paul in the N.T. TO 
(GTTOJS- without ro FG) is here used to 
introduce an indirect interrogative 
sentence (cf. Lk. i. 62, Rom. viii. 26 ; 
Blass p. 158), while at the same time 
in quite class, fashion it binds together 
all that follows into a kind of sub- 
stantival object to TrapeXa'/Sere (cf. iii. 
3, and see further Viteau Etude i. 
p. 67 f.). The two infinitives are 
consequently best taken as closely 
connected, the second stating the 
necessary result of the first, ' how to 
walk and (so) please God' (cf. WM. 
p. 544 n. 1 ). For nepnraTflv cf. ii. 12 
note, and for dpeo-Keiv 6f<o cf. ii. 4 
note. In Ps. xxv. (xxvi.) 3 the LXX. 
rendering for *n??nnn is evrjpea-rrja-a. 

KaQas K. TTfpnrare Ire ] a clause amply 
vouched for on MS. authority (K ABD* 
G 17...)) an( i i n entire accord with the 
writers' practice to praise whenever 
praise is due (Intr. p. xliv), but which, 
by destroying the regularity of the 
sentence, leads them to substitute Iva 
fj.a\\ov for the OVTWS Kal 
which we would otherwise 
have expected. For a similar irregu- 
larity of construction due to the same 
cause cf. Col. i. 6 (with Lft.'s note), 
and for the intensive /wiXXoi/ cf. v. 10, 
2 Cor. vii. 13, Phil. i. 23, Mk. vii. 36. 

2. TrapayyeXi'as] IlapayyeXi'a (for 
verb cf. v. 1 1 note) is found elsewhere 
in the Pauline Epp. only in i Tim. i. 
5, 1 8, where it refers to the whole 
practical teaching of Christianity. 
Here the plur. points rather to special 
precepts (Vg. praecepta) or rules of 
living, which the writers had laid 
down when in Thessalonica, and which 
they had referred to the Lord Jesus 
(dto r. Kvp. 'Ir)o-.) as the medium 
through, whom alone they could be 
carried into effect : cf. Rom. xv. 30, 
i Cor. i. 10. Thpht. : OVK tfia yap, 
(prjcriv, a Trapr/yyetXa, aXX' CKCLVOV 

ForTrapayyeXi'aas denoting a 'word 
of command' received as from a 
superior officer that it may be passed 
on to others cf. Xen. Hell. ii. i 4, 
and for its use more particularly in 
connexion with instruction cf. Arist. 
Eth. NIC. ii. 2. 4. 

IV. 3 8. Warning against 

From this general exhortation the 
Apostles proceed to recall more defi- 
nitely the nature of their former 
precepts, laying special stress on the 
Christian duty of sanctification in 
view of the dangers to which their 
Thessalonian converts were exposed 
(Intr. p. xlvi). The will of God regard- 
ing this is stated (i) generally (. 3), 
and (2) particularly as it affected 
(a) themselves (vv. 4, 5), and (6) their 
relation to others (v. 6 a ). And the 
whole warning is enforced by re- 
calling the punishment that will follow 
its neglect (v. 6 b ), and the opposition 
which the offender is in reality offer- 
ing alike to his Divine call (v. 7), and 
the Divine spirit working within him 
(* 8). 

3 8. ' In particular we call upon 


'Itjo-ov. 3 TOVTO yap e&Tiv 6e\ti/uia TOV 6eov, 6 dyia<r- 
/xos v^.a)^j aTre^eo'vai v/utas OLTTO TY\S Tropveias, ^eiSevat 
TO eavTov <r/cei/os KTaa"6ai ev dyiacr/ULtt 

you to avoid all taint of impurity. 
For God's purpose regarding you is 
nothing less than this that you lead 
a holy life, abstaining from fornication 
and learning to gain the mastery over 
your bodily passions. Lust with its 
dishonour is the mark of Gentile 
godlessness. It is a sin which, while 
it degrades the man himself, brings 
wrong and injury upon others. And 
hence, as we have already warned you 
in the most solemn manner, it incurs 
the just vengeance of the Lord. 
Therefore he who deliberately sets 
aside this warning is setting aside not 
man but God, Who is the bestower 
of the Spirit whose distinguishing 
characteristic is holiness, and of whose 
presence in your hearts you are al- 
ready conscious.' 

3. TOVTO yap eVrtv xrX.J As re- 
gards construction, the emphatic 
TOVTO is clearly the subject pointing 
forward not only to 6 ayiaa^os which 
is in apposition with it, but also to 
the succeeding inf. clauses by which 
the nature of the dyiao-pos is denned, 
while the predicate is formed by 
6e\T]p.a T. 6eov, the absence of the 
art. before deXrj^a pointing to the 
general nature of the conception as 
compared with the specific irapay- 
yeXiat already spoken of. 

QeXrjfjia (almost entirely confined to 
Bibl. and late writers), while denoting 
properly the result as distinguished 
from the act of willing (0\r)o-is), is 
here used rather in the sense of the 
Divine purpose (cf. Ac. xxii. 14, Eph. 
i. 9, v. 17, Col. i. 9, iv. 12) and em- 
braces the thought not only of God's 
'commanding' but of His 'enabling' 
will. ' God works in us and with us, 
because our sanctification is His will ' 
(Denney). In the same way dyiao-^os 
retains here the active force which it 

always has in the Pauline writings 
(cf. iii. 13 note), and is = 'that you lead 
a holy life,' a positive injunction re- 
stated from the negative side in the 
clause that follows. 

dnexfo-Bai vpas KT\.] a warning ren- 
dered necessary by the fact that in 
the heathen world iropvda (for form, 
WH. 2 Notes, p. 1 60) was so little 
thought of (Hor. Sat. i. 2. 33 ff., Cic. 
pro Gael. 20) that abstinence from it, 
so far from being regarded as inevit- 
able by the first Christian converts, 
was rather a thing to be learned : cf. 
Ac. xv. 20 (with Knowling's note) and 
see Jowett's Essay ' On the Connexion 
of Immorality and Idolatry' (Epp. of 
St Paulii. p. 70 ff.). 

*AWx<r0at (appos. inf., Burton 386) 
is here construed with OTTO, perhaps 
to emphasize the idea of separation, 
cf. v. 22, Job i. i, 8, ii. 3 &c. It is 
found with the simple gen., as gene- 
rally in class. Gk., in Ac. xv. 20, 29, 
i Tim.iv. 3, i Pet. ii. 11. 

For the act. an-e^o) = ' have wholly,' 
'possess,' cf. Phil. iv. 18, Philem. 15, 
and for its technical use in the papyri 
and ostraca to denote the receipt of 
what was due (e.g. B.G.U. 612, 2 f . 

(i./A.D.) aTre'^o) Trap' vfji&v TOV (ftopov 
TOV f\a[i]ovpyiov, <av *X T * [/ z ] i; '" 
liLcrBao-fi] cf. Deissmann BS. p. 229, 
Wilcken Ostraka i. pp. 86, 106 ff., 
Archie i. p. 77 ff. 

4. flbevai fKa&Tov KrA.] a second 
inf. clause parallel to the preceding, 
and emphasizing the truth there stated 
in greater detail. 

The principal difficulty is the mean- 
ing to be attached to TO eavT. VKCVOS. 
Does it refer to (i) ' his own body,' or 
(2) ' his own wife ' 1 The latter view, 
advocated by Theodore of Mopsuestia 

(O~K(VOS TTjv Idiav eKaorov yafjifTr/v ovo- 

i) and St Augustine ('suunr vas 




/mr ev Tr 





possidere, hoc est, uxorem suarn' c. 
Jul. Pelag. iv. 10), has been adopted 
by the great majority of modern com- 
mentators, principally it would appear 
on account of the objections that can 
be urged against the former. But 
though supported by certain Rabbinic 
parallels (e.g. Megill. Est. i. 11 'vas 
meum quo ego utor') and by the 
occurrence of the phrase Kravtiai 
ywatKtt = 'ducere uxorem' (e.g. Sir. 
xxxvi. 29 (26), Xen. Conv. ii. 10), it is 
not, it will be admitted, at first sight 
the natural view, arid is suggestive of 
a lower view of the marriage-state 
than one would expect in a passage 
specially directed to enforcing its 
sanctity (cf. Titius Neut. Lehre von 
der Seligkeit (1900) ii. p. 1 13). On the 
whole therefore it seems better to 
revert to the meaning ' his own body ' 
which was favoured by the Gk. com- 
mentators generally (e.g. Thdt. e'yco tfe 


as well as by Ambrstr., 
Pelagius, Calvin, Beza, Grotius; for 
though no other instance of O-KCVOS by 
itself in this sense can be produced 
from the N.T., it is sufficiently vouched 
for by such approximate parallels as 
2 Cor. iv. 7 e^OfjLev 8e TOV 6r)o~avpbv 
TOVTOV ev oo-Tpaicivois (TKevecriv, and by 
the use of the word in Gk. writers to 
denote the vessel or instrument of the 
soul, e.g. Plato Soph. 2 19 A; cf. Philo 
quod det.pot. ins. 46 (i. p. 186 M.) TO 
rfjs ^vx^s dyyelov, TO o-co/ua. 

The most serious objection to this 
rendering is that it requires us to take 
KTao-dai in what has hitherto been re- 
garded as the unwarranted meaning 
of ' possess.' But to judge from the 
papyri it would seem as if at least 
in the popular language this meaning 
was no longer confined to the perf. 
(KtKTTjvdat). Thus in P.Tebt. 5, 241 ff. 
(ii./B.c.) we find it decreed p.rjd' aXXovs 

'nor shall any other persons take 
possession of or use the tools,' and in 

P.Oxy. 259, 6 (I./A.D.) a certain Theon 
declares on oath that he ' has ' thirty 
days (KTrjcrecrdai j)/i[e]pas rpiaKovra) in 
which to produce a prisoner for whom 
he has become surety. There seems 
no reason therefore why KraaOai 
should not be used in the passage 
before us of a man's so * possessing ' 
or 'taking possession of his body, as 
to use it in the fittest way for God's 
service in thorough keeping with the 
general Pauline teaching (i Cor. vi. 
J5ff., ix. 17, Rom. xii. i). 

Nor further can it be urged as a 
1 decisive' objection against this view 
that it fails to bring out the pointed 
contrast in which KravOat TO eavT. 
o-Kciios is placed to iropvela, if only we 
give its proper weight to the preceding 
cifcVat, for by means of it the condition 
of purity spoken of is emphasized 
as a matter of acquired knowledge. 

(Thpht. : o-rj/iet'ooo-eu Se /ecu TO cidevai- 
yap OTI do~r/o~ea>s Kal p,a6ijo~ews 

For ddcvai followed by an inf.= 
'know how' cf. Lk. xii. 56, Phil. iv. 
12, i Pet. v. 9 ; also Soph. Ajax 666 f. 
Toiyap TO \onrov elo-6[j.0~6a /zei> deals 

5. /i>) ev iradei e7ri6vfj,ias] ' not in 
lustfulness of desire' (Vg. non in 
passione desiderii, Beza non in morbo 
cupiditatis) rraflos, according to the 
usual distinction, denoting the passive 
state or condition in which the active 
7rL0vp.ia rules : cf. Col. iii. 5, and see 
Trench Syn. Ixxxvii. 

KaOdnep Kal TO. edvrj <T\.] Cf. II. i. 8,. 

Gal. iv. 8. This description of TO. WV-TY 
(ii. 1 6 note) is evidently founded on the 
LXX. (cf. Ps. Ixxviii. (Ixxix.) 6, Jer. x. 
25), the use of the art. before /zr eld. 
pointing to the Gentiles' ignorance of 
the one true God (TOV 6e6v) as their 
peculiar property (cf. WSchm. pp. 178, 
184), and the cause of their sinfulness. 
' Ignorantia, impudicitiae origo. Rom. 
i. 24' says Bengel. That, however, 
St Paul did not regard this ignorance 




TON GeoN, 6 TO V7rep/3aiveiv Kai irXeoveKTelv ev 

TTpdryjULaTl TOV d$6\<f>OV CCVTOV, SlOTl GKAlKOC KfplOC 7Tpl 

as absolute is proved by Rom. i. 19 ff., 
28 : hence Bengel again, ' Coeli sereni- 
tatem adspice : impuritatis taedium te 

For KaOairep see ii. 1 1 note, and for 
the use of <ai in comparison see WM. 

p. 549- 

6. TO fjiT] vnepftaivciv /erX.] a third 
inf. clause in apposition with o 
ayiao-fios, and parallel therefore to 
the two preceding clauses, the pre- 
fixed TO (see iii. 3 note) leading us to 
look for a further explanatory state- 
ment of the truths already laid down. 

'Yireppalveiv (air. \ty. N.T., cf. II. 1 
3 note) may govern d8e\(f>6v in the 
sense of ' get the better of, 3 but is 
better taken absolutely = ' transgress,' 

cf. Plato Rep. ii. 366 A virfpfiaivovres 
Kai apiaprai/oirer, Eur. Ale. 1077 V^] vvv 
VTrepjSati/', dXX' vai(rip.u>s <$>fpt. In 
the present passage the nature of the 
transgression is denned by the follow- 
ing ir\( ovtKTtlv ' take advantage of,' 
' overreach,' any reference to un- 
chastity lying not in the word itself, 
but in the context (cf. irXeovcgia, ii. 
5 note). The verb occurs elsewhere 
iii the N.T. only jn 2 Cor. ii. n 
(pass.) and in vii. 2, xii. 17 f., where, 
though intrans. in class. Gk., it is 
followed as here by a direct obj. in the 
ace. : cf. for the sense P.Amh. 78, 12 ff. 

[v]dd8r]s, Rader- 
macher). The gravity of the charge 
in the present instance is increased 
by the fact that it is a (Christian) 
* brother' who is wronged : cf. ii. 10. 

The expression tv ro> Trpcry/zari has 
caused difficulty. In the Vg. it is 
rendered in negotio (Wycl. in chaff ar- 
inge, Luth. im Handel, Weizs. in 
Geschafteri), and in accordance with 
tbis the whole clause has been taken 
as a warning against defrauding one's 
brother in matters of business or 
trade. But no other adequate ex. of 

in this sense in the sing, has 
been produced, and the words are too 
closely connected with what precedes 
and what follows (. 7 aKadapo-ia} to ad- 
mit of any such transition to a wholly 
new subject. In tv r. Tvpay^art there- 
fore we can only find a veiled reference 
(Corn, a Lap. ' honesta aposiopesis ') 
to 'the matter' on hand, viz. sins of 
the flesh; cf. 2 Cor. vii. ii, and see 
LS. s.v. 7rpais II. 3. In no case can it 
be rendered 'in any matter' (A.V.). 
Of this enclitic ro> (for rti/i) there is 
no clear instance either in the LXX. 
or N.T. (WSchm. p. 71). 

diori fKdiKos Kvpios *rX.] The fore- 
going warning is now enforced l?y 
recalling the punishment which will 
follow upon its neglect in terms clearly 
suggested by Deut. xxxii. 35 (Heb.): 
cf. Rom. xii. 19, Heb. x. 30, and for a 
class, parallel see Horn. Batrach. 97 

e'^et deos ZK^IKOV o/zjua. There is 110 
reason however why, as ordinarily in 
these Epp., Kvpios should not be re- 
ferred directly to the Lord Jesus 
through whom God will judge the 
world : cf. II. i. 7 ff. and see Intr. 
p. Ixvii. 

"EicdiKos, elsewhere in N.T. only 
Rom. xiii. 4, denoted primarily 'law- 
less,' 'unjust,' but later passed over 
into the meaning of 'avenging,' 'an 
avenger,' in which sense it is found in 
the apocr. books of the O.T. (Sap. xii. 
12, Sir. xxx. 6, cf. 4 Mace. xv. 29). In 
the papyri it is the regular term for a 
legal representative, e.g. P.Oxy. 261, 
14 f. (i./A.D.) where a certain Demetria 
appoints her grandson Chaeremon ey- 
8iKOV 7Ti re Trda-rjs egovo-ias ' to appear 
for her before every authority': see 
further Gradenwitz Einfilhrung i. 
p. 1 60, and for a similar use in the 
inscriptions = 'advocatus' (cf. Cic. ad 
Fain. xiii. 56) see Michel Recueil 

459, 19 f. (ii./B.C.) vrrefjLeiVfV e 




TTpoeLTTafjiev vfjiiv Kai 

TVpdjuteBa. 7 oi/ 'yap etcdXecrev yj/zas 6 6eos eirl 

d\\' ev dyiacrjuicu. ^TOiyapovv 6 ddeTcov OVK dvdpcojrov 

dBerel d\\a TOV 6eov TOV AIAONTA TO HNGYMA A^'TOY TO dyiov 

Seeberg (Der Katecltismus der 
Urchristenheit (1903) p. icf.) points 
to this verse as a proof of a tradi- 
tional catalogue of sins lying at the 
basis of the Pauline lists, for though 
only two sins are directly mentioned 
here, judgment takes place irepl 

Cf. iii. 4 note, and for 
the aor. in -a see WH. 2 Notes p. 171 f., 
WSchm. p. 1 1 1 f. 

diefj.apTvpdfj.fda] Ata/xaprupo/nai, a 
word of Ionic origin (Nageli p. 24) 
and stronger than the simple paprv- 
pofjiai (ii. 1 1), is used of solemnly testi- 
fying in the sight of God (evaTnov r. 
$eou) in i Tim. v. 21, 2 Tim. ii. 14, 
iv. i, the only other passages in the 
Pauline writings where it occurs. It 
is found frequently in the LXX. in this 
sense (e.g. Deut. iv. 26, viii. 19, i Regn. 
viii. 9), and is used absolutely by St 
Luke as here in Lk. xvi. 28, Ac. ii. 40; 
cf. also Heb. ii. 6. Calv.: ' Obtestati 
sumus: tanta enim est hominum tar- 
ditas, ut nisi acriter perculsi nullo 
divini iudicii sensu tangantur.' 

7- ov yap eKaXevev KrX.] The em- 

phasis lies on endXeo-ev (cf. ii. 12 note), 
the thought of the definite Divine call 
being introduced as an additional 
reason for the foregoing warning, 
or, perhaps, in more immediate con- 
nexion with the preceding clause, 
as a justification of the vengeance 
there threatened. 

The interchange of the prepositions 
eVri and ev is significant, the former 
pointing to the object or purpose of 
the call (cf. Gal. v. 13, Eph. ii. 10, Sap. 

ii. 23 o Beos eKTto~ev TOV dvdpa>Trov eV 
d(p6apo-iq}, the latter to its essential 
basis or condition (cf. Eph. iv. 4 with 
Abbott's note), dyiao-fj.6s being used in 
the same active sense as in vv. 3, 4. 

8. Totyapovv 6 a&T<H>v /<rX.] 'Where- 
fore then the rejecter rejects not 
man but (the) God' the compound. 
roiyapovv (class., elsewhere in N.T. 
only Heb. xii. i) introducing the con- 
clusion 'with some special emphasis 
or formality' (Grimm-Thayer *..). 

'A&rfii/ literally = ' make adcTov,' or 
'do away with what has been laid 
down,' refers here to the action of the 
man who of his own will ' rejects ' or 
' sets aside ' the calling just mentioned 
(v. 7): cf. especially Lk. x. 16 of which 
we may here have a reminiscence. 
The verb, which is not approved by 
the Atticists (frequent in Polyb. e.g. 
viii. 2. 5 d6. T. trivTiVi xv. i. 9 dd. r. 
opKovs KOL T. a-vvdiJKas), occurs other 
four times in the Pauline writings, 
always however with reference to 
things, not persons r. crvveo-iv (i Cor. 
* J 9)) T - X<*pw (Gal. ii. 2l), diadt]Kr)v 
(Gal. iii. 15), T. TTLO-TIV (i Tim. v. 12). 
In the LXX. it represents no fewer 
than seventeen Heb. originals. For 
its use in the papyri see P.Tebt. 74, 

59 f. (ii./B.C.) epftpoxov TTJS ev TTJI 77- 
OeTTj/jLevrji lepa (cf. 6 1 (b), 207 note), and 
in the inscription^ see O.G.I. S. 444, 
1 8 edv de Tives TU>V iroXeav a#er[o>(n] TO 


The absence of the art. before dv- 
6pa>nov followed as it is by TOV 6e6v 
deserves notice (cf. Gal. i/io), while 
the contrast is further heightened by 
the use of the absolute negative in the 
first conception, not to annul it, but 
rhetorically to direct undivided atten- 
tion to the second (cf. Mk. ix. 37, Ac. 
v. 4, i Cor. i. 17; WM. p. 622 f.). 

TOV Si'Soi/ra icrX.] The reading here 
is somewhat uncertain, but the weight 
of the MS. evidence is in favour of the 
pres. part. (K*BDG as against AKL 
for Soj/ra), the aor. having probably 






ypdcbeiv v/uuv, avTOi yap v/uLels 6eoSiSaKToi ecrre ets TO 

arisen from its occurrence elsewhere 
in the same connexion (e.g. 2 Cor. i. 
22, v. 5). As regards the meaning, 
the pres. may be taken as pointing to 
the ever 'fresh accessions of the Holy 
Spirit' (Lft.) which God imparts, or 
perhaps better as along with the art. 
constituting another subst. part. ' the 
giver of His Holy Spirit.' 

For the emphatic TO TTV. TO ay. where 
the repeated art. lays stress on the 
ay. in keeping with the main thought 
of the whole passage cf. Mk. iii. 29, 
xiii. IT, Eph. iv. 30; while if any 
weight can be attached to els v^a? in- 
stead of vfjuv (cf. i. 5 note) it brings 
out more pointedly the entrance of 
the Spirit into the heart and life : cf. 
Gal. iv. 6, Eph. iii. 16, Ezek. xxxvii. 

14 0)O~a> TO 7TVVfJ,d pOV fiS VjJLCiS KCU 

fto-co-Of, also the interesting reading 
of D in Mk. i. 10 and parallels, where 
it is stated that at the Baptism the 
dove entered into Jesus (fls OVTOV), 
and did not merely rest upon Him 
(eV ai>Tov\ (Nestle Exp. T. xvii. 
p. 522 n. 1 ). 

IV. 9, io a . Encouragement in 
Brotherly Love. 

From impurity, which is at root so 
cruel and selfish, the Apostles pass by 
a subtle link of connexion to the 
practice of brotherly or Christian 
love, admitting frankly at the same 
time the Thessalonians' zeal in this 

9, io a . ' And so again with regard 
to love of the brethren, that is a sub- 
ject on which it is not necessary to 
say much, seeing that as those who 
are filled with God's Spirit you have 
already been taught to love: and 
not only so, but you are actively prac- 
tising what you have been taught 
towards all Christian brethren through- 
out Macedonia.' 

9. Ilept de TTJS (piXaSeX(piay] For 

i Se introducing a new subject cf. 
v. i. In profane Gk. and the LXX. 
<ptXaSeX<pi'a is confined to the mutual 
love of those who are brothers by 
common descent (e.g. Luc. dial. dear. 
xxvi. 2, 4 Mace. xiii. 23, 26, xiv. i) 
but in the N.T. the word is used in the 
definite Christian sense of 'love of 
the brethren,' of all, that is, who are 
brethren in virtue of the new birth : 
cf. Rom. xii. 10, Heb. xiii. i, i Pet. i. 

22, 2 Pet. i. 7 iv df rfi (piXadfXcpia TTJV 
ayaTrrjv. The last passage is interest- 
ing as showing how readily this mutual 
love amongst believers passed over 
into the wider ayaTn?, love for all man- 
kind (cf. iii. 12 note). 

ov xP*' Lav Kr M n t an instance of 
paraleipsis, or a pretending to pass 
over what in reality is mentioned for 
the sake of effect (Chrys. : ra> ei 

ciTi-ci'), but a simple statement of fact. 
The use of the act. inf. (ypa<eu>) for 
the pass. (ypd<txo-6ai, cf. v. i) is too 
amply vouched for in similar com- 
binations to cause any difficulty : see 
WM. p. 426, Buttmann p. 259 n. 1 . 

tfeoStfiajeroi] The word is an. Xey. 
in the N.T. (cf. Barn. Ep. xxi. 6, Tat. 

Orat. C. 29 p. 165 B 6fodi8a<Tov de IJLOV 
yevopevrj? rrjs ^^X^^ Theoph. ad 
Autol. ii. 9 01 de TOV faov a 
\>ir avTov TOV 6fov f 

o~o(f)icr6cvTes eyevovTo 0o8ida<Toi), and 
like the corresponding phrase 8i8aKTol 
TOV 6fov points not so much to 'one 
divine communication' as to 'a divine 
relationship' established between be- 
lievers and God (see Westcott on Jo. 
vi. 45) : hence it is as those who have 
been born of God, and whose hearts 
are in consequence filled by God's 
spirit that the Thessalonians on their 
part (avTol . . v^cls) can no longer help 
loving; cf. Isa. liv. 13, Jer. xxxviii. 
(xxxi.) 33 f., Pss. Sol. xvii. 35. Calv. : 
' quid divinitus edocti sint : quo sig- 


d\\rt\ovs' *Kai yap Trotelre avTo ek 
I)? d$6\<povs [TOWS] ev o\ri Trj MctKeSovia. Flapa- 

Se iJ/uas, d$e\(poi, TrepHrcreveiv judXXov, "/ca* 
<J)i\OTiiui6Lcr6ai tja'V'xd^eiv Kai Trpda'creiv TO, iSia Kcti ep- 

10 TOVS N c BD bc HKL cet Chr al : om K*AD*G Chr cod 

nificat insculptam esse eorum cordibus 
caritatem, ut supervacuae sint literae 
in charta scriptae.' Beng. : 'doctrinae 
divinae vis confluit in amorem.' 

On els TO as here acting for the 
epexegetic inf. see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 219. 

IO. KCU yap Troielre avro KrA.] ' for 
indeed ye do it... ' KCU not losing its 
force as in the classical KOI yap = 'ete- 
nim,' but marking an advance on the 
preceding statement (Blass p. 275) : 
the Thessalonians have not only been 
taught, but, looking to the fact that 
God has been their teacher, they 
practise (Troielre) what they have been 
taught, cf. i Jo. iii. i6ff. 

If rovs is omitted before the de- 
fining clause ev 0X17 r. Ma*., these 
words are best connected directly 
with TroteTrf, as denoting the region 
' in ' w hicli the love of the brethren 
was displayed. For the extent 
of the region thus referred to ('all 
Macedonia ') see Intr. p. xlv. 

io b 12. Call to Quiet Work. 

A continued exhortation to the 
Thessalonians to advance in increas- 
ing measure in the practice of the 
(pi\a8e\(pia whose presence in their 
midst has just been so fully recognized 
(r. io b ), and at the same time to avoid 
that spirit of restlessness and of in- 
attention to their daily work, of which 
apparently they had already begun to 
show traces, and which, if not checked, 
could not fail to create an unfavour- 
able impression on the minds of un- 
believers (VV. TI, 12). 

io b 12. 'This however is not to 
say that we do not urge you to still 
further efforts in the practice of this 

love, while there is one point' to which 
you will do well to pay heed. Instead 
of giving way further to that restless 
spirit of which you are already showing 
signs, make it your earnest aim to 
preserve a quiet and orderly atti- 
tude attending to your own business, 
and working with your hands for your 
own livelihood, even as we directed 
while still present with you. By so 
doing you will not only convey a 
good impression to your unbelieving 
neighbours, but you will yourselves 
maintain an honourable indepen- 

I0 b . TlapaKaXovfjifv 8e KrA.] For a 
similar appeal see v. i, though here the 
more regular inf. is used after irapa- 
KO.\. instead of the mi-construction : 
cf. P.Oxy. 292, 5ff. 8tb napaKoXu o-e 
pern Trdo-rjs dwdfj-ecos fX lv O-VTOV avve- 

<TTClfJLVOV. For 7Tfpl(T(rVll> SCC HOtC 

on iii. 12, and for /zaAAoi/ see note on 
v. i. 

II. Kai <pi\OTifjif'io'Qai ri<TV\a.^fiv\ 

For a certain amount of restlessness 
amongst the Thessalonians, apparently 
owing to their eschatological expec- 
tations, see Intr. p. xlvi f. 

The verb ^lAort^eifr^ai is found 
again in Rom. xv. 20, 2 Cor. v. 9, and 
in all three passages seems to have 
lost its original idea of emulation ('be 
ambitious'), and to mean little more 
than ' be zealous,' ' strive eagerly,' in 
accordance with its usage in late Gk. : 

cf. Aristeas 79 airavra (f)i\OTifji,r}devTs 
fls VTTfpoxrjv 86rjs TOV /3ao-iAf'cor Trotfj- 
o-ai, and see P.Petr. in. 42 H (8) f., 3 f. 

(iii./B.C.) c(pi\OTifj.ov lie irapay([t>e<T6ai 
Trpos <T Km] rj'Xdov, P.Tebt. 410, io 
(i./A.D.) e'(iAo7-[i]fioi) <rvv epol fjLflvat, and 

for the corresponding adj. P. Petr. i. 29, 




I3 mx TrepLTrarrJTe 




12 (Ptol.) where a steward writes to 
his employer that he had borrowed 
four artabae of wheat which a certain 
Dynis had offered and ' was pressing ' 
(<pi\oTifjiov OVTOS) to lend. Along with 
(piXori/iia, (pi\, is very com- 
mon in Gk. honorary decrees where 
its general meaning is 'to act with 
public spirit,' e.g. C.I.A. n. 444, 23 ff. 

(ii./B.C.) O7TO)S ovv Kai 77 /3ovX?) Kai o 
8fjp.os iJ.vrffiovevovTfs (paivcavTai raiv els 

eavTovs <pi\oTifjiovp,V(av, See also Field 
Notes p. 165, Hicks C. R. i. p. 46. 

With rfo-vx^fiv (a favourite Lukan 
word, e.g. Lk. xiv. 3, Ac. xi. 18) con- 
trast irfpiepydgfcrOai II. iii. 1 1, and with 
the striking oxymoron (Beza et con- 
tendatis quieti esse) cf. Rom. xii. 11 

TTJ cnrovdrj /z;) OKvrjpoi, Phil. iv. 7 *7 
flprjvij...(j)povpi]O'(i ) Heb. X. 24 (is irap- 
ov( dydrrrjs. 

KOI irpdo'o'fiv TO. i'ia] The commen- 
tators draw attention to the similar 
juxtaposition found in Plato Rep. vi. 
496 D where the philosopher who has 
escaped from the dangers of political 
life is described as rjavxiav e^coi/ Kai 
ra avTov 7rparrG>z>, while the general 
thought is illustrated by another pas- 
sage from the same book iv. 433 A, TO ra 
CLVTOV irpaTTCw Kai prj TroKvirpayiioveiv 
diKawo-vvrj eari : cf. also Dion Cass. LX. 

27 rr/if 8e 8r) gcrvg&il' uytoi/, Kai ra eavroi) 

Trparra)!/, fVco^ero. In all three passages 
the more correct ra cavrov for ra i'Sta 
(cf. Lk. xviii. 28) may also be noted 
(cf. Lob. Phryn. p. 441). 

icai epydc(T0ai rX.] For the bear- 
ing of these words on the general 
standing of the Thessalonian converts 
cf. II. iii. 10 f., and for the new dignity 
imparted by the Gospel to manual 
labour see Intr. p. xlvii. 

In accordance with a tendency of 
transcribers towards greater precision 
of statement certain MSS.(K*AD C KL) 

insert Idiots here before xepo-iV. cf. 
note on c. ii. 15. 

K<i6a>$ iraprjyydXaiJLfv] i even 
as we charged you' the use of the em- 
phatic Trapayye'XAeti', which is specially 
used in class, writers of the orders of 
military commanders (cf. note on napay- 
yf\ia v. 2), bringing out the authority 
with which the Apostles spoke, cf. II. 
iii. 10 ff. The verb is a favourite with 
Luke (Gosp. 4 Ac. 11 ), and outside these 
Epp. and i Tim. is found elsewhere 
in the Pauline writings i Cor. vii. 10, 
xi. 17. 

12. tva nepurarfTf xrX.] The pur- 
pose of the foregoing 7rapaK\r)<ns. By 
avoiding undue interference with the 
affairs of others, and paying diligent 
attention to their own work, the 
Thessalonians would not only present 
a decorous appearance to their un- 
believing neighbours, but themselves 
enjoy an honourable independence. 

Evo-xrjfj-ovajs, ' decorously,' ' becom- 
ingly,' corresponding to the old Eng. 
' honestly ' (Vg. honeste) of the A. V. 
here and in Rom. xiii. 13, is found 
combined with Kara rdgiv in i Cor. 
xiv. 40 to express the beauty and 
harmony that result in the Church 
from every member's keeping his own 
place : cf. Aristeas 284 ra TOV /3iou 
/Mfr* fV(r\r}"6vT)s Kai KaraoToXrJs yivo- 
neva, and especially the use of the 
adj. to denote the Egyptian magis- 
trates who had charge of public 
morals, e.g. B. G. U. 147, i (ii. iii./A.D.) 
dpx(p68ois Kai fvo-xvp-oa-t KW/J.T]S^ and 
Wilcken Ostraka no. 1153 (Rom.) 
TOVS V(rx^fMovas TOVS eVt ra>v 

(where see note). 
TOVS e&> a phrase derived 
from the Rabbinical DTl^nn (cf. 
Schottgen on i Cor. v. 12), and em- 
bracing all outside the Christian com- 
munity whether Gentiles or unbeliev- 


13 Ov 6e\ofj.ev Se vfjias dyvoelv, d$6\(f)oi, Trepi 

ing Jews, cf. Mk. iv. u, i Cor. v. i2f., 
Col. iv. 5, i Tim. iii. 7 (aVo TK>V - 
6ev). 'It is characteristic of St Paul 
to ask, "What will the Gentiles say of 
us?" a part of the Christian prudence, 
which was one of the great features 
of his life' (Jowett). For a similar 
exhortation with the same end in 
view cf. i Pet. ii. 1 1 ff. Chrys. thus 
applies the reproof to his own age : 

fl yap ol irap rnj.1v arKav8a\ioj>rai TOV- 

TOIS, TToXXci) [J.a\\OV Ol C^OideV. . .8lO KO.I 

Kal fjLr)o"v6s KrX.] Mr)8ev6s may be 
either masc. or neut. The former in 
view of the context yields good sense 
(Wycl. of no marines 30 desire ony 
thing}: cf. Hieron. in Gal. n. c. iii. 
'They are sharply censured because 
they go round idly from house to 
house, expecting food from others, 
while they try to make themselves 
agreeable to this person and that 
(singulis).' On the other hand the 
use of xpetai/ fx ftv elsewhere with 
the gen. of the thing (e.g. Mt. vi. 8, 
Lk. x. 42, Heb. v. 12 ; cf. Rev. iii. 17 
ovdev xpci av ^X") points rather to the 
rendering 'have need of nothing' 
(Beza et nullins indigeatis): by their 
own work they would be placed in a 
position of avrdpKfta, cf. II. iii. 8, 12. 

IV. 13 V. ii. From the foregoing 
practical exhortations St Paul turns to 
two difficulties of a more doctrinal 
character, which, from the manner in 
which they are introduced, would 
seem to have been referred directly 
to him by the Thessalonians, or more 
probably were brought under his 
notice by Timothy in view of what 
he had heard at Thessalonica (Intr. p. 
xxxiii f.). The first relates to the lot of 
those dying before the Lord's Return, 
the second to the time when that 
Return might be expected. The two 
sections are closely parallel, each con- 
sisting of a question (iv. 13, v. i) : an 
answer (iv. 14 17, v. 2 10) : and 
a practical exhortation (iv. 18, v. 1 1). 


13, 14. ' With regard moreover to 
that other matter which we under- 
stand is causing you anxiety, the fate 
namely of those of your number who 
are falling on sleep before the coming 
of the Lord, we are anxious, Brothers, 
that you should be fully informed. 
There is no reason why you should 
sorrow, as those who do not share 
in your Christian hope cannot fail 
to do. For as surely as our belief 
is rooted in the death and resurrection 
of Jesus, even so we are confident that 
God will bring along with the return- 
ing Jesus those who have fallen on 
sleep through Him/ 

13. Ov BeXofjLfv 8e *rX.] a phrase 
used by St Paul to introduce a new 
and important topic, and always with 
the impressive addition of aSeX^oi ; 
cf. Rom. i. 13, xi. 25, i Cor. x. i, xii. 
i, 2 Cor. i. 8, and for a near parallel see 
P.Tebt. 314, 3 (ii./A.D.) 7noreua> <r /ZT) 
ayvoflv. The corresponding formula 
yivao-Keiv ve 0e'X<a is very common in 
the papyri, especially in opening a 
letter after the introductory greeting, 
e.g. B.G.U. 27, 3 ff. (ii. iii./A.D.) Kal 

8ia 7r[a]iros fv^ofJiaL o~e vyievev KOI 
O.VTOS vyieva). Ttv(ao~Kftv o~e 

l TOJV KoifjLo>fj.vo)v] ' concerning 
them that are falling asleep ' (Vg. de 
dormientibus) the pres. part, not 
only indicating a state of things that 
was going on, but also lending itself 
more readily to the thought of a 
future awakening than the perf. would 
have done (cf. Lft. ad loc.}. It 
was doubtless indeed the extreme 
appropriateness of the word /cot/xao-^ai 
in the latter direction (Thdt. : ro> yap 
{JTTVW eyp^yopais en-ercu, Aug. Serm. 
xciii. 6, 'Quare enim dormientes 
vocantur, nisi quia suo die resusci- 
tantur 1 ?') that led St Paul to prefer 
it to a-rroOvijo-Kciv in speaking of the 


twt fur) \VTrfjo'6e Ka6ws KO.I oi \OLTTOI ol uri 

death of believers who alone are 
thought of here, though in no case 
must the underlying figure be pressed 
as if descriptive of his idea of their 
intermediate state. 

The same metaphor frequently 
occurs in the earlier O.T. and apoca- 
lyptic literature without any reference 
to the resurrection-hope, e.g. Gen. 
xlvii. 30, 2 Regn. vii. 12, Jer. xxviii. 
(li.) 39 (VTTVOV aluviov), Jubilees xxiii. 
i, xxxvi. 18, Ass. Mas. i. 15, x. 14, 
Apoc. Bar. xi. 4, Test. xii. pair. 
Jos. XX. 4 (fKoiy^dr) vnvov alaviov) ; 
on the other hand as preparing us for 
the later Christian use of the term 
cf. Dan. xii. 2, 2 Mace. xii. 44 f., 4 
Ezra vii. 32 ' et terra reddet qui in ea 
dormiunt, et puluis qui in eo silentio 

On the varied connotation of the 
term in Jewish eschatology see Volz 
Jild. Eschat. p. 134, and for the 
occurrence of the figure in pagan 
literature, cf. Callim. Epiyr. x. i, 
Horn. II. xi. 241, Soph. Electr. 509, 
Verg. A en. vi. 278 (' consanguineus 
leti sopor'). See also the striking 
saying of Gorgias (V./B.C.) in his ex- 
treme old age tfor) p. 6 VTTVOS apftfrai 
TrapaKaTaridfa-dat Ta8f\<p<p (Aelian 
V.H. ii. 35). 

The verb (especially eicot/ujtfip') is 
very common in Christian inscriptions, 
e.g. I. G.S.I. 549, v I <rvv 6t$...ttQifi[y0rj] 
r) SouAi) roG [tfeov] 2a/3cli/a, 68, I encoi- 
\jJ\Qr] r\ deoKoiprjTos Aryeia. The allied 
subst. KoiprjTripiov appears by the 
middle of the 3rd cent, if not earlier. 
Thus the formula of dedicating TO KOL- 

p\r]Jr[r]]piov 0>s dvao-Tao-(t)s is found in 
an inscription at Thessalonica (C.I.G. 
9439) which Kirchhoff thinks may be- 
long to the 2nd cent., though Ramsay 
carries it forward to the middle of the 
4th (C. and B. i. p. 495). The word 
is often thought to be exclusively 
Christian, but Roberts-Gardner (p. 
513) quote two inscriptions which by 
the figures of a seven-branched cande- 

labrum are shown to be of Jewish 
origin. The first of these (C.I.G. 

9313) runs Koip.T]T^piov EvTv\l_t]as rfjs 
Hrjrpos 'AdtyWov K QeoKTio-Tov. For 
the existence of a Jewish colony in 
Athens cf. Ac. xvii. 17, and see art. 
* Athens ' in Hastings' D.B. by F. C. 

Ka6a>s KOI ol AOITTOI] * even as also the 
rest,' i.e. 'all who are not believers/ 
synonymous with of e'^co (v. 1 2) : cf. 
Rom. xi. 7, Eph. ii. 3. The clause is 
often interpreted as = 'to the same 
extent as the rest ' (Thdt. : rrjv dfjierpiav 
l\inrr]v] cKftdXXei), but this is to strain 
the Gk. unduly, and we have rather 
one of the constantly recurring in- 
stances in which St Paul 'states his 
precept broadly, without caring to 
enter into the qualifications which 
will suggest themselves at once to 
thinking men' (Lft.). On the force 
of KO.I see ii. 14 note. 

oi M f'xovres *rA.] The general 
hopelessness of the pagan world in the 
presence of death is almost too well- 
known to require illustration, but see 
e.g. Aesch. Eum. 618 a7ra tiavwros, 
OVTIS eVr' arao-rao-ty, Theocr. Id. iv. 
42 eXnides fv faolcriv, ai>e'A Trio-rot 8e 

6av6vTfs, Catull. v. 5 f. 'nobis cum 
semel occidit breuis lux, nox est 
perpetua una dormienda,' and the 
touching letter of Cicero adFam. xiv. 
2, which was dated Thesaalonicae. 
The inscriptions tell the same tale, e.g. 
I.G.S.I. 929, 13 Koiparai TOV ULMVIOV 
i>irv(ov), 1879, ll tyvx<a...oo-rt9 OVK 
r\\xr\v teal yevo/j,r)v, OVK elpl KOL ov 
\vnov fj,ai. 

14. No mention has been made of 
the reason of Gentile hopelessness, but 
it is clearly traceable to ignorance of 
the revelation of the one God (cf. Eph. 
ii. 12 \nida pr} e^oi/rey K. adeoi tv T. 
Koo7i&>), and accordingly the Apostles 
proceed to lay down the real ground 
of Christian hope. That ground is 
the death and resurrection of the 
historic Jesus (cf. Add. Note i)), 


e^oi/res e\7riSa. I4 el yap Tria-Tevojuiei/ OTL 'ltj<rovs aTre- 
Oavev KCLL di/ecTTrj) OVTCOS Kai 6 6eos TOI)S Koi/uriBevTas Sid 
TOV 'lri(rov a^ei arvv avTa. I3 TovTO <ydp 

which, by an impressive irregularity 
of grammatical structure, are here 
brought into direct relation not with 
the resurrection of believers, but, in 
keeping with the general drift of the 
Ep., with their return with Christ in 

fl yap irio-Tevopev /crX.] The use of 
fl in the opening clause of the syllogism 
instead of throwing any doubt on the 
belief spoken of, rather makes it more 
definite, cf. Rom. v. 15, Col. iii. i, and 
for the conjunction airiQ. K. dveo-Tr) see 
Rom. xiv. 9, where it is said in the 
same sense as here els TOVTO yap 

Xpio-Tos djredavfv KOI fr](Tv iva Ka\ 
vfKpwv KOI WVTO>V Kvpifvar). The use 

of ' aiff6avev in the present passage is 
specially noticeable in contrast with 
Koipdadai applied to believers (v. 13) : 
it is as if the writers wished to em- 
phasize that because Christ's death 
was a real death, ' a death of death/ 
His people's death has been turned 
into 'sleep.' Chrys. : encidrj de r/X6ev 

6 XpKTTOJ, Ktt\ Vrrp (tifj$ TOV KOfTfJLOV 

d-rrtOavf, OVMTI Qavaros KoAtlrai \OITTOV 
o fldvaros, aXXa VTTVOS KOI Koifj.r)o~is (d& 

Coemit. et Cruce, Op. ii. 470 ed. 

It may be noted that only here and 
in v. 1 6 does St Paul employ dvio-Tao-0ai 
with reference to resurrection from 
the dead ; cf. also the metaph. use in 
Eph. v. 14. As a rule he prefers 
yip(tv, cf. i. 10 and other forty 
occurrences in his Epp. The subst. 
dvdorao-ts is found eight times. It is 
frequent in the inscriptions for the 
* erection ' of a statue or monument, 
e.g. Magn. I79> 28 f. CTTI rf) ai/aoracrei 
TOV avdpiavTos. 

ovTtos KOI 6 Of 6s] ' so also (we believe 
that) God/ OVTUS virtually resuming 
the protasis and Km, which belongs 
not to the single word 'God' but to 

the whole clause, serving to strengthen 
still further the comparison stated in 
the apodosis (cf. ii. 14 note). '0 6e6$ 
is emphatic : it is the one true God 
who, as the raiser-up of Jesus, will 
raise up His people along with Him, 
cf. i Cor. vi. 14, 2 Cor. iv. 14. In 
order, however, that He may do so 
there must be a certain oneness be- 
tween the Head and His members, and 
it is to the existence of this connecting 
link in the case of the Thessalonian 
believers that the next words point. 

TOVS Koip,r)devTas did. TOV 'l^troC] 
'those that are fallen asleep through 
Jesus/ Koifj,T]06VTa$ being used with 
a purely midd. sense, and the instru- 
mental did pointing to Jesus as the 
mediating link between His people's 
sleep and their resurrection at the 
hands of God (cf. did. T. CVOKOVVTOS 
avTov TrvevfiaTos in a similar connexion 
in Rom. viii. ii). Stated in full the 
argument would run : ' so also we 
believe that those who fell asleep 
through Jesus, and in consequence 
were raised by God through Him, 
will God bring with Him.' This is 
better than to connect did T. 'Ii/o-oG 
directly with a. Such an arrange- 
ment, while grammatically possible, 
is not only contrary to the parallelism 
of the sentence ('1/70-. a7r<f#....r. Koi^d. 
did T. 'If/a-.) and to the analogy of the 
closely following of veitpol cv Xp. (v. 16), 
but gives a halting and redundant 
conclusion to the whole sentence : 
' God will bring through Jesus along 
with Him.' 

For Koifj.r)dfjvai see the note on 
v. 13, and as further illustrating its 
midd. sense cf. P.Cairo 3, gff. 

(iii./B.C.) TJi/iKd TJfj.e\\ov KOiprjdrjvai, 
eypcn/m eVioroAia 0. Dr W. F. Moul- 
ton has proposed that in the verse 
before us the verb may be a true 



Kvpov, OTI /zes o wi/Tes o 
TYIV Trapovcriav TOV Kvpiov ov jurj 


passive 'were put to sleep' (see 
Moulton Prolegg. p. 162). But how- 
ever beautiful the sense that is thus 
obtained, it is not the one that 
naturally suggests itself. 

aei\ l ducet, suave verbum : dicitur 
de viventibus' (Beng.). With the 
thought cf. Asc. Isai. iv. 16 quoted 
above on iii. 13. 

15 1 8. 'Regarding this, we say, 
we are confident, for we have it on 
the direct authority of the Lord 
Himself that we who are surviving 
when the Lord comes will not in any 
way anticipate those who have fallen 
asleep. What will happen will rather 
be this. The .Lord Himself will 
descend from heaven with a shout 
of command, with the voice of an 
archangel, and with the trumpet-call 
of God. Then those who died in 
Christ, and in consequence are still 
living in Him, shall rise first. And 
only after that shall we who are sur- 
viving be suddenly caught up in the 
clouds with them to meet the Lord in 
the air. Thus shall we ever be with 
the Lord. Wherefore comfort one 
another with these words.' 

15. ev Xoyo> Kvpiov] The 'word' 
is often found in some actual saying 
of the Lord while He was upon the 
earth, such as Mt. xxiv. 3of. ( = Mk. 
xiii. 26 f., Lk. xxi. 27), xvi. 27, Jo. vi. 
39 f., but none of these cover the 
statement of the present verse, which 
must certainly be included in the 
teaching referred to (as against von 
Soden who finds it only in v. 16) ; 
while again this very want of similarity 
with any 'recorded' saying should 
make us the more chary of postulating 
an 'unrecorded' one (cf. Ac. xx. 35, 
and see Ropes Spruche Jesu p. 1 52 ff.). 
On the whole, therefore, it is better 
to fall back upon the thought of a 
direct revelation granted to the 
Apostles to meet the special circum- 

stances that had arisen (cf. i Cor. ii. 
10, 2 Cor. xii. iff., Gal. i. 12, 16, 
Eph. iii. 3), or more generally to 
find in this and the following vv. 
the interpretation which, acting under 
the immediate guidance of the Lord's 
own spirit ('quasi Eo ipso loquente,' 
Beza), St Paul and his companions 
were able to put upon certain current 
Jewish apocalyptic ideas. On a 
subject of such importance they 
naturally felt constrained to appeal 
to the ultimate source of their 
authority : cf. i Cor. vii. TO OVK cy<o 
dXXa 6 Kvpios. Thdt. : ov yap otKeiois 
XoyioyxoTs, aXA' CK Oeias r^iiv 
? 77 8tdao-/caXia yeyei/r/rai. 

On Steck's discovery of the Xoyos in 
4 Ezra v. 41 f. see Intr. p. Ixxv, and 
on the use made by Resch of this verse 
to prove ('auf das Deutlichste') St 
Paul's dependence on the Logia (Der 
Paulinismus u. die Logia Jesu 
(1904) p. 338 f.) see Kirsopp Lake in 
Am. J. of Th. 1906 p. io7f., who 
finds in it rather the suggestion of 
a smaller and less formal collection of 

on TJ/zeis- KrX.] 'that we who are 
alive, who survive unto the Parousia 
of the Lord.' These words must not 
be pressed as conveying a positive 
and unqualified declaration on the 
Apostles' part that the Lord would 
come during their lifetime, if only 
because as we learn elsewhere in 
these Epp. they were well aware that 
the time of that coming was quite 
uncertain (v. i, II. ii. i if.). At the 
same time there can be no doubt that 
the passage naturally suggests that 
they expected so to survive (cf. i Cor. 
xv. 5 1 f.), and we must not allow the 
fact that they were mistaken in this 
belief to deprive their words of their 
proper meaning, as when ij/ms is 
referred generally to believers who 
shall be alive at Christ's appearing, or 


* 6 ori CIVTOS 6 Kvpios ev KeXevcr/uLariy iv 

the participles are taken hypotheti- 
cally 'if we are alive,' 'if we survive.' 
How far indeed an interpreter may go 
in the supposed interests of Apostolic 
infallibility is shown by the attitude 
amongst others of Calvin who thinks 
that the Apostles used the first 
person simply in order to keep the 
Thessalonians on the alert ('Thessa- 
lonicenses in exspectationem erigere, 
adeoque pios omnes tenere suspen- 
ses') ! Asa matter of fact the near 
approach of the Parousia here im- 
plied would seem, notwithstanding 
many statements to the contrary, to 
have been held by St Paul throughout 
his life : see Kennedy Last Things 
pp. i6ofl'., where the evidence of the 
Epp. down to the closing statement 
Phil. iv. 5 6 Kvpios eyyvs is carefully 

On iTpi\f'nrfo-dai see below on v. 17, 
and on napovo-ia see Add. Note F. 

ov fj,r) (pdao-apfv xrX.] ' shall in no 
wise precede them that are fallen 
asleep.' So far from the living having 
any advantage at the Parousia over 
those already dead, it would rather 
be the other way, an assurance which 
was the more required in view of the 
prevalent Jewish belief that a special 
blessing attached to those who sur- 
vived the coming of the Kingdom : 
see Dan. xii. 12, Pss. Sol. xvii. 50, Asc. 
Isai. iv. 1 5 (with Charles's note), and es- 
pecially 4 Ezra xiii. 24 ' scito ergo quo- 
niam magisbeatificatisunt qui derelicti 
super eos qui mortui sunt ' ; while as 
showing how the same difficulty con- 
tinued to linger in the early Christian 
Church cf. Clem. Recogn. i. 52 (ed. 
Gersdorf ) ' Si Christi regno fruentur 
hi, quos iustos invenerit eius adventus, 
ergo qui ante adventum eius defuncti 
sunt, regno penitus carebunt ? ' 

Qdavfiv (ii. 1 6 note) reappears here 
in its generally class, sense of ' antici- 
pate,' 'precede,' old Engl. 'prevent' 
(Wright Bible Word-Book *.*.), cf. 

Sap. vi. 13, xvi. 28, where, as here, 
it is followed by an ace. 

The double negative ov ^ is found 
elsewhere in the Pauline Epp., apart 
from LXX. citations, only in v. 3, i Cor. 
viii. 13, Gal. v. 16, always apparently 
with the emphatic sense which it has 
in class. Gk., and which can also be 
illustrated from the Koii/rJ : see e.g. 
the well-known boy's letter to his 
father P.Oxy. 119, 14 f. (ii. iii./A.D.) 

ap, p.r) TTfJ.\lf7js ov fti) 0ayo>, ov fir] ircivco. 
ravra ' if you don't send, I won't eat, 
I won't drink ; there now ! ' On the 
general use of ov /; in the Gk. Bible 
see Moulton Prolegg. pp. 39, 187 ff. 

1 6. on] not parallel to the pre- 
ceding on, and like it dependent on 
Xtyojuef, but introducing a justification 
of the statement just made (ov /m) 
<p#ao-.) by a fuller description of the 
Lord's Parousia. 

avros o Kvpios KrX.] AVTOS (' Ipse, 
grandis sermo' Beng.) draws atten- 
tion to the fact that it is the Lord in 
'His own august personal presence' 
(Ellic.) Who will descend, and thereby 
assure the certainty of His people's 
resurrection (cf. i Cor. xv. 23). 

For the thought cf. Ac. i. ii, and 
for Karaftaivfiv in a similar eschato- 
logical sense cf. Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 2, 10, 
also Mic. i. 3 I8ov Kvpios e/C7ropeuerat 
K TOV TOTTOV avTov, Koi Kara/37/o~eTai 
e.Tri ra v\lrrj rfjs yrjs. 

On air ovpavov see i. 10 note. 

cv Kf\vo-p.a.Ti KT\.] ' with a shout of 
command, with an archangel's voice 
and with God's trumpet ' accompani- 
ments of the descending Lord, evi- 
dently chosen with special reference to 
the awaking of those who were asleep. 
The three clauses may represent 
distinct summonses, but the absence 
of any defining gen. with /ccXevtr/nart 
makes it probable that it is to be 
taken as the general idea, which is 
then more fully described by the two 
appositional clauses that follow. In 



air ovpavov, Kai ol veKpol ev XpurTto dvaa~Tr]<rovTai 

any case it must be kept in view that 
we are dealing here not with literal 
details, but with figures derived from 
the O.T. and contemporary Jewish 
writings, and that the whole is coloured 
by the imagery of our Lord's eschato- 
logical discourses, especially Matt, 
xxiv. 30 f. 

For the use of ev to denote the 
attendant circumstances of the Lord's 
descent cf. Lk. xiv. 31, Eph. v. 26, vi. 
2, Col. ii. 7; Blass p. 118. 

Ke'Xeuoyict (enr. \eyop,evov in the 
N.T., in LXX. only Prov. xxiv. 62 (xxx. 
27)) is frequently used in class. Gk. with 
reference to the ' word of command ' 
in battle (Hdt. iv. 141) or the 'call' 
of the KeXeuo-n)? to the rowers (Eur. 
Iph. in T. 1405) : cf. also for a close 
parallel to the passage before us Philo 
de praem. et poen. 19 (ii. p. 928 M.) 

avBpanrovs ev etr^artaTs aTraxKTiievovs 
paStW av ev\ KeXeva-fiaTL crvvaywyoi 

6eos diro nepaTuv. It is not stated by 
whom the KeXevafia in the present 
instance is uttered, perhaps by an 
archangel, more probably by the Lord 
Himself as the principal subject of 
the whole sentence. Reitzenstein 
(Poimandres, p. 5 n. 3 ) recalls a pas- 
sage from the Descensus Mariae in 
which Michael (see below) is described 

as TO Kf\vcrp.a TOV ayiov Trvevparos. 

ev (fxavfj oLpx a yy-\ ^ niore specific 
explanation of the preceding Ke'Xevo>ia. 
The word dpxdyye\os is found else- 
where in the N.T. only in Jude 9, 
where it is directly associated with 
Michael, who is generally supposed 
to be referred to here; cf. Lueken 
Michael (Gottingen, 1898), Volz Jud. 
Eschat. p. 195 for the part played by 
Michael in Jewish eschatology, and 
see also Cheyne Exp. vn. i. p. 289 ff. 
The absence of the artt., however, be- 
fore (fxovg and apxayyeKov makes it 
very doubtful whether any special arch- 
angel is thought of, and for the same 

reason the gen. both here and in 0-0X73-. 
6eov is best treated as possessive ' a 
voice such as an archangel uses,' 'a 
trumpet dedicated to God's service' 
(WM. p. 310). 

ev a-aXniyyi deov] In I Cor. xv. 52 
this accompaniment is twice referred 
to as a distinguishing sign of Christ's 
approach ev rfj ca^arr) adXiriyyi' traX- 
iria-ei yap *rX., the figure apparently 
being drawn from the parallel des- 
cription in Joel ii. I o-aXniaaTf craX- 
niyyi fv Seiuv,... Start Trapearti/ ijfJ-epa 
Kupi'ov, on eyyvs. 

For similar exx. of trumpet-sounds 
accompanying the revelations of God 
cf. Ex. xix. 16, Isa. xxvii. 13, Zech. 
ix. 14, Pss. Sol. xi. i, 4 Ezra vi. 23 
(' et tuba canet cum sono, quam cum 
omnes audierint subito expauescent ; ), 
and for the speculations of later 
Judaism on this subject see Weber 
Jud. Theologie p. 369 f. 

KOI ot veicpoi KrX.] ' and the dead 
in Christ shall rise first.' The whole 
phrase ot vcicpol ev Xp. forms one 
idea in antithesis to ?)/*. ot ^wvres of 
the following clause, the significant 
formula ev Xptoro) (cf. note on i. i) 
pointing to the principle of life.which 
was really at work in those who out- 
wardly seemed to be dead. 

The resurrection of all men does 
not here come into view, if indeed 
it is ever taught by St Paul (cf. Titius 
Seligkeit ii. p. 51 f.). All that the 
Apostles desire to emphasize, in 
answer to the Thessalonians' fears, 
is that the resurrection of ' the dead 
in Christ' will be the first act in 
the great drama at the Parousia, to 
be followed by the rapture of the 
' living ' saints : cf. especially Didache 
xvi. 6f. where a 'first' resurrection 
of the saints alive is similarly assumed, 
ai/ao-rao-ts veKpoiv' ov TTCLVTOIV 8e, a'XX* 
<as eppetir)' "H^et o Kvpios KOI irdvres ol 
dyioi /xer' avrov. 


OL toI/T9 OL 7rplei7rO/Ui6VOl afJ.0, 

crvv avTols dpTrayrjcrdiuLeOa iv ve(pe\ais ek dTra 

The v.l. Trpwroi (D*G) may perhaps 
be due to the desire to assimilate the 
passage to the wholly different Trpcorr) 
dvdo-Tcto-is of Rev. XX. 5. 

17. errfira ripels KT\.] 'then we who 
are alive, who survive' the qualify- 
ing clauses being repeated from v. 
15 for the sake of emphasis. HeptXei- 
TTopai is found only in these two vv. in 
the N.T., but occurs several times 
in the apocr. books of the LXX. (e.g. 
2 Mace. i. 31, 4 Mace. xiii. 18), and 
in the later Gk. verss. (e.g. Sm. Ps. 
xx. (xxi.) 13). The word is class. 

(Horn. II. xix. 230 oa-a-oi S' av TroXe'/Lioto 
Trept (TTuyepoto AiVcoimu), and survives 
in the Koivr, e.g. P. Par. 63, 168 f. 

(ii./B.C.) dyewpyrjTos TrepiXeKpdtjarfTai- 

The thought of the present passage 
finds a striking parallel in 4 Ezra 
vii. 28 'reuelabitur enim filius meus 
lesus cum his qui cum eo, et iocun- 
dabit qui relicti sunt annis quadrin- 
gentis ' : cf. also xiii. 24 cited above 
(v. 15 note). 

For eTTfiTa (eV eira, Hartung Partik. 
i. p. 302) denoting the speedy follow- 
ing of the event specified upon what 
has gone before, cf . i Cor. xv. 6 (with 
Ellicott's note). 

apz] to be closely connected with 
a-vv avrols 'together with them,' 'all 
together,' in a local rather than in a 
temporal (Vg. simul) sense : cf. v. 10, 
and for the studied force of the ex- 
pression see Deissmann US. p. 64 n. 2 . 

dpTrayr/o-o/ze^a] ' shall be caught up ' 

'snatched up' (Vg. rapiemur), the 
verb in accordance with its usage both 
in class. Gk. and the LXX. suggesting 
forcible or sudden seizure, which, as 
the context proves, is here due to 
Divine agency (cf. Ac. viii. 39, 2 Cor. 
xii. 2, 4, Rev. xii. 5), the effect being 
still further heightened by the mys- 
terious and awe-inspiring accompani- 
ment ev i/c^eXacff as the vehicle by 
which the quick and dead are wafted 

to meet their Lord (Grot. ' tanquam in 
curru triumphali '). According to 
Thackeray Relation of St Paul to 
Contemporary Jewish Thought ( 1 900) 
p. 109 f. no adequate illustration of 
this use of the 'clouds' has yet been 
produced from contemporary Jewish 
or Christian literature, but tor partial 
parallels cf. Mt. xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64 

(eVi r. vf(f)(\vv}, Rev. i. 7 (p,(Ta r. 
ve$eAa>i>), passages which point back 
ultimately to Dan. vii. 13 idov eVt 

(juera Th.) T<i3i> ve(p\a>v rov ovpavov (os 
vlos dv6pa>TTov rjfpxero, where the con- 
nexion with the present passage is all 
the closer owing to its primary refer- 
ence to the glorified people of Israel 
Cf. also the description of the taking 
up of Enoch : ' It came to pass when 
I had spoken to my sons these men 
(the angels A) summoned me and took 
me on their wings and placed me on 
the clouds ' (Secrets of Enoch iii. i). 

els aTrdvTijo-iv KT\.] lit. 'for a meet- 
ing of the Lord into (the) air' (Vg. 
obmam Christo in aera, Beza in 
occur sum Domini in aero}. The 
thought is that the ' raptured ' saints 
will be carried up into 'air,' as the 
interspace between heaven and earth, 
where they will meet the descending 
Lord, and then either escort Him down 
to the earth in accordance with O.T. 
prophecy, or more probably in keeping 
with the general context accompany 
Him back to heaven. In any case, in 
view of the general Jewish tendency 
to people the 'air ' with evil spirits (cf. 
Eph. ii. 2, and see Asc. Isai. vii. 9, 
Test. xii. patr. Benj. iii. 4 rov dcpiov 
irvevfjiciTos TOV /SeAiap), it can hardly 
be regarded here as the abode of final 
bliss: cf. Aug. de civ. Dei xx. 20. 2 
' non sic accipiendum est, tanquam in 
aere nos dixerit semper cum Domino 
esse mansuros; quia nee ipse utique 
ibi manebit, quia veniens transiturus 
est. Venienti quippe ibitur obviam, 


TOV Kupiov eJs depa- Kai OUTWS Travrore crvv 

non manenti.' It will be noted that 
nothing is said here of the physical 
transformation with which according 
to St Paul's teaching elsewhere (i Cor. 

xv - 35 53 2 Cor - v - i4, Phil- i". 
20 f.) this * rapture ' will be accom- 

The phrase els dndvTrja-iv (frequent 
in LXX. for Heb. nN^kY) is found c. 
gen. in Mt. xxvii. 32 (WH. mg.), c.dat. 
in Ac. xxviii. 15, and is used absolutely 
in Mt. xxv. 6 : cf. also Mt. xxv. i els 
V7rdvTr)o-iv TOV vvp,<piov where the 
closely-related vTrdvrrjo-iv lays stress on 
'waiting for' rather than on actual 
* meeting.' An interesting instance of 
the phrase is furnished by Polyb. v. 
26. 8 fiy TTJV dndvTrjo-iv ' at his re- 

ception,' with reference to the pre- 
parations made for the welcome of 
Apelles in Corinth, with which may 
be compared P.Tebt. 43, 7 (ii./B.c.) 
Trapfyfvijdrjuev els a.TrdvTrjo'iv of the 
formal reception of a newly-arriving 
magistrate. E.G. U. 362. vii. i7(iii./A.D.) 
TTpos [d]7raiT77[o-ti/ ToC] ijyffj-ovos and the 
Pelagia-Legendewp.ig (ed. Usener) els 

a-navrr](Tiv TOV 6<riov dvdpos illustrate 
the genitive-construction of the pas- 
sage before us. See further Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 14 n. 3 . 

