Skip to main content

Full text of "St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians"

See other formats























δ 
be 





























































































































πὴ τ 
t ae 
» qe byl τς ἐπι 
᾿ A Deans in 
Go ΤΗΝ 
ι ane nie ἡ 
f 5 ere Lay 
“an eey VA tee tah 
ys fe" yn aes "me 
‘ m1 id ity ci 
᾿ ἥν Ἢ 
‘ . a pyar 
de i'n die 
ἀν δι a alii 
H ᾿ Δ it) ay 
¥ 4 
et ie ee eee Pence ati We 
᾿ , i rf ἢ te 
' Dae 
ee Pee rate a 
ἐπ κε ἢ ΠΝ 4 init 7 
1: 4 } Bu ἡ 
his, DE 
Wee ies γι 
ν Ἰ We Oo Wd 
᾿ Δ Ὶς 4 " 
Ἶ ἢ Bras i 
br tpee) 
i οἱ ‘ 
: ἱ 
Fi “ 
5 ; 
ἡ δὰ τῶι Υ 3} ie 
ἀμ ἮΝ ἀμ} 
e ; ’ a 4.3 ᾿ ΡῚΝ ΜῊ tar 
ἐμ τύ μιν lin gf ἀμ ΗΝ 
Υ πη eet Vera uae 
᾿ πὰς Ὁ ΤΥ 
. 4 3 uF) Ohray t 
1 t's ΙΝ 
sis ᾿ ἢ εὖ, 
5 \ ‘ 
Mh an τὰ f ς a (a 
ἵν the, ἮΝ x ἐς ᾿ ἢ: i" 
Η x ak uth i ab Ὁ Ἶ 
᾿ ᾿ ‘ ἐξ 
᾿ srt 
ὃν Pa ‘ ; τ 
‘a "2 3 ᾿ 
4. ἢ 
i Ης ω a 8} 
ΣΙΝ, τῶ ᾿ 
7 ; ᾿ 4 4 
; ies ti ᾿ τὰ heh 
. ΠΕ] Ke) 
᾿ ᾿ gWR: SAAN 
ad ω ra? bs ἮΝ, Ὁ ὯΝ 
oy ee ane ἢ ith 
7 a facets, wi Honma ΧᾺ 
᾿ : iatee τνο ” 
” 
κι te AY 
᾿ ὶ . 
hs pA 
᾿ ᾿ ag Re: 
4 υ \ ΤΥ pec Bete 
+ Yee 4 ἊΝ try neige is? as 
' i ' 


Ἢ ὰ, 2 
SA 
ἊΝ 


oo 












































































































































ἘΔ 
4 δον 
se 





Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2007 with funding from — 
Microsoft Corporation 


https://archive.org/details/stpaulsepistlest0Omillrich 





et Py 


Sul 





say Ce an ΠΣ 
ER cia 


Sele eae ae 





ST PAUL’S 
EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 





MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED 
LONDON + BOMBAY * CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
NEW YORK * BOSTON + CHICAGO 
ATLANTA * SAN FRANCISCO 
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. 
TORONTO 


ST PAUL’S 
EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


THE GREEK TEXT 
WITH 


INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 


BY 


GEORGE MILLIGAN, D.D. 


MINISTER OF CAPUTH, PERTHSHIRE ᾿ 






Z5BRAR Υ- 
OF THE 


( univeRsirY 
Spates δι} 





MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED 
ST. MARTIN’S STREET, LONDON | 
1908 


Bs 275} 
19 6 4 


GENERAL 


ayTdc δὲ ὁ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης ἁγιάοδι ὑμᾶς OAOTEAEIC, 
KAl ὁλόκληρον ὑμῶν τὸ TINEYMA Kal H PYYH Kal TO COMA 
ἀμέμπτως EN TH TApOYCIA TOY Kyploy ἡμῶν ᾿Ἰηοοῦ Xpictoy 


THPHOEIH. πιοτός ὁ KAA@N YMAC, OC KAI ποιήσει. 


ΤΟ 


MY MOTHER 


ὡς ἐὰν τροφὸς θάλπῃ TA EayTAC TEKNa. 





492625 












Teak —raNTa AoKimazeTe, τὰ ἢ. ΤῊ 
Die AOZAZHTAI. bao Ἑ Poh οἴ 









Fae RYE 
F THE 


( UNIVERSITY 
OF 





PREFACE. 


HE Epistles to the Thessalonians can hardly be said to 
have received at the hands of English scholars the 
attention they deserve, in view not only of their own intrinsic 
interest, but of the place which they occupy in the Sacred 
Canon. They are generally believed to be the earliest of 
St Paul’s extant Epistles, and, if so, are, in all probability, 
the oldest Christian documents of importance that have come 
down to us. Certainly no other of the Pauline writings give 
us a clearer idea of the character of the Apostle’s missionary 
preaching, or present a more living picture of the surroundings 
of the primitive Christian Church. A detailed study of their 
contents is essential, therefore, to a proper understanding of 
the Apostolic Age, and forms the best introduction to the 
more developed interpretation of Christian thought, which we 
are accustomed to describe as Paulinism. 

This must be made the excuse for the length at which 
certain subjects bearing on St Paul’s language and teaching as 
a whole are dealt with in the Introduction, and also for the 
numerous references to recent literature dealing with these 
points, which will be found especially in the foot-notes. Writing 
as I have had to do far from a Library, the difficulty I have 
experienced in keeping abreast of the advances of modern 
scholarship has led me to believe that those similarly situated 
may be glad to be directed to the sources where they are most 
likely to find help. , 

The Text adopted for the Commentary is the Greek Text 
of Westcott and Hort which, through the kind permission of 


vill PREFACE 


Messrs Macmillan and Co., has been reproduced here exactly as 
it stands in the latest authoritative revision. Full note has, 
however, been taken of all variants of importance, and for the 
convenience of students a brief summary has been given of the 
Authorities for the Text in Introduction VII. 

In Introduction vii. there will be found a selected list of 
the more important Commentaries on the Epistles, and of 
various Monographs dealing with special points raised by them. 
My obligations to these are undoubtedly greater than I have 
been able to acknowledge ; but I have not thought it advisable 
to overload my Notes by discussing or quoting the views of 
others, except where this seemed to be really demanded. An 
exception has been made in the case of the rich and terse 
comments of the patristic writers, and such later expositors as 
Calvin and Bengel: and the Latin translations of Beza, Estius, 
and others have been freely cited, wherever they threw light 
on the exact meaning of the original. | 

In addition, moreover, to the ordinary sources of help, there 
are two which have been so largely used in the following work 
that they may be specially mentioned. 

The publication within recent years of large collections of 
Inscriptions and Papyri has now made possible a thorough 
re-study of the Pauline language in the light of contemporary 
documents. Upon the general questions that are thereby 
raised, such as the disappearance of much that used to be 
known as ‘ Biblical Greek, and the existence or non-existence 
of ‘Semitisms’ in the Greek New Testament, this is not the 
place to enter: they will be found fully stated in the writings 
of such experts as Professors Deissmann and Thumb, and 
Dr J. H. Moulton, and, from a more conservative point of view, 
of the lamented Dr Friedrich Blass. All that we are meanwhile 
concerned with is the light thrown upon St Paul’s letters by 
the constant occurrence in them of words and phrases, which 
are now proved to have formed part of the common stock of 
the Apostle’s own time, even when it is equally clear that their 
meaning has been deepened and enriched in his hands, partly 
through the influence of the Greek Old Testament, and partly 
through the power of his own Christian consciousness. 

Much work has still to be done before the full extent of the 


Ν PREFACE ΙΧ 


new lexical discoveries can be properly estimated; but the 
citations in the following pages may at least serve to draw 
increased attention to the richness of the field that is being 
gradually opened up before the New Testament student. A full 
list of the collections made use of with the names of their 
distinguished editors will be found in Index III. 1 (a) and (6). 

In the second place, as regards St Paul’s thought, or, more 
exactly, the form in which his thought often clothes itself, we 
are again enabled to judge how largely he was a man of his 
own time, through the convenient editions of later Jewish 
literature, which we owe to the labours of the contributors 
to Kautzsch’s Apokryphen and Pseudepigraphen of the Old 
Testament in Germany, and of Dr R. H. Charles in England. 
There may be a tendency perhaps in certain quarters to over- 
estimate this dependence, and to lose sight of the far more 
significant extent to which the Apostle was influenced by the 
canonical books of the Greek Old Testament. At the same 
time, more particularly in writings so largely eschatological in 
their character as our two Epistles, it is a constant source of 
interest to trace the parallels that exist between them and 
contemporary apocalyptic literature. A list of citations, with 
the titles of the editions that have been used, is given in 
Index III. 2. 

In a work which has ventured to intrude upon so much 
new and debateable ground, I can hardly hope not to have 
fallen into many errors both of judgment and of fact, and that 
these are not more numerous is due only to the generous help 
of many well-known scholars. I desire to thank in particular 
my friends Dr J. H. Moulton of Didsbury College, Manchester, 
and Mr J. H. A. Hart of St John’s College, Cambridge, who, 
amidst their own engrossing duties, have found time to read 
the proofs, and have favoured me with many valuable criticisms 
and suggestions, and Dr A. Souter of Mansfield College, Oxford, 
who has ungrudgingly placed at my disposal his knowledge and 
experience, more particularly in connexion with the textual and 
critical portions of the work. Nor can I forget the unfailing 
courtesy and attention of the officials of the Cambridge 
University Press, and the skill of their compositors and 
readers. 


Χ PREFACE 


It is not easy to part with the work, which has been 
an almost constant companion for a number of years: and I 
never was more conscious of its shortcomings than now, on the 
eve of publication. I can only hope that, in spite of these, it 
may awaken in others a little of the interest it has been to 
myself, and may prove a small contribution to the better 
understanding of Epistles which let us so fully into the heart 
of the great Apostle, and whose message, notwithstanding the 
strange forms in which it is sometimes cast, is still fraught 
with such deep significance for the Church of to-day. 


‘ G. M. 
CapuTtH MANSE, 
PERTHSHIRE. 
January, 1908. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I. The City of Thessalonica 

II. St Paul and the Thessalonian Church ; 
III. General Character and Contents of the Epistles . 
IV. Language, Style, and Literary Affinities. 

V. Doctrine 

VI. Authenticity and Tavenetes 
VII. Authorities for the Text . 
VIII. Commentaries 


TEXT AND NOTES. 


Analysis of 1 Thessalonians . 
Text and Notes of 1 Thessalonians 
Analysis of 2 Thessalonians . 
Text and Notes of 2 Thessalonians 


ADDITIONAL NOTES. 


St Paul as a Letter-Writer . 

Did St Paul use the Epistolary Plural ? 

The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul . 

The Divine Names in the Epistles 

On the history of εὐαγγέλιον, εὐαγγελίζομαι. 

Ilapovoia. ᾿Ἐπιφάνεια. ᾿Αποκάλυψις 

On ἀτακτέω and its cognates 

On the meanings of κατέχω. ο. 

The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist ; : 
The history of the interpretation of 2 Thess. ii. 1--12 


am More oar b> 


PAGE 


χχὶ 


. Xxvi 


xli 
lii 


. lxili 
. xxii 
. x¢ciii 


οἷ 


84 
85 


121 
131 
133 
135 
IAI 
145 
152 
155 
158 
166 


xii CONTENTS 


INDEXES. 
I. Subjects : 
Il. Authors 


III. References 


1. Inscriptions and Papyri . 


(a) Inscriptions . 
(6) Papyri . 
2. Judaistic Writings 
IV. Greek Words 


177 
179 
183 


183 
183 
184 
188 


I9I 





ABBREVIATIONS. 


THE following list of abbreviations applies for the most part 
to lexical and grammatical works, and to periodical publications; 
but the full titles of a few other books have been added for 
convenience of reference, especially where it seemed of im- 
portance to specify the exact editions made use of. 

For abbreviations in connexion with Authorities for the 
Text and Commentators, see Introduction vil. and vi. The 
abbreviations for the Inscriptions and the Papyri are explained 
in Index ΠῚ. 1 (a) and (Ὁ), and for Judaistic writings in 
Index II. 2. 

A sufficiently full title to identify other books quoted is 
given as a rule on the occasion of their first mention: see the 
references under Index 11. Authors. 

It may be added that the quotations from the Lxx. follow 
throughout the text of the smaller Cambridge Septuagint The 
Old Testament in Greek edited by H. B. Swete, 3 vols., 
Cambridge, 1887—1894, and the quotations from the N.T. The 
New Testament in the original Greek revised by B. F. Westcott 
and F. J. A. Hort, vol. 1. Text, London, 1898. 

The Concordance of Hatch and Redpath has been used for 
the Greek O.T., and that of Moulton and Geden for the N.T. 

By I. 1. 1 is to be understood 1 Thess. 1. 1, and by IT. i. 1, 
2 Thess. 1.1. 


Abbott Joh. Gr.=Johannine Grammar, by Edwin A. Abbott. 
London, 1906. 


Am. J. of Th. = The American Journal of Theology. Chicago, 1897—. 
Anz Subsidia = Subsidia ad coynoscendum Graecorum sermonem 


vulgarem e Pentateucht versione Alexandrina repetita, by H. 
Anz. Halle, 1894. 


XIV ABBREVIATIONS 


Archiv = Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, ed. U. Wilcken. Leipzig, 
IQOI—. 

Aristeas= Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistula, ed. P. Wendland. 
Leipzig, 1900. 

B.C.H. = Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Paris and Athens, 
1877—. 

B.D.B. =A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, by 
Drs Brown, Driver, and Briggs. Oxford, 1906. 


Blass = Grammar of New Testament Greek, by F. Blass. Eng. Tr. 
by H. St John Thackeray. znd Edit. London, 1905. : 

Bousset, W.= Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen 
Zeitalter. 2nd Edit. enlarged and re-arranged. Berlin, 1906. 


Burton = Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of New Testament Greek, 
by E. D. Burton. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1894. 


Buttmann =A Grammar of the New Testament Greek, by A. Butt- 
mann, Eng. Tr. by J. H. Thayer. Andover, 1873. 


C.G.T. = Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges. 


Conybeare Selections = Selections from the Septuagint (with a Gram- 
mar of Septuagint Greek) by F. C. Conybeare and St George 
Stock. Boston, 1906. 


C.R. = The Classical Review. London, 1887—. 


Cremer = Biblico-Theological Lexicon of New Testament Greek, by 
H. Cremer. Eng. Tr. by W. Urwick. 4th Edit. Edinburgh, 
1895. 

Crénert = Memoria Graeca Herculanensis, by G. Crénert. Leipzig, 
1903. | 

Dalman Worte= Die Worte Jesu, by G. Dalman. Leipzig, 1898. 
Eng. Tr. by D. M. Kay. Edinburgh, 1902. 


Deissmann BS, = Bible Studies by G. A. Deissmann. Eng. edit. by 
A. Grieve. Edinburgh, 1901. 


Deissmann  Hellenisierung = Die Hellenisierung des Semitischen 
Monotheismus, by G. A. Deissmann. Leipzig, 1903. 


Deissmann in Christo= Die neutestamentliche formel “in Christo 
Jesu,” by G. A. Deissmann. Marburg, 1892. 


Deissmann New Light on the N.T.= New Light on the New Testa- 
ment from Records of the Graeco-Roman Period, by G. A. 
Deissmann, tr. by L. R. M. Strachan. Edinburgh, 1907. 


" ABBREVIATIONS XV 


Dieterich Untersuchungen = Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der 
griechischen Sprache, von der hellenistischen Zeit bis zum το. 
Jahrh, n. Chr., by K. Dieterich. Leipzig, 1898 (Byzantinisches 
Archiv, Heft i.). 

Encyc. Bibl. = Encyclopaedia Biblica, edited by T. K. Cheyne and 
J. 5. Black. 4 vols. London, 1899—1903. 

E.G.T. = The Expositor’s Greek Testament, edited by W. Robertson 
Nicoll. Vols. i.—iii. London, 1897—1903. 

Eup.=The Expositor. London, 1875—. Cited by series, volume, 
and page. 

Exp. T.= The Expository Times. Edinburgh, 1889—. 

Field Notes = Notes on the Translation of the New Testament (being 
Otium Norvicense iii.), by F. Field. Cambridge, 1899. 

Gildersleeve Syntax = Syntax of Classical Greek, by B. L. Gilder- 
sleeve and C. W. E. Miller. Pt. i. New York, 1900. 

Gradenwitz Hinfiihrung = Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, by 
O. Gradenwitz. Heft i. Leipzig, 1900. 

Grimm-Thayer= A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, 
being Grimm’s Wilke’s Clavis Novi Testamenti, tr, and enlarged 
by J. H. Thayer. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1890. 

Hastings’ D.B. = Dictionary of the Bible, edited by James Hastings. 
5 vols. Edinburgh, 1898—1904. 

Hatch HLssays = Essays in Biblical Greek, by Edwin Hatch. Oxford, 
1889. 

Hatzidakis = Hinleitung in die Neugriechische Grammatik, by G. N. 
Hatzidakis. Leipzig, 1892. 

Hauck RE.’ = Herzog’s Realencyclopddie, 3rd Edit. by A. Hauck. 
Leipzig, 1896—. 

Hermann Vig. = Vigerus de [diotismis, ed. G. Hermannus. Leipzig, 
1802. 

Herwerden = Lexicon Graecum suppletorium et dialecticwm, by 
H. van Herwerden. Lugd. Batav., 1902. Appendix, 1904. 
Nova addenda in Mélanges Nicole (Geneva, 1905) pp. 241— 
260. 

Hesychius = Hesychit Alexandrini Lexicon, ed. M. Schmidt. Jena, 
1867. 

Jannaris=An Historical Greek Grammar, by A. N. Jannaris. 
London, 1897. 

M. THESS. : cee 


ΧΥΪ ABBREVIATIONS 


Jelf= A Grammar of the Greek Language, by W. E. Jelf. 3rd Edit. 
London, 1861. 


J.HS. = The Journal of Hellenic Studies. London, 1880—. 
J.Q.R. = The Jewish Quarterly Review. London, 1889—. 
J.T.S. = The Journal of Theological Studies. London, 1900—. 


Kennedy Sources = Sources of New Testament Greek, by H. A. A. 
Kennedy. Edinburgh, 1895. 

Kennedy Last Things = St Paul's Conceptions of the Last Things, 
by H. A. A. Kennedy. London, 1904. 

Kihner*® = Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, by 
R. Kiihner. Elementar- und Formenlehre, ed. F. Blass. 2 vols. 
Hanover, 1890, 1892. Satzlehre, ed. B. Gerth. 2 vols. 1898, 
1904. 

Kuhring = De Praepositionum Graecarum in Chartis Aegyptiis Usu, - 
by G. Kuhring. Bonn, 1906. 

Lob. Phryn. = Phrynichi Ecloga, ed. C. A. Lobeck. Leipzig, 1820. 

LS8.=A Greek-English Lexicon, by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott. 
6th Edit. Oxford, 1869. 

Mayser = Grammatik der Griechischen Papyri aus der Ptoleméerzeit, 
by E. Mayser. Leipzig, 1906. 

Meisterhans = Grammatik der attischen Inschriften, by K. Meister- 
hans. 3rd Edit. by E. Schwyzer. Berlin, 1900. 

Mél. Nic. = Mélanges Nicole. (A collection of studies in classical 
philology and in archaeology dedicated to Prof. J. Nicole). 
Geneva, 1905. 

Moeris = Moeridis Lexicon Atticum, ed. J. Pierson. Lugd. Batay. 
1759. 

Moulton Prolegg.= A Grammar of New Testament Greek, by J. H. 
Moulton. Vol. i. Prolegomena. 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1906. 

Niageli= Der Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus, by Th. Nageli. Géttin- 
gen, 1905. See p. lv n.?, 

Norden Kunstprosa = Die antike Kunstprosa vom vi. Jahrhundert v. 
Chr. bis im die Zeit der Renaissance, by E. Norden. 2 vols. 
Leipzig, 1898. See p. lvii π.ὅ. 

Ramsay C. and B. = The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, by W. M. 
Ramsay. Vol. i. in two parts. Oxford, 1895—97. 


ἘΠΕ ABBREVIATIONS XVli 


Reitzenstein Poimandres = Poimandres: Studien zur Griechisch- 
Agyptischen und Friihchristlichen Literatur, by R. Reitzenstein. 
Leipzig, 1904. 

Roberts-Gardner=An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part II. 
The Inscriptions of Attica, Edited by E. 5, Roberts and E. A. 
Gardner. Cambridge, 1905. 

Rutherford V.P.=The New Phrynichus, by W. G. Rutherford. 
London, 1881. 

Schmid Attic.= Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretern von Diony- 
sius von Halikarnass bis auf den zweiten Philostratus, by W. 
Schmid. 4 vols and Register. Stuttgart, 1887—97. 

Schiirer* = Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 
by E. Schiirer. 3rd and 4th Edit. Leipzig, 1901—o2. Eng. 
Tr. of the 2nd Edit. Edinburgh, 1890—g1. 

SH.=A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to 
the Romans, by W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam. 5th Edit. 
Edinburgh, 1902. 

SK. = Studien und Kritiken. Gotha, 1828—. 

Soph. Lex. = Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, by 
EK. A. Sophocles. Memorial edition. New York, 1887. 

Stephanus Z'hesawrus = Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, by H. Stephanus. 
8 vols. and Glossary and Index. London, 1816—26. 

Suicer Thesaurus = Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus 6 Patribus Graecis, by 
J. ©. Suicer. Amsterdam, 1682. 

Suidas = Swidae Lexicon, ed. I. Bekker. Berlin, 1854. 

Thieme = Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Méander und das Neue 
Testament, by G. Thieme. Géttingen, 1906. 

Thumb Hellen.= Die Griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus, 
by A. Thumb. Strassburg, 1901. 

Trench Syn. = Synonyms of the New Testament, by R. C. Trench. 
New Edition. London, 1901. 

Viteau = Htude sur le grec du Nouveaw Testament, by J. Viteau. 
Vol. i. Le Verbe: Syntaxe des Prépositions; Vol. ii. Sujet, 
Complément et Attribut. Paris, 1893—96. 

Volz Jiid. Hschat.=Jiidische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba, 
by P. Volz. Tiibingen, 1903. 

Votaw = The Use of the Infinitive in Biblical Greek, by C. W. Votaw. 
Chicago, 1896. 

b2 


XViil ABBREVIATIONS 


Weber Jiid. Theologie = Jiidische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud 
und verwandter Schriften, being the 2nd Edition by F. Delitzsch 
and αν, Schnedermann of F. Weber’s System der alisynagogalen 
palastinischen Theologie or Die Lehren des Talmud. Leipzig, 
1897. 

WH. or WH’= The New Testament in the original Greek, by B. F. 
Westcott and F. J. A. Hort. Vol. i. Zext; vol. ii. Introduction — 
and Appendix containing Notes on Select Readings &c. Revised 
Editions. London, 1898 and 1896. 

Wilcken Ostr. = Griechische Ostraka by U. Wilcken, 2 vols. Leipzig, 
1899. 

Witk. Lpp. = Epistulae Privatae Graecae, ed. 8. Witkowski. Leipzig, 
1906. See p. 129. 

WM.=4 Treatise on the Grammar of New Testament Greek, by 
G. B. Winer, tr. and enlarged by W. F. Moulton. 8th Eng. 
Edit. Edinburgh, 1877. 

WSchm.=Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Sprachidioms, by 
G. B. Winer. 8th Edit: newly revised by P. W. Schmiedel 
(in progress), Gé6ttingen, 1894—. 

Zahn Linl. = Linleitung in das Neue Testament. Vol. i. 2nd Edit. 
Leipzig, 1900; vol. ii. rst Edit. 1899. 

Z.N.T.W. = Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. 
Giessen, Ig00—. 


INTRODUCTION 





INTRODUCTION 


I, 


THE CITY OF THESSALONICA? 


Soi pe, Opyixins σκυληφόρε, Θεσσαλονίκη, 
μήτηρ ἡ πάσης πέμψε Maxndovins. 


Antipater of Thessalonica 
(time of Augustus). 


Thessalonica was built close to the site of the ancient jo Ἑ sa 
ation o 


town of Therma or Therme, so named from the hot mineral Thessa- 
springs which still exist in the vicinity, and at the head of the !o™!. 


Gulf called after it the Thermaic Gulf 2 


Accounts differ as to 


the origin of the new city, but, according to the most probable 
story, it was founded by Cassander, the son-in-law of Philip of 
Macedon, about the year 315 B.C. and was called by him 
Thessalonica in honour of his wife, the step-sister of Alex- 


ander the Great’. 


1 The principal authority for the 
history of Thessalonica is Tafel’s His- 
toria Thessalonicae (Tiibing., 1835), 
afterwards prefixed as Prolegomena to 
his elaborate monograph De Thessa- 
lonica ejusque agro. Dissertatio geo- 
graphica (Berol., 1839). Accounts of 
the geography and antiquities of the 

eregion are to be found in Cousinéry 
Voyage dans la Macédoine i. p. 23 ff. 
(Paris, 1831), Leake Travels in North- 
ern Greece 111, p. 235 ff. (1835), Heuzey 
et Daumet Mission Archéologique de 
Macédoine (Paris, 1876), and Duchesne 


Its earliest inhabitants were drawn not 


et Bayet Mémoire sur wne Mission au 
Mont Athos (Paris, '1876). See also 
Lightfoot Biblical Essays p. 253 ff., 
and the artt. ‘Thessalonica’ in the 
Encycl, Bibl. and in Hastings’ D.B. 
The present appearance and condition 
of the town are graphically described 
by G. F. Abbott in The Tale of a Tour 
in Macedonia (1903). 

2 Herod. vii. 121 Θέρμῃ δὲ τῇ ἐν τῷ 
Θερμαίῳ κόλπῳ οἰκημένῃ, ἀπ᾽ ἧς καὶ ὁ 
κόλπος οὗτος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἔχει. 

3 Strabo 330 ἣ πρότερον Θέρμη ἐ- 
καλεῖτο. κτίσμα δ᾽ ἐστὶν Κασσάνδρου, 


Thessa- 
lonica 
under 
Roman 
rule, 


XXll THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


only from Therme, but from several of the neighbouring cities 
on the shores of the Gulf!, and there is ample evidence that it 
soon rose to be a place of very considerable importance. It 
owed this in large measure to the natural advantages of its 
situation, commanding, as it did, on the landward side the 
rich plain of the Strymon, on which there also converged the 
three plains, watered respectively by the Axias, the Lydias, and 
the Haliacmon, and being furnished towards the sea with a 
good natural harbour. 

When, accordingly, in 168 B.c. Macedonia was conquered 
by the Romans, and divided into four districts, Thessalonica, 
‘celeberrima.urbs, was made the capital of Macedonia Secunda*. 
And when, a few years later, 146 B.c., the different districts 
were united into a single province, it became vie the 
capital of the whole. 

Under Roman rule the prosperity of the city continued to 
advance rapidly. Its situation on the great Via Egnatia’, 
about midway between Dyrrachium on the Adriatic and the 
river Hebrus in Thrace, brought it into such direct contact 
with the stream of traffic that was continually passing along 
that busy highway between Rome and her Eastern depend- 
encies, that Cicero can speak of its inhabitants as ‘placed in 
the lap of the Empire*’; and it was here that he himself sought 
refuge in the quaestor’s house during his exile’®. 

On the outbreak of the First Civil War (49 B.c.), Thessa- 
lonica was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party’, but 
during the Second was found on the side of Octavius and 
Antonius’, and, when their cause triumphed, was declared by 
way of reward a free city®. The consequence was that, unlike 
ὃς ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, imperii nostri’ (de prov. Consul. 2). 
mados δὲ Φιλίππου τοῦ ᾿Αμυντίου, 5 Pro Plane. 41. 
ὠνόμασεν. The new title (under the 6 Dion Cass. xli. 18. 


form Θετταλονίκη) is first found in 7 Plut. Brut. 46, Appian Bell. Civ. 
Polyb. xxiii. 4. 4, τι. 2 &c. Other iv. 118. 


accounts of the foundation of the city 8 «Thessalonica liberae condicionis’ 
will be found in Tafel p. v. (Plin. N.H. iv. 17). Coins have been® 
1 Strabo l.c., Plin, N.H. iv. 17. discovered with the inscription Θεσσα- 
2 Liv. xlv. 29, 30. Novixewy ελευθεριας (-ρια), which 
3 See Tafel Via militaris Roman- probably refers to this fact (Tafel 
orum Egnatia (Tiibing. 1842). p- xxviii f.). 


4 «Thessalonicenses positi in gremio 


Kes 


᾿ THE CITY OF THESSALONICA XXill 
its neighbour. Philippi, which was a Roman colony, Thessa- 
lonica comubiied an essentially Greek city, having the right to 
summon its own assembly’, and being ruled by its own magis- 
trates, who, according to the account in Acts, were known by 
the somewhat unusual title of politarchs. This fact, formerly 
urged against St Luke’s accuracy, has in recent years been 
triumphantly vindicated by the discovery of various inscriptions 
in which it reappears®. 

Other proofs of the flourishing state of Thessalonica are at the 
afforded by Strabo who, writing about a quarter of a century ee 
before St Paul’s visit, describes it as the most populous of the plana 
Macedonian cities of his time, a description that is confirmed a Ὁ 
century later by Lucian‘. 

Of St Paul’s connexion with Thessalonica, and the circum- 
stances attending the introduction of Christianity into it, we 
shall have occasion to speak later. Meanwhile it may be well 
to summarize briefly the story of the city’s fortunes down to 
the present time. 

About the middle of the third century it was erected into a in the 
colony, and, according to Duchesne, it probably received about pn ne 
the same time the title of metropolis of Macedonia®. Before centuries, 


1 Ac. xvil. 5 τὸν δῆμον (cf. xix. 30, 
33, of Ephesus). As throwing further 
light on the political constitution of 
Thessalonica, an interesting inscrip- 
tion, belonging to 143 4.D., may be 
recalled, where mention is made not 
only of its politarchs (see below), but 
of the decrees passed ὑπὸ τῆς kparta[rns 
. βουλ]ῆς καὶ τοῦ δήμου (Duchesne p. το). 

2 Ac. xvii. 6. 

3 The most important of these, 
which was found on a Roman Arch 
(since demolished), is now preserved 
in the British Museum. It is repro- 
duced, with a history of the various 
transcriptions that have from time to 
time appeared, by Prof. E. DeWitt 
Burton in an important art. on ‘The 
Politarchs’ in the Amer. Journ. of 
Theol. ii. (1898), p. 598 ff. (summarized 
in Hastings’ D.B. under ‘Rulers of the 
City’). From this art. it would appear 


that the number of politarchs in 
Thessalonica in N.T. times was either 
five or six, and further that the office 
was by no means confined to Thessa- 
lonica, as is sometimes erroneously 
assumed. To Burton’s evidence we 
can now add the occurrence of the 
title on an Egyptian papyrus-letter 
from Oxyrhynchus, belonging to the 
beginning of the first century, where 
the writer claims that his correspon- 
dent had made some promise through 
the ‘politarch’ Theophilus (P.Oxy. 
745, 4 ὡς καὶ ὑπέσχου διὰ τοῦ πολειτάρχου 
Θεοφίλου). 

4 Strabo 323 Θεσσαλονικείας, Μακε- 
δονικῆς πόλεως, ἣ νῦν μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων 
εὐανδρεῖ, Luc. Asin. aur. 46 πόλεως τῶν 
ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τῆς μεγίστης Θεσσαλονίκης. 

5 The title occurs as early as Strabo 
330 4 δὲ μητρόπολις τῆς νῦν Μακεδονίας 
ἐστί, but, in view of the fact that both 


in the 
Middle 
Ages, 


XXIV THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


the foundation of Constantinople, it seems even to have been 
thought of as the possible capital of the world’, © 

Its patron-saint Demetrius was martyred about 304 A.D.’, 
and towards the close of the same century (389 A.D.) Thessalonica 
again received unhappy prominence through the ruthless mas- 
sacre of at least seven thousand of its inhabitants by the order 
of the Emperor. Theodosius, an act for which he was refused 
absolution by Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, until, after the lapse 
of eight months, he performed the most abject penance. 

In the following century Theodoret describes Thessalonica 
as ‘the greatest and most populous’ city of the district*, and 
the place which it gradually acquired in the history of the 
Church is shown by the fact that Cameniata in the tenth 
century bestows upon it, as its special right, the proud title 
of ‘the orthodox city‘’ a designation it continued to deserve 
throughout the Middle Ages, when, according to its historian 
Tafel, it proved itself ‘fax quaedam humanitatis ... fideique 
Christianae promotrix®, 

Amongst its great names during this period none was more 
illustrious than that of Eustathius, who was not only the 
foremost scholar of his age, but, as archbishop of Thessalonica 
from 1175 to 6. 1192, proved himself ‘a man of political insight, 
and a bold and far-seeing reformer*, 

Meanwhile the outward fortunes of the city were very varied, 


contemporary and later inscriptions 
speak of Thessalonica simply as πόλις, 
Duchesne (p. 14 f.) thinks that Strabo’s 
words, if not the gloss of a copyist, 
are best understood figuratively: cf. 
Jacobs Anth. Gr. ii. p. 152, no. 428 
(time of Augustus) Θεσσαλονίκη, μήτηρ 
ἡ πάσης... Μακηδονίης. 

1 ‘Before the foundation οὗ Constan- 
tinople, Thessalonica is mentioned by 
Cedrenus (p. 283), and Sardica by 
Zonaras, as the intended capital’ 
(Gibbon Decline and Fall ¢, xvii.). 

2 The splendid church erected in his 
honour is now a Turkish mosque. 

3 Theodoret H.E. v, 17 Θεσσαλονίκη 
πόλις ἐστὶ μεγίστη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος. 

4 Cameniata De excidio Thessaloni- 


censi § 3 ἕν δὲ τοῦτο πρῶτον καὶ ἰδιαίτατον 
διεδείκνυτο, τὸ ὀρθόδοξον αὐτὴν καὶ εἶναι 
καὶ ὀνομάζεσθαι καὶ τούτῳ μᾶλλον ἤπερ 
τοῖς ἄλλοις σεμνύνεσθαι. According to 
Tafel (p. xlvi), the name is due to the 
city’s obstinate defence of image-wor- 
ship against the iconoclastic Emperors 
in the eighth and ninth centuries, 
Lightfoot (Bibl. Essays p. 268 f.) pre- 
fers to connect it with the stalwart 
resistance which Thessalonica offered 
to successive Gothic and Slavonic in- 
vasions, and to its active efforts for 
the conversion of the invaders. 

5 Praef. p. 3. 

6 J. E, Sandys Hist. of Class, 
Scholarship? p. 421. 


THE CITY OF THESSALONICA XXV 


but finally, after being plundered by the Saracens in 904, fall- 
ing into the hands of the Normans and Tancred in 1185, and 

being placed under the protection of the Venetian Republic in 
1422, it was taken by the Turks under Amurath II. in 1430, 
and has remained ever since in their possession. 


At the present time under the popular name of Saloniki or and at 


and carries on a large and flourishing trade. A recent traveller, 
after a careful examination of the statistics on the spot, esti- 
mated the number of its inhabitants a few years ago at 
150,000, of whom he considered that no fewer than 90,000 were 
Jews*. These Jews are not, however, to be thought of as the 
direct descendants of the Jews of St Paul’s day, but are 
Spanish Jews whose ancestors found refuge here when the Jews 
were expelled from Spain under Ferdinand and Isabella. They 
still speak a kind of Spanish ‘much damaged by wear and tear, 
and picturesquely patched up with Turkish and other foreign 
elements?, and occupy a distinct mahallah or quarter of the city. 
Their importance is shown by the fact that they possess about 
thirty synagogues, as compared with about an equal number of 
Turkish mosques and twelve Christian churches, while a large 
part of the trade of the city is in their hands, 

The Greek influence on the town, however, notwithstanding 
the comparatively small number of Greek inhabitants, is still 
predominant, so that ‘on the whole, Salonica may be said still 
to be what it has been for more than twenty centuries— 
a centre of Hellenic influence and civilisation‘ 


1 The old name of Θεσσαλονίκη is Turkish statistics two things must be 


still used by all Greeks of any educa- 
tion. In the heading of letters this is 
often abbreviated into O/vixy. 

2 Abbott p. τοῦ. These figures are 
very considerably higher than the 
usual official returns, but, in a com- 
munication to the present writer, Mr 
Abbott states that in dealing with 


kept in mind: first, that the Jews, who 
have no political ambitions, endeavour 
to minimize their numbers in order to 
avoid taxation; secondly, that the 
Christians often exaggerate theirs for 
political reasons, 

3 Abbott p. 20. 

4 Ibid. Ὅν 21. 


the pre- 


(Turkish) Selanik?, it is the second city in European Turkey, se 


nt time, 


ἣν ee 
Founda- 
tion of 
the Thes- 
salonian 
Church. 


Il. 


ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH. 


Αὐτὸν yap αὐχεῖ Θεσσαλονίκη tov Παῦλον ἔχειν τῆς εὐσεβείας 
διδάσκαλον, τὸ σκεῦος τῆς ἐκλογῆς ...ἐν αὐτῇ μᾶλλον τὸν τῆς 
θεογνωσίας σπόρον κατέβαλε, καὶ πολύχουν ἀποδίδοσθαι τὸν τῆς 
πίστεως καρπὸν διεσπούδασε. 


Cameniata De eaxcidio Thessalonicensi § 3. 


‘It is this close combination of cosmopolitan Judaism 
with cosmopolitan Hellenism which afforded the new religion 
its non-local, non-parochial hot-beds, and fitted it (humanly 
speaking) for the acceptance of the world.’ 

J. P. Mahaffy The Silver Age of the Greek World 
(1906) p. 317. 

1. It was during what is generally known as his Second 
Missionary Journey that St Paul first visited Thessalonica, 
and founded the Christian Church there. Obliged to leave 
Philippi, the Apostle along with Silas and, in all probability, 
Timothy, turned his face towards the South, and, following 
the line of the Great Egnatian Road which here runs through 
scenery of great natural beauty’, pushed on steadily over the 
hundred miles that separated Philippi from Thessalonica’. 
In the latter busy seaport with its varied population and 
strenuous life St Paul would find just such a scene of work 
as he most desired. At once along with his companions he 
entered on an active mission amongst the Jews of the place, 
frequenting the Synagogue on three successive Sabbath days 
(ἐπὶ σάββατα τρία, Ac. xvii. 2) and reasoning in friendly 
intercourse (διελέξατο) with the assembled worshippers’. 


1 Renan St Paul (1869) p. 154f. 
2 According tothe Antonine Itinerary, 
the actual distances were from Philippi 


the Apostle’s successive resting-places 
for the night. But, as the ordinary 
rate for travellers on foot did not 


to Amphipolis thirty-three miles, from 
Amphipolis to Apollonia thirty miles, 
and from Apollonia to Thessalonica 
thirty-seven miles, and in consequence 
it has been conjectured that Amphi- 
polis and Apollonia (Ac. xvii. 1) formed 


exceed sixteen to twenty Roman miles 
a day (Ramsay in Hastings’ D.B. v. 
Ῥ. 386), the whole journey probably 
occupied from five to six days. 

3 Amongst the inscriptions found at 
Thessalonica is a fragment of uncertain 


ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxvii 


In doing so, as was natural with such an audience, the 
Apostle found a common starting-point in the Jewish Scriptures, 
expounding and quoting them to prove (διανοίγων καὶ παρα- 
τιθέμενος) that the Christ, for whom the Jews had been taught 
to look, ought to suffer and to rise again from the dead, and 
then passing on to show that these things were indeed ful- 
filled in the historical Jesus whom he had now come to 
proclaim (v. 3). Nor was this all, but, to judge from the nature 
of the charge afterwards brought against the missionaries 
(‘saying that there is another King, Jesus’ v. 7), special stress 
would seem to have been laid on the doctrine of the Kingdom 
which had played so large a part in the teaching of Jesus 
Himself, and above all, as we see clearly from the two Epistles 
afterwards addressed to the Thessalonian Church, upon its 
speedy and final establishment by the glorious return of its 
now exalted and heavenly King. 

So far as the Jews were concerned, the immediate effect 
of this preaching was small, but, in addition to the ‘some’ of 
them who were persuaded, the historian of the Acts mentions 
other two classes who ‘consorted’ with the Apostles, or more 
exactly ‘were allotted’ to them by Divine favour (mpoce- 
κληρώθησαν), namely, ‘of the devout Greeks a great multitude, 
and of the chief women not a few’ (v. 4. Both these classes 
were of Gentile birth’. And this in itself prepares us for 
the further fact, not referred to in Acts, but amply attested 
by the contents of St Paul’s own Epistles, that, on the com- 
parative failure of this Jewish. mission, the Apostles turned 
directly to the Gentile inhabitants of the town, and prosecuted 
their teaching amongst them with a far larger degree of success 
(cf. I. i. 9, 11. 14)”. 


date, but as late as imperial times, 
which reads ‘TOTHEBP συν]αγωγὴ 
Ἕβρ[αίων], see J.H.S. xviii. (1898), 
Ρ. 333: 

1 Dr Hort indeed thinks that the 
‘chief women’ were probably the 
Jewish wives of heathen men of dis- 
tinction as in Ac. xiii. 50 (Jud. 
Christianity p. 89), but on that oc- 
casion the women were found ranked 
against the Apostles, and in the present 


instance it is more natural to think of 
them as of Macedonian extraction 
(cf. Knowling E.G.7. ad loc.). For 
the important part played by women 
in Macedonia see Lightfoot Philip- 
pians? Ὁ. 55 f., Ramsay St Paul the 
Traveller and the Roman Citizen p. 
227. 

2 The Lukan and Pauline accounts 
would be brought into closer harmony 
if in Ac, xvii. 4 we could adopt Ram- 


OF THE 


(~ 
UNIVERSITY 


Attack 
upon St 
Paul. 


XXVIII THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


How long St Paul continued his work amongst the Gentiles 
in Thessalonica we can only conjecture, but there are various 
particulars that indicate that it may well have extended over 
several months. Thus, apart from the two separate occasions 
on which he received help from Philippi (Phil. iv. 15 f.), a 
fact in itself pointing to a considerable lapse of time, the 
Apostle evidently found it-worth his while to settle down for a 
time to his ordinary trade, and thereby secure the opportunity 
not only of instructing his converts as a whole in the main 
Christian truths (I. 1. ο f.), but of dealing directly and person- 
ally with them (I. ii. 7, 11; see further p. xlv). There is also 
evidence of a certain amount of organization in the newly- 
formed community either immediately previous to or after the 
missionaries’ departure (I. v. 12 ff.). Nor is it without signifi- 
cance as showing how widely St Paul had succeeded in making 
his presence and influence felt outside the circle of his own 
immediate followers that ‘the city,’ evidently ‘all the city’ 
(A.V.), though there is no warrant for ‘all’ in the original, 
was set in an uproar by the attack made against him (v. 5). 

The primary instigators of this attack were the Jews who, 
moved by jealousy of the success attending St Paul’s preaching, 
but unable of themselves to thwart it, enlisted on their side 
‘certain vile fellows of the rabble, the lazzaroni of the market- 
place, who must have been very numerous in such a city as 
Thessalonica, and with their aid assaulted the house of Jason, 
in which apparently the Apostles were lodging. It had been 
their intention to bring them before that assembly of the 
people which, in virtue of their libera condicio (see p. xxii n.°), 
the Thessalonians were privileged to hold. But means had 
been found for the Apostles’ escape, and the mob had to 
content themselves with wreaking their vengeance on Jason 
and certain others of the brethren by bringing them before the 
politarchs, or city-magistrates, on the charge of being revolu- 
tionaries—‘ these that have turned the world upside down’ 
(v. 6)—and more particularly of acting ‘ contrary to the decrees 
of Caesar, saying that there is another King, Jesus’ (v. 7). 
say’s emendation of the text, resulting πολύ (St Paul Ὁ. 235); but the reading 


from a comparison of A with D, πολλοὸὸ is wanting in ms. authority, nor is it 
τῶν σεβομένων καὶ Ἑλλήνων “πλῆθος required on internal grounds. 


ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxix 

The charge was cleverly planned, and in itself clearly betrays 
the Jewish prompting which, as we have just seen, underlay 
the whole riot, for only Jews thought of the Messiah as King, 
and could thus have accused the Apostles of proclaiming Jesus 
as ‘another’ King. At the same time no charge was more 
likely to arouse the hostility of the Greek magistrates’. As in 
the case of Pilate, when a similar accusation was laid before 
him against the Lord Himself (Lk. xxiii. 2, Jo. xix. 12, 15), 
the politarchs would be very sensitive to any appearance of 
tolerating treason against the honour of the Emperor, and it 
says much for their desire to administer justice impartially that 
they contented themselves with requiring that ‘security,’ 
probably in the form of a pecuniary surety or bond, should be 
taken from Jason and the others that the peace of the city 
should not be further disturbed?. Moderate, however, though 
this decision was*, it made it impossible for St Paul to remain 
in Thessalonica without the risk of involving his friends in 
serious troubles, and possibly of arousing active official oppo- 
sition to his whole work, and accordingly along with Silas he 
departed by night for the important city of Beroea‘, whither he 
was followed soon after by Timothy. 


2. The missionaries’ reception there was even more en- 2. De- 
couraging than at Thessalonica. No longer ‘some’ but ‘many’ eae RS 


of the Jews believed, and along with them ‘of the Greek women salonica. 
of honourable estate, and of men, not a few’ (v. 12). But the ere 
work was not long allowed to go on in peace. The bitter 
malice of the Thessalonian Jews followed St Paul here, and 
so successful were they in again ‘stirring up and troubling 
the multitudes’ that the brethren sent for the Apostle to go 


1 *Nec Caesaribus honor’ is one of 
the complaints of Tacitus against the 
Jews (Hist. v. 5). And Just. M. Apol. 
i. τι (Otto) proves how necessary the 
first Christians found it to show that 
by ‘kingdom’ they understood nothing 
‘human’ (οὐκ εἰς τὸ viv τὰς ἐλπίδας 
ἔχομεν). 

2 Ac. xvii.g. The phrase λαμβάνειν 
τὸ ἱκανόν, which Blass (Acta Aposto- 
lorum p. 187) traces to Latin influence 
satisdare, satis accipere, can now be 


illustrated from the inscriptions, e.g. 
O0.G.I.S. 484, 50 (ii./aA.D.) τὸ ἱκαν[ὸν 
πρὸ Kplojews λ[ζα]μβάνεσθαι, 629, Io1 
(ii./A.D.) οὗ[τος τ]ὸ ἱκανὸν λαμβανέτω. 

3 Ramsay describes it as ‘the mildest 
that was prudent in the circumstances’ 
(St Paul p. 230). 

4 In an inscription discovered at 
Beroea belonging to ii./a.p., the city 
is described as 7% σεμνοτάτη μητρόπολις 
τῆς Μακεδονίας καὶ δὶς νεωκόρος Βέροια 
(Rev. d. Etudes grecques XY. p. 142). 


Athens. 


3. Move- 
ments of 

Silas and 
Timothy. 


Timothy’s 
report 
from 
Thessa- 
lonica. 


XXX THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


‘as far as to the sea, where, probably at Dium, some of them 
embarked along with him for Athens (v. 14 f.). 

3. Meanwhile Silas and Timothy remained behind at 
Beroea, perhaps to prosecute the newly started work, possibly 
also to know when it would be safe for St Paul to return to 
Thessalonica, but in any case with instructions to rejoin him as 
quickly as possible. If we had only the account in Acts to 
guide us, we might imagine that they were not able to ac- 
complish this until St Paul reached Corinth (cf. Ac. xviii. 5). 
But again the historical narrative requires to be supplemented 
by the Apostle’s own Epistle. For the mention of the despatch 
of Timothy on a special mission to Thessalonica while St Paul 
was still at Athens shows us that he at least had previously 
rejoined the Apostle there (I. 111. 1 f.); and if so, it is probable 
that Silas had also done the same in accordance with the 
urgent message already sent to both (Ac. xvii. 15). And if we 
ean think of the despatch of Silas himself shortly afterwards on 
a similar errand, perhaps to Philippi, with which at the time 
St Paul was in communication (Phil. iv. 15), we can under- 
stand, in accordance with the definite statements of Ac. xviii. 5, 
how on the conclusion of their respective missions the two 
messengers ‘came down from Macedonia’ to St Paul at Corinth, 
to which city he had gone on alone from Athens’. 

The report which Timothy brought back from Thessalonica, 
supplemented possibly by a letter from the Thessalonians 
themselves addressed to St Paul’, was evidently in the main 
highly satisfactory. The Thessalonians, to judge from the 
Kpistle afterwards addressed to them, which is our only defi- 
nite source of information, had proved themselves worthy 
of their ‘election’ not only in the manner in which they them- 
selves had received the Gospel, but in the ‘ensample’ they 


1 Cf. Paley Hor. Paul. ο. ix. 4. It 
is of course possible that St Paul only 
sent instructions from Athens to 
Timothy and Silas while still at 
Beroea to proceed thence on their 
respective missions, and consequently 
that it was actually first at Corinth 
that they rejoined him. But the ex- 
planation given above seems more 
natural, especially in view of the em- 


phatic καταλειφθῆναι ‘left behind’ of 
I. iii. 1, suggesting the immediately 
previous presence of his companions 
with the writer (see note ad loc.). 

* For an interesting attempt to re- 
construct this letter see Rendel Harris 
‘A Study in Letter-writing,’ Exp. v. 
viii. p. 161 ff., and οἵ, Add. Note A, 
‘St Paul as a Letter-Writer, p. 126.’ 


ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxi 


had subsequently set to believers throughout Macedonia and 
Achaia (I. i. 4 ff.). At the same time they were exposed to 
certain dangers requiring immediate attention if they were 
indeed to prove a ‘crown of glorying’ at the Parousia of the 
Lord Jesus (I. 11. 19). 

4. Thus it would appear that no sooner had St Paul and + ee 
his companions left Thessalonica than suspicions had begun to leading 
be cast upon the whole course of their Apostolic ministry, with eden τὰ 
the obvious intention of diverting the Thessalonian believers 1 Thessa- 
from their allegiance. Nowhere are we expressly told who were ge cae 
the authors of these insinuations. And in consequence many tions 


have referred them to the heathen population of Thessalonica!’ ῬΑ ΡΣ 
who would naturally resent bitterly the defection of their fellow- δ᾽ Ῥ aul 
countrymen from the old standards of faith and morals. But if 
so, it hardly seems likely that their opposition would have taken 
this particular form, or, even supposing it had, that it would 
have had much effect upon the Christian converts. These last 
could not but know that their fellow-countrymen’s zeal against 
the Apostles was dictated not only by prejudice, but by 
ignorance of the facts of the case, and they would hardly allow 
themselves to be led astray by those who had never put them- 
selves in the way of discovering what was the real character and 
teaching of the men they were so eager to traduce. 

If, however, the attacks came from a Jewish source, the case by the 
would be very different. The Thessalonian Jews would be able rics 


inhabit- 
to claim that in virtue of their own past history, and the pb of 


‘oracles’ that had been committed to their fathers, they were in oe a 
a better position to decide than any newly admitted Gentile 
converts could possibly be, what was the true relation of the 
Apostles’ teaching to the whole course of that Divine revela- 
tion, of which it claimed to be the natural and necessary 
fulfilment. We must not indeed suppose that their attacks 
assumed the definite form which St Paul had afterwards to 
face in connexion with his Judaistic opponents in Galatia and 
elsewhere. Of this there is as yet no trace in the Epistles 
before us» On the other hand we can easily understand how 
1 So e.g. Clemen, Paulus (1904) ii. Tr. p. 58 ‘The new converts were 


p. 181 f. threatened, not by a false Gospel, but 
2 Jiilicher Introd. to the N.T. Eng. _ by rabid hatred of any Gospel.’ 


M. THESS. c 


Persecu- 
tion of 


the Thes- 


salonian 
Chris- 
tians. 


XXXli THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


ready the Jewish inhabitants of Thessalonica would be by open 
assertion and covert hint to throw discredit on the Apostle’s 
character and credentials with the object of undermining as 
far as possible the effect of his work®. 

It is this latter consideration indeed, which alone enables 
us to understand the large place which St Paul devotes to 
this subject in his Epistle. It may seem strange at first sight 
that he should have thought it worth while to defend himself 
and his companions from attacks coming from a source so 
manifestly inspired by unworthy motives. But the Apostle 
could not but recognize that much more than his own personal 
honour was at stake. The whole future of the Gospel at 
Thessalonica would be endangered, if these ‘perverse and 
wicked men’ (II. iii. 2) were allowed to get their way. And 
therefore it was that he found it necessary for the Word’s sake, 
if not for his own, that they should not only be answered, but 
repudiated and condemned in the most emphatic manner 
(I. ii. 15 f.). 

Nor was this the only point on which Timothy’s report 
caused St Paul grave concern. The persecution, which the 
Apostle had foretold as the lot of Christ’s people everywhere, 
had evidently fallen in full measure on the young Thessalonian 
community (I. iii. 3 ff.). And though as yet there were no 
signs of active backsliding, but rather the contrary, St Paul 
dreaded that such a state of things might not continue, 
and that his converts might suffer themselves to be ‘lured 
away’ (v. 3) from that standing fast in the Lord (v. 8), through 
which alone they could hope to obtain full and complete 
salvation at the Lord’s appearing (v. 13, cf. v. 9). The ex- 
hortation of a father therefore (ii. 11) was required, as well 
as the tender dealing of a mother (ii. 7), and this all the more 
in view of certain other matters of a more directly practical 
kind, on which Timothy had evidently represented the Thessa- 
lonians as requiring further guidance. 


1 Cf. B. Weiss ‘The Present Status a paper in which there are many sug- 
of the Inquiry concerning the Genuine- gestive remarks regarding the Epistles 
ness of the Pauline Epistles’ in Amer. _ before us. 

Journ, of Theol. i. (1897) p. 332 £.— 


ΒΤ PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxiii 


These concerned in the first place their moral conduct. Their 
Christian believers though they were, the Thessalonians had a 
not yet learned the completeness of the severance which their 
new faith demanded from various habits and practices they had 
hitherto been accustomed to regard as ‘indifferent,’ nor the 
necessity of a quiet, orderly continuance in the work and 
relationships of their daily life, notwithstanding the speedy 
coming of their Lord for which they had been taught to look 
Gv; -I—12). 

And then as regards that coming itself, there were at least and _ 
two points on which the Apostle’s previous instruction required rita gs 
to be supplemented. oultign, 

In the first place the Thessalonians had to be reassured 
on a question which was giving them grave concern, and on 
which apparently they had definitely asked St Paul’s opinion. 
What of those of their number who were falling asleep while 
as yet Christ had not come? Would they in consequence 
be shut out from the glory by which His coming would be 
attended'? By no means, so the Apostle hastened to comfort 
them, in one of the few pictorial representations of the Last 
Things that occur in his writings; they would rather be the 
first to share in that glory. For not till the ‘dead in Christ’ 
had risen, would the living be caught up along with them 
to meet the descending Lord in the air (iv. 13—18). 

In the second place, as regarded the time of that coming, 
which to the Thessalonians in their eager love for Christ might 
seem to be unaccountably delayed, St Paul recalled what they 
ought never to have forgotten, that the Day of the Lord would 
come as a surprise, and that in consequence their present duty 
was not to be over-anxious on a point regarding which no 
certain knowledge was possible, but rather to watch and be 
sober, putting on the triple armour of faith and love and 
hope—a hope grounded on God’s gracious purposes towards 
them, and on the redemptive work of Christ through which 


1 The same problem meets us in  dixit ad me: coronae adsimilabo iudi- 
4 Ezra v. 41 f. (ed. Bensly): ‘Et dixi: cium meum; sicut non nouissimorum 
sed ecce, domine, tu praees his qui in _ tarditas, sic nee priorum uelocitas.’ 
fine sunt, et quid facient qui ante nos _See further note ad I. iv. 15. 
sunt aut nos aut hi qui post nos? Et 


and 
failure in 
internal 
discipline. 


The 
Epistle a 
substitute 
for a 
personal 
visit. 


Written in 
the name 
of all 

the mis- 
sionaries. 


xxxiv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


alone the fulfilment of these purposes had been rendered 
possible (v. I—I1). 

Nor was this all, but as appears from the closing section 
of the Epistle, St Paul had evidently also been informed of 
certain difficulties that had arisen in the internal discipline 
of the young community, and in consequence seized the oppor- 
tunity of reinforcing the authority of those who had been placed 
in positions of trust, and of laying down certain general rules of 
holy living, by means of which the well-being of the whole 
community might be secured, and its members be ‘preserved 
entire, without blame’ at the coming of the Lord Jesus Christ 
(v. 12—23). 

Such then would seem to have been the circumstances 
which led up to the writing of this Epistle, and the manner 
in which St Paul met them. Nothing indeed can be clearer 
from the Epistle itself than how much the Apostle regretted 
having to fall back upon this method of communicating with 
his beloved converts. Gladly would he rather have revisited 
them in person, and indeed, as he expressly tells them, on two 
occasions he had actually made the attempt, but in vain— 
‘Satan hindered us’ (11. 18). No other course then remained 
open for him but to have resort to a letter, a means of 
conveying religious truth which he had made peculiarly his 
own!, and of which he had doubtless frequently availed himself 
before in communicating with the Churches he had founded*® 

It is noteworthy too, how closely on the present occasion 
St Paul associated Silas and Timothy with himself in the 
writing of the Epistle. For not only do their names occur 
along with his own in the Address in accordance with a 
favourite and characteristic practice*, but the first person plural 


1 See further Add. Note A, ‘St Paul 
as a Letter- Writer.’ 

2 Note the emphatic ἐν πάσῃ ἐπιστολῇ 
in 11. iii. 17, which naturally implies 
more than a single precursor (San- 
day Inspiration p. 336), and ‘On 
the Probability that many of St Paul’s 
Epistles have been lost’ see Jowett 
The Epistles of St Paul to the Thessa- 
lonians? ἄχ. (1859) i. p. 195 ff. On the 


other hand 1. v. 27, 11, ii. 15, iii. 17 ἔς 
have been taken as implying that the 
habit of sending important Epistles 
was new (Weiss Introd. to the N.T., 
Eng. Tr. i. p. 204; cf. von Soden 
Hist. of Early Christian Literature 
Eng. Tr. p. 27 f.). 

3 Cf. Cic. ad Att. ix. 7a. Farrar 
(St Paul i. p. 579) recalls the saying 
of Origen that the concurrence of Paul 


“ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxv 


is maintained throughout both this Epistle and its successor with 
a regularity to which we have no subsequent parallel’. It will 
be well therefore to recognize this fact in our subsequent ex- 
position of the Epistle’s teaching, and to refer the views there 
expressed to all three Apostles, even though St Paul must 
be regarded as their primary and principal author. 

5. This same consideration helps also to establish what our 5. Place 
previous account of St Paul’s movements has made sufficiently ᾿ eh φος 
clear, that it was at Corinth that the First Epistle to the Thessa- salonians. 
lonians was written, for it was there, as we have seen, that 
Silas and Timothy rejoined him on the conclusion of their 
respective missions, nor, so far at least as we can gather from 
the Lukan account, was there any subsequent period in their 
history when the three missionaries were together in one place, 
and consequently in a position to act as joint-sponsors of the 
letter. 

With this view the internal evidence of the Epistle itself is 
in complete harmony. To place it earlier, as for example at 
Athens, in accordance with the ‘subscription’ in certain MSs. 
and followed by the A.V., would hardly leave time for all that 
had taken place in the Church at Thessalonica after the 
Apostles’ departure (ii. 14, 111. I—6), and, above all, for the 
influence the Thessalonian believers had been able to exert 
on the surrounding district (1. 7 ἢ, iv. 10). On the other hand, 
to place it subsequent to St Paul’s departure from Corinth 
where he remained a year and a half (Ac. xviii. 11), is obviously 
inconsistent with the freshness that marks his references to 
his Thessalonian friends (i. 5, ii. 1 ff.), and with his express 
statement that as yet he had been separated from them only 
‘for a short season’ (il. 17). 

6. Ifthen we are correct in regarding Corinth as the place 6. Date. 
of writing of the Epistle, and are prepared further to think of a 
comparatively early period in the Apostle’s sojourn there, the 
exact date will be determined by the view taken of the chrono- 
logy of St Paul’s life. It is a subject on which authorities 


and Silas flashed out the lightning of 1 See further Add. Note B, ‘Did 
these Epistles (Hom. V. in Jerem. St Paul use the Epistolary Plural?’ 
588 b). 


1 Thessa- 
lonians 
probably 
the 
earliest 
extant 
Pauline 
Epistle. 


XXxvl1 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


widely differ, but the general tendency is to throw the dates 
backward rather than forward, and we shall probably not be 
far wrong if we place the writing of our Epistle somewhere 
about 50—5I1 A.D. 

Harnack (Chronol. d. altchr, Litt. (1897) i. p. 239 n.') dates 
the two Epistles as early as 48—49, and in this he is followed 
by McGiffert (art. ‘Thessalonians (Epistles to)’ in neye. 
Bibl. col. 5037). The ‘Chronology of the N.T.’ advocated by 
Turner in Hastings’ D.b., which has met with wide acceptance, 
would throw them forward a year (50), while Ramsay (Sé Paul 
Ῥ. 254) prefers 51-52, the earlier of these dates being also 
supported by St Paul’s latest biographer Clemen (see his 
Paulus i. p. 398). W. Briickner (Chronol. p. 193 ff.), while 
dating the four chief Epistles as late as 61—62, agrees that, 
if τ Thessalonians is really the work of St Paul, it must be 
carried back to a much earlier period in the Apostle’s life, 
when his theological system was not yet fully developed ; 
cf. Menegoz Le Péché et la Rédemption Maprés Saint Paul 
(Paris, 1882) p. 4. 

On this view too of the date, we are probably justified in 
regarding 1 Thessalonians as the earliest of St Paul’s extant 
Epistles. It is impossible indeed to ignore the fact that in 
recent years this honour has been claimed with increasing per- 
sistency for the Epistle to the Galatians by a very influential 
band of scholars. And, if we are prepared to admit the South 
Galatian address of that Epistle, there is no doubt that a place 
can be found for it previous to the above-mentioned date, and, 
further, that this position is favoured by the often striking 
coincidences between its language and the incidents of the 
First Missionary Journey, and more specially the speech de- 
livered by the Apostle at Pisidian Antioch in the course of 10]. 

On the other hand, if such resemblances in language and 
thought are to be reckoned with, how are we to explain the 
fact that in the Thessalonian Epistle, written, according to most 
of the supporters of this view, very shortly after Galatians (see 
small print below), there is an almost complete absence of any 
trace of the distinctive doctrinal positions of that Epistle ? 
No doubt the differences in the circumstances under which the 


1 The various arguments that bear The Testimony of St Paul to Christ 
upon the exact date of Galatians will (1905) p. 28ff.; see also Moffatt Hist. 
be found carefully stated by Knowling N.T. p. 125 f. ; 


‘ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxvil 


two Epistles were written, and the particular ends they had in 
view, may account for much of this dissimilarity. At the same 
time, while not psychologically impossible, it is surely most 
unlikely that the same writer—and he too a writer of St Paul’s 
keen emotional nature—should show no signs in this (according 
to this view) later Epistle of the conflict through which he had 
just been passing, and on which he had been led to take up so 
strong and decided a position. 
If, however, in accordance with the older view, 1 Thessa- 
lonians along with its successor to the same Church can still 
be placed first, all is clear. As an example of St Paul’s mission- 
_ary teaching, written before the acuter controversies of his later 
years had forced themselves upon him, and made inevitable 
the presentment of the old truths in a new way, it stands in 
its natural relation to the earlier missionary discourses of 
Acts, which in so many respects it resembles, while the Epistle 
to the Galatians ranks itself along with the other great 
doctrinal Epistles to the Corinthians and the Romans, whether, 
with the majority of modern critics, we place it first amongst 
these, or, with Bishop Lightfoot, in an intermediate position 
between 2 Corinthians and Romans. 


Considerable variety of opinion exists among the supporters 
of the priority of Galatians as to the exact date to be assigned 
to it. Dr Vernon Bartlet (Hup. v. x. p. 263 ff, Apost. Age 
p. 84 ff.), reviving a view suggested by Calvin, thinks that it 
was written at Antioch on St Paul’s way to the Council of 
Jerusalem. The same conclusion was arrived at, much about 
the same time, on independent grounds by the Romanist 
Dr Weber (see his Die Abfassung des Galaterbriefes vor dem 
Apostel-Konzil, Ravensburg, 1900, summarized in J.7'.S. iii. 
(1902) p. 630 ff.), and recently has formed the main thesis of 
Mr Douglas Round’s Essay The Date of St Paul’s Epistle to the 
Galatians (Cambridge, 1906). As a rule, however, a period swbse- 
quent to the Council of Jerusalem is preferred—McGiffert (Hist. 
of Christianity im the Apost. Age p. 226 ff.) dating the Epistle 
from Antioch before St Paul departed on his Second Missionary 
Journey, Clemen (as against his own earlier view, Chronol. 
p- 199 ff.) assigning it rather to the Apostle’s stay in Athens 
(Paulus i. p. 396 ff, ii. p. 164 ff.), and Zahn (Hinl. in d. NT. 
i. p. 139 ff.) and Rendall (Hap. iv. ix. p. 254) carrying it 
forward to the beginning of the visit to Corinth in the course 
of the same journey. On this last view it can only have 
preceded the Thessalonian Epistles by a few weeks, or at most 


. Des- 
patch of 
1 Thessa- 
lonians. 


8. Cir- 
cum- 
stances 
leading to 
the writ- 
ing of 

2 Thessa- 
lonians. 


XXXVlll THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


months (cf. Bacon Introd. to the ἢ. 7. p. 57£.). The later, 
and more widely accepted, dates assigned to Galatians have 
no direct bearing upon the point before us, except in so far 
as they emphasize that we are there dealing with a wholly 
different ‘type’ of teaching from that which meets us in the 
Thessalonian Epistles. 

7. St Paul makes no mention of how his Epistle was sent 
to Thessalonica, but at a time when there was no regular 
system of posts except for imperial purposes, it can only have 
been by the hand of a personal courier or friend'. And it was 
perhaps through him on his return that the Apostle received 
the news which led to the writing of his second Epistle. 

8. That news was evidently of a somewhat mingled 
character. On the one hand, there were not wanting traces 
of an exceedingly growing faith and of an abounding love 
on the Thessalonians’ part (II. i. 3) together with an endurance 
under continued persecution which called forth the Apostle’s 
warmest praise, and seemed in his eyes a happy augury of his 
converts’ future bliss at the revelation of the Lord Jesus from 
heaven (i. 4—12). But as against this, there were only too 
evident signs that the thought of the imminence of that reve- 
lation was still exercising a disturbing influence over the 
Thessalonians’ daily conduct. So far from their excitement 
having been allayed by St Paul’s first letter, as he hoped it 
would have been, the reverse would seem rather to have been 
the case, and not only so, but their restlessness had been still 
further fomented by certain pneumatic utterances, and even by 
carefully reasoned words and a letter, one or all of them shield- 
ing themselves under the Apostle’s name and authority, to the 
effect that the Day of the Lord was not only imminent, but was 
actually come (11. 2). 

In these circumstances then, what more natural than that 
St Paul should seize the opportunity of once more recalling to 
his converts another aspect of his eschatological teaching, of 
which he had been in the habit of speaking (ἔλεγον, 1]. 5) 
while with them, but of which apparently they had lost sight? 
Sudden and unexpected though the coming of the Day of the 
Lord would be, it would nevertheless be preceded by certain. 


1 See further Add. Note A, ‘St Paul as a Letter- Writer,’ p. 130. 


ST PAUL AND THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xxxix 


clearly-defined signs, foremost amongst which was the appear- 
ance of the Man of lawlessness, who for the time being was held 
in check, but whose revelation was to be looked for as the final 
precursor of the end. With the details of this crowning revela- 
tion of evil, we are not at present concerned. It is enough 
that in the very thought of it St Paul found an additional 
argument alike for a continued steadfastness on the part of his 
converts (ii. 13—16), and for a quiet and orderly walk, as 
contrasted with the disorderliness which certain idlers and 
busybodies in their midst were displaying (111. I—I5). 
9. More need hardly be said as to the circumstances in 9. Place 


which this Second Epistle was written, for the general simi- pial coe 


larity between it and its predecessor, to which fuller reference of 2 Thes- 
salonians. 


will have to be made afterwards (see p. lxxx ff.), shows that in 
the main the historical conditions of the Thessalonian Church 
were very little altered', and that consequently the Second 
Epistle must have been written not many months after the 
First. We therefore date it also from Corinth within the 
period already specified 50—51 A.D. 


The idea first advocated by Grotius (Annot. in N.T. ii. 2 Thessa- 
p. 715 ff.), and adopted by Ewald (Sendschreiben des Paulus aeeaioke 
p- 17f.), Laurent (W7Zliche Stud. p. 49 ff.), and (from his own ;, TT hes- 
standpoint) Baur (Paul, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 336 ff), that 2 Thessa- salonians. 
lonians was written before 1 Thessalonians can no longer be 
said to have any serious supporters. Thus, without attaching 
too great weight to such passages as IT. ii. 2, 15 which, if not 
directly referring to 1 Thessalonians, are best explained by 
its existence, it is excluded by I. 11. 17—i11. 6 which could 
hardly have been written by St Paul, if he had previously 
addressed a letter to Thessalonica. The whole relationship 
indeed of 2 to 1 Thessalonians is of a secondary character 
alike on its literary side, and in the picture presented of the 
‘developed’ circumstances of the Church, as shown by the 
heightened praise (IT. i. 4: I. ii. 14) and blame (II. iii. 6 ἢ: 
I. iv. 11), which these circumstances now called forth. 


1 «Wir treffen...Stimmungen, Er- 
wartungen, Bestrebungen, Lebens- 
formen nach der lobens- wie tadelns- 
werthen Seite hin an, in denen wir 
alten Bekannten wiederbegegnen. Nur 
Alles, Gutes wie Verkehrtes,...in einer 


iiber das bisher bekannte Mass hinaus 
gehobenen Steigerung.’ Kloépper Der 
zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (re- 
printed from Theologische Studien und 
Skizzen aus Ostpreussen ii. p. 73 fi.) 
p. 17. 


το. St 
Paul’s sub- 
sequent 
connexion 
with Thes- 
salonica. 


xl THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


10. Regarding St Paul’s subsequent connexion with the 
Thessalonian Church we have no definite information, but it is 
hardly possible to doubt that on more than one occasion he was 
able to carry out his ardently cherished desire of revisiting in 
person his friends there. Thus he would naturally pass through 
the city both coming and going on his Third Missionary Journey 
(Ac. xx. 1 ff.), and if we accept the belief in a renewed period of 
active work on the part of the Apostle between a first and 
second Roman imprisonment, he would be almost certain to 
stop at Thessalonica on the occasion of that journey to Philippi 
which he had previously carefully planned in the event of his 
again finding himself a free man (Phil. i. 26, 11. 24). Nor, 
once more, could Thessalonica fail to be included in his pro- 
gramme if he ever paid that last visit to Macedonia, to which 
he alludes in his First Epistle to Timothy (i. 3)}. 


1 See further Add. Note O, ‘The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul.’ 


IIT. 


GENERAL CHARACTER AND CONTENTS 
OF THE EPISTLES. 


‘Jeder einzelne paulinische Brief ist eine christliche That 
und will als solche verstanden sein.’ 
W. Bornemann Die Thessalonicherbriefe Ὁ. 256. 


1. From what has already been said of the circumstances 1. The 
under which the Epistles to the Thessalonians were written, cg 
it must be clear that they are in no sense literary documents, !etters, 
still less theological treatises, but genuine letters intended 
to meet passing needs, and with no thought of any wider 
audience than those to whom they were originally addressed’. 
Of all the N.T. Epistles which have come down to us, they 
are amongst the most ‘personal, and illustrate to perfection 


the ‘stenographed conversation’ which Renan claims as a 


distinctive feature of the Pauline style’. 
Greatly however as this adds to the living interest of 


the Epistles, it is one main source of their difficulties. 


For, 


whether or not they form only part of a correspondence that 


was passing between St Paul 
(cf. p. xxx), they so abound in 


1 On the whole question of Letter 
versus Epistle in the case of the 
Pauline literature see especially Deiss- 
mann BS. p. 3 ff., and on the danger 
of carrying the distinction too far cf. 
Lock The Bible and Christian Life 
p. 114 ff., and Ramsay The Letters to 
the Seven Churches (1904) p. 22 ff. 

The fact is that the Pauline Epistles 
require a new category: while letters, 
they are distinctively religious letters, 
approaching more nearly to the Pas- 


and the Thessalonian Church 
allusions to what the Thessa- 


toral Letter addressed by a Church 
to its members, or a minister to his 
congregation, than to what we under- 
stand by the ‘letter’ of ordinary corre- 
spondence, 

2 Saint Paul (ed. 1869) p. 231 f., 
‘Le style épistolaire de Paul est le 
plus personnel qu’il y ait jamais eu.... 
On dirait une rapide conversation 
sténographiée et reproduite sans cor- 
rections.’ 


‘ occa- 
sional’ 
in their 
origin, 


but filled 
with 
definite 
religious 
teaching. 


xlii THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

lonians already know, or have been asking, that it is hardly 
too much to say, that the more familiar the subjects with which 
they deal were to their first readers, the more veiled they are 
from us}. 

It is a complete mistake, however, to suppose that because 
our Epistles are thus ‘occasional’ writings in the strict sense 
of the word, they are therefore marked by that poverty of 
subject-matter which has sometimes been urged against them. 
On the contrary, if, as we shall have occasion to see more fully 
again, what we have come to regard as the distinctive doctrines 
of Paulinism are awanting, and awanting because the special 
circumstances demanding them had not yet arisen, the Epistles 
are nevertheless filled with definite religious teaching. Com- 
bined with the speeches in Acts, which in so many respects 
they recall*, they contain the best evidence we possess as to 
the general character of St Paul’s missionary preaching to 
Gentiles’. 

It is not possible to illustrate this at length here, but 
I. i. 9 f may be referred to as a convenient summary of the 
earliest Pauline teaching with its two foci of Monotheism, the 
belief in the one living and true God, as distinguished from 


1 The student will not regret being 
reminded of John Locke’s famous 
‘Essay for the understanding of St 
Paul’s Epistles, by consulting St Paul 
himself,’ prefixed to his Paraphrase 
and Notes on certain of the Epistles 
(London, 1823): cf. especially p. 4, 
‘The nature of epistolary writings in 
general disposes the writer to pass by 
the mentioning of many things, as 
well known to him to whom his letter 
is addressed, which are necessary to 
be laid open to a stranger, to make 
him comprehend what is said: and 
it not seldom falls out that a well- 
penned letter, which is very easy and 
intelligible to the receiver, is very 
obscure to a stranger, who hardly 
knows what to make of it....Add to 
this, that in many places it is manifest 
he answers letters sent, and questions 
proposed to him, which, if we had, 


would much better clear those pas- 
sages that relate to them than all the 
learned notes of critics and commen- 
tators, who in after-times fill us with 
their conjectures; for very often, as to 
the matter in hand, they are nothing 
else.’ 

2 Cf. e.g. for linguistic parallels 
1 Thess, i. 9 with Ac. xiv. 15; 1 Thess. 
i. 10 with Ac. xvii. 31; 1 Thess. iii. 4 
with Ac. xiv. 22; 1 Thess. v. 9 with 
Ac. xx. 28: and for the general simi- 
larity of teaching see Sabatier L’ Apétre 
Paul (Strassburg, 1870) pp. 85—97, 
Eng. Tr. pp. 95—1II. 

3 Prof. B. W. Bacon, while agree- 
ing as to the generally ‘missionary’ 
character of the Epistles, points out 
that ‘Paul’s attitude in them is that 
of confirmer rather than proclaimer of 
the Gospel’ (The Story of St Paul, 
London, 1905, p. 230). ‘ 


CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xliii 


the vain idols of heathenism, and the Judgment, as heralded 
by the Parousia of God’s Son from heaven, who had already 
proved Himself the only complete Rescuer from the coming 
Wrath. In these great truths, proclaimed not argumentatively, 
but ‘in power and in the Holy Spirit and in much assurance’ 
(I. i. 5), the missionaries found the most effective means of 
reaching the consciences, and satisfying the religious instincts 
of their heathen auditors, and so of preparing the way for sien 
and fuller aspects of Christian doctrine. 

The consequence is that while our Epistles do not exhibit 
the constructive or dialectic skill of the Epistle to the Romans, 
or approach the mystical heights of the Epistle to the Ephesians, 
they reveal with marvellous clearness what has well been called 
the ‘pastoral’ instinct of the great Apostle’, and present an 
unrivalled picture alike of his own missionary character and 
aims, and of the nature of the community he is addressing. 

2. In none other indeed of his Epistles, unless it be in2. The 
the companion Epistle to a Macedonian Church, the Epistle elie 
to the Philippians, or in the apologia of the Second Epistle πὴ ορῤα τς 
to the Corinthians, does the real Paul stand out more clearly in his 
before us in all the charm of his rich and varied personality. aa 
We see his intense affection for his young converts (I. 11. 7 f., 

17 ff., 11. 5—10, II. i. 4), and his desire for their sympathy and 
prayers (I. v. 25, II. i. 1 ἢ); his keen sensitiveness as to what 
others are saying of him, and the confident assertion of the 
purity of his motives (I. ii. I—12); his proud claim of what 
is due to him as an Apostle of Christ (I. ii. 6), and his willingness 
to forego this right in view of the higher interests of his work 
(I. ii. 9, II. i. 8 f.); his longing desire for the Thessalonians’ 
progress in spiritual things (1. i. 11 ff, II. 1, 11 ἢ), and the 
fierceness of his indignation against those who were hindering 
the cause of Christ (I. ii. 15 ἢ, iv. 6, II. iii. 2): and we notice 
how through all St Paul is constrained and ruled by his own 


1 Dr Vernon Bartlet (Hastings’ D.B. could yet by letter, and so on the 
i. p. 730) finds that ‘the true cause’ spur of occasion, concentrate all his 
of all the Pauline Epistles ‘lay deep wealth of thought, feeling, and matur- 
in the same spirit as breathesin1 Th., ing experience upon some particular 
the essentially ‘‘ pastoral” instinct.... _ religious situation, and sweep away 
Of a temper too ardent for the more the difficulty or danger.’ 
studied forms of writing, St Paul 


and in the 
spirit, 


and 
methods 
of his mis- 
sionary 
work. 


xliv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


sense of union with his Risen Lord, and dependence on His 
authority (I. iv. 1 f., IT. i. 6, 12), 

Very noteworthy too are the tact and the courtesy which 
the Apostle everywhere displays. So far from being the ‘very 
disagreeable personage both to himself and others, whom 
Nietzsche so perversely discovers, he shows the most pains- 
taking desire to do full justice not only to his fellow-workers 
(cf. p. xxxiv f.), but also to his readers. With an intensity 
of feeling, that finds difficulty in expressing itself (I. iii. 9), 
he gives thanks for all (1. 1. 2f, οὗ IL 1. 3): all, notwith- 
standing the presence of weak and faulty believers amongst 
them, are treated as sons of light, and of the day (I. v. 5): 
and it is to all, with evident emphasis (cf. I. v. 28), that the 
closing greeting of his second and severer Epistle is sent 
(II. ii. 18)—even the man who is showing signs. of setting 
aside his authority is still a ‘brother’ (II. ii. 14 f). 

This last form of address, indeed, forms one of the Epistles’ 
most noticeable features. It is throughout as ‘brothers’ that 
St Paul regards his readers, and he never starts a new line 
of thought without reminding them of the fact, as if to bring 
home to them in the clearest manner, that all these questions 
concerned both them and him alike?. 

Hence too, in the appeals which he addresses to them, 
St Paul never loses an opportunity of going back upon his 
readers’ previous knowledge (I. 1. 5,11. 1 f, 5, 9, 11, i. 3 ἢ, iv. 2, 
v. 2, IL. it. 5f, ui. 7). And when he finds it necessary to 
exhort, he almost goes out of his way to show his appreciation 
of the zeal the young community has already displayed (I. iv. 1, 
10, v. 11, IT. ii. 4). 

And if such is the spirit of St Paul’s missionary work, an 
equally clear light is thrown upon its methods. Driven from 
Philippi, the Apostle might naturally, for a time at any rate, 
have turned to some quieter and. more obscure spot; but 
instead, in characteristic fashion, he boldly carried forward his 


1 Morgenrote i. ὃ 68. 13 f., v. 5, Il. i. τα f., by which the 
2 ’Adehgol, as an address, occurs missionaries, almost unconsciously, 
21 times in our Epistles. Notice too identify themselves with their con- 
the subtle change from the 2nd to the __ verts. 
1st pers. plur. in I. iii. 2 f., iv. 6 f., 


CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xlv 


message to what was, in many ways, the most important city 
of the district, in order that from it as a centre the influence of 
his message might penetrate into the whole of the surrounding 
country’. 

This is not, however, to say that St Paul at once entered on 
an open and active propaganda amongst the varied population 
of Thessalonica. To have done so would only have been to 
court defeat; and even the preaching in the Synagogue, to 
which in the first instance he trusted for arresting attention, 
formed only a part, and perhaps the less important part of his 
work, That consisted rather in quiet and friendly converse 
with all whom his message had reached. And our Epistles 
enable us to picture him during those long hours of toil for his 
daily support®, to which the fear of proving burdensome to 
others had driven him, gathering round him little companies of 
anxious inquirers, and with the authority of a father, and the 
tenderness of a mother, dealing with their individual needs 
ἘΣ... ..}}"} 

Hence the closeness of the bonds between St Paul and his 
Thessalonian converts: in no forced sense of the phrase they 


were literally his ‘ greater self.’ 


1 The Apostle’s preference for ‘towns’ 
is in entire accord with the statesman- 
like ideal, which from the first he had 
set before himself, of gradually Chris- 
tianizing the Roman Empire: cf. 
Ramsay Pauline and other Studies 
(London, 1906) p. 49 ff., Lock St Paul 
the Master-Builder (London, 1899) 
Lect. i. and ii., and for a full account 
of ‘missionary methods in the time of 
the Apostles’ with special reference to 
St Paul see Zahn Skizzen aus dem 
Leben der Alten Kirche? (Erlangen, 
1898) p. 76 ff. (translated in Ezp. vt. 
vii., viil., and vii. iv.), and Harnack 
Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Chris- 
tentums (Leipzig, 1902), Eng. Tr. by 
Moffatt under title The Expansion of 
Christianity (London, 1904). 

By ‘the whole of Macedonia’ (1. iv. 
10) we naturally understand the whole 
of the Roman province of that name, 
in accordance with St Paul’s regular 


To be parted from them was to 


usage of similar terms elsewhere, e.g. 
Asia (Rom. xvi. 5), Achaia (Rom. xv. 
26), Illyricum (Rom. xv. 19). 

2 On the exact nature of this work 
the Epistles throw no light, but it was 
probably tent-making (cf. Ac. xviii. 3), 
though it would appear that the mate- 
rial used was not, as is generally 
imagined, cloth or felt but leather: 
cf. the old designation of Paul as 
σκυτοτόμος (reff. in Suicer Thesaurus 
s.v.), and see further Zahn art.‘ Paulus’ 
in Hauck RE. xv. p. γο f. 

3 Cf. P. Wernle Paulus als Heiden- 
missiondr (Freiburg i. B., 1899) p. 22f., 
EK. von Dobschiitz Probleme des Aposto- 
lischen Zeitalters (Leipzig, 1904) p. 60. 
The whole of the section on ‘The 
Organization of the Mission’ with its 
graphic description of the Apostolic 
‘cure of souls’ in Weinel’s St Paul 
Eng. Tr. p. 200 ff. is full of interest. 


3. The 
Thessa- 
lonian 
commu- 
nity— 

in the 
freshness 
of its first 
faith, 


in its 

‘ short- 
comings’ 
in moral 
conduct 


and order, 


xlvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


suffer ‘bereavement’ of the acutest kind (I. 11. 17): to hear 
of their continued well-doing was to ‘live’ (I. i. 8): to see 
them again was his ‘constant’ and ‘very exceeding’ prayer 
(I. ili. 10). 

Surely there can be no difficulty in recognizing here the 
portrait of one who ‘though he was Paul, was also a man}, and 
who, in the fine phrase of another early writer, carried ‘ music’ 
with him wherever his influence penetrated’. 

3. Hardly less striking than the picture of their writer is 
the picture of their first readers which our Epistles present—a 
picture all the more interesting because here alone in the 
Pauline writings we are brought face to face with a young 
Christian community in all the freshness and bloom of its first 
faith. The Thessalonians, who were by nature of a simple and 
sturdy type of character®, had evidently accepted with peculiar 
eagerness the Apostolic message, and even amidst surrounding 
persecution had continued to display a characteristic fidelity*, 
which was found deserving of all praise (I. i. 6f., II. i. 4 ff). 

There were however various ‘shortcomings’ (ὑστερήματα 
I. iii. 10) in their faith which required attention: while it is 
characteristic of them in common with all the early Pauline 
communities, that not at once had they succeeded in freeing 
themselves from some even of the grosser sins of their old pagan 
surroundings (I. iv. 3—8)*. Nor was this all, but in their very 
enthusiasm for their new faith with its bright assurance of 


1 Chrys. ef καὶ Παῦλος ἦν ἀλλ᾽ ἄν- 
θρωπος ἦν. 

2 Isidore Epp. ii. 
θάλασσαν ῥυθμίσας. 

3 Cf. Renan Saint Paul p. 136 fi. 

4 Mommsen Hist. of Rome Bk. 111. 
ch. 8, Eng. Tr. ii. p. 229: ‘In stead- 
fast resistance to the public enemy 
under whatever name, in unshaken 
fidelity towards their native country 
and their hereditary government, and 
in persevering courage amidst the 
severest trials, no nation in ancient 
history bears so close a resemblance 
to the Roman people as the Macedo- 
nians’ (cited by Lightfoot Bibl. Essays 
p. 248 n.°). 


124 ὁ γῆν καὶ 


5 In addition to possessing all the 
temptations of a great seaport, Thessa- 
lonica was notorious in antiquity as 
one of the seats of the Cabiri, or 
Cabeiri, mysterious deities, whose 
worship was attended with grossly 
immoral rites: cf. Firmicus de Err. 
Prof. Relig. c. 11, ‘Hune eundem 
(Corybantem) Macedonum .colit stulta 
persuasio. Hic est Cabirus, cui Thes- 
salonicenses quondam cruento ore cru- 
entis manibus supplicabant’ (cited by 
Tafel p. xxxiii). Full particulars re- 
garding the Cabiri will be found in 
Lobeck Aglaopham. iii. ch. 5, p. 1202 ff.: 
see also Lightfoot ut s. p. 257 f. 


UNIVERSITY 
OF b 








AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xlvii 


(as they believed) an immediate Parousia of the Lord, the 
Thessalonian believers were showing a spirit of restlessness and 
excitement, which was leading to the neglect of their daily 
work and duty, and at the same time making them impatient 
of the restraints their leaders were seeking to lay upon 
them’. 

On both points, therefore, we find St Paul addressing to 
them words of prudence and moderation, enforcing, on the one 
hand, the dignity and consecration of labour (I. iv. 11 f., 11. iii. 
6 ff.)”, and, on the other, checking the self-assertive spirit, which 
threatened to disturb the peace of the whole community 
erry. 32 £, Ti 1, 6). 

For it is very noticeable that it is the community as a 
whole which principally bulks in the Apostle’s thoughts. Even 
_ though there are already clear traces of a certain class who 
were ‘to all appearance office-bearers of the Ecclesia, the 
services which they rendered ‘were not essentially different 
from services which members of the Keclesia, simply as 
brethren, were to render each other. They too were to 
admonish the disorderly, as also to do the converse work of 
encouraging the feeble-minded. They too were to make the 
cause of the weak their own, to sustain them, which is at least 


1 As showing how these faults, with 
the still more marked virtues of hospi- 
tality and brotherly-love, continued to 
prevail in the Macedonian Church 
long after the Apostle’s time, Arch- 
bishop Alexander (Speaker’s Comm. on 
the N.T. iii. p. 701) refers to Hieron. 
Comm, in Ep. ad Gal. Lib. ii. cap. ii. 
opp. tom. vii. 356, ed. Migne: ‘Haec 
ex parte wsque hodié permanere, non 
potest dubitare, qui Achaiam viderit. 
Macedones in charitate laudantur, et 
hospitalitate ac susceptione fratrum. 
Unde ad eos scribitur 1 Thess. iv. 9. 
Sed reprehenduntur... (Ibid. to, 11). 
Quod ne quis putet officio magis do- 
centis, quam vitio gentis admonitum, 
in secundé ad eosdem inculcat ac 
replicat (2 Thess. iii. ro—12).’ 

* This is the more noteworthy when 


M. THESS. 


we remember that in old Greek thought 
labour was never regarded otherwise 
than as a necessity: cf. e.g. Aristotle’s 
contemptuous allusion to ‘those who 
live, as their name denotes, ἀπὸ τῶν 
χειρῶν ᾽ (Pol. 111. iv. 2). According to 
Bigg (The Church’s Task in the Roman 
Empire p. 72) Dion Chrysostom ‘is 
the only classical author who speaks 
with understanding sympathy of the 
labouring poor.’ For the very different 
Jewish attitude towards all forms of 
honest work see F. Delitzsch Jiidisches 
Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu (trans- 
lated into English as Jewish Artisan 
Life in the Time of Christ in the Unit 
Library, 1902), Edersheim Sketches 
of Jewish Social Life 6, xi., and ef. 
Taylor Sayings of the Jewish Fathers? 
(Cambridge, 1897) pp. 18 f., 141. 


d 


in its re- 
sponsible 
member: 
ship, 


xl viii THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


one side, if not more, of the “helpful leadership ” of the Elders; 
as well as to show long-suffering towards 8}}}ν 
in the — And if thus we have here only the first beginnings of later 
simplicity Church-organization, so Christian worship comes before us in 
worship, its simplest and most comprehensive form. The principal 
stress is laid upon such primary religious duties as praise, 
prayer, and instruction in which all are invited to take part 
(I. v. 11). And as the kiss of peace is to be extended to all 
the brethren (I. v. 26), it is again upon all that the closing 
benediction rests (II. iii. 18). | 
and in the The very fact too that the Thessalonian believers require 
sprel to be warned against the danger. of indiscriminate bounty 
Christian (II. 11. 10 f.) shows that, though themselves drawn principally 
liberality. from the poorer and working classes, they had from the first 
risen to a full sense of their obligation in the matter of 
Christian giving. And that the same trait continued to dis- 
tinguish their later history is proved by the warmth of 
St Paul’s commendation of the Macedonian Churches who, 
‘according to their power,...yea and beyond their power, had 
responded to his appeal on behalf of the poor brethren in 
Judaea (2 Cor. viii. 1 ff.). 
4. Absence 4: It is obvious from what has been said regarding the 
or pian general character of our Epistles that it is vain to look in them 
Epistles. for any definite plan. Their contents are too personal, too 
varied, to submit themselves to any such restraint. At the 
same time a distinct method and progress of thought is clearly 
traceable in them, so far at least as their leading topics are 
concerned. And though reference has already been made to 
most of these, it may be convenient for the student to have 
them briefly presented again in the order in which they occur? 
s.General 5. Beginning with a greeting which happily combines the 
structure new watchword of ‘Grace’ with the old Hebraic salutation of 


ἔτ Thes- AE 
salonians. ‘ Peace, St Paul and his fellow-writers give thanks with striking 


1 Hort The Christian Ecclesia p. neighbour—notice the first and in the 
126 ff.; cf. Weinel St Paul, Eng. Tr. quotation from 1 Thessalonians vy. 
p. 213, ‘In the Pauline communities [12 ff.].’ 
the “ oversight” and the “ admonish- 2 See also the Analyses prefixed to 
ing” were still conceived of as services the two Epistles, pp. 2, 84. 
of love which one man rendered to his 


CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES xlix 


warmth for the spiritual state of their Thessalonian brethren. i. 1. 
And then, as if conscious that it is useless to say anything} ?—'® 
further until they have set themselves right with their con- 

verts, they proceed to refute certain calumnies, which, so 

they have been informed, are being circulated against them- 
selves. 

Their apologia takes, as is natural, the form of an ii. r—r2. 
historical narrative of their ministry at Thessalonica, and is 
marked by frequent appeals to their converts’ own knowledge 
of what its character had been. This has the further advantage ii. 13—16. 
of giving the Apostles the opportunity of again gratefully 
recognizing how readily the Thessalonians on their part have 
accepted the Word of God, and with what brave endurance 
they have faced the consequent persecution. 

Returning to more personal matters, St Paul affirms his ii. 17—20. 
own and his companions’ great desire to see again those who 
have proved such a ‘glory’ to them. Only when this was iii. 1—10. 
clearly proved to be impossible had he consented to allow 
Timothy to act as his ambassador. And now that he has 
returned with the ‘good news’ of the Thessalonians’ faith and 
love, words fail the missionaries to express their deep sense 
of thanksgiving and joy. So far moreover from Timothy’s 
report leading them to acquiesce in their own enforced absence, 
it has rather increased their desire to see their young converts 
face to face, and to complete the good: work begun in them. 

God alone can secure this. And accordingly it is their con- 

stant prayer that He will open up their way of return, and that iii. 1:—13. 
meanwhile the hearts of the tried and afflicted Church may be 
stablished in holiness, in view of the approaching Parousia of 

the Lord. 

A second, and more didactic, portion of the Epistle follows, iv. t. 
in which the writers proceed to furnish fresh guidance ‘for their 
readers in all that pertains to their Christian calling. In 
particular they warn them against the immorality, which was iv. 2—8. 
then so marked a feature in Greek city-life, and, while gladly 
recognizing their spirit of charity and brotherly-love, they iv. 9—12. 
summon all to diligence in their own work, that thereby they 
may preserve an honourable independence, and gain the respect 
of their heathen neighbours. 


d2 


iv. 13—18. 


Υν. δ ς 


V. 12——22. 


¥. 23, 24. 


Vv. 25—28. 


6. General 


structure 


of 2 Thes- 


salonians. 
i, 55.2 


i 35> 


il. 3—-12. 


l THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


Their fears regarding those of their number who meanwhile 
are falling on sleep are met with the assurance that, so far from 
these being shut out from Christ’s glory on His Return, they 
will rather be the first to share in it. And then the suddenness 
of that Return, of which the Thessalonians have already been so 
fully warned, is made the basis of a practical appeal to watch- 
fulness and sobriety. 

Various exhortations, still addressed to the community as a 
whole, with reference to their attitude to their leaders, and 
to their more feeble brethren, follow, along with some general 
rules of Christian living. And the whole is sealed once more 
with a characteristic prayer to the God of peace. 

Finally, the Epistle is brought to a close with a salutation 
and benediction. 

6. The Second Epistle follows on very similar lines. After 
the opening address and greeting, the writers again give 
thanks for the Thessalonians’ state, dwelling with pride on 
their progress, as proved especially by their patient endurance 
under persecution. They bid them remember that that persecu- 
tion, so far from leading them to think that God had forgotten — 
them, should rather encourage them to look forward with con- 
fidence to the final reward by which their present sufferings 
will be crowned. And this, in its turn, leads to a graphic 
picture of what will result alike to believers and unbelievers 
when the Lord appears. A prayer, to which the Apostles are 
giving constant expression, that it may be well with the 
Thessalonian Church in that Day, is interjected. 

The writers then proceed to what is the most distinctive 
feature of their second letter. They have learned that their 
former teaching regarding the Parousia, supplemented from 
other sources for which they disown all responsibility, has been 
the unwitting cause of an undue restlessness and excitement on 
the Thessalonians’ part. Accordingly, while saying nothing to 
shake the belief in the suddenness of the Parousia, they remind 
their readers of what they had clearly taught them before, that 
it will be preceded by certain well-defined signs. Amongst 
these the principal place is given to the appearance of the Man 
of lawlessness, as the full and crowning manifestation of the 
evil’ already working in their midst. For the present that 


CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLES li 


manifestation is held in check by a restraining power, but 
how long this power will last no one can tell. 

In any case, they urge, the Thessalonians must stand firm ii. 
and hold fast the traditions they have already been taught, in 
humble dependence upon the God, Who alone can give them 
unfailing consolation, and strengthen them to do and to say all 
that is right. 


To the same God let them also pray on the Apostles’ iii. 


behalf. And meanwhile, in conformity with the example the 
Apostles themselves have set them, let them apply themselves iii 
with diligence to their daily work, shunning every disorderly 


brother, and at all times and in all ways seeking the ‘peace’ iii. 


which is the peculiar property of ‘the Lord of peace,’ and which 
it is again the writers’ prayer that He may bestow upon 
them all. 


The whole is then confirmed by an autographic salutation iii. 


and benediction in St Paul’s own handwriting. 


13—I5. 


. 6—15. 


17, 18. 


i. Lan- 
guage. 
General 
character 


of vocabu- 


lary. 


N.T. ἅπαξ 


λεγόμενα 
in the 
Epistles. 
1 Thessa- 
lonians. 


IV. 


LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES. 


Οἶδε yap ἡ σοφία τοῦ μεγάλου Παύλου πρὸς τὸ δοκοῦν κεχρῆσθαι 
κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν τοῖς ῥήμασι καὶ τῷ ἰδίῳ τῆς διανοίας εἱρμῷ προσαρμόζειν 
τὰς τῶν ῥημάτων ἐμφάσεις, κἂν πρὸς ἄλλας τινὰς ἐννοίας ἡ συνήθεια τὴν 
κατάχρησιν τῶν λέξεων φέρῃ. 

Gregory of Nyssa Opp. Migne 11. 1303. 


1. Language. 


The two Epistles to the Thessalonians contain in all about 
460 different words. Of these 27 are ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in the 
N.T., and 27 are used by St Paul alone amongst the N.T. 
writers. <A still larger number (37) are peculiar to the Pauline 
writings along with the Gospel and Acts of St Luke, and the 
Epistle to the Hebrews. 

Passing to the question of meaning, the influence of the | 
Greek O. T. is unmistakable in the case of a very considerable 
number of words. With regard to others, we are led to look 
rather to the ordinary colloquial usage of the Apostle’s time for 
the exact sense he is desirous to convey. 


The following is a list of the ἅπαξ λεγόμενα referred to. In this 
case it will be convenient to take each Epistle separately, and to 
arrange the words in the order in which they occur. 

1 Thessalonians: é&yxéw* (i. 8), ἀναμένειν ἢ (i. το), προπάσχω 
(ii, 2), κολακία (ii. 5), τροφός ἢ (ii. 7)» ὀμείρομαι (11. 8), ee ee 
(11. 14), ἀπορφανίζομαι (11. 17), σαίνομαι (ili. 3), trepBaivw* (iv. 6), 
θεοδίδακτος (iv. 9), meptAcizropar* (iv. 15), KeAevopa* (iv. τό), 
araxtos* (v. 14), ὀλιγόψυχος Ἐ (ν. 14), ὁλοτελής (Vv. 23), ἐνορκίζω 
Vv. 27). 

: Of these 17 words, nine, which are distinguished by an asterisk, 
are found in the Lxx.; four (κολακία, προπάσχω, σαίνομαι, ἀπορ- 
φανίζομαι) are found in good Gk. writers, and a fifth (ὁλοτελής) in 
Plutarch ; while beanies is found in the A text of 2 Esdr. xxiii, 
(xiii.) 25 (ef. ἔνορκος, 2 Esdr. xvi. (vi.) 18). There thus remain 


LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES [1] 
only two words which can be regarded as free formations of the 
Apostle’s own—6eodidaxros and συμφυλέτης. The former, framed on 
the analogy of θεόκτιστος (2 Macc. vi. 23), probably contains a 
reminiscence of Isa. liv. 13 διδακτὸς θεοῦ. The latter (for class. 
φυλέτης) may be compared with συνμαθήτης (Jo. xi. 16), συνπολίτης 
(Eph. ii. 19), and with σύμφυλος in Aq. Zech. xiii. 7: see further 
Lob. Phryn. p. 471, Rutherford V.P. p. 255 f. for the prevalence 
of. similar compounds in late Gk. 

2 Thessalonians: ὑπεραυξάνω (i. 3), ἐνκαυχάομαι Ἐ (i. 4), ἔνδειγμα 2 Thessa- 
(i. 5), τίνω Ἐ (i, 9), ἐνδοξάζομαι Ἐ (i. το, 12), ἀτάκτως (iii. 6, 11), ἀτακτέω lonians. 
(iii. 7), περιεργάζομαι Ἔ (iii. 11), καλοποιέω (111. 13), onperdopar* 

(iii. 14). 

Of ΠΝ το words, five are again found in the Lxx., three 
(ἀτακτέω, ἀτάκτως, ἔνδειγμα) are found in the ordinary Gk. of the 
Apostle’s time, καλοποιέω is found as a variant in Lev. v. 4, while 
ὑπεραυξάνω is found several times in late Gk., and is in thorough 
harmony with the Pauline love for compounds in vrep-. 

The total number of words, which have not yet been quoted 
from any other source than the two Epistles, is thus reduced to 
the two words already discussed in connexion with 1 Thess.’, while 
the Epistles’ 27 ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in the N.T. compare very favourably 
with the 41 (4%), which, according to the calculation in Grimm- 

Thayer, are to be found in St Paul’s other Epistle to a Macedonian 
Church, the Epistle to the Philippians’. 

To the foregoing lists there may be added a number of words Words or 
or phrases, occurring in the Epistles, which are used elsewhere in Phrases 
the N.T. only by St Paul. pie τὸ 

ἀγαθωσύνη, ἁγιωσύνη, ἀδιαλείπτως, apa οὖν, εἴπερ, ἔκδικος, ἐνέργεια, in the 
ἐξαπατάω, ἐπιβαρέω, ἐπιφάνεια (Pastorals), εὐσχημόνως, θάλπω, μή πως, N.T. 
μνεία, μόχθος, ὄλεθρος, πάθος, περικεφαλαία, πλεονεκτέω, προίστημι, προ- 
λέγω, στέγω, στέλλομαι, συναναμίγνυμαι, ὑπεραίρομαι, ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ, 
φιλοτιμέομαι. 

Along with these, the following may be noted as occurring only or to 
in St Paul and the Lukan writings, or in St Paul and the Ep. St Paul. 
to the Hebrews, or in all three combined. are seus 

ἄγων, αἱρέομαι, αἰφνίδιος, ἄμεμπτος, ἀναιρέω, ἀνταποδίδωμι, ἀξιόω, and ae 
ἀποδείκνυμι, ἀποστασία, ἀσφάλεια, ἄτοπος, διαμαρτύρομαι, ἐκδιώκω, Ep. to the 

Hebrews. 
1 Τὸ should be hardly necessary to several 
point out that ἅπαξ εὑρημένα is ἃ ὦ 


words and phrases in 
Thess. which are used elsewhere 


fitter designation of such words than 
ἅπαξ εἰρημένα, in view of the con- 
stant reduction in the words hitherto 
believed to be peculiar to the Gk. 
Bible: see Deissmann ‘ Hellenistisches 
Griechisch’ in Hauck R.E.’ vii. 
Ῥ. 636. 

2 Schmidt (Der erste Thessalonicher- 
brief p. 82) has drawn attention to 
the interesting fact that there are 


by St Paul in the same sense 
only in the Ep. to the Philippians: 
e.g. πρόφασις (il. 5; Phil. i. 18), 
ἐπιθυμία (in good sense ii. 17; Phil. i. 
23), καὶ ἅπαξ καὶ δίς (ii. 18; Phil. iv. 
16), στέφανος (metaph. ii. 19; Phil. iv. 
1), κεῖσθαι eis (metaph. 111. 3; Phil. i. 
16), ἐρωτᾶν (ask, iv. 1, v. 12; Phil. 
iv. 3). 


Words 
found with 
a special 
meaning 


owing to 
the in- 
fluence of 
the Lxx., 


or techni- 
cal usage 
in other 
con- 
nexions. 


Words 
illustrated 
by the 
non- 
literary 
records 

of the 
Apostle’s 
time. 


General 
conclu- 
sion. 


liv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


ἐκφεύγω, ἐνίστημι, ἐνκακέω, ἐπισυναγωγή, ἐφίστημι, ἡσυχάζω, ἡσυχία, 
καθάπερ, καταξιόομαι, καταργέω, κατευθύνω, μαρτύρομαι, μεθύσκομαι, 
μεταδίδωμι, μιμητής, νουθετέω, παραγγελία, παρρησιάζομαι, περισσοτέρως, 
πληροφορία, προεῖπον, σέβασμα, τοιγαροῦν, ὑστέρημα. 

From this brief notice of the peculiarities of the Pauline diction 
as illustrated by our Epistles, we may turn to one or two lists of 
words which are used in them for the first time in the N.T. in a 
special sense. Their history, which is traced more fully in the 


Textual or Additional Notes, is of importance as throwing light 


upon the main sources of the Apostle’s vocabulary. 

Amongst these a first place must be given to the words, whose 
meaning here is due apparently in the first instance to the sense in 
which they were used in the Greek O.T..(including the Apocrypha), 
though in the case of many of them full allowance must also be 
made for the fact that they formed part of the ‘common’ dialect 
of the Apostle’s time. 

The following are typical examples : ἀγαθωσύνῃ, ἀγάπη, ἄγγελος, 
ἁγιάξω, ἁγιασμός, ἅγιος, aderéw, ἀνάγκη, ἀνομία, ἄνομος, ἀποκαλύπτω, 
ἀποκάλυψις, ἀποστασία, ἀπώλεια, διάβολος, δόξα, δοξάζω, δουλεύω, δωρεάν 
(‘gratis’), ἔθνη, εἴδωλον, εἰρήνη, ἔκδικος, ἐκκλησία, ἐνδοξάζομαι, ἐνκαυ- 
χάομαι, ἐντρέπω (metaph.), ἐξουθενέω, εὐαγγελίζομαι, εὐδοκέω, εὐδοκία, 
ζάω (‘bene vivo’ 1. iii. 8), θέλημα, θλῖψις, θροέομαι, καρδία, καταξιόω, 
κατευθύνω (metaph.), καύχησις, κοιμάομαι (metaph. iy ὀλιγόψυχος, ὁλό- 
κληρος, 0 ὄνομα, πειράζω, περικεφαλαία, περιπατέω (metaph.), περιποίησις, 
πίστις, πονηρός, προσευχή, σαλεύω (metaph. ), σέβασμα, στέλλομαι, 
στέφανος (metaph.), στηρίζω, ὑπομονή, ψυχή, χάρις. 

Other expressions which, starting from a technical or quasi- 
technical sense in classical or late Gk., have come to be adopted 
as technical terms of the Christian religion are ἀδελφός, ἀπόστολος, 
διάκονος, ἐνέργεια, ἐπιφάνεια, μνείαν ποιεῖσθαι, μυστήριον, παρουσία. 

Finally regard must be had to the large number of words and 
phrases upon which much additional light has been thrown by the 
discovery of such non-literary records as the Greek inscriptions of 
the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, and the papyrus- 
letters of Egypt. 

Evidence of this will be found on practically every page of the 
following Commentary. Here it must suffice to draw attention 
to such interesting examples as are afforded by— 

adyamnros, αἰώνιος, ἄμεμπτος, ἀμέμπτως, ἀπάντησις, ἀποδείκνυμι, 
ἀρέσκειν (τινι), ἀσπάζομαι, ἀσπασμός, ἀτακτέω (and its cognates), 
ἄτοπος, δίκη, εἶδος, ἐν (instrumental), ἐνίστημι, ,ἐνορκίζω, ἐξουσία, 
ἐπιβαρέω, ἐρωτάω (‘rogo’ )s εὐσχημόνως, εὐχαριστέω, κατέχω, κύριος, 
παράδοσις, παρακαλέω, προΐσταμαι, σημειόομαι, τύπος, υἱὸς θεοῦ, φιλο- 
τιμέομαι. 


Deductions from mere lists of words are always dangerous, 
and in any case it is obviously impossible to form any definite 
conclusions as to the nature and the sources of the Pauline 


LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES — lv 


vocabulary on the evidence of two short Epistles. This much 
however is clear that the Apostle had an ample Greek voca- 
bulary at his command, and, notwithstanding his Jewish origin 
and upbringing, had learned to use Greek as virtually a second 
mother-tongue. Not only did he speak freely in Greek, but 
apparently he thought in Greek, and was able to adapt to 
his own special purposes the words he found in current use’. 

On the other hand, our Epistles do nothing to confirm 
(though they may not disprove) the idea that St Paul had 
received a thorough Greek education. "here are no quotations 
in them from ancient Greek authors, and at most two or three 
words (such as azopdavifouar) for which only classical, as 
distinguished from late Greek, authority has been produced. 
And the general impression which they convey is that for his 
‘Wortschatz, or stock of words, St Paul, when not directly 
indebted to the Greek O.T., was mainly dependent upon the 
living, spoken tongue of his own day, borrowing from time 
to time more or less consciously from ethical writers, but other- 
wise showing little or no dependence upon the literature of 
classical or later times’. 


1 Qn St Paul’s indebtedness to 
Hellenism see especially Canon Hicks’s 
classical essay ‘St Paul and Hellenism’ 


the first five letters of the alphabet, 
the writer comes to the conclusion 
that for his vocabulary the Apostle 


in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica iv. 
(Oxford, 1896), and E. Curtius’s paper 
on ‘Paulus in Athen’ in his Gesam- 
melte Abhandlungen ii. p. 527 ff. 
(Berlin, 1894), translated in Ezp. 
vu. iv. p. 436ff. Cf. also Sir W. M. 
Ramsay’s articles on ‘Tarsus’ in Exp. 
vir. i. and ii., and the same writer’s 
articles on ‘St Paul’s Philosophy of 
History,’and ‘Paulinism in the Graeco- 
Roman world’ in the Contemporary 
Review, Sept. and Oct. 1907. 

2 Cf. especially Nageli Der Wort- 
schatz des Apostels Paulus (Gottingen, 
1905) where, after a careful examina- 
tion of Pauline words, falling under 


was mainly indebted not to ‘literary 
theory,’ but to ‘life’ (p. 28). In the 
same way von Dobschiitz (Die urchrist- 
lichen Gemeinden p. 279) draws atten- 
tion to the striking manner (‘in 
frappanter Weise’) in which the 
special ethical terms of Greek philoso- 
phy are wanting in the Pauline writ- 
ings: cf. A. Carr ‘The use of pagan 
ethical terms in the N.T.,’ Ep. v. ix. 
p. 443 ff. It must be kept in view, 
however, that, if more of the Stoic 
literature of the period had survived, 
this conclusion might require to be 
considerably modified. 


li. Style. 


The 
general 
style ofthe 
Epistles is 
direct 


and 
regular. 


lvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


1, Style. 

The general style of the Epistles confirms what has just 
been said regarding their vocabulary. There is certainly in 
them none of the studied rhetorical art or skilfully framed 
dialect, with which the Apostle is sometimes credited elsewhere?. 
St Paul was too much concerned with what he had to say to 
be able to think of mere literary devices. And the drawn-out 
sentences (I. i. 2 ff., u. 14 ff, 11. 1 6 ff, i. 8 ff), the constant 
ellipses (I. i. 8, u. 11, iv. 4 ff, 14, IL i. 3, 9, ἢ. 7, i. 6), the 
manner in which he ‘goes off’ at a word (I. ii. 14 f, v. 8 ἢ, 
II. i. 10), the inversion of metaphors (I. ii. 7, v. 2, 4), not only 
bear evidence to the intensity of the writer’s feelings at the 
time, but are in themselves valuable proofs of ‘unstudied 
epistolary genuineness®.’ 

This is very far, however, from saying that either Epistle 
shows signs of carelessness, or is wanting in well-ordered 
passages which, if not comparable to, at least prepare the way 
for the splendid outbursts of some of the later Epistles (cf. e.g. 
I. ii. 3 ff, IL. i. 1 ff). St Paul had evidently that highest gift 
of a great writer, the instinctive feeling for the right word, and 


1 See, e.g., J. Weiss Beitriige zur 
Paulinischen Rhetorik (Gé6ttingen, 
1897), where certain sections more 
particularly of the Epp. to the 
Corinthians and Romans are analyzed 
with the view of showing their artistic 
and even rhythmical arrangement, 
and cf. Blass’s attempt (Die Rhythmen 
der asianischen und rimischen Kunst- 
prosa, Leipzig, 1905) to find ‘Asianic 
rhythm’ in Romans and other Pauline 
writings, including 1 Thessalonians. 

2 *Kunstliteratur’ and ‘ Paulus- 
briefe’ are, as Deissmann puts it, 
‘inkommensurable Gréssen’ (Hellen- 
isierung, p. 168 n.*4). 

3 The very closeness indeed of the 
literary dependence of 2 Thess. upon 
the earlier Epistle, and the consequent 
stiltedness of style to which this some- 
times leads (notably in II. i. 3—10), 
so far from disproving that Epistle’s 


authenticity, may be turned into an 
argument in favour of it. St Paul 
had evidently not the pen of a ready 
writer, and when he had once found 
an expression suited to his purpose 
found it very difficult to vary it. What 
more natural than that the words and 
phrases which, during that anxious 
time of waiting for the return of 
Timothy, he had been turning over in 
his mind as the most suitable to 
address to his beloved Thessalonians, 
should have remained in his memory, 
and have risen almost unconsciously 
to his lips, as he dictated his second 
letter to the same Church so shortly 
afterwards? For a somewhat similar 
argument applied to the relation of 
Colossians and Ephesians see Dr 
Sanday’s art. on ‘Colossians’ in 
Smith’s D.B.? i. pt. 1, p. 630. 


LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES [ν]] 


even when writing, as he does here, in his most ‘ normal’ style?, 
and with an almost complete absence of the rhetorical figures, 
so largely practised in his day’, he does not hesitate to avail 
himself of the more popular methods of adding point or 
emphasis to what he wants to say*, by the skilful arrangement 
of his words (e.g. I. v. 3, II. 1. 6), by compressed word-pictures 
(I. 1. 8 ἐξήχηται, ll. 2 ἀγῶνι, 11. 17 ἀπορφανισθέντες, II. i. 1 
τρέχη), by interpolated questions (I. ii. 19, 111. 6 (?), 9 ἢ), and 
even by plays on words (I. 11. 4, II. 11. 2 f., 11). 

No effort indeed is wanting on the writer’s part to bring 
home to his readers the extent of his heart-felt gratitude on 
their behalf, and his concern for their highest welfare. And 
here, as in all the other Pauline writings, we readily recognize 
that the arresting charm of the Apostle’s style is principally 
due to ‘the man behind‘, and that the highest form of all 
eloquence, ‘the rhetoric of the heart, is speaking to us’. 

11], 


Interary Affinities. 


ili. Lite- 
rary 


What has just been said will prepare us not to expect in 4iinities 


our Epistles any direct affinities with the more distinctly 
literary works of St Paul’s or of previous times. There are, 
however, two sources which have left such an unmistakable 


1 See Lightfoot Journ. of Class. and 
Sacr. Philol. iii. (1857) p. 302. 

2 Cf., however, the meiosis in I. ii, 
15, IL. ili. 2, 7, the chiasmus in I. v. 6, 
and the intentional anakolouthon in 
It. ii. 7. 

® In Dr A. J. Wilson’s paper on 
‘Emphasis in the N.T.’ in the J.7.S. 
viii. p. 75 ff., some of the finer methods 
of expression, beloved by Paul, are 
well brought out. 

4 Even Heinrici in his well-known 
discussion ‘Zum Hellenismus des 
Paulus’ (in his commentary on 
_ 2 Corinthians in Meyer vi.®, Géttingen, 
1900), while emphasizing the Apostle’s 
points of contact with the rhetorical 
methods of his contemporaries, quotes 
with approval the words of Gregory of 
Nyssa prefixed as a heading to this 


section, and adds pointedly, ‘Des Paulus 
Stil ist individuell und packend,..Kein 
Klassiker, kein MHellenist hat so 
geschrieben, auch kein Kirchenvater. 
Der von seinem Herrn iiberwaltigte 
hellenistische Jude steht fiir sich da.’ 
Cf. also the words of U. von Wilamo- 
witz-Moellendorff as cited on p. 121 of 
this work. 

5 There are some good remarks on 
this point in Norden’s great work on 
Die antike Kunstprosa ii. p. 509 f., 
though in pronouncing the Pauline 
Epistles ‘unhellenisch,’ he falls into 
the fundamental error of treating 
them as ‘Kunstprosa’ instead of in 
direct connexion with the non-literary 
texts of the time: cf. Deissmann in 
the Theologische Rundschau v. (1902) 
p. 66 ff. 


(1) with 
the Greek 
0.T. 


as illus- 
trated by 
1 Thess. 
i, 8—i1o 


and . 
2 Thess. 
i. 6—10. 


lviii © THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

impress upon the Apostle’s language, as well as thought, that 
they cannot be passed over here. They are (1) the Greek O.T., 
(2) certain Sayings of Jesus. 

(1) We have seen already how dependent St Paul was on 
the Lxx. for many of his most characteristic words. But his — 
indebtedness does not stop there. So minute was his acquaint- 
ance with its phraseology, so completely had it passed in sucwm 
et sanguinem, that, though in these alone of all his Epistles there 
is no direct quotation from the O.T., there are whole passages 


which are little more than a mosaic of O.T. 


pressions. 


words and ex- 


Two short passages may serve to illustrate this. 


The first is St Paul’s description of the result of his ministry in ~ 


Thessalonica in: 1 Thess. i. 8—to. 


i. ὃ ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν yap ἐξήχηται ὃ 
λόγος τοῦ κυρίου. 


ab. ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν 
ἡ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐξελήλυθεν. 

i. 9 ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν 
πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 

9 ‘ “ > , Ν 

ib. καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς 

Ν Ν 3 Ν a > , 

τὸν θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν εἰδώλων. 


ἐδ. δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀλη- 
θινῷ. 


“ 5 4 x εν 3 “ 

1. 10 ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ 
ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν. 

9 3 “ Ν ε ’ ς » 

ab. ᾿Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς. 


ib. ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς ἐρχομένης. 


Joel iii. (iv.) τ4 ἦχοι ἐξήχησαν 
ἐν τῇ κοιλάδι τῆς δίκης. 3 Mace. 
iii, 2 V φήμη δυσμενὴς ἐξηχεῖτο. 

Ps, xviii. (xix. ) 5 εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν 
γῆν ἐξῆλθεν ὃ φθόγγος αὐτῶν. 

4 Regn. xix. 27 τὴν εἴσοδόν σου 
ἔγνων. 

Isa, xliv. 22 ἐπιστράφητι πρὸς 
μέ, καὶ λυτρώσομαί σε. Jer. iii. 
22 ἐπιστράφητε.. «δοῦλοι ἡμεῖς ἐσό- 
μεθά σοι, ὅτι σὺ Κύριος ὃ θεὸς 
ἡμῶν εἶ. 

Jos. iii. 10 ἐν τούτῳ γνώσεσθε 
ὅτι θεὸς ζῶν ἐν ὑμῖν. Dan. vi. 26 
λατρεύοντες τῷ θεῷ... αὐτὸς γάρ 
ἐστι θεὸς... ζῶν εἰς γενεὰς γενεῶν. 
Isa. Ιχν. 16 εὐλογήσουσιν γὰρ τὸν 
θεὸν τὸν ἀληθινόν. 

Isa. lix, 11 ἀνεμείναμεν κρίσιν. 


Sap. xvi. 8 σὺ εἶ 6 ῥυόμενος ἐκ 
παντὸς κακοῦ. Ps, cxxxix. (exl.) 1 
ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς ἀδίκου ῥ ῥῦσαί με. 

158. xill, 9 ἰδοὺ yap ἡμέρα Κυρίου 
ἔρχεται ἀνίατος θυμοῦ καὶ ὀργῆς. 


Our second passage is the great picture of approaching Judg- 


ment in 2 Thess. i. 6—rOo. 


Here, as generally in the eschatological 


passages of the Epistles, the O.T. basis of the whole conception is 


even more marked. 


LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES 


i. 6 εἴπερ δίκαιον παρὰ θεῷ 
3 [η a“ 4 ε n~ 
ἀνταποδοῦναι τοῖς θλίβουσιν ὑμᾶς 


θλίψιν. 


Φ. Ἀ ΄“ὦ»Μ A 4 
1. 7 καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς θλιβομένοις 
bl ee eT > “a 3 ’ 
ἄνεσιν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει 
a > a “ 
τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ. 


i. 7, 8 per ἀγγέλων δυνάμεως 


αὐτοῦ ἐν πυρὶ φλογός. 


. , wn Ἁ 
i. 8 διδόντος ἐκδίκησιν τοῖς μὴ 
/ a 

εἰδόσι θεὸν καὶ τοῖς μὴ ὑπακούουσιν 
“~ 3 ’ la ’ ε a > 

᾿ τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἴη- 

σοῦ. 


= ν ’ ’ 
1, 9 OLTLVES δίκην τισουσιν. 


. ” , 
ab. ὄλεθρον αἰώνιον. 
. πος , a , 
ab. απὸ προσώπου τοῦ κυρίου 
᾿ Φ Ἃ “ , aA > , “Ὁ 93 
καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τῆς ἰσχύος “av- 
τοῦ. 
. “ a 
i. 10 ὅταν ἔλθῃ ἐνδοξασθῆναι ἐν 
lal > “ “A 
τοῖς ἁγίοις αὐτοῦ καὶ θαυμασθῆ- 
a , 
ναι ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς πιστεύσασιν. 


lix 


Isa. lxvi. 4 τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἀντα- 
ποδώσω αὐτοῖς. ἐδ. 6 φωνὴ Κυρίου 
ἀνταποδιδόντος ἀνταπόδοσιν τοῖς 
ἀντικειμένοις. Lam. iii. 64 dzo- 
δώσεις αὐτοῖς ἀνταπόδομα, Κύριε, 
κατὰ τὰ ἔργα τών χειρῶν αὐτῶν. 
Cf. Obad. 15. 

Isa. xix. 20 κεκράξονται πρὸς 
Κύριον διὰ τοὺς θλίβοντας αὐτούς, 
καὶ ἀποστελεῖ αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ὃς 
σώσει αὐτούς, κρίνων σώσει αὐτούς. 

Ex. iii. 2 ὦφθη δὲ αὐτῷ ἄγγελος 
Κυρίου ἐν πυρὶ φλογός. Sir. viii. 
10 (13) μὴ ἐμπυρισθῇς ἐν πυρὶ 
φλογὸς αὐτοῦ. 

Isa. Ιχν]. 15 ἰδοὺ γὰρ Κύριος ὡς 
πῦρ ἥξει,.. ἀποδοῦναι ἐν θυμῷ ἐκ- 
δίκησιν αὐτοῦ...ἐν φλογὶ πυρός. 
Jer. xxv. 12 ἐκδικήσω τὸ ἔθνος 
ἐκεῖνο. Jer. X. 25 ἔκχεον τὸν 
θυμόν σου ἐπὶ ἔθνη τὰ μὴ εἰδότα 
σε καὶ ἐπὶ γενεὰς αἱ τὸ ὄνομά 
σου οὐκ ἐπεκαλέσαντο. 

Prov. xxvii. 12 ἄφρονες δὲ ἐπελ- 
θόντες ζημίαν τίσουσιν. 

4 Mace. x. 15 τὸν αἰώνιον τοῦ 
τυράννου ὄλεθρον. 

188. 11. το ἀπὸ προσώπου τοῦ 
φόβου Κυρίου καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης 
τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτοῦ (cf. wv. το, 21). 

Ps. Ixxxviii. (Ixxxix.) 8 ὁ θεὸς 
ἐνδοξαζόμενος ἐν βουλῇ ἁγίων. Ps. 
Ixvii. (Ixvill.) 36 θαυμαστὸς ὃ θεὸς 
ἐν τοῖς ὁσίοις αὐτοῦ. Ezek. xxviii. 
22 Τάδε λέγει Κύριος... ἐνδοξασθή- 
σομαι ἐν σοί,...ἐν τῷ ποιῆσαί με ἐν 
σοὶ κρίματα, καὶ ἁγιασθήσομαι ἐν 
σοί. 

Zeph. i. 7 εὐλαβεῖσθε ἀπὸ προσ- 
ὥὦπου Κυρίου τοῦ θεοῦ, διότι ἐγγὺς 
ἡμέρα τοῦ κυρίουι Isa. ii. 19 f. 
ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτοῦ, 
ὅταν ἀναστῇ θραῦσαι τὴν γῆν. τῇ 
γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ κτλ. 


(2) More important still is the relation of the Apostle’s 
language in our Epistles to certain Words of the Lord that 


have come down to us in the Gospels. 


For without taking any 


(2) with 
the Words 
of Jesus. 


Ix THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


note of some of the subtler resemblances that have been 
detected here, there still remain sufficient to show that St Paul 
must have been well acquainted with the actual words of Jesus, 
and in all probability had actually some written collection of 


them in his possession}. 


The following are some of the most obvious examples : 


I. ii, 7 ἐγενήθημεν νήπιοι ἐν 
μέσῳ ὑμῶν. 

ii. 12 τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ καλοῦντος 
ε “ > ‘ ε “ ld Ἀ 
ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν καὶ 


δόξαν. 


11. 14 ff. τῶν Ἰουδαίων, τῶν καὶ 
τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν 
καὶ τοὺς προφήτας... εἰς τὸ ἀναπλη- 
ρῶσαι αὐτῶν τὰς ἁμαρτίας πάντοτε. 


eee 9 ~ , n~ , 
_ 11. 13 ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου 
ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων 
αὐτοῦ. 


iv. 8 ὃ ἀθετῶν οὐκ ἄνθρωπον 
39 “Ὁ 3 A A ’ 
ἀθετεῖ ἀλλὰ τὸν θεόν. 


iv. 9 περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας... 
ὑμεῖς θεοδίδακτοί ἐστε εἰς τὸ ἀγαπᾷν 


ἀλλήλους. 


. > ε , ’ 
iv. τό f. αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος... .ἐν σάλ- 
“a , v3 ΩΝ 
πιγγι θεοῦ καταβήσεται ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ 
ε “a a“ ε 
«ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες... ἄρπα- 
/ > , > > / 
γησόμεθα ἐν νεφέλαις εἰς ἀπάντησιν 
τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα. 


V. I περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καὶ τῶν 
καιρῶν. 


1 See especially A. Resch Der 
Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu (Text, 
u. Unters, N.F. xii.) Leipzig, r904— 
a valuable collection of materials, in 


Lk. xxii. Ἔγω δὲ ἐν μέσῳ 
ε a eg ε oy Y a é σῷ 
ὑμῶν εἰμὶ ὡς ὁ διακονών. 

Mt. xxii. 3 (the Parable of the 
Marriage Feast) καὶ ἀπέστειλεν 
τοὺς δούλους αὐτοῦ καλέσαι τοὺς 
κεκλημένους εἰς τοὺς γάμους. 

Mt. ΧΧΙΠ. 41. υἱοῦ ἐστε τῶν 
φονευσάντων τοὺς προφήτας. καὶ 
ὑμεῖς πληρώσατε τὸ μέτρον τῶν 
πατέρων ὑμῶν. Of. the Parable 
of the Vineyard Mt. xxi. 33 ff. 
and parallels. 

Mt. xvi. 27 μέλλει yap ὁ vids 

an > 4 Μ > nn A 
τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἔρχεσθαι ἐν τῇ δόξῃ 
τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων 
αὐτοῦ (Mk. viii. 38 μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέ- 
λων τῶν ἁγίων, Lk. ix. 26 τοῦ 
πατρὸς καὶ τῶν ἁγίων ἀγγέλων). 

Lk. x. 16 ὁ ἀθετῶν ὑμᾶς ἐμὲ 
3 a ε ΄ς ΣΆ A 3 a“ Ν 
αθέτεϊ- ὃ δὲ ἐμὲ ἀθετῶν ἀθετεῖ τὸν 
ἀποστείλαντά με. 

Mt. xxiii. 8 πάντες δὲ ὑμεῖς 
ἀδελφοί ἐστε. Cf. Jo. xv. 12 αὕτη 
3 Ν ει ἢ \ ees ἐ πε ὁ 3 ΄- 
ἐστὶν ἡ ἐντολὴ ἡ ἐμὴ ἵνα ἀγαπᾶτε 
> , 
ἀλλήλους. 

Mt. xxiv. 30 f. (ΜΚ. xiii. 26 f., 
Lk. xxi. 27) ὄψονται τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ 
ἀνθρώπου ἐρχόμενον ἐπὶ τῶν νεφε- 
λῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ... καὶ ἀποστελεῖ 
τοὺς ἀγγέλους αὐτοῦ μετὰ σάλπιγ- 
γος μεγάλης, καὶ ἐπισυνάξουσιν 

‘ 3 ΄ 3 A 
τοὺς ἐκλέκτους αὐτοῦ κτλ. Mt. 
xxv. 6 ἰδοὺ 6 νυμφίος, ἐξέρχεσθε 
εἰς ἀπάντησιν. 

