00
THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
THE STRENGTH OF NATIONS:
An Argument from History.
Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
LONGMANS, GBEEN & CO. 39 Paternoster Bow, London
New York, Bombay, and Calcutta.
THE
STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
A POLITICO-ECONOMIC HISTORY OF ENGLAND
FROM SAXON TIMES TO
THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE FIRST
X VP BY
J. W. WELSFORD, M.A.
FORMERLY FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
AUTHOR OF ' THE STRENGTH OF^NATIONS,' ETC.
WITH A PREFACE BY
W. CUNNINGHAM, D.D., F.B.A.
FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND ARCHDEACON OF ELY
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA
1910 *J
I *i>
All rights reserved
HC
" This happy breed of men "
Let us now praise famous men and our fathers
that begat US. ' ' — ECCLESIASTICOS, xliv. i.
PREFACE
A PATHETIC interest attaches to this book owing to the
circumstances in which it was written ; to his friends
there is a melancholy satisfaction in feeling that the
author's heroic struggle to carry on his work, through
months of increasing illness, has been rewarded. He
did not succeed in completing the task he had set
himself ; but he has left behind him a summary of
English experience that ought to command the atten-
tion of all who are anxious for guidance in regard to
the political issues of the present day. More than this,
he has set many of the episodes of English history in
a fresh light, so that no serious student of our political
life in the past can afford to neglect this masterly
sketch.
The essay has double importance because it is a
valuable contribution to the economic interpretation
of English political history. Other writers have been
contented to treat the development of English re-
sources and the changes in industrial and commercial
organisation, as if they were a separate growth and as
if political affairs could be left in the background ;
viii THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
but Mr. Welsford had a more statesmanlike view.
He has recognised that political and economic changes
are constantly reacting upon each other, and has set
himself to show how deeply our political life has been
influenced by economic forces and commercial con-
ditions. The late Professor Thorold Rogers had called
attention to the importance of this enquiry, but he
had much to do in laying the foundations for the
historical study of economics in this country by his
monumental work on ' Agriculture and Prices/ and
he could only make an occasional excursion into this
field. Since his time historical students have been
ready to recognise that economic forces were combined
with other influences in bringing about such events as
the Peasants' Revolt in 1381 or the Reform Bill of
1832. There must always be a danger, however, that
attention will only be drawn to economic causes in
a haphazard and occasional fashion, unless they are
studied systematically, and their bearing is noted,
not merely in violent upheavals, but in the ordinary
course of life as well. This is the step Mr. Welsford
has taken ; he has examined the commercial relations
of England — the dominant feature in the economic
life of an island realm — and has endeavoured to show
how changing commercial relationships affected the
owners of English resources and the industrial popula-
tion respectively. We are thus helped to understand
how the economic interests of different classes in the
community tended to bring about the formation of
parties, and to influence their attitude in political
PREFACE ix
questions. The curious line of cleavage between the
Scotsmen who opposed the claims of Edward I. and
those who did not, and the persistence of the struggle
for independence, become much more intelligible when
the manner in which trading interests were affected
is carefully taken into account.
Success in prosecuting this line of enquiry demands
the highest qualities of the historian ; it depends not
merely on skill in testing and arranging the materials,
but also on insight to interpret them. The study of
history, as habitually prosecuted in this country, does
not tend to the cultivation of this particular form of
insight. The romantic and dramatic interest which
attaches to the story of the past is always strong ; but
apart from this, the main motive for the serious study
of English history has been that of discovering con-
stitutional and legal precedents: The criticism of
historical documents and the weighing of historical
evidence have been carried on in a lawyer-like spirit,
with the hope of obtaining the sort of proof that would
satisfy a special jury. When we go behind the
documents and ask why some commercial treaty was
made at all, and why it embodies the provisions it
contains, we enter on a field of enquiry where a com-
plete proof can hardly be obtained. Consciously or
unconsciously we argue from what we know of human
motives in the present to probable conduct in the
past. The actual motives at work have not been
constantly recorded ; we are forced to try to pene-
trate through the silence of chroniclers, by framing an
x THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
hypothesis and looking for any scraps of confirmatory
evidence which help to verify it. Owing to the fact that
there is not a mere uniformity, but progress, in the
affairs of men, the conclusions of the historical investi-
gator can never have such a high degree of certainty
as those of the student of chemical science, who finds
that his hypothesis is proved or disproved by actual
experiment. Besides this, there is a serious danger
that the hypothesis of the historian, though plausible,
may be wholly inapplicable ; the spirit of a bygone
age was often so different from that of our own day
that we cannot habituate ourselves to it intelligently
or look at life from the point of view of contemporaries.
There has, indeed, been a great change in religious and
political sentiment since the Middle Ages, but the
difficulty is not so great in regard to commercial life.
We cannot doubt that the force of economic interest,
as we know it, has been a vera causa in the political
changes of bygone times ; material needs can never
have been wholly overlooked. In so far as buying and
selling and opportunities for exchange had come into
vogue among any people, the interests at work were
doubtless similar to those which operate at the present
day, though the conditions may have been wholly
different. It can never be easy to take such account of
the conditions as to recognise in retrospect what were
the precise interests, immediate or ultimate, of any
class of the people in any particular part of the
country ; it may be still more difficult to see how far
they were conscious of these interests and had a
PREFACE xi
definite policy. But as our knowledge of the past
accumulates, the possibility of giving a well-founded
answer to such questions, will be increased. The
present essay does not pretend to say the last word
on any of the questions which the author has raised ;
the main importance of his achievement lies in the
skill with which he has pointed out a fruitful line of
investigation for other students to follow, so that our
knowledge of the economic factor in the political life
of bygone ages may become more and more complete.
Owing to the point of view which he has taken, the
author has avoided two dangers which beset the writer
of English history ; his treatment of the subject is
neither merely insular, nor unduly antiquarian. The
constitutional lawyer has but little need to look beyond
the shores of England ; he may find an extraneous
interest in noting analogies with changes in other
lands, but they do not come directly within his pur-
view. On the other hand, the student of commercial
relationships is closely concerned with the intercourse
between England and other lands ; he is compelled to
look at this realm as a part of the great world, and as
affected by the conditions of life in other countries.
So far as the internal economic history is concerned,
the discussion of the organisation of the manor and
the powers of craft gilds appears to be mere
antiquarianism — an unearthing of curious relics from
the past. But so far as commerce is concerned, there
are close parallels between the story of England in the
Middle Ages and the accounts we get of the conditions
xii THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of rich but undeveloped lands at the present time.
It is a great thing to bring the past into relation with
our own actual experience ; nothing renders history
more vivid than an indication that the forces with
which we are familiar in the present were actively
operative in the past.
In so far as the gulf between the past and the
present is thus bridged, we can obtain valuable guid-
ance from experience in regard to many of the problems
which lie before us. Experience is so dearly pur-
chased that the lessons it teaches ought to be highly
prized. An inestimable service is rendered by anyone
who calls attention to the heritage of economic
experience which is stored up for us in the history of
our country, and enables us to see how we can draw
upon it — not to settle our difficulties for us, but to
help us to deal with them in the wisest way.
A conviction that an accurate knowledge of the
conditions of the past was necessary for a right under-
standing of the problems of the present was one of the
striking features of Arnold Toynbee's ' Lectures on
the Industrial Revolution.' Instructive as that book
has been, it was a bitter disappointment to those who
had known him well, to realise how little of his accurate
learning had been put on record and saved from
oblivion. There must be the same pathetic sense of
regret in reading Mr. Welsford's book on ' The Strength
of England ' ; he had read so widely and so intelli-
gently. He had collected materials in regard to
struggles for the control of the great trade routes of
PREFACE xiii
Europe ; but much of this was deliberately laid on
one side in order that the attention of readers might
be concentrated on points . where English interests
were concerned. It is more unfortunate that we
should be deprived of his full treatment of the seven-
teenth century, when England had come to be fully
conscious of her strength, and the great era of expan-
sion began. He was not even able to revise his manu-
script for press, and to insert definite references to his
authorities. But we prize what is left us all the more
because we cannot forget that so much has been lost.
W. CUNNINGHAM.
TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE:
December 22, 1909.
INTRODUCTORY
THIS royal throne of kings, this scepter'd isle,
This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,
This other Eden, demi-paradise ;
This fortress built by Nature for herself
Against infection and the hand of war ;
This happy breed of men, this little world ;
This precious stone set in the silver sea,
Which serves it in the office of a wall
Or as a moat defensive to a house,
Against the envy of less happier lands ;
This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England,
This nurse, this teeming womb of royal Kings,
Fear'd by their breed, and famous by their birth,
Renowned for their deeds as far from home —
For Christian service and true chivalry —
As is the sepulchre, in stubborn Jewry,
Of the world's ransom, blessed Mary's Son ;
This land of such dear souls, this dear dear land,
Dear for her reputation through the world,
Is now leas'd out — I die pronouncing it —
Like to a tenement, or pelting farm ;
xvi THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
England, bound in with the triumphant sea,
Whose rocky shore beats back the envious siege
Of watery Neptune, 's now bound in with shame,
With inky blots, and rotten parchment bonds :
That England, that was wont to conquer others,
Hath made a shameful conquest of itself.
King Richard II., Act ii. Scene i.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT I
II. THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 8
III. SAXON ENGLAND 22
IV. THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 34
V. NORMAN AND ENGLISH 55
vi. BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM . . . . 71
VII. ENGLAND ACQUIRES NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE . . 79
VIII. THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE ASSERTED BY A PRO-
TECTIONIST 91
IX. THE MAGNATES LOSE THEIR DEMOCRATIC SYMPATHIES. IO7
X. CARTA MERCATORIA AND ITS INFLUENCE. . . . 121
XI. ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 136
XII. STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS . . . . 150
XIII. CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE WAR OF THE ROSES . . 165
XIV. THE WAR OF THE ROSES 179
xv. ENGLAND'S PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED . . . 193
XVI. SPAIN ENTERS INTO TRADE COMPETITION . . . 205
XVII. SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES . . . .219
XVIII. ENGLAND FREES HERSELF FROM PAPAL SUPREMACY . 233
XIX. INCREASE OF ENGLAND'S NAVAL POWER . . . 246
XX. THE ARMADA. ENGLISH AND DUTCH OBTAIN CONTROL
OF THE SEA . 26O
xviii THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
CHAP,
XXI. TRADE RIVALRY BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH.
XXII.
PAGB
273
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS IN ENGLAND AND HER
COLONIES 287
XXIII, CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR .... 3OI
XXIV. CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. . . 316
XXV. THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD . . . . 330
XXVI. KING CHARLES I. AND HIS EARLS 344
ENVOI 351
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED 353
INDEX 357
THE
STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
i
HOW THE GOLDEN FLEECE CAME TO
ENGLAND
THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT
55 B.C.-449 A.D.
STUDENTS of Carlyle's writings are familiar with
Dr. Dryasdust, the historian who took infinite pains
to examine the records of the past. It is curiously
characteristic of the middle of last century that such
historians, whose work is of the utmost value, should
liave been considered fit objects for scorn and derision.
It was, however, perhaps natural that England should
have adopted this attitude towards patient seekers
after truth when she was not ashamed to greet Darwin's
discoveries with a torrent of ridicule, inspired by
superstitious fear.
The earliest historians were men after Carlyle's
own heart. Unfettered by musty documents, they
recited or sang to royal listeners the deeds of heroes
who founded the line of kings. The tale they told
had to be consistent with such facts as came within
B
I ..
2 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the knowledge of their hearers ; but this was the only
restriction imposed upon the bards. Thus, when they
told the Greeks the story of the voyage of the Argo-
nauts to Colchis on the shores of the Black Sea, the
listeners accepted the tale in spite of its miraculous
incidents. It was the same tale they had heard in
the nursery from their parents ; and it explained the
existence of the great trade route to the East by way
of the Black Sea.
So many thousand years have elapsed since the
legend of the Quest of the Golden Fleece was originally
told that it is impossible to say what the Golden Fleece
at first meant to the Greeks. Some have conjectured
that the Golden Fleece was actual gold found in the
streams of Colchis ; but since no Dryasdust is at hand
to guide the seeker after truth, the guess may be
hazarded that the Argonauts brought back an im-
proved breed of sheep to be fed on the fields of Thessaly,
or perhaps a wise Medea returned with the Argonauts
to teach a better way of weaving cloth. For wool was
golden before cotton became king.
Long after the immediate results which had come
from Jason's voyage were forgotten, the legend con-
tinued to fascinate the Greek mind, because it seemed
to account for the Black Sea trade with the East,
which for thousands of years enriched the whole
Balkan peninsula. For much the same reason the
Greeks were never tired of telling the story of the fall
of Troy, the city which commanded the entrance to
the Black Sea, as Byzantium, or Constantinople, for
thousands of years after the fall of Troy, stood sentinel
over the Bosphorus,
THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT 3
The Arthurian legends, which tell the story of part
of England's infancy, were written thousands of years
later than the Greek legends. The voyage of the
Argonauts and the siege of Troy are descriptions of
the attacks made by a less civilised race upon richer
and more firmly established Powers ; the story of
Arthur is the record of a gallant struggle made by a
weak people to keep their treasure from strong invaders.
The treasure which^the Anglo-Saxon Argonauts sought
in England was a Golden Fleece. They saw that
England was a pleasant land with fields of corn, flocks
of sheep, herds of cattle, rich mines, and well-built,
even luxurious, houses. They found that this wealth
was in the hands of men who were so barbarous that
they had not learned to write their history. The
explanation of this anomalous condition is the first
portion of the history of England.
About the middle of the century which preceded
the birth of Christ, Caesar, having apparently con-
quered Gaul, determined to compel the kinsfolk of the
Gauls who lived in Britain to submit to the rule of
Rome. In 55 B.C. and again in 54 B.C. Caesar invaded
Britain, only to find that there was no Golden Fleece
or anything else worth taking. "Of all the natives,
far the most civilised are those who inhabit the district
of Kent, which is all situated on the coast ; nor do
these differ greatly in their manners from the in-
habitants of Gaul. Those who live farther inland
sow no corn, but live on milk and flesh, and are clothed
in skins." This was Caesar's description, and Cicero
wrote : " We already know that there is not an ounce
of silver in that island nor any hope of booty except
B2
4 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
slaves, among whom I do not think you will expect
to find any skilled in literature or music."
For seventy-nine years the poverty of the island
was its protection from Roman invaders. Thrice the
Emperor Augustus contemplated the conquest of
Britain ; but he decided that, by levying customs
duties on the trade between Britain and the Continent,
he could extract as much tribute from the island as
could be extorted after a successful invasion. It is a
curious coincidence that the foreigner to-day shares
the view of the Roman of two thousand years ago, that
when the British fail to reply to Continental tariffs,
these Continental customs duties are equivalent to a
tribute paid by Britain. The British meekly paid the
tribute until the time came when the Romans were
prepared to invade their island.
In 43 A.D., during the reign of the Emperor Claudius,
the Romans again invaded Britain ; and this time they
came to stay. Slowly but surely they overcame the
resistance of the British, and about 120 A.D., under the
Emperor Hadrian, they built their first wall from the
Tyne to the Firth of Solway. Forty years later the
lowlands of Scotland were a Roman province, and a
second wall was built between the Firths of Forth and
of Clyde. For nearly three centuries Rome ruled
Britain and many of Rome's greatest emperors learned
the art of war in this turbulent province. Thus
Constantine the Great left his father's death-bed at
York to assume the purple and move the centre of
Empire from Rome to Byzantium ; and Theodosius
the Great, who definitely established the supremacy
of Christianity and of Constantinople, owed his imperial
THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT 5
title to the fame his father had gained in wars with
the British.
During three centuries Rome did in Britain the
work which Britons are now doing in barbarous lands.
They found an undeveloped country, whose inhabi-
tants sacrificed human beings to their gods, and who,
according to Caesar's statement, practised a system
of polyandry similar to that which at present exists
in Tibet. In this barbarous island the Romans built
cities and made roads which have been preserved for
nearly two thousand years. They introduced domestic
animals and useful plants and trees. Instead of a
narrow fringe of cultivation round the coast, the whole
island was so thoroughly tilled that on one occasion
eight hundred vessels were sent to Britain to procure
corn for the Roman cities in Germany. From time
to time English ploughmen unearth the foundations
of the luxurious Roman villas which at one time must
have been so conspicuous a feature in Britain. Rome
brought the Golden Fleece to Britain.
The transformation of Britain is well illustrated in
the town of Bath, the old Roman Aquae Sulis. To
this town the wealthy went in search of health or
pleasure, and there the great bath was placed in a hall
in feet 4 inches long by 66 feet 6 inches wide. The
bath was 6 feet 8 inches deep, and its bottom measured
73 feet 2 inches by 29 feet 6 inches. " The still existing
masonry and lead work show how large and costly was
the actual bathing institution." So luxurious a health
resort is only possible in a wealthy country. But this
prosperity and luxury were exotic growths, and they
vanished when Rome's fiscal policy destroyed the
6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
metropolis of the Empire. Britain was merely a Roman
province, and her production was stimulated and
forced in order to feed the idle citizens in Rome.
The untamed Britons were driven into the moun-
tains of Wales or beyond the great wall. The tamed
Britons tilled the fields, worked in the mines, and built
the baths, towns and villas. The Roman saw that
the work was done : the Briton did the work. Some
Britons amalgamated with their conquerors and became
masters instead of serfs ; but the mass of the popula-
tion remained in a servile condition, mere hewers of
wood and drawers of water. The tamed Britons
were disarmed, and the island was kept in subjection
by legions drawn from other parts of the Empire.
Britons who became soldiers were sent to distant
provinces where patriotism would not tempt them to
be disloyal to Rome.
In 383 a general in Britain, Maximus, " was almost
against his will declared Emperor by the army." He
united Britain, Gaul and Spain in a great Western
Empire, and would have anticipated Charles the
Great by making Rome its metropolis, had he not
been defeated by Theodosius the Great. To carry out
this ambitious scheme Britain was denuded of its
Roman legions and these were never fully replaced.