KOI ovTvs KT\.] It was towards this 
goal, a life of uninterrupted (ndvTOTc) 
communion with his risen and glorified 
Lord that St Paul's longings in think- 
ing of the future always turned : cf. 
v. 10, II. ii. i, 2 Cor. v. 8, Col. iii. 4, 
Phil. i. 23 (TVV XpioTO) flvai. 

Christ is the end, for Christ was the 

Christ the beginning, for the end is 


The contrast with the generally 
materialistic expectations of the time 
hardly needs mention (see Intr. p. Ixx), 
but, as showing the height to which 

even Pharisaic belief occasionally rose, 

Cf. Pss. Sol. iii. 1 6 ot 5e (fropovnevot 
[TOV, Gebhardt] Kvptoy dvaarT^o~ovrai els 
farv at&vtov, KOI 17 far/ avT^v ev 0o)rt 
Kvplov KOI OVK cK\cfy(i en, and 4 Ezra 
viii. 39, 'sed iocundabor super ius- 
torura figmentum, peregrinationis 
quoque et saluationis et mercedis 

1 8. cS(TT TrapaKoXflTf fcrX.] Aug. : 

'Pereat contristatio, ubi tanta est 
consolatio' (Serm. clxxiii. 3). For 
TrapaKaXelv here evidently in its se- 
condary sense of ' comfort' see ii. 1 1 
note ; while, as showing the difference 
between Christian and heathen sources 
of comfort, reference may be made 
to the papyrus-letter of ' consolation ' 
(P.Oxy. 115 (ii./A.D.)) where, after ex- 
pressing his grief at the news of a 
friend's death, the writer concludes 

aXX' ofjLtos ovdev dvvaTai TIS Trpos TO. 
ToiavTa. rraprjyopeiTe ovv eavrovs, l but 
still there is nothing one can do in the 
face of such trouble. So I leave you 
to comfort yourselves.' For the whole 
letter see Add. Note A, and cf. Deiss- 
mann New Light on the N.T. (1907) 
p. 76. 

fv Tols \6yots TovTots] 'with these 
words' viz. vv. 1517. This is ap- 
parently one of the instances where 
a full instrumental sense can be given 
to *v in accordance with a usage not 
unknown in classical (Kiihner 3 431, 
3 a), and largely developed in later 
Gk., cf. Lk. xxii. 49, i Cor. iv. 21, 
and for exx. from the Koivrj see 
P.Tebt. 48, i8f. (ii./B.c.) AVKOS o~vv 
aXXois Iv oir\ois and the other in- 
stances cited by the editors on p. 86. 
On the consequent disappearance of 
another of the so-called 'Hebraisms' 
from the N.T. see Deissmann 8. 
p. n8ff., Moulton Prolegg. pp. 12, 
61 f., and cf. Kuhring p. 3 if. 



V. x riepl Se TWV %p6vo)v Kcti T(Lv KatpcoVy d$6\<poi, 
vfMV f ypd(f>ea'6ai, *avTOi yap aKpi/3ws 

porro de temporibus et opportuni- 
tatibus. The two words (cf. Ac. i. 7, 
Dan. ii. 21, vii. 12, Eccles. iii. i, Sap. 
viii. 8 ; P.Lond. i. 42, 23 f. (ii./B.c.) 


ovrtov Kaipnv) are often distinguished 
as if they referred to longer and 
shorter periods of time respectively 
(Beng. : xP OVO)V p^rtes^ Kcupoi), but 
Xpovos rather expresses simply dura- 
tion, time viewed in its extension, and 
Kaipos a definite space of time, time 
with reference both to its extent and 
character : cf. Tit. i. 2 f. where this 
distinction comes out very clearly, fy 
(sc. forjv al&viov) eV^yyeiXaTo o d\^ev- 
8f]S 6eos Trpc xP ova)V alwviatv e<ai>6pa><rez/ 
Se Kaipols idiots. In the present in- 
stance therefore xpovov may be taken 
as a general description of the ' ages ' 
that may elapse before the Parousia, 
while Kaipwv draws attention to the 
critical 'periods' (articuli) by which 
these 'ages' will be marked. 

In the N.T. Kaipos is very common 
with an eschatological reference, pro- 
bably, as Hort suggests (i Pet. p. 51), 
owing to the manner of its use in 
Daniel (ix. 27 &c.) : cf. Mk. xiii. 33, 
Lk. xxi. 8, 24, Ac. iii. 19, Eph. i. 10, 
i Tim. vi. 15, Tit. i. 3, Heb. ix. 10, 
Rev. i. 3, xi. 18, xxii. 10. It should 
be noted however that it is by no 
means limited by St Paul to its 
special use, but is also used of time 
generally, e.g. Rom. iii. 26, viii. 18, 
i Cor. vii. 29, Eph. v. 16 (with Robin- 
son's note). See further Trench Syn. 
Ivii., and for an interesting dis- 
cussion of the Gk. idea of Kaipos see 
Butcher Harvard Lectures on Greek 
Subjects (1904) p. ii7ff. The dis- 
tinction alluded to above survives in 
mod. Gk. where xP ovos ' y ear >' an( l 
Kaipos = l weather.' 

On dSeXcpm' see i. 4 note, and on 
ov xp- *x- see i y ' 9 n te- 

2. avrol yap aKptjB&s /crX.] ' For 


The second difficulty or danger of 
the Thessaloniaus was closely con- 
nected with the first. So long as 
they had thought that only those 
who were actually alive at the time 
of Christ's Parousia would share in 
His full blessedness, they had been 
doubly impatient of any postpone- 
ment in His coming, lest they them- 
selves might not survive to see that 
Day. And though the principal 
ground of their disquiet had now 
been removed (iv. 13 17), the pre- 
vailing restlessness and excitement 
were such (see Intr. p. xlvi f.), that the 
Apostles were led to remind their 
converts of what they had already 
laid down so clearly in their oral 
teaching, that ' the day of the Lord ' 
would come as a surprise (DO. i 5), 
and consequently that continued 
watchfulness and self-restraint were 
necessary on the part of all who would 
be found ready for it (ov. 6 n). 

15. 'We have been speaking of 
Christ's Return. As to the time 
when that will take place, Brothers, 
we do not need to say anything 
further. For you yourselves have 
already been fully informed that the 
coming of the Day of the Lord is as 
unexpected as the coming of a thief 
in the night. It is just when men 
are feeling most secure that ruin 
confronts them suddenly as the 
birth-pang a travailing woman, and 
escape is no longer possible. But as 
for you, Brothers, the case is very 
different. You are living in the day- 
light now : and therefore the coining 
of the Day will not catch you un- 

I. Ufpl Se T. xpovcav *crX.] Vg. de 

temporibus autem et momentis, Beza 


oi$aT6 OTL rifjiepa Kvpiov ws K\67TTrjs ev VVKTI OVTWS 

yourselves (A.V. 1611 'your selues') 
know accurately' a further appeal 
to the Thessalonians' own experience 
(cf. ii. i note), the addition of a*picSs 
being due not only to the stress laid 
by the Apostles on this point in their 
oral teaching, but perhaps also to the 
fact that then as now (see below) that 
teaching had been based on the actual 
words of the Lord. For a somewhat 
similar use of aKpipvs cf. Ac. xviii. 25 
where it is said of Apollos cdi'dao-jccp 
aKpifiais ra nepl rov *Ir)(rov, though it 
is going too far to find there with 
Blass a proof that Apollos made use 
of a written gospel ('accurate... vide- 
licet non sine scripto euangelio ' : cf. 
Knowling E.G.T. ad loc., and see 
J. H. A. Hart J.T.S. vii. p. 176.). 
In Eph. v. 15, the only other Pauline 
passage where the word occurs, it can 
mean little more than ' carefully ' if we 
follow the best-attested reading /3Xc- 
TTcre ovv dupipas (N*B) : if however 
with N C A aicpipus belongs to nepi- 
Trarelrf, the thought of strict con- 
formity to a standard is again 
introduced. The same idea under- 
lies the old Engl. use of 'diligently' 
by which the word is rendered in 
the A.V. of Mt. ii. 8 (cf. JKpi&axrev 

'inquired diligently' v. 7), as is shown 
by the translators' own description of 
their version as 'with the former 
Translations diligently compared and 

'A/cpt<5s is found with olda as here 
in P.Cairo 3, 8f. (iii./B.c.) oira>$ anpi- 
s, P.Petr. n. 15 (i), 1 1 (iii./B.c.) 
aKpi/3o>s ; cf. P.Hib. 40, 6 f. 
(iii./B.C.) Tri<rraaro pevroi anpift(t>s. 

on rfpepa Kvpiov KT\.] an evident 
reminiscence of the Lord's own teach- 
ing Mt. xxiv. 43, Lk. xii. 39 : cf. Rev. 
iii. 3, xvi. 1 5, and for a similar use of 
the same figure 2 Pet. iii. 10. The 
absence of the art. before i/pcpa is 
due not only to the fact that the 

expression had come to be regarded 
as a kind of proper name, but to the 
emphasis laid on the character of the 
day, a day of the Lord. It ' belongs 
to Him, is His time for working, for 
manifesting Himself, for displaying 
His character, for performing His 
work His strange work upon the 
earth ' (A. B. Davidson, Tluol of the 
0.7! (1904) p. 375). 

The phrase is first found in the 
O.T. in Amos v. 18 ff., where the 
prophet criticizes the popular ex- 
pectation that the 'day' was to be a 
day not of judgment but of national de- 
liverance (perhaps in connexion with 
phrases like the ' day of Midian ' Isa. 
ix. 4 recalling the victory of Israel 
over her foes, see W. R. Smith 
Prophets of Israel 2 p. 397 f.). It is 
very frequent in the later prophecies 
(e.g. Isa. ii. i2ff., Zeph. i. 7ff., Mai. 
iii. 2, iv. i), and always with a definite 
eschatological reference to the term 
fixed for the execution of judgment : 
see further A. B. Davidson op. cit. 
p. 3748"., and Art. ' Eschatology ' in 
Hastings' D.B. i. p. 735 ff., also the 
elaborate discussion in Gressmann 
Der Ursprung der israelitisch-jii- 
dischen Eschatologie (1905) p. 141 ff. 

The actual comparison toy /cXeVrT/s 
is not found in the O.T. (but cf. Job 
xxiv. 14, Jer. xxix. 10 (xlix. 9), Obad. 
5), while the addition of eV wicri, 
which is peculiar to the present 
passage, may have led to the belief 
so widely prevalent in the early 
Church that Christ would come at 
night (Lact. Instt. vii. 19 'intempesta 
nocte et tenebrosa,' Hieron. ad Mt. 
xxv. 6 ' media nocte '). "Epxercu, pres. 
for fut., lends vividness and certainty 
to the whole idea (cf. Blass, p. 189). 

For Jewish apocalyptic speculations 
as to the nearness of the End, com- 
bined with uncertainty as to its exact 
date, see Volz Jud. Eschat. p. 162 ff. 


KCZI acr>ae*a, Tore 
eTriorraTai oXeOpos co(nrep Y\ taSlv Trj iv 

V 3 OTO.V solum K*AG 17 alpauc d g Go Syr (Pesh) Boh Arm Aeth Iren lat Tert 
Cypr Orig lat Ambst Hier Theod-Mops lat al: 6rav 5t K C BD al Syr (Hard) Eus Chr Tbdt 

3. orai/ \eyvcriv KrX.] There is 

good authority for inserting 8e(WH. 
nig.) after orai>, but on the whole MS. 
evidence is against it, and the verse 
must be regarded as standing in close 
(asyndetic) relation to the preceding 
clause. The subject is left indefinite, 
but can only be unbelieving men 
(Beng. : 'ceteri, quisunt tenebraruiri}, 
while the pres. (instead of the aor.) 
subj. after orav points to coincidence 
of time in the events spoken of: it is 
'at the very moment when they are 
saying' &c., cf. Rev. xviii. 9, and see 
Abbott Joh. Gr. p. 385. 

ElprjvTj KT\.] a reminiscence of Ezek. 

xiii. 10 (XeyovTCS Elprivrj, Kai OVK r\v 
fipriVTj), aacpaXfia (Vg. securitas, 
Clarom. munitio, Ambrstr. firmitas) 
being added here to draw increased 
attention to the feeling of security. 
The latter word is rare in the N.T. 
occurring elsewhere only twice in Lk. 
(Go. 1 Ac. 1 ) : in the papyri it is found 
as a law-term = ' bond/ ' security,' e.g. 
P.Tebt. 27, 73 f. (ii./B.c.) avev TOV 

dovvai Trjv do~(pd\fiav. 

Tore al<pvidios KT\.] Cf. Lk. xxi. 34 
e eavTol.s .r 7rore... 


Al(e}(pviSios is found only in these 
two passages in the N.T., but it 
occurs several times in the O.T. 
apocrypha, Sap. xvii. 15 (14) atyvidios 

yap avTols KOI drrpocrdoKrjTos (pojBos 

fTrrjXQev, 2 Mace. xiv. 17, 3 Mace. iii. 
24; cf. also O.G.I.S. 339, 18 (ii./B.c.) 

CK TTJS ai(pvi8iov TTfptarao-ecoy. For the 

form see WH. 2 Notes p. 1 57 f., and for 
the use of the adjective, where we 
would expect an adverb, to give point 
and clearness to the sentence see 
WM. p. 582 f. The adverb is found 


in P.Fay. 123, 21 f. (c. A.D. 100) aXXa 

al(pvi8 t'[[']Jo> s f'ipTjxfv TJ/JUV crr/juepoi/. 

In eTTio-rarai (Vg. superveniet, Beza 
imminet} the idea of suddenness does 
not belong to the verb itself, though 
frequently, as here, it is suggested by 
the context, cf. Lk. xx. i, Ac. vi. 12, 
xvii. 5, where tyUmjfu is used simi- 
larly of hostile intent. It occurs 
elsewhere in the Pauline writings 
only in 2 Tim. iv. 2, 6. The un- 
aspirated form eVio-Tarai may be due 
to confusion with the other verb eVi- (WH. 2 Notes p. 151, WSchm. 

P- 39)- 

"OXedpos (class., LXX.) is confined in 
the N.T. to the Pauline Epp., and, 
while not necessarily implying anni- 
hilation (cf. i Cor. v. 5), carries with 
it the thought of utter and hopeless 
ruin, the loss of all that gives worth 
to existence (II. i. 9, i Tim. vi. 9) : cf. 
Sap. i. 12 and especially 4 Mace. x. 15 

where TOV aiwviov TOV rvpdvvov oXedpov 
is contrasted with TOV do/di/top ro>i/ 
euVe/3a>i/ /Stov. The word is thus 
closely related to dnaXeia (Mt. vii. 
13, Rom. ix. 22, Phil. iii. 19) : see 
further J. A. Beet The Last Things 
(ed. 1905) p. 1 22 if. 

ojo-Trep r) coS/i/ KrA.] Another remi- 
niscence of our Lord's teaching, Mt. 
xxiv. 8, Mk. xiii. 8, cf. Jo. xvi. 21. 
The same figure is frequent in the 
O.T. e.g. Isa. xiii. 8, Jer. iv. 31, Hos. 
xiii. 13, 2 Esdr. xvi. 38 f. passages 
which doubtless suggested the Rab- 
binic expectation of the n^^n'^^rij 
see Schiirer GescMchte 3 ii. p. 523 f. 
(E.Tr. Div. n. ii. p. 154 f.), Weber Jud, 
Theol. p. 350 f. The expression is 
never however used by St Paul in 
this sense (for the idea cf. i Cor. vii. 
26), and in the present passage the 



<ya(TTpi exovcrri, Kal ov pr) 6K<pvytx)oriv. 4 viueis Se, 
(poi, OVK eVre ev crKOTei, iva Y\ v/mepa v/uas ok r /cAe7rTas n 
KaTa\d/3tj, 5 7rai/T5 yap i^uels viol (pwTOS ecrre Kal viol 

4 KA<?7rras AB Boh: 

KDGr ce /ere onm 

Ephr Chr Theod-Mops 1 ** 

figure must not be pressed to denote 
more than the suddenness of the 

For suddenly 

It comes; the dreadfulness must be 
In that ; all warrants the belief 
'At night it cometh like a thief.' 

(B. Browning ' Easter-Day.') 
The late aJ&V (for o>6\'s) is found in 
the LXX. Isa. xxxvii. 3; cf. in the 
Koii/T? nom. evdvpiv, P.Grenf. n. 35, 5 
(i./B.c.). In ov w eKcpvy. we have 
probably another reminiscence of Lk. 
xxi. (see above), Iva Karto-xvo-qre eK(pv- 
yelv ravra iravra (v. 36). For the 
absolute use of the verb in the 
present passage cf. Ac. xvi. 27, Heb. 
ii. 3, xii. 25, Sir. xvi. 13 (14), and for 
ov M see the note on iv. 15. 

4. vfuls be *rX.] 'Y/ieis emphatic, 
and conjoined with the following 
d8e\(pol. suggesting a direct contrast 
to the unbelieving men of v. 3 : cf. 
Eph. iv. 20. Whatever the past state 
of the Thessalonians may have been, 
in the eyes of the Apostles they are 
no longer (OVK. eVre) in darkness, the 
reference being not merely to mental 
ignorance (Thdt. rrjv ayvoiav), but, as 
the sequel shows, including also the 
thought of moral estrangement from 
God (Chrys. rov o-KOTfivov Kal aK.d6ap- 
rov ftiov). For the general thought 
cf. 2 Cor. vi. 14, Eph. v. 8, Col. i. 12. 
To (for o) O-KOTOS, rare in good Attic 
writers, is the regular form in the 
N.T. : cf. LXX. Isa. xlii. 16. 

im 77 ^e'pa *crX.] It is possible to 
give Iva here its full telic force (cf. ii. 
1 6) as indicating the Divine purpose 
for those who are still eV O-KOTCI, but 
it is simpler to find another instance 
of its well-established late ecbatic use, 
'so that the day...': see the note on 

iv. i. 'H 7/piepa can only be 'the day' 
already referred to (v. 2), the day par 
excellence, the day of judgment, while 
for KaraXdpr) (Vg. comprehendat, Beza 
deprehendat] of 'overtake' in a hostile 
sense cf. Mk. ix. 18, Jo. xii. 35, and 
the saying ascribed to the Lord ev ols 

av vp,as KaraXa/3a), ev TOVTOIS Kal Kpiv<o 

(Just. M. Dial. 47). 

a5y K\7rras\ By an inversion of 
metaphor by no means uncommon in 
the Pauline writings (cf. ii. 7 b note), 
the figure of the 'thief is now trans- 
ferred from the cause of the surprise 
(o. 2) to its object, the idea being that 
as the 'day' unpleasantly surprises 
the thief who has failed in carrying 
through his operations, so 'the day' 
will 'overtake' those who are not 
prepared for it. The reading how- 
ever, though well-attested, is by no 
means certain, and the dependence 
of the whole passage on Mt. xxiv. 43 
(Lk. xii. 39) may be taken as sup- 
porting the easier KXeVr/y? ( 
Weiss (Textkritik p. 17) regards v^as 
cor KXen-ra? as a 'purely mechanical 

5. TrdvTcs yap v^els *rX.] a restate- 
ment of what has just been said from 
the positive side, but extended to em- 
brace all, and deepened by the relation 
now predicated of the Thessalonians. 
They are not only ' in ' light, but are 
'sons of light,' sharing in the being 
and nature of light, and also ' sons of 
day,' rjpepas being used apparently not 
so much generally of the enlightened 
sphere in which light rules, as with 
special reference to the 'day' of 
Christ's appearing already spoken of, 
in which the Thessalonians in virtue 
of their Christian standing will have 
part. On the connexion of light with 


6 7 


\oi7roi, d\\d 

6 apa ovv fjiri 

Kai VYI<p(tifJiV. 

the day of the Lord in O.T. prophecy 
see such passages as Hos. vi. 5 TO 
Kp[fj,a fj.ov u>s (peas e^\vo~eTai, Mic. vii. 

S f. fCLV K.aQi(T<i> fV TO) CTKOTft, KuplOff 

(pamei /iot...Kat fdeis pe fls TO (peas, 

and cf. Enoch xxxviii. 4 (with Charles's 
note), cviii. n f. 

For the 'New Testament' idiom 
underlying vi. (pcor. and vi. T//Z. cf. Lk. 
xvi. 8, Eph. v. 8 and see Deissmann 
BS. p. 161 if., and for the chiasmus 
O-KOTOVS corresponding to (pcoroy, and 
VVKTOS to jpepas see Kiihner 3 607, 
3. Lft. cites by way of illustration 
Eur. Iph. in Taur. 1025 6 I<l>. cos- 
drj cr KOTOS Xa/SoVrey eKcrcoOelpev av; OP. 
/cXeTrrcov yap j) vv, TTJS fi' dXrjdeias TO 
ipcoy, but the passage is wanting in 
the best MSS., and is probably a 
Christian interpolation. 

5 b 1 1 . ' Surely then, as those who 
have nothing to do with the darkness, 
we (for this applies to you and to 
us alike) ought not to sleep, but to 
exercise continual watchfulness and 
self-control. Night is the general 
time for sleep and drunkenness. But 
those who belong to the day must 
control themselves, and put on the 
full panoply of heaven. That will not 
only protect them against sudden 
attack, but give them the assurance 
of final and complete salvation. Sal- 
vation (we say), for this is God's 
purpose for us, and He has opened 
up for us the way to secure it through 
our Lord Jesus Christ. His death on 
our behalf is the constant pledge that, 
living or dying, we shall live together 
with Him. Wherefore comfort and 
edify one another, as indeed we know 
that you are already doing.' 

5 b . OVK eo~p,ev VVKTOS KrX.] For the 

substitution of the ist for the 2nd 
pers. see Intr. p. xliv n. 2 , and for the 
gen. with co-pev pointing to the sphere 
to which the subjects belong see WM. 
p. 244. 

6. apa ovv] introduces emphatically 
the necessary conclusion from the 
preceding statement, ' the illative apa 
being supported and enhanced by 
the collective and retrospective ovv' 
(Ellic.). The combination is peculiar 
to St Paul in the N.T., and always 
stands at the beginning of sentences, 
cf. II. ii. 15, Rom. v. 18, vii. 3, 25 &c., 
Gal. vi. 10, Eph. ii. 19, and see WM. 
p. 556 f. 

JUT) Kadevdco/Jiev AcrX.] For Ka6evSa> 

in its ethical sense of moral and 
spiritual insensibility cf. Mk. xiii. 36, 
Eph. v. 14, and contrast the usage in 
v. 7 and again in v. 10. For cos of 
XOITTOI see the note on iv. 13. 

aXXa yp^yopcu/zej/ *crX.] Cf. I Pet. 

v. 8 where the same combination of 
words is found though in a different 
connexion. In the present passage 
the words are probably echoes of our 
Lord's own eschatological teaching; 

thus for yprjyopwfjifv cf. Mt. XXIV. 42, 

xxv. 13, Mk. xiii. 35, and for i/^co/nei/ 
cf. Lk. xxi. 34, where however the 
word itself does not occur. 

Tp^yopeo) (a late formation from 
eyprjyopa, Lob. Phryn. p. 118 f., 
WSchm. p. io4ii. 2 ) is found twenty- 
three times in the N.T., and occasion- 
ally in the later books of the LXX., 
e.g. Jer. xxxviii. 28, i Mace. xii. 27 
TTTaev 'l&vaOav Tols Trap' avTov ypf]- 
yopflv...di oX^s TTJS VVKTOS', cf. also 
Ign. Polyc. i. yprjyopei a.Kolp.rjTOV 

7rvevp.a KeKTrj/jievos. From it was 
formed the new verbal noun ypy- 
y6pr)o-is Dan. TH. v. n, 14: cf. also 
the proper name rp^yopios-. 

In addition to this v. and v. 8 vrj(pco 
is found in the N.T. only in 2 Tim. iv. 
5 (j>?7<pe ev Traa-iv) and three times in 
i Pet. (i. 13, iv. 7, v. 8). As dis- 
tinguished from -ypT/yopeco, a mental 
attitude, it points rather to a con- 
dition of moral alertness, the senses 
being so exercised and disciplined 



7 ol yap KadevSovres VVKTOS KaBevSovcriv, Kat ol 

juevoi VVKTOS 

q/uLels e q/uepas oes 

7Ti(rT6a)S Kat 


that all fear of sleeping again is re- 
moved (Chrys. : yprjyopya'ecas entrains 
7 v^is eVni>) : cf. Aristeas 209 where 
the Tponos jSaoriXeiay is said to consist 

in TO (TVVTr)pflv...eavTov ddwpodoKTjrov 

KCU Vl](plV TO 7T\doV fJLCpOS TOV ftlOV . 

7. of yap Ka0(v8ovTs *rX.] There 

is no need to look here for any figura- 
tive reference of the words (e.g. Clem. 

Al. Paed. II. ix. 80, I rovrea-Ttv ev TO> 
rrfs dyvoias o-Koro), Aug. ad Ps. CXXxi. 

8) : they are simply a statement of the 
recognized fact that night is the 
general time when men sleep and 
are drunken; cf. 2 Pet. ii. 13 rjdovrjv 
ijyovfj,i>oi rr)v ev yfJ-epq rpvcpr/v for the 

deeper blame associated with revel- 
ling in the day-time, and see Mt. 
xxiv. 48 ff. for the possible source of 
the passage before us. 

The verbs /uedvo-jca lit. 'make drunk ' 
and p.eOva> 'am drunk' are here virtu- 
ally synonymous ('ohne merklichen 
Unterschied,' WSchm. p. 129), and 
nothing is gained by trying to dis- 
tinguish them in translation (Vg. 
ebrii sunt... ebrii sunt, Clarom., Beza 
inebriantur . . . ebrii sunt}. NVKT-OS, 
gen. of time, cf. x l ^ v s Mk. xiii. 
1 8, and see WM. p. 258. 

8. Tjufls Se /crX.] ' But let us, since 
we are of the day, be sober' the 
part, having a slightly causal force 

almost = on rjfjifpas ecr^ev. On the 
other hand the aor. part. ei/Suo-ajuei/oi 
is to be closely connected with the 
principal verb as indicating the 
manner in which the vrjfaiv is ac- 
complished, ' having put on ' once for 
all, whether as an antecedent or a 
necessary accompaniment : cf. i Pet. 

i. 13 dvaa>(rdfji6voi...vr)(povTs reAeiW, 
eXTTitrare CTTI r. (pepop.ei>r)V vfuv X<*P IV 
fv diroK.a\v\l/i Irj&ov Xptarroi). 

$o0pa/ca niarecos /<rX.] The first OC- 

currence of the favourite Pauline 

figure of armour: cf. Rom. xiii. i2f. 
(where there is the same connexion 
of thought), 2 Cor. vi. 7, x. 4, and for 
a more detailed account Eph. vi. 13 ff. r 
where however the particulars of the 
figure are applied somewhat differ- 
ently, showing that the imagery must 
not be pressed too closely. For the 
origin of the simile in each case see 
the description of Jehovah in Isa. 

lix. 17 Kal evediHTaro diKaio(rvvrjv a5$- 

(TOOTIJplOV 67Tt rf)S K(pa\fjs (cf. Isa. Xi. 

4f., Sap. v. i7ff.), though in his use 
of it St Paul may also have been in- 
fluenced by the Jewish conception of 
the last great fight against the armies 
of Antichrist (Dan. xi., Orac. Sib. Hi. 
663 f., 4 Ezra xiii. 33, Enoch xc. 16) as 
suggested by SH. p. 378. 

It should be noted however that 
in the present instance the weapons 
spoken of are only those of defence 
in view of the trials which beset be- 
lievers. Thus we have in the first 
place 6(op. nio-Teus KT\. ' a breastplate 
of (or, consisting in) faith and love' 
(gen. of apposition, Blass p. 98) a 
significant complement to the #o>p. r. 
diKaio<rvi>T)s of Eph. vi. 14: 'by faith 
we are able to realise the Divine will 
and the Divine power and by love to- 
embody faith in our dealings with 
men : this is righteousness' (Westcott 
ad loc.}. This is accompanied by 

7T(piK<p. e\nida (TtoTrjpias 'an helmet 
the hope of salvation,' where from its 
eschatological reference o-cor^pms can 
only be gen. obj. 'hope directed to- 
wards salvation,' the mention of 'hope' 
which does not occur in the Isaian 
and Ephesian passages being in accord 
with the dominant teaching of the 
whole Epistle. 

The Hellenistic 7repi/c6<paXeu'a is 
found eleven times in the LXX., else- 


\7ri$a cooTHpiAc' 9 OTi ovK 606TO r >7'//as eo 45 opyrjv 
d\\a ek TrepiTroirjeriv crwTrjpias Sid TOV Kvpiov ri 
[XpurTOv], IO TOV a.7rodav6vTOS r 


9 -^ytias 6 debs] 6 debs fytcas B 37 116 
virep K C ADG cet Chr Thdt al 

where in the N.T. only in Eph. vi. 
1 7. For the growth in the Bibl. con- 
ception o-am/pt'a, which in the Kounj 
is frequently = ' health' e.g. B.G.U. 
380, 19 ff. (a mother's letter, iii./A.D.) 

fj,r] ovv dp,\TJo~r)s, Te%vov, ypdtye /not 
TTfpi rfjs crajTTjpias [0"]ot;, see SH. p. 23 f. 

The title cr&TJp is discussed by Wend- 
land Z.N. T. W. v. (1904) p. 335 ff., and 
<rca(ii> and its derivatives by Wagner 
Z.N,T.W. vi. (1905) p. 205 ff., where 
it is shown that in the N.T. the 
positive conception of deliverance to 
new and eternal life is predominant. 

9. OTi OVK eQfTO KT\.] *Ort, ' be- 

cause,' introducing the ground not so 
much of the hope as of the completed 
salvation just referred to, which is 
now described under its two essential 
aspects of (i) deliverance from wrath, 
(2) the imparting of eternal life. It 
is with (i) only that the present v. 
is concerned and that from (a) a 
negative (OVK e&cro rX.) and (6) a 
positive standpoint (aXXa els ireparoi- 


While the 'somewhat vague' 
fdero must not be pressed too far, it 
clearly carries back the deliverance 
of the Thessalonians to the direct 
purpose and action of God, cf. i. 4, 
ii. 12, II. ii. 13 f., and see Intr. p. Ixv. 
For a similar use of rtTfy/u cf. Jo. xv. 
1 6, Ac. xiii. 47, i Tim. ii. 7, 2 Tim. i. 
n, and i Pet. ii. 8 (with Hort's note). 

For opyr; cf. i. io note. 

fiy TTpnroLr)o~iv (TGOTrjpmy] a difficult 

phrase from the doubt whether Trept- 
noirja-iv is to be understood actively 
of the ' winning ' of salvation on the 
part of man, or passively of the 
' adoption ' of (consisting in) salvation 
bestowed by God. In support of the 

XpioroO om B Aeth 

latter view appeal is made to i Pet. 
ii. 9 and Eph. i. 14, but the sense of 
the former passage (which is taken 
from Mai. iii. 17) is determined by the 
use of the word Xao'y, 'people for a 
possession,' and in Eph. i. 14 the 
passive sense, though undoubtedly 
more natural, is not necessary (cf. 
Abbott 'a complete redemption which 
will give possession '). And as in the 
only other passages where the word 
occurs in the N.T. (II. ii. 14, Heb. x. 
39), the active sense is alone suitable, 
it is better to employ it here also, all 
the more so because, as Findlay has 
pointed out, it is the natural sequel of 
the 'wakeful, soldierlike activity' to 
which the Thessalonians have already 
been summoned (vv. 6 8). 

The thought of this activity on the 
part of true believers is not however 
allowed to obscure the real source of 
all salvation, namely 8ia T. Kvp. r)/i. 
'ir/o-. [XptoroG], where emphasis is laid 
not only on the Divine side (Kvpiov) 
of the historic Jesus, but, if Xpto-rou 
(omit B aeth) is read, on the fulfilment 
in Him of God's redemptive purposes. 
On how this is effected, and the full 
blessing of salvation as eternal life 
secured, the next v. proceeds to show. 

io. rov dnodavovTos rX.] a re- 
lative clause emphasizing that it is 
specially to the Lord ' who died ' that 
we must look as the medium of our 
salvation, the intimate character of 
the relation between His 'death' and 
our 'life' being brought out still more 
clearly if we can adopt the v.l. virep 
(WH. mg.) for the more colourless irepi, 
which is found elsewhere in the Pau- 
line Epp. in a similar connexion only 
in Rom. viii. 3 (apaprias), cf. Gal. i. 4 


iT rypivyopto/uiev eiVe 

fjia <rvv avTto 
Aio TrapaKaXeiTe d\\ii\ovs Kai oiKoSo]UL6iTe els TOV 



WH. nig. The point cannot however 
be pressed in view of the ' enfeebling ' 
of the distinction between the two 
prepositions in late and colloquial Gk. : 
cf. Moulton Prolegg. p. 105. 

It will be noticed that there is no 
direct mention here of the accom- 
panying Resurrection of Christ as in 
i. 10, iv. 14, and generally throughout 
the Pauline Epp. (Rom. iv. 25, v. 10 
&c.), but it is implied in the follow- 
ing apa (rvv avro) r/cr<BjMei>. For the 
doctrinal significance of this whole 
verse see Intr. p. Ixviiif. 

tra eire ypj/yopeS/uei/ *rX.] 'in Order 
that whether we wake or sleep ' the 
verbs being used no longer in the 
ethical sense of v. 6, but by a slight 
change of figure as metaphorical de- 
signations of life and death. Thdt. : 

eyprjyopoTas yap eKoXccrf rovs en KCIT' 

CKCIVOV TOV KaipOV TTeplOVTaf ' KttdfV- 

dovras de TOU? rereXeurTjKoray. 

To this particular use of yprjyopect) 
no Bibl. parallel can be adduced, but 
Kadevda), as denoting death, is found 
in the LXX., Ps. Ixxxvii. (Ixxxviii.) 6, 
Dan. xii. 2. Wohlenberg suggests that 
some proverbial saying may underlie 
the phrase (cf. i Cor. x. 31), and cites 
by way of illustration Plato Sym. 
203 A where it is said of Eros dia 

TOVTOV ncKni ecrnv rj o/uXta KOI rj 8td- 
XeKroy 6eols Trpos avflpwrrovs, Kai eypf]- 
yopoa-i Kai icaQevdovo-i. In its use here 
the Apostles were doubtless influenced 
by the perplexity of the Thessalonians 
which their previous teaching had 
been directed to meet (iv. 136.). 

Eire...ir6 with the sub]., though 
rare among Attic prose-writers (cf. 

Plato Legg. xii. 9580 fire ns apprjv 
fire TIS 6f)\vs ft), is common in Hellen- 
istic and late Gk. In the present 
instance the subj. may be the result 
of attraction to the principal verb 

, but is perhaps sufficiently 
explained by the nature of the 
thought, the 'waking' or 'sleeping' 
being presented in each case as a 
possible alternative (Burton 253). 

a/za o-vv avrco ^aro)fj,ev] 'we should 

live together with Him' the use of 
the aor. ija-a>pv pointing to this 'life' 
as a definite fact secured to us by the 
equally definite death (T. dnodavovTos) 
of our Lord. It may be noted how- 
ever that Blass (p. 212) prefers the 
reading tfa-ofjiev (A) on the ground 
that the aor. tfo-atpcv (K al) would 
mean ' come to life again ' as in Rom. 
xiv. 9. 

The question whether this 'life' is 
to be confined to the new life which 
belongs to believers here, or to the 
perfected life that awaits them here- 
after, can hardly be said to arise. It 
is sufficient for the Apostle that 
through union with (a/xa crvv, iv. 17 
note) their Lord believers have an 
actual part in His experience, and 
that consequently for them too 
'death' has been transformed into 
' life ' ; cf. Rom. xiv. 8 f. 

For ' to live ' as the most universal 
and pregnant description of 'salvation ' 
in the apocalyptic teaching of St Paul's 
day see Volz Jud. Eschatologie p. 306. 

II. Aio TrapaxaXelre KrX.] Cf. iv. 
1 8, 816 here taking the place of Jo-re, 
as serving better to sum up the 
different grounds of encouragement 
contained in the whole section iv. 
13 v. 10. 

Kal otKoSo/zeire KT\.] 'and build up 

each the other' (Vg. aedificate al- 
terutrum, Beza aedificate singuli 
singulos] the first occurrence of a 
favourite Pauline metaphor, perhaps 
originally suggested by our Lord's 
own words (Mt. xvi. 18, cf. vii. 24 ff.), 
and here used in its widest spiritual 


ev VJJLLV Ka 7rjOoi'o"T/>teof9 V/ULCOV ev Kvpio Kai 

sense (cf. i Cor. xiv. 4). Blass (p. 144) 
traces the unusual combination els TOV 
eva ( = aXXr/'Xouy) to Semitic usage, but 
it finds at least a partial parallel in 
Theocr. xx. (xxii.) 65 els evl x ~ l P a * 
ciftpov. The nearest N.T. parallel is 

I Cor. iv. 6 iva fj,rj ei? vnep rov evbs 
(pv(novo~de Kara rov erepou, ' St Paul's 

point there being the dividing effect 
of inflatedness or puffing up, as here 
the uniting effect of mutual building 
up' (Hort Ecclesia p. i25n. 1 ): cf. 
also Eph. v. 33 oi KaB' eVa, and in 
mod. Gk. the phrase o evas TOV aXXov. 
KO^OOS- KOI Trotelrf ] Grot. : ' Alternis 
adhibet hortamenta et laudes : quasi 
diceret, o-nev8ovTa KOI UVTOV orpvi/eo 
festinantem hortor et ipsum.' 


1 2 1 5. From the general exhorta- 
tion contained in the preceding section 
(iv. i v. n) the Apostles now turn 
to define more particularly the duties 
of their converts (i) to their leaders 
(ev. 12, 13) and (2) to the disorderly 
and faint-hearted in their number 
(vv. 14, 15) the counsels in both 
instances being addressed to the com- 
munity at large, as shown by the 
repeated dde\<pol (vv. 12, 14) without 

12, 13. 'And now to pass before 
closing to one or two points in this 
life of mutual service, we call upon 
you, Brothers, to pay proper respect 
to those who exercise rule over you 
in the Lord. Hold them in the 
highest esteem and love on account 
of their Divine calling, and thus pre- 
serve a spirit of peace in the whole 

12. cldevat] evidently used here 
in the sense of 'know in their true 
character,' 'appreciate' (Calv. : ' Ag- 
noscere hie significat Habere rationem 

aut respectum ') a usage of the word 
for which no adequate parallel has 
yet been produced from class, or 
Bibl. Gk. : cf. however i Cor. xvi. 18 

e7riyiv(0(TK(T ovv TOVS TOIOVTOVS, and 

see Ign. Smyrn. ix. Ka\a>s ?x Qeov 
KOI CTTIO-KOTTOV cldevcu. Bornemann well 
remarks on the 'Feinheit' displayed 
in the choice of the word in the 
present passage : it is knowledge 
founded on 'Einsicht' that the writers 
have in view. 

TOVS KOTritoVTas *rX.] ' them that toil 
among you, and are over you in the 
Lord, and admonish you.' In view of 
the common art. the three participles 
must be referred to the same persons, 
in all probability the 'presbyters/ their 
work being regarded from three dif- 
ferent points of view, cf. i Tim. v. 17 
and see Intr. p. xlviif. 

K.omatVTas\ KoTTiao) in class. Gk. = 
'grow weary,' a sense which it also 
retains in the LXX. (e.g. 2 Regn. xvii. 
2, Isa. xl. 30), is generally used in the 
N.T. (contrast Mt. xi. 28, Jo. iv. 6, 
Rev. ii. 3) with the derived meaning 
of 'toil,' 'work with effort,' with re- 
ference to both bodily and mental 
labour (cf. KOTTOV, i. 3 note). It is a 
favourite word with St Paul (Epp. 14 ), 
who frequently employs it with re- 
ference to the laborious character of 
his own ministerial life (i Cor. xv. 
10, Gal. iv. 11, Phil. ii. 16, Col. i. 29, 
i Tim. iv. 10). Lft. (ad Ign. Polyc. 
vi.) derives the metaphor from the 
toilsome training for an athletic con- 
test. By the use of the word here, 
as Calvin characteristically remarks, 
the Apostle excludes from the class 
of pastors ' omnes otiosos ventres.' 

TrpoYora/xeVovf] not a technical term 
of office as shown by its position be- 
tween KOTTtwvTas and vov0TovvTas, but, 
in accordance with the general usage 
of the verb in the N.T. (Rom. xii. 
8, i Tim. iii. 4, 5, 12, cf. Tit. iii. 8, 


ret? v/uLas, I3 Kai rjyeicrdcu avrovs r v7rep6K7repi(ra'ov^ iv 
SLOL TO epyov avriav. eiprjveveTe eV eavTols. 

v KAD b vel cet Chr Thdt : virepeKirepi<rff&s BD*G Orig 

commentators render 'hold them in 
love exceeding highly,' connecting ev 
dycnrrj closely with r}-yetcr0ai Oil the 

ground of such partial parallels as 
riva ev rivt (Rom. i. 28, Thuc. 


14), pointing rather to the informal 
guidance in spiritual matters which 
the Thessalonian elders exercised ' in 
the Lord' towards individual members 
of the Church : cf. Hort Ecclesia p. 126, 
and for the later ecclesiastical use of 
the verb see Just. M. Apol. i. 67, 
Hennas Vis. n. iv. 3. 

For an ' official ' sense attaching to 
TrpotVracr&u in the papyri see P.Tebt. 
5, 58 (ii./B.c.) where it is applied to 
' the superintendents of the sacred 

revenues ' (rols TrpofcrT^Koai TWV lepwv 
7rpoo-o$co[i/]), cf. 53, 8 (ii./B.c.) ; and for 
a similar use in the inscriptions see 
Dittenberger Syttoge* 318, 8 f. (ii./B.c.), 
where, in an inscription found close to 
Thessalonica, a certain Maapxos is 

described as 7rpo'iaTdp.evos rcoi/ re Kara 
K.OLVOV Traariv MaKeoo"ii> (TvvfpepovTwv'. 

cf. also O.G.I.S. 728, 4 (iii ./B.C. from 
the Thebaid) Trpoe'crr?; rStv K.a[ff avrov] 
diW TTJS TroXecos. The word = ' to 
practise in business' is discussed by 
Field Notes p. 223 f. : in P.Petr. in. 
73, 4f. (undated) it is used of 'the 
landlord' of a lodging-house (ro{5 

TrfpoJeoTTyKoros 1 rrjs. . .(rvvoiKtas). 

vovBcTovvras] Nou^ereTi/ (lit. 'put 
in mind') has apparently always a 
sense of blame attached to it, hence = 
'admonish,' 'warn,' cf. v. 14, II. iii. 
15. In Col. i. 28 it joined with 8idd- 
<TKCIV, as presenting complementary 
aspects of the preacher's duty ' warn- 
ing to repent, instructing in the 
faith' (Lft.). Outside the Pauline 
Epp. the word is found in the N.T. 
only in Ac. xx. 31 ; cf. i Regn. iii. 13, 
Sap. xi. 10 (ii), xii. 2, Pss. Sol. xiii. 8, 

also Plato Gorg. 479 A p^'re vovdere'i- 
crdai p-T/re KoAa^'eo'&u /x^re di<rjv di- 

13. KOL yye1<r6ai KT\.] The exact 
construction of these words is not 
unattended with difficulty. Many 

ii. 1 8. iii. 9). But it is simpler to 
take the words in the order in which 
they stand, and to translate with the 
R.V. 'esteem them exceeding highly 
in love,' ev dyiing being then a loose 
adjunct to the whole phrase ijy. avr. 
. : cf. Job xxxv. 2 Tt roCro 
ev Kpia-ei; The only difficulty is 
the somewhat strong sense ' esteem ' 
(Thdt. : rrXeiovos diovv Tifj.f)s) that is 
thus given to the generally colourless 
qyflo-Qai, and for which Lft. can find 
no nearer parallel than Time. ii. 42 TO 

dfj.vv(r6ai KOI naOelv p.aAAoi' rjy/ycra/uei'ot 
77 ro cvSovTfs vto&vdai 'preferring 
rather to suffer in self-defence &c.' 
It is supported however by the 
analogous use of ddevai (v. 12), and 
by the general warmth of tone of the 
whole passage: cf. II. iii. 15 note. 

For VTTfpfKTTfptO'O'OV (\)TTfpfK1Tfpl(T- 

(rws, WH. mg.) see note on iii. 10. 

810. T. epyov avrav] ' for their work's 
sake,' i.e. both because of their ac- 
tivity in it, and its own intrinsic 
importance. Calv. : ' Huius operis 
inaestimabilis est excellentia ac dig- 
nitas : ergo quos tantae rei ministros 
facit Deus, nobis eximios esse opor- 

flpT)VfveT KT\.] ' be at peace among 
yourselves' a precept not to be 
dissociated from the preceding, but 
implying that by their affectionate 
loyalty to their leaders the Thessa- 
lonians were to maintain the peace 
of the whole community (Beza pacem 
colite inter vos mutuo). For flpr}- 
vfvfiv in this sense cf. Mk. ix. 50, 
Rom. xii. 18, 2 Cor. xiii. n, Sir. 
xxviii. 9, 13 (15). 


Se u^cas, d$e\(>oi, vovOerelTe roik 
, Trapa/uvBeTo'Oe TOI)S 

dcrQevwv, jj.aKpo6vfJLelTe Trpos TraVras. ^opdre JJLYI 

If the more difficult but well- 
attested eV avrois (ND*GP) is pre- 
ferred, the meaning will then be 'find 
your peace through them ' i.e. ' through 
their leadership.' In no case can we 
render 'be at peace with (i.e. in 
your intercourse with) them' (Vg. 
cum eis\ which would require 
avTuv (cf. Rom. .xii. 18). 

14, 15. A fresh series of instruc- 
tions still addressed like the pre- 
ceding to the whole company of 
believers, and calling upon the 
(stronger) * brethren ' to extend their 
aid towards those who are 'weak/ 

' Further we call upon you, Brothers, 
to warn those who are neglecting their 
proper duties. Let the despondent 
be encouraged, and those who are still 
weak in faith be upheld. Cherish a 
spirit of forbearance towards all men, 
and take special care that, so far from 
yielding to the old spirit of revenge, 
you make it your constant effort to 
seek the good of all.' 

14. vovOfTflTf r. drciKTovs] Beza 
monete inordinatos rather than Vg. 
COrripite inquietos. "Arafcror (an. Xey. 
N.T.) primarily a military term ap- 
plied to the soldier who does not 
remain in the ranks, and thence used 
more generally of whatever is out of 
order. In the present passage the 
special reference would seem to be 
to the idleness and neglect of duty 
which characterized certain members 
of the Thessalonian Church in view of 
the shortly-expected Parousia (Intr. 
p. xlvi f.). Contrast the unbroken front 
over which St Paul rejoices in Col. ii. 

5 \aipo)v Koi f3\firo)v vfj-wv TTJV ra^iv 

Kdl TO (TTfpeCOjLta T?j4 els XptOTOl/ TTl&TfCOS 

For the meaning of UTCKTOS see 
further Add. Note G. 

rBf KrX.] ' encourage the 

faint-hearted' (Yg. consolamini pusil- 
lanimes, Wycl. counforte j>e men of 
litil herte), whether from over-anxiety 
regarding their departed friends, or 
from fear of persecution, or from any 
other cause leading to despondency. 

'O\iy6\lsvxos, air. Xey. N.T., occurs 
several times in the LXX. (e.g. Isa. 
Ivii. 15 6\iyo\lfvxois didovs paKpoOv- 
lilav\ as do the corresponding subst. 
(o'Xtyox^u^ta) and verb (o\iyo'fyv\iv). 
For the verb cf. also P.Petr. n. 40 (a), 
I2f. (iii./B.C.) fj.r) ovv o\iyo\lrvx 1 l<rr)T 
aXX* tti>Spi'eo-$e. 

dvTcxto-0 KrX.] 'lay hold of the 
weak' with the added idea of sup- 
porting them (Beza suUevale in- 
firmos}. For ai/re^eo-^at (N.T. only 
midd.) in its more primary sense 
'hold firmly to' cf. Mt. vi. 24, Lk. 
xvi. 13, Tit. i. 9, Isa. Ivi. 4 ai/re'x<ai>rat 
rfjs 8ia6t]Kr)s p.ov ; and from the Kotvij 
such passages as P. Par. 14, 22 f. 
(ii./B.C.) ovdevos diKaiov avrf^o/xevot, 
P.Amh. 133, I iff. (ii./A.D.) KO.I /zera 
TroXXcoj/ KOTTCOV dvrjKa.o'a^.fv avrtov avra- 
rf)s Tovrtov evepyias eVl ra> 

e<(popiov, 'and with great 
difficulty I made them set to work 
at the former rent.' 

The weak here can only be the 
spiritually weak (Thdt. TOVS w edpaiav 
KfKTrj/jievovs Trurrii/) : cf. Rom. XIV. I, 
i Cor. viii. 9, u, ix. 22. 

ILaKpodvuflre rX.] 'be long-suffering 
toward all,' i.e. do not give way to a 
'short' or 'quick' temper (6o6vn'ia) 
towards those who fail, but be patient 
and considerate towards them : cf. 
i Cor. xiii. 4, Gal. v. 22, and especi- 
ally Eph. iv. 2 where paKpodvpia is 
explained as dvx6fj.evoi dXXijXw *v 

dyairr]. In this sense jj.aKpo6vp.La is 

assigned as an attribute to God Him- 
self, Rom. ii. 4, ix. 22, i Pet. iii. 20. 
Th. Mops, (who confines the reference 



d*ya6ov SiwKeTe T ek crAAf;A.oi/s /ecu ek Trai/ras. I<5 /7aV- 

15 5tc6/rere solum N*ADG 17 37 67** alpauc d g m Vg (?) Go Boh (?) Syr (Pesh) 
Arm Aeth Ambst Theod-Mops ut : 5tc6/cere /cai K C B al pier Vg (?) Syr (Hard) Ephr Baa 
Chr Thdt 

to the Church-leaders) : 'patientes 
estate ad omnes, eo quod hoc neces- 
sarium ualde est magistris, ita ut non 
facile desperent propter peccata, pa- 
tienter uero suam impleant doctrinam, 
expectantes semper ut discipuli me- 
liores sui efficiantur.' 

15. oparc M TIS KrA.] 'see that 
none pay back evil in return for evil 
to any one': cf. Rom. xii. 17, i Pet. 
iii. g. The saying, whicli reflects the 
teaching of our Lord in such a passage 
as Mt. v. 43 ff., is often claimed as a 
distinctive precept of Christianity, 
and, notwithstanding such isolated 
maxims from the O.T. as Ex. xxiii. 
4, Prov. xxv. 21 f., and the lofty spirit 
occasionally found in heathen philo- 
sophers as in a Socrates (see Plato 
Rep. i. 335), it is certainly true that 
Christianity first made 'no retaliation ' 
a practical precept for all, by providing 
the 'moral dynamic' through which 
alone it could be carried out. 

On the durative opaco (cognate with 
our 'beware') see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. nof., and for opare /J.TJ with the 
subj. cf. Mt. xviii. 10 (Burton 209), 
also P.Oxy. 532, 15 (ii./A.D.) opa ovv 
M aXAoos- Trpd&s. If aVoSoi (N*D b G) 
is read, it also must be taken as 
a subj., formed after the model of 
verbs in -oo> (WM. p. 360 n. 2 ). Both 
forms can be illustrated from the 

Koivrj, e.g. P. Par. 7, II (i./B.C.) eav Sc 
pr) dnodw, B.G.U. 741, 27 (ii./A.D.) eai> 
8 W [aJTrodoI: see further Cronert 
p. 216. The simple Sol is found in 
an illiterate fragment of the iii./B.c., 

P.Petr. II. 9 (5), 5 OTTOJS dot 

d\\a Train-ore /crX.] ' but always pur- 

sue after that which is good ' ayaOov 
being used in the sense of 'beneficial,' 
'helpful' (utile) as opposed to the 
preceding KUKOV, rather than of what 

is morally good (honestum] : cf. iii. 
6 note. For the favourite Pauline 
diwKfiv iii the sense of ' pursue,' ' seek 
eagerly after' (Thpht. : firirfTa^v^s 
o-7rou&ae/ n) cf. Rom. ix. 30, Phil, 
iii. 12, where in both passages it is 
associated with the correlative /mra- 
: see also Ex. XV. 9 fl-rrfv 6 
OS Atcoa? KaraXr/jM-v/^o/zat. Outside 
tlie Pauline Epp. the metaphorical 
use of the verb in the N.T. is con- 
fined to Heb. xii. 14, i Pet. iii. n 
(from LXX.) ; cf. Plato Gorg. 507 B ovre 
duoKfiv OVT (pfvyeLv a ^17 npoarjKci. 

1 6 22. From social duties the 
Apostles now pass to inculcate cer- 
tain more directly religious duties. 

'At all times cherish a spirit of 
joyfulness ; in unceasing prayer make 
known your every want; under all 
circumstances give thanks to God : 
for only in these ways can God's 
purposes for you in Christ Jesus be 
fulfilled. With regard to the gifts of 
the Spirit, see to it that you do not 
quench them, or make light of pro- 
phesyings. At the same time do not 
accept these without discrimination. 
Rather bring everything to the test, 
and thus keep firm hold of the 
genuine, while you abstain from evil 
in whatever form it appears.' 

1 6. iravroTf x a ' L P* Tf ] an injunction 
striking the same glad note that is 
so often repeated in the Ep. to the 
other Macedonian Church (Phil. ii. 
1 8, iii. i, iv. 4), its significance in the 
present instance being much increased 
in view of the sufferings already 
spoken of (i. 6, ii. 14, iii. 2ft'.). For 
the paradox cf. Rom. v. 3, 2 Cor. vi. 
10, and for the true source of this joy 
see our Lord's own words Jo. xv. n, 
xvi. 24, xvii. 13. Leighton's words 
(cited by Dods) may be recalled": 'All 


TOT6 %aipeT6 7 ' aoia\L7TTU)s Trpocrev^ecrue^ ev 
ev^apLCTTeiTe" TOVTO <ydp 6e\r]/uLa deov ev XpKTTw 'Irjcrov 
ek vfj-as. I9 TO TrvevjJia /mrj (r/3evvvTe, *7rpo<prjTeias /ur} 

spiritual sorrows, of what nature so- 
ever, are turned into spiritual joy : 
that is the proper end of them ; they 
have a natural tendency that way.' 

An interesting ex. of the spirit of 
joy ruling in the early Church is 
afforded by the names found in the in- 
scriptions Victor, Nice, Gaudentius, 
Gaudiosus, Hilaris, Hilaritas (Ramsay 
C. and B. i. p. 493). See also Stanley 
Christian Institutions (1881) p. 250!". 

17. dftiaXeiTTTws Trpocr evxeo~6e\ a 
second precept, not to be interpreted 
merely as showing how the former 
precept may be fulfilled, but an in- 
dependent injunction in thorough 
accordance with St Paul's constant 
teaching, cf. Rom. xii. 12, Eph. vi. 18, 
Col. iv. 2. For the absolute manner 
(oSiaXeiTrrcos 1 , i. 3 note) in which the 
precept is expressed see the note on 
iv. 13, and for a striking commentary 
on it note the constantly interjected 
prayers in this and the later Ep. 
(Intr. p. Ixv). 

For prayer as a part of Church-life 
cf. Didache xv. 4 ray 8e evxas V/J.MV... 
noiijaaTe <os e'x ere *v ra> evayye\ia> rov 
Kvpiov 77foi>, and for the conditions 
under which the whole life of the 
saint becomes p.iav o~vvcnrTO[j.vr]v p.e- 
yd\r)v...evx^v, see Orig. de Oral. xii. 2 

(ed. Koetschau) 'afiiaXeiVrcos' 8e TTpocr- 

epyois TTJV 

1 8. eV Travrl e^^apioreTre] Vg. in 

omnibus gratias agite ev TTCLVTI not 
being ' on every occasion ' (Chrys. : 
dei), but 'in all circumstances,' even 
in persecutions and trials. Thdt. : w 
fjiovov tv rols QvfMijpeo-iv, dXXa Kav rois 
fvavriois. oiSe yap TO av/JLCpepov 6 /ue- 
yaXoStopof. For a similar stress laid 
by St Paul on universal thanksgiving 
cf. Eph. v. 20, Phil. iv. 6, Col. iii. 17. 

For evxapLo-Tfiv see i. 2 note, and 
add the late use of the verb by which 
it is practically = cvxeo-dai, as in the 
interesting Christian amulet (VL/A.D. ?) 
reproduced by Wilcken (ArcMv i. 
p. 43 iff.) where after an invocation 
to God and Christ and the holy 
Serenus the writer proceeds ev^a- 

ptoT<5...Kat K\iva> TTJV K(pa\ijv [/xo]u... 
OTTOOS dia>rjs air p.ov...Tov baipova 

Trpoftaa-Kavias. May we not have an 
earlier trace of this usage in P.Tebt. 
56, 9 (late ii./A.D.) where the render- 
ing 'pray' seems to suit the context 
better than the editors' 'give thanks' ? 

TOVTO yap KrA.] ToCro, collective 

with reference to the foregoing pre- 
cepts, while the ^eX7;/za Qeov (iv. 
3 note) regarding them is specially 
defined as resting ev Xp. 'IT/O-. not 
only as their supreme manifestation, 
but also as the means through whom 
alone they can be made effective. 

For the absence of the art. before 
els vfiay ' with regard to you ' as well 
as for the hyperbaton cf. Lk. vii. 30 

rr)v ftov\r)V rov Beov rjOeTijcrav els 

eavTovs (Field Notes p. 60). 

19. TO TTvev/Jia firj a/SeVfure] in itself 

a perfectly general precept but, in 
view of the TrpocprjTeias of the next 
clause (see note), employed here with 
special reference to the charismatic 
gifts which had shown themselves at 
Thessalonica as afterwards at Corinth 
(i Cor. xii., xiv.). Against these ap- 
parently a reaction had arisen owing 
to a certain amount of arai'a in their 
exercise (see Intr.p.xxxiv and cf. I Cor. 
xiv. 29 ff), and consequently the 
Apostles found it necessary to warn 
their readers lest in their dread of 
over-enthusiasm the ^apiVjuara should 
be extinguished altogether : cf. 2 Tim. 

i. 6 dvap.ifivrjo-KU> are dvaa)7rvpelv TO 
TOV deov. 



7rotWa [Se 

TTONHpof ATiexecee 

23 Airrds Se d 0eos Tf 

2i irdvra solum N*A al Boh Syr (Pesh) Orig Ephr Bas Chr g Thdt Tert 
5^ K C BDG al d g Vg Go Syr (Hard) Aeth Clem Bas -f Chr \ Ambst 
Theod-Mops lat 

put to the test (cf. i Jo. iv. i). 
Nothing is said as to how this 8id- 
Kpio-is TrvfvpaTwv (i Cor. xii. 10, xiv. 
29) is to be effected, but it can only 
be by a 'spiritual' standard (cf. i Cor. 
ii. 13), and not by the 'rational' in- 
quiry which is sometimes found here, 
and to which the 'prove' of A.V., 
R.V. lends a certain colour. 

For 6\>Kt/zaa> see the note on ii. 4, 
and for the thought cf. Rom. xii. 2, 
Phil. i. 10. 

TO KaXov KdTf'^eTc] It is not easy 
to find an adequate English equiva- 
lent for TO KaXoV, but when used in 
its moral sense the word denotes 
generally what is good in itself (cf. 
Arist. Rhet. i. 9- 3 Ka X6i> JJLCV ovv e'oriV, 
6 av 81 avTo aipcTov ov tnaivtrbv y) as 
distinguished from TO ayaOov what is 
good in virtue of its results. Thus 
it is used of genuine as opposed to 
counterfeit coin (cf. Xen. Mem. iii. i 

8iayiyv<>Jo-Kiv TO TC <a\bv [dpyvpiov] 
Kal TO KL@8r)\ov), and is very appro- 
priate here to denote the goodness 
which passes muster in view of the 
testing process just spoken of: cf. 
the noble comment of the historian 
.Socrates on this verse TO yap xaXot/, 
vBa av ?;, i8iov TTJS dXrjdeias eWiV 

(H.E. iii. 1 6). 

For /caTe'xco = ' hold fast ' cf. Lk. viii. 
15, i Cor. xi. 2, xv. 2, Heb. iii. 6, 14, 
x. 23, and see Add. Note H. 

22. OTTO TravTos c'ldovs KrX.] 'from 

every form of evil abstain.' This 
rendering may be criticized on two 
grounds (i) it takes euW in its 
quasi-philosophical sense of 'kind,' 
' species,' which though frequent in 
class, writers and more especially in 
Plato, is not found elsewhere in the 
N.T., and (2) it treats irovrjpov, though 
anarthrous, as a subst. But -as re- 

The use of aftevwrf (for (orm, 
WSchm. p. 124) is in accord with 
the frequent application of the meta- 
phor of fire to the Spirit in Scripture 
(Ac. ii. 3, xviii. 25, Rom. xii. n ; cf. 
Plut. de defect, orac. 17, p. 4193 
drroo-ftfjvat TO Tivevpa) : while /XT/ with 
the pres. imp. instead of the aor. subj. 
points to the necessity of desisting 
from a course of action already going 
on, as distinguished from avoidance of 
similar action in the future (Moulton 
Prolegg. pp. i22f., 247). 

2O. 7rpo(prjTfias pr) e^ovdevflre] ail 
injunction closely related to the fore- 
going (cf. I Cor. xiv. I r)\ovT( 8e ra 
TTvev/jLaTiKd, /noXXoi/ 8e 'iva TT po(j)r]Tvr)Tc), 

and pointing to the impassioned ut- 
terances regarding the deep things 
of God which so frequently showed 
themselves in the Early Church under 
the direct influence of the Spirit : cf. 
Ac. ii. 17, xix. 6, i Cor. xii. 10, Rev. i. 
10, and see further McGiffert Apost. 
Age p. 526 ff. 

The strong verb cgovOfvev 'set at 
naught,' ' make of no account ' (Suid. : 
avr ov8evbs Xo-yi'fo/Mai) is found in the 
N.T. only in Lk. 3 and Paul 8 , and 
under the form cov8cvelv in Mk. 1 . 
In the LXX. it occurs in four forms 

Lobeck Phryn. p. 182. 

21. TrdvTa [de] 6\)/a/iaere] The con- 
necting particle 6V, which is amply 
vouched for, ought probably to be 
retained here, its omission being 
easily explained through the in- 
fluence of the following So-. In any 
case whether 6V is retained or not, 
the whole clause stands in a certain 
limiting relation to the foregoing 
precepts: important as 'gifts' and 
' prophesyings ' are, they cannot be 
accepted unhesitatingly, but must be 


eipqvrjs d'yido'ai vjuas dAoTe/VeZs, Kal 6\OK\rjpov 


gards (i), apart from such passages 
as Jos. Antt. vii. 80 (iv. 2), x. 37 (iii. i) 
eldos peXovs, Trovrjpias, we have now 
confirmation of this more popular use 
of eiSos from the papyri as when in 
P.Tebt. 58, 20 f. (ii./B.c.) a taxgatherer 
undertakes to collect a wheat-tax drro 
iravros e'tiovs ' from every class ' ; cf. 
P.Oxy. 237. viii. 42 f. (ii./A.D.) Kara 
K(op,r)v Kal /car' eidos 'under villages 
and classes,' and see P.Fay. 34, 6f. 
(ii./A.D.) where a'XXa e'i8rj may be used 
not of 'other taxes' but of 'other 
kinds ' of produce on which a certain 
tax (fj.ovo8ea-ij.ia) was levied (see 
editors' note ad loc.). While with 
reference to (2), the anarthrous use 
of the neut. sing, to denote abstract 
ideas is too frequent to cause any 
real difficulty, e.g. Gen. ii. 9 TO gv\ov 

TOV eldevat yv<oo~Tov KaXov K. jrovrjpoiij 
Heb. V. 14 rrpos bidicpio-LV KaXov re Kal 
KCIKOV, and cf. Didache iii. i, appa- 
rently a reminiscence of the present 

passage, <pe>ye UTTO iravTos Trovrjpov K. 
dno iravTos G/JLOLOV avrov. 