Mt xxiv. 36 περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας 
ἐκείνης καὶ ὥρας. 
which, however, many of the coinci- 


dences suggested seem to be very 
precarious, 


LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND LITERARY AFFINITIES | lxi 


v. 2 ἡμέρα Kupiov ws κλέπτης ἐν 
νυκτὶ οὕτως ἔρχεται. 


Vv. 3 τότε αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπί- 
σταται ὄλεθρος. 


Υ. 5 πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς υἱοὶ φω- 
τός ἐστε. 


v. 6 γρηγορώμεν. 
γ. 7 of μεθυσκόμενοι νυκτὸς με- 
θύουσιν. 


V. II οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς τὸν ἕνα. 
5 / 5 ε ἴω 

V. 13 εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. 

Vv. 18 τοῦτο γὰρ θέλημα θεοῦ. 


ι 

Il. 1. 5 εἰς τὸ καταξιωθῆναι ὑμᾶς 
τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ. 

. > Ὁ , “ ’ 

1. 7 ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τοῦ κυρίου 
Ἰησοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ. 

i. 12 ὅπως ἐνδοξασθῇ τὸ ὄνομα 
τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν, καὶ 
ὑμεῖς ἐν αὐτῷ. 

.“- conan > “ 4.3 

1 a Σ ὧν ἐπισυνα π᾿ 

ji rie γωγῆς é 
αὐτόν. 

li. 2 μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι. 

li, 3 μή τις ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσῃ. 


. > “~ 
ab. ἀποκαλυφθῇ ὃ ἄνθρωπος 
“ 3 / 

τῆς ἀνομίας. 

“. ε 3 , 7 1 =." 

ll. 4 ὃ QvTikeipmevos...woTe αὐτὸν 

> Ν Ν lal a ‘4 

εἰς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ καθίσαι. 

se f δ» Ν ε εὐ δ 3 

ll. ο f. οὗ ἐστὶν ἡ παρουσία Kar 
ἐνέργειαν τοῦ Σατανᾶ ἐν πάσῃ δυ- 
νάμει καὶ σημείοις καὶ τέρασιν ψεύ- 
δους καὶ ἐν πάσῃ ἀπάτῃ ἀδικίας 

3 

τοῖς ἀπολλυμένοις. 

ee ’ 

ll, 11 ἐνέργειαν πλάνης εἰς τὸ 

“ > ‘\ “A 4 

πιστεῦσαι αὐτοὺς τῷ ψεύδει. 

see a > 

lll. 3 6 κύριος, ὃς... φυλάξει ἀπὸ 
τοῦ πονηροῦ". 


1 «Tt is no exaggeration to say that 
Matt. xxiv. is the most instructive 
commentary on the chapter before us 
{2 Thess. ii.].2 Kennedy St Paul’s 
Conceptions of the Last Things (Lon- 


Mt. xxiv. 43 (Lk. xii. 39) εἰ 
ἤδει ὁ οἰκοδεσπότης ποίᾳ φυλακῇ ὃ 
κλέπτης ἔρχεται. 


Lk. xxi. 34 μή ποτε... ἐπιστῇ 
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐφνίδιος ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη 
ὡς παγίς. 


Lk. xvi. ὃ τοὺς υἱοὺς τοῦ φ τός. 
Cf. Je ο. xii. 26 πιστεύετε! 
φώς, ἵνα υἱοὶ φωτὸς γένησθ ᾿ 

Mt. xxiv..42 γρηγορεῖτε οὖν. 

Mt. xxiv. 48 ἢ. (Lk. xii, 45) 
ὁ κακὸς δοῦλος... πίνῃ μετὰ τῶν 
μεθυόντων. 

Mt, xvi. 18 ἐ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ πέτρᾳ 
οἰκοδομήσω μου τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. 

Mk. ix. 50 εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἀλλή- 
λοις. 

Mt. vii. 21 ὃ ποιῶν τὸ θέλημα 
τοῦ πατρός μου (cf. ΧΙ]. 50). 

Lk. xx. 35 οἱ δὲ καταξιωθέντες 
τοῦ αἰῶνος ἐκείνου τυχεῖν. 

Lk. xvii. 30 7 ἡμέρᾳ ὃ υἱὸς τοῦ 
ἀνθρώπου ἀποκαλύπτεται. 

Primarily dependent on the 
Luxx. (cf. Isai. Ixvi. 5), but see 
John xvii. 1, 10, 21 fff. 

Mt. xxiv. 31 ἐπισυνάξουσιν τοὺς 
ἐκλεκτοὺς αὐτοῦ". 

Mt. xxiv. 6 μὴ θροεῖσθε. 

Mt. xxiv. 4 βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς 
πλανήσγ. 

Mt. xxiv. 12 διὰ τὸ πληθυνθῆναι 
τὴν ἀνομίαν. 

Mt. xxiv. 15 τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς 
ἐρημώσεως... ἑστὸς ἐν τόπῳ ἁγίῳ. 

Mt. xxiv. 24 ἐγερθήσονται γὰρ 
ψευδόχριστοι καὶ ψευδοπροφῆται, 
καὶ δώσουσιν σημεῖα μεγάλα καὶ 
τέρατα wore πλανᾶσθαι εἰ δυνατὸν 
καὶ τοὺς ἐκλεκτούς. 

Mt. xxiv. 4 βλέπετε μή τις 
ὑμᾶς πλανήσῃ. 

Mt. vi. 13 ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ 
πονηροῦ. 
don, 1904) p. 56. 

2 For possible references to Agrapha 
of Jesus see 1 Thess. iii. 5, v. 4, 21 f., 
2 Thess. iii. το with the notes ad 
loca. 








Jesus and 
Paul. 


Ixii THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

Upon the larger question, the relation in which so-called 
‘Paulinism’ stands to the original teaching of Jesus, it is 
impossible to enter here’. But no one can take account of 
the foregoing parallels, and of much that will come before 
us in the course of this Commentary, without realizing how 
conscious the disciple was throughout of his complete depend- 
ence upon his Master. His whole ‘gospel, when not directly 
inspired by the living Lord Himself (cf. 1. iv. 15 ἐν λόγῳ Κυρίου 
with note ad loc,), was firmly rooted in his knowledge of the 
life and words of the historic Jesus, or, perhaps we should 
rather say, upon that knowledge as conditioned by his own 
sense of union with the Risen Christ, and interpreted in the 
light of his own growing Christian experience. 


1 Those who desire to pursue the 
subject may be referred to three im- 
portant monographs which have ap- 
peared lately—P. Feine Jesus Christ 
und Paulus (Leipzig, 1902), M. Goguel 
L’Apétre Paul et Jésus-Christ (Paris, 
1904), and R. J. Knowling The Testi- 
mony of St Paul to Christ (London, 
1905). See also Dr BR. J. Drummond’s 
Kerr Lectures on The Relation of the 
Apostolic Teaching to the Teaching of 
Christ (Edinburgh, 1900). In _ his 


pamphlet Jesus und Paulus (Tiibingen, 
1906) Kaftan has replied to the ‘ Jesus 
or Paul’ attitude of Bousset’s Jesus 
and Wrede’s Paulus in the recent 
German series of Religionsgeschicht- 
liche Volksbiicher. See also A. Jii- 
licher’s Paulus und Jesus (1907) in 
the same series, where the writer 
states his conclusion in the words, 
‘Paulus hat also seine Theologie nicht 
an die Stelle der Religion Jesu gesetzt, 
sondern rings um sie her’ (p. 72). 


V. 


DOCTRINE. 


*Doctrinae divinae vis confluit in amorem.’ 
Bengel ad 1 Thess. iv. 9. 


1. The Epistles to the Thessalonians are generally regarded 1. The 
as the least dogmatic of all the Pauline Epistles, and it is true ile 
that there is no mention in them of such distinctive aspects of epistles 
‘Paulinism’ as the contrasts between law and gospel, faith- é 
righteousness and work-righteousness, and flesh and spirit— 
that the term ‘justification’ is wholly wanting—and that even 
the Apostle’s favourite watchword of ‘grace, which is found 
twice as often in his writings as in all the rest of the New 
Testament, occurs only in two passages (II. i. 12, 11. 16), 
apart from the more formal salutations and benedictions. 

This is very far, however, from saying that St Paul had not 
by this time reached the definite system of Christian truth 
which, even when not expressed, lies at the base of all his 
writings. He had now been engaged for a period of nearly 
fifteen years in active missionary work, and if he does not find 
it necessary to lay special stress here on certain doctrines which 
later emerged into prominence wing to the controversies in 
which he found himself engaged, this is mainly due to the 
circumstances under which the Epistles were written’. 

Addressing as he was a small working-class community, Reasons 
composed principally of Gentile Christians, and surrounded ' *¥- 


1 In his recent Essai sur la Christo- 
logie de Saint Paul i. (Paris, 1906) 
Monteil utters a much-needed warning 
_ on the danger of drawing out a chrono- 
logical chart of the Apostle’s growth 
in Christian truth from. his writings, 
which were conditioned throughout by 


M. THESS, 


the special needs to which they were 
addressed. ‘Paul was above all not 
a doctor and a theologian, but an 
apostle; far less occupied with framing 
a system of dogma and theology, than 
with announcing the gospel of salva- 
tion’ (p. 12). 


2.Doctrine 
of God. 


Ixiv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

by all the temptations of a great commercial seaport, St Paul 
recognized that what his converts stood most in need of was 
encouragement, combined with certain very definite warnings 
against the undue excitement they were displaying owing 
to a mistaken application of his former teaching. And con- 
sequently he fell back upon the main elements of that teaching, 
with the view not only of showing in what it really consisted, 
but of leading his readers on to the higher truths for which he 
had been preparing them. So far, therefore, from the simple 
theology which the Epistles contain, as compared, for example, 
with the more argumentative methods of the Epistles to the 
Galatians or Romans, throwing any doubt on their authenticity, 
as Menegoz seems tempted to think}, it is precisely what we 
should expect in the circumstances*, while the many points 
of contact which the Epistles exhibit with the language and 
teaching of the missionary discourses of Acts afford striking 
confirmation of the credibility of both (cf. p. xlii). 

2. In view then of the surroundings of his Thessalonian 
converts, we are not surprised to find the Apostle laying very 
special stress on the doctrine of God: or rather of ‘the God, 
as contrasted with the many and vain gods whom formerly they 
worshipped®. 

It is from this God, as St Paul and his companions are 


11,6 Péché et la Rédemption daprés 
Saint Paul, p. 4. 

2 It is only from this point of view 
that we can accept such statements as 
that the Epistles contain ‘a first sketch 
of Paul’s doctrine’ (Sabatier L’Apétre 
Paul p. 95, Εἰ. Tr. p. 109), or that they 
form ‘a kind of Christian primer’ ὡς 6 θεὸς ἤθελεν, and B. G. VU. 246, 12. 
(Bruce St Paul’s Conception of Chris- (‘very probably heathen’—ii./iii. a.D.) 
tianity p. 15). Schmidt’s statement 


out any further designation, is con- 
fined to Christian documents is now 
disproved on the evidence of the 
papyri: cf. Wilcken Archiv i. p. 436, 
where such passages are cited as 
B.G.U. 27, to ff. (‘certainly heathen’ 


—ii./A.D.) καὶ παρεδέξατο ἡμᾶς ὁ τόπος 


ἐντυγχάνω Te θεῷ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν. 


is more exact: ‘To sum up: the dog- 
matic system of the Apostle is for 
obvious reasons not fully unfolded in 
this Epistle but merely touched on inci- 
dentally, but this is done in thoroughly 
Pauline fashion’ (Der erste Thessa- 
lonicherbrief, p. 78). 

3 It should be noted, however, that 
the old view (Letronne Ziwvres i. p. 8) 
that ὁ θεός, taken absolutely and with- 


For similar evidence from the in- 
scriptions see Ramsay C. and B. i. 
p- 498 f., where expressions like ‘thou 
shalt not wrong the God’ (σὺ μὴ 
ἀδικήσεις τὸν θεόν), and ‘may he not 
escape the notice of the God’ (μὴ 
λάθοιτο τὸν θεόν), used to prevent the 
violation of Christian tombs, are 
shown to be based on pagan models; 
see further pp. 147, 150 ff. 


DOCTRINE lxv 


never tired of asserting, that they themselves have derived 
‘the gospel’ which they declare (I. ii. 2 ff.)’, and, as they have 
been ‘approved’ by God Himself for this purpose (v. 4), so it is 
to His verdict that in the last instance they submit themselves 
(vv. 4, 10). How complete indeed their sense of dependence 
is appears in the emphatic manner in which on four distinct 
occasions the missionaries turn from the thought of their own 
efforts to the true Author of all grace and peace (I. 111. 11, 
v. 23, II. 11. 16, 111. 16)% And it is to Him similarly that 
throughout the Epistles they refer the Thessalonians for all 
that concerns their own Christian life. They, who formerly 
were amongst those ‘who knew not the God’ (I. iv. 5; οἵ, I1.1. 8), 
have now turned to ‘a God living and true’ (I. i. 9), and as 
their ‘faith to Godward’ (I. i. 8) is entirely due to the ‘call’ 
which ‘the God’ Himself has addressed to them (1. 1. 4, IT. ii. 13), 
so it is of Him that they must continue to walk worthily, if 
finally they are to reach the kingdom and glory to which His 
‘call’ is summoning them (1. 11. 12, 11. 1.5). Any failure in 
this can only be due to themselves, and not to God, for He 
is ‘faithful’ to accomplish the work which He Himself has 
begun (I. v. 24; cf. IL. ii. 3), and it is ‘in the very presence of 
God’—before His all-seeing and all-searching eye—an emphatic 
phrase used nowhere else in the Pauline Epistles (cf. 2 Cor. 
v. 10),—that the highest human hopes are consummated (LI. 1. 3, 
iL ΟΣ 135 ef 1, 19). 

It is very noticeable too as showing the nature of the 
conception which St Paul had already formed of the Deity, 
that frequently in these his oldest extant epistles he describes 
God as ‘Father, and that too in a way to suggest that the 
term was already in general use, and in need of no explanation 
(I. i. 1, iii. 11, 13, IL. i. τ ἢ, 11. 16). Not only does he thereby 
forge a fresh link between his own teaching and the teaching 
of Jesus (cf. p. lix ff.), but, by the manner in which he associates 


1 The actual phrase (τὸ) εὐαγγέλιον would naturally follow on v. 4, the 
(rod) θεοῦ occurs elsewhere in the Apostles interject a prayer. 
Pauline Epistles only in Rom. i. 1, xv. Bengel (ad I. 111. 11) remarks very 
16, 2 Cor. xi. 7; cf. 1 Tim. i. 11. beautifully : ‘ Utraque epistola ad Thes- 
2 Cf. also 11. iii. 5 where, before salonicenses fere singula capita singu- 
uttering the παραγγελία of v. 6 which 115 suspiriis obsignata habet.’ 


62 


Ixvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


the Father with the glorified Lord, he takes what has been 
called ‘the first decisive step’ towards the later Christian doctrine 
of the Trinity’. 

3. Nothing indeed can exceed the exalted place assigned 
to the Person of Christ even in these markedly monotheistic 
writings. For though, in accordance with general Pauline 
practice, He is only once directly spoken of as the ‘Son’ of 
God?, He is united with the Father in a manner which 
leaves no doubt as to the essential equality which the writer 
regards as subsisting between them. It is ‘in the Lord Jesus 
Christ’ as well as ‘in God the Father’ that the Church’s life 
consists (I. i. 1, I. i. 1; cf. I. ii. 14): to both Father and Son 
(I. iii. 11) and even to Son and Father (II. ii. 16 f.), followed by 
a verb in the singular, that the missionaries address their 
prayers: and from Both that the highest blessing proceeds 
(I. i. 1, v. 28, IL. 1. 2, in. 18}. 

The fact too that Christ, even when standing alone, should 
be regarded as the immediate Author of His people’s spiritual 
growth and establishment in holiness in view of His Second 
Coming is most significant‘, especially when taken along with 


1 Sanday, art. ‘Jesus Christ’ in 
Hastings’ ἢ. B. ii. p. 648; cf. the 
same writer’s The Life of Christ in 
Recent Research (1907), p-. 131 f. 

2 As a matter of fact, the full term 
(ὁ) vids (τοῦ) θεοῦ occurs elsewhere in 
the Pauline Epistles only in Rom. i. 4, 
2 Cor. i. 19, Gal. ii. 20, Eph. iv. 13, 
though Christ is referred to as ‘Son’ 
on various other occasions (cf. 1 Cor. 
i. g, xv. 28, Gal. i. 16, iv. 4, 6, Rom. 
i. 3, 9, V. 10, Vili. 3, 29, 32, Col. i. 13). 
The comparative rarity of the title 
may perhaps be due to the fact that it 
had already been assumed by the 
Roman Emperors, as when a papyrus- 
fragment (B.G.U. 174) of the year 
7 A.D. begins ἔτους ἕκτου καὶ τριακο- 
στοῦ [τῆς] Καίσαρος κρατήσεως θεοῦ 
υἱ[6]ν (for υἱοῦ) with evident reference 
to the Emperor Augustus (Deissmann 
BS. p. 166 f.): cf. Magn. 157°, 3 f. τὸν 
υἱὸν τοῦ μεγίστου θεῶν, where the pey. 
θεῶν is Claudius, and his ‘son’ Nero! 


On the other hand the ‘heathen’ 
usage of the terr. may have stamped 
itself on the Apostle’s mind, and de- 
termined him to recover it to its 
proper use. 

3 In view of the constant tendency 
to underrate the Christology of St 
Paul’s earlier writings, it may be well to 
quote the weighty testimony of Bishop 
Lightfoot : ‘The Christology of the 
Colossian Epistle is in no way different 
from that of the Apostle’s earlier 
letters....The doctrine is practically 
involved in the opening and closing 
words of his earliest extant epistle 
(1 Thess. i. 1, v. 28)’ (Colossians? 
p. 122). 

4 On prayer addressed to Christ in 
the Early Church see Zahn Skizzen? 
p. 271 ff., A. Seeberg Die Anbetung 
des ‘Herrn’ bei Paulus (1891), and 
the short tract in Biblischen Zeit- und 
Streitfragen by A. Juncker Das Gebet 
bei Paulus (1905) p. το ff. 


DOCTRINE Ixvii 
the part assigned to Him at that Coming. For though Christ 
is never directly spoken of as Judge in our Epistles, and the 
final issues are ascribed to God (II. i. 11 f.) in accordance with 
the general Jewish belief of the time’, it is clearly implied that 
in the work of Judgment the Son also will have a part (I. iii. 13, 
ἴν. 6, 17, ν. 2 ἔ,, 11. 1. 7 ἢ, 1. 8)". In this connexion, as constantly 
elsewhere throughout the Epistles, He is described as ὁ κύριος, 
a title which was the common term for God amongst the Jews 
of the time, but which is here apparently confined to the Person 
of the glorified Lord’, while the identical expressions, which the 
Hebrew prophets were in the habit of using of God, are directly 
transferred to Him (e.g. I. v. 2, II. 1. 7). 

Other evidence, pointing in the same direction, is to be 
found in the facts that it is from Christ, no less than from God, 
that the Apostles claim to have derived their commission 
(I. u. 7; cf. ui. 2, v. 12), and ‘through the Lord Jesus’ that 
they enforce their charges (I. iv. 1 f.4; οὗ v. 27, IL. iii. 6, 12), 


1 Cf. e.g. 4 Ezra vi. 6 ‘facta sunt 
haec per me et non per alium, ut et 
finis per me et non per alium’; Orac. 
Sib. iv. 40 ff. ἀλλ᾽’ ὁπότ᾽ ἂν δὴ κόσμου 
καὶ θνητῶν ἔλθῃ κρίσις, ἣν θεὸς αὐτὸς 
ποιήσει. 

Elsewhere, however, more particu- 
larly in Enoch, judgment is repre- 
sented as entrusted to the Messiah, 
οὗ, xlv. 3, Ixii. 2, lxix. 27 ‘And he sat 
on the throne of his glory, and the 
sum of judgment was committed unto 
him, the Son of Man’: see also Apoc. 
Bar. \xxii. 2, Orac. Sib. iii. 286 f., and, 
on the whole subject, Volz Jiid, 
Eschat. Ὁ. 259 f., Holtzmann Neutest. 
Theol. i. p. 262. 

2 For the later teaching of the 
Apostle to the same effect cf. Rom, ii. 
16, 1 Cor. i. 8, iv. 5, 2 Cor. i. 14, v. 10, 
x. 18; and for its significance on the 
lips of one who had been brought up 
a strict Jewish monotheist see Colani 
Jésus-Christ et les Croyances Mes- 
sianiques de son temps (1864) p. 155, 
‘Pour un juif, dire que Jésus présidera 
au jugement, c’était ἃ peu prés dire 


qu'il est le créateur. Aussi je ne sais 
pas de preuve plus éclatante de l’im- 
mense impression produite par le 
Galiléen que ce simple fait...un pha- 
risien, comme l’avait été Paul, a pu 
voir en lui le juge des vivants et des 
morts.’ 

3 Briggs The Messiah of the Apostles 
p- 86 π.6, ‘The change of usage by 
Paul in applying Lord so exclusively 
to Christ and in carefully abstaining 
from using it for God the Father was 
a radical change of an importance 
which it is hard for any one to exag- 
gerate. It involved the practical 
substitution of the sovereignty of the 
Messiah for the sovereignty of God 
during the Messianic age.’ It would 
perhaps be more exact to say that 
St Paul regarded the κυριότης of the 
world as exercised ‘ through’ the 
Messiah during the period specified. 
See further Addit. Note D, p. 136 ff. 

4 On the causal force of διά in this 
passage cf. WM. p. 474, n., ‘the Apostle 
was not acting in his own person, but 
as moved through Christ,’ and see 


4. Doctrine 
of the 
Holy 
Spirit. 


5. Soterio- 
logy. 


Ixvili THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


while the Thessalonians’ prayers are specially asked that ‘the 
word of the Lord’ Jesus may ‘spread rapidly, and be received 
everywhere with honour’ (II. iii. 1). 

4. This living activity which the power of God (I. ii. 13), 
or of Christ (I. i. 8, II. iii. 1), can alone impart to the Word 
is no less clearly marked in connexion with the part assigned 
to the Third Person of the Holy Trinity, as when the Spirit 
is made the ground of the ‘much assurance’ in which the 
Thessalonians had received the Apostolic Gospel (I. i. 5), of 
the ‘joy’ which, notwithstanding much affliction, they had been 
enabled to display (I. 1. 6), and of those charismatic gifts and 
utterances which, in view of recent abuses, they were at the 
moment in danger of despising (I. v. το f.). 

On the other hand, to fall into sins of uncleanness was to 
reject ‘the God,’ Whose gift the indwelling Spirit was (I. iv. 78), 
and to come short of that complete sanctification which was the 
Spirit’s peculiar work (II. ii. 13). * 

5. When we pass to the region of Soteriology, it is certainly 
somewhat surprising at first sight to discover that the great 
doctrine of redemption through the Death of Christ is only 
once mentioned, and then in the most general way (I. v. 10). 
At the same time, if only from what St Paul himself tells 
us regarding his contemporary preaching at Corinth (1 Cor. 
i. 17 ff., i. If.), it is clear that this truth was already fully 
present to the Apostle’s own mind, and had been previously 
proclaimed and accepted at Thessalonica. Else what meaning 
could his readers have attached to the indirect but significant 
allusion to Jesus as ‘the Rescuer’ out of the coming Wrath 
(I. i. 10), or to the definition of the Christian Faith as rooted 
in the historic facts of the Death and Resurrection of Jesus 
(I. iv. 14)? 

If too the other great Pauline soteriological doctrine of the 
union of believers with Christ is not stated here with the same 
precision that we find in some of the later Epistles, it is 
certainly implied, as, for example, in the description of the 
‘Church of the Thessalonians (which is)...in the Lord Jesus 


A. Schettler Die paulinische Formel 53, ‘Hinter seinem schwachen Wort 
‘durch Christus’ (Tiibingen, 1907) p. _ steht die Autoritat Jesu.’ 


Ξ DOCTRINE lxix 
Christ’ (I. i. 1, 11. i. 1), or in the emphatic manner in which 
‘life with Christ’ is shown to be the result of the believer's 
redemption (I. v. 10, Wa...dua σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν)", and the 
final goal of all his hopes (I. iv. 17 καὶ οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ 
ἐσόμεθα). 

6. It is from this latter point of view indeed, as a prize 6. Escha- 

awaiting the believer in the future, that the ‘obtaining of tology: 
salvation’ is principally viewed in our Epistles (I. v. 9, II. 11. 14). 
The whole outlook is eschatological?: and the definite 
announcement of the Parousia of the Lord rounds off each 
step in the Apostolic argument (I. 11. 10, ill. 13, Iv. 15, v. 23, 
II. ii. 1 ff.). 

Nor can there be any doubt that, in common with all the 
other Apostolic writers, St Paul regards this Parousia as close 
at hand (I. iv. 15)’, though at the same time he is careful 
to emphasize that the main fact regarding it is that it will 
be unexpected (I. v. 1), and even in his second letter, in entire 
keeping with the want of system which distinguishes so much 
of his eschatology both here and elsewhere‘, the Apostle finds 


1 On this important passage see 
further E. Schiider Die Bedeutung des 
lebendigen Christus fiir die Rechtferti- 
gung nach Paulus (Giitersloh, 1893) p. 
33 1 

2 Upon ‘the vital bearing of St 
Paul’s eschatological outlook upon his 
theology as a whole’ see especially 
Dr H. A. A. Kennedy’s valuable mono- 
graph St Paul’s Conceptions of the Last 
Things (London, 1904). There are 
some significant remarks in Prof. 
Shailer Mathews’ The Messianic Hope 
in the New Testament (Chicago, 1905), 
Part m1. 6. ii, ‘The Eschatological 
Messianism of Paul.’ 

3 Cf. Jas. v. 8, 1 Pet. iv. 7, Heb. x. 
25, Rev. i. 1, and for the teaching of 
our Lord Himself, on which doubtless 
in the last instance this belief rested, 
ef, Mt. xvi. 28, Mk. xiv. 62, Lk. xxi. 
28. Wellhausen in his Hinleitung in 
die drei ersten Evangelien (1905) seeks 
to minimize this dependence, e.g. ‘The 


eschatological hope acquired its in- 
tensity first through the oldest Chris- 
tians, who attached (‘hefteten’) it to 
the Person of Jesus’ (p. 107); but see 
Sanday Recent Research p. 157 ff. 

In any case it should be noted that 
a belief in the near approach of the 
End is naturally characteristic of 
apocalyptic writing, cf. eg. 4 Ezra 
viii. 61 ‘Quapropter iudicium meum 
modo appropinquat,’ Apoc. Bar. xx. 6 
‘For they [the times] will come and 
will not tarry’: see further Volz Jiid, 
Eschat. Ὁ. 163 f., Holtzmann Neutest. 
Theol. ii. p. 188. 

4 Cf. Deissmann (Theol. Lit. Zeit- 
ung, 1898, Sp. 14): ‘What is called 
the ‘‘Eschatology” of Paul has little 
that is “Eschatological” about it.,,, 
Paul did not write de novissimis.,,,One 
must be prepared for a surging hither 


“and thither of great thoughts, feelings, 


expectations’ (cited by Kennedy op. 
cit, p. 21 n.”). 


Ιχχ THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


room for a parousia of Anti-Christ—a supreme manifestation 
of the power of evil then at work in the world—by which the 
Parousia of the Christ will be preceded (II. ii. 3 4. 

Upon the significance of this picture of ‘wickedness in- 
carnate’ it will be necessary to dwell at length later’. In the 
meantime it is sufficient to notice that final and complete 
victory rests with the returning Lord. As He descends from 
heaven accompanied by His ministering angels (II. 1. 7, 
ef. I. iui. 13)?, He is met by His risen and living saints (I. iv. 16f.): 
they enter into ‘rest’ (II. i. 7), and ‘eternal destruction’ falls 
upon the ungodly (IT. i. 9). 

It is only natural that in depicting the events of that Great 
Day St Paul should avail himself freely of the figurative 
language borrowed from the Old Testament, and the later 
apocalyptic writings of the Jews*. But this only serves to 
set in bolder relief the generally spiritual character of his 
conception, and the ‘fine tact’ which enabled him to adapt 
all that was best in the thought of his time for Christian 
service*, His whole interest in the Parousia proceeds along 
‘redemptive’ lines*®, and his main concern for his converts is 
that, having found complete deliverance in Jesus now, they will 
be lifted out of the reach of future judgment (I. 1. 10), and so 
enjoy that uninterrupted ‘life’ which, as we have already 


1 See Addit. Notes I and J, and to 
the literature cited there add Ramsay 
Exp. vu. iv. p. 417 ff., where the in- 
teresting suggestion is thrown out that 
the true key to the cryptic utterance of 
II. ii. 3 ff. is to be found in the two- 
fold light in which St Paul had already 
begun to regard the Roman Emperor, 
as the present servant of the Church, 
in restraining the existing powers of 
disorder, but as no less its future and 
irreconcilable foe, when the idolatry of 
the Imperial cult—an Emperor sitting 
‘in the sanctuary of God, setting him- 
self forth as God’—had reached its 
height. . 

2 On the Pauline angelology see 
especially O. Everling Die paulinische 
Angelologie und Démonologie (Géttin- 


gen, 1888). 

3 A useful collection of Jewish 
parallels will be found in E. Teich- 
mann’s Die Paulinischen Vorstellungen 
von Auferstehung und Gericht und 
thre Beziehung zur Jiidischen Apoka- 
lyptik (Freiburg i. B. 1896). 

4 See A. Titius Die Neutestament- 
liche Lehre von der Seligkeit, ii. Der 
Paulinismus (Tiibingen, 1900) p. 47 ff. 

The above limitation must be kept 
in view in estimating such dicta as— 
‘On no subject, perhaps, was St Paul, 
in his way of thinking, more a man of 
his time than on that of eschatology’ 
(Bruce op. cit. p. 379); ‘Everywhere 
we recognize the Jewish expectation of 
the future’ (Weinel St Paul p. 44). 

® Kennedy op. cit. p. 160 n.'. 


; DOCTRINE Ixxi 


seen, he regards as the peculiar possession of Christ’s people 
τ ¥..10, iv. £7) 

7. Hence, to pass to a last point, the emphasis laid 7 
throughout on the moral conditions through which alone ΠΝ 
‘life’ can be reached or enjoyed. St Paul knows nothing of 
the crude divorce between -religion and morality, which is 
sometimes so strangely attributed to him: his whole attitude 
is rather ‘a shout of triumph’ as to the reality of the alliance 
existing between them? It is not the mere ‘ word of hearing’ 
that constitutes ‘the believer,’ but the word ‘doing its work’ 
within the heart (I. 11. 13). And, as it is from the personal 
relation of the soul to God, that the necessary pleasing of God 
can alone spring (I. iv. 1, cf. ii. 14f.), so, on the other hand, 
where God teaches, practice must inevitably follow (1. iv. 9 f, 
note the emphatic καὶ yap). So far indeed from ‘faith’ being 
separated from ‘ works,’ it is in its results that it is principally 
viewed here (I. i. 3, II. i. 11), and in immediate conjunction with 
the great Christian duty of ‘love’ (I. 111. 6, v. 8). And as ‘sanctifi- 
cation’ is God’s ‘will’ for His people (I. iv. 3), this ‘sanctification’ 
must extend alike to the entire ‘spirit and soul and body’ if the 
Thessalonians hope to be preserved ‘without blame’ at the 
Parousia of their Lord (I. v. 23). 


Ethical 
eaching. 


1 For the manner in which the 
thought of ‘life’ dominates the higher 
teaching of Jewish Apocalyptic, see 
W. Bousset Die Religion des Juden- 
tums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter 
(Berlin, 1906) p. 316, and cf. Volz 
op. cit. p. 306. 

The same thought is very prominent 
in the wonderfully pure faith of Zoro- 
aster: cf. Séderblom La Vie Future 
@aprés le Mazdéisme (Paris, 1gor) p. 
269, ‘Le réve le plus cher de la piété 
mazdéenne était celui de la vie éter- 
nelle dans un corps purifié, incorrupt- 
ible, sur une terre nouvelle, délivrée 
de tout ce que la souille encore,’ 

The whole relation of Persian to 
Jewish and Christian eschatology is 
full of interest, but cannot be followed 
out here. In addition to Séderblom’s 


book, the student will find much illus- 
trative material in E. Béklen Die 
Verwandtschaft der Jiidisch-Christ- 
lichen mit der Parsischen Eschatologie 
(Géttingen, 1902): see also Dr J. H. 
Moulton’s art. ‘Zoroastrianism’ in 
Hastings’ D.B. iv. p. 988 f. Several 
of the more striking parallels, such as 
the foregoing, are noted by Kennedy 
op. cit., especially pp. 321 n.!, 330 η.", 
336 n.2. On the influence of Mazdeism 
upon pagan thought see especially 
F, Cumont Les Religions Orientales 
dans le Paganisme Romain (Paris, 1907) 
6. vi. with the valuable bibliographical 
notes. 

2 A, Jiilicher Die Religion Jesu und 
die Anfiinge des Christentums Ὁ. 86 (in 
Die Kultur der Gegenwart, τ. 4, Berlin, 
1906). 


Authen- 
ticity of 


1 Thessa- 


lonians. 
1. Ex- 
ternal 
evidence. 


VI. 


THE AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF 
THE EPISTLES. 


Hitherto we have been assuming the authenticity of the 
Epistles to the Thessalonians in accordance with tradition and 
the general verdict of the whole Christian Church up to a 
comparatively recent period. Nor,so far as we have come, have 
we discovered anything in the Epistles themselves to throw 
serious doubt on this conclusion. At the same time it is 
impossible any longer to ignore that it is now frequently 
challenged, more particularly with regard to the Second Epistle. 
And though many of the points raised are dependent on the 
exact interpretation of various words and phrases to which we 
have still to turn, it may be well in the meantime to set forth 
the external evidence on which the claims of both Epistles 
to genuineness rest, and to examine as far as possible the 
principal objections that have been brought against them. For’ 
this purpose it will be necessary to treat them separately. 


I. Tae AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF 
1 THESSALONIANS. 


1. The external evidence in favour of 1 Thessalonians is 
not so strong as we might have expected, nor can it be carried 
back to such an early date as in the case of many of the other 
N.T. writings. Thus, though there is a certain resemblance 
between its eschatological teaching and the Didache, it is by 
no means clear that the writer of the latter actually used it. 
Nor do the frequently-cited passages from the Apostolic Fathers 
amount to much, though two passages in Ignatius, and one in 
the Shepherd of Hermas may perhaps be taken as showing 
acquaintance with its contents. Much more important testi- 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxili 


mony in its favour is the fact that it is contained in the Canon 
of Marcion (c. 140 A.D.), and in the Syriac Vulgate and Old 
Latin Versions. In the Muratorian Fragment on the Canon 
(c. 170 A.D.) it is placed sixth in the list of St Paul’s Epistles. 
Irenaeus (c. 180 A.D.) is, so far as we know, the first writer 
to quote it by name. 


For a possible reminiscence of iv. 15—17 in Didache xvi. 
6 f. see the note on iv. 16. The passages from Ignatius are 
Rom. ii. 1 οὐ γὰρ θέλω ὑμᾶς ἀνθρωπαρεσκῆσαι ἀλλὰ Θεῷ ἀρέσαι, cf. 
li. 4 οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώποις ἀρέσκοντες, ἀλλὰ θεῷ, and Hph. x. 1 ἀδια- 
λείπτως προσεύχεσθε (where however the reading is doubtful), cf. 
V. 17 ἀδιαλείπτως προσεύχεσθε : and the passage from Hermas 
is Vis, 111. ix. 10 παιδεύετε οὖν ἀλλήλους Kai εἰρηνεύετε ἐν αὑτοῖς, 
cf. v. 13 f. εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς: παρακαλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, 
νουθετεῖτε..... For the evidence of Marcion see Tert. adv. 
Mare. v. 15, Epiphan. Haer. xlii. 9. Can, Murat. ‘ad 
tensaolenecinsis sexta.’ In adv. Haer. v. vi. 1 Irenaeus 
quotes v. 23 as the words of the ‘Apostle’ ‘in prima epistola 
ad Thessalonicenses’; cf. also v. xxx. 2, Clem. Al. Paed. i. 
p. 88 p (ed. Sylburg), Tert. de Res. Carn. c. 24. 


It is not necessary to carry the evidence further down, for, 
apart from the frequent references to the Epistles which are to 
be found in the writings of the Fathers from Irenaeus onwards 
(see small print above), the very existence of 2 Thessalonians, 
whatever its exact date, implies the recognition of the Pauline 
authorship of the First Epistle at a very early period in the 
history of the Church—a recognition moreover which it con- 
tinued uninterruptedly to enjoy until the middle of last 
century. 

2. The first to raise doubts regarding it was Schrader (Der 2- Ob- 
Apostel Paulus, Leipzig 1836), who proceeded on purely sub- ean ei 
jective grounds, And in this he was followed by F. C. Baur, ΤΟΝ 
who developed the attack against both Epistles with great ticity, 
vigour in his Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi (Stuttgart 1845, 

Eng. Tr. 2 vols., London, 1873—75). Baur indeed afterwards 
saw reason to modify his views regarding the relation of the 
two Epistles (in the Theol. Jahrbiicher, xiv. 1855, p. 141 ff, 
see his Paul, Eng. Tr. 11. p. 314 ff.), but the objections which 


1 «The evidence that Ignatius knew N.T7. in the Apost. Fathers (Oxford, 
1 Thessalonians is almost nil.’ The 1005) p. 74. 


Ixxiv THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


he originally raised may still be said to form the principal 
storehouse from which arguments against the authenticity of | 
the First Epistle are drawn, and on that account deserve 
mention. 

In themselves they are of a somewhat varied character, and 
embrace such points as the meagreness of the Epistle’s con- 
tents, and their close dependence on the narrative in Acts, the 
striking similarity to the Corinthian Epistles in thought and 
language, the un-Pauline character of such passages as 11. 14 ff., 
iv. 14ff.,and the traces of a later date implied in the description 


of the Thessalonian Church. 


If, however, the view that has already been taken of 
the circumstances attending the writing of the Epistle is 
correct (p. xxxiff.), none of these objections should cause much 
difficulty. What more natural, for example, than that, writing 
as he did to vindicate his own and his companions’ character, 
St Paul should dwell at considerable length on the nature of 
their ministry at Thessalonica? And if general agreement 
in historical details with St Luke’s account is only what we 
would then look for, the no less striking apparent divergences 
(cf. pp. xxvii, xxx) are in themselves strong proof that we have 
the work not of a mere imitator, but rather of an independent 
and more fully informed narrator. Nor are the frequent 
resemblances to the Corinthian Epistles to be wondered at, 
when we remember the short interval of time that elapsed 
between their composition, and the closely similar situations 
that they were designed to meet. The violent polemic against 
the Jews (11. 14 ff) is no doubt startling in view of the 
Apostle’s general attitude towards his fellow-countrymen, but 
it may be sufficiently accounted for by the strenuous opposition 
which at the time they were offering to him in his work (note 
the pres. participles ἀρεσκόντων, κωλυόντων, and cf. p. xxxif.)* 
Nor is there any need to refer v. 16° to the destruction of 
Jerusalem. The language is too vague to be understood of 
any such literal and outward event, and, as we shall see again, 
clearly refers to the ‘judgment’ passed upon the Jewish people 
in the rejection of their Messiah. Similarly the ‘ concrete 
representation’ of the Last Things in iv. 14 ff. is not enough, 
as indeed Baur himself admits, to brand the Epistle as un- 
apostolic, and may easily be due to an early and apparently 
transitory stage in St Paul’s eschatological thought. And 


1 According to B. Weiss (Apokaly- Volke, das den abtriinnigen Vor- 
ptische Studien in SK., 1869, p. 24) kampfer des Christentums mit dem 
‘Es war die Periode der schirfsten wildesten Fanaticismus verfolgte.’ 
Spannung zwischen ihm und seinem 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES Ixxv 


finally, the statements regarding the rapid growth and widely- 

extended influence of the Thessalonian Church (i. 7f., iv. 10), 

even if no account be taken of the Apostle’s constant tendency 

to exhibit his converts in the most favourable possible light 

(111. 6, 12, iv. 1), are in entire accord with what we know of 

the Macedonian character (see Ὁ. xlvi), and the natural 

advantages Thessalonica enjoyed for an active missionary 

propaganda (see p. xxii). 

There seems to be nothing therefore in these objections to 
cause any serious difficulty. And even if they were much 
stronger than they are, they would be more than counter- 
balanced by the tone and character of the Epistle as a whole’. 
There is an unmistakable ring of reality about its more 
personal passages, a revelation alike of writer and readers, to 
which no imitator could ever have attained. Nor again is it 
possible to conceive how any one writing after what had come 
to be regarded as the distinctive truths of Paulinism were 
widely known could so skilfully have avoided their introduction 
into a letter purporting to be written by the Apostle*, Only 
in such an actual historical situation as we have tried to depict 
is an adequate explanation of the Epistle’s raison d’étre forth- 
coming. And only in St Paul himself can we find a writer 
who could have succeeded in so impressing his personality 
upon what he wrote, combined with the freedom in thought 
and expression which in themselves are so distinctive of an 
original author. Is it likely too that any one writing long after 
the expectation had been falsified would have endangered his 
credibility by ascribing to St Paul language, which certainly on 
the face of it implies that the writer looked for the Parousia 
during his own lifetime (iv. 15)? 


1 Steck’s supposed discovery (Jahr- 
biicher f. protest. Theologie 1883, p. 
509 ff.) of the λόγος κυρίου of iv. 15 in 
4 Ezra v. 41 f. (cited on p. xxxiii, n.’), 
and the consequent carrying forward 
of the writing of 1 Thess. to at least 
100 A.D., is of no greater weight, as 
the relation between the passages is of 
the most general kind, and by no means 
demands any theory of literary depen- 
dence: see further Bornemann p. 310 ff. 

2 See especially von Soden’s careful 


study ‘Der erste Thessalonicherbrief ’ 
in SK., 1885, p. 263 ff. Cf. Jiilicher 
Einl. in d. N.T. p. 37, Eng. Tr. p. 58, 
‘In opposition to the school of Baur 
the genuineness of the Epistle should 
be upheld as unquestionable. In style, 
vocabulary and attitude it approaches 
as nearly as possible to the four Prin- 
cipal Epistles.’ 

3 Cf. Knowling The Testimony of 
St Paul to Christ (1905) p. 21f. 


3. Present 
agreement 


as to its 
authen- 
ticity 


and 


integrity. 


Authen- 
ticity of 


2 Thessa- 


lonians. 


1. Ex- 
ternal 


evidence. 


Ixxvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


3. Itis only therefore what we should expect, when we find 
that the claims of 1 Thessalonians to be regarded as an 
authentic work of the Apostle Paul are now freely admitted by 
practically all N.T. scholars of importance, its opponents being 
limited to those who deny the genuineness of all the Pauline 
Epistles'. 7 

Nor, apart from the wider question of its authenticity, does 
there seem any good ground for doubting the general integrity 
of the Epistle in the form in which it has come down to us. 
Schmiedel indeed suggests that ii. 15 f. is an interpolation, ᾿ 
and others, who accept the passage as a whole, are inclined to 
throw doubt on the last clause of v. 16 as possibly an ‘editorial 
comment, added after the destruction of Jerusalem had taken 
place*. But for neither position is there any real warrant (see 
notes ad loca); while v. 27, which has also been suspected, is, 
whatever the exact interpretation given to it, in thorough 
accord with the strained and anxious mood, through which at 
the time the Apostle was passing (p. xxxi ἢ), 


II. ΤῊΝ AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF 
2 'THESSALONIANS. 


On the other hand the authenticity and integrity of 2 Thes- 
salonians stand on a different footing, and raise questions of a 
more difficult character. And, that being so, it is satisfactory 
to find that the external evidence on its behalf is both earlier 
and fuller than in the case of the First Epistle. 

1. Thus, leaving aside possible references in the Didache 
and Ignatius, there are two passages in Polycarp both of which 
appear to have this Epistle directly in view. It is true that in 
the first the writer supposes himself to be quoting words 
originally addressed to the Philippians, but the words (see 
below) are only found in 2 Thessalonians, and Polycarp may 
easily have confused between the two Macedonian Churches, 


Witness of the Epistles (1892) p. 133 ff. 
2 Moffatt Hist. N.T. p. 626. 
3 See further C. Clemen Die Ein- 
heitlichkeit der paulinischen Briefe 
(Gottingen, 1894) p. 13 ff. ; 


1 ἘΠ ΠΡ. van Manen art. ‘Paul’ in 
Encyc. Bibl. See the thorough- 
going refutation of such extreme 
positions by Knowling op. cit. p. 7ff., 
as well as in his earlier work The 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES  lxxvii 


or possibly in view of their vicinity have looked upon Philippi 

and Thessalonica as forming in reality one community. In the 
second, it is hardly possible to doubt that he is consciously 
adapting a passage of 2 Thessalonians for his purpose, though 
unfortunately here, as in the foregoing passage, the Greek 
original is lost. Coming further down we find the Epistle 
again vouched for in the Canon of Marcion, in the Syriac 
Vulgate and Old Latin Versions, and in the Muratorian Frag- 
ment, while the references to it in early Christian literature 
are both numerous and clear. Thus there seems an obvious 
reference to its principal eschatological passage in Justin 
Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho, and an interesting passage 
in the Epistle Vienne and Lyons points even more strongly in 
the same direction. Irenaeus is again the first to mention it 
directly by name. 


_ With iii. 8ff8 cf. Didache xii. 3, and with ii. 3 ff. cf. 
Didache xvi. 6 ff. The passage from Ignatius is Rom. x. 3 
ἔρρωσθε eis τέλος ἐν ὑπομονῇ Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, cf. ili. 5 εἰς τὴν 
ὑπομονὴν τοῦ χριστοῦ. It is doubtful, however, whether 
ὑπομονή is to be understood in the same sense in both passages 
(see note ad loc.). With i. 4 ὥστε αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς ἐν ὗρμῖν ἐγκαυ- 
χᾶσθαι ἐν τ. ἐκκλησίαις τ. θεοῦ οἵ. Polye. Ep. xi. 3 ‘ego autem 
nihil tale sensi in vobis vel audivi, in quibus laboravit beatus 
Paulus, qui estis in principio epistulae ejus: de vobis etenim 
gloriatur in omnibus ecclesiis?’; and with iii. 15 καὶ μὴ ws 
ἐχθρὸν ἡγεῖσθε ἀλλὰ νουθετεῖτε ws ἀδελφόν, cf. Hp.-xi. 4 ‘et non 
sicut inimicos tales existimetis.’ The passage from Justin is 
Dial. 110 (ed. Otto) ὅταν καὶ 6 τῆς ἀποστασίας ἄνθρωπος, 6 καὶ 
εἰς τὸν ὕψιστον ἔξαλλα λαλῶν, ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἄνομα τολμήσῃ εἰς ἡμᾶς 
τοὺς Χριστιανούς, and the passage from the Hp. Vienne and 
Lyons (ap. Kus. H. Κ΄. ν. τὴ ἐνέσκηψεν ὃ ἀντικείμενος, προοιμια- 
ζόμενος. ἤδη τὴν μέλλουσαν ἔσεσθαι παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ... Χριστὸς... 
καταργῶν τὸν ἀντικείμενον... «οἱ viol τῆς ἀπωλείας : cf. ii. 3 ff. In 
adv. Haer. 111. vil. 2 Irenaeus introduces a quotation from ii. 8 
with the words ‘et iterum in secunda ad Thessalonicenses, de 
Antichristo dicens, [ Apostolus] ait’: cf. also Clem. Al. Strom. 
Vv. p. 554 (ed. Sylburg), Tert. de Res. Carn. 6. 24. 


2. On external grounds then the Epistle is amply vouched : ῇ 
erna 
for, but the internal difficulties are here of a much more serious ae 


1 Of. Zahn Geschichte des Neutest. also suggests that he is quoting’ (The 
Kanons i. p. 815. N.T. in the Ap. Fathers p. 95). 
2 «The present tense of gloriatur 
, 


The 
Epistle 


objected to 


on the 


lxxvili 


THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


character than in the case of 1 Thessalonians, and have in 
recent years been presented with a skill and force that make 
the question of the Epistle’s authenticity one of the most inter- 


esting and keenly debated points in modern N.T. criticism. 


The attack was started by J. E. Ch. Schmidt (in his 
Bibliothek f. Kritik und Hauegese des N.17’. Hadamar 1801, 
and then in his Hinleit. in das N.T. Giessen 1804), and his 
objections were revived by de Wette in the earlier editions 
of his Lehrbuch der histor.-krit. Hinlett. in die kanonischen 
Biicher des N.T*., but afterwards abandoned in the fourth 
edition (1842), and in his Huxegetisches Handbuch (1841) where 
the Epistle’s authenticity is fully recognized. Meanwhile, 
however, doubts had again been raised by Kern (T%ibing. 
Zeitschr. f. Theol. ii. 1839) who was closely followed by Baur 
(Paulus, 1845), both writers seeing in the Epistle a fictitious 
writing, dependent on the Apocalypse, and containing features 
borrowed from the person and history of Nero: while 
Hilgenfeld (inl. in d. N.T. 1875, p. 642 ff.) went further, 
carrying its composition as far down as Trajan’s time, a 
position with which in the main Bahnsen (Jahrb. f. protest. 
Theol. 1880, p. 681 ff.) agreed. 

Others in more recent times who have denied the Epistle’s 
authenticity are Weizsicker, Pfleiderer, Schmiedel, Holtzmann, 
and Wrede, and, in part, P. W. Schmidt and Dr Samuel 
Davidson. On the other hand it has gained the support of 
Harnack, Jiilicher, and Clemen, has been vigorously defended 
by Zahn, and is now treated as genuine by the great majority 
of commentators in Germany, including its latest expositors 
Bornemann and Wohlenberg, as well as by the general con- 
sensus of N.T. scholarship both in this country and America’. 


It cannot be denied however that many who support this 


conclusion do so with a certain amount of hesitation, and only 
because of the still greater difficulties attending any rival 


theory. 


And it may be well therefore to subject the more 


important arguments that have been urged against the Epistle 
to a fresh examination with the view of seeing how far they are 
really well-grounded. In the main they are derived from (1) its 
ground of janguage and style, (2) its literary relationship to 1 Thessa- 
lonians, and (3) the character of its doctrinal contents. 


1 Dr Charles, who refers to the 
Epistle ‘with some hesitation’ in his 
Jowett Lectures on Eschatology (1899) 
p- 380, is now satisfied as to its 
genuineness: see e.g. his Ascension of 


Isaiah (1900) p. lxii. On the other 
hand Dr McGiffert (Encyc. Bibl. art, 
‘Thessalonians’ col. 5045) speaks of 
its genuineness as ‘beset with serious 
difficulties’ and ‘at best very doubtful.” 


. 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES Ixxix 


(1) In itself the vocabulary of the Epistle is by no means (1) Lan- 
remarkable. The words peculiar to it among N.T. writings δ τὸς οὐδ 


number only 10, as compared with 17 in 1 Thessalonians, nor 
do any of them cause any real difficulty (cf. p. 1111). And this is 
the more noteworthy when we remember the unique character 
of some of its apocalyptic passages, and the marked tendency 
observable in other of the N.T. writings towards diversity of 
language and style in dealing with similar topics’. 

But while the vocabulary is thus in the main genuinely 
Pauline, various words and phrases are often pointed to as used 
in an un-Pauline manner. 


Thus it is said that in i. τι (iva ὑμᾶς ἀξιώσῃ τῆς κλήσεως ὃ 
θεὸς ἡμῶν) κλῆσις refers to the final call to participation 
in future blessedness instead of, as is usual in St Paul, to 
the initial act of the Christian’s life. But even if this future 
reference be admitted, which is by no means certain, we have 
at least a partial parallel in Phil. iii. 14 διώκω εἰς τὸ βραβεῖον 
τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, and in any case 
we can hardly refuse to the word a latitude of application 
which St Paul might so naturally have extended to it. Nor 
again surely can any one seriously urge that, because on two 
occasions the Apostle used the verb ἐξελέξατο with reference to 
the Divine election (1 Cor. i. 27f., Eph. i. 4), he could not 
therefore have used εἵλατο in ii. 13 (ὅτι εἵλατο ὑμᾶς ὃ θεὸς ἀπ᾽ 
ἀρχῆς εἰς σωτηρίαν), a verb which, as we know from other evi- . 
dence (Phil. i. 22), he was in the habit of employing, and which 
from its special reference to the destiny or vocation of the chosen 
was peculiarly appropriate in the present passage. Still more 
idle is the objection to ἰσχύς in i. g (ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τῆς ἰσχύος 
αὐτοῦ) for the more usual δύναμις, for not only is ἰσχύς vouched 
for by Eph. i. το, vi. το, but in the Thessalonian passage it is 
actually a quotation from Isa. ii. το. And if any importance is 
to be attached to the solitary appearance of ἐνκαυχᾶσθαι (i. 4) 
instead of καυχᾶσθαι, which is found more than thirty times in 
the Pauline Epistles, or to the combination ὄλεθρος αἰώνιος (i. 9), 
which St Paul does not again use, but which is in perfect 
keeping with the language of the Old Testament, and more 
particularly with that of Jesus, on which in the whole passage 
the writer shows himself so dependent, or to the admittedly 
difficult construction ὅτι ἐπιστεύθη τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμῶν ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς 
(i. 10: see note ad loc.)—do not these and similar anomalies 
_ tell at least as much for as against Pauline authorship, for is it 
likely that any imitator would have endangered the credibility 
of his work by making use of them? 


1 Cf. Lightfoot Notes on Epistles of St Paul p. 72 f. 
Μ, THESS. F 


(2) Lite- 
rary de- 
pendence 


Ixxx THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


The same might be said of the variation that appears in 
certain familiar formulas or phrases between our Epistle and 
1 Thessalonians, even if other explanations of the changes 
were not forthcoming. Thus in the opening thanksgiving, 
when instead of the simple εὐχαριστοῦμεν of I. i. 2 we find 
εὐχαριστεῖν ὀφείλομεν in i. 3 and again in ii. 13, this, apart 
from the added emphasis, is in entire accord with the more 
formal style of the whole Second Epistle, to which reference 
will have to be made again. And in the closing invocation 
the substitution of ὃ κύριος τῆς εἰρήνης (iii. 16) for ὃ θεὸς τῆς 
εἰρήνης (I. ν. 23), taken along with the similar interchange of 
Persons in ii. 13 and I. i. 4, may well be due to the prominent 
place which the exalted Lord was occupying at the moment 
in St Paul’s thoughts in view of His glorious Return. In 
any case it seems evident that throughout this Epistle ὃ κύριος 
is to be referred to Christ and not to God, so that there is 


at least no exception here to the general Pauline practice 
(see Add. Note D). 


Other examples of so-called inconsistencies with the language 
of the first Epistle hardly need to be mentioned. When hostile 
criticism has to fall back on minutiae such as these, unless 
they are supported by other and stronger evidence than any 
we have yet discovered, that is in itself a confession of the 
insufficiency of its case. And it will be generally conceded 
that this Epistle, taken as a whole, so far as its language and 
style are concerned, leaves upon the mind of any unbiassed 
reader the impression of a genuinely Pauline work!. For not 
only are there abundant traces of the Apostle’s characteristic 
phraseology and manner, as has been clearly shown by Dr Jowett 
and others’, but the whole Epistle reflects that indefinable 
original atmosphere which a great writer imparts to his work, 
and which, in this instance, we are accustomed to associate 
with the name of St Paul. 

(2) On the other hand, the very closeness of our Epistle’s 
resemblance to 1 Thessalonians has been made the ground of 


1 Οὗ Jiilicher Hinl. in ἃ. N.T. p. 40, 
Eng. Tr. p. 62, ‘The least important 
of these arguments [against the gen- 
uineness of the Epistle] are those re- 
ferring to the phraseology, for on the 
whole the style is so thoroughly Paul- 
ine that one might indeed admire the 
forger who could imitate it so ingeni- 


ously.’ 

2 Jowett The Epistles of St Paul to 
the Thessalonians, &c., 2nd Ed, i. 
p. 148 ἢ. According to Reuss Hist. of 
the N.T., ed. Houghton, p. 75 ‘For 
every ‘“unpauline” expression the 
concordance shows ten Pauline.’ 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxxi 


a second objection to its authenticity. For the literary depend- on 1 Thes- 
ence between the two Epistles has been declared to be of such Meanie: 
a character that the question comes to be not, ‘Could one man 
have written both Epistles?’ but, ‘Is it likely that one man 
writing to the same people at what must have been a very 
short interval of time would repeat himself to so large an 
extent? Or, even if this is conceivable under certain circum- 
stances, is it likely in the case of a writer so richly endowed 
and so fertile in thought as the Apostle Paul?’ 

The first to raise this difficulty pointedly was Weizsiicker’, 
and his arguments have recently been strongly emphasized by 
H. Holtzmann? and W. Wrede*. And the objection is at least 
an interesting one, for, when taken in conjunction with other 
peculiarities. of the Epistle, it lends itself very easily to the 
idea of an imitator or forger, who, in order to gain credence for 
certain views he wished to express, encased them, so to speak, 
in the framework of a generally accepted Pauline Epistle. 
To this supposition we shall have to return later, but in the 
meantime before expressing any opinion upon it, we must 
notice clearly how far the resemblances between the two 
Epistles really extend. 


Both Epistles begin with a salutation in almost identical 
terms, and marked by a form of address which the Apostle 
does not employ again (I. i. 1; II. i. 1, 2). 

This is followed by the customary thanksgiving, expressed 
again in a way found nowhere else in St Paul, and based on 
practically the same grounds as regards the Thessalonians’ 
state (I. i. 2 ff; II. i. 3 f.). 

A section follows in the main peculiar in thought to the 
Second Epistle (i. 5-12), but exhibiting many parallels of 
language with the First, while the transition to the great 
revelation of chap. ii. is marked by a form of appeal (ἐρωτῶμεν 
δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, ii. 1) which is found in the Pauline Epistles 
outside these two Epistles only in Phil. iv. 3. 

The revelation referred to—the section regarding the Man 
of lawlessness, ii. 1—12—stands so entirely by itself as regards 


1 Das Apostolische Zeitalter® p.249f., lation to the first letter’ p. 295). 
Eng. Tr. i. p. 295 f. (‘The fact that the 2 Z.N.T.W. ii. (1g01), p. 97 ff. 
genuineness of the epistle has been 3 Die Echtheit des zweiten T hessalon- 
strenuously assailed is not surprising, icherbriefs (Texte und Untersuchungen, 
but inevitable. The reason for thisis N.F. ix. 2), Leipzig, 1903. 
found, above all, in its striking re- 


72 


Ixxxll THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


contents, that it is frequently spokén of as constituting the 
raison détre of the whole Epistle. But, apart from other 
Pauline peculiarities of language which it exhibits, it is 
interesting to notice in connexion with the point before us, 
that we find here the same reminiscences by the writer of a 
visit to his readers, and of what he had said when with them, 
that we have already met in 1 Thessalonians (ii. 5 οὐ μνημονεύετε 
ὅτι ἔτι ὧν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἔλεγον ὑμῖν; cf. I. iii. 4 Kal yap ὅτε 
πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἦμεν, προελέγομεν ὑμῖν) : this does not occur again 
in the Pauline Epistles. 

No sooner, moreover, has the writer of the Second Epistle 
finished this, his main theme, than he utters a fervid thanks- 
giving and prayer for his readers (ii. 13 f.), after the manner 
of I. ii. 13, in which several of the characteristic words and 
phrases scattered through the First Epistle are re-echoed. 

Similar resemblances may also be traced in the exhortation 
that follows to stand firm and to hold fast the traditions they 
have been taught (ii. 15; I. iv. 1), and more especially in the 
remarkable invocation of ii. 16, which corresponds both in 
form and place with I. iii. 11, though there, in accordance 
with the usual practice, 6 θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ ἡμῶν comes before 
ὃ κύριος ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦς: while the prayer in iii, 5 ὃ δὲ κύριος 
κατευθύναι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας may be compared with I. iii. τὰ 
αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ θεὸς. . . κατευθύναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῶν, the only other 
passage in the Pauline writings where the verb κατευθύνειν is 
found, though it is to be noted that it is used in different 
connexions in the two passages. 

The closing section iii. 6—15, like the closing section 
I. v. 1 ff, is occupied with a practical exhortation, which in 
the main follows independent lines, though we are again 
struck with the recurrence here of various turns of expression 
and thought with which the First Epistle has already made 
us familiar—such as the warning against disorderly walking 
(iii. 6, 7, 11; I. v. 14); the call to emitate the writer’s mode of 
life (iii. 7, 9; I. i. 6f.); and the reference to the Apostle’s 
labouring night and day that they might not prove themselves 
burdensome to their converts (iii. 8; I. ii. 9), to which the 
Second Epistle adds the further thought of providing an 
example to the restless and idle (iii. 9). 

Both Epistles end with an invocation to ‘the Lord (God, 
1 Thess.) of peace,’ and with the customary Pauline benedic- 
tion (11. ili. 16, 18; I. v. 23, 28). 


The resemblances between the two writings are thus very 
striking, and justice can hardly be said to have been done to 
them as a rule by the upholders of the Pauline authorship of 
the Second Epistle. At the same time, care must be taken 
that they are not pressed too far. Even our brief review -has 


: 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxxili 


indicated what an examination of Wrede’s carefully prepared 
Tables makes still more evident, that at most the parallelism 
between the two Epistles cannot be said to extend to more 
than one-third of their whole contents. And from this, again, 
there fali to be deducted such points of contact as are afforded 
by the salutation at the beginning, the benediction at the close, 
the phrases of transition from one subject to another, and similar 
formal expressions, where a close resemblance of language is 
not only natural: but probable’. 

Nor must it be forgotten that even where certain sections 
of the Second Epistle correspond in their general contents to 
certain sections of the First, the actual parallelisms in language 
are by no means always found within these corresponding 
sections, but have frequently to be drawn from the two Epistles 
as wholes. And not only so, but they often occur in such 
different connexions as to suggest not so much the slavish 
copying by one man of another, as rather the free handling 
by the same writer of certain familiar words and phrases’. 

The same may be said of the differences of tone, combined 
with the similarities of expression, between the two Epistles of 
which certain critics have made so much. It is quite true that 
in certain particulars the general tone of Second Thessalonians 
is more official and severe than the tone of First Thessalonians, 
though warm and personal passages are not wanting (¢.g., 1. II, 
li. 16f., 111. 3—5), and that at places the writer seems in diffi- 
culties as regards both his language and his grammar’. 

But while these facts, taken by themselves, might be evi- 
dence of a later writer clumsily imitating another man’s work‘, 


1 According to Schmiedel (Hand- 
Commentar zum N.T. τι. i. p. 8), out 
of not quite 825 words'‘in Second 
Thessalonians over 150 correspond 
literally, and over 30, with slight 
variations, with the vocabulary of 
First Thessalonians: not surely a very 
large number when the circumstances 
of the Epistle’s composition are kept 
in view. 

2 See further a review by Wernle of 
Wrede’s pamphlet in the Gdttingische 
gelehrte Anzeigen, 1905, p. 347 ff. (sum- 
marized in Exp, vu. ii. p. gt f.). 


3 Commenting on i. 3—10, Borne- 
mann remarks: ‘Man hat das Gefiihl, 
als sei er nicht sofort mit seinen 
Worten ins rechte Gleis gkommen und 
miisse, zum Teil mit den Worten 
seines friiheren Briefes, zum Teil mit 
alttestamentlichen und _ liturgischen 
Wendungen erst den Zug seiner Ge- 
danken rangieren und sammeln’ (Die 
Thessalonicherbriefe p. 328). 

4 ‘ Kiinstliche oder vielmehr verkiin- 
stelte Nacharbeit.? Holtzmann lc. 
p- 100. 


Ιχχχὶν THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


they may be equally well accounted for by a change in the 
mood of the same writer, and in the circumstances of those to 
whom he writes. 

St Paul was, we know, subject to great alternations of 
feeling, and when he wrote 2 Thessalonians, not only was he no 
longer under the influence of the same glad rebound from 
anxiety regarding the Thessalonians’ state that he experienced 
when he wrote his First Epistle, but there is also evidence that 
at the time he was personally much harassed by ‘unreasonable 
and evil men’ at Corinth (111. 2; Acts xvili. 12 ff.). Moreover, 
as regards the recipients of the letter, there are undoubted 
traces in the Second Epistle that, between the time of its 
writing and the writing of the First, St Paul had heard of an 
increasing restlessness among his converts—a business which 
was no business (μηδὲν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ περιεργαζομένους, 
111, 11)—which might well justify more authoritative and 
severe warnings on his part, without however implying the 
later Church-discipline (‘ Kirchenzucht’) which Schmiedel tries 
to discover in them. : 

Nor is it quite fair, as is generally done by those who lay 
stress on the closeness of the literary dependence between the 
two Thessalonian Epistles, to speak of it as without a parallel 
in early Christian literature. For, to those who admit their 
authenticity, we have within the circle of the Pauline Epistles 
themselves the kindred Epistles to the Ephesians and Colos- 
sians, exhibiting an identity of thought and language, such as 
to make them, notwithstanding their admitted differences in 
aim, almost duplicates of each other. And if St Paul could 
. thus repeat himself in two contemporary Epistles, addressed 
if not to the same Church at least to the same district, why 
should not a like similarity run through two other Epistles, 
written at an interval ‘according to the traditional view of at 
most a few months, and dealing with a situation which, if 
differing in certain particulars, was in the main unchanged 
(cf. p. lvi n.*) ? 

A further effort to explain the extent of the resemblances 
between the two Epistles has also been made by the suggestion 
that St Paul had re-read the First immediately before writing 
the Second Epistle, or more precisely that he had in his hands 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES lxxxv 


the rough draft which his amanuensis had prepared of his first 
letter—a clean copy having been despatched to Thessalonica— 
and that he drew freely from it in dictating the terms of the 
second letter’. 

One cannot say that this is impossible, and there would 
certainly be nothing according to the literary canons of the 
time to prevent a writer thus freely borrowing from his own 
previous work. But the very ingenuity of the suggestion is 
against it, and presupposes that the Apostle attached a greater 
importance to his own writings than their strictly occasional 
character warrants. 

It is safer therefore to be content with such general ex- 


planations as have already been offered, or frankly to admit - 


that the resemblances between the two Epistles constitute an 
interesting but, in our present state of ignorance regarding the 
exact circumstances of their writing, an insoluble literary 
problem. This however in no way militates against the Pauline 
authorship of the Second, unless other and more definite grounds 
for disputing it can be produced. 

(3) Such grounds, it is said, are to be found in the Epistle’s 
‘doctrinal contents, as being, in the first place, inconsistent with 
the clear teaching of 1 Thessalonians, and, in the second, in 
themselves of such a character, that it is not possible to think 
of St Paul’s having written them. 


(a) As regards the charge of inconsistency with 1 Thes- (4 


salonians, that rests in the main on an alleged change of attitude 
with reference to the nearness of the Parousia. In 1 Thessa- 
lonians the Parousia is represented as close at hand, and there 
is no mention of any sign by which it is to be preceded; but 
in 2 Thessalonians we are distinctly told that it will not take 
place until the Man of lawlessness has been revealed?. 

To this it is generally replied that the two pictures are not 
_ really inconsistent, and that while there is nothing in the 


1 «Fir den vielbeschaftigten und 2 Th diktirte’ (Zahn Hinl. in das 
seines erregbaren Temperaments be- Ν.Τ. i. p. 179). 
wussten Pl lag gerade in diesem Fall 2 Cf. G. Hollmann Die Unechtheit 
nichts naher, als das Concept des des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs in 
1 Th, wenn ein solches vorhanden war, Z.N.T.W. v. (1904), p. 29 ff. 
noch einmal durchzulesen, ehe er den 


(3 ) Doc- 
trina 
contents. 
These are 
said to be 


) incon- 
sistent 
with 

1 Thes- 
salonians, 


(Ὁ) un- 
Pauline, 


Ixxxvi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


teaching regarding the Parousia in 1 Thessalonians to exclude 
the prior coming of the Man of lawlessness, there is equally 
nothing in his coming as depicted in the Second Epistle to 
delay unduly the expected Parousia of the First: all that is 
said is that Christ will not come just yet?. 

But while there is undoubted force in this—and parallels 
for the conjunction of the two views, or rather for the two 
aspects of the same truth may be cited from our Lord’s escha- 
tological discourse (Mt. xxiv. 29 ff.), and from the Apocalypse 
of St John (Rev. iii. 1 ff, vi. 1 ff.)—it is better not to attempt 
to reconcile the two positions too literally. There are many 
indications that St Paul’s eschatological views were at this 
time in a state of flux, and that his teaching concerning the 
Last Things was determined by practical and not theological 
motives, without much regard as to how far that teaching 
presented a consistent whole?, And it may well have been that 
in the short time that had elapsed between the writing of 
1 and 2 Thessalonians he had heard of circumstances in his 
converts’ state, which led him to emphasize afresh an aspect 
of the Parousia, on which he had dwelt when in Thessalonica 
(ii. 5), but of which they had apparently lost sight, and which 
may also have gained a new significance in his own mind. 

(Ὁ) Even, however, if the point be thus turned against the 
charge of inconsistency, the question still remains whether it is 
at all likely that St Paul, supposing him to have been the 
writer, would have so far departed from his general mode of 
thought in this particular passage, 11. I1—12. In none of his 
other New Testament writings do we find him laying stress 
on the ‘signs’ preceding the end; nor does the person of 


1 Baur admitted this in his earlier 
and, it seems to us, correcter view of 
the relation of the two Epistles on this 
point. ‘It is perfectly conceivable,’ 
he says, ‘that one and the same writer, 
if he lived so much in the thought of 
the parousia as the two Epistles testify, 
should have looked at this mysterious 
subject in different circumstances and 
from different points of view, and so 
expressed himself regarding it in 


different ways’ (Paulus p. 488, Eng. 
Tr. ii. p. 93). On ‘how confused a 
maze of eschatological conceptions 
could co-exist often in one and the 
same person,’ see Wernle Beginnings 
of Christianity Eng. Tr. i. p. 25. 

2 Cf. Vischer Die Paulusbriefe (1904) 
p. 71 ‘Wo eine iiberschwingliche Hoff- 
nung spricht, darf man nicht juristische 
Prazision erwarten.’ 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES ΙΧΧΧΥΙ 


Antichrist, with whom in general his conception corresponds, 
though the actual name is not used, again appear in his Epistles 
except in the incidental notice of 2 Cor. vi. 15 (τές δὲ συμφώνη- 
σις Χριστοῦ πρὸς Bediap;). But this in itself is not sufficient 
ground for maintaining that St Paul can never have shared 
what we know to have been a widely spread belief of his time 
(comp. 1 Jo. ii. 18, 22, iv. 3, 2 Jo. 7, Rev. xii. 13; Gfrérer 
Jahr. des Heils 11. p. 257). -And if he did not again lay the 
same stress on it, that may have been either because he had 
outgrown the belief in this particular form, or because he did 
not again tind himself confronted with circumstances which 
made such teaching either necessary or desirable. 


Of course if the historical situation lying at the background 
of this teaching is to be sought in the antinomian Gnostic 
heresies of the second century, as Hilgenfeld, Bahnsen and 
Pfleiderer have from various points of view maintained, or 
even in the popular legend of Nero redivivus, which has 
been widely believed from Kern and Baur down to P. Schmidt 
and Schmiedel, the Pauline authorship of the Epistle at once 
falls to the ground. 

But, as has already been indicated, the doctrine of Anti- 
christ did not come into existence with Montanism, but was 
firmly rooted in Jewish soil even before the Christian era ; 
while, as regards the Nero-hypothesis, the recent researches 
of Gunkel’, Bousset*, and Charles* have made clear that it 
was at a much later date than the interests of this theory 
require, that those traits belonging to Antichrist. were trans- 
ferred to Nero, which alone could make him a fitting basis 
for the Pauline conception. 


Nor can this conception be derived from the Johannine 
Apocalypse, as was at one time freely held’ It is now very 
generally admitted by critics of all schools that the ‘hindrance’ 
to the Man of lawlessness, of which the writer speaks, is to be 


1 Schipfung und Chaos Ὁ. 221 ff. 

2 Der Antichrist p. 13 f., Eng. Tr. 
p. 21 f. See also art. ‘Antichrist’ in 
Encyc. Bibl. 

3 The Ascension of Isaiah Ὁ. 1xi ff. 
*Schmiedel’s view which regards 2 
Thess. ii. 1—12...as a Beliar-Neronic 
myth (68—7o a.D.) is at conflict with 
the law of development as well as with 
all the evidence accessible on the 


subject’ (p. lxii.‘n.1). 

4 ἘΠ 0. Hilgenfeld Hinl. in d. N.T. 
p- 647 ff. Later critics, while regard- 
ing the close affinity of the Thessa- 
lonian picture with Rev. xiii. &c. as 
unmistakable, #re careful not to assert 
actual literary dependence; cf. Holtz- 
mann Neutest. Theologie ii. p. ΤΟΙ, 
Pfleiderer Urchristentum? i. p. 97 f. 
(Eng. Tr. i. p. 138). 


Ixxxvlli THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


found in the influence of the Roman Government, in perfect 
keeping with such later Pauline passages as Rom. xiii. I—7. 
But if so, it will be at once recognized how wholly different 
this is from the description of Rome given in the Apocalypse, 
drunk with ‘the blood of prophets and of saints, and of all 
that have been slain upon the earth’ (Rev. xviii. 24; ef. vi. 9 ff., 
Vli. 14, xiv. 8, xvi. 19)’. 

The whole conception indeed, as it meets us here, is purely 
religious, not political, and it is in the Old Testament, in the 
teaching of Jesus, and, more particularly as regards form, 
in certain Jewish apocalyptic beliefs, that its roots are to be 
found (see further Add. Note I, p. 158 ff.). 

Further than this it is impossible to go at present without 
entering on many of the vexed questions of interpretation 
which the passage raises. But if what has just been said 
is correct, it will be seen that, obscure though the passage 
undoubtedly is, there is still nothing in it to make its 
Pauline authorship impossible, or even improbable; while its 
genuine Pauline style, and its natural place in the argument of 
the Epistle, are strong evidence in favour of the traditional 
view. 

4. Rival 3. In this general conclusion we are confirmed by the 
Theories ynsatisfactory and conflicting nature of the rival theories 
regarding ὃ σε ἃ ὃ ᾿ ; 

the origin Which are offered of the origin and intention of 2 Thessalonians 
car a οἱ by those who deny its authenticity—theories which land us in 
2Thes- greater difficulties than any they serve to remove. Incidental 
a notice has been taken of some of these theories already, but 
Epistle there are three in particular which call for further remark’. 

(1) There is, in the first place, the theory of Interpolation, 
which has been so frequently resorted to lately to explain, or 

explain away, difficulties in New Testament interpretation, and 


is said 
(1) to bear 
which in’ the present instance has at least this in its favour, 


traces of 
interpola- 
tion, 


1 *A representation of Rome as a 
protecting power, “restraining” Belial, 
even temporarily, is inconceivable 
after July, 64 4.D.’ (Bacon Introd. to 
the N.T. p. 78). 

2 On the necessity of the impugners’ 
of the Epistle’s authenticity supplying 
us with an intelligible account of its 


origin, see Bornemann Komm. p. 478, 
and cf. Wrede’s frank admission, ‘Vor 
allem darf es nicht bei der blossen 
Negation bleiben: es muss gefragt 
werden, wie der Brief positiv als 
pseudonymes Schriftstiick zu begreifen 


ist’ (p. 3). 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES ΙΧχχὶχ 


that we have abundant signs of its presence in the apocalyptic 
literature of the period. May it not then have been at work 
here ? 

May not, as P. Schmidt suggests, 1. I—1I4, 11. I, 2°, 1], 
13—18 have formed a true Pauline Epistle, into which a later 
writer interpolated the two passages which have caused most 
difficulty, 1. 5—12 and 11. 1—12!? . 

But apart altogether from the arbitrariness of any such 
theory, and the total absence of Ms. evidence in support of it, 
the result is to leave a letter so shorn of all its distinctive 
features that it is difficult to see how St Paul could ever 
have thought of writing it And further, a careful study 
of the Epistle as a whole shows that these two sections are so 
closely related both to what immediately precedes, and to what 
follows, that they cannot be separated from them without 
violence. 

(2) Of greater interest is the view which Spitta develops (2) to be 
in a striking study on the Epistle contained in his Zur eta ssp 
Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristentums i. p. 111 ff. Start- Timothy, 
ing from the ‘inferiority’ of the Second Epistle to the First, he 
holds that, with the exception of the authenticating paragraph 
at the end (111. 17, 18), it is the work not of St Paul, but of 
Timothy. And in this way he thinks that he finds an adequate 
explanation both of its generally Pauline character and of its 
peculiarities—of the former, because it was written by Timothy 
in close correspondence with St Paul and by his commission: 
of the latter, because the Jewish cast of its apocalyptic pas- 
sages is in thorough harmony with what we learn elsewhere 
regarding Timothy’s Jewish upbringing (Ac. xvi. 1, 2 Tim. i. 5, 
i. 14 ἢ) 

But, to take the last point first, was Timothy after all 
more of a Jew than St Paul? And difficult though it may be 
to reconcile on paper the attitude towards the Jews which 
underlies 11. 1—2 with that afterwards elaborated in Rom. xi., 


1 Der erste Thessalonicherbrief Ὁ. (‘Grundlage’), which was afterwards 
111 ff. (Berlin, 1885). worked up into an Epistle (Neutest. 
2 So strongly does Hausrath feel Zeitgesch.? iii. Ὁ. 198, Eng. Tr. iii, 
this, that apparently he regards ii. pp. 215). 
1—12 as the genuine Pauline fragment 


ΧΟ THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


Dr Moffatt properly insists that ‘it would be psychologically 
false to deny the compatibility of both positions at different 
periods within a single personality’ By the time Romans ΧΙ. 
came to be written, the Apostle was ‘more dispassionate and 
patriotic, or rather had attained to wider views of the possi- 
bilities God had in store for the chosen people. 

It is in the want, however, of any satisfactory direct evi- 
dence in support of it that the real weakness of Spitta’s theory 
may be seen. For the verse on which he relies so much will 
certainly not bear the strain put upon it—‘Remember ye not, 
that when I was yet (ἔτι) with you, I told you these things?’ 
(ii. 5). The ἔτι, so Spitta argues, points to a time very shortly 
before that at which the writer is writing. And as Timothy 
had been at Thessalonica more recently than St Paul, the 
reference is thought to be naturally to his visit. But is there 
any need so to restrict ἔτ ἡ All that it implies is the de- 
sire on the writer’s part to carry his readers back with him 
to the time when he was with them, whenever that time may 
have been. And further, is it conceivable that ἔλεγον can be 
understood of any other than the leading writer St Paul, more 
particularly in view of the admitted reference of the first person — 
singular to him in II. iii. 17 and 1. iii. 5, v. 27, the only other 
passages in the two Epistles where it is used? Had Timothy 
wished to distinguish himself here from his two companions, 
Paul and Silvanus, would he not certainly have added his 
name ἐγὼ ὁ Τιμόθεος, or some such expression, and not have 
trusted to the Thessalonians’ recognizing his handwriting as 
different from that of St Paul in the closing paragraph (111. 17, 
18), as Spitta is driven to suggest®. 

That Timothy may on this occasion have acted as St Paul's 
amanuensis is of course possible; and it is perhaps in the 


1 Hist. N.T. p. 626. 

2 «Auf eine Anwesenheit in Thessa- 
lonich, welche bereits lingere Zeit 
vergangen ist, passt der Ausdruck 
nicht’ (p. 124). 

8 «Bin Missverstindniss war ja fiir 
die Briefempfinger nicht wohl méglich, 
davon zu geschweigen, dass sie des 
Timotheus Handschrift werden ge- 
kannt haben im Unterschied von der 


des Paulus in der Schlussbemerkung, 
3, 18. Somit ergiebt es sich mit 
ziemlicher Sicherheit, dass der im 
Namen von Paulus, Silvanus und 
Timotheus ausgegangene 2. Thess,- 
Brief von den letzter dieser drei abge- 
fasst und von den ersten nur mit einen 
eigenhiindigen Schlusswort versehen 


ist’ (p. 125). 


AUTHENTICITY AND INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLES XCl 


thought of a change of amanuensis from (say) Silvanus in the 
First Epistle that some of our Epistle’s linguistic peculiarities 
may find an explanation (cf. Add. Note A, p.125f). But this is 
very different from supposing that Timothy was actually its 
author, or that the Apostle set his own seal to views with which 
he was not wholly in agreement, as Spitta’s theory requires. 

(3) If then the writer was not St Paul, there is nothing (3) to be 
left for us but to fall back upon the suggestion which has been ‘8°Y- 
urged from time to time in various forms, that the Epistle is 
the work of an unknown writer, who, anxious to gain currency 
for his own views regarding the Last Things, imbedded them in 
a framework skilfully drawn from St Paul’s genuine Epistle. 

We have seen already the objections attending any ‘such 
theory, in so far as it is connected with a definite historical 
situation such as the expected return of Nero. But apart 
altogether from such considerations, is it likely that a fictitious 
Epistle addressed on this showing to a Church which had 
already an authentic Epistle of St Paul’s, and in which many 
of the original recipients may well have been alive, would ever 
have gained currency as the Apostle’s ? 

So strongly does Wrede, the latest exponent of the theory, 
feel this that he suggests that the Epistle was never intended 
for Thessalonica at all, but that the unknown writer simply 
made a general use of 1 Thessalonians, as, owing to its apo- 
ealyptic character, best serving the purpose he had in view 
(pp. 38 ff. 68). So that it comes to this: That this Epistle, 
so amply vouched for in antiquity, is nothing but a barefaced 
forgery '—written in the name of St Paul by one who was not 
St Paul—invested with the authority of the Apostle, though 
designed to correct views currently attributed to the Apostle— 
and addressed to the Church of Thessalonica, though having 
another and a very different circle of readers in view. Surely 


there are more ‘misses’ here 


1 It is unfortunate to have to use 
the word ‘forgery’—round which such 
definite associations have now gathered 
—in connexion with our problem; but 
no other word brings out so well the 
deliberate attempt of one man to use 
the name and authority of another in 


than any ‘hits, with which, 


his writing. In view of iii. 17, 18, 
there can be no talk here of a harm- 
less pseudonymous writing. Cf. Wrede 
p- 86: ‘Stammt der zweite Thessa- 
lonicherbrief nicht von Paulus, so ist Ὁ 
er eine Falschung.’ 


4. General 


conclu- 
sion. 


XCli THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


according to the most charitable interpretation of it, the theory 
can be credited ! ᾿ 

Nor does the view of forgery, so improbable in itself, derive 
any real help from two passages which are often cited in 
support of it, and as in themselves conclusive against the 
Epistle’s genuineness. 

The first of these is ii. 2: “To the end that ye be not readily 
shaken from your reason, nor yet be disturbed either by spirit, 
or by word, or by epistle as from us, as if the day of the Lord 
is now present.’ But even if the difficult clause, μήτε δι 
ἐπιστολῆς ὡς δι’ ἡμῶν, be taken as referring to the possible 
existence of a pretended or forged epistle, and is not merely 
the exhausting by the writer of the different ways by which 
the Thessalonians might have been disturbed—spirit, word, 
letter, it represents at most just such a vague suspicion as 
might have crossed St Paul’s mind (ef. I. v. 27), but which 
would have been exceedingly unnatural in one who was him- 
self engaged in passing off a spurious letter. 

The same may be said of ili. 17: ‘The salutation of me 
Paul with mine own hand, which is the token in every epistle: 
so I write. The particular form of authentication used here is 
unique among the Pauline Epistles; and if it had been the 
work of a forger, would he not have been more careful to follow 
St Paul’s general usage, as it meets us in I Cor. xvi. 21, or 
Col. iv. 18? ‘But if Paul wrote the words, they express his 
intention; and this intention was satisfactorily fulfilled if he 
always added the benediction in his own handwriting’ 

4. On the whole then, without any desire to minimize the 
difficulties surrounding the literary character and much of the 
contents of this remarkable Epistle, there seems to be nothing 
in them to throw undue suspicion on its genuineness; while 
the failure of those who reject it to present any adequate 
explanation of how it arose, or of the authority it undoubtedly 
possessed in the Early Church, is in itself strong’ presumptive 
evidence that the traditional view is correct, and that we have 
here an authentic work of the Apostle Paul. 


1 Drummond The Epistles of Paul (in International Handbooks to the 
the Apostle to the Thessalonians &c. N.T.) p. 13. 


VII. 


AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT. 


The text adopted for the following commentary is the Greek Text 
text of Westcott and Hort: it approximates therefore closely to regis 
the type of text represented by NB. In these circumstances it mentary. 
has not been thought necessary to provide a complete apparatus 
criticus; but wherever the Editors have shown any doubt as 
to the true reading by the use of brackets or the insertion 
of marginal readings, the leading authorities on both sides have 
been cited. These authorities have as a rule been taken from 
the great collection of Tischendorf (Nov. Test. Graec® ii. 
Leipzig, 1872), or from Friedrich Zimmer's useful monograph 
Der Text der Thessalonicherbriefe (Quedlinburg, 1893), and the 
citations, more particularly in the case of the versions, have, as 
far as possible, been verified, and sometimes corrected, by a 
comparison with the best available texts of the originals’. 

It will be kept in view that the accompanying lists aim Lists of 
only at enumerating the authorities actually cited in the ease 
apparatus or textual commentary. 


I. Greek MSS. 


The text is contained in whole, or in part, in the following I. Greek 


MSS. 


i. Primary Uncials, i. Primary 


‘eg ‘ ‘ : Uncials. 
s. Codex Sinaiticus, saec. iv. Discovered by Tischendorf 


in the Convent of St Catherine on Mt Sinai, and 


1 In this connexion I desire to ex- kindly verified the citations from 
press my indebtedness to Mr Norman __ the Syriac, Armenian, and Aethiopic, 
M°‘Lean, Christ’s College, Cambridge, and from the Egyptian versions re- 
and the Rev. A. E. Brooke, B.D., spectively. 

King’s College, Cambridge, who have 


χοΙν 


THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


now at St Petersburg. The MS. has been corrected 
by various hands, of which δε ἢ is nearly contemporary, 
x? belongs probably to the sixth century, and x° 
to the beginning of the seventh. Ed. Tischendorf, 
Leipzig, 1864. 


A. Codex Alexandrinus, saec. v. Originally at Alexandria. 


Presented by Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Constantinople, 
to Charles I. in 1628, and deposited in the British 
Museum in 1753... Issued in autotype facsimile by 
E. M. Thompson, London, 1879. 


B. _ Codex Vaticanus, saec. iv. Generally believed to be the 


oldest extant MS. of the Greek Bible. O. von 
Gebhardt dates it c. 331, A. Rahlfs (7 λοοῖ. Literatur- 
zeitung, 1899, Pp. 556) soon atter 367. Probably of 
Egyptian origin, though there are also strong grounds 
for inclining to a connexion with the Eusebian library 
at Caesarea (Kenyon, Text. Criticism of the N.T., 
p. 66 ff.; cf. SH. p. lxvii ἢ). The MS. has been one 
of the great treasures of the Vatican Library since 
shortly after its foundation, and was issued in photo- 
type by J. Cozza-Luzi and others (Rome, 1889), and 
better in photographed facsimile by Hoepli (Milan, 


1904). 


C. Codex Ephraemi rescriptus, saec. v. A Palimpsest, much 


D(D.). 


G(G,). 


mutilated. ‘he remains of the Greek Text, under- 
lying the works of Ephraim the Syrian (7373), were 
deciphered and published by Tischendorf, Leipzig, 
1843. Of our Epistles the fragment 1 Thess. i. r— 
ii. g is all that survives. The original MS. is now in 
Paris. 


Codex Claromontanus, saec. vi. A Graeco-Latin MS. 
from the monastery of Clermont, near Beauvais, and 
now at Paris. Its type of text is closely akin to 
EFG, and ‘all probably go back to one common arche- 
type, the origin of which is attributed to Italy’ 
(Kenyon, p. 81). Of its correctors D” dates from about 
the seventh, and D¢ from the ninth or tenth century. 
Ed. Tischendorf, Leipzig, 1852. 


Codex Boernerianus, saec. ix. A Graeco-Latin MS., 
so named from Prof. C. F. Boerner, who bought it in 
1705; now at Dresden. For the conjectural history 
of the MS. see SH. p. Ixiv, and for its relation to D 
and the Gothic version, ibid. p. lxix f. Ed. Matthaei, 
Meissen, 1791. 


1 A, Souter (J. T.S, vi. p. 240 ff.) argues that D belongs to Sardinia. 


- AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT XCV 


H(H;). Codex Coislinianus, saec. vi. Originally in the library 
of the Laura on Mt Athos. Forty-one leaves still 
exist, scattered through various libraries, and in 
addition the text of twenty-two pages has been 
recovered from the ‘offsets’ left by them on the pages 
opposite. The fragment at Kieff contains 1 Thess. 
il, g—13, iv. 5—11. The subscription connects the 
MS. with Euthalius, on whom see especially Dean 
Armitage Robinson, Luthaliana (Texts and Studies, 
ili, 3), Cambridge, 1895; cf. SH. p. lIxviii ἔν, von 
Dobschiitz in Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte, xix. 2, 
von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments (1902), 
i. p. 637 ff, Turner in Hastings’ D.B. v. p. 524 ff, 
Conybeare in Z.NV.7.W. v. (1904) p. 39 ff, Robinson 
in J.7'\S. vi. p. 87 ff. The text was edited by Omont, 
Notices et Hxtraits, xxxiii. pt. i. p. 141 ff., with the 
St Petersburg offsets, the Paris and Turin offsets by 
Robinson (Huthaliana, p. 48 ff), and the recently 
recovered Athos offsets by Prof. Kirsopp Lake, 
Facsimiles of the Athos Fragments of Codex H of 
the Pauline Epistles (Oxford, 1905). 


No account has been taken of E(E;) and F(F,) in accordance 
with Hort’s judgment that the former in its Greek text is simply 
a transcript of D(D,), and the latter, as certainly, a transcript 
of G(G,), or ‘an inferior copy of the same immediate exemplar’ 
(Intr.? § 203). 


il. Secondary Uncials. ii, Second- 

: j Un- 

K(K,). Codex Mosquensis, saec. ix. Moscow. eh 
L(L,). Codex Angelicus, saec. ix. Rome. 


P(P,). Codex Porphyrianus, saec. ix. St Petersburg. Wants 
t Thess. iii. 5 pyxerc...ques οἱ iv. 17. Ed. Tischendorf 
in Mon. Sacr. Ined., Nov. Coll., v., Leipzig, 1865, 


pp. 58—364. 


11, Minuscules. iii. Minus- 
cules. 


According to von Soden (Die Schriften des N.T. i. p. 44) there 
are now about 630 cursive MSS. available for the Pauline Epistles. 
The following are a few of the most important. ; 3 

4** (= Acts 4): saec. xv, now in Basle, Univ. A.N. iv. 5. 

6 (= Gosp. 6, Acts 6): saec. xi, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 112. 

17 (=Gosp. 33, Acts 13): saec. xi, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Gr. 14. 
Deserves special notice (Hort, Intr.’ § 212). 


23: A.D. 1056, in Paris, Bibl. Nat. Coisl. Gr. 28. 
M. THESS. 9 


AR 
OF THE τῇ 


UNIVERSITY 


II. Ver- 
sions. 


i. Latin. 


(1) Old 
Latin. 


XCV1 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


31 (=Acts 25, Apoc. 7): A.D. 1087, in London, Brit. Mus. 
Harl. 5537. 


37 (=Gosp. 69, Acts 31, Apoc. 14): saec. xv, in Leicester, 
Library of the Town Council. ‘Has many Non- 
Alexandrian, Pre-Syrian readings of both kinds’ (Hort, 
Intr.’ ὃ 212). For the history of this interesting MS. 
see Scrivener, Codex Augiensis (Cambridge, 1859), 
Introd. p. xlff and Appendix, J. Rendel Harris, 
Origin of the Leicester Codex (Cambridge, 1887). 


47: saec. xi, in Oxford, Bodl. Roe τό. 


67 (=Acts 66, Apoc. 34): saec. xi, in Vienna, Imp. Gr. 
th. 302. 


67**; very ancient readings in the margins of 67, which have 
no other cursive attestation. Hort (J/ntr.? ὃ 212) 
regards them as akin to M "!, though they cannot have 
been derived from the text of M > itself. 


71: saec, xii, in Vienna, Imp. Gr. th. 61. 

73 (= Acts 68): saec. xiii, in Upsala, Univ. MS. Gr. τ. 

116 (= Acts 101): saec. xiii, in Moscow, Syn. 333. 

137 (<= Gosp. 263, Acts 117): saec, xiii, in Paris, Nat. Gr. 61*. 
154 (= Acts 126): saec, xi, in Paris, Nat. Gr. 217. 


For Athos, Laura 184 Β. 64 (saec. x)=a 78 of von Soden’s 
list, see Sect. III under Origen. 


II. VERSIONS. 


The ancient Versions are as follows. 
1, Latin. 

(1) Old Latin (Lat Vet Vg or O.L.). The history of the Old 
Latin version (or versions) is still involved in many perplexities : 


it must be sufficient to refer here to the exhaustive art. by 
Dr H. A. A. Kennedy in Hastings’ D.B. iii. p. 47 ff., where 
Antioch is suggested as its original home. Mr C. H. Turner and 
Prof. Souter, on the other hand, are emphatic for Rome, while the 
majority of modern critics may be said to favour the theory of an 
African origin. The extant fragments of the version have been 
collected by the Benedictine, P. Sabatier, in his monumental work 
Bibliorum sacrorum latinae versiones sew vetus Italica (Rheims, 
1739—49). See also L. Ziegler, Die lateinischen νυδόν ae 
vor Hieronymus, Munich, 1879. 


= AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT xevii 


The following authorities for the Pauline Epistles have been 
cited. 


d: Latin version of D (Cod. Claromontanus), ‘The genuine 
Old Latin character of the text is indicated by its 
frequent agreement with the quotations of Lucifer 
of Cagliari (1370) (F. C. Burkitt, Hncyc. Bibl. col. 


4995): 
f: Latin version of F (Cod. Augiensis). 


g: Latin version of G (Cod. Boernerianus). 


m: the so-called Speculum, a treatise falsely assigned to 
St Augustine, which contains extracts from a Spanish 
text, akin to the Bible used by Priscillian (see Hort 
as quoted in Gregory, Teatkritik des Neuen Testamentes 
(1902), ii. p. 606). Ed. by Weihrich in Vienna Corpus 
script. eccles. Lat. xii. 1887. 

r’: A fragment, belonging to the seventh century, preserved 
at Munich. Contains 1 Thess. i. 1—10. 


(2) Vulgate (Vg). <A revision by Jerome of the Old Latin to (2) Vul- 
bring it closer to the Greek text he possessed (‘Graecae fidei 84te. 
auctoritati reddidi Novum Testamentum’). The authoritative edition 
_ of the Roman Church, issued by Clement VIII. in 1592, has been 
reprinted by Nestle (Stuttgart, 1906) in a very convenient form 
with a carefully selected apparatus. The great critical edition of 
the N.T., which is being prepared by Bishop J. Wordsworth and 
the Rev. H. J. White has not yet advanced beyond the Acts 
(Oxford, 1889—). 

‘The readings of the Vulgate MSS. (Vg°**) will be found (partly) 
in Nestle, and more fully detailed in Tischendorf. 


ii. Syriac. ii. Syriac. 
There is naturally no translation of the Bible which has more 

interest for us than the Syriac, though we must be careful not to 

identify this dialect of the Euphrates valley with the Aramaic 

spoken by our Lord: see especially Burkitt, Hvangelion da Mephar- 

veshe, vol. ii. (Cambridge, 1904). The history of its various versions, 

and of the vexed questions raised by them, is fully discussed in the 

same writer’s art. ‘Text and Versions’ in the Hncyc. Bibl. col. 

4998—5006. ἢ 
We are here concerned only with two of these versions. 

(1) Syr (Pesh)=the Syriac Vulgate or Peshitta, ie. ‘the (1) The 
simple,’ so named apparently to distinguish it from Peshifta. 
subsequent editions ‘which were furnished with mar- 
ginal variants and other critical apparatus.’ Burkitt 
regards it as the work of Rabbila bishop of Edessa 
(or some one deputed by him) between 411 and 
435 A.D. Edd. Leusden and Schaaf (1709); S. Lee 
(1816). The new critical edition of Mr G. H. Gwilliam 


92 


(2) The 


Harclean. 


iii. Arme- 
nian. 


iv. Egyp- 


tian. 
(1) Bo- 
hairic. 


(2) Sa- 
hidie. 


v. Aethi- 
opic. 


xcvili THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


has not yet advanced beyond the Gospels (Oxford, 
tgor). For the ‘Place of the Peshitto Version in 
the Apparatus Criticus of the N.T.’ see the same 
writer's art. in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, v. iii. 
Oxford, 1903. | 

(2) Syr (Harcl). A recension made by Thomas of Harkel 

, in 616 of the older Philoxenian version of 508. The 

text is ‘remarkable for its excessive literalness,’ and 
follows ‘ almost invariably that of the later Greek MSS.’ 
(Burkitt). It is cited by Tischendorf as syr™*trt], and 
is edited by J. White as Versio Syriaca Philoxeniana, 
Oxford, 1778—1803. 

Of great importance are certain readings in the margin of 
the foregoing version. 

(Syr (Harcl mg.)) derived from ‘three (v.l. two) approved 
and accurate Greek copies’ in the monastery of the 
Enatonians near Alexandria (Hort, Jnér.’ § 215). 


lil. Armenian. 


The existing Armenian Vulgate (Arm) is a revision about the 
middle of the fifth century of certain original translations based 
upon the Old Syriac (Robinson, Huthaliana, p. 72 ff.). The Greek 
text used for this revision was apparently closely akin to NB. ἡ 
Ed. Zohrab, Venice, 1805. 


iv. Egyptian. 

(1) Bohairic (Boh=me (Memphitic) WH., =cop (Coptic) 
Tisch.). A very early date has sometimes been assigned 
to this version, but recent research points rather to 
the sixth or seventh century (Burkitt, Hncyc. Bibl. 
col. 5008). The Pauline Epistles have been edited 
by G. Horner in vol. iii, of his Bohairic N.T., Oxford, 
1905. 

(2) Sahidic (Sah=the (Thebaic) WH.). Now believed to 
be older than the Bohairic version, going back at least 
to the early part of the fourth century. The N.T. 
exists only in fragments, which have not yet been 
collected into a formal edition. [It is understood that 
G. Horner is preparing one for the Clarendon Press. | 
Ciasca’s collections have been used in the verification 
of the citations in the present volume. 


v. Aethropre. 

The date of the Aethiopic version (Aeth) is again uncertain. 
It may be as early as the fourth century, but is more generally 
assigned to the end of the fifth (Scrivener, /ntrod. to the Crit. of 
the N.T.* ii. p. 154). The text from an edition printed at Rome in 
1548—g is to be found in Walton’s Polyglott, also in an edition 
prepared by T. Pell Platt (for the Bible Society) in 1830. 


AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT ΧΟΙ͂Χ 


vi. Gothic. vi. Gothic. 


The Gothic version (Go) was made for the Goths by Ulfilas, who 
succeeded Theophilus as their Bishop in 348. The translation 
follows with great fidelity a Greek text, evidently closely akin to 
the secondary uncials (KLP). It may however have been modified 
by the influence of the Latin versions, and ‘for textual purposes, 
therefore, its evidence must be used with care’ (Kenyon, Zext. Crit. 
p. 204). Edd. Gabelentz and Loebe, Leipzig, 1836—43. 


III. FATHERS. II. 
Fathers. 


The following particulars regarding the patristic authorities 
cited have been drawn, with additions, from Gregory’s Test- 
kritik, ii. p. 770 ff." Migne, P. Z., has been used to denote Migne, 
Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Latin series, Paris, 1844—64, 
and Migne, P.G., the corresponding Greek series, Paris, 1857—66. 


Amb= Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, 374—397. Ed. Migne, 
ἢ... xiv.—xvii. (1845). A considerable portion of 
what will henceforward be the authoritative edition 
of his works has already appeared in the Vienna 
Corpus, under the care of K. Schenkl, and latterly 
of H. Schenkl, Vienna, 1896—. 


Ambst (or Ambrstr)= Ambrosiaster (see under List of Com- 
mentaries). ‘The text used, pending the issue of the 
critical edition by H. Brewer 8. J. in the Vienna 
Corpus, has been that of Migne, P.Z. xvii., but the 
text has been critically revised for this edition with 
MSS. Bodl. 756 (of the eleventh century) and 689 (of 
the twelfth century) by A. Souter. The Commentary 
from which this complete text of St Paul’s Epistles 
is extracted was issued in Rome between 366 and 
384 4.D., and contains the (Old-Latin) text commonly 
used in Rome at that date, and revised by Jerome to 
make the Vulgate. A study of this text has been 
published in A. Souter’s Study of Ambrosiaster (in 
Texts and Studies, vii.), Cambridge, 1905, and the 
author’s conclusions have been accepted by Prof. 
Kirsopp Lake of Leiden (Review of Theology and Phi- 
losophy ii. [1906—1907] p. 620f.). 

Ath = Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (+373). Ed. Migne, 


P.G. xxv.—xxviii. 


1 Reference may also now be made and Text of the New Testament (Edin- 
to the same writer’s graphic Canon burgh, 1907). 


THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


Bas= Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, 
+379. The Benedictine edition of his works under 
the care of J. Garnier appeared at Paris, 1721—30. 


Chr=John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, f 407. 
For the various readings contained in MSS. of Chry- 
sostom (Chr°@*) see Tischendorf. Collations of these 
were published by Matthaei in his critical edition of 
the N.T. (1803—-07). See further under List of Com- 
mentaries, 


Clem = Homilies of the Pseudo-Clement. Ed. P. de Lagarde, 
Leipzig, 1865. For the general history of ‘The 
Clementine Literature’ see A. C. Headlam in J.7.S. 
lil, p. 41 ff 

Const = Apostolic Constitutions. Edd. P. de Lagarde, Leipzig, 
1862; F. X. Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostol- 
orum, Paderborn, 1906. 


Cypr=Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, +258. Ed. W. Hartel 
in the Vienna Corpus, 1868—71. 


Cyr-Alex = Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, 412—444. Ed. 
Migne, P.G. lxviii.—lxxvii. 


Oyr-Hier = Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, 350—386. Edd. Migne, 
P.L, xxxiii.; W. C. Reischl and J. Rupp, Munich, 
1848—6o ; Photius Alexandrides, Jerusalem, 1867—8. 


Did = Didymus of Alexandria, +394 or 399. Ed. Migne, 


P.G. xxxix. 


Ephr = Ephraim the Syrian, +373. A Latin translation of 
the Armenian version of his Commentaries on the 
Pauline Epistles was edited by the Mechitarist Fathers, 
Venice, 1893. See also F. H. Woods ‘An Examination 
of the N.T. Quotations of Ephrem Syrus’ in Stud. Bib/. 
et Eccles. 111. Ὁ. 105 ff.; Oxford, 1891. 


Eus = Eusebius of Caesarea, +340. Ed. Migne, P.G. xix.— 
xxiv. A new edition of his works has begun to appear 
in the Berlin series of Ante-Nicene Greek Fathers. 


Hier =Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus, best known as 
Jerome, +420. Edd. Migne, P.Z. xxiii—xxx.; Val- 
larsi, Verona, 1734—42. 


Hipp = Hippolytus of Rome, +235. Edd. Migne, P.G. x.; 
Bonwetsch and Achelis (in the Berlin series), Leipzig, 
1897—. 

Trent = Latin version, not later than the fourth century, 
of Irenaeus’ work <Adversus omnes haereses, written 
ὁ. 180. Edd. Stieren, Leipzig, 1853; W. W. Harvey, 
Cambridge, 1857. q 


Ε: AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT Cl 


Macar = Macarius, an Egyptian ascetic, 389. His homilies 
are published in Migne, P.G. xxxiv.: cf. J.7.S. viii. 
Ρ. 85 ff. This Macarius must be carefully distinguished 
from Macarius Magnes, whose date is probably a 
quarter of a century later: see J.7.S. ii. p. 610f, 
viii. pp. 401 ff, 546ff, Schalkhausser, Makarios von 
Magnesia (Leipzig, 1907). 


Orig = Origen, head of the catechetical school in Alexandria, 
+254. Edd. Lommatzsch, Berlin, 1831—48; P. Koet- 
schau, E. Klostermann, and E. Preuschen (in the Berlin 
series). Leipzig, 1899—. See also von der Goltz, 
Eine texthritische Arbeit des το. bez. 6. Jahrhunderts 
(Teate und Unters., N.F. τι. 4, 1899), which describes 
MS. Athos, Laura 184. B. 64 (saec. x), a manuscript of 
the Acts, Catholic, and Pauline Epistles, which has 
preserved for us many interesting readings of Origen. 


Orig** = The free Latin version of Origen’s works by Jerome 
and others. 


Ps-Ath = Writings wrongly ascribed to Athanasius, and con- 
tained in the Benedictine edition of Athanasius’ works 
vol, ii. 

Tert = Tertullian, fc. 240. Edd. Migne, P. Z. i.—iii.; Oehler, 
Leipzig, 1853—4; A. Reifferscheid, G. Wissowa and 
E. Kroymann (in the Vienna Corpus), Vienna, 1890—. 

Thdt = Theodoret, a Syrian monk, Bishop of Cyrus, fc. 457. 
See List of Commentaries. 


Theod-Mops™ = Latin version of Theodore, Bishop of Mop- 
suestia in Cilicia, Tc. 429. See List of Commentaries. 


Vig = Vigilius, an African bishop, flourished ὁ. 484. Ed. 
Migne, P.L. lxii. The authorship of works under 
this name is disputed. 


Literature 
on the 
Epistles. 


i. Greek 
Writers. 


VIL. 


SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES. 


The literature relating to our Epistles is dealt with very 
fully by Bornemann in his Die Thessalonicherbriefe, which replaces 
the work of Liinemann in the new edition of Meyer’s Kritisch- 
exegetischer Kommentar: see pp. I—7 and 538 ff. The following 
list consists for the most part of those Commentaries which 
have been used in the preparation of this volume, the editions 
specified being those to which the present writer has had access, 
though occasionally for the sake of completeness other works 
have been included. For fuller information regarding the 
Greek Patristic Commentaries it is sufficient to refer to 
Mr C. H. Turner’s exhaustive article in the supplementary 
volume of Hastings’ D.B. The new and valuable facts regard- 
ing the Latin writers have been supplied through the kindness 
of Prof. A. Souter. 


I, GREEK WRITERS. 


(1) Earlier (1) Earlier Period. 


Period. 


ORIGEN (+253). From the list of Origen’s works given by 
Jerome (Hp. xxxiii.) it appears that Origen wrote a Com- 
mentary on 1 Thess. in 3 books, and on 2 Thess. in 1 book. 
Of. these unfortunately only fragments now survive. Jerome 
himself (Zp. cxix.) has preserved one relating to 1 Thess. iv. 
15—17: and from the same source we learn that Theodore 
of Heraclea, Apollinaris, and Diodore of Tarsus also com- 
mented on 1 Thess. 


Curysostom, Joun (Chrys.). Chrysostom (7 407) is generally 
ranked as the greatest of the early Pauline interpreters, more 
particularly on the homiletic side. ‘He is at once a true 
exegete and a true orator, a combination found in such 
perfection perhaps nowhere else’ (Swete, Patristic Study, 
p. 104). His Homilies on the Thessalonian Epistles appear 
to have been preached as episcopal utterances at Constanti- 


SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES cill 


nople. They are printed in Migne, P.G. Ixii, and in a 
critical edition by F. Field, Oxford, 1855. An English 
translation under the editorship of C. M. (Charles Marriott) 
was published at Oaterd in 1843 in the Library of the 
Fathers. 


THEopore or Mopsuestia (Th. Mops.). Theodore, Bishop of 
Mopsuestia (fc. 429), was after the death of Chrysostom 
the most influential teacher in the Eastern Church. By his 
Nestorian followérs he was known as par excellence ‘the 
Interpreter,’ a title which he deserved from his rigid 
avoidance of the allegorical method, and constant endeavour 
to discover the literal and historical meaning of the Sacred 
Writings. The Greek version of his Commentary on the 
Pauline Epistles exists only in fragments, preserved in the 
Catenae, but a Latin version (sixth century?) embracing ten 
of the Epistles, including 1, 2 Thess., is extant. It has been 
edited with a valuable Introduction and Notes by Prof. 
H. B. Swete (Cambridge, 1880—8z). 


THEopoRET oF Cyrruus (Thdt.), a third great writer of the 
Antiochene school (76. 457). According to his own state- 
ment Theodoret intended his Commentary on the Pauline 
Epistles to be little more than an abridgement of the works 
of Chrysostom and Theodore, whom he describes as τοὺς τῆς 
οἰκουμένης φωστῆρας. But he has done his work with such 
‘appreciation, terseness of expression, and good sense’ that, 
according to Bishop Lightfoot (Gal.” p. 230), ‘if the absence 
of faults were a just standard of merit’ his Commentaries 
‘would deserve the first place. The Commentary on 
1, 2 Thess. will be found in vol. v. of the complete edition 
of Theodoret’s works by J. L. Schulze, Halle, 1769—74. 
It was also edited by C. Marriott, Oxford, 1870. 


ὃ (2) Later 
(2) Later Period. Period. 


OxEcUMENIUS (Oecum.), Bishop of Tricca in Thessaly. His date 
is uncertain, but Turner (/.c. p. 523) places the Catena on 
St Paul as in all probability within the limits 560—64o. 
The original Catena draws largely from Chrysostom, while 
later recensions embody copious extracts from Photius, 
Patriarch of Constantinople (c. 820—c. 891). Printed in 
Migne, P.G. cxviii.—cxix. 


Tueropuytactr (Thphl.), Archbishop of Achridia (Ochrida) in 
Bulgaria, c. 1075. His Commentary on the Pauline Epistles 
follows Chrysostom in the main, but with ‘a certain inde- 
pendence’: ed. A. Lindsell, London, 1636. 


Evutuymius ZIGABENuS (Euth. Zig.), a younger contemporary of 
Theophylact, c. 1115. Ed. Nicolas Kalogeras, late Arch- 
bishop of Patras, Athens, 1887. 


civ THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
ii. Latin 


II. Latin WRITERS ?. 
Writers. 


AMBROSIASTER (Ambrstr. or Ambst.). Regarding the identity of 
the so-called ‘Ambrosiaster’ there has been much difference 
of opinion, but the view most widely held in the present day 
is one suggested by the French scholar Dom Morin of 
Maredsous, Belgium, in the Revue d'Histoire et de Littéra- 
ture religieuses for 1899, pp. 97—121, that he was Isaac, 
a converted Jew, who lived in Ronie during the pontificate 
of Damasus (366—384)*._ His Commentary on the Pauline 
Epistles, from which a complete Old Latin text can be 
derived, has been pronounced by Jiilicher (article ‘Ambrosi- 
aster’ in Pauly-Wissowa’s Feal-Encyclopddie) to be the best 
on St Paul’s Epistles prior to the Reformation, and Harnack 
(Sttzungsberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften, 
1903, p. 212) regards it and the Quaestiones Veteris et 
Novi Testamenti, now assigned to ‘Ambrosiaster,’ though 
printed amongst the works of St Augustine (eg. Migne, 
P.L, xxxv.), as the greatest literary product of the Latin 
Church between Cyprian and Jerome. For editions see the 
note on p. xcix. 


Pexacius (Pelag.). Amongst the works of Jerome (Migne, 
P.L. xxx. p. 670 ff.) there is a series of commentaries on 
the Pauline Epistles, which contain some of the quotations 
which Augustine and Marius Mercator, his contemporaries, 
make from a commentary of Pelagius (tc. 440). The older 
scholars were divided in opinion on the subject of the Pseudo- 
Jerome commentary. Some regarded it as the work of 
Pelagius; others as the commentary of Pelagius after it 
had been expurgated by Cassiodorus and his pupils* A 
few years ago Prof. Zimmer of Berlin discovered at St Gall 
what is a nearer approach to the original commentary than 
Pseudo-Jerome, but even this form is interpolated. Ac- 
cording to Souter (The Commentary of Pelagius on the 
Epistles of Paul [London, 1907] p. 15 ff.) the anonymous 
MS. exix. of the Grand Ducal Library at Karlsruhe (saec. ix) 
is the only pure copy of Pelagius extant, the Pseudo-Jerome 
commentary being an expansion of the original Pelagius on 


the longer epistles. 


1 The most valuable guide to Latin 
commentators on the Pauline Epistles 
down to the time of Luther is Denifle’s 
Luther und Luthertum, Erster Band 
(11 Abt.), Quellenbelege (Mainz, 1905). 

2 The later view of Morin (Revue 
Bénédictine, 1903, pp. 113—131) that 
he was Decimius Hilarianus Hilarius, 
a layman and proconsul, supported, 
with caution, by Souter, Study of Am- 
brosiaster, Ὁ. 183 ff., has been rejected 


Pending the appearance of his edition, 


by later critics. 

8 This latter view must be given 
up, as Pseudo-Jerome contains many 
Pelagian traces: further, Turner has 
suggested (J. H. S. iv. (19g02—3) p. 141), 
and Souter has proved (The Com- 
mentary of Pelagius (Proceedings of 
British Academy, vol. ii. p. 20) that 
we possess Cassiodorus’ revision under 
the name of Primasius (Migne, P.L. 
lxviii.). 


SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES cv 


the student is recommended to correct the corrupt text of 
Migne by the help of the collation of the St Gall MS. in 
Zimmer’s Pelagius in Irland (Berlin, 1901). 


III. REFORMATION PERIOD. iii. Reform- 
ation 
(1) Protestant Writers. Period. 


P 
Erasmus, DesipERIUS (+1536) issued his first edition of the olde 


Greek N.T. (ap. Io. Frobeniwm) at Basle in 1516. It was Writers. 
accompanied by a new Latin translation and annotations. 

The more popular Puraphrasis in Epp. Pauli omnes appeared 

a few years later. 


Cavin, JoHN (+1564), ‘the greatest of the commentators of the 
Reformation’ (SH. p. ciii.). His Commentaria im omnes 
epistolas Pauli Apostoli was first published at Strassburg in 
1539. The numerous citations in the present work are taken 
from vol, vi. of Tholuck’s complete edition of the N.T. 
Commentaries (Berlin, no date). 


Brza, THEODORE ({ 1605). JBeza’s first edition of the Greek 
N.T. with translation and annotations was published by 
H. Stephanus in 1565 (stne Joco), and in 1642 a new edition 
‘ad quartam (1598) conformata’ was issued from Daniel’s 
Press at Cambridge. The Bible Society’s convenient reprint 
(Berlin, 1905) of this Cambridge edition has been followed 
here. 


(2) Roman Catholic Writers. (} Reese 
αὐ 0.1 
Estivus, W. (Est.), Provost and Chancellor of Douay (71613). Writers. 


His In omnes beati Pauli...Epistolas commentaria were 
published after his death (Douay, 1614—16, new ed. Paris, 
1672—76). They form ‘a valuable exposition of the Epistles 
in the Augustinian spirit’ (Reuss). 

CorNneELtus A LapipE (+1637). Commentaria in...omnes d. Pauli 
epistolas. Antwerp, 1635. 


Grotius, H. (De Groot, + 1645), Dutch statesman and theologian. 
His Annotationes on the whole Bible were first published in 
his Opp. theol. (Basle, 1732). The Ann. in N.T7. appeared 
separately, Paris, 1641. See also the Critict Sacri. 


IV. Post-REFORMATION PERIOD. iv. Post- 
: Reforma- 


Bencet, J. A. (Beng.) 1752. Gnomon Novi Testamenti, Ed. 3 tion 
adjuv. J. Steudel, London, 1855. Period. 


WerstEIn, {΄. 4. (1 1754). His edition of the Vovum Testamentum 
Graecum (Amsterdam, 1751—52) is still invaluable for its 
large collection of illustrations drawn from Jewish, Greek, 
and Latin sources. A new and revised edition is among the 
great desiderata for N.T. apparatus. 


evi THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


v. Modern V. MoperN PERIOD. 


It will be convenient to classify the writers of this Period as 
(1) German and (2) English, and to arrange the names in each 
section in alphabetical, rather than in chronological, order. 


(1) Ger- (1) German Writers. 


Writer: BornemMann, W.: Die Thessalonicherbriefe in the new edition of 
Meyer’s Kommentar (Gottingen, 1894)—the fullest modern 
Commentary on the Epistles, and a great storehouse of 
materials for all subsequent editors. It has not been trans- 
lated into English. 


De Werts, W. M. L.: Briefe an die Thessalonicher, 3 Aufl. 
von W. Moeller in Hueg. Handb. zum N.7. τι. iii. Leipzig, 
1864. 


GoEBEL, SiecrrieD: Die Briefe P. an d. Thess. in Neutest. 
Schriften, i. pp. 1—37. 2” Aufl. Gotha, 1897. Brief Notes. 


Hormann, J. C. K. von: Thessalonicherbriefe in Die heilige 
Schrift Neuen Testaments, i. Néordlingen, 1869. 


Kocu, A.: Commentar tiber d. ersten Brief d. Apostels Paulus an 
d. Thessalonicher. Berlin, 1849. 


Linemann, G.: Die Briefe an d. Thessalonicher in Meyer's 
Kommentar. Engl. Tr. by Dr P. J. Gloag from the grd 
German edition. Edinburgh, 1880. 


Pett, L.: Lpistolae Pauli Apostoli ad Thessalonicenses. Griefs- 
wald, 1830. Rich in patristic references. 


Scumipt, P.: Der erste Thessalonicherbrief. Berlin, 1885. A 
small book of 128 pages, but containing, in addition to a 
textual commentary, helpful discussions on the language and 
historical situation of the Epistle, and an excursus on 2 Thess., 
intended to show that it had been subject to interpolation. 


ScumMieDEL, P. W.: Die Briefe an die Thessalonicher in the 
Hand-Commentar zum N.T. τι. i. Freiburg im B., 1891. 
A marvel of condensation, especially in the very useful 
Introductions. The authenticity of 2 Thess. is denied. 


Scuort, H. A.: Hpistolae Pauli ad Thessalonicenses et Galatas. 
Leipzig, 1834. 

Weiss, Bernarp: Die Paulinische Briefe, 2 Aufl. Leipzig, 
1902. A revised Text with brief but suggestive Notes. 


Woutensere, G.: Der erste und zweite Thessalonicherbrief in 
Zahn’s Kommentar zum N.T. Leipzig, 1903. The most 
recent German commentary of importance on the Epistles. 
The general line of thought is brought out clearly, and there 


> SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES evil 


is much valuable lexical material contained in the footnotes, 
but the Introduction is very brief, and the question of 
authenticity is practically ignored altogether. 


The German translations of Luther (from Theile and 
Stier’s V.7'. Tetraglotton) and Weizsiicker (Das neue Testa- 
ment iibersetzt, οἷ Aufl. Tiibingen, 1900) have also been 
frequently cited, 

It is understood that Prof. von Dobschiitz of Strassburg 
is preparing still another edition of the Epistles for Meyer’s 


Kommentar. 
(2) English Writers. (2) Hinge 
ArorD, H. (Alf.): The Greek Testament, iii. 2nd ed. London, Writers. 
1857. 


Drummonp, James: The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the 
Thessalonians in International Handbooks to the N.T. ii. 
New York, 1899. 


Eaviz£, JoHN: A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Epistles 
of Paul to the Thessalonians. London, 1877. 


Ex.icorr, C. J.: St Paul’s Epistles to the Thessalonians, 4th ed. 
London, 1880. Rich in lexical and grammatical material, 
with a revised translation’ and many interesting citations 
from the old English Versions. There is practically no 
Introduction. 


Finptay, G. G.: The Epistles to the Thessalonians in the Cambridge 
Lible for Schools and Colleges, 1891, and more recently (1904) 
in the Cambridge Greek Testament. It is only the latter 
book, which is substantially a new work, that has been cited 
in the present volume. The Commentary is marked by the 
writer’s well-known qualities as an expositor—careful attention 
to the text combined with great theological suggestiveness— 
and, within the limits imposed by the Series to which it 
belongs, this is probably the most convenient edition of the 
Epistles for students. 


Jowett, B.: The Epistles of St Paul to the Thessalonians, 
Galatians, Romans. 2nd ed. London, 1859. Contains . 
various striking Essays on such subjects as ‘ Evils in the 
Church of the Apostolical Age,’ ‘On the Belief in the Coming 
of Christ in the Apostolical Age,’ and ‘On the Man of Sin.’ 


Licutroot, J. B. (Lft.): The Notes on 1, 2 Thess. occupy 
pp. 1—136 of Bishop Lightfoot’s posthumously published 
Notes on Epistles of St Paul (London, 1895), and combined 
with the same writer’s art. ‘Thessalonians, Epistles to the’ 
in Smith’s D.B. and his Essays on ‘The Churches of Mace- 
donia’ and ‘The Church of Thessalonica’ in Biblical Lssays 
(London, 1893) p. 235 ff. make up a mass of invaluable 
material relating to the Epistles, to which subsequent workers 
find it difficult sufficiently to express their indebtedness. 


vi. Special 
Studies. 


evlil THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


VauGuHan, C. J.: The First Epistle to the Thessalonians. Cam- 
bridge, 1865. The first part of an Edition (apparently 
never carried further) of the Pauline Epistles for English 
readers, containing a literal new translation and short notes. 


WorpswortH, C.: The New Testament in the original Greek, 
Part iii. London, 1859. 

In addition to the foregoing, Commentaries on the Epistles 
have been contributed by Archbishop Alexander to The 
Speaker's Commentary (London, 1881), by Canon A. J. Mason 
to Bishop Ellicott’s Vew Testament Commentary for English 
Readers (London, no date), by Principal Marcus Dods to 
Schaff’s Popular Commentary on the New Testament (Edin- 
burgh, 1882), by Dr P. J. Gloag to The Pulpit Commentary 
(London, 1887), and by Dr W. F. Adeney to Zhe Century 
Bible (Edinburgh, no date). 

In his First and Second Epistle to the Thessalonians 
(London, 1899 and 1goo) the Rev. G. W. Garrod has 
provided careful Analyses of the Epistles with brief Notes 
for the special use of students in the Church Training 
Colleges. 

Amongst more recent homiletical literature dealing with 
the Epistles, mention may be made of Dr.John Lillie’s 
Lectures on the Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians (Edin- 
burgh, 1863), of Dr John. Hutchison’s Lectures on the 
Epistles to the Thessalonians (Edinburgh, 1884), an interesting 
series of discourses founded on a careful exegesis of the 
text, and of Prof. Denney’s volume in Zhe Hupositor’s Bible 
(London, 1892), where the theological side of the Epistles 
is brought out with great clearness and suggestiveness. 

A volume on the Epistles by Professor Frame, of Union 
Theological Seminary, New York, is announced by Messrs 
T. and T. Clark in connexion with the /nternational Critical 
Commentary. 


VI. SprEcrtaAL STUDIES. 


Studies or Monographs dealing with particular points in the 
Epistles are referred to under the relative sections, but the titles 
and aims of a few of the more important may be collected here. 

Asxwitu, Εἰ. H.: An Introduction to the Thessalonian Epistles. 
London, 1892. <A defence of their genuineness with a new 
view of the eschatology of 2 Thess. 

Brinia, W.: Die Sprachform des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes. 
Naumburg a. 8., 1903. Aims at showing its truly Pauline 
character. 

Kuéprer, A.: Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (from 
Theol. Studien und Skizzen aus Ostpreussen). Konigsberg, 
1889. A somewhat discursive plea for the Pauline authorship. 


- SELECTED LIST OF COMMENTARIES C1x 


Sopen, H. von: Der erste Thessalonicherbrief in SK., 1885, 
Ῥ. 263ff. Contains a full defence of the authenticity of the 
Epistle. 


Sprrra, F.: Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher in Zur 
Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristentums, i. p. 109 ff. 
(Gottingen, 1893). Suggests that Paul left the actual com- 
position of the Epistle to Timothy, who made use in his work 
of a Jewish apocalypse of the time of Caligula. 


Viss, A. B. vAN DER: De beiden brieven aan de Thessalonicensen, 


historisch-kritisch onderzoek naur hunnen oorsprung. Leiden, 
1865. 


Westrik, T. F.: De echtheid van den tweeden brief aan de Thes- 
salonicensen. Utrecht, 1879. ‘Especially useful on the 
question of style’ (Moffatt). The present writer has been 
unable to make any use of either of the foregoing. 


Wrepe, W.: Die Hchtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs (in 
Texte und Unterswchungen, N.F. ix. 2), Leipzig, 1903. 
A strong attack on the Epistle’s authenticity, principally on 
the ground of its literary dependence on 1 Thess. 


Zimmer, F.: Der Text der Thessalonicherbriefe. Quedlinburg, 
1893. A revised Text with Critical Apparatus, and discussion 
of the characteristics of the various authorities. 


ZimMER, F.: 1 Thess. ii. 3—8 erklért in Theologische Stuclien 
B. Weiss dargebracht, p. 248 ff. Gottingen, 1897. Designed 
to show the rich results of a thoroughgoing exegesis applied 
to the Epistles. 


οὕτως ἔοτδι ἡ πὰρογοίὰ ΤοΥ͂ γίοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπογ. 





> , > - a , eo \ ~ > n~ a 
Αδιαλείπτως οὖν προσκαρτερῶμεν TH ἐλπίδι ἡμῶν καὶ τῷ ἀρραβῶνι τῆς 
, ~ ~ 
δικαιοσύνης ἡμῶν, ὅς ἐστι Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς. 


PoOLYCARP. 





ὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο HMAC ὁ θεὸς εἰς ὀργὴν ἀλλὰ εἰς περιττοίηοιν 
οωτηρίδο Ald TOY κυρίογ ἡλλῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριοτοῦ. 


Ὶ 


ΠΡΟΣ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΕΙ͂Σ A 


M. THESS. 


νι.» 


ANALYSIS. 


I. ADDRESS AND GREETING. i. 1. 


II. HISTORICAL AND PERSONAL. i. 2—iii. 13. 
1. THANKSGIVING FOR THE GOOD ESTATE OF THE THESSA- 
LONIAN CHURCH. i. 2—rOo. | 


2. GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE AposToLIC MINISTRY AT 
THESSALONICA. ii, I—I2. 


3. RENEWED THANKSGIVING FOR THE SUCCESS ATTENDING THE 
Apostotic Ministry AT THESSALONICA. ii. 13—16. 


4, SuBsequEnt RELATION oF THE APOSTLES TO THE THESSA- 
LONIAN CHURCH. ii. 17—iii. Io. 
(1) Their Desire to revisit Thessalonica and its Cause. 
li, 17—20. 
(2) The Mission and Return of Timothy. iii. 1—10. 


5, PRAYER. ili, 11—r13. 


III. HORTATORY AND DOCTRINAL. ἵν. 1—v. 24. ᾿ 


1, Lessons ΙΝ CuristiAN Morats. iv. 1—12. 
(1) General Exhortation. iv. 1, 2. 
(2) Warning against Impurity. iv. 3—8. 
(3) Encouragement in Brotherly Love. iv. 9, 10%. 
(4) Call to Quiet Work. iv. 10°—12. 


2. TEACHING CONCERNING THEM THAT ARE ASLEEP AND THE 
ADVENT OF CHRIST. iv, 13—18. 


3. ‘TEACHING CONCERNING THE SUDDENNESS OF THE ADVENT 
AND THE NEED OF WATCHFULNESS. V. I—II. 


4, Various PRECEPTS WITH REGARD TO CHURCH LIFE AND 
Hoty Livine. v. 12—22. 


5. PRAYER. v. 23, 24. 


IV. CONCLUDING INJUNCTIONS AND BENEDICTION. 
Vv. 25—28. 


HOPOS ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΕΙ͂Σ A 


ke καὶ Cirovavos καὶ Τιμόθεος τῆ ἐκκλησίᾳ 
Θεσσαλονικέων ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ 
΄σ / ες “σ \ > / 
Χριστῷ" χάρις ὑμῖν Kat εἰρήνη. 