In 407 the Roman army in Britain raised a private
soldier, Constantine, to the purple, and followed him
to Gaul. From this date the island appears to have
been undefended by the legions of Rome.
Rome had now too many sorrows to be able to
attend to the affairs of a distant province. For
centuries the Empire had been maintaining the line of
THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT 7
the Rhine and the Danube against the nomadic tribes
who pressed in from the East. Of these some, the
Angles, Jutes and Saxons, had drifted into Northern
Germany and Frisia, where they could find some pastur-
age for their flocks ; others had migrated northwards
to the Scandinavian lands, where they were forced to
find other means of subsistence than the keeping of
flocks and herds. From the sea, by fair means or
foul, by fishing and trading or by plundering others,
the Danes and Northmen drew their livelihood.
As the pressure from the East increased and the
strength of Rome decayed, the Roman barrier was
broken, and Goths, Huns and Slavs poured into the
Empire. The civilisation of Rome was submerged
beneath this influx of barbarians. This is why, in the
fifth century, when the legions were drawn from
Britain, they went never to return. The Romanised
Britons who were left behind were a feeble folk.
Their wealth was great but their strength was little.
They were too weak to resist their neighbours in Wales
and beyond the wall. In 446 they are represented as
making a pitiful appeal to Rome. " The barbarians
drive us to the sea : the sea drives us back upon the
barbarians." This appeal may or may not have been
made, but in any case no answering legions came from
Rome. In 449 Vortigern invited the Angles to come
to Britain to preserve his feeble subjects from the
Picts.
II
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE
476-843
THE Angles, who were invited by Vortigern, found
a rich island inhabited by a weak people. Their
kinsfolk across the sea learned the good news and con-
tinued their pilgrimage towards the West. The
invasion of Britain was merely an incident in that
movement of barbarian tribes which, during the fifth
century, broke through Rome's barriers and enabled
wandering herdsmen to pasture their flocks over the
Western Empire. The coming of the Anglo-Saxons
to Britain destroyed every link between the island and
Rome. The land which the Romans had transformed
into a granary was described by inland Europeans as
a dim mysterious island whose fishermen visited the
coasts of Gaul to carry back with them the souls of
the dead to their shadow isle.
In the fighting which accompanied the Anglo-
Saxon invasion the towns which the Romans had
built were utterly destroyed. The invaders were
herdsmen, not dwellers in towns, and they destroyed
all places which could serve as shelters for their
enemies. Nevertheless, contact with Roman civilisa-
tion affected the Anglo-Saxons. They ceased to
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 9
wander and began to farm the land. Saxon vills
replaced the villae in which Roman rulers had lived
and from which they controlled the cultivators of their
estates. In time the Saxon vills became the old
English manors, and later on English villages. When
Anglo-Saxons abandoned their nomadic life they had
a far larger supply of grain ; but, against this advan-
tage, there was the difficulty of keeping their flocks and
herds during the winter on their more limited pastures.
This difficulty was partly met by killing sheep and
cattle in the autumn and salting their flesh.
Owing to the absence of documentary evidence the
early constitution and development of the Anglo-
Saxon vills is a much debated question. It is, how-
ever, known that they became almost self-contained
communities, ruled by Lords of the Manor whose
private lands or demesnes were cultivated for them
by their dependents. Under these rulers there were
villeins, holding about thirty acres of land on an
average and owning oxen and ploughs, cotters with
smaller holdings, and slaves. There were few slaves,
except in the West ; and absolute slavery disappeared
in the eleventh century. Beyond the village fields
there were waste lands on which the cattle and sheep
grazed. These wastes have a romantic interest for
Englishmen, since on the wool of the sheep they fed
England's greatness was founded. The simple wants
of the dwellers in these vills were for the most part sup-
plied by their own labour. Two articles, however, had
to be imported — salt, which they consumed and used to
preserve meat for winter use, and iron for their weapons
and ploughs. To pay for these they had the hides of
io THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
their slaughtered animals and wool. These articles
which each vill sold in early times were for centuries
also the chief export from England to the Continent.
For two hundred years England was isolated from
the civilisation of Europe. Nearly a century before
this isolation began the Emperor Constantine had
made Constantinople the metropolis of the Roman
Empire. Three years after the departure of the
Roman legions from Britain, Rome was sacked by the
Goths. The provinces of the Empire were overrun by
barbarian tribes, and it seemed as if Rome was destined
to share the fate of Babylon and other imperial centres,
which had for a while reigned supreme and then
perished utterly. Yet there were some whose faith in
Rome was not destroyed. One of her poets wrote that
" Rome would rise again as the lawgiver of the ages ;
she alone need not fear the web of the Fates ; to her
all countries would again pay tribute ; her harbours
would once more be filled with the spoils of the bar-
barian ; for her the Rhineland would ever be tilled,
and the Nile overflow ; Africa would provide her with
abundant harvests, and even the Tiber, crowned as a
conqueror with bulrushes, would bear Roman fleets
upon his waves." Had the Crusades succeeded this
prophecy would have been entirely fulfilled. It was
a true forecast of the future of Europe, though not of
Africa. $
Nationality and patriotism were conceptions beyond
the intellects of Europeans at the time of Rome's fall.
Wandering herdsmen had doubtless tribal feeling, but
they could not have understood the meaning of love of
the land in which they settled. The conquered pro-
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE n
vincials had been taught to look towards Rome.
Hence when victors and vanquished intermarried the
people had but a vague feeling of patriotism. Where
one great wave of conquest rolled over a province the
petty chieftains might acknowledge one overlord ; but
where the conquest was gradual, as in England, even
this sentimental bond of union was lacking. The
feudal system grew naturally from this beginning.
The need of union for offence or defence in case of an
attack was recognised from the first, but the higher
conception of economic union was too subtle for un-
developed minds. The bond of union was found in
religion. The invaders in the South embraced Arian
Christianity, a form which separated them from the
Trinitarians of Rome and Byzantium. In the North
and in England they adhered to their pagan creed.
The octroi paid at the gates of some continental cities
is a survival from the time when portions of a com-
munity could frame their own fiscal system, whilst
divergence from the national Church was treated as
treason.
Imperial Rome had grown by destroying primitive
nationality, and absorbing in her cosmopolitan system
the peoples she conquered. Her provinces were forced
to produce in order that the dwellers in Rome might
live in idleness. The world learned that it was im-
possible to resist her all-conquering legions, and seemed
to acquiesce in her rule. But economic forces are
stronger than armies. From the time of Solomon the
Jews and Greeks had been the international traders of
the old world. These traders found a bond of union
in Christianity. " The Greek Church had grown to be
12 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
almost equal in power to the Roman State before
Constantine determined to unite the two in strict
alliance." When Byzantium became Constantinople,
military strength fled from Rome and the Western
Empire was lost to the barbarians. Rome had, how-
ever, one great advantage over her conquerors. In her
was stored the traditionary wisdom of the past ; and
in time her superior knowledge triumphed over all
obstacles.
The ancient boundaries of the Roman Empire
were the Rhine and the Danube. Britain was a later
acquisition. The barbarians who settled within the
ancient boundaries were largely affected by the civilisa-
tion of the peoples with whom they mingled. Chris-
tianity was spreading throughout the Empire just
before its fall. Many of the barbarian invaders on the
Continent accepted Christianity, whilst the Anglo-
Saxons remained pagan. The Christian Churches in
Wales and Ireland were as independent of Rome
as the Church of England is to-day ; and this inde-
pendence was shared by the Arian Churches in the
Gothic kingdoms formed from the Roman provinces.
In Rome itself the Bishop succeeded to the power
of the Senate, and became the largest landowner in
Italy. As Pope he distributed food to the idle citizens
as their emperors had done. But St. Peter's patri-
mony was none too large for the hungry mouths in
Rome ; hence the Popes were forced to aim at re-
gaining Rome's former power of levying tribute on
Europe.
The turning point in Rome's fortune came in 496
when Clovis, a pagan Prankish princelet who was
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 13
forming a Prankish Empire, was converted to the
orthodox Roman form of Christianity. The Pope
regained the lost legions of the Empire, and the Frank
had at his service the wisdom of ancient Rome. Before
the death of Clovis in 511 the larger part of the lands
between the Atlantic and the Rhine acknowledged the
temporal sovereignty of the Frankish King and the
spiritual dominion of the Pope. During the sixth
century Rome achieved a still greater success. The
religious enthusiasm of isolated monks and hermits
was utilised. In accordance with the teaching of
St. Benedict monks were bidden to dwell together in
monasteries and devote their lives to useful work —
agriculture, industry, or study. The Benedictines so
increased the productiveness of the lands in which
they settled that they were welcomed by both Catholic
Frank and Arian Goth. Their influence changed the
Arians of Spain into fervent Catholics before the end
of the sixth century. As missionaries they penetrated
into pagan lands and paved a way for the Frankish
warriors. The Rhine was once more Rome's boundary,
and, eager for new lands to conquer, in 597 St. Augus-
tine, with a little band of monks, sailed across the
Channel to bring Saxon pagans and British Christians
into the Roman fold.
During the sixth century an Irish missionary,
St. Columba, had founded a mission station in lona,
and the dwellers in Scotland were learning the
Christian faith from teachers who were not connected
with Rome. Surrounded by Christian neighbours a
national church might have been created had the
Anglo-Saxons accepted Christianity from their fellow-
14 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
countrymen. Instead of listening to their teaching,
Ethelfrid, King of Northumbria, inflicted a crushing
defeat on Aidan, King of the Scots, in 603, and, at a
later date, attacked and routed the Christian Welsh
at Chester. Before their defeat at Chester St. Augus-
tine had met the Welsh bishops in conference. He
had urged them to abandon the British ritual and
accept the supremacy of Rome. When the bishops
refused St. Augustine warned them that " if Welshmen
would not be kith and kin (sibbe) with us, they should
by Saxon hands perish." This prophecy was supposed
to have been fulfilled when the Welsh were slaughtered
at Chester.
The rapid success of St. Augustine, after his
landing in Thanet, was probably due to the influence
of the wife of the King of Kent. She was a daughter
of the Prankish king, and must have been familiar
with the civilisation which Benedictines brought with
them. Adherence to paganism would have kept the
Anglo-Saxons in communion with their kinsfolk in
the north ; acceptance of British Christianity might
have led to insular union ; but close intercourse with
the civilisation of Rome was only to be gained by
accepting the teaching of St. Augustine. The defeat
of the pagan English at Winwaed in 654 secured the
triumph of Christianity. By this time the Northum-
brians had accepted that form of Christianity which
their Irish neighbours professed. Ten years after
the battle of Winwaed a conference was held at Whitby
at which the Northumbrians decided to accept the
ritual of Rome. For some time the old faith lingered
in Scotland, but ultimately Great Britain acknow-
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 15
ledged Rome's supremacy in religion, whilst the Irish
retained the faith of their fathers.
St. Wilfrid was the champion of Rome at the
Whitby conference, and his life is instructive to those
who wish to understand the condition of England in
the seventh century. Educated by Irish monks, St.
Wilfrid, at the age of seventeen, went on pilgrimage
to Rome. At the age of twenty-six he was appointed
Abbot of Ripon, and at once expelled the monks as
Irish schismatics. This act led to the conference
which ended in a triumph for Rome. Wilfrid was
then appointed Bishop of York, and obtained per-
mission to go to the Continent where he could be
consecrated by bishops whose orthodoxy was un-
impeachable. During Wilfrid's absence his opponents
filled the see of York with a bishop who was consecrated
in England. At this time the see of Canterbury was
vacant, and the Pope consecrated a Greek, Theodore
of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury. Theodore in-
stalled Wilfrid at York and compensated the intruding
bishop by reconsecrating him and giving him the see
of Mercia. Half-pagan, ignorant kings were not able
to contend with Roman ecclesiastics, who were armed
with the strength which knowledge gives.
The rapidity with which wealth was created by the
Benedictines soon made the Bishop of York, with his
Abbeys in Ripon and Hexham, a power in the land.
Both Wilfrid's King and Archbishop Theodore began
to fear a rival whose authority threatened to over-
shadow their own. Wilfrid was deposed by the
Archbishop, and hurriedly left England to carry an
appeal to Rome, Landing on the coast of Holland,
16 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Wilfrid spent some time in preaching to the Saxons
of Frisia. He was the first of a line of English mis-
sionaries who preached Christianity to the Saxons
across the sea, and thus paved the way for their
absorption in the Frankish Empire and subjection to
the power of Rome. Wilfrid returned to England
with papal letters annulling his deposition. These
letters were treated as invalid on the plea of their
having been obtained by bribery. After nine months'
imprisonment Wilfrid was forced to seek refuge in
Sussex amongst the only pagan Saxons who survived
in England. During his exile Wilfrid completed the
conversion of England by bringing his hosts into the
Christian fold.
The death of the King of Northumbria enabled
Wilfrid to spend the last years of his life in the home
of his boyhood. He died rich as befitted the Abbot
of Ripon and Hexham, and left a quarter of his
wealth to Rome. Had the money Rome drew from
England been confined to such voluntary gifts, little
objection could be made. If monks received large
gifts of land from English kings, they could make the
land more productive than their lay neighbours, and
the wisdom of the monks came from Rome. But when
ecclesiastics claimed exemption from national taxa-
tion and left the burden of defending England to the
laity whilst they took the tenth part of England's
production for the Church, and when, in the eighth
century, Rome succeeded in re-establishing the ancient
tribute under the new name of Peter's Pence, there
was little economic difference between the new papal
and old imperial rule. The emperors, like the popes,
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 17
gave civilisation to England ; both imparted the
wisdom of Rome and increased English production ;
and both levied tribute. In time papal Rome drew
from England a larger revenue than the king could
collect.
During the seventh century the monasteries were
tightening their hold over the land and agricultural
production of Europe, which was becoming a land like
Tibet where the monks have annihilated the secular
power. England was divided into petty kingdoms,
whilst the Catholic kings of France and Spain were
mere puppets in the hands of ecclesiastics. The shock
of the Saracenic invasion saved Europe. A move-
ment of Arabian tribes developed into a force which
tore Asiatic and African provinces from the Eastern
Empire, overspread Spain, and threatened to absorb
Western Christendom. The revival of the military
power of the Franks was necessary for the defence of
Rome's ecclesiastical system. Under Charles Martel
a Christian army, in 732, defeated the Saracens near
the monastery of Tours and preserved both Europe
and Christianity from the invader. A few years before
the battle of Tours the Mahomedans were defeated
in their attempt to seize Constantinople. Christians
and Mahomedans learned that neither creed could
absorb the other, and sullenly acquiesced in a division
of the shores of the Mediterranean. The international
middlemen of the ancient world, the Jews, basked in
the sunshine of prosperity when they were able to
monopolise trade between the followers of Christ and
those of Mahomed.
After the victory of Tours the Pope had still need
c
i8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of Frankish soldiers. The Saxons in Northern Europe
were pagans and therefore paid nothing to Rome.
One branch of the Saxons had migrated to the plains
of Lombardy. Like their brethren in England the
Lombards accepted the creed of Rome ; but the
Lombard king and the Pope put forward rival claims
to sovereignty over Italy. A forged document, the
Donation of Constantine, was used by the Popes as
the foundation for their claim to compel Italians to
feed the idle citizens of Rome as they had done when
Rome was the centre of a world empire.
English missionaries played almost as important
a part as Frankish soldiers in bringing Saxons into the
Roman fold. An Englishman, Willibrord, followed
Wilfrid as missionary to the Saxons in the Low
Countries, and became Bishop of Utrecht. Then the
army of Charles Martel added the Netherlands to the
Frankish Empire. Wynfrith of Crediton, better
known as St. Boniface, carried the Christian faith
into the heart of Germany. Supported by the soldiers
of Charles Martel, he desecrated the groves in which
Germans met for their religious rites and hewed down
their sacred oaks. St. Boniface survived Charles
Martel, and, in the reign of his son, Pipin, became
Patriarch of the Franks. Pipin's reign was mainly
occupied in defeating the Lombards and founding
the temporal power of the Pope in Italy. The labours
of Charles Martel and Pipin were brought to a trium-
phant conclusion by Pipin's son, Charles the Great,
whose confidential friend and adviser was Alcuin,
an English monk. Thus the English devoted their
best and wisest to the service of foreigners, whilst
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 19
England was distracted by incessant civil wars, caused
by the absence of a central government.
In 772 Charles the Great led a great army against
the Saxons of Northern Germany. He advanced
accompanied not only by " Prankish soldiers, but by
bishops, abbots and presbyters — a numerous train of
the tonsured ones." Thus commenced a war which
lasted thirty-two years and ended in the complete
defeat of the Saxons. The trees and groves which the
Saxons held sacred were destroyed, and those Saxons
who would not abandon their religion and race were
forced, with their chieftain, Widukind, to seek refuge
in Denmark. In 782 Charles thought that fire and
sword had done their work so thoroughly that it \vas
safe to promulgate a law punishing with death Saxons
who failed to obey the rules of the Catholic Church
or hid in order to escape baptism. Widukind then
returned and the Saxons rose in rebellion. In the
merciless campaign which followed, Charles massacred
4500 Saxon prisoners by the banks of the Aller. In
785 Widukind submitted and was baptised.
In 799 Charles transported Saxons to distant
parts of his empire, and repeopled Saxonia with
Franks. When the Saxons were completely subdued
Charles attacked the Danes, but after a short cam-
paign this new missionary enterprise was happily
ended by a peace in 810.
In the intervals between his Saxon campaigns
Charles completed the destruction of the Lombard
kingdom, and endowed the Pope with land. In return
he was, in 800, crowned Emperor by the Pope. It is
recorded that Charles did not seek this honour but
c 2
20 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
was surprised into allowing the ceremony to be per-
formed. The coronation was an assertion of Rome's
right to grant what had been won by the sword. The
long struggle between ecclesiastic and temporal rule
over Europe dates from the coronation of Charles the
Great. This contest was reproduced in miniature in
every country in the West of Europe. Charles's son,
Louis the Pious, was crowned by his father without
any reference to Rome ; but, after the death of
Charles, Louis undid the work of his father by sub-
mitting to the Pope. The civil wars of Louis' reign
weakened the Prankish Empire. There was great
slaughter in the battle which preceded the Treaty of
Verdun in 843. The Prankish army was destroyed
and the empire permanently divided.