The alternative rendering 'abstain 
from every appearance of evil ' (R.V. 
marg.) has the advantage of taking 
eldos in the same sense as elsewhere 
in the N.T. (Lk. iii. 22, ix. 29, Jo. v. 
37, 2 Cor. v. 7), but, if it is preferred, 
care must be taken not to impart into 
the word the idea of ' semblance ' as 
opposed to ' reality ' : it is rather ' ap- 
pearance' in the sense of 'outward 
show,' 'visible form.' 

On djrexto-Qai dn6 see iv. 3 note, 
and on the more active idea of evil in 
os ' malignant ' as compared with 
OS ' base' see Trench Syn. Ixxxiv. 

Commentators generally draw at- 
tention to the change from TO <aX6v 

to Travrbs e'idovs Trovrjpov, for while the 
good is one, evil has many forms ; cf. 
Arist. Eth. Nic. ii. 5. 14 en TO ^v 
a/zaprai/etf TroXXa^cos eo"TiV,...To 8e Kar- 
opQovv fjLova^djs. 

It is also of interest to notice that 
vv. 21, 22 are frequently connected 

by early Christian writers with the 
agraphon ascribed to our Lord yl- 
veo~6e doKipoi Tpane^lrai (for reff. see 
Suicer Thesaurus s.v. TpaTreCiVj??), and 
it is at least possible that the writers 
of our E$. had this saying of Jesus 
in mind here: see further Resch 
Agrapha pp. n6ff., 233 ff., Pauli- 
nismus p. 408 f., Ropes Spruche 
p. 142 f. 

V. 23, 24. PRAYER. 

From these several injunctions the 
Apostles turn in characteristic fashion 
to the Divine power in which alone 
they can be fulfilled. Beng. : 'non 
meo studio, inquit Paulus, sed divino 
praesidio muniti eritis.' 

23, 24. ' As however without God 
all your strivings must be in vain we 
pray that the God of peace Himself 
will sanctify you through and through, 
that the whole man may become 
God's, each part preserved entire and 
without blame, and found so at the 
Parousia of the Lord Jesus. Nor 
need you have any fear regarding 
this. The very fact that it is God 
Who is calling is to you the pledge 
that He will not suffer His calling 
to become null and void.' 

23. 6 debs rrjs elprjvrjs] a frequent 
title at the close of the Pauline Epp. 
(Rom. xv. 33, xvi. 20, 2 Cor. xiii. 1 1, 
Phil. iv. 9, (Heb. xiii. 20) ; cf. II. iii. 
1 6 o Kvp. T. tip.), and intended to 
bring out 'the peace' which is not 
only the one God's characteristic at- 
tribute, but which it is His peculiar 
privilege to bestow, and which in the 
present passage gains in significance 
in view of the dragta just spoken of. 

For 'Peace' as a Talmudic Name 
of God see Taylor /Sayings 2 p. 25 f. ; 
while as further illustrating the per- 
sonal application of the term it may be 
noted that in P.Oxy. 41, 27 (iii./iv. A.D.) 
the prytanis at Oxyrhynchus is popu- 
larly acclaimed as f lpr)vrj TroXecoy. 

dyido-cu i>fj,ds KTX.] 'sanctify you 


Kat t 

Kai TO 

wholly' aytao-at not being limited 
to the initial act of consecration, 
but (as in Rom. xv. 16, Eph. v. 26) 
pointing to the actual inward sancti- 
fication of the Thessalonians ' in their 
whole persons' (Vg. Ambrstr. per 
omnia, Luth. Weizsacker durch und 

For this ethical sense of ayia&iv 

cf. Lev. xi. 44 ayiao-8ij<rfO-6e KOI ayioi 
(Tcrdf t OTI ayios elp-t c'yoo, and for a 
full discussion of the word and its 
synonyms see Westcott Heb. p. 346 f. 

For oAorfArjy (air. Aey. N.T.) cf. Plut. 

Mor. ii. 9098, Dittenberger Sylloge* 

376, 45 dvfi<r(popiav, yv ovdels rc5i/ 77po- 
repov 2e/3a(rrc3i/ oAoreA?/ e5a>Kei/. The 

adv. oAoreAwy, by which Suidas defines 
the common oAoo-^pdis, is found in 
ACL. Deut. xiii. 16 (17). 

6\oK\r)pov] a secondary predicate to 
be taken closely along with Trjprjdfir], and 
as belonging to all three substantives 
(WM. p. 661). As regards meaning, 
6\oK\r]pos can hardly be distinguished 
from oAoreAr/s though, in accordance 
with its derivation, it draws more 
special attention to the several parts 
to which the wholeness spoken of 
extends, no part being wanting or 
lacking in completeness. Thus in the 
LXX. the word is used of \i6oi as yet 
untouched by any tool (Deut. xxvii. 6, 
i Mace. iv. 47), and it is the regular 
expression in Philo (de anim. 1 2, ii. 
p. 836 M.) and Josephus Antt. HI. 278 
(xii. 2) to denote the integritas re- 
quired both in priests and victims. 
From this the transition is easy to the 
metaphorical sense of mental and 
moral completeness which the word 
has in the apocr. books of the O.T. 

(Sap. XV. 3 6\oK\rjpos SiKaioavvr), 
4 MaCC. XV. 17 TTJV fvaefieiav oAofcAjj- 

pov\ and in Jas. i. 4 where it is 
joined with re'Aeto? (for distinction be- 
tween them see Trench Syn. xxii.) 
and explained as eV p.r)dcvl AeiTro/zei/os. 
An interesting parallel to the use 

ev TY\ Trapov- 

of 6\oK\r)pos in the present passage 
is afforded by the magical papyrus 
P.Lond. i. 121, 589 f. (iii./A.D.) 8ia(pv- 

Aa<rcre fiov TO o-ca/xa TTJV 4 fv XV v O\OK\T]- 

pov, while its original meaning is seen 
in P.Oxy. 57, 13 f. (iii./A.D.) virep rov 
6\OK\r)pov (sc. Troi^crai) rr/v eVar/ce^ii/ 
TO>V ^co/iara)!/. The allied subst. oAo- 
K\r)pia (cf. Ac. iii. 1 6) occurs in the 
sense of physical wholeness, health, 
e.g. B.Gr. U. 948, 2 ff. (iv./v. A.D.) 

/M6...ra 7rept T^? vyas arov <a 

6XoK.\Tjpia$ <rov "xalpLv, and for the 
verb see P.Grenf. i. 53, 4f. (iv./A.D.) 
OTTCOJ oAoKA^poOi/ra ere a7roAa^3o/xei'. 

V^LCOV TO 7rvvp.a KrA.] The precedent 
gen. VP.WV is uuemphatic (cf. Abbott 
Joh. Gr. p. 416), and belongs to each 
of the following substantives, .'your 
spirit and your soul and your body/ 
but this triple subject must not be 
pressed as if it contained a psycho- 
logical definition of human nature. 
St Paul ' is not writing a treatise on 
the soul, but pouring forth, from the 
fulness of his heart, a prayer for his 
converts' (Jowett), and consequently 
all appeals to the verse in support of 
a Pauline system of Trichotomy as 
against the Dichotomy found else- 
where in his Epp. are beside the 
mark. At the same time it will not 
do to regard the three subjects as 
of 'mere rhetorical significance' (de 
Wette): they are evidently chosen 
in accordance with the general O.T. 
view of the constitution of man to 
emphasize a sanctification which shall 
extend to man's whole being, whether 
on its immortal, its personal, or its 
bodily side : cf. Heb. iv. 1 2 with 
Westcott's Add. Note p. 1146". 

The trichotomist arguments based 
on the passage will be found fully 
stated by Ellicott The Destiny of the 
Creature, Serm. v. with the accom- 
panying Notes. For the more im- 
portant inquiry how far St Paul 
may have been influenced here by 


cria TOV Kvpiov ^JULCOV 'lr]<rou XpicrTov Trjprjdeui. 24 7r*(TTos 
6 KaXwv vjua^ 9 os Kal Troirjcrei. 


25 Kal BD* 4** 6 17 31 37 al pauc Go Syr (Hard) Arm Orig Chr Theod-Mops lat : 
om KAD C G cet f g Vg Boh Syr (Pesh) Aeth That Ambst al 

Pharisaic theology see Wohlenberg 
ad loc. t and cf. Jos. Antt, I. 34 (i. 2). 
For the occurrence of the same tri- 
chotomy in Egyptian rites in the order 
* soul, body, spirit ' see the interesting 
note by Rev. F. E. Brightman in 
J.T.S.'u. p. 273 f. 

a/Ae>7rTa>s] an adverbial adjunct 
(ii. 10 note) qualifying the whole 
expression o\6K\r}pov...TT}pii$iu): cf. 
Clem. R. Cor. xliv. 6 e< rfjs ajut'/z7rra>y 
avroZ? rtriiujfuvrff (TeTrjpijpcvrjs, Lft.) 
Xetroupytas 1 . 

It is not without interest to notice 
that dpfpiTTas, which in the N.T. is 
confined to this Ep., occurs in certain 
sepulchral inscriptions discovered at 
Thessalonica, e.g. an inscription of 
50 A.D. Eto-taSi rfj (ruv&ian fytrcurfl a- 
ff.fjLrrT<os TT] KT)...[pV]ias x<*P iV ( no - 3 
Duchesne et Bayet Mission au Mont 
Athos p. 29). 

cv rfj Trapovcria rrX.] a temporal 
clause marking also the condition 
under which the blameless oXo/cXr/pia 
will be made manifest (cf. ii. 19 note). 
Wohlenberg prefers to connect the 
words more closely with TrjprjBfir), 
the thought then being that in the 
judgment following upon Christ's ap- 
pearing, while others find themselves 
the subjects of God's wrath, those who 
have undergone this triple sanctifica- 
tion will be preserved in bliss. The 
difference in meaning is not very 
great, but under no circumstances 
can the A.V. 'unto (as if els) the 
coming 3 be accepted, however true 
the thought underlying it (cf. Phil, 
i. 6). For Trapovcria see Add. Note F. 

24. 7rt(rros o KaXeSi/ *rX.] Chrys. : 
"Opa TTJV TdTreivocppoo-vvrjv. ''ETreidrj yap 

fJLT) VOfJiio'TJTe, 17 (Til/, OTl CLTTO 

TWV e/xcSi/ (vx&v TOVTO yivercu, aXX* 
< rfjs npodea-eais, ys v/JLas fKoXfa-fv. 
Beng. : ' magnam hie versiculus exul- 
tationem habet.' 

For 6 <a\. lip. which, as always in 
St Paul, can only refer to God cf. ii. 
12 note, and for TTIOTOS in a similar 
connexion cf. II. iii. 3, i Cor. i. 9, x. 
13, 2 Cor. i. 1 8, 2 Tim. ii. 13, Heb. x. 
23, xi. ii, Dent. vii. 9, Isa. xlix. 7, 
Pss. Sol. xiv. i. The absolute use of 
TToiijaei is very striking, and sets in 
bold relief the doing with which God 
accompanies His calling : cf. Num. 
xxiii. 19 CLVTOS finas ov^l nonjo-ei ; Ps. 
xxxvi. (xxxvii.) 5 eXmo-ov eV auroj/, 
/cal avroy Troiija-ei. For a similar certi- 
tudo fidei on the part of St Paul cf. 
Rom. xvi. 25, Phil. i. 6, and for a like 
spirit in later Jewish theology see 
Apoc. Bar. xiii. 3, ' Thou shalt there- 
fore be assuredly preserved to the 
consummation of the times.' 


2528. 'Meanwhile, Brothers, in 
your prayers do not forget us. Con- 
vey our greetings with the customary 
holy kiss to all the Brothers. As 
regards this letter I charge that it 
be read aloud to all the Brothers. 
The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ 
be with you.' 

25. *A8eX<pot, Trpoo-evxeo-Qe KrX.] Cf. 
II. iii. i, and for a similar request see 
Rom. xv. 30, Eph. vi. 19, Col. iv. 3, 
Heb. xiii. 18. If /cat is read, it intro- 
duces the feeling of reciprocity 'as 
we have prayed for you, do you also 
pray for us.' 


26 ' f AorTrdcracrGe TOVS d$e\<povs TTGLVTCLS ev (piXy/man 
dyiw. 2?t ,vopKL^ct) vfuds TOV KVQIOV dvayvcocrBfjvai Trjv 
eTTia-ToXriv Trdcnv TO?? T a'J 

27 rots] add aylois K C AKLP al pier Vg Go Boh Syr (Pesh Hard) Arm Chr That 
Theoa-Mops lat 

26. 'A(T7rao-a<r0e KrX.] an exhorta- 
tion addressed like the preceding to 
the whole Church, and not only to 
those to whom the Ep. was directly 
sent, presumably the elders. Had 
any such restriction been intended, 
it could hardly fail to have been 
clearly notified, while any difficulty 
in the general application of the in- 
junction owing to the use of r. dd. 
Travras is met by the want of stress 
here attaching to rravras (WSchm. 
p. 189), the whole phrase being 
practically equivalent to the more 
customary aXX^Aous. 

'Ao-7rab/iai is of constant occurrence 
in the papyri for conveying the greet- 
ings at the end of a letter, e.g. P. Fay. 

119? 25 ff. (c. i./A.D.) d(mdov y ^7raya6ov 
KOL TOVS (piXovvTes r)/ Trpos dXrjOiav. 

f'v (piXrjuaTi dyia>] ' with a kiss that 
is holy,' as a token of friendship and 
brotherly love, cf. Rom. xvi. 16, i Cor. 
xvi. 20, 2 Cor. xiii. 12, in each case 
the attribute ayiov being added to 
bring out the true character of the 
(pi\r)fj.a : see also i Pet. v. 14 ev 
<pi\ijp.aTi dyaTrrjs. The practice may 
have arisen from the customary mode 
of saluting a Rabbi, Wiinsche Neue 
Beitrdge p. 339 ; cf. also F. C. Cony- 
beare in Exp. iv. ix. p. 4606!. 

For the first mention of the 'kiss 
of peace' as a regular part of the 
Christian service see Just. M. Apol. 

i. 65 dXXj/Xovy <f)i\r)fJiaTi dar7ra6p.e6a 
Travadfjifvoi ra>v ev^ajj/, and for full 

particulars of its liturgical use see 
art. 'Kiss' in Smith's D.C.A., and 
Hauck RE. 3 vi. p. 274. In some 
parts of Greece the Easter-greeting 
(Xpioros di/ecm;) is still accompanied 
by the brotherly kiss. 

not found elsewhere in the Bibl. 
writings except as a variant in 
2 Esdr. xxiii. (xiii.) 25, is apparently 
a strengthened form of dpja'o> (for 
form, Rutherford NP. p. 466 f.), and 
like it (Mk. v. 17, Ac. xix. 3) is here 
construed with two accusatives : cf. 
LM.A. in. 1238 (Christian) fvopxifa 
V/J.CLS rov cofie e^ecrrcora apyeXo?, /LIT/ ris 

Trore To\fj.ij((rr)) /<rX., and see also Ram- 
say C. and B. i. p. 734. For a similar 
usage of e'op/a'o> see P.Leid. V. 4. 31 

(iii./A.D.) ft-opKia) ere TTJV 8vva/j,iv (rov, 

and for opx/fa TWO, see Deissmann JBS. 
p. 274 ff. 

The presence of the adjuration in 
the present passage has been explain- 
ed as due either to the Apostle's deep 
sense of the importance of his Ep. to 
all without exception, or to a pre- 
sentiment that a wrong use might be 
made of his name and authority as in 
II. ii. 2, iii. 17, or to the fact that the 
reading of such letters had not yet 
been officially established. But after 
all no special reason need be sought. 
Writing as he did to explain his 
continued personal absence, and to 
enforce truths which he felt to be 
of vital importance to his converts, 
St Paul naturally took precautions to 
ensure that his letter should be read 
and circulated as widely as possible : 
see Intr. p. xxxiv, and for the change 
to the ist pers. sing, to give the appeal 
a more personal character cf. ii. 18, 
iii. 5. 

dvayvaxrdTJvat] 'Avayvcoo-flr/vai (for 

construction, Blass p. 241) a time- 
less aor., and hence lending no sup- 
port to Alford's view that a special 
assembly was to be held for this 
purpose. At the same time it is 
clear from the context that it is a 


' 8 * H ^ 1 ^ T v Kvpiov q/uLcov ' Irjcrov XpurTOv 


public reading or a reading aloud 
that is alone thought of here. For 
this sense of dvayiyvato-Keiv (almost 
universal in class. Gk., Butcher Har- 
vard Lect. p. 230, n. 1 ) cf. Lk. iv. 16, Ac. 
xiii. 27, xv. 21, 2 Cor. iii. 15, Col. iv. 
1 6, Rev. i. 3 (with Swete's note), and 
for the result of this reading aloud in 
giving the N.T. writings an authori- 
tative character see Sanday Inspira- 
tion p. 360 f. 

Tertullian is sometimes quoted as 
mentioning Thessalonica and Philippi 
as churches where the letters of the 
Apostles were read in the original 
( 4 apud quas ipsae authenticae literae 
eorum recitantur ' de praescr. 36), but 
the reference to Thessalonica (' habes 
Thessalonicenses ') is plainly an in- 
sertion, clumsy in form, and wanting 
in the best MSS. 

In the papyri dvayiyvma-Kciv is 
found = both 'read' and 'read aloud.' 
Thus for the latter sense cf. P.Grenf. 
I. 37, 1 5 (li./B.C.) TTi\eyp.aTos dvayva- 
a-Sevrof of the reading aloud of a 
petition, and P.Cairo 29. 3. i (U./A.D.) 
$s dvayvuMrQeio-rjs of the reading aloud 
of a will. On the other hand the 
word must mean simply 'read' in 
B.G. U. 1079 (cited iv. i note), and in 
P.Fay. 20, 23 (iii. IV./A.D.) where it 
refers to copies of an edict set up in 

public places a-vvoirra rots dvayiyva- 
o-Kova-iv 'in full view of those who 
wish to read.' 

TTJV fTTio-ToXijv] obviously the present 
letter now drawing to a close, cf. II. 
iii. 14, Rom. xvi. 22, Col. iv. 16 
(WSchm. p. 149). 

rraa-iv TOLS aSeXtpois] Ilacriv em- 
phatic (contrast iravras v. 26), but 
not necessarily including others than 
the combined members of the Thessa- 
lonian Church. 'AyiW, if read before 
aSfX0oTs (WH. mg.), would produce a 
combination occurring nowhere else 
in the Pauline Epp. (cf. however Eph. 
iii. 5 T. ayiots aTTooroXois), and is better 

28. 'H x^P ls KT ^'] a concluding 
benediction in which the favourite 
Pauline conception of 'grace' takes 
the place of the ordinary epistolary 
eppoxro (eppoxr$e) or e'ppcotr&u ere (u/za?) 
fvxo/j-ai: cf. II. iii. 18, Rom. xvi. 20, 

1 Cor. xvi. 23. 

A shorter form T) \"P IS P*' vn&v is 
found in Col. iv. 18, i Tim. vi. 21, 

2 Tim. iv. 22, Tit. iii. 1 5 (add TTCIVTUV), 
while this is expanded in various ways 
in Gal. vi. 18, Eph. vi. 24, Phil. iv. 23. 
The full trinitarian benediction occurs 
in 2 Cor. xiii. 13. 

The liturgical dp.r)v is found in 
AD bc KLP &c.: cf. iii. 13 note. 


AeT f^P TAYT* reNec9Ai npcoTON, <\AA' OYK e^Gecoc TC X reAoc. 

Ta avayKoia -jravra dr\a. 


Ae GCTIN c K^pioc, 6c crnpfSei Y M <^C KA! 






i. 3i2. 

PAROUSIA. ii. i 12. 


4. PRAYER, ii. 16, 17. 





iii. 1315. 

5. PRAYER, iii. 16. 



nAYAOS KCLI CiXovavos K.O.I TijuioOeos Trj 6KK\rj(ria 
OecrcraXoviKecov eV 6ea 
'Irjorov XpiorTCt' 

TraTpt /ULMI/ KCCI eirivn OLTTO 6eov 




1. IlavXos KT\.] The address cor- 
responds word for word with the 
address in I. i. i (where see notes) 
except in the addition of j/jiwv after 
irarpl emphasizing that it is the Divine 
fatherhood in relation to man and not 
to Christ that is specially in view. 

2. OTTO 6fov Trarpos KT\.] These 

words, though unauthentic in Li. i, 
form part of the true text here, and, 
as in all subsequent Pauline Epp., 
carry back the customary greeting 
Xapis K- elpjvri to its ultimate source. 
Both subjects 6fov Trarpds- and <vp. 
'IT/O-. Xp. are under the government of 
the same preposition OTTO, and any 
distinction between them therefore as 
the 'ultimate' and the 'mediating' 
channel of grace and peace (as Find- 
lay), however true in reality, is out of 
place here. In 2 Jo. 3 the same 
relation is brought out by the repeated 
Trapa.-.Trapa, which can hardly be dis- 
tinguished from a in this connexion, 
though in accordance with its general 
sense it may help to draw attention 
to the passage from the giver to the 
receiver (cf. Lft. on Gal. i. 12). 

The addition of -q^v after Trarpos is 
well attested (KAG. . . Vg Go Boh Syrr), 
but in accordance with BDP 17 is 

omitted by WH. Its insertion was 
doubtless due to its frequent presence 
in corresponding Pauline formulas. 




Following upon the Address comes 
the customary Thanksgiving which, 
while again closely recalling the 
Thanksgiving of the First Epistle, 
presents certain independent features. 
Thus special stress is now laid on 
the progress of the Thessalonians' 
faith and love with the consequent 
boasting of the writers on their be- 
half (vv. 3, 4), while the mention of 
the afflictions from which at the 
time the Thessalonian Church was 
suffering is a natural starting-point 
for an emphatic appeal to the righteous 
judgment of God, by which the perse- 
cuted will be recompensed and the 
persecutors condemned (vv. 5 10). 
The whole is crowned by a character- 
istic reference to the Apostles' con- 
tinual intercession for their converts 
(vv. n, 12). 

3, 4. * We count it a duty, as well 
as a privilege, Brothers, to give thanks 
to God at all times for you, as indeed 
your own conduct fully merits, in view 


6(f>ei\oiuLv TW 6etu TrdvroTe Trepi v[ 
d$e\(f>oi, Ka6cl)s d^iov eorTiv, OTL vTrepav^dvei r\ TT'HTTIS 
V/ULCUV Kal 7r\ovd(^i >j dydirri evos eKa&TOV TravTiav VJULWV 
eis a'AAfjAoi's, W<TT CIVTOVS f//zas iv vfjuv evKav%d(r6ai iv 

of the marvellous growth of your faith 
and the abounding love which you are 
all displaying towards one another. 
So marked indeed are these, that we 
on our own part are able to make 
a boast of you in the churches of God, 
as we think of the endurance and the 
faith which you have continued to 
show even among the persecutions and 
afflictions which are falling upon you 
at this time.' 

3. Ev^apioTf Iv ofpfiXopev] Cf. I. i. 
2, the addition of c<pei'Xo/iei/ in the 
present passage bringing out the 
Apostles' sense of thanksgiving as 
actually a debt owing to God in view 
of their converts' rapid growth in 
spiritual things (see below). As con- 
trasted with del l an obligation in the 
nature of things,' o0eiXo> expresses ' a 
special, personal obligation J (Westcott 
on i Jo. ii. 6). It is found combined 
with evxapurTelv as here in ii. 13 ; cf. 
Clem. R. Cor. xxxviii. 4, Barn. Ep. v. 
3 (vTrepevxapioreti') vii. I. 

Kttflcos agiov earn] not a mere tauto- 
logical repetition of o0eiXo/xei/ for the 
sake of emphasis (as Jowett), but 
bringing out the duty of the evxapio-- 
rla from the human standpoint ' it 
is also merited by your conduct' 
(Lft.) : cf. Phil. i. 7, and for a similar 
use of agios see i Cor. xvi. 4. 

on] referring back to the principal 
statement ev^. o^eiXo/tei/, and in view 
of the emphatic o(pei\op.ev (see above) 
best given its full causal significance 
'because,' cf. ii. 13 and contrast 
I. ii. 13. 

virfpavgdvei] ' groweth exceedingly ' 
(Vg. supercrescit, Beza vehementer 
augescat, Wycl. ouer wexith], as 
compared with the vo-Tepfaara T. 
Trurrfcos, I. iii. 10. 

The verb is another of the verbs 

compounded with vnep- for which St 
Paul shows such a marked predi- 
lection, cf. V7rep/3cuVa> (I. IV. 6), 
v7TpevTvyx av <i* (Rom. viii. 26), vnep- 
viKaa) (Rom. viii. 37), VTrepKTfi'i>a> (2 
Cor. X. 14), vircpn\eova(o> (i Tim. i. 14), 
all, like VTrfpav^avw, being air. Xeyo/xeva 
in the N.T. : see also the note on 
I. iii. 10. Like the simple avgdva) 
in the N.T. (except i Cor. iii. 6f., 
2 Cor. ix. 10), the verb is here used 

Kal ir\ovdfi KT\.] a fulfilment of 
the prayer of I. iii. 12. As dis- 
tinguished from inrcpavgdvet, TrXeoi/a^t, 
which is found in the N.T. outside the 
Pauline Epp. only in 2 Pet. i. 8, points 
to diffusive rather than organic 
growth, and hence is fittingly used of 
dydirr), while this love is further 
characterized as not only individually 
manifested (ei>os e/caorou, cf. I. ii. n), 
but as extended to the entire 
Christian community at Thessalonica 
(ndvTtov vyiwv els aXXf;Xovy). Chrys. : 
Kal opa dydnrjv' ov TOV /*ei> riydn&v, 
rov 8e ov, aXX' i'en; r\v -rrapa 7rdvT<av. 

4. coo-re avrovs was AcrX.] ' SO 
that we on our part...,' the emphati- 
cally placed avrovs not being simply 
reflexive, but serving to draw atten- 
tion to the fact that the Apostles, 
as well as the Thessalonians, have 
ground for boasting, inasmuch as it 
was through their agency, humanly 
speaking, that the foundations of 
the Thessalonians' faith were laid. 

For wo-re with inf. cf. I. i. 7 note. 

evKavxdo-dai] *EvKavx<*o-6ai (for form, 

WH. 2 Notes p. I56f.) instead of the 
favourite Pauline Kavxao-Qai (Epp. 35 ) 
does not occur elsewhere in the N.T., 
but is found with the same con- 
struction as here in Pss. Ii. (Iii.) 3, 
xcvi. (xcvii.) 7 (e'y*-), cv. (cvi.) 47. For 


eKK\t](riai<z TOV 6eov vTrep Trs viTOfAOvfj* VJULWV KCLI 
eV Trdcriv Tols S^wy/zcus VJULCOV Kai TCUS 6\i"^secriv 

TOV 6eov 

the thought cf. I. ii. 19 c 
Kav^o-eaK, and for lv indicating the 
ground of the boasting see WM. 
p. 292. 

fv r. KK\rjcriais T. $eov] 1.6. in 
Corinth and its neighbourhood, cf. 2 
Cor. i. i. For a similar instance of 
boasting cf. 2 Cor. viii. i ff., and for 
the use made of the present passage 
by Polycarp see Intr. p. Ixxvif. 

VTrep rfjs VTrofjiovrjs KT\.] 'YTro/ioi/rJ 
(I. i. 3 note) is usually found associated 
with eXrrtr, and its close union here 
with irtoris under a common art. has led 
to the latter's being taken in the sense 
of 'faithfulness' (Beng. : ' fidelem 
constantiam confessionis '). But this 
passive significance of irioris is, to say 
the least, very rare in the N.T. (cf. 
Rom. iii. 3, Gal. v. 22), and the occur- 
rence of the word in its ordinary 
active sense of 'faith' in the im- 
mediately preceding verse makes it 
more natural to give it the same 
meaning here. Nor need the added 
clause fv TTCHTIV T. 8icoyfj.ois rA. cause 
any difficulty in this respect. It was 
the very point of the Apostles' boast 
that the Thessalonians had maintained 
a true religious 'faith' even in the 
midst of the 'persecutions' and 
' afflictions' which had been both 
numerous (naa-iv) and continuous 
(di>e'xeo-0e pres.). 

For the combination Sieoy/u. K. 0\ty. 
cf. Mt. xiii. 21, Mk. iv. 17, the former 
being the more special term, with 
reference to the external persecutions 
inflicted by enemies of the Gospel (cf. 
Ac. viii. i, xiii. 50, 2 Mace. xii. 23), 
the latter (cf. I. i. 6, note), more com- 
prehensively, afflictions of any kind. 

als dvfxfo-df] ' which ye are endur- 
ing.' ALS is generally regarded as an 
attraction for <u ai/e'^eo-tfe, as elsewhere 

in the N. T. ai/e'xo/Luu is found with the 
gen. (e.g. 2 Cor. xi. i, 19, Eph. iv. 2). 
But such an attraction as this would 
be unique (WM. p. 204 n. 2 ), and it 
is simpler to regard als as directly 
governed by ai/e'x 60 "^ 6 for which we 
have class, authority, e.g. Eur. An- 
drom. 980 v/^0opats 8* ^veixo^v. 

Findlay suggests that the gram- 
matical anomaly may have led to the 
otherwise interesting variant als 
cvexco-Ge (WH. mg.) 'in which you are 
involved,' als being then regularly 
governed by eV- : cf. Gal. v. i w 
naXiv vya dovXeias eVe^ecr^e, P.Fior. 
57, 30 (iii./A.D.) ve\fcrde rals Xeirovp- 


5. ' We have spoken of your heroic 
faith under persecution, and we gladly 
dwell upon it, because in itself it affords 
a proof of what awaits you in the day 
of God's final judgment, and will then 
result in your being found worthy of 
the heavenly Kingdom, for which you 
are now suffering.' 

5. evfteiypa KT\.] ' a plain token of 
the righteous judgment of God ' (Beza 
quae res indicium est iusti iudicii 
Dei}. "Evdfiypa (an. Xey. N.T.) in 
accordance with its passive form 
denotes strictly a result that has been 
reached, 'a thing proved,' but as 
frequently in similar cases where the 
abstract gives place to the concrete 
can hardly be distinguished from 
v8cits the actual proof by an appeal 
to facts, cf. Rom. iii. 25 f., 2 Cor. viii. 
24, and especially the closely parallel 
passage Phil. i. 28 pf) irrvpo^voi *v 
.T8ev\...fTis ecrrlv avrols 

As regards construction, the analogy 
of this last passage has led to the 
treating of ei/Seiy/ia as a nominative, 
some such ellipsis as o eanv being 

ek TO KaTa^tcoBfjvai v/ud^ Trjs /3aa~i\eias TOV 6eov, VTrep 

supplied (Blass p. 293). But it is 
more in keeping with class, usage to 
regard such noun-phrases as ac- 
cusatives, in apposition to the whole 
idea of the foregoing sentence (cf. 
Rom. viii. 3, xii. i, i Tim. ii. 6, and 
see further Kiihner 3 406, 6, Riddell 
The Apology of Plato (1877) p. 122). 
In the present instance, therefore, the 
meaning is that the heroic faith of the 
Thessalonians under persecution is in 
itself a 'proof,' a 'sign' (Est. 'argu- 
mentum et indicium ') of what God's 
final judgment in their case will be. 

For SiKaias KptcreoK, a phrase not 
found elsewhere in the Pauline Epp. 
cf. Rom. ii. 5 diKatoKpio-ias which, how- 
ever, denotes * not so much the charac- 
ter of the judgment as the character 
of the Judge' (SH. p. 56), and for the 
whole thought see Rom. viii. i8ff., 
2 Cor. iv. i6ff. 

As a literary parallel Garrod aptly 
cites the lines from Browning's ' Abt 
Vogler ' 

And what is our failure here but a 

triumph's evidence 
For the fulness of the days? 

And as still better illustrating the 
confident appeal to the supreme judg- 
ment by which all present sufferings 
will be set in their true light, Dante's 
great lines (Parg. x. 109 in) may 
be recalled 

Non attender la forma del martire : 
Pensa la succession ; pensa che, a 

Oltre la gran sentenza non puo ire. 

els TO Karaia>6r)vai KT\.] Cf. the 
common Rabbinic expression 'To be 
worthy of the future aeon' (Dalinan 
Worte p. 97, E. Tr. p. 119). 

Karai6o>, like the simple dioa> (v. 
n), denotes not 'make' but 'count 
worthy,' and is found elsewhere in the 
N.T. only in Lk. xx. 35 01 8e Karato>- 

6(VTCS TOV llltoVOS fKflVOV TV^eiV, AC. 

V. 41 ort KaTT)ia>6r)o~av inrep TOV 6v6fj.aTos 

In the LXX. it is confined 
to Maccabees 4 ; cf. Aristeas 175 TOVS 
Se rJKovras Tifj.fjs KdTa^iatv pcifovor. It 

is frequent in Polybius (e.g. i. 23. 3, 
iv. 86. 8) ; see also C.I. A. in. 690, 9 f. 

For fls TO with inf., and for the 
meaning of r. /Sao-iA. r. 0eoO see the 
notes on I. ii. 12. 

VTrep ys KOI Trac^cre] cf. Rom. viii. 
17, 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii. 10, and 
Dante Purg. xix. 76 f. 

eletti di Dio, Ii cui soffriri 
E giustizia e speranza fan men duri. 

6 10. From the thought of the 
future recompence awaiting the per- 
secuted Thessalonian Church the 
Apostles proceed to describe more 
fully the issue of the Lord's Parousia 
in an apocalyptic passage closely based 
on the O.T. as regards both language 
and imagery (see Intr. p. lix). The 
form is largely rhythmical, so much 
so that Bornemann (pp. 329, 336) con- 
jectures that vv. 7 b io a may be an 
adaptation of some primitive Christian 
psalm or hymn. 

' We are the more confident of this 
because it is in accord with God's 
righteous law to mete out trouble 
to troublers, and to the troubled 
rest a rest which we hope to share 
along with you at the revelation from 
heaven of the Lord Jesus attended by 
the angels, as the instruments of His 
power, and surrounded by a "fire 
of flame." Then will He inflict full 
justice upon all who in wilful ignor- 
ance oppose themselves to God, and 
in consequence disobey the Gospel of 
Christ. All such shall suffer a fitting 
penalty. Nothing less than eternal 
ruin will fall upon them banishment 
from the presence of the Lord and 
from the glory of His might. Yes, 
from that glory the wicked, your 
persecutors, will be shut out, for the 
object of the Lord's coming is to 
be glorified in His saints and revered 


^5 Kai Tra'cr^ere, 6 i7rep SIKCUOV Trapd 6eto d 

Tols 6\iftovcriv v/uias 6\i\lsiv 7 Kai vfjiiv T 

av(riv /ued' rifJLMV eV Trj CLTT OKaXv^sei TOV Kvpiou ' Iqcrov 

OLTT oupavov /UT dyye\u>v Suva/mews avTOv S GN nypi 4>Aoroc, 

in all believers (amongst whom we 
may reckon you, for you received our 
testimony) in that great Day.' 

6. fi-rrep diKaiov <rX.] EiVtp (' si 
quidem ') an intensive form, confined 
in the N.T. to the Pauline writings, 
which, without implying doubt as to 
the truth of the condition assumed, 
lays some stress on it as a condition 
(cf. Rom. iii. 30, viii. 9, 17; SH. p. 
96). That condition is here the exer- 
cise of the strict righteousness of God 
conceived as &jus talionis. 

For diKaiov cf. diKatas Kpicrfcas (v. 5)> 
and for napa Ota ('judice Deo') see 
WM. p. 493- 

dvTcnroftovvat KrX.] Th. Mops, retri- 

buere his qui tribulant uos retribu- 
lationem. For ai/ra7ro8ifio>/u see I. 
iii. 9 note, and for 0An//>t? I. i. 6 note. 
The language as well as the thought 
(cf. Rom. ii. 6 if.) is clearly suggested 
by O.T. prophecy, cf. especially Isa. 
Ixvi. 4, 14 ff., and for a terse descrip- 
tion of the close connexion between 
sin and its 'other half punishment 
see Sap. xi. 16 (17)81* <av TIS dfj-apravfi, 

dlO. TOllTdHV KoA af T<U. 

7. avtaiv] "Averts, lit. 'loosening,' 
'relaxing' of the cords of endurance 
now tightly drawn (cf. Plato Rep. i. 
349 E c>1/ T ?7 tmfotftt Kai avfcrei TWV 

vis], is, with the exception of Ac. 
xxiv. 23 ('indulgence' R.V.), used in 
the N.T. only by St Paul, and always 
with the contrast to OXfyis either 
stated or implied; cf. 2 Cor. ii. 13 
(see v. 4), vii. 5, viii. 13. In the 
apocryphal books of the O.T. it is 
found also in the more general senses 
of 'liberty' (i Esdr. iv. 62) and of 
'licence' (Sir. xv. 20 (21), xxvi. 10 
(13)): cf. also Aristeas 284 eV rals 
dve<T((ri Kai pa6\)p.iais^ P. Tebt. 24, 73 

(ii./B.C.) V dv[e]a-i yeyovoras ' becom- 
ing remiss.' 

In the present passage the 'rest' 
spoken of (Est. : ' remissionem, relaxa- 
tionem, scilicet a pressuris hujus mun- 
di ') is practically synonymous with 
the Kaipol dva\l^v^(i)s of Ac. iii. 19, 
where the context again determines 
the eschatological reference of the 
phrase: cf. also Asc. Isai. iv. 15 'And 
He will give rest to the godly whom 
He shall find in the body in this 

fj.e& ij/zav] i.e. with Paul and his com- 
panions, rather than with Christians 
in general : cf. 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. i. 30. 
Oecum. : eVayft ro fif$' JjfJioctv, Iva 

ev TTJ drroKaXv^ei /trA.] Cf. I Cor. i. 
7, and for the original suggestion of 
the phrase see Lk. xvii. 30 fi "npfpq o 


is not purely temporal but 'in and 
through' (cf. I. ii. 19 note), the dvTmro- 
doo-is being not only associated with 
the diroKaXv^is but actually forming a 
part of it : cf. i Pet. i. 7 (with Hort's 
note), and on the distinction between 
drroKaXv^is and Trapovaia see Add. 
Note F. 

For similar language from Jewish 
Apocalyptic cf. 4 Ezra vii. 28 (quoted 
I. iv. 17 note) ; xiii. 32 'et erit cum 
tient haec...tunc reuelabitur filius 
meus quern uidistiuirumascenden tern.' 

P.CT dyyeXtov *rA.] 'accompanied by 
angels of His power' Svi/a/xeooy not 
being a mere epithet of ayye'Awi/, but, 
as the accompanying CLVTOV shows, 
pointing directly to the power of the 
Lord Himself, of which the angels (cf. 
I. iii. 13 note) were the exponents and 
ministers. Calv. : * an gelos potentiae 



TW evayyeXia) TOU Kvpiov rifjLwv 'Iqcrov, 9 OLTives 

vocat, in quibus suara potestatem 

8. ev irvpl (pXoyos] a common figure 
in O.T. theophanies, and frequently 
associated as here with the thought 
of judgment, e.g. Isa. Ixvi. 15 I8ov 
yap Kvptof cos irvp rjfi,...a7rodovvai ev 
6v/j.<a K8iKT)(riv avrov KOI diroa-KopaKicr- 
fjiov avrov (v <p\oyl Trvpos. See also 
Apoc. Bar. xlviii. 39, 'Therefore a fire 
will consume their thoughts, and in 
flame will the meditations of their 
reins be tried; for the Judge will 
come and will not tarry,' where as 
elsewhere in the same book (xliv. 15, 
lix. 2 (with Charles's note), Ixxxv. 13) 
material fire seems to be intended. 
In St Paul's hands on the contrary 
the figure has become entirely spiri- 
tualized, and there is certainly no 
thought here of 'fire' as the actual 
instrument for the destruction of the 
ungodly, as Kabisch appears to sug- 
gest (Eschatologie des Paulus (1893) 
p. 246). 

The v.L ev (p\oyl nvpos (BDG 47 71) 
appears to be a conformation to Isa. 
Ixvi. 15 (cited above); on the other 
hand in ev irvp\ (p\oy6s (KAKLP) we 
may have a reminiscence of LXX. Ex. 
iii. 2, where however AF read ev (j>\. 
irvp. : cf. Ac. vii. 30 where there is a 
similar variation of reading. 

didovros e<8iKr)o-Lv] not to be con- 
nected with Trvpos but directly with 
r. wp. 'Irjo-ov, and serving to bring out 
further the judicial aspect under which 
this dnoKaXv^is is here presented. 

'EKdUrjo-is from enducos (I. iv. 6 note) 
is full, complete punishment, cf. i Pet. 
ii. 14 els eKdiKTjo-iv KQKOTroteGf : elsewhere 
it has the meaning of 'avenging,' 'vin- 
dication' (e.g. Lk. xviii. 7 ff.). The 
exact phrase dovvai 3*&iiafmv is found 
only here in the N.T., but it occurs 
several times in the LXX., e.g. Ezek. 
xxv. 14: cf. Isa. Ixvi. 15 dirodovvtu 
, and more particularly for 

the thought Deut. xxxii. 35 ev 

e\8iKrj<reo>s ai>ra7roS&>cra>. On the power 

of judgment here ascribed to the Lord 
Jesus see Intr. p. Ixvii. 

The v.l. 8i8ovs (D*FG and some 
Latin authorities) for didovros, if it 
were better attested, would be an 
instance of the indifference to con- 
cord which we find so frequently in 
the Apocalypse, and in the less 
educated papyri (Moulton Prolegg. 
pp. 9, 60). 

TOLS fj,rj eiSocn icrX.] 'to them that 
know not God and to them that obey 
not the gospel of our Lord Jesus.' 
The two clauses (note repeated art.) 
are often referred to the Gentile 
(I. iv. 5 note) and Jewish (Rom. x. 
1 6 ff.) opponents of the Gospel re- 
spectively. But it is doubtful whether 
any such distinction was in the writers' 
minds at the time, nor can it be strictly 
applied, for Gentiles as well as Jews 
can be taxed with disobedience 
(Rom. xi. 30), while the wilful 
ignorance of God which alone can 
be thought of here (cf. Rom. ii. 14) 
is elsewhere directly ascribed to Jews 

(cf. Jer. ix. 6 ov< ^6e\ov eldevai /xe). 

On the whole therefore it is better, 
and more in keeping with the He- 
braistic strain of the whole passage 
(Findlay), to take both clauses as 
referring to the same general class, 
viz. all who as the result of wilful 
ignorance or disobedience oppose 
themselves to God: cf. Jer. x. 25 
K)(eov TOV 6vp.6v <rov eVl edvr] TO. fj,ri 
fidoTa ere Kal enl yeveas at TO uvop.d 
(TOV OVK eVe/caXeVai/ro, where again the 
two closely parallel clauses form one 
extended category. 

The substitution of r. evayy. r. Kvp. 
Tjfj.. 'lya. for r. evayy. T. deov (I. ii. 2 

&c.) is in accordance with the promi- 
nence given to the Lord Jesus 
throughout the section. 

9. oirt ves] ' men who ' (' quippe qui '), 


b\.6pov aiwviov ATTO npocoonoy TOY Kypioy KA'I And 

the qualitative character of 
though generally lost in late Gk., 
being apparently maintained in the 
Pauline Epp., cf. Rom. i. 25, i Cor. 
iii. 17, Gal. iv. 24, 26, Phil. iv. 3, and 
see Blass p. 173, Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 91 f. 

In the papyri of the Ptolemaic 
period ocm? has almost wholly dis- 
appeared, its place b'eing taken by 
the simple os, and in the plural often 
by 00-01 (Mayser p. 310). 

&IKTJV rio-ova-iv] 'shall pay a penalty.' 
A/K//, originally 'custom,' 'usage,' and 
hence 'right' considered as established 
usage, came to be extended to a ' pro- 
cess of law' or 'judicial hearing' (e.g. 
P.Hib. 30, 24 (iii./B.c.) ) 81*17 <roi 
dvaypa(pija-T[a]i 'the case will be 
drawn up against you,' P. Reinach 1 5, 

21 (ii./B.C.) avev 8iKr)? Kcii Kpiafws KCU 
Trao-tjs evpeo-iXoyias ' sans proces, con- 
testation, ni chicane d'aucune sorte '), 
and then to the result of the lawsuit, 
'execution of a sentence,' 'punish- 
ment': see Jude 7, Sap. xviii. 11, 
2 Mace. viii. 1 1, and cf. P.Fay. 21, 24 f. 

(ii./A.D.) TT)V TTpOO-rJKOVO-dV 8lKTj[v yJTTO- 

o-^coo-i 'may pay the fitting penalty.' 

The exact phrase SI'K^I/ riveiv does 
not occur elsewhere in the N.T. though 
it is very common in class, writers, cf. 
Soph. Electro, 330 dXX' 'io-tii rot r/o-ovo-a 
y aiav StKyv, and the other exx. cited 
by Wetstein. For the verb cf. Prov. 
xxvii. 1 2 frfjiiav riaovo-iv, B.G. U. 242, 
7 f. (ii./A.D.) [TrXjiyyais TrXiorais pe 

oXetfpoi/ altoviov] a phrase not found 
elsewhere in the N.T., but cf. 4 Mace. 

X. I 5 TOV alatviov TOV rvpavvov oXfBpov. 

As o\c6pov (I. v. 3 note) does not 
necessarily imply annihilation, so in 
itself alwviov need not mean more than 
* age-long,' 'age-lasting,' the period 
over which it extends depending on 
the nature of the object with which 
the aeon has to do. Thus in both 

papyri and inscriptions it is of fre- 
quent occurrence with reference to 
the span of a Caesar's life, cf. B.G. U. 

362. iv. 1 1 f. virep <T<0TT)pii> KOL ala>[viov] 
8ia/^o[^]? TOO Kvpiov 7)/LUBi> (Severus), 
and for a similar weakened sense of 
the word see Magn. 188, 12 f. (ii./A.D.) 
where reference is made to the monies 
spent by a certain Charidemos during 
his 'life-long' tenure of the office of 
gymnasiarch (ds yvfj.vaariap^iav cuo>- 
VLOV). On the other hand, in view of 
St Paul's consistent teaching regard- 
ing 6 altov o n\\a>v which is once and 
for ever to supplant o ala>v ovros, the 
thought of 'finality' is necessarily 
present in the passage before us : the 
destruction is an 'eternal' one. See 
further Kennedy Last Things p. ^i6K, 
and the passages cited by Volz Jiid. 
Eschat. p. 286 f. to show that the 
eternity of woe was the ordinary 
tea.ching of Jewish writers. 

Lachmann's reading oXedpiov is only 
supported by A 17 47 73 ; cf. Tert. adv. 
Marc. v. 16 'quos ait poenam luituros 
exitialem, aeternam.' 

O.TTO Trpoo-ooTTou icrX.] The words are 
borrowed, as Tertullian had already 
remarked (adv. Marc. v. 16 'verbis 
usus Esaiae'), from Isa. ii. 10, 19, 21, 
and hence drro is best understood 
neither temporarily nor causally but 
locally in the sense of separation from 
the face of the Lord. For this preg- 
nant use of the preposition cf. ii. 2, 
Rom. ix. 3, 2 Cor. xi. 3, Gal. v. 4, and 
for the thought such passages as 
Mt. vii. 23, xxv. 41, Lk. xiii. 27 con- 
trasted with Mt. v. 8, i Jo. iii. 2, 
Rev. xxii. 4. 

Ao?7p, as in I. ii. 12, is the visible 
glory which is the symbol of the 
Divine presence, while Icrxvos (gen. 
orig.) is the strength by which the 
Lord is characterized, and from which 
His glory radiates ; cf. Ps. cxlvi. (cxlvii.) 

5 /Jifyas 6 Kvpios 7J^<uz>, KOI peyaXr] j; 


v 7r(riv TO? 
^ TO /uaprvptov VJULCOV & vjULas, EN TH H 

OTL r 7Ti- 

vs avTov. For the distinction be- 
tween lo-xvs strength absolutely and 
Kpdros might, strength in relation to 
an end to be gained, see Westcott 
Eph. p. 25 f. 

10. orai/ c\07} *rX.] 'whenever He 
has (or, shall have) come...,' the aor. 
subj. with orai/ describing a completed 
action 'future by virtue of its mood, 
punctiliar by its tense' (Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 186). 

y Ev8oa<r6r)vai is found elsewhere in 
the N.T. only in v. 12, but is common 
in the LXX., cf. Ex. xiv. 4 cVSo^ao-^o-o- 
fiat iv <l>apaft>, and especially Ps.lxxxviii. 
(Ixxxix.) 8 o Of os fv8oa6fjivos iv (3ov\f) 
dytW, a verse which may have sug- 
gested its use in the present passage. 

iv T. ayiois] In accordance with 
the context these words can refer 
here only to redeemed men (cf. I. iii. 
13 note), the preposition marking 
them out not as the agents of the 
Lord's glorification (Chrys. : eV, 8id, 
Wt), but as the sphere or element 
in which this glorification takes 
place; cf. Jo. xvii. 10 Se6Y>ao>iai 
iv avTots. 

*rX.] parallel to the 
preceding clause and with the same 
wide sweep, cf. Ps. Ixvii. (Ixviii.) 36 
6avfj.a.(TTos o debs ev rot? oaiois avrov. 
Bengel's proposal to limit r. dyiois to 
converted Jews and nao-tv T. Trio-rfv- 
o-ao-ii/ to converted Gentiles is quite 

For o Trio-revo-as as an almost 
technical title for 'one who has ac- 
cepted the Gospel,' 'a believer,' cf. 
Ac. iv. 32, xi. 17. 

on fTrio-TevOr) /crX.] a parenthetical 
clause catching up the preceding r. 
7no-reuo-ao-ii/,andexpressingthe writers' 
conviction that in the Thessalonians' 
case the testimony addressed to them 
had secured the desired result. 

While however the general sense is 


clear, the construction of this clause 
is admittedly difficult. The words 
60' vp,as are usually connected directly 
with ro papTvpiov TJ/A., as the order of 
the sentence naturally suggests, but 
no other instance of ^aprvpiov with 
6Vi in this sense is forthcoming (in 
Lk. ix. 5 eV/ 'against') and Findlay's 
idea of a 'testimony accosting (assail- 
ing, challenging) you' for which he 
compares i Tim. i. 18, Eph. ii. 7, Rev. 
xiv. 6 is, to say the least, somewhat 
far-fetched. We must be content 
therefore either to regard this as a 
unique construction, intended to em- 
phasize the direction the testimony 
took, or (with Lft.) connect e$' r/iay 
with enio-revdr] in the sense 'belief in 
our testimony directed itself to reach 
you.' WH. 2 (Notes p. 128) favour 
this latter connexion, but despairing 
of then finding a proper meaning for 
fTTio-revOr] propose the conjectural 
emendation emo-radr) (read in cod. 
min. 31) 'was confirmed': 'the Chris- 
tian testimony of suffering for the 
faith had been confirmed and sealed 
upon the Thessalonians.' 

iv TTJ rfp-fpa fKfivTj] a predicate of 
time connected with Savfjiao-drjvai and 
rendered emphatic by position. For 
77 T//M. fKfivT) as denoting the day of 
Christ's final coming cf. Mk. xiii. 32, 
xiv. 25, Lk. xxi. 34, 2 Tim. i. 12, 18, 
iv. 8, and for the general meaning of 
the phrase see note on I. v. 2. 

n, 12. A characteristic reference 
to the writers' consent prayers on 
their brethren's behalf. 

'And now that all this may be 
brought to pass, our earnest prayer 
is that our God will count you worthy 
of the heavenly rest for which you are 
looking. To this end may He mightily 
animate you with all delight in good- 
ness, and with a whole-hearted activity 
inspired by the faith you profess. Thus 


o Kai 


a TrvTOTe Trepi v/ucov, 'va 


ayaucocrvvtis Kai 

the full glory of the Lord Jesus will 
be displayed in you, as you in your 
turn derive your glory from Him in 
accordance with the gracious purposes 
of our God and the Lord Jesus Christ.' 

ii. Els o] 'to which end' with 
reference to the whole contents of 
vv. 5 10. 

Iva vp,. dgiaxry] 'Aioo> 'count worthy' 
(cf. Karatoo> 0. 5) occurs seven times 
in the N.T., and is usually associated 
as here with the thought of reward 
(e.g. i Tim. v. 17, Heb. iii. 3), cf. how- 
ever Heb. X. 29 d^idnBTjcreTai Tip.(t)pias. 
The verb is frequent in the papyri 
in the sense of 'beg,' 'entreat,' e.g. 

P.Tebt. 28, I 5 (ii./B.C.) d^tov^v epfiXe- 
^avra els TO. V7ro8f$iyp.eva 'we beg you 

to look into the matters indicated 

For iva following trpoo-evxopai cf. 
Mk. xiii. 1 8, xiv. 35, 38, Phil. i. 9, and 
for its semi-final force here see the 
note on I. iv. i. 

(cXr/'o-fo)?] Usually in the N.T. 
K\fjo-is is applied to the initial act 
of salvation as a Divine invitation 
(Rom. XL 29, i Cor. i. 26) carrying 
with it great responsibilities (Eph. 
iv. 1,2 Pet. i. 10), and that meaning 
is by no means impossible here in the 
sense that on the day of Christ's 
return the Thessalonians' whole life 
may be found to have been in har- 
mony with the call once addressed to 
them. There seems no reason how- 
ever why the word should not be 
definitely extended to include the 
final issue of the calling, much in 
the sense of TTJS ava> K^ya-cus in Phil, 
iii. 14 or K\r/(Tfa)s enovpaviov in Heb. 
iii. i : cf. the similar use of KaXeo> in 
I. ii. 12, and see further Intr. p. Ixxix. 

6 deos rfp.<uv] For the expression cf. 
I. ii. 2 note, and for the change from 
the 2nd pers. pron. (i5/nas) to the ist 
cf. I. v. 5 b note. 



Tro-Tews e 

KT\.] 'and may fulfil 
every delight in goodness and work 
of faith in power.' The almost tech- 
nical use of cvdoKta in the Bibl. 
writings to denote the good-will of 
God to man (e.g. Ps. cv. (cvi.) 4, Lk. 
ii. 14, Eph. i. 5, 9, Phil. ii. 13; cf. Pss. 
Sol. viii. 39, Enoch i. 8 KOI TTJV v8o<iav 
[fvodiavj Charles] doxm avTois) has led 
to the translation of the A.V. 'all the 
good pleasure of his goodness' (Beza 
totum suae bonitatis libitum). But if 
this had been intended we should 
have expected the art. before eu'So- 
Kiavy while the further considerations 
that dya&ta<rvvrjs is never used else- 
where of God (cf. Rom. xv. 14, Gal. 
v. 22, Eph. v. 9) and that the accom- 
panying parallel clause K. tpyov nicr- 
To>s must refer to the Thessalonians 
are both in favour of extending vSo- 
Ktav to them also. The word can then 
only mean the 'good pleasure,' 'de- 
light' in 'goodness' (dya0a>(Tvvr)s, gen. 
obj.), which it was the prayer of the 
Apostles that their converts might 
evince in full measure. 

For fvdoicia (not found in class. Gk.) 
in this sense cf. Sir. xxix. 23 (30), 
xxxv. 14 (xxxii. 1 8), Pss. Sol. xvi. 12 

ta 8e /xera IXaporj/ros crT^piaov 
i/ /MOW, and see the note on 

ea* I. ii. 8. The corresponding 
subst. cvdoKqa-is- occurs O.G.l.S. 335, 

122 (Perg.) Kara rr)[v TOV 

rjv Kai rr]v /3a<riX<0]* evdo 

'Ayadacrvvr) a late form 
* Notes p. 159, WSchm. p. 134) 
found only in the LXX., N.T., and 
writings derived from them. It is 
always rendered 'goodness' in A.V., 
R.V., and 'represents the kindlier, as 
diKaioo-visr] represents the sterner ele- 
ment in the ideal character: comp. 
Rom. v. 7' (Robinson Eph. p. 200). 
See further Trench Syn. Ixiii., and 
cf. the valuable note on di<aios and 


dya06s in Lft. Notes on Epp. oj 
St Paul p. 286 f. 

For fpyov Trt'orcas 'activity inspired 
by faith' cf. I. i. 3 note. 

an adv. adjunct to 


\ * ~ > > ~ \ \ f ~)~~ \ 

Kai vjuieis ev avT(v, KCITO, TV\V ^apiv TOV veov rifjuav Kai 
Kvpiov 'Irjcrov XpicrTOv. 

should be noted however that very 
frequently uvopa can mean little more 
than 'person,' e.g. B.G.U. 113, n 

(ii./A.D.)eKa(rra> oi/6/xari 7rapay(evop.fV(o) '. 

see further Deissmann BS. p. 196 ff., 
Reitzenstein Poimandres p. 17 n. 6 , 
and cf. the note on iii. 6. 

Kara rrji/ ^apii/ KrX.] not merely the 
norm but the source of the glorifica- 
tion spoken of in accordance with a 
common derived use of Kara (WM. 
p. 501). Pelag. : 'Expetit a nobis, 
quod possumus: ut quod non pos- 
sumus, largiatur.' 

The fact that the art. is not repeated 
before Kvpiov would seem at first sight 
to imply that both deov and Kvpiov 
refer to the same person, '(grace) of 
our God and Lord, Jesus Christ.' 
But this cannot be pressed in view 
of the frequent occurrence of Kvpios 
without the art. as practically equiva- 
lent to a proper name, and it is more 
in keeping with general Pauline usage 
to distinguish between the Father as 
6f6s and Jesus Christ as Kvpios, cf. in 
these Epp. I. i. i, II. i. i, 2, ii. 16. 
We translate therefore as in the R.V., 
'according to the grace of our God 
and the Lord Jesus Christ': see 
further Middleton On the Greek 
Article (ed. Rose) p. 379 ff. 


We have seen already what were 
the circumstances leading up to the 
writing of this remarkable section 
how, on the one hand, St Paul had to 
do his utmost to allay the restless 
excitement of which there were in- 
creasing signs amongst the Thessa- 
lonians, and, on the other, to guard 
against saying anything to discourage 
their belief in the near approach of the 
Lord (Intr. p. xxxviii f.). And it must 

arrj to bring out the manner 
of God's working, cf. Rom. i. 4, 
Col. i. 29, and the Prayer-Book collect 
for Monday in Easter- week: 'That, as 
by Thy special grace preventing us 
Thou dost put into our minds good 
desires, so by Thy continual help we 
may bring the same to good effect.' 

12. oVcoy] rare with St Paul, and 
used here probably to vary the pre- 
ceding u>a, cf. i Cor. i. 29, 2 Cor. viii. 
14 (Blass p. 211). 

v8ogao-6ri] cf. v. 10 note, and for 
the reciprocity here implied (eV V/A. K. 
vp.. ev avrw) resting on the essential 
union between the Lord and His 
people see Jo. xvii. 9 f., 20 flf. 

TO oVo/ia T. Kvp. T//X. 'irjo-ov] The use 
of ovopa here goes back to the O.T., 
where in accordance with its most 
characteristic usage 'the name of 
Jehovah' is to be understood as em- 
bodying His (revealed) character (see 
B.D.B. s.v. D$, and cf. Art. 'Name' in 
Hastings' D.B. iii. p. 478 ff.). The 
glorification of the name of the Lord 
Jesus thus implies the showing forth 
of the Lord Jesus as He really is, in 
all the fulness of His person and 
attributes (cf. Phil. ii. 9 f., Heb. i. 4). 

With this may be compared the 
well-established Gk. usage of uvo^a 
as a title of dignity or rank, e.g. 
P.Oxy. 58 (iii./A.D.) where the writer 
complains of the expense caused to 
the treasury by the number of persons 
who have devised 'offices' for them- 
selves (6vofj.ara cavrols e^eupozTey), and, 
after providing for a single trust- 
worthy superintendent, ordains that 
the remaining 'offices' shall cease 
(ra fie AoiTra ovofjLaTa Travo^rai). It 


crias TOU Kvpov 

Se vjjias, d$e\<poi, vTrep 
'lrj(rov XpurTov Kai YI 

II i T][jiv om B Syr (Harcl) 


be at once admitted that the manner 
in which he proceeds to do so is at 
first sight both strange and bewilder- 
ing. For, instead of conveying his 
warning in a clear and definite form, 
the Apostle prefers to embody it in 
a mysterious apocalyptic picture, 
which has not only no parallel in his 
own writings, but is unlike anything 
else in the N.T., unless it be certain 
passages in the Revelation of St John 
(e.g. xiii. 5 8, 12 17, xvi. 9 11). 
Nor is this all, but the difficulties of 
the passage are still further increased 
by the grammatical irregularities and 
frequent ellipses with which it abounds, 
and even more by the manifest reserve 
with which the whole subject is 

In the following exposition there- 
fore we shall try and discover as 
clearly as possible with the aid of the 
O.T. and the apocalyptic writings of 
the Apostle's time the meaning of the 
different words and phrases, leaving 
the general teaching of the passage to 
Add. Note I, and the history of the 
various interpretations that have been 
offered of it to Add. Note J. The 
arguments against the authenticity 
of the Ep. to which it has given rise 
have already been discussed Intr. 
p. Ixxxv f. 

The section opens with an appeal 
to the Thessalonians not to be led 
astray by false ideas regarding the 
coming of the Lord (vv. i, 2). So far 
from His Parousia being ' upon them,' 
it will not take place until after the 
great Apostasy, culminating in the 
'parousia' of the Man of lawlessness 
(vv. 3, 4). The signs of that 'parousia' 
are already at work, and it only re- 
quires the removal of the presently 
restraining influence for its full revela- 
tion to take place (vv. 5 7) a revela- 

tion which, though it will end in the 
complete destruction of the 'lawless 
one,' will bring judgment on all who 
have set themselves against the Truth 
(vv. 812). 

i 4. 'We have been speaking of 
the great Day of the Lord, but that 
you may not fall into any mistake as 
to the Parousia of the Lord by which 
it will be ushered in, and the as- 
sembling of believers by which it will 
be accompanied, we beg of you, 
Brothers, not to allow your minds to 
be unsettled for little or no reason, 
or to be kept disturbed by any pro- 
phetic utterance, or teaching, or letter, 
any or all of them purporting to come 
from us, to the effect that the Day of 
the Lord has actually arrived. Do 
not, we beg of you, let any man lead 
you completely astray in this or any 
other way. For in no case will this 
Parousia take place until after the 
great Apostasy, and the consequent 
revelation of the Man of lawlessness, 
that son of perdition. So terrible 
indeed will be his revolt that, as the 
embodiment of Satanic power, he will 
be found exalting himself against 
every one that is spoken of as god, or 
that is an object of worship. Yes, he 
will even go the length of seating him- 
self in the Temple of God, and claiming 
to be God.' 

I. 'EpcorcSfiei/ de rX.] For cpcorao) 
see I. iv. i note, and for dde\(poi see 
I. i. 4 note. 

vnp T. TTapovo-ias] 'as regarding the 
Parousia/ the original meaning of 
vTrcp 'on behalf of,' ' in the interest of * 
being here almost wholly lost sight of, 
cf. Rom. ix. 27, 2 Cor. i. 8, viii. 23, 
xii. 8, and such a passage from the' 
Koivr] as P.Tebt. 19, 9 f. (ii./B.C.) inrep 8e 
a>v (nj/zaiVeis Kco/^ioypctyi/zareeoi/ fjLoXis a>s 

rfjs <f ^eopio-^o-ovreu, 'regarding the 


e avrov 



a.7ro TOV i/oos juri^e 6poeT(r6ai (j.r]Te Sia 

komogramateis whom you mention, 
they will hardly depart until the 25th.' 
In no case is there any warrant for 
the A.V. rendering 'by' as an adjura- 
tion (Vg. per adventum). 

For irapovo-ia see Add. Note F, and 
for the full title T. Kvp. 'irjar. Xp. see 
Add. Note D. 