Tirte. The heading ΠΡΟΣ ΘΕΣΣΑ- 
AONIKEIS (B* -NEIK-) A’ is found in 
NABK 17 Go Boh. D prefixes APXE- 
TAI, while in G this is amplified to 
ἌΡΧΕΤΑΙ ΠΡῸΣ OGESSAAONIKAIOYS 
A’ ΠΡΩΤῊ ἘΠΙΣΤΟΛΗ. In the Can, 
Murat. the Epistle is referred to as 
‘ad tensaolenecinsis.’ Beza, to whom, 
along with the Elzevir editions, the 
received forms of the titles of the 
Pauline Epistles are due, has ‘ Pauli 
Apostoli Epistola Prima ad TH ESSA- 
LONICENSES,’’ 


I. 1. ADDRESS AND GREETING. 


1. ‘Paul and Silvanus and Timothy 
to the assembly of the Thessalonians 
who acknowledge God as Father and 
Jesus Christ as Lord, and are gathered 
together in this twofold Name, we 
send you the new greeting with the 
old. Grace, the source of all good, be 
unto you, and with grace Peace, the 
crown of all blessings,’ 

I. Παῦλος «κκ- Σιλουανὸς κ. Τιμόθεος 
For the combination of names see Intr. 
p. xxxivf. In neither of the Thessa- 
lonian Epp. nor in the Ep. to the 
Philippians does St Paul add, as else- 
where, his official title ἀπόστολος, 
doubtless owing to the special footing 
of friendship on which he stood to the 
Macedonian Churches, and to the fact 
that his authority had never been 
seriously questioned among them. 


Σιλουανός (Σιλβανός DG, as regularly 
in the papyri), the Gentile by-name of 
the Sas (for accent, WSchm. p. 74) 
of Ac. xv. 22—xviii. 5 (see Deissmann 
BS. p. 315 η.3), and the form always 
used by St Paul, is here mentioned 
before Timothy, both because he was 
already known as ‘a chief man among 
the brethren’ (Ac, xv. 22, cf. v. 32), 
and because he had taken a more 
prominent part in the founding of the 
Thessalonian Church (Ac. xvii. 4, To). 
After St Pauls departure from 
Corinth (Ac. xviii. 18) Silvanus does 
not again appear in connexion with 
him. He is generally identified with 
the Silvanus of 1 Pet. v.12. For an 
attempt to distinguish the Pauline 
Silvanus from the Jerusalem Silas, see 
Weizsicker .Ap. Zeitalter? p. 256 
(Engl. Tr. i. p. 292 f.), and as against 
this Zahn Einl. in d. N.T. i. p. 148 ff. 
In the traditional lists of the ‘Seventy,’ 
compiled by Ps.-Dorotheus, Silas and 
Silvanus appear as distinct indivi- 
duals, the former as Bishop of Corinth, 
the latter as Bishop of Thessalonica 
(Fabric. Lux Evang. p. 117). 

Timothy joined St Paul on his 
second missionary journey at Lystra 
(Ac. xvi. 1 ff.), and though he is not 
specially mentioned either at Philippi 
(Ac. xvi. 19), or at Thessalonica 
(Ac. xvii. 4, 10), this was probably 
due to his subordinate position at 


i=? 


4 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


the time. We read of him as left 
behind at Beroea (Ac. xvii. 14). 
Apparently he rejoined St Paul at 
Athens (1 Thess. iii. 1), and after a 
special mission to Thessalonica fol- 
lowed him to Corinth (Ac. xviii. 5): see 
further Intr. p. xxx. With occasional 
short interruptions he was the Apo- 
stle’s constant companion to the end of 
his life, and is associated with him in 
the opening of six of his Epp. (1, 2 
Thess., 2 Cor., Phil., Col., Philemon), 
and mentioned in the concluding 
chapters of other two (Rom., 1 Cor.) : 
cf. also Heb. xiii. 23. Two Epp. were 
addressed specially to him. For the 
light in which he was regarded by St 
Paul see the note on iii. 2. 

TH ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεσσαλονικέων] a form 
of address peculiar to these Epp. (cf. 
II. i. 1), and in which the thought of 
the local gathering of believers is still 
prominent. In the Corinthian Epp. 
St Paul prefers to connect the Ecclesia 
with the name of the place where it is 
situated τ. ἐκκλησίᾳ τ. θεοῦ τ. οὔσῃ ἐν 
Κορίνθῳ (1 Cor. i. 2, 2 Cor. i. 1, ef. Gal. 
i. 2 τ. ἐκκλησίαις τ. Ταλατίας), as if he 
were thinking rather of the one Church 
of Christ as it was represented there 
in a particular spot. In the addresses 
of the Epp. of the Captivity all mention 
of the Ecclesia is dropped, and some 
such general designations as πᾶσι τ. 
ἁγίοις (Phil.) or τ. ἁγίοις x. πιστοῖς 
(Eph., Col.) are substituted: cf. how- 
ever Philem. 2. For the Biblical 
history of the word ἐκκλησία, which 
ineant originally any public assembly 
of citizens summoned by a herald, see 
especially Hort The Christian Ecclesia 
(1898) p. 1 ff. 

ἐν θεῷ πατρί κτλ. a defining clause 
connected with ἐκκλησίᾳ, the absence 
of any uniting art. (τῇ) helping to give 
more unity to the conception (WM. 
Ῥ. 169 f.). In themselves the words 
bring out the truly Christian origin 
and character of the Ecclesia spoken 
of as compared with the many ἐκκλη- 
cia, religious and civil, which existed 
at the time at Thessalonica. Grot.: 


[I 1 


‘quae exstitit, id agente Deo Patre 
et Christo’; Caly.: ‘non alibi quae- 
rendam esse Ecclesiam, nisi ubi praeest 
Deus, ubi Christus regnat.’ 

On the formula θεὸς πατήρ in the 
salutations of the N.T. Epp. see Hort’s 
note on 1 Pet. i. 2, and on the union 
here of θεῷ πατρί and Kup. "Ino. Xp. 
under a common vinculum (ἐν) see 
Intr. p. lxvi. 

The whole phrase is an expanded 
form of the characteristic Pauline 
formula ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ by which, as 
Deissmann has shown (Die neutesta- 
mentliche Formel ‘in Christo Jesu, 
Marburg 1892), the Apostle empha- 
sizes that all Christians are locally 
united ‘within the pneumatic body 
of Christ, in so far as they together 
build up His body. 

The different titles applied to the 
Lord throughout the Epp. are dis- 
cussed in Add, Note D. 

χάρις ὑμῖν x. εἰρήνη] a greeting 
doubtless suggested by the union of 
the ordinary Gk. and Heb. forms of 
salutation (cf. 2 Mace. i. 1), though 
both are deepened διὰ spiritual- 
ized. Thus χαίρειν (cf. Ac. xv. 23, 
xxiii. 26, Jas. i. 1) now gives place to 
χάρις, a word which, without losing 
sight of the Hellenic charm and joy 
associated with the older formula, is 
the regular Pauline expression for the 
Divine favour as shown in all its free- 
ness and universality ; while εἰρήνη, so. 
far from being a mere phrase of social 
intercourse (cf. Judg. xix. 20, 2 Esdr. 
iv. 17), is not even confined to its 
general O.T. sense of harmony restored 
between God and man (e.g. Num. vi.. 
26), but has definitely in view that 
harmony as secured through the per- 
son and the work of Christ (cf. Jo. 
xiv. 27). On the varied meanings of 
xapis in the Biblical writings see 
especially Robinson Zph, p.221 ff., and 
for the corresponding growth in the 
sense of εἰρήνη see SH. p. 15 ἢ 

This same form of greeting is found 
in all the Pauline Epp. except 1, 2 
Tim. where ἔλεος is added (cf. 2 Jo, 3). 


I 2] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 5 


> - ΄σ ~~ / \ , 
"Εὐχαριστοῦμεν τῷ θεᾷ πάντοτε περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν 
/ ? \ ~ a σι Β 
μνείαν ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ τῶν προσευχῶν ἡμῶν, ἀδιαλείπτως 


It occurs also in 1, 2 Pet. In Jas. we 
have the simple χαίρειν, and in Jude 
ἔλεος x. εἰρήνη x. ἀγάπη. On St Paul’s 
use of current epistolary phrases see 
Add. Note A, and for an elaborate 
discussion on the Apostolic Greeting 
see F. Zimmer in Luthardt’s Zeit- 
schrift 1886 p. 443 ff. 

It will be noticed that the T.R. 
clause ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρός κτλ. is omitted 
by WH. in accordance with BG 47 73. 
Its insertion (SAC(?) DK LP) is clearly 
due to the desire to assimilate the 
shorter reading to the later Pauline 
practice: cf. II. i. 2. 


I. 2—III. 13. HISTORICAL AND 
PERSONAL. 
I. 2—10. THANKSGIVING FOR THE 
GOOD ESTATE OF THE THESSA- 
LONIAN CHURCH. 


The Address is followed by the 
customary Thanksgiving, which is 
found in all the Pauline Epp. except 
Gal. and the Pastorals (cf. however 
2 Tim.i.3). At the same time it is again 
clear that we have here no mere con- 
ventional formula, nor even acaptatio 
benevolentiaeas in the ancient speeches 
intended to win over the readers, but 
rather an earnest effort on the part of 
the writers to raise the thoughts of 
their converts to the God on whom 
they are wholly dependent, and in 
cousequence to rouse them to fresh 
efforts. The warmth of the thanks- 
giving on the present occasion, which 
is most nearly paralleled by Phil. i. 
3 ff., is proved by its being a ‘constant’ 
attitude (πάντοτε), and by its including 
‘all, irrespective of position or spiri- 
tual progress (περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν). 

2—5. ‘We thank the one God at 
all times for you all, making mention 
of you unceasingly when we are en- 
gaged in prayer. And indeed we have 
good cause to do so, for the thought 


of your Christian life is for us a con- 
stant fragrant memory as we recall 
how your faith proves itself in active 
work, and your love spends itself in 
toilsome service for others, and your 
hope is directed in all patience and 
perseverance to the time when Christ 
shall be revealed. Nor is this all, but, 
Brothers beloved by God, who know 
better than we the true character of 
your election to Christian privileges ? 
Its reality was proved by the power 
beyond mere words with which our 
preaching came home to you—preach- 
ing, moreover, which we felt to be 
inspired by the Divine ardour of the 
Holy Spirit, and by a perfect con- 
viction on our part of the truth of our 
message, as indeed you yourselves 
know from the manner of men we 
proved ourselves to be for your sakes,’ 

.2. Ἑὐχαριστοῦμεν κτλ.] Εὐχαριστεῖν, 
originally ‘do a good turn to,’ in the 
sense of expressing gratitude is con- 
fined to late writers (‘pro gratias 
agere ante Polybium usurpavit nemo’ 
Lob. Phryn. p. 18). It is very com- 
mon in the papyri, e.g. P.Amh. 133, 
2 ff. (ii./A.D.) πρὸ τῶν ὅλων ἀσπάζομαί 
σε καὶ εὐχαριστῶ σοι ὅτι ἐδήλωσάς μοι 
τὴν ὑγείαν σου. ἴῃ mod. Gk. it appears 
in the form ὑκαριστῶ. 

For evy. πάντοτε cf. II. i. 3, ii. 13, 
1 Cor. i. 4, Eph. v. 20, Phil. i. 3 f., and 
for the force of the art. before θεῷ see 
Intr. p. lxiv. 

μνείαν ποιούμενοι κτὰλ.}] the first of 
three conditional or modal clauses 
describing the nature of the perpetual 
thanksgiving. For μνείαν ποιεῖσθαι in 


‘the sense of ‘make mention of’ οἵ, 


Rom. i. 9, Eph. i. 16, Philem. 4, and 
for an interesting instance of its use in 
the papyri in connexion with prayer, 
see B.G.U. 632, 5 ff. (ii./A.D.) μνίαν σου 
ποιούμενος mapa τοῖς [ἐν]θάδε θεοῖς 
ἐκομισάμην [ely ἐπι[σ]τόλιον.... The 


6 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[13 


wey t “~ ~ sf ~ ~ 
ϑμνημονεύοντες ὑμῶν TOU ἔργου τῆς πίστεως καὶ TOU 


/ . ~ ᾽ / lan 
κοποὺ τῆς ayamns Kal τῆς 


phrase occurs frequently in the in- 
scriptions, e.g. Magn. 9o, 16f. (ii./B.c.) 
[ὁ δ]ημος φαίνηται μνείαν ποιούμενος 
τῶν... «κρινάντων τὰς κρίσε[ ι]ς. In the 
passage before us the customary gen. 
(ὑμῶν) is not inserted after μνείαν, 
probably on account of the imme- 
diately preceding περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν: 
cf, Eph. i. 16. 

In the N.T. προσευχή, when refer- 
ring to the act of prayer, is used only 
of prayer to God, and is a more general 
term than δέησις. The prep. ἐπί re- 
tains here a slightly local sense ‘at,’ 
‘when engaged in,’ cf. Rom.i. 10. For 
a somewhat similar use of eis see the 
ancient Christian letter reprinted in 
P.Heid. 6, τι ἢ (iv./A.D.) ἵνα μνη- 
μονΐ ε]ύης μοι εἰς τὰς ἁγίας σου εὐχάς. 

ἀδιαλείπτως] The exact connexion 
of ἀδιαλείπτως is disputed. WH. 
and many modern editors (Tisch., 
Weiss, Nestle) follow Chrys. and 
the Gk. commentators in referring 
it to the following μνημονεύοντες, but 
on the analogy of Rom. i. 9 (cf. 2 Tim, 
i. 3) it is perhaps better taken as 
qualifying pv. ποιούμ. (Syr., Vg.), a con- 
nexion that is further supported by 
the position of corresponding phrases 
in the papyri, e.g. P.Lond. I. 42, 5f. 
(ii./B.C.) of ἐν οἴκῳ πάντες σου διαπαντὸς 
μνείαν ποιούμενο. The word itself 
which is confined to late Gk. (e.g. 
Polyb. ix. 3. 8) is used in the N.T. only 
by St Paul, and always in connexion 
with prayer or thanksgiving (ii. 13, 
v.17, Rom. i. 9; cf. Ign. Eph. x. ὑπὲρ 
τῶν ἄλλων δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἀδιαλείπτως 
προσεύχεσθε). 

3. μνημονεύοντες} ‘remembering’ 
(Vg.memores, Est.memoria recolentes) 
in accordance with the general N.T. 
usage of the verb when construed with 
the gen., cf. Lk. xvii. 32, Ac. xx. 35, 
Gal. ii, το. When construed with the 
ace. as in ii, 9, Mt. xvi. 9, 2 Tim. ii..8, 
Rey. xviii. 5, it is rather ‘hold in re- 


ε ~ ~ 3 7 - 
ὑπομονῆς τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ 


membrance. In Heb. xi. 22 with περί 
it is= ‘make mention of,’ perhaps also 
in the same sense with the simple gen. _ 
in v 15 (see Westcott ad /.). 

This second participial clause intro- 
duces us to the first mention of the 
famous Pauline triad of graces, viewed 
however not in themselves but in their 
results, the gen. in each case being 
subjective, so that the meaning is 
practically, ‘remembering how your 
faith works, and your love toils, and 
your hope endures’ (cf. Blass, p. 96). 
The whole is thus a ‘brevis Christian- 
ismi veri definitio’ (Calv.), while the 
order in which the graces are here 
mentioned is not only in itself the 
natural order (cf. v. 8 and Col. i. 4, 5 
with Lft.’s note, ‘ Faith rests on the 
past ; love works in the present ; hope 
looks to the future’), but assigns 
to hope the prominence we would 
expect in an Ep. devoted so largely 
to eschatological teaching : ef. for the 
same order of results Rev. ii. 2 οἶδα 
Ta ἔργα σου, καὶ τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν 
ὑπομονήν σου. 

ὑμῶν] placed first for emphasis and 
to be repeated with each of the three 
clauses. 

τ. ἔργου τ. πίστεως not to be limited 
to any particular act of faith, but com- 
prehending the whole Christian life- 
work, as it is ruled and energized by 
faith, cf. II. i. 11, Gal. v. 6 (πίστις δύ 
ἀγάπης ἐνεργουμένη), Jas. ii. 18 ff. 

The meaning of πίστις in the N.T, 
and in some Jewish writings is dis- 
cussed by SH. p. 31 ff: see also the 
careful note in Lietzmann Riémerbrief 
p. 24 f. (in Handbuch zum N.T. 111. 
I, 1906). 

καὶ τ. κύπου τ. ἀγάπης] As distin- 
guished from ἔργον, κόπος brings out 
not only the issue of work, but the cost 
associated with it: cf. its use in the 
vernacular for πόνος, e.g. B.G.U. 844, 
10f, (i./A.D.) κόπους γάρ pot] παρέχει 


~ 


I 4] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 7 


κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ Kai 
\ ε lo 4 100 ἰδ \ > / κε \ a 
πατρὸς ἡμῶν, *eloTEs, adehhor ἠγαπημένοι ὑπὸ [τοῦ] 


14 τοῦ om BDGL al 


ἀσθενοῦντει. It is thus here the la- 
borious toil (Grot. molesti labores) 
from which love in its zeal for others 
does not shrink; cf. Rev. ii. 2f. For 
the use made of the word by St Paul 
to describe the character of his own 
life cf. ii. 9, iii. 5, II. iii. 8, 2 Cor. vi. 5, 
xi. 23, 27, and for the corresponding 
verb κοπιάω see the note on Vv. 12. 

᾿Αγάπη, not found in class. writers, 
is one of the great words of the N.T., 
where it is taken over from the Lxx. 
to describe the new religious-ethical 
principle of love that Christianity has 
created (cf. SH. p. 374 ff.). The con- 
tention however, that it is a word 
actually ‘born within the bosom of 
revealed religion’ can no longer be 
rigidly maintained: cf. Deissmann BS. 
p. 198 ff., and see further Ramsay 
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia i. 
p. 492, also Hap. T. ix. p. 567 f. 

καὶ τ. ὑπομονῆς τ. ἐλπίδος] Ὕπομονή, 
though not unknown to profane litera- 
ture, has also come like ἀγάπη to be 
closely associated with a distinctively 
Christian virtue. It is more than 
passive ‘patience’ (O.L. patientia) 
under trial, and is rather a ‘verbum 
bellicum’ pointing to the heroic 
‘endurance, the manly ‘constancy’ 
(Vg. sustinentia), with which the 
Christian believer faces the difficul- 
ties that beset him in the world: ef. 
II. i. 4, iii. 5, Rom. v. 3 f., 2 Cor. vi. 4, 
Heb. xii. 1, Rev. i. 9; and for a full 
discussion of ὑπομονή and its synonyms 
see Trench Syn. § liii. 

τ. κυρίου ἡμῶν κτλ.] The sentence 
would naturally have finished with 
ἐλπίδος, but in characteristic fashion 
St Paul lengthens it out by the addi- 
tion of two clauses, both of which are 
best taken as dependent on ἐλπίδος 
alone, rather than on all three sub- 
stantives. The first clause sets before 


us the true object of hope—r. κυρίου 
ἡμ. Ino. Xp. (gen. obj.), in accordance 
with the teaching of the whole Ep. 
which centres Christian hope in the 
thought of the speedy Parousia of 
Christ: cf. Col. i. 27 Χριστὸς ἐν ὑμῖν, 
ἡ ἐλπὶς τῆς δόξης, and see Intr. p. lxix f, 
The second clause emphasizes the 
Divine presence in which this hope 
is manifested—é¢umpoobev τ. θεοῦ x, 
πατρὸς ἡμῶν, words which may be 
rendered either ‘before God and our 
Father, or ‘before our God and 
Father” The latter rendering is 
preferable, as the art., in itself un- 
necessary, is apparently introduced 
to bind the two clauses together, and 
to connect both with ἡμῶν: cf. Gal. 
i. 4 (with Lft.’s note), Phil. iv. 20, the 
only other places where the exact 
phrase occurs. 

The strongly affirmatory ἔμπροσθεν 
τ. θεοῦ κτὰ. is characteristic of this 
Ep., cf. ii. 19 ᾿(τ. κυρίου), iil. 9, 13. 
For the thore usual ἐνώπιον τ, θεοῦ see 
Rom. xiv, 22, 1 Cor. i. 29 al, 

4. εἰδότες... ‘having come to 
know...,’ a third participial clause, 
conveying the writers’ assured know- 
ledge (contrast γνῶναι, 111, 5) of the 
Thessalonians’ election, and _ intro- 
ducing a description of the signs by 
which that knowledge has _ been 
reached, and is still enjoyed. 

ἀδελφοὶ ἠγαπημένοι κτλ.] The ordin- 
ary address of ἀδελφοί, which is very 
common in these Epp., and seems 
always to be used with a certain 
emphasis attaching to it (Intr. p. xliv), 
is here enriched by the addition of 
ἤγαπ. ὑπὸ [τοῦ] θεοῦ (ef. II. ii. 13 ἡγαπ. 
ὑπὸ Κυρίου), a phrase which in this 
exact form is not found elsewhere in 
the N.T. (cf. Jude 1 τοῖς ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ 
ἠγαπημένοις), but occurs in the Lxx, 
Sir. xlv. 1 ἠγαπημένον ὑπὸ (ἀπὸ &) 


ὃ THE FIRST EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS 


{Is 


~ \ > \ ε “ « ? / - 
θεοῦ, τὴν ἐκλογὴν ὑμῶν, ὅὅτι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ἡμῶν οὐκ 
3 / > ς δὲ ᾽ , ? \ aa / \ 
ἐγενήθη εἰς ὑμᾶς ἐν NOyw μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν δυνάμει Kal 
ἐν πνεύματι ayiw καὶ πληροφορίᾳ πολλῆ, καθὼς οἴδατε 
ματι ἁγίς ἡροφορίς ἢ, 


θεοῦ x. ἀνθρώπων : cf. also its use of 
Ptolemy in 0.G.Z.S. 90, 4 al. (ii./B.c. 
—the Rosetta stone) ἠγαπημένου ὑπὸ 
τοῦ 6a. To connect ὑπὸ [τοῦ] θεοῦ 
with τ. ἐκλογὴν vy. as in the A.V. is 
inadmissible both on account of the 
order of the words, and because in 
St Paul’s sense any other ἐκλογή than 
by God is inconceivable. 

- The use of ἀδελφοί in the N.T. to 
denote members of the same religious 
community, fellow-Christians, was 
probably taken over from Judaism 
(Ac. ii. 29, 37, iii. 17 &c.), and from 
the practice of the Lord Himself (cf. 
Mt. xii. 48, xxiii. 8); but it can also 
be illustrated from the ordinary 
language of the Apostles’ time. Thus 
in P.Tor, I. 1, 20 (ii./B.c.) the members 
of a society which had to perform 
a part of the ceremony in embalming 
bodies are described as ἀδελφοὶ οἱ τὰς 
λειτουργίας ἐν ταῖς vexpiats παρεχόμε- 
νοι, and in P.Par. 42, 1 ὅτο. (ii./B.c.) 
the same designation is applied to 
the ‘ fellows’ of a religious corporation 
established in the Serapeum of 
Memphis. See further Kenyon Bri- 
tish Museum Papyrit. p. 31, Ramsay 
C. and B. i. pp. 96 ff., 630, and for the 
evidence of the inscriptions cf. .G.ST. 
956 B. 

According to Harnack, the term, 
as a mutual designation by Christians 
of one another, fell into general disuse 
in the course of the 3rd cent., while, 
as applied by ecclesiastics to the 
laity, it came to be confined (much 
as it now is) to sermons (Mission 
und Ausbreitung des Christentums 
(1902), pp. 291, 303 (Engl. Tr. ii. pp. 
of., 31 f.)). 

τ. ἐκλογὴν ὑμῶν]! There is nothing 
in the passage to enable us to decide 
whether this ἐκλογή is to be carried 
back to God’s eternal decree (cf. Eph. 


i. 4), or whether it refers only to the 
actual admission of the Thessalonians 
into the Church. As however it is 
clearly stated to be a matter of the 
writers’ own knowledge (εἰδότες), the 
thought of the historical call must 
certainly be included. Th. Mops. : 
‘electi estis (hoe est, quemadmodum 
ad fidem accessistis).’ 

᾿Εκλογή itself, which is not found 
in the uxx. (cf. however Aq. Isa. xxii. 
7, Sm., Th. Isa. xxxvii. 24, and for 
the verb Isa. xlix. 7), occurs elsewhere 
in the N.T. six times, and always 
with reference to the Divine choice 
(Ac. ix. 15, Rom. ix. 11, xi. 5, 7, 28, 
2 Pet. i. 10). For an apparent in- 
stance of its use with reference to 
man’s choosing see Pss. Sol. ix. 7 ra 
ἔργα ἡμῶν ev ἐκλογῇ καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ tis 
ψυχῆς ἡμῶν (with Ryle and James’ 
note). The corresponding verb ἐκλέ- 
yer@a is found in the Pauline Epp. 
only 1 Cor, i. 27 f., Eph. i. 4. 

5. ὅτι] ‘how that,’ the demonstra- 
tive ὅτε introducing a description not 
of the ground of the Thessalonians’ 
election, but of the signs by which it 
was known to the Apostles—these 
being found (1) in the power and 
assurance with which they themselves 
had been enabled to preach at Thessa- 
lonica (Ὁ. 5), and (2) in the eagerness 
and joyfulness with which the Thessa- 
lonians had believed (v. 6). For this 
use of ὅτι with εἰδέναι ef. ii, 1, Rom. 
xiii. 11, 1 Cor. xvi. 15, 2 Cor. xii. 3 f. 

TO εὐαγγέλιον ἡμῶν] i.e. ‘the gospel 
which we preach,’ with reference to 
the contents of the Apostles’ message 
rather than to the act of declaring it, 
for though the Apostles might be the 
bearers of the message (ii. 4, 9, II. ii, 
14), in its origin it was God’s (ii. 2, 8, 
9), and in its substance Christ’s (iii. 2, 
II. i. 8). In this connexion the use of 


I 6] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 9 


KF ’ / ΤΉΝ ey ee Pe ~ Wi + 
οἷοι ἐγενήθημεν ᾿ ὑμῖν OC ὑμᾶς" “καὶ ὑμεῖς μιμηταὶ ἡμῶν 


5 ὑμῖν SACP 17 31 67** al Boh: ἐν ὑμῖν BDGKL al pler dr?g Vg Ephr Chr 


Thdt Ambst Theod-Mops" al 


ἐγενήθη (for form, WM. p. 102), one of 
the characteristic words of the Epp. 
(8 times against 13 in the remaining 
Pauline Epp. of which two are quota- 
tions from the Lxx.), is significant as 
pointing to a result reached through 
the working of an outside force, though 
no stress can be laid in this connexion 
on the pass. form which in the N.T., 
as in late Gk. generally, is used inter- 
changeably with the midd.: cf. e.g. 
Eph. iii. 7 with Col: i. 23, 25, and for 
the evidence of the inscriptions see 
Magn. 105 (ii./B.c.) where γενηθῆναι 
appears seven times for γενέσθαι 
(Thieme, p. 13). Similarly, in accord- 
ance with the tendency in late Gk. to 
substitute prepositional phrases for 
the simple cases, εἰς ὑμᾶς can hardly 
be taken as equivalent to more than 
viv: cf. ii. 9, 1 Pet. i. 25. 

For the history of the word evay- 
γέλιον see Add. Note E. 

οὐκ...ἐν λόγῳ μόνον κτλ.] The in- 
fluence in which the Gospel came 
to the Thessalonians, is now stated 
first negatively (οὐκ év Ady. μόν.) and 
then positively in a series of closely 
related substantival clauses, the first 
(ἐν δυνάμει) laying stress on the effec- 
tive power with which the Gospel was 
brought home to the Thessalonians, 
the second and third (ἐν πνεύμ. ay. x. 
᾿ wAnpod. πολλῇ : note the common pre- 
position) on the Divine fervour which 
the Spirit had been the means of en- 
kindling (cf. Eph. v. 18), and of which 
‘much assurance’ was the character- 
istic mark. 

For the contrast between-Adyos and 
δύναμις cf. 1 Cor. ii. 4, iv. 20, and 
for the phrase πνεῦμα ἅγιον where 
ἅγιον retains its full force as marking 
the essential characteristic of the 
Spirit spoken of cf. 2 Cor. vi. 6, 1 Pet. 


i. 12 (with Hort’s note), and see also 
Weber Jiidische Theologie (1897) 
p. 190 ff. 

πληροφορίᾳ] Πληροφορία (not found 
in class. writers or Lxx.) is here used | 
in its characteristic N.T. sense of 
‘full assurance’ or ‘confidence’ (‘in 
muche certaintie of persuasion’ Gene- 
van N.T. 1557), cf. Col. ii. 2, Heb. vi. . 
11, x. 22; Clem. R. Cor. xlii. 3 pera 
πληροφορίας πνεύματος ἁγίου ἐξῆλθον, 
εὐαγγελιζόμενοι. 

The corresponding verb is found 
five times in the Pauline Epp., and 
elsewhere in the N.T. only in Lk. i. 1. 
An interesting ex. of its use is afforded 
by P.Amh. 66, 42 f. (ii./A.D.) in an 
account of certain judicial proceed- 
ings where the complainer, having 
failed to make good his accusation, is 
invited by the strategus to bring 
forward his witnesses to support it— 
ἵνα δὲ καὶ νῦν πληροφορήσω ἐλθέτωσαν 
ovs ἄγεις, ‘but now also to give you 
full satisfaction, let the persons whom 
you bring come.’ In mod. Gk. πληρο- 
gopia denotes simply ‘information’ : 
cf. for an approximating use of the 
verb in this sense Rom. iv. 21. 

καθὼς οἴδατε] καθώς (a late form 
for Attic καθά, Lob. Phryn. p. 426, 
Rutherford WV. P. p. 495) introducing 
an epexegesis of what has preceded, 
ef. 1 Cor.i. 6. For the appeal to the 
Thessalonians’ own knowledge see 
Intr. p. xliv. 

οἷοι ἐγενήθημεν κτλ. ‘what manner 
of men we proved ourselves to you 
for your sakes’—oio. pointing to the 
spiritual power of the preachers, and 
dv ὑμᾶς (Vg. propter vos, Beza vestri 
causa) bringing out the interest and 
advantage of those for whom, accord- 
ing to God’s purpose, that power was 
exercised (cf. P.Grenf. 1. 15, οὗ, (ii./B.0.) 


ΙΟ THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[17 


/ ~ / 
ἐγενήθητε καὶ τοῦ κυρίου, δεξάμενοι τὸν λόγον ἐν θλίψει 
΄ \ ~ / e 7 .« 7 
7 
πολλῇ μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου, Τὥστε γενέσθαι 


ἐσόμεθα διὰ σὲ [βεβοηθημέ]ναι).. For 
ἐγενήθημεν see above, and for the 
general thought ef. 2 Cor. iv. 7—15. 

The omission of ἐν before ὑμῖν (see 
crit. note) may have been due to the 
influence of -θημεν, while its retention 
(WH. mg.) is further favoured by the 
antithetical δι᾿ ὑμᾶς : see Findlay’s crit. 
note where iii, 7, iv. 14, 2 Cor. i, 11, 
20, 111, 18, Rom. i. 17 are cited for the 
like Pauline play upon prepositions. 

6,7. ‘As regards yourselves fur- 
ther, you on your own part also gave 
proof of your election by showing 
yourselves imitators of us—yes, and 
not of us only, but of the Lord. We 
refer more particularly to your atti- 
tude towards the Word, which was 
marked by a deep inward joy notwith- 
standing much outward affliction. So 
unmistakably indeed did you exhibit 
this spirit that you became an en- 
sample to all Christian believers both 
in Macedonia and in Achaia.’ 


6. καὶ ὑμεῖς μιμηταί κτλ.] A second 


proof of the Thessalonians’ ἐκλογή, 
which, instead of being thrown into 
a second subordinate clause depen- 
dent on εἰδότες, is stated in a separate 
sentence. Ὑμεῖς is emphatic, ‘You on 
your part,’ while the periphrasis with 
ἐγενήθητε again lays stress on the 
moral responsibility of those spoken 
of (cf. Gildersleeve Syntaa δὲ 61, 141). 
Μιμηταί ‘imitators’ (R.V.) rather than 
‘followers’ (A.V. and all previous Engl. 
versions): cf. ii. 14; 1 Cor. iv. 16, xi. 1, 
Eph. v. 1, Heb. vi, 12, the only other 
places where the word is found in 
the N.T., and see also Xen. Mem. i. 
6. 3 of διδάσκαλοι τοὺς μαθητὰς μιμητὰς 
ἑαυτῶν ἀποδεικνύουσιν (cited by Koch). 
For the corresponding verb see II. iii, 
7, 9. The compound συνμιμητής is 
found in Phil. iii. 17. 


k. τοῦ kxupiov} Ambrstr. ‘ipsius- 


Domini, Beng.: ‘ Christi, qui Patris 
apostolum egit, et verbum de coelo 


attulit, et sub adversis docuit’—a 
clause added to prevent any possible 
misunderstanding by showing the real - 
source of what the Thessalonians were 
called upon to imitate: cf. 1 Cor. xi. 
1, Eph. v. 1, and for the title rod 
κυρίου see Add. Note D, 

δεξάμενοι τὸν λόγον] The special 
ground of imitation is now stated, 
consisting not only in the ‘ready re- 
ception’ (Vg. excipientes, Calv. am- 
plexi estis) of ‘the word’ but in the 
interwoven affliction and joy with 
which that reception was accompanied, 
For δέχομαι see ii, 13 note. 

θλίψει) Θλίψις (or θλῖψις, WSchm, 
Ῥ. 68) like the Lat. tribulatio, is a 
good ex. of a word transformed to 
meet a special want in the religious 
vocabulary. Occurring very rarely in 
profane Gk. writers even of a late 
period, and then only in the literal 
sense of ‘pressure, it is found fre- 
quently both in the Lxx. and N.T. to 
denote the ‘affliction,’ ‘ trial,” which is 
the true believer’s lot in the world; 
cf. Rom. v. 3, vili. 35, xii, 12, 2 Cor, 
i. 4. For the existence of these afflic- 
tions at Thessalonica cf. iii. 3, 7, LI. i. 
4 ff.; and see Intr. p. xxxii. 

μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου] Πνεύ- 
ματος gen, of originating cause, ‘joy 
inspired by, proceeding from the Holy 
Spirit’: cf. Rom. xiv. 17 χαρὰ ἐν πνεύ- 
ματι ἁγίῳ, XV. 13, Gal. v, 22. Thdt.: 
πάντων μέγιστον τὸ.. πνευματικῆς ἡδονῆς 
ἐμφορεῖσθαι. 

For this union of suffering and joy as 
marking ‘a new aeon’ in the world’s 
history, see for St Paul’s own case 
2 Cor. vi. 10, Col. i. 24, and for the 
Macedonian Churches generally 2 Cor. 
viii. 1,2; cf. also 1 Pet. iv. 13. 

Mera with gen. to denote manner 
is very frequent in the Κοινή, e.g. P. 


Oxy. 292, 5f. (i./A.D.) διὲ παρακαλῶ oe 


pera πάσης δυνάμεως (Other exx. in 
Kuhring, p. 34). 3 


17] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS II 


e ~~ r / “ἢ ~ ~ / ? ~ M ὃ , 
υμας = TUTOV Taolv TOL WlOTEVOVOLY EV TH AKE Ova 


" τύπον BD* 617 67** aldr?g Vg Syr (Pesh) Sah (?) Boh (?) Arm Aeth Ephr 
Ambst Theod-Mops al: τύπους SACGKLP 37 al pler g Syr (Harel) Chr Thdt αἱ 


7. ὥστε γένεσθαι)] The inf. intro- 
duced by ὥστε is here consecutive, 
and points to a result actually reached 
and not merely contemplated (Votaw, 
p. 13)—this result being further 
viewed in its direct dependence upon 
the previously-mentioned cause. Ὥστε 
is found with the ind. with a somewhat 
similar force in Jo. iii, 16, Gal. ii. 13, 
but as a rule when so construed the 
conjunction (as in class, Gk.,- Jelf 
§ 863) does little more than draw 
attention to the result as a new fact 
without emphasizing its connexion 
with what went before: see Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 209 f. 

τύπον] ‘an ensample,’ the use of the 
sing. showing that it is the community 
as a whole that is thought of: cf. II, 
iii. 9, Didache iv. 11 ὑμεῖς δὲ [οἱ] δοῦλοι 
ὑποταγήσεσθε τοῖς κυρίοις ὑμῶν ὡς τύπῳ 
θεοῦ.... The ν.]. τύπους (W H. mg.) pro- 
bably arose from assimilation to ὑμᾶς. 

In itself ruzos (τύπτω) meant origin- 
ally the ‘mark’ of a blow (cf. Jo. xx. 
25 τ. τύπον Tt. ἤλων), and from being 
frequently used to denote the ‘stamp’ 
struck by a die came to be applied to 
the ‘figure’ which a stamp bears, or 
more generally to any ‘copy’ or 
‘image. Hence by a natural transi- 
tion from effect to cause, it got the 
meaning of ‘pattern, ‘model,’ and 
finally of ‘type’ in the more special 
Bibl. sense of a person or event pre- 
figuring someone or something in the 
future. For the history of the word 
and its synonyms see Radford Exp. 
Vv. vi. p. 377 ff., and add the interest- 
ing use of the word in the inscriptions 
to denote the ‘models’ in silver of 
different parts of the body, presented 
as votive offerings to the god through 
whose agency those parts had been 
healed; see Roberts-Gardner p. 161 
with reference to Ο.1.4. 11. 403 
(iii./B.C.). 


πᾶσιν τ. πιστεύουσιν ‘to all believers,’ 
the part. with the art. being practi- 
cally equivalent to a substantive ; cf. 
ii. το, II. i. 10 (τ. πιστεύσασι), and for 
the similar technical use of οἱ πιστοί 
(1 Tim. iv. 12) see Harnack Miss. τι. 
Ausbr. p. 289 (Engl. Tr. ii. p. 6 f.). 

ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ κτλ.}] The repe- 
tition of the art. shows that the 
writers are here thinking of Mace- 
donia and Achaia as the two distinct 
though neighbouring provinces into 
which after 142 B.c. Greece was 
divided, whereas in the next verse | 
they are classed together as embrac- 
ing European Greece as a whole (cf, 
Ac. xix. 21, Rom. xv. 26), 

For the extension of the Gospel 
throughout Macedonia cf. iv. 10, and 
for the existence of believers in 
Achaia see such passages as Ac. xvii. 
34, xviii. 8, 2 Cor.i.1. It heightened 
the praise of the Thessalonians that it 
was to ‘nations so great and so famed 
for wisdom’ (Thdt.) that they served 
as an ensample. 

8—r1o. Further confirmation of 
what has just been stated in Ὁ. 7. 

‘We say this of your ensample, for 
indeed our experience has been that 
from you as a centre the word of the 
Lord has sounded out like a clear and 
ringing trumpet-blast in the districts 
just mentioned, and not only so, but 
your faith in the one true God has 
gone forth everywhere. Common 
report indeed speaks so fully of this 
that it is unnecessary that we our- 
selves should add anything. All are 
prepared to testify that as the result 
of our mission amongst you, you have 
turned from many false idols to the 
service of one God who is both living 
and true, and are confidently waiting 
for the return of His Son out of the 
heavens. We mean of course Jesus, 
whom God raised from the dead, and 


12 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


καὶ ἐν th “Ayal 
ν᾿ τῇ Axate. 
-~ > * ~ 
τοὺ κυρίου οὐ μόνον ἐν TH 


to whom we all have learned to look 
as our Rescuer from the Wrath that is 
even now coming.’ 

8. ad’ ὑμῶν] ‘from you as a centre’ 
(cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 36), rather than ‘ by 
your instrumentality’ as missionaries, 
which would naturally, though not 
necessarily (Blass p. 125), have been 
ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν. 

ἐξήχηται] ᾿Ἐξηχέω. am. dey. N.T., is 
found in the Ltxx. Joel iii. (iv.) 14, 
3 Macc. iii. 2 V, Sir. xl. 13 ὡς βροντὴ 
μεγάλη ev ὑετῷ ἐξηχήσει, cf. Philo in 
Place. ὃ 6 (ii. p. 522 M.) ἐκ περιεσ- 
τῶτος ἐν κύκλῳ πλήθους ἐξήχει βοή τις 
ἄτοπος. The Engl. verss. from Tindale 
(with the exception of Rheims ‘ was 
bruited’) agree in the rendering 
‘sounded out’ (Beza personuit, Erasm. 
exsonuit, sive ebuccinatus est), pointing 
to the clear, ringing nature of the 
report as of a trumpet (Chrys. ὥσπερ 
σάλπιγγος λαμπρὸν ἠχούσης). Lft. finds 
the underlying metaphor rather in the 
sound of thunder (cf. Sir. xl. 13 quoted 
above and Pollux i. 118 ἐξήχησεν 
Bpovrn), and recalls Jerome’s descrip- 
tion of St Paul’s own words, ‘non 
verba sed tonitrua’ (Zp. 48). 

ὁ λόγος Tov κυρίου] a familiar O.T. 
phrase for a prophetic utterance, used 
here with* direct reference to the 
Gospel-message (‘a word having the 
Lord for its origin, its centre, and its 
end’ Eadie) which had been received 
by the Thessalonians, and which they 
had been the means of diffusing to 
others. The exact phrase, though 
frequent in Ac., is used elsewhere by 
St Paul only II. iii. 1. Afterwards he 
prefers ὁ λόγος τ. θεοῦ, and once, in 
Col. iii. 16, ὁ λόγος τ. χριστοῦ (Mg. 
κυρίου). 

οὐ μόνον ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ κτλ. If we 
follow the usual punctuation, the con- 
struction of the rest of the sentence 
is irregular, as instead of ev π. τύπῳ 
standing in opposition to ἐν τ. Mak. x. 


[18 


Sap’ ὑμῶν yap ἐξήχηται ὁ λόγος 
Μακεδονίᾳ καὲ ᾿Αχαίᾳ, ἀλλ᾽ 


"Ay. we find ἃ new subject introduced, 
It has accordingly been proposed to 
place a colon after τ. κυρίου, dividing 
v. 8 into two parts. The first part 
ad’ ὑμῶν... κυρίου then gives the reason 
of ». 7, and the second part takes up 
the preceding ἐξήχηται, and works it 
out according to locality. This yields 
good sense, but it is simpler to find 
here another ex. of St Paul’s im- 
petuous style. He had meant to stop 
at τόπῳ, but in his desire to make a 
forcible climax he lengthens out the 
sentence. 

As regards the fact, the situation 
of Thessalonica made it an excellent 
centre for missionary enterprise (Intr. 
p. xxii), while it is possible as further 
explaining the hyperbole ἐν παντὶ 
τόπῳ (cf. Rom. i. 8, xvi. 19, 2 Cor. 
ii. 14, Col. i. 6, 23) that St Paul had 
just heard from Aquila and Priscilla, 
who had recently arrived in Corinth 
from Rome, that the faith of the 
Thessalonians was already known 
there (so Wieseler Chronol. p. 42). 

The preposition ἐν following a verb 
of motion may have a certain signifi- 
cance as indicating the permanence 
of the report in the regions indicated 
(WM. p. 514), a fact that is also im- 
plied in the use of the perf. ἐξελήλυθεν, 
but the point cannot be pressed in 
view of the frequent occurrence of ἐν 
for eis in late Gk.: see the exx. in 
Hatzidakis p. 210, eg. Acta Joh. 
(Zahn) 36 ἤλθομεν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ, to 
which Moulton (Prolegg. p. 234) adds 
the early P.Par. το, 2 f. (ii./B.c.) παῖς 
ἀνακεχώρηκεν ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ. For the 
corresponding εἰς for ἐν ef. B.G.U. 
385, 5f. (ii—iii./a.D.) ἡ θυγαϊτἼ]ηρ μου 
is ᾿Αλεξανδρείαν ἔσσι. 

Ἐξέρχομαι is used in a similar Ἢ 
connexion in Rom. x. 18 (Lxx.), 1 Cor. 
xiv. 36, and, like the preceding ἐξηχέω, 
conveys the idea of rapid, striking 
progress. Chrys.: ὥσπερ yap περὶ 


Ι 9] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 13 


3 \ / € 4 « a ε \ \ A 3 / 
ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν ἡ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐξελή- 
θ .« \ / 1 fea, ~ i > \ \ 
λυῦθεν, ὥστε μὴ χρείαν ἔχειν ἡμᾶς λαλεῖν τι" PavTOL yap 

“ » ᾽ \ 

περὶ "ἡμῶν' ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν πρὸς 
~ ΄σ 3 / \ \ \ > \ ~ 
ὑμάς, Kal πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς Tov θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν 


9 ἡμῶν] ὑμῶν Β αἱ ἃ Sah Thdt al 


ἐμψύχου τινὸς διαλεγόμενος, ᾿οὕτως 
εἶπεν, "ἐξελήλυθεν" - οὕτως ἦν σφοδρὰ 
καὶ ἐνεργής. 

ἡ πίστις vp. ἡ πρὸς τ. θεόν] The 
connecting art. ἡ is here inserted 
before the defining clause to prevent 
ambiguity (Blass p. 160), while the 
definite τὸν θεόν emphasizes ‘the God’ 
towards whom the Thessalonians’ faith 
is directed in contrast with their pre- 
vious attitude towards ra εἴδωλα (Ὁ. 9). 

ὥστε μὴ χρείαν κτλ.}] On ὥστε with 
inf. see v. 7 note, and for χρείαν ἔχειν 
followed by the simple inf. ef. iv. 9, 
v. 1, Mt. iii. 14, xiv. 16, also Heb. v. 12. 
Λαλεῖν can hardly be distinguished 
here from λέγειν, but in accordance 
with its original reference to personal, 
friendly intercourse, it perhaps draws 
attention to the free and open nature 
of the communication thought of. 
The verb is especially characteristic 
of the Fourth Gospel, where it is 
assigned to Christ thirty-three times 
in the first person, cf. especially for 
the sense Jo, xviii. 20 ἐγὼ παρρησίᾳ 
λελάληκα τῷ κόσμῳ...καὶ ἐν κρυπτῷ 
ἐλάλησα οὐδέν, and see Abbott Joh. 
Grammar p. 203. 

9. αὐτοὶ γάρ] 1.6. the men of Mace- 
doniaandelsewhere. For an ingenious 
conjecture that the reading of the 
verse ought to be αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀπαγγέλ- 
Aere... With reference to a letter sent 
by the Thessalonians to St Paul see 
Rendel Harris, Exp. v. viii. p. 170 f., 
and cf. Intr. p. xxx. 

ὁποίαν εἴσοδον] ‘what sort of en- 
trance’—eicodov being used of the ‘act 
of entering’ (ii. 1, Ac. xiii. 24) rather 
than of the ‘means of entering’ (Heb. 
Χ. 19, 2 Pet. i. 11), while the indirect 


interrogative ὁποίαν (WM. p. 209 n.°) 
points to the nature of that entrance, 
how happy and successful it was (Ὁ. 5). 

For the disappearance of ὁποῖος 
from common Gk. (elsewhere in N.T. 
only Ac. xxvi. 29, Gal. ii. 6, 1 Cor. 
iii. 13, Jas. i. 24) see WSchm. p. 191, 
Meisterhans p. 237. It is found in 
the curious combination ὅτι ὁποίαν in 
P.Gen. 54, 1 ff. (iii./A.D.) oidas...dr¢ 
ὁποίαν προέρεσιν ἔχω καὶ oidas...0re 
γν[ μη ὁποία ἐστιν. 

καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε κτλ.] ‘and how 
you turned...’ not ‘returned’ (as in 
A.V. 1611), ém- having here appar- 
ently simply a directive force, cf. Rev. 
i. 12. For the bearing of the whole 
clause on the generally Gentile charac- 
ter of the Thessalonian Church see 
Intr, p. xliif. The thought of manner 
(Chrys. : εὐκόλως, μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς σφο- 
δρότητος) if not wholly wanting in πῶς 
is certainly not prominent, as in late 
Gk. the word is practically = ὅτε (Blass 
p. 230, Hatzidakis p. 19). 

᾿ΕἘπιστρέφειν, While frequent in Acts 
of Gentiles turning to God, is not 
again used by St Paul in this sense; 
contrast Gal. iv. 9, 2 Cor. iii. 16, the 
only other places in his Epp. where it 
occurs. To indicate the fact of con- 
version the Apostle preferred as a 
rule such general terms as πιστεύειν, 
ὑπακούειν, perhaps as emphasizing not 
the mere turning away from error, but 
the positive laying hold of truth. That 
however this latter condition was ful- 
filled in the Thessalonians’ case is 
proved by the description that follows 
of their Christian life under the two- 
fold aspect of doing and of waiting, of 
active service and of confident hope. 


14 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[I 10 


’ ΄ι- ΄ο \ ΄σ A / 
εἰδώλων δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀληθινῷ, Kal ἀναμένειν 

΄ ΄σ ΄σ rat af ΄σ 
τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν, ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] 


10 τῶν om AC αἱ Eus 


δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι xrd.] ‘to serve 
God living and true,’ the absence of 
the art. drawing attention to God in 
His character rather than in His 
person, and δουλεύειν (inf. of purpose) 
pointing to complete, whole-hearted 
service: cf. Rom. xii. 11, xiv. 18, xvi. 
18, Eph. vi. 7, Col. iii. 24, and for the 
thought Jer. iii. 22 ἐπιστράφητε.. «ἰδοὺ 
δοῦλοι ἡμεῖς ἐσόμεθά σοι, ὅτι σὺ Κύριος 
ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν εἶ, [Eng. Ch. Cat.: ‘My 
duty towards God is... to serve Him 
truly all the days of my life.’] 

AovAevew is apparently never used 
in a religious sense in pagan literature: 
cf. however ἱερόδουλοι as a designa- 
tion of the votaries of Aphrodite at 
Corinth. 

Under ζῶντι in accordance with the 
- regular O.T. conception (Deut. v. 26, 
Jos. iii. 10, Dan. vi. 20, 26; cf. Sanday 
Exp. T. xvi. p. 153 ff.) must be in- 
cluded not merely the being, but the 
activity or power of God (Ac. xiv. 15, 
2 Cor. iii. 3, Heb. ix. 14; ef. Grill 
Untersuchungen tiber die Entstehung 
des vierten Evangeliums (1902) i. p. 
237); while ἀληθινῷ (here only in St 
Paul) is ‘true’ in the sense of ‘real’ 
(Jo. xvii. 3, 1 Jo. v. 20; οὗ Trench 
Syn. ὃ viii.), the ‘very’ God of the 
creeds as distinguished from false 
gods who are mere empty shams and 


shows (εἴδωλα, in Lxx. for DrDroN 


nothings Lev. xix. 4 &., and 0°33 
breaths Deut, xxxii. 21, Jer. xvi. 19 
&c.). Thdt.: ζῶντα μὲν αὐτὸν ὠνόμα- 
σεν, ὡς ἐκείνων [τῶν εἰδώλων] οὐ 
ζώντων" ἀληθινὸν δέ, ὡς ἐκείνων ψευδῶς 
θεῶν καλουμένων. 

10. καὶ ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ] 
᾿Αναμένειν, am. dey. N.T., but fairly 
frequent in the Lxx., e.g. Job vii. 2, 
Isa. lix. 11 ἀνεμείναμεν κρίσιν, and see 
also the instructive parallel from 


Aesch. Hum. 243 ἀναμένω τέλος δίκης 
(cited by Chase The Lord’s Prayer 
p. 72 n.”). The leading thought here 
seems to be to wait for one whose 
coming is expected (Beng.: ‘de eo 
dicitur, qui abiit ita, ut venturus sit’), 
perhaps with the added idea of pa- 
tience and confidence (dva-, Winer 
de verb. comp. pt. iii. p. 15). In Ae. 
i. 4 περιμένειν is found in the same 
sense. The more general word is 
ἀπεκδέχεσθαι, 1 Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii. 20. 
Calv.: ‘Ergo quisque in vitae sanctae 
cursu perseverare volet, totam men- 
tem applicet ad spem adventus 
Christi.’ 

For τὸν υἱὸν avrot—the only place 
in these Epp. where Christ is so de- 
scribed—see Intr. p. Ixvi. 

ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν] ‘out of the heavens’ 
(Wycl. fro heuenes: Tind. and the 
other Engl. verss. preserve the sing.). 
The plur. may be a mere Hebraism, 
the corresponding Heb. word DYDY 


being plur. in form, but it is possible 
that St Paul’s language here, as else- 
where, is influenced by the Rabbinic 
theory of a plurality of heavens, gene- 
rally regarded as seven in number, 
through which ‘the Beloved’ ascends 
and descends: cf. especially The As- 
cension of Isaiah vi.—xi., and on the 
whole subject see Morfill and Charles 
Book of the Secrets of Enoch p. 
xxxff., Cumont Religions ortent.(1907) 
p. 152. This reference must not how- 
ever be pressed in view of the fact 
that the sing. actually occurs oftener 
than the plur. (11: 10) in the Pauline 
writings: note particularly the use of 
the sing. in practically the same con- 
text as here in iv. 16, II. i. 7. 

It may be added as showing the 
difference in usage among the N.T. 
writers that in St Matthew’s Gospel 
the plur. is used more than twice as 


T ro] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 15 


a > ~ A e F € ~ 9 ΄σ ᾽ ΄σ ~ 
νεκρῶν, ᾿Ιησοῦν Tov ῥνόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς 


ἐρχομένης. 


often as the sing. (55: 27), while in the 
Apocalypse out of 52 occurrences of 
the word only one is in the plur. (xii. 
12), and that in a passage under the 
direct influence of the Lxx. (Isa. xliv. 
23, xlix. 13, cf. also Dan. iii. 59), where 
the plur. ovpavoi (like our colloquial 
heavens) is frequently used of the 
visible sky, especially in the Pss. (e.g. 
viii. 4, xviii. (xix.) 2; cf. F. W. Mozley 
The Psalter of the Church (1905) p. 4). 

For the use of the art. before ovpa- 
νῶν in the present passage cf. Mt. iii. 
17, Mk. i. 11 (WSchm. p. 162). 

ov ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν] ‘whom 
He (sc. God) raised out of the dead’— 
the resurrection of Jesus being traced 
as always in the Pauline teaching to 
the direct act of God, οἵ, 1 Cor. vi. 
14, xv. 15, Gal. i. 1 ὅτ. . It is to be 
noted that in the present passage the 
thought of the resurrection is intro- 
duced not as the argumentum pal- 
marium for the Divine Sonship (as in 
Rom. i. 4), but, in accordance with 
the context, as the necessary prelude 
to Christ’s Return, and the general 
resurrection by which it will be ac- 
companied: cf. Rom. viii. 11, 1 Cor. 
xv. 20 ff., 2 Cor. iv. 14, Col. i. 18, and 
especially the words spoken at Athens 
so shortly before Ac. xvii. 31. Calv.: 
‘in hune finem resurrexit Christus, 
ut eiusdem gloriae nos omnes tan- 


dem consortes faciat, qui sumus eius © 


membra.’ 

For ἐγείρειν cf. iv. 14 note, and for 
the phrase ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν (elsewhere 
with art. only Eph. v. 14, Col. i. 18) 
see WSchm. p. 163. 

Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς] It is 
the historical Jesus (Add. Note D) 
Who acts as ‘our Rescuer’ (cf. Rom. xi. 
26 from uxx. Isa. lix. 20), the thought 
of deliverance by power being appar- 
ently always associated with ῥύεσθαι 
in the Bibl. writings (cf. Gen. xlviii. 16, 
Rom. vii. 24, xv. 31, 2 Cor. i. Io, 


2 Tim. iv. 17 f.), while the following 
ἐκ (contrast ἀπό II. iii. 2) emphasizes 
its completeness in the present in- 
stance— He brings us altogether out 
of the reach of future judgment’; cf, 
Sap. xvi. 8 and see Ps.-Clem. vi. 7 
ποιοῦντες γὰρ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ. Χριστοῦ 
εὑρήσομεν ἀνάπαυσιν" εἰ δὲ μήγε οὐδὲν 
ἡμᾶς ῥύσεται ἐκ τῆς αἰωνίου κολάσεως 
(cited by Chase The Lord’s Prayer 
Ρ. 79, where the constructions of 
ῥύεσθαι are fully discussed). 

ἐκ τ. ὀργῆς τ. ἐρχομένης] ‘out of 
the wrath that is coming "---τῆς ὀργῆς, 
as in 11, 16, Rom. ili. 5, v. 9, ix. 22, 
xiii. 5, being used absolutely of the 
Divine wrath, and in accordance 
with the context (ἀναμέν. τ. υἱόν κτλ.) 
and the general N.T. usage, having 
here the definite eschatological refer- 
ence for which the language of the 
prophetic writings has prepared us, 
cf. e.g. Isa. ii. 1o—22, Zeph. iii. ὃ ff, 
and see further Ritschl Rechtfer- 
tigung u. Versihnung® ii. Ὁ. 142 ff. 
A similar application of the term is 
found in Judaistic literature, e.g. Book 
of Jubilees xxiv. 30 (‘nor one that will 
be saved on the day of the wrath of 
judgment’), Secrets of Enoch xliv. 2 
(‘the great wrath of the Lord shall 
consume him’), and for classical usage 
ef. Kur. Hipp. 438 ὀργαὶ δ᾽ εἰς σ᾽ ἐπέ- 
σκηψαν θεᾶς. 

This wrath is further described as 
τῆς ἐρχομένης (cf. Eph. v. 6, Col. iii. 6), 
the repeated art. drawing attention 
to ‘coming’ as its essential feature, 
while both verb and tense bring out 
the certainty and perhaps the near- 
ness of its approach (cf. v. 2 note). 

Needless to say it is no angry re- 
sentment that is thought of, but the 
hostility to sin which is as necessary 
a part of God’s nature as His love; 
cf. Isa. lxi. 8, Zech. viii. 17, and see 
Lact. de ird Dei 5: ‘nam si deus non 
irascitur impiis et iniustis, nec pios 


16 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 1, 2 


IT. 


τ Αὐτοὶ yap οἴδατε, ἀδελφοί, τὴν εἴσοδον ἡμῶν 


\ A ε ΄σ « 3 \ “ 2 .9 \ , 
τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς OTL οὐ κενὴ γέγονεν, "ἄλλα προπαθόντες 
ε , \ af > > 
καὶ ὑβρισθέντες καθὼς οἴδατε ἐν Φιλίπποις ἐπαρρησια- 
/ > ~ ~ 8 “ - ε ~ 
σάμεθα ἐν τῷ θεᾷ ἡμῶν λαλῆσαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς TO εὐαγγέ- 


utique iustosque diligit.... In rebus 
enim diversis, aut in utramque par- 
tem moveri necesse est, aut in 
neutram.’ 

On the bearing of vv. 9, 10 on the 
missionary teaching of St Paul see 
Intr. p. xlii f. 


11, 1—12. GENERAL CHARACTER OF 
THE AposToLIC MINISTRY AT 
THESSALONICA. 


Having borne witness to the reality 
of the ‘ election’ of their Thessalonian 
converts, the Apostles now turn to 
deal more particularly with certain 
charges that had been brought against 
themselves after their departure from 
Thessalonica, and of which they had 
heard probably through Timothy 
(Intr. p. xxx). This section of the 
Epistle accordingly takes the form 
of an ‘apologia,’ or a vindication on 
the part of St Paul and his com- 
panions of their Apostolic claims, in 
so far as these were evidenced by 
their entrance into Thessalonica 
(wv. 1, 2), the general character of 
their preaching (vz. 3, 4), and its par- 
ticular methods (vv. 5—12). Compare 
with the whole section, both for lan- 
guage and tone, 2 Cor. iv. 1—6. 

1,2. ‘Why speak however of the 
report of others, seeing that we can 
confidently appeal to your own ex- 
perience as to the effective character 
of our ministry. For even though we 
were subjected to shameful contumely, 
as you well know, at Philippi, never- 
theless we boldly declared to you the 
Gospel of God. Not that this boldness 
was our own. It came to us from 
God, and so upheld us in the midst of 
the opposition we encountered.’ 

1. Αὐτοὶ yap οἴδατε κτλ.] Anappeal 
again to the Thessalonians’ own ex- 


perience (cf. i. 5), as distinguished 
from the report of others (αὐτοί emph.), 
and strengthened in the present in- 
stance by the repetition of the 
significant ἀδελφοί (ef. i. 4); while the 
resumptive yap refers back to i. 9%, 
and in meaning is almost =‘ however.’ 

ov κενὴ γέγονεν] ‘hath not been 
found vain’—the reference being to 
the essential content of the Apostles’ 
preaching rather than to its results. 
(Chrys.: οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνη, οὐδὲ ἡ τυ- 
χοῦσα; Beng.: ‘non inanis, sed plena 
virtutis.’) That however an enduring 
result was secured is proved by the 
perf, γέγονεν. For κενός in this sense 
ef. τ Cor. xv. τὸ and see Trench Syn. 
§ xlix., and for the form of the 
sentence by which οἴδατε claims in 
anticipation the subj. of γέγονεν for 
its object see WM. p. 781. 

2. ἀλλὰ προπαθόντες κτλ. See 
Ac. xvi. 19 ff, Phil. i. 30. Προπα- 
θόντες (class., dm. rey. N.T.) finds its 
full explanation in the second parti- 
ciple which is almost=aore καὶ ὑβ- 
picOnva: cf. Dem. 6. Conon. ad init. 
ὑβρισθείς, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, καὶ παθὼν 
ὑπὸ Κόνωνος (cited by Wetstein). 
More than the bodily suffering it was 
the personal indignity that had been 
offered to him as a Roman citizen 
(cf. Cic. in Verr. v. 66 ‘scelus ver- 
berare [civem Romanum|]’) that had 
awakened a sense of contumely in 
St Paul’s mind. For a similar use 
of ὑβρίζειν cf. Mt. xxii. 6, Lk. xviii. 32, 
Ac. xiv. 5, 2 Mace. xiv. 42, 3 Mace. vi. 9. 
The somewhat awkward repetition of 
καθὼς οἴδατε after οἴδατε (Ὁ. 1) brings 
out strongly the writers’ desire to 
carry their readers along with them 
(Intr. p. xliv). 

ἐπαρρησιασάμεθα ἐν τῷ θεῷ κτλ.] In 
itself ἐπαρρησιασάμεθα may refer gene- 


II 3,4] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 17 


-:. wn ᾿ o ~~ e \ / e _ 

λιον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν πολλῷ ἀγῶνι. 34 γὰρ παράκλησις ἡμῶν 
29Q\ > / 3 \ 

οὐκ ἐκ πλάνης οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀκαθαρσίας οὐδὲ ἐν δόλῳ, “ἀλλὰ 


rally to the Apostles’ whole attitude, 
but as the verb is always used else- 
where in the N.T. (Ac.’, Eph.) of the 
bold proclamation of the Gospel it is 
better to give it the full meaning 
‘became bold of speech’ (aor. of in- 
ception, Kiihner? ὃ 386. 5), the nature 
of this boldness being further brought 
out by the explanatory inf. λαλῆσαι 
(i. 8 note), while the added clause ἐν 
τ. θεῷ ny. points to its true source. 
Oecum.: διὰ τὸν ἐνδυναμοῦντα θεὸν 
τοῦτο ποιῆσαι τεθαρρήκαμεν. 

The expression ‘our God’ is rare 
in the Pauline Epp., occurring else- 
where only in iii. 9, II. i. 11, 12, 1 Cor. 
vi. 11: it is common in the Apocalypse. 

ἐν πολλῷ ἀγῶνι] ‘in much conflict’— 
the reference, as the context shows, 
being to the eaternal dangers to 
which the Apostles had been sub- 
jected (O.L. in multo certamine) 
rather than to any internal fears on 
their part (Vg. in multa sollicitudine, 
cf, Col. ii. 1): ef. Phil. i. 30 τὸν αὐτὸν 
ἀγῶνα ἔχοντες οἷον εἴδετε ἐν ἐμοί, τ Tim. 
Vi. 12 ἀγωνίζου τὸν καλὸν ἀγῶνα τῆς 
πίστεως. ‘The metaphor, as in the 
case of the allied ἀθλεῖν, ἄθλησις 


(2 Tim. ii. 5, Heb. x. 32), is derived 


from the athletic ground: cf. Epict. 
Diss. iv. 4. 30 where life is compared 
to an Olympic festival in which God 
has given us the opportunity of show- 
ing of what stuff we are made—ede 
ἤδη ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, δεῖξον ἡμῖν ri ἔμαθες, 
πῶς ἤθλησας. 

3—7*. ‘We said that we were bold 
in God, and that it was the Gospel of 
God we preached, and we said rightly, 
for our whole appeal to you is not 
rooted in error, neither has it any con- 
nexion with licentious and delusive 
practices (as was the case with some of 
your old religious teachers), On the 
contrary, as those who have been 
approved by the all-seeing God Him- 
self we were entrusted with His 


M, THESS. 


Gospel. It is this indeed which 
makes us independent of all merely 
human considerations. And conse- 
quently we did not at any time play 
the part of flatterers, as you well know, 
nor, and here we call God Himself to 
witness, did we under any fair out- 
ward pretext conceal an inward spirit 
of covetousness. On the contrary 
worldly glory either at your hands or 
at the hands of others was so little in 
our thoughts, that we did not even 
demand the support and honour to 
which as Apostles of Christ we were 
entitled.’ 

3. παράκλησις] Vg. Ambrstr. ewx- 
hortatio, Tert. adwocatio. Though 
closely allied with διδαχή (Chrys.) or 
διδασκαλία (Thdt.), παράκλησις is not 
to be identified with either, but im- 
plies something more in the nature of 
an appeal (Huth. Zig.: ἡ διδασκαλία, ἡ 
πρὸς TO πιστεῦσαι προτροπή), having 
for its object the direct benefit of 
those addressed, and which may be 
either hortatory or consolatory accord- 
ing to circumstances: cf. the almost 
technical use of λόγος παρακλήσεως in 
Ac. xiii. 15. In the present instance 
παράκλησις is what Bengel finely calls 
‘totum praeconium evangelicum, pas- 
sionum dulcedine tinctum.,’ 

A characteristic use of the word in 
ordinary life is cited by Wohlenberg 
from Polyb. iii. 109. 6 f., where with 
reference to the address of Aemilius 
Paulus to the soldiers before the 
battle of Cannae it is said that for the 
hired soldier ὁ τῆς παρακλήσεως τρόπος 
is necessary, but that for those who 
fight for life and country no such ex- 
hortation is required—vmropyncews 
μόνον, παρακλήσεως δ᾽ ov, προσδεῖ. 
For the corresponding verb παρα- 
καλεῖν see the note on Ὁ. 11. 

οὐκ ἐκ πλάνης] ‘does not arise out. 
of error,’ πλάνης, as ἐκ (not ἐν) proves, 
being used, as apparently always in 


2 


18 THE FIRST EPISTLE ΤῸ THE THESSALONIANS 


[II 4 


\ ’ \ ~ ~ ~ 

καθὼς δεδοκιμάσμεθα ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πιστευθῆναι TO εὐ- 
/ e/ ~ > ς > 

αγγέλιον οὕτως λαλοῦμεν, οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώποις ἀρέσκοντες 


the N.T., in the pass. sense of ‘error’ 
rather than in the act. sense of ‘ deceit.’ 
In contrast with false teachers who 
are not only ‘deceivers’ but ‘deceived’ 
(πλανῶντες κ. πλανώμενοι 2 Tim. 11]. 13) 
the Apostles know whom they have 
believed (2 Tim. i. 12), and are con- 
fident in ‘the word of the truth of the 
gospel’ (Col. i. 5) which they have been 
called upon to declare (cf. Eph. iv. 14 f., 
and see also 1 Jo, iv. 6). 

οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀκαθαρσίας} ‘nor out of un- 
cleanness’—the reference being not to 
‘covetousness,’ a meaning of ἀκαθαρσία 
for which no sufficient warrant can 
be produced, nor even to ‘impure 
motives, but to actual ‘impurity,’ 
‘sensuality’ (cf. iv. 7, Rom. vi. 19), the 
‘disclaimer, startling as it may seem,’ 
being not ‘unneeded amidst the im- 
purities consecrated by the religions of 
the day’ (Lft.): see further Intr. p. xlvi. 

οὐδὲ ἐν δόλῳ] a new and distinct 
negative clause (ovdé, Buttmann p. 
366), the ἐν, as distinguished from the 
preceding ἐκ (bis) of the originating 
cause, drawing attention rather to 
the general habit or method of the 
Apostles’ working. Unlike the ἐργάται 
δόλιοι With whom at the time they 
were confronted (2 Cor. xi. 13, cf. ii. 17, 
iv. 2), and with whose ‘guile’ they 
were sometimes charged (2 Cor. 
xii. 16), they had never used un- 
worthy means for ensnaring (δόλος 
from same root as δέλεαρ a bait, 
Curtius Gr. Etym. ὃ 271) their con- 
verts. Thdt.: ovre μὴν δόλῳ χρώμενοι 
συνεργῷ εἰς ὄλεθρον ὑμᾶς ᾿θηρεύομεν. 
For the absence of δόλος as a mark of 
Christ Himself see 1 Pet. ii. 22 (Isa. 
1111. 9): cf. also Jo. i. 47. 

4. ἀλλὰ καθὼς δεδοκιμάσμεθα κτλ. 
‘put according as we have been ap- 
proved by God.’ Δοκιμάζω means 
originally ‘put to the test’ (cf. ». 4°, 
1 Cor. iii. 13), but in the N.T. gene- 
rally conveys the added thought that 


the test has been successfully sur- 
mounted (Rom. i. 28, ii. 18, xiv. 22), 
in accordance with the technical use 
of the word to describe the passing 
as fit for election to a public office, 
e.g. Plato Legg. vi. 765 0, D ovs ἂν καὶ 
Ψῆφος ἡ τῶν δοκιμαζόντων δοκιμάσῃ" 
ἐὰν δέ τις ἀποδοκιμασθῇ κτλ., and from 
the inscriptions such a passage as 
C.I.A. 11. 23, 30 ff. νόμος ἐραν[ισ τῶν" 
[μη]δενὶ ἐΐ ξ]έστω (ε)ἰσι[έν]αι [eis] τὴν 
σεμνοτάϊτ]ην σύνοδον τῶν ἐρανιστῶν 
π[ρὶ]ν ἂν δοκιμασθῇ : cf. Magn. 113, 9 ff. 
ἀνὴρ δεδοκιμασμένος τοῖς θείοις κριτη- 
ρίοις τῶν Σεβαστῶν ἐπί τε τῇ τέχνῃ κτλ. 
In the Lxx. the idea of approval is as 
a rule wanting, but cf. 2 Macc. iv. 3 
διά τινος τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σίμωνος δεδοκι- 
μασμένων, ‘through one of Simon’s 
tried (or trusted) followers.’ 

In the present passage the verb is 
almost=aé.ody (11. i. 11), though we 
must beware of finding here any 
suggestion of innate fitness on the 
Apostles’ part (Chrys.: εἰ μὴ εἶδε 
παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένους βιωτικοῦ, οὐκ ἂν 
ἡμᾶς εἵλετο) The whole point is that 
their preaching is to be referred en- 
tirely to God as its source, in contrast 
with the sources previously disowned: 
they had been, and still were, ‘en- 
trusted’ with it (‘nicht befunden... 
sondern genommen’ Hofmann). 

πιστευθῆναι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον] For 
this use of πιστεύομαι cf. Rom. iii. 2, 
Gal. ii. 7, 1 Tim. i. 11, Tit. i. 3, and 
for the construction see WM. p. 287. 
Πιστεύομαι Cc. gen. as sometimes in late 
Gk. (e.g. Polyb. vi. 56. 13 πιστευθεὶς 
ταλάντου) does not occur in the N.T, 

οὕτως] not the antecedent to the 
following ὡς, but =‘in the same 
manner, ‘in accordance therewith’ 
with reference to the Divine com- 
mission just spoken of; cf. Mt. v. 16, 
Eph. vy. 28. 

οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώποις apéokovres| not a ὁ 
mere restatement of the preceding 


II 5] 


\ ~~ ΄σ΄ ’ ͵ ~ 
ἀλλὰ θεᾷ Tw δλοκιμάζοντι τὰς Kapdiac ἡμῶν. 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS —| 19 


5 ν᾽ / 
οὔτε yap 


3 / ‘ δ, 
ποτε ἐν λόγῳ κολακίας ἐγενήθημεν, καθὼς οἴδατε, οὔτε 


clause in another light according to 
a favourite Pauline practice (cf. Col. 
i. 5°, 6), but an independent clause 
describing the manner of the Apostles’ 
preaching in contrast with the charge 
of ἐν δόλῳ, and rendered more em- 
phatic by the substitution of ov for the 
more regular μή with the participle. 
On this construction for the statement 
of a definite fact see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 231 f., where it is fully illustrated 
from the papyri, e.g. P.Oxy. 726, 1of. 
(ii./A.D.) ov δυνάμενος bv ἀ[σ]θένειαν 
πλεῦσαι, ‘since he is unable through 
sickness to make the voyage. For 
the general thought cf. Ps. lii.(liii.) 6, 
Pss. Sol. iv. 8 ἀνακαλύψαι ὁ θεὸς τὰ 
ἔργα ἀνθρώπων ἀνθρωπαρέσκων. In no 
case must ἀρέσκοντες be weakened 
into ‘seeking to please.’ The state- 
ment is absolute, and the verb here 
betrays something of the idea of 
actual service in the interests of 
others (cf. Rom. xv. 1, 3, 1 Cor. x. 33), 
which we find associated with it in 
late Gk. Thus in monumental inscrip- 
tions the words ἀρέσαντες τῇ πόλει, TH 
πατρίδι &c., are used to describe 
those who have proved themselves 
of use to the commonwealth as in 
0.G.IS. 646, 12 (Palmyra, iii./A.D.) 
dpécavta τῇ τε αὐτῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ 
δήμῳ. 

ἀλλὰ θεῷ τῷ δοκιμάζοντι κτλ.] Δοκι- 
μάζοντι chosen here with reference to 
the preceding δεδοκιμάσμεθα (for a 
similar word-play cf. Jer. vi. 30) shows 
a tendency to relapse into its original 
meaning of ‘prove,’ ‘try’ (Beza Deo 
exploranti, Est. ‘vtpote cordium 
nostrorum inspectorem et explorato- 
rem’): cf. Jer. xi. 20 Κύριε κρίνων 
δίκαια, δοκιμάζων νεφροὺς καὶ καρδίας. 

Καρδία, according to Bibl. usage, is 
the focus of the personal life, the 
centre of all, intellectual as well as 
emotional, that goes to make up the 


moral character, and is thus equiva- 
lent to the inner, hidden man known 
to God alone, cf. 1 Regn. xvi. 7, Ac. 1, 
24, Rom, viii. 27, Rev. ii. 23, and see 
art. ‘Heart’ in Hastings’ D.B. The 


-use of the plur. here and of ψυχάς 


(v. 8) cannot be explained by the 
attraction of the plur. verb, but shows 
that throughout St Paul is thinking 
of his fellow-preachers at Thessa- 
lonica as well as of himself (Intr. 
p. xxxiv f.). 

5. ovre...ev λόγῳ κολακίας ἐγενή- 
θημεν] ‘For neither at any time did 
we fall into the use of speech of 
flattery —Adyo being clearly the 
preachers’ own ‘discourse’ or ‘ teach- 
ing’ at Thessalonica, and not the 
‘report’ of others regarding it. 

Κολακία (for form, WH.? Notes 
p. 160) az. λεγ. N.T., though common 
in class. writers, carries with it the 
idea of the tortuous methods by 
which one man seeks to gain in- 
fluence over another, generally for 
selfish ends. Thus Aristotle defines 
the κόλαξ: ὁ δ᾽ ὅπως ὠφέλειά τις αὑτῷ 
γίγνηται εἰς χρήματα καὶ ὅσα διὰ χρημά- 
των, κόλαξ (Eth. Nic. iv. 12. 9): ef. 
Theophr. Charact. 2 τὴν δὲ κολακείαν 
ὑπολάβοι ἄν τις ὁμιλίαν αἰσχρὰν εἶναι, 
συμφέρουσαν δὲ τῷ κολακεύοντι. How 
easily such a charge might be brought 
against the Apostles is evident from 
what we know of the conduct of the 
heathen rhetoricians of the day, cf. 
Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. Ἰχχὶ. 35, Dion 
Chrys. Orat. xxxii. p. 403. 

For a new work περὶ κολακείας by 
Philodemus the Epicurean (50 8.0.) 
see Rhein. Museum \vi. p. 623. 

For γίνεσθαι ἐν (versari in) meaning 
entrance into and continuance in a 
given state or condition cf. Rom. 
xvi. 7, 1 Cor. ii, 3, 2 Cor. iii, 7, Phil. 
ii. 7, 1 Tim. ii. 14, Sus. 8 ἐγένοντο ἐν 
ἐπιθυμίᾳ αὐτῆς. 


2-..2 


20 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [16,7 


προφάσει πλεονεξίας, θεὸς μάρτυς, “οὔτε ζητοῦντες ἐξ av- 
, / of > 47> ἢ > af 4. 'gh ΑΝ, 76 ΄ 

θρώπων δόξαν, οὔτε ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν οὔτε ἀπ᾽ ἄλλων, Τδυνάμενοι 

> f > ε ψας ὁ ἰῷ / 3 eee / 

ἐν Bape εἶναι ἐς Χριστοῦ ἀπόστολοι" ἀλλὰ ἐγενήθημεν 


προφάσει πλεονεξίας] i.e. ‘the cloak 
of which covetousness avails itself.’ 
Had covetousness been the preachers’ 
motive it would have hidden itself 


under some outward pretext (cf. Hor . 


Epist. 1. xvi. 45 ‘introrsum turpem, 
speciosum pelle decora’). Beng.: 
‘practextu specioso, quo tegeremus 
avaritiam, 

Πρόφασις (wrongly rendered occasio 
Vg., Clarom., Calv., Est.) is the osten- 
sible reason for which a thing is done, 
and generally points to a false reason 
as opposed to the true, cf. εἴτε mpo- 
φάσει εἴτε ἀληθείᾳ Phil. i. 18, and the 
class. parallels there adduced by Wet- 
stein, and see also P.Oxy. 237. Vi. 31, 
Vii. 11, 13, 16 (ii./A.D.); while πλεο- 
veéia, though often associated by St 
Paul with sins of the flesh (Eph. iv. 
19, v. 3, cf. 1 Cor. v. off, vi. gf, and 
see also Musonius p. 90 (ed. Hense) o 
Oeds...anrrntos μὲν ἡδονῆς, ἀήττητος δὲ 
πλεονεξίας), is in itself simply ‘covet- 
ousness, being distinguished from 
φιλαργυρία ‘avarice’ as the wider and 
more active sin : see Lft.’s note on Col. 
iii, 5 where it is explained as ‘entire 
disregard for the rights of others.’ 

θεὸς μάρτυς) Cf. Ὁ. το, also Rom.i. 9, 
2 Cor. i. 23, Phil. i, 8. Chrys.: ὅπερ 
ἦν δῆλον, αὐτοὺς καλεῖ μάρτυρας.. ὅπερ 
δὲ ἄδηλον ἦν...θεὸν καλεῖ μάρτυρα. 
Dr Dods aptly compares Cromwell’s 
declaration to his first Parliament: 
‘That I lie not in matter of fact, is 
known to very many; but whether 
I tell a lie in my heart, as labouring 
to represent to you what was not 
upon my heart, 1 say, the Lord be 
judge.’ 

6. οὔτε ζητοῦντες xtrh.] Upon the 
repudiation of covetousness follows 
naturally the repudiation of worldly 
ambition (cf. Ac. xx. 19, 2 Cor. iv. 5, 
Eph. iv. 2). Calv.: ‘duo enim sunt isti 


fontes, ex quibus manat totius minis- 
terii corruptio” For ζητεῖν in the 
sense of selfish seeking cf. Rom. x. 3, 

1 Cor. x. 24, 33, xiii. 5, 2 Cor. xii. 14, 
Phil. ii. 21, and for δόξα in its original 
sense of ‘good opinion’ see note on 
v.12. In Hellenistic Gk. ἐξ and ἀπό 
are frequently used interchangeably 
(WM. p..512, Moulton Prolegg. p.237, 
Meisterhans p. 212): in accordance 
however with the earlier distinction 
between them ἐξ may here point to 
the ultimate source, and ἀπό rather to 
the more immediate agents (Ambrstr. 
ex hominibus...a uobis). 

It should be noted that what the 
Apostles disclaim is the desire of 
popularity. Th. Mops.: ‘cautissime 
enim posuit non qguaerentes ; hoc est, 
“non auspicantes hoc,” nec hane ha- 
bentes actus nostri intentionem.’ 

7%, δυνάμενοι ev βάρει εἶναι] ‘when 
we might have been burdensome’ 
(Wycl. whanne we...my3ten haue 
be in charge)—a concessive part. 
clause subordinate to the preceding 
(nrovvres. Most modern editors follow 
the A.V. in regarding this clause as 
part of ὁ. 6. 

_ Bapos is here understood (1) in its. 
simple meaning of ‘ weight,’ ‘ burden’ 
(Vg. oneri esse), with reference to the 
Apostles’ right of maintenance, cf. Ὁ. 9, 
and see further II. iii, 8, 1 Cor. ix. 11, 
2 Cor. xi. 7 ff., Gal. vi. 6, also Jos. Antt. 
1. 250 (xvi. 2) οὐδὲ yap ἔσεσθαι βαρὺς 
...daravais ἰδίαις χρησάμενος ; or (2) in 
its derived sense of ‘authority,’ ‘dig- 
nity’ (Clarom. in gravitate [honore} 
esse), pointing to the honour they 
might have expected to receive at the 
Thessalonians’ hands, cf. 2 Cor. iv. 17 
βάρος δόξης, Polyb. iv. 32. 7 πρὸς ro 
βάρος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, Diod. Sie. 
iv. 61 διὰ τὸ βάρος τῆς πόλεως. The 
two meanings are however compatible, 


ἘΠῚ] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 21 


/ > / ε “ ε ΓᾺ: \ / ee ~ 
νήπιοι ἐν μέσῳ ὑμῶν, WS Eav τροῷος θάλπη τα εαὐυτῆης 


and it is probable that St Paul plays 
here on the double sense of the phrase : 
ef. the Latin proverb ‘Honos propter 
onus.’ 

ὡς Χριστοῦ ἀπόστολοι] Χριστοῦ poss. 
gen., placed emphatically first to show 
whose Apostles they were, and why 
therefore they were entitled to claim 
honour (cf. Add. Note D). For the 
title ἀπόστολοι here including Silvanus 
and Timothy almost in the sense of 
our missionaries cf. Ac. xiv. 4, 14, 
Rom. xvi. 7, 2 Cor. viii. 23, xi. 13, 
Phil. ii. 25, Rev. ii. 2, Didache xi. 3 f. ; 
and for the wider use of the word 
generally see Lft. Gal. p. 92 ff., Har- 
nack Die Lehre der zwilf Apostel 
p. 93 ff., Hort Ecclesia p. 22 fi. 

In class. Gk. ἀπόστολος generally 
denotes ‘a fleet,’ ‘an expedition’ (cf. 
Dittenberger Sylloge? 153, an Attic 
inscription iv./B.c., and see Archiv iii. 
p. 221), but it occurs in Herodotus in 
the sense of ‘messenger, ‘envoy’ (i. 21, 
ef. v. 38), and is found with the same 
meaning in 3 Regn. xiv. 6A ἐγὼ εἶμι 
ἀπόστολος πρός σε σκληρὸς (cf. Sm. 
Isa. xviii. 2). See also the interesting 
fragment in P.Par. p. 411 f. (ii./B.c.), 
where, if we can accept the editor’s 
restoration of the missing letters, we 
read of a public official who had sent 
to a delinquent a messenger (ἀπόστο- 
Aov) bearing the orders he had disre- 
garded—|éreo |radkérwyv ἡμῶν πρός σε 
τὸν ar| ὀστολον]. Upon the existence of 
‘apostles’among the Jews see Harnack 
Miss. u. Ausbr. p. 237 ff. (Engl. Tr. 
i. p. 409 ἢ), and cf. Krauss Die ji- 
dischen Apostel in J.Q.R. 1905, p. 


370 fff. 
7>_12, A positive counterpart to 
the previously-mentioned hostile 


charges. 

7>,8. ‘Nay, we went further, for to 
establish a sure bond of sympathy 
with you we showed ourselves ready 
to act the part of children in your 
midst. Or we may put it in this way— 


we yearned over you with the same 
tender affection that a nursing-mother 
displays towards her children. With 
such deep affection indeed did we 
long after you that we shared with 
you not only the Gospel of God, but 
also our very lives—so dear had you 
proved yourselves to us.’ 

"Ὁ, ἀλλὰ ἐγενήθημεν νήπιοι κτλ. The 
reading here is doubtful. If νήπιοι 
(S*BC*D*G minusc. alig.) be adopt- 
ed, the whole clause is the avowal on 
the writers’ part of their becoming as 
children to children, speaking what 
St Augustine describes as ‘decurtata 
et mutilata verba’ (de catech. rud. 15), 
baby-language to those who were still 
babes in the faith: cf. Origen on Mt. 
XV. 17 6 ἀπόστολος ἐγένετο νήπιος καὶ 
παραπλήσιος τροφῷ θαλπούσῃ τὸ ἑαυτῆς 
παιδίον καὶ λαλούσῃ λόγους ὡς παιδίον 
διὰ τὸ παιδίον. On the other hand, if 
the well-attested ἤπιοι (ΘΑ ΟΡ ΘΚ LP 
17 &c.) be preferred, the Apostolic 
‘gentleness’ is placed in striking con- 
trast with the slanders that had been 
insinuated against them (ee. 5, 6): ef. 
2 Tim. ii. 24 where ἤπιος εἶναι is men- 
tioned as a mark of the true pastor. 
This agreement with the context leads 
most modern editors and commen- 
tators to favour ἤπιοι, especially as 
the reading νήπιοι can be easily ex- 
plained as due to dittography of the 
final ν of ἐγενήθημεν. ΜῊ." (Notes 
p. 128), on the other hand, point out 
that ‘the second ν might be inserted 
or omitted with equal facility,’ and 
that ‘the change from the bold image 
to the tame and facile adjective is 
characteristic of the difference be- 
tween St Paul and the Syrian re- 
visers.’ 

ev μέσῳ ὑμῶν] 1.6. ‘as one of your- 
selves,’ ‘without any undue assump- 
tion of authority.’ Beng.: ‘non age- 
bant, quasi ex cathedra.’ Cf. our 
Lord’s own words: ᾿Εγὼ δὲ ἐν μέσῳ 
ὑμῶν εἰμὶ ὡς ὁ διακονῶν (Lk, xxii. 27). 


22 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


’ ‘ 
TEKVAa" 


ὡς ἐὰν τροφὸς θάλπῃ κτλ. ‘as if 
a nurse were cherishing her own 
children’: cf. Gal.iv. 19. By a sudden 
change of metaphor by no means un- 
common in the Pauline writings (cf. 
Vv. 2, 4, 2 Cor. iii. 13 ff.) the attitude of 
the Apostles is now described as that 
of a ‘nurse,’ or rather a ‘ nursing- 
mother’ towards her children. Th. 
Mops.: ‘“nutricem” uero hoc in loco 
matrem dixit quae filios suos nutrit’ : 
ef. Aug. Serm. xxiii. 3. Too much 
stress however in this connexion must 
not be laid on ἑαυτῆς which in late 
Gk. has lost much of its emphatic 
force: cf. the common legal formula 
in the papyri by which a woman 
appears μετὰ κυρίου Tov ἑαυτῆς ἀνδρός, 
e.g. P.Grenf. 1. 18, 4 f. (11.,8.6.). 

Τροφός, am. λεγ. N.T., occurs in the 
Lxx., Gen. xxxv. 8, 4 Regn. xi. 2, 
2 Chron. xxii. 11, Isa. xlix. 23 as the 
translation of N23"); cf. also B.G.U. 
297, 12 ff. (i./A.D.) where a nurse ac- 
knowledges that she had received ra 
τροφεῖα καὶ τὰ ἔλαια καὶ τὸν ἱματισμὸν 
καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα καθήκει δίδοσθαι τροφῷ 
τοῦ τῆς γαλακτοτροφίας διετοῦς χρόνου 
καὶ τιθηνήσεως μηνῶν ἕξ κτλ. For 
τροφός -- μήτηρ see Kaibel Epigram- 
mata Graeca (1878) 247, 7 (i./ii. A.D.). 

The poetic θάλπω, elsewhere in N.T. 
only Eph. v. 29 (ἐκτρέφει x. θάλπει), 
means properly ‘to warm,’ and 
thence, like the Lat. fovere, comes to 
signify ‘cherish,’ ‘foster’: cf. Deut. 
xxii. 6 καὶ ἡ μήτηρ θάλπῃ ἐπὶ τῶν 
νοσσῶν, and for its metaphorical use 
see O.G.IS. 194, 6 (i./B.0.) τὴν πόλιν 
ἔθαλψε. 

It may be added that, while the 
sense seems to favour the use of ἐάν 
as the ordinary conditional particle, 
it.is possible that we have here an 
instance of the late use of ἐάν for ἄν 
(WM. p. 390), ὡς ἐάν then implying 
‘a standing contingency,—“as it may 
be (may be seen) at any time”’ (Find- 
lay). For early instances of this use 


ΠῚ 8 


4 > / ~ ~ = 
δοὕτως ὀμειρόμενοι ὑμῶν ηὐδοκοῦμεν μεταδοῦναι 


οἵ ἐάν from the Κοινή οἵ, P.Petr. m1. 
43 (2), iii. 4 (iii./B.C.) ὅσωι ἐὰν πλεῖον 
εὕρηι, P.Grenf. τι 18, 27 (11.,8.0.) ἐξ 
οὗ ἐὰν αἱρῆται, and see further Moulton 
Prolegg. PP. 43, 234, Mayser p. 152 f. 
οὕτως ὀμειρόμενοι ὑμῶν] " even 50 
being eagerly desirous of you’ (Vg. 
ita desiderantes vos, Beza ita cupidi 
vestri). ᾿Ομείρομαι (for breathing, 
WH.? Notes p. 151) is not found 
elsewhere in the Bibl. writings ex- 
cept in Job iii. 21 (cf. Sm. Ps. Ixii. 
(lxiii.) 2). The common derivation 
from ὁμοῦ and eipew (hence Thpht.= 
προσδεδεμένοι, Oecum. = ἀντεχόμενοι 
ὑμῶν) is philologically impossible, and 
Dr J. H. Moulton suggests rather the 
ν΄ smer ‘to remember’ (Skt. smirté 
‘memory, smardmi ‘I remember,’ Lat. 
memor) with a prepositional element, 
and compares as parallel formations 
δύρομαι δια ὀδύρομαι, κέλλω and ὀκέλλω, 
ὀ-μόργνυμι, ὠ-κεανός (pte. of ὠ-κεῖμαι 
‘to lie around’). Wohlenberg conjec- 
tures that it may here be used ‘as a 
term of endearment’ (‘edles Kose- 
wort’) derived from the language of 
the nursery: cf. note on νήπιοι (Ὁ. 7). 
For the construction with the gen. in 
the case of verbs of ‘longing’ see 
Kiihner® § 416, 4b. 
nvdoxovpev| The absence of ἄν with 
ηὐδοκοῦμεν (for augment, WH.2 Notes 
Ῥ. 169, WSchm. p. ror) points to a 
result actually reached, while the verb 
itself which is only found in late Gk. 
(in Lxx. frequently for M87) draws 
attention to the hearty goodwill at- 
tending the writer’s attitude ‘were 
well-pleased’ (Vg. cupide volebamus). 
Of. the use of εὐδοκεῖν in 1 Cor. i. 21, 
x. 5, Gal. i. 15, with reference to God, 
and in Rom. xv. 26f., 2 Cor. v. 8, xii. 
10 with reference to man; see also 
the note on εὐδοκία 11. i. 11, and for a 
full discussion of both words Fritzsche 
Rom. ii. p. 369 ff. An interesting ex, 
of εὐδοκεῖν is afforded by P.Lond. 1. 
3, Off. (11..8.0.) ηὐδόκησάς με τῆς τιμ[ῆς 


II 9] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 23 


ὑμῖν ov μόνον TO εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ ἀλλὰ καὶ Tas 
~ / > \ « ~ / 
ἑαυτῶν ψυχάς, διότι ἀγαπητοὶ ἡμῖν ἐγενήθητε" 5 μνη- 
/ \ / ~ \ \ / 
μονεύετε yap, ἀδελφοί, τὸν κόπον ἡμῶν καὶ τὸν μόχθον'᾽ 


τ]οῦ ἡμίσους τοῦ [τρίτου λογείας τῶν 
κειμένων νεκρῶν, apparently = ‘thou 
hast granted me the honour of the 
half of the offerings collected for the 
dead (mummies).’ In legal documents 
the verb is frequent in the sense of 
‘give consent, eg. in the marriage- 
contract P.Oxy. 496, ὃ (ii./A.D.) where 
the husband is not allowed to dispose 
of certain property χωρὶς εὐδοκούσης 
τῆς γαμουμένης, ‘without the consent 
of the bride’: see further Gradenwitz 
Eiinfiihrung i. p. 160 ff. 

τὰς ἑαυτῶν Ψυχάς] ‘our very lives,’ 
‘our very selves’—wWvyds (for plur. 
cf. v. 4 note) according to its ordinary 
Bibl. usage laying stress on what 
belonged essentially to the writers’ 
personality (Beng.: ‘anima nostra 
cupiebat. quasi immeare in animam 
vestram’): cf. Mk. viii. 35, 2 Cor. xii, 
15, Sir. xxxv. 23 (xxxii. 27) ἐν παντὶ 
ἔργῳ πίστευε τῇ Ψυχῇ σου, and for 
a full discussion of ψυχή in the Lxx. 
see Hatch Essays p. τοῖ ff. 

For the reflexive ἑαυτῶν referring 
to the 1st pers. plur. cf. II. iii. 9 (note), 
Rom. viii. 23, 2 Cor. i. 9, iii. 5 &c. (WM. 
p. 187, WSchm. p. 204); and see P. Par. 
47, 26 (ii./B.c.) αὑτοὺς deddxaper, 
P.Tebt. 47, 30f. (ii./B.0.) ἵν᾽ ἡμεῖς μὲν 
κομισώμεθα τὰ ἑαυτῶν (Mayser, p. 303). 

διότι ἀγαπητοί xrd.| Out of the 
Apostles’ intercourse with the Thes- 
salonians a relationship of love (ἀγαπ. 
used by St Paul of his converts in 
all groups of his Epp.) had been de- 
veloped once for all (aor. ἐγενήθητε) 
which had led to the consequent 
ηὐδοκοῦμεν κτλ. 

Διότι (propterea quod) has appa- 
rently always a causal force in the 
N.T. (Wilke nil. Rhet. p. 251), though 
in the τχχ. and late Gk. generally it 
is also frequently found in a sense 


differing little from ὅτε ‘that’: cf. 
2 Mace. vii. 37 ἐξομολογήσασθαι διότι 
μόνος αὐτὸς θεός ἐστιν, B.G.U. τοτι. 
ii, 15 ff. (ii./B.c.) διότι. γὰρ πολ[λὰ] 
ληρώι[δη] καὶ ψευδῆ προσαγί[γ]έλ[λε]ται 
κατανοεῖς καὶ αὐτός, and for similar 
evidence from the Attic inscriptions, 
where διότε never = ‘ because,’ see 
Meisterhans, p. 252f. On the other 
hand in P.Tebt. 24, 34 (ii./B.0.) καὶ 
διότι must have its full causal force. 
In mod. Gk. the word is used instead 
of γάρ, a meaning which Fritzsche 
(Rém, i. p. 57) finds even in such 
passages as Ac. xviii. 10, Rom. i. 19 
(cf. Blass p. 274); see also 1 Pet. iii. 
10 where γάρ is used to introduce a 
quotation from the O.T. instead of 
διότι which is preferred in i. τό, 24, 
ii. 6. Jebb (in Vincent and Dickson 
Mod. Gk? App. p. 338) cites the 
passage before us along with Gal. ii. 
16 to illustrate the ease of the col- 
loquial transition. 

g. ‘That this is no idle vaunt you 
yourselves very well-know, for you 
cannot have forgotten our self-sacri- 
ficing labours amongst you, how, even 
while working night and day for our 
own maintenance so as not unduly to 
burden you, we preached to you the 
Gospel of God.’ 

9. μνημονεύετε yap KTA. | For pvn- 
povevm Cc. acc. see i. 3 note, and for 
ἀδελφοί see i. 4 note. 

κόπος (i. 3 note) and μόχθος are 
found together again in II. iii. 8, 
2 Cor. xi. 27, the former pointing to 
the ‘ weariness’ or ‘fatigue’ resulting 
from continual labour, the latter 
rather to the ‘hardship’ or ‘struggle’ 
involved in it. The similarity in sound 
between the words is well brought 
out in the rendering ‘toil and moil’ 
(Lft.). 


24 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[II 10 


? \ δ ΕΣ 4 \ \ \ ΄σ 
VUKTOS καὶ ἡμέρας ἐργαζόμενοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἐπιβαρῆσαί 
ε ~ 5 7 3 ς ~ > , ΄- ~ 
τινα ὑμῶν ἐκηρύξαμεν εἰς ὑμᾶς TO εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ. 
1ο - - / δ νος , ‘ 
ὑμεῖς μαρτυρες Kal ὁ θεός, ὡς ὁσίως καὶ δικαίως Kat 


νυκτ. κι ἡμ. ἐργαζόμενοι] An ex- 
planatory clause which gains in force 
through the absence of any connect- 
ing particle. For the fact οὗ Ac. 
xviii, 3, and: for the picture here 
presented of St Paul’s missionary 
activity see Intr. p. xlv. 

It may be noted that νυκτὸς x. 
ἡμέρας (gen. of time) is the regular 
order of the words in St Paul (iii. 10, 
II. iii. 8, 1 Tim. v. 5, 2 Tim. i. 3). In 
the Apocalypse on the other hand we 
find always ἡμέρας x. νυκτός (iv. 8, Vii. 
15 &c.), and so in St Luke (xviii. 7, 
Ac. ix. 24). When however St Luke 
adopts the acc., the order is changed 
νύκτα xk. ἡμέραν (ii, 37, Ac. xx. 31, 
XXVi. 7). 

πρὸς TO μὴ ἐπιβαρῆσαι κτλ.] ‘in order 
that we might not burden any of you’: 
ef. LL. iii. 7 ff. for an additional reason 
for these self-denying labours. 

The late Gk. ἐπιβαρεῖν is used only 
figuratively in the N.T. (II. iii. 8, 
2 Cor. ii. 5) and is nearly = καταβαρεῖν 
(2 Cor. xii. 16, ef. 2 Regn. xiii. 25), 
though the preposition in ἐπιβαρεῖν is 
mainly directive (onws itmponere), in 
καταβαρεῖν rather perfective ‘to weigh 
aman to the ground, For its use in 
the inscriptions cf. Magn. 113, 15 f. 
where a certain physician Tyrannus 
is said to have behaved ὡς μηδένα ὑφ᾽ 
αὑτοῦ παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν τοῦ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν 
μεγέθους ἐπιβεβαρῆσθαι, and for the 
simple verb Bapeiv (2 Esdr. xv. (v.) 15, 
1 Tim. v. 16) in the same sense, ef. 
IGS. 830, 15 (Puteoli ii./a.p.) ἵνα 
μὴ τὴν πόλιν βαρῶμεν. In the late 
P.Oxy. 126, 8 (vi./A.D.) one Stephanous 
undertakes to ‘burden herself’ (βα- 
ρέσαι τὸ ἐμὸν ὄνομα) with certain im- 
posts hitherto paid by her father. 

On πρὸς τό with inf. signifying not 
mere result but subjective purpose see 
WM. p. 414, Moulton Prolegg. p.218 ff. 


10o—12. ‘ We are not afraid indeed 
to appeal alike in your sight and in 
the sight of God to the whole charac- 
ter of our relations with you. All 
believers will be ready to testify how 
these were marked throughout by 
holiness and righteousness, and how 
careful we were to give no offence in 
anything. Indeed, as you very well 
know, we acted the part of a father 
to each one of you, as we exhorted, 
and encouraged, and solemnly charged, 
according to your several require- 
ments, in order that you might re- 
spond to your privileges, and your 
whole lives be worthy of the God 
who is calling you to share in His 
kingdom and glory.’ 

10. ὑμεῖς μάρτυρες krA.] The two 
former appeals to the witness of men 
(v. 1) and of God (ὁ. 5) are now united 
in confirmation of the whole character 
of the Apostolic ministry. 

ὡς ὁσίως κτὰλ.] In accordance with 
the distinction found in Plato (Gorg. 
507 B) and other Gk. writers, it has 
been common to describe ὁσίως as 
indicating duty towards God, and 
δικαίως duty towards men. But the 
distinction, which even in class, Gk. 
is sometimes lost sight of, must not 
be pressed in the N.T., where all right- 
eousness is recognized as one, ‘growing 
out of a single root, and obedient to 
a single law’ (Trench Syn. p. 307). 
Accordingly ὁσίως and δικαίως are 
best regarded as descriptive of the 
Apostles’ attitude towards both God 
and man from its positive side, that 
attitude being viewed first from a 
religious (ὁσίως) and then from a 
moral (δικαίως) standpoint, while the 
following ἀμέμπτως from the negative 
side emphasizes their general blame- 
lessness in these same two respects. _ 

As regards the individual expres- 


II 11,12] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS) 25 


72 / ς σ - / > , / 
ἀμέμπτως ὑμῖν τοῖς πιστεύουσιν ἐγενήθημεν, “καθάπερ 
> ε / ~~ \ / ς πὶ 
οἴδατε ὡς ἕνα ἕκαστον ὑμῶν ὡς πατὴρ τέκνα ἑαυτοῦ 
΄σ ε “ \ , \ / 
παρακαλοῦντες ὑμὰς Kal παραμυθούμενοι καὶ μαρτυρό- 


sions, ὁσίως is found only here in the 
N.T., while ἀμέμπτως occurs again in 
_ vy. 23 (οὗ iii. 13 WH. marg.). Both 
ἄμεμπτος and -ws are common in the 
inscriptions and papyri, 6.5. O.G.L.S. 
485, 14 ἁγνῶς καὶ ἀμέμπτως. For the 
combination ὁσίως κ. δικαίως seefurther 
Apol. Arist. xv. sub fine, also P.Par. 
63. Viii. 13 f. (ii./B.c.) where a letter- 
writer makes a claim for himself as 
having ὁσίως καὶ... δικαίως [πολι͵τευσά- 
μενος before the gods, and for ἀμέμπτως 
x. ὁσίως cf. Clem. R. Cor. xliv. 4. 

On ὡς see Blass p. 230, and for the 
use of the adverbs instead of the 
corresponding adjectives, as bringing 
out more fully the mode and manner 
of ἐγενήθημεν (Ambrstr. facti sumus), 
οὗ 1 Cor. xvi. 10 va ἀφόβως γένηται 
πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 

ὑμῖν τ. πιστεύουσιν͵] ΟΥ̓ i. 7. The 
clause is not ‘ pointless’ (Jowett), but 
is to be closely connected with ἐγενή- 
θημεν (cf. Rom. vii. 3), as marking 
the impression the missionaries made 
upon their Thessalonian converts, 
whatever might be the judgment of 
others. Thdt.: ov yap εἶπεν, ἄμεμπτοι 
πᾶσιν ὥφθημεν, ἀλλ᾽ Ὑμῖν τοῖς πιστεύ- 
ουσι. 

11. καθάπερ οἴδατε] The expres- 
Sive καθάπερ (‘die schirfste aller 
Gleichheitspartikeln’ Meisterhans p. 
257) is found in the N.T. only in the 
first two groups of the Pauline Epp. 
(16 times) and in Heb. iv. 2: ef. 
P.Hib. 49, 6 f. (iii./B.0.) καθάπερ ἔγραψα 
and the common legal formula καθάπερ 
ἐγ δίκης ‘as if in accordance with a 
legal decision’ (e.g. P.Amb. 46,. 13 
(ii./B.c.)). In the Decrees ra μὲν ἄλλα 
καθάπερ ὁ δεῖνα ‘was the usual intro- 
duction to an amendment proposed 
in the Ecclesia to a probouleuma’ 
(Roberts-Gardner p. 18): eg. CLG. 


84, 6 f. Κέφαλος εἶπε" τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καθά- 
περ τῇ βουλεῖ" ἀναγράψαι δὲ.... 

ὡς ἕνα κτλ. The construction is 
irregular αύ, 1 this is not to be taken 
as an instance of the Hellenistic use 
of the part. for the ind. (cf. Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 222 f.), we may either 
resume ἐγενήθημεν (v. 10) after os, 
leaving both ἕνα ἕκ. and ὑμᾶς to be 
governed by the following participles, 
or still better supply such a finite 
verb as ἐνουθετοῦμεν Which the writer 
lost sight of owing to the extended 
participial clause. 

"Eva ἕκαστον (Vg. unumquemque), 
an intensified form of ἕκαστον, marks 
the individual character of the 
Apostles’ ministry. Chrys.: BaBai, ἐν 
τοσούτῳ πλήθει μηδένα παραλιπεῖν, μὴ 
μικρόν, μὴ μέγαν, μὴ πλούσιον, μὴ πένητα. 

ὡς πατήρ KTA.|an appropriate change 
from the figure of the nursing-mother 
(v. 7) in view of the thought of instruc- 
tion which is now prominent. Pelag.: 
‘parvulos nutrix fovet: proficientes 
vero jam pater instituit.’ 

12. παρακαλοῦντες ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ‘ex- 
horting you and encouraging and 
testifying’—a clause which, contrary 
to the usual verse-division, is included 
by WH. in τ. 12. Παρακαλεῖν, like 
παράκλησις (Ὁ. 3 note), is a favourite 
word with St Paul, occurring no less 
than ten times in these Epp. with the 
double meaning of ‘exhort’ and ‘com- 
fort. The former idea is prominent 
here, while the succeeding παραμυθού- 
μενοι (elsewhere in N.T. only in v. 14, 
Jo. xi. 19, 31, cf. 2 Macc. xv. 9) is 
addressed to the feelings rather than 
to the will. Fora similar combination 
of the corresponding nouns see 1 Cor. 
xiv. 3, Phil. ii. 1. 

Μαρτύρεσθαι, properly ‘summon to 
witness, and then absolutely ‘ asseve- 


26 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [II 12 


> A ~ ~ 7 lanl ~ cad 
μενοι, εἰς TO περιπατεῖν ὑμᾶς ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ 
΄- ~ > \ ΄ 5 ͵ / 
"καλοῦντος" ὑμάς εἰς THY ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν Kal δόξαν. 


II 12 καλοῦντος BDGHKLP 17 al pler ἃ g Syr (Harel mg) Chr 3 Ambst Ephr al: 
καλέσαντος SA 23 31 al pauc’Vg Go Syr (Pesh Harcl) Sah Boh Arm Theod-Mops™* 


rate,’ ‘protest,’ from which it is an easy 
transition to the meaning ‘conjure,’ 
‘solemnly charge’ which suits best 
the present passage and Eph. iv. 17: 
see Hort on 1 Pet. i. 11 who cites 
in support of this rendering Plut. ii. 
19 B (of Homer) ἐν δὲ τῷ προδιαβάλλειν 
μόνον ov μαρτύρεται καὶ διαγορεύει μήτε 
χρῆσθαι κτλ. ‘solemnly warns not to 
use’—a charge as in the presence of 
God. An interesting parallel is also 
afforded by P.Oxy. 471, 64 f. (ii./A.D.) 
μαρτύρονται κύριε THY σὴν τύχην, Where 
however the editors translate ‘they 
bear evidence,’ as if it were the com- 
moner μαρτυροῦσι. According to Lft. 
(ad loc., cf. note on Gal. v. 3) pap- 
τύρομαι has never this latter sense in 
the N.T. any more than in class. Gk., 
but that the two words were some- 
times confused in late Gk. is proved 
by such a passage as P.Amh. 141, 17 f. 
(iv./A.D.) τοσοῦτο μαρτυραμένη [κ]αὶ 
ἀξιοῦσα τῆς παρὰ σοῦ ἐκδικείας τυχεῖν, 
where we can only translate ‘ bearing 
witness to the facts and praying to 
obtain satisfaction by you.’ 

eis τὸ περιπατεῖν κτλ.] On εἰς τό 
with the inf. expressing here not so 
much the purpose as the content of the 
foregoing charge see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 218 ff., where the varying shades of 
meaning attached to this phrase in the 
Pauline writings are fully discussed. 

Περιπατεῖν with reference to general 
moral conduct occurs thirty-two times 
in the Pauline Epp., and twelve times 
in the writings of St John (Gosp.’, 
Epp.’*). St Luke prefers πορεύεσθαι 
(Gosp.? Ac.”) for this purpose, as do 
St Peter and St Jude. The metaphor 
though not unknown in class. Gk. (cf. 
Xen. Cyr. ii. 2. 24 ἡ πονηρία διὰ τῶν 
παραύτικα ἡδονῶν πορευομένη, and the 
essentially similar metaph. use of 


ἀναστρέφεσθαι, ἀναστροφή) is Hebra- 
istic in origin: cf. the early designation 
of Christianity as ἡ ὁδός (Ac. ix. 2 &¢.) 
in keeping with the common meta- 
phorical use of the word in the Lxx. 

For the use of the pres. inf. περι- 
πατεῖν (ν.1. -τῦσαι D°KL) see Blass 
p.195n', For περιπατεῖν ἀξίως cf. Eph, 
iv. 1, and for ἀξίως with gen. of a person 
cf. Rom. xvi. 2, Col. i. 10, 3 Jo. 6. The 
exact phrase ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ is found in 
the Pergamene inscription 248, 7 ff. 
(ii./B.c.) where Athenaios, a priest of 
Dionysios and Sabazius, is extolled 
as συ[ν]τετελεκότος τὰ iepd...evoeBos 
[μ]ὲγ καὶ ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ (see Deissmann 
BS. p. 248). 

Thieme (p. 21) cites similar exx, 
from the Magnesian inscriptions, e.g. 
33, 30 ἀξίως [τ]ῆ[-ς] θ[ε]ᾶς (Gonnos in 
Thessaly iii./B.c.), 85, 10 f. ἀξίως τῆς τε 
᾿Αρτέμιδος...καὶ [τοῦ] δήμου (Tralles); 
but rightly draws attention to the diffe- 
rence of spirit underlying the appeal 
of the Christian Apostle to his con- 
verts to walk worthily of the Gospel, 
and the praise which a Greek com- 
mune bestows on the ambassadors of 
another state for acting ἀξίως τῆς θεᾶς 
καὶ τοῦ δήμου. 

τοῦ καλοῦντος] ‘who is calling,’ the 
verb being used in its technical sense 
of ‘call to the kingdom’ with the 
further idea, as throughout the Pauline 
Epp., that the calling as God’s act has 
been effectual (Rom. viii. 30, 1 Cor. i. 9). 
The use of the pres. part. instead of 
the more common aor. (καλέσαντος, 
WH. mg.) in this connexion (cf. iv. 7, 
Gal. i. 6, 15, v. 13, but not Ὁ. 8) may 
be due to the fact that the whole 
phrase is practically =‘ our caller’ (cf, 
i. 10, and see Rom. ix. 11 where ἐκ 
τοῦ καλοῦντος is contrasted with ἐξ 
ἔργων), but is perhaps sufficiently ex- 


IE 12] 


plained by the eschatological refer- 
ence of the present passage. Believers 
are continually being called to an in- 
heritance on which they have not yet 
fully entered, but of which they are 
assured (cf. v. 24). 

On the different uses of καλέω see 
SH. p. 241 ἢ 

eis τ. ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν κτλ. Though 
there are undoubted instances in the 
Pauline Epp. of βασιλεία as the 
present kingdom of God’s_ grace 
(Rom. xiv. 17, 1 Cor. iv. 20, Col. i. 13), 
its reference in the main is to the 
future (II. i. 5, 1 Cor. vi. 9, xv. 50, 
Gal. v. 21, 2 Tim. iv. 1, 18), and that 
this is the case here is shown by its 
inclusion with the eschatological δόξα 
under one art. The two expressions 
must not however be united as if= 
‘His own kingdom of glory,’ or even 
‘His own kingdom culminating in 
His glory,’ but point rather to two 
manifestations of God’s power, the 
first of His rule, the second of His 
glory. On ἑαυτοῦ which seems here 
to retain its full emphasis see note 
on v. 7, and on St Paul’s teaching 
regarding the ‘kingdom’ at Thessa- 
lonica see Intr. p. xxvii. 

Δόξα, in class. Gk. = ‘opinion,’ ‘good 
opinion’ (cf. x, 6), through the influence 
of the Lxx. where it is commonly used 
to translate Heb. 143 ‘honour, 
‘glory,’ came to be applied in the 
N.T. to the full manifestation of 
God’s glory (‘Gloria, divinitas con- 
spicua ’—Beng. on Ac. vii. 2), or more 
specially to that glory as revealed to 
men in the Divine majesty and good- 
ness (e.g. Eph. i. 6, 12, 17, iii. 16, Col. 
1. 11 with Lft.’s note). From this it 
was a natural transition to the future 
bliss or glory that awaits God’s people, 
the ethical conception being still 
always predominant: cf. Rom. v. 2 
ἐπ᾽ ἐλπίδι τ. δόξης τ. θεοῦ, viii. 18 πρὸς 
_ τ. μέλλουσαν δόξαν ἀποκαλυφθῆναι εἰς 
ἡμᾶς. This sense of the word can also 
be illustrated from post-canonical 
literature by such passages as Apoc. 
Bar, xv. 8 ‘For this world is to them 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 27 


a trouble and a weariness with much 
labour; and that accordingly which 
is to come, a crown with great glory’; 
xlviii. 49 ‘And I will recount their 
blessedness and not be silent in cele- 
brating their glory, which is reserved 
for them’; and especially 4 Ezra vii. 
42 where the state of the blessed is 
described as ‘neque nitorem neque 
claritatem neque lucem’ but only 
‘splendorem _ claritatis _altissimi’ 
[perhaps=dravyacpa δόξης Ὑψίστου, 
SH. p. 85]. 

For the Bibl. history of the word 
δόξα see further Kennedy Last 
Things p. 299 ff., and for the possi- 
bility that δόξα may originally have 
had a ‘realistic’ meaning in the 
ordinary Gk. of the day though no 
actual instance of this use has yet 
been found, see Deissmann Hellenis- 
werung p. 165 f., where its use as a 
name for women and ships (F. Bechtel, 
Die attischen Frauennamen (1902) 
p. 132) is cited as a partial parallel. 

In the passage before us the whole 
phrase τ. καλοῦντος κτλ. shows affinity 
with the ‘invitation’ in the Parable 
of the Supper, Mt. xxii. 1 ff., Lk. xiv. 
16 ff.: ef. Dalman Worte p. 97 (Engl. 
Tr. p. 118 f.) where similar exx. are 
adduced from Jewish literature. 


11. 13—16. RENEWED THANKSGIVING 
FOR THE SUCCESS ATTENDING THE 
AposToLic MINISTRY AT THESSA- 
LONICA, 


Because their ministry had been 
attended with so much toil and zeal 
(vv. I—12), the Apostles are now all 
the more ready to renew their thanks- 
giving to God that the Thessalonians 
had not come short either in their 
ready acceptance of the Gospel- 
message (Ὁ. 13), or in their endurance 
under persecution (Ὁ. 14)—the latter 
thought leading to a vehement con- | 
demnation of the persecuting Jews 
(vv. 15, 16). 


13, 14. ‘Seeing then that we on 


‘our part have bestowed so much 


labour and affection upon you, we are 


2ὃ THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS | [II 13 


\ \ ~ \ - ΄- - ΄ 

"3 Καὶ δια τοῦτο καὶ ἡμεῖς εὐχαριστοῦμεν TH θεῷ 

ἰδ / «“ / / > ~ 2 oe ~ 
ἀδιαλείπτως, OTL παραλαβόντες λόγον ἀκοῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν 
~ ΄σ > / / / \ \ 
τοῦ θεοῦ ἐδέξασθε οὐ λόγον ἀνθρώπων ἀλλὰ καθὼς 
> ΄σ > \ / ~~ «ἃ ~ > ε ~ ~ 
ἀληθώς ἐστὶν λόγον θεοῦ, Os καὶ ἐνεργεῖται ἐν ὑμῖν τοῖς 


the more unceasingly thankful that 


you yourselves have not come short 
in the act of receiving. Nay rather 
when the “word of hearing” was de- 
livered to you, it became something 
more than the “word of hearing.” We 
might be its bearers, but God was its 
author. And in welcoming it as you 
did, it proved itself no mere human 
message, but a Divine power in all 
believing hearts. How true this is 
your own lives testified in that, after 
the example of the Christian Churches 
of Judzea, you underwent the same 
sufferings at the hands of your fellow- 
countrymen that they did at the hands 
of the unbelieving Jews.’ 

13. καὶ ἡμεῖς) ‘we on our part’— 
καί denoting the response of the 
Apostles to the favourable character 
of the news they had received: ef. 
111. 5, Col. i. 9 (with Lft.’s note). For 
a different view according to which 
καί really belongs to the verb see 
Lietzmann on om. iii. 7 (in Handb. 
2. N.T. iii. 1 (1906)). 

ὅτι παραλαβόντες xTA.] ὅτε not so 
much causal (II. i. 10, ii. 13), as intro- 
ducing the subject-matter of the 
εὐχαριστία, namely that the Thessa- 
lonians had not only outwardly 
received (παραλαβόντες) the Apostolic 
message, but had inwardly welcomed 
(ἐδέξασθε) it, and that too not as the 
word of men, but as the word of God. 
For a similar use of παραλαμβάνω in 
the Pauline Epp. cf. iv. 1, II. iii. 6, 
Gal. i. 9, 12, 1 Cor. xv. 1, 3, Phil. iv. 9, 
Col. ii. 6, and for δέχομαι of willing, 
hearty reception cf. i. 6, 11. ii. 10, 
1 Cor. ii. 14, 2 Cor. viii. 17, Gal. iv. 14. 
In the present passage the Vg. makes 
no attempt to mark the difference of 
the verbs (accepissetis...accepistis), 


but Clarom. has percepissetis...ex- 
cepistis, and Ambrstr. accepissetis... 
suscepistis. 

λόγον ἀκοῆς] ᾿Ακοῆς may be under- 
stood in the active sense of ‘a hearing’ 
(cf. Gal. iii. 2, where it is contrasted 
with ἔργων) in keeping with the part 
here assigned to the Thessalonians 
themselves, but it is better taken in 
its (ordinary) passive sense of ‘a mes- 
sage’ spoken and heard (Vg. verbum 
audités): cf. Rom. x. 16 (Luxx. Isa, 
liii. I), Heb. iv. 2. 

map ἡμῶν] to be connected with 
παραλαβόντες, notwithstanding the 
interjected Ady. ἀκοῆς, as indicating 
the immediate source of the message 
delivered and received, while the em- 
phatic τοῦ θεοῦ is added to point to 
its real source lest the Apostles should 
seem to be making undue claims (ef. 
1 Cor. ii. 13). 

ov λόγον ἀνθρώπων κτλ. To under- 
stand ws before oy. dvOp. (as A.V., 
R.V.) is unnecessary, and fails to 
bring out as clearly as the absolute 
rendering the real character of the 
message here referred to. For (0) 
λόγος (rod) θεοῦ with reference to the 
preaching of the Gospel cf. 2 Tim. ii. 9, 
Apoc. i. 9, and for the whole clause 
cf. Apol. Arist. xvi. οὐ yap ἀνθρώπων 
ῥήματα λαλοῦσιν [οἱ χριστιανοί), ἀλλὰ 
τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ. 

ὃς καὶ ἐνεργεῖται] ‘which also is set 
in operation’ (Clarom., Ambrstr. guod 
operatur)—evepyeirac being best un- 
derstood in the pass. sense in which 
it is frequently found in late Gk. (e.g. 
Polyb. i. 13. 5, ix. 12. 3), and which 
brings out more clearly than the 
midd., which is generally found here, 
the Divine agency that is at work. 
For this energizing power of God’s 


II 14] 


, 
πιστευουσιν. 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 29 


“4yuels γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί, 


ra] 9 ~ ~ ΄ι ΄ > ~ > wa 3 / 3 
τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῆ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ ἐν 


~ ΄ ε \ \ / \ ~ \ τι 
Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν 
iol a θ \ \ > \ € A ΄- Ἴ ὃ / 
ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθως καὶ αὐτοῖ ὑπὸ τῶν Ιουδαίων; 


word cf. Heb. iv. 12, Jas. i. 21, 1 Pet. 
i. 23, Isa. lv. 11; and for a valuable 
note on the use of ἐνεργεῖν and its 
cognates in the N.T, see Robinson 
Eph. p. 241 ff. 

ἐν ὑμῖν τ. πιστεύουσιν] a clause 
added to emphasize that, powerful 
though the word of God is, it can 
only operate where a believing atti- 
tude exists and continues: cf. Ὁ. 10, 
and for the thought see Mt. xiii. 23, 
58, Heb. iv. 2. 

14. ὑμεῖς yap κτλ.] A practical con- 
firmation of the ἐνέργεια just spoken 
of. The Thessalonians in their turn 
(ὑμεῖς emph.) had shown themselves 
not idle hearers, but active ‘imi- 
tators’ of the Churches of God in 
Judaea, which are apparently speci- 
ally mentioned here simply because 
they were the earliest Christian com- 
munities, and had throughout their 
history been exposed to severe hos- 
tility. 

For the added clause ἐν Xp. "Inc. 
cf. i. 1 note, and for similar appeals 
to the lessons of past sufferings cf. 
1 Cor. xv. 32, Gal. iii. 4, Heb. x. 32 ff. 

ὑπὸ τ. ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν] Accord- 
ing to derivation συμφυλέτης (am. λεγ. 
N.T.) means literally ‘one belonging 
to the same tribe’ (Vg. contribulibus), 
but is evidently used here in a local 
rather than a racial sense (Ambrstr. 
conciuibus), and need not therefore 
exclude all reference to those Jews 
by whom, as we know from Ac. xvii. 
5, 13, the persecutions at Thessalonica 
were first instigated. If so, this 
would seem to be one of the in- 
stances where a certain weakened 
force must be allowed to ἰδίων (cf. 
ἑαυτῆς, Ὁ. 7) in accordance with a not 
infrequent tendency in Hellenistic 
Gk., e.g. Job vii. 10 οὐδ᾽ ov μὴ ἐπι- 


στρέψῃ eis τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον : cf. Mt. xxii. 
5, 1 Cor. vii. 2, and the memorial 
inscription found at Thessalonica 
᾿Απολλωνία Νεικῶνι τῷ ἰδίῳ ἀνδρὶ 
μνήμης χάριν (Heuzey p. 282). See 
further Deissmann BS. p. 123 f., Mayser 
Ρ. 308, and on the danger of pushing 
this ‘exhausted’ ἴδιος too far Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 87 ff. 

For the thoroughly class. use of ὑπό 
with an intrans. verb to point to the 
author cf. such a passage from the 
Kowy as P.Amh. 78, 4f. (ii./A.D.) βίαν 
πάσχων ἑκάστοτε ὑπὸ κύσεως. 

καθὼς καὶ αὐτοί κτὰ.] Αὐτοί, i.e. the 
persons included in the collective ἐκ- 
kAnowwv. For the imperfect antece- 
dent cf. WM. p. 181, and for the 
repetition of καί in order to strengthen 
the comparison with the immediately 
preceding καὶ ὑμεῖς cf. Rom. i, 13, 
Col. iii. 13. Ἰουδαία is here used in 
its larger sense of all Palestine in- 
cluding Galilee, cf. Lk. iv. 44, Ac. x. 
37, Jos. Antt. τ. 160 (vii. 2) eis τὴν τότε 
μὲν Xavavaiay λεγομένην viv δὲ Ἰουδαίαν, 
μετῴκησε. Of the precise nature of 
the sufferings of the Judzean churches 
after St Paul began his missionary 
labours we have no record in Acts, 
but they would doubtless consist in 
excommunication and social outlawry, 
as well as in actual legal persecution 
(cf. Ramsay C.R.Z. p. 349). In any 
case the mere mention of ‘the Jews’ 
is sufficient to recall to the Apostle 
what he himself had suffered at the 
hands of his fellow-countrymen, and 
accordingly he ‘goes off’ at the word 
into a fierce attack upon them. 

15, 16. This attack is so different 
from St Paul’s general attitude to his 
fellow-countrymen (e.g. Rom. x. 1 ff.) 
that the whole passage has been pro- 
nounced an interpolation but without 


30 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 15, 16 


~ \ \ , / lo \ 
ST@Y Kal TOV κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων ᾿Ϊησοῦν Kat τοὺς 
/ A ~~ / ~ \ > / 
προφήτας καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων, καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων, 
\ ~ > / / / ~ a 
καὶ Tao. ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων, "“κωλνόντων ἡμᾶς τοῖς 


any sufficient warrant (Intr. p. lxxvi). 
The sharp judgment expressed is due 
rather to the Apostle’s keen sense of 
the manner in which the Jews had 
opposed God’s will, both in thwarting 
his own missionary work, and after- 
wards in seeking to shake the faith 
of his Thessalonian converts. It is 
however deserving of notice that this 
is the only passage in the Pauline 
writings in which the designation 
‘the Jews’ is used in direct contrast 
to Christian believers in the sense 
which St John afterwards made so 
familiar in his Gospel (i. 19, ii. 18 &c.). 
For a somewhat similar digression cf. 
Phil. iii. 2 ff., and for the light in 
which the Jews are here regarded 
see Stephen’s charge Ac. vii. 51 ff. 

15,16. ‘Did we speak of the Jews 
as persecutors? Why, are they not the 
men at whose door lies the guilt of 
the death of Jesus, and who in the 
past drove out the prophets, even as 
they are now driving out us? The 
least that can be said of them is that 
they do not please God, while their 
well-known hostility to all mankind is 
shown in the present instance by their 
deliberately standing in the way of 
the Gentiles’ salvation. But in so 
doing they are only “filling up the 
measure of their iniquity” with the 
result that “the Wrath of God” which 
they have so fully deserved has reached 
its final stage.’ 

15. τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον κτλ. The 
words are skilfully arranged so as 
to lay emphasis on both κύριον and 
Ἰησοῦν: it was ‘the Lord’ whom the 
Jews slew, ‘even Jesus’: cf. Ac. ii. 36 
and see Add. Note D. For the guilt of 
the crucifixion as lying at the door of 
the Jewish people cf. such passages 
as Lk. xxiv. 20, Jo. xix. 11, Ac. ii, 23, 
and Gosp. Pet. 7, and for the general 
thought see our Lord’s own parable 


Mk. xii. 1 ff, which may have sug- 
gested his language here to the 
Apostle. If this latter connexion can 
be established, it is natural to follow 
the usual order and place τ. προφήτας 
also under the government of ἀποκτει: 
vavrov. On the other hand, to avoid 
the slight anticlimax that is thereby 
occasioned by the prophets following 
the Lord Jesus, various modern editors 
prefer to connect τ προφήτας with 
ἡμᾶς under the direct government of 
ἐκδιωξάντων, an arrangement which 
has the further advantage of com- 
bining closely the prophets and the 
Apostles as the Divine messengers in 
the past and the present: cf. Mt. v. 12 
οὕτως yap ἐδίωξαν τ. προφήτας τ. πρὸ 
ὑμῶν, and see also Mt. xxiii. 31, Lk. 
xi. 47, 

The reading ἰδίους, which is found 
in certain Mss. (D>°K L) before προφή- 
ras, is due not to any doctrinal bias 
(Tert. adv. Marc, v. 15 ‘licet suos 
adjectio sit haeretici’), but to a desire 
for precision of statement: cf. iv. 11, 
Eph. iv, 28. 

καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων] ‘and drove us 
out’ (Beng.: ‘qui persequendo ejece- 
runt’). For the fact cf. Ac. xvii. 5 ff, 
13 ff, and for the force of ἐκδιώκειν 
(am. λεγ. N.T.: v.l Lk. xi. 49) ef. such 
passages in the Lxx. as Deut. vi. 19 
ἐκδιῶξαι πάντας τοὺς ἐχθρούς σου πρὸ 
προσώπου σου, Joel ii. 20 καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ 
βορρᾶ ἐκδιώξω ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν: see also 
Thue. i. 24 6 δῆμος αὐτῶν ἐξεδίωξε 
τοὺς δυνατούς, οἱ δὲ ἀπελθόντες κτλ.; 
Dem. Or. xxxii. p. 883 ἐκδιωκόμενος 
[seid. e navi] ῥίπτει ἑαυτὸν eis τὴν θά- 
λασσαν. 

καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων] a notable 
instance of mezosis, cf. IL. iii. 2, 7. 
For the expression which is a favourite 
one in the Pauline writings cf. Ὁ. 4, 
iv. 1, Rom. viii. 8,2 Cor. v. 9, Col. i. 10, 

καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων} the 


116] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 31 


=~ ε δὰ \ > al = | 
ἔθνεσιν λαλῆσαι ἵνα σωθῶσιν, εἰς TO ἀναπληρῶολι αὐτῶν 


only passage in the N.T. where ἐναν- 
trios is used of persons. The words 
naturally recall the ‘hostile odium’ 
(Tac. Hist. γ. 5) towards all men with 
which the Jews have often been 
charged: cf. Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 1 τοὺς 
Ἰουδαίους μόνους ἁπάντων ἐθνῶν ἀκοινω- 
νήτους εἶναι, Philostr. Apoll. v. 33, Jos. 
δ. Apion. τι. 121 (10), and the col- 
lection of passages in T. Reinach’s 
Textes...relatifs au Judaisme (1895) 
under the heading ‘Misoxénie’ in the 
Index. The reference here however, 
as the following clause shows, is more 
limited. 