Like Napoleon, Charles the Great was more
successful in extending his empire than in carrying
out his commercial designs. When he tried to seize
Venice, the gate through which Eastern products
enteied Europe from Constantinople, a Byzantine
fleet sailed up the Adriatic and Venice retained her
independence. The attempt to open up a trade route
to the East by way of the Danube also failed. The
commanding position of the Jews in the commercial
world is shown by Charles' choice of a Jew as his
ambassador to the court of Caliph Haroun al Raschid
at Bagdad. West of the Caspian there was a Jewish
colony in the eighth century. It is even supposed
that the Khazars, who lived in that region, embraced
Judaism. These Jews were able to facilitate com-
merce between the East and Wisby on the island of
Gothland, the commercial centre of the Scandinavians
THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 21
The extent and character of the trade which passed
up the long Russian rivers to the Baltic is proved
by the finding in Gothland of German, Hungarian,
and Anglo-Saxon coins, together with Arabian coins
issued by eleven different Caliphs. The Scandinavians
were beginning that career which made them masters
of Normandy, Sicily, and England, which led them to
discover America, and all but gave them Constanti-
nople, the commercial metropolis of the European
world. For two centuries England and Western
Europe paid dearly for Charles' attempt to add this
trade route to his possessions by conquering the
Danes.
Ill
SAXON ENGLAND
779-1016
DURING the reign of Charles the Great, Offa, King of
Mercia, established a sort of supremacy over the other
English kings. Alcuin, the English monk who advised
Charles the Great, was probably the mediator who
smoothed over the one commercial quarrel which
disturbed the otherwise peaceful relations between
England and Frankland. Small duties on imports
and exports were levied in the Prankish Empire
as they had been in the days of imperial Rome. In
England, also, prises, or small portions of the cargoes
of incoming and outgoing ships, were taken at the
ports in return for the king's peace which traders
enjoyed. Like modern English customs they were
levied for revenue. The idea of protecting the work of
the poor was a much later conception. Pilgrimages
to Rome were popular in England, and traders " under
the guise of holiness transacted a profitable business
in the transport of specie and merchandise." These
English merchant-pilgrims evaded Charles' duties ;
he therefore forbade all intercourse with England,
and England replied to these old-world Berlin Decrees
by primitive Orders in Council. A compromise was
SAXON ENGLAND 23
ultimately arranged by which bona-fidc English pilgrims
were exempted from tolls, whilst Charles reserved the
right of levying duties on impostors.
Alcuin, to whose counsel the compromise is attri-
buted, gave Charles excellent advice during the Saxon
wars. The Emperor was urged to purify Rome and to
deal gently with the conquered Saxons ; in particular,
to abstain from exacting tithes from these recent
converts. This advice was not followed, and the
Danes made use of their sea power to deliver a counter-
attack when Charles threatened to destroy their homes
and their faith. Whilst the Frankish Empire was
united, its fleet was able to preserve Frankland and
England from actual invasion ; but the Northmen
established themselves in neighbouring islands and
attacked the coasts. After the Treaty of Verdun in
843, which definitely divided the Frankish Empire,
the Normans began to invade Frankland and England.
In the " Anglo-Saxon Chronicle " it is written that,
probably about 790, " first came three ships of North-
men. And then the reeve rode thereto and would fain
drive them to the king's vill, for he knew not what they
were, and there they slew him." The reeve wished
either to collect the customary prise or to learn the
king's wishes with regard to these strange visitors.
The Northmen found the English Saxons very unlike
their allies whom Charles the Great had been slaugh-
tering at the Aller. Monks, priests, and Christian
buildings proved that the English were in close touch
with the Franks. WL^n they returned to their homes
the Northmen told their neighbours that vengeance
could be wreaked on Christian foes, and a rich reward
24 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
was awaiting those who would attack England. In
793 the Northmen destroyed the monastery of Lindis-
f arne and sailed away with their booty.
The Prankish navy, built by Charles the Great,
appears for a time to have driven the Northmen
from the Channel, but they sailed into the Irish Sea
and plundered Irish monasteries. In Dublin and on
the islands off the west coast of Scotland the Northmen
established convenient bases for their invasion of
England and Frankland, when the Prankish fleet
perished during the civil wars which followed the death
of Charles. During this respite of forty-one years
England enjoyed something like national union under
Egbert, King of Wessex ; but the English failed to
recognise the importance of building an adequate
national fleet, although Egbert's son, King Ethelwulf,
wras rich enough to earn distinction by his generosity
when he visited Rome in 855. When Alfred, Ethelwulf 's
youngest son, ascended the throne in 871, England
was almost entirely conquered by the Danish invaders.
Under Alfred the English rallied and peace was made
by the surrender of half England to the Danes. The
London and North- Western Railway approximately
divides Danish England, or the Danelaw, from that
southern part of England which Alfred governed.
Reinforcements for the Danes came to England from
the North in long boats, called aescas, and, before
Alfred's death, the war began afresh. " Then King
Alfred commanded ships to be built against them,
which were full nigh twice as long as the others. Some
had sixty oars, some more. They were both swifter
and steadier and also higher than the others ; they
SAXON ENGLAND 25
were shapen neither as the Frisian nor as the Danish,
but as it seemed to himself that they might be most
useful." As the Danes who had settled in England
were beginning to amalgamate with the English and
accept Christianity, Alfred's navy was able to do
such service that King Edward, Alfred's son, was ruler
of a united England, and, perhaps, though this is un-
certain, of a united Great Britain. A further happy
result was the establishment of friendly relations
with the Scandinavian kingdoms during the reign of
Atheist an, Edward's son.
During the latter half of the ninth century the
Saracens also took advantage of the decadence of the
Franks. They gained a footing in Southern Italy
and threatened Rome. To avert this danger the Pope
gave his blessing to a union of Western Europe under
Charles the Fat ; but it soon became evident that it
was impossible to recreate the military power of
Charles the Great. Rome ultimately obtained the
assistance she required from a temporarily united
Italy and the navy of Constantinople. The Northmen
advanced up the Seine as far as Paris in the reign of
Charles the Fat. The separate nationality of France
began with the heroic defence of Paris by its local
ruler Eudes. Charles the Fat contributed to this
defence by bribing the Northmen to abandon the
siege and gather plunder in other parts of his dominions.
For a century the descendants of Eudes, calling them-
selves Dukes of the French, increased their hold over
the territory which surrounded Paris until they
finally absorbed the sovereign power of the descendants
of Charles the Fat.
26 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Before their extinction the Carlovingian rulers gave
their sanction to the creation of two provincial govern-
ments which profoundly affected England. In 91 1
Charles the Simple gave Rolf, a chief of the Northmen,
the province of Normandy with the title of duke. In
their new territory pagan Northmen became in time
French-speaking Christians. King Ethelwulf, Alfred's
father, returned from his visit to Rome with Judith,
the child of another Carlovingian ruler, Charles the
Bald. This child-bride of an old man was for some
months the wife of Ethelwulf's son King Ethelbald,
who died in 860, soon after his accession to the throne
of England. Judith then returned to her father's
Court, from which she eloped with Baldwin, one of her
father's officials. Ultimately the young couple were
married, and Baldwin was created Count of Flanders,
not the small strip of Belgian coast which now bears
this name, but a province extending from the Scheldt
to Normandy, and thus including all the coast of
Europe which is nearest to England. The son of this
romantic marriage, Baldwin II., married King Alfred's
daughter. Thus close ties united the rulers of Flanders
and England, whilst the Flemish and English peoples
were united by ties no less close. Both were of Saxon
origin and spoke the same language.
The English and Flemish were not only bound by
race and language but there was a commercial bond
of union which was growing in importance and was
destined to mould the development of both peoples.
The weaving industry of Flanders began long before
the Norman Conquest of England. In the ninth
century the Flemish were learning to depend on
SAXON ENGLAND 27
English shepherds to supply their looms with wool.
This economic interdependence closely resembles that
which exists between Lancashire and the United
States. This resemblance is increased by the kinship
of American cotton-growers and English cotton-
spinners and by their common tongue. The Anglo-
Flemish economic bond and the forces called into play
to prevent it from developing into political union
affected England's policy for many centuries, until
the bond was broken by the development of English
weaving.
In the middle of the ninth century Pope Nicholas I.
put forward a claim to absolute sovereignty over the
Papal States and suzerainty over the rest of Europe.
This claim was made before the Saracenic invasion of
Italy, and was based on the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals,
a forgery like the pretended Donation of Constantine.
The claim was at first of little practical importance
on account of Rome's weakness, which continued
after the Saracens were expelled from Italy in 916.
Before that time storm clouds were threatening from
the North. Pagan Hungarians invaded Germany
and Italy, entering Italy in 899 and devastating the
country as their Hunnish ancestors had done. In
Germany the Hungarians were driven back by the
Saxons under their duke, Henry the Fowler. In 936
Henry wras succeeded by his son, Otto the Great, who
completed the defeat, and then attempted to rescue
Italy from the chaotic condition to which it had been
reduced by the Saracens and Hungarians. In theory
the Pope claimed to be suzerain of Europe ; in prac-
tice his authority over Rome was re-established by a
28 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Saxon who called himself over-lord of Germany and
Italy. Before the end of the tenth century the
papacy " seemed to have reached the utmost limit of
its degradation."
The power of papal Rome had been founded on the
production of the monasteries ; in the tenth century
the monastic system was dying and dragging the
papacy into its tomb. Popes, bishops, abbots and
monks were enjoying the wealth of Europe without
performing those duties which should fall to the lot
of the wealthy. Monasteries were losing their religious
character when men and women embraced the religious
life in order to find more worldly comfort in monas-
teries and convents than they could find in the world
outside. Pilgrimages to Rome degenerated into com-
mercial voyages. When the pilgrims were hindered
from approaching Rome by the Hungarians, and when
the Pope ceased to be able to command tribute from
Europe, he also ceased to have value in the eyes of his
Roman subjects. When the papacy was sick unto
death relief was at hand. In 910 Berno of Cluny
inaugurated a monastic reformation which spread
throughout Europe and raised the papacy to an even
greater height than it had reached before.
St. Dunstan was the apostle of the Cluniac reforma-
tion in England ; and the work he did in restoring
the English monastic system was part of a general
European movement which again drew Saxon, Frank
and Norman towards Rome. There is a curious
resemblance between the histories of the Carlovingian
and Saxon Empires. Both Charles the Great and
Otto the Great failed to realise that the economic
SAXON ENGLAND 29
power, which Rome possessed in monastic production,
would ultimately prove stronger than force of arms.
Like his predecessor Charles, the Saxon Emperor freed
the papacy from its foes and enabled it to reassert its
control over its landed possessions in Europe. Otto
the Great also neglected to establish imperial autho-
rity in Rome and attacked the pagan North. King
Harold Bluetooth of Denmark met the attack of Otto
the Great and his son Otto II by the traditional
counter-attack on Normandy. The Cluniac reforma-
tion reunited the producing monasteries to Rome,
and thus closed markets which had been open to
Danish trade. Two parties sprang up in Normandy,
a monastic party, who desired to establish close rela-
tions with Rome, and an anti-monastic party, who
wished to retain their old connexion with Denmark.
Similar parties came into existence in England at a
later date.
In 945 Harold Bluetooth, with the aid of Norman
allies, won a victory on the banks of the Dive ; and
for a while Normandy was restored to the sphere
of Danish influence. A dual alliance of the Saxon
Emperors and the Carlovingian Kings of Laon was
met by a triple alliance of Flanders, Normandy, and
the Dukes of the French, who reigned at Paris. In the
North the Germans defeated the Danes and com-
pelled Harold Bluetooth to accept Christianity ; but
the conquest of Denmark was far from complete.
Their Carlovingian allies fared badly. In 987 the
dynasty of the descendants of Charles the Great was
extinguished, and the Dukes of the French inherited
an almost nominal sovereignty over powerful vassals,
30 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
amongst whom were the Dukes of Normandy and the
Counts of Flanders.
In 940 Athelstan was succeeded by his brother
Edmund, and six years later another brother, Edred,
became King of England. It was during their reigns
that St. Dunstan acquired power. At first Edmund
appears to have feared the young monk ; but he finally
yielded and made him Abbot of Glastonbury. Edred,
a chronic invalid, allowed Dunstan to keep the royal
deeds and treasures at Glastonbury. On his death-
bed in 955 Edred called for the treasure ; but the king
died before Dunstan's arrival. Then Edred's nephew,
a boy of fifteen, became king. The chronicles are
silent as to the fate of the treasure, but they tell of a
violent quarrel between St. Dunstan and the King's
mother-in-law. Edwy's marriage was dissolved ; and,
after a very short reign, Edwy died. The scanty
records of this short reign suggest a furious contest
between the two parties. On the one hand Glaston-
bury Abbey was attacked, probably by searchers for
the royal treasure, and Dunstan was banished ; on the
other hand Edwy made lavish grants of land to other
monasteries.
When Edgar, Edwy's brother, became king, St.
Dunstan was recalled and the monks continued to
increase their hold over England's soil. Grants of
monastic lands were made by written books or con-
veyances which the kings signed by making their
mark in the form of a cross. The consideration or
price paid for the land was often the promised salvation
of the king's soul ; and the lands were called boclands
to distinguish them from the folclands held by the
SAXON ENGLAND 31
people. Sometimes monastic lands were subject to the
threefold obligation of repairing roads and bridges,
maintaining fortifications, and military service ; but it
was the lay tenants not the monks who could be asked
to fight. Since even this threefold obligation was not
always imposed, the area on which secular taxation
could be levied was narrowed, and Alfred's navy was
neglected by his successors.
Edward, surnamed the Martyr, became king when
Edgar died in 975. His reign was short and troubled.
The chronicler's statement that, in 976, " Alphere
commanded the monasteries to be demolished, which
King Edgar had before commanded the holy bishop
Ethelwold to found," proves that there was active op-
position to Edward's ecclesiastical councillors. Two
years later the chronicle relates that "in this year
King Edward was slain (martyred), and Ethelred
Atheling,Jiis brother, succeeded to the Kingdom."
This is the king who was called Redeless, i.e. without
counsel, a name naturally given to a king placed on
the throne to free England from monkish advisers.
This epithet has been distorted into Unready ; and all
the misfortunes which befel England during Ethelred 's
reign have been attributed to Ethelred's lack of
political foresight, although he was only ten years old
when he began to reign. Thus the lesson which
England's history in the tenth century teaches is
obscured. Then, as in subsequent centuries, the
diversion of money from England's army and navy
has tempted the foreigner to attack her shores.
The Danes came in Ethelred's time ; in England
the invaders found many Christians who preferred
32 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
alliance with the pagan to submission to monkish rule.
The chronicle records repeated acts of treachery for
which no other explanation seems possible. St.
Dunstan died in 988, nine years after the accession
of Ethelred. His last years were embittered by an
attempt, made by his opponents, to seize Church land
in the diocese of Rochester ; but the cause of St.
Dunstan was upheld by his successors. In 995 the
monastic party regained power, and the secular clergy
in Canterbury Cathedral were replaced by monks.
The struggle in England was political rather than
religious. The question at issue was not whether
Christianity was to flourish in England, but whether
celibate monks, whose chief interest was their order,
and who looked to Rome as their centre, should be
allowed to transform their hold over English land into
complete control over the secular government of
England. The secular clergy, or married parish priests,
were on the other hand bound to England by family
ties. When monks replaced secular priests in the
cathedral chapters, they obtained a predominant voice
in the appointment of bishops ; and completely to
control the Church was a long step towards the absorp-
tion of all authority over England.
Civil war in Denmark followed the baptism of
Harold Bluetooth. The nationalist or pagan party
found a leader in Harold's son, Sweyn, who succeeded
to the Danish throne when his father was killed. In
concert with Olaf of Norway, Sweyn invaded England,
where he could count upon a certain amount of sym-
pathy from the anti-monastic party. In the absence
of an adequate navy Viking ships were able to select
. SAXON ENGLAND 33
undefended points on England's coast where they could
land unopposed. Again and again the invaders were
bribed to withdraw. During one of these attacks
Olaf accepted Christianity and abandoned his alliance
with Sweyn ; but the Danes continued to attack
England. Ship money was levied in England ; but,
owing to internal discord, the hurriedly collected fleet
proved unequal to the defence of England's coast.
After leaving England Olaf became King of Norway
only to lose his life and throne when attacked by
Sweyn and King Olaf of Sweden. Then, in 1013,
Sweyn began a serious invasion of England. By this
time a change had occurred in Normandy ; its con-
nexion with the North had almost disappeared. Up
to the commencement of the eleventh century the
Danes found shelter in Normandy after harrying
England. Two years later, in 1002, Ethelred married
the daughter of Duke Richard of Normandy. Hence
the English national party came to rely on the Danes
whilst the cosmopolitans turned towards Normandy.
Ethelred fled to Normandy when Sweyn invaded
England in force. In 1014 Sweyn died, and Ethelred,
recalled from Normandy, succeeded in expelling Canute,
the son of Sweyn. Two years later Canute was pre-
paring a fresh invasion when Ethelred died. After
some fighting an arrangement was made between
Canute and Edmund, Ethelred's successor, which,
before the end of 1016, gave Canute undisputed
possession of England on Edmund's death. When
England thus became part of a Great Scandinavia,
the Normans began to plan their scheme of conquest
which was carried into effect by William I.