7ri<Tvvay<oyfjs] The word goes back 
to such a saying of the Lord as 
Mk. xiii. 27 KCU 7rio~vvdei TOVS 
K\KTOVS avTov, and is found elsc- 
where in the N.T. only in Heb. x. 25 
where it is applied to the ordinary 
religious assembling of believers as an 
anticipation of the great assembling 
at the Lord's Parousia : cf. 2 Mace. ii. 7 

CMS av crvvdyr) o 6eos fTTio-vvaywyfjv TOV 
\aov with reference to the gather- 
ing of the tribes into the temporal 
kingdom of the Messiah. For the verb 
see Deut. xxx. 4, Ps. cv. (cvi.) 47, Zach. 
xii. 3, 2 Mace. i. 27, Didache ix. 4, 
and cf. O.G.I.S. 90, 23 (ii./B.c. the 
Rosetta stone) rois rfrtowAx&tow (Is 
avTTjv [AVKMV TroAii/] artftfot*. 

2. fls TO pr) Tax- o-a\ev6f)vat] ' to 
the end that you be not readily driven 
away ' from your sober sense, as a ship 
from its safe anchorage. For this 
use of o~a\eviv cf. especially Plut. 
Mor. ii. 493 D (cited by Lft.) where 

op(iv TOV KOTO. (pvo~iv d7roo~aXfvovo~av 
is followed almost immediately by a>s 
eV dyKvpas TT/S <pvo~<i)s o~a\evi. 

The verb (from o-oAor, Lk. xxi. 25), 
which is very common in the LXX. in 
its literal sense of the motion pro- 
duced by winds and storms, is found 
also figuratively, as here, especially in 
the Pss. (e.g. ix. 27 (x. 6), xxix. (xxx.) 
7): cf. i Mace. vi. 8, Pss. Sol. viii. 39, 
xv. 6, Ac. xvii. 13 (where it is joined 
with Tapao-(TfLv\ Heb. xii. 26 f., also 

O.G.I.S. 515, 47 (iii./A.D.) o-aAevei yap 
a>s a\rj[6<os r) aoorqpi'a Trjs TroXeJcos C'K 

' hastily, 5 ' readily,' the refer- 

ence being not so much temporal as 
modal: cf. Gal. i. 6, i Tim. v. 22. 

drrb TOV vooy] 'from your reason' 
(Wycl. from your witte) voos (for 
form, WSchm. p. 84) being used in its 
regular Pauline sense of the reasoning 
faculty, especially on its moral side, 
the highest part of man's own nature, 
through which he is most open to 
Divine influences : cf. i Cor. xiv. 
14 ff., Phil. iv. 7. The word, which is 
rare in the LXX. (usually for 27 or 
3^), is found in the N.T. outside 
the Pauline writings only in Lk. xxiv. 
45, Rev. xiii. 18, xvii. 9. Thpht. : 

dno TOV voos ov 

TOV vvv fx eTe opws o-Tap,Vov. 

H^fte dpoela-dai] ' nor yet be dis- 
turbed' in accordance with the re- 
gular Bibl. use of dpoelo-dai : cf. Cant. 
V. 4 Ka * */ KoiXi'a p,ov edpoijdrj eV avTov, 
and especially Mt. xxiv. 6, Mk. xiii. 7 
where, as here, it is used with refer- 
ence to the Parousia. The present 
tense should be noted as pointing to 
a continued state of agitation follow- 
ing upon a definite shock received 

(J.T]T 8ta TTVeV/JLttTOS KT\.] The 

Apostles now proceed to distinguish 
three ways in which the 0p6r)o-ts just 
spoken of may have been caused, the 
thrice repeated WTC dividing the 
foregoing negation (woe GpoelaQai) 
into its component parts : ' neither 
by spirit (i.e. ecstatic utterance, cf. 
I. v. 19), nor by (reasoned) discourse, 
nor by letter.' 

So far the meaning seems clear, 
but the introduction of the following 
words (os fit' jp.a>v has been the cause 
of much difficulty. As usually under- 
stood, they are regarded as a kind of 
adjectival clause appended to firia-To- 
Ar/s^'as though (coming) from us' or 
'as though we had written it' (Blass, 
p. 253, and cf. B.G.U. 884, 6f. (ii./iii. 


Sid \o<yov jJL^Te $i e7ri<rTO\fjs ok Si ii/mcou, ws OTI evec 

n rifJLepa TOV r KVpiov.^ 3 ]mr] TIS v/uids ea7raTti(rti KCITO. 

i Kvpiov, sic distinguere conati sunt WH 

A.D.) TO. 8ia TCOV 67r[i]crToXc5i/ avrov). 

But if so, in view of the close 
parallelism of the preceding clauses, 
it seems impossible not to extend 
the qualification to them also. The 
general meaning would then be that 
in the event of false teachers arising 
and appealing in support of their 
views to some revelation or teaching 
or letter purporting to come from 
the Apostles, the Thessaloriians were 
not to be disturbed as if they (the 
Apostles) were in reality in any way 
responsible. (Erasm. : ' Paulus non 
vult eos commoveri, neque per 
spiritum tanquam a Paulo pro fee- 
turn, neque per sermonem Pauli no- 
mine allatnm, neque per epistolam 
illius iussu aut nomine scriptam.') 

A modification of this view, suggest- 
ed apparently first by Dr Marcus Dods, 
and since advocated on independent 
grounds by Askwith (Introd. p. 92 ff.) 
and Wohlenberg, by which cos 81* 
THJ.WV, instead of being dependent on 
the noun-clauses, is rather to be re- 
ferred back to o-aXevOijvat and Bpoel- 
o-0ai as a separate statement, has 
the advantage of giving did the same 
force as in the preceding clauses. 
But the former connexion is on the 
whole simpler, nor is there any real 
difficulty in the use of diet in the 
qualifying clause instead of Trapd or 
duo. In a friendly letter the use of the 
prepositions must not be judged with 
the same strictness as in a classical 
treatise, more especially when, as 
here, no important doctrinal issue is 
at stake. In any case there is no need 
to fall back on the conjectural reading 
cos 617 THJLWV ' as pretending to be ours,' 
Field Notes p. 202. 

It is only necessary to add that the 
anarthrous emo-ToXfjs cannot be re- 
ferred directly to i Thess. (as by Paley 
Hor. Paul. x. 3), although the 


knowledge that passages in their 
former Ep., such as iv. 13 ff., had 
been misunderstood may have been 
the cause of the writers' referring to 
' a letter' at all as amongst the possible 
sources of error. 

coy OTI eveo-TrjKev KT\.] ' as if the day 
of the Lord is now present' (Vg. 
quasi instet dies Domini] cos on 
being equivalent to the Attic cos 
c. gen. abs. (cf. 2 Cor. v. 19, xi. 21, 
and see Blass 2 , p. 235 f.), and evea-Trj- 
Kev denoting strictly present time as 
in Rom. viii. 38, i Cor. iii. 22, Heb. 
ix. 9. Beng. : ' inagna hoc verbo pro- 
pinquitas significatur; nam eWo-rco? 
est praesens.' The verb is very 
common in the papyri and inscrip- 
tions with reference to the current 
year, e.g. P.Oxy. 245, 6 (i./A.D.) $ TO 

eveaTos i(B (e'ros), Magn. loob, 26 ev TCOI 

fVffTTCOTt ViaVT(i)l. 

It may be added that in late Gk. 
cos on also appears in a sense hardly 
differing from the simple on, e.g. 
Dion. Hal. Antt. ix. 14 emyvovs cos 
[om. coy, Kiessling] ort ev eo-xdrois flvlv 
ol KaTa.K\fio~0evTS ev rols Xoc^ois 1 , 
C.P.R. 19, 3 (iv./A.D.) irpcorjv |8t/3Xta 
em8e8(OKa rrj erf) eTrt/^eXfta cos OTI 
efiov\r]dr]v riva vndpxovTfi pov dirodocr- 
6ai (Jannaris, 1754, Moulton, Pro- 
legg. p. 212).^ 

3. \*.r] TLS lip. e^aTrarj/o-?/] A general 
warning leading up to the statement 
of the following clause. In their 
margin WH. suggest placing a comma 
at Kvpiov, and thus connecting the 
words elliptically with what has gone 
before '(we say this) lest any one 
should....' But the ordinary con- 
nexion is simpler, and more in keep- 
ing with our Lord's saying which may 
well have been in the writers' minds : 
/SXeVere /JLTJ TIS v/zas irXavijo-r)' TroXXoi 
yap f\evo-ovTai KT\. (Mt. XXIV. 4 f.). 

a strengthened form of 


TpoTrov OTI eav 

e\6rj r\ 

d7TOKa\v<p6rj 6 av6pa)7ros rfjs r dvofJLLa<i', 6 vios 

3 dvofj.las KB al pane Sah Boh Orig Cyr-Hier al : d/tpHas ADG al pier Lat 
(Vet Vg) Syr (Pesh Hard) Go Iren lat Orig Hipp Eus Ephr Chr Orig lat Ambst 
Theod-Mops lat al plur 

o-ia<ra>o-ii>), cf. also 2 Chron. xxix. 19, 
Jer. ii. 19; while in Ac. xxi. 21, the 
only other passage in the N.T. where 
it occurs, we read of a7rooTacn.'ai/...d7ro 
Mtouo-ecoy, with which may be com- 
pared the use of the corresponding 
verb d(pio-TaiJiai in i Tim. iv. i, Heb. 
iii. 12; cf. M. Anton, iv. 29 oTTo 

KocrfjLov 6 d<picrTd/jifvos KOI 

eavrov TOV TTJS KOLVTJS (f)vo~a>s Xoyov. 

Whatever then the exact nature of 
the apostasy in the present connexion, 
it must at least be a religious apo- 
stasy, and one moreover, as the use of 
the def. art. proves, regarding which 
the Apostles' readers were already 
fully informed. In this conclusion 
we are confirmed when we pass to the 
next words. 

KOI drroKa\v(p6fi] ( and (so) there be 
revealed (the man of lawlessness)' 
a second historical condition pre- 
ceding the Lord's Parousia, or rather, 
giving Kai its full consecutive force 
(I. iv. i note), the sign in which the 
just-mentioned dnoo-Tacria finds its 

The emphatic diroK.a\v^6i) by which 
the appearance of this sign is de- 
scribed is very significant, not only as 
marking the ' superhuman ' character 
of the coming spoken of, but as 
placing it in mocking counterpart 
to the anoKaXvij/is of the Lord Jesus 
Himself, cf. i. 7 and note the repe- 
tition of the same verb in -CD. 6, 8 of 
this chapter. For other exx. of hostile 
powers assuming the semblance of 
what they oppose see 2 Cor. xi. 13 ff., 
Rev. ii. 2, and cf. Asc. Isai. iv. 18 
where it is said of Beliar that he 
' manifested himself and acted openly 
in this world.' 

. dvop.ias\ the man, that 

(i Tim. ii. 14), is confined in 
the KT. to the Pauline writings, cf. 
Rom. xvi. 1 8, i Cor. iii. 18. For the 
rare use of the prohibitory subj. in the 
3rd pers. cf. i Cor. xvi. 11 (Burton, 

Kara fj.rj8eva rpoirov] i.e. not only 
not in any of the three ways already 
specified, but ' in no way 'evidently 
a current phrase, cf. P.Amh. 35, 28 
(ii./B.c.), P.Lond. in. 951, 4f. (iii./A.D.). 
Thdt. : irdvTa Kara ravrov TO. rfjs diraTrjs 
ee/3aXei/ e'idr), 

on edv M \6rj KT\.] an elliptical 
sentence, the apodosis being lost 
sight of in view of the length of 
the protasis, but too clearly implied 
in what precedes to occasion any 
difficulty : ' because the Parousia of 
the Lord will not take place unless 
there come the Apostasy first/ 

It is not so easy, however, to deter- 
mine in what this Apostasy consists. 
In late Gk. diroo-raa-ia is found as an 
equivalent of aTroorao-t? (Lob. Phryn. 
p. 528) in the sense of political de- 
fection or revolt, e.g. Plut. Galba i. 

KttXXrroi> epyov 8iaj3a\(&v ro> fa<r$a), 
Trfv dno Nepoovoy dirofrraviav irpoboa-'iav 
yevopevrjv, and the same meaning has 
been attached to it here, as when 
it has been referred to the revolt of 
the Jews from the Romans (Schottgen 
Hor. Heb. i. p. 840). But the usage 
of both LXX. and in N.T. is decisive 
against any such interpretation. Thus 
in Josh. xxii. 22 the word is directly 
applied to rebellion against the 

Lord (eV oTroo'Tao'ia eVX^jM/zeXr/tra/zei/ 

evavTi TOV <vpiov\ and in i Mace. ii. 1 5 
to the efforts of the officers of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes to compel the 
people to sacrifice to idols (01 *ara- 
TJV diro<TTaa-iav...'lva. 6v- 


, 4 d avTiKeip-evos KAI r'nepAipo'MeiMOc eni TTANTA Ae- 
OeoN // o"e/3aoyza, wcrre ai/TOi> eic TON i/aoy TOY 

is. of whom ' lawlessness ' is the true 
and peculiar mark dvopias being 
used here, as elsewhere in the N.T., 
to describe the condition not of one 
living without law, but of one who 
acts contrary to law, and thus as prac- 
tically equivalent to the v.l. a/xaprtas 
(WH. mg.) : cf. I Jo. iii. 4 77 a/zapria 
77 ai/o/^im, and as illustrating 

the active sense belonging to the 
word cf. P. Par. 14, 27 f. (ii./B.c.) 

dfpopijTU de dvo/J-iq f^evf^O^vrfS. The 

lawless one is thus none other than 
Belial (cf. 2 Cor. vi. 15) in accordance 
with the Bibl. usage by which /Pv? 
is rendered by dvo^^a (Deut. xv. 9), 
ai/o/ua (2 Regn. xxii. 5), or aTroorao-ia 
(3 Regn. xx. (xxi.) 13 A), and in keeping 
with the (erroneous) Rabbinical deri- 
vation of the word from ^3 ' without ' 
and Viy ' yoke,' i.e. one who will not 
accept the yoke of the law (see Jew. 
EncycL s.v. 'Antichrist'). 'Law, in 
all its manifestations is that which he 
[the Antichrist] shall rage against, 
making hideous application of that 
great truth, that where the Spirit is, 
there is liberty' (Trench Hulsean 
Lectures p. 136; cf. Syn. Ixvi. 
p. 227 f,). 

o vlos r. aTrcoXetas] a second dis- 
tinguishing epithet : so completely 
has the lawless one fallen under the 
power of 'perdition' (cf. Jo. xvii. 12) 
that it may be regarded as his ulti- 
mate destination, cf. i Regn. xx. 31 
vlos Qavdrov OVTOS i.e. ' destined to . 
death.' The thought of final doom 
is, however, only indirectly present in 
the description (cf. note on oXetfpoy, 
i. 9). Here rather, as elsewhere in 
his Epp. (Rom. ix. 22, Phil. i. 28, iii. 
19, i Tim. vi. 9), St Paul employs airw- 
Xem in direct antithesis, either stated 
or implied, to o-oorrjpta, full and com- 
plete blessedness, in harmony with 
the usage of the word (and its allied 

terms) in the LXX. and the later 
writings of the Jews : cf. I. v. 3 note, 
and see further Kennedy Last 
Things p. 119 ff., Volz Jud. Eschat. 
p. 282 f. 

The phrase ' sons of perdition ' 
(=fn3&$n ^|) is found in Jubilees 
x. 3, with reference to those who 
perished in the Flood. 

4. o dvTiKfip.fvos K. vnepaipofjicvos 
KT\.] a continued description of the 
lawless one in two participial clauses 
bound together under the vinculum 
of a common article. The first clause 
is generally taken as a participial 
subst. = 'the adversary' (cf. Lk. xiii. 
17, Phil. i. 28, i Tim. v. 14), but if 
so, care must be taken not to refer 
the description to Satan himself. 
Rather, as v. 9 shows, the being 
spoken of is the tool or emissary of 
Satan, working in his name and 
power (KCIT' cvepyeiav T. 2arai/a), and, 
as such, is further distinguished as 
'the exalter of himself against every 
one called god or object of worship.' 
Beng. : 'effert se corde, lingua, stilo, 
factis, per se, per suos.' 

' IS found in the N.T. 
only here and in 2 Cor. xii. 7 (bis); 
cf. 2 Chron. xxxii. 23, and see the 
note on i. 3. For iravra \ty. 6e6v cf. 
i Cor. viii. 5, and for the compre- 
hensive (repaarpa (Vg. quod Colitur, 
Beza numeri) denoting everything 
held in religious honour, see Ac. xvii. 
23, and cf. Sap. xiv. 20, xv. 17, 
Bel 27 Th., also Apol Arist. xii. 
ov yap TJpKeo-Qrja-av [ol AlyvirTioi] 
rols TOV XaXSai'o)!' KCLI 'EXXr/i/coi/ a~- 

a>o-re] See note on I. i. 7. 

T. vaov T. &ov\ These words were 
understood of the actual temple at 
Jerusalem by Irenaeus (adv. Haer. v. 
30. 4), but this view was modified by 
Chrysostom and the Antiocheues who 
extended them metaphorically to the 





ear T IV 

OTL <ETL wv 

6 Kal VVV TO 

Church or Churches of Christ: Chrys.: 

OV TOV V 'lepOO-oXu/iOlS fJ,OVOV, aXXa KOL 

KaO' K<i(rTrjv fKK\r)o-iav (v.l. el? ray 
iravTa\ov KK\rjo~ias} ; Tlldt. : ' vaov ' 
de ' dfov ' ray KK\r)o~ias KaAeo~ez> ; 
Th. Mops.: '"in Dei templis," hoc 
est, et in domibus orationum'; cf. 
Hier. Ep. 121 'in templo Dei uel 
lerosolymis, ut quidam putant, uel 
in ecclesia, ut uerius arbitramur.' 
In favour of the latter interpretation 
is the undoubtedly figurative use of 
the expression elsewhere in the 
Pauline Epp., e.g. i Cor. iii. 16 f., 
vi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16, Eph. ii. 21. On 
the other hand, the nature of the 
context, the use of such a local term 
as KaOio-ai, and the twice-repeated 
def. art. (TOV vaov TOV deov) all point 
to a literal reference in the present 
instance, a conclusion in which we 
are confirmed when we keep in view 
the dependence of the whole passage 
upon the description of Antiochus 
Epiphanes in Dan. xi. 36 f. (see below), 
and upon the language of the Parousia- 
'discourses in Mt. xxiv. 15, Mk. xiii. 14 
(cf. Dan. xii. n). 

Katiia-ai] ' takes his seat.' The verb 
is intrans. as generally in the N.T. 
(contrast i Cor. vi. 4, Eph. i. 20, and 
cf. Ev. Pet. 3). For the construction 
with els cf. Mk. xiii. 3 (WM. p. 516). 

eavTov *rX.] 'ATTO- 
lit. 'show off,' 'exhibit,' is 
frequently used in late Gk. = ' nomi- 
nate ' or ' proclaim ' to an office, e.g. 
Jos. Antt. VI. 35 (iii. 3) IKCTCVOV aVo- 
8clai Tiva avT&v /3a(rtXea, O.Gr.I.S. 437, 
92 (i./B.C.) oi Tuft eKare'pa)!/ TO>V 8rjp.(t>v 

eedc . sQv 

TTjOos i/^uas TavTa eXeyov vjuuv' y 
o'/Sare, ek TO a,7roKaXv<p6rivai CLVTOV 

We translate therefore 'proclaiming 
himself that he is god.' For the 
suggestion of this trait in the character 
of the lawless one cf. Ezek. xxviii. 2 

dvff ov v\lsa>6Tj arov T? KapSi'a, /cat eirraff 
0eos ei/it e'-yw, and for the whole 
description see Dan. xi. 36 f. *a! 

This gives excellent sense in the 
present passage, and, while simpli- 
fying the construction of the follow- 
ing on clause (WM. p. 781), draws 
more pointed attention to the impious 
nature of the claim advanced in it. 

en TravTa 


Kai en TOV 

TOVS 6eovs TWV naTepcov CIVTOV ov /XT) TT/JO- 
vorj6r}...oTi ev rravTl vx/^co^'crerai KrA. 

5 7. ' You cannot have forgotten 
that while I was still with you, I was 
in the habit of telling you these 
things. And since then you have 
had experience for yourselves of the 
working of that power by which the 
full revelation of the lawless one is 
kept in check until his appointed time 
shall have arrived. The full reve- 
lation we say for the spirit of law- 
lessness is already at work, though in 
secret, until he who at present is 
keeping it in check is taken out of 
the way.' 

5- Ov [j.vr)iJ.ovevfT ori /crX.] Est.: 
'Tacita obiurgatio.' Calv. : 'Obser- 
vanda etiam Pauli mansuetudo, qui 
quum acrius excandescere posset, 
tan turn leniter eos castigat.' 

For p.vTj^ovevfiv cf. I. i. 3 note, and 
for the construction elvai npos cf. 
I. iii. 4 note. The use made of en as 
against the Pauline authorship of the 
Ep. is discussed Intr. p. xc. 

6. Kal vvv TO Ka.Tf%ov oi&are] ' and 

now you know that which restrained! ' 
vvv having its full temporal sense 
in keeping with the emphasis laid in 
the context on the present working 
of the power of lawlessness (cf. v. 7). 
It must not, however, be taken as 
if it actually belongs to Kare'^ov (cf. 
however Jo. iv. 18 Kal vvv ov e^ety), or 
be opposed to the preceding eVt Ji/ 
which yields no good sense, but 
rather be placed in contrast with the 


following UTTOKaXv^/lS eV TO) dVTOV 

Katpai : * for the present (i.e. prac- 
tically 'so far as regards the present') 
the Thessalonians know only the re- 
straining power : what is restrained 
is not yet revealed.' See further 
Bornemann's elaborate note ad loc. 

It is more difficult to determine 
what we are to understand by TO 
Karexov. That the verb is here used 
in the sense of 'restrain,' 'hold back,' 
rather than of ' hold fast ' (as in I. v.2 1 ), 
is too generally admitted to require 
further proof (see Add. Note H): 
while, as we have just seen, whatever 
is intended must clearly be some- 
thing which was actually at work at 
the time when the Ep. was written, 
and of which moreover its readers 
had personal knowledge. Nor is this 
all, but, as the occurrence of the same 
phrase in the masc. (6 tcarexov, v. 7) 
proves, this impersonal principle or 
power is capable also of manifesting 
itself under a personal form. When 
these different considerations are 
taken into account, it will be recog- 
nized how much is to be said for the 
view that goes back as far as Ter- 
tullian (' quis nisi Romanus status ? ' 
de Resurr. c. 24; cf. Apol. c. 32), 
and which has since won the support 
of the great majority of ancient and 
modern scholars, that we have here a 
veiled description of the restraining 
power of law and order, especially as 
these were embodied at the time in 
the Roman Empire or its rulers. 
And in this view we are farther con- 
firmed when we remember that St 
Paul had already found a ' restraining 
power' in the Roman officials both 
at Paphos (Ac. xiii. 6 ff.) and at 
Thessalonica itself (Ac. xvii. 6 ff.), 
and that it was doubtless these and 
similar experiences that afterwards 
led him to write to the Romans of 
'the powers that be' as 'ordained of 
God,' and of 'rulers' as ' not a terror 
to the good work, but to the evil' 
(Rom. xiii. i, 3). There is nothing 
unlikely, then, to say the least, in his 

having the same thought in his mind 
on the present occasion, while the 
fact that he does not give more de- 
finite expression to it is not only in 
accord with the generally cryptic 
character of apocalyptic writings, but 
may also be due to prudential motives, 
seeing that afterwards he is to speak 
of this power as being ' taken out bf 
the way ' (v. 7). 

This last particular indeed appears 
to be decisive against the only other 
interpretation of TO Korfgon which 
requires to be mentioned, namely 
that it refers to the working of the 
Holy Spirit (Severianus ap. Cramer 

Cat. VI. 388, 'TO KCtTe'^oi/,' (17 <n, TTJV 
TOV 'A-yi'ou TlvevfJ-aros ^apii^), or more 

generally to a limit of time fixed by 
Divine decree (Thdt.: o TOU 6eov 

TOLVVV avTov opos vvv eVe'^et (fravr/vai ; 
Th. Mops.: TOV 6eov \\eyatv] TOV opov) 
with special reference (so Thdt.) to 
Mt. xxiv. 14, as indicating one of the 
limits by which this condition will be 
attained. For then o KaTex^v (v, 7) 
can only be God Himself, and it 
seems impossible to conceive of any 
adequate sense in which the words 
coos f< pearov ycvrjTai can be applied 
to Him (cf. Swete's note on Th. Mops. 
ad loc.}. That however this restrain- 
ing power acts in accordance with the 
Divine purpose is proved by the 
words that follow. 

[For a modification of this view 
according to which the Man of law- 
lessness is the imperial line with its 
rage for deification, and the restrain- 
ing power the Jewish State, see 
Warfield Exp. in. iv. p. 30 ff.; and 
cf. Moffatt Hist. N. T. p. 143.] 

els TO anoKa\v(pd^vai KT\.] The 

'revelation' (v. 3 note) of the lawless 
one is not immediate (Chrys.: OVK 

fi7T6i> ort Ta^ecos eo-Tai), but like the 

revelation of the Lord Jesus Himself 
(cf. i Tim. vi. 14 f.) will take place in 
the 'season' (I. v. i) appointed for 
him by God, and which can therefore 
be described emphatically as 'his' 
(avTov N*AKP, eavTov K'BDGL). 


e Tco avTOV Kaipco" r <yap jmvcrTripiov rri evepyeTcu 
dvo/mias' JJLOVOV 6 Kare^cov apn eo>s e'/c jU(rov 
c Tore d7roKa\v<p6ticr6Tai 6 ANOMOC, ov 6 Kvpios 

8 'I-rjffovs KAD*G al pane Lat (Vet Vg) Sah Boh Syr (Pesh Hard) Arm Aeth 
Iren lat Hipp Orig f Const Ath Cyr-Hier Bas Chr That f al Tert Hil Ambst Orig lat 
Theod-Mops lat : om BD C al pier Orig Macar Ephr Thdt f Vig 

For the insertion of / before Kaip<5 
cf. Rom. iii. 26, xi. 5, 2 Cor. viii. 14 ; 
and for similar language applied to 
the coming of the Messiah cf. Pss. 
Sol. XVli. 23 els rov Kaipov ov oldas 
<rv, o 6eos. 

7. TO yap uvo-TTjpiov KT\.] a con- 
firmatory explanation of the pre- 
ceding statement, in which the main 
stress is evidently laid on TO uvanjpiov 
both on account of its isolated and 
emphatic position in the sentence, 
and from its contrast with the pre- 
ceding a7roKa\v(pdfjvai : the revelation, 
that is, of the lawless one, just spoken 
of, will be a revelation only, for, as a 
matter of fact, the principle of which 
he is the representative is already at 
work, though as yet only in secret. 

For this the regular Bibl. sense of 
Hvcmjpiov pointing to a secret to be 
revealed see Robinson Eph. p. 2346., 
where the different shades of meaning 
attached to the w r ord in the Pauline 
writings are fully discussed, and for 
fVfpye'irai cf. I. ii. 13 note. 

P.OVOV] There is no need to find a 
case of ellipsis here as in v. 3, povov 
belongs to cW, and introduces the 
limitation in the present working of 
., while the order of 

the following words is rhetorical, o 
Kare'x<>i> apn being placed before ea>s 
for the sake of emphasis (cf. Gal. ii. 


and see WM. p. 688, Buttmann 

P- 389). 

For the meaning of o Kare'^coj/ see 
note on v. 6, and for apn, strictly 
present time, as compared with the 
more subjective r/8r) 'already/ see the 
note on I. iii. 6, and cf. Kiihner 3 
498, 499- 

K fie'o-ou yevrjTai] Nothing is said 

as to how the removal spoken of is 
to be effected, nor can the absence 
of av with the subj. in this clause be 
pressed, as if it lent additional cer- 
tainty to the fact, in view of the 
general weakening of av in later Gk., 
leading to its frequent omission, 
especially after such temporal par- 
ticles as eW, ecoy ov &c. : see WM. 
p. 371, and add such passages from 
the KOLVTJ as P.Oxy. 259, 30 (I./A.D.) 

ecos eavrov avr[o]v TTOIJJO-CO, 294, 15 f. 
(i./A.D.) eW o.Kova-0) (pacriv Trapa crou 

For ex peo-ov cf. i Cor. v. 2, Col. ii. 14. 

8 10. 'Then indeed the lawless 
one will be revealed, only however 
to find himself swept away by the 
breath of the Lord's mouth, and 
brought utterly to naught by the 
manifestation of the Lord's Parousia. 
In what mocking counterpart will his 
parousia then appear! With what 
activity on the part of Satan will it 
be accompanied! How it will make 
itself known by all manner of false 
miracles and false signs and false 
wonders, as well as by every kind 
of unrighteous device calculated to 
deceive those who are already on the 
path of destruction, seeing that they 
have no affinity with the Truth by 
which alone they can be saved ! ' 

8. KCLI roTf aTroKa\v(p6TJo~(Tai 6 

avopos] Not until o KUTexvv has been 
removed, can the revelation of o 
avouos take place, but 'then' it will 
no longer be delayed. For the 
solemn and emphatic K. TOT* cf. 
Mt. xxiv. 10, 14, 30, i Cor. iv. 5. 
'O avoaos is clearly to be identified 

with o avdp. T. dvouias (v. 3), while 




dve\ei] dvaXoi fc\* Orig (non semper) 

recalls airoKa\v($)6r) 

(o. 3) and a7roKa\v(p6f)vai (v. 6). ' Thrice, 
with persistent emphasis, dTroKa\v7r- 
readai is asserted of 6 avopos, as of 
some portentous, unearthly object 
holding the gazer spell-bound' 

For the idea of a world-crisis on 
the fall of the Roman Empire in 
Jewish apocalyptic literature see Apoc. 
Bar. xxxix. 7, 'And it will come to 
pass when the time of his consum- 
mation that he should fall has ap- 
proached, then the principate of My 
Messiah will be revealed': cf. 4 Ezra 
v. i ff. Similar evidence from Rab- 
binical sources is given by Weber 
Jud. Theologie p. 366. 

ov 6 Kvptos KT\.] a relative sentence 
describing the fate of 6 oVo/ios in 
language borrowed from Isa. xi. 4 

7raraei yfjv ra> Xoy<u roC oro/Maros- 
avroi), KOI ev TrvevpaTi dta ^eiXe'cow 
dvf\el do-fprj. 'Ai/fXet is a post-class, 
fut. from di/cupeco, the verb, which is 
very common in Acts, not being found 
elsewhere in the Pauline Epp., but 
occurring in Heb. x. 9 in the sense 
of 'remove,' 'do away with.' Beza 
renders it in the passage before us 
by absumel, while the Lat. verss. 
have interficiet. 

The marginal reading oVaXoT has 
the advantage of offering a ready 
explanation of the genesis of certain 
other variants dvaXaxrfi (D c KL al 
pier} being then due to grammatical 
emendation, and the unusual dve\oi 
(D*G 17 67**) to a simple interchange 
of a and e, or to a mingling of amXot 
and ai/eXet (see Zimmer). But the 
evidence for aixrXet (ABP 23 31 al} is 
too strong to be easily set aside, even 
with the further possibility of its being 
a conformation to LXX. Isa. xi. 4 (cited 

r. TTvevp,. T. (rrop,. our.] a perfectly 
general statement not to be limited 

to any actual 'word' of the Lord 
(Thdt. : <p#e'yerai povov ; Th. Mops. : 
'spiritu oris, hoc est, uoce'), still less 
to the work of the Third Person of 
the Holy Trinity (as Athan. ad /Scrap. 
i. 6 ad fin.}, but emphasizing that, 
terrible as was the power of the 
lawless one, the mere 'breath' of the 
Lord's mouth will be sufficient for his 
destruction. In addition to Isa. xi. 4 
(cited above), where according to the 
old (incorrect) Jewish interpretation 
the 'wicked' is the future arch-enemy 
of the Jews, cf. Job iv. 9 d-rrb 8e TTVC \i- 
fjLaros opyr/s avrov (sc. Kvpiov) d(pavi(r- 
6r)<rovTm, and see also Sap. xi. 20 (21), 
Pss. Sol. xvii. 27, 41, Enoch Ixii. 2, 
4 Ezra xiii. 38 ('perdet eos sine 

Kal Karapyrjo-ei KrX.] Karapyeco, 
rare in class. Gk. and the LXX. 
(2 Esdr. 4 ), occurs twenty-five times 
in the Pauline writings (elsewhere in 
N.T. only Lk. 1 , Heb. 1 ), and in accord- 
ance with its derivation (Kara caus- 
ative and dpyos = dcpyos) means 
literally 'render idle or inactive,' and 
hence 'abolish,' 'bring to naught': 
cf. especially with the present passage 
2 Tim. i. 10 Xp. 'l^troO, Karapyijo-avros 
fjiev rov Qavarov (pomVai/roff Se fayv Kat 
dtydapffiav 8ta rov evayyf\iov. As 
showing the different shades of mean- 
ing that may be attached to the word, 
Vaughan (on Rom. iii. 3) states that 
the A.V. gives it no less than seven- 
teen different renderings in the 
twenty-seven places of its occurrence 
in the N.T. It is found also in the 
K.OIVIJ in a much weakened sense, e.g. 

P.Oxy. 38, 17 (i./A.D.) Karapyovvros p.f 

Xfiporexvov ovra 'hinders me in my 

For the thought in the present 
passage cf. Isa. xxvi. 10 ap$rjro> o 

clcrf/S^y, tva /AI) t8r) TTJV 86av Kvpi'ou, 

and for the meanings to be assigned 
to errKpdvfia and Trapovcria see Add. 


TV] eTTKpaveia rfjs 7rapov(rias CIVTOU, 9 ov ecrTiv ri Trapovaia 
KCLT evepyeiav TOV CaTavd ev Trdorrj Swa/mei Kal crri^e'iois 
Kai Tepaviv ^sev^ovs IO Kai ev Tracrrj dirccTy dowlas TO?? 
d7ro\\v/uievois, dv& cov Trjv dydirrjv Trjs d\ri6eias OVK 


Note F. Chrys.: dpx.e'i Trapclvai 
xai navra raCra aTroXooXe- or^o- 
airaTTjv KOI (pave\s povov. 

9. ov f(TT\v TI rrapovcria KrX.J a 
second relative clause resuming the 
ov of v. 8, and describing the working 
of the lawless one, as the former had 
described his doom. As the Lord 
Jesus has His Parousia, the lawless 
one has his (cf. Rev. xvii. 8 TO 0r/piov. . . 
Trdpeo-rcu), in which he shows himself 
the representative and instrument of 
Satan. Th. Mops. : 'adparebit ille 
Satana sibi inoperante ornnia.' Beng. : 
'ut ad Deum se habet Christus, sic e 
contrario ad Satanam se habet anti- 
christus, medius inter Satanam et 
perditos homines.' 

As distinguished from Sui/a/ii? 
potential power, eWpyeta is power 
in exercise, operative power ('potentia, 
arbor: efficacia, fructus,' Calv. on 
Eph. i. 19), and except here and in 
v. ii is always confined in the N.T. 
to the working of God; cf. especially 
with the present passage Eph. i. 19?. 

Kara rrjv evepyciav...r)v cvijpyr)Kfi> fv ro> 
Xpto-ra>, and for a similar use in the 
inscriptions with reference to the 
pagan gods cf. O.G.I.S. 262, 4 (iii./A.D.) 

Trpo&evf %6svTos p.oi Trepi TTJS evepyeias 
6fov Ato? BairoKatK^ff. 

ev TTCKTT) 8vvdnti...\lf(v8ovs^ the sphere 
in which the parousia of the lawless 
one makes itself known; cf. Mt. xxiv. 
24, Mk. xiii. 22, also Rev. xiii. 14, 
xix. 20. As regards construction both 
Traa-r) and \jsevdovs belong to all three 
substantives, ^fi>8ovs being best 
understood as a gen. of quality (cf. 
Jo. viii. 44), without however ex- 
cluding the further thought of effect, 
aim. False in themselves, the works 
spoken of lead also to falsehood. 

For the combination dw. K. O-T//Z. K. 
rep. cf. Ac. ii. 22, Rorn. xv. 19, 2 Cor. 
xii. 12, Heb. ii. 4, and for the dis- 
tinction between them see Trench 
Syn. xci., SH. p. 406. Similar 
portents are ascribed to the Beliar- 
Antichrist in Asc. Isai. iv. 4 ff., Orac. 
Sib. iii. 63 ff. 

10. anaTrf] 'deceit,' 'deceitful 
power/ in accordance with the regular 
N.T. use of the word, e.g. d-n-drr] T. 

TT\OVTOV (Mk. iv. 19), T. anapTias (Heb. 

iii. 13); cf. 4 Mace, xviii. 8 Xv/zewi/ 
aTra.Tr)s o(pts. If in 2 Pet. ii. 13 we 
can read andrciis (but see Bigg ad 
loc.) we seem to have an ex. of the 
word in its Hellenistic sense of 'pas- 
time,' 'pleasure'; cf. Polyb. ii. 56, 12 
and see Deissmann Hellenisierang 
p. 165 n. 5 . Moeris: 'Andr^ -f} 77X01/77 
Trap' 'ArrtKoIs'...?) re'p^is Trap' "EXX^ati/. 

ddiKias] 'unrighteousness,' 'wrong- 
doing' of every kind, cf. Rom. i. 18, 
ii. 8 where, as here and in v. 12, it is 
opposed to a'X^fia, and Plato Gorg. 
477 c where it is coupled with o-vfi- 
Trao-a ^U^T/J novrjpLa. By its union 
with aTrdrrj, ddiKia is evidently thought 
of here as an active, aggressive power 
which, however, can influence only 
T. aTToXXu/ze'i/ois, the use of the 'per- 
fective' verb marking out those so 
described as having already ideally 
reached a state of oVcoXeta; cf. i Cor. 
i. 1 8, and see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. ji4 f: 

dv6' w i/] 'in requital that,' 'for the 
reason that' a class, phrase occurring 
several times in the LXX., but in the 
N.T. only here and in Luke (Gosp. 3 , 
Ac. 1 ): cf. dvr\ TOVTOV Eph. v. 31. 

rrjs dfyQeias] may be understood of 
truth generally as contrasted with 
ro ^fOdoy (v. ii), but is better limited 




ToTs 6 6e6s evep^eiav 7r\dvr]s eJs TO 

TOVTO 7refj.7rL 

__ ( OL 

d\f]6eia d\\a 

12 Trdi/res BD alplur Orig Hipp Chr Thdt : dVaires SAG 12 17 31 Orig f Cyr- 

result (I. ii. 12 note) being undoubt- 
edly uppermost here in accordance 
with the leading thought of the main 

For r<u ^fvdei 'the lie' as con- 
trasted with TTJV d\r)6fiav (v. 10) cf. 
Rom. i. 25 ciLTivfs p.fTij\\aav rr\v 
d\r)6fiav TOV 6eov Iv r<5 x/^evSf t. ' Among 
the Persians "the Lie" (Drauga, akin 
to the Avestan demon Druj] is a com- 
prehensive term for all evil' (Moulton 
Exp. T. xviii. p. 537). 

12. tva KpiBuxrtv irdvrfs} 'in order 
that they might all be judged,' any 
idea of condemnation being derived 
from the context, and not from 
KpiQwcri per se: see Lft. Fresh Re- 
vision of Engl. N.T. 3 p. 69 ff. for a 
full discussion of Kpiveiv and its com- 
pounds. For Kpiva) in its wider sense 
of ' resolve ' cf. P.Grenf. i. 30, 5 f. 

(ii./B.C.) 8ia ypa/x/Marcoi/ 

to 'the truth' KO.T f^ox^v, the truth 
of the Gospel, in accordance with its 
use elsewhere with the art. (2 Cor. 
iv. 2, xiii. 8, Eph. iv. 24), while the 
insertion of r. dydn^v shows that those 
spoken of had not only not 'welcomed' 
(fSegavro, I. ii. 13 note) this truth, but 
had no liking for it, no desire to 
possess it. 

According to Westcott (on i Jo. 
ii. 5) this is the only instance in the 
N.T. where the gen. after dydnrj 
'marks the object of love'; Abbott 
(Joh. Gr. p. 84) adds Lk. xi. 42 

TTCtpep^fcr^e rr\v Kpidiv KOL TTJV dyd-m^v 

TOV Oeov '[just] judgment and love 
toward God.' 

ii, 12. 'That is why God uses 
Satan as His instrument in punishing 
them, visiting them with a fatal 
delusion in believing this (great) Lie. 
False belief becomes thus the proof 
of falseness, and sentence is passed 
upon all who refused to believe the 
truth, and made evil their good.' 

ii. Tre'/uTrei] pointing not merely 
to the permissive will of God (Th. 
Mops.: 'concessionem Dei quasi opus 
eius'), but to the definite judicial act 
by which, according to the constant 
teaching of Scripture, God gives the 
wicked over to the evil which they 
have deliberately chosen, cf. Ps. Ixxx. 
(Ixxxi.) 12 f., Rom. i. 24, 26, 28, and 
for similar teaching in Gk. drama see 

Aesch. Pers. 738 aXX* orav a-nevdrj TIS 
avTos, x<w 0eos (ruraTrrercu, FTdgm. 2Q4 
(ed. Nauck) dndrris 8iKaias OVK QTTO- 
OTarel 6e 6s. 

i? ro TTiffTeixrai r<u ^evdei] 'to the 
end that they should believe the lie' 
the thought of purpose, and not mere 

The reading irdvres is well-attested, 
but the stronger and rarer dnavres 
(WH. mg.) has good grounds to be 
considered, both as less likely to be 
substituted by the copyists, and as 
better suiting the emphatic position 
here assigned to it. Beng. : ' late ergo 
et diu et vehementer grassatur error 
ill* 1 

For the evidence (by no means 
decisive in the N.T., Blass p. 161) 
that in the Koivrj, as in Attic writers, 
the use of nds or arras was determined 
on the ground of euphony, nds being 
found after a vowel, and anas after a 
consonant, see Mayser p. 161 f. 

of fir/ irto-TfixravTcs KT\.] Cf. I Cor. 
xiii. 6. By a usage characteristic of 
Bibl. writers (but cf. Polyb. ii. 12. 3) 


Se 6(pei\o]ULv 
Trepi v/ucov, dSe\(pot 

ynd Kypioy, 


(I. ii. 8 note) is generally 
construed with V, but here according 
to the best texts (N*BD*G as against 
N c AD c KLP)it is folio wed by the simple 
dat. as in i Mace. i. 43, i Esdr. iv. 
39, Rom. i. 32 (o-vi/evSoKeti/), and late 
writers generally (e.g. Polyb. ii. 38. 7, 
iii. 8. 7). The verb is found c. ace. 
Mt. xii. 1 8, Heb. x. 6, and with els 
2 Pet. i. 17. 

For the general thought of the 
verse in Jewish literature cf. Apoc. 
Bar. liv. 21 'For at the consumma- 
tion of the world there will be ven- 
geance taken upon those who have 
done wickedness according to their 
wickedness, and Thou wilt glorify the 
faithful according to their faithful- 


From the terrible picture they 
have been conjuring up the Apostles 
turn with a sigh of relief to give God 
thanks on their converts' behalf in 
view of the salvation which He has 
worked for them a salvation begin- 
ning in His eternal choice, and to 
be completed by their sharing in the 
glory of the Lord Jesus Christ 
Himself (vv. 13, 14). The two verses 
thus form 'a system of theology in 
miniature' (Denriey), and in character- 
istic Pauline fashion lead up to the 
practical exhortation to the Thessa- 
lonians to hold fast to what they have 
been taught (v. 15). 

13 15. 'But not to dwell on this 
melancholy picture, what a different 
prospect opens itself up before \i&\ 
What an unceasing debt of gratitude 
we owe to God on your behalf, 
Brothers beloved not only of us but 
of the Lord! Is it not the case that 
from the beginning God purposed 
your salvation, and not only purposed, 
but accomplished it through the 

sanctifying influence of the Holy 
Spirit, and your belief in the Truth 1 
It was to this salvation indeed that 
He called you by the Gospel-message 
of which Ave were privileged to be 
bearers, and those who finally obtain 
it will obtain also the glory which 
belongs to it the glory which is 
Christ's own. Such then being the 
Divine purpose regarding you, see to 
it that you on your own part, Brothers, 
stand firm, keeping fast hold of all 
sound doctrine and practice as you 
have learned them from us both by 
word and by letter.' 

13. 'H/Afis fie *rX.] See the notes 
on i. 3, the emphatic facls in the 
present passage lending additional 
stress to the writers' keen sense of 
indebtedness to God for the good 
estate of the Thessalonian Church. 

For a'fi. rjy. v. Kvp. see I. i. 4 note. 

OTI tiXaro *rX.] EtXaro (for form, 
WH. 2 Notes p. 172) is used of the 
Divine election in Deut. xxvi. 18 
Kvpios etXaro a~e...\aov Trepioixriov (cf. 
7rpofi\e(a)To Deut. vii. 6f., x. 15), but 
does not occur elsewhere in the N.T. 
in this connexion: cf. Phil. i. 22 and 
see Intr. p. Ixxix. In the present 
instance the reference would seem to 
be to the eternal choice or purpose 
of God (i Cor. ii. 7, Eph. i. 4, 2 Tim. 
i. 9), as otherwise (cf. note on e'/cXoy^ 
I. i. 4) the qualifying aV dpxrjs would 
almost have required some distin- 
guishing addition such as r. evayyeXiov 
(cf. Phil. iv. 15). 

It is possible however that the 
real reading is not a??' dpxys but 
airapxnv (WH. mg.), a thoroughly 
Pauline word (Rom. viii. 23, xi. 16, 
xvi. 5, i Cor. xv. 20, 23, xvi. 15), 
which might fairly be applied to the 
Thessalonians as the 'first-fruits' (Vg. 
primitias) of Macedonia, seeing that 
their conversion followed that of the 
Philippians by only a few weeks, and 


6 deos r a.Tr dp^rj^ ek (rcoTrjpiav ev 

Kai TT ferret d\rj6eias, I4 ek o eicdXearev VJJLO.S Sid TOV evay- 

ye\iov rfiucdv, ek TrepLTroi^cnv So^rjs TOV Kupiou 

'Irja'ov XpicTTOv. I5> 'Apa ovv, 
Kparelre ra? Trapa&ocreis as 

crr/cere, /ecu 
eire Sta \6you 

13 dir 
Mops lat aZ 

pier d g Syr (Pesh) Arm Aeth Chr Thdt Ambst Vig Theod- 
BG al pauc Vg Syr (Hard) Boh Did Amb aZ 

was attended by such striking results 
(cf. I. i. 8, iv. 10). 

For o-aTTjpia as denoting completed 
blessedness see I. v. 8 note. 

ev aytaoyio) mvv/MtfOf KOL iricnti 
dXrjdfias'] In view of the obvious 
parallelism of the clauses it is natural 
to understand the two genitives in 
the same way, and if so they may be 
taken either objectively, a 'sanctifica- 
tion' having for its object the 'spirit 7 
and a 'faith' that has for its object 
'truth,' or as genitives of the causa 
ejftciens, 'sanctification by the Spirit 
and faith by the truth.' In the former 
case Trvfv/jLa can only be the human 
spirit: in the latter it must be the 
Holy Spirit of God. To this latter 
rendering the absence of the art. is 
no real objection, and it is supported 
by the recurrence of the same phrase 
in i Pet. i. 2 where the Third Person 
of the Trinity is clearly intended 
(see Hort ad loc.}. 

For ayiao-fjios cf. note on I. iv. 7, 
and with TTICTTIS aXrjdeias contrast ot 

fir) mo-revo: T. d\r)6eia (v. 12). 

14. eKoXeo-fv] the historical fulfil- 
ment of the Divine purpose expressed 
in fiXaro: cf. I. ii. 12, v. 24, notes. 

(is TTfpnroirjO'iv So^T/s 1 ] 'unto the 
obtaining of the glory' (Vg. in acqui- 
sitionem gloriae, Weizs. zum Erwerb 
der Herrlichkeif). For nfpiTroirjo-is 
cf. I. v. 9 note, and for doga I. ii. 12 

1 5. *Apa ovv, d8c\<f)oi, trr^ere KT\.] 
The practical conclusion from what 
has just been said. The work of God, 
so far from excluding all human 

effort, rather furnishes the reason for 
it and the pledge of its final success : 
cf. Phil. ii. 12 f., iii. 12. 

For apa ovv see I. v. 6 note, and 
for ori/iccre I. iii. 8 note. 

K. Kpare'iTf r. Trapadocrfis] Cf. I Cor. 
xi. 2 T. Trapadoa'fis KaT%eT } and for 

the relation of Kparclv and Kare'^e/ 
see Add. Note H. The construc- 
tion of Kparelv with the ace. (as 
generally in the N.T. ace. 38 , gen. 8 ) 
may be due simply to the tendency 
to enlarge the sphere of the ace. in 
later Gk. (Hatzidakis p. 220 ff.), but 
serves also in the present instance to 
lay emphasis on the rrapa86<Tis as 
being already in the Thessalonians' 
possession; cf. Rev. iii. ii Kparet o 
fX fts > Beng.: 'tenete, nil addentes, 
nil detrahentes.' 

In themselves these rrapadoacis 
(cf. iii. 6) included both the oral and 
written teaching on the part of the 
Apostles (Thdt.: \oyovs, ovs /cat 
Trapoi/res- i5/z> fKrjpv^ap.ev, KOI dirovrts 

ypd\l/anv) with the further thought 
imbedded in the composition of the 
word itself of the ultimate authority 
whence that authority was derived: 

Cf. I Cor. XI. 23 ey<a yap irapeXaftov 

OTTO TOV KVpLOV, O KOi TTapfdatKO. l5/LUJ/. 

In the inscriptions Treasure Lists 
and Inventories are frequently known 
as TrapaSocrety, the articles enumerated 
being 'handed over' (7rape8o<rav C.I. A. 
i. 170, 2 (v./B.o.))by one set of officers 
to their successors; see Roberts- 
Gardner p. 256. 

For the fact and contents of a 
Christian 'tradition' in the Apostolic 



67rL(TTO\*]S tf/UKjOV. l6 Al/TO9 Se 6 KVplOS 

'lrj(rovs XpKTTOS Kai [d] 6eos 6 TraTrip rjjucov, 6 dycnrtjcras 
Kai Soik Trapa.KXrja'iv aiwviav Kai e\7riSa dyadriv ev 
7rapaKa\crai vfJL&v Tck KapSias Kai (rTrjpi^ai ev 
Kai \6<y(jp d<ya6(Jo. 


1 6 6 om BD*K 17 37 Orig Chr cod 

Age see Mayor Jude pp. 23, 61 ff., and 
for the possibility that we have here 
(cf. Rom. vi. 17, xvi. 17) a reference 
to an early catechism or creed, based 
upon the sayings of Christ, which was 
used by the first missionaries, see 
Seeberg Katechismus pp. i ff., 41 f. 
The title of ol Kparovvres, applied 
by eccles. writers to Christians, is 
probably due to this passage (LS. 
S.V. Kpareoo). 

II. 1 6, 17. PRAYER. 
A prayer is again interjected that 
the exhortation spoken of may be 
fulfilled in the Thessalonians' case. 

Chrys. : naXcv ev^r) pera 7rapaive(riv 
TOVTO yap f(mv OVT&S (3or)6flv. 

16,17. 'May our Lord Jesus Christ 
Himself and God our Father Who 
loved us, and in His Divine bounty 
bestowed upon us abiding comfort and 
good hope, comfort your hearts and 
strengthen you to do and to say 
everything that is right.' 

1 6. AVTOS 8e 6 Kvpios yp.. *rX.] 
The invocation is identical with I. iii. 
1 1 except that 6 wp. 'Irjcr. Xp. is now 
placed first, and that the def. art. is 
substituted before Trrmjp for the more 
ordinary /cat, while the first 6 before 
6cos is doubtful. The order (cf. 
2 Cor. xiii. 13, Gal. i. i) may have 
been determined by the immediately 
preceding reference to the glory of 
the Lord Jesus (v. 14), or be due 
to the fact that He is the inter- 
mediary through whom the purposes 
of God for His people are carried 
out. In either case we have another 
striking e?. of the equal honour 
ascribed to the Son with the Father 

throughout these Epp. (Intr. p. Ixvi). 
Chrys. : TTOU vvv daiv ol rbv vlov 
; Thdt. : rfj rfjs roea> 
fi T^V 6p.OTip.iav 8eiK.vva>v. 

6 dya.Trijo'as ijp.. K. 8ovs KrX.] The 
two participles under the vinculum 
of the common art. belong to o Qe6$ 
alone, and the use of the aor. shows 
that the reference is to the definite 
historical act in which the Gospel 

For 7rapaK\r)o-is see I. ii. 3 note, and 
for alvvlav (for form, WSchm. p. 96) 
as bringing out the 'final and abiding' 
character of this 'comfort 5 compared 
with the transitory joys of earth see 
i. 9 note. 'AyaOr/v 'good' both in its 
character and results; cf. I. iii. 6, 
v. 15, and for the phrase dyafir) f\nis 
in Gk. literature see Dem. Cor. 258 
( I2O) del de TOVS dyadovs avdpas 

p,ev airacriv del rots 
rjv 7rpof3a\\op,vovs 

not the human disposition 

in which the gifts just spoken of were 
received, but the Divine favour or 
bounty by which the 'consolation of 
Israel' was freely extended to those 
who were Gentiles by birth, cf. i. 12 

17. 7rapa.Ka\O~ai KrA.] For irapa- 
I. ii. n, iii. 2 notes, and for 
see I. iii. 2 note. 

Tlavri and dyada refer to both the 
intervening nouns (cf. . 9), and the 
whole expression is of the most general 
character 'whatever you may do or 
say,' any attempt to limit \oya to 
specific Christian doctrine (Chrys.: 
doyp-ara, Calv.: 'sana doctrina') being 
quite out of place. 


III. X To \017TOV 

t f < / ~ f 

iva o Aoyos TOV Kupiou 

u^uas, *Kai iva pucrdcopev 


The writers now pass to teaching 
of a more directly consolatory and 
hortatory character, and, as in their 
former Epistle (I. v. 25), accompany it 
with the request for their readers' 


i, 2. 'Nor do we only pray for you, 
we ask further that you, Brothers, 
should pray for us, and especially that 
the word of the Lord may have the 
same swift and glorious course every- 
where that it has already had amongst 
you. To this end do you pray that 
we may be rescued from the perverse 
and evil men who are at present 
placing obstacles in our path for it 
is not every one who has a true faith 
in Christ.' 

I. To XOITTOI/ Trpoo-fvxo~6e KrX.] 
The request is another proof of the 
closeness of the bond which the 
Apostles recognized as existing be- 
tween their 'brethren' and them- 
selves (Intr. p. xliv), while as regards 
its contents (for the sub-final Iva see 
note on I. iv. i) it is significant that 
in the first instance it is of the further- 
ance of their work rather than of any 

ease or advantage to themselves that 

they think. 

For TO Xowroi/ cf. I. iv. i note, and 

for 7rpoo~vx*o~@ rrepi I. V. 25 note, 
o Xoyos T. Kvpiov] 'the word of the 

Lord' Jesus in accordance with the 

general practice of the Epp. (Add. 

Note D). The use of the title in 

the present section is very marked, 

occurring as it does four times in 

m. i 5. 
T P*Xli\ <ma y rlln ' emphasizing the 

living, active nature of the word in 

rj Kai So^dtyTai 


the Apostles' eyes, and their ardent 
desire that it may speed ever onward 
on its victorious course: cf. I. i. 8. 
The figure, which falls in with St 
Paul's well-known fondness for meta- 
phorical language from the stadium 
(Rom. ix. 16, i Cor. ix. 24 f., Gal. ii. 2, 
v. 7, Phil. ii. 1 6, 2 Tim. iv. 7), is 
derived from the O.T., see especially 
Ps. cxlvii. 4 (cxlvi. 15) eo>s ro^ous 
Spa/if Zrai o Xoyoy avroC, and the 
splendid imagery of Ps. xviii. (xix.) 
directly cited in Rom. x. 18. Findlay 
aptly recalls Vergil's lines on Fama 
beginning 'Mobilitate viget, viresque 
adquirit eundo' (Aen. iv. 175 ff.X 

Kai So^aj^rai] the inner recognition 
following on (KOI consec.) the outward 
progress of the word: cf. Ac. xiii. 48 
aKovovra Se ra edvrj e^aipoz/ Kai edofafof 
TOV \oyov TOV 6fov, and for the thought 
see Tit. ii. 10. On the deepened 
significance of dogafa in Bibl. Gk. 
see SH. p. 44, and for the slightly 
stronger eVSoafo> cf. i. 10, 12. As 
illustrating the N.T. usage, the follow- 
ing invocation from the long magical 
papyrus P.Lond. i. 121, 5026. (iii./A.D.) 
is noteworthy : Kvpta *Io-is. ..dogaorov /*e 
(p.oi Pap.), as eoao"a TO ovo/j,a TOV 
vtoO(s) o-ou "Qpov (cf. Reitzenstein 
Poimandres p. 22 n. 6 ). 

Ka&os K. Trpos vftas] For this use 
of Trpos with ace. cf. 1. iii. 4 note, and 
for the fact see I. i. 5 ff., ii. i, 13. 

2. Kai Iva pvadca/Jicv KrX.] a second 
and more personal need for which the 
prayers of the Thessalonians are asked, 
and which, though independent of the 
first, is closely connected with it: cf. 
Rom. xv. 30 f., and note the striking 
verbal parallel in Isa. xxv. 4 oVo 

dvdpwnav Trovrjpoov pvo~rj avTovt. Thdt. : 
a'iTr](Tis fivai SoKet, p,ia 8e 


evvv, aKcoXureos Kai 6 rou Kijpvy- 

paiv dvOpwirttiv, ov yap TrdvTwv Y\ TricrTis. 3 /7wTOS Se 

For the meaning of pvarQupev (late 
pass, aor., WSchm. p. 131) = eripiainur 
(Beza) rather than liberemur (Vg.), 
see the note on I. i. 10, and contrast 
the construction with OTTO, not e/c, in 
the present passage, laying stress 
perhaps on the deliverance itself 
rather than on the power from which 
it is granted, cf. Rom. xv. 31, 2 Tim. 
iv. 1 8, and from the .LXX. Ex. ii. 19 

(ppvcraTO ^/j,as O.TTO TO>I> iroifjievatv. For 

a late instance of pveo-Qai drro see 

P.Lond. II. 413, 3f. (1V./A.D.) 

pV(Tl (Tat OTTO.... 

T. a.Toira>v K. Trovrjpwv 
"ATOTTOS, originally = * out of place,' 
'unbecoming,' is used in class. Gk. 
especially in Plato in the sense of 
' marvellous,' 'odd' (e.g. Legg. i. 6468 

T. 8aV/J.a(TTOV TC KO.I drOTTOf), from which 

the transition is easy to the ethical 
meaning of 'improper,' 'unrighteous' 
in later Gk., e.r. Philo Legg, Alleg. 
i\\. 17 (i. p. 97 M.) Trap' o KOI Srorros 
Xtyerai clvai o (pav\os- aronov de eori 

KUKUV dvo-Qerov, and such a passage 
from the Koivj as P.Petr. in. 43 (3), 
17 f. (iii./B.c.), where precautions are 
taken against certain discontented 

labourers Iva /j.f} aroTrfo]^ TI 7rpd(0o~iv '. 

cf. also B.G.U. 757,21 (L/A.D.) where 
Tcpa aroTra are ascribed to certain 
marauders who had pulled to pieces 
a farmer's sheaves of wheat, and the 
very interesting public notice con- 
tained in P.Fior. 99 (i./ii. A.D.) to the 
effect that the parents of a prodigal 
youth will no longer be responsible 
for his debts or for UTOTTOV n 7rpa??[i]. 
It is in this sense accordingly, 
implying something morally amiss, 
that, with the exception of Ac. 
xxviii. 6, the word is found in the 
LXX. and the N.T. (Job iv. 8, xi. 1 1 &c., 
Prov. xxiv. 55 (xxx. 20), 2 Mace. xiv. 23, 
Lk. xxiii. 41, Ac. xxv. 5), and in the 
passage before us it is best given some 
such rendering as 'perverse' or 'fro- 

ward' rather than the 'unreasonable* 
of A.V., R.V. 

Similarly irovrjpos (as frequently in 
the LXX., e.g. Gen. xxxvii. 20, Ps. Ixxvii. 
(Ixxviii.) 49, Esth. vii. 6; cf. Hatch 
Essays p. 77 f.) is used not so much 
of passive badness as of active harm- 
fulness, while the prefixed art. shows 
that the writers have here certain 
definite persons in view, doubtless the 
fanatical Jews who at the time were 
opposing their preaching in Corinth 
(Ac. xviii. I2ff.), as they had already 
done in Thessalonica and Beroea 
(Ac. xvii. 5, 13): cf. I. ii. 14 ff. 

ov yap irdvTo>v r) TTLO-TIS] 'for not to 

all does the Faith belong' (Luth. denn 
der Glaube ist nicht jedermanns 
Ding}. For a similar meiosis cf. Rom. 
X. 1 6 tiXX' ov navres vTrijKovo-av TO> 
fvayye\ia. As illustrating the form 
of the sentence, Wetsteiu quotes the 
proverbial saying, ov TTUVTOS dvdpos cs 
Kopivdov eo-0' d rrXovs (Strabo viii. 6. 20). 


From the want of faith on the part 
of men, the Apostles turn to the 
thought of the faithfulness of the 
Lord Jesus (cf. 2 Tim. ii. 13) with the 
view moreover of reassuring not them- 
selves, but their converts. 

3 5. ' We have spoken of the want 
of faith in certain quarters. However 
this may be, know assuredly that the 
Lord is faithful. He will set you in a 
firm place. He will protect you from 
the attacks of the Evil One. And 
seeing that He will do this, we have 
confidence that you on your part will 
not come short, but will continue as 
at present to do the things which we 
are enjoining. May the Lord direct 
you into the love of God and into the 
patience of Christ.' 

3. Hi error] recalling the irians of 
the previous verse. For a similar 
word-play cf. Rom. iii. 3. 


ecTTiv o KvpLOS, os (rTripi^ei vjuias Kai (pvA^a^ei airo TOV 
Trovrjpov. 4 TreTToidafjiev Se eV Kvpico e<p' vjuias, OTI a TTO.- 
pay<y\\ofJLv [fcaz] TroielTe Kal TroiqcreTe. S 'O oe Kvpios 

III 4 K al om HAD* d (g) Boh 

cussion by Chase The Lord's Prayer 
p. 112 ff. 

4. TrfTroLBa}ifv 6V KrX.] The assur- 
ance that it is the Lord Who is 
protecting the Thessalonians gives the 
Apostles a corresponding confidence 
that the Thessalonians themselves will 
faithfully fulfil their part. Chrys. : 
del /zet> yap TO nav eV OVTOV piirTfiv, 
aXX' evfpyovvTas KCU CIVTOVS, To?y novots 
ep.(3f(3r]K6Tfi$ Kai Tols dyraa'i. 

For tv Kvpia (see I. iv. i), as the 
ground with correspondingly new 
resources in which all St Paul's hopes 
and desires are centred, cf. Gal. v. 10, 
Eph. iv. 17, Phil. ii. 19, 24, and for 
e<p' vfjids, instead of the class, dat., as 
marking the direction of the con- 
fidence displayed cf. Mt. xxvii. 43, 
2 Cor. ii. 3, Ps. cxxiv. (cxxv.) i. 

ort a Trapayye'XXo/xei/ KTX.j For a 

similar use of ort introducing the 
objective statement of the Apostle's 
confidence cf. Phil. ii. 24. Under a 
7rapayye'XXo/uei> must be understood 
not such injunctions as had already 
been given (e.g. I. iv. 112), but 
rather, as the resumption of the same 
verb in v. 6 proves, those that im- 
mediately follow, and which, on 
account of their hardness, are further 
prefaced by a short ejaculatory 

For TrapayyeXXo) see I. iv. ii note, 
and as bringing out the idea of 
transmission contained in the word 
cf. P.Grenf. i. 40, 6 f. (ii./B.c.) citpwov 
ypd-^rai aroi OTTCOS etScoy irapayyeiXrjs 
Kal T[oiy] aXXoty tepe(ri. 

