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- — KUJigyANT TO 

S. Res. 58 

APRIL 20, 1955 

PART 11 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 

.59886 WASHINGTON : 1955 

Eorton Pub'ix Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

AUG 1 1955 *^ 

HARLEY M. KILGORE, West Virginia, Chairman 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 





Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




J. G. SODRWINE, Chief Counsel 

Richard Arens and Alva C. Carpenter^ Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 


(The Significance of the Matiisow Case) 


United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
OF the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 

Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 2: 10 p. m., in 
room 475 Senate Office Building, Senator John L. McClellan, presiding. 

Present: Senators Eastland (chairman of the subcommittee), and 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel, Alva C. Carpenter, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research; and Kobert 
C. McManus, professional staff member. 

Senator McClellan. The committee will come to order. 

Counsel, who is your first witness? 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Harvey Matusow, sir. 

Senator McClellan. Come around, Mr. Matusow. 

Mr. Matusow, you have previously testified in the course of this 
investigation before this committee. 


Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Senator McClellan, You acknowledge you are under the same 
oath previously administered to you to tell the truth, the whole truth 
and nothing but the truth so help you, God ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir, I do. 

Senator McClellan. Mr. Counsel, you may proceed. 

Mr. Matusow. Sir, may the record show my counsel, Mr. Faulkner 
has not been able to attend today. 

He was involved in a trial proceeding in New York which is still 
in progress and could not come to Washington and I am prepared 
to testify without counsel but I would like the record to show that. 

Senator McClellan. You announce to the committee that you are 
willing to proceed with your testimony without the benefit of counsel 
present ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

If something comes up — I will adhere to the committee orders — 
some question with which I am not familiar in relation to the law — 
I can't foresee any — at that time if I might request from the com- 
mittee postponing that question in order to make a long distance call 
to New York. 



Mr. SouRwiNE. I think the record should show I talked to Mr. 
Matusow over the telephone several nights ago and he said he would 
not be able to be here today because he had personal business of his 
own and he wanted to know if the committee would hear him if he 
came on Tuesday without counsel. 

I told him that would be a matter of his choice, I couldn't promise 
him anything. 

I told him if he came the committee would hear him. He wanted to 
have a stipulation that if he came without counsel, the committee 
would permit him to telephone counsel when he needed to do so. I 
told him such a stipulation could not be made because it w^ould put 
the committee at his mercy. I talked to Mr. Faulkner last night and 
he knew he was unable to be here. 

He was expecting a telephone call from Mr. Matusow. I told him 
the committee was expecting Mr, Matusow to come today in line with 
the stipulation Mr. Matusow and counsel had made on Monday and 
it would be up to Mr. Matusow to decide whether he should enjoin 
Mr, Faulkner to come with him or get another counsel or come without 

I say this so the record should show clearly that Mr. Matusow is 
not caught by surprise without counsel but he is here at his own election 
without counsel. 

Senator McClellan. Mr. Matusow, you know that your counsel 
is not present. Are you willing to proceed without your counsel ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. I would like a clarification. Maybe Mr. 
Sourwine misunderstood me on the phone call. I said if there were 
one or maybe two questions that would come up at the end of the 
hearing or prior to it if there would be a 5-minute recess if I could 
take tlie one or two questions and call counsel but not stop after such 
a question came up. 

Senator McClellax. Well, proceed, and when a situation arises 
that raises an issue, the committee will resolve it at that time. 

Mr. Sourwine. With the indulgence of the Chair I would like to 
ask one preliminary question on this matter. Did you, Mr. Matusow, 
say anything to me over the telephone about desiring to accumulate 
your questions and make one telephone call at the end of the session? 
Mr. Matusow. ]My recollection is yes. However, I might not have 
understood it. I might not have put it in those words. I don't know 
but my recollection is that I did. 

You were busy, you had another telephone call. 
_ Mr. Sourwine. I don't want to make an issue of this, but under the 
circumstances I sliould tell you there was another person on the line 
when I talked with you. What is your recollection now ? 

Mr. Matusow. My recollection is that I said to you that I would 
like to, if there are a number of questions at a recess, accumulate the 
questions and call counsel. 

Mv. Sourwine. If the committee deems that matter important, we 
can go into it further. 

Senator McClellan. I don't think it is important until we reach 
some point where it arises and we can try to resolve it at that time. 
Proceed with the examination. 

ISIr. Sourwine. You were asked by the committee to bring a number 
of papers and documents. Do you. have them with you ? 
Mr. Matusovs^. I have. 


Mr. SouRwixE. Do you have the address book 

Mr. Matx sow. Yes ; I do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Which you were asked to bring. 

Will you tell us what that is and then send it forward, please. 

Mr. Matusow. It will take a moment. This is an address book 
which I kept, which I referred to, I believe, on the first day of my 
testimony, which I think was the 21st of February, about which I said 
it contained the name of an individual who was present at the Roch- 
ambeau Restaurant in New York, when I had dinner with Elizabeth 
Bentley on October 3, 1052. This is that address book. The name 
is found on page — I will put an asterisk next to it and initial it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What page ? 

Mr. Matusow. I will put a paper clip on it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Read the name. 

]Mr. Matusow. The name is Bill Henry at 56 West 11th Street, New 
York City. I don't have the phone number. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you talked with Mr. Henry since you first 
mentioned his existence as an unnamed person before this committee. 

]Mr. Matusow. I have not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right, sir. "V^Hiat is the general nature of the 
entries in this address book? 

Mr. Matusow. Various and sundry names, some in show business, 
producers, directors, people here in Washington. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do the persons whose names appear in this book 
all have any one thing in common? 

Mv. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouR\vi]srE. Aren't they all friends of yours ? 

Mr. Matusow. Not necessarily. I have American Broadcasting 
Co., of which I want the phone number. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are they all addresses of persons or companies which 
you desire to keep for your own purposes ? 

Mr. Matusow. At one time I did. '\\^iether I do now is another 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Over what period of time did you make the entries 
in this book? 

Mr. Matusow. This book — on 1951 through this year. 

This book is a composite of a few books. In transit last year a few 
address books I had got waterlogged. This one did, too. ^ This was 
a blank. I had transposed other names in here. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying now the entries in this book were 
many of tliem copied into this book last year? 

Mr. Matusow. Last year, yes. 

Mr. SouRwixE. From previous lists? 

Mr. Matusow. From another book, as I recall. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. From another book or lists ? 

Mr. Matusow. The waterlog marks show on this book. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. So the first entries made in this book physically 
were last year, 1954 ? 

Mr. Matusow. The last entries made in this book were in 1955. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. The first entries made in this book were in 1954. 

Mr. Matitsow. In this specific book ; yes. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Will you send that forward, please? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have with you the recording of the wire tape 
of a union meeting at the Hotel New Yorker, concerning which you 
testified ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir ; I don't. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. ^Vliy didn't you bring that? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe I said I had been unable to locate it. I 
have better than 200 hours of blank or previously recorded tape re- 
cordings and to play 200 hours of tape to find approximately 3 min- 
utes is a next-to-impossible task. I refreshed my memory and that 
specific tape recording was made by investigators of this committee, 
according to the information I received from Don Surine. It is a dub- 
bing from the original wire or tape recording made by investigators 
of this committee of that meeting. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Surine, as you know, is not an investigator for 
this committee. 

Mr. Matusow. As T said, Mr. Surine told me he received it from 
investigators of this committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are attempting to give second degree hearsay 
testimony about what is on this particular recording. The committee 
instructed you to produce the recording and you stated you would do 

Mr. Matusow. I have been unable to do so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it your testimony that you still have this record- 
ing in your possession? 

Mr. Matusow. I will endeavor to locate it but this will take time. 
As you know I have been in jail for a few days and 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, the committee could, if it seemed the 
most expedient thing, ask you to produce all the tape recordings in 
your possession and the committee could then go through them and 
find this particular one if it is there. 

The committee has preferred to ask you to proceed and produce this 
particular recording. Will you do so ? 

Mr. Matusow. I will attempt to do so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That is what you said last time and the committee 
still does not have the recording. 

Mr. Matusow. If I find it, the committee will get it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know whether you have it ? 

Mr. Matusow. I will have to play some 200 hours of tape record- 
ing to find it. I might be lucky and find it on the first hour. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know for sure you still have it? 

Mr. Matusow. I presume I have it. I do a lot of tape recording 
music — I do a lot of other things, I might have erased that recording. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You did not mark it or otherwise designate it? 

Mr. Matusow. I had marked it at one time but I have since taken 
markings off, I reused many tapes and that happened to be one of 
those tapes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I should like to ask, Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Matu- 
sow be instructed to produce this recording if he has it or to state 
to the committee that he no longer has it. 

Mr. Matusow. I will play the recordings and attempt to do so. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, do you have the intermittent diary, 
consisting of loose pages, the first one being January 1, 1948, and 


the last April 11, 1952, concerning wliicli there has been testimony 
here which you were asked to bring before the committee. 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir ; I do not. The diary is still in evidence in 
Judge Dimock's court. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I send you, Mr. Matusow what purports to be a 
photostatic copy of that diary and ask you whether you can identify 
it as such? 

(Document presented to witness.) 

Mr. Matusow. Without going over each page, presuming that it 
is intact, the diary if you would stipulate that this is the complete 
diary in Judge Dimock's court. Looking at it, it is part of it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you recognize the first page ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes ; I recognize subsequent pages. I presume it is 
intact. I will agree to that to save time. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, this document was received from 
the Department of Justice as a result of an official request by the com- 
mittee and it is stated by the Department to be a photostat of the entire 
diary as it was placed into the record in Judge Dimock's court. I 
ask that this document as identified by Mr. Matusow may go into the 
record at this point. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(The document above referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 78" and 
appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 78 

Jantjary 1st, 1948. 
It is now New Years Eve. All over the city and as a mater of fact most of the 
world is celebrating in one form or another. Some people are at gay parties 
and some are sitting at home, or a place that they can call home and are cele- 
brating in seilence. 

I feel that seilence is the way it should be celebrated these days. Last week it 
was Christmas, Peace on Earth and Good AVill Towards Man. Thats a joke. 
How many were killed in Palastine and in the rest of the world. Some peace. 
It makes me laugh. 

Today is New Year, every body is saying that we should have a happy and a 
prosperous New Year. That is also a joke. What is the outlook for this country 
and for the rest of the world. Higher prices starvation, and a depresion plus 
many other things that do the world no good. People should not be spending 
money and having such a good time for the rest of the world needs the help 
that the money spent tonite would bring. 

After tonites party I decieded to give up the AYD and the rest of the Progressive 
organizations including the CP which after much looking into I think is a reac- 
tionary outfit that is as the House Of Rep. says UNAMERICAN. The people in 
the CP have one track minds and they are two narrow minded. They are not 
the type that I feel I should associate with. I belive that this country needs 
changes but I also belive that The CP would make it worse. These changes can 
be accomplished by a process of a lot of things, and as I said I will disaffilate 
with the Pro. Orgz. that I belong to now. I feel that in this new year I will 
make a go of the things I am setting out to do. Mom and Pop are at Minnies 
to a partie. Jules Pheffer in on my S— T list. Elonore- A--s is 0--Y. Lost $3.67 

on horse today. Filled out application for state bones for $250.00 

Saying for the Day Harvey you are a person that knows nothing about a lot 

of things 

November 30, 1950 

Left Taos about noon, met Howard S in Santa Fe. he was looking for work at los 

Aloms as a CIC etc. . . no openings, went to sandia base and got the safne story, 

made application with navel shipyard in San Francisco, but before getting there 

got temporary job at Window Rock, some sort of public relations work. . . . 

If it does not become permant he will move on the Calif. ... 

I spent the nite of Dec 1, 1950 at Hotel El Navajo in Gallup. ... 

Decide to go to New York insted of cost, due to Shermans job at window rock, . 


Made res. on El Capatian which left Gallup at 422 AM Dec 2 1950, expect to be 
m New York on Dec 4 at ' '8 45. . While in Albuquerque on Nov 30 I spoke to 
Jay Saunders. He was very busy and couldn't see me then, but I must remember 

to call him on the return to Albuquerque 

Just remembered where I knew Alex & Lee E e from. . They are the 

people that Henry B...k. told me to look up when I got to the cost 

Monday Dec 17 51 

December 1951. 
Went down to the field to see Martha nd the Hoppes at Security, Martha is feel- 
ing much better now that they got the loan. I had to call Dudley Evans and 
cancel the Columbus Apointment. At the field the Capt. in charge of Security 
had me turned over to the Provost Marsliall, raised all kinds of hell about my 
bemg there, talks of baring me from the field, but I doubt if be will get away 
with it. Martha took me down to the Meeting and Christmas party of the Miami 
valley Association of Industrial Editors, it was at Neils on route 25 I had a 
chance to speak about the Party to them and was invited back to continue my 
talk (Martha heard that I went over quite well) Mclntre of ARMCO was inter- 
ested in me as well as. Glee Hancock of Dayton Power nd Light, and Ed De Hart 
Gardner Board and Cartons Middletown Ohio Bob Frame of Standard Register 
also wants me to contact him ... All in all it was a very sucessful meeting I 
am planning on joining ... 

Tues 18 December 1951 
had appointment at the dayton power and light co. main street, dayton ohio with 
GLEE HANCOCK, who is the editor of FOWARD. She became interested in 
counterattack when I spole last nite at the meeting of industrial editors I had 
a long session with them and they posed the idea of using counterattack on a 
mass distribution basis, by putting out a monthlv supplement at five cents per 
something that industry could by for 500 or 600 dollars a vear and have at least 
a thousand a month to distribute to their workers, deceided it would be worth 
while taking the idea to new york. Checked TWA and found they had no flights 
went to Penna RR. Took the American to NY. It was 2tw hours Izte getting in' 
the snow had been preaty bad. I had a coach ticket all the way to Pitts, at which 
time I bought an upper birth. I must say it wasn't bad, I slept well ... I had 
to borrow 15,00 from BILLIE LONG. 

Before I left Mrs Jacobs asked me if she could use my room for he son and 
his family ove the xmas holidays. . I told her yes . . . 

* * * 
Before leaving Dayton I called Jennings of OSI and informed hime of the securitv 
problem of yesterday. . . I also Called Harlen Shaw and told him that I 
was going to New York. ... 

Wed december 10 1951 
Arrived in New York about 7 : 45. went immideatly to the stand, and found 
out that the folks were at home. I called and made arrangements to meet them 

^t IP^I I tlien went to counterattack, and while waiting for Ted to arrive 

I called John Kleinkoff, he told me that the ball was rolling, and would I call 
him back in about an hour and he would see if anvthing was up I did and 
the result was a meeting with J J Mc Carthy of the Breau, and four men 
trom the US Atfs office. Mc Carthy picked me up and drove me to the lower 
part of the east river drive wher the others were waiting.... I was intro- 
duced as John Alden. They asked me if I had been in the Party, and what 
the party had on me. and if any what did I ever hear any of the" 17 say that 
was part of the indictment. The meeting lasted from 2:30 until 4PM at 
which time Mr Cohn said he was almost sure that they would use me At 

which point mr Mc Carthy drove me back to 23rd street. Kirkpatrick got in 
about 9 : 15 and I hit him with the monthly supplement idea. Everybody at 
Counterattack it hot on the idea but it will take time and money to push it 

a^c^ss Got home about 9PM had supper and went to bed I left a copy 

of my report with Mc Namara, he will send it to me here in Dayton. Counter- 
attack used my piece on Botkin in their issue last week.(Treas of Wester 


Thure 20 to Saturday 22 December 51. 
stayed in the bronx with the folks, made the rounds and saw Ester, Abe, 
Helen, and Irv and Ida. I was able to get 320.00 from Irv with the promise 
that I would return it by may 


Still I haven't received my discharge and final pay vpill call the field when I 

return and wed 

Made reservations with TWA on flight 371 to dayton... leaving sun 23 dee 

at G : 30P-// 


Sunday 23 December 51/ 

Called Martha and told her to pick me up in dayton 

Gave the folks 15.00 for Christmas kissed them goodby and was on my 


I got to La Guardia and found that the plane was late, it would be weeles up 

at 9PM two and a half hours late Had a three dollar dinner on TWA 

planes should be late more often )Thats when I'm not in a hurry) 

Met a guy named Wayne Clark, say he knows Ed Good contact for 


Member of the Franklin Post AL Have his number and will call when 

I get to Columbus 

Had an interesting time with the stewardess, Name ESTER WILLIAMS.... 
is a twin, and lives in Kansas City, has been on the job G months, and needs 
something different.... has a bit on the ball, but it needs development 

She is going to call me New Years Eve 

Got to Dayton about 1PM got into town 1 45AM and there were martha and ed. 


Monday 24 December 51. 

Sat up with ed and martha till about 4AM talking about the good possibilities 

on the new commie hunt all very happy about it 

Got up and went Xmas shopping, martha and me in the green car and ed in the 

black one I had deposited all my giftes there they bought me a pair 

of gloves same as ones that I had in NY no difference for two are better they 


1 picked up the book (Cuba Libre) stopped by the house and received my 

mail/// one nice letter from Congressman Velde 

Got home at 6PM ed wasn't there, he finally called at seven and said the lights 

didn't work We went up toen to get him at the Van Cleave he was in the 

mens roon drunker then I have ever seen lum, how does martha take it./ got him 
on home, and a we bit soberer... at midnight we went to mass at St Mary's Ed 

was in no condition to go I didn't get much of a kick out of it home and 

to bed first it was merry xmas.... 

I got a pair of slippers from ed, and three shirts and two ties 


XMAS DAY 25 DEC 1951 .... 

Up early and ed was still drunk deceided not to go to columbus.... Martha 

very disappointed Ed in very nasty mood something should be done about 

his drinking Got up to martha's mothers whole family was there 

presents for all Got there at two and left at 4 Martha took me to town.... 

Ed didn't want to go.... Martha very un happy 

At mid-Night I went over to Billies and had a quick one. Kay hadn't returned 


Wed 26 December 51. 
up at SAM called Kate Parrish, she had just gotten back from trip to WV. merry 

Christmas and all that. Made date to have dinner at the Town Tap at 6PM 

at 8 30 I called Harlan Shaw. He told me that the teletype came in about three 

hours after I left He will call m sometime this week to continue our work 

on the jenks and milan case also will have copy of the inditment for me to 

read went back to bed/// 

got dressed about 1PM and went down town Tried to cash a check at Lo- 

raine... they wont cash a personal check remind yourself not to go there any- 
more the least you could do would be drink at a bar that would honor your 

personal check 

went over to elders and paid my bill, and opened a charge account they cashed 

my check then went to the movie saw "When Worlds Collide" a very good 


science fiction show More people should appreciate the story. At 6 I met 

Kay, then to her house/// sat around there until 11PM and then home. 


Thursday 27 December 51. 
Called Martha Edmiston and made appointment to meet her for lunch, which 
I did. She had an appointment with Roy Smith of Elders about the job three, 
won't know until Monday if they are willing to pay the salary or not. Went 
to the Metropolitan and opened a charge account. Check them on Monday to 
see if it is approved. If not they are stuck with two suits and a coat which 

I bought Called Bob Frame and made an appointment with 

him at Standard Register Had a long talk with Jordan the 

personnel man. he is quit interested in counterattack, and in the supple- 
ment went to see bill snoots of the lUE again I found interest 

in Counterattack . . . Bill invited me to the meeting of the Exct board of 

District 7 lUE on Jan 11 in Cleveland He thinks that counterattack 

should be in the hands of every local officer, business agent and organizer, s well 

as the shop stewards Matusow keep your fingers crossed 

Went up to see Doc Fischer, he was busy, had a beer with chuck Glover, went 
to the Esquireer bar and home at 10 PM. ... 


Friday 28 December 51. . . 

didn't break house until noon. . Called Andrew Freeman and made a 3 30 ap- 
pointment with him at the GHR div INlalluable Iron. . . 
Bought a 25 automitac all told cost me almost 40.00 with wht I have in the bank 

its kind of expensive insurance 

Had a Ions talk with Freeman, will get to see more of him. The communist 
are very active and strong in his plant, something has to be done about it. . . I 
am going to work on an article about the NNLC in conjustion with Freeman 

and hope to use that as the start of putting the skids under it lets hope 

it works out He is also taking Counterattack under considera- 
tion. . . Back down town, had dinner with Doug Engles, Billie Long, ?????? 

Kate Parrish and Byron Dempsey Left there and went home to be. . 

bed/. . . . 


Saturday 29 December 51. . . 
Got up early, took a bath, and got all preatj'ed up for Pat Heritts wedding .... 

sat around the house reading a book on the crime in the USA They 

(Crime Inc) are the only non gov't aceney in USA who are organized well 

enough to beat the communist organization They have the money and 

the power I am going to solicit there help I have yet to 

work out the full plan, but I will have to offer the, something, I only hope that 
what they get out of it doesn't hurt the American people more than than Com- 
munism Willi .... Only God will know I am sure that I will be doing 

the right thing However I believe I will have to wait until my open 

testimony to get any action on the subject. . Arrived at Pats wedding, saw 

nobody I knew. . . Martha and Ed weren't there. . . Got a little high 

had to sleep it off a six o'clock. . . .^ After the wedding reception, where I hob 
nobed with all the brass that would have spit on me a few weeks ago, it was very 

satisfying to look at them at an equal level Just call me 

mister thats me 


Met with Harland Shaw and Mellich about the Clint Jenks and Milan Grozer . . , 
signed up the statements . . . Hope they can use the Grozer thing to get otis 
out of Jail .... well will see soon enough 

Sunday 30 December 1951. 
Up at 11AM. . . finished reading the book "Costello". up half the nite reading it, 
and the start of "Men Who Lead Labour", by Minton and Stewart. Went down 
town and got on the bus to junction 73, got there at 12 : 30 and called Martha. 

1 Two lines referring to a person in no way connected with tlie Matusow matter were here 


Martha picked me up at 1 :30, went down to Lebenon and got club soda 

Stopped by her mothers place gave cicil a pair of boot for Christmas had 

a beer there with lyle and a fellow nomed whity, Hartmau. Got back to the 
place, Ed was in good humor, shortly thereafter Parks got there. He had bought 

himselp a British Austin, sold his hot red ford Things went along 

fine, guests started to arrive at eight sharp Billie, Kate Parrish, Kay 

Parker, Kay Kemper, O'Niel, Schieder, both of them brought girls, Kennie Bug- 
gies and his wife. Doc Fischer, the Moons, I got to feeling real good, and at one 
point I tried a head stand and it resulted in the spilling a drink belonging 
to Doc Fischer. It was about that time that as usual I hit the sack, the next 
thing I knew was Parks waking me and yhe place deserted except for Martha 
and Ed, Martha was crying, and Ed was his usual Drunkin self, It was the 
worst that I have ever seen. Parks said some hard things to Ed things that he 
need for a long time, Both Martha and ed were about to leave. I have never 
seen Martha cry so much, poor kid, she misses John L who she loves dearly, 
what could I do. . . Ed blames most of his problems on me, thinking that I am 
trying to steal Martha from him, why doesn't he realize that his own actions are 
doing just that. Got home about 3 : 30 and hit the sack 


Monday 31 December 51 

Up at 9 10 phone was ringing but nobody answered it, back to bed, parks called 
at 1230 and picked me up at 130 went out to his place and chashed a check, then 
back to town and started the rounds. . Ester Williams did't come in a TWA, false 
alarm, back to Fairborn, and all the bars, then into skyway, a party accross 
the street from Parks place, some drunk there didn't loke my looks and I left 
at the stroke of 12 I was sitting in a car and thinking about nothing in general. 
I left there took the bus to Dayton, and a cab to home. I was wished a happy new 
year, and my anwser was, Happy New Year, but we need less celebration, and 
more prayer and understanding. . . . 

Tuesday January 1 1952 


Martha and Ed have been married eighteen years today, and after talking to 

her it looks as though it will all turn out okay. 

I got up at lOish and did some writing and then some reading. I had breakfest 

and went to a movie, and saw DOUBLE DININITE WITH G. Marx etc, I then 

saw a show with G Cooper and the Florida Everglades. . 

came back to the house and saw the second half of the rose bowl game. 111. beat 

Stanford 40 to 7, after trailing in the half 7 to 6. 

Got up stairs did some reading and had a poor nights sleep. 

all in all I would say that New Years Eve an Day started with a thud, and 

the way I have felt in the past few days prove it. I'm just tired, but with a 

new year starting it will all be alright 


January 2 1952 Wed 
up at nine called Martha, downtown at 1130 had lunch at Gulps, saw Harry 
Becker, he has some good ideas, will contack him next wed. and thursday to 
a Leigon Meeting. 

Saw Harry Green will renew contact next week, hope they use counterattack. 
Must see Father Caugnauton tommorow, he is finnally sold on counterattack. 
Back to the unions. Must contact the steel and auto workers here in dayton. 
five pm and over to the moraine, had a beer woth chuck and doc and home at 

(at 3 I was up to the Dayton Power and light, Fitz is interested, Del will push 
it. Must be back there by the 15th or 16th ) 


Thursday January 3 1952 
up at 9 PM called Martha at the field. Got down town at 9 30 and looked at some 
used cars, I saw pleanty of them, but frankley there isn't a one worth looking 
at. Got over to the United Steel Workers Union at 401 Kunes Building. Saw 
Mr. Hardstale their regional director, he told me that they couldn't do anything 


here and that it was Cincinnati that had to act. I enquired alxtut the job of 

editor of the DAYTON CIO NEWS and he told me that it was oi>en. I then went 

over to see Bill Snoots. 

It looks as thoup:h I might get the job, bill had to call a meeting of the editorial 

board. I'm keeping my fingers crossed. . . . 

Loval 801 of the lUB is not included in the paper set up, for it will take to much 

money to keep them in. I then had lunch with Snoot, and promised to meet him 

on the 11th at 7 .''0 AM in order to go to Cleveland. 

Went up to Fathere Caugnautons office met him and had a few suggestions about 

counterattack He is still as enthused as ever. 

Then went up to the FBI and saw Shaw. A copy of the indictment cmee down and 
it looks good. I XXX read it over carefully and know that I have the goods on the 

commies lefts shaws and went to the movie, had dinner and came 



friday 4 January 51 
Shaw called and wanted to know if a date had been set for Wash NY inquirey. 
up at 10 am down to the grind. Stopped in on Raymond Tiu-utr at the mecca 
grill, will see him in about four weeks, he'll buy. 

back up town and saw Capt. Sheppard of the dayton police alr-o met Det Sgt 
Burger of the vice squad, spent about an hour there talking about things in gen- 
eral and the air force and their approach to putting a place off limits etc. 
from there to a movie, good show The Racket and Purpel Hart Diary, up to the 
Moriane and the beer started to flow. Jim Harlan, Frank Wagner. Don of the 
Aet Dept. All went up to the Gibbins Bar. there I met Kurt Loveley who used 
to work on the News. Now works for CADO at the UB Build. 
Will see Kurt Monday for lunch. He miaht be the guy to stake me for a price. 
Up to Billies at 1130, Demps Billie and Kate and played bridge until 4 30 AM, 
Olaf Moon came in somethime during the proceeding but didn't stay long, he 

had been bowling. Demps and Billie beat the pants off of us I got sick 

as a dog on a moon lit night with a split head. 


Saturday January 5 1952 
up at 11 am after an all night session playing bridge, called Cincinnati, and 
went down to see dudley evans at the broadway hotel, he is in fine shape, very 
anxious to get started, is a little to dommcmiring and if i go with him i will 
lose my independence, i think if i get a job that is suitable and pays well i 
will take it and not think in terms of very big money, i can at the present 

build a big future 

from there i went down to the cinicinnato inquirer. I met Jack Cronin and 
Joe Green, I told jack the whole set up and he seems quite interested, I had 
dinner with him, ths whole staff is sad about the sale to the Cincinnati times 

star. . . . from there I went out to jim ratliff's place at 4003 clifton 1 

spent the night there with jim and mary to bed at one am after 

reading xxx striplings book on the committee in Washington. . . . 


the dayton national negro labor counsel held a meeting of over thirty-five people 
on the west side on decem er 9 51. 

Sunday 6 January 1952. 
at at 11 am and had breakfest with jim and mary. . . . sat down with jim and 
went over all the material. ... he is quite interested. . . . thinks they will 
be able to use it here in Ohio, suggests that i contact true magizne for the 

story, i will do that when i get to new york 

also suggested to him that i might seek full time employment at the ohio com- 
mittee office, as an invest of research man. he is going to set up the contact 
with Sidney issacs who used to handle the party desk for the fbi, and is now 
the councel for the committee. . . bak to dayton by five pm. had a few 3.2 beers 
at the esquires and then to the movie, home and called newyork, wheSre every- 
body is doing alright i was informed that threr was a package for me 

from the committee in Washington, and i asked them to foward it to me. . . . 


Monday January 7 1951/ 
called martha edmiston at 9 15 am. she said that ed left home with mutual 
concent, ed is going west, martha claims to still love ed very much, but 
frankly i think it is due to 18 years, and a bit of pitty on him. 
she also asked me to speak at the engagement on wed 9 January 51. i went out 
to the field at 1130 and had lunch with her. she told me the whole story about 
ed, and that he had been very drunk and acting as usual, she finualy tlew off, 
and its about time, first he deceided to go to panama, but later deceided to 
go to texas. 

he'll be back soon of kill himself, frankly i think he will do the later, i am 
sorry to see it for i like ed very much, i don't know what the hell is wrong 
with him. 

back to town, and over to the lutherian inner mission league on commercial 
street, i will speak there on wed under the name of ralph paiege. rev. stone- 
buner. and spent an hour and a half with him. it should go over very well, 
back to town and over to dr. Silverman he told me that the adl is not inter- 
ested in counterattack to bad for they need it. 

had a drink with kurt lovely at the gibbons, will call him on wed and have 
him up to the talk back h9me and to sleep. 

tuesday January 8 19.52. 

got up called martha she was at home snow bound . . . . i then called state 

capital and got intouch with Isaacs and then went up there. 

i cought the 1135 plane and got to columbus .... spent the afternoon up there, 

and it looks like i will be employeed by them 

Isaacs will let me know by 10am monday .... but probably before then, i am 

anxious to get started on it 

back to daytou on the 735pm plane .... called martha and let her know the 

news .... she seemed happy .... 

i have to get someone here into the national negro labour council, and into the 

party call andy freeman on that as well as joe winkfield . . . give 

myself two weeks to get it done .... must keep in mind the boys at po box 

666 also Jennings after the committee appointment comes 

in i should see capt sheppard the dayton police should be of help 


wed 9 januai-y 1952 

up at 10 am and out to the field to pickup marthas car to cat sit for her. 

got to see Jennings and told him of plan to get info on party in dayton. got my 

pay record fixed up at the field for tax purposes. 

down to wayuesville and back to dayton to get dressed for the speech, had 

dinner with martha (she is very worried about ed) billie and barbara 

one beer and some mints and up tothe second trinity lutheran church the speech 
was well received and i got ten bucks for it. made a contact with a negro 
pa.stor. TARRANT 2437 Germantown, ME 5263 . . 

will contact him on Saturday about an informant in the nnlc. home and to 
bed . . . 

tgurs 10 January 52 
up at 10 am. called martha. i was feeling low and lonely, down town and 
joined the legion (mr. turner.) 

did nothing in the afternoon except see "Boots Malone" elmer bernstein did the 

to the legion meeting, i think that it can be used to futher the fight against com- 
munism in relation to me. Commander is Harold Noble I will have an 

opportunity to speak before them soon . . they have commited themselves to 


friday 11 January 19.52. 
up at seven am and down town to meet nill snoots at the iue oflice he wasn'e 
there, and didn"t show up until 9 30 am. we dece ded that i wouldn't go to 
Cleveland, however we did discuss the next meeting and that i would bring 
it up then, about the paper i will probably have the pob in a week or 


bill drove me out to the field at 11 o'clock and i had lunch with martha . . 
back to town and did nothing, home and slept for a few hours and downtown 


at 8 to hear maggie higgins. she was a bit more humble then i had 


home and to bed at llpm . . . 


Saturday 12 January 52 
Sunday 13 January 52 

up and down town by 11am had a talk with eckhardt of the gem city bank 
he cashed a check for me 

down to waynesville didn't do to much, martha came home at 5pm, had dinner and 
sat and talked and watched television 

ed came back from trip at 10pm, was very drunk and dispondent....went out and 
had beer and back to hte house.... i finually heard about the story of the "snaix" 
may 17 Cincinnati enq 1881... 

ed took off, and i chased hi,, finally cought him and had a long talk, he promised 

to appoligise i think everything will be okay.... 

ed thinks he has tb... hope not 

Sunday norning.... up at 10am and up to bellbroke to shop.... back to the house 

nothing much doing all day just relaxed... martha took me home at seven pm 

home and to bed... 

letter from the folks was the last straw 


monday 14 January 1951 

called martha edmiston, she asked me to pay a bill at the pacific finance for her 
and ed which i did.$20.00. 

saw capt. sheppard, he has been transfered to head the dayton plain cloths men. 
told him about the committee and he said i would get the full co operation of the 
dayton police force. 

went up to see jim penkins, when he was with the fbi he handled the yellow 
springs beat as well as some of the students etc. after my talk with sid later 
this week i will compare notes with jim to get my leads... 

went out to the lawyers build to see herb eikenbary, and weird pwrson if ever 
three was one. he is on his way to florida and wont be back for months 

first call today was shaw, we just gabbed about nothing in general... asked him 
to get a copy of the circulars on the party leaders... will do.. 

over to the urban league and met Washington, he will take counterattack sometime 

next week, and will cooperate withcommittee with his help i will fond my 

\vork in the west side a lot easier called andrew freeman and made appoint- 
ment to see him at 6pm at his home 1312 bancroft 

up town and to the news office, checked the stories on communism in dayton, they 
have some good leads mar 30 april 12 1950 

out to freemans place, quite nice... he is a weight lifter.. 

checked the many names with him and again he will cooperate, his attitude of 
the negro labour council is fear of the trouble it can cause... .i don't blame him... 
he has copy of "We Charge Genocide" by civil rights congress, $1.50, the Ohio 
I>eople who sponsered it are MIKE BABINCHON : WENDELL PHILLIPS DAB- 

Andy suggests that Hayy WISE of the lUE can help a lot, he also is sure that 
the man behind the NNLC in dayton is BILL THAMEL head of the local UE. 

the vie president of the NNLC here is MC INTOSH who runs the west side dry 
cleaning on the north west corner of summit and germantown, mc intosh has 
according to freeman been a member of the communist party., freeman says by his 
own admission 

others active in the NNLC are ED BUMPUS, GHR.UE ; WILLIE STOREY, ghr 


EDWARD MC KINNEY chief steward of the ghr foundry, has told peopel there 
that he is a member of the communist party, he was behind the drive to get 
members of the plant to attend the founding convention of the NNLC in Cincin- 
nati on oct 28th 1951, also the meeting held in Chicago on January 6th 1952 of the 
nnlc. also active on the dec 9, 1951 meet here in dayton (sam paries came down 
from Chicago for that meet) 

14 January 1952 con't 

contacts on party activity in dayton 

THOMAS RICHEY 1347 Hachwalt MI 9264 . . will talk about past party activi- 
ties, worked at frigidaire . . . 
ASBURY TURNER 84 Barnet HE 7523 worked at delco should also talk . . . 
ROGER DUNHAM RR #1 Clarksville held the parties PO box (Box #582) 
in 1947. his references were FORREST PAYNE OF ue and HERMAN 
JAMES DEVINE lUE 1450 Burnet TAylor 9087 will talk if approched . . . 
ARNOLD BRAITHWAITE a chemist now residing in new york, very active in 

tl e party fronts in dayton about 1946 to 48 . . . 
WALTER LOHMAN iives in Yellow Springs, works at Vernay Lab. is very 

active in the left .... 
DICK KENT was head of the dayton YPA in 1948 . . . 

tuedsay 22 January 52. 

down to the chamber of commerece at 11am saw bob frame, they will give full 

cooperation toteh committee, had lunch with frame and some other people at 

the chamber, found out that 15 people made up the anticoh upa . . . that is of the 

present .... 

over to the daily news and the journal herald, following info. 

russ richardson sept 19 1948 . . 

march 14th 1947 ayd petitions at state house, July 13 1950 Stockholm peace 


progressive partv in davton June 20 1948. HM KIRKENDALL, CHARLES 




Feb 12 1947 issue of news on UET, and 31 august and 1 September 1948 on the 

draft . . 

another ex party member is robert Irilleen who worked at frigadaire . . 

left there and went over to iue, they have quite a bit of info and will turn it over 

to the committee .... 

went out to see rev. stoneburner . . am working out a speaking deal with him 

.... it should pay at least four hundred a month lets hope so . . . 

over the to moraine and home will sleep sound tonight . . . 

wed 16 January 1952 . . 
Tip at 10am and down town didn't feel to well, get a crick in my neck, joined the 
young republicains ... it shoud do me some good .... fred van alien of the rep 
committee suggests that i see jean whitticker of the dayton press, for he is in- 
terested in a guy to do the paper some good .... will call whitticker in the 

morning . . . nothing else new call whitticker tomorrow nd see whats 

cooking, hope that i hear from sid icassacs 

thursday 17 January 1952. 

up at 10am and called jean whittiket of the dayton and oakwood press, he has 
been looking for someone to head his advertising dept. . . 

i went out to oakwook(park ave) and had a long talk with him. . . he seemed 
quite interested. . . we set up a meeting at 7 30PM at his home at the end of 
grand avenue his brother and mike were to be there. . . 

i went home (2 : .30PM) and filled out my income tax, down town and had supper 
with martha and ed and John lindsley, it has been a long time in his coming 
but he finally arrived 

left there and went to whittikers home i discussed the possibilities 

of a negro press in dayton, of a paid circulation, of an increase in advertising, 
and a community relations program, they were sold. . 


as jean said "if uot for your past I would have taken you on this morning." 
in a way i don't blame him for being reserved about an ex communist, but 
i also feel that it might be for the best, for the committee up in state i think will 
offer a better job. . . . i like the press, and the pay $95. w but it would tie me 
down a lot, and i don't think I'm ready for it. . . . 

i also want to be able to refuse so that he might learn a lesson, when you want 
someone or something don't beat around the bush but take him on then. . . i did 
so want to work on the paper but so waaaaaa good nite dear fool. . . 

# # # # # 

friday January 18 1952, 

up at 9am called andrew freeman and made a 3 : 30 appointment. . . then called 

don appell he said that the hearings were set for 4th of february 1952 i 

then told shaw about it, thinking that the att general would try to get them 
prosponed. . . however i don't think he will succeed 

i then called sid Isaacs in columbus and told him i would be there at 6pm. . . . 
he said okay 

contacted martha and ed and had lunch with them at the van cleave (billie long 
was also thei-e) 

after lunch (at which time ed turned over needel nose to me for the use of the 
committee) we went to see ostelhoff, he had heard about me and was very warm. . . 
then to see a guy named baldwin. . . he is the insurance agent for the car. . . 

i owe him 35.00 then left ed and planned to meet him at 3 :45 at the 

parking lot. . . he was not there and i waited until after five. . srill no sign 
of him. . . . called martha and she said he was to at the news. . . called there 
and still no answer. . . 

had to get to columbus. . . . left sorry to have missed ed. . . . got to the state 

house they are reading for the open hearings monday and tuesday. . . . 

a 55 page report has been prepared. . . good work. . i started as of the 14th of 
January. . . . $300.00 a month plus expenses. . {GYz^ mile) not bad being i can 
still speak and sell counterattack. . . . 

Isaacs laid the law down to me and was right. . . don't affend people nor push 
any weight for the committee doesn't have. . also don't talk to much. . . . your- 
can say that again. DON'T TALK SO MUCH 

The coming week i have to prepare an outline of work in dayton in relation to 
the heai'ings. . . . 

1. get the stuff out of the news, then to lUE and then to dayton police. . . also 
cover the meeting of the NNLC to be held sunday 27 January. . . . 

tiered and enough work for one day good night. . . . 

Saturday 19 January 1952. . 

up at 9 am and down to waynesville. . . . the top blew off of ed. . . he had ac- 
cused martha and me of embarassing him, and treating him like a child. . etc. 
. . . martha is all broken up about it . . . she is planning on leaving ed for good, 
and leaving the community etc. . . i have tried to talk to them but it is to no 


dear god, why do what you are doing to two such nice people . . . ed and martha 
don't deserve to be apart for they are too much in love, even after IS years .... 
their love seems to grow ... I hope and pray 

back to dayton and up to the daily news, saw carl roberts and primed him on 
the hearings starting in columbus monday the 21st .... also got him okay 
to do my research in the news office 

saw a picture : Decision before dawn" a good stoi'y on people like me who have 
a convition and will do much for it, and how some people (1. e. military ones) 
can't understand it. . . . 

home and checked the peoples song bulletin for ohio reference . . . found 13 
of them and one with pictures of the group. . . . 


also remembered to check with the Ohio un-employment brerau on merlin brown 
who was last reported in the state 

home and called cuba sheldon we went oft with tish, and diet nelson . . 

up to a place near Springfield .... got home at 4 am and don't think I would 
care to do it again 

Sunday January 20 1952. . 

called the folks at 10 am, they sound fine, and will send my discharge. . . 

went down town to the journal hearald and checked some of there back issuus& 
on communism 

called marshall stroud and primed him on the open hearings starting tomorrow, 
that makes both papers that are ready for it . . also spoke to johnsey and 
asked him to get me a reprint on my picture . . shot the bull with barbara 
(birdie) butron, and pauline kelly. . . 

over to the meeting bahai at the biltomore 

back to the .lournal .... then to andy freemans .... he likes the idea of a 
negro press in dayton/ . . will call him tomorrow to find out the meeting place 
of the unlc next Sunday ... he said i could check with joe Baily at ghr to get 
some info on ue and the party. . . . 

HAERY MC GILL is pres of the National Negro Labour Council in dayton . h& 
workes at frigidaire 

the nnlc is planning on pickiting rikes and dayton railway co on their employe- 
ment policy . . . yhey sent a white and negro girl into rikes to get jobs during: 
the Christmas rush and the white girl was interviewed but the negro didn't even 
get an application 

"Peacemakers" against peace time fraft not party members. Dr. Ralph Templt 
of wilberforce . . ; mrs Caroline urie of yellow springs . ; mr. and mrs. richard 
easuuan of selma .... are left wing but not party.? 

James Hack 9 Notre Dame ave, former member of the party and should talk. 

William natz 1023 highland rd, ave. was party member but doubtful if he will 
talk. . . 

John romer, yellow springs is now a contractor was party member. . 

anthony russell, yellow springs vernay lab. was party member. . 

monday 21 January 1952. 

up at 9am and down town to the bank, third national is no dice on loan, also' 
checked the pacific finance but there again no, where in the hell can a man go to- 
get a loan when he needs it. people are so mistrusting. 

made an appointment for rikes dept store about the pickiting. . . .over to Jack 
Green, he bought on sub to counterattack for father caughtnon. . . 

down to see capt. sheppard. It. marshall, and sgt st pierre. . . . the police will 
co-operate and are doing some work for me. . will stop back there on wed. to- 
pick up the info 

had lunch with harry beeker, he suggested i try dayton buick for a better 
car. . . did and saw a guy nomed ed stevans. . . can pick up a 48 buick or 50 

ford for less then 100 down not to bad will call tomorrow 

and cancel until i get some money. ... no jpoint to go into hock for it. . 

over at the dayton daily news and got the ball rolling on the newspaper 
clippings . . it will coast about 20 bucks for the whole thing. . . 

back at rukes at 1230 after spending some time with sherrif ben smith. . . Mr. 
Daniel Coughnour head of personnel dept of the store. 

on thurs January 17 1952 a delegation of four fi'om the dayton negi'o labour 
council (national negro labour council) visited the store to protest the non 
hiring of negro in equal jobs. . they were, harry mc gill pres. mc intosh vp. mrs 
geneva bumbus (wife of ed bumpus) secy, and a fourth who wasthe white girl 
that they almost hired. . . 

59886 — 55— pt. 11 2 


facts on mrs bumpus. . . 103 Grimes Street Dayton 7 ; FU 7770 she is 29 yrs old 
born march 8th 1922, has lived in vest va., new york city, where she worked at 
grants on 125th street, and lived in phila. . . . 

tueay 22 January 52. 

up at 8 30 am had a call from martha, she is okay, i called ted kirkpatrick in 
new york and let him know the news, he will be in Washington or make sure to 
get the story. . . . 

down town and tried to get a loan but no use. . . tape recorder should run 
about 150.00. . 

out to the fronteers club, speaker was piss poor. . . on russia but nothing that i 
didn't know. . 

down town and over to rikes. . . the photos were ready. . dan coughnour is 
okay he okayed my credit acct. for 150.00 and i used it to get clothes, cancelled 
my order at the metro. 

at 6 pm i went to lous dude ranch and the meet of industrial editors. . i believe 
it will be my last one for a while. . . i wont go unless invited. 

i was well received but somthibg missing. . poor lonely kid, betty rowlan of 
mc calls was there. . . made date with her tonite for tomorrow. . at a funeral 
home (boyer). . . . 

home and to bed 

Wednsday January 23, 1952. 

Up at 8 am and over to Davis Typewriter on North main, bought a new type- 
writer (which this is its first message) I financed it through the Royal People 

for a balance plus earring charge of $66.00 

Over to Standard Register and saw .Jordan Hill. He gave me the full account 
of Julia Margart Schell who still lives at the same Dayton address as in 1948. 
Over to the Household Finance and applied for a loan of $150.00 I think that 

this one will go through If it does it will mean that plus the 320.00 

to Irv, and the 1.50 to Rikes (15.00 Monthly) 66.00 to Royal (5.00) monthly) 
150.00 (198.00 after interest) 11.80 Monthly) and the new tape recorder I bought 
at Sears for 161.00 which will run me (14. .50) bringing total debts to 895.00 plus 
1400.00 to folks (46.80 monthly) Well at least I got my recorder and my 

cloths plus a new maching for writeing I will need to hit the jackpot 

in Washington in order to pay oif the world and get back on my feet. I also 
have an iusurancepolicy on the car to pay off. 

then comes the tax and the conversion of gi insurance oh well 

monry is everything money money, money and again money . . . I'll 

get it someday, I hope .... 

Over to Dayton Police and spent the day there typeing up reports for them and 

the committee out of there and over to UIE Jack Carter and Harry 

Wise will be reluctent to talk but will do so . . . Matt takeit easy with them, get 

Bill Snoots all way over on your sidefirst 

Have to check into Charlie Simms and Charlie Markum who are leading the 
master electric set up ... . 

Went to al movie and came home to type up my report whicg Includ the OWL 
Club in the 800 block on west 5th street, and the Farm Del Club on Ruth and 

Midland Get up to the Art Instutite and check on the left 

wing .... 

goo d nite 

24 January 52 Thursday 

up at nine am called the field and martha still has a cold . . . 

found a note from Capt. Sheppard and called him, he asked me to get down to 

see him .... 

I first went out to see Andrew Freeman at GHR and met Joe Baily who gave me 

some Information 

Down to Sheppard and he told me of the meeting of the Dayton Women for 
peace, the Legion had contracted him on it . . . LESTER GRICE MONT. 

COUNTY ADJ. The Legion has a good in in the party activities 

Will have lunch with Grice at the Canton Tommorow and compare notes . . . 
Out to Master Electric, and got a goo list of suspected comm nists . . . 


saw pastor stoneburner, and then down to the meeting of the peace group . . 
ANNE HILL Sect-of UE in GHR local .... 

Friday 25 January 1952. 

Didn't get to bed until 430 AM, I sta up mist of the night woth a cop at dayton 

police hq 

up at 9 am down to the HFC and picked up 150,80, to be paid back in 18 mo. 
that is about all i need at the present. . . I was able to pay my bills, pick up a 
new hat and two pair of shoes . . . plvis some food that i needed. I went to the 

movie and saw Bob Hope in "My Favoriate Spy" with Heddy Lamar 

Turned in a report to the Brea and to Dayton Police on the meeting last nite. 

Called vSid Isaacs and found him to be in Cincinnati due to be in Columbus 

on Tuesday morning. . . . Will be there and go over my reports 

Had lunch with the Legion Club at the Canton Rest. . . They eat there every 
Friday at Noon .... might inquire into it more after my return from Wash- 
ington Lester Griceis County Adj . . . works at Dayton Power & Lgt. 

Stopped by the Republican club and got my ticke to the Mc Kinley Day Dinner 

at the Biltmore Asked Gerrie (lives in Billies House) if she would 

like to go, and she suggested I call her Sunday at TWA. . . . 
"When I got home last nite I found a letter from home in which a beeting was 
mentined. . . My father was beaten and robbed on the 2.3rd street sugway sta- 
tion in ny. . . . i don't think it wasa strait robery but rather a communist in- 
spired plot to intimadate me 

I am checking on it through the FBI, Al Feigen and the NY Police. . . hope they 
get the guys and I hope it turnes out to be non party . . . not so much because 
om me, but fear that the folks might have. . . . 
home and went to bed at 11pm good nite. . . 

Saturday 26 January 1951 
up at 9am and down to rikes, it was raining like hell. . . . 

(all told there was 3 and .33pt inches of rain in a 24 hour period . . . the city 
felt it with basements flooded and many of the creeks over loaded. .) 
picked up my clothing at rikes, and over to sears and got a recording machine. . 
i plan to use it tomorrow forthe recording of statements. . . 

I called James Divine, Asbury Turner and Thomas Richey all of whom agreed 
to talk tomorrow. . . James Hack didn't agree until he has contactec Shaw of 

the B. but I should get him Tuesday nite 

Louis Booth of 505 Lexington Avenue is not so willing to talk but I will get 
around to himmm. . . I think he will see the light. . . 

Met ed lavins. and went out to the Freeze place . . they were very cordial but 
they don't think right . . . spent the afternoon and evening there and picked 

up pleanty of information 

home and to bed 

Sunday 27 January 52. 
up at 10 am down to police station to check addresses. . 
out to richey house . . got a good statement from him. 
out to divine house same as above 
and also with asbury turner 

had dinner called booth and will meet hm in the miami at 4pm tommorrow 
went to show with lee hahn, saw tight littel island and the lavender hill mob. 
home and found a message from ed, they are stuck there and need a car, 
down to waynesville. . . 

Monday January 28 1952 
up at 8 am in waynesville. where I had gone to rescue ed and martha from the 
flood, and the evils of no car . . . . 

We had to go to fairborn the back way and log way around .... I got to 
dayton at 11 o'clock ... I had the car, which had gone 5,000 mile without it, 
greesed and the oil changed, also a tire put on, and the battary rack fixed .... 
down towo lunch, over to the bank, paid a bill for martha at Pacific Fin. saw 
bob frame, missed harry hall, over to rebublician hq. met howard young, paul 
paul sckenk m. c. . . . also herbert walburton head of national young 


at 4pm i met louis booth and finally got him to talk I called shaw and 

got hell for using his name, which i didn't do ... . people sometimes get the 
story mixed and they always call that office . . . there is nothing i can do about 
it except talk less 


over to the biltmore . . . for the mc kineley day dinneer .... met jerry hertzojr 

chairman of dayton y. r., betty (have date with her for 16february 

dance and party 

met heads of local republician party home at lam and to bed . . 

tuesday Jan 29 1952 

up at 11 am and up to columbus 

sid wasn't in until 3 pm, but in the mean time i had a chanceto go over my 
material .... 

hen he got in he was very pleased with what 1 had done over the past week . . . 
weplayed the recordings, (the commision bought mefive more rolls of tape . .) 
and went over my report. I had some material that they didn't have there . . . 
left the office at Gpm went out to florences, and then down to the southern hotel 
and a nite of rest .... 

wed 30 January 52. 

up at 8, picked up the car, took it over to the packard place for a new fuel 

pump . . . 

over to the committee, spent the morning going over my yellow springs 

reporst . . . 

got my first check for 90.00 not to bad for one week take home pay .... 

just about have enough for Washington .... 

back in dayton (will yest in columbus next monday 11 Feb 52) and saw doc 

fischer gave hime the storyl 

called up betty billings and took her down to the shack in waynesville where i 
fed the cats .... 
home and to bed . . . 

thurs 31 jan 52 

up at nine andresistered to vote . . saw jim Jenkins and discussed y. s. signed 

rep nom petitions . . . 

down to waynesville and fired up the stoves . . . 

over to .vellow springs and say chief russell bradley and dr adams of the antioch 

fact . . they will help . . 

called tavanner and found out that the hearings are set for wed .... 

to the young rep metings and met some people 

friday february 1 1952 

dow at waynesville at one am and spent the night there ... up at 6 am and pre- 
pared for the sojourn to Washington . . . 
martha is goung to be over sunday . . . 

plane trip (twa 11 45 am to 1 30 PM) was un eventfull 

got to wash and cheeked in at the congressional room 408 . . . 

over to the committee, and met with beal,, my test will take two days starting 

wed 6 f eb 1952 . . . spoke to daon appel and will seehim at the office on 


over to see congressman paul schenck,, very cordial and will have lunch with him 

on monday . . . 

over to senator John Brikers office ... we (Ed and I) went over the party very 

thoroughly hinted that the senate committee could use me and the 

senator was interested 

I mentioned that the Ohio Commision was in need of funds and friends, and 

he said that he would do something about it, and lend his support to the making 

the commision permanent .... 

I told him that I would let him have all material that was pert to his campaign 

coming up ... . 

the bricker deal is onethat both ed and I think will pay off for the betterment 

ofthe fight against communism . . . 

Brikers approach seems to be one of an honest attempt to do something in the 

keeping of the fight alive in ohio .... 

heis interested in material on the Toledo Blade, and on O, State U. 

the one dissapointment was that they are not going to have any of the party 

member down but we still think that the story will sell. 

back to the hotel and called dick cull, and glen thompson of the inq . . 
both the news and the enq will have first crack at the story in sunday papers, 
a days work done ed and I are going to get a story outline in order . . 


Saturday february 2 1952, 
ixt the congressional hotel in Washington d. c. with ed edmiston . . . 

lip at nine am had breakfest with ed at the hotel . . . 

over to the committee and did some research on the national negro labour 


ed camein aboiit noon and we went down to paul schenck office, , , we invited 

him down to the hotel for dinner, thinking that he was not to busy over the 

weekend, but as the case was lie had other commitiments . . . 

got a few leads on some party boolcs, and went down town and picked up some 

16.00 woth of party literature .... 

back to the hotel . . . . ed had called some people this morning and had no luck 

(Chicago tribune , scrips etc.) 

at the hotel hehad called the liearst b(iys and dave sentner said he was interested, 

he and jack elements of king features came up and i think they are ready to buy 

the story , if they are it will be in the ny journal american first and then the 


we are hoping that it sells . . . . ???????? 

if it does we will be in ny monday at 3 pm 

it should at least pay for the Washington trip and then some . . . 

if it doesn't sell at least we got a bottle of scotch out of the deal . . . (haige and 


■ed is not to inthuseastic about it but i have a little faith in human and especially 

hearst and his babies .... 

i hope that monday doesn't prove mewrong .... 

wed february 6 19-52 

Tii/2 iit 6 am and over the questions for the committee. . . . 

hearings starte<l at 10 : 30 am and went along fine until noon. . . got to the street 

and found out that king geoi'geof england dies. . 

what a hell of a break for the king to die and just on my day of triumph 

pushed me right off the front page. . . 

■oh well I'll have my say in due time hope it is soon. . . not to satified 

with the deal as it has gone was far as ed is concerned. . . he is to dam lazy. . . . 

from now on i will have to work it alone I'll do better that way 

He tries but his main trouble is that he has to be top dog and have the doe to 

splish, which he doen't have now and thats to bad 

afternoon session went along alright. . . . ended at 5pm. . . . the questions were 

okay an 1 all finished tomorrow we have to questions from the members 

will have to fill oiit my vouchers 

seethe Mc Carran boys and find out what they want to do,and then call howard 

Tushmore get the poop and then set up a meeting v>'ith the investigator 

for the new yonk schools 

liome and yo bed. . . 

monday 4 february 1952 

up at nine and over to the committee,, couldn't get ahold of don. . finally did 

at noon and were able to catch a train to new york. . 

there at 4pm and over to jack clemints ofiice on 57th street. . . 

lioward rushmoreis going to do the series 

price is 7.50.00 

spen the night with howard getting the story together. . . it turned out quite 

good. . . . 

back to washing on TUESDAY 5 FEBRUARY 1952. . . 

had lunch with marthe and ed. dan came over toe room. . . . we finally went 

over the questions 

liad dinner at 6 pm over to jack Vincents homeand to be. . . 

thursday 7 feb 19542 
up at nine and over to the committee. . . . 

test started at 10.30 and was hot and heavy on the question of passporst. . the 
■committee will take action on it. . . 

over at noon and everybody was happy. . . the papei's started to carry it. . . 
daily news called me and was unhappy oger the sale to the journal. . 
Ed is likely to get the job in Washington as an investagator for the house. . . 
met Connors at the senate committee nd he gaveme a subena for the 13th 
also met wit cevitic anf had a beer with him , he wil be in columbus monday 
which means that i don't testife. . . . 
took a 7pm plane out nd was back in dayton at 11 


to be and on 8 feb friday 1952 . . up at 8 and called sid Isaacs . . the yellow springs- 
story broks and lonsedup a good pitch. . . 
hope to get it all straitined out. . . 
howard rushmore called and said that a booking agent wants to get the tour 

under way hope so. . it fan mean loot. . . 

got a 1948 Packard conv at the dayton buick. . . good deal and fine car , , , over 
to younge rep teen agemeet and home at 11pm. . . 

SATURDAY 9 February 1952 

up at 8 am and up to columbus. . . i picked up three air forcemen as hitch hik- 
ers, , , got to columbus at 10030 am and saw sid and jim. . . they were okay on 

the subject . . . had a long talk it looks as though everythig will be 

okay. . matt cevitic will be columbs on monday and will take the pressure off of 
me. . . . vince pire is in ohio. . . . i have to run andx ident on him ad get a sub 
served. . . . 

back in dayton. . . the new packard is running fine will see jim ratliff 

tomorrow. . . 

the check came. . . . needee it. . . 

i paid all the outstand bills 

next bills to be apdi on 15 march. . . 

up to see betty billings and then home to bed. . . good nite. . 

simday february 10 1952 

up at nine am and down to waynesville to give ed the 225.00 before leqv- 

ing i called the mother of mildred schell and got her Cincinnati address. . 2357 

St. James walnut hill babtist church. . . 

got down to Cincinnati and had lunch with jim and mary ratliff .... 
over to see schell she and francis taylor will talk to a very small ex- 

will see taylor next Saturday at 1 pm in the miami hotel and scheel at her home 

next Sunday at 3 pm 

back to dayton and stoped by the miami valley hosp to see betty billings. . .. 
then called james hack, and he said he Avont talk. . . . 
also called louis booth but heis out of town . . . 
watched television and went to bed. . . . 

monday 11 february 1952. . 
up at 8 am and to the dayton buick co. . . 

got the plates for the car anf the water hose fixed. . . up to columbus and got 
there at noon the he.'u-ings of matt cevitic were just about to start. . . 
had lunch with jim ratliff and ed edmiston. . . . back tothe committee and 
did some work. . . 

all is forgivin. .about the antoich deal. . . . matusow keeq your big mouth 
shut. . 

in dayton 1 got a copy of the testimony and the money (52.96) from the senate 
committee. . . . 

made res on two for new york tonight 

packed and was off. . 

TUESDAY 12 Februaty 52 
left dayton at 1 am on a twa airliner headed for new york. . . before leaving 

i saw howard hensley. . , at the biltmore and had a few drinks with him 

i arrived in new york at 4 am and had breakfast called the sepcial service 

squad in the police dept and got noweare. . . 

down to the tenth squad and inquired about the mugging on the 22nd. . so far 
no sucess. . . . 

down to the journal, and found that rushmorehad gigpne to miami on vaca- 
tion he will be back in a week or so will call him, over to 

seejack elements. . . he was of some help but said goodby and down to Wash- 

registered in the hotel, and then went to be from where i slept until 6 30 am in 

the morning 

WED 13 February 1952. . . 
over to the senate committee and saw don conners. . . . the questioning wasbrief 

and pretained to the DOPWA, IPR, and Peoples Songs etc 

Had lunch with George Lippert of the Y Rep. . and a asst of the Rep Senator 
from Mo. ... I was able to sell them on the question building the young repub- 
lican organization 


had dinner with jack vincent saw a fight on TV and went to 

bed. . . . 

THURSDAY 14 Feb 52 

Arrived in NY at nine am and over to the officeof Clark Getts 430 Pk ave, we 
arrived at a deal and I signed a contract. . . . Picked up ny daily news of 
monday where they used mein an editorial. . . over to counterattack and saw 

ted kirkpatrick and had lunch with him i left a copy of the testimoney 

with mc mnamara and he will send it back to meheer 

out to see dr. jansen he is very anxious for me to work on the ny 

school situation. I will get a leave of absense in march and go to 

new york for a week. ... I will work with John dunn, and lou moskoff 

over to the field and home. . . 

Saturday 16 February 52 

finally got to rest was sorting things . . . bought a file cabinet and a few 

letter files. . . . 

thingsare getting so that I will be needing moreroom. . . 

got a call from harl shaw. . . . they want me in new york. . . . got on a 6 30 

plane and landed at la guardia at 9 :30. . . . 

got a room at the JIc Alpin went up town and saw the folks. , 

down town at mid nite and to bed. . . 

Sunday 17 february 1952 

up at eight . . . had a bite to eat and down to foley sq. . I was early 

Roy Cohn and Al Bender came in, I am working with Al Binder ... all under 

Miles Lane. . . . Mr. Marx. . . . 

boys on the sixth floor. . . John Murphy, John Kleinkoff, Hardy, Clem Turner 

and chief Frank Carr. . . . 

left them at 6pm and went to a movie (Martin & Lewis Salior Beware) back 

to the hotel and to bed. . . . 

Mondy 18 Feb 1952 
Down to the Foley Sq Office at SAM and got to work on books etc. . at noon 
murphy and I went to the University PI Book Shop and I found a great deal of 

my old literature back to the office after a sucefful book hunt . . . 

left new york at 630 on the twa flight 371 . . . after meeting with the dep't& 
att. TAYLOR. . . 

tuesday 19 f eb 52 
up at 8 and over to the office in columbus .... 

sid was all upset and I feel is unhappy about me . . . but I' can'T help it . . . 
when your fighting communism, you have to punch, and somebody is going to 

get hurt back to dayton 

didn't do much but got a days work done 

went out to the field and saw mr. boyce and then down to yellow springs and saw 
chief bradley .... then home and to bed . . . 

wed 20 february 52 
up at 8ight am, and home until 2 pm////finally got some rest. 

I went down to rikes and saw frances taylor who used to be in the ypa. she 
will talk and meet at at the police station tomorrow at 5 30 pm . . . 
over to iK)lice dept and shot the bull for a while .... 
saw parrish . . . she is warming up a bit . . 
had some trouble with dr. adams of yellow springs . . . but all is smoothed out. 

21 February 1952 . . . 

down to yellow springs and straitened out things with bradley adams etc 
spent most of the day there . . at seven pm i went over to see kay parrish . 

friday 22 february 1952. 

up to columbus and got together with sid and the boys at the committee to gO' 
over the monday hearings . . . sheehan of the j. d. arrived and we wnet over the 
staff the outlines arrived anf they are very valuable . . . 


Saturday 23 february 52, 

same as friday . . . only at night down to waynesville where I paid ed 126.00 

and owehim 176 morefor the car . . . 

stopped by yellow springs .... had a rip roring time . . . 

Sunday 24 feb .52. 

more work with sid .... 

monday 25 feb 52. . 

on the stand at the house committee ahd good press coverage . . couldn't 

ask for anything more .... got the ohio angle into it . . . 

tuesday . . . 

26 feb 52 ***** francis taylor and mildred schell both hostel persons, being 

coached by the day ton women for peace all the peace group were there 

home to dayton, and ready to shoveoff f or nY . . . . 

February 27 52 
got to new york and went to bed and slept for a long time 

february 28 thursday 
up atnine and downtown to the school office. . . . had a meeting with saul 
moskoff, and they (the ny board of education will use me) over to the journal 

americau and saw howard rushmore 

met a man named cook from the c.i.c he inquired about romerstein. . . 

had a good session with howard he got an offer to do a book. 

ZI will keep my fingers crossed 

over to the att office didn't get much done. . . . home a eight 

and to bed. ... 

friday 29 feb 1952 
down to the school office, and had a session with saul and John dunu. . . have a 

good working arrangmeut the boys the e 

over to the u. s. att office. . . . nothing doing. ... up to see ted kirkpatrick. . 

they publised my story on the weavers in this weeks issue 

out to teds house and had supper heis in the running for cingress and 

i hope that he gets it finished there at 9 pm and home to bed. 

I see where I got into the Lattimore hearings 

sat 1 march 1952. . . 

down to the att office, but not able to work back to the bronx and spent 

the evening at home. . . . 

Sunday 2 march 1952 
down to Washington. . . had some trouble with the car in relation to the gen- 
erator got to the hotel (congressional) and took it easy. . 

monday 3 march 
the party got a delay in the trial and i am happy about it. . . . made my social 
call around the hill (carrington ove at the house committee) paul schenck, 

clarence J. brown, not to much to do in general in the evening I went 

to the movie (Japan show) with helen Matterson of the house committee 

home at midnite and to bed. . . 

tuesday 4 march. . 
spent the day with sheehan of the j.d. and it looks as though they will use me 
at the hearings on monday. ... at noon i met with don connors of the senete 

committee i go on the stand tomorrow to a movie at nitde and 

then home to bed 

wed 5 march 1952 
hearingd on the youth movement before the senate. . . I will be used in the 
Lattimore deal next week. . . I was intro in test today. . . . saw rep fine of 
bx. . . home and to bed after calling ed edmiston and jim ratliff 

thursday march 6 1952 
np at nine . . . down to the senate office building and saw morris. ... it looks 
as tho i will be used next thursday in the lattimore case, saw m. c. bill ayers 
and he is hot on my ideas on the y. rep. . . . went over to the rep committee office 


in the george washiiigtom inn. and saw bob humphries of the publice relations 
staff, he is also hot ou the idea of a "YCL" YRL. . . . 

down town to see sheehan and got a days work in . . . home at seven and 
to be. . . . 

friday march 7 1952 
spent the day with sheehan. . . . had dinner with mary ellen leonard of ayers 
office. . . . home and to bed at midnite. . . . 

Saturday 8 march 1952 

10 am over to the house armed services committee. . . . con herbert gave the air 
force hell, and frankly they needed it. . . . tlie way the service wastes money is 
just god aufull. ... if privite industry had to operate the way the service does 
we would be under a communist state now. . . . over to aheehans office an 1230 
and worked until five. . . . got a hair cut and home to bed for two hours. . . . 
out to dinner, some television and then a few drinks with rep potter and Jackson 
of the house committee, they are on the way to detroit, where they should have 
a good show. . . . the party in mich is on the wayne thanks to the house com- 

when the hell is new york going to set one up . . . it sure is needed . . . half of 
the party members in the us are in nyc. . . . matusow you've got a job on your 
hands. . . . the only way your going to do it, is by taking the mc earthy ap- 
proach . . . "keep punching" . . . give im hell. . . . the question of communism 
in latin americas came up and it is a very good point. ... if we don't build in 
the americas we have to lose. ... its like a man insuring his home . . . that is 
the front and back . . . forgetting the insides. . . . well truman isn't going to 
do it . . . guess it has to be taft ... I hope and pray itis. . . . 

Sunday 9 march 1952 
Tip at 10 am didn't do much, went over the stuff with sheehan. ... to bed and 
awaiting the big day with the commies. . . . 

monday 10 march 1952 

on the stand at ten am, the party att (marcantonio) thought it would be elizabetb 
bently, but they were dissapointed. . . . 

mr. pasley and sheelian thought i did exceptionally well. . . . monday night i 
stayed at the hotel and didn't do to much. . . . 

tuesday 11 march 52 . . . 
marcantioio started his cross examination ... he didn't get to far. ... at one 
point he said, "beside communists are theye any ordinary people" i also got my 
digs in by telling him that the party did workin his election camp of '48. . . . 
finished at threepm, and over to the hotel . . . went to a movie saw the africiau 
queen . . . and to bed. . . . 

wed 12 march 52 . . . 
over to the senate build and saw morris, who said that he didn't know when he 
was going to put me on the atand. . . . then over to the house, and didn't do- 
to much. . . . went out to the pentagon and saw about getting a commision, but 
the service is still as thick headed as ever. . . . i decided to send in my resigna- 
tion to the air force, and from now on its no holds barred with the service, thtiy 
have just got to wake up or well h)se to russia. . . . those stupid bastards at the 
pentagon can't see that people like me are essitional to the whols defense 
effort . . . well some day . . . I'm not going to loose and sleep over it. . . . out 
to dinner and do some work and then to bed. . . . had a drink in the bar and 
met Bill Ayers, Congressman from akron. he wants me to go to colo springs in 
april to address the Young Republicians state convention. ... I accepted if he 
can get it approved will see him tommorow. . . . 

Thursday 13 March 1952 

10 am and over to the senate and there i testified on the owen lattimore case 

when it was over i had according to bob morris been a big help to them. . . 

I was very disappointed in the fact that they didn't use the issue of his son 

and the world youth festivile. . . oh well someday they will, and when that day 

comes they will did up the true story on edison sloane and how the kid fell off 

of a mountain . . 

I went back to the hotel and packed but couldn't get out for they wouldn't accept 

a check had to threaten to sue before they would let me out 

said goodby to Bill ayers and the rest of the Washington gang. . Mary ellen, Rusty^ 
Carrington etc. . . 


arrived in new york about mid nite on the way up there I picked up a coupl of 

marines and one air forceman and took them toteh hights 

in bed and sleep 

f riday 14 march 1952 

slept until about noon, then down town and saw ted kirkpatrick. . . spent some 
timeover at counterattack and then up to a movie. . . on the way home I saw Ray 

Fischer and went down to see top banana with hime nothing else for friday 

just sleep .... 

Saturday 15 & Sunday 16 march . . . 

nothing but home on Saturday and on Sunday i went up to yonkers to see benj 

schultz (rabbi) of the Jewish league against communism had a talk and 

then home. . . 

on Saturday i had dinner with sam levinson and assured him that I was not going 

to try to hurt him etc we left in the best of ? 

Monday 17 march 1952 

st pat day . . . down to the board of education .... started to work today over 

to see Jack Wren of BBD&O and cleared sam levenson down to seehoward 

rushmore and then over to the publishers the pub reminds meof alexander trach- 
tenberg . . . "Cheap" . . . doesn't look as though we will sell the book . . . Whileat 
Howards I met Alvin Stokes ofthe house committee . . . Made an appointment 
with him to see randy wood on wed at noon . . . over to dark gett's place saw 

andrews and frank . . then home 

tuesday 18 march 1952 

down to the board of education and then over to see al stokes for lunch 

(also jack Wren) set up the randy woood deal went out to brooklyn with 

stokes couldn't find Karen Morley . . . brought stokes over to tha 

board . . . and that was it home early 

wed 19 march 1952 

down to see daly of the new york times he paid 150.00 for the trip 

i can be of use to them in there suit filed by city college . . . left him and h ad an 
accident with the car . . . (450.00 Damages) the insurance co, was on the 


met stokes and randy and had lunch . . . Randy isn't telling all that he knows 

that nite i went dovv^n to randy's place and met with Inez and he I also 

found out that Larry Weinbery of west 100th street had gotten out of the marines 

and applied for a reserve commission I called Weinberg up but could get 

nothing out of him. . . 

thursday march 20 1952 

called up army intell and spoke to a guy named murphay .... also had lunch 
with cookie .... cook appreciates the situation but those stupid l)rass headed 
breaurea cats will lose the next war if they are allowed to go on the way that 
they are doing so now .... ah well it will turn out someday when they deceided 
that ex commies can fight the communists .... 
not much else .... home and to bed .... 

friday mar 21 52 

down to see ted kirkj)atrick .... then called John huber . . . also howard 

had dinner date with howard and francis R, we went to a tv show where howard 
debated with corlis lamont . . . from there to the storke (JB ROOM) then to la 
rues and the el morrace . . . met roy chon leonard (george) llyons, johnnnie John- 
ston etc . . . home at sis am .... and slept all day Saturday , out sat nite and a 

few drinks but back home and to bed 

sat and sun mar 22 and 23 1952 
home both days and slept and drank . . . nothing else 

monday mar 24 . . . 

■down to t he board and did some work over to seeal blinder and set to work 

the case in question then homw . . . 

still unable to find ben bordofsky . . . 

tuSsday 25 march. 

same as monday with one exception . . . i got my car out of hock and headed its 
nose back to dayton left new york at 10 pm . . after missing two appoint- 
ments that day with al stokes . . . i was there but where was he . . . 


Wed 26 march 1952 

drove all nite. . . . picked up a hitch hiker who was off his rokkker. . . 

let him out near Cambridge. . . . and on to columbus. . . I looked like hell 

dirty etc. . . 

sid had a balling out to give me on the question of stopping a check. . . 

i explained the situation and all is forgiven. . . . but matusow you have a 

damm big mouth, sometimes its to damm big. . . 

will do nothing over tlae weekend. . . 

got to day ton at 4pm and called a few people. . . . made myself at home and 

to bed . . . good nite. . . . 

thursday 27 march 1952 
slept like a log last nite about 12 hours sleep, down town and made the rounds, 
paid allthe bills . . made bank deposit, went to movie and saw greatest 
show on earth then to young republican meeting at green mill kk brown was 

speaker and did a good job on taft i was appointed head of press committee 

to sell 2,500 subs to rep news. 

had lunch with paul bushnell and talked over leigon buisness. . . . 

home to bed by mid nite 

friday 28 march 1952 

spent most of day down at repb hq. getting the press drive set up. had drinks 
and dinner with suzanne black. . . . down to teen age meeting where i spoke. 
. . . home about mid nite. . . 

Saturday 29 march 1952 

up at 10 am and did some letter writing down to repb hq and meeting 

with s. black and rose. . . . got a mailing out and then didn't do much. . . 

had a few drinks and hometo bed 

Sunday 30 march 1952 

down to waynesville and saw ed and martha. . . . trying ot get ed to go along 
with a radion show and newspaper col. ... he might go byt is afraid. ... he 

needs dough now went to see John matusoff and wife, called betty billings 

and went out for a drive and few drinks. . . . hame and to bed. . . 

monday 31 march 1952 

up at 6am and to columbus . . drove salior to field. . . got to col at 9am 
and got ready for the hearings. . . . 

monday march 31 cont. 

ed and martha did a good job, but ed was on the stand too long. . next man 

was de long he did a good job in coorabation went down to chillocothie 

with leo blackburn, he is running for congress, and i hopethat he makes it . . . 
will do a good job. . . . spoke at a veteran rep meeting and they invited me 

back. . . hope to go down and do a job room at the southern and to 

bed. . . 

tuesday 1 april 

had four commies on the stand and none would talk. . . . (oscar smileiek, anna 
h. morgan, terrell, and david jackson) all of of columbus. . . . after hearings 
i left job at commision. . . had lunch with boots cruthers of the legion news 
. . and he likes the radion and newspaper idea, as far as the legion is affected. 
. . he had some good tips for me. . . . back to dayton and didn't do much 
but sleep. . . . after returning from yellow springs saw brad and red fess. . . . 
looks as though the hearings did a job at the school, the people down there are 
out for my blood and hyde. . . 

wed 2 april 1952 

up at 7 and went down to wing and sold them the idea of show. . talked to 

Charles everything went alright except that ed backed down 

but he might come back to the right way of thinking, had lunch with billie long, 

and then home had to work on the show ... to bed early 

good nite 

thursday aprilS, 1952 

called ed again, but he still doesn't want to do the show. . . there is something 

wrong with the guy 

i now find out that he is the one that quit the radio show, they still want to do it, 

but ed is not to be found it just comes down to one thing, .... EDMISTON 

IS JUST A LAZY SON OF A but i still think he's okay. . . 


over to the station and talked over the show with charles evans. It'll sell ed 

or not. . . . 

had a few drinks and then home to bed. . . . 

friday april x4 1952 

messed around down town today and didn't do to much in the way of anything 
. . . went over to the Biltmor at about five. . met bob frame and majorie taylor, 
had a few drinks and then to show. . . . 
at ten o'clock went over to 504 oxford and saw norman nemof had a talk and 

a few drinks then home to bed. . . 

called the legion hq at Indinapolis but unable to reach the propee party 

Saturday 5 march 1952 

up to iudinia and the legion hq. . met with willand of the committee, he likes 

the show back at 4pm and took a rest. . . . down town at about eight 

and over to the red room. . . . johnie ray draws a croud 

met capt. John denny of n.m. had some drink and then went out to the club at th 
field. . . . saw charlie walton and pooha. . . . they are simple in many ways. . . . 
Walton is getting out very soon. . . 

Sunday 6 march 1952 
up at noon and then dow to the art institute to the ohio watercolor show and the 
concert givin by the ohio university. . . left the show and then drank my waj' 
around town. . . stayed sober and got home by ten pm. . . . slept t 

monday 7 april 1952 , 

down tothe radio station (wing) saw addie earnes. . . . the show is in 

sid Isaacs dd come late. . but he did bring the stuff 

had a call from a mr. Zimmerman of the dept of justice. . . don't know what he 

wants but I'll call and see 

lunched with majorie walker of the rep party and etc. ... at five 1 had drinks 

with frame and taylor 

toolv ta.vlor to dinner and then home. . . She still get looped on two martiuies 

over to rep hq. at eight and a veteran meet (rep. V.Club) meeting ended at 10 pm 
. . . Igot together with harry binninger and went to his place gave him and his 
family apep talk. . . migh pay off or not. . . i only hope that I got time to realize 
the importance of the newspaper. . . . home and to bed. . . 

tuesday april 8 1952 

not much except a day at rep. hq at nite i met harry binegar at a meet, 

and had a talk with him. . . he and his group need some guideance in the proi)er 
thinking. . . . the fight against communism is not a fight against negros and 
jews. . . promised himthat i would be at their meeting at the biltmore on thurs- 
day night. . . . that is after the legion meeting. . . . 

Wednesday 9 april 1952 
busy at party hq with the keiter for sheriff meeting. . . had about 50 people down 

made a dinner doate with norman and majorie for friday at 8 pm at the 

tropice. . . . 

thursday 10 april. . 
did a radior show for wing on the ue it raised all kind of hell. . . . had din- 
ner with harold noble and paul bushnell. . . went to legion meeting and met 
with them. . . . i was main speaker,, that guy turner is cracked. . . . i know that he 

is. . . after th legion over to the biltmore had a talk with harry 

looks like they might be of asome help in the search for a newspeaper. . .k 

friday 11 april 1952 
over to wing, and boy did the ue raise hell . . . they issued statement calling 
me a stooll pigeoji . . . just as the stuff w^as coming over a statement was issued 
by the McCarren committee saying that the hearings in Cleveland weere sched 
for 16 and 17 april 1952 ... on the ue . . . 

I saw ad karnes and it looks as though the show is one step closer to being 
on ... I wrote three scripts and sent them in to ad . . . while i was at the 
studio, the ue croud came in and did their recordings, for the time they bought to 
answer my cliarges . . . lo and behold the guy who was handeling it was DAVE 
FISCHERof the HY Times unit NY Newspaper Guild . , . 


Saturday 12 april 1952 . . . 

lip late and down to the station to record the show ... I left there at four 
thirty, over to see mrs Le Furtlia of 1227 Grand avenue . . . left there at 7 w^ent 
to a movie and spent the rest of the night in the red room . . , 

Mr. SouRwixE. Mr. Matuso^v, do you have your diary of your trip 
to Puerto Rico in 1949 i 

Mr. MatI'Sow. No, that dairy is in Judge Dimock's court. I liave 
not seen or had a copy of tliat diary since it was given to the FBI 
in 1950. 

Mr. SotTRwixE. Mr. Matusow, I send you what purports to be a 
photostatic copy of this diary and ask you if you can recognize tliat 
as such. 

( Examined by witness. ) 

Mr. Matusow. I am taking time because I have not seen it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, while the witness is examininjj: this 
diary, there are a few items that shoukl go in the record and might as 
well go in the record here as any place. I have here an exchange of 
correspondence between the chairman of this committee and Mr. Tomp- 
kins, Assistant Attorney General. I will summarize it as a request by 
the Chairman for information from the Department as to whether 
they had made any analysis of identifications made by Mr. Matusow 
to determine the percentage of cases corroborated by other evidence 
and a reply from Mr. Tompkins in which he states that Matusow ap- 
peared as a witness in 4 administrative cases before the Subversive 
Activities Control Board and in 2 criminal prosecutions. The number 
of witnesses called bv the Government in these cases ranged from 
10 to 22. 

Of all the persons identified in the Communist Party in these cases 
by Matusow, 90 percent have been also identified by other sources and, 
concerning the remaining 10 percent, the files of the Department do 
not reflect information to verify or disprove the identifications. 

I ask that this correspondence go into the record at this point? 

The Chairmax. So ordered. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits No. 79 and 
T8A" and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 79 

April 6, 1955. 
Hon. William F. Tompkins. 
Assistant Attorney General, 

Department of Justice, Washington, D. C. 

Deak Mr. Tompkins : In connection with the subcommittee's hearings on the 
Matusow matter, I am intei-ested in learning whether the Department of Justice 
ever checked to see what percentage of the identifications given by Matusow had 
been confirmed from other sources, and what percentage of such identifications, 
if any, had been shown by other sources to be inaccurate. If you have any infor- 
mation of this nature, I respectfully request that you make it available to the 
subcommittee as promptly as possible, so that it may be made a part of our 
record at our hearings scheduled for April 18. 

Thanks for your continued cooperation, and with kindest regards and all best 
wishes, I am 

Sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Suheommittee. 


Exhibit No. 79A 

April 19, 1955. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, 

Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 

Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator : This is with further reference to your letter of April 6, 1955,. 
in which you requested information as to the percentage of Identifications made 
by Harvey Matusow which have been confirmed by other sources and the per- 
centages of such identifications, if any, which have been shown by other sources 
to be inaccurate. 

As noted in my letter of April 11, 1955, the files of the Department are not main- 
tained in such a manner as would enable me to furnish the statistical information 
you requested. However, in view of your request, a study was made of the testi- 
mony in the six proceedings in which Matusow appeared. 

Matusow appeared as a witness in 4 administrative proceedings before the 
Subversive Activities Control Board and in 2 criminal prosecutions. The num- 
ber of witnesses called by the Government in these cases ranged from 10 to 22. 
In each case the defendants or principals identified with the Communist Party 
by Matusow were also identified by other witnesses or the identifications by 
Matusow were subject to positive independent corroboration. Of all the persons 
identified with the Communist Party in these cases by Matusow 90 percent have 
been also Identified by other sources either at trial or through information con- 
tained in the files of the Department. Concerning the remaining 10 i>ercent the 
files of the Department do not reflect information to verify or disprove the 
identifications. This 10 percent consists of persons not defendants or principals 
in the proceedings whose names were usually volunteered in connection with 
collateral matters and often on cross-examination. In no instance was an identi- 
fication with the Communist Party made by Matusow disproved through another 


William F. Tompkins, 
Assistant Attorney General. 

Mr. SouEWiNE. Are you able to identify this diary ? 

Mr. Matusow. That is a log, not a diary of a trip I took to Puerto 
Rico in 1949 ; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. As so identified I ask that it go into the record. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 80" and appears 

Exhibit No. 80 
Page Number 1 of Loge of Trip 

Thursday May 5, 1949 

Ted B. & Harvey M 

Got up at 745 AM and went to the Unemployment Ofiice. No suvcess in 
gettung check for next week. Got back home at ten fifteen and took baggage 
to the terminal and checked for the flight (PAA) Got down to the stand and 
said goodbuys to mother & dad. Went to 12th Street at 12 noon and got all 
the info that I needed. Saw Ted and made arrangements to see him at the 
school at 7 Pm. 

At two I left twelve street and went over to the school. Left my stuff there 
and went to the Fifth Ave Bar to see the ball Games) Giants Won 3 to 2 Mi e 
Hit Homerun in the 10th) (Dogers won by a score of 7 to 5 Robbie Hit Campy 
drove i Run) Got back to the school and Said Goodby to every body Promised 
to bring Atr Back anything that I find of Interest. (Also for Ben & Henry) 
Called and Did not Find Ted at the oflSce was worried for he was supposed 
to meet me at 7 and was an hour late. He called me and said he would meet 
me at 42 street. He got there at 830 we finished every thing and got in the 


car at 9 pm. Met a charming young lady nomed Mr. Harris who has been all 
over (Comes from Hatie) It started to rain and we boarded the plane (DC4 
WAA) Started taxing at 1030 but did not take off until 1050. View of new 
york at nite from a plane is a sight to see. Looks like London or any Other 
city after an air raid Truly the city of light. It is now twenty after eleven 
o'clock will continue writing after the trip has progressed a little furture. 

Have to write a script for the Film strip that are planned. (El Fangito ; 
Plantations; and Industrial) Fins for the fifth of May 

2nd Day Of Trip Friday May 6th 1949. 

The Rest of the Trip was uneventful, we got off the plane at 6 : 30 in Puerto 
Rico, Mrs Ha is close to us if not one of us ( Small World) 

Thou.uht we had an FBI Guy on our tail and am still not sure (My Bag Was 
Opened in NY) Met Lt Mc Murray still as degenerate as ever. 

At ten oclock we contacted Sais Corles who gave us the asddress of the 
Party, got there and did not find Ceaser Andreau he was at school. We waited 
a while and then took a trip to the school. A Very interesting place. Andreau 
was to speak on China but he was barred from the Campus as we found out 
later. . . Got back to the Hq and then had lunch in a Resturant in the Neigh- 
borhood. Counter man makes 14 week for 48 hours, but the prices are higher 
then that in the US, greater exploition. as I gathered is is the same all over 
the Nation The counter Man (Boy) had a real class concinues. 

Fianlly went back and spoke to to Ceasers Sect, said that he would be back at 
three, we waited, while waiting we read the Cubanin paper and some current 
party stuff printed in Spanish. He fianlly arrived and was very glad to see us, 
we talked a lot of business about the trip. He said that he didn't recieve 
Georges letter which was sent a week ago??????? (young teen age artist workes 
in the oflice) 

Juan Santos Chairman of the party arrived, got a very warm welcome. Con- 
tinued the same discussion. Decied to go to a Hotel for the Night and find a 
place tomorrow, (for 250 each we got a very nice room at the EUCLIDES 
in the hart of town Sent Cables form there) 

Went out and saw there printing press, very interesting, they dont have a 
paper, press now turns out a Nationalist paper. Left and had a beer with them 
all, Consuelo Sias Coralas Ed Director joined us and left with Ceaser, but not 
before we had started a discussion on CULTURE in PR and its relation to the 
Wrol in the NY Area. 

Also discussed the building of the youth and student movement. Will see 
ceaser tonite and continue and plan the trip. PR Has a high litersey rate. San 
Juan Pop 170,000, with sub has 250,000 the Country has pop over 2,000.000 
aera 3,400 

Page 3 

2nd Nite and Third Day of the Trip — 

Last nite at 730 we met Andreau nand went to his home to discuss the trip. 
We met his Wife (Jane Speed) & Her Mother Mrs. Speed. They are old time 
comrades from Birmingham Ala. they were quite active there. They Ran the 
Progressive Book shop there and missed all the terror for there family was that 
of well to do. and historical Background. They have been here for ten yrs. 
Have two ???? Children. — one adopted They have a crowded but well kept and 
pleasant home in the sububerbs. We talked about a lot of things mostly about 
the part in the south. Decieded that the trip would be planned tomorrow Sat 
May 7th at 10AM.. Will probably stay at the Hotel during our stay. 

Got up at 845 and washed, went to the airport to change our tickets, but 
found out that I had to go to the oflice which is around the corner. Ate Break- 
fest (Didn't see our Chum) Called Max W. Will see him tomorrow Morning. . . . 
Got back to the city and changed my tickek but cound not do it to teds. Will 
save 1125 on tax so will ted (He Went back with me and traded in at 300) Got 
to the office with five Coke and the meting was well under way. Hit all the 
points that ted Talked about (People there. Andreau; Ted; Consula Coralas; 
Santos; Me and Sias came late; Seed for the trip; ; ; ; Mon- San Juan with 
Consula ; Tues start trip around the Island with Santos Car for 10 a day will be 
back thurs nite. Fri will be decided later except fri nite Youth Meeting. . . 
Sat same as fri. Sun all day confrence. Mon final discussion. Tues Leav at 


Minuts of meet — 


1 Working class & Peasents should Unite ; Popular party 70% Vo 

There is little difference between the WC & Peasents here, for there is an 
interchane : ie Sugar Workers 125.000 of which 9,000 work in the factory 

2. They maintain good relation with the Nationalist & Indep Party. The Na- 
tionalist are a small but very sect group. Very diff to form a coalition. 

3. CP Reorganized in 1946 they are small numbers and very weak 

a. Lack of cadre. 

b. Strong group of Nationalists or Indep out of party who consider them- 
selves Marxists but wont Join party for they feel it will jepoderize the 
National Fight. 

S. The socialist party in PR is one of the oldists. It Built the labor movement 
but today they have no control of it for various reasons. They sold labor out to 
the American Imperialists and big busniss. The Joined the AFL. Held Polit 
Power from 1932 to 1940. Now have nothing 

5. There is a small proletiat but milliant;; Red baiting is being rebuffed by 
the people. They have a great admeriation for the Soviet Union. (As is shown 
by the sale of SRT) 

6. Party consentration will be in sugar. ; Longshormen ; New Industrie Needel 
trade Taft Hartley has only been fought by the UGT (CPU) once rep led 
it will mean the barrier will be down to the building of a left union of force. 

Govt says that 65,000 are unemployed. Doesn't count seasonal work. Little 
money to send delagets. There is no women org. No Ulnsur only 5 week to 
suger work 16 week, no work 8 Mo 

Page 4 

Trip Log Saturday Nite May 7 & Sunday Morning May 8, 1949 

At about 500 I sent my first and probably my last mail to the States. I bought 
a searsucker suit for 10.00 a very good buy. At six we started out to rio 
Ijeideris to see Judy and her Uncle Bob Manners. It took almost an hour to 
get out there. We got there and found a little trouble in finding the place. The 
city is something the equivalent of Westchester in New York. They greeted 
us very warmly. Judy had a date and left an hour after we gort there. Manners 
is part of a group of anthropologists making a study of culture etc. down here 
and has a lot of useful info for us. We stayed there and had a three & a half 
hour discussion with Manners, Francis Something who is an Economist (Don't 
know how she stands Max thinks she is S. D. Ted also thinks this.) and Man- 
ners wife. She didn't say much, and neither did I. 

The party people claim that there is no Negro Question in the nation, but 
is seems that people such as Manners, and Max differ with this. Ted and I 
also disagree with the party on this question. So far we have found no Negros 
waiting on tables or as counter men in the eating places. This is simaler to 
Cuba so said Ted. The Negros are prohibeted form the Pools, clubs, etc. very 
simaler to New York etc. It is true the under the rule of spain the Negro who 
had been a slave was discriminated against, but it is very true that since 
american occupation in 1898 the influence of the states has had its effect. A 
key question is this for a Negro P. R. Unity must be built In New York. (Use 
of the term Island in reference to PR is bad for it does not give the meaning 
of a Nation which is being fought fr) Manners also said the the discrimination 
"varies in dift'eresnt regions in the country. Southern part where Negi-o slaves 
were. Mountain reigon where there were few etc. 

Finally got him to agree that that the problem of PR cannot be solved under 
a Capitalist System. He had to change on the point on overpopulation and 
finally did admit that ther is no such thing. The capitalist class is always 
trying to push the Idea of over pop to foster the National Chauvinism. Also 
got him to agree that a National State of PR is important before the world 
atains a socialist eco for gains can and must be made all the time. PR does not 
want a Independence such as the Phillipeans got. 

Discussed in some lesser detail the the music and dance of PR. There is very 
little in the way of national dances that have been unaffected by the American 
& other Latin American Cultures. There music doesn't have to much of the 
refiection of the Struggles of the People but there is some and it must be under- 
stood in order to understant the struggle of the People and again in order to 
build PR Negro & White Unity in the States and also in the rest of the world. 

Called Max W at 930 and went to visit him at 1010. He is Single and has 
a very nice apartment averlooking the Harbor. Max works for the Com of 
Education. He was canned from the University after one year. They don't 


like Reds, But they needed him so he is doing some interesting work. Max also 
feels there is a Negor question and is right. Coatlition with Nationalists???????? 
He is wrong. 


Morning May 6th Con't) ) ) ) 

He also feels there with the progressives of the Monus Marine camp, for 
there may be some issues that the party can support. Will have to think and 
discuss that point a little more. In all Max is a very interesting fellow. Told 
a little about the student strike, and the Marxist Study group in the University. 

A New bill has just been past to give 3/4 million to community educat this 
can and will be a strong prop means of education the people, hope that some 
good progressives get Into it. 

Page 66. Afternoon and evening of Sunday May 8, 1949 

Santo & Deusdedit Marrero a social worker and party member in Youth 
Picked us up at 12 O'clock had a coke downstair and went to santo's house. It 
is in the area called Marten Pena on the river, it is very simaler to El Fasento, 
but not as large. Marrero is of a middle class background and he speaks eng- 
lish fairly well. He told us that the struggle for Unemployment Insurance 
and Social security has been going on for 13 years, and has yet to succeed. 

Those over 65; blind; Children ( Needy ) ; Incapataced get 750 monthly. 
There are 33,000 geting this and there are 44.000 more trying to get on the 
list. This is in addition to the 5.00 I mentioned yesterda for the sugar workers. 
This figure is by now incorrect for the number is imcreasing at a very fast rate. 

There are 10.000 Gov't Workers here ; there are 200,000 Unemployed or par- 
tialial unemploved about 10% of the Population. The Gov't budge is between 
23 and 25,000,000 yearly. 

The diamond Industrie was moved here during the war to flee the Germans in 
Belg & Holland and at that time the market was good. There were about 1.000 
people employed in the Industrie, today only 500 are woi'king. This is due to 
two things in the main. Gne the recapture of the market by the Monoylies in the 
European Countries and the other is the drop in the Market due to the coming 
and already here reseccion.****English has changed some of the language of 

p T> ***** 

Was told that the University has some sort ofa quota system. Have to check 
into this. It is true that there are fewer Negros in proportion to the Negro 
Population of the Island. Also that there are No Negro Officers in the 
ROTC ?????/ There are No money collectors in the Cafes behind the counters. 
Saw dole Pinapple in a store window and took picture. They gi'ow enough 
pinapple here for the Island Needs and yet there is some brought in. There is 
also another influence of America. The 5 & 10 cent store is here to stay. Went 
to the Town of Guamabo which is 14 miles from San .Juan. On the Road ther e 
is a Jail which is overcrowded, a cemetary which is overcrowded, and Insane 
asly etc and a TB Hosp Etc. The Jail is the only one which has no waiting 

lists At Guamabo there is a nerseary home which has a wating list as long 

as the country Children in area of the Home of EUGENE LANDREAU the 
Treasure of tee Construction Workers union lives. Children have no shoes and 
little cklothing. Play ball with a peice of paper, hauses are very bad in condi- 
tion, most of the area are negros. WHO SAID THEREIS NO NEGRO QUESTION 
ON THE ISLAND UGT Has the const Workers 17,000 strong 15,000 in the San 
Juan Area Skilled started at 40 and are up to 80 and fighting for 110 Unskilled 
started at 15 are now up to 40 they worlc 44 hrs a week. Small shops where tlie 
boss knows and has personal contact with that workers has hindered the 

Visited the largest low cost housing devt in the world?/ Houses are poorley 
built. This is due in part to the speed up which the boss started Working to 

build a house in 30 Hrs Now i it is 24 Hrs FHA Housing Inspector has been 

Bought ofl: ??? Mr. Long who built the houses is imported from the states SC 
and would not bargen with the head of the union because he is a Negro. Whoes 
family is one of the most Revolutionary Familys here. 

Page 7 Evening of Sunday May 8, 1949 

It seems that the Landrau's had gotten Kings (SPANISK) land for there 
services in fighting the Dutch & English Piarest in the 17th Century, They had the 
land until some American co swinddled them out of it, as was the case with many 
a revolutionary Negro Family. 

59886— 55— pt. 11 3 


We at 7 stopi>ed off txxx in the jeep which the union owns, to get some food, 
which is to be of a real PR Nature. Then we went back to Rio Peadres where 
we were to Meet Max At tlie liame of Bob Armstrong who is witli the Anthro- 
pologists We were to be ther at 5 : 30 and called to say that we would get there 
at 7. at 815 we got there after lost on the cmapus. We halle d a Publico and 
he tryed to help us. Finally we stopped a Young Fellow on the Roard & It turned 
out that he lived with Armstrong and was one of tlie People who we were to 
see. His Name is Sid Mins. The fellow who was supposed to know about all 
the folk music and dance of the Country. He didn't know too much, except the 

the Bamba & Pansa are the national dances of PR Played some Xmas 

Carrols. . It seems that a PR Folk song wliere you can make np new verses 
is used in the Politival Canipagins. Met a fellow named Richardson, Don't 
know liow he stands, nor do we know bout Mins and co. Richardson has been 
here since 1924, but the others are going back in Sept. left there and took the 
bus and came home. Good Nite 

Page S Monday Morning and afternoon up until 330 

We got up at 830 and got ready for the days trip. I went to the ticket office to 
clieck on the reservation, and found that my hunch was right. We had been 
booked for mouday so I changed it to tuesday. Got to the Hq about 12 minutes 
late found Andreau and Sanyo with Consnla there. Concula was to take us on 
todays trip. Ted arrived and we started. 

We started off the Day in El Fangatio. It is something that foster talked 
about but you couldn't realize abiut until you got there. There are some 50,000 
families in the MUD HOLE. It extends around the city which by the way 
includes Marten Pena (Beutiful Blue Sky) (Shanghi). The Gov't is trying to 
tear it down to build a Nay Base. People will not move from there homes that 
they have lived in for ten or more years, A lot of them are unemployed and 
can't afford to live elsewhere. They should be primmited to stay, but the govt 
should tix the place up, and it can be done. They could pay something like 2 
dollars a month for so many years. There is the real foundation for a peoples 
struggle here which will help build the party. They only need leadership for 
they are already in the struggle against the American Imperialists and there 
tool like Marios Marine. , , , , , 

I was yelled at for taking pictures for there is a real HATE for Americans 
from the States. The Fellow said that I should pay him $5.00 for the picture. 
Concula saved me etc. . . . The Govt offers payment of $1.00 for a home that 
might have cost 5,000,000 and the people don't want to move. If they do they 
have to pay rents of 8 to 15 a month which the unemployed can't afford. . . A 
Lot of them make there money from small busnisses at the Hole, but in the new 
place they can't have these business, for American and PR Bug Business takes 
over (by the way M. Marine said that PR Can build and Econimy in a free 
market with USA. If The USA Floods the PR Market why can't PR Industry 
flood the USA.) Took a lot of good pictures of the Mud Hole. When Truman 
passed he had a car on each side of him so as not to be able to see the El Fangaio. 
There is a story about hime. When the american girl who was friendly with 
the people fell in the Mud hole up to lier neck, they said why does it have to be 
my friend, it should happen to TRUMAN************ 

One more story. The American came to PR And said all during the first part 
of him stay that everything in PR was small. From the cows to thr people, 
well one day he asks to be taken to a farm home to sleep. Being a very reaction- 
ary person he was not liked by the people. They did not like his reference to 
the smallness of everything here. Well the people he was staying with put that 
nite a Land Crab into his bed. Here in PR The Land Crabs are very big. . . 
Well when he got to bed he was bitten something terrible by the Crab. In thr 
Morning he got up and said that everything in PR is small except the Bed Bugs 

They are the biggest he had ever seen Went to the Land Authrothjr 

where the Govt has taken over some land and distributed to the people. They 
dont own it but they lease it, and it is a very good deal to some of the people. 
We stayed at the home of a comarade Named JOAQUIN who had a very good 
acre. He was our guide for the afternoon. ... (In today paper there was a 
statment by the Head of the University on the Barring of Andreau from speakin 
on China last Fri, this is in answer to thr Andreau statment. In the states they 
don't do this, , , , , , 


Page 9 May 9, 1949 con't 

Was out ot a private sugar mill where there is sugar that is to be sent to the 
United Staes and then sent back to the Island, Why can't they do it all here, 
Ha Ha 

Very large sugar plantation about three hundred workers . . in fact Field 
workers get 2.81 a day and work about 2 days a week, but every six months they 
get two weeks steady work. Those Mashetties are very sharp. . Ted went back 
to the Hq and from there went to El Fangatio with Santo to see about the Meet- 
ing . . will gind out more later. I was to the Govt Picture Dept. I hope to get 
38 8 by 10 to take home with me. No cost????? Came back to the Hotel and met 
a socker (Football) team from trinad. They ai-e Mixed which is good. Negros 

know about Jackie Robinson etc. they get mag such as ebony See them 


Ted was outo the meeting at El Fangito and it was quite good, there is a real 
peoples movement in the slum. People don't like the way the Govt is treating 
them. Will hear more about it later. I went out to see Judy and she had com- 
pnny a few people were going to New York, Nothing happned except that I got 
a little drunk. Saw Ted and he sadi that we have to get up at 7 for the trip. 
Page 10 May tenth 1949 

Santo got there at about 715 with the editor of the paper. We went to get some 
film and then left the city at about 755. It seems that the orange and Grape- 
fruit Industrie was started but the states put them out of busniess. They could 
have a market for it elsewhere but due to the fact that 98% of trade is with 

USA it cant be done. Trip is from San Juan to Ponce the 2 city Pop 125,000 

we got there at 3.30. Some of the most beutiful sceanery in the workld. . . It is 
a very bad road and santo is a goog driver. Saw some comardes along the way 
and visited Manulies Father, in Coamo. . . along the way it was mostly sugar, a 
little tabacco and pineapple Poverty is all over the island. 

Met Maguel Bahamonde a Lawer who has been party very very long. He has 
pictures of Lenin & Stalin all over his OFFICE Walls/ Also met a doctor who is 
very wealthy and in the party. We need more workers in an area such as this. 
Have all sorts of Industrie. 

Sugar Tabbaco, Needle etc. Ted and Santo will see them tonite I am going 
to sleep 

Wed May 11, 1949 Page 11. 

Got up at 7 o'clock at breakfest and heard an army broadcast. The News 
is something that is geared to make those who listen to it have a feeling for 
war, for that is all that they say. Said goodbuy to Dr. Lanauze. He is one of 
the Indep who would be party members if they thought that party could help PR 
More. Left Ponce proper abd went to the suberbs. There we visited some 
comrades who live in a housing development. The Husband Has pictures of 
Marx, Gorkey, Stalin, & Lenin on the wall etc (It is the thing in all party 
houses here. ) but the wife is a cathloc and has a picture of Jesus. It is like this 
all over Italy etc. Went to a fertilizer factory on the water front. It smells 
thre. The UGT Has the place under contract. Met the Leader of the Union. 
Took his picture as I did with all other people that santo introduces us to. I 
can't hurt there feelings but??. They are planing to move that factory which 
has been in Ponce for 20 years to another city. But that will close the one in 
Ponce and throw the people out of work. . The union is trying to get the Co. 
to move the families of the Workers. They shoulf suceede. This was on the 
waterfront. There was a Texaco Tanker and another frieghter there. Small 
Port, heaving Imperialist Exploitation. On the way from there we passed a 
Strike conducted By the UGT. It is against Coca Cola, they want a five cent 
an hour wage increase and the co only offers them 1 cent. The Rank of the strike 
are solid. Took pictures of strikers. They employ 86 People All phases of 
the work are on strike. It is Island wide. 8 People are Employed in the Plant 
at Corona. Total of 600 Workers are out on hte Island. Pay is 38^ hour. Ted 
gave a speech to the Strikeres that lasted about 3 minutes. Expressng solidarty 
with american workers, and on on a free PR. . They (The Strikers) askes that 
when we get back to the states we get support for them on these strike. Cam- 
paign must be conducted. Union Leader. Emilio Ramos, Federico alcala Buenos 
Aries, 30, Ponce, PR. Organicer of the UGT. (Union General Workers) 

Went to Cabo Rojo on the South West cost. We had Lunch with some coma- 
rades there. They have sugar, Salt. In the Salt Mine they used to make 15^ a 
day. Now they Make $20.00 weekly. Our comardes have a stfong hold here. 