D
IV
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN
1000-1087
IN the beginning of the eleventh century the Normans
were establishing themselves in Southern Italy, where
they were preparing for their daring attack upon the
Byzantine Empire, whose capital, Constantinople, was
the trading centre of the ancient world. To men with
such ambitions it must have been bitterness itself to
see the trade of England passing through Scandinavian
hands ; but at first the sea-power of Normandy was
not equal to the task of snatching England from the
Danes. Canute began his reign by trying to conciliate
his actual and potential enemies. In the first year of
his reign he married Emma, the widow of Ethelred
and daughter of Duke Richard of Normandy. The
presence of his stepsons Alfred and Edward at the
Norman Court was not resented. Like a later King
of France, Canute thought London worth a mass,
and became a Christian. The remarkable manner in
which Canute could adapt himself to circumstances is
illustrated by his atrocious murder of a brother-in-
law when the king was in his northern realm, and by
his pious pilgrimage to Rome in the following year,
1026, In Rome Canute witnessed the coronation of
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 35
the first Franconian emperor, the Saxon line having
ended with Henry the Saint.
Canute's brother-in-law Robert, who became Duke
of Normandy in 1026, cultivated the friendliest rela-
tions with his neighbour, the Count of Flanders, and
his overlord the King of France. In 1035 Canute
died, shortly after the death of Duke Robert. Both
were succeeded by sons born out of wedlock. William
the Conqueror became Duke of Normandy and Harold
Harefoot ascended the English throne. Harthacnut,
the son of Canute and Emma, obtained the kingdom
of Denmark. Thus the English again enjoyed an
independent ruler.
Canute's successful reign was largely due to his
minister, Earl Godwine, who by birth and marriage
seems to have been connected with both Danes and
Saxons. When Canute died, Godwine supported
Harthacnut's claim to the crown of England ; but he
accepted Harold Harefoot, when the English chose
him as king. The murder of Emma's son Alfred,
when that prince imprudently crossed from Normandy
to England, was supposed to have been contrived
by Godwine. This murder was followed, in 1037, by
Emma's expulsion from England. She sought the
usual refuge for English exiles, Flanders, or, as it was
then called, Baldwin's land. Two years later Hartha-
cnut answered his mother's appeal, and was on the
eve of invading England, when Harold Harefoot died.
Harthacnut invited his half-brother Edward to share
his throne. In 1042 " died Harthacnut as he stood
at his drink, he suddenly fell to the earth with a
terrible struggle. . . . And all the people then received
36 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Edward for king, as was his natural right." The
sudden deaths of two young kings, Harold and Har-
thacnut, fitted in with the Norman scheme. England
was thus brought under the rule of a king who was
half Norman by birth and wholly Norman by
education.
Before the Normans could supplant Scandinavian
influence in England it was necessary for them to
secure the neutrality of Flanders in the inevitable war.
With persistence, which overcame all obstacles, Duke
William sought and finally obtained the hand of
Matilda, daughter of the Flemish Count. A religious
movement in Normandy, guided by Duke William,
formed part of the scheme of conquest. The Norman
bishops were chosen from the ducal family, and, like
William's half-brother, Odo, were more at home on
the field of battle than in their cathedrals. Monasteries
were founded throughout Normandy. " A Norman
noble of that age thought that his estate lacked its
chief ornament if he failed to plant a colony of monks
in some corner of his possessions." Freeman regarded
these founders as often actuated by motives other than
religious, since " many a man must have founded a
religious house, not from any special devotion or
any special liberality, but simply because it was the
regular thing for a man in his position to do."
Thus Norman dukes controlled their Church, while
they gained the goodwill of the monastic party in
England.
The condition of the papacy favoured the creation
of a Norman Church under ducal control. In 1033 the
Pope was a dissolute boy twelve years of age, and, at a
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 37
later date, there were three rival Popes. As the papacy
emerged from this degradation it became involved in a
desperate struggle with the Normans of Southern
Italy. In 1053 the papal army was utterly defeated
by the Normans at Civita Vecchia. Like his imperial
predecessor, the Pope spent two days bewailing his
lost legions, and then set to work to replace them by
enlisting his conquerors in the service of Rome. The
Italian Normans were confirmed in their possessions as
vassals under the suzerainty of the Pope ; and they
turned their attention to the boundless wealth which
awaited those who could conquer Constantinople and
the Eastern Empire. The Cluniac Reformation had
already produced the monk Hildebrand who was
destined to restore the glory of Rome. Before Hilde-
brand became Pope Gregory VII. in 1073, his policy
was being carried out by Pope Alexander II. The
banner of William the Conqueror was blessed by
Alexander, and the Conquest of England was the
real First Crusade.
To ensure a successful invasion the Normans
neglected no opportunity of creating disunion in
England during the reign of Edward the Confessor.
The central figure in this period of English history is
not the weak king but Earl Godwine and, after the
Earl's death in 1053, his eldest surviving son, Harold.
During the early years of Edward's reign Godwine was
in power ; and such attention was paid to the navy
'' that no man had seen any greater force in the land."
But Norman ecclesiastics followed Edward to England ;
among these the most prominent was Robert, Abbot
of Jumieges, whom Edward appointed Bishop of
38 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
London. Since the production of wool, the chief
export of England, was mainly in the hands of the
monks, it is probable that Scandinavian traders suffered
from this Norman ecclesiastical influence. About this
time the Chronicle records the coming of hostile sailors
from the north, who took " whatever they could find ;
and then went east to Baldwin's land and there sold
what they had plundered."
In 1051 the Norman Bishop of London was made
Archbishop of Canterbury ; and foreigners began to
treat the English as an already conquered race. Count
Eustace of Boulogne quarrelled with the men of Kent
when he was returning from a visit to King Edward.
When Godwine refused to punish the Kentish men,
whom he regarded as peculiarly his own folk, he and
his sons were forced to take refuge in flight from
England. Godwine's daughter, whom Edward had
married, was sent to ' a nunnery ; and for a while
Norman influence reigned supreme.
Three interesting events occurred during this period
of England's peaceful penetration by the Normans.
In 1049 " King Edward discharged nine ships from pay,
and they went away ships and all ; and five ships
remained behind, and the King promised them twelve
months' pay." Next year all the ships were dis-
charged. This policy was so successful financially
that in 1052 " King Edward abolished the military
contribution which King Ethelred had before imposed ;
that was in the nine-and-thirtieth year after he had
begun it. That tax distressed all the English nation
during so long a space as is here above written." After
Godwine's flight, " soon came Count William from
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 39
beyond sea, with a great body of Frenchmen, and the
King received him and as many of his companions as
it pleased him, and let him go again."
This meeting of King Edward and his great neigh-
bour William, while the navy was being weakened
that the burden of taxation might be lessened, did not
please the English. A popular movement restored
Godwine to his old position, and sent the Norman
Archbishop and his brethren in hurried flight across
the sea. Godwine died soon after his return ;
and his eldest surviving son, Harold, continued
Godwine's work. Stigand, an Englishman, replaced
the Norman Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Harold
governed England with such ability that it seemed as
if the Norman scheme would come to nought when
party strife wrecked England's hopes. The latent
antagonism between the Danish North and the Saxon
South became acute in 1065, and Harold's brother,
Tostig, who had been Earl of Northumbria since 1055,
was compelled to betake himself to Baldwin's land.
There he entered into negotiations with William of
Normandy and Harold, King of Norway. From his
brother-in-law, Count Baldwin, Tostig obtained men
and ships for an expedition to England.
In January 1066 King Edward died, and Harold
was elected and crowned King of England. " He then
gathered so great a naval force and also a land force
as no king here in the land had before gathered ;
because it had for truth been said to him that Count
William from Normandy, King Edward's kinsman,
would come hither and subdue this land." But Tostig
came first, and was driven out by the Northumbrians.
40 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Tostig then joined Harold of Norway, entered the
Humber, and captured York. Harold of England
hurried north. The allies were defeated ; Tostig and
Harold of Norway were killed, while Olaf, the Nor-
wegian king's son, was allowed to return to Norway.
Immediate danger seemed to have passed away ; but
Edward's policy of reducing the navy accomplished
its perfect work. The enthusiasm which had extem-
porised a fleet evaporated when provisions ran short
through lack of funds. The English fleet disappeared ;
and in September William came again to England.
This time he came not as an honoured guest but as a
conqueror. In October 1066 a great battle was fought
near Hastings. Harold of England with his brothers
and many another Englishman died for England with
the same burning patriotism as filled Nelson's soul at
Trafalgar. But Nelson had an adequate fleet, while
the English in Harold's time enjoyed remission of
taxation ; hence, although there were about two million
Englishmen, William and some fifty thousand con-
querors took possession of the land. The peasants,
deprived of their natural leaders, were forced to accept
their foreign masters. The English were compelled
to build castles which the Norman lords filled with
their own followers. When these strongholds were
built the power of the Norman was irresistible. Where
the people fought hard for freedom, as in Yorkshire, the
English were exterminated and their land was made
a desert waste. The bravest of the English were killed
or forced to leave their island. About this time the
Waring bodyguard of the Emperor at Constantinople
received a large number of recruits from England ;
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 41
these English soldiers were held in the highest esteem
for their loyalty and courage.
Before the Conquest a large part of the land of
England was owned by monks and the clergy. William
sailed with a banner which the Pope had blessed,
and the invasion received papal approval because the
English Church was becoming too independent of
Rome. After the Conquest England's Church was
pillaged, the Normans were astonished at the plunder
sent across the Channel. Norman abbeys and churches
were made splendid with spoil taken from the religious
foundations of England. English bishops and abbots
were replaced by ecclesiastics from Normandy, so
that foreigners ruled over the English Church as well
as over the English peasant. Stigand was deposed
from the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and the see was
filled by William's friend, Lanfranc. Other English
bishops and abbots shared Stigand' s fate until there
was only one English bishop left, the saintly Wulfstan
of Worcester ; he it was who prevailed upon the
merchants of Bristol to abandon their trade in Irish
slaves. In the half-mythical story of Wulfstan's life
it is easy to see that his personal holiness conquered
England's conqueror : " William was mild to the good
men who loved God."
Yet England survived in her towns. Many of
these suffered during the invasion ; but some, and
among these London, the greatest of all, escaped
without injury. With London, William made a treaty
guaranteeing to her citizens the liberties which they
had enjoyed under their late King Edward. The
Londoners asked to be allowed to trade in their own
42 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
way without interference, and when this was granted
to them, they appear to have been careless about the
fate of other Englishmen. The success of the Normans
was largely due to this lack of unity in England. Men
cared for their shire or their town, the larger conception
of duty to England was very imperfectly recognised.
Yet while England was governed by foreign masters
speaking a different tongue from that of their English
serfs, and while peasants learned to acquiesce in the
rule of the stranger and kill one another at the bidding
of their alien rulers, patriotism developed in England,
and an English nation was born.
Just as the English of Chaucer differs from the
Anglo-Saxon of the Chronicle, so the new English
folk differed from the shepherds whom William had
enslaved. Both the English race and the English
language have a strong Anglo-Saxon element, and
both have been changed by influences from outside.
Chaucer wrote in the speech of London, and the town
was the birthplace of the new English. The reason for
this is not difficult to discover. The towns of England
protected their home trade ; and by their protective
system they gained such strength that in time they
conquered their conquerors. Though the land and
agricultural production of England was owned by the
Church and the Normans, English ultimately replaced
monkish Latin and Norman French. England owes
the commencement of her national life to the protective
policy of her towns.
The Benedictine monks who came to England with
St. Augustine in 597 believed that work was as sacred
as prayer. It was, doubtless, partly owing to the
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 43
excellent use they made of the land that Anglo-Saxon
kings granted them so much of the soil of England.
For centuries after the Norman Conquest monks
continued to flock to England, and wherever they
settled sheep-farming flourished. Some of the wool
was woven in England into coarse cloth for peasants,
but much of it was exported to Flanders, where it was
increased in value eightfold by being woven into
good cloth. It is known that during the twelfth
century lists were kept in Flanders giving the names
of 102 English abbeys with the minimum value of
the wool they produced. The English were not devoid
of skill. Anglo-Saxon gold embroidery had a great
reputation. But the English were not progressive ;
they were content to grow wool and leave the weaving
to the Flemish.
Flanders was once a land which extended from the
Scheldt to the frontier of Normandy, and included a
considerable portion of Northern France with all the
nearest coast to England. The Flemish were a branch
of the Saxons. In the twelfth century English and
Flemish peasants could talk to each other without the
aid of an interpreter. Flanders was the Lancashire
of the Middle Ages when wool held the place which
cotton now holds. The Anglo-Flemish wool trade was
of importance as far back as the tenth century ; for
five centuries it moulded the destinies of England and
Flanders.
When they settled in England the Anglo-Saxons
lost the love of the sea which had been their charac-
teristic. There was, however, a considerable amount of
trade between England and Frankland, and the coming
44 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of the Danes partly broke down the isolation of the
Anglo-Saxon villages. The Anglo-Saxons were con-
nected with the East by the great Baltic trade route,
whose centre was at Wisby on the island of Gothland,
and which ran down the long Russian rivers to the
Caspian and the Baltic. This connexion ceased when
the Normans subdued England. One body of middle-
men were more fortunate. Merchants from Cologne
obtained a footing in England in the reign of Ethelred
the Redeless. The reason for the welcome given them
is not hard to discover. The English left their foreign
trade to others ; but they bitterly resented any invasion
of their home trade. Hides and wool were sold in
market towns and carried down the rivers to ports,
such as London, where foreign shippers waited for
their cargoes. The manufactures of England were of a
primitive character, suited only to the wants of tillers
of the soil, and England's foreign trade was monopolised
by aliens, Easterlings and others ; but the English
protected the one thing left to them, the inland trade.
To this protection England owes the preservation of
her nationality in her towns and the freedom which
ultimately spread from the towns to the country.
Briefly stated, the ideal the English trader had always
in view was to keep the foreign merchant at the
wharf head. If the foreigner entered the town he
had to choose an English host, who was responsible
for his guest's behaviour. The foreigner was to deal
with none but citizens of the town, and retail trade
was forbidden him. The length of his stay was
limited to forty days, and he was required to buy
English produce equal in amount to the goods he sold.
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 45
This policy in its entirety was a counsel of perfection,
and was seldom completely attained. The wool-
growing magnates continually tried to get into direct
touch with the foreign buyer, and were steadily
resisted by the English trader. Much of England's
early history is made up of this struggle between
magnate and merchant. It culminated in the War of
the Roses, which Led to the protection of industry as
well as of inland trade, and to the splendour of the
Tudor period.
Under England's foreign kings, protective associa-
tions for inland trade, or merchant gilds, sprang into
existence in every considerable English town, except
London and the Cinque Ports. " Nevertheless London,
and probably some of the Cinque Ports, virtually
exercised all the rights attached to this franchise,
though the name and formal organisation were un-
known in these towns.'* The granting of " good laws
even as we ourselves " to German merchants by King
Ethelred implies that natives enjoyed advantages
denied to foreigners. In the Conqueror's charter to
London he declared that it was his " will that you be
all law-worthy, as you were in the days of King
Edward." When other towns obtained the right of
Gild Merchant they were given the privilege which
London already possessed.
Jews came to England with the Conqueror. They
were not fettered by ecclesiastical regulations which
forbade the lending of money on interest or the taking
more than a just price for goods. These restrictions,
like modern factory regulations, were imposed in the
interest of the community But, even under foreign
46 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
kings, the English trader had a protection from his
unrestricted rival which is denied to English workers
to-day. The Jew was wise in trade matters with the
wisdom of ages ; but neither his wisdom nor his freedom
enabled him to penetrate the Merchant Gild. The
inland trade was kept in English hands, and the towns
grew strong.
Like all human institutions England's first pro-
tective system was far from perfect. It protected the
trader, not the worker. This was of little importance
in early times, since English industry was almost
non-existent, and her production of raw material did
not need protection. The worst fault of the Merchant
Gild was its parochial character. The citizen of one
town treated an Englishman from a neighbouring
town as a foreigner. In this respect there is a marked
resemblance to the treatment which Great Britain
now extends to her Colonies. But before long a
system of preferential treatment arose by means of
arrangements between the gilds. Then England was
covered with a linked network of protective associa-
tions which baffled Jew and foreigner, but gave
freedom to the English. Anglo-Saxon, Dane and
Norman became gild brethren, and thus learned to be
brother Englishmen. Sheltered within their protec-
tive associations the new English grew to be so strong
that in time they moulded the character of the dwellers
in England. The conquered island became an inde-
pendent nation. When protection of industry was
added to protection of trade the foundation of the
British Empire was well and truly laid.
The character of William the Conqueror is given
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 47
in the Chronicle. " If any one desires to know what
kind of man he was, or what worship he had, or of how
many lands he was lord, then we will write of him so
as we understood him who have looked on him, and,
at another time, sojourned in his court. The King
William, about whom we speak, was a very wise man,
and very powerful, more dignified and strong than any
of his predecessors were. He was mild to the good
men who loved God ; and over all measure severe to
the men who gainsayed his will. ... In his days was
the noble monastery at Canterbury built, and also very
many others over all England. This land was also
plentifully supplied with monks, and they lived their
lives after the rule of St. Benedict. . . . Amongst
other things is not to be forgotten the good peace that
he made in this land ; so that a man who in himself
was aught might go over his realm, with his bosom
filled with gold, unhurt.
" Wales was in his power, and he therein wrought
castles and completely ruled over that race of men.
In like manner he also subjected Scotland to him by
his great strength. The land of Normandy was natur-
ally his ; and over the country which is called Le
Maine he reigned, and if he might yet have lived two
years he would, by his valour, have won Ireland,
and without any weapons. ... He planted a great
preserve for deer, and he laid down laws therewith,
that whosoever should slay hart or hind should be
blinded. He forbade the harts and also the boars
to be killed. As greatly did he love the tall deer as
if he were their father. He also ordained concerning
the hares that they should gojiree. His great men
48 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
bewailed it, and the poor men murmured thereat ;
but he was so obdurate, that he recked not of the
hatred of them all ; but they must wholly follow the
King's will, if they would live, or have land, or property,
or even his peace."