5- 'O de Kvpios KaTfvOvvat /crX.] 'O 
Kvpios can only be the Lord Jesus as 
in vv. i, 3, 4, any reference to the 
Holy Spirit (as Basil de Spiritu sancto 
c. 21 and most of the Gk. commen- 
tators) being outruled if only on the 

os crTTjpigei vp,. KT\J] Not only will 
the Lord 'set them in a firm place' 
(oTJ7pi, for form, WM. p. no), but 
He will also 'protect' ((puXafi, Vg. 
custodiet] them there from external 
assaults : cf. for the thought Jo. xvii. 
12. For o-rrjpi&iv (I. iii. 2 note) cf. 
I Pet. V. IO 6 de deos ndcrTjs xdpiTos... 
avTos KdTapTto-ei, o-Tr)piei, o-devaxrei, 
and for the constr. <pv\d<ro-eiv dno cf. 
Ps. cxi. (cxli.) 9 (puXa^oV p,f drro ndyidos 
ys o-vvea-rrja-avTo pun, and See Butt- 
mann p. 192. 

aVo r. TTovrjpov] The precise sense 
to be attached to these words is best 
determined by the meaning assigned 
them in the petition of the Lord's 
Prayer pCerai yp,as OTTO TOV Trovrjpov 
(Mt. vi. 13), of which we have 
apparently a reminiscence here (cf. 
Col. i. 13, and see Feine Jesus Christ 
und Paulus p. 252 f.). As the 
general consensus of modern scholar- 
ship is to understand irovrjpov there 
as inasc. rather than as neut. in 
accordance with the predominant 
usage of the N.T. (Mt. v. 37, xiii. 19, 
38, Eph. vi. 1 6, i Jo. ii. 13 f., iii. 
12% v. 1 8 f. as against Lk. vi. 45, Rom. 
xii. 9), and the unanimous opinion 
of the Gk. commentators, we follow 
the same rendering here, and trans- 
late 'from the evil one': a rendering, 
it may be noted further, which forms 
a fitting antithesis to o Kvpios of the 
preceding clause, and is moreover in 
thorough harmony with the pro- 
minence assigned shortly before to 
the persons of Satan and his represen- 
tative (ii. i 12), and more especially 
to the evil men (irovypav dvOpwTrwv) 
of the preceding clause. See further 
Lft.'s note ad loc. and the same writer's 
Revision of the Ertgl. N. T. 3 p. 269 if., 
and especially the exhaustive dis- 




6 HapayyeXXofJiev Se v 

ground that 6 Kvpios is never so 
employed in the N.T. (not even in 
2 Cor. iii. 18). 

For KarevOvvo) see I. iii. 11 note: 
its metaphorical use is further illus- 
trated by Aristeas 18 Karevdiivfi ras 
Trpd^fis Kal ras eVifSoAas 6 Kvpievcoi/ 
arravrtov dtos. 

fls r. dydrrrjv T. 6eov K. (Is T. tnro- 
fj.ovr)v T. xpio-Tov] The close parallelism 
of the two clauses makes it natural 
(as in ii. 13) to understand the geni- 
tives in the same way, and as the 
subjective interpretation of the second 
clause is rendered almost necessary 
by the regular meaning of vrrojuoi^z/ 
in the N.T., ' constancy,' ' endurance ' 
(I. i. 3 note) not 'patient waiting' 
(ava/xoi/T/V, cf. I. i. 10), we are similarly 

led to think of T. dyairr)v T. Qeov as 

the love which is God's special 
characteristic, and which He has 
displayed towards us ; cf. Rom. v. 5, 
viii. 39, 2 Cor. xiii. 13, Eph. ii. 4, and 
see Abbott Joh. Gr. p. 84. 

The use of the art. before xpto-roC 
is significant as emphasizing the con- 
nexion of the * patience ' spoken of 
not merely with the earthly trials of 
the Saviour, but with these trials as 
the inevitable lot of the suffering 
servant of Jehovah. Cf. for the 
general thought Heb. xii. i f., Rev. 
iii. 10, and see Ign. Rom. x. 3 cppa>o-0e 

els Tf\os fv VTropovfl 'irjfrov XpicrroC, 

where however Lft. (ad loc.} inclines 
to the meaning 'patient waiting for 


It is * in the Lord,' as has just been 
shown, that the Apostles' trust for 
their converts is centred. At the 
same time they are anxious that these 
should not forget the responsibilities 

S TY\V dyaTrriv TOU 6eov 

5 d$e\(poi, ev ovo/mari TOV 

resting on themselves. And accord- 
ingly in a section, in which the 
severity of the language shows the 
serious nature of the evils com- 
plained of, they once more (cf. I. v. 
14 f.) rebuke the idle and disorderly 
behaviour, which at the time certain 
members of the Thessalonian com- 
munity were displaying. 

6 12. 'In order, however, that 
this happy result may be attained, 
we again on our part urge you and 
yet not we, but the Lord not in any 
way to associate with a brother who 
is not living a well-ordered life in 
accordance with our teaching. For 
you yourselves cannot but be conscious 
that you ought to follow our example. 
When we were with you, we did not 
depend on others for our support. 
Rather in toil and moil, night and 
day, we worked that we might not 
lay an unnecessary burden upon any 
of you. You must not indeed sup- 
pose that we have not the right to 
maintenance, but we waived our right 
in order to set an example for you to 
follow. And not only so, but we gave 
you a positive precept to this effect. 
For you cannot have forgotten that 
while we were with you, we were in 
the constant habit of urging upon you 
that " if any will not work, neither let 
him eat." And we are the more led to 
go back upon this, because information 
is reaching us regarding certain of your 
number who are living ill-ordered lives, 
and, instead of attending to their own 
business, are busy with what does not 
concern them. It is such as these 
that we urge and entreat in the Lord 
Jesus to attend quietly to their own 
work and earn their own living-.' 

6. TIapayye\\ofj.fv fie vplv, a5eA(poi] 
In introducing their 7rapayye\ia the 
Apostles adopt a tone at once of 
affection and of authority of affec- 


KVpiov T ' lrj(TOv XpKTTOv (TTeXXecrQai VJULCIS diro 
d$e\<f>ov CLTCIKTW 
Socriv r)v r 7rape\dfieT } Trap 
ak Se? JLiJLeia-Qai fjuas, ore OVK 



, and see the old gloss quoted 
in Steph. Thesaur. s.v. where oreX- 

\ea-6ai is explained by a^/o-Taor&u, 

dvaxtopfw. This gives the clue to its 
meaning here (Vg. ut subtrahatis vos) 
and in 2 Cor. viii. 20 orr?XXojuei/oi 
(Vg. devitantes] TOVTO pr) TIS r^ias 
na>M<rr)Tai, the only other place where 
it is found in the N.T. Thdt.: TO 
<rreXXe<r$at dirt TOV 

KaTa Trjv Trapa- 

t \ \ tf^ 

yap oioaTe 

^raKT^crajuiev eV vfjlv 

6 Kvpiov solum BD* d Cypr : add r)/j.uv KG cet g Vg cet verss Ambst Theod- 
Mops lat TrapeXdjSere BG al pane g $ Go Syr (Hard) Arm Orig \ Bas (?) Thdt : 

irape\apo<ra.v K*A 1 7 Bas (won semper) 

tion, because it is to their ' brethren ' 
that they appeal, and of authority, 
because it is as the representatives of 
one Jesus, Who had been made known 
both as Lord and Christ, that they 
enforce their charge. 

v 6v6p.ari T. Kvp. 'l^(r. Xp.J prac- 
tically synonymous here with 8ia r. 
Kvp. 'Irjo-. (I. iv. 2 note), though the 
introduction of the common O.T. peri- 
phrasis (cf. Ex. v. 23, Deut. xviii. 22, 
Jer. xi. 21) lays greater stress on the 
personality and consequent authority 
of the person spoken of: cf. i. 12 note, 
and for a full discussion of this and 
similar expressions see the exhaustive 
monograph by W. Heitmiiller Im 
Namen Jesu (Gottingen, 1903). 

A similar usage occurs in the Koivij 
where oi/o/xa with the gen. often stands 
for the dat. of the name of the person 
addressed, e.g. Ostr. 670 Uavio-Kos... 
6v6(p,aTi) \_6if6(fj,aTos), Wilcken] Uacr^- 
fjiios xrX. (other exx. in Herwerden). 

o-re'XXe<r$ai vp,as /crX.] Sre'XXeti/ 

originally =--' set,' 'place,' and hence 
' bring together,' ' make compact ' as 
e.g. of shortening the sails of a ship 
(Horn. II i. 433, Od. iii. n), by a 
natural transition came to denote 
generally 'restrain,' 'check,' and is 
found in the midd. in the sense of 
' draw or shrink back from ' anything, 
whether from fear (Hesych. : crre'XXe- 
rat- <po/3emu) or any other motive 
as in Mai. ii. 5 a ^ irpoirwTrov ovo- 
p,aTos /U.GV crre'XXeo^at auroi', 3 Mace, 
i. 19 at Se KOI Trpo<rapTiO)9 eVraXfiei/at 
('die sich ganz zuriickgezogen halten ' 
Kautzsch, and cf. Grimm's note ad 
loc.}\ cf.Hipp. F^.m^.io(ed.Foesius) 


The compound 
(-o/xat) is used in the same sense in 
Ac. xx. 20, 27, Gal. ii. 12, Heb. x. 38; 
cf. Deut. i. 17, Job xiii. 8, Sap. vi. 

navTos d8c\<pov] Notwithstanding 
his faults, the title of ' brother' is not 
denied to the disorderly person, even 
while duty to the ' brotherhood ' re- 
quires that he be avoided; cf. i Cor. 
v. ii. 

draKTwy] See Add. Note G. 

Kara r. 7rapd8o(riv xrX.] For napa- 
doa-iv see ii. 1 5 note, and for ?rapeXa- 
/3ere see I. ii. 13 note. 

The marginal reading TrapeXa- 
ftoo-av is well-attested, and, if adopted, 
must have its subj. supplied from the 
collective oVo TTCWTOS ddeXcpoO. The 
termination in -oarav receives how- 
ever scanty warrant from the papyri 
(Moulton Prolegg. p. 52), and in the 
present instance may have originated 
'in an ocular confusion with -oa-tv 
(trapadocriv) in the corresponding place 
of the line above ' (WH 2 Notes p. 172). 

7. auroi yap oi&are] Cf. I. i. 5> ii- 
i, 5, ii &c. ; Intr. p. xliv. 

fj-ifjiflcrdai rjpas] The verb pinf, 
repeated in v. 9, is found elsewhere in 



8 ovSe Scopedv dprov 6<pdyoiu6v Trapd 
Kal fji6*)(Qu> WKTOS Kal ti/mepas 
67ri(3aprj(rai TWO, vfjiwv 9 ov% on OVK 
a'AA' 'iva eavTovs TVTTOV Sajjmev vfjuv ek TO 

d\\' iv KOTTW 
Trpos TO fjiri 

Kai yap OTe rj/mev TTpos 

the N.T. only in Heb. xiii. 7, 3 Jo. 
ii ; it occurs several times in the 
apocr. books of the O.T., cf. also 
Aristeas 188 jjLijj.nvp.fvos TO rov 6eov 
8ia iravrbs eVieiKe's. For the thought 
of the present passage see I. i. 6 note. 

OVK r/raKr^o-a/iei/] another instance 
of meiosis (cf. v. 2, I. ii. 15), embody- 
ing the ground of the Thessalonians' 
knowledge just spoken of. For draK- 
re'a> see Add. Note G. 

8. &peai/] 'gratis' as frequently 
in the LXX. (Gen. xxix. 15, Ex. xxi. 
2 &c.): cf. Rom. iii. 24, 2 Cor. xi. 7, 
also P.Tebt. 5, 249 ff. (ii./B.c.) eVt- 
piiTTeiv...pya 8ti>peav p.rj8f fjnaOwv v<pei- 
Hfvuv ' to impose labour gratis or at 
reduced wages.' In Jo. xv. 25 (LXX.), 
Gal. ii. 21 the word has the further 
sense of ' uselessly,' ' without sufficient 

apTov e<pdyofj.v] a general expression 
for taking food of any kind (cf. Mk. 
iii. 20, Lk. xiv. i), corresponding 
to the Heb. Dn^pK (Gen. iii. 19, 
4 Regn. iv. 8). 

aXX' ev K07TO) KrX.] See the notes on 
I. ii. 9, and as further illustrating the 
meaning of the phrase WKT. K. ij/n. 
cf. Magn. 163, 7 f. aStaXeiVro)? Qivra 
TO eXaiov )/xe'pas re KCU VVKTOS- 

limitation introduced to avoid any 
possible misconception as to the 
Apostolic claim to gratuitous sup- 
port : cf. I. ii. 6 and especially i Cor. 
ix. 4, 7 14 where St Paul traces this 
same 'right' (eovo-iai/, v. 4) to the 
enactment of the Lord Himself (v. 14, 
Lk. x. yf.); see also i Tim. v. 18, 

Didache xiii. I iras 8e irpo(pijTT)s d\rj- 
6ivbs...aios eori Trjs Tpo(p^s avrov. 

For this later sense of cov<ria 
(primarily ' liberty of action ') to de- 

TOVTO 7rapr]yye\\ojJiv 

note a definite 'claim' or 'right,' 
with the further idea of 'authority' 
over others, cf. its frequent technical 
use in the papyri in connexion with 
wills and contracts, e.g. P.Oxy. 491, 3 

(ii./A.D.), e'(p' ov /xei> Treptet/u \povov 

'so long as I survive I am to have 
power over my own property,' 719, 

25 (ii./A.D.) e^ovtrias (roi ovarjs cTcpois 

TrapiaxcopeTi/J ' the right resting with 
you to cede to others.' 

For the use of ov^ ort = ov Xe'yo/iej/ 

on (...aXXa) in the N.T. for the pur- 
pose of avoiding misconception cf. 
2 Cor. i. 24, iii. 5, Phil. iv. 17; WM. 
p. 746 

aXX' Iva eavrovs TVTTOV KrX.] a second, 
and in the present instance, the main 
reason of the Apostles' self-denying 
toil: not only did they desire to 
remove any hindrance from the free 
diffusion of the Gospel (cf. I. ii. 9), 
but also by their own daily lives and 
conduct to impress more forcibly 
upon their converts' hearts the real 
significance of their message. 

For eavrovs with reference to the 
ist pers. plur. cf. I. ii. 8 note. It is of 
interest to notice that this usage does 
not seem to have extended to the 
sing, except in the case of very 
illiterate documents, e.g. B.G. U. 86, 

5 (ii./A.D.) <rwx<*>pG> fiera TT/V eavrov 
reXevr?)i/ rols yeyovocrt a[vr]e3 e*K TTJS 
(rvvovarji avrou yvvaiKOS (cf. Moulton 

C.R. xv. 441, xviii. 154). With rvTroy 
(I. i. 7 note) cf. the use of vn-orvTrwo-ts 
in i Tim. i. 16, 2 Tim. i. 13, the meta- 
phor there, according to Lft. (on 
Clem. R. Cor. v. ad Jin.), being due 
to the art of sculpture, 'the first 
rough model.' 

10. Kal yap ore foev KrX.] . Cf. I. 



el TIS ov 6e\ei ep f yd(^6a'6ai /x^Se eo~6ieT(x). 
yap Tivas TrepnraTOVVTas eV v/uuv GCTGC/CTWS, 
d\\d Trepiepya^o/uievovs' I3 TO?s Se 
TOLOVTOLS f irapa < y t ye\\oiJLv Kat 7rapaKa\ov/uev eV KVptw 

iii. 4, the only difference being that, 
ill view of #. 6, TOVTO 7rapr)yy\\ofjiv 
is substituted for TrpoeXeyo/zei/. For 
similar references by St Paul to his 
previous public teaching cf. i Cor. xi. 
23, xv. i. 

or* i TIS ov 6e\ci KT\.] ' that if any 
one is not willing (Beng. : ' nolle vitium 
est') to work, neither let him eat.' 
Pelag. : ' Haec sit inquietudinis non 
solum poena, sed etiam emendatio.' 

For on which is here equivalent 
to little more than our inverted 
commas see WM. p. 683 ii. 1 , and for 
illustrations of the maxim, which was 
apparently a proverbial Jewish say- 
ing based on Gen. iii. 19, see the 
passages cited by Wetstein, especially 
Bereschith R. ii. 2 'ego vero si non 
laboro, non edo,' xiv. 12 ' ut, si non 
laborat, nou manducet': cf. also 
Didache xii. 3 el e tfe'Xei irpbs vp.ds 
KaOfjcrai) Tf^virrjs OOP, epyaecr$a> /cat <pa- 
ye'ra>. According to Resch (Agrapha, 
p. 240 ff., Paulinismus, p. 409 f.) the 
saying in its present form may have 
been derived from a logion of the Lord 

For et...oi5 see WM. p. 599, Jannaris, 
i8o7 b , and for the strong negative 
p.T]de (ne quidem) with the imperative 
cf. Eph. v. 3. 

1 1. aKovopev yap KT\.~] Fresh news 
from Thessalonica had reached the 
writers since the despatch of their 
first Epistle, perhaps through the 
bearer of that Epistle on his return, 
of such a character as to lead them 
to single out the offenders, who were 
evidently known to them, for direct 

For the pres. cuutvofifv instead of 
the perf. cf. i Cor. xi. 18 (Burton, 
1 6, Gildersleeve Syntax 204), 
and for its construction with the ace. 

and part, to describe an actually 
existing state see Buttmann p. 302 f. 

fj.r]8fv epyaop.vov$ dXXa irfptepya- 
ofj.vov$] ' doing no business but being 
busy bodies ' a translation suggested 
by Ellic. which has the merit of pre- 
serving the play of words in the 
original: cf. Beza 'nihil agentes, sed 
inaniter satagentes,' Est. ' nihil oper- 
autes, sed circumoperantes,' and 
amongst more modern renderings 
Ew., Schm. 'keine Arbeit treibend, 
sondern sich herumtreibend/ Zockl. 
'nicht schaffend, sondern vielge- 
schaftig,' Jowett 'busy only with 
what is not their own business.' 
The same play on the original Gk. 
words is found in Dem. Phil. iv. 
150 (rot fjLtv f toy epydfci KCU Tre- 
piepydei rovs ea-\drovs ovras Kivdv- 
vovs. For other exx. of paronomasia 
from the Pauline Epp. see v. 13, 
Rom. i. 20, xii. 3, i Cor. vii. 31, 
2 Cor. iv. 8, Phil. iii. 2 f. (WM. 
p. 794 f., Blass, p. 298 ). 

nepiep-ya^o/^cu, air. \ey. N.T. (cf. 
irepifpyos Ac. xix. 19, i Tim. v. 13), is 
found in the same sense as here in 
Sir. iii. 23 (24) *" Toils Trcpio'o'ols r<ov 
epyav o~ov p,rj Trepicpydfrv : cf. Plato 
Apol. 19 B, where it is said of Socrates 
in an accusatory sense, 7repiepydercu 
friTutv rd re VTTO yfjs /cat ra eVoupdi/ta, 
and for a significant ex. from the 
inscriptions see C.I. A. in. 74, 14 f. os 
av de 7ro\virpay[jiovij(Tr) ra rov 6eov f) 
TTcpiepyda-rjTou, a/zapri'ai> o(piXera> *crX. 
Quintilian defines Trepiepy/a as 'super- 
vacua operositas' (viii. 3. 55): cf. 

M. Anton. X. 2 TOVTOIS drj Kavotri 
^pw/zei/oy, fj.r)8ev irepiepydov. 

12. T. de TOIOVTOIS 7rapayye\\o(j.fv 

KT\.] The TrapayyeXi'a is now addressed 

directly to the araKroi themselves in 

so far as they possess the above- 



'Irjcrov XpKTTco *iva /uera i;<TV^ia5 epya^o/uevoi TOV eavrcov 
e&diuxriv. ^'V^Ltels Se, d$e\(poi, /ULrj 


mentioned characteristics rots TOIOV- 
Toi?, cf. Mt. xix. 14, Rom. xvi. 18, 
i Cor. v. ii. 

For irapaKaXovpfv cf. I. ii. 12 note, 
and for iv vp. 'Ljtr. Xp. cf. I. iv. i 

tva pera y<rvxias KT\.] It is not 
enough that they should not be dis- 
orderly, they must also work, and 
that too 'with quietness' for their 
own maintenance. 

'Horvxia (elsewhere in N.T. only 
Ac. xxii. 2, i Tim. ii. 1 1 f. ; cf. rj<rvxd- 
civ I. iv. n, and for a class, parallel 
[Dem.] Exord. Or. 1445 ex lv ^a-vxiav 
KOI TO. vfjifTcpa. OVTWV Trparreii') differs 
from i7pc/ita in denoting tranquillity 
arising from within rather than from 
without (Ellic. on i Tim. ii. 2). 

For the force of fierd see the note 
on I. i. 6, and cf. P.Lond. i. 44, 17 f. 

(ii./B.C.) [JLfB' fjo-vxlas dvaXveiv. 


After the digression caused by the 
rebuke of the disorderly, the writers, 
fearing that their example may have 
a bad effect, address a special word 
of exhortation to the main body of 
their readers. 

13 15. 'On the other hand as 
regards the rest of you, Brothers, we 
exhort you not to fail in doing the 
right thing, but to persevere in your 
honourable course. And in order 
that you may do this, there is nothing 
for it but to mark the man who is 
disregarding what we have said in 
this Epistle, and not in any way to 
associate with him, in order that 
thereby he may be shamed. And 
yet in saying this, we need hardly 
caution you that you are not to treat 
him as if he were in any sense an 
enemy, but rather to counsel him as 
a brother.' 


But you' what- 

ever may have been the conduct of 
others. Thdt. : pr) viKijo-y TTJV vpc- 
rcpav <piAoTtp,t'ai/ 77 fxeivtov /io^^^pi'a. 
p.?) eWaKT/oTjre] 'Ei/KaKeco (for form, 

WH. 2 Notes p. 157 f.) from KUKOS 
'cowardly' is found elsewhere in 
N.T. only in Lk. xviii. i, 2 Cor. iv. i, 
1 6, Gal. vi. 9, Eph. iii. 13: cf: Polyb. 

IV. 19. IO TO ftei/ iTfuirciv ras ftorjfoias 

...eveKaKT](rav 'they omitted through 
cowardice to send assistance.' 

For the use of the aor. subj. in 
2nd pers. after p.^', which is compara- 
tively rare in Paul, see Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 122 ff. 

Ka\o7roiovvTs] ' doing the fair, the 
noble thing ' rather than ' conferring 
benefits ' (ayatfoTroiovi/res-) : cf. the 
double exhortation in i Tim. vi. 18 

dyadoepyelv, TrAourety ev epyois KCI- 

The verb KaAoTroie'co is not found 
elsewhere in the N.T. (for similar 
compounds, Lob. Phryn. p. 199 f.), 
but for the thought see Gal. vi. 9 TO 


as here, KO.\OS carries with it the 
thought not only of what is right in 
itself (I. v. 21 note), but of what is 
perceived to be right (i Tim. v. 25 ra 
KaXa TrpoSj/Xa), and consequently 
exercises an attractive power. See 
further for this sense of KaAos the 
interesting discussion by Lock, St 
Paul p. 117 ff. 

14. TO> Aoyw yfjiwv dtarfjs 7ricrTO\fjs] 
'our word (sent) through the (present) 
epistle' (Th. Mops, interpr.: 'uerba 
quae per epistolam loquimur'). The 
interpretation favoured by some of 
the older commentators by which 8ia 
. is rather to be connected with 

what follows in the sense ' by means 
of a letter (from you) do you notify ' 
(cf. Tind. sende vs worde of him by a 
letter) is exposed to the well-founded 


Sid Trjs eVf(TToAf/s, TOVTOV 

/) ~ / ~ 


objections that it is inconsistent 
with the natural order of the words, 
and with the use of the demonstrative 
Trjs (I. v. 27 note), which points to an 
existing letter rather than to one to 
be written afterwards. 

TOVTOV 0-rjjj.eiova-Se] 'of this man take 
note' (Vg. hunc notate). 2r) 
(an-. \ey. N.T.) means to 'mark or 
notify for oneself, 3 and from being 
used in a neutral or even favourable 
(Ps. iv. 7) sense came also to have the 
idea of disapprobation connected 
with it, e.g. Polyb. v. 78. 2 (of a 
sinister omen) o-^/uetaxra/zei/oi TO ye- 
yovos. The ordinary usage of the 
word is illustrated by Aristeas 148 
TrapadedtoKfv 6 vop.o6eTT)s crq/mouo-tfai 
rots o-vveTolf elvai diKaiovs, O.G.I.S. 
629, 1 68 (Palmyra, ii./A.D.) o KPOTKTTOS 
earrjfj,(e)i(ao~aTO ev TTJ Trpos Bapftapov 

It may be added that with the 
grammarians o-qpciWat is used in the 
sense of 'nota bene,' and that in the 
ostraca and papyri o-eo-jjfiei'w/im is the 
regular term for the signature to a 
receipt or formal notice, as when in 
P.Oxy. 237. vii. 29 (ii./A.D.) the prefect 
-gives legal validity to the 
paTto-[j,6s by the words dvcyvcov 

fjirj crvvava/JiiyvvcrOai avro>] lit. 'not 

to mix yourselves together up with 
him' (Vg. ne commisceamini cum illo, 
Beza ne commercium hdbete cum to) 
the expressive double compound 
being found elsewhere in the N.T. 

Only in I Cor. V. 9 pr) o-vvavapiywo-Oai 
iropvois : cf. Hos. vii. 8 A 'Etppcu/*, ev 
Tols \aols O.VTOV (rvvavepiyvvTo. For 

the corresponding adj. in the 
see P.Oxy. 718, 16 f. (ii./A.D.) dpov 

TTJS (3ao-i\iKfjs (rvvavafjiiyovs fivai TTJ 
j)irap[xovo-r) p.oi yrj\. 

Iva fVTpairr{\ ' in order that he may 
be put to shame' (Vg. ut confun- 
datur, Beza ut erubescat\ following 

the late metaphorical sense of eV- 
Tpe'7ra>, cf. Ps. xxxiv. (xxxv.) 4, i Cor. 
iv. 14, Tit. ii. 8, and from the Koivrj 
such passages as P. Par. 47, 3 f. 

(ii./B.C.) [e]i pr) piKpov TI evT pen opal, 
49, 29 f. (ii./B.C.) yivfTai yap fVTpa- 

i. The corresponding subst. V- 

-alo-xvvr)) 18 found in I Cor. 

vi. 5, xv. 34. For its sense of mdcos as 
in class. Gk. (e.g. Soph. Oed. Col. 299) 
cf. the late magical papyrus P.Lond. 

I. 46, 1 6 f. (iv./A.D.) 8bs evrpoirrjv TO) 
(pavcvTi irpb Trvpoy. 

In the midd. the verb = * reverence,' 
and contrary to class, usage is construed 
in the Bibl. writings with the ace., e.g. 
Sap. ii. 10, Mk. xii. 6, Heb. xii. 9. 

15. fat w a>s fx@P v * r ^] a clause 
added to prevent any possible mis- 
understanding of the foregoing. 
Throughout the conduct enjoined 
has in view the final amendment of 
the offender (Th. Mops.: 'ut modis 
omnibus increpatione, obsecratione, 
doctrina reducatis eum ad id quod 
honestum eat'): cf. Didache xv. 3 

\cy\T Se d\\j\ovs p,rj ev opyfj a'XX' 

ev flpyvri, and Clem. R. Cor. xiv. 3 

Xpr)0-Tevo-wiJ.e6a avTols [roly dp^rjyols 
TTJS arTaarecos] Kara TTJV evam\ayxviav 
KOI yXvKVTrjTa TOV irot^o-avTos Ty/Liay. 

For the softening effect of as 'as 
if he were an enemy' cf. Blass 
p. 246 n. 1 , and for jyeopai and vov- 
6cTea> see the notes on I. v. 13, I. v. 
12, respectively. As further illus- 
trating the ' stronger ' sense of rjyeo- 
pat in the former passage see M. 
Anton, iv. i where the best texts 
read op/*a pev Trpos ra yyovpeva. 
('moves towards things preferred') 
in the sense of npor)yovfj.eva in the 
parallel passage v. 20 (see Crossley's 
note ad loc.}. 

III. 1 6. PRAYER. 

1 6. 'May the Lord, from whom 
all peace comes, Himself give you His 


d\\d vov6eTelT6 ok d$e\(f>6v. l6 AVTOS Se 6 

eipiivrjs Scarj v/uuv TY\V eipqvrjv Sid TTCLVTOS ev TTCCVTI 

f \ t ~ 


17 'O dcnraarfjios Trj e/u*/ x L P* f1av\ov, o ecrTiv 
ev Trdcrri eTTiarToXr]' OVTCOS ypdcpa). I8 7J xdpis TOV Kvpiou 
'Irjcrov XpKTTOu jjLeTa TrdvTwv VJJLWV. 

peace at all times and in all ways. 
The Lord be with you all.' 

1 6. AVTOS 8e KrX] For avros 84 
see I. iii. n note, and for o *vp. T. 
dp., here evidently the Lord Jesus 
(cf. v. 5), see I. v. 23 note. The 
Hellenistic opt. &; (for 80117) is found 
again in the N.T. in Rom. xv. 5, 
2 Tim. i. 1 6, 18 (WSchm. p. 120). For 
8ia 7rain-os 'continually,' as distin- 
guished from Trai/rore 'at all times' 
see Westcott's note on Heb. ix. 6, and 
cf. P.Lond. i. 42, 6 (cited in note on 
I. i. 3). 

The v.l. eV Travrl TOTTW (A*D*G 17 
Vg Go) doubtless arose through the 
desire to conform a somewhat awk- 
ward phrase (cf. navrl rpoira Phil. i. 
1 8, Kara travra rpofruv Rom. iii. 2) to 
the more common expression (cf. I. i. 
8, i Cor. i. 2, 2 Cor. ii. 14, i Tim. 
ii. 8). 

pcra TravTaiv v/i<5i>] even with the 
disorderly brother, cf. v. 18 and for 
TrdvTvv used with a similar emphasis 
see the Benedictions in i Cor. xvi. 24, 
2 Cor. xiii. 13. 


17, 1 8. 'I add this salutation with 
my own hand, signing it with my name 
Paul, as I am in the habit of doing. 
May the grace of our Lord Jesus 
Christ be with you all.' 

17. 'O d<nraorp.os rfj cfifj x ct P* 1 
navXov] Cf. i Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv. 
1 8, and for a similar use of oWao-fios 
in the Koivij see P.Oxy. 471, 67 f. 
(H./A.D.) dvafj.v6vTa>v...Tov dajrao'fjiov 
'waiting to salute him,' and cf. the 
note on d0irdo[ I. v. 26. 

is gen. in apposition with in accordance with a common Gk. 
idiom (Kiihner 3 406, 3). 

o ftrriv <rrifj.flov rX.] namely the fact 
of St Paul's writing the salutation 
with his own hand, and not merely 
the insertion of the immediately pre- 
ceding words, which as a matter of 
fact are found elsewhere only in two 
of his Epp. (i Cor., Col.). Because 
however St Paul does not always 
pointedly direct attention to the 
autographic nature of the salutations 
is in itself no proof that he did not 
write them: cf. Intr. p. xcii and see 
Add. Note A. In the present instance 
he may have considered a formal 
attestation of the clearest kind the 
more necessary in view of the false 
appeals that had been made to his 
authority in Thessalonica (see note on 

ii. 2). 

ourcoy ypa$o>] with reference to the 
characters in which vv. 17, 18 were 
written, which the Thessalonians 
would henceforth recognize as his% 
cf. Gal. vi. ii. Any reference to an 
ingeniously-framed monogram (Grot.: 
' certum quendam nexum literarium ') 
used by the Apostle for his signa- 
ture is quite unnecessary. 

1 8. 77 ^api? TOU Kvpiov KT\.] The 
substance of the Pauline ao-Trao-^ds-, 
embodying the Apostle's favourite 
idea of 'grace,' and by the significant 
addition of TTCIVTUV extending it to 
'all' alike, even those whom he had 
just found it necessary to censure (cf. 
v. 1 6 note). 

As in the First Ep. (cf. I. v. 28 note) 
a liturgical ap,^v has found its way 
into certain MSS. (N C ADGKLP). 


Ka#a><? Kal 6 dyaTnjTbs ri/JL&v aSeX<>05 IlaOXo? Kara 
rrjv So06i(rav avra) o~o(f)iav eypatyev, co? Kal eV Tracrat? 
XaXwv eV avra*? Tre/ot TOVTCOV, ev afc ecrrlv 

2 Pet. iii. 15, 16. 


St Paul as a Letter-Writer. 

is ydp TIS jSotfXercu elvat TJ tiriffToXi] <n5j'ro j uos, KOA. irepi air\ov 
/cat tv 6v6/j.affi.v &TT\OIS. 

Demetrius de Elocutione 231 (ed. Eoberts, p. 176). 

'Als einen Ersatz seiner personlichen Wirkung schreibt er seine Briefe. 
Dieser Briefstil ist Paulus, niemand als Paulus; es ist nicht Privatbrief und 
doch nicht Literatur, ein, wenn auch immer wieder nach- 
geahmtes Mittelding.' 

U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff Die Griechische Literatur des Altertums 
p. 157 (in Die Kultur der Gegenwart i. 8, Berlin, 1905). 

We have already seen that the Thessalonian Epistles are true * letters,' The 
and not doctrinal treatises, and that, in adopting this method of com- Pauline 
municating with his scattered Churches, St Paul found a means of^^*^| 
communication admirably suited alike to his own temperament, and to letters 
the circumstances under which he wrote. The use of a 'letter' indeed 
for religious purposes was not altogether without precedent. It was by 
a letter that Jeremiah communicated God's will regarding them to the 
Jewish captives in Babylon (Jer. xxix.) 1 , and by a letter again, to come 
down to Christian times, that the Council at Jerusalem announced their 
decision to the Gentile Churches (Ac. xv.) 2 . But, notwithstanding these 
partial parallels, St Paul was apparently the first to recognize the full 
possibilities that lay, in a letter as a means of conveying religious in- 
struction 3 . And as there is good reason to believe that in the Thessalonian 
Epistles we have the earliest of his extant writings (see p. xxxvif.), this is 
a fitting opportunity for trying to form as clear an idea as possible of the 
outward form and method of the Pauline correspondence. 

Towards this, recent discoveries in Egypt have lent most valuable aid. 
For though it is somewhat remarkable that no copy of a Pauline Epistle, n) 
or any part of one, on papyrus, belonging to the first three centuries, has re cent dis- 
yet come to light 4 , the ordinary papyrus letters of the Apostle's time enable coveries of 


1 Cf. in the Apocrypha the so-called trroXal <rv<rTariKai) were common, Ac. 
Epp. of Jeremiah and Baruch, and ix. 2 (xxii. 5), xviii. 27 ; cf. Kom. xvi. 
2 Mace. i. i, 10. Eenan (Saint Paul i, 2, 2 Cor. iii. i, and for a pagan 
(1869) p. 229 n. 2 ) refers also to the. example see the first of the papyrus- 
iggeret or risdlet, which the Jewish letters reproduced on p. 127. 
synagogues were in the habit of 3 An exception is sometimes made 
addressing to one another on points in favour of the Epistle of James ; but 
of doctrine or practice. see Sanday Inspiration p. 344 f. 

2 ' Letters of recommendation ' (4irt- 4 There are various fragments be- 



us to picture to ourselves with great distinctness what must have been the 
exact format of the Pauline autographs. 
Papyrus as Thus there can be no doubt that, like other letter- writers of his time, 

a writing 


g^ p au j wro t e his letters on papyrus. The costlier pergament, which was 
used for copies of the O.T. books 1 , was not only beyond the Apostle's 
slender means, but would have been out of keeping with the fugitive and 
occasional character he himself ascribed to his writings 2 . And he would 
naturally fall back upon a material which was easily procurable, and whose 
use for the purposes of writing had already a long history behind it 3 . 
Themanu- l n itself papyrus is derived from the p&pyYus-p\a,nt(Cy per us papyrus L.) 4 , 
Twrnvrnn an( ^ was P re P are d f r the purposes of writing according to a well- 
established process, of which the elder Pliny (N.H. xiii. 11 13) has left 
a classical account). 

According to this, the pith (|3i5j3\os) of the stem of the papyrus-plant 
was cut into long strips (philyrae\ which were laid down vertically to form 
a lower or outward layer. Over this a corresponding number of strips 
were then placed horizontally ; and the two layers were pressed together 
to form one sheet (scheda\ the process being assisted by a preparation 
of glue, moistened, when possible, with the turbid water of the Nile, which 
was supposed to add strength to it 5 . After being dried in the sun, and 

longing to the fourth and fifth 
centuries, amongst which Dr Kenyon 
(Hastings' D.B. v. p. 354) includes 
one containing 2 Thess. i. i ii. 2 
(Berlin Museum P. 5013) ; but, in a 
private communication to the present 
writer, he states that, in reality, this 
is not on papyrus, but on vellum. The 
important papyrus containing about 
one-third of the Ep. to the Hebrews 
(P.Oxy. 657) is certainly not later 
than the fourth century, perhaps the 
end of the third. 

1 These are probably referred to in 
T&S nepppdvas of 2 Tim. iv. 13, as 
compared with ra /SijSXte, the ordinary 

2 The very fact that Josephus 
mentions that the letter of the Jews 
to Ptolemy Philadelphus was written 
on parchment (5t00e/>af, Antt. xii. 89 
(ii. n)) shows that this was unusual. 

3 The earliest extant papyrus- writing 
is a statement of accounts, dated in 
the reign of Assa, the last King of the 
fifth dynasty in Egypt, about 3580 
3536 B.C. (Kenyon Palaeography of 
Greek Papyri p. 14). According to 
Sir E. M. Thompson (Greek and Latin 
Palaeography p. 33), papyrus continued 

to be manufactured in Egypt for 
writing purposes down to the tenth 
century of our era. Recently attempts 
have been made to supply charta 
according to the ancient model from 
the papyrus - plants growing near 
Syracuse. In addition to the authori- 
ties quoted, see the essay on ' Ancient 
Papyrus and the mode of making 
paper from it ' by Prof. Ezra Abbot, 
reprinted in his Critical Essays 
(Boston, 1888) p. i37ff. 

4 The most probable derivation of 
the word ' papyrus ' is from the 
Egyptian pa-p-yor, ' the (product) of 
the river,' i.e. ' the river-plant ' (see 
Encycl. Bibl. col. 3556). The plant is 
mentioned in Job viii. 1 1 ; in Ex. ii. 3 
the KJpjl n3ri was a ' chest of paper- 
reed,' or a papyrus-boat, cf. Isa. xviii. 
2 cTrtcrroXas pvfiXivas. For tbe Gk. 
word irdirvpos of. P.Leid. S p. 97 
col. i a , 8, u (ii./B.c.), and (irairijpovs) 
P.Par. 55 bis col. i and 2 (ii./B.c.), 
and for the adj. P.Leid. U col. 2 a , 6 f. 
(ii./B.c.) irXoiov irairijpivov, 3 KaXeirai 
AlyviTTHrd 'Pti^. See further Mayser 

P- 37- 

5 This appears to be the correct 
interpretation of Pliny's ' turbidus 



rubbed down with ivory or a smooth shell to remove any roughness, the 
sheet was ready for use a scripturdbilis facies. 

The size of the sheets thus formed would obviously vary according Size of 
to the quality of the papyrus ; but Dr Kenyon has shown that for non- papyrus- 
literary documents the size in ordinary use would be from 5 to $ inches in s 
width, and from 9 to n inches in height 1 . 

For a brief note, like the Epistle to Philemon, a single sheet would 
therefore suffice, but, when more space was required, it was easily pro- 
curable by fastening the requisite number of sheets together to form 
a roll 2 , the beginning (TrpeordicoXXov) and the end (fV^aroKoXXtoi'), as the 
parts most usually handled, being not infrequently strengthened by 
attaching extra strips of papyrus at the back. These rolls would seem 
to have been generally sold in lengths of twenty sheets (scapi\ the cost of 
two sheets being at the rate of a drachma and two obols each, or a little 
over a shilling of our money 3 . 

As a rule the original writing was confined to one side of the papyrus- Recto and 
sheet, that side being chosen on which the fibres lay horizontally (recto\ Verso. 
which was therefore smoother for the purpose. But occasionally, when 
space failed, recourse was had also to the back (verso}*. The verso was 
also frequently used for some other writing of less importance, or for 
scribbling purposes, much as we use the back of an old letter 5 . 

The matter was arranged in columns (o-eXto'es, paginae) of from two to Width of 
three inches wide, which were as a rule placed close together, so that there columns. 

liquor vim glutinis (dat.) praebet,' as 
elsewhere he recognizes only the form 
glutinum, and not gluten, according to 
which glutinis would be a genitive : 
cf. Birt Das antike Buchwesen (1882) 
p. 231 f., and for the whole of Pliny's 
description see Gardthausen Griech- 
ische Palaeographie (1879) p. 31 f., 
Thompson op. cit. p. 30 f., Kenyon op. 
cit. p. 15. 

1 Op. cit. p. 16 ff. 

2 Cicero (ad Fam. xii. 30. i) speaks 
of so delighting in his correspondence 
with Cormfieius, that he desires to 
send him 'not letters but rolls.' 

3 Thompson op. cit. p. 28 ; cf. 
Karabacek Fiihrer durch die Papyrus- 
sammlung (1904) of the Earner Museum 
at Vienna, p. xvi. Karabacek also refers 
(p. xv) to the different qualities of 
papyrus-paper, such as the Charta 
claudia, a very white paper, and the 
Charta salutatrix, & favourite form 
for ordinary correspondence. The 
finest of all was the Hieratica, while 
tlaeEmporetica, made out of the rougher 

layers served much the purposes of 
brown paper amongst ourselves. 

4 Cf. Ezek. ii. 9 f . ' a roll of a book 
...written within and without,' and 
Kev. v. r j3i,8\{oi> Zaudev 
K<d Sirtffdev, the roll was so full that 
the contents had overflowed to the 
verso of the papyrus (but see Nestle 
Text. Grit, of the Gk. N.T. p. 333). 
A similar peculiarity distinguishes the 
long magical papyrus P.Lond. i. 121 
(iii./A.D.). On the distinction between 
Recto and Verso see especially Wilcken 
in Hermes xxii. (1887) p. 487 ff. : cf. 
Archiv i. p. 355 f. 

5 The letter P.Gen. 52 is written on 
the verso, the writer explaining 
X<ipTTf]v (xdpTiov, Wilcken Archiv iii. 
p. 399) Kadapbv fjiT] evpu>v TTpbs rr)v upav 
els TOV\T]OV fypa\j/a. See also the 
interesting caricature from the back 
of a papyrus (ix./s.c.) reproduced in 
Erman and Krebs Aus den Papyrus 
der Koniglichen Museen [zu Berlin], 
Berlin, 1899, p. 6. 



Ink and 

A papy- 

Mode of 

would be little room for the marginal annotations St Paul is sometimes 
credited with having made, unless we are to think of these as inserted at 
the top or bottom of the sheet. 

To complete our survey of the writing-materials, it is sufficient to notice 
that the black ink (/xeXai/, or /ze'Xav ypa(piKov} ordinarily used was prepared 
from a mixture of soot and gum-water 1 and that a rush or reed (^aXa/nor, 
or KaXapos ypcxpiKos) served as a pen (cf. 3 Jo. 13 8ta /tte'Xapo? *at 

St Paul's 
ment of an 


When finished, the roll was rolled round upon itself, and fastened 
together with a thread 3 , and in ordinary letters the address or title was 
then written on the back of the roll. In the case of more important 
literary works, which would be preserved in libraries, a o-t'XAv/So?, or small 
strip of papyrus containing the title, was frequently attached to the end of 
the roll for the purpose of identification 4 . 

In order to ascertain its contents, the reader held the roll with two 
hands, unrolling it with his right, and with his left hand rolling up what he 
had finished reading 5 : a practice which enables us to understand the 
imagery of Rev. vi. 14 o ovpavbs aTre^ojpicrtf?; toy /St/SAtoi/ \i(T(>ov 
(eAwro-o/iei/os K), where the expanse of heaven is represented as parting 
asunder, 'the divided portions curling up and forming a roll on either hand' 
(Swete ad loc.}. 

From these more general details that help to throw light on the 
outward method of the Pauline correspondence, it is necessary now to turn 
to one or two particulars that affected its contents. Amongst these a 
first place must be given to the fact that as a rule St Paul, following a 
well-established custom (Norden Kunstprosa ii. p. 954 ff.), seems to have 

1 Pliny N.H. xxxv. 6. The excellent 
quality of this ink is shown by the 
way it has preserved its colour after 
the lapse of so many years. At the 
same time by not sinking into the 
texture of the paper like our modern 
inks, it readily lent itself to being 
washed completely off: hence Col. 
ii. 14 efaXet^as Tb...xfipbypa.<t>ov (see 
Williams' note ad loc. in C.G.T.). 

2 Directions for buying papyrus, 
pens, ink &c. will be found in P. Grenf. 
ii. 38 (cf. Witkowski Epp. no. 55), 
a letter of i./B.c. For illustrations 
of the ordinary writing-materials see 
Erman and Krebs op. cit. p. 8 f. , and 
the above-cited Fiihrer through the 
Kainer collection at Vienna p. 6. 

3 The wooden-roller (<5/u0ctX6s, um- 
bilicus) with projecting knobs or tips 
(K^para, cornua) would seem to have 
been confined to the costlier editions 
of literary works (Gardthausen op. cit. 

p. 52 f., Kenyon op. cit. p. 23). And 
the same would be the case with the 
<paiv6\T)s or 001X61/77$, the 'cover' by 
which more valuable works were pro- 
tected. Birt (op. cit. p. 65) finds a 
reference to this ' cover,' and not to 
the Apostle's ' travelling-cloke,' in the 
<eX6v77 of 2 Tim. iv. 13. 

4 Specimens of these <ri\\vftoi have 
been recovered: see P.Oxy. 301, 381. 

5 Cf. Lucian imag. c. 8 pifiMov tv 
TOIV xe/JotV clxev, ^s dtio ffweiXtj^^vov' 
Kal t($Kei TO fJL^v TI dvayvii}(T<j'6ai avrov, 
rb de rfdi) aveyvuKtvcu (cited Gardthausen 
p. 52). Seneca, who prided himself 
on his brevity, breaks off a letter with 
the remark that no letter should ' fill ' 
the left hand of the reader (Ep. 45 
' quae non debet sinistram manum 
legentis implere '), implying that, were 
it longer than a single sheet, the reader 
would require to use both hands (Birt 
p. 62). 


dictated his letters. This at least is the most obvious interpretation of 

such a passage as Rom. XVi. 22 eyw Tepnos 6 ypd^as TTJV 

firKTToXrjv cv Kupiw, where, unless we are to think of Tertius' writing a 
copy of the letter the Apostle had previously penned, we can only regard 
him as the actual scribe. Further confirmation of this practice is afforded 
by 2 Thess. iii. 17, a verse which sets the authenticating signature of 
the Apostle in direct contrast with the rest of the letter as written by 
someone else: cf. i Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv. 18. 

To such a mode of procedure the Egyptian papyri again offer striking 
confirmation, the signature being often in a different hand from the body 
of the document itself, as when a letter on land-distribution by three 
officials, Phanias, Heraclas, and Diogenes, is endorsed at the bottom by 
the second of these ( c HpacX(as) ereo-^/Aeieo/zat)), the letter itself having no 
doubt been written by a clerk (P.Oxy. 45 (i./A.D.) with the edd. note) 1 . 

In speaking of St Paul's amanuensis, we must not however think of Signifi- 
a professional scribe (raxuypacpos, notarius), but rather of some educated cance of 
friend or companion who happened to be with the Apostle at the time * 

(cf. Rom. xvi. 21). The writing would then be of the ordinary, non-literary 
character, though doubtless more than the usual care would be taken 
in view of the importance of the contents. The words, in accordance with 
general practice, would be closely joined together. Contractions, especially 
in the way of leaving out the last syllables of familiar words 2 , would be 
frequent. And, as a rule, accents and breathings would be only sparingly 
employed. The bearing of these facts upon the various readings that crept 
later into the Pauline texts is at once obvious. But for our present 
purpose it is more important to ask, How much was St Paul in the habit 
of leaving to his amanuensis ? Did he dictate his letters word for word, 
his scribe perhaps taking them down in some form of shorthand 3 ? Or was 

1 Mahaffy (P.Petr. i. p. 48) finds established custom in ancient times, 
here the clue to the correct interpre- 2 Kenyon's statement (Palaeography 

tation of the ir^Xtxa ypd^ara of Gal. p. 33) that the omission of the middle 

vi. ii the large, irregular characters portion of words is not found in Gk. 

of the man who wrote but little, as papyri now requires modification : cf. 

compared with the smaller, cursive P.Amh. 35, 55 (ii./s.c.) pa(<ri\i)Kwv, 

hand of his more practised amanuensis: where the editors point out that the 

cf. for a striking illustration of this the scribe first wrote /3 L , and then added 

facsimile of Pap. 215 in the Filhrer to KUV to distinguish it from p*-=pa- 

the Rainer collection (p. 68), where (<n\^ws) in the previous line, and see 

the rude, uncial signatures of two also Kenyon himself (P.Lond. in. p. 91) 

consenting parties are clearly dis- where K* /<<>< = K\-/ipov KO.TOIKOV is allowed 

tinguishable from the more cultured as one of the very few exceptions ' to 

hand in which the body of the contract his own above- stated rule. 
is written. But Ramsay (Hist. Comm. 3 For the practice of shorthand 

on Galatians p. 466) is probably nearer amongst the ancients see art. ' Nota ' 

the mark in saying that by the use of in Smith's Diet, of Gk. and Bom. Antt., 

' large ' letters the Apostle desired and cf. Kenyon op. cit. p. 33. To the 

rather to draw special attention to the literature there adduced may be added 

' importance ' of the following sen- an art. by F. G. W. Foat On old Greek 

tences, in accordance with a well- Tachygraphy in J.H.S. xxi. (1901) 



he content to supply a rough draft, leaving the scribe to throw it into 
more formal and complete shape ? It is true that to these questions no 
definite answer can be given. In all probability the Apostle's practice 
varied with the special circumstances of the case, or the person of the 
scribe whom he was employing. More might be left to the discretion 
of a Silvanus or a Timothy, than of a Tertius. But, in any case, the very 
fact that such questions can be put at all shows how many of the difficulties 
regarding the varied style and phraseology of the different Epistles might 
be solved, if we had only clearer knowledge of the exact conditions under 
which they were severally written 1 . 

Possibility Nor can we leave out of sight the possibility that, when dictating, 
of quota- st Paul may frequently have held some letter he was answering in his 
hand, and that consequently quotations from his correspondents' language, 
which we should now in print at any rate distinguish by the use of inverted 
commas, may have found their way into his answer, or at any rate suggested 
the exact form of the language employed 3 . 

In a suggestive paper in the Expositor (v. vi. p. 65 ff.) Dr Walter Lock 
has applied this possibility to the elucidation of i Cor. viii. i 9, and more 
recently Dr Rendel Harris (Exp. v. viii. p. i69ff.) has tried in the same way 
to disentangle from our existing i Thessalonians traces of a lost letter 
previously addressed by the Thessalonians to St Paul. Some of the points 
raised may perhaps seem to the ordinary reader over-subtle, and capable 
of simpler explanation. But the idea is a fruitful one, and may yet be found 
to do good service in the explanation of various Pauline linguistic and 
grammatical anomalies 3 . 

Another possibility is that what were originally marginal annotations 
now form part of the Pauline Epistles. What more natural, it has been 
argued, than that St Paul should have read over his letter, after his scribe 
had finished writing it, and jotted down in the margin explanatory 
comments or additions, which afterwards found their way into the text 4 . 
That marginal annotations of this kind were added later is well known ; 



p. 238 ff., which contains a general 
re'sume' of the present state of the 

1 Cf. Sanday Inspiration p. 342, and 
for the possibility that in the ' dicta- 
tion ' and ' revision ' of the fourth 
Gospel, which early tradition asserts 
(especially Can. Murat. p. ioa.), we 
may have a key to the differences 
between it and the Apocalypse see 
Swete Apoc. p. clxxixf. 

In an art. in the Churchman for 
June 1906 (summarized in Exp. T. 
xvii. p. 433) Bishop Moule cites a mode 
of procedure from the modern mission- 
field which may have some bearing on 
the point before us. According to 

this when a European missionary in 
China desires to send a message, he 
first writes it down in his own Chinese, 
and then submits it to a ' writer,' who 
drafts it afresh into the correct classical 
phraseology. After revision it is then 
sent out by the missionary, 'as his 
own authentic message.' 

2 Cf. Weizsacker Apost. Age ii. 
p. 102 ff. 

3 For its application to the Ep. to 
the Philippians see Kennedy Phil. 
p. 403 in E.G.T. 

4 See especially Laurent Neutest. 
Studien (Gotha, 1866) p. 3^., and cf. 
Kenan Saint Paul (1869) p. 232. 


but it is very doubtful whether any of them can be traced back to St Paul 
himself. The general form of an ordinary papyrus-letter left, as we have 
already seen, little room for them. And such a phrase for example as 
epirpoo-flfv TOV Kvpiov ij/ieoi/ 'irjcrov ev rfj avrov trapova-ia (l Thess. ii. 19), which 
Laurent (p. 28 f.) cites in support of this view, may just as readily have 
formed part of the original writing. 

We are on surer ground when we turn to the undoubted light which General 
the correspondence of the time throws upon the general form of the form 
Pauline letters. That form, as is well known, consists as a rule of an pjJjJQ e 
Address or Greeting, a Thanksgiving, Special Contents, Personal Salu- letters. 
tations, and an Autographic Conclusion. And when full allowance has 
been made for difference in character and tone, it is remarkable how 
closely this structure resembles the structure of an ordinary Greek 

This will perhaps be best shown by giving one or two specimens of Examples 
the latter. We begin with a short letter from Oxyrhynchus, of date of P a P v - 
A.D. 1 6, in which the writer Theon recommends to the notice of his [ u ,l" 
brother Heraclides the bearer of the letter Hermophilus. A letter of 

P.Oxy. 746. recom- 

> * N j. ~ menda- 

HpcucXetoqi ran aoeX<paH tion. 

TrXelara gaipw /cat vytaivftv. 

vs (rot rrjv 

tov, Kal rpcarrja-ev fJi ypd^ai aroi. 

\V Trji] Kepxe/^ouvi. TOVTO ovv eav 
(rot 0a[i]w;rai (mov8d(Teis Kara TO 
diKaiov. TO. 8' aXXa veavTov eVt/ieXov 
Iv vyiaivys. 

(erovff) y Tiftcpiov Kaicrapoy 2e/3aaro{) $aa><pt y. 

On the verso is written the address : 

the round brackets indicating the resolution of the abbreviations 

The general similarity of , the Address and the closing Salutation to A letter of 
the ordinary Pauline practice is at once obvious, and the same may be invitation. 
said of the following letter of invitation from the Faiyum, belonging to the 
year A.D. 84. 

TL (TOt TO 7r[t](rr[o]XtOJ/, OTTtoS 



A letter 
from a 
to her 

A letter of 

iS T7)V Q)pTT)V (SIC) 7Tpl(TT- 

yp.e1v dyopdoTjt, 

Tour[o] ovv TTOITJ- 
cras ecrrj /xot 
Xapirav (sic) 
"AcrTrao-tu TOVS crovs irdvras. 

"Epp a>o-o. 

(erovs) rpirov Avro/eparopoff 
Kcu'crapos Ao/uriavoG 
Sf^aorou TfppaviKov ITa^(coi') if. 

The address is again on the verso : 

Els BaKxiaSa [anodes 'ATroXXowau] reoi Tt/ita)r[a(ra>i)]. 

Our next example still more closely recalls a Pauline letter, as, in 
addition to more formal resemblances, it contains an earnest prayer to the 
writer's god Serapis for the welfare of her children. This letter was also 
discovered in the Faiyum, and belongs to the end of the second, or the 
beginning of the third, century of our era. 

roils TCKVOIS ITroAf^cua) Kai 'ATroXtfapta /cat 
ITroXe/iai'a) TrXeiora \aipeiv. 

IIpo ILCV TrdvTGw ev^o/xai r^tas vyiaiviv, o fj.oi irdvTa>v 
0"rii> dvavKaioTcpov. To 7rpo[cr]Kvvi]fj.a i;/Lieoi/ TTOICO jrapa TW 
/cvpi'a) 2fpa?rtSt, fv^o/zeV^ vyiaivovres aTroXa^eti/, 
a>s eu^o/nat eVirerev^oTay. 'E^ap/;i/ KOyMOVyiany ypa/i/xara, 
ort /cnXcos 8i<rw0r)Tf. 'Ao-rra^ou 'A/i/ia)[i/]oi)i' o-ui> TCKVOIS KOI 
o'v/i./Siw /cat TOUS (pi\oi>vrds o*e. 'Ao"7ra^erat )/ias KuptXAa 
/cat 17 tivyd-nyp 'Eppias 'Eppias (sic), c Ep[p,]ai/oi}j3is TI rpo(pos, 'A&jvats j SeV<a- 
Xoy, KvpiXXa, Kao-ta, [. .]fi . . vis, 2[. . .Jai/os 1 , "E/iTTis 1 , oi evOdde TTavres. 
'EpaTrjOcls ovv 7rp[ay/z]a Trpdvcris yp\o.^r}e /MOI, ftSeoy ort, eav ypa/zpara 
o-ov XajSo>, IXapd et/ni Trepi T^S o~Q)Tr)pias r^iStv. 
'Eppwa'dai rjfjLas 

On the verso this letter has two addresses, one in the original hand to 
the effect 

ElroXe X /Wo> rw 

and the second in a different hand 

'ATroS(os') IlroXe/zaio) X d8e(X)0w 'A 
It would appear therefore that the first recipient Ptolemaios had after- 
wards forwarded his mother's letter to his brother of the same name, and 
his sister Apolinaria. 

To these three letters I am tempted to add in full the pagan letter 
f consolation already referred to (see I. iv. 18 note) as, apart from 
similarity in outward form, its contents stand in such striking contrast to 
the bright and hopeful character of the Epistles before us. 


P.Oxy. 115 (ii./A.D.): 


ourcos eXvn^drjv e/cXautra 

a>s e 

Km Traira otra 771; KO- 
6r)Kovra eiroirjcra Kal ircivrcs 
oi fp-oi, 'E7ra0poSeiroy KCU Gep/xov- 

Kai IlXairay. aXX* ofj.a>s ovdev 
8vvarai riv TTpbs TO. roiaCra. 

fv TrpaTTfTc. 'Advp a. 
On the wr^o 

Nothing would be easier than to multiply examples 1 , but these must Current 
suffice to show the amount of truth there is in Deissmann's dictum that the epistolary 
Pauline letters ' differ from the messages of the homely Papyrus leaves p rases - 
from Egypt not as letters, but only as the letters of Paul' (SS. p. 44) : 
while they also make clear how frequently the actual phrases employed 
are drawn from the current epistolary language of the Apostle's time 2 . 
This is naturally most noticeable in the more formal parts of the letter 
such as the address or the closing salutation 3 ; but it is by no means 
confined to these, as will be seen from the preceding Notes on such passages 
as I. i. 2, 3, ii. 9, iv. i, 13, II. ii. 3, iii. 2 4 . 

Similarly with the authenticating signature. Reference has already St Paul's 
been made to the fact that this was apparently generally added in St Paul's signature. 
own hand in accordance with general practice 5 . And it is enough to add 

1 An excellent collection of the i. 2 : TO 5 kv 06w irarpC ZOIKW T Trap' 
letters belonging to the Ptolemaic JHJLUV v rats ^7ri<rroAa?s ypa^o^vif- Kal 
period will be found in Witkowski's yap rj/teis eu60a/ue/ ypafaw '6 8eiva r<p 
Epistulae Privatae Graecae (Leipzig, 8eivt 4v Kvpiy ^cupeii/.' On the original 
Teubner, 1906). formula see Dr G. A. Gerhard's dis- 

2 For the existence of similar ex- sertation ' Die Formel 6 dewa T<# Seivt 
pressions in Latin letters see Tyrrell xaipeiv ' forming the first part of his 
and Purser The Correspondence of Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des 
M. T. Cicero (ycdi ed. Dublin, 1904)1. griechischen Brief es (Philologus Ixiv. 
p. 56 ff. (N. F. xviii.), 1905, p. 27 ff.). 

3 This point did not escape the notice 4 Further evidence pointing in the 
of the older commentators. Thus same direction will be found in the 
Theodore of Mopsuestia writes with Dean of Westminster's Note On some 
reference to I. i. i (ed. Swete) : rd current epistolary phrases ' in his great 
\apts vjjuv otfrws rlQ-^aiv wtnrep r//iets commentary on St PauVs Epistle to 
r6 x.apiv v rats Trpoypatpats T&V the Ephesians. 

du6afj.ev TO cv Sew irarpl 5 Cf. Cic. ad Attic, viii. i, Suet. 

ws Kal rj/jt-els TO ev Kvpty Tib. 21, 32, Dion Cass. Iviii. n. 
ypa<f)0fjiv. Cf. also Theodoret on II. 



Mode of 
of the 

that the ovreos- ypa(f>ot> (like our 'signed') with which the Apostle draws 
attention to it in II. iii. 17 finds a ready parallel in the o-eo-ij/Lteuo/iai (generally 
contracted into treo-q), with which so many of the Egyptian papyrus-letters 
and ostraca close. 

The only other point requiring notice is the mode of despatch of the 
Pauline letters. By this time the Imperial Post, established by Augustus 1 , 
was in full operation, but its use was strictly limited to state and official 
needs, and ordinary correspondence could only be sent by special messenger, 
or by favour of some friend or passing traveller 2 . Even had it been 
otherwise, it is obvious that many of the Apostle's communications could 
only have been entrusted with safety to a Christian messenger in full 
sympathy with their object 3 . The messenger's part would thus be an 
important one. And there can be little doubt that to St Paul's messengers 
there often fell the task of reinforcing and supplementing the Apostolic 
message to the Churches addressed 4 . 

1 Suet. Aug. 49. In this, as in so 
many other customs of his court, 
Augustus doubtless followed a Persian 
model (Friedlaender Sittengeschichte 
Eoms z ii. p. 8, cf. i. p. 395). 

2 Cic. ad Attic, i. 9. i, Pliny Ep. vii. 
12, Mart. iii. 100. i. 

3 According to a modern traveller, 
even to this day, in view of the perils 
attending correspondence at the hands 

of the Turkish postal authorities, 
Christians in Macedonia ' are forced 
to employ private couriers of their 
own creed and nationality ' (G. F. 
Abbott Tale of a Tour in Macedonia 
p. 275). 

4 For the union of messenger and 
letter cf. P.Grenf. i. 30 (ii./B.c.), 
B.G.U. 1009 (ii./B.c.). 


Did St Paul use the Epistolary Plural ? 

The question of whether St Paul ever uses the epistolary plural is one The ques- 
of some general interest, and has also a direct bearing upon the interpreta- tion not 
tion of several passages in our Epistles. It is a question which has some- ^ c ^ e( j 
times been answered very definitely in the negative, as when it has been categoric- 
maintained that St Paul never uses the ist pers. plur. except with reference ally, 
to more than one person (Hofmann Die heil. Schrift neuen Testaments 
(1862) i. p. 147 and passim), or, more guardedly, that in those Epistles 
where several names occur in the address all subsequent ist persons plur. 
must be referred to them, except where the context demands a still wider 
reference, as e.g. to Christians in general (Zahn Einl. in d. N. T. i. pp. 1 50 ff., 
2 1 9 f.). Laurent, on the other hand, as positively declares (SK. 1 868 p. 1 59 ff., 
Neatest. Stud. p. 117 f.) that, so far at least as the Thessalonian Epistles 
are concerned, the ist pers. plur. is always to be referred to St Paul alone 
as a kind of pluralis maiestaticus, being used by the Apostle when he 
speaks in his official capacity, while as a private individual he uses the 
singular. As a matter of fact, however, as Karl Dick has shown in his 
elaborate monograph Der schriftstellerische Plural bei Paulus (Halle, 
1900), no such hard and fast rule on either side can be carried consistently 
through without doing constant violence to the sense. And the general con- 
clusion at which Dick arrives after a complete survey of the evidence is 
that St Paul uses the ist pers. plur. with such a wide variety of nuances 
and shades of meaning, that the pluralis auctoris may well have a place 
amongst them, wherever it is found to be most in keeping with the con- 
text, and the circumstances of writing at the time. 