In 1939 they had a very millatint strike the police took a beating. They used to 
bring the Watre and still do briny the watre up here from Cabro Rojo (This 
is out of the town) 

• The Town of Cabo Rojo is about 15 Miles Notrh of the Cape of Cabo Rojo. In 
this region it is very dry and the farmin is very poor. They grow some cotton 
and As I said before they get the water elsewhere. We visited the hause of a 
family where the man is a comarade. They have six children and all of them 
work to make the most of there money at making gloves. It is a peice take home 
type of work. They get $3.41 for a dozen pair of gloves. It takes one person 
four days to make a dozen, they can make three pair in a full, and I mean full 
day. Their names are. Camacho Velez. The other families also work on gloves. 
they also work there farms, they Have one (CUEIvDA) This is the area where 
the strike took place in the SOties a CUERDA is 43 by 44, this is the result of the 
victory of the Popular Democratic party. It did not mean much in the economics 

of the Family biit they are brought to believe so It is a shame that 

the area is so dry for the land is one of the few spots in the Island that ther is 
flat land 

May 11, 1949 Wed Page 12 (Con't) 

When we left the Families of hte preceeding page we visited a comrade who 

had taken part in the struggle in hte salt mine in 1938 He has a big family 

and they were very cordial to us. Two of the boys played popular dance music 
on guitar, and santo and ted danced . . . We left there and went to the salt mine, 
which is not exactly a mine. It is the very southmost and western part of PR. 
There are locks that let the watre into large tanks. The watre is allowed to 
drain and th salt remains .... this is one of the three places in PR that salt is 

produced. There is quite a bit of it here This is one of hte few productees 

that is turned out on the island that is not sent to the United States for 
re-shippment to Puerto Rico 

We got back to Cabo Rojo at 730 and met a few other comaraxes who we will 
have a meeting with We will stay here tonite and leave for San Juan in the 

Starting next year the High schools will starte teaching thear courses in 
Spanish. Up until now they have been teaching all elementary and high school 
courses in english. In the History courses they teach more American History 
then Puertican History. They don't give much if any space and study time to 
the revolutionary struggles of the Puerto Rican peoples. They don't tell much 
about the struggle to free the Slaves which took place in 1873 

Dr. Ramon Betances who is called the Lincoln of PR. He was the leader 
in the obolution movement. The whole peoples of the Carribien have Paid 
tribute to him. He is from Cab Rojo and in the plaza there is a statue of him 
with inscriptions on all four sides. One from Puerto Rico. One from Cuba, and 
one from the Dominican Republic 

We just met the head of the Party in Mayaguez who is also head of the Needle 

workers Union in that Dictrict (Also PR Beer Center) Mayaguez is 

the third largest city in PR, it had a population of 90,000. (It also has three 
Sugar Centrals) All of the costal ai-ea is Sugar in Production, and in the 
center of the Island in the Mountains, it is Tobbacco, and Coffee, also on the cost 

there is pinapple, again to Dole Here is the largest group of party 

people I have seen together since I have bben here .... Here is the place where 
all the gloves and the Hankerchiefs are brought after the people on the farms 
finish with them the rate of exploitation is increased tremdol by this. The Needle 

factories have agents at Cabo Rojo, Sabana Grande, San German, You 

can go into any of the farms in the area and see the exploited people working on 
the Needle works 

Was just introduced to the Head of the Nationalist Party here he is a youth, 
and was the first one to be expled from the University during the Strike Last 
year during the election campaign 

Page 13 ; ; ; ; ; Wed May 11th Con't 

Youth from National Party — Pelegrin Garcia — more on Betances-Nationalist 
Leader Dr. P. Campos was denied addmission to the campus to for a speech. It 
was on the Status of Puerto Rico to be delievered to the United Nations. This 
was the second incedent. The first was when he arrived from Prison in the 
USA to PR they wanterd to dedecate the day as a holiday to pay there respects 
to him, they raised the PR Flag and it was taken down by the University Police — 
Three students were expelled permanantly for the raising of the Flag ... & two 


for one year, and steps were to be taken againgst other students. . . . The time 
that he was denied the right to speak was after an inviation by the student 
council. . . . After the speech was not heard the students assembled in the 
theatre and decided to have a one day protest. . . . Chanclor said that his word 
was law and the students had no right to protest so he called in the Police who 
arrived with SO. . . . (90% solid) Head of school would not speak to the 
students, because of the one day protest the school was closed for about two 
weeks. They announced that the school would be opned and at the same time 
the police arrested three students, one of whom was in Mexico at the Youth 
Congress. . . . After the arrests the strike went on for another week still as 
strong then closed for the second time. One student was arrested 22 times 
during the strike all this happned when the university was closed, they then 
opend it and announced thr final exams Which broke the strike, the strike was 
suspended for the summer session, in the fall it started again, for about one 
more week but this time it lost its militancy, fins. . . . 

Police broke up a student demonstration in Rio Peadris of two thousand stu- 
dents. Two students were beaten \ery badly by the Police and some lesser 
injury. Good old Police Brutality 

Page 14 Thurs May 12th. 

got up at 7 and ate breakfest. Santo lost his glasses. The bed in Cabo Rojo 
(Red Cape) was very bad, and the hotel stunk in all respects, but so what, it is 
working class. We ate breakfest at the home of a friend. Last nite they had a 
meeting here and was quite good, but cry was for money. Went to Myeguez to 
look for film and didn't find any there. Stoped at the market and ted got the 
radion fixed, and bought some sandles, and fruit, boy can he eat I fooled them 
when they thought I didn't eat anything buy having a green coconut, it is soft 
and the Milk is very good. Ted Picked up a Mechite as did I. We then went 
back to Cabo Rojo but on the way we atopped off at a down called Hommbrees» 
where someone once was supposed to have seen some sort of a saint, big deal. 
Visited some sugar fields went back to Cabo Rojo picked up Eugene who is a youth 
(He is Delegate to WYF This j^ear) The trip back was a very good on whith 
the exception of the rain. The roda was not that of hills, and is wason the 
coast. I've see enough sugar for a loong long time. 

Hit a town on the north cost and had lunch, there were some Sugar central 
owners there having a wonderful drinking on the sweat of the workers. . . , 
Hit the military Highway, more yankee Imper pa.ssed the Large airbase of USA. 
One Bad reason for there remaining here. Got to Aracibo and visited with a 
old time comrade. He has a son in NY who I have to look up. Saw some schools 
and all thr sub were in english. Picked up a kid and he spoke english, but 
wouldn't for it was a sort of protest, many of this kind of people. . . . Got to Rio 
Piedres at 8 and saw the Confused manner's and ASD Judy or its it ENGB. 
Went over to Annalivia Coderau house, she is in Marxist group on the campus, 
and her father is the auditor, with him I spoke of the relative merits of the 
Plymouth and the Cheverlot, when he left I was hit by the barrage of ENGB talk 
about the Popular paryt, boy can they learn a lesson on the National question, 
this shows where we have been lacking, for a lack of understanding in the 
negro question has a soon as they came here been transplanted into the PR 
question and a National Chau Fellow named Charlie Rossiaro of of the group. 
Bob Ai-mstrong came over and we made a lunchen appointment for tommorrow. 
I must admittt that for a few minutes thay had be going, and due to that I can 
see a lot of my own shortcommings, and can betterfight off such Ideas. If Ted 
were Not here??????wha would have happned to x me??????Missed the last bus 
and had to taxi home. Buy the way sent for $25 more a peice. 

15 Friday May 13th 1949 

Sont out cleaning. Check came and it was in the Chase National B^tnk, 
good old frank. . . . Ted has written some letters, Horay. . . Must write to 

George today Were on way out to Armstrongs and stopped off at P 

HQ. Caesar said we were to go swimming and meet him at 230. at two thirty 
we called and were on way out. Jane and Consula were to meet us there (Saez) 
Had a very interesting time with Bob A. He is the only one of this group that 
is on the ball. Had some interesting facts, such as even if the USA stays the 
money will be gone in a frw years, for no more vets payments, and a drop in 
the rum tax. His landlord George who is Prof at schoo has been here a long 
time, 24 yrs. but he climbed up on the fence anout 13 yrs ago and hasn't come 
down since. Thinks he is safe up there, poor fool don't know that if he and 


the others like him don't come down and do something they wont be worth a 
plug nickle before to long. He had some cockeyed ideas on the Negro question, 

such as the progressive role of the USA 

Went swimming and had a wonderful time, sculped a statue on the sand. 
Caesar tell me that Bob Clai fathee is here and is a hermit somewhere neer 
Cabo Rojo, also that Pete Hawes is the Almanac Pete, and he is married to 
S. M. Sister Ellen, small w^orld. They are but not to active if at all. Tried 
to get them and had to see the Schumms who are very nice people, they gave 
me supper, and he told me about the problem of fixing up El F, from the stand- 
point of an Engenierr, but he don't have a solution for it, at least he is honest, 
and he is strait in other ways. Made date with the Hawses for tomorrow. 
Went the YMCA To see maxes folk dance group. Boy that guy is really some- 
thing. The first thing is that he is popular, his group is Upper class, (He 
thinks he is doing something) He at the Wallace convenction here voted against 
Indep, the only USAers who voted ok were the Schumms aging good people, 

but admittley afraid But Max what a dissapointment 

Some of the Kids can dance, but oh that max 

Page 16, Saturday May 14 1949 

Got up at 830 ate breakfest and then went to PHQ, had a scheduled meet, 
it started at late hour 1115. They were discussing the reports that the CC 

were to make tommorow at the conference I spoke to Gene about the 

WYF and we figuer to cost about 600 or more. They will raise all expenses 
from here to NY and Back plus passport. Will get all the stuff on Monday. 
Caser told me about a girl (INDP) who will go and raise her own money. . . . 
also about a case of a Negro Student who was expelled. He has a scholasship 
to Prauge but cant leave his wife and two children. . . 

Saw the Hawses and she reconized me. He and she disn't have much to say. 
He gave me an interesting fact about tlie struggles for freedom, and that the 
PR were sold out buy some Cuban, and that PR was a tory stronghold, also 
some books to get, he is not all the way clear but at least he has his feet on 
the ground. . . . 

Got back to the Hotel and did some reading, read about Morris U S Schappes, 
very interesting. . . . Ted got in and told me to prepare a short talk for 
tomorrow, I did it in 18 minutes, we will translate into Spanish later and I 
will attempt to read it that way. Got to A. House on time for once. Had a 
chicken dinner. His baby is very cute. And had an interesting discussion on the 

Negro question and that on the SD's also of course ala and remenicenc 

for the speeds and ted. . . . Other people came and we started a discussion 

on the Youth Festeval, all set for the Girl w^ill get her name Monday Negro 

student is not going as of now. Juan is in PR and will see him tomorrow 

Looking forward to it. . . . The A's confirmed all that I thought about Max 

Page 17 Sunday May 15 1949 

All Day Confrence at the PHQ. . . Got up at 7 and was not finished with the 
translation of my speech, will get someone to do it at the HQ. . . . Meeting 
started on time and Ted did Not arrive he was at the Hotel still working on his 
speech. Saw Juan and all the peopel we saw on the Trips, by the way yesterday 
I bought the Rulers Of America, and TA Jacksons England Struggles for Free- 

Ted 's and My speech (Enclosed) were very well received. The party voted 
formally to send a letter to the National committee telling of the work that 
helped them that we did (Mostly Ted) . One of there people from the west coast, 
who is in needle was telling some stories one is that the socialdemoc leadership of 
there union wanted them to take a cut in wages, for if they didn't he sadi that 
they would move the Factory, we'll said the Communist where would you move 

it, to China Mabey, I Hope another is when they call the UGT Com- 

mimist Lead, at least said some of the workers, the Commu are honest people, and 

fight for us. A good many trade Union People there He said how he 

had to beg the money to come to the meeting for the party was that important to 
him. and how the head of his Union who didn't have the Clothes for a Sunday 
in SJ and was very humble, said that he wouldn't make the trip He had a nice 
job until he started to do Union Work and since that time he has been very 
hard up, but that shows the realness of the people, by the way we met him there 
when we were in SJ. The Lineotype machine was gotten through a Cathloc 
Priest One Young Comrade just got $1,250 in back salary, and he let 


the party have $1,000 fot the machine for the paper which will come out on 
June 1, Names Pueblo His Name German Gercia 

Main points of discussion were Cone in Sugar, the building of the Trade 
Unions, and very much on the press. Teds Report had a view of the trip, Santo 
and Caesar discussed the role of the Party in all phases of the work, Cansula 
discussed the Press, Saez the Unions Also the role of exposing the renagedes, 
and they also passed a resu to send greetings to the CC CPUSA in support of the 
fight of the trial of the 12. . . Tomorrow Juan will give a complete report to 

us taken from his notes 

Monday May 16th 1949 
Foley Square : San Juan Court House San Juan Puerto Rico 

There is a trial in San Juan that is of a simaler charter to that of the one in 
Foley Square. Here there are and have been many student leaders of the strike 
that was on last year, on trial. They are on trial for various framed up charges, 
from Carring the Flag of there country, to so called disterbing the peace. Some 
of them disterbed it at a meeting where there were between 400 to 500 plice. . . . 

I got to the court room at about 2PM, the court house is oppisite the main 
plaza of the old city of San Juan. The court room was crowded with working 
class peple and just as the opening of the trial at Foley Square, it was an 
armed camp of police, (3o). The judge (Judge Ramos) did not resemble Me- 
dina physically but in his actions he was a twin. Three was no jury. He sat 
on the bench with three electric fans blowing at him in this hot tropical sun, 
while the of the court sweated. An americau flag was behind him, hanging 
down, with a picture of Roosevelt in the Middle of it. The picture was being 
blown about by the fans, as if it was trying to leave the coTirt for it cound not 
stand to see a misscarage of justice. There were two hard boiled prosecuters here 
to oppose the young defendents, they are the Chief Govt Proscuters of Puerto 

Rico. One is Sr. Aponte and Gil Riveria Aponte is short and squat and 

a hard boiled politieation in his late forties. He wore a white summer suit that 
needed cleaning and pressing and His shirt was something that should have 
gone to the laundry about two days ago.. Reveria is much younger, he is tall 
and slick looking on of the younger tools of the American Imperialists. . . . 
All of the defendents were law students before they were expelled from the 
university for beliving in a free Puerto Rico and that that students of the school 
should be given a chance to hear all sides of questions, they oppose the baring of 
political speakers which is now in affect at the University. . . . There Names 
are Clement IMattei 25 Trials all convictions Negr S. Pena tried twice and the last 
time which was today he was aquitted. The aquittel was due to the charge 
that he carried the flag of Puerto Rico which is the national flag, and even the 
judge who is wall street controled can't convict a person who carries the legal 
flag of Puerto Rico, But he had been convicted on the other count and Fined 

$25.00 Juan Noriega Pres of the Student Council until expelled 10 

trials ; Oscar Garcia 3 trials ; Joe Tejada 15 trials. He lead the defence for 
the group today, a young negro who knows what affect the American Domination 
of PR has on the whole people and even more so on the Negro people of Puerto 
Rico, for those who think there is no negro question on Puerto Rico, they should 
speak to this young fighter for the working class, and or see the Jim Crow 
stores here, etc. . . . Orlando Reveron first trial ; Harry Garcia the Jackpot with 
over 28 trials harry is also a Negro. In reading you will notice that the student 
with 2S. 25. and 15 trials are the only Negroes in the group. As the trial pro- 
ceded you could see Judge Medina on the Bench in the form of Judge Ramos, as 
the witness for the Defence was telling of the peaceful march and assembledge 
of the students, and how the police were lined all over the street, and it was 
the police who started the volience, by firing tear gas at them, and how Hipv 
drew thei'e guns, and hit young students with billie sticks. I saw pictures of the 
affair and talked to some of the victirae who had to go to the Hospitial in a critical 
condition, it seemed to have made the police terror at city college a chess game 

in compare well he would look out of the window, and write notes or do 

something that seemed to distract him from his duty on the bench But 

when the Proscutor was talking it was a different story. The same old story of 
Overruled to the Defense and Sustained to the Proscution. . . . When Joe Te- 
jada started the summation the judge had to wake up, for this young negro, 
'who can not finish his studies in the country or in the USA. and who had his 
GI bill taken away from him, more american oppression of the Negro People) 
started to speak, for he spoke with all the feeling a human bieng with the knowl- 
edge that he will be free. He was dynamic, he spoke with emotion and facts 


about the so called freedom that the people are supposed to have under the law. 
He quoted from the US constition, and fom the constitution that affects the 
People of Puerto Rico, about the right of free assembyl and free speech, and the 
right of protection from Police Teri'orizm, but it was to no avvail, for the verdict 
w as guilty, all fined $25.00, which may not seen high to you who read this, but to 
a young Puerto Rican ex Student who is blacklisted for his political beliefs, with 
a Wife and two Children it is more than a small fortune, and more important 
than the money, is that the verdict of guilty means that any human being xxxxx 
in this country of Puerto Rico can be tried for anything that the Govenor, Sell 

out to Wall Street M/Marine wants. Any one who differs from him 

and that takes in a lot of people, and xxx take in a lot more xxxx every day, 
can be sent to jail, if this is not stopped now the Thousands of UGT progressive 
union members who do flght for the bettering of the working conditions and living 
conditions of the People of Puerto Rico and the World, sent to Jail. . . . By 
now you may want to know a few more details of this strike that was respon- 
sible for the trial. . . . Every year on the 2Sth of Sept the students had cele- 
brated the Revolution of Lares which was a major struggle historicaly for the 
freedom of the Slaves of Puerto Rico and the Outright freedom of the Country 
from Spain. It took place in 1868. . . . Well it was because of the cele- 
bration of this day of life for Puerto Rico that the Police in Conjunction with the 
School and Wall Street arrested and beat over 200 students, all were tried and 
all the leadet were convicted on at least one count, as well a convictions for a 
good many of the other strikers. The maximum that one student got was 2 
months in Jail. . . . I ask you was this student a Hardened criminal, this 
young girl who just turned twenty, no of course not, but in the Eyes of American 
imperialism she is for she fights for a Free Puerto Rico, and a working class 
leading the fight. . . . 

Correction 1, they did not arrest 200 that day, and did not throw tear gas then. 
The girl got one month for a framed up charge of gun carrying. The police are 
still trailing some of the strike leaders so as to try to keep any progressive ele- 
ments quite, and to try where possible to frame them some more. The students 
who studied law, and 'who if they do finish in the srstes will not be promette to 
practice here in PR. . . . 

Said good buy to Manners. . . . Visited the school where Santo is head of 
the parent teachers association. What a place. It is 4 yrs old and has no running 
water, roof leaks when it rains, about 42 to a classroom where there should 
be 23. . . . They have to study in english. . . . Have song book all in 
engiish and about american songs, where is PR culture????? One book on 
Heroes and Heroniens etc deals with those of the USA. one passage goes some- 
thing like this. Teddy Roosevelt was with rough riders, some were killed in 
the Spanish american war. we got some islands from spain, such as Puerto Rico 
which now belongs to us. . . . There is a horse siable in the front yard, it is 
for the racetrack a few blocks away. It draws many a gly and it makes it un- 
healthy and dangerious for the children to paly. . . . 

Just though of an answer to Schumm. Why don't they use the $5,000,000 being 
spent on the Hilton hotel which the gov't is paying for and use it for the 
fanguito. . . . Fly away home in the morning and hope that the suit is back. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have your so-called contemporary diary, or 
the diary for the months of February 1955 ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, I don't. I would like to give the committee a 
copy of correspondence I have had with my attorney in El Paso trying 
to locate the diary. When I was remanded to jail in El Paso on the 
16th of March, I had not checked out of my hotel room. ]\Iy attorney 
did. I had the diary with some other papers in the briefcase at the 
time. I was transcrilDing it from handwritten notes for the committee. 

Since that day I have not seen it nor the parts transcribed. I have 
a letter sent to Joseph A. Calamia, my attorney, dated April 12, this 
year, and a telegram which he sent me telling me he was unable to 
fuid the diary at the Hilton Hotel in El Paso, Tex., or in his office. 

That is the last I saw of it. I have some notes, not of that ]:>eriod, 
not in diary form, and this diary is no longer available because I don't 
have it. I would like to have it. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you offering tliis correspondence for our record? 
Mr. Mattjsow. Yes, I am. 

The Chairman. Admitted. , -i -^ t<t oi ^ 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 81 and 

81 A" and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 81 

Hahvey Marshall Mattjsow, 

405 Bleeker Street, 
New York U, N. Y., April 12, 1955. 

Mr. Joseph Calamia, 

A05 Caples Building, El Paso, Tex. 
r>FAR Joe- I talked to Stanley Faulkner yesterday. He said that he was 
writing j^u re the appeal, additional fees, etc., so I leave those questions to you 

""""sinie Sv^'Surn to New York I have been suhpenaed by the Senate Internal 
SeciSv^ubcomn^ittee, and the New York Federal grand jury. Between prepara- 
tS for the appearances and a 20-day backlog of mail, I haven't had much free 

^''in relation to mv Senate appearance, I was orderecl to produce a di^^-y that 
I kept during the liionth of February 1955. If I could locate the diary, I would 
be onlv too glad to produce it, but I no longer have it. . . „ ^„fo^?r,<r thA 

The last that I saw of it was in El Paso the day prior to my entering the 
county jail (March 15, 1955) . I had it with me in the room I had at the Hilton 
Hotel r recall leaving it, along with some other miscellaneous papers in my 
hotel room on the morning that I was sentenced. ^^^^^ ^T^mSM ha've'Sf t t at 
Hilton to see if they have the missing papers, or perhaps I might have lett it at 

^"TwoTilcfappreciate your sending me a collect telegram informing me of the 
result of your inquiry re the diary, papers, etc. 

Sincerely yours, (Signed) Harvey Matusow. 

Harvey Matusow. 

Exhibit No. 81-A 

[Western Union Telegram] 

El Paso, Tex., April 15, 1955. 

Harvey Marshall Mattjsow, 

405 Bleeker St.: 

Unable to find diary in hotel or office. ^^^^ ^ Calamia. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you say you don't know what happened to your 

briefcase * 

Mr mItusgw. I did not say it was a briefcase. I did not have a 
briefcase. I had the standard legal folders. I had three of them, as 
I recall. When I got out of jail there were only two left. 
Mr. SouRWiNE. A\^iere did you keep them? . -, i 

Mr. Matusow. I had the diary notations in the hotel room m a desH 

drawer. , ., , , o 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In a folder m a desk drawer i 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir ; with some other papers. 

Mr. SoRuwiNE. What became of your typewriter? _ 

Mr. Matusow. My typewriter, and another folder, was picked up 
and left in my attorney's office. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You went and got it 


Mr. Matusow. In fact I took my typewriter and a folder with ma- 
terial dealing with the material at 7 o'clock on the morning of the 16th 
of March to Judge Thomason's office and I did some work on it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You went and got this February diary from the 
place where you had put it 

JMr. Mattitsow. Places. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Places you had put it, as a result of the committee's 
instructions to produce it, did you not? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And why didn't you then send it to the committee 
instead of taking it with you to El Paso? 

Mr. Matusow. As I told the committee, originally it w^as a diary 
with many scribbled notes on the back of envelopes, miscellaneous 
sheets of paper, similar to what I am doing right now, and I doubt 
if it would do the committee any good. 

Frequently I can't read my own handwriting. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That was your judgment. But the committee had 
ordered you to produce that diary. 

Mr. Matusow. It was not a diary until I completed it. I had not 
completed transcribing my notes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Did you think the committee had asked you for a 
copy of what you had written in that diary. 

Mr. Matxtsow. I have a diary when it is typewritten. Before I 
transcribe the scribbled notes they are just scribbled notes. 

I don't consider it a diary. Maybe I have the definition wrong but 
I still maintain my definition of a diary. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, I send you two items. One is a 
bound volume containing certain original worksheets that were used 
in connection with your book, worksheets being in the handwriting of 
Mr. Albert E. Kahn. 

I send you also what purports to be a photostatic copy of these 

I ask you if you can identify that as being, in fact, a copy of 
these particular worksheets in the handwriting of Albert E. Kahn? 

(Examined by witness.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I may say that the original we are going to have 
to return to Mr. Faulkner, at his request. 

Mr. Matusow. I have discussed this with Mr. Faulkner. I will 
take that back to New York for him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to get the photostat authenticated. 

Mr. Matusow. They are typewritten sheets. I can identify the 
typewriter they were made on as ISIr. Kahn's typewriter. 

I can identify the handwriting on the top of the worksheets and 
they are the same worksheets found in the volume you have just 

That is a volume transcribed of the tape recordings previously men- 
tioned in this hearing. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is correct. I ask, Mr. Chairman, that this 
photostatic copy of the worksheets as identified by Mr. Matusow may 
go into the record at this point. 

The Chairman. They are admitted in the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 82" and ap- 
pears below : ) 


Exhibit No. 82 

Work Sheet— 12/16/54 (Mat's work in Ohio) 

1. Describe relationship to Un-American Activities Commission of State of 

a) nature of Commission — wlien established, and function, etc. 

b) liow Mat first came in contact with the Commission 

c) Mat's responsibilities— nature of work — length of his association* 
e) salary 

2. Description of cases on which Mat work : 

a) investigation of Labor Youth League Negro groups and other groups (peace 
activities, etc) 

b) investigation of the UE (mention private investigatory operations, attend- 
ing mtgs, reporting to Commission, etc.) 

3. Tie-ups with business concerns and industries 

a) connections with "personnel" departments — mgr. at Master Electric and 
other industrial groups — how material was exchanged between Commission 
and tliese groups — communications with Mat, etc. 

b) extent of labor espionage carried on by Commission and its investigators 

c) connections between Keep America Free Committee and business groups in 
anti-union operations 

e) instance of company urging investigation of group which seeks equal rights 
in the factories for Negroes 

4. Keep America Free Committee story 

5. Antioch College story 

0. Mat's securing of witnesses for Commission — how he interviewed individuals 
and interrogated and intimidated them — ; how he got information in general and 
how it was used (see previous section for interviews of prospective witnesses) 

7. Mat's other operations in Ohio 

a) lectures and other public appearances 

b) articles if any 

c) press use, etc. of his material 

8. Other information of interest (check folders) 

Possible documents 

1) Press clippings 2) Letter identifying Mat as Research Assistant of Ohio 
Commission 3) letter putting Mat on Commission payroll 4) letter of recommen- 
dation following separation from Commission 5) Cowder— personnel mgr. of 
Master Electric Co— letter to Mat 6) 1940 HUAC list of CP petition signers in 
Ohio used as blacklist, etc. 7) letter to personnel mgr. of Rike-Kumle Co. from 
Negro Labor Council turned over to Mat (?) 

Work Sheet— 12/1^16/54 ( Jencks case) 

1. Give background to case 

a) how Mat first met Clint and where — his feelings about Clint and the reports 
he made on him 

b) when Mat was first approached regarding indictment of Jencks and what was 
asked of him 

c) Mat's appearance before Grand Jury — 

2. Describe atmosphere in El Paso at time of trial 

a) Press treatment of testimony, TV and radio 

b) attorneys for prosecution and defense 

c) jury 

3. Mat's feelings at the trial 

4. Nature of Mat's testimony 

a) make mention of use of "attack" on father (see previous reference) 

b) refer to previous testimony before House Un-American Activities Comm where 
it was stated Mat knew of "no individual who had planned to obstruct war 

c) chief accusations against Clint 

d) comment re "Communist affair" at which Vincents were made — and how Mat 
"knew" Vincents were "Communists" 

* Suggest compilation of general chronology of work, testimony before committees, testi- 
mony at trials, connection with McCarthy, association with Counterattack, service with 
Ohio Commission, etc. 


e) Discussion with Jencks in which Mat claimed J said "we need more CP 

f ) "Mexican Communists" met by Jenclvs and question of "War production" 

g) description of booljs in library 

5. When did idea re "holding up war production" first originate? 

6. What specifically did Mat report re discussions with Jencks at the time of 
these discussions? 

7. See page 692 of testimony re price of Hearst article — was avoidance of 
mention of price received for this article deliberate or accidental? 

8. Question of frame-up must be bluntly stated in the book — as much so as Mat's 
reference to nature of frame-up of "sedition" victim in Louisiana 

9. Question of schooling as witness by Edminston, etc. 

10. Misc. — matter of turning over names of those recruited to CP 

Possible documents 

1) Subpoena to Grand Jury (?) 2) page or two from Mat's report 3) El Paso 
clippings about trial 4) clipping mentioning attack on his father 

Work Sheet 12/11/54 {Coiinter-Attack, etc.) 

1. Describe briefly and specifically the nature of the Coiinter-Attack operation 

a) what are the functions that this publication performs? contrast its alleged 
functions (see pg. 1 of Red Channels) with its actual functions; comment pos- 
sibly on elaborate description of "red network" in radio and TV (see pg. 4 of 
Red Chatmels) 

b) indicate the differences between the newsletter, Counter-Attach and the book- 
let, Red Channels, so that this will be clear to reader ; also. Am. Business Consult- 
ants, Inc. 

c) describe the offices of Counter-AttacJc 

2. Describe how C-A came into existence in May 1947 and its various execu- 
tives (see document A for detailed information to fill in details here) 

3. Describe how funds are raised to keep C-A functioning 

4. Does C-A blackmail as well as blacklist? (If personal experiences in this 
connection, relate below.) 

5. C-A and R C blacklisted movie actors, radio and TV stars, writers, concert 
pianists, singers, dancers, at least one strip-teaser, playwrights, radio announcers, 
etc. etc. Indicate type of "association" which was considered sufficient to war- 
rant inclusion of names among "subversives" (In book, however, suggest avoid- 
ance of use of actual names) 

6. How did Mat happen to go to work of C-A in summer of 1952? 

a) describe first meeting with principals and any significant details re negotia- 

b) describe own responsibilities and assignments 

7. Tell some anecdotes of interest 

a) re personal work (Sam Levenson story, for instance) 

b) re deaths of Garfield, Canada Lee, Bromber, Mady Christians 

c) Mat's "investigatory work with C-A (letter to Meding) ; visit to ACLU 

e) details of Little Brown story 

f ) letter to Ed Sullivan 

g) possible comment re role at Peekskill and subsequent report to D. A., Mar- 

h) comment on Ward Bond, correspondence with re blacklisting 
i) Mat's salary at C-A 

8. Any other general observations 

Comments by AK 

1. Possible mention in footnote, or elsewhere in book, of blacklisting AC and 

2. List FBI agents by name (see C-A brochure) ; also quote JEH prefatory 
quote to R O 

3. Mention to Mat need to understand and emphasize what is dramatic in 
writing — and vivid — as compared with acting 


Possible documents 

1 ) Inter-office C-A memos 2) sample typed list of "subversives" 3) NBC letter 
of explanation and ap<.logy to C-A for articles by NBC stars in Compass 4) Life 
letter rejecting aid from C-A 5) Instructions to visit to ACLU office 6) Letter 
from Kirkpatrick to Mat 7) Sample report to Counter Attack 

Work Sheet— 12/13/54 (Subject: Montana, Fall '58, etc.) 

1. Describe bow Mat happened to go to Montana? 

a) what arrangements were made with McCarthy? 

b) who paid the expenses of the trip? , , ^ 

c) how was the :ictual trip planned— that is, the details worked out regarding 
speaking engagements and other activities on the trip? 

d) what was the essential purpose of the trip? (indicate relationship to pres. 

campaign) . ,, ^ o 

e) who sponsored Mat's public appearances in Montana? 

2 Relate details of trip out (if of interest) and reception in Montana 

3. Who were the personalities in Montana who did most to promote Mat's visit 
while he was there? 

a) hov/ did they do this? 

b) what part did V. O. Overcash of the Legion play? 

4. Describe typical meeting in Montana and mention other (Lrreat Dalis, i^ut 
Bank, Billings) 

a) indicate content of speeches 

b) quote typical introduction (see document) 

c) describe audience reaction 

d) relate any auecodotes of interest 
5 Press reaction etc. 

a) Quote from press to indicate what Mat said, and attitude of press 

b) indicate reaction of Democratic State Chairman Landoe to Mat's trip 

c) indicate reaction of Farmer's Union— how they challenged Mat to speak at 
convention— how they went on statewide radio hook-ups to refute his charges 

6. Campaign vs. Mike Mansfield 

a ) Use of New Masses reprint of speech, etc. 

b) general propaganda against Mansfield and use of Red Menace theme 

7. Campaign vs. Farmers Union 

0) whose idea was this campaign? why? 

b) how was material gathered regarding the Union? 

c) mention attack on Farmer's Union Book Club 

8. Mat's Article in Oct 52 issue of The American Legion— how it happened to 
appear at this convenient date—whose idea and how projected 

9. What was the Appendix XI for which Overcash paid $140 

^ Possible documents 

1) Leaflets re Mat's appearance 2) Newspaper articles and headlines 3) Let- 
ters and wire from Overcash 4) Letter indicating Overcash's sending of Mat's 
material on Farmer's union to HCUA 

10. What about Mat's NY Times story? 

11. Mention speeches in Idaho (see newspaper clippings.) 

(On the two following pages are reproduced a chart which accom- 
panied the outline.) 




V ,. J i I * 

" - ' , ii ..." 

,61 ' ' 

1 i 

Si ~ 

4 *- 
1 «. 



{ -Ww"* ^^F«^«**ft 


la^j^M m"'"""'"""" ^""riTi iiiinfintrtf ' 

r- fe 


& n 

' 2 * f '" Sir 

a,i >4 




Decision to get book — contracts, ?????, etc. (D of J 48 hrs late) 

Manner in whicti book was written — method of work — Initial reluctance of 
author to tell M'hole story — How can reader be sure Mat is now telling truth? 
Reader must of course decide for self — on basis of contrent of book and docu- 
mentation. Own view or checking a fact wherever possible — examination of 
files and documentation — 

Question of character of author — own attitude toward — describe Marcantonio 
incident, incident re discussion of children (hurting children, etc.) — Slipping 
(??'?), bravado, desire for admiration and applause — desire for respect — wanting 
to be someone (youth) 

Possible prefatory note from Bishop Oxnam. 


(1 Include editorial footnote re Jencks his war record, etc. 


(1) Check all organizations mentioned, like Mine, Mill, U. E., Farmers Union, 
etc. etc. 

(2) All names — Senator Mansfield, etc. 

(3) All newspapers that publicized Mat's speeches on his trips. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Preliminary to additional questioning of Mr. 
Matusow I should like to offer for the record at this time a letter ad- 
dressed to the director of research of this committee by Mr. Sidney 
Isaacs, special assistant attorney general of the Internal Security Divi- 
sion of the State of Ohio. 

The Chairman. Admitted in the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 83" and 

appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 83 

Office of the Attorney General, 

State of Ohio, 
Columbus 15, February 7, 1955. 
Mr. Ben Mandel, 

Senate Office Building, 

Washi^iyton 25, D. C. 

Dear Sir : In response to your telephone call today, let me furnish the follow- 
ing information concerning the employment of Harvey Matusow by the Ohio 
Un-American Activities Commission. Matusow first came to me in the middle 
of January 1952 and we discussed the possibility of his doing investigative and 
research work for the commission. From his background and contacts, it 
appeared that he would be of value to us and we agreed that he would make a 
preliminary survey of the Communist situation in the Dayton, Ohio, area. 
Actually he began to work before he was put on the payroll. 

At a meeting of the commission on January 22, 1952, I proposed that Matusow 
be employed as a research assistant. The minutes of that meeting show that 
he was hired on a month-to-month basis, subject to a review of his appointment 
at the next meeting of the commission at a salary of $300 per month plus expenses, 
with Dayton, Ohio, designated as his headquarters. In all he drew 3 salary 
checks, 1 for $106.45 for the period from January 21 to February 1, and 2 subse- 
quent checks of $150 each for the first and second half of February 1952. During 
the same period he also drew three expenses checks of $64.68, $38.39, and $122.91. 
The second check is quite small because during most of that period he was in 
Washington, D. C, testifying before the Committee on Un-American Activities 
of the House of Representatives. The last check is somewhat larger because 
of the fact that he was in Columbus, Ohio, preparing for his own personal testi- 
mony before the Ohio Un-American Activities Commission and was residing 
outside of his headquarters city of Dayton. 

Matusow brought to the Ohio commission a quantity of pamphlets and Com- 
munist Party study manuals which were of value in furnishing us a background 
of Communist Party techniques. In reviewing the actual testimony which he 


o-ave before the Ohio Un-American Activities Commission, I find nothing which 
I believe he would now disavow. He was not active in the Communist Party 
in the State of Ohio, and as a result did not identify any Ohioans as being Com- 
munist Party members. He did discuss Labor Youth Leaiiue and Young Pro- 
gressives of America activities but identification of these individuals as members 
was made for the most part from the literature of the organizations themselves. 
Much of his testimonv concerned practices and techniques of the Commvmist 
Party in infiltrating vouth organizations and in attempting to recruit youth 
into the Communist Party. Although this material was interesting, it was cer- 
tainlv not new with Matusow. 

At* the end of February, he left Ohio to testify at various hearings in Washing- 
ton and New York, and' was temporarily placed on leave of absence. Actually 
the great amount of publicity which he received made it inadvisable to rein- 
state him on the payroll and after a discussion with Matusow, he was in fact not 
reinstated, so that the last date for which he was paid was February 29, 1952. 
He left on good terms, securing a job with radio station WING of Dayton, and 
we permitted him to make a tape recording of the Dayton, Ohio, hearing when 
it was held on April 22, 1952, so that he might use it on his WING program. 
While I did not hear his program, no one ever indicated to us that it had been 
slanted in editing. 

His greatest fault, if we must now find one, was his youthful enthusiasm which 
led him to be indiscreet and caused some criticism of his activities. Even at 
this date, I do not feel that Matusow gave false testimony before the Ohio 
Un-American Activities Commission and I am at a complete loss to explain his 
motives in his present situation. 

If you desire any additional information, please do not hesitate to call on me. 
With kindest regards, I am 
Yours very truly, 

Sidney Isaacs, 
Special Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. "^^^lile you were in Ohio, and employed by the Ohio 
Un-American Activities Commission, did you have occasion to identify 
any Ohio residents as members of the Communist Party or as former 
members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. ]Matusow. I miglit liave. I don't recall at this time. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. ]\Ir. Matusow, do you recall who it was that put you 
in touch with the Ohio Un-American Activities Commission ? 

Mr. Matusow. My recollection is that it was Jim Katliff. 

Mr. SouRWixE. If you have testified to the contrary was your former 
testimony or your present testimony correct? 

Mr. INIatusow. My recollection is that it was Mr. Ratliff and Mr. 
and Mrs. Edmiston. But the final contact was made after a discus- 
sion with Mr. Katliff in Cincinnati. I spent the evening in his home, 
down on the Clifton Street home. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, I show you a photostatic copy of a 
page from the Daily Worker 

Mr. Matusow, January 29, 1951. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you recognize it from this distance ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, I can. There is a very fuzzy picture of me. It 
says I was expelled from the Communist Party. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I would like to have you look at it and see whether 
that is your picture and refers to your expulsion from the party. 

Mr. Matusow. Yes. But the name is spelled wrong. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The name is spelled M-a-t-i-s-o-w? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes. This was the second expulsion notice. The 
original expulsion notice api^eared in the January 19, 1951, issue. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That was the next thing I was going to ask you. 
You had testified January 19, formerly, and I wanted to find out 
whether you maintained that testimony was correct or it was a typo- 
graphical error. 

59886 — 55 — pt. 11 i 


Mr. Matusow. It is correct. There were two expulsion notices. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I ask that the caption under this ]:)icture — not the 
picture — be inserted at this point for the purpose of showing the con- 
temporary statement by the party as to why Mr. Matusow was expelled. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 84" and ap- 
pears below:) 

Exhibit No. 84 

Harvey Matisow, expelled from the Tompkins Square section, Communist 
Party. Matisow, according to the New York county committee, was found to have 
been engaged in irregularities and misrepresentations during a press drive. His 
main contacts were among youth. He is now operating in New York, since his 
return from the Southwest. In his mid-20's, he is of medium height, plump, round 
face, white, black hair, and black eyes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, I show you an article in the form of 
tearsheets from the American Legion magazine and ask you if that is 
an article which you wrote, 

Mr. Matusow. October 1952, American Legion magazine — an arti- 
cle by me as told to Howard Rushmore ; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you in fact participate in the writing of that 
article ? 

Mr. Matusow. I did. 

Mr. SouRwixE. And does it correctly state the facts and statements 
which you told to Mr. Rushmore ? 

Mr. Matusow. I would have to read it and refresh my recollection. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. You were familiar with it at the time ; were you not ? 

Mr. Matusow. Based on my past experience with Mr. Rushmore and 
his accuracy in reporting what I told him — I had worked with him 
before — I would say that most of the stuif that he reported in there 
was what I told him but there were probably some errors. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You did not permit it to be published at the time 
without checking it over? 

Mr. Matusow. Frankly, I did not care too much about the errors 
I found. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Are you saying you did permit it to be published 
without checking it over? 

Mr. Matusow. I checked it over. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you find anj^ errors when you checked it over ? 

Mr. Matusow. My recollection is that I did. 

Mr. Sour WINE. You did nothing to correct those errors? 

Mr. Matusow. As I recall, probably not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right. 

May this article be inserted in the record at this point, Mr. Chair- 

The Chairtncan. It will be admitted in the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 85" and 
appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 85 

Reds in Khaki 

There were still Krauts who didn't know the war had ended when we poked 
our patrol into the forests outside Cohlenz. ]May 7, 1945. 

I was with two NCO's in my outfit and from our experiences of the day l)eforp 
we knew the .Jerries had some tough pockets of resistance scattered around 
and we had been told to be careful. 


When we stopped for a breather, Joe and Roy started talking about Paris and 
Avhat tliey were going to do when they got their pass. 

They knew gals there and apparently were familiar with the city. "lake to 
come along?" Joe asked me casually. 

"Sure." I said. "Why not?" 

The invitation and my acceptance launched a career that was to take a 
20-year-old staff sergeant into the Communist Party, into work for the FBI 
us an undercover operative, and finally as a witness in court trials and con- 
gressional hearings. 

And along the line I gained a first-hand knowledge of what the Communist 
International meant when it proclaimed back in 1920 from Moscow : "It is 
especially necessary to carry on unlawful work in the Army and Navy. * * * 

I didn't know in that Coblenz forest that my two buddies were underground 
Reds whose main job in the Armed Forces was to recruit kids like myself to 
Stalin's fifth column. 

During the next 6 weeks Joe, Roy, and I were busy on prisoner detail with 
the Third Infantry Regiment and both of them kept reminding me about the 
Paris trip. 

And they started talking politics. About what a great man Henry Wallace 
was and wbat the Red army had done to lick Hitler. I didn't pay much attention 
but I realized that both men, considerably older than myself, knew a lot more 
about political science than I had learned in my high school in the Bronx. 

We finally got a 3-day pass and headed for Paris. They took me to private 
parties, introduced me to French gals — who weren't looking for cigarettes and 
candy bars. I had a working knowledge of the language and it didn't take 
long for me to put the pieces together. Joe and Roy were Communists and the 
people they were introducing me to were French comrades. 

On the rounds of our 3-day bender I met an American Army officer who 
boasted that he also was a party member and had met Red army officers who 
N\arned him that he must work for the world revolution. 

I met other American Communists in uniform when I went to a GI university 
at Biarritz, France, while waiting for redeployment to the States. American 
Reds in my outfit were supplied with party funds to purchase small arms and 
animunition which they in turn shipped to French and Spanish Communists for 
use at a future date. 

Soon the Reds always had "friends" to guide my political thinking. Ap- 
parently I had been tabbed in Paris as a likely recruit and through its espionage 
chain, the Communist party followed me with smooth-talking GI's and French 
girl comrades. They didn't overlook a trick. 

At any rate. I took a liking to the Communists without knowing anything about 
Marxism-Leninism. When I got back to the Bronx in August 1946, I had a 
lively curiosity about communism and went to some meetings of the American 
Youth for Democracy in my neighborhood. 

The AYD had lieen for 2 years the successor of the Young Communist League 
and was now presenting the revolution in sugar-coated form. I swallowed the 
pill and took my first step into communism. 

That pattern from the day in Coblenz to the time more than a year later when 
I became a formal Red was followed by the Communists in our Armed Forces 
in AVorld War II in the ETO, in the Pacific, CBI and every major base in the 

Each of the 15.000 members of the Communist Party of the United States 
who saw service from 1941 to 1946 was a recruiting agent for the fifth column. 
Their efL'ort to sign up Staff Sergeant Matusow was only one of a thousand 

Recruiting was not the only goal. Military espionage for the Soviet Govern- 
ment ; morale busting after the war was over ; stirring up hatred against officers 
'even though many party members were officers) and other tactics were used 
by the comrades in uniform. 

All of this had been part of the Moscow formula long before World War II. 
I have quoted the directive of the 1020 Communist International which was 
carried out speedily by Communists all over the world, including the United 

The year I was born (1925) Paul Crouch was court-martialed in Hawaii for 
illegal work in the Army, including setting up the first Communist Party in 
the islands. His trial and sentence were used by the world Red propaganda 
machine. When Crouch was dishonorably discharged and had served his .sen- 
tence, he was made an honorary colonel in the Red army and taught military 
iactics in Moscow. 


(Crouch later left the Communist Party and has become an expert witness in 
many trials and congressional hearings, exposing the Soviet fifth column.) 

Crouch was only one of many Communists planted in the armed services in 
the 1920's. Almost every major base had its Red cell and Communist Party 
members were on the battleships, and in the Air Corps. 

American Reds were sent under false names and with counterfeit passports 
to Moscow, where they learned military tactics drilling with the Red army. 
Joseph Zack, Manning Johnson, and other former Communists have testified 
concerning the intensive training they were given in small arms, how to field 
strip a machine gun, and how to use the art of strangulation by piano wire. 

The Young Communist League, using a pretty girl named Marion, set up a 
secret committee in 1935 to handle correspondence from Reds in the Armed 
Forces. Mail from servicemen was never sent to national Communist head- 
quarters but to a series of "mail drops" at private addresses. 

Marion spent her time picking up this GI mail — which contained confidential 
data on troop movements. Navy maneuvers, and new types of planes — relaying 
it to the party's military commission. 

In 1936 the Conununists sent some of their trained soldiers to Spain and 
recruited others. The result was the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, which fought 
with the Loyalists during the civil war. Out of that brigade came John Gates. 
* * * Daily Worker editor * * * who was later convicted of conspiracy to 
teach the overthrow of the Government. 

Steve Nelson, recently convicted in Pittsburgh of sedition, used his Spanish 
military training as political commissar of the Lincoln Brigade to advantage. 
During World War II Nelson was chief courier for a Soviet espionage ring 
which stole atomic and other military secrets. 

Meanwhile, the National Guard also was part of the Communist goal of 
Infiltration and propaganda. John Lautner, former chief security oflScer of the 
New York State Communist Party, testified a few months ago in New York 
City that he had been assigned to work with "cells" of Communist Party mem- 
bers in one of the guard's major outfits. Pretty girl comrades also were used 
by the party as part of the "recruiting program," Lautner said. 

Louis Weinstock, indicted last year for subversive conspiracy, was formerly 
active in National Guard work. So were many other Reds who kept their real 
identities a secret. 

World War II gave the Communists their opportunity. After June 22, 1941,. 
Russia became America's ally and the Communist Party proclaimed its inten- 
tion of dropping the class-war program to support the war effort to defeat Hitler. 

The insincerity of this proclamation was shown in olficial orders given every 
party member when he enlisted or was drafted. They were told not to reveal 
their Communist afiiliation, and to lie about it under pressure. 

The comrades soon found snug stations in various armed-services publications 
where they carried out their propaganda work. Barnard Rubin of the Tokyo, 
Stars and Stripes loudly protested when General MacArthur fired him as a 
Red, yet Sergeant Rubin, the day after he returned to the States, joined the 
Daily Worker staff. 

In the information and education branch, Simon W. Gerson, Daily Worker 
city editor indicted last year for subversive conspiracy, was, with many others 
similarly planted, responsible for the orientation of thousands of servicemen 
who passed thi-ough his east coast base. 

From my own experience, I know that three party members in Ohio played 
a major role in the I «& E program. Before Hitler attacked Stalin, they had 
drawn up a plan to solicit gripe letters from servicemen and then give them 
wider publicity to destroy morale. 

But when the party line changed, all three Reds enlisted. A year after Hitler 
double-crossed his Soviet ally, one of the party members ended up as a major 
in G-2, stationed at the largest airbase in the States. The other two also ended 
up as field grade officers. 

While 15,000 party members carried on their various orders from national 
Red headquarters, civilian comrades did their fifth column work. An organiza- 
tion called Sweethearts of Servicemen formed a letter-writing unit which made 
hundreds of new contacts and served as an ideal recruiting medium for the 
party. Entertainers with long front records of Communist-leaning were sent 
abroad to entertain troops and spread propaganda while offstage. 

I remained in the Reserves when World War II ended. After I joined the 
Red youth movement, I was told to retain my Reserve status, but after I became  


fairly prominent in the American Youth for Democracy and the Labor Youth 
League, I was told to drop out of the Reserve when my time ran out. 

John, a former Air Force captain and one of New York City's leading Com- 
munists, gave me the orders. "Now that your name has appeared several times 
in the party press," John told me, "your value as a comrade in the armed serv- 
ices is ended. All of our party members still in uniform must have no public 
identification as Communists." 

John explained it further : "One undercover comrade in the armed services 
is priceless to our cause. He can cause the loss of hundreds of man-hours in 
a week's time and can elfectively break down the morale of a unit. A smart 
comrade can cause a lot of AWOL's." 

Soon after I joined the Red movement, I was given a study outline prepared 
by the veterans commission of the Communist Party, headed by Irving Goff. This 
outline was given to party members who were ordered into "concentration work" 
among veterans. Certain veterans were assigned to join the Legion, others the 
VFW, and a great many the American Veterans Committee. 

By 1948 both the Legion and the VFW had repelled this invasion and except 
for isolated incidents had defeated the fifth column. The AVC, to the contrary, 
was virtually captured in certain areas and the organization was considerably 
weakened in its fight to rid itself of Red infiltration. 

Meanwhile I had been doing a fulltime job as a Communist youth organizer 
and had moved out of my parents' home. My father, a World War I sergeant, 
had at first argued against my Communist views and then violently objected to 
them. He reminded me again and again that my brother Danny, who was shot 
down in a B-17 over Germany, had died fighting for the things that I was trying 
to destroy. 

But those comrades of Coblenz, Paris, and Biarritz had done their work. I 
wouldn't admit to commonsense and plunged into the subversive movement with 
youthful enthusiasm. 

As an organizer for the Labor Youth League I heli)ed set up Communist units 
in high schools and colleges. Our main propaganda attack was against UMT 
and a^y form of proper national defense. At Red student meetings I heard party 
leaders stress that in the event of war with Russia, we were to rise up against 
our own "imperialist Nation" and help destroy it. 

Our comrades also were to obey draft calls. Before final induction, meetings 
with members of the party's secret military commission were arranged. There 
the prospective GI received final instructions on his role as a fifth columnist. 

This sudden stepping up of the technique of military sabotage and espionage 
plus the lurking memory of my brother's supreme sacrifice began to fill my mind 
with certain doubts concerning my own role in the Red movement. I began to 
question certain edicts and started thinking for myself. This last is always 
fatal for a party member and leads inevitably to a break with the organization 
or, if it happens in Russia, to death. 

Shortly after my 24th birthday, I decided that I had made a mistake. I had 
a choice of quietly resigning and forgetting my 3 years as a young Communist 
leader or fighting the thing I now knew was evil. I decided on the latter course 
and went to the FBI. 

I told them the trutli ; in that way I hoped to repay the debt I owed my country, 
my parents, and my brother. 

The FBI considered it for several weeks and finally agi'eed. For more than a 
year I supplied the FBI with hundreds of names of Communists, both open and 
underground. I gathered all the literature I could find and carried out any 
and all assignments that would help the Government's work against the party. 

But the Communist Party, skilled in the ways of espionage for 30 years, found 
me out. I was recalled by the party from New Mexico, where I was supplying 
the FBI data on Communist activities near Los Alamos, and summoned before 
the review commission of the party. 

A comrade introduced to me as "our security oflacer and a former policeman" 
told me I was an "OSS agent" and I was expelled from the party. 

"Don't let us catch you around any party meetings or our party people," he 
told me. "If you do, you'll regret it." 

I told the FBI and they thanked me for all my efforts. 

About 3 weeks later, I volunteered for and was called back into active duty with 
the Air Force. 

After processing at Brooks AFB, San Antonio, Tex., I was transferred to 
Wright-Patterson AFB in Dayton, Ohio. I seemed to present a problem to the 


Air Force when on the clay of my recall I turned in a statement which listed 46 
Communist-front groups to which I had belonged. 

It shocked several officers from the Pentagon on down, and I was told, "We 
don't know what to do with you ; we can't give you any work of a classified nature, 
and we can't give you a job which might influence other servicemen." 

I had explained carefully what had happened. I had told the Air Force about 
my break with the Communists and of my cooperation with the FBI. Most of 
the junior olKcers agreed with me that an ex-Communist who had demonstrated 
his sincerity by fighting the Reds had some sort of place in the Air Force educa- 
tional setup. 

But the brass thought otherwise. They were determined to make a paragraph 
trooper out of me, despite my plea for an opportunity to present the evils of 
communism to the enlisted men. 

I argued with them that I was willing to give the course on anticommunisnt 
under the watchful eyes of 10 officers and 20 MP's if necessary. I told them 
that in World War II Communist Party members had done the same thing with 
no objections being raised. But here I was, I told them, an ex-Communist and 
an anti-Communist who had worked more than a year for the FBI, a sort of 
political leper. 

But they didn't trust me. 

The first job I received after processing was personnel sergeant-major of air 
technical intelligence — a job which required a top-sergeant clearance. 

This irony was lost on my commanding officer when I pleaded to be relieved 
of this work and placed in the educational section, where I could exiwse 

"Sergeant," the colonel told me, "the Air Force won't trust you for I and E 
work, so we're keeping you here." 

I fought for a year to get some sort of anti-Communist program with teeth 
in it for the I and E section. But a staff sergeant doesn't get far with brass 
that doesn't agree with him. 

When I returned to New York City, I found that the Communists were making 
the most of the Korean war from a propaganda point of view. 

One American, Paul F. Schnur, Jr., of San Francisco, had been captured by 
the Reds and, by no coincidence, the first POW letter to reach the States came 
from Private Schnur. 

The letter denounced the United States and its part in the war and praised 
the "Chinese volunteers." 

I started investigating this peculiar situation. It developed that Schnur's 
father had been identified as a member of the Communist Party by the Cali- 
fornia Un-American Activities Committee. 

His mother organized a Communist-front "Mothers of POW's" and came 
to New York City to speak before a Red rally where she read a letter signed 
by 94 American and British POW's denouncing their own countries for taking 
part in the defense of South Korea. 

She also boasted that she had contacted more than 200 families of prisoners 
in hope of getting support for the Communist "peace" campaign. 

Was Schnur "planted" in the Army and did he go over to the enemy voluntarily 
as part of the long-range Communist program to disrupt our military forces? 

A picture used widely in the Red and left-wing press here showed several 
prisoners of the Communists reading the west coast edition of the Daily Worker. 
How they obtained it, no one knows. 

Schnur and other Communists are doing their work in those POW camps. 
If these GI's ever return, 1 out of 5 will be thoroughly indoctrinated with the 
Red virus of treason and espionage. 

But do we have an intelligent counterplan of propaganda ? Are our men being 
adequately equipped to face Communist propaganda and agitation. 

I believe the Schnur case shows we are not. And from my ex]>erience at 
Wright-Patterson AFB, I say that we are still lagging behind our enemy in the 
war of words and ideas. 

I was "captured" back in Coblenz, not by a burp-gun in the hands of a Kraut, 
but by the smooth words of two Reds wearing OD. 

I thought they were Americans. 

They weren't, but at the age of 20 I didn't know the difference. 

It's up to our Armed Forces to teach other kids the difference. And we don't 
have much time. 


Mr. SouKwiXE. I slioAv you pliotostatic reproductions of serials 
which appeared in the New York Journal American. 

Mr. ]\LvTusow. Starting on January 5, 1952, which ran for 4 days, 

Mr. SoumvixE. And I ask you if those articles were written by 
you ? 

Mr. Matusow. They were based on some material I gave Mr. Rush- 
more in writing, all but the first article which I participated in. The 
rest were written by Mr. Rushmore. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you have an opportunity to read those before 
they were printed^ 

Mr. Matusow. Onl}- tlie first. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you find any errors in the first one when you 
read it before it was printed ? 

Mr. Matusow. Errors in relation to wliat I told Mr. Rushmore? 

Mr. SouEwiXE, Errors of any nature that you found ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, there are errors. 

Mr. SouRwaxE. You did find errois? 

Mr. Matusow. Of course the headline where it says, ''3,000 students 
are Communists," et cetera, this was a figment of imagination. 

Mr. SouRwaxE. You did not read the headline before it was printed,, 
did you ? 

Mr. Matusow. I saw the galleys of the headline before it was 

Mr. SouRwiXE. You did? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. I sat up all night in the office of the 
Journal American. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Did you at that time do anything to correct any 
of the errors you found in that story ? 

Mr. Matusow'. No, sir. If I did, I would not have gotten paid for 
the story. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you stating that you told anyone that there were 
errors in the story ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Are you stating that there were errors in your story 
which were deliberate and intentional and that you were paid to permit 
tliem to be there ? 

Mr. Matusow, I am stating that there were errors in the story 
such as when I say 3,000 high-school students recruited by Commun- 
ists ; that was an error. I did not tell anybod^y it was an error. The 
people who bought the story, the Hearst publications, believed I wa.=! 
telling the truth. I presume that is why they bought the story. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. If that is so, why do you say if you had called at- 
tention to the errors you would not have been paid for the story ? 

Mr. Matusow. If I called attention to the errors, there woulfl 
have been no story. The whole gimmick was the fact that there were 
students that were Communist. That is why they bought the story. 
If I called attention to the errors, there would have been no story. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. I ask that these articles be inserted in the record at 
this point, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairmax, So ordered. 

(The articles referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 86" and appear 
below :) 


Exhibit No. 86 
[New York Journal-American, February 5, 1952] 
Ex-Red in FBI Reveals : 3,000 High-School Students Recruited by Communists 


By Harvey M. Matusow 

[Undercover operative for the FBI in many Communist organizations and 
youth organizer for the Reds in the city's public high scliools and colleges. As 
told to Howard Rushmore.] 

It was January 1950. 

I dialed RE 2-3500 and an impersonal feminine voice said "FBI." 

Those three letters suddenly froze my tongue and the speech I had carefully 
planned for months was forgotten. 

I put the receiver back on the hook as the voice droned on "FBI * * * FBI." 


I sat for 15 minutes looking at the telephone, trying to regain the courage I 
had been slowly mustering for months. 

I called again and this time I said what I had wanted to say a year ago * * * 
"I'm a Communist * * * my name is Harvey M. Matusow. I want to talk * * *" 

I had made the final decision ! 

It isn't easy when you are 24 and full of busted ideals to turn to the organi- 
zation hated and feared by your friends and comrades. 

But I had to decide that these friends and comrades were traitors. I knew 
their treason led back to a battlefront in France still smoking from combat where 
two American noncoms started convincing a 20-year-old staff sergeant that com- 
munism was the future. 


That sergeant was me and this is my story. 

I played a part in organizing 3.000 high school students into teen-age cells 
that are now part of the Communist conspiracy. 

I was an official of the Communist Party's Labor Youth League and the Red- 
controlled Young Progressives of America which now boast 500 students in 
Brooklyn, City, Hunter and Queens College and Columbia and New York 

I helped plan the high-school riots around city hall April 28, 1950, and dictated 
some of the Communist slogans the kids shouted as they took over the park in the 
spring of 1950. 

I worked for Communist groups that planned square dances to lure young 
people into the fifth column and was an employe of Red "schools" that plotted 
revolution for the bobby-soxers. 


From the offices of the Communist Party's student division on the third floor 
of Red national headquarters, 35 E. 12th st., I helped plan student campaigns 
against universal military training at Cornell and Syracuse and Harvard and 
the University of Pennsylvania. 

The FBI, by accepting my offer to help fight tins growth of communism in 
the schools, gave me the opportunity to undo some of the damage I had caused. 

For a year I posed as a devoted Communist and turned in weekly reports to 
FBI agents. 

These reports contained hundreds of names of students in the city's colleges 
and high schools. 

These reports gave the FBI an up-to-date blueprint of the Communist Party's 
youth leaders, their descriptions and their addresses. 

I also gave the FBI a detailed report on the city hall demonstration and riot 
in which the Communist Party had a definite role. 

As a State educational committee member of the Labor Youth League I had 
helped prepare the picket signs to be carried by the youthful demonstrators when 
they invaded City Hall Park in waves of thousands. 

This protest grew out of refusal of high school teachers to take part in after- 
class activities until granted a salary increase. 


The great majority of these teachers certainly were not Communists, but 
the Reds moved in quickly to capitalize on their desire for a hi.uher wase. 

We sent our teen-age Young Progressives of America to agitate among students. 
"Get out and demonstrate," was the slogan. 


And Communist teachers were under instruction to hint to students that a 
march to city hall was the proper thing to do. 

Communist students armed themselves with firecrackers to throw under the 
mounted police. 

They did this under Communist Party instructions. 

After the riot Communist youth leaders met at student division headquarters 
and gloated : 

"A really fine spontaneous demonstration of working-class youth." 

It was scored as a Communist victory and we ordered our teen-agers to 
launch a big recruiting campaign for the party in the high schools. 


In another FBI report I gave the names of about 50 City College campus Com- 
munists who organized the "sirike" against the board of higher education in 
April 1948. 

This strike was planned at our student division headquarters in the Com- 
munists' national ofiice. 

I know because I attended the meetings, helped plan the strategy, and ordered 
picket signs. 

Communist students v. ere brought in from the three other public colleges — 
Hunter, Queens, and Brooklyn — as well as New York University and Columbia. 

Our student commissar — I'll call him Jack although the FBI has his real 
name — instructed us to "get tough" and close down City College. 

There were minor riots. Some students were arrested and the Civil Rights 
Congress, a Communist front, sent lawyers to defend them. 

We decided at the end of the week that again the Communist Party had given 
the "class struggle" a boost and we recruited a number of students to the Young 

In a report to the political bureau of the Communist Party, Jack pointed out 
our success in using CCNY basketball stars as dupes in aiding the strike. 

He reported to our LYL meeting that at least one of the stars was a member 
of the Young Progressives. 

There were many other reports to the FBI of past and present activities. 


One dealt with the Peekskill riots in September 1949 when I rode as a Commu- 
nist strong-arm goon in a car loaded with lead pipe, baseball bats, and even a 
high-powered rifile. 

And on another occasion when the party ordered its young husky members to 
scatter around the Federal building on Foley Square during the trial of the 11 
Communist leaders. 

It was the day Paul Robeson, the Negro singer, testified for the defense. 

I was called out of bed at 2 a. m. and told to be on a corner a block from the 
courthouse at 10 a. m. 

"There may be trouble," Jack said. 


When I got there I saw about 40 of the Communist Party's toughest young 
fellows scattered at strategic points. 

There was no trouble. I was never given an explanation of the strongarm 

[The assembly in Albany last night passed and sent to the senate the Duffy bill 
prohibiting picketing, shouting, or yelling within a radius of 200 feet of a court- 
house. Violators would be held in criminal contempt.] 

In June 1949 I was told by the party to take part in a so-called rank-and-file 
picket line around the ofiice of Joseph P. Ryan, president of the AFL Longshore- 
man's Association. 


Ryan, a bitter anti-Communist who is one of the Communist Party's most 
liated American labor leaders, was the target of verbal abuse by those on the 
picket line. 

A call was sent by the party to all units and sections to support this picket 
line — which was done. 

I later turned in a report of this activity by the Red youth groups to the FBI. 

There were other reports I had to make at 149 Macombs Road, Bronx. 

To my mother and father : 

Four years they had watched me grow more deeply involved in a movement 
they hated and had taught me to despise. 

Both of them were born in Russia and they fled the bigotry of the Czars in 
1904 to settle in America. 

They became typical Americans, proud of their two sons, of their modest home, 
and particularly of their adopted country. 


They believed in God and taught us the simple rules of good conduct and con- 
sideration for our fellow men. 

Dad fought in World War I and both always have been active in Republican 
politics in the West Bronx where Danny, my brother, and I were born. 

In high school my parents warned me that "Stalin is just another Czar," but I 
wasn't interested in communism. There was the matter of Pearl Harbor. 

Danny and I enlisted and joined up on our ISth birthdays, Danny in the Air 
Corps and I headed for the infantry. 

On September 10, 1944, a B-17 on which Danny was radio operator received a 
direct burst of flak over Germany. 

In June 1945, a German prisoner of war led me to his grave. 

I went through two campaigns, and war's end found me on the west bank of 
the Rhine. 

I had a long talk with two other noncoms. 

For several weeks both had been sounding me out about politics. 

"Too bad Wallace couldn't have been Vice President." This was after Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's death. "Truman can't follow in his tradition." 

This led to other talks. Sometimes in a pup tent, sometimes over a bar. 

"The Russians really licked Hitler. The Soviets have something to fight for. 

I listened, sometimes agreeing. Most of the time T didn't care. I was tired of 
'war and said so. 


Finally, we got a few days in Paris. 

The two noncoms invited me to meet "some friends of theirs." 

We made a round of parties held in various union halls and clubrooms. There 
was plenty of wine and French girls who seemed to be amazingly up to date on 

One of these jiii'ls one night asked me if I was a member of the Communist 
Party of the United States. 

"Who me?" 

"Your friends are. I thought you might be." 

I asked my buddies. They looked at one another, shrugged and said : 

"Sure, we're Communists. Why not?" 

I was a battlew^orn GI of 20 and not up to wondering why two other soldiers 
in American uniform were interested in communism and openly espousing it 

They took me to several Communist clubs in Paris, introduced me to the French 
party leaders. 

My two pals also took an interest in supplying me with Communist literature, 
some of it in English, advocating American soldiers "Get out of Eixrope." I did. 

I was honorably discharged August 3, 1946, and came back to the Bronx. 

Restless as were a lot of returning soldiers, I loafed around the Bronx and 
Tenewed friendships with boyhood pals. 

I told one of them about my experiences with the Communists in France. 

"What did you think of them?" he asked casually. 

I shook my head. 

"I didn't think much about it. They were people." 

He questioned me for an hour about the French Reds and then invited me to 
■a party that evening. 


"Ever hear of the American Youth for Democracy?" 

I hadn't — and didn't know until months later that this was the new name of 
The Young Communist League. 

My friend said he was a member and the party turned out to be a meeting of 
the Roosevelt Club of the AYD on Tremont Avenue. 


Later he took me to another AYD meeting of the Joe Hill Club on Gunhill 

There were about 25 young people there, including several school friends. A 
quota of pretty girls, a lot of singing and some talks about universal military 
training and why the AYD was against it. 

A couple of students got up and said they were circulating petitions against 
UMT at William Howard Taft High School, my alma mater. 

Another from CCNY, where I had gone a year and half before I enlisted, said 
the college campus "was determined to put down any more militarism." 

Fresh from a war, I liked such talk and signed one of the petitions. 

Gloria, a petite brunette, then came over with a paper and said I should sub- 
scribe to it. 

It was the Daily Worker. 

I looked it over, decided it was an American edition of the Communist litera- 
ture I had seen in France and gave her money for a subscription. 

Only soft drinks were served at the meetings, but after it was over, the AYD 
adjourned to an apartment of one of the members where whisky and beer became 
a part of the menu. 

I made the rounds of AYD clubs and one night attended one in downtown 
City College on 23d Street. 

There were about 15 college students in the club and the evening was spent 
discussing UMT and the housing shortage. I was urged to join the American 
Veterans' Committee. 


I joined this organization and signed an AYD card about the same time. 

I had taken my first step into the Communist Party, only vaguely aware of it 
and not caring particularly. 

But my parents did. 

Danny's death had left mother saddened and my actions since my return hadn't 
helped matters. Both she and dad found the Daily Worker and other Red 
literature in my room. 

Finally they asked me about it. "Are you a Communist?" 

Rubbing shoulders with other young Reds for several months had taught me 
the standard reply. 


"What's a Communist?" 

"A Communist is a Red Nazi," my mother would tell me. "You know Stalin 
isn't any better than the Czar !" 

I laughed tolerantly with the wisdom of youth and hurried off to the AYD 

We had a new speaker that night — an attractive girl from Local 65 of the 
Distributive Trades, a union since expelled from the CIO on charges of 

She told about their strike at a downtown store and asked our support. She 
explained that several AYD clubs were sending their members to the store next 
day and she carefully outlined the plan of action. 

About 125 young people, most of them high-school and college students, were 
■on hand promptly at 10 the next morning. 

We entered the store in groups through the understanding picket line, descended 
on various departments where we tried on merchandise, argued with clerks and 
did an all-day job of completely disrupting the sales personnel. 

This was known as keeping "the store's volume down." 

The union organizer appeared at our next meeting to thank us. She said the 
strike had been won through our support. 

I went out with her for a drink later and she gave me a real interrogation — 
a process I was later to find out in the party as "testing a comrade's political 



"What did I think about the U. N.? Is Russia a dictatorship? How did I feel 
about the colonial problem? What did I know about the CIO and AFL?" 

My answers apparently didn't satisfy her. 

"I think you should go back to school," she said. 

"Not me." 

She shook her head. 

"This is a different school. The Jefferson School for Social Science." 

"Never heard of it." 

She looked at me and said slowly : 

"It's a fine school for people like you. You'll meet your friends there and make 
a lot of new ones. And you'll like the teachers." 


"But what do they teach?" 

"Marxism," she said. 

I grinned. "Now I get it — a Communist school." 

She nodded. 

"Are you a Communist?" 

She nodded again. 

"When are you going to join the party?" she asked. 

Her bluntness stunned me for a moment and I said quietly : 

"I'm not sure. When I am, I'll let you know." 

(Tomorrow Matusow goes to the Jefferson School, learns Marxism, and be- 
comes a member of the Communist Party assigned to organizing students into a 
fifth column.) 

[New York Journal-American, February 6, 1952] 

FBI Undercover Man Cites Red City Teachers: Revolt Taught in Party 


By Harvey M. Matusow 

I learned about Marxism and the technique of the class struggle at the Jeffer- 
son School of Social Science. 

And at Camp Unity in Wingdale, N. Y., I discovered materialism as practiced 
by Communists in search of what they call a good time. 

Both experiences will last me a lifetime. 

In the fall of 1947, almost a year after I had left the Army in France and re- 
turned to a restless civilian life I was an enthusiastic part of the Communist 
Youth movement. 


But, under the promptings of an attractive girl labor leader who apparently 
felt I might develop into a "professional revolutionary" I took the fatal step 
that commits one to the full impact of the Stalin conspiracy, 

I joined the Communist Party. 

My friend was pleased at my decision and congratulated me. 

We were walking in the park after I had signed my formal declaration of mem- 
bership with the girl as one of my sponsors. 

"You have a feeling of belonging, of being a part of something," she said. "You 
will never regret it." 

But she did. 

As my sponsor, she had to face a battery of Communist "security officers" 3 
years later when I was discovered to be an FBI counterspy. 

But Hazel — her real name and long Communist record with Local 65, Whole- 
sale and Warehouse Workers is in the FBI files— couldn't foresee the future. 

All she knew was that she had recruited a promising "working-class leader" 
and was proud of her political conquest. 

Soon after I joined I moved from the home of my parents, 1491 Macombs Road, 

Mother and Dad had become increasingly critical of my newly found commu- 
nism and both, as patriotic Americans, fought to save their only surviving son 
from what they called "the Red Nazis." 


My brother Danny had gone down in a B-17 over Germany and my mother 
grieved at this loss and what she thought was my loss to the Communist enemy. 


I shared an apartment at 24 West 18th Street Avith Randolph Wood, a member 
of my Communist Party group. 

The location was convenient to the Jefferson School at 575 6th Avenue, where 
I enrolled for several courses. 

This bustling place with classrooms packed with venerable fur workers, bright- 
eyed high school girls and comrades from every walk of life became almost a 
second home for me. 

I took the beginner's courses in IMarxism-Leninism, learning the basic facts 
of revolution according to the Communist theory. 

On the staff were several public school teachers who taught tots their ABC's 
during the day and drilled their adult "students" at the .Jefferson School on the 
correct method to overthrow the Government of the United States. 

Heading the school's staff were Howard Selsam, David Goldway, Benjamin 
Paskoff, Louis Lerman and other former public college teachers who had been 
thrown out of their city jobs after being named Communists in a 1941 hearing. 

Typical evening classes included such courses as Principles of Marxism II ; 
Seminar in Capital ; Trade Union Principles ; Marxism and American Labor ; 
Political Economy and Writing Children's Books. 

I found it was dull as it sounds and found a lighter form of instruction in 
"youth'' classes given by Lou Diskin, Leon Wofsky, and other leaders of the 
American Youth for Democracy. 

( Matusow a witness before the House Un-American Activities Committee today 
in Washington said Communist leaders of the Young Progressives of America 
included Leon Wofsy Lou Diskin, Joe Bucholt, Roosevelt Ward, Harry Gay, Art 
Saha, and Joe Tarentola. 

(Matusow also said People's Artists was a theatrical booking agency which had 
a "Communist cell." In this cell, he said, were members of the "Weavers" quar- 
tet, including Ronnie Gilbert, Pete Seeger, Freddie Helleman, and Woodie 

The classes were enlivened by girls from AYD and Communist Party branches 
in Hunter, Queens, and Brooklyn Colleges. 

Although I had joined the Communist Party, I was still assigned to youth work 
and part of my job included meeting with these girls whose "political develop- 
ment" was not satisfactory to the party. 

I remember one such meeting of the Hunter College Communist Party during 
which a pretty girl comrade confessed she couldn't follow the many twistings of 
the party line, particularly on the international front. 

"The party is no place for stupid people," one of her comrades observed. 

"I'm not stupid," she told us. "I just can't keep up with the changes." 

We decided to enroll her in the Jefferson School. 

My other work as a fledgling revolutionary took me to various youth clubs and 
to the American Veterans Committee. I was ordered to join a post in the Bronx 
which was not controlled by Communists. 

"We've got to take over the post," Mike, my immediate superior said. "We'll 
pay your dues and all expenses. But we've got to get control." 

We tried for several months but that AVC post remained in unfriendly hands 
and I was ordered to new assignments. 

During the Labor Day weekend of 1947 I was invited by a comrade to spend 
a week at Camp Unity. 

There I found that the comrades played as hard as they worked. 

But I couldn't call it a vacation. 

Breakfast opened with the Daily Worker and a lecture by one of the Com- 
munist big shots who visited the camp frequently. 

After lunch there was another lecture and after dinner various games or 
songs, all with a class angle. 

The place swarmed with young girls — secretaries and students — in search of a 
good time and a new comrade. 

A comrade on the national committee or a martyr facing jail "for the cause" 
u.sually was surrounded by a bevy of admiring Red beauties. 

How much the comrades relaxed I never learned, but I found out why the 
comrades who went to Unity — and about 500 packed it every week — seldom took 
their wives or husbands. 


As a young fellow raised in the Bronx and who had soldiered across the country 
and in France, I wasn't a prude. But Camp Unity was no place for an average 
guy who perhaps hadn't reached the proper political distaste of bourgeois 

When I went back to the city, I took a job with an organization known as 
People's Artists. 

For years tlie Communists had been whooping it up for folk music and 
People's Artists — which was run by party members — was booking such artists 
as Sam Levensou, Susan Reed, Pete Seeger, Betty Sanders, Ernie Leiberman, and 
many others. 

Socials were held by the Communist youth branches with square dances and 
folk singing attracting dozens of high school kids. 

While we were stepping up our recruiting of students, one of the national 
youth leaders gave us a rude .lolt on the subject of culture. 

In December 1948, Henry Winston, national organizational secretary of the 
Communist Party, came to our Tompkins Square club and made a sarcastic 

Winston was to go on trial in a month along with 10 other Communist leaders 
for subversive conspiracy. 

"You white-collar comrades," he shouted at us that night, '"have got to get out 
of your mental eclipse and get rooted with the masses. 

"Get out of your soft jobs, leave New York and go to work in the basic in- 
dustries. Don't be afraid to leave the comforts of home. The party needs you in 
places that count." 

Two years later Winston was to leave New York but not for a job in "the basic 
industries." He was a fugitive from the FBI after failure to appear for his 
5-year jail term. 

During the next few months I continued that feverish activity that marks 
the average Communist in the midst of his desire to remake the world. 

I would meet with a group of student Communists from Queens College or Long 
Island University where the party had cells. 

I would supply them with current Communist literature, give them the party 
line on world events, urge them to greater recruiting efforts and money, money, 

"Doesn't the party ever get enough money?" one girl said at an executive meet- 
ing of the club. 

She walked out of the clubhouse and never returned. 

Few of the young comrades ever took such drastic action. Some argued and' 
debated party decisions but usually succumbed when I cracked the whiplash of 

Others meekly gave their money and their time without questions. 

That spring I won a prize of a trip to Puerto Rico by collecting the most 
subscriptions for the Daily Worker. I took the trip in April, but it wasn't much 
of a vacation. 


I was given a long list of Puerto Rican comrades to see. I was told to pass 
on certain instructions. I was ordered to set up a party youth press. I also 
was to serve as a one-man OGPU and submit detailed reports on any political 
waverings by the Puerto Rico young Reds. 

I came back from the trip completely exhausted. 

It was a warm summer day and outside the dingy club offices the sun was 
shining and the world looked inviting. 

All of a sudden I remembered the Polo Grounds and the Yankee Stadium up 
in the Bronx and the many summer afternoons I had spent in the bleachers sans 
Marx, sans Lenin, and sans Stalin. 

I locked the office and went to the ball game. 

I didn't quite know it then, but Stalin was losing a recruit while Allie Reynolds 
was pitching a shutout. 

(Tomorrow : Harvey Matusow makes a telephone call to the FBI and becomes 
a counterspy in the service of his country. ) 


Youth Told To Infiltrate Key Indtjstry for Sabotage 
(By Harvey M. Matusow) 

(Undercover operative for the FBI in many Communist organizations and 
youth leader of the Reds in the city's public colleges and high schools. This is 
the third installment. As told to Howard Rushmore.) 

I had been drawn into the Communist Party through an innocent-sounding 
front called American Youth for Democracy, set up to lead young people into 
the fifth column. 

But in December 1948, the political bureau of the Communist Party decided 
such fronts as the AYD and the Young Progressives of America were not enough. 

And the Labor Youth League was organized. 

I attended the meeting in New York County headquarters of the Communist 
Party the night the decision was made. 

Arnold Johnson, who has since been indicted for subversive conspiracy, told us : 

"We must change our entire plan of youth organization. 

"The party is setting up a Marxist-Leninist youth group and our prime aim 
is to shift our comrades into basic industry." 

I knew what that meant. 

The party was preparing its underground for sabotage and espionage by 
placing trusted comrades in aircraft plants, arsenals, the steel and Iron industry, 
and in every plant of importance to our defense effort. 

I couldn't sleep that night. The doubts that had been coming to my mind 

Only a year before the girl labor leader who had recruited me into the 
Communist Party had said : 

"Harvey, you are where you belong." 

But was I? 


However, youthful convictions are stubborn and despite the long, long 
thoughts that plagiied my loyalty to the party, I flung myself into work in art 
effort to forget them. 

The orders for formation of the Labor Youth League were translated into quick 

At Columbia University, where the party had set up a Marxist study group, 
the student comrades swung into line and began to furiously study Lenin's 
blueprint for revolution. 

This pattern was followed by our cell in Hunter College, at Queens College 
and even at the JuUiard School of Music, where we had an organized group. 


The Young Progressives of America wasn't abandoned, for we still needed 
a mass front for students who were not yet ready for the party. 

But increasing emphasis was placed on building a hard core of reliable young 
party members who would respond to party discipline and do what they were told. 

Even to the teen-age Communist groups which operated in high schools, the 
word went out to place less emphasis on socials such as picnics, dances, and 
folk music and to concentrate on Marxism. 

An older hish-school student, usually a junior or senior, was placed in charge 
of the new LYL program in each high school. 

Organizational work in such schools was done quietly and the YPA or Ameri- 
can Labor Party was used for mass propaganda. But the real work of the party 
was the LYL and its goal of revolutionary overthrow of the Government. 

In line with this program, the teen-agers were told to take petitions into their 
schools, to get classmates interested in the trial of the 11 Communists then 
going on at Foley Square, and to bring other high-school students to the court- 
room if possible. 

This rooting section in Federal Judge Medina's courtroom was important to 
the party. 

Mike, my immediate superior in the party, called me one morning and 
said : 

"I want you to attend the trial this week and take some comrades with 

"But I've got work to do," I told them. 


"This is a party order," he snapped. "The warm weather and vacations have 
thinned out our audience. Get down there and sit with the comrades on the left 
side of the courtroom." 

"What do you want me to do then ?" 

"Mingle with the crowd in the square during recess and talk to nonparty 
people. Convince them Medina is unfair and the whole thing is a Fascist 

"And another thing," Mike said, "be careful. There's a reporter named 
Howard Rushmore of the Journal-American who is always snooping around to 
see what our comrades are doing in the courthouse. Don't go near him." 


So I went to the courthouse and spent a week watching the trial. I noticed 
the 11 party leaders seemed bored with the whole thing and I watched their 
assumed look of martyrdom when they entered or left the building. 
 Their conviction in October was no surprise to the party, but it was a signal 
for action. 

My old car was put into immediate use as a truck for moving mimeograph 
machines, paper supplies, and literature to individual homes of secret party 

But I didn't go on the trips. 

"We have security measures," Mike told me. "The addresses of these com- 
rades are a closely guarded secret." 

"Don't you trust me?" 

"We .iust have to be careful of new comrades," he said. "The FBI has spies 
in the party and we are having all who joined in the past 5 years checked for 

So after that I was called to national headquarters at 35 East 12th Street 
and confronted by the party's control commission. This group acts as the 
party's OGPU and keeps a file on each party member's habits, personal life, 
friends, and his life history. 

"You are still in the Army Reserve, aren't you?" they asked. 

I must have looked surprised, for I never told them that I had signed up for 
<he Reserves when I was discharged in 1946. 

"Sure," I said. "What about it?" 

"We want you to get out of the Reserves as soon as possible." 

"But why?" 

They looked at me coldly and said : 

•'Comrade Matusow, this is a party decision. You are not to question it or 
ask why. Just do it." 

As I walked down 12th Street, I wondered why this urgency. I became 
curious and asked Bill, one of the LYL leaders, if he had been told to get out 
of the Air Force Reserves, in which he was a captain. 

"No. I'm still in," he said when I questioned him. 

But I had to get out * * *. 

It didn't make sense to me — unless, as I thought suddenly, the party wanted 
1o keep Bill in because of his officer's rank and his access to the Air Force. 

I began thinking about the whole thing. I didn't like it, and yet I couldn't 
question the party orders. 

I remember a recent LYL meeting when one of the recent recruits criticized 
Russia's actions in the U. N. There was silence in the meeting, the organizer 
changed the subject, and the recruit forgot the incident — until the next day. 

He was on the staff of a Communist-controlled union. That morning he was 
called in and fired without explanation. 

And he was expelled from the LYL the following week. 

My enthusiasm over the new world the party painted for me at the Jefferson 
School and at hundreds of meetings began to fade. 

Was this a new world? Or was communism just a form of Red Nazism, as 
my mother had warned me? 

(Read how Matusow becomes an undercover operative for the FBI and what 
happens to him when the Communists discover his dual role in the fourth and 
concluding article tomorrow.) 


[New York Journal-American, February 8, 1952] 

Revolted by Ruthless Red Party Rule : Vet Gets Chance To Remedy Ekimjr 

(Undercover operative for the FBI in Communist organizations and former 
Communist youth leader in the city's public colleges and high schools. As told 
to Howard Rushmore. This is the fourth and concluding installment.) 

(By Harvey M. Matusow) 

Democracy is only a word in the Communist Party, a word without meaning. 

I had begun to realize that after a few months in the party, but with my rise 
es a Red youth leader I had a firsthand glimpse of the "democracy" that exists 
in the inner circles. 

There can be no argument over a decision, no questioning of Russia's position, 
no doubting of the party's leadership. 

For a young American reared in the tradition of majority rule and full argu- 
ment over issues and events, such intellectual dictatorship is repellent. 

I tried to discuss the problem with a girl who had joined the party about the 
same time. 

"I don't question the party leaders because I don't feel I need to," she said. 
"They have been in the class struggle longer than we have. Who am I — or 
you — to disagree with them?" 

In 2 years she had developed from a normal American girl into a robot. Had I? 

I thought it over, watched the faces of the high-school students, the college 
kids I dealt with every day as a commissar. 

Was I helping change them and their desire for a better world into a cog in 
a ruthless political machine? 

During the month of December 1949 I thought it out. 

notifies FIJI 

Next month I called the FBI. 

My courage failed me the first time and I put down the receiver, but a few 
minutes later I made up my mind and talked to one of the agents who arranged 
an appointment. 

The next morning I entered the building after being sure no comrades were 
around. I knew they kept a watch on the courthouse. 

The Mgent, a young, polite man, took me into an office and called another 
FBI man. 

I spent 5 hours telling them the story. They took notes, listened, and asked 
a few questions. 

"I know I've made a mistake," I told them. "But it doesn't do any good in 
this thing to admit a mistake. I'd like to do something to remedy it." 

"What do you suggest?" 

"The party has tightened down on security. Every new recruit is screened 
carefully. It's hard for the FBI to get operatives in now and with all the 
checkups going on, you may find it hard to keep all of them in the party. I'd like 
to stay on and do anything you want." 

They went outside and came back in a few minutes. 

"Give us your phone," they said. "We'll let you know." 

I didn't hear from the FBI immediately. I knew they were checking me care- 
fully, for the Communists had made several attempts to plant spies in the FBI. 


Then one day the phone rang. It was the FBI agent I had first met. 

"We'd like to talk to you away from the building. Could we meet uptown?" 

We arranged the street intersection and the time. They picked me up in their 
car and we talked. 

The FBI had decided to let me volunteer my services as an operative. 

"But this is voluntary on your part," they warned. "We accept no responsi- 
bility for your welfare or your actions. You are never to say you are helpJng 
the FBI, and no matter what trouble you get into you are not to use us as an alibi." 

I agreed. For security reasons I will leave out the details of our meetings and 
how I cMrried out my work. Even now the Communist Party is carrying on a 
complete reorganization of its entire membership in an effort to weed out all 
suspected counterspies. 

59886 — 55 — pt. 11 5 


But from that day on I became more active in the Labor Youth League and 
all the other groups to which I was affiliated or had knowledge. Now I had 
a reason. 

During the next few months I gave the FBI more than 500 names of young 
Communists in the public colleges and schools, in the private universities, and 
in other groups. 

I supplied descriptions, addresses, and even photographs. 

On those lists were the names of the Communist youth leaders who had 
enlisted more than 3,000 teen-age students and 500 college students in New York 
City into the lied conspiracy. 

Often I spent the entire night writing my FBI reports but would be olT to 
party meetings in the morning and continue that pace throughout the day and 

Some of the comrades commented on my new zeal. 

"I was worried about you," Mike said one night over a beer after an LYL 
meeting. "I thought you might turn out to be a tired Bolshevik, weary of the 
class struggle." 


Mike didn't know that half an hour later I was writing a report to the 
FBI about the meeting and about Mike's role in it. 

I kept this up for a year. 

And I was even more determined when I saw despite the increasing public 
feeling against communism and the verdicts against Red spies and conspirators 
that the party and its youth groups were losing comparatively few members. 

"We're down to those we can depend on now," ;Mike said one day. "The 
summer soldiers have departed. The Bolsheviks remain." 

I was always careful in my contacts with the FBI, for I knew the party 
had set up its own security squad of strong-arm men and Red detectives who 
trail a man, tap a telephone, and expose the FBI operatives. 


John Lautner, head of the party's control commission for New York State, 
had already been expelled as an FBI plant ; although I knew— as did the FBI — 
that Lautner was a loyal Communist. 

This expulsion so enraged him that he later did go to the FBI and only 
recently was a Government witness in Washington. 

But one day they caught up with me. 

Almost a year after I had gone to work for the FBI, I was called by Mike 
and told to report to national headquarters. 

And I wasn't told to report to the student division on the third floor but 
to the firth floor where the commissars had their ofiices. 

Tliey let me wait outside one of the offices for half an hour. 

Then they called me in. 

"This is our .security head," Mike said, introducing me to a husky, cold-eyed 
man who did not offer his hand. Mike did not give his name, but added, "hp 
is a former police officer." 

Then the questioning started. Why had I remained in the reserves? Did I 
know any FBI agents? Had I ever been to the FBI office on Foley Square? 
Who were my friends? Why did I stay up all night working on a typewriter? 

They had an amazingly accurate account of my daily habits — but no direct 
accusations. Were they only suspicious? 

"Am T up on charges or not?" I finally asked, "If I am, what are the charges? 
And what is this all about?" 

"That's our business." 

"It's also mine," I answei'ed. "I'm a loyal comrade and I don't like being 
treated this way." 

The security comrade laughed. 

"Loyal. That's for us to decide. But until you hear from us, you ai"e to stay 
away from all party meetinsis and all party members." 

"I intend to keep on seeing my friends." 

He looked at me, and the other comrades got up and formed a circle around 


"You are to stay away from our comrades,"' the husky guy said, "if you know 
what's good for you." 


"Goons, huh? Remember, the party used me for a goon and I can handle 

"Remember what I said," he replied. "If you know what's good for you. Now 
get out." 

An hour later I was talking to the FBI. 

I told them of tlie warnings, and asked them what to do. 

"Just sit tisht and see what happens," they advised. 

A week later on January 19, 1951, the Daily Worker said that "the New York 
County Committee of the Communist Party announced yesterday that Harvey 
Matusow has been expelled from the Tompkins Square section of the Communist 
Party for being an enemy agent." 

I took the paper to the FBI and they agreed my work was done. The party 
grapevine would place the entire national organization on guard and my value as 
an ojjerative was ended. 

"Thanks." the FBI men said, "you've been a big help." 

But I still haven't done enough, I thought. I volunteered for the Air Force, 
served 11 mouths and now, out of uniform again, I am on the staff of the Ohio 
State Un-American Activities Commission. 

I hope to spend the rest of my life warning young Americans of the dangers 
of communism. And I know. I was there. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Mr. Matiisow, I send you certain photostats and ask 
you if you can identify them. 

Mr. Matusow. I can. 

Mr. SouRwixE. What are those photostats? 

Mr. Matusow. These are a few, only part, of the reports I gave to 
an ao-ent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation in th*^ venr 1950. I 
believe 1951. I am not sure of the 1951 date. I don't believe there 
are any for 1951. They are some reports I gave to a special agent of 
tlie FBI in 1950, but it is not a complete group of my reports. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I'nit these are reports which you gave to the FBI? 

Mr. Matusow. A selection of the reports, shall we say ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. But these individual items each is a report which 
you gave to the FBI? 

Mr. Matusow. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were these factual at the time you made these 
reports ? 

Mr. Matusow. I would have to read them and tell you. I don't re- 
member what is in them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you at the time you were making these reports 
have any intention at any time to make a false report to the FBI ? 

Mr, Matusow. I have no recollection. 

Mr. SouRwixE. You do not now recall what your intention then 
was ? 

Mr. Matusow. Whether I had intended to make any false state- 
ments to the FBI, I don't recall now, sir. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Are you stating here that it is possible that you did 
at that time intend to make a false statement to the FBI? 

Mr. Matusow. I am not stating anything positively because I have 
no recollection of what went through my mind 5 years ago to that 

Mr. SomwiNE. I am pointing out to you, sir, unless you can state 
that it was not your intention, necessarily that constitutes an admis- 
sion that it might have been so, if in fact one of these reports is shown 
to be false, there might be a claim that it was false with intention. 

Mr. Matusow. There might be such a claim but I have no recollec- 
tion one way or another. If I had time to read the reports, I would 
probably be able to refresh my recollection and tell you. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. You have stated before this committee on an earlier 
occasion, when you accepted employment by the FBI as an under- 
coverman or informer, you intended to give them the truth and the 
facts and that you did so with the motive of helping your country. 

Mr. Matusow. Tliat's right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right. 

Mr. MATrsow\ You are asking me about specitic reports now. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That affirmation is all I wanted to get in the record. 

Mr. Matusow. Right. No contradiction. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May these reports, INIr. Chairman, go into the record 
at this point? I will comment on only one. They will speak for 

Senator McClellan. They will be admitted. 

(Tlie documents referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 87" and 
appear below:) 

Exhibit No. 87 

December 21, 1950 

Ground floor of 35 East 12th street, front door is open during normal days work. 
Gate door on the stairway coming down from the second floor is always locked 
with a snap lock, gate on stairway going down to the pressroom is open. There 
is a phone in the hallway that is in good working? erudition, it is an inter-con 
phone set up. the main connection are (to the best of my knowledge, as of 194'.) 
when I workes there) in the front room on the third floor in the ofiice of the 
Twelfth & Thirteenth Real Estate Co. . Phone connection are also in the front 
and rear elevator, in the hallway of the 48 East 13th street entrance, and at 
other points around the building. The front (35 E 12th street) elevator has 
two doors, one opens on the hallway to the street, and the other on the mail 
room for the daily worker, this room runs from one end of the building to the 
other. It has connection with the Workers Bookshop, and the 13th enterance. 
Jimmy (do not know his last name) is the daytime front elevator operator, 
Is about 5 : 10 weight 200 lb, Negro has worked there for a number of years. Is 
used very often on Goon Squad work and for any action where force might be 
needed. . . . When Robeson or a party big shot are at meeting, he is one of the 
body guards. . His picturse can be obtain'.^d from ti)e shots of peekskill, he was 
one of the Robeson body guards, and picture was published in one or more 


If you dont have a very good reason to be there, party members are advised to 
leave the building. Clara Marsh (5:3 weight 130 blach hair, brown eyes, has 
been membership director and finance director of the NY county CP operates 
the switchboard on the third floor. Rena Kline still has an ottice on the Third 
floor, as do organizers for local 65. At the thirteenth street side of the build- 
ing there are two exits. One going down only, it leads to the Daild Worker Bus. 
Ofl!ice, and 50 East 13th Street This door is barrad with piece of steel y^ inch 
thick. It does not extend the gull lenght of door. . . . The exit door to 48 
east 13th street is locked with snap lock, as are these doors, on every floor. The 
front door, (exit to 35 east 12th) is not locked on the third floor. It is locked 
on the second, open <m the fourth, do not know about the 5th, open on sixth, 
not know about seventh, open on eighth, dont know about nine. . There are two' 
direct conne tion from the third floor switchboard the board on the fifth 
floor which has connection on all floors The switchboard operator hns con- 
trol of the door at the head of the third floor, there are two buzzers that open it, 
one is a foot buzzer that the operator can operate while operatoring the board . . . 
It is a steel frame door with glass panel. In all the oflices three are metal 
trays which are used to burn all paper mesages etc. . . They are very much afraid 
of wire tapping, and write insted of talk, then burn the material when meeting 
is over : : 

Jesse arrived about 12 noon(5:7 weight 150 lb, brown eyes, black curly hair, 
large nose) (he acts and operates as though he has had experience in police or 
investigation work) and Joe Bucholt arrived about 15 minutes later, Jesse 
told me to go to his ooflice with Joe and wait for him. Jack from the workers 
bookshop was on the floor he came there just to see jesse, and stayed in another 


office during the entire meeting, Jesse would step out of the meeting and go 
down to hall to consult Jack every few minutes. . . I think Jack is behind the 
whole investigation. He origanly started the story that I was fired from the 
workers books shop for stealing money and books. 

Jesse started cff bv asking me when I joind the Party, and who recruited me, 
what other organization did I belong to. Was I in the service, how long wiiere 
did I serve, what ofit was I in etc. . . He then asked me if I was ever in the 
OSS or the CIC.CID or did I know anybody in those outfits. I said no and 
thought no more about it at the time. The next question was about what did 
I do for work since my discharge from service. I told him about everthing, he 
then asked about the money I made, and then why did I stay in New Mexico. 
He then went back the the worker sub drive of 1948-49 and asked me if I sold 
four or five subs to one household. I told him no, and at that point he said 
"I don't belive you" he ask Joe if he had any questions, Joe sadi yes and asked 

about Kay Then Joe said I don't belis^e you, and at that point Jesse 

took over again. . , , , 

Did you ever have any OSS material in you library, I said not to my knowledge, 
which was true uutifhe mention some Political Affairs that I had. They were 
purchased at the Abrahms Magazine Servive on 13th street, where they got 
them I don't know, but I bought them there and told Jesse so, but he just said 
your a liar.. Then he went on to give me a list of people who received more 
then one sub (4 or 0) and accused me of all of that during sub drives it 
was common policy in the party clubs to send 2, 3. 4, subs to one home and 
deliver the papers, so that everybodys name would not be on the mailing 
list) I denied knowledge of all of those subs, still didn't belive me, then came 
the bookshop ad the charge that I had stolen money and books from the 
Bookshop. I had cleared, at least I though I had cleared that matter before I 
left New York. In fact That matter was supposed to have been cleared up about 

two weeks after I left the bookshop The question of New Mexico did not seen 

to have mu-h bering on the investagation I accused them of witchhunt- 

ing. but it had no affect on there opinions they asked me if I had anything else 
to say. and I said no. I had a feeling that they knew more then what they were 
saying... I was told to stay away from the progressive movement in order to 
prove that I was not a member of the OSS. We stayed in Jesse's office for at 
least 30 minutes. I was trying to get them to change there minds, but I was 
unsuccessful. Jesse said he would believe that any one of the three charges 
by itself was false after hearing my explaination, hut that all three were to 
much for him to belive (the three charges, OSS literature, Falsely selling subs 
to the worker, and stealing money and books from the Workers Bookshop.) 
There was nothing more I could do at the time. I was not told what was to 
happen. I have surmised that an expulsion will be the next step.. I have 
spoken to a few people. They don't belive the charges but they say that there is 

nothing they can do I spoke to Art about it, and I think he is next, 

Something which affects him, and I am sure had a bering on my case was Mel 
Brown. As of Today T am no longer a member of the Communist Party, or 
any of there front organizations. . . 



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July 10, 1950 
6PM Meeting With Rae 

Supper Meeting with rae at my house on the Suhjpct of the Ed worlt in the 
Paul Robeson Club of The Labor Youth League (5th AD NYC). ... I will speak 
at a street meeting tomorrow nite at 'JOth Street & Columbus Avenue, (The 

Draft & Korea). Rev John Darr Will Also Speak The Club Ed work will 

be outlined in the following form. 

1. Peace a. Korea, b. The Draft 

2. The Mundt Bill a. Free The Political Prisoners, 

We discussee the united front, and getting other people and organizations in 
the drive for peace and getting petitions signed. . . . The club work will point 
out the work in the Jewish Middle class community, so as to get as many 
Jewish Middle Class Youth in the Left Wing and The Communist Party. We 
are going to start an area Leadership Class, The Class will be discussed in detail 
at a later Date, about five people from the club will attend. There will also be 
a county New Members Class. . . . Rae said that we will have to hold many 
more street meetings so as to get as many youth ns possible opposed to the war 

in Korea and the draft She says that the chin is very disorganized, for 

there is a fear and confusion within the membership. She says that the 
party will not commit itself on the draft as yet. We are to have in the next 

week an intense program to try to recall the draft, nd to stop it If 

this is successful we will try to start a program of not going into the service, 
but if the draft goes into full effect, and the CP could not get support against it, 
Rae said that we might go into the service and work from whithin, tho she said 

it was not official The party will have its official line within two weeks, 

or sooner if the draft starts. . . . The phone number of BEN the Club Organ- 
izer is EN-2-4074 

June 30 1950 

Meeting with Rae West Side Organizer of the Labor Yout League, New York 
County A member of the Communist Party. Was at one time member of the 
Exect. Commettie of the student division of the Communit Party. Have seen her 
at Communist Party Meetings. Have discussed my transfer to the communist 

party of the 5th AD NYC She works for the Barber Union 

Local 3 799 Broadway Have known Rae for about one year. . Have seen her 
in the Workers Bookshop, and at the county headquarters of the CP at .35 east 

12th street We discussed my xxxxx activity in the LYL and in 

the Party I am to continue to work in the Paul Robeson club of the 

Labor Youth League (5th AD) I will continue to be on the Educational Comm. . 
The Ed director is Phil Marcus who I am to call this week to plan ed work for 
the club. Rae told me that there will be a leadership class in the county starting 
the third week in July, two members of the Paul Robeson club will attend. Rae 
XXX would like to see Murial Marcus and Larry I'atterson attend xxxxx these 
classes. The classes will be three nites a week for five weeks. I was told to 
attend the ed directors meeting next thursday July 6th 1950 Phil Marcus will 
also attend. It will be held at the county headquarters on 125th street. The 
new county ed director is xxxx Ened Fogel (Th» wife of Bob Fogel the Student 
Organizer of the LYL and CP.) I will meet with Ened this afternoon or monday 
morning.' The Paul Robeson Club will hold an outdoor meeting this Saturday 
July 1st, on the subject of Peace and Korea. I was told that one of the most 
important parts of my job will be to organize more street meetings, so as to 
get more youth in the LYL. The main job of the LYL until Labor Day will be 
to get Peace Petitions signed. . . I was told that during the mornings that I 
don't work I should get as many petitions filled out as possible. . . I took a 
picture of Rae, and she asked me to call her monday nite to take some pictiires 
of some League members painting slogans on the streets in Harlem. Will get 
the Place . . Monday. . . 

The Progressive Forums, were held at the xxxxx Panal room (3rd Floor) 13 
Astor Place, (some of the Speakers and preformors) Josh White, Pete Seeger, 
the Weavers, Molly Pecon, Sammy Levenson, Richard Lauderbect, Oscar Brand, 
and many others. . . 

Harry Klein ran the forums for a while. He is listed in the Un American 
Committee books as the Press Director of the Brighton Section (Brooklyn) he 

is now running the Brighton Film Fourms He has and may still 

be a member of xxxx Communist Party Club on the East Side NYC. Louis 


Driicker and Rose Baron of the Workers Book Shop Are Also Members of the 

same club I have seen Harry at the Communist Party Headquarters 

at .-55 East 12th Street many times." I have seen him at the D uly ork t ()fhce 
I have heard him discuss the Fourms with many communist Party Members. 
(Irwin Silher Music Section Organizer at the time). He was criticized by the 

party a number of times for the people he had at the forums 

At one time Harry Klein was associated with xxxx Lenny jackobson who was 
the booking director of peoples artists. 

In recent months Harry Klein was associated wth Liberty Book Club as a sub. 
getter. ... He would station himself at the Jefferson School and all Progressive 
Affairs. He worked at this for about Nine ISIonths. ... . v, ^ 

Harry Klein asked me to attend the forum which started when Ricbard 
Loudeibein ( ?) spoke on China. I also attended the dance that followed. This 
all took place at 13 Eston (?) place in the V?V?? room on the third tloor. My 

knowledge of it is for the year 1941. 

July 19, 1950 


Dave Goldway Introduced James Jackson CP Member from the South, as the 
first speaker in a series of four lectures, sponsered by the Jefferson School in 
conjunction with tlie New York States Labor Youth League .... The Speaker 
was 45 minutes late. . Before he arrived Sam Eugler New York State Ed director 
of the Labor Youth League. . I know him to be a member of the Party. . . I had 

many discussions with him when I was the State Literature Director I know 

it to be a fact that he is a member of the State Educational Comm of the CP 

He has attended Full Time School (OCT 1949). I have seen him meet with 
dave Goldway of the Jefferson School, and with Members of the CP State Ed 
Comm. . . He is about 5 : 8 about 145 lb. black hair, horn rim glasses, balding in 
rhe front. His face (Eyes) are sunken. ... He at one time had Palsey of some 
sort of Paralysis one log is bent and he has a very heavy limp, and one of his hands 
show signs of the illness The following is the report given by James Jack- 
son. . Last nite in Birmingham Ala a new city ordenance was passed a local 
MLNDT BILL. . The bill gives Communist Party Members and there friends 
48 Hours to get out of town or be put in jail for 180 days. . This is the start 
of reign of terror in the USA Masked under the banner of fighting for Korea, 
but the "Freedom of the Korean People" means less liberty to the United States. 