16. κωλυόντων ἡμᾶς κτλ.] ‘in that 
they forbid us to speak to the Gentiles 
in order that they may be saved.’ The 
emphasis lies on τ. ἔθνεσιν : it was to 
the Gentiles (Wycl. hethen men) that 
the Jews did not wish anything said 
that had for its object their salvation. 
Chrys.: εἰ yap τῇ οἰκουμένῃ δεῖ λαλῆ- 
σαι, οὗτοι δὲ κωλύουσι, κοινοὶ τῖς 
οἰκουμένης εἰσὶν ἐχθροί. For the fact 
ΠΝ Ac. xiii. 45. 50, xvii. 5, 13, xxi. 
27 ff. &c., and for a similar instance of 
ἵνα with its full telic force cf. 1 Cor. 


x33 

On the history of the word ἔθνος, 
which is here used in its strict Lxx. 
sense of all outside the covenant- 
people (O%3i3), see Kennedy Sources 
p. 98, Nigeli p. 46, and ef. Hicks in 
C.R. i. p. 42 f. where it is shown that 
ἔθνος first gained significance as a 
political term after Alexander and his 
successors began to found cities as out- 
posts of trade and civilization. Then 
‘Hellenic life found its normal type 
in the πόλις, and barbarians who lived 
κατὰ κώμας or in some less organized 
form were ¢6vn.’ 

The attitude of the stricter Pharisa- 
ism towards other nations is well 
brought out in such a passage as 
4 Ezra vi. 55 f.: ‘Haec autem omnia 
dixi coram te, domine, quoniam 
dixisti quia propter nos creasti primo- 


genitum saeculum. Residuas autem 
gentes ab Adam natas dixisti eas 
nihil esse et quoniam saliuae adsimi- 
latae sunt et sicut stillicidium de uaso 
similasti habundantiam eorum.’ 

There are however occasional traces 
of a more liberal view, e.g. Pss. Sol. 
xvii. 38, ‘He [the Messiah] shall have . 
mercy upon all the nations that come 
before him in fear’; Apoc. Bar. i. 4 
‘I will scatter this people among the 
Gentiles that they may do good to 
the Gentiles’ (i.e. apparently by 
making proselytes of them, Charles 
ad loc.). 

eis TO ἀναπληρῶσαι κτλ.] ‘in order 
to fill up the measure of their sins at 
all times’ (Vg. wt impleant peccata 
sua semper). There is no need to 
depart here from the ordinary sense 
of eis τό with the inf. to denote 
purpose (cf. Ὁ. 12 note), the reference 
being ‘grammatically’ to the Jews, 
but ‘theologically’ to the eternal 
purpose of God ‘which unfolded itself 
in this wilful and at last judicial blind- 
ness on the part of His chosen 
people’ (Ellic.): cf. Rom. 1. 24, and 
for other exx. of εἰς τό introducing 
a purpose contemplated not by the 
doer but by God cf. Rom. i. 20, iv. 
11. In acting as they were doing the 
present Jews were but carrying for- 
ward to its completion the work 
which their fathers had begun (Beng.: 
‘ut semper, ita nunc quoque’), and 
which had now brought down upon 
them God’s judicial wrath: cf. Gen. 
XV. 16 οὔπω γὰρ ἀναπεπλήρωνται ai 
ἁμαρτίαι τῶν ᾿Αμορραίων ἕως τοῦ νῦν, 


‘and especially our Lord’s own words 


recorded in Mt. xxiii. 31 f. ὅτι υἱοί 
ἐστε τῶν φονευσάντων τοὺς προφήτας. 
καὶ ὑμεῖς πληρώσατε τὸ μέτρον τῶν 
πατέρων ὑμῶν. The plur. αἱ ἁμαρτίαι 
laying stress not on specific acts of sin, 
but on sin in the aggregate, is found 
in all groups of St Paul’s Epp.; ef. 
Westcott Eph. p. 165 f. where the 


32 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [1116 


‘ ε , / 

TAC AMAPTIAC TAVTOTE. 
> 7 

εἰς τελος. 


ἔφθασεν" δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ 


16 ἔφθασεν SAD>* GKLP cet Orig Eus Chr Thdt al: ἔφθακεν ΒΤ)" 31 137 154 


different Pauline words for ‘sin’ are 
classified, and for a non-Christian use 
of the word see P.Leip. 119, 3 (iii./A.D.) 
τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν] τὰς πονηρίας cuvexa[s 
ἀἸνορθουμένων. For the unemphatic 
αὐτῶν cf. WM. p. 193. 

ἔφθασεν δέ κτλ.] ‘Tristis exitus’ 
(Beng.). The wrath which in i. 10 
was represented as ‘coming’ is now 
thought of as actually ‘arrived,’ 
thereby marking an ‘end’ in the 
history of God’s dealings with the 
Jewish people. For this meaning of 
φθάνειν, which in late Gk. (perhaps in 
accordance with its original meaning, 
cf. Thue. iii. 49 and see Geldart Mod. 
Gk. p. 206) has entirely lost the sense 
of anticipation, cf. Rom. ix. 31, 2 Cor. 
x. 14, Phil. iii. 16, and such passages 
from the papyri as P.Oxy. 237. vi. 
30 f. (ii./A.D.) καὶ ὅτι φθάνει τὸ πρᾶγμα 
ἀκρειβῶς [ἐξ]ητασμένον ‘and the fact 
that a searching enquiry into the 
affair had already been held, P.Fior. 
9, 9 f. (iii./A.D.) φθάσαντός μου πρὸς 
τοῖς μναιμίοις (μνημείοις) ‘when I had 
arrived near the tombs. There is no 
need to treat the aor. as prophetic, 
resembling the Heb. perf. of pre- 
diction (Findlay): in accordancerather 
with one of its earliest usages it de- 
notes what has just happened, and is 
thus best rendered in English by the 
perf. ‘is (or has) come,’ cf. Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 135, and for the survival 
of this ancient aor. in mod. Gk. 
(€p@aca= ‘here I am’) see p. 247. 
WH. read ἔφθακεν i in the margin. 

On ἡ ὀργή see the note on i. 10, and 
for the wrath coming upon (éni) the 
Jews from above cf. Rom. i. 18 ἀποκα- 
λύπτεται yap ὀργὴ θεοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ ἐπὶ 
πᾶσαν ἀσέβειαν. The phrase φθάνειν 
ἐπί is found elsewhere in the N.T. 
only Mt. xii. 28, Lk. xi. 20: it occurs 
six times in the Lxx. (Hawkins Hor. 


Syn. p. 51). 


eis τέλος] an adv. phrase =‘ finally,’ 
‘to an end’ (Vg. in finem, W eizsicker 
zum Ende), in accordance with the 
regular N.T. usage (e.g. Mt. x. 22, Lk. 
xviii. 5, Jo. xiii. 1) supported by 
many passages in the Lxx., e.g. Job 
ΧΙ, 20, xx. 7, Pasi xlviii, (xlix.) 


10 where it represents the Heb. ns, 
Some translators however prefer the 
intensive meaning ‘to the uttermost,’ 
‘ completely’ (Hofm. ganz und gar, 
Weiss im hichsten Grade), relying” 
on such passages as 2 Chron. xii. 12 
(for 123?), xxi. 1 (for ΠΡΟ Ργ; ef 
also Pss. Sol. i. 1 with Ryle and 
James’s note. In either case the 
sense remains much the same, namely, 
that in the case of the Jews the 
Divine ὀργή (πάλαι ὀφειλομένη x. προω- 
ρισμένη x. προφητευομένη, Chrys.) had 
now reached a final and complete end 
in contrast with the partial judg- 
ments which had hitherto been 
threatened (cf. Jer. iv. 27 συντέλειαν 
δὲ ov μὴ ποιήσω). 

In what exactly this ‘end’ consisted 
is not so easy to determine, but in no 
case have we here any direct refer- 
ence to the Fall of Jerusalem as Baur 
and other impugners of the Hpistle’s 
authenticity have tried to show (Intr. 
p. lxxiv). The whole conception is 
ethical, the Apostles finding in the 
determined blindness of the Jewish 
people with its attendant moral evils 
an infallible proof that the nation’s 
day of grace was now over, cf. Rom. 
xi. 7 ff. 

For an almost literal verbal parallel 
to the whole clause cf. Test. xii patr. 
Levi vi. 11 ἔφθασε δὲ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ 
τοῦ θεοῦ εἰς τέλος, whence St Paul 
may have derived it, if it is not to be 
regarded as ‘a half-stereotyped Rab- 
binical formula’ (Lock, enn 2.8. 


iv. p. 746). 


117] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 33 


"1 Huis δέ, ἀδελφοί, ἀπορφανισθέντες ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν πρὸς 
καιρὸν ὥρας, προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ, περισσοτέρως ἐσπου- 


II. 17—III. το. Sussequent ΒῈ- 
LATION OF THE APOSTLES TO THE 
THESSALONIAN CHURCH. 


11. 17—20. Their Desire to revisit 
Thessalonica and its Cause. 


From their outburst against their 
Jewish opponents the writers return 
to their relation to their Thessalo- 
nian converts, and in a paragraph 
full of deep feeling give expression to 
their anxiously-cherished desire to 
see them again. The paragraph is 
only loosely connected with the fore- 
going section, though the emphatic 
ἡμεῖς δέ (v. 17) may well stand in 
contrast with the Jews just spoken 
of. While these had done their ut- 
most to prevent the preaching of the 
gospel in Thessalonica, the Apostles 
on their part had been only the more 
eager to resume their interrupted 
work, The main stress however is no 
longer, as in vv. I—12, on the delivery 
of the message, but rather on the 
faith by which it had been received, 
and which was now in need of en- 
couragement and comfort in view of 
the sufferings to which the Thessa- 
loniaus were exposed. In no case 
does the passage contain an apology 
for the Apostles’ absence, as if on 
their own account they had deserted 
the Thessalonian Church. On the 
contrary the vehemence of the lan- 
guage employed shows how keenly 
they felt the enforced absence. 

17, 18. ‘But as for ourselves, 
Brothers, when we had been bereaved 
of you for a short season, albeit the 
separation was in bodily presence, not 
in heart, we were exceedingly de- 
sirous to see you again face to face, 
and all the more so because of the 
hindrances we encountered. For 
when we had resolved to revisit 
you—so far indeed as I Paul was 
concerned this resolution was actually 


Μ, THESS. 


come to on two separate occasions— 
it was only to find that Satan had 
effectually blocked our path.’ 

17. ἀπορφανισθέντες)])͵ The meta- 
phor underlying ἀπορφανισθέντες (ar. 
Aey. N.T., elsewhere Aesch. Choeph. 
241, Philo) can hardly be pressed in 
view of the latitude with which ὀρ- 
φανός is often used (e.g. Pind. Lsthm. 
7. 15 ὁ. ἑταίρων), though the closeness 
of the ties between the Apostles and 
their converts (cf. ii. 7, 11) makes the 
special meaning very appropriate here. 
Th. Mops.: ‘desolati a uobis ad in- 
star orphanorum ’; Oecum.: ἄνω μὲν 
εἶπεν, ὅτι, ὡς πατὴρ τέκνα, καὶ ὡς τροφός" 
ἐνταῦθα δέ, ἀπορφανισθέντες ὅπερ ἐστὶ 
παίδων, πατέρας ἐπιζητούντων. 

πρὸς καιρὸν ὥρας] ‘for a space of an 
hour’ (Vg. ad tempus horae, Beza ad 
temporis momentum), the combina- 
tion laying stress on the shortness of 
the period referred to (cf. ‘horae mo- 
mento’ Hor. Sat. 1. i. 7 f., Plin. NV. A. 
vii. 52). For the simple πρὸς καιρόν 
cf. Luke viii. 13, 1 Cor. vii. 5, and for 
πρὸς ὥραν cf, 2 Cor. vii. 8, Gal. ii. 5, 
and for πρός c. ace. to denote the 
time during which anything lasts cf. 
πρὸς ὀλίγον (I Tim. iv. 8), πρὸς τὸ 
παρόν (Heb. xii. 11), and such a pas- 
sage from the papyri as O.P.R. 32, 9 f. 
(iii./A.D.) πρὸς μόνον τὸ ἐνεστὸς β' ἔτος 
μισθώσασθαι. 

προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ] ‘a local dative 
ethically used’ (Ellic. on Gal. i, 22): 
cf. WM. p. 270. The same contrast 
is found in 2 Cor. y. 12: for the 
thought cf. 1 Cor. v. 3, Col. ii. 5. 
Grotius cites by way of illustration 
the line descriptive of lovers, ‘Illum 
absens absentem auditque videtque.’ 

περισσοτέρως ἐσπουδάσαμεν] ‘were 
more exceedingly anxious’—a sense 
of eagerness being present in the 
verb ἐσπουδάσαμεν, Which we do not 
usually associate with our Engl. ‘ en- 
deavoured’ (A.V., R.V.). Tindale, 


3 


33 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 18, 19 


ὃ / \ / ε ~ > = > Ong ῊΣ ΄ 
ἄσαμεν τὸ πρόσωπον ὑμῶν ἰδεῖν ἐν πολλῇ ἐπιθυμίᾳ. 
/ > / 3 ~ ~~ 5 ~ 
**SidTt ἠθελήσαμεν ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἐγὼ μὲν Παῦλος 


, ee 8 \ / \ / ΄σ a 
Kal ἁπαξ και δίς, καὶ ἐνέκοψεν ἡμᾶς ὁ (ατανᾶς. 


followed by Cranmer and the Genevan 
versions, has ‘enforsed.’ For σπου- 
δάζειν, which in the N.T. is regularly 
constructed with inf. (in 2 Pet. i. 15 
ace. and inf.), cf. Gal. ii. 10, Eph. iv. 3, 
2 Tim. ii. 15, Heb. iv. 11, 2 Pet. i. 10, 
111. 14. 

The comparative περισσοτέρως (for 
form, WSchm. p. 98) is appa- 
rently never used in the Pauline 
writings without a comparison, either 
stated or implied, being present to 
the writer’s mind (cf. WM. p. 304 f.). 
In the present instance this is best 
found not in the preceding amop¢. 
(‘separation, so far from weakening 
our desire to see you, has only 
increased it’ Lft.), nor in what the 
Apostles had learned regarding the 
persecutions to which the Thessalo- 
nians had been exposed (P. Schmidt, 
Schmiedel), but in the hindrances 
which, according to the next verse, 
had been thrown in the way of their 
return, and which, instead of chilling 
their ardour, had rather increased it 
(Bornemann, Wohleuberg). 

ἐν πολλῇ ἐπιθυμίᾳ] ‘with great de- 
sire’—one of the few instances in 
the N.T. in which ἐπιθυμία is used in 
a good sense, cf. Lk. xxii. 15, Phil. i. 
23, Rev. xviii. 14. 

18. διότι ἠθελήσαμεν] ‘because we 
had resolved’—with the idea of active 
decision or purpose which as a rule 
distinguishes θέλω in the N.T. from the 
more passive βούλομαι ‘desire,’ ‘wish.’ 
It is right however to add that by 
many scholars this distinction is re- 
versed (see the elaborate note in 
Grimm-Thayer s.v. θέλω), while Blass 
(p. 54) regards the two words as 
practically synonymous in the N.T., 
though his contention that Bovdo- 
μαι is ‘literary’ as compared with 
the more ‘popular’ (so mod. Greek) 


a2 aks 


θέλω cannot be maintained in view of 
the frequent occurrences of the former 
in the non-literary papyri. For the 
form θέλω which always stands in the 
N.T. for the Attic ἐθέλω, and which is 
always augmented in 7-, see WSchm. 
p. 54. Διότι (v. 8 note) is better sepa- 
rated only by a colon from the pre- 
ceding clause. 

ἐγὼ μὲν Παῦλος] For a similar em- 
phatic introduction of the personal 
name cf. 2 Cor. x. 1, Gal. v. 2, Eph. 
iii. 1, Col. i. 23, Philem. 19. For μέν 
solitaritum see Blass p. 267. 

x. ἅπαξ κ. δίς] ‘both once and twice’ 
i.e. ‘twice’ as in Phil. iv. 16; ef. Plato 
Phaedo 63D καὶ dis καὶ τρίς. Where the 
first καί is wanting as in Deut. ix. 13, 
2 Esdr. xxiii. (xiii.) 20, 1 Mace. iii. 30, 
the meaning may be more general 
‘once and again,’ ‘repeatedly.’ 

καὶ ἐνέκοψεν κτὰλ.] On καί here as 
not adversative (Hermann Vig. p. 521) 
but ‘copulative and contrasting’ see 
Ellic. on Phil. iv. 12 (ef. WM. p. 
544 n.'). 

᾿Ἐνκόπτω ‘cut into’ used originally 
of breaking up a road to render it 
impassable, came to mean ‘hinder’ 
generally (Hesych.: ἐμποδίζω, διακω- 
Avw); cf. Ac. xxiv. 4, Rom. xv. 22, 
Gal. v. 7, 1 Pet. iii. 7, and see P.Alex. 
4, I f. (iii./B.c.) ἡμῖν ἐνκόπτεις καλά. 
The exact nature of the hindrance is 
here left undefined, but in accordance 
with the profound Bibl, view it is re- 
ferred in the last instance to Satan, 
as the personal force in whom all evil 
centres; οὗ II. ii. 9, 2 Cor. xii. 7. In 
the Lxx. caray is found in the general 
sense of ‘adversary’ in 3 Regn. xi. 14 
without the art., and in Sir. xxi. 27 
(30) with the art.: in the N.T. the 
name whether with or without the 
art., always denotes the Adversary κατ᾽ 
ἐξοχήν. Elsewhere in this Ep. Satan 


20] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 35 


\ . a 9 \ x 1 eae / / 9. 3 \ 
yao ἡμῶν ἐλπίς ἡ Kapa ἡ στέφανος καυχήσεως----ἢ οὐχί 
ε ~ ~ ’ ς ~ σι» ro ~~ 

Kal ὑμεῖς--- ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν τῆ αὐτοῦ 


διε τος τὸ 
παρουσίᾳ; ' 


is described as ὁ πειράζων (111. 5). For 
the development of the Jewish belief 
in ‘Satan’ see Enc. Bibl. s.v., and cf. 
Bousset Die Religion des Juden- 
tums? (1906) p. 382 ff. 

-19. ‘Nor is this longing on our 
part to be wondered at. If any de- 
serve to be called our hope or joy or 
crown of holy boasting at the time 
when our Lord Himself appears, it is 
surely you. Yes indeed! you are our 
glory and our joy.’ 

19. τίς yap ἡμῶν ἐλπίς κτλ.] The 
warmth of the Apostles’ feelings to- 
wards their converts now finds ex- 
pression in one of the few rhetorical 
passages in the Ep. (intr. p. lvii): ef. 
Phil. iv. 1. With ἡμῶν ἐλπίς ef. Liv. 
XXviii. 39 ‘Scipionem...spem omnem 
salutemque nostram’ (cited by Wet- 
stein), 

The phrase στέφ. καυχήσεως (ἀγαλ- 
λιάσεως A, Tert. exultationis) is 
borrowed from the .Lxx. (cf. Prov. 
xvi. 31, Ezek. xvi. 12, xxiii. 42, where 
it translates the Heb. ΓΒ ND), 
and in accordance with the general 
Bibl. use of στέφανος is to be under- 
stood of the ‘wreath’ or ‘garland of 
victory’ which their converts would 
prove to the Apostles at the Lord’s 
appearing: cf. for the thought 2 Cor. 
i. 14, Phil. ii. 16. The distinction 
between στέφανος ‘crown of victory’ 
(‘Kranz’) and διάδημα ‘crown of 
royalty’ (‘Krone’) must not however 
be pressed too far (as Trench Syn. 
§ xxiii.) for στέφανος is not infre- 
quently used in the latter sense, see 
Mayor’s note on Jas. i. 12, and add 
the use of στέφανος to denote the 
‘crown-tax’ for the present made to 
the king on his accession or some 
other important occasion (cf. 1 Mace. 
x. 29, and see Wilcken Ostraka i. p. 
295 ff.). In this latter connexion an 


ὑμεῖς γάρ ἐστε ἡ δόξα ἡμῶν Kal ἡ χαρά. 


instructive parallel to the passage 
before us is afforded by P.Petr. 11. 
39 (e), 18 (iii./B.c.) where if we adopt 
Wilcken’s emendation (wt s. p. 275) 
and read ἄλλου (scil. στεφάνου) map- 
ovaias, the reference is to an addi- 
tional ‘crown’ given at the king’s 
παρουσία or visit (cf. Add. Note F). 
For παράληψις τοῦ στεφάνου to denote - 
entering on the priestly office see 
B.C.H. xi. p. 375, and for the general 
use of the term to denote a ‘reward’ 
for services performed see P.Cairo 5, 5 
(ii./B.c.) where a certain Peteuris offers 
a στέφανον χαλκοῦ (τάλαντα) πέντε to 
the man who secures his freedom; cf. 
P.Grenf. 1. 41, 3 (ii./B.c.), P.Par. 42, 
12 (ii./B.0.), and see Archiv ii. p. 579. 

The figure may also be illustrated 
from Jewish sources by Pirge Aboth 
iv. 9, ‘R. Cadoq said, Make them [thy 
disciples] not a crown, to glory in 
them’ (Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish 
Fathers", p. 68). 

ἡ οὐχὶ καὶ ὑμεῖς] a rhetorical pa- 
renthesis interjected into the main 


‘sentence to draw special attention 


to the position of the Thessalonians. 
Chrys.: ov γὰρ εἶπεν, ὑμεῖς, ἀλλά, “ καὶ 
ὑμεῖς," μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων. 

For the unusual use of the dis- 
junctive particle 7 (wanting in &*) see 
Blass p. 266. 

ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου κτλ.] The first 
definite reference to the Parousia of 
the Lord Jesus which plays so large 
a part in these Epp., cf. iii. 13, iv. 15, 
v. 23, IL. ii. 1, 8; Intr. Ὁ. lxix. 

For the meaning of παρουσία see 
Add. Note F, and for ἐν not merely 
‘at the time of, but ‘involved in,’ ‘as 
the result of, cf. 1 Cor. xv. 23 
(with Alford’s note). 

20. ὑμεῖς yap ἐστε κτλ.] Tap 
here introduces a confirmatory reply 
‘Truly, ‘Yes indeed’ (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 


3—2 


36 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


III. 


10; Blass p. 274 f.), while the art. 
before δόξα marks out the Thessa- 
lonians in the language of fond ex- 
aggeration as ‘the’ glory of the 
Apostles (WSchm. p. 161). In ac- 
cordance with its general meaning 
(Ὁ. 12 note) and the context (v. 19), 
the main reference in δόξα must be 
eschatological, so that the pres. ἐστέ 
is to be taken as practically =‘you 
are now and therefore will be.’ 

On the depth of affection dis- 
played in the whole passage Theo- 
doret remarks: ἐπειδὴ μητρὶ ἑαυτὸν 
ἀπείκασε τιθηνουμένη τὰ βρέφη, τὰ 
αὐτῆς φθέγγεται ῥήματα. αὐταὶ γὰρ τὰ 
κομιδῆ νέα παιδία καὶ ἐλπίδα, καὶ χαράν, 
καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα προσαγορεύειν εἰώθασι. 


III. 1—10. The Mission and Return 
of Timothy. 

Hindered in his own desire to re- 
visit Thessalonica, St Paul now recalls 
how he had done the next best thing 
in his power by sending Timothy who 
had already proved himself so faith- 
ful a ‘minister in the gospel of Christ’ 
to establish his beloved Thessalonians 
amidst the ‘afflictions’ which were 
proving the inevitable accompaniment 
of their Christian calling (vv. 1—5): 
while at the same time he can find no 
adequate words to express his thank- 
fulness at the ‘good news’ of which 
Timothy had been the bearer on his 
return (vv. 6—10). 

1—5. ‘Unable to bear the thought 
of this continued separationany longer, 
we made up our minds—I speak of 
Silas and myself—to be left behind 
alone, even though it was in Athens, 
a city “wholly given to idolatry,” while 
we dispatched Timothy, our true 
brother in Christ, and called by God 
Himself to the ministry of the Gospel, 
in order that he might be the means 
not only of establishing you more 
firmly in your present conduct, but 
also of encouraging you in the heart- 


{1Il 1 


τ Δ \ / / 5 / 
LO MHKETL στέγοντες NUOOKHOaMEV καταλει- 


possession of the Faith. And there is 
the more need of this in view of the 
troubles which (so we hear) are now 
falling upon you, and by which if you 
are not on your guard you may be led 
astray. You cannot surely have for- 
gotten that these are the inevitable 
lot of Christ’s disciples. For even 
while we were still with you, we 
warned you clearly that we are bound 
to encounter trouble. And so it has 
now proved in your own experience. 
So anxious however are we still re- 
garding you that-—let me say it once 
more for myself—unable to bear the 
thought of this continued separation 
any longer, I sent Timothy to bring 
back a full report of your faith, lest, 
as we feared might have been the case, 
Satan had succeeded in tempting you, 
and our toil on your account had 
come to naught.’ 

1. Διὸ μηκέτι στέγοντες) ‘Where- 
fore no longer bearing’ (Vg. non 
sustinentes amplius) viz. the sepa- 
ration referred to in ii. 17f. Sréyew 
originally =‘cover,’ and thence either 
‘keep in’ in the sense of ‘conceal, 
‘hide,’ or ‘keep off’ in the sense of 
‘bear up under, ‘endure’ (Hesych. : 
στέγει᾽ κρύπτει, συνέχει, βαστάζει, ὑπο- 
μένει). Hither meaning yields good 
sense here and in Ὁ. 5, but the latter, 
as Lft. has shown, is to be preferred 
in view of 1 Cor. ix. 12, xiii. 7, the 
only other passages in the N.T. where 
the verb occurs, and its general use 
in later Gk. e.g. Philo in Place. § 9 (ii. 
p. 526 M.) μηκέτι στέγειν δυνάμενοι τὰς 
ἐνδείας. For the more literal sense of 
‘ward off’ cf. Polyb. iii. 53. 2, Ditten- 
berger Sylloge? 318, 24 (ii./B.c.) ἔστεξεν 
τὴν ἐπιφερομένην τῶν βαρβάρων ὁρμήν. 

ηὐδοκήσαμεν καταλειφθῆναι κτλ. 
Grot.: ‘ Triste hoc, sed tamen hoe /- 
benter, feceramus...vestri causa.’ For 
ηὐδοκήσαμεν (Vg. placuit nobis) see ii.8 
note, and for καταλειφθῆναι in the sense 
of being left behind owing to the 


a 


᾿ΤΠ 2] 


‘THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 37 


φθῆναι ἐν ᾿Αθήναις μόνοι, * καὶ ἐπέμψαμεν Τιμόθεον, τὸν 
ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν καὶ "διάκονον τοῦ θεοῦ" ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ 
τοῦ χριστοῦ, εἰς τὸ στηρίξαι ὑμάς καὶ παρακαλέσαι 


III 2 διάκονον τοῦ θεοῦ NAP 6 67** al Vg Go Boh Syr (Pesh Harcl) Aeth Bas 
Theod-Mops"* ; συνεργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ D* 17 ἃ Ephr (?) Ambst: συνεργὸν B Ephr (?) 


departure of others cf. [Jo.] viii. 9, 
Ac. xxv. 14. Hence the verb is 
frequently used in connexion with 
dying (Deut. xxviii. 54, Prov. xx. 7, 
Mk. xii. 19, Lk. xx. 31), and is also 
the technical term in wills of the 
Ptolemaic period for ‘bequeath,’ e.g. 
P.Petr. 1. 11, 9f. (the will of a cavalry 
officer) ἐὰν δέ τι ἀνθρώπινον πάθω κατα- 
λείπω.. τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὰ ὅπλα πτολε- 
μαίῳ[ι]. In the same will, according 
to Mahaffy’s restoration, the testator 
appoints a certain Demostratus his 
executor with the formula καταλείπω 
ἐπίτροπον. 

In the passage before us the ist 
pers. plur. ηὐδοκήσαμεν may be under- 
stood of St Paul alone (Add. Note B), 
but in view of ~. 5 (see note) is best 
referred to St Paul and Silas (ef. 
Intr. p. xxx). How keenly the two 
older Apostles felt the departure of 
their younger companion is proved 
by the emphatic pdvo.—the sense of 
loneliness being further deepened by 
their position in Athens ‘urbe vi- 
delicet a Deo alienissimi’ (Beng.). 
{Cf. the now almost proverbial ‘Alone 
in Londou.] Calv.: ‘signum ergo 
rari amoris est et anxii desiderii, quod 
se omni solatio privare non recusat, 
ut subveniat Thessalonicensibus.’ 

2. κ. ἐπέμψαμεν Τιμόθεον κτλ. Ti- 
mothy is described as αδελφός by 
St Paul in the salutations of 2 Cor., 
Col., and Philem. (cf. Heb. xiii. 23), 
but the title διάκονος is not elsewhere 
bestowed on him exe. in 1 Tim. iv. 6 
(καλὸς ἔσῃ διάκονος Xp. Ἰησοῦ). Here 
the lofty διάκ. τ. θεοῦ is further defined 
by ἐν τ. evayy. τ. χριστοῦ to mark the 
sphere in which the service or mi- 
nisiry is rendered, viz. ‘the Gospel’ 
which has for its object ‘the Christ’ 


as the fulfiller of the one God’s gra- 
cious purposes on His people’s behalf 
(Add. Note D)—the whole descrip- 
tion being intended not so much 
to emphasize the greatness of the 
Apostles’ sacrifice in parting with 
Timothy, as to lay stress on the 
dignity of his mission and prevent 
the Thessalonians from undervaluing 
it (ef. 2 Cor. viii, 18 ff., Phil. ii. 20 ff.). 

In contrast with δοῦλος or θεράπων, 
the servant in his relation to a person, 
διάκονος represents rather the servant 
in relation to his work (Trench Syn. 
§ ix), and like ἐπίσκοπος (Deissmann, 
BS. p. 230f.) is already found as a 
term. techn. in pre-Christian times. 
Thus in CL.G. τι. 3037 along with a 
ἱερεύς and a ἱέρεια of the δώδεκα θεῶν 
we hear of two διάκονοι and of a 
female διάκονος (cf. Rom. xvi. 1), and 
in Magn. 109 (ce. i./B.c.) in a list of 
sacred functionaries there appear μά- 
γειρος.. «διάκονος (cf. Thieme p. 17 f.). 

The reading διάκ. τ. θεοῦ is however 
by no means certain in the passage 
before us, and if the marginal συνερ- 
yov [τοῦ θεοῦ] is adopted, the thought 
then finds a striking parallel in 1 Cor. 
iii. 9 θεοῦ yap ἐσμεν συνεργοί, cf. 2 Cor. 
vi. 1, vill. 23. Weiss (Textkritik der 
paulinischen Briefe (in Text. τι. 
Unter. xiv. 3) p. 13) regards the read- 
ing of B συνεργόν without τοῦ θεοῦ as 
the original, on the ground that the 
genesis of the other variants is thus 
most easily explained. 

εἰς TO στηρίξαι κτλ.] Στηρίζειν in 
its metaph. sense is found only in late 
Gk., cf. eg. Epict. Gnomologium 
Stobaei 39 (ed. Schenkl) τοὺς ἐνοικοῦν- 
Tas εὐνοίᾳ κ. πίστει x. φιλίᾳ στήριζε. 
By St Paul, who uses it only in these 
Epp. and in Rom. (i. 11, xvi. 25), it is 


38 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 3,°4 


΄σ ἐ ΄σ \ / / ; ΄- 
ὑπὲρ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν ὁτὸ μηδένα σαίνεσθαι ἐν ταῖς 


θλίψεσιν ταύταις. 


of « > ΄σ 
αὐτοὶ γὰρ οἴδατε ὅτι εἰς τοῦτο 


« \ ς Fal ἊΝ ’ ~ 
κείμεθα: “καὶ yap OTE πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἦμεν, προελέγομεν ὑμῖν 
ς ae 4 A ae 
ὅτι μέλλομεν θλίβεσθαι, καθὼς καὶ ἐγένετο καὶ οἴδατε. 


again combined with παρακαλέσαι (ii. 
11 note) in II. ii. 17: for ἐπιστηρίζειν 
in the same combination cf. Ac. xiv. 22, 
xv. 32. Swete (ad Apoc. iii. 2) classes 
στηρίζειν With βεβαιοῦν and θεμελιοῦν 
as technical words in primitive pas- 
toralia. For eis ro with inf. see the 
note on ii. 12. 

ὑπὲρ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν) not ‘con- 
cerning’ (A.V., R.V.) but ‘for the 
furtherance of your faith’—vzép here 
retaining something of its original 
force ‘for the advantage or benefit 
of’: contrast II. ii. 1. 

3. τὸ μηδένα σαίνεσθαι κτλ.] ‘to wit, 
that no one be led astray in the midst 
of these afflictions.’ Ms. evidence is 
decisive in favour of τό (not τῷ) which 
introduces a statement in apposition 
to the whole foregoing clause, cf. iv. 6. 
Blass (p. 234) regards the art. as quite 
superfluous in both passages, but it 
may be taken as lending more weight 
to the inf. by making it substantival 
(cf. iv. 1 and see WM. p. 402 ἢ). 

Σαίνεσθαι (am. rey. N.T.) is generally 
understood in the sense of ‘ be moved,’ 
‘be shaken’ (Hesych.: κινεῖσθαι, σαλεύ- 
εσθαι, ταράττεσθαι), but this is to lose 
sight unnecessarily of the original 
meaning of the word. Properly it is 
used of dogs in the sense of ‘ wag the 
tail, ‘fawn’ (e.g. Od. x. 217 ὅτ᾽ ἂν 
ἀμφὶ ἄνακτα κύνες ... σαίνωσιν), and 
hence came to be applied meta- 
phorically to persons, ‘fawn upon,’ ‘be- 
guile’ (e.g. Aesch. Choeph. 186 caivo- 
μαι δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐλπίδος). What the Apostles 
evidently dreaded regarding the 
Thessalonians was that they would 
allow themselves to be ‘drawn aside,’ 
‘ allured’ from the right path in the 
midst of (ἐνὶ the afflictions (θχίψεσιν, 
i. 6 note) which were then (ταύταις) 


falling upon them (cf. Zahn Zin. i. 
p. 159 f.). 

For an entirely different rendering 
see Severianus (ayud Cramer Cat. vi., 
Ῥ. 353) “σαίνεσθαι᾽ εἰπὼν τὸ μηδένα 
ξενίζεσθαι. Lachmann reads μηδὲν 
ἀσαίνεσθαι. For the reading of FG σιέ- 
veo Oat i.e. σιαίνεσθαι ‘to be disturbed, 
troubled, which has much to recom- 
mend it, see Soph. Lew. (s.v.), and ef. 
Nestle Z.N.7.W. vii. p. 361 f., and 
Exp. T. xviii. p. 479. 

κείμεθα] ‘we are appointed.’ For 
κεῖμαι (practically perf. pass. of τίθημι 
for the rarely used τέθειμαι) in this 
sense cf. Lk. ii. 34, Phil. i. 16, Josh. 
iv. 6, and for the general thought see 
Mk. viii. 34, of which we may here 
have a reminiscence. The plur., while 
referring in the first instance to St 
Paul and his companions along with 
their Thessalonian converts, embodies 
a perfectly general statement. Calv.: 
‘in hoc sumus constituti, tantundem 
valet ac si dixisset hac lege nos esse 
Christianos,’ 

4. καὶ yap ὅτε πρὸς ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ‘For ἡ 
in addition to other considerations 
when we were with you’—‘ γὰρ intro- 
ducing the reason, καὶ throwing stress 
upon it’ (Ellic.). Πρός is here con- 
strued with the acc. even after a verb 
of rest in accordance with its prevail- 
ing use in the N.T. (c. gen. 1, dat. 6, 
ace. 679, Moulton Prolegg. p. 106). 
Προλέγειν is sometimes understood in 
the sense of ‘tell openly or plainly, 
but the ordinary predictive force of 
mpo- (Vg. praedicebamus) is more in 
harmony with the following clause: 
cf. 2 Cor. xiii, 2, Gal. v. 21. 

ὅτι μέλλομεν θλίβεσθαι] ‘that we 
are to suffer persecution "---ὅτε intro- 
ducing the substance of what’ the 


III ς, 6] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


39 


5 \ ~~ > \ Sch / of > \ lo 
διὰ τοῦτο κἀγὼ μηκέτι στέγων ἔπεμψα εἰς TO γνῶναι 


\ <a ΄ ᾽ / δι τ δὰ ¢ / 
τὴν ‘TioTW ὑμῶν", MN πως ἐπείρασεν ὑμᾶς ὁ πειράζων 


\ e / ε - 
καὶ εἰς κενὸν γένηται ὁ κόπος ἡμῶν. 


“ἤΑρτι δὲ ἐλθόντος 


5 πίστιν ὑμῶν SADGKLP al pler: ὑμῶν πίστιν B 37 73 116 


Apostles foretold, and μέλλομεν (ce. 
pres. inf. as almost always in N.T.) 
bringing out its Divinely-appointed 
character : cf. Rom. viii. 13, 18, Gal. 
iii. 23. A striking parallel both in 
thought and expression to the whole 
passage is afforded by Ac. xiv. 22 
where Paul and Barnabas are de- 
scribed as ἐπιστηρίζοντες τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν 
μαθητῶν, παρακαλοῦντες ἐμμένειν τῇ 
πίστει καὶ ὅτι διὰ πολλῶν θλίψεων δεῖ 
ἡμᾶς εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ 
θεοῦ. 

5. διὰ τοῦτο κἀγώ κτλ.}] So keenly 
alive was St Paul to the dangers 
threatening his beloved Thessalonians 
that he reiterates his eagerness with 
regard to the despatch of Timothy, 
employing now the emphatic Ist pers. 
sing. ‘I also, ‘I on my part,’ to bring 
out still more forcibly his own share 
in the joint-action already referred to 
(v. 1). A wholly different turn is 
given to the verse by Hofmann’s 
suggestion (favoured by Spitta Ur- 
christentum i. p. 121 ff.) that after 
the despatch of Timothy, and the sub- 
sequent departure of Silas, St Paul 
had still no rest, and in his anxiety 
despatched another messenger or 
letter on his own account. But if 
this were so, the fact and nature of 
this second sending would surely have 
been more clearly defined, whereas 
the actual words of vv. 1, 2 seem 
.rather to be expressly repeated, in 
order to show that the same sending 
is still in view. 

μή πως ἐπείρασεν κτὰ.} Μή πως 
‘lest haply,’ a combination found in 
the N.T. only in the Pauline Epp., 
and construed here with both ind. 
and subj.—the former (ἐπείρασεν) de- 
scribing an action that the writers 


feared had already taken place, the 
latter (γένηται) a possible future con- 
sequence of that action: see WM. 
p. 633 f. and for a similar transition 
only this time from the subj. to the 
ind. cf. Gal. ii. 2. Findlay prefers to 
take the clause interrogatively to 
which there can be no grammatical 
objection, and which has the advan- 
tage of vividness: ‘Had the Tempter 
anyhow tempted you, and would our 
toil prove in vain?’ For the thought 
cf. Jas. i. 13 and the agraphon as- 
cribed to Christ in Hom. Clem. m1. 
55, Ῥ. 51, 20 τοῖς δὲ οἰομένοις ὅτι ὁ 
θεὸς πειράζει, ὡς αἱ γραφαὶ λέγουσιν, 
ἔφη ὁ πονηρός ἐστιν ὁ πειράζων (Resch 
Agrapha (1889) pp. 115, 233). 

ὁ πειράζων] subst. part. applied to 
Satan as in the history of the Lord’s 
Temptation (Mt. iv. 3) to bring out 
his characteristic office (‘seine nie 
ruhende Anstrengung ’ Everling An- 
gelologie, p. 78): ef. 1 Cor. vii. 5 ἵνα 
μὴ πειράζῃ ὑμᾶς ὁ Σατανᾶς. For the 
distinction between πειράζω (Att. πει- 
paw) and δοκιμάζω (ii. 4 note) see 
Trench Syn. ὃ Ixxiv. 

eis κενόν) ‘in vain,’ ‘to no purpose,’ 
ef. 2 Cor. vi. 1, Gal. ii. 2, Phil. ii. 16. 

6—10. ‘In view then of the fears 
just spoken of, imagine our relief 
when Timothy brought back to us— 
as he has at this moment done—the 
tidings of your faith and love and of 
the kindly remembrance which you 
are always continuing to cherish of 
us, reciprocating our longing desire 
to meet again. To us such a report 
was a veritable gospel, and through 
your faith we ourselves were com- 
forted amidst the crushing trials and 
cares we are encountering in our 
present work. No news could have 


40 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[III 6 


ε on φ, ἃ ΄- 3 / ~ 
Τιμοθέου πρὸς ἡμᾶς aj ὑμῶν καὶ εὐαγγελισαμένου ἡμῖν 


\ \ ? / ε οὶ ie «{ ᾽ 
τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην ὑμῶν, καὶ ὅτι ἔχετε μνείαν 


ἡμών ἀγαθὴν πάντοτε ἐπιποθοῦντες ἡμᾶς ἰδεῖν καθάπερ 


helped us more, and we seem to be 
entering on anew lease of life, so 
long as we hear that you are standing 
fast in the Lord. Words fail us in- 
deed to express our thanksgiving to 
God for the joy with which you are 
filling our hearts in His sight—a joy 
that is finding unceasing expression 
in our ardent prayers that we may 
not only hear of you, but once more 
see you face to face, and make good 
any shortcomings in your faith.’ 

6. Αρτι] may be connected gram- 
matically either with ἐλθόντος or with 
the principal verb παρεκλήθημεν, but 
the former arrangement is decidedly 
preferable. Timothy's return had 
been anxiously waited for, and no 
sooner had he returned than St Paul 
proceeded to give vent to the feelings 
of thankfulness and joy that filled his 
heart. Beng.: ‘statim sub Timothei 
adventum, recenti gaudio, tenerrimo 
amore, haec scribit.’ 

For ἄρτι denoting strictly present 
time (‘just now,’ ‘at this moment’) as 
contrasted with time past or future 
cf. Jo. ix. 19, 25, Gal. i, 9 f., 1 Cor. 
xiii. 12, 1 Pet. i. 6, ὃ, also Epict. Diss. 
ii. 17. 15 ἀφῶμεν ἄρτι τὸν δεύτερον 
τόπον, B.G.U. 594, 5 f. (i./A.D.) μετὰ 
τὸν θερισμὸϊν ἐργολ]αβήσομαϊ ει], ἄρτι 
γὰρ ἀσθενῶν. See further Lob. Phryn. 
p. 18 ff, Rutherford V.P. p. 70 ff. 

εὐαγγελισαμένου] ‘ Participium in- 
signe’ (Beng.). So good was 
Timothy’s news that to the Apostles 
it was a veritable ‘gospel.’ The point 
is lost in the Latin verss. which 
give adnuntiante or cum adnun- 
tiasset: in the Latin of Th. Mops. 
however we find euangelizante. 
Chrys.: ὁρᾷς τὴν περιχάρειαν Παύλου; 
οὐκ εἶπεν, ἀπαγγείλαντος, ἀλλ᾽ “ εὐαγ- 
γελισαμένου᾽- τοσοῦτον ἀγαθὸν ἡγεῖτο 
τὴν ἐκείνων βεβαίωσιν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην. 


For the history of εὐαγγελίζομαι, 
which is only found here in the Pauline 
Epp. in its wider sense, see Add. Note 
K. 


τ. πίστιν κ. τ. ἀγάπην vp.| Calv.: ‘to- 
tam enim pietatis summam breviter 
indicat his duobus verbis.’ The same 
combination is found again in y. 8 
and several times in the Pastoral 
Epp. (1 Tim. i. 14, ii, 15 &c.), and 
always in this order (cf. however 
Philem. 5): on the other hand in Rev. 
ii. 19 St John characteristically places 
τ. ἀγάπην first. 

καὶ ὅτι ἔχετε κτὰ.] Yet a third 
point in Timothy’s good news. Not- 
withstanding the efforts of the hostile 
Jews, the Thessalonians had always 
(πάντοτε) cherished, and were still 
cherishing (ἔχετε) a ‘kindly remem- 
brance’ towards their former teachers. 
For μνείαν ἔχειν ‘hold, maintain a 
recollection’ cf. 2 Tim. i. 3, and for 
ἀγαθός in the sense of ‘ friendly,’ ‘well- 
disposed,’ cf. Rom. v. 7 (with Gifford’s 
note), Tit. ii. 5, 1 Pet. ii. 18, and see 
further on v. 15. 

ἐπιποθοῦντες ἡμᾶς ἰδεῖν κτλ.] ‘long- 
ing to see us...’: cf. Rom. i. 11, 2 Tim. 
i. 4. ᾿Ἐπιποθεῖν, a favourite word 
with St Paul who uses it seven out of 
the nine times in which it occurs in 
the N.T. (elsewhere Jas. iv. 5, 1 Pet. 
ii. 2. It seems to be somewhat 
stronger than the simple ποθεῖν (not 
found in N.T.), ém- by marking direc- 
tion (‘idem declarat, quod πόθον ἔχειν 
ἐπί twa’ Fritzsche Rom. i. 11) lending. 
a certain intensity to the idea, though 
this must not be pressed in view of 
the fondness of late Gk. for com- 
pounds which have lost their strong 
sense: cf. especially for its use here 
Diod. Sic. xvii. 101 καὶ παρόντι μὲν οὐ 
χρησάμενος, ἀπόντα δὲ ἐπιποθήσας. 

For καθάπερ see ii. 11 note, and: for 


Iil7—9] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 41 


€ ~ ἴω \ ~ Ξ 

καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑμᾶς, Ἰδιὰ τοῦτο παρεκλήθημεν, ἀδελφοί, ἐφ᾽ 
~ > , ΄σ 7 \ ε ~ ΄σ = 

ὑμῖν ἐπὶ πάση TH ἀνάγκη καὶ θλίψει ἡμῶν διὰ τῆς ὑμῶν 


“ 
πίστεως, 


8 ef a σ΄ >A ς τὰς , > , 
ὅτι νῦν ζώμεν ἐαν ὑμεῖς στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ. 


ϑτίνα γὰρ εὐχαριστίαν δυνάμεθα τῷ θεῷ ἀνταποδοῦναι 
ἐ έ 


καί in sentences of comparison cf. 
WM. p. 548f. 

7. διὰ τοῦτο παρεκλήθημεν κτλ. ‘On 
this account ’—the sing. τοῦτο gather- 
ing up as a unity the faith and the 
love and the kindly remembrance just 
spoken of—‘ we were comforted over 
you, as the basis on which our παρά- 
κλησις rested (cf. 2 Cor. vii. 7). Nor 
was this all, but the comfort which 
the Apostles experienced on the 
Thessalonians’ account bore also ἐπὶ 
πάσῃ τ. ἀνάγκῃ κτλ. from which at the 
time they themselves were suffering 
(2 Cor. vi. 4, xii. 10)—émi having again 
a slightly /ocal force, which can, how- 
ever, hardly be brought out in English. 

For ἀνάγκη in its derived sense in 
Hellenistic Gk. of outward calamity 
or distress cf. Lk. xxi. 23, 1 Cor. vii. 26, 
Pss. Sol. v. 8, Dittenberger Sylloge? 
255, 23 f. ἐν ἀνάγκαις καὶ κακοπαθίαις 
γένηται, and for the combination 
with θλίψις (i. 6 note) cf. Job xv. 24, 
Pss. evi. (cvii.) 6, cxviii. (cxix.) 143, 
Zeph. i. 15. How little the Apostles 
were disturbed by this ‘distress and 
affliction’ is proved by the emphatic 
διὰ τ. vp. πίστεως with which they 
return to the ground of comfort they 
have just received, and in so doing 
prepare the way for the striking de- 
claration of the next verse. 

8. ὅτι νῦν ζῶμεν] In view of the 
preceding ἄρτι (v. 6), νῦν is best taken 
in its full temporal force, and if so 
ζῶμεν can only refer to the present 
life lived in the fulness of power and 
satisfaction (Calv.: ‘vivimus, inquit, 
hoc est recte valemus’): cf. 2 Cor. vi. 9 
and for the thought see 2 Cor. iv. 7—15. 
For a similar use of ζῆν corresponding 
to the Heb. ΠῚ Π in the pregnant sense 
of fulness of life ‘in the Divine favour 


οὗ Deut. viii. 3, Pss. exviii. (cxix.) 40, 
93, CXxxvil. (CXXXVill. )7, Isa. xxxviii. 16. 

ἐὰν ὑμεῖς στήκετε κτλ.] ‘if ye stand 
fast in the Lord’ (Beza si vos per- 
statis in Domino; Est. ‘si vos in 
fide Christi Domini constantes per- 
manetis’)—the condition on which 
the Apostles’ ‘life’ depended, and 
which is expressed by ἐάν with the 
ind., perhaps to bring out more 
strongly the writers’ confidence that 
it would certainly be fulfilled. 

For other exx. of ἐάν with ind. in 
the N.T. cf. Lk. xix. 40, Ac. viii. 31, 
1 Jo. v. 15, and such passages from 
the Lxx. as Gen. xliv. 30 ἐὰν εἰσπο- 
ρεύομαι, Job xxii. 3 ἐὰν σὺ ἦσθα. The 
same irregularity is frequent in the 
papyri, e.g. P.Tebt. 58, 55 ἢ (ii/B.o.) 
ἐὰν δεῖ, P.Amh. 93, 24 (ii./A.D.) ἐὰν 
φαίνεται (Moulton Prolegg. p. 168). 

For the late form στήκω (mod. Gk. 
στέκω) formed from the perf. ἔστηκα 
ef. I]. ii. 15, 1 Cor. xvi. 13, Phil. i. 27, 
and see WH.? Notes p. 176, Dieterich 
Untersuchungen p. 219. Bornemann 
suggests that in ζῶμεν, ἐὰν vpeis | 
στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ We may have a cita- 
tion, somewhat altered, from a Jewish 
or a Christian hymn. 

9. τίνα yap εὐχαριστίαν krd.| Thdt.: 
νικᾷ τῆς εὐφροσύνης TO μέγεθος τῆς 
γλώττης τὴν ὑμνῳδίαν. Ἑὐχαριστία, 
which in the Lxx. is confined to the 
apocr. books, is used by St Paul 
twelve times in a theological sense: 
cf. Rev. iv. 9, vii. 12, where it is found 
in doxologies, and see Ac. xxiv. 3 for 
its only other occurrence in the N.T. 
The word, of which I have as yet 
found only one ex. in the papyri 
P.Lond. 111. 1178, 25 (ii./A.D.), is fre- 
quent in the inscriptions, e.g. O.G.LS. 
227; 6 (iii./B.0.) διὰ τὴν τοῦ δήμου edxa- 


42 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III to, 11 


\ ε ~ 3 \ / wi a oe / Ψ- 1 ΄σ ᾽} 
περὶ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ πάσῃ τῇ χαρᾷ ἢ χαίρομεν δι’ ὑμᾶς ἔμ- 
~ ~ c τ \ , ς 
προσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν, "“νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ὑπερεκ- 
περισσοῦ δεόμενοι εἰς τὸ ἰδεῖν ὑμῶν τὸ πρόσωπον Kal 


/ ee: / ΄σ ΄σ 
καταρτίσαι τὰ ὑστερήματα τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν; 


ριστίαν. For its later Christian usage 
see a note by Dr Hort published in 
JS.T.S. iii. p. 594 ff. 

The avri- in ἀνταποδοῦναι expresses 
the idea of full, complete return, ef. 
11.1.6. The verb is used in a good 
sense as here in Lk. xiv. 14, Rom. xi. 35 
(ef. 2 Cor. vi. 13 ἀντιμισθία), and in a 
bad sense in Rom. xii. 19, Heb. x. 30 
(both from Lxx.). 

ἐπὶ πάσῃ τ. χαρᾷ κτλ.} For ἐπί 
pointing to the basis of the thanks- 
giving (O.L. super omne gaudium 
rather than Vg. in omni gaudio) see 
note on ὃ. 7. Ἧ χαίρομεν is usually 
understood as a case of attraction for 
nv xaip.: cf. however the cognate dat. 
in Jo. iii. 29 χαρᾷ χαίρει. Av ὑμᾶς 
‘because of you,’ emphasizing more 
pointedly the περὶ ὑμῶν of the pre- 
vious clause. ‘ Zen times, with an 
emphasis of affection, is the pronoun 
ὑμεῖς repeated in wv. 6—10’ (Findlay). 

ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ ἡμ.] to be con- 
nected with χαίρομεν, and deepening 
the thought of the joy by referring it 
to its true author. It was because 
their success in the work entrusted to 
them was due to ‘our God’ (ii. 2 note) 
that the Apostles could thus rejoice 
‘before’ Him. 

10. vuKr. kK. ἡμ... δεόμενοι] a partic. 
adjunct developing the main thought 
of the preceding verse. For the 
phrase νυκτ. x. nu. see ii. 9 note, and 
for an interesting parallel, apparently 
from a heathen source (Intr. p. lxiv), 
to its use in the present passage cf. 
B.G.U. 246, τι ff. (ii—iii./a.D.) οὐκ 
idores, ὅτι νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐντυνχάνω 
τῷ θεῷ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν. 

“Ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ (O.L. superabun- 
dantius, Ambrstr. abundantissime) 
is found elsewhere only in v. 13 


τ Αὐτὸς 


and Eph. iii. 20. For the form see 
Buttmann p. 321, and for St Paul's 
fondness for compounds in ὑπερ- see 
Ellic. on Eph. iii. 20 and cf. the note 
on II. i, 3. 

Δεόμενοι ‘ beseeching’ stronger than 
προσευχόμενοι, and embodying a sense 
of personal need. Except for Mt. 
ix. 38 the verb is confined in the N.T. 
to Luke and Paul®. It is very com- 
mon in petitions addressed to ruling 
sovereigns as distinguished from those 
addressed to magistrates where ἀξιῶ 
is preferred, e.g. P.Amh, 33, 21 (ii./B.0.) 
where certain petitioners appeal to 
Ptolemy Philometor and Cleopatra IT. 
to rectify a legal irregularity —deopue0” 
ὑμῶν τῶν μεγίστων θεῶν κτλ.: 866 
further R. Laqueur Quaestiones Epi- 
graphicae et Papyrologicae Selectae 
(1904) p. 3 ff. 

εἰς τὸ ἰδεῖν xrd.| ‘to see your face’ 
—the eis phrase doing little more 
here than take the place of a simple 
inf. as ‘obj. of the foregoing verb 
(Votaw p. 21). 

καταρτίσαι] Καταρτίζειν originally to 
‘fit’ or ‘join together’ (cf. Mk. i. 19 
καταρτίζοντας τὰ δίκτυα) is used in the 
N.T. especially by St Paul and in the 
Ep. to the Hebrews in the general 
sense of ‘prepare’ or ‘ perfect’ any- 
thing for its full destination or use 
(Rom. ix. 22, 1 Cor. i. 10, Gal. vi. 1, 
Heb. x. 5 (LXx.), xi. 3), the further 
thought in the present passage of 
supplying what is lacking being 
suggested by the accompanying r. 
ὑστερήματα τ. πίστ. vy. ‘the short- 
comings (Wycl. the thingis that 
failen) of your faith’ For ὑστέρημα 
ef. 1 Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. viii. 13 f, 
ix. 12, xi. 9, Phil. ii. 30, Col. i. 24, 
and for πίστις see v. 2 note. Calv.: 


III 12] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 43 


\ \ A ἣ ΄σ ς ~ 3 ΄ 

δὲ ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ ἡμῶν καὶ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦς 
7 \ ς χω \ ε ΄σ ΄σ΄ 

κατευθύναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῶν προς ὑμᾶς" "“ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος 


‘Hine etiam patet quam necessaria 
sit nobis doctrinae assiduitas: neque 
enim in, hoc tantum ordinati sunt 
doctores, ut uno die vel mense homi- 
nes adducant ad fidem Christi, sed ut 
fidem inchoatam perficiant.’ 


III. 11—13. PRAYER. 

This section of the Ep. is now closed 
with a Prayer which in its two peti- 
tions re-echoes the longings of the 
constant prayer of Ὁ. 10, 

11—13. ‘But after all is said and 
done, it is to God that we must look 
for the success of our efforts. May 
He open up our way to return to you. 
And in any case, whatever may be the 
Divine pleasure with regard to us, 
may the Lord Jesus grant you an 
increasing and overflowing love not 
only towards one another but towards 
all men, after the measure of the love 
which we on our part are displaying 
towards you. Itis our earnest prayer 
indeed that this love may be the 
means of so inwardly strengthening 
your hearts that your lives may show 
themselves free from reproach and 
holy in the sight of the all-seeing God, 
when the Lord Jesus comes with all 
His holy ones.’ 

Αὐτὸς δέ] There is no need to 
seek any definite contrast for the 
emphatically placed αὐτός either in 
δεόμενοι (Ὁ. 10) or in Satan who had 
hitherto been blocking their path 
(ii, 18). It arises simply from the 
writers’ constant habit of referring 
everything in the last instance to the 
direct agency of God, ‘ Now may God 
Himeelf...’: see Intr. p. ]xv, and for the 
apparent weakening of αὐτὸς ὁ in 
Hellen. Gk. see Moulton Prolegg.p.91. 

καὶ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν xtA.| For the 
close union of 6 κύρ. "Inc. (Add. Note 
D) with ὁ θεός κτλ. followed by a verb 
in the sing. see Intr. p. Ixvi. 

κατευθύναι ‘make straight’ rather 


than ‘direct’ (Vg. dirigat), in accor- 
dance with the original meaning of 
the word, and the removal of the 
obstacles (ἐνέκοψεν, ii. 18 note) here 
prayed for. ‘The verb occurs else- 
where in the N.T. only in a meta- 
phorical sense (II. iii. 5, Lk. i. 79), and 
for a similar use in the Lxx. see 
1 Chron. xxix. 18, 2 Chron. xix. 3, 
Ps. xxxvi. (xxxvii.) 23 παρὰ Κυρίου τὰ 
διαβήματα ἀνθρώπου κατευθύνεται. The 
opt. κατευθύναι (WSchm. p. 114) is 
here used without dy to express a 
wish as frequently in these Epp., iii. 
12, v. 23, 11. ii. 17, iii. 5, 16 (Burton 
S$ 175, 176). 

12. ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος... Ὑμᾶς em- 
phatic, marking the Apostles’ desire 
that whatever the Lord may be pro- 
posing as regards themselves (‘sive 
nos veniemus, sive minus’ Beng.), the 
Thessalonians at least will not come 
short in any good gift. ‘O κύριος 
may apply to God, but in view of the 
general Pauline usage, and the appli- 
cation of the title to Jesus in the 
preceding clause, it is best understood 
of Him again: cf. Add. Note D, and 
for prayer addressed to the Lord 
Jesus see Intr. p. ]xvi. 

It is not easy to distinguish between 
πλεονάσαι and περισσεύσαι (for forms, 
WSchm. p. 114), but the latter verb 
is the stronger of the two, implying 
an overplus of love, and hence is 
often used by St Paul in referring to 
the Divine grace: cf. Rom. v. 15, 20 
(ὑπερπερισσεύειν), 2 Cor. ix. 8, Eph. i. 8, 
and see Fritzsche Rom. i. p. 351. For 
its use here in connexion with ἀγάπῃ 
(for dat. cf. Ac. xvi. 5, 2 Cor. ili. 9) cf. 
Phil. i. 9 ἵνα ἡ ἀγάπη ὑμῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον 
καὶ μᾶλλον περισσεύῃ ἐν ἐπιγνώσει κτλ. 
and Bacon’s fine saying ‘Sola charitas 
non admittit excessum’ (de augm. 
Scient. vii. 3) cited by Gwynn ad loc. 
Chrys.: ὁρᾷς τὴν μανίαν τῆς ἀγάπης 


44 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE ΤΉΞΗΒΑ ae {III 13 


πλεονάσαι Kal περισσεύσαι τῇ ἀγάπῃ εἰς ἀλλήλους καὶ 
εἰς πάντας, καθάπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς ὑμᾶς, 18 εἰς TO στηρίξαι 
ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας “ ἀμέμπτους" ἐν ἁγιωσύνῃ ἔμπροσθεν 
τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου 
ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων αὐτοῦ. 


13 ἀμέμπτου9] ἀμέμπτως BL 17 31 47 137 Boh (Ὁ) Ps-Ath 


αὐτοῦ solum 


X°BD°GKL al pler g Vg°4 sia Go Syr (Pesh Harcl) Arm Ephr Chr Thdt Ambst 


Theod-Mops™ ; 


τὴν ἀκάθεκτον, τὴν διὰ τῶν ῥημάτων 
δεικνυμένην ; “Πλεονάσαι, φησί, καὶ περ- 
ἐισσεύσαι,᾽ ἀντὶ τοῦ, αὐξήσαι. 

This is one of the few passages in 
the N.T. where περισσεύειν is used 
transitively (Lk. xv. 17, 2 Cor. iv. 15(?), 
ix. 8, Eph. i. 8): the transitive use of 
πλεονάζειν (contrast 11. 1, 3) can be 
paralleled only from the txx. (Numb. 
XXxvi. 54, Ps. Ixx. (Ixxi.) 21). 

As regards the objects of this 
abounding love on the Thessalonians’ 
part, they are in the first instance 
their fellow-believers at Thessalonica 
(εἰς ἀλλήλους), and then all men with- 
out distinction (eis mavras), and not 
merely those of the same faith else- 
where (τ. ὁμοπίστους, Thdt.): cf. v. 15, 
and for the thought see Rom. xii. 16 f., 
Gal. vi. 10, 1 Pet. ii. 17. 

καθάπερ xk. ἡμεῖς κτλ.] a Clause 
added to strengthen the Apostles’ 
prayer by an appeal to their own 
example. Thpht.: ἔχετε yap μέτρον 
καὶ παράδειγμα τῆς ἀγάπης ἡμᾶς. For 
καθάπερ see ii. 11 note. 

13. εἰς τὸ στηρίξαι xrA.] For εἰς 
τὸ With inf. to denote end or purpose 
see note on ii. 12, and for στηρίξαι 
see nute on iii. 2. The combination 
στηρίξαι καρδίας is found again in 
Jas. v. 8, where however there is an 
appeal to human effort, and not, as 
generally elsewhere, to the strength- 
ening influence of the Divine work- 
ing (II. ii. 17, 1 Pet. v. 10, Ps. 1. (li.) 14, 
Sir. vi. 37, Pss. Sol. xvi. 12): cf. also 
Sir. xxii. 16 (19 f.) καρδία ἐστηριγμένη 
ἐπὶ διανοήματος βουλῆς ἐν καιρῷ ov 
δειλιάσει. 


αὐτοῦ ἀμήν X*AD* 37 al pauc ἃ Vg Boh Aeth 


ἀμέμπτους ev aywwovry| ‘(so as to 
be) unblameable in holiness’: ef. WM. 
p. 779. For the force of ἄμεμπτος 
(ἀμέμπτως, WH. mg.) cf. C.P.R. 27 (a 
marriage-contract— ii./A.D.) αὐτῆς δὲ 
τῆς Θ. ἄμεμπτον καὶ ἀκατηγόρητον map- 
ἐχομένης. 

᾿Αγιωσύνη (for form, WH.? Wotes 
p- 159) is used in the Lxx. only of the 
Divine attributes, e.g. Pss. xxix. (xxx.) 
5, xcv. (xcevi.) 6 &c.: cf. 2 Mace. iii, 12 
(with reference to the temple) τοὺς 
πεπιστευκότας TH TOU τύπου ἁγιωσύνῃ. 
As distinguished from ἁγιασμός the 
process οἵ sanctification (iv. 3 f., 7, 
II. ii. 13, Heb. xii. 14, 1 Pet. i. 2) 
ἁγιωσύνη points rather to the resulting 
state (Rom. i. 4, 2 Cor. vii. 1), and is 
thus closely akin to ἁγιότης (Heb. 
xii. 20) in which, however, the thought 
of the abstract quality predominates. 
An interesting parallel to its use in 
the passage before us is afforded by 
Test. xit. patr. Levi xviii. 11, where it 
is said of the saints in Paradise, καὶ 
πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἔσται ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς. 
Th. Mops. rightly draws attention to 
the connexion with the following 
ἁγίων: ‘per quam (sc. sanctitatem) 
poteritis etiam in futuro die fiduciam 
ad Deum adsequi, cum ceteris omni- 
bus qui placite conuersantur in 
uirtute.’ 

ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ κτλ.] Two con- 
ditions of this ‘blamelessness in 
holiness’ on the Thessalonians’ part 
are now stated (1) that it will be 
realized ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ κτλ. to 
whom it is due, and by whom it will 
be tested (cf. ii. 4), and (2) that this 


1ΠΙ|Ι.13] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 45 


will take place at the Parousia of the 
Lord Jesus, to which throughout these 
Epp. the writers point as the goal of 
all Christian hope (Intr. p. lxix). 

μετὰ πάντων τ. ἁγίων avrov| There 
is considerable difference of opinion 
as to whether we are to understand 
by of ἅγιοι (1) ‘saints’ in the sense of 
just men made perfect, or (2) ‘angels,’ 
or (3) a general term including both. 
The first reference is rendered almost 
necessary by the regular Pauline use 
of the term (II. i. 10, 1 Cor. i. 2 &e.), 
and is supported by the place assigned 
to holy ‘men’ in such passages as 
iv. 14, 1 Cor. vi. 2 (ef. Mt. xix. 28, 
xx. 21, Rev. ii. 26 f,, xx. 4, and Sap. 
iii. 8 κρινοῦσιν [δικαίων ψυχαὶ] ἔθνη 
καὶ κρατήσουσιν λαῶν). On the other 
hand, though οἱ ἅγιοι is nowhere else 
expressly applied to ‘angels’ in the 
N.T., they are so frequently described 
in this way both in the O.T. and later 
Jewish literature (see especially Zech. 
xiv. 5 on which this passage is evi- 
dently founded καὶ ἥξει Κύριος ὁ θεός 
μου, καὶ πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ, and 
ef. Dan. iv. 10 (13), viii. 13, Pss. Sol. 
xvii. 49, Enoch i. 9 with Charles’s 
note), and are so expressly associated 
with the returning Christ elsewhere 
(cf. II. i. 7, Mt. xiii. 41, Mk. viii. 38 
μετὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων τῶν ἁγίων), that it 
seems impossible to exclude the 
thought of them altogether here. On 
the whole therefore the term is best 
taken in its widest sense as including 
all (note πάντων), whether glorified 
men or angels, who will swell the 
triumph of Christ’s Parousia. As 
further illustrating the vague use of 
the term, it is of interest to notice 
that in Didache xvi. 7 its original 
reference to ‘angels’ in Zech. xiv. 5 
(cited above) is lost sight of, and the 
passage is applied to risen Christian 
believers. 

For the general thought cf. such 
passages from Jewish apoc. literature 
as 4 Ezra vii. 28: ‘reuelabitur enim 
filius meus Iesus [Syr Ar! Messias] 
cum his qui cum 60, et iocundabit 


qui relicti sunt annis quadringentis’ : 
xili. 52 ‘sic non poterit quisque super 
terram uidere filium meum uel eos 
qui cum eo sunt nisi in tempore 
diei’: Asc. Isai. iv. 16, ‘But the 
saints will come with the Lord with 
their garments which are (now) 
stored up on high in the seventh 
heaven: with the Lord they will come, 
whose spirits are clothed, they will 
descend and be present in the world, 
and He will strengthen those, who 
have been found in the body, together 
with the saints, in the garments of 
the saints, and the Lord will minister 
to those who have kept watch in this 
world.’ 

The ἀμήν at the end of the verse 
(WH. mg.) is well-attested, and its 
disappearance in certain MSs. may 
perhaps be traced to the apparent 
improbability of its occurrence in 
the middle of an Epistle. ‘ Videtur 
αμην hoe loco interiectum offendisse’ 
(Tisch.). On the other hand its addi- 
tion can be equally readily explained 
through the influence of liturgical 
usage. 


IV. 1—V. 24. HORTATORY AND 
DOCTRINAL. 


LEssons IN CHRISTIAN 
MorRALSs. 


With c. iv. we enter on the more 
directly practical side of the Ep., 
exhortation and doctrine being closely 
intermingled (Intr. p. lxxi) with the 
view of conveying certain great lessons 
in Christian morals of which the 
Apostles knew their converts to stand 
in need. 

The section opens with an exhorta- 
tion of a general character. 


IV. 1,2. General Exhortation. 


1,2. ‘And now, Brothers, to apply 
more directly what we have been 
saying, we entreat you as friends, nay 
we exhort you with authority in the 
Lord, to carry out ever more fully the 
mode of life which is pleasing to God, 
as you have already learned it from 


LV. 1—12. 


46 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


IV. 


{IV 1 


/ / ? “~ cee 
*"Aourov', ἀδελφοί, ἐρωτῶμεν ὑμᾶς καὶ Tapa- 


καλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ, [ἵνα] καθὼς παρελάβετε παρ᾽ 


IV 1 λοιπόν solum B* 17 31 al pauc Vg44 “ia Syr (Pesh) Boh Arm Orig Chr 


Theod-Mops"™*: λοιπὸν οὖν SADG al pler 


iva BD*G 17 37 al pauc Lat (Vet Vg) Syr 


(Pesh) Boh Arm Go Chr 4 Ambst : om SAD°KL al pler Syr (Harel) Aeth Chr δ Thdt 


Theod-Mops™ al 


us. We know indeed that you are 
doing this, but there is still room for 
progress, as you cannot but be aware 
in view of our previous instructions.’ 


1. λοιπόν] a colloquial expression . 


frequently used to point forward to 
a coming conclusion (ef. 2 Cor. xiii. 11, 
2 Tim. iv. 8; τὸ Ao. 11. iii. 1, Phil, 
iv. 8), but in itself doing little more 
than mark the transition to a new 
subject as in late Gk. where it is prac- 
tically equivalent to an emphatic οὖν: 
ef. Polyb. i. 15. 11 λοιπὸν ἀνάγκη ovy- 
χωρεῖν, Tas ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις 
εἶναι ψευδεῖς, Epict. Diss. i. 22. 15 
ἄρχομαι λοιπὸν μισεῖν αὐτόν, and the 
other passages cited by Jannaris 1}. 
Υ. viii. p. 429 f.: see also Schmid 
Attic. iii. p. 135. As showing its fre- 
quency as a connecting particle in the 
Kowy (cf. B.G.U. 1039, 8 (Byz.)), 
Wilcken remarks that it has passed 
over into Coptic in this sense (Archiv 
iii. p. 507). In mod. Gk. λοιπόν has 
displaced οὖν altogether. 

In the present passage οὖν is re- 
tained in the text by WH. mg,, 
Tischdf., Zimmer, Nestle. It might 
easily have dropped out after the -ον 
of λοιπόν: on the other hand the 
combination λοιπὸν οὖν is found no- 
where else in the N.T., cf. however 
B.G.U.1079, 6 ff. (a private letter— 
i./A.D.) λοιπὸν οὖν ἔλαβον παρὰ ro(d) 
“ApaBos τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ ἀνέγνων καὶ 
ἐλυπήθην. 

ἐρωτῶμεν ὑμᾶς κτλ.} Ἔρωτᾶν in 
class. Gk. always=‘interrogare’ is 
frequently used in the N.T.=‘rogare,’ 
ef. v. 12, 11. ii. 1, Phil. iv. 3, the only 
other occurrences of the word in the 
Pauline writings. This usage is amply 
vouched for in the Κοινή (e.g. P.Oxy. 


292, 7 f. (i./A.D.) ἠρώτησα δὲ καὶ Ἕρ- 
pilaly τὸν ἀδελφὸν διὰ γραπτοῦ ἀνη- 
γεῖ[σθα([] σοι περὶ τούτου, and the 
other exx. below), and need therefore 
no longer be traced to the influence 
of the Heb. SN (cf. Deissmann BS. 
pp. 195f., 290f.). In this, its later 
sense, ἐρωτᾶν can hardly be distin- 
guished from αἰτεῖν, though by laying 
greater stress on the person asked 
than on the thing asked for, it is more 
appropriate in exhortation (Grimm- 
Thayer s.v.airéw). The note of urgency 
underlying its use is heightened here 
by its conjunction with παρακαλοῦμεν 
(ii. 11 note), and still more by the 
addition of ἐν κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ, pointing 
to the real source of the writers’ 
authority (cf. Eph. iv. 17). 

For the conjunction of the two 
words in epistolary phrases cf. P.Oxy. 
294, 28 f. (i./AD.) ἐρωτῶ δέ σε καὶ 
mapaxa\|@® γράψει μοι ἀντιφώνησιν 
περὶ τῶν γενομένων], 744, 6 ἴ. (i./B.C.) 
ἐρωτῶ σε καὶ παρακαλῷ σε ἐπιμελή- 
0<nr>.Te παιδίῳ. The latter papy- 
rus also supplies an instance of ἐρωτάω 
construed with ἵνα, 13 f. ἐρωτῶ σε οὖν 
iva μὴ ἀγωνιάσῃς “1 urge you therefore 
not to worry,’ 

[ἵνα] καθὼς mapedaBere| ‘[that] even 
as ye received. If iva is read it 
should have a comma placed after it 
to show that it really belongs to the 
last clause of the verse, where, on 
account of the long parenthesis, it is 
repeated. For this semi-final wa 
when the subject of the prayer is 
blended with its purpose ef. v. 4, IT. i. 
11, iii. 1, 2, 2 Cor. i. 17, and for the 
development of this usage in the later 
language see Hatzidakis p. 214 ff, 
Moulton Prolegg. p. 206 ff. A good 


IV 2] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 47 


Sap A ΄ι ~ lanl ~ a A 
ἡμῶν TO πῶς δεῖ ὑμᾶς περιπατεῖν Kal ἀρέσκειν θεῷ, καθως 


\ ΄σ' / cy 
καὶ TEDLTATELTE,—LVA περισσεύητε μᾶλλον. 


5οἴδατε 


\ 7 > / an ~ 
yap τίνας παραγγελίας ἐδώκαμεν ὑμῖν διὰ τοῦ κυρίου 


ex. from the Kowr occurs in the 
Christian papyrus-letter already cited 
P.Heid. 6, 14 ff. (iv./A.D.) παρακαλῶ 
[o]év, δέσποτα, ἵνα μνημον εἸύης μοι eis 
τὰς ἁγίας σου εὐχάς, ἵνα δυνηθῶμεν 
μέρος τὸν (ἁμ)αρτιῶν καθαρίσεως. 
Παραλαμβάνω as usual lays stress not 
so much on the manner of the Thessa- 
lonians’ receiving, as on the contents 
of what they received: cf. note on 
ii, 13, and for περιπατεῖν as the result 
of this teaching see ITI. iii. 6, Col. ii. 6. 
τὸ πῶς δεῖ ὑμᾶς περιπατεῖν κτλ.} In 
accordance with a usage peculiar to 
St Luke and St Paul in the N.T. ro 
(ὅπως without τό FG) is here used to 
introduce an indirect interrogative 
sentence (cf. Lk. i. 62, Rom. viii. 26; 
Blass p. 158), while at the same time 
in quite class. fashion it binds together 
all that follows into a kind of sub- 
stantival object to παρελάβετε (cf. iii. 
3, and see further Viteau Etude i. 
p. 67 f.). The two infinitives are 
consequently best taken as closely 
connected, the second stating the 
necessary result of the first, ‘how to 
walk and (so) please God’ (cf. WM. 
p. 544 n-1). For περιπατεῖν cf. 11. 12 
note, and for ἀρέσκειν θεῷ cf. ii. 4 
note. In Ps. xxv. (xxvi.) 3 the Lxx. 
rendering for nDPon7 is εὐηρέστησα. 
καθὼς κ. περιπατεῖτε] a clause amply 
vouched for on ΜΆ. authority (δ ABD* 
G 17...), and in entire accord with the 
writers’ practice to praise whenever 
praise is due (Intr. p. xliv), but which, 
by destroying the regularity of the 
sentence, leads them to substitute ἵνα 
περισσεύητε μᾶλλον for the οὕτως καὶ 
περιπατῆτε Which we would otherwise 
have expected. For a similar irregu- 
larity of construction due to the same 
cause cf. Col. i. 6 (with Lft.’s note), 
and for the intensive μᾶλλον cf. v. 10, 
2 Cor. vii. 13, Phil. i. 23, Mk. vii. 36. 


2. παραγγελίας] Tapayyedia (for 
verb cf. v. 11 note) is found elsewhere 
in the Pauline Epp. only in 1 Tim. i, 
5, 18, where it refers to the whole 
practical teaching of Christianity. 
Here the plur. points rather to special 
precepts (Vg. praecepta) or rules of 
living, which the writers had laid 
down when in Thessalonica, and which 
they had referred to the Lord Jesus 
(διὰ τ. κυρ. “Inc.) as the medium 
through. whom alone they could be 
carried into effect: cf. Rom. xv. 30, 
1 Cor. i. το. Thpht.: οὐκ ἐμὰ γάρ, 
φησίν, ἃ παρήγγειλα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνου 
ταῦτα. 

For παραγγελία ἃ8 denoting a ‘word 
of command’ received as from a 
superior officer that it may be passed 
on to others cf. Xen. Hell. ii. 1—4, 
and for its use more particularly in 
connexion with instruction cf. Arist, 
Eth, Nic. ii. 2. 4. 


IV. 3—8. Warning against 
Impurity. 

From this general-exhortation the 
Apostles proceed to recall more defi- 
nitely the nature of their former 
precepts, laying special stress on the 
Christian duty of sanctification in 
view of the dangers to which their 
Thessalonian converts were exposed 
(Intr. p. xlvi). The will of God regard- 
ing this is stated (1) generally (Ὁ. 3), 
and (2) particularly as it affected 
(a) themselves (vv. 4, 5), and (δ) their 
relation to others (Ὁ. 68). And the 
whole warning is enforced by re- 
calling the punishment that will follow 
its neglect (v. 6°), and the opposition 
which the offender is in reality offer- 
ing alike to his Divine call (Ὁ. 7), and 
the Divine spirit working within him 
(w. 8). 


3—8. ‘In particular we call upon 


48 


᾿Ιησοῦ. 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 5,4 


5 Τοῦτο yap ἐστιν θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, ὁ ἁγιασ- 


\ € ~ 2 / 0 en 3 \ - / 4-29/ 
Mos ὑμων, ἀπέχεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τῆς πορνείας, “εἰδέναι 
e/ ς - \ ~ ΄σ- e - 
ἕκαστον ὑμῶν τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σκεῦος κτᾶσθαι ἐν ἁγιασμᾷ 


you to avoid all taint of impurity. 
For God’s purpose regarding you is 
nothing less than this—that you lead 
a holy life, abstaining from fornication 
and learning to gain the mastery over 
your bodily passions. Lust with its 
dishonour is the mark of Gentile 
godlessness. It is a sin which, while 
it degrades the man himself, brings 
wrong and injury upon others. And 
hence, as we have already warned you 
in the most solemn manner, it incurs 
the just vengeance of the Lord. 
Therefore he who deliberately sets 
aside this warning is setting aside not 
man but God, Who is the bestower 
of the Spirit whose distinguishing 
characteristic is holiness, and of whose 
presence in your hearts you are al- 
ready conscious.’ 

3. Τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν κτλ.} As re- 
gards construction, the emphatic 
τοῦτο is clearly the subject pointing 
forward not only to ὁ ἁγιασμός which 
is in apposition with it, but also to 
the succeeding inf. clauses by which 
the nature of the ἁγιασμός is defined, 
while the predicate is formed by 
θέλημα τ. θεοῦ, the absence of the 
art. before θέλημα pointing to the 
general nature of the conception as 
compared with the specific mapay- 
γελίαι already spoken of. 

Θέλημα (almost entirely confined to 
Bibl. and late writers), while denoting 
properly the resu/t as distinguished 
from the act of willing (θέλησις), is 
here used rather in the sense of the 
Divine purpose (cf. Ac. xxii. 14, Eph. 
i. 9, v. 17, Col. i. 9, iv. 12) and em- 
braces the thought not only of God’s 
‘commanding’ but of His ‘enabling’ 
will. ‘God works in us and with us, 
because our sanctification is His will’ 
(Denney). In the same way ἁγιασμός 
retains here the active force which it 


always has in the Pauline writings 
(cf. iii. 13 note), and is=‘that you lead 
a holy life, a positive injunction re- 
stated from the negative side in the 
clause that follows. 

ἀπέχεσθαι ὑμᾶς κτλ. a warning ren- 
dered necessary by the fact that in 
the heathen world πορνεία (for form, 
WH.’ Notes, p. 160) was so little 
thought of (Hor. Sat. 1. 2. 33 ff., Cie. 
pro Cael. 20) that abstinence from it, 
so far from being regarded as inevit- 
able by the first Christian converts, 
was rather a thing to be learned: ef. 
Ac. xv. 20 (with Knowling’s note) and 
see Jowett’s Essay ‘On the Connexion 
of Immorality and Idolatry’ (Zpp. of 
‘St Paul ii. p. 70 ff.). 

᾿Απέχεσθαι (appos. inf., Burton ὃ 386) 
is here construed with ἀπό, perhaps 
to emphasize the idea of separation, 
cf. v. 22, Job i. 1, 8, ii. 3 δε It is 
found with the simple gen., as gene- 
rally in class. Gk., in Ac. xv. 20, 29, 
1 Tim. iv. 3, 1 Pet. ii. 11. 

For the act. ἀπέχω =‘ have wholly,’ 
‘possess,’ cf. Phil. iv. 18, Philem. 15, 
and for its technical use in the papyri 
and ostraca to denote the receipt of 
what was due (e.g. B.G.U. 612, 2f. 
(i./A.D.) ἀπέχω παρ᾽ ὑμῶν τὸν φόρον 
τοῦ ἐλα[ι]ουργίου, ὧν ἔχετέ [poly ἐν 
μισθώσει) cf. Deissmann BS. p. 229, 
Wilcken Ostraka i. pp. 86, τοῦ ff., 
Archiv i. p. 77 ff. 

4. εἰδέναι ἕκαστον κτὰλ.} a second 
inf. clause parallel to the preceding, 
and emphasizing the truth therestated 
in greater detail. 

The principal difficulty is the mean- 
ing to be attached to ro ἑαυτ. σκεῦος. 
Does it refer to (1) ‘his own body,’ or 
(2) ‘his own wife’? The latter view, 
advocated by Theodore of Mopsuestia 
(σκεῦος τὴν ἰδίαν ἑκάστου γαμετὴν ὀνο- 


pater) and St Augustine (‘suunr_vas 


ΙΝ 5] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


\ -~ 5 Vas (θ > θ / θ / \ ye ’ 
Kal τιμῇ; bn εν πσαῦει ἐπι UMLaS κα aTrEp Καὶ τὰ EONH τὰ. 


possidere, hoc est, uxorem suam’ c. 
Jul. Pelag. iv. 10), has been adopted 
by the great majority of modern com- 
mentators, principally it would appear 
on account of the objections that can 
be urged against the former. 
though supported by certain Rabbinic 
parallels (e.g. Megill. Est. i. 11 ‘vas 
meum quo ego utor’) and by the 
occurrence of the phrase κτᾶσθαι 
yvvaikxa=‘ducere uxorem’ (e.g. Sir. 
XXxvi. 29 (26), Xen. Conv. ii. 10), it is 
not, it will be admitted, at first sight 
the natural view, and is suggestive of 
a lower view of the marriage-state 
than one would expect in a passage 
specially directed to enforcing its 
sanctity (cf. Titius Neut. Lehre von 
der Seligkeit (1900) ii. p. 113). On the 
whole therefore it seems better to 
revert to the meaning ‘his own body’ 
which was favoured by the Gk. com- 
mentators generally (e.g. Thdt. ἐγὼ δὲ 
νομίζω τὸ ἑκάστου σῶμα οὕτως αὐτὸν 
κεκληκέναι) as well as by Ambrstr., 
Pelagius, Calvin, Beza, Grotius; for 
though no other instance of σκεῦος by 
itself in this sense can be produced 
from the N.T., it is sutliciently vouched 
for by such approximate parallels as 
2 Cor. iv. 7 ἔχομεν δὲ τὸν θησαυρὸν 
τοῦτον ἐν ὀστρακίνοις σκεύεσιν, and by 
the use of the word in Gk. writers to 
denote the vessel or instrument of the 
soul, e.g. Plato Soph. 2194; cf. Philo 
quod det. pot. ins. § 46 (i. p. 186 M.) τὸ 
τῆς Ψυχῆς ἀγγεῖον, τὸ σῶμα. 

The most serious objection to this 
rendering is that it requires us to take 
κτᾶσθαι in what has hitherto been re- 
garded as the unwarranted meaning 
of ‘possess.’ But to judge from the 
papyri it would seem as if at least 
in the popular language this meaning 
was no longer confined to the perf. 
(xéxrnoOa). Thus in P.Tebt. 5, 241 ff. 
(ii./B.0.) we find it decreed μηδ᾽ ἄλλους 
κτᾶσθαι μηδὲ χρῆσθαι rots...€pyareious 
‘nor shall any other persons take 
possession of or use the tools,’ and in 


M. THESS. 


But. 


49 


P.Oxy. 259, 6 (i./A.D.) a certain Theon 
declares on oath that he ‘has’ thirty 
days (κτήσεσθαι nulé|pas τριάκοντα) in 
which to produce a prisoner for whom 
he has become surety. There seems 
no reason therefore why κτᾶσθαι 
should not be used in the passage 
before us of a man’s so ‘possessing’ 
or ‘taking possession of’ his body, as 
to use it in the fittest way for God’s 
service in thorough keeping with the 
general Pauline teaching (1 Cor. vi. 
15 ff., ix. 17, Rom. xii. 1). 

Nor further can it be urged as a 
‘decisive’ objection against this view 
that it fails to bring out the pointed 
contrast in which κτᾶσθαι τὸ ἕαυτ. 
σκεῦος is placed to πορνεία, if only we 
give its proper weight to the preceding 
εἰδέναι, for by means of it the condition 
of purity spoken of is emphasized 
as a matter of acquired knowledge. 
(Thpht. : σημείωσαι δὲ καὶ τὸ εἰδέναι" 
δείκνυσι γὰρ ὅτι ἀσκήσεως καὶ μαθήσεώς 
ἐστι τὸ σωφρονεῖν.) 

For εἰδέναι followed by an inf.= 
‘know how’ cf. Lk. xii. 56, Phil. iv. 
12, 1 Pet. v.9; also Soph. Ajaw 666 f. 
τοιγὰρ τὸ λοιπὸν εἰσόμεσθα μὲν θεοῖς 
εἴκειν. 

5. μὴ ἐν πάθει ἐπιθυμίας] ‘not in 
lustfulness of desire’ (Vg. non in 
passione desiderii, Beza non in morbo 
cupiditatis)—maos, according to the 
usual distinction, denoting the passive 
state or condition in which the active 
ἐπιθυμία rules: cf. Col. iii. 5, and see 
Trench Syn. ὃ lxxxvii. 

καθάπερ καὶ τὰ ἔθνη κτλ.] Cf. IT. i. 8, 
Gal. iv. 8. This description of τὰ ἔθνη, 
(ii. 16 note) is evidently founded on the 
Lxx. (cf. Ps. Ixxviii. (Ixxix.) 6, Jer. x. 
25), the use of the art. before μὲ «id. 


pointing to the Gentiles’ ignorance of 


the one true God (τὸν θεόν) as their 
peculiar property (cf. WSchm. pp. 178, 
184), and the cause of their sinfulness, 
‘ Ignorantia, impudicitiae origo. Rom. 
i. 24’ says Bengel. That, however, 
St Paul did not regard this ignorance 


4 


- 


50 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[IV 6 


\ γεν \ , 6 \ RG ,ὔ \ σ΄ > 
MH εἰδοτὰ TON θεὸν, “TO MY ὑπερβαίνειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν ἐν 

~ , \ - \ ΄σ Pm ’ A 
τῷ πραγματι TOV ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ, διότι ἔκλικοο Κύριος περὶ 


as absolute is proved by Rom. i. 19 ἢ, 
28: hence Bengel again, ‘ Coeli sereni- 
tatem adspice : impuritatis taedium te 
capiet.’ 

For καθάπερ see ii. 11 note, and for 
the use of καί in comparison see WM. 
Ρ. 549. 

6. τὸ μὴ ὑπερβαίνειν κτλ.] a third 
inf. clause in apposition with ὁ 
ἁγιασμός, and parallel therefore to 
the two preceding clauses, the pre- 
fixed ro (see iii. 3 note) leading us to 
look for a further explanatory state- 
ment of the truths already laid down. 

‘YrepBaive (am. rey. N.T., cf. 11. 1. 
3 note) may govern adeAdoy in the 
sense of ‘get the better of, but is 
better taken absolutely =‘ transgress,’ 
cf. Plato Rep. ii. 366 A ὑπερβαίνοντες 
καὶ ἁμαρτάνοντες, Kur. Alc. 1077 μὴ viv 
ὑπέρβαιν᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναισίμως φέρε. In 
the present passage the nature of the 
transgression is defined by the follow- 
ing πλεονεκτεῖν ‘take advantage of, 
‘overreach, any reference to un- 
chastity lying not in the word itself, 
but in the context (cf. πλεονεξία, ii. 
5 note). The verb occurs elsewhere 
in the N.T. only jn 2 Cor. ii. 11 
(pass.) and in vii. 2, xii. 17 f., where, 
though intrans. in class. Gk., it is 
followed as here by a direct obj. in the 
acc. : cf. for the sense P.Amh. 78, 12 ff. 
(ii./A.D.) παντοδαπῶς plou] πλεονεκτῖ 
ἄνθρωπος ἀϊ σ]θενής (α[ὑἸ]θάδης, Rader- 
macher). The gravity of the charge 
in the present instance is increased 
by the fact that it is a (Christian) 
‘brother’ who is wronged : ef. ii. Io. 

The expression ἐν τῷ πράγματι has 
caused difficulty. In the Vg. it is 
rendered in negotio (Wycl. in chaffar- 
inge, Luth. im Handel, Weizs. in 
Geschiften), and in accordance with 
this the whole clause has been taken 
as a warning against defrauding one’s 
brother in matters of business or 
trade. But no other adequate ex. of 


πρᾶγμα in this sense in the sing. has 
been produced, and the words are too 
closely connected with what precedes 
and what follows (v. 7 ἀκαθαρσία) to ad- 
mit of any such transition to a wholly 
new subject. In ἐν τ. πράγματι there- 
fore we can only find a veiled reference 
(Corn. a Lap. ‘honesta aposiopesis’) 
to ‘the matter’ on hand, viz. sins of 
the flesh ; cf. 2 Cor. vii. 11, and see 
LS. 8.0. πρᾶξις 11. 3. In no case can it 
be rendered ‘in any matter’ (A.V.). 
Of this enclitic τῳ (for τινί) there is 
no clear instance either in the Lxx. 
or N.T. (WSchm. p. 71). 

διότι ἔκδικος Κύριος κτλ.) The fore- 
going warning is now enforced hy 
recalling the punishment which will 
follow upon its neglect in terms clearly 
suggested by Deut. xxxii. 35 (Heb.): 
cf. Rom. xii. 19, Heb. x. 30, and for a 
class. parallel see Hom. Batrach. 97 
ἔχει θεὸς ἔκδικον ὄμμα. There is no 
reason however why, as ordinarily in 
these Epp., κύριος should not be re- 
ferred directly to the Lord Jesus 
through whom God will judge the 
world: cf. 11. i. 7 ff. and see Intr. 
p. Ixvii. 

ἜἜκδικος, elsewhere in N.T. only 
Rom. xiii. 4, denoted’ primarily ‘law- 
less,’ ‘unjust,’ but later passed over 
into the meaning of ‘avenging, ‘an 
avenger, in which sense it is found in 
the apocr. books of the O.T. (Sap. xii. 
12, Sir. xxx. 6, cf. 4 Mace. xv. 29). In 
the papyri it is the regular term for a 
legal representative, e.g. P.Oxy. 261, 
14 f. (i./A.D.) where a certain Demetria 
appoints her grandson Chaeremon éy- 
δικον ἐπί τε πάσης ἐξουσίας ‘to appear 
for her before every authority’: see 
further Gradenwitz Hinfiihrung i. 
p. 160, and for a similar use in the 
inscriptions = ‘ advocatus’ (cf. Cie. ad 
Fam. xiii. 56) see Michel Recueil 
459, 19 f. (ii./B.0.) ὑπέμεινεν ἑκουσίως 
[ἔκ]δικος. 


IV 7,8] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 51 


/ 7 \ 4 , ~ \ 
πάντων τούτων, καθὼς Kal προείπαμεν ὑμῖν Kal διεμαρ- 


τυραμεθα. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἁγιασμῷ. 


7oU γὰρ ἐκάλεσεν ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς ἐπὲ ἀκαθαρσίᾳ 
~ ε 3 > > γ 
ὑτοιγαροῦν ὁ ἀθετῶν οὐκ ἄνθρωπον 


΄ \ \ \ \ ’ ὡς a Or 
ἀθετεῖ ἀλλὰ Tov θεὸν Tov λιλόντὰ τὸ πνεῦμα δὐτοῦ TO ἅγιον 


Seeberg (Der Katechismus der 
Urchristenheit (1903) p. 10 ἢ) points 
to this verse as a proof of a tradi- 
tional catalogue of sins lying at the 
basis of the Pauline lists, for though 
only two sins are directly mentioned 
here, judgment takes place περὶ 
πάντων τούτων. 

προείπαμεν] Of. iii. 4 note, and for 
the aor. in -a see WH.? Notes p. 171 f., 
WSchm. p. 111 f. 

διεμαρτυράμεθα] Διαμαρτύρομαι, a 
word of Ionic origin (Niageli p. 24) 
and stronger than the simple μαρτύ- 
ρομαι (ii. 11), is used of solemnly testi- 
fying in the sight of God (ἐνώπιον τ. 
Θεοῦ) in 1 Tim. vy. 21, 2 Tim. ii. 14, 
iv. 1, the only other passages in the 
Pauline writings where it occurs. It 
is found frequently in the Lxx. in this 
sense (e.g. Deut. iv. 26, viii. 19, 1 Regn. 
Vili. 9), and is used absolutely by St 
Luke as here in Lk. xvi. 28, Ac. ii. 4o; 
cf. also Heb. ii. 6. Calv.: ‘ Obtestati 
sumus; tanta enim est hominum tar- 
ditas, ut nisi acriter perculsi nullo 
divini iudicii sensu tangantur.’ 

7. οὐ γὰρ ἐκάλεσεν κτὰλ.] The em- 
phasis lies on ἐκάλεσεν (cf. ii. 12 note), 
the thought of the definite Divine call 
being introduced as an additional 
reason for the foregoing warning, 
or, perhaps, in more immediate con- 
nexion with the preceding clause, 
as a justification of the vengeance 
there threatened. 

The interchange of the prepositions 
ἐπί and ἐν is significant, the former 
pointing to the object or purpose of 
the call (cf. Gal. v. 13, Eph. ii. 10, Sap. 
il. 23 ὁ θεὸς ἔκτισεν τὸν pe ἐπ᾽ 
ἀφθαρσίᾳ), the latter to its essential 
basis or condition (ef. Eph. iv. 4 with 
Abbott’s note), ἁγιασμός being used in 
the same active sense as in vv, 3, 4. 


ὃ, τοιγαροῦν ὁ ἀθετῶν κτλ. ‘Where- 
fore then the rejecter rejects not 
man but (the) God’—the compound. 
τοιγαροῦν (class., elsewhere in N.T, 
only Heb. xii. 1) introducing the con- 
clusion ‘with some special emphasis 
or formality’ (Grimm-Thayer s.v.). 

᾿Αθετεῖν literally=‘make ἄθετον, or: 
‘do away with what has been laid 
down,’ refers here to the action of the 
man who of his own will ‘rejects’ or 
‘sets aside’ the calling just mentioned 
(v. 7): ef. especially Lk. x. 16 of which 
we may here have a reminiscence. 
The verb, which is not approved by 
the Atticists (frequent in Polyb. eg. 
Vili. 2. 5 dO. τ. πίστιν, XV. 1. 9 ἀθ. τ. 
ὅρκους καὶ τ. συνθήκας), Occurs other 
four times in the Pauline writings, 
always however with reference to 
things, not persons—r. σύνεσιν (1 Cor. 
i. 19), τ. χάριν (Gal. ii. 21), διαθήκην 
(Gal. iii. 15), τ. πίστιν (1 Tim. vy. 12), 
In the Lxx. it represents no fewer 
than seventeen Heb. originals. For 
its use in the papyri_see P.Tebt. 74, 
sof. (ii./B.C.) ἐμβρόχου τῆς ἐν τῆι ἠἡ- 
θετημένηι i ἱερᾷ (cf. 61 (b), 207 note), and 
in the inscriptiony see 0.G.LS8. 444, 
18 ἐὰν δέ τινες τῶν πόλεων ἀθετ[ dou] τὸ 
σύμφωνον. 

The absence of the art. before ἄν- 
θρωπον followed as it is by τὸν θεόν 
deserves notice (cf. Gal. i. 10), while 
the contrast is further heightened by 
the use of the absolute negative in the 
first conception, not to annul it, but 
rhetorically to direct undivided atten- 
tion to the second (ef. Mk. ix. 37, Ac. 
V. 4, 1 Cor. i. 17; WM. p. 622 f.), 

τὸν δίδοντα κτλ.}] The reading here 
is somewhat uncertain, but the weight 
of the ms. evidence is in favour of the 
pres. part. (S*BDG as against AKL 
for δόντα), the aor. having probably 


4—2 


52 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


εἰς YMAC. 


[IV 9 


9 Περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε 


~ > ς ΄ 3 3 \ 
γράφειν ὑμῖν, αὐτοὶ yap ὑμεῖς θεοδίδακτοί ἐστε εἰς TO 


arisen from its occurrence elsewhere 
in the same connexion (e.g. 2 Cor. i. 
22, v. 5). As regards the meaning, 
the pres. may be taken as pointing to 
the ever ‘fresh accessions of the Holy 
Spirit’ (Lft.) which God imparts, or 
perhaps better as along with the art. 
constituting another subst. part. ‘the 
giver of His Holy Spirit.’ 

For the emphatic τὸ wv. τὸ ay. where 
the repeated art. lays stress on the 
dy. in keeping with the main thought 
of the whole passage cf. Mk. iii. 29, 
xiii. 11, Eph. iv. 30; while if any 
weight can be attached to εἰς ὑμᾶς in- 
stead of ὑμῖν (cf. i, 5 note) it brings 
out more pointedly the entrance of 
the Spirit into the heart and life: οἵ, 
Gal. iv. 6, Eph. iii. 16, Ezek. xxxvii. 
14 δώσω τὸ πνεῦμά μου εἰς ὑμᾶς καὶ 
ζήσεσθε, also the interesting reading 
of D in Mk. i. 10 and parallels, where 
it is stated that at the Baptism the 
dove entered into Jesus (eis αὐτόν), 
and did not merely rest upon Him 
(ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν), (Nestle Hap. 1. xvii. 
p. 522 n.1). 


IV. 9, τοῦ, Encouragement in 
Brotherly Love. 


From impurity, which is at root so 
cruel and selfish, the Apostles pass by 
a subtle link of connexion to the 
practice of brotherly or Christian 
love, admitting frankly at the same 
time the Thessalonians’ zeal in this 
respect. 

9, 10% ‘And so again with regard 
to love of the brethren, that is a sub- 
ject on which it is not necessary to 
say much, seeing that as those who 
are filled with God’s Spirit you have 
already been taught to love: and 
not only so, but you are actively prac- 
tising what you have been taught 
towards all Christian brethren through- 
out Macedonia.’ . 

9. Περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας] For 


περὶ δέ introducing a new subject ef. 
v. 1. In profane Gk. and the Lxx. 
φιλαδελφία is confined to the mutual 
love of those who are brothers by 
common descent (e.g. Luc. dial. deor, 
xxvi. 2, 4 Macc. xiii. 23, 26, xiv. 1) 
but in the N.T. the word is used in the 
definite Christian sense of ‘love of 
the brethren,’ of all, that is, who are 
brethren in virtue of the new birth: 
cf. Rom. xii. 10, Heb. xiii. 1, 1 Pet. i. 
22, 2 Pet. i. 7 ἐν δὲ τῇ φιλαδελφίᾳ τὴν 
ἀγάπην. The last passage is interest- 
ing as showing how readily this mutual 
love amongst believers passed over 
into the wider ἀγάπη, love for all man- 
kind (cf. iii. 12 note). 

οὐ χρείαν xrA.| not an instance of 
paraleipsis, or a pretending to pass 
over what in reality is mentioned for 
the sake of effect (Chrys.: τῷ εἰπεῖν, 
ov χρεία ἐστί, μεῖζον ἐποίησεν ἢ εἰ 
εἶπεν), but a simple statement of fact. 
The use of the act. inf. (γράφειν) for 
the pass. (γράφεσθαι, cf. v. 1) is too 
amply vouched for in similar com- 
binations to cause any difficulty: see 
WM. p. 426, Buttmann p. 259 n.1. 

OeodiSaxrot] The word is dz. dey. 
in the N.T. (cf. Barn. Zp. xxi. 6, Tat. 
Orat. 6. 29 p. 165 B θεοδιδάκτου δέ μου 
γενομένης τῆς Ψυχῆς, Theoph. ad 
Autol. ii. 9 οἱ δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄνθρωποι... 
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐμπνευσθέντες καὶ 
σοφισθέντες ἐγένοντο θεοδίδακτοι), and 
like the corresponding phrase διδακτοὶ 
τοῦ θεοῦ points not so much to ‘one 
divine communication’ as to ‘a divine 
relationship’ established between be- 
lievers and God (see Westcott on Jo. 
vi. 45): hence it is as those who have 
been born of God, and whose hearts 
are in consequence filled by God’s 
spirit that the Thessalonians on their 
part (αὐτοὶ... ὑμεῖς) can no longer help 
loving; cf, Isa. liv. 13, Jer. xxxviii. 
(xxxi.) 33 ἢ, Pss. Sol. xvii. 35. Calv.: 
‘quia divinitus edocti sint: quo sig- 


IV το, 11] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS 53 


> ~ > / 10 \ \ a 3 \ > / 
ayarav ἀλληλους" “Kat yao ποιεῖτε αὐτὸ εἰς παντας 


τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς [τοὺς] ἐν ὅλῃ TH Μακεδονίᾳ. 
καλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, περισσεύειν μᾶλλον, 


Π]αρα- 


\ 
kal 


κι ε f \ , a Pe ΡΝ 
φιλοτιμεῖσθαι ἡσυχάζειν καὶ πράσσειν τὰ ἴδια καὶ ἐρ- 


10 τοὺς S°BD**HKL cet Chr al: om ἐς ΑΘ 6 Chrood 


nificat insculptam esse eorum cordibus 
caritatem, ut supervacuae sint literae 
in charta scriptae.’ Beng. : ‘doctrinae 
divinae vis confluit in amorem.’ 

On εἰς τό as here acting for the 
epexegetic inf. see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 219. 

10. καὶ yap ποιεῖτε αὐτό xrA.| ‘for 
indeed ye do it...’ καί not losing its 
force as in the classical καὶ yap =‘ete- 
nim, but marking an advance on the 
preceding statement (Blass p. 275): 
the Thessalonians have not only been 
taught, but, looking to the fact that 
God has been their teacher, they 
practise (ποιεῖτε) what they have been 
taught, cf. 1 Jo. iii. 16 ff. 

If rovs is omitted before the de- 
fining clause ἐν ὅλῃ τ. Mak., these 
words are best connected directly 
with ποιεῖτε, as denoting the region 
‘in’ which the love of the brethren 
was displayed. For the extent 
of the region thus referred to (‘all 
Macedonia’) see Intr. p. xlv. 


1o°—12. Call to Quiet Work. 


A continued exhortation to the 
Thessalonians to advance in increas- 
ing measure in the practice of the 
φιλαδελφία whose presence in their 
midst has just been so fully recognized 
(v. 10°), and at the same time to avoid 
that spirit of restlessness and of in- 
attention to their daily work, of which 
apparently they had already begun to 
show traces, and which, if not checked, 
could not fail to create an unfavour- 
able impression on the minds of un- 
believers (vv. 11, 12). 

1o°—12. ‘This however is not to 
say that we do not urge you to still 
further efforts in the practice of this 


love, while there is one point to which 
you will do well to pay heed. Instead 
of giving way further to that restless 
spirit of which you are already showing 
signs, make it your earnest aim to 
preserve a quiet and orderly atti- 
tude—attending to your own business, 
and working with your hands for your 
own livelihood, even as we directed 
while still present with you. By so 
doing you will not only convey a 
good impression to your unbelieving 
neighbours, but you will yourselves 
maintain an honourable indepen- 
dence.’ 

10°, Παρακαλοῦμεν δέ κτλ. For a 
similar appeal see δ. 1, though here the 
more regular inf. is used after mapa- 
cad. instead of the fva-construction : 
cf. P.Oxy. 292, 5 ff. διὸ παρακαλῶ σε 
μετὰ πάσης δυνάμεως ἔχειν αὐτὸν συνε- 
σταμένον. For περισσεύειν see note 
on ili. 12, and for μᾶλλον see note on 
0. 1. 

11. καὶ φιλοτιμεῖσθαι ἡσυχάζειν) 
For a certain amount of restlessness 
amongst the Thessalonians, apparently 
owing to their eschatological expec- 
tations, see Intr. p. xlvi f. 

The verb φιλοτιμεῖσθαι is found 
again in Rom. xv. 20, 2 Cor. v. 9, and 
in all three passages seems to have 
lost its original idea of emulation (‘be 
ambitious’), and to mean little more 
than ‘be zealous,’ ‘strive eagerly, in 
accordance with its usage in late Gk.: 
cf. Aristeas 79 ἅπαντα φιλοτιμηθέντες 
εἰς ὑπεροχὴν δόξης τοῦ βασιλέως ποιῆ- 
σαι, and see P.Petr. m1. 42 Ἡ (8) ἔ,, 3 f. 
(iii./B.C.) ἐφιλοτιμοῦ pe παραγενέσθαι 
πρὸς σὲ καὶ] ἦλθον, P.Tebt. 410, 10 
(i./A.D.) ἐφιλοτ[ ι]Ἱμοῦ σὺν ἐμοὶ μεῖναι, and 
for the corresponding adj. P. Petr. 1. 29, 


54 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 12 


~ € ro y \ ~ 7 
γάζεσθαι ταῖς χερσὶν ὑμῶν, καθὼς ὑμῖν παρηγγείλαμεν, 
ε lon ? / \ \ af \ \ 
"iva περιπατῆτε εὐσχημόνως πρὸς τοὺς ἔξω Kal μηδενὸς 


χρείαν ἔχητε. 


12 (Ptol.) where a steward writes to 
his employer that he had borrowed 
four artabae of wheat which a certain 
Dynis bad offered and ‘ was pressing’ 
(φιλοτίμου ὄντος) to lend, Along with 
φιλοτιμία, φιλοτιμεῖσθαι is Very com- 
mon in Gk, honorary decrees where 
its general meaning is ‘to act with 
public spirit,’ e.g. CIA, τι. 444, 23 ff. 
(ii./B.C.) ὅπως οὖν καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ 
δῆμος μνημονεύοντες φαίνωνται τῶν εἰς 
ἑαυτοὺς φιλοτιμουμένων. See also Field 
Notes p. 165, Hicks Οἱ R. i. p. 46. 

With ἡσυχάζειν (a favourite Lukan 
word, e.g. Lk. xiv. 3, Ac. xi. 18) con- 
trast περιεργάζεσθαι 11. iii. 11, and with 
the striking oxymoron (Beza θέ con- 
tendatis quiett esse) cf. Rom. xii. 11 
τῇ σπουδῇ μὴ ὀκνηροί, Phil. iv. 7 ἡ 
εἰρήνη..-φρουρήσει, Heb. x. 24 εἰς παρ- 
οξυσμὸν ἀγάπης. 

καὶ πράσσειν τὰ ἴδια] The commen- 
tators draw attention to the similar 
juxtaposition found in Plato Rep. vi. 
496 D where the philosopher who has 
escaped from the dangers of political 
life is described as ἡσυχίαν ἔχων καὶ 
Ta αὑτοῦ πράττων, while the general 
thought is illustrated by another pas- 
sage from the same book iv. 433 A, τὸ Ta 
αὑτοῦ πράττειν καὶ μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν 
δικαιοσύνη ἐστί : cf. also Dion Cass. Lx. 
27 τὴν δὲ δὴ ἡσυχίαν ἄγων, καὶ Ta ἑαυτοῦ 
πράττων, ἐσώζετο. Inall three passages 
the more correct ra ἑαυτοῦ for ra ἴδια 
(cf. Lk. xviii. 28) may also be noted 
(οἵ, Lob. Phryn. p. 441). 

καὶ ἐργάζεσθαι κτλ.] For the bear- 
ing of these words on the general 
standing of the Thessalonian converts 
cf, II. iii. 10 f., and for the new dignity 
imparted by the Gospel to manual 
labour see Intr. p. xlvii. 

In accordance with a tendency of 
transcribers towards greater precision 
of statement certain mss.(8* A D°KL) 


insert ἰδίαις here before χερσίν: cf. 
note on ¢, ii. 15. 

καθὼς ὑμῖν παρηγγείλαμεν] ‘even 
as we charged you’—the use of the em- 
phatic παραγγέλλειν, which is specially 
used in class. writers of the orders of 
military commanders (cf. note on παραγ- 
γελία τ. 2), bringing out the authority 
with which the Apostles spoke, cf. LI. 
iii. 10 ff. The verb is a favourite with 
Luke (Gosp.* Ac."), and outside these 
Epp. and 1 Tim. is found elsewhere 
in the Pauline writings 1 Cor. vii. Io, 
"ὦ AM ds 

12. ἵνα περιπατῆτε κτλ.) The pur- 
pose of the foregoing παράκλησις. By 
avoiding undue interference with the 
affairs of others, and paying diligent 
attention to their own work, the 
Thessalonians would not only present 
a decorous appearance to their un- 
believing neighbours, but themselves 
enjoy an honourable independence. 

Εὐσχημόνως, ‘decorously,’ ‘ becom- 
ingly,’ corresponding to the old Eng. 
‘honestly’ (Vg. honeste) of the A.V. 
here and in Rom, xiii. 13, is found 
combined with κατὰ τάξιν in 1 Cor. 
xiv. 40 to express the beauty and 
harmony that result in the Church 
from every member’s keeping his own 
place: ef, Aristeas 284 ra τοῦ βίου 
per εὐσχημοσύνης καὶ καταστολῆς γινό- 
μενα, and especially the use of the 
adj. to denote the Egyptian magis- 


trates who had charge of public 


morals, e.g. B.G.U. 147, 1 (ii.—iii./A.D.) 
ἀρχεφόδοις καὶ εὐσχήμοσι κώμης, and 
Wilcken Ostraka no. 1153 (Rom.) 
πέμψατε τοὺς εὐσχήμονας τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν 
παρολκημάτων (where see note). 

Πρὸς τοὺς ἔξω a phrase derived 
from the Rabbinical ὩΣ ΝΠ (ef, 
Schéttgen on 1 Cor, y. 12), and em- 
bracing all outside the Christian com- 
munity whether Gentiles or unbeliey- 


IV 13] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 55 


τ Οὐ θέλομεν δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, περὶ τῶν 


ing Jews, cf. Mk. iv. 11, 1 Cor. ν. 12f,, 
Col. iv. 5, 1 Tim. iii. 7 (ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξω- 
éev). ‘It is characteristic of St Paul 
to ask, “What will the Gentiles say of 
us?” a part of the Christian prudence, 
which was one of the great features 
of his life’ (Jowett). For a similar 
exhortation with the same end in 
view cf. 1 Pet. ii. 11 ff Chrys. thus 
applies the reproof to his own age: 
εἰ yap of παρ᾽ ἡμῖν σκανδαλίζονται τού- 
τοις, πολλῷ μᾶλλον οἱ ἔξωθεν...διο καὶ 
χριστεμπόρους καλοῦσιν ἡμᾶς. 

καὶ μηδενός κτλ.}] Μηδενός may be 
either masc. or neut. The former in 
view of the context yields good sense 
(Wycl. of no mannes 36 desire ony 
thing): cf. Hieron. in Gal. τι. ὁ. iii. 
‘They are sharply censured because 
they go round idly from house to 
house, expecting food from others, 
while they try to make themselves 
agreeable to this person and that 
(singulis)’ On the other hand the 
use of χρείαν ἔχειν elsewhere with 
the gen. of the thing (e.g. Mt. vi. 8, 
Lk. x. 42, Heb. v. 12; ef. Rev. iii. 17 
οὐδὲν χρείαν ἔχω) points rather to the 
rendering ‘have need of nothing’ 
(Beza et nullius indigeatis): by their 
own work they would be placed in a 
position of αὐτάρκεια, ef. II. iii. 8, 12. 

IV. 13—V.11. From the foregoing 
practical exhortations St Paul turns to 
two difficulties of a more doctrinal 
character, which, from the manner in 
which they are introduced, would 
seem to have been referred directly 
to him by the Thessalonians, or more 
probably were brought under his 
notice by Timothy in view of what 
he had heard at Thessalonica (Intr. p. 
xxxiiif.). The first relates to the lot of 
those dying before the Lord’s Return, 
the second to the time when that 
Return might be expected. The two 
sections are closely parallel, each con- 
sisting of a question (iv. 13, v..1); an 
answer (iv. I4—I7, Vv. 2—I0): and 
a practical exhortation (iv. 18, v. 11). 


IV. 13—18. TEACHING CONCERNING 
THEM THAT ARE ASLEEP AND THE 


ADVENT OF CHRIST. 


13, 14. ‘ With regard moreover to 
that other matter which we under- 
stand is causing you anxiety, the fate 
namely of those of your number who 
are falling on sleep before the coming 
of the Lord, we are anxious, Brothers, 
that you should be fully informed. 
There is no reason why you should 
sorrow, as those who do not share 
in your Christian hope cannot fail 
to do. For as surely as our belief 
is rooted in the death and resurrection 
of Jesus, even so we are confident that 
God will bring along with the return- 
ing Jesus those who have fallen on 
sleep through Him! 

13. Ov θέλομεν δέ xrd.] a phrase 
used by St Paul to introduce a new 
and important topic, and always with 
the impressive addition of ἀδελφοί ; 
ef. Rom. i. 13, xi. 25, 1 Cor. x. I, ΧΙ, 
1, 2 Cor. i. 8, and for a near parallel see 
P.Tebt. 314, 3 (ii./A.D.) πιστεύω oe μὴ 
ἀγνοεῖν. The corresponding formula 
γινώσκειν oe θέλω is Very common in 
the papyri, especially in opening a 
letter after the introductory greeting, 
eg. B.G.U. 27, 3 ff Gi.—iii./A.D.) καὶ 
διὰ π[α]ντὸς εὔχομαί σε ὑγιένεν καὶ 
[ἐγὼ 1] αὐτὸς ὑγιένω. Τινώσκειν σε 
θέλω κτλ. 

περὶ τῶν κοιμωμένων] ‘concerning 
them that are falling asleep’ (Vg. de 
dormientibus)—the pres. part. not 
only indicating a state of things that 
was going on, but also lending itself 
more readily to the thought of a 
future awakening than the perf. would 
have done (cf. Lft. ad loc.). It 
was doubtless indeed the extreme 
appropriateness of the word κοιμᾶσθαι 
in the latter direction (Thdt. : τῷ yap 
ὕπνῳ ἐγρήγορσις ἕπεται, Aug. Serm., 
xciii. 6, ‘Quare enim dormientes 
vocantur, nisi quia suo die resusci- 
tantur?’) that led St Paul to prefer 
it to ἀποθνήσκειν in speaking of the 


56 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 13 


/ .« \ ~ \ \ ε \ ς \ 
κοιμωμένων, iva μή λυπῆσθε καθὼς Kal οἱ λοιποὶ οἱ μὴ 


death of believers who alone are 
thought of here, though in no case 
must the underlying figure be pressed 
as if descriptive of his idea of their 
intermediate state, 

The same metaphor frequently 
occurs in the earlier O.T. and apoca- 
lyptic literature without any reference 
to the resurrection-hope, e.g. Gen. 
xlvii. 30, 2 Regn, vii. 12, Jer. xxviii, 
(li.) 39 (ὕπνον αἰώνιον), Jubilees xxiii, 
1, xxxvi. 18, Ass. Mos. i, 15, x. 14, 
Apoc. Bar. xi. 4, Test. xii. patr. 
Jos, xx. 4 (ἐκοιμήθη ὕπνον αἰώνιον) ; 
on the other hand as preparing us for 
the later Christian use of the term 
ef, Dan. xii. 2, 2 Mace. xii. 44, 4 
Ezra vii. 32 ‘et terra reddet qui in ea 
dormiunt, et puluis qui in eo silentio 
habitant.’ 

On the varied connotation of the 
term in Jewish eschatology see Volz 
Jiid. Eschat. p. 134, and for the 
occurrence of the figure in pagan 
literature, cf. Callim. Zpigr. x. 1, 
Hom. J/. xi. 241, Soph. Electr. 500, 
Verg. Aen. vi. 278 (‘consanguineus 
leti sopor’). See also the striking 
saying of Gorgias (v./B.c.) in his ex- 
treme old age ἤδη pe 6 ὕπνος ἄρχεται 
παρακατατίθεσθαι τἀδελφῷ (Aelian 
V.H, ii. 35). 

The verb (especially ἐκοιμήθην) is 
very common in Christian inscriptions, 
e.g. L.GSL. 549, 1 σὺν θεῷ...ἐκοιμ[ἡθη] 
ἡ δουλὴ τοῦ [θεοῦ] SaBeiva, 68, 1 ἐκοι- 
μήθη ἡ θεοκοίμητος Aiyeia. The allied 
subst, κοιμητήριον appears by the 
middle of the 3rd cent. if not earlier, 
Thus the formula of dedicating τὸ κοι- 
pln |r |pcov ἕως ἀναστάσεως is found in 
an inscription at Thessalonica (C.1.G. 
9439) which Kirchhoff thinks may be- 
long to the 2nd cent., though Ramsay 
carries it forward to the middle of the 
4th (C. and B. i. p. 495). The word 
is often thought to be exclusively 
Christian, but Roberts-Gardner (p. 
513) quote two inscriptions which by 
the figures of a seven-branched cande- 


labrum are shown to be of Jewish 
origin. The first of these (CLG. 
9313) runs—Koipunrnprov Evrvy ijas τῆς 
μητρὸς ᾿Αθηνέου κὲ Θεοκτίστου. For 
the existence of a Jewish colony in 
Athens cf. Ac. xvii, 17, and see art. 
‘Athens’ in Hastings’ D.B. by F. C. 
Conybeare. 

καθὼς καὶ οἱ λοιποί] ‘even as also the 
rest,’ i.e. ‘all who are not believers,’ 
synonymous with oi ἔξω (Ὁ. 12): ef. 
Rom, xi. 7, Eph. ii. 3. The clause is 
often interpreted as=‘to the same 
extent as the rest’ (Thdt. : τὴν ἀμετρίαν 
[λύπην] ἐκβάλλει), but this is to strain 
the Gk. unduly, and we have rather 
one of the constantly recurring in- 
stances in which St Paul ‘states his 
precept broadly, without caring to 
enter into the qualifications which 
will suggest themselves at once to 
thinking men’ (Lft.). On the force 
of καί see ii. 14 note. 

οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες κτλ.}] The general 
hopelessness of the pagan world in the 
presence of death is almost too well- 
known to require illustration, but see 
e.g. Aesch. Hum. 618 ἅπαξ θανόντος, 
οὔτις ἐστ᾽ ἀνάστασις, Theocr. Jd. iv. 
42 ἐλπίδες ἐν ζωοῖσιν, ἀνέλπιστοι δὲ 
θανόντες, Catull. v. 5 f. ‘nobis cum 
semel occidit breuis lux, nox est 
perpetua una dormienda, and the 
touching letter of Cicero ad Fam. xiv. 
2, which was dated— Thessalonicae. 
The inscriptions tell the same tale, e.g. 
ILG.SI. 929, 13 κοιμᾶται τὸν αἰώνιον 
ὕπν(ον), 1879, 11 εὐψυχῶ.. ὅστις οὐκ 
ἤμην καὶ ἐγενόμην, οὐκ εἰμὶ καὶ οὐ 
λυποῦμαι. 

14. No mention has been made of 
the reason of Gentile hopelessness, but 
it is clearly traceable to ignorance of 
the revelation of the one God (ef. Eph. 
ii. 12 ἐλπίδα μὴ ἔχοντες κ. ἄθεοι ἐν τ. 
κόσμῳ), and accordingly the Apostles 
proceed to lay down the real ground 
of Christian hope. That ground is 
the death and resurrection, of the 
historic Jesus (cf. Add. Note-D), 


IV 14,15] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 57 


ἔχοντες ἐλπίδα. 


14 3 \ / « > ΄' > / 
εἰ yao πιστεύομεν ὅτι ᾿ΪΙησοῦς ἀπέ- 


\ a, 6 « δ, \ \ / \ 
θανεν καὶ ἀνέστη, οὕτως καὶ ὁ θεὸς Tous κοιμηθέντας διὰ 


af ῷ -~ of \ 3 ΄σ΄ 
tov ᾿Ιησοῦ ἀξει σὺν αὐτά. 


which, by an impressive irregularity 
of grammatical structure, are here 
brought into direct relation not with 
the resurrection of believers, but, in 
keeping with the general drift of the 
Ep., with their return with Christ in 
glory. 

εἰ γὰρ πιστεύομεν κτλ. The use of 
εἰ in the opening clause of the syllogism 
instead of throwing any doubt on the 
belief spoken of, rather makes it more 
definite, cf. Rom. v. 15, Col. iii. 1, and 
for the conjunction ἀπέθ. x. ἀνέστη see 
Rom. xiv. 9, where it is said in the 
same sense as here eis τοῦτο yap 
Χριστὸς ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἔζησεν ἵνα καὶ 
νεκρῶν καὶ ζώντων κυριεύσῃ. The use 
of ἀπέθανεν in the present passage is 
specially noticeable in contrast with 
κοιμᾶσθαι applied to believers (Ὁ. 13): 
it is as if the writers wished to em- 
phasize that because Christ’s death 
was a real death, ‘a death of death,’ 
His people’s death has been turned 
into ‘sleep.’ Chrys. : ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἦλθεν 
ὁ Χριστός, καὶ ὑπὲρ ζωῆς τοῦ κόσμου 
ἀπέθανε, οὐκέτι θάνατος καλεῖται λοιπὸν 
ὁ θάνατος, ἀλλὰ ὕπνος καὶ κοίμησις (de 
Coemit. et Cruce, Op. ii. 470 ed. 
Gaume). 

It may be noted that only here and 
in ὃ. 16 does St Paul employ ἀνίστασθαι 
with reference to resurrection from 
the dead ; cf. also the metaph. use in 
Eph. vy. 14. As a rule he prefers 
ἐγείρειν, cf. i. 10 and other forty 
occurrences in his Epp. The subst. 
ἀνάστασις is found eight times. It is 
frequent in the inscriptions for the 
‘erection’ of a statue or monument, 
eg. Magn. 179, 28f. ἐπὶ τῇ ἀναστάσει 
Tov ἀνδριάντος. 

οὕτως καὶ ὁ θεός] ‘80 also (we believe 
that) God, οὕτως virtually resuming 
the protasis and καί, which belongs 
not to the single word ‘God’ but to 


*S Τοῦτο yap ὑμῖν λέγομεν 


the whole clause, serving to strengthen 
still further the comparison stated in 
the apodosis (cf. ii. 14 note). ‘O θεός 
is emphatic: it is the one true God 
who, as the raiser-up of Jesus, will 
raise up His people along with Him, 
ef. 1 Cor. vi. 14, 2 Cor. iv. 14. In 
order, however, that He may do so 
there must be a certain oneness be- 
tween the Head and His members, and 
it is to the existence of this connecting 
link in the case of the Thessalonian 
believers that the next words point. 

τοὺς. κοιμηθέντας διὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ] 
‘those that are fallen asleep through 
Jesus, κοιμηθέντας being used with 
a purely midd, sense, and the instru- 
mental διά pointing to Jesus as the 
mediating link between His people’s 
sleep and their resurrection at the - 
hands of God (ef. διὰ τ. ἐνοικοῦντος 
αὐτοῦ πνεύματος in a similar connexion 
in Rom. viii. 11). Stated in full the 
argument would run: ‘so also we 
believe that those who fell asleep 
through Jesus, and in consequence 
were raised by God through Him, 
will God bring with Him. This is 
better than to connect διὰ τ. Ἰησοῦ 
directly with ἄξει. Such an arrange- 
ment, while grammatically possible, 
is not only contrary to the parallelism 
of the sentence (Ino. ἀπέθ....τ. κοιμηθ. 
διὰ τ. Ino.) and to the analogy of the 
closely following οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Xp. (v. 16), 
but gives a halting and redundant 
conclusion to the whole sentence : 
‘God will bring through Jesus along 
with Him! 

For κοιμηθῆναι see the note on 
v. 13, and as further illustrating its 
midd. sense cf. P.Cairo 3, 9ff. 
(iii./B.0.) ἡνίκα ἤμελλον κοιμηθῆναι, 
ἔγραψα ἐπιστόλια 8. Dr W. F. Moul- 
ton has proposed that in the verse 
before us the verb may be a true 


58 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 15 


3 4 / « ε ΄ ε ΄ ε 

ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου, ὅτι ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι 
> \ 7 cat 

εἰς τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ κυρίου οὐ μὴ φθάσωμεν τοὺς 


passive ‘were put to sleep’ (see 
Moulton Prolegg. p. 162). But how- 
ever beautiful the sense that is thus 
obtained, it is not the one that 
naturally suggests itself. 

ἄξει] ‘ducet, suave verbum: dicitur 
de viventibus’ (Beng.). With the 
thought cf. Asc. Isai. iv. 16 quoted 
above on iii. 13. 

15—18. ‘Regarding this, we say, 
we are confident, for we have it on 
the direct authority of the Lord 
Himself that we who are surviving 
when the Lord comes will not in any 
way anticipate those who have fallen 
asleep. What will happen will rather 
be this, The Lord Himself will 
descend from heaven with a shout 
of command, with the voice of an 
archangel, and with the trumpet-call 
of God. Then those who died in 
Christ, and in consequence are still 
living in Him, shall rise first. And 
only after that shall we who are sur- 
viving be suddenly caught up in the 
clouds with them to meet the Lord in 
the air. Thus shall we ever be with 
the Lord. Wherefore comfort one 
another with these words.’ 

15. ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου] The ‘word’ 
is often found in some actual saying 
of the Lord while He was upon the 
earth, such as Mt. xxiv. 30f. (=Mk. 
xiii. 26 f., Lk. xxi. 27), xvi. 27, Jo. Vi. 
39f., but none of these cover the 
statement of the present verse, which 
must certainly be included in the 
teaching referred to (as against von 
Soden who finds it only in τ. 16); 
while again this very want of similarity 
with any ‘recorded’ saying should 
make us the more chary of postulating 
an ‘unrecorded’ one (cf. Ac. xx. 35, 
and see Ropes Spriiche Jesu p. 152ff.). 
On the whole, therefore, it is better 
to fall back upon the thought of a 
direct revelation granted to the 
Apostles to meet the special circum- 


stances that had arisen (ef. 1 Cor. ii. 
10, 2 Cor, xii, 1ff., Gal, i. 12; 16; 
Eph. iii. 3), or more generally to 
find in this and the following vz. 
the interpretation which, acting under 
the immediate guidance of the Lord’s 
own spirit (‘quasi Eo ipso loquente,’ 
Beza), St Paul and his companions 
were able to put upon certain current ἡ 
Jewish apocalyptic ideas. On a 
subject of such importance they 
naturally felt constrained to appeal 
to the ultimate source of their 
authority : cf. 1 Cor, vii, 10 οὐκ ἐγὼ 
ἀλλὰ ὁ κύριος. Thdt.: οὐ γὰρ οἰκείοις 
χρώμεθα λογισμοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ θείας ἡμῖν 
ἀποκαλύψεως ἡ διδασκαλία γεγένηται. 

On Steck’s discovery of the λόγος in 
4 Ezra vy. 41f. see Intr. p. Ixxv, and 
on the use made by Resch of this verse 
to prove (‘auf das Deutlichste’) St 
Paul’s dependence on the Logia (Der 
Paulinismus u, die Logia Jesu 
(1904) p. 338 ἢ) see Kirsopp Lake in 
Am. J. of Th. 1906 p. τον ἢ, who 
finds in it rather the suggestion of 
a smaller and less formal collection of 
sayings. 