Nor in this would the Apostle cause any undue difficulty to his readers, but in the 
For if the use of the ist pers. plur. for the ist pers. sing, seems only to 
have existed to a very limited extent in classical Gk. (cf. Kiihner 3 n. i. 
37 1 - 3) Gildersleeve Syntax 54), in later writers it is very common (e.g. classical 
Polyb. i. 41. 7 TTLpaa-op.f6a, Jos. Vita IO (2) ^ov\^Brjv...f'irro[j.V...<Sp.r}v). and later 
And, what is still more pertinent to our present inquiry, this plural can Greek, 
now be illustrated from the ordinary correspondence of St Paul's time. 

We must be careful indeed not to overstrain the evidence in this andespeci- 
direction, as some of the instances which are usually cited are by no means 
certain, owing to the possibility that the writer may be including those 
around him, members of his family or friends, in the plural reference, pondence 
Thus in the first of Dick's two examples B.G.U. 27 (not 41, as Dick), 5 ff. of the 
i$- yfjv \TJ\v6a...Koi e'e[c]eV(B(ra p.ev (or eeKei>a>cra/iej/)...Kai 7rape&earo j//iny ~^ { 
<> TOTTOS, the corn- merchant, who is its author, seems undoubtedly to be 



thinking of his comrades as well as of himself, when he uses the plural 1 , 
and similarly in the illiterate B.G.U. 596, i ff. (I./A.D.) KO\US 

KaT\6a>v (Tvvev<t>xn6ri\i\ r/pfiv. TO{)T[O] ovv TroirjO-as far) pot fj.yd\r]v ^ 

(sic) Kar[a]r6^ei/i[e]fo($ i ), there is again no reason why the reference in 
and pot should be identical' 2 . 

Other examples can however now be cited in which it seems impossible 
to establish any distinction between the two numbers. For example, in the 
opening salutation of P.Par. 43 (ii./B.c.) we find el eppo>o-0at, eppwpai 8* 
Kdvroi, the plur. reading Kavroi being here regarded as ' certain ' by 
Witkowski (Epp. p. 55) as against KUVTOS (Letronne); and with this may 
be compared such documents as P.Tebt. 58 (ii./B.c.) fvpr^<ap.fv...fvpov... 
fifftovXci/fjLfda, P.Hib. 44 (iii./B.C.) eypm/mpei>...6^(i/Tes...ei>ipJ7i/, and, from a 
much later date, P.Heid. 6 (iv./A.D.) 7ri<rTevonv...ypd(j)a> KOI (pXvpap^o-o)... 
8wT)6a>fjii>. Evidence to the same effect is afforded by the Inscriptions, 
as in O.G.I.S. 484, possibly a rescript of Hadrian, in which the sing. 
and plur. are interchanged in a truly astonishing manner, e.g. i, 

2 [p>6T67rf/z]\/^a/A7;i/, ftovXrjQeis, 13 e'So^ey T/peu/, 27 e'SoKipacra/zei', 31 eVurreuoz/, 

41 diKatov rjyrja-dfjirjv^ 54 I/O/LU'G> (see Dittenberger's note ad loc.). 

The con- It is unnecessary to go on multiplying instances. These are sufficient 
sequent ^ p rove the possibility, to say the least, of the use of T/pels for eyo> in 
of such 1 ^ a wr ^ er f St Paul's time. And if, accordingly, we find passages in his 
a usage Epistles where the ist pers. plur. seems to be best understood of the 
in the Apostle alone, we need not hesitate so to apply it. 
Pauline Q n tne O t ne r hand in view of the fact that in several of his Epistles 
]. es> (i Cor., Gal., Phil., Philemon) St Paul, after starting with an address from 
cScum severa l persons, employs the ist sing, throughout in the body of the letters, 
stances to tne continued use of the ist pers. plur. throughout the Thessalonian 
be taken Epistles is surely significant, and may be taken as indicating a closer and 
into more continuous joint-authorship than was always the case at other times. 

thecaseof And as we are furtner 8U PP<>rted in this conclusion by all that we know 
r, 2 Thes- regarding the special circumstances under which the two Epistles were 
salonians. written (see Intr. p. xxxiv f.), we shall do well to give its full weight to this 

normal use of the plural in them, and to think of it as including St Paul's 

two companions along with himself wherever on other grounds this is- 


1 Cf. Moulton Prolegg. 2 p. 246 as against p. 86 of the ist edition. 

2 See the whole letter on p. 127 f. 


The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul. 

In view of the strength of the ties which bound St Paul to the 
Thessalonian Church, it is not surprising to find that several of its 
members were afterwards reckoned amongst his close personal friends. 

Amongst these a first place is naturally given to Jason who was his i. Jason. 
host at Thessalonica, and who must subsequently have joined St Paul 
on his missionary journeyings, if, as is generally thought, he is to be 
identified with the Jason who unites with the Apostle in sending greetings 
from Corinth to the Roman Christians (Rom. xvi. 21). In this case too we 
get the further information regarding him that he was a Jew by birth (cf. 
01 a-vyytvels pov I.e.}, and his name consequently is to be explained as the 
Grecized form of the Heb. Jesus or Joshua 1 . 

More prominently mentioned in connexion with St Paul's later history 2. Aris- 
is a certain Aristarchus of Thessalonica (Ac. xx. 4). He was with the tarchus. 
Apostle on his last journey to Jerusalem, and afterwards accompanied him 
and St Luke on the voyage to Rome (Ac. xxvii. 2). Bishop Lightfoot thinks 
that on this occasion he did not accompany St Paul all the way, but that, 
when the Apostle's plans were changed at Myra, Aristarchus continued in 
the Adramyttian vessel to his own home in Thessalonica (Philipp. 2 p. 34 f.). 
But if so, he certainly rejoined St Paul later in Rome, and apparently 
shared his captivity, to judge from the language of Col. iv. 10 'ApiVrap^os 
6 o-vi/aix/uaXcoro? /nov. It is possible however that his captivity was voluntary, 
as in Philemon 24 he is spoken of simply as St Paul's fellow-worker 
(o-wepyos), while the title o-uixux/iaXcoros- is transferred to Epaphras (v. 23) 
a circumstance that lends a certain colour to the suggestion that St Paul's 
companions took turns in sharing his captivity with him 2 . 

It is sometimes thought that Aristarchus is included in the ot ovres 
f< TreptTo/xfjs of Col. iv. ii, and that consequently he was a Jew by birth; 
but that clause is better understood as referring only to Mark and Jesus 
Justus. The fact that Aristarchus was one of the deputation bearing 
the offerings of the Gentile Churches for the poor saints at Jerusalem 
(Ac. xx. 4) points rather to his own Gentile origin (cf. Klopper, Peake 
ad loc.}. 

As illustrating the connexion of the name with Thessalonica, it may be 

1 Cf. Jos. Antt. xii. 239 (v. i) 6 fih in a spiritual sense (cf. Eom. vii. 23, 
o$v 'I^croCs 'Idffova avrbv yueru'j'6 J wcwei', 2 Cor. x. 5, Eph. iv. 8) like 

and see Deissmann BS. p. 315 n. 2 . (Col. i. 7, iv. 7), and 

2 It is of course possible that the title (Phil. ii. 25, Philem. 2): see Lft. 
<7wcux/ud\a>Tos is applied to Aristarchus Philipp? p. n n. 6 . 


mentioned that in an inscription containing a list of politarchs recently 
discovered at Thessalonica the list begins with 'Apicrrapxov rov 'Apio-rap^ou : 
see Dimitsas C H Majccdoiu'a (Athens, 1896) p. 428, iuscr. 368 (cited by Burton 
Am. Journ. of Theol. ii. p. 608). 

3. Secun- Closely associated with Aristarchus in Ac. xx. 4 is another Thessalonian, 

Secundus, of whom we know nothing further, though again it is not without 
interest to notice that the same name occurs among the Thessalonian 
politarchs in the list on the triumphal Arch (C.I.G. u. 1967; cf. Intr. 
p. xxiii), and is also found on a memorial inscription of the year 15 A.D., 
discovered in a private house in the Jewish quarter of Thessalonica, which 
runs *A'rrc\\a>vi(p...'EvTvxos Ma//u,ou KOI Seicovvda. ol BpeTrrol rov /3a>/xoi/ p.vfias 
xapiv KT\. (Duchesne no. 59, p. 43), and with which may be compared rdi'os 

'louXtOS 2CKOVV80S E[pt/M0) TfO IdltO TCKVCOl /il/TJ/MJ/ff \aptV (ibid. HO. 78, p. 50). 

4. Gaius. This last inscription recalls yet another Macedonian friend of St Paul, 

the Gaius of Ac. xix. 29 Talov KOI 'Apiarapxov MaKcSoVay. Beyond however 
this juxtaposition with Aristarchus, there is no evidence definitely connecting 
Gaius with Thessalonica, though again we may notice the occurrence of the 
name in the list of politarchs (C.I.G. 11. 1967). The name was evidently 
a common one even in the Gk. world, and is borne by two other friends 
of St Paul, Gaius of Derbe (Ac. xx. 4), and Gaius of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23, 
i Cor. i. 14), as well as by 'Gaius the beloved' to whom St John addresses 
his Third Epistle (3 Jo. i). 

5. Demas. There remains still a fifth possible Thessalonian as holding a place for 

a time in the circle of St Paul's more immediate friends. In Philem. 24 a 
certain Demas is described along with the Thessalonian Aristarchus as a 
<rvvpyof of the Apostle (cf. Col. iv. 14). And when later this same man in 
the hour of his defection is described as going to Thessalonica (2 Tim. iv. 10) 
it is at least a fair surmise that he did so, because this was his native 
town 1 . His name at least is not Heb. but Gk. (see Meyer on Col. iv. 14, 
and cf. C.I.G. in. 3817 Aijuas icai Tatos), and under its full form Demetrius 2 
appears twice in the already frequently cited list of politarchs (C.I.G. n. 
1967), as well as in that other list referred to under Aristarchus IloXirap- 
XOVVTCOV * Apiarapxov rov 'Apio-rdpxov,...Ar)p.r)r[piOv] rov 'Avriyovov, which, 
according to Dimitsas, is to be dated between 168 B.C. and the Christian 
era (see Burton ut s. p. 608). 

A later instance of the name is aiforded by the martyr Demetrius who 
perished at Thessalonica in the persecution under Maximian (Intr. p. xxiv). 

1 Chrys. Horn. X. in II ad Tim. 2 For the simple A^as cf. P.Petr. 
etXero paXXov olVcoi Tpv<f)iii> 'he chose in. 49, 7, B.G.U. 10, 12 (ii./A.D.). 
to live in luxury at home.' 


The Divine Names in the Epistles. 

Kal o 0eo5 atrbv virepfywvev, KOI t-xapicaro avrig rb ovo/j-a rb virtp irav 
ovofjia, iva ev T 6v6/J.aTL 'I^crou HAN f~O N Y KAMVffl ewovpavLuv Kal tiriyelwv 
XPI2TOS eis 36av 0eoy *aTp6s. Phil. ii. 911. 

The early date of the Epp. to the Thessalonians, combined with the 
generally undogmatic character of their contents, makes their evidence 
as to the view taken of the Person of Christ in the Apostolic Church 
specially significant. It is of importance therefore, as helping us to under- 
stand that view, to examine more closely than was possible in the Com- 
mentary the Names by which the Lord is here spoken of. 

We begin naturally with the human Name Jesus which, standing by r. Jesus. 
itself, is found only in two passages : 

I. i. IO ov rfyfipev e< [T<BI>] vfKpwv, 'irjaovv rbv pvup-cvov fK r. opyrjs 


I. iv. 14 I yap TTto-Teuo/ifi' on 'ir/trovs aufdavev K. aviarr), ovras Kal 6 
0cb$ T. Kotp-rjOevras 8ia rou 'l^croC a^ei o~vv avrw. 

This rare occurrence of the Name by which the Saviour was familiarly 
known during His earthly life may seem at first sight somewhat surprising, 
but is in entire accord with the general trend of Pauline teaching, the centre 
of which is to be found not in the earthly but in the heavenly and exalted 
Christ 1 . Only when, as in the foregoing passages, the reference to the 
historic facts of the Saviour's life is so direct as to make any other Name 
less suitable does St Paul use it alone without any other title. 

Thus, to refer briefly to his later usage, in the four principal Epp. the 
name 'Iijo-ovs is found alone ten times, five times with (2 Cor. iv. 10 (bis), i r, 
xi. 4 (a\\ov 'Irjcrovv), Gal. vi. 17), and five times without (Rom. iii. 26, 
i Cor. xii. 3, 2 Cor. iv. 5, 11, 14) the article. In the Epp. of the Captivity 
it is found only twice, Eph. iv. 21 (with art.), Phil. ii. 10 (without art.). In 
the Ep. to the Colossians and the Pastoral Epp. it is not found at all. 

Its use is characteristic of the Ep. to the Hebrews, and of the Apo- 
calypse of St John where, except in the opening Greeting (i. 5) and in 
the Benediction (xxii. 21), 'Irjaovs always stands alone. 

1 Thus Deissmann, while insisting the central point of his Christian 

on the identity between the historical thoughts' (In Christo Jesu p. 80). 

and the exalted Chiist, says: 'Christ See also a suggestive passage in Dean 

is for him [Paul] first of all a present Robinson's Ephesians p. 
living Being: the "exalted" Christ is 



i. Christ, The Name Christ by itself is also comparatively rare, occurring four 
the Christ. timeg a i to gether: 

I. ii. 6 Swdpevot ev ftdpei elvai (as XptoroO aTrdoroXot. 
I. iii. 2 Tin60ov...8idKovov TOV 6eov ev ra> evayye\ia> TOV xpi<rrov. 

I. iv. 1 6 ol vekpol ev Xpi<rra> dvaoT^o-ovTai irpa>Tov. 

II. iii. 5 o $ Kvptos KaTevdvvai VJJLWV ray Kap8ias...els TTJV VTrop.ov^v TOV 

;. Christ 

4. Lord, 
the Lord. 

On two of these occasions the Name is accompanied by the def. art., 
and, as generally, when this is the case, is used in its official sense of 
'the Christ,' 'the Messiah' (I. iii. 2, II. iii. 5: see notes ad loca) 1 . On the 
other hand in I. ii. 6 the anarthrous Xpiorov must have its full force as 
a Proper Name: it is as emissaries of 'Christ,' belonging to Him, and 
despatched on His service, that the Apostles might, had they so willed 
it, have claimed their full right of maintenance. Similarly in I. iv. 16 
the phrase ol veicpol ev Xpto-roi forms in reality a single idea 'the-dead- 
in-Christ. J 

The combination Christ Jesus, which denotes the Saviour alike in 
His official and personal character, and whose use in the N.T. is con- 
fined to St Paul 2 , occurs twice, both times in the characteristic formula 
ev Xpio"nj) 'lr)o~ov '. 

I. ii. 14 T&V eKK\r)o~i<ov TOV deov TcSi> ov<re3i/ ev TTJ 'louSeu'a ev XpioraJ 

I. V. 1 8 TOVTO yap 6e\rjp.a 6eov ev Xpiorw 'I^aoC els 

The early Christian formula 'lyo-ovs Xpioros, where the Names follow 
the historical order, and in which stress is laid on the religious significance 
Jesus has for believers, is not found in these Epp. at all. 

We now come to Lord, or the Lord, the frequency of whose occurrence 
entitles it to be regarded as the distinctive Name of these Epp. 3 . It 
is found in all twenty-two times, eight times with, and four times without 
the article. And though the two usages cannot be so clearly distinguished 

1 On the history of the title 'the 
Christ ' see Westcott Epp. of St John 
p. 189 ff., where it is shown that, 
unless in the disputed passage Dan. ix. 
25 f., the name is not applied to the 
expected Divine King and Saviour of 
Israel in the O.T., but is so used in 
some of the later books of the Jews. 

3 Of. Ac. xvii. 3, where, in accord- 
ance with AD, WH. read X/JKTTOS 
'ITJO-OUJ in the margin : also xviii. 5, 
28 TOV xptcrrdj' 'IijcroOi'. 

3 The history of the title ' the Lord' 
as a designation of Jesus is attended 
with much difficulty, and cannot be 
followed out here, but for the Jewish 
and Synoptic usage reference may be 
made to Dalman Worte p. 266 ff. 

(E. Tr. p. 324 ff.), while the new im- 
port attaching to 6 fctfptos as a Divine 
title, in contrast with its pagan use, 
is well brought out by Deissmann in 
his New Light on the N.T. p. 79 ff. 
Whether St Paul himself intended it 
so or not, Deissmann thinks that his 
first readers can hardly have failed to 
find in the designation, as applied to 
Jesus, 'a tacit protest against other 
"Lords," or even against the "Lord," 
as the Eoman emperor was beginning 
to be called' (p. 81). Cf. the in- 
sidious plea addressed to Polycarp on 
his way to trial: 'Ti yap K.O.KOV <TTIV 
ie Kal<rap, Kal 6v<rcu Kal 5ia- 
;' (Eus. H.E. iv. 15. 13). 


as in the case of XptoToy and o ^pio-roy, the fact that almost two-thirds 
of the occurrences are anarthrous is sufficient to show how completely by 
this time the word had come to be recognized as a Proper Name 1 . The 
passages are as follows: 

I. i. 6 p,ip.rjTal quay eycvT]0r)T Kal TOV Kvpiov. 

8 f^rjX 1 ! Xoyos TOV Kvpiov. 
iii. 8 eav vp.e'is (TTrjKeTe ev Kvpia. 
12 8e 6 Kvpios TrXeovcKrai. 
IV. 6 dion eKAlKOC KyplOC rrepl iravruv rovratv. 

15 \eyop.ev ev \6ya) Kvpiov. 

01 7repi\ei7rop,evoi els rrjv napova-iav TOV Kvpiov. 

1 6 avTos o Kvpios ev Ke\evo-p.aTi...Ka.Ta[Biio~Tai. 

17 els dTrdvTr)o~iv TOV Kvpiov eis aepa. 

OVT<i)S TtdvTOTC O~VV KVpi<p eO~OfJ.fda. 

V. 2 T/p-e'pa Kvpiov <as K\nTr)s...epx.eTai. 

12 Tovs...7rpo'io-Tap,4vovs vp.a>v ev icvpia). 
27 evopitifa TOV Kvpiov. 

II. i. 9 oXeOpov alvviov ATTO npoctinoy TOY KypfoY- 

ii. 2 (as on eveo-TT]KV y jjfie'pa roO Kvpiov. 

13 aSeX<pol Hr&TTHMeNOi YTTO Kyp^OY' 

iii. I rrpoo~evxfo-0e...'iva 6 \6yos TOV Kvpiov Tpe'^Ty. 

3 TTIO-TOS de eo-Tiv 6 Kvpios. 

4 7re7roi6ap.v de ev Kvpta) e'(p' V/JMS. 

5 o 8e Kvpios KaTevdvvai vfjuav rap Kapo'ias. 
1 6 auros 8e o Kvpios Trjs elpr/vrjs. 


In some of these passages the Name may seem at first sight to refer 
to God rather than to Christ, as e.g. in the passages derived from the LXX. 
(I. iv. 6, II. i. 9, ii. 13), but as in the vastly preponderating number of 
instances it can only apply to the Son, it is better so to refer it through- 
out, in accordance with St Paul's general usage elsewhere 2 . 

When we do so, the varied connotations in which we find it used throw 
a flood of light upon the depth of meaning which thus early in the 
history of the Church had come to be read into the simple title. It 
stands no longer, as apparently it generally did for the disciples during 
the earthly lifetime of Jesus, for Rabbi or Rabboni, a title which from 
St John's interpretation they must have understood in a sense differing 

1 In addition to the passages cited 'guardian' (cf. Arcliiv iv. p. 78 ff.), 

above, the anarthrous Kvpios with re- Kijpios is very common as a general 

ference to Christ is used by St Paul title of respect in addressing officials, 

in such passages as Eom. xiv. 6, xvi. or near relatives, e.g. P.Leip. no, i f. 

2, r Cor. vii. 22, x. 21, xvi. 10, 2 Cor. (iii.-iv./A.D.) 2apaTrlb)~\v rfj K\y]plq. fji.ov 

iii. 16 ff., Eph. ii. 21, &c. It is found ^Tpt'...24 f- T ^ v Kvpiav (JLOV &8e\<pi)v 

as a title of address (/ctf/ne) to a super- TTO\\CL irpo<ray6peve laij^cv. 

human person in Rev. vii. 14, with 2 Perhaps uniform usage, if we 

which Swete (ad loc.) compares such except quotations from the O.T., e.g. 

passages from O.T. Apocalyptic as 2 Cor. vi. r;f. : see Stanton Jewish 

Dan. x. i6f., Zech. iv. 5, 13. In the and Christian Messiah p. 158 n. 7 . 
ri, apart from its legal sense of 


little from 'Master' (xx. 16, cf. Mt. xxiii. 8, xxvi. 25, 49, Mk. x. 51). But, 
in accordance with a tendency of which we find clear traces very shortly 
after the Resurrection (Ac. ii. 36 Kvptov avrov KOL xpio-roi/ ciroirjo-tv 6 6c6s, 
TOVTOV TOV 'Irjo-ovv ov vpels eWavpwo-are), it is now employed as a brief 
and comprehensive description of Jesus as the Divine Lord, risen, glorified, 
and exalted 1 . 

This is seen most clearly in the use of the title in connexion with the 
actual Parousia of the Lord and the events associated with it (I. iv. 1 5 ff., 
v. 2, II. ii. 2). But it comes out also in the other references to which the 
foregoing passages bear witness. 

Thus it is 'the word' of the 'Lord' which the Apostles find to be 
sounding forth in every place (I. i. 8, cf. II. iii. i), and to which they look 
as embodying a direct communication to themselves (I. iv. 1 5 note). It 
is 'in the Lord,' in whom their ideal 'Christian' life is actually lived out 2 , 
that the Thessalonians are encouraged to stand firm (I. iii. 8, cf. II. iii. 3 f.), 
and to the same 'Lord' that the Apostles pray to perfect in their converts 
the graces (I. iii. 12, II. iii. 5, 16), of which He Himself is the perfect 

Nothing indeed can be more significant of the hold which this 'aspect 
of Christ has taken of St Paul than that when calling upon the Thessa- 
lonians to be 'imitators' of himself and of his fellow-writers, he does not 
add, as we might have expected, 'and of Jesus,' or even 'and of the 
Christ,' but 'and of the Lord' (I. i. 6), thereby pointing not merely to 
the supreme pattern to be copied, but to the living power in which alone 
this 'imitation' could be accomplished, and man's highest end successfully 
reached 3 . 

How completely however the Apostle recognized that the earthly 
'Jesus' and the heavenly 'Lord' were one and the same is proved by the 
next combination that meets us. 

5. Lord That combination is the Lord Jesus, and the first occasion on which 
Jesus. it is used throws into striking relief at once the Divine glory and the 
human character of Him to whom it refers: 

I. ii. 1 5 T<Sit Kai rov Kvpiov a.7roKTivdvT(0v 'irjo'ovv. 

He whom the Jews had slain was not only 'the Lord' 'Him whom 

1 According to Kennedy E. G. T. ad Christ we are in heaven, in the Lord 
Phil. ii. 6: 'This position of Ktfptos we must live on earth' (Kobinson 
is the reward and crowning-point of Eph. p. 72). 

the whole process of His voluntary 3 ' Paul craved in a perfect Example 

Humiliation.' And later (ad ii. n) one who was not only in the graces of 

the same writer well remarks : ' The human character all that man should 

term "Lord" has become one of the be, but who had attained to that 

most lifeless words in the Christian destiny for which man was made, 

vocabulary. To enter into its mean- This he found in the Christ in whom 

ing and give it practical effect would Man had overcome death, and been 
be to recreate, in great measure, the ' crowned with everlasting life ' (Somer- 

atmosphere of the Apostolic Age.' ville St Paul's Conception of Christ 

2 'The Christ of the privileged posi- p. 291). 
tion is the Lord of the holy life : if in 


they were bound to serve' (Jowett) He was moreover 'Jesus/ their 

And so, from another point of view, when in their Second Ep. the 
Apostles refer to the revelation in and through which God's righteous 
ai/raTTodoo-ip will be accomplished, it is pointedly described as : 

II. i. 7 V TT) CLTTOKaXv^fL TOV KVplOV 'irjO-QV Q7T* OVpaVOV. 

The other passages in which the same combination occurs, and which 
are equally deserving of study, are: 

I. ii. 19 TIS yap T7/ie5i> c\7rls...eij.7rpoo~6V TOV Kvpiov ^a>v 'lr)o~ov fv rfj 

avTov 7rapovo~iq; 
iii. II o Kvpios fin<H>v 'Irjcrovs Karcv&vvai rfjv odov TJpwv. 

13 cv TT) Trapovo-iq TOV Kvpiov 7)/xc5i/ 'irjo-ov, 
IV. I TrapaKaXovpev ev Kvpia *Irjo~ov. 

2 Tivas irapayyeXias e'8a>Ka/xei/ vfiiv 8ia TOV Kvpiov 'irja-ov. 

II. i. 8 T<B vayy\ia> TOV Kvpiov yp.av 'Irjo'ov. 

12 OTTCOC 6NAolAC0H TO ONOMA ToC KVplOV Tjjiwi/ 'Ljcrot) N yM?N. 

ii. 8 6 ANOMOC, ov 6 Kvpios ['fyaous] <\NeAeT. 

Apart from any special considerations which may have led to the use 
of this compound Name in the above passages, we cannot forget that in 
itself it formed the shortest and simplest statement of the Christian creed 
(Ac. xvi. 31, Rom. x. 9) a statement moreover 'so completely in defiance 
of the accepted dogma about the Christ, so revolutionary in its effects on 
the character of the believer, that it was viewed as springing from Divine 
inspiration. " No man," said Paul in writing to the Corinthians, " can say 
that Jesus is Lord, but by the Holy Spirit" (i Cor. xii. 3)V 

On the other hand, this makes the comparative rarity of the title in 
the Pauline Epistles, other than those to the Thessalonians, all the more 
remarkable. In the Ep. to the Galatians it is not found at all. In the 
relatively much longer Epp. to the Corinthians it occurs only seven times 
(i Cor. v. 4 (bis), 5, xi. 23, xii. 3, 2 Cor. iv. 14, xi. 31), while only a single 
instance of its use can be produced from each of the Epp. to the Ephesians 
(i. 15), Philippians (ii. 19), and Colossians (iii. 17), the explanation probably 
being a growing preference on St Paul's part for the still more compre- 
hensive and expressive combination, the Lord Jesus Christ 2 . 

Already, indeed, in our Epp. we find this full Name completely estab- 6. Lord 
lished, occurring as it does five times in the First and no less than nine 
times in the short Second Epistle. 

1 Somerville op. cit. p. 12 f. For v^wv, the words being a quotation 
the idea of the suffering Messiah as from Isa. viii. 13 with T&V XpurTov 
not pre-Christian see Stanton op. cit. substituted for the original avrov. Cf. 
p. 122 ff. also xP iffT fc Ktfptos used of an earthly 

2 The combination /ctfpios xP LffT0 ^ or king in Lam. iv. 20, and the descrip- 
Xpta"r6s Kfyios is not found in the tion of the Messianic King in Pss. Sol. 
Pauline Epp. : to the Apostle it would xvii. 36 /cat /ScuriXeus avruv xP lffT os 
have been a pleonasm. The latter Kijptos, and in xviii. 8 x/atoroO Kvpiov 
form is however found in Lk. ii. ii, all passages, however, where we may 
and in i Pet. iii. 15 we read KypiON 5 have a mistranslation of the Heb. 
rbv Xpi<rTbi> <\[-iAC<yre 4 rats /caucus r\\ (V^P, 'the Lord's anointed.' 


I. i. I, II. i. I rfj (KK\r)criq Qt(T(raXoviK.ea>v ev...Kvpia> 'ir/o-ov Xpiorou. 


V. 9 els TTfpnroirjaiv (rc^njpias 8ia rov Kvpiov ijfjLwv 'Irjaov [Xptoroi)]: 

cf. II. ii. 14. 

23 ev rfj napovo-iq rov Kvpiov yp,wv 'Irjaov Xpiarov : cf. II. ii. I. 
28, II. iii. 1 8 rf X^P iS r v Kvpiov yfj.a>v 'l^croC Xptorov fj.(6' (/nera 

TTCIVTWV) vpwv. 
II. i. 2 XP l? vp-iv KOI flpijvr) airo... Kvpiov 'l^troO Xptorov. 

12 Kara rrjv \apiv... Kvpiov 'Irjcrov Xprrou. 
ii. 1 6 avroff 8e 6 Kvpios yp,wv 'irj&ovs Xpioros'. 
iii. 6 Trapa-yye'XXo/zej/. ..e'i/ ov6p.a.Ti rov Kvpiov 'Irjcrov Xptcrrov. 
12 napaKaXovfifv cv <vpiq> 'lr}<rov Xptora). 

None of these passages call for special remark beyond the evidence 
which they afford of the appropriateness of the full Name with all its 
associations for Addresses, Benedictions, and solemn Charges of any kind 
a usage which the testimony of the later Epp. abundantly confirms 1 . 

i There is a useful paper on ' The apostolischen Zeitalters an der evange- 

Chief Pauline Names for Christ ' with lischen Geschichte (in Theologische 

Tables by F. Herbert Stead in Exp. Abhandlungen Carl von Weizsacker 

in. vii. p. 386 ff. Cf. also von Soden's gewidmet) p. 118 f. 
famous Essay on Das Interesse des 


On the history of evayye\iov, 

' Euagelio (that we cal the gospel) is a greke worde, & signyfyth good, mery, 
glad and ioyfull tydinge, that maketh a mannes hert glad, and maketh hym 
synge, daunce, and leepe for ioye.' 

Tindale (after Luther) Prologue to N.T., 1525. 

EvayyeXtov and fuayyeXi'o/ucu are two of the great words of the 
Christian vocabulary, and in view of the facts that the former occurs 
eight times in our Epistles, forming indeed the key-word of one of their 
most important sections (I. ii. 112), and that the latter is found here 
(I. iii. 6), and nowhere else in the Pauline Epistles, in its earlier or more 
general sense, a brief Note may be devoted to recalling one or two facts 
in their history. 

The subst. evayye'Xioi/, which is very rare in the singular in classical Gk. 1 , Usage in 
means originally the reward for good tidings (Horn. Od. xiv.,152, 166), classical 
and is used with greater frequency in the plural in the sense of thank- 
offerings made on behalf of such tidings, e.g. Aristoph. Eq. 654 evayyeXia 
Qveiv, Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14 efiovtivTei <os evayye'Xia; cf. O.G.I.S. 4, 42 f. w- 
ayye'Xia K. crayn/pia f[6]v(re. 

Afterwards in later Gk. it came to be extended to the good tidings and later 
themselves, as in Lucian Asin. 26, and on several occasions in Plutarch. 

In the LXX. it is found only once, where it reverts to its original Homeric The LXX. 
meaning (2 Regn. iv. 10 o> e'Set /xe dovvai euayyeXia) 2 , while the verb, apart 
from the passages in which it is -specially associated with good news 
(of victory i Regn. xxxi. 9, of the birth of a son Jer. xx. 1 5), is also found 
on several occasions with reference to tidings of any kind (2 Regn. xviii. 
19, 20 (bis\ 26), following in this the Heb. "1B>3, which in i Sam. iv. 17 
is actually used of mournful tidings (cf. Dalman Worte p. 84 (Engl. Tr. 
p. 103) ) 3 . 

1 It would appear to have dropped ye\[iui>] (0. G.I.S. 458, 40). 

altogether out of general use in the 2 In 2 Eegn. xviii. 22, 25 we should 

KOH^. At least I have been able to probably read euayyeXi'a ' (not evay- 

find no instance of it in the papyrus y^Xta), in view of v. 20 avty evayyeXias. 

collections to which I have access. In 3 It is a curious fact, in view of its 

his art. on the title EuayyeXio-Tifc in later history, that evayyeXtfa should 

Z.N.T.W. i. p. 336 ff. A. Dieterich be the word used by Agrippina to 

cites an inscription from Asia Minor convey to Nero the 'good news' (!) 

in which, with reference to the birth- that his attempt upon her life had 

day of the <ruTf)p Augustus, it is said failed /cat on <r6otro eu-rjyytXiKe S^ei/ 

rjp&v 5 T$ /c6o>iy TUV 5i' avrbv wait- aury (Dion Cass. Ixi. 13). 


In addition to these passages, however, evayycXifo/zac is used in the 
Psalms to herald the righteousness and salvation of God, as in Ps. xxxix. 
(xl.) 10 vr}yye\i(rdfjLr]v diKaioorvvyv, a phrase which Keble renders 

Thy righteousness aloud, 
Good tidings of great joy I tell. 

Of. also Ps. XCV. (xcvi.) 2 evayyeXifco-Qf... <r(*TTJpiov avrov. 

And more especially in Deutero-Isaiah we find it in contexts which 
pave the way for its full Christian meaning. 

Thus in Isa. xl. 9 the prophet summons a messenger to ascend a high 
mountain, and proclaim to Sion and Jerusalem the glad tidings of God's 
appearing (eV opos v\l/r)\ov avaftidi, 6 evayy\i6ij.(vos 2eicov...o evayye\i6- 
p.vos 'lepovo-aXij/u.) 1 , and similarly in Hi. 7 (cf. Nah. i. 15 (ii. i)) we are 
called upon to admire the swift-footed messengers, as they carry their 
joyful message over the t mountains- of Judah and Jerusalem (OK rrodts 

evayyc\ioiJ.evov aKorjv flpjvrjs, coy evayyeXi6/Aei/oy ayaBa). And still more 

pointedly this same ' evangelic' office is claimed by the servant of the 

Lord himself Hvcvpa Kvpi'ov eV e'/ze, ov ftveKfv expiorev p.e vayy\io'ao'6ai 

7TTQ)Xols (lXL i). 

The This last passage indeed from our Lord's own use of it in Lk. iv. 18 f. 

Gospels. ma y fc e gaid to have set the stamp upon evayye\ as the most fitting 

term to describe the true character of the message of the new Messianic 

King. And it is in special relation to that message accordingly that we 

find it repeatedly used by St Luke (viii. i, ix. 6 &c.). 

It can only be an accident, therefore, that he finds no occasion to use 
the corresponding subst. in his Gospel (but cf. Ac. xv. 7 speech of Peter, 
xx. 24 speech of Paul), as do both St Mark and St Matthew. 

St Mark's usage in this respect is very instructive, as apart from i. i 
where we seem to have a trace of fvayyeXiov in its later meaning of 
a * record' of the Lord's life and words (see below), the word is used in 
v. 14 to draw attention to the nature of the proclamation of Jesus (Krjpva- 
aa>v TO cvayycXiov TOV 0eo{5), as contrasted with the proclamation of His 
forerunner (v. 4 icrjpvo-o-wv /SaTrrttr/xa /xerai/oias), and again in v. 1 5 to indicate 
the ' nucleus' of Christian teaching embodied in this proclamation (mo-revcTf 
ev T ei5ayyfXio>: see Swete's notes ad loco). And in the same way St 
Matthew employs it with reference to the glad news of the 'kingdom' in 
which the Messianic hopes and blessings are centred and fulfilled (iv. 23, 
ix. 35, xxiv. 14, cf. xxvi. 13). 

Other It is all the more surprising, therefore, that in the case of the other 

N.T writers of the N.T., with the exception of St Paul, the use of the 

writings. ^ wo wor( j s j s by no means so common as we might have expected. 

Neither St James in his Epistle, nor St John in his Gospel and Epistles, 

uses either term, though the latter in the Apocalypse employs the subst. 

once (xiv. 6), and the verb in the active twice (x. 7, xiv. 6) 8 . St Peter 

i In the original Heb. it is Sion and Pss. Sol. xi. 2 tcrjpv&Te ev ' 

Jerusalem who act as 'evangelists': <^WVT\V eiJa-yyeXt^o/x^vou, Sri 

cf. Aq. Sin. Th. evayye\io/j.frr) Sta^. 6 0e6s 'Icrpar/X v rfj e7rt<r/co7r^ aftruiv. 
For an echo of the LXX. rendering see 2 For the rare active 


in his First Epistle has the subst. once (iv. 17), and the verb three 
times (i. 12, 25, iv. 6): and in the Epistle to the Hebrews the verb occurs 
twice (iv. 2, 6). 

In the case of St Paul, however, both words occur with a frequency, St Paul, 
which shows how strongly he had been attracted by them, as the most 
fitting terms to describe the message with which he had been entrusted : 
and it is to his influence accordingly that we must look for the prominence 
which they and their equivalents have since gained in the language of 
Christendom 1 . 

Thus the subst. cvayye\iov is found no less than sixty times in his 
Epistles, occurring in all except the Epistle to Titus : while the verb, apart 
from its exceptional usage in i Thess. iii. 6, is found twenty times (once 
in a quotation from the LXX.) in its distinctive Christian sense. 

Naturally in so widely extended a list of examples, the two words 
are used with a considerable variety of application, as when the subst. 
is used absolutely as a convenient summary of the whole contents of the 
Christian message (Rom. x. 16 &c.), or defined more particularly in its 
relation to God (i Thess. ii. 2 &c.), or to Christ (i Thess. iii. 2 &c.), or to the 
Apostle himself as entrusted with its proclamation (i Thess. i. 5, 2 Thess. 
ii. 14 &c.). In another important set of passages St Paul draws attention 
to characteristic aspects of this message by such phrases as T) aXrjBeia r. 
vayye\iov (Gal. ii. 14), or 77 Trurris r. evayyeXiou (Phil. i. 27). 

Of the later usage of evayyeXiov to denote the ' book' in which Ecclesi- 
Christ's teaching is recorded, as distinguished from that teaching in 
itself, there is no instance in the N.T., unless perhaps in Mk. i. i dp* 1 ? 

r. evayyfXiov 'irjcrov Xpio-roC (cf. Hos. i. 2 apx*) \6yov Kvpiov ev 'Qafjf} 2 , and 

we must look for the earliest witnesses in this direction to such passages 
as Didache viii. 2 cos eWXevtrei/ 6 Kvptos ev ro> evayyeXicp aurov, XV. 4 cos fX ere 
fv rip fvayyc\ico TOV Kvpiov r^nov^ where a written Gospel (apparently 
St Matthew's from the nature of the accompanying citations) seems to 

which is found only in later Gk., see version of Bede's Eccl. Hist. 122), 

the passage already cited from Dion and in Aelfric's Homily on Mt. xi. 4 ff. 

Cassius, and cf. P.Amh. 2, 16 (a 'and ftearfan bodiaft godspel.' For 

Christian hymn, iv./A.D.) ircucrlv 5' other examples of this use of the word 

[e]vyyt\i{e X^ywp, Ilrcoxot f3acn\c-iav see A. S. Cook Biblical Quotations in 

Note also the interesting use of the Old English Writers (1898) Index s.v. 

adj. with reference to the Lord's 'godspell.' According to Skeat (Con- 

Prayer in the Christian amulet B.G.U. cise Etym. Diet., 1901) the A.S. god- 

954, 13 ff. (vi./A.D.) STTWJ vy( spell ' was originally * good spell,' a tr. 

ev of eiJ ayy\(,ov. 

TTjv cvayyeXiiciiv (ayye\iKrjv Pap.) e&xh" z In Kev. xiv. 16 (&\\ot> ayye\ov... 

[oirrws? Ilarep r}fj.Qv ...']: cf. Wilcken fyovTa etayytXiov alwvtov etayycXicrai), 

Archiv i. p. 431 ff. which is also cited in this connexion, 

1 The ordinary Engl. rendering g t John has in view not the Gospel 

'gospel' is the modern form of the as a whole, but rather a gospel which 

Anglo-Saxon 'godspell' = ' God (i.e. i s a particular aspect of it, the gospel 

Christ) story,' as may be seen in King o f the Parousia and the consumma- 

Alf red's translation of 2 Cor. iv. 4 t ion which the Parousia will bring' 

'onllhtnes Crlstes godspelles' (in his (Swete ad loc.). 


be clearly intended, or Ign. Philad. v. TT poo-fay wv r (vayye\ia> as 
'iqo-ou /cat roTs drroo-roXois a5s 7rpeav3vrepia> KK\r)aria$, where Ignatius dis- 
tinguishes between two classes of writings included in our N.T. ro ei5- 
ayyeXiov the Gospel or Gospels, and ot airocrroXoi the Apostolic Epistles 1 . 

The plural fvayycXia with direct reference to our four canonical Gospels 
is first found in the well-known passage in Just. M. Apol. i. 66 ol yap airo- 
(TTciXoi tv rols yfvo^fvois V7T* avTwv dnoiJ.VTjfjLovfVfjLao'iV) a KoXelrai cvayyeXia. 

In the same way the title evayytXio-r^s, which in the N.T. describes 
the man who brought the first news of the Gospel-message to any new 
region (Ac. xxi. 8, Eph. iv. u, 2 Tim. iv. 5; cf. Ens. H.E. v. 10. 2 of 
Pantaenus), was afterwards applied to the 'writer' of a 'Gospel,' as by 
Hippolytus and Origen 2 . 

1 For a different interpretation of i. p. 336 ff. Curtius (Ges. Abhand- 
the passage, according to which rb lungen i. p. 532 f.) recalls, as illustrat- 
evayytXiov retains its original sense of ing the Hellenistic practice of laying 
'the teaching,' not 'the book,' see special stress on the first proclamation 
Bishop Ligktfoot's note ad loc. of a happy discovery, that the shepherd 

2 Cf. Encycl.Bibl.s.v. 'Evangelist,' Pixodaros, who accidentally found the 
and on the heathen use of the title see stone-bridge at Ephesus, received the 
especially Dieterich's art. in Z.N.T.W. heroic name Euangelos (Vitruv. x. 7). 


Ilapovcria. ' 

The three words napova-ia, enxpdvc m, airoKaXv^is are used in our Epistles 
with reference to the return of the glorified Lord. All have interesting 
histories. And it may be well briefly to recall these, in order to determine 
as exactly as possible the different shades of meaning between them. 

In classical Gk. the word" irapova-ia denotes generally presence, e.g. Classical 

Aesch. Pers. 171 o/i/za yap So/za>i/ vopifa deo-TTOTOv 7rapov<riav, Thuc. vi. 86 Gk. 
TroXei fie /j,(iovi rfjs ^/Jicrepas Trapovcrias ( = ^fj.c^v rS>v irapovTa>v\ but it is also 

found in the closely-related sense of arrival, e.g. Eur. Ale. 209 aXX' dpi 

KOI TTJV cryv ayyeXeS irapovo-iav, Thuc. i. 128 BvdvTiov yap f\a>v rf) Trpore'pa 

The same usage may also be illustrated from later Gk. Thus in Polyb. Later Gk. 
iii. 41. i certain events are summarized as having taken place from the 
beginning of the war eW els rfjv 'A.WI&OV napovo-iav l until the arrival of 
Hannibal,' and further on in the same chap. (8) Publius, when informed 
of the arrival of the enemy (irapflvat, rovs vrrfvavriovs) is said not to have 
believed it 8ia TO rd^os rr/s napovo-ias. In xviii. 31. 4, on the other hand, 
the reference is rather to a coming that has not yet taken place, C. Cor- 
nelius counselling Philip to send ambassadors to Rome Iva ^ 0/07 TOIS 
Kaipols e(pcdpev<j>v dnoKapadoKflv rr)v 'Avrto^ov Trapov(riav l . 

With this general usage of the word may be compared such a passage The 
from the Kotvij as P.Oxy. 486, 1 5 (ii./A.D.), where a certain Dionysia, who Papyri. 
is engaged in a lawsuit, petitions for leave to return home as the care 
of her property demands her 'presence' (XPJJ&I p-ov T^S 7rapova-ia[s]): 
cf. P.Par. 45, 5 (ii./B.C.) KO. avrbs TrapeVo/xru ra^v, 46, 18 (ii./B.C.) Trapa- 
^p^/na Trape'tro/iai Trpos <rc. 

But along with this it is important to notice that irapova-ia occurs 
frequently in the papyri as a kind of terminus technicus with reference 
to the 'visit' of the king, or some other official. Thus in P.Petr. 
ii. 39 (e), 1 8 (iii./B.c.), as emended (see note on I. ii. 19), it is used of 
a royal visit by a Ptolemy to a district which was mulcted to provide a 

1 Cf. the verb in Diod. Sic. xvii. 8 told him ' a passage that is of signi- 

Trepl ravra 5' SVTOS O.VTOV, TrapTj<rav rives ficance for Lk. xiii. i (Field Notes. 

dirayyeXXovrcs TTO\\OVS TU>V 'EXXiyvwi' p. 65). 
'there came some that 

M. THESS. 10 





y, and similarly in P.Tebt. 48, 13 f. (ii./B.c.) we hear of an extra 
levy of wheat imposed rrpbs TTJV TOV /3a<nXeooy Trapovo-iav: see also P.Tebt. 
116 (ii./B.c.), an account including items incurred lv TO(IS-) /3a(o-tXeW) 
jrapovo-ias (57), and P.Grenf. n. 14 (b), 2 (iii./B.c.) announcing preparations 
eVi rf)v irapovarlav TTJV Xpv<ri7nrov, and cf. Dittenberger Sylloge 2 226, 84 if. 
(iii./B.C.) rc5i/ 6e apxovroiv vvvayayovTuv cK\rjo-iav KOL TTJV re -rrapovo-iav t/z- 
(pavio-avTcw TOV /SatriXeW 1 . 

Other instances might easily be given, but these are sufficient to 
suggest an interesting comparison with the N.T. usage of the word to 
denote the Parousia of their King or Lord for which His people are 
to make ready. And we fall back upon them the more gladly because 
for this particular sense of the word the Jewish sacred writings give 
us little help. 

In the LXX. napovo-ia is found only once as a variant for nopfia (BS) 
in the A text of 2 Esdr. xii. 6 ( = Neh. ii. 6) ens TTOTC ea-rai 77 Trapovo-ia (Tou, 
and the same untechnical sense marks its few occurrences in the Apo- 
crypha, as when in Judith x. 18 the report is spread of the 'arrival' or 
'presence' of Judith (; Trapovcria avrrjs) in the camp of Holofernes, or as 
when Judas, on hearing of the inroad of Nicanor, communicates to his 
followers Triv napovo-iav TOV orparoTre'Sou (2 MacC. viii. 12; cf. 2 Mace. XV. 
21, 3 Mace. iii. 17). 

Nor is the case substantially different in the later apocalyptic writings. 
It is true that in Apoc. Bar. xxx. i 'And it will come to pass after these 
things, when the time of the advent of the Messiah is fulfilled, and He 
will return in glory,' Dr Charles draws attention to the fact that the word 
translated 'advent' (^&u^\*^n) was an ordinary rendering of napovaia, 
which may therefore have been found in the Gk. version of the book. 
And with this there may be compared two passages in the Test. xii. pair. 
in the first of which the word is used with reference to God (Jud. xxii. 3 
<os irapovo-ias TOV 0eov TTJS 8i<aiouvvr)s\ and in the second with reference 
to John Hyrcanus regarded as the prophet of the Highest, i.e. the 
Messiah (Lev. viii. 15 j 6*e irapovo-ia avTOv dyairr]Trj eVni/ as npocp^Trjs). 
But these instances and I have not been able to discover any others 2 
are hardly sufficient in themselves to suggest an established use of the 
term with reference to the Messiah in Jewish writers 3 . 

1 As showing the burden that these 
and similar 'visits' often imposed, the 
petition of the priests of Isis at Philae 
may be recalled in which they com- 
plain that the officials resorting to 
the temple avayKa^ovai ^/*as Tra/joucr/as 
atrrois iroieiffdai ot/x fK6vras (C.I.G. iii. 
4896 (ii./B.c.)): see further Wilcken 
Ostraka i. p. 274!!., and for an ad- 
ditional ex. of the word cf. Wilcken 
Ostr. 1372 (i./A.D.) 7rupo0...oi5 Xa/3ej 
dTTO df)ffavpov els TTJV Trapovfftav <J>X</cos 
(for 3>\dKKOV Tjycfji&vos) . 

2 In the interesting passage in Test. 
Abraham xiii. A where Abel is ap- 
pointed judge fJ.^xP L T ^ s fteydXys Kal 
vob% v avTov [.sc. 6eov\ irapovdlas, we 
read also of a devT^pa rrapovvia when 
all souls Kpid-f)<rovTai virb T&V 5c65e/ca 
<j>v\CJv TOU 'I<rpa-/i\, but a Christian 
interpolator has evidently been at 
work here (see James The Testament 
of Abraham p. 50, in Texts and 
Studies ii. 2). 

3 Cf. Teichmann Paul. Vorstel- 
lungen von Auferstehung u. Gericht 


In these circumstances it would seem as if for the definite N.T. The 
usage of the term to describe the coming of the glorified Christ, we Gospels. 
must look directly to the impression produced upon His disciples' minds 
by the words of the Lord Himself. For though neither in St Mark nor 
in St Luke is He represented as having used the term, it is found four 
times in the great eschatological discourse in Matt. xxiv. (vv. 3, 27, 37, 39). 
And without discounting the possibility of the hand of a later redactor, 
there is after all no reason why the first Evangelist should not on this 
occasion supply the word, which most faithfully represents the original 
language of Jesus. 

If so, we have at once a full and satisfactory explanation of the fact The N.T. 
that the term -napovo-ia is definitely employed as a term, techn. by all the Epistles. 
Apostolic writers. St James uses it twice in this sense (v. 7, 8), St Peter 
or whoever wrote the Second Epistle of that name thrice (2 Pet. i. 16, 
iii. 4, 12), St John once (i Jo. ii. 28), while by St Paul, apart from several 
occurrences with the more general meaning of ' presence' as opposed to 
'absence' (i Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. vii. 6f., Phil. i. 26, ii. 12; cf. 2 Cor. x. 10), 
the word is used seven times of the ' Parousia' of the Lord Jesus (i Thess. 
ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15, v. 23, 2 Thess. ii. i, 8, i Cor. xv. 23), and once of its 
mocking counterpart (2 Thess. ii. 9). And though in all these passages the 
primary reference is eschatological, to a definite coming that had not yet 
been fully manifested, it is impossible not to notice how appropriate the 
word was to emphasize the nearness and the certainty of that 'coming.' 
So near was it that it was not so much a 'coming' as already a 'presence' 
of the Lord with His people, a permanent presence moreover, which not 
even absence from sight for a little while could really interrupt, and which, 
when fully re-established, would last for ever 1 . 

To complete our survey of the history of the word it may be added Ecclesi- 
that this technical use of the term has become firmly established in astical 
the ecclesiastical writers, though by them it is extended also to the wnters - 
First Coming of the Lord, a use which is never found in the N.T. 
Thus Ignatius Philad. ix. writes calpcrov e ri e^fi TO euayye'Atoi/, TTJV 
7rapovo~iav TOV craTrjpos rjfjiwv Irjcrov Xpio-rov, TO 7rd6os, avrrjv rr]V avao'Taa'iv, 

where the position of Trapoucri'ai/ shows that the Incarnation must be 
intended, while in Justin Martyr the teaching regarding the double 
Parousia is fully developed: see Dial. 14 (Otto ii. 32 D), 49 (n. 158 B), and 
especially 31 (n. 98 E) 8vo Trapovo-ias avrov yevTjcr(r6ai fr)yrj(rap.r)v, fj.iav pev 

p. n n. 1 . According to Volz Jud. of the King, where His people ever 

Eschat. p. 189, the term, techn. for behold Him, and are ever shielded 

the coming of God on the Great Day by Him. During the present im- 

seems rather to have been ^Tricr/coTr??. perfect state He is not so actually 

1 Cf. Ewald Die drei ersten Evan- and fully present as His people hope 

.gelien p. 333 (though it should be and long for;... even when the expres- 

noted that the actual expression sion more immediately denotes the 

.Shekinah never occurs in the O.T.) : advent, it still always includes the 

' The irapova-ia Xpio-roD perfectly cor- idea of a permanent dwelling from that 

responds with the n3*3tp of God in coming onwards' (quoted by Cremer 

the O.T. the permanent dwelling ? 2 3 8 )- 

IO 2 



tv rj f^CKfVTijdrj v<p* i/'/utor, dfvrepav Se ore em.yvuxr(rdf els ov 

Cf. also Tertull. Apol. 21, Clem. Recogn. i. 49, 69. 

Later Gk. 



The subst. f-mcpdveia is not found at all in classical, but is frequent in 
later Gk. to denote any sudden appearance or manifestation (e.g. of the 
dawn Polyb. iii. 94. 3, of the enemy i. 54. 2), and is used more particularly 
with reference to the intervention of the higher powers on behalf of their 
worshippers. Thus in Diodorus Siculus we read of the honours due to 
Isis dm TTJV *v TCUS OepaTreiais enKpavfiav (i. 25), and in Dion. Hal. Antt. 
ii. 68. i it is declared to be a worthy act rfjv firi<f>dvetav io-Toprjo-ai rrjs &as, 

fjv fTredeit-aro rais ddiKws ey&rjQeicrais napdevots. 

A similar use is found in the inscriptions where the word is employed 
not only of divine assistance (e.g. O.G.LS. 331, 52 rds e avrov [TOV Atos 
TOV 2a/3aiov] yevopcvas enKpavcias), but is extended in characteristic fashion 
to the accession of a Roman Emperor as in Inscriptions of Cos 391 [fji/iavroC 
TTpaJrov ray [Faijou Kai<rapos...c7ri(pavfias. In Magn. 1570, 6 the predicate 
of f/jxpaveo-TciTos [deus] is bestowed on Claudius 1 . 

In the canonical books of the LXX. the word is found only three times, 
in passages (2 Regn. vii. 23, Esth. v. i, Amos v. 2) none of which throws much 
light on its special meaning. But in 2 and 3 Maccabees it occurs several 
times with reference to God's supernatural interpositions ras e ovpavov 
yfvo/jLfvas eiTKpavcias (2 Mace. ii. 21) on behalf of His people. Thus in 

2 Mace. iii. 24, on the appearance of Heliodorus to confiscate the money 
in the Treasury, 'the Sovereign of spirits and of all authority caused 
a great manifestation (errKpaviav /zf-yaX^i/),' so that all who had presumed 
to come in with him were stricken with fear; and in xiv. 15 the Jews are 
represented as making solemn supplication to Him "Who, alway ' making 
manifest His presence, upholdeth them that are His own portion' (per 

firicpavcias dvnXa^avop,vov rfjs eavTOv /nfpi'Sos): cf. also 2 Mace. xii. 22, 

3 Mace. ii. 9, v. 8, 51. In 2 Mace. v. 4 the word is used of an apparition 
announcing misfortune 2 . 

With this use of the subst. there should also be compared the fre- 

1 See farther Thieme Die Inschrif- 
ten von Magnesia p. 34 ff. Moulton 
(Prolegg. p. 102 n. 3 ) has pointed out 
that eTri<f>avr)5 as the regular appella- 
tion of Ptolemy V. can no longer 
be translated 'illustrious,' but is 
= ' manifest,' much in the sense of 
the Sanskrit Avatar; cf. O.G.I. S. 90, 
6 (Rosetta stone) 0eoD 'Ewi^avovs Ei>xa- 
piffTov with Dittenberger's note, where 
a number of parallel passages are cited. 
See also Schiirer 3 i. p. 192 f. 

2 In his valuable note on the use of 
^Trt^aveia with reference to God in the 
Journal of Biblical Literature and 

Exegesis i. p. i6ff. (reprinted in Criti- 
cal Essays (Boston, 1888) p. 454 ff.), 
Prof. Ezra Abbot draws attention to 
the instructive example from the 
Additions to Esther Text B vii. 6 
(Fritzsche Lib. Apocr. Vet. Test. p. 
71) where the sun and light of Morde- 
cai's dream are said to represent eTri- 
(f)dvLa TOV deov in the deliverance of 
Jews. Similar instances of the word 
are also quoted from Josephus, as 
when in connexion with the dividing 
of the waters of the Red Sea Moses is 
described as opuv r^v eTTL^avetav TOV 
deov (Antt. n. 339 (xvi. 2)). 


quent use of the verb in the Psalms to denote God's making His face to 
shine upon His people, e.g. Ps. xxx. (xxxi.) 17, cxvii. (cxviii.) 27; while the 
corresponding adj. enifpav^s is applied by the LXX. translators to the 
great day of the Lord in. Joel ii. 31 (iii. 4), Hab. i. 7, Mai. i. 14 (cf. Judg. 
xiii. 6 A) evidently in the sense of ' manifest' of all, through a misunder- 
standing on their part of the original Hebrew K"VU, * terrible.' 

In the N.T. errxpavfia is used only by St Paul, and, with the ex- The 
ception of 2 Thess. ii. 8, only in the Pastoral Epp. (i Tim. vi. 14, 2 Tim. Pauline 
i. 10, iv. i, 8, Tit. ii. 13). In all these passages it is rendered 'ap- pp * 
pearing,' both in A.V. and R.V., and except in 2 Tim. i. 10 (cf. Tit. ii. n, 
iii. 4 eTTffpdvr)), where it is used of Christ's First Coming (8ia T. cnKpavcias 
r. o-wrrjpos 77/i&>i/ Xpio-rov 'lr)aov\ has a definite eschatological reference. 
The same is the case in 2 Thess. ii. 8 KaTapyjo-ei T. emfpavfiq T. Trapovcrias 
aurov, where the A.V., probably on account of the following napova-ias, 
wrongly renders it 'brightness' (Vg. illustration*) 1 , for which the Revisers 
have substituted 'manifestation.' This last is probably as accurate a ren- 
dering as we can get for the word in English, involving as it does the 
idea of something striking a conspicuous intervention from above 2 . 

In ecclesiastical writers errKpdveia has the same double reference as Ecclesi- 
7rapov<7i'a, and when referring to the First Coming of Christ is sometimes astical 
distinguished by a characterizing epithet such as evaapicos (Eus. Demonstr. 
Evang. viii. p. 226) 3 . Hence too it came to be applied not only to the day 
sacred to Christ's Nativity (e.g. Epiphan. de Haer. ii. ad fin. OVTC eV rfj 

V^epa TWV enKpavitov, orf fyevrjdr) fv vapid o Kvpios), but also to the day of His 

Baptism as in the oration of Gregory of Nazianzus inscribed els TO. 'EnKpdvia. 
For its reference to the Second Coming it is sufficient to refer to the letter 
of Dionysius, preserved in Eus. If. E. vii. 24, where in close connexion with 

TTJS evdo^ov Kcil d\r)6a}s evdeov TOV Kvpiov rj/juav 7ri<pavfia$ we are assured 
of TTJS ijfJifTepas < vfKputv dvao'Taa'cuts KOL TTJS irpos avrov tTncrvvaywyfis Kal 

o/xoicoo-fcoj. From Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. p. 77 A it would appear that the word 
was also applied by ecclesiastical writers to saints or martyrs. 


'ATToxaXv^is-, though not wholly 4 , is distinctively a Biblical word, and is Greek 
used euphemistically for HpV in i Regn. xx. 30 (ets ala-x^v dnoKaXv^e^s - T * 
fji-qrpos a-ov\ and metaphorically in the apocryphal book of Sirach, where it 
is applied to the revelation of a man's deeds in the hour of death (xi. 27 
fv (rvvT\fiq dvdptoTrov d7roKd\v\l/is Zpytov avrov), and to the revealing of 
secrets (xxii. 22 /zwrnypiou aTroKaXv^fcoy, xlii. I dnQKaXv^fW \6ycov Kpvcpiav}. 

The corresponding verb dnoKaXvirTfiv is however much more common, 

1 Alford aptly recalls Milton's fine 4 It occurs a few times in Plutarch 
line, 'far off His coming shone.' (e.g. Mor. 70 F). To the class, and 

2 Chrys. Horn. ix. in II. ad Tim.: late Gk. instances of the verb given by 
'ETri^areia 5e X^yercu 5ta TO etrdvw the dictionaries may now be added the 
0cuVe<70cu, /cat avudev dvar^XXftv. new class, fragment in P.Oxy. 413, 

3 Suid.: 'ETTt^ciJ'eia...^ roD (rwr^pos 166 f. a[7ro/c]aXvi/'OJ' IVa l'5w avrrjv. 

rjffov XpicrroO ^cra/3/cos oiKOvo/j-ia. 


and is already definitely applied to the revelations of God to men, e.g. 

I Regn. ii. 27 rdde Aeyft Kuptos 'ATTOKoXvfpdcls dTTKa\v(pdrjv, iii. 21 aVe- 

Ka\v(f)0T] Kvpios Trpos 2a/iou?;X, and especially such passages from the 
Theodotion version of Daniel as ii. 19 ev opa/uart rr/s WKTOS TO /^piov 

a7TCKa\v<p6r), 22 aVoKaAvTrret /3a$ea KOI aVoKptKpa, 28 debs fv ovpava> diro- 

N.T. These passages, combined with our Lord's own words Lk. xvii. 30 

Kara TO. aura carat 77 rj^epa 6 vibs rov dvdpccTrov aVoKaAvTrrerai, give 

the key to the use of the subst. in the N.T., where it is applied ex- 
clusively to communications that proceed from God or Christ, or to 
the Divine unveiling of truths that have been previously hidden. It is 
thus the exact correlative of /Ltvo-rrjptoi/ as that word is used in the 
N.T. 1 , as when in .the Gospels it is employed with reference to our Lord 
Himself as the light given to dispel heathen darkness (Lk. ii. 32 <pe3? fls 
aTroKoXv^iv *6v<i>v\ or sums up the visions granted to St John on Patmos 
under the significant title 'ATTOKOXV^LS 'tyo-oC Xpto-roC (Rev. i. i). Similarly 
in i Pet. we read of the 'praise and glory and honour' which are to be 
made known ev drroKaXv^ci 'Irjo-ov Xpio-Toi> (i. 7; cf. v. 13, iv. 13), where, 
as in i Thess. ii. 19 (see note), the preposition is not to be understood 
simply as referring to a contemporaneous event, but rather as implying 
the means 'in and through' which the finding unto praise spoken of is to 
be brought about (cf. Hort i Pet. p. 44). 

Pauline The word is, however, pre-eminently a Pauline one, occurring in all the 

Epp. groups of the Epp. except the Pastorals, and always in its higher or spiritual 

sense. Thus it is 8t drroKaXv^ew 'Ir/o-oG Xpto-roC (Gal. i. 12) that the 
Apostle himself received the Gospel, and it is through a similar revelation 
that he elsewhere claims to have been entrusted with the Divine secret of 
the extension of that Gospel to the Gentiles (Eph. iii. 3 Kara aVo/<aAv\//'ii' 
eyvupio-Or} poi rb pvcrTripiov, cf. Gal. ii. 2). The whole of Christianity indeed 
according to the Pauline view may be summed up as 'a revelation of 
a mystery' (Rom. xvi. 25 diroKahv^nv pvaTrjpiov}, and consequently oVoKa- 
\v^is is in its turn the means by which men enter into the knowledge 
of its highest truths (Eph. i. 17 nvevp-a ao<j)[as KOI aTTOKoXv^eus fv eVtyz/too-et 

auroO, cf. i Cor. xiv. 6, 26, 2 Cor. xii. i, 7). As however this knowledge 
is at present necessarily limited, it is to the final ' revelation of our Lord 
Jesus Christ' (i Cor. i. 7 T. diroicaXv\lsiv T. Kvpiov r)/i. 'l^o-oO XpioToC) that we 
are taught to look for the complete fulfilment of the work begun now. 
Then, in accordance with the 'revelation of the righteous judgment of 
God* (Rom. ii. 5 diroicdXfyfas SiKaioKpiorias T. 6eo\)\ justice will be meted 
out to all (2 Thess. i. 7), and the whole creation will rejoice in ' the revelation 
of the sons of God' (Rom. viii. 19 r. diroK.d\vtyiv T. viuv T. Beov} 2 . 

In all these passages it will be noticed that, notwithstanding a con- 
siderable latitude of application, the fundamental idea of the word is 
always the same an unveiling of what already exists, though hitherto 

1 Eeference may again be made to to the Study of the Gospels 6 (1881) p. 9 
Dean Armitage Robinson's valuable n. 1 , on which the above summary 
note, Eph. p. 234 ff. is based, also the same writer's Eph. 

2 Cf. Westcott's note, Introduction p. i;8f. 


it has been hidden, or at best only imperfectly known: an unveiling 
which, though it may pass through a long and varying process, finally 
reaches its climax in the full revelation of the now unseen, though ever- 
present Lord. 