The constitution has been ignored in the South, Texas, Ala, Georgia, Fla, etc 

Reaction in the South is old, but today it is setting the Pattern for the whole 
country. . . The south has traditions of KKK, Political Dictatorship, but more 
than tiiat it has 40.000,000 people who have history of struggle. . the south is a 
backward area, eccnomic, it is semi-colonial, absentee land and industry owner- 
ship. . The Prison House of American Negro Nation. The area is the Geographi- 
cal area for tlie Nei>ro Nation in the USA. The south lives in Imperialism, The 
Negro People Are Kept down in the Dust, No representation tho they are in many 
places a majority of the Population. . . The working class is the most exploited 
in the United States. Textile Workers Production up 25% over the North but 
wages down, the same for the shoe workers, the mine workers and the steel 
workers. . There are few child labor laws in the Saouth as well as little pro- 
tection for women, not the proper social security, lack of mine safety laws. . 
The south hsa one half the farms in the USA, 90% Negro Farmers, 75% of the 
Share Croi)pers, & 3% National Income. Roosevelt said it was the number one 
economis problem, and today it still is, it has not changed. . There is an un- 
balanced agriculture (Sugar Cotton & Tabacco) the south has traveled the road 
from slavery to semi slavery there are 2,225.000 share croppers plus the tenant 
farmers (he then went on to tell about the share and tenant farmers. . . .) plus 
the negro people of all class and the Negro Students all contribute to the struggle 
for national lii)eration. There fight is against the Landlord, the Banker and 
the Industrialist, and on there side is the state. . when the workers strike or fight 
back the National Guard and the Police are used, the people can not use them, 
but only the bosses, and the landowners. . . The state stands behind the Ecnonis 
Power, and is supported by the Federal Govt. In the Courts and in the Con- 
gress. . . and behind them is Wall Street and Washington The Modern Day Robber 
Barons. ... 

Importance of the Struggle can been seen by weakiuing Wall Street. We must 
Not permit Truman «& Washington to get away with the conditions in the South, 
Southern People have never taken it lying down — There have been hundreds of 
slave revolts in the south. Peoples Govt's Were set up after the Civil War, The 
progressive Populist Movement in the early part of this century has left a deep 
impression, and traditions. The CP in the early 30*s and before lead in the 


struggle for freedom, they are the true heirs the the traditions of the past. 
The CP is still giving leadership to the Negro People in the South. We are lead- 
ing the Struggle for peace, we of the South will not flsht, and we will stop 
war. . . The Negro People Will Have Liberation, by whatever means. . . . 


Mr. SouRWiNE. I make this comment that the memo of July 19, 
1950, shows that Mr. Matusow at that time was reporting upon one 
Sam Engle, New York State educational director for Labor Youth 
League, at the time that Matusow was State literature director and 
tliat Engle was also a member of the State educational commission 
of the Communist Party. 

I think that has a bearing in view of Mr. Matusow's testimony 
earlier before this committee on the point of whether he knew any- 
body on the State educational commission of the Communist Party 
or whether he may have received any instructions from that commis- 
sion with regard to certain books to be pushed in the bookstore. 

Senator McClellan. Does the witness recall that the one of these 
documents submitted here just admitted in the record contains that 

Mr. Matusow. I presume that contains that information and Mr. 
Sourwine refreshes my recollection that I knew somebody who was 
on the State educational committee of the Communist Party. 

I don't deny this. 

Senator McClellan. All right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Matusow, I send you a document and ask if 
you can tell me what it is ? 

Mr. Matusow. What was your question about this? 

Mr. Sourwine. Can you tell me what that is? 

Mr. Matusow. No, I don't quite get the script. It looks German or 
Kussian. It looks more German. I can pick out a few words. I 
don't make out the script. 

Mr. Sourwine. All right, sir. 

Mr. Matusow. I don't profess to read any foreign script. 

Mr. Sourwine. All right, sir, will you return it? 

Mr. Matusow, I send you a printed document and ask you if you can 
tell me what it is? 

(Witness examined document.) 

Mr. Matusow. It looks like it is titled "Right Over Europe." It is 
in German, it is published by Herausgegeben Von Der Deutschen. 

Mr. Sourwine. Can you read it, Mr. Matusow ? 

Mr. Matusow. I think I can ; yes ; what do you want me to read ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Just read a sentence. 

Mr. Matusow. All right. I will see how good my translation is. 
Published in West Germany in Stuttgart, January 1955. Copyright 
January 1955 in Germany. My German is a little rusty. I can pick 
up some of it. 

I am not going to give you a verbatim translation. 

In substance I will try. It will take a few minutes. Be patient. 

Senator McClellan. A little louder. 

Mr. Matusow. I said be patient. That it has been 10 years since 
I read German. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you read it ? 

Mr. Matusow. It is a good 10 years since I have read any. I can 
refresh my memory. Just keep coming and I will get it. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. He says, ask another question. 

Mr. Matusow. I can look at this and answer your questions at the 
same time. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I would rather not disturb you. 

Mr. Matusow. You wouldn't be disturbing me, Mr. Sourwine. 
Your questions are not that difficult. 

Senator McClellan. The Chair understands that you were asked 
to read a sentence out of the document. Have you been able to trans- 
late it ? 

Mr. INIatusow, Not at this point. I am refreshing my recollection 
of certain Germjm words to transpose them. 

Senator McClellan. The Chair will give you time. 

Mr. ]\Iatusow. All right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, while we are waiting, I should like 
to call the attention of the committee to the fact that a witness b-^fore 
this committee on a previous occasion made reference to the case of one 
Salsedo, who, he said, was pushed out of a window while in the Fed- 
eral custody. 

I have secured from the Legislative Reference Service of the Li- 
brary of Congress a brief memorandum with regard to this case and I 
have the report of the case. It is at Federal Report, Volume 278. 
The case is Salsedo versus Palmer. 

In this case tlie administratrix, Andrea Salsedo, brought an action. 
The gravamen of that action was that the death of Salsedo had b'^on 
caused by thf Federal agency in whose custody he was. As the 
court says in the case : 

The oomnlaint alle^-es th^t the defendants caused the death of the decedent 
"by the following acts and conduct : 

"They lawlessly and wrongfully arrested and seized his body and held him 
in confinement and captivity without process of law and against h's will. They 
assaulted him. They inflicted upon him blows and grievous bodilv iniuries. 
They su'ijected him a^-ainst his will to repeated interrogations and inquisitions. 
In, during, and throughout said period the defendants and each of them tortured 
the said Andrea Salsedo mentally by the foUowins: acts and conduct: Th^y 
threatened to inflict upon him grievous physical Injury and death, and to cause 
his prosecution, conviction, and imprisonment for a crime of which he was 
innocent; and thev made and broke repeated promises to set him free. They 
caused him to believe', and he did believe, that th^y had present nower and 
abilitv to infl'ct upon him said wrongs with which thev threatened him and 
thev caused him to be and live in constant fear. In and by said tortures the 
defendants and each of them caused Andrea Salsedo to lose control of his mind 
and will, and to become suicidallv despondent and mentallv IrresponsiM'^ for 
his own conduct, with the result that on or about May 3, 1920. he projected his 
"body from a window of his chamber of confinement in the premises occupied 
bv thp so-called Department of Justice on the 14th story of the buildincr at 
Park Row, New York City, to the pavement of the street below, and died." 

I call attention of the committee there is no mention in the com- 
plaint that he was pushed. 

The court in deciding this case said : 

We think it unnecessary to examine into the cases further. In our opinion the 
allegations of the complaint are insufficient to sustain the cause of action asrainst 
the defendants for causing the death of the unfortunate decedent. His death 
was not the natural or probable consequence of what the defendants are alleged 
to have done, and the connection between the defendants' original acts and the 
final result was too remote. 

Mr. Chairman, this is perhaps a relatively unimportant matter but 
it is an example of the perversion of history we also find in these 
iStatements of these witnesses. 


I ask the reporter be instructed to compare the actual case with 
what I read and correct the record if read incorrectly, on these two 
pages, 93 and 98. 

Senator McClellan. That may be done. 

(The following memorandum from the Library of Congress to the 
subcommittee was later ordered into the record at this point:) 

The Library of Congress, 
Legislative Reference Service, 
Washington, D. C, March 23, 1955. 

To : Senate Committee on Internal Security. Attention : Mr. Mandel. 
From : American Law Division. 

Subject : Disposition of suit brought against Attorney General Palmer by widow 
of Andrea Salsedo. 

Andrea Salsedo was reported in the New Yorlf Times (May 4, I )20, p. 1, col. 8) 
to ha\e committed suicide on May 3, 1920, by jumping from a window on the 14th 
floor of the premises occupied by the Department of Justice in New York City. 
Alleging that his death resulted from derangement produced by tortures inflicted 
upon him by Federal law-enforcement oflicers, his widow, as administratrix, on 
January 4, 1921, began action for damages in the Supreme Court of New York 
for the County of New York. The defendant, A. Mitchell Palmer, Attorney 
General of the United States, by petition filed with the United States District 
Court for the Southern District of New York, effected the removal of the case on 
February 18, 1921, to the latter named district court. Thereafter, on February 
24, 1921, the defendant demurred to the complaint on the ground that it did not 
state facts sufficient to constitute a cause of action, and on February 26, 1921 
(New York Times, February 26, 1921, p. 7, col. 1, records this date as February 25, 
1921), Judge Martin T. Manton sustained this demurrer and without opinion 
ordered that the complaint be dismissed upon the merits. This judgment was 
affirmed on appeal on December 14, 1921 {Salsedo v. Palmer, 278 F. 92). 

Norman J. Smaix, 
American Law Division. 

Senator McClellan. Is the witness ready to proceed ? 

Mr. Matusow. It seems to be a book publishecl in Germany dealing 
with the Soviet Union's policies, in Germany, China, Dr. Dietrich A^ 
Loeber, a German, wrote the book. 

I can get the substance. It is a book that has been published re- 
cently in Western Germany. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What you have in your hand is a single sheet of 
paper printed on both sides. 

Mr. Matusow. It seems to be the front jacket of a book. I presume 
it is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you read any single sentence there? 

Mr. Matusow. Well, they talk about the international organiza- 
tion here. I can't read every word in every single sentence. I think 
I get the substance of it. 

My Spanish or French might be better. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. We were not attempting to test your Spanish or 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to identify these for the record. This 
is written on both sides of a single 3-by-5 white card in German 
script. Here is the English translation. 

I would like to ask that it go into the record. The substance is 
not important. It shows it is ordinary German, neither especially 
difficult or especially easy. 

Senator McClellan. The first card is in German. That is the one 
you previously showed to the witness for the purpose of having him- 
identifv it and he was unable to ideni ify it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. He said he could not read it. 


Mr. Matusow. I said it looked like German or Russian to me but I 
could not read the script. 

Senator McClellan. This is the English translation of tlie German 
written by the same person. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. This is an advertisement for a book published 
in Germany. It is a single sheet of paper printed on both sides. It 
is of no importance except to one who might care to judge the difficulty 
of the German and I ask that for that purpose it may be printed in 
the record. 

Senator McClellan. All three of them may be printed in the 

(The documents above referred to were marked "Exhibits 88, 88A, 
and 88B," and appear below :) 

Exhibit 88 

c . •/ 

59886—55 — pt. 11 6 


Exhibit 88B 


OSTEUROPA-RECHT ist cine halbjahrlidi ersdicinende rcditswisscn- 
sdiaftlidie Zeitschrift, die e$ sich rur Aufgabe stellt, zuverlassig uber das 
Redit der Sowjetunion und dcssen Ausstrahlungen auf das Redit der zum 
sowjetisdien EinfluGbereich gchorenden Staaten in Osteuropa und Asien 

zu unterriditen. 

O S T E U R.O P A K U N D e"  DEUTSCHE V E R.L A G S - A N S T A L T v ST iSub A R r 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I do this because there has been testimony by Mr. 
Matusow that he got a glimpse of a diary in the possession of a German 
prisoner and read what was on the pages of that diary. 

I will ask you now whether that diary was in script or was it printed ? 

Mr. Matusow. That was a diary that was in printed script and 
there was a map in the diary. I can still get a copy of the diary 
notation. I would like to produce that diary for this committee. 


There seems to be some doubt on it. I would like to produce on this 
question something right now. 

Senator McClellan. Do you have the diary ? 

Mr. Matusow. No; but I have something that will corroborate 
something in relation to that diary — this photograph at St. Auold, 
France, in 1945, by a buddy of mine as I was placing flowers on an 
unmarked grave which turned out to be the grave of my brother. 
This was a year and a half before the Army notified my parents that 
that was the grave of my brother. 

I can obtain the V-mail correspondence sent by me to my mother 
a year and a half before the Army officially notified her that my 
brother was buried in that grave in St. Auold, where I buried him. 

I will get more photographic proofs and affidavits from the people 
who were with me when I buried my brother. 

Mr. Sourwine claims I lied when 1 read a diary of a German prisoner 
who kept a diary in which there was a notation that his antiaircraft 
squads shot down my brother's plane on the 10th of September 1944 
over Nuremberg. I did read that diary and found my brother's grave 
in that way. 

If he wants to say I lied under oath, well, I would like to have him 
testify under oath. I would like to have this picture A inserted in 
the record. 

Senator McClellan. We will not have counsel testify. If you 
have some document that you feel will corroborate any testimony you 
have made, if you submit that to the committee 

Mr. Matusow. I will send that document down to the committee 
as soon as I can locate it. 

Senator McClellan. Then it will be made a part of the record, 
and the picture. 

Mr. Matusow. If the picture can be made a part of the record I will 
get a good glossy. 

Senator McClellan. If it can be made a part of the record, you 
can send it in and it will be made a part of the record. 

Mr. Matusow. I have some 8-by-lO pictures of this. If the com- 
mittee would prefer that, I will provide it. 

Mr. Sourwine. I send you a clipping of a column by Victor Riesel 
entitled "Ordeal of Matusow" 

Mr. Matusow. I am not having an ordeal. 

Mr. Sourwine. Which indicates that at your first press conference 
after the announcement of your book, Nathan Witt and Carl Marzani 
were present and I ask you whether it is true that Nathan Witt and 
Carl Marzani were present at that press conference ? , 

Mr. Matusow. They might have been present. I was told they were 
present, I presume they were there. 

I don't recall seeing Mr. Witt. I don't recall seeing Mr. Marzani. 
T know I did not speak to Mr. Witt or Mr. Marzani at that press con- 
ference, if they were there. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this item may be put in 
the record at this point. 

Senator McClellan. It may be inserted in the record. 
('The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 89" and appears 


Exhibit No. 89 
[Charlotte Observer, February 8, 1955] 

Victor Riesel: Ordeal of Matusow 

New York. — Harvey Matusow, professional breast-beater extraordinary and 
confessed short-order liar, stood behind a green covered table at the other end 
of the room from the whisky. 

Aside from the fact that the bottles were scotch and rye rather than vodka, 
the pathetic refugee from truth appeared to be the star witness in a S iviet 
confession trial somewhere in a Moscow "people's" court, instead of an author 
at a press conference. 

The friends of the Soviet Tnion who arranged this public confessional did a 
job their Russian counterparts would have been proud of. There was the rffi:ial 
photographer stalking both the audience and the star. There were the olficious 
coming and going of busy-busy little functionaries passing in and out of a back 
door, jast as I've seen in an East Berlin "people's" court. 

There was the earlier moment when the captured prize was brought through 
the back door, promptly at 2 : 10 p. m., and thrown to the western newsmen. 

The frayed pink-beige drapes and the dull, worn carpeting of New York's 
Hotel Biltmore conference room seemed to darken the mental torture chamber. 
And Harvey Matusow began to confess. 


Even the sophisticated anti-Communist writers who had come to listen and to 
question — and perhaps even to bait — this admitted perjurer, suddenly were over- 
come by mental nausea at the spectacle of something in human form saying: 

"I'm a guy who has lived with a lot of lies * * * I wanted to see my name in 
print * * * I got a new religion * * * I found it was not exactly easy to break 
with the witness world * * * I wanted to make a fast buck * * * i have not 
fovnd anv conspiracy in the Communist Party * * * i disagree with Mr. Malen- 
kov but * * *" 

But the real drama was not in the paid-for groveling of the professional liar. 
It was in the smug staisfaction evident in the faces of the pro-Commies who had 
handed Matusow a few dollars to get out front and debase himself. 

The real drama was in the willingness of Sovieteers to exhibit such self-torture 
because it serves the party line. 

The real drama was in the cast of characters with whom the weird Harvey now 
associated himself. Sittincr back on a springy couch was the peep-show's pub- 
licity director — one Carl Marzani. 

There was nothing about Marzani's cool, crewcut head that showed the ravaees 
of 21/0 years he had served in a Federal pen for lying about his Communist 
affiliations. Last I heard of Marzani he was working for the pro-Communist 
United Electrical AVorkers Union — some of whose members in Milwaukee would 
meet underground to cheer Communist military victories over United States 
troops in Korea. 


Marzani had been a successful fellow in our O'fice of Strategic Services. He 
actually was one of the men responsible for picking Japanese targets for the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff when they were planning the Doolittle raid. 

Close by Marcani was his friend, Lawyer Nat Witt, now a graying militant. 
Witt is the attorney who submitted one of the affilavits in which Matusow told 
a Federal court that he had lied in a case involving an official of the pro-Com- 
munist Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Union. 

Witt j 1st a few yorrs a"-o refused to affirm or deny a Senate prober's que.stion 
which soucrht an answer to : 

"Did you serve in the Communist Party with Alger Hiss?" 

Witt would not answer on grounds that he might incriminate himself. 

Another question asked Witt by Senate counsel back in '52 was : 

"Mr. Witt, did you know lu-ior to 1H40 that Mr. Alger Hiss was furnishing in- 
formntion to J. Whittaker Chambers?" 

Again Witt refused to answer, on the same grounds. It was the same Witt, 
who was with Matusow Thursday. 

There were others around Witt and Marzani with long records of pro-Commu- 
nist activity. They were here to see that all went smoothly with the confessional 


of the pathetic liar, dressed up like a human in a gray suit, red bow tie and white 
shirt. It went well for them. 

Their prize spoke and demeaned himself. He served their purpose. He hurt 
the anti-Communist movement by identifying all of it with himself and claiming 
it had helped him and provoked him and paid him to lie in the first place. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What connection do you have with Carl Marzani? 

Mr, Mattitsow. He is associated with Cameron Associates. I met 
him after I completed w^ritino; the book False Witness, and have sub- 
seqiienth' talked with him informally. I have had no business deal- 
ino^s with Mr. Marzani. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Mr. Matusow, I send you a photostat of a birth 
certificate and I ask you whether j^ou ever saw this birth certificate or a 
photostat of it ? 

Mr. Matitsow. I have seen a copy of my birth certificate which this 
apparently is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is a copy of your birth certificate ? 

Mr. Matusow\ Yes. There is one error in this certificate. It 
should have been corrected by the board of health. They were notified 
about it. The Marshall here is spelled with one "1." It was always 
intended to be two "Is,'' in the middle name. That is not the original 
birth certificate. I have the original birth certificate. This is a copy 
,<>f the county clerk records showing I was born on that date, et cetera. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Tliis shows the date of birth as October 18, 1926, 
which was 15 days after the date of your birth. 

Mr. Matusow. That's right, sir. I still have the original birth 
certificate which does not even take that form. 

This is a copy, certified copy by the county clerk's office. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is the official record ? 

Mr. IVL\Tusow. Yes, sir; but there was a misspelling in the official 
record, that is all I am saying. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I ask that this nuiy be inserted in the record, Mr. 
Chairman, not in facsimile but in print for the purpose of showing — 
perhaps we can avoid that. May I ask the witness a question ? Maybe 
we won't need to put it in. 

In this birth certificate how is the maiden name of your mother 
spelled ? 

Mr. Matusow. S-t-o-l-p-e-n-s-k-y. 

Mr. SotTiwiNE. All right. Thank -you. 

Mr. Matusow, do you recall testifying that participants in the play 
Pins and Needles were blacklisted ? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe I did not testify to that effect. 

I believe I mentioned it in the book that some of the participants 
in the play Pins and Needles were blacklisted. 

Mr. SouRwaxE. What persons connected with that production were 
blacklisted and by whom ? 

Mr. MATt'Sow\ Blacklisted by me. A fellow named Al Nadler was 
in the show Pins and Needles. That is one I recall. 

A gall named Weitz, I have forgotten her first name. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Did you intend, sir, to give the impression through 
your book that the persons associated with this production, Pins and 
Needles, were blacklisted because of their association with the produc- 
tion Pins and Needles? 

Mr. Matusow. I think that helped in a few cases, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. There wasn't anybody blacklisted by you because 
they were associated with the play. Pins and Needles, was there ? 


Mr. Matusow. If that is the impression that you got, that is the 
wrong impression. I said they were subsequently blacklisted partly 
because of their work in that show, Pins and Needles, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you blacklist anybody because of their work in 
Pins and Needles? 

Mr. Matusow. I said "Yes." I just gave you two names. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How did you blacklist those persons ? 

Mr. Matusow. When I worked on Counterattack. This fellow 
Nadler was on a TV show sponsored by General Foods and produced 
by Proctor and associates. This is in the second week of May 1952^ 
if my memory serves me correctly. 

I spotted his name on the casting list. I said he ought to go on 
the blacklist and discussed him with a few people and built up a 
record around him, and since then he was on the blacklist. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How do you spell his name ? 

Mr. Matusow. It is N-a-d-1-e-r. In the cast list put out by Proctor 
Production up in New York his name was spelled M-a-d-1-e-r. I 
found out they had misspelled it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say you blacklisted Mr. Nadler because 

Mr. Matusow. Partly because of his work in the show, Pins and 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you blacklist any other persons because 

Mr. Matusow. That is one specific. This gal Weitz — I did not 
have anything to do with getting her out of work. I added her name 
to a few blacklists around the advertising agencies and up at Counter- 
attack, Whether it prevented her from getting work I don't know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that all you were referring to when you said in 
the book that the persons associated with this play- 

Mr. Matusow. I said people — I don't remember the exact quote. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that all you meant when you said you had black- 
listed them ? That you had subsequently blacklisted them. 

Mr, Matusow, We get up to New York — I will go get my playbill 
of the show Pins and Needles and I will give you a rundown of the 
names and tell you who I helped blacklist. The show ran for a few 
years and there was some cast turnovers. But we will see who got 
on that, 

Mr, SouRwiNE, What I am trying to find out, Mr. Matusow, is 
whether you had any intention in your book of conveying the idea 
that persons associated with this play were blacklisted because of their 
association with the play 

Mr, Matusow, Yes, I was trying to get that impression across for 
a few people who were blacklisted. 

Mr. SouRWiNE, By persons other than you, did their association 
with this play cause them any harm from any person other than you ? 

Mr, Matusow, There are people like Vincent Hartnett and Coun- 
terattack and Mr, Mandel, who works with them — you know that — 
who helped create these blacklists, and Pins and Needles was classed 
as a leftwing show, and if you appeared in that or in New Stages 
or any other progressive, off-Broadway theater, you were blacklisted 
unless you came forward and cleansed your soul and cleared yourself 
up by making up stories about people who worked with you in the 

You know that, Mr, Sourwine, you don't have to ask me that. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Some of the people who were associated with this 
play are leading figures on the Broadway stage today. 
Mr. Matusow. Yes, thev are. Some of them aren't. Some of them. 


were leading figures and now cannot work. 

You know that, too. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I don't know that. 

Mr. Matusow. I am saying that people who appeared in that show 
appeared in a Broadway production and had nothing to do with 
politics. You know that, too. Like yesterday you had Mr. Morrow 
down here who told a lie when he said I borrowed $500 from him, 
I have three tape recordings where Mr. Morrow himself introduced 
me. He claims he introduced me only once. I will give you the 
tape recordings where he said, "Now I give you Mr. Harvey Matusow,'^ 
and I said, "Now I give you Senator Mansfield." I will send those 
tape recordings down by the first of next week. 

You ought to get jMr. Morrow for perjury on the so-called $500 
loan. I can prove otherwise. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, we will come back to those tape 
recordings in one moment. 

Mr. Matusow. Thank you. I would love to do so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I ask, Mr. Chairman, that I be permitted to give 
this playbill and this cast list to Mr. Matusow and that he be asked 
to furnish us with the list and the details concerning any persons in 
there whom he knows to have been blacklisted by himself or any- 
body else. 

Mr. Matusow. I will gladly give you a list of names, of people who 
have been blacklisted. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. INIatusow, you have stated that you have tape 
recordings of speeches. 

Mr. Matusow. I have three speeches which I gave that were cut and 
I believe in Livingston or Lewistown, Mont., Mr. Morrow had a plane 
sent up to — I believe it was Livingston — and I was flown down to 
Lewistown or it was vice versa. I met Mr. Morrow at the airport and 
we rode to the radio station. The first program took a half hour. 

I have that broadcast. That tape was sent all over the State of 

Mr. SouRW^iXE. If you have the tape recordings and can identify 
them among the 200 rolls in which you could not identify the one the 
committee asked for, I think the committee would like to have them 
and I ask tliat Mr. Matusow be instructed to produce these for the com- 
mittee's consideration. 

The Chairman. Yes, sir; he is instructed to produce them. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Matusow 

Mr. Matusow. Will the committee furnish me with — never mind, I 
will do it myself. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have raised the question about the $500 loan. 

]Mr. ]Matusow. I read that in the paper. I presume it was correctly 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. I understand that it was your testimony that you 
did not borrow $500 from Mr. Morrow while you were in Montana. 

JMr. JNIatusow. It is my testimony and my 1952 tax return or the one 
I filed in early 1953 will show that that money that Mr. Morrow claims 
I borrowed from him I declared as income for the year 1952. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you give him a note for that money ? 


Mr. Matukow. I did not. I signed a receipt showing that I received 
money so it could be filed with the proper authorities in relation with 
expenditures in the election campaign. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right, sir. 

I send you Mr. Matusow, a letter purporting to bear your signature, 
imd ask you if it is, in fact, a letter which you signed and sent? 

Mr. Matusow. Here we go again. Yes, this is mine. I identify it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, this is a letter which has previously 
been mentioned in the record, a letter written by Mr. Matusow to Mr. 
Rafferty. I ask that it may be inserted in the record at this point. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 90" and ap- 
pears below : ) 

Exhibit No. 90 

August 3, 1953. 
Joseph Raffeuty, 

Southern Building, Washinffton, D. C. 

Dear ,Toe : Eipht years affo today I received my discharge from the Infantry 
Eight years of dishonest living. 

I'm writing this letter for no other reason than to put on the record a history 
of living. One that should warn all people that come into contact with me . . . 
what to expect. 

I have been in Reno since last Friday, and Billie and I have had many long 
talks . . . Talks that have done me more good than the air I breathe. 

I love Billie . . . and have hurt her. And for that reason, as well as the desire 
to want to live with myself, I will do anything in this world to make up in any 
small way the treatment I have giving her . . . She just has to name it, and if 
possible ... it will be done. 

At this point there are no lies between Billie and me. I have told Billie that 
J took, or should I say stole $1,780 from her. I have also told her that the story 
that appeared in Drew Pearson's column in January was my doinsx. In fact I 
got $250.00 for it. The $250.00 was actually paid for the notes that appeared 
on TV in May. And by the way ... I didn't call anybody about that story. 
And with tlie exception of my stupidity in calling the police, I was not the culprit 
for the story of May 9th. 

The Pearson story was the biggest of my lies, but there were others. And in 
n sense the others were as big as the D. P. story. For in actuality a lie is a lie, 
no matter how big or how small we think it is, it is still a lie. 

I realize now that a relationship built on lies is bound to fall, and that is the 
reason that Billie is in Reno, and that is why I sinned the papers for her. 

I have al«o come to realize that the Pearson story didn't really hurt Billie, nor 
did it hurt Joe McC, but it did hurt you in the greatest sense of all . . After all, 
Pearson did call you a liar, and did it in print . . . My fault . . . yes . . . 
and saying that I am sorry won't correct anything. 

In the last 6 weeks I've come to realize that you don't get fullness in life by 
lies, and by always taking . . . God only knows that giving is truly a greater joy. 

I can't say I'm sorry, for that does nothing to correct the situation that caused 
my stupidity . . . That I won't do it again, I can't promise .... I do know that 
I'll try not to do things like that again, but only time will tell. 

I could continue and outline the things that I believe caused Billie the amount 
of unhappiness she has had due to me, but I think you know them. 

I'm glad that I was able to write this letter to you, and put on the record some 
of the past . . . the past that I'd never pick as the future . . . Thanks for your 

Harvey M. Matusow. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Matusow, have you in the last 2 months spent 
any nights in the Hotel Dauphin in New York City? 

Mr. Matusow. Hotel where? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Dauphin. 

Mr. Matusow. No ; the only time I set foot in that hotel in my life 
was on February 2, that was a Tuesday — no; Wednesday — that was 
I'ebruary 2 this year. 


I went there for John Daly's News Show. They wanted to shoot 
some television on me. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you recall in relating then, in chapter W in your 
book, an incident concerning a convei-sation you had with Mr. Al 
Blender ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you report in your book that you had said to 
Mr. Blender that when you got on the stand you were going to tell 
everyone you had been intimidated? 

Mr. Matusow. I said, I jokingly said something like that; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And did you report in your book that Mr. Blender 
said maybe the papers would be reporting the suicide of a witness or 
something to that effect? 

Mr. Matusow. In substance. The papers might say "You were 
found to have jumped from the fifth or sixth floor of the United States 
Courthouse," and everybody laughed. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Was that report in your book true ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes; I said it was done in jest. I did not know 
whether they were joking. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did that conversation actually take place? 

Mr. ]\Iatusow. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Your testimony was that it did. 

Mr. Matusow. Yes. 
• Mr. SouRw^NE. Did you state in your book chapter 15, pages 1 and 
i> of the galley, that J.'B. Matthews put you in touch with Mr. Wil- 
liam Mr'Dowell, attorney for tlie Texas & Pacific Railroad in Dallas? 

JNIr. Matusow. Right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you further state that you had some dealings 
with Mr. McDowell? 

Mr. JNIatusow. Right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you further state that he gave you $800 ? 

Mr. Matusow. Mv recollection is that it was $800 ; yes. 

Mr. SoTjRwiNE. Were those names in your book true ? 

Mr. Mathtsow. Yes. sir. 

Mr. S-iT-KWTN^E. Did you further state that Mr. McDowell had con- 
fidential reports from the FBI ? 

Mr. Matt'sow. I bplievo J stated in the book he said he had confi- 
dential reports from the FBI. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was that true? 

Mr. Matusow. That he said so ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he say that to you? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWTNE. Do you recall testifying that Roy Cohn coached 
you to give false testimony ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, in view of the testimony in New York on this 
point, do you want to change your testimony now? 

Mr. Matusow. Well, I don't know. Rov Cohn does not have too 
much of a reputation for telling the truth. I still claim that Roy Cohn 
coached me. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there any possibility that this was a case of mis- 
taken identity and even if you were coached, you were coached by 
somebody other than Cohn ? 


Mr. Matusow. I will never forget the smile on Roy Cohn's face 
when he said, "You will make as good a witness as Louis Budenz." 
He sat tli^ere in that car, and he had a grin on his face as he said it. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. You stick to your contention that you were coached 
by Roy Cohn, is that right? 

Mr. Matusow. I do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you familiar with 

Mr. Matusow. Ask Roy Cohn, too, if he ever went to the apart- 
ment I was subletting from the counsel for this committee, Robert 
Morris. He appeared in that apartment. He had an accident in 1951. 
He had crumpled a fender on his father's 1951 Chevrolet. Ask him if 
we did not refuse to drive downtown with him because he is too reck- 
less a driver, after we left the apartment and went to Foley Square. 
Ask him if we didn't oro to the Stork Club, and he was out with his girl 
friend, "Rusty" or "Dusty," and he was embarrassed when he took 
her home, because the landlady had changed the lock on her door. 

He came down red-faced, and Leonard Lyons, the columnist, and I 
were sitting in Cohn's car. Roy Cohn doesn't recall these things, ap- 
parently, but I have a very good memory about Roy Cohn. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Including, in addition, these other things you have 
volunteered testimony on? 

Mr. Matusow. I hope he appreciates that I volunteered testimony 
that he is out with a girl named "Rusty." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Your contention is that he coached you in your 
testimony ; is that right ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, are you familiar with the New York 
State law on perjury? 

Mr. Matusow. I am not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you loiow that in New York where contradict- 
ing statements are given in judicial proceedings it is not necessary in 
order to prosecute to prove which of the two statements is true? 

Mr. Matusoav. You are telling me that; I take your word for it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you been giving contradicting statements 
under oath in New York State in judicial proceedings? 

Mr. Matusow. I will have to look at the judicial proceedings to 
tell you. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask you that the pertinent section 
of the New York State law on this point be inserted in the record. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit 91" and appears 
below :) 

Exhibit No. 91 

Section 1627-a. Pleading of Contradictory Statements 

An indictment or information for perjury in the second degree may allege the 
making of contradictory testimony or statements under oath on occasions in 
which an oath is required by law, without specification of which thereof is true ; 
and the perjury may be established by proof of the willful giving or making of 
such contradictory testimony or statements, without proof as to which thereof 
is true. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliile you were at Taos did you talk to Mr. Kahn 
more than once by telephone about writing your book? 


Mr. Matusow. My recollection is I talked to Mr. Kahn on two occa- 
sions. I believe he called me back after the first call was completed to 
inform me the airline ticket was coming — something like that. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Have you testified to that effect before now'^ 

Mr. Matuso^v. I believe I said to the best of my recollection it was 
once or twice, I don't know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You know, don't you, that you have testified before 
now that there was only one conversation. 

]Mr. Matusow. I said to the best of my recollection there was one 
conversation, and now I say there might have been two. 

Mr. SouRwaNE. Do you know that since then it has been shown that 
the airline ticket was ordered on a date which made it inconceivable 
that that could have been the only conversation? 

Mr. Matusow, No, I don't know any such thing. 

Mr. SouRAviNE. Mr. Matusow, did you ever enter into a common- 
law marriage in New York State? 

Mr. Matusow. I don't think New York State recognizes those, but 
I have. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. With whom ? 

Mr. Matusow. I am sorry, I am not going to talk about it. There 
is no point in you drawing or dragging that woman's name into it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Inasmuch as you testified here that j^ou never did 
live as man and wife 

Mr. Matusow. I did not say that. I just said that New York State 
does not recognize common-law marriages. I did not say I never 
lived as man and wife with a woman. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you not on a previous occasion before this 
committee, Mr. Matusow, testify that you never did live with a colored 

Mr. Matusow. I believe so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever enter into a common-law marriage 
with a colored girl ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "Wlien you lived with a girl 

Mr. Matusow. If you are going to come out with this one-twenty- 
fourth-percent Negro about the woman I had a relationship with in 
1949-50, O. K., but I don't know and I don't care. I am not going 
to bring her name into it. 

Mr. SouRw^NE. Does the committee 

Mr. Matusow. Just to make the record clear, I have had more than 
one common-law relationship with more than one woman — O. K ? 

You are going to find out anyway. A lot of people seem to be doing 
a lot of talking. But I am not having one now. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What I meant, Mr. Matusow, by asking if you had 
entered into a common-law relationship wdth a woman, a common-law 
marriage in New York State, was : Did you at any time live together 
with a person of the other sex in New York State as man and wife? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes; I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And do you now say you have done that more than 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwusTE. You say that you 

Mr. Matusow. I presume you know it. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. You say that you did do that in New York in 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. With the same woman during both years? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where did you live together? 

Mr. Matusow. In New York City. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where in New York City ? 

Mr. Matusow. 60th Street ; I don't remember the address. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not remember the address ? 

Mr. Matusow. One hundred something West 60th — 167. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. During that time did you hold yourselves to be 
husband and wife? 

Mr. Matusow. At times; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is what you have referred to as your Com- 
munist marriage ; is it not ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes ; in the outline you have on page 3 of the galleys 
1 believe, A-3 of the galley proofs, I have been reading. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does the committee desire to attempt to get the 
name of the other person, Mr. Chairman ? 

The Chairman. What is the will of the committee ? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe the woman is married now to somebody 
else. She has nothing to do with politics or me as far as I know. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Matusow, I show you a clipping from the Dallas 
Times- Herald of Thursday, October 7, 1954, with a headline "Dallas 
Ex-Red Protests Term Given Batchelor" and I will ask you if it, if 
the letter referred to in that newspaper story, is the same letter referred 
to by you in your testimony as written notice to the Department of 
Justice that you were not going to testify in any more cases ? 

Mr. Matusow. That is right. 

Mr. SouRWiNK. Did you write any other letter to the Department 
of Justice on or about the same time, giving the same notice? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe that was the letter I wrote to the Depart- 
ment of Justice ; that is the only one I remember. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I ask that this newspaper story be inserted in the 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 92" and 
appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 92 

[Dallas Times Herald, October 7, 1954] 

Dallas Ex-Red Protests Term Given Batchelor 

A protest against the Army court-martial life sentence given Cpl. Claude Bat- 
chelor, returned Korean war prisoner, was sent to Attorney General Herbert 
Brownell Thursday by Harvey M. Matusow of Dallas. 

Mr. Matusow, who joined the Communist movement at 18, broke with the party 
and has since testified at many Government investigations, said he would not 
appear at six hearings where he was scheduled to be a witness. 

"The reason for this is my conscience will not let me be a party to any future 
Claude Batchelor cases," he wrote. 

Mr. Matusow said the life imprisonment term was too severe for a youth who 
joined the Army at 16 and was subjected to skilled Communist "brain-washing" 
for 2 years in Korea. 


"The mind of a IG- or 18-year-old is too susceptible," the Dallas man said. 
^'More than 90 percent of the Communists become Reds before they are 21." 

A similar protest against the life sentence for the Kermit soldier was made in 
Dallas earlier this week by Robert A. Vogeler, American businessman who was 
held prisoner of the Hungarian Communists for 17 months after his firm was 
taken over by the Hungarian Government. 

And in Big Spring Monday, H. W. Walker resigned as chairman of the draft 
board, saying he did so in protest against the Batchelor court-martial verdict. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. There was nothing in that Batchelor letter about 
you having perjured yourself, was there? 

Mr. Matusow\ No ; not that I recall. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you recall stating that you wanted to make a 
speech at a Farmers Union Convention but could not do so because 
they wanted you to file a $25,000 financial responsibility bond ? 

Mr. Matusow. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you then testify that you made the same speech 
and recorded it and sent the recorded copy to the Farmers Union? 

Mr. Matusow. I don't believe I said I sent it to the Farmer's Union. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you keep a copy of that recording ? 

Mr. ]\Iatusow. Yes, the committee has a copy of that recording, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I send you, Mr. Matusow, with the chairman's per- 
mission, a ti'anscription of the recording which you furnished the com- 
mittee and I ask you if you can identify it as the speech that you made 
on that occasion 'i 

Mr. Matusow. Presuming that it is a true copy of the wire record- 
ing that I gave the committee on my last occasion I will say yes, that 
is my recording. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In view of that stipulation I ask that Mr. Stephen 
Haaser, the records manager of the subcommittee, be sworn for the 
purpose of asking him one question. 

The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 


Mr. Haaser. I do. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Haaser, is this a true transcript of the tape 
recording Mr. Matusow furnished us? 

Mr. Haaser. It is a true transcript of the wire recording which was 
given to the subcommittee. 

Mr. Sourwine. It was a wire recording you gave ? 

Mr. Matusow. Two spools. 

Mr. Sourwine. With that stipulation I will accept this as the report. 

Mr. Matusow. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. I ask that this go into the record, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman, So ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 93" and ap- 
pears below:) 

Exhibit No. 93 

Speech by Harvey Matusow in Montana, 1954 

Mr. Overcash. Thank you, Madam Mayor. 
I'm sure that applause was for you anil not for me. 

I would like to state at the outset that certain circumstances have developed 
since the sponsorship of this meeting was assumed. If there should be — I don't 


think there will be — but if there should be any liability of any kind or nature 
whatsoever, financial, moral, or otherwise, which should develop as a result of 
this meeting, I, as chairman of the Montana Citizens' Committee for American- 
ism, completely absolve the American Legion Auxiliary of any responsibility in 
any nature whatsoever ; and the Montana Citizens' Committee for Americanism 
assumes full and complete responsibility. 

For about 3 or 4 years I have been intensely interested in the subject of sub- 
versive activities in this great country of ours. 

Now, there are any immber of subversives, but for the time being it is my judg- 
ment that we have only one subversive organization to fear. That is communism. 

I consider it a waste of time to spend our energies and our efforts in fighting 
windmills when we are threatened by a situation as serious as that of world 
communism today ; so to all intents and purposes, my references to subversives 
are to those of a Communist characteristic. 

We have with us this evening a young citizen who has a very interesting loyal 
and patriotic background behind him. 

His father attained the rank of sergeant in the Infantry in the First World 
War. His father volunteered for First World War service ; he was not drafted, 
inducted, or in any way brought into the service except on a strictly voluntary 

The same may be said of this young gentleman here this evening. He 
volunteered for service in World War II at a time when he was not subject 
or about to become subject for induction. He has never been registered before 
a draft board. 

He also served in the present Korean situation. Again, a volunteer, a member 
of the Reserve. 

In the Second World War this young fellow was indoctrinated by a couple 
of Communist noncommissioned officers in his organization — indoctrinated by 
marxism or communism or whatever you prefer to call it. 

Soon after his discharge from World War II, he became a member of the 
Communist Party. He i-emained in the party some 5 years. 

Sometime after becoming a member of the Communist Party he began to 
have doubts about this organization in which he was active — active in colleges, 
active in the youth movement, a very vulnerable place for Communist work. 
So he went to the FBI. 

After — may I go back just a minute. Also, this young man had a brother 
killed, a tail gunner on a B-17 in World War II. 

When he had these doubts, he went to the FBI. After checking him at con- 
siderable length to make certain of the honesty and loyalty of this man, they 
urged him to remain in the party and report on Communist Party activities to 
them. Which he did. 

He did this until it was discovered by the Communist Party, at which time 
he was read out of the party, so to speak, by the Communist I'arty Control 

Since that time he has been active in anti-Communist work, testifying on 
numerous occasions before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, of which 
Senator Pat McCarran, of Nevada, is chairman. He has testified before the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities ; he lias been an employee of the 
Ohio State Subversive Activities Commission, and just last week or 10 days 
ago before coming to Montana he testified in Utah before the McCarran com- 
mittee in the matter of the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union. 

He has come up to Montana to tell you something about communism, about 
its threat to our American way of life, about some of its friends and what 
we should do about it. 

I think I have taken enough of your time, so I am going to give you at this 
moment, Mr. Harvey M. Matusow, a former Communist spy for the FBI. 


Mr. Matusow. Madame Mayor, Mr. Overcash, ladies, and gentlemen, and those 
ladies and gentlemen who, I hope, are here representing the Farmers Union of 

Before I go into what I would have prepared as a text for my talk tonight, 
I'd like to tell you a little story. 

Today, in the United States, in this very day in October in 1952, in the city of 
Great Falls, Mont., free speech was denied by somebody or a group of people 
who, by their own admission said they were willing to listen to a story before 
rhe'r 'oivention at Great Falls. And I. at personal expense, the expense of 
;-.i;!rreriii,c an airplane and canceling an engagement, flew to Great Falls. Mont... 


to address the Farmers Union convention upon the invitation of the leaders of 
that Farmers Union. 

And when I arrived there I found out that in order to have free speech, accord- 
ing to those leaders of the Farmers Union, I had to have $25,000 to give them in 
cash ; otherwise, I couldn't speak. 

I am not calling the Farmers Union Communists ; it is an old and honorable 
union, but there are Communists in leadership of the Farmers Union. 

This is being recorded now, and if anybody in the Farmers Union would like 
to get a recording of my words, if they send me the price of $10.40, the cost of 
two tapes, tape recordings, plus postage, plus labor, which would run another 
$10, I would be glad to send them a copy of this speech. And if they dare sue 
me — I hope they do, because they are going to get their ears pinned back. 

They said last night in Lewistown, if anything I said be slanderous to the 
honest and sincere members of the Farmers Union, then they must not be honest 
and sincere, because if the Farmers Union sues me for calling some of its leaders 
Communists, which they are, I'm gonna throw the kitchen sink at 'em and the 
hot water's going to be running when it hits. 

It seems that a trial was held in Salt Lake City the last year or so and some 
people in the Farmers Union — which I am not calling Communist, mind you — 
won a suit. 

The only reason they won that suit in Salt Lake City is because the people 
they were suing didn't understand communism and didn't know where to get the 
facts. If they had come to me, the Farmers Union would have lost that suit, I 
can assure you. 

The documentation exists, and I have it. 

Now, let's get on to what I wanted to say at the Farmers Union Convention. 
Again, I repeat, the Farmers Union is not Communist, but there are leaders in 
the Farmers Union who are. 

I address now any member of the Farmers Union. I have in my hand a 
Farmers Union Cooperative booklet, Loaning Library List. The offlcial list of 
books distributed by the Farmers Union in their library setup. And I state 
as a fact, as a matter of public record, that 20 percent of the books in this list — 
which is over 12 pages long — 20 percent of the books were written by Communists 
and people with Communist-front activities ; and over 38 of the books in this 
list are books published by the Communist Party of the United States under the 
name of the Communist Party and its publishing house, International Pub- 
lishers. And those books are being distributed by the Farmers Union today ; 
not because members are Communists, but because the leaders of the Farmers 
Union infiltrating that organization with Communist literature. Twenty per- 
cent of the books. 

They even have listed in here, The History of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union, written by Joseph Stalin, Andrei Vi.shinsky, and Nicoli Lenin. 
Yes, the book which is the oflficial publication of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union, distributed by Mr. Alexander Trachtenburg, now a Communist 
conspirator on trial in New York City for advocating the overthrow of this 
Gffvernment by force and violence. And 38 of his books are listed in that catalog ; 
38 hooks of a man who is now on trial for trying to overthrow this Government. 
That is one of the indictments on the leaders of the Farmers Union who 
happen to be Communist. 

Point 2 on the indictment : I hold up a publication for Communists, the 
official Communist Party publication up until the year of 1946 when it changed 
its name to "Political Affairs." And I would like to quote from this publication, 
the official Communist Party publication : 

"The northwest block of the Farmers Union opposed candidate Kognan's 
leadership supported by the New Deal. 

"In the last convention they ousted Kennedy as the national secretary, but 
the bit of frictional strife has stopped the hesitant, confused, progressive 
majority from taking any serious steps in support of the New Deal labor and 
social legislation." 

One of the steps to change the situation was stated in the August resolution 
adopted at the June central committee planning meeting of the Communist 
Party, and this is the resolution of the Communist Party a few years ago : 

"In our mass work, our main concentration must be to build the National 
Farmers Union." 


That is the official Communist Party statement, "to build the National 
Farmers Union, to develop local, State, and national programs around which 
we can rally and capitalize a firm Communist leadership." 

That is the official situation as far as the Communist Party is concerned in 
the Farmers Union. 

I ask the honest and sincere members of the Farmers Union to correct that 

That is just point 2 on the indictment, and again I say I hope they sue me; 
and then maybe the American Legion Auxiliary will be proud to be part of 
the exposing of that Communist plot in this country — Communists who have 
iutiltrated tne tine and honorable Farmers Union. 

Point 3 on my indictment of Communists leadership in the Farmers Union. 

In a publication of the Montana Farmers Union, a publication, official, sent 
out to all leiiislative directors of the Farmers Union, and it states, and I quote: 
"First of all, we wish to state that we are ordering a 1-year subscription ta 
Facts for Farmers for you. We know this publication will be of real help to 
you in keeping up to date on current and long-time legislation affecting farmers." 

For those who don't know it. Facts for Farmers is the official Communist 
Party publication put out by the farm commission of the Communist Party 
with its editor named Lemuel Harris, the chairman of the farm commission 
of thp Communist Party. 

And Farmers Union of Montana was sending that to its membership, gift 
subscriptions of the Communist Party official publications for farmers. Point 3 
on the indictment. 

Point 4. Still another service that you may receive free of charge is the 
information bulletin put out by the Soviet Embassy, Washington, D. C. This 
is a fact. The official Soviet information bulletin, put out by the Soviet Embassy, 
was being distributed by the leaders of the Farmers Union in Montana to its 
membership — again to indoctrinate and instill the Communist line into the 
minds of the honest, sincere Americans who belong to the Farmers Union. 

This letter was signed by D. W. Chapman, president, and Mildred J. Stokes, 
director. State education, Montana Farmers Union. 

That's indictment Nos. 3 and 4. 

And there's indictment Nos. 5 and 6 here, but I won't go into that because 
we can get it later. 

Another indictment ; Just this week, a convention, the Farmers Union, a 
speech was made and the quote that was made was, "When Stalin moved into 
Poland, he did not enslave or make Communists of the Polish peasants ; he made 
landowners of thera." And in substance he said, Stalin and the Polish Com- 
munists are agrarian reformers, or similar to some of the statements that people 
make about China. And that Russians aren't so bad when they're Communists 
because they are on our side if we are farmers. 

Well, I don't know if any of you people who belong to the Farmers Union here 
have ever been to Russia. I have. I happen to be of Russian parentage, and they 
have been to Russia. My mother was a Russian farmer and she has got a scar 
on her neck here liecause she didn't like Communists when she was a kid. 

My grandfather didn't want the Communists to hold a meeting on his farm — 
he was a small landowner in Russia — and because of it, some Communist goons 
cut my mother up, and she's still got the scars from it. 

You talk about Russia and Stalin making landowners of the peasants of Poland 
rather than Communists and they don't know what they're talking about. 

Tiifit was a sneech eiven at the Montana Farmers Union convention this week. 

That's indictment No. 5. 

1 can go oil here and go through indictment No. 6 through 160. I could take 
up a lot nf time in do'ns: it, but I will wait imtil the Farmers Union sues me to 
go through the 160 of them. 

I will just hit a few more. 

Now, I am not at war with the Farmers Union, mind you ; there is nothing 
wrong with the Farmers Union. The only thing wrong with it is its got some 
Communists in it they ought to get out. 

When I worked for the Communist Party in its national headquarters in New 
Yorlv. I was a security guard for the Communist Party. 

This is indictment No. 7: 

I was a security guard for the Communist Party. My job was to see that no 
unauthorized persons entered Communist Party headquarters ; and I had a 
bulletproof glass door in front of me with a microphone in it, and when some- 
body came in that wanted to go into Communist Party headquarters I pressed 
a button and a buzzer rang and the door would open. 


On more than oue occasiou, leaders of the New Jersey, Ohio, and Southern 
Fanners Union appeared at that glass door at Communist Party national head- 
quarters — I can name them — and walked through that door to have meetings 
with the leaders of the Communist Party as to what role they. Communists, 
would play in the Farmers Union to help subjugate the American people and the 
innocent people in the Farmers Union. 

That's indictment No. 7. 

Indictment No. 8 : The use of known Communists working with the Communist 
Party National Committee, working with the Communist Party Cultural Com- 
mission, such as Robert Clayborn, as an employee of the Farmers Union in New 
Jersey ; the use of such singers and folk artists who were known Communists 
working through the Communist Party Cultural Commission as the Weavers, the 
well-known singing group — the Weavers before they became the Weavers, that is. 
When Lee Hayes was an independent, working without a quartet, and so was 
Pete Seger and this young man named Fred Hellerman. Yes. Working for the 
Farmers Union at their affairs, being booked by the Farmers Union to appear 
at their affairs, with the checks being paid not to those entertainers but to the 
Communist Party of the United States Cultural Commission through its organi- 
zation called People's Artists. 

And I worked for People's Artists ; I used to process those checks, deposit 
them in the bank, and I know what banks they're in and I know where the photo- 
stats can be gotten of those checks. 

If they care to sue me, I hope they do again, because facts exist. 

I could go on for 3 hours and talk about communism in the Farmers Union ; 
and I hope there are some Farmers Union people here who'll wake up and 
realize that they have Communists in leadership in their union and it's about 
time they got rid of them. 

Now I am going to stop talking about the Farmers Union for a minute because 
I am not at war with the Farmers Union. They chose to battle me when 
they bought that radio time here in Montana ; they chose to call me the irrespon- 
sible person but yet when I arrived at Great Falls they chose to let me cool 
my heels in the outer lobby and leave without speaking. 

I called their bluff and I called their phony charges — and they were phony, 
because if they weren't, the people at the convention of the Farmers Union 
would have heard me. They would have heard me repeat what I did here 
and much more. 

That is all being recorded, and as I say, the Farmers Union may have a copy 
of this recording for the price that it will cost me to make it, $20. My address is 
post office box 213, Dayton 1, Ohio, post office box 213, Dayton, Ohio. 

Please, somebody write it down and get it to the leaders of the Farmers 
Union. $20 check or money order and they will gladly get a copy of this recording. 

Now, let's get on to the subject of communism and where else it exists. 

I got a little hot under the collar there, but communism gets me that way. 

Well I inaudible] trying to find out if I can get a glass of water. I have 
been talking a long time today to Mr. Overcash because I couldn't talk to the 
Farmers Union convention. 

All right, now, I want to get on to the question of where cuiumunism exisrs 
and how they have put out their prongs and where they are trying to capture 
our Nation, our world and our freedom. 

The Communist Party in its program has set out to infiltrate sections of our 
Government — and they have — and set out to infiltrate sections of our cultural 
agencies — our newspapers, radio, television, et cetera. 

And by the way, I might add, everything I say here can be backed up by 
documents. I've got quite extensive files back someplace; where they are is 
my business, but they exist. 

And they went into our newspapers, many of them ; they went into our radio, 
television, motion pictures, and then they went after the youth, * They went 
into our schools, many of our schools. They went into our colleges, our uni- 
versities and our high schools. 

Besides going into our schools, they have infiltrated some of our churches. 

Now let me make something clear here. The Farmers Union didn't make that 
clear in their broadcasts when they said a few things about me today and 
yesterday. That when I talk about Communists infiltrating an organization, I 
do not mean they have taken over control of the organization. For instance, 
Gen. Bedell Smith, the head of the Central Intelligence Agency, said, "Commu- 
nists have infitrated the Central Intelligence Agency." He means they are 
there to spy and find out what the CIA is doing. 

59886 — 55— pt. 11 7 


Even Ml-. Overcash, a national committeeman from Montana to the American 
Legion's national committee, will admit that there are probably a few Commu- 
nists in the American Legion. I happen to wear that button, too, and would also 
my so. They are secret Communists; they are there to infiltrate, not to take 
over the Legion, but to spy on the Legion. 

And sometimes when we talk about infiltrating we mean spying and other 
times we mean taking over and running. So I will make sure I clear that air 
up when I mention various organ)^:ations. 

As I sa.y, they have gone into some of our churches. When I say this, I don't 
want to infer that your church, if you happen to belong to one of these, is Com- 
munist-riddled or a Communist-dominated church. There again it's the infiltra- 
tion, it's certain small sections of certain churches or religious groups in this 
country. And these are facts that have been sworn to in testimony before court 
proceedings and congressional committees. 

Besides that, the Communists have also gone into some of our trade unions. 
They have organized some trade unions, infiltrated others. A prime example of 
their infiltration has been the honorable and old Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers 
Union, which was the first industrial union in the United States of any major 

I happen to like the principles of trade unionism because I am a member of 
the CIO unions today. 

I want to get one of these. 

Yes, I am a member in good standing of the International Union of Electrical 
Workers and in January of this year was editor of the CIO News of Dayton. 
Ohio, nnd I am also a member of the American Newspaper Guild, a good CIO 
union. So if any of you think I am going to attack unions, no ; but I am going 
to attack Communists in unions, because unions are American ; Communists 
are un-American. 

Well, I feel better. 

Yes, Communists have gone into our trade unions, have gone into our schools, 
some of our churches, have gone into our Government and have gone into many 
other groiips. 

Let's take their approach one by one, i)oint Ijy point. 

I want to talk first about Communist infiltration into certain church groups, 
and when I do that, I'd like to cite the official record of the Congress of the 
United States, the official citations of congressional committees and of the .Justice 
Department, which are listed here, when I talk about certain Communists who 
have infiltrated our church groups. These are a series of questions and answers. 
I will read just a few of them. PLease bear with me. 

Question : Are Communists trying to corn^pt religion? 

Yes. Congress, through its years, 17 years, to be exact, of investigating, have 
said yes. 

What is their method? 

The Communist Party of the United States assigns members to join the 
churclies and church organizations in order to take control where possible and 
in any case to influence thought toward action toward Communist ends. It 
forms front organizations designed to attract fellow travelers — with religious 
interests, that is. It tries to get prominent religious leaders to support Com- 
munist policies disguised as welfare work for minorities or oppressed groups. 

In the words of Earl Browder, former head of the Communist Party — and this 
is wliat he said : "By going among the religious masses we are for the first time 
able to bring our antireligious ideas to them." 

Does it exist? Even the head of the Communist Party said so. 

A few other things. 

Are there Communist clergymen? Yes. 

Do they alj admit they are Communist? Some do, but except in special cases, 
the Communist Party requires them to keep their membership secret. 

For instance. Rev. Claude C. Williams, a Presbyterian minister, was and ad- 
mitted by his own admission a Communist Party member. 

The Reverend Eliot White, retired Episcopal minister, has served as a delegate 
to the Communist convention and has lectured at Communist Party meetings, 
and in l!t.")2 marched with the Communist contingent in the May Day parade 
in New York City. 

Now these are facts. The Episcopal Church and the Presbyterian Church are 
not Communist, but there are individuals in that church who, by their owni ad- 
missions, have admitted they were Communist. 


So does the Farmers Union who attacks me for being irresponsible call the 
CongVSs of the United States irresponsible? No. How can they? Would they 
call this admitted Communist, Reverend Williams or A\ hite irresponsible? I 
don't tliiuk so, because people like Reverend White and WilUauis I know for a 
fact have addressed Farmers Union meetings in New Jersey, ihey weren t irre- 
«nonsible then ; are they irresponsible today? No. I am just quoting facts. 

Now let's see. They ask, "Do you mean that just because a clergyman joins 
or ^nonsors 1 or 2 Communist fronts for one reason or another, he is playing 
Stal n's'game in America?-' No. We are talking about those clergymen who over 
a period of years consistently followed the party line and joined not 1 or - 
fronts but 20 or HO. These are the core of agents that the party depends upon 

'"noV has'^Simmunist propaganda ever sneaked into our churches? Yes. For 
instance, the minister was discharged as editor of an official ^•l\>'"-h P"Wi<"ation 
for permitting communistic propaganda to appear in this publication, ihey 
don't list his name, but it happened. ,. . n ..t f 

Does J. Ed.^'ir Hoover say there are Communists in religion? "J confess a 
rea^ apprehension--these are the words of J. Edgar Hoover, liead of the FBl- 
••1 confess a real apprehension so long as Communists are able to secure nun- 
isters of the Gospel to promote their evil work." 

It happened. The FBI has tiles on it. according to J. Edgar Hoover. 

But still the Farmers Union says I don't know what I'm talking about. ^\eU, 

'"'Do'^Comnumists propagandists ever actually get before church groups as 
sneakers'' Yes For example, the head of the Communist Party, on one occa- 
sioA at least, spoke at Union Theological Seminary in New Y-ork Gity. 
Well. I iust want to bit 1 or 2 groups here. . . . ., 

What is the Institute of Applied Religion? One of the most vicious Conunn- 
nist organizations ever set up in this country, declared subver.sive by a Demo- 
cratic Party attornev ireneral. He declared it subversive on the basis of the 
FBI recommendation. Institute of Applied Religion. ., t . 

Now what is the Protestant? Some of you might have seen it. I happen to 
remember it because it was the official Communist Party religious publication 
if there can be such a thing. A magazine which fanatically spreads Communist 
propaganda under the guise of being a religious journal. Boasts a support of 
6.000 ministers but not actually connected with any official religious organization. 

'^^Now^w^heJ^isTt pubUshed and who are its officers? It is published by Protes- 
tant Digest Inc in New York City : editor, Kenneth Leslie ; associate editors. 
Tames Luther Adams, John Hammond, and Gerald Richardson. 
' These are official congressional citations as well as Justice Department 

^^NoT^thev go on here to talk about the Methodist Federation for Social 
\ction'; not an official part of the Methodist Church. And thanks to the aware- 
ness finallv, of the Methodist Church, this Methodist Federation for Social 
Action— which for vears has occupied office space in the official headquarters of 
the Methodist Chuix-h— has tinally been told to leave and finally been told they 
can no longer use the word "Methodist." • . i „ 

But for years men like Dr. Harry F. Ward, another pro-Communist, a long- 
time Communist fronter. whose books have been published by the Communist 
Partv he-s a J^Iethodist bishop; and Rev. Jack McMichaels. who has been identi- 
fied as a member of the Communist Party, were the heads of this Methodist 
Federation for Social Action which, as I say. thanks to a keenness and an aware- 
ness on the part of the Methodist Church, has finally been forced to with.liaw 
the name "Methodist" and finally been told it has to leave the offices of the 

Methodist Church. , ^ . r^y.^ 

But for many years it lias been there and doing the work of comnuinism. ihe Federation for Social Action has been cited as a subversive organiza- 
tion, as a Communist subversive organization, in a 75-page booklet put out this 
year by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 

There again are more facts, documents. _ , 4., ,. 

But there again the Methodist Church took proper action and has proved that 
God will win out over atheism. But for a while— and many people had been 
fooled, duped, bv such people as Jack McISIichaels and Dr. Harry F. Ward and, 
yes. Bishop Oxnam, who has many, many Communist fronts to his record going 
as late as 1952. 

So, are there Communists in religion? Yes. 


Are they religious/ No. They are there to subjugate and propagandize for 
the purpose of Stalin and not for the purpose of Christ. 

In that same context, that's how the Communists work in the Farmers Union, | 
for those members here who don't know about it. ^ 

Let me continue. 

I think that should clear the air on some of the charges I am purported to 
have made against religious people. I am not accusing people of religion of 
being Communists, no ; I am accusing Communists of being Communists who 
have gone out after people who have an honest and sincere faith in God to try 
and get them to communism. 

How does communism get in our schools? Only 3 days ago in New York City 
sworn testimony before the Senate Internal Security Committee brought out the 
fact that 500 Communist Party members were teaching high school in the city 
of New York. 

(End of wire No. 1.) J 

(Beginning of wire No. 2.) 1 

(Mr. Matusow is speaking. Apparently there was a break while the wire 
was being rewound and a new spool was secured, as the subject is a different 

Mr. Matusow. Montana, specifically. 

I have here in my hands a copy of the Great Falls Tribune of March 14, 
1949, an actual copy of the newspaper, and it has an article in it entitled, "Civil 
Righters Organized at Sunday Meeting." It goes on to talk about the organiza- 
tion of the Cascade County Civil Rights Committee was created at a meeting 
Sunday at Carpenter Hall with the election of — I'm not going to mention that 
person's name right now. All right, maybe I will. Martha Lyon, L-y-o-n, as 

Other oflBcers were Andy Compuros, first vice chairman ; liily McKenzie, second 
vice chairman; Mrs. Alma Jacobs, secretary-treasurer, and Mrs. Velma Good 
was temporary chairman. 

That's a newspaper story, 1949. 

Excuse me. The water got me. 

"The group will meet once a month and will affiliate with the national Civil 
Rights group." 

For those who don't know what the national Civil Rights group is, I will tell 
you: It's the Civil Rights Congress. Now, the Civil Rights Congress is the 
official and legal arm of the Communist Party, cited so by the Attorney General. 
The Civil Rights Congress furnished bail for the Communist fugitives, seven 
of them, by the name of Henry Winston, Gil Green, Robert Thompson, Bill 
Norman, Jackson, Sid Steinberg, and Fred Fine. That's seven Communist 
leaders, all at large now because they received bail from the Civil Rights Con- 

And when they refused to answer the questions — that is, the Civil Rights 
Congress — as to who put up the bail, and where are these men, Mr. Frederick 
Vanderbilt Field and the mystery story writer, Dashiel Hammet — he's the 
person who wrote the Thin Man, the Fat Man, Sam Spade, and the Maltese 
Falcon — went to jail. Dashiel Hammet, by the way, was a Communist. 

Well, they went to jail and the Civil Rights Congress was outlawed. The 
Federal courts back East will not recognize the Civil Right Congress as a legiti- 
mate agency to furnish bail to people who are being prosecuted, because they 
will not cooperate, they just work against the Government. 

The Federal Government has cited the Civil Rights Congress, and I'd like to 
read that citation to you before I go into this. This citation on the Civil Rights 
Congress is— I have got to find it first. Here it is. "Civil Rights Congress 
cited as subversive and Communist, Attorney General Tom Clark, December 
4, 1947." 

Now that's an official citation by the Attorney General, and he's a Democrat. 
He is a member of the Supreme Court bench right now. 

I am not playing partisan polities. I don't. 

Well, this group was formed and they sent out to get signatures on a peti- 
tion, to get a bill thrown out of the Congress called the Mundt-Ferguson-Nixon 
bill. Now this Mundt-Ferguson-Nixon bill has since been passed under a Demo- 
cratic Congress as the Wood, or McCarran-Wood Act, or the Internal Security 
Act of 1950. 

Now in 1949, before it passed, it was known as the Ferguson — the Mundt- 
Ferguson-Nixon bill — and in 1947 it was known as that. But it was the same 
bill that finally passed under a Democratic Congress. 


But here's the thing about it : They set out to lobby against this bill, and the 
Congress of the United States issued a report on that lobby and it said, "The Na- 
tional Committee To Defeat the Mundt Bill, a Communist lobby * * * " right 
there on the front cover of an official congressional document, and it starts out 
to say, "The National Committee To Defeat the Mundt Bill since its inception 
has served as a registered lobbying organization which has carried out the 
objectives of the Communist Party in its fight against antisubversive legislation. 
The National Committee to Beat the Mundt Bill first came into being June of 1948, 
when Jerry J. O'Connell registered with the Clerk of the House of Representa- 

And this 16-page report deals with nothing else but Jerry J. O'Connell, former 
Congressman from Montana and now, I believe, yes, Jerry J. O'Connell now is 
with the Progressive Party. I got that today at Farmers Union hall, if you don't 
believe I was there, [ask] anybody who was there. They were handing those 
out in front of the Civic Center in Green Falls. 


Well, as I say, it cites Jerry J. O'Connell, who, by the way, for this microphone 
and the record, I will call the leading Communist Party member in the State of 
Montana, unquote, Harvey Matusow said it. It's a fact; he can sue me too if he 
wants to. But I went to a Communist Party meeting with him in Washington, 
D. C, in 1949. I know Jerry O'Connell. 

As I recall, he's about that tall and he's kind of plump and he's got a round, 
moon face, and he's a little bald, and what's left of his hair then was kind of 
black around the edges. I believe that was Jerry J, O'Connell when I met him. 
And I've only seen him that one time. 

And I think when I met Jerry J. O'Connell I was reporting information to the 
FBI and it's probably in a report in the Justice Department files right now. 

So things exist and are facts and what not. 

But as I was — getting back to this Committee To Defeat the Mundt-Nixon Bill, 
which was cited as a Communist lobby and the Civil Rights Committee which was 
cited as a Commimist front. I am going to read names here — I don't know if 
they are Republicans or Democrats ; I've read them before at other meetings, I 
have no political ax to grind. I don't care if they are Republicans or Democrats, 
but I feel the people of Montana should know that these men, who are not 
Communists — I repeat : These men are not Communists — but you should realize 
how Communists have duped people in your State, in your State government, into 
working and signing a Communist petition. 

They are not guilty of anything; they are not Communists. I am just pointing 
this oTit to show you how innocent, sincere people can be duped by communism. 

We have established the two Communist fronts connected with this petition. 
And even the language here — by the way, the petition was put out by Jerry J. 
O'Connell — the language here cites people such as Prof. Zacharia Chasse, of Har- 
vard, who was one of the heads of the National Lawyers Guild and has been 
identified with over 50 or 60 Communist fronts. It lists Mr. Arthur Garfield 
Hayes, who was with the American Civil Liberties Union and has pulled no bones 
about that fact that he has worked with Communists. 

It also lists here Prof. Harlow Shapley. Now, this is an interesting one, be- 
cause Shapley is — now, these people didn't sign it ; the people who signed it said, 
"We are happy to add our names to those of * "^ *" Shapley, Zacharia Chasse, 
and Arthur Garfield Hayes. Now, Prof. Harlow Shapley was the chairman of the 
Waldorf Peace Conference set up by the Communist Party in 1949 in New York 
City. Now, this Waldorf Peace Conference was a Communist front, and I think 
we might take it from the man who we must believe — if he says it's a Communist 
front, it definitely is one — because Dean Acheson called the 'Waldorf Peace Con- 
ference a Communist front. If Dean Acheson can do it, well, there's no doubt 
in my mind. 

I know ; I helped set the thing up, too, and it was a Communist front. But why 
go on and on? 

Now let's get to some of the signatures. Remember, these people are not Com- 
munists, they are not traitors, they are not un-American. These people were 
duped, and I point this out just as a graphic example as to how communism works 
in the State of Montana ; it is the most graphic example I can point out, because 
the first signature I read is John W. Bonner, Governor of Montana. I repeat, 
he is not a Communist, he is not disloyal, he is not un-American : he was duped, 
just as many millions of Americans have been duped over many years. 

The first signature is John Bonner. The second signature is H. "Something" 
Call, up in — chairman. Cascade County Democratic Committee. 


Another one is Kepreseutative, Montana Legislature, Leo C. Greybill, who, I 
think, by the way, is a counsel for the Farmers Union — so if they sue me, 1 might 
meet Mr. Greyl»ill [phonetic]. 

I am not calling him a Communist ; I am not calling him anything subversive. 
I'm just — again, this is a graphic example. 

Other names here are Lief Ericson, a man named Prokoby [phonetic], Harry 
A. Morgan, William I. King, of — I don't know where these people are from, they 
might be Republicans or Democrats. I presume some are Republicans ; I pre- 
sume some of them are Democrats because Mr. Bonner must be running for 
governor on the Democratic ticket — I have seen his name. 

Another one here is Arnold Olson ; another one here is Peter Fontana ; another 
one is John F. Duzak ; anotlier one is William Burtock ; another is Ronald Holt, 
representative, Montana Legislature; and, member of State Board of Health 
Charlotte R. Holt ; and there's a Jerome E. Locke, or F. Loclve ; and W. P. Pilgrim. 
Now, as I say, these are people who were duped by two Communist fronts. 
They are facts. Anybody who'd care to look at these signatures on the petition 
may come up and do so. 

But I don't want to accuse these i>eople of being disloyal or nn-Araerican ; 
I .lust want to accuse the un-Americans of working in Montana and duping these 
people. Well, maybe they didn't have the realistic attitude to see that it was 
a Couununist front, because both these organizations were cited as Communist 
fronts long before they put their names on their signature, but I presume the 
information never reached Montana. I am almost sure it never did, because I 
have read one of your newsi)apers and tiiid out that up in Great Falls it doesn't 
carry much that would educate the ijeople on the question of communism, carries 
very little education. The stuff it carries usually runs quite the contrary; not 
procommunism, but it does not educate on the question of communism. 

LInaudible question from the floor.] 
Mr. Matusow. Well, I have no bones to pick with them. 
Flook. [Inaudible question.] 
Mr. Matusow. It might be ; yes. 
FtooR. [Inaudible question.] 

Mr. JNlATUsow. The gentleman says the names I have mentioned are all Demo- 
crats. Well 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. All right, sir, if they are, they are. ^'ou are the one who said 
so, not me. 

I go on to how communism 1ms gotten into the State of IMontana and I find 
that — well, let's see — I lost the note here somewhere, so I'll leave that part out. 
There ha& been communism in the State of Montana up in Great Falls during 
AVorld War II when one of the top Soviet agents in the United States lived at 
one or another hotels in the city of Great Falls, and according to sworn testimony 
before Congressional committees did carry on espionage at Great Falls. 

And on 1 occasion a military intelligence officer had to walk out to the air- 
base and at gunpoint remove 2 or 3 Soviet officers or pilots or Soviet men 
who were picking up a plane here in the United States for transportation to 
Russia, went through the plane and found top secret documents which should 
never have been out of their locked safe. 
Right here in Great Falls. Mont. 

And today, according to ligures as to Communist Party membership in the 
United States, per capitawise, Montana has more Communists than anv other 
State in the 48, according to official figures. That is a fact. There aren't manv 
Communists in Montana, probably not more than 4fK), but in pronortion to vour 
population, that is more than in any other of the 48 States. 

Well, I could go on for 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Well, there was a question there which I will keep in the back 
of my mind to answer when we start our question-and-answer period. 

I add one more point to my report here and I think that it should be asked of 
the gentleman who is running for office before election day. No reference made 
to him, no inference; he is a good, loyal and honest American. But I think it 
should be asked him why, in 194.5, after the Attorney General in 1942 listed New 
Masses as a Communist Party publication, the official cultural publication of 
the Communist Party, the Repre.sentative from Montana, Mr. Mansfield, wrote 
an article in New, the official Communist Party publication— this is a 
copy of it— 3 full years after it was cited as the official Communist Party publi- 


cation by the Attorney General and, believe it or not, the Communist Party 
itself, did he write that article. 

He is a loyal, honest, good man ; he's a good legislator. I am not attacking 
him as a partisan politician, I am just not attacking him. I am just bringing 
the facts to the voters of Montana. That is my purix>se; I don't play partisan 
lX)litics ; I go out after communism and I go out after the way communism has 
duped innocent people such as Representative Mike Man.sfield, when he did this 
report on China for New Masses, the official Communist Party publication. 

I am not going to continue talking any longer because I've talkefl now for 
over 51 minutes. I want to stop now and get some questions and answers and I 
know I have got the first question from that gentleman there, so if I answer it — 
the gentleman wanted to know if my figures were the official FBI rei>ort. I will 
state now that my figures are from official reports before congressional commit- 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Mati'sow. I say there are approximately 400 Communists in the State of 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I am not saying that, no. 

F1.00R. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I said, official 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Oh, you are saying it, sir. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I do not — I have never seen any official FBI reports on Com- 
munist Party membership igures. 

Fix>0R. Thank you. 

Mr. Matusow. But I have seen official congressional committee reports on that. 

Another qiiestion? 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Of course not. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. 1947. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matl^sow. I have been a Communist Party member until 1951. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. A Communist is a revolutionist ; one. A Communist is one 
who does not believe in the liberties of individuals ; two. A Communist is one 
who will do anything to get his way, and that is to destroy the American form 
of government as set up in our Constitution through our Bill of Rights — our 
freedoms of press, speech, and assembly; our freedom of religion, and our free- 
dom to get up here and talk the way both you and I are doing. 

If this were a Communist nation and there w^ere Communists able to stop me. 
I would not speak, or if a gentleman who was a Communist disagreed with this 
gentleman, you woidd not be able to speak. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. INIy sponsor is the Montana Citizens for Americanism. 

Floor. [Inaudible ; interrupted by applause.] 

INIr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I said I got this in front of the civic center; it's on the tape 
there. I got this in front of the hall where the convention of the Farmers Union 
was being held. And if any of you were there today you would have seen these — 
wait a minute. I have got a bunch of them, here. I don't have to document it 
with 1, I can document it with 15 of them. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I made the statement a minute ago and we can check it on 
this wire recorder that I got it in front of the civic center, where the Farmers 
Union convention was taking place. 

We might as well not argue about it because it's right there on wire and we 
can check it back because my voice has been recording all the time. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Is this a half-truth or is this 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 truths? [Counting 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Mati^sow. No. To be exact. I picked up five of these inside the lobby 
right next to the stand that said "Health," or something ; right in the Farmers 


Union hall. There were about six pine trees set up and these were laying on a 
table and that's where I picked them up. For your information. 

I didn't want to say it before, but I am saying it now because you are trying 
to put me on the spot 

I did not want to reflect on the Farmers Union and I do not want to, but these 
were in the hall on a table in front of 4 or 5 or 6 pine trees in the civic center in 
Great Falls. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I have not — this is being put out by the Progressive Party. 
But they were at the hall where the Farmers Union convention was taking place, 
for your information. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I agree there were other things you could get, but you could also 
get Progressive Party literature. 

Floor. You were inferring [inaudible]. 

Mr. Matusow. Sir, you are inferring; I was not inferring anything. I am 
stating facts ; you are stating inference. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. That is correct. There was no free speech at the Farmers 
Union convention because after I was challenged to speak there I was refused 
admission to the hall — the body of the hall, that is — to address the membership 
after the challenge appeared 3 times a day on 21 radio stations in the State 
of Montana which called me an irresponsible person, without mentioning the 
fact that they wanted a $25,000 bond, they didn't mention the fact that they 
wanted me to post a $25,000 bond 

Floor. This $25,000 bond [inaudible]. 

Mr. Matusow. Did I say here for the record that the price of free speech for 
the Fanners Union is a $25,000 bond or didn't I ? The people here will remember 
what I said. [Applause.] 

Mr. Matusow. Another thing — I'm glad he's here ; this is good. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. I said that and I say it again for public record any day in the 
week, 7 days a week and 365 days a year and this year I can say it 366 because 
it's leap year. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. They did and I arrived. 

Floor. You arrived; that's right [inaudible]. 

Mr. Matusow. And I wanted to get in to speak. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Under the conditions that they asked me to speak. CJome up 
there and speak under the sponsorship of an organization, and the Montana 
Citizens for Americanism offered to sponsor me. 

Now let me tell you something that you don't know — ^hold it 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Oh, no, wait a minute 

FLOOR. [Inaudible] radio recording and [inaudible] wasn't that it? 

Mr. Matusow. Then we came up today and said. If you want me to speak for 
a half hour with a half-hour comeback, I will get on the floor and speak for a 
half hour, and they said, "No ; you have got to post $25,000 before we even let 
you get up on the stage." 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Well, look, I am saying these things now ; do these people want 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. Now, look, this $25,000 [undiscernable word] the Farmers Union 
got at Salt Lake City is kind of strange. 

Floor. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. Matusow. They're not part truths, they are whole truths, sir. 

Floor. Will you allow me to read [inaudible]. 

Mr. Matusow. Let me read it here. 

Floor. I'll read it. 

Mr. Matusow. All right, come up here and read it, with my comments as you 
read it. 

Floor. All right, I'll sure do that [coming up on stage]. [Reading:] "The 
Montana Farmers Union invites the American Legion, the Junior Chamber of 
Commerce and the Great Falls Teachers Bureau and any other persons, political 


party, or other organizations sponsoring or wishing to sponsor Harvey AL 
Matusow " 

Mr. Matusow. Now stop there. The national — the IVIontana Citizens for Amer- 
icanism was an organization willing to sponsor me. That's point 1. 

Man on Stage. "And who is willing to accept financial responsibility for any 
rei)ercussions " 

Mr. Matusow. [In unison] repercussions. 

Man on Stage. "As a result of what said person may say to- 

Mr. Matusow. "To Harvey M. Matusow." Let me finish there 

Man on Stage. Wait a minute, wait a minute 

Mr. Matusow. Whoa, whoa, one by one. You said you'd read it and I'd 

Floor. [Inaudible; applause.] 

Mr. Matitsow. You said you'd read it and I'd comment. Now I can comment 

Man on Stage. I said I would read it. You can comment all you want to. 

Mr. Matusow. All right. You read it and I'll comment. 

Man on Stage. But you wanted to [undiscernible]. 

Mr. Matusow. [Distorted and undiscernible. 1 Harvey Matusow to the con- 
vention of the Montana Farmers Union now in session at Great Falls. 

Now, Mr. Overcash, as chairman of the Montana Citizens for Americanism, 
said here at the outset of this meeting that he would take any and all financial 
responsibilities and that the ^Montana Citizens for Americanism would, if any- 
body cared to sue. And he said that to the leaders of the Farmers Union there 
today, and they still wouldn't let me go up. 

Man on Stage. Are they responsible"? 

Mr. Matusow. He is ! Is Mr. Overcash, a national committee member of the 
American Legion, a responsible citizen of Montana? 

Man on Stage. I don't 

Mr. Matusow. You insult the American Legion and you insult a lot of good 
organizations. He is past departmental commander of the American Legion. 
Is he responsible? I think he is. 

Man on Stage. All right. "Harvey M. Matusow will be allowed time on the 
Farmers Union program to explain the false impression he is leaving in the 
people's minds about the Farmers Union and YMCA, the churches, the American 
educational system, the Boy Scouts, and other organizations." 

Mr. Matusow. Stop. All right. Now, did I explain anything? Did I leave 
any false impressions about churches here? Were there false impressions? 
No. Were there false impressions about the Farmers Union? Did I call it a 
Communist union? No. I called its leaders Communists. Some of the leaders, 
that is. 

Did I leave a false impression about American education? I cited congres- 
sional hearings; I cited sworn testimony. Are those false impressions? 

O. K. You continue, sir. 

Man on Stage. "If this invitation is not accompanied by " 

Mr. Matusow. "Is not accepted by Matusow and his spon.sors, it will be 
further assumetl that the irresponsible — " by the way, the Farmers Unions is 
going to be sued for this statement : I'd like to let you know that, by me. 

Man on Stage. Go right ahead. 

Mr. Matusow. "Statements he is making in Montana will be taken merely as 
a political attack on many respected and responsible citizens of the State." 

Have I attacked any citizens of the State? Have I just stated the facts? 
Have I called them good Americans even when I read their names on that peti- 
tion? Was I irresponsibly attacking these people? No. 

These people will back it up. These are the people of Montana you're talking 

Man on Stage. That's right. 

"It is a matter of record that the Farmers Union faces squarely up to the 
challenges as that of, ah " 

Mr. Matusow. It " — faces squarely up to such challenges as that of Matusow's, 
given usually to * * *" (Break in wire.) 

"The Farmers Union will set aside anything on the convention program to hear 
Matusow up to 3 p. m., Saturday, October 18, 1952, when the convention closes." 

Now, they said they'd set aside anything on the convention to hear me. So I 
sent them a telegram and said, I have taken up to 2 hours to present this thing, 
this talk, to the people of Montana — which they charge is irresponsible. And I 
want to get the same consideration, the same 2 hours, to present the same talk. 
Is that fair? Yes. 


Would they want me to do it in 15 minutes, and cut an liour and three-quarters 

Man on Stage. [Uudiscernible ; talking simultaneously.] 

Mr. Matusow. Wait a minute, now. They said they'd set up anything — '"We 
will set aside anything on the convention program to hear Matusow." 

But did they hear me? No. 

Ma* on Stage. No ; because you wouldn't talk. 

Mr. Matusow. I wouldn't talk ? 

Man on Stage. Not under their — only— — 

[Laughter from audience.] 

Mr. Matusow. Oooooh, come now ! 

Man on Stage. [Undiscermble] * * * to give this message to Harvey M. 
Matusow : 

"This announcement is sponsored and paid for by the Montana Farmers 

Floor. [Uudiscernible] * * * right to be heard without being heckled. [Un- 
discernible] * * * Matusow * * * [uudiscernible] * * * 

Mr. Matusow. I'm not heckling him. I'm stating facts. 

Floor. [Uudiscernible] * * * 

Floor. [New voice] * * * [uudiscernible] * * * 

[Shouting back and forth on floor.] 

Man on Stage. An announcement to appear on 5-minute programs, 3 times 
over KMON and stations in the following cities: Butte, Billings, Missoula, 
Kalispell, Livingston, Miles City, Shelby. Helena, Lewistown. 

Because of the short notice, it may be impossible to have the announcement 
made on all stations. But Great Falls first broadcast at 5 : 30 p. m. on KMON, 
three times. 

Received from an anonymous spokesman at about 9 : 50 p. m., October 17. 1952, 
by telephone, from Harvey — ah. Ma 

Mr. Matusow. Matusow. 

Man on Stage. Matusow, now speaking in Lewistown — 

[Laughter from audience.] 

Man on Stage. Montana, to Leonard Greenfield [phonetic] of the Montana 
Farmers Union in Great Falls, Mont. 

"I accept your invitation to appear at convention under condition that I receive 
maximum of 2 hours' time, from 1 p. m. to 3 p. m., Saturday afternoon. October 18, 
1952, and a tape recorder be present to record my speech in its entirety and that 
I am given the speech on tape in its entirety immediately on the completion of the 

Signed, Harvey Mat 

Mr. Matusow. Matusow. 

Now, may I read? You read that section, now I'll read my telegram. 

Man on Stage. Well just wait a minute. I'll go ahead and finish it up. 

Mr. Matusow. Hoooe ! 

Man on Stage. And then you can go ahead and say what you please. 

That wasn't a telegram, that was a phone call. 

Mr. Matusow. By the way, this thing was sent— the United Press contacted 
me in Lewistown last night and I gave the United Press an official state- 
ment. It went out over a United Press teletype because they said they'd been 
asked to contact me. and — the first message I received was from the United 
Press about this, and United Press asked me to give a reply and they would get it 
to the Farmers ITnion. And that was the anonymous phone call or whatever it 
may be that this refers to. 

Man on Stage. Well, anyway, the man wouldn't give his name. 

Mr. Matusow. Well, that's not my fault. 

Man on Stage. The spokesman would not reveal his name; said he didn't 
want his name connected with the matter; agreed to have Matusow call mm 
at 214 Park Hotel before 11 p. m. October 17. 

Mr. Matusow. Now, may I make comments on that telegram before we come 
to the next one? 

Man on Stage. That's not a telegram ; that's a 

Mr. Matusow. All right. Well, let's comment on that before we get to the 
next subject. 

Man on Stage. Let's go ahead with 

Mr. Matusow. All right, w^ell. let's go ahead with it. We'll be fair about it. 

Man on Stage. I'll let you go ahead here with your speech. 

Mr. Matusow. Well, I was coming here to speak ; you didn't 


Man on Stage. An anonymous call about 11 p. m., collect. We refused to 
pay call. Vic Overcash called about 15 minutes later. He asked, "What is your 
answer to Matusow's proposition?" 

•'Harvey M. ^latusow, Lewistown Mont. Regarding a telephone call from 
your anonymous spokesman, our invitation for you to speak at our convention 
was conditioned upon whoever is sponsoring you assumed full responsibility for 
any information that you might give in regard to our organization or any other 
organization that you might mention, and in the event you do not have a sponsor 
who will assume financial responsibility, that you put up a bond of at least 
$25,000 to cover any action which might be brought because of any statement 
which you might make being slanderous to any person concerned, including our 
organization. And furthermore any tape recordings made at our expense will 
be retained by us. We will give you one-half hour for your presentation 
with the right of our representatives to question for one-half hour." 

That is signed by Richard G. Shipman, vice president and acting president 
of Montana Farmers Union. 

Mr. Matusow. Now, may I discuss that point? That is the correspondence^ 
the rest of it was vocal. That was the end of the correspondence with the Farm- 
ers Union. 

Man on Stage. That's right. 

Mr. MAxrsow. All right. Now, let's discuss the correspondence and then 
we'll discuss the meeting. Fair? I won't interrupt you when you're discussing 

Man on Stage. I would just as well finish this up. 

Mr. Matusow. All right. 

Man on Stage. "It is a matter of historical record that only responsible spon- 
sored speakers appear on the Montana Farmers Union convention platform. 
That's spokesmen for bond sales, health drives, charitable bodies. Government 
agencies, business institutions, and many other organizations have spoken here, 
well identified, with the reponsibility clearly understood. 

"Harvey M. — ah " 

Mr. Matusow. Matusow. 

Man on Stage. "Matusow." 

[Laughter from audience.] 

Man on Stage. "Apparently a speaker who has been leaving false impres- 
sions was willing to appear on our program only on his own recognition." 

Wait a minute. What is that? 

Mr. Matusow. Well, the same difference. Only if I spoke for myself, accord- 
ing to that, yes. 

Man on Stage. "He did not " 

Mr. Matusow. I can't read it from here ; I haven't my glasses. 

Man on Stage. "He did not furnish any sponsors and did not offer financial 
responsibility for any possible damages, repercussions, his remarks might leave. 
We refuse to take responsibility for what he might say. 

"Harvey Matusow did not see fit to accept the conditions of our invitation 
to siieak. and that is the reason he did not speak before this convention." 

Mr. Matusow. Now may I comment on those? May I borrow them? 

Man on Stage. Yes. 

]\Ir. Matusow. May I borrow those? 

Man on Stage. No, I want to keep these. 

Mr. Matusow. No. Just stand here for a minute. You said I could wait 
until you finish and then I could comment on them. 

Man on Stage. All right. 

Mr. Matusow. All right. We've commented on the original challenge. 

Now, at approximately 12 o'clock last night, though this says 11 : 50, but it was 
approximately 12 

Man on Stage. It said 11 — something; I don't know. 

Mr. Matusow. Well, the phone call between Mr. Overcash and somebody at the 
Farmers Union said that, "Regarding telephone call from anonymous spokesman 
on — " well, let's get the first letter first. 

"Regarding a telephone call from your anonymous spokesman, our invitation 
tc speak at convention with conditions upon whoever is sponsoring you to assume 
financial responsibility for any misinformation that you might give in regard 
to our organization or any other organization that you might mention, and in the 
event that you do not have a sponsor who will assume the financial responsibility, 
that you put up a bond of at least $25,000." 

That states clearly that if an organization such as the Montana Citizens for 
Americanism — which offered to sponsor me — spon.sored me, there would not be 


the necessity for a $25,000 bond, which they insisted Mr. Overcash put up today 
when he arrived. 

And I did not speak to the leaders of the Farmers Union there. I was in their 
presence, and I said, "Hello," and I said, "Goodbye." Mr. Overcash did all the 
talking as a representative of the Montana Citizens for Americanism. 

And this states clearly, by his own record, that if no organization would. 
siJonsor me, I personally must put up the $25,000. 

(End of wire No. 2.) 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you ever testify that the Government of Czecho- 
slovakia attempted in 1951 to steal atomic secrets at Los Alamos? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir ; substantially something like that. I don't 
know just how I phrased that. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Was that testimony true ? 

Mr. Matusow. Xo. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I show you 

Mr. Matusow. Let me put it this way : I was friendly with a few 
of the delegates from Czechoslovakia at the United Nations. I met 
them when I worked in the Communist bookstore in New York. They 
used to come in the bookstore and wanted to buy various books and 
very few Communist books. They wanted to buy historical books 
about the United States, mostly folklore and certain classical historical 
works such as by Beard, et cetera. 

I became very friendly with them and I used to go to the U. N. I 
would take one of the delegate's credentials so I could sit on the floor 
and listen to the various languages. 

It was a social relation. When I went to New York in November 
1950 I visited one of these delegates and went to his penthouse apart- 
ment on York Avenue in New York. While there they did not ap- 
proach me as I have testified. But I approached the Czech delegates. 
I said, "I'm going back to New Mexico and I think I can get atomic 
secrets," or something like that. In other words, trying to provoke 
him into an incident where he would say yes. He said he would think 
about it. Before he thought about it, I was expelled from the Com- 
munist Party. 

They might have been interested in atomic secrets. I wouldn't say 
no. They didn't approach me. I approached them. I figured I 
would have something to report to the FBI. 

I reported that conversation to Agent R. C. Clancy, of the FBI in 
New York, on a day in November or early December in 1950. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you report it to him accurately? 

Mr. Matusow. As I just reported it to the committee, I reported it 
in the same way. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, I send you three photostatic pages 
and ask if you can identify them. 

Mr. Matusow. I don't remember what they are — no. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is this 

Mr. Matusow. I don't know what they are specifically. They have 
some vague familiarity. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I want to ask you whetln>r you can recognize them 
as pages from a list made out by you at the same time as the auto- 
biographical sketch which you prepared in Ohio and furnished to the 
House committee. 

Mr. Matusow. Are these pages of a list of names that I gave the 
House committee? 


Mr. SouKwiNE. I am asking that ; yes. 

Mr. Matusow. They were not related lo something else. I be- 
lieve so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are they the same as the ones given by you to Agent 
Harlan Shaw? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes; I believe I gave this list to Agent Harlan Shaw, 
of the Dayton office of the FBI. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I ask that this list as so identified might go in the 
record at this time. 

The Chairman. It will be admitted in the record. 

(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 94" and appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 94 

Herbert Oppenheim or Oppenlieimer : Member of the Chelsea youth club of the 
Communist Party. Attended meetings with him. also attended marxist institute 

at the Jefferson* school he is member of the YPA, and the LYL Family 

has textile mills, showroom on tifth avenue below o4th street 2r» yrs old, 5.11, 

150 lb, black ahir was guest at San Cristobal Ranch 

Judy Oppenheim, or Oppenheimer : Married to Herb, meinbe of the chelsea 
youth club of the op. LYL, and YPA... During the trial at Foley Sq. she was 
doing some full time sect, job in the national Hq of the Communist Party at 

S't east 12th street She is orig. from Denver, Colo. Met her at Sun Cristobal 

Valley Ranch, in summer of 1&50... She also attended the marxist instutite at 
the Jefferson School in the fall of 48, and spring of 49 she is 23 yrs red- 
blond hair, 5 :3 1251b 

Teak Thomas : On New York County Commiytee of the Communist Party 

Harlem Section Org. of the Party Youth set up in NY County... Was County 
AYD Director.... Ls now active in Brooklyn NY, not as a full time party em- 
ployee First time I met Teak was at a meeting of the AYD, NY City wide 

dealing with the AYD Press Camp he at that time was one of the editoi-s... 

he ran the meeting next met him at the Jefferson school in New York 

and later at party hq Had many informal Discussions with him at the 

party hq in new york when I worked there as a switch board oper he is 

35yrs 5 :8 1601b negro 

Millie : Don't know her last name, she is member of the Party in Bronx NY... 

She is the sect in the state office of the LYL in NY don't know anything 

about her background except that she is member of the party,,,, 5ft 3.5yrs red 
hair, 130 lb 

Josh Lawrence : Member if the Communist Party NY State... very active in 
the trade union move, in new york city.... have seen him at county, state and 
national hq... Negro 40yrs 5.9 1501b... 

Viki Lawrence : Worked with her at switchboard in NY County Office f the 

])arty she is memelir of the womens commission when i worked at unity 

in summer of 49 she was on of the speakers married to Josh Lawrence... 

37yrs .5.3 grey black hari.... 

Juan Sias* Corales : Head og the UGT or CGT Trade unin in P.R. Member 
of the P.R. National Committee of the CP. Trade union Director. First Editor 
of the Trade union Press which was set up by party funds in the USA... Met 
him in New York and in PR. He was the first party person contacted when 
we got to P.RV 

Consuelo Sias Corales : Wife of Juan . . . she is Member of the National 
Committee of the PR Communist Party ... Ed Director of same .... et he 
in New York at National Paryy Hq. as w^ell as in PR . . . She conducted part 
of the tour that Bassett and I went on while there . . . She took us to El 
Fanguito and there set up a meeting with party and nationalist party people 
about the evictions that the PR Gov't were planning in order to clean up the 
slums .... she also took us out into the country side around San Juan and 
into some sugar mills, where she was very welcomed . . . we were intorduced 
as communist party members, and open habd was extended on that ac- 

Dora : Full time emi>loyee of the party at the county office . . . leader in the 
east side reigon of the NY County Party I took her job at the county 


office while she was attendiuii full time party leadership school which was con- 
ducted at the Jefferson School she is 35 5ft 1201b brown 

hair ^ , ^ ■. 

Greg rascall : From Chicago, first met him at peoples songs o fice, later when 

he was active in the Wallace Caravans He was the person hired by the 

Jefferson School in the Summer of 49 to take my place at there camp 

Have seen him at the Party Hq on a number of occasions ".10 lOSlb, 

negro . . . 23yrs .... 

Hope Foy : Was member of the Weaver's for a short time, however for some 

reason unknown to me she left the group first met her at peoples 

Artists shortly after peekskill, she was working on the F.en Davis Re-Election 

Camp in Harlem she is from Conn now lives in one of the 

city progects on the lower east side in New York ... is in her 30's Negro 5 : 3 

Quin'cy Goldberg : Member of the Bronx County Staff of the Party . . . was 
at one time Section Org in Party section on 167th street Now doing Industrial 

Work with the Rail Road workers Has been refered to by many bronx 

people as the one man section . . . Met him at Camp Unity in 1949 .... 
He was one of the people who camp up one weekend and approoRed me to get a 
tele campig. going on the question of the Mundt-Nixon bill or its counter- 
part of the time the morning of the second pookskill concert he was 

again at the camp, and helped orginize the unity party of the defense of the con- 
cert ... He is 38yrs 5 : 9 155 lb Black Hair 

Ester (Letz) Goldberg: Wife of Quincy .... AVas with him at Camp 
Unity . . was active in the New York County Office or State Office of the 
Party . '. . 35yrs 5 : 3 1301b Blonde Hair 

Lenny Kogel : WOrked at Camp Unity as Life Guard during the summer of 

1949. Had just received his Use. to teach in the New York City School System. 

Admitted to me being a member of the Communist Party. . . . Was active 

to a limited extent in Freedom Theatre. . . . 6Ft 2001b 24yrs Blonde Hair . . . 

Anne Rivington : Reporter on the Harlem Worker . . . Rivington is not here 
real name. But is one she has used for a number of years. ... I First met her 
at Contemp. Writers where she was sect. She arranged for the getting of 
speakers for there weekend programs ... as well as all coro for the org. . . . 
She has attended the Jefferson School, active politically in Lower Harlem, in 
the Party as well as ALP. . . . 40yrs old 5 : 6 1401b black hair. . . . 

George: Did not know his last name. Member of the Tompkins Sq Youth 
Club of the Party . . . Main job was to head the American Youth Of America. 
... He also writes for their national paper published on east 12th street, 
accross the street from party Hq . . . he is about 25yrs old, 5 : 7 2001b black 

Jor Jaffee: Member of Peoples Songs, Peoples Artists, Communist Party, 
Labour Youth League YPA. American Folksay Group. . . . Worked at Camp 
Unity during the Summer of 1949 . . . admitted party member. Student at 
Up Town City College. . . . Was very active in the City College Strikes . . . 
21vrsold 5:11 1551b. Brown Hair. ... 

Ernie Leiberman : Member of the Communist Party, Labor Youth Leasaie, 
AYD. . . . Active in Brooklyn College. . . . Went to Prage in 1947 as a dele- 
gate to the World Youth Fest. . . . Active in Peoples Songs and Peoples Artists 
. . . spent a month in 19.50 at the San Cristoble Valley Ranch. . . . 22yrs old, 
5.11 1601b Brown Hair. . . . 

Tillie Goldway : Wife of Dave Goldway of the Jefferson School. ... an ad- 
mitted member of the communist Party . . . first met her at the Jefferson School 
<-amp in the summer of 1948. . . . When I last saw here she was working for t e 
Liberty Book Club, as the Sect. ... to Russell head of the Org. . . . xxxxxx 
xxxxxxxxxxxx . . . she is 35 5:3 1301b, red hair. . . . 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Cliairman, I ask that a letter to the chairman 
of this committee from Maj. Joe W. Kelly, Director of Legislative 
I^iaison, haviiitr to do with the service of former S. Sgt. Harvey 
Mntiiso"\v„ may ^o into the record at this point. 

The Chairman. It will be admitted. 


(The document was marked "Exhibit No. J)5'* and appears below :) 

ExHiisiT No. 95 

Department of the Air Force, 

Washivgtan, Fehruary 9, 1955. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Subcommittee on Internal Security, 

Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate. 

Dear Mr. Chairman : Mr. Robert McManiis, of your committee staff, has 
requested certain basic information concerning the service of former S. Sgt. 
Harvey M. Matusow in the Air Force. 

The following basic service data covering his period of service in the Air 
Force is submitted : 

Enlisted in the Air Force Reserve November 20, 1950, in the grade of staff 
sergeant. (Grade held at time of discharge from the Ai-my.) 

Recalled to active duty on February 21, 1951, for 7 days for physical examina- 
tion. (Brooks Air Force Base, Tex.) Home of record at time of recall : General 
Delivery, Taos, N. Mex. 

Recalled to active duty on March 1, 1951, for 21 months. 

Assignments during i)eriod of active duty : 

March 1 to May 17, 1951 : Brooks Air Force Base, Tex. (processing and admin- 
istrative clerk). 

May 18 to December 11, 1951 : Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio (per- 
sonnel supervisor and personnel affairs technician). 

Relieved from active duty in grade of staff sergeant (honorable separation), 
December 11, 1951, under provisions of Air Force Message AFPDP 83265. Novem- 
ber 16, 1951 (release of Reserve forces airmen froim active military service), 
and paragraph 2, Air Force Regulation 39-14 (convenience of the Government). 
(Note: This release was part of an Air Force-wide program to release Reserve 
airmen from involuntary active duty.) 

Honorably discharged from the Air Force Reserve, December 3, 1952, under 
the provisions of paragraph 12e, Air Force Regulation 35-6, dated May 21, 1951 
(separation of commissioned and enlisted personnel from the Air Force Reserve). 
I'aragraph 12e provides that "an airman may be discharged upon request when 
in the opinion of the Air Force commander the discharge will be to the best 
interest of the Government in furtherance of the Reserve program." 
Sincerely yours, 

Joe W. Kellt, 
Major General, USAF, 
Director, Legislative Lini.wn. 

Mr. Matusow. While dealing with my service, if I may, Mr. Chair- 
man, I read a statement in the press the other day that I developed a 
})sychonenrosis from falling down a flight of stairs. I believe any 
doctor or any psychiatrist will tell you that the only type of psycho- 
neurosis a man can develop from a fall down a flight of stairs is an 
aversion to staircases. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. "^Vhy do you bring up that point? 

Mr. Matusow. You mentioned the Army record and I would like 
to get that point clear. 

All the papers said I had this acute-something case of psychoneu- 
losis from falling down a flight of stairs. 

Any psychiatrist will tell you it is impossible to develop such a 
neurosis except an aversion to staircases. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Up to this point there is nothing about that in our 

Mr. Matusow. I don't know. You mentioned the Army and that 
brought it to my mind. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I had no intention to put that in the record. 

Mr. Matusow. I am sorry. But I wanted the record straight on 
iny so-called psychiatric treatment. 


Mr. SouEwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I want to cut down the time re- 
quired here. We have a number of records about Mr. Matusow's serv- 
ice and there are only certain items I want to get into the record. 

I would like to have permission to read from this record and then 
to have the photostats placed as an exhibit or in our files to back up 
\\ hat I read into the record. 

The Chairman. It is ordered that it be placed in the record as an 

Counsel is authorized to read pertinent parts into the record. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, the first one, the only part I want to note is 
that on the third page, this is Mr. Matusow's service record for the 
period from the 20th of November 1950, to December 3, 1952, in the 
Air Force Reserve, the third page indicates that his service with the 
Air Intelligence Service Squadron was only 5 days from June 7 to 
12, 1951. 

Mr. Matusow. What were the days of my service? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. November 20, 1950, to December 3, 1952. 

Mr. Matusow, Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is the personnel classification sheet and all I 
want to call attention to is the statement that Mr. Matusow served li/^ 
years as a noncommissioned officer, 13 years as a salesman, 5 years as 
a writer. 

Mr. Matusow at this time was 25 years old. His experience as a 
salesman must have started when he was 10 years old 

Mr. Matusow. It did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Even if it was concurrent with his experience as a 
writer. Mr. Matusow has without being asked the question testified 
on the one point I wanted to question him. 

Mr. JNLkiTTSOW. It did in my father's store in downtown New York. 
The Pins and Needles thing comes up again. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The third of these photostats is Mr. Matusow's let- 
ter of resignation and I think it might be well if Mr. Matusow iden- 
tified his signature there and said that was a letter he did send. 

Mr. Matusow. One of a number. I believe in order to have the 
record straig;ht, if the Air Force is going to furnish letters, this was 
one of the milder of the 4 or 5 letters I sent the Air Force. 

The others were much more severe than this and I think the record 
would be more damaging to me but I don't mind. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The question is 

Mr. Matusow. I recollect that, I recognize the signature and I sent 
that letter. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You assume unduly that the committee is attempt- 
ing to damage you. 

Mr. Matusow. I don't think unduly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I think that letter has been ordered in the record. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibit 96, 96A and 96B" 
and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 96 

1308 Grand A\'eniie. 
Dayton, Ohio, March 13. J 952. 
CiHEF OF Personnel, 

U8AP Reserve, 

Washington, D. C. 

Sir: I\Iy name is Harvey M. Matusow, AF 12229061, S/Sst USAF Reserve. 
Released from active duty December 11, 19.51 (W-P AFB). 
Due to experiences in the Air Force wliile on active duty durins 1951, and 
contact with the Air Force since my release from active diity on the question 


of obtaining a commission (where my specialized baclciiround i-oiild be used). 
I have come to the following decision. 

I am at this time (in this letter) applying for a discbai-.ue from the Air Korce 

As of this date, March 13. 1952, 1 do not consider myself a member of the 
Reserve, and enclosed you will tind my I. D. card. 

It is a sorry note when a man has to fight the United States Air Force in order 
to fight for the United States Government against world communism. 

The problems which seem to exist in the Air Force 1 have found do not exist 
in civilian life, in relation to the fight against communism. For the day follow- 
ing my release from the AF I was able to find employment with an official gov- 
ernment body in Ohio that welcomed my skills on the stiliject. 

I would appreciate your efforts in seeing to it that the discharge certificate is 
mailed to the above address in Dayton, (^hio 
Sincerely yours, 

Hakvey M. AL\tusow. 

Exhibit Xo. 96-A 

Pekson.nei. ("i.assukation Board P'roceedi>gs 

Headquarters, Wriylit-Patterson, 

Dayton, Ohio, 5 September 1931. 