ὅτι ἡμεῖς κτλ.}] ‘that we who are 
alive, who survive unto the Parousia 
of the Lord.” These words must not 
be pressed as conveying a positive 
and unqualified declaration on the 
Apostles’ part that the Lord would 
come during their lifetime, if only 
because as we learn elsewhere in 
these Epp. they were well aware that 
the time of that coming was quite 
uncertain (v. 1, II. ii. 1ff.). At the 
same time there can be no doubt that 
the passage naturally suggests that. 
they expected so to survive (cf. 1 Cor. 
xv. 51f.), and we must not allow the 
fact that they were mistaken in this 
belief to deprive their words of their 
proper meaning, as when ἡμεῖς is 
referred generally to believers who 
shall be alive at Christ’s appearing, or 


IV 16] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


/ 
κοιμηθέντας" *° 


the participles are taken hypotheti- 
cally ‘if we are alive,’ ‘if we survive.’ 
How far indeed an interpreter may go 
in the supposed interests of Apostolic 
infallibility is shown by the attitude 
amongst others of Calvin who thinks 
that the Apostles used the first 
person simply in order to keep the 
Thessalonians on the alert (‘ Thessa- 
lonicenses in exspectationem erigere, 
adeogue pios omnes tenere suspen- 
sos’)! As a matter of fact the near 
approach of the Parousia here im- 
plied would seem, notwithstanding 
many statements to. the contrary, to 
have been held by St Paul throughout 
his life: see Kennedy Last Things 
pp. 160 ff., where the evidence of the 
Epp. down to the closing statement 
Phil. iv. 5 ὁ κύριος ἐγγύς is carefully 
examined. 

On περιλείπεσθαι see below on Ὁ: 17, 
and on παρουσία see Add. Note F. 

ov μὴ φθάσωμεν κτλ.] ‘shall in no 
wise precede them that are fallen 
asleep.’ So far from the living having 
any advantage at the Parousia over 
those already dead, it would rather 
be the other way, an assurance which 
was the more required in view of the 
prevalent Jewish belief that a special 
blessing attached to those who sur- 
vived the coming of the Kingdom: 
see Dan. xii. 12, Pss. Sol. xvii. 50, Ase. 
Isai. iv. 15 (with Charles’s note), and es- 
pecially 4 Ezra xiii. 24 ‘scito ergo quo- 
niam magis beatificatisunt qui derelicti 
super eos qui mortui sunt’; while as 
showing how the same difficulty con- 
tinued to linger in the early Christian 
Church cf. Clem. Recogn. i. 52 (ed. 
Gersdorf) ‘Si Christi regno fruentur 
hi, quos iustos invenerit eius adventus, 
ergo qui ante adventum eius defuncti 
sunt, regno penitus carebunt ?’ 
, Φθάνειν (ii. 16 note) reappears here 
in its generally class. sense of “ antici- 
pate, ‘precede,’ old Engl. ‘ prevent’ 
(Wright Bible Word-Book s.v.), ef. 


59 


/ \ ’ 3 / ? 
OTL αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι, ἐν 


Sap. vi. 13, xvi. 28, where, as here, 
it is followed by an ace. 

The double negative οὐ μή is found 
elsewhere in the Pauline Epp., apart 
from LxXx. citations, only in v. 3,1 Cor. 
viii. 13, Gal. v. 16, always apparently 
with the emphatic sense which it has 
in class. Gk., and which can also be 
illustrated from the Kown: see e.g. 
the well-known boy’s letter to his 
father P.Oxy. 119, 14 f. (ii—iii./A.D.) 
ἂμ μὴ πέμψῃης οὐ μὴ φάγω, ov μὴ πείνω. 
ταῦτα ‘if you don’t send, I won’t eat, 
I won't drink; there now!’ On the 
general use of ov μή in the Gk. Bible 
see Moulton Prolegg. pp. 39, 187 ff. 

16. ὅτι] not parallel to the pre- 
ceding ὅτι, and like it dependent on 
λέγομεν, but introducing a justification 
of the statement just made (οὐ μὴ 
φθάσ.) by a fuller description of the 
Lord’s Parousia. 

αὐτὸς 6 κύριος KTA.| Αὐτός (‘ Lpse, 
grandis sermo’ Beng.) draws atten- 
tion to the fact that it is the Lord in 
‘His own august personal presence’ 
(Ellic.) Who will descend, and thereby 
assure the certainty of His people’s 
resurrection (cf. 1 Cor. xv. 23). 

For the thought-ef. Ac. i. 11, and 
for καταβαίνειν in a similar’ eschato- 
logical sense cf. Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 2, 10, 
also Mic. i. 3 ἰδοὺ Κύριος ἐκπορεύεται 
ἐκ τοῦ τόπου αὐτοῦ, καὶ καταβήσεται 
ἐπὶ τὰ ὕψη τῆς γῆς. 

On ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ see i. 10 note. 

ἐν κελεύσματι κτλ.] ‘with a shout of 
command, with an archangel’s voice 
and with God’s trumpet ’"—accompani- 
ments of the descending Lord, evi- 
dently chosen with special reference to 
the awaking of those who were asleep. 
The three clauses may represent 
distinct summonses, but the absence 
of any defining gen. with κελεύσματι 
makes it probable that it is to be 
taken as the general idea, which is 
then more fully described by the two 
appositional clauses that follow. In 


60 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 16 


win ἀργαγγέλου καὶ ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ, καταβήσεται 
Φωνῇ apxayyenow κ πλάεγγι Deel, 1 m 
ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ot νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται 


any case it must be kept in view that 
we are dealing here not with literal 
details, but with figures derived from 
the O.T. and contemporary Jewish 
writings, and that the whole is coloured 
by the imagery of our Lord’s eschato- 
logical discourses, especially Matt. 
xxiv. 30f. 

For the use of év to denote the 
attendant circumstances of the Lord’s 
descent cf. Lk. xiv. 31, Eph. v. 26, vi. 
2, Col. ii. 7; Blass p. 118. 

KéAevopa (dm. λεγόμενον in the 
N.T., in uxx. only Prov. xxiv. 62 (xxx. 
27)) is frequently used in class. Gk. with 
reference to the ‘ word of command’ 
in battle (Hdt. iv. 141) or the ‘call’ 
of the κελευστὴς to the rowers (Hur. 
Iph. in T. 1405): cf. also for a close 
parallel to the passage before us Philo 
de praem. et poen. § το (ii. p. 928 M.) 
ἀνθρώπους ἐν ἐσχατιαῖς ἀπῳκισμένους 
ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἑνὶ κελεύσματι συναγώγοι 
θεὸς ἀπὸ περάτων. It is not stated by 
whom the κέλευσμα in the present 
instance is uttered, perhaps by an 
archangel, more probably by the Lord 
Himself as the principal subject of 
the whole sentence. Reitzenstein 
(Poimandres, p. 5 n.*) recalls a pas- 
sage from the Descensus Mariae in 
which Michael (see below) is described 
as TO κέλευσμα τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος. 

ἐν φωνῇ apxayy.| a more specific 
explanation of the preceding κέλευσμα. 
The word dpyayyedos is found else- 
where in the N.T. only in Jude 9, 
where it is directly associated with 
Michael, who is generally supposed 
to be referred to here; cf. Lueken 
Michael (G6ttingen, 1898), Volz Jiid. 
Eschat. p. 195 for the part played by 
Michael in Jewish eschatology, and 
see also Cheyne Hap. vil. i. p. 289 ff. 
The absence of the artt., however, be- 
fore φωνῇ and dpxayyéAov makes it 
very doubtful whether any special arch- 
angel is thought of, and for the same 


reason the gen. both here and in σάλπ.΄. 
θεοῦ is best treated as possessive— a 
voice such as an archangel uses,’ ‘a 
trumpet dedicated to God’s service’ 
(WM. p. 310). 

ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ] In 1 Cor, xv. 52 
this accompaniment is twice referred 
to as a distinguishing sign of Christ’s 
approach ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ σάλπιγγι σαὰλ- 
πίσει γὰρ κτλ., the figure apparently 
being drawn from the parallel des- 
cription in Joel 11. 1 σαλπίσατε σάλ- 
πιγγι ἐν Σειῶν,...διότι πάρεστιν ἡμέρα 
Κυρίου, ὅτι ἐγγύς. 

For similar exx. of trumpet-sounds 
accompanying the revelations of God 
ef. Ex. xix. 16, Isa. xxvii. 13, Zech. 
ix. 14, Pss. Sol. xi. 1, 4 Ezra vi. 23 
(‘et tuba canet cum sono, quam cum 
omnes audierint subito expauescent’), 
and for the speculations of later 
Judaism on this subject see Weber 
Jiid. Theologie p. 369 f. 

καὶ οἱ νεκροί κτλ.] ‘and the dead 
in Christ shall rise first.’ The whole 
phrase οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Xp. forms one 
idea in antithesis to ny. of ζῶντες of 
the following clause, the significant 
formula ἐν Χριστῷ (cf. note on i. 1) 
pointing to the principle of life.which 
was really at work in those who out- 
wardly seemed to be dead. 

The resurrection of a// men does 
not here come into view, if indeed 
it is ever taught by St Paul (cf. Titius 
Seligkeit ii. p. 51 f.). All that the 
Apostles desire to emphasize, in 
answer to the Thessalonians’ fears, 
is that the resurrection of ‘the dead 
in Christ’ will be the first act in 
the great drama at the Parousia, to 
be followed by the rapture of the 
‘living’ saints: οὗ, especially Didache 
xvi. 6f. where a ‘first’ resurrection 
of the saints alive is similarly assumed, 
ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν᾽ ov πάντων δέ, ἀλλ᾽ 
ὡς ἐρρέθη: Ἥξει ὁ Κύριος καὶ πάντες of 
ἅγιοι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. : 


IV 17] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 61 


“ A ~ ~ ε / ε΄ 
πρῶτον, "ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζώντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι ἅμα 


\ 3 lon e / 3 7 3 > / 
συν auTols ὡἁρπαγησόμεθα εν νεφελαις εἰς απαντησιν 


The ν.]. πρῶτοι (D*G) may perhaps 
be due to the desire to assimilate the 
passage to the wholly different πρώτη 
ἀνάστασις of Rey. xx. 5. 

17. ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς κτλ.] ‘then we who 
are alive, who survive’—the qualify- 
ing clauses being repeated from Ὁ. 
15 for the sake of emphasis. Περιλεί- 
πομαι is found only in these two δῦ. in 
the N.T., but occurs several times 
in the apocr. books of the Lxx. (e.g. 
2 Mace. i. 31, 4 Mace. xiii. 18), and 
in the later Gk. verss. (e.g. Sm. Ps. 
xx. (xxi.) 13). The word is class. 
(Hom. 741. xix. 230 ὅσσοι δ᾽ ἂν πολέμοιο 
περὶ στυγεροῖο λίπωνται), and survives 
in the Κοινή e.g. P.Par. 63, 168 ἢ, 
(ii./B.0.) ἀγεώργητος περιλειφθήσεται. 
The thought of the present passage 
finds a striking parallel in 4 Ezra 
vii. 28 ‘renelabitur enim filius meus 
Iesus cum his qui cum eo, et iocun- 
dabit qui relicti sunt annis quadrin- 
gentis’: cf. also xiii. 24 cited above 
(Ὁ. 15 note). 

For ἔπειτα (ἐπ᾿ εἶτα, Hartung Partik. 
i. p. 302) denoting the speedy follow- 
ing of the event specified upon what 
has gone before, cf. 1 Cor. xv. 6 (with 
Ellicott’s note). 

ἅμα] to be closely connected with 
σὺν αὐτοῖς ‘together with them, ‘all 
together, in a local rather than in a 
temporal (Vg. simul) sense: cf. v. 10, 
and for the studied force of the ex- 
pression see Deissmann BS. p. 64 n.?. 

ἁρπαγησόμεθα] ‘shall be caught up’ 
‘snatched up’ (Vg. rapiemur), the 
verb in accordance with its usage both 
in class. Gk. and the Lxx. suggesting 
forcible or sudden seizure, which, as 
the context proves, is here due to 
Divine agency (cf. Ac. viii. 39, 2 Cor. 
xii. 2, 4, Rev. xii. 5), the effect being 
still further heightened by the mys- 
terious and awe-inspiring accompani- 
ment ἐν νεφέλαις as the vehicle by 
which the quick and dead are wafted 


to meet their Lord (Grot. ‘tanquam in 
curru triumphali’). According to 
Thackeray Relation of St Paul to 
Contemporary Jewish Thought (1900) 
p. τορ f. no adequate illustration of 
this use of the ‘clouds’ has yet been 
produced from contemporary Jewish 
or Christian literature, but for partial 
parallels cf. Mt. xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64 
(ἐπὶ τ. νεφελῶν), Rev. i. 7 (μετὰ τ. 
νεφελῶν), passages which point back 
ultimately to Dan. vii. 13 ἰδοὺ ἐπὶ 
(μετὰ Th.) τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ὡς 
υἱὸς ἀνθρώπου ἤρχετο, Where the con- 
nexion with the present passage is all 
the closer owing to its primary refer- 
ence to the glorified people of Israel. 
Cf. also the description of the taking 
up of Enoch: ‘It came to pass when 
I had spoken to my sons these men 
(the angels A) summoned me and took 
me on their wings and placed me on 
the clouds’ (Secrets of Enoch iii. 1). 
eis ἀπάντησιν κτλ. lit. ‘for a meet- 
ing of the Lord into (the) air’ (Vg. 
obviam Christo in aéra, Beza in 
occursum Domini in aéra). The 
thought is that the ‘raptured’ saints 
will be carried up_into ‘air, as the 
interspace between heaven and earth, 
where they will meet the descending 
Lord, and then either escort Him down 
to the earth in accordance with O.T. 
prophecy, or more probably in keeping 
with the general context accompany 
Him back to heaven. In any case, in 
view of the general Jewish tendency 
to people the ‘air’ with evil spirits (cf. 
Eph. ii. 2, and see Asc. Isai. vii. 9, 
Test. vit. pair. Benj. iii. 4 τοῦ depiov 
πνεύματος τοῦ Bediap), it can hardly 
be regarded here as the abode of final 
bliss: cf. Aug. de civ. Dei xx. 20. 2 
‘non sic accipiendum est, tanquam in 
aére nos dixerit semper cum Domino 
esse mansuros; quia nec ipse utique 
ibi manebit, quia veniens transiturus 
est. Venienti quippe ibitur obviam, 


62 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [IV 18 


ὃς , ᾽ »7 \ / , \ 
TOV KuUplov εις aEepa* καὶ OUTWS TAaAVTOTE συν κυρίῳ 


3 / 

ἐσόμεθα. 
/ 

TOUTOLS. 


non manenti.’ It will be noted that 
nothing is said here of the physical 
transformation with which according 
to St Paul’s teaching elsewhere (1 Cor. 
XV. 35—53, 2 Cor. v. 1—4, Phil. iii. 
20 f.) this ‘rapture’ will be accom- 
panied, 

The phrase εἰς ἀπάντησιν (frequent 
in uxx. for Heb. NIP?) is found ¢. 
gen. in Mt. xxvii. 32 (WH. mg.), ec. dat. 
in Ac. xxviii. 15,and is used absolutely 
in Mt. xxv. 6: cf. also Mt. xxv. 1 εἰς 
ὑπάντησιν τοῦ νυμφίου where the 
closely-related ὑπάντησιν lays stress on 
‘waiting for’ rather than on actual 
‘meeting. An interesting instance of 
the phrase is furnished by Polyb. v. 
26. ὃ εἰς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ‘at his re- 
ception,’ with reference to the pre- 
parations made for the welcome of 
Apelles in Corinth, with which may 
be compared P.Tebt. 43, 7 (ii./B.c.) 
παρεγενήθημεν εἰς ἀπάντησιν of the 
formal reception of a newly-arriving 
magistrate. B.G. U.362.vii. 17 (iii./A.D.) 
πρὸς [a}ravtn| ow τοῦ] ἡγεμόνος and the 
Pelagia-Legendenp.t9 (ed. Usener) eis 
ἀπάντησιν τοῦ ὁσίου ἀνδρός illustrate 
the genitive-construction of the pas- 
sage before us. See further Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 14 η.8. 

καὶ οὕτως κτλ.] It was towards this 
goal, a life of uninterrupted (πάντοτε) 
communion with his risen and glorified 
Lord that St Paul’s longings in think- 
ing of the future always turned: ef. 
v. 10, II. ii. 1, 2 Cor. v. 8, Col. iii. 4, 
Phil. i. 23 σὺν Χριστῷ εἶναι. 

Christ is the end, for Christ was the 

beginning, 

Christ the beginning, for the end is 

Christ. 


The contrast with the generally 
materialistic expectations of the time 
hardly needs mention (see Intr. p. lxx), 
but, as showing the height to which 


74 a“ > κι 
8" COore παρακαλεῖτε ἀλλήλους ἐν τοῖς λόγοις 


even Pharisaic belief occasionally rose, 
cf. Pss. Sol. iii. 16 of δὲ φοβούμενοι 
[rév, Gebhardt] κύριον ἀναστήσονται eis 
ζωὴν αἰώνιον, καὶ ἡ ζωὴ αὐτῶν ἐν φωτὶ 
κυρίου καὶ οὐκ ἐκλείψει ἔτι, and 4 Ezra 
Vili. 39, ‘sed iocundabor super ius- 
torum figmentum, peregrinationis 
quoque et saluationis et mercedis 
receptionis.’ 

18. ὥστε παρακαλεῖτε κτλ.) Aug. : 
‘Pereat contristatio, ubi tanta est 
consolatio’ (Serm. clxxiii. 3). For 
παρακαλεῖν here evidently in its se- 
condary sense of ‘comfort’ see ii. 11 
note ; while, as showing the difference 
between Christian and heathen sources 
of comfort, reference may be made 
to the papyrus-letter of ‘consolation’ 
(P.Oxy. 115 (ii./a.D.)) where, after ex- 
pressing his grief at the news of a 
friend’s death, the writer concludes— 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδὲν δύναταί τις πρὸς τὰ 
τοιαῦτα. παρηγορεῖτε οὖν ἑαυτούς, ‘ but 
still there is nothing one can do in the 
face of such trouble. So I leave you 
to comfort yourselves.’ For the whole 
letter see Add. Note A, and ef. Deiss- 
mann New Light on the N.T. (1907) 
p. 76. 

ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τούτοις] “ with these 
words’ viz. vv. 15—17. This is ap- 
parently one of the instances where 
a full instrumental sense can be given 
to ἐν in accordance with a usage not 
unknown in classical (Kiihner? ὃ 431, 
3a), and largely developed in later 
Gk., cf. Lk. xxii. 49, 1 Cor. iv. 21, 
and for exx. from the Κοινή see 
P.Tebt. 48, 18f. (ii./B.c.) Δύκος σὺν 
ἄλλοις ἐν ὅπλοις and the other in- 
stances cited by the editors on p. 86. 
On the consequent disappearance of 
another of the so-called ‘Hebraisms’ 
from the N.T. see Deissmann BS, 
p. 118 ff, Moulton Pyrolegg. pp. 12, 
61 ἢ, and cf. Kuhring p. 31f. 


V1,2] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 63 


I \ \ sy ἐ: \ ~ ΄- 9 / 

Vv. Περὶ δὲ τῶν χρόνων καὶ τῶν καιρῶν, ἀδελφοί, 

> > « ~ > ΄ 
οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε ὑμῖν γράφεσθαι, "αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀκριβῶς 


VY. 1—11. TEACHING CONCERNING THE 
SUDDENNESS OF THE ADVENT AND 
THE NEED OF WATCHFULNESS. 


The second difficulty or danger of 
the Thessalonians was closely con- 
nected with the first. So long as 
they had thought that only those 
who were actually alive at the time 
of Christ’s Parousia would share in 
His full blessedness, they had been 
doubly impatient of any postpone- 
ment in His coming, lest they them- 
selves might not survive to see that 
Day. And though the principal 
ground of their disquiet had now 
been removed (iv. 13—17), the pre- 
vailing restlessness and excitement 
were such (see Intr. p. xlvif.), that the 
Apostles were led to remind their 
converts of what they had already 
laid down so clearly in their oral 
teaching, that ‘the day of the Lord’ 
would come as a surprise (vv. I—5), 
and consequently that continued 
watchfulness and self-restraint were 
necessary on the part of all who would 
be found ready for it (vv. 6—11). 

1—5. ‘We have been speaking of 
Christ’s Return. As to the time 
when that will take place, Brothers, 
we do not need to say anything 
further. For you yourselves have 
already been fully informed that the 
coming of the Day of the Lord is as 
unexpected as the coming of a thief 
in the night. It is just when men 
are feeling most secure that ruin 
confronts them suddenly as_ the 
birth-pang a travailing woman, and 
escape is no longer possible. But as 
for you, Brothers, the case is very 
different. You are living in the day- 
light now: and therefore the coming 
of the Day will not catch you un- 
awares.’ . 

I. Περὶ δὲ τ. χρόνων κτλ. Vg. de 
temporibus autem et momentis, Beza 


porro de temporibus et opportuni- 
tatibus. The two words (cf. Ac. i. 7, 
Dan. ii. 21, vii. 12, Eccles. iii. 1, Sap. 
viii. 8; P.Lond. 1. 42, 23 f. (ii./B.c.) 
τοσούτου χρόνου ἐπιγεγονότος Kal τοι- 
οὕτων καιρῶν) are often distinguished 
as if they referred to longer and 
shorter periods of time respectively 
(Beng.: χρόνων partes, καιροί), but 
xpovos rather expresses simply dura- 
tion, time viewed in its extension, and 
καιρός a definite space of time, time 
with reference both to its extent and 
character: cf. Tit. i. 2 f where this 
distinction comes out very clearly, ἣν 
(se. ζωὴν αἰώνιον) ἐπηγγείλατο ὁ ἀψευ- 
δὴς θεὸς πρὲ χρόνων αἰωνίων ἐφανέρωσεν 
δὲ καιροῖς ἰδίοις. In the present in- 
stance therefore χρόνων may be taken 
as a general description of the ‘ages’ 
that may elapse before the Parousia, 
while καιρῶν draws attention to the 
critical ‘periods’ (articuli) by which | 
these ‘ages’ will be marked. 

In the N.T. καιρός is very common 
with an eschatological reference, pro- 
bably, as Hort suggests (1 Pet. p. 51), 
owing to the manner of its use in 
Daniel (ix. 27 &c.): cf. Mk. xiii. 33, 
Lk. xxi. 8, 24, Ac. iii. 19, Eph. i. 10, 
1 Tim. vi. 15, Tit. i. 3, Heb. ix. 10, 
Rev. i. 3, xi. 18, xxii. 10. It should 
be noted however that it is by no 
means limited by St Paul to its 
special use, but is also used of time 
generally, e.g. Rom. iii. 26, viii. 18, 
1 Cor. vii. 29, Eph. v. 16 (with Robin- 
son’s note). See further Trench Syn. 
§ lvii., and for an interesting dis- 
cussion of the Gk. idea of καιρός see 
Butcher Harvard Lectures on Greek 
Subjects (1904) p. 117 ff. The dis- 
tinction alluded to above survives in 
mod. Gk. where ypovos=‘year, and 
καιρός = ‘ weather.’ 

On ἀδελῴοί see i. 4 note, and on 
ov xp. ἔχ. see iv. 9 note. 

2. αὐτοὶ yap ἀκριβῶς κτλ.] ‘For 


64 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[V 2 


10 ε΄ ς / K 7 ε / > \ / 
OLOATE OTL nMEpa υριου ὡς κλεσπ τῆς εν VUKTL OUT@S 


yourselves (A.V. 1611 ‘your selues’) 
know accurately’—a further appeal 
to the Thessalonians’ own experience 
(cf. ii. 1 note), the addition of ἀκριβῶς 
being due not only to the stress laid 
by the Apostles on this point in their 
oral teaching, but perhaps also to the 
fact that then as now (see below) that 
teaching had been based on the actual 
words of the Lord. For a somewhat 
similar use of ἀκριβῶς cf. Ac. xviii. 25 
where it is said of Apollos ἐδίδασκεν 
ἀκριβῶς τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, though it 
is going too far to find there with 
Blass a proof that Apollos made use 
of a written gospel (‘accurate...vide- 
licet non sine scripto euangelio’: cf. 
Knowling 1.6.1. ad loc., and see 
J. H. A. Hart ὦ ΤΟΝ vii. p. 17 ff.). 
In Eph. v. 15, the only other Pauline 
passage where the word occurs, it can 
mean little more than ‘ carefully’ if we 
follow the best-attested reading βλέ- 
mete οὖν ἀκριβῶς (N*B): if however 
with N°A ἀκριβῶς belongs to περι- 
mareire, the thought of strict con- 
formity to a standard is again 
introduced. The same idea under- 
lies the old Engl. use of ‘diligently’ 
by which the word is rendered in 
the A.V. of Mt. ii. 8 (ef. ἠκρίβωσεν 
‘inquired diligently’ v. 7), as is shown 
by the translators’ own description of 
their version as ‘with the former 
Translations diligently compared and 
revised.’ 

᾿Ακριβῶς is found with οἶδα as here 
in P.Cairo 3, 8f. (iii./B.0.) ὅπως ἀκρι- 
Bas εἰδῆις, P. Petr. τ΄. 15 (1), 11 (iii./B.0.) 
εἰδῆσαι ἀκριβῶς ; οἵ. P.Hib. 4o, 6 ἢ 
(iii./B.C.) ἐπίστασο μέντοι ἀκριβώς. 

ὅτι ἡμέρα Κυρίου κτλ.] an evident 
reminiscence of the Lord’s own teach- 
ing Mt. xxiv. 43, Lk. xii. 39: ef. Rev. 
iii. 3, xvi. 15, and for a similar use of 
the same figure 2 Pet. iii. 10. The 
absence of the art. before ἡμέρα is 
due not only to the fact that the 


expression had come to be regarded 
as a kind of proper name, but to the 
emphasis laid on the character of the 
day, a day of the Lord. It ‘belongs 
to Him, is His time for working, for 
manifesting Himself, for displaying 
His character, for performing His 
work—His strange work upon the 
earth’ (A. B. Davidson, Theol. of the 
O.T. (1904) p. 375). 

The phrase is first found in the 
O.T. in Amos v. 18 ff, where the 
prophet criticizes the popular ex- 
pectation that the ‘day’ was to be a 
day not of judgment but of national de- 
liverance (perhaps in connexion with 
phrases like the ‘day of Midian’ Isa. 
ix. 4 recalling the victory of Israel 
over her foes, see W. R. Smith 
Prophets of Israel” p. 397 f.). It is 
very frequent in the later prophecies 
(e.g. Isa. ii, 12 Εἰ, Zeph. i. γῆς, Mal. 
iii. 2, iv. 1), and always with a definite 
eschatological reference to the term 
fixed for the execution of judgment: 
see further A. B. Davidson op. cit. 
p. 374ff, and Art. ‘Eschatology’ in 
Hastings’ D.B. i. p. 735 ff, also the 
elaborate discussion in Gressmann 
Der Ursprung der israelitischjii- 
dischen Eschatologie (1905) p. 141 ff. 

The actual comparison ὡς κλέπτης 
is not found in the O.T. (but ef. Job 
xxiv. 14, Jer. xxix. 10 (xlix. 9), Obad. 
5), while the addition of ἐν νυκτί, 
which is peculiar to the present 
passage, may have led to the belief 
so widely prevalent in the early 
Church that Christ would come at 
night (Lact. Znstt. vii. 19 ‘intempesta 
nocte et tenebrosa, Hieron. ad Mt. 
xxv. 6 ‘media nocte’). "“Epyerac, pres. 
for fut., lends vividness and certainty 
to the whole idea (cf. Blass, p. 189). 

For Jewish apocalyptic speculations 
as to the nearness of the End, com- 
bined with uncertainty as to its exact 
date, see Volz Jiid. Eschat. p. 162 ff. 


V 3) 


ἔρχεται. 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


65 


ε 7 3 / > / / 
ὅταν λέγωσιν Εἰρήνη καὶ ἀσφάλεια, τότε 


> ~ / ε ~ 93 
αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς ἐπίσταται ὄλεθρος ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδὶν TH ἐν 


V 3 ὅταν solum S*AG 17 al paue ἃ g Go Syr (Pesh) Boh Arm Aeth Tren Tert 
Cypr Orig'** Ambst Hier Theod-Mops™ al: ὅταν δὲ 8°BD al Syr (Harel) Eus Chr Thdt 


3. ὅταν λέγωσιν xrd.| There is 
good authority for inserting δέ (WH. 
mg.) after ὅταν, but on the whole ms. 
evidence is against it, and the verse 
must be regarded as standing in close 
(asyndetic) relation to the preceding 
clause. The subject is left indefinite, 
but can only be unbelieving men 
(Beng. : ‘ceteri, qui sunt tenebrarum ), 
while the pres. (instead of the aor.) 
subj. after ὅταν points to coincidence 
of time in the events spoken of: it is 
‘at the very moment when they are 
saying’ &c., cf. Rev. xviii. 9, and see 
Abbott Joh. Gr. p. 385. 

Εἰρήνη κτλ.] a reminiscence of Ezek. 
xiii. 10 (λέγοντες Εἰρήνη, καὶ οὐκ ἦν 
εἰρήνη), ἀσφάλεια (Vg. securitas, 
Clarom. munitio, Ambrstr. jirmitas) 
being added here to draw increased 
attention to the feeling of security. 
The latter word is rare in the N.T. 
occurring elsewhere only twice in Lk. 
(Go. Ac.’): in the papyri it is found 
as a law-term=‘ bond,’ ‘ security,’ e.g. 
P.Tebt. 27, 73 f. (ii./B.c.) ἄνευ τοῦ 
δοῦναι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν. 

τότε αἰφνίδιος κτλ.] Cf. Lk. xxi. 34 
προσέχετε δὲ ἑαυτοῖς μή ποτε...ἐπιστῇ 
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐφνίδιος ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη ὡς 
παγίς. 

Αἰ(ε)γφνίδιος is found only in these 
two passages in the N.T., but it 
occurs seyeral times in the O.T. 
apocrypha, Sap. xvii. 15 (14) αἰφνίδιος 
yap αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀπροσδόκητος φόβος 
ἐπῆλθεν, 2 Mace. xiv. 17, 3 Mace. iii. 
24; ef. also O0.G.I.S. 339, 18 (11.8.0. 
ἐκ τῆς αἰφνιδίου περιστάσεως. For the 
form see WH.? NVotes Ῥ. 157 ἴ., and for 
the use of the adjective, where we 
would expect an adverb, to give point 
and: clearness to the sentence see 
WM. p. 582f. The adverb is found 


M. THESS. 


in P.Fay. 123, 21f. (c. A.D. 100) ἀλλὰ 
αἰφνιδί[[Πὡὼς εἴρηχεν ἡμῖν σήμερον. 

In ἐπίσταται (Vg. superveniet, Beza 
imminet) the idea of suddenness does 
not belong to the verb itself, though 
frequently, as here, it is suggested by 
the context, cf. Lk. xx. 1, Ac. vi. 12, 
XVii. 5, where ἐφίστημι is used simi- 
larly of hostile intent. It occurs 
elsewhere in the Pauline writings 
only in 2 Tim. iv. 2, 6 The un- 
aspirated form ἐπίσταται may be due 
to confusion with the other verb ἐπί- 
σταμαι (WH.? Notes p. 151, WSchm. 


. 39). 

”OdcOpos (class., LXX.) is confined in 
the N.T. to the Pauline Epp., and, 
while not necessarily implying ann7- 
hilation (cf. 1 Cor. v. 5), carries with 
it the thought of utter and hopeless 
ruin, the loss of all that gives worth 
to existence (II. i. 9, 1 Tim. vi. 9): ef. 
Sap. i. 12 and especially 4 Mace. x. 15 
where τὸν αἰώνιον τοῦ τυράννου ὄλεθρον 
is contrasted with τὸν ἀοίδιμον τῶν 
εὐσεβῶν βίον. The word is thus 
closely related to ἀπωλεία (Mt. vii. 
13, Rom. ix. 22, Phil. ili. 19): see 
further J. A. Beet The Last Things 
(ed. 1905) p. 122 ff. 

ὥσπερ ἡ ὠδίν κτλ.}] Another remi- 
niscence of our Lord’s teaching, Mt. 
xxiv. 8, Mk. xiii. 8, cf. Jo. xvi. 21. 
The same figure is frequent in the 
O.T. eg. Isa. xiii. 8, Jer. iv. 31, Hos. 
xiii. 13, 2 Hsdr. xvi. 38 f—passages 
which doubtless suggested the Rab- 
binie expectation of the MW197"23N, 
see Schiirer Geschichte® ii. p. 523 ἢ, 
(ΕἸ ΤΥ. Div. τι. ii. p. 154 f.), Weber Jiid. 
Theol. p. 350f. The expression is 
never however used by St Paui in 
this sense (for the idea cf. 1 Cor. vii. 
26), and in the present passage the 


5 


66 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V4, 5 


ἀνα , \ ? A Ἰΐῳ / 
γαστρί ἐχουσῃ, καὶ ov μὴ ἐκφυγωσιν. 


ἐὑμεῖς δέ, ἀδελ- 


/ 3 > see. / 4 ε ε / ς ΄ ε = / = 
pot, οὐκ ἐστε EV OKOTEL, να ἡ NUEVA υμᾶς ὡς KAer Tas 
/ 5 f \ ε ~ e5 % / > \ ee 
καταλάβῃ, πάντες Yap ὑμεῖς νιοι φωτὸς ἐστε Kal VLOL 


4 κλέπτας AB Boh: κλέπτης SDG cet fere omn verss Ephr Chr Theod-Mops 


figure must not be pressed to denote 
more than the suddenness of the 
coming— 
For suddenly 

It comes; the dreadfulness must be 
In that; all warrants the belief— 
‘At night it cometh like a thief.’ 

(R. Browning ‘ Easter-Day.’) 

The late ὠδίν (for ddis) is found in 
the uxx. Isa. xxxvii. 3; cf. in the 
Κοινή nom. εὐθύριν, P.Grenf. τι. 35, 5 
(i./p.c.). In od μὴ ἐκφύγ. we have 
probably another reminiscence of Lk. 
Xxi. (see above), ἵνα κατισχύσητε ἐκφυ- 
γεῖν ταῦτα πάντα (v. 36). For the 
absolute use of the verb in the 
present passage cf. Ac. xvi. 27, Heb. 
ii. 3, xii. 25, Sir. xvi. 13 (14), and for 
ov μή see the note on iv. 15. 

4. ὑμεῖς δέ κτλ.] Ὑμεῖς emphatic, 
and conjoined with the following 
ἀδελφοί suggesting a direct contrast 
to the unbelieving men of τ. 3: cf. 
Eph. iv. 20. Whatever the past state 
of the Thessalonians may have been, 
in the eyes of the Apostles they are 
no longer (οὐκ ἐστέ) in darkness, the 
reference being not merely to mental 
ignorance (Thdt. τὴν ἄγνοιαν), but, as 
the sequel shows, including also the 
thought of moral estrangement from 
God (Chrys. τὸν σκοτεινὸν καὶ ἀκάθαρ- 
τον βίον). For the general thought 
ef. 2 Cor. vi. 14, Eph. v. 8, Col. i. 12. 
Td (for 6) σκότος, rare in good Attic 
writers, is the regular form in the 
N.T.: cf uxx. Isa. xlii. 16. 

iva ἡ ἡμέρα κτλ.] It is possible to 
give ἵνα here its full telic force (cf. 11. 
16) as indicating the Divine purpose 
for those who are still ἐν σκότει, but 
it is simpler to find another instance 
of its well-established late ecbatic use, 
‘so that the day...’: see the note on 


iv. 1. ‘H ἡμέρα can only be ‘the day’ 
already referred to (Ὁ. 2), the day par 
excellence, the day of judgment, while 
for καταλάβῃ (Vg. comprehendat, Beza 
deprehendat) of ‘overtake’ in a hostile 
sense cf. Mk. ix. 18, Jo. xii. 35, and 
the saying ascribed to the Lord ἐν οἷς 
ἂν ὑμᾶς καταλάβω, ἐν τούτοις Kal κρινῶ 
(Just. M. Dial. 47). 

ὡς κλέπτας) By an inversion of 
metaphor by no means uncommon in 
the Pauline writings (cf. ii. 7° note), 
the figure of the ‘thief’ is now trans- 
ferred from the cause of the surprise 
(v. 2) to its object, the idea being that 
as the ‘day’ unpleasantly surprises 
the thief who has failed in carrying 
through his operations, so ‘the day’ 
will ‘overtake’ those who are not 
prepared for it. The reading how- 
ever, though well-attested, is by no 
means certain, and the dependence 
of the whole passage on Mt. xxiv. 43 
(Lk. xii. 39) may be taken as sup- 
porting the easier κλέπτης (WH. mg), 
Weiss (Του γι p. 17) regards ὑμᾶς 
ὡς κλέπτας as a ‘purely mechanical 
conformation.’ 

5. πάντες yap ὑμεῖς κτλ.] a restate- 
ment of what has just been said from 
the positive side, but extended to em- 
brace al/, and deepened by the relation 
now predicated of the Thessalonians. 
They are not only ‘in’ light, but are 
‘sons of light,’ sharing in the being 
and nature of light, and also ‘sons of 
day,’ ἡμέρας being used apparently not 
so much generally of the enlightened 
sphere in which light rules, as with 
special reference to the ‘day’ of 
Christ’s appearing already spoken of, 
in which the Thessalonians in virtue 
of their Christian standing will have 
part. On the connexion of light with 


V 6) 


ἡμέρας. 


- ΤῊΝ FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 67 


ak \ \ ἾδΔ / 6" 5 \ 
Οὐκ €O MEV VUKTOS OVOE σκοτους" apa OUV μη 


καθεύδωμεν ὡς οἱ λοιποί, ἀλλὰ γρηγορώμεν Kal νήφωμεν. 


the day of the Lord in O.T. prophecy 
see such passages as Hos. vi. 5 τὸ 
κρίμα μου ὡς φῶς ἐξελεύσεται, Mic. Vii. 
Sf. ἐὰν καθίσω ἐν τῷ σκότει, Κύριος 
φωτιεῖ μοι... καὶ ἐξάξεις με εἰς τὸ φώς, 
and οὗ Enoch xxxviii. 4 (with ΟΠ ]68᾽5 
note), cviii. 11 ἢ 

For the ‘New Testament’ idiom 
underlying vi. dor. and vi. ny. cf. Lk. 
xvi. 8, Eph. v. 8 and see Deissmann 
BS. p. 161 ff., and for the chiasmus— 
σκότους corresponding to φωτός, and 
νυκτός to nuéepas—see Kiihner? ὃ 607, 
3. Lft. cites by way of illustration 
Eur. Iph. in Taur. 1025—6 I®. ὡς 
δὴ σκότος λαβόντες ἐκσωθεῖμεν ἄν; OP. 
κλεπτῶν γὰρ ἡ νύξ, τῆς δ᾽ ἀληθείας τὸ 
φώς, but the passage is wanting in 
the best mss., and is probably a 
Christian interpolation. 
 5%—11. ‘Surely then, as those who 
have nothing to do with the darkness, 
we (for this applies to you and to 
us alike) ought not to sleep, but to 
exercise continual watchfulness and 
self-control. Night is the general 
time for sleep and drunkenness. But 
those who belong to the day must 
control themselves, and put on the 
full panoply of heaven. That will not 
only protect them against sudden 
attack, but give them the assurance 
of final and complete salvation. Sal- 
vation (we say), for this is God’s 
purpose for us, and He has opened 
up for us the way to secure it through 
our Lord Jesus Christ. His death on 
our behalf is the constant pledge that, 
living or dying, we shall live together 
with Him. Wherefore comfort and 
edify one another, as indeed we know 
that you are already doing.’ 

Ὁ, Οὐκ ἐσμὲν νυκτός xrd.] For the 
substitution of the 1st for the 2nd 
pers. see Intr. p. xliv π.2, and for the 
gen. with ἐσμέν pointing to the sphere 
to which the subjects belong see WM. 
Ῥ. 244. 


6. dpa οὖν] introduces emphatically 
the necessary conclusion from the 
preceding statement, ‘the illative ἄρα 
being supported and enhanced by 
the collective and retrospective ody’ 
(Ellic.). The combination is peculiar 
to St Paul in the N.T., and always 
stands at the beginning of sentences, 
ef. II. ii. 15, Rom. v. 18, vii. 3, 25 &c., 
Gal. vi. 10, Eph. ii. 19, and see WM. 
p. 556f. 

μὴ καθεύδωμεν xrr.| For καθεύδω 
in its ethical sense of moral and 
spiritual insensibility cf. Mk. xiii. 36, 
Eph. v. 14, and contrast the usage in 
v. 7 and again in v 10. For os oi 
λοιποί see the note on iv. 13. 

ἀλλὰ γρηγορῶμεν κτὰλ.] Cf. 1 Pet. 
γ. 8 where the same combination of 
words is found though in a different 
connexion. In the present passage 
the words are probably echoes of our 
Lord’s own eschatological teaching ; 
thus for γρηγορῶμεν cf. Mt. xxiv. 42, 
xxv. 13, Mk. xiii. 35, and for νήφωμεν 
cf. Lk. xxi. 34, where however the 
word itself does not occur. 

Τρηγορέω (a late formation from 
eypyyopa, Lob. PAryn. p. 118 ἢ, 
WSchm. p. 104n.”) is found twenty- 
three times in the N.T., and occasion- 
ally in the later books of the Lxx., 
e.g. Jer. xxxvili. 28, 1 Mace. xii. 27 
ἐπέταξεν ᾿Ιωναθὰν τοῖς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ypn- 
γορεῖν...δ ὅλης τῆς νυκτός ; cf. also 
Ign. Polye. i. γρηγόρει ἀκοίμητον 
πνεῦμα κεκτημένος. From it was 
formed the new verbal noun γρη- 
γόρησις Dan. TH. v. 11, 14: cf. also 
the proper name Ipnydpuos. 

In addition to this v. and v. ὃ mde 
is found in the N.T. only in 2 Tim. iv. 
5 (νῆφε ἐν πᾶσιν) and three times in 
1 Pet. (i. 13, iv. 7, v. 8). As dis- 
tinguished from γρηγορέω, a mental 
attitude, it points rather to a con- 
dition of moral alertness, the senses 
being so exercised and disciplined 


53 


68 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 7, ὃ 


7 ε \ θ ὃ \ , ‘\ «ες / 

οἱ yap καθεύδοντες νυκτὸς καθεύδουσιν, καὶ οἱ μεθυσκό- 
\ / 8 ~ ε > 

μενοι νυκτὸς μεθύουσιν" “ἡμεῖς δὲ ἡμέρας ὄντες νήφωμεν, 

> , ἤ / > U 

ENAYCAMENO! θώρακα πίστεως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶ TepIkedadaian 


that all fear of sleeping again is re- 
moved (Chrys.: γρηγορήσεως ἐπίτασις 
ἡ νῆψίς ἐστιν): cf. Aristeas 209 where 
the τρόπος βασιλείας is said to consist 
in τὸ ouvrnpetv...€avrdv ἀδωροδόκητον 
καὶ νήφειν τὸ πλεῖον μέρος τοῦ βίου. 

7. οἱ γὰρ καθεύδοντες κτλ. There 
is no need to look here for any figura- 
tive reference of the words (e.g. Clem. 
Al. Paed. τι. ix. 80, 1 τουτέστιν ἐν τῷ 
τῆς ἀγνοίας σκότῳ, Aug. ad Ps. cxxxi. 
8): they are simply a statement of the 
recognized fact that night is the 
general time when men sleep and 
are drunken; cf. 2 Pet. ii. 13 ἡδονὴν 
ἡγούμενοι τὴν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τρυφήν for the 
deeper blame associated with revel- 
ling in the day-time, and see Mt. 
xxiv. 48 ff. for the possible source of 
the passage before us. 

The verbs μεθύσκω lit. ‘make drunk’ 
and μεθύω ‘am drunk’ are here virtu- 
ally synonymous (‘ohne merklichen 
Unterschied,’ WSchm. p. 129), and 
nothing is gained by trying to dis- 
tinguish them in translation (Vg. 
ebrit sunt...ebrii sunt, Clarom., Beza 
inebriantur ...ebrit sunt). Νυκτός, 
gen. of time, cf χειμῶνος Mk. xiii. 
18, and see WM. p. 258. 

8. ἡμεῖς δέ κτλ.] “ But let us, since 
we are of the day, be sober’—the 
part. having a slightly causal force 
almost = ὅτι ἡμέρας ἐσμέν. On the 
other hand the aor. part. ἐνδυσάμενοι 
is to be closely connected with the 
principal verb as indicating the 
manner in which the νήφειν is ac- 
complished, ‘having put on’ once for 
all, whether as an antecedent or a 
necessary accompaniment: cf. 1 Pet. 
i. 13 ἀναζωσάμενοι.. «νήφοντες τελείως, 
ἐλπίσατε ἐπὶ τ. φερομένην ὑμῖν χάριν 
ἐν ἀποκαλύψει Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 

θώρακα πίστεως κτλ. The first oc- 
currence of the favourite Pauline 


figure of armour: cf. Rom. xiii. 12 ἢ. 
(where there is the same connexion 
of thought), 2 Cor. vi. 7, x. 4, and for 
amore detailed account Eph. vi. 13 ff., 
where however the particulars of the 
figure are applied somewhat differ- 
ently, showing that the imagery must 
not be pressed too closely. For the 
origin of the simile in each case see 
the description of Jehovah in Isa. 
lix. 17 καὶ ἐνεδύσατο δικαιοσύνην ὡς 
θώρακα, καὶ περιέθετο περικεφαλαίαν 
σωτηρίου ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς (cf. Isa. ΧΙ. 
4f., Sap. v. 17 ff.), though in his use 
of it St Paul may also have been in- 
fluenced by the Jewish conception of 
the last great fight against the armies 
of Antichrist (Dan. xi., Orac. Sib. iii. 
663f., 4 Ezra xiii. 33, Enoch xe. 16) as 
suggested by SH. p. 378. 

It should be noted however that 
in the present instance the weapons 
spoken of are only those of defence 
in view of the trials which beset be- 
lievers. Thus we have in the first 
place θώρ. πίστεως κτλ. ‘a breastplate 
of (or, consisting in) faith and love’ 
(gen. of apposition, Blass p. 98)—a 
significant complement to the θώρ. τ. 
δικαιοσύνης οἵ Eph. vi. 14: ‘by faith 
we are able to realise the Divine will 
and the Divine power and by love to 
embody faith in our dealings with 
men: this is righteousness’ (Westcott. 
ad loc.). This is accompanied by 
περικεφ. ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας ‘an helmet 
the hope of salvation,” where from its 
eschatological reference σωτηρίας can 
only be gen. obj. ‘hope directed to- 
wards salvation,’ the mention of ‘hope’ 
which does not occur in the Isaian 
and Ephesian passages being in accord 
with the dominant teaching of the 
whole Epistle. 

The Hellenistic περικεφαλαία is 
found eleven times in the Lxx., else- 


Υ̓ 9, 10] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 69 


' 4 of ΄: 
ἐλπίδα cotupiac’ ϑὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο “ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς" εἰς ὀργὴν 
A nn “- 
ἀλλα εἰς περιποίησιν σωτηρίας διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν 
΄σ΄' ΄ ~ > ’ ~ c 
᾿Ιησοῦ [Χριστοῦ], “τοῦ ἀποθανόντος “περὶ ἡμῶν ἵνα 


9 ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς] ὁ θεὸς ἡμᾶς Β 37 116 
ὑπὲρ SCADG cet Chr Thdt al 


where in the N.T. only in Eph, vi. 
17. For the growth in the Bibl. con- 
ception σωτηρία, which in the Κοινή 
is frequently=‘ health’ eg. B.G.U. 
380, 19 ff. (a mother’s letter, iii./A.D.) 
μὴ οὖν ἀμελήσῃς, τέχνον, γράψε μοι 
περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας [σἼου, see SH. p. 23 f. 
The title σωτήρ is discussed by Wend- 
land Z.N.T. W.v. (1904) p. 335 Εἰ, and 
σώζειν and its derivatives by Wagner 
Z.N.T.W. vi. (1905) p. 205 ff., where 
it is shown that in the N.T. the 
positive conception of deliverance to 
new and eternal life is predominant. 

9. ὅτι οὐκ ἔθετο κτλ.] Ὅτι, ‘be- 
cause,’ introducing the ground not so 
much of the hope as of the completed 
salvation just referred to, which is 
now described under its two essential 
aspects of (1) deliverance from wrath, 
(2) the imparting of eternal life. It 
is with (1) only that the present Ὁ. 
is concerned and that from (@) a 
negative (οὐκ ἔθετο κτλ.) and (Ὁ) a 
positive standpoint (ἀλλὰ εἰς περιποί- 
now KTA.). 

ἔθετο] While the ‘somewhat vague’ 
ἔθετο must not be pressed too far, it 
clearly carries back the deliverance 
of the Thessalonians to the direct 
purpose and action of God, cf. i. 4, 
11. 12, 11. ii, 13 ἢ, and see Intr. p. Ixv. 
For a similar use of τίθημι cf. Jo. xy. 
16, Ac. xili. 47, 1 Tim. ii. 7, 2 Tim. i. 
11, and τ Pet. ii. 8 (with Hort’s note). 

For ὀργή cf. i. 10 note. 

eis περιποίησιν σωτηρίας] a difficult 
phrase from the doubt whether περι- 
ποίησιν is to be understood actively 
of the ‘winning’ of salvation on the 
part of man, or passively of the 
‘adoption’ of (consisting in) salvation 
bestowed by God. In support of the 


Χριστοῦ om B Aeth 


Io περὶ 8*B 17: 


latter view appeal is made to 1 Pet. 
ii.9 and Eph. i. 14, but the sense of 
the former passage (which is taken 
from Mal. iii. 17) is determined by the 
use of the word λαός, ‘people for a 
possession, and in Eph. i. 14 the 
passive sense, though undoubtedly 
more natural, is not necessary (cf. ἡ 
Abbott ‘a complete redemption which 
will give possession’). And as in the 
only other passages where the word 
occurs in the N.T. (II. ii. 14, Heb. x. 
39), the active sense is alone suitable, 
it is better to employ it here also, all 
the more so because, as Findlay has 
pointed out, it is the natural sequel of 
the ‘wakeful, soldierlike activity’ to 
which the Thessalonians have already 
been summoned (vv. 6—8). 

The thought of this activity on the 
part of true believers is not however 
allowed to obscure the real source of 
all salvation, namely διὰ τ, κυρ. ny. 
"Ino. [Χριστοῦ], where emphasis is laid 
not only on the Divine side (κυρίου) 
of the historic Jesus, but, if Χριστοῦ 
(omit B aeth) is read, on the fulfilment 
in Him of God’s redemptive purposes. 
On how this is effected, and the full 
blessing of salvation as eternal life 
secured, the next Ὁ. proceeds to show. 

10. τοῦ ἀποθανόντος κτλ.] ἃ re- 
lative clause emphasizing that it is 
specially to the Lord ‘ who died’ that 
we must look as the medium of our 
salvation, the intimate character of 
the relation between His ‘death’ and 
our ‘life’ being brought out still more 
clearly if we can adopt the v.l. ὑπέρ 
(WH. mg.) for the more colourless περί, 
which is found elsewhere in the Pau- 
line Epp. in a similar connexion only 
in Rom. viii. 3 (ἁμαρτίας), cf. Gal. i. 4 


70 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[V 11 


sf ~ sf / εἴ \ al / 
εἴτε γρηγορώῶμεν εἴτε καθεύδωμεν ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν. 
\ ~ / ~~ 4Φ \ 
"Διὸ παρακαλεῖτε ἀλλήλους Kal οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς TOV 


c/ \ \ ~ 
eva, Kkabe's καὶ TTOLELTE. 


WH.mg. The point cannot however 
be pressed in view of the ‘enfeebling’ 
of the distinction between the two 
prepositions in late and colloquial Gk. : 
cf. Moulton Prolegg. p. 105. 

It will be noticed that there is no 
direct mention here of the accom- 
panying Resurrection of Christ as in 
i. 10, iv. 14, and generally throughout 
the Pauline Epp. (Rom. iv. 25, v. 10 
&c.), but it is implied in the follow- 
ing ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν. For the 
doctrinal significance of this whole 
verse see Intr. p. lxviiif. 

iva εἴτε γρηγορῶμεν κτλ.] ‘in order 
that whether we wake or sleep’—the 
verbs being used no longer in the 
ethical sense of v. 6, but by a slight 
change of figure as metaphorical de- 
signations of life and death. Thdt.: 
ἐγρηγορότας yap ἐκάλεσε τοὺς ἔτι κατ᾽ 
ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν περιόντας " καθεύ- 
δοντας δὲ τοὺς τετελευτηκότας. 

To this particular use of γρηγορέω 
no Bibl. parallel can be adduced, but 
καθεύδω, as denoting death, is found 
in the Lxx., Ps. lxxxvii. (Ixxxviii.) 6, 
Dan. xii. 2. Wohlenberg suggests that 
some proverbial saying may underlie 
the phrase (cf. 1 Cor. x. 31), and cites 
by way of illustration Plato Sym. 
203A where it is said of Eros διὰ 
τούτου πᾶσά ἐστιν ἡ ὁμιλία καὶ ἡ διά- 
Aextos θεοῖς πρὸς ἀνθρώπους, καὶ ἐγρη- 
γορόσι καὶ καθεύδουσι. In its use here 
the Apostles were doubtless influenced 
by the perplexity of the Thessalonians 
which their previous teaching had 
been directed to meet (iv. 13 ff.). 

Εἴτε... εἴτε with the subj., though 
rare among Attic prose-writers (cf. 
Plato Legg. xii. 958D εἴτε tis ἄρρην 
εἴτε τις θῆλυς ἢ), is common in Hellen- 
istic and late Gk. In the present 
instance the subj. may be the result 
of attraction to the principal verb 


ζήσωμεν, but is perhaps sufficiently 
explained by the nature of the 
thought, the ‘waking’ or ‘sleeping’ 
being presented in each case as a 
possible alternative (Burton § 253). 

ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν) ‘we should 
live together with Him’—the use of 
the aor. ζζσωμεν pointing to this ‘life’ 
as a definite fact secured to us by the 
equally definite death (τ. ἀποθανόντος) 
of our Lord. It may be noted how- 
ever that Blass (p. 212) prefers the 
reading ἕήσομεν (A) on the ground 
that the aor. (jowpev (δὲ al) would 
mean ‘come to life again’ as in Rom. 
xiv. 9. 

The question whether this ‘life’ is 
to be confined to the new life which 
belongs to believers here, or to the 
perfected life that awaits them here- 
after, can hardly be said to arise. It 
is sufficient for the Apostle that 
through union with (ἅμα σύν, iv. 17 
note) their Lord believers have an 
actual part in His experience, and 
that consequently for them too 
‘death’ has been transformed into 
‘life’; cf. Rom. xiv. 8 f. 

For ‘to live’ as the most universal 
and pregnant description of ‘salvation’ 
in the apocalyptic teaching of St Paul’s 
day see Volz Jiid. Eschatologie p. 306. 

11. Διὸ παρακαλεῖτε κτὰ.] Cf. iv. 
18, διό here taking the place of ὥστε, 
as serving better to sum up the 
different grounds of encouragement 
contained in the whole section iy. 
I13—V. 10. 

καὶ οἰκοδομεῖτε xrA.] ‘and build up 
each the other’ (Vg. aedificate al- 
terutrum, Beza aedificate singuli 
singulos)—the first occurrence of a 
favourite Pauline metaphor, perhaps 
originally suggested by our Lord’s 
own words (Mt. xvi. 18, cf. vii. 24 ff.), 
and here used in its widest spiritual 


V 12] 


_THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 71 


΄σ \ ~ 3 / > 4 \ ~ 
*?” CowTw Mev δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, εἰδέναι τοὺς κοπιῶντας 
~ / ~ 3 \ a 
ἐν ὑμῖν καὶ προϊσταμένους ὑμῶν ἐν κυρίῳ καὶ νουθετοῦν- 


sense (cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 4). Blass (p. 144) 
traces the unusual combination εἷς τὸν 
ἕνα (-- ἀλλήλους) to Semitic usage, but 
it finds at least a partial parallel in 
Theocr. xx. (xxii.) 65 εἷς ἑνὶ χεῖρας 
depov. The nearest N.T. parallel is 
1 Cor. iv. 6 ἵνα μὴ εἷς ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἑνὸς 
φυσιοῦσθε κατὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου, ‘St Paul’s 
point there being the dividing effect 
of inflatedness or puffing up, as here 
the uniting effect of mutual building 
? (Hort Ecclesia p. 125 n.1): ef. 
also Eph. v. 33 οἱ καθ᾽ ἕνα, and in 
mod. Gk. the phrase ὁ ἕνας τὸν ἄλλον. 
καθὼς καὶ ποιεῖτε] Grot.: ‘ Alternis 
adhibet hortamenta et laudes: quasi 
diceret, σπεύδοντα καὶ αὐτὸν ὀτρύνω--- 
festinantem hortor et ipsum.’ 


V. 12—22. Various PRECEPTS WITH 
REGARD ΤῸ CHuRCH LIFE AND 
Hoty Lrvina. 


12—15. From the general exhorta- 
tion contained in the preceding section 
(iv. I—v. 11) the Apostles now turn 
to define more particularly the duties 
of their converts (1) to their leaders 
(vv. 12, 13) and (2) to the disorderly 
and faint-hearted in their number 
(vv. 14, 15)—the counsels in both 
instances being addressed to the com- 
munity at large, as shown by the 
repeated ἀδελφοί (vv. 12, 14) without 
qualification. 

12, 13. ‘And now to pass before 
closing to one or two points in this 
life of mutual service, we call upon 
you, Brothers, to pay proper respect 
to those who exercise rule over you 
in the Lord. Hold them in the 
highest esteem and love on account 
of their Divine calling, and thus pre- 
serve a spirit of peace in the whole 
community,’ 

12. εἰδέναι] evidently used here 
in the sense of ‘know in their true 
character,’ ‘appreciate’ (Calv.: ‘ Ag- 
noscere hic significat Habere rationem 


aut respectum’)—a usage of the word 
for which no adequate parallel has 
yet been produced from class. or 
Bibl. Gk.: οὗ however 1 Cor. xvi. 18 
ἐπιγινώσκετε οὖν τοὺς τοιούτους, and 
see Ign. Smyrn. ix. καλῶς ἔχει Θεὸν 
καὶ ἐπίσκοπον εἰδέναι. Bornemann well 
remarks on the ‘ Feinheit’ displayed 
in the choice of the word in the 
present passage: it is knowledge 
founded on ‘Hinsicht’ that the writers 
have in view. 

τοὺς κοπιῶντας κτλ.] ‘them that toil 
among you, and are over you in the 
Lord, and admonish you.’ In view of 
the common art. the three participles 
must be referred to the same persons, 
in all probability the ‘presbyters,’ their 
work being regarded from three dif- 
ferent points of view, cf. 1 Tim. v. 17 
and see Intv. p. xlvii f. 

κοπιῶντας] Κοπιάω in class. Gk.= 
‘grow weary, a sense which it also 
retains in the Lxx. (e.g. 2 Regn. xvii. 
2, Isa. xl. 30), is generally used in the 
N.T. (contrast Mt. xi. 28, Jo. iv. 6, 


’ Rey. ii. 3) with the derived meaning 


of ‘toil, ‘work with effort,’ with re- 
ference to both bodily and mental 
labour (cf. κόπος, i. 3 note). It is a 
favourite word with St Paul (Epp."), 
who frequently employs it with re- 
ference to the laborious character of 
his own ministerial life (1 Cor. xv. 
10, Gal. iv. 11, Phil. ii. 16, Col. i. 29, 
1 Tim. iv. 10). Lift. (ad Ign. Polye. 
vi.) derives the metaphor from the 
toilsome training for an athletic con- 
test. By the use of the word here, 
as Calvin characteristically remarks, 
the Apostle excludes from the class 
of pastors ‘omnes otiosos ventres.’ 
προϊσταμένους] not a technical term 
of office as shown by its position be- 
tween κοπιῶντας and νουθετοῦντας, but, 
in accordance with the general usage 
of the verb in the N.T. (Rom. xii. 
δι. Tim. δ᾿ 455,. 12, 08 TH k's, 


72 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[V 13 


ab ass 13 \ ε - θ ? \ rt or 3 
Tas υμας, καὶ ἡγεισῦαι aAvTOUS ὑπερεκπερισσου €V 


ἀγάπη διὰ TO ἔργον αὐτῶν 
γάπῃ διὰ τὸ ἔργ 


/ > a 
ELONVEVETE ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. 


13 ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ NAD? vele cet Chr Thdt: ὑπερεκπερισσῶς BD*G Orig 


14), pointing rather to the informal 
guidance in spiritual matters which 
the Thessalonian elders exercised ‘in 
the Lord’ towards individual members 
of the Church: cf. Hort Zcclesia p. 126, 
and for the later ecclesiastical use of 
the verb see Just. M. Apol. i. 67, 
Hermas Vis. τι. iv. 3. 

For an ‘ official’ sense attaching to 
προΐστασθαι in the papyri see P.Tebt. 
5, 58 (ii./B.c.) where it is applied to 
‘the superintendents of the sacred 
revenues’ (τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν ἱερῶν 
προσόδων]), cf. 53, 8 (ii./B.c.); and for 
a similar use in the inscriptions see 
Dittenberger Sylloge* 318, 8 f. (ii./B.c.), 
where, in an inscription found close to 
Thessalonica, a certain Maapxos is 
described as προϊστάμενος τῶν τε κατὰ 
κοινὸν πᾶσιν Μακεδόσιν συνφερόντων: 
cf. also Ο.6.1.8.. 728, 4 (iii./B.c—from 
the Thebaid) προέστη τῶν κα[θ᾽ αὑτὸν] 
ἀξίως τῆς πόλεως. The word=‘to 
practise in business’ is discussed by 


Field Notes p. 223f.: in P.Petr. m1. - 


73, 4f. (undated) it is used of ‘the 
landlord’ of a lodging-house (rod 
ml polearnkoros Tis...cvvorkias). 

vovGerouvras| NovGereiv (lit. ‘put 
in mind’) has apparently always a 
sense of blame attached to it, hence= 
‘admonish,’ ‘warn,’ cf. v. 14, II. iii. 
15. In Col. i. 28 it joined with διδά- 
σκειν, aS presenting complementary 
aspects of the preacher’s duty ‘warn- 
ing to repent, instructing in the 
faith’ (Lft.). Outside the Pauline 
Epp. the word is found in the N.T, 
only in Ac. xx. 31; ef. 1 Regn. iii. 13, 
Sap. xi. 10(11), xii. 2, Pss. Sol. xiii. 8, 
also Plato Gorg. 479A μήτε νουθετεῖ- 
σθαι μήτε κολάζεσθαι μήτε δίκην δί- 
δοναι. 

13. καὶ ἡγεῖσθαι κτλ.1] The exact 
construction of these words is not 
unattended with difficulty. Many 


commentators render ‘hold them in 
love exceeding highly,’ connecting ἐν 
ἀγάπῃ closely with ἡγεῖσθαι on the 
ground of such partial parallels as 
ἔχειν twa ἐν τινι (Rom. i. 28, Thue. 
ii. 18, iii, 9). But it is simpler to 
take the words in the order in which 
they stand, and to translate with the 
ΒΥ. ‘esteem them exceeding highly 
in love,’ ἐν ἀγάπῃ being then a loose 
adjunct to the whole phrase ny. avr. 
vmepex.: cf. Job xxxv. 2 ri τοῦτο 
ἡγήσω ev κρίσει; The only difficulty is 
the somewhat strong sense ‘esteem’ 
(Thdt.: πλείονος ἀξιοῦν τιμῆς) that is 
thus given to the generally colourless 
ἡγεῖσθαι, and for which Lft. can find 
no nearer parallel than Thue. ii. 42 τὸ 
ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ παθεῖν μᾶλλον ἡγησάμενοι 
ἢ τὸ ἐνδόντες σώζεσθαι ‘preferring 
rather to suffer in self-defence ὅσο. 
It is supported however by the 
analogous use of εἰδέναι (v. 12), and 
by the general warmth of tone of the 
whole passage: ef. II. iii, 15 note. 

For ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ (ὑπερεκπερισ- 
σῶς, WH, mg.) see note on iii, 10. 

διὰ τ. ἔργον αὐτῶν] ‘for their work’s 
sake,’ i.e. both because of their ac- 
tivity in it, and its own intrinsic 
importance. Calv.: ‘Huius operis 
inaestimabilis est excellentia ac dig- 
nitas: ergo quos tantae rei ministros 
facit Deus, nobis eximios esse opor- 
tet.’ 

elpnvevere κτλ.] ‘be at peace among 
yourselves’—a precept not to be 
dissociated from the preceding, but 
implying that by their affectionate 
loyalty to their leaders the Thessa- 
lonians were to maintain the peace 
of the whole community (Beza pacem 
colite inter vos mutuo). For eipn- 
νεύειν in this sense cf, Mk. ix. 50, 
Rom. xii. 18, 2 Cor. xiii. 11, Sir. 
XXvViii. 9, 13 (15). 


V 14, 15]- THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


14 Παρακαλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, 
ρ μ μ 


73 


ἀδελφοί, νουθετεῖτε τοὺς 


σ΄ \ , 
ἀτάκτους, παραμυθεῖσθε τοὺς ὀλιγοψύχους, ἀντέχεσθε 


τῶν ἀσθενῶν, μακροθυμεῖτε 


If the more difficult but well- 
attested ἐν αὐτοῖς (ND*GP) is pre- 
ferred, the meaning will then be ‘find 
your peace through them’ i.e. ‘through 
their leadership.’ In no case can we 
render ‘be at peace with (ie. in 
your intercourse with) them’ (Vg. 
cum eis), which would require per 
αὐτῶν (cf. Rom. xii. 18). 

14, 15. A fresh series of instruc- 
tions still addressed like the pre- 
ceding to the whole company of 
believers, and calling upon the 
(stronger) ‘brethren’ to extend their 
aid towards those who are ‘ weak.’ 

‘Further we call upon you, Brothers, 
to warn those who are neglecting their 
proper duties. Let the despondent 
be encouraged, and those who are still 
weak in faith be upheld. Cherish a 
spirit of forbearance towards all men, 
and take special care that, so far from 
yielding to the old spirit of revenge, 
you make it your constant effort to 
seek the good of all.’ 

14. vovereire τ. ἀτάκτους] Beza 
monete inordinatos rather than Vg. 
corripite inquietos. ”Arakros (dm. Ney. 
N.T.) primarily a military term ap- 
plied to the soldier who does not 
remain in the ranks, and thence used 
more generally of whatever is out of 
order. In the present passage the 
special reference would seem to be 
to the idleness and neglect of duty 
which characterized certain members 
of the Thessalonian Church in view of 
the shortly-expected Parousia (Intr. 
p. xlvif.). Contrast the unbroken front 
over which St Paul rejoices in Col. ii. 
5 xaipav καὶ βλέπων ὑμῶν τὴν τάξιν 
καὶ τὸ στερέωμα τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν πίστεως 
ὑμῶν. 

For the meaning of ἄτακτος see 
further Add. Note G. | 

παραμυθεῖσθε κτλ. ‘encourage the 


πρὸς πάντας. "δὸρᾶτε μή 
faint-hearted’ (Vg. consolamini pusil- 
lanimes, Wycl. counforte 3e men of 
litil herte), whether from over-anxiety 
regarding their departed friends, or 
from fear of persecution, or from any 
other cause leading to despondency. 

᾿Ολιγόψυχος, am. ey. N.T., occurs 
several times in the uxx. (e.g. Isa. 
Ivii. 15 ὀλιγοψύχοις διδοὺς paxpobv- 
μίαν), as do the corresponding subst. 
(ὀλιγοψυχία) and verb (ὀλιγοψυχεῖν). 
For the verb cf. also P.Petr. τι. 40 (a), 
12 f. (iii./B.c.) μὴ οὖν ὀλιγοψυχήσητε 
ἀλλ᾽ ἀνδρίζεσθε. 

ἀντέχεσθε κτλ.] ‘lay hold of the 
weak’ with the added idea of sup- 
porting them (Beza sublevate in- 
Jirmos). For ἀντέχεσθαι (N.T. only 
midd.) in its more primary sense 
‘hold firmly to’ cf. Mt. vi. 24, Lk. 
xvi. 13, Tit. i. 9, Isa. lvi. 4 ἀντέχωνται 
τῆς διαθήκης pov; and from the Κοινή 
such passages as P.Par. 14, 22f. 
(ii./B.0.) οὐθενὸς δικαίου ἀντεχόμενοι, 
P.Amh. 133, 11 ff. (ii./A.D.) καὶ μετὰ 
πολλῶν κόπων ἀνηκάσαμεν αὐτῶν ayTa- 
σχέσθαι τῆς τούτων ἐνεργίας ἐπὶ τῷ 
προτέρῳ ἐκφορίου, *and with great 
difficulty I made them set to work 
at the former rent.’ 

The weak here can only be the 
spiritually weak (Thdt. τοὺς μὴ ἑδραίαν 
κεκτημένους πίστιν) : cf. Rom. xiv. 1, 
1 Cor. viii. 9, Τῇ; ix. 22. 

μακροθυμεῖτε xrd.| ‘be long-suffering 
toward all,’ 1.6. do not give way to a 
‘short’ or ‘quick’ temper (ὀξοθυμία) 
towards those who fail, but be patient 
and considerate towards them: cf. 
1 Cor. xiii. 4, Gal. v. 22, and especi- 
ally Eph. iv. 2 where μακροθυμία is 
explained as ἀνεχόμενοι ἀλλήλων ἐν 
ἀγάπῃ. In this sense μακροθυμία is 
assigned as an attribute to God Him- 
self, Rom. ii. 4, ix. 22, 1 Pet. iii. 20, 
Th. Mops. (who confines the reference 


74 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[V 16 


‘ > \ a \ 9 ~~ > ‘ / \ 
τις κακὸν ἀντὶ κακοῦ τινὶ ἀποδῷ, ἀλλὰ πάντοτε TO 


> \ / ¥ & / / 
ἀγαθὸν διώκετε ᾽ εἰς ἀλλήλους Kal εἰς πάντας. 


τό Πάν- 


15 διώκετε solum S*ADG 17 37 67** al pauc ἃ g τὰ Vg (?) Go Boh (2) Syr (Pesh) 
Arm Aeth Ambst Theod-Mops™: διώκετε καὶ &°B al pler Vg (?) Syr (Harel) Ephr Bas 


Chr Thdt 


to the Church-leaders): ‘patientes 
estote ad omnes, eo quod hoc neces- 
sarium ualde est magistris, ita ut non 
facile desperent propter peccata, pa- 
tienter uero suam impleant doctrinam, 
expectantes semper ut discipuli me- 
liores sui efficiantur.’ 

15. ὁρᾶτε μή τις κτλ.] ‘see that 
none pay back evil in return for evil 
to any one’: cf. Rom. xii. 17, 1 Pet. 
iii. 9. The saying, which reflects the 
teaching of our Lord in such a passage 
as Mt. v. 43 ff., is often claimed as a 
distinctive precept of Christianity, 
and, notwithstanding such isolated 
maxims from the O.T. as Ex. xxiii. 
4, Prov. xxv. 21 ἢ, and the lofty spirit 
occasionally found in heathen philo- 
sophers as in a Socrates (see Plato 
Rep. i. 335), it is certainly true that 
Christianity first made ‘no retaliation’ 
a practical precept for all, by providing 
the ‘moral dynamic’ through which 
alone it could be carried out. 

On the durative ὁράω (cognate with 
our ‘ beware’) see Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 110f., and for ὁρᾶτε μή with the 
subj. cf. Mt. xviii. 10 (Burton § 209), 
also P.Oxy. 532, 15 (ii./A.D.) ὅρα οὖν 
μὴ ἄλλως πράξῃς. If ἀποδοῖ (N*D>G) 
is read, it also must be taken as 
a subj., formed after the model of 
verbs in -όω (WM. p. 360n.”). Both 
forms can be illustrated from the 
Kown, e.g. P.Par. 7, 11 (i./B.0.) ἐὰν δὲ 
μὴ ἀποδῷ, B.G.U. 741, 27 (ii./A.D.) ἐὰν 
δὲ μὴ [a]rodot: see further Crénert 
p. 216. The simple dot is found in 
an illiterate fragment of the iii./B.¢., 
P.Petr. 11. 9 (5), 5 ὅπως Soi. 

ἀλλὰ πάντοτε κτλ.] ‘but always pur- 
sue after that which is good’—dayador 
being used in the sense of ‘beneficial,’ 
‘helpful’ (utile) as opposed to the 
preceding κακόν, rather than of what 


is morally good (honestum): cf. iii, 
6 note. For the favourite Pauline 
oxewv in the sense of ‘ pursue,’ ‘ seek 
eagerly after’ (Thpht.: ἐπιτεταμένως 
σπουδάζειν τι) cf. Rom, ix. 30, Phil. 
iii. 12, where in both passages it is 
associated with the correlative xara- 
λαμβάνειν : see also Hx. xv. 9 εἶπεν 6 
ἐχθρός Διώξας καταλήμψομαι. Outside 
the Pauline Epp. the metaphorical 
use of the verb in the N.T. is con- 
fined to Heb. xii. 14, 1 Pet. iii. 11 
(from LXX. ); ef. Plato Gorg. 507 B οὔτε 
διώκειν οὔτε φεύγειν ἃ ἃ μὴ προσήκει. 

16—22. From social duties the 
Apostles now pass to inculcate cer- 
tain more directly religious duties. 

‘At all times cherish a spirit of 
joyfulness ; in unceasing prayer make 
known your every want; under all 
circumstances give thanks to God: 
for only in these ways can God’s 
purposes for you in Christ Jesus be 
fulfilled. With regard to the gifts of 
the Spirit, see to it that you do not 
quench them, or make light of pro- 
phesyings. At the same time do not 
accept these without discrimination. 
Rather bring everything to the test, 
and thus keep firm hold of the 
genuine, while you abstain from evil 
in whatever form it appears.’ 

16. πάντοτε χαίρετε] an injunction 
striking the same glad note that is 
so often repeated in the Ep. to the 
other Macedonian Church (Phil. ii. 
18, iii. 1, iv. 4), its significance in the 
present instance being much increased 
in view of the sufferings already 
spoken of (i. 6, ii. 14, iii. 2ff.). For 
the paradox cf. Rom. v. 3, 2 Cor. vi. 
10, and for the true source of this joy 
see our Lord’s own words Jo. Xv. II, 
xvi. 24, xvii. 13. Leighton’s words 
(cited by Dods) may be recalled: ‘All 


V 1γ---20] - THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 75 


7 17 ἐδ Xr / / 6 18 2 \ 
TOTE χαίρετε, “αδιαλείπτως προσεύχεσῦθε, “ἐν παντὶ 


2 a o \ / ee: ~? a 
εὐχαριστεῖτε" τοῦτο yap θέλημα θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ι]ησοῦ 
΄σ a \ / \ 

εἰς Uuas. “TO πνεῦμα μὴ σβέννυτε, “προφητείας μῆ 


spiritual sorrows, of what nature so- 
ever, are turned into spiritual joy: 
that is the proper end of them; they 
have a natural tendency that way.’ 

An interesting ex. of the spirit of 
joy ruling in the early Church is 
afforded by the names found in the in- 
scriptions—Victor, Nice, Gaudentius, 
Gaudiosus, Hilaris, Hilaritas (Ramsay 
C. and B. i. p. 493). See also Stanley 
Christian Institutions (1881) p. 250 f. 

17. ἀδιαλείπτως προσεύχεσθε] a 
second precept, not to be interpreted 
merely as showing how the former 
precept may be fulfilled, but an in- 
dependent injunction in thorough 
accordance with St Paul’s constant 
teaching, cf. Rom. xii. 12, Eph. vi. 18, 
Col. iv. 2. For the absolute manner 
(ἀδιαλείπτως, i. 3 note) in which the 
precept is expressed see the note on 
iv. 13, and for a striking commentary 
on it note the constantly interjected 
prayers in this and the later Ep, 
(intr. p. lxv), 

For prayer as a part of Church-life 
cf. Didache xv. 4 ras δὲ εὐχὰς ὑμῶν... 
ποιήσατε ws ἔχετε ἐν τῷ evayyerio τοῦ 
Κυρίου ἡμῶν, and for the conditions 
under which the whole life of the 
saint becomes μίαν συναπτομένην pe- 
γάλην.. εὐχήν, see Orig. de Orat. xii. 2 
(ed. Koetschau) “ἀδιαλείπτως᾽ δὲ προσ- 
εύχεται...ὁ συνάπτων τοῖς δέουσιν 
ἔργοις τὴν εὐχὴν καὶ τῇ εὐχῇ τὰς πρε- 
πούσας πράξεις. 

18. ἐν παντὶ εὐχαριστεῖτε] Vg. in 
omnibus gratias agite—év παντί not 
being ‘on every occasion’ (Chrys. : 
dei), but ‘in all circumstances,’ even 
in persecutions and trials. Thdt.: μὴ 
μόνον ἐν τοῖς θυμήρεσιν, ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς 
ἐναντίοις. οἷδε γὰρ τὸ συμφέρον ὁ με- 
γαλόδωρος. For a similar stress laid 
by St Paul on universal thanksgiving 
cf, Eph. v, 20, Phil. iv. 6, Col. iii. 17. 


For εὐχαριστεῖν see i. 2 note, and 
add the late use of the verb by which 
it is practically =evyeoOa, as in the 
interesting Christian amulet (vi./A.p. ?) 
reproduced by Wilcken (Archiv i. 
p. 431 ff.) where after an invocation 
to God and Christ and the holy 
Serenus the writer proceeds evya- 
ptoTa...kal κλίνω τὴν κεφαλήν [polv... 
ὅπως διώξῃς ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ...τὸν δαίμονα 
προβασκανίας. May we not have an 
earlier trace of this usage in P.Tebt. 
56, 9 (late ii./A.D.) where the render- 
ing ‘pray’ seems to suit the context 
better than the editors’ ‘give thanks’? 

τοῦτο γάρ κτλ.] Τοῦτο, collective 
with reference to the foregoing pre- 
cepts, while the θέλημα θεοῦ (iv. 
3 note) regarding them is specially 
defined as resting ἐν Xp. “Inc. not 
only as their supreme manifestation, 
but also as the means through whom 
alone they can be made effective. 

For the absence of the art. before 
eis ὑμᾶς ‘with regard to you’ as well 
as for the Ayperbaton cf. Lk. vii. 30 
τὴν βουλὴν τοῦ θεοῦ ἠθέτησαν eis 
ἑαυτούς (Field Notes p. 60). 

19. τὸ πνεῦμα μὴ σβέννυτε] in itself 
a perfectly general precept but, in 
view of the προφητείας of the next 
clause (see note), employed here with 
special reference to the charismatic 
gifts which had shown themselves at 
Thessalonica as afterwards at Corinth 
(1 Cor. xii, xiv.). Against these ap- 
parently a reaction had arisen owing 
to a certain amount of ἀταξία in their 
exercise (see Intr.p.xxxiv and cf.1 Cor. 
xiv. 29 ff.), and consequently the 
Apostles found it necessary to warn 
their readers lest in their dread of 
over-enthusiasm the χαρίσματα should 
be extinguished altogether: cf. 2 Tim. 
i. 6 ἀναμιμνήσκω σε ἀναζωπυρεῖν τὸ 
χάρισμα τοῦ θεοῦ. 


76 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 21—23 


ἐξουθενεῖτε" “'πάντα [δὲ] δοκιμάζετε, TO καλὸν κατέχετε, 


22 > \ ‘ 10 wk Sy 
ATO TIANTOC ELOOUS πονηροῦ arTeyecde. 


Autos δὲ ὁ θεὸς τῆς 


21 πάντα solum &*A al Boh Syr (Pesh) Orig Ephr Bas 4 Chr 3 Thdt Tert 
Orig™ : πάντα δὲ 8°BDG al dg Vg Go Syr (Harcl) Aeth Clem Bas 3 Chr 4 Ambst 


Theod-Mops!"t 


The use of σβέννυτε (for form, 
WSchm. p. 124) is in accord with 
the frequent application of the meta- 
phor of fire to the Spirit in Scripture 
(Ac. ii. 3, xviii. 25, Rom. xii. 11; οὗ 
Plut. de defect. orac. § 17, p. 419B 
ἀποσβῆναι τὸ πνεῦμα) : while μή with 
the pres. imp. instead of the aor. subj. 
points to the necessity of desisting 
from a course of action already going 
on, as distinguished from avoidance of 
similar action in the future (Moulton 
Prolegg. pp. 122 f., 247). 

20. προφητείας μὴ ἐξουθενεῖτε) an 
injunction closely related to the fore- 
going (cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 1 (yAotre δὲ τὰ 
πνευματικά, μᾶλλον δὲ iva προφητεύητε), 
and pointing to the impassioned ut- 
terances regarding the deep things 
of God which so frequently showed 
themselves in the Early Church under 
the direct influence of the Spirit: cf. 
Ac. ii. 17, xix. 6, 1 Cor. xii. 10, Rev, i. 
10, and see further McGiffert Apost. 
Age p. 526 ff. 

The strong verb ἐξουθενέω ‘set at 
naught, ‘make of no account’ (Suid, : 
ἀντ᾽ οὐδενὸς λογίζομαι) is found in the 
N.T. only in Lk. and Paul’, and 
under the form ἐξουδενεῖν in Mk. 
In the uxx. it occurs in four forms 
ἐξουδενεῖν, -vovv, ἐξουθενεῖν, -οῦν : 866 
Lobeck Phryn. p. 182. 

21. πάντα [δὲ] δοκιμάζετε] The con- 
necting particle δέ, which is amply 
vouched for, ought probably to be 
retained here, its omission being 
easily explained through the in- 
fluence of the following δο-. In any 
case whether δέ is retained or not, 
the whole clause stands in a certain 
limiting relation to the foregoing 
precepts: important as ‘gifts’ and 
‘prophesyings’ are, they cannot be 
accepted unhesitatingly, but must be 


put to the test (cf. 1 Jo. iv. 1). 
Nothing is said as to how this διά- 
κρισις πνευμάτων (1 Cor. xii. 10, xiv. 
29) is to be effected, but it can only 
be by a ‘spiritual’ standard (ef. 1 Cor. 
ii. 13), and not by the ‘rational’ in- 
quiry which is sometimes found here, 
and to which the ‘prove’ of A.V., 
R.V. lends a certain colour. 

For δοκιμάζω see the note on ii. 4, 
and for the thought ef. Rom. xii. 2, 
Phil. i. ro, | 

TO καλὸν κατέχετε] It is not easy 
to find an adequate English equiva- 
lent for τὸ καλόν, but when used in 
its moral sense the word denotes 
generally what is good in itself (ef. 
Arist. het. i. 9. 3 καλὸν μὲν οὖν ἐστίν, 
ὃ ἂν dv αὑτὸ αἱρετὸν ὃν ἐπαινετὸν 7) as 
distinguished from τὸ ἀγαθόν what is 
good in virtue of its results. Thus 
it is used of genuine as opposed to 
counterfeit coin (cf. Xen. Mem. iii. 1 
διαγιγνώσκειν τό τε καλὸν [ἀργύριον 
καὶ τὸ κίβδηλον), and is very appro- 
priate here to denote the goodness 
which passes muster in view of the 
testing process just spoken of: ef. 
the noble comment of the historian 


Socrates on this verse—ro γὰρ καλόν, 


ἔνθα ἂν 7, ἴδιον τῆς ἀληθείας ἐστίν 
(Z.E. iii. 16). 

For κατέχω =‘ hold fast’ οἵ, Lk. viii. 
15, 1 Cor. xi. 2, xv. 2, Heb. iii. 6, 14, 
x. 23, and see Add. Note H. 

22. ἀπὸ παντὸς εἴδους κτλ.] ‘from 
every form of evil abstain’ This 
rendering may be criticized on two 
grounds—(1) it takes εἶδος in its 
quasi-philosophical sense of ‘kind,’ 
‘species, which though frequent in 
class. writers and more especially in 
Plato, is not found elsewhere in the 
N.T., and (2) it treats πονηροῦ, though 
anarthrous, as a subst. But-as re-— 


V 23] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 77 


3 / € -- ΄ ε ε ~ \ 
εἰρήνης ὡγιάσαι ὑμᾶς ὁλοτελεῖς, Kal ὁλόκληρον ὑμῶν TO 


gards (1), apart from such passages 
as Jos. Antt. vit. 80 (iv. 2), X. 37 (iii. 1) 
εἶδος μέλους, πονηρίας, we have now 
confirmation of this more popular use 
of εἶδος from the papyri as when in 
P.Tebt. 58, 20 ἢ (ii./B.c.) a taxgatherer 
undertakes to collect a wheat-tax ἀπὸ 
παντὸς εἴδους ‘from every class’; cf. 
P.Oxy. 237. viii. 42f. (ii./A.D.) κατὰ 
κώμην καὶ κατ᾽ εἶδος ‘under villages 
and classes,’ and see P.Fay. 34, 6f. 
(ii./A.D.) where ἄλλα εἴδη may be used 
not of ‘other taxes’ but of ‘other 
kinds’ of produce on which a certain 
tax (yovodecpia) was levied (see 
editors’ note ad loc.). While with 
reference to (2), the anarthrous use 
of the neut. sing. to denote abstract 
ideas is too frequent to cause any 
real difficulty, e.g. Gen. ii. 9 τὸ ξύλον 
τοῦ εἰδέναι γνωστὸν καλοῦ Kk. πονηροῦ, 
Heb. v. 14 πρὸς διάκρισιν καλοῦ τε καὶ 
κακοῦ, and cf. Didache iii. 1, appa- 
rently a reminiscence of the present 
passage, φεῦγε ἀπὸ παντὸς πονηροῦ x. 
ἀπὸ παντὸς ὁμοίου αὐτοῦ. 

The alternative rendering ‘abstain 
from every appearance of evil’ (R.V. 
marg.) has the advantage of taking 
εἶδος in the same sense as elsewhere 
in the N.T. (Lk. iii. 22, ix. 29, Jo. v. 
37, 2 Cor. v. 7), but, if it is preferred, 
care must be taken not to impart into 
the word the idea of ‘semblance’ as 
opposed to ‘reality’: it is rather ‘ap- 
pearance’ in the sense of ‘outward 
show,’ ‘visible form.’ 

On ἀπέχεσθαι ἀπό see iv. 3 note, 
and on the more active idea of evil in 
πονηρός ‘malignant’ as compared with 
κακός ‘base’ see Trench Syn. ὃ lxxxiv. 

Commentators generally draw at- 
tention to the change from τὸ καλόν 
to παντὸς εἴδους πονηροῦ, for while the 
good is one, evil has many forms; cf. 
Arist. Eth. Nic. ii. 5. 14 ἔτι τὸ μὲν 
ἁμαρτάνειν πολλαχῶς ἐστίν,...τὸ δὲ κατ- 
ορθοῦν μοναχώς. ; 

It is also of interest to notice that 
δῦ. 21, 22 are frequently connected 


by early Christian writers with the 
agraphon ascribed to our Lord yi- 
νεσθε δόκιμοι τραπεζῖται (for reff. see 
Suicer Thesaurus s.v. τραπεζίτης), and 
it is at least possible that the writers 
of our Ep. had this saying of Jesus 
in mind here: see further Resch 
Agrapha pp. 116ff., 233ff., Pauli- 
nismus p. 408 f., Ropes Spriiche 
p. 142f. 
V. 23, 24. PRAYER. 


From these several injunctions the 
Apostles turn in characteristic fashion 
to the Divine power in which alone 
they can be fulfilled. Beng.: ‘non 
meo studio, inquit Paulus, sed divino 
praesidio muniti eritis.’ 

23,24. ‘As however without God 
all your strivings must be in vain we 
pray that the God of peace Himself 
will sanctify you through and through, 
that the whole man may become 
God’s, each part preserved entire and 
without blame, and found so at the 
Parousia of the Lord Jesus. Nor 
need you have any fear regarding 
this. The very fact that it is God 
Who is calling is to you the pledge 
that He will not suffer His calling 
to become null and void.’ 

23. ὃ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης] a frequent 
title at the close of the Pauline Epp. 
(Rom. xv. 33, xvi. 20, 2 Cor. xiii. 11, 
Phil. iv. 9, (Heb. xiii. 20); cf. 11. iii. 
16 ὁ κύρ. τ. eip.), and intended to 
bring out ‘the peace’ which is not 
only the one God’s characteristic at- 
tribute, but which it is His peculiar 
privilege to bestow, and which in the 
present passage gains in significance 
in view of the ἀταξία just spoken of. 

For ‘ Peace’ as a Talmudic Name 
of God see Taylor Sayings? p. 25 f. ; 
while as further illustrating the per- 
sonal application of the term it may be 
noted that in P.Oxy. 41, 27 (iii./iv. A.D.) 
the prytanis at Oxyrhynchus is popu- 
larly acclaimed as εἰρήνη πόλεως. 

ἁγιάσαι ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ‘sanctify you 


78 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS  [V 23 


~ Ace \ \ \ ΄ι. / 3 ΄σ 
πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ TO σῶμα ἀμέμπτως ἐν TH παρου- 


wholly ’—ayiaoae not being limited 
to the initial act of consecration, 
but (as in Rom. xv. 16, Eph. v. 26) 
pointing to the actual inward sancti- 
fication of the Thessalonians ‘in their 
whole persons’ (Vg. Ambrstr. per 
omnia, Luth. Weizsiicker durch und 
durch). 

For this ethical sense of ἁγιάζειν 
cf. Lev. xi. 44 ἁγιασθήσεσθε καὶ ἅγιοι 
ἔσεσθε, ὅτι ἅγιός εἰμι ἐγώ, and for a 
full discussion of the word and its 
synonyms see Westcott Heb. p. 346 f. 
For ὁλοτελής (an. Aey. N.T.) οὗ Plut. 
Mor. ii. 909 B, Dittenberger Sylloge? 
376, 45 ἀνεισφορίαν, ἣν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρό- 
τερον Σεβαστῶν ὁλοτελῆ ἔδωκεν. The 
adv. ὁλοτελῶς, by which Suidas defines 
the common ὁλοσχηρῶς, is found in 
Aq. Deut. xiii. 16 (17). 

ὁλόκληρον] a secondary predicate to 
be taken closely along with τηρηθείη, and 
as belonging to all three substantives 
(WM. p. 661). As regards meaning, 
ὁλόκληρος can hardly be distinguished 
from ὁλοτελής though, in accordance 
with its derivation, it draws more 
special attention to the several parts 
to which the wholeness spoken of 
extends, no part being wanting or 
lacking in completeness. Thus in the 
Lxx. the word is used of λίθοι as yet 
untouched by any tool (Deut. xxvii. 6, 
1 Mace. iv. 47), and it is the regular 
expression in Philo (de anim. § 12, ii. 
p. 836M.) and Josephus Antt. m1. 278 
(xii. 2) to denote the integritas re- 
quired both in priests and victims. 
From this the transition is easy to the 
metaphorical sense of mental and 
moral completeness which the word 
has in the apocr. books of the O.T. 
(Sap. xv. 3 ὁλόκληρος δικαιοσύνη, 
4 Mace. xv. 17 τὴν εὐσέβειαν ὁλόκλη- 
pov), and in Jas. i. 4 where it is 
joined with τέλειος (for distinction be- 
tween them see Trench Syn. § xxii.) 
and explained as ἐν μηδενὶ λειπόμενος. 

An interesting parallel to the use 


οὗ ὁλόκληρος in the present passage 
is afforded by the magical papyrus 
P.Lond, 1. 121, 589 f. (iii./A.D.) διαφύ- 
λασσε μου TO σῶμα τὴν ψυχὴν ὁλόκλη- 
pov, while its original meaning is seen 
in P.Oxy. 57, 13f. (iii./A.D.) ὑπὲρ rod 
ὁλόκληρον (SC. ποιῆσαι) τὴν ἐπίσκεψιν 
τῶν χωμάτων. The allied subst. odo- 
kAnpia (cf. Ac. iii. 16) occurs in the 
sense of physical wholeness, health, 
eg. B.G.U. 948, 2 ff. (iv./v. A.D.) εὔχο- 
με...τὰ περὶ τ]ῆς vyias σου kal 
ὁλοκληρίας σου χαίριν, and for the 
verb see P.Grenf. 1. 53, 4f. (iv./A.D.) 


ὅπως ὁλοκληροῦντα σὲ ἀπολάβομεν. 


ὑμῶν τὸ πνεῦμα KTA.] The precedent 
gen. ὑμῶν is unemphatic (cf. Abbott 
Joh. Gr. p. 416), and belongs to each 
of the following substantives, ‘your 
spirit and your soul and your body,’ 
but this triple subject must not be 
pressed as if it contained a psycho- 
logical definition of human nature. 
St Paul ‘is not writing a treatise on 
the soul, but pouring forth, from the 
fulness of his heart, a prayer for his 
converts’ (Jowett), and consequently 
all appeals to the verse in support of 
a Pauline system of Trichotomy as 
against the Dichotomy found else- 
where in his Epp. are beside the 
mark, At the same time it will not 
do to regard the three subjects as 
of ‘mere rhetorical significance’ (de 
Wette): they are evidently chosen 
in accordance with the general O.T. 
view of the constitution of man to 
emphasize a sanctification which shall 
extend to man’s whole being, whether 
on its immortal, its personal, or its 
bodily side: cf. Heb. iv. 12 with 
Westcott’s Add. Note p. 114 ff. 

The trichotomist arguments based 
on the passage will be found fully 
stated by Ellicott The Destiny of the 
Creature, Serm. v. with the accom- 
panying Notes. For the more im- 
portant inquiry how far St Paul 
may have been influenced here by 


V 24,25] THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 79 


gia τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ πτηρηθείη. 


\ 
*4Or iO TOS 


e ΄ ~~ εἶ 7] 
ὁ καλῶν ὑμᾶς, ὃς καὶ ποιήσει. 
259 / / 0 \ \ e ~ 
Αδελφοί, προσεύχεσθε [καὶ] περὲ ἡμῶν. 


25 καὶ BD* 4** 6 17 31 37 al pauc Go Syr (Harcl) Arm Orig Chr Theod-Mops"* ; 
om SAD°G cet f g Vg Boh Syr (Pesh) Aeth Thdt Ambst al 


Pharisaic theology see Wohlenberg 
ad loc., and cf. Jos. Anitt. τ. 34 (i. 2). 
For the occurrence of the same tri- 
chotomy in Egyptian rites in the order 
‘soul, body, spirit’ see the interesting 
note by Rev. F. E. Brightman in 
i. 7.S, 11. p.. 273 £. 
ἀμέμπτως] an adverbial adjunct 
(ii. 10 note) qualifying the whole 
expression ὁλόκληρον. ..τηρηθείη : cf. 
Clem. R. Cor. xliv. 6 ἐκ τῆς ἀμέμπτως 
αὐτοῖς τετιμημένης (τετηρημένης, Lft.) 
λειτουργίας. ; 
It is not without interest to notice 
that ἀμέμπτως, which in the N.T. is 
confined to this Ep., occurs in certain 
sepulchral inscriptions discovered at 
Thessalonica, e.g. an inscription of 
50 A.D. Εἰσιάδι τῇ συνβίωι ζησάσῃ a- 
μέμπτως ἔτη κη.. [μνε]ίας χάριν (NO. 30 
Duchesne οὐ Bayet Mission au Mont 
Athos p. 29). 
ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ κτὰλ.] a temporal 
clause marking also the condition 
under which the blameless ὁλοκληρία 
will be made manifest (cf. ii. 19 note). 
Wohlenberg prefers to connect the 
words more closely with τηρηθείη, 
the thought then being that in the 
judgment following upon Christ’s ap- 
pearing, while others find themselves 
the subjects of God’s wrath, those who 
have undergone this triple sanctifica- 
tion will be preserved in bliss. The 
difference in meaning is not very 
great, but under no circumstances 
can the A.V. ‘unto (as if eis) the 
coming’ be accepted, however true 
the thought underlying it (cf. Phil. 
i. 6). For παρουσία see Add. Note F. 
24. πιστὸς 6 καλῶν xtA.| Chrys. : 
"Opa τὴν ταπεινοφροσύνην. ᾿Ἐπεέιδὴ yap 
ηὔξατο, μὴ νομίσητε, φησίν, ὅτι ἀπὸ 


τῶν ἐμῶν εὐχῶν τοῦτο γίνεται, GAN 
ἐκ τῆς προθέσεως, ἧς ὑμᾶς ἐκάλεσεν. 
Beng. : ‘magnam hic versiculus exul- 
tationem habet.’ 

For ὁ καλ. vu. which, as always in 
St Paul, can only refer to God οἵ, ii. 
12 note, and for πιστός in a similar 
connexion cf. II. iii. 3, 1 Cor. i. 9, x. 
13, 2 Cor. i. 18, 2 Tim. ii. 13, Heb. x. 
23, xi. 11, Deut. vii. 9, Isa. xlix. 7, 
Pss. Sol. xiv. 1. The absolute use of 
ποιήσει is very striking, and sets in 
bold relief the doing with which God 
accompanies His calling: cf. Num. 
XXiil. 19 αὐτὸς εἴπας οὐχὶ ποιήσει; Ps. 
XXXVi. (XXXVii.) 5 ἔλπισον ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, 
καὶ αὐτὸς ποιήσει. For ἃ similar certi- 
tudo fidet on the part of St Paul ef. 
Rom. xvi. 25, Phil. i. 6, and for a like 
spirit in later Jewish theology see 
Apoc. Bar. xiii. 3, ‘Thou shalt there- 
fore be assuredly preserved to the 
consummation of the times.’ 


V. 25—28. CONCLUDING IN- 
JUNCTIONS AND  BENE- 
DICTION. 


25—28. ‘Meanwhile, Brothers, in 
your prayers do not forget us. Con- 
vey our greetings with the customary 
holy kiss to all the Brothers. As 
regards this letter I charge that it 
be read aloud to all the Brothers. 
The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ 
be with you.’ 

25. ᾿Αδελφοί, προσεύχεσθε κτλ.] Cf. 
II. iii. 1, and for a similar request see 
Rom. xv. 30, Eph. vi. 19, Col. iv. 3, 
Heb. xiii. 18. Τῇ καί is read, it intro- 
duces the feeling of reciprocity—‘as 
we have prayed for you, do you also 
pray for us,’ 


80 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [V 26, 27 


“᾿Ασπάσασθε τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πάντας ἐν φιλήματι 


ε » 
aylw. 


/ ~~ > a \ 
“Τ᾽ Ενορκίζω ὑμᾶς Tov κύριον ἀναγνωσθῆναι τὴν 


J \ -_ ~ > ~ 
ἐπιστολήν πᾶσιν τοῖς ' ἀδελφοῖς. 


27 τοῖς] add ἁγίοις X°AKLP al pler Vg Go Boh Syr (Pesh Harel) Arm Chr Thdt 


Theod-Mops!* 


26. ᾿Ασπάσασθε xrd.| an exhorta- 
tion addressed like the preceding to 
the whole Church, and not only to 


those to whom the Ep. was directly. 


sent, presumably the elders. Had 
any such restriction been intended, 
it could hardly fail to have been 
clearly notified, while any difficulty 
in the general application of the in- 
junction owing to the use of τ. dé. 
πάντας is met by the want of stress 
here attaching to πάντας (WSchm. 

189), the whole phrase being 
practically equivalent to the more 
customary ἀλλήλους. 

᾿Ασπάζομαι is of constant occurrence 
in the papyri for conveying the greet- 
ings at the end of a letter, e.g. P. Fay. 
119, 25 fi. (¢. i./A.D.) ἀσπάζου "Emayaboy 
καὶ τοὺς φιλοῦντες ἡμᾶς πρὸς ἀληθίαν. 

ἐν φιλήματι ἁγίῳ] ‘with a kiss that 
is holy,’ as a token of friendship and 
brotherly love, cf. Rom. xvi. 16, 1 Cor. 
xvi. 20, 2 Cor. xiii. 12, in each case 
the attribute ἅγιον being added to 
bring out the true character of the 
φίλημα: see also 1 Pet. v. 14 ἐν 
φιλήματι ἀγάπης. The practice may 
have arisen from the customary mode 
of saluting a Rabbi, Wiinsche Neue 
Beitrdge p. 339; cf. also F. C. Cony- 
beare in Lap. Iv. ix. p. 460ff. 

For the first mention of the ‘kiss 
of peace’ as a regular part of the 
Christian service see Just. M. Apol. 
i, 65 ἀλλήλους φιλήματι ἀσπαζόμεθα 
παυσάμενοι τῶν εὐχῶν, and for full 
particulars of its liturgical use see 
art. ‘Kiss’ in Smith’s D.C.\A., and 
Hauck RE. vi. p. 274. In some 
parts of Greece the EHaster-greeting 
(Χριστὸς ἀνέστη) is still accompanied 
by the brotherly kiss. 

27. ᾿ἘἘνορκίζω ὑμᾶς κτλ.] ᾿Ἐνορκίζω, 


not found elsewhere in the Bibl. 
writings except as a variant in 
2 Esdr. xxiii. (xiii.) 25, is apparently 
a strengthened form of ὁρκίζω (for 
form, Rutherford WP. p. 466f.), and 
like it (Mk. v. 17, Ac. xix. 3) is here 
construed with two accusatives: cf. 
ILM.A. U1. 1238 (Christian) ἐνορκίζω 
ὑμᾶς τὸν ὧδε ἐφεστῶτα ἄνγελον, μή Tis 
ποτε τολμή(σῃ) κτλ.; and see also Ram- 
say C. and B.i.p.734. Fora similar | 
usage of ἐξορκίζω see P.Leid. V. 4. 31 
(iii./A.D.) ἐξορκίζω σε τὴν δύναμιν cov, 
and for ὁρκίζω τινά see Deissmann BS, 
p. 274 ff. 

The presence of the adjuration in 
the present passage has been explain- 
ed as due either to the Apostle’s deep 
sense of the importance of his Ep. to 
all without exception, or to a pre- 
sentiment that a wrong use might be 
made of his name and authority as in 
II. ii. 2, iii. 17, or to the fact that the 
reading of such letters had not yet 
been officially established. But after 
all no special reason need be sought. 
Writing as he did to explain his 
continued personal absence, and to 
enforce truths which he felt to be 
of vital importance to his converts, 
St Paul naturally took precautions to 
ensure that his letter should be read 
and circulated as widely as possible : 
see Intr. p. xxxiv, and for the change 
to the ist pers. sing. to give the appeal 
a more personal character cf. ii. 18, 
iii. 5. 

ἀναγνωσθῆναι] ᾿Αναγνωσθῆναι (for 
construction, Blass p. 241) a time- 
less aor., and hence lending no sup- 
port to Alford’s view that a special 
assembly was to be held for this 
purpose. At the same time it is 
clear from the context that it is a 


V 28] 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS SI 


“Ἢ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ pel 


ὑμῶν. 


public reading or a reading aloud 
that is alone thought of here. For 
this sense of ἀναγιγνώσκειν (almost 
universal in class. Gk., Butcher Har- 
vard Lect. p. 230, n.") ef. Lk. iv. 16, Ac. 
xiii. 27, xv. 21, 2 Cor. iii. 15, Col. iv. 
16, Rev. i. 3 (with Swete’s note), and 
for the result of this reading aloud in 
giving the N.T. writings an authori- 
tative character see Sanday J/nspira- 
tion Ὁ. 360 f. 

Tertullian is sometimes quoted as 
mentioning Thessalonica and Philippi 
as churches where the letters of the 
Apostles were read in the original 
(‘apud quas ipsae authenticae literae 
eorum recitantur’ de praescr. 36), but 
the reference to Thessalonica (‘ habes 
Thessalonicenses’) is plainly an in- 
sertion, clumsy in form, and wanting 
in the best Mss. 

In the papyri ἀναγιγνώσκειν is 
found=both ‘read’ and ‘read aloud,’ 
Thus for the latter sense cf. P.Grenf. 
I. 37, 15 (ii./B.C.) ἐπιλέγματος ἀναγνω- 
σθέντος οἵ the reading aloud of a 
petition, and P.Cairo 29. 3. 1 (ii./A.D.) 
ἧς ἀναγνωσθείσης of the reading aloud 
of a will. On the other hand the 
word must mean simply ‘read’ in 
B.G.U. 1079 (cited iv. 1 note), and in 
P.Fay. 20, 23 (iiii—iv./a.D.) where it 
refers to copies of an edict set up in 


Μ, THESS. 


public places σύνοπτα τοῖς ἀναγιγνώ- 
σκουσιν ‘in full view of those who 
wish to read.’ 

τὴν ἐπιστολήν] obviously the present 
letter now drawing to a close, cf. 11, 
iii, 14, Rom. xvi. 22, Col. iv. 16 
(WSchm. p. 149). 

πᾶσιν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς] Πᾶσιν em- 
phatic (contrast πάντας Ὁ. 26), but 
not necessarily including others than 
the combined members of the Thessa- 
lonian Church. ‘Ayiors, if read before 
ἀδελφοῖς (WH. mg.), would produce a 
combination occurring nowhere else 
in the Pauline Epp. (cf. however Eph. 
iii. 5 τ. ἁγίοις ἀποστόλοις), and is better 
omitted. 

28. Ἢ χάρις κτλ.] a concluding 
benediction in which the favourite 
Pauline conception of ‘grace’ takes 
the place of the ordinary epistolary 
ἔρρωσο (ἔρρωσθε) or ἐρρῶσθαί σε (ὑμᾶς) 
εὔχομαι: οἵ, II. iii. 18, Rom. xvi. 20, 
1 Cor, xvi. 23. 

A shorter form ἡ χάρις μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν is 
found in Col. iv. 18, 1 Tim. vi. 21, 
2 Tim. iv. 22, Tit. iii. 15 (add πάντων), 
while this is expanded in various ways 
in Gal. vi. 18, Eph. vi. 24, Phil. iv. 23. 
The full trinitarian benediction occurs 
in 2 Cor. xiii. 13. 

The liturgical ἀμήν is found in 
AD’*KLP &c.: οὗ iii. 13 note. 





Ae? γὰρ TayTa γενέοθδι πρῶτον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εὐθέως. 





Τὰ ἀναγκαῖα πάντα δῖλα. 








᾿ . . r 


2 trictéc λέ ἐστιν € κύριοο, ὃς οτηρίξει ὑμᾶς Kal yAazer 
τς ΠΟΝΗΡΟΥ͂. i | , an 


ΠΡΟΣ OESSAAONIKEIS B 


II. 


ITI. 


δ 


ANALYSIS. 


ADDRESS AND GREETING. i. 1, 2. 


HISTORICAL AND DOCTRINAL. i. 3—ii. 17. 
1. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER FOR THE THESSALONIANS’ STATE, 
i, 3—I2. 
2. TEACHING CONCERNING THE EVENTS PRECEDING THE LORD'S 
PAROUSIA. il. I—12. 
3. RENEWED THANKSGIVING AND EXHORTATION, ii. 13—15. 
4, PRAYER. li. τό, 17. 


CONSOLATORY AND HORTATORY. iii. 1—16. 


1. REQUEST FOR THE THESSALONIANS PRAYERS. iii. I, 2. 

2. CONFIDENCE IN THE THESSALONIANS’ PROGRESS. iii. 3—5. 

3. CHARGE WITH REGARD TO THE DISORDERLY. ili. 6—12. 

4, ExXHORTATION TO THE LoyAL MEMBERS OF THE CHURCH. 
11. 13—15. 

5. PRAYER. iii. 16, 


SALUTATION AND BENEDICTION. iii. 17, 18. 


ΠΡΟΣ 


ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΊΚΕΙΣ 


Β 


| eine καὶ Cirovavos καὶ Τιμόθεος τῆ ἐκκλησίᾳ 
Θεσσαλονικέων ἐν θεᾷ πατρὲ ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίῳ 
᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστᾷ" *yapis ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς 


\ 7 3 ro A 
καὶ κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 


ADDRESS AND 
GREETING. 


I. Παῦλος κτλ.] The address cor- 
responds word for word with the 
address in I. i. r (where see notes) 
except in the addition of ἡμῶν after 
πατρί emphasizing that it is the Divine 
fatherhood in relation to man and not 
to Christ that is specially in view. 

2. amo θεοῦ πατρός κτλ. These 
words, though unauthentic in 1. i. 1, 
form part of the true text here, and, 
as in all subsequent Pauline Epp., 
carry back the customary greeting 
χάρις κ. εἰρήνη to its ultimate source. 
Both subjects θεοῦ πατρός and κυρ. 
"Ino. Xp. are under the government of 
the same preposition ἀπό, and any 
distinction between them therefore as 
the ‘ultimate’ and the ‘mediating’ 
channel of grace and peace (as Find- 
lay), however true in reality, is out of 
place here. In 2 Jo. 3 the same 
relation is brought out by the repeated 
mapa...mapa, Which can hardly be dis- 
tinguished from ἀπό in this connexion, 
thougli in accordance with its general 
sense it may help to draw attention 
to the passage from the giver to the 
receiver (cf. Lft. on Gal. i. 12). 

The addition of ἡμῶν after πατρός ‘is 
well attested (NAG...Vg Go Boh Syrr), 
but in accordance with BDP 17 is 


Bt) 2. 


omitted by WH. Its insertion was 
doubtless due to its frequent presence 
in corresponding Pauline formulas. 


I. 3—II. 17. HISTORICAL AND 
DOCTRINAL. 
I, 3—12. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER 
FOR THE THESSALONIANS’ STATE. 


Following upon the Address comes 
the customary Thanksgiving which, 
while again closely recalling the 
Thanksgiving of the First Epistle, 
presents certain independent features. 
Thus special stress is now laid on 
the progress of the Thessalonians’ 
faith and love with the consequent 
boasting of the writers on their be- 
half (vv. 3, 4), while the mention of 
the afflictions from which at the 
time the Thessalonian Church was 
suffering is a natural starting-point 
for an emphatic appeal to the righteous 
judgment of God, by which the perse- 
cuted will be recompensed and the 
persecutors condemned (vv. 5—1I0). 
The whole is crowned by a character- 
istic reference to the Apostles’ con- 
tinual intercession for their converts 
(vv. 11, 12). 

3, 4. ‘We count it a duty, as well 
as a privilege, Brothers, to give thanks 
to God at all times for you, as indeed 
your own conduct fully merits, in view 


86 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [I 3,4 


3Εὐχαριστεῖν ὀφείλομεν τῷ θεῷ πάντοτε περὶ ὑμῶν 
x ρ φ μ ‘ ‘ ρ μ ? 
> / \ " ’ > « € ’ « / 
ἀδελφοί, καθὼς ἀξιόν ἐστιν, ὅτι ὑπεραυξάνει ἡ πίστις 
ε “ ’ / \ ες ’ cad 
ὑμῶν καὶ πλεονάζει ἡ ἀγάπη ἑνὸς ἑκάστου πάντων ὑμῶν 
« A -~ > ε ~ > - 
εἰς ἀλλήλους, ὥστε αὐτοὺς ἡμάς ἐν ὑμῖν ἐνκαυχάσθαι ἐν 


of the marvellous growth of your faith 
and the abounding love which you are 
all displaying towards one another. 
So marked indeed are these, that we 
on our own part are able to make 
a boast of you in the churches of God, 
as we think of the endurance and the 
faith which you have continued to 
show even among the persecutions and 
afflictions which are falling upon you 
at this time.’ 

3. ἙΕὐχαριστεῖν ὀφείλομεν] Cf. I. i. 
2, the addition of ὀφείλομεν in the 
present passage bringing out the 
Apostles’ sense of thanksgiving as 
actually a debt owing to God in view 
of their converts’ rapid growth in 
spiritual things (see below). As con- 
trasted with δεῖ ‘an obligation in the 
nature of things,’ ὀφείλω expresses ‘a 
special, personal obligation ’ (Westcott 
on I Jo. ii. 6). It is found combined 
with εὐχαριστεῖν as here in ii. 13; ef. 
Clem. R. Cor. xxxviii. 4, Barn. Zp. v. 
3 (ὑπερευχαριστεῖν) Vii. 1. 

καθὼς ἄξιόν ἐστι] not a mere tauto- 
logical repetition of ὀφείλομεν for the 
sake of emphasis (as Jowett), but 
bringing out the duty of the εὐχαρισ- 
ria from the human standpoint—* it 
is also merited by your conduct’ 
(Lft.): ef. Phil. i. 7, and for a similar 
use of ἄξιος see I Cor. xvi. 4. 

ὅτι] referring back to the principal 


statement evy. ὀφείλομεν, and in view 


of the emphatic ὀφείλομεν (see above) 
best given its full causal significance 
‘because, cf. ii. 13 and contrast 
I, it. 11% 

ὑπεραυξάνει] ‘ groweth exceedingly ’ 
(Vg. supercrescit, Beza vehementer 
augescat, Wycl. ouer wexith), as 
compared with the ὑστερήματα τ. 
πίστεως, I. iii. το. 

The verb is another of the verbs 


compounded with ὑπερ- for which St 
Paul shows such a marked predi- 
lection, cf. ὑπερβαίνω (I. iv. 6), 
ὑπερεντυγχάνω (Rom. viii. 26), ὑπερ- 
νικάω (Rom. viii. 37), vmepexreiva (2 
Cor. x. 14), ὑπερπλεονάζω (1 Tim. i. 14), 
all, like ὑπεραυξάνω, being az. λεγόμενα 
in the N.T.: see also the note on 
I. iii. 10, Like the simple αὐξάνω 
in the N.T. (except 1 Cor. iii. 6f, 
2 Cor. ix. 10), the verb is here used 
intransitively. 

καὶ πλεονάζει κτλ.] a fulfilment of 
the prayer of I. iii, 12. As dis- 
tinguished from ὑπεραυξάνει, πλεονάζει, 
which is found in the N.T. outside the 
Pauline Epp. only in 2 Pet. i. 8, points 
to diffusive rather than organic 
growth, and hence is fittingly used of 
ἀγάπη, while this love is further 
characterized as not only individually 
manifested (ἑνὸς ἑκάστου, ef. 1. ii. 11), 
but 48. extended to the entire 
Christian community at Thessalonica 
(πάντων ὑμῶν eis ἀλλήλους). Chrys. : 
καὶ ὅρα ayamnv' ov τὸν μὲν ἠγάπων, 
τὸν δὲ οὔ, ἀλλ᾽ ἴση ἦν παρὰ πάντων. 

4. ὥστε αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς κτλ. “80 
that we on our part... the emphati- 
cally placed αὐτούς not being simply 
reflexive, but serving to draw atten- 
tion to the fact that the Apostles, 
as well as the Thessalonians, have 
ground for boasting, inasmuch as it 
was through their agency, humanly 
speaking, that the foundations of 
the Thessalonians’ faith were laid. 

For ὥστε with inf. cf. I. i. 7 note. 

évkavxao bat | Ἐνκαυχᾶσθαι (for form, 
WH.? Notes p. 156f.) instead of the 
favourite Pauline καυχᾶσθαι (Epp.*) 
does not occur elsewhere in the N.T., 
but is found with the same con- 
struction as here in Pss. li. (lii.) 3, 
xevi. (xevii.) 7 (ἐγκ-), cv. (cvi.) 47. For 


I's] 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


87 


~ > ~ ~ \ ΄“ rd ri \ 

ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τοῦ θεοῦ ὑπερ Trs ὑπομονῆς ὑμῶν Kal 
~ ~ ~ ΄σ \ ~ , 

πίστεως ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς διωγμοῖς ὑμῶν Kal ταῖς θλίψεσιν 

ἘΣ » Ὁ ~ , “- ~ 

ais “dvexyerGe', "ἔνδειγμα τῆς δικαίας κρίσεως τοῦ θεοῦ, 


14 ἀνέχεσθε] ἐνέχεσθε Β 


the thought cf. I. ii. 19 στέφανος 
καυχήσεως, and for ἐν indicating the 
ground of the boasting see WM. 
p. 292. 

ἐν τ. ἐκκλησίαις τ. θεοῦ] ie. in 
Corinth and its neighbourhood, cf. 2 
Cor. i. 1. For a similar instance of 
boasting cf. 2 Cor. viii. 1ff., and for 
the use made of the present passage 
by Polycarp see Intr. p. lxxvif. 

ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑπομονῆς KTA.| Ὑπομονή 
(I. i. 3 note) is usually found associated 
with ἐλπίς, and its close union here 
with πίστις under a common art. has led 
to the latter’s being taken in the sense 
of ‘faithfulness’ (Beng.: ‘ fidelem 
constantiam confessionis’). But this 
passive significance of πίστις is, to say 
the least, very rare in the N.T. (ef. 
Rom. iii. 3, Gal. v. 22), and the occur- 
rence of the word in its ordinary 
active sense of ‘faith’ in the im- 
mediately preceding verse makes it 
more natural to give it the same 
meaning here. Nor need the added 
Clause ἐν πᾶσιν τ. διωγμοῖς κτλ. cause 
any difficulty in this respect. It was 
the very point of the Apostles’ boast 
that the Thessalonians had maintained 
a true religious ‘faith’ even in the 
midst of the ‘persecutions’ and 
‘afflictions’ which had been both 
numerous (πᾶσιν) and continuous 
(ἀνέχεσθε pres.). 

For the combination διωγμ. κ. θλίψ. 
ef. Mt. xiii. 21, Mk. iv. 17, the former 
being the more special term, with 
reference to the external persecutions 
inflicted by enemies of the Gospel (cf. 
Ac. viii. 1, xiii. 50, 2 Mace. xii. 23), 
the latter (cf. I. i. 6, note), more com- 
prehensively, afflictions of any kind. 

ais ἀνέχεσθε] ‘which ye are endur- 
ing. Ais is generally regarded as an 
attraction for ὧν ἀνέχεσθε, as elsewhere 


in the N. T. ἀνέχομαι is found with the 
gen. (e.g. 2 Cor. xi. 1, 19, Eph. iv. 2). 
But such an attraction as this would 
be unique (WM. p. 204 n.”), and it 
is simpler to regard ais as directly 
governed by ἀνέχεσθε for which we 
have class, authority, e.g. Hur. An- 
drom. 980 ξυμφοραῖς δ᾽ ἠνειχόμην. 

Findlay suggests that the gram- 
matical anomaly may have led to the 
Otherwise interesting variant αἷς 
ἐνέχεσθε (WH. mg.) ‘in which you are 
involved, ais being then regularly 
governed by ἐν- : cf. Gal. v. 1 μὴ 
πάλιν ζυγῷ δουλείας ἐνέχεσθε, P.Fior. 
57, 30 (iil./A.D.) ἐνέχεσθε ταῖς λειτουρ- 
γίαις. 

5. ‘ We have spoken of your heroic 
faith under persecution, and we gladly 
dwell upon it, becausein itself it affords 
a proof of what awaits you in the day 
of God’s final judgment, and will then 
result in your being found worthy of 
the heavenly Kingdom, for which you 
are now suffering.’ 

5. ἔνδειγμα κτλ.] ‘a plain token of 
the righteous judgment of God’ (Beza 
quae res indicium est tusti tudicit 
Dei). "Evdevypa (am. rey. N.T.) in 
accordance with its passive form 
denotes strictly a result that has been 
reached, ‘a thing proved, but as 
frequently in similar cases where the 
abstract gives place to the concrete 
can hardly be distinguished from 
ἔνδειξις the actual proof by an appeal 
to facts, cf. Rom. iii. 25 f., 2 Cor. viii. 
24, and especially the closely parallel 
passage Phil. i. 28 μὴ πτυρόμενοι ἐν 
pndevi...qris ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς evderkis 
ἀπωλείας. 

As regards construction, the analogy 
of this last passage has led to the 
treating of ἔνδειγμα as a nominative, 


some such ellipsis as 6 éorw being 


88 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[I 5 


᾽ \ ~ pe Ne See , ε αι ΣᾺ 
εἰς τὸ καταξιωθῆναι ὑμᾶς τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ, ὑπέρ' 


supplied (Blass p. 293). But it is 
more in keeping with class. usage to 
regard such noun-phrases as ac- 
cusatives, in apposition to the whole 
idea of the foregoing sentence (οἵ. 
Rom. viii. 3, xii. 1, 1 Tim. ii. 6, and 
see further Kiihner® ὃ 406, 6, Riddell 
The Apology of Plato (1877) p. 122). 
In the present instance, therefore, the 


meaning is that the heroic faith of the. 


Thessalonians under persecution is in 
itself a ‘ proof, a ‘sign’ (Est. ‘ argu- 
mentum et indicium’) of what God’s 
final judgment in their case will be. 

For δικαίας κρίσεως, a phrase not 
found elsewhere in the Pauline Epp. 
cf. Rom. ii. 5 δικαιοκρισίας which, how- 
ever, denotes ‘not so much the charac- 
ter of the judgment as the character 
of the Judge’ (SH. p. 56), and for the 
whole thought see Rom. viii. 18 ff., 
2 Cor. iv. 16 ff. 

As a literary parallel Garrod aptly 
cites the lines from Browning’s ‘ Abt 
Vogler ’— 


And what is our failure here but a 
triumph’s evidence 
For the fulness of the days? 


And as still better illustrating the 
confident appeal to the supreme judg- 
ment by which all present sufferings 
will be set in their true light, Dante’s 
great lines (Purg. x. 109---111) may 
be recalled— 


Non attender la forma del martire : 

Pensa la succession ; pensa che, a 
peggio, 

Oltre la gran sentenza non puo ire. 


eis τὸ καταξιωθῆναι κτλ.] Of. the 
common Rabbinic expression ‘To be 
worthy of the future aeon’ (Dalman 
Worte Ὁ. 97, E. Tr. p. 119). 

Καταξιόω, like the simple ἀξιόω (2. 
I1), denotes not ‘make’ but ‘ count 
worthy,’ and is found elsewhere in the 
N.T. only in Lk. xx. 35 of δὲ καταξιω- 
θέντες τοῦ αἰῶνος ἐκείνου τυχεῖν, Ac. 
Υ͂. 41 ὅτι κατηξιώθησαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος 


ἀτιμασθῆναι. In the Lxx. it is confined 
to Maccabees?! ; cf. Aristeas 175 τοὺς 
δὲ ἥκοντας τιμῆς καταξιῶν μείζονος. It 
is frequent in Polybius (e.g. i. 23. 3, 
iv. 86. 8); see also C.I.A. 111. 690, 9 f. 
ἀνατροφῆς τῆς αὐτῆς καταξιωθείς. 

For εἰς τό with inf., and for the 
meaning of τ. βασιλ. τ. θεοῦ see the 
notes on 1. ii. 12. : 

ὑπὲρ ἧς καὶ πάσχετε] cf. Rom. viii. 
17,. 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. iii, 10, and 
Dante Purg. xix. 76 f.— 

O eletti di Dio, li cui soffriri 

E giustizia e speranza fan men duri. 


6—10. From the thought of the 
future recompence awaiting the per- 
secuted Thessalonian Church the 
Apostles proceed to describe more 
fully the issue of the Lord’s Parousia 
in an apocalyptic passage closely based 
on the O.T. as regards both language 
and imagery (see Intr. p. lix). The 
form is largely rhythmical, so much 
so that Bornemann (pp. 329, 336) con- 
jectures that vv. 7°—10* may be an 
adaptation of some primitive Christian 
psalm or hymn. 

‘We are the more confident of this 
because it is in accord with God’s 
righteous law to mete out trouble 
to troublers, and to the troubled 
rest—a rest which we hope to share 
along with you at the revelation from 
heaven of the Lord Jesus attended by 
the angels, as the instruments of His 
power, and surrounded by a “fire 
of flame.” Then will He inflict full 
justice upon all who in wilful ignor- 
ance oppose themselves to God, and 
in consequence disobey the Gospel of. 
Christ. All such shall suffer a fitting 
penalty. Nothing less than eternal | 
ruin will fall upon them—banishment 
from the presence of the Lord and 
from the glory of His might. Yes, 
from that glory the wicked, your 
persecutors, will be shut out, for the 
object of the Lord’s coming is to 
be glorified in His saints and revered : 


Ι 6—8] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 89 


ἧς καὶ πάσχετε, “εἴπερ δίκαιον παρὰ θεῷ ἀνταποδοῦναι 
τοῖς θλίβουσιν ὑμᾶς θλίψιν Τκαὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς θλιβομένοις 
ἄνεσιν μεθ᾽ ἡμών ἐν TH ἀποκαλύψει τοῦ κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ 
ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ μετ᾽ ἀγγέλων δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ “ἐν πγρὶ φλογός, 


in all believers (amongst whom we 
may reckon you, for you received our 
testimony) in that great Day.’ 

6. εἴπερ δίκαιον κτλ. Εἴπερ (‘si 
quidem’) an intensive form, confined 
in the N.T. to the Pauline writings, 
which, without implying doubt as to 
the truth of the condition assumed, 
lays some stress on it as a condition 
(ef. Rom. iii. 30, viii. 9, 17; SH. p. 
96). That condition is here the exer- 
cise of the strict righteousness of God 
conceived as a jus talionis. 

For δίκαιον cf. δικαίας κρίσεως (Ὁ. 5), 
and for παρὰ θεῷ (‘judice Deo’) see 
WM. p. 493. 

ἀνταποδοῦναι κτλ. Th. Mops. retri- 
buere his qui tribulant uos retribu- 
lationem. For ἀνταποδίδωμι see I. 
lil. 9 note, and for θλίψις 1. i. 6 note. 
The language as well as the thought 
(cf. Rom. ii. 6ff.) is clearly suggested 
by O.T. prophecy, cf. especially Isa. 
Ixvi. 4, 14ff., and for a terse descrip- 
tion of the close connexion between 
sin and its ‘other half’ punishment 
see Sap. xi. 16 (17) δι᾿ ὧν τις ἁμαρτάνει, 
διὰ τούτων κολάζεται. 

7. ἄνεσιν] “Aveors, lit. ‘loosening,’ 
‘relaxing’ of the cords of endurance 
now tightly drawn (cf. Plato Rep. i. 
349E ἐν τῇ ἐπιτάσει Kal ἀνέσει τῶν 
χορδῶν), is, with the exception of Ac. 
xxiv. 23 (‘indulgence’ R.V.), used in 
the N.T. only by St Paul, and always 
with the contrast to θλίψις either 
stated or implied; cf. 2 Cor. ii. 13 
(see Ὁ. 4), vii. 5, Viii. 13. In the 
apocryphal books of the O.T. it is 
found also in the more general senses 
of ‘liberty’ (1 Esdr. iv. 62) and of 
‘licence’ (Sir. xv. 20 (21), xxvi. 10 
(13)): ef. also Aristeas 284 ἐν ταῖς 
ἀνέσεσι καὶ ῥᾳθυμίαις, P.Tebt. 24, 73 


(ii./B.0.) ἐν ἀν[ἔ]σει γεγονότας ‘ becom- 
ing remiss,’ 

In the present passage the ‘rest’ 
spoken of (Est.: ‘remissionem, relaxa- 
tionem, scilicet a pressuris hujus mun- 
di’) is practically synonymous with 
the καιροὶ ἀναψύξεως of Ac. iil. 19, 
where the context again determines 
the eschatological reference of the 
phrase: cf. also 486. sat. iv. 15 ‘ And 
He will give rest to the godly whom 
He shall find in the body in this 
world.’ 

μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν] }.6. with Paul and his com- 
panions, rather than with Christians 
in general: cf. 2 Cor. i. 7, Phil. i. 30. 
Oecum.: ἐπάγει τὸ μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν, iva 
κοινωνοὺς αὐτοὺς λάβῃ καὶ τῶν ἀγώνων 
καὶ τῶν στεφάνων τῶν ἀποστολικῶν. 

ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει xtr.| Cf. 1 Cor. i. 
7, and for the original suggestion of 
the phrase see Lk. xvii. 30 7 ἡμέρᾳ ὁ 
υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀποκαλύπτεται. Ἔν 
is not purely temporal but ‘in and 
through’ (cf. I. ii, 19 note), the ἀνταπό- 
doors being not only associated with 
the ἀποκάλυψις but actually forming a 
part of it: cf. 1 Pet. i. 7 (with Hort’s 
note), and on the distinction between 
ἀποκάλυψις and παρουσία see Add. 
Note F. 