The religious history of the word outside the Canon need not detain Jewish 
us. In view of what has been said, it will be obvious how readily it lent 1 . 1 
itself as a title to the large class of writings, both Jewish and Christian, 
which, dealing with what lay outside the immediate range of human ex- lypses. 
perience and knowledge, aimed at exhorting and consoling those to whom 
they were addressed in the dark days on which they had fallen. ' Tracts 
for the Times,' as they have been called, they were also ' Tracts for Bad 
Times 1 ,' and with widely-differing degrees of insight sought by the aid of 
symbolism and eschatological speculation to disclose to men the hidden 
but ever-present rule and purposes of God 2 . 

iv. Summary. 

If we have been correct in the foregoing distinctions between the General 
three words, it will be seen that, while all may be used to describe d . is ' 
the Return of the now exalted and glorified Lord, they do so from three 
distinct points of view. 

The first, irapova-la, lays stress on the 'presence' of the Lord with His irapov<ria 
people, which, while existing now, will only at that Return be completely 

The second, eVi^ai/eta, draws attention to His 'presence' as the result 
of a sublime 'manifestation' of the power and love of God, coming to 
His people's help. 

The third, dnoKaXv^ts, reminds us that the 'manifestation 7 is also and d 
a "'revelation' of the Divine plan and purpose which has run through 
all the ages, to find its consummation at length in the ' one far-off divine 
event,' to which the whole Creation is slowly moving. 

1 Cf. C. A. Scott, Revelation (in Full particulars, with references to the 
The Century Bible) p. 27. relative literature, will be found in 

2 For a brief account of these Schiirer 3 iii. p. 181 ff. 
' apocalypses ' see Swete Apoc. p. xviiiff . 


On araKTeco and its cognates. 

i . "Ara/c- 

The three words dra/ereo), araKros-, and draKrws are only found in the 
Thessalonian Epistles amongst the writings of the N.T. In these cir- 
cumstances it may be well to bring together a few passages illustrating 
their usage both from classical and from later Gk., more particularly 
as the exact meaning to be attached to them has an important bearing 
upon the view we form of a certain section of the Thessalonian Church 
at the "time of St Paul's writing. 

In doing so we begin with the adj. arafcros, which means primarily 
'out of order,' 'out of place/ and hence, like the Latin inordinatus, is 


writS^ 1 readily employed as a military term to denote a soldier who does not 
keep the ranks, or an army advancing in disarray. It is found in this 
sense in Xen. Oec. viii. 4, where an O.TO.KTOS is contrasted with a TfTay^evrj 
o-rpcmd, and a suggestive example of the same usage is afforded by Dem. 
Phil. i. 50, where the great orator indignantly condemns the want of 
preparation with regard to the war ara*mz d&op&ora dopto-ra a-navra 
compared with the care bestowed ovdev di>ee'rao-roi/ ov' doptoroi/ upon 
games and festivities. 

From this the transition is easy to disorderly or irregular living of 
any kind as in Plato's reference to UTUKTOI rjdovai (Legg. ii. 660 B, cf. vii. 
806 c), or in Plutarch's rebuke of those who, neglecting a ' sane and well- 
ordered life' (vyiaivovTos K. TfTa.yp.evov /3tou), hurl themselves headlong into 
'disorderly and brutal pleasures' (TCIS OTOKTOVS K. dv8pcnroo'a>o'fi$ r/Soi/ds-, 
de lib. educ. 7 p. 5 A; cf. d/coXao-ra AC. ara*ra, de def. orac. 20 
p. 420 E). 

Greek The word is not found in the canonical books of the LXX., but in 

O.T. Sap. xiv. 26 the corresponding subst. occurs in the phrase ydjueoi/ dra^'a, 

with which are associated /iot^em K. aVe'Xyeta. On the other hand the 
more primary sense of the adj. is well illustrated in 3 Mace. i. 19, 
where it is used to describe the 'disorderly rush' (8p6p.ov UTUKTOV} of the 
newly-married brides into the street at the siege of Jerusalem 1 . 

1 An interesting use of #TO,KTOS, 
though it throws no light on the 
meaning of the word in our Epp. , is 
afforded by the Tribal Lists in the 
Inscriptions, where it is applied to a 
city that has been granted, but has 
not yet exercised the privilege of self- 

assessment (e.g. C.I. A. i. 243, 36 &TO.K- 
TOS 7r6Xt$ : see Eoberts-Gardner p. 
290). E#TCIKTOS is found as a proper 
name in an inscription discovered at 
Thessalonica A(oikioj) 2^rtos EtfraK- 
TOS (no. 114, Heuzey et Daumet p. 


The usage of dra/trco? naturally follows similar lines, as when in Thuc. 2. 'Ara/c- 
iii. 1 08 we read that many of the Peloponnesians, after the defeat of Olpae, 
perished when hurrying ara/crwy K. ovfavl KOO-/XQ) to reach their camp, 
whereas the Mantineans through the excellence of their order (/zaXto-ra 
gwreraynevoi) were able to effect a retreat 1 : while for the more meta- 
phorical sense we can point to such a phrase as ^X^/neXeS? K. arcucrus in 

PlatO Tim. 30 A, or to Isocr. Evagr. 197 E ovde TTpos ev dramas ovtf dvu- 
/za'Xcoy diaK.tfjLvos, aXX' o/uotW ras ev rols e'pyois 6fMo\oyias (Zanep ras ev rols 
\6yots <jia<pv\aTTO>v. 

A late example to much the same effect is afforded by the dis- Late Gk. 
covery in the Fayum of the fragment of a philosophic work concerning 
the gods, belonging to the second century, in which the words occur del 
TO>V \av\6pwTTtov apx^iv [ro>f] Trpdgecov lfflfVov}f 8e evdvs ccpeTreo-Oai, OVK 
draKTtos fj-evroi aXX' ei(JLa[p'\iJ.e[va)s]. roO yap aVro^<BS...(P.Fay. 337, l6ff.). 

We come now to aram-cu. Like its adj., it is frequently applied 3- 'Ara/c- 
to soldiers marching out of order, or quitting the ranks (e.g. Xen. Cyr. classical 
vii. 2. 6), and hence is extended to every one who does not perform his writers. 
proper duty, as in Xen. Oec. v. 15 where the draKTovvres are contrasted 
with rols TTOIOIHTIV a del irotelv. Cf. P.Par. 26, 15 (ii./B.C.) vne$fiav 009 av 

rfjiv TU>V 

In later Greek this ethical sense is very common, as when, by Philo- Later Gk. 
stratus I., the verb was applied to children who dreaded punishment 
'if they had done any thing amiss' (e'i n draKTrja-eiav Vit. Soph. p. 230, 
ed. Kayser), or generally speaking to any irregularities on the part of 
men (01 yap inrep TOIOVTW aTUKTovvres Vit. Ap. p. 17, ^i^ai araKTOucrat 

P- 338). 

In these circumstances we are prepared to take both the verb and its Thessa- 
cognates metaphorically in the Thessalonian Epp., as indeed the context 
clearly demands. And the only question that remains is whether they are 
to be understood positively of actual wrong-doing, or in a more negative 
sense of a certain remissness in the conduct of life. 

Of the Gk. commentators Chrysostom apparently inclines to the 
former view, as when in his Homily on I. v. 14 he describes the araxroi 

as Trdvres ol irapa TO r<a 6ea> doKovv 7rpa.TTOVTes...7rdvTes ol dfiaprdvovres. 

On the other hand Theodoret confines the oYat'a complained of to idle- 
ness draKTOvs TOVS dpyiq (Tva)VTa.$ eKaXeaev (ad I. V. 18): TTJ dpyia (TV^OHTIV 
(ad II. iii. n). 

And of this latter view, at least in a slightly modified form, we have The 
lately received unexpected confirmation in two striking examples of the Papyri. 
use of draKTea in the Row/?;, much about the time of St Paul's writing. 

The first occurs in P.Oxy. 275 (A.D. 66) in a contract of apprenticeship, 
according to which a father binds himself not to take away his son during 
a certain specified period, with the further condition that if there are any 
days on which the boy 'fails to attend,' or 'plays the truant' (oo-as 8' edv 
tv rot uTaKTija-r] ripepas, 24 f.), he is to produce him for an equivalent 
number of days after the period is over. 

1 Symmachus uses the word in of Jehu dra/mos dyei (Heb. 
4 Eegn. ix. 20 to describe the driving madly). 


The second also comes from Oxyrhynchus in a similar contract, dated 
about one hundred and twenty years later, P.Oxy. 725, according to which 
a weaver's apprentice is allowed twenty holidays in the year, 'but if he 
exceeds this number of days from idleness or ill-health or any other reason' 

(eav de TrAe/cray TOVTWV apy^arj [77 ao\]$6 1/77077 77 draKTijcrrj 77 di a\\r)v r>[a 

at\riav 39 ff.), he has to make his absences good without wages. 

If then these instances can be taken as typical of the ordinary colloquial 
sense of the verb, we can understand how readily St Paul would employ 
it to describe those members of the Thessalonian Church who, without 
any intention of actual wrong-doing, were neglecting their daily duties, 
and falling into idle and careless habits, because of their expectation of 
the immediate Parousia of the Lord. 


On the meanings of 

The verb Kare'xw is found in our Epistles in two distinct senses : 

(1) < Hold fast': 

I. V. 21 TO KaXov 

(2) 'Holdback': 

II. ii. 6 vvv TO Kare^ov o'l 

7 fjLovov o Kare^o)!/ apri ecop CK /ieVov yevrjrai. 

Both meanings are well-established, but in view of the importance of 
the passages in which they occur, it will not be out of place to bring 
together a few passages from the Koii///, which may help to illustrate 

The first meaning ' hold fast ' is best reached through Kare^ta as a i. Kar 
perfective of e^o> = ' possess,' as in i Cor. vii. 30, 2 Cor. vi. 10 toy prjdev 'hold 
e^oi/re? K. irdvra /car^oi/res 1 , with which may be compared P.Amh. 30, 26 f. 
(ii./B.c.) where, in an official report regarding the ownership of a house, 
proofs were adduced to establish that a certain Marres Kareo-x^j^vai 
TT)V olKiav ('had become owner of the house'), and the corresponding 
use of the subst. KOTOX^ = bonorum possessio in E.G. U. 140, 24 ff. (c. i./A.D.), 

Ofj,as KaT[o]xr)[v] \>[Trd\pxovT<*>v c eKfivov TOV /ue[p]ovs row biarayp-aros. 

From this the transition is easy to the sense * take possession of,' * lay 
hold of,' and accordingly in the interesting rescript regarding the Third 
Syrian War, ascribed with all probability to Ptolemy III. himself, the King 
narrates how certain ships, acting in his interest, sailed along the coast 
of Cilicia to Soli, and took on board TO. CK[ei1]<re Karao-Ke0eVr[a xpr/Juara 
'the money that had been seized there' (P.Petr. n. 45, ii. 3 f., cf. P.Petr. 
m. p. 335 f.). 

In this passage, it will be noticed, the verb is practically *pareiz/. 
And, as a matter of fact, we find it used interchangeably with Kparelv in 
the long Petition of Dionysia (P.Oxy. 237 (H./A.D.)) regarding the 'right 
of ownership' (Karoxn) of a property (ovo-ia) which she claimed : see especially 
col. viii. 22 f. and 34f-> r ^ AlyvnTtaKas yvvaiKas...KaTe^fiv ra inrdp^ovra r<Hv 
avbptov and Kara riva CTri^topiov i/d/zoi/ Kpareirai TO. virdp^ovra. 

Other examples of the more legal or technical uses of the terms, which 
cannot be discussed here, are for the verb, P.Tebt. 5, 47 (a Royal ordinance, 
ii./B.C.) [Kparei]v a>v KaTfcrx^Ka<ri /tA^po)!/), and for the subst., P.Oxy. 713, 36 
(i./A.D.), where an applicant declares for registration his 'right' 

1 Cf. Magn. 105, 51 (ii./A.D.), where tory is expressed by the formula "tV 
the right of possession in certain terri- %x wffiv KaTfyuffiv re KapTrt[]wvTai re.' 


to certain arourae that had belonged to his mother. Cf. also the important 
legal rescript, P.Strass. 22 (iii./A.D.). 

More important for our present purpose are the instances of the verb 
in a slightly metaphorical sense, as when a letter-writer of the second 
century accuses his correspondent of 'being oppressed by an evil con- 
science' (vno KO.KOV o-vvfidoTos (care^o/iei/or, P.Oxy. 532, 22 ff.), or as when 
a would-be purchaser of confiscated property declares that in a certain 
contingency she will not be 'bound' by her promise (P.Amh. 97, 17 f. 
(ii./A.D.) ov KaTao-xe[$]j7<ro/*ai rfj [vjTroo-xeo-et) 1 . 

And if we accept the view, which has recently found strong support, 
that the /taro^oi of the Serapeum are to be regarded as those 'possessed' 
by the spirit of the god 2 , we have further evidence pointing in the same 

If, on the other hand, we incline to the older view, according to which 
they are to be thought of as a species of monks, living for the time being 
'in retreat' (v aro^) within the temple-precincts 3 , we are prepared for 
the further modifications in the meaning of /care^co, according to which 
it gains the sense of ' detain,' ' arrest,' while Karoxn signifies ' the place 
of custody/ 'the gaol.' 

Thus in P.Lond. u. 342, 7 f. (ii./A.D.) a charge is laid against one 
Sempronius of attempting to lay hands on the relatives of the petitioner as 

eViTrXdovs or boat-Overseers (irpotyda-i TOV Kare'^ai/ eTrnrXoovs TOVS avvyevfls 

/uov), while in a fragmentary letter in the same collection (422), belonging 
to the fourth century, directions are given to arrest a certain individual 
and ' put him in irons' (o-io^poio-at avrov) for selling stolen camels, and it 
is added Kare'xerai 17 yvirf ('his wife is already arrested'). Similarly in 
B.G.U. 372, 16 (ii./A.D.) we read of a man who is 'arrested' (KCLTCXO- 
p.fvov} as a tramp: while /car o^ / = ' custody' appears in such passages as 

P.Amh. 80, 9 (iii./A.D.) \f\y\va-axriv pe [TTJS Kajro^^y, B,G. U. 323, 1 1 f. (BjZ.) 
[]$ KdToxrjv TroiTJa-o) iravra ra ovr[a fv rw] /xov X^P'V & va ""potrcoTra. 
ii. Acar^xw These last examples bring us to the second main use of Kare'^w which 
= 'hold we se t ou t t illustrate, in which the thought of 'holding fast,' 'arresting,' 
passes into the thought of ' holding back,' ' detaining/ as may be seen from 
a single papyrus in which the verb occurs with both meanings. 

A beneficiarius of one village addresses a letter to the comarchs of 

1 Cf. Jo. v. 4 $ S^Trore Kareixero a vita coenobitarum nonnullorura 
voo"f)fj.aTi (A). haud multum di versa ' (Herwerden 

2 See especially E. Preuschen Lex. s.v. Karoxri)- With this view 
Monchtum und Serapiskult 2 te Aufl. Kenyon (British Museum Papyri i. p. 
Giessen, 1903. Wilcken (Archiv iv. 295.) in the main agrees, nor does it 
207) cites in support of this view an seem possible to attach any other 
inscription from Priene to the effect meaning to such a phrase as virep TOV 
dirb TUV Tpairef&v v &v 5?}/i[os ^0074771, aTroXeXOcrtfcu <re e/c TTJS Karons (P.Lond. 
5e56<r0w] [r]ois /carexo^vois VTTO TOV deov i. 42, 26 f. (ii./B.c.)), than that the 
(Priene 195, 28 f. (ii./B.c.)). Cf. also person spoken of had been 'released 
Dittenberger, 0. G. I. S. ii. Addenda from his seclusion.' See also the 
p. 549 f. references to the use of 

3 'Inclusio voluntaria in Serapieio Mayser p. 22 f. 


another, bidding them deliver up to the officer whom he sends a certain 
Pachoumis ov Kareo-xr/Kare, 'whom you have arrested,' and then, after 
enjoining them if they have anything to say in his favour to come along 
with him and say so, the writer adds opa /i?) Karaa-xnre rov v7rr)peTr)<v>, 
'see that you do not detain the officer' (P.Oxy. 65 (iii. IV./A.D.)). 

Earlier examples of the same usage are afforded by P. Fay. 109, n 
(i./A.D.) w KaraaxV* KAWa, P.Tebt. 315, 19 f. (ii./A.D.) eav 8e ae TI Karexn, 
and the illiterate B.G.U. 775, 12 (ii./A.D.) /z?} Kard<Txii[s] oZv TO xXeiSiV /iou. 

It is hardly necessary to carry the evidence further, but, for the sake 
of its intrinsic interest, reference may be made to the heathen (Archiv 
ii. p. 173) Charm which Crum prints in his Coptic Ostraca no. 522 
beginning Kpovos 6 Ka.Tex.atv TOV 6vp.ov o\o>v TO>V avdpactTratv KctTfx f T v 


The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist 1 . 

IIcu5/a, ^ffxo-Ttj wpa <TTtv, Kal Kadus i7/coi5<rare ort avrixpi-O'Tos ^px^rai, xai vvv 
TroXXot yey6va<nv odev yiv&<rKo/u.ev 6rt tvxfa" 1 } wpa <TT'LV. i Jo. ii. 18. 

The whole subject of Antichrist is surrounded with difficulties, and 
raises many questions which are altogether outside the scope of this 
Commentary. The utmost that can be attempted here is to supply a few 
Notes, tracing the historical growth of the idea in the sacred Scriptures 
and in the apocalyptic writings of the Jews, with the view of further 
illustrating and confirming the interpretation given to the Man of law- 
lessness in the foregoing pages 2 . 

The name I - The actual name Antichrist is first found in the Johannine Epistles 

Anti- (i Jo. ii. 1 8, 22, iv. 3, 2 Jo. 7), but the main idea underlies St Paul's 

christ. description of the Man of lawlessness in 2 Thess. ii. i 12, while, from the 

manner in which both writers refer to this mysterious figure, it is evident 

that they had in view an oral tradition current at the time (i Jo. iv. 3 

a/tT/Koare, 2 Thess. ii. 6 oiSare). Any attempt therefore to understand the 

doctrine of Antichrist as it meets us in the N.T. must naturally begin with 

this tradition, so far as it is now possible to trace it. 

Possible 2> Here, according to the latest view, we are carried very far back. 

connexion Gunkel in his epoch-making book Schopfung und Chaos (1895) would 

with a have us find the roots of the Jewish doctrine of Antichrist in the primitive 

Babylonian dragon myth of a monster (Tiamat) who opposed the Creator 

myth. (Marduk) in the beginning and was overcome by Him, but who, it was 

believed, would in the last days again rear his head in rebellion only to 

1 The following Note in a condensed Encyclopaedia, and by Sieffert in 
form appears in The Standard Die- Hauck RE. S , and to the Excursuses 
tionary of the Bible under the title in their Commentaries on the Thessa- 
* Antichrist and the Man of Sin.' Ionian Epistles by Bornemann and 

2 On the whole subject, in addition Findlay. Thackeray has a useful 
to the special literature cited in the Note in his Essay on The Relation 
course of the Note, reference may be of St Paul to Contemporary Jewish 
made to the articles on ' Antichrist ' by Thought (1900) p. 136 f., and the 
Bousset in the Encycl. BibL, by James elaborate study Zur Lehre vom Anti- 
(under the title 'Man of Sin') in christ by Schneckenburger-Boehmer 
Hastings' D.B., by Moffatt (under the in the Jahrbucher fur Deutsche Theo- 
title 'False Christs') in Hastings' logie iv. (1859) p. 405 ff. may still be 
D.C.G., by Ginsburg in the Jewish consulted with advantage. 


be finally crushed. And more recently this view has been adopted and 
developed on independent lines by Bousset in his elaborate monograph 
on Der Antichrist (1895, translated into English, with a new Prologue by 
A. H. Keane, under the title The Antichrist Legend, 1896). 

It is impossible here to examine in detail the evidence adduced by 
those writers, but their investigations have made it practically certain 
that this myth had reached Palestine, and is alluded to in the O.T. (see 
artt. 'Rahab' and 'Sea-Monster' in Hastings' D.B.}. At the same time 
its influence must not be exaggerated. Whatever part it may have had 
in familiarizing the Jews with the idea of an arch-enemy of God, it 
exercised little influence on the development of the idea amongst them, 
and many of the traits ascribed to Antichrist, which are to be found in 
the eschatological commentaries of Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and other early 
writers, and which, because unsupported by anything he can find else- 
where, Bousset is inclined to refer back to some such esoteric doctrine, 
are more naturally explained as the result of the imaginations of these 
commentators themselves, working on the data supplied to them by the 

3. In any case we are on surer ground when we turn to those data, Anti- 
and, in proceeding to examine them, we may start from the general christ in 
Jewish belief in a fierce attack that would be directed against Israel in the ' T - 
the end of the days by some hostile person or power, but which would 
be finally frustrated by the action of Jehovah or His Messiah. The con- 
ception which the Jewish writers formed of the exact nature of this 
attack was naturally largely influenced by their particular circumstances 
at the 'time, but, as it first meets us, it is generally thought of as pro- 
ceeding from the heathen nations of the world. 

Thus in Ps. ii., winch Friedlander regards as the real source (' Quelle') Psalms. 
of the later Antichrist legend 1 , we have a graphic picture of the rebellion 
of the world-kingdoms 'against the Lord and against His Anointed,' 
coupled with the assurance that all such rebellion, because directed against 
Jehovah Himself, is hopeless, and, if persevered in, can only result in the 
complete overthrow of the nations: while in the exilic Psalm xciii. (xciv.) 
the Psalmist comforts the oppressed Israelites with the reminder that the 
Lord cannot have any alliance with ' the throne of lawlessness' (o. 20 ^ 
avvTrpoa-eo-Tai <roi 6p6vos dvopias), but will cause their lawlessness to recoil 
upon all evil-doers (v. 23 a7ro8o><rfi avrols rr/v avopiav auraii/) 2 . 

The thought of the same contest ending in the same way meets us Post-exilic 
also in the post-exilic prophets, as for example in the description of the Prophets. 
onslaught by Gog from the land of Magog, as the type of the world's 

i Der Antichrist in den vorchrist- that during the last century B.C. 

lichen judischen Quellen (1901) p. 128 Beliar was the embodiment of the 

an Essay in which much valuable antinomian spirit which pervaded the 

evidence is gathered together both from Jewish sect of D^D. 

the O.T., and the later data of the 2 Of. also the striking linguistic 

Midrash and Talmud, in proof of the parallels bet ween Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 

Jewish doctrine of Antichrist, what- and 2 Thess. i. and ii. adduced by 

ever may be thought of its main thesis Bornemann p. 356 f. 




christ in 

Psalms of 

power, against God's people who 'dwell securely' (Ezek. xxxviii., xxxix.) 1 , 
or of the final assault against Jerusalem to which all nations of the 
earth go up, and which again ends in the intervention and universal head- 
ship of God (Zech. xii. xiv.). 

It is however in the visions and prophecies of the Book of Daniel 
(B.C. 1 68 165) that we find the real starting-point of many of the later 
descriptions of Antichrist, and especially in the picture that is there 
presented of Antiochus IV., called Epiphanes 2 . No other foreign ruler 
was ever regarded by the Jews with such hatred on account both of his 

personal impieties (l Mace. i. 24 KV f\d\r)<rV inrcprj^aviav fj.fya\T)v), and of 

his bitter persecution of their religion, and, accordingly, he is here por- 
trayed as the very impersonation of all evil. Some of the traits indeed 
ascribed to him are of such a character (see vii. 8b, 20 b, 21, 25, xi. 36 45) 
that it has often been thought that the writer had not so much Antiochus 
as the future Antichrist directly in view. And, though this is not exegeti- 
cally possible, it is easy to understand how his description influenced the 
Apostolic writers in their account of the arch-enemy of God and man 
(cf. e.g. 2 Thess. ii. 4 with Dan. xi. 36 f., and Rev. xiii. i 8 with Dan. vii. 
8, 20, 21, 25, viii. 24, xi. 28, 30; and see Driver Daniel p. xcvi flf.). 

With the fall of Antiochus and the rise of the Maccabean kingdom, 
the promise of deliverance, with which Daniel had comforted God's people 
during their dark days, received its proximate fulfilment. But when the 
nation again fell under a foreign yoke, the old fears were once more 
revived, and received a fresh colouring from the new powers by which the 
Jewish nation now found itself opposed. 

4. In determining the Jewish views regarding Antichrist during this 
period, much difficulty is caused by the uncertainty regarding the exact 
date of some of the relative writings, and the possibility of their having 
received Christian interpolations in the form in which they have come 
down to us. The following references, however, deserve notice. 

In the Pharisaic Psalms of Solomon (48 40 B.C.) Pompey as the re- 
presentative of the foreign power that had overthrown Zion is described 
as the personification of sin (ii. i o d^aprcoXos), and even as the dragon 
(v. 29 6 SpaKcov}, perhaps an unconscious survival of the dragon-myth 3 : 
and in Ps. xvii. 13 if we may adopt Ewald's conjectural reading, which has 
been generally approved by the editors, of o avopos (6 avepos in all the 

1 For the later connexion of Gog 
and Magog with the story of Anti- 
christ cf. Eev. xx. 7 f. The actual 
identification of Gog with Antichrist, 
however, does not occur till the seventh 
century, and even then only in Jewish 
sources (Bousset art. 'Antichrist' in 
Encycl. BibL 1 2). 

2 The epithet Epiphanes is generally 
rendered the illustrious,' but its real 
meaning, as seen when the title is 
stated in full Qebs eTTKpav^s, is the ' god 

made manifest' (cf. Add. Note F, p. 
148). For a graphic description of 
the circumstances of his reign see 
E. Bevan, Jerusalem under the High 
Priests (1904), and for the general 
interpretation of the visions of Dan. 
vii. xii. see Porter The Messages of 
the Apocalyptical Writers (1905) p. 


3 See Charles The Ascension of 
Isaiah p. liv. 


MSS.)J we have another epithet applied to Pompey which, if used techni- 
cally, is proper to the Beliar-myth (see below). It may, however, in the 
present instance mean no more than ' heathen' as in i Cor. ix. 21. 

Similarly in the Apocalypse of Baruch which, though belonging to Apoca- 
the last decade of the ist cent. A.D., is in the main a true Jewish writing, l VP se f 
we have a description of the destruction of the ' lost leader'' of the enemies 
of Israel by the Messiah on Mount Zion (xl. i, 2), where again Pompey 
may be thought of. And in 4 Ezra v. i 6, belonging to about the same 4 Ezra. 
time, after an enumeration of the signs of the last times, and the coming 
of the fourth (Roman) Empire, after the third (Greek) Empire has passed 
away in disorder ('post tertiam turbatam' ed. Bensly) 1 , we read of one 
who ' shall rule whom they that dwell upon the earth look not for' (' et 
regnabit quern non sperant qui inhabitant super terrain'), a mysterious 
being, who is generally identified with the future Antichrist 2 . 

In none of these passages, it will be noticed, have we more than a God- 
opposing being of human origin, but it has recently been pointed out with 
great cogency by Dr Charles (Ascension of Isaiah p. Ivff.) 3 that, in the 
interval between the Old and the New Testaments, a further develop- 
ment was given to the Jewish belief in Antichrist through the influence 
of the Beliar-myth. 

In the O.T. 'belial' is never strictly speaking a proper name, but 
denotes ' worthlessness,' 'wickedness 4 .' From its frequent occurrence, 
however, along with another noun in such phrases as 'daughter' (i Sam. 
i. 16), 'man' (i Sam. xxv. 25), and especially 'sons' (Deut. xiii. 13, Judg. 
xix. 22 &c.) of ' belial,' it is obvious how readily the idea lent itself to 
personification, while it is not without significance in our present inquiry 
that in those latter passages it is rendered in the LXX. by irapavo^os (e.g. 

Deut. xiii. 13 e^Xdocrav avdpes 7rapdvop,oi). 

In the later pseudepigraphical literature of the Jews this humanizing or 
rather demonizing process is carried still further, until the title regularly 
appears as a synonym for Satan or one of his lieutenants. 

Thus in the Book of Jubilees (ii./B.c.) we read ' Let Thy mercy, O Lord, Jubilees. 
be lifted up upon Thy people... and let not the spirit of Beliar rule over Testa- 
them' (i. 20, cf. xv. 33, ed. Charles). And similar references to Beliar as 
a Satanic spirit are frequent in the Testaments of the xii Patriarchs 
(ii./B.o., in part at least): see e.g. Reub. iv. 7, vi. 3, Levi iii. 3, xviii. 12. archs. 

1 Gunkel (in Kautzsch Pseudepi- 3 See also Friedlander op. cit. p. 
yrapha p. 359) prefers to supply 'diem' 1 18 ff. 

after 'post tertiam' ( = fj.eT& TTJV rpirriv 4 The origin of the word 
7]/u.tpai>, Blass), and understands the disputed, but the old derivation from 
three 'days,' as the secret apoca- ^^ < without ' and }i ' profit ' is still 
lyptic number, which denotes the strongly supported. ~For an interest- 
world-rule until its destruction: cf. ing discussion, in which Dr Cheyne 
the three-and-a-half 'days 'of Eev.xi. finds in the word a modification of 
9, and see Schopfung u. Chaos pp. 268 tne Babylonian Bililu in the sense of 
n. 1 , 369 n. 1 . the <land without return,' i.e. the 

2 Cf. L. Vaganay Le Probleme Es- underworld, see Exp. T. viii. and ix. 
chatologique dans le iv e Livre d'Esdras S>17> 'Belial' in the Indices. 

(Paris, 1906) p. 86 f. 


1 62 




christ in 
our Lord' 

The most interesting passage, however, for our purpose is contained 
in the third book of the Sibylline Oracles, in a section which in the main 
goes back to the same early date, where Beliar is depicted as a truly 
Satanic being accompanied by all the signs that are elsewhere ascribed 
to Antichrist 1 . The passage is as follows: 

fK 6 Se/Sao-rqi/toi/ 2 rjgfi BeXiap /ueroTTto-tfev 
Kal (TTija'ei, 6pf<av v^fogj OTfjtrei 8e 6a\a(rcrav 
yjfXiov jrvpofvra peyav Xapirpdv re creXijvrjv, 
KOI veitvas <mj<rci /cat cr7/zara TroXXa Trotr/o-et 
dvdpanois ' 


Kai dvvafjus <p\oy6f(ro'a 6V otS/iaros e's yalav 
xat BeXi'ap <pXeei /cat vTTp<pid\ovs dvOpvirovs 
irdvraS) otroi TOVT& TT'LITTIV cvfTroiijo-avTo. 

Orac. Sib. iii. 63 ff. (ed. Rzach). 

With this passage should also be compared Orac. Sib. ii. 167 f. where 
it is stated that ' Beliar will come and do many signs to men' 

/cat BeXiap 


TroXXa 7roir)<rfi 

though here the originally Jewish origin of the passage is by no means 
so certain. 

In the same way it is impossible to lay too much stress in the present 
connexion on the speculations of Rabbinical theology regarding the person 
of Antichrist in view of the late date of our authorities 3 . But we may 
accept, as in the main reflecting the views of the Jews about the beginning 
of the Christian era, the general conception of a powerful ruler to be 
born of the tribe of Dan 4 and uniting in himself all enmity against God 
and hatred against God's people, but whom the Messiah will finally slay 
by the breath of His lips 6 . 

5. We can see how readily this idea would lend itself to the political 
and materialistic longings of the Jews, and it is only therefore what 
we should expect when we find our Lord, true to His spiritual ideals, 
saying nothing by which these expectations might be encouraged in the 

1 Cf. 4 Ezra v. 4 'et relucescet 
subito sol noctu, et luna interdie,' 
Asc. Isai. iv. 5 'et eius verbo orietur 
sol noctu, et luna quoque ut sexta 
hora appareat, efficiat.' For later 
Christian references to the wonders of 
Antichrist see Bousset The Antichrist 
Legend p. i75ff. 

2 This reference to the 2,epa<rTr)vol, 
by whom we naturally understand 
'the race of Augustus,' has caused 
difficulty in accepting this as a purely 
Jewish picture, but, unless it is to be 
regarded as a later interpolation 

(Schiirer 3 iii. p. 441, Engl. Tr. 11. iii. 
p. 284), it is probably to be under- 
stood of the inhabitants of Sebaste- 

3 None of these are earlier than the 
second century A.D. 

4 Support was lent to this view by 
such passages as Gen. xlix. 17, Deut. 
xxxiii. 22, Jer. viii. 16; cf. the omis- 
sion of Dan in Rev. vii. 5 ff., and see 
further Friedlander op. cit. c. ix Die 
Abstammung des Antichrist aus Dan. 

5 See Weber Jiid. Theologie p. 365. 


minds of His hearers, but contenting Himself with warning them against 
false teachers, the 'false Christs' and the 'false prophets' who would be 
ready 'to lead astray, if possible, even the elect' (Alt. xxiv. 24, Mk. xiii. 22). 
Even too, when in the same discourse He seems to refer to a single Anti- 
christ, the reference is veiled under the mysterious figure derived from 
Daniel of the 'abomination of desolation standing (eW^Kora) where he 
ought not' (Mk. xiii. 14; cf. Mt. xxiv. 15). A similar reticence marks His 
words as recorded by St John, if here again, as is most probable, He 
has Antichrist in view: 'I am come in my Father's name, and ye receive 
me not: if another shall come in his own name, him ye will receive' 
(v. 43)- 

6. Slight, however, though these references in our Lord's recorded Anti- 
teaching are, they would naturally direct the attention of the Apostolic christ m 
writers to the traditional material lying to their hands in their treat- Apostolic 
ment of this mysterious subject, and, as a matter of fact, we have clear writers. 
evidence of the use of such material in the writings of at least two 
of them. 

Thus, apart from his direct reference to the Jewish belief in Beliar St Paul 
in 2 Cor. vi. 15 ('And what concord hath Christ with Beliar?'), St Paul 
has given us in 2 Thess. ii. i 12 a very full description of the working 
of Antichrist, under the name of the Man of lawlessness, in which, as 
we have already seen (comm. ad loc.\ he draws freely on the language 
and imagery of the O.T. and of the speculations of later Judaism. It is 
unnecessary to recapitulate the evidence, but for the sake of completeness 
it may be well to summarize briefly the leading features in the Pauline 

(i) 'The mystery of lawlessness* is already at work, though for the 
moment it is held in check by a restraining person or power, probably 
to be identified with the power of law or government, especially as these 
were embodied at the time in the Roman State. (2) No sooner has 
this restraining power been removed (cf. 4 Ezra v. 4, Apoc. Bar. xxxix. 7) 
than a general 'apostasy' results, which finds its consummation in the 
'revelation' of 'the Man of lawlessness.' (3) As 'the opposer' he 'ex- 
alteth himself against all that is called God' (cf. Dan. xi. 36 f.) and actually 
'sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth as God' the de- 
scription being again modelled on the Danielic account (cf. Dan. viii. 13, 
ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. n), and the 'lying wonders' by which his working is 
distinguished being illustrated by such passages as Orac. Sib. iii. 64 f., 
Asc. Isai. iv. 5 (see above). (4) Powerful as this incarnation of wicked- 
ness seems to be, the Lord Jesus at His Parousia will 'slay him with 
the breath of His mouth,' the words being a quotation from Isa. xi. 4, 
a passage which the Targum of Jonathan afterwards applied to the de- 
struction of Armilus the Jewish Antichrist 1 , and whose use here St Paul 

1 For Armilus (DI^DIK) i.e. Romu- Tr. n. ii. p. 165); cf. Bousset The 

lus, as the name of the chief adversary Antichrist Legend p. 105, Castelli II 

of the people of Israel, in later Rab- Messia secondo gli Ebrei (1874) P- 

binism see Schiirer 3 ii. p. 533 (Engl. 239 ff. 

II 2 


may well have drawn from the Jewish tradition of his time (cf. the use of 
the same passage in Pss. Sol. xvii. 27, 39, 4 Ezra xiii. 10). 

The whole description, it will thus be seen, is of a very composite 
character 1 , though at the same time it is so definite and detailed 2 , that it is 
hardly to be wondered at that there has been a constant endeavour to find 
its suggestion in some historical personage of the writer's own time 3 . But 
though the sacrilegious conduct of Caligula (Jos. Antt. xviii. 261 (viii. 2), 
Tac. Hist. v. 9, Suet. Calig. xxii. 33) may have influenced the writer's 
language in v. 4, the real roots of the conception lie elsewhere, and it is 
rather, as we have seen, in the O.T. and in current Jewish traditions 
that its explanation is to be sought 4 . 

7. The same may be said, in part at least, of the various evil powers 
which meet us in the Johannine Apocalypse. The first wild Beast of the 
Seer (Rev. xiii. xx.) vividly recalls the horned wild Beast of Dan. vii., viii., 
and the parallels that can be drawn between the language of St John and 
of St Paul (cf. Rev. xii. 9, xiii. i f. with 2 Thess. ii. 9 f.; xiii. 5 ff., xiv. 1 1 
with ii. 4, 10 12; xiii. 3 with ii. gS.) point to similar sources as lying at 
the roots of both. On the other hand the Johannine descriptions have 
now a direct connexion with contemporary secular history which was largely 
wanting in the earlier picture. This is seen noticeably in the changed 
attitude towards the power of Rome. So far from this being regarded 
any longer as a restraining influence, it is rather the source from which 
evil is to spring 5 . And we can understand therefore how the city of Rome 
and its imperial house supply St John with many of the characteristics 
under which he describes the working of Antichrist, until at length he 
sees all the powers of evil culminate in the Beast of c. xvii., who, according 
to the interpretation of Bousset (adopted by James in Hastings' D.B.\ 
is partly representative of an individual who 'was, and is not, and shall 
be present' (c. 8 ^v KOI OVK eorni/ KCU Trapeorcu), that is a Nero redivivus ; 
partly of a polity, namely that of Rome. 

1 ' The avcytos-expectation of 2 Thes- Handcommentar n. i. p. 30 f.) ; see 
salonians is not the arbitrary inven- further Add. Note J. 

tion of an individual, but only the 4 'We have here a Jewish-Christian 

expression of a belief which had a dogma, which is to be understood by 

long historical development, and was means of the history of religious re- 

at the time universally diffused' flexion, and very indirectly by means 

(Gunkel Schopfung u. Chaos p. 221). of the history of the Caesars' (Gunkel 

2 'There is scarcely a more matter- Schopfung u. Chaos p. 223). 

of- fact prediction in the Bible' (Find- 5 For the effect of the imperial per- 

lay Thessalonians p. 219). The whole secutions, initiated by Nero in A.D. 64, 

Appendix on 'The Man of Lawless- in leading St John to regard their 

ness ' is a clear and well-balanced authors as the direct vassals of Satan, 

statement on this difficult subject, see Swete Apoc. p. Ixxviii ff. The 

to which the present writer gladly whole of this interesting section Anti- 

acknowledges his indebtedness both christ in the Province of Asia' should 

in this and the following Note. be studied in connexion with the sub- 

3 E.g. Caligula (Spitta Urchristen- ject of this Note. 
turn i. p. 294 ff,), Nero (Schmiedel 


8. There remain only the references in the Johannine Epistles to The 
which, it will be remembered, we owe the name of Antichrist. In these, E P ist ^ es 
conformably to the writer's main object, the spiritual side of the con- 
ception is again predominant. Thus, after indicating some of the main 
elements in Christian Truth, St John passes in I. ii. 18 to the conflict into 
which at 'a last hour' Truth will be brought with Falsehood, and in token 
of this points to the decisive sign by which this crisis will be known, 
namely, the coming of 'Antichrist,' the absence of the article in the 
original showing that the word has already come to be used as a technical 
proper name. Nor does 'Antichrist' stand alone. Rather he is to be 
regarded as 'the personification of the principle shown in different anti- 
christs' (Westcott adloc.\ who, by their denial that 'Jesus is the Christ,' 
deny in like manner the revelation of God as Father (ii. 22), and, con- 
sequently, the true union between God and man (iv. 3). 

It is, therefore, into a very different atmosphere that we are intro- Present 
duced after the strange symbolism of the Apocalypse, and the scenic si 8 ni - 
re presentation of the Pauline description. And one likes to think that Anti- 
the last word of Revelation on this mysterious topic is one which leaves christ. 
it open to every one to apply to the spiritual workings of evil in his own 
heart, and in the world around him, a truth which has played so large 
a part in the history of God's people in the past, and which may still 
pass through many varying and progressive applications, before it reaches 
its final fulfilment in the 'dispensation of the fulness of the times' 
(Eph. i. 10). 


On the interpretation of 2 Thess. ii. I 12. 

of the 

i. The 






8 rbv per ^repov TWV axpwv Kal f3t\Ti<TTOV vlov avayopeije<T0ai TOV Qeov dia. 
T v ^e roirnp /card SiafteTpov tvavrLov vlbv TOV Trovrjpov daipovos Kal 
Sarava Kal 8ia[36\ov. 

Orig. c. Gels. vi. 45 (ed. Koetschau n. 116). 

There are few passages in the N.T. for which more varied interpretations 
have been proposed than for 2 Thess. ii. i 12. It is impossible to attempt 
to give a full account of these here 1 . But it may be well at least to 
indicate the main lines along which the exegesis of the passage has run. In 
doing so we shall follow as far as possible the historical order, for, though 
the different schools of interpreters cannot be rigidly distinguished according 
to periods of time, there have been on the whole certain clearly marked 
cycles in the method of interpretation applied to this difficult and mysterious 

i. The Ante-Nicene Church. 

In the Early Church the ecclesiastical writers, amidst considerable 
differences in detail, agreed in regarding the whole passage as a prophecy 
which, at the time when they wrote, was still unfulfilled. Rightly inter- 
preting the Parousia as the personal Return of the Lord for the Last 
Judgment, they saw in the Man of lawlessness an equally definite personality, 
who was to be manifested at the close of the world's history, but who for the 
time being was held in check by a restraining influence, generally identified, 
from the time of Tertullian 2 onwards, with the power of the Roman Empire. 

1 Special excursuses are devoted to 
the passage in most of the commen- 
taries: see especially those of Liine- 
mann, Bornemann and Wohlenberg 
among the German expositors, and 
of Eadie, Gloag, and Findlay among 
the English. The article on 'Anti- 
christ ' by Bev. F. Meyrick in Smith's 
D.B. contains many interesting details. 
Cf. also Dollinger The First Age of 
Christianity (tr. by Oxenham, 4th ed. 
1906) Appendix i., and W. Bousset 
The Antichrist Legend (Eng. Tr. by 
Keane, London, 1896), where the 

patristic evidence is given very fully. 
E.Wadstein has collected much curious 
material in his essay on Die escha- 
tologische Ideengruppe : Antichrist- 
Weltsabbat-Weltende und Weltgericht 
(Leipzig, 1896) p. 81 ff., and for the 
conceptions of Antichrist from the 
xvth to the xxth century see H. Preuss 
Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im 
spdteren Mittelalter, bei Luther, und 
in der Konfessionellen Polemik (Leip- 
zig, 1906). 

2 De Eesurr. c. 24 'quis nisi Bo- 
manus status? ' Elsewhere Tertullian 


Of this line of interpretation we find traces already in the Didache xvi., Early 
and in Justin Martyr Dial no, and it is clearly enunciated by Irenaeus 
who presents a vivid picture of a personal Antichrist 'diabolicam apostasiam 
in se recapitulans,' and 'seducens eos qui adorant eum, quasi ipse sit 
Christus' (adv. Haer. v. 25. i). Elsewhere (v. 30. 2) he ascribes to Anti- 
christ a Jewish origin, tracing his descent, in accordance with O.T. 
prophecy (Jer. viii. 16), to the tribe of Dan a view that was shared by 
Hippolytus (de Antichristo c. I4) 1 . Origen is equally definite in looking for 
a single being, viov TOV Trovijpov $aip.ovos KOI "Sarava KOL Sia/3oAoi>, who is to be 
opposed Kara dtafjifrpov to the Christ (c. Celsum vi. 45 f. ed. Koetschau n. 
1156.), and similarly Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of Antichrist as Satan's 
* organ,' who will take his place in the Temple of Jerusalem, when not one 
stone of the old building has been left standing upon another, and adds the 
pious wish that he himself may be spared from seeing the horrors of that 
day (Catech. xv. 7). 

The Latin commentators follow on much the same lines 2 . By The Latin 
'Ambrosiaster' the Antichrist is not named, but, arising out of the circum- commen- 
cision he is to kill the saints and restore liberty to Rome. The working of a 
this mystery of iniquity had already begun with Nero, who had killed 
the Apostles, and from him it had passed on to Diocletian and Julian. 
'Ambrosiaster' appears to identify o avopos with the devil. 

Pelagius says pointedly 'Nisi Antichristus uenerit, non ueniet Christus,' 
and then goes on to describe how the 'homo peccati' ('diaboli scilicet') will 
attempt to revive the Temple and its worship with the view of persuading 
the Jews to accept him 'pro Christo 3 .' For this the false doctrines already 
at work were preparing the way: the only restraining influence was the 
'regnum, quod nunc tenet.' 

Differences in this general view were naturally caused, according as TO 
fis dvofjiias was found in the political or in the religious sphere 4 : 

says that Christians should pray for et sacramenta culturae diuinae corri- 

the Emperor, because ' clausulam sae- gere uel augere se dicet, et templum 

culi acerbitates horrendas comminan- Hierusolymae restaurare temptabit 

tern Romani imperil commeatu scirnus omnesque legis caerimonias reparare 

retardari ' (Apol. c. 32). tantum ut ueritatis Christi euangelium 

1 Cf. c. 6, ev irepiTo/ 6 SWTTJ/J $\6ei> soluat, quae res ludaeos eum pro 
els TOV Kba^ov, KO! aurds [i.e. the Anti- Christo suscipere persuadebit, in suo, 
christ] 6/j.olws eXetfo-ercu. Elsewhere non in dei, nomine uenientem.' 

(c. 15) Hippolytus describes the Anti- 4 In Chrysostom we find again the 

christ as rvpawos /ecu /SaaiXetfs, /C/)ITT?S attempt to associate Nero with Anti- 

deivds, vibs TOV 5ia/36Xov. christ : Nep&va 4vTav0d <$>-r\<nv uvavel 

2 For 'Ambrosiaster' and Pelagius TTJTTOV ovra TOV di>TLXpi<rTov...Kai 
see the List of Commentaries. elire, TO ^varfjpiov' TOVT&TIV, 

3 The passage may be given in full ws <fret'os, ovdt a.irripvdpia.<T[jitvus (Horn. 
according to the correct reading of the iv. in II. ad Thess.). Theodoret, on the 
Karlsruhe MS., kindly supplied by Prof. other hand, thinks that the Apostle 
Souter; in this short extract it differs has in view the heresies that were 
in nine places from the text of the beginning to spring up (rds dva0ue/<ras 
Pseudo-Jerome in Migne : ' Supra omni- cup&rets) within the Church itself. 
potentiam et aeternitatem se iactabit According to Ephrem Syrus (Comm. in 

1 68 


while it is further significant to notice, in view of later developments, that, 
according to the testimony of Augustine 1 , there were already some who, 
despairing apparently of finding a consistent literal interpretation for the 
different details, had come to apply it in a general way to all forms of evil 
as they arose in the Church. 

ii. The 







First hints 
of the 
of a Papal 

ment of 

ii. The Middle Ages. 

During the earlier portion of the Middle Ages this prophetic interpreta- 
tion of the passage as an inspired description of what was actually to happen 
in the great Day of the Lord continued to prevail, not however without such 
modifications as were required by the changing relations between Church 
and State, and the divisions that were arising within the Church itself. 
Already too there were increasing signs of the tendency, afterwards to 
become so marked, to find at least partial fulfilments of the prophecy in 
contemporary historical events. 

Thus in the Eastern Church, struggling for bare existence against the 
forces of Islamism, Muhammad was readily identified with Antichrist, while 
in the Western Church the arrogant pretensions of some of the Church's 
own rulers had already begun to lead to whispers of the possibility of 
a Papal Antichrist. It is a curious fact indeed that the first traces of such 
a view seem actually to have come from an occupant of the Papal See itself, 
when, towards the close of the sixth century, Gregory I., in denouncing the 
claims of the contemporary Byzantine patriarch, went the length of saying 
that whoever arrogates to himself the title of 'universal priest' is a pre- 
cursor of Antichrist and described the title as 'erroris nomen, stultum 
ac superbum vocabulum, perversum, nefandum, scelestum vocabulum, 
nomen blasphemiae 2 .' Four centuries later Arnulph, Bishop of Orleans, 
declared much to the same effect at the Council of Rheims(A.D. 991) that if 
the Roman Pontiff was destitute of charity, and puffed up with knowledge, 
he was Antichrist. It was only therefore giving statements such as these a 
general application when in the twelfth century Joachim of Floris in his 
Enchiridion in Apocalypsim began to trace a correspondence between the 
warnings of the Apocalypse and the evils of his time a mode of interpre- 
tation which another Franciscan, John Oliva, followed up by asserting that 
in the opinion of some Antichrist would be a 'pseudo-papa 3 .' 

When such hints were thrown out within the Church itself, one can 
readily understand that they were eagerly laid hold of by all who, on grounds 

Ep. Pauli, Venice 1893, p. 193) Anti- 
christ is to be a circumcised Jew of 
the tribe of Judah ('ex ipso populo et 
ex tribu Judae, neque in praeputio, sed 
in circumcisione ') who, imitating the 
coming of the Lord, is to take his 
place in the Church itself, but who for 
the time being is ' restrained ' by the 
Jewish Temple-worship and afterwards 
by the preaching of the Apostles (see 
further Wohlenberg, p. 194 f.). 

1 De Civ. Dei xx. 19 'alii...non 
putant dictum, nisi de malis et fictis, 
qui sunt in Ecclesia.' Augustine him- 
self despaired apparently of finding a 
correct interpretation for the passage : 
' Ego prorsus quid dixerit, me fateor 
ignorare' (ut s.). 

2 Ep. xxxiii. lib. vii. p. 891, Opera 
in. Migne. 

3 See Swete Apoc. p. ccviii f. 


of liberty or morality, found themselves obliged to oppose the Roman this view 
hierarchy, and that the identification of the Papacy with Antichrist amongst 
gradually became a commonplace amongst the sects. At first apparently of^^ en 
it was only an individual that was thought of, but from this the transition jjier- 
was easy to a succession of individuals or a polity, as when Wycliffe asserted archy. 
of the Pope generally that he did not seem to be 'the vicar of Christ, 
but the vicar of Antichrist 1 ,' and in the last year of his life (1384) wrote a 
treatise De Christo et suo adversaria Antichristo, in which he identified 
the Pope with Antichrist for twelve reasons, many of these being applicable 
to the Pope as such. 

iii. Tlie Reformed Church. 

The reference of Antichrist to the Papal Hierarchy "continued to be the iii. The 
prevailing view of the Reformers. And such stress was laid on it by Reformed 
Luther in the great controversial writings of 1 520 and succeeding years 2 that ^ hurc ^: 
it found a place in the Articles of Smalkald which, under his influence, were v j ew 
adopted in 1537 by a number of evangelical theologians as their rule of Papacy = 
faith 3 . In England both Houses of Convocation decreed in 1606 that Anti- 
'if any man shall affirm that the intolerable pride of the Bishop of Rome, clmst * 
for the time still being, ... doth not argue him plainly to be the Man of Sin, 
mentioned by the Apostle, he doth greatly err 4 .' And a few years later the 
Translators of our A.V. complimented King James for having by means of 
his tractate Apologia pro Juramento Fidelitatis 'given such a blow to that 
man of sin, as will not be healed.' A section of the Westminster Confession 
of Faith is devoted to defending the same view. And, with a few honourable 
exceptions, the equation ' the Pope, or the Papacy, is Antichrist ' may be 
said to have been the prevailing view of Protestant exegetes for a period of 
.about two hundred years 5 . 

1 Dial. 31. 73 'videtur papam non praeclare ostendit, papam esse ipsum 
esse Christi vicarium, sed vicarium verum Antichristum, qui supra et 
antichristi.' Elsewhere he goes the contra Christum sese extulit et evexit, 
length of saying that no man is better quandoquidem Christianos non vult 
fitted to be the vicar of Satan than the esse salvos sine sua potestate, quae 
Boman pontiff himself (' ut sit vicarius tamen nihil est, et a deo nee ordinata 
principalis Satanae et praecipuus anti- nee mandata est. Hoc proprie lo- 
christus ' de Blasphemia c. 3), and quendo est se efferre supra et contra 
characterizes his legates as 'a latere deum, sicut Paulus 2 Thess. ii. lo- 
antichristi.' quitur.' 

2 On nth Oct. 1520 Luther writes, 4 Cardwell Synodalia i. p. 379. 

' Jetzt bin ich um vieles freier, nach- 5 The position of Calvin (Comm. ad 

dem ich endlich gewiss geworden bin, loc.) is interesting. While agreeing in 

dass der Papst der Antichrist ist ' the general reference of Antichrist to 

(Briefwechsel, ed. Enders ii. 491), and the Papacy (' Quid, obsecro, est se 

to this conviction he clung to the end efferre supra omne quod numen repu- 

of his life; see Preuss op. cit. p. 145 ff. tatur, si hoc Papa non facit?'), he 

3 In the later authoritative Latin finds the restraining influence in the 
translation of these Articles the refer- limited diffusion of the Gospel. Not 
ence runs as follows : ' Haec doctrina till the Gospel was preached to the 


Rise of But not to dwell further on a system of interpretation which has nothing 

new to commend it except the ease with which it lends itself to partisan 

oTinter- Purposes 1 , it is of more importance to trace the rise of certain new methods 
pretation. of apocalyptic interpretation, which have powerfully affected the view taken 
of this passage in modern times. 

ideal view. 

iv. Modern Views. 

iv. Modern (i) Amongst these a prominent place must be given to the tendency to 
Views. regard the whole conception in a purely ideal manner. Unable to agree 
( i) The w ^ n a method of interpretation in which personal references and animosities 
played so large a part, the followers of this system understood the passage 
in a general or spiritual sense. The concrete individual traits of the Pauline 
picture were wholly ignored, or else treated simply as symbolic representa- 
tions of certain great principles always at work in the Church and the world. 
Of this tendency C. L. Nitzsch is a striking example 2 . In the Appendix 
to his Essays De Revelatione (1808), starting from the assumption that the 
Trapova-ia is a 'factum ideale,' not to be looked for at any definite time 
or place, but whenever and wherever faith needs to be strengthened, he 
goes on to say that, as regards the Man of lawlessness, no such man ever 
has existed or apparently will exist ('nusquam quisquam fuit nee in 
posterum futurus esse videtur'). St Paul, that is to say, in his whole re- 
presentation was influenced by subjective considerations, and without any 
regard to the historic truthfulness of his picture desired only the edifica- 
tion of his readers. 

Others who followed in this direction, without perhaps going the same 
length, or losing sight so entirely of objective realities, were such expositors 
as Pelt in Germany, who lays down as a preliminary condition to his whole 
discussion that St Paul was looking for no visible Return of Christ 3 , and 
Jowett in England, who for a guide to the Apostle's meaning in this 
particular passage lays stress on his 'habitual thought' as revealed in such 
passages as Col. ii. 8, 16, or the spiritual combat of Horn. vii. 


whole world, would the Man of Sin be 
manifested (' Haec igitur dilatio erat, 
donee completus esset Evangelii cur- 
sus: quia gratuita ad salutem invitatio 
ordine prior erat '). 

1 It is hardly to be wondered at that 
many Eomanist scholars (e.g. Estius 
^1613) should adopt the methods of 
their opponents, and retaliate by as- 
serting that the Pauline apostacy was 
rather to be found in defection from 
Borne, and that consequently Luther 
and his followers were the real Anti- 
christ. At the same time it is right 
to notice that to the Jesuit scholars 
Ribeira (fi6oi) and Alcasar (fr6i3) 
belongs the credit of inaugurating 

more scientific methods in the inter- 
pretation of the Apocalypse : see Swete 
Apoc. p. ccix f. 

2 On Nitzsch's position see especi- 
ally Bornemann p. 428 ff. 

3 P. 185 '...tenentes, ilium Christ! 
adventum a Paulo non visibilem habi- 
tum.' De Wette is even more explicit 
in declaring that ' whoever finds more 
than a subjective outlook of the Apostle 
into the future of the Christian Church 
from his own historical position falls 
into error, 3 and that to expect any 
actual embodiment of Satan is 'con- 
trary alike to the reflective under- 
standing and the pious feeling*' 


The practical advantages of this view are at once apparent. The 
prophecy is made universally applicable, and lessons can be drawn from it 
for all succeeding generations of readers, whatever the special circumstances 
in which they find themselves. But this result is only reached by depriving 
the very literal and precise statements of the passage of all definite 
meaning, and consequently we are not surprised to find that a large 
and influential body of English expositors, while applying the truths of the 
prophecy continuously throughout the whole course of the world's history 
lay stress at the same time on their final and complete embodiment at the English 
end of the days. Amongst supporters of this view it is sufficient to expositors, 
mention such names as Alford, Ellicott, Eadie, Alexander, Dods, and most 
recently Findlay, according to whom, 'The ideal Antichrist conceived 
by Scripture, when actualized, will mould himself upon the lines of the 
Antichrists whose career the Church has already witnessed' (p. 231). But 
however true this may be as an application of the Apostle's words, it 
contributes little or nothing to their interpretation 1 , or to the exact 
meaning they must have conveyed to their first writer or readers. So far 
from their conceiving an 'ideal' Antichrist, 'there is scarcely,' in Findlay's 
own words already quoted elsewhere (p. 164), 'a more matter-of-fact 
prediction in the Bible.' And it is not until the expositor has succeeded 
in forming some idea of the genesis and reference of its varied details, that 
he can hope to apply with any degree of success the underlying law or 
principle to present-day needs. It is only therefore in keeping with the 
growth of the historical spirit that alongside of this more subjective school 
of criticism, there should have been a determined attempt to find the real 
key to the passage in the historical circumstances of the time when it was 

For the rise of this method of interpretation, which is generally known (2) The 
as the praeterist or historical to distinguish it from the futurist or historical 
predictive method, we can go back as far as Grotius who in his Annotationes f} e gj n _ 
(Paris, 1644), starting from the untenable position that the Epistles were nings of 
written in the second year of Caligula, found the fulfilment of the passage in this view, 
that Emperor's desire to set up a statue of himself in Jerusalem (Jos. Antt. 
xviii. 261 (viii. 2), cp. Suet. Calig. xxii. 33), the restraining power being the 
proconsul Vitellius, 'vir apud Judaeos gratiosus et magnis exercitibus 
imperans,' and the ai/o/zos, who was wrongly dissdciated from the Man of 
lawlessness himself, Simon Magus. Wetsteiu on the other hand identified 
the Man of lawlessness with Titus, on the ground that his army brought 
their standards into the Temple, offered sacrifices to them, and proclaimed 
the Emperor as avTOKpdrup (Jos. B.J. vi. 6. i), while Dollinger preferred to 
think of the youthful Nero, restrained by the efforts of the dull Claudius. 

Apart too from these distinctive references to the Imperial House Varieties 
another important band of scholars sought the apostasy referred to rather in its ap. 
in the revolt of the Jews from the Roman yoke the restraining power p lca lon * 
being found either in their leaders who were against the revolt (Le Clerc), 
or in the prayers of the Christians who warded off for a time the destruction 

1 For some good remarks on the two very different things see Denney 
difficulty caused by confusing these Thess. p. 31 7 f. 


of Jerusalem (Schottgen), or, if an individual had to be sought, in the 
influence of such a man as James the Just (Wieseler). 

It soon became obvious indeed that this system lent itself to almost end- 
less modifications and combinations in accordance with the predilections of 
its supporters. And we can understand therefore the relief with which in 
the beginning of last century an application of it was hailed, which for 
a time seemed to command widespread assent. 

The Nero Its author was Kern 1 who, starting with the postulate that the whole 
Eedivivus p assa <r e was written under the influence of the Apocalypse, found the Man 
of lawlessness in the widespread belief in Nero Redivivus, the restraining 
power in Vespasian and his son Titus, and the apostasy in the wickedness of 
the Jews in their war against the Romans. This line of interpretation was 
adopted by Baur 2 , Weizsacker 3 , Holtzmann 4 , and Schmiedel 5 , to mention 
only a few representative names. But apart from the consideration that, if 
accepted, it would be fatal to the authenticity of the Epistle, in which we 
have already found good reason for believing (Intr. p. Ixxvi ff.), it is wrecked 
on the fact that the napovo-ia referred to by St Paul cannot be understood 
of the period of the destruction of Jerusalem, as the theory requires, but 
only of the second and personal coining of the Lord Jesus Himself. On this 
the evidence of the Epistles is quite decisive. And in view of it it is 
unnecessary to spend time in showing that, even were it otherwise, the 
precise traits of the Pauline picture are not fulfilled in Caligula, Nero 6 , or 
- any other Emperor of the period, though we must not lose sight of the fact 
that some of the actions of the first-named may have influenced the 
Apostle's language 7 . 

The real roots of his delineation are however, as we have already 
had occasion to notice, to be sought elsewhere. And it is one of the great 
services of what may be known as the traditional view to have drawn 

(3) The 

1 Tiibinger Zeitschrift filr Theologie 
ii. 1839, p. 145 ff. 

2 Theol. Jahrbiicher xiv. 1855, p. 
141 ff., translated as Appendix in. to 
the Engl. ed. of Paul, His Life and 
Work* (Lond. 18735). 

8 Das apost. Zeitalter p. 521, Engl. 
Tr. ii. p. 193 f. ' It is impossible that 
anything else can have been meant 
than the Neronic Antichrist, who at 
present is delayed by the living Em- 
peror, and who in his own time will 
be supported by the deceit of false 
prophecy (cf. Rev. xiii).' 

4 EinL* p. 217 'Zur Conception 
eines Bildes wie Apoc. 13... hat Nero 

5 Hand. Comm. zu 2 Thess. ii. i 12 
' Nur die zeitgeschichtliche Deutung 
hat wissenschaftliches Recht.' 

6 So strong an opponent of the 

Epistle's authenticity as Wrede says 
pointedly, 'Die Deutung der Stelle 
auf Nerd ist jedenfalls griindlich er- 
schuttert' (Echtheit p. i). Similarly 
Pfleiderer (Urchristentum 2 p. 97 f., 
Engl. Tr. i. p. 138 f.) while postulating 
the close affinity of the Pauline repre- 
sentations with Rev. xiii., xvii., xix., 
xx., admits that ' the distinctive 
features which in the Johannine 
apocalypse point to the legend of the 
return of Nero are completely wanting 
in 2 Thess.' 

7 For the relation of the Pauline 
picture to Caligula see Klopper Der 
zioeite Brief an die Thess. p. 53, and 
cf. Spitta Urchristentum i. p. 148 
' Es handelt sich hier eben um die 
Anwendung der Caligula-Apokalypse 
auf eine neue Zeit.' 


attention afresh to how largely the whole delineation grew out of the Jewish 
experiences of the Apostle. For not only did the uncompromising hostility 
of his Jewish fellow-countrymen suggest to St Paul the source whence the 
crowning development of evil was to manifest itself (see pp. xxviii, xxxi f.), 
but he was led to fall back on O.T. prophecy and current Jewish Apocalyptic 
for the actual details which he worked up into his dread picture. 

This line of interpretation is by no means new. From the earliest times 
the dependence of many traits in the Pauline Antichrist upon the godless 
king in Daniel have been clearly recognized. But it is only in more recent 
years that increasing knowledge of the sources has made it possible to trace 
systematically the Jewish tradition lying at the base of the N.T. passage. 
According to Bousset (Encyc. Bibl. col. 179) the credit of breaking fresh 
ground in this direction belongs to Schneckenburger l . And now Bousset Possible 
himself has endeavoured to carry the tradition still further back, and relation to 
to find in the Antichrist legend 'a later anthropomorphic transformation' 
of the old Babylonian Dragon myth, which he regards as ' one of the 
earliest evolved by primitive man 2 .' The data on which this theory is built 
up are too uncertain to make it more than a very plausible conjecture 
(cf. p. 1 59), nor, after all, even if it were more fully established, would it 
have any direct bearing on our inquiry, for certainly all thought of any 
such mythical origin of the current imagery was wholly absent from 
St Paul's mind 3 . In the meantime, then, we must be content with re- General 
emphasizing that it is to the Jewish apocryphal and pseudepigraphic conclu- 
writings, and especially to the prophetical books of the Greek O.T., and sion - 
the eschatological teaching of Jesus, that we must principally look for light 
on the outward features of the Pauline representation. 