A Board of Officers appointed by I'ar 24. Si>ecial Orders 173, 20 July ID.jl, to 
Hq, under the provisions of AFK 35-391, for the purpose of operating current 
classification and conversion and implementation of the Airman Career Pro- 
gram, was convened at the call of the President at 09(Xt hours, 4 September 

Board members present : 

Capt Howard L Strohl, USAF 
1st Lt T N Caris, USAF 
1st Lt Don E Fields, USAF 

Board members absent : 

Lt Col Jay P Roller, USAF 
Maj Edward J Moriarty, USAF 
Capt Hendley A McDcmald, USAF 
Capt Leo J Nolan. USAF 
Capt Jerome M Kramer, USAF 
Capt John T O'Brien. USAF 
1st Lt Melvin A Lucas. USAF 
1st Lt William H Johnson. USAF 
1st Lt Warren L Richards. USAF 
1st Lt John J Marinacchio. USAF 

Advisors : 

Maj Rupert K Fudge. USAF 
Capt Kathleen J Curtiu, USAF 

The following personnel appeared before the Classification Board and were 
interAiewed to determine proper classification. 

S/Sgt James E Bloomfield, AF35794G49 
S/Sgt Ted H Hackler, AF1324106S 
S/Sgt Clarence K Jacobssen, AF162164S4 
S/Sgt Kay A Kent, AAS403074 
S/Sgt Harvey M Matusow, AF12229061 
S/Sgt Robert G Moses, AF16000144 
S/Sgt Bruce 11 Slaugenhaupt, AF6SOS054 
S/Sgt l"rauk J Stroi>ek, AF(j257801 
S/Sgt Donald J Wolf, AF17217S63 
Sgt Don (NMI) Avaut, AF142G0224 
Sgt Charles R Estep, AF1316(3065 
Sgt Ki<hard W Gillespie, AF15081282 
Sgt Willard S Greer, AF18147101 

59886—55 — pt. 11 8 


Sgt Warren J Oppel, AF42105232 

Sgt Ted R Poore, AF15210734 

Cpl James W Ice, AF13371765 j 

Cpl Joseph L Vazzana, AF12360271 ^ 

Pfc Joseph W Malone, F15436251 

Findings : [as to Matusow] 

That S/Sgt Harvey M Matusow, AF122290()1, due to his previous military expe- 
rience as Administrative NCO for period of iy2 years ; his experience as sales- 
man for 13 years in civilian life, and experience as a writer for period of five 
years in civilian life ; and, who, on his own initiative, has become familiar and 
up to date on personnel procedures and regulations, is qualified to retain present 
PAFS of Personnel Supervisor (73270). 

RECOMMENDATIONS : [as to Matusow] 

That the PAFS of Personnel Supervisor (73270) of S/Sgt Harvey Matusow, 
AFr22290Gl, be retained. 

That Personnel Actions Memorandums be published changing the PAFS 

indicated above. 

HowABD L Strohl, 

Capt, U8AF, 

T N Caris, 
IstLt, VSAF, 

Don E Fields, 




Exhibit No. 96B 


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Mr. SouRWiNE. I have a group here of some documents furnished by 
the Veterans' Administration. May that be ordered in the record? 

The Chairman. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The first of these is a letter to Mr. Matusow show- 
ing reinstatement of his disability payments. The second is a record 
of examination dated September 25, 1947, and I want to call par- 
ticular attention to the statement under point 7, ''Sprained back May 
1946 during calisthenics." 

I want to ask Mr. Matusow can you remember the medical examina- 
toin you had in September 25, 1947 ? 

Mr. MATtJsow\ No. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Are you able to say whether at the time you told 
the doctor you had sprained your back in May 1946 during calis- 
thenics ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next item here is a medical report of the 
station hospital, ATS, George Washington, April 21, 1945 

Mr. Matusow. Army Troop Transport. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He was admitted for an undiagnosed condition, 
characterized by headache and dizziness of 1 month's duration fol- 
lowing a fall downstairs. I wanted to ask Mr. Matusow whether 
that was a different fall than the fall he previously testified to when 
he fell downstairs in an Army barracks in Germany ? 

Mr. Matusow. I don't recall this bit on the George Washington. 
I seem to recall I was working on the ship's newspaper called the 
Hatchet. I spent 10 days on that ship. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I call attention to the fact that in this medical report 
on the fourth sheet there is a note mentioning the fall downstairs at 
home. Was that the same fall ? 

Mr. Matusow. I don't know. I might have had gangplank fever. 
The war was still on. 

Mr. SouRWiN. The next item is a report to the manager of the VA 
regional office. New York, from the chief of the outpatient division. 
Hospital, Kingsbridge Road, the Bronx, 

Mr. Matusow. Wliat was the date of that ? 

Mr. SouRAViNE. The date on this is December 3, 1947. I call par- 
ticular attention to the statement under (1) that in 1946 the patient 
fell down a flight of stairs. 

Mr. Matusow. I had to keep backing up the gangplank fever story. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The final item here is a report of physical examina- 
tion and the date of examination was March 12, 1948, and I want to 
call attention to the statement under six, "Fell down a flight of stairs in 
a hotel billet. Bad Nauheim, Germany" 

Mr. Matusow. I have lousy balance. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "Previously had been playing Softball." I want to 
ask whether that is the same fall to which you previously referred 
as having taken place in army barracks? 

Mr. Matusow. It might be. The record will still show the only 
type of psychoneurosis would be an aversion to staircases, but I 
walked up four flights of stairs today to get to this hearing. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You seem to be repeating a fixed statement about 
psychoneurosis. The committee is not concerned with psychoneurosis. 
The committer is concerned with the reasons you gave for an alleged 
injury as the basis for which you received compensation. 


Mr. Matusow. I had an injury. My back has borne that out for 
the last 8 or 9 years. 

Mr, SouEwiNE. Mr. Matusow, did you or 

Mr. Matusow. Do you have all the record of all the treatment at 
the veterans' hospital ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow 

Mr. Matusow. I think the committee records should show that 
those records show that I was receiving physiotherapy treatment for 
a back injury and I could not walk for a number of days during that 
period and that same treatment was accorded me in October 1954 
when the Justice Department has said I would not see their attorneys 
in Washington because I did not want to see them, but I was taking 
outpatient treatment in the Veterans' Administration which is at 
Kingsbridge Road. 

Senator McClellan. You said 1955 ? 

Mr. Matusow. 1954 ; pardon me, sir. 

(The exhibits regarding Mr. Matusow's medical record were num- 
bered 97, 97A, 97B, 97C, and 97D and appear below :) 

Exhibit 97 

Febbuaky 26, 1952. 
Mr. Harvey M. Matusow, 

1401 Macombs Road, Bronx, N. Y. 

Dear Mr. Matusow : Inasmuch as evidence has been received of the termina- 
tion of your active duty in the Armed Forces on December 11, 1951, action has 
been taken to resume payment to you of your award of disability compensation, 
which was previously terminated by reason of your reentrance into active service 
on March 1, 1951. 

Your award is as follows : 

No payments from March 1, 1951, to December 11, 1951 ; $15 per month from 
December 19, 1951. 

Less prior payments to you, the necessary adjustment of your award will be 

Very truly yours, 

L. M. Htlton, Adjudication Officer. 



Exhibit No. 97A 

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Exhibit No. 97B 











Exhibit 97-C 

Veterans Administration Hospital, 

Bronx, N. Y., Decemher 3, 194^. 
To: Manager, Veterans' Administration Regional Office, 252-7th Avenue, Ne\ 

York, N. Y. 
Attn. : W. F. Greene, Adjudication Officer. 
Subj. : Report of clinical findings. 

1. Examined Nov. 7, 1947. In 1946 patient fell down flight of stairs and di 
veloped pain in back, patient received treatment in Germany. Patient ha 
received treatment private for 13-14 months consisting of injections. Patien 
developed pain in back last night when train lurched. This was followed by feel 
ing of nausea. Exam : Patient walks with guarded gait, carries a cane and ha 
marked list to right. There is a moderate scoliosis of lower dorsal spine wit] 
convexity to right. There is no pelvis tilt present. Marked spasticity of pare 
vetebreae muscles. Marked limitation of forward body bending. Pain on straigh 
leg raising bilat. referred to lumbo sacral angle. No tenderness along course o 
sciatic nerve. Reflexes of lower extremities are normal. No sensory changes o 
lower extremities. Impr. camptocamia. Medication prescribed. Nov. 10, pa 
tient's conditions unimproved. X-ray essentially neg. 

2. X-ray Exam, (taken on 11/7/47) radiographs of the lumbar spine demon 
strate an irregular scoliosis of the mid lumbar spine convexed to the right i; 
association with moderate dilatation of the bodies. Sacro-iliac joints appea 
to be of normal width with no evidence of alteration in the subchondral bont 
Left hip joints are normal. There is some diminution in the extent of lumbc 
lordotic curve resulting in flattening of the spine and probably attributable t 
spasm of the para-spinal musculature. There is no evidence of significant altei 
ation in texture of the lumbar centra. There is suggested minimal irregula 
lipping of the anterior superior margin of L5. There is no evidence of dis 
narrowing that would truly suggest prolapsed disc material, (this is all th 
information we have on the above veteran) 


Chief, Out-Patient Division. 


Exhibit No. 97D 

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Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, did you and any other person or 
persons plan tog:ether to use a United States district court in New 
York as a forum for the purpose of calling public attention to the 
book False Witness? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you or any other person or persons plan the 
use of United States district court in Texas as a forum for the pur- 
pose of calling ])ublic attention to the book False Witness? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it true that responsible officials of the Interna- 
tional Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers subsidized the writ- 
ing and publication of False Witness by authorizing the expenditure 
of union funds for that purpose ? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe they spent, from what I have read in the 
papers and been told since the publication of the book, about $3,000, 
regarding the $18,000 expenditure on this book. That is what I think 
it cost to put the book out. 

I want to reiterate a statement I made to Senator McClellan on the 
first day I testified, that I am still willing to give the moneys, outside 
of the legal fees, to any school for scholarship funds, and I don't want 
the money from this book; I want that clear. I am very explicit on 

Senator McClellan, May I ask the witness one further question, 
Mr. Chairman ? 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Senator McClellan. You stated that on the first day you testified? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe it was, sir. 

Senator McClellan. And you were also asked that day if you were 
willing to pay your debt to society. What do you want to say about 
that again, now? 

Mr. Matusow. Well, sir, if it is based on the type of conviction I 
have received, which I believe was legally in error, and as a lawyer 
you might appreciate that fact, the fact that the Government, the 
Justice Department, and the judge didn't know whether they wanted 
to prosecute me under 42-A or 42-B of the code, but I will reiterate 
what I said before, sir. 

If the investigation shows, and it will show — in fact, in yesterday's 
paper it did — that Elizabeth Bentley has lied, and the others, I am 
willing to go to jail with them. I spent 20 days in solitary confine- 
ment and I didn't mind it in the least. 

Senator McClellan. In other words, if all the others were put in 
jail, you would be willing to go? 

Mr. Matusow. I am glad you admit my cohorts are liars, too, sir. 

If I know a committee of this Senate or Congress is going to go 
after them, whether they are convicted or not I don't care so much, but 
if I know there is a sincere effort to undo the harm of the perjured 
testimony of these people, like Elizabeth Bentley, then my mind will 
be at ease and I am ready to stop and say, "O. K., come take me." 


Senator McClellax. You know it is very difficult for the connnit- 
tees of Congress, even the courts, to go after people when they try to 
go after them with liars, don't you ? 

Mr. Matusow. I know, sir. I say they shouldn't go after them with 
liars. There must be some people in the country who know the truth. 

Senator McCleulu^n. But when somebody imposes on the court, as 
you have, by becoming a liar, according to your testimony now, in 
order to convict people, don't you think you owe a debt to society if 
you are at all sincere? 

Mr. Matusow. Of course I do, sir. 

Senator McCLELiiAN. And yet you don't want to pay it except on 
somebody else's 

Mr. Matusow. I don't say that. So long as I know that this com- 
mittee, for instance, would go after the real culprits in this thing — 
Look, would it be such a crime for this committee to admit, "O. K., we 
took a bad risk, we had a sour apple in the barrel;" maybe it was 
Harvey Matusow, maybe it was Elizabeth Bentley, instead of investi- 
gating what I am doing now when I am telling the truth and there is 
corroboration for what I am saying. 

For instance, when I said I knew 10,000 people, before this com- 
mittee, did anybody on this committee say, "Wait a minute, how can 
you know 10,000 people?" 

Louis Budenz has identified as people over 4,100 people that he per- 
sonally knows as Communists. Anybody in his right mind knows 
that Budenz or nobody else could know 4,000 people, upon his own 
own knowledge, as Communists, but Budenz has continuously testified 
before this committee and listed name after name. 

When will this committee tell Mr. Budenz to hold on and start going 
into his testimony? Yesterday a lawyer for some man wlio Eliza- 
beth Bentley accused came out and said she couldn't have received 
these so-called plates of German currency, but why doesn't the com- 
mittee investigate this? I am willing to paj- my debt, but let's get 
after all of the people like me w^ho have been telling lies. 

The Chairman. Now, you say that the connuittee is derelict in its 
duty. Senator McClellan asked you if you were willing to pay your 
debt to society. Now, what is your answer ? 

Mr. Matusow. Sir, apparently I am going to go to jail. I have 
been sentenced, so there is nothing I can do about it. It is an abstract 

If I go to jail, I go there proudly, and I am not going to go with 
any dishonor, I assure you, and I will come out a better man than 
when I went in. I met some fine people in jail this last trip. 

The Chairman. You think that one 3 -year sentence will pay your 
debt to society ? 

Mr. Matusow. Do I think what, sir? 

The Chairman. That one 3-year sentence will pay your debt for the 
lies you have told. 

Mr. Matusow. Well, sir, I don't know how many 3-year sentences 
or how many 5-year sentences, or what, it would take to pay my debt. 


As far as I am concerned, with my own conscience I have paid it, but 
society may have different views. 

The Chairman. The truth is you are a vicious liar ; isn't it ? 

Mr. Matusow. I have been. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, have you taken- 

Mr. Matusow. After all, sir, I have been active in politics. 

The Chairman. But you are a vicious liar. 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir ; I have been a vicious liar. Let's get that 
straight. Wlien I testified before falsely, before this committee and 
other committees of Congress and before courts, judicial, and quasi- 
judicial bodies ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Don't you think once a vicious liar, always a 
vicious liar ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Matusow. Go back to the Bible and start thinking about some 
of the people — what was her name who was a prostitute ? She wasn't 
always a prostitute. 

The Chairman. I am talking about 

Mr. Matusow. Let's talk about people who sinned and no longer 
sin. You know, it's a lot easier not to commit a sin, once you learn 
what that sin is'. I have learned what a lie is. Senator, and I know why 
I am not going to tell any more. 

The Chairman. I ask you, if a person was once a vicious liar or once 
a professional liar, isn't he always that ? 

Mr. Matusow. Of course not. 

The Chairman. Well, it has been my experience that he is. 


Mr. Matusow. Well, you and I have had different experiences, sir ; 
that's all I can say. But I must say, sir, with all the witnesses you have 
had before your committee, you have met a lot of vicious liars. 

The Chairman. Yes, and I have had a lot of experience with vicious 

Mr. Matusow. You have, sir. 

The Chairman. You are the worst one that I have ever seen. 


Mr. Matusow. You weren't on Senator McClellan's committee 
listening to Roy Cohn. I am sorry you classify me as top, because I 
don't think I am. Mr. Cohn, I think, tops me in spades. 

The Chairman. But you couldn't take the word of a self-confessed 
vicious liar and convict Mr. Cohn of being a liar on your word, sir. 

Mr. Matusow. Yes ; but isn't it easier to take the word of somebody, 
when I say I lied, or try and find out when Mr. Cohn lies when he 
denies it every day and contradicts himself continuously, and the other 
witnesses. They just don't have the courage to admit they have lied, 

The Chairman. I think the truth is that you lie every day. 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, in bed I do. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, liave you taken any part, intention- 
ally and willfully, in a scheme to generally discredit the testimony of 
undercover agents and former Communist Party members who give 
evidence against the Communist Party of the United States and its 

Mr. M4TUSOW. I think my testimony has been geared against mostly 
the former Connnunists, disillusioned Communists, the frustrated 
people, like Elizabeth Bentley, who have certain problems. 

I don't believe mv testimony has been geared against all the under- 
cover agents and all the former Communists. I think I have singled 
out a few Avho I personally or thi'ough my own experience know or 
feel to have lied, based on their testimony. I am not going out and 
attacking the Justice Department, per se. I am attacking, and I will 
contiiuie to do so, the corruptness that I have seen in the Justice De- 

I am not attacking the committees of Congress. I am trying to come 
forward and say, "Look, this is what has been wrong. You used guvs 
like me. Now, why don't you correct it, straighten it out and have 
a better committee ? 

I am not backing into this thing, I am going forward. I am trying 
to add something to what is possible to correct in this country, the 
decency and the real meaning of the Constitution, and the protecting 
of it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The question, Mr. Matusow, was whether you had 
consciously and intentionally taken part in a scheme to generally dis- 
credit the testimony of undercover agents and former Communist 
Party members who give evidence against the Communist Party of 
the United States. 

Mr. Matusow. I have schemed with my conscience, yes. Other 
than that, no, I haven't schemed with anybody. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that there maj^ be inserted 
in the record at this point three paragraphs from the charge of Judge 
Robert E. Thomason in the El Paso case. 

The Chairman. It will be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 98," and ap- 
pears below:) 

Exhibit No. 98 

Federal Judge Robert E. Thomason. said in part (on ^Nlareli 16, 1!)55) : 
"I am tirmly convinced from the evidence of the witnesses, including that of 
Matusow, not only that the evidence offered, in support of the motion, is not 
worthy of belief, but that I\Iatusow alone or with others, willfully and nefari- 
ously and for the purpose of defrauding this court and subverting the true 
course of the administration of justice and obstructing justice, schemed to 
and actually used this court of law as a forum for the purpose of calling public 
attention to a book, purportedly written by Matusow, entitled 'False Witness.' 
"This court finds the fact to be that as early as September 21, 19.54, i-esponsible 
officials of the lUMMSW under the guise of seeking evidence in Jencks' behalf, 
subsidized the writing and publication of this book by authorizing the exi)endi- 
ture of union funds for that purpose. This at a time when, from the evidence, 
Matusow had no intention of writing any such book as was here exhibited or 
of changing his testimony given in the Jencks trial. I find that this subsidation 
was deliberately done the more easily to persuade Matusow to lend himself 


to the perpetration of a fraud on this court liy means of the filing of his reeantiiij;; 
affidavit and his testimony given herein. I find that Matusow willfully and 
with full knowledge of the consequences, lent himself to this evil scheme for 
money and for notoriety. 

"It is my firm conviction, moreover, that this hearing was deliherately brought 
on for the purpose of attacking the judgment of this court, attacking the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation and the Justice Department, in a carefully thought- 
out scheme to generally discredit by these means the testimony of undercover 
agents and former Communist Tarty members who give evidence against the 
Communist Party of the United States and its adherents. Matusow, by his 
action, conduct, and testimony, had, and done in my presence during this i)eriod, 
obviously made an effort to convert these proceedings into a trial of the Depart- 
ment of Justice rather than of the issues before this court. Nothing that Matu.sow 
has offered in his defense has persuaded me otherwise." 

Mr. SouRWiNE. ]Mr, Chairman, I ask that there may be inserted in 
the record at this point a letter of transmittal from Mr. Thomas K. 
Hall. Chief of the Subversive Activities Section of the Department 
of Justice, and photostats of two memoranda bearing on conferences 
between Mr. Matusow and Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam. These are 
memoranda furnished from the Department. 

The Chairman. It will be admitted in the record. 

(The documents referred to were marked "99,*' "99-A," and "99-B" 
and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 99 

United States Depabtment of Justice, 

Washington, D. C, April IJf, i.9>-7. 
J. G. Sourwine, Esq.. 

Chiet Counsel, Senate Siibconwiittee on Internal Security, 

Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. Sourwine: Pursuant to your req\iests, I am furnishing for the use 
of your Committee photostatic copies of the following documents: 

(1) Diary of Harvey Matusow on trip to Puerto Rico in 1949 consisting of 19 
pages. This appears in the recent Flynn proceedings at New York as defense 
exhibit K. 

(2) Intermittent diary of Harvey Matusow from January 1, 1948, to April 11, 
1952. consisting of H9 pages. Certain pages of this diary appear in the recent 
Flynn proceedings at New York as part of defense exhibit A. 

(3) ilemorandum by Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam following conference with 
Matusow at Hotel Waldorf Astoria in New York City on April 27, 19r)4, consist- 
ing of 2 pages. This memorandum appears in the recent Flynn proceedings as 
Government exhibit 62. 

(4) Excerpt from diary of Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam on conversation with 
Harvey Matusow dated May 31. 1954. consisting of 4 pages. This excerpt ap- 
pears in the recent Flynn proceedings as Government exhibit 63. 

If I can be of an.v further service to you in connection with this matter, please 
do not hesitate to call on me. 

William F. Tompkins, 
Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division. 

By Thomas K. Hall, 
Chief, Subversive Activities Section. 


Exhibit No. 99-A 

Memokandum Following Conference With Harvey M. Matusow, Peacock 
Alley, Hotei Waldorf Astoria, New York, N. Y., Tuesday, April 27, 1954 

Just before Mr. Tex McCrary who was to interview me relative to I Protest 
came into the studio, a man approached me and asked if he might have a talk 
with me after the broadcast. I told him I had had a very heavy day, that it 
was now nearing midnight, and that I was a little fearful I could not remain 
for the talk. He said, "My name is Harvey M. Matusow." I thought I had 
heard the name before but could not relate the name to any particular situation, 
and I told him that I did not recall him. He said, in substance, "I have been a 
member of Senator McCarthy's investigating committee staff, I worked for the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities, and with other similar groups." 
He sought to identify himself by presenting a card indicating some of his present 
activities and upon which his name was signed in red ink. I said, "And why 
do you want to see me?" He replied that he had had a religious experience of 
considerable significance and was a completely changed man. He said, "I have 
lied again and again in my statements to these committees and in my reports, and 
I want to go to each individual about whom I have falsified to ask his forgive- 
ness." I told him I would see him for a few minutes after the show. 

Mrs. Oxnam had a conversation with him while I was waiting to go on. After 
the show was over, I chatted with him for perhaps 10 or 15 minutes. He repeated 
what he had said concerning false statements to committees. I particularly 
pressed him concerning his relation to Senator McCarthy's committee and he 
said he was on the staft". He then told me that he had served the Ohio State 
Committee on Un-American Activities. He said that he was planning to write 
a book on the World of McCarthy and had planned a subtitle to read, "Blacklisting 
Was My Business." I said, "Why have you come to me? So far as I know you 
have never testified concerning me." He said, "No, that is true. But I delivered 
a speech at Libertyville, 111., in which I lied concerning you and I have given 
false information concerning you." He made reference to some organization 
headed by a man whose name lie had forgotten but who is active in Methodist 
circles. I judged from what he said that he was referring to Mr. Lowman of 
the Circuit Riders. I think Mr. Lowman lives in Cincinnati. He said that he 
had given him much of the material which he (Lowman) had given wide circu- 
lation. He said, "What I want to see you for is just to apologize for what I 
have done and to ask you if you are willing to shake my hand." I told him of 
course I was and did shake hands with him. 

He indicated that he was in the radio or television business and that he was 
doing something in the theater. It was not quite clear and I did not wish to 
take time to question him too specifically. I said I would be very happy to see 
him later, and he wanted to make an appointment right away for that week. I 
told him that would be quite impossible since the Council of Bishops was in 
session and I had a number of radio and television commitments as a result of 
the publication of the book^ I Protest. 

I a.sked him why he had done such things, and he said he hardly knew, but that 
one fabrication led to another and there was a thrill in being involved in such 
revelations. I did not ask him about the religious experience as far as a church 
is concerned, because I thought he might have been one of those who had given 
up the complete control of the mind such as exists in Commmunist I*arty mem- 
bership for another control of the mind in which some have found satisfaction, 
namely, in the Roman Catholic Church. He said that his relationship to God 
now was of such a nature that he had to be right with his brothers and that this 
was the occasion for searching me out. He appeared very eager to get into an 
extended conversation, and I found it a bit difiicult to bring it to a close. He 
.said that the House committee felt that he was chiefly responsible for opening 
up the whole educational investigation and that his testimony opened the door 
to that field. He spoke in friendly terms concerning Senator McCarthy but indi- 
cated lie had little respect for Mr. Velde's mind, saying that McCarthy was really 
very clever, that Velde was stupid. I told him to drop me a letter indicating 
when we might get together and that I would be glad to talk to him at length. 


Exhibit No. 99-B 

Excerpt From Diary of Bisiior G. Bromley Oxnam, May 31, 1954 

I drove back from 'Westminster- so that I might keep an appointment Harvey 
M. Matusow. I had met Matusow the night that I broadcasted on the Tex and 
•linx show at the Waldorf during the sessions of the Council of Bishops. He has 
written once or twice, and the other evening phoned. He had expected to come 
in last week, but missed it. His telephone call stated he would be here any time 
I could arrange today and we set the hour at 3 : 30. I waited from 3 : 30 until 
4 : 1.") for him. He didn't show up. Then a telephone call came indicating that 
he had been in a taxicab tieup and had taken 45 minutes for a 5-minute trip. I 
went downstairs and we were in the oflSce, I think, from about 4 : 2.5 until a 
quarter to 6. I do not know how to estimate this man. He may be a genius ; he 
may be a charlatan. He is at least in part what he says he is. He may be a 
poet of unsual ability ; he may be a panhandler. What he said to me is inter- 
esting enough to try to put down. He is a man of perhaps 5 feet 6 inches in 
height, dark complexioned ; in conversation told me he is 28 years of age. He 
was born in New York City. His parents are Russians. They were Jews. His 
mother came from the Ukraine, his father from some other part of Russia, and 
he made reference to the fact that they had been in Lapland. I said, "Do you 
mean Latvia?" "No; way up north." Of course, this is out of Russia. He 
wanted to know if he could take his coat off. The room was air-conditioned. 
By the way, he wore sports clothes; a brown sports coat, sport trousers. The 
briefcase was imitation leather, I think, but a good one. The material he had 
in his notebooks w^as well gotten up, one of which was illustrated by himself. 
He went to the public schools in New York, I think. He never matriculated for 
college. He became a Communist at 18 years of age. Didn't tell me too much 
about his activities in the party. He did say that he had been one of the chief 
figures in the Puerto Rican setup, that he was most active in the youth move- 
ment. He insisted that he joined the party because he was convinced that it 
would in the long run be good for human beings and good for his own country 
even though it might involve being disloyal to the so-called government at a 
particular time. It was hard to get him to keep to a consistent story. I had to 
Interject questions all the while. He was most interested in talking about him- 
self, about his poetry. He had one book in which he had listed all of his quali- 
fications for radio, television, and the stage. There were several pages of photo- 
graphs of him in different roles. That's hardly it. I rather think he was posing 
for some photographer rather than recording actual roles. I'm not sure how 
much he has really done. He had a column by Cameron Swazey in which he has 
mentioned some little skit he works with little pieces of pipe cleaner. One of 
them was excellently done which he recited to me as his nimble fingers took this 
pipe cleaner wire and fashioned it into a little poodle dog. It was about a poodle 
dog, I think, who was born in France, but unfortunately couldn't speak French. 
He could only speak German and Italian, so he was a very lonely little poodle 
dog. Tlie people he loved he couldn't talk to. He became the dog of the wife, I 
think, of the Premier of France, but he couldn't talk to her even though he loved 
her because he was just a poor little poodle dog who could only speak German 
and Italian and not French. He went on and on. It was screamingly funny. 
When he finished he had actually modeled a first-rate little animal. Then he 
told me one about a kangaroo. Most kangaroos are not attractive. They are all 
supposed to have a pouch and be carrying a little kangaroo around, but that's 
because you don't know there is a man kangaroo. So he fashions a kangaroo 
without a pouch, and it was superbly done. 

I was less interested in his stage skits, however, than in his Communist back- 
ground. He was in the Second World War, so he states — in the Infantry, I think. 
His only brother, in the Air Force, was shot down and killed. He told me that 
his regiment was in charge of 100,000 Germans who were imprisoned on the west 
bank of the Rhine. There is much mystery in what the man says. Whether it's 
the mystery that leaps from his fertile imagination or from the mystery of life 
itself, I don't know. He, because he could get along somewhat in German and 
Russian and so on, was to do some interpreting, but didn't volunteer for it. That 
night he was troubled because he hadn't. He then went out to volunteer and got 
in touch with some German who had kept a diary. This German was from 
Nuremburg, from an antiaircraft battery, and there was a record there of an 
American bomber that had been shot down that night and the record of burying 
the crew. I think he said his brother's name was in that. He went down to the 


place which he described as Forth and he, himself, discovered his brother's grave. 
There were some discrepancies here, but he liad a picture of his brother. He 
had a picture also of his kneeling over the grave. 

I didn't get it quite clear when he left the Communist Party. It seems that he 
did so. I suppose it must have been after the war. He went to the FBI and told 
them that he was ready to be an undercover agent for them. I am not sure that 
he was ever in this capacity. (I had to get this and couldn't get it in sequence.) 
He did work for the Ohio Un-American Activities Committee and I think testified 
some 25 times or so, relative to Communists before that committee. He was actu- 
ally on the payroll of the McCarthy group. When I pressed the matter, I don't 
think he knows McCarthy as well as he would have us believe. He did, he said, 
give 21 si>eeches in Wisconsin during McCarthy's campaign. McCarthy gave but 
one and the former Ambassador to Poland another. He, I think, regards himself 
as tlie best advised man concerning the literature of the Communist Party and 
states that he made available his technical ability to the McCarthy committee 
concerning all the books, the productions in a literary way, of the Communist 
Party. He said he was better advised in this field than Schine could be, and this 
was his particular contribution. He did testify before the House committee and 
I have before me as I dictate the hearings of the committee entitled "Communist 
Activities Among Youth Groups Based on Testimony of Harry M. Matusow." 
The testimony was given February 6 and 7, 1952. He said that Velde gave him 
credit for opening up the whole investigation of the educational system. 

He would be back at his poetry and religious experience which, when I came to 
analyze it, was not what he told me on the evening we met at the Waldorf. At that 
time he indicated that he had had a vital religious change. I think he stated he 
had joined the church and what he was trying to do was to get right with all the 
people he had wronged in false testimony. At that time he told me he had deliv- 
ered a false testimony and had lied. This time he said he had told partial truth 
and allowed the partial truth to carry inferences that were false and were .just as 
damaging. He apparently does not belong to any church. He talks about a deep 
faith in God. He wants to keep all of his Jewish heritage. He has faith in 
Christ. He talks about Christian charity and all, but down imderneatli I think 
he is more interested now in getting his poems published than in anything else. 
He is writing a book which he thinks he needs $1,500 for. He must get someone 
to do the necessary checking of all his sources, the photographing, and the rest of 
it. He seems to have 2 or 3 girls working for him at the present time. How he 
supports the whole matter I do not know. He is going to entitle his book, "In 
McCarthy's World" with a subtitle "Blacklisting was My Business." This man, 
for a time, was editor of Counter Attack. He tells me that Ted Kirkpatrick, who 
wiis the head of it and the man I met, got disgiisted with the activities of the 
gi-onp now running it and left. He also says the former editor left. I have for- 
gotten that man's name. He seemed to be less interested in telling me about the 
Velde committee and the McCarthy committee than the evening I met him. He 
was somewhat reticent ; wants to have an evening when we can talk for 4 or 5 

I was astounded when he told us that he had been the husband of Orvila, I think 
that is the way he pronounced it, Bentley. She was the millionairess and the 
wife of the Congressman who was shot when the Puerto Ricans were there. He 
married her — he but 28 years of age, she many years older. He tells me that in 
the realm of love years mean absolutely nothing. He was rushing off into philo- 
.sophical and religious speculation in his conversation, which I don't mean to dis- 
count because he did indicate at times these deep thoughts. It seems he was 
married to her for a short time, then divorced, then he married her again, di- 
vorced her again. He told me he was not at all a promiscous type of person though 
he had had many experiences. He was married to a Communist girl. I think 
they never had a wedding ceremony. He said, "We lived together and for me that 
was just as much as though I had gone to a justice of the peace or a church at that 
time. It was a little easier when we broke up not to have to have a divorce, but 
were really man and wife." He then spoke of several other experiences which 
he had had. These were passing but not promiscous. I don't know just what he 
means by the term. 

He thinks that McCarthy is stronger, but that also McCarthy is a very lonely, 
fearful man. I kad hoped he might give me more indication of false testimony 
and how he was used. He tells me that he. of course has been paid when he has 
been giving testimony, so much per day. Said he wasn't in it for the money that 
was in it at all. He was constantly referring to the fact that he has hatred for 
nobody, not even for the Communist philosophy. There is no hate in his soul. 


He ha« to coopeiate in putting down this threat, which really is a threat to over- 
ilu-ow the Government of the country he loves. He told about bein^^ a veteran 
lit' the Korean war. I couldn't quite get this because he said they wouldn't let 
him go overseas. There were Army regulations, knowing that he had been a 
former Communist, and FBI regulations. For one minute he seemed to be on the 
inside and the next minute on the outside, but he was in the service during the 
Second World War. He said he was down to cooperate today with the Internal 
Security Couunittee, then it was the Department of .Justice. I don't think any 
rommittees were meeting today, which happens to be Memorial Day. There 
wei'e moments when I questioned his veracity and then he would talk and the 
facts \^ ould seem to be so clear that you felt you had misunderstood. He did 
refer to Mr. Lohman, or knew who Lohman was, of our so-called Circuit Riders. 
He referred to him as "a mean little man who seemed to hate himself and the 
-vorld." He said he, Matusow, had given a speech made at Libertyville, 111., 
which was full of falsehood. 

I asked him what he meant by blacklisting. He said, '"When I talked about 
you, if there were people there who l>elieved me, you were really blacklisted. 
And when I was working for Counter Attack I was really blacklisting." He told 
me that his name appears in the House report, I think, for 1953, as the identify- 
ing witness in a number of cases. I looked through it and couldn't find his name 
there, but I went through it too fast. It may be so and it may not be so. 

He fhen gave me a carbon copy of most of the poems, I think, that are in the 
pi'oposed volume of poetry. I must say the first one was a striking creation of 
mood, and, I think, of considerable value. I read several of them. He wanted 
me to spend the rest of the week on it. In fact, he was willing to stay over if I 
would only do it. He couldn't get through his head that I had anything else 
ro do and an annual conference was a term that meant nothing to him. His 
primary interest. I think, was finding $1,500 for his book of poems. For some 
reason he feels he has got to get the poems out first rather than to get the other 
book, which would sell and make possible the production of his poems. But he 
thinks that his poems have to stand on their own merit and not get by 
i)e(ause he has written another book which is supposed to be capitalizing upon 
his past. He showed me a letter he had written to the Russian Ambassador 
in which he demands the privilege of going to Russia to see the country. If they 
really think it is free, here's one man who would like to go over and look things 
over. It was written in dramatic fashion. He told what he had done, having 
been a Communist, then with the FBI, and so on. He seems to think he will 
aet a visa and really go. Some of this sounds utterly absurd. He suggested 
That if there wei'e any one of the publishers who would like to give him an 
anonymous phone call or anyone who would like to phone anonymously as to 
where he could get the $1,500 so that he could go ahead with the publication of 
the book, he would some day return it all. He expects to make a large sum of 
money if he can go to Russia and come back for the purpose of enlisting a large 
number of people to make scholarships available with which our people could 
go there and they here. I wonder what he thinks the Russians would be doing 
about all of this. He tells me he has worked out some little toy trinkets with 
which he expects to make fifteen or twenty thousand dollars some of these days. 

During his conversation he said that one of his friends had said that he, the 
friend would pay for a psychiatrist if Matusow would go to one. (He didn't 
know that Faye Emerson had told me that he was something of this kind of 
problem.) He has talked to Morris Ernst. I really can't fathom the fellow, but 
whatever the facts are, here is an individual whose testimony has been published 
l)y the House Committee. He now wishes to tell the truth about all of these 
investigations and to put the material into his book, "Blacklisting Was My Job." 
I wonder if it was. 

When he left, I got the idea that he didn't know how he was going to get back 
to New York. He finally told me he had come down on a bus. I didn't want 
to send the man away hungry. I asked if he had had dinner. He was going 
over to be with some of his artist friends and read poetry through the evening. 
I gave him $5 and told him I thought that might help to get supper somewhere. 

What does it all add up to? I don't know. In his testimony I notice on the 
first page here that he says he went to City College in New York for about a 
year and a half after the war. I understood him to say that he had only taken 
matriculation examinations and hadn't gotten in. The testimony indicates he 
joined the Communist Party in October 1947, which would be in accordance with 
what he told me, namely after the war, but not when he was 18 as he told me. 
Eighteen years from 1926 would have gotten him in in 1944. Perhaps the 


differences is in the fact that he was with the American Yovith for Democracy 
organization before he became a member of the Communist Party. 

It is interesting to note that most all this stuff is told previously in executive 
session and then they have the public sessions. I suppose to get the matter into 
the record and also for public consumption. Maybe this man is all he says he 
is. Maybe he's a psychiatric case. JNIaybe he is still working for McCarthy. 
In any case, it's all jumbled up and this is as I remember it, dictating almost 
immediately after. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Matusow, in your book did you state : 

"I knew that the union leaders would deny my accusations and probably in- 
voke the tifth amendment."? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, I believe so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How could they possibly do both? 

Mr. Matusow. Deny my accusations in the press, and invoke the 
fifth amendment before the committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is common practice by Communist witnesses ; 
is it not ? 

Mr. Matusow. I don't know if they are Communist witnesses. 
Some of them have been Communists, yes, and some non-Communist 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, have you testified that you bought a 
gun in 1951? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you carry it ? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir; in violation of the Sullivan law, too, in 
New York State. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you have a permit to carry it ? 

Mr. Matusow. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. '\'\'1iere did you buy it ? 

Mr. Matusow. I bought it in Dayton, Ohio. The gun is now in 
New York City with the property clerk, Police Department, New 

When I returned to New York City in 1952, within a few days I 
turned the gun in to the Police Department and was brought up be- 
fore a judge and acquitted on the Sullivan law because I turned in 
the gun and did not carry it. 

In Ohio I did not carry the gun — I think I did, yes, I'm sorry, on 
2 or 3 occasions, and after that date I kept it in a footlocker in my 
home, never used the gun and don't ever intend to use one again. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, in your book, speaking of your ap- 
pearance before a grand jury, did you say you had painted a picture 
to the grand jury, that you had reminded them of the boys in Korea 
who were dying on that very day ? 

Mr. Matusow. I believe I stated that, and when I wrote it, to my 
recollection, that is what I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you do that before the grand jury ? 

Mr. Matusow. My recollection is I did. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Matusow, did you in your book say : 

I boarded the plane for my return to New York on election day, 1952. 

Mr. Matusow. Oh, yes, sir. 
Mr. SouRwiNE (reading) : 

I was dead tired, having traveled all night. I threw myself across the bed of 
my village apartment, but I had too much on my mind and I couldn't sleep. 


Mr. Matusow. Yes ; I said that. 
Mr. SouKwiNE (reading) : 

At 6 o'clock I picked up the phone and called Dr. J. B. Matthews. 

Mr. Matusow. I believe that should have been changed to, "I picked 
up the phone at 3 o'clock." If that was not changed in the final edition 
of the book, it's wrong. 

Mr. SotJRWiNE. Did you, in fact, travel all night, that night? 

Mr. Matusow. Yes, sir. Want the chronology ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. AVliat night was that? 

Mr. Matusow. I left Las Vegas, Nev. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Just what night was that ? 

Mr. Matusow. I want to give you the exact night. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. We want to get it in response to questions. 

Mr. Matusow. My recollection is it was after midnight on Monday, 
or, in other words, early Tuesday morning I boarded a plane in Las 
Vegas, Nev., traveled all night, that is, after midnight. I had dinner 
at the Thunderbird Club that evening, that Monday, boarded a plane 
at or about midnight, I believe it was shortly after midnight. I be- 
lieve it was Transworld Airlines. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Arriving in New York on election day, Tuesday ? 

Mr. Matusow. Right early in the morning, presuming it took 10 
hours to fly to New York at that time, or 8 hours — 2 hours' difference 
in time — it would be 10 hours. Say I got there at midnight, 10 hours 
would have made it 10 in the morning or, say, 11 in the morning. 
I was met at the airport by a Mr. Jim Sheehan, to be exact. You can 
corroborate that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. JMr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this 
witness. I do have some documentary material I would like to put 
in the record, but Mr. Matusow could be excused, if the committee 
desires, before I do so. 

Mr. Matusow. Mr. Sourwine 

The Chairman. Wait just a minute. 

Mr. Matusow. Mr. Sourwine, were you going to return that mate- 
rial for me to bring to Mr. Faulkner ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Not here and now, but I will see you about it after 
the committee has adjourned. 

Mr. Matusow. Thank you. 

The Chairman. That will be all, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, I offer for the record at this time 
the following documents : 

First, a letter from the Subversive Activities Control Board with 
respect to that Board's experience with Mr. Matusow. 

The Chairman. We will admit all of these documents. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 100" and ap- 
pears below : ) 

Exhibit No. 100 

Subversive Activities Contkol Board, 

Washington D. C, March H. i-^-W 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Siib committee. 

Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 

Washington D. C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : This morning I received your letter of March 11th 
requesting a statement summarizing the experience of this Board in connection 
with past testimony of Harvey M. Matusow. 
59886— 55— pt. 11 13 


His first appearance was before the Board ou March 10 and 11, 1952, in a pro- 
ceeding initiated against the Communist Party of the United States on November 
22, 1950, by the then Attorney General. He was 1 of 22 witnesses for the Gov- 
ernment in that proceeding. The Board, on April 20, 1953, issued its report and 
order in that proceeding, finding the Communist Party to be a Communist-action 
organization, from which order an appeal was taken to the United States Court 
of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. While that appeal was pending, 
the Communist Party moved that court for leave to adduce additional evidence 
before the Board on the basis that Mr. Matusow and two other witnesses "com- 
mitted perjury, are completely untrustworthy and should be accorded no cre- 
dence." On December 23, 1945, the Court of Appeals afiirmed the Board's order 
and on the same date denied the motion for leave to adduce additional evidence. 
The Communist Party is now preparing to petition the Supreme Court of the 
United States for a writ of certiorari. 

On April 22, 1953, Attorney General Brownell filed 12 cases against alleged 
Communist-front organizations, in a number of which testimony has since been 
concluded. Mr. Matusow testified in three of these cases. 

On December 9 and 10, 1953, he was a witness in the proceeding entitled 
Bronnell v. Labor Youth League, which hearing was conducted by my colleague, 
former Senator Harry P. Cain. Board Member Cain issued his report and 
recommended decision to the Board on July 30, 1954. 

On November 22, 1954, the Labor Youth League moved the Board for leave to 
adduce additional evidence to show that Mr. Matusow is a "self-confessed 
perjurer," relying primarily on the testimony of 2 witnesses in 2 other Board 
proceedings, namely, Bronnell v. Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, and 
Brownell v. National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc. (in both of 
which Matusow testified). 

In the Labor Youth League case, the Board ruled that it would not reopen the 
hearing as requested by the respondent but would consider the testimony of those 
two witnesses in the other proceedings when it came to evaluating Mr. IVIatusow's 
testimony in the Labor Youth League proceeding. 

On February 15, 1955, the Board issued its order finding tlie Labor Youth 
League to be a Communist-front organization and requiring it to register as such. 
Your attention is called to page 4 of that report (a copy of which was sent to 
every Member of the House and Senate on February 15) as follows: 

"In the recommended decision the examiner, upon the record before him, par- 
tially accepted and partially rejected the testimony of Matusow.' The witnesses 
in the later proceedings {Brownell v. National Council of American-Soviet 
Friendship, Inc. and Brownell v. Veterans of Abraham Lincoln Brigade) who are 
considered credible, testified in essence tliat Matusow admitted having lied in 
investigations concerning communism, and termed himself untrustworthy. For 
instance, Matusow told attorney Brown that he might have information bearing 
upon a matter in which Brown was inquiring, but warned Brown 'I am not to l>e 
trusted' and stated 'I have betrayed everyone who ever trusted me.' Further. 
jNIatiisow sought out Bishop Oxnam claiming that he had gone through 'a reli- 
gious experience' and believed it his duty to ask forgiveness of those about 
whom he had 'borne false testimony.' He told the bishop that he had 'lied again 
and again' in statements to congressional committees. He also told the bishop 
of a book he was going to write and indicated he would like the bishop to put 
up money for the hook. Thus, the Board is confronted with a witness whose 
cross-examination in some instances cast such doubt upon part of his direct 
testimony that it was not credited by the examiner ; a witness who by his own 
statements has lied in matters falling generally within the subject of his testi- 
mony in this pi-oceeding; and, a witness who by his own declarations, is not to 
be trusted. 

"The Board is, therefore, not inclined under these circumstances to attempt 
to determine when Matusow may have been lying in this proceeding and wlien 
he was telling the truth. Accordingly, the testimony of IMatusow is disregarded 
in toto." 

As noted, IMr. IMatusow has also testified in two other proceedings. On June 
3, 1954, he was a witness for the Government in the proceeding entitled Brownell 
v. National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc., heard by Board Member 
David J. Coddaire. 

> See N. L. R. B. v. Universal Camera Corporation (179 F. 2d 749, 754 (C. A. 2), re- 
versed on other grounds, 340 U. S. 474). 


On June 7 and 8, 1954, he appeared as a witness for the Government in the 
case of Broionell v. Veterans of Abraham Lincoln Brigade, heard by Board 
Member Kathryn McHale. 

Both of these records have been completed and the respective Board members 
are each in the process of preparing a finding and recommended decision. There 
are no motions pending in either case to reopen the record. It will be noted 
that Bishop Oxnam's testimony was incorporated into the record in the Veterans 
of Abraham Lincoln Brigade proceeding and Russell Morton Brown's testimony 
is in the record in the National Coiincil of American-Sttviet Friendship, Inc., 
case. Until the full Board is in a position to consider the recommended decisions 
in these two cases, I will not be in a position to furnish any further information 
in regard to the testimony of Mr. Matusow in those proceedings. 

Tlie foregoing is a full review of the appearances by Mr. Matusow before the 
Board to date, and contains the only material reference yet made in Board 
decisions in regard to his ci'edibility. 

With best personal regai'ds, I remain 
Sincerely yours, 

Thomas J. Herhert, Chairman. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right, sir. 

Second, a telegram from Mr. Kahn to Senator Eastland, the chair- 
man of this committee, and the Chairman's reply. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits No. 101 and 
lOlA*' and appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 101 

New York, N. Y., February 10. 
Senator James O. Eastland, 

ffcnatc Judiciari/ Committee, Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C: 

As publishers of the forthcoming book False Witness by Harvey Matusow, we 
wish to place at the disposal of the Senate Judiciary Committee all of the ma- 
terial in our possession relating to the writing and publication of this book. 
We believe that this material will aid in the conduct of a public investigation of 
the facts this book reveals regarding Matusow's testimony as a paid Government 
witness and concerning his fraudulent operations as an aid to Senator ilcCarthy. 

The material to which we refer consists of tape recordings and transcripts of 
discussions between the publisher and author prior to and during the writing 
of this book, the contract between the publisher and the author, documents de- 
tailing Matusow's activities while a Government witness, the manuscript of the 
book, galleys of the book, documents to be printed in the book and similar data. 

The Department of Justice made efforts through a grand jury to obtain all 
of this material. At one point we were in fact ordered to turn over all manu- 
scripts, drafts, and galley proofs of the book to a Federal grand jury whose 
proceedings were instigated by the Justice Department. We regarded this de- 
mand as tantamount to an attempt of seizure of the book to suppress publication 
of the book and a flagrant effort to subvert freedom of the press. We declined 
to make any of this data exclusively available to a secret proceeding initiated 
by the Justice Department since members of the Justice Department are seriously 
implicated in some of the charges and admissions made in Matusow's book. 

We as publishers are seeking to make all of these facts available to the Amer- 
ican public. We want to conceal nothing but we do not wish to turn over ma- 
terial to any secret proceedings of the Justice Department prior to placing this 
material in the hands of the public. Therefore, we respectfully request the 
opportunity to put at your disposal and to place in your hands for investigatory 
purposes all of the data to which we have referred. 

Angus Cameron, 
Albebt E. Kahn. 

Exhibit No. 101-A 

February 11, 1955. 
Mr. Angus Cameron, 
Cameron and Kahn, 

New York, N. T. 
Reurtel signed also by Albert E. Kahn purporting to be voluntary offer to 
furnish committee material in your possession relating to writing and publica- 


tion of Matusow book, it will be sufRcieut if you produce this material in accord- 
ance with internal security subcommittee subpoena served on you last Tuesday. 
Committee does not desire to interfere with grand jury proceedings or furnish 
refuge from grand jury subpoena. 

James O. Eastland, U. S. S., 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Next, a memorandum identifying Jacob Golos, 
who has been mentioned in this hearing. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibits Nos. 102 and 
102-B" and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 102 

Jacob Golds 

( Source : Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments — ^Report of the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, July 30, 1953, pp. 1, 2) 

The subcommittee has made public for the first time a section of a secret memo- 
randum on espionage in our Government, one paragraph of which had been 
quoted by Vice President Richard Nixon, then a Congressman, in a 1950 speech. 
He had known at that time that the document, dated November 25, 1945, was pre- 
pared by an intelligence agency of this Government, and was circulated among 
several key Government agencies and made available to the President of the 
United States. * * * it read in part : 

"She (Elizabeth Bentley) stated that prior to 1938 she had been an official in 
various capacities of the Communist Party in New York City. In 1938 she 
began making contacts with Jacob Golos, the head of World Tourists, Inc., which 
organization was being used as a cover for the Soviet espionage activity. Golos 
later organized United Service and Shipping, Inc. for the same purpose in 1941. 

"Under Golos' direction and until his death in 1943, Bentley stated that she 
was used as a courier and liaison between individuals engaged in espionage for 
the Soviet and Golos." 

Exhibit No. 102-A 

Jacob Golos 

(Hearings regarding Communist espionage in the United States Government 
(HUAC-July 31, 1948)— Testimony of Elizabeth Bentley, pp. 506-507) 

Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Golos ever ask you to perform any special duties for 
him in connection with any work that he was doing for the Communist Party 
in behalf of the Soviet Union? 

Miss Bentley. Later on, yes; but do you mean in this period? 

Mr. Steipling. Any period. 

Miss Bentley. Later on ; yes. 

Mr. Stripling. When was that? 

Miss Bentley. At about the start of the Russian-German war which would 
be around June or July of 1941. 

Mr. Stripling. What did he ask you to do? 

Miss Bentley. He asked me to take charge of individuals and groups. This 
was a gradual process, not all at once. It was to take charge of individuals and 
groups who were employed in the United States Government and in positions to 
furnish information. 

Mr. Stripling. What kind of information? 

Miss Bentley. All sorts of information — political, military, whatever they 
could lay their hands on. 

Mr. Stripling. Was he operating or had he set up a so-called espionage 
organization to obtain information from Government employees and Government 
officials to be transmitted to the Soviet Union? 

Miss Bentley. I think that he set it up. I rather doubt that he had operated 
it before that. Of course, I can't state definitely. 

Mr. Stripling. It was in operation, however, when you knew him? 

Miss Bentley. Yes. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Next the memorandum to which I referred earlier 
from the American Law Division on the Salsedo case. I asked the 
indulgence of the chairman for not offering that at the time I read 
from the book, and ask the indulgence of the chairman to insert it in 
the same place us my reading from book. (The document appears at 
p. 1872.) 

Next, a brief memorandum identifying the New Times, which has 
been mentioned here. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 103" and 
appears below :) 

ExHiBrr No. 103 

[Source : Back cover of New Times No. 1, 1955] 

New Times : A weekly journal, published in Russian, English, French, German, 
Spanish, Polish, Czech, Rumanian, and Swedish language editions. Printed in 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

To be obtained from : 


Canada — Progress Publishing Co., 740, Bathurst Street, Toronto, Ontario. 

• ****•* 

Oreat Britain — Collet's 44 and 45, Museum Street, London, W. C. 1. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Next, a letter to the chairman of tliis committee from 
Dr. J. B. Matthews under date of March 1, 1955. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 104" and appears 

Exhibit No. 104 

New York, N. Y.,March 1, 1955. 
Senator James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Senate Suhconwiittee on Internal Security, 
Senate Office Building, Washinr/ton, D. C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : The New York Times this morning has the following 
paragraph in its report of yesterday's testimony by Harvey Matusow : "Matu- 
sow said he took her to Nassau in the Bahamas on Thanksgiving Day, 1952. The 
trip was arranged, he declared, by J. B. Matthews, who had a brief career on 
the McCarthy staff." 

If Matusow testified as reported, his statement that I "arranged" the trip to 
Nassau is wholly false. I had nothing whatever to do with the trip or its 
arrangements, and knew nothing about it prior to its being made. The first 
knowledge I had of such a trip came when Mrs. Arvilla Bentley called our apart- 
ment by long-distance telephone from Nassau and said that Harvey was with her. 
To this day, I do not know whether or not the Hennings committee had a subpena 
out for Mrs. Bentley. 

If the airline has preserved its records, they will show that I had no part in 
making an airplane reservation for Matusow or Mrs. Bentley. 

The only information which I possess on this Nassau trip has been supplied 
to me by my wife, who acted quite independently and without consulting me on 
a request which she received by long-distance telephone call from Mrs. Bentley. 
In accordance with Mrs. Bentley's request, Mrs. Matthews says that she called the 
airline and made a reservation for Matusow from New York to Miami and one 
for- Mrs. Bentley from New York to Nassau. She says that Mrs. Bentley sug- 
gested that Matusow accompany her part way on a vacation trip to Nassau in 
order to assist her with her baggage at transfer points. 

I have never at any time, before or since, discussed any arrangements for 
Matusow's trip with him, with Mrs. Bentley, or with any transportation company. 

I will l)e glad to appear before your committee and testify under oath to the 
facts in this matter. 

Sincerely yours, 

J. B. Matthews. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Next, the text of the list of 244 persons identified by 
^Ir. Matusow, whicli has been mentioned earlier in this hearing but 
whicli has not actually been put into our record before this time. 

(Tlie list referred to was marked "Exliibit No. 105,"' and appears 

Exhibit No. 105 

People Identified With the Communist Party by Harvey Matusow in His 
Testimony Before Congressional Committees 


A. Comninnist Tactics in Controlling Youth Organizations (March 5, 1952), Senate Inter- 

nal Security Subcommittee 

B. IPR (March 13, 1952), Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 

C. Communist Activities Among Youth Groups (Feb. 6, 7, 1952), HDAC 

D. Mine, Mill and Smelter Union Hearings (Oct. 8, 1952), Senate Internal Security Sub- 


E. State Dept. Information Programs-Information Centers (May 6, 1953), Permanent 

Subcommittee On Investigations 

F. Subversive Control of Distributive, Processing and Office Workers of America, Senate 

Internal Security Subcommittee (Feb. 13, 1952). 


1. Direct personal knowledge 

2. Hearsay from CP 

3. Indirect knowledge from CP publications, etc. 

4. Affiliations, fronts, etc. 

5. Belief 



Abrams, Carl 

Allen, James 

Aptheker, Herbert, 
Aronson, Norma. .. 


Balllnger, Sidney. 

Baron, Rose 

Bassett, Ted 

Beech (Beach), Ethel. 

Bernard!, "Hesh" 

Bernardi, Betty 

Bernstein, Elmer 

Berstein, Pearl 

Bemz, Harold -._ 

Berry, Abner W 

Berry, Rosalie 

Black, Henry 

Blake, fieorge (also 
known as George 
Blake Charney). 

Bonofsky, Philip 

Bordofsky, Ben 

Bradford William 

Brown, Mel 

Bucholt, Joe 

Buckingham, Sue. 


Callen, Des 

Callen, Monnie 

Campbell, Rosalin. 

Carlson, Evans 

Cantor, Ester 

Cassatta, Mario 

Charney, George Blake 
(See Blake, George). 

Claiborne, Adrian. 

Claiborne, Robert 

Collins, Charles 

Coleman, James 

Colon, Jesus (Puerto 


Daniels, Roger 

Darr, Rev. John W., Jr. 

Davis, Benjamin J., Jr.. 

Davis, Herman 

DeCormier, Betty 

DeCormier, Robert 

DeLarco, Fran 

Diskin, Bernice 

Diskin, Lou 

Dorfman, Carl.. 
Drucker, Louis. 
Duncan, Laura. 

Durkin, James.. 


Emerine, Robert. 

Engier, Sam 

Epstein, Israel. 



1, 3-P205. 




2, 4-P224. 

2, 4-P224. 
2, 4-p224. 


1, 4-P224. 


3, 2, 5-P3843. 





3, 5-P3836. 



1, 4-p3279_ 

1, 3, 5-p3304. 




p329o, 3309 

1, 4-P3309 



1-P3279, 3296 
l-p3279, 3296 





1, 2-P3304 



p3301 Ex- 
pelled from 

1, 4-P3284. 

1, 4-p3310_ 

1, 4-p3311- 

1, 4-p3286 


4, 5-p3308. 

1, 4-P3311. 




2, 3, 4-P3278. 

1, 4-P3311. 
1, 4-p3284_ 



1, 4-P3312. 
1, 4-P3279- 


1, 4-P3312. 



1, 4-P368-9. 









Field, Fred V. 

Finkel, Seymour 

Finkelstein, Sidney. 

Fogel, Enid... 
Fogel, Robert. 
Foner, Henry. 
Foner, Jack... 

Foner, Philip 

Forman, Harrison. 
Fox, Jean 

Foye, Hope 

Frankfield, Jean. 
Frankfleld, Phil. 
Freeman, Mort.. 


Gannett, Betty.. 
Gartin, Florence. 
Oarvia, Victoria. 

Gates, Lillian 

Gay, Harry 

Gibson, Jackie.. 
Gilbert, Roimie. 

Goldberg, Ester Letz. 

2, 4-P224. 



2, 4-P224. 

Goldberg, Quincy. 
Qoldway, Dave... 

Goldway, Tillie. 

Goodelman, Aaron J.. 
Gordon, Hallie Wood. 
Gottlieb, Vickl 

Green, Adolph. 

Greenberg, Marion 

(Wife of Paul Robe- 
son, Jr.) 

Greenspan, Jack 

Greenspan, Jack, wife of. 
Grennel, Horace 


Halpern, "Liz" 

Hammett, Dashiell. 

Hardy, Edward 

Haufrichet, Betty 

Haufrichet, Herbert 

Hays, Lee (Dropped 
from CP, but in its 
good graces) (C-Page 

Haywood, Harry 

Hellerman, Freddy 

Hille, Waldemar 

Hillie, Wally 

Hunton, Alpheus... 

Huston, Cisco 

Hutchinson. James. 

Ireland, Richard. 

Jacobson, Leonard. 
Jaffee, Joe. 

Jaroslow, Jerry. 

Jencks, Clint 

Johnson, Arnold 

Johnson, Howard 

Jones, Claudia 


2, 3, 5-P3843. 


1, 4-P3312. 
1, 4-P3303. 

1. 4-P3212. 
1, 4-p3312_ 
1, 4-P3335. 
1, 2-P3305. 


1, 4-P3286. 


1, 2-P3312. 



1, 3-P205. 

4, S-P226. 

1, 4-P206. 



1, 2-P3312. 
1, 4-P3285. 

1, 4-P3312. 


1, 4-P3298. 


1, 4-P3305. 
1, 4-P3319- 

1, 4-P3286. 

1, 4-P3317. 

1, 4-P3313. 

1, 4-P3313. 

2, 4-p3306. 


1, 4-P3313- 
1, 4-p3313. 

1, 4-P3286- 

1, 4-P3307. 
1, 4-P3313. 

1, 4-P3313. 



1, 4-p3286, 3313 


3313, 3331. 

2, 4-P3314 

1, 4-P3314 









Kelber, Harry 

Kewskin, Herb -.. 

Kewskin, Yale 

Klein, Harry. 

Kogel, Lenny 

Kramer, Aaron... 

Kramer, Sidney 

Kramer, Terry 

Kruckman, Herbert 

Krushenick, Johnny 
(alias J. Rush). 

Landauer, Sam... 
Lattimore, Owen. 
Lawrence, Vicki.. 

Lawson, Elizabeth 

Lee, York or York, Lee. 
Lefkowitz (Leftkowitz), 

Irving (Lefty). 
Lefkowitz (Leftkowitz), 


Lieberman, Ernie 

Leibowitz, Bob 


Lewi t, Julian (also spelled 


Lieber, Molly 

Lindheim, Dick.. 

Litch, Benna 

Livingston, David 

Lowenfeld, Walter 

Lippman, Bemie 


Maggusu, Ton! 

Mandel, WUliam.. 

Martel, Harry 

Mason, Dolly 

Max, Allen 

McQhee, Browning 

Mclntyre, Harry, son of. 

McRay, Otis 

McKay, PhUlis 

Michaelson, Wm. Burl. 

Monas, Ray 

Mooney , Helen 

Morford, Rev. Richard. 


Nadler, .VI 

Nadler, Shirley (Lydia 

Nalabow, Herbert 

Ne^i, James 

Nesi, Ruth.. 

Nesseroth, Raoul 

Nesseroth, Vicky. 

Newlth, Bob 

Norman, Winifred 


Ostrowsky, Clara. 


Paley, Tom 

Parent, Ernie 

Pascofl, Ben 

Patterson, William L. 

Peladori, Janice 

Peladori, Neal 

Perry, Carry 

Phiffer, Carol 

Phillips, Furman 

Pieri, Vince 

Plever, Berb 


Quill, Michael (expelled 
from Cp in 1947). 





4, 5-P201.. 
2, 4, &-P203. 

2, 3-p201. 

1, 4-P226 


2, 4-p224. 
2, 4-P224. 

1, 2-P201 . . 





1, 2-P3835. 


1, 4-P3825..- 


1, 4-p3314. 

1, 4-P3314. 
1, 4-P3305. 
1, 4-P3317. 

1 ,4-p3314. 


1, 4-P3315. 


1, 4-P3315. 

p3297, 3315. 

1, 4-P3315. 






4-P3279, 3315. 
p3279, 3316- . 



2, 4-P3280, 


4-P3307, 3316. 






1, 4-P3306. 

1, 4-P3316 






1, 4-P3316 



1, 4-P3317. 



1, 2-P157. 









Rheinfleld, Irene 

Rheinficld, Milton 


Rivington, Ann 

Robeson, Paul.. 

Robeson, Paul, Jr 

Robinson, Earl 

Rodriquez, Helen 

Ross, Carl 

Rubensteln, Nettie 

Rush, Johnny (see 

Krushenick, Johnny). 

Ross, Norman 


Sacco, Joe.. 
Sacco, Nola. 
Saha, Art.._ 

Sanders, Betty- 

Sax, Milton 

Schappes, Morris. 

Scbappes, Sonia. 
Scharf, Lee 

Schlangcr, Bob 

Schwendinger, Hy_ 

Schwenger, Hy 

Sflsam, Howard..- 

Selterman, Joe 

Sheik, Jules 

Sherman, Irving.-. 

Siegal, Gloria 

Signor, Herb 

Silber, Erwin 

Sillen, Sam 

Silver, Joy 

Smedley, Agnes 

Smith, Ferdinand C... 

Smith, Jessica 

Snow, Edgar 

Speed, Jane 

Speed, (Jane's mother) - 

Squier, George 

Squires, Fitz 

Starobin, Joseph 

Steck, Bob 

Steck, Jo-.- 

Steinberg, Sam 

Stone, Ruth 

Strong, Anna Louise... 

Struik, Gwen 

SufTrin, Herb 

Seeger. Pete 

Talkington, Lest«r_ 

Tarrentola, Joe 

Tarrentola, Selma.. 

4, 5-P226. 

4, 5-P202. 


2, 4-P224. 

1, 4-p206. 

1-P200, 201 


2, 4-P224. 



Thomas, Everett 

Tong, Chu 

Torg, Art 

Trachtenberg, Alexan- 

Travis, Maurice 

Turetsky, Murray 

Turetsky, Tzvia 


2, 4-P3842. 





2, 4-P3828. 

1, 4-P3317. 
1, 4-P3317. 

1, 4-P3317. 

1, 4-P3317. 

1, 4-P3305. 











1, 4-P3318. 
1, 4-P3318. 


1, 4-P3318 


1, 4-P3318. 



1, 4-P3308. 

2, 3-P3306. 

1-P3291. 3318. 





Vila, William. - 
Vincent, Craig. 

Vincent, Jennie Wells. 

2,3, 4-P3833. 

1, 4-P3318. 


1, 4-P3318. 

1, 4-P3285, 

1. 4-P3318- 

1, 4-P3318. 
1, 4-P3318- 
1, 4-P3276. 


2, 4-p3296, 















Walkenstein, Jack 

Ward, Roosevelt... 

Wells, Dr. Harry (also 
known as Dan Wells) . 

Welnstock, John 

Weiss, Max. 

Weiss, Selma 

Wells, Jennie (see Vin- 
cent, Jennie Wells). 

West, Don 

Wheedin, Herb. 

WUkerson, Doxie 

Williamson, Mel 

Winston, Henry 

Winston, Leon. .-. 

Wofsy, Leon.. 

Wolf (Wolff), Milton.... 

Wolfe, Bob 

Wood, Hallie (see Hallie 
Wood Gordon). 

Wood, Inez 

Wood, Randy 


Yellen, Dave 

York, Lee (see York 


2, 4, 5-P202. 


1, 4-P204. 

1, 4-p219. 



4-P3285, 3319. 
4-P3295, 3335. 

l-p3279, 3319- 



4-P3284, 3291, 
3319, 3329. 
4-P3280, 3308. 









1158 STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF W 3 gggg ^g^^g gg^g 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next, an exchange of correspondence between Mr. 
Edgar Snow, one of the 244 persons, and the chairman of the com- 
mittee, and I may state Mr. Snow is the only one of the 244 who has 
contacted the committee since all of those listed were invited to appear 
if they desired to raise any objection or controversies about Mr. Matu- 
sow's testimony concerning: them. 

(The documents referred to wei-e marked "Exhibits 106, 106- A and 
106-B" and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 106 

Palisades, N. Y., March 18, 1955. 
Senator James O. Eastland. 

Deae Senator Eastland : My attention has been drawn to the fact that I was 
one of 244 persons identified as Communists by Harvey Matusow during Senator 
Pat McCarran's investigation of the Institute of Pacific Relations several years 
ago. I did not know that until now. 

As at least some members of McCarran's committee must have known, or could 
easily have ascertained from the FBI, I have never been a Communist. I was 
earlier smeared in a similar vv'ay in privileged testimony by Louis Rudenz. At 
that time my name was publicly reported and thus I had a chance to give the 
lie to Budenz in the press and challenge him to repeat his allegations outside 
immunity. He never did so. 

Mr. Matusow also is a wholesale liar, as is now obvious to all. I don't know 
whether the McCarran committee knew that at the time he was their witness, but 
it is anyway responsible for disseminating Matusow's slandei's concerning me and 
others. In view of that fact I should appreciate receiving a complete compli- 
mentary set of the full published reports of the IPR hearings, which now have 
some personal significance for me. Heretofore I had looked upon them merely 
as an item of historical curiosity but too expensive for me to afford to purchase. 
May I respectfully suggest that it would be fair practice for your committee 
hereafter to notify their fellow citizens whenever witnesses and informers 
testify against them? Ordinary citizens like myself lack the means to engage 
private intelligence agents to follow informers from place to place to keep up 
with their allegations or inventions. 

Edgar Snow. 

Exhibit No. 106A 

March 29, 1955. 
Mr. EdOiAr Snow, 

Palisades, N. Y. 
Dear Mr. Snow: This will acknowledge your letter of March 18, indicating 
your desire to deny Harvey Matusow's testimony about you. The committee 
will be glad to give you an opportunity to do this. Let me know when you want 
to come down and I will arrange a hearing for this purpose. 

Since the testimony against you was given under oath and in public session, I 
assume you will wish to make your denial the same way. 

You ask for a set of the IPR hearings. The committee has no more full sets, 
as certain volumes are out of print. However. I am instructing that in your 
case a full set be assembled if possible, even though doing so may entail pur- 
chasing certain volumes from the Government Printing Oflice ; and that this set 
then be mailed to you. 
Sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Intertwl Security Suhcommiffce. 


Exhibit No. 106B 

Palisades, N. Y., April 14, 1955. 
Senator James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Senate Internal Security SnJfcommittee, 

Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : Thank you for your recent letter and for copies 
of the IPR hearings and the Senate subcommittee's report, which reached me 
last week. 

Meanwhile I had read Harvey Matusow's book. False Witness, in which he 
boasts of having lied or distorted the truth in his voluminous testimony before 
various Government investigating committees. For example, he says that during 
his appearance for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee he testified in 
a manner which he now describes as "complete untruth" and "complete false- 
hood." He asserts that he cared nothing about what was true but only whether 
he "made the front pages across the United States" and was accepted as an 
"expert among experts." 

In view of these and other sensational revelations in a book doubtless also 
well known to you by now it can scarcely be contended that Matusow's past 
inventions any longer have weight or value as testimony. It would seem logical 
to assume that your subcommittee on internal security will soon recall Matusow 
to permit him to make suitable retractions and amends of some kind for having 
lied to injure people such as myself, in the testimony to which your letter refers. 
If during such an appearance before you he should again make such charges 
concerning me I should appreciate this time being notified and given the right 
to confront him with the challenge to repeat such statements outside of the 
privilege and immunity as a congressional witness which heretofore has 
surrounded him. 

Sworn affadavits by me stating that I am not and have at no time been a 
Oommunist have long been on file with both Army intelligence and the State 
Department. Under separate cover I am mailing a similar affadavit for your 


Edgab Snow. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, to summarize, I have here a number 
of additional documentary exhibits. If it please the Chair, may they 
be placed in the record in the order in which I have them here ? 

The Chairman. Yes ; it is so ordered. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Finally, before the committee adjourns, I would 
like to ask if Mr. An^s Cameron or Mrs. Mary Kaufman or Mr. 
David Ratner are in the room. AU of these persons we have been 
trying to reach : Angus Cameron, Mary Kaufman, David Ratner. 

(No response.) 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have nothing else, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. That will be all. 

(Whereupon, at 3 : 50 o'clock p. m. the subcommittee adjourned.) 

(The additional documentary exhibits offered by Mr. Sour wine and 
ordered into the record by Chaiman Eastland will be found in part 12 
following the testimony of Angus Cameron. ) 












S. Res. 58 

MAY 9, 1955 

PART 12 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 

SS886 WASHINGTON : 1955 

Bocton Public Library- 
Superintendent of Documents 

AUG 1 1955 


HARLEY M. KILGORE, West Virginia, Chairman 



OLIN D. JOHNSTON. Soutli Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 





Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act AND Otuee Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




J. G. SODRWiXE, Chief Counsel 
RiCHAno Arens and ALva C. Carpenter, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

(The Significaiice of the Matusow Case) 

MONDAY, MAY 9, 1955 

United States Senate, 

Subcommittee To 
Investigate the Administration 

OF the Internal Security Act, 

AND Other Security Laws, 
OF THE Committee on the .Judiciary, 

Washington, D. 0, 

The snbcomittee met, pursuant to recess, at 12 : 15 p. m. in room 155 
Senate Office Building, Senator John L. M^Clellan presiding. 

Present : Senators McClellan and Watkins. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel, Alva C. Carpenter, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research; and Robert 
C. McManus, professional stall member. 

Senator McClellan. The committee is now at order. 


Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, ]\Ir. Angus Cameron is here under 
subpena. The situation is that Mr. Cameron was here before, as you 
know, and testified under oath, was sworn and testified. He subse- 
quently failed to bring in or make available to us certain documentary 
information and a new subpena was issued. 

I don't know whether the situation would require that Mr. Cameron 
be sworn again but I would respectfully suggest that that be done to 
be sure. 

Senator McClellan. Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you 
shall give before this investigating subcommittee shall be the truth, 
the whole truth and nothing but the truth so help you God? 

Mr. Cameron. I do. 


Mr. Sourwine. You are Angus Cameron? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are the same Angus Cameron who has hereto- 
fore testified in this proceeding ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Cameron, you are here in response to a subpena 
duces tecum ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. And may this subpena, Mr. Chairman, go into the 
record at this point ? 

Senator McClellan. All right. It may be placed in the record. 



(The document referred to is as follows:) 

United States of America 



To Mr. D. Angus Cameron, Upper Jay, N. Y., Tele. Upper Jay 21, Greeting : 

Pursuant to lawful authority, you are hereby commanded to appear before the 
Internal Security Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate 
of the United States, on Monday, May 9, 1955, at 2 : 00 o'clock p. m., at their 
committee room 135-A, Senate OfQce Building, Washington, D. C, then and there 
to testify what you may know relative to the subject matters under considera- 
tion by said committee, and produce then and there, before said subcommittee, 
any and all books, ledgers, papers, documents, memoranda, notes, correspondence, 
or other records of any kind in your possession or under your control, respecting 
receipts and disbursements by or on behalf of Cameron & Kahn Inc., between 
November 1, 1954, and April 15, 1955. 

Hereof fail not, as you will answer your default under the pains and penalties 
in such cases made and provided. 

To Joseph C. Duke, Sergeant at Arms of the Senate of the United States, to 
serve and return 

Given under my hand, by order of the committee, this 4th day of May, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and fifty-five. 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Snhconiniittec on Internal Security. 

Senate of the United States 

OFFICE of the sergeant AT ARMS 

I do appoint and hereby empower any United States Marshal to serve this 
subpeua and to exercise all the authority in relation thereto with which I am 
vested by the within order. 

Joseph C. Duke, 
Sergearit at Arms of the Senate of the United States. 

Mr. SouEWiNE. Have you produced the documents and other mate- 
rial called for by that subpena ? 

Mr. Cameron. I believe I have, Mr. Sourwine. It is a pretty inclu- 
sive thing. If the material I produced before was satisfactory, then 
I have produced satisfactory material for the additional period. I 
believe that this conmiittee has had the record of expenditures and 
income from Cameron & Kahn up to November 1, 1954, is that correct? 

Mr. Sourwine. This committee was given access to certain records 
at your attorney's office. 

Mr. Cameron. This subpena asks that tliese records be brought up to 
date to April 15, 1955. I have done that. In addition — 

Mr. Sourwine. Go ahead. 

Mr. Cameron. In addition I brought the ledger on the book False 
Witness, that is tlie accounts ledger. Those two documents, whatever 
you want to call them, will give you, to the best of my knowledge, 
although they have not been audited — my books have not been 
audited — will give you, to the best of my knowledge, all receipts and 
disbursements called for in this subpena. 

Mr. Sourwine. May I have the subpena for just a moment? 

What is the material that you have, Mr. Cameron ? 

Mr. Cameron. You remember this book. 

This book is now up to date from the dates you requested in the 
subpena through April 15. 

Mr. Sourwine. Just for the record. What is that book? 

Mr. Cameron. That is the cash book of receipts and expenditures. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Of Cameron & Kalm, Inc. ? 

]Mr. Camerox. That is correct. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Who keeps this ? 

Mr. Camerox. The records are kept by two people, by Mrs. Athene 
Ryan, who is a secretary and part-time bookkeeper, but the entries in 
this book are made by me. 

Mr. SouRwixE. This is a regular book of account normally kept 
by you in the conduct of your business ? 

Mr. Camerox. That is correct. That book is the book from which 
both the balance sheet and the profit and loss statement would be made. 

Mr. SouRWixE. This is one of the basic records you keep ? 

jSIr. Camerox. That is correct. 

Senator Watkixs. Is that the only record you keep of those 
accounts I 

Mr. Camerox. That is the only final record we keep of the accounts. 

Senator "Watkixs. "What do you mean by final record ? 

Mr. Camerox. This ledger shows the invoices. 

Senator Watkixs. The book you now have in your hand ? 

]Mr. Camerox. Yes. I don't know long you expect to keep this, 
Mr. Sourwine. 

Mr. Sourwixe. I think less than a week, if that would not incon- 
venience you, sir. 

Mr. Camerox. That would seem reasonable. 

'\^nien I left this morning I though that this ledger contained not 
only the sales of the book False Witness, but also the few sales in 
the period, which was between November 1 and April 15, of the other 

During tliat period we published one other book. That book was 
called The Ecstasy of Owen Muir, a novel by Ring Lardner. 

I find that this ledger is only for the Matusow book; that was an 
oversight on my part which can be rectified by giving you the addi- 
tional ledger if you want it. 

Mr. Sourwixe. I think this time the committee would like to have 
exactly what is called for in the subpena to be sure we have everything. 

Mr.' Cameron. All right. That thing that is called for in the 
subpena is, after all, rather — it refers to categories that do not neces- 
sarily correspond to our books. 

Mr. Sourwixe. It may refer to categories that don't exist because it 
is obviously drawn broad enough to cover everything. We want to be 
sure that we have all your financial books and records. 

Mr. Ca:merox. Let me say you do not have the customer ledger for 
other books sold during the period; that is, books other than the 
Matusow book. 

Mr. Sourwixe. Will you undertake to furnish that to the commit- 

Mr. Camerox. Yes, I will furnish it. This ledger contains, to the 
best of my knowedge, all the sales, records of all sales, all invoices of 
Fabe Witness. 

Mr. Sourwixe. By this ledger you mean the one you are handing 
me now ? 

Mr. Camerox. Yes. 

Senator McClellan. Identified as the large one compared to the 
small one? 


Mr, Cameron. You can identify it as the account ledger if you wish. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It will be noted that the larger, as you call it, is 
alphabetically indexed. 

Senator Watkins. Does the subpena, Mr. Sourwine, call for letters 
or correspondence in relation to the Matusow book? 

Mr. Sourwine. No, sir ; it does not call for letters and correspond- 

Senator Watkins. Have you had that heretofore ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, sir. 

Senator McClellan. It does call for correspondence. 

Mr. Sourwine. He asked me with respect to the Matusow book. I 
was saying this is directed to financial transactions solely and would 
not cover any correspondence with regard to the writing of the book, 
or corrections of the book, or even sales correspondence of the book, 
unless it directly involved a financial transaction. 

Senator Watkins. I ask specifically about correspondence because 
it is in there. 

Senator McClellan. But that is correspondence respecting re- 
ceipts and disbursements. 

Senator Watkins. For certain dates. 

Senator McClellan. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. If they have any, they ought to produce it. You 
did not bring any correspondence ? 

Mr. Cameron. I wasn't sure what that meant. Would that mean 
the entire correspondence with all the bookstores? I doubt if you 
want that. I doubt if you want it. 

Senator Watkins. It says "receipts and disbursements." 

Mr. Cameron. That would have to do with receipts. 

Mr. Sourwine. The committee, sir, was mainly concerned with 
getting back to the original record on all of your financial transactions. 

Mr. Cameron. Tliat is what I thought. 

Mr. Sourwine. These books appeared to cover the matter of re- 
ceipts. "Wliat have you to cover disbursements? 

Mr. Cameron. This book here. 

Mr. Sourwine. You mean the first book, the cashbook as you de- 
scribed it ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is that the only record you have of disbursements? 

Mr. Cameron. No, it is not. But it is a complete record. The 
daily cash record we have — and as I have said, to the very best of my 
knowledge and ability, that contains every item 

Mr. Sourwine. This is not a daily cash record? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes, it is a daily cash record. 

Mr. Sourwine. What did you refer to as the daily cash sheets ? 

Mr. Cameron. The worksheets. 

Mr. Sourwine. In other words this is not an original record ? 

Mr. Cameron. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. What is the form in which the original record is 
kept, sir ? 

Mr. Cameron. As far as receipts are concerned, the ledger, which 
covers the other books than the Matusow book, would cover those 
completely, and as far as disbursements are concerned, this book — 
I refer to the one at the bottom — will cover every item, the name of the 


person, the date of the check, the amount of the check and the ex- 
tensions, wherever I was able to make the extension at a time, that is a 
matter of our bookkeeping. 

Mr. Sour WINE. If you paid that money in cash, what record would 
you have made of it at the time? 

Mr. Cameron. We don't pay money out in cash. 

;Mr. SouRwiNE. You never have ? 

Mr. Cameron. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Sourwine. Didn't you return some money to Mr. Starobin in 
cash ? 

Mr. Cameron. I don't believe so. If we did I don't remember we 
did. I think you will find the cashbook, the red book, will show every 
bit of money that Mr. Starobin received. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you bring with you your check stubs? 

Mr. Cameron. No. You can have those, too. You did not call for 

;Mr. Sourwine. I think the subpena is broad enough to cover them. 

Senator Watkins. Canceled checks? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Cameron. You can have it. No reason why you should not. 
I did not bring them because I thought the record that was provided 
for the previous period, since they did cover all receipts and disburse- 
ments, would be satisfactory to you now. 

But the stubs and the canceled checks are, of course, available. 

Mr. Sourwine. If you receive, Mr. Cameron, some money as a loan, 
where would the record of that receipt be made? 

Mr. Cameron. Right there. 

Mr. Sourwine. Again you are pointing to the cashbook. 

Mr. Cameron. Correct. May I show you, Mr. Sourwine; it will 
save some time. 

JNIr. Sourwine. I am trying to let the record speak as to what is 
in these two books. 

Mr. Cameron. You will remember, from the other one, that these 
receipts are in three categories: Sales, loans, and exchange. Every 
one is there. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, sir. That leads up to my next question which 
is : does this red book, the smaller of the two books, which you call the 
cashbook, include a record of all moneys that have come to the firm, 
whether by loan or gift or some commercial transaction, during the 
period purported to be covered here? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct, best of my knowledge. 

Mr. Sourwine. This larger book covers all moneys received from 
sales of the Matusow book ? 

Mr. Cameron. And all records of shipment. 

Mr. Sourwine. Showing to whom the book was sent? 

Mr. Caisieron. That is correct — shipments and receipts. Those are 
taken from invoices. 

Mr. Sourwine. So in a sense this larger book also answers a ques- 
tion we asked previously, which was not covered by this subpena, and 
that is the persons who received books, to whom copies of the book 
were shipped? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes. 


Mr. SouRwiNE, Mr. Chairman, with the assurance of the witness 
that he will furnish that other book, and that he will furnish us with 
the check stubs and canceled checks which I think we would like to 

Senator McClellan. What other book are you referring to ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He has another ledger on sales of the books, other 
than the Matusow book, by his firm during this period. 

Senator McClellan. You want him to furnish one other ledger, 
check stubs, and canceled checks? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. 

Senator McClellan. I am trying to make it clear so there will be 
no misunderstanding. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I would like to ask also that Mr. Cameron, if it be 
the pleasure of the committee, Mr. Cameron not be released dur- 
ing — not be released from the subpena during the week we are exam- 
ining these, so if we do need anything else, we can operate under 
the subpena. 

Senator McClellan. He can continue under the subpena if you 


Mr. SouRwiNE. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. You spoke of the worksheets from which you 
made up your ledger, your cash book. As I understand it, those 
worksheets would be somewhat in the nature of an old-time daybook, 
Wents as they happened ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. In what form did you keep the worksheets? 

Mr. Cameron. The record of receipts. Senator, is kept either in an 
envelope, which Mrs. Eyan keeps as a record of deposits. That shows 
the receipts from sales,'from loans, if there were any from loans, and 
from all other sources. 

Those records are transferred to this book by me. 

Senator Watkins. This ledger or cashbook as you mentioned? 

Mr. Cameron. This book. All items of sales are contained in the 
ledger, in the customers' ledger. All items of loan are contained in 


Senator Watkins. You have a customers' ledger with you? 

Mr. Cameron. That is it. 

Senator Watkins. Right there? 

Mr. Cameron. Right there. It is the other one I thought was m 
there that I will supply. This is just on the Matusow book. 

Senator Watkins. But these two books, both the cashbook and the 
other, are, in effect, recapitulation taken from the records and put in 
these books. These records have been made up entirely by you from 
the original records? 

Mr. Cameron. No ; that is not the case. This record, the ledger has 
been made up by Mrs. Ryan from the invoices. And from the checks 
received in payment for those invoices. May I show you this ? Take 
this account here. On this day this number of books was shipped. 

Senator Watkins. This is the handiwork of the lady in your office? 

Mr. Cameron. Or her assistant. So, when the invoice is made up 
to this account for so many books, whatever it is, 10 copies of a book 
in cloth and 25 in paper, and the billing is made, and then when the 
receipt comes in, when the check comes in from the account, it is 
carried over there. 


If there is nothino^ there, it means they have not paid anything. 
Here is one, R. PI. Macy & Co. You can find every invoice for every 
shipment that was made and whatever receipts have come in on each 
of these invoices. 

Senator Watkins. That is assuming, of course, that everything has 
been posted. 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. That is posted up to the 15th, I 
am sure. 

Senator Watkins. If there were any sales made that were over- 
looked, whether by design or by intent, of course they would not be 
in here. 

Mr. Cameron, If there were any overlooked it would be accident. 

Senator Watkins. You keep a complete written record of all sales ? 

Mr, Cameron, That is right. 

Senator Watkins, In the first instance, when you make these up ? 

Mr, Cameron. That is right. 

Senator Watkins, As I understand, this is not the original entry. 
They are made up from other records, 

Mr, Cameron, That is made up from an invoice. 

Senator Watkins. Do you have invoices for each of these, and 
these cover all of your invoices? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. 

Senator Watkins. None were omitted? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. 

Senator Watkins. Those were the instructions? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. 

Senator Watkins. This work you don't do yourself ? 

Mr. Cameron. No. 

Senator Watkins, But in the cashbook you did it yourself ? 

Mr, Cameron. That is correct. 

On a certain day this check comes in and 3 or 4 other checks come in. 
That day's deposit is recorded in there. If you want to find out 
what it stood for, each one stood for, you would have to look in there, 
but the details would be there, the summary of the day's deposits would 
be there. 

If they are sales, they are listed as sales. If they are loans they are 
listed as loans, 

Mr, SouRwiNE, You used the words "days' deposits" in the cash- 
book. Do the entries represent the receipts actually received that day 
or the amounts deposited ? 

Mr. Cameron. The amounts deposited. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE, They might have been received on another day. 

Mr, Cameron, That is correct, 

Mr, SotiRwiNE, Wliere would you. have the records which show the 
days on which you received various amounts ? 

Mr, Cameron, We don't have a record of the days on which they 
were received. With such a small and simple operation, the sugges- 
tion was made that this be done this way. She makes deposits maybe 
every day or 2 days. It depends on how much has come in in the 

Mr. Sourwine. If cash should be received would that be entered only 
when it was deposited ? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. And if it did not get deposited, it would not get 
entered ? 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. But if it did not get deposited it 
would be an oversight. I don't bejieve there are any oversights. 

Senator Watkins. . Wlio takes care of the deposits ? 

Mr. Cameron. Mrs. Ryan. * 

Senator Watkins. You don't fcelieve there are any oversights. 

Mr. Cameron. No, sir. 

Senator Watkins. You don't take the money to the bank ? 

Mr. Cameron. No. 

Senator Watkins. I noticed you mentioned one other book that you 
have printed. The sale of these 2 books and the printing of those 2 
books comprise your entire business ? 

Mr. Cameron. No. I just said we published one other book in the 
period that the records were requested for. 

Senator Watkins. How long have you been operating ? 

Mr. Cameron. Since May 1953. 

Senator Watkins. What other books do you publish ? 

Mr. Cameron. We published 8 books. 

Senator Watkins. Eight books all together ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes. And we have others contracted for, that we 
are going to publish in the next period. 

Senator Watkins. Who does the printing? 

Mr. Cameron. Various people. 

Senator Watkins. Who did it on the Matusow book ? 

Mr. Cameron. The Book Craftsmen Associates. 

Senator Watkins. New York ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes. Printing and binding. 

Senator Watkins. Has the address been furnished to the com- 

Mr. Cajferon. I think so. It is in the New York book. I haven't 
the address here. 

Senator AVatkins. Have you ever submitted a copy of the contract 
with them to the committee? 

Mr. Cameron. No, I don't believe I have been asked to do it. 

Senator Watkins. I see. 

Mr. Cameron. But there is such a contract. 

Senator Watkins. Do they do most of your printing? 

Mr. Cameron. No. They only printed this book. They will prob- 
ably print the next book. I guess we probably had three printed alto- 
gether, three difTerent binders. 

Senator Watkins. Have you put on a sales campaign for this Matu- 
sow book? 

Mr. Cameron. As far as our limited resources enabled us to. We 
haven't had too much to spend. We have run 1 ad in the Sunday 
New York Times, 4 ads in the daily New York Times, and 1 ad in 
Publisher's Weekly. There are bills that we have not paid. They 
are outstanding bills. There are outstanding bills that we have not 
paid that are not recorded here. Do you want accounts payable as 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Cameron. It is neither a receipt nor 

Senator Watkins. It relates to disbursement. 


Mr. Cameron. I don't know whether Mr. Kahn, when he was in 
the executive session, explained the nature of the publication of this 
Matusow book and, Hince it involved the information that you wish, 
it ought to be made quite clear to the committee. ,-^ 

Mr. Kahn, in June of last year, decided to Jedve and move to the 
west coast. Did he testify to this? 

Mr. SouEwiNE. I don't recall his testifying anything about moving 
to the west coast. 

Mr. Cameron. He did decide to leave. As a result, an agreement 
was worked out wJ ich has never been signed but tlie details of which 
had been discussed and put in a memoranduri form at one time, by 
which, since the corporation would then be br: ikinor ^r) and since I 
was going to Liberty Book Club and since Hij • tes wAro 

going to organize another corporation, whicii was . .- ily done, 

as you know, the agreement was made for the new co: :. . „:i to JKike 
ever — the details were worked out satisfactorily to M:\ jclrdin who was 
leaving — to take over the liabilities and assets of Cameron Asso- 

These discussions went on when he car;"3 back from the coast in 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say Cameron's Ass'^ciate^? 

Mr. Cameron. To take over the assets of drze'' on & Kflm, Inc. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In other words Cameron Associates wnl take over 
the assets of Cameron & Kahn, Inc. 

Mr. Cameron. That is right. That is what I meant to say. 

I became the director of Liberty Book Club on the 1st of October 
and shortly after that Cameron Associates was organized — I can't 
remember now. 

It was while this agreement was being made and discussed that the 
question of doing this book. False Witness, came up. There was some 
discussion on Mr. Kahn's part with me, since he wanted to keep that 
separate from Cameron & Kahn because he wanted to participate 
directly in the possible profits from it, the proposal was made that 
the book be published jointly by him as an individual and by Cameron 
& Kahn. There was a gentlemen's agreement on that which provides 
that half the receipts after, that is half the profits after all expenses 
are paid, should go to Mr. Kahn personally, because he was in fact 
separated from the operation, and one-half to Cameron & Kahn, which 
would then be taken over by Cameron Associates, the intention being 
to use that money, if there were any profits, to pay some of the deficits 
of Cameron & Kahn. 

Now, in the process of doing this, INIr. Kahn made certain advances 
on his own, to the operation of the publication. 

Cameron & Kalin and Cameron Associates as a distributor carried 
on certain operations. Mr. Kahn has submitted, on the 21st of April, 
an unitemized bill of his advances. That bill has not been itemized 
and also, after the April 15 period, but it is a part of this operation. 

^Ir. SotJRAViNE. That is right. 

Mr. Cameron. I don't have the itemized list but I can get it itemized 
;i]id wt in it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. We would like to have your unitemized bill and 
your itemization of it. 

Mr. Cameron. He would have to itemize it. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Kahn was quite positive in his testimony that 
this book Avas being financed by Cameron & Kalm, that as an indi- 
,vidual he had nothing to do with it. The facts of the matter and 
the facts of wliat lie testified to of course the record will stand on. 
,. Mr. Cameron. It ought to be made quite clear and it is a little 
i^fRefdi.'to because the actual agreement which has been reached 
.betw,gen Albert I^ahn and Angus Cameron had not been, you know — 
lawyers had not put it in final form, so in fact Cameron & Kahn con- 
tinued to exist as a corporation and the moneys that Mr. Kahn ad- 
vanced will indeed go through, will be submitted as a bill to Cameron 
& Kahn, so that actually the transaction goes through Cameron & 
Kahn but there will be a contract with him. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What is the amount he is billing for? 

INIr. Cameron. I suppose counting it — $3,200 I suppose, something 
like that, maybe more. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does that represent sums advanced by him in cash? 

Mr. Cameron. It represents sums advanced by him in cash. It 
represents sums paid to suppliers, printer, platemakers, you will see 
the itemization. 

Mr. SotTRWiNE. You say you will be able to itemize that. 

Mr. Cameron. No, I say he will. It is in categories but it is not 
itemized in detail. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there anything included there for the cost of Mr. 
Tank's services as companion for Mr. Matusow? 

Mr. Cameron. I think there is probably an item in there for proof- 
reading that Mr. Tank did. I can't be sure, as a matter of fact, but 
it will show if it were. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did the agreement between IMr. Kahn and the firm 
of Cameron & Kahn, which will result in Mr. Kahn receiving reim- 
bursement for these funds and which, I take it, will also result in his 
receiving certain other moneys representing half of the profits, if 

Mr. Cameron. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. In that agreement did it imply that he would be 
responsible for any share of the losses if any ? 

Mr. Cameron. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was that agreement whollv between vou and Mr. 

Mr. Cameron. Yes, it was. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are the only two stockholders of Cameron & 

Mr. Cameron. No, the other directors, my wife as you may 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Cameron. But the agi'eement will be between the corporation 
and Albert E. Kahn. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Cameron. Also at the same time that that agreement is made, 
the other agreement, which is in general terms known to us, will also 
be formalized. That is the agreement in which Cameron Associates 
takes over the assets and liabilities of Cameron & Kahn. One of the 
assets, I hope, will be half the profits, which will be used to pay some 
of the deficits. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that these two books be made 
a part of our record by incorporation by reference and that it also be 
ordered that pertinent excerpts from these books or summaries thereof 
may be printed in our record as appears indicated. 

Senator McClellax. That will be done. Of course the original 
books will be returned to the witness. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Yes, sir. We will endeavor to return them to Mr. 
Cameron within a week. 

Mr. Camer( )x. The cashbook, I won't necessarily need within a week. 
That one is a difficult one, that is a day-to-daj^ book. This will merely 
mean we cannot post any sales during this period. 

Wluit about the other material? 

Mr. SorRwiXE. The other material that you promised to send us, 
you can send it by any convenient means that will assure you that they 
come. You can send them registered if you wish. 

Mr. Camerox. O. K. I would like to make one little point straight, 
Mr. Sourwine. 

You began these proceedings by saying I believe that I — I think you 
used the word "refused" to supply these materials. Is that correct? 

Mr. SouRwiXE. I am not sure. I might have said "refused." 

Mr, Camerox. That is not the case. Your emissaries to Mr. Faulk- 
ner asked for certain material, which I took to be this book, substan- 
tially this book, and I said that the material was not available in forms 
which would make any sense to you. 

Mr. SoFRwiXE. Just so the record may speak on the basis of the 
word, I talked personally to Mr. Faulkner several times on this and, 
on one occasion, lie said he had spoken to you and he said you had said 
you would not make it available at that time. 

To me that is a refusal and that is the sense in which I used the 

Mr. Camerox. At that time it was not available. This is Mr, 
Faulkner's interpretation of my statement. 

Mr. SouRwixE. He is your counsel. 

Mr. Camerox. Based on his incomplete knowledge of the nature and 
the state of the book. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. I^t"s leave it, in the legal sense failed and refused, 
and you have now furnished them in response to the subpena. 

Mr. Caivierox. I would not like to leave it in the sense of refusal be- 
cause I don't believe I refused to supply the material, 

Mr. SouRwiXE. You did not supply them hitherto. 

Mr. Camerox. That is correct. I was not asked to except — let me 
just make one other statement. 

At the time, since I said I would undertake to supply the material 
within 10 days to 2 weeks, I don't believe that much more time than 10 
days to 2 weeks has gone by since then. 

Perhaps a little bit more. 

Senator McClellax. All right, is that all? 

Mr. SouRwixE. That is all I have. 

Senator ]McCleli^4x. The committee is adjourned. 
CVVliereupon, at 2 : 45 p m., the hearing in the above-entitled matter 
was adjounied. ) 

(Certain exhibits, whicli were ordered into the record by Chairman 
Eastland at the hearing of April 20, follow here.) 

Mr. SoLTiwixE. The next is a memorandum giving a brief thumb- 
nail sketcli on certain authors whose books have been published by 


the firm of Cameron & Kahn. This was prepared by the director of 
research of tlie committee, under my direction. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 107," 
and appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 107 


Identified in the Review of the Scientific, and Cultural Conference for World 
Peace published by the House Committee on Un-American Activities, April 19, 
1949, as one "who spoke openly as a member of the Communist Party." The 
Review mentions "his outright advocacy of civil disobedience." 

Richard O. Boyer has been a frequent writer for the Daily Worker. 

Listed as Communist writer in Daily Worlcer of March 29, 1949, page 2. 

Cedric Belfrage 

Heard in a deportation proceeding on August 10, 1954. Editor of the National 
Guardian. Charged with being a member of, or affiliated with, the Communist 
Party of the United States. Belfrage refused to answer questions as to his 
membership in tlie Communist Party now ; as to the party name of George 
Oakden ; as to whether closed Communist Party meetings were held in his 
home ; as to whether he was engaged in espionage activities against the United 
States and Britain (New York Times, Aug. 11, 1954). 

Martin Berkeley testified that he knew Cedric Belfrage as a member of the 
Communist Party (A\'ashington Post, Sept. 8, 1954, p. 17). 

The Justice Department said today that an Immigration Service inquiry officer 
had ordered Cedric Bell rage, a New York writer, deported "on grounds of Com- 
munist Party membership" (New York Times, Dec. 11, 1954, p. 6). 

John Wexley Also Known as Jacob Wexleb 

A writer for Cameron & Kahn. 

Signer of open letter to the President urging a declaration of war on Finland 
sponsored by the American Council on Soviet Relations (official ACSR folder, 

Sponsor of American Peace Mobilization, a Communist-front organization, in 
connection with its meeting on April 5, 1941, in New York City (official program 
of meeting). 

Sponsor of Artists Front To Win the War, a Communist-front organization 
(official program of meeting October IG, 1942). 

Member of Advisory Council of Book Union, Inc., a Communist front (un- 
dated letterhead). 

Sponsor of movie ball arranged by Film and Photo League, April 27, 1934 
(New Theater, April 1934, p. 23). 

Speaker, Hollywood Writers Mobilization, October 2, 1943 (official program). 

Teacher, staff of League of American Writers in Hollywood, a Communist 
front organization (Daily Peoples World, Feb. 11, 1943, p. 5). 

Ring Lardner, Jb. 

Testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on October 30, 
1947. Has been a screenwriter in the motion-picture industry. 

Refused to answer questions regarding his past and present membership In 
the Communist Party. 

Information was placed in the record of the House committee regarding the 
Communist Party registration card of Ring Lardner, Jr., bearing the number 
47180. Also in the record is a notation as to his 1944 card No. 46S06. Also in 
the record is an allegation as to his holding party book No. 25109. 

Cited for contempt of Congress and convicted, on June 29, 1950, before a United 
States district court (report of HUAC, 19-50, p. 33). 

Axvah Bessie 

Employed as a scriptwriter in the motion-picture industry since January 1943. 
Testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on October 28, 


Refused to answer questions regarding his past and present membership in the 
Communist Party. 

Cited for contempt of Congress and convicted, on June 29, 1950, before a district 
court (report of HUAC, 1950, p. 33). 

Herbert Morais 

Subject of testimony before the subcommittee of the joint legislative commit- 
tee to investigate procedures and methods of allocating State moneys for public 
school purpt)ses and subversive activities — State of New Yorli. Identitied as 
a member of the Communist Party under the party name of Richard Enmale 
(p. 270). The name Enmale has been identified as a combination of Engels, 
Marx, and Lenin, including the first two letters of each name (p. 271). Identi- 
fied as an editor for International Publishers, a Communist publishing house 
(p. 303). 

Identified as a professor of the history department of Brooklyn College. De- 
clined to give testimony at private hearings of the above committee (p. 304). 

Cited as a source of reference by Albert E. Knhn in High Treason as follows: 
"Morais, Herbert M., and Cahn, William, 'Gene Debs, the Story of a 
Fighting American,' International Publishers, 1948." 

William Cahn — Bill Cahn 

Guest lecturer, Jefferson School of Social Science. This school has been 
cited as subversive by the Attorney General (catalog, fall term, 1944) . 

Member of veterans committee of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine 
Worlcers of America (a Communist-controlled union) (catalog, ibid.). 

Signer of a statement, as editor of the News of Connecticut, New Haven, Conn., 
opposing the renewal of the Dies committee in January 1943. 

In his book, Mill Town (Cameron & Kahn), eulogizes Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, 
one of the convicted Communist leaders. 

Publicity man for the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of 

Writer for International Publishers, a Communist publishing house. 

Charles R. Allen, Jb. 

Writer for Cameron & Kahn. 

Speaker at Fifth Amendment Fomm (Daily Worker, Dec. 3, 1953, p. 6). 

Writer of pamphlet, McCarthy Enemy of the Nesjro People (Daily People's 
World, Oct. .30, 1953, p. 3). 

Writer of article in the February 1954 issue of March of Labor (a Communist 
magazine) (Daily People's World, iFeb. 4, 1954, p. 8). 

Writer of article in Jewish Life, a Communist magazine, condemning McCar- 
thy as an anti-Semite (Daily People's World, July 7, 19.53, p. 7). 

Author of a forthcoming book entitled "McCarthy & Co." (Daily Worker, Dec. 
3, 19.53, p. 6). 

Edward Dmytryk, film producer and former member of the Communist Party, 
USA, testified on April 25, 1951, that John Wexley was a member of the Commu- 
nist Party (HUAC hearings, p. 417). 

Leo Townsend, screenwriter and former member of the Communist Party, USA, 
testified on September 18, 1951, that John Wexley was a member of the C^ommu- 
nist Party. (HUAC hearings, p. 1511 ) . He identified John Wexley as the author 
of the plays The Last Mile and They Shall Not Die. 

Martin Berkeley, screen writer and former member of the Communist Party, 
USA, testified on September 19, 1951, that John Wexley was a member of the 
Communist Party (HUAC hearings, p. 1597). 

George Beck, filmwriter and former member of the Communist Pai-ty, USA, 
testified on September 25, 1951, that a Communist Party meeting had been held 
at the home of John Wexley which Beck attended (HUAC hearings, p. 1827). 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is a series of memoranda on books pub- 
lished bv the firm of Cameron & Kahn. 


(The memoranda referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 108'' and 
appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 108 

The Game of Death : Effects of the Cold War on Our Children 

(By Albert E. Kahn, author of the best seller, High Treason, Cameron & Kahn, 

New York 1953) 


To judge by the contents, the book has two objectives: (1) Persuade parents 
to obstruct preparations for civil defense (ch. 1) ; (2) induce hostility to Ameri- 
can ways and institutions by rehashing the stock accusations that have been 
current among "progressives" for the last 10 or 20 years. 

The 10 chapters of the book are devoted to the following propositions : 

Chapter 1 : Civil defense preparations make children neurotic. 

Chapter 2 : School buildings are bad because materials and money needed to 
improve them are used for military preparation. 

Chapter 3 : Freedom of thought and expression is being suppressed as part of 
the preparation for war. 

Chapter 4 : The Nation is opposed to military service and universal military 

Chapter 5 : Comic books and TV are brutalizing the children. 

Chapter 6 : Narcotics, race propaganda, and prisons are brutalizing the 

Chapter 7 : The FBI is harassing and intimidating the families and especially 
the children of fugitive Conununists and Smith Act violators by shadowing them. 

Chapter 8 : The courts do not permit families to take their children to Iron 
Curtain countries and refuse custody of children to parents suspect of Communist 

Chapter 9 : Segregation and discrimination are practiced against Negroes ; 
they can be niurdered witli impunity and cannot expect to obtain justice in the 

Chapter 10 : Many children are underfed and badly housed while money is 
being spent on armaments. 

(Facing title page, other books by Albert E. Kahn:) 

Sabotage ! — The Secret War Again.«it America* 

The Plot Against the Peace* 

The Great Conspiracy : The Secret War Against Soviet Russia* 

High Treason : The Plot Against the People 

The Game of Death 
Pamphlets : 

Treason in Congress 

Dangerous Americans 

Agents of Peace 

Vengeance on the Young 

The Crime Against Jean Field 

The People's Case 

(Pp. 5, 6:) 


I. The shadow of the bomb. 

1. Strange lessons. 

2. Climate of horror. 

3. The matter of fear. 

4. Duck and cover. 

5. The threat of peace. 
II. Scandal of the schools. 

1. In the richest city. 

2. Havoc for the young. 

3. "The most important business." 
III. War on the mind. 