For similar language from Jewish 
Apocalyptic cf. 4 Ezra vii. 28 (quoted 
I. iv, 17 note); xiii. 32 ‘et erit cum 
fient haec...tunc reuelabitur _filius 
meus quem uidisti uirum ascendentem,’ 

per ἀγγέλων κτλ.] ‘accompanied by 
angels of His power’—dvvayews not 
being a mere epithet of ἀγγέλων, but, 
as the accompanying αὐτοῦ shows, 
pointing directly to the power of the 
Lord Himself, of which the angels (cf. 
1. iii. 13 note) were the exponents and 
ministers. Calv.: ‘angelos potentiae 


90 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [19 


διδόντος ἐκδίκησιν τοῖς MH εἰδόοι θεὸν καὲ τοῖς MH YTIAKOYOYCIN 
ΜΌΝ ᾽ , ~ 7 ~~ ~ / ’ 
τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ, 9οἵτινες δίκην 


vocat, in quibus suam potestatem 
exseret,’ 

_ 8, ἐν πυρὶ φλογός a common figure 
in O.T. theophanies, and frequently 
associated as here with the thought 
of judgment, eg. Isa. Ixvi. 15 ἰδοὺ 
yap Κύριος ὡς πῦρ ἥξει... ἀποδοῦναι ἐν 
θυμῷ ἐκδίκησιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀποσκορακισ- 
μὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν φλογὶ πυρός. See also 
Apoc. Bar. xviii. 30, ‘Therefore a fire 
will consume their thoughts, and in 
flame will the meditations of their 
reins be tried; for the Judge will 
come and will not tarry, where as 
elsewhere in the same book (xliv. 15, 
lix. 2 (with Charles’s note), Ixxxv. 13) 
material fire seems to be intended. 
In St Paul’s hands on the contrary 
the figure has become entirely spiri- 
tualized, and there is certainly no 
thought here of ‘fire’ as the actual 
instrument for the destruction of the 
ungodly, as Kabisch appears to sug- 
gest (Eschatologie des Paulus (1893) 
p. 246). 

The v.l. ἐν φλογὶ πυρός (BDG 47 71) 
appears to be a conformation to Isa. 
Ixvi. 15 (cited above); on the other 
hand in ἐν πυρὶ φλογός (NAKLP) we 
may have a reminiscence of Lxx. Ex. 
iii. 2, where however AF read ἐν φλ. 
mup.: Cf. Ac. vii. 30 where there is a 
similar variation of reading. 

διδόντος ἐκδίκησιν] not to be con- 
nected with πυρός but directly with 
τ. kup. Ἰησοῦ, and serving to bring out 
further the judicial aspect under which 
this ἀποκάλυψις is here presented. 

᾿Εκδίκησις from ἔκδικος (I. iv. 6 note) 
is full, complete punishment, cf. 1 Pet. 
li. 14 εἰς ἐκδίκησιν κακοποιῶν: elsewhere 
it has the meaning of ‘avenging,’ ‘vin- 
dication’ (e.g. Lk. xviii. 7 ff.). The 
exact phrase δοῦναι ἐκδίκησιν is found 
only here in the N.T., but it occurs 
several times in the Lxx., e.g. Ezek. 
xxv. 14: cf. Isa. lxvi. 15 ἀποδοῦναι 
ἐκδίκησιν, and more particularly for 


the thought Deut. xxxii. 35 ἐν ἡμέρᾳ 
ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. On the power 
of judgment here ascribed to the Lord 
Jesus see Intr. p. lxvii. 

The v.l. διδούς (D*FG and some 
Latin authorities) for διδόντος, if it 
were better attested, would be an 
instance of the indifference to con- 
cord which we find so frequently in 
the Apocalypse, and in the less 
educated papyri (Moulton Prolegg. 
Pp. 9, 60). 

τοῖς μὴ εἰδόσι κτλ.] ‘to them that 
know not God and to them that obey 
not the gospel of our Lord Jesus.’ 
The two clauses (note repeated art.) 
are often referred to the Gentile — 
(I. iv. 5 note) and Jewish (Rom. x. 
16 ff.) opponents of the Gospel re- 
spectively. But it is doubtful whether 
any such distinction was in the writers’ 
minds at the time, nor can it be strictly 
applied, for Gentiles as well as Jews 
can be taxed with disobedience 
(Rom. xi. 30), while the wilful 
ignorance of God which alone can 
be thought of here (cf. Rom. ii. 14) 
is elsewhere directly ascribed to Jews 
(cf. Jer. ix. 6 οὐκ ἤθελον εἰδέναι pe). 
On the whole therefore it is better, 
and more in keeping with the He- 
braistic strain of the whole passage 
(Findlay), to take both clauses as 
referring to the same general class, 
viz. all who as the result of wilful 
ignorance or disobedience oppose 
themselves to God: οὗ Jer. x. 25 
ἔκχεον τὸν θυμόν σου ἐπὶ ἔθνη τὰ μὴ 
εἰδότα σε καὶ ἐπὶ γενεὰς αἱ τὸ ὄνομά 
σου οὐκ ἐπεκαλέσαντο, Where again the 
two closely parallel clauses form one 
extended category. 

The substitution of τ. evayy. τ. κυρ. 
hu. Ino. for τ. evayy. τ. θεοῦ (I. ii, 2 
&c.) is in accordance with the promi- 
nence given to the Lord Jesus 
throughout the section. . 

9. otrwes|‘men who’ (‘quippe qui’), 


πο τ δ 4 J 
CALIFOR™ 


IT1o] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS ΟΙ 


af , , ’ a ’ \ ΗΠ 
“πίσουσιν ὄλεθρον αἰώνιον ἀπὸ προοώπογ τοῦ κυρίου Kal ἀπὸ 


τῆς δόξης τῆς IcyYoc Δ τοῦ, *°6TAN 


the qualitative character of ὅστις, 
though generally lost in late Gk., 
being apparently maintained in the 
Pauline Epp., cf. Rom. i. 25, 1 Cor. 
iii. 17, Gal. iv. 24, 26, Phil. iv. 3, and 
see Blass p. 173, Moulton Prolegg. 
p. 91 ἢ 

In the papyri of the Ptolemaic 
period ὅστις has almost wholly dis- 
appeared, its place being taken by 
the simple ὅς, and in the plural often 
by ὅσοι (Mayser p. 310). 

δίκην ticovow] ‘shall pay a penalty. 
Δίκη, originally ‘custom,’ ‘usage,’ and 
hence ‘right’ considered as established 
usage, came to be extended to a ‘pro- 
cess of law’ or ‘judicial hearing’ (e.g. 
P.Hib. 30, 24 (iii./B.c.) ἡ δίκη σοι 
avaypapynoet{[al. ‘the case will be 
drawn up against you,’ P.Reinach 15, 
21 (ii./B.c.) ἄνευ δίκης καὶ κρίσεως καὶ 
πάσης εὑρεσιλογίας ‘sans proces, con- 
testation, ni chicane d’aucune sorte’), 
and then to the result of the lawsuit, 
‘execution of a sentence,’ ‘ punish- 
ment’: see Jude 7, Sap. xviii. 11, 
2 Mace. viii. 11,and cf. P.Fay. 21, 24 f. 
(ii. /A.D.) τὴν προσήκουσαν δίκην ὑ]πό- 
σχωσι ‘may pay the fitting penalty.’ 

The exact phrase δίκην τίνειν does 
not occur elsewhere in the N.T. though 
it is very common in class. writers, cf. 
Soph. Electra 330 ἀλλ᾽ ἴσθι τοι τίσουσά 
γ᾽ ἀξίαν δίκην, and the other exx. cited 
by Wetstein. For the verb οὗ Prov. 
XXVii. 12 ζημίαν τίσουσιν, B.G.U. 242, 
7f. (ii./A.D.) [πλ]ηγαῖς πλίσταις pe 
[ἐτ]είσατο. 

ὄλεθρον αἰώνιον) a phrase not found 
elsewhere in the N.T., but cf. 4 Mace. 
X. 15 τὸν αἰώνιον τοῦ τυράννου ὄλεθρον. 

As ὄλεθρον (I. v. 3 note) does not 
necessarily imply annihilation, so in 
itself αἰώνιον need not mean more than 
‘age-long, ‘age-lasting,’ the period 
over which it extends depending on 
the nature of the object with which 
the aeon has to do. Thus in both 


? 


ἔλθη ENAOZACOANAI EN τοῖς ἁγίοις 


papyri and inscriptions it is οἵ fre- 
quent occurrence with reference to 
the span of a Caesar’s life, cf. B.G.U. 
362. iv. 11 f. ὑπὲρ σωτηριῶν καὶ aia viov | 
διαμο[νῆ]ς τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν (Severus), 
and for a similar weakened sense of 
the word see Magn. 188, 12 f. (ii./a.D.) 
where reference is made to the monies 
spent by a certain Charidemos during 
his ‘life-long’ tenure of the office of 
gymnasiarch (εἰς γυμνασιαρχίαν aid- 
νιον). On the other hand, in view of 
St Paul’s consistent teaching regard- 
ing ὁ αἰὼν 6 μέλλων which is once and 
for ever to supplant ὁ αἰὼν οὗτος, the 
thought of ‘finality’ is necessarily 
present in the passage before us: the 
destruction is an ‘eternal’ one. See 
further Kennedy Last Things Ὁ. 316ff., 
and the passages cited by Volz Jiid. 
‘Eschat. Ὁ. 286 f. to: show that the 
eternity of woe was the ordinary 
teaching of Jewish writers. 

Lachmann’s reading ὀλέθριον is only 
supported by A 17 47 73; ef. Tert. adv, 
Mare. v. 16 ‘quos ait poenam luituros 
exitialem, aeternam.’ 

ἀπὸ προσώπου κτλ.] ‘The words are 
borrowed, as Tertullian had already 
remarked (adv. Marc. v. 16 ‘verbis 
usus Hsaiae’), from Isa. ii. 10, 19, 21, 
and hence ἀπό is best understood 
neither temporarily nor causally but 
locally in the sense of separation from 
the face of the Lord. For this preg- 
nant use of the preposition cf. ii. 2, 
Rom. ix. 3, 2 Cor. xi. 3, Gal. v. 4, and 
for the thought such passages as 
Mt. vii. 23, xxv. 41, Lk. xiii. 27 con- 
trasted with Mt. v. 8, 1 Jo. iii. 2, 
Rev. xxii. 4. 

Δόξης, as in I. ii. 12, is the visible 
glory which is the symbol of the 
Divine presence, while ἰσχύος (gen. 
orig.) is the strength by which the 
Lord is characterized, and from which 
His glory radiates ; cf. Ps. exlvi.(cxlvii.) 
5 μέγας ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν, Kal μεγάλη ἡ 


92 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


[I 10 


> “Ὁ \ ὥς 3 ~ ~ / εὖ 
ΔΥτοῦ καὶ θαγμδοθῆναι ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς πιστεύσασιν, ὅτι "ἐπι- 
\ / ΄σ ~ 5) We, Sad 2 ' 
στεύθη" τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμῶν ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ἐν TA ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνη. 


10 ἐπιστεύθη] ἐπιστώθη 31 


ἰσχὺς αὐτοῦ. For the distinction be- 
tween ἰσχύς strength absolutely and 
κράτος might, strength in relation to 
an end to be gained, see Westcott 
Eph. p. 25 f. 

10. ὅταν ἔλθῃ κτλ. ‘whenever He 
has (or, shall have) come...,’ the aor. 
subj. with ὅταν describing a completed 
action ‘future by virtue of its mood, 
punctiliar by its tense’ (Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 186). 

᾿Ενδοξασθῆναι is found elsewhere in 
the N.T. only in v. 12, but is common 
in the Lxx., cf. Ex. xiv. 4 ἐνδοξασθήσο- 
pat ἐν Φαραώ, andespecially Ps.1xx xviii. 
(Ixxxix.) 8 ὁ θεὸς ἐνδοξαζόμενος ἐν βουλῇ 
ἁγίων, a verse which may have sug- 
gested its use in the present passage. 

ἐν τ. ἁγίοις.) In accordance with 
the context these words can refer 
here only to redeemed men (ef. I. iii. 
13 note), the preposition marking 
them out not as the agents of the 
Lord’s glorification (Chrys.: ἐν, διά, 
ἐστί), but as the sphere or element 
in which this glorification takes 
place; cf. Jo. xvii. 10 δεδόξασμαι 
ἐν αὐτοῖς. 

καὶ θαυμασθῆναι κτλ. parallel to the 
preceding clause and with the same 
wide sweep, cf. Ps. Ixvii. (Ixviii.) 36 
θαυμαστὸς ὁ θεὸς ἐν τοῖς ὁσίοις αὐτοῦ. 
Bengel’s proposal to limit τ. ἁγίοις to 
converted Jews and πᾶσιν τ. πιστεύ- 
caow to converted Gentiles is quite 
untenable. 

For ὁ πιστεύσας as an almost 
technical title for ‘one who has ac- 
cepted the Gospel,’ ‘a believer,’ ef. 
Ae. ἅν 3%, Si 47. 

ὅτι ἐπιστεύθη κτλ. a parenthetical 
clause catching up the preceding τ. 
morevoaow,and expressing the writers’ 
conviction that in the Thessalonians’ 
case the testimony addressed to them 
had secured the desired result. 


While however the general sense is. 


clear, the construction of this clause 
is admittedly difficult. The words 
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς are usually connected directly 
with τὸ μαρτύριον ἡμ., as the order of 
the sentence naturally suggests, but 
no other instance of μαρτύριον with 
ἐπί in this sense is forthcoming (in 
Lk, ix. 5 éwi=‘against’) and Findlay’s 
idea of a ‘testimony accosting (assail- 
ing, challenging) you’ for which he 
compares 1 Tim. i. 18, Eph. ii. 7, Rey. 
xiv. 6 is, to say the least, somewhat 
far-fetched. We must be content 
therefore either to regard this as a 
unique construction, intended to em- 
phasize the direction the testimony 
took, or (with Lft.) connect ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς 
with ἐπιστεύθη in the sense ‘belief in 
our testimony directed itself to reach 
you. WH.? (Wotes p. 128) favour 
this latter connexion, but despairing 
of then finding a proper meaning for 
ἐπιστεύθη propose the conjectural 
emendation ἐπιστώθη (read in cod. 
min. 31) ‘was confirmed’: ‘the Chris- 
tian testimony of suffering for the 
faith had been confirmed and sealed 
upon the Thessalonians.’ 

ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ] a predicate of 
time connected with θαυμασθῆναι and 
rendered emphatic by position. For 
ἡ ἡμ. ἐκείνη as denoting the day of 
Christ’s final coming cf. Mk. xiii. 32, 
xiv. 25, Lk. xxi. 34, 2 Tim. i. 12, 18, 
iv. 8, and for the general meaning of 
the phrase see note on I. v. 2. 

11, 12. A characteristic reference 
to the writers’ constant prayers on 
their brethren’s behalf. 

‘And now that all this may be 
brought to pass, our earnest prayer 
is that our God will count you worthy 
of the heavenly rest for which you are 
looking. To this end may He mightily 
animate you with all delight in good- 
ness, and with a whole-hearted activity 
inspired by the faith you profess. Thus 


1117 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 93 


Ii > e\ 4 / 0 ’ 4 e ~ ε ς ~ 
Eis ὃ καὶ προσευχόμεθα πάντοτε περὶ ὑμῶν, iva ὑμᾶς 
΄σ / \ ΄- \ , - 
ἀξιώση τῆς κλήσεως ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν καὶ πληρώση πάσαν 
L 
> / \ 7, 7 > 7 
εὐδοκίαν ἀγαθωσύνης καὶ ἔργον πίστεως ἐν δυνάμει, 


the full glory of the Lord Jesus will 
be displayed in you, as you in your 
turn derive your glory from Him in 
accordance with the gracious purposes 
of our God and the Lord Jesus Christ.’ 

11. Eis 6] ‘to which end’ with 
reference to the whole contents of 
φῦ. 5—IO. 

iva vp. ἀξιώσῃ A€vow ‘count worthy’ 
(cf. καταξιόω Ὁ. 5) Occurs seven times 
in the N.T., and is usually associated 
as here with the thought of reward 
- {e.g. 1 Tim. v. 17, Heb. iii. 3), cf. how- 
ever Heb. x. 29 ἀξιωθήσεται τιμωρίας. 
The verb is frequent in the papyri 
in the sense of ‘beg,’ ‘entreat,’ e.g. 
P.Tebt. 28, 15 (ii-/B.0.) ἀξιοῦμεν ἐμβλέ- 
ψαντα εἰς τὰ ὑποδεδειγμένα “we beg you 
to look into the matters indicated 
and...’ 

For ἵνα following προσεύχομαι cf. 
Mk. xiii. 18, xiv. 35, 38, Phil. i. 9, and 
for its semi-final force here see the 
note on Ἷ. iv. I. 

κλήσεως] Usually in the N.T. 
κλῆσις is applied to the initial act 
of salvation as a Divine invitation 
(Rom. xi 29, 1 Cor. i. 26) carrying 
with it great responsibilities (Eph. 
iv. 1,2 Pet. i. 10), and that meaning 
is by no means impossible here in the 
sense that on the day of Christ’s 
return the Thessalonians’ whole life 
may be found to have been in har- 
mony with the call once addressed to 
them. There seems no reason how- 
ever why the word should not be 
definitely extended to include the 
final issue of the calling, much in 
the sense of τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως in Phil. 
iii. 14 or κλήσεως ἐπουρανίου in Heb. 
iii. 1: cf. the similar use of καλέω in 
]. ii. 12, and see further Intr. p. lxxix. 

ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν] For the expression cf. 
1. ii. 2 note, and for the change from 
the 2nd pers. pron. (ὑμᾶς) to the Ist 
cf. I, v. 5» note. 


καὶ πληρώσῃ κτλ.] ‘and may fulfil 
every delight in goodness and work 
of faith in power.’ The almost tech- 
nical use of εὐδοκία in the Bibl. 
writings to denote the good-will of 
God to man (e.g. Ps. ev. (evi.) 4, Lk. 
ii. 14, Eph. i. 5, 9, Phil. ii. 13; ef. Pss. 
Sol. viii. 39, Enoch i. ὃ καὶ τὴν εὐδοκίαν 
[εὐοδίαν, Charles] δώσει αὐτοῖς) has led 
to the translation of the A.V. ‘all the 
good pleasure of his goodness’ (Beza 
totum suae bonitatis libitum). But if 
this had been intended we should 
have expected the art. before evdo- 
κίαν, While the further considerations 
that ἀγαθωσύνης is never used else- 
where of God (cf. Rom. xv. 14, Gal. 
Υ. 22, Eph. v. 9) and that the accom- 
panying parallel clause x. ἔργον πίσ- 
rews must refer to the Thessalonians 
are both in favour of extending εὐδο- 
κίαν to them also. The word can then 
only mean the ‘good pleasure,’ ‘de- 
light’ in ‘goodness’ (ἀγαθωσύνης, gen. 
obj.), which it was the prayer of the 
Apostles that their converts might 
evince in full measure. 

For evdoxia (not found in class. Gk.) 
in this sense cf. Sir. xxix. 23 (30), 
XXXV. 14 (xxxii. 18), Pss. Sol. xvi, 12 
εὐδοκίᾳ δὲ μετὰ ἱλαρότητος στήρισον 
τὴν Ψυχήν μου, and see the note on 
εὐδοκέω I. ii. 8. The corresponding 
subst. evdoxnois occurs O.G.L.S. 335, 
122 (Perg.) κατὰ τὴϊν τοῦ δήμου 
ἐπιταγὴν καὶ τὴν βασιλέω]ς εὐδόκησιν. 

ἀγαθωσύνης] ᾿Αγαθωσύνη ἃ late form 
(WH.? Notes p. 159, WSchm, p. 134) 
found only in the .txx., N.T., and 
writings derived from them. It is 
always rendered ‘goodness’ in A.V., 
R.V., and ‘represents the kindlier, as 
δικαιοσύνη represents the sterner ele- 
ment in the ideal character: comp. 
Rom. v. 7’ (Robinson Eph. p. 200). 
See further Trench Syn. ὃ lxiii., and 
cf. the valuable note on δίκαιος and 


94 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [I 12 


we Ε a κι ~ / e ~ > ~ > «7 
OTIC ENAOZACOH TO ONOMA TOU KUPLOU ἡμῶν Ιησ οῦ €N YMIN, 


\ ~ ΄- \ A / ΄ a ΄ \ 
Kal ὑμεῖς ἐν αὐτῷ, κατὰ THY χαριν TOU θεοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ 


κυρίου ᾿Ιησ οὗ Χριστοῦ. 


ἀγαθός in Lft. Notes on Epp. of 
St Paul p. 286 f. 

For ἔργον πίστεως ‘activity inspired 
by faith’ cf. I. i. 3 note. 

ἐν δυνάμει] an adv. adjunct to 
πληρώσῃ to bring out the manner 
of God’s working, cf. Rom. i. 4, 
Col. i. 29, and the Prayer-Book collect 
for Monday in Haster-week: ‘That, as 
by Thy special grace preventing us 
Thou dost put into our minds good 
desires, so by Thy continual help we 
may bring the same to good effect.’ 

12. ὅπως] rare with St Paul, and 
used here probably to vary the pre- 
ceding iva, cf. 1 Cor. i. 29, 2 Cor. viii. 
14 (Blass p. 211). 

ἐνδοξασθῇ]} cf. v. το note, and for 
the reciprocity here implied (ἐν ὑμ. x. 
vp. ἐν αὐτῷ) resting on the essential 
union between the Lord and His 
people see Jo. xvii. 9 f., 20 ff. 

τὸ ὄνομα τ. kup. Hu. Ἰησοῦ] The use 
of ὄνομα here goes back to the O.T., 
where in accordance with its most 
characteristic usage ‘the name of 
Jehovah’ is to be understood as em- 
bodying His (revealed) character (see 
B.D.B. 5.0. 08, and ef, Art. ‘Name’ in 
Hastings’ D.B. iii. p. 478 ff.). The 
glorification of the name of the Lord 
Jesus thus implies the showing forth 
of the Lord Jesus as He really is, in 
all the fulness of His person and 
attributes (cf. Phil. ii. 9 f., Heb. i. 4). 

With this may be compared the 
well-established Gk. usage of ὄνομα 
as a title of dignity or rank, eg. 
P.Oxy. 58 (iii./a.D.) where the writer 
complains of the expense caused to 
the treasury by the number of persons 
who have devised ‘offices’ for them- 
selves (ὀνόματα ἑαυτοῖς ἐξευρόντες), and, 
after providing for a single trust- 
worthy superintendent, ordains that 
the remaining ‘offices’ shall cease 
(ra δὲ λοιπὰ ὀνόματα παύσηται). It 


should be noted however that very | 
frequently ὄνομα can mean little more 
than ‘person,’ eg. B.G.U. 113, 11 
(1..4.}.) ἑκάστῳ ὀνόματι παραγ(ενομένῳ): 
see further Deissmann BS. p. 196 ff, 
Reitzenstein Poimandres p. 17 u.°, 
and cf. the note on iii. 6. 

κατὰ τὴν χάριν κτλ.] not merely the 
norm but the source of the glorifica- 
tion spoken of in accordance with a 
common derived use of xara (WM. 
p. 501). Pelag.: ‘Expetit a nobis, 
quod possumus: ut quod non pos- 
sumus, largiatur,’ 

The fact that the art. is not repeated 
before κυρίου would seem at first sight 
to imply that both θεοῦ and κυρίου 
refer to the same person, ‘(grace) of 
our God and Lord, Jesus Christ, 
But this cannot be pressed in view 
of the frequent occurrence of κύριος 
without the art. as practically equiva- 
lent to a proper name, and it is more 
in keeping with general Pauline usage 
to distinguish between the Father as 
θεός and Jesus Christ as κύριος, οἷ. in 
these Epp. I. i. 1, II. i. 1, 2, ii. 16, 
We translate therefore as in the R.V., 
‘according to the grace of our God 
and the Lord Jesus Christ’: see 
further Middleton On the Greek 
Article (ed. Rose) p. 379 ff. 


II. 1—12. TEACHING CONCERNING THE 
EVENTS PRECEDING THE LoRD’s 
PAROUSIA. 


We have seen already what were 
the circumstances leading up to the 
writing of this remarkable section— 
how, on the one hand, St Paul had to 
do his utmost to allay the restless 
excitement of which there were in- 
creasing signs amongst the Thessa- 
lonians, and, on the other, to guard 
against saying anything to discourage 
their belief in the near approach of the 
Lord (Intr. p. xxxviiif.). And it must 


11] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 95 


ue 


᾿Ἐρωτώμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, ὑπὲρ τῆς παρου- 


, - / ea ies We ΄“ “ ἈΝ ΕΥ̓ τ δὰ 2 
σίας Tov κυρίου [jor] ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ HMMWV ἐπισυνα- 


IL ἡμῶν om Β Syr (Harcl) 


be at once admitted that the manner 
in which he proceeds to do so is at 
first sight both strange and bewilder- 
ing. For, instead of conveying his 
warning in a clear and definite form, 
the Apostle prefers to embody it in 
a mysterious apocalyptic picture, 
which has not only no parallel in his 
own writings, but is unlike anything 
else in the N.T., unless it be certain 
passages in the Revelation of St John 
(e.g. xiii, 5—8, 12—1I7, xvi. 9—I1I). 
Nor is this all, but the difficulties of 
the passage are still further increased 
by the grammatical irregularities and 
frequentellipses with which it abounds, 
and even more by the manifest reserve 
with which the whole subject is 
treated. 

In the following exposition there- 
fore we shall try and discover as 
clearly as possible with the aid of the 
O.T. and the apocalyptic writings of 
the Apostle’s time the meaning of the 
different words and phrases, leaving 
the general teaching of the passage to 
Add. Note I, and the history of the 
various interpretations that have been 
offered of it to Add. Note J. The 
arguments against the authenticity 
of the Ep. to which it has given rise 
have already been discussed Intr. 
p. Ixxxv f. 

The section opens with an appeal 
to the Thessalonians not to be led 
astray by false ideas regarding the 
coming of the Lord (vv. 1, 2). So far 
from His Parousia being ‘upon them,’ 
it will not take place until after the 
great Apostasy, culminating in the 
‘parousia’ of the Man of lawlessness 
(wv. 3,4). The signs of that ‘parousia’ 
are already at work, and it only re- 
quires the removal of the presently 
restraining influence for its full revela- 
tion to take place (wv. 5—7)—a revela- 


tion which, though it will end in the 
complete destruction of the ‘lawless 
one,’ will bring judgment on all who 
have set themselves against the Truth 
(wv. 8—12). 

1—4. ‘We have been speaking of 
the great Day of the Lord, but that 
you may not fall into any mistake as 
to the Parousia of the Lord by which 
it will be ushered in, and the as- 
sembling of believers by which it will 
be accompanied, we beg of you, 
Brothers, not to allow your minds to 
be unsettled for little or no reason, 
or to be kept disturbed by any pro- 
phetic utterance, or teaching, or letter, 
any or all of them purporting to come 
from us, to the effect that the Day of 
the Lord has actually arrived. De 


not, we beg of you, let any man lead 


you completely astray in this or any 
other way. For in no case will this 
Parousia take place until after the 
great Apostasy, and the consequent 
revelation of the Man of lawlessness, 
that son of perdition. So terrible 
indeed will be his revolt that, as the 
embodiment of Satanic power, he will 
be found exalting himself against 
every one that is spoken of as god, or 
that is an object of worship. Yes, he 
will even go the length of seating him- 
self in the Temple of God, and claiming 
to be God.’ 

I. ἜἘρωτώῶμεν δέ xtd.] For ἐρωτάω 
see 1. iv. 1 note, and for ἀδελφοί see 
1. i. 4 note. 

ὑπὲρ τ. παρουσίας] ‘as regarding the 
Parousia,’ the original meaning of 
ὑπέρ ‘on behalf of, ‘in the interest of’ 
being here almost wholly lost sight of, 
ef. Rom. ix. 27, 2 Cor. i. 8, viii. 23, 
xii. 8, and such a passage from the’ 
Κοινή as P.Tebt. 19, of. (ii./B.0.) ὑπὲρ δὲ 
ὧν onpaivers κωμογραμματέων μόλις ἕως 
τῆς κε χωρισθήσονται, ‘regarding the 


96 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 2 


γωγῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, "εἰς τὸ μὴ ταχέως σαλευθῆναι ὑμᾶς 
ἀπὸ τοῦ νοὸς μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι μήτε διὰ πνεύματος μήτε 


komogramateis whom you mention, 
they will hardly depart until the 25th.’ 
In no case is there any warrant for 
the A.V. rendering ‘by’ as an adjura- 
tion (Vg. per adventum). 

For παρουσία see Add. Note F, and 
for the full title τ. κυρ. "Ino. Xp. see 
Add. Note D. 

emauvvaywyns| The word goes back 
to such a saying of the Lord as 
Mk. xiii, 27 καὶ ἐπισυνάξει τοὺς 
ἐκλεκτοὺς αὐτοῦ, and is found else- 
where in the N.T. only in Heb. x. 25 
where it is applied to the ordinary 
religious assembling of believers as an 
anticipation of the great assembling 
at the Lord’s Parousia: cf. 2 Mace. ii. 7 
ἕως av συνάγῃ ὁ θεὸς ἐπισυναγωγὴν τοῦ 
λαοῦ with reference to the gather- 
ing of the tribes into the temporal 


kingdom of the Messiah. For the verb 


see Deut. xxx. 4, Ps. cv. (cvi.) 47, Zach. 
xii. 3, 2 Mace. i. 27, Didache ix. 4, 
and cf. 0.G.LS. 90, 23 (ii./B.o.—the 
Rosetta stone) τοῖς ἐπισυναχθεῖσιν εἰς 
αὐτὴν ἰΔύκων πόλιν] ἀσεβέσιν. 

2. εἰς τὸ μὴ τάχ. σαλευθῆναι] ‘to 
the end that you be not readily driven 
away’ from your sober sense, as a ship 
from its safe anchorage. For this 
use of σαλεύειν cf. especially Plut. 
Mor. ii. 493 D (cited by Lft.) where 
ὔρεξιν τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν ἀποσαλεύουσαν 
is followed almost immediately by ὡς 
ἐπ᾿ ἀγκύρας τῆς φύσεως σαλεύει. 

The verb (from σάλος, Lk. xxi..25), 
which is very common in the Lxx. in 
its literal sense of the motion pro- 
duced by winds and storms, is found 
also figuratively, as here, especially in 
the Pss. (e.g. ix. 27 (x. 6), xxix. (xxx.) 
7): ef. 1 Mace. vi. 8, Pss. Sol. viii. 39, 
xy. 6, Ac. xvii. 13 (where it is joined 
with ταράσσειν), Heb. xii. 26 ἔ,, also 
ο.Ο.1.8. 515, 47 (iii/A.D.) σαλεύει yap 
ws dAn|Oas ἡ σωτηρία τῆς πόλε]ως ἐκ 
κακουργίας. 

Ταχέως ‘ hastily,’ ‘ readily,’ the refer- 


ence being not so much temporal as 
modal: cf. Gal. i. 6, τ Tim. v. 22. 

ἀπὸ τοῦ νοός} ‘from your reason’ 
(Wycl. from your witte)—vods (for 
form, WSchm. p. 84) being used in its 
regular Pauline sense of the reasoning 
faculty, especially on its moral side, 
the highest part of man’s own nature, 
through which he is most open te 
Divine influences: cf. 1 Cor. xiy. 
14 ff., Phil. iv. 7. The word, which is 


rare in the Lxx. (usually for py) or 
135), is found in the N.T. outside 


the Padiins writings only in Lk. xxiv. 
45, Rev. xiii. 18, xvii. 9. Thpht.: 
παρατραπῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ νοός, ὃν μέχρι 
τοῦ νῦν ἔχετε ὀρθῶς ἱστάμενον. 

μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι)] ‘nor yet be dis- 
turbed’ in accordance with the re- 
gular Bibl. use of θροεῖσθαι : cf. Cant. 
V. 4 καὶ ἡ κοιλία μου ἐθροήθη ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, 
and especially Mt. xxiv. 6, Mk. xiii. 7 
where, as here, it is used with refer- 
ence to the Parousia. The present 
tense should be noted as pointing to 
a continued state of agitation follow- 
ing upon a definite shock received 
(σαλευθῆναι). 

μήτε διὰ πνεύματος κτὰλ.}] The 
Apostles now proceed to distinguish 
three ways in which the θρόησις just 
spoken of may have been caused, the 
thrice repeated pyre dividing the 
foregoing negation (μηδὲ θροεῖσθαι) 
into its component parts: ‘neither 
by spirit (i.e. ecstatic utterance, cf. 
I. ν. 19), nor by (reasoned) discourse, 
nor by letter.’ 

So far the meaning seems clear, 
but the introduction of the following 
words ὡς δ ἡμῶν has been the cause 
of much difficulty. As usually under- 
stood, they are regarded as a kind of 
adjectival clause appended to ἐπίστο-. 
Ags ‘as though (coming) from us’ or 

‘as though we had written it’ ri 


II 3] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 97 


\ 7 7 4 4 a ες Φ᾽Ξκ a e c/ PY 
διὰ λόγου μήτε Ol ἐπιστολῆς ὡς Ov ἡμῶν, ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστη- 
ΣΑΣ 4 eee ον a 3 / κ΄ το ον / \ 
κεν ἡ ἡμέρα τοῦ "κυρίου. μή τις ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσῃ κατὰ 


2 kuplov,—sic distinguere conati sunt WH 


A.D.) ra διὰ τῶν ἐπ[ιΠστολῶν αὐτοῦ). 
But if so, in view of the close 
parallelism of the preceding clauses, 
it seems impossible not to extend 
the qualification to them also. The 
general meaning would then be that 
in the event of false teachers arising 
and appealing in support of their 
views to some revelation or teaching 
or letter purporting to come from 
the Apostles, the Thessalonians were 
not to be disturbed as if they (the 
Apostles) were in reality in any way 
responsible. (Erasm.: ‘ Paulus non 
vult eos commoveri, neque per 
spiritum tanquam a Paulo profec- 
tum, neque per sérmonem Pauli no- 
mine allatum, neque per epistolam 
illius iussu aut nomine scriptam.’) 

A modification of this view, suggest- 
ed appareutly first by Dr Marcus Dods, 
and since advocated on independent 
grounds by Askwith (Zntrod. p. 92 ff.) 
and Wohlenberg, by which ὡς δι᾽ 
ἡμῶν, instead of being dependent on 
the noun-clauses, is rather to be re- 
ferred back to σαλευθῆναι and θροεῖ- 
σθαι as a separate statement, has 
the advantage of giving διά the same 
force as in the preceding clauses. 
But the former connexion is on the 
whole simpler, nor is there any real 
difficulty in the use of διά in the 
qualifying clause instead of παρά or 
ἀπό. Ina friendly letter the use of the 
prepositions must not be judged with 
the same strictness as in a classical 
treatise, more especially when, as 
here, no important doctrinal issue is 
at stake. In any case there is no need 
to fall back on the conjectural reading 
ὡς δὴ ἡμῶν ‘as pretending to be ours,’ 
Field Notes p. 202. 

It is only necessary to add that the 
anarthrous ἐπιστολῆς cannot -be re- 
ferred directly to 1 Thess. (as by Paley 
Hor. Paul. x. § 3), although the 


M. THESS. 


knowledge that passages in their 
former Ep., such as iv. 13 ff, had 
been misunderstood may have been 
the cause of the writers’ referring to 
‘a letter’ at all as amongst the possible 
sources of error. 

ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστηκεν κτλ.] ‘as if the day 
of the Lord is now present’ (Vg. 
quasi instet dies Domini)—oés ὅτι 
being equivalent to. the Attic ὡς 
c. gen. abs. (cf. 2 Cor. v. 19, xi. 21, 
and see Blass’, p. 235 f.), and évéorn- 
κεν denoting strictly present time as 
in Rom. viii. 38, 1 Cor. iii. 22, Heb. 
ix. 9. Beng.: ‘magna hoe verbo pro- 
pinquitas significatur; nam ἐνεστὼς 
est praesens. The verb is very 
common in the papyri and inscrip- 
tions with reference to the current 
year, e.g. P.Oxy. 245, 6 (i./A.D.) εἰς τὸ 
ἐνεστὸς ιβ (ἔτος), Magn. 100 b, 26 ἐν τῶι 
ἐνεστῶτι ἐνιαυτῶι. ἡ 

It may be added that in late Gk. 
ὡς ὅτι also appears in a sense hardly 
differing from the simple ὅτι, eg. 
Dion. Hal. Anit. ix. 14 ἐπιγνοὺς ὡς 
[om. ws, Kiessling] ὅτι ἐν ἐσχάτοις εἰσὶν 
οἱ κατακλεισθέντες ἐν τοῖς λοφοῖς, 
C.P.R. 19, 3 (iv./A.D.) πρώην βίβλια 
ἐπιδέδωκα τῇ σῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ ws ὅτι 
ἐβουλήθην τινὰ ὑπάρχοντά μου ἀποδόσ- 
θαι (Jannaris, § 1754, Moulton, Pro- 
legg. Ῥ. 212). 

3. μή τις ὑμ. ἐξαπατήσῃ) A general 
warning leading up to the statement 
of the following clause. In their 
margin WH. suggest placing a comma 
at κυρίου, and thus connecting the 
words elliptically with what has gone 
before—‘(we say this) lest any one 
should....’ But the ordinary con- 
nexion is simpler, and more in keep- 
ing with our Lord’s saying which may 
well have been in the writers’ minds : 
βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς πλανήσῃ᾽ πολλοὶ 
γὰρ ἐλεύσονται κτλ. (Mt. xxiv. 4 f.). 

᾿Ἐξαπατάω, a strengthened form οὗ 


7 


98 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II3 


δέ , i ε΄ a A af θ ε > , ΄σ 

μηδένα τρόπον" OTL ἐαν μὴ ἔλθη ἡ ἀποστασία πρῶτον 
\ > xr θη Sf θ a ΓΞ 9 7 =| ε ©} 4 

kat ἀποκαλυφθη ὁ ἀνθρωπος τῆς "ἀνομίας", ὁ υἱὸς τῆς 


3 ἀνομίας SB al pauc Sah Boh Orig } Cyr-Hier al: ἁμαρτίας ADG al pler Lat 


(Vet Vg) Syr (Pesh Harcl) Go Iren™* Orig ὁ 


Theod-Mops"* al plur 


ἀπατάω (τ Tim. ii. 14), is confined in 
the N.T. to the Pauline writings, ef. 
Rom. xvi. 18, 1 Cor. iii. 18. For the 
rare use of the prohibitory subj. in the 
3rd_pers. ef. 1 Cor. xvi. 11 (Burton, 
§ 166). 

κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον] i.e. not only 
not in any of the three ways already 
specified, but ‘in no way ’—evidently 
a current phrase, cf. P.Amh. 35, 28 


(ii./B.c.), P.Lond. ut. 951, 4 f. (iii./A.D.). 


Thdt. : πάντα κατὰ ταὐτὸν τὰ τῆς ἀπάτης 
ἐξέβαλεν εἴδη. 

ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ ἔλθῃ κτλ. an elliptical 
sentence, the apodosis being lost 
sight of in view of the length of 
the protasis, but too clearly implied 
in what precedes to occasion any 
difficulty: ‘because the Parousia of 
the Lord will not take place unless 
there come the Apostasy first.’ 

It is not so easy, however, to deter- 
mine in what this Apostasy consists. 
In late Gk. ἀποστασία is found as an 
equivalent of ἀπόστασις (Lob. Phryn. 
Ῥ. 528) in the sense of political de- 
fection or revolt, e.g. Plut. Galba i. 
κάλλιστον ἔργον διαβαλὼν τῷ μισθῷ, 
τὴν ἀπὸ Νέρωνος ἀποστασίαν προδοσίαν 
γενομένην, and the same meaning has 
been attached to it here, as when 
it has been referred to the revolt of 
the Jews from the Romans (Schéttgen 
Hor. Heb. i. p. 840). But the usage 
of both Luxx. and in N.T. is decisive 
against any such interpretation. Thus 
in Josh. xxii. 22 the word is directly 
applied to rebellion against the 
Lord (ἐν ἀποστασίᾳ ἐπλημμελήσαμεν 
ἔναντι τοῦ κυρίου), and in 1 Mace. ii. 15 
to the efforts of the officers of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes to compel the 
people to sacrifice to idols (οἱ xara- 
ναγκάζοντες τὴν ἀποστασίαν... ἵνα θυ- 


Hipp Eus Ephr Chr Orig!** Ambst 


σιάσωσιν), cf. also 2 Chron. xxix. 19, 
Jer. ii. 19; while in Ac, xxi. 21, the 
only other passage in the N.T. where 
it occurs, we read of dzrooraciav...amo 
Μωυσέως, With which may be com- 
pared the use of the corresponding 
verb ἀφίσταμαι in 1 Tim. iv. 1, Heb. 
iii. 12; cf. M. Anton. iv. 29 ἀπόστημα 
κόσμου ὁ ἀφιστάμενος καὶ χωρίζων 
ἑαυτὸν τοῦ τῆς κοινῆς φύσεως λόγου. 

Whatever then the exact nature of 
the apostasy in the present connexion, 
it must at least be a religious apo- 
stasy, and one moreover, as the use of 
the def. art. proves, regarding which 
the Apostles’ readers were already 
fully informed. In this conclusion 
we are confirmed when we pass to the 
next words. 

καὶ ἀποκαλυφθῇ] ‘and (so) there be 
revealed (the man of lawlessness) ’— 
a second historical condition pre- 
ceding the Lord's Parousia, or rather, 
giving καί its full consecutive force 
(I. iv. 1 note), the sign in which the 
just-mentioned ἀποστασία finds its 
consummation. 

The emphatic ἀποκαλυφθῇ by which 
the appearance of this sign is de- 
scribed is very significant, not only as 
marking the ‘superhuman’ character 
of the coming spoken of, but as 
placing it in mocking counterpart 
to the ἀποκάλυψις of the Lord Jesus 
Himself, cf. i. 7 and note the repe- 
tition of the same verb in vv. 6, ὃ of 
this chapter. For other exx. of hostile 
powers assuming the semblance of 
what they oppose see 2 Cor. xi. 13 ff., 
Rev. ii, 2, and cf. Asc. Lsai. iv. τὸ 
where it is said of Beliar that he 
‘manifested himself and acted openly 
in this world,’ 

ὁ ἄνθρωπος τ. ἀνομίας] the man, that 


-»».....  ... 


1411] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


99 


3 / 4 > / Re , > \ ' λ 

ἀπωλείας, 40 ἀντικείμενος Kal ὑπερδιρόμενοο ἐπὶ πᾶντὰ λε- 
e/ \ 5 ᾿ A in “ 

γόμενον θεὸν ἢ σέβασμα, ὥστε αὐτον εἶς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ 


is, of whom ‘lawlessness’ is the true 
and peculiar mark—dvoypias being 
used here, as elsewhere in the N.T., 
to describe the condition not of one 
living without law, but of one who 
acts contrary to law, and thus as prac- 
tically equivalent to the ν.]. ἁμαρτίας 
(WH. mg.): ef. 1 Jo. iii. 4 ἡ ἁμαρτία 
ἐστὶν ἡ ἀνομία, and as illustrating 
the active sense belonging to the 
word cf. P.Par. 14, 27 f. (11.8.6. 
ἀφορήτῳ δὲ ἀνομίᾳ ἐξενεχθέντες. The 
lawless one is thus none other than 
Belial (cf. 2 Cor. vi. 15) in accordance 
with the Bibl. usage by which >y*?3 
is rendered by ἀνόμημα (Deut. xv. 9), 
ἀνομία (2 Regn. xxii. 5), or ἀποστασία 
(3 Regn. xx. (xxi.) 13 A), and in keeping 
with the (erroneous) Rabbinical deri- 
vation of the word from 3 ‘ without’ 
and δὴν ‘yoke,’ ie. one who will not 
accept the yoke of the law (see Jew. 
Encycl. 5.0. ‘ Antichrist’). ‘Law, in 
all its manifestations is that which he 
[the Antichrist] shall rage aguinst, 
making hideous application of that 
great truth, that where the Spirit is, 
there is liberty’ (Trench Hulsean 
Lectures Ὁ. 136; οὗ Syn. ὃ Ixvi. 
227 £.). 

ὁ vids τ. ἀπωλείας] a second dis- 
tinguishing epithet: so completely 
has the lawless one fallen under the 
power of ‘perdition’ (cf. Jo. xvii. 12) 
that it may be regarded as his ulti- 
mate destination, cf. 1 Regn. xx. 31 


υἱὸς θανάτου οὗτος i.e. ‘destined to . 


death. The thought of final doom 
is, however, only indirectly present in 
the description (cf. note on ὄλεθρος, 
i. 9). Here rather, as elsewhere in 
his Epp. (Rom. ix. 22, Phil. i. 28, iii. 
19, 1 Tim. vi. 9), St Paul employs ἀπώ- 
λεια in direct antithesis, either stated 
or implied, to σωτηρία, full and com- 
plete blessedness, in harmony with 
the usage of the word (and its allied 


terms) in the txx. and the later 
writings of the Jews: cf. I. v. 3 note, 
and see further Kennedy Last 
Things p. 119 f£., Volz Jitid. Eschat, 
p. 282 ἢ. 

The phrase ‘sons of perdition’ 
(=}72N7 °22) is found in Jubilees 
x. 3, with reference to those who- 
perished in the Flood. 

4. ὁ ἀντικείμενος kK. ὑπεραιρόμενος 
κτλ.] a continued description of the 
lawless one in two participial clauses 
bound together under the vinculum 
of a common article. The first clause 
is generally taken as a participial 
subst.=‘the adversary’ (cf. Lk. xiii. 
17, Phil. i. 28, 1 Tim. v. 14), but if 
so, care must be taken not to refer 
the description to Satan himself. 
Rather, as v. 9 shows, the being 


_ spoken of is the tool or emissary of 


Satan, working in his name and 
power (κατ᾽ ἐνέργειαν τ. Σατανᾶ), and, 
as such, is further distinguished as 
‘the exalter of himself against every 
one called god or object of worship.’ 
Beng. : ‘effert se corde, lingua, stilo, 
factis, per se, per suos.’ 

Ὑπεραίρομαι is found in the N.T. 
only here and in 2 Cor. xii. 7 (bis); 
cf. 2 Chron. xxxii. 23, and see the 
note on i. 3. For πάντα dey. θεόν cf. 
1 Cor. viii. 5, and for the compre- 
hensive σέβασμα (Vg. quod colitur, 
Beza numen) denoting everything 
held in religious honour, see Ac. xvii. 
23, and cf. Sap. xiv. 20, xv. 17, 
Bel 27 Th. also Apol. Arist. xii. 
οὐ yap ἠρκέσθησαν [οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι) 
τοῖς τῶν. Χαλδαίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων σε- 
βάσμασιν. 

ὥστε] See note on 1. 1. 7. 

τ. ναὸν τ. θεοῦ] These words were 
understood of the actual temple at 
Jerusalem by Irenaeus (adv. Haer. v. 
30. 4), but this view was modified by 
Chrysostom and the Antiochenes who 
extended them metaphorically to the 


7—2 


ΙοΟ THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [II 5,6 


' 3 / \ « , 
κἀθίοςδι, ἀποδεικνύντα ἑαυτὸν OTL ἔστιν bEdc—. 


5Ou 


e/ of \ \ ε ΄-: ΄σ » ΄ 
μνημονεύετε ὅτι ἔτι WY πρὸς ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἔλεγον ὑμῖν; 


6 


Church or Churches of Christ: Chrys.: 
ov τὸν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐκκλησίαν (γ.]. εἰς τὰς 
πανταχοῦ ἐκκλησίας); Thdt.: “ναὸν 
δὲ “θεοῦ᾽ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐκάλεσεν ; 
Th. Mops.: ‘“in Dei templis,” hoc 
est, et in domibus orationum’; cf. 
Hier. Zp. 121 ‘in templo Dei uel 
Ierosolymis, ut quidam putant, uel 
in ecclesia, ut uerius arbitramur.’ 
In favour of the latter interpretation 
is the undoubtedly figurative use of 
the expression elsewhere in the 
Pauline Epp., eg. 1 Cor. iii. 16 ἢ, 
vi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16, Eph. ii. 21. On 
the other hand, the nature of the 
context, the use of such a local term 
as καθίσαι, and the twice-repeated 
def. art. (τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ) all point 
to a literal reference in the- present 
instance, a conclusion in which we 
are confirmed when we keep in view 
the dependence of the whole passage 
upon the description of Antiochus 
Epiphanes in Dan. xi. 36 f. (see below), 
and upon the language of the Parousia- 
discourses in Mt. xxiv. 15, Mk. xiii. 14 
(ef. Dan. xii, 11). 

καθίσαι] ‘takes his seat.’ The verb 
is intrans. as generally in the N.T. 
(contrast 1 Cor. vi. 4, Eph. i. 20, and 
cf. Ev. Pet. 3). For the construction 
with εἰς cf. Mk. xiii. 3 (WM. p. 516). 

ἀποδεικνύντα ἑαυτόν κτλ.] ᾿Απο- 
δείκνυμι, lit. ‘show off, ‘exhibit,’ is 
frequently used in late Gk. =‘ nomi- 
nate’ or ‘proclaim’ to an office, e.g. 
Jos. Antt. VI. 35 (iii. 3) ἱκέτευον ἀπο- 
δεῖξαί τινα αὐτῶν βασιλέα, O.G.LS. 437, 
92 (i./B.C.) οἱ ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων τῶν δήμων 
ἀποδειχθέντες ἄνδρες ἐπὶ τῶν συλλύσεων. 
This gives excellent sense in the 
present passage, and, while simpli- 
fying the construction of the follow- 
ing ὅτε clause (WM. p. 781), draws 
more pointed attention to the impious 
nature of the claim advanced in it. 


\ ~ \ ’ af 3 δ, “- 3 \ 
Kal νῦν TO κατέχον οἴδατε, εἰς TO ἀποκαλυφθῆναι αὐτον 


We translate therefore ‘proclaiming 
himself that he is god’ For the 
suggestion of this trait in the character 
of the lawless one cf. Ezek. xxviii. 2 
ἀνθ᾽ οὗ ὑψώθη σου ἡ καρδία, καὶ εἶπας 
Θεός εἰμι ἐγώ, and for the whole 
description see Dan. xi. 36 ἢ καὶ 
ὑψωθήσεται ἐπὶ πάντα θεόν, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν 
θεὸν τῶν θεῶν ἔξαλλα λαλήσει... «καὶ ἐπὶ 
τοὺς θεοὺς τῶν πατέρων αὐτοῦ οὐ μὴ προ- 
νοηθῇ...ὅτι ἐν παντὶ ὑψωθήσεται κτλ. 

5—7. ‘You cannot have forgotten 
that while I was still with you, I was 
in the habit of telling you these 
things. And since then you have 
had experience for yourselves of the 
working of that power by which the 
full revelation of the lawless one is 
kept in check until his appointed time 
shall have arrived. The full reve- 
lation we say—for the spirit of law- 
lessness is already at work, though in 
secret, until he who at present is 
keeping it in check is taken out of 
the way.’ 

Ov μνημονεύετε ὅτι xrd.| Est.: 
‘Tacita obiurgatio.’ Calv.: ‘Obser- 
vanda etiam Pauli mansuetudo, qui 
quum acrius excandescere posset, 
tantum leniter eos castigat.’ 

For μνημονεύειν cf. I. i. 3 note, and 
for the construction εἶναι πρός ef. 
I. iii. 4 note. The use made of ἔτι as 
against the Pauline authorship of the 
Ep. is discussed Intr. p. xe. 

6. καὶ νῦν τὸ κατέχον οἴδατε] ‘and 
now you know that which restraineth’ 
—voy having its full temporal sense 
in keeping with the emphasis laid in 
the context on the present working 
of the power of lawlessness (cf. 2. 7). 
It must not, however, be taken as 
if it actually belongs to κατέχον (ef. 
however Jo. iv. 18 καὶ νῦν ὃν ἔχεις), or 
be opposed to the preceding ér ὦν. 
which yields no good sense, but 
rather be placed in contrast with the 


II 6] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


following ἀποκάλυψις ἐν τῷ αὐτοῦ 
καιρῷ : ‘for the present (ie. prac- 
tically ‘so far as regards the present’) 
the Thessalonians know only the re- 
straining power: what is restrained 
is not yet revealed.’ See further 
Bornemann’s elaborate note ad Joc. 
It is more difficult to determine 
what we are to understand by ro 
κατέχον. That the verb is here used 
in the sense of ‘restrain,’ ‘hold back,’ 
rather than of ‘ hold fast’ (as in I. v.21), 
is too generally admitted to require 
further proof (see Add. Note H): 
while, as we have just seen, whatever 
is intended must clearly be some- 
thing which was actually at work at 
the time when the Ep. was written, 
and of which moreover its readers 
had personal knowledge. Nor is this 
all, but, as the occurrence of the same 
phrase in the masc. (ὁ κατέχων, Ὁ. 7) 
proves, this impersonal principle or 
power is capable also of manifesting 
itself under a personal form. When 
these different considerations are 
taken into account, it will be recog- 
nized how much is to be said for the 
view that goes back as far as Ter- 
tullian (‘quis nisi Romanus status ?’ 
de Resurr. c. 24; cf. Apol. c. 32), 
and which has since won the support 
of the great majority of ancient and 
modern scholars, that we have here a 
veiled description of the restraining 
power of law and order, especially as 
these were embodied at the time in 
the Roman Empire or its rulers. 
And in this view we are further con- 
firmed when we remember that St 
Paul had already found a ‘ restraining 
power’ in the Roman officials both 
at Paphos (Ac. xiii. 6 ff.) and at 
Thessalonica itself (Ac. xvii. 6 ff), 
and that it was doubtless these and 
similar experiences that afterwards 
led him to write to the Romans of 
‘the powers that be’ as ‘ordained of 
God,’ and of ‘rulers’ as ‘ not a terror 
to the good work, but to the evil’ 
(Rom. xiii. 1, 3). There is nothing 
unlikely, then, to say the least, in his 


IOI 


having the same thought in his mind 
on the present occasion, while the 
fact that he does not give more de- 
finite expression to it is not only in 
accord with the generally cryptic 
character of apocalyptic writings, but 
may also be due to prudential motives, 
seeing that afterwards he is to speak 
of this power as being ‘taken out Of 
the way’ (ὁ. 7). 

This last particular indeed appears 
to be decisive against the only other 
interpretation of τὸ κατέχον which 
requires to be mentioned, namely 
that it refers to the working of the 
Holy Spirit (Severianus ap. Cramer 
Cat. vi. 388, “τὸ κατέχον, φησί, τὴν 
τοῦ ᾿Αγίου Πνεύματος χάριν), or more 
generally to a limit of time fixed by 
Divine decree (Thdt.: ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ 
τοίνυν αὐτὸν ὅρος viv ἐπέχει φανῆναι ; 
Th. Mops.: τοῦ θεοῦ [λέγων] τὸν ὅρον) 
with special reference (so Thdt.) to 
Mt. xxiv. 14, as indicating one of the 
limits by which this condition will be 
attained. For then ὁ κατέχων (Ὁ. 7) 
can only be God Himself, and it 
seems impossible to conceive of any 
adequate seuse in whitch the words 
ἕως ἐκ μέσου γένηται can be applied 
to Him (cf. Swete’s note on Th. Mops, 
ad loc.). That however this restrain- 
ing power acts in accordance with the 
Divine purpose is proved by the 
words that follow. . 

[For a modification of this view 
according to which the Man of law- 
lessness is the imperial line with its 
rage for deification, and the restrain- 
ing power the Jewish State, see 
Warfield Lap. ut. iv. p. 30ff.; and 
ef. Moffatt Hist. N. Τ. p. 143.] 

eis τὸ ἀποκαλυφθῆναι xrdr.| The 
‘revelation’ (v. 3 note) of the lawless 
one is not immediate (Chrys.: οὐκ 
εἶπεν ὅτι τάχεως ἔσται), but like the 
revelation of the Lord Jesus Himself 
(cf. 1 Tim. vi. 14 f.) will take place in 
the ‘season’ (I. v. 1) appointed for 


’ him by God, and which can therefore 


be described emphatically as ‘his’ 
(αὐτοῦ N*AKP, ἑαυτοῦ S*BDGL), 


102 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [117 8 


5 ~ 3 ~ ae 9 \ \ / s/ 3 ~ 
ἐν TW αὐτοῦ καιρῷ" τὸ yap μυστήριον ἤδη ἐνεργεῖται 


~ > / / af « > / / 
τῆς ἀνομίας" μόνον ὁ κατέχων APTL ἕως EK μέσου γένηται. 


8 


\ / > / c 3Ι ε ε / > 
καὶ τότε ἀποκαλυφθήσεται ὁ ἄνομος, ὃν ὁ κύριος ['ly- 


8 Ἰησοῦς SAD*G al pauc Lat (Vet Vg) Sah Boh Syr (Pesh Harcl) Arm Aeth 
Iren™t Hipp Orig 2 Const Ath Cyr-Hier Bas Chr Thdt ὃ al Tert Hil Ambst Orig’ 
Theod-Mops™ : om BD¢ al pler Orig 4 Macar Ephr That ὃ Vig 


For the insertion of ἐν before καιρῷ 
cf. Rom. iii. 26, xi, 5, 2 Cor. viii. 14; 
and for similar Janguage applied to 
the coming of the Messiah cf. Pss. 
Sol. xvii. 23 εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ὃν οἶδας 
σύ, ὁ θεός. 

7. τὸ γὰρ μυστήριον κτλ.] ἃ Con- 
firmatory explanation of the pre- 
ceding statement, in which the main 
stress is evidently laid on τὸ μυστήριον 
both on account of its isolated and 
emphatic position in the sentence, 
and from its contrast with the pre- 
ceding ἀποκαλυφθῆναι: the revelation, 
that is, of the lawless one, just spoken 
of, will be a revelation only, for, as a 
matter of fact, the principle of which 
he is the representative is already at 
work, though as yet only in secret. 

For this the regular Bibl. sense of 
μυστήριον pointing to a secret to be 
revealed see Robinson Eph. p. 234 ff., 
where the different shades of meaning 
attached to the word in the Pauline 
writings are fully discussed, and for 
ἐνεργεῖται cf. I. ii. 13 note. 

μόνον] There is no need to find a 
case of ellipsis here as in v. 3, μόνον 
belongs to ἕως, and introduces the 
limitation in the present working of 
τὸ μυστ. τ. avow., While the order of 
the following words is rhetorical, 6 
κατέχων ἄρτι being placed before ἕως 
for the sake of emphasis (cf. Gal. ii. 
10 μόνον τῶν πτωχῶν ἵνα μνημονεύωμεν, 
and see WM. p. 688, Buttmann 
p. 389). 

For the meaning of ὁ κατέχων see 
note on v. 6, and for ἄρτι, strictly 
present time, as compared with the 
more subjective ἤδη ‘already,’ see the 
note on I. iii. 6, and cf. Kihner® 
δδ 498, 499. 


ἐκ μέσου yevnra] Nothing is said 
as to how the removal spoken of is 
to be effected, nor can the absence 
of ἄν with the subj. in this clause be 
pressed, as if it lent additional cer- 
tainty to the fact, in view of the 
general weakening of ay in later Gk., 
leading to its frequent omission, 
especially after such temporal par- 
ticles as ἕως, ἕως οὗ &c.: see WM. 
p- 371, and add such passages from 
the Κοινή as P.Oxy. 259, 30 (i./A.D.) 
ἕως ἑαυτὸν αὐτ[ὸ]ν ποιήσω, 294, 15 fF. 
(i./A.D.) ἕως ἀκούσω φάσιν παρὰ σοῦ 
περὶ ἁπάντων. 

For ἐκ μέσου cf. 1 Cor. ν. 2, Col: ii. 14. 

8—1o. ‘Then indeed the lawless 
one will be revealed, only however 
to find himself swept away by the 
breath of the Lord’s mouth, and 
brought utterly to naught by the 
manifestation of the Lord’s Parousia, 
In what mocking counterpart will Ais 
parousia then appear! With what 
activity on the part of Satan will it 
be accompanied! How it will make 
itself known by all manner of false 
miracles and false signs and false 
wonders, as well as by every kind 
of unrighteous device calculated to 
deceive those who are already on the 
path of destruction, seeing that they 
have no affinity with the Truth by 
which alone they can be saved!’ 

ὃ, καὶ τότε ἀποκαλυφθήσεται ὁ 
ἄνομος] Not until ὁ κατέχων has been 
removed, can the revelation of 6 
ἄνομος take place, but ‘then’ it will 
no longer be delayed. For the 
solemn and emphatic x. τότε οἵ. 
Mt. xxiv. 10, 14, 30, 1 Cor. iv. 5. 

Ὃ ἄνομος is clearly to be identified 
with ὁ ἄνθρ. τ. ἀνομίας (Ὁ. 3), While 


II 8] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


103 


‘aig > a , a , > an \ / 
cous] γὰνελεῖ" τᾷ TINEYMATI TOY CTOMATOC ayTOY καὶ καταργήσει 


ἀνελεῖ] dvadot δὲ ἢ Orig (non semper) 


ἀποκαλυφθήσεται recalls ἀποκαλυφθῇ 
(v. 3) and ἀποκαλυφθῆναι (v. 6). ‘Thrice, 
with persistent emphasis, ἀποκαλύπ- 
τεσθαι is asserted of ὁ ἄνομος, as of 
some portentous, unearthly object 
holding the gazer  spell-bound’ 
(Findlay). 

For the idea of a world-crisis on 
the fall of the Roman Empire in 
Jewish apocalyptic literature see Apoc. 
Bar. xxxix. 7, ‘And it will come to 
pass when the time of his consum- 
mation that he should fall has ap- 
proached, then the principate of My 
Messiah will be revealed’: cf. 4 Ezra 
y. τ Similar evidence from Rab- 
binical sources is given by Weber 
Jiid. Theologie p. 366. 

ὃν ὁ κύριος κτλ.] a relative sentence 
describing the fate οἵ ὁ ἄνομος in 
language borrowed from Isa. xi. 4 
πατάξει γῆν τῷ λόγῳ τοῦ στόματος 
αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐν πνεύματι διὰ χειλέων 
ἀνελεῖ ἀσεβῆ. ᾿Ανελεῖ is a post-class. 
fut. from ἀναιρέω, the verb, which is 
very common in Acts, not being found 
elsewhere in the Pauline Epp., but 
occurring in Heb. x. 9 in the sense 
of ‘remove,’ ‘do away with” Beza 
renders it in the passage before us 
by absumet, while the Lat. verss. 
have interjficiet. 

The marginal reading ἀναλοῖ has 
the advantage of offering a ready 
explanation of the genesis of certain 
other variants—dvadoce (D° KL al 
pler) being then due to grammatical 
emendation, and the unusual ἀνελοῖ 
(D*G 17 67**) toasimple interchange 
of a and e, or toa mingling of ἀναλοῖ 
and ἀνελεῖ (see Zimmer). But the 
evidence for ἀνελεῖ (ABP 23 31 ad) is 
too strong to be easily set aside, even 
with the further possibility of its being 
a conformation to Lxx. Isa. xi. 4 (cited 
above). 

τ. πνεύμ. τ. στόμ. αὐτ. a perfectly 
general statement not to be limited 


to any actual ‘word’ of the Lord 
(Thdt.: φθέγξεται μόνον ; Th. Mops. : 
‘spiritu oris, hoc est, uoce’), still less 
to the work of the Third Person of 
the Holy Trinity (as Athan. ad Serap. 
i. 6 ad fin.), but emphasizing that, 
terrible as was the power of the 
lawless one, the mere ‘breath’ of the 
Lord’s mouth will be sufficient for his 
destruction. In addition to Isa. xi. 4 
(cited above), where according to the 
old (incorrect) Jewish interpretation 
the ‘wicked’ is the future arch-enemy 
of the Jews, cf. Job iv. 9 ἀπὸ δὲ πνεύ- 
ματος ὀργῆς αὐτοῦ (sc. Κυρίου) ἀφανισ- 
θήσονται, and see also Sap. xi. 20 (21), 
Pss. Sol. xvii. 27, 41, Enoch lxii. 2, 
4 Ezra xiii. 38 (‘perdet eos sine 
labore’). 

καὶ καταργήσει κτλ. Karapyéo, 
rare in class. Gk. and the Lxx. 
(2 Esdr.*), occurs twenty-five times 
in the Pauline writings (elsewhere in 
N.T. only Lk.1, Heb.‘), and in accord- 
ance with its derivation (κατά caus- 
ative and ἀργός -- ἀεργός) means 
literally ‘render idle or inactive,’ and 
hence ‘abolish, ‘bring to naught’: 
cf. especially with the present passage 
2 Tim. i. 10 Xp. Ἰησοῦ, καταργήσαντος 
μὲν τὸν θάνατον φωτίσαντος δὲ ζωὴν καὶ 
ἀφθαρσίαν διὰ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου. AS 
showing the different shades of mean- 
ing that may be attached to the word, 
Vaughan (on Rom. iii. 3) states that 
the A.V. gives it no less than seven- 
teen different renderings in the 
twenty-seven places of its occurrence 
in the N.T. It is found also in the 
Kown in a much weakened sense, e.g. 
P.Oxy. 38, 17 (i./A.D.) καταργοῦντός pe 
χειρότεχνον ὄντα ‘hinders me in my 
trade.’ 

For the thought in the present 
passage cf. Isa. xxvi. 10 ἀρθήτω ὁ 
ἀσεβής, ἵνα μὴ ἴδῃ τὴν δόξαν Κυρίου, 
and for the meanings to be assigned 
to ἐπιφάνεια and παρουσία see Add. 


104 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 9, 10 


~~ ~ ' = e's 
TH ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῦ, 5 οὗ ἐστὶν ἡ παρουσία 
/ ~ ~ 3? / / 
κατ᾽ ἐνέργειαν τοῦ Catava ἐν πάση δυνάμει καὶ σημείοις 


καὶ τέρασιν ψεύδους *° 


oD / 3 / ’ ~ 
καὶ ἐν πασὴη ἀπάτη ἀδικίας τοῖς 


/ 3 - \ > / ΄ 
ἀπολλυμένοις, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν τὴν ἀγάπην τῆς ἀληθείας οὐκ 


Note F. Chrys.: ἀρκεῖ παρεῖναι αὐτόν, 
καὶ πάντα ταῦτα ἀπόλωλε: στήσει τὴν 
ἀπάτην καὶ φανεὶς μόνον. 

9. οὗ ἐστὶν ἡ παρουσία κτλ.] ἃ 
second relative clause resuming the 
ov of τ. 8, and describing the working 
of the lawless one, as the former had 
described his doom. As the Lord 
Jesus has His Parousia, the lawless 
one has his (cf. Rey. xvii. 8 τὸ θήριον... 
πάρεσται), in which he shows himself 
the representative and instrument of 
Satan. Th. Mops.: ‘adparebit ille 
Satana sibiinoperante omnia.’ Beng.: 
‘ut ad Deum se habet Christus, sic e 
contrario ad Satanam se habet anti- 
christus, medius inter Satanam et 
perditos homines.’ 

As distinguished from δύναμις 
potential power, ἐνέργεια is power 
in exercise, operative power (‘potentia, 
arbor: efficacia, fructus, Calv. on 
Eph. i. 19), and except here and in 
δ. 11 is always confined in the N.T. 
to the working of God; ef. especially 
with the present passage Eph. i. το ἢ 
κατὰ τὴν ἐνέργειαν..«ἣν ἐνήργηκεν ἐν τῷ 
χριστῷ, and for a similar use in the 
inscriptions with reference to the 
pagan gods cf. 0.G.L.S. 262, 4 (iii./a.D.) 
Eo conybivcas μοι περὶ τῆς ἐνεργείας 
᾿ θεοῦ Διὸς Βαιτοκαίκης. 

ev πάσῃ δυνάμει..-«ψεύδους | the sphere 
in which the parousia of the lawless 
one makes itself known; cf. Mt. xxiv. 
24, Mk. xiii. 22, also Rev. xiii. 14, 
xix. 20. As regards construction both 
πάσῃ and ψεύδους belong to all three 
substantives, wWevdous being best 
understood as a gen. of quality (cf. 
Jo. viii. 44), without however ex- 
cluding the further thought of effect, 
aim. False in themselves, the works 
spoken of lead also to falsehood. 


For the combination dvv. x. σημ. k. 
rép. cf. Ac. ii. 22, Rom. xv. 19, 2 Cor. 
xii. 12, Heb. ii. 4, and for the dis- 
tinction between them see ‘l'rench 
Syn. ὃ xci. SH. p. 406. Similar 
portents are ascribed to the Beliar- 
Antichrist in Asc. Isai. iv. 4 ff., Orae. 
Sib. iii. 63 ff. 

10. ἀπάτῃ] ‘deceit, ‘deceitful 
power, in accordance with the regular 
N.T. use of the word, e.g. ἀπάτη τ. 
πλούτου (Mk. iv. 19), τ: ἁμαρτίας (Heb. 
iii. 13); cf. 4 Mace. xviii. ὃ λυμεὼν 
ἀπάτης ὄφις. If in 2 Pet. ii. 13 we 
can read ἀπάταις (but see Bigg ad 
loc.) we seem to have an ex. of the 
word in its Hellenistic sense of ‘pas- 
time, ‘pleasure’; cf. Polyb. ii. 56, 12 
and see Deissmann AHellenisierung 
p. 165 n°. Moeris: ᾿Απάτη, ἡ πλάνη 
map ᾿Αττικοῖς.. ἡ τέρψις παρ᾽ Ἕλλησιν. 

ἀδικίας] ‘unrighteousness,’ ‘wrong- 
doing’ of every kind, cf. Rom. i. 18, 
ii. ὃ where, as here and in τ. 12, it is 
opposed to ἀλήθεια, and Plato Gorg. 
477 © where it is coupled with σύμ- 
πασα Ψυχῆς πονηρία. By its union 
with ἀπάτη, ἀδικία is evidently thought 
of here as an active, aggressive power 
which, however, can influence only 
τ. ἀπολλυμένοις, the use of the ‘per- 
fective’ verb marking out those so 
described as having already ideally 
reached a state of ἀπώλεια; ef. 1 Cor. 
i, 18, and see Moulton Pvrolegg. 
p. 114 ἢ. 

ἀνθ᾽ ὧν] ‘in requital that,’ ‘for the 
reason that’—a class, phrase occurring 
several times in the Lxx., but in the 
N.T. only here and in Luke (Gosp.’, 
Ac.’): ef. ἀντὶ τούτου Eph. v. 31. 

τῆς ἀληθείας] may be understood of 
truth generally as contrasted with 
τὸ ψεῦδος (v. 11), but is better limited 


II 11,12] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS 105 


,ὔ \ ~ oe \ \ lan / 
ἐδέξαντο εἰς TO σωθῆναι αὐτούς" “Ka διὰ τοῦτο πέμπει 


~ e > / \ ~ \ 
αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἐνέργειαν πλάνης Els τὸ πιστεῦσαι αὐτοὺς 
a , 12°/ - Γ ͵ 4 ε ‘ , 
τῷ Ψεύδει, Miva κριθῶσιν πάντες" οἱ μη πιστεύσαντες 
cond \ ’ ~ / 
TH ἀληθείᾳ ἀλλα εὐδοκήσαντες TH ἀδικίᾳ. 
ἐ . 


12 πάντες BD al plur Orig 4 Hipp Chr Thdt: ἅπαντες SAG 12 17 31 Orig ὃ Cyr- 


Alex 


to ‘the truth’ κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, the truth 
of the Gospel, in accordance with its 
use elsewhere with the art. (2 Cor. 
iv. 2, xiii. 8, Eph. iv. 24), while the 
insertion of τ. ἀγάπην shows that those 
spoken of had not only not ‘welcomed’ 


(ἐδέξαντο, I. ii. 13 note) this truth, but - 


had no liking for it, no desire to 
possess it. 

According to Westcott (on 1 Jo. 
ii. 5) this is the only instance in the 
N.T. where the gen. after ἀγάπη 
‘marks the object of love’; Abbott 
(Joh. Gr. p. 84) adds Lk. xi. 42 
παρέρχεσθε τὴν κρίσιν Kal τὴν ἀγάπην 
τοῦ θεοῦ ‘[just] judgment and Jove 
toward God.’ 

11, 12. ‘That is why God uses 
Satan as His instrument in punishing 
them, visiting them with a fatal 
delusion in believing this (great) Lie. 
False belief becomes thus the proof 
of falseness, and sentence is passed 
upon all who refused to believe the 
truth, and made evil their good,’ 

Il. πέμπει] pointing not merely 
to the permissive will of God (Th. 
Mops.: ‘concessionem Dei quasi opus 
eius’), but to the definite judicial act 
by which, according to the constant 
teaching of Scripture, God gives the 
wicked over to the evil which they 
have deliberately chosen, cf. Ps. Ixxx. 
(Ixxxi.) 12 f., Rom. i. 24, 26, 28, and 
for similar teaching in Gk. drama see 
Aesch. Pers. 738 ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν σπεύδῃ τις 
αὐτός, χὠ θεὸς συνάπτεται, Fragm. 294 
(ed. Nauck) ἀπάτης δικαίας οὐκ ἀπο- 
στατεῖ θεός. 

εἰς τὸ πιστεῦσαι τῷ Ψεύδει} ‘to the 
end that they should believe the lie’-— 
the thought of purpose, and not mere 


result (I. ii. 12 note) being undoubt- 
edly uppermost here in accordance 
with the leading thought of the main 
sentence. 

For τῷ ψεύδει ‘the lie’ as con- 
trasted with τὴν ἀληθείαν (Ὁ. το) cf. 
Rom. i. 25 οἵτινες μετήλλαξαν τὴν 
ἀληθείαν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν τῷ ψεύδει. ‘Among 
the Persians “the Lie” (Drauga, akin 
to the Avestan demon Drzw)) is a com- 
prehensive term for all evil’ (Moulton 
Exp. T. xviii. p. 537). 

12. ἵνα κριθῶσιν πάντες] ‘in order 
that they might all be judged,’ any 
idea of condemnation being derived 
from the context, and not from 
κριθῶσι per se: see Lft. Fresh Re- 
cision of Engl. N.T.* p. 69 ff. for a 
full discussion of κρίνειν and its com- 


pounds. For κρίνω in its wider sense 
of ‘resolve’ cf. P.Grenf. 1. 30, 5 f. 
(ii./B.c.) διὰ γραμμάτων ἐκρίναμεν 
σημῆναι. 


The reading πάντες is well-attested, 
but the stronger and rarer ἅπαντες 
(WH. mg.) has good grounds to be 
considered, both as less likely to be 
substituted by the copyists, and as 
better suiting the emphatic position 
here assigned to it. Beng.: ‘late ergo 
et diu et vehementer grassatur error 
ille.’ 

For the evidence (by no means 
decisive in the N.T., Blass p. 161) 
that in the Κοινή, as in Attic writers, 
the use of πᾶς or ἅπας was determined 
on the ground of euphony, πᾶς being 
found after a vowel, and ἅπας after a 
consonant, see Mayser p. 161 f. 

οἱ μὴ πιστεύσαντες κτλ. Of. 1 Cor. 
xiii. 6. By a usage characteristic of 
Bibl. writers (but cf. Polyb. ii, 12. 3) 


106 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 13 


3°Huels δὲ ὀφείλομεν εὐγαριστεῖν τῶ θεῶ πάντοτε 
μ μ Xap ᾿ ; 


ε ΄σ 3 . ε ‘ ' « [74 ΄ 
περὶ ὑμῶν, ἀδελφοὶ ἠγαπημένοι ὑπὸ Κγρίογ, ὅτι εἵλατο ὑμᾶς 


εὐδοκεῖν (I. ii. 8 note) is generally 
construed with ἐν, but here according 
to the best texts (NS*BD*G as against 
S°A D°K LP)it is followed by the simple 
dat. as in 1 Mace. i. 43, 1 Esdr. iv. 
39, Rom. i. 32 (συνευδοκεῖν), and late 
writers generally (e.g. Polyb. ii. 38. 7, 
iii. 8. 7). The verb is found ec. ace. 
Mt. xii. 18, Heb. x. 6, and with εἰς 
2 Pet. i. 17. 

For the general thought of the 
verse in Jewish literature cf. Apoc. 
Bar. liv. 21 ‘For at the consumma- 
tion of the world there will be ven- 
geance taken upon those who have 
done wickedness according to their 
wickedness, and Thou wilt glorify the 
faithful according to their faithful- 
ness.’ 


11. 13—15. RENEWED THANKS- 
GIVING AND EXHORTATION. 


From the terrible picture they 
have been conjuring up the Apostles 
turn with a sigh of relief to give God 
thanks on their converts’ behalf in 
view of the salvation which He has 
worked for them—a salvation begin- 
ning in His eternal choice, and to 
be completed by their sharing in the 
glory of the Lord Jesus Christ 
Himself (vv. 13, 14). The two verses 
thus form ‘a system of theology in 
miniature’ (Denney), and in character- 
istic Pauline fashion lead up to the 
practical exhortation to the Thessa- 
lonians to hold fast to what they have 
been taught (2. 15). 

13—15. ‘But not to dwell on this 
melancholy picture, what a different 
prospect opens itself up before us! 
What an unceasing debt of gratitude 
we owe to God on your behalf, 
Brothers beloved not only of us but 
of the Lord! Is it not the case that 
from the beginning God purposed 
your salvation, and not only purposed, 
but accomplished it through the 


sanctifying influence of the Holy 
Spirit, and your belief in the Truth? 
It was to this salvation indeed that 
He called you by the Gospel-message 
of which we were privileged to be 
bearers, and those who finally obtain 
it will obtain also the glory which 
belongs to it—the glory which is 
Christ’s own. Such then being the 
Divine purpose regarding you, see to 
it that you on your own part, Brothers, 
stand firm, keeping fast hold of all 
sound doctrine and practice as you 
have learned them from us both by 
word and by letter.’ 

13. Ἡμεῖς δέ κτλ.] See the notes 
on i. 3, the emphatic ἡμεῖς in the 
present passage lending additional 
stress to the writers’ keen sense of 
indebtedness to God for the good 
estate of the Thessalonian Church. 

For dé. ny. ὑ. Kup. see I. 1. 4 note. 

ὅτι εἵλατο κτλ.] EiAaro (for form, 
WH. Notes p. 172) is used of the 
Divine election in Deut. xxvi. 18 
Κύριος εἵλατό σε... λαὸν περιούσιον (οἵ, 
προείλε(α)το Deut. vii. Of, x. 15), but 
does not occur elsewhere in the N.T. 
in this connexion: cf. Phil. i. 22 and 
see Intr. p. lxxix. In the present 
instance the reference would seem to 
be to the eternal choice or purpose 
of God (1 Cor. ii. 7, Eph. i. 4, 2 Tim, 
i. 9), as otherwise (cf. note on éexAoyy 
I. i. 4) the qualifying ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς would 
almost have required some distin- 
guishing addition such as τ. εὐαγγελίου 
(ef. Phil. iv. 15). 

It is possible however that the 
real reading is not am ἀρχῆς but 
ἀπαρχήν (WH. mg.), ἃ thoroughly 
Pauline word (Rom. viii. 23, xi. 16, 
xvi. 5, 1 Cor. xv. 20, 23, xvi. 15), 
which might fairly be applied to the 
Thessalonians as the ‘first-fruits’ (Vg. 
primitias) of Macedonia, seeing that 
their conversion followed that of the 
Philippians by only a few weeks, and 


II 14,15] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 107 


\ > ~ 3 ~ 7 

ὁ θεὸς "ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς εἰς σωτηρίαν ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος 
\ 7 3 7 14 > We 9 / ec ~ ὃ \ ~ > 

Kal πίστει ἀληθείας, “eis ὃ ἐκάλεσεν ὑμᾶς δια TOU εὐαγ- 

΄:- / ’ ΄ , ~ 

γελίου ἡμῶν, εἰς περιποίησιν δόξης τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν 


᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 


᾽ gs. / 
"Apa οὖν, ἀδελφοί, στήκετε, Kal 


a « > 5) 
κρατεῖτε Tas παραδόσεις as ἐδιδάχθητε εἴτε διὰ λόγου 


13 dw ἀρχῆς δὲ Ὁ al pler ἃ g Syr (Pesh) Arm Aeth Chr Thdt Ambst Vig Theod- 
Mops! al: ἀπαρχὴν BG al pauc Vg Syr (Harel) Boh Did Amb al 


was attended by such striking results 
(cf. I. i. 8, iv. Io). 

For σωτηρία as denoting completed 
blessedness see I. v. 8 note. 

ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος καὶ πίστει 
ἀληθείας] In view of the obvious 
parallelism of the clauses it is natural 
to understand the two genitives in 
the same way, and if so they may be 
taken either objectively, a ‘sanctifica- 
tion’ having for its object the ‘spirit’ 
and a ‘faith’ that has for its object 
‘truth,’ or as genitives of the causa 
eficiens, ‘sanctification by the Spirit 
and faith by the truth.’ In the former 
case πνεῦμα can only be the human 
spirit: in the latter it must be the 
Holy Spirit of God. To this latter 
rendering the absence of the art. is 
no real objection, and it is supported 
by the recurrence of the same phrase 
in 1 Pet. i. 2 where the Third Person 
of the Trinity is clearly intended 
(see Hort ad loc.). 

For ἁγιασμός cf. note on I. iv. 7, 
and with πίστις ἀληθείας contrast of 
μὴ πιστεύσ. τ. ἀληθείᾳ (Ὁ. 12). 

14. ἐκάλεσεν] the historical fulfil- 
ment of the Divine purpose expressed 
in εἵλατο: cf. 1. ii. 12, v. 24, notes. 

eis περιποίησιν δόξης) ‘unto the 
obtaining of the glory’ (Vg. in acqui- 
sitionem gloriae, Weizs. zum Erwerb 
der Herrlichkeit). For περιποίησις 
ef. I. v. 9 note, and for δόξα I. ii. 12 
note. 

15. “Apa οὖν, ἀδελφοί, στήκετε κτλ. 
The practical conclusion from what 
has just been said. The work of God, 
so far from excluding all human 


effort, rather furnishes the reason for 
it and the pledge of its final success: 
ef. Phil. ii. 12 f, iii, 12. 

For dpa οὖν see I. v. 6 note, and 
for στήκετε I. 111. 8 note. 

κ. κρατεῖτε τ. παραδόσεις) Cf. 1 Cor. 
xl. 2 τ. παραδόσεις κατέχετε, and for 
the relation of κρατεῖν and κατέχειν 
see Add. Note H. The construc- 
tion of κρατεῖν with the acc. (as 
generally in the N.T.—acc.*, gen.§) 
may be due simply to the tendency 
to enlarge the sphere of the acc. in 
later Gk. (Hatzidakis p. 220 ff.), but 
serves also in the present instance to 
lay emphasis on the παραδόσεις as 
being already in the Thessalonians’ 
possession; cf. Rev. iii. 11 κράτει ὃ 
ἔχεις. Beng.: ‘tenete, nil addentes, - 
nil detrahentes.’ 

In themselves_these παραδόσεις 
(cf. iii. 6) included both the oral and 
written teaching on the part of the 
Apostles (Thdt.: λόγους, ots καὶ 
παρόντες ὑμῖν ἐκηρύξαμεν, καὶ ἀπόντες 
ἐγράψαμεν) with the further thought 
imbedded in the composition of the 
word itself of the ultimate authority 
whence that authority was derived: 
cf. 1 Cor. xi. 23 ἐγὼ yap παρέλαβον 
ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν. * 

In the inscriptions Treasure Lists 
and Inventories are frequently known 
as παραδόσεις, the articles enumerated 
being ‘handed over’ (παρέδοσαν C.I.A. 
I. 170, 2 (v./B.0.)) by one set of officers 
to their successors; see Roberts- 
Gardner p. 256. 

For the fact and contents of a 
Christian ‘tradition’ in the Apostolic 


108 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [II 16, 17 


af ᾽ ᾽ - ε _ 
εἴτε δι᾽ ἐπιστολῆς ἡμῶν. 


"Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν 


~ \ \ \ ~ s / 
᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς καὶ [6] θεὸς ὁ πατὴρ ἡμῶν, ὁ ἀγαπήσας 
ent \ \ / > 7 δ (ὃ ᾽ θὴ 3 
ἡμᾶς καὶ δοὺς παράκλησιν αἰωνίαν καὶ ἐλπίδα ἀγαθὴν ἐν 
΄ \ / \ / 
χάριτι, “παρακαλέσαι ὑμῶν Tas καρδίας καὶ στηρίξαι ἐν 


Vow \ rs > ~ 
παντὶ ἔργῳ καὶ λόγῳ ayabw. 
16 ὁ om BD*K 17 37 Orig Chr°4 


Age see Mayor Jude pp. 23, 61 ff, and 
for the possibility that we have here 
(ef. Rom. vi. 17, xvi. 17) a reference 
to an early catechism or creed, based 
upon the sayings of Christ, which was 
used by the first missionaries, see 
Seeberg Katechismus pp. 1 ff., 41 f. 

The title of of κρατοῦντες, applied 
by eccles. writers to Christians, is 
probably due to this passage (LS. 


8.0. κρατέω). 


II. 16, 17. PRAYER. 


A prayer is again interjected that 
the exhortation spoken of may be 
fulfilled in the Thessalonians’ case. 
Chrys.: πάλιν εὐχὴ pera παραίνεσιν" 
τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν ὄντως βοηθεῖν. 

16,17. ‘May our Lord Jesus Christ 
Himself and God our Father Who 
loved us, and in His Divine bounty 
bestowed upon us abiding comfort and 
good hope, comfort your hearts and 
strengthen you to do and to say 
everything that is right.’ 

16. Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος np. KTA.| 
The invocation is identical with I. tii. 
11 except that ὁ kup. Ino. Xp. is now 
placed first, and that the def. art. is 
substituted before πατήρ for the more 
ordinary καί, while the first ὁ before 
θεός is doubtful. The order (ef. 
2 Cor. xiii. 13, Gal. i. 1) may have 
been determined by the immediate‘y 
preceding reference to the glory of 
the Lord Jesus (v. 14), or be due 
to the fact that He is the inter- 
mediary through whom the purposes 
of God for His people are carried 
out. In either case we have another 
striking e>. of the equal honour 
ascribed to the Son with the Father 


throughout these Epp. (Intr. p. Ixvi). 
Chrys.: ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν οἱ τὸν υἱὸν 
ἐλλατοῦντες; Thdt.: τῇ τῆς τάξεως 
ἐναλλαγῇ τὴν ὁμοτιμίαν δεικνύων. 

ὁ ἀγαπήσας nyu. x. δούς κτλ.] The 
two participles under the vinculum 
of the common art. belong to 6 θεός 
alone, and the use of the aor. shows 
that the reference is to the definite 
historical act in which the Gospel 
originated. 

For παράκλησις see I. ii. 3 note, and 
for αἰωνίαν (for form, WSchm. p. 96) 
as bringing out the ‘final and abiding’ 
character of this ‘comfort’ compared 
with the transitory joys of earth see 
i. 9 note. ᾿Αγαθήν ‘good’ both in its 
character and results; cf. I. iii. 6, 
v. 15, and for the phrase ἀγαθὴ ἐλπίς 
in Gk, literature see Dem. Cor. 258 
(8 120) δεῖ δὲ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας 
ἐγχειρεῖν μὲν ἅπασιν ἀεὶ τοῖς καλοῖς, 
τὴν ἀγαθὴν προβαλλομένους ἐλπίδα. 

ἐν χάριτι] not the human disposition 
in which the gifts just spoken of were 
received, but the Divine favour or 
bounty by which the ‘consolation of 
Israel’ was freely extended to those 
who were Gentiles by birth, cf. i. 12 
note. 

17. παρακαλέσαι κτὰλ.] For mapa- 
καλεῖν see I. ii. 11, iii. 2 notes, and for 
στηρίζειν see I. iii. 2 note. 

Παντί and ἀγαθῷ refer to both the 
intervening nouns (cf. ». 9), and the 
whole expression is of the most general 
character ‘whatever you may do or 
say, any attempt to limit λόγῳ to 
specific Christian doctrine (Chrys.: 
δόγματα, Oalv.: ‘sana doctrina’) being 
quite out of place. 


III 1, 2]. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 109 


it. 


: Τὸ λοιπὸν προσεύχεσθε, ἀδελφοί, περὶ ἡμῶν, 


.« ε , - / / \ , \ \ 
ὡς Kal 
iva ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου τρέχῃ καὶ δοξαζηται Kal 
~ Ve ¢ ΄σ- > ΄' > 
πρὸς ὑμᾶς, "καὶ ἵνα ῥυσθῶμεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀτόπων καὶ TOVN- 


III. 1—16. CONSOLATORY 


AND HORTATORY. 


The writers now pass to teaching 
of a more directly consolatory and 
hortatory character, and, as in their 
former Epistle (I. v. 25), accompany it 
with the request for their readers’ 
prayers. 


III. 1, 2. REQUEST FOR THE 
THESSALONIANS’ PRAYERS. 


1,2. ‘Nor do we only pray for you, 
we ask further that you, Brothers, 
should pray for us, and especially that 
the word of the Lord may. have the 
same swift and glorious course every- 
where that it has already had amongst 
you. To this end do you pray that 
we may be rescued from the perverse 
and evil men who are at present 
placing obstacles in our path—for it 
is not every one who has a true faith 
in Christ.’ 

I. Τὸ λοιπὸν προσεύχεσθε κτλ.] 
The request is another proof of the 
closeness of the bond which the 
Apostles recognized as existing be- 
tween their ‘brethren’ and them- 
selves (Intr. p. xliv), while as regards 
its contents (for the sub-final iva see 
note on I. iv. 1) it is significant that 
in the first instance it is of the further- 
ance of their work rather than of any 
ease or advantage to themselves that 
they think. 

For τὸ λοιπόν οἵ. I. iv. 1 note, and 
for προσεύχεσθε περί I. v. 25 note. 

ὁ λόγος τ. κυρίου] ‘the word of the 
Lord’ Jesus in accordance with the 
general practice of the Epp. (Add. 
Note D). The use of the title in 
the present section is very marked, 
occurring as it does four times in 
we. I—5. : 

τρέχῃ] ‘may run’ emphasizing the 
living, active nature of the word in 


the Apostles’ eyes, and their ardent 
desire that it may speed ever onward 
on its victorious course: cf. I. i. 8. 
The figure, which falls in with St 
Paul’s well-known fondness for meta- 
phorical language from the stadium 
(Rom. ix. 16, 1 Cor. ix. 24 ff, Gal. ii. 2, 
v. 7, Phil. ii, 16, 2 Tim. iv. 7), is 
derived from the O.T., see especially 
Ps. exlvii. 4 (exlvi. 15) ἕως τάχους 
δραμεῖται ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ, and the 
splendid imagery of Ps. xviii. (xix.) 
directly cited in Rom. x. 18. Findlay 
aptly recalls Vergil’s lines on Fama 
beginning ‘Mobilitate viget, viresque 
adquirit eundo’ (Aen. iv. 175 ff.). 

καὶ δοξάζηται] the inner recognition 
following on («ai consec.) the outward 
progress of the word: cf. Ac. xiii. 48 
ἀκούοντα δὲ τὰ ἔθνη ἔχαιρον καὶ ἐδόξαζον 
τὸν λύγον τοῦ θεοῦ, and for the thought 
see Tit. ἢ, 10. On the deepened 
significance of δοξάζω in Bibl. Gk. 
see SH. p. 44, and for the slightly 
stronger ἐνδοξάζω cf. i. 10, 12. As 
illustrating the N.T. usage, the follow- 
ing invocation from the long magical 
papyrus P.Lond. 1. 121, 502 ff. (iii./a.D.) 
is noteworthy : κυρία Ἶσις.. .δόξασόν pe 
(μοι Pap.), ὡς ἐδόξασα τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ 
viod(s) σου “Qpov (cf. Reitzenstein 
Poimandres p. 22 n.°). 

καθὼς x. πρὸς ὑμᾶς] For this use 
of πρός with acc. cf. I. iii. 4 note, and 
for the fact see I. 1, 5 ff., ii. 1, 13. 

2. καὶ ἵνα ῥυσθῶμεν κτλ.) a second 
and more personal need for which the 
prayers of the Thessalonians are asked, 
and which, though independent of the 
first, is closely connected with it: cf. 
Rom. xv. 30 f., and note the striking 
verbal parallel in Isa. xxv. 4 ἀπὸ 
ἀνθρώπων πονηρῶν ῥύσῃ αὐτούς. Thdt.: 
διπλῆ μὲν ἡ αἴτησις εἶναι δοκεῖ, μία δὲ 
ὅμως ἐστί. τῶν γὰρ πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων 
ἡττωμένων, ἀκωλύτως καὶ ὁ τοῦ κηρύγ- 
ματος συντρέχει λύγος. 


IIo 


~ \ , 
ρῶν ἀνθρώπων, ov yap πάντων ἡ πίστις. 


For the meaning of ῥυσθῶμεν (late 
pass. aor., WSchm. p. 131) =eripiamur 
(Beza) rather than liberemur (Vg.), 
see the note on I. i. 10, and contrast 
the construction with ἀπό, not ἐκ, in 
the present passage, laying stress 
perhaps on the deliverance itself 
rather than on the power from which 
it is granted, cf. Rom. xv. 31, 2 Tim. 
iv. 18, and from the xx. Ex. ii. 19 
ἐρρύσατο ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τῶν ποιμένων. For 
a late instance of ῥύεσθαι ἀπό see 
P.Lond. π΄. 413, 3 f. (iv./A.D.) ἐὔχομ]αι 
σ[.]ῶ τῷ θεῷ περὶ [rH |s σ[ωτ]ηρίας iva 
ῥύσει σαὶ ἀπό.... 

τ. ἀτόπων κ. πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων] 
ἤλτοπος, originally=‘out of place,’ 
‘unbecoming, is used in class. Gk. 
especially in Plato in the sense of 
‘marvellous,’ ‘odd’ (e.g. Legg. i. 646 B 
τ. θαυμαστοῦ Te καὶ ἀτόπου), from which 
the transition is easy to the ethical 
meaning of ‘improper,’ ‘unrighteous’ 
in later Gk., e.g. Philo Legg. Alleg. 
iii. § 17 (i. p. 97 M.) παρ᾽ ὃ καὶ ἄτοπος 
λέγεται εἶναι ὁ φαῦλος" ἄτοπον δέ ἐστι 
κακὸν δύσθετον, and such a passage 
from the Κοινή as P.Petr. Im. 43 (3), 
17 f. (iii./B.0.), where precautions are 
taken against certain discontented 
labourers ἵνα μὴ ἄτοπ[ό]ν τι πράξωσιν: 
cf, also B.G.U. 757, 21 (i./A.D.) where 
ἕτερα aroma are ascribed to certain 
marauders who had pulled to pieces 
a farmer’s sheaves of wheat, and the 
very interesting public notice con- 
tained in P.Fior. 99 (i./ii. A.D.) to the 
effect that the parents of a prodigal 
youth will no longer be responsible 
for his debts or for ἄτοπόν τι πράξη} 

It is in this sense accordingly, 
implying something morally amiss, 
that, with the exception of Ac. 
xxviii. 6, the word is found in the 
Luxx, and the N.T. (Job iv. 8, xi. 11 &e., 
Prov. xxiv. 55 (xxx. 20), 2 Mace. xiv. 23, 
Lk. xxiii. 41, Ac. xxv. 5), and in the 
passage before us it is best given some 
such rendering as ‘perverse’ or ‘fro- 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 3 


3Πιστὸς δέ 


ward’ rather than the ‘unreasonable’ 
of A.V., R.V. 

Similarly πονηρός (as frequently in 
the Lxx., e.g. Gen, xxxvii. 20, Ps. Ixxvii. 
(Ixxviii.) 49, Esth. vii. 6; ef. Hatch 
Essays p. 77 f.) is used not so much 
of passive badness as of active harm- 
fulness, while the prefixed art. shows 
that the writers have here certain 
definite persons in view, doubtless the 
fanatical Jews who at the time were 
opposing their preaching in Corinth 
(Ac. xviii. 12 ff.), as they had already 
done in Thessalonica and Beroea 
(Ac. xvii. 5, 13): cf. IL ii 14 ff 

ov yap πάντων ἡ πίστις] ‘for not to 
all does the Faith belong’ (Luth. denn 
der Glaube ist nicht jedermanns 
Ding). For a similar meiosis cf. Rom. 
X. 16 ἀλλ᾽ ov πάντες ὑπήκουσαν τῷ 
εὐαγγελίῳ. As illustrating the form 
of the sentence, Wetstein quotes the 
proverbial saying, ov παντὸς ἀνδρὸς és 
Κόρινθον ἐσθ᾽ ὁ πλοῦς (Strabo viii. 6.20). 


III. 3—5. CoNFIDENCE IN THE 
THESSALONIANS’ PROGRESS. 


From the want of faith on the part 
of men, the Apostles turn to the 
thought of the faithfulness of the 
Lord Jesus (cf. 2 Tim. ii. 13) with the © 
view moreover of reassuring not them- 
selves, but their converts. 

3—5. ‘We have spoken of the want 
of faith in certain quarters. However 
this may be, know assuredly that the 
Lord is faithful. He will set you ina 
firm place. He will protect you from 
the attacks of the Evil One. And 
seeing that He will do this, we have 
confidence that you on your part will 
not come short, but will continue as 
at present to do the things which we 
are enjoining. May the Lord direct 
you into the love of God and into the 
patience of Christ.’ 

3. Πιστός] recalling the πίστις of 
the previous verse. For a similar 
word-play cf. Rom. iii. 3. 


III 4, 5]. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


ig 


> e A "ἢ eon ‘ 7 ΓΞ. ~ 
εστιν O κυριος, ος στηρίξει υμας Kal φυλάξει avo TOU 


πονηροῦ. 


/ \ load \ / 
ραγγέλλομεν [καὶ] ποιεῖτε καὶ ποιήσετε. 


4 iO δὲ > 7 ors Tou | ΄ .« « 
πεποίθαμεν OE EV κυρίῳ EP ὑμᾶς, OTL a πα- 


"Ὁ δὲ κύριος 


III 4 καὶ om SAD* ἃ (g) Boh 


os στηρίξει vy. κτλ] Not only will 
the Lord ‘set them in a firm place’ 
(στηρίξει, for form, WM. p. 110), but 
He will also ‘protect’ (φυλάξει, Vg. 
custodiet) them there from external 
assaults: cf. for the thought Jo. xvii. 
12. For στηρίζειν (I. iii. 2 note) cf. 
1 Pet. v. 10 6 δὲ θεὸς πάσης χάριτος... 
αὐτὸς καταρτίσει, στηρίξει, σθενώσει, 
and for the constr. φυλάσσειν ἀπό cf. 
Ps. exl. (cxli.) 9 φύλαξόν με ἀπὸ πάγιδος 
ἧς συνεστήσαντό μοι, and see Butt- 
mann p. 192. 

ἀπὸ τ. πονηροῦ] The precise sense 
to be attached to these words is best 
determined by the meaning assigned 
them in the petition of the Lord’s 
Prayer ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ 
(Mt. vi. 13), of which we have 
apparently a reminiscence here (cf. 
Col. i. 13, and see Feine Jesus Christ 
und Paulus Ὁ. 252 f.). As the 
general consensus of modern scholar- 
ship is to understand πονηροῦ there 
as masc. rather than as neut. in 
accordance with the predominant 
usage of the N.T. (Mt. v. 37; xiii. 19, 
38, Eph. vi. 16, 1 Jo. ii, 13 f, iii 
12%, v. τὸ ἢ as against Lk. vi. 45, Rom. 
xii, 9), and the unanimous opinion 
of the Gk. commentators, we follow 
the same rendering here, and trans- 
late ‘from the evil one’: a rendering, 
it may be noted further, which forms 
a fitting antithesis to ὁ κύριος of the 
preceding clause, and is moreover in 
thorough harmony with the pro- 
minence assigned shortly before to 
the persons of Satan and his represen- 
tative (ii. 1—12), and more especially 
to the evil men (πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων) 
of the preceding clause. See further 
Lft.’s note ad loc. and the same writer’s 
Revision of the Engl. N.T? p. 269 ff., 
and especially the exhaustive dis- 


cussion by Chase The Lord’s Prayer 
p. 112 ff. 

4. πεποίθαμεν δέ κτλ.] The assur- 
ance that it is the Lord Who is 
protecting the Thessalonians gives the 
Apostles a corresponding confidence 
that the Thessalonians themselves will 
faithfully fulfil their part. Chrys.: 
δεῖ μὲν yap τὸ πᾶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ῥίπτειν, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐνεργοῦντας καὶ αὐτούς, τοῖς πόνοις 
ἐμβεβηκότας καὶ τοῖς ἀγῶσι. 

For ἐν κυρίῳ (see I. iv. 1), as the 
ground with correspondingly new 
resources in which all St Paul’s hopes 
and desires are centred, cf. Gal. v. 10, 
Eph. iv. 17, Phil. ii. 19, 24, and for 
ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς, instead of the class. dat., as 
marking. the direction of the con- 
fidence displayed cf. Mt. xxvii. 43, 
2 Cor. ii. 3, Ps. cxxiv. (exxv.) 1. 

ὅτι ἃ παραγγέλλομεν κτλ. For a 
similar use of ὅτι introducing the 
objective statement of the Apostle’s 
confidence cf. Phil. ii. 24. Under a 
παραγγέλλομεν must be understood 
not such injunctions as had already 
been given (eg. I. iv. 1—12), but 
rather, as the resumption of the same 
verb in v. 6 proves, those that im- 
mediately follow, and which, on 
account of their hardness, are further 
prefaced by a short ejaculatory 
prayer. 

For παραγγέλλω see I. iv. 11 note, 
and as bringing out the idea of 
transmission contained in the word 
cf. P.Grenf. 1. 40, 6 f. (ii./B.c.) ἔκρινον 
γράψαι σοι ὅπως εἰδὼς παραγγείλης 
καὶ τοῖς] ἄλλοις ἱερεῦσι. 

5. ὯὉ δὲ κύριος κατευθύναι κτλ.}] ὋὉ 
κύριος can only be the Lord Jesus as 
in vv. I, 3, 4, any reference to the 
Holy Spirit (as Basil de Spiritu sancto 
Ὁ. 21 and most of the Gk. commen- © 
tators) being outruled if only on the 


112 


THE SECOND EPISTLE TO ΤῊΝ THESSALONIANS [II16 


/ ς ΄σ΄ \ / > \ > / ~ ~ 
κατευθύναι υμων τας καρδίας εἰς τὴν ayamnv TOU θεοῦ 


\ 3 \ : \ ΄- ~ 
Kal εἰς THY ὑπομονὴν τοῦ χριστοῦ. 
\ ~ , ΄σ 
“Παραγγέλλομεν δὲ ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοί, ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ 


ground that ὁ κύριος is never 80 
employed in the N.T. (not even in 
2 Cor. iii. 18). 

For κατευθύνω see I, iii. 11 note: 
its metaphorical use is further illus- 
trated by Aristeas 18 κατευθύνει τὰς 
πράξεις καὶ tas ἐπιβολὰς ὁ κυριεύων 
ἁπάντων θεός. 

εἰς τ. ἀγάπην τ. θεοῦ κ. εἰς τ. ὑπο- 
μονὴν τ. χριστοῦ] The close parallelism 
of the two clauses makes it natural 
(as in ii. 13) to understand the geni- 
tives in the same way, and as the 
subjective interpretation of the second 
clause is rendered almost necessary 
by the regular meaning of ὑπομονήν 
in the N.T., ‘constancy,’ ‘ endurance’ 
(I. i. 3. note) not ‘patient waiting’ 
(ἀναμονήν, cf. I, i. 10), we are similarly 


led to think of τ. ἀγαπὴν τ. θεοῦ as” 


the love which is God’s_ special 
characteristic, and which He has 
displayed towards us; cf. Rom. v. 5, 
viii. 39, 2 Cor. xiii. 13, Eph. ii. 4, and 
see Abbott Joh. Gr. p. 84. 

The use of the art. before χριστοῦ 
is significant as emphasizing the con- 
nexion of the ‘patience’ spoken of 
not merely with the earthly trials of 
the Saviour, but with these trials as 
the inevitable lot of the suffering 
servant of Jehovah. Cf. for the 
general thought Heb. xii. 1 ἢ, Rev. 
iii. το, and see Ign. Rom. x. 3 ἔρρωσθε 
eis τέλος ἐν ὑπομονῇ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, 
where however Lft. (ad Joc.) inclines 
to the meaning ‘patient waiting for 
Christ.’ 


III. 6—12. CHARGE WITH REGARD 
TO THE DISORDERLY. 


It is ‘in the Lord,’ as has just been 
shown, that the Apostles’ trust for 
their converts is centred. At the 
same time they are anxious that these 
should not forget the responsibilities 


resting on themselves. And accord- 
ingly in a section, in which the 
severity of the language shows the 
serious nature of the evils com- 
plained of, they once more (ef. I. vy. 
14 f.) rebuke the idle and disorderly 
behaviour, which at the time certain 
members of the Thessalonian com- 
munity were displaying. 

6—12. ‘In order, however, that 
this happy result may be attained, 
we again on our part urge you—and 
yet not we, but the Lord—not in any 
way to associate with a brother who 
is not living a well-ordered life in 
accordance with our teaching. For 
you yourselves cannot but be conscious 
that you ought to follow our example. 
When we were with you, we did not 
depend on others for our support. 
Rather in toil and moil, night and 
day, we worked that we might not 
lay an unnecessary burden upon any 
of you. You must not indeed sup- 
pose that we have not the right to 
maintenance, but we waived our right 
in order to set an example for you to 
follow. And not only so, but we gave 
you a positive precept to this effect. 
For you cannot have forgotten that 
while we were with you, we were in 
the constant habit of urging upon you 
that “ If any will not work, neither let 
him eat.” And weare the more led to 
go back upon this, because information 
is reaching us regarding certain of your 
number who are livingill-ordered lives, 
and, instead of attending to their own 
business, are busy with what does not 
concern them. It is such as these 
that we urge and entreat in the Lord 
Jesus to attend quietly to their own 
work and earn their own living.’ 

6. Παραγγέλλομεν δὲ ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοί] 
In introducing their παραγγελία the 
Apostles adopt a tone at once of 
affection and of authority—of affec- 


III 7] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 


113 


~ ct 7 ΄σ \ \ 
κυρίου " ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ στέλλεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ παντος 
T'S / a \ \ \ \ “ 
ἀδελφοῦ ἀτάκτως περιπατοῦντος καὶ μή κατὰ τὴν παρα- 


δοσιν ἣν "παρελάβετε' παρ᾽ ἡμῶν. 


7 3 \ \ 10 
αὐτοὶ yao οἰδατε 


~ ~ ~ ‘ci / / ~ 
πῶς δεῖ μιμεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς, OTL οὐκ ἠτακτήσαμεν ἐν ὑμῖν 


6 κυρίου solum BD* ἃ Cypr: add ἡμῶν δα cet g Vg cet verss Ambst ‘Theod- 


Mops'** 
παρελάβοσαν &*A 17 Bas (non semper) 


tion, because it is to their ‘ brethren’ 
that they appeal, and of authority, 
because it is as the representatives of 
one Jesus, Who had been made known 
both as Lord and Christ, that they 
enforce their charge. 

ἐν ὀνόματι τ. κυρ. “Ino. Xp.] prac- 
tically synonymous here with διὰ τ. 
kup. "Ino. (1. iv. 2 note), though the 
introduction of the common O.T. peri- 
phrasis (cf. Ex. v. 23, Deut. xviii. 22, 
Jer. xi. 21) lays greater stress on the 
personality and consequent authority 
of the person spoken of: cf. i, 12 note, 
and for a full discussion of this and 
similar expressions see the exhaustive 
monograph by W. Heitmiiller Jm 
Namen Jesu (Gottingen, 1903). 

A similar usage occurs in the Κοινή 
where ὄνομα with the gen. often stands 
for the dat. of the name of the person 
addressed, e.g. Ostr. 670 Πανίσκος... 
ὀνό(ματι) [ὀνό(ματος), Wilcken] Πασή- 
puos κτλ. (other exx. in Herwerden). 

στέλλεσθαι ὑμᾶς κτλ.] Στέλλειν 
originally =‘ set,’ ‘place,’ and hence 
‘bring together,’ ‘make compact’ as 
e.g. of shortening the sails of a ship 
(Hom. 11. i. 433, Od. iii. 11), by a 
natural transition came to denote 
generally ‘restrain,’ ‘check, and is 
found in the midd. in the sense of 
‘draw or shrink back from’ anything, 
whether from fear (Hesych.: στέλλε- 
ται" φοβεῖται) or any other motive 
as in Mal. ii. 5 ἀπὸ προσώπου ὀνό- 
patos μου στέλλεσθαι αὐτόν, 3 Mace. 
i. 19 ai δὲ καὶ προσαρτίως ἐσταλμέναι 
(‘die sich ganz zuriickgezogen halten’ 
Kautzsch, and cf. Grimm’s note ad 
loc.): cf, Hipp. Vet. med. 10(ed. Foesius) 


M. THESS. 


mapeddBere BG al pauc g 4 Go Syr (Harel) Arm Orig 4 Bas (?) Thdt: 


οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἀπόσχοιντο ὧν ἐπιθυμεοῦσιν, οὔτε 
στείλαντο, and see the old gloss quoted 
in Steph. Thesaur. 8.0. where στέλ- 
λεσθαι is explained by ἀφίστασθαι, 
ἀναχωρεῖν. This gives the clue to its 
meaning here (Vg. ut subtrahatis vos) 
and in 2 Cor. viii. 20 στελλόμενοι 
(Vg. devitantes) τοῦτο μή tis ἡμᾶς 
μωμήσηται, the only other place where 
it is found in the N.T. Thdt.: τὸ 
στέλλεσθαι ἀντὶ τοῦ χωρίζεσθαι τέ- 
θεικ. The compound ὑποστέλλω 
(ομαι) is used in the same sense in 
Ac. xx. 20, 27, Gal. ii. 12, Heb. x. 38; 
cf. Deut. i. 17, Job xiii. 8, Sap. vi. 
7 (8). 

παντὸς ἀδελφοῦ] Notwithstanding 
his faults, the title of ‘brother’ is not. 
denied to the disorderly person, even 
while duty to the ‘ brotherhood’ re- 
quires that he be avoided; cf. 1 Cor. 
v. II. 

ἀτάκτως] See Add. Note G. 

κατὰ τ. παράδοσιν κτλ.] For mapa- 
δοσιν see ii. 15 note, and for παρελά- 
Bere see I. ii. 13 note. 

The marginal reading παρελά- 
βοσαν is well-attested, and, if adopted, 
must have its subj. supplied from the 
collective ἀπὸ παντὸς ἀδελφοῦ. The 
termination in -οσαν receives how- 
ever scanty warrant from the papyri 
(Moulton Prolegg. p. 52), and in the 
present instance may have originated 
‘in an ocular confusion with -oovw 
(παράδοσιν) in the corresponding place 
of the line above’ (W H? Woes p. 172). 

7. αὐτοὶ yap οἴδατε] Of. I. i. 5, ii. 
1, 5, 11 &c.; Intr. p. xliv. 

μιμεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς] The verb μιμέομαι, 
repeated in Ὁ. 9, is found elsewhere in 


8 


[14 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 8—10 


δοὐδὲ δωρεὰν ἄρτον ἐφάγομεν Tapa τινος, GAN ἐν κόπῳ 
καὶ μόχθῳ νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐργαζόμενοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ 
ἐπιβαρῆσαί τινα ὑμῶν" ϑοὐχ ὅτι οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα ἑαυτοὺς τύπον δώμεν ὑμῖν εἰς τὸ μιμεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς. 
kal γὰρ ὅτε ἦμεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, τοῦτο παρηγγέλλομεν 


the N.T. only in Heb. xiii. 7, 3 Jo. 
11; it occurs several times in the 
apocr. books of the O.T., ef. also 
Aristeas 188 μιμούμενος τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ 
διὰ παντὸς ἐπιεικές. For the thought 
of the present passage see I. i. 6 note. 

οὐκ ἠτακτήσαμεν] another instance 
of meiosis (cf. τ. 2, 1. ii. 15), embody- 
ing the ground of the Thessalonians’ 
knowledge just spoken of. For ἀτακ- 
réw see Add. Note G. 

8. δωρεάν) ‘gratis’ as frequently 
in the Lxx. (Gen. xxix. 15, Hx. xxi. 
2 &c.): cf. Rom. iii. 24, 2 Cor. xi. 7, 
also P.Tebt. 5, 249 ff. (ii./B.c.) ἐπε- 
pimrew...épya δωρεὰν μηδὲ μισθῶν ὕφει- 
μένων ‘to impose labour gratis or at 
reduced wages.’ In Jo. xv. 25 (LXX.), 
Gal. ii. 21 the word has the further 
sense of ‘ uselessly,’ ‘ without sufficient 
cause.’ 

ἄρτον ἐφάγομεν] a general expression 
for taking food of any kind (cf. Mk. 
iii. 20, Lk. xiv. 1), corresponding 
to the Heb. on>~bas (Gen. 111. 19, 
4 Regn. iv. 8). 

ἀλλ᾽ ἐν κόπῳ κτὰ.] See the notes on 
I. ii. 9, and as further illustrating the 
meaning of the phrase νυκτ. k. np. 
cf. Magn. 163, 7f. ἀδιαλείπτως θέντα 
τὸ ἔλαιον ἡμέρας τε Kal νυκτός. 

οὐχ ὅτι οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν] ἃ 
limitation introduced to avoid any 
possible misconception as to the 
Apostolic claim to gratuitous sup- 
port: cf. I. ii, 6 and especially 1 Cor. 
ix. 4, 7—14 where St Paul traces this 
same ‘right’ (ἐξουσίαν, v. 4) to the 
enactment of the Lord Himself (v. 14, 
Lk. x. 7 f.); see also 1 Tim. v. 18, 
Didache xiii. 1 πᾶς δὲ προφήτης ἀλη- 
θινὸς.. ἄξιός ἐστι τῆς τροφῆς αὐτοῦ. 

For this later sense of ἐξουσία 
(primarily ‘liberty of action’) to de- 


note a definite ‘claim’ or ‘right, 
with the further idea of ‘authority’ 
over others, cf. its frequent technical 
use in the papyri in connexion with 
wills and contracts, e.g. P.Oxy. 491, 3 
(ii./A.D.), ἐφ᾽ ὃν μὲν περίειμι χρόνον 
ἔχειν ple] τὴν τῶν ἰδίων ἐξου[ σί]αν 
‘so long as I survive I am to have 
power over my own property, 719, 
25 (ii./A.D.) ἐξουσίας σοι οὔσης ἑτέροις 
παρ[αχωρεῖν] ‘the right resting with 
you to cede to others.’ 

For the use of οὐχ ὅτι-- οὐ λέγομεν 
ὅτι (.. ἀλλά) in the N.T. for the pur- 
pose of avoiding misconception cf. 
2 Oor. i. 24, iii. 5, Phil. iv. 17; WM. 
p. 746. 

ἀλλ᾽ iva ἑαυτοὺς τύπον krA.| a second, 
and in the present instance, the main 
reason of the Apostles’ self-denying 
toil: not only did they desire to 
remove any hindrance from the free 
diffusion of the Gospel (cf. I. ii. 9), 
but also by their own daily lives and 
conduct to impress more forcibly 
upon their converts’ hearts the real 
significance of their message. 

For ἑαυτούς with reference to the 
ist pers. plur. cf. 1. ii.8 note. It is of 
interest to notice that this usage does 
not seem to have extended to the 
sing. except in the case of very 
illiterate documents, e.g. B.G.U. 86, 
5 (ii. /A.D.) συνχωρῶ μετὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ 
τελευτὴν τοῖς γεγονόσι αἰὑτ]ῷ ἐκ τῆς 
συνούσης αὑτοῦ γυναικός (cf. Moulton 
C.R. xv. 441, xviii. 154). With τύπος 
(I. i. 7 note) ef. the use of ὑποτύπωσις 
in 1 Tim. i. 16, 2 Tim. i. 13, the meta- 
phor there, according to Lft. (on 
Clem. R. Cor. v. ad jin.), being due 
to the art of sculpture, ‘the first 
rough model.’ 

10. καὶ yap ὅτε ἦμεν κτλ.]. Of. 1. 


III 11, 12] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 115 


~ ε ᾽ / , ‘ > 7 

ὑμῖν, ὅτι εἴ τις οὐ θέλει ἐργάζεσθαι μηδὲ ἐσθιέτω. 
> eed 3 ~ 3 ῇ 

τ ἀκούομεν γάρ τινας περιπατοῦντας ἐν ὑμῖν ATAKTWS, 
3 \ / ~ \ 
μηδὲν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ περιεργαζομένους" “rots δὲ 
\ ~ 3 / 
TOLOUTOLS παραγγέλλομεν καὶ παρακαλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ 


iii. 4, the only difference being that, 
in view of v. 6, τοῦτο παρηγγέλλομεν 
is substituted for προελέγομεν. For 
similar references by St Paul to his 
previous public teaching cf. 1 Cor. xi. 
23, XV. I. 

ὅτι εἴ τις οὐ θέλει xrA.] ‘that if any 
one is not willing (Beng. : ‘nolle vitium 
est’) to work, neither let him eat.’ 
Pelag.: ‘Haec sit inquietudinis non 
solum poena, sed etiam emendatio.’ 

For ὅτι which is here equivalent 
to little more than our inverted 
commas see WM. p. 683 n.!, and for 
illustrations of the maxim, which was 
apparently a proverbial Jewish say- 
ing based on Gen. 111. 19, see the 
passages cited by Wetstein, especially 
Bereschith R. ii. 2 ‘ego vero si non 
laboro, non edo,’ xiv. 12 ‘ut, si non 
laborat, non manducet’: cf. also 
Didache xii. 3 εἰ δὲ θέλει πρὸς ὑμᾶς 
καθῆσαι, τεχνίτης ὦν, ἐργαζέσθω καὶ φα- 
γέτω. According to Resch (Agrapha, 
p. 240 ff., Paulinismus, Ὁ. 409 f.) the 
saying in its present form may have 
been derived from ἃ logion of the Lord 
Himself. 

For εἰ... οὐ see WM. p. 599, Jannaris, 
§ 1807, and for the strong negative 
μηδέ (ne quidem) with the imperative 
ef. Eph. v. 3. 

II. ἀκούομεν yap xtA.] Fresh news 
from Thessalonica had reached the 
writers since the despatch of their 
first Epistle, perhaps through the 
bearer of that Epistle on his return, 
of such a character as to lead them 
to single out the offenders, who were 
evidently known to them, for direct 
rebuke. 

For the pres. ἀκούομεν instead of 
the perf. cf. 1 Cor. xi. 18 (Burton, 
§ 16, Gildersleeve Syntax ὃ 204), 
and for its construction with the acc. 


and part. to describe an actually 
existing state see Buttmann p. 302 f. 

μηδὲν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ meptepya- 
ζομένους ‘ doing no business but being 
busy bodies ’—a translation suggested 
by Ellic. which has the merit of pre- 
serving the play of words in the 
original: cf. Beza ‘nihil agentes, sed 
inaniter satagentes,’ Est. ‘nihil oper- 
antes, sed circumoperantes, and 
amongst more modern renderings 
Ew., Schm. ‘keine Arbeit treibend, 
sondern sich herumtreibend,’ Zéckl. 
‘nicht schaffend, sondern vielge- 
schaftig,” Jowett ‘busy only with 
what is not their own business.’ 
The same play on the original Gk. 
words is found in Dem. PaAii. iv. 
150 σοὶ μὲν ἐξ ὧν ἐργάζει Kal πε- 
ριεργάζει τοὺς ἐσχάτους ὄντας κινδύ- 
νους. For other exx. of paronomasia 
from the Pauline Epp. see v. 13, 
Rom. i. 20, xii. 3, 1 Cor. vii. 31, 
2 Cor. iv. 8, Phil. iii, 2 f. (WM. 
p. 794 f., Blass, p. 298 ἢ). 

Περιεργάζομαι, ἅπ. λεγ. N.T. (ef. 
περιεργός Ac. xix. 19, I Tim. v. 13), is 
found in the same sense as here in 
Sir. ili. 23 (24) ἐν τοῖς περισσοῖς τῶν 
ἔργων σου μὴ περιεργάζου : cf. Plato 
Apol. 19 B, where it is said of Socrates 
in an accusatory sense, περιεργάζεται 
ζητῶν τά τε ὑπὸ γῆς καὶ τὰ ἐπουράνια, 
and for a significant ex. from the 
inscriptions see C.Z.A. 11. 74, 14 f. ὃς 
ἂν δὲ πολυπραγμονήσῃ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ἣ 
περιεργάσηται, ἁμαρτίαν ὀφιλέτω κτλ. 
Quintilian defines περιεργία as ‘super- 
vacua operositas’ (viii. 3. 55): cf. 
M. Anton. x. 2 τούτοις δὴ κανόσι 
χρώμενος, μηδὲν περιεργάζου. 

12. τ. δὲ τοιούτοις παραγγέλλομεν 
κτλ.] The παραγγελία is now addressed 
directly to the ἄτακτοι themselves in 
so far as they possess the above- 


8—2 


116 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 13, 14 


Ἴ “ a. ~ / ΡΝ ᾽ς > / \ ς ~ 
noov Ἄριστῳ va META ἡσυχίας ἐργαζόμενοι TOV εαυὐτῶν 


» > , 
ἀρτον ἐσθίωσιν. 
καλοποιοῦντες. 


mentioned characteristics—rois τοιού- 
τοις, cf. Mt. xix. 14, Rom. xvi. 18, 
1 Cor. v. Τῇ: 

For παρακαλοῦμεν cf. I. ii. 12 note, 
and for ἐν κυρ. "Ino. Xp. ef. I. iv. 1 
note. 

iva μετὰ ἡσυχίας κτλ.] It is not 
enough that they should not be dis- 
orderly, they must also work, and 
that too ‘with quietness’ for their 
own maintenance. 

‘Hovxia (elsewhere in N.T. only 
Ac, xxii. 2, 1 Tim. ii. 11 ἢ; οὗ ἡσυχά- 
¢ew I, iv. 11, and for a class. parallel 
[Dem.] Zvord. Or. 1445 ἔχειν ἡσυχίαν 
kal Ta ὑμέτερα αὐτῶν πράττειν) differs 
from ἠρεμία in denoting tranquillity 
arising from within rather than from 
without (Ellic. on 1 Tim. ii. 2). 

For the force of μετά see the note 
on I. i. 6, and cf. P.Lond. 1. 44, 17 f. 
(ii./B.C.) μεθ᾽ ἡσυχίας ἀναλύειν. 


III. 13—15. ΕἸΧΗΟΒΤΑΤΙΟΝ TO THE 
LoyaL MEMBERS OF THE CHURCH. 
After the digression caused by the 

rebuke of the disorderly, the writers, 

fearing that their example may have 

a bad effect, address a special word 

of exhortation to the main body of 

their readers. 

13—15. ‘On the other hand as 
regards the rest of you, Brothers, we 
exhort you not to fail in doing the 
right thing, but to persevere in your 
honourable course. And in order 
that you may do this, there is nothing 
for it but to mark the man who is 
disregarding what we have said in 
this Epistle, and not in any way to 
associate with him, in order that 
thereby he may be shamed. And 
yet in saying this, we need hardly 
caution you that you are not to treat 
him as if he were in any sense an 
enemy, but rather to counsel him as 
a brother.’ 


~ / - > / 
3°Yueis δέ, ἀδελφοί, μὴ ἐνκακήσητε 
> a > ε ΄ , ε vod 
*4e δέ τις οὐχ ὑπακούει τῷ λόγῳ ἡμῶν 


13. Ὑμεῖς δέ] ‘But you’—what- 
ever may have been the conduct of 
others. Thdt.: μὴ νικήσῃ τὴν vpe- 
τέραν φιλοτιμίαν ἡ ἐκείνων μοχθηρία. 

μὴ ἐνκακήσητε] ᾿Ἐνκακέω (for form, 
WH. Notes p. 157 f.) from κακός 
‘cowardly’ is found elsewhere in 
N.T. only in Lk. xviii. 1, 2 Cor. iv. 1, 
16, Gal. vi. 9, Eph. iii. 13: ef: Polyb. 
iv. 19. 10 τὸ μὲν πέμπειν τὰς βοηθείας 
...evexaxnaay ‘they omitted through 
cowardice to send assistance.’ 

For the use of the aor. subj. in 
2nd pers. after μή, which is compara- 
tively rare in Paul, see Moulton 
Prolegg. p. 122 ff. 

καλοποιοῦντες] ‘doing the fair, the 
noble thing’ rather than ‘ conferring 
benefits’ (ἀγαθοποιοῦντες) : cf. the 
double exhortation in 1 Tim. vi. 18 
ἀγαθοεργεῖν, πλουτεῖν ἐν ἔργοις κα- 
λοῖς. ' 

The verb καλοποιέω is not found 
elsewhere in the N.T. (for similar 
compounds, Lob. PAryn. p. 199 f.), 
but for the thought see Gal. vi. 9 ro 
δὲ καλὸν ποιοῦντες μὴ ἐνκακῶμεν, Where, 
as here, καλός carries with it the 
thought not only of what is right in 
itself (I. v. 21 note), but of what is 
perceived to be right (1 Tim. v. 25 ra 
καλὰ πρόδηλα), and consequently 
exercises an attractive power. See 
further for this sense of καλός the 
interesting discussion by Lock, S¢ 
Paul p. 117 ff. 

14. τῷ λόγῳ ἡμῶν διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς] 
‘our word (sent) through the (present) 
epistle’ (Th. Mops. interpr.: ‘uerba 
quae per epistolam loquimur’). The 
interpretation favoured by some of 
the older commentators by which διὰ 
τ. ἐπιστ. is rather to be connected with 
what follows in the sense ‘ by means 
of a letter (from you) do you notify’ 
(ef. Tind. sende vs worde of him by a 
letter) is exposed to the well-founded 


III 15] THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS 117 


A mom ~ CG 
διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, τοῦτον 


΄σ e/ 3 = 
νυσθαι αὐτῷ, iva ἐντραπῆ" 


objections that it is inconsistent 
with the natural order of the words, 
and with the use of the demonstrative 
τῆς (I. v. 27 note), which points to an 
existing letter rather than to one to 
be written afterwards. 

τοῦτον σημειοῦσθε] “οἵ this man take 
note’ (Vg. hance notate). Σημειόομαι 
(ar. Aey. N.T.) means to ‘mark or 
notify for oneself, and from being 
used in a neutral or even favourable 
(Ps. iv. 7) sense came also to have the 
idea of disapprobation connected 
with it, eg. Polyb. v. 78. 2 (of a 
sinister omen) σημειωσάμενοι τὸ γε- 
γονός. The ordinary usage of the 
word is illustrated by Aristeas 148 
παραδέδωκεν ὁ νομοθέτης σημειοῦσθαι 
τοῖς συνετοῖς εἶναι δικαίους, O.G.LS. 
629, 168 (Palmyra, ii./A.D.) ὁ κράτιστος 
ἐσημ(εγιώσατο ἐν τῇ πρὸς Βάρβαρον 
ἐπιστολῇ. 

It may be added that with the 
grammarians σημείωσαι is used in the 
sense of ‘nota bene,’ and that in the 
ostraca and papyri σεσημείωμαι is the 
regular term for the signature to a 
receipt or formal notice, as when in 
P.Oxy. 237. Vii. 29 (ii./A.D.) the prefect 
gives legal validity to the ὑπομνη- 
ματισμός by the words ἀνέγνων: σεση- 
μ(είωμαι). 

μὴ συναναμίγνυσθαι αὐτῷ] lit. ‘not 
to mix yourselves together up with 
him’ (Vg. ne commisceamini cum illo, 
Beza ne commercium habete cum eo) 
—the expressive double compound 
being found elsewhere in the N.T. 
only in 1 Cor. v. 9 μὴ συναναμίγνυσθαι 
mopvos: cf. Hos. vii. 8A Ἐφράιμ ἐν 
τοῖς λαοῖς αὐτοῦ συνανεμίγνυτος For 
the corresponding adj. in the Κοινή 
see P.Oxy. 718, 16 f. (ii./a.D.) ἀρούρας 
τῆς βασιλικῆς συναναμίγους εἶναι τῇ 
vrap|xovon μοι γῇ]. 

ἵνα ἐντραπῇ ] ‘in order that he may 
be put to shame’ (Vg. ut confun- 
datur, Beza ut erubescat), following 


σημειοῦσθε, μὴ συναναμίγ- 
Skat μὴ ὡς ἐχθρὸν ἡγεῖσθε, 


the late metaphorical sense of ἐν- 
τρέπω, cf. Ps. xxxiv. (xxxv.) 4, 1 Cor. 
iv. 14, Tit. ii. 8, and from the Kown 
such passages as P.Par. 47, 3 f. 
(ii./B.0.) [e]? μὴ μικρόν τι ἐντρέπομαι, 
49, 29 f. (ii./B.0.) γίνεται γὰρ ἐντρα- 
πῆναι. The corresponding subst. év- 
τροπή (-- αἰσχύνη) is found in 1 Cor. 
vi. 5, xv. 34. For its sense of aidws as 
in class. Gk. (e.g. Soph. Oed. Col. 299) 
οἵ, the late magical papyrus P.Lond. 
I. 46, 16 f. (iv./A.D.) δὸς ἐντροπὴν τῷ 
φανέντι πρὸ πυρός. 