This was the view of the Southern Englishman,
whose laws and customs the Conqueror respected,
when they did not clash with the rights he had acquired
by conquest. Nevertheless the English suffered the
woe of the vanquished. Some fled to the East, and
in the Varangian guard of the Byzantine Emperor had
the satisfaction of preventing the Normans of Sicily
from seizing the Eastern Empire. Others fled to the
fenlands, and continued an heroic resistance until
their leader, Hereward, was killed in 1072. But in
the end England was subdued. The motley host of
Normans, Flemings and Franks who followed William
were rewarded with grants of land on which the
English toiled as serfs. As the Conqueror was recog-
nised as the supreme landowner of all England these
grants were perpetual leases for which rent in the
form of military service was paid. In this way an
important step was taken towards the unification of
England.
In the middle of the eleventh century war between
Norway and Denmark weakened both kingdoms. The
Danes in Denmark and England tried to remain
neutral during the Conquest. They were rescued by
Harold of England from Tostig and his Norwegian
ally, but they gave little or no aid to Harold of England
when William landed.
If they hoped that William would be satisfied with
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 49
the conquest of Saxon England they were soon un-
deceived. The Flemish also realised their mistake
when England became subject to the Normans. As
a reward for the services which he had rendered to
William, Baldwin V. obtained a grant of 300 marks
a year, and, after his death in 1067, the annuity was
paid to his younger son, Baldwin VI., during the three
years of his rule over Flanders. It is almost im-
possible to deny the existence of an economic cause
for the change in Danish and Flemish policy which
followed the Conquest of England.
In the reign of Ethelred the Redeless, merchants
from Flanders, Normandy, France and Germany were
allowed to trade at the port of London subject to the
payment of customs' duties of about 5 per cent.
Wool, hides and metals were exported from England.
William's grandfather, the tanner of Falaise, must
often have dressed English hides. Most of the ex-
ported wool went to feed the looms of Flanders, and
the Anglo-Flemish trade was principally carried on
by merchants from Cologne. In Ethelred's laws the
men of the Emperor are singled out " as worthy of good
laws, even as we ourselves." This privileged position
the Germans retained until the reign of Elizabeth.
Their concession, the Steelyard, once stood where
Cannon Street Station now stands, and for centuries
the Easterlings of the Steelyard almost monopolised
England's, trade with Flanders and Northern Europe.
In return for England's exports she received wine
from Normandy carried down the Seine, cloth from
Flanders, and such Eastern luxuries as found their
way along the great commercial route which, starting
E
50 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
from Venice, crossed the Alps and passed down the
Rhine to Cologne.
Less is known of the Scandinavian trade with
England. Its centre was probably York, and the
" incredible number " of Anglo-Saxon coins found at
Wisby proves that it was of much importance. In
Canute's reign Scandinavian traders must have gained
at the expense of their Norman rivals ; but after the
accession of Edward the Confessor, the Normans
appear to have regained their position in Southern
England. The Scandinavian harry ings in Edward's
reign took place in Essex and Kent : it seems probable
that these markets had been closed to Northern traders.
The Northern English, dreaming perhaps that the
Conqueror would not interfere with their local auto-
nomy, idly watched the conquest of the South and
West of England. But in 1068 York was captured
and garrisoned by Normans.
In 1069, when the Danes realised that their con-
nexion with England was being destroyed, a Danish
fleet sailed to England. The men of Yorkshire joined
the Danes, and William hurried north to crush the
movement. He was " over all measure severe to the
men who gainsaid his will." By fire and sword
Yorkshire was made a desert, to wait in its desolation
for the Cistercian monks who made wildernesses blossom
like the rose. The death of Baldwin VI. in 1070,
whilst William was exterminating the shepherds of
Northern England, was followed by civil war in
Flanders. In spite of the intervention of William
and Philip I. of France, the ruler and the policy of
Flanders were changed. Robert the Frisian became
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 51
Count and friendly relations with England ceased. On
the other hand, Philip of France recognised the new
Count and formed an alliance with him by marrying
Bertha of Frisia.
The Cluniac reformation was at this time extending
its influence over Northern Europe. The Olaf who
was allowed by Harold to return to Norway aided the
movement, and Saint Canute, who ruled over Denmark
until his martyrdom in 1086, was canonised for his
devotion to the cause of the Church. When Canute
became King of Denmark in 1080 he was the husband
of the daughter of Count Robert of Flanders, and
Arnold, a missionary monk, was bringing the Flemish
into close communion with Rome. Strained relations
between William and Gregory VII. enabled the
Northern kingdoms to serve Rome whilst they evolved
a scheme for the destruction of the Norman rule over
England.
The monk Hildebrand began his reign, as Pope
Gregory VII., in 1073, by enunciating the papal claims
in their most extreme form. He asserted that the
Pope was the supreme sovereign with the right of
deposing all secular rulers. From the weaker king-
doms, including England, he asked for an immediate
acknowledgment of his suzerainty. He sought to use
the strength which the Church possessed in her vast
estates by making the clergy free from all secular
control and entirely dependent on Rome. To separate
the clergy from the people amongst whom they dwelt
he commanded all priests to adopt the monkish
custom of celibacy. His first and greatest antagonist
was the Emperor Henry IV., who claimed to be over-
E 2
52 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
lord of Italy and Germany. The Emperor was
excommunicated, and the loose feudal organisation
over which he ruled declined to support a stricken
leader. In 1077 Gregory's victory seemed complete,
when Henry in the robes of a penitent begged for
pardon at Canossa. But there followed a swift re-
action, and with it a fierce struggle between Emperor
and Pope.
The Church and Christendom were both rent
asunder in this quarrel. An anti-Pope and a second
Emperor added to the confusion. The married clergy
ranged themselves against the monks ; and in 1084
Henry was master of all Rome except the stronghold
of St. Angelo, in which Gregory waited for Guiscard
and the Italian Normans, who had become his most
trusted allies. Henry retired as the Normans ap-
proached the sacred city, and Gregory obtained his
freedom when Guiscard sacked Rome with more than
Vandal fury. Next year the great Pope died, leaving
behind him unsolved problems which even now have
scarcely ceased to trouble Europe.
The papacy had sanctioned William's invasion in
order that the English Church might be brought into
complete subjection to Rome ; and Gregory asked for
more than this. William refused to admit the Pope's
claim of suzerainty ; but he granted to the clergy the
right of being tried in their own courts, and thus
created an almost independent body within his
dominions. The ancient tribute of Peter's Pence was
again sent to Rome, and the question of the celibacy
of the clergy was compromised. The cathedral clergy,
who had a voice in the election of bishops, were for-
THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 53
bidden to marry, and bishops were warned not to
ordain married men ; but the parochial clergy were
allowed to keep their wives. The question of the
King's right of appointment to bishoprics and abbacies
was not raised. The tact of Archbishop Lanfranc
made this compromise possible ; but it merely post-
poned the inevitable conflict between Church and King,
and William was almost drawn into this conflict
shortly before his death.
Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent, as well as
the Conqueror's half-brother, raised an army in 1082
which he intended to lead from the Isle of Wight to
Italy. He hoped to win the papal throne when he and
Guiscard had driven the Emperor from Italy ; but
William had no wish for a Pope who knew England
as Odo did. Odo was impeached, and, when the
barons hesitated to judge a bishop, William sent his
brother to a castle in Normandy, explaining his con-
duct by saying that he arrested the Earl of Kent,
not the Bishop of Bayeux. Gregory sent a gentle
remonstrance, of which no notice was taken. There
were others ready to defend the Church. An armada
of more than a thousand ships was prepared by the
devout rulers of Denmark, Norway and Flanders.
Had William been less resourceful there might have
been another conquest of England. Mercenary soldiers
were imported from Normandy ; the English coast
was devastated that the invader might not be able to
obtain supplies. That he should be unable to dis-
tinguish friend from foe, the English were forced to
shave and dress like Normans ; and William's agents
carried gold to Denmark to foster mutiny. St. Canute
54 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
was killed in the mutiny, and the armada never
reached the shores of England. A year later, in 1087,
William died, whilst fighting Philip of France. On
his deathbed the Conqueror gave Normandy to his
eldest son Robert, England to William Rufus, and a
gift of money to his youngest son Henry. He thus
separated the lands which he had tried to unite.
William Rufus was accepted as king by the citizens of
London, but he trampled on the unprotected peasants
when he had established his power.
NORMAN AND ENGLISH
1087-1155
SEVENTEEN days after the Conqueror's death in
Normandy William Rufus was crowned in West-
minster, to the great joy of the English. The Norman
magnates appear to have been taken by surprise. As
soon as they could combine they rose in rebellion, and
were reinforced by their brethren from Normandy.
The object of the rising was to prevent the separation
of England and Normandy by making Robert ruler
of both lands. Under one ruler wealth wrung from
English serfs could be used, as in the Conqueror's
reign, to pay a Norman army which could keep the
English in perpetual subjection. Few Norman barons
supported the King, but, by a promise of good laws,
William won over the English. A fleet was collected
which severed communication with Normandy, and
Wulfstan, the last of the English bishops, led an army
which defeated the Norman barons and their followers.
When the insurrection was crushed William treated the
rebel barons with marked leniency, whilst he treated
the English with greater severity than his father.
This sudden uprising of an apparently conquered
race and its equally sudden relapse into a condition of
56 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
servitude can be explained by the difference which
existed between the town and country districts of
England. In the English language there is a per-
manent record of the subjugation of the countryside
of England. The English country folk became servants
who tended cattle, sheep and pigs, which were served
to Norman masters as beef, veal, mutton, and pork.
The military leaders, who obtained estates, had to
supply the King with soldiers when need arose ; hence
English sub-tenants must have been largely replaced by
Normans. The Conqueror extended this feudal obliga-
tion to Church lands, and, when Normans governed
the Church, ecclesiastical farms must have been given,
to some extent, to Norman farmers. Deprived of
leaders the English peasantry became oppressed
tillers of the soil.
But, from the first, the Conqueror tried to conciliate
the towns. London surrendered without a struggle,
and obtained a charter promising its citizens the good
laws ol King Edward. Though the Tower was built
to overawe the Londoners it was not used. There was
peace within London's walls while the English were
being subdued. After the Conquest, merchants came
to London from the towns of Normandy, and Jews
settled in English Jewries under the guardianship of
the foreign King. The Church afforded a certain
amount of shelter to the conquered English. It was
the one institution of which the feudal magnates stood
in awe. Although the English bishops and abbots
were replaced by Normans, the parochial clergy and
the monks were English. The past and the present
of Ireland illustrate the way in which a priesthood,
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 57
anti-national in the sense that it regards an Italian
Pope as its head, can yet identify itself with the national
aspirations of a subject people. The Pope and his
claims were mere abstractions, while the tyranny of
the King and his Norman magnates was a very present
trouble. The gilds were partly shielded from attack
by their semi-religious character, as the son of an
English peasant gained comparative freedom by taking
holy orders.
William II. realised that the power of the Church
threatened the arbitrary rule of the Normans. He
has been handed down in history as one who delighted
in oppressing both his Church and his English subjects.
When Lanfranc died in 1089 the vacant archbishopric
was not filled. William declared that no one but he
should be Archbishop of Canterbury, and the revenue
of the see filled the royal purse. Conscience-smitten
during an illness in 1092, the King appointed Anselm,
abbot of a Norman monastery, to the vacant see ; but
even before his enthronement Anselm quarrelled with
his King about their respective rights over Church
lands. The Archbishop maintained Gregory's theory
of the absolute independence of the Church, and sought
to extend episcopal power over abbeys which the
Norman King looked upon as part of the royal posses-
sions. On the other hand, the King shocked his
contemporaries by his contempt for religion and his
determination to establish the royal supremacy.
After a long conflict the Archbishop left England in
1097 to carry an appeal to the Pope. A new king
was on the throne when Anselm returned.
William II. might have succeeded in unifying
58 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Great Britain if he had not devoted his energy to
re-uniting England and Normandy. Wales was made
somewhat more subject to Norman rule ; but Scotland
kept her autonomy under the vague suzerainty of the
Norman King. Many Norman barons obtained fiefs
in Scotland. In the lowlands of the northern kingdom
the people peacefully accepted these Normans as
leaders. In Scotland there was not that gulf between
conquerors and conquered, between landlords and
serfs, which was so keenly felt in England.
Though the English took only a small part in the
crusades, the indirect influence of these wars on English
history was great, and their commencement was
the most important event in the reign of William II.
The overthrow of the Caliphate of Egypt by the
Seljouks in 1077 made a profound impression on
Christendom. Religion, politics, and commerce were
inseparably connected in the Middle Ages, and all three
were affected. The Pope could bestow pardon for sin
to the religious, Eastern principalities to feudal lords,
the restoration of the lucrative Eastern trade to
merchants if they would attempt to rescue the Holy
Land. The Flemish and Venetians, who owned the
gates of the trade route which passed by way of the
Rhine from the Adriatic to the North Sea, were the
most prominent members of the First Crusade. Robert
the Frisian had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and
had learned the views of the Byzantine Emperor when
he visited Constantinople. His son Robert II. was
therefore carrying out his dead father's policy when he
led the First Crusade. Robert II. refused the throne
of Jerusalem, but it was accepted by Godfrey de
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 59
Bouillon, whose father the Count of Boulogne was a
vassal of Flanders.
Duke Robert of Normandy also joined the First
Crusade. He appears to have gained nothing in the
East, and his crusading zeal cost him the kingdom
of England. Money for his expedition was borrowed
from William Rufus, who became Regent of Normandy
in Robert's absence. In 1099, six weeks after the
capture of Jerusalem, William II. was killed in the
New Forest. In hot haste, Henry, the youngest of
the Conqueror's sons, rode to Winchester and seized
the royal treasure. Three days after William's death
Henry I. was crowned at Westminster. Thus London
and the Church of England again chose a ruler who,
though he was a Norman, relied upon English support.
Henry began his reign by granting freedom to the
Church and the laws of Edward to the people in a
formal charter. Although the rights of the Norman
barons were also safeguarded in the charter, they took
arms against Henry and Robert landed in England.
War was averted by Henry's diplomacy ; and Robert
waived his claim to the English crown. Before this
invasion Henry had endeared himself to the English
by marrying the daughter of the King of Scotland,
who through her mother was descended from the
Saxon kings.
Norman barons, who owned fiefs on both sides of
the Channel, were strongly in favour of one monarch
for both Norman lands. Discontent in Normandy
led to anarchy, and Henry intervened. In 1106 the
battle of Tinchebrai united England and Normandy
under Henry's rule. Duke Robert was placed in
60 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
honourable confinement in England ; but his son and
heir, William Clito, was entrusted to one -of Henry's
Norman supporters, who, in mi, allowed the young
prince to escape to Paris. Though neither the French
King nor the Flemish Count viewed with pleasure the
union of England and Normandy, the Flemish forced
their Count to adopt a peaceful attitude towards
Henry when he became ruler of Normandy. The
stint of Eastern fabrics, caused by the Seljouk in-
vasion, gave an impetus to the weaving industry of
Flanders and rendered the Flemish more dependent
on English wool. The sentimental bond of a common
ruler, which linked Normandy to England, proved too
weak to stand the wear and tear of time, while the
commercial union of England and Flanders increased
in strength until the English learned to weave. Then
Flemish weaving and the commercial tie were both
destroyed.
The annuity, which bound the Count of Flanders
to William the Conqueror, was suspended after the
revolution which made Robert the Frisian master of
Flanders. William II. renewed the payment to
Count Robert II., but it was discontinued while the
Count was in the Holy Land. On his return Robert
haughtily demanded the money and the arrears from
Henry I. In reply the Count was told that the pay-
ment was not tribute but a retaining fee for service
to be rendered in case of need. In noi and again in
1103 treaties were signed promising Flemish aid in
certain contingencies, and the annuity was increased.
These treaties did not, however, prevent Robert from
forming an alliance with the King of France after
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 61
Tinchebrai. About the year noo the sea broke
through the dykes of Flanders ; and, owing to the
inundations and the disease which followed, a number
of weavers emigrated to England and settled in
Pembrokeshire and elsewhere. This was the com-
mencement of cloth-making in England as a definite
industry. Its development was, however, very slow.
The magnates, who grew the wool, were concerned
mainly with obtaining a market for their produce
and cared little whether this market was at home
or abroad. When England's foreign rulers became
national kings they tried to foster home manufacture,
but their policy was often opposed by monk and lord.
After the introduction of weaving more than three
centuries had to elapse and two civil wars had to be
fought before the English were able to protect industry
as well as inland trade. Then England began the
series of industrial conquests which ultimately made
her supreme in production and commerce.
In 1119 Charles, a Danish prince, became Count of
Flanders after the short reign of Baldwin VII.
Charles, for a time, abandoned the pro-French policy
of his predecessors, in order to conciliate his insurgent
subjects. Henry made use of this opportunity by
arranging to end the Anglo-French war which com-
menced after Tinchebrai with a favourable peace.
At the zenith of his success, Henry's plans were shat-
tered by the death of his only legitimate son in the
wreck of the White Ship. Henry's enemies were
encouraged by this accident. William Clito was
married to the daughter of the powerful Count of
Anjou that he might be a menace to Henry's dominion
62 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
over Normandy ; and Charles of Flanders again
became the close ally of the French King.
The long wars between France and England prac-
tically began after Tinchebrai. No peace, however
carefully devised, could permanently end a struggle
which was caused by the economic development of
the people. Had the Normans become great weavers
a commercial bond might have united Normandy,
instead of Flanders, to England. But the chief factor
which made for union between England and Normandy
was the possession of estates in both lands by feudal
lords. In course of time English and Norman estates
passed into different hands, and the motive for union
tended to disappear. The actual domain of the King
of France was comparatively small and was shut off
from the sea by the provinces of his almost independent
vassals, of whom the King of England became the
greatest. The feudal Anglo-French wars were thus
inevitable ; and when the loss of Normandy made
peace appear possible, the fight for the market of
Flanders supplied a motive for the Hundred Years'
War. Even in the earlier feudal wars the market
which Flanders afforded to English wool played an
important part.
Henry was a widower when the White Ship sank.