1. Shape of things to come. 

2. Process of indoctrination. 

3. Freedom to conform. 

*Wltl) Michael Sayers. 


IV. Need for killers. 

1. AYarnini;: to the Nation. 

2. "Raise your bov to be a soldier."' 
V. Niagara of horror. 

1. "Kill. kill, kill, kill!" 

2. Blood and thunder. 

3. The lore of Hollywood. 
VI. Crime and punishment. 

1. "The Nation's nightmare." 

2. Ways of the .iun,iile. 

3. .Tun,s::volk in America. 

4. "How to mansle a soul." 
VII. Vengeance on the young. 

1. Grim fact. 

2. Ways of the FBI. 

3. Operation nursery school. 

4. Strategy of sadism. 
VIII. Loyalty program for parents. 

1. At home and abroad. 

2. Sins of a mother. 

IX. Infamy of the Nation. , 

1. The wa.v in Washington. 

2. Shadow over the land. 

3. Justice in Americus. 

4. Words versus deeds. 

X. Way of life. 

1. Peak prosperity. 

2. "Get healthier by eating le.<;s.'' 

3. The forgotten children. 

4. Scales of values. 

5. Issues at stake. 
To the reader 

Photo credits 


(Pp. 31, 32:) 

"You have to train a child to keep from running in the path of an automobile," 
Dr. Edwin Van Kleek, assistant education commissioner of New York Civil 
Defense, complacently observes. "Is it not logical to explain to him what to 
do if an atom bomb strikes?" 

But large numbers of mothers and fathers remain far from impressed by this 
"logic," which casually as.sumes that A-bomb raids are as likely to occur as 
automobile accidents. Unwilling to resign themselves to the inevitability of an 
atomic war, and fearful that the air raid drills may cause gi-ave emotional dis- 
turbances in their children, more and more parents have urged that these 
measures be abandoned In the schools. 

In Philadelphia, a delegation of mothers representing the Committee of Women 
for Peace presented the board of education with a statement which declared 
that to use the civilian defense program as a method to condition children 
for living in a world at war ; to use children as messengers of propaganda ; to 
send them home hysterical to their parents in order to get parents to act * * * ; 
this is not preparedness but insanity which we do not wish to see reflected in 
our children * * *. We propose a program of education toward peace and a 
friendship with the peoples of all countries. 

(P. 32:) 

In the 1951 school Iward elections in Cleveland, Mrs. Marie Reed Haug, an 
official of the United Electrical. Radio and Machine Workers Union, campaigned 
on a platform including the demand that atomic bomb drills be abolished in the 
schools. She received 44,000 votes. 

(The United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America has been 
ousted as Communist by the Congress of Industrial Organizations.) 

(P. 40:) 

"As the ominous features of the cold war took shape, more and more attention 
was paid to the grim business of rearmament and less and less to meeting the 
crucial educational needs of the Nation's young. By the time the Truman doctrine 
was enunciated in the name of defending world democracy one of the most 
precious attainments of American democracy — its system of free and universal 
education — was irravely imperiled in every section of the land." 

59886 — 55— pt. 12 2 


(P. 45:) 

"* * * the needs of the schools were being deliberately neglected in order 
that the requirements of the armament industries might be met." 

(Pp. 52, 53:) 

With the inception of the cold war, American national policy had come to be 
dominated by two basic concepts, both of which were identified with the name 
of President Truman. In the field of foreign affairs, the Truman doctrine — 
characterized by the Chicago Daily News as "an open invitation to war with 
Russia"— proclaimed a policy of aiding reaction and counterrevolution abroad 
in the name of halting "world Communist expansion." On the home front, the 
Truman loyalty order promulgated a program of thought control and repression 
in the name of combating an internal "Communist menace." One act comple- 
mented the other. Both bore witness to the words of the Wall Street Journal: 
"The crusading days of the New Deal * * * are over." 

Within an incredibly short time after the death of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 
the last vestiges of the New Deal were swept away before a mounting wave of 
stringent autilabor laws, inquisitorial investigations and trials, and unprece- 
dentedly fierce attacks on traditional American freedoms, 

( Pp. 53, 54 : ) 

"American schools have gone far toward indoctrinating children with the 
dictums of the Cold AVar. 'Controversial issues' have virtually disappeared from 
public-school curricula. Liberal or independent views are rarely to be heard 
expressed by faculty members or pupils. Intensified nationalism, jingoistic 
glorification of 'the American way of life' and an indiscriminate sanction of the 
Government's domestic and foreign policies have become commonplace in the 
classrooms of the land." 

( P. 55 : ) 

"Here in part is a typical memorandum which was distributed amoug the 
teachers at the Samuel J. Tilden High School in New York City by the office of 
the principal following the outbreak of the Korean war: 

" 'The unprovoked attack upon the Republic of Korea by the Communist in- 
spired North Korean invasion constitutes a signal challenge to the forces of free- 
dom * * * 

" 'Is it to be wondered at that Korea has been transformed into the bastion 
of democracy for Asia and the world? * * * 

" 'Believers in peace and democracy must cheerfully and unequivocally make 
every possible sacrifice that democratic civilization may survive.' 

"There were of course many persons in the United States who would have given 
a somewhat different appraisal of the Korean war. Nevertheless, a memorandum 
of this sort was tantamount to a command ; and any teacher having the temerity 
to question its categorical assertions or failing, for that matter, to propagate 
its contents among his pupils, was liable to find himself the object of a loyalty 
inve.'stigation and, before very long, out of a teaching job * * *" 

(P. G2:) 

"But there are teachers with stubborn consciences who are unwilling to con- 
vert education into 'an instrument of national policy' and to regiment the think- 
ing of children into the rigid patterns of the Cold War. The treatment of such 
teachers today is ominously i"emlnicent of the policy expressed in the early 
1930's by Hans Schwemm, Bavarian Minister of Education in Nazi Germany: 
'A pacifist teacher is a clown or a criminal. He must be eliminated.' " 

(P. G4:) 

"Since the advent of the Cold War, investigations of 'communism,' denuncia- 
tions of 'left-wingers' and 'Reds,' frenzied witch bunts and purges have swept 
like a contagious psychosis through educational institutions in every part of 
the country. One State after another has enacted laws requiring special loyalty 
oaths of public-school teachers or stipulating the dismissal of teachers suspected 
of 'disloyalty' or 'subversive affiliations.' * * * Everywhere, teachers have been 
called upon to give an accounting of their social and political beliefs ; and every- 
where, in the name of defending democracy and freedom, teachers whose views 
seem at variance with Cold War dogma have been systematically driven from 
the schools." 

( P. 65 : ) 

"From institutions of learning and enlightenment, the schools of the land 
are being converted into hotbeds of bigotry, fear, and frantic inquisition. This 
ugly metamorphosis was epitomized in the trial and dismissal of eight New York 
City school teachers in 1950. * * * AH were active members of the teachers 
union, an organization known for its militant progressive policies." 

( Pp. (17, 68 : ) 

Public trials of the teachers commenced on September 18, 1950, in the hall of 
the board of education in Brooklyn, N. Y. The presiding trial examiner, who 


had been appointed by the board of education, was an affluent corporation lawyer 
named Theodore Kiendl.* 

The handful of prosecution witnesses who appeared at the trials during the 
ensuing weeks were a motley lot. There was not a single principal, teacher, or 
parent among them. Almost without exception, the witnesses against the eight 
distinguished teachers were notorious labor spies, professional informers, rene- 
gade Communists, or police agents. They included such individuals as Louis 
Budenz, the renegade Communist and periodic Government witness who at a pre- 
vious court proceedings had refused, on the grounds that his testimony might 
incriminate him, to answer 22 questions relating to the practice of white slavery 
and the violation of the Mann Act ; Joseph Kornfeder, a renegade Communist and 
B BI informer ; Stephanie Horvath, a professional spy for the New York City police 
department who had joined the Communist Political Association in 1944 and was 
later expelled from the organization ; Leonard Patterson, a renegade Communist 
with a police record, whose memory was such that he could describe in minute 
detail incidents which allegedly occurred 20 years before in the Communist move- 
ment but could not recall the exact circumstances of a hit-and-run accident court 
proceeding in which he had been involved in 1949. 

Only two of these witnesses claimed ever to have been acquainted with the 
teachers on trial. All had much the same to say on the witness stand. Testifying 
as "experts" on communism, they told hair-raising tales of "Red plots" to subvert 
American democracy, "Moscow-directed plans" to infiltrate the schools, and 
alleged discussions held in past years with Joseph Stalin himself. 

Soberly citing the testimony of these witnesses. New York City Corporation 
Counsel John P. McGrath, who was acting as prosecutor for Superintendent 
Jansen, charged that the teachers were "fifth columnists" in the schools, whose 
secret aim was to foment "a spirit of rebelliousness" in their pupils. 

The only school official to lestify was Superintendent Jansen. Questioned by 
defense counsel, Jansen admitted he had conducted no inquiry into the classroom 
records of the teachers. To the best of his knowledge, he conceded, their teach- 
ing records were unblemished. The sole "offense" of which he accused them was 
their refusal to answer questions regarding their private political beliefs and 

(P. G9:) 

On the trials of teachers which commenced on September IS, 1950, in the hall 
of the board of education in Brooklyn, N. Y., with Theodore Kiendl as presiding 
trial examiner: 

"The board of education had accomplished the prime purpose for which it had 
staged the trials. A precedent had been established for dismissing teachers 
v.hose principles and beliefs failed to conform to cold-war standards." 

(P. 100:) 

*Not all of the comic books deal with crime, sex, corruption, war. A handful 
feature stories taken from the Bible and other literary classics; and the narra- 
tives of some comics are built around animals. Almost invariably, however, the 
animal comics are replete with instances of sadism and violence. Many of the 
classic comics stress grim and brutal episodes. 

There are also some comic books of a progressive nature, which stress the 
importance of combating discrimination and feature other such democratic con- 
cepts. The number of these comic books, however, is infinitesimal in comparison 
with the quantity of the horror, crime, and war comics. 

An example of the constructive educational use of the comic book technique 
is a children's pamphlet entitled "Chug-Chug," which was published by the United 
Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union. The story, told in pictures 
accompanied by written text, depicts in terminology adapted to children's under- 
standing the benefits brought through trade unionism to individual families as 
well as to the community at large. It is symptomatic of the temper of the times 
that early in 1953, Representative Edmond J. Donlan, of the Massachusetts State 
Legislature, denounced the pamphlet "Chug-Chug" as "pro-Communist" and urged 
that the union which published it be investigated for spreading "class-hatred 

*TIieodore Kiendl Is a partner In the law firm of Davis, Polk. Wardwell, Siinderland & 
Kiendl, which numbers amonjr its clients such concerns as J. P. Morgan & Co., Mutual Life 
Insurance Co., American Telephone & Telefrraph Co., United States Rubber Co. Dui'ing the 
Roosevelt era, the firm played a leading role in combating New Deal labor legislation and 
in defending large corporations against charges of i7nfair labor i)ractiees. 

Senior partner in the firm is John W. Davis, millionaire director of several Morgan com- 
panies, who in 1034 was one of the founders of the bitterly reactionary American Liberty 
Leasue. After the advent of the Truman administration, Davis gave personal advice on the 
drafting of such repressive Federal legislation as the McCarran Act. 


(P. 128, footnote:) 

"It is a revealing sidelight of the state of affairs in the Nation that while 
men and women are being sentenced to lengthy terms of imprisonment under 
the Smith Act because of their political beliefs, criminals who profit from mining 
the lives of children with drugs are treated with such leniency, such as Anslinger 
indicates * * * of course the millionaire gangsters who direct the narcotics 
traffic from behind the scenes are rarely punished at all. 

"Also significant is the fact that while Congress grants vast sums to the FBI 
to investigate 'subversive activities,' the funds made available to the Narcotics 
Bureau represent only a small fraction of its actual needs. Similarly, with 
prodigious amounts being spent on war production, not a single State or city in 
the land provides anywhere near adequate funds for the care and treatment 
of child drug addicts." 

(Pp. 100-163:) 

"The sedulous efforts of the FBI to harass and intimidate the wives and chil- 
dren of James Jackson, Gilbert (ireen. and Frederick Fine, have been duplicated 
in the cases of the other Communist leaders being sought for arrest under the 
Smith Act * * *" [Book gives abstracts of statements by families of following : 
Henry Winston, Sidney Stein, William Norman. Others are listed as being 
harassed : Robert Thompson. Gus Hall. Albert Lima, Rose Chernin, Loretta 

"The systematic brutality of FBI operations under the Smith Act has by 
no means been restricted to the wives and children of the missing Communist 
Party leaders. In city after city, when men and women have been arrested for 
alleged violation of this law, their families have been treated with calculated 
malevolence and sadism by FBI agents. 

" "I saw the pattern of the German Gestapo reenacted in my home,' declared 
Mrs. Albert Lima * * * 'Three FBI agents forced their way in * * *' " 

(P. 194:) 

"Far more of a national disgrace is the fact that discrimination against Negro' 
men, women, and children in Washington is not only condoned but actually fos- 
tered bv the Federal Government itself." 

(P. 244:) 

"Instead of mea.sures to lessen international tensions and end the war in 
Korea, the new administration promptly projected plans for extending hostilities 
in the Far East, speeding up the rearmament of Western Germany and inten- 
sifying subversive operations in Eastern European countries to help "liberate' 
them * * * In less than a month after Eisenhower's inauguration, according^ 
to press reports, the White House was being flooded with mail bitterly charging 
President Eisenhower with 'failing to keep his promise to end the Korean war*" 
and 'to bring the boys home.' 

"With the influence of the I'ed-baiting mountebank. Senator Joseph R. Mc- 
Carthy, growing daily in Washington frenetic witch hunts and inquisitorial in- 
vestigations were multiplying throughout the country as part of an intensified 
drive to drill conformity into children's minds. A mood of fear and pessimism 
increasingly vitiated the morale of American vouth." 

(P. 245:) 

"In the Far East, the North Korean and Chinese Governments not only agreed 
to an immediate exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war by the opposing 
forces in Korea, but also offered to make major concessions towai'd tlie achieve- 
ment of a full armistice. Simultaneously, the Government of the Soviet Ihiion 
began making one conciliatory move after another, aimed at opening up negotia- 
tions in the Ignited States on a variety of long-deadlocked issues and the settle- 
ment of outstanding differences between East and West * * * As every day 
brought fresh developments * * * certain circles in the United States made 
manifest the fact that they regarded not war but peace as the immediate menace. 

Se^eds of Destruction : the Truth About the United States 
occttpation of germany 

By Cedric Belfrage. Cameron & Kahn, New York. 1054 


This is a piece of fiction presented as a factual account of the failure of denazi- 
fi-aticn of the Oernuin press. The author's attitude is shown in the attached 
(iUoted T);'ss-Tg( s from pa-res- VII. N. XI. XV and ."^.7. 

Information on the author is to he found on the inside of the cover and on pages 
2187-2190 of part 27 of the Senate hearings on interlocking subversion in Govern.- 


ment deivartments. Ac-cording to the New York Times of De.-einher 11, l!i.">4, Mr. 
ISelfrase w as ordered to l»e deported on Ki'onnds of Communist I'arty membership 
on December 10. and intended to appeal against the order. 

Mr. Belfrage was a Hollywood writer and research director of the People's 
Institute of Applied Religion, an organization listed as subversive by the Attorney 
General. He is currently editor of the National Guardian, a periodical adver- 
tised in the Cliina Monthly Review and using material supplied by that pajier. 

Seeds of De-struction is de<lleuted to Jim Aronson who collal»orated in preparing 
it and who is associated with the author in editing the National Guardian. 

On the back of the cover the publishers advertise books by authors which in- 
clude Richard O. Boyer who was described as a Communist by the Daily Worker 
on ?.!arch 2!». I!t49 (p. 2). 

Cedric P.elfrage in^•oked the fifth amendment regarding his Communist Party 
membership when he appeared before the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities on May 5, 1953. 

.Tames Aronson (Allan .lames Aronson) invoked the fifth amendment regarding 
his Communist Party membership when he appeared before the Senate Perma- 
nent Subcommittee on Investigations. Committee on Government Operations, 
(>n May 14, 1953. 


(P. vii:) 

* * * the author of this l)ook was one of thousands of specialists sent by 
the western allies into their occupation zones with orders to restore democracy. 

On May 14 of last year I was summoned before Joseph McCarthy's Senate Per- 
manent Committee on Investigations, after a preliminary auto-da-fe by Velde's 
House Un-American Activities C(mimittee, to be exposed as a Communist for 
having carried out those orders. On May 15 I was arrested for deportation and 
placed on Ellis Island, to be held without bail as one who would violently over- 
throw the Government of the United States. 

As I write this in August of 1954, a hearing has just begun to pronounce upon 
me the formal sentence of excomnninication frcmi the country where I have 
wanted and chosen to live most of my adult years. Unless something unusual 
happens, my body — but not my soul — will shortly be kicked back where it came 
fr<mi after a proceeding which mocks not only the United States Constitution 
but the most primitive principles of Anglo-Saxon justice established centuries 

* * * the ti'uncated territoi'y known as Germany is the nearest thing 
post-Roosevelt Washington has to a reliable ally to help destroy the Socialist 
half of the world. 

( Pp. X, xi : ) 

The American public has been hoodwinked into believing that the tension 
with the Soviet Union over Germany today is due to Russian behavior since 
the Potsdam Treaty, in which both countries agreed to de-Nazify Germany and 
treat it as an economic wiiole with a view to unifying the country, orienting it 
toward peace, and ending the occupation as soon as possible. The Russians, 
we are expected to chorus on pain of trial for heresy, again and again broke 
their word and acted "aggressively" — thereby compelling Washington to consider 
the treaty a scrap of paper as it has now done for several years. 

But the extent and strength of the forces in Germany — both German and 
American — working day and night to sour relations between the wartime allies 
were clear long before the war ended, as I have here tried to show. The total 
humbug of the nation that "the Russians started it" after Potsdam is shown 
in Carl Marzani's brilliant book. We Can Be Friends (Topical Publishers, New 
York, 1952). 

(P. XV :) 

With the German charge ready to explode again — if it were not for the 
Russians' extraordinary patience in face of all our provocations — the task of 
those who would smash democracy in America is to rewrite history so that the 
people may continue rocking while they do the smashing. The absurdity — 
directly contradicting the assertions of our own military and political leaders 
9 years ago — that communism is merely fascism in another dress has already 
been put over. 

(P. 37:) 

As one tries to appraise "the Americans" as a single entity and force, the 
workings of the democratic conscience we take about with us are interesting 
to observe. We assign reactionaries to run our first experiment in German 
military government. At the same time we send a group of politically literate 
men — the leader of which was almost barred from the service as a "Communist" 


because he worked for Interior Secretary Ickes — to "investigate" what they do. 
It is reminiscent of the mysterious oi)eratioDs of our Congress and its committees. 
( Back cover : ) 


The McCarthy Conspiracy, hy Charles R. Allen, Jr. 

If Joseph McCarthy were whisked off on a witch's broom tomorrow, the con- 
spiracy which preceded him would also survive him. This is a book about the 
real nature of the conspiracy, the plot to reverse the direction of their lives 
which the American people chose for themselves under the New Deal. Full 
length, thoroughly documented, crammed with new revelations about the man 
and his machinations and the plans of those who lurk behind him. $3. 

The Ecstasy of Owen Muir, ty Ring Lardner, Jr. 

An unorthodox novel about orthodoxy, a witty candid-like satire about the 
conversion of an upper-class young man who tries to reconcile religious dogma 
with the realities of present-day America when he falls under the influence of 
a talented and successful monsignor who weaves a spell of argument over the 
young man's midcentury confusions. $3. 

Lal)or's Untold Story, by Richard O. Boyer, and Herbert Morals 

A big, readable, documented adventure story of the titanic struggle of labor 
and capital from the beginnings of the great industrial empires after the Civil 
War to 1954. It reveals the familiar methods of conspiracy trials and frameup 
which have been used against organized labor from Haymarket to Taft-Hartley — 
an exciting book of class history with the teeth of struggle left in. $3. 

The Un-Aniericans, by Alvah Bessie 

A passionate novel of intense force and narrative excitement about an in- 
former and another who refused to be his victim ; a novel of a group of men 
and women whose pasts meet the present in that murky, half-woild of fear, 
intimidation, and treachery which so characterize our times. By a v riter who 
went to prison rather than capitulate to the witch hunt. $3. 

The Judgment of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, by John Wcxley 

The first, full-length, fully documented study of the case — a moving, astonish- 
ing, and brilliant work of detection and criticism of the evidence, in the most 
celebrated case since the Dreyfus. A profoundly revealing book which sets the 
case within its true historic framework, by the author of They Shall Not Die 
and The Last Mile. $3. 

Cameron & Kahn, 109 Greenwich Avenue, New York 14, N. Y. 

Eyewitness in Indochina 
By Joseph R. Starobin — Cameron & Kahn, New York, 1954 


This is straight Communist propaganda. It recalls the IPR writings on the 
Chinese Communists. It makes the point that Ho Chi IMinh is supponed by all 
kinds of non-Communist Nationalists. But since the method used is the omission 
or misinterpretation of facts, there is nothing in it that could be quoted to con- 
vince the ordinary reader without lengthy explanations. 

Joseph Starobin was cited as leading Communist writer for the Daily Worker 
by Louis F. Budenz. He is their foreign news editor and was the mouthpiece 
of Gerhard Eisler. 

The publisher's circular (Cameron & Kahn) describes him as "an American 
Marxist correspondent and commentator on world affairs since 1939. A member 
of the U. N. press corps and U. N. Correspondents Association since the incep- 
tion of the world body at San Francisco. * * * Former foreign editor of the 
Daily Worker." 

He was listed in the Jefferson School catalogue, fall term 1944 as "member 
of the Daily Worker Editorial Board. Foreign editor of the New Masses from 
1939 to 1943, now a contributing editor. Has written for Science and Society." 
All these publications have been cited as Communist. 

From the review by Kumar Goshal in the July 1954 issue of Masses and 
Mainstream : 


"With rare exception, this tnaj?nificent strusRle for national liberation has been 
presented to the American people in an incredibly distorted form, in which heroes 
have been transformed into villains and adventurers into crusaders" (p. 58). 

"Eyewitness in China is a wise and exciting book. It is more than a timely 
book, for it helps illuminate the hopes and aspirations of all the colonial, 
exploited peoples of the world. Written in the spirit of the best anticolonial 
tradition of the United States * * * (p. 61). 

The Ecstasy of Owen Muie 
By Ring Lardner, Jr., published 1954 by Cameron & Kahn 


The Ecstasy of Owen Muir is a novel of destruction. It blasts Catholicism, 
big business, private ownership, advertising, the prison system, judicial pro- 
cedure, racial intolerance, and the United States Government. 

Through the thoughts and words of the characters involved, certain facets 
of communism are extolled. An episode around the testimony of a FBI plant 
in the Communist Party is ably used to show the unreliability of such informers. 
The informer was naturally a former party member. It purports to depict the 
subversive hearings and trials as put-up jobs of the United States Government 
It is charged that the Government has simply resorted to a frameup in order 
to keep the truth about its warmongering from the American people, and that 
United States citizens "are being railroaded to jail by J. Edgar Hoover's 'Gestapo' 
because they dare to speak their minds." 

The most vicious part of this slime is its attack on the Catholic Church. 
Through the mouth of a prominent monsignor, we are told that the church is 
against civil rights and civil liberties for all, that these belong only to the 
enlightened ; that lasting peace cannot be had unless we take the offensive. The 
rituals and beliefs of the church are sneered at. An attempt is made to show 
the church guilty of hypocrisy in its marriage laws, baptism, indulgences, con- 
fession, and in fact in all its dealings. 

Mill Town 
By Bill Cahn, published 1954 by Cameron & Kahn 


This is a pictorial narrative dealing with the town of Lawrence, Mass. The 
start of the mills circa 1850 is brought out with their growth and abuses of 
labor. Then it goes on to the strike of 1912. The events are emphasized and 
reemphasized with all the stress possible against capital and government in 
their part in the affair. Though the facts presented did take place, in view 
of the complete change of conditions regarding labor, it is plain that the book 
is published as an attempt to rouse the worker of todav bv an expose of an event 
in 1912. 

The struggle for labor organizations is depicted, the Palmer raids, the Sacco- 
Vanzetti case, the Mooney case, the Bonus March on Washington and the La- 
FoUette investigation. 

The Taft-Hartley law and McCarthyisni are blasted. And it ends up by 
stating that the New England mills which removed themselves to the South are 
repeating the Lawrence pattern of more than 100 years ago. 

Mill Town is obviously published for the purpose of inflaming the worker. 
It follows the Communist line throughout. 

McCartht on Tkial 

Edited by Albert E. Kahn, published by Cameron & Kahn, 1954, under union label 
209, which has been used by the Prompt Press, which prints literature for the 
Communist Party and its subsidiaries 


The pamphlet describes a mock hearing conducted December 16, 1953, by the 
Trade Union Veterans Committee of New York on a pretended indictment of 
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy. 

So-called prosecuting attorneys in the proceedings were Frank Serri, who has 
been an attorney defending Communist cases, and Russ Nixon, who invoked the 
fifth amendment regarding his Communist Party membership when he appeared 
before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on June 9, 1953 (p. 



The following witnesses have also invoked the tifth amendment lejiarding 
membership in the Communist Party : James xVronson, also known as Allen 
James Aronson ; liOU Spindell, Howard Fast, Dr. Melba Philips, Frank Coe, and 
Technical Director Herb Tank (pp. 17, 18). 

Ben Gold has been a candidate on the Community Party ticket in 1931, 1933, 
and 1936 in New York City ( p. 17 ) . 

FoUowinR is an advertisement of the affair published in the Daily Worker, 
New York, December 16, 1953 : 

The Trial of Sen. Joseph McCarthy 

The People of the United States vs. Senator McCarthy 

The Indictment of Senator Joseph McCarthy for Violation of U. S. Criminal 
Code, Title 18— Section 60S ; Section 202 ; Section 205 ; Section 241 and Section 
953, Will Be Heard in the Court of Public Opinion Before the Honorable People 
of New York. 


That the said defendant Senator Joseph McCarthy did : 

Support and conspire with pro-Nazis, anti-Semites and racists. 

Deposit in the bank $172,623.18 in four years on a Senator's salary of 
$15,000 annually which totals only $60,000. 

Violate and act to destroy the Constitution, Bill of Rights, and Civil Rights 

Refuse to explain his acceptance of payments from Big Business interests 
for services rendered while a member of the U. S. Senate. 

Fake his war record to obtain medals from the Armed Service. 

Conspire to revive the Korean War and instigate World War III. 

Employ people charged with being moral degenerates and perverts. 

Utilize his high office for the purpose of character assassination and to 
besmirch and discredit liberals, New Dealers, progressives, and trade 

Employ stoolpigeons and professional informers and utilize the big lie 
tactics of the Nazis. 










Chief Prosecution Counsel — Frank Serri, 
Former President Brooklyn Bar Association 

Associate Prosecution Counsel — Russ Nixon, 
Former Director of Division for Investigation of Nazi Cartels 

St. Nicholas Arena, 66 St., & B'way, NYC, Wed., January 6, 1954—7 : 30 p. m. 
No Reserved Sections. Admission 75^ (tax Included). Tickets Can Be Obtained 
from Union Offices. Sponsored by : Trade Union Veterans Committee, 175 Fifth 
Ave., New York. 


(Pp. 5, 6 — statement by Albert E. Kahn :) 

"No sooner had the war against the Axis ended than a fierce new conflict began. 
The economic royalists had not been idle during the war years ; they had multi- 
plied their wealth and power while young Americans gave their lives on far-off 
battlefields. Now, from their high-placed positions, with the object of main- 
taining their vast war profits, they launched an all-out assault against the for- 
eign policies of the Roosevelt administration and the hard-won gains achieved by 
the people during the New Deal. With startling swiftness, the concept of close 
friendly relations among the major powers in the postwar world was replaced 


by that of the Truman Doctrine, which the Chicago News characterized as "an 
open invitation to war with Russia." International tension mounted on every 
side. Instead of peace, the cold war was declared." 

(P. 6 — statement by Albert E. Kahn:) 

"Across the land during the ensuing years there spread a miasmic pall of fear, 
seeping into every crevice of the national life, enveloping meek and mighty alike : 
fear of an atomic global war, fear of Soviet spies, fear of another depression, 
fear of being purged on charges of disloyalty, fear of being branded as a Red." 

(P. 23 — statement by Russ Nixon:) 

"Senator Joseph McCarthy has conspired with oil and Industrial millionaires, 
with the Hearst and McCormick press, and with other native Fascist groups to 
attempt to overthrow our established constitutional democratic form of Gov- 

"We will prove that Senator McCarthy and his backers have advanced this 
conspiracy against our democracy by acts of repression and suppression of all 
opposition, by dishonest an illegal destruction of free elections, by seeking to 
destroy freedom of press and set up an absolute control over all means of mass 

"We will prove that Senator McCarthy has in the past, and continues now to 
seek destruction of the free rights of the people, and especially working people, 
by t^eir exercise of free speech and rights of political association to protect their 
wages and working conditions, to protect and advance their social welfare, to 
protect themselves from unemployment and the threat of atomic war. * * *" 

(Pp. 17, 18:) 


Prosecuting attorneys 

Frank Serri, former president of Kings County Criminal Courts Bar Associa- 
tion and president of the New York City Chapter of the National Lawyers Guild. 

Russ Nixon, legislative director for LTnited Electrical Radio and Machine 
Workers of America. Former director of United States Division for Investiga- 
tion of Nazi Cartels. 


Charles R. Allen Jr., journalist. 

Dr. Alphaeus Hunton, educator. 

James Aronson, newspaperman. 

Lou Spindell, teacher. 

Abram Flaxer, trade unionist. 

Reverend William Howard Melish, churchman. 

Howard Fast, novelist. 

Dr. Melba Phillips, scientist. 

Mrs. Eslanda Robeson, author. 

Julius Emspak, trade unionist. 

Frank Coe, economist. 

Ben Gold, trade unionist. 

The jury 

Herb Frank, veteran of 3 years in Africa, lost leg at St. Lo near Normandy, 
member. Distributive, Processing and Office Workers of America. 

Tony Baratta, veteran of 31 months in Europe, member, Joint Board, Fur 
Dressers' and Dyers' Unions. 

Bob Recpia, veteran of Korean war, member. Furriers' Joint Council. 

Herb Lerner, veteran of North Africa, Sicily, and Italy campaigns, World War 
II, member, Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union. 

Walter Garcia, Navy veteran, member. Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union. 

Arnold Olenick, former Air Force Major. 

Larry Perkins, former lieutenant, served in Italy, member. United Electrical, 
Radio and Machine Workers of America. 

Mrs. Bettey Waters, former Wave, World War II, Hospital Workers Union. 

Robert Logan, Air Force veteran ; member. Fur and Leather Workers Union. 

Dr. Edward Barsky, former head of Sanitation Service of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade in Spain, former chairman. Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. 

William Siler, member. United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of 

Leon Straus, lieutenant in United States Army during World War II ; Executive 
Secretary, Joint Board Fur Dressers' and Dyers' Union. 



Sam Freedman, organizer for the Furriers Joint Council. 
Albert E. Kahn, author. 

Technical director 

Herb Tank, playwright. 

Background information on the witnesses was provided preceding the testi- 
mony of each : 

"Charles R. Allen, Jr.,* former assistant editor of The Nation and author of a 
forthcoming book entitled The McCarthy Conspiracy." 

"Dr. Alphaeus Hunton, secretary of the Council on African Affairs and a 
former member of the faculty of Howard University." 

"James Aronson, executive editor of The National Guardian, formerly a mem- 
ber of the editorial staffs of the New York Times, New York Herald Tribune and 
New York Post." 

Statement by James Aronson : "I invoked the fifth amendment, when I did, to 
protect my innocence under the Constitution." 

"Abram Flaxer, former president of the United Public Workers of America, 
who when summoned before the IMcCarran committee had refused to turn over 
to it the names and addi-esses of all the members of his union." 

"Julius Emspak, general secretary-treasurer of the United Electrical, Radio 
and Machine Workers of America." 

Statement by Mr. Emspak : 

"Mr. Emspak : Because these witch-hunting committees are only the servants 
of the big corporations whose unbridled financial power and greed are the real 
threat to our democracy. As Roosevelt used to call them, the Economic Royalists. 

"We must understand one thing : these witch-hunting committees are not just 
political circuses to build up this or that politician ; they are part of a coldly cal- 
culated conspiracy by big business to destroy the democratic organizations of 
the American people — and in the first place, the labor movement. The job of 
these committees is to create the political atmosphere in the country where the 
corporations can step in and do what they have been trying to do for generations: 
cripple, destroy, set back the labor movement of America. 

"Let me give you briefly a concrete example which is like a textbook on the 
use of the witch-hunting committees to the employers. Just a month ago, 
McCarthy came to Lynn. Why did McCarthy come into Lynn? Because UE was 
going into an election with a clear majority * * *" 

"Frank Coe, secretary of the International Monetary Fund up until 1953, and 
Assistant Administrator of the Foreign Economic Administration during World 
War II." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next, in view of previous evidence about 
Cameron & Kahn books, an article from the Daily Worker about the 
new John Wexley book on the Rosenberg- Sobell cases. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 109" and appears 
below :) 

Exhibit No. 109 

[Daily Worker, New York, April 14, 1955] 

Wexley To Report on 3-Year Probe of Rosenberg- Sobell Case 

John Wexley, playwright and screenwriter, will reveal the results of some 3 
years of investigation into the Rosenberg-Sobell case, when he speaks at the 
Greater New York conference and luncheon to secure justice for Morton Sobell. 

♦Information from suhcommittee file: Speaker at Fiftli Amendment Forum (Daily 
Worker, Doc. 3, l'.»5.''., p. 6). Writer of pamplilet. McCarthy, Enemy of the Negro Peojile 
(Dailv People's World, Oct. 30, 1053, p. 3). Writer of article in the February 1954 
Issue of Mnrch of Labor, a Communist mupazine (Daily People's World. Feb. 4. li>54, 
p. 8). Writer of article in Jewish Life, a Communist magazine, condemning McCartliy 
as an anti-Semite (Daily People's World, July 7, 1053, p. 7). Author of a forthcoming 
book entitled "McCarthy & Co." (Daily Worker, Dec. 3, 1!I53. p. 6). "Excerpt" in Fight 
magazine, official organ of the American League Against War and Fascism, later the 
American League for Peace and Democracy (fronts), October 1953, p. 7. 


The gathering will take place on Saturday, April 23, Hotel Great Northern, 
118 West 57th Street, 10 : 30 a. m. to 4 p. m. Registration fee is $2.50 (including 
luncheon ) . 

Wexley has just finished his book on the Rosenberg-Sobell case, which will 
soon be published by Cameron & Kahn. 

He is the author of "They Shall Not Die," a play about the Scottsboro case, 
and "The Last Mile," a play on capital punishment. 

He also wrote the screenplay for "Hangmen Also Die," "Confessions of a Nazi 
Spy," "The Long Night," "The Amazing Dr. Clitterhouse," and other Hollywood 

A call to the conference issued by the Sobell committee said as follows : 

"Can anyone be safe while the Justice Department is permitted to imprison 
people on the word of dishonest witnesses? 

"This has been the pattern in the cases recently exposed by Matusow and Mrs. 

"This is the pattern in the case of Morton Sobell, now in Alcatraz, serving the 
fifth year of a 30-year sentence. It was the word of a confessed perjurer that 
sent Morton Sobell to prison. It was the discredited Roy Cohn who coached 
the witness in his lies. 

"It is time to stop these abuses by the Justice Department." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next, a review from Masses and Mainstream, the 
issue of September 1953, of the book the Game of Death, by Albert E. 

(The review referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 110" and appears 
below :) 

Exhibit No. 110 

Target : Chijldken 

The Game of Death, by Albert E. Kahn, Cameron & Kahn, Cloth, $3: paper, $1. 

It is the peculiar virtue of some books that they illuminate and make clear what 
until their publication has been obscured by the current avalanche of prowar 
propaganda. Such a book is doubly precious now when all the media of public 
opinion produce narcotics to make us accept the horrible as natural and sane. 
So were the German people soothed into accepting the murdPr of 6 million Jews 
as simply an ordinary manifestation of normal statecraft. So the American 
people are being lulled into similar acceptance now when plots for world conquest 
are palmed off as merely virtuous efforts at liberation, and when American con- 
centration camps, built and ready, go all unnoticed and unmentioned. 

Punch drunk from repeated onslaughts against decency, dulled by incessant 
incitements to war, we involuntarily accept the brutal, inadvertently accomodate 
the cheap, and scarcely murmur when school, radio, television, books, courts, and 
FBI combine to transform our children from humans into automatons condi- 
tioned to favor and participate in world slaughter. Albert E. Kahn's new book 
concerns this cold war plot against our children. It is its virtue that, its docu- 
mented indignation restores, at least momentarily, our dulled vision until we can 
perceive again the horror of systematically indoctrinating the children of 
America with visions of violent death as an intrinsic part of the school 

In pursuing its pages we feel with new urgency what we have almost passively 
accepted — the fact that the Nation's schools have been transformed into "instru- 
ments of national policy," into factories manufacturing the ideology of predatory 
war. As when America was sane, before the days of loyalty oaths and imprison- 
ment for political belief, we feel the shame of discharging teachers for the sole 
crime of advocating peace while permitting the country's schools to become over- 
crowded, ramshackle firetraps because all public moneys are needed for wars, 
hot and cold. 

The book's picture of little children trooping to school with white sheets, to 
be used to cover their bodies in atomic drills, might well stand as a symbol of the 
United States today. For that matter so might all of the book's content — the 
loyalty programs under which children are being ripped from their parents 
because the latter have announced themselves for peace ; the brutalities of the 
reform' schools ; the deliberate and systematic persecution of Negro children ; the 
use of the FBI to terrorize children because of the political opinions of their 
parents ; the increasing use of narcotics among teen-agers and the rising 


casualties of juvenile gang warfare ; the use of the radio, motion pictures, televi- 
sion, and comic books, of which 100 million copies are sold monthly, to condi- 
tion children to concepts of violence, war, crime, and sudden death. All of these 
things are, unfortunately, a fair enough representation of present day America. 

Kahn's book is a valiant contribution to the light for peace. There may be 
those uninterested in the high politics, in the charges and countercharges of 
the cold war, but surely there can be few uninterested in its effects upon their 
children. This subject is a powerful common denominator, a mighty maker for 
coalition. Already the volume, truly shocking in its revelations, has attracted 
wide attention. Siich figures as Professor Henry J. Cadbury, of Harvard Uni- 
versity, chairman of the American Friends Service Committee ; Bishop Arthur 
W. Moulton, of Salt Lake City, and Bertha Capen Reynolds, former associate 
director of the Smith College School for Social Work, have urged its distribution 
in the fight for peace. 

The Game of Death is the first selection of the Union Book Club and the first 
book to be issued by the new publishers, Cameron & Kahn, who are publishing 
for thousands of American trade unionists as well as the general public. Both 
are to be congratulated on a book which seeks to restore America to sanity 
while saving the world and its children from the destruction of atomic war. 

Richard O. Boyer. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Next is a press release issued February 8, 1955, by 
Cameron & Kahn. Mr. Kahn has been questioned about this, but the 
release itself was not heretofore placed in our record. 

(The press release referred to was marked "Exhibit No. Ill" and 
appears below:) 

Exhibit No. Ill 

Camerox & Kaiix, Inc., I'uklishers, Xkw York, N. Y. 

For immediate release : February 8, 1955 

Served with subpenas to appear before a Federal grand jury in New York and 
turn over the manuscript of the forthcoming book. False Witness, by Harvey 
Matusow, the publishers, Angus Cameron and Albert 10. Kahn, issued the 
following statement: 

Last week when the former Government witness, Harvey Matusow. was 
scheduled to meet newspapermen at a press conference in New York, he was 
summoned to apr)e;ir immediately prior to the conference before a Federal grand 
jury. As the piiblishers of Matusow's forthcoming book, False \\'itness, we 
regarded this action by the Department of .Justice as an effort to muzzle Matusow 
and prevent him from publicly answering questions relating to the vitally import- 
ant charges and admissions made in his book. Through a ruling of Federal 
•Tudge Dimock, Matusow's appearance before the grand jury was postponed ; and 
Matusow was able to appear at the press conference. 

Now we ourselves have been served with subpenas directing us to appear be- 
fore a Federal grand jury on the morning of February S and to produce "ail 
correspondence, records, memoranda, receipts, canceled checks, book accounts, 
contracts, memoranda of contracts, and other documents and writings, and ail 
manuscripts and drafts thereof and galley pi-oofs, prepared by or in any manner 
relating to one Harvey M. Matiisow, or relating to a proposed book or other 
writing written by. or purportedly written by one Hai'vey M. Matusow, which. 
is to be published by you, or the publication of which is being considered by 
you. or in the publication of which you may have any interest." We are in- 
formed by the subpena that if we fail to produce these documents we will be 
"deemed guilty of contempt of court." 

We regard the service upon us of these subpenas as a flagrant attempt to 
subvert the freedom of the press, a right won through historic struggles and 
guaranteed to the American people in the first amendment to the Constitution 
of the United States. One of the manifest purposes of the first amendment is 
to permit the American people to judge for themseh es the truth of such facts as 
are contained in Matusow's forthcoming book. We believe that by hailing us 
before a Federal grand jury, the Justice Department is continuing its attempt to 
keep from the pul)lic the book's disclosures, some of which implicate the Depart- 
ment itself. 


As publishers and as American citizens, we feel that it is our solemn duty to 
see that the right of freedom of the press is not abridged in this case. 

Therefore we do not intend to comply with the brazen dictates of the subpenas 
which have been served upon us. We will not submit to the Justice Department 
for its scrutiny or would-be censorship tlie text of Matusow's book prior to its 
publication ; we will not permit the seizure of it, nor will we allow ourselves 
io be intimidated into not publishing the book. The book will shortly be available 
to the public as a whole, and at that time to the Justice Department as well. 

We have said before, and we repeat now, that we welcome a public investiga- 
tion of all the revelati(ms in Matusow's book. We are, however, opposed to any 
in camera proceedings such as the Department of Justice is attempting to conduct, 
and we strongly believe that the investigation of the book's disclosures should 
be conducted by some Government body less prejudiced in this matter than the 
Justice Department. 

Mr. SouRwixE. The next is a staff memorandum ^Yitll respect to 
certain articles by Albert E. Kahn, appearing in Masses and Main- 
stream, and in the New ^Masses. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 112" and 
appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 112 
Articles in Masses and Mainstream 

January 1952, pages 15-21, The Case of O. John Rogge. Attacks Rogge for 
testimony against Peace Information Center. Attended Stockholm Peace Con- 
ference with Rogge. 

July 1950, reviews book Must We Perish? by Hershel D. Meyer, pages 89, 
90, 91. Kahn says the book describes "the growing strength of the Soviet 
Union, the accomplishments of the peoples' democracies of Eastern Europe, the 
historic victory of the Chinese Communists * * * Must We Perish? is a book 
to keep close at hand, a trenchant weapon in the battle for peace and a better 

June 1953, Comics, TV, and Your Child, pages 36-43. "The airwaves teem with 
such programs as Counterspy, * * * This Is Your FBI, and American Agent, in 
which tlie heroes zealously track down and exterminate Communist fifth colum- 
nists in the United States or conduct audacious espionage and sabotage opera- 
tions behind the Iron Curtain." 

August 1954, School for Crime, pages 46-51. "But the growth of delinquency, 
of course, is only one of the multiple sinister effects of the cold-war program upon 
our children." 

Articles in New Masses 

May 28, 1946, pages 19-21, He Chose Treason. Article attacks Kravchenko, 
■charging his book with anti-Soviet falsehood. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is a memorandum prepared by the com- 
mittee staff at my direction, under the supervision of the Director 
of Research, being a tabulation of the complete Communist and 
Communist-front record of Albert E. Kahn, showing sources. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 113" and 
appears below:) 


ExniBiT No. 113 
Albert E. Kahn 




Abraham Lincoln School i ' 

American Committee for 
Yugoslav Relief.2 

American Youth for De- 
mocracy.' 2 

American Labor Party '— . 

American Labor Party '-.. 

American Council for a 
Democratic Greece.* 

California Labor School >. 

Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern Pol- 

American Peace Crusade ' '. 

American Committee for 
Spanish Freedom. 2 

American Women for 
Peace. ' » 

Notice appearing in school catalog states that 

"prominent citizens participating in our 

efforts" Include Albert E. Kahn. 
Speaker at farewell greetings "to Yugoslavia's 

U. N. delegation." 
Speaker, Salute to Yoimg America diimer on 

first anniversary. 
Attended Salute to Young America dinner 

To appear on program, sponsored "on the occa- 
sion of the Fourth Anniversary of American 
Youth for Democracy," at the Benjamin 
Franklm Hotel, Nov. 18, 1947, Philadelphia, 


Candidate for 25th Congressional District, 


Candidate: photo 

Speaker at "Free Lieutenant Gilbert and Peace 

on Earth" rally. 
Speaker at mass meeting 

Speaker - 

Discusses his new book, The Game of Death 

To speak Aug. 12 under auspices Harold Sawyer 

lecture fund. 

Signed open letter to President Truman, released 
Oct. 7, 1946. 

Sent greetings to pro-Communist Mme. Sun 

Initial sponsor - - — 


Sponsor of contest . . . advancing the theme of 

world peace. 
Sponsor - 

Sponsor, American People's Congress and Expo- 
sition for Peace. 

Sponsor, American People's Congress and 

Exposition for Peace, Chicago, 111. June 29, 30 

and July 1, 1951. 
Spoke in Chicago on Mar. 8 at a banquet in 

honor of Prof. Robert Morss Lovett and Rev. 

Joseph M. Evans, State cochairmen. 
To speak at 84th birthday dinner for W. E. B. 

Dubois on June 11 at Hotel Riverside Plaza, 

New York City. 

Speaker or reporter at Conference to Safeguard 
the Welfare of Our Children and Our Homes, 
held Mar. 22 at Pythian, 135 W. 70th St. New 
York City. 

Testimony of Walter S. 
Steele, July 21, 1947, p. 

Worker, Dec. 8, 1946, p. 13 
clipping in original file). 

Program of dinner Oct. 16, 

National board report to 
2d national convention, 
June 13-17, 1946, p. 12. 

Dinner program "A Trib- 
ute to Jewish Youth" 
(Filed: Organization 
American Youth for De- 

N. Y. Post Home News, 
June 25, 1948, p. 3. 

Dally Worker, July 21, 
1948, p. 2; New York 
Star, July 28, 1948, p. 4 
(lead card only) Dally 
Worker, Aug. 16, 1948, 
p. 15. 

Daily Worker, Apr. 11, 
1950, p. 8. 

New York Star, Nov. 1, 
1948, n. 16. 

Daily Worker, Dec. 13, 
1950, p. 4. 

PM, Nov. 16, 1947, p. 25 

Dally Worker, Nov. 19, 
1947, p. 7. 

Dally People's World, July 
31, 1953, p. 2. 

Daily People's World, 
Aug. 7, 1953, p. 3. 

Letterheads 1946 and 1947; 
July 11, 1947; May 28, 

Daily Worker, June 9, 1949, 
p. 7; Worker, June 17, 

Pamphlet, What Price 
Philippine Independ- 
ence, bv George PhUllps, 
pp. 30-32. 

Far East Spotlight, No- 
vember 1948, p. 14. 

Committee hearings. Com- 
munist Methods of In- 
filtration (Education, pt. 
4), p. 1121. 

Letterhead. Feb. 25, 1953. 

Dally Worker, May 1, 1951, 
p. 11. 

Dally Worker, Feb. 1, 1951. 

Leaflet, American People's 
Congress . . . invites 
you to participate in 
National Peace Compe- 
tition . . . June 29, 1951, 
Chicago, 111. 

The Call to the American 
People's Congress. 

Dally Worker, Mar. 24, 
1952, p. 2. 

Dally Worker, June 11, 
1952, p. 8 (advertise- 
ment) . 

Letterhead, Jan. 21, 1946. 

The Worker, Apr. 6, 1952, 
p. 8 magazine section. 

See footnotes, p. 1193. 


Albert E. Kahn — Continued 




Civil Rights Congress " ». 

Coramiftee for Peaceful 
Alternatives to the At- 
lantic Pact.' 

Confererec for Peaceful 
Alternatives to the At- 
lantic Pact.' 

Communist Party (') and 

Communist Political 

Association.' ' 
Daily People's World ' 

Daily Worker '. 

Hellenic-American Broth- 
erhood » (I WO). 

International Workers 
Order.! a 

Jefferson School of Social 
Science. ' ' 

Jewish People's Fraternal 
Order »IWO. 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 

Committee. ' ' 
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 

Committee.' ' 

May Day parade ' — 

Sponsor, National Civil Rights Legislative Con- 
ference, Jan. 17-18, 1949, Washington, D. C. 

Speaker on Gerhard Eisler case 

Speaker for W. Bronx Chapter.. _ 

Speaker at meeting in behalf of Communist 

Signed statement In defense of Gerhard Eisler... 

Received payment from CRC for travel expenses. 

Member delegation protesting attack on Robert 

Signed open letter to Congress urging defeat of 

Miindt bill. 
Signed statement against jaUing of Communist 

Signer of statement calling for international 

agreement to ban use of atomic weapons. 

Signer of open letter to Senators and Congress- 
men urging defeat of President Truman's 
arms program. 


Convention speaker. New York State- 

Delegate, New York State special convention, 

Aug. 10, 11, 12, 1945. 

Host for benefit party.. ..i 

Writer of article attacking Committee on Un- 
American Activities. 

Organization endorses him 

Speaker in criticism of United States policy 

To speak at Save the IWO Conference on Jan 

26, 1952 at Hotel Capitol, New York City, 

Author of The People's Case, re the Interna- 
tional Workers Order. 

Participant in forum June 8, on subject of V. J. 
Jerome's novel A Lantern for Jeremy. 

On Faculty; to teach "Problems of Parents, 
Children and the School." 

To speak at a conference to plan a children's 
program at the school, from 2 to 5 p. m. Jime 
13, 1953. 


President; participated in meeting in behalf of 

Gerhard Eisler. 
President (speaker for 17th anniversary, June 15, 




Speaker on "The great conspiracy against civil 
liberties" (Spanish Refugee Appeal). 

Signer of petition of the Spanish Refugee Appeal 
to President Truman to "bar miUtary aid to 
or alliance with Fascist Spain." 


United May Day Com- Member, 

See footnotes, p. 1193. 

Leaflet, Freedom Crusade, 

program of conference 

Jan. 17-18, 1949. 
Leaflet, Mar. 20, 1947. 
Worker, May 4, 1947, p. 12. 
DaUy Worker, June 8, 1949, 

p. 3. 
Daily Worker, Feb. 28, 

1947, p. 2. 
Staternent ' filed Oct. 10, 

1947, with Clerk of 
House, under Lobbying 

Daily Worker, Sept. 24, 

1948, p. 11. 
Letterhead, May 7, 1948. 

Daily Worker, June 6, 1949 

p. 2. 
Statement attached to 

Press Release of Dec. 14, 

1949, p. 12. 
Letterhead, Aug. 21, 1949. 

Committee on Un-Amer- 
ican Activities report, 
Apr. 19, 1949, p. 36. 

New Leader, Sept. 15, 1945, 
p. 7. 
New Masses Jan. 21, 

1947, p. 31. 

New York Police Depart 
ment repct, p. 18. 

Daily People's World, 
Mav in, 1948, p. 5. 

Daily Worker, Dec. 5, 1936, 
p. 5. 

Daily Worker, May 10, 

1948, p. 5. 

DaUv Worker, Mar. 26, 

1948, p. 4. 
Daily Worker, Oct. 4, 1948, 

p. 5. 
Daily Worker, May 22, 

19,50, p. 8. 
Daily Worker, Jan. 25, 

19.52, p. 6. 
Daily Worker, Apr. 12, 

1951, p. 5. 
Daily Peonle's World, 

Nov. 6, 1951, p. 7. 
The Worker, June 8, 1952, 

p. 6. 
Worker, Oct. 4, 1953, p. 10 

Daily Worker, June 11^ 

1953, p. 8 (What's On, 

column) . 
Daily Worker, Dec. 12, 

1947, p. 7. 
New Leader, Apr. 26, 1947, 

p. 4. 
Fraternal Outlook June- 
July 1947, p. 3. 
Booklet, Fall Term, 1947, 

School of Jewish Studies. 
N. Y. World Telegram 

Jan. 21, 1948, p. 11. 
The New Leader, May 31, 

1947, p. 15. 
List of nationality group 

societies of the IWO on 

p. 8, booklet issued by 

Daily Worker, Nov. 13, 

1947, p. 7. 
Mimeographed petition 

attached to letterhead of 

May 18, 1951. 
Daily Worker, May 2, 

1951, p. 1 
Pamphlet, May Day 1947, 

by Howard Fast, p. 14. 


Albert E. Kahn — Continued 




Committee for May Day, 

Provisional United Labor 
and People's Committee 
for May Day. 

May Dav parade in New- 
York City. 

May Day demonstration, 
Union Square. 

Provisional Committee for 
United Labor and Peo- 
ple's May Day. 

Provisional Committee for 
the 69th Anniversary of 
May Day. 

National Committee to 
Win the Peace. ^ 

National Council of Amer- 
ican-Soviet Friendship- 
Committee on Educa- 
tion.' 2 

.\rts, Sciences, and Pro- 
fessions for May Day. 

National Council of Amer- 
ican-Soviet Friendship. ' 2 

Chicago Council of Amer- 
ican-Soviet Friendship. 

National Council of Arts, 
Sciences & Professions.' 

National Council of Arts, 
Sciences & Professions ' 
(and the National 

National Federation for 
Constitutional Liber- 
ties.' 2 

National Maritime Union 
of America.! 

New Masses ' 2. 

Peoples Radio Founda- 
tion, Inc.2 

School of Jew^ish Studies 2 . . 

Veterans of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade ' 2 and 
Civil Rights Congress.' 2 

Win-the-Peace Confer- 


Committee member- 

Sponsor of conference at St. Nicholas Sport 
Center, New York City, Mar. 24, 195L 




Spoke at Union Square demonstration, May 1. 

Writer of article in New Masses, Win-the-Peace 

Lists the Great Conspiracy coauthored by 
Albert E. Kahn, in the bibliography on the 
Soviet Union for Teachers and Students. 

Member, board of directors. 
Sponsor --. 

Moderator (conference for peace, called by com- 
mittee of women for Feb. 5, 1949). 

Speaker at rally, Nov. 13 at Rockland Palace, 
New York City on United States of America- 
U. S. S. R. cooperation for peace. 

Sponsor of the Congress of American-Soviet 

To speak at memorial meeting to Premier Joseph 

V. Stalin, Mar. 26, 7:30 p. m. at Rockland 

Palace, New York City. 
Heads list of speakers at Forum on The Myth 

of Anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union, to be 

held Feb. 18, 1953, in People's Auditorium, 


Member, Writers for Wallace, auspices NCASP. 

Sponsor, Cultural and Scientific Conference for 
World Peace, Mar. 25-27, 1949. 

Signed statement _ 

To speak at Guardians of Liberty (joint) rally, 
.Tune 5, 1953, at Palm Gardens, New York 

Signed statement supporting the War Depart- 
ment's order on granting commissions to mem- 
bers of the Armed Forces who have been 
members of, or sympathetic to the views of 
the Communist Party. 

To dedicate new bookshelves at merchant 
marine bookstore at National Maritime 
Union headquarters Jan. 13, 346 West 17th 
St., New York City. 

Associate editor _ 

Contributing editor. 

Individual endorser and/or stockholder (Report 
on Investigation, July 1946, e.xhibit A). 




Pamphlet, March for 
Peace, May 1948, p. 15. 

Letterhead May 1, 1948— 
May Day file. 

Call to a United Labor and 
People's Conference for 
May Day 1951, p. 4. 

Daily Worker, May 2, 

1952, p. 1. 

Daily Worker, May 4, 

1953, pp. 3 and 6. 
Daily Worker Mar. 14, 

1949, p. 4. 

Daily Worker, May 
1954, pp. 1 and 8. 


Leaflet dated Apr. 16, 1946. 

Committee hearings, July 
21, 1953, p. 3789 (Bishop 
Oxnam exhibit). 

Letterhead, Mar. 25, 1954. 
Daily Worker, Apr. 30, 

1948, p. 5. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 31, 

1949, p. 5. 

Daily Worker, Nov. 6, 

1952, p. 8 (adv.). 
Daily Worker, Nov. 17, 

19.52, p. 8. 
Soviet Russia Today, Dec. 

1942, p. 42. 
Daily Worker, Mar. 19, 
p. 3 and adv. on 


p. 8. 



Worker, Feb. 17, 
p. 8. Filed: Organ- 
ized National Council of 
American-Soviet Friend- 
ship (Committee of 
Women) . 

Daily Worker, Sept. 21, 
1948, p. 7. 

New Leader, Feb. 5, 1949, 
p. 4. 

Conference "call"; Con- 
ference program, p. 12. 

Congressional Record, July 
14, 1949, p. 9620. 

Mimeographed handbill: 
Free Cedric Belfrage. 

Undated leaflet, The Only 
Sound Policy for a 
Democracy (list also in 
Daily Worker, Mar. 18, 

Dailv Worker, Jan. 12, 
1943, p. 7. 

New Masses, Apr. 30, 1946, 
p. 2; Steele testimony, 
July 21, 1947, p. 34. 

New Masses, July 22, 1947, 
p. 2. 

Photostat of Leaflet FM 
Peoples Radio Founda- 
tion, Inc. 

New York World Telegram 
Jan. 21, 1948, p. II; book- 
let Fall Term 1947. 

Daily Worker, Mar. 23, 
1951, p. 8. 

Report of Committee on 
Un-American Activities, 
Apr. 19, 1949, p. 8.. 

See footnotes, p. 1193. 

Albert E. KaJin — Continued 





World Congress for Peace ' 

The Worker L 

New Masses ' ^ and Main- 

African^id Committee. . - 

American Committee for 
Indonesian Independ- 

American Committee of 
Jewish Writers, Artists 
and Scientists — New 

American Relief for Greek 
Democracy, Inc. 

Book Find Club 

Camp Unity 

Cameron & Kahn, Ine 

Citizens Committee to 
Secure Bail for Martin 

Committee for Academic 
Freedom in Schools. 

Committee for Democratic 

Committee for Free Polit- 
ical Advocacy (defend- 
ing 12 Communist 
leaders) . 

Committee for Freedom 
of Sam Milgrom. 

Committee for a United 
Labor Party. 

Conference on Jewish Cul- 

Continental Cultural Con- 
gress, Santiago, Chile. 

Council of Greek Ameri- 

French Figbters for Peace 

and Freedom. 
The Hour 

Independent Progressive 

Party, New Jersey. 
Independent Organization 
of Journalists. 

American delegate 

Sponsor (American sponsoring committee) . 

Writer of article The Plot in Pittsburgh dealing 

with Steve Nelson et al. trial in Pittsburgh 

under Smith Act. 
Meeting, joint auspices of New Masses and 

Mainstream (speaker). 
Speaker, protest meeting for Howard Fast under 

auspices New Masses and Mainstream. 
Sponsor, protest meeting for Howard Fast, 

New York City, Oct. 16, 1947. 
Sponsor of meeting on "Culture against the 

Mfisses— Mainstream demonstration against 

Mundt nnti-Communist bill. (Participant). 
Writer of The Case of O. John Rogge 

Writer of article School for Crime 



do - 


Writer — 


Forms new book publishing firm with Angus 
Cameron which will publish what other 
companies shy away from because of "intel- 
lectual intimidation." 

Signer of letter to Attorney General, requesting 
bail for Young, held on Ellis Island. 

Speaker in behalf of suspended teachers 

Signed statement attacking the Mundt bill 

Signer of statement 


To speak at mass meeting for bail and ''or free- 
don^ of Sam Milgrom , Feb. 24, 8 p. m ., Central 
Plaza, ill Second Ave., New York City. 

Candidate, 2d Assembly District, Westchester 

County. N. Y. 

United States delegate Betty Sanders tells open- 
ing session of Congress t^ at Ka^'n would V ave 
attended if he had not been denied a passport. 

Speaks at rrass protest men orial meeting, Apr. 
17, Hotel Capitol, New York City. 

Speaker in Paris 

Former editor 



Defended by organization 

Daily Worker, Aug. 27, 

1948, p. 4. 
Leaflet, World Congress 

for Peace, Paris, Apr. 20, 

21, 22, 23, 1949. 
The Worker, May 3, 1953, 

p. 7; Michigan Edition. 

Daily Worker, Oct. 6, 1947, 

p. 11. 
The Worker, Oct. 12, 1947, 

p. 9 (southern edition). 
PM, Oct. 16, 1947, p. 5 

Dailv Worker, Apr. 29, 

1948, p. 6. 
Daily Worker, May 25, 

1948, p. 13. 
Masses and Mainstream, 

January 1952, pp. 15-21. 
Masses and Mainstream, 

August 1954. pp. 46-51. 
Letterhead, May 28, 1949; 

undated leaflet We 

Americans Are sending 

Friendship Trains. 
Dailv Worker, Aug. 20, 

1947, p. 9. 

Daily Worker, 
1948, p. 3. 

May 14, 

PM, May 27, 1947, p. 21 

Plain Talk, May 1947, p. 

Daily Worker, July 24, 
1947, p. 11: Daily Work- 
er, Aug. 4, 1947 p. 4. 

Daily Worker, May 5, 1953, 
p. 7. 

Dailv Worker, Sept. 29, 

1952, p. 2. 

Daily Worker, June 13, 

1950, p. 3. 
Daily Worker, May 5, 1948, 

p. 5. 
Dailv Worker, Feb. 28, 

1949, p. 9; Naroda-Volya, 
Mar. 29, 1949, p. 4. 

New York Herald Tribune, 

Dec. 14, 1952, p. 3. 
Daily Worker Feb. 23 

1953, p. 7 and ad on p. 8. 
Filed: Ind. Milgrom, 

Daily Worker, Mai. 26, 

1944, p. 3. 
Daily Worker, May 17, 

1948, p. 13. 
Daily Worker, May 4, 

1953, p. 2. 

Daily Worker, Apr. 2, 1952, 
p. 8 (ad) and handbill: 
"4 Greek patriots mur- 
dered, memorial protest 

Daily Worker, Mar. 16, 

1950, p. 3. 

Booklet, fall term 1947, 

School of Jewis'i Studies. 
Investigator's report f- 

301.63, p. 8. 
Daily Worker, June 7, 

1948, p. 4. 
Daily Compass, Aug. 24, 

1950, p. 21. 

See footnotes, p. 1193. 
59886 — 55— pt. 12- 


Albert E. Kahn — Continued 




Jewish Life. 

National Committee to 

Defend Dr. W. E. B. 

National Committee to 

Defend Dr. W. E. B. 

DuBois and Associates 

in the Peace Information 

Committee to End the 

Jim Crow "Silver-Gold" 

System in the Panama 

Canal Zone. 
National Committee to 

Secure Justice in the 

Rosenberg Case. 

Bronx Committee to Se- 
cure Justice in the 

Los Angeles Committee 
to Secure Justice in the 
Rosenberg Case. 

National Wallace for 
President Committee. 

New Currents 

New Jersey Conference 
on Jobs, Trade and 

New World Review (for- 
merly, "Soviet Russia 
Today": cited).' 

Peace Information Cen- 
ter.' 2 

Political Affairs ' 

Progressive Citizens of 

Rally for Greece. 

Reichstag Fire Trial Anni- 
versary Committee.' 
Stalin Memorial Meeting.. 

Teachers Union ' 

Trade Union Veterans 

Member editorial board. 

Editorial board (member). 

To speak at meeting, Apr. Ifi, 1952, Hotel Diplo- 
mat, New York City. 

To speak at concert meeting on Apr. 16, at Hotel 

Diplomat, (Grand Ballroom) New York City. 




Speaker at public meeting on Mar. 12, Pythian 
Hall, New York City. 

Speaker at meeting, June 17, Biltmore, Brook- 
lyn, N. Y. 

To speak at "Truth in the Rosenberg Case" 
meeting, Mar. 12, Pythian Hal!, 135 West 70th 
St., New York City. 

To speak at clemency rally Nov. 30, New Ter- 
race Gardens, Bron.x. 

Speaker at a memorial meeting for Ethel and 
Julius Rosenberg, Embassy Auditorium. 

Urges clemency for Rosenbergs 

Spoke at Union Square rally in behalf of the 
Rosenbergs, June 19. 

Writer of article, A Jury of Tens of Millions, 
concerning Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. 



Member, editorial board; contributor 

To speak at panel on The Youth at above con- 
ference, May 15, Wideway Hall, Newark, 
N. J. 

Attended banquet In New York, Oct. 14, held 
in special tribute to Mr. and Mrs. Paul Robe- 


Coauthor of The Great Conspiracy 

Received $9.82 for travel e,\penses. Mar. 8, 1948. 


Signer of declaration honoring Dimitrov 

Speaker, meeting held in New York City, 
Mar. 26, 1953. 

Guest at Manhattan Center, building dedica- 
tion night on Feb. 20, 1948. 

One of a group of "witnesses" for the prosecution 
in a mock public trial of Senator Joseph 
McCai-thy to be held Jan. 6, 1954, at St. 
Nicholas Arena, New York City. 

Jewish Life, September 1947, 
p. 2; Jewish Life, Novem- 
ber 1947 (1st anniversary 
issue), p. 2. 

New Leader, Apr. 2(3, 1947, 
p. 4. 

Jewish Life, May I947 
p. 2. 

Handbill: "A Tribute to 
the Warsaw Ghetto 
Fighters nresentod by 
Jewish Life" Daily 
Worker, Apr. Ip 1959 
p. 8 (ad). 

Daily Worker, Mar. 5, 
1952, p. 8 (ad). 

Letterhead, May 25, 1951. 

Undated letterhead an- 
nouncing Dr. DuBois 
trial Nov. 1, (1951) (pho- 

Back of letterhead, dated 
Mar. 15, 1949. 

Daily Worker, Mar. 11, 
1952, p. 8 (ad). 

Daily Worker, June 19, 

1952, p. 3, 
Daily Worker, Mar. 10, 

1952, p. 3. 

Daily Worker, Nov. 17,. 

1952, p. 8. 

Daily People's World, June 
22, 1954, p. 3. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 21^ 

1953, p. 7. (Filed: Ind. 
Rosenberg, Julius). 

Daily Worker, June 22, 
1953, p. 5. Filed: Ind./ 
Rosenberg, Julius. 

Daily Worker, June 30, 

1953, p. 7. Filed: Ind./ 
Kahn, Albert E. 

Membership list of com- 
mittee, dated Mar. 26, 

New Currents, March 
1944, p. 2. 

New Currents, March 
1943, p. 5 and p. 7, 

Daily Worker, May 12, 

1954, p. 8. 

Daily Worker, Oct. 20, 
1954, p. 7. 

Daily Worker, July 10, 
1950, p. 8. 

Political Affairs, June 1947 
(inside front cover). 

Report to Clerk of the 
House of Representa- 
tives, June 10, 1948. 

Daily Worker, May 27, 
1947, p. 2. 

New York Times, Dee. 22,. 
1943, p. 40 (ad). 

Evening Star, Mar. 27, 
1953, p. A-15. 

New York Teacher News, 
Feb. 7, 1948, p. 2. 

Daily Worker, Dec. 9, 1953,. 
p. 3. 

See footnotes, p. 1193. 


Aliert E. Kahn — Continued 




United Committee to 
commemorate the 10th 
anniversary of the War- 
saw Ghetto Uprising. 

United Committee to Save 
the Jewish State and the 
United Nations. 

United Electrical, Radio, 
and Machine Workers 
of America.' 

United Electrical Union... 

UE District Four- 

United States Committee 
for Participation in the 

United States Sponsoring 

United Summer 
for Children. 



Voice of Freedom 

W^orld Jewish Congress 

World Peace Appeal i. 

Workers Book Shop. 

Writers for Wallace. 

To speak at rally, Apr. 19, 1:30 p. m. in Man- 
hattan Center, New York City. 


Union's cooperative book club has sold 30,000 
copies of Kahn's book, High Treason. 

Recommended book High Treason — The Plot 
Against the People by Albert E. Khan, in 
introduce their members to the 



Has sold more than 25,000 copies of Kahn's book 
High Treason. UE, in cooperation with the 
new publishing house (Cameron & Kahn), 
will offer UE book club members Kahn's 
book. The Game of Death — the Plot Against 
Our Children. 

Speaker at Freedom Festival, Sept. 20, at Man- 
hattan Center, New York City. 

Delegate to Vienna at international conference 
in defense of children: speaker at meeting to 
to be held June 5 at Pythian Hall, New York 

Sponsor of American intercontinental peace con- 
ference to be held in Rio de Janeiro from Jan. 



Attacks the "so-called Truman doctrine." 
"This doctrine has not only repeatedly be- 
trayed the interest of the Jewish people * * *. 
It gives aid to the forces of reaction." 



Advertised his books, "The Plot Against the 
Peace," "The Great Conspiracy Against Rus- 
sia," and "Sabotage." 


Record given- 

Short biography- 

Armounces United States congress of intellect- 


Charged with being "either party liner or sym- 
pathetic to the Communist Party." 
Denied passport 

Renews fight for passport in order to attend the 
American Intercontinental Peace Conference 
in Rio de Janeiro. 

Books on sale in Czechoslovakia 

Defense witness in behalf of Communist weekly, 

Les Lettres Francaises. 
Defends Harry Bridges- 

Testified on H. R. 

5852, control of subversive 

Daily Worker, Apr. 16, 
1953, p. 3, and Daily 
Worker, Apr. 17, 1953, 
p. 3 for sponsorship. 

Daily Worker, Apr. 16, 
1948, p. 1. 

Daily Worker, 
1953, p. 7. 

Mar. 3, 

Photostat of UERMWA 
letterhead, dated Aug. 
15, 1951, and enclosure of 
reprint from March of 
Labor Aucust 1951, pp. 
21-22, entitled "Union 
Best Seller". (Filed: 

The Worker, May 24, 1953, 
p. 8. Filed Unions/ 
Ind. United Electrical, 
Radio and Machine 

Daily Worker, Sept.25, 

1951, p. 7. 
Daily Worker, June 4, 1952, 

p. 8 (ad). 

Daily Worker, 
1951, p. 2. 

Dec. 28, 

Daily Worker, July 23, 
1953, p. 7; folder, "700 
children need your help" 

Letterhead, June 16, 1947. 

New York Times, June 30, 
1948, p. 10. 

Daily Worker, June 20, 
1950, p. 2. • '{ 

Undated leaflet "Promi- 
nent Americans Call For 
* * *" (received Sept. 11, 

Circular, "Annual Clear- 
ance Sale," April 30- 
May 15, 1948. 

New York Star, Oct. 21, 

1948, p. 20 (political ad- 

Alert, June 1950 

People's World, Aug. 30, 

1947, p. 5. 
Daily Worker, Mar. 24, 

1949, p. 3. 

Daily Worker, Sept. 14, 

194S, p. 7. 
The New Leader, May 31, 

1947, p. 15. 
Dailv Worker, -\ug. 22, 

1950, p. 3. 
Dailv Worker, Jan. 18, 

1952, p. 8. 

The Worker, Sept. 3, 1950, 
p. 6, sec. 2. 

Washington Post, Feb. 3, 
1949, p. 3. 

Daily People's World, 
Aus. 10. 1950, p. 2. 

Hearings before Senate Ju- 
diciary Committee, May 
27-29. 1948, p. 202. 

DaUy Worker, Oct. 8, 1948, 
p. 2. 

• Cited by Special Committee and/or Congressional Committee on Un-.A.merican Activities. 
2 Cited by Attorney General. 

Protests indictment of Communist leaders. 


Albert E. Kahn — Continued 




Writers for Wallace— con.. 

Statement in support of world peace conference- 
Reveals secret information on Kravchenko 

Author of pamphlet "Agents of Peace" (The 
Hour Publishers) favorably reviewed. 

Agents of Peace favorably reviewed by Doxey E. 

Agents of Peace, published by The Hour Pub- 
lishers (no place or date shown) Author: Albert 
E. Kahn. 

Author of High Treason— Plot against the People 
(Lear publishers). 

Author of High Treason— The Plot Against the 

Author of High Treason, offered as premium 
with National Guardian subscription. 

Photo; author of High Treason, favorably re- 
viewed by Johannes Steele. 

Author of High Treason; book praised by Dean 
of Canterbury. 

Author of High Treason reviewed in The Bol- 
shevik, theoretical and political journal of the 
central committee of the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union. 

His book High Treason advertised 

Author of High Treason. 

Author of High Treason— The Plot Against the 
People (Lear Publishers); recommended. 

Author of High Treason; reviewed favorably by 
Moscow press. 

Statement: "The greatest treason is not treason 
against governments but against human be- 
ings;" biography and photo. 

Magazine, Bolshevik, theoretical and political 
Journal of the central committee of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union, praises book 
The Great Conspiracy Against Russia. (Al- 
bert E. Kahn, author). 

Coauthor The Great Conspiracy, Little, Brown 
<fe Co., publishers; claim statements in book 
not checked and untrue. 

Authors of The Great Conspiracy advertised 
for sale (Albert Kahn-Michael Sayers, co- 
authors) . 

Coauthor of The Great Conspiracy Against Rus- 
sia, translated into five languages. 

Coauthor of The Great Conspiracy; reprints in 
foreign languages shown. 

Frontier Bookstore offered for sale The Great 
Conspiracy. (Coauthors, Albert Kahn and 
Michael Sayers). 

Author of The Crime Against Jean Field 

Coauthor of The Great Conspiracy; published 

in the Soviet Zone of Germany. 
Author of Hollywood on Trial; photo 

Author of The Plot Against the Peace, offered 

for sale. 

Book, The Plot Against the Peace, offered as 

Author of The Game of Death, one of the first 2 
books by "authors who aren't afraid," offered 
by Union Book Club. 

New publishing firm of Cameron & Kahn has 
published a new book by Albert E. Ivahn, en- 
titled "The Game of Death"; book sum- 
marized in Daily Worker. 

Author of new book, The Game of Death: Effects 
of the Cold War on Our Children, published by 
Cameron & Kahn. 

Author of The Game of Death, reviewed by 
Richard O. Boyer, published by Cameron & 

Daily Worker, May 5, 

1949, p. 10. 
Daily Worker, Feb. 10, 

1949, p. 3. 
Daily People's World, Oct. 

22, 1951, p. 7. 
Daily Worker, June 27, 

1951, p. 11. 
Pamphlet, Agents of Peace, 

Daily Worker, Mar. 7, 

1950, p. 11. 
Daily Worker, Mar. 15, 

1950, p. 6. 
National Guardian, April 

5, 1950. p. 15. 
Daily Compass, May 28, 

1950, p. 5, section 2. 
Daily Worker, Sept. 15, 

1950, p. 11. 
Daily Worker, Oct. 20, 

1950,1). 11. 

The Worker, Dec. 10, 1950, 
p. 6. 

The Worker, Dec. 10, 1950, 
p. 6; advertisine circular, 
and order blank ad- 
dressed to A. Kahn, 160 
First Ave., New York 3, 
N. Y. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 8, 1951, 
p. 11. 

Daily People's World, 
March 21, 1951, p. 8. 

High Treason, p. xi and 
back cover. 

Daily Worker, March 4, 
1947, p. 11. 

New Leader, Nov. 15, 1947, 
p. 10. 

Workers Book Shop sale 
list, Nov. 5, 1949. 

Daily People's World, 
Sept. 2fi, 1950, p. 9. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 17, 
1951, p. n. 

Frontier Bookstore circu- 
lar, 602 3d Avenue, Seat- 
tle, Wash. 

Daily People's World, 
Ai>r. 3, 1952, p. 7. 

Dally Worker, Mar. 24, 
1949, p. 13. 

Daily People's World, 
Apr. 19, 1948, p. 5. 

Circular, Frontier Book- 
store, 602 3d Ave., 
Seattle, Wash. 

Soviet Russia Today, June 
1947, p. 2. 

UE News, July 13, 1959, p. 
9 (ad). 

Daily Worker, July 20, 
1953, p. 7. 

Dailv People's World, July 
27, 1953, p. 7. 

Masses and Mainstream, 
September 1953, p. 58. 

Aliert E. Kahn — Continued 





Writers for Wallace— con.. 

Author of a new book entitled "The Game of 

Author of The Game of Death, published by- 
Cameron & Kahn, reviewed by Claudia Jones. 

Author of The Game of Death: Effects of the 
Cold War on Our Children, published by 
Cameron & Kahn (reviewed). 

Author of the book The Game of Death: Effects 
of the Cold War on Our Children, which has 
been reviewed in For a Lasting Peace, for a 
People's Democracy, and which has been re- 
printed in part by the publication Soviet 
Women and also by a publication of the World 
Federation of Teachers' Union. 

Contributed article, "Comics, TV and Your 
Child" (a section of Mr. Kahn's new book, 
The Game of Death, which analyzes the im- 
pact of the cold war on the youth of this coun- 
try. Author of High Treason, The Great 
Conspiracy, and other works, Mr. Kahn is a 
member of the new publishing firm of Cam- 
eron & Kahn, which is issuing the new book.) 

Praises A Lantern for Jeremy, novel by V. J. 

Writer of letter to editor praising film Peace 
Will Win now being shown at Stanley 

Gives enthusiastic comment on Martha Millet's 
poem 'Thine Alabaster Cities: A Poem for Our 
■Times; described by Anita Whitney, veteran 
Communiit, as giving a "graphic picture of our 
decayed capitalist system * * *." 

Subject of article "Kahn— Author With a Mes- 
sage for Mothers," written by Margery Can- 

Read tribute from artist Rockwell Kent to 
Norman Tallentire a Communist Party mem- 
ber at funeral services held in Yugoslav Hall. 

Signer of statement to the press on the death of 
the German anti-Fascist writer Friedrich 

Notes of his interview with Rev. Martin Nie- 
moeller, reprinted. 

Speaker, with Alexander Bittelman (Com- 
munist) at meeting to protest arms embargo on 

Main speaker at reception in his honor at the 
Embassy Auditorium, Los Angeles, Mar. 2, 

Speaker at Bill of Rights rally in Reyiiolds Hall, 
Philadelphia in weekend bill of rights cele- 

To speak on "Violence and Sex in American 
Culture" at 8:30 p. m. Feb. 22 at ASP Center, 
35 West 64th St., New York City. 

Spoke at memorial meeting to Joseph Stalin, 
held last week at Rockland Palace, New York 

To speak at a public hearing on Are Families of 
Smith Act Victims Subversive? June 4, 8:30 
p. m. at Palm Garden, 306 West 52d St. 

To speak at Guardians of Liberty Rally, under 
auspices of ASP and National Guardian, ad- 
vertised under the slogan, "Free Cedric Bel- 
fraee. Fight McCarthyism — Protect the BOl 
of Rights," June S, at Palm Garden, 306 West 

Spoke at Cedric Belfrage flghtback meeting 
June 5, Palm Gardens. 

Speaker — German American 

Appeal to President Truman in behalf of Leon 
Josephson, Communist (signer). 

Daily People's World, Oct. 

13, 1953, p. 7. 
The Worker, Oct. 25, 1953, 

p. 8. 
New World Review, May 

1954, pp. 45-46. 

Daily Worker, Sept. 16, 
1954, p. 7. 

Masses and Mainstream, 
June 1953, p. 36. 

DaUy Worker, Aug. 10, 

1952, p. 7 (ad). 
DaOy Worker, Feb. 7, 1952, 

p. 7. 

Daily People's Worlds 
Sept. 24, 1952, p. 7. 

Daily People's World, 
Aug. 14, 1953, p. 2. 

Daily Worker, Nov. 12, 
1953, p. 3. 

Daily Worker, Oct. 14, 
1953, p. 7. 

The Worker, Michigan 
Edition, Apr. 20, 1952, 
p. 7. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 30, 
1948, p. 4. 

Photostatic copy of an- 
nouncement from DaUy 
(Peoples) World, Feb. 
25, 1946, p. 5. 

Daily Worker, Dec. 21, 
1951, p. 8. 

Daily Worker, Feb. 20, 
1953, p. 8 (What's On 

Dady Worker, Mar. 30, 
1953, p. 8. 

Daily Worker, May 27, 
1953, p. 4; June 1, 1953, 
p. 8, and June 4, 1953, 
p. 8. 

DaUy Worker, June 3, 1953, 
p. 8. 

Daily Worker, June 10, 

1953, p. 3. 
DaUv Worker, Mar. 8, 

1947, p. 8. 

DaUy Worker, Mar. 26, 

1948, p. 7. 



AWert E. KaJin — Continued 




Writers for Wallace— con.. 

Sends letter to President Truman. 

Signer of appeal to President Truman requesting 
amnesty for leaders of Communist Party 
convicted under the Smith Act. 

Signer of appeal to the White House for amnesty 
for 11 Communist Party leaders convicted 
under the Smith Act. 

One of the 175 signers of an open letter sponsored 
by 7 individuals to President Eisenhower 
"urging him to grant amnesty to the political 
prisoners convicted under the Smith Act." 

Speaker, New York State Council of the .\rts, 
Sciences and Professions and Writers for 

Daily Compass, June 25, 
1950, p. 5, sec. 2. (Letter 
dated June 22, 1950, 
reprinted in advertise- 
ment of his book. High 

Daily Worker, Dec. 10, 
1952, p. 4. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 27, 
1953, p. 3. 

Daily Worker, Oct. 20, 
1954, pp. 2 and 6. 

New York Star, Oct. 5, 
1948, p. 6 (political ad) 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next is a covering memorandum and certain sub- 
sidiary memorandums respecting The Hour, and excerpts therefrom. 
The Hour was a magazine in the management of which Mr. Albert 
E. Kahn at one time had a hand. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 114" and 
appear below.) 

Exhibit No. 114 

Memorandum, March 7, 1955 

To : Mr. Sourwine. 
From : Mr. Mandel. 

Following are cases in whiich The Hour attaclied reputable anti-Soviet indi- 
viduals as Fascists : 

(January 10, 1942, p. 4:) Prof. Clarence Manning, of Columbia University, 
George Vernadsky, of Yale University. 

(February 21, 1942, p. 4:) Victor Chernov. As a result of a legal suit this 
accusation was retracted. 

The Hour was responsible for efforts to secure legal action by the United States 
Government against the following anti-Soviet individual : 

(May 3, 1941, p. 4 :) Msgr. Ivan Buchko. 

(December 24, 1942, p. 2:) The Hour attacked the following Senators for 
defamation against American anti-Fascist groups and individuals : Gerald P. 
Nye, Burton K. Wheeler, Robert A. Taft, and Robert R. Reynolds. 

(December 13, 1941, p. 3 :) The Hour attacked Fedor Mansvetov, former presi- 
dent of the Soviet Maritime Province. He resides at 1610 16th Street NW., 
Washington, D. C. 


(Excerpt from The Hour, January 10, 1942, p. 4.) 

On September 14, 1940, The Hour carried its first report on Svoboda, official 
publication of the Fascist-controlled Ukrainian Nationalist Association. In this 
and later issues of our newsletter we disclosed that Luke Myshuha, editor of 
Svoboda, was working in intimate collaboration with agents of the Third Reich, 
and that he was using his paper for disseminating Nazi propaganda. We also 
revealed that Svoboda was carrying actual instructions on the making of bombs 
and other explosives (see The Hour for February 8, 1941) . 

Last Monday 5 FBI agents raided the Svoboda offices at 83 Grand Street, 
Jersey City, N. J. All papers and documents on the premises were seized, and 
the individuals in the office were subjected to a 3- or 4-hour questioning. Every 
member of the Svoboda staff was served with a subpena ordering him to appear 
at the Federal Building in Newark. Among those receiving subpenas were : 

Certain professors at leading American universities have recently been vigor- 
ously spreading favorable publicity about Luke Myshuha and his Nazi-Ukrainian 
cohorts. These scholarly Myshuha fans include Prof. Clarence Manning, of 


Columbia University, Prof. George Vernadsky, of Tale University, Prof. Alex- 
ander Gi-anovsky, of the University of Minnesota, and Prof. Stephan Timoshenko, 
of Stanford University. It might be worthwhile for FBI agents to question these 
gentlemen about their interest in Luke Myshuha and his work. 


(Excerpt from The Hour, February 21, 1942, p. 4.) 

In the December 13, 1941, issue of the Hour, we stated : "Victor Chernov * * * 
is said to be a German agent of long standing. During the First World War he 
published a Russian-language paper in Switzerland, which was subsidized by 
the Kaiser's government. At that time he was on the blacklist of the British 
Intelligence. * * *" 

From data we have subsequently received, we have reached the conclusion that 
this statement about Chernov was not true and was based upon information 
which was incorrect. The Hour, therefore, recommends that a correction be 
carried by any publication which reprinted our original statement. We regret 
any embarrassment which may have been caused Victor Chernov. 


(Excerpt from The Hour, December 13, 1941, pp. 1, 2, and 3.) 
The Hour urges that Federal authorities conduct an immediate investigation 
of the so-called Committee for the Promotion of Democracy. The committee, 
which has headquarters at 103 Park Avenue, was "American Citizens of Eastern 
European Birth or Descent" around a program of prodemocratic activity. Facts, 
however, indicate that the committee is actually serving as a front for the Nazis. 


The executive secretary of the Committee for the Promotion of Democracy is 
a gentleman by the name of Nikifor Grigorieff. Grigorieff came from Czecho- 
slovakia to the United States about 2 years ago. His wife and son remained in 
Czechoslovakia, where they are said to be very active in the Nazi movement. 
After his arrival in the United States, Grigorieff joined the Ukrainian Working- 
men's Association; he was expelled from this organization when its members 
decided he was maintaining connections with the Nazis. 

Grigorieff's political tendencies are indicated in the following excerpt from an 
article by him which appeared in the July 17 issue of the Detroit pro-Fascist 
publication, Fatlierland. 

(Excerpt from the Fatherland article:) 

On November 17 a newspaper in Cuba published an article describing Nazi 
espionage activities in that country. The article contained this significant 
passage : 

(Excerpt from the Cuban article:) 


* * * ■\;ve have investigated the records of other prominent members of the 
organization and we can report the following facts about them — 

Victor Chernov came from Paris to the United States about 4 months ago. 
He is said to be a German agent of long standing. During the First World War 
he published a Russian-language paper in Switzerland, which was subsidized by 
the Kaiser's government. At that time he was on the blacklist of the British 
Intelligence. His present address is 222 Riverside Drive, New York City. 

Fedor Mansvetov has had a somewhat checkered career. A native of Russia, 
he was at one time active in the Russian Social Revolutionary Party, and he is 
reported to have been ousted from this organization for alleged misappropria- 
tion of funds. He has been connected with questionable financial projects in 
Mexico. At present he is employed as a translator for the War Department in 
the New York oflice at South Ferry, New York City. His home address is 514 
West 1.53d Street, New York City. (Nazi Grigorieff is sharing Mansvetov's apart- 
ment with him.) 


Date of birth, 1873 ; date of death, 1952. Died in New York on April 15, 1952. 

He was an outstanding leader of the Social Revolutionary Party. He emigrated 
from Russia in 1899 and went back to Russia in 1905. He again went abroad 
shortly after the revolution and lived in France up to 1917. 

During the war, he participated in the conferences of Zimmerwald and Kienthal 
in Switzerland. 


He was minister of agriculture in the provisional government from May 5 to 
August 26, 1917, under Kerensky. 

He became tlie chairman of the Constituent Assembly in January 1918 which 
was dispersed by the Bolsheviljs. 

In 1918-19, he was in Siberia taking a stand against the Bolsheviks and the 
reactionary whites. 

He came to western Europe and lived in France up to the outbreak of the 
Second World War and then came to the United States where he has written 
in anti-Communist publications. 

(Sources: Chernov's book, The Great Russian Revolution translated by Philip 
E. Mosely, Yale University Press, 1936; Encyclopedia Brittanica, vol. 5, 1955, 
p. 416; the Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-18, Hoover Library publication No. 3, 


(Excerpt from The Hour, May 3, 1941, p. 4.) 

On July 27, 1940, in the first article the Hour carried on the activities of 
Ukrainian Fascists in America, we revealed that a priest by the name of Msgr. 
Ivan Buchko was playing a significant role in this wing of the United States 
fifth column * * *. 

Buchko to go 

We are now reliably informed that a few weeks ago Monsignor Buchko applied 
to Washington for an extension of stay in this country. On April 1 he received 
from the United States Government a letter informing him that this extension 
had been denied and that he would have to leave the country shortly. 

Since then he has traveled to Washington to plead with the authorities. He is 
very eager to remain in the United States, and the Nazi-Ukrainians here and 
abroad share this eagerness. His departure from the United States will be a 
keen loss to the Fascist-Ukrainian movement. It will be as great a gain to the 
United States. 


(Excerpt from The Hour, November 29, 1941, p. 3.) 

We can report that Msgr. Ivan Buchko, first exposed as a Nazi -Ukrainian 
agent by the Hour on July 27, 1940, has been forced to leave this country. He 
was in cabin 62 on the Marquis de Camillas, when she sailed for Lisbon from 
New York City on Thursday, November 6. 


(Excerpt from The Hour, December 24, 1942, p. 2.) 

The four political leaders of the America First Committee, Senators Gerald 
P. Nye, Burton K. Wheeler, Robert A. Taft, and Robert R. Reynolds, have never 
lost contact with their America First friends, have never given up hope of a 
rebirth of the committee, and have never abandoned their obstructionist attitude 
toward the administration's war program. 

Today, these four Senators are providing the strategy for the campaign of 
defamation against American anti-Fascist groups and individuals. 

IVIr. SouRwiNE. The next is the text of an article entitled "Mightier 
Than the Svt^ord," appearing in Political Affairs for December 1954 
and after that an item from the Daily Worker of November 23, 1954, 
both dealing with Alexander Trachtenberg. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits 115 and 115-A" 
and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 115 

Mightier Than the Sword 


By Joseph Fields 

A decade ago, addressing a national conference of literature workers, book- 
shop managers, and others interested in problems of literature and education, 
Alexander Trachtenberg, the founder and active head of International Publishers 
since its formation in 1924, reminded his listeners of the then more than 90-year- 
old history of Marxist thought in the United States of America. 


A massive body of works by American Marxists, as well as classics of Marxist- 
Leninist theory, had already been published under his dynamic leadership, and 
a growing cadre of Marxist writers were creatively exploring and interpreting 
vital fields of history, philosophy, science, economics, and culture. Pointing to 
the impressive evidence of their contributions. Comrade Trachtenberg declared 
to the conference his earnest conviction that, "We have a right to feel that in our 
fight for Marxist thinking in our country, this growing arsenal of literature has 
been a very important factor indeed." 

Today, 10 years later, Marxism as a current in American political life, thought, 
and activity has passed the century mark. International Publishers is cele- 
brating its 30th anniversary of continuous production, and its tireless and indom- 
itable helmsman, Alexander Trachtenberg, on November 23 reached his 70th 

These anniversaries coincide at a point in history when the torch knocked 
from the hand of the incendiary Goebbels, has been seized by a new gang of book 
burners, headed by McCarthy, Brownell. and J. Edgar Hoover ; when the writings 
not only of Marx and Engels. of William Z. Foster, and Eugene Dennis, but of 
Henry David Thoreau, and Mark Twain are removed from libraries by Govern- 
ment decree, and when the literature of a Mickey Spillane pushes from library 
shelves the poetry of Pablo Neruda and Nazim Hikmet. 

These anniversary occasions coincide, too, with the shameful enactment into 
law, by a reaction-ridden Congress, of a bill to outlaw a political party, imprison 
its members, license trade unions, and rob the American people of the right to 
read, write, publish, buy, sell, give, or even discuss any book that does not have 
the official stamp of approval of McCarthyism. 

It is under such conditions that Alexander Trachtenberg, revered by thou- 
sands as a leader, teacher, and guide, may have to leave his beloved labors of 
30 years as people's publisher to serve 3 years in prison. 

What is the evidence that the Government has marshaled with much effort 
and at great expense to establish beyond a doubt the crime perpetrated by this 
criminal? It will serve a useful purpose, on this 30th anniversary of a great 
American publishing organization, to survey this evidence. 

At the time of the founding of International Publishers, in 1924, a rich tradi- 
tion of Socialist literature had already taken root in the American working class. 
The ties established between the International Workingmen's Association (First 
International) founded in 1864 by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, and the 
leaders of American labor, developed in a period of great upsurge in the labor 
movement. The half century of correspondence between Marx and Engels, on 
the one hand, and Friedrich Sorge, Joseph Weydemeyer, William Sylvis, Florence 
Kelley, and others in the United States of America,^ served to strengthen interest 
in the concepts and theories of Marxism and in the study of the history and 
development of various Utopian and Socialist movements, both in Europe and the 
United States. A small Chicago publishing firm, Charles H. Kerr, had begun to 
issue occasional Socialist studies and translations of some of Karl Marx' writ- 
ings, thus helping to popularize Socialist ideas. The Appeal to Reason had, over 
the years, been circulating in millions of copies, not only in big industrial cities 
but among farmers in the countryside, and was a powerful influence in bringing 
about a degree of unity between workers and farmers on the basis of Socialist 

Even before World War I, Yale, which Alexander Trachtenberg attended in 
his youth, found it necessary to institute a course on socialism to meet the per- 
sistent demands of the student body, and he, himself, became one of the foremost 
leaders of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, founded by Jack London and 
others. Rich insights into this vital period of growth in the Socialist movement 
are to be found in William Z. Foster's comprehensive History of the Communist 
Party of the United States, published by International in 1953. 

The great Socialist October Revolution of 1917 further spurred interest in 
Marxism, although at that time the already substantial body of Lenin's theo- 
retical writings was almost completely unknown in American Socialist and labor 
circles, and the name of Stalin practically unknown. While works by Marx and 
Engels had been translated, these api)eared for the most part in distorted ver- 
sions and, in some cases, in translations deliberately falsified by leading Social- 
Democratic theoreticians. 

> Published last year under the title "Letters to Americans : 1848-95." 


By the end of its first decade of publishing activity, International Publishers 
had added a new dimension to American publishing history. The many impor- 
tant works by American Marxists that had been made available in the space of 
10 years were harbingers of the rich arsenal that was to nourish a generation 
of working-class leaders. These works were already then helping to forge a 
vanguard for the American labor movement. 

The 1929 crash, the great depression, and the deep ferment among the masses 
of unemployed profoundly influenced and helped shape the character of the con- 
stantly growing International list of publications. 

For it was first and foremost in the labor movement, in the heart of the Ameri- 
can working class, among the millions of workers, Negro and white, men and 
women, young and old, that Marxist-Leninist teachings took deepest root and 
made their greatest contribution. William Z. Foster's many pamphlets addressed 
to workers in steel, coal, and railroad, and dealing with the question of tactics 
and strategy of labor struggles were read, studied, and discussed by hundreds of 
thousands of workers in basic industry. These were later collected into a single 
volume, American Trade Unionism, which became for advanced workers and 
trade-union leaders a manual on organization and strategy in the class struggle. 

The first Labor Facts Books had already begun to appear, and with them a 
series of studies prepared by Labor Research Association on the steel, coal, auto, 
textile, and other basic industries. Anna Rochester's Rulers of America was the 
first in a long chain of Marxist studies of finance capital, which led, eventually, 
in 1953-54, to Victor Perlo's American Imperialism and the newly published, 
basic Marxist analysis. War Economy and Crisis, by Hyman Lumer. Bill Hay- 
wood's book, with its epic account of labor's heroism in the bitterly fought 
struggles against the mine and mill bosses, foretold the new epic of the rise of the 
CIO that was then about to unfold. Advanced workers were studying the 
lessons of Bimba's History of the American Working Class and the Molly 
Maguires, which paved the way for Philip Foner's later History of the Labor 
Movement in the United States, the second volume of which is scheduled for 
publication in 1955. Pamphlets like Alexander Trachtenberg's History of May 
Day and his The Heritage of Gene Debs helped keep alive the rich traditions of 
militant struggle in the Socialist and labor movements. 

James S. Allen's the Negro Question in the United States, followed soon 
thereafter by his Reconstruction : The Battle for Democracy, which appeared 
in the mid-1930's, opened a wide window on the field of Negro history. His 
writings were a bright portent of the major works soon to come by Marxist 
scholars and historians like Herbert Aptbeker, Harry Haywood, author of the 
outstanding and basic volume, Negro Liberation, and several others, culminating 
in the publication earlier this year of William Z. Foster's monumental The 
Negro People in American History. 

In 1934, International issued Letters From Prison by the world-renowned 
anti-Fascist hero, George Dimitrov. It also published Stella Blagoyeva's bio- 
graphical study of the great anti-Fascist fighter. Following the seventh con- 
gress, it issued all of his speeches and writings on the United Front in a single 
volume. R. Palme Dutt's Fascism and Social Revolution, which went through 
several editions, was followed a few years later by Magil and Stevens' the 
Peril of Fascism, and a whole number of new works appeared dealing with key 
aspects of the struggle for the united and people's front against the world Fascist 

An especially notable role was played by International during its first decade 
in breaking through the officially inspired hostility to the U. S. S. R., particu- 
larly in popularizing the achievements of Socialist construction and the Soviet 
Union's consistent peace policy. These efforts to promote friendship and peace- 
ful coexistence undoubtedly played a part in the recognition of the U. S. S. R. 
that came in 1933, during Roosevelt's first administration. Not only reports 
and speeches of Soviet leaders dealing with aspects of the 5-year plans, of Stak- 
hanovism, of problems of education and child care, but, notably, the famous inter- 
views of H. G. Wells and Roy W. Howard with Joseph Stalin, presenting the 
views of the head of the Soviet state on vital questions of international import, 
reached hundreds of thousands of Americans in all walks of life. Some of the 
earliest eyewitness reports, describing actual experiences of visitors to the 
Soviet Union, began making their appearance, the most popular of which proved 
to be the reports of trade-union delegations to the U. S. S. R. Dr. Harry F. 
Ward's the Soviet Spirit, dealing with the little-understood question of incentive 
to achievement under socialism, was also widely read and discussed. But the 


high point in this field of literature was the Dean of CanterbiUT's the Soviet 
Power which, on the eve of Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union, in June 1941, 
was issued in an abridged, tabloid edition of l^/i million copies. To hundreds 
of thousands of Americans, this intimate, human, and dramatic account, by so 
distinguished a churchman and scientist, came as a revelation and helped pre- 
pare public opinion for the powerful alliance soon to be forged between the 
United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the 
war against the Fascist axis. 

In the field of science, International pioneered in bringing to American students 
the discoveries of Pavlov in conditioned reflexes, and Speransky's conclusions in 
medical theory, followed in the ensuing years by a succession of important new 
works in biology, genetics, and other scientific fields. 

In literature and belles lettres, too. International made important contribu- 
tions. Proletarian Literature in the United States, containing stories, reportage, 
essays and poetry by 60 American writers, was a landmark in publishing history. 
Important, too, were Mike Gold's three volumes of writings, novels by Meridel Le 
Sueur and other American working-class writers, Soviet novels dealing with 
themes of labor heroism and critical studies by Maxim Gorky, Ralph Fox, and 
many others. 

Notable, too, was the steady expansion of International's arsenal of books and 
pamphlets dealing with American history. The genuinely democratic and revo- 
lutionary heritage which had been either glossed over, ignored or distorted by 
bourgeois historians, was found replete with lessons for our time when approached 
by the compass of Marxist theory, and one of the most valuable accomplishments 
in that period was the development of a group of able historians who opened new 
insights into the most important epochs, conflicts, and personalities in American 

Another vital contribution was in the sphere of literature on the land and 
agrarian questions in which important works were written by Anna Rochester 
and others. 

Perhaps its most vital role was performed by International in the publication in 
our country for the first time, in correct translations and fully verified and author- 
itative texts, of many of the great classics of Marxist theory. 

Steadily, year by year, new works by the titans of scientific socialism were 
added to International's list so that the worker, teacher, student, school, and 
library were eventually able to secure all the major works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Stalin in carefully edited and annotated English editions. 

The widespread interest in Marxist theory was reflected in the rapid growth 
of schools, classes, discussion groups, and self-study. William Z. Foster called 
on advanced workers to burn the midnight oil, not to succumb to practicalism 
but, on the contrary, to drink deep from the fountain of Marxism-Leninism as a 
source of strength for the entire working class. 

In 1934, under the driving leadership of International's director, a hitherto 
undreamed-of goal was achieved for the first time with the successful publica- 
tion and distribution of a 100,000 edition of a basic theoretical work — Stalin's 
Foundations of Leninism. This completely new departure in publishing was 
followed later by equally large mass editions of the Communist Manifesto and 
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, and shortly thereafter by Lenin's Letter to 
American Workers and Imperialism. A few years later, Stalin's History of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union was published and successfully distributed 
in a first printing of 100,000 copies. It added a glorious new page to Interna- 
tional's achievements in popularizing theory and bringing it to broad masses of 

As always. International has continued in the past decade to produce books 
that defend the economic welfare, peace, freedom, and culture of the people. 
To combat the sharpening reaction of the postwar years, the mounting inflation, 
heightened war danger, intensified attacks on civil liberties. International pub- 
lished important new works on aspects on American imperialism, on the liberation 
struggles of the Negro people, on monopoly capital, colonialism, the narrowing 
war economy and threatening economic crisis. Books on New China, Israel, the 
Philippines, Africa, and British Guiana, France, Great Britain, and Germany, 
rolled off its presses in a continuous stream. 

For the occasion of its 30th anniversary, International has just published a 
unique volume containing writings from "works in progress" by 19 of its authors, 
with illustrations by 8 noted American artists. This sparkling volume, aptly 
titled "Looking Forward," gives a rewarding insight into the type of books Inter- 


national plans to publish during the next 2 years. Each article, essay, and ex- 
tract in Looking Forward represents part of a book which is on International's 
publishing schedule for 1955-56. 

And what a treasury this unique and irreplaceable publishing house has in 
store for its readers for the next period — William Z. Foster's coming history of 
the world Socialist movement ; a new people's history of the United States, by 
Herbert Aptheker ; Victor Perlo's study of present-day finance capital ; a second 
volume continuing Philip Foner's history of the American labor movement; 
biographies of Charles Ruthenberg, by Oakley Johnson; of Robert Minor, by 
Joseph North ; of Peter V. Cacchione, by Michael Gold ; and of veteran steel 
worker Pat Cush, by Art Shields ; a book on the Revolution in Philosophy, by 
Howard Selsam ; a survey by Doxey A. Wilkerson of Marxism in the universities ; 
Samuel Sillen's new appraisal of Henry David Thoreau ; a new critical work on 
music, by Sidney Finkelstein ; a study of Pavlov and Freud, by Harry K. Wells ; 
two economic studies by Labor Research Association, one on East-West trade and 
what this means in terms of jobs, the other on United States monopoly penetra- 
tion of Latin America ; a novel by Albert Maltz ; a work of literary reportage 
by Meridel Le Sueur on her own family and its roots in America's far Northwest. 
This, of course, is but a partial tabulation of the rich, varied, meaningful list of 
books on International's publishing schedule for the next 2 years — a list which 
by any but McCarthyite standards would be regarded as a major contribution to 
the cultural and intellectual life of the Nation. 

Yet, this is the program, this is the 30-year-old publishing house, this is the 
beloved 70-year-old dean of American publishers, which the Eisenhower-Dulles 
administration is set upon destroying. These are the books the McCarthyites 
are determined to bury, together with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. 

Rightfully, the publication of each one of these books is a significant event, 
warranting a promotional campaign on its own merits. Yet, such has been the 
fiiry of the Fascist-like onslaughts directed against democratic and peace forces — 
but aimed with special ferocity against the Communist Party — that serious 
reverses have been experienced in the past few years in the distribution of Marx- 
ist-Leninist literature. In turn, the study of that literature has suffered. 

Illegal search, seizure and arrests, confiscation of Marxist libraries, raids on 
progressive bookshops, flagrantly unconstitutional "laws" that place the stamp 
of criminality on Marxist theory and literature, the use by Government prose- 
cutors of books as "evidence" in the long series of Smith Act trials, the hounding, 
firing and imprisonment of educators, scientists, novelists, screenwriters, pub- 
lishers, the banning of books from libraries and schools, and the issuance of 
lists of proscribed authors — all this has taken a severe toll in the serious decline 
of literature distribution. 

These attacks must be rolled back. The battle must be moimted to establish 
the full citizenship of Marxist ideology and literature in the political, intellectual 
and cultural life of our country. The books must be defended, the book burners 

What the McCarthys and Brownells fail to comprehend is that these books 
cannot be destroyed. Their ideas have germinated, their seeds have taken root, 
they have thrown up powerful shoots. 