1 See the survey of his writings by 2 The Antichrist Legend p. 13 &. 
Bohmer in the Jahrbucher fur Deutsche 3 Cf. Preuschen Z.N.T.W. ii. p. 
Theologie iv. (1859) p. 405 ff. 169 n. 1 . 



Achaia, xlv, n 

Acts of Apostles, parallels with, xlii 
Agrapha of our Lord, 39, 66, 77, 115 
Amanuensis, St Paul's employment of 

an, xc f., 124 ff. 
Analysis of the Epistles: i These., 2; 

2 Thess., 84 
Angels, Ixx, 45, 89 
Antichrist, Biblical doctrine of, 158 ff.; 

views regarding, at different periods 

in the history of the Church, 166 ff. 
Aorist: of inception, 17; expressing 

immediate past, 32 
Apostle, title of, 21 
Armilus, 163 
Article: emphatic, 13, 49, 105, 112; 

demonstrative, 81, 117; absence of 

the, 4 , 14, 48, 51, 64, 75, 94 
Authenticity of the Epistles: i Thess., 

Ixxii ff. ; 2 Thess., Ixxvi ff. 

Benediction, 81 

Brother, xliv, 8; brotherly-love, 52 f. 

Cabiri, xlvi 

Call, the Divine, 26, 51, 79, 93 

Chiasmus, 67 

Christ, the title of, 136; the doctrine 

of, Ixvi ff. 

Church, St Paul's use of the term, 4 
Church-life in Thessalonica, xlvi ff., 

71 ff. 

Commentaries on the Epistles, cii ff. 
Compound- verbs, St Paul's love for, liii, 

~ 4 
Conversion, 13 

Crown, 35 

Date of the Epistles, xxxv ff. 

Day of the Lord, 64 

Death: of Christ, 57, 69 f.; of believers, 

55 ff- 

Destruction, eternal, 91 
Dichotomy and trichotomy, 78 f. 
Divinity of our Lord emphasized, Ixvi f. 

Election, 8, 106 

Emphasis in the N. T., Mi 

Epistolary formulae, 129 


Eschatology, Ixix ff. 
Ethical teaching, Ixxi 

Faith, 6 ; and works, 6, 94 ; and love, 

40, 68 
Friends, St Paul's Thessalonian, 133 f. 

Gentiles, 31, 49 

Glory, 27 

God, doctrine of, Ixiv ff. 

Gospel, the Apostolic, Ixv, 8 f., 17 ff. ; 

see also p. 141 ff. 
Grace, 4, 81 
Greeting, Apostolic form of, 4 f. 

Heart, 19 

Heathen- world : its immorality, 48 ff. ; 

its hopelessness, 56 
Heavens, the, 14 f. 
Hellenism, St Paul and, Iv, Ivii 
Hope, 7 

Impurity, 48 ff. 

Infinitive : consecutive with u)<rre, 1 1 ; 

explanatory, 17; articular, 38, 47; 

with 7r/)6s TO, 24; with ei's TO, 26, 31, 

4*, 53 
Inscriptions, Greek, use made of, 

viii f . ; see Index III. i (a) 
Integrity : of i Thess., Ixxvi ; of 

2 Thess., Ixxxviii f. 

Jesus, the name of, 135; the words 

of, lix ff. ; Jesus and Paul, Ixii 
Jews, opposition of, to St Paul, 

xxviii f., xxxi f.; condemnation of, 

29 ff. 

Joy, 10, 74 f. 
Judaea, 29 
Judaistic literature, use made of, ix ; 

see Index III. 2 
Judge, Christ as, Ixvii 
Judgment, the Last, 88 ff. 

Kingdom, xxviii f., 27 
Kiss, 80 

Letter-writer, St Paul as a, xxxiv, 
xliff., 121 ff. 



Life with Christ, Ixviii f., Ixx .,62, 70 
Lord, the name of, Ixvii, 1 36 ff . ; the 

word of the, 12, 58, 109 
Love, 7 

Macedonia, xlv, u 

Man of lawlessness, 98 ff. 

Manual labour, xlvii, 54, 114 f. 

Manuscripts, Greek, of the Epistles, 
xciii ff. 

Meiosis, 30, no, 114 

Metaphors derived from the way, 13, 
26, 43; the athletic ground, 17, 71, 
109; the home, 21 f., 25, 33; build- 
ing, 37, 70; warfare, 68; inversion 
of metaphors, 22, 66 

Michael, 60 

Morals, lessons in Christian, 45 ff. 

Muhammad and Antichrist, 168 

'Name,' significance of, 94, 113 
Nero redivivus, Ixxxvii, 172 

Old Testament, Greek, relation of 

language to, liv, Iviii f. 
Order of the Epistles, xxxix 

Papacy and Antichrist, i68f. 
Papyrus, manufacture of, 122 f . ; 

examples of papyrus-letters, 127 ff. 
Papyri, Greek, use made of, viii f . ; see 

Index III. i (6) 
Parousia of Christ, Ixix f., 591!.; of 

Antichrist, 98 ff. 
Participle: present part, with art., n, 

15, 26, 39, 79; with 01), 19; for the 

ind., 25 
Patristic authorities for the text, 

xcix ff. 

Paul as a man, xliii f . ; as a mis- 
sionary, xlivff. ; 'I Paul,' 34, 39 
Peace, 4 , 77 
Persecution at Thessalonica, xxxii, 10, 


Philippians, Epistle to the, coin- 
cidences with, liii 

Place of writing of the Epistles, xxxv, 

Plays on words, 19, 54, no, 115 

Plural, epistolary, 131 f. 

Prayer : instances of, in the Epistles, 
Ixv ; addressed to Christ, Ixvi ; the 
duty of, 75 

Prepositions, uses of, in late Greek, 
12, 20, 38, 62, 95, 109 

Prophesyings, 76 

Quotations in Pauline Epistles, 126 

Rabbinical literature cited, 35, 49, 54, 

77, 88, 115 
Readings, some variant, discussed, 5, 

10, 21, 30, 37, 38, 45, 51, 66, 85, 
90, 92, 103, 105, 106, 113 

Resurrection of Jesus, 15, 57; of be- 
lievers, 60 

Retaliation forbidden, 74 

Rhythm, supposed, in Pauline Epp., Ivi 

Roman Empire as the restraining 
power, Ixx, Ixxxviii, 101 

Salvation, 69 

Satan, 34 f., 39, in 

Sayings of Jesus, reminiscences of, 

Signature, authenticating, xcii, 129 f., 

and see Index IV. s.v. ypd<j>b) 
Silvanus, 3 

Sleep, figurative use of, 55 ff. 
Son, Christ as, Ixvi 
Soteriology, Ixviii f. 
Spirit: doctrine of the Holy Spirit, 

Ixviii; spiritual gifts, 75 f., 96; spirit 

of man, 78 
Structure, general, of the Epistles, 

xlviii ff. 
Studies, special, on the Epistles, 

cviii f . 
Style of the Epistles, Ivi f. 

Text, Greek, adopted, vii f. ; authorities 

for, xciii ff. 
Thanksgiving : the Apostolic, 5, 27, 

41, 86, 1 06; the duty of, 75 
Thessalonica, the city of, xxi ff . ; St 

Paul's connexion with, xxvi ff. ; 

general character of Church of, 

xlvi ff. 
Timothy, 3 f., 37; as supposed author 

of 2 Thess., Ixxxix ff. 
Title of the Epistles, 3 
Tradition, 107 f. 
Truth and falsehood, 104 f. 
Type, n 

Verse -divisions, unusual, in the WH. 
text, 6, 20, 25 

Versions, ancient, of the Epistles, 
xcvi ff . 

Versions, renderings from various : early 
English, 9, 10, 12, 14, 20, 33 f., 50, 55, 
73, 86; A.V. of 1611, 13, 64; German, 
32, 50, 78, 107, no, 115; Latin, 6, 
7, 12, 17, 22, 28, 40, 41, 42, 55, 68, 
73, 78, 86, 107, 115 

Vocabulary of the Epistles, lii ff. ; of 
2 Thess., Ixxix f. 

Will of God, 48 

Women, position of, in Macedonia, 

Wrath, Divine, 15 

Zoroastrianism, Ixxi 


The main object of this Index is to supplement the lists of authorities in the 
Table of Abbreviations and in the Introduction vn and vm. As a rule, there- 
fore, no references are given to the grammatical, lexical, and textual works 
that are there described, or to the commentators on the Epistles, though 
occasionally, in the case of works most frequently cited, a general reference has 
been added for the sake of completeness. It should be noted further that the 
majority of references are to actual quotations, and not to mere citations of the 
authors specified. 

Abbot, Ezra, 122, 148 

Abbott, Edwin A., 13 and passim 

Abbott, G. F., xxi, xxv, 130 

Abbott, T. K., 51, 69 

Aeschylus, 14, 38, 56, 105, 145 

Antipater of The'ssalonica, xxi 

Antoninus, Marcus, 98, 115, 117 

Aristides, 25, 28, 99 

Aristophanes, 141 

Aristotle, xlvii, 19, 47, 76, 77 

Arnulph, 168 

Athanasius, 103 

Augustine, 21, 48, 55, 61, 62, 168 

Bacon, 43 

Bacon, B. W., xxxviii, xlii, Ixxxviii 

Bahnsen, Ixxviii 

Barnabas, 52, 86 

Bartlet, xxxvii, xliii 

Basil, in 

Baur, F. C., xxxix, Ixxiii ff., Ixxviii, 

Ixxxvi, 172 
Bechtel, 27 
Beet, J. A., 65 
Bevan, E., 160 
Bigg, xlvii, 104 
Birt, 123 f. 

Blass, viii, xxix, Ivi, 6 and passim 
Boehmer, see Schneckenburger 
Boklen, Ixxi 
Bousset, Ixii, Ixxi, Ixxxvii, 35, 158, 

159, 162, 163, 166, 173 
Briggs, Ixvii 
Brightman, 79 
Brooke, A. E., xciii 
Browning, K., 66, 88 
Bruce, A. B., Ixiv, Ixx 
Bruckner, xxxvi 
Burton, xxiii, 134 
Butcher, 63, 81 

Cameniata, xxiv, xxvi 

Carr, A., Iv 

Castelli, 163 

Catullus, 56 

Charles, E. H., ix, Ixxviii, Ixxxvii; 
and see Index III. 2 

Chase, 14, 15, in, 193 

Cheyne, 60, 161 

Chrysostom, xlvi, 57, 82, 134, 149 

Cicero, xxii, 16, 48, 56, 123 

Clemen, xxxi, xxxvi, xxxvii, Ixxvi, 

Clement of Alexandria, 68 

Clement of Borne, 9, 79, 117 ; Pseudo- 
Clement, 15 

Clementine Homilies, 39 

Clementine Recognitions, 59 

Colani, Ixvii 

Conybeare, F. C., 56, 80, and see 
Index IV. passim 

Cook, A. S., 143 

Cousinery, xxi 

Cromwell, 0., 20 

Cumont, F., Ixxi, 14, 193 

Curtius, E., Iv, 144 

Cyril of Jerusalem, 167 

Dalman, 27, 88, 136, 141 

Dante, 88 

Davidson, A. B., 64 

Davidson, S., Ixxviii 

Deissmann, viii, liii, Ivi, Ixix, 3, 4, 

62 and passim 
Delitzsch, F., xlvii 
Demetrius, 121 
Demosthenes, 16, 30, 108, 115, 116, 


Dick, K, 131 
Dieterich, A., 141 
Dimitsas, 134 

12 2 



Diodorus Siculus, 20, 31, 40, 145, 148 
Dion Cassius, 19, 54, 141 
Dion Chrysostom, 19 
Dion Halicarnassus, 97, 148 
Dobscbiitz, von, xlv, Iv 
Dollinger, 166 
Driver, 160 

Drummond, K. J., Ixii 
Duchesne and Bayet, xxi, xxiii, and 
see Index III. i (a). 

Edersheim, xlvii 

Ellicott, 33, 78, 116 

Ephrem Syrus, 167 

Epictetus, 17, 37, 40, 46 

Epiphanius, 149 

Epistle Vienne and Lyons, Ixxvii 

Erman and Krebs, 123 f. 

Euripides, 15, 50, 67, 87, 145 

Eusebius, 149 

Everling, Ixx, 39 

Ewald, xxxix, 147, 160 

Fabricius, 3 

Feine, Ixii, in 

Firmicus, xlvi 

Foat, 125 

Friedlander, L., 130 

Friedlander, M., 159, 161, 162 

Fritzsche, 22, 23, 40, 43 

Gardner, see Roberts 

Gardthausen, 123 f. 

Geldart, 32 

Gerhard, G. A., 129 

Gfrorer, Ixxxvii 

Gibbon, xxiv 

Gifford, 40 

Ginsburg, 158 

Goguel, Ixii 

Gorgias, 56 

Gregory, C. E., xcix 

Gregory of Nazianzen, 149 

Gregory of Nyssa, lii 

Gressmann, 64 

Grill, 14 

Gunkel, Ixxxvii, 158, 161, 164 

Harnack, xxxvi, xlv, Ixxviii, 8, u, 

21, 193 

Harris, Eendel, xxx, 13, 126 
Hart, ix, 64 
Hartung, 61 
Hatch, 23 and passim 
Hausrath, Ixxxix 
Hawkins, 32 
Heinrici, Ivii 
Heitmiiller, W., 113 
Hermas, Ixxiii, 72 
Herodotus, xxi, 21 
Heuzey and Daumet, xxi, and see 

Index III. i (a) 

Hicks, E. L., Iv, 31, 54, 192 

Hilgenfeld, Ixxviii, Ixxxvii 

Hippocrates, 113 

Hippolytus, 167 

Hollmann, Ixxxv 

Holtzmann, Ixvii, Ixix, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii, 


Homer, 38, 50, 61, 113, 141 
Horace, 20, 33, 48 
Hort, xxvii, xlviii, 4, 9, 21, 26, 42, 

63, 7i, 7 2 89, 193, 194 

Ignatius, Ixxiii, Ixxvii, 6, 67, 71, 112, 

144, 147 

Irenaeus, Ixxiii, Ixxvii, 99, 167 
Isidore of Pelusium, xlvi 
Isocrates, 153 

James, M. E., 158, and see Index 

III. 2 

Jannaris, 46 

Jebb, E. C., 23 

Jerome, xlvii, 12, 55, 64, 100 

Joachim, 168 

Josephus (ed. Niese), 20, 29, 77, 78, 

ipo, 122, 131, 133, 148, 164 
Jiilicher, xxxi, Ixii, \xxi, Ixxv, Ixxviii, 


Juncker, Ixvi 
Justin Martyr, xxix, Ixxvii, 66, 72,. 

144, 147 

Kabisch, 90 

Kaftan, Ixii 

Karabacek, 123 

Kautzsch, ix 

Keble, 142 

Kennedy, H. A. A., Ixix, Ixx, 27, 31, 

59, 91, 99, 126, 138 
Kenyon, F. G., 8, 122 ff., 156, and 

see Index III. i (b) 
Kern, Ixxviii, 172 
Klopper, xxxix, 133 
Knowling, xxvii, xxxvi, Ixii, Ixxv, 

Ixxvi, 48, 64 
Krauss, 21 
Krebs, see Erman 

Lactantius, 15, 64 

Lake, Kirsopp, 58 

Laqueur, E., 42 

Laurent, xxxix, 126, 131 

Leake, xxi 

Leighton, 75 

Lietzmann, 6, 28 

Lightfoot, J. B., Ivii, Ixvi, Ixxix, 6, 20,, 

21, 71, 94, 105, in, 114, 133 and 

Livy, 35 
Lobeck, xlvi 

Lock, W., xli, xlv, 32, 1 1 6, 126 
Locke, John, xlii 



Lucian, xxiii, 52, 124, 141 
Lueken, 60 
Luther, 169 

Mahaffy, xxvi, 125, and see Index III. 

i (6) 

Manen, van, Ixxvi 
Mathews, Shatter, Ixix 
Mayor, J. B., 35, 108 
M c Clellan, 193 

M c Giffert, xxxvi, xxxvii, Ixxviii, 76 
M c Lean, Norman, xciii 
Menegoz, xxxvi, Ixiv 
Meyrick, 166 
Middleton, 94 

Moft'att, xxxvi, Ixxvi, xc, 101 
Mommsen, xlvi 
Monteil, Ixiii 
Moule, 126 
Moulton, J. H., viii, ix, Ixxi, n, 22, 

105 and passim 
Moulton, W. F., 57 
Mozley, F. W., 15 
Musonius, 20 
Myers, 62 

Nageli, Iv and passim 

Nestle, 38, 52, 123 

N. T. in Ap. Fathers, Ixxiii, Ixxvii 

Nietzsche, xliv 

Nitzsch, C. L., 170 

Oliva, 1 68 

Origen, xxxiv, 21, 166, 167 

Paley, xxx, 97 

Peake, 133 

Pelagia-Legenden (ed. Usener), 62 

Pfleiderer, Ixxxvii, 172 

Philo (cited by sections and by Man- 

gey's pages), 12, 36, 49, 60, 78 
Philodemus, 19 
Philostratus, 153 
Pindar, 33 
Plato (ed. Stallbaum), 18, 24, 34, 50, 

54, 70, 72, 74, 104, no, 115, 152, 


Pliny, xxii, 33, 122 ff. 
Plutarch, 26, 76, 78, 96, 98, 152 
Pollux, 12 
Polybius (ed. Schweighauser), 17, 18, 

20, 46, 51, 62, 105, 116, 117, 131, 

r 45 

Polycarp, Ixxvii, ex 
Porter, F. C., 160 
Preuschen, E., 156, 173 
Preuss, H., 166 
Purser, see Tyrrell 

Quintilian, 115 
Eadford, n 

Eamsay, W. M., xxvii, xxix, xxxvi, 
xli, xlv, Iv, Ixiv, Ixx, 7, 29, 125 
and passim 

Eeinach, T., 31 

Eeitzenstein, 60, 94, 109, and see 
Index IV. passim 

Eenan, xli, xlvi, 121, 126 

Eendall, xxxvii 

Eesch, A., Ix, 39, 58, 77, 115 

Eeuss, Ixxx 

Eiddell, 88 

Eitschl, 15 

Eoberts and Gardner, 1 1 and passim 

Eobinson, J. Armitage, 4, 29, 93, 102, 

^ 129, 135, 138 

Eopes, 58, 77 

Eound, Douglass, xxxvii 

Sabatier, xlii, Ixiv 

Sanday, xxxiv, Ivi, Ixvi, Ixix, 14, 81, 

121, 126 

Sanday and Headlam, 4 and passim 
Sandys, xxiv 
Schader, E., Ixix 
Schettler, Ixviii 
Schmidt, J. E. C., Ixxviii 
Schneckenburger-Boehmer, 158, 173 
Schottgen, 54, 98, 172 
Schrader, Ixxiii 

Schiirer, 65, 148, 151, 162, 163 
Scott, C. A., 151 
Seeberg, Ixvii, 51, 108 
Seneca, 124 
Severianus, 38, 101 
Steffert, 158 
Skeat, 143 
Smith, W. E., 64 
Socrates, 76 

Soden, von, xxxiv, Ixxv, xcv, 140 
Soderblom, Ixxi 
Somerville, 138, 139 
Sophocles, 49, 91, 117 
Souter, A., ix, xciv, xcix, cii, civ 
Spitta, Ixxxix ff., 39, 164, 172 
Stanley, A. P., 75 
Stan ton, V. H., 137, 139 
Stead, F. H., 140 
Steck, Ixxv, 58 
Strabo, xxi, xxiii, no 
Suetonius, 130, 164 
Swete, 38, 81, 101, 126, 137, 142, 

143, 151, 164 

Tacitus, xxix, 31, 164 
Tafel, xxi, xxii 
Tatian, 52 
Taylor, xlvii, 35, 77 
Teichmann, Ixx, 146 
Tertullian, 30, 81, 91, 101, 166 
Thackeray, St John, 61, 158 
Theocritus (ed. Ziegler), 56, 71 
Theodoret, xxiv 



Theophilus, 52 

Theophrastus, 19 

Thompson, E. M., 122 ff. 

Thucydides, 30, 145, 153 

Thumb, A., ix, 193 

Tindale, 141 

Tischendorf, xciii 

Titius, Ixx, 49, 60 

Trench, B. C., 7, 99 and passim 

Turner, C. H., xxxvi, cii 

Tyrrell and Purser, 129 

Vaganay, 161 
Vaughan, 103 
Vergil, 56, 109 
Vischer, Ixxxvi 

Volz, Ixvii, Ixix, 56, 60, 64, 70, 91, 
99, H7 

Wadstein, 166 

Wagner, 69 

Warfield, 101 

Weber, F., 9, 60, 65, 103, 162 

Weber, V., xxxvii 

Weinel, xlv, xlviii 

Weiss, B., xxxii, Ixxiv, 37, 66 

Weiss, J., Ivi 

Weizsacker, Ixxxi, 3, 126, 172 

Wellhausen, Ixix 

Wendland, 69 

Wernle, xlv, Ixxxiii, Ixxxvi 

Westcott, 6, 31, 52, 68, 78, 86, 105, 

118, 136, 150 
Wette, de, Ixxviii 
Wieseler, 12, 172 
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 121 
Wilcken, Ixiv, 35, 4 6, 48, 75, 123, 143 
Wilke, 23 

Williams, A. L., 124 
Wilson, A. J., Ivii 
Witkowski, 129, 132, and see Index IV. 


Wrede, Ixii, Ixxxi ff. 
Wright, 59 
Wiinsche, 80 
Wycliffe, 169 

Xenophon, 10, 26, 47, 49, 76, 141, 
152, 153 

Zahn, xlv, Ixvi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxxv, 

3 and passim 
Zimmer, F., xciii, 5 



C.I. A. 

Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum (Berlin, 1873 ). 




I. 170 

II. 403 

. 107 

n. 444 
m. 23 

: 8 

m. 74 

'. 88 



i. 84 
n. 1967 




Graecarum, ed. A. 
4896 . 


' I34 ; 
. 146 

(Berlin, 1828). 
iv. 9313 

'- 56 


Inscriptions of Cos, by W. B. Paton and E. L. Hicks (Oxford, 1891). 
no. 391 . . 148 


Coptic Ostraca, by W. E. Crum (London, 1902). 
no. 522 . . 157 

Duchesne et Bayet 

Memoire sur une Mission au Mont Athos, by L'Abbe Duchesne and M. Bayet 

(Paris, 1876). 
p. 29 . . . 79 | p. 43 . . . 134 | p. 50 . . . 134 


Mission Archeologique de Macedoine, by L. Heuzey and H. Daumet (Paris, 

p. 280 . . 152 | p. 282 . . 29 


Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1890). 
no. 549 . 56 I no. 929 . 56 I no. 1879 5^ 

830 . 24 | 956 . . 8 I 


Inscriptiones Graecae Insularum Maris Aegaei, edd. H. von Gaertringen and 

W. B. Paton (Berlin. 1895). 
111.1238 . . 80 

1 84 



Journal of Hellenic Studies. 


xviii. 333 . . xxvii 


Epigrammata Graeca, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1878). 
no. 247 . . 22 


Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, ed. 0. Kern (Berlin, 1900). 







no. 105 

9. 155 


18, 24 

Ixvi, 148 

no. 163 

1 88 

II 4 

9 r 


Recueil d' Inscriptions Grecques, ed. Ch. Michel (Paris, 1900). 
no. 459 . . 50 


Orientis Graeci Inscriptions Selectae, ed. W. Dittenberger, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 

no. 335 




. 141 
. 8, 96, 148 


. I0 4 
. . I 4 8 


no. 485 


- 65 


. . 96 

. IOO 


. xxix, 117 




xxix, 132 


. 72 


Die Inschriften von Pergamon [in Altertiimer von Pergamon viii.], ed. 

M. Frankel (Berlin, 1900 ). 

no. 248 . . 26 


Die Inschriften von Priene, ed. H. von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1906). 
no. 195 . . 156 

Revue des Etudes Grecflues. 
xv. 142 . . xxix 

Sylloge 2 

Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 2nd Edit., ed. W. Dittenberger, 2 vols. 
and Index (Leipzig, 1888 1901). 

110. 153 

no. 318 


no. 376 

Wilcken Ostr. 

Griechische Ostraka, ed. U. Wilcken, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1899). 
ii. no. 670 . . 113 | 1153 . 54 | 1372 . . 146 

(b) PAPYRI. 

Bulletin de la Societe archeologique d' Alexandrie ii., ed. G. Botti (Alex- 
andria, 1899). 

no. 4 . 34 


I8 5 


The Amherst Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 190001).' 


Part i. nos. i 9. 
no. i . 143 
Part ii. nos. 10 201. 

. 156 

5' 73 

Ixiv, 42 


. 156 

4 s 



Vol. iv. (in progress). 
no. 1039 46 | no. 1079 4*>i 81 


Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, ed. E. J. Goodspeed (Chicago, 1902). 
no. 3 . 57, 64 i no. 5 . 35 | no. 29 . .81 


Corpus Papyrorum Eaineri archiducis, i. Griechische Texte, ed. C. Wessely 

(Vienna, 1895). 
no. 19 . 97 I no. 27 . . 44 I no - 3 2 33 


Fayum Towns and their Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and 

no. 30 . . 155 

no. 66 

9 no. 97 

33 4 2 


29, 50 133 

35 98, 125 


156 H 1 

46 . . 25 


. 41 


Griechische Urkunden, from the Berlin 


Vol. i. nos. i 361 (1895). 

no. 10 . -134 

no. 140 

. 155 no. 246 

27 Ixiv, 55, 131 


54 297 

86 . . 114 


Ixvi 323 

113 . . 94 


9 1 332 

Vol. n. nos. 362 696. 

no. 362 . 62, 91 

no. 385 

12 no. 612 

372 . . 156 


. 4 o 632 

380 . . 69 


127, 132 

Vol. in. nos. 697 1012. 

no. 741 . -74 

no. 844 

6 no. 954 

757 -no 


96 1009 

775 ' i57 


78 ion 

D. G. Hogarth (Egyptian Exploration Fund, London, 1900). 


no. 109 



no. 123 


no. 20 



Papiri Fiorentini, ed. G. Vitelli (Milan, 1905 06). 

Part i. 135. 
no. 9 . . 32 

Part ii. 36 105. 
no. 57 . 87 | no. 99 . .no 


Les Papyrus de Geneve, i. Papyrus Grecs, ed. J. Nicole (Geneve, 18961900). 
no. 52 . . 123 | no. 54 13 

1 86 


P.Grenf. I. 

An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment, and other Greek Papyri, chiefly Ptolemaic t 
ed. B. P. Grenfell (Oxford, 1896). 




105, 130 

no. 37 


8 1 

no. 41 


P.Grenf. II. 

New Classical Fragments, and other Greek and Latin Papyri, edd. B. P. 

Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (Oxford, 1897). 
no. 14 . . 146 | no. 35 . 66 | no. 38 . .124 


Heidelberger Papyrus- Sammlung, i. Die Sept uaginta - Papyri und andere 

altchristliche Texte, ed. A. Deissmann (Heidelberg, 1905). 
no. 6 . 6, 47, 132 


The Hibeh Papyri i., edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (Egypt Exploration 
Fund, London, 1906). 

no. 30 
4 o 


6 4 

no. 44 

132 no. 49 


Papyri graeci Musei antiquarii publici Lugduni-Batavi, ed. C. Leemans, 

2 vols. (1843, 1885). 
no. S . . 122 | no. U . . 122 I no. V . .80 


Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, i., ed. L. Mitteis 

(Leipzig, 1906). 
no. no . . 137 | no. 119 . . 32 


Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 3 vols. (London, 1893, 1898, 1907). 
Vol. i. nos. i 138, ed. F. G. Kenyon. 


no. 121 . 78, 109, 123 

no. 3 . 22 I no. 44 

42 . 6, 63, 118, 156 I 46 .. 117 

Vol. ii. nos. 139 484, ed. F. G. Kenyon. 
no. 342 . . 156 | no. 413 . .no 

Vol. in. nos. 485 1331, edd. F. G. Kenyon and H. J. Bell, 
no. 951 . . 98 | no. 1178 . . 41 


The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (Egyptian 

Exploration Fund, London, 1898, 1899, 1903, 1904). 
Part i. nos. i 207. 

no. 38 . . 103 
41 . 77 

45 125 
Part ii. nos. 208 400. 

no.237 20,32,77,117,155 


49, 102 

no. 57 


no. 261 




' ' * 153 

. 10, 46, 53 

no. 115 


no. 294 

62, 129 

. 24 

46, IO2 
. I2 4 
. I2 4 



Part in. nos. 401 653. 
no. 413 . . 149 I no. 486 
471 . 26, 118 I 491 

Part iv. nos. 654 839. 

no. 657 






no. 719 





1 9 

no. 496 

no. 744 

74 6 

1 8 7 


74 156 





Paris Papyri in Notices et Extraits xvm. ii., ed. Brunet de Presle (Paris, 

no. 7 




no. 42 

. 132 


no. 49 





The Flinders Petrie Papyri (in the Proceedings of the Koyal Irish Academy 
" Cunningham Memoirs," nos. viii., ix., xi.), 3 vols. (Dublin, 1891, 1893). 
Part i. nos. i 30, ed. J. P. Mahaffy. 
no. ii . 37 | no. 29 . . 53 

Part n. nos. i 50, ed. J. P. Mahaffy. 

no. 9 . 74 I no. 39 . 35, 145 I no. 45 . . 155 

15 . . 64 | 4 o . . 73 | 

Part in. nos. i 146, edd. J. P. Mahaffy and J. G. Smyly. 

no. 42 . . 53 I n <>- 49 134 I no - 73 . . 7 
43 22, no | 


Papyrus Grecs et Demotiques, ed. Th. Reinach (Paris, 1905). 
no. 15 91 


GriechiscTie Papyrus der Kaiserl. Universitdts- und Landesbibliothek zu 

Strassburg i., ed. Fr. Preisigke (Strassburg, 1906). 
no. 22 . . 156 


The Tebtunis Papyri, 2 vols. (University of California Publications, London, 
1902, 1907). 

Part i. nos. 1264, edd - B - p - Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and J. G. Smyly. 

no. 5 49,72,114,155 





no. 43 


. 62 

no. 58 

. 41,77, 132 

62, 146 


. 51 



. . 146 

Part ii. nos. 265 689, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, with the assistance 

of E. J. Goodspeed. 
no. 314 . . 55 | no. 315 . . 157 | no. 410 . . 53 

P. Tor. 

Papyri graeci regii Taurinensis Musei Aegyptii, ed. A. Peyron, 2 vols. (Turin, 

1826, 1827). 
no. i 8 

1 88 


Apoc. Bar. 

The Apocalypse of Baruch, ed. E. H. Charles (London, 1896). 

i. 4 

xi. 4 . 
xni. 3 
xv. 8 
xx. 6 


Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistula, ed. P. Wendland (Leipzig, 1900). 





. I 4 6 

xlviii. 49 


xxxix. 7 

103, 163 

lix. i 


xl. i, 2 . 

. 161 

Ixxii. 2 


xliv. 1 5 




xlviii. 39 

. 90 



. 9P 



no. 79 


no. 1 88 

n 4 


no. 284 

Asc. Isai. 

The Ascension of Isaiah, ed. E. H. Charles (London, 1900). 
iv. 16 . 45, 58 
18 . .98 

iv. 4 ff. 


. 104 
162, 163 


vi. xi. 
vii. 9 

Ass. Mos. 

The Assumption of Moses, ed. E. H. Charles (London, 1897). 
i. 15 . . 56 | x. t 4 . .56 


27 . . 99 


The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, ed. H. de Eomestin, 2nd Edit. 
1885); and ed. A. Harnack (Texte und Untersuchungen ii. 
Leipzig, 1884). 

in. i 
ix. 4 
xii. 3 

xiii. i 

xv. 3 





xvi. 6 f. 

i and 2, 

. 60 


The Book of Enoch, tr. from the Ethiopia and ed. by E. H. Charles (Oxford, 

i. 8 

xxxviii. 4 
xlv. 3 

1 Esclras 
iv. 62 . 

2 Esdras 

xii. 6 , 


i 6l 


Ixii. 2 
Ixix. 27 

xvn, 103 
. Ixvii 

xc. 16 
cviii. 1 1 f. 


4 Ezra 

The Fourth Book of Ezra, edd. E. L. Bensly and M. E. James (Texts and 
Studies iii. 2, Cambridge, 1895). 

59, 61 


V. I ff . 

103, 161 

vii. 28 

. 45, 61, 89 xiii. 24 


162, 163 




41 f. 

. xxxiii, 58 


. 27 


vi. 6 . 


viii. 39 

. 62 



. 60 


. Ixix 

5 2 

55 f- 

3 1 

xiii. 10 

. . 164 




The Book of Jubilees, ed. E. H. Charles (London, 1902). 


i. 20 . . . 161 I xxiii. i . 56 I xxxvi. 18 

xv. 33 . . . 161 | xxiv. 30 . 15 | 


x. 18 . . . 146 


1 Maccabees 

vi. 8 . 

2 Maccabees 

96 | xii. 27 

i. 27 . . .96 vii. 37 . 


xii. 44 . 


31 . . .61 

Vlll. II . 

9 1 

xiv. 15 . 

. 148 

ii. 7 . . .96 

12 . 


17 . 


21 ... 148 

xii. 22 .. 


23 . 

. no 

iii. 24 . . . 148 

23 . 


XV. 21 . 

. 146 

v. 4 . . .148 

3 Maccabees 

i. 19 . . . 157 

iii. 17 . 


v. 8, 51 

. 148 

ii. 9 . . 148 



4 Maccabees 

x. 15 . . 65, 91 

xv. 17 . . 


xviii. 8. 

. 104 

xiii. 1 8 . . . oi 

Orac. Sib. 

Oracula Sibijllina, ed. A. Ezach (Vienna, 1881). 

ii. 167 f. . . 162 

iii. 64 f. 


iii. 663 f. 

. 68 

iii. 63 ff. . 104, 162 

286 f. 


iv. 40 ff . 

. Ixvii 

Pss. Sol. 

The Psalms of Solomon, edd. H. E. Eyle and 
and ed. 0. von Gebhardt (Texte und 

M. E. James (Cambridge, 1891); 
Untersuchungen xiii. 2, Leipzig, 


ii. i, 29 . . 160 

xiii. 8 


xvii. 27, 41 . 

103, 164 

iii. 16 62 

xiv. i 


36 . 

J 39 

iv. 8 . . 19 

xv. 6 . 



viii. 39 . 93, 96 

xvi. 12 . 44, 93 


; Ji 

ix. 7 8 

xvii. 13 

1 60 



xi. i, 4 . . 60 



xviii. 8 


2 . I 4 2 


The Wisdom of Solomon. 

i. 12 . . . 65 

vi. 13 . 


xiv. 20 

. 99 

ii. 10 . . . 117 

viii. 8 . 



. 152 

23 -5^ 

xi. 10 . 


xv. 3 


iii. 8 . . -45 

16 . 



. 99 

v. 17 . . . 68 

20 . 


xvi. 28 


vi. 7 . . .113 

xii. 2 . 


xvii. 15 


Sayings 2 

Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 2nd Ed., by C. Taylor (Cambridge, 1897). 
p. 25 . . . 77 | p. 68 . . .35 



Secrets of Enoch 

The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, tr. from the Slavonic by W. E. Morfill, and 
ed. by R. H. Charles (Oxford, 1896). 


6 1 | xliv. 2 . . . 15 


The Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus. 

in. 23 
xi. 27 

XV. 20 

xvi. 13 





xxii. 1 6 


xx vi. 10 
xxviii. 9, 





xxix. 23 
xxxv. 14 

xlii. i 





Testament of Abraham 

Ed. M. E. James (Texts and Studies ii. 2, Cambridge, 1892). 
xiii. A . . 146 

Test. xii. patr. 

The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, ed. E. H. Charles (Oxford, 1908). 

Benj . iii. 4 
Jos. xx. 4 
Jud. xxii. 3 
Levi iii. 3 



Levi vi. 1 1 . 

viii. 15 . 

, xviii. ii 


Levi xviii. 12 

Eeub. iv. 7 . 

,, vi. 3 . 



This is intended to be primarily an Index to the Greek words discussed in 
the Introduction and Notes, and not a Concordance to the Epistles : in the case, 
however, of characteristic words and phrases, references have sometimes been 
given to passages which are not directly annotated. A few additional references 
have also been inserted, principally to lexical and grammatical authorities, in the 
hope that they may prove useful to the student. The abbreviations employed 
for this purpose are explained in the list of abbreviations, p. xiii ff. 

ay ados, I. iii. 6, v. 15, II. ii. 16 

dyaducrtivr], II. i. n 

dyaTrdk), I. iv. 9 ; rjyaTrrifjievos u?r6, 

I. i. 4 , II. ii. 13 

dyaTnj, I. i. 3, iii. 6, II. iii. 5 (ay. r. deov) 
dyaTrrjTos, I. ii. 8 

AyyeXos, II. i. 7; cf. Nageli p. 38 
dyidfa, I. v. 23 
dyiaafj.6s, I. iv. 7, II. ii. 13 
cfyios, I. i. 5 f., iv. 8 ; ol ayi.oi, I. iii. 

13, II. i. 10 

dyiua-uvri, I- iii- J 3 J f- Nageli p. 43 
dyvotu, I. iv. 13 
&yw, I. iv. 14 
dyuv, I. ii. 2 
d5eX06s, I. i. 4 ; p. xliv, cf. Witkowski 

Epp. p. 38 

ddia\eiTTT<j)s, I. i. 2, ii. 13, v. 17 
ddiKia, II. ii. 10 
drip, I. iv. 17 
ddertw, I. iv. 8 
'AOrjvat, I. iii. i 

alptofMi, II. ii. 13; cf. Nageli p. 19 f. 
al<pi>idios, I. v. 3 
aitovtos, II. i. 9, ii. 16 
dKadapcria, I. ii. 3, iv. 7 
d/co?7, I. ii. 13 
d/cotfw, II. iii. ii 
dK/sijSws, I. v. 2 
dXrideia, II. ii. 135 ^ dX?J0eia, II. ii. 

10, 12 

d\r]dt.v6s, I. i. 9 
dXyd&s, I. ii. 13 
a^a crtfj/, I. iv. 17, V. 10 
d/j-apria, I. ii. 16, II. ii. 3 
s, I. iii. 13 

s, I. ii. 10, iii. 13, v. 23 
p. 45 
7, I. iii. 7 
dvaipeu, II. ii. 8 
dva(j.Vb}, I. i. 10 
dva.Tr\rip6w, I. ii. 16 

, II. i. 4 

, I. ii. 4; 6 cu/flp. r. 

II. ii. 3 
dvi(TTri/Ju, I. iv. 14, 16 

II. ii. 3, 7 
, II. ii. 8 
dvTaTTo5ld(dfj.i, I. iii. 9, II. i. 6 
dvrexpiJ.a.1, I. V. 14 
di'rt, I. v. 15 ; di^' wy II. ii. 10 
aj'Tt/cet/Acu, II. ii. 4 
a^ios, II. i. 3 
d^tow, II. i. ii 
,d|tws T. ^eoO, I. ii. 12 
6,Trayy\\(ji}, I. i. 9 
dTrdisrrjcris, I. iv. 17 
aVa /cat 5is, I. ii. 18 
d-n-apx-rj, p. 106; cf. Wilcken Ostr. i. 

P- 345 f - 
arras, II. ii. 12 
dirdTTj, II. ii. 10 

d?rexw, I. iv. 3, v. 22 ; cf. Nageli p. 54 f. 
diro, I. i. 8, ii. 6, II. i. 9 
Ct7ro5et'/o'y / tu, II. ii. 4 
, I. v. 15 
w, I. iv. 14, v. 10 

;, II. ii. 3, 6, 8; p. 149 f. 
s, II. i. 7; p. 149 ff. 
, I. ii. 15 
d7r6\Xu/xt, II. ii. 10 
dirop<f>aviofjiat., I. ii. 17 
aTroo-rao-ta, II. ii. 3 
a7r6<TTo\os, I. ii. 6 
dTTtoXeta, II. ii. 3 
a/m GUI', I. v. 6, II. ii. 15 
dpttTKw (0ey), I. ii. 4, 15, iv. i 
dpTrdfw, I. iv. 17 
apn, I. iii. 6, II. ii. 7 
a/>Tos, II. iii. 8, 12 

I. iv. 16 ; cf. Nageli 
p. 48 f. 
xri, II. ii. 13 
S, I. v. 14 



I. v. 26 
dcr7raa>i6s, II. iii. 17 
dcr0dXeta, I. V. 3 

, II. iii. 7; p. 153 f. 
S, I. V. 14 ; p. 152 

, II. iii. 6, n; p. 153 
OLTOTTOS, II. iii. 2 
ai)r6s, 6, I. iii. u, iv. 16, v. 23, II. ii. 

1 6, iii. 1 6 
'Axata, I. i. 7 f. ; p. xlv 

/Sdpos, I. ii. 7 

, I. ii. 12, II. i. 5 

70/3, I. ii. i, 20; /cal 7dp, I. iii. 4 

700-7-77/3, I. v. 3 

yli>o/j,ai' ytyova, I. ii. i; tyev6fji.rit>, I. i. 

7, iii. 4 f., II. ii. 7 ; tyevrjdrjv, I. i. 5 

(6i's), 6, ii.^5, 7, 8, 10, 14 
yLvwaKd), I. iii. 5 
7pd0co, OUTOJS, II. iii. 1 7 ; for the 

authenticating signature cf. Mel. 

Nic. p. 130 ff. 
ypTjyoptw (ethical), I. v. 6, (meta- 

phorical) I. v. 10 

Set, p. 86 

S^ojucu, I. iii. 10 

5^XA""> I- i- 6, ii. 13, II. ii. 10 

5?/yu,os, 6, p. xxiii 

5td, c. gen. I. iii. 7, iv. 2, 14, II. ii. 2 

(ws 5i' 77/uov) ; c. ace. I. i. 5 (cV tyxas) 
5icUoi/os, I. iii. 2 
Stctyuapriypoyucu, I. iv. 6 
5ldu/uu, I. iv. 2, 8; cfy'?7, II. iii. 16 
SiKcuos, II. i. 5, 6 ; cf. Lft. Notes 

p. 286 f. 
5t/ccu'ws, I. ii. 10 
diK-rjv rivd), II. i. 9 
5t6, I. iii. i, v. ii 
cH6ri, I. ii. 8 ; cf. Mayser p. 161 
5tory/x6s, II. i. 4 
5iw/cw, I. v. 15 
doKifAdfa, I. ii. 4 (Ms), v. 21 
56Xos, I. ii. 3 

56a, I. ii. 6, 12, 20, II. i. 9, ii. 14 
5od^o/u, II. iii. i 
dov\ev<a, I. i. 9 
dtivafjLis, I. i. 5, II. i. 7; Iv Swdyiiei, 

II. i. n, ii. 9 
dwpedv, II. iii. 8 ; cf. Nageli p. 35 f. 

tdv, I. ii. 7; with ind. iii. 8; eav ^77, 

II. ii. 3 ; for &v, p. 22; cf. Conybeare 

Selections p. 91 f. 
eatrrou, I. ii. 7, 12; eavruv (for ist 

pers. plur.) I. ii. 8, II. iii. 9; cf. 

Schmid Attic, i. p. 82 
eyeipu, I. i. 10 

t'7w (emphatic), I. ii. 18, iii. 5 
Zdvos, I. ii. 1 6, iv. 5 ; cf. Nageli p. 46 
t, I. iv. 14; ei o^, c. ind., II. iii. 10, 14 

et'S^ccu, I. iv. 4 
etSoy, I. v. 22 
etSwXoi', I. i. 9' 
el/j.1 Trp6s, I. iii. 4, II. ii. 5 
, II. i. 6 

, I. V. 13 

7, I. i. i, v. 3; 6 ^e6s (/ctf/uos) T. 
yvris, I. v. 23, II. iii. 16 
ei's, I. i. 5, iv. 8 ; eis r6 c. inf. (result), 

I. ii. 12, (purpose) II. ii. n 
els ^/caorros, I. ii. n, II. i. 3; els rbv 

^a, I. v. ii 
ei'<ro5os, I. i. 9, ii. i 
ei're (with the subj.), I. v. 10 
eK, I. ii. 6 

KdlKr)<TLf dovvat, II. i. 8 
&c5t/cos, I. iv. 6; cf. Soph. Lea;, s.v., 

Hicks C.E. i. p. 44 
e/<5tu>Ka>, I. ii. 15 
KK\Tjffia Qeaa'aXovt.K^wv, I. i. i , II. i. i ; 

fKK\r)<ria.i r. 0eou, I. ii. 14, II. i. 4 
K\oyr), I. i. 4 
4x(f)ijyu, I. v. 3 

^XTT/S, I. i. 3, ii. 19, iv. 13, v. 8; 
7, II. ii. 

ii. 16 
e/i6s, II. iii. 17 
ZlJiirpoffOev r. deov (icvpiov), I. i. 3, ii. 19, 

iii. 9, 13 

&/ I. iv. 7, 16; for els, i. 8; instru- 
mental, iv. 1 8 ; 6e$ irarpi, i. i ; Xp. 
'l77<Toi5, ii. 14 ; Kvpiy, iii. 8 ; X67^> 
Kvpiov, iv. 15; 6i>6jj.a.Ti T. Kvpiov, 
II. iii. 6 
evavrios, I. ii. 15 
, II. i. 5 
wcu, II. i. 10, 12 
tfw, I. v. 8 
evtpyeta, II. ii. 9, ii 
evepyfa, I. ii. 13, II. ii. 7 

L ) II. ii. 2; cf. Mayser p. 371 
), II. iii. 13 

i) II. i. 4 
tj, I. ii. 18 
evopntfa, I. v. 27 

i., II. iii. 14; cf. Anz Subsidia 
p. 13 f., Witkowski ^. p. 47 
w, II. ii. 3 
i, I. i. 8 
^0;, I. i. 8 

, I. v. 20 ; cf . Soph. I/ea;. s.v. 

tt-ovffia, II. iii. 9 ; cf . Eeitzenstein 

Poimandres p. 48 
w, ot, I. iv. 12 
^Treira, I. iv. 17 
^TT, c. gen. I. i. 2 ; c. dat. iii. 7, 9, 

iv. 7; c. ace. ii. 16, II. i. 10, iii. 4 
eTrtjSap^w, I. ii. 9, II. iii. 8 
eiridv/j-ia, I. ii. 17, iv. 5 
7mrod<j), I. iii. 6 

, I. v. 27, II. ii. 2, 15, iii. 14, 




w, I. i. 9; cf. Anz Subsidia 

P- 33 f - 

i, II. ii. i 

, II. ii. 8 ; p. 148 f. 
Tri(pa.vr)s, pp. 148, 160, I. ii. 9, iv. ii, II. iii. 8, 10, 

II, 12 

epyov (Trio-rews), I. i. 3, II. i. n; 5tot 

r. ^70^, I. v. 13 
epwrdw ' rogo,' I. iv. i, v. 12, II. ii. i ; 

cf. Thumb Hellen. p. 12 r 
eV0to>, II. iii. 10 
efrt, II. ii. 5 

evayye\, I. iii. 6; p. 141 ff. 
evayyeXiov, TO, I. ii. 4 ; Tj/uDi', I. i. 5, 

II. ii. 14 ; T. 0eov, I. ii. 2, 8, 9 ; 

T. xpio-roO, I. iii. 2 ; r. Kvptov T\p. 

'I?7<roD, II. i. 8 ; p. 141 ff. 
evdoKew, I. ii. 8 ; iii. i ; c. dat. II. ii. 

evdoicta., II. i. ii 

s, I. iv. 12 
w, I. i. 2 ; ev iravrl &X-i L 

v. 18 
eu%api<rria, I. iii. 9 

, I. v. 3 
(conj.), II. ii. 7 

, I. iii. 8, v. 10; debs &v, I. i. 9 
, I. ii. 6 

?} oi^x^ ! ii- 19 
yyeofjiai, I. v. 13, II. iii. 15 
7)577, II. ii. 7 

i]fj.epa, 77, I. v. 4 ; Tj^pa Kvpiov, v. 2 ; 
77 T//*^pa e'tfelvT], II. i. 10; vioi 7)/jt,pa$, 
I. v. 5 

, p. 21 ; cf. Herwerden Lea;, s.v. 

>, I. iv. ii 
ia., II. iii. 12 

0dX7rw, I. ii. 7; cf. Thumb Hellen. 

p. 215, .MeL Me. p. 249 
dav/uidfa, II. i. 10 
0t\r)(j.a (dead), I. iv. 3, v. 18; cf. Hort 

i Pet. p. 142 f. 
0Aw, I. ii. 18, II. iii. 10 ; ov 0Aw 

dyvoeiv, I. iv. 13 
deodiddKTOS, I. iv. 9 
0eos, 6, p. Ixiv; debs TrctTTjp, p. Ixv 
Qe<r<ra\oi>iK(:fa, I. i. i, II. i. i 
0M/3w, I. iii. 4, II. i. 6, 7 
d\tyts, I. i. 6, iii. 3, 7, II. i. 4, 6 
8poeoiJ.aU) II. ii. 2 
0o>pa (THO-TCWS), I. v. 8; for the 

' militia Christi ' see Harnack's 

Essay (1905), and cf. Cumont Relig. 

orient, p. xiii ff. 

fStos, I. ii. 14; rd tdta, iv. TI 
iep6dov\oi, p. 14; cf. Herwerden Ap- 
pendix s.v. 


'l77<Tous, p. 135 ff. ; cf. Chase Credibility 

of Acts p. 205 f. 
IKO.VOV \a/3eiv, p. xxix 
IVa final, I. ii. 16, v. 10; semi-final, 

iv. i, v. 4, II. i. n, iii. i; iva /A??, 

I. iv. 13 

'louScuos, I. ii. 14 
ts, II. i- 9 

Kadd-rrep, I. ii. I [ ; naddirep Kdi, iii. 6, 

12 ; iv. 5 
Kadevow (ethical), I. v. 6; (literal) v. 7; 

(metaphorical) v. 10 
Kadlfa, II. ii. 4 

Ka<9c6s, Li. 5; Ka6. oidare, p. xliv 
/cat in comparison, I. ii. 5; contrasting, 

ii. 1 8 
/ccup6s- Trpos Kaipbv wpas, I. ii. 17 ; 

ev T CL{)TOV /catpy, II. ii. 6 ; XP VOL K - 

Kaipoi, I. v. i ; cf. Revue d. Etudes 

grecques xv. p. 4 
/ca/c6s, I. v. 15 

/caX^w, I. ii. 12, iv. 7, v. 24, II. ii. 14 
KokoiroLew, II. iii. 13; cf. Soph, and 

Herwerden Lex. s.v. 
xaX6s, I. v. 21 
Kapdia, I. ii. 4, 17 (irpo<Tu>7ry ou Kapdiq.), 

iii. 13 (<rrT7pcu KapdLas) 
KaTa\a/j.^dv(ii}, I. v. 4 
/caraXetTrw, I. iii. i 
Kara^iow, II. i. 5 ; cf. Anz Subsidia 

p. 38 
Karapyeu, II. ii. 8 

w, I. iii. 10 ; cf. Mayser p. 20 f. 
ijvu, I. iii. ri, II. iii. 5 
, I. v. 2i ; II. ii. 6, 7; p. 155 ff. 

, I. ii. 19 
Kel/, I. iii. 3 
Ke\ev(TfJ.a, I. iv. 16 
/cei'6s, I. ii. i ; es xevbv, iii. 5 
Krjpti(r(r<i), I. ii. 9 

K\eTTT1JS, I. V. 2, 4 
K\TJ(TLS, II. 1. II 

i, I. iv. 13 ff. 
act, I. ii. 5 
;, I. v. 12 

iros, I. i. 3, iii. 5 ; /COTTOS /c. ftbxdos, 
ii. 9, II. iii. 8 

parew, c. ace., II. ii. 15; p. 155 
pivw, II. ii. 12 
puris, II. i. 5 
rdofJiai, I. iv. 4 

tfpios, p. 136 ff. ; cf. Hort i Pef. 
p. 30 ff., and for the legal use of 
Kijpios in the papyri see Archiv iv. 
p. 80 ff. 

, I. ii. 1 6 

XaXefw, I. i. 8; cf. M c Clellan Gospels 

p. 383 ff. 
\byos, I. i. 5; 6 X67os, i. 6; deov, ii. 13; 

Kvpiov, i. 8, iv. 15, II. iii. i ; yfjiuv, 



II. iii. 14; KoXaKtas, I. ii. 5; 
ii. 13 ; ev T. X67ois, iv. 18 ; 5id \6yov, 
II. ii. 2, 15 ; p7y K. X67y, ii. 17 
Xoi7r6s- oi XOITTOI, I. iv. 13, v. 6; \onr6v, 
iv. i ; TO Xoi?r6j>, II. iii. i 

, I. i. 7 f., iv. 10; p. xlv 
fjt,a.Kpo6vfji.fa, I. v. 14 
yuaXXop (intensive), I. iv. i, 10 

fJMpT6pl01>, II. i. IO 

fj.apr<jpo/, I. ii. 12 
s, I. ii. 5, 10 
t, I. v. 7 

w, I. v. 7 ; cf. Reitzenstein 
Poimandres p. 240 f. 

w, I. iii. 4 
fdv (solitarium) , I. ii. 18 
/<ie<ros, I. ii. 7; ^*c /*eVou, II. ii. 7 

, I. i. 6, II. iii. 12 
radtdwfjLi, I. ii. 8 

7 with pres. imp., I. v. 19; with aor. 
subj., II. iii. 13 ; ^ TTWS, I. iii. 5 

, II. iii. 7, 9 
S, I. i. 6, ii. 14 
iroieiffdai, I. i. 2 ; fj.veiav ^x eiv t 
iii. 6 

rj/movevci}, c. gen. I. i. 3 ; c. ace. 
II. ii. 9 
vov, II. ii. 7 
s, I. iii. i 


ripiov, II. ii. 7 ; cf. Hatch Essays 
p. 57 ft. 

i/a6s, II. ii. 4 
vexpbs, I. i. 10, iv. 16 
ve0<?X?7, I. iv. 17 
v-fjTTios, I. ii. 7 

, I. v. 6, 8 ; cf. Hort i Pet. p. 65 f. 

, I. v. 12, 14, II. iii. 15 
vovs, II. ii. 2 
vuj/, I. iii. 8, II. ii. 6 
i/tf, I. v. 2, 5, 7 ; VVKTOS K. i)fj.pas, 
I. ii. 9, iii. 10, II. iii. 8 

6 demonstrative, I. v. 27, II. iii. .14 
656$, I. iii. ii 

ol5a, I. i. 4 ; /catfws oiSare, I. i. 5, p. xliv 
oiKo5ofj.<a, I. v. ii 
ofos, I. i. 5 

6'Xe0pos, I. v. 3 ; 6X. alamos, II. i. 9 
6X176^x0$, I. v. 14 
6X6KX?7pos, I. v. 23 
6'Xos, I. iv. 10 
6XoTeX?7s, I. v. 23 
6/j.elpo/, I. ii. 8 

6'vojua, II. i. 12, iii. 6; cf. Herwerden 
s.v., and Mel. Nic. p. 253 

OTTOtOS, I. 1. 9 
6'7TOJ5, II. 1. 12. 

opare id], I. v. 15 

i, i], I. i. 10, ii. 16 

oo-iws, I. ii. 10 

oVris, II. i. 9 ; cf. Dieterich U liter - 

sucluingen p. 199 f. 
STOLV with aor. subj., II. i. 10 
6're, I. iii. 4, II. iii. 10 
6'rt demonstrative, I. i. 5, ii. 13, iii. 4 

causal, I. iv. j6, v. 9, II. i. 3, ii. 13 
ou with part., I. ii. 4 ; ov /-CT), L iv. 15 ; 

oy% 6Vt, II. iii. 9 
ou6V, I. ii. 3 

oupaj'os, I. i. 10, iv. 16, II. i. 7 
otfre, I. ii. 5, 6 
otfrws, I. ii. 4, iv. 14, II. iii. 17 (oi'rws 

ouxi, I. ii- 19 
60e/Xw, II. i, 3, ii. 13 

7rci0os, I. iv. 5 

irdvTore, I. i. 12, ii. 16, iii. 6, iv. 17, 

v. 15, 16; II. i. 3, ii, ii. 13 
Trd-rrvpos, p. 122 
Trapd c. gen.. I. ii. 13, iv. i, II. iii. 6, 

8; c. dat. II. i. 6 
Trapayye\ia, I. iv. 2 
Trapayye\\w, I. iv. ii, II. iii. 4, 6, 10, 12 
TrapdSocrts, II. ii. 15, iii. 6 
Trapa/caXew, I. ii. 12; c. IVa, I. iv. i; 

c. inf. iv. ro 

jrapdK\r](ris, I. ii. 3, II. ii. 16 
7rapaXa y uj3di'w, I. ii. 13, iv. i ; TrapeXd- 

fioffav p. 113, cf. Conybeare Selections 

P- 3 2 

Trapa/j.vd^o/j.aL, I. ii. ii, v. 14 
irapovcrla, I. ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15, v. 23, 

II. ii. i, 8, 9; cf. p. 145 ff. 
TrappTjcridfoucu, I. ii. 2 
?ras, I. iii. 12, 13, v. 26, II. iii. 16, 18; 

ev Trajtri, I. v. 18; 5td Trairos, II. iii. 


7rd<rxw, I. ii. 14, II. i. 5 

7rar?7p, I. ii. n; (of God) I. i. i, 3, 

iii. ii, 13, II. i. i, 2, ii. 16, cf. 

p. Ixv f. 

HaOXos (emph.), I. ii. 18 
Treidw, II. iii. 4 
Treipdfw, I. iii. 5 
TT^TTW, II. ii. 1 1 
trepl 5^, I. iv. 9, v. r 
jrepiepydfo/mcu, II. iii. ii 
7repi/ce0aXata, I. v. 8 
TreptXenro/icu, I. iv. 15, 17 
TreptTrarew, I. ii. 12 

, I. v. 9, II. ii. 14 
di}, I. iii. 12, iv. i, 10 

, I. ii. 17 
^a?, I. iv. 14 ; 6 irio'Tevui', I. i. 7, 

ii. 10, [3; 6 Tncrrei/cras, II. i. 10; 

Tri( c. ace. I. ii. 4 
Tritrrts, r;, II. iii. 2 ; Trpos r. ^eov, I. i. 8 ; 

Zpyov Trtcrrews, I. i. 3, II. i. 1 1 ; TTL<TTLS 

K. dydirr), I. iii. 6, V. 8 
7rtoT6s, I. v. 24, II. iii. 3 



j, I. ii. 3, II. ii. 1 1 

d^cu, I. iii. 12, II. i. 3 

), I. iv. 6 
Tr\eoi>ej;ia, I. ii. 5 
ir\r)po(f)opia, I. i. 5 

7TA?7p6cO, II. 1. II 

irvev/jLa, I. v. 19, 23, II. ii. 2, 13 ; of 
Christ, II. ii. 8 ; irvev^a ayiov, I. i. 
5, 6, iv. 8 
Troteco, I. v. 24 
Trovrjpds, I. v. 22, II. iii. 2, 3 
ia, I. iv. 3 
, I. iv. 6 
), I. iv. 1 1 
L, I. v. 12 
, I. iii. 4, iv. 6 
7rpo7rdo'xw> I. ii. 2 

?rp6s c. ace. after verb of rest, I. iii. 4, 
II. ii. 5, iii. i ; irpbs TO c. inf., I. ii. 9 
irpoo-evxy, I. i. 2 
Trpocrei'xoyUcu, I. v. 17; irpocrfV'xofj.a.L 

if a, II. i. ii, iii. i 
7rpo<rc67rcp ov Kapdig., I. ii. 17 
7rp60ct<m, I. ii. 5 

., I. V. 20 
?7T?7S, I. ii. 15 

', I. iv. 1 6 
TrCp, II. i. 8 
TTCJS, I. i. 9 ; TO TrcDs, iv. i 

pto/jLai (e/c), I. i. 10, (a7r6) II. iii. 2 ; 
cf. Anz Subsidia p. 19 f., I. iii. 3 ; see also crialvofjicu 

craAetfco, II. ii. 2 

ffd\Triy, I. iv. 1 6 

Sarai/as, I. ii. 18, II. ii. 9 

er/3eVi>iyu, I. v. 19 

0-e/3ao>ta, II. ii. 4 

ffrj/me'cov, II. ii. 9, iii. 17 

(rr}, II. iii. 14 

(TicuVoyuai, p. 38; cf. also Z.N.T.W. 

viii. p. 242 

StAovcwos, I. i. i, II. i. i 
tr/cevos, I. iv. 4 

(T/COTOS, I. V. 4 f. 

<77rof5dcv, I. ii. 17 

o-T^yw, I. iii. i, 5 

<rrAAo/xcu, II. iii. 6 

OT^CWOS, I. ii. 19 ; cf. Herwerden 

Lex. s.v. 
ffTyKu, I. iii. 8, II. ii. 15; cf. Conybeare 

Selections p. 42 
<rr?7pi'fw, I. iii. 2, 13, II. ii. 17, iii. 3; 

cf. Anz Subsidia p. 20 f. 
cru/i0uA^T77s, I. ii. 14 
ffijv v. a/u.a 

(Tvi>ava/j.Lyvv/ji.a.i, II. iii. 14 
<rwepy6s, p. 37 
(rww, I. ii. 16, II. ii. 10 
, I. v. 23 

la, I. v. 8, 9, II. ii. 13 

s, II. ii. 2 

, I. ii. 7, ii 

els, I. ii. 16 
repas, II. ii. 9 
T77p^aj, I. v. 23 
Tidrj/jii, I. V. 9 
Ti/wfr, I. iv. 4 

Ttytt6^os, I. i. i, iii. 2, 6, II. i. n 
rtpw, II. i. 9 
r6 with inf., I. iii. 3 
rotyapovv, I. iv. 8 
Totouros, II. iii. 12 

T67TO?, I. 1. 8 

rore, II. ii. 8 

rpx w , II- "^ J 
rp67ros, II. ii. 3, iii. 16 
rpo06s, 1. ii. 7 

T^TTOS, I. i. 7, II. iii. 9 ; cf. Herwerden 
Lear. s.v. 

vfipifa, I. ii. 2 

vi6s (of Chiist), I. i. 10 ; 0wr6s AC. 
17/x^pas, v. 5 ; r. aTrwAeias, II. ii. 3 
vircLKotw, II. i. 8, iii. 14 
UTT<?P, I. iii. 2, II. i. 4, 5, ii. i ; p. 69 
UTrepai'po/xat, II. ii. 4 
virepav^dvu, II. i. 3 
virepfiaivu), I. iv. 6 
vTrepeKwepi<T(rov, I. iii. 10, V. 13 
U7r6, I. ii. 14 

v-fi, I. i. 3, II. i. 4, iii. 5 
, I. iii. 10 

00CU/U, I. ii. 16, iv. 15 
0iAa5eA0ta, I. iv. 9 
0tA77/xa, I. v. 26 
QlXtinroi, I. ii. 2 
0iAort/^o/xcu, I. iv. ii 
0A6, II. i. 8 
<pv\d<ra-(i), II. iii. 3 
0WI/77, I. iv. 1 6 
0ws, I. v. 5 

, I. iii. 9, v. 16 
, I. i. 6, ii. 19 f., iii. 9 
dpts, I. i. i, v. 28, II. i. 2, 12, ii. 16, 
iii. 18 

%eip, I. iv. n, II. iii. 17 
Xpeiai' x ea/ > I- i- 8 
Xpt(rr6s, p. 136 ff. 

oi/os, I. v. i ; see also Kcup6s 

, II. ii. 9, u 
I- " 8, v. 23 

w8ii>, I. v. 3 

wpa, I. ii. 17 

cos edv, I. ii. 7 ; ws 6'rt, II. ii. 2 

coo-re consecutive, I. i. 4 


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translation. By W. G. RUTHERFORD, M.A. Svo. %s. 6d. net. 


TO""^ 202 Main Library 642-3403 








1 -month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405 

6-month loans may be recharged by bringing books to Circulation Desk 

Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date 



FORM NO. DD 6, 40m, 6'76