In the midd. the verb =‘ reverence,’ 
and contrary toclass. usage is construed 
in the Bibl. writings with the acc., e.g. 
Sap. ii. 10, Mk. xii. 6, Heb. xii. 9. 

15. καὶ μὴ ws ἐχθρόν κτὰλ.] a clause 
added to prevent any possible mis- 
understanding of the foregoing. 
Throughout the conduct enjoined 
has in view the final amendment of 
the offender (Th. Mops.: ‘ut modis 
omnibus increpatione, obsecratione, 
doctrina reducatis eum ad id quod 
honestum est’): cf. Didache xv. 3 
ἐλέγχετε δὲ ἀλλήλους μὴ ἐν ὀργῇ ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐν εἰρήνῃ, and Clem. R. Cor. xiv. 3 
χρηστευσώμεθα αὐτοῖς [rois ἀρχηγοῖς 
τῆς στάσεως) κατὰ τὴν εὐσπλαγχνίαν 
καὶ γλυκύτητα τοῦ ποιήσαντος ἡμᾶς. 

For the softening effect of ὡς ‘as 
if he were an enemy’ cf. Blass 
Ῥ. 246 n.1, and for nyéowa and vov- 
θετέω see the notes on I. v. 13, I. v. 
12, respectively. As further illus- 
trating the ‘stronger’ sense of ἡγέο- 
μαι in the former passage see M. 
Anton. iv. 1 where the best texts 
read ὁρμᾷ μὲν πρὸς τὰ ἡγούμενα 
(‘moves towards things preferred ’) 
in the sense of mponyovpeva in the 
parallel passage v. 20 (see Crossley’s 
note ad /oc.). 


III. 16. ῬΒΑΥΒΒ. 


16. ‘May the Lord, from whom 
all peace comes, Himself give you His 


118 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS [III 16—18 


ἀλλὰ νουθετεῖτε ὡς ἀδελφόν. 


"Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος τῆς 


δ σύν 7 = \ 3 / Ἁ \ 3 \ / 
εἰρηνῆς δῴη UMLY τὴν εἰρήνην διὰ παντὸς ἐν παντὶ τρόπῳ. 


/ \ / ΄σ 
ὁ κύριος μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν. 


+ ~ ~ / 9 -~ 
“O ἀσπασμὸς τῆ ἐμῆ χειρὶ Παύλου, ὅ ἐστιν σημεῖον 


ἐν πάση ἐπιστολῆ" οὕτως yoadw. “δὴ yaols τοῦ κυρίου 
ν πάσῃ ῇ ᾿ γράφω. "ἡ χάρ ρ 

΄σ' > ~ o « ΄“ 
ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν. 


peace at all times and in all ways. 
The Lord be with you all.’ 

16. Αὐτὸς δέ κτλ.) For αὐτὸς δέ 
see I. iii. 11 note, and for 6 kup. τ. 
eip., here evidently the Lord Jesus 
(cf. v. 5), see I. v. 23 note. The 
Hellenistic opt. δῴη (for δοίῃ) is found 
again in the N.T. in Rom. xv. 5, 
2 Tim. i. 16, 18 (WSchm. p. 120). For 
διὰ παντός ‘continually, as distin- 
guished from πάντοτε ‘at all times’ 
see Westcott’s note on Heb. ix. 6, and 
cf. P.Lond. 1. 42, 6 (cited in note on 
Ty d. 3). 

The ν.]. ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ (A*D*G 17 
Vg Go) doubtless arose through the 
desire to conform a somewhat awk- 
ward phrase (cf. παντὶ τρόπῳ Phil. i. 
18, κατὰ πάντα τρόπον Rom, iii. 2) to 
the more common expression (ef. I. 1. 
8, 1 Cor. i. 2, 2 Cor. ii. 14, 1 Tim. 
ii. 8). 

μετὰ πάντων vuoyv|—even with the 
disorderly brother, cf. v. 18 and for 
πάντων used with a similar emphasis 
see the Benedictions in 1 Cor. xvi. 24, 
2 Cor. xiii. 13. 


III. 17, 18% SALUTATION AND 
BENEDICTION. 


17,18. “1 add this salutation with 
my own hand, signing it with my name 
Paul, as I am in the habit of doing. 
May the grace of our Lord Jesus 
Christ be with you all.’ 

17. ‘O ἀσπασμὸς τῇ ἐμῇ χειρὶ 
Παύλου] Cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv. 
18, and for a similar use of domacpos 
in the Kowy see P.Oxy. 471, 67 ἢ. 
(ii./A.D.) ἀναμενόντων...τὸν ἀσπασμόν 
‘waiting to salute him,’ and cf. the 
note on ἀσπάζομαι I. v. 26. 


Παύλου is gen. in apposition with 
ἐμῇ in accordance with a common Gk. 
idiom (Kiihner® ὃ 406, 3). 

ὅ ἐστιν σημεῖον xrA.| namely the fact 
of St Paul’s writing the salutation 
with his own hand, and not merely 
the insertion of the immediately pre- 
ceding words, which as a matter of 
fact are found elsewhere only in two 
of his Epp. (1 Cor., Col.). Because 
however St Paul does not always 
pointedly direct attention to the 
autographic nature of the salutations 
is in itself no proof that he did not 
write them: cf. Intr. p. xcii and see 
Add. Note A. Inthe present instance 
he may have considered a formal 
attestation of the clearest kind the 
more necessary in view of the false 
appeals that had been made to his 
authority in Thessalonica (see note on 
ii. 2). 

οὕτως γράφω] with reference to the 
characters in which vv. 17, 18 were 
written, which the Thessalonians 
would henceforth recognize as hisy 
cf. Gal. vi. 11. Any reference to an 
ingeniously-framed monogram (Grot.: 
‘certum quendam nexum literarium’) 
used by the Apostle for his signa- 
ture is quite unnecessary. 

18. ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου κτλ.}] The 
substance of the Pauline ἀσπασμός, 
embodying the Apostle’s favourite 
idea of ‘grace, and by the significant 
addition of πάντων extending it to 
‘all’ alike, even those whom he had 
just found it necessary to censure (cf. 
v. 16 note). 

As in the First Ep. (cf. I. v. 28 note) 
a liturgical ἀμήν has found its way 
into certain mss. (N°CADGKLP). 


ADDITIONAL NOTES 


Καθὼς καὶ ὁ ἀγαπητὸς ἡμῶν ἀδελφὸς Παῦλος κατὰ 
Ν a 9. ἡ 7 ” ¢ A ς x os , 
τὴν δοθεῖσαν αὐτῷ σοφίαν ἔγραψεν ὑμῖν, ὡς καὶ ἐν πάσαις 
3 a a 3 ᾽ a \ / > > \ 
ἐπιστολαῖς λαλῶν ἐν αὐταῖς περὶ τούτων, ἐν als ἐστὶν 
δυσνόητά τινα. 
2 Pet. iii, 15, 16. 


NOTE A. 


St Paul as a Letter- Writer. 


Φιλοφρόνησις γάρ τις βούλεται εἶναι ἡ ἐπιστολὴ σύντομος, καὶ περὶ ἁπλοῦ 


πράγματος ἔκθεσις καὶ ἐν ὀνόμασιν ἁπλοῖς. 
Demetrius de Elocutione 231 (ed. Roberts, p. 176). 


‘Als einen Ersatz seiner persénlichen Wirkung schreibt er seine Briefe. 
Dieser Briefstil ist Paulus, niemand als Paulus; es ist nicht Privatbrief und 
doch nicht Literatur, ein unnachahmliches, wenn auch immer wieder nach- 
geahmtes Mittelding.’ 

τ. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff Die Griechische Literatur des Altertums 
p. 157 (in Die Kultur der Gegenwart τ. 8, Berlin, 1905). 


We have already seen that the Thessalonian Epistles are true ‘letters,’ The 

and not doctrinal treatises, and that, in adopting this method of com- Pauline 

municating with his scattered Churches, St Paul found a means of pa ats 

communication admirably suited alike to his own temperament, and to jetters. 

the circumstances under which he wrote. The use of a ‘letter’ indeed 

for religious purposes was not altogether without precedent. It was by 

a letter that Jeremiah communicated God’s will regarding them to the 

Jewish captives in Babylon (Jer. xxix.)!, and by a letter again, to come 

down to Christian times, that the Council at Jerusalem announced their 

decision to the Gentile Churches (Ac. xv.) But, notwithstanding these 

partial parallels, St Paul was apparently the first to recognize the full 

possibilities that layin a letter as a means of conveying religious in- 

struction®, And as there is good reason to believe that in the Thessalonian 

Epistles we have the earliest of his extant writings (see p. xxxvif.), this is 

a fitting opportunity for trying to form as clear an idea as possible of the 

outward form and method of the Pauline correspondence. 

Towards this, recent discoveries in Egypt have lent most valuable aid. Light 

For though it is somewhat remarkable that no copy of a Pauline Epistle, persica του 
. m by 

or any part of one, on papyrus, belonging to the first three centuries, has yecent dis- 

yet come to light 4, the ordinary papyrus letters of the Apostle’s time enable coveries of 


1 Cf, in the Apocrypha the so-called 
Epp. of Jeremiah and Baruch, and 
2 Mace. i. τ, το. Renan (Saint Paul 


(1869) p. 229 n.*) refers also to the, 


iggéret or risdlet, which the Jewish 
synagogues were in the habit of 
addressing to one another on points 
of doctrine or practice. 

2 «Letters of recommendation’ (ἐπι- 


στολαὶ συστατικαί) were common, Ac. 
ix. 2 (xxii. 5), xviii. 27; cf. Rom. xvi. 
I, 2, 2 Cor. iii. 1, and for a pagan 
example see the first of the papyrus- 
letters reproduced on p. 127. 

3 An exception is sometimes made 
in favour of the Epistle of James; but 
see Sanday Inspiration p. 344 f. 

4 There are various fragments be- 


papyri. 


Papyrusas 
@ writing 
material. 


Themanu- 
facture of 


papyrus. 


122 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


us to picture to ourselves with great distinctness what must have been the 
exact format of the Pauline autographs. 

Thus there can be no doubt that, like other letter-writers of his time, . 
St Paul wrote his letters on papyrus. The costlier pergament, which was 
used for copies of the O.T. books’, was not only beyond the Apostle’s 
slender means, but would have been out of keeping with the fugitive and 
occasional character he himself ascribed to his writings*. And he would 
naturally fall back upon a material which was easily procurable, and whose 
use for the purposes of writing had already a long history behind it*. 

In itself papyrus is derived from the papyrus-plant (Cyperus papyrus L.)*, 
and was prepared for the purposes of writing according to a well- 
established process, of which the elder Pliny (W.H. xiii. 11—13) has left 
a classical account. 

According to this, the pith (βύβλος) of the stem of the papyrus-plant 
was cut into long strips (philyrae), which were laid down vertically to form 
a lower or outward layer. Over this a corresponding number of strips 
were then placed horizontally ; and the two layers were pressed together 
to form one sheet (scheda), the process being assisted by a preparation 
of glue, moistened, when possible, with the turbid water of the Nile, which 


was supposed to add strength to 108, 


longing to the fourth and fifth 
centuries, amongst which Dr Kenyon 
(Hastings’ D.B. v. p. 354) includes 
one containing 2 Thess. i. 1— ii. 2 
(Berlin Museum P. 5013); but, in a 
private communication to the present 
writer, he states that, in reality, this 
is not on papyrus, buton vellum. The 
important papyrus containing about 
one-third of the Ep. to the Hebrews 
(P.Oxy. 657) is certainly not later 
than the fourth century, perhaps the 
end of the third. 

1 These are probably referred to in 
τὰς μεμβράνας of 2 Tim. iv. 13, as 
compared with τὰ βιβλία, the ordinary 
papyrus-rolls. 

2 The very fact that Josephus 
mentions that the letter of the Jews 
to Ptolemy Philadelphus was written 
on parchment (διφθεραί, Antt. xii. 89 
(ii. 11)) shows that this was unusual. 

3 Theearliest extant papyrus-writing 
is a statement of accounts, dated in 
the reign of Assa, the last King of the 
fifth dynasty in Egypt, about 3580— 
3536 B.c. (Kenyon Palaeography of 
Greek Papyri p. 14). According to 
Sir E. M. Thompson (Greek and Latin 
Palaeography p. 33), papyrus continued 


After being dried in the sun, and 


to be manufactured in Egypt for 
writing purposes down to the tenth 
century of our era. Recently attempts 
have been made to supply charta 
according to the ancient model from 
the papyrus- plants growing near 
Syracuse. In addition to the authori- 
ties quoted, see the essay on ‘ Ancient 
Papyrus and the mode of making 
paper from it’ by Prof. Ezra Abbot, 
reprinted in his Critical Essays | 
(Boston, 1888) p. 137 ff. 

4 The most probable derivation of 
the word ‘papyrus’ is from the 
Egyptian pa-p-yér, ‘the (product) of 
the river,’ i.e. ‘the river-plant’ (see 
Encycl. Bibl. col. 3556). The plant is 
mentioned in Job viii. 11; in Ex, ii. 3 
the ND) NIM was a ‘chest of paper- 
reed,’ or 8 papyrus-boat, cf. Isa. xviii. 
2 ἐπιστολὰς βυβλίνας. For the Gk. 
word πάπυρος cf. P.Leid. S p. 97 
col. 1*, 8, 11 (ii./B.c.), and (παπύρους) 
P.Par. 55 bis col. 1 and 2 (ii./B.c.), 
and for the adj. P.Leid. U col. 2°, 6 f. 
(ii./B.c.) πλοῖον παπύρινον, ὃ καλεῖται 
Αὐγυπτισεὶ ‘Poy. See further Mayser 
p- 37: 

5 This appears to be the correct 
interpretation of Pliny’s ‘turbidus 


ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 123 
rubbed down with ivory or a smooth shell to remove any roughness, the 
sheet was ready for use—a scripturabilis facies. 

The size of the sheets thus formed would obviously vary according Size of 
to the quality of the papyrus; but Dr Kenyon has shown that for non- P&@PyTus- 
literary documents the size in ordinary use would be from 5 to 53 inches in sheote. 
width, and from 9 to 11 inches in height'. 

For a brief note, like the Epistle to Philemon, a single sheet would 
therefore suffice, but, when more space was required, it was easily pro- 
curable by fastening the requisite number of sheets together to form 
a roll?, the beginning (πρωτόκολλον) and the end (ἐσχατοκόλλιον), as the 
parts most usually handled, being not infrequently strengthened by 
attaching extra strips of papyrus at the back. These rolls would seem 
to have been generally sold in lengths of twenty sheets (scap7), the cost of 
two sheets being at the rate of a drachma and two obols each, or a little 
over a shilling of our money 3, 

As a rule the original writing was confined to one side of the papyrus- Recto and 
sheet, that side being chosen on which the fibres lay horizontally (recto), Verso, 
which was therefore smoother for the purpose. But occasionally, when 
space failed, recourse was had also to the back (verso). The verso was 
also frequently used for some other writing of less importance, or for 
scribbling purposes, much as we use the back of an old letter’. 

The matter was arranged in columns (σέλιδες, paginae) of from two to Width of 
three inches wide, which were as a rule placed close together, so that there columns. 


liquor vim glutinis (dat.) praebet,’ as 
elsewhere he recognizes only the form 
glutinum, and not gluten, according to 
which glutinis would be a genitive: 
ef. Birt Das antike Buchwesen (1882) 
p. 231 f., and for the whole of Pliny’s 
description see Gardthausen Griech- 
ische Palaeographie (1879) p. 31 f., 
Thompson op. cit. Ὁ. 30f., Kenyon op. 
cit. p. 15. 

1 Op. cit. p. 16 ff. 

2 Cicero (ad Fam. xii. 30. 1) speaks 
of so delighting in his correspondence 
with Cornificius, that he desires to 
send him ‘not letters but rolls.’ 

3 Thompson op. cit. p. 28; οἵ. 
Karabacek Fiihrer durch die Papyrus- 
sammlung (1904) of the Rainer Museum 
at Vienna, p. xvi. Karabacek also refers 
(p. xv) to the different qualities of 
papyrus-paper, such as the Charta 
claudia, a very white paper, and the 
Charta salutatrixz, a favourite form 
for ordinary correspondence. The 
finest of all was the Hieratica, while 
the Emporetica, made out of the rougher 


layers served much the purposes of 
brown paper amongst ourselves. 

4 Cf. Ezek. ii. gf. ‘a roll of a book 
...written within and without,’ and 
Rev. v. 1 βιβλίον γεγραμμένον ἔσωθεν 
καὶ ὄπισθεν, the roll was so full that 
the contents had overflowed to the 
verso of the papyrus (but see Nestle 
Text. Crit. of the Gk. N.T. p. 333). 
A similar peculiarity distinguishes the 
long magical papyrus P.Lond. 1. 121 
(iii./a.p.). On the distinction between 
Recto and Verso see especially Wilcken 
in Hermes xxii. (1887) p. 487 ff.: οὗ, 
Archiv i. p. 355 f. 

5 The letter P.Gen. 52 is written on 
the verso, the writer explaining— 
χάρτην (xdpriov, Wilcken Archiv iii. 
Ῥ. 399) καθαρὸν μὴ εὑρὼν πρὸς τὴν ὧραν 
εἰς rot[rlov ἔγραψα. See also the 
interesting caricature from the back 


of a papyrus (ix./B.c.) reproduced in 


Erman and Krebs dus den Papyrus 
der Kéniglichen Museen [zu Berlin], 
Berlin, 1899, p. 6. 


Ink and 
pen. 


A papy- 
rus-roll, 


Mode of 
reading. 


St Paul’s 
employ- 
ment of an 
amanuen- 
sis. 


124 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

would be little room for the marginal annotations St Paul is sometimes 
credited with having made, unless we are to think of these as inserted at 
the top or bottom of the sheet. 

To complete our survey of the writing-materials, it is sufficient to notice 
that the black ink (μέλαν, or μέλαν γραφικόν) ordinarily used was prepared 
from a mixture of soot and gum-water! and that a rush or reed (κάλαμος, 
or κάλαμος ypadixds) served as a pen (cf. 3 Jo. 13 διὰ μέλανος καὶ 
καλάμου) 3. 

When finished, the roll was rolled round upon itself, and fastened 
together with a thread*, and in ordinary letters the address or title was 
then written on the back of the roll. In the case of more important 
literary works, which would be preserved in libraries, a σίλλυβος, or small 
strip of papyrus containing the title, was frequently attached to the end of 
the roll for the purpose of identification‘. 

In order to ascertain its contents, the reader held the roll with two 
hands, unrolling it with his right, and with his left hand rolling up what he 
had finished reading®: a practice which enables us to understand the 
imagery of Rev. vi. 14 ὁ οὐρανὸς ἀπεχωρίσθη ὡς βιβλίον ἑλισσόμενον 
(ἑλισσόμενος &), where the expanse of heaven is represented as parting 
asunder, ‘the divided portions curling up and forming a roll on either hand’ 
(Swete ad Joc.). 

From these more general details that help to throw light on the 
outward method of the Pauline correspondence, it is necessary now to turn 
to one or two particulars that affected its contents. Amongst these a 
first place must be given to the fact that as a rule St Paul, following a 
well-established custom (Norden Kunstprosa ii. Ὁ. 954 ff.), seems to have 


1 Pliny N.H. xxxv. 6. The excellent 
quality of this ink is shown by the 
way it has preserved its colour after 
the lapse of so many years. At the 
same time by not sinking into the 
texture of the paper like our modern 
inks, it readily lent itself to being 
washed completely off: hence Col. 
li. 14 ἐξαλείψας τὸ...χειρόγραφον (see 
Williams’ note ad loc. in C.G.T.). 

2 Directions for buying papyrus, 
pens, ink &c. will be found in P. Grenf. 
11. 38 (cf. Witkowski Epp. no. 55), 
a letter of i./p.c. For illustrations 
of the ordinary writing-materials see 
Erman and Krebs op. cit. p. 8 f., and 
the above-cited Fiihrer through the 
Rainer collection at Vienna p. 6. 

8 The wooden-roller (ὀμφαλός, uwm- 
bilicus) with projecting knobs or tips 
(κέρατα, cornua) would seem to have 
been confined to the costlier editions 


of literary works (Gardthausen op. cit. 


p. 52f., Kenyon op. cit. p. 23). And 
the same would be the case with the 
φαινόλης or φαιλόνης, the ‘cover’ by 
which more valuable works were pro- 
tected. Birt (op. cit. p. 65) finds a 
reference to this ‘cover,’ and not to 
the Apostle’s ‘ travelling-cloke,’ in the 
φελόνη of 2 Tim. iv. 13. 

4 Specimens of these σίλλυβοι have 
been recovered: see P,Oxy. 301, 381. 

ὅ Cf. Lucian imag. ὁ. 8 βιβλίον ἐν 
ταῖν χεροῖν εἶχεν, és δύο συνειλημμένον" 
καὶ ἐῴκει τὸ μέν τι ἀναγνώσεσθαι αὐτοῦ, 
τὸ δὲ ἤδη ἀνεγνωκέναι (cited Gardthausen 
Ῥ. 52). Seneca, who prided himself 
on his brevity, breaks off a letter with 
the remark that no letter should ‘fill’ 
the left hand of the reader (Ep. 45 
‘quae non debet sinistram manum 
legentis implere’), implying that, were 
it longer than a single sheet, the reader 
would require to use both hands (Bir 
p- 62). 


ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 125 
dictated his letters. This at least is the most obvious interpretation of 
such a passage as Rom. xvi. 22 ἀσπάζομαι ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ Téprios ὁ γράψας τὴν 
ἐπιστολὴν ἐν κυρίῳ, Where, unless we are to think of Tertius’ writing a 
copy of the letter the Apostle had previously penned, we can only regard 
him as the actual scribe. Further confirmation of this practice is afforded 
by 2 Thess. iii. 17, a verse which sets the authenticating signature of 
the Apostle in direct contrast with the rest of the letter as written by 
someone else: cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv. 18. 

To such a mode of procedure the Egyptian papyri again offer striking 
confirmation, the signature being often in a different hand from the body 
of the document itself, as when a letter on land-distribution by three 
officials, Phanias, Heraclas, and Diogenes, is endorsed at the bottom by 
the second of these (Ἡρακλ(ᾶς) σεση(μείωμαι)), the letter itself having no 
doubt been written by a clerk (P.Oxy. 45 (i./a.D.) with the edd. note)?. 

In speaking of St Paul’s amanuensis, we must not however think of 
a professional scribe (raxvypados, notarius), but rather of some educated 
friend or companion who happened to be with the Apostle at the time 
(cf. Rom. xvi. 21). The writing would then be of the ordinary, non-literary 
character, though doubtless more than the usual care would be taken 
in view of the importance of the contents. The words, in accordance with 
general practice, would be closely joined together. Contractions, especially 
in the way of leaving out the last syllables of familiar words’, would be 
frequent. And, as a rule, accents and breathings would be only sparingly 
employed. The bearing of these facts upon the various readings that crept 
later into the Pauline texts is at once obvious. But for our present 
purpose it is more important to ask, How much was St Paul in the habit 
of leaving to his amanuensis? Did he dictate his letters word for word, 


his scribe perhaps taking them down in some form of shorthand?®? 


1 Mahaffy (P.Petr. 1. p. 48) finds 
here the clue to the correct interpre- 
tation of the πήλικα γράμματα of Gal. 
vi. 11—the large, irregular characters 
of the man who wrote but little, as 
compared with the smaller, cursive 
handof his more practised amanuensis: 
ef, for a striking illustration of this the 
facsimile of Pap. 215 in the Fiihrer to 
the Rainer collection (p. 68), where 
the rude, uncial signatures of two 
consenting parties are clearly dis- 
tinguishable from the more cultured 
hand in which the body of the contract 
is written. But Ramsay (Hist. Comm. 
on Galatians p. 466) is probably nearer 
the mark in saying that by the use of 
‘large’ letters the Apostle desired 
rather to draw special attention to the 
‘importance’ of the following sen- 
tences, in accordance with a well- 


Or was 


established custom in ancient times. 

2 Kenyon’s statement (Palaeography 
p- 33) that the omission of the middle 
portion of words is not found in Gk. 
papyri now requires modification : ef. 
P.Amh. 35, 55 (ii./B.c.) βα(σιλι)κῶν, 
where the editors point out that the 
scribe first wrote 8+, and then added 
κων to distinguish it from B+=£a- 
(σιλέως) in the previous line, and see 
also Kenyon himself (P.Lond. m1. p. 91) 
where kA κοι = κλήρου κατοικοῦ is allowed 
as ‘one of the very few exceptions’ to 
his own above-stated rule. 

3 For the practice of shorthand 
amongst the ancients see art. ‘Nota’ 
in Smith’s Dict. of Gk. and Rom. Anitt., 
and cf. Kenyon op. cit. p. 33. To the 
literature there adduced may be added 
an art. by F. G. W. Foat On old Greek 
Lachygraphy in J.H.S. xxi. (1901) 


Signifi- 
cance of 
this fact 


Possibility 


of quota- 
tions 


and 
marginal 
annota- 
tions. 


126 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

he content to supply a rough draft, leaving the scribe to throw it into 
more formal and complete shape? It is true that to these questions no 
definite auswer can be given. In all probability the Apostle’s practice 
varied with the special circumstances of the case, or the person of the 
scribe whom he was employing. More might be left to the discretion 
of a Silvanus or a Timothy, than of a Tertius. But, in any case, the very 
fact that such questions can be put at all shows how many of the difficulties 
regarding the varied style and phraseology of the different Epistles might — 
be solved, if we had only clearer knowledge of the exact conditions under 
which they were severally written!. 

Nor can we leave out of sight the possibility that, when dictating, 
St Paul may frequently have held some letter he was answering in his 
hand, and that consequently quotations from his correspondents’ language, 
which we should now in print at any rate distinguish by the use of inverted 
commas, may have found their way into his answer, or at any rate suggested 
the exact form of the language employed *. 

In a suggestive paper in the Ewpositor (v. vi. p. 65 ff.) Dr Walter Lock 
has applied this possibility to the elucidation of 1 Cor. viii. 1—9, and more 
recently Dr Rendel Harris (Zap. v. viii. p. 169 ff.) has tried in the same way 
to disentangle from our existing 1 Thessalonians traces of a lost letter 
previously addressed by the Thessalonians to St Paul. Some of the points 
raised may perhaps seem to the ordinary reader over-subtle, and capable 
of simpler explanation. But the idea is a fruitful one,and may yet be found 
to do good service in the explanation of various Pauline linguistic and 
grammatical anomalies®. 

Another possibility is that what were originally marginal annotations 
now form part of the Pauline Epistles. What more natural, it has been 
argued, than that St Paul should have read over his letter, after his scribe 
had finished writing it, and jotted down in the margin explanatory 
comments or additions, which afterwards found their way into the text*. 
That marginal annotations of this kind were added later is well known; 


p. 238ff., which contains a general 
résumé of the present state of the 
question. 

1 Cf. Sanday Inspiration p. 342, and 
for the possibility that in the ‘ dicta- 
tion’ and ‘revision’ of the fourth 
Gospel, which early tradition asserts 
(especially Can. Murat. p. toa.), we 
may have a key to the differences 
between it and the Apocalypse see 
Swete Apoc. p. clxxix f. 

In an art. in the Churchman for 
June 1906 (summarized in Hap. T. 
XVii. p. 433) Bishop Moule cites a mode 
of procedure from the modern mission- 
field which may have some bearing on 
the point before us. According to 


this when a European missionary in 
China desires to send a message, he 
first writes it down in his own Chinese, 
and then submits it to a ‘ writer,’ who 
drafts it afresh into the correct classical 
phraseology. After revision it is then 
sent out by the missionary, ‘as his 
own authentic message.’ 

2 Cf. Weizsiicker Apost. 
p- 102 ff. 

8. For its application to the Ep. to 
the Philippians see Kennedy Phil. 
p. 403 in E.G.T. 

4 See especially Laurent Newtest. 
Studien (Gotha, 1866) p. 3 ff., and ef. 
Renan Saint Paul (1869) p. 232. 


Age ii. 


ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 127 


but it is very doubtful whether any of them can be traced back to St Paul 
himself. The general form of an ordinary papyrus-letter left, as we have 
already seen, little room for them. And such a phrase for example as 
ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ παρουσίᾳ (1 Thess. ii. 19), which 
Laurent (p. 28 ἢ) cites in support of this view, may just as readily have 
formed part of the original writing. 

We are on surer ground when we turn to the undoubted light which General 
the correspondence of the time throws upon the general form of the form 
Pauline letters. That form, as is well known, consists as a rule of an Pee : 
Address or Greeting, a Thanksgiving, Special Contents, Personal Salu- jotters, 
tations, and an Autographic Conclusion. And when full allowance has 
been made for difference in character and tone, it is remarkable how 
closely this structure resembles the structure of an ordinary Greek 
letter. 

This will perhaps be best shown by giving one or two specimens of Examples 
the latter. We begin with a short letter from Oxyrhynchus, of date of papy- 


A.D. 16, in which the writer Theon recommends to the notice of his borer 


brother Heraclides the bearer of the letter Hermophilus. A letter of 
P.Oxy. 746. pao 
Θέων Ἡρακλείδηι τῶι ἀδελφῶι tion. 3 


πλεῖστα χαίρειν καὶ ὑγιαίνειν. 
ἙἝἙρμόφιλος <6> ἀποδ[ι]δούς σοι τὴν 
ἐπιστολήν [ἐ]στίι]. [-.]. κί. .7μ. φί.7ηρι 
[-Ἰερίου, καὶ ἐρώτησέν με γράψαι σοι. 
[π]ροφέρεται ἔχειν πραγμάτιον 
[ἐν τῆι] Κερκεμούνι. τοῦτο οὖν ἐάν 
σοι φα[ί]νηται σπουδάσεις κατὰ τὸ 
δίκαιον. τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα σεαυτοῦ ἐπιμελοῦ 
ἵν᾽ ὑγιαίνῃς. 
ἔρρωσο. 
(ἔτους) γ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Φαῶφι γ. 
On the verso is written the address : 


Ἡρακλείδηι βα(σιλικῶι) γρ(αμματεῖ) 
᾿Οξυ(ρυγχίτου) Κυνοπί(ολίτου) 


the round brackets indicating the resolution of the abbreviations 
employed. 

The general similarity of. the Address and the closing Salutation to A letter of 
the ordinary Pauline practice is at once obvious, and the same may be invitation. 
said of the following letter of invitation from the Faiyim, belonging to the 
year A.D. 84. 

B.G.U. 596: 


Δίδυμος ᾿Απολλωνίωι 
τῶι τιμιωτάτωι 
χαίρειν. 
Καλῶς ποιήσεις συνελθὼν 
[Α]ἰλουρίωνι τῶι κομίζον- 
τί σοι τὸ ἐπ[ι]στ[όἤλιον, ὅπως 


A letter 
from a 
mother 
to her 
children. 


A letter of 


consola- 
tion, 


128 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


eis τὴν ἑωρτὴν (sic) περιστε- 

ρείδια ἡμεῖν ἀγοράσηι, 

καὶ ἐρωτηθεὶς κατελ- 

θὼν συνευωχηθῆ[ι] 

ἡμεῖν. Τοῦτ[ο] οὖν ποιή- 

σας ἔσῃ μοι μεγάλην 

χάριταν (sic) κατ[α]τεθειμῖ ἔ]νο(ς). 

ἤλσπασαι τοὺς σοὺς πάντας. 
ἜἜῤῥωσο. 

(ἔτους) τρίτου Αὐτοκράτορος 

Καίσαρος Δομιτιανοῦ 

Σεβαστοῦ Τερμανικοῦ Παχί(ὼν) τε. 


The address is again on the verso: 
Eis Βακχιάδα [ἀπόδος ᾿Απολλωνίωι} τῶι τιμιωτ[άἀ(τω!)}. 


Our next example still more closely recalls a Pauline letter, as, in 
addition to more formal resemblances, it contains an earnest prayer to the 
writer's god Serapis for the welfare of her children. This letter was also 
discovered in the Faiyim, and belongs to the end of the second, or the 
beginning of the third, century of our era. 

B.G.U. 332: 

Σεραπιὰς τοῖς τέκνοις Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ ᾿Απολιναρίᾳ καὶ 
Πτολεμαίῳ πλεῖστα χαίρειν. 
Πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι ἡμᾶς ὑγιαίνιν, ὅ μοι πάντων 
ἐστὶν ἀνανκαιότερον. Τὸ προ[σ]κύνημα ἡμῶν ποιῶ παρὰ τῷ 
κυρίῳ Σεράπιδι, εὐχομένη ἡμᾶς ὑγιαίνοντες ἀπολαβεῖν, 
ὡς εὔχομαι ἐπιτετευχότας. “Eydpny κομισαμένη γράμματα, 
ὅτι καλῶς διεσώθητε. ᾿Ασπάζου ᾿Αμμω[ν]οῦν σὺν τέκνοις καὶ 
συμβίῳ καὶ τοὺς φιλοῦντάς σε. ᾿Ασπάζεται ἡμᾶς Κυρίλλα 
καὶ ἡ θυγάτηρ ‘Eppias ‘Eppias (sic), Ἕρ[μ]ανοῦβις ἡ τροφός, ᾿Αθηναΐς ἡ δέσκα- 
λος, Κυρίλλα, Κάσια, [..]u.. vs, 3[...Javos, Ἔμπις, οἱ ἐνθάδε πάντες. 
᾿Ερωτηθεὶς οὖν πρ[ ayy Ja πράσσις γράψε μοι; εἰδὼς ὅτι, ἐὰν γράμματά 
σου λάβω, ihapa εἰμι περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἡμῶν. 

᾿Ἐῤῥῶσθαι ἡμᾶς εὔχομαι. 
On the verso this letter has two addresses, one in the original hand to 
the effect 

᾿Απόδος Πτολε X μαίῳ τῷ τέκνῳ. 

᾿Ασπάζου.. 

and the second in a different hand 

᾿Απόδ(ος) Πτολεμαίῳ X ἀδε(λ)γφῷ ᾿Απολινα[ρί]ας. 
It would appear therefore that the first recipient Ptolemaios had after- 
wards forwarded his mother’s letter to his brother of the same name, and 
his sister Apolinaria. 

To these three letters I am tempted to add in full the pagan letter 
of consolation already referred to (see 1. iv. 18 note) as, apart from 
similarity in outward form, its contents stand in such striking contrast to 
the bright and hopeful character of the Epistles before us. 


- ST PAUL AS A LETTER-WRITER 


P.Oxy. 115 (ii./A.D.): 


129 


Εἰρήνη Ταοννώφρει καὶ Φίλωνι 
εὐψυχεῖν. 


και 
, 
οὕτως ἐλυπήθην ἔκλαυσα ἐπὶ 


τῶι 


Ἑὐμοίρωι ὡς ἐπὶ Διδυμᾶτος 


ἔκλαυσα, καὶ πάντα ὅσα ἦν κα- 
θήκοντα ἐποίησα καὶ πάντες 

οἱ ἐμοί, ᾿Ἐπαφρόδειτος καὶ Θερμού- 
θιον καὶ Φίλιον καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος 


καὶ Πλαντᾶς. 


ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδὲν 


’ ‘ ~ 
δύναταί τις πρὸς Ta τοιαῦτα. 


- > ’ 
παρηγορεῖτε οὖν ἑαυτούς. 


᾿ ἢ 
εὖ πράττετε. 


On the verso 


᾿Αθὺρ a. 


Ταοννώφρει καὶ Φίλωνι. 


Nothing would be easier than to multiply examples!, but these must Current 
suffice to show the amount of truth there is in Deissmann’s dictum that the &Pistolary 


Pauline letters ‘differ from the messages of the homely Papyrus leaves 


phrases, 


from Egypt not as letters, but only as the letters of Paul’ (BS. p. 44): 
while they also make clear how frequently the actual phrases employed 
are drawn from the current epistolary language of the Apostle’s time” 
This is naturally most noticeable in the more formal parts of the letter 
such as the address or the closing salutation?; but it is by no means 
confined to these, as will be seen from the preceding Notes on such passages 
ΠΤ ΤΟΙ 3, 23, LES i, 3, Mi. 2%, 
Similarly with the authenticating signature. Reference has already St Paul’s 
been made to the fact that this was apparently generally added in St Paul’s !82ature. 


own hand in accordance with general practice®. 


1 An excellent collection of the 
letters belonging to the Ptolemaic 
period will be found in Witkowski’s 
Epistulae Privatae Graecae (Leipzig, 
Teubner, 1906). 

2 For the existence of similar ex- 
pressions in Latin letters see Tyrrell 
and Purser The Correspondence of 
Μ΄. T. Cicero (3rd ed..Dublin, 1904) i. 
p. 56 ff. 

3 This point did not escape the notice 
of the older commentators. Thus 
Theodore of Mopsuestia writes with 
reference to I. i. τ (ed. Swete): τὸ 
χάρις ὑμῖν οὕτως τίθησιν ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς 
τὸ χαίρειν ἐν ταῖς προγραφαῖς τῶν 
ἐπιστολῶν εἰώθαμεν " τὸ ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ 
τεθεικώς, ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς τὸ ἐν κυρίῳ 
γράφομεν. Cf. also Theodoret on II. 

M. THESS. 


And it is enough to add 


i. 2: τὸ δὲ ἐν θεῷ πατρί ἔοικεν τῷ παρ᾽ 
ἡμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς Ὑραφομένῳ" καὶ 
γὰρ ἡμεῖς εἰώθαμεν γράφειν" “ὁ δεῖνα τῷ 
δεῖνι ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν.) On the original 
formula see Dr G, A. Gerhard’s dis- 
sertation ‘Die Formel ὁ δεῖνα τῷ δεῖνι 
χαίρειν ᾿ forming the first part of his 
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des 
griechischen Briefes (Philologus Ixiv. 
(N. F. xviii.), 1905, p. 27 ff.). 

4 Further evidence pointing in the 
same direction will be found in the 
Dean of Westminster’s Note ‘On some. 
current epistolary phrases’ in his great 
commentary on St Paul’s Epistle to 
the Ephesians. 

5 Cf. Cic. ad Attic. viii. 1, Suet. 
Tib. 21, 32, Dion Cass. lviii, τα. 


9 


Mode of 
despatch 
of the 
Pauline 
letters. 


130 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

that the οὕτως γράφω (like our ‘signed’) with which the Apostle draws 
attention to it in II. iii. 17 finds a ready parallel in the σεσημείωμαι (generally 
contracted into σεση), with which so many of the Egyptian papyrus-letters 
and ostraca close. ; 

The only other point requiring notice is the mode of despatch of the 
Pauline letters. By this time the Imperial Post, established by Augustus’, 
was in full operation, but its use was strictly limited to state and official 
needs, and ordinary correspondence could only be sent by special messenger, 
or by favour of some friend or passing traveller?» Even had it been 
otherwise, it is obvious that many of the Apostle’s communications could 
only have been entrusted with safety to a Christian messenger in full 
sympathy with their object®. The messenger’s part would thus be an 
important one. And there can be little doubt that to St Paul’s messengers 
there often fell the task of reinforcing and supplementing the Apostolic 
message to the Churches addressed‘. 


1 Suet. dug. 49. In this, as in so 
many other customs of his court, 
Augustus doubtless followed a Persian 
model (Friedlaender Sittengeschichte 
Roms? ii. p. 8, cf. i. p. 395). 

2 Cic. ad Attic. i. 9. 1, Pliny Ep. vii. 
12, Mart. 111. roo. 1. 

8 According to a modern traveller, 
even to this day, in view of the perils 
attending correspondence at the hands 


of the Turkish postal authorities, 
Christians in Macedonia ‘are forced 
to employ private couriers of their 
own creed and nationality’ (G. F. 
Abbott Tale of a Tour in Macedonia 
p. 275). 

4 For the union of messenger and 
letter cf. P.Grenf. 1. 30 (ii./B.c.), 
B.G.U. 1009 (ii./B.c.). 


NOTE B. 


Did St Paul use the Epistolary Plural ? 


The question of whether St Paul ever uses the epistolary plural is one The ques- 

of some general interest, and has also a direct bearing upon the interpreta- tion not 
tion of several passages in our Epistles. It is a question which has some- Je a ἃ 
times been answered very definitely in the negative, as when it has been eategoric- 
maintained that St Paul never uses the Ist pers. plur. except with reference ally, 
to more than one person (Hofmann Die heil. Schrift neuen Testaments 
(1862) i. p. 147 and passim), or, more guardedly, that in those Epistles 
where several names occur in the address all subsequent 1st persons plur. 
must be referred to them, except where the context demands a still wider 
reference, as e.g. to Christians in general (Zahn Hin/. in d. N.T.i. pp. 150 ff, 
219f.). Laurent, on the other hand, as positively declares (SK. 1868 p. 159 ff., 
Neutest. Stud. p. 117 f.) that, so far at least as the Thessalonian Epistles 
are concerned, the 1st pers. plur. is always to be referred to St Paul alone 
as a kind of pluralis maiestaticus, being used by the Apostle when he 
speaks in his official capacity, while as a private individual he uses the 
singular. As a matter of fact, however, as Karl Dick has shown in his 
elaborate monograph Der schriftstellerische Plural bei Paulus (Halle, 
1900), no such hard and fast rule on either side can be carried consistently 
through without doing constant violence to the sense. And the general con- 
clusion at which Dick arrives after a complete survey of the evidence is 
that St Paul uses the 1st pers. plur. with such a wide variety of nwances 
and shades of meaning, that the pluralis auctoris may well have a place 
amongst them, wherever it is found to be most in keeping with the con- 
text, and the circumstances of writing at the time. 

Nor in this would the Apostle cause any undue difficulty to his readers. but in the 
For if the use of the 1st pers. plur. for the 1st pers. sing. seems only to ἄταν of 
have existed to a very limited extent in classical Gk. (cf. Kiihner® τι. i. cients τ 
§ 371. 3, Gildersleeve Syntax ὃ 54), in later writers it is very common (e.g. classical 
Polyb. i. 41. 7 πειρασόμεθα, Jos. Vita 10 (2) ἐβουλήθην... εἴπομεν.. .ᾧμην). and later 
And, what is still more pertinent to our present inquiry, this plural can Greek, 
now be illustrated from the ordinary correspondence of St Paul’s time. 

We must be careful indeed not to overstrain the evidence in this andespeci- 
direction, as some of the instances which are usually cited are by no means pee of the 
certain, owing to the possibility that the writer may be including those ἠῤῥλοτφος τὰ 
around him, members of his family or friends, in the plural reference. pondence 
Thus in the first of Dick’s two examples B.G.U. 27 (not 41, as Dick), 5 ff. of the 
εἰς γῆν ἐλήλυθα.. «καὶ ἐξε[κ]ένωσα μὲν (or ἐξεκενώσαμεν).. «καὶ mapedéEaro ἡμᾶς Apostle’s 
ὁ τόπος, the corn-merchant, who is its author, seems undoubtedly to be roa 


Q—2 


The con- 
sequent 
possibility 
of such 

a usage 

in the 
Pauline 
Epistles. 
Special 
circum- 
stances to 
be taken 
into 
account in 


the case of 


132 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


thinking of his comrades as well as of himself, when he uses the plural}, 
and similarly in the illiterate B.G.U. τοῦ, 1 ff. (i./A.D.) καλῶς ποιήσεις... 
κατελθὼν συνευωχηθῆ[ ι] ἡμεῖν. Τοῦτ[ο] οὖν ποιήσας ἔσῃ μοι μεγάλην χάριταν 
(stc) κατί αἸτεθειμῖ ἐἸνο(ς), there is again no reason why the reference in ἡμεῖν 
and μοι should be identical ?. 

Other examples can however now be cited in which it seems impossible 
to establish any distinction between the two numbers. For example, in the 
opening salutation of P.Par. 43 (ii./B.c.) we find εἰ ἔρρωσθαι, ἔρρωμαι δὲ 
καὐτοί, the plur. reading καὐτοί being here regarded as ‘certain’ by 
Witkowski (Zpp. p. 55) as against καὐτός (Letronne); and with this may — 
be compared such documents as P.Tebt. 58 (ii./B.c.) evpnxapev...edpor... 
βεβουλεύμεθα, P.Hib. 44 (iii./B.0.) ἐγράψαμεν..-ὁρῶντες...ὦιμην, and, from a 
much later date, P.Heid. 6 (iv./A.D.) murrevopev...ypapo καὶ φλυραρήσω.... 
δυνηθῶμεν. Evidence to the same effect is afforded by the Inscriptions, 
as in O.G.J.S. 484, possibly a rescript of Hadrian, in which the sing. 
and plur. are interchanged in a truly astonishing manner, e.g. 1 ... λοῦμεν, 
2 [μετεπεμ͵ψάμην, βουληθείς, 13 ἔδοξεν ἡμεῖν, 27 ἐδοκιμάσαμεν, 31 ἐπίστευον, 
41 δίκαιον ἡγησάμην, 54 νομίζω (see Dittenberger’s note ad Joc.). 

It is unnecessary to go on multiplying instances. These are sufficient 
to prove the possibility, to say the least, of the use of ἡμεῖς for ἐγώ in 
a writer of St Paul’s time. And if, accordingly, we find passages in his 
Epistles where the 1st pers. plur. seems to be best understood of the 
Apostle alone, we need not hesitate so to apply it. 

On the other hand in view of the fact that in several of his Epistles 
(1 Cor., Gal., Phil., Philemon) St Paul, after starting with an address from 
several persons, employs the 1st sing. throughout in the body of the letters, 
the continued use of the ist pers. plur. throughout the Thessalonian 
Epistles is surely significant, and may be taken as indicating a closer and 
more continuous joint-authorship than was always the case at other times. 
And as we are further supported in this conclusion by all that we know 


1, 2 Thes- regarding the special circumstances under which the two Epistles were 


salonians. 


written (see Intr. p. xxxiv ἢ), we shall do well to give its full weight to this 
normal use of the plural in them, and to think of it as including St Paul’s 
two companions along with himself wherever on other grounds this is 
possible. 


1 Οὗ Moulton Prolegg.? Ὁ. 246 as against p. 86 of the rst edition. 
2 See the whole letter on p. 127 f. 


NOTE C. 


The Thessalonian Friends of St Paul. 


In view of the strength of the ties which bound St Paul to the 
Thessalonian Church, it is not surprising to find that several of its 
members were afterwards reckoned amongst his close personal friends. 

Amongst these a first place is naturally given to Jason who was his 
host at Thessalonica, and who must subsequently have joined St Paul 
on his missionary journeyings, if, as is generally thought, he is to be 
identified with the Jason who unites with the Apostle in sending greetings 
from Corinth to the Roman Christians (Rom. xvi. 21). In this case too we 
get the further information regarding him that he was a Jew by birth (cf. 
oi συγγενεῖς pov /.c.), and his name consequently is to be explained as the 
Grecized form of the Heb. Jesus or Joshua!. 

More prominently mentioned in connexion with St Paul’s later history 
is a certain Aristarchus of Thessalonica (Ac. xx. 4). He was with the 
Apostle on his last journey to Jerusalem, and afterwards accompanied him 
and St Luke on the voyage to Rome (Ac. xxvii. 2). Bishop Lightfoot thinks 
that on this occasion he did not accompany St Paul all the way, but that, 
when the Apostle’s plans were changed at Myra, Aristarchus continued in 
the Adramyttian vessel to his own home in Thessalonica (Philipp. p. 34 f.). 
But if so, he certainly rejoined St Paul later in Rome, and apparently 
shared his captivity, to judge from the language of Col. iv. 10 ᾿Αρίσταρχος 
ὁ συναιχμάλωτός pov. Itis possible however that his captivity was voluntary, 
as in Philemon 24 he is spoken of simply as St Paul’s fellow-worker 
(συνεργός), while the title συναιχμάλωτος is transferred to Epaphras (v. 23)— 
a circumstance that lends a certain colour to the suggestion that St Paul’s 
companions took turns in sharing his captivity with him? 

It is sometimes thought that Aristarchus is included in the οἱ ὄντες 
_ ἐκ περιτομῆς of Col. iv. 11, and that consequently he was a Jew by birth; 
but that clause is better understood as referring only to Mark and Jesus 
Justus. The fact that Aristarchus was one of the deputation bearing 
the offerings of the Gentile Churches for the poor saints at Jerusalem 
(Ac. xx. 4) points rather to his own Gentile origin (cf. Klépper, Peake 
ad loc.). 

As illustrating the connexion of the name with Thessalonica, it may be 


1 Cf. Jos. Antt. xii. 239 (v.1) ὁ μὲν in a spiritual sense (cf. Rom. vii. 23, 
οὖν ᾿Ιησοῦς ᾿Ιάσονα αὑτὸν μετωνόμασεν, 2 Cor. x. 5, Eph. iv, 8) like σύνδουλος 
and see Deissmann BS. p. 315 n.?. (Col. i. 7, iv. 7), and συνστρατιώτης 

2 It is of course possible that the title (Phil. ii. 25, Philem. 2): see Lft. 
συναιχμάλωτος is applied to Aristarchus Philipp.? p, 11 n.°, 


1. Jason. 


3. Secun- 
dus. 

4. Gaius, 
5. Demas. 


134 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


mentioned that in an inscription containing a list of politarchs recently 
discovered at Thessalonica the list begins with ᾿Αριστάρχου τοῦ ᾿Αριστάρχου : 
see Dimitsas Ἢ Μακεδονία (Athens, 1896) p. 428, inscr. 368 (cited by Burton 
Am. Journ. of Theol. ii. p. 608). 

Closely associated with Aristarchus in Ac. xx. 4 is another Thessalonian, 
Secundus, of whom we know nothing further, though again it is not without 
interest to notice that the same name occurs among the Thessalonian 
politarchs in the list on the triumphal Arch (C.Z.G. 11. 1967; ef. Intr. 
p. xxiii), and is also found on a memorial inscription of the year 15 A.D., 
discovered in a private house in the Jewish quarter of Thessalonica, which 
runs ᾿Απολλωνίῳ.. .Εὔτυχος Μαξίμου καὶ Σεκοῦνδα οἱ θρεπτοὶ τὸν βωμὸν μνείας 
χάριν κτὰ. (Duchesne no. 59, p. 43), and with which may be compared Γάϊος 
*IovALos Σεκοῦνδος Πρίμῳ τῷ ἰδίῳ τέκνωι μνήμης χάριν (ibid. no. 78, p. 50), 

This last inscription recalls yet another Macedonian friend of St Paul, 
the Gaius of Ac. xix. 29 Γαῖον καὶ ᾿Αρίσταρχον Μακεδόνας. Beyond however 
this juxtaposition with Aristarchus, there is no evidence definitely connecting 
Gaius with Thessalonica, though again we may notice the occurrence of the 
name in the list of politarchs (C.Z.G. 11. 1967). The name was evidently 
a common one even in the Gk. world, and is borne by two other friends 
of St Paul, Gaius of Derbe (Ac. xx. 4), and Gaius of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23, 
1 Cor. i. 14), as well as by ‘Gaius the beloved’ to whom St John addresses 
his Third Epistle (3 Jo. 1). 

There remains still a fifth possible Thessalonian as holding a place for 
a time in the circle of St Paul’s more immediate friends. In Philem, 24 a 
certain Demas is described along with the Thessalonian Aristarchus as a 
συνεργός of the Apostle (cf. Col. iv. 14). And when later this same man in 
the hour of his defection is described as going to Thessalonica (2 Tim. iy. 10) 
it is at least a fair surmise that he did so, because this was his native 
town!. His name at least is not Heb. but Gk. (see Meyer on Col. iv. 14, 
and οὗ 6.16. m1. 3817 Δημᾶς καὶ Taios), and under its full form Demetrius? 
appears twice in the already frequently cited list of politarchs (C_Z.G. 11. 
1967), as well as in that other list referred to under Aristarchus—Ilo\crap- 
χούντων ᾿Αριστάρχου τοῦ ᾿Αριστάρχου,... Δημητρίου] τοῦ ᾿Αντιγόνου, which, 
according to Dimitsas, is to be dated between 168 B.c. and the Christian 
era (see Burton wt 8. p. 608). 

A later instance of the name is afforded by the martyr Demetrius who 
perished at Thessalonica in the persecution under Maximian (Intr. p. xxiv), 


1 Chrys. Hom, X. in II ad Tim. 2 For the simple Δημᾶς cf. P.Petr. 
εἵλετο μᾶλλον οἴκοι τρυφᾶν ‘he chose 11, 49, 7, B.G.U. το, 12 (ii./A.D.), 
to live in luxury at home.’ 


NOTE Ὁ. 


The Divine Names wm the Epistles. 


Kal ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν, καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν 
ὄνομα, ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι ᾿Ιησοῦ πᾶν TONY κἄλλψῃ ἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων 
καὶ καταχθονίων, καὶ TACA Γλώσοὰ ἐξολλολογήοσητδι ὅτε ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ 
ΧΡΙΣΤῸΣ εἰς δόξαν θεοΥ͂ πατρός. Phil, ii. 0---τι. 


The early date of the Epp. to the Thessalonians, combined with the 
generally undogmatic character of their contents, makes their evidence 
as to the view taken of the Person of Christ in the Apostolic Church 
specially significant. It is of importance therefore, as helping us to under- 
stand that view, to examine more closely than was possible in the Com- 
mentary the Names by which the Lord is here spoken of. 

We begin naturally with the human Name Jesus which, standing by 
itself, is found only in two passages: 

I. i. 10 ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τ. ὀργῆς 
τ. ἐρχομένης. 

I. iv. 14 εἰ γὰρ πιστεύομεν ὅτι ᾿Ιησοῦς ἀπέθανεν x. ἀνέστη, οὕτως καὶ ὁ 

θεὸς τ. κοιμηθέντας διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ ἄξει σὺν αὐτῷ. 

This rare occurrence of the Name by which the Saviour was familiarly 
known during His earthly life may seem at first sight somewhat surprising, 
but is in entire accord with the general trend of Pauline teaching, the centre 
of which is to be found not in the earthly but in the heavenly and exalted 
Christ!. Only when, as in the foregoing passages, the reference to the 
historic facts of the Saviour’s life is so direct as to make any other Name 
less suitable does St Paul use it alone without any other title. 

Thus, to refer briefly to his later usage, in the four principal Epp. the 
name Ἰησοῦς is found alone ten times, five times with (2 Cor, iv. 10 (bés), 11, 
xi. 4 (ἄλλον Ἰησοῦν), Gal. vi. 17), and five times without (Rom. iii. 26, 
1 Cor, xii. 3, 2 Cor. iv. 5, 11, 14) the article. In the Epp. of the Captivity 


it is found only twice, Eph. iv. 21 (with art.), Phil. ii. 10 (without art.). In | 


the Ep. to the Colossians and the Pastoral Epp. it is not found at all. 

Its use is characteristic of the Ep. to the Hebrews, and of the Apo- 
calypse of St John where, except in the opening Greeting (i. 5) and in 
the Benediction (xxii. 21), Ἰησοῦς always stands alone. 


1 Thus Deissmann, while insisting the central point of his Christian 
on the identity between the historical thoughts’ (In Christo Jesu Ὁ. 80). 
and the exalted Christ, says: ‘Christ See also a suggestive passage in Dean 
is for him [Paul] first of alla present Robinson’s Ephesians Ὁ. 23 ff. 
living Being: the “‘exalted’’ Christ is 


I. 


Jesus. 


2. Christ, 
the Christ. 


3. Christ 
Jesus. 


4. Lord, 
the Lord. 


136 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


The Name Christ by itself is also comparatively rare, occurring four 
times altogether: 


I. ii. 6 δυνάμενοι ἐν βάρει εἶναι ws Χριστοῦ ἀπόστολοι. 

I. iii. 2 Τιμόθεον...διάκονον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ χριστοῦ. 

I. iv. 16 οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται πρῶτον. 

Il. iii. 5 ὁ δὲ κύριος κατευθύναι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας. ..εἰς τὴν ὑπομονὴν τοῦ 

χριστοῦ. 

On two of these occasions the Name is accompanied by the def. art., 
and, as generally, when this is the case, is used in its official sense of 
‘the Christ,’ ‘the Messiah’ (I. iii. 2, II. iii. 5: see notes ad loca)’. On the 
other hand in 1. ii. 6 the anarthrous Χριστοῦ must have its full force as 
a Proper Name: it is as emissaries of ‘Christ,’ belonging to Him, and 
despatched on His service, that the Apostles might, had they so willed 
it, have claimed their full right of maintenance. Similarly in I. iv. 16 
the phrase οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ forms in reality a single idea ‘the-dead- 


in-Christ.’ 


The combination Christ Jesus, which denotes the Saviour alike in 
His official and personal character, and whose use in the N.T. is con- 
fined to St Paul?, occurs twice, both times in the characteristic formula 


ev Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ: 


I. ii. 14 τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ “Iovdaia ἐν Χριστῷ 


Ἰησοῦ. 


I. v. 18 τοῦτο γὰρ θέλημα θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰς ὑμᾶς. 

The early Christian formula Ἰησοῦς Χριστός, where the Names follow 
the historical order, and in which stress is laid on the religious significance 
Jesus has for believers, is not found in these Epp. at all. 

We now come to Lord, or the Lord, the frequency of whose occurrence 


entitles it to be regarded as the distinctive Name of these Epp.*. 


It 


is found in all twenty-two times, eight times with, and four times without 


the article. 


1 On the history of the title ‘the 
Christ’ see Westcott Epp. of St John 
p- 189 ff., where it is shown that, 
unless in the disputed passage Dan. ix. 
25f., the name is not applied to the 
expected Divine King and Saviour of 
Israel in the O.T., but is so used in 
some of the later books of the Jews. 

2 Cf, Ac. xvii. 3, where, in accord- 
ance with AD, WH. read Χριστὸς 
᾿Ιησοῦς in the margin: also xviii. 5, 
28 τὸν χριστὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν. 

3 The history of the title ‘the Lord’ 
as a designation of Jesus is attended 
with much difficulty, and cannot be 
followed out here, but for the Jewish 
and Synoptic usage reference may be 
made to Dalman Worte p. 266 ff. 


And though the two usages cannot be so clearly distinguished 


(E. Tr. p. 324 ff.), while the new im- 
port attaching to ὁ κύριος as a Divine 
title, in contrast with its pagan use, 
is well brought out by Deissmann in 
his New Light on the N.T. p. 79 fi. 
Whether St Paul himself intended it 
so or not, Deissmann thinks that his 
first readers can hardly have failed to 
find in the designation, as applied to 
Jesus, ‘a tacit protest against other 
‘‘Lords,” or even against the ‘‘ Lord,” 
as the Roman emperor was beginning 
to be called’ (p. 81). Cf. the in- 
sidious plea addressed to Polycarp on 
his ge to trial: ‘Ti yap κακόν ἐστιν 
εἰπεῖν, Κύριε Kaloap, καὶ θῦσαι καὶ δια- 


σώζεσθαι;᾽ (Επ5. H.E. iv. 15. 13). 


~ THE DIVINE NAMES IN THE EPISTLES 137 
as in the case of Χριστός and ὁ χριστός, the fact that almost two-thirds 
of the occurrences are anarthrous is sufficient to show how completely by 
this time the word had come to be recognized as a Proper Name}, The 
passages are as follows: 
1. i. 6 μιμηταὶ ἡμῶν ἐγενήθητε καὶ τοῦ κυρίου. 
8 ἐξήχηται ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου. 
iii, 8 ἐὰν ὑμεῖς στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ. 
12 ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος πλεονάσαι. 
iv. 6 διότι ἔκλικος Κύριος περὶ πάντων τούτων. 
15 λέγομεν ἐν λόγῳ κυρίου. 
» οἱ περιλειπόμενοι εἰς τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ κυρίου. 
16 αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι... καταβήσεται. 
17 εἰς ἀπάντησιν τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα. 
» οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα. 
Vv. 2 ἡμέρα Κυρίου ὡς κλέπτης... «ἔρχεται. 
12 τοὺς.. .προϊσταμένους ὑμῶν ἐν κυρίῳ. 
27 ἐνορκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν κύριον. 
II. i. 9 ὕλεθρον αἰώνιον ATO TIPOCWTTOY TOY κυρίου. 
ii. 2 ὡς ὅτι ἐνέστηκεν ἡ ἡμέρα τοῦ κυρίου. 
13 ἀδελφοὶ HPATTHMENO! ὑττὸ Kypfoy. 
iii. 1 προσεύχεσθε.. «ἵνα ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου τρέχῃ. 
3 πιστὸς δέ ἐστιν ὁ κύριος. 
4 πεποίθαμεν δὲ ἐν κυρίῳ ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς. 
5 ὁ δὲ κύριος κατευθύναι ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας. 
16 αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος τῆς εἰρήνης. 
9) ὁ κύριος μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν. 
In some of these passages the Name may seem at first sight to refer 
to God rather than to Christ, as e.g. in the passages derived from the Lxx. 
(I. iv. 6, IT. i. 9, ii. 13), but as in the vastly preponderating number of 
instances it can only apply to the Son, it is better so to refer it through- 
out, in accordance with St Paul’s general usage elsewhere’. 
When we do so, the varied connotations in which we find it used throw 
a flood of light upon the depth of meaning which thus early in the 
history of the Church had come to be read into the simple title. It 
stands no longer, as apparently it generally did for the disciples during 
the earthly lifetime of Jesus, for Rabbi or Rabboni, a title which from 
St John’s interpretation they must have understood in a sense differing 


1 In addition to the passages cited 
above, the anarthrous κύριος with re- 
ference to Christ is used by St Paul 
in such passages as Rom. xiv. 6, xvi. 
2, 1 Cor. vil. 22, x. 21, xvi. 10, 2 Cor. 
111. 16 ff., Eph. ii. 21, ἄορ. It is found 
as a title of address (κύριε) to a super- 
human person in Rev. vii. 14, with 
which Swete (ad loc.) compares such 
passages from O.T. Apocalyptic as 
Dan. x. 16f., Zech. iv. 5,13. In the 
Kowy, apart from its legal sense of 


‘guardian’ (cf. Archiv iv. p. 78 ff.), 
κύριος is very common as a general 
title of respect in addressing officials, 
or near relatives, e.g. P.Leip. r1o, 1 f. 
(iii.-iv./A.D.) Σαραπίω]ν τῇ κ[υ]Ἱρίᾳ μου 
mnrpl...24 ἴ. τὴν κυρίαν μου ἀδελφὴν 
πολλὰ προσαγόρευε Ταῆσιν. 

2 Perhaps uniform usage, if we 
except quotations from the O.T., e.g. 
2 Cor. vi. 17f.: see Stanton Jewish 
and Christian Messiah p. £58 n.’. 


138 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
little from ‘ Master’ (xx. 16, cf. Mt. xxiii. 8, xxvi. 25, 49, Mk. x. 51). But, 
in accordance with a tendency of which we find clear traces very shortly 
after the Resurrection (Ac. ii. 36 κύριον αὐτὸν καὶ χριστὸν ἐποίησεν 6 θεός, 
τοῦτον Tov Ἰησοῦν ὃν ὑμεῖς ἐσταυρώσατε), it is now employed as a brief 
and comprehensive description of Jesus as the Divine Lord, risen, glorified, 
and exalted!. : 

This is seen most clearly in the use of the title in connexion with the 

’ actual Parousia of the Lord and the events associated with it (I. iv. 15 ff., 
v. 2, II. ii. 2). But it comes out also in the other references to which the 
foregoing passages bear witness. 

Thus it is ‘the word’ of the ‘Lord’ which the Apostles find to be 
sounding forth in every place (I. i. 8, cf. II. iii. 1), and to which they look 
as embodying a direct communication to themselves (I. iv. 15 note). It 
is ‘in the Lord, in whom their ideal ‘ Christian’ life is actually lived out?, 
that the Thessalonians are encouraged to stand firm (I. iii. 8, ef. 11. iii. 3 1. 
and to the same ‘ Lord’ that the Apostles pray to perfect in their converts 
the graces (I. iii, 12, II. iii. 5, 16), of which He Himself is the perfect 
example. 

Nothing indeed can be more significant of the hold which this aspect 
of Christ has taken of St Paul than that when calling upon the Thessa- 
lonians to be ‘imitators’ of himself and of his fellow-writers, he does not 
add, as we might have expected, ‘and of Jesus, or even ‘and of the 
Christ,’ but ‘and of the Lord’ (I. i. 6), thereby pointing not merely to 
the supreme pattern to be copied, but to the living power in which alone 
this ‘imitation’ could be accomplished, and man’s highest end successfully 
reached 8, 

How completely however the Apostle recognized that the earthly 
‘Jesus’ and the heavenly ‘ Lord’ were one and the same is proved by the 
next combination that meets us. 

That combination is the Lord Jesus, and the first occasion on which 
it is used throws into striking relief at once the Divine glory and the 
human character of Him to whom it refers: 

I. ii. 15 τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν. 

He whom the Jews had slain was not only ‘the Lord’—* Him whom 


5. Lord 
Jesus. 


1 According to Kennedy #.G.T. ad 
Phil. 11, 6: ‘This position of Κύριος 
is the reward and crowning-point of 
the whole process of His voluntary 
Humiliation.’ And later (ad ii. 11) 
the same writer well remarks: ‘The 
term ‘‘Lord” has become one of the 


Christ we are in heaven, in the Lord 
we must live on earth’ (Robinson 
Eph. p. 72). 

3 «Paul craved in a perfect Example 
one who was not only in the graces of 
human character all that man should 
be, but who had attained to that 


most lifeless words in the Christian 
vocabulary. To enter into its mean- 
ing and give it practical effect would 
be to recreate, in great measure, the 
atmosphere of the Apostolic Age.’ 

2 «The Christ of the privileged posi- 
tion is the Lord of the holy life; if in 


destiny for which man was made. 
This he found in the Christ in whom 
Man had overcome death, and been 


* erowned with everlasting life’ (Somer- 


ville St Paul’s Conception of Christ 
Ῥ. 291). 


~ THE DIVINE NAMES IN THE EPISTLES 139 


they were bound to serve’ (Jowett)—He was moreover ‘Jesus,’ their 
Saviour. 

And so, from another point of view, when in their Second Ep. the 
Apostles refer to the revelation in and through which God’s righteous 
ἀνταπόδοσις will be accomplished, it is pointedly described as: 

ΤΙ. i. 7 ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ. 

The other passages in which the same combination occurs, and which 
are equally deserving of study, are: 

1. 11. 19 ris yap ἡμῶν ἐλπὶς... ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν τῇ 

αὐτοῦ παρουσίᾳ; 
iii, 11 ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς κατευθύναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῶν. 
13 ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ. 
iv. I παρακαλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ. : 
2 τίνας παραγγελίας ἐδώκαμεν ὑμῖν διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ. 

II. i. ὃ τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ. 

12 ὅπωο ἐνλοξδοθῆ τὸ GNOMA τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν YMIN. 
ii. 8 ὁ ANOMOC, ὃν ὁ κύριος [Ἰησοῦς] ἀνελεῖ. 

Apart from any special considerations which may have led to the use 
of this compound Name in the above passages, we cannot forget that in 
itself it formed the shortest and simplest statement of the Christian creed 
(Ac. xvi. 31, Rom. x. 9)—a statement moreover ‘so completely in defiance 
of the accepted dogma about the Christ, so revolutionary in its effects on 
the character of the believer, that it was viewed as springing from Divine 
inspiration. “No man,” said Paul in writing to the Corinthians, “can say 
that Jesus is Lord, but by the Holy Spirit” (1 Cor. xii. 3)*” 

On the other hand, this makes the comparative rarity of the title in 
the Pauline Epistles, other than those to the Thessalonians, all the more 
remarkable. In the Ep. to the Galatians it is not found at all. In the 
relatively much longer Epp. to the Corinthians it occurs only seven times 
(1 Cor. v. 4 (bis), 5, xi. 23, xii. 3, 2 Cor. iv. 14, xi. 31), while only a single 
instance of its use can be produced from each of the Epp.to the Ephesians 
(i. 15), Philippians (ii. 19), and Colossians (iii. 17), the explanation probably 
being a growing preference on St Paul’s part for the still more compre- 
hensive and expressive combination, the Lord Jesus Christ?. 

Already, indeed, in our Epp. we find this full Name completely estab- 6. Lord 
lished, occurring as it does five times in the First and no less than nine Ssh ; 
times in the short Second Epistle. : 


1 Somerville op. cit. p. 12f. For ὑμῶν, the words being a quotation 


the idea of the suffering Messiah as 
not pre-Christian see Stanton op. cit. 
p. 122 ff. 

2 The combination κύριος χριστός or 
χριστὸς κύριος is not found in the 
Pauline Epp.: to the Apostle it would 
have been a pleonasm. The latter 
form is however found in Lk, ii. 11, 
and in τ Pet. iii. 15 we read κύριον δὲ 
τὸν Χριστὸν ἁΓιάσδτε ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις 


from Isa, vili. 13 with τὸν Χριστόν 
substituted for the original αὐτόν. Cf, 
also χριστὸς Κύριος used of an earthly 
king in Lam, iv. 20, and the descrip- 
tion of the Messianic King in Pss. Sol. 
XVii. 36 καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν χριστὸς 
κύριος, and in xviii. 8 χριστοῦ κυρίου---- 
all passages, however, where we may 
have a mistranslation of the Heb, 
MM MWD, ‘the Lord’s anointed,’ 


140 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


1.1.1, 1101. 1 τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεσσαλονικέων év...kuvpio ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 
3 μνημονεύοντες... τῆς ὑπομονῆς τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ 
Χριστοῦ. 
Vv. 9 εἰς περιποίησιν σωτηρίας διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ [Χριστοῦ]: 
ef. II. ii. 14. 
23 ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: cf. IL. ii. 1. 
28, IL. iii. 18 ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ μεθ᾽ (μετὰ 
πάντων) ὑμῶν. 

II. i. 2 χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ. . κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 

12 κατὰ τὴν χάριν.. «κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 

ii. 16 αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστός. 

ili. 6 παραγγέλλομεν...ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 
12 παρακαλοῦμεν ἐν κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ. 

None of these passages call for special remark beyond the evidence 
which they afford of the appropriateness of the full Name with all its 
associations for Addresses, Benedictions, and solemn Charges of any kind— 
a usage which the testimony of the later Epp. abundantly confirms}. 


1 There is a useful paper on ‘The  apostolischen Zeitalters an der evange- 
Chief Pauline Names for Christ’ with  lischen Geschichte (in Theologische 
Tables by F. Herbert Stead in Exp. Abhandlungen Carl von Weizsicker 
111. vii. p. 386 ff. Cf. also von Soden’s gewidmet) p. 118 f. 
famous Essay on Das Interesse des 


NOTE E. 


On the history of εὐαγγέλιον, εὐαγγελίξομαι. 


‘ Buagelio (that we cal the gospel) is a greke worde, & signyfyth good, mery, 
glad and ioyfull tydinge, that maketh a mannes hert glad, and maketh hym 
synge, daunce, and leepe for ioye.’ 

Tindale (after Luther) Prologue to N.T., 1525. 


Εὐαγγέλιον and εὐαγγελίζομαι are two of the great words of the 
Christian vocabulary, and in view of the facts that the former occurs 
eight times in our Epistles, forming indeed the key-word of one of their 
most important sections (I. ii. 1—12), and that the latter is found here 
(I. iii. 6), and nowhere else in the Pauline Epistles, in its earlier or more 
genéral sense, a brief Note may be devoted to recalling one or two facts 
in their history. : 

The subst. εὐαγγέλιον, which is very rare in the singular in classical Gk.1, Usage in 
means originally the reward for good tidings (Hom. Od. xiv. 152, 166), classical 
and is used with greater frequency in the plural in the sense of thank- 
offerings made on behalf of such tidings, e.g. Aristoph. Hg. 654 εὐαγγέλια 
θύειν, Xen. Hell. iv. 3. 14 ἐβουθύτει ὡς εὐαγγέλια; cf. O.G.LS. 4, 42 f. εὐ- 
αγγέλια k. σωτήρια ἔ[ θ]υσε. 

Afterwards in later Gk. it came to be extended to the good tidings and later 
themselves, as in Lucian Asin. 26, and on several occasions in Plutarch. 

In the txx. it is found only once, where it reverts to its original Homeric The LXX. 
meaning (2 Regn. iv. 10 @ ἔδει pe δοῦναι εὐαγγέλια)", while the verb, apart 
from the passages in which it is-specially associated with good news 
(of victory 1 Regn. xxxi. 9, of the birth of a son Jer. xx. 15), is also found 
on several occasions with reference to tidings of any kind (2 Regn. xviii. 

19, 20 (bis), 26), following in this the Heb. 13, which in 1 Sam. iv. 17 
is actually used of mournful tidings (cf. Dalman Worte p. 84 (Engl. Tr. 
p. 103) )%. 


1 It would appear to have dropped 
altogether out of general use in the 
Κοινή. At least I have been able to 
find no instance of it in the papyrus 


collections to which I have access. In’ 


his art. on the title Ἐὐαγγελιστής in 
Z.N.T.W. i. p. 336 ff. A. Dieterich 
cites an inscription from Asia Minor 
in which, with reference to the birth- 
day of the σωτήρ Augustus, it is said— 
ἦρξεν δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ τῶν δι᾽ αὐτὸν εὐαν- 


γελ[ίων] (Ο. G.I. S. 458, 40). 

2 In 2 Regn. xviii. 22, 25 we should 
probably read εὐαγγελία “(not evay- 
γέλια), in view of v. 20 ἀνὴρ εὐαγγελίας. 

3’ It is a curious fact, in view of its 
later history, that εὐαγγελίζω should 
be the word used by Agrippina to 
convey to Nero the ‘good news’ (!) 
that his attempt upon her life had 
failed—xat ὅτι σώζοιτο εὐηγγέλικε δῆθεν 
αὐτῷ (Dion Cass. lxi. 13). 


The 
Gospels, 


Other 
N.T 
writings. 


142 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


In addition to these passages, however, εὐαγγελίζομαι is used in the 
Psalms to herald the righteousness and salvation of God, as in Ps. xxxix. 
(xl.) 10 εὐηγγελισάμην δικαιοσύνην, a phrase which Keble renders— 

Thy righteousness aloud, 
Good tidings of great joy I tell. 


Cf. also Ps. xev. (xevi.) 2 εὐαγγελίζεσθε...τὸ σωτήριον αὐτοῦ. 

And more especially in Deutero-Isaiah we find it in contexts which 
pave the way for its full Christian meaning. 

Thus in Isa. xl. 9 the prophet summons a messenger to ascend a high 
mountain, and proclaim to Sion and Jerusalem the glad tidings of God’s 
appearing (ἐπ᾿ ὄρος ὑψηλὸν ἀνάβηθι, 6 εὐαγγελιζόμενος Σείων...ὁ εὐαγγελιζό- 
μενος ᾿Ιερουσαλήμ)", and similarly in 11]. 7 (cf. Nah. i. 15 (ii. 1)) we are 
called upon to admire the swift-footed messengers, as they carry their 
joyful message over the mountains: of Judah and Jerusalem (ὡς πόδες 
εὐαγγελιζομένου ἀκοὴν εἰρήνης, ὡς εὐαγγελιζόμενος ἀγαθά). And still more 
pointedly this same ‘ evangelic’ office is claimed by the servant of the 
Lord himself—Tvetpa Κυρίου ἐπ᾽ ἐμέ, οὗ εἵνεκεν ἔχρισέν pe εὐαγγελίσασθαι 
πτωχοῖς (ἰΧΪ. 1). 

This last passage indeed from our Lord’s own use of it in Lk. iv. τὸ ἢ 
may be said to have set the stamp upon εὐαγγελίζομαι as the most fitting 
term to describe the true character of the message of the new Messianic 
King. And it is in special relation to that message accordingly that we 
find it repeatedly used by St Luke (viii. 1, ix. 6 &c.), 

It can only be an accident, therefore, that he finds no occasion to use 
the corresponding subst. in his Gospel (but cf. Ac. xv. 7 speech of Peter, 
xx. 24 speech of Paul), as do both St Mark and St Matthew. 

St Mark’s usage in this respect is very instructive, as apart from i, 1 
where we seem to have a trace of εὐαγγέλιον in its later meaning of 
a ‘record’ of the Lord’s life and words (see below), the word is used in 
v. 14 to draw attention to the nature of the proclamation of Jesus (κηρύσ- 
σων τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ θεοῦ), as contrasted with the proclamation of His 
forerunner (Ὁ. 4 κηρύσσων βάπτισμα μετανοίας), and again in v.15 to indicate 
the ‘nucleus’ of Christian teaching embodied in this proclamation (πιστεύετε 
ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ: see Swete’s notes ad loca). And in the same way St 
Matthew employs it with reference to the glad news of the ‘kingdom’ in 
which the Messianic hopes and blessings are centred and fulfilled (iv. 23, 
ix. 35, Xxiv. 14, cf. xxvi. 13). 

It is all the more surprising, therefore, that in the case of the other 
writers of the N.T., with the exception of St Paul, the use of the 
two words is by no means so common as we might have expected. 
Neither St James in his Epistle, nor St John in his Gospel and Epistles, 
uses either term, though the latter in the Apocalypse employs the subst. 
once (xiv. 6), and the verb in the active twice (x. 7, xiv. 6). St Peter 


1 In the original Heb. it is Sion and  Pss. Sol. xi. 2 κηρύξατε ἐν Ἱερουσαλὴμ 
Jerusalem who act as ‘evangelists’: φωνὴν εὐαγγελιζομένου, ὅτι ἠλέησεν 
ef. Aq. Sm. Th. εὐαγγελιζομένη Σιών. ὁ θεὸς Ἰσραὴλ ἐν τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ αὐτῶν. 
For an echo of the 1Χχ. rendering see 2 For the rare active εὐαγγελέζω, 


143 


in his First Epistle has the subst. once (iv. 17), and the verb three 
times (i. 12, 25, iv. 6): and in the Epistle to the Hebrews the verb occurs 
twice (iv. 2, 6). 

In the case of St Paul, however, both words occur with a frequency, 
which shows how strongly he had been attracted by them, as the most 
fitting terms to describe the message with which he had been entrusted: 
and it is to his influence accordingly that we must look for the prominence 
which they and their equivalents have since gained in the language of 
Christendom}. 

Thus the subst. εὐαγγέλιον is found no less than sixty times in his 
Epistles, occurring in all except the Epistle to Titus: while the verb, apart 
from its exceptional usage in 1 Thess. iii. 6, is found twenty times (once 
in a quotation from the Lxx.) in its distinctive Christian sense. 

Naturally in so widely extended a list of examples, the two words 
are used with a considerable variety of application, as when the subst. 
is used absolutely as a convenient summary of the whole contents of the 
Christian message (Rom. x. 16 &c.), or defined more particularly in its 
relation to God (1 Thess. ii. 2 &c.), or to Christ (1 Thess. iii. 2 &c.), or to the 
Apostle himself as entrusted with its proclamation (1 Thess. i. 5, 2 Thess. 
ii. 14 &c.). In another important set of passages St Paul draws attention 
to characteristic aspects of this message by such phrases as ἡ ἀλήθεια τ. 
εὐαγγελίου (Gal. ii. 14), or ἡ πίστις τ. εὐαγγελίου (Phil. i. 27). 

Of the later usage of εὐαγγέλιον to denote the ‘book’ in which 
Christ’s teaching is recorded, as distinguished from that teaching in 
itself, there is no instance in the N.T., unless perhaps in Mk. i. 1 ἀρχὴ 
τ. εὐαγγελίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (cf. Hos. i. 2 ἀρχὴ λόγου Κυρίου ἐν ‘Qoje)*, and 
we must look for the earliest witnesses in this direction to such passages 
as Didache viii. 2 ὡς ἐκέλευσεν ὁ Κύριος ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ αὐτοῦ, XV. 4 ὡς ἔχετε 
ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν, where a written Gospel (apparently 
St Matthew’s from the nature of the accompanying citations) seems to 


: ON ΕΥ̓ΑΓΓΕΛΙΟΝ, EYATFEAIZOMAI 


which is found only in later Gk., see 
the passage already cited from Dion 
Cassius, and cf. P.Amh. 2, 16 (a 
Christian hymn, iv./A.p.) παισὶν δ᾽ 
[εἸὐγγέλιζε λέγων, Πτωχοὶ βασιλείαν... 
Note also the interesting use of the 
adj. with reference to the Lord’s 
Prayer in the Christian amulet B.G.U. 
954, 13 ff. (vi./A.D.) ὅπως ὑγιανῶ.. εἰπεῖν 


εν 
τὴν εὐαγγελικὴν (αγγελικὴν Pap.) εὐχὴν 
[οὕτως 3 Πάτερ ἡμῶν...7: ef. Wilcken 
Archiv i. p. 431 ff. 

1 The ordinary Engl. rendering 
‘gospel’ is the modern form of the 
Anglo-Saxon ‘godspell’=‘God (i.e. 
Christ) story,’ as may be seen in King 
Alfred’s translation of 2 Cor. iv. 4 
‘onlihtnes Cristes godspelles’ (in his 


version of Bede’s Hecl. Hist. 122), 
and in Aelfric’s Homily on Mt. xi. 4 ff. 
‘and Searfan bodia®’ godspel.’ For 
other examples of this use of the word 
see A. 8. Cook Biblical Quotations in 
Old English Writers (1898) Index s.v. 
‘godspell.’ According to Skeat (Con- 
cise Etym. Dict., 1901) the A.S. ‘ god- 
spell’ was originally ‘ good spell,’ a tr. 
of εὐαγγέλιον. 

2 In Rev. xiv. τό (ἄλλον ἄγγελον... 
ἔχοντα εὐαγγέλιον αἰώνιον εὐαγγελίσαι), 
which is also cited in this connexion, 


St Paul. 


Eeclesi- 
astical 
usage. 


‘St John has in view not the Gospel . 


as a whole, but rather a gospel which 
is a particular aspect of it, the gospel 
of the Parousia and the consumma- 
tion which the Parousia will bring’ 
(Swete ad loc.). 


144 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

be clearly intended, or Ign. Philad. v. προσφυγὼν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ ὡς σαρκὲ 
Ἰησοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἀποστόλοις ὡς πρεσβυτερίῳ ἐκκλησίας, where Ignatius dis- 
tinguishes between two classes of writings included in our N.T.—7o εὖ- 
αγγέλιον the Gospel or Gospels, and of ἀπόστολοι the Apostolic Epistles’. 

The plural εὐαγγέλια with direct reference to our four canonical Gospels 
is first found in the well-known passage in Just. M. Apol. i. 66 oi yap ἀπό- — 
στολοι ἐν τοῖς γενομένοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπομνημονεύμασιν, ἃ καλεῖται εὐαγγέλια. 

In the same way the title εὐαγγελιστής, which in the N.T. describes 
the man who brought the first news of the Gospel-message to any new 
region (Ac. xxi. 8, Eph. iv. 11, 2 Tim. iv. 5; cf. Eus. 17... v. το. 2 of 
Pantaenus), was afterwards applied to the ‘writer’ of a ‘Gospel, as by 
Hippolytus and Origen’. 


1 For a different interpretation of i. p. 336 ff. Curtius (Ges. Abhand- 


the passage, according to which τὸ 
εὐαγγέλιον retains its original sense of 
‘the teaching,’ not ‘the book,’ see 
Bishop Lightfoot’s note ad loc. 

2 Of. Encycl. Bibl. s.v, ‘Evangelist,’ 
and on the heathen use of the title see 
especially Dieterich’s art. in Z.N.T.W. 


lungen i. p. 532 1.) recalls, as illustrat- 
ing the Hellenistic practice of laying 
special stress on the first proclamation 
of a happy discovery, that the shepherd 
Pixodaros, who accidentally found the 
stone-bridge at Ephesus, received the 
heroic name Euangelos (Vitruv. x. 7). 


NOTE F. 


Παρουσία. ᾿Ἐ-πιφάνεια. ᾿Αποκάλυψις. 


The three words παρουσία, ἐπιφάνεια, ἀποκάλυψις are used in our Epistles 
with reference to the return of the glorified Lord. All have interesting 
histories. And it may be well briefly to recall these, in order to determine 
as exactly as possible the different shades of meaning between them. 


i. Tlapoycfa. 


In classical Gk. the word” παρουσία denotes generally presence, e.g. Classical 
Aesch. Pers. 171 ὄμμα yap δόμων νομίζω δεσπότου παρουσίαν, Thue. vi. 86 Gk. 
πόλει δὲ μείζονι τῆς ἡμετέρας παρουσίας (-- ἡμῶν τῶν παρόντων), but it is also 
found in the closely-related sense of arrival, e.g. Eur. Alc. 209 ἀλλ᾽ εἶμι 
καὶ τὴν σὴν ἀγγελῶ παρουσίαν, Thuc. i. 128 Βυζάντιον yap ἑλὼν τῇ προτέρᾳ 
παρουσίᾳ. 

The same usage may also be illustrated from later Gk. Thus in Polyb. Later Gk. 
iii. 41. 1 certain events are summarized as having taken place from the 
beginning of the war ἕως eis τὴν ᾿Αννίβου παρουσίαν ‘until the arrival of 
Hannibal, and further on in the same chap. (8) Publius, when informed 
of the arrival of the enemy (παρεῖναι τοὺς ὑπεναντίους) is said not to have 
believed it διὰ τὸ τάχος τῆς παρουσίας. In xviii. 31. 4, on the other hand, 
the reference is rather to a coming that has not yet taken place, C. Cor- 
nelius counselling Philip to send ambassadors to Rome ἵνα μὴ δοκῇ τοῖς 
καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύων ἀποκαραδοκεῖν τὴν ᾿Αντιόχου παρουσίαν". 

With this general usage of the word may be compared such a passage The 
from the Κοινή as P.Oxy. 486, 15 (ii./A.D.), where a certain Dionysia, who Papyri. 
is engaged in a lawsuit, petitions for leave to return home as the care 
of her property demands her ‘presence’ (χρήζει μου τῆς mapovoials]): 
cf. P.Par. 45, 5 (ii./B.C.) κὰ αὐτὸς παρέσομαι ταχύ, 46, 18 (ii./B.c.) mapa- 
χρῆμα παρέσομαι πρὸς σέ. 

But along with this it is important to notice that παρουσία occurs 
frequently in the papyri as a kind of terminus technicus with reference 
to the ‘visit’ of the king, or some other official. Thus in P.Petr, 

II. 39 (e), 18 (iii./B.c.), as emended (see note on I. ii. 19), it is used of 
a royal visit by a Ptolemy to a district which was mulcted to provide a. 


1 Cf. the verb in Diod. Sic. xvii. 8 told him’—a passage that is of signi- 
περὶ ταῦτα δ᾽ ὄντος αὐτοῦ, παρῆσάν τινες ficance for Lk. xiii. 1 (Field Notes: 
ἀπαγγέλλοντες πολλοὺς τῶν ᾿Ἑλλήνων  p. 65). : 
νεωτερίζειν, ‘there came some that 


M. THESS. Io 


Greek 
O.T. 


Jewish 
apoca- 
lyptic 


writings. 


146 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

στέφανος, and similarly in P.Tebt. 48, 13 f. (ii./B.c.) we hear of an extra 
levy of wheat imposed πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν: see also P.Tebt. 
116 (ii./B.c.), an account including items incurred ἐν ro(is) βα(σιλέως) 
παρουσίας (57), and P.Grenf. 11. 14 (b), 2 (iii./B.c.) announcing preparations 
ἐπὶ τὴν παρουσίαν τὴν Χρυσίππου, and cf. Dittenberger Sylloge? 226, 84 ff. 
(iii./B.0.) τῶν δὲ ἀρχόντων συναγαγόντων ἐκλησίαν καὶ τήν Te παρουσίαν ἐμ- 
φανισάντων τοῦ βασιλέως. 

Other instances might easily be given, but these are sufficient to 
suggest an interesting comparison with the N.T. usage of the word to 
denote the Parousia of their King or Lord for which His people are 
to make ready. And we fall back upon them the more gladly because 
for this particular sense of the word the Jewish sacred writings give 
us little help. 

In the Lxx. παρουσία is found only once as a variant for πορεία (BS) 
in the A text of 2 Esdr. xii. 6 (= Neh. ii. 6) ἕως πότε ἔσται ἡ παρουσία σου, 
and the same untechnical sense marks its few occurrences in the Apo- 
crypha, as when in Judith x. 18 the report is spread of the ‘arrival’ or 
‘presence’ of Judith (ἡ παρουσία αὐτῆς) in the camp of Holofernes, or as 
when Judas, on hearing of the inroad of Nicanor, communicates to his 
followers τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ στρατοπέδου (2 Mace. viii. 12; cf. 2 Mace. xv. 
21, 3 Mace. iii. 17). ἣ 

Nor is the case substantially different in the later apocalyptic writings. 
It is true that in Apoc. Bar. xxx. 1 ‘And it will come to pass after these 
things, when the time of the advent of the Messiah is fulfilled, and He ~ 
will return in glory, Dr Charles draws attention to the fact that the word 
translated ‘advent’ (duds) was an ordinary rendering of παρουσία, 
which may therefore have been found in the Gk. version of the book. 
And with this there may be compared two passages in the Zest. wit. patr. 
in the first of which the word is used with reference to God (Jud. xxii. 3 
ἕως παρουσίας τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς δικαιοσύνης), and in the second with reference 
to John Hyrcanus regarded as the prophet of the Highest, ie. the 
Messiah (Lev. viii. 15 ἡ δὲ παρουσία αὐτοῦ ἀγαπητή ἐστιν ὡς προφήτης). 
But these instances—and I have not been able to discover any others*— 
are hardly sufficient in themselves to suggest an established use of the 
term with reference to the Messiah in Jewish writers®. 


1 As showing the burden that these 
and similar ‘visits’ often imposed, the 
petition of the priests of Isis at Philae 
may be recalled in which they com- 
plain that the officials resorting to 
the temple ἀναγκάζουσι ἡμᾶς παρουσίας 
αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι οὐχ ἑκόντας (C.I.G, iii. 
4896 (ii./B.c.)): see further Wilcken 
Ostraka i. p. 274ff., and for an ad- 
ditional ex. of the word cf. Wilcken 
Ostr. 1372 (i./A.D.) wupod...o0 ἔλαβες 
ἀπὸ θησαυροῦ els τὴν παρουσίαν ᾧλάκος 
ἡγήμων (for Φλάκκου ἡγεμόνοΞ). 


2 In the interesting passage in Test. 
Abraham § xiii. a where Abel is ap- 
pointed judge μέχρι τῆς μεγάλης καὶ 
ἐνδόξου αὐτοῦ [sc. θεοῦ] παρουσίας, we 
read also of a δευτέρα παρουσία when 
all souls κριθήσονται ὑπὸ τῶν δώδεκα 
φυλῶν τοῦ ᾿Ισραήλ, but a Christian 
interpolator has evidently been at 
work here (see James The Testament 
of Abraham p. 50, in Texts and 
Studies ii. 2). 

3 Cf. Teichmann Paul. Vorstel- 
lungen von Auferstehung u. Gericht 


TTAPOYCIA. ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙΑ. ATTOKAAYYIC 147 


In these circumstances it would seem as if for the definite N.T. The 

usage of the term to describe the coming of the glorified Christ, we Gospels. 
must look directly to the impression produced upon His disciples’ minds 
by the words of the Lord Himself. For though neither in St Mark nor 
in St Luke is He represented as having used the term, it is found four 
times in the great eschatological discourse in Matt. xxiv. (vv. 3, 27, 37, 39). 
And without discounting the possibility of the hand of a later redactor, 
there is after all no reason why the first Evangelist should not on this 
occasion supply the word, ‘which most faithfully represents the original 
language of Jesus. 

If so, we have at once a full and satisfactory explanation of the fact The N.T. 

that the term παρουσία is definitely employed as a term. techn. by all the Epistles. 
Apostolic writers. St James uses it twice in this sense (v. 7,8), St Peter— 
or whoever wrote the Second Epistle of that name—thrice (2 Pet. i. 16, 
iii. 4, 12), St John once (1 Jo. ii. 28), while by St Paul, apart from several 
occurrences with the more general meaning of ‘ presence’ as opposed to 
‘absence’ (1 Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. vii. 6f., Phil. i. 26, ii. 12; ef. 2 Cor. x. 10), 
the word is used seven times of the ‘ Parousia’ of the Lord Jesus (1 Thess. 
ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15, v. 23, 2 Thess. ii. 1, 8, 1 Cor. xv. 23), and once of its 
mocking counterpart (2 Thess. ii. 9). And though in all these passages the 
primary reference is eschatological, to a definite coming that had not yet 
been fully manifested, it is impossible not to notice how appropriate the 
word was to emphasize the nearness and the certainty of that ‘coming.’ 
So near was it that it was not so much a ‘coming’ as already a ‘ presence’ 
of the Lord with His people, a permanent presence moreover, which not 
even absence from sight for a little while could really interrupt, and which, 
when fully re-established, would last for ever!. 

To complete our survey of the history of the word it may be added Ecclesi- 
that this technical use of the term has become firmly established in @Stical 
the ecclesiastical writers, though by them it is extended also to the Weare 
First Coming of the Lord, a use which is never found in the N.T. 
fhnus Ignatius Philad. ix. writes ἐξαίρετον δέ τι ἔχει τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, τὴν 
παρουσίαν τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, τὸ πάθος, αὐτὴν τὴν ἀνάστασιν, 
where the position of παρουσίαν shows that the Incarnation must be 
intended, while in Justin Martyr the teaching regarding the double 
Parousia is fully developed: see Dial. 14 (Otto 11. 32 D), 49 (1. 158 B), and ὁ 
especially 31 (IL. 98 Β) δύο παρουσίας αὐτοῦ γενήσεσθαι ἐξηγησάμην, μίαν μὲν 


p- τι η.. According to Volz Jiid. 
Eschat. p. 189, the term. techn. for 
the coming of God on the Great Day 
seems rather to have been ἐπισκοπή. 

1 Cf. Ewald Die drei ersten Evan- 
gelien p. 333 (though it should be 
noted that the actual expression 
Shekinah never occurs in the O.T.): 
‘The παρουσία Χριστοῦ perfectly cor- 
responds with the nay of God in 


the O.T.—the permanent dwelling 


of the King, where His people ever 
behold Him, and are ever shielded 
by Him. During the present im- 
perfect state He is not so actually 
and fully present as His people hope 
and long for;...even when the expres- 
sion more immediately denotes the 
advent, it still always includes the 
idea of a permanent dwelling from that 
coming onwards’ (quoted by Cremer 


p- 238). 


70-“Ξ Σ 


Later Gk. 


The 
Inscrip- 
tions. 


Greek 
O.T. 


148 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
ἐν 7 ἐξεκεντήθη ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, δευτέραν δὲ ὅτε ἐπιγνώσεσθε εἰς ὃν ἐξεκεντήσατε. 


Cf. also Tertull. Apol. 21, Clem. Recogn. i. 49, 69. 


ii, ᾿Επιφάνειὰ. 

The subst. ἐπιφάνεια is not found at all in classical, but is frequent in 
later Gk. to denote any sudden appearance or manifestation (e.g. of the 
dawn Polyb. iii. 94. 3, of the enemy i. 54. 2), and is used more particularly 
with reference to the intervention of the higher powers on behalf of their 
worshippers. Thus in Diodorus Siculus we read of the honours due to 
Isis διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς θεραπείαις ἐπιφάνειαν (i. 25), and in Dion. Hal. Ant. 
ii. 68. 1 it is declared to be a worthy act τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἱστορῆσαι τῆς θεᾶς, 
ἣν ἐπεδείξατο ταῖς ἀδίκως ἐγκληθείσαις παρθένοις. 

A similar use is found in the inscriptions where the word is employed 
not only of divine assistance (e.g. O.G.L.S. 331, 52 ras ἐξ αὐτοῦ [τοῦ Διὸς 
τοῦ Σαβαζίου] γενομένας ἐπιφανείας), but is extended in characteristic fashion 
to the accession of a Roman Emperor as in Jnscriptions of Cos 391 [ἐἸνιαυτοῦ. 
πρώτου ras [Γαΐου Kaicapos...emupaveias. In Magn. 157 ¢, 6 the predicate 
of ἐμφανέστατος [θεός] is bestowed on Claudius}. 

In the canonical books of the Lxx. the word is found only three times, 
in passages (2 Regn. vii. 23, Esth. v. 1, Amos v. 2) none of which throws much 
light on its special meaning. But in 2 and 3 Maccabees it occurs several 
times with reference to God’s supernatural interpositions ras ἐξ οὐρανοῦ 
γενομένας ἐπιφανείας (2 Mace. ii. 21) on behalf of His people. Thus in 
2 Mace. iii. 24, on the appearance of Heliodorus to confiscate the money 
in the Treasury, ‘the Sovereign of spirits and of all authority caused 
a great manifestation (ἐπιφανίαν μεγάλην), so that all who had presumed 
to come in with him were stricken with fear; and in xiv. 15 the Jews are 
represented as making solemn supplication to Him Who, alway ‘making 
manifest His presence, upholdeth them that are His own portion’ (μετ᾽ 
ἐπιφανείας ἀντιλαμβανόμενον τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μερίδος): cf. also 2 Mace. xii. 22, 
3 Mace. ii. 9, v. 8,51. In 2 Mace. v. 4 the word is used of an ai 
announcing misfortune?. 

With this use of the subst. there should also be compared the ire. 


1 See further Thieme Die Inschrif- 
ten von Magnesia p. 34 ff. Moulton 
(Prolegg. p. το n.*) has pointed out 
that ἐπιφανής as the regular appella- 
tion of Ptolemy V. can no longer 
be translated ‘illustrious,’ but is 
=‘manifest,?’ much in the sense of 
the Sanskrit Avatar; cf. O.G.I.S. go, 
6 (Rosetta stone) θεοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς Εὐχα- 
plorov with Dittenberger’s note, where 
a number of parallel passages are cited. 
See also Schiirer® i. p. 192 f. 

2 In his valuable note on the use of 
ἐπιφάνεια With reference to God in the 
Journal of Biblical Literature and 


Exegesis i. p. 16 ff. (reprinted in Criti- 
cal Essays (Boston, 1888) p. 454 ff.), 
Prof. Ezra Abbot draws attention to 
the instructive example from the 
Additions to Esther Text B vii. 6 
(Fritzsche Lib. Apocr. Vet. Test. p. 
71) where the sun and light of Morde- 
cai’s dream are said to represent ém- 
φάνια τοῦ θεοῦ in the deliverance of 
Jews. Similar instances of the word 
are also quoted from Josephus, as 
when in connexion with the dividing 
of the waters of the Red Sea Moses is 
described as ὁρῶν τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ 
θεοῦ (Antt. τι. 339 (ΧΥΪ. 2)). 


TIAPOYCIA. ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙΑ. ATTOKAAYYIC 149 


quent use of the verb in the Psalms to denote God’s making His face to 
shine upon His people, e.g. Ps. xxx. (xxxi.) 17, exvii. (cxviii.) 27; while the 
corresponding adj. ἐπιφανής is applied by the Lxx. translators to the 
great day of the Lord in, Joel ii. 31 (iii. 4), Hab. i. 7, Mal. i. 14 (ef. Judg. 
xiii. 6 A) evidently in the sense of ‘manifest’ of all, through a misunder- 
standing on their part of the original Hebrew 813, ‘ terrible.’ 

In the N.T. ἐπιφάνεια is used only by St Paul, and, with the ex- 
ception of 2 Thess. ii. 8, only in the Pastoral Epp. (1 Tim. vi. 14, 2 Tim. 
i. 10, iv. 1, 8, Tit. ii. 13). In all these passages it is rendered ‘ap- 
pearing, both in A.V. and R.V., and except in 2 Tim. i. το (cf. Tit. ii. 11, 
iii. 4 ἐπεφάνη), where it is used of Christ’s First Coming (διὰ τ. ἐπιφανείας 
τ. σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Χριστοῦ ᾿Ἰησοῦ), has a detinite eschatological reference. 
The same is the case in 2 Thess. ii. ὃ καταργήσει τ. ἐπιφανείᾳ τ. παρουσίας 
αὐτοῦ, where the A.V., probably on account of the following παρουσίας, 
wrongly renders it ‘ brightness’ (Vg. t/ustratione)', for which the Revisers 
have substituted ‘manifestation.’ This last is probably as accurate a ren- 
dering as we can get for the word in English, involving as it does the 
idea of something striking—a conspicuous intervention from above”. 

In ecclesiastical writers ἐπιφάνεια has the same double reference as 
παρουσία, and when referring to the First Coming of Christ is sometimes 
distinguished by a characterizing epithet such as ἔνσαρκος (Eus. Demonstr. 
Evang. viii. p. 226), Hence too it came to be applied not only to the day 
sacred to Christ's Nativity (e.g. Epiphan. de Haer. ii. ad jin. οὔτε ἐν τῇ 
ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἐπιφανίων, ὅτε ἐγενήθη ἐν σαρκὶ ὁ κύριος), but also to the day of His 
Baptism as in the oration of Gregory of Nazianzus inscribed eis τὰ ᾿Επιφάνια. 
For its reference to the Second Coming it is sufficient to refer to the letter 
of Dionysius, preserved in Eus. H. £. vii. 24, where in close connexion with 


τῆς ἐνδόξου καὶ ἀληθῶς ἐνθέου τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν ἐπιφανείας we are assured. 


οὗ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστάσεως καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπισυναγωγῆς καὶ 
ὁμοιώσεως. From Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. p.77 A it would appear that the word 
was also applied by ecclesiastical writers to saints or martyrs. 


iii. *AtroKdAyyic. 


The 
Pauline 


Epp. 


Ecclesi- 
astical 
writers. 


᾿Αποκάλυψις, though not wholly‘, is distinctively a Biblical word, and is Greek 


used euphemistically for NYP in 1 Regn. xx. 30 (εἰς αἰσχύνην ἀποκαλύψεως 
μητρός σου), and metaphorically in the apocryphal book of Sirach, where it 
is applied to the revelation of a man’s deeds in the hour of death (xi. 27 
ἐν συντελείᾳ ἀνθρώπου ἀποκάλυψις ἔργων αὐτοῦ), and to the revealing of 
secrets (xxii. 22 μυστηρίου ἀποκαλύψεως, xlii. 1 ἀπακαλύψεων λόγων κρυφίων), 

The corresponding verb ἀποκαλύπτειν is however much more common, 


1 Alford aptly recalls Milton’s fine 
line,—‘ far off His coming shone,’ 

2 Chrys. Hom, ix. in IT. ad Tim.: 
’"Emiddvera δὲ λέγεται διὰ τὸ ἐπάνω 
φαίνεσθαι, καὶ ἄνωθεν ἀνατέλλειν. 

3 Suid.: ᾿Επιφάνεια...ἡἣ τοῦ σωτῆρος 
ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἔνσαρκος οἰκονομία. 


4 It occurs a few times in Plutarch 
(e.g. Mor. 7ο 5). To the class. and 
late Gk. instances of the verb given by 
the dictionaries may now be added the 
new class, fragment in P.Oxy. 413, 
166 f. ἀϊποκ]άλυψον iva ἴδω αὐτήν. 


OT. 


N.T. 


Pauline 
Epp. 


I50 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


and is already definitely applied to the revelations of God to men, e.g. 


I Regn. ii. 27 τάδε λέγει Κύριος ᾿Αποκαλυφθεὶς ἀπεκαλύφθην, iii. 21 ἀπε- 
καλύφθη Κύριος πρὸς Σαμουήλ, and especially such passages from the 


Theodotion version of Daniel as ii. 19 ἐν ὁράματι τῆς νυκτὸς TO μυστήριον 
ἀπεκαλύφθη, 22 ἀποκαλύπτει βαθέα καὶ ἀπόκρυφα, 28 θεὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ ἀπο- 
καλύπτων μυστήρια. 

These passages, combined with our Lord’s own words Lk. xvii. 30 
κατὰ Ta αὐτὰ ἔσται 7 ἡμέρᾳ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀποκαλύπτεται, give 
the key to the use of the subst. in the N.T., where it is applied ex- 
clusively to communications that proceed from God or Christ, or to 
the Divine unveiling of truths that have been previously hidden. It is 
thus the exact correlative of μυστήριον as that word is used in the 
N.T.1, as when in the Gospels it is employed with reference to our Lord 
Himself as the light given to dispel heathen darkness (Lk. ii. 32 φώς εἰς 
ἀποκάλυψιν ἐθνῶν), or sums up the visions granted to St John on Patmos 
under the significant title ᾿Αποκάλυψις Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (Rev. i. 1). Similarly 
in 1 Pet. we read of the ‘praise and glory and honour’ which are to be 
made known ἐν ἀποκαλύψει Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (i. 7; cf. Ὁ. 13, iv. 13), Where, 
as in 1 Thess. ii. 19 (see note), the preposition is not to be understood 
simply as referring to a contemporaneous event, but rather as implying 
the means ‘in and through’ which the finding unto praise spoken of is to 
be brought about (cf. Hort 1 Pet. p. 44). 

The word is, however, pre-eminently a Pauline one, occurring in all the 
groups of the Epp. except the Pastorals, and always in its higher or spiritual 
sense. Thus it is δή ἀποκαλύψεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (Gal. i. 12) that the 
Apostle himself received the Gospel, and it is through a similar revelation 
that he elsewhere claims to have been entrusted with the Divine secret of 
the extension of that Gospel to the Gentiles (Eph. iii. 3 κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν 
ἐγνωρίσθη μοι τὸ μυστήριον, cf. Gal. ii. 2). The whole of Christianity indeed 
according to the Pauline view may be summed up as ‘a revelation of 
a mystery’ (Rom. xvi. 25 ἀποκάλυψιν μυστηρίου), and consequently ἀποκά- 
Avis is in its turn the means by which men enter into the knowledge 
of its highest truths (Eph. i. 17 πνεῦμα σοφίας καὶ ἀποκαλύψεως ἐν ἐπιγνώσει 
αὐτοῦ, cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 6, 26, 2 Cor. xii. 1, 7). As however this knowledge 
is at present necessarily limited, it is to the final ‘revelation of our Lord 
Jesus Christ’ (1 Cor. i. 7 τ. ἀποκάλυψιν τ. κυρίου nu. Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ) that we 
are taught to look for the complete fulfilment of the work begun now. 
Then, in accordance with the ‘revelation of the righteous judgment of 
God’ (Rom. ii. 5 ἀποκαλύψεως δικαιοκρισίας τ. θεοῦ), justice will be meted 
out to all (2 Thess. i. 7), and the whole creation will rejoice in ‘the revelation 
of the sons of God’ (Rom. viii. 19 τ. ἀποκάλυψιν τ. υἱῶν τ. θεοῦ)". 

In all these passages it will be noticed that, notwithstanding a con- 
siderable latitude of application, the fundamental idea of the word is 
always the same—an unveiling of what already exists, though hitherto 


1 Reference may again be made to to the Study of the Gospels® (1881) p. 9 
Dean Armitage Robinson’s valuable n.?, on which the above summary 
note, Eph, p. 234 ff. : is based, also the same writer’s Eph. 

2 Cf. Westcott’s note, Introduction p. 178f. 


~ TIAPOYCIA. ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙΑ. ATTOKAAYYIC 151 


it has been hidden, or at best only imperfectly known: an unveiling 
which, though it may pass through a long and varying process, finally 
reaches its climax in the full revelation of the now unseen, though ever- 
present Lord. 

The religious history of the word outside the Canon need not detain Jewish — 
us. In view of what has been said, it will be obvious how readily it lent 224 Chris- 
itself as a title to the large class of writings, both Jewish and Christian, Apoca- 
which, dealing with what lay outside the immediate range of human ex- lypses. 
perience and knowledge, aimed at exhorting and consoling those to whom 
they were addressed in the dark days on which they had fallen. ‘Tracts 
for the Times,’ as they have been called, they were also ‘Tracts for Bad 
Times!, and with widely-differing degrees of insight sought by the aid of 
symbolism and eschatological speculation to disclose to men the hidden 
but ever-present rule and purposes of God? 


iv. Summary. 


If we have been correct in the foregoing distinctions between the General 
three words, it will be seen that, while all may be used to describe dis- 
the Return of the now exalted and glorified Lord, they do so from three resi 
distinct points of view. 

The first, παρουσία, lays stress on the ‘presence’ of the Lord with His παρουσία, 
people, which, while existing now, will only at that Return be completely 
realized, 

The second, ἐπιφάνεια, draws attention to His ‘presence’ as the result ἐπιφάνεια, 
of a sublime ‘manifestation’ of the power and love of God, coming to 
His people’s help. 

The third, ἀποκάλυψις, reminds us that the ‘manifestation’ is also and ἀποκά- 
a ‘revelation’ of the Divine plan and purpose which has run through λυψι5. 
all the ages, to find its consummation at length in the ‘one far-off divine 
event,’ to which the whole Creation is slowly moving. 


1 Cf. C. A. Scott, Revelation (in ἘΠῚ] particulars, with references to the 
The Century Bible) p. 27. relative literature, will be found in 
2 For a brief account of these Schiirer? iii, p. 181 ff. 
‘apocalypses’ see Swete Apoc. p. xviiiff. 


1. Ατακ- 
τος. 
Classical 
writers. 


Greek 
O.T, 


NOTE G. 


On ataxtéw and its cognates. 


The three words ἀτακτέω, ἄτακτος, and ἀτάκτως are only found in the 
Thessalonian Epistles amongst the writings of the N.T. In these cir- 
cumstances it may be well to bring together a few passages illustrating 
their usage both from classical and from later Gk., more particularly 
as the exact meaning to be attached to them has an important bearing 
upon the view we form of a certain section of the Thessalonian Church 
at the time of St Paul’s writing. 

In doing so we begin with the adj. ἄτακτος, which means primarily 
‘out of order, ‘out of place,’ and hence, like the Latin inordinatus, is 
readily employed as a military term to denote a soldier who does not 
keep the ranks, or an army advancing in disarray. It is found in this 
sense in Xen. Oec. viii. 4, where an ἄτακτος is contrasted with a τεταγμένη 
στρατιά, and a suggestive example of the same usage is afforded by Dem. 
Phil. i. 50, where the great orator indignantly condemns the want of 
preparation with regard to the war—araxra ἀδιόρθωτα ἀόριστα ἅπαντα--- 
compared with the care bestowed—ovdev ἀνεξέταστον οὐδ᾽ dopisrov—upon 
games and festivities. 

From this the transition is easy to disorderly or irregular living of 
any kind as in Plato’s reference to ἄτακτοι ἡδοναί (Legg. ii. 660 B, ef. vii. 
806 0), or in Plutarch’s rebuke of those who, neglecting a ‘sane and well- 
ordered life’ (ὑγιαίνοντος x. τεταγμένου βίου), hurl themselves headlong into 
‘disorderly and brutal pleasures’ (ras ἀτάκτους x. ἀνδραποδώδεις ἡδονάς, 
de lib. educ. ὃ 7 p. 54; cf ἀκόλαστα x. ἄτακτα, de def. orac. ὃ 20 
p. 420 E). 

The word is not found in the canonical books of the Lxx., but in 
Sap. xiv. 26 the corresponding subst. occurs in the phrase γάμων ἀταξία, 
with which are associated μοιχεία x. ἀσέλγεια. On the other hand the 
more primary sense of the adj. is well illustrated in 3 Mace. i. 19, 
where it is used to describe the ‘disorderly rush’ (δρόμον ἄτακτον) of the 
newly-married brides into the street at the siege of Jerusalem’. 


1 An interesting use of ἄτακτος, 
though it throws no light on the 
meaning of the word in our Epp., is 
afforded by the Tribal Lists in the 
Inscriptions, where it is applied to a 
city that has been granted, but has 
not yet exercised the privilege of self- 


assessment (e.g. C.I.A. 1. 243, 36 ἄτακ- 
τος πόλις: see Roberts-Gardner p. 
290). Evraxros is found as a proper 
name in an inscription discovered at 
Thessalonica—A(ovxtos) Σέξτιος Εὔτακ- 
ros (no. 114, Heuzey et Daumet p. 
280). : 


, ΟΝ ATAKTEQ AND ITS COGNATES 153 


The usage of ἀτάκτως naturally follows similar lines, as when in Thue. 2. ᾿Ατάκ- 
iii. 108 we read’ that many of the Peloponnesians, after the defeat of Olpae, Classical 
perished when hurrying ἀτάκτως x. οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ to reach their camp, FURIES 
whereas the Mantineans through the excellence of their order (μάλιστα 
ξυντεταγμένοι) were able to effect a retreat’: while for the more meta- 
phorical sense we can point to such a phrase as πλημμελῶς k. ἀτάκτως in 
Plato Tim. 30 a, or to Isocr. Boagr. 1071 E οὐδὲ πρὸς ἕν ἀτάκτως οὐδ᾽ ἀνω- 
μάλως διακείμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμοίως τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ὁμολογίας ὥσπερ τὰς ἐν τοῖς 
λόγοις διαφυλάττων. 

A late example to much the same effect is afforded by the dis- Late Gk. 
covery in the Fayim of the fragment of a philosophic work concerning 
the gods, belonging to the second century, in which the words occur δεῖ 
‘trav [ἀν]θρώπων ἄρχειν [τῶν] πράξεων ἐκεί[νου]ς δὲ εὐθὺς ἐφέπεσθαι, οὐκ 
ἀτάκτως μέντοι ἀλλ᾽ εἱμα[ρ]μέϊνως. τοῦ γὰρ ἀστόχως.. (Ρ. Fay. 337, 16 ff). 

We come now to draxréw. Like its adj. it is frequently applied 3. ᾿Ατακ- 
to soldiers marching out of order, or quitting the ranks (e.g. Xen. Cyr. Cla, lt aS 
vii. 2. 6), and hence is extended to every one who does not perform his writers, 
proper duty, as in Xen. 066. v. 15 where the ἀτακτοῦντες are contrasted 
with τοῖς ποιοῦσιν ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν. Cf. P.Par. 26, 15 (ii./B.c.) ὑπέδειξαν ws av 
εὐτακτηθησομένων ἡμῖν τῶν καθηκόντων. 

In later Greek this ethical sense is very common, as when, by Philo- Later Gk. 
stratus I., the verb was applied to children who dreaded punishment 
‘if they had done any thing amiss’ (εἴ re ἀτακτήσειαν Vit. Soph. p. 230, 
ed. Kayser), or generally speaking to any irregularities on the part of 
men (οἱ yap ὑπὲρ τοιούτων ἀτακτοῦντες Vit. Ap. p. 17, ψυχαὶ ἀτακτοῦσαι 
Ρ. 338). 

In these circumstances we are prepared to take both the verb and its Thessa- 
cognates metaphorically in the Thessalonian Epp., as indeed the context lonian 
clearly demands. And the only question that remains is whether they are PP. 
to be understood positively of actual wrong-doing, or in a more negative 
sense of a certain remissness in the conduct of life. 

Of the Gk. commentators Chrysostom apparently inclines to the 
former view, as when in his Homily on I. v. 14 he describes the ἄτακτοι 
as πάντες ot παρὰ τὸ τῷ θεῷ δοκοῦν πράττοντες... “πάντες οἵἱ ἁμαρτάνοντες. 

On the other hand Theodoret confines the ἀταξία complained of to idle- 
ness—araxrovs τοὺς ἀργίᾳ συζῶντας ἐκάλεσεν (ad I. v. 18): τῇ ἀργίᾳ συζῶσιν 
(ad 11. iii. 11). 

And of this latter view, at least in a slightly modified form, we have The 
lately received unexpected confirmation in two striking examples of the Papyri. 
use of draxréw in the Kowy, much about the time of St Paul’s writing. 

The first occurs in P.Oxy. 275 (A.D. 66) in a contract of apprenticeship, 
according to which a father binds himself not to take away his son during 
a certain specified period, with the further condition that if there are any 
days on which the boy ‘fails to attend,’ or ‘plays the truant’ (ὅσας δ᾽ ἐὰν 
ἐν τούτῳ ἀτακτήσῃ ἡμέρας, 24f.), he is to produce him for an equivalent 
number of days after the period is over. 


1 Symmachus uses the word in of Jehu—ardxrws ἄγει (Heb. fwawa, 
4 Regn. ix. 20 to describe the driving madly). ; 


154 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 


The second also comes from Oxyrhynchus in a similar contract, dated 
about one hundred and twenty years later, P.Oxy. 725, according to which 
a weaver’s apprentice is allowed twenty holidays in the year, ‘but if he 
exceeds this number of days from idleness or ill-health or any other reason’ 
(ἐὰν δὲ πλείονας τούτων ἀργήσῃ [ἢ ἀσ]θενήσῃ ἢ ἀτακτήσῃ ἢ δι’ ἄλλην τω[ὰ 
αἰτίαν 30 ff.), he has to make his absences good without wages. 

If then these instances can be taken as typical of the ordinary colloquial 
sense of the verb, we can understand how readily St Paul would employ 
it to describe those members of the Thessalonian Church who, without 
any intention of actual wrong-doing, were neglecting their daily duties, 
and falling into idle and careless habits, because of their expectation of 
the immediate Parousia of the Lord, 


NOTE Η. 


On the meanings of κατέχω. 


The verb κατέχω is found in our Epistles in two distinct senses: 
(1) ‘Hold fast’: 
I. ν. 21 τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε. 
(2) ‘Hold back’: 
IL. ii. 6 viv τὸ κατέχον οἴδατε. 
7 μόνον ὁ κατέχων ἄρτι ἕως ἐκ μέσου γένηται. 

Both meanings are well-established, but in view of the importance of 
the passages in which they occur, it will not be out of place to bring 
together a few passages from the Kowy, which may help to illustrate 
them. | 
The first meaning ‘hold fast’ is best reached through κατέχω as ai. κατέχω 
perfective of ἔχω =‘ possess, as in 1 Cor. vii. 30, 2 Cor. vi. 10 ὡς μηδὲν i ae: 
ἔχοντες kK. πάντα xatéxovres!, with which may be compared P.Amh. 30, 26 f. ae 
(ii./B.0.) where, in an official report regarding the ownership of a house, 
proofs were adduced to establish that a certain Marres κατεσχηκέναι 
τὴν οἰκίαν (‘had become owner of the house’), and the corresponding 
use of the subst. κατοχή = bonorum possessio in B.G.U. 140, 24 ff. (6. 1./A.D.), 
ὅμως κατ οἸχὴ[ν] ὑϊπα]ρχόντων ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ μέϊρ]ους τοῦ διατάγματος. 

From this the transition is easy to the sense ‘take possession of, ‘lay 
hold of, and accordingly in the interesting rescript regarding the Third 
Syrian War, ascribed with all probability to Ptolemy III. himself, the King 
narrates how certain ships, acting in his interest, sailed along the coast 
of Cilicia to Soli, and took on board τὰ ἐκί εἴ 1]σε κατασκεθέντία χρήΪματα 
‘the money that had been seized there’ (P.Petr. 11. 45, ii. 3 f., cf. P.Petr. 
Ill. p. 335 f.). 

In this passage, it will be noticed, the verb is practically = κρατεῖν. 
And, as a matter of fact, we find it used interchangeably with κρατεῖν in 
the long Petition of Dionysia (P.Oxy. 237 (ii./a.D.)) regarding the ‘right 
of ownership’ (κατοχή) of a property (οὐσία) which she claimed: see especially 
col. viii. 22 f. and 34 f., ras Αἰγυπτιακὰς γυναῖκας... κατέχειν τὰ ὑπάρχοντα τῶν 
ἀνδρῶν and κατά τινα ἐπιχώριον νόμον κρατεῖται Ta ὑπάρχοντα. 

Other examples of the more legal or technical uses of the terms, which 
cannot be discussed here, are—for the verb, P.Tebt. 5, 47 (a Royal ordinance, 
11.8.0.) [kparei |v ὧν κατεσχήκασι κλή(ρων), and for the subst., P.Oxy. 713, 36 
(i./A.D.), where an applicant declares for registration his ‘right’ (κατοχήν) 


1 Cf. Magn. 105, 51 (ii./A.D.), where tory is expressed by the formula ‘iva 
the right of possession in certain terri- ὀ ἔχωσιν κατέχωσίν re καρπί ζ]ωνταί re.’ 


11. κατέχω 
=‘hold 
back.’ 


156 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
to certain arourae that had belonged to his mother. Cf. also the important 
legal rescript, P.Strass. 22 (iii./A.p.). 

More important for our present purpose are the instances of the verb 
in a slightly metaphorical sense, as when a letter-writer of the second 
century accuses his correspondent of ‘being oppressed by an evil con- 
science’ (ὑπὸ κακοῦ συνειδότος κατεχόμενος, P.Oxy. 532, 22 ff.), or as when 
a would-be purchaser of confiscated property declares that in a certain 
contingency she will not be ‘bound’ by her promise (P.Amh. 97, 17 f. 
(ii./A.D.) od κατασχε[ θ]ήσομαι τῇ [ὑ]ποσχέσει)". 

And if we accept the view, which has recently found strong support, 
that the κάτοχοι of the Serapeum are to be regarded as those ‘ possessed’ 
by the spirit of the σο 3, we have cans evidence pointing in the same 
direction. 

If, on the other hand, we incline to the older view, according to which 
they are to be thought of as a species of monks, living for the time being 
‘in retreat’ (ἐν κατοχῇ) within the temple-precincts*, we are prepared for 
the further modifications in the meaning of κατέχω, according to which 
it gains the sense of ‘detain, ‘arrest, while κατοχή signifies ‘the place 
of custody,’ ‘the gaol.’ 

Thus in P.Lond. 11. 342, 7 f. (ii./A.D.) a charge is laid against one 
Sempronius of attempting to lay hands on the relatives of the petitioner as 
ἐπιπλόους or boat-overseers (προφάσι τοῦ κατέχειν ἐπιπλόους τοὺς συνγενεῖς 
μου), While in a fragmentary letter in the same collection (422), belonging 
to the fourth century, directions are given to arrest a certain individual 
and ‘put him in irons’ (σιδηρῶσαι αὐτόν) for selling stolen camels, and it 
is added κατέχεται ἡ γυνή (‘his wife is already arrested’). Similarly in 
B.G.U. 372, 16 (ii-/ A.D.) we read of a man who is ‘arrested’ (xareyo- 
μενον) as a tramp: while κατοχή =‘ custody’ appears in such passages as 
P.Amh, 80, 9 (iii./A.D.) [ἐϊγλύσωσίν pe [τῆς κα]τοχῆς, B.G.U. 323, 11 f. (Byz.) 
[ei]s κατοχὴν ποιήσω πάντα τὰ ὄντα ἐν τῷ] μου χωρίῳ ξένα πρόσωπα. 

These last examples bring us to the second main use οἵ κατέχω which 
we set out to illustrate, in which the thought of ‘holding fast,’ ‘arresting,’ 
passes into the thought of ‘holding back,’ ‘ detaining, as may be seen from 
a single papyrus in which the verb occurs with both meanings. 

A beneficiarius of one village addresses a letter to the comarchs of 


1 Cf. Jo. v. 4 @ δήποτε κατείχετο 
νοσήματι (A). 

* See especially E. Preuschen 
Méinchtum und Serapiskult 2% Aufl. 
Giessen, 1903. Wilcken (Archiv iv. 
207) cites in support of this view an 
inscription from Priene to the effect— 
ἀπὸ τῶν τραπεζῶν ὧν ἂν δῆμ[ος κοσμῆι, 
δεδόσθω] [τ]οῖς κατεχομένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ 
(Priene 195, 28f. (ii./B.c.)). Of. also 
Dittenberger, O. G.I. 5. ii. Addenda 
Ρ. 5491. 

5. “Inclusio voluntaria in Serapieio 


a vita coenobitarum nonnullorum 
haud multum diversa’ (Herwerden 
Lex, 8.0. κατοχή). With this view 
Kenyon (British Musewm Papyri τ. p. 
29 ff.) in the main agrees, nor does it 
seem possible to attach any other 
meaning to such a phrase as ὑπὲρ τοῦ 
ἀπολελῦσθαί σε ἐκ τῆς κατοχῆς (P.Lond. 
I, 42, 26f. (ii./B.c.)), than that the 
person spoken of had been ‘released 
from his seclusion.’ See also the 
references to the use of κατοχή in 
Mayser p. 22f. 


ἢ ON THE MEANINGS OF ΚΑΤΕΧΩ 157 


another, bidding them deliver up to the officer whom he sends a certain 
Pachoumis ὃν κατεσχήκατε, ‘whom you have arrested,’ and then, after 
enjoining them if they have anything to say in his favour to come along 
with him and say so, the writer adds—épa μὴ κατάσχητε τὸν vmnpétn<v>, 
‘see that you do not detain the officer’ (P.Oxy. 65 (iili—iv./4.D.)). 

Earlier examples of the same usage are afforded by P.Fay. 109, II 
(i./A.D.) μὴ κατάσχῃς Κλέωνα, P.Tebt. 315, 19 f. (ii./A.D.) ἐ ἐὰν δέ σέ τι κατέχῃ, 
and the illiterate B.G.U. 775, 12 (ii./A.D.) μὴ κατάσχῃ] οὖν τὸ κλειδίν μου. 

It is hardly necessary to carry the evidence further, but, for the sake 
of its intrinsic interest, reference may be made to the heathen (Archiv 
6. pe 173) Charm which Crum prints in his Coptic Ostraca no. 522 
parece Ἡπγενρα ὁ κατέχων τὸν θυμὸν ὅλων τῶν ἀνθρώπων κάτεχε τὸν 
θυμὸν ὯΩρι... 


The name 
Anti- 
christ. 


Possible 
connexion 
with a 
Baby- 
lonian 
myth. 


NOTE LI. 


The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist’. 


Παιδία, ἐσχάτη wpa ἐστίν, καὶ καθὼς ἠκούσατε ὅτι ἀντίχριστος ἔρχεται, καὶ νῦν 
ἀντίχριστοι πολλοὶ γεγόνασιν" ὅθεν γινώσκομεν ὅτι ἐσχάτη ὥρα ἐστίν. τ JO. ii, 18. 


The whole subject of Antichrist is surrounded with difficulties, and 
raises many questions which are altogether outside the scope of this 
Commentary. The utmost that can be attempted here is to supply a few 
Notes, tracing the historical growth of the idea in the sacred Scriptures 
and in the apocalyptic writings of the Jews, with the view of further 
illustrating and confirming the interpretation given to the Man of law- 
lessness in the foregoing pages”. 

1. The actual name Antichrist is first found in the Johannine Epistles 
(1 Jo. ii. 18, 22, iv. 3, 2 Jo. 7), but the main idea underlies St Paul's 
description of the Man of lawlessness in 2 Thess. ii. 1—12, while, from the 
manner in which both writers refer to this mysterious figure, it is evident 
that they had in view an oral tradition current at the time (1 Jo. iv. 3 
ἀκηκόατε, 2 Thess. ii. 6 οἴδατε. Any attempt therefore to understand the 
doctrine of Antichrist as it meets us in the N.T. must naturally begin with 
this tradition, so far as it is now possible to trace it. 

2. Here, according to the latest view, we are carried very far back. 
Gunkel in his epoch-making book Schipfung und Chaos (1895) would 
have us find the roots of the Jewish doctrine of Antichrist in the primitive 
Babylonian dragon myth of a monster (Tiamat) who opposed the Creator 
(Marduk) in the beginning and was overcome by Him, but who, it was 
believed, would in the last days again rear his head in rebellion only to 


1 The following Note in a condensed Encyclopaedia, and by Sieffert in 
form appears in The Standard Dic- Hauck RE.*, and to the Excursuses 
tionary of the Bible under the title in their Commentaries on the Thessa- 
‘Antichrist and the Man of Sin.’ lonian Epistles by Bornemann and 

? On the whole subject, in addition Findlay. Thackeray has a useful 
to the special literature cited in the Note in his Essay on The Relation 
course of the Note, reference may be of St Paul to Contemporary Jewish 
made to the articles on ‘Antichrist’ by Thought (1900) p. 136 ff., and the 
Bousset in the Encycl. Bibl., by James elaborate study Zur Lehre vom Anti- 
(under the title ‘Man of Sin’) in’ christ by Schneckenburger-Boehmer 
Hastings’ D.B., by Moffatt (under the in the Jahrbiicher fiir Deutsche Theo- 
title ‘False Christs’) in Hastings’  logie iv. (1859) p. 405 ff. may still be 
D.C.G., by Ginsburg in the Jewish consulted with advantage. 


BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 159 


be finally crushed. And more recently this view has been adopted and 
developed on independent lines by Bousset in his elaborate monograph 
on Der Antichrist (1895, translated into English, with a new Prologue by 
A. H. Keane, under the title The Antichrist Legend, 1896). 

It is impossible here to examine in detail the evidence adduced by 
those writers, but their investigations have made it practically certain 
that this myth had reached Palestine, and is alluded to in the O.T. (see 
artt. ‘Rahab’ and ‘Sea-Monster’ in Hastings’ D.B.). At the same time 
its influence must not be exaggerated. Whatever part it may have had 
in familiarizing the Jews with the idea of an arch-enemy of God, it 
exercised little influence on the development of the idea amongst them, 
and many of the traits ascribed to Antichrist, which are to be found in 
the eschatological commentaries of Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and other early 
writers, and which, because unsupported by anything he can find else- 
where, Bousset is inclined to refer back to some such esoteric doctrine, 
are more naturally explained as the result of the imaginations of these 
commentators themselves, working on the data supplied to them by the 
Scriptures. 