That is the profound meaning of Comrade Trachtenberg's calm declaration to 
the court which imposed upon him a sentence of 3 years in a prison dungeon : 
"There are millions of these books abroad in the land today, and I am happy in 
the knowledge that they will continue to bring light and warmth and love and 
comradeship among the men and women, Negro and white, in whose homes they 
live. I salute them in the hope that there will be more books coming out to keep 
them company. Of this I am sure." 

On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of International Publishers, scores 
of thousands join with Comrade Trachtenberg in saluting these books which have 
served as a powerful rampart against obscurantism, against the degradation of 
human values, against the despair of bourgeois culture. 

And in doing this, we salute the wise, seasoned, exemplary leader who, more 
than any other, helped provide the indispensable weapon of Marxist literature 
which has armed the working class and its vanguard in the difficult, many-sided, 
continuing struggle for jobs, peace, equal rights, democracy and, eventually, for 
the highest form that democracy can achieve — socialism. 


Exhibit No. 115-A 

[Daily Worker, New York, November 23, 1954] 

Alexander Trachtenberg Hailed by CP on His 70th Birthday 

Greetings to Alexander Trachtenberg on his 70th birthday today were rendered 
yesterday by the national committee of the Communist Party. The committee's 
statement follows : 

Hearty comradely greetings to our dear indomitable comrade, Alexander Trach- 
tenberg, on his 70th birthday. Homage to him for a lifetime of devoted and 
tireless leading activity in the labor and Marxist movement, for the great con- 
fidence and unremitting energy with which he continues his lifework in the 
shadow of a 3-year prison sentence under the Fascist thought-control Smith Act, 
for his steadfast dedication to the Communist principles for which he has always 

Alexander Trachtenberg is a bright example to all lovers of peace and democ- 
racy. His work covers a half century of uninterrupted leadership as administra- 
tor, editor, publisher, lecturer, writer, teacher, organizer of labor education and 
research, and candidate for public office. 

Arrested with 16 other Communist leaders, he was placed in the dock, together 
with the Marxist-Leninist books he has published and distributed for 30 years. 
He stanchly reaffirmed his identity with the triumphant theory of social progress, 
Marxism-Leninism, and its deep roots in the American labor movement and cul- 
tural life in general. 

In his own work and person, Alexander Trachtenberg embodies and defends 
the vital American democratic tradition, of which Marxism is an integral part. 
The monopolists and their prosecutors now try to make this tradition ap- 
pear alien and hostile to the American way of life. 

The Smith Act trials of books and ideas jail Communists because of their 
convictions. These notorious frameups threaten to bring the darkness of Fascism 
upon all political and cultural life in the land. They aim to place the entire labor 
movement and the American people at the mercy of the warmakers. Defending 
his life-long activities, Alexander Trachtenberg defends the very cultural and 
political freedom for which the American people have fought since the founding 
of the Republic. 

The publishing activities of Alexander Trachtenberg have enlarged and en- 
riched the basic and vital literature available to the American people. 

Under his direction many writings of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, previ- 
ously unavailable in this country, have been published. He brought the great 
works of V. I. Lenin and J. V. Stalin to the American public. 

Under his direction the writings of working class and peoples' leaders in 
many countries have been translated and published, helping us understand the 
world we live in. 

With his unflagging energy, he has helped build up a significant body of 
literature by American Marxist and progressive writers on United States history, 
the labor movement, the Negro people, the economics of the imperialist monopoly 
era, world affairs, the Socialist policies and achievements of the Soviet Union, 
and numerous problems of current politics. 

An outstanding contribution of Alexander Trachtenberg has been his inde- 
fatigable labors to bring the truth of the first Socialist state, the Soviet Union, 
to the workers and people of our country, and to promote friendship and lasting 
peace between the United States of America and the U. S. S. R. 

Alexander Trachtenberg has helped develop writers in creative literature, 
criticism, philosophy, and science. 

He has kept alive the old tradition of popular and Socialist movements in 
this country of mass literature distributions, of pamphleteering for the laboring 
man and the common folks. 

He has provided for our country a vast body of literature, encompassing the 
greatest social theory of our time, the best world of thought, as well as the best 
products of Marxist and progressive thinking in America. 

This literature lives on. It cannot be jailed. It cannot be legislated or witch- 
hunted out of existence. It has been read by millions of Americans and is to be 
found in their homes throughout the land. It continues to inspire masses of 
people, who will not be scared out of thinking by the anti-Communist hysteria. 

The beloved democratic traditions of our i)eople live on. They grow in strug- 
gle against the Fascist McCarthyites, the book-burners who would destroy the 
literature, in the face of its slanderous distortion and persecution by the enemies 
of democracy and peace, is in keeping with our best traditions. 


Freedom for Alexander Trachtenberg, Eugene Dennis, Ben Davis, all Smith 
Act victims, and all political prisoners, to carry forward the American way of 
life as it was always understood and fought for by the people. 

Good health, Comrade Trachtenberg, and many more years of glorious activity 
in the service of the American working class and Nation, for the happiness and 
peace of all humanity. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is a liook list issued by New Century Pub- 
lishers, being the catalog of that company for the year 1954. The 
portion to be inserted in the record is under section Vl, "Tlie Soviet 
Union," where the list under "Books" starts with "The Great Con- 
spiracy," by Michael Sayers and Albert Kahn, and under "Pamphlets" 
contains items by N. Khrushchev and J. Stalin and V. M, Molotov. 

(The book list referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 116" and 
appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 116 

VI. The Soviet Union 


The Great Conspiracy, by Michael Sayers and Albert Kahn — $0.25. Efforts of 

the imperialist powers to destroy the Soviet Union. 
History of the Russian Revolution, by Joseph Stalin, V. M. Molotov, Maxim 

Gorky and other.s — $2. Authoritative study of events leading in 1917 Revo- 
The Red Army, by I. Minz — $1.25. An authoritative history of the Red army 

from its founding up to Stalingrad. 
Russia's Fighting Forces, by Sergei N. Kournakoff — paper, $0.50. Study of the 

origin, history and training of the Red army. 
People Come First, by Jessica Smith — $2..~(0. Eyewitness account of postwar 

reconstruction in the Soviet Union. 
The Secret of Soviet Strength, by Hewlett Johnson, Dean of Canterbury — cloth, 

$1.50; paper, $0.35. The source of Russian political, economic, and military 

A Soviet City and Its People, by Joseph Garelik— cloth, $1.25; paper, $0.50. A 

steel city in the U. S. S. R. and the role of the workers. 
Soviet Economic Development Since 1917, by IMaurice Dobb — $4. Soviet plan- 
ning, financial system, w^ages, employment, etc. 
The Soviet Power, by Hewlett Johnson, Dean of Canterbury — cloth, $2.50; paper, 

$0.60. Dramatic study of how socialism operates in Soviet Union. 
The Soviet Spirit, by Harry F. Ward — cloth, $1.75 ; paper, $0.50. How incentives 

to achievement work under the Soviet system. 
Ten Days That Shook the World, by John Reed — $2. The famous eyewitness 

account of the Russian Revolution. 


An American Looks at Russia : Can We Live in Peace? by Claude Lightfoot — $0.05. 

Educational System in the Soviet Union, by Elizabeth Moos — $0.25. 

Epic of the Black Sea Revolt, by Andre Marty — $0.10. 

The 50th Anniversary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, prepared by 

the Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin Institute — $0.15. 
From Socialism to Communism in the Soviet Union, by J. Stalin — $0.05. 
Here's How We See It, Mr. Perkins, by I. Taigin— $0.05. 
Intervention in Siberia, 1918-1922, by V. Parfenov— $0.15. 
Jews in the Soviet Union, by Paul Novick and J. M. Budish — $0.15. 
Napoleon in Russia, by Eugene Tarle — $0.10. 
The Nature of Soviet Society, by P. F. Yudin— $0.20. 
October Days in Moscow, by I. Minz — $0.15. 
On Changes in the Rules of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, by N. 

Khrushchev— $0.25. 
Peace — And Price Cuts, Too ! by Felix Baron — $0.05. 

The Soviet Union and World Peace, by J. Stalin and V. M. Molotov — $0.10. 
Thirty-one Years of the U. S. S. R., by V. M. IVIolotov— $0.10. 
USA-USSR Cooperation for World Peace— $0.20. 
What Russia Did for Victory, by Sergei Kournakoff — $0.25. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is a list of Communist bookstores, being 
an advertisement of the New Century Publishers, appearing in the 
Worker of November 7, 1954, page 16. 

(The list referred to was marked exhibit No. 117 and appears 
below :) 

Exhibit No 117 . 

Announcing a November-December Special Anniversary Book Sale 



500,000 Books on Sale at Discounts Up to 90%, Including: Art and Society, 
By Sidney Finkelstein — Reg. $2.75, Sale 59c ; Danielle, By Simone Thery — Reg. 
$1.00, Sale 39c; Poems, By Nazim Hikmet — Reg. 50e, Sale 19c; Handbook of 
Philosophy, Ed. by Howard Selsam — Reg. $1.50, Sale 39c ; Essays in the History 
of the American Negro, by Herbert Aptheker — Reg. $2.00, Sale 49c; A Lantern 
for Jeremy, by V. J. Jerome — Reg. $2.50, Sale S9c ; People Come First, by Jessica 
Smith— Reg. $2.50, Sale 39c ; World Monopoly and Peace, By James S. Allen- 
Reg. $2.50, Sale 49c. 

Looking forward : Special 30th anniversary book containing contributions 
from new "works in progress" by 19 international publishers, authors, and 7 
leading artists. These essays cover history, philosophy, science, world affairs, 
literature, etc. Popular edition, Reg. $1.50, Special $1.00. 

Visit or write to your nearest workers and progressive bookshop : 

Berkley : 20th Century Bookshop. 2475 Bancroft Way 

Chicago : Modern Boolvstore, 64 West Randolph St., Room 914 

Cleveland : Free Press & Publications, 5103 Euclid Ave., Room 7 

Denver: Labor Publications, P. O. Box 2691 

Detroit : I. Berenson, 2419 Grand River, Room 7 

Los Angeles : Progressive Bookshop, 1806 West 7th Street 

Los Angeles : Hugh Gordon Bookshop, 4310 S. Central Avenue 

Milwaukee : Workers Literature Agency, P. O. Box 1088 

Minneapolis : Meridel Le Seuer, 1769 Colfax Avenue South 

New York : Workers Bookshop, 50 East 13th Street 

New York : Jefferson Bookstore, 575 Avenue of the Americas 

New York : Book World, 714 Flatbush Avenue, Brooklyn 

Philadelphia : Literature Dept., 250 South Broad Street, Room 710 

Portland, Oreg. : New Era Bookshop, P. O. Box 185 

San Francisco : International Bookstore, 1408 Market Street 

Seattle : Frontier Bookstore, 106 Cherry Street 

New Century Publishers, 832 Broadway, New York 3, New York. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is the certificate of incorporation of the 
Library Book Club, including the front cover, was ap- 
parently prepared in the law office of Wolf, Popper, Ross & Wolf, of 
New York City. 

(The certificate of incorporation referred to was marked exhibit 
No. 118 and appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 118 

Certificate of Incorporation of Liberty Book Club, Inc., Pursuant to Article 

Two OF THE Stock Corporation Law 

State of New York, Department of State : Filed May 24, 1948. Tax $10, filing 
fee $40. 


Secretary of tSate. 
By U. O. Borden. 
(Law offices— Wolf, Popper, Ross & Wolf, 160 Broadway, New York 7, N. Y.) 

We, the undersigned, desiring to form a stock corporation pursuant to the 
provisions of Article Two of the Stock Corporation Law of the State of New 
York), do hereby certify as follows : 

First : The name of the corporation is Liberty Book Club, Inc. 


Second : The purposes for which it is to he formed are to do any and all of the 
things hereafter set forth, to the same extent as natural persons might or could 
do in any part of the world, namely : 

(o) As principal, agent or otherwise, to buy, sell, edit, print, prepare for 
publication, publish, exchange, distribute, or otherwise deal and traffic in books 
and print literary publication embracing the various fields of literary endeavor 
including books of every description on all subjects and in various bindings, 
periodicals, pamphlets, and papers of all kinds, manufacture, buy, sell and deal 
in all materials and things which can be advantageously used or dealt in con- 
nection therewith. 

(&) To gather, assemble, write, edit, prepare for publication, publish, print, 
photograph, electrotype, bind, reproduce, sell, resell, syndicate, distribute, own, 
acquire, lease, license and otherwise turn to account and generally deal in 
magazines, pamphlets, books and publications of all kinds and to engage gen- 
erally in the business of publishers, printers, job and book printing, wholesale 
and retail, booksellers, bookbinders and stationers or any branch or branches 
of one or more of them. 

(c) To acquire and take over as a going concern, and to carry on the business 
of any person, firm, association or corporation engaged in any business which 
this corporation is authorized to carry on, and in connection therewith to acquire 
the good will and all or any part of the assets, and to assume or otherwise 
provide for all or any of the liabilities of the owner or owners of such business. 

(d) To apply for, purchase or in any manner to acquire and to hold, own, use 
and operate, and to sell or in any manner dispose of, and to grant, license other 
rights in respect of, and in any manner deal with, any and all rights, inventions, 
improvements and processes used in connection with or secured under letters 
patent or copyrights of the United States or other countries, or otherwise, and 
to work, operate or develop the same, and to carry on any similar business, manu- 
facturing or otherwise, which may directly or indirectly effectuate these objects 
or any one of them. 

(e) To obtain, lease, purchase or otherwise acquire, and to use, assign, sublet, 
grant licenses in respect of, or otherwise turn to account buying and selling 
licenses, rights and concessions from any person or persons, corporation, associa- 
tion, or governmental agency either in the United States or in any foreign country. 

(/) To enter into, make, perform and carry ovit contracts of every kind, which 
may be necessary for or incidental to the business of the corporation, with any 
person, firm, corporation, private, public or municipal, body politic, under the 
government of the United States, or any territory, district, protectorate, depend- 
ence or insular or other possession or acquisition of the United States, or any 
foreign government, so far as, and to the extent that, the same may be done and 
performed by a corporation organized under the Stock Corporation Law. 

(g) To purchase, lease, or otherwise acquire real and personal property of 
any and all kinds that may be lawfully acquired and held by a business corpora- 
tion, and in particular lands, leaseholds, shares of stock, mortgages, bonds, 
debentures and other securities, merchandise, book debts and claims, copyrights, 
manuscripts, trademarks, tradenames, brands, labels, patents, caveats and patent 
rights, licenses, grants and concessions and any interest in real or personal 

(h) The corporation may have offices, agencies, or branches, conduct its 
business or any part thereof, purchase, lease or otherwise acquire, hold mortgage 
and convey real and personal property, and do all or any of the acts and things 
herein set forth as purposes and such other acts and things as may be requisite 
for the corporation in the convenient transaction of its business, outside the 
state of New York, as well as within the state, and in any or all the other 
states of the United States, in the District of Columbia, in any of the terri- 
tories, districts, protectorates, dependencies or insular or other possessions or 
acquisitions of the United States, and in any or all foreign countries. 

(i) To borrow money for its corporate purposes, and to make, accept, endorse, 
execute and issue promissory notes, bill of exchange, bonds, debentures or other 
obligations from time to time, for the purchase of property, or for any purpose 
in or about the business of the company, and, if deemed proper, to secure the 
payment of any such obligations by mortgage, pledge, deed of trust or otherwise. 

(i) To sell, improve, manage, develop, lease, mortgage, dispose of or otherwise 
turn to account or deal with all or any part of the property of the Company. 

(k) To do all and everything necessary, suitable or proper for the accom- 
plishment of any of the purposes, the attainment of any of the objects or the 


furtherance of any of the powers hereinbefore set forth, either alone or in 
connection with otlier corporations, firms or individuals and either as principals, 
or agents, and to do every other act or acts, thing or things, incidental or appur- 
tenant to or growing out of or connected with the aforesaid objects, purposes 
or powers or any of them. 

(l) The foregoing enumeration of specific powers shall not be deemed to 
limit or restrict in any manner the general powers of the corporation, and the 
enjoyment and exercise thereof, as conferred by the laws of the State of New 
York upon corporations organized under the provisions of the Stock Corpora- 
tion Law. 

Third : The total number of shares that may be issued by the corporation 
is One Hundred (100) no par common stock. The said common shares shall be 
divided into two classes to be known as "Class A common" to consist of Fifty 
(50) shares and "Class B common" to consist of Fifty (50) shares. The desig- 
nations, preferences, privileges and voting powers of the shares of each Class 
and the restrictions and qualifications thereof shall be as follows : 

(c) The entire voting power for the election of directors and for all other 
purposes shall be vested exclusively in the holders of the no par common stock 
who shall be entitled to one (1) vote for each share of no par common stock 
held by them of record, provided however, that in all elections of directors of the 
corporation one-half of the directors of the corporation shall be elected by the 
class A common-stockholders voting as a class, and one-half of the directors of 
the corporation shall be elected by the class B common-stock holders voting as a 

( 6 ) At all meetings of stockholders, the majority number of shares entitled to 
vote at such meetings, present in person or represented by proxy, shall constitute 
a quorum. 

Fourth : The capital of the corporation shall be at least equal to the sum of 
the aggregate par value of all issued shares having par value, plus the aggregate 
amount of consideration received by the corporation for the issuance of shares 
without par value, plus '^uch amounts as from time to time, by resolution of the 
Board of Directors, may be transferred thereto. 

The corporation may issue and may sell its authorized shares, without par 
value, from time to time, for such consideration as may be fixed, from time to 
time, by the Board of Directors, any and all shares so issued shall be deemed fully 
paid and nonassessable and the holders of such shares shall not be liable to the 
corporation or to its creditors in respect thereto. 

Fifth. The Secretary of State of the State of New York is hereby designated as 
the agent of the corporation upon whom process in any action or proceeding 
against it may be served ; that the office of the corporation shall be located in the 
City of New York, County of New York, State of New York, and that the address 
to which the Secretary of State shall mail a copy of process in any action or 
proceeding against the corporation which may be served upon him is : c/o Wolf, 
Popper, Ross & Wolf, 160 Broadway, City of New York, State of New York. 

Sixth : Its duration is to be perpetual. 

Seventh : The number of its directors is to be not less than three (3) nor more 
than ten (10). One-half of the directors of the corporation shall be elected by 
the class A common-stock holders voting as a class, and one-half of the directors 
of the corporation shall be elected by the class B stockholders voting as a class. 
Aiiy vacancy among the directors elected by the class A common-stock holders 
shall be filled by the class A common-stock holders and any vacancy among the 
directors elected by the class B common-stock holders shall be filled by the class 
B common-stock holders. If the number of directors be increased pursuant to 
Stock Corporation Law, section 35, one-half of the additional directors shall be 
elected by the votes of a majority of the directors elected by the class A common- 
stock holders, and one-half of the additional directors shall be elected by the 
votes of a majority of the directors elected by the class B common-stock holders, 
such additional directors to serve until the following annual meeting of the stock- 
holders. All shares of stock shall be alike except in regards to this provision 
relating to the election of directors. 

Eighth : The name and post-oflice addresses of the directors until the first 
annual meeting of the stockholders are as follows : 

Names, post-office addresses : 

Henry H. Wolf, 160 Broadway, New York City 
Lester M. Levin, 160 Broadway, New York City 
Estelle Grossman, 160 Broadway, New York City 

59886— 55— pt. 12 4 


Ninth : The name and post-office address 'of each subscriber of this certificate, 
and a statement of the number of shares which he agrees to talie are as follows : 


Post office addresses 

of shares 

Henrv H. Wolf 

160 Broadway, New York City 


Lester M. Levin 

160 Boradway, New York City - 


Estelle Grossman 

160 Broadway, New York City 


Tenth : All of the subscribers of this certificate are of full age ; at least two- 
thirds of them are citizens of the United States, and at least one of them is a 
resident of the State of New York. All of the persons named as directors are 
of full age, and at least one of them is a citizen of the United States and a resi- 
dent of the State of New York. 

Eleventh : Directors are not required to be stockholders. 

Twelfth : The following provisions are inserted for the regulation and conduct 
of the affairs of the corporation and it is expressly provided that they are 
intended to be in furtherance and not in limitation or exclusion of the powers 
conferred by statute : 

(a) The Board of Directors shall have power to hold its meetings outside the 
State of New York, or within the State of New York, in either case at such place 
or places as from time to time may be designated by the bylaws of the corpora- 
tion, or by resolution of the Board of Directors and shall be specified in the 
respective notices thereof, or shall be specified in the waiver of notice thereof, 
signed by all the Directors of the corporation then in office. 

(6) The Board of Directors shall have power from time to time to fix and deter- 
mine and vary the amount of the working capital of the corporation and to direct 
and determine the use and disposition of any surplus or net profits over and 
above the capital stoclc paid in. 

(c) No contract or other transaction between the corporation and any other 
corporation shall be affected or invalidated by the fact that any one or more of 
the directors of the corporation is, or are, interested in, or is a director or officer, 
or are directors or officers, of such other corporation, and any director or directors, 
individually or jointly, may be a party or parties to or may be interested in any 
contract or transaction of the corporation or in which the corporation is inter- 
ested ; and no contract, act, or transaction of the corporation with any person, 
firm, association, or corporation, shall be affected or Invalidated by the fact that 
any director or directors of the corporation is a party, or are parties to, or inter- 
ested in such contract, act, or transaction, or any way connected with such person, 
firm, association, or corporation, and each and every person who may become a 
director of the corporation is hereby relieved from any liability that might 
otherwise exist, from contracting with the corporation for the benefit of himself 
or any firm, association, or corporation in which he may be in any way interested. 

(d) Shares of stock in other corporations held by the corporation shall be 
voted by such officer or officers of the corporation as the Board of Directors by 
a majority vote shall designate for that purpose, or by a proxy thereunto duly 
authorized by like vote of said board, except as otherwise ordered by vote of tlie 
holders of a majority of the shares of stock outstanding and entitled to vote. 

(e) Subject always to bylaws made by the stockholders, the Board of Di- 
rectors may make bylaws and from time to time may alter, amend, or repeal 
any bylaws, but any bylaws made by the Board of Directors, may be altered, 
amended, or repealed by the stockholders. 

In witness whereof we have made, subscribed, and acknowledged this certifi- 
cate in duplicate, dated this 21st day of May 1948. 

Henry H. Wolf (L. S.). 
Lester M. Levin (L. S.). 
EsTELLE Grossman (L. S.). 

State of New York, 

County of New York, ss: 

On this 21st day of May 1948 before me personally came Henry H. Wolf, 
Lester M. Levin, and Estelle Grossman, to me known and known to me to be 


the persons described in and to have executed the foregoing certificate, and 
severally duly acknowledged to me that they executed the same. 

[seal] Ida K. Ellenbogen, 

Notary Public. 

Commission expires March 30, 1950. 

State of New York, 

Department of State, ss: 

I certify that I have compared the preceding copy with the original certificate 
of incorporation of Liberty Book Club, Inc., filed in this department on the 
24th day of May 1948, and that such copy is a correct transcript therefrom and 
of the whole of such original. 

Witness my hand and the ofl3cial seal of the Department of State at the City 
of Albany this eighteenth day of February one thousand nine hundred and 

[seal] Cabmine G. DeSapio, 

Secretary of State. 

Mr. SouR^VINE. The next is an article appearing in the Daily- 
Worker, Monday, May 29, 1950, under the heading "Letter From 
Liberty Book Club." 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 119" and appears 

Exhibit No. 119 

[Daily Worker, New York, May 29, 1950] 

Letter From Liberty Book Club 

Dear Friend : This is a report to you on Liberty Book Club's first 2 years. It is 
a report we are proud to make, for Liberty Club is today a fact, a secure fact. The 
first real people's book club this country has seen is here to stay because people 
like you believed in it and joined it. It has a secure future because thousands 
more progressives like you will join it and help build it. 

Two years ago, the signs of nationwide repression were already plain. Among 
the first victims of the cold war was the once vital and living creative literature 
of America. Few outstanding books were being published, and systematic price 
increases were making those few prohibitive for the average industrial or white- 
collar worker. 

A group of progressives met and discussed the problems of publishing and dis- 
tributing those books which informed, inspired, and entertained without offending 
the mature and civilized mind. Out of this discussion there emerged two conclu- 
sions : First, the need for an organized audience for progressive books ; second, 
a means whereby such books might be produced cheaply enough to fit the worker's 
budget. If these two needs could be met, then an inestimable service would 
be performed not only for the progressive movement, but for American literature 
in general. 

Obviously, the answer was a book club. But it had to be a new kind of book 
club. It had to be a club dedicated clearly and unequivocally to the cause of pro- 
gressive America. It had to be a consistent book club. It had to be a principled 
'book club. It had to be immune from commercial pressures. It had to resist 
the temptations which lead to opportunism, easy profits, and compromise. 

We have grown, not with big-money advertising and hoked-up pressure, but 
because we have kept faith with our members. We intend to keep faith with 

In proof of this, we submit the following facts on books and prices and we ask 
you to consider them carefully. Here in chronological order is a list of Liberty 
Book Club selections to date : 

The Dark Philosophers by Gwyn Thomas; The Jungle by Upton Sinclair; 
"The Big Yankee, the life of Evans Carlson, by Michael Blankfort; The Good 
Yeoman by Jay Williams ; The Great Midland by Alexander Saxton ; The People 
from Heaven by John Sandford ; My Glorious Brothers by Howard Fast; The 
Embers Still Burn by Ira Hirschmann ; The Poetry of the Negro by Langston 
Hughes and Arna Bontemps ; The Unfinisned Revolution in China by Israel 
Epstein ; Temptation by John Pen ; The Train by Vera Panova. 

Also, Without Magnolias, by Bucklin Moon ; The Journey of Simon McKeever, 
by Albert Maltz ; I Knock at the Door, by Sean O'Casey ; Leaves in the Wind, by 


Gwyn Thomas ; Tour Most Humble Servant, the Life of Benjamin Banneker, by 
Shirley Graham ; Departure, by Howard Fast ; The Storm, by Ilya Ehrenburg ; The 
Vatican in World Politics, by Avro Manhattan ; Story Without End, an informal 
history of the Jewish people, by Landman & Egron ; Pictures in the Hallway, 
by Sean O'Casey; A Washington Story, by Deiss; and Soviet Psychiatry, by 
Joseph Wortis, M. D. 

We are proud of this list. We are proud of this variety, its cultural content, its 
devotion to high literature standards. 

Two of these books would never have been published had it not been for our 
guaranty of support. Two others were quietly barred from 90 percent of Ameri- 
can bookshops and would have been killed very effectively were Liberty Book Club 
not on the scene to have made distribution possible. Three of them had re- 
mained completely unknown to the general public until we came along to give 
them mass distribution. One of them, through our support, outsold every other 
book of poetry published in 2 years. 

And we are proud to add that we have distributed 25,000 books as free divi- 
dends — books which matched the same standards we set for our regular selec- 

Now, let us consider what it costs our members to get these books. The retail 
price of these books added together amounts to $75. We were able to send them 
to our members for $38, a saving of considerably better than 50 percent on the 
price of each book. Despite the fact that our books are made by union printers 
and binders and that our office is staffed with union workers, we were able to 
accomplish this because we did not have to allocate thousands of dollars for 
promotion and advertising. 

Such is the record of Liberty Book Club until now. 

In closing this report to you, we again extend our greetings and a cordial invi- 
tation to join Liberty Book Club if you have not already done so. If you are 
already a member, we urge you to continue to help build Liberty Book Club by 
introducing your friends to the club. We shall continue to do our part, and we 
ask you to do yours. 

S. A. Russell, President. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is three pages of the issue of February 18, 
1955, of the publication Counterattack. This is offered for the record 
since the question has been raised concerning what Counterattack said 
about the Liberty Book Chib and about Mr. Cameron. 

The statements of Counterattack about Mr. Cameron already are in 
the record, but those about the Liberty Book Club are not yet, and they 
should go in. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 120" and 
appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 120 

[The New Counterattack, New York, February 18, 1955] 

(Published weekly. Copyright 1955 by American Business Consultants, Inc.; 
J. G. Keenan, president ; A. E. CuUen, vice president ; L. F. Budenz, contribut- 
ing editor) 

Liberty Book Club — Profitable Propaganda 

The name of Angus Cameron, publisher, has turned up again in connection 
with a party-line literary activity. Cameron's most impressive publishing work 
up to now was as editor of the Boston firm of Little, Brown & Co. He left there 
after this newsletter's disclosures of his party background. He was identified 
as a member of the party in 1951, before the Senate Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee and took refuge in the fifth amendment. 

Despite his present and past notoriety, Cameron has escaped general notice for 
another publishing venture of major propaganda importance. He is now presi- 
dent of the Liberty Book Club, Inc., 100 West 23d Street, New York, N. Y. 

A major importance of this book club is that Liberty Book Club's selections 
are not made from among pro-Communist Party authors or publishers alone. 
This may also explain why Cameron's name has not appeared widely in connec- 
tion with it. The selections include books from reputable publishers and appar- 
ently reputable authors. The broadness of the selections provides protective 


Current selections of the club provide a good example. First in a current 
listing, for instance, is My Mission to Spain by Claude E. Bowers, former United 
States Ambassador to Spain. Ostensibly this might be just another diplomatic 
memoir. Actually, the book's softness toward the Communist side of the 
Spanish Civil War and its antagonism to anti-Communist forces in Spain makes 
it just right for the Liberty Book Club's special interest. Bowers also is author 
of two other current selections, Jefferson and Hamilton — a story of how "the 
people met and defeated reaction"- — and Jefferson in Power. 

The current listing also includes a love story by James Wellard entitled "Sum- 
mer at the Castle." But what is the theme of this idyll? A protest against 
the use of weapons of mass destruction. Then there are essays by the leftwing 
Irish writer Sean O'Casey. 

For poetry lovers there is a verse collection entitled "Roll the Forbidden 
Drums," by Aaron Kramer. This poet's background includes two separate 
teaching assignments at the Communist Party's Jefferson School of Social Science. 
One of his latest poems appeared in the Worker while selections from his Liberty 
Book Club volume were read, by the author, to a meeting of the American Labor 
Party last .year. 

Also on the Liberty Book Club list is a photonarration of union struggles in 
an industrial town. It is entitled "Mill Town." The author: Bill Cahn. His 
background includes authorship of a pamphlet. Knock on Any Door, which was 
put out during the party-dominated Wallace for President campaign. Outside 
of that, apparently, his name has not been closer to party-line activity than a 
petition denouncing the Dies committee in 1943, and editorial contributions in 
1952 and 1953 to the journal of the United Electrical Workers Union, one of the 
unions expelled from the CIO because of Communist domination. 

Another Liberty Book Club selected author is Mulk Raj Anand. Originally his 
book Coolie was a selection. Now his Two Leaves and a Bud is a selection. 
There is no reason why his name should be familiar to American readers, how- 
ever. In 1948 he was a member of the International Committee in Defense of 
Peace as announced by the World Congress of Intellectuals in Communist Poland. 
An Indian, he was one of the signers in that country of a petition supporting the 
Hollywood Ten in their defiance of congressional questioning. In 1953 he 
received a peace-prize awarded by the Red World Peace Council. 

Perhaps as unfamiliar to readers is the name of another Liberty Book Club 
selection's author, John Somerville. His contribution to the list is a work entitled 
"The Philosophy of Peace." Presently teaching philosophy at New York City's 
Hunter College, Somerville is known to the party press as a non-Communist 
authority on Marxist-Leninist literature and philosophy. In addition, he was a 
sponsor, in 1944, of a dinner of the American Russian Institute, a party front. 
He was a sponsor in 1951 of another front activity, the Mid-Century Conference 
for Peace. He also has been listed as a speaker at the Communist Jefferson 
School in New York, as a sponsor of a committee of the National Council of 
American- Soviet Friendship, another oflBcially cited front, and as a sponsor of 
a testimonial dinner for the Communist Party's "expert" on minority peoples, 
Dr. W. E. B. Dubois. During the recent Smith Act trial in Philadelphia he 
appeared as a defense witness. 

.Further on, the club's current list shows a more easily identifiable hue. There 
is Joseph Starobin's Eyewitness in Indochina. The book has a certain claim to 
novelty inasmuch as Starobin, a correspondent for the Daily Worker, covered 
the fighting from the side of the Communists. Cedric Belfrage, who has been 
identified as a Soviet agent and recently ordered deported from this country, is 
another Liberty Book Club selectee. His offering is Seeds of Destruction which 
parrots the line on Germany. 

Howard Fast is another LBC author with his the Passion of Sacco and Van- 
zetti. Fast, of course, is one of the party's most highly touted authors. His 
recent book, Silas Timberman is listed by the west coast Communist paper, 
People's World, as LBC's February selection. 

Lion Feuchtwanger, an expatriate German author now living in California 
and winner of several important Iron Curtain citations for his books (Counter- 
attack, August 13, 1954) is also listed in the LBC list for his novel of the French 
Revolution, 'Tis Folly to be Wise. Ring Lardner, Jr., one of the Hollywood Ten 
convicted for defying a congressional committee contributes a Candide-like 
satire entitled- "The Ecstasy of Owen Muir." 

Lardner's book is an interesting example of the manner in which Liberty Book 
Club selections may be given wide distribution among readers unaware of the 
purposes served by the books. Despite the fact that Ring Lardner, Jr. was in the 
headlines during the week (when the- Supreme Court knocked out his suit for 


salary lost after the Hollywood hearings), Tbe Ecstasy of Owen Muir was put 
on display in the window of Brentano's world-famous Fifth Avenue bookstore in 
New York City. 

The books listed above are currently on LBC's list as selections, alternates 
and premiums. Previously, however, LEG has had other outstanding party-line 
authors on its lists and active in its affairs. Annette Rubenstein, who has been 
identified as an official of the American Labor Party and a teacher at the Com- 
munist Jefferson School contributed a book on English literature last year ; while 
Herbert Aptheker, an editor of Masses and Mainstream, Jefferson School teacher 
and contributor to the Daily Worker, was hailed by LBC for his documentary 
history of the Negroes in America. 

Even in its internal affairs, LBC has not had to stray from the party line and 
its friends. The secretary of the club is listed as Alex Munsell, one-time Com- 
munist Party candidate for the Baltimore City council. The law firm that has 
represented the club is Wolf, Popper, Ross & Wolf, 160 Broadway, New York, 
N. Y. Benedict Wolf, of the firm, was a member of the executive board of the 
National Lawyers Guild. He also has been listed as active in these other fronts : 
Civil Rights Congress, Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, and Jefferson 
School of Social Science. 

Martin Popper, of the finu, was an American representative to the Interna- 
tional Association of Democratic Lawyers in 1948. This group, according to the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities is the international Communist 
front for lawyers. Popper also has been an attorney for the Soviet trading 
agency, Amtorg, and for six of the persons named as Communists who ducked 
behind the fifth amendment during the Hollywood hearings. 

Paul Ross, of the firm, has served on the executive board of the National 
Lawyers Guild as well as chairman of the American Labor Party's Council on 
Public Affairs. 

All in all, it adds up to just the sort of book club properly within the scope of 
the talents of Angus Cameron, LBC's president. Also, the background of LBC 
provides an interesting light in which to read Cameron's latest exhaustive state- 
ment on publishing in America. It appears in the Communist Party's cultural 
organ, Masses and Mainstream, for January. Basically, the piece is a defense of 
the official party publishing house. International Publishers. It manages also to 
take slaps at Senator McCarthy, Secretary Dulles and J. Edgar Hoover, and to 
describe Smith Act trials against Communists as "shabby, shallow, and vul- 
garized" attacks against freedom of thought. Cameron also bemoans the fact 
that although 20 years ago many leading figures in publishing honored Inter- 
national Publishers, not one of them now will come to its defense. But about his 
Liberty Book Club, furiously, there's not one word. 

Mr. Soura^t:ne. Next is a letter that accompanied a piece of adver- 
tising matter sent through the mails and received at his home by a 
member of the staff of this committee. This material relates to the 
Liberty Book Club, and the letter is from Charles J. Coe, editor of 
Farm Research. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 121" and appears 

Exhibit No. 121 

FARM Research, 
New York 7, N. Y., March 15, 195i. 
Dear Reader: It is becoming more and more difficult to get good books at 
this time when the "book-burners" are on the loose. 

Therefore, we would like to call your attention to the Liberty Book Club, which 
is striving to make good books available to you and me at low prices. 

Their selections have been excellent, and we are glad to refer their offer to 
you. If you decide to become a member, you are entitled to get two of the pre- 
vious selections for only $1.64 plus 25 cents for postage and handling charges. 
Members need not accept selections which they do not want and are required 
to take only four selections a year. 

While we have no official connection with Liberty Book Club, we have seen 
the fine work that they are doing. So, we volunteered to introduce them to oui- 
readers, and Mr. Charles A. Collins, managing director, said, "Fine, we would 
welcome your farm readers to join." 
Sincerely yours, 

Chaexes J. CoE, Editor, 


Liberty Book Club, Inc., 100 West 23d Street., New York 11, N. Y. 


Dear Reader: We invite you to become a member of Libei-ty Book Club. 
Here is why. 

Liberty Book Club brings to you at low cost the books you want to own and 
read, and which you might purchase during the year at a cost of 3 or 4 times 


Our members pay the unusually low price of $1.64 (plus a few cents for mail- 
ing and handling) regardless of publisher's price. Savings to you run up to 
60 percent. 

$7-10 bargain for $1.04 

On joining you have a choice of any two of our selections (list on back page). 
One is your regular selection, the other is your bonus for joining. Both books 
come to you for only $1.64. 

Occasionally, Liberty Book Club distributes to its members an extraordinary 
selection, either unavailable in this country, or unusually expensive, or some- 
thing special which we feel we must publish ourselves ; in such cases, under- 
standably, the slightly higher price of $2.25 is asked. The choice of such a book 
or our regular selection is optional. 

liberty book club selections 

Daybreak in China, by Basil Davidson 

In Daybreak in China, Davidson vividly and excitingly pictures the lives of 
peasants, industrial workers, middleclass intellectuals, artists, scientists, reli- 
gious leaders, and the armed forces in present-day China. 

The Southpaiv, by Mark Harris 

This book combines a searching commentary on life with the most realistic 
descriptions of baseball ever written, tempered by a rich strain of native humor 
That stems directly from Twain and Lardner. 

The Negro in the Civil War, by Benjamin Qtiarles 

The Negro in the Civil War is by far the most reliable and well balanced of the 
many attempts to tell the story of the Negroes' participation in the Civil War. 
Written in a highly readable and lively style, it has been done with careful and 
thorough examination of original sources. 

The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti, by Hoivard Fast 

The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti covers the last day of their lives. Two 
antagonistic forces roam through the pages of the book, both powerfully and 
skillfully drawn ; at the focal point of the efforts of these 2 forces stand the 2 
workingmen in the death house. It is with their characters that the book deals, 
with the singular passion of their lives that led them to understand that their 
agony was also their triumph. 

Slave Mutiny, by William Owens 

Slave Mutiny, the revolt on the schooner Amistad, recovers a piece of our 
valued past in the dramatic account of carefully documented history presented 
in semifictional form. It is a story of a handful of men and women, torn from 
their homes in Africa and brutally kidnaped, and their abolitionist defenders in 
the United States. Few stories of American democracy are so pregnant with 
rich and vivid lessons for our own fight today. 

'Tis Folly To Be Wise, by Lion Feuchtwanger 

This book treats of the death and transfiguration of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. 
A study of what happened in the French Revolution. The impact of the thinking 
of Rousseau upon the most civilized group of his age is really the center of this 
story. Feuchtwanger is a great historian and social student. 

Report on Southern Africa, by Basil Davidson 

Basil Davidson's book. Report on Southern Africa, is a much-needed and effec- 
tive antidote to the distorted dangerous cold war view of Africa. From personal 
observations, government reports, and other historical sources, he draws a wealth 
of factual material showing the origins and purposes of the racist oppression 
which he describes in intimate and full detail. 


Rose and Crown, ty Sean O'Casey 

In Rose and Crown, O'Casey, irrepressibly warm as the sun, reaches out to 
melt away fetters and curtains and glorify man's power to do and be in the 
marvelous pattern of life. He is a bard for the common people who has never 
turned his back on them. 
Other selections available : 

Coolie, by Mulk Raj Anand 

Bel Ami, by Guy de Maupassant 

A Funeral for Sabella, by Robert Travers 

Ditte : Daughter of Man, by Martin Andersen Nexo 

Ditte : Towards the Stars, by Martin Andersen Nexo 

Spartacus, by Howard Fast 

Daughters and Sons, by Kung Chueh and Yuan Clung 


It costs you nothing to belong to Liberty Book Club. You pay only for the 
books you want. 

The member may take as few as four selections a year. 

Every month a member receives, free, the club's publication, Liberty Book 
News, which contains a review of the forthcoming selection. If you want the 
book, you do nothing and it will be sent to you. If you prefer another selection, 
or do not want any book that month, simply fill out and return to us the enclosed 
option form. 

Accompanying this letter is a postage-free enrollment card with a list of our 
selections. Simply check off your two books and mail the card to us. Your books 
will arrive promptly. 


If you are a present member, may we ask a favor, please? Pass this invitation 
on to a friend. 

Duplications cannot always be avoided. Our low-price policy will be main- 
tained by such help on the part of our members. 

Charles A. Collins, 

Managing Director. 

The best in literature by our country's and the world's greatest authors. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next is a memorandum with respect to Mr. Carl 
Marzani, prepared by the staff of the subcommittee at my direction, 
under the supervision of Mr. Mandel, the director of research. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 122," and 
appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 122 

Carl Marzani 

Executive vice president of the Liberty Book Club, Angus Cameron, president 
(folder: "The directors of the corporation announced the election of Angus 
Cameron and Carl Marzani to the board of directors and as president and 
executive vice president, respectively, of the Liberty Book Club.") 

Record of United States Government service: Economic editor, Coordinator 
of Information, Research and Analysis, 1942 ; senior economic editor, same 
agency, 1942; Chief, Editorial Section, Ofiice of Strategic Services, Research 
and Analysis, 1942 ; Assistant Chief, same agency, 1943 ; Deputy Chief, Presenta- 
tion Branch, same agency, 1945 (United States Civil Service Commission, Service 
Record Division, June 5, 1953). 

Convicted in district court of Washington, D. C, on charges of concealing 
his Communist Party afliliations when applying for a Government job. (Wash- 
ington Evening Star, July 18, 1947, p, A2.) 

Copy of report furnished to the United States Civil Service Commission by 
the New York Police Department in 1942 : 

"Carl A. Marzani, 643 East Sixth Street, 28 years of age, married, born in 
Italy, believed to be naturalized in 1929, is a knovsTi Communist and known with 
the party name of Tony Wales. Was formerly a section organizer for th© 
Communist Party on the East Side." 


Appeared before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee on June 18, 1953, 
testilying as follows : 

"Senator Johnston. Do you mean to come before this committee and state 
you held this responsible position and at the same time you will not say whether 
or not you were a member of the Communist Party at that time? 

"Mr. Marzani. In view of the nature of this incLuiry, sir, I must respectfully 
claim the privilege of the fifth amendment (p. 803), 

« « * * * • 4> 

"Mr. Morris. Did you attend Communist meetings under the name of Tony 

"Mr. Marzani. I claim the privilege (p. 804). 

m ***** * 

"Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party when you graduated 
from Williams College? 

"Mr. Marzani. I claim the privilege. 

"Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party when you graduated 
from Ox.ord? 

"Mr. Marzani. I claim the privilege, sir. 

"j\Ir. Morris. AVere you a member of the Communist Party when you were a 
teacher at New York University? 

"Mr. Marzani. I claim the privilege. 

"Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party when you were an 
economic editor of the Coordinator of Information? 

"Mr. Marzani. Same answer. 

"Mr. Morris. When you were assigned to OSS? 

"j\[r. Marzani. Same answer. 

"Mr. Morris. When you were in military service serving in OSS? 

"Mr. Marzani. Same answer. 

"Mr. Morris. When you were transferred to the State Department? 

"Mr. Marzani. Same answer. 

"Mr. MORKis. At the present time as you testify here this morning? 

"Mr. Marzani. Same answer. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. The next is a memorandum with respect to Albert 
Maltz, which is offered for the record in view of the fact that Mr. 
Maltz has been mentioned in this hearing as an interested party in the 
firm of Cameron Associates. This memorandum was prepared by the 
staff of the subcommittee at my direction, under the supervision of the 
director of research. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 123" and 
appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 123 

Albert Maltz 

Who's Who for 195J-1955 identifies Albert Maltz as: "Author: (plays) Merry 
Go Round (with George Sklar), 1932 ; Peace On Earth (with George Sklar), 1933; 
Black Pit, 1935; (short stories) The Way Things Are, 1938; (novels) The Under- 
ground Stream, 1940 ; The Cross and The Arrow, 1944 ; The Journey of Simon 
McKeever, 1949; (essays) The Citizen Writer, 1950; (films) This Gun for Hire, 

1942; Destination Tokyo, 1943; Pride of the Marines, 1945; The House I Live 
jjj * * *_" 

Appeared before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on October 
28, 1947. When he was asked, "Mr. Maltz, are you a member of the Communist 
Party?" he challenged the right of the committee to ask him the question. He 
was cited for contempt of Congress and convicted by a United States district 
court on June 29, 1950. 

Mr. Albert Maltz was cited as a member of the Communist Party, USA, by a 
number of individuals who were former members of the party when they ai>- 
peared in testimony before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 
including : 

Richard J. Collins, screenwriter and former member of the Communist Party, 
USA, testified on April 12, 1951, that Albert Maltz was a member of the party. 
(HUAC Hearings, p. 225.) 


Meta Reis Rosenberg, screenwriter and former member of the Communist 
Party, USA, testified on April 13, 1951, that Albert Maltz was a member of the 
party. (HUAC Hearings, p. 288.) 

Edward Dymtryk, film producer and former member of the Communist Party, 
USA, testified on April 25, 1951, that Albert Maltz was a member of the party. 
(HUAC Hearings, p. 417.) 

Frank Wright Tuttle, film director and former member of the Communist 
Party, USA, testified on May 24, 1951, that Albert Maltz was a member of the 
Communist Party. (HUAC Hearings, p. 638.) 


Signer of appeal for new trial for Morton Sobell. (Daily Worker, .January 29^, 
1954, p. 2 ; People's World, February 1, 1954, p. 6.) 

Sponsor, National Conference to Repeal the McCarran-Walter law and Defend 
Its Victims,* under the auspices of the American Committee for Protection of 
Foreign Born. (Daily Worker, October 1, 1953, p. 2.) 

Contributor of $50 to Daily Worker fund. (Daily Worker, September 15, 1953, 
p. 1.) 

Extended greetings to delegates attending the World Festival of Youth and 
Students for Peace and Friendship held in Bucharest, Rumania. (People's 
World, July 23, 1953, p. 7.) 

Scheduled to appear on program of World Festival of Youth and Students for 
Peace and Friendship in Bucharest, Rumania. (Daily Worker, July 28, 1953, 
p. 7.) 

Wrote an article entitled "The Shadow of His Prison Bars Fall Across Every 
Publisher." (The Worker, February 1, 1953, p. 14.) 

Urged clemency for Rosenbergs. (Daily Worker, January 21, 19.53, p. 7.) 

Wrote article entitled "A People's Hero." (Worker, June"21, 1953, p. 9.) 

Signer of Dennis Amnesty Appeal." (People's World, July 24, 1953, p. 6.) 

Sent gi'eetings to Continental Congress of Culture in Santiago, Chile. (People's 
World, April 29, 19.53, p. 7.) (Daily Worker, April 24, 19.53, p. 2.) 

Endorsed statement by officers of the American Committee for Protection of 
Foreign Born * condemning the Justice Department's move to have the American 
Committee register with the Subversive Activities Control Board as a Communist- 
front organization. (Daily Worker, July 8, 1953, p. 8.) 

Mr. SouRwiNE, The next is a group of exhibits, a letter from the 
California Emergency Defense Committee; a publication entitled 
"Decision" issued under the auspices of that committee, bearing on 
the question of how the Communists are using the Matusow case. 
Also, a series of textual excerpts from intercepts of international wire- 
less transmissions from Iron Curtain countries, with regard to the 
Matusow case. 

(The documents referred to are marked "Exhibits Nos. 124 to 
124-W" and appear below:) 

Exhibit No. 124 

U. S. S. R. Home Service, 

January 5, 1955. 
Stefen Hetm Speech 

Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Dec. 28, 1954, 0630 GMT— L 
(Speech by Stefan Heym at Soviet Writers' Congress — read by announcer) 

Howard Fast, Paul Robeson, Albert Maltz, James Howard Lawson, Albert 
Kahn, Dalton Cranbourn, Shirley Graham, Barbara Judd, Alexander Paxton, 
Victor Jerome, Louis Brown, Henry Stevens, Arthur Dubois, Angus Cameron, 
and many other highly gifted writers, artists, critics, editors — all of them today 
are experiencing more than ever before the force of the great brotherhood which 
was born in the struggle against the imperialist war, for a humanistic art. 

1 Cited as subversive by the Attorney General. 

2 Eugene Dennis, former Executive Secretary of the Communist Party, USA. 


The authors of oppression and arbitrariness in the Government have deprived 
tliese writers of the chance to mingle with their colleagues from the land of 
Socialism. They each continue the fight single-handed. The battle has lasted 
for years. It is a stern trial for human hearts but they continue to write and 
carry on with their organizing work, to educate and to publish books. Their 
voices are heard in the world of comics and murder broadcasts, in that world 
which has today become the world of American literature. Are you, whose books 
are published by the million, able to realize what it means to write and publish 
books, when booksellers, intimidated by the secret police, refuse to sell them? 

Exhibit No. 124-A 

Czechoslovakia, Feh. 17, 1955. 


The ruling circles of the imperialist states daily invent most impudent slanders 
and lies against the progressive movement and against the countries of the peace 

* * ^ * * * *■ 

As is known, a paid U. S. informer, Matusow, recently admitted that by his 
false evidence he had brought about tlie imprisonment of many innocent U. S. 
citizens, including leaders of the U. S. Communist Party. Lidove Noviny, a 
paper published by Czechoslovakia compatriots living in the United States, re- 
cently printed the news that a certain Jan Vyskar, who had been a U. S. citizen 
for more than 40 years, had been asked by (Attorney General Herbert Brownell) 
to become an informer and give false testimony against progressive people per- 
secuted by U. S. authorities. Vyskar refused to do this. 

A similar attitude was adopted by another U. S. citizen who refused to testify 
against a progressive writer and his wife whom the U. S. Government wished to 
deport. Another woman of Czech origin retracted her false testimony forced 
upon her by a congressional committee. The U. S. court, of course, indicted 
these U. S. citizens who refused to become informers. 

Exhibit 124-B 

U. S. S. R. International Service, 

Feb. 8, 1955. 


Moscow, Soviet European Service, in Hungarian, Feb. 6, 1955, 1700 GMT-L 

In an article : Confessions of a Professional Provocateur, Pravda says that 
Harvey Matusow, a professional intelligence agent, former right-hand man of 
Senator McCarthy and chief prosecution witness in the trial of the 13 U. S. 
Communist Party leaders, has written a book in which he exposed methods of 
judicial provocations. 

According to the New York Herald Tribune, he can substantiate his statements 
with documentary evidence. Therefore his book must be regarded as reliable. 

In his book, Matusow admits that the 13 Communist leaders were sentenced on 
the grounds of his false evidence. Reviewing the book, the New York Herald 
Tribune says that in it Matusow explains how he became a professional false 

After quoting from the book, the Herald Tribune points out that Harvey admits 
in his book that he also committed perjury in the trial of Owen Lattimoi'e when 
he said that the latter's book was used by the Communist Party as a textbook on 

The Herald Tribune remarks that Matusow's confessions have caused a head- 
ache to the Department of Justice, since Matusow had been the Department's 
chief witness in many trials. Both Congress and the Department of Justice, the 
Herald Tribune said, are bound to take notice of Matusow's confessions. 

The American people, PRAVDA says, will take notice of them all the same. 


Exhibit No. 124-G 

E120135 Moscow, in English to North America 
Feb. 12, 1955, 0000 GMT— E 

New Yokk — Albert Kahn, the well-known author, has been sentenced in New 
York to a jail term of 6 months, on charge of contempt of court. The writer is a 
partner in the publishing firm of Cameron & Kahn which was preparing to print 
a book written by Matusow, a professional informer, on how charges are fabri- 
cated agaiast Communist Party leaders in the United States. 

In an interview recently given to American reporters, Matusow said the Fed- 
eral court of appeals has upheld the sentence passed in 1952 on the 13 Communist 
leaders, basing itself on his false testimony. In an attempt to prevent any further 
exposures of their maneuvers against leaders of the American Communist Party, 
the Department of Justice ordered Albert Kahn to hand over to the Federal court 
all material concerning the contract for the publication of Matusow's book. Kahn 
refused to comply (and said) that the Department was trying to prevent publica- 
tion of the book, because the exposures it contained concerned the Department 
itself. (The answer?) was a 6 months' sentence for the publisher. 

Exhibit No. 124-D 

L140635 Moscow Tass in English Hellschreiber to Europe Feb 13 1955 2130 


New York. — On February 10 the Federal courthouse in New York City began 
hearings on behalf of a new trial for 13 imprisoned Communist Party leaders 
in connection with the scandalous testimony of the professional informer of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation, Matusow, which neither press nor Govern- 
ment bodies are able to silence. It has been established that the Department of 
Justice is implicated in this scandalous case. 

American press reports that in 1952, under the guidance of Department of 
Justice ofiicials, Matusow manufactured false testimony against the 13 Com- 
munist Party leaders : Elizabeth Flynn, Alexandre Trachtenberg, Pettis Perry, 
Alexander Bittelman, Victor Jerom, Albert Lannon, Louis Weinstock, Arnold 
Johnson, Jackob Mendel, William Weinstone, George Charney, Claudia Jones, 
and Betty Ganett. 

On the basis of Matusow's false testimony, the Communist Party leaders were 
charged by the Federal court with pursuing the aim of violent overthrow of the 
United States Government and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. 
In February this year the Federal court of appeals approved the verdict and 
the 13 United States Communists were imprisoned. 

Now, a letter containing Matusow's confessions has been introduced in the 
testimony at the Federal court in which he declared, "When I testified at the 
trial against the 13 Communist leaders, the defense lawyer said, 'You would do 
anything for a buck (dollar — Tass),' I denied it then but he was right." 

It is clear now that Matusow was bribed and that he slandered the Com- 
munist Party leaders on the orders of the Department of Justice. 

On February 11 the American writer, Albert Kahn, who had been sentenced to 
6 months' imprisonment for "contempt of court," spoke in court. It has already 
been reported that he refused to give the grand jury all documents in connection 
with Matusow's forthcoming book. False Witness. 

Kahn announced that he could make public and available to the press and 
the Senate Judiciary Committee all these documents and said that tbe book 
"Contains material seriously implicating the Department of Justice." He ex- 
plained that the demand to give the material to the grand jury represented "an 
effort by the Department of Justice to seize the material at secret proceedings 
and thus prevent publication of the book." 


Exhibit 124^E 

matusow typifies united states court methods 

Sofia, in English to North America, Feb. 16, 1955, 0100 GMT— E. 

There would hardly be a person in the United States who would dare call 
Stewart Alsop a Red. He is a columnist of the New York Herald Tribune. Just 
the same, Stewart Alsop, no matter what his motives are, has revealed to world 
public opinion the abominable methods of American jurisdiction in (framing) 
progressives in the United States. 

His article (words missing) appeared some time ago in the New York Herald 
Tribune. In this article he described the true (countenance) of one of the 
numerous so-called star witnesses of the American Department of Justice in 
engineering such trials. 

This is what Alsop writes : "A youthful former Communist, former professional 
witness, and former aid to Senator Joseph McCarthy is currently writing remark- 
able political confessions which may cause a major explosion, for the author 
of this confession, Harvey Matusow, calmly explains how he made a business 
of bearing false witness and how the American Government made his business 
a profitable one (courtesy) of the American taxpayer." 

Further on Alsop quotes the words of Matusow as follows : "I climaxed my 
testimony with the dramatic assertion that Lattimore was (booked) or used as 
the ofiicial Communist Party guide in Asia. Once again I told a complete false- 
hood. I didn't care what happened to Lattimore ; I cared about what was going 
to happen to me. INly unfounded attacks on Lattimore just placed me in the 
role of an expert (on) experts. I had reached the top of the ladder." 

Lattimore was later indicted. This is how Steve Nelson, Elizabeth Gurley 
Flynn, Claudius Chance. Curtis Perry, the Rosenbergs, and many other Americans 
were found guilty. Their guilt lay in their disagreement with the warlike policy 
of the American Government — with their coui'age to voice their opinions out loud. 

Of course, the Matusow case is not an isolated phenomenon in present-day 
American life. In all frameups against Communists and otber American patriots 
fighting for peace and for a better life. United States jurisdiction uses hundreds 
of perjurers of the Matusow type ; otherwise it would not have the slightest 
proof to support its invented char'/es. The Nazis employed the same methods 
to eliminate all those fighting against their ruinous policy of unleashing a world 
war. Those United States leading circles which today are pushing the (tension) 
toward fascism and war are now following in the footsteps of the Nazis. 

Exhibit No. 124-F 

L222311 Moscow Soviet Home Service, February 22, 1955—1245 GMT-L 

("Shameful defeat of American Justice," a letter from New York by Comrades 
Leonidov and Armashev, published in Pravda.) 

( Text : ) 

Recently an event took place in New York which, by the admission of American 
papers made the impression of a sudden explosion of an atom bomb. Harvey 
Matusow, the main witness for the prosecution in the case of the 13 leaders of 
the United States Communist Party condemned in 1952 by the New York Fed- 
eral Court, declared that his evidence had been false and that it had been fabri- 
cated by Roy Cohn, assistant of the United states attorney in that case, and by 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation — the ijnerican secret police (Russ: Ameri- 
kanskaya Okhranka). 

The Washington Post says the confession of the main witness for the prosecu- 
tion in the case of 13 leaders of the United States Communist Party caused 
horror in the Justice Department and in the United States Congress. 

That reaction is easy to understand. As a result of Matusow's admission 
not only the building of the slanderous accusations of the courageous United 
States Communist leaders is shaken, but the whole shameful system of American 
Justice — wliich is a parody of justice — is revealed. 

The Federal Court of New York was obliged to open an investigation into the 
sentence pronounced in the summer of 1952 on the 13 leaders of the United States 
Communist Party. That investigation, started on request of the counsel of the 
defendants, is regarded as preliminary and the court has not yet taken a decision 


to review the case. But already the amazing picture of judicial and police arbi- 
trariness reigning in the United States has been fully revealed. 

The investigation into the reviewing of the sentence has not only shown that 
the charges against a group of leaders of the United States Communist Party 
were unfounded, but has also exposed the whole system created by the American 
authorities to suppress democratic rights and freedoms in the United States, a 
system of bribes, police denunciations, false evidence, and paid agents. 

Matusow's activities are a typical example of the methods by means of which 
his masters — the reactionary circles of the United States — attempt to suppress 
all that is progressive in the country, to suppress the striving of the American 
people for peace. 

It is admitted by the American press that Matusow was hired by the FBI 
and sent to the United States Communist Party as an informer. At the same 
time he was used as false witness at the so-called Investigation Commission of the 
Congress by such a destroyer of democratic freedoms as McCarthy. 

Developing their attack against the vestiges of democratic freedoms in the 
United States, the American ruling circles, as is known, fabricated provocative 
legal cases against the leaders of the United States Communist Party, leaders 
of a number of American trade unions and other progressive personalities with 
the aim of sending them to prison. 

It was proposed to Matusow, as he himself told journalists at one of his recent 
press conferences, that he should come forward as the chief witness of the 
United States Government in the case brought in the summer of 1952 against 
the group of 13 leaders of the Communist Party still at liberty, headed by 
Elizabeth Flynn, Pertty, Trachtenberg, and others. 

He agreed, expecting to receive for it a considerable sum of money. Matusow 
admitted that the false evidence which he had to give at the court had been 
fabricated previously by Roy Cohn, assistant United States attorney at that 
trial, who later became chief adviser of the permanent Senate Commission of 
investigations headed by McCarthy. 

What evidence given by Matusow at the trial of the 13 Communist Party mem- 
bers — which by the way made an impressive column of 700 pages — was and how 
it had been prepared was revealed by no other than Matusow himself in his 
letter to the court of New York. 

Matusow points out that Cohn instructed him to tell the court that he had. 
spoken to defendant Trachtenberg and that in the course of that conversation, 
Trachtenberg had made several statements which were of importance for the 
confirmation of the accusation made by the Government of the United States 
against him. "We both knew," Matusow writes, "that Trachtenberg never made 
any statements, but I ascribed the statements to him in my evidence at the court." 

Matusow also admits now that he gave false evidence against other defendants 
in the 1052 trial. 

On instructions from Assistant Attorney Cohn, Matusow said defendant Perry 
had called for a revolution by force and the overthrow of thp Government of 
the United States. But now Matusow admits he had never heard Perry say 
anything like that. The hired agent also ascribed to defendant Charney, a 
statement in which he was alleged to call for granting independence to Puerto 
Rico with the aim of depriving the United States of their military bases in that 
area and destroying the defenses of the United States in the area of the Carib- 
bean Sea. 

"I gave false evidence," Matusow said, "and that was known to the prosecution." 

The activities of the hired agent Matusow were by no means restricted to the 
participation in the trial of the 13 Communists. The United States press is 
now publishing much material on his other activities in the same field. More 
than tliat. Matusow has written his memoirs on his work under the title "The 
Fabrication of Black Lists : My Profession." The book contains extensive 
factual material revealing the shameful methods used by the United States 
organs of investigative organs and condemning American justice. 

After his successful start at the trial of 13 Communists Matusow became 
"the king of witnesses," as the American press puts it, at a number of later 
provocative trials cooked up by the FBI and at several cases of investigation by 
the Permanent Senate Commission for Investigations headed by McCarthy. 
The periodical Time quotes the following incomplete list of jobs carried out by 
that agent : 

Matusow was chief witness for prosecution at the trial of trade-union worker 
(Winston Jones?) in October 1952; four times he was witness at. the Senate 
Commission for Internal Security ; twice at the Commission for the Investigation 


of Un-American Activities attached to the House of Representatives, and several 
times at the Permanent Investigations Commission of Senator McCarthy. 

The papers calculated that Matusow had given false evidence dictated by 
Security Service and prosecutors accusing over 180 Americans. And every time^ 
says the New York Post, gratitude was expressed to him as a patriot. 

Matusow was hired as witness of the New York school administration during 
the investigation into the persecution of teachers accused of being Communists. 
For his false evidence he received $250. He was also hired to draw the blacklist 
from among the employees of one of the large American advertising companies : 
Lennen & Newell. For this he was paid $150. This enumeration could con- 
tinue without end. 

On personal instructions received from McCarthy in connection with the 
election campaign Matusow made (shameful) accusations of un-American, 
activitv and Communist sympathy against 100 workers of the newspaper New 
York Times and against 76 workers of the editorial office of the periodical Time. 

As was to be expected Matusow's admissions were followed by numerous 
speeches and press conferences by Congressmen, high-ranking Government of- 
ficials, and ordinary reactionaries. They have been making every effort to 
smooth over the impression produced by such confessions upon the rank-and-file 
American, who is constantly being told of the infallibility of justice. Having 
no chance to deny or to disprove the facts quoted by Matusow the investigating 
Senators, the Department of Justice, and the FBI — that is, all those who had 
formerly fabricated the texts of the false evidence given by him — are now at- 
tempting to confuse public opinion and make Matusow himself responsible for all 
that happened. For that purpose they are trying to bring about another wave 
of anti-Communist hysteria in the country, evidently hoping by doing so to 
weaken the indignation of American public opinion. But their efforts had na 

Characteristically, even a bourgeois newspaper like the Washington Post 
asks a lawful question : How many Americans were sentenced incorrectly on 
the basis of Matusow's false evidence? How many others were sent to prisons 
or sentenced by the Congressional investigating committee with the help of other 
false witnesses who, like Matusow, decided to use their evidence as a profitable 

Understanding what detrimental influence that scandalous failure of the 
Investigations Committee of the Senate, FBI, and the Department of Justice 
could exercise upon American public opinion, the American authorities made 
an attempt to prevent the publication of Matusow's book, which had been 
accepted at the publishing house of Cameron & Kahn under the title of "False 

For that purjwse publishers, the American writer Albert Kahn, and Cameron 
were called before the grand jury, one of investigation court organs of the 
United States, where they were instructed to hand over to the Department of 
Justice "for study" all documents related to the publication of the book, as- 
well as its manuscript. 

The jury (proposed) to carry out the study secretly. When the publisher^ 
Albert Kahn, quoting the American Constitution proclaiming freedom of publica- 
tion and press in the United States, refused to submit the demanded documents 
for a study behind closed doors, the judge decided to sentence Kahn to 6 months 
of prison for contempt of the court. 

The decision of the judge caused just public indignation and was regarded 
as gross pressure upon publishers with the aim of preventing the publication 
of the book. In the end the judge was forced to withdraw his sentence. But 
immediately after that publishers Kahn and Cameron were called to the Senate 
Committee for Internal Security where they will have to answer again. 

Thus the shameful picture of the criminal activities of American justice, 
which imprisoned hundreds of American patriots on the basis of false accusa- 
tions and false evidence of paid agents fabricated by the authorities, is being- 
revealed further. The mercenary judges, ready to do anything to win the 
gratitude of reaction, the false witnesses, the spies, and the agents provocateurs 
are all used b.v American justice when it wishes to do away with the Americans 
who speak against the policy of war and fascism. All that causes the just 
indignation of many Americans. 

Large circles of public opinion in the United States demand a revision of the 
sentence on the 13 Communist Party leaders and other progressive personalities 
who were sentenced on the basis of false evidence and who are still pining ini 
American prisons. 




Exhibit No. 124-G 


Feb. 11, 195o. 


Prague, Czech Home Service, Feb. 16, 1955, 1130 GMT— L 

(Postscript to the News.) 

(Summary witli quotations:) 

"The ruling circles of the imperialist states daily invent most impudent slanders 
and lies against the progressive movement and against the countries of the 
peace camp. 

"The purpose of these slanders is to intensify the war psychosis in the capitalist 
countries, thus preparing the ground for direct aggression. All means for achiev- 
ing this aim are welcomed by the war incendiaries. 

"Apart from the reactionary press, provocative radio transmitters, and the 
entire state apparatus, they are being served — as Molotov pointed out at the 
meeting of the Supreme Soviet — by an army of air kinds of agents in the pay 
of the capitalists, who sell their honor and conscience, and who are ready, 
at any time, to spread every disgusting anti-Soviet lie and slander ; and they 
do this with growing impudence and insolence, because they are aware of losing 
ground under their feet." 

As is known, a paid United States informer, Matusow, recently admitted that 
by his false evidence he had brought about the imprisonment of many innocent 
United States citizens, including leaders of the United States Communist Party. 
Lidove Noviny, a paper published by Czechoslovak compatriots living in the 
United States, recently printed the news that a certain Jan Vyskar, who had 
been a United States citizen for more than 40 years, had been asked by (Attorney 
General Herbert Brownell) to become an informer and give false testimony 
against progressive people persecuted by United States authorities. Vyskar 
refused to do this. 

A similar attitude was adopted by another United States citizen who refused 
to testify against a progressive writer and his wife whom the United States 
Government wished to deport. Another woman of Czech origin retracted her 
false testimony forced upon her by a congressional committee. The United States 
court, of course, indicted these United States citizens who refused to become 

"These examples of unheard-of pressure provide proof that the United States 
Government continues to use McCarthy's medieval witch-hunting methods. By 
means of terror and threats it is trying to expand its army of paid agents and 
to obtain further, so-called reliable witnesses who, for dollars, would be ready 
to spread all kinds of disgusting lies and slanders against the countries of the 
peace camp and against everything progressive." 

However, the tirm attitude displayed by Vyskar and other honest United 
States citizens demonstrate that the United States ruling circles are meeting 
growing resistance to these criminal efforts even in their own country. 




Feb. 17, 1955. 


Prague, CTK, in English Hellschreiber to Europe, Feb. 16, 1955, 1202 GMT— L 

(From the Press Review.) 


Under the title "Avowal of American Stool Pigeon," Rude Pravo carries an 
article by Alois Volf, dealing with the publication of the book, False Witness, 
by the professional informer H. Matusow. Matusow, main witness in the trial 
of 13 leading members of the United States Communist Party and in other 
provocative trials serving the interests of the Wall Street multimillionaires, 
discloses the dirty methods used by the United States authorities to persecute 
and silence United States patriots and defenders of civic rights. The article 
states : 

"The provocative antipopular methods in the United States are, of course, not 
unique in themselves. The aggressive course of the foreign policy of the United 
"States, as explained by V. M. Molotov at the recent meeting of the U. S. S. R. 
Supreme Soviet, is supported by an increasing trend toward fascism in the United 


States. The aiitipopular course in the United States is the other aspect of the 
policy of pursuing' despotic, aggressive aims. Preparations for war lie behind 
the antipopnlar terror in the United States and the United States foreign policy 
of 'negotiation from strength.' To effect this, the criminal Matusows, the 
Chiangs, and the Syngman Rhees are bouglit over and given the task of aiding 
the United States campaign against the nations in the same way as Matusow 
served the campaign against the American people." 

Exhibit 124 — H 

E230410 Moscow, in English to North America, Feb. 23, 1955, 2330 GMT— E 


Today's Pravda prints a letter from New York on The Disgraceful Miscarriage 
of American Justice. Here is a summary of tlie letter : 

Harvey Matusow, who was the main prosecution witness at the trial of the 
13 leaders of the American Communist Party convicted by the New York Federal 
Court in 1952, publicly assured a while ago that he had given false evidence, 
which had been ial)ricated by Assistant Federal Attorney Roy Cohn and by 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

In the admission to the American papers, this confession produced the effect 
of an unexpected atomic explosion. According to the Washington Post, the reve- 
lations of the star prosecution witness at the trial of 13 Communist Party 
leaders caused horror in the Department of Justice and Congress. Such a 
reaction is easy to understand, because the false confessions shatter the whole 
structure of the slanderous charges against the courageous leaders of the 
American Communists and exposes the whole system of American justice. 

As he himself told newsmen in a recent press conference, Matusow was 
ordered to testify as State witness at the trial in the summer of 1952 against 
the 13 Communist Party leaders — including Elizabeth Flynn (Perry and Kros- 
tenberg) — with the understanding that he would get a substantial reward. 
The full testimony that he was to give in court had been fabricated in advance, 
according to Matusow, by Assistant Federal Attorney Roy Cohn, who later 
liecame chief counsel of Joseph McCarthy's permanent investigation sub- 

In a letter to the court of New York, Matusow divulged what his testimony 
was at the trial of the 13 Communists and how it was cooked up. Incidentally, 
this evidence comprised a weighty volume of 700 pages. He mentioned, in par- 
ticular, that Cohn instructed him to tell the court that he, Matusow, had talked 
with (Krostenberg) and that in those talks (Krostenberg) had made state- 
ments which confirmed the charges made against him by the United States 
prosecutor. Matsuow wrote that "(Krostenberg) had never made the state- 
ment which I ascribed to him in my testimony in coiirt." 

Matusow also wrote that he also bore false witness against other defendants 
in the 1952 trial. In the instructions of Assistant United States Attorney Cohn, 
Matusow attributed to Defendant Perry that he had called for the forcible over- 
throw of the United States Government by revolution, but now Matusow admits 
that he never lieard Perry say anything of the kind. 

The perjurer had attributed to Defendant (Farley) that he had advocated 
the granting of independence to Puerto Rico in order to deprive the United 
States of military bases in that area and to disarrange United States defenses 
in the Caribbean. Matusow now owns that he had testified falsely and that the 
prosecutor had known all about it at the time. 

The letter from New York goes on as follows : "That is the kind of false evi- 
dence American so-called justice (uses) in order to imprison the leaders of 
the United States Communist Party." 

Matusow's activities as a hired stool pigeon were not (questioned) at the 
mock trial of the 13 Communists. American papers are full of material describ- 
ing many other of his ventures in that field. Furthermore, Matusow wrote a 
memoir recording his activities, entitled ''Blacklisting is my Inisiness." The 
book contains a lot of factual material exposing the disgraceful metliod used 
by investigating authorities in the United States and is an indictment against 
American justice. 

Accordin£ to the American press, INIatusnw — after his successful debut in 
the trial of the 13 — figured as a star witness in a series of subsequent provocatory 
59886 — 55 — pt. 12 5 


trials framed by the FBI and in various cases investigated by Senator McCarthy's 

The Time magazine gives the follovping record — far from complete — of the 
stool i)igeon's nctivities. Matusow was heai-d in witness in tbe trial of (Quentin 
Jenks), a trade union official, in October, 19r)2. As a witness, he appeared 4 
times before tbe Subversive Committee Control Board, 4 times before the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee, twice before the House Un-American Activities, 
and several times before Joe McCarthy's Permanent Investigation Subcommittee. 

The papers have estimated that Matusow gave false testimony, dictated by 
the FBI and the prosecution, against more than 180 Americans and each time, 
as the New York Post says, "he was thanked as a patriot." 

Matusow was hired as a witness by the School Board of New York during the 
examination of charges against teachers accused of adhering to communism. 
For his perjury, he was paid $250. He was also (hired) to draw up a blacklist 
of persons employed by the big advertising firm of (Lennen and Newell). For 
this he was paid $150. The enumeration can be continued without end. 

IMatusow came out with ridiculous charges — at the time of the election cam- 
pai.srn — against 100 employees of the New York Times and 76 employees of the 
Time magazine, charging them with anti-American activities and sympathy for 

As could have been expected. Matusow's confession (speaks of) pressure by 
Congressmen and rising officials of the administration. (An attempt was made) 
to cool down the impression that the confession made on the average citizen, 
who is constantly assured that American justice is flawless. 

Unalile to deny or repudiate the facts (shown) liy Matusow, the Senate in- 
vestiizators, the Department of Justice, and the FBI * * * are now trying to 
confuse the issue, to mislead public opinion, and to put all the blame on 
Matusow himself. At the same time they are trying to bring about another 
outburst of anti-Communist hysteria, apparently hoping to weaken in this manner 
the indignation of the American public. However, their efforts are futile. 

It is cuiions that even such a diehard paper as the Washington Post poses 
some legitimate questions. How many Americans have been unjustly condemned 
on the strength of Matusow's false evidence? How many others have been 
thrown in prison or victimized by the investigating committees of Congress with 
the aid of other stool-pigeons who, like Matusow, make of perjury a profitable 
profession ? 

Realizing what an effect this scandalous (activitv) of the Senate Investigat- 
ing Committees, the Federal Bureau of Investiiration. and the Dc artment of 
Justice might have on the American public, the TTn'ted States auth^vit'es try 
to prevent the appearance of Matusow's book, which the Cameron & Kahn pub- 
lish'ng house accepted for publication under the title "False Witness." 

The Matusow episode brings into clear focus the odious conduct of American 
justice, which has sent hundreds of American pati'iots to prison on false accu- 
sation (based on) the false evidence of (stool pigeons), who got their tune 
from the authorities. Corrupt judges are ready to do anything to curry the 
favor of the reactionaries. Falsifiers, stool pigeons, and perjurers are all hauled 
in w.hen there is need to do away with those Americans who oppose the policy 
of war and fascism. 

Exhibit 124-1 

E270210 Moscow in English to. North America, February 27, 1955, 0010 GMT— E 
New York. — The Communist Party of the United States has released for the 
press an open letter to President Eisenhower, declaring: "The present scandal 
over the fiilse testimony of the Government witness, Harvey Matusow, In various 
Smith Act and other thought-control trials shows that these trials have svmk 
to the lowest level with the worst legal frameups in the history of the United 

"Two things have been made clear by this disgraceful situation. Firstly, that 
the whole informer stool pigeon system system, whereby a large number of 
Communists and other progressive citizens are being railroaded to iieniten- 
tiaries or deported, is deliberate lying. This was amply proved during the course 
of the recent Commun'st trials, as well as other proceedings, where these wit- 
nesses were used to send innocent men and women to jail. 

"Matusow, with shocking stories of coached perjury on the witness stand, is 
not an exceptional instance of such testimony but a norm for all informer wit- 


Tiesses. All such witnesses are as guilty as he is. The second fact made clear 
by the current perjury exposures is that these professional slanderers have been 
systematically primed with lies by prosecutors in charge of the trials in question. 
This puts a definite responsibility upon the heads of the Department of Justice, 
Herbert Brownell, and J. Edgar Hoover. It is inconceivable that these officials 
have been unaware of the systematic lying that has been committed by a score 
or more professional witnesses, speaking in the name of, and with the blessing 
of, the United States prosecuting attorneys. 

"In this situation four things are indispensable in order to cleanse at least 
partially the Government administration of justice of the foul mess of this 
organized informer-perjury system. Firstly, the Communists and the others 
jailed under the testimony of the professional informer witnesses should be 
promptly released. Secondly, all iiersons victimized through the loss of jobs and 
so forth by reason of testimony of the congressional investigation should be re- 
stored to their jobs. 

"Thirdly, Brownell and Hoover s^.ould be immediately suspended from their- 
official functions and a thoroughgoing Senate Judiciary Committee investigation 
should be made of the gross mismanagement of their offices, including the use of' 
paid informers and suliornations of perjury by Government officials. Fourthly,. 
an end should be put to the thought-control trials which violate every principle 
of American democracy." 

The letter to President Eisenhower also demanded the repeal of the Taft- 
Hartley, McCarran, and the so-called Communist control laws, as well as other 
repressive legislation, declaring that their basic purpose is to intimidate and 
persecute all those who dare to speak out against the aggressive prowar policy 
wiiieh the administration is following at present. 

Exhibit No. 124-J 


Feb. 24, 1955. 


Warsatr, Polish Home Service, Feb. 20, 1955, 1605 GMT-L 

(Feuilleton by Gustaw Kaden : "Marginal Notes on Great Politics.") 

(Editorial Report.) 

After having reviewed in detail the book by Flarvey Matusow, False Witness, 
and having described tiie difficulties connected with its publication, Kaden turns 
to the Rosenberg case. 

After referring to their judicial murder, Kaden asked: A mistake? Mistakes 
occur everywhere — they hapi)en in our country as well. And we have all seen 
how the people's power makes good such mistakes. It tells the people openly 
everything about them. It mercilessly pulls out the roots of these mistakes 
so as to prevent their repetition once and for all. But in the imperialist system 
injustice is not a mistake. Injustice in regard to men of progress and peace 
is a method applied by the system based on naked violence and exploitation. 

But there are signs that the conscience of the American people is wakening 
up. There are men who are saving the honor of the United States. Their 
numliers are on the upgrade. One of them is the courageous publisher of 
Matusow's book. 

Exhibit No. 124-K 

USSR Home Service, 

Mar. 4, 1955. 

matusow reveals truth about u. s. justice 

Moscow, Soviet Home Sei-vice, Mar. 3, 1955, 1645 GMT— L 

(Topics of the Day by Oleg Sergeyev.) 


The famous American w^riter Theodore Dreiser said about political life in the 
United States : The corporations and the Government are ready to resort to the 
foulest falsifications and to the dirtiest lies in order to stifle any political thought 
unless it is not openly reactionary ; and all this comes about despite freedom of 
speech, assembly, and press laid down in the Constitution. 


Dreiser reached this conclusion 25 years ago, but it still applies today. Amer- 
ican reactionaries and the justice serving them continue to persecute cruelly all 
progressive people. As before arbitrary and highhanded treatment is being 
meted out to the best representatives of the American people. Only the scale 
of persecution has increased. There is more cynicism in the acts of American 
justice, which shuns no means serving its ends. How dirty these means are is 
shown by the story of Harvey Matusow, which has been occupying the pages of 
American papers for several weeks. 

At the end of January American papers published sensational statements by 
Harvey Matusow, principal witness in the case of 13 leaders of the United States 
Communist Party sentenced by the New York Federal Court in 1952. Matusow 
admitted that all his evidence which led to the conviction of the United States 
Communist Party leaders was false from beginning to end. At the same time 
press reports appeared about preparations for publication by Cameron and Kahu 
of Matusow's book False Witness, the papers also published extracts from this 
book in which Matusow describes his provocations at other trials. 

Wasliington higher official circles and the servants of American justice were 
obviously disconcerted by these reports. No wonder, Matusow's admissions 
undermine the prestige of American justice, which is low enough as it is. Their 
anxiety is greater because Matusow is not a third-rate denunciator, of which there 
are now thousands in the pay of the FBI. No, Matusow is a fairly prominent 
personality in the world of provocateurs. He was entrusted with a serious 
business : to drag into the mud of lies and slander the most prominent American 
progressive leaders. 

As is well known from press reports, Matusow was sent by the American 
Okhrauka (Tsarist secret police — Ed.) to join the United States Communist 
Party as an informer. In the summer of 1952 he agreed to act as the principal 
Government witness at the trial of 13 Communist Party leaders : Elizabeth Flynn, 
Perry, Trachtenberg, and others. For this he was promised a considerable reward 
in cash. One of the State prosecutors at this trial was Assistant United States 
Attorney Roy Cohn, who subsequently became the right-hand of Senator McCar- 
thy, known for his Fascist leanings. 

Matusow tells how his false evidence to be given at the trial were fabricated 
by Cohn in advance. In particular, Roy Cohn proposed that Matusow should 
declare at the trial that during his talk with Trachtenberg the latter had made 
a number of statements supporting the indictment. Matusow says: "We both 
knew that Trachtenberg never made any statements, but I ascribed them to him 
in my evidence given at the trial." Matusow admits: "I gave false evidence, and 
the prosecution knew it." 

On the basis of. such evidence and denunciations, leaders of the United States 
Communist Party were imprisoned although the falsity of the evidence was 
obvious not only to the accused and the counsel for the defense but, as has been 
contirmed, to the prosecution, the judges, and naturally to the high otficials of 
the Department of Justice by whose order and according to wnose plans talse 
witnesses gave their evidence. 

Matusow's appearance at the trial of 13 leaders of the Communist Party by 
no means ended his career as a false witness. Both he and his masters were 
apparently satisfied with each other. He received Judas' silver and American 
justice got a man ready to produce any evidence. The reactionary press called 
Matusow "The king of witnesses" at that time. 

He appeared in a number of trials staged by the FBI and at the investigations 
of the notorious McCarthy investigation committee. According to the American 
press Matusow produced false evidence against over ISO people. He was a wit- 
ness for the pro.secution at the trial of the trade-union leader Clinton Jencks, 
who on the basis of Matusow's false evidence was sentenced to 5 years' hard 
labor. He appeared four times as a witness before the Senate Committee on 
Internal Securitv and several times before other investigating committees. 

The kind of his evidence is (difficult) to gage from back numbers of American 
papers for 1952. Here is, for example, a report of the Senate Internal Security 
Committee, giving Matusow's evidence. He maintained that Communists in- 
filtrated in all youth organizations tor subversive ends. He produced as proof 
a copy of a children's paper published 22 years ago in Chicago by the Young 
Pioneers of America, an organization which had ceased to exist long ago. 

It follows from the recent admissions of Matusow that the United States 
ruling circles used the anti-Communist hysteria fomented by them in order to 
persecute all Americans they regarded as awkward for some reason or other, 
no matter how little they had to do with Communism. 


lu extracts from his book published in the press Matusow tells, with the 
cynicism usual in his profession, how on demands by the Hoover and McCarthy 
jii'oups he faked accusations of Communist contacts against the collaborators of 
such a reactionary paper as the New York Times, against the workers of the no 
less reactionary Time, as well as against Senator Mansfield. 

The former director of the Institute of Pacific Relations and a friend of 
President Roosevelt's, Owen Lattimore, also fell victim to Matusow's false evi- 
dence. Matusow writes : "The crowning moment of my evidence arrived when 
I dramatically maintained that Owen Lattimore's books were used as official 
instructions by the Communist Party in Pacific problems. This again was 
entirely an invention." 

And for such "proofs" Matusow earned dollars. He was paid for false evi- 
dence during the investigation in the case of New York teachers. He was paid 
for compiling a blacklist of (radio actors by) employees of an American adver- 
tising agency as well as for other provocative fabrications. When at a recent 
press conference he was asked why he had become a professional informer he 
replied without hesitation : "It was a profitable business." 

Thus United States (iovernment authorities made lies and slander, treachery, 
and denunciation, which with all nations and at all times has been regarded as 
most base and shameful by all nations at all times, a profitable business. Matu- 
sow's admissions showed this clearly and convincingly. That is why, as expected, 
the disclosures of the former agent and informer Matusow, produced a panic 
among American reactionaries. The Republican Dies, who himself was chairman 
of the Committee for the Investigation of Un-American Activities, declared that 
^latusow's repudiation of his former statements was very unpleasant. Senator 
Henry Jackson expressed anxiety that Matusow's case would put the Government 
in a difficult position in future convictions of Communists. 

It should be noted that in the statements of various American Government 
officials. Congressmen, and other reactionaries none of them could deny or refute 
the facts quoted by ^Matusow. At the same time, they are now trying to cover 
up their tracks, to minimise the effect Matusow's admissions will have on public 

With this end in view, he was called to appear before the Senate Committee 
on Internal Security in order to give evidence. But Matusow not only con- 
firmed that all his evidence in the past was false, but also told that another 
witness at various trials of Communists, Elizabeth Bentley, has also produced 
false evidence. And yet the head of the FBI, Hoover, called her evidence some 
time ago "unimpeachably truthful." 

Fearing further disclosures, American ruling circles are trying to prevent 
the publication of Matusow's book. The Department of Justice issued an order 
calling the publishers — the well-known American writer, Albert Kahn, and 
Cameron — before a grand jury to present the manuscript and all documents 
related to its publication. But Albert Kahn refused to deliver the manuscript 
for a closed investigation. He regarded it as an attempt to confiscate the manu- 
script and thus to prevent publication. The judge at once sentenced Kahn to 
6 months' imprisonment for contempt of court. 

This decision caused the indignation of American public opinion, and the court 
was forced to rescind the sentence. Kahn and Cameron were then called before 
the Senate Committee on Internal Security, which is investigating the case. 
Thus, American reaction is making feverish eff'orts to hush up the scandal 
caused by Matusow's admissions, but it cannot be hushed up now. 

If any simple-minded American had still believed in the infallibility of Ameri- 
can justice, this faith has now been shattered. The ways and means resorted 
to by United States reactionary circles to suppress the remnants of democratic 
rights and freedoms in the country have been disclosed. It has become obvious 
that the legion of professional false witnesses constitutes an integral part of the 
American judicial system. Monstrous slanders, merciless lies, and badly masked 
falsifications are used as legal proofs. Law has been supplanted by open 

Tlie disclosure of the paid agent, Matusow, is at the same time a disclosure 
of the whole system of the great lie about the alleged Communist threat. Thisf 
system has been created by the United States ruling classes in order to terrorize 
the American Nation, in order to stifie the voice of protest raised by ordinary 
American loeople against the antipeople's policy of the Government. But the 
monstrous pyramid of lies about the Communist plot built by the hands of paid 
agents, police spies, and informers turned out to have been built on shaky 


ground : one of the foundation stones gave way and the whole edifice collapsed, 
disclosing to the whole world the infamy of American "justice." 

The whole of Matusow's case proves once again the truth of the saying of 
that great American democrat, President Lincoln : "You can fool all of the people- 
some of the time ; you can fool some of the people all of the time ; but you cannot 
fool all of the people all of the time." 

Exhibit No. 124 

L05030.5 Moscow Tass in Russian Hellschreiber to Europe Mar. 4, 1955 — 1945 

(A scandalous failure of American justice.) 


New York. — A scandal caused by the disclosures made by a former Govern- 
ment informer, Matusow, and the indignation of the United States public forced 
the United States ruling circles to take uigent measures in an attempt to smooth 
over the impression caused by the scandalous failure of the Attorney General 
and the various investigating Congress committees. All tffurts were muue to 
force Matusow to deny his statements, prove the groundlessness of the persecu- 
tion carried out by the authorities against more than 200 progressive figures. 

Matusow was summoned to the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security 
which has been interrogating him since February 21. The subcommittee aimed 
at intimidating Matusow and forcing him to deny his confessions. The New 
York Post wrote on February 2.3 that the members of the subcommittee "tried 
to rudely intimidate Matusow, warning him that they would send him to prison 
for false evidence. As a result of this," indicates the newspaper, "he would be 
punished not for his previous lies but for his admission." 

Matusow repeatedly stated to the subcommittee that he lied in his evidence 
against the progressive figures who were tried and sentenced to imprisonment 
on the basis of the Smith, Taft-Hartley, and other repressive laws. 

Daring one of the sessions Senator McClellan, Democrat from Arkansas, 
threatened Matusow that he would be sent to prison for giving false evidence 
at the hearings of the trial. Matusow replied that he ^vas ready for this but all 
others who lied and gave false evidence would be sentenced together with him. 
In spite of the threats made by Senators, Matsuow stated firmly that he and 
other informers of the Department of Justice lied when they made various accu- 
sations against progressive leaders. 

On Mareli 2 Senator Eastland, Democrat from Mississippi, handed to Matusow 
a list of 244 people against whom he, Matusow, gave evidence at different times, 
and asked Matusow against whom did he supply false evidence. For several 
minutes Matusow read the list and then replied : "Some a.spects of my evidence 
regarding each of these people are false." 

Matusow said in particular to the subcommittee that Senator McCarthy en- 
couraged him during the 1952 electoral campaign to make slanderous speeches. 
A member of the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security, Watkins, Republi- 
can from Utah, who is partly indebted for his election to the hysteria incited 
in the State by the slanderous speeches of Matusow against the Independent 
Trade Union of Smelters and Workers of the Metal-Mining Industry, is one of 
the persons who benefited from IMatusow's activity during the electoral campaign. 

A number of the members of the subcommittee tried to blackmail Matusow, 
stating that the latter was a Communist and was conspiring with the object of 
discrediting the methods of the Department of Justice and the congressional 
investigating committees. Matusow resolutely rejected these assertions and 
stated that now he was a member of the Republican Party and of a Mormon sect. 

Having failed to break Matusow, the subcommittee ended its interrogations 
and warned him that he again may be summoned to give evidence. 

The evidence [one word missing], as well as recent admissions of a number 
of other informers to the effect that they were instructed by the Government 
oflicials to give false evidence, put the bourgeois press into an extremely difficult 
situation, as the real nature of the American justice has been revealed to the 
whole people. 

The newspaper Washington Post and Times Herald wrote recently in its 
editorial : "The disclosure of the fact that the witnesses on whom the Govern- 
ment relied in the court investigations are guilty of cynical and repeated false 
evidence, put the United States Attorney General, Herbert Brownell, in a diffi- 


cult situation and forced him to speali in the defense of the system which produced 
this false evidence." 

In connection with the scandalous failure of the Department of Justice the 
newspaper Capital and Times published in the town of Madison, Wis., in an 
editorial demanded the investigation of the work of such irresponsible Govern- 
ment departments as the Department of Justice and the FBI (the secret police — 

Exhibit 124^M 

E051855 Moscow, Tass, in English Morse to North America, March 5, 1955, 1610 


Moscow. — The onslaught of American reaction on the democratic forces of the 
United States is discussed in Pravda today in an article by V. Korionov. 

After recalling that a group of outstanding fighters for peace and the demo- 
cratic rights of the American people, the leaders of the United States Communist 
Party — Eugene Dennis, John Gates, John Williamson, Jacob Stachel, and Carl 
Winter — were released on March 1 from the gloomy dungeons of the Federal 
prisons in Atlanta, Danbury, and Leavenworth, Korionov writes: The authori- 
ties had to open the prison doors before the Communist leaders whose sentences 
have expired. But having been forced to make a show of "legality" on the one 
hand, the United States administration has, on the other hand, begun to prepare 
new shameful acts in order to throw back behind bars people who are innocent 
of any crime. 

It is known that in August of 1954 the United States Congress adopted and 
the President approved the so-called Communist Control Act, providing for 
further acts of repression against the Communist Party. It is this act that 
the authorities are now trying to invoke against Dennis and his comrades. The 
courageous fighters for peace and social justice are again menaced by court 
trial and a maximum of 10 years' imprisonment. 

This intention of the United States ruling quarters to mete out another 
brutal sentence to leaders of the Communist Party is yet another link in the 
chain of numerous police measures that have been taken in the United States 
of late. It is known that 140 Communist Party leaders had been arrested in the 
United States, the Hawaiian Islands, and Puerto Rico by the end of 1954 and 
tried on charges fabricated on the basis of fantastic inventions of agent pro- 
vocateurs of the type of ]\Iatusow. Thirteen more active Communist Party 
leaders were thrown into prison on January 1. 

It is not only against the Communists that the new wave of police terror is 
directed. The history of the last few decades has demonstrated that i)ersecu- 
tion of the Communists invariably presages attacks on all progressive forces, 
the working class and its organizations first and foremost. The United States 
today is another proof of this. American reaction is trying to stifle all the 
forces in the country which are opposed to Washington's aggressive plans in the 
International arena, and its Fascist tendencies inside the country. 

From the very first days of its existence, the 84th Congress showered the 
country with bills providing for still more repressive measures against demo- 
cratic organizations. In intensifying the persecution of the fighters for peace 
and democracy in the United States, American reaction is demanding that the 
same be done by the governments of other countries in Washington's fold. 

American reaction, Korionov writes in conclusion, is depending on terror and 
intimidation to consolidate its position and force the popular masses to submit 
to the policy of war and fascism. These are futile dreams. In demolishing the 
last vestige of bourgeois democratic rights within the LTnited States, the coun- 
try's ruling quarters are again revealing to the whole world their reactionary, 
antidemocratic designs. 

Exhibit No. 124-N 

E060245 Moscow, in English to North America, March G, 1955, 0100 GMT— E 

New York. — The exposure of the one-time Government informer, Matusow, 
and the indignation it aroused are responsible for the hasty measures the Govern- 
ment is taking to cover up the Department of Justice and the various congres- 
sional committees of investigation. Efforts have been made to compel Matusow 


to go back on his statement about the uncalled-for persecution to which over 
200 progressive persons have been subjected. 

T'ucowed by the threat from members of the Senate Internal Security Com- 
mittee, to which he was summoned, Matusow avowed that he and other in- 
formers employed by the Department of Justice had given false testimony 
against progressive American leaders. Matusow and several other informers 
admitted that they were coached by Government agents in these lies. 

This exposes the real nature of the trials that have been staged of late years 
in the United States against progressive persons who defend the cause of truth 
and the workers rights. 

Exhibit No. 124-0 

L130910 Moscow Tass in lUissia Hellschreiber to Europe, March 13, 1955. 

0030 GMT— L 

(American provocateurs and their pati'ons have been exposed.) 

New York. — In the Federal court in Foley Square, New York, the case of 
the Communist Party leaders continues. Their appeal to review their case 
was based on the fact that one of the chief witnesses for the prosecution, an 
FBI agent and paid "expert on communism" in the United States Department of 
Justice, Harry Marshal Matusow, publicly admitted that in his time, at the 
instigation of one of the representatives of the prosecution — Roy Oohn — he 
produced false evidence during the case. 

It was reported earlier that Matusow made the submission in a special docu- 
ment published by the American press, which gave a detailed account of his 
false testimony in the case of the 13 accused. Another document also published 
by the press gave a detailed account of the false testimony presented by Matusow 
during the trial of 1 of the 12 leaders of the independent union of the mining 
industry and smelters, Clinton Jacks, who was sentenced to imprisonment on 
the face of this false testimony. Jacks' counsel also appealed for the review 
of his case, which is now being heard in the Federal court of El Paso, Tex. 
The prosecution is trying by every means to prevent the review of the case. 

In the course of the case in Foley Square, Matusow confirmed the state- 
ments to the effect that the depositions which he made against the 13 leaders were 
in fact false. He announced that these depositions had been prepared before- 
hand for him in the form of questions and answers by one of the representatives 
of the State prosecutor, Roy Cohn. The defense submitted to the court a type- 
written text of questions and answers which on Cohn's orders were committed to 
memory by IMatusow. A. Blinder, who was summoned before the court, and who 
had been assistant prosecutor during the trial of the 13, confirmed that hand- 
written remarks made on this list were made by Cohn. 

Now, the defense has proved that the testimony presented by Matusow 
allegedly "confirming" that the Connnunist Party was spreading the idea of 
"forcible overthrow of the United States Government," was added to this list- 
in Cohn's handwriting. Thus the main thesis of the indictment against the 13 
leaders and on the basis of which they were imprisoned has been disproved. 
Nevertheless, these leaders (list of names follow — Editor) continue to remain in 
prison while the prosecution continues to hamper the revision of the case. 

In order to hush up the scandal cau.sed by this admission, the American au- 
thorities are trying to intimidate Matusow and force him to renounce his admis- 

However, nothing can weaken the enormous impression made on public opin- 
ion by the revelations of Matusow. The New York Times, on March 10 in an edi- 
torial, admits that protests have been made all over the country "against using 
paid stooges from the Department of Justice and other Government organs." 

The press quotes facts which show that Matusow is one of many provocateurs 
whom the American authorities have used and continue to use for the persecu- 
tion of progressive parties and organizations in the United States. The journal 
Progressive recently wrote that the Government Administration on Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization alone has 35 paid agents and 50 other professional false 
witnesses working in the Department of Justice, who receive $25 a day for ap- 
pearing in various court cases and examination in congressional committees. 

In its time, the periodical Nation published the names of many of these police 
agents. The observer of the New York Herald Tribune, Stewart Alsop, remarks 
that one of the agents mentioned by the Nation, Paul Crouch, who testified in 60 


cases, was found to be lyinji when he testified in the case of the progressive trade- 
union worker Harry Bridges and the victims of the Smith law in Philadelphia. 
Another agent, Hewitt, was even accused of false testimony, but the case was 
hushed up and came to nothing. Of the provocateurs mentioned in Nation, 
Manning Johnson was also cavight giving false testimony ; however, he also 
escaped a trial. 

"In spite of the ever-increasing disgust for these provocateurs even in con- 
servative circles," writes the Daily AVorker, "the Department of Justice con- 
tinues to defend them in order to retain its system of exploiting false witnesses 
for the persecution of political parties and individuals whose opinions oppose 
the point of view of the Department of Justice." 

The chairman of the national committee of the United States Ck)mmunist 
Party, William Z. Foster, describing the system of provocation, espionage, and 
false testimony which is being set up by the Department of Justice to deal with 
progressive workers' movement in the country, wrote in the Daily Worker : "If 
Matusow and others like him are guilty of false testimony and deserve prison 
sentences, are not the Government lawyers and accusers as guilty or even more 
so for training them in false testimony and for supplying them with false inven- 
tions? . . ." (Ta.ssdots.— Ed.). 

Exhibit No. 124-P 

Moscow Tass in English Hellschreiber to Europe, Mar. 14, 1955, 0345, GMT — L 


New York. — Despite countermeasures and gross pressure on the part of the 
American authorities, the publishing house of Cameron & Kahn has put out 
Matusow's book. False Witness, in which he gives a detailed account of his 
activities as a professional informer and provocateur of the American secret 
police — the FBI — and various congressional "investigating" committees. 

Using extensive factual material, Matusow exposes the dirty methods used 
by the American reactionaries to suppress the progressive movement in the 
country and any aspirations for peace among the American people. 

Matusow describes in detail how he was recruited in 1950 by FBI agents 
who immediately began using him for all kinds of provocations against 

The highlight of Matusow's activities as provocateur was his testimony in 
the 1951 trial of 13 leaders of the United States Communist Party accused of 
violating the notorious Smith Act. All his evidence at the tibial was false and 
was written in advance by the Assistant Attorney General of the United States 
at this trial, Roy Cohn, and FBI agents. 

After the trial Matusow became the intimate of high Department of Justice 
officials of the United States and the bosom friend of Senator McCarthy. On 
instructions from the Department of Justice and congressional committees, 
Matusow drew up lists of Communists including the names of all the people 
who were mentioned in reports on the activities of progressive parties, the col- 
lection of signatures to the Stockholm appeal, and so forth. 

The book exposes many sinister aspects of the activites of JNIembers of 
Congress. For instance, Matusow relates how, after his first interrogation 
by the House of Representatives Un-American Activities Committee, "the com- 
mittee members and staff employees began to pat me on the back. (Asterisks — • 
Tass) My job was to convince them I could get headlines for them. They were 
the backers of my show." 

The book also contains much material exposing Senator McCarthy. 

It is significant that, almost simultaneou.sly with the publication of Matusow's 
book, the Texas Federal court in El Paso concluded the hearing on an applica- 
tion for the granting of a new trial to Clinton Jenks. a mine, mill, smelter vmion 
official, 29, had been sentenced to imprisonment on the basis of Matusow's testi- 
mony. The defense demanded that a new trial be granted to Jenks in view 
of Matusow's confessions. 

The court refused to grant a new trial. More, obviously trying to intimidate 
Matusow, the judge condemned him f(n- "contempt of court" on the grounds that 
Matusow reversed his original testimony. The judge announced he would 
sentence Matusow next week. 


Exhibit No. 124-Q 

E150330 Moscow, in English to North America, Mar. 15, 19;j5, 0100 GMT— E 


Here is a dispatcli from New Yorlv ab<jut the appeal for a retrial filed by the 
defense counsel of the 13 Communist Party leaders. The appeal is under con- 
sideration in the Federal court on Foley Square, New York. 

The appeal for a retrial has been made Harvey Marshal Matusow, one 
of the principal witnesses for the prosecution of the Foley Square case, and FBI 
agent and so-called expert on communism in the pay of the Department of 
Justice, has publicly admitted that he gave false testimony by order of one of the 
members of the prosecution, then Assistant Attorney General, Roy Cohu. 

Matusow gives a detailed account in this statement of his false testimony 
in the case of the 13. Another statement, which has appeared in American 
papers, details the false depositions given Jby Matusow at the trial of Clinton 
Jencks, a leader of the Independent Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union, 
who is sentenced to a prison term on the basis of this testimony. Jencks' counsel 
has also appealed for a i-etrial, and the appeal is being examined in the Federal 
court in El Paso, Tex. The prosecution is working to prevent a trial. 

On Foley Square, Matusow has reaffirmed that the testimony he gave in the 
case of the 13 Communist Party leaders was false. He says that his deposition 
was prepared for him in advance in the form of questions and answers by Roy 
Cohn, then assistant attorney general. The defense has submitted to the court 
the typed questions and answers which Matusow read at Cohn's orders. 

H. Blinder, who was the attorney general's special assistant at the trial of 
the 13, was summoned to court, and he confirmed that the annotations and 
writing on the text were made by Cohn. The defense has now proved that the 
testimony which Matusow gave in court was inserted in the text in Cohn's hand- 
writing. Consequently, the main charge on which the 13 Communist leaders 
were given prison terms has been refuted. Nevertheless, Elizabeth Gurley 
Flynn, Claudia Jones, Betty Gannett, Victor Jerome, Alexander Bittleman, 
Pettis Perry, Alexander Trachtenberg, Albert Lannon, Leo Weinstock, George 
Blake Charney, Narnold Johnson, Jacol) Mindel, and William Weinstone remain 
in prison and the prosecution is doing everything possible to prevent a retrial. 

To quash this * * * exposure, the authorities are trying to badger Matusow 
into disavowing his admission, but nothing can detract from the impression 
already made. 

The New York Times said last Thursday that the whole Nation was protesting 
against the use of paid informers by the Department of Justice and other Gov- 
ernment agencies. Facts appearing in the American press show that Matusow 
is not the only perjurer used to smear progressive parties and organizations 
in the United States. According to the magazine Progressive, the Government 
Immigration and Naturalization Office maintains 35 paid agents and provocators. 
Fifty other professional perjurers work for the Department of Justice, receiving 
$25 a day for appearing at trials and before congressional examining committees. 
The magazine Nation has revealed many of the names of these police agents. 
One of them, Paul Crouch, who has deposed in 60 cases, was caught giving false 
testimony, according to Stewart Alsop, of the New York Herald Tribune, when he 
deposed in the case of Harry Bridges, the trade-union leader; Jacob Berg; and 
the Smith Act victims in Philadelphia. 

Another agent, Hewitt, was even charged with perjury, but the case was hushed 
up. Manning Johnson, another provocator mentioned by the Nation, was also 
discovered giving false testimony, but he, too, managed to escape trial. In spite 
of the growing disgust with these provocators, even in conservative quarters, 
the Daily Worker notes, the Department of Justice continues to defend them in 
order to preserve its system of employing perjurers to persecute political parties 
and individuals whose opinions conflict with the Department's views. 

William Z. Foster, national secretary of the American Communist Party, 
raises the question in the Daily Worker as to whether the Government lawyers 
and the prosecutors who support Matusow and his kind in perjury and give them 
fabrications to depose are not equally guilty, if not more so. 


Exhibit No. 124-R 

USSR Home Service, 

Mar. 18, 1955. 