Within two months of the disaster he married the
daughter of the Duke of Brabant, thus allying himself
with the ruler of a State which had aided the Flemish
who had rebelled against Charles of Flanders. William
Clito's marriage and the Franco-Flemish alliance fol-
lowed naturally. Henry's second marriage proved
unfruitful ; nevertheless he pressed on his imperial
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 63
scheme. In 1125 his daughter was left a widow by
the death of the German Emperor. She was then
recognised as Henry's heiress ; and the spiritual and
temporal lords of England swore allegiance to her in
1127. In the same year Anjou was detached from
the French alliance, the Pope was induced to annul
William Ciito's marriage, Matilda was betrothed to
Geoffrey, son and heir of the Count of Anjou, and
Charles of Flanders was killed by rebels in Flanders,
whose object was to make William of Ypres their
Count and thus renew friendly relations with England.
The French King suppressed this democratic in-
surrection and gave Flanders to William Clito ; but
in spite of the severity with which the leaders of the
revolt were punished, the Flemish refused to accept
the French King's nominee, protesting that, since
English merchants had ceased to visit Flanders, ruin
was close at hand. It can be claimed for Henry that
he was the originator of the policy of influencing the
Flemish by stinting their supply of wool, as well as
the founder of the English weaving industry. Henry
put forward candidates for the countship. His
nephew Stephen of Boulogne, a fief of Flanders, and
another candidate failed, but a third candidate,
Thierry of Alsace, ultimately succeeded. The burghers
of Flanders espoused Thierry's cause ; and William
Clito was killed in the fighting which ensued. Another
candidate then appeared ; and Henry was asked to
decide between the claimants. In order to retain even
his nominal suzerainty the French King was forced to
acquiesce in a decision which assigned the countship
to Henry himself as the lawful heir ; but in the same
64 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
decision Henry ceded his rights to Thierry. In the
words of a Belgian historian, Flanders was treated
as "a fief completely dependent on the crown of
England."
Stephen of Boulogne was compelled to do homage
to the new count ; but he showed his ill-will by har-
bouring William of Ypres, one of the rival claimants.
Under Thierry the burghers gained many political
rights. Their weaving cities were growing rapidly and
becoming more powerful. As their power increased
they became more independent of their lords. The
Flemish, whose industrial development preceded that
of the Normans, French, and English, were naturally
the first to acquire free institutions. Their example
inspired their neighbours with a longing for freedom ;
and feudalism began to decay. The last years of
Henry's life were years of peace. In 1133, two years
before the king's death, his daughter Matilda gave him
a grandson and future heir.
Much of Henry's success was due to his diplomacy
in dealing with Rome. After the death of William
Rufus, Anselm was recalled to England ; and, in his
charter, Henry promised that the Church should be free.
Anselm interpreted this promise literally, but Henry
found that this liberty was incompatible with his royal
power. In 1103 Anselm again left England. He
returned in 1106, when the dispute was settled by a
compromise which formed a precedent for the Concordat
of Worms, agreed to by Pope and Emperor in 1122.
This compromise allowed the Pope to instal bishops
in their spiritual offices, while the King granted them
their worldly possessions. Anselm died in 1109,
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 65
fighting to the very last for the rights of the Pope and
the Church of England. While supporting a body
which afforded some protection to the conquered
English, Anselm enforced celibacy on all clergy and
weakened the bond between the Church and the people
of England. During the rest of Henry's reign the see
of Canterbury was filled in succession by two foreigners
who succeeded in serving Pope and King.
While Henry appeared to be making the power of
Norman royalty irresistible, two other forces were
growing in England with even greater rapidity. The
Cluniac reformation had not spent its force. New
monasteries were being founded ; and, with each
foundation, the power of the Church and her hold over
the production of wool was strengthened. The towns,
too, were growing. London was becoming a residential
city for magnates as well as a great centre of commerce.
The charters, which gave towns and merchant gilds
the right of protecting their commerce, were producing
their natural effect. When Henry died in 1135 his
nephew, Stephen of Boulogne, put himself forward as
a candidate for the throne. Stephen went at once to
London and secured the support of the citizens. His
two uncles had made the securing of Winchester and
the royal treasury their first concern. Stephen's
brother, Henry, who had been a monk in the Abbey of
Cluny, was appointed to the see of Winchester in 1130.
Stephen may, therefore, have thought that his interests
were safe in his brother's hands. After some hesitation
the clerical magnates were induced to violate their
oath to Matilda ; and Stephen was crowned at West-
minster three weeks after Henry's death.
F
66 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
At first both in England and in Normandy there
was less opposition to Stephen than there had been to
his uncles William Rufus and Henry I. After some
hesitation the barons of Normandy accepted Stephen
and repulsed Geoffrey and Matilda when they came
to claim the duchy. Baronial revolts in Devon and
Norfolk were easily suppressed, though the Welsh
threw off the Norman yoke and King David of Scot-
land declared for Matilda. One writer describes an
attempted insurrection of the English, but nothing
came of this. The subjugation of the peasants was so
complete that, in that part of Yorkshire which had been
ravaged by the Conqueror, Saxon archers helped
Normans and Flemings to defeat the Saxons of Scot-
land in 1138 at the battle of the Standard. The civil
wars in England were not complicated by servile in-
surrections, and there were no more invasions from
the north. The civil wars were fought by mercenary
soldiers, such as the men from the Low Countries, who,
with their leader, William of Ypres, were imported by
Stephen. Parts of England, which were not the actual
scenes of battle, appear to have been little affected.
King Stephen tried to conciliate interests which
were incompatible with his sovereignty. In a second
charter he granted complete independence to the
Church. The see of Canterbury fell vacant in 1136.
Stephen opposed the election of his brother, Henry
of Winchester, and, in 1139, Theobald, a foreign
monk, was consecrated Archbishop, while Henry was
appointed papal legate. Then followed a quarrel be-
tween Church and King, general anarchy in England,
and the landing of Matilda. In 1141, Matilda won a
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 67
decisive victory at Lincoln, and for a few days London
accepted her as sovereign ; but when she declined to
guarantee to the citizens the laws of Edward, and asked
for a subsidy, London drove her out, and again de-
clared for Stephen. It was not until 1154 that the
civil war was ended by a compromise which granted the
kingdom of England to Stephen for life with reversion
to Matilda's son Henry. In 1155 Stephen died and
Henry II. succeeded to the throne.
The reign of Stephen is generally regarded as
nineteen years of anarchy, vividly pictured by the
monkish historian, who has left a terrible record of
the condition of the country districts of England in
Stephen's reign. " When the traitors perceived that
he was a mild man, and soft, and good, and did no
justice, then did they all wonder. They had done
homage to him, and sworn oaths, but held no faith ;
they were all forsworn and forfeited their troth ; for
every powerful man made his castles and held them
against him ; and they filled the land full of castles.
They cruelly oppressed the wretched men of the land
with castle works. When the castles were made they
filled them with devils and evil men. Then took they
those men that they imagined had any property,
both by night and by day, peasant men and women,
and put them in prison for their gold and silver and
tortured them with unutterable tortures ; for never
were martyrs so tortured as they were . . . The
bishops and clergy constantly cursed them, but
nothing came of it ; for they were all accursed, and
forsworn, and lost. However a man tilled, the earth
bare no corn, for the land was all fordone by such
F 2
68 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
deeds ; and they said openly that Christ and His
saints slept. Such and more than we can say we
endured nineteen winters for our sins."
Here is a picture of what the magnates could do
when the royal power was weak and the Church unable
to protect the peasant from his lord. Froude has
described the imperfections of the ecclesiastical courts ;
he has laid stress on the mildness of their punishments,
which often allowed the guilty to escape, and has
shown that civil law was much more consonant with
modern ideas. But the Chronicler gives the other side
of the picture. The condition of England in the
twelfth century bears little or no resemblance to the
present condition of England. The parish priest
might be, and usually was, the son of a serf. Once in
holy orders he was free of his lord, and could excom-
municate the oppressor of his peasant kinsfolk. The
peasant had no defender but the Church. She was to
him his one sure refuge. Rome was far away and her
claim to overlordship was not felt. Peter's Pence
was a small price to pay for protection against a feudal
lord. The magnate was very near, and he had little
sympathy with the race his father had conquered.
In striking contrast to the picture drawn by the
Chronicler is one left by FitzStephen, a citizen of
London, of that great city in the reign of Henry II.
To the north were cornfields, pastures, and meadows
producing luxuriant crops, and beyond these was a
great forest filled with game, stags, bucks, boars and
wild bulls. The citizens were distinguished for their
manners, their dress, and their good fare. From the
most distant lands ships came bringing luxuries of
NORMAN AND ENGLISH 69
all kinds to the port. FitzStephen wrote that London
was able to supply twenty thousand horse and sixty
thousand foot when King Stephen called for a muster
of the citizens. He described with pride the schools of
London and the amusements of the Londoners. The
wealthy indulged in hawking and hunting, pastimes
of kings and lords. He wrote that the dwellers in
London were called barons, not citizens. So great
prosperity had followed from the protection of inland
trade.
Both the Chronicler and FitzStephen appear to
have been guilty of some exaggeration. It is certain
that in many parts of England there was prosperity
during Stephen's reign. It is known that during these
nineteen years more abbeys were built than during the
preceding century, and that these buildings were
distinguished by the grace and exquisite beauty of
their architecture. This was the period when the
Cistercians came to England and covered Yorkshire
with sheep farms. These monks were the greatest of
sheep farmers, and the wool they produced became the
most important part of England's chief export. In
this reign also an Anglo-Flemish fleet sailed from
Dartmouth to co-operate with the forces which marched
overland on the Second Crusade in 1147. This fleet
failed to reach the Mediterranean, but its sailors did
some service by driving the Moors from Lisbon and
helping to found the kingdom of Portugal. But, when
the narratives are discounted, the strength of London
and the weakness of the country districts are yet most
marked features of Stephen's reign, and although
London suffered from a great fire in 1136, it enjoyed
70 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
such prosperity that not long after Stephen's death
it was described by a contemporary writer as one of
the most flourishing towns in Christendom. The pride
of London's citizens contrasts strangely with the
meekness of the conquered peasantry of England.
She claimed and maintained the right of making and
unmaking kings. In London the fusion of Norman,
Dane, and Saxon into Englishmen was being rapidly
accomplished. She was an oasis of freedom in a
conquered land, and the secret of her power, that
which made her even stronger than the Church, was
her wise protective policy which kept the home trade
for her citizens.
VI
BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM
1154-1189
HENRY II. devoted the first years of his reign to
re-establishing the royal power in England. The
royal lands, which Stephen had given to his Flemish
supporters, were resumed by the Crown, and the foreign
soldiers were expelled. The unlawful castles were
demolished. Once more the King of Scotland and
Prince of Wales became close allies, if not the actual
vassals of England's King, and served in his army
when he tried to annex Toulouse. From his father
Henry inherited Anjou, and his marriage with Eleanor,
Duchess of Aquitaine, made him ruler of lands which
stretched to the Pyrenees, and were separated from the
Mediterranean by the country of Toulouse, which he
attacked in 1159.
Had he become master of Toulouse, Henry would
have owned a through way to the East by Bordeaux
and the Garonne. Louis VII. of France, however,
came to the aid of the threatened county, and Henry
abandoned his scheme.
This cautious policy was probably a wise one.
Count Thierry of Flanders was Henry's friend. He
72 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
had recently entrusted the guardianship of Flanders
and of his young son to Henry when he paid a visit to
the Flemish settlements in the East. In 1157 Flanders
fought with Holland over a trade dispute ; and the
Flemish would have felt the opening of a new trade
route to the Mediterranean. An open breach with
Flanders and France was avoided for some years,
which gave Henry time to consolidate and increase his
possessions in Western France and in the British Isles.
Brittany was drawn into his sphere of influence, and
a papal bull was obtained which authorised the con-
quest of Ireland. In the full tide of his success the
King determined to limit the freedom of the Church of
England, and in 1162 he made Thomas Becket Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, believing that he could rely upon
one who had faithfully served him as Chancellor. But
the new Archbishop was the son of Gilbert Becket,
formerly portreeve of London, and in a Londoner born
and bred the greatest monarch of Western Europe
found the man who made him miss his destiny.
Henry summoned a Great Council, and the bishops
and barons accepted a code of laws called the Con-
stitutions of Clarendon, which, amongst other pro-
visions, would have enabled the King to shield the
greater barons and royal servants from excommunica-
tion, would have empowered the civil courts to punish
the clergy, and would have prevented the son of a serf
from becoming a priest without his lord's consent.
Becket was the first of the new English to rise to the
dignity of Archbishop of Canterbury. His colleagues
came from the class whose ancestors had subdued
England. They were ready to obey the King's will,
BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM 73
and the Englishman was deserted and alone. For a
moment Becket faltered. Then, supported only by the
love of the poor of England,. he began the fight which
ended with his murder in 1170. Becket fled from
England in 1164, but he maintained his cause in poverty
and exile. There was at the time a schism in the
papacy, and Pope Alexander, who was acknowledged
by the West, was also a fugitive in France. Becket's
quarrel embarrassed Alexander, and the Archbishop
obtained very lukewarm support from his Pope. But
Becket resolutely trod the path of duty to the English
serfs who had been entrusted to his care. The path
had a glorious ending when the four Norman knights
murdered the unarmed English Archbishop in the
Cathedral of Canterbury. Becket's ancestors were
possibly as foreign as those of his murderers, but
London had taught him to die for English rights and
liberty. The modern reader is tempted to misunder-
stand the great issue for which Becket lived and died.
The principles for which he fought — the freedom of the
clergy from the law of the State and the right of appeal
to Rome — continued to exist long after they ceased to
be of service to the English. In time both principles
became anachronisms and abuses. There is, therefore,
a temptation to regard Henry as the originator of
reform and Becket as its opponent. But this view
finds little support in the verdict pronounced by the
English in the twelfth century. They regarded Becket
as the champion of the rights of the poor against the
tyranny of the rich. In London, the centre of English
freedom, St. Thomas the Martyr was greatly honoured.
" For many years after his death it was the custom of
74 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the mayor of the City for the time being, upon entering
into office, to meet the aldermen at the Church of
St. Thomas of Aeon . . . and thence to proceed to the
tomb of Gilbert Becket, the father, in St. Paul's Church-
yard, there to say a De Profundis, after which both
mayor and aldermen returned to the Church of
St. Thomas, and, each having made an offering of
two pence, returned to his own home." Londoners
evidently believed that the portreeve had taught his
son to live and die for English freedom.
The miracles wrought by St. Thomas point in the
same direction. The saint was never weary of showing
kindness to peasant children. The eyes of the thief,
destroyed by the cruel law of the State, were restored
by the martyr. The marriage of parish priests had
been forbidden in the days of Anselm ;. but St. Thomas,
though Rome had made him saint, took the illegal
home circle of the English parish priest under his
peculiar care. The English, at least, did not associate
the memory of the man who had withstood both King
and Pope with undue subservience to Rome. That
Henry did good service to England by continuing the
policy of his grandfather none can doubt. He fur-
thered the unification of Great Britain and the estab-
lishment of the supremacy of the King's law. From
his reforms the English jury grew. But Becket 's great
work was to force the King to ally himself with the
people instead of with his magnates. After Becket's
death Henry continued his reforms ; but he tried to
harmonise the increase of royal power with the interests
of the English.
Six months before Becket's death the King's
BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM 75
eldest son, Prince Henry, was crowned King of England.
In the same year " a clean sweep was made of the
corrupt local sheriffs, and royal officials substituted."
In 1171 Henry took formal possession of Ireland, which
some of his magnates had already invaded. In May
1172 he was solemnly forgiven for his share in Becket's
murder and reconciled to the Church. Prince Henry
was again crowned in 1172 ; and at the same time the
King tried to settle the affairs of his vast empire by
delegating authority over provinces to his other sons.
To Richard was given Aquitaine, to Geoffrey Brittany,
whilst a marriage was arranged for John which would
have made him lord of valuable fiefs in Provence.
The Count of Toulouse was then induced to accept
Henry as suzerain. It was a moment of triumph
which preceded a storm.
Count Philip, who had succeeded to Flanders in
1168, joined Louis VII. in opposing Henry. David of
Scotland and a number of discontented barons also
took arms with the object of making Prince Henry
King of England in fact as well as in name. When the
wool trade was disturbed it was not difficult to enlist
an army of unemployed Flemish weavers. The men
poured into England saying, according to a contem-
porary historian, " We have not come into this country
to sojourn, but to destroy King Henry the old warrior,
and to have his wool, which we long for." The
historian adds : " Lords, that is the truth : the greater
part of them were weavers." Throughout the graphic
narrative of Jordan Fantosme these Flemings play an
important part. The war was one in which the English
fought an allied army of Scotchmen and Flemings.
76 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
When the Bishop of Winchester carried grave news to
the King, who was holding his own with some difficulty
in Normandy, " ' Fair lord,' said the King, ' tell me
the truth, how are the brave men of my city of London
acting ? ' The answer to this question was : " ' They
are the most loyal people of all your kingdom. There
is no one in the town who is of age to bear arms who
is not well armed. You would wrongly believe any
evil of them.' ' O God,' so said the King, ' now have
pity, preserve the brave men of my city of London.
Depart, lord bishop, to your country. If God give me
health, and I be alive, you will have me in London
before fifteen days are past, and I will take vengeance
on all my enemies.' '
To make assurance doubly sure the King, on his
way to London, walked barefoot to the shrine of
St. Thomas at Canterbury, and was scourged by the
monks. Reconciled thus to his English subj ects Henry
had a royal reception when he reached London. A few
days later he received news of the defeat and capture
of the King of Scotland. It was not long before the
Flemings were expelled from England ; and civil war
did not disturb England during the rest of Henry's
reign. But he had trouble enough in his continental
dominions. Men sought peace then as at all times
they have sought peace. War is always uncomfort-
able ; and to Flemish weavers who had been taught
that they could not obtain Henry's wool by force,
peace with England was absolutely necessary. But
the divergent economic interests of the provinces of
Henry's empire made a prolonged peace impossible.
In 1174 all differences appeared to have been adjusted .
BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM 77
The western peoples sheathed their swords, and the
King of Scotland was released when he had fully
acknowledged Henry as his suzerain.