3. In any case we are on surer ground when we turn to those data, Anti- 
and, in proceeding to examine them, we may start from the general christ in 
Jewish belief in a fierce attack that would be directed against Israel in ἦν ΟἹ. 
the end of the days by some hostile person or power, but which would 
be finally frustrated by the action of Jehovah or His Messiah, The con- 
ception which the Jewish writers formed of the exact nature of this. 
attack was naturally largely influenced by their particular circumstances 
at the time, but, as it first meets us, it is generally thought of as pro- 
ceeding from the heathen nations of the world. 

Thus in Ps. ii., which Friedlinder regards as the real source (‘ Quelle’) Psalms. 
of the later Antichrist legend!, we have a graphic picture of the rebellion 
of the world-kingdoms ‘against the Lord and against His Anointed,’ 
coupled with the assurance that all such rebellion, because directed against 
Jehovah Himself, is hopeless, and, if persevered in, can only result in the 
complete overthrow of the nations: while in the exilic Psalm xciii. (xciv.) 
the Psalmist comforts the oppressed Israelites with the reminder that the 
Lord cannot have any alliance with ‘the throne of lawlessness’ (v. 20 μὴ 
συνπροσέσται σοι θρόνος ἀνομίας), but will cause their lawlessness to recoil 
upon all evil-doers (Ὁ. 23 ἀποδώσει αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀνομίαν αὐτῶν)". 

The thought of the same contest ending in the same way meets us Post-exilic 
also in the post-exilic prophets, as for example in the description of the Prophets. 
onslaught by Gog from the land of Magog, as the type of the world’s 


that during the last century B.c, 
Beliar was the embodiment of the 


1 Der Antichrist in den vorchrist- 
lichen jiidischen Quellen (1got) p. 128 


—an Essay in which much valuable 
evidence is gathered together both from 
the O.T., and the later data of the 
Midrash and Talmud, in proof of the 
Jewish doctrine of Antichrist, what- 
ever may be thought of its main thesis 


antinomian spirit which pervaded the 
Jewish sect of 03°), 

2 Cf. also the striking linguistic 
parallels between Ps. lxxxviii. (lxxxix.) 
and 2 Thess. i. and ii. adduced by 
Bornemann p. 356 f. 


Daniel. 


Anti- 
christ in 
later 
Jewish 
writings. 


Psalms of 
Solomon. 


160 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

power, against God’s people who ‘dwell securely’ (Ezek. xxxviii., xxxix.)}, 
or of the final assault against Jerusalem to which all nations of the 
earth go up, and which again ends in the intervention and universal head- 
ship of God (Zech. xii—xiv.). 

It is however in the visions and prophecies of the Book of Daniel 
(B.0. 168—165) that we find the real starting-point of many of the later 
descriptions of Antichrist, and especially in the picture that is there 
presented of Antiochus IV., called Epiphanes*. No other foreign ruler 
was ever regarded by the Jews with such hatred on account both of his 
personal impieties (1 Mace. i. 24 SV ἐλάλησεν ὑπερηφανίαν μεγάλην), and of 
his bitter persecution of their religion, and, accordingly, he is here por- 
trayed as the very impersonation of all evil. Some of the traits indeed 
ascribed to him are of such a character (see vii. ὃ Ὁ, 20 b, 21, 25, xi. 36—45) 
that it has often been thought that the writer had not so much Antiochus 
as the future Antichrist directly in view. And, though this is not exegeti- 
cally possible, it is easy to understand how his description influenced the 
Apostolic writers in their account of the arch-enemy of God and man 
(cf. e.g. 2 Thess. ii. 4 with Dan. xi. 36f., and Rev. xiii. 1—8 with Dan. vii. 
8, 20, 21, 25, Vill. 24, xi. 28, 30; and see Driver Daniel p. xcvi ff.). 

With the fall of Antiochus and the rise of the Maccabean kingdom, 
the promise of deliverance, with which Daniel had comforted God’s people 
during their dark days, received its proximate fulfilment. But when the 
nation again fell under a foreign yoke, the old fears were once more 
revived, and received a fresh colouring from the new powers by which the 
Jewish nation now found itself opposed. 

4. In determining the Jewish views regarding Antichrist during this 
period, much difficulty is caused by the uncertainty regarding the exact 
date of some of the relative writings, and the possibility of their having 
received Christian interpolations in the form in which they have come 
down to us. The following references, however, deserve notice. 

In the Pharisaic Psalms of Solomon (48— 40 B.c.) Pompey as the re- 
presentative of the foreign power that had overthrown Zion is described 
as the personification of sin (ii. 1 ὁ ἁμαρτωλός), and even as the dragon 
(v. 29 6 δράκων), perhaps an unconscious survival of the dragon-myth?: 
and in Ps. xvii. 13 if we may adopt Ewald’s conjectural reading, which has 
been generally approved by the editors, of ὁ ἄνομος (ὁ ἄνεμος in all the 


made manifest’ (cf. Add. Note F, p. 
148). For a graphic description of 
the circumstances of his reign see 
E. Bevan, Jerusalem under the High 


1 For the later connexion of Gog 
and Magog with the story of Anti- 
christ cf. Rev. xx. 7f. The actual 
identification of Gog with Antichrist, 


however, does not occur till the seventh 
century, and even then only in Jewish 
sources (Bousset art. ‘Antichrist’ in 
Encycl. Bibl. § 12). 

2 The epithet Epiphanes is generally 
rendered ‘the illustrious,’ but its real 
meaning, as seen when the title is 
stated in full θεὸς ἐπιφανής, is the ‘god 


Priests (1904), and for the general 
interpretation of the visions of Dan. 
vii.— xii. see Porter The Messages of 
the Apocalyptical Writers (1905) p. 
125 ff. 

3 See Charles The Ascension of 
Isaiah Ὁ. liv. 


BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 161 
Mss.), we have another epithet applied to Pompey which, if used techni- 
cally, is proper to the Beliar-myth (see below), It may, however, in the 
present instance mean no more than ‘ heathen’ as in 1 Cor. ix. 21. 

Similarly in the Apocalypse of Baruch which, though belonging to Apoca- 
the last decade of the ist cent. a.D., is in the main a true Jewish writing, ‘pee of 
we have a description of the destruction of the ‘lost leader’ of the enemies °@”"“” 
of Israel by the Messiah on Mount Zion (xl. 1, 2), where again Pompey 
may be thought of. And in 4 Ezra v. 1—6, belonging to about the same 4 γα. 
time, after an enumeration of the signs of the last times, and the coming 
of the fourth (Roman) Empire, after the third (Greek) Empire has passed 
away in disorder (‘post tertiam turbatam’ ed. Bensly)', we read of one 
who ‘shall rule whom they that dwell upon the earth look not for’ (‘et 
regnabit quem non sperant qui inhabitant super terram’), a mysterious 
being, who is generally identified with the future Antichrist”. 

In none of these passages, it will be noticed, have we more than a God- . 
opposing being of human origin, but it has recently been pointed out with 
great cogency by Dr Charles (Ascension of Isaiah p. ἵν ff.)* that, in the 
interval between the Old and the New Testaments, a further develop- 
ment was given to the Jewish belief in Antichrist through the influence 
of the Beliar-myth. 

In the O.T. ‘belial’ is never strictly speaking a proper name, but 
denotes ‘worthlessness,’ ‘wickedness*” From its frequent occurrence, 
however, along with another noun in such phrases as ‘daughter’ (1 Sam. 

i. 16), ‘man’ (1 Sam. xxv. 25), and especially ‘sons’ (Deut. xiii. 13, Judg. 
xix. 22 &c.) of ‘belial, it is obvious how readily the idea lent itself to 
personification, while it is not without significance in our present inquiry 
that in those latter passages it is rendered in the Lxx. by παράνομος (e.g. 
Deut. xiii. 13 ἐξήλθοσαν ἄνδρες παράνομοι). 

~ In the later pseudepigraphical literature of the Jews this humanizing or 
rather demonizing process is carried still further, until the title regularly 
appears as a synonym for Satan or one of his lieutenants. 

Thus in the Book of Jubilees (ii./B.0.) we read ‘ Let Thy mercy, O Lord, Jubilees, 
be lifted up upon Thy people...and let not the spirit of Beliar rule over Testa- 
them’ (i. 20, cf. xv. 33, ed. Charles). And similar references to Beliar as ments of 


a Satanic spirit are frequent in the Testaments of the xii Patriarchs ie 
(ii./B.c., in part at least): see e.g. Reub. iv. 7, vi. 3, Levi iii. 3, xviii. 12. arches. 


1 Gunkel (in Kautzsch Pseudepi- 
grapha p. 359) prefers to supply ‘diem’ 
after ‘post tertiam’ (Ξ-- μετὰ τὴν τρίτην 
ἡμέραν, Blass), and understands the 
three ‘days,’ as the secret apoca- 
lyptic number, which denotes the 
world-rule until its destruction: cf. 
the three-and-a-half ‘days’ of Rev. xi. 
9; and see Schipfung u. Chaos pp. 268 
n.}, 269 n.}. 

2 Cf. L. Vaganay Le Probléme Es- 
chatologique dans le iv? Livre @’ Esdras 
(Paris, 1906) p. 86f. 


_ M. THESS. 


3 See also Friedlander op. cit. p. 
118 ff. 

4 The origin of the word byrba is 
disputed, but the old derivation from 
3 ‘without’ and δ)» ‘profit’ is still 
strongly supported. For an interest- 
ing discussion, in which Dr Cheyne 
finds in the word a modification of 
the Babylonian Bililu in the sense of 
the ‘land without return,’ i.e. the 
underworld, see Hap. T. viii. and ix. 
s.v. ‘Belial’ in the Indices, 


II 


Sibylline 
Oracles. 


Rabbi- 
nical 
writings. 


Anti- 
christ in 
our Lord’s 
teaching. 


162 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
The most interesting passage, however, for our purpose is contained 

in the third book of the Sibylline Oracles, in a section which in the main 
goes back to the same early date, where Beliar is depicted as a truly 
Satanic being accompanied by all the signs that are elsewhere ascribed 
to Antichrist’. The passage is as follows: 

ἐκ δὲ Σεβαστηνῶν3 ἥξει Βελίαρ μετόπισθεν 

καὶ στήσει ὀρέων ὕψος, στήσει δὲ θάλασσαν 

ἠέλιον πυρόεντα μέγαν λαμπράν τε σελήνην, 

καὶ νέκυας στήσει καὶ σήματα πολλὰ ποιήσει 

ἀνθρώποις" 

# ~ * * * 

καὶ δύναμις φλογόεσσα δι οἴδματος ἐς γαῖαν ἥξει, 

καὶ Βελίαρ φλέξει καὶ ὑπερφιάλους ἀνθρώπους 

πάντας, ὅσοι τούτῳ πίστιν ἐνεποιήσαντο. 


Orac. Sib. iii. 63 ff. (ed. Rzach). 


With this passage should also be compared Orac. Sib. ii. 167 f. where 
it is stated that ‘ Beliar will come and do many signs to men’ 


καὶ Βελίαρ θ᾽ ἥξει καὶ σήματα πολλὰ ποιήσει 

ἀνθρώποις, 
though here the originally Jewish origin of the passage is by no means 
so certain. 

In the same way it is impossible to lay too much stress in the present 
connexion on the speculations of Rabbinical theology regarding the person 
of Antichrist in view of the late date of our authorities’, But we may 
accept, as in the main reflecting the views of the Jews about the beginning 
of the Christian era, the general conception of a powerful ruler to be 
born of the tribe of Dan‘ and uniting in himself all enmity against God 
and hatred against God’s people, but whom the Messiah will finally slay 
by the breath of His lips®. ; 

5. We can see how readily this idea would lend itself to the political 
and materialistic longings of the Jews, and it is only therefore what 
we should expect when we find our Lord, true to His spiritual ideals, 
saying nothing by which these expectations might be encouraged in the 


1 Cf. 4 Ezra v. 4 ‘et relucescet 
subito sol noctu, et luna interdie,’ 
Asc. Isai. iv. 5 ‘et eius verbo orietur 
sol noctu, et luna quoque ut sexta 
hora appareat, efficiat.’ For later 
Christian references to the wonders of 
Antichrist see Bousset The Antichrist 
Legend p. 175 ff. 

2 This reference to the Σεβαστηνοί, 
by whom we naturally understand 
‘the race of Augustus,’ has caused 
difficulty in accepting this as a purely 
Jewish picture, but, unless it is to be 
regarded as a later interpolation 


(Schiirer® iii. p. 441, Engl. Tr. 11. iii. 
p- 284), it is probably to be under- 
stood of the inhabitants of Sebaste- 
Samaria. 

3 None of these are earlier than the 
second century A.D. 

4 Support was lent to this view by 
such passages as Gen. xlix. 17, Deut. 
xxxiii, 22, Jer. viii. 16; cf. the omis- 
sion of Dan in Rev. vii. 5 ff., and see 
further Friedlinder op. cit. c. ix Die 
Abstammung des Antichrist aus Dan. 

5 See Weber Jiid. Theologie p. 365. 


BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 163 


minds of His hearers, but contenting Himself with warning them against 
false teachers, the ‘false Christs’ and the ‘false prophets’ who would be 
ready ‘to lead astray, if possible, even the elect’ (Mt. xxiv. 24, Mk. xiii. 22). 
Even too, when in the same discourse He seems to refer to a single Anti- 
christ, the reference is veiled under the mysterious figure derived from 
Daniel of the ‘abomination of desolation standing (ἑστηκότα) where he 
ought not’ (Mk. xiii. 14; cf. Mt. xxiv. 15). A similar reticence marks His 
words as recorded by St John, if here again, as is most probable, He 
has Antichrist in view: ‘I am come in my Father’s name, and ye receive 
me not: if another shall come in his own name, him ye will receive’ 
(Vv. 43). 

6. Slight, however, though these references in our Lord’s recorded Anti- _ 
teaching are, they would naturally direct the attention of the Apostolic Christ in 
writers to the traditional material lying to their hands in their treat- Apoatolis 
ment of this mysterious subject, and, as a matter of fact, we have clear writers, 
evidence of the use of such material in the writings of at least two 
of them. 

Thus, apart from his direct reference to the Jewish belief in Beliar St Paul. 
in 2 Cor. vi. 15 (“And what concord hath Christ with Beliar?’), St Paul 
has given us in 2 Thess. ii. 1—12 a very full description of the working 
of Antichrist, under the name of the Man of lawlessness, in which, as 
we have already seen (comm. ad loc.), he draws freely on the language 
and imagery of the O.T. and of the speculations of later Judaism. It is 
unnecessary to recapitulate the evidence, but for the sake of completeness 
it may be well to summarize briefly the leading features in the Pauline 
picture. 

(1) ‘The mystery of lawlessness’ is already at work, though for the 
moment it is held in check by a restraining person or power, probably 
to be identified with the power of law or government, especially as these 
were embodied at the time in the Roman State. (2) No sooner has 
this restraining power been removed (cf. 4 Ezra v. 4, Apoc. Bar. xxxix. 7) 
than a general ‘apostasy’ results, which finds its consummation in the 
‘revelation’ of ‘the Man of lawlessness.’ (3) As ‘the opposer’ he ‘ex- 
alteth himself against all that is called God’ (cf. Dan. xi. 36 f.) and actually 
‘sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth as God’—the de- 
scription being again modelled on the Danielic account (cf. Dan. viii. 13, 

ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11), and the ‘lying wonders’ by which his working is 
distinguished being illustrated by such passages as Orac. Sib. iii. 64 f., 
Asc. Isai. iv. 5 (see above). (4) Powerful as this incarnation of wicked- 
ness seems to be, the Lord Jesus at His Parousia will ‘slay him with 
the breath of His mouth,’ the words being a quotation from Isa. xi. 4, 
a passage which the Targum of Jonathan afterwards applied to the de- 
struction of Armilus the Jewish Antichrist!, and whose use here St Paul 


1 For Armilus (Θ δ Ἴ) ie.Romu- Tr. τι. ii. p. 165); οἵ. Bousset The 
lus, as the name of the chief adversary Antichrist Legend p. 105, Castelli 11 
of the people ot Israel, in later Rab- Messia secondo gli Ebrei (1874) p. 
binism see Schiirer® ii. Ὁ. 533 (Engl. 230 ff, 


EL 2 


St John. 


The 
Apoca- 
lypse. 


164 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
may well have drawn from the Jewish tradition of his time (cf. the use of 
the same passage in Pss. Sol. xvii. 27, 39, 4 Ezra xiii. 10). 

The whole description, it will thus be seen, is of a very composite 
character}, though at the same time it is so definite and detailed?, that it is 
hardly to be wondered at that there has been a constant endeavour to find 
its suggestion in some historical personage of the writer’s own time®. But 
though the sacrilegious conduct of Caligula (Jos. Andtt. xviii. 261 (viii. 2), 
Tac. Hist. v. 9, Suet. Calig. xxii. 33) may have influenced the writer’s 
language in v. 4, the real roots of the conception lie elsewhere, and it is 
rather, as we have seen, in the O.T. and in current Jewish traditions 
that its explanation is to be sought*. 

7. The same may be said, in part at least, of the various evil powers 
which meet us in the Johannine Apocalypse. The first wild Beast of the 
Seer (Rev. xiii—xx.) vividly recalls the horned wild Beast of Dan. vii., viii., 
and the parallels that can be drawn between the language of St John and 
of St Paul (cf. Rev. xii. 9, xiii. 1 ἢ with 2 Thess. ii. 9 ἢ; xiii. 5 ff, xiv. 11 
with ii. 4, 1O—12; xili. 3 with ii. 9 ff.) point to similar sources as lying at 
the roots of both. On the other hand the Johannine descriptions have 
now a direct connexion with contemporary secular history which was largely 
wanting in the earlier picture. This is seen noticeably in the changed 
attitude towards the power of Rome. So far from this being regarded 
any longer as a restraining influence, it is rather the source from which 
evil is to spring’. And we can understand therefore how the city of Rome 
and its imperial house supply St John with many of the characteristics 
under which he describes the working of Antichrist, until at length he 
sees all the powers of evil culminate in the Beast of c. xvii., who, according 
to the interpretation of Bousset (adopted by James in Hastings’ D.B.), 
is partly representative of an individual who ‘was, and is not, and shall 
be present’ (Ὁ. 8 ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν καὶ πάρεσται), that is a Nero redivivus; 
partly of a polity, namely that of Rome. 


1 «The dvouos-expectation of 2 Thes- 
salonians is not the arbitrary inven- 
tion of an individual, but only the 
expression of a belief which had a 
long historical development, and was 
at the time universally diffused’ 
(Gunkel Schipfung u. Chaos p. 221). 

2 ¢There is scarcely a more matter- 
of-fact prediction in the Bible’ (Find- 
lay Thessalonians p. 219). The whole 
Appendix on ‘The Man of Lawless- 
ness’ is a clear and well-balanced 
statement on this difficult subject, 
to which the present writer gladly 
acknowledges his indebtedness both 
in this and the following Note. _ 

3 H.g. Caligula (Spitta Urchristen- 
tum i. Ὁ. 294ff.), Nero (Schmiedel 


Handcommentar, τι. i. Ὁ. 30f.); see 
further Add. Note J. 

+ «We have here a Jewish-Christian 
dogma, which is to be understood by 
means of the history of religious re- 
flexion, and very indirectly by means 
of the history of the Caesars’ (Gunkel 
Schopfung u. Chaos p. 223). 

> For the effect of the imperial per- 
secutions, initiated by Nero in a.p. 64, 
in leading St John to regard their 
authors as the direct vassals of Satan, 
see Swete Apoc. Ὁ. lxxviii ff. The 
whole of this interesting section ‘ Anti- 
christ in the Province of Asia’ should 
be studied in connexion with the sub- 
ject of this Note. 


BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF ANTICHRIST 165 


8. There remain only the references in the Johannine Epistles to The 
which, it will be remembered, we owe the name of Antichrist. In these, “péstles. 
conformably to the writer’s main object, the spiritual side of the con- 
ception is again predominant. Thus, after indicating some of the main 
elements in Christian Truth, St John passes in I. ii. 18 to the conflict into 
which at ‘a last hour’ Truth will be brought with Falsehood, and in token 
of this points to the decisive sign by which this crisis will be known, 
namely, the coming of ‘ Antichrist, the absence of the article in the 
original showing that the word has already come to be used as a technical 
proper name. Nor does ‘ Antichrist’ stand alone. Rather he is to be 
regarded as ‘the personification of the principle shown in different anti- 
christs’ (Westcott ad loc.), who, by their denial that ‘Jesus is the Christ,’ 
deny in like manner the revelation of God as Father (ii. 22), and, con- 
sequently, the true union between God and man (iv. 3). 

It is, therefore, into a very different atmosphere that we are intro- Present 
duced after the strange symbolism of the Apocalypse, and the scenic Si8ni- 
representation of the Pauline description. And one likes to think that ἌΡΗ, 
_ the last word of Revelation on this mysterious topic is one which leaves christ, 
it open to every one to apply to the spiritual workings of evil in his own 

heart, and in the world around him, a truth which has played so large 

a part in the history of God’s people in the past, and which may still 

pass through many varying and progressive applications, before it reaches 

its final fulfilment in the ‘dispensation of the fulness of the times’ 

(Eph. i. 10). 


Varied 
interpre- 
tations 
of the 
passage. 


i. The 
Ante- 
Nicene 
Church. 
General 
view. 


NOTE J. 


On the interpretation of 2 Thess. 11. 1—12. 


"Expiv δὲ τὸν μὲν ἕτερον τῶν ἄκρων καὶ βέλτιστον υἱὸν ἀναγορεύεσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ 
τὴν ὑπεροχήν, τὸν δὲ τούτῳ κατὰ διάμετρον ἐναντίον υἱὸν τοῦ πονηροῦ δαίμονος καὶ 


Σατανᾷ καὶ διαβόλου. 
Orig. 6. Cels. vi. 45 (ed. Koetschau 1. 116). 


There are few passages in the N.T. for which more varied interpretations 
have been proposed than for 2 Thess. ii. 1—12. It is impossible to attempt 
to give a full account of these here’. But it may be well at least to 
indicate the main lines along which the exegesis of the passage hasrun. In 
doing so we shall follow as far as possible the historical order, for, though 
the different schools of interpreters cannot be rigidly distinguished according 
to periods of time, there have been on the whole certain clearly marked 
cycles in the method of interpretation applied to this difficult and mysterious 
passage. 

i. The Ante-Nicene Church. 


In the Early Church the ecclesiastical writers, amidst considerable 
differences in detail, agreed in regarding the whole passage as a prophecy 
which, at the time when they wrote, was still unfulfilled. Rightly inter- 
preting the Parousia as the personal Return of the Lord for the Last 
Judgment, they saw in the Man of lawlessness an equally definite personality, 
who was to be manifested at the close of the world’s history, but who for the 
time being was held in check by a restraining influence, generally identified, 
from the time of Tertullian? onwards, with the power of the Roman Empire. 


1 Special excursuses are devoted to 
the passage in most of the commen- 
taries: see especially those of Liine- 
mann, Bornemann and Wohlenberg 
among the German expositors, and 
of Eadie, Gloag, and Findlay among 
the English. The article on ‘Anti- 
christ’ by Rev. F. Meyrick in Smith’s 
D.B. contains many interesting details. 
Cf. also Déllinger The First Age of 
Christianity (tr. by Oxenham, 4th ed. 
1906) Appendix 1., and W. Bousset 
The Antichrist Legend (Eng. Tr. by 
Keane, London, 1896), where the 


patristic evidence is given very fully. 
E.Wadstein has collected much curious 
material in his essay on Die escha- 
tologische Ideengruppe:  Antichrist- 
Weltsabbat-Weltende und Weltgericht 
(Leipzig, 1896) p. 81 ff., and for the 
conceptions of Antichrist from the 
xvth to the xxth century see H. Preuss 
Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im 
spiteren Mittelalter, bei Luther, und 
in der Konfessionellen Polemik (Leip- 
zig, 1906). 

2 De Resurr. 6. 24 ‘quis nisi Ro- 
manus status?’ Elsewhere Tertullian 


INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 1—12 167 

Of this line of interpretation we find traces already in the Didache xvi., Early 

and in Justin Martyr Dial. 110, and it is clearly enunciated by Irenaeus Greek 
who presents a vivid picture of a personal Antichrist ‘diabolicam apostasiam di eae 
in se recapitulans,’ and ‘seducens eos qui adorant eum, quasi ipse sit 
Christus’ (adv. Haer. ν. 25. 1). Elsewhere (v. 30. 2) he ascribes to Anti- 
christ a Jewish origin, tracing his descent, in accordance with O.T. 
prophecy (Jer. viii. 16), to the tribe of Dan—a view that was shared by 
Hippolytus (de Antichristo c. 14)". Origen is equally definite in looking for 
a single being, υἱὸν τοῦ πονηροῦ δαίμονος καὶ Σατανᾶ καὶ διαβόλου, who is to be 
opposed κατὰ διάμετρον to the Christ (6. Celsum vi. 45 f. ed. Koetschau 11. 
115 ff.), and similarly Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of Antichrist as Satan’s 
‘organ,’ who will take his place in the Temple of Jerusalem, when not one 
stone of the old building has been left standing upon another, and adds the 
pious wish that he himself may be spared from seeing the horrors of that 
day (Catech. xv. 7). 

The Latin commentators follow on much the same lines» By The Latin 
‘Ambrosiaster’ the Antichrist is not named, but, arising out of the circum- CO™men- 
cision he is to kill the saints and restore liberty to Rome. The working of cig 
this mystery of iniquity had already begun with Nero, who had killed 
the Apostles, and from him it had passed on to Diocletian and Julian. 

‘ Ambrosiaster’ appears to identify ὁ ἄνομος with the devil. 

Pelagius says pointedly ‘Nisi Antichristus uenerit, non ueniet Christus,’ 
and then goes on to describe how the ‘homo peccati’ (‘diaboli scilicet’) will 
attempt to revive the Temple and its worship with the view of persuading 
the Jews to accept him ‘pro Christo*.’ For this the false doctrines already 
at work were preparing the way: the only restraining influence was the 
‘regnum, quod nunc tenet.’ 

Differences in this general view were naturally caused, according as τὸ Differ- 
μυστήριον τῆς ἀνομίας was found in the political or in the religious sphere? : tre πα, 


says that Christians should pray for et sacramenta culturae diuinae corri- 


the Emperor, because ‘clausulam sae- 
culi acerbitates horrendas comminan- 
tem Romani imperii commeatu scimus 
retardari’ (Apol. c. 32). 

1 Cf. ὁ. 6, ἐν περιτομῇ ὁ Σωτὴρ ἦλθεν 
εἰς τὸν κόσμον, καὶ αὐτὸς [i.e. the Anti- 
christ] ὁμοίως ἐλεύσεται. Elsewhere 
(c. 15) Hippolytus describes the Anti- 
christ as τύραννος καὶ βασιλεύς, κριτὴς 
δεινός, υἱὸς τοῦ διαβόλου. 

2 For ‘Ambrosiaster’ and Pelagius 
see the List of Commentaries. 

3 The passage may be given in full 
according to the correct reading of the 
Karlsruhe ms., kindly supplied by Prof. 
Souter; in this short extract it differs 

‘in nine places from the text of the 
Pseudo-Jerome in Migne: ‘Supra omni- 
potentiam et aeternitatem se iactabit 


gere uel augere se dicet, et templum 
Hierusolymae restaurare temptabit 
omnesque legis caerimonias reparare 
tantum ut ueritatis Christi euangelium 
soluat, quae res Iudaeos eum pro 
Christo suscipere persuadebit, in suo, 
non in dei, nomine uenientem.’ 

4 In Chrysostom we find again the 
attempt to associate Nero with Anti- 
christ: Νερῶνα ἐνταῦθά φησιν ὡσανεὶ 
τύπον ὄντα τοῦ ἀντιχριστοῦ...καὶ καλῶς 
εἶπε, τὸ μυστήριον" τουτέστιν, οὐ φανερῶς, 
ὡς ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲ ἀπηρυθριασμένως (Hom. 
iv. in II. ad Thess.). Theodoret, on the 
other hand, thinks that the Apostle 
has in view the heresies that were 
beginning to spring up (τὰς ἀναφυείσας 
αἱρέσει) within the Church itself. 
According to Ephrem Syrus (Comm. in 


ii. The 
Middle 
Ages. 


The 
Eastern 
Church. 


The 
Western 
Church. 


First hints 
of the 
possibility 
of a Papal 
Anti- 
christ. 


Develop- 
ment of 


168 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

while it is further significant to notice, in view of later developments, that, 

according to the testimony of Augustine!, there were already some who, 

despairing apparently of finding a consistent literal interpretation for the 

different details, had come to apply it in a general way to all forms of evil 

as they arose in the Church. 
ii. The Middle Ages. 

During the earlier portion of the Middle Ages this prophetic interpreta- 
tion of the passage as an inspired description of what was actually to happen 
in the great Day of the Lord continued to prevail, not however without such 
modifications as were required by the changing relations between Church 
and State, and the divisions that were arising within the Church itself. 
Already too there were increasing signs of the tendency, afterwards to 
become so marked, to find at least partial fulfilments of the prophecy in 
contemporary historical events. 

Thus in the Eastern Church, struggling for bare existence against the 
forces of Islamism, Muhammad was readily identified with Antichrist, while 
in the Western Church the arrogant pretensions of some of the Church’s 
own rulers had already begun to lead to whispers of the possibility of 
a Papal Antichrist. It is a curious fact indeed that the first traces of such 
a view seem actually to have come from an occupant of the Papal See itself, 
when, towards the close of the sixth century, Gregory I., in denouncing the 
claims of the contemporary Byzantine patriarch, went the length of saying 
that whoever arrogates to himself the title of ‘universal priest’ is a pre- 
cursor of Antichrist and described the title as ‘erroris nomen, stultum 
ac superbum vocabulum, perversum, nefandum, scelestum vocabulum, 
nomen blasphemiae?”’ Four centuries later Arnulph, Bishop of Orleans, 
declared much to the same effect at the Council of Rheims (a.p. 991) that if 
the Roman Pontiff was destitute of charity, and puffed up with knowledge, 
he was Antichrist. It was only therefore giving statements such as these a 
general application when in the twelfth century Joachim of Floris in his 
Enchiridion in Apocalypsim began to trace a correspondence between the 
warnings of the Apocalypse and the evils of his time—a mode of interpre- 
tation which another Franciscan, John Oliva, followed up by asserting that 
in the opinion of some Antichrist would be a ‘pseudo-papa®.’ 

When such hints were thrown out within the Church itself, one can 
readily understand that they were eagerly laid hold of by all who, on grounds 


Ep. Pauli, Venice 1893, p. 193) Anti- 
christ is to be a circumcised Jew of 
the tribe of Judah (‘ex ipso populo et 
ex tribu Judae, neque in praeputio, sed 
in circumcisione’) who, imitating the 
coming of the Lord, is to take his 
place in the Church itself, but who for 
the time being is ‘restrained’ by the 
Jewish Temple-worship and afterwards 
by the preaching of the Apostles (see 
further Wohlenberg, p. 194 f.). — 


1 De Civ. Dei xx. 19 ‘alii...non 
putant dictum, nisi de malis et fictis, 
qui sunt in Ecclesia.’ Augustine him- 
self despaired apparently of finding a 
correct interpretation for the passage : 
‘Ego prorsus quid dixerit, me fateor 
ignorare’ (wt s.). 

2 Ep. xxxiii. lib. vii. p. 891, Opera 
τι. Migne. 

3 See Swete Apoc. p. ceviii f. 


~ INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 169 

of liberty or morality, found themselves obliged to oppose the Roman this view 
hierarchy, and that the identification of the Papacy with Antichrist 4mongst 
gradually became a commonplace amongst the sects. At first apparently κὲ ετῳεοιρν 
it was only an individual that was thought of, but from this the transition pier. 
was easy to a succession of individuals or a.polity, as when Wycliffe asserted archy. 
of the Pope generally that he did not seem to be ‘the vicar of Christ, 

but the vicar of Antichrist!, and in the last year of his life (1384) wrote a 

treatise De Christo et suo adversario Antichristo, in which he identified 

the Pope with Antichrist for twelve reasons, many of these being applicable 

to the Pope as such. 


5 Ὁ 12 


iii. The Reformed Church. 


The reference of Antichrist to the Papal Hierarchy continued to be the iii. The 
prevailing view of the Reformers. And such stress was laid on it by Reformed 
Luther in the great controversial writings of 1520 and succeeding years? that 2 sisabont 
it found a place in the Articles of Smalkald which, under his influence, were view, 5 
adopted in 1537 by ἃ number of evangelical theologians as their rule of Papacy= 
faith®. In England both Houses of Convocation decreed in 1606 that Anti- 

‘if any man shall affirm that the intolerable pride of the Bishop of Rome, °2™S*- 
for the time still being, ... doth not argue him plainly to be the Man of Sin, 
-mentioned by the Apostle, he doth greatly err*’ And a few years later the 
Translators of our A.V. complimented King James for having by means of 

his tractate Apologia pro Juramento Fidelitatis ‘given such a blow to that 

man of sin, as will not be healed.’ A section of the Westminster Confession 

of Faith is devoted to defending the same view. And, with a few honourable 
exceptions, the equation ‘the Pope, or the Papacy, is Antichrist’ may be ~ 
said to have been the prevailing view of Protestant exegetes for a period of’ 


about two hundred years, 


1 Dial. 31. 73 ‘videtur papam non 
esse Christi vicarium, sed vicarium 
antichristi.’ Elsewhere he goes the 
length of saying that no man is better 
fitted to be the vicar of Satan than the 
Roman pontiff himself (‘ ut sit vicarius 
principalis Satanae et praecipuus anti- 
christus ’ de Blasphemia 6. 3), and 
characterizes his legates as ‘a latere 
antichristi.’ 

2 On «τ Oct. 1520 Luther writes, 
‘Jetzt bin ich um vieles freier, nach- 
dem ich endlich gewiss geworden bin, 
dass der Papst der Antichrist ist’ 
(Briefwechsel, ed. Enders ii. 491), and 
to this conviction he clung to the end 
of his life; see Preuss op. cit. p. 145 ff. 

3 In the later authoritative Latin 
translation of these Articles the refer- 
ence runs as follows: ‘Haec doctrina 


praeclare ostendit, papam esse ipsum 
verum Antichristum, qui supra et 
contra Christum sese extulit et evexit, 
quandoquidem Christianos non vult 
esse salvos sine sua potestate, quae 
tamen nihil est, et a deo nec ordinata 
nec mandata est. Hoc proprie lo- 
quendo est se efferre supra et contra 
deum, sicut Paulus 2 Thess. ii. lo- 
quitur.’ 

4 Cardwell Synodalia i. p. 379. 

5 The position of Calvin (Comm. ad 
loc.) is interesting. While agreeing in 
the general reference of Antichrist to 
the Papacy (‘Quid, obsecro, est se 
efferre supra omne quod numen repu- 
tatur, si hoc Papa non facit?’), he 
finds the restraining influence in the 
limited diffusion of the Gospel. Not 
till the Gospel was preached to the 


Rise of 
new 
methods 
of inter- 
pretation, 


iv. Modern 
Views. 

(1) The 
ideal view. 


Later 
modifica- 
tions. 


170 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 

But not to dwell further on a system of interpretation which has nothing 
to commend it except the ease with which it lends itself to partisan 
purposes}, it is of more importance to trace the rise of certain new methods 
of apocalyptic interpretation, which have powerfully affected the view taken 
of this passage in modern times, 


iv. Modern Views. 


(1) Amongst these a prominent place must be given to the tendency to 
regard the whole conception in a purely ideal manner. Unable to agree 
with a method of interpretation in which personal references and animosities 
played so large a part, the followers of this system understood the passage 
in a general or spiritual sense. The concrete individual traits of the Pauline 
picture were wholly ignored, or else treated simply as symbolic representa- 
tions of certain great principles always at work in the Church and the world. 

Of this tendency C. L. Nitzschis a striking example2. Inthe Appendix 
to his Essays De Revelatione (1808), starting from the assumption that the 
παρουσία is ἃ ‘factum ideale, not to be looked for at any definite time 
or place, but whenever and wherever faith needs to be strengthened, he 
goes on to say that, as regards the Man of lawlessness, no such man ever 
has existed or apparently will exist (‘nusquam quisquam fuit nec in 
posterum futurus esse videtur’). St Paul, that is to say, in his whole re- 
presentation was influenced by subjective considerations, and without any . 
regard to the historic truthfulness of his picture desired only the edifica- 
tion of his readers. . 

Others who followed in this direction, without perhaps going the same 
length, or losing sight so entirely of objective realities, were such expositors 
as Pelt in Germany, who lays down as a preliminary condition to his whole 
discussion that St Paul was looking for no visible Return of Christ®, and 
Jowett in England, who for a guide to the Apostle’s meaning in this 
particular passage lays stress on his ‘habitual thought’ as revealed in such 
passages as Col. ii. 8, 16, or the spiritual combat of Rom. vii. 


whole world, would the Man of Sin be 
manifested (‘ Haec igitur dilatio erat, 
donec completus esset Evangelii cur- 
sus: quia gratuita ad salutem invitatio 
ordine prior erat’). . 

1 It is hardly to be wondered at that 
many Romanist scholars (e.g. Estius 
+1613) should adopt the methods of 
their opponents, and retaliate by as- 
serting that the Pauline apostacy was 
rather to be found in defection from 
Rome, and that consequently Luther 
and his followers were the real Anti- 
christ. At the same: time it is right 
to notice that to the Jesuit scholars 
Ribeira (+1601) and Alcasar (+1613) 
belongs the credit of inaugurating 


more scientific methods in the inter- 
pretation of the Apocalypse: see Swete 
Apoc. p. ecix f. 

2 On Nitzsch’s position see especi- 
ally Bornemann p. 428 ff. 

3 P. 185 ‘...tenentes, illum Christi 
adventum a Paulo non visibilem habi- 
tum.’ De Wette is even more explicit 
in declaring that ‘ whoever finds more 
than a subjective outlook of the Apostle 
into the future of the Christian Church 
from his own historical position falls 
into error,’ and that to expect any 
actual embodiment of Satan is ‘con- 
trary alike to the reflective under- 
standing and the pious feelingg 


INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 1—12 171 


The practical advantages of this view are at once apparent. The 
prophecy is made universally applicable, and lessons can be drawn from it 
for all succeeding generations of readers, whatever the special circumstances 
in which they find themselves. But this result is only reached by depriving 
the very literal and precise statements of the passage of all definite 
meaning, and consequently we are not surprised to find that a large 
and influential body of English expositors, while applying the truths of the 
prophecy continuously throughout the whole course of the world’s history 
lay stress at the same time on their final and complete embodiment at the English 
end of the days. Amongst supporters of this view it is sufficient to ©*Positors. 
mention such names as Alford, Ellicott, Eadie, Alexander, Dods, and most 
recently Findlay, according to whom, ‘The ideal Antichrist conceived 
by Scripture, when actualized, will mould himself upon the lines of the 
Antichrists whose career the Church has already witnessed’ (p. 231). But 
however true this may be as an application of the Apostle’s words, it 
contributes little or nothing to their interpretation!, or to the exact 
meaning they must have conveyed to their first writer or readers. So far 
from their conceiving an ‘ideal’ Antichrist, ‘there is scarcely,’ in Findlay’s 
own words already quoted elsewhere (p. 164), ‘a more matter-of-fact 
prediction in the Bible.’ And it is not until the expositor has succeeded 
in forming some idea of the genesis and reference of its varied details, that 
he can hope to apply with any degree of success the underlying law or 
principle to present-day needs. It is only therefore in keeping with the 
growth of the historical spirit that alongside of this more subjective school 
of criticism, there should have been a determined attempt to find the real 
key to the passage in the historical circumstances of the time when it was 
written. 

For the rise of this method of interpretation, which is generally known (2) The 

as the praeterist or historical to distinguish it from the futurist or ραβδὶ 
predictive method, we can go back as far as Grotius who in his Annotationes Bogin. 
(Paris, 1644), starting from the untenable position that the Epistles were nings of 
written in the second year of Caligula, found the fulfilment of the passage in this view. 
that Emperor’s desire to set up a statue of himself in Jerusalem (Jos. Antz. 
XViii, 261 (viii. 2), cp. Suet. Calig. xxii. 33), the restraining power being the 
proconsul Vitellius, ‘vir apud Judaeos gratiosus et magnis exercitibus 
imperans,’ and the ἄνομος, who was wrongly dissdciated from the Man of 
lawlessness himself, Simon Magus. Wetstein on the other hand identified 
the Man of lawlessness with Titus, on the ground that his army brought 
their standards into the Temple, offered sacrifices to them, and proclaimed 
the Emperor as αὐτοκράτωρ (Jos. B.J. vi. 6. 1), while Déllinger preferred to 
think of the youthful Nero, restrained by the efforts of the dull Claudius. 

Apart too from these distinctive references to the Imperial House Varieties 
another important band of scholars sought the apostasy referred to rather ™_1ts ap- 
in the revolt of the Jews from the Roman yoke—the restraining power pHensan 
being found either in their leaders who were against the revolt (Le Clerc), 
or in the prayers of the Christians who warded off for a time the destruction 


1 For some good remarks on the two very different things see Denney 
difficulty caused by confusing these Thess. p. 317 f. 


The Nero 
Redivivus 
theory. 


172 THE EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS 
of Jerusalem (Schéttgen), or, if an individual had to be sought, in the 
influence of such a man as James the Just (Wieseler). 

It soon became obvious indeed that this system lent itself to almost end- 
less modifications and combinations in accordance with the predilections of 
its supporters. And we can understand therefore the relief with which in 
the beginning of last century an application of it was hailed, which for 
a time seemed to command widespread assent. 

Its author was Kern! who, starting with the postulate that the whole 
passage was written under the influence of the Apocalypse, found the Man 


Οὗ lawlessness in the widespread belief in Nero Redivivus, the restraining 


power in Vespasian and his son Titus, and the apostasy in the wickedness of 
the Jews in their war against the Romans. This line of interpretation was 
adopted by Baur?, Weizsicker®, Holtzmann*, and Schmiedel®, to mention 
only a few representative names. But apart from the consideration that, if 
accepted, it would be fatal to the authenticity of the Epistle, in which we 
have already found good reason for believing (Intr. p. lxxvi ff.), it is wrecked 
on the fact that the παρουσία referred to by St Paul cannot be understood 
of the period of the destruction of Jerusalem, as the theory requires, but 
only of the second and personal coming of the Lord Jesus Himself. On this 
the evidence of the Epistles is quite decisive. And in view of it it is 
unnecessary to spend time in showing that, even were it otherwise, the 
precise traits of the Pauline picture are not fulfilled in Caligula, Nero®, or 
any other Emperor of the period, though we must not lose sight of the fact 
that some of the actions of the first-named may have influenced the 
Apostle’s language’. 

The real roots of his delineation are however, as we have already 
had occasion to notice, to be sought elsewhere. And it is one of the great 
services of what may be known as the traditional view to have drawn 


1 Tiibinger Zeitschrift fiir Theologie 
ii. 1839, p. 145 ff. 

2 Theol. Jahrbiicher xiv. 1855, p. 
141 ff., translated as Appendix m1. to 
the Engl. ed. of Paul, His Life and 
Works (Lond. 1873—5). 

3 Das apost. Zeitalter p. 521, Engl. 
Tr. ii. p. 193 f. ‘It is impossible that 
anything else can have been meant 
than the Neronic Antichrist, who at 
present is delayed by the living Em- 
peror, and who in his own time will 
be supported by the deceit of false 
prophecy (cf. Rev. xiii).’ 

4 Hinl’ p. 217 ‘Zur Conception 
eines Bildes ‘wie Apoc. 13...hat Nero 
gesessen.’ 

5 Hand. Comm. zu 2 Thess. ii. r—12 
‘Nur die zeitgeschichtliche Deutung 
hat wissenschaftliches Recht.’ 

δ᾽ So strong an opponent of the 


Epistle’s authenticity as Wrede says 
pointedly, ‘Die Deutung der Stelle 
auf Neré ist jedenfalls griindlich er- 
schiittert’ (Echtheit p. 1). Similarly 
Pfieiderer (Urchristentum? p. 97 f., 
Engl. Tr. i. p. 138 1.) while postulating 
the close affinity of the Pauline repre- 
sentations with Rev. xiii., xvii., xix., 
xx., admits that ‘the distinctive 
features which in the Johannine ~ 
apocalypse point to the legend of the 
return of Nero are completely wanting 
in 2 Thess.’ 

7 For the relation of the Pauline 
picture to Caligula see Klépper Der 
zweite Brief an die Thess. p. 53, and 
ef. Spitta Urchristentum i. p. 148 
‘Es handelt sich hier eben um die 
Anwendung der Caligula-Apokalypse 
auf eine neue Zeit.’ 


INTERPRETATION OF 2 THESS. ii. 1—12 173 


attention afresh to how largely the whole delineation grew out of the Jewish 
experiences of the Apostle. For not only did the uncompromising hostility 
of his Jewish fellow-countrymen suggest to St Paul the source whence the 
crowning development of evil was to manifest itself (see pp. xxviii, xxxi ἢ), 
but he was led to fall back on O.T. prophecy and current Jewish Apocalyptic 
for the actual details which he worked up into his dread picture. 

This line of interpretation is by no means new. From the earliest times 
the dependence of many traits in the Pauline Antichrist upon the godless 
king in Daniel have been clearly recognized. But it is only in more recent 
years that increasing knowledge of the sources has made it possible to trace 
systematically the Jewish tradition lying at the base of the N.T. passage. 
According to Bousset (Zncyc. Bibl. col. 179) the credit of breaking fresh 
ground in this direction belongs to Schneckenburger?. And now Bousset Possible 
himself has endeavoured to carry the tradition still further back, and relation to 
to find in the Antichrist legend ‘a later anthropomorphic transformation’ P™™t1ve 
of the old Babylonian Dragon myth, which he regards as ‘one of the 
earliest evolved by primitive man®’ The data on which this theory is built 
up are too uncertain to make it more than a very plausible conjecture 
(cf. p. 159), nor, after all, even if it were more fully established, would it 
have any direct bearing on our inquiry, for certainly all thought of any 
such mythical origin of the current imagery was wholly absent from 
St Paul’s mind*, In the meantime, then, we must be content with re- General 
emphasizing that it is to the Jewish apocryphal and pseudepigraphic conclu- 
writings, and especially to the prophetical books of the Greek O.T., and sion. 
the eschatological teaching of Jesus, that we must principally look for light 
on the outward features of the Pauline representation. 


1 See the survey of his writings by 2 The Antichrist Legend Ὁ. 13 ff. 
Bohmer in the Jahrbiicher fiir Deutsche 3 Cf. Preuschen Z.N.T.W. ii. p. 
Theologie iv. (1859) p. 405 ff. 169 n.1. 





INDEXES 





I. SUBJECTS. 


Achaia, xlv, 11 

Acts of Apostles, parallels with, xlii 

Agrapha of our Lord, 39, 66, 77, 115 

Amanuensis, St Paul’s employment of 
an, xcf., 124 ff. 

Analysis of the Epistles: 1 Thess., 2; 
2 Thess., 84 

Angels, Ixx, 45, 89 

Antichrist, Biblical doctrine of, 158 ff.; 
views regarding, at different periods 
in the history of the Church, 166 ff. 

Aorist: of inception, 17; expressing 
immediate past, 32 

Apostle, title of, 21 

Armilus, 163 

Article: emphatic, 13, 49, 105, 112; 
demonstrative, 81, 117; absence of 
the, 4, 14, 48, 51; 64; 75> 94 

Authenticity of the Epistles: 1 Thess., 
Ixxii ff.; 2 Thess., Ixxvi ff, 


Benediction, 81 
Brother, xliv, 8; brotherly-love, 52 f. 


Cabiri, xlvi 
Call, the Divine, 26, 51, 79, 93 
Chiasmus, 67 


Christ, the title of, 136; the doctrine 


of, lxvi ff. 

Church, St Paul’s use of the term, 4 

Church-life in Thessalonica, xlvi ff., 
71 ff. 

Commentaries on the Epistles, cii ff. 

Compound-verbs, St Paul’s love for, liii, 
40 

Conversion, 13 

Crown, 35 


Date of the Epistles, xxxv ff, 

Day of the Lord, 64 

Death: of Christ, 57, 69 f.; of believers, 
ff 


Destruction, eternal, ΟἹ 
Dichotomy and trichotomy, 78 f. 
Divinity of our Lord emphasized, Ixvi f. 


Election, 8, 106 
Emphasis in the N. T., lvii 
Epistolary formulae, 129 


Μ, THESS. 


Eschatology, lxix ff. 
Ethical teaching, Ixxi 


Faith, 6; and works, 6, 94; and love, 
40, 68 
Friends, St Paul’s Thessalonian, 133 f. 


Gentiles, 31, 49 

Glory, 27 

God, doctrine of, lxiv ff. 

Gospel, the Apostolic, lxv, 8 f., 17 ff. ; 
see also p. 141 ff. 

Grace, 4, 81 

Greeting, Apostolic form of, 4 f. 


Heart, 19 

Heathen-world: its immorality, 48 ff. ; 
its hopelessness, 56 

Heavens, the, 14 ἢ, 

Hellenism, St Paul and, lv, lvii 

Hope, 7 


Impurity, 48 ff. 

Infinitive: consecutive with ὥστε, 11; 
explanatory, 17; articular, 38, 47; 
with πρὸς τό, 243. with εἰς τό, 26, 31, 
42, 53 

Inscriptions, Greek, use made of, 
viii f.; see Index III. 1 (a) 

Integrity: of 1 Thess., 
2 Thess., lxxxviii f. 


lxxvi; of 


Jesus, the name of, 135; the words 
of, lix ff.; Jesus and Paul, lxii 


Jews, opposition of, to St Paul, 
xxviii f., xxxi ἔν; condemnation of, 
29 ff. 

Joy, 10, 74 f. 

Judaea, 29 


Judaistic literature, use made of, ix; 
see Index III. 2 

Judge, Christ as, lxvii 

Judgment, the Last, 88 ff. 


Kingdom, xxviii f., 27 
Kiss, 80 


Letter-writer, 


St Paul as a, xxxiv, 
xli ff., 121 ff. 


12 


178 


Life with Christ, lxviii f., Ixx f., 62, 70 

Lord, the name of, lxvii, 136 ff.; the 
word of the, 12, 58, 109 

Love, 7 


Macedonia, xlv, 11 

Man of lawlessness, 98 ff. 

Manual labour, xlvii, 54, 114 f. 

Manuscripts, Greek, of the Epistles, 
xcilii ff. 

Meiosis, 30, 110, 114 

Metaphors derived from the way, 13, 
26, 43; the athletic ground, 17, 71, 
109; the home, 21 f., 25, 331 build- 
ing, 37, 70; warfare, 68; inversion 
of metaphors, 22, 66 

Michael, 60 

Morals, lessons in Christian, 45 ff. 

Muhammad and Antichrist, 168 


‘Name,’ significance of, 94, 113 

Nero redivivus, 1xxxvii, 172 

Old Testament, Greek, relation of 
language to, liv, lviii f. 

Order of the Epistles, xxxix 


Papacy and Antichrist, 168 f. 

Papyrus, manufacture of, 122 f.; 
examples of papyrus-letters, 127 ff. 

Papyri, Greek, use made of, viii f.; see 
Index III. 1 (bd) 

Parousia of Christ, lxix f., 59 ff.; of 
Antichrist, 98 ff. 

Participle: present part. with art., 11, 
15, 26, 39, 79; with ov, 19; for the 
ind., 25 

Patristic authorities for the 
xcix ff, 

Paul as a man, ΧΙ f.; as a mis- 
sionary, xliv ff.; ‘I Paul,’ 34, 39 

Peace, 4, 77 

Persecution at Thessalonica, xxxii, 10, 


text, 


87 

Philippians, Epistle to the, coin- 
cidences with, liii 

Place of writing of the Epistles, xxxv, 
XXxix 

Plays on words, 19, 54, 110, II5 

Plural, epistolary, 131 f. 

Prayer: instances of, in the Epistles, 
lxv; addressed to Christ, lxvi; the 
duty of, 75 

Prepositions, uses of, in late Greek, 
12, 20, 38, 62, 95, 109 

Prophesyings, 76 


Quotations in Pauline Epistles, 126 


Rabbinical literature cited, 35, 49, 54, 
77, 88, 115 


Readings, some variant, discussed, 5, 


INDEXES 


10, 21, 30, 37, 38, 45, 51, 66, 85, 
90, 92, 103, 105, 106, 113 
Resurrection of Jesus, 15, 57; of be- 
lievers, 60 
Retaliation forbidden, 74 
Rhythm, supposed, in Pauline Epp., lvi 
Roman Empire as the restraining 
power, lxx, lxxxviii, 1o1 


Salvation, 69 

Satan, 34 f., 39, 111 

Sayings of Jesus, reminiscences of, 
lix ff. 

Signature, authenticating, xcii, 129 f., 
and see Index IV. s.v. γράφω 

Silvanus, 3 

Sleep, figurative use of, 55 ff. 

Son, Christ as, lxvi 

Soteriology, lxviii f. 

Spirit: doctrine of the Holy Spirit, 
Ixviii; spiritual gifts, 75 f., 96; spirit 


of man, 78 : 
Structure, general, of the Epistles, 
xlviii ff. 
Studies, special, on the Epistles, 
eviii f. 


Style of the Epistles, lvi f. 


Text, Greek, adopted, vii f.; authorities 
for, xciii ff. 

Thanksgiving: the Apostolic, 5, 27, 
41, 86, 106; the duty of, 75 

Thessalonica, the city of, xxi ff.; St 
Paul’s connexion with, xxvi ff.; 
general character of Church of, 
xlvi ff 

Timothy, 3 f., 37; as supposed author 
of 2 Thess., lxxxix ff. 

Title of the Epistles, 3 

Tradition, 107 f. 

Truth and falsehood, τος f. 

Type, 11 


Verse- divisions, unusual, in the WH. 
text, 6, 20, 25 
Versions, ancient, 

xevi ff. 

Versions, renderings from various : early 
English, 9, 10, 12, 14, 20, 33 f., 50, 55, 
73, 86; A.V. of 1611, 13, 64; German, 
32, 50, 78, 107, 110, 115; Latin, 6, 
7, 12, 17, 22, 28, 40, 41, 42, 55, 68, 
73, 78, 86, 107, 115 

Vocabulary of the Epistles, lii ff.; of 
2 Thess., lxxix f. 


of the Epistles, 


Will of God, 48 

Women, position of, 
XXVii 

Wrath, Divine, 15 


in Macedonia, 


Zoroastrianism, ]xxi 


Π. AUTHORS. 


The main object of this Index is to supplement the lists of authorities in the 


Table of Abbreviations and in the Introduction vir and γι. 


As a rule, there- 


fore, no references are given to the grammatical, lexical, and textual works 
that are there described, or to the commentators on the Epistles, though 
occasionally, in the case of works most frequently cited, a general reference has 


been added for the sake of completeness. 


It should be noted further that the 


majority of references are to actual quotations, and not to mere citations of the 


authors specified. 


Abbot, Ezra, 122, 148 

Abbott, Edwin A., 13 and passim 
Abbott, G. F., xxi, xxv, 130 
Abbott, T. K., 51, 69 

Aeschylus, 14, 38, 56, 105, 145 
Antipater of Théssalonica, xxi 
Antoninus, Marcus, 98, 115, 117 
Aristides, 25, 28, 99 
Aristophanes, 141 

Aristotle, xlvii, 19, 47, 76, 77 
Arnulph, 168 

Athanasius, 103 

Augustine, 21, 48, 55, 61, 62, 168 


Bacon, 43 

Bacon, Β. W., xxxviii, xlii, lxxxviii 

Bahnsen, lxxviii 

Barnabas, 52, 86 

Bartlet, xxxvii, xliii 

Basil, 111 

Baur, F. C., xxxix, Ixxiii ff., lxxviii, 
Ixxxvi, 172 

Bechtel, 27 

Beet, J. A., 65 

Bevan, E., 160 

Bigg, xlvii, 104 

Birt, 123 f. 

Blass, viii, xxix, lvi, 6 and passim 

Boehmer, see Schneckenburger 

Boklen, Ixxi 

Bousset, lxii, Ixxi, lxxxvii, 35, 158 
159, 162, 163, 166, 173 

Briggs, lxvii 

Brightman, 79 

Brooke, A. E., xciii 

Browning, R., 66, 88 

Bruce, A. B., lxiv, lxx . 

Briickner, xxxvi 

Burton, xxiii, 134 

Butcher, 63, 81 


9 


Cameniata, xxiv, xxvi 

Carr, A., lv 

Castelli, 163 

Catullus, 56 

Charles, R. H., ix, Ixxviii, Ixxxvii; 
and see Index III, 2 

Chase, 14, 15, III, 193 

Cheyne, 60, 161 

Chrysostom, xlvi, 57, 82, 134, 149 

Cicero, xxii, 16, 48, 56, 123 

Clemen, xxxi, xxxvi, xxxvii, lxxvi, 
xxviii 

Clement of Alexandria, 68 

Clement of Rome, 9, 79, 117; Pseudo- 
Clement, 15 

Clementine Homilies, 39 

Clementine Recognitions, 59 

Colani, lxvii 

Conybeare, F. C., 56, 80, and see 
Index IV. passim 

Cook, A. 8., 143 

Cousinéry, xxi 

Cromwell, Ο., 20 

Cumont, F., lxxi, 14, 193 

Curtius, E., lv, 144 

Cyril of Jerusalem, 167 


Dalman, 27, 88, 136, 141 

Dante, 88 

Davidson, A. B., 64 

Davidson, 8., lxxviii 

Deissmann, viii, 1111, lvi, lxix, 3, 4, 
62 and passim 

Delitzsch, F., xlvii 

Demetrius, 121 

Demosthenes, 16, 30, 108, 115, 116, 
152 

Dick, K., 131 

Dieterich, A., 141 

Dimitsas, 134 


I2——2 


180 


Diodorus Siculus, 20, 31, 40; 145, 148 

Dion Cassius, 19, 54, 141 

Dion Chrysostom, 19 

Dion Halicarnassus, 97, 148 

Dobschiitz, von, xlv, lv 

Déllinger, 166 

Driver, 160 

Drummond, R. J., lxii 

Duchesne and Bayet, xxi, xxiii, and 
see Index III. 1 (a). 


Edersheim, xlvii 

Ellicott, 33, 78, 116 

Ephrem Syrus, 167 
Epictetus, 17, 37, 40, 46 
Epiphanius, 149 

Epistle Vienne and Lyons, 1xxvii 
Erman and Krebs, 123 f. 
Euripides, 15, 50, 67, 87, 145 
Kusebius, 149 

Everling, 1xx, 39 

Ewald, xxxix, 147, 160 


Fabricius, 3 

Feine, lxii, 111 

Firmicus, xlvi 

Foat, 125 

Friedlander, L., 130 
Friedlinder, M., 159, 161, 162 
Fritzsche, 22, 23, 40, 43 


Gardner, see Roberts 
Gardthausen, 123 f. 
Geldart, 32 

Gerhard, G. A., 129 
Gfrorer, lxxxvii 

Gibbon, xxiv 

Gifford, 40 

Ginsburg, 158 

Goguel, Ixii 

Gorgias, 56 

Gregory, C. R., xcix 
Gregory of Nazianzen, 149 
Gregory of Nyssa, lii 
Gressmann, 64 

Grill, 14 

Gunkel, Ixxxvii, 158, 161, 164 


Harnack, xxxvi, xlv, lxxviii, 8, 11, 
21, 193 

Harris, Rendel, xxx, 13, 126 

Hart, ix, 64 

Hartung, 61 

Hatch, 23 and passim 

Hausrath, lxxxix 

Hawkins, 32 

Heinrici, lvii 

Heitmiiller, W., 113 

Hermas, lxxiii, 72 

Herodotus, xxi, 21 

Heuzey and Daumet, xxi, and see 
Index III. 1 (a) 


INDEXES 


Hicks, ἘΠ, L., lv, 31, 54, 192 
Hilgenfeld, lxxviii, Ixxxvii 
Hippocrates, 113 

Hippolytus, 167 

Hollmann, Ilxxxv 

Holtzmann, Ixvii, Ixix, Ixxxi, lxxxiii, 


172 
Homer, 38, 50, 61, 113, 141 
Horace, 20, 33, 48 
Hort, xxvii, xlviii, 4, 9, 21, 26, 42, 
63, 71, 72, 89, 193, 194 


Ignatius, Ixxiii, lxxvii, 6, 67, 71, 112, 
νἀ Seer ‘ 

Irenaeus, lxxiii, xxvii, 99, 167 

Isidore of Pelusium, xlvi 

Isocrates, 153 


James, M. R., 158, and see Index 
III. 2 

Jannaris, 46 

Jebb, BR. C., 23 

Jerome, xlvii, 12, 55, 64, 100 

Joachim, 168 

Josephus (ed. Niese), 20, 29, 77, 78, 
100, 122, 131, 133, 148, 164 

Jiilicher, xxxi, lxii, |xxi, lxxv, Ixxviii, 
lxxx 

Juncker, lxvi 

Justin Martyr, xxix, Ixxvii, 66, 72, 
144, 147 


Kabisch, 90 

Kaftan, lxii 

Karabacek, 123 

Kautzsch, ix 

Keble, 142 

Kennedy, H. A. A., Ixix, Ixx, 27, 31,. 
59, 91, 99, 126, 138 

Kenyon, F. G., 8, 122 ff., 156, and 
see Index III. 1 (b) 

Kern, lxxviii, 172 

Klépper, xxxix, 133 

Knowling, xxvii, xxxvi, 
lxxvi, 48, 64 

Krauss, 21 

Krebs, see Erman 


Ixii, Ixxv,, 


Lactantius, 15, 64 

Lake, Kirsopp, 58 

Laqueur, R., 42 

Laurent, xxxix, 126, 131 

Leake, xxi 

Leighton, 75 

Lietzmann, 6, 28 

Lightfoot, J. B., lvii, Ixvi, lxxix, 6, 20, 
21, 71, 94, 105, 111, 114) 133 and 
passim 

Livy, 35 

Lobeck, xlvi 

Lock, W., xli, xlv, 32, 116, 126 

Locke, John, xlii 


᾿ Il. 


Lucian, xxiii, 52, 124, 141 
Lueken, 60 
Luther, 169 


Mahaffy, xxvi, 125, and see Index III. 
1 (Ὁ) 

Manen, van, Ixxvi 

Mathews, Shailer, lxix 

Mayor, J. B., 35, 108 

M°Clellan, 193 

M°Giffert, xxxvi, Xxxvii, Ixxviii, 76 

M°‘Lean, ‘Norman, xcili 

Menegoz, xxxvi, ixiv 

Meyrick, 166 

Middleton, 94 

Moffatt, xxxvi, lxxvi, 

Mommsen, xlvi 

Monteil, lxiii 

Moule, 126 

Moulton, J. H., viii, ix, Ixxi, 11, 22, 
105 and passim 

Moulton, W. F., 57 

Mozley, F. W., 15 

Musonius, 20 

Myers, 62 


ΧΟ, IOI 


Nageli, lv and passim 

Nestle, 38, 52, 123 

N. T. in Ap. Fathers, xxiii, Ixxvii 
Nietzsche, xliv 

Nitzsch, C. L., 170 


Oliva, 168 
Origen, xxxiv, 21, 166, 167 


Paley, xxx, 97 

Peake, 133 

Pelagia-Legenden (ed. Usener), 62 

Pfleiderer, Ixxxvii, 172 

Philo (cited by sections and by Man- 
gey’s pages), 12, 36, 49, 60, 78 

Philodemus, 19 

Philostratus, 153 

Pindar, 

Plato (ed. Stallbaum), 18, 24, 34, 50, 
54> 70, 72, 74, 104, τὸ, 115, 152, 
153 

Pliny, xxii, 33, 122 ff 

Plutarch, 26, 76, 78, 06, 98, 152 

Pollux, 12 

Polybius (ed. Schweighauser), 17, 18, 
20, 46, 51, 62, 105, 116, 117, 131, 


145 
Polycarp, lxxvii, cx 
Porter, F, C., 160 
Preuschen, E., 156, 173 
Preuss, H., 16 
Purser, see Tyrrell 


Quintilian, 115 


Radford, 11 


AUTHORS 


181 


Ramsay, W. M., xxvii, xxix, xxxvi, 
ΧΗ, xlv, lv, lxiv, Ixx, 7, 29, 125 
and passim 

Reinach, T., 31 

Reitzenstein, 60, 94, 109, and see 
Index IV. passim 

Renan, xli, xlvi, 121, 126 

Rendall, XXXVii 

Resch, A., Ix, 39, 58, 77, 115 

Reuss, Ixxx 

Riddell, 88 

Ritschl, 15 

Roberts and Gardner, 11 and passim 

Robinson, J. Armitage, 4, 29, 93, 102, 
129, 135, 138 

Ropes, 58, 77 

Round, Douglass, xxxvii 


Sabatier, xlii, lxiv 

Sanday, xxxiv, lvi, lxvi, lxix, 14, 81, 
121, 126 

Sanday and Headlam, 4 and passim 

Sandys, xxiv 

Schider, E., lxix 

Schettler, Ixviii 

Schmidt, J. Εἰ. C., lxxviii 

Schneckenburger-Boehmer, 158, 173 

Schéttgen, 54, 98, 172 

Schrader, lxxiii 

Schiirer, 65, 148, 151, 162, 163 

Scott, C. A., 151 

Seeberg, Ixvii, 51, 108 

Seneca, 124 

Severianus, 38, 101 

Sieffert, 158 

Skeat, 143 

Smith, W. R., 64 

Socrates, 76 

Soden, von, xxxiv, lxxv, ΧΟΥ͂, 140 

Séderblom, lxxi 

Somerville, 138, 139 

Sophocles, 49, 91, 117 

Souter, A., ix, xciv, xcix, cii, civ 


: Spitta, Ixxxix ff., 39; 164, 172 


Stanley, A. P., 75 

Stanton, V. H, 137, 139 

Stead, F. H., t40 

Steck, Ixxv, 58. 

Strabo, Xxi, xxiii, 110 

Suetonius, 130, 164 

Swete, 38, 81, ror, 126, 137} 142, 
143, 151, 164 


Tacitus, xxix, 31, 164 
Tafel, xxi, xxii 


᾿ Tatian, 52 


Taylor, xlvii, 35, 77 
Teichmann, Ixx, 146 
Tertullian, 30, 81, 91, tor, 166 
Thackeray, St John, 61, 158 
Theocritus (ed. Ziegler), 56, 71 
Theodoret, xxiv 


182 


Theophilus, 52 
Theophrastus, 19 
Thompson, E. M., 122 ff. 
Thucydides, 30, 145, 153 
Thumb, A., 1x, 193 
Tindale, 141 
Tischendorf, xciii 

Titius, lxx, 49, 60 
Trench, R. C., 7, 99 and passim 
Turner, C. H., xxxvi, cii 
Tyrrell and Purser, 129 


Vaganay, 161 

Vaughan, 103 

Vergil, 56, 109 

Vischer, lxxxvi 

Volz, lxvii, lxix, 56, 60, 64, 70, 91, 
99, 147 


Wadstein, 166 

Wagner, 69 

Warfield, ror 

Weber, F., 9, 60, 65, 103, 162 
Weber, V., xxxvii 

Weinel, xlv, xlviii 

Weiss, B., xxxii, lxxiv, 37, 66 
Weiss, J., lvi 


INDEXES 


Weizsicker, Ixxxi, 3, 126, 172 

Wellhausen, lxix 

Wendland, 69 

Wernle, xlv, Ixxxiii, lxxxvi 

Westcott, 6, 31, 52, 68, 78, 86, 105, 
118, 136, 150 

Wette, de, Ixxviii 

Wieseler, 12, 172 

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 121 

Wilcken, Ixiv, 35, 46, 48, 75, 123, 143 

Wilke, 23 

Williams, A. L., 124 

Wilson, A. J., lvii 

Witkowski, 129, 132, and see Index IV. 
passim 

Wrede, lxii, 1xxxi ff. 

Wright, 59 

Wiinsche, 80 

Wycliffe, 169 


Xenophon, 10, 26, 47, 49, 76, 141, 
152, 153 


Zahn, xlv, Ixvi, Ixxvii, lxxviii, Ixxxv, 
3 and passim 
Zimmer, F., xciii, 5 


Ill. REFERENCES. 


I. INSCRIPTIONS AND PAPYRI. 


(a) INSCRIPTIONS. 








C.1L.A. 
Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum (Berlin, 1873—). 
PAGE PAGE : PAGE 
“190 : χα τῶν {ἀν 444 ; ae | ta ee: Sane 9 ‘ vo es 
243 ‘ . EES |! Was ag ; ES 690 ᾿ ae 
Il. 403 : ANS ἊΣ 
C.1.G. 


Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. A. Boeckh (Berlin, 1828—). 
I. 84 ’ :- 28 | mr. 3827 : . 134 | IV. 9313 ‘ Σ "50 
II. 1967 ; see Ὁ 4896 ‘ εὐ δῦ 9439 Ἶ ἘΝ ἢ ΒΕ, 

3037 . +) Se 
Cos 

Inscriptions of Cos, by W. R. Paton and E. L, Hicks (Oxford, 1891). 
no. 301 : - 4148 








Crum 
Coptic Ostraca, by W. E. Crum (London, 1902). 
no. 522 ‘ aa 


Duchesne et Bayet 
Mémoire sur une Mission au Mont Athos, by L’Abbé Duchesne and M. Bayet 
(Paris, 1876). 
p29 . 5 τ Se aa ; ety.) Se ἘΣ, ae ὃ Sa «5 E 


Heuzey 
Mission Archéologique de Macédoine, by L. Heuzey and H. Daumet (Paris, 
1876). 
p- 280 , . 152 | p. 282 - «ag 
1.G.8.1. 


Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1890). 
no. 549 : . 56 | no. g29 ‘ . 56 | no. 1879 ‘ + +80 
830 ὶ aa 956 . 8 


LM.A. 
Inscriptiones Graecae Insularum Maris Aegaei, edd. H. von Gaertringen and 
W. BR. Paton (Berlin, 1895—). 


ΠῚ, 1238 . ς΄ «8 


184 INDEXES 


J.H.S. 
' Journal of Hellenic Studies. 
PAGE PAGE PAGE 
RVI. 333° τς . XXvii 
Kaibel 
Epigrammata Graeca, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1878). 
no. 247 . . 22 
Magn. 
Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, ed. O. Kern (Berlin, 1900). 
no. 33 ὃ + Gel BO. 168 ; 9,155 | no. 163 ; | ee 
85 : ΕΝ | 109 : PAREN τ 170 ; . ΤᾺΝ 
go ' : 6 113, ; 18, 24 188 ‘ .. ae 
100 : ae | 157 . Ixvi, 148 
Michel 


Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques, ed. Ch. Michel (Paris, 1900). 
no. 459 ἢ tn γ 5. 








0.G.1.8. 
Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, ed. W. Dittenberger, 2 vols, (Leipzig, 
1903—05). 
Nos. 4 : - 41 | no. 335 : - 93 | no. 485 ; . ee 
go . 8, 96, 148 339 : ek: 515 : ee 
[04 : ies 437 . - I00 629 .. KXIX, 117 
227 ; ea | 444 : mee 648 ua: "ἢ ΝΣ 
262 , : 104 484 . XXIX, 132 728 ; . a 
331 : - 148 
Pergamene 


Die Inschriften von Pergamon [in Altertiimer von Pergamon viii.], ed. 
M. Frankel (Berlin, 1g00—). 


no. 248 ; (0 6 
Priene 
Die Inschriften von Priene, ed. H. von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1906). 
no. 195 7 7. ὅν 
Revue des Etudes Grecques. 
XV. 142 5 ᾿ς ΚΕΙ͂Σ 
Sylloge? 


Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 2nd Edit., ed. W. Dittenberger, 2 vols. 
and Index (Leipzig, 1888—rgor). 





no. 153 : » atop mos.318 ‘ 36, 72 | no. 376 : Soe 
255 ‘ Ta Τὶ 
Wilcken Ostr. 
Griechische Ostraka, ed. U. Wilcken, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1899). 
li.no.670 . : 25g ) a me. 175-5 πος [πόρον = ee 
(ὁ) ῬΑΡΥΒΙ. 
P. Alex. 


Bulletin de la Société archéologique d’Alexandrie ii., ed. G. Botti (Alex- 
andria, 1899). 


no. 4 : eet 5. 


Ξ Ill. REFERENCES 185 


P.Amh, 

The Amherst Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. 5. Hunt (London, rg00o—o1). 
PAGE PAGE PAGE 

Part 1. nos, I—9. 

no. 2 ὲ . 143 
Part 1. nos. 1o—201. 

no, 30 2 . 1155 | no. 66 ; g | no. 97 ; τ δῦ, 
33 τς 78 ὩΣ 29, 50 E350 oe ΤΕ 
35 “58, 128 8ο ‘ . 156 [41 ὃ rae 
46 ; ae.” 93 ‘ ape gt 

B.G.U. 


Griechische Urkunden, from the Berlin Museum. 
Vol. 1. nos, r—361 (1895). 








no. 10 Ἶ δ | no. 140 Ἶ . 155 | no. 246 Poly 0, ae 
a7 - IKiV, §5, 131 147 ; ele 207 ; tay 
86 114 174 : lxvi 323 ; iL eee 
113 : a ς Ὁ, 242 ‘ τ οὐδὲ 332 ; . 125 
Vol. 11. nos. 362—6096. 
no. 362 3 62, gt | no. 385 f . «2 | no. 612 : Mea 
372 é ae TS 594 ὃ - 40} 632 Ae ae 5 
380 ‘ ae! 596 «S975 433 
Vol. m1. nos. 697—1012. 
no. 741 : ~ Sak Mes Sag : : 6 | no. 954 : > ee 
757 : jo eS 884 Α i, δ 1009 : ; 430 
775 ° ΟΝ ἔν 948 : ΤΟΥ ἐπ i, ΙΟΙΙ ; Se | 
Vol. tv. (in progress). 
no. 1039. ᾿ς « —46.) RO. 1079. - 46, 81 
P.Cairo 
Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, ed. E. J. Goodspeed (Chicago, ner 
D4 ‘ 57, 64 | no. 5 : 2 98°) Ret 20 . 81 
C.P.R. 


Corpus Papyrorum Raineri archiducis, 1. Griechische Texte, ed. C. Wessely 
(Vienna, 1895). 


no. 19 ἢ Se, ἡ ον. ἢ : ἐπὰν ἡ Hos 94 : os 
P.Fay. 


Faytim Towns and their Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and 
Ὁ. G. Hogarth (Egyptian Exploration Fund, London, 1900). 


no. 20 ‘ . δὲ. | no. χοῦ ‘ . 157 | no. 123 4 cage Oe 
21 , i ge 119 ; «OS 337 ‘ 185 
34 - τευ 

P.Fior. 


Papiri Fiorentini, ed. G. Vitelli (Milan, 1905—06). 
Part 1. 1—35. 
no. 9 ‘ Ἐν ΤᾺ 
Part τι. 36—I05. 
no. 57 ; a ORO. Οὐ ‘ Laie 
P.Gen. 


‘Les Papyrus de Geneve, I. Papyrus Grecs, ed. J. Nicole (Genéve, 1896—1900). 
no. 52 ; oi 323. Fe TO Re F aa Ε 


186 INDEXES 


P.Grenf. I. 


An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment, and other Greek Papyri, chiefly Ptolemaic, 
ed. B. P. Grenfell (Oxford, 1896). 


PAGE PAGE PAGE 

no. 15 : ‘ Q 1 Ne, “gy ᾿ Set. | BO ae < ere 
18 : - 22] σε ες 4 κ᾿ ΠΕ et 53 ‘ Pa: 
30 » £05, 130 | 


P.Grenf,. ITI. 


New Classical Fragments, and other Greek and Latin Papyri, edd. B. P. 
Grenfell and A. 5. Hunt (Oxford, 1897). 


no. 14 . 6... ἄρ F : 5) 66. | no. 38 : - 324 


P.Heid. 


Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung, τ. Die Septuaginta- Papyri und andere 
altchristliche Texte, ed. A. Deissmann (Heidelberg, 1905). 


no. 6 Oy γε. 138 


P.Hib. 


The Hibeh Papyri 1., edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. 5. Hunt (Egypt Exploration 
Fund, London, 1906). 


no. 30 . . ΟΙ no. 44 . - 132 no. 49 . . 25 
40 . . 64 
P.Leid. 


Papyri graeci Musei antiquarii publici Lugduni-Batavi, ed. C. Leemans, 
2 vols. (1843, 1885). 


no. 8 ; ale Re + a ἢ : , 20.1 no.) '¥ ; ., 


P.Leip. 
Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, 1., ed. L. Mitteis 
(Leipzig, 1906). 
no. 110 : . 137 | no. ἃ 19 : ν᾿ | 


P.Lond. 
Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 3 vols. (London, 1893, 1898, 1907). 
Vol. 1. nos. 1—138, ed. F. G. Kenyon. ἡ 
DO.) ἃ Ξ - 22 | RO. 44 ; . 16 | no. ΣΥΥ . 78, 109, 123 
42. 6, 63, 118, 156 46 ; 19 
Vol. 11. nos. 139—484, ed. F. α. Kenyon. 
no. 342 ; . 156 | no. 413 ᾿ ων το 
Vol. ur. nos. 485—1331, edd. F. G. Kenyon and H. J. Bell. 
no. Ο51 , fs OB 1.449. 2d 7B, is Pee | | 


P.Oxy. 
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell and A. 8. Hunt (Egyptian 
Exploration Fund, London, 1898, 1899, 1903, 1904). 
Part I. nos. I—207. 








no. 38 ‘ . 103 | no. 57 Σ . 78 | no. 115 . - 69am 

41 : DD | 58 ; +. 94 119 : ee 

a ‘ - 1125 65 5 τ S62 126 ‘ ee 
Part u. nos. 208—400. 

NO. 237 20,32,77,117,155 | no. 261 . . 50 | no. 294 . 46, 102 

245 ; ee 275 ; See { 301 : . 1% 

259 7 49, 102 292 . 10, 46, 53 385 : . 12% 


; III. REFERENCES 187 


PAGE PAGE PAGE 
Part 111. nos. 401—653. 

no. 413 : . 149 | no. 486 ; «F465 | no. 496 : δα τ, ἢ 
471 « 16. 118 491 ; Mn? | 532 «> Fahy 156 
Part ᾿ν. nos. 654—839. 

no. 657 i . +122 


713 : . LESS 
718 : . BET 


725 ‘ . 154 745 ; xxiii 


ees | ea χα | Be Bae og ote ge 
726 : ΣΟ 746 : PID 127 





P.Par. 
Paris Papyri in Notices et Extraits xvi. ii., ed, Brunet de Presle (Paris, 
1865). 
no. 00 2 πριν τὰ ; . 8,35 | no. 49 ; hes ὁ ἦν 
10 ; aN | 43 P ie ¥as 55 : 122 
14 “pe es &. 45 : - 148 63 ; 61 
26 ‘ τ ee 47 Ae Pep κὸν 
P. Petr. 


The Flinders Petrie Papyri (in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy — 
“Cunningham Memoirs,” nos. viii., ix., xi.), 3 vols. (Dublin, 1891, 1893). 


Part 1. nos. 1—30, ed. J. P. Mahaffy. 
no. I! ; ον 9 4 te. 50 ; ae ΤῸ 
Part τι. nos. 1—50, ed. J. P. Mahaffy. 
no. 9 β “ey f | no. 39 a. hs 48 1 UO 45 ° Paes ©: 
15 6 40 Ξ ne F 
Part 111. nos. 1—146, edd. J. P. Mahaffy and J, G. Smyly. 


no. 42 : ἐπ ee Me ay : a aa | no. 73 i ἈΝ τ. 
43 τ χης 110 
P.Reinach 


Papyrus Grecs et Démotiques, ed. Th. Reinach (Paris, 1905). 
no. 15 ; sc Ot 


P.Strass. : 


Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserl. Universitdts- und Landesbibliothek zu 
Strassburg 1., ed. Fr. Preisigke (Strassburg, 1906). 


no. 22 ὃ ΝΟ 


P.Tebt. 
The Tebtunis Papyri, 2 vols. (University of California δἰσυρεων London, 
1902, 1907). 
Part 1. nos. 1—264, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and J. G. Smyly. 


NO. 5 40) 72; te 155 | no. 43 : ἐν ee He 6S “a 77,132 
19 : 95 47 ᾿ a ae 61 oo ae 
24 3 23, 89 48 «Gay τ τ 74 ; oe 
27 ὃ ‘ee 56 ; πῇ ἐν τὴν 116 : τ tas 
28 : + Ge 


Part τι. nos. 265—689, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, with the assistance 
of E. J. Goodspeed. 


no. 314 . - 55 | no. 315 : . 157 | no. 410 ; eee 
P.Tor. 


Papyri graeci regii Taurinensis Musei Aegyptii, ed. A. Peyron, 2 vols. (Turin, 
1826, gee 


no. I ν 8 


188 INDEXES 


II. JUDAISTIC. WRITINGS. 


Apoc. Bar. 
The Apocalypse of Baruch, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1896). 
PAGE PAGE PAGE 
A ; Re XXX. I Ξ . 146 | xlviii. 49 s say 
Xi. 4 56 | xxxix. 7 - 103, 163 lix. 2 ; ᾿ 
xiii. 3 79 <a, 4. . 61 | Ixxii. 2 : lxvii 
xv. 8 27 xliv. 15 5 90: ΕΣ ΤΆ ; ΟΝ 
χχ. 6 Ixix | xlviii.39 ὁ, * go 
Aristeas 


Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistula, ed. P. Wendland (Leipzig, 1goo). 
no. 79 = - 53 [| no. 188 : . 14 | no. 284 ; oe 
148 : 4 417 209 68 
Asc. Isai. | 
The Ascension of Isaiah, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1900). 








iv. 4 ff. ἱ - 104 iv. 16 : 45, 58 | vi.— xi. ; oS 
5 - 162, 163 18 ‘ «98 vii. 9 : . ee 
15 59, 89 

Ass. Mos. 
The Assumption of Moses, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1897). 
i. 15 : Oe Xi. τὰ : RG 


Bel 
27 , . . 99 
Didache 
The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, ed. H. de Romestin, 2nd Edit. (Oxford, 


1885); and ed. A. Harnack (Texte und Untersuchungen ii. 1 and 2, 
Leipzig, 1884). rs 











oS Oe ae A oe ey tes ᾿ . 1g | xvi. δ: ; 86 
2° 6 3 ᾿ς O02) Reign ‘ Fate © τς ; ee 
x2. % ᾿ τὰ 18 Pa : ἐς ὟΝ 
Enoch 
The Book of Enoch, tr. from the Ethiopic and ed. by R. H. Charles (Oxford, 
1893). 
hes ae lxii. 2 . .&vii, 103 χὸ; 1B fe ὐ ἢ <n 
SENG ATs 9. Ixix. 27 5 . Ixvii | ovili, if... Κα τὶν 
ἈΝ δῦ his lxvii 
1 Esdras 
IV. ὍΣ. , . BO 
2 Esdras 
xii, δ᾽." ° - 146 
4 Ezra 


The Fourth Book of Ezra, edd. R. L. Bensly and M. R. James (Texts and 
Studies iii. 2, Cambridge, 1895). 


v 2m. . 103,161 | Vii. 28 . 45, 61, 89 | xiii. 24 : 59, 61 
4 ὦ . 162, 163 32 : τᾶς | 32 : . 89 

41 f. . Xxxili, 58 42 ‘ Rae | 33 : eS 
Wi? 6°. - lxvii | viil. 39 : x 2/68 38 : - 103 
2. , - 60 61 ‘ ep 3: Wy 52 ; a 








55 Ὁ, ; “par Su. χὸ ; . 164 


Jubilees 


11. REFERENCES 


The Book of Jubilees, ed. R. H. Charles (London, 1902). 


i. 20. 
Ὁ. 45. Ὁ 


Judith 
x. 18 
1 Maccabees 


vi. 8 


2 Maccabees 


3 Maccabees 
i, 19 
ll. 9 
4 Maccabees 


Riis. 
xii, 18. 


Orac. Sib. 


PAGE 


161 
161 


146 


96 


152 
148 


65, 91 
ey DE 








XXili. I 
XXiv. 30 


xil. 27. 


Vii. 37 . 
Vili. 11 . 
12. 
ΧΙ]. 22. 
28: 


iii. 17 


XV. I 7 . 


24. 


PAGE 





a) 


Oracula Sibyllina, ed. A. Rzach (Vienna, 1881). 


11. 167 f. 
iii. 63 ff. 


Pss. Sol. 


162 


104, 162 





iii. 64 f. 
286 f. 


. ixvii 


163 





Xxxvi. 18 


xii. 44. 
Riv. 18. 
re ae 
23. 
XV. 21. 


v. 8, 51 


Xvili. 8. 


iii. 663f. . 
iv. 40 ff. 


189 


PAGE 
56 


104 


68 
. xvii 


The Psalms of Solomon, edd. H. E. Ryle and M. R. James (Cambridge, 1891) ; 
and ed. O. von Gebhardt (Texte und Untersuchungen xiii. 2, Leipzig, 


1895). 
i, Ἐν 49 160 | xiii. 8 
iii. I 62 | xiv. I 
iv. 8 Rate ΚΟ xv. 6 
Vili. 39 93, 96 | Xvi. 12 
ce τ ; 8 | xvil. 13 
Ὁ 1.4 60 23 
2 142 
Sap. 
The Wisdom of Solomon. 
ae eee 65 1. 15. 
li, 16... χα | viii. 8. 
453: 51 ὅδ᾽; Ἔθ 
is 50 48 16. 
w. 49 68 20. 
vi. 7 ike to Se ἂς 
Sayings” 


P- 25 








77 | p- 68 





35 





XVii, 27,41 . 


XvVili. 8 


103, 164 
139 


Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 2nd Ed., μ C. Taylor (Cambridge, 1897). 


190 INDEXES 
Secrets of Enoch 


The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, tr. from the Slavonic by W. R. 
ed. by R. H. Charles (Oxford, 1896). 


PAGE 
δὲ | xliv.2. 


PAGE 
18 


ἐπι 2 ς ; 


I. 
The Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus, 


iii. 23 . 115 xxii. 16 44 | XXxix. 23 
yy 149 22 149 | XXXV. 14 
XV. 20. 89 XXVi. Io 89 _ 23 
xvi. 13. 66 | xxviii. 9, 13 72 xlii. 1 


Testament of Abraham 
Ed. M. R. James (Texts and Studies ii. 2, Cambridge, 1892). 


§ xiii. a 146 


Test. xii. patr. 


Morfill, and 


PAGE 


The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, ed. R. H. Charles (Oxford, 1908). 


Benj. iii. 4 61 | Levi vi. 11 32 | Levi xviii. 12 161 
Jos. XX. 4 56 Εν 146 | Reub. iv. 7 161 
Jud. xxii. 3 . 146 “¢ XViil, 37 44 a: ἃ 161 
Levi iii. 3 161 


IV. GREEK WORDS. 


This is intended to be primarily an Index to the Greek words discussed in 
the Introduction and Notes, and not a Concordance to the Epistles: in the case, 
however, of characteristic words and phrases, references have sometimes been 
given to passages which are not directly annotated. A few additional references 
have also been inserted, principally to lexical and grammatical authorities, in the 


hope that they may prove useful to the student. 


The abbreviations employed 


for this purpose are explained in the list of abbreviations, p. xiii ff. 


ἀγαθόν I. iii. 6, v. 15, Il. ii. 16 

ἀγαθωσύνη, 11. 1. 11 

ἀγαπάω, I. iv. 9; ἠγαπήμενος ὑπό, 
oe R04, Ee. Be ἐ5 

ἀγάπη, 1. i. 3, iii. 6, 11. iii. 5 (ay. τ. θεοῦ) 

ἀγαπητός, 1. ii. 8 

ἄγγελος, 11. i. 7; cf. Nageli p. 38 

ἁγιάζω, I. v. 23 

ἁγιασμός, 1. iv. 7, 11. ii. 13 

ἅγιος, I. i. 5 f., iv. 8; of ἅγιοι, 1. iii. 
Ba, an. Δ 10 

ἁγιωσύνη, I. iii. 13; οἵ, Nageli p. 43 

ἀγνοέω, I. iv. 13 

ἄγω; I. iv. 14 

ἀγών, I. ii. 2 

ἀδελφός, I. i. 4; p. xliv, ef. Witkowski 
Epp. p. 38 : 

ἀδιαλείπτως, I. 1. 2, ii. 13, V. 17 

ἀδικία, 11. 11. τὸ 

ἀήρ, I. iv. 17 

aderéw, I. iv. 8 

᾿Αθῆναι, 1. iii. 1 

aipéouat, IT. ii. 13; cf. Nageli p. το f. 

αἰφνίδιος, I. v. 3 

αἰώνιος, 11. i. g, ii. τό 

ἀκαθαρσία, I. 11. 3, iv. 7 

ἀκοή; I. ii. 13 

ἀκούω, 11. 111. τι 

ἀκριβῶς, I. v. 2 

ἀλήθεια, 11. 11. 133 ἡ ἀλήθεια, 11. ii. 
IO, 12 

ἀληθινός, I. i. g 

ἀληθῶς, 1. ii. 13 

ἅμα σύν, I. iv. 17, Υ. τὸ 

ἁμαρτία, I. ii. 16, ΤΙ, ii. 3 

ἄμεμπτος, I. iil. 13 

ἀμέμπτως, I. ii. το, ili, 13, V. 23 

ἀμήν, p. 45 

ἀνάγκη, I. ili. 7 

dvatpéw, II. ii. 8 

ἀναμένω, 1. i, 10 

ἀναπληρόω, I, ii. 16 


ἀνέχομαι, II. i, 4 

ἄνθρωπος, I. ii. 4; ὁ ἄνθρ. τ. ἀνομίας, 
ΠῺΣ ἃ 

ἀνίστημι, I. iv. 14, 16 

ἀνομία, 11. 11. 3, 7 

ἄνομος, 11. 11. 8 

ἀνταποδίδωμι, I. iii. 9, II. i. 6 

dvréxouat, I. v. 14 

ἀντί, 1. v. τα; ἀνθ᾽ ὧν 11. ii. το 

ἀντίκειμαι, 11. 11. 4 

ἄξιος, 11. 1. 3 

ἀξιόω, 11. 1. τἰ 

ἀξίως τ. θεοῦ, 1. 11. 12 

ἀπαγγέλλω, I. i. 9 

ἀπάντησις, I. iv. 17 

ἅπαξ καὶ dis, I. 11. 18 

ἀπαρχή, p. 106; cf. Wilcken Ostr. i. 
Ρ. 345 f. 

ἅπας, 11. 11. 12 

ἀπάτη, II. ii. το 

ἀπέχω, I, iv. 3, v. 22; cf. Nigeli p. 54 f. 

dé, I. i. 8, ii. 6, ID. i. g 

ἀποδείκνυμι, 11. 11. 4 

ἀποδίδωμι, I. v. 15 

ἀποθνήσκω, I. iv. 14, Υ. 10 

ἀποκαλύπτω, 11. ii. 3, 6, 8; p. 149 f. 

ἀποκάλυψις, 11. i. 7; p. 149 ff. 

ἀποκτείνω, I. 11. 15 

ἀπόλλυμι, II. 11. 10 

ἀπορφανίζομαι, I. 11. 17 

ἀποστασία, 11. ii. 3 

ἀπόστολος, I. ii. 6 

ἀπώλεια, 11. 11. 

ἄρα οὖν, I. v. 6, IL. ii, 15 

ἀρέσκω (θεῷ), I. 11. 4, 15, iv. 1 

ἁρπάζω, I. iv. 17 

dpri, I. iii. 6, IL. ii. 7 

ἄρτος, 11. iii. 8, 12 

ἀρχάγγελλος, I. iv. τό; 
p- 48 f. 

ἀρχή, 11. ii. 13 

ἀσθενής, I. v. 14 


cf. Nageli 


192 ἘΞ 

ἀσπάζομαι, I. v. 26 

ἀσπασμός, 11. iii. 17 

ἀσφάλεια, I. v. 3 

draxréw, II. 111. 7; p. 153 f. 

ἄτακτος, I, v. 143 Ῥ. 152 

ἀτάκτως, Il. iil. 6, 115 p. 153 

ἄτοπος, 11. 111. 2 

αὐτός, 6, I. iii. 11, iv. 16, v. 23, II. ii. 
τό, 111. τό 

’"Axala, I. i. ον p. xlv 

βάρος, I. ii, 7 

βασιλεία, I. ii. 12, 11. i. 5 


γάρ, I. ii. 1, 203 καὶ γάρ, I. iii. 4 

γαστήρ, I. τ. 

γίνομαι" γέγονα, I. ii. 13 ἐγενόμην, 1. i. 
7, iii. 4 f., IL. ii. 75 ἐγενήθην, 1. 1. 5 
(bis), 6, ii. 5) 7. 8, 10, 14 

γινώσκω, I. 111. 5 

ράφω, οὕτως, II. iii. 17; for the 
authenticating signature cf. Mél. 
Nic. p. 130 ff. 

venyopéw (ethical), I. v. 6, 
phorical) I. v. τὸ 


(meta- 


dei, p. 86 

δέομαι, I. 111. 10 

δέχομαι, I. i. 6, ii. 13, IL. il. τὸ 

δῆμος, ὁ, Pp. xxiii 

διά, 6. gen. I. iii. 7, iv. 2, 14, IL. ii. 2 
(ws δι’ ἡμῶν) ; c. ace. 1. i. 5 (δι᾽ ὑμᾶς) 

διάκονος, I, iil. 2 

διαμαρτύρομαι, I. iv. 6 

δίδωμι, 1. iv. 2, 8; δῴη, II. iii. τό 

δίκαιος, Il. i. 5, 6; cf. Lift. Notes 
p. 286 f 

δικαίως, I. ii, τὸ 

δίκην τίνω, 11. i. g 

Bia αν Ἦν AE 

διότι, I. ii. 8; cf. Mayser p. 161 

διωγμός, 11. 1. 4 

διώκω, I. v. 15 

δοκιμάζω, I. ii, 4 (bis), v. 21 

δόλος, I. ii. 3 

δόξα, 1. 11. 6, 12, 20, II. i. 9, ii, 14 

δοξάζομαι, 11. 111. 1 

δουλεύω, 1. 1. 9 

δύναμις, I. i. 5, II. i, 
TH. i. 11; il. 49 

δωρεάν, 11. 111. 8; 


7; ἐν δυνάμει, 
cf. Niageli p. 35 f. 


ἐάν, I. ii. 7; with ind. iii. 8; ἐὰν μή, 
II. ii. 3; for ἄν, p. 22; cf. Conybeare 
Selections Ὁ. gt f. 

ἑαυτοῦ, I. 11. 7, 12; ἑαυτῶν (for 1st 


pers. plur.) Ὰ ii. 8, II. ili. g; ef. 


Schmid Attic. i. p. 82 
ἐγείρω, I. i. 10 
ἐγώ (emphatic), I. ii. 18, iii. 5 
ἔθνος, I. 11. τό, iv. 5; of. Niigeli p. 46 
εἰ, I. iv. 143 εἰ ot, 6. ind., IL. iii. 10, 14 


INDEXES 


εἰδέναι, I. iv. 4 

εἶδος, I. v. 22 

εἴδωλον, 1. i, g! 

εἰμὶ πρός, I. iil. 4, 11. 11, 5 

εἴπερ, ἃ δ ΤΥ 

εἰρηνεύω, I. v. 13 

εἰρήνη, I. i. 1, V. 35 ὁ θεὸς (κύριος) τ. 
εἰρήνης, I. v. 23, IIL. 111, τό 

εἰς, 1. i. 5, iv. 8; εἰς τό ὁ. inf. (result), 
I, ii. 12, (purpose) IT. ii. 11 

εἷς ἕκαστος, I. 11. τ΄, IL. i. 33 εἷς τὸν 
ἔπ I. v. 11 

εἴσοδος, I. i. Q, ii. 

elre (with the subj. ), I. v. 10 

éx, I. ii. 6 

ἐκδίκησιν δοῦναι, II, i. 8 

ἔκδικος, I. iv. 6; cf. Soph. Lex. s.v., 
Hicks C.R. i. p. 44 

ἐκδιώκω, I. ii. 15 

ἐκκλησία Θεσσαλονικέων, I. i. 1, Uf, tote 
ἐκκλησίαι τ. θεοῦ, 1. ii. 14, ΤΙ. ΤΥ 

ἐκλογή, I. i. 4 

ἐκφεύγω, 1. v. 3 

ἐλπίς, I. i. 3, ii. 19, iv. 13, Υ. 8; ἐλπὶς 
ἀγαθή, IL. ii. τό 

ἐμός, 11. 111. 17 

ἔμπροσθεν τ. θεοῦ (κυρίου), I. i. 3, ii. 19, 
iil. 9, 13 

ἐν" I. iv. 7, 16; for εἰς, i. 8; instru- 
mental, iv. 183 θεῷ πατρί, i. τ; Xp. 
Ιησοῦ, ii. 143 κυρίῳ, ili. 8; λόγῳ 
κυρίου, iv. 153 ὀνόματι τ. κυρίου, 
II. iii. 6 

ἐναντίος, I. ii. 15 

ἔνδειγμα, 11. i. 5 

ἐνδοξάζομαι, 11. 1. 10, 12 

ἐνδύω, 1. ν. 8 

ἐνέργεια, 11. ii. g, 11 

évepyéw, I. ii. 13, IL. 11. 

éviornut, II. ii. 2; οὗ, Mayser p. 371 

ἐνκακέω, 11. 111. 13 

ἐνκαυχάομαι, 11. 1. 4 

ἐνκόπτω, I. ii. 18 

ἐνορκίζω, I. v. 27 

ἐντρέπομαι, 11. 111. 14; cf. Anz Subsidia 
p. 13 f., Witkowski Epp. p. 47 

ἐξαπατάω, II. ii. 3 

ἐξέρχομαι, I. i. 8 

ἐξηχέω, I. 1. 8 

ἐξουθενέω, I. v. 20; cf. Soph. Lem. s.v. 
ἐξουδενέω 

ἐξουσία, Il. iii. 9; οὗ, Reitzenstein 
Poimandres p. 48 

ἔξω, oi, I. iv. 12 

ἔπειτα, I. iv. 17 

ἐπί, 6. gen. I. 1, 2; 6. dat. iil. 7, 9, 
iv. 7; 6. acc. ii. 16, II. i. 10, 111. 4 

ἐπιβαρέω, I. ii, g, 11. iii. 8 

ἐπιθυμία, 1. 11. 17, iv. 5 

ἐπιποθέω, I. 111. 6 

ἐπιστολή, I. v. 27, 11. ii. 2, 15, iii. 14, 


17 


τ: IV. GREEK WORDS 


ἐπιστρέφω, I. i. g; cf. Anz Subsidia 


p- 33 + - 

ἐπισυναγωγή, 11. ii. 1 

ἐπιφάνεια, 11. ii. 8; p. 148 Ff. 

ἐπιφανής, pp. 148, 160 

ἐργάζομαι, 1. 11: g, iv. τι, IL. iii, 8, 10, 
ΧΡ τὰ 

pie (wiorews), I. i. 3, IL. i. 11; διὰ 

- ἔργον, I. v. 13 

fetid rogo,’ L. iv. ΤΥ, 5, ΡΤ Ὁ 
cf. Thumb Hellen. p. 121 

ἐσθίω, 11. 111. τὸ 

ἔτι, ΤΠ. ii. 

εὐαγγελίζομαι, I. iii. 6; Ρ. ται ff 

Be tira 96, 459%: 43 ἡμῶν, tah Pea 
Il. ii. 1437 Oeod,. I. ii. 2, 8, 9; 
ἢ βαϑιλ᾿ I. iii, 2; 7. κυρίου nym. 
"Inood, Il. i. 8; p. 141 ff. 

evdoxéw, I. ii. 8; 111. 1; 6. dat. 11, ii. 


12 

εὐδοκία, II. i. 11 

εὐσχημόνως, I. iv. 12 

εὐχαριστέω, 1. i. 23 ἐν παντὶ edy., I. 
v. 18 

εὐχαριστία, I. 111. 0 

ἐφίστημι, I. v. 3 

ἕως (conj.), II. 11. 7 


ζάω, I. 111. 8, v. το; θεὸς ζῶν, I. i. g 

ζητέω, I. ii. 6 

ἢ οὐχί, I. 11. 19 

ἡγέομαι, I. v. 13, II. iii. 15 

ἤδη, Il. it. 7 

ἡμέρα, ἡ, I. v. 43 ἡμέρα κυρίου. ν. 2; 
ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη, 11. i. το; viol ἡμέρας, 
ἀν τ 8 

ἤπιος, p. 21; οἵ. Herwerden Lez. s.v. 

ἡσυχάζω, I. iv. τι 

ἡσυχία, 11. iii. 12 


θάλπω, I. ii. 7; cf. Thumb Hellen. 
p. 215, Mél. Nic. p. 249 

θαυμάζω, 11. i. το 

θέλημα (θεοῦ), I. iv. 3, v. 18; ef. Hort 
ise. p. 14. ἢ, 

θέλω, I. ii. 18, IL. iii. 
ἀγνοεῖν, I. iv. 13 

θεοδίδακτος, I. iv. g 

θεός, ὁ, p. lxiv; θεὸς πατήρ, p. Ixv 

Θεσσαλονικεύς, I. i. τ, 11. i. 1 

OrliBw, I. iii. 4, IL. i. 6, 7 

θλίψις, 1. 1. 6, Ἢ aoe. AL, Asay 6 

θροέομαι, 11. ii. 

θώραξ irae. I. v. 8; for the 
‘militia Christi’ see Harnack’s 
Essay (1905), and cf. Cumont Relig. 
orient. p. xiii ff 


10; ov θέλω 


ἴδιος, I. ii. 143 τὰ ἴδια, iv. Τί 
ἱερόδουλοι, p. 143 οἵ. Herwerden Ap- 
pendix 8.υ. 


M. THESS. 


193 


Ἰησοῦς, p. 135 ff.; cf. Chase Credibility 
of Acts p. 205 f, 

ἱκανὸν λαβεῖν, Ῥ. ΧΧΙΧ 

ἵνα final, I. ii. 16, v. 10; semi-final, 
1 ἀν dy Dae 2001, ἀπὸ Ty He Rh, 
| a |, A 

Ἰουδαῖος, I. ii. 14 

ἰσχύς, 11. i. 9 


καθάπερ, 1. » 113; καθάπερ καί, iii. 6, 
123 iv. 

καθεύδω (ethical), I. v. 6; (literal) v. 7; 
(metaphorical) v. ro 

καθίζω, IL. 11. 4 

καθώς, I. i. 83 καθ. οἴδατε, p. xliv 

καί in comparison, I. ii. 5; contrasting, 
ii. 18 

καιρός" πρὸς καιρὸν ὥρας, 1. Be .ἘΠ5 
ἐν TE αὐτοῦ καιρῷ, IT. 11. 6; χρόνοι κ. 
καιροί, I. v. τ; cf. Revue di Etudes 
grecques XV. Ὁ. 4 

κακός, I. v. 15 

καλέω, I. ii. 12, iv. 7, v. 24, II. ii. 14 

καλοποιέω, 11. iii. 13; of. Soph. and 
Herwerden Lew. s.v. 

καλός, I. v. 21 

καρδία, I. ii. 4, 17 (προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ), 
111. 13 (στηρίξαι καρδίας) 

καταλαμβάνω, I. v. 4 

καταλείπω, I. iii. 1 

καταξιόω, 11. i. 5; οἵ. Anz Subsidia 
p. 38 

καταργέω, II. ii. 8 

καταρτίζω, I. iii. 10; cf. Mayser p. 2of, 

κατευθύνω, I. iii, τι, II. iii. 

κατέχω, I. v. 21; II. ii. 6, 7; p. 155 ff. 

καύχησις, I. 11. 19 

κεῖμαι, 1. ili. 3 

κέλευσμα, 1. iv. 16 

κενός, I. ii, 1; εἰς κενόν, iil. 5 

κηρύσσω, 1. il. g 

κλέπτης, I. Vv. 2, 4 

κλῆσις, 11. i. τι 

κοιμάομαι, I. iv. 13 ff. 

κολακία, I. il. 5 

κοπιάω, I. Vv. 12 

κόπος, 1. i. 3, iii, 5; κόπος κ. μόχθος, 
ii. g, II. ii. 8 

Kparéw, 6. acc., IL. il, 15; p. 155 

κρίνω, II. ii. 12 

κρίσις, 11. i. 5 

κτάομαι, I. iv. 4. 

κύριος, p. 136 ff.; ef. Hort 1 Pet. 
Ρ. 30 ff., and for the legal use of 
κύριος in the papyri see Archiv iv. 

ff. 


p. 80 
κωλύω, 1. ii. τό 


λαλέω, I. i. 8; οἵ, MeClellan Gospels 
p- 383. fl. 

λόγος, 1. i. 53 ὁ λόγος, i. 6; θεοῦ, ii. 13; 
κυρίου, 1. 8, iv. 15, II. ili. 13 ἡμῶν, 


13 


194 


Il. iii. 14; κολακίας, 1. ii, 5; ἀκοῆς, 
li. 135 ἐν τ. λόγοις, iv. 18; διὰ λόγου, 
II. i. 2, 15; ἔργῳ κ. λόγῳ; ii, £7 

λοιπός" οἱ λοιποί, I. iv. 13, V.6; λοιπόν, 
iv. 1; τὸ λοιπόν, 11. iii. 1 


Μακεδονία, 1. i. 7 f., iv. 

μακροθυμέω, 1. ve. 14 

μᾶλλον (intensive), I. iv. 1, 10 
μαρτύριον, II. i, τὸ 

μαρτύρομαι, 1. ii, 12 

μάρτυς, 1. il. 5, τὸ 

μεθύσκομαι, I. v. 7 

μεθύω, I. ve. 73 Cf. 
Poimandres p. 240 f. 

μέλλω, 1. ili. 4 

μέν (solitarium), I. ii, 18 

μέσος, I. ii. 73 ἐκ μέσου, 11. 11. 7 

μετὰ, I. i. 6, IL. iii. τὰ 

μεταδίδωμι, 1. 11. 8 

μή with pres. imp., I. v. 19; with aor. 
subj., Il. iii. 13; μή πως, 1. ill. 5 

μιμέομαι, " 111. 7 9 

μιμητής, I. 1. 6, τὶ. 14 

μνείαν woveteBas, I. i, 23 μνείαν ἔχειν, 
ili. 6 

μνημονεύω, c. gen. 1, 1. 33 
iM. lis Ὁ 

μόνον, 11. ii. 7 

μόνος, I. 11], τ 

μόχθος υ. κόπος 

μυστήριον, 11. ii. 7; cf. Hatch Essays 
Ρ. 57 ἢ. 


vads, II. ii. 4 

νεκρός, I. i. το, iv. τό 

νεφέλη, 1. iv. 17 

νήπιος, I. 11. 7 

νήφω, I. v. 6, 8; cf. Hort τ Pet. p. 65 f. 

νουθετέω, I. v. 12, 14, IL. iii. 15 

νοῦς, II. ii. 2 

νῦν, I. 111. 8, 11. ii. 6 

νύξ, 1. v. 2, 5, 73 νυκτὸς κ. ἡμέρας, 
I. ἢ. g, ili. 10, II. ili. 8 


το; p. xlv 


Reitzenstein 


c. acc. 


ὁ demonstrative, I. v. 27, II. iii. 14 

ὁδός, I. ili. 1 

οἶδα, 1. i. 4 ; καθὼς οἴδατε, 1. i. 5, Ὁ. xliv 

οἰκοδομέω, 1. v. 11 

 olos, I. i. 5 

ὄλεθρος, I. v. 3; Or. αἰώνιος, 11. i. g 

ὀλιγόψυχος, I. v. 14 

ὁλόκληρος, I. Vv. 23 

ὅλος, 1. iv. 10 

ὁλοτελής, I. v. 23 

ὀμείρομαι, I. ii. 8 

ὄνομα, 11. i. 12, 111. 6; οἵ, Herwerden 
s.v., and Mél. Nic. p. 253 

ὁποῖος, I. i. g 

ὅπως, 1 χὰ 

ὁρᾶτε μή, I. v. 15 

ὀργή, 7, I. i. τὸ, ii. 16 


INDEXES 


ὁσίως, I. 11. 10 

ὅστις, 11. i. ο; οἵ, Dieterich Unter- 
suchungen p. 199 f. 

ὅταν with aor. subj., Il. i. Io 

ὅτε, I. iii. 4, II. iii, 10 

ὅτι demonstrative, I. i. 5, ii. 13, iii. 4 
causal, I. iv. 16, v. 9, II. i. ᾿ il. 13 

οὐ with part., I. ii. 4; od μή, I. iv. 155 
οὐχ ὅτι, II. ili. 9 

οὐδέ, I. 11. 3 

οὐρανός, I. i. τὸ, iv. τό, 11. 1. 7 

οὔτε, I. ii. 5, 6 

οὕτως, I. ii. 4, iv. 14, II. iii. 17 (οὕτως 
γράφω) 

οὐχί, I. 11. το 

ὀφείλω, 11. i, 3, ii. 13 


πάθος, I. iv. 5 

πάντοτε, I. i. 12, li. τό, iil. 6, iv. 17, 
Wolk, Δ. ΤΙ, 2.35, eee 

πάπυρος, Ῥ. 122 

παρά ὁ. gen., I. ii. 13, iv. 1, IL. ili. 6, 
8; c. dat. II. i. 6 

παραγγελία, 1. iv. 2 

παραγγέλλω, I. iv. 11, 11, iii. 4,6, 10, 12 

παράδοσις, II. ii. 15, ili. 6 

παρακαλέω, 1. ii, 12; ¢ ἵνα, 1. iv. τὶ; 
e. inf. iv. 10 

παράκλησις, I. ii. 3, IL. ii. τό 

παραλαμβάνω, 1. ii. 13, iv. τ; παρελά- 
βοσαν p. 113, cf. Conybeare Selections 
p- 32 

παραμυθέομαι, I. 11. 11, V. 14 

παρουσία, 1. ii. το, ili. 13, iv. 15, V. 23, 
IT. ii. 1, 8, g; cf. p. 145 ff. 

παρρησιάζομαι, 1. ii. 2 

πᾶς, I. iii. 12, 13, v. 26, II. iii. τό, 18; 
ἐν παντί, 1. v. 18; διὰ παντός, 11. iii. 
τό 

maoxm, I. ii. 14, IL i. 5 

πατήρ, 1, li. 11; (of God) I. i. 1, 3, 
ili. 21, £3, ΠΤ, 9) gee 
p. lxv f. 

Παῦλος (emph.), I. ii. 18 

πείθω, 11. iii. 4 

πειράζω, 1. iii. 5 

πέμπω, 11. ii. 11 

περὶ δέ, I. iv. 9, Vv. I 

περιεργάζομαι, II. ili. 11 

περικεφαλαία, 1. v. ὃ - 

περιλείπομαι, I. iv. 15, 17 

mepimaréw, I. il. 12 

περιποίησις, L.¥.°9, ἄταν ty 

περισσεύω, I, 111. 12, iv. 1, 10 

περισσοτέρως, eB 17 

πιστεύω, 1. iv. 143 ὁ πιστεύων, Τα 
ii. 10, 133 6 πιστεύσας, Il. i. 10; 
πιστεύομαι 6. ace. I, ii. 4 

πίστις, ἡ, 11. iii. 2; “πρὸς τ. θεόν, Live 
ἔργον πίστεως, I. ΤΡ ΩΣ πίστις 
κ. ἀγάπη, I. iii. 6, v. 8 

motos, I. v. 24, IL. iii. 3 


IV. GREEK WORDS 


mrdvyn, I. ii, 3, IL. il. 11 

πλεονάζω, I. 111. 12, Il. i. 3 

πλεονεκτέω, 1. iv. 6 

πλεονεξία, I. ii. 5 

πληροφορία, I. i. 5 

πληρόω, ἘΠῚ γι γὲ 

πνεῦμα, I. v. 19, 23, IL. il. 2, 13: of 
Christ, II. ii. 8; πνεῦμα ἅγιον, 1. i. 
5, 6, iv. 8 

ποιέω, Lv. 24 

πονηρός, I. v. 22, 11, iii. 2, 3 

πορνεία, I. iv. 3 

πρᾶγμα, 1. iv. 6 

πράσσω, I. iv. 11 

mpotornm, I. v. 12 

προλέγω, I. iii. 4, iv. 6 

προπάσχω, 1. li. 2 

πρός 6. acc. after verb of rest, I. 11]. 4, 
Il. ii. 5s ili. 1; πρὸς τό c. inf, I, il. Ὁ 

προσευχή, 1. 1. 2 

προσεύχομαι, I, v. 17; 
iva, ΠῚ i. τὺ; iii. 1 

προσώπῳ οὐ καρδίᾳ, 1. ii. 17 

πρόφασις, I. ii, 5 

προφητεία, I. Vv. 20 

προφήτης, 1. ii. 15 

πρῶτον, I. iv. τό 

πῦρ, 11. i. 8 

mwas, 1. i. g3 TO πῶς, iv. I 


προσεύχομαι 


ε 


ῥύομαι (ἐκ), I. i. το, (ἀπό) 11. iii. 2; 
ef. Anz Subsidia p. το f. 


σαίνομαι, I. iii. 3; see also σιαίνομαι 

σαλεύω, 11. ii. 2 

σάλπιγξ, I. iv. τό 

Σατανᾶς, I. ii. 18, 11. ii. g 

σβέννυμι, 1. v. 19 

σέβασμα, 11. ii. 4 

σημεῖον, II. ii. g, 111. 17 

σημειόομαι, II. iii. 14 

σιαίνομαι, p. 38; cf. also Z.N.T.W. 
Vill. p. 242 

Σιλονανός, 1. 1. 1, IL. i 

σκεῦος, I. iv. 4 

oxéros, I. v. 4 f. 

σπουδάζω, I. 11. 17 

oréyw, I. 111. τ, 5 

στέλλομαι, 11. iii. 6 

στέφανος, 1. il. 19; 
Lex. 8.v. 

στήκω, I, 111, 8, II. ii. 15; cf. Conybeare 
Selections ‘Pp. 42 

ornpifw, I. iii. 2, 13, II. ii. 17, iii. 3; 
cf. Anz Subsidia p. 20 f. 

συμφυλέτης, 1. ii. 14 

σύν Vv. ἅμα 

συναναμίγνυμαι, 11. iii, 14 | 

συνεργός, Pp. 37 

σώζω, I. li. τό, 11, ii. to 

σῶμα, I. v. 23 


cf. Herwerden 







ber mulls 


UNIVERSITY 
NIRA 


A 


195 


σωτηρία, I. v. 8, 9, 11. ii. 13 


ταχέως, 11. ii. 2 

τέκνον, I, li. 7, 11 

τέλος eis, 1. 11. 16 

τέρας, Il. ii. 9 

τηρέω, I. v. 23 

τίθημι, I. v. 9 

τιμή, 1. iv. 4 

ἡ μόθεος, I. i. 1, iii. 2, 6, IT. i. 

τίνω, 11. i. g 

76 with inf., I. iii. 3 

τοιγαροῦν, I, iv. 8 

τοιοῦτος, 11. ili. 12 

τόπος, I. i. 8 

τότε, Il. il, Ἢ 

τρέχω, 11. Ι 

τρόπος, τὴν ii. 3, iii. 16 

τροφός, 1. ὴῚ 

τύπος, I. i. 7, IL. iii. ; οὗ, Herwerden 
Lex. 8.v. 


ὑβρίζω, I. ii. 2 
vids (of Christ), 1. i. 10; φωτὸς x. 
ἡμέρας, Υ. 5; τ. ἀπωλείας, ΤΙ ἢν ἃ 
ὑπακούω, 11. i. 8, ili. 14 
ὑπέρ, Ἐς ΗΠ 11.1.4, 4, 4 
ὑπεραίρομαι, 11. ii. 4 
ὑπεραυξάνω, 11. i. 3 
ὑπερβαίνω, I. iv. 6 
ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ, 1. ili. 10, V. 13 
ὑπό, 1. il. 14 
ὑπομονή, 1. i. 3)» Il. 
ὑστέρημα, 1. 111. το 


I; p. 69 


Ἐν 1s 


φθάνω, I. ii. τό, iv. 15 
φιλαδελφία, I. iv. 9 
φίλημα, I. v. 26 
Φίλιπποι, 1. ii. 2 
φιλοτιμέομαι, 1. iv. 11 
φλόξ, 11. 1. 8 

φυλάσσω, II. 111. 3 
φωνή, I. iv. 16 

φῶς, I. v. 5 


χαίρω, I. iii. 9, Vv. 16 

χαρά, 1. i, 6, υς ΤΟΣ τ. ἃ 

χάριν, I. i. 1, v. 28, II. i. 2, τῷ, ii. 16, 
ili. 18 

xelp, I. iv. 11, II. iii. 17 

χρείαν ἔχειν, 1. i. 8 

Χριστός, p. 136 ff. 

χρόνος, I. v. 1; see also καιρός 


ψεῦδος, 11. ii. g, 11 
ψυχή, I. ii. 8, Vv. 23 


ὠδίν, I. v. 3 

wpa, I, ii. 17 

ws ἐάν, 1. ii. 73 ws ὅτι, 11. ii. 2 
wore consecutive, I. i. 4 





5 


Cambridge: 


Ἢ 





Works by the Rev. Professor H. B. SWETE. 


THE APPEARANCES OF OUR LORD 
AFTER THE PASSION. 


A STUDY IN THE EARLIEST CHRISTIAN TRADITION. 
Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net. 


THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST MARK. 
THE GREEK TEXT, 


WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 
8vo. 155. 


Critical Review.—‘* Undoubtedly the best English commentary we possess 
on Mark. For fulness of information, mastery of the Greek of the LXX and 
the New Testament, expert knowledge of textual criticism, exact grammatical 
exegesis and general sobriety of judgment, Dr Swete’s work has few to rival it. 
It is the fruit of long-continued and most painstaking study, and one feels that he 
can always turn to it with confidence.” 


cea” APOCALYPSE sgh ST) JOHN: 


THE GREEK TEXT, WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, 
AND INDICES. 
8vo. 155. 


Church Times.—‘‘ We may at once say that no student of the Apocalypse will 
in the future be able to do without it. Dr Swete’s treatment is exhaustive and 
impartial, his personal modesty with regard to expressions of opinion is great, 
while his knowledge is wide and varied, and his method is characterised by 
intense reverence.... The commentary is a model of painstaking care and 
thought, and particularly strong on its linguistic side.” 


THE AKHMIM FRAGMENT OF THE 
APOCRYPHAL GOSPEL OF ST PETER. 


8vo. 55. net. 


Critical Review.—‘‘ The text of the Petrine fragment is accompanied by 
admirable notes which give light on many passages. A Translation is also 
furnished, and an Introduction of forty-seven pages deals in an interesting and 
instructive way with a variety of matters connected with the find.... The book 
is most scholarly, most useful, and worthy of the scholarship of Cambridge.” 


ESSAYS ON SOME THEOLOGICAL 
QUESTIONS OF THE DAY. 
BY MEMBERS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. 


Edited by H. B. SWETE, D.D. 
8vo. 125. net. 


Guardian.—‘* The volume is one which must engage the attention of all 
who are interested in theological speculation in English-speaking countries, for 
the men who have contributed chapters to it are specially qualified to judge of 
the direction in which religious thought is moving.” 


MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltp., LONDON. 














WORKS BY BISHOP LIGHTFOOT. 


NOTES ON EPISTLES OF ST PAUL FROM UN- 
PUBLISHED COMMENTARIES. 8vo. 125. 


ANALYSIS OF CERTAIN OF ST PAUL'S EPIS- 


TLES. Reprinted from Bishop LIGHTFOOT’s Commentaries. With Preface 
by the Bishop OF DURHAM. F cap. 8vo. 15. net. 


ST PAUL’S EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. A 


Revised Text, with Introduction, Notes, and Dissertations. S8vo. 12s. 


ST PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS, A 


Revised Text, with Introduction, &c. 8vo. 125. 


ST PAUL’S EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS AND 
TO PHILEMON. A Revised Text, with Introductions, Notes, and Disser- 
tations. 8vo. 125. 


DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. Re- 


printed from the editions of St Paul’s Epistles. 8vo. 14s. 


THE CHRISTIAN MINISTRY. Reprinted from D¢ssey- 


tations on the Apostolic Age. Crown 8vo. 3s. net. 


THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. ParT I. ST CLEMENT 
OF ROME. A Revised Text, with Introductions, Notes, Dissertations, and 
Translations. 2 vols. 8vo. 325. 


THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. PArT II. ST IGNATIUS, 
ST POLYCARP. Revised Texts, with Introductions, Notes, Dissertations, 
and Translations. 2 vols. in 3. 8vo. 48s. 


THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Abridged Edition. With 


short Introductions, Greek Text, and English Translations. 8vo. 16s. 


ESSAYS ON THE WORK ENTITLED “SUPER- . 


NATURAL RELIGION.” Re-issue. 8vo. 6s. net. 


ON A FRESH REVISION OF THE ENGLISH NEW 
TESTAMENT. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 


LEADERS IN THE NORTHERN CHURCH. Durham 


Sermons. Crown 8vo. 6s. 


ORDINATION ADDRESSES AND COUNSELS TO 
CLERGY. ‘Crown 8vo. 6s. 


CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
SERMONS PREACHED IN ST PAUL'S. Crown 
8vo. 6s. 
SERMONS ON SPECIAL OCCASIONS. Crown 8vo. 
6s. 
BIBLICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. 12s. 
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Globe 8vo. 4s. net. 
[Zversley Series. 


INDEX OF NOTEWORTHY WORDS AND PHRASES 
FOUND IN THE CLEMENTINE WRITINGS, commonly called the 
Homilies of Clement. 8vo. 5s. 


A CHARGE, delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of 


Durham, November 25, 1886. 8vo. Sewed. 2s. 


BISHOP LIGHTFOOT. Reprinted from Zhe Quarterly 
Review. With a prefatory note by the Bishop OF DURHAM. With Portrait. 
Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 


MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltp., LONDON. 





WORKS BY BISHOP WESTCOTT. 


A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE 
CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DURING THE FIRST FOUR 
CENTURIES. Crown 8vo. τος. 6d. 


THE BIBLE IN THE CHURCH: A popular account of the 
Collection ies rade dso of the Holy Scriptures in the Christian Churches. 
Pott 8vo. 45. 

INTRODUCTION ἘΠ THE STUDY OF THE FOUR 
GOSPELS. Crown 8vo. τος. 6d. 

THE GOSPEL OF THE RESURRECTION. Thoughts 
on its Relation to Reason and History. Crown 8vo. 6s. 

THE REVELATION OF THE RISEN LORD. Crown 
8vo. 6s. 

THE HISTORIC FAITH: Short Lectures on the Apostles’ 
Creed. Crown 8vo. 6s. Also 8vo. Sewed. 6d. 

THE REVELATION OF THE FATHER. _ Short 
ρον τ on the Titles of the Lord in the Gospel of St John. Crown 
8vo. 6s. 


CHRISTUS CONSUMMATOR and other Sermons. Crown 
8vo. 6s. 

SOME THOUGHTS FROM THE ORDINAL. Crown 
8vo. 1s. 6d. 

SOCIAL ASPECTS OF CHRISTIANITY. Crown 
8vo. 6s. 

GIFTS FOR MINISTRY. Addresses to Candidates for 
Ordination. Crown 8vo. 15. 6d. 

DHE EPISTLE TO ple. ae The Greek Text, 
with Notes and Essays. 8vo. 

Beers EPISTEE TO THE EPHESIANS. The 
Greek Text, with Notes and Addenda. 8vo. τον. 6d. 

THE EPISTLES OF ST JOHN. The Greek Text, with 
Notes and Essays. 8vo. 125. 6d. 

THE INCARNATION AND COMMON LIFE. Cr. 8vo. gs. 

CHRISTIAN ASPECTS OF LIFE. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 

THE GOSPEL OF LIFE: Thoughts introductory to the 
Study of Christian Doctrine. Crown 8vo. 6s. Also 8vo. Sewed. 6d. 

ESSAYS — THE HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS 
THOUGHT IN THE WEST. Globe 8vo. 4s. net. [Zversley Series. 

ON SOME POINTS IN THE RELIGIOUS OFFICE OF 
THE UNIVERSITIES. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. 

THOUGHTS ON REVELATION AND LIFE. Being 


Selections from the Writings of Bishop hae sah Arranged and Edited by 
Rev. STEPHEN PHILLIPS. Crown 8vo. 


THE OBLIGATIONS OF EMPIRE. A Sermon. Crown 


8vo. 3d. net. 
LESSONS FROM WORK.. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
ADDRESS TO MINERS, July, 1901. Cr. 8vo. Sewed. 6d. 
WORDS OF FAITH AND HOPE. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. 
CHRISTIAN SOCTAL UNION ADDRESSES. Crown 


8vo. 15. net. 


COMMON PRAYERS FOR FAMILY USE. Cr. 8vo. rs. net. 
VILLAGE SERMONS. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
PETERBOROUGH SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 


GENERAL VIEW OF THE HISTORY OF THE 
ENGLISH BIBLE. Revised by WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGHT. 8vo. 125. 6d. 
LIFE AND LETTERS OF THE RIGHT REV. BISHOP 
WESTCOTT. By his son, the Rev. ARTHUR WESTCOTT. With Portraits 


and other Illustrations. 2 vols. Extra crown 8vo. 175. net. Abridged 
Edition. Ex. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. 


MACMILLAN AND CO., Lrp., LONDON. 


By the Rev. F. J. A. HORT, D.D. 


TWO DISSERTATIONS. I. On MONOTENH® ΘΕΟΣ. 


In Scripture and Tradition. II. On the ‘‘ Constantinopolitan” Creed and 
other Eastern Creeds of the Fourth Century. 8vo. 75. 6d. 


. THE WAY, THE TRUTH, THE LIFE. The Hutseag 
Lectures for 1871. With prefatory note by the Right Rey. Bishop 
WEstTcoTT. Crown 8vo. 6s. 


LECTURES ON JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown 
8vo. 6s. 


PROLEGOMENA TO ST PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE 
ROMANS AND THE EPHESIANS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 


SIX LECTURES ON THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. 
Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. 


THE CHRISTIAN ECCLESIA. A Course of Lecture: 


on the Early History and Early Conception of the Ecclesia, and Four 
Sermons. Crown 8vo. 6s. 


THE FIRST: EPISTLE OF ST PETER, 1. τ 


With Commentary. 8vo. 6s. 


NOTES INTRODUCTORY TO THE STUDY OF THE 
CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. Crown 8vo. 45. 6d. 


CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. Miscellanies (Stroma- 


teis) Book VII. With Introduction, Translation, Notes, etc. by the late 
Rev. F. J. A. Hort, D.D., and Prof. J. B. MAyor. 8vo. 155. net. 


By the Rev. Dr W. MILLIGAN. 


THE RESURRECTION OF OUR LORD. Crown 8vo. 55. 


THE ASCENSION AND HEAVENLY PRIESTHOOD 
OF OUR LORD. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 


DISCUSSIONS ON THE APOCALYPSE. Crown 8vo. 5s. 





ST PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS a 
revised Text and Translation, with Exposition and Notes. By J. ARMITAGE 
ΕΟΒΙΝΒΟΝ, D.D. 8vo. 125. 


THE EPISTLE OF ST JUDE AND THE SECOND 
EPISTLE OF ST PETER. Greek Text, with Introduction, Notes, and 
Comments. By JosePpH B. Mayor, M.A., Litt.D. 8vo. 145. net. 


THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES. The Greek Text, with 


Introduction and Notes. By JosEPH B. Mayor, M.A., Litt.D. 8vo. 145. net. 


ST PAUL’S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. A new 


translation. By ΝΥ. G. RUTHERFORD, M.A. 8vo. 35. .6d. net. 


MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltp. LONDON. 


7 











RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 
TO π΄ 202 Main Library 





) TOANPERIOD 1 
| HOME USE 


39 





4 





νὴ 


6 








ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 
Ὁ 1-month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405 bad 

~ 6month loans may be recharged by bringing books to Circulation Desk 
= Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date — 





DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 








NOV ὃ 11976 
| REG, Om,” Oy 9.70 









































UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY 
BERKELEY, CA 94720 y 


®. 









































































































































ΕΣ 
CV PR SE se 


aay: & 

ἀπ κα a NY 
ΣΤ τὴς 

᾿ ΚΑΙ whic 
Ay st 
ry, 





‘aia ian 
᾿ 


fon ig 
Faia 
th ὁ