Moscow, TASS, dictation in Russian to Provincial Press, Mar. 17, 1955, 1700 

New York. — Ttie revealing statements by Matusow — the former agent of the 
FBI and the recruited false witness of the United States Department of Justice, 
continue to evoke public indignation at the methods of United States justice. 
Indignation has been evoked not only within the United States but abroad as well. 

Trying to hush up the scandal, representatives of the Department of Justice 
are doing all they can to put an end to further statements by Matusow. As 
reported by UP, the court sentenced Matusow to 3 years' imprisonment for his 
refutation of evidence given in the case of a miners' trade-union leader, Clinton 
Jencks. As already reported, the same court refused to reconsider Jencks' case, 
although the whole case had been based on the false evidence supplied by 

The fact that the sentence passed on Jencks remains in force is explained by 
the fear of United States Justice officials that a new trial would lead to new 
exposure of the system of provocations and slander which they have set up. 

It is characteristic that, on the eve of Matusow's trial, he declared at a press 
conference that he knew of another false witness who was prepared to refute 
his former evidence, but that his decision would depend on what happens to 

Exhibit No. 124-S 

P:220332 Moscow, in English to IS'orth America, March 21, 1955, GMT— E 

(Dispatch from New York Pravda correspondent, Yevgeny Litoshko, concern- 
ing Harvey Matusow, former Government informer whose exposures have laid 
bare the legal despotism in the United States.) 


Matusow admitted that on the basis of the false evidence he had given by 
order of McCarthy and other Fascist-minded reactionaries hundreds of honest, 
innocent people had been imprisoned, deprived of jobs, and means of subsistence, 
and smeared and hounded. 

The New York Post says that Matusow was not the only one. Scores of other 
informers in the pay of the FBI have been doing the same. According to the 
magazine, Progressive, there are 35 professional witnesses in the pay of the 
Immigration and Naturalization Office, and more than 50 working for the Depart- 
ment of Justice. For money they are prepared to charge anyone with anything. 
All the trumped-up legal cases of Communists and other decent Americans who 
stand for peace and oppose Fascist reaction are built up on their false evidence. 

Budenz the notorious provocator, receives $10,000 a year from the Federal 
Treasury as a paid perjurer. Paul Crouch had drawn $9,675 from the Depart- 
ment of Justice in less than 2 years. Manning Johnston has earned $9,000. 

It was in this stable of Government informers, as some American newspapers 
call it, that Matusow was for a long time. 

According to the New York Times Matusow's exposures picture the filthy busi- 
ness of paid professional informers ; a business which the paper says has reached 
big proportions in late years as a result of Government encouragement. Since 
the exposui'es laid bare the legal system in present-day America they come as a 
bombshell in reactionary quarters in Congress and Government. Everything is 
being done to halt them and to dispel the shocking impression made on the 

Assistant Attorney General Tomkins has tried to represent Matusow's deposi- 
tions as a kind of new Communist plot. The members of the Senate Internal 
Security Committee questioned Matusow for several days and did their best to 
make him look like a madman or a person who had told the truth before but was 
now lying. Finally they made it quite clear that he was being imprisoned unless 
he disavowed his testimony. Nevertheless, Matusow went on exposing the system 
of perjury, bribery, and informing which forms the basis of America's legal 
system today whereupon ruling quarters resorted to another act of legal tyranny. 

One of the 244 victims of Matusow's earlier slander is Clinton Jenks, the trade 
union leader, who was sentenced last year to 5 years hard labor on a charge of 


concealing his membership in the Communist Party of America. Matusow has 
admitted that his deposition against Jenks was fabricated on orders from above ; 
that it was only his testimony that sent him to jail. 

When Judge Thomason held a review of Jenks' case in El Paso, Tex., a few 
days ago, in view of Matusow's statement, Matusow reaffirmed under oath that 
he had earlier given false evidence against Jenks. This notwithstanding, the 
.iudge refused Jenks a retrial and railroaded Matusow to jail for 3 years for dar- 
ing to reveal the false character of his earlier testimony. Senator Eastland, 
chairman of the Senate Internal Security Committee, maintains that Judge 
Thomason's unprecedented decision will fortify the American people's trust in and 
resi>ect for Federal Justice. One wonders. 

Exhibit No. 124-T 

Prague Czechoslovak Home Service in Slovak, Mar. 24, 1955, 1530, GMT— L 

(Program from ^loscow.) 

Note. — "Perjury is an American business." 

(Summary with quotations:) 

Listeners have certainly heard that books on business are numerous and very 
popular in the United States. One branch of business which has spread widely 
in contemporary America has, however, been neglected, it is perjury. This gap 
has been filled by False Witness, written by Harvy Matusow, a professional in- 

In this book, the author described how the job of a false witness has become 
profitalile in the United States. 

The book describes in detail the filthy methods employed by the United States 
reactionary circles in their attempts at suppressing progressive forces and demo- 
cratic rights. There are laws providing for severe punishment for subversive 
activities, attempts directed against the security of the state, and so forth. 

These laws are employed for the persecution of the Communist Party and 
other progressive organizations. In order to provide the required evidence, 
United States courts employ methods which were elaborated "by the ideological 
predecessors of the present-day McCarthyites, the leaders of Hitlerite Germany." 

Evidence of provocateurs and false witnesses is used for the persecution of 
progressive organizations. It was this way that a blacklist of radio and tele- 
vision artists was prepared. Matusow admitted in his book that the names of 
people who he had never met were Included In this list on the basis of his de- 

Thirteen leading Communists were sentenced on the basis of Matusow's 
evidence. Matusow admitted that his evidence and Its contents were instigated 
by McCarthy. 

Matusow's revelations have disquieted the United States judiciary. All its 
endeavors to explain IMatusow's behavior as the guilt of an individual have 
failed to deceive the public. "Facts show irrefutably that the methods described 
by Matusow are typical of the practices of Ignited States reaction." The United 
States News & World Report has recently reported that Congress paid $6 per 
day to informers heard by the Un-American Committee, up to $9 daily to those 
heard by the Internal Security Subcommittee, and ten to two hundred dollars 
dally to so-called experts. 

"These details clearly show that the job of a false witness provocateur Is paid 
in contemporary America as well as that of a Member of Congress." Matusow 
was arrested in order to prevent him from making further revelations. This 
measure taken by the United States authorities can deceive nobody. Facts re- 
main facts. 

Exhibit No. 124-U 

M242145 Sofia Bulgarian Home Service, Mar. 24, 15, 1830, GMT— M 

(Anonymous commentai'y : "Bearing false witness is a profitable profession 

in the t'nlted States.") 
Books on different methods of making money are popular in the United 

States. Hitherto none of these books has been devoted to one of the most 

profitable businesses now very, very popular in modern America ; namely, bearing 


false witness. This omission has been taken care of in the book of the professional 
spy, Harvey Matusow, that is entitled "False Witness." This book explains how 
the United States Government has made the profession of false witness very 
profitable. The dishonest methods used by the reactionary circles in the United 
States in attempting to stifle progressive forces and democratic freedom are 
described in detail. 

It is known that in postwar years many laws were passed in the United States, 
the McCarran, the McCarran-Walter Act, and others, aimed at crushing the 
progressive movement in the country. All these laws provide heavy punishment 
for subversive activities, for endangering the security of the state, and so forth. 
As a result of these laws the members of the Communist Party and organiza- 
tions that are stubbornly fighting for the defense of worker rights and in defense 
of the Constitution have been brought to court. According to the McCarthy fol- 
lowers, these people are subversive elements and foreign agents. There need be 
no proof of this. 

American justice decided to take up the methods of the leaders of Hitlerite 
Germany. With the aid of paid agents, evidence was manufactured against the 
so-called subversive elements. On the evidence of spies and false witnesses, 
progressive organizations were subject to persecution and innocent people were 
dismissed from work and sent to prison. Similar methods were used in making 
up the well-known blacklists for television workers and radio stars. 

Matusow now admits that many people he included in the blacklists were 
unknown to him. The 13 leaders of the American Communist Party retried 
on evidence of the false witness Matusow. In his book Matusow states that his 
methods and the contents of his evidence were engaged by Senator McCarthy 
and were used on his instructions at the time of the political campaign. 

It is no wonder that when Matusow was revealed the leaders of the Americaji 
justice were very upset. They started to make refutations, trying to say the 
false witness of Matusow was an individual case. These unskillful distortions of 
the American authorities cannot deceive anyone. Facts prove indisputably that 
the methods of justice, for which Matusow speaks, are typical of the American 

A progressive magazine stated recently that the American immigration-nat- 
uralization authorities maintain So agents-provocateurs and the Department of 
Justice 50, who receive .$2.5 daily for appearing at trials and before Congress. 

Information appearing in the U. S. News & AVorld Report is also of interest. 
In accordance with a table the magazine published. Congress pays $5 a day for 
evidence given to the Committee on Un-American Activities. For evidence given 
to the Internal Security Subcommittee, the rate is being increased from .$5 to $7 
daily. Experts like Matusow are paid $10 daily. It is evident that the profes- 
sion, false witness, in modern America is as profitable as that of a deputy or 

The American authorities, in order to excuse themselves before the community 
to avoid further masking, sent Matusow to prison. This gesture, however, will 
not deceive anyone. The agents and false witnesses in the United States continue 
their dirty business. C N [sic] on their slander, including those slandered by 
Matusow, are still in prison. All this shows once more the true face of American 

Exhibit No. 124-V 

California Emergency Defense CoiiMiTXEE, 

Los Angeles, Calif., Fehniari/ 19, 1955. 

Dear Member of Congress : Newspapers, radio and television commentators, 
and Members of both Houses of Congress have expressed abhorrence at the use 
of paid informers in labor and political trials and indicated that if innocent 
people have been convicted through false testimony, that these cases should be 

We are enclosing a bulletin issued by our organization which cites numerous 
examples of false testimony in recent political trials by paid informers. There 
has not been a single prosecution of anyone giving false testimony in a Smith Act 
case by the Attorney General's office. 

The Harvey Matusow confession highlights the growing need for a congres- 
sional investigation into the use of paid informers by the .Justice Department. 

We urge you to demand a congressional investigation of the Justice Depart- 
ment's use of paid informers. 


We request that you use your influence to call a halt to further Smith Act 

That you support the appeals for new trials where it has been shown that 
convictions were obtained by false testimony of paid informers. 
We would appreciate hearing from you on this matter. 
Yours very truly, 

Walter J. Stack, Secretary. 

Exhibit No. 124-W 
[Decision, California Emergency Defense Committee, February 1955 — Information bulletin] 

"It's a Good Racket" 

The confession of Harvey Matusow, former FBI spy, has exposed the Justice 
Department's cage full of "trained cobras" and raises important questions for 
every American who cherishes honor and fair play. When will the Government 
jirosecute these liars? 

Harvey Matusow, self-confessed FBI spy, has fingered 180 different Americans 
in the last few years, as Communists, subversives, fellow travelers, and Reds. 
His services have been used by the Department of Justice in Smith Act trials, 
before grand juries, and congressional witch-hunting committees. 

A former aid of Senator Joseph McCarthy, Wisconsin Republican, Matusow 
provided McCarthy with "evidence" about books in United States overseas 
libraries, about candidates for public office, about the personnel employed on 
magazines and newspapers, about former United States consultants like Owen 

He had readied the top. He was earning lots of money in what has become 
a popular postwar profession : witnessing. He had no reason to change his 
tune; all he had to do to enjoy the prestige and the money that the United States 
Government pays so readily to such as he was to keep on naming names. 

But Matusow had a change of heart. He went, first, to Metliodist Bishop 
G. Bromley Oxnam and confessed that he had lied about the distinguished clergy- 
man "and many others." He said he wanted to make amends for what he had 

Bishop Oxnam told of Matusow's confession from the pulpit. Later lie 
repeated what he knew of it, under oath, before the Subversive Activities Control 
Board. Nothing much happened. 

It was known — Matusow himself announced it often — that he had written a 
book. He wanted money to publish it. He asked the bishop for $1,5UU ; he 
repeated the request to two former Justice Department aids. Still nothing 

Then, in Texas and New York, he filed two affidavits : He swore that he had 
lied about Clint Jencks, an official of the International Union of Mine, Mill & 
Smelter Workers, who had been convicted — on his testimony — of perjury. 

He swore that he had lied about 13 Communist Party leaders who are now 
in prison — and that Roy Cohn, a former United States attorney and aid of 
McCarthy, had helped him frame his perjured testimony. 

He swore that in both cases — the Jencks case and the Smith Act case — United 
States attorneys knew before he testified, and when he testified, that his testimony 
was perjured. 

Then, all hell broke loose. A New York grand jury subpenaed him ; the same 
grand jury and the Senate Judiciary Committee summoned h.s publishers — Au.uus 
Cameron and Albert E. Kahn — in an obvious attempt to intimidate them and 
suppress the Matusow book. False Witness. 

The chairman of the House Un-American Committee first demanded that 
Matusow be prosecuted for perjury — for telling the truth. Then, a few days later 
he changed his tune and said that if his perjured testimony had "tipped the 
scales" against innocent persons, "there must be another trial." 

That there could be no doubt of the fact that aiatusow's lies had tipped the 
scales was proved by a letter he received from the United States attorney in the 
Jencks case, who thanked him for his testimony and wrote: "Your testimony was 
absolutely essential to a successful prosecution." 

And the Matusow confession continued. He swore in public that he had — 
Lied about Owen Lattimore, the former United States State Department 
consultant who had been twice indicted for swearing he did not "follow 
the Communist line" — after Matusow swore he did ; 


Lied publicly about "Communists" on the staffs of Time and the New 
York Times, so Joe McCarthy could claim both publications were "in- 
filtrated" : 

Lied publicly about Democratic Senator Mike Mansfield, who was running 

for reelection, in order to give the impression that Mansfield had written for 

a Communist publication. 

Matusow is the first Government-sponsored informer to openly confess his 

perjury and his confession has confounded the United States Department of 

Justice, which admittedly maintains a cage of "trained cobras" for use against 


here's the record on united states stools 

Though Matusow is the first United States stoolpigeon to make public con- 
fession of the indecent business in which he has been engaged — with United 
States Government approval — several Government informers have been exposed 
in the past 5 years — both on the witness stand and out of court. Consider these : 

Paul Crouch — currently retired from the business and allegedly under investi- 
gation by United States Attorney General Herbert J. Brownell, was one of the 
most talkative — and imaginative — of the professional witnesses. 

In the fourth frameup trial of longshore leader Harry Bridges, Crouch swore 
that he saw Bridges at a meeting in New York, on a certain date. 

Newspapers and other witnesses established — to the satisfaction of the court 
itself — that Bridges was in Stockton, Calif., at the very same moment Crouch 
"saw" him in New York. Yet Crouch was not prosecuted for his perjury. In 
He went on — in a Smith Act trial in Hawaii — to testify that when he was a 
24-year-old ex-United States Army private, he went to the Soviet Union and 
consulted with top Red army generals, who showed him plans "for the invasion 
of the United States." The plans Crouch swore, were in English. 

In 1925, when Crouch was court-martialed by the United States Ai'my in 
Hawaii, he said : "I am in the habit of writing letters to my friends and 
imaginary persons, sometimes to kings and other foreign persons, in which I place 
myself in an imaginary position. I do that to develop my imaginative power." 

That statement is the measiire of a man the United States Justice Department 
accepted as an authority, whose testimony has convicted innocent people. 

INIanning Johnson, another professional informer, had testified Ger- 
hardt Eisler, a German Communist up for deportation, that Tim Buck, a 
Canadian Communist leader and Eisler met with him in 1933. He was positive ; 
there could be no mistake about the date. 

The record showed that Tim Buck spent the entire year 1933 in a Canadian 

In the sedition trial of Steve Nelson, Johnson became so infuriated when con- 
fronted with his lies that he shouted : 

"Yes, I lied, and I'd do it a thoxisaud times again if necessary." 

Lawrence Seton Ross, another United States informer in the 1949 Bridges 
frameup suddenly broke down on the witness stand and confessed that his name 
was not Ross, that he had not been born in Kentucky, as he had sworn the day 
before, but in Europe : and that his entire life for 20 years had been a lie so 
elaborate that even his wife did not know who he was. 

Ross was not prosecuted ; he was rushed out of town, and the Government has 
just announced that he will be a witness in the fifth frameup of Harry Bridges, 
scheduled to begin on .Tune 20. 

Daniel Scarletto, a paid FBI stool pigeon, swore in the Los Angeles Smith Act 
case that he had been tau.dit hundreds of times that the United States is colon- 
iziuT and exploiting South Korea, this is what the war is about. 

These teachings took place at a Communist institute, Scarletto swore, and the 
institution folded up when the (Korean) war was going pretty strong. 

The institution to which he referred was closed in February 1950, 4 months 
before the war in Korea began. 

Scarletto placed Mrs. Rose Kusnitz at a meeting of the Committee for the 
Protection of the Foreign Born. She was in jail at the time, awaiting bail. 

He was a.sked to identify, in the courtroom, a man he said was a former candi- 
date for sheriff on the Communist ticket. He promptly pointed to a man in the 
rear of the room, a visiting clergyman from San Francisco, the late Rev. R. L. 
Turner of the Pleasant Hill Baptist Chux'ch. 

Was Scarletto prosecuted for his lies? He was not. 


Margaret Louise Ames, testifying on May 5, 1952, in the Los Angeles Smith 
Act trial was asked to identfy Al Richmond, defendant-editor of the Daily 
Peoples World. 

She promptly pointed to Norman Leonard, SF defense attorney. The confusion 
arose because she had apparently been told by United States attorneys that 
Richmond was a man in a brown suit. ( So was Leonard. ) 

She admitted as much when she blurted out, "It should be the man in the 
brown suit." 

Stephen A. Wereb. on March 25, 1952, in Los Angeles, was denouncing Smith 
Act defendant Albert J. (Mickey) Lima. 

Asked to point him out, he pointed to the bailiff at the defendants' table. 
Asked to try again, Wereb took a good look and said, "That's him." — pointing to 
defendant Carl Rude Lambert. 

Caught in so many obvious lies, Wereb conveniently had a heart attack and 
was removed from the stand so his memory could be refreshed by the prompters 
in the wings. 

The last three examples, which may be found in the oflficial transcript of the 
Los Angeles Smith Act trial, may sound fantastic, but they are entirely typical 
of the sort of evidence accepted by court and jury and used to convict American 

Consider the case of Daisy Van Dorn, who appeared in the Hawaiian Smith 
Act case, and many others. 

Mrs. Van Dorn was a typical lavender-and-old-lace type of old lady ; gentle 
in appearance and demeanor. 

With a straight face Mrs. Van Dorn told the court that she had been told, not 
by the defendants in the case, that the revolution is imminent, that she was to 
help cut telephone wires and that blood would run in the streets. 

Since she was a nurse, ilrs. Van Dorn was told that she would tend Commu- 
nist wounded who could be recognized by the white caps all would be wearing. 

She told how Communists were preparing the revolution by storing, not guns 
or ammunition, but sugar. She was assured that when communism took over she 
would be rewarded by a job as nurse in the White House. 

In the California Smith Act trial Mrs. Van Dorn swore that she saw de- 
fendant Ben Dobbs at Communist Party headquarters at a time when United 
States Army records proved he was an American soldier in Czechoslovakia. 

Similarly, she placed defendant Ernest Fox at Communist Party headquarters 
at a time when he was in an internment camp, under guard. 

Cross-examined in the Hawaiian trial, Daisy confessed that she had testified 
wrongly in the L. A. Smith Act case and had told Judge Mathes so. 

Quei'ied by defense lawyers. Judge Mathes said he would gladly testify to the 
effect that Daisy had lied. The prosecution in Hawaii finally agreed to stipulate 
that Daisy lied. 

Louis Budenz, leading stool pigeon of them all. seems to live a charmed life 
despite the many lies he has told in grand-jury proceedings, at trials, and before 
congressional committees. 

In September 1951 the nationally known columnist Joseph Alsop wrote in the 
New York Herald Tribune that Budenz had given demonstrably false testimony 
at hearings presided over by Senators Millard Tydings and the late Pat 

Senator Herbert Lehman of New York, has demanded Budenz' investigation 
for perjury, on the fioor of the Senate. So did Senator Dennis Chavez of New 
Mexico, a prominent Catholic layman. Former President Harry S. Truman 
publicly associated himself with Senator Lehman's charges against Budenz, 
yet there has been no investigation or prosecution of this liar. 

To the contrary, he has testified that in 7 years he had earned .$70,000 for 
writing and lecturing against communism, exclusive of his fees and per diem 
payments from the Government of $34 a day, and his salary as a professor at 
Fordham University. 

John Lautner, another $.34-a-day man, occupied the witness stand in the 
Hawaiian Smith Act case for almost a month despite the fact that he didn't 
claim to know a single defendant in the case. 

Similarly, in Seattle, he testified at great length as a star witness without 
knowing a single defendant; ample proof that it was not the defendants who 
were on trial for any overt acts, but the ideas they professed and the books 
in which those ideas are set forth. 

This particular spy, appearing in the Los Angeles Smith Act case, swore that 
he saw Al Richmond, Peoples World editor, at the 1945 convention of the Com- 
munist Party. 


At the time of the 1945 Communist Party convention, Richmond was a soldier 
in the United States Army in England. 

Symbolic of most of these stools is Samuel D. Russell, who made a living tell- 
ing "stories ; a member of the Los Angeles Fantasy Writers Society. 

it's a good racket 

How good a racket the I-was-a-Communist-for-the-FBI game is, is evidenced 
by the money paid by the United States Government for the services of these 
contemptible people. 

Mrs. Mary Markward of Washington, D. C, Mrs. Bernice Baldwin of Detroit, 
and William Cummings of Toledo appeared in the New York Smith Act case. 
They swore they got nothing but expenses. 

It was revealed that the .Justice Department and the FBI paid out $118,431 
to 10 informers who testified in that trial for services rendered. 

:\Irs. Markward actually got $24,026, Mrs. Baldwin got $16,717, and Cum- 
mings earned $12,444. 

In the California Smith Act trial United States Attorney Binns admitted the 
Government had spent over $50,000 to pay 22 informers. 


The confession of Harvey Matusow, which will be published shortly by Came- 
ron & Kahn in the book. False Witness, has sparked the gTowing disgust of the 
American people with the use by their Government of men and women who will 
say anything if they get paid for it. 

Yet no perjury prosecution has ever been instituted against a single one of 
these professional liars even when they were exposed. 

Methodist Bishop Oxnam called for an investigation of these people many 
months ago. And today even Representative Walter, chairman of the witch- 
hunting Un-American Committee, admits that there must be another trial if such 
testimony has tipped the scales against innocent people. 

Apropos of the Matusow revelations the San Francisco Chronicle on February 
4 raised serious doubts about the Attorney General's wholesale use of informer 
testimony in political trials. 

"Human instinct is to disbelieve informers," the Chronicle said, "and this is an 
example of how right the instinct is." 

On February 6 the Washington Post and Times Herald asked editorially : "How 
many Americans have been luijustly convicted on the basis of Matusow's perjured 
testimony ? How many others have been sent to prison or condemned before con- 
gressional investigating committees by other former Communist perjurers who 
like Matusow decided to make witnessing a lucrative career?" 

No accurate answer can be given to that question, but the number may be found 
in the thousands, workers who have been fired on the basis of information pro- 
vided by stool pigeons, information just as accurate as that detailed in this 
leaflet by professional witnesses. 

Teachers have been thrown out of their jobs ; writers, actors, directors have 
been blacklisted and deprived of the right to earn a living in their professions. 

Doctors and lawyers have been smeared before witch-hunting bodies and lost 
their practice and their reputations ; librarians and research workers have been 
fired ; trade unionists have been indicted and brought to trial and imprisoned ; 
the list is growing eveiy day. 

In his column in the New York Herald-Tribune on January 28, Stewart Alsop 
wi'ote : 

"But in the years since the trial of Alger Hiss, the cult of the ex-Communist as 
the undisputed arbiter of the loyalty of other citizens has grown like a cancer. 

"Matusow's confession is likely to initiate a serious investigation of this new 
postwar profession of the informer, and this could have good results for the 
political health of the United States." 

Will there be an investigation, or will it all blow over? Will Matusow's accusa- 
tions against Roy Cohn, McCarthy, and other United States officials who, he 
claimed, helped him frame his perjury, be investigated or will the Department 
of Justice content itself with prosecuting Matusow for daring to leave its cage of 
"trained cobras," and attempt to cover up the entire scandal? 

Will the Government abandon its attempt to whip the American people into 
conformity with its present foreign and domestic policy by the use of the hired 
liar who will finger anyone for a fee? 

59S8G— 55— pt. 12 6 


That Is up to you. 

This is wli:it you can do : Write Attorney General Brownell demanding — 
An end to all Smith Act indictments and prosecutions. 
Reversal of all Smith Act and other antilabor convictions based on per- 
jured testimony. 

An end to the use of the taxpayers' money to pay political informers. 
Published as a public service by the California Emergency Defense Committee. 
Send urgently needed contributions to 1026 Market Street, San Francisco 2 ; 525 
South Spring Street, Los Angeles. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next, a list of news stories appearing in the 
ComiTinnist publications Daily Worker and Daily People's World, to 
show the importance with which the Communists regarded the Matu- 
sow case. 

I ask that these clippings be printed in full text in the record at this 

(The clippings were marked "Exhibit No. 125" and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 125 

[Daily Worker, April 14, 1955, p. 1] 

Communists Ask High Court Review McCarran Act 

Washington, April 13. — Judicial approval of the McCarran Act would imme- 
diately outlaw the Communist Party, jeopardize the trade union movement and 
imperil the liberties of countless non-Communists, the Supreme Court was told 

The grave warning was offered in the course of a 131-page petition to the High 
Court by the Communist Party for review of a 1954 United States Court of 
Appeals decision sustaining, by 2 to 1, a Subversive Activities Control Board 
order directing the Communist Party to register its members under the McCarran 
Act. The petition opens the way for the first major test of the constitutional 
issues involved in the bitterly debated, Truman-vetoed 1950 law. 

"If the order of the Board becomes final, the civil and criminal penalties which 
the act imposes on individuals for membership (in the Communist Party) will 
be extended far beyond those who are its members," the petition declares. 

The petition points out that since passage of the McCarran Act Congress has 
adopted the Communist Control Act which sets up "all embracing criteria of 
membership" under which many non-Communists will be subject to dragnet 

"Such persons as Dr. Robert Oppenheimer, John Carter Vincent, Dr. John 
P. Peters, and many thousands of lesser prominence will be natural targets of 
the civil disabilities imposed by petitioner (the Communist Party) and of 
prosecution for failure to register," the petition continues. 

"The Court should not wait until the axe has fallen on some of these victims 
before determining whether it may be constitutionally wielded." 

Pointing out that "no other Western democracy outlaws the Communist Party," 
the petition declares : 

"This proceeding immediately involves the rights of Communists. But events 
of recent years have once more proved that repression cannot be contained. What 
began as a drive against the Communists has inexorably led to the victimization 
of thousands of non-Communists, wlio have been prosecuted, dismissed from 
their jobs, black-listed, ostracized, barred from public platforms, deported, denied 
the right to leave or enter the country, and otherwise persecuted. 

"Of even more moment have been the pervasive restraints on expression, the 
burning of books, and the creation of 'the ministry of fear in our country.' 

"When the Court below sustained the act and the Board's order, it upheld 
the premises of McCarthyism on which they are based. These are coerced con- 
formity, suppression of peaceful assembly and advocacy, determination of guilt 
by legislative fiat, imputation of guilt by association, trial by a biased tribunal, 
judgment on the basis of irritational and vague standards, and acceptance of the 
testimony of professional perjurers. 

"If these execrable policies may be lawfully applied to petitioner, they may 
be, and inevitably will be, extended to the people as a whole. Indeed, the 
techniques whicli the act and the Board employed against the petitioner have 
only recently been used to indict four Democratic administrations and the pres- 
ent Republican administration for '22 years of treason,' to impugn the loyalty 


oi two former Presidents and impeach the integrity of the Foreign Service and 
tlie Armed Forces. 

"The issue which this case presents is not whether communism will survive 
in America, but whether the Constitution will survive to protect the whole Ameri- 
can people." 

The sweep of the McCarran Act, originally aimed at so-called "Communist 
action" and "Communist front" organizations, was enormously extended by 
passage of the Communist Control Act of 1954, the petition points out. The 
new law amended the IMcCarran Act by adding a new category known as "Com- 
munist-infiltrated organizations." It is under this section, vigorously opposed 
by all sections or organized labor, that the Attorney General has announced 
that he is proceeding against various trade unions. 

"Moreover," the petition continues, "if the present categories of front and 
infiltrated organizations turn out to be too restricted, new ones can and un- 
doubtedly will, be created. Having moved from action and front organizations, 
to infiltrated organizations, tlie act could next be extended to groups which are 
'contaminated,' "tainted,' 'tinged,' and finally, 'politically unreliable.' 

The Communist Party presented lU questions for the Court to consider, in- 
cluding the constitutionality of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, 
which is the first section of the Internal Security Act of 1950, more commonly 
known as the McCarran Act, as amended and supplemented by the Communist 
Control Act of 1954. 

Review was urged on a number of other counts including the denial by the 
iil-peals court of the Communist Party's motion to adduce additional evidence 
based on revelations of perjury by paid Government informers. Harvey Ma- 
tusow, a paid Government witness, testified in the SACB proceeding against 
the Communist Party. Matusow admitted in his book False Witness that he 
lied in his testimony before the Board. 

Other paid Government witnesses who testified included Louis Budenz, Paul 
•Crouch, Manning Johnson, Mary Markward, and Benjamin Gitlow. 

The Board's report was not supported by the preponderance of the evidence and 
the B-»ard members were prejudiced against the defendants, the petition declares. 

The evidence on which the court relied, the petition goes on, "consists of pe- 
titioner's views and policies." 

"Thus, applying the act in accordance with its real purpose the court sustained 
a death sentence against petitioner because it holds views that are presently 
unorthodox and unpopular. 

"If the decision below is allowed to stand, there remains no effective limita- 
tions on Congress' control over political expression. 

'■The proceeding outdoes the heresy trials of earlier times. Heretics were 
burned for believing doctrines held to be false and wicked. The act, however, 
as applied by the Board and the court below, punishes political heretics for pro- 
mulgating doctrines which concededly may be true and good. It creates the 
strangest and most virulent of heresies — 'nondeviation,' including 'nondeviation 
from truth.' 

"Clearly, the question whether the act, on its face and as applied, violates 
the first amendment, requires review by this court." 

Failure to register under the law is punishable by imprisonment up to 5 years, 
fine up to $10,000, or both. Since each day of failure to register constitutes a 
se])arate offense, the penalties, the petition points out, "are potentially astro- 
nomical." On this point the petition declares : 

"The order is not a means for obtaining the disclosure of information. Its 
purpose and effect is to outlaw the organization and so to prevent it from dis- 
closing its views to the American people. The Attorney General has acknowl- 
edged that the registration order in this case, if sustained, will result in outlawing 
or destroying the petitioner." 

The reference is to former Attorney General Tom Clark's testimony in Feb- 
ruary 1948 before the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Clark was 
testifying on the Mundt bill, a predecessor measure on the McCarran Act. 


The petition was filed by attorneys John J. Abt, of 11 Park Place, New York 
and Joseph Forer, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C. 

The McCarran Act was passed over President Truman's veto on September 30, 
19.50, during the Korean war. The Attorney General filed a petition with the 
subversive Activities Control Board on November 22, 19.50. Taking of evidence 
Hjegan on April 23, 1951, and the SACB handed down its adverse ruling April 20 


1953. The court of appeals sustained the order by a 2-to-l vote with a judgment 
entered December 23, 1954, Judges Prettyman and Danaher making up the 
majority against dissenting Judge Bazelon. 

It is from this decision that the Communist Party is now appealing. 

[The Worker, February 6, 1955, p. 1] 

Full Tkxt of Matusow's Statement — "I Lied for the FBI 
TO Jail Communists" 

(By George Morris) 

Harvey Matusow, repentant professional FBI informer who since 19.52 has 
been used as a witness in thought-control cases affecting 180 individuals and 
organizations, confessed that his testimony was "false" and, was "entirely 
fabricated" at the direction of United States Government attorneys to support 
the fake force and violence charge against the Communist Party. 

Matusow's confessions came in 2 affidavits, with more apparently to come, in 
which he exposed point after point of his testimony in the Smith Act case of 
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and her 12 codefendants, now serving sentences, and in 
the Taft-Hartley non-Communist affidavit case of Clinton Jencks, international 
representative of the IMine, Mill and Smelter Workers, sentenced to 5 years for 
allegedly swearing falsely. 

Both affidavits have been placed before the trial judges of the two cases along 
with motions for new ti-ials. Hearings on the Jencks motion were set for 
March 7. On the New York 13, Judge Dimock set the hearing for March 10. 

After each point, ^Matusow asserted his testimony was false and he flatly 
charged in his affidavit on the Flynn case that Roy Cohn, then assistant United 
States attorney, "developed" the framed false answers that were later given from 
the witness stand. 

In the most flatfooted and sweeping exposure of frameup methods in the long 
history of United States antilabor frameups, Matusow said after quoting one 
section of his testimony : 

"The testimony was entirely fabricated to create the false impression with the 
court and the members of the jury that the Communist Party taught and advo- 
cated the overthrow of the United States Government by force and violence." 

After listing liis refutations, Matusow stated they do not exhaust the pack of 
lies he unloaded in the court of Judge Dimock and that he was ready to testify 
in court on the entire testimony, adding : 

"For on other occasions in connection with other portions of my testimony, 
the United States attorneys participated in formulating statements which I 
attributed to the defendants and other persons named in my testimony which was 
not based on what was actually said, but which was created for the purpose of 
the trial." 

Matusow repeatedly stressed he gave testimony "which the United States 
attorneys knew to be false." 

The affidavit in the Jencks case submitted to a Federal judge in El Paso, simi- 
larly listed about a score of items in Matusow's testimony that he now says were 
false. It was entirely Matusow's testimony upon which the Jencks case hung. 
The affidavit was accompanied by a copy of a letter to Matusow from Charles 
F. Herring, United States attorney who prosecuted Jencks, dated February 5, 

1954, which said : 

"As I told you before you left El Paso, I am sincerely grateful to you for your 
fine cooperation in the case of United l^tntrs v. Clinton E. Jencks. As you know, 
your testimony was absolutely essential to a successful prosecution and you pre- 
sented it in a fine, intelligent manner. If you are ever in my part of the country, 
be sure to look me up." 

The pattern of the frameup technique that emerges from the Matusow affidavits 
is a simple one : the witness usually bases himself on a conversation he may have 
had with a defendant or on presence at a meeting addressed by the defendant, 
but the statements attributed to the per.son on trial are prefabricated and coached 
in the "preparation" sessions in the Government attorney's office for the informer 
to memorize. 

One of the more detailed examples given by IMatusow concerned Alexander 
Trachtenberg, 1 of the 13 imprisoned Connnunists who heads International Pub- 
lishers. The only basis for "connecting" Trachtenberg to a certain passage in 
the book of Andrei Vishinsky's Law of the Soviet State which Roy Cohn said 
was very "essential" in the case, was Trachtenberg's inquiry on one occasion at 
the Worker's Book Store on how a number of books among them Vishinsky's, was 


selling. Matusow said lie informed Cohn that he had no discussion with Trach- 
tenberg on the contents of the book. 

•'Nevertheless," he went on in the aflBdavit, "thereafter, in several sessions with 
Cohn, we developed the answer which I gave in my testimony, tying Trachtenberg 
to that passage. We both know that Trachtenberg had never made the state- 
ments which I attributed to him in my testimony." 

Similarly statements were fabricated against Pettis Perry, Arnold Johnson, 
and George Blake Charney. 

Matusow's was the first voluntary confession of the long parade of professional 
informers and FBI plants since the Smith Act trials began. But it is as sweeping 
and unequivocal as the confessions of the parade of witnesses that were used in 
1916 to frame Tom Mooney and the famed handwritten confession by star wit- 
ness Ruby Bates in the f rameup of the nine Negro Scottsboro boys. 

Public attention had been drawn before to exposures of fake testimony in the 
Smith Act trials, notably that of Paul Crouch. It was the Alsop brothers who 
first noted the contradictions between his testimony in the Philadelphia trial 
and in other cases. The holes in the testimony of Louis Budenz were publi- 
cized by the Alsops and others. But Matusow is the first to come forward and 

Matusow was probably the most used of the informers. The two affidavits 
give only a sample of the story he is to tell in the book, False Witness, to be pub- 
lished soon by Cameron & Kahn. Since he was unveiled in 1952 as a witness 
before the House Un-American Committee, he fingered about 180 persons in trials 
and hearings and was star witness In jNIcCarran Act proceedings against numer- 
ous organizations, including the Communist Party, Labor Youth League, Abra- 
ham Lincoln Brigade, Council of American-Soviet Friendship and others. He 
testified also against Owen Lattimore and before the Internal Security Board 
and at numerous State and Federal witchhunt hearings. 

He was also a campaigner for the McCarthyite candidates, especially in Wiscon- 
sin where McCarthy put a plane at his disposal. He was used in the Montana, 
Utah and Wyoming campaigns in support of the McCarthy-backed senatorial 
candidates. He was also a witness in witchhunt hearings against the Boy Scouts 
of America, Antioch College, New York City College, New York Teachers Union 
and served as an "expert" and "adviser" to a long list of redbaiting bodies. 

His confessions are unquestionably a hard blow for the Department of Jus- 
tice machinery of informers. The testimony of informers is more under question 
than ever. The Department, at this writing, has not gone beyond announcing 
that Matusow will not be used any more. But there is apparently no intention 
of dropping other discredited witnesses. 

From San Francisco it was disclosed that one of the witnesses to be used in 
the forthcoming Bridges trial is Lawrence Ross, who was used in the previous 
Bridges cases, but who has since admitted that he has lived a life of lies and 
had given false testimony. 

Only a few days before the Matusow affidavits appealed, a parade of profes- 
sional FBI informers, among them two in the unions of Milwaukee, were used to 
convict Claude Lightfoot on the Smith Act charge of "membership" in the Com- 
munist Party. 

On the other hand, the Matusow exposure has also spurred a drive in labor 
ranks against professional informers. A delegates' conference of the southwest 
region of the ]\Iine. Mill and Smelter Workers in El Paso (Jencks' district), 
cheered a call by vice president Orville Larson of the union for a general drive 
in the country against the use of informers in all witchhunt cases. 

The CIO nationally has begun to take an active interest in the fight against 
the "loyalty" procedure with main attention to the case of Dr. John P. Peters, 
Yale medical professor, who was ousted as a "security risk." The United Auto- 
inf)bile Workers is pressing the fight for John Lupa. an auto worker who was 
similarly ousted. The CIO's main concern is that the informers are "invisible" — 
the accused is not given an opportunity to face the accuser. 

Ironically, in the very week that the CIO and UAW pressed their fight, the 
Wisconsin edition of the CIO News gave its main headline to glorifying Michael 
J. Ondrejka, an FBI plant in a Milwaukee local of the ILTE-CIO who appeared 
as a witness against Lightfoot. The Milwaukee Labor Press, AFL, similiarly 
glorified John Brzek, of the longshoremen's AFL local there, also a confessed 
FBI plant, who appeared against Lightfoot. 

The Matusow confessions are taking the spotlight, however, and they will go 
a long way toward discrediting the business of paid, professional, FBI-planted 


[Daily Worker, February 8, 1955, p. 8] 
Ask New Sobei^l Trial, Cite Habvet Matusow 

Because of the linking of Roy Cohn and former United States Attorney Miles 
Lane to Harvey Matusow's use of perjured testimony In the courts, Attorney 
General Herbert Brownell was asked yesterday to reopen the case of Morton 
Sobell. Mrs. Rose Sobell, mother of Morton Sobell, speaking for the Committee 
to Secure Justice for Morton Sobell, pointed out to Brownell that both Cohn and 
Lane played major roles in the trial of Morton Sobell, convicted of "conspiracy 
to commit espionage" with E'hel and Julius Rosenberg, and sentenced to 80 years. 

Matusow, in an affidavit, had said that in a Smith Act trial he lied under the 
guidance of Rov Cohn and "with the knowledge of the United States attorney." 
Lane was United States attorney in New York at the time. 

The letter sent to Brownell by the mother of Morton Sobell was as follows : 

"The linking of Roy Cohn and former United States Attorney Myles Lane to 
knowing use of perjured testimony in the courts is a further reason why your 
office should reopen the case of my son, Morton Sobell. While the disclosures 
against Cohn and former United States attorney Lane by Harvey Matusow con- 
cerned another case, these facts cannot but add to the doubts in the Sobell case,, 
in which Cohn and Lane played a major role. 

"I remind you that there was only one major witness against my son. This 
witness, Max Elitcher, admitted perjuring himself, in another matter. More- 
over, when asked by attorney Manuel B^och : 

" 'Will you name the person or persons with whom you went over your testi- 
monv, in preparing for this trial?' Elitcher answered : 

" 'Well, I have talked to Mr. Kilsheimer and Mr. Cohn' (p. 270, printed trial 
record. ) 

"To continue to keep my son in Alcatraz on a 30-year sentence after it has been 
disclosed that there have been such irregularities on the part of members of the 
prosecution staff is the height of irresponsibility and disregard for the cause of 

"I ask that your office start an Immediate investigation into the circumstances, 
of Sobell's conviction, and take steps to see that he gets a new trial." 

[Daily Worker, February 8, 1955, p. 1] 
CIO CoM^MNisT Welcomes Confessions of Matusow 

Commenting on the turnabout of paid informer Harvey Matusow, Willard 
Shelton, the political columnist of CIO News, sees signs of a "crackup in the 
ranks of the anti-Communist political racketeers." If this crackup comes, he 
adds, "the event will be a joyful one." 

He writes that "it is possible — possible, not certain — that the country is 
beginning to break out of its miasmic preoccupation with the dangers of domestic 
communism and internal subversion." 

"The climate is somewhat better than it was a year ago," writes Shelton. 
He also hopes that the President will recognize his "supreme responsibility"^ 
of guaranteeing the protection of "innocent" victims of the witchhunts. 

"There has been something obscene," he writes in the February 7 CIO News, 
"in the spectacle of a great free nation shivering in its boots before the rantings 
of the witchhunters, passing drastic laws by the sheaf, hanging breathlessly 
on the televised hearings of some junior-grade headline hunter like Representa- 
tive Velde, turning a respertful ear to the testimony, true or dreamed-up, of 
professional turncoat informers." 

After describinc: the McCa''<^hvite craze that brought us the McCarran law 
and the more recent changes in it, Shelton writes : 

"Now there are signs of a change." 

He notes that informer Paul Crouch had already been di.sci-edited, and now 
Matusow. Shelton doesn't place much reliance on Matusow's veracity, but adds 
"There's something infinitely funnv in his claim that Roy Cohn, the terrible- 
tempered former counsel of the McCarthy committee, helped him doctor up 
gomp ev'dpnce." 

"It's just possible," continues Shelton, "that the latest Matusow episode will 
discourage the Justice Department about the whole stable of informers, so that 
Brownell will gloomily file away his wiretap records and return to his proper 
business of prosecuting people for overt crimes." 


[Daily Worker, April 1, 1955, p. 7] 
John Steinbeck Takes a Look at Matusow and "Death of a Racket" 

(By Milton Howard) 

In the current issue of Saturday Review, April 2, John Steinbeck, one of the 
best-linown American novelists, signs a blazing editorial called in unmistakable 
American speech, Death of a Racket. 

The racket of which Steinbeck speaks with such harsh contempt is the racket 
of the •'anti-Communist" hired informer. 

The book on which Steinbeck bases his opinions is Matusow's False Witness, 
in which the one-time darling of Joe McCarthy, various Government commit- 
tees, and of Herbert Brownell's conviction-hungry prosecutors, recounts the 
sordid tale "from the inside" of how Government frameups are manufactured. 

Writes Steinbeck : 

"The Matusow testimony to anyone who will listen places a bouquet of forget- 
me-nots on the grave of McCarthy. The ridiculousness of the whole series of 
investigations now becomes apparent, even to what a friend of mine used to 
call peanut-munchers. Matusow will have a much greater effect than he 
knows. What follows cannot be worse and may be better. It will surely be 

Steinbeck adds : 

"Matusow's description of the life of an informer is a sad commentary but 
a believable one. It is the story of Titus Oates all over again * * * (Gates was 
an anti-Catholic informer who caused the jailing and death of hundreds through 
fake testimony in 17th century England.) Not only was he paid as a Govern- 
ment expert but he was paid for lectures. Magazines fought for his ar- 
ticles * * *. It is natural that he would cast about for the means to maintain 
his position by bringing larger and more flamboyant charges. Remember — 
when Titus Gates' first bill of charges was thrown out he countered with a 
second larger bill. The parallel is exact." 

"MaHisow has ruined the racket," continues Steinbeck. "It will never be so 
good again * * * the fact is that every bit of testimony of professional witnesses 
will have to be inspected in terms of old-fashioned rules of evidence." 

With unmistakable reference to Louis Budenz, Steinbeck remarks, "A very 
famous informer dribbled out his revelations over a period of 10 years. He is 
the dean. None other has ever equaled his technique." 

It is impossible not to be moved by this kind of statement of an angered scorn 
which, if the record is to be kept straight, itself participated in, and helped to 
create, that very climate, those same "winds of the time" as Steinbeck puts it, 
"when certain basic nonsense was allowed to pass unnoticed." For Steinbeck 
was taken in tow by the cold-war leadership to such an extent that he did not 
scruple even to lend the authority of his literary achievement to State Department 
broadcasts in Fascist Spain, Italy, Vienna, etc. 

But there is a fact which thinking American intellectuals, sickened by the 
freezing anti-intellectualism of the McCarthyite "Red scare," must face. It is 
that the Government men who hired a professional liar like Matusow are also 
in control of the cold-war propaganda which enlists some of our leading writers 
abroad. Brownell hired Matusow and the other false witnesses ; but Dulles hired 
the novelists. 

The cold war of the past near decade has been based on the dogma of the 
"'inevitable war" with "communism." 

This dogma had the appearance of invincibility. Its power to stampede the 
American intellectual world, or to silence its dissidents, was very great. And 
seeming invincibilities, however hollow in fact, have attractive power. But the 
American situation has not turned out to be what the "inevitable war" conspira- 
tors had hoped. 

The doctrine of the "inevitable war against communism" now stands before the 
alarmed Nation as a dogma of national treachery and suicide. The souirht-for 
war can be nothing but an unbelievable slaughter with atomic and H-bomb 
weapons. If a Matusow has picked up on his antenna the signals of this ap- 
proaching change in the real situation, will our serious writei-s be far behind? 

The placing of the brand of "security risk" — that contemptible invention of 
the planners of war — on the brow of Dr. Robert Gppenheinier. despite his efforts 
to prove his submission, did not prevent some of America's leading scientists 
from declaring their boycott of the University of Washington liecause it banned 


Oppenheimer from talking on science. This too, along with Steinbeck's statement, 
is a sign of the times. 

Steinbeck's contempt for the "certain basic nonsense" which was believed under 
the influence of the cold-war hysteria does not lead him to a rejection of the big 
lie about the working-class Communist Party. He still says that the Communists 
approve of "the climate of disunity and suspicion which has haunted us for the 
last few years," and that Communists "would much rather keep the investigations 
going with tlieir harvest of fear and disruption." 

Certain basic nonsense, it would seem, is more tenacious than even Steinbeck 
has estimated. The opinion that Communists just adore being hounded, jailed, 
and tormented as proof of the wickedness of their persecutors is about as cogent 
as the view that Negroes like to be lynched to prove the white supremacy of the 
Ku Klux Klan. 

But we cannot expect everything. It suffices that John Steinbeck has expressed 
sentiments which a literary artist with a sense of responsibility for his Nation 
cannot long silence without crushing his talent. The country' which wouldn't 
swallow McCarthy is now changing its writers, and its writers must help to 
further change the country. The forgery of the "Communist menace" has been 
poisoning the Nation and its culture long enough. 

[Daily Worker, March 30, 1955, p. 4] 

(By Harry Raymond) 

The history of frameups throughout the ages, in the effort to control the 
thoughts of men, is replete with the confessions of perjurers. 

Stephen's History of the Criminal Law of England describes how the noto- 
rious Judge Jeffreys sentenced five Jesuits to death in 1679 on testimony of 
the infamous professional informer, Titus Gates. Gates later recanted and was 
denounced by the same judge as the "most perjured villain that ever appeared 
on the face of the earth." 

The Tom Mooney case, the Moyer-Haywood-Pettibone case, the Scottsboro 
case — all 20th century frameups — and dozens of other cases brought to light 
self-admitted liars for the prosecution. 

But rarely has there been an example of a recanting witness whose lies 
revealed a whole system of Government-organized fabrication. 

The recent 6 weeks' hearing before Federal Judge Edward J. Dimock on 
the motion for a new trial for Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and 12 associates, im- 
prisoned under the Smith Act. is just such of a rare example. For it pro- 
vides, with pitiless clarity, a legal X-ray of the frameup system at work. 

It demonstrates to all reasonable persons, by evidence independent of the 
sworn recantation of Harvey Matusow, former professional informer, that false 
testimony was willfully instigated and used by the Government. 

This article and those to follow, based on the record of the hearing before 
Judge Dimock, the transcript of the Flynn trial, and the magnificent brief 
on the facts and law by defense counsel Harry Sacher, will analyse the lies 
of Matusow in their "egg to hatching" evolution. 

The testimony and documentary evidence will speak for itself. 

It will show how the Matusow lies (largely fertilized, if not conceived by 
former Assistant United States Attorney Roy M. Cohn) grew and grew and grew. 


In examining the hatching process of the Matusow lies, one begins to wonder, 
What woiild happen if Louis Budenz, Paul Crouch, Manning Johnson, and the 
rest of the paid professional informers were likewise microscopically scruti- 
nized? Matusow certainly was gone over with a fine-tooth comb in the hearing 
before Judge Dimock. 

Judge Dimock has this important question before him : Was Matusow's 
testimony in the Flynn trial false? 

Sacher, an astute lawer, told the court that to establish the falsity of Matu- 
sow's testimony in the trial "we have in no instance relied on the recanting 
testimony which he gave at the instant hearing imless such testimony is cor- 
roborated" by — 


Documents introduced in evidence which emanate from the Government 

Testimony of Government witnesses, excluding Alfred Kahn, Nathan Witt, 
and Herbert Tank, witnesses unfriendly to the Government position who 
were subpenaed by Prosecutor J. Edward Lumbard. 

Testimony of such disinterested witnesses as Methodist Bishop G. Bromley 
Oxnam, called by the defense. 
The transcript of the Flynn trial. 

"We think we may fairly say that from these independent sources we have 
established overwhelmingly, if not conclusively, that every item of Matusow's 
testimony which the defendants on this motion charged to be false was in fact 
false," Sacher told Judge Dimock. 

Sacher presented to the court a series of 13 charts, 8 of which traced the de- 
velopment of Matusow's testimony in the Flynn trial, and 5 charts which ex- 
hibited contradictions in testimony by former Assistant United States Attorneys 
Cohn, David Marks, Alfred Blinder, Robert Reagan, John Foley, and FBI Agent 
James J. McCarthy. 

These men admitted they had the job of preparing Matusow to testify in the 
Flynn trial. 

FBI reports and witness sheets outlining the type of testimony Matusow was 
prepared to give at the trial, documents which emanated from the Government 
during Judge Dimock's hearing on the new trial motion, demonstrated that 
Matusow had made no previous mention to any Government oflScial of more than 
half the items to which he testified at the trial. 

These documents also revealed that Matusow, while being prepared to testify, 
made no mention of the most damaging portion of seven items of his later testi- 
mony in reports to the FBI or to Assistant United States Attorney Blinder, whO' 
was in charge of preparing Matusow's testimony before Cohn took the job some- 
time after May 16, 1952. 

Matusow's main perjured testimony in the Flynn trial, according to the testi- 
mony at Judge Dimock's hearing, began to emerge at this point. 

Sacher charged in his brief that '"six of the items to which Matusow testified 
emerged for the first time, either in whole or in most damaging part, while Matu- 
sow was being prepared b.v Mr. Cohn." 

Matusow, examined at the Dimock hearing, testified Cohn coached him to fabri- 
cate testimony against defendants in the Flynn trial. 

Two additional items of Matusow's testimony at the trial, claiming defendant 
Alexander Trachtenberg advocated "force and violence" through alleged endorse- 
ment of the late Andrei Vishinsky's book. Law of the Soviet State, were not 
contained in the original question and answer sheets. 


The testimony against Trachtenberg was clearly an afterthought of Matusow 
and the prosecution staff. It was developed, according to testimony at the hear- 
ing, during the week preceding Matusow's taking the stand in July 1952. 

Testimony about the Vishinsky book, not mentioned in any of Matusow's 
FBI reports or in the pro.secution witness sheets, was developed, the record of 
the Dimock hearing reveals, when Reagan replaced Cohn as Matusow's "preparer." 

Sacher, in his brief, discusses these developments and draws the court's atten- 
tion to this "appropriate commentary" from Wigmore on Evidence : 

"A failure to assert a fact, when it would have been natural to assert it, amounts 
in effect to an assertion of the nonexistence of the fact. This is conceded as a 
general principle of evidence." 


Sacher then tells the court that, "in the circumstances," Matusow can be ap- 
propriately compared with the "notorious perjurer Gates" of the 17th century of 
whom Wigmore wrote : 

"One of the chief of the testimony of the notorious perjurer Gates 
was that at his original information to the Council he failed to state facts which 
he afterwards testified to on the trials of his various victims ; each time bringing 
out new facts before unmentioned." 

Matusow admitted he lied on eight specific points in the Flynn trial. The 
evolution of his admitted perjury in relation to defendant Trachtenberg. as shown 
by evidence in the hearing on the motion for a new trial, will be discussed in 
tomorrow's article. 


[Daily Worker, March 27, 1955, p. 6] 

The Week in Civil Libekties — File Brief fob New Teial — False Witness 

Best Seller 

Briefs were filed Friday by attorneys for Elizabetli Gurley Flynn and her 12 
codefendants by defense attorneys to support their demand for a new trial, and by 
attorneys for the Justice Department who oppose a new trial. The defense 
motion was based on sworn testimony of Harvey Matusow that evidence he had 
given in their trial was false. Judge Edward Dimock said he would study the 
briefs together with the testimony of some 20 witnesses who testified during the 6 
weeks of hearings held by Dimock on the defense motion. 

Attorneys for Clinton Jencks, mine-mill organizer convicted under the Taft- 
Hartley Act for perjury on the testimony of Harvey Matusow, has filed notice 
of appeal against the decision of Federal Judge Thomason in EI Paso, Tex., deny- 
ing him a new trial. 

The trial of seven Smith Act defendants opened in Denver last week in Fed- 
eral court. The seven are Joseph Scherrer and his wife, Maia ; Harold Zeppelin ; 
Arthur Bary, and his wife, Anna Correa ; Patricia Blau ; and Lewis M. Johnson. 

Cameron & Kahn, publishers of Matusow's False Witness, announced that 
the first edition of 50,000 copies has been exhausted and a new edition is on the 
press. There have been 20 radio and TV interviews with the publishers about 
the book and 1 clipping service informed the publishers it has 10,000 clippings 
commenting on the book. 

Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, world famed Negro scholar, last week denounced the 
rearrest of the six Communist leaders following their release from prison on 
March 1. Dr. DuBois expressed special concern for Benjamin J. Davis, who 
upon his release began serving a 60-day sentence for "contempt" in Pittsburgh. 

From Atlanta Federal prison, where he is serving a Smith Act sentence, Robert 
Thompson blasted the Government's attempt to deprive his family of disability 
pension due him because of wounds suffered in World War II. Thompson was 
awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for valor in action during that war. 

Delegates from 15 States were slated to gather in Washington this weekend 
for a national legislative conference called by the American Committee for Pro- 
tection of Foreign Born. 

[Daily Worker, March 18, 1955, p. 4] 

Denver, Greensboro Papers on Matusow : Did His Lies Fire New York 
Teachers? Helped Snap Nation Out of Trance 

Denver, March 17. — Recalling Harvey M. Matusow "has now been revealed 
as one of the 'faceless informers' against American public schoolteachers," Asso- 
ciate Editor Lawrence Martin in the Denver I'ost asked if "false testimony 
by him against the New York teachers cost them their jobs." 

In his column IMarcli 9 Martin cited testimony at a recent board of education 
meeting here on the resolution "which would require any schoolteacher, whether 
a suspected subversive or not, to inform on other teachers, or be fired for 
insubordination." , 

Martin told how Mrs. Rose Russell, legislative representative of the New York 
Teachers Union, read a photostatic copy of a confidential memorandum to the 
board dated February 14, 1952, headed "Re Harvey M. Matusow," signed 
"S. M." Her identification of "S. M." as Saul Moskoff, assistant corporation 
counsel, wrote Martin, went unchallenged. 

Martin quoted the memorandum, which figured in news stories here, in detail, 
including S. M.'s account of how he followed up one of Matusow's tips by him- 
self telephoning a number. 

Identifying himself as "Nat Moss," and after "much conversation, most of 
which was of a jocular nature," with a "female voice," the investigator, S. M., 
wrote "it was determined that — has a sister who is a sclioolteacher and who 
is unmarried." 

The Denver columnist and editor wrote that during Matusow's 10-day period 
working for Supt. William Jansen and Moskoff, who was in charge of the anti- 
subversion school program, "Matusow named other school employees than those 
referred to in the 'S. M.' memoi-andnm." And he cited Mrs. Russell as saying 
that all of them were called before Moskoff, and some were severed from their 


"In view of Matusow's self-repudiation of liis lying about other persons," 
Lawrence wrote, "the question now arises whether false testimony by him 
against the New York teachers cost them their jobs. He never appeared face 
to face with them as a witness against them. * * *" 

Greensboro, N. C, March 17, — The Greensboro Daily News apparently doesn't 
go along with the Department of Justice apologists who are trying so hard to 
persuade the public to discount Harvey Matusow's revelations on the theory 
he was a "plant" in the FBI. 

In an editorial March 5 the Greensboro newspaper declared, "What does it 
matter whether this niixed-up creature is an undercover Communist agent or 
not ?" And it concludes : 

"History may, indeed, remember him as the man who finally convinced a 
nation, bordering on the edge of Red hysteria, to take a second look and snap 
out of the hypnotic trance." 

And although the editorial declared Matusow to have "tricked the FBI and 
■Congress as badly as they had been tricked in decades," it refrains from saying 
that he "tricked" Roy Cohn. Instead, it recalled how "Roy Cohn, of death- 
less memory," declared of Matusow, "there was never any doubt about his 

[Daily Worker, March 24, 1955, p. 7] 
Matusow's Revelations About the Entertainment Blacklists 

(By David Blatt) 

One of the most interesting chapters in Harvey Matusow's False Witness 
-concerns that weekly blacklist dope sheet Counterattack, which was set up a few 
years ago by ex-FBI men. 

Under the slogan of fighting communism it peddles information injurious to 
trade unionists, democrats, and liberals to big-business outfits and particularly 
to the personnel departments of the mass entertainment media. 

"Those classified by Counterattack as 'Reds' encompassed far more than Com- 
munist Party members," writes Matusow, "They encompassed members of Con- 
gress, motion-picture performers, stage singers, dancers, one stripteaser, various 
businessmen and members of the clergy from all major faiths." 

You get a clear-cut idea of the sinister aims of this lal)or-spy racket, 1955 model, 
when you read in Matusow's book that Counterattiick blacklisted Stars for 
Stevenson because these entertainers campaigned for Adlai Stevenson, the 1952 
Democratic Party candidate for President, and they singled out for blacklisting 
people who were active in civil-rights struggles and spoke out for equal rights for 
Negroes and against discrimination. 

You also get from the book a vivid picture of the sordid and farflung activities 
of the witchhunting rag with which Matusow was connected for sometime as as- 
sistant editor, and the soulless characters who made blacklisting a paying 

"While I was with Counterattack the total number of subscriptions was never 

above 5,000 but many were strategically located with top business executives," 

writes Matusow. The 5,000 subs at $21 apiece brought in a gross annual income 

of over $100,000, in addition to the very substantial fees paid by industry to 

'Counterattack for its investigatory services." 

Here was a lucrative business indeed and it stretched from New York to Wash- 
ington to Hollywood and involved such men of culture as Jack Wren, a former 
officer in Naval Intelligence who was the liaison man between Counterattack 
and the big New York advertising agencies which "controlled the casting of tele- 
vision shows." 

Here are some more of Matusow's revelations of the underworld of labor 
espionage : 

Wren had his own blacklist "and worked closely not only with his advertising 
agency, Batten, Barton, Durstine & Osborn, but with almost every major agency 
and radio TV network in New York." 

On top of that he was in close touch with the American Legion's Americanism 
Commission and with the Un-American committees and worked with them in 
■clearing suspected "Communist artists" — but "only if they were willing to testify 
(that is turn informer) as Ella Kazan, the director, and others had done." 


rounterattack had its fingers in the Hollywood movie pie through screen actor 
Ward Bond (he usually plays the part of a "heel") and Roy Brewer, head of the 
Motion Picture Alliance, an antilabor outfit once shunned by almost every union 
in the film industry. 

The widespread blacklist operation had the blessing of George Sokolsky, the 
professional Red-baiter and A-bomb rattler, and Alfred Kohlberg, one of the 
leaders of the pro-Chiang China lobby. 

Also participating in the operation were lesser individuals like Frank Pulaski, 
an actor who sat at home evenings watching his TV screen and compiling black- 
lists of actors and actresses for use by Counterattack ; and the Drew sisters, whose 
main interest "was ridding the fine arts of 'Communists' * * * they furnished 
Congressman George A. Dondero, of Michigan, with the information he used in 
eight speeches before Congress 'exposing Comnuuiist painters and sculptors'." 

Matusow was hired by Counterattack for his "inside knowledge of communism." 

He testifies, among other things, that he made false statements to 20th Century 
Fox about a talented Negro actor who was forthwith blacklisted throughout 
Hollywood and radio and TV. "Once universally acclaimed by critics as one of 
the most talented in the United States, he is now limited to an occasional role in 
an off-Broadway play." he now writes. 

This is only one out of a great many lives and careers wrecked by the terrible 
blacklisting and informer system. 

The book tells how Counterattack hounded John Garfield, the brilliant young 
screen star whose suicide a few years ago shocked the country. 

Matusow tells how he himself got a well-known comic thrown off the Colgate 
TV Comedy show that included Yogi Berra. the Yankee catcher, by calling the 
Yankee's public-relations man "a total of 17 times, using several different voices^ 
a voice technique I have developed through my hobby of working with puppets" — 
and putting the pressure on him to do something about it. 

Matusow's confessions are a shocking expose of the murderous technique of 
investigators, blacklisters, and informers. 

The whole country should echo what columnist Barry Gray said in his column 
last Thursday : 

"Open the Matusow file with an investigation of investigations. Examine the 
blacklist technique. Cros.s-examine every individual mentioned in his book. Let 
us properly allocate some of the blame — what we have left over after draping it 
on ourselves." 

[Daily Worker, March 15, 1955, p. 4] 

"False Witness," by Harvey Matusow — A Searchlight Into the Frameup 


(By Simon W. Gerson) 

Whatever the sins of Harvey Matusow — and they are many and heavy — he has 
accomplished one thing : he has placed the Government informer system on trial. 
More, he is compelling thinking Americans to reexamine the whole system of cold 
war thought-control laws of which the Government infoi-mer is an inevitable part. 
His book. False Witness, out today, should speed considerably that process of 
sober second thought. 

For False Witness is more than the record of a political rake's progress. Far 
beyond the author's intent, it is a devastating account of the moral corrosion of 
McCarthyism on midcentury American society. As such it deserves careful 
study by all decent elements in American society, first and foremost the organized 

Its principal importance lies not in the fantastic path of Matusow. He is ap- 
parently seeking to rise from the McCarthyian ooze and return to the ways of 
decent mankind — a beginning of regeneration that has already given the Justice 
Department and various Senators horror spasms. Matusow's seriousness rests 
not so much on his revelation of the sordid and sometimes macabre ways of 
McCarthyism. It is in the two sober affidavits in the book's appendix in which 
he gravely places his own liberty on the line in a small effort to expiate some of 
his crimes. It is because of these that the Washington heavens are now falling 
and judicial thunderbolts play about young Matusow's head. 

False Witness carries the reader through the various stopping places of a 
rogue's travelogue. First an informer for the American Gestapo, J. Edgar 
Hoover's FBI, then a witness for the House Un-American Committee, then an 


investigator for the Ohio Un-American Activities Commission, a witness in 
Federal court trials in the Flynn case in New York, a professional witness for 
the Internal Security Committee, tlie Subversive Activities Control Board, vari- 
ous Texas commissions, a speaker for McCarthyite-backed candidates in the 
1052 campaign, etc., ad nauseam. 

Of special meaning to organized labor are the sections in which Matusow de- 
scribes, with names, places, and dates, the use to which his "services" were put 
by an unholy alliance of antilabor manufacturers. State otEcials and some un- 
scrupulous labor leaders in their fight against militant unionism. 

Of most current interest is the detailed account of the fabrication of evidence 
in the Smith Act case against Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and her 12 codefendants. 
In this case, shrouded in the deepest le.iial doubt from the outset (the jury was 
out about G days, longer than in any other Smith Act case) the fabricated Matu- 
sow testimony might very well have been precisely the added bit that swung the 
wavering 12 jurors to bring in a guilty verdict. It is precisely here that the 
essential rottenness of the thought-control frameup system is most clearly ex- 
posed. Roy Cohn's role as the bright young maestro of the frameup is vividly 
brought out by Matusow. 

Hut the (Jovernmeni informer did not help frame up only Communists. The 
Matusow canvas was much broader, ranging from Communists, through labor 
leaders, liberals, New Deal and middle-of-the-road Democrats to the New York 
Times and Time, Inc. Heads of the New York school system curried his favor 
and paid for his "services," while McCarthyites systematically used him against 
Owen Lattimore and rival Democratic candidates. 

False Witness illustrates an axiom that an increasingly large group of Ameri- 
cans is beginning to understand that fascism only begins with the Communists 
but by its own ruthless logic must destroy the rights of all its opponents — labor 
leaders, liberals, and even conservatives who still cling to traditional constitu- 
tional liberties. Those who still argue about the alleged "rightness" of 
McCarthy's objectives but disagree only with his "methods" might well ponder 
this lesson 

For if anythinii: is plain it is that Matusow is no aberration. He is a social 
product. He could only grow and flourish in the rotten social swamp of McCarthy- 
ism. As publisher Albert E. Kahn writes in a brief foreword, "the major ques- 
tion * * * is i^ot tjjg question of Harvey Matusow. It is the question of a 
national atmosphere which has raised the informer — in the words of the Wash- 
ington Post columnist Alan Earth — 'to the stature of a national hero and trans- 
forms his role into a profession.' " 

For social repression literally requires a Matusow, a Louis Budenz, an Elizabeth 
I'.entley. a Paul Crouch, a Manning .Johnson, and the rest of that subhuman 

American big business is an old hand at this stuff. In 1916-17 when one giant 
California public utility wanted to terrorize its workers against unionism and 
antiwar expressions, it found st*;ol pigeons against Tom Mooney. When the 
frenzied New England banking, textile, and shoe interests wanted stool pigeons 
against Sacco and Yanzetti, they "found" them. And when the southern bourbons 
wanted to terrorize the Negro people through the Scottsboro case (as in a thous- 
and other cases against the Negro people) they, too "found" informers. And 
when the atom maniacs wanted stool pigeons in the Rosenberg case (Roy Cohn 
vras in that one, too) they "found" them. 

It is against the expression of political opinion that the informer becomes an 
indispensable weapon of extreme reaction. As Prof. Zacheriah Chaffee put it 
in his Free Speech in the United States: 

■•Infoi-mers have been the inseparable accompaniment of Government action 
against the expression of opinion since the delators of Tiberius. 

"* * * the spy often passes over an almost imperceptible boundary into the 
agent provocateur, who instigates the utterances he reports, and then into the 
fabricator, who invents them." 

But history and people have a way of catching up — sometimes, tragically, too 
late. Some such social process is at play here. The widening mass opposition to 
McCarthyism is creating a profound revulsion in many circles. A new anti- 
McCarthy social pressure is being engendered, one that takes on many and fre- 
quently transient forms, but which continues to move firmly toward the Bill 
of Rights and the freedom of the market place for discussion of questions of 
war and peace. This new pressure affects even a Harvey Matusow, a Mrs. Marie 
Natvig, a Lowell Watson — and perhaps others. 


With all due respect to the various schools of individual psychology who will 
examine the Matusow book, this i-eviewer feels that the reason for False Witness 
is not to be found in the Matusow psyche. It stems from the growing anti- 
McCarthy resistance of many elements in the community and the great, new 
winds of reason that are blowing. It is this basic social pressure that caused 
informers to recant in the Mooney case, the Scottsboro case, and most recently 
in the Flynn and Edward Lamb cases. 

To say this is not to minimize the great contributing role played by the de- 
fendants and their supporters in all these cases. Tribute must be paid first of 
all to the Communists and others who denounced the thought-control frameup 
and the informer systems from the very beginning, and to fighting lawyers like 
Nathan Witt, John T. McTernan, and Harry Sacher (to name but a few). 

A special word needs to be said about the two courageous publishers, Angus 
Cameron and Albert Kahn, who issued False Witness. Without them there would 
not be these revelations of rottenness. Their courage and steadfastness are 
models for all Americans who believe in the freedom to write and publish. Their 
tenacity of high purpose has defeated the frenzied efforts of the McCarthy and 
Brownell crowd to suppress False Witness. In this high-minded resolution they 
follow the example of another publisher of a p-eneration a^o, Gotham House, 
which resisted similar reactionary pressure in 1932 to publish the famous Mooney- 
Billings Report, a carefully dnr'njriented analysis of the frameup of Tom Mooney 
and Warren Billings suppressed by Congress. 

Democratic-minded Americans of all political persuasions can rejoice that a 
Harvey Matusow has ascended from the lower depths of American politics to tell 
his story. Now it is up to liberty-loving America to insist on the sequel — a search- 
ing congressional probe of the informer system : freedom for the v'ctims of the 
frameups ; full pardon and indemnification for those convicted or forced to flee 
political frameups, and an end to the whole foul network of thought-control laws 
that destroy our heritage and shame America before the world. 

[Dally Worker, March 15, 1955, p. 1] 
Fail To Gag Matusow Book — False Witness on Sale Today in Bookstores 

(By Harry Raymond) 

Harvey Matusow's book. False Witness, an amazing biographical story of 
how fabricated testimony was cooked up against persons in the left wing and 
progressive movement, goes on sale today in bookstores across the Nation with 
an advance sale of more than 40,000. 

Matusow, a former FBI informer, and his publishers, Angus Cameron and 
Albert E. Kahn, met newspaper and television reporters in the Hotel Roosevelt 

The publishei's told how the Justice Department "attempted to suppress pub- 
lication of the book through an effort to seize by subpena all manuscripts and 
galleys," affected a 6 months' contempt sentence against Kahn (later vacated), 
and brought "pressure to bear on printers and binders" to prevent publication 
of the book. 

Matusow told how he must fly to El Paso, Tex., this morning to a face a pos- 
sible prison sentence Wednesday of 5 years for "telling the truth" about his 
faked testimony in last week's hearing on a motion for a new trial for Clinton 
Jencks, officer of the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Union. 

Matusow had testified in El Paso before Federal Judge R. E. Thomason that he 
lied as a star witness in the trial in which Jencks was sentenced to 5 years on 
a charge of falsely signing a non-Communist Taft-Hartley affidavit. 

Judge Thomason in a brief hearing held Matusow in contempt for scheming^ 
to "obstruct .lustice." 

"If Judf'e Thomason had decided that I made a mockery of justice when I tes- 
tified against Clinton E. Jencks and had granted Jencks a new trial, one might 
imderstand his contempt citation." Matusow declared. "But to hold me in con- 
tempt now, when I am telling the truth, is to deny Clinton E. Jencks a new 
trial on the basis of that present truth is in my opinion improper. 

"I think the judge is going to sentence me. I believe the maximum is 5 years 
and I will appeal it. If I have to go to jail for upholding my convictions, I'll 
go to jail providly." 


Matusow stated he had confidence "a higher court will vindicate me." He 
added : "The question of whether I am telling the truth now or not is something 
that should be decided only after a hearing on the issue." 

He told the news and TV reporters he believed Elizabeth Bentley and Louis 
Budenz had been "false witnesses on internal communism." 

He cited testimony of Budenz that he personally knew 4,100 Communists. 

"Budenz was not in a position to know that many people," Matusow said. 

He said he knows another professional Government witness who admitted 
to have testifying falsely. This person, he said, is waiting to see what action 
will be taken on Attorney General Browuell's proposal to change the perjury 
law so a recanting false witness can be clapped in jail without traditional cor- 
roborating evidence. 

Matusow gave copies of his book to newspaper and TV reporters. Through- 
out the book, which is well documented, he said he made false statements as a 
witness to win convictions of Elizabeth Gurley Flynu and her 12 codefendants 
in the 1952 Smith Act trial. He gave other faked testimony charging persons 
were Communists. 

"I was * * * a publicity addict longing to see my name in the papers — to see 
the headlines scream and a few people cringe," he wrote. 

"I even knocked King George off the front page," he said. He referred to testi- 
mony he gave the day Britain's King George VI died. 

Cameron & Kahn, publishers of the Matusow book, charged that the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee inquiry into Matusow's recantations "can hardly 
be called impartial." 

"When INIatusow appeared as a witness before this committee in 1952, his 
sworn testimony contained manifest lies," the publishers declared. "Neverthe- 
less, the committee not only failed to act at that time to expose these lies, but 
in fact assisted on giving them wide publicity * * * They have asserted they 
believe Matusow is lying now, and they remain painfully silent about the lies he 
previously told as a committee witness." 

Cameron & Kahn announced they were sending a letter to all Members of 
Congress urging a "broad and thorough investigation be initiated by the Senate 
into Matusow's operations as a paid Government witness and an aide to Senator 

"We are urging this investigation also to inquire into the present efforts of 
the practice of the Justice Department to prevent the true facts in this case from 
reaching the American public," the pulilishers of False Witnes-'s declared. 

The publishers said the first printing of .50,000 copies of the book has been 
distributed to dealers and jobbers across the country. They said the second 
printing would be issued shortly. 

To meet the March 15 publication dateline, Kahn said, he and his staff worked 
night and day. They finally did in 3 weeks a job that usually takes 2 months 
he said. 

False Witness is published in a hard cover edition for $3 and a paper cover for 
$1.25. Matusow will receive "regular author's royalties," Kahn said. 

[Daily Worker, March 11, 1955, p. 4] 
Big Lies, Little Lies, and the Case of H.vkvey Matusow 

By Alan Max 

It makes you feel as if you're standing on your head to see a headline in the 
New York Herald Tribune reading, "Reds Seen in Drive on FBI Men." Espe- 
cially after several years of headlines announcing "FBI Men Seen in Drive on 

The latest headline is over a statement by Assistant Attorney General William 
F. Tompkins, who seems to be in a state of shellshock from the Matusow revela- 
tions. Tompkins insists that the current exposure of the Justice Department's 
"liars' club" of informers is only a "Communist plot." Being a "Communist 
plot," therefore the substance of the exposure should be ignored, there should be 
no new trials for the victims, no disciplining of the Government attorneys who 
manufactured false testimony. On the contrary, according to the Justice Depart- 
ment, all those who are taking part in the exposure should tliemselves be thrown 
into jail. 

Thus, Mrs. Marie Natvig, informer in an FCC case who recanted, has been 
indicted for perjury, charged with lying when she testified that a Government 


attorney told her to lie. A grand jury in Texas is all primed to get Harvey 
Matusow. The publishers of Matusow's book are constantly being threatened 
with prison for "contempt." And Attorney General Brownell is trying to get new 
legislation which would send any recanting informer to prison at once on charges 
of perjury. 

The Justice Department was so worried about Matusow's confession regarding 
his part in helping frame the Communist leaders in the Flynn case, that it sent 
Assistant Attorney General Tompkins himself to Foley Square to oppose the 
motion for a new trial. Tompkins got one squint at Matusow's charges and con- 
cluded the only way to meet the damning revelations was to yell "Communist 

Signs point to a danger that the Justice Department may actually succeed in 
preventing the Matusow revelations from being followed to their logical con- 
clusions. This is so particularly because the labor-backed Democrats in the 
Senate so far are not eager to step into the fight. Senator Harley Kilgore, chair- 
man of the Senate Judiciary Committee, let the Subcommittee on International 
Security (formerly the Jenner committee in name and still the Jenner committee 
in fact), take over the issue and proceed to carry the ball for the Justice 

The labor-backed Democrats are evidently concerned because the "liars' club" 
was actually founded under the Truman administration. Budenz, Bentley, and 
Chambers were all products of the Justice Department under Truman. 

Furthermore, there is evidently a fear in many quarters as to just where a 
real investigation would lead. There is genuine concern, and rightly so, over 
the smearing of New Dealers by the stable of informers and over false accusa- 
tions that someone is a Communist when he has never been anything of the 
kind. But the hearing in Judge Dimock's court over a motion for a new trial 
for the 13 Communist leaders is something else again. 

In that ease we did not have an instance of non-Communists falsely being 
called Communists. Here we had leaders of the Communist Party falsely being 
called advocates of force and violence. 

The Matusow trial, once embarked upon, leads directly to the exposure of 
the big lie itself about the nature of the Communist Party and its program. All 
the more reason for pursuing the trail, of course. But also the more hesitation 
on the part of many. 

Without the big lie that Conununists advocate force and violence, the little lie 
that some non-Communist is a Communist would have no effect. In fact, far 
from being a smear, it would be viewed by many as a badge of honor. 

The most outspoken criticism of the Justice Department in the present Matu- 
sow case comes from Stewart Alsop (in the Herald Tribune of March 6) who 
himself did much to expose the informer system. "It was no doubt naive to 
expect any sober examination of the problem posed by Matusow and his kind," 
he writes. "For then the Justice Department and the committees concerned 
would have to consider their own past practices, perhaps even to admit mis- 
takes — and that, of course, would never do." 

But these "practices" were inevitable, once the big lie was incorporated into 
thought-control legislation. If the Justice Department has employed only "hon- 
est" stoolpigeons, they could never have sent Communists to jail. 

Much of the labor press has shown an interest in the Matusow revelations. 
After all, the labor movement is a prime target of the informer system as used 
to cook up "loyalty" firings in "defense" plants. But unless the unionists insist on 
a real probe of the system and of Justice Department collusion in it, none is 
likely to take place. No matter how big the lies uncovered by the Matusow trial, 
the labor movement can only be the gainer. 

[Daily Worker, March 9, 1955, p. 3] 
How Union-Busters Used Matusow — Coached by GM to Get UE, Says Spy 

Citing sections of Harvey Matusow's book. False Witness, the United Electrical 
Radio and Machine Workers noted that the repentant informer had worked with 
Ohio corporations and leaders of the CIO International Union of Electrical 
AVorkers to "Red-tag" the UE and militant unionists the firms wanted to be 
rid of. 


The passages cited also indicate that leaders of the lUE cooperated with the 
corporations and State's un-American committee to obtain collective-bargaining 
rights where the UE held them. 

Matusow's confessions shed more light on operations of the vast network of 
industrial spies that is now a daily menace to millions of workers in both Gov- 
ernment employ and private industries. 

"In Ohio," says Matusow in his book, as quoted in the current UE News, "I 
cooperated with management and its attempts to rid themselves of the 'trouble- 
makers' in the unions. I worked behind the scenes with the Ohio State Un-Ameri- 
can Commission and management. 

"I worked with General Motors, Frigidaire division, the Master Electric Co., 
the GHR foundry, and others. I was in contact with the personnel departments 
of these plants as an investigator for the committees. I was invited to go through 
their files and their reports on the activities of employees. Frequently the accusa- 
tion that someone was a Communist or pro-Communist was originally made by the 

In another part, Matusow says : 

"Subpenas were served on the leaders of the United Electrical Workers Union, 
District 7. They were hauled before the commission at a time when negotiations 
were in progress with Master Electric Co. 

"Bill Shoots, then head of District 7 lUE, told me that his union was cooperat- 
ing with the commission in order to get jurisdiction of the UE shop. He said it 
couldn't be done on a fair trade-union basis. 

"The personnel director of the Master Electric Co. called and asked to see me. 
When I arrived, he showed me the personnel record of all employees that man- 
agement suspected of being Communists * * *." 

The company's officials explained to him Matusow said, that their suspicions 
were determined on the "degree of activity in the union" and "all those under 
suspicion were in the leadersJhii:! of the local" of the UE. 

Later those names were recited by Matusow before the Ohio un-Americans as 
those of "Communists." He continued : 

"My broadcasts on the hearings were completely distorted in order to hurt the 
UE. That was my intent. Another way in which to build my reputation." 

Matusow also disclosed that Shoots invited him to a District 7 meeting of 
the lUE. 

"The staff of District 7 of the International Union of Electrical Workers 
(lUE-CIO) was at my disposal," Matusow went on. "I received names, dates, 
and places of UE activities. There was little concern as to the effect the infor- 
mation had on the workers in those plants under UE contracts. The lUE leaders 
frankly admitted that their cooperating with the commission would have a 
harmful effect on future UE contract negotiating." 

[Daily Worker, February 14, 1955, p. 3] 
Ueey Cites Role of Roy Cohn in Conviction of Sobeix 

Chicago, February 1.*?. — Dr. Harold C. Urey. Nobel prize scientist, expressed the 
belief here last night that "injustice had been done" to Julius and Ethel Rosen- 
berg and that many others in the United States today are similarly threatened. 

Speaking at a banquet of more than 700 guests in his honor, the distinguished 
physicist pleaded for people to "try to do something about this series of doubtful 
trials or quasi-judicial procedures, that threaten our security as individuals liv- 
ing in a great free country." 

Dr. Urey declared that Morton Sobell, convicted of conspiracy to commit 
espionage and serving a 30-year sentence in Alcatraz, "was not properly tried" 
and that "the verdict and the sentence were not justified." 

The testimonial to Dr. Urey was held under the auspices of the Chicago Sobell 
Committee at the Hamilton Hotel. Mrs. Helen Sobell, wife of the imprisoned 
man, presented the scientist with a bound volume of scrolls inscribed with a 
tribute to Dr. Urey from prominent persons throughout the world. Ar ong the 
signers were Robert M. Hutchins, educator, and Arnold Toynbee, British his- 

In a detailed analysis of the Rosenberg-Sobell case, Dr. Urey declared : 

"If proper trials cannot be secured for impopular people, then it will become 
impossible to secure justice for other somewhat less popular people and so on 
until no justice is possible at all." 

59886— 55— pt. 12 7 


Dr. Urey criticized the use of the professional informer by the Department of 
Justice and congressional committees and cited the recent statements by Har- 
vey Matusow that he gave false testimony and that Roy Cohn was in complicity 
vpith him. While saying that Matusow's accusations against anyone could not be 
relied upon, Dr. Urey ix)inted out that Roy Cohn was assistant prosecutor 
against Sobell and the Rosenbergs. 

He pointed out that Sobell had been convicted on the word of an admitted per- 
jurer who hoped for leniency in testifying against Sobell. 

"The concern with our basic security as a country," he said, "has led many 
people, often in high places, to look for a scapegoat, that is, an easy way to solve 
our difficulties. That scapegoat has been spies, espionage agents, subversives in 
Government. I do not condone such agents but if all Communists and Communist 
sympathizers should quietly die, the fundamental insecurity of this country would 
be the same as it is now. 

"This very well justified concern for our security in a modern, dangerous 
world has led us to do things which will undermine our way of life, our form of 
government, and our freedom." 

Dr. Urey cited the Oppenheimer hearings, Dr. Condon's clearance problemSj 
the Lattimore case, passport problems, and visa problems. 

Other .speakers included Carey McWilliams, author and editor, and Prof. Harry 
Kalven, of the University of Chicago. Stephen Love, Chicago attorney, was dinner 

[Daily Worker, January 31, 1955, p. 3] 
Mine, Mill Hits Government Use of Stoolies 

El Paso, Tex., January 31. — More than 100 delegates to the southwest regional 
meeting of the International Union of Mine. Mill and' Smelter Workers held here 
over the weekend, cheered a call for a nationwide drive by labor against "pro- 
fessional informers and stoolpigeons" now the main instruments of the Govern- 
ment in thought-control trials. 

The call was sounded by Orville Larson, the union's vice president, in an ad- 
dress before the delegates. Larson called on them to mobilize their membership 
in California, New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas in defense of all victims of thought 
control, with central attention to the forthcoming trial of Maurice Travis, Mine- 
Mill's secretary-treasurer, on a charge of allegedly swearing falsely to a non- 
Communist Taft-Hartley aflSdavit. 

Clinton Jencks, international representative of the union in the area, is now out 
on appeal from a sentence of 5 years on the same charge. 

Jencks received a standing ovation when he appeared before the conference. 

The spirit among the delegates was heightened by the report that a day before 
the conference Harvey Matusow. an informer who has been a Government witness 
in 180 thought-control trials and hearings and was chief witness in the Jencks 
case, had made a full confession that he lied and was willing any time to take 
the stand to reaffirm an affidavit to that effect. 

Matusow's affidavit, listing each of the bits of "evidence" he gave in the Jencks 
case as lies, was submitted in Federal court in El Paso to Judge R. E. Thomason^ 
who sentenced Jencks. A hearing on a petition for a new trial petition was set 
for March 7. 

I^arson spoke bitterly as he reviewed Matusow's confession and the role of 
professional informers and FBI plants in general as a menace to labor. 

"Matusow not only lied about a member of our union," said Larson, "but also 
against professors in universities in our countiy and United States Senators, and 
he has lied about some of the great newspapers in the country." 

Matusow was also the star witness before a hearing of the Senate Internal 
Security Committee staged in Salt Lake City during the 1952 election campaign 
when the late Senator Pat McCarran was its chairman. That hearing was de- 
libei-ately staged to label Mine-Mill as a "Communist-dominated union" and com- 
bat its election activity in the Western States. 


[Daily Worker, January 31, 1955, p. 1] 

A Bombshell 

An Editorial 

The admission by a star FBI stool pigeon tliat be gave "deliberately false" testi- 
mony in court, is a sensational expose of the entire frameup system against 
Communists, labor leaders, and progressives. 

Harvey Matusow's admission undermines every Smith Act trial and thought- 
control hearing in which be participated. 

It cuts the ground from the testimony of every other stoolie, too — for they all 
testified to the same kind of lies that be did. 

It throws new light on the outrageous nature of the plan of the Justice Depart- 
ment to arrest and imprison Eugene Dennis and the other Communist Party 
leaders all over again when they finish their Smith Act terms in March. 

Attorneys for Clinton Jencks have demanded a new trial now for the union 
leader who was framed by Matusow. 

The bombshell admission by Matusow also underscores the urgency of the 
CIO convention demand for a congressional probe of violations of civil liberties 
and for elimination of all repressive legislation. 

The American people have a right to know all the facts behind the Matusow 
case. They have a right to know the extent to which the Department of Justice 
has been used as a department of frameup. 

Te American people have a right to demand that the Justice Department drop 
every thought-control prosecution underway and that all imprisoned victims be 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The next, a letter — obviously a form letter — mailed 
by Mr. John Clark, president of the International Union of Mine, Mill, 
and Smelter Workers to Senator Jenner of the subcommittee, and a 
mimeographed copy circulated through the mails, of a letter addressed 
to the Attorney General by Mrs. Louis Sobell. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 126 and 
126A" and appear below :) 

Exhibit No. 126 

International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers, 

Washington 4, D. C, February 8, 1955. 
Hon. William E. Jenner, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Senator : I am taking the liberty of sending you the full story of 
Harvey Matusow's recantation of the testimony with which Clinton Jencks was 
convicted on Taft-Hartley affidavit charges. 

We believe this is a sensational story. It proves the statement by 17 promi- 
nent Protestant and Jewish clergymen that "The informer is a public 
accuser * * *. Yet we have strong reason to believe that some informers who 
have traduced large numbers of citizens have not spoken the truth." 

Matusow's affidavit is the first time since the political trials began 6 or 7 years 
ago that a Government witness, a professional ex-Communist, has recanted his 
own sworn testimony. 

Stewart Alsop, in his January 28 column, said : "Legal lying, by such pro- 
fessional former Communists as Matusow, which has been tolerated by all three 
branches of the American Government, has done irreparable harm to the individ- 
ual American citizens. But it has also done irreparable harm to the whole 
American political process." Mr. Alsop suggests that "Matusow's confession is 
likely to initiate a serious investigation of this new postwar profession of the 

We respectfully urge that such an investigation by the appropriate committees 
of Congress be undertaken immediately. We agree with Mr. Alsop that it could 
"have good results for the political health of the United States." We believe 
such an investigation should include careful, critical study of every word of 
testimony given by the professional witnesses in the last several years, as well 


as the methods used by various agencies of Government to obtain and use their 


John Clark, President. 

Exhibit No. 126-A 

Committee to Secure Justice for Morton Sobell, 

New York, N. Y., February 2, 1955. 
Attorney-General Herbert Brownelu, 

Justice Department, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: The linking of Roy Cohn and former United States attorney Myles 
J. Lane to knowing use of perjured testimony in the courts is a further reason 
why your office should reopen the case of my son, Morton Sobell. While the 
disclosures against Cohn and former United States Attorney Lane by Harvey 
Matusow concerned another case, these facts cannot but add to the doubts in the 
Sobell case, in which Cohn and Lane played a major role. 

I remind you that there was only one major witness against my son. This 
witness, Max Elitcher, admitted perjuring himself in another matter. More- 
over, when asked by attorney Emanuel Bloch : "Will you name the person or 
pei'sons with whom you went over your testimony, in preparing for this trial?" 
Elitcher answered "Well, I have talked to Mr. Kilsheimer and Mr. Cohn" (p. 270, 
printed trial record). 

Morton Sobell has maintained his absolute innocence. 

To continue to keep my son in Alcatraz on a 30-year-sentence after it has been 
disclosed that there have been such irregularities on the part of members of the 
prosecution staff is the height of irresponsibility and disregard for the cause of 

I ask that your office start an immediate investigation into the circumstances 
of Sobell's conviction, and take steps to see that he gets a new trial. 

Mrs. Louis SoBEix. 

Mr, SouRWiNE. Next, a memorandum prepared by the staff of the 
subcommittee at my direction, and under the supervision of Mr. Man- 
del, the director of research, with respect to the activities and asso- 
ciations of Mr. Sacher. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit 127" and appears 

below :) 

Exhibit No. 127 

Harry Sacher 

Signer of statement to the President defending the Communist Party. Daily 
Worker, March 5, 1941, page 2. 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born ^ announced that Sacher 
will serve as attorney for Louis Weinstock in denaturalization proceedings 
brought under the McCarran-Walter Act. Daily Worker, February 3, 1953, 
page 4. 

American Labor Party.^ Scheduled speaker at rally against McCarthyism 
on May 6, at Manhattan Center. Daily Worker, May 7, 1954, pages 1 and 2. 

American League for Peace and Democracy.^ Member of executive board, New 
York City division. Peace Yearbook, 1939-40, page VIII. 

American League for Peace and Democracy.^ Member executive committee, 
New York City division. Peace Yearbook, 1939—40, page VIII. 

Labor Advisory Committee of the Civil Rights Congress.^ To speak at trade- 
union reception for Steve Nelson and Ben Careathers on February 24 at Hotel 
Brevoort in New York City. February 21, 1952, page 8 (ad). Daily Worker. 

Bronx County Civil Rights Congress.^ Local 905, Painters Union, A. F. of L. 
Local 140, Furniture Workers, CIO. Drug Clerks Union, CRC committee. Com- 
mittee to Defeat the Smith Act. To speak at meeting on March 19 at Painters 
Local 905 hall, Bronx. Daily Worker, March IS, 1952, page 8. 

1 Cited as subversive by the Attorney General. 

2 Cited as subversive by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 


Civil Rights Congress/ New York. Speaker in behalf of 12 Communist leaders. 
Daily Worker, October 5, 1948, page 7. 

Civil Rights Congress.^ Participant at sixth anniversary dinner held on March 
26 at the Central Plaza in New York City. Daily Worker, March 28, 1952, page 4. 

Civil Rights Congress,^ National Civil Rights Legislative Conference, January 
18 and 19, 1949. Sponsor. Leaflet, Freedom Crusade, program and conference 
(part of Cvetic exhibit 52). 

Civil Rights Congress.' To speak at eighth anniversary dinner April 9 at 
Yugoslav Hall, 405 West 41st Street, 7 p. m. Photo, Daily Worker, April 9, 
1954, page 3. 

Civil Rights Congi-ess.^ Spoke at eighth anniversary dinner April 9 at Yugo- 
slav Hall, 405 West 41st Street, 7 p. m. Daily Worker, April 13, 1954, pages 5 
and 8. 

International Labor Defense.^ Speaker. New York City. Daily Worker, April 
10, 1937, page 5. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.^ Board of trustees. Invitation to sixth 
anniversary dinner, January 27, 1950. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.^ Speaker at sixth anniversary dinner 
January 27, 1950. Invitation. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.^ Speaker on civil rights. Daily Worker of 
March 12, 1948, page 7. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Si)eaker. Daily Worker, December 18, 
1947, page 4. 

(Labor attorney.) 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Speaker. The Worker, March 7, 1948, 
page 11. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Member of board of trustees. Jefferson 
School catalog inside front cover, winter, 1950. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Member of board of trustees. Catalog, 
Jefferson School of Social Science, September-December 1947, page 1. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Member of board of trustees. Catalog, 
summer, July-August 1947, page 2. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Member of board of trustees. Spring 
catalog, April 14, 1947. 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Member of board of trustees. The Jeffer- 
son School Summer Session, July-August 1944, page 2 (booklet). 

Jefferson School of Social Science.* Member of board of trustees. Catalog 
1950, inside front cover. 

Lawyers Committee on American Relations With Spain.^ Member. Pros- 
pectus and review, back cover. 

Lawyers Committee on American Relations with Spain.^ Speaker. Adver- 
tisement, first public meeting. 

Lawyers Committee To Keep the United States Out of War, Emergency Peace 
Mobilization.^ Signer of telegram to House Military Affairs Committee against 
conscription. Daily Worker, September 4, 1940, page 3. 

National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.' To be honored at 
public reception June 19, 1951, at Riverside Plaza Hotel, New York City. Daily 
Worker, June 18, 1951, page 7. 

Attorney for Communist 11. 

National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.* Honored at recep- 
tion held June 19 at Riverside Plaza Hotel, New York City, for defense lawyers 
of Communist 11. Daily Worker, June 21, 1951, page 3. 

National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.^ Spoke at meeting in 
Carnegie Hall, New York City, March 10. Daily Worker, March 12, 1952, page 3, 

National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.^ To speak at a mass 
meeting on civil liberties to be held at Carnegie Hall March 10, New York City. 
Daily Worker, March 4, 1952, page 3. 

National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.* To speak at a rally 
to repeal the Smith and McCarran Acts on March 10 at Carnegie Hall, New York 
City. March 7, 1952, page 8. 

New York Council and Health and Welfare Division, ASP. To speak at meet- 
ing to be held at Cornish Arms Hotel, New York City, on April 17. Daily Worker, 
April 17, 1952, page 8 (ad). 

New York Council of tlie Arts, Sciences, and Professions. To speak at meeting 
on April 17, 1952, at Cornish Arms Hotel, New York City. Handbill : "Defends 
Freedom To Practice." 

^ Cited as subversive by the Attorney General. 

^ Cited as subversive by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 


National Lawyers Guild.^ Member. 

National Lawyers Guild.^ Director ex oflBcio. Letterhead May 28, 1940. 

New York City chapter of National Lawyers Guild. Elected voting member 
of the board of directors for 1953-54 at annual meeting held May 26 at the Willkie 
Memorial. Dally Worker, May 27, 1953, page 8. 

National Lawyers Guild.^ Member, Committee on Constitution and Judicial 
Review. Newsletter, National Lawyers Guild, July 1937, page 2. 

National Lawyers Guild.^ Member, committee on labor law and social legis- 
lation. Newsletter, National Lawyers Guild, July 1937, page 2. 

National Lawyers Guild.- Participant in discussion entitled "The Right To 
Strike and Compulsory Arbitration," 5th annual convention, Book-Cadillac Hotel, 
Detroit, Mich., May 29-June 1, 1941. Convention program printed in Convention 
News, May 1941, page 2, published by NLG for the 5th annual convention. 

National Lawyers Guild.^ Member, convention resolutions committee, 5th 
annual convention, Book-Cadillac Hotel, Detroit, Mich., May 29-June 1. 1941; 
member. National Executive Board. Convention News, May 1941, pages 2 and 4. 
respectively, published by NLG for the 5tli annual convention. 

National Lawyers Guild,^ New York City chapter. Elected to board of 
directors for 1954-55. Daily Worker, May 26, 1954, page 8. 

New Masses ^ letter to President. Signer. New Masses, April 2, 1940, page 21. 

School for Democracy." Guest lecturer. Catalog and program, January 1942. 

Transport workers union. Attorney. Daily Worker, February 10, 1936, page 3. 

Transport workers union. Attorney. Photograph, Daily Worker, September 
25, 1937, page 5. 

Transport workers union. General counsel. Ousted. New York Star, Sep- 
tember 8, 1948. page 6. 

Workers School." Speaker. Daily Worker, February 28, 1938, page 3. 

Workers School.^ Speaker. Daily Worker, March 3, 1938, page 8. 

Attorney for John Santo, Communist. Daily Worker, October 13, 1948, pages 
11 and 12; September 8, 1947, page 3. 

Attorney for John Gates, Communist. Daily Worker, November 8, 1948, 
page 8 ; September 21, 1948, page 3. 

Attorney for Communist leaders. The Worker, November 21, 1948, page 1. 

Attorney for Benjamin J. Davis, Communist. Daily Worker, January 16, 
1950, page 9. 

Rally to defend counsel, Manhattan Center, February 2, 1950. Speaker. In- 
vestigator Stokes report. Daily Worker, February 5, 1950, pages 1 and 3. 

Conviction for contempt upheld. Daily Worker, April 6, 1950, page 3. 

Signer of statement in behalf of lawyers for Communist cases. Daily Worker, 
June 9, 1950, page 3. 

Defended in disbarment procedings by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. Daily 
Worker, December 14, 1950, page 8. 

Supreme Court refused to review contempt of court conviction. Photograph, 
Daily Worker, February 10, 1951, page 4. 

Sentenced to G months in jail for contempt of court. Attorney for Commu- 
nist 11. Daily Worker, July 21, 1951, page 5. 

Attorney for Gus Hall, national secretary of the Communist Party, on trial for 
contempt of court. Daily Worker, December 27, 1951, page 3. 

One of the lawyers who defended the 11 Communist leaders. Permanently 
disbarred from practice in the southern district of New York. Daily Peoples 
World, January 7, 1952, page 8. 

Disbarred lawyer fights for right to defend Gus Hall. Daily Worker, January 
22, 1952, page 4. 

Wins stay in decree on disbarment until completion of appeal of Gus Hall, na- 
tional secretary of the Communist Party. Daily Worker, January 24, 1952, 
page 3. 

Painters Committee to Defend Louis Weinstock, Communist, and to repeal the 
Smith Act. To speak at meeting to be held in grand ballroom. Hotel Cornish , 
Arms, New York City, March 1. Daily Worker, February 18, 1952, page 8 (ad). 

Painters Committee to Defend Louis Weinstock, Communist. Speaker at 
pretrial trade union mobilization in defense of Louis Weinstock * * * to be held 
March 1, 1952, at Hotel Cornish Arms, New York. The Worker, INIarch 2, 1952, 
page 6 ( ad ) . 

Painters Committee To Defend Louis AVeinstock, Communist. SiJeaker at 
pretrial trade-union mobilization in defense of Louis Weinstock and his 16 

1 Cited as subversive by the Attorney General. 

3 Cited as subversive by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 


codefendants under the Smith Act, March 1, at Hotel Cornish Arms. The 
Worker (Michigan edition) March 2, 1952, page 6 (ad). 

Contempt decision upheld by Supreme Court; immediate effect of decision 
is a (j-month prison sentence. Daily Worker, March 11, 1952, page 1. 

United States court of appeals yesterday upheld the disbarment of Sacher, 
attorney for his defense of 11 Communist leaders in the Smith Act trials. 
Photo, Daily Worker, July 7, 1953, page 3. 

Disbarred from practice by decision of the Federal court of appeals for pro- 
fessional misconduct during trial of the 11 Communist leaders. The Worker, 
July 12, 1953, page 6. 

Granted right to continue practice in the Federal courts while the United 
States Supreme Court considers his appeal against an order of disbarment. 
United States ciixuit court of appeals sitting in Hartford, Conn., granted the 
right. Daily Worker, July 21, 1953, page 3. 

With Mary Kaufman, attorney, filed appeal brief in behalf of 13 Communist 
leaders sentenced under the Smith Act. Daily Peoples World, November 24, 
19.53, page 2. 

The Supreme Court on April 5, 1954, reversed the disbarment of Sacher, one 
■of the attorneys for the Communist leaders in the 1949 trial. Daily Worker, 
April 6, 19.54, page 1. (Shown as "Harold" in article.) 

Harry Sacher to be honored at reception in his behalf, Manhattan Towers, 
New York City, December 11, 1949. Daily Worker, December 5, 1949, page 2. 

Biography ; photo, Daily Worker, November 17, 1949, page 4. 
. Protested discrimination against Negroes in United States prisons. Daily 
Worker, October 19, 1951, page 3. 

Connecticut committee to aid victims of the Smith Act, Speaker at rally 
in the Fiesta Room of Hotel Garde, New Haven, on March 11. Daily Worker, 
March 13, 1952, page 2. 

Rally against Smith Act. Speaker at rally at St. Nicholas Arena, New York 
City, September 10. Daily Worker, September 10, 1951, page 3. 

Scheduled speaker at rally to repeal the Smith Act to be held September 10 
at St. Nicholas Arena, 69 West 66th Street, New York. Daily Worker, Septem- 
ber 5, 1951, page 2. 

Photograph. Daily Worker, Januai-y 7, 1952, page 1. 

Joseph R. Brodsky funeral, pallbearer. Daily Worker, August 1, 1947, page 9. 

Congressional Record, June 10, 1946, page A3535 (Dies committee press 
releases and speeches ) . 

Speaker at memorial to Joseph R. Brodsky, Communist. Daily Worker, 
July 28, 1948, page 5. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next, in view of the fact that Mr. Cameron has not 
been located to be served by our subpena, and his attorney, Mr, Faulk- 
ner, has informed the committee he is unable to locate him and produce 
him, a memorandum with respect to Mr. Cameron and his affiliations 
and activities, prepared by the staff of the subcommittee at my direc- 
tion, under the supervision of the director of research, and an excerpt 
from the executive testimony of Herbert A. Philbrick before the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities on June 21, 1951, with regard to 
Mr. Cameron, and an exhibit from the executive testimony of October 
19, 1950, before the Committee on Un-American Activities Committee, 
being the text of a telegram sent to Mr. Angus Cameron, among others, 
by the chairman of the National Committee To Defeat the Mundt 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibit Nos. 128, 128 A, 
and 128B" and appear below :) 


Exhibit No. 128 
D. Angus Cameron 


Committee To Defend V. 
J. Jerome. 

American Continental 

Congress for World 

Peace. 1 
American Peace Crusade' 2 

(New York Peace Comi- 

cilof APC). 
Civil Rights Congress ' 2__. 


Issues press release as he appeared before Senator 
Jermer's subcommittee in closed session (for- 
mer editor in chief of Boston publishing house 
of Little, Brown & Co.; former chairman of 
Progressive Party of Massachusetts). 

Invoked 5th amendment in refusing to answer 
questions concerning Communist Party mem- 
bership, in an appearance before the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee on May 7 
(editor and publisher). 

Announced with Albert E. Kahn the formation 
of Cameron & Kahn, Inc., new book publish- 
ing company which will publish what other 
companies shy away from because of "intel- 
lectual intimidation"; also company will 
operate a Union Book Club, whose first selec- 
tions are Kahn's book the Game of Death and 
the book the Untold Story, written by Herbert 
Morals, Richard Boyer, and Len DeCaux. 
Offices at 109 Greenwich Ave., New York. 

Member of committee which sponsored a limit- 
ed, prepublication edition of Arthur Kahn's 
new novel, Brownstone. 

Signed an appeal for dissolution of Committee 
on Un-American Activities. 

Chairman and speaker at protest meeting for 
Howard Fast, under auspices New Masses and 

Signer of statement against contempt proceed- 

Signer of statement against ouster of leftwing 
CIO unions. 

Signer of brief in behalf of John Howard Lawson 
and Dalton Trumbo. 

Writer of letter to Howard Fast, on Little, 

Brown & Co. letterhead, on review of book 

To speak at Culture Fights Back rally to be 

held at Manhattan Center April 24, New 

York City. 