In 1179 Louis of France was stricken with paralysis,
and his son, Philip II., became the ruler of France.
He married the niece of the childless Count Philip of
Flanders, who was made regent of France during the
minority of Philip II. During this peace a curious
presentiment of fast approaching war prompted the
Flemish, French and English to make ready for battle.
In 1181, by the Assize of Arms, every English freeman
was bound to be prepared to defend his country in
case of need. Similar edicts were simultaneously
promulgated in France and Flanders. The hold which
Henry had acquired over his English subjects by his
reconciliation with St. Thomas was shown when he
bade his English furnish themselves with arms. The
later years of Henry's life were full of the trouble
inseparable from his vast possessions on the Continent.
Richard gave expression to the desire of those over
whom he ruled in Aquitaine for independence and
access to the Mediterranean through Toulouse. This
brought him into conflict with Prince Henry, who
wished to succeed to an undivided empire. For
reasons of his own the French King encouraged these
disputes amongst Henry's sons, which continued after
Prince Henry's death in 1183, and that of his brother
Geoffrey in 1186. Jerusalem was captured by the
Turks in 1187 ; and the Kings of the West agreed to
forget their differences and join in the Third Crusade.
But before arrangements could be made war began
again over the seizure of merchants from Richard's
78 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
dominions by the Count of Toulouse. England and
France became involved in the quarrel. Henry was
unsuccessful in the fighting, and lost the town of Le
Mans. He died soon after peace was signed in 1189,
cursing his children and his God because he had failed
to unite lands whose economic interests were opposed
to union.
VII
ENGLAND ACQUIRES NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE
1190-1226
THREE rulers led the Third Crusade ; of these the first
to take the cross and the most enthusiastic was
Richard I., King of England, who had but recently
been ruling over Aquitaine. Since England's foreign
trade was conducted by aliens, the expedition was not
conceived in the interest of England ; but the merchants
of Aquitaine might have gained had it been a success.
With Richard, the two Philips of Flanders and of
France went on crusade in 1190. An Anglo-Flemish
fleet sailed in advance of the main expedition, and
devoted some time to attacking the Moors and driving
them from Southern Portugal. The Christian kings
who ruled over the provinces into which the Spanish
peninsula was divided were gaining importance in the
eyes of the Western rulers ; since they commanded the
gateway to the golden East. Eleanor, daughter of
Henry II., married the King of Castile. A Portuguese
princess became the wife of Philip of Flanders ; and,
whilst the Crusaders rested in the island of Sicily,
Richard married Berengaria of Navarre.
The cordial relations which united France and
Flanders were of short duration. Territorial disputes
8o THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
led to war by which Philip of France increased his
possessions at the expense of his namesake of Flanders.
The alliance of the Third Crusade was supposed to
have reconciled the three leaders. It needed, however,
no gift of prophecy to see that France was destined
to increase at the expense of England and Flanders,
unless the English and Flemish formed a close alliance.
But, although the industrial interests and racial
sympathies of the English and Flemish made for this
alliance, the commercial ambition of the Flemish
merchants and those of Aquitaine led their rulers to
waste strength in distant conquests and neglect the
treasure they possessed in the wool of England and
the looms of Flanders.
The crusading kings quarrelled over the conquests
that were made. When Cyprus was taken, Philip of
France asked for half of the island, and was told by
Richard that he could not have it unless he promised
to divide Flanders. It was thus clearly understood
that the Flemish were to be the real victims of the
Third Crusade. Shortly before the Crusaders captured
the seaport of Acre, Philip of Flanders died, and, after
a brief interval, Philip of France left the East, bent
on increasing his possessions at the expense of the new
Count. But news of the death travelled faster than
the King ; and Count Baldwin VIII. was allowed to
succeed after surrendering Artois and paying a large
fine. Richard, dazzled by the prospect of capturing
Jerusalem, remained in the East. But in October
1192 the intrigues of his brother John with the French
King compelled Richard to abandon his design and
leave the East. On his journey home Richard was
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 81
seized by the Germans and the English paid an enor-
mous ransom for their King. On his return Richard
plunged into war with France. In 1195 Baldwin VIII.
was succeeded by his son Baldwin IX., a young man
twenty-three years of age. Philip took advantage of
the young Count's inexperience, obtaining from him
the fiefs of Boulogne and Guines ; in other words, access
to the coast nearest to England. Baldwin IX. also
signed papers requesting certain bishops to excommuni-
cate him if he failed in his duty towards his suzerain.
The indignation of the Flemish at this peaceful
annexation, which would have imperilled their com-
merce with England in the event of an Anglo-French
war, was so great that Baldwin was forced to alter his
policy. In 1197 the Flemish concluded an offensive
and defensive alliance with England and engaged in
war with France. The allies were meeting with
great success in the war when Richard died in 1199.
John became ruler of the Angevin Empire, although
many of his subjects supported the claim of Arthur,
son of Geoffrey of Brittany, to the Crown. The allied
powers, England and Flanders, were able to make
satisfactory treaties with France in 1200. John's
reign might have been a successful one but for the
Fourth Crusade.
There was a curious mixture of physical courage
and moral cowardice in the Flemish character. Whilst
they retained many of their pagan superstitions, they
were paralysed when Flanders was placed under inter-
dict and Christian services were forbidden. The Arch-
bishop of Rheims placed Flanders under interdict
during the war between Baldwin IX. and Philip II.,
G
82 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
but the Pope removed the interdict. Gratitude to
the Pope may have prompted Baldwin to march to the
East in 1202 on the Fourth Crusade ; but for this, as
for the other Crusades, there were other than religious
motives. Instead of fighting the infidel, the Venetians
and Flemish seized and sacked Constantinople, the
greatest commercial city in Europe and the bulwark of
Christianity in the East. When, in defiance of the
Pope's commands, this crime was committed in 1204
and the Count of Flanders became Emperor of Con-
stantinople, the merchants of Flanders had reason to
hope that the Flemish had secured a monopoly of
trade with the East.
The Flemish learned their mistake when within
a year their Count lost his life fighting Bulgarians.
The fortunes of Flanders then depended upon two
young girls, Jean and Marguerite, doubly orphaned
since their mother, Count Baldwin's wife, had died of
fever on board a Flemish fleet which was lying off the
coast of Syria. It was long before the Flemish could
believe that their great speculation had ended in
disaster. More than twenty years after Baldwin's
death an impostor was hanged for leading all Flanders
astray by pretending to be the Emperor miraculously
restored to a people who longed for his return. Philip II.
as suzerain of Flanders at once took possession of the
Flemish heiresses, and the people were unable to be of
assistance to the English whilst Jean and Marguerite
were in Paris under Philip's control.
When Flanders was drained of her fighting men,
John was summoned to Philip's court at Paris over a
feudal dispute, and his continental fiefs were forfeited
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 83
to Philip. Whilst Baldwin was winning an empire in
the East, Philip took possession of Normandy almost
without resistance. The provinces of an empire
cannot continue to be patriotic when their interests
are systematically neglected. England's continental
possessions had caused heavy taxation, while Nor-
mandy had been often devastated by wars waged in
the interests of the merchants of Aquitaine. More
English wool was sold to Flanders than to Normandy,
and the Norman wine trade must have been affected
when Gascony was united to England. The wine
which the Normans sent to England came from central
France. Their trade as middlemen would suffer when
Paris and Rouen were separated by Chateau Gaillard,
which Richard I. built on the banks of the Seine. It
was but natural that the separation of England and
Normandy caused little emotion in either land.
John, however, did not view with unconcern the
loss of revenue and prestige which came from his
continental possessions. The basin of the Loire, as
well as the basin of the Seine, had seceded from John's
empire. The only continental possession which re-
mained to him was the favoured region of the Garonne.
John showed great ability in grappling with his diffi-
culties, although in the end force of circumstances
proved stronger than he. He established precedents
which were afterwards followed by his more fortunate
successors. The wool-growing Cistercians claimed ex-
emption from national taxation on the ground that
they were not English but foreigners settled in England.
John declared that if those who lived in England would
not contribute to the expense of government they
G 2
84 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
should not have the protection of English law. This
quarrel led to a conflict between Church and State ;
during this conflict England was under interdict and
the usual religious services were suspended from
March 1208 until July 1214. The see of Canterbury
fell vacant in 1205. The Pope, asked to decide
between the candidates of the King and of the monks
of Canterbury, gave Canterbury to his own nominee,
Stephen Langton. John refused to allow Langton to
enter England, so that for some years the Church had
no leader.
In the midst of his many difficulties John proved
himself a great ruler of men. While England was
suffering under interdict, a sentence which had humbled
his great rival, Philip of France, in less than a year,
John was able to exercise greater authority over both
Great Britain and Ireland than any of his predecessors.
His private character is described as infamous, but he
was loyally obeyed. His throne was supported by a
foreign mercenary army recruited largely in Flanders.
But the burden of taxation fell lightly on the English,
since John confiscated the property of the Church
and thus obtained ample funds. During the minority
of Countess Jean, the King of England entered into
direct relations with the burghers of the Flemish
towns. Thus London's wool trade did not suffer.
This precedent was also followed by England's kings.
There was a strong Flemish party opposed to union
with France ; but, whilst the Countess of Flanders was
in Philip's keeping, a new crusade drained Flanders
of her fighting men. In the rich and prosperous
county of Toulouse there were many who held views
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 85
now generally accepted by Protestants. Against these
men, who denied the authority of the Pope, Rome
preached a new crusade. Before Flanders had time
to gather strength after the Fourth Crusade, in 1208
her feudal lords joined those of Northern France in an
attack on Toulouse. Urged on by the fiery St. Dominic
and led by Simon de Montfort, who by this act for-
feited his English earldom of Leicester, an army
devastated Toulouse, shouting, as they indiscriminately
slew orthodox and heretics, " Kill all ; the Lord will
know His own." This was the first of the invasions
which determined the fate of Toulouse. Henceforward
the land was open to the French invader. In 1229
it was finally annexed to the possessions of St. Louis,
King of France.
As soon as they had recovered from the madness of
the Crusade against Toulouse, the Flemish threatened
that they would seek a protector in King John if their
Countess was not restored to them. In 1212 she was
married to Ferdinand of Portugal, who bound himself
to act as the faithful servant of Philip II. But the
national feeling of the Flemish forced the Count to
form an alliance with John. War between France
and the allied powers of England and Flanders was
inevitable. The shipping of Normandy had become
French. If to this was added the fleet of Flanders
a successful invasion was more than probable. The
English who had refused to help John to retain his
continental possessions came forward with enthusiasm
when their island was threatened. But the Flemish
alliance was the weak point which John feared.
The English had shown that interdict could not
86 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
conquer them, but its effect on the Flemish was well
known. In January 1213, John, who had already
been excommunicated, was formally deposed, and
Philip was authorised by the Pope to invade England.
It then became certain that Flanders would have to
abandon her English ally or brave the anger of Rome,
unless John made terms with the Pope. In May 1213,
when the French army was about to embark for
England, John yielded. With the consent of his
barons, he acknowledged the Pope as his suzerain, and
England became a vassal kingdom. Langton and the
exiled bishops came to England. Compensation was
promised to the Church, and Philip was forbidden to
attack Rome's vassal. Under these circumstances the
Flemish had to be crushed before it was safe for the
French to cross the Channel.
Philip's army at once invaded Flanders, and his
fleet sailed to Damme, where it blocked the entrance
to Bruges. John acted promptly. In less than three
weeks after his submission to the Pope, an English
fleet destroyed or captured four hundred French ships
in the harbour of Damme. This was the first of
England's victories on the sea. With the destruction
of the French fleet all danger of an invasion of Eng-
land passed away ; but Philip continued his attack
on Flanders. When John tried to aid his allies, his
magnates refused their help. It was not until Feb-
ruary 1214 that John was able to sail for La Rochelle
with few followers but with money to pay foreign
recruits. Meanwhile the Flemish had been placed
under interdict by French bishops, and, in despair,
they joined a great confederation, which included the
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 87
excommunicated Emperor of Germany, Otto IV.
John's attack on Anjou was successful mainly because
Philip refused to be diverted from his campaign against
Flanders and her allies. In July 1214, at Bouvines,
the French King won a decisive victory. Count
Ferdinand was taken prisoner ; Flanders was crushed ;
and John was compelled to make peace with Philip
by abandoning his lost continental dominions.
On his return to England John was confronted by a
combination of bishops, lords, and merchants. They
demanded the Great Charter which John signed at
Runnymede in June 1215. This Charter left the
English serf in bondage, but John was forced to
promise to observe the feudal obligations which were
implied in the Charter of Henry I. Thus, whilst the
Great Charter is mainly feudal, it safeguarded the
rights of all classes of free Englishmen. When the
feudal lords made common cause with ecclesiastics and
merchants, the new English nation was born. A halo
of romance grew round the Great Charter, so that in
time men came to believe that the principles of trial
by jury and of free trade were contained in it. But
this belief is not shared by modern students of history.
Henry II. established juries of accusation — parents
of the modern grand jury — which sent those they
deemed guilty to the ordeal. The accused was then
punished if he failed to hold hot iron unharmed or sink
when thrown into water. It was a form of appeal
to God after man had given his decision. In 1215
the Fourth Lateran Council condemned ordeals, and
forbade priests to countenance them. After this the
petty jury replaced the ordeal ; but the change was
88 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
not connected with the Great Charter. Nor did the
•Great Charter sanction free trade. London merchants
would never have assented to so revolutionary a
change. Chapter XIII. promises " that the citizens of
London shall have all their ancient liberties and free
customs as well by land as by water ; furthermore,
we decree and grant that all other cities, boroughs,
towns, and ports shall have all their liberties and
free customs."
Chapter XLI. decrees that " all. merchants shall have
safe and secure exit from England, and entry to Eng-
land, with the right to tarry there and to move about
as well by land as by water, for buying and selling by
the ancient and right customs, except (in time of war)
such merchants as are of the land at war with us.
And if such are found in our land at the beginning of
the war, they shall be detained, without injury to their
bodies or goods, until information be received by us, or
by our chief justiciar, how the merchants of our land
found in the land at war with us are treated ; and if
our men are safe there, the others shall be safe in our
land." The inland trade was fully protected by the
" ancient and right customs," and it was endangered
when the King arbitrarily interfered, as John had often
done, with the coming and going of foreign merchants.
But even this chapter was found to be injurious to the
interests of the nation ; and, in subsequent confirma-
tions of the Charter, the Crown was allowed to suspend
its operation by proclamation.
In the Charter John promised to send away his
foreign mercenaries. At first he fulfilled his promise.
Then the Pope released him from his oath, and he not
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 89
only recalled those he had sent away but enlisted more
in Flanders. A multitude of Flemish, anxious to
escape from French rule, sailed for England. Many
were wrecked off the east coast, but a sufficient
number landed there and at Dover to spread panic
throughout England. The fleet and the Cinque Ports
remained faithful to John. Before long the barons had
practically lost all the land except London. In their
extremity they offered the kingdom to Louis, the son
and heir of Philip of France. John died in October
1216 during the civil war, six months after the death
of Innocent III., his papal suzerain. England's new
suzerain, Honorius III., reaped from England the
harvest which Innocent sowed.
John's son and heir, Henry III., was nine years old
in 1216. The papal legate at once received the boy's
homage and placed him under papal protection. Philip
could not officially recognise his son's claim to the
English throne, and in 1217 Louis returned to France.
There was peace between England and France until
Philip died in 1223 and his son became Louis VIII.
During Philip's life Count Ferdinand remained in a
French prison. It was not until Henry III. had offi-
cially recognised the impostor who pretended that he
was Baldwin of Constantinople, when it also seemed
probable that the Pope would annul Jean's marriage
and thus allow her to choose another protector, that,
in 1226, Ferdinand was released. Whilst their French
suzerain was exercising an ever-increasing influence
over the rulers of Flanders the Kings of England began
to negotiate directly with the weaving cities of Flanders ;
and this policy was continued when, after Ferdinand's
go THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
release, Henry III. also paid the Count his traditional
English annuity by way of ensuring an Anglo-Flemish
cordial understanding.
The reign of Henry III. marks the transition from
the purely feudal government by foreign kings to the
mixed feudal and commercial government by the first
national Kings of England since the Conquest. A new
era then began in which England gradually learned to
value and ultimately to protect the production of her
workers as well as the trade of her merchants. During
this era many mistakes were made, and there was
a great crisis — the War of the Roses — which ushered
in the protection of industry in much the same way
as the War of the Barons led to the entrance of the
mercantile class into the governing body of England.
But in spite of mistakes and wars it is easy to trace
a steady growth of freedom. Serfdom disappeared,
and, as the people became free, they obtained from
their rulers that protection for their labour without
which their freedom would have been worthless.
VIII
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE ASSERTED
BY A PROTECTIONIST
1218-1265
ORIGINALLY royal revenue was derived from land.
Domesday Book was written by order of the Con-
queror in order to equalise and facilitate the collection
of this revenue. In ordinary times the King was
supposed to live of his own ; that is, from the rents of
the crown estates, supplemented by prises levied in
kind on exports and imports, payments made by the
Jews in return for royal protection, and certain feudal
dues. On extraordinary occasions the King's needs
were supplied by special taxes. When he went on
circuit the localities visited had to supply his wants.
This right of purveyance was often grossly abused.
During war the King's vassals were obliged to come to
his aid, and he could take shipping or goods at a fixed
price. It was also the duty of vassals to contribute
towards the cost of knighting the king's eldest son,
marrying his eldest daughter, and ransoming his person
from the enemy. The Danegeld, or general tax on
land, could be levied if there was need, and the coast
towns could be required to provide ships for England's
defence. After the reign of Henry II. the most usual
92 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
form of special tax was a fraction of the agricultural
and other products which remained for sale after the
wants of the producer were satisfied.