Sends message of encouragement to attorneys 
defending 14 Smith Act Communists in Los 
Angeles at banquet given in their honor. 

An excerpt from a pamphlet Publisher on Trial 
issued by Committee To Defend Alexander 
Trachtenberg is carried over his name — "By 
Angus Cameron, Former Editor-in-Chief, 
Little Brown & Co." 

Signer of statement to the press on the death of 
the German anti-Fascist writer Friedrich 
Wolf (name shown Angus J. Cameron). 

Record given 

Resigns from Little, Brown & Co.; record given. 

To speak at celebration of Korean truce, to be 
held Aug. 12, City Center Casino. 

Committee to Defend Steve Nelson; to speak 
at dinner May 22, Manhattan Towers Hotel, 
New York City, honoring Steve Nelson. 


Daily Worker, May 8, 
19.53, p. 1. 

Washington Post, May 8, 
1953, p. 10. 

Daily Worker, May 5, 
1953, p. 7; the Worker, 
May 24, 1953, p. 8. 

Daily Worker, Jan. 13, 
1954, p. 7; undated form 
letter on letterhead of In- 
dependence Publishers, 
GPO, Box 42, Brooklyn. 

Little Brown & Co. (See: 
Com. /Complaints, Oct. 
23, 1945 and Daily Worker 
Oct. 20, 1945, pp. 8 and 

The Worker (southern 
edition), Oct. 12, 1947, p. 
9; Advertisement in PM, 
Oct. 16, 1947, p. 5. 

Daily Worker, Feb. 19, 

1951, p. 2. 

Daily Compass, Feb. 14, 
1950, p. 24: Daily Work- 
er, Feb. 15, 1950, p. 3. 

Brief submitted by cul- 
tural workers in October 
1949 term of the Supreme 

Letterhead, June 27, 1951, 
attached to "Trade Edi- 
torial Report * * *." 

Dally Worker, Apr. 10, 

1952, p. 7: letter dated 
Apr. 14, 1952, on official 
letterhead: Daily Work- 
er, Apr. 18, 1952, p. 8; 
Daily Worker, Apr. 28, 
1952, p. 3. 

Daily People's World, 
June 10, 1952, p. 3. 

Daily People's World, 
Feb. 4, 1953, p. 7. 

Daily Worker, Oct. 14, 
1953, p. 7. 

Times Herald, Aug. 5, 

1950, p. 14: Congressional 
Record, Aug. 8, 1950, 
p. A 6010. 

Times Herald, Sept. 18, 

1951, p. 4. 

Progiam in Spanish, Sept. 
5-10, 1949, p. 7. 

Daily Worker, Aug. 7, 
1953, p. 3. 

Daily Worker, May 15, 
1953, p. 3; May 18, 1953, 
p. 2. 

See footnotes at end of table. 

D. Angus Cameron — Continued 


Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern Pol- 

Masses and Mainstream ' 2 

National Committee To 
Defeat the Mundt Bill.i 

National Conference on 
American Policy in 
Ciiiaa and the Far East. 2 

National Council of Amer- 
ican-Soviet Friendship.' 2 

National CoimcU of the 
Arts, Sciences, and Pro- 

Southern California Chap- 
ter of Arts, Sciences and 
Professions Council. 

Arts, Sciences, and Pro- 
fessions Council. 

NewYork Council of the 

Arts, Sciences, and Pro- 

National Federation for 
Constitutional Liber- 
ties.' 2 

Samuel Adams School 2 

World Congress for Peace, 
American Sponsoring 

Bill of Rights Conference.. 

Citizens United to Abolish 

^ the Wood-Rankin Com- 

Committee of Welcome for 
"Red" Dean of Canter- 

Committee to Defend the 
Victims of the Com- 
mittee on Un-American 

Massachusetts Independ- 
ent Progressive Party. 

Signer of open letter to President Truman, 
released Oct. 7, 1946. 


Article, A Trap for Intellectuals . 

Article, I wUl Not Cooperate. (Statement made 
"by Angus Cameron before a hearing of the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee • * * 
in Boston, May 7. Mr. Cameron was sub- 
penaed shortly after the announcement of his 
participation in a new publishing firm, 
Cameron & Kahn.") 

National sponsor; Chicago chapter 


Signer of statement urging Truman interview 

with Stalin. 
Sponsor of dinner held in honor of Henry A. 

Wallace on Oct. 28, 1948, Hotel Commodore, 

New York City. 
Sponsor, Cultural and Scientific Conference for 

World Peace, Mar. 25-27, 1949. 

Signer of Resolution Against Atomic Weapons 
(Wayland, Mass.). 

Speaker at meeting for Lawson, Trumbo, and 

Maltz (publisher). 
Member, board of directors 

To speak on "Bookburning, 1953" at Embassy 
Auditorium in Los Angeles, Oct. 30. 

To be presented by ASP at Embassy Audi- 
torium Nov. 20. 

Speech at above meeting quoted 

To speak at reception for W. E. B. Dubois, V. J. 
Jerome, and Carl Marzani, Nov. 16, New 
York City. 

Scheduled speaker at a "Right to Read" pro- 
gram protesting book burning to be held at 
Manhattan Towers, Dec. 11, 1953. 

Signer of statement supporting War Depart- 
ment's order on granting commissions * * * 
to members of Armed Forces who have been 
members of or sympathetic to the views of 
the Communist Party. 

Signed statement opposing use of injunctions 
in labor disputes. 

On board of trustees 


Sponsor: New York City, July 16-17, 1949 



Signer of petition to United Nations Commis- 
sion on Human Rights, May 10, 1950. 


Pamphlet, What Price 
Philippine Independ- 
ence, by George PhUlips, 
pp. 30-31. 

Letterheads 1946 and 1947; 
July 11, 1947; May 28, 

Masses and Mainstream, 
Aug. 1953, p. 6. 

Masses and Mainstream, 
June 1953, p. 3. 

Letterhead dated May 5, 

"* * * Jan. 23-25, 1948, 
New York City"— Con- 
ference Call. 

DaOy Worker, Feb. 17, 
1949, p. 4. 

Program, Oct. 28, 1948. 

New Leader, Feb. 5, 1949, 
p. 4; conference program, 
p. 12; conference call; 
Daily Worker, Mar. 15 
1949, p. 12. 

Mimeographed list of 
signers attached to letter- 
head of July 28, 1950. 

Daily Worker, Apr. 11, 

1951, p. 8. 
Letterhead dated Dec. 7, 

People's World, Sept. 24, 
1953, p. 7. 

Daily People's World, 
Nov. 4, 1953, p. 7; Daily 
People's World, Nov. 18, 
1953, p. 7 (advertisement 
and article) . 

Daily People's World, 
Nov. 24, 1953, p. 7. 

Daily Worker, Nov. 13, 

1952, p. 7. 

Daily Worker, Dec. 11, 

1953, p. 8. 

Undated leaflet, "■* * * the 

only sovmd policy for a 

Democracy * * *"; DaUy 

Worker, Mar. 18, 1945, 

p. 2. 
Advertisement, New York 

Times, Apr. 1, 1946, p. 

Catalog, spring term, 1947, 

p. 1. 
Leaflet, World Congress 

for Peace, Paris, Apr. 

20-23, 1949. 
Conference Call, p. 7. 
Full page advertisement, 

New York Times, Mar. 

14, 1946, p. 18. 
DaUy Worker, Sept. 22, 

1948, p. 5. 

Mimeographed list at- 
tached to pamphlet. In 
Defense of Human 

Daily People's World, 
Apr. 7, 1948, p. 3. 

See footnotes at end of table. 



D. Angus Cameron — Continued 




National Committee to 
Win Amnesty for the 
Smith Act Victims. 

National Guardian 

National Wallace for Presi- 
dent Committee. 

Progressive Citizens of 

Progressive Party. 

Wallace Convention. 

Wallace-f or- President 

To be present at a Citywide Amnesty Rally 
June 10, Chateau Gardens, New York City 

To speak at National Guardian Fight Back 
Rally, May 3, at Palm Garden; rally adver- 
tised under slogan "Help Chase the Un- 
American Committee Out of New York." 


Committee treasurer 

Chairman, Massachusetts chapter 

Sponsor, Conference on Cultural Freedom and 
Civil Liberties. 

Endorses Wallace for President (Massachusetts 

State chairman). 
Delegate, 2d annual convention, Chicago, Jan. 

17-18, 1948. 
Vice chairman; endorses Wallace 


Massachusetts; chairman 

Featured at rally of Progressive Party held in 
the Charles Street Universalist Meeting 
House, Boston. 

Member, nominations committee 


Listed as signer of appeal 

Handbill, June 10, 1954; 

Daily Worker, June 14, 

1954, pp. 3 and 6. 
Daily Worker, May 1, 

1953, p. 8; May 5, 1953, 

p. 3. 

Membership list of Com- 
mittee dated Mar. 26, 

The Progressive Citizen, 
Mar. 1947, p. 4. 

People's World, Sept. 30, 

1947, p. 4; PCA Politics. 

published by PCA, New 

York State chapter, Oct. 

1947, p. 4; program. 

New York Times, Dec. 20, 
1947, p. 11. 

Partial list of delegates 
dated Jan. 17-18, 1948. 

New York Sun, Jan. 19, 

Progressive Citizen (PCA), 
February 1948, p. 7. 

The Citizen, April 1948, 
p. 12; Dailv Worker, 
Apr. 5, 1948, p. 3; Dally 
Worker, jVpr. 22, 1948, 
p. 11. 

Dailv Worker, Dec. 14, 
1953, p. 3. 

List of convention com- 
mittees released by Pro- 
gressive Party at Phila- 
delphia Convention July 

The Citizen, April 1948, 
p. 2. 

Leaflet, In Defence of the 
Right To Speak for Peace 
» * * Aug. 25, 1950, cir- 
culated by Robert Morss 
Lovett and Dean John 
B. Thompson. 

' Cited by Committee and/or Special Committee on Un-American .Activities. 
» Cited by U. S. .Attorney General. 

Note.— See also: Testimony of Walter S. Steele (1947): pp. 51, 54, 142; Report No. 1115, Civil Rights 
Congress (1947): p. 23; Review of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace (1949): 8, 11, 19, 
24, 26, 31, 33, 37, 51, 55. 57; Report on the National Committee To Defeat the Mundt Bill (1950): 11; Expos6 
of Communist Activities in the State of Massachusetts (1951): 1295; Report on the Communist "Peace" 
Offensive: 17, 23, 104, 108, 110, 116. 

Exhibit No. 128-A 
Subject : Angus Cameron. 

Excerpt from the executive testimony of Herbert A. Philbrick before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities on June 21, 1951, pages 112 and 113 : 

"Mr. Philbrick. The first small group, which originated around January of 
1948. included Comrades Jackie. Martha, Henry, Peg, and myself. 

"Mr. Nixon. Did you subsequently further identify any of these individuals, 
besides Helen? 

"Mr. Philbrick. Not completely. Jackie was a girl employed at the office of 
Little, Brown «& Co., either in the office of Mr. Angus Cameron or in one of the 
offices affiliated with him. 

"Mr. Nixon. How did you gather this information relative to her being in 
some way associated with Angus Cameron? Through comments she had made? 

"Mr. Philbrick. Through comments that either she or one of the other com- 
rades made one evening at the apartment of Martha Fletcher. Also, Jackie lived 
in Cambridge. * * *" 


Exhibit No. 128-B 

Wheeler Exhibit 27, executive testimony of October 19, 1950, before the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities : 

September 9, 1950. 

Please send the following night letter to the list of addresses below : 
"Senate votes Tuesday on McCarran bill and Kilgore concentration-camp 
substitute, incorporating worst features of Mundt-Ferguson and other thought- 
control legislation, climaxes 3-year fight against police state In our country. But 
even at this late hour bill can be blocked. Even in event of passage a veto fight 
can be successful. Veto movement has already gained substantial momentum. 
AFL, CIO, Bishop Sheil, many newspapers oppose bill and President Truman 
has committed himself to a veto. If country is aroused, the bill will be vetoed 
and the veto sustained. To press this fight is our committee's main work now. 
However, lack of funds seriously hampers us. Urge you individually or through 
your organization rush a contribution immediately to the committee to sustain 
its crucially necessary activity." 

Jerry J. O'Conneix, 
Chairman, National Committee To Defeat the Mundt Bill, Washington, D. C. 
Angus Cameron, Little, Brown & Co., Boston, Mass. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Since the siibpena issued by the committee for the 
appearance of Mrs. Mary Kaufman has not been served, since the 
only information which could be obtained at her home was that she 
had gone to Denver, but those there refused to give a Denver address, 
and since the subpena was sent to Denver but has not yet been served, 
a memorandum prepared by the staff of the committee at my direc- 
tion, and under the supervision of Mr. Mandel, the director of re- 
search, with respect to the activities and associations of Mrs. Kaufman, 
and a copy of the Federal employment record of JNIrs. Kaufman and 
her form 57 as filed in connection with her Federal employment, and 
certain articles from the Daily Worker of various dates with refer- 
ence to Mary Kaufman. 

(The documents referred to Avere marked "Exhibits 129, 129A, 129B, 
and 129C" and appear below :) 

Exhibit Xo. 129 
Mrs. Mary Kaufman 

American Women for Peace.^ Daily Worker, October 23, 19.50, page 1. 

Citizens Emergency Defense Conference.^ To be honored at Victory Salute on 
October 6, 1952, at St. Nicholas Arena, New York City. Opening nationwide 
drive to free Smith Act victims. Daily Worker, October 3, 1952, page 1. 

Citizens Emergency Defense Conference.^ To be honored at dinner on Septem- 
ber 18, New York City. Daily Worker, September 12, 1952, page 5. 

(Attorney for 15 Smith Act Communists.) 

Civil Rights Congress Bail Fund Council.^ Photo. New York Times, July 6, 
1951. page 1. 

Civil Rights Congress.^ Attorney for CRC Bail Fund. Daily Worker, July 9, 
1951, page 3. 

Attorney for William Z. Foster. Appeared March 23 before Senator McCarthy's 
subcommittee and obtained agreement that Foster would be excused from sub- 
pena to testify on that date because of ill health. Daily Worker, March 24, 
1953, page 3. 

To represent Robert Thompson, New York Communist Party leader on trial 
for contempt. Daily Worker, September 29, 1953, pages 1 and 6. 

1 Cited as subversive by the Attorney General. 


With Harry Sacher, attorney, files appeal brief in behalf of 13 Communist 
leaders sentenced under the Smith Act. Daily Peoples World, November 24, 1953, 
page 2. 

Introduced at meeting of "more than 200 persons (who) greeted Elizabeth 
Gurley P'lynn and her codefendents and their families election night in Yugoslav 
Hall." Daily Worker, November 4, 1954, page 8. 

Biography. Defends Communist cases. Writer of statement against Mundt 
anti-Communist bill. The Worker, April 9, 1952, section 2, page 11. 

Attorney in deportation cases. Daily Worker, November 1, 1950, page 9. 

To be honored by families of Smith Act victims on October 24 at Yugoslav 
Hall, New York City. Daily Worker, October 23, 1952, page 8 (ad). 

Bronx Committee for the Repeal of the Smith Act. To speak at March meet- 
ing on March 15, 3 : 30 p. m. at New Terrace Garden, Boston Road and 181st Street, 
Bronx, at which 13 defendants of recent Smith Act trial in New York will be 
honored guests. Daily Worker, March 11, 1953, page 3. 

A defense attorney in Smith Act trial at St. Louis postponed from September 
14 until January 4. Daily Worker, August 19, 1953, page 3. 

Former Government employment : Attorney, Office for Emergency Manage- 
ment, National Labor Board, January 2, 1945 to January 1, 1946; attorney, 
National Wage Stabilization Board, January 1, 1946 to February 23, 1947 (re- 
duction in force) ; attorney. War Department, Office of Military Government, 
United States Nuremberg, Germany, March 19, 1947 to July 18, 1948; attorney. 
Department of the Army, Office Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, European 
Command, August 18, 1948 to completion of agreement. 

Gave as reference on form 57, December 1944, Thomas I. Emerson. 

Taught reading to retarded children. New York Board of Education, August 
1935 to December 1937. 

Father born in Russia, naturalized. 

Attorney for 13 Communist leaders (New York Times, January 11, 1955, p. 
14), before United States Supreme Court. 

Candidate for justice of the city court, American Labor Party, Bronx (Daily 
Worker, June 9, 1950, p. 5). 

Defended Willie McGhee, Roosevelt Ward, aliens faced with deportation and 
trustees of the Civil Rights Bail Fund (Daily Worker, July 28, 1952, p. 5). 

Prosecuted the Krupps, the Farbens, etc. in Germany. (Daily Worker, July 
28, 1952, p. 5.) 

Defended Eugene Dennis, executive secretary of the Communist Party (Daily 
Worker, July 28, 1952, p. 5). 

Sponsor, National Women's Appeal for the Rights of Foreign-born Americans 
(Daily Worker, January 25, 1951). 

Writer of article Mundt Bill Hits the Family and Home (Worker, April 9, 1950, 
p. 11). 

Attorney for Dorothy Forest and Robert Manewitz, Smith Act cases, St. Louis 
(Daity Worker February 1, 1954, p. 2 ; Daily Worker March 1954). 

Attorney for 13 Communist leaders before United States Court of Appeals 
(New York Times, May 11, 1954, p. 18; Daily Worker, May 11, 1954, p. 1). 

Exhibit No. 129-A 

United States Civil Service Commission, 

Service Record Division, 
Washington 25, D. C, August 13, 1955. 

Statement of Federal Service 

Notice to individuals — This record should be preserved — Additional copies of 
service histories can not be furnished due to limited personnel in the Commis- 
sion. This record may be presented to appointing officers for their inspection. 
Name : Kaufman, Mary M. 
Date of birth : 11-09-12. 

Authority for original appointment (Examination from which appointed or 
other authority — Executive Order, Law, or other exemption) : Section 4 (c) 
War Service Regulation V, Department Circular 497, 7-14-44. 



Effective date 

Nature of action 

Position, grade, salary, etc. 

Jan. 2, 1945 
Jan. ], 1946 
Feb. 23,1947 
Mar. 19, 1947 
Aug. 18, 1948 

War Service Indefinite Appointment (Ad- 
mitted To the New York Bar in Novem- 
ber 1937). 

Transfer, Executive Order 9672_. 

Reduction in force (Liquidation of National 
Wage Stabilization Board, Reduction In 
force) . 

Excepted Appointment (Schedule A-1-7 
CSC Rule and Regulation). 

Termination (Completion of employment 

Attorney, P-4, $3,800 per annum, OfTice for 
Emergency Management, National War 
Labor Board, Washington, D. C. 

Attorney, P-5, $5,180 per annum. National 
Wage StabDization Board, Legal, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Attorney, P-5, $5,905.20 per annum. 

Attorney, P-5, S7,381..50 per annum. War 
Department, Office of MOitary Govern- 
ment, U. S., Nuremberg, Germany. 

Attorney, $6,235.20 per annum, plus 25 per- 
cent Differential, Department of the Army, 
Office Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, 
European Command, APO 696A, c/o PM, 
New York, N. Y. 

A. M. Deem, 
Chief, Audit Section. 
The above transcript of service history does not include all salary changes, 
intraagency transfers within an organizational unit not involving changes from 
one official headquarters or duty station to another, and promotions or demotions, 
since Federal agencies are not required to report all such actions to the 





59886—55 — pt. 12 8 







[Daily Worker, New York, September 29, 1952] 

First Defense Witness at "13" Trial 

By Harry Raymond (reprinted from late edition of The Worker) 

Defense witnesses, tlie first of whom will be called to testify Tuesday, in the 
trial of the 13 New York Communists will show that the program of the Com- 
munist Party is no cellar conspiracy but a widely publicized platform of a politi- 
cal party "centered around the objective of securing peace, democracy and eco- 
nomic security," Mary Kaufman, attorney for two of the defendants, told the jury 

The evidence will show, she said, that in carrying out this program the de- 
fendants fought for full employment, higher wages, equal rights for the Negro- 
people and the defense of civil rights. 

Defense witnesses will also testify, she added that it is the aim of the Com- 
munist Party to build a people's coalition "strong and powerful enough to elect 
a government that could eliminate the danger of fascism and war." 

"This is what they (the defendants) describe as a people's front government,"^ 
Mrs. Kaufman said. "The evidence will show they believed such a government 
would make possible a peaceful advancement to socialism." 

Mrs. Kaufman, who was a member of the prosecution staff in the Nurenberg 
trial of Nazi war criminals, was the second defense attorney to address the jury 
at the opening of the defense. 

The defense case was launched Thursday by James Wright, Washington Negro 
lawyer. Defense attorneys John T. McTernan, Frank Serri and defendants 
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Pettis Perry, acting as their own counsel, made their 
opening statements at the beginning of the trial. 

The defense opened after Judge Edward J. Dimock acquitted Simon W. Gerson 
and Isidore Begun, two of the defendants. 

Mrs. Kaufman told the jury that Betty Gannett and Louis Weinstock, the two 
defendants she represented, "gave their first allegiance to the people of this 

"Out of their hatred of misery and want, out of a deep faith in their fellowmen,. 
they decided to work for an America where the dignity of every person would be 
fully realized." she said. "They joined the Communist Party they be- 
lieved it stood for this dignity. They believed that only through socialism could 
this be accomplished." 

Mrs. Kaufman told how Miss Gannett came here from Europe Avith her parents 
as a young child, wns educated in the elementary and business schools, and at 16- 
"became the breadwinner" for her family. 

"She saw the sweatshop conditions under which her family had to toil." Mrs. 
Kaufman said. "She saw in her fellow human beings a great talent to make 
something better. She began to read books on social problems. Her studies 
brought her to the Communist Party." 

Mrs. Kaufman told how Miss Gannett, at 20, went into the coal mining fields 
of Ohio and West Virginia, where she helped miners and their wives to organize 
in face of terror. 

"We will show she worked to start such great unions as auto, rubber and 
steel," the lawyer declared. "When the great depression occurred, Miss Gannett 
and others like her began to organize the unemployed. With this oi*ganization. 
with many struggles, which included beatings and jailings, evictions were stopped, 
relief and unemployment insurance was won." 

Miss Gannett became a leader and a teacher in the Marxist movement and was 
later placed in the educational department of the party's national leadership, 
Mrs. Kaufman stated, and the main overt act charged against her was an article 
she wrote "urging unity, peace and security." 

Weinstock, the lawyer said, came here from Hungary, became a house painter, 
"learned that millions of immigrant workers were subject to special discrimina- 
tion" learned of the labor struggles from the great strikes and joined the Com- 
munist Party. 

As leader of his local painters union, Mrs. Kaufman recalled. Vt'einstock con- 
cerned himself with the needs of the unemployed, and organized 3,000 AFL locals 
into the AFL Committee for Relief and Unemployment Insurance. This, .she- 
pointed out, was a large factor in winning the fight for relief and government 
insurance for the jobless. 


She told how Weinstock led the fight which rid the building trades unions of 
gangster leadership, how as leader of Painters District Council 9 for 10 years he 
opened the door that had heretofore barred Negro workers from the painters 
unions, how he was officially cited for rallying the painters in support of the war- 
against Germany and Japan. 

[DW Sunday Worker, October 12, 1953] 

Miss Flynn Refutes Budenz Lies on CP 

(By Harry Raymond) 

Elizabeth Gurley Flyim, testifying in the Foley Square Smith Act trial began 
the process of refuting the police version of Communist Party history as presented 
by the prosecution's star witness, the informer Louis F. Budenz. 

Miss Flynn, member of the party's national committee and one of the 13 re- 
maining defendants reciting in detail the developments in the United States Com- 
munist movement in 1944-4.5, had arrived, at the close of the court session, at 
the period in 1944 when the anti-Marxist theories of Earl Browder prevailed, 
with dissolution of the party and establishment of the Communist Political Asso- 

Miss Flynn, who will continue her testimony today, told the jury she attended 
the three sessions of the January 1944, national committee meeting, at which 
Browder proposed formation of the CPA. She refuted Budenz' story that 
Browder's anti-Marxist plan was first offered at a "preliminary meeting" of the 

Miss Flynn told the jury that Browder's plan was presented before 500 persons 
attending the first enlarged session of the committee meeting. 

Mrs. Kaufman picked up a bulky volume of the trial record and read an excerpt 
from Budenz' testimony which said that Browder, addressing the meeting, stated 
the structure of the Communist organization should be changed and the question 
of socialism should not be set forth as in the past, so that it would appear "Com- 
munism was diminishing in the United States," and groundwork could thereby 
be laid for "American acquiescence to Soviet control of China." 

"I never heard anyone in the Communist Party say that," Miss Flynn declared. 

She summarized Browder's report to the 1944 meeting. Her summary, which 
further refuted Budenz, outlined Browder's anti-Marxist proposal of uniting with 
monopoly capitalists who, he said, would voluntarily double wages and work for 
peace and colonial liberation in the postwar period. 

[DW, October 3, 1952, p. 1] 
Brilliant Speaker List for Gerson, Begun Rally 

A star-studded array of speakers will lead off the salute to Simon W. Gerson 
and Isidore Begim. the two acquitted Smith Act defendants, at St. Nicholas 
Arena, Monday at 7 p. m. 

Conducted by the Citizens Emergency Defense Conference, the victory salute 
will open up a new intensified nationwide drive to win freedom for all Smith 
Act victims. 

Coming in for a major share of the salute will be Mai-y Kaufman, James 
Wright, Frank Serri, and John T. McTernan, the four del'ense attorneys at the 
Foley Square trial. 

A ticker-tai)e greeting will be accorded to Gerson and Begun, and to Elizabeth 
Gurley Flynn and Pettis Perry, speaking for the 13 remaining defendants. The 
four will speak over WMCA beginning at 10 : 05 p. m., in a broadcast from the 
arena stage. 

xVmong the speakers will be B. Z. Goldberg, .Jewish Day, columnist ; I. F. Stone, 
Compass, columnist ; Abner W. Berry, Daily Worker columnist ; and John T. 
McManus, National Guardian editor. 

Sharing the stage with them will be William Patterson. Mrs. Halois Moor- 
head Robinson, Howard Fast, Dashiel Hammett, and Ben Gold, president of the 
International Fur and Leather Workers Union. 


[DW, November 14, 1952, p. 3] 
Straight Replies to Twisted Queries at Smith Act Trial 

(By Harry Raymond) 

"I'm not a quiz kid," Elizabeth Gurley Flynn sharply informed the Federal 
prosecutor yesterday in the Foley Square Smith Act trial. Her quick-witted 
remark, which evoked laughter from the long rows of spectators' benches in 
Judge Edward J. Dimock's courtroom, followed tricky questions by Prosecutor 
David li. Marks. 

Miss Flynn, one of the 13 defendants and the second defense witness, testified 
under cross-examination. 

Marks questioned her about the exact time and place of Communist Party 
national committee meetings 1938 to 1947. 

Whenever she made an error in the number of meetings held in a given year 
or the time of a meeting, Marks would remark sarcastically her memory was 
"better under direct examination." 

She replied that during direct examination there was continuity to her testi- 
mony, and that prior to each session she was able to refresh her memory from 
her old datebooks, news clippings, and resolutions. 

She testified she thought the party constitution required two national com- 
mittee meetings a year. When Marks noted the requirement was for three, she 
replied : 

"I'm not a quiz kid on these things. I was not connected with the organiza- 
tion department of the party and do not know every detail." 

stale tricks 

Marks resorted to all the old tricks of a police-court lawyer, but Miss Flynn 
remained calm under the razzle-dazzle questioning. 

Defense Attorney Mary Kaufman at one point remarked that two new men 
had appeared at the prosecutor's table. She requested the newcomers to be 
identified, and they were formally introduced as Joseph D. Tekulsky. a newly ap- 
pointed assistant prosecutor, and John Kennedy, a special FBI agent. 

Marks asked Miss Flynn if representatives of the Communist International 
were present in this country up to 1940, when the United States Communist 
Party disaffiliated with the Communist International. She said she did not 
know of any such representatives. 

[DW, July 1, 1953, p. 3] 

Sixteen's Attorneys Grill Stoolie on Truthfulness 

(By Harry Raymond) 

Credibility of the testimony of an FBI informer went under the attack of 2 
defense lawyers when the Smith Act trial of the 16 New York Communists 
resumed yesterday after a 2-week adjournment. 

John Lautner, the informer who had been expelled by the Communist Party 
in 1950, was a balky witness when questioned under cross-examination by Defense 
Attorneys James Wright and Mary Kaufman. His replies to the attorneys' 
questirins revealed much of his direct testimony offered earlier in the trial to be 
pure fabrication. 

Lautner, who "remembered" under direct examination minute details of alleged 
remarks and teachings in a 1930 study class, could not remember, when ques- 
tioned yesterday, accurately recorded events which took place when he was in 
West Virginia during 1939—40. His memory likewise failed when questioned 
by defense counsel about the Communist Party's teachings as late as 1945. 

Marion Bachrach, a defendant, was not in court yesterday. When her absence 
was noted, defense and Government attorne.ys wei-e called into Judge Edward 
J. Dimock's cliambers. A telephone call to her home revealed she was ill and 
preparing to go to a hospital for treatment. 

Discussion of counsel and the court in chambers was apparently on Mrs. Bach- 
rach's inability to attend court. The record of the discussion was sealed by the 
judge. But when the trial continued without her, it was believed defense 
counsel agreed to go ahead with the trial with the possible understanding that 
a motion would be offered to sever her case if her illness requires long hospitali- 


Attorney Wright's cross-examination went directly to Lautner's truthfulness 
a? a witness. He aslted the witness if it was not a fact that when he was assigned 
in the late 19;J0's as West Vir^Mnia Communist Party orjranizer he established 
his headquarters in Charleston in the office of Harold Houston, an attorney. 
Lautner said that was so. 

Wri-ht then reminded the witness he had testified durin^r direct examination 
that he had no headquarters in West Vir.L^iuia and "carried my office in my vest 

pocket." , . , . 

Question. Was Mr. Houston's office swallowed up and carried in your vest 


Answer. I had space in his office. 

Wil'^ht continued to question Lautner about his West Vir^nia days. Lautner 
said he recalled organizing 4 or 5 meetings for defendant, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, 
in that State in 1939. 

But under Wright's prodding, the witness admitted that during April and 
June 19:',9, Miss Flynn addressed some 30 meetings in the State, including 1 
organized by a United Mine Workers local across the river in Auburn, Ky. 

[Daily Worker, New York, Friday, September 26, 1952] 

"13" Open Defense at Foley Sq. 

(By Harry Raymond) 

The defense in the Smith Act trial of the 13 New York Communists opened 
yesterday, nearly 6 months after the trial began, with 2 defense attorneys telling 
the jury that testimony of defense witnesses and documentary evidence would 
expose the prosecution's "con.spiracy" charge as a shabby hoax. 

Opening defense statements were made by James Wright, Washington, D. C. 
Negro attorney, and Mary Kaufman, New York labor lawyer who served on 
the prosecution staff in the Nuremberg trial of the Nazi war criminals. 

Wright launched the defense by outlining the activities and beliefs of George 
Blake Charney and Arnold S. Johnson, the defendants he represents. 

Mrs. Kaufman, representing defendants Louis Weinstock and Betty Gannett, 
charged they and their codefendants were victims of a "political trial." She is 
scheduled to conclude her opening today, when the first defense witness is 
expected to be called. 


Wright told how Johnson, a native of Seattle, attended the University of 
California, the National University Law School and the Union Theological 
Seminary. After being a lumber worker in the Northwest, Wright said, John- 
son became director of religious education in Mount HoUey College and later, 
in the 1930's become an organizer of the unemployed in the Unemployed League 
and the Workers Alliance. 

It was during this period, in 1936, that Johnson joined the Communist Party, 
the lawyer stated, where he functioned as a legislative director before State and 
Federal legislative bodies, and later became chairman of the Ohio party. 

"The evidence will show that Johnson's one 'overt directive' was an article 
he wrote for the magazine, Political Affairs, dealing with the Communist fight 
for the tradition of the Fourth of July," Wright said. "The evidence will show 
Johnson and his codefendants carried forward in that tradition, the democratic 
tradition of Jefferson, Paine, Washington, and Lincoln." 

Charney, Wright said, was born in the Ukraine, in Czarist Russia, in 1905, 
and became an American citizen through the citizenship of his father who 
emigrated with his family. The son of a Bronx dress-goods store operator, 
Charney received his education in the New York public schools, becoming presi- 
dent of his class in Morris High School, the lawyer recounted. He told how 
Charney graduated from the University of Pennsylvania, later studied at Har- 
vard, and was admitted to the bar after receiving a law degree from New York 


Wright said Charney later worked as a credit statistician and was co-counsel 
for a dress firm, joining the Communist Party in 1933. Charney's lawyer said 
the defendant was "impressed by the fight of the Communists against Hitler 


in Europe and the Communist Party's role in the Scottsboro case in the United 

Charney's first activity as a Communist was also an organizer of the un- 
employed, his lawyer added, and he later became an organizer of dining-car 
workers and was elected to party leadership in New England, where he repre- 
sented the party at legislative hearings. 

In addition, Wright told the jury, Charney in 1936 helped to build the CIO. 
The jury heard how he campaigned for the needs of Negro and Puerto Rican 
workers' in Harlem and then became the leader of the Queens County party 


Charney served in the Pacific for 3 years as a technical sergeant in New 
Guinea, Hawaii, and the Philippines, and was awarded the Bronze Star, the 
lawyer said. 

Wright said : "The lives of both Johnson and Charney are the lives, of typical 
Americans. They believe socialism would lead to a better and more abundant 
life for all Americans." 

The evidence will show, Wright declared, that the defendants "did teach 
Marxism-Leninism in the most devoted manner. But," he said "they did not 
understand Marxism-Leninism to mean violent overthrow of the Government 
as speedily as possible." 


Wright said the defense would show the defendants have "no blueprint for 
revolution," as claimed by the prosecution, and that their aims are clearly 
outlined in the Communist Party constitution which is in no way in conflict 
with American democracy. 

He said the evidence would show the falseness of the charge that the Com- 
munist Party's fight to end Jim Crow, discrimination against Negroes, the poll 
tax and lynch law was "window dressing."' 

Wright pointed out he disagreed with many points in the Communist program, 
but he firmly believed they had a right to teach and advocate that program. 

Mrs. Kaufmann. in her presentation, was interrupted several times by Assist- 
ant Prosecutor. David L. Marks when she referred to the case as a "political 
trial" and when she referred to the defense as "fighting for civil rights." 

Mrs. Kaufman assailed the prosecutors' contention that "Marxism-Leninism 
means force and violence" and that repudiation of Earl Browder's anti-Marxist 
policies constituted "conspiracy." 

Earlier, Judge Edward J. Dimock heard argument on the Government's motion 
to quash a defense subpena for Attorney General James McGranery to produce 
records of money paid by the Justice Department to the 10 Government witnesses. 
He withheld final decision until October 2. 

The trial will continue for half-day today. It will be recessed Monday be- 
cause of Yom Kippiir. 

[DW, December 3, 1953, p. 1] 

Elizabeth Flynn Faces .Tail Today 

(By Harry Raymond) 

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn concluded her 32 days of hitting testimony in the 
Foley Smith Act trial yesterday. The court then, on motion by the defense, 
granted her a brief respite from a frameup 30-day "contempt" jail sentence 
until 10 : 30 a. m. today. 

When the courageous Communist woman leader wound up a long recital at 
12 : 15 p. m.. Judge Edward J. Dimock questioned her briefly. For the second 
time she bravely refused to identify a man and a woman as Communists, as 
demanded November 20 by United States Attorney Myles J. Lane. And she 
vigorously attacked the "deliberate" motive of the prosecutor in engineering 
the "contempt" action. 

The judge ordered her committed at once to serve the "contempt" sentence in 
the Women's House of Detention. 

But following a conference with counsel, he rescinded the order and gave 
her until this morning to confer with defense lawyers and her 12 codefendants. 


After the conference, it was announced defense counsel had advised the court 
it had reached a point where an important decision had to be made which would 
determine tlie length of tlie trial, now in progress for 9 months. 

It was further announced the defense told the court it hoped the conference 
of defendants and counsel may result in shortening the trial. The brief defer- 
ment of Miss Fiynn's jail sentence was granted so she could be present at the 
important defense conference. 

Miss Flynn, who is acting as her own counsel, finislied her testimony following 
a brief badgering session of recross-exami nation by Assistant Prosecutor David 
L. Marks. She appeared exhausted from tlie long days of grueling examina- 
tion. But she faced the court and the pending jail sentence calmly and with a 
pleasant smile. 

Judge Dimocli asked her if she would now reply to the prosecutor's two 
questions hurled at her last month, which she then refused to answer. 

"Will you now state if you know a man named Lou Diskin?" the judge asked, 
reading the question from the trial record. Miss Flynn stated again she would 
not act as an informer and identify persons as Communists, thus subjecting 
ithem to harassment and persecution. 

"Will you now state whether a woman named Clara Bodian attended meetings 
of the (Communist Party) National Women's Commission between 1947 and 
1951?" the judge inquired, repeating the second unanswered question. 

"I have testified she was not a member of the National Women's Commission, 
and she was not chairman of the State Women's Commission," Miss Flynn 
replied. She said she believed she had sufficiently replied to the prosecutor's 
questions concerning the work of the State and National Women's Commission 
of the Communist Party. 

She again refused to state whether Clara Bodian attended meetings of the 
national commission. 

Judge Dimock said he believed it would be a trivial matter to answer the 

"It isn't trivial to me." Miss Flynn declared. "I stated I will not identify a 
person as a member of the Communist Party." 

Judge Dimock noted he had granted a stay of the 30-day contempt sentence 
on November 20 until Miss Flynn had concluded her testimony. 

A woman deputy marshal appeared on the scene and the judge ordered Miss 
Flynn committed. Defense Attorney INIary Kaufman asked that sentence be 
<lef erred until the trial ends. She said Mis.s Flynn was l>er own attorney and 
that to confine her in a cell each night would deny the defendant access to the 
mountainous piles of legal documents and to conferences with counsel and 

"It would shut her off." the attorney declared, "and deny due process." 

Defense Attorney John T. IVIcTernan argued that the questions Miss Flynn 
refused to answer had nothing to do with the search for the truth. He said he 
did not think he would lie at)le adequately to defend his clients if Miss Flynn 
was jailed and made unavailable for consultation. 

"I ask Your Honor to ponder this very carefully," McTernan declared. "I 
ask modification of the sentence or a stay of execution so as not to interfere 
-with tlie right of a vigorous defense." 

Defense Attorney James Wright noted other judges had deferred similar 
contempt sentences until the conclusion of the trial. 

Postponement of Miss Fiynn's sentence, Attorney Frank Serri declared, would 
give the judge a further chance to consider this case. 

"You are attempting to force her to violate a great American tradition, never 
to be a spy, never to be an informer," Serri said. 

Pettis Perry, defendant acting as his own counsel, reminded the judge Miss 

-Flynn was the only member of the party's national committee among the 

defendants. He said it was necessary to consult constantly with her on matters 

-<"f the case. To jail in the midst of the trial, lie argued, would impose a heavy 

hardship on each defendant. 

Miss Flynn vigorously attacked the bad motives of the prosecution for pre- 
cipitating the contempt action. She charged it was done deliberately. 

She refused, however, to ask for withdrawal of the sentence, but requested 
that it be deferred until the end of the trial. 

"It would be much easier for me to go to the House of Detention and stay 
there for 30 days," she said. "But to go there daily involved things very 
obnoxious and repulsive to a woman of my age. This is as though I was sen- 
tenced 30 times over." 


Counsel explained Miss Flynu was objecting to tlie jail routine of being 
stripped of her clothing each day she arrives from court and examined minutely 
like a common criminal for narcotics. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In view of the testimony before this committee by 
Mr. Joseph Starobin, an article from the Worker of October 10, 
1954 entitled "Mao on 'The Living Soul of Marxism'," reviewed 
by Joseph Starobin. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 130" and appears 

below :) 

Exhibit No. 130 

Mao on "The Living Soul of Marxism" 

(Mao Tse-tung: Selected Works, Vol. I and II, International Publishers, 
$2.50. Reviewed by Joseph Starobin.) 

Here are two books (the third and fourth volumes are promised us soon) 
which are bound to make a deep impression in our country. The big press, and 
its Sunday magazine reviewers, may ignore them, thus exercising their terrible 
power to misinform the public by simply keeping it in ignorance. Yet, I think 
that Mao's works will constitute a sort of underground stream — that will bubble 
up again and again throughout the winding courses of American life, and will 
refresh its muddy and stagnant waters. 

No one who reads these essays, which begin at the critical moment in Kuomin- 
tang-Communist relations during the first revolution in 1928, and closed in 1938, 
when the united front had been reestablished on a new basis, can fail to be deeply 
affected by them. The whole canvas of China's titanic revolution is here, in 
its ebb and its flow. And the many-sidedness of Mao's leadership is equally 
striking. He is able to dissect the different class groupings in his native province 
of Hunan, and write profound studies of the tactics of guerrilla warfare, and 
also contribute essays on philosophy (both the famous studies. On Contradiction, 
and On Practice are here) and at the same time deal with problems of morality, 
history, and government. 

What stands out is INIao Tse-tung's prolonged and persistent battle against the 
sectarianism which afflicted the Chinese Conununists over the whole formative 
period covered in these two volumes. Mao was in constant battle with opportu- 
nism in all its varieties. Six or seven years went by before his ideas won out. 
Again and again, he comments on how costly were the mistakes which led tO' 
so many defeats before victory could become possible. 

What was the heart of his ideas? "The most essential thing in Marxism, the 
living soul of Marxism." he says, quoting Lenin, "is the concrete analysis of 
concrete conditions." Without a concrete study of China, of her peculiarities, 
of her actual relations, nothing could be accomplished, Mao insists again and 
again. "Communists are internationalist-Marxists," he says in 1938. "but Marx- 
ism must be integrated with the specific characteristics of our country and 
given a national form before it can be put into practice." 

Later in the same essay : "how to turn Marxism into something specifically 
Chinese, to imbue every manifestation of it with Chinese characteristics, that is, 
to supply it in accordance with Chinese characteristics becomes a problem which 
the whole party must undei'stand and solve immediately." 

From these precepts followed his own proposals for a protracted warfare of 
a guerrilla character, carried out by an army which would arouse and express 
the agrarian revolution, and unite all the other revolutionary forces, including 
the national bourgeoisie of China, for the establishment of a people's power 
under the leadership of the working class and its Communist Party. Each propo- 
sition had to be fought for. Some took years to establish. 

Mao Tse-tung stressed another proposition, of which his own work was an 
example. We are "mere schoolboys." he says at one point, in assimilating China's 
historical legacy. "The China of today has developed from the China in history, 
and as we are believers in the Marxist approach to history, w^e must not cut off 
our whole historical past. We must make a summing-up from Confucius down 
to Sun Yat-sen. and inherit this precious legacy." 

He urges that abstract and doctrinaire talk be stopped, in order to make roomi 
for the fresh and lively things of Chinese style and Chinese flavor which the 
common folk of China love to see and hear. 


His owii style follows this advice. He is constantly referring to the classics 
of China's literature and theater. His prose is well argued without ever losing 
its dignity and assurance. It is strong and sharp without ever becoming invec- 
tive. It is clear and simple without ever being oversimplified. 

The imiwrtance of these volumes goes far beyond their academic value and 
I should not forget the excellent and informative notes in each book. All of us, 
whether students of China or not, can study them with profit. And their im- 
portance is also not a partisan one at all. I noticed the other day that a 
correspondent, describing the much-traveled John Foster Dulles, reports the 
Secretary of State to be a devoted reader of Stalin's Problems of Leninism, a 
classic of Marxism to which Mao's works make an excellent companion piece. 

I doubt whether everything that is good for Mr. Dulles is the best for the rest 
of us. But surely we can all keep up with his reading. 

International iPublishers, as so often in its history, has performed a service of 
national value in giving us Mao's works. Mr. Dulles will read them for his own 
purposes. But for all those Americans, whether they are partisans of Mao's 
thought or not, who want to see our country find the basis for stable, normal, 
peaceful and fruitful relations with China, one-fourth of humanity, these books 
will be iiseful and stimulating. Our highest interests as a people and a Nation 
will be advanced by reading and studying them. 

Mr. SouR"\viNE. Next, a letter addressed to the chairman of the 
subcommittee from Mr. Francis E. Walter, chairman of the House 
Committee on Un-American Activities, and the memorandum en- 
closed therewith, 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 131" and 
appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 1.31 

Congress of the United States, 

House of Representati\'es, 
Committee on UN-A^rEuicAN Activities, 

Washington, March 16, 1955. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Su'bcommittee, 
United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Senator Eastland: Receipt is acknowledged of your letter of March 11, 
19.55, relative to Harvey M. Matusow. 

In compliance with your request, I have had Donald T. Appell, an investiga- 
tor for the Committee on Un-American Activities, prepare the enclosed memo- 
randum reflecting the steps taken by him and the staff of the committee to verify 
the reliability of Mr. Matusow prior to his public appearance before the com- 
mittee in 1952. 

While the enclosed memorandum deals with the appearance of Matusow only, 
you are advised that no witness is permitted to testify before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities, during which testimony he is expected to identify 
individuals as current or prior members of the Communist Party, unless the 
committee has conducted a thorough investigation for the purpose of determining 
the reliability of the witness. 

With kind personal regards, I am 
Sincerely yours, 

Francis E. Walter, Chairman. 

March 16, 1955. 
To: Hon. Francis E. Walter, Chairman. 
From : Donald T. Appell, Investigator. 
Subject: Harvey M. Matusow. 

In September 1951. .John .T. Edmiston called from Dayton. Ohio, to advise 
that he had interviewed Sgt. Harvey M. Matusow, who was stationed at Wrisht- 
Patterson Air Force Base. Dayton. Ohio. Edmiston advised that, durinc: his 
interview with him, Matusow brought out that he had been a member of the 
Communist Party in New York City for several years ; further, that, because of 
^latusow's membership in the Communist Party. Matusow was unable to receive 
desiralile assignments within the Air Force ; and that, therefore, Matusow desired 
1o make public the fact that he had been a memlier of the Communist Party and 


had made his knowledge of the Communist Party available to the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation. 

In late September 1951, upon direction of the Committee on un-American 
Activities, I proceeded to Dayton, Ohio, for the purpose of interviewing Sgt. 
Matusow. Prior to contacting Matusow, I interviewed his superior officers at 
Wright-Patterson Air Force Base and reviewed Matusow's personnel tiles. One 
form contained in Matusow's personnel files listed Communist organizations in 
which Matusow claimed previous membership. The list, starting with the Com- 
munist Party, contained the names of nearly 40 organizations or practically all 
Communist organizarinns in existence following World War II. 

Staff officers at Wi'ight-Patterson were assured that the committee was inter- 
ested in Sgt. Matusow only as a former member of the Communist Party. The 
committee was not interested in the fact that Matusow was in September 1951 
on active duty with the Air Force. 

Arrangements were made, due to the lack of facilities at the base, for Matusow 
to be interviewed by me in my hotel room in Dayton. In view of the fact that 
the committee had no facilities for reimbursing Matusow for his travel from the 
base to Dayton, the Air Force agreed to supply him with transportation from 
the motor pool. 

During the initial interview with Matusow, he broadly outlined the circum- 
stances under which he joined the Communist Party, his activities within the 
Communist Party, and the circumstances under which he left ; namely, an expul- 
sion by the Communist Party itself. 

Matusow, at this interview, also named the Communist-front organizations 
in which he was active as a member of the Communist Party. His activity ia 
connection with many Communist-front organizations was merely in the form 
of a paper membership. His knowledge with respect to these organizations was 
very restricted. Matusow then named individuals about whom he claimed to 
have knowledge with respect to their membership in the Communist Party. 

Matusow named many individuals as members of the Communist Party and. 
in order to test his knowledge of these persons, he was requested to prepare for 
the committee a history of his life and a detailed description of each individual 
with whom he was acquainted. 

Matusow was placed imder subpena, as the committee had directed. He was 
advised at the time of service, however, that it would be necessary for the 
committee to clieck his statements and that, therefore, he should not report as 
directed in the subpena unless further notified by the committee. 

In compliance with this request, Matusow prepared a 71-page document which 
detailed his life, his relationship with the Communist Party and its front organi- 
zations, and his knowledge of individuals with whom he met as a member of the 
Communist Party. This 71-page document was later supplemented by a 35-page 
document wliich dealt only with his description of individuals. 

In October 1951, prior to and following the receipt of Matusow's documents, 
an investigation was conducted to verify the information submitted by him. 
This investigation substantiated the fact that Matusow had been a memt)er 
of the Connnunist Party, was expelled by the Communist Party on charges, 
and that during the last year of his membership in the Communist Party he 
was a source of information for the FBI. 

The documents submitted by Matusow dealt in the main with his associations 
within the Communist Party, American Youth for Democracy, the Labor Youth 
League, People's Songs, the Jefferson School, and camps such as Camp Unity 
and Camp Arrowhead. 

The files of the Committee on Un-American Activities reflected that all the 
organizations listed above had a direct tie with the Communist Party and were, 
in fact. Communist-controlled organizations. People's Songs, with which Matu- 
sow had a direct as.sociation, including employment of a sort, was cited as a 
Communist-front organization by the Special Committee on Un-American- 

Matusow physically described a majority of the individuals to whom he 
referred. Regarding others, he recited incidents and events which could have 
resulted only from personal knowledge. These individuals were then made 
the subject of an investigation. This investigation disclosed that all of the 
individuals mentioned by Matusow fell in one of the following categories: 

(1) They had previously been identified as members of the Communist Party .. 

(2) They were publicly known as 'members of the Communist Party. 

(3) They associated with Communist organizations. 

(4) They associated with known members of the Communist Party. 


After this determination. Matusow was advised to appear before the committee 
on November 27, 1951. Authority was given to Matusow to proceed to his home, 
en route to Washington, D. C, for the purpose of obtaining additional docu- 
mentary evidence relating to his associations with certain individuals and organ- 

On November 27, 1951, Matusow testified in executive session. During his 
appearance before the committee, Matusow presented photographs which he had. 
in his possession of individuals about whom he was testifying. Many of these 
photographs were personal snapshots made at Camp Unity, during a Com- 
munist Party-sponsored trip to Puerto Rico, and/or at other Communist 

During the course of Matusow's executive testimony, he was asked about indi- 
viduals affiliated with People's Songs, AYD, and LYL. These individuals were 
known to the committee to have had Communist Party afliliations. These individ- 
uals were, however, in addition to the names volunteered by Matusow and, in 
almost every instance, Matusow denied knowledge of Communist Party affiliations 
of every one not included on his list. 

As a result of interviews and this executive testimony, the committee found 
Matusow to possess limited knowledge of the Communist Party and its members. 
His knowledge dealt mainly with the youth activities of the Communist Party, 
its front organizations among youth, and the leadership of the Communist Party 
which reached into all levels of Communist life. 

The committee, having determined the reliability of Matusow with respect to 
those items about which he had testified in executive session, ordered him to again 
appear before the committee in open session in February 1952. 

Matusow's public testimony was nearly identical to the testimony which he 
gave in executive session. He was a witness in open session for a shorter period 
than he was in executive session, because his public testimony was restricted 
solely to those individuals he swore were, to his knowledge, members of the 
Communist Party. In addition, through an oversight on the part of the com- 
mittee, Matusow was not asked about, nor did he volunteer testimony in open 
session relative to, many individuals whom he had identified in executive session 
as members of the Communist Party. 

Matusow's testimony was printed, and has been released to the American public 
for over 3 years, during which time the committee has had no correspondence or 
messages of any sort from any individual denying or refuting the testimony given, 
by Matusow. 

Matusow's only other appearance before the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities was in July 19,54, when he was subpenaed to answer, under oath, ques- 
tions relating to his alleged statements to the effect that he had lied in his testi- 
mony before the Committee on Un-American Activities in 1952. At this appear- 
ance in July 1954, Matusow swore that his testimony before the committee in 
1952 had been the truth. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next, a letter from Harvey Matusow to Dick 
O'Melia, dated July 25, 1953. 

(The document was marked exhibit No. 132 and appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 132 

Letter Fkom Matusow, Dated July 25, 1953, at Las Vegas, Nev., to Dick O'Melia,. 
AT Sumner, Md., and Enclosed in an Envelope of the Twin Lakes Lodge, at 
Las Vegas 

July 25, 1953 — Las Vegas, Nev. — H. Matusow 

Number 1 — 

A story was published in the Las Vegas Sun, this morning, on the statement of 
A. Eisenhower on McCarthy. It was through this story that I got to meet H. G. 
At first he didn't know who I was, or at least said he didn't know the name. 

I went out to his home on Huston Drive about noou and had lunch with him and 
his wife (Huston Drive). The books in his library are not of a political nature. 
The only one there was "McCarthyism — Man Senator etc." by Drew Pearson's- 
man. Jack Anderson. H. G. said he received the book from Drew Pearson a few 
days before McCarthy arrived here during the 1952 election campaign. 

During lunch I told H. G. who I was and what I had been doing In the past 
year. When I did he became a little nervous and had a puzzled look on his face. 
He then said "I don't care what they do {McCarran and McCarthy), they can't 
pin anything on me." 


I told him that I hate communism but I don't like McCarran and McCarthy, 
for they are not helping in the fight against communism. I told him that I only 
worked for McCarthy and the committees so that I could fight them, just as I 
had done when I was in the Communist Party working for the FBI. 

H. G. didn't know what to say at this point. He told me that he needed a good 
investigator but didn't know if he could trust me or not. But he is willing to try 
me out. 

He 1 old me that most of his information of McCarran and McCarthy that comes 
from Washington, is received from Drew Pearson who he, H. G. has weekly con- 
tact with. I told H. G. to contact Jack Anderson, of Pearson's staff, who I have 
pulled this same deal with. Up to date I haven't given Pearson any information, 
but they think that they can count on me. (The story about Billie and I in 
January and May was not my doing but I have been in contact with Anderson 
for same reasons as present situation.) 

H. G. told me that Dorothy Schiff of New York Post is his money contact in 
the East. He said that she helped raise the money he needed to fight the suit 
against McCarran. 

He also told me that his interests at the Desert Inn, are 30 percent of the 
hotel, and 1 percent of the gaming, as well as a percentage of the new TV station 

It is going to take a few weeks before I get any real information from him, 
but I'll watch out, and work at it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Next, an article from the Daily Worker of February 
16, 1955, recounts the fact that the president of the Mine, Mill Union 
has urged an investigation of what he calls "professional witnesses." 

(The article was marked "Exhibit No. 138" and appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 133 
Smelter Union Asks Congress Pkobe Stoolies 

Denver, February 15. — A request for a congressional investigation of all 
"professional witnesses" was sent to every Member of the United States Senate 
and House by John Clark, president of the International Union of Mine, Mill, 
and Smelter Workers. 

Clark's letter was accompanied by a four-page newspaper, giving the story 
of Harvey Matusow's recantation of the testimony on which Clinton Jencks, a 
Mine-Mill organizer, was convicted on Taft-Hartley affidavit charges in 1954. 

Clark called the attention of Congressmen and Senators to the January 28 
column of Stewart Alsop suggesting that "Matusow's confession is likely to initiate 
a serious investigation of this new postwar profession of the informer." 

"We respectfully urge," Clark wrote, "that such an investigation by the ap- 
propriate committees of Congress be undertaken immediately. We agree with 
Mr. Alsop that it could 'have good results for the political health of the United 
States.' " 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Next a column from the Daily Worker by George 
Morris, entitled "The World of Labor" and subheaded "Matusow 
Confessions and the Frameup System." 

(The article was marked "Exhibit No. 134" and appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 134 
[Daily Worker, February 2, 1955, p. 5] 

World of Labor 
(By George Morris) 


In the past few days we saw some significant developments on the civil liberties 
front, but the most important of them is the dramatic confession of the much- 
used professional informer Harvey Matusow, that he lied deliberately on the 
many witness stands in thought control trials and hearings in which he figured 


prominently. Stoolpigeon Matusow pointed a finger at an estimated 180 persons 
and many organizations. 

This informer unveiled in 1952, will tell the story of his career of lies in a book 
to he put on sale by Cameron & Kahn in March. Meanwhile, however, he gave 
just an inliling of what we are in for, with an affidavit in support of the defense 
for a new trial for Clinton Jencks for whose conviction and sentence to 5 years 
Matusow supplied the basic testimony. Jenclis is a leader of the Mine, Mill and 
Smelter Workers. He lists the items of his testimony one by one and un- 
equivocally admits he lied deliberately. 

He admits in a second affidavit that he lied in the case of the 13 New York 
Communist Party leaders, Flyun, Perry, et al. 

1 don't know what made Matusow into a stool in the first place and what 
made him turn about to a point that he so openly and unequivocally confesses 
his abominable role in the camp of McCarthyism and wants to "remedy the 
harm," as he puts it. But the confessions are there, and they were put before 
a Federal judge and will figure in a hearing on motions for new trials. 

As you read the affidavit (it will run in the next issue of the weekend Work- 
er) you see how framed evidence is made so it looks "legal" and fits the law- 
like a glove. The big question still remains to be answered : has someone framed 
that evidence to fit the law and parceled it out among witnesses to be parroted 
off on the witness stand? Who is it? Matusow already named Roy Cohn as 
one of the operators in the frameup machinery. 

Under normal conditions, a confession like Matusow's would explode with a 
bang heard in every State. It would be the scandal of the year. That affidavit 
goes to the heart of McCarthyism. It exposes the whole pattern of framed 
evidence and professional informers upon which the theses of "Communist con- 
spiracy" and the alleged objective of "overthrow by force and violence" rests. 

Prosecutors can't find anything in programs, speeches or activities to build up 
a "force and violence" case, but they can get all the informers paid-for to deliver 
framed testimony to fit the law. 

This has been said thousands of times since the first thought-control trial 
was staged. But Matusow is the first of the parade of witnesses to confess to 
the dirty game and thereby open up the whole question of the role of the paid 
professional FBI informer in a way it has not yet come to the attention of the 
public since thought control became a part of the "American way of life." 

A number of cracks in the frameup machinery drew public attention before. 
It will be recalled that in the first trial of the Communists, before Judge 
Medina, jury tampering for the prosecution was clearly exposed but nothing 
was done about it. 

lu the Hawaii case, long before the trial, two FBI agents propositioned one 
of the defendants, a leader of the Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, 
that if he withdx-ew the island's organization from the union headed by Harry 
Bridges, he might escape prosecution. The only reason we know that is that 
the union leader had a recording taken of the interview in the basement of his 
home while it was in progress, and it was later played on many radio broad- 
casts and printed. But it was not admitted as evidence in the trial. 

Then we had the exposure first by the Alsops of the contradictions in the 
testimony of Paul Crouch at various of the trials that came to light in the 
Philadelphia Smith Act case. That received a great deal of public attention but 
Crouch has not confessed. 

More recently we had the confessions of David Brown, executive director of 
the Los Angeles Civil Rights Congress, who for 4 years was an FBI plant. 

But while these cracks keep appearing in the Department of Justice frameup 
system, and at times the truth comes out with explosive force as in the Matusow 
confessions, the Government keeps on using its discredited stools. 

Only a few days before the Matusow affidavit was made public, a Chicago court 
convicted Claude Lightfoot for "membership" in the Communist Party on the 
basis of testimony from a parade of witnesses — some of the old discredited 
informers and some new FBI plants. 

Two of the newly unveiled FBI plants that drew our particular attention, are 
or were, officials of unions in Milwaukee. This points to an alarming situation 
affecting the unions. The labor movement now faces the question of deciding 
its attitude on professional informers because the FBI plant is now becoming 
entrenched in trade union ranks. More on this in our next column. 

59886— 55— pt. 12- 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Next, an editorial from the Daily Worker of Febru- 
ary 27, 1955, and entitled "Probe the Spy System." 

(The editorial was marked "Exhibit No. 135" and appears below.) 

Exhibit No. 135 

[Daily Worker, February 27, 1955] 

Pkobe the Spy System 

The revelations by Harvey Matusow have put the masters of the frameup 
system into panic. 

The former paid informer, whom they once played up as a national hero, they 
now want to gag and intimidate in order to save their rotten methods of framing 
innocent men and women and destroying the Bill of Rights. 

Thus the Justice Department is seeking to rush through grand jury proceed- 
ings against Matusow at a time when he is a party to motions for new trials for 
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and her colleagues, and for Mine, Mill and Smelter 
official, Clinton Jencks, in El Paso. The Jenner committee proposes to investi- 
gate—not Roy Cohn, of course, whom Matusow implicates in his revelations — • 
but Cameron & Kahn, publishers of Matusow's story of his evil doings. 

On the other hand, the New York Times, for example, says this is a lesson 
against accepting uncritically the "accusatory statements of the professional 

This is very true. But the real lesson of the Matusow case — and one which 
the beneficiaries of the informer system are so anxious to hide— is this : as an 
inevitable part of imprisoning people for their ideas, speeches, and for the books 
they read, the .Justice Department has deliberately cooked up perjurious and 
false testimony ! What is needed is an investigation by some Senate body of 
the entire informer system itself and of the part played in it by the Justice 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Next an article by Rob F. Hall entitled "Brownell 
Rushes to Save Informer Racket," from The Worker of February 13, 

(The article was marked "Exhibit No. 136" and appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 136 

[The Worker, Sunday, February 13, 1955] 

Brownell Rushes to Save Informek Racket 

(By Rob F. Hall) 

The Justice Department last week was fighting frantically, and with its cus- 
tomary knee-in-the-groin tactics, to save its already shaky informer system. For 
the system was clearly in danger of being completely discredited by the revela- 
tions of Harvey Matusow, formerly one of the Justice Department's star per- 
formers, not only that his testimony had been a tissue of lies but that the lies 
had been manufactured in collusion with the Department's officials. 

Chairman Francis Walter (Democrat, Pennsylvania), of the House Un-Amer- 
ican Committee which earlier had lionized Matusow and publicized his lies 
declared that if the professional informer's testimony had "tipped the scales" 
against innocent persons, then "there must be another trial" for those persons. 

The New York Times agreed that Matusow's confession obligated the Justice 
Department to "reexamine all the cases in which this man's testimony did play 
a significant part." The Times called the profession of informer a "shabby 
Tjusiness" and said the Matusow revelations afforded "a new warning against 
the unquestioned acceptance by political and judicial authorities alike of the 
accusatory statements of the professional informer." 

The Washington Post and Times Herald demanded bluntly, "How many Amer- 
icans have been unjustly convicted on the basis of Matusow's perjured testi- 
mony? How many others have been sent to prison or condemned before con- 
gressional investigating committees by other former Communist perjurers who 
like Matusow decided to make witnessing a lucrative career?" 


In the New York Post there appeared a cartoon by Herbert Block entitled, 
"This could spoil the whole racket, men," which showed four men in an office 
displaying the following signs : . ,^. ^ 

Association of Professional Ex-Communists ; We Can Remember Anything to 
Fit—Word Rates ; Testimony to Order ; You Name the Victim, We Do the Rest. 
The four men are huddled over a newspaper bearing headlines about Matusow's 

Many readers could have supplied names for the four men — Louis Budenz, 
Paul Crouch, Manning Johnson, John Lautner, for instance, all of whom have 
figured as star performers for the Justice Department in framing those whom 
the Attorney General for his own reasons wanted to imprison. But this is far 
from exhausting the list. 

Wilbur H. Baldinger, a virulent anti-Communist himself, writing in the 
Progressive (February 19.55) said there are 3.5 such informers on the payroll 
of the Immigration and Naturalization Service as "contractors." Another 50 
work parttime for the Justice Department at $25 a day basis, he said. 

Among those mentioned by Frank Donner in a survey of the informer system 
in The Nation (April 10, VJ'A) were George Hewitt, Benjamin Gitlow, Joseph 
Kornfeder, AVhittaker Chambers, Elizabeth Bentley, Herbert Philbrick, Max 
Cvetic, Mary Markward (who was used by Senator McCarthy to harass Mrs. 
Annie Lee Moss), Angela Calomiris, Lloyd Hamlin, Bernice Baldwin, Daisy Van 
Dorn and Leonard Patterson. A perusal of the transcripts in the Smith Act 
prosecutions would add many more names of professional informers. And so 
too would the proceedings in deportation cases and hearings before the McCarthy, 
Jenner and Un-American Committees. 

Their testimony did more than "tip the scales" against innocent persons. It 
brought about the conviction of more than 100 persons on charges of conspiring 
to advocate and teach the violent overthrow of the Government, although, as 
Matusow now freely admits, there was no "conspiracy" in the Communist Party. 
It brought about the conviction of Claude Lightfoot on the charge that he was 
a "knowing" member of the Communist Party. 

Testimony from these informers similarly brought about the deportation of 
hundreils of foreign-born persons, breaking up families and sowing heartbreak 
and sorrow. Such testimony before congressional witch-hunting committees 
led to the ruin and imprisonment of Alger Hiss and subsequently William 
Remington who paid with his life for the lies of the informers. 

It has seriously damaged certain trade unions and has meant the loss of jobs 
and livelihood to scores of workers in industrial plants, not to mention teachers, 
actors, artists and other professional men and women. Such testimony, with 
the accused never even learning the identity of their accusers, has resulted in 
hundreds of Government employees leaving Federal employment, often with 
their reputations sullied. 

The Matusow confession merely emphasizes what objective observers had 
already concluded — that honest men and women were being ruined or imprisoned 
on the dubious testimony of professional liars. Joseph Alsop, the columnist, 
had already pointed out that Paul Crouch (who has testified in 60 proceedings 
of this sort) had contradicted himself in the cases of Harry Bridges, Jacob Burck 
and the Philadelphia Smith Act defendants. George Hewitt was even indicted 
for perjury (although never prosecuted) because of his obvious lies in the Rader 
case in Washington State. And Manning Johnson was revealed in the Bridges 
case to have perjured himself in placing the longshore leader in New York at 
a time when other documentary evidence put him in Stockton, Calif. 

Budenz, whose testimony sent Eugene Dennis, Ben Davis, Editor John Gates 
of this paper and other Communist leaders to jail, was described by Alsop as 
"misleading and untruthful * * * inherently incredible. Senator Dennis 
Chavez (Democrat, New Mexico) speaking on the Senate floor characterized 
Budenz as a "devious, conspiratorial warped personality." This Catholic lay- 
man and statesman said, "I do not think he knows truth from falsehood any 

Despite the growing revulsion against these informers even in conservative 
circles, the Justice Department has not ceased to defend them. These witnesses 
have "extraordinary qualifications," assistant attorney general Warren OIney III 
stated recently. And to defend the entire system of using professional informers 
to persecute a political party and persons with opinions offensive to the Justice 
Department, Attorney General Brownell has plunged feverishly into the Matusow 
case. Last week he sent his assistant, William F. Tompkins to New York to take 
charge in a futile effort to prevent Matusow from testifying in a hearing before 


Judge Edward Dimock on the falseness of his testimony in the case of Elizabeth 
Gurley Flynn and 12 other Communist leaders. 

Tompkins and United States attorney J. Edward Lumbard subpenaed Ma- 
tusow to appear before a Federal grand jury, hoping thereby to prevent his dis- 
closure in the Flynn case. But on the motion of the 13 defense attorneys, Judge 
Dimock ruled that Matusow need not appear before the grand jury until after 
the hearing in his court. 

Tompkins and Lumbard then moved swiftly to strike at Angus Cameron and 
Albert Kahn, members of the publishing firm which will bring out Matusow's 
book, "False Witness" next month. They subpenaed the two publishers before 
a special grand jury and demanded they turn over text of the book. 

Cameron and Kahn refused to comply. Appearing before the grand jury they 
branded this move as an attempt to keep them from the public, Matusow's dis- 
closures, "some of which implicate the department itself." 

Kahn was sentenced to 6 months in jail for contempt of court and a similar 
sentence was threatened against Cameron. The sentence was held up pending 
an appeal to the Federal circuit court. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Next an article from the magazine, This Week, 
entitled "Breaking the Communist Spell," by J. Edgar Hoover, 
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

(The article was marked Exhibit No. 137 and appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 137 

[This Week, November 1, 1953] 

Breaking the Communist Spell 

A message from J. Edgar Hoover 

In America today, there are hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people, once 
duped by communism, who have since broken with the party. This article has 
been written in a sincere effort to reach them and enlist their help in wiping 
out the Soviet conspiracy which threatens our country. 

With a few exceptions, most of the former Communists have remained silent. 
Here are some of the reasons : First of all, the individual may be fearful — 
either of revenge from the Communists or criticism by loyal Americans. 

Then, in many cases, he may still be striving to break the bonds which have 
enslaved his mind. When one has believed that the course he wholeheartedly 
followed in the past was the right one, he cannot change everything overnight. 
The awakening may be slow and painful. 

which duty? 

And, even when his eyes are fully open to the truth, he may feel that he cannot 
break silence. He may feel that he owes a duty to those persons whom he 
recruited or encouraged to join the party. He may feel that his motives in 
joining the party were good, that he never willfully violated any law but rather 
was pursuing a course which he then considered normal. He cannot morally 
bring himself to the point of furnishing incriminating information about those 
former associates with whom he shared beliefs. Here he faces the test — the 
emotional struggle between his duty or sympathy to former associates, and his 
duty to his country, humanity, and his God. What should he do ? 

The question is a moral one. Each ex-Communist must decide for himself 
where his duty lies. We of the FBI have known and talked with many who were 
going through this painful process of decision. Once his eyes are open, the ex- 
Communist sees the evils which Communism has forced upon individuals and 
nations. But at the same time, he may feel a sense of loyalty to those persons 
who, like himself, entered the Communist movement with certain ideals. They, 
like him, refused to accept passively the injustices and prejudices of their society. 
They gave themselves passionately and wholeheartedly to the movement which 
claims to be the only cure for the world's social and economic ills. 

Can he now turn his back on his former associates and furnish information 
concerning their activities which may incriminate them? Can he now become 
an example of what he has been taught in the party to hate — a "stool pigeon" and 
"informer" ? The very idea may be morally distasteful to him. 


On the other hand the ex-Commiinist has, through a slow, agonizing process of 
disillusionment, had the foundations of his faith shattered. He has come to 
realize that the Communist conspiracy stands for the social evils he deplored. If 
this conspiracy is successful in the achievement of its objectives, he and his friends 
and their children will be the tragic victims of the evils they erroneously thought 
they were fighting. 

So now the ex-Communist faces this question : Is he actually "protecting" his 
former associates by withholding the information he possesses? Or is he not in 
reality endangering them, as well as his family, himself and his society? His 
silence enables the party to continue without detection its evil designs. 

Where lies his higher loyalty — to his former Communist associates who, by 
their adherence to the party line, willfully or unwittingly would destroy the free- 
dom and liberties he cherishes? Or, to his country which, with its admitted im- 
perfections, remains the ultimate hope of freedom among all nations of the world? 

If the ex-Communist is sincere and has truly come to realize that the "good" 
cause to which he had formerly given himself is in fact an evil, his moral duty 
is clear. He must combat the evil principles and the evil consequences. These 
principles not only hold his friends in mental bondage ; they are also constantly 
drawing new victims into the slave pit. The choice must be made. 


The ex-Communist holds in his hands weapons which can strike a mighty blow 
against a terrible evil. He inflicts a minor wound by leaving the Communist 
party. (Such a wound is partly healed with the addition of a new member to 
the party.) But, when the ex-Communist withdraws and at the same time makes 
a full disclosure to the proper authorities, he does irreparable damage to the 
cause. He places his change of philosophy, conscience and action on the record. 
He is restoring himself to the ranks of good citizenship and is making amends for 
his wrongs against America resulting from his party activities. He is protecting 
now and in the future his family and our way of life. 

And the FBI needs his help. Citizenship carries with it certain obligations. 
Some people, however, while claiming their rights, completely ignore tlieir duties. 
This lack of responsibility is reflected in the attitude of those who say flatly: 
"It's the FBI's job to catch spies. Why should I tell them anything?" 

The logic of such a person is like that of the man who sees an escaped leopard 
stalking his child and does nothing because it isn't his job to corral animals ! 


Those individuals who place information they have regarding the Communist 
conspiracy in the proper hands are making a contribution of great value to the 
security of their country. The events of the recent past bear witness to this fact. 

The information given by former Communists has alerted the public to the 
terrible menace by exposing the very nature of the Communist underground and 
by revealing the manner in which the Communists operate. Such information has 
disclosed the frightening fact that some channels of public opinion have been in- 
filtrated, and that some faculties of some educational institutions have been pene- 
trated by Communists. Such information has enabled labor unions to learn of 
the conspirators' tactics and to thwart them. It has put the plain label of Com- 
munist on some party members who long served the conspiracy behind the re- 
spectable title of "liberal." 

In similar fashion it ripped the cloak of innocence off numerous Communist 
fronts. Through first-hand experience the negative features of communism are 
revealed and Americans, by contrast, gain a deep and humble appreciation of 
our free democratic way of life. 

Former members of the Communist Party have testified before loyalty hearing 
boards regarding individuals known to them as present or past members of the 
Communist Party. Others have presented information in hearings where individ- 
uals were seeking to become United States citizens, as well as in instances where 
the authorities had instituted denaturalization proceedings. The testimony of 
former Communists has been utilized in unmasking Communist individuals 
before congressional committees and in proving perjury in court. 

But it is in the field of general intelligence information that former Com- 
munists have made their greatest contribution to the security of America. Data 
furnished by former Communists to the FBI has afforded a more detailed and 
enlarged picture of past Communist activities. This information serves further 


as a guide to the FBI not only in keeping abreast of subversive activity, but also 
in foreseeing and preparing against future plans of those who would destroy 


The Fedei-al Bureau of Investigation would not have its broad knowledge of 
the formidable Soviet underground had it not been for numerous Communist de- 
fectors. Contributions of former Communist Party members to the security of 
the United States are obviously of the greatest present value. The full extent of 
those contributions may not be generally apareut until some time in the future. 
Information furnished by them on past membership in the party often is as valu- 
able as information on present membership, for this reason : the old member who 
may give every indication of having dropped out of the party may actually be 
operating in an undergroimd assignment. 

The outraged cries of the Communists against defectors would be humorous 
were the situation less serious. The Connnunists imply that the use of inform- 
ants began with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and denounce the FBI for 
spying against them. They forget that spying has always been an integral part 
of Soviet life, and that American Communists apply this same principle within 
the party. The Communists include secret entry and search of members' personal 
property, and reporting on the results of the search. 

The individual contributions of former members of the Communist Party to 
the security of our way of life are shining examples of people who have recognized 
their mistakes and are doing all within their power to rectify them. 


These people deserve the nation's respect, and their neighbor's fair-minded for- 
giveness for their past devotion to communism. Their means of livelihood must 
be protected, and loyal Americans must accept their sincere repentance as a 
return to the full scope of citizenship. All great religions teach that the sinner 
can always redeem himself. Who, then, shall sit in judgment on the ex-Com- 
munist? Who dare deny him the promise held out to those who repent of the evil 
they have done and who try to make amends? 

For our part, at the FBI, we have always sought to recognize the very real 
human and personal problems facing the ex-Communists who have come to our 
offices to make such amends. We have assured them, if they have asked us to 
keep their confidence, that all revelations will be regarded as confidential until 
they are willing — as they will be if their repentance is sincere — to use their 
knowledge as testimony in trials or loyalty hearings. 

In discussing the ex-Communist, those who piously say that the leopard never 
changes its spots forget that they are speaking of human beings — mortal 
creatures with immortal souls. And those who say "Once a Communist, always 
a Communist" are simply advertising their ignorance. To deny that men can 
change is to deny the truths which have eternally guided civilized man. 

"But," the sbout is raised, "how can you believe an ex-Communist !" 

The answer lies in the fact that many former Communists have been tested by 
vigorous cross examination. They have withstood critical observation. Those 
most interested in producing evidence which would contradict their testimony 
have failed to do so. On the other hand much of the testimony of ex-Com- 
munists has been verified by corroborating evidence. 


Today there exists a bitter ideological conflict. The Communists themselves 
assert that the world i« divided into two fundamentally different and opposing 
camps. Only one, they maintain, will survive. In a crisis we must face reality. 
With American freedom and the lives of American citizens at stake, where does 
the individual who has been drawn into the Communist net stand? He cannot be 
neutral. He is either for or against the United States. 

If, having knowledge of persons and activities detrimental to his country, he 
breaks from the Party, yet maintains silence, he is still aiding the enemy. The 
moral obligation involved cannot be met by silence. The choice is simple : help 
the United States. The man who does this is preserving freedom under law. He 
is protecting the American way of life for free men and women — inclitding his 
family and himself. 


Now is the time for those who love America to step forward and be counted. 
NowTs the timTf or those who erred and once joined the Commumst cause to 
decTare themsSles Now is the time for free men to do their part to retain our 
freedom. . 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Next, a letter dated August 24, 1953, written by 
Matusow to Senator Joseph McCarthy. u^^.\ 

(The letter was marked exhibit No. 138 and appears below.) 

Exhibit No. 138 

Harvey M. Matusow, Reno, Nevada, 
P. 0. Box 2241, Santa Fe, N. Mew., August 2^, 1953. 

Sen. Joe McCarthy, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. ^ , 

DEAR joe: What I intend to tell you in this letter, ^ ^f l\f^^/^^P^f f ^^"^ 

telling you in person. But circumstances change my plans Also what I am 

about to tell you, I have told to Billie, and to JB-I asked them both not to tell 

^^i^lTn^nTr^m r\Sy'eight-tw^^^ years of being a coward 

and being dishonest. Or should I say most of the time. I have gone through 
me hiSg tbe things I love and believe in . . . being dishonest with them for 
I was if raid that if I were honest I would be hurt by them-I was wrong 
' I did one honest thing, and that was when I went to the FBI in re f ion to my 
activities in the Communist Party, and also when I testified before the Com- 
mittees in Washington. . . . When I married Billie I was only partly honest . . . 
Si my love for her was and is to this day (the day before she gets divorce) 

I don't "know if I have the courage or guts to go on with life . . . or if I have 
the courage or guts to end my dishonest life They both seem to take cour- 
age— there is no middle ground— I wish there were. V ,1. fT,a 

When I testified at the trial of the 13 Communist leaders in New Toik, the 
defense lawyer said "You'd do anything for a buck." I denied it, but he was 
right. My testimony was honest, but that was about the only thing in my being 

there that was. _ , -,-,.-,,< ^.r,. ^ „ 

A few weeks after I left the witness stand in December I did anything for a 
buck." I sold a story to Drew Pearson. . . . The story about Billie and me 
going to Nassau. ... I didn't believe it would hurt you . . . and at that time 
I didn't seem to care. For I had no principles. I don't apologize for it . . . for 
I don't think it will do any good . . . but I know I was wrong ... I do believe 
in your cause . . . one that I should not be associated with ... I received 
250.00 for the story ... A foot note to this is that I DID NOT give anyone the 
story about the fight Billie and I had on May 9th. 

I am not sure where I will be when you get this letter, but that doesn t seem 
to matter. ... If I decide to go on with life I'll probably be in Santa Fe, work- 
ing at a radio station there ( KTRC ) . 

If I go on — I don't want to go near politics ever again, and I never want to be 
part of the Communist question— pro or con. It might be that you look at this 
as the cowards way out . . . but if I am to go on as an honest— honest with my- 
self — human being I have to use saltpeter in my living. . . . 

I have to tone down the temptations that made me dishonest. I realize now 
that I can be happy with a job of any nature ... so long as it is honest work. 

During the six months of my marriage to Billie, I have hurt her. I have been 
with her in Reno for the past three weeks trying to reconcile the marriage . . . 
and up until about an hour ago it looked as though we could . . . She was going 
to go to Santa Fe with me . . . on my money, with me working. . . . But now 
she says no . . . and with the divorce I don't know which course I'll take ... I 
still wish there were a middle course. . . . 

Goodbye, and Godspeed in your crusade. ... I know now that I am with 

you. . . . Thanks for your honesty with me — I didn't deserve it. 


[s] Harvey. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Next, an article by Angus Cameron, entitled "The 
Crisis in Books," published in the California Quarterly, spring issue 
of 1952. 


(The article was marked "Exhibit No. 139'' and appears below:) 

Exhibit No. 139 

[California Quarterly, spring 1952] 

Angus Cameeon: The Crisis in Books 

For some time now it has been the practice of the critics of book publishing 
in the United States to look upon the crisis which deepens hourly in the profes- 
sion as a business or commercial crisis. Research committees and investigating 
boards created or supported in part by publishers have been bringing in stale 
reports for 2 decades about what was and is wrong with book publishing in 
America. The faces change but the findings are familiar. From the reports of 
these expert investigators, the trade is plagued by the same old ghosts — poor 
distribution and, more lately since the uncontrolled war inflation, by a brother 
ghost more terrifying, high costs. Between the two the business of publishing 
books is perpetually haunted. As a result, the dark forebodings of a creeping 
form of bankruptcy make their dreary way among the men who own and operate 

Now while the old-line publishing houses slowly die by strangulation in a 
market which will not expand as fast as costs increase, it is time for the people 
of this country who know the social value of books to look at the question 
through eyes other than the somewhat dimmed ones of men in the trade. The 
truth is that the problem is not the one discussed and investigated — how to 
keep traditional publishing going. Rather the problem is how to keep a free 
press at all; how to keep our culture informed of its nature, its changes, the 
social and scientific demands of an atomic world, through books. The question 
really is how to insure that the publishing of books containing the truth about 
our times shall continue at all. The thoughts of publishers, critics, writers, 
and nonprofessional people have too often turned in the small commercial 
circle; pursuit of the trouble has been only a kind of tail-chasing around the 
problem of how to keep going a business which cannot and indeed should not be 
kept going in its old limited fashion. 

There was a time in the capitalist "free" market order of things when the 
demand of society for the truth through books and the opportunity for supplying 
those demands at a profit seemed to meet. There was at least a half-truth in 
the folklore of capitalism that the demand for books in an expanding economy 
would always be met by some obliging and profit-hungry investor. For a good 
many decades, hard-backed publishing of relatively expensive books was a 
profitable enterprise for a smallish number of well-off middle-class intellectuals 
who made a profession of this most respectable pursuit. The middle and upper 
classes with enough money to buy these relatively expensive items were insured 
of a steady supply of more or less freely published books about the world they 
lived in, where it came from, and where it was going. While the truth about 
the world was more or less a luxury byproduct of the way books were published 
and sold, there was a time when capitalist publishing did produce both a profit 
and the opportunity for the writer-critic to tell the truth. But publishing was 
always a class operation ; its social benefits were a byproduct of what was 
essentially a commodity attitude toward art. Even at its best, it was a profes- 
sion which produced art for those who could afford the going prices ; it was a 
middle-class profession with a middle- and upper-class aiidience. The great 
majority of the population could neither afford books at hard-backed prices nor 
were they reached by the distribution methods of the trade. 

For at least 20 years now it has been clear to many critics of book pub- 
lishing that the blight of poor distribution was in reality a refiection of the class 
nature of publishing. As long as books were priced beyond the reach of the 
average American, and as long as they were distributed through the typical 
bookstore, there was little chance that the increasing demands of an increasingly 
literate audience could be met. For a while it looked as if these demands might 
be met by the so-called pocketbook. Just before and after World War II the 
demand for cheap books and the resurrection of the paper-backed book made it 
look as if the twin problem of distribution and costs would be solved by the 
inexpensive and utterly ubiquitous pocket-size book. Like locusts, they over- 
ran the country. And more, it seemed as if the pocketbook might bail out of 
their economic doldrums some of the worried old-line publishers, for the two 
largest operations, Bantam and Pocket Books, were owned and operated by 


publishing houses which were finding it difficult to make a profit and keep in 
business by supplying books to people with the income level to absorb $4 novels 
and $6 nonflction books. 

But it soon became evident that the 25-cent houses were merely commercial 
palliatives, not social solutions. They solved the problem of distribution by using 
magazine distribution methods, and they showed that there was a mass audience 
for inexpensive books. But they did not solve the social problem of publishing. 
They merely refiected in 25-cent form the same contradictions which existed in 
the old-line' houses who published the hard-backed editions of the books which 
eventually made their way into pocketbook form. 

Here it is proper to stop a moment and examine more closely just exactly 
what the social problem of publishing really is. Book publishing, as now prac- 
ticed, in spite of its pious and often hypocritical protestations to the contrary, 
is fundamentally one thing and one thing only — a capitalist enterprise in which 
considerations of profit outweigh any and all other considerations. If one has 
the slightest doubt of this, all one needs to do is to spend some time in a pub- 
lishing house. A day for an acute observer would be all that is needed. I have 
never met the head or near-head of a publishing house who would not freely 
and proudly admit this; in fact, who didn't preach it in the counsel of daily 
decisions. This is not at all surprising. The publishing of the truth about 
the world we live in, and the distribution of books of historical, scientific, social, 
philosophic criticism, depend entirely upon the anarchy of the market and the 
profitability of such books to the men who publish them. As long as the cus- 
tomers of the book publishers, the class that could afford to buy books, had pride 
in its own progressive nature and confidence in its manifest destiny, it did, in 
truth, absorb all kinds of books. Indeed, partly out of its tradition of liberal 
intellectualism and partly because it felt socially and economically secure, this 
market and its suppliers did not exert a strict censorship over radical thinking 
and writing. The demand among upper-class intellectuals was large enough to 
keep the upper-class intellectuals who ran book publishing in business profitably. 
The Dreisers, the Veblens, the Londons, the Sinclairs and their successors got 
their work into book form through the tolerance of a class which felt it could 
afford a free press. 

Now, however, the situation is entirely changed. Social crisis has caused the 
market and its suppliers to take a new view of a free press. The same social 
crisis, with its attendant "solution" by war inflation, high costs and shrinking 
profits, has had and is having a profound effect on the whole concept of what 
should be permitted circulation in book form. The same loose-at-the-seams 
economy which must have a guns-not-butter way of life to stave off depressions 
(which would follow if peace were assured without a reform of production 
policy) now has a dread of viewpoints and opinions which are critical of the 
war-production "solution." A free culture is a powerful antagonist, and the mod- 
ern Bismarcks are beginning to reach, as he did, for their pistols when the word 
culture is heard. A critical literature is to them not only a luxury now; it is 
an outright extravagance. A big-business economy, based on maintaining the 
old colonial past abroad and operating with the McCarran and Taft-Hartley 
Acts at home, needs a free press like it needs a hole in the head. The culture 
which once got an intellectual titillation out of a free-book press, or looked upon 
criticism with a tolerant contempt when its own values and precepts seemed 
like a divine order of things, now begins to look upon the free ideas of free 
writers with a new eye. The businessman's world doesn't look as secure as it is 
did even a decade ago. Change, that dread bogey of the conservative, is every- 
where afoot. It stalks not only through the colonial world, sick to death literally 
and figuratively of the famine status of perpetual agrarianism and slavery to 
the industrial powers, but it stalks through the channels of the home economy 
itself. Nothing is like it was. Socialism, and worse, is around the corner. 
The solution which the German businessman found after the crisis of World 
War I appeals more and more to the American businessman after World War II. 
The phony threat of "communism," for which one must read any ideas of social 
reform, is a convenient means of saving the status quo through the fraudulent 
claim that a war economy is a necessity for "defense" ; and any writer who sees 
through the danger of these bankrupt policies can be smeared by the convenient 
Nazi techniques of red-baiting and racism. 

It is not the intention of this paper to recount the oflSeial measures and un- 
official hysteria which have been directed against freedom of thought, speech 
and press in our country. It is not necessary to run the whole gamut from 


Winston Churchill's Fulton speech to the imprisonment of Hollywood artists — 
from the ineffable performances of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
and the judicial witchhunts to the present situation in which to criticize an un- 
democratic and often venal officialdom is tantamount to treason. It is perhaps 
sufficient to point out that now, as in the past, the rich man's treason is the 
poor man's patriotism in many a social crisis. 

It is enough to say further that now the "haves" and the "ins" think of a 
free press as one which preaches the anti-cultural sermons of a rampant and 
exclusive nationalism backed by a slavish acceptance of the status quo. 
Thoughts or writing which suggest change, motion, or reform are looked upon 
as an ailment to be extirpated root and branch. 

No, the luxury of a free press is obviously one which a militarist-business- 
man society can no longer tolerate. Long a tragic joke as far as the newspapers 
are concerned, since they have become merely the trade journals of the business 
world which keeps them profitable through the direct commercial bribe of ad- 
vertising, a free press can now no longer be permitted in book publishing either. 
As the hysteria of the times increases from official sources, and as various ob- 
scurantist unofficial organizations join in this mad medley, the publishers of 
books have become more and more jittery. The crisis in the businessman econ- 
omy has hit book publishing a twiu blow. Inflation on the one hand and ignorant 
and hysterical red-baiting on the other are met at last around the council tables 
of book publishing. 

The need for volume, the only solution to the rampant rise in costs, and 
the shameful urge to conform to the McCarthy-Acheson view of the world, com- 
bined to produce a single trend in book publishing. It was an easy and inevitable 
next move for publishers to lump all progressive books in the category of the 
impossible-to-sell. Book publishers, at first with some distaste, but finally with 
desperate eagerness, embraced the same "safe" solution which the motion pic- 
ture industry had long since found to be no solution at all. More and more 
"safe" and "popular" books poured off the presses. Trash fiction, pseudo-science, 
exposes by convicted spies and informers, sensational books of one kind or 
another (most of which sold no better than their bettei's) became the tendency. 
Books with vitality, critical books of all kinds, literary novels (so-called), and 
first books by new authors were the categories which suffered. A wonderful 
opportunity seemed to be at hand : all the publisher had to do was to be respect- 
able and conform to the ignorant standards of warmakers and anti-democrats 
and he would escape the criticism of the hysterics and at the same time solve his 
volume problem by these "mass appeal" and "popular" books. It was simple : 
just not publish the "difficult" books (for which read "scholarly," "progressive," 
"critical," or "leftist"), but concenti-ate on "popular" books and all would be 
solved. It was a wonderful moment : all this and heaven too ; he could qualify 
as a "patriot" as defined by McCarthy and such fine critical journals as Counter- 

It must not be thought that this surrender was immediate or without soul- 
searching and inner conflict, for even the men in publishing who had little im- 
mediate concern with the social aspect of publishing felt subconsciously the proud 
tradition of their profession. The events which culminated in the writer of this 
paper resigning under pressure from the publishing house with which he was 
associated were full of conflicts for the men who brought them about. Even 
after the first surrender to the Counterattack-engendered hysteria, when they 
publicly apologized for some of the best writers they had on their lists, the capitu- 
lation was against the grain of some of the beliefs of some of the men. But the 
development, indeed, the business aspect of the crisis, has produced a new type 
of man to head publishing houses in the last decade or so. The intellectual and 
scholar is still to be found among the top men but he is getting to be a rarer and 
rarer bird. In most of the great houses he has been relegated to nonexecutive 
roles which may be the most creative publish! ugwise, but he is considered too 
"impi'actical" or "theoretical" to deal with the new business problems. It is a 
lesson never learned by the "new" type of businessman-publisher that year in and 
year out the most successful commercial ventures are also for the most part the 
best books, in the best critical sense, published. 

The question may then be : what can be expected from the "new" publisher in 
the twin commercial and social crisis under which publishing suffers? An Eng- 
lish publisher of reputation and taste once told me that he was astonished to 
see the change that had come over American publishing in the past 2.5 years and 
especially in the last 10. He contended that it was becoming now (1951) increas- 


ingly difficult to find the head of an American firm who was a publisher-editor 
in the sense that English publishers, in his view, still were. Said he, "One sim- 
ply cannot find out anything really about a publisher's list of authors by talking 
with the head of the house. One can learn a great deal about paper prices, 
salary levels and business overhead, but absolutely nothing about boolvS or 
writers." His tone of voice was querulous. He named names, recounted with 
nice irony some of his recent conversations, and doubted that this was a healthy 

It is true that most top figures in American publishing today either represent 
the controlling financial interest in the company, or they are there because they 
have talent for organization, selling, or production, men whose only real stake 
is a financial one in the profitmal<ing possibilities of books. The commodity 
nature of their activity has, for the most part, obliterated the social function 
of producing books, and the average American publisher is just like his average 
upper-middle-class audience, a conservative for whom culture is a means to social 
kudos. This new businessman-publisher, usually far removed from the editorial 
give-and-take relationship with the men and women who write books, is the man 
who now faces the twin threat to publishing which our soldier-businessman econ- 
omy has brought about. It is not a natural habit for this kind of man to think 
often of the fact that an important part of his responsibility is the dissemination 
of truth. He'll tell you that he leaves such matters, when he can, to the editorial 
department. He will freely admit that he is not "an editorial man." He will 
not freely admit, however, that by habit, background and experience he is just 
as suspicious and fearful of "ideas" in books as are his brothers who run the 
aircraft, tank, and munition factories in the country. 

In most hard-backed publishing houses there are many men and women of in- 
tellectual understanding and sophistication with a full sense of the social aspects 
of producing books. And this awareness in a watered-down form exists as a con- 
tradiction in many of those who have now all but capitulated to the hysteria of 
our times ; but by and large hard-backed American publishing has ))ecome "safe," 
as that term is understood l)y the men who own the newspapers that review their 
books. Even the most distinguished houses in America are falling over them- 
selves to publish books which prove their loyalty— to a loyalty-oath mentality. 

My own experience in the past 10 years showed me a steady drift, most notice- 
able" since the end of the war, toward a tightening of the self-censorship of pub- 
lishers now so prevalent. A variety of pressures, official, newspaper, social, from 
the trade, have made even the most liberal-minded and responsible men pull in 
their horns. In the past 2 years not only have liberal and radical books found 
a cool reception, but any kind of critical manuscript has found the going difficult. 
After a midyear sales conference in one of the big houses last year, the salesmen 
in camera with two of the administrative heads of that house made the state- 
ment that no "critical" book should be published whether it was "political" or 
not. This attitude Ijecomes more and more the prevalent one. The critical books 
of the thirties and forties are rapidly giving way to the safe books. The liberal, 
the critical, the forward looking manuscript, whether fiction or nonfiction, creates 
an immediate problem in most houses today. Colophons which formerly graced 
some of our finest literature are now to be found on books containing the arrogant 
lies of unregenerate Nazis or the neurotic and crazy maundering of paid spies and 
informers. An atmosphere of censorship exists today in the higher echelons of 
publishing management, and under the surface with many of the staff members 
who loathe their roles but fear to be themselves at a time when every manuscript 
must be scrutinized for fear it may be considered subversive by a cringing man- 
agement or "kept" reviewers. This frame of mind inmiediately conveys itself to 
writers of all kinds and all shades of opinions. I could recount a score of edi- 
torial conferences in the past few j'ears in which, either consciously or uncon- 
sciously, the writer showed his fear of the atmosphere around him. The cry of 
"Subversive" has stilled many a fine research project or penetrating novel idea. 
The prospective writer of a scholarly study of Abolitionism is just as apt to 
cen.sor him.self today as the novelist who may wish to write a novel about a 
labor organizer. 

In this atmosphere art becomes completely a commodity, and too often the 
artist either accepts this vulgarization of art and suppresses his critical insight 
for commercial reasons, or joins the equally antisocial little clique of who 
retire to the ivory tower, where what they write may be considered by themselves 
to be a plague on both your houses but where, in fact, the most dangerous enemy 
of art really lurks, the belief that art is not a social function but a private 


Proving that art is a social function ought to be as unnecessary as proving 
the earth revolves around the sun, but there are those who still need to have it 
demonstrated — unlettered folk like Sherlock Holmes, for instance, who astounded 
Watson by not knowing the first principle of post-Copernicau science. Al- 
though this may not be the place for it, a few words on the subject may not be 
amiss. If modern anthropology and etymology, combined in such scholars as 
George Thomson, have proved nothing else, they have demonstrated the social 
origins, at least, of poetry, the epic, drama, music, painting, and the dance. 
They have established that the totemic ritual of a hunter society gave way to 
the agricultural festival of the neolithic community, which in turn developed 
under civilization into poetry, the choral ode, and, finally, with Aeschylus adding 
a second actor to the dithyramb, into the drama itself. Similarly the evolution of 
music, painting, and the dance has been traced from primitive magic ritual. The 
fact that art, now, as then, arises out of the "tension" as Caudwell puts it, be- 
tween the artist's consciousness and changing society on the one hand, or the 
artist's changing consciousness and the static elements in the dying order of 
things on the other, is self-evident. If it were not evident from scholarship, it 
would be evident from a study of a thousand examples of how the old order in 
every society has viewed art and artists in the past when the knowledge that the 
old order was dying and the new order aborning became the possession of the 
artist. Everyone knows a score of examples of bookburning in times of social 
crisis. Indeed bookburning is older than paper itself. Whether it be the work 
of Brown Shirts or of an ancient and reactionary priesthood obliterating the free 
thoughts of an Akhnaton from the columns of ancient temples, it is the same 
thing : the inevitable defense of the past by suppressing the future as seen in art. 

Literature, like language itself, is a social function, not a private therapeutic. 
The artist in the ivory tower may deny this truth, but the men who use society 
for their own selfish purposes know and act accordingly. By a thousand influ- 
ences in daily life, criticism, pressure, and finally outright suppression and black- 
list, the attempt is made to form, shape, and mold the artist to find "truths" 
which are safe for the status quo and to ignore, deny, or hide those truths which 
suggest change. Those whose function it has been to disseminate the product of 
the artist in any culture have invariably acted in the long run to sift, censor, 
select, and suppress, so that art may serve the forces they do homage to, that 
class whose interests are their interests. When the burghers of north Europe 
sought to disseminate their notions about how society should be organized, they 
did not depend on the illuminated hand-written books of the clergy intended 
for the churchmen and potentates who controlled feudal society in their own 
interests. They found that a printing press was as necessary to a trading class 
who sought to supplant a feudal one as was an accurate compass or a reliable 
clock for determining longitude. In order that the masses of the people in the 
15th, 16th, and 17th centuries be informed of new ideas in social and political 
relationships, the Scriptures, for one thing, had to be widely disseminated. 
Familiarity with Scripture was a means of spreading individual criticism of a 
static society which had, for centuries, interpreted those same Scriptures to bol- 
ster and support its own ideas of the relationship between God and men and 
between men and men. As long as the new businessman class was a progressive 
class its literature served to spread the truth. And the truth in science and art 
was a useful adjunct to that class's rise to a point at which it could end feudalism 
and set up the freer mercantile-trading society which eventually brought on the 
industrial revolution. The notions of a Bacon or a Hobbes were useful only 
when disseminated widely enough to change the old order. Their potent lever- 
age against feudal idealism, against the hierarchy of medieval church and 
state, could not be limited to the means and intents of monkish copyists. 

Today truth in literature is as alien and dangerous to the so-called bipartisan 
policy of the old order in America as Novum Organum ever was to the hierarchy 
of a Stuart conception of church and state. By a thousand pressvires tlie author 
and publisher are intimidated into conformity. A pack of critics who know 
which side their bread is buttered on stand side by side increasingly with the 
whole publishing mechanism, ready to ridicule and discredit those ideas in books 
which do not suit the loyalty-oath apparatus. The culture of the ages has become 
the property of a handful of men who hate change, fear social reform, detest 
socialism, and would have us believe that it is their duty to "democracy" to 
maintain the horrors of colonialism abroad and a business elite at home rolling 
in "defense" profits. 


The modern enemy of art does not like to censor liteniture outright as yet; 
censorship is too patently against the very democratic principles in whose name 
his antidemocratic policies are carried through and justified. For the present, 
the modern Bismarck must utilize other means to suppress the truth. Social per- 
suasion and pressure, official intimidation by investigating comniittee.s, with the 
active support of the crackpot fringe, like Counterattack— all these are brought 
to bear on the last few free thinkers among the old-line publishers. And class 
pressure need not bear down very hard on the publisher-businessman to bring 
him into line. Thousands of voices among writers feel the grip. Books of vitality 
and courage, novels critical of the values of the modern Bourbons, scholarship 
whose searching light on history is embarrassing to reactionary interpretations, 
all are "propaganda" to the modern publisher. His editors find that "the market 
is limited for books about anti-Semitism or 'the Negro problem' " ; or he discovers 
that a novel of ringing evangelical passion about the American tradition of 
freedom "won't appeal to women" ; or that this or that kind of book "never sells." 
Gradually, what has always been a class business comes to discover that its 
salvation lies in hearkening to the tastes and shriveled values of its steadily 
declining audience of well-off people who can afford a $4.50 novel but can't afford 
the truth about what is going on in Korea. Works of disillusionment, cynicism, 
decay, perversion, couched in a bad imitation of Henry James and liberally 
splashed with the findings of Krafft-Ebbing, become "current fiction." The class 
that knows something is wrong with itself hopes to discover by reading Truman 
Capote or James Jones that it is a universal malaise. The guilt of the "haves" 
and the "ins," catered to increasingly by publishers, is salved by reading books 
which infer that man himself is tainted, evil, demoralized, and damned. The 
mincing maunderings of social misfits are applauded as "truth" by cynics who, 
hating the world and its injustice and the guilt around them, seek solace in the 
thought that human nature is "that way." Humanitarian concerns in the sub- 
conscious of men and women who know of the brutal excesses in Korea are stilled 
by books whose central theme is the indignity, the worthlessness, the vileness, 
and stupidity of man. 

The simple fact is that publishing in America is fast becoming the monopoly of 
a class which cannot afford the truth in any form. Its function now is to spread 
the internal policy of guns-not-butter and justify the external policy of suppres- 
sing the very struggle for freedom in whose name the crimes of the new colonial- 
ism are perpetrated. 

But, as always in man's history, the truth will out. It has a powerful champion 
in another and vastly larger segment of American life. The culture of man, 
the long process of extending truth through scientific and artistic criticism, 
now is the concern of the mass of the r>eople in this country and other countries. 
The time has passed when it can be left either to the conscience of upperclass 
intellectuals who control its dissemination or to the anarchy of an inflation-ruined 
business apparatus which is throttling it. Telling the truth about the real 
world which surrounds us all, whether it be the world of the atom or the world 
of social relations, must now be assumed as the obligation of the only class in 
whose interest the truths of art and science can still work. The class of men and 
women who have long since learned that they cannot depend on the newspapers 
to tell the truth about their struggle for a decent standard of living must and will 
learn that neither can they depend on the old publishing apparatus to spread 
the more basic truths on which their aspirations for a better, moi-e equitable 
world rest. Science has made possible a new w^orld ; it is the function of the artist 
to criticize the old and the new ; it is the obligation of the people to see to it that 
his words are read. 

As a disseminator of truth, businessman publishing, with art as a pure com- 
modity, is dead. A labor press for books is now as necessary as a labor press for 
pamphlets and labor news. Organized labor in America must and will realize 
that the cultural past and its offspring, the cultural future, are begging at the 
doorstep for nourishment. The interests of mankind in truthful books can no 
longer be left to the imtender care of men whose private interests are alien to 
truth. The people's assumption of this obligation to culture is as inevitable as 
the shedding of it by its former protectors. 

Not only is the apparatus for a labor book press at hand, but experiment in the 
United Electrical Workers has shown that that apparatus can find a vast market 
for books which the traditional publisher would declare impossible to sell. This 
trade union, by successfully marketing 2-5,000 copies of an important critical 
book, has proved that its members are eager to read in paper-back form some- 
thing other than escape fiction. Other such organizations must, in their own 


interest and in the interest of culture itself, be made available to the creative 
artist, vpho, increasingly censored by the old-line publisher has already demon- 
strated in thousands of books and stories his grovs^ing knowledge of the identity 
of his own interest with those of laboring people. Both ho and they can afford 
the truth. 

The powerful upsurge of the so-called proletarian writers of the thirties and 
forties who carried forward with them the free cultural inheritance of the demo- 
cratic past of our country must not be allowed to wither on a vine cut oft at 
its root. The natural union of artist and worker as an unbeatable alliance for 
the spread of truth must be given practical organization. The techniques of 
businessman publishing, the book club, the paperbound book must be adapted by 
organized labor to the distribution of books which tell the truth about the world 
they struggle in. The businessman-owner of a big book club would give a king's 
ransom for a sales organization as numerous, as widepread, and a eloquent as 
the tens of thousands of shop stewards across the Nation. 

Such a sales organization, with its numerous group distribution points, will 
combine with the interest of its members in social and scientific truth to bring 
about labor publishing of books, just as sales and distribution techniques and the 
needs of a businessman society came together to create capitalistic publishing. 
The class which can afford the truth is discovering for itself that Publishing with 
a big P can no longer be left to those for whom truth is an intolerable luxury, 
for whom books are a commodity whose prime value lies in profit. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Next, an address by the Hon. William F. Tompkins, 
xVssistant Attorney General, delivered at Glen Ridge, N. J., on Febru- 
ary 15, 1955, which will be made a part of the record by reference. 

(A copy of the address was marked "Exhibit No. 140" and may be 
found in the subcommittee files.) 



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