In theory all the land of England belonged to
the King. In practice he only owned certain royal
estates, whilst he had valuable rights over large tracts
of country called forests. Dwellers within the forests
were subject to a special code of laws. The game
belonged to the King ; and owners of land within the
forests were not allowed to cut more timber than they
required for their own use. The King owned the right
of selling wood from the forest. Before coal was used
as fuel the royal forests served a useful purpose in
preserving the timber required for the navy. At first
the King's forest rights were maintained by cruel laws,
but these were abolished before the reign of Henry III.
Fines or imprisonment for a year and a day were the
later penalties inflicted for breaches of the forest law.
Within the forests the poor enjoyed valuable rights of
free fuel and pasture ; but the richer landowners
objected to lav/s which prevented them from selling
timber or killing game. When lands were disafforested
property of great value passed from the King, who
represented the nation, into private hands. The
anarchy of Stephen's reign led to encroachments on
the royal forests. Much land was afforested by
Henry II. and his sons. The long quarrel between
King and magnates began as a dispute over the legality
of these afforestations. It was ended in the nineteenth
century, when the rights of the people in the royal
forests had almost disappeared.
In Henry's reign there were two parties in England,
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 93
Nationalists and anti-Nationalists. The former in-
cluded the majority of the English people, who viewed
with pleasure the loss of Normandy and England's
continental possessions. The latter, though numeric-
ally weak, were constantly strengthened by immigrants
from the Continent. Their aim was the recovery of
the Angevin Empire, and, perhaps, the acquisition of
the through route to the East by way of the Garonne.
From the first the anti-Nationalists had great influence
over Henry III. The Nationalists were not united,
some wished to increase the power of the magnates
at the expense of the Crown ; whilst others sought
to unify the country by strengthening the King's
authority. William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, acted
as Regent for the boy-king. He conciliated the mag-
nates by advising Henry to sign the Great Charter
and the Charter of the Forests, which sanctioned
extensive disafforestations. Pembroke died in 1218.
He was succeeded by Hubert de Burgh, a Nationalist
who worked for the Crown. The Pope's attempt to
govern England as a subject province was foiled by
his efforts and those of Archbishop Langton ; but the
papacy was able to treat England as a well of wealth
from which Rome could draw an unlimited supply.
Under de Burgh order was re-established. In
1222 he incurred the hostility of the Londoners by his
severity in suppressing a local riot which, owing to the
cries raised, appeared like an attempt at again assert-
ing Louis' claim to the throne of England. In 1223
Philip of France died and his son became Louis VIII.
Henry was in this year declared of age, and the sur-
render of royal castles held during the King's minority
94 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
was demanded. There was a short civil war, after
which de Burgh was able to strengthen the royal power.
War with France recommenced in 1224. The English
possessions in Gascony were retained, owing to the
fact that the French directed most of their attention
to the complete subjugation of Toulouse. In 1226,
whilst Toulouse was being crushed, Louis VIII. died.
His twelve-year-old son became Louis IX. with his
mother Blanche of Castile as Regent.
The accession of a child to the throne of France
gave the French feudal lords an opportunity for
checking the growth of their suzerain's authority,
which had been greatly increased by Philip II. and
Louis VIII. Henry tried to turn this disunion to good
account, but the tact of the Regent of France con-
ciliated the French barons for a time, and Henry was
forced to make a truce with France in 1228. The
French barons, however, insisted that Ferdinand of
Flanders should be released so that the Flemish had a
man to lead them. In 1229 the question of Toulouse
was finally settled by its definite union with the king-
dom of France. Next year the barons of France
were again in arms against the Regent ; and Henry
crossed the Channel. But, in spite of his annuity, the
Count of Flanders refused to join the insurgent French
barons. The Regent was able to make terms with the
barons ; and Henry signed a fresh truce with France.
The position of the Count of Flanders was a difficult
one. Over a part of his territory the French King was
over-lord ; part was held as a German fief ; and some
land was his own domain. In the time of William the
Conqueror, a fresh obligation was added : in return for
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 95
an annual money payment, the Counts entered into
complicated feudal relations with the kings of England.
As Dukes of Normandy, the English kings were vassals
of France like the Flemish Counts ; and the Anglo-
Flemish treaties which for many years were enacted
and re-enacted bear witness to the Counts' keen desire
to live on the most friendly terms with England, and
yet avoid giving offence to their suzerain, or com-
promising themselves with Normandy.
The war of 1230 was accompanied by a stoppage
of commercial relations between England and Flanders.
The inconvenience was evidently felt in both countries,
since in 1237 an Anglo-Flemish arrangement was con-
cluded which guaranteed the neutrality of Flanders
in the event of an Anglo-French war. Nevertheless,
although the Countess of Flanders married, after the
death of Ferdinand in 1233, a husband who proved
loyal to England and his annuity, the political con-
nexion between France and Flanders still deprived
Flemish looms of English wool when England and
France were at war. A regular supply of English wool
was so important to the weavers of Ghent that in the
middle of the thirteenth century they made a canal
connecting their city with Damme, a seaport at the
mouth of the Zwyn.
Among those who volunteered for the war of 1230
there was one who was destined to mould the infant
nation of England. A marriage contracted in the
twelfth century between the Anglo-Norman house
of de Beaumont and the Franco-Norman house of
de Montfort gave the earldom of Leicester to that
Simon de Montfort who led the Albigensian crusade.
96 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
In this crusade he was fighting against John's brother-
in-law, the Count of Toulouse, and blocking the
English king's access to the Mediterranean. He
therefore forfeited his earldom ; but his younger son,
also called Simon, made amends when he offered his
sword to Henry in 1230. As a reward Simon de
Montfort received the forfeited earldom of Leicester
and the hand of the king's sister, Eleanor, thus be-
coming one of the most important of England's
magnates.
Henry III., a devoted servant of the Church of
Rome, was unfortunate in the choice of two of his
sisters' husbands. De Montfort was excommunicated
by the Pope, and the same fate was shared by the
Emperor Frederic II., who married Henry's sister
Isabel in 1235. The war between Emperor and Pope
culminated in Frederic's reign. The papacy needed
money for this war and made repeated demands on
its vassal kingdom, England. Papal financiers, called
Caorsines, from Cahors, came to aid in the collection
of this tribute. These Caorsines were soon hated as
heartily as the Jews were. The English clergy were
the chief victims. Not only were they heavily taxed,
but the well-paid livings were given to foreigners.
Papal taxation and that caused by the Anglo-French
wars caused such discontent that in 1232 a vast secret
society was formed in England to drive foreign eccle-
siastics out of the island. Acts of violence were com-
mitted, and no one was arrested. Already de Burgh
had lost Henry's favour owing to his having opposed
the Anglo-French war. After these disturbances de
Burgh was driven from office and persecuted by the
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 97
King. The anti-Nationalist des Roches became Henry's
adviser, but his term of office was cut short by the
outbreak of civil war. In 1234 Henry was forced to
banish des Roches and govern England without an
adviser.
Having obtained the right bank of the Rhone the
French coveted the German fiefs which lined the left
bank. The Count of Provence had no sons, and
Louis IX. married the eldest of the Count's four
daughters. In 1236 Henry III. married Eleanor of
Provence, and the two remaining daughters found
husbands in Charles of Anjou, the brother of Louis IX.,
and Richard of Cornwall, the brother of Henry III.
Provence, the prize in this matrimonial contest, was
ultimately obtained by Charles of Anjou. This was
the beginning of the expansion of France at the expense
of Germany. After Henry's wedding an attempt was
made to reconcile the claims of the King and his
magnates by an Act, called the Provisions of Merton,
which was " framed in the interest of the great land-
owners." The Great Charter and the Forest Charter
were confirmed ; but means were still found by which
the disafforesting clauses were evaded. On the other
hand, in the Provisions of Merton the lord of a manor
was allowed " to enclose waste lands, provided that he
left enough pasture to meet the wants of the free-
holders." This method of satisfying the claims of the
rich by assigning to them the rights of the poor formed
a precedent often followed in later times.
With Henry's Queen there came a swarm of her
kinsfolk from Provence. These were given posts in
England ; one of Queen Eleanor's uncles, Boniface,
H
g8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
obtained the Archbishopric of Canterbury in 1241.
War broke out between Louis IX. and the Count of
La Marche ; and Henry III. invaded France in 1242,
only once more to suffer defeat. A truce was then
signed, and there were no more Anglo-French wars
during Henry's reign. When they had access to the
Mediterranean the French turned their attention to the
East. The emperors who succeeded Count Baldwin
at Constantinople were hard pressed. Baldwin II.
came in person to ask for French aid in 1236. He
received a large subsidy and gave in return a sacred
relic. The Pope had begged Frederic II. to attack the
Mahomedans, but the Emperor, who was also King
of Sicily, found that he could obtain all he wanted
by peaceful negotiation with the infidel. In 1248
Louis IX. sailed from Aigues Mortes, a Mediterranean
seaport specially constructed by him. His invasion
of Egypt ended in disaster. He was taken prisoner,
but was allowed to sail to Acre after paying a ransom
which emptied his military chest.
Henry III. also took the cross, and the Pope
sanctioned a tax to be levied on the English clergy.
But the English King left the fighting to Louis IX. In
1250 the Emperor Frederic died. With him the power
of the empire passed away. The power of France
increased as that of Germany declined. Henry III.
also hoped to reap gain at the expense of Germany.
In 1254 he concluded an offensive and defensive
alliance with Alphonso, King of Castile — Edward,
Henry's eldest son, was married to Eleanor, Alphonso's
daughter. In the same year Henry accepted from the
Pope the kingdom of Sicily for his second son, Edmund,
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 99
In 1256 Richard of Cornwall accepted an invitation to
become the Emperor of Germany. To Henry it may
have seemed that England would take that place in
Europe which Germany had held. The English were
indifferent to this dazzling future. They only saw
with alarm that vast sums of English money were
being sent to Rome and Germany. In 1258 the royal
treasury was empty. The magnates were summoned to
a Great Council at Westminster, and the crisis in the
contest between the Nationalists and anti-Nationalists
began.
At first the Nationalists were united in their action,
but they were composed of two sections whose aims
were antagonistic. A great movement had been started
in the Catholic Church by the friars who followed the
teaching of St. Dominic and St. Francis. Both taught
that Christians should love righteousness more than
worldly wealth, and both tried to reform the Church
from within. Whatever may be said of the failings
of the mendicant friars when they were overcome
by the gold they had denounced, or whatever fault
may be found with the acts of cruelty by which the
Dominicans proved their fanatical loyalty to Rome,
all must admire the Christlike self-surrender of the
first Dominicans and Franciscans when they came
penniless to England to minister to outcasts for whom
nobody cared. At once this saintliness conquered
England, and in all probability postponed the severance
of the English Church from Rome for centuries. The
Franciscan friars had taught the English that poor and
rich were brethren in Christ, the friars practised the
religion they preached, and the English gladly accepted
H 2
ioo THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
their Gospel ; from them the English learned their
first lessons in real freedom. Grossteste, one of the
holiest of England's bishops, afterwards Bishop of
Lincoln, welcomed the Franciscans to Oxford in 1224 ;
he retained a close connexion with the Franciscans
throughout his life. Grossteste and Adam Marsh, a
Franciscan friar, were intimate friends of de Montfort
and his wife. Some of the letters which passed between
these friends have been preserved, and these breathe a
spirit of devotion to Christ and His teaching. Under
such teachers de Montfort became the leader of that
section of the Nationalist party which aimed at securing
freedom for all Englishmen ; while Richard, Earl of
Gloucester, led those magnates whose ideal of freedom
meant the rule of the barons. The cleavage between
the sections did not occur until the united Nationalist
party had vanquished their opponents.
Behind the barons at the Great Council of West-
minster there was a united people. The Church and
London supported them, and the King had no option
but to agree to a project of reform whose execution
should be entrusted to twenty-four councillors to be
chosen by himself and his magnates. The Great
Council then adjourned to Oxford. There a Petition
of Grievances was presented to the King. The barons
complained of violation of the Charters, of defects in
English law, of corrupt administration of justice, of
the power which Henry had entrusted to foreigners,
and of the foreign merchants and money-lenders who
were allowed to reside and trade in London without
contributing to national taxation. A council of fifteen
members was then appointed, and the King swore that
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 101
he would act as they advised. The royal proclamation
accepting the Provisions of Oxford was published in
English, as well as in French and Latin. In the
struggle for freedom the Londoners took a prominent
part. Freeman has written that, in 1247, " when the
nobles, clergy, and people of England put forth their
famous letter denouncing the wrongs which England
suffered at the hands of the Roman bishop, it was with
the seal of the city of London, as the centre of national
life, that the national protest was made." But London,
like the barons, was destined, as the struggle deve-
loped, to be weakened by strife between the demo-
cratic and the anti-democratic Nationalists.
After the triumph of the Nationalists at Oxford
the foreign policy of England was reversed. The
crown of Sicily was declined and the Anglo-French
truce was converted into a formal peace. The prin-
ciples of the Provisions of Oxford were elaborated in
detail by the Provisions of Westminster passed by
the barons in 1259. The rights which the great land-
lords demanded from their chief landlord, the King,
were given to their tenants. A genuine attempt was
made at establishing a constitutional monarchy. If
on the one hand the King was asked to govern by the
advice of his barons, on the other hand the power of
the King, acting under advice, was increased by the
baronial surrender of feudal privileges. Although de
Montfort's scheme of a constitutional monarchy failed,
the King when triumphant in 1267 re-enacted the
Provisions of Westminster in the Statute of Marl-
borough. The failure of de Montfort's scheme was
due, not to his legal reforms, but to a vast economic
102 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
change which he tried to carry out while he was
engaged in political reform.
Economic and political independence are closely
allied. It is not wise to depend solely on the sale of
raw material to the foreigner, since in times of shortage
the people have no manufactures to sell for food, and
the land may be afflicted with famine. It is equally
unwise to trust to an industry which depends on
foreign raw material, since ruin must come if the
foreign nation acquires the industry and thus uses
her raw material at home. These truths are clearly
expressed in the histories of England and Flanders.
In all countries peasants wove the rough cloth
which served their needs, but the finer cloths of
European manufacture were, at first, made almost
exclusively in Flanders. Weaving was introduced
into that country as a definite industry long before
the coming of William I. to England. At a later date
the Flemish had serious competitors in Southern
Germany and Florence ; but for a long while England
was the country where the wool was grown, Flanders
the land where it was made into fine cloth, and German
merchants the middlemen who bought and sold the
wool and cloth. It was part of the policy of the
Norman and Angevin kings to encourage these foreign
middlemen, and for many centuries English commerce
was restricted to buying in the home market and
selling to the German for export abroad. Lead, tin,
hides, and wool were England's principal exports,
particularly wool, which was chiefly sold in Flanders.
In 1258 the barons at Oxford " decreed that the
wool of the country should be worked up in England,
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 103
and should not be sold to foreigners, and that every
one should use woollen cloth made within the country
and not seek over-precious, raiment." This attempt
at protecting the work of the poor English weaver
instead of the trade of the rich English merchant was
in keeping with the idealism of the Franciscan friars.
It was, at the time, Utopian and visionary. Though
woad was imported in considerable quantity, English
cloth was for the most part undyed and rough. The
weaving industry in England was too small to absorb
the immense supply of English wool. Had the decree
been carried out, the merchants and wool-growers
of England would have been faced with ruin. The
mayor and aldermen of London accepted the Provi-
sions of Oxford " saving the liberties and customs of
the City " ; but there were many who objected to this
saving clause. The Craft Gilds united, and in 1261 they
elected a democratic mayor, FitzThomas. Thus the
suggestion of protection for English industry led at
once to disunion in London. De Montfort appears to
have yielded to the wishes of the merchants ; since in
1259, when Henry was acting under baronial control,
he signed agreements which encouraged Anglo-Flemish
trade.
The barons were also disunited by de Montfort's
democratic sympathies. Richard of Gloucester aban-
doned the baronial cause, and in 1261 Henry felt
strong enough to produce papal bulls absolving him
from his oath to observe the Provisions of Oxford.
But whilst merchants and lords deserted the cause of
democracy, the Church of England remained loyal to
the cause of progress in defiance of the papal bulls.
104 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
The repudiation of the Provisions for a time reunited
de Montfort and Gloucester. The Royalists suggested
that the dispute between King and barons should be
submitted to the arbitration of Louis IX. This was
accepted by many of the barons, but de Montfort
refused to assent and retired to France.
The death of Richard of Gloucester in 1262
weakened the Royalists. The new Earl Gilbert joined
de Montfort, who returned from France in 1263. A
baronial army swept through England and eventually
received a warm welcome in London. Foreigners in
England, particularly foreign clergy, were attacked
and expelled from the island. Archbishop Boniface
sought safety in flight. But once more the triumph
of the Nationalists was followed by their disunion.
The Sicilian danger passed away in the summer of
1263, when the Pope revoked his grant to Prince
Edmund in order that he might give the throne to
Charles of Anjou. Before the end of the year Henry
and de Montfort agreed to accept the arbitration of
Louis IX. Six months later Louis decided in Henry's
favour on all the disputed points. This award was
immediately followed by civil war. At Lewes in
May 1264 the Royalists were defeated, and Henry
became de Montfort's prisoner.
Though by birth and marriage de Montfort might
have aspired to usurp the Crown, no such disloyal
attempt was made. Henry continued to reign, but
he had to accept again the Provisions. The Queen
escaped to France and raised an army for the invasion
of England. A papal legate waited at Boulogne for a
chance to enter England and pronounce the excom-
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 105
munication of >he Nationalists. Entering into the
growing commercial spirit of the age, the Pope forbade
all commerce with England. De Montfort faced the
situation with courage. He raised an army to guard
the coast. He organised a fleet to sweep the narrow
seas. He levied a tax of ten per cent, on the goods
of laity and clergy. To those who prophesied
England's ruin de Montfort said " that the inhabitants
of England could live comfortably of their own with-
out foreign trade " ; and patriots wore rough English
undyed cloth to show their love for England.
These details are recorded by Thomas Wykes, one
of the two contemporary historians who opposed de
Montfort's policy. To prove that de Montfort oppressed
the people, Wykes says that prices rose, but he only
quotes the rise in price of wax, wine, and pepper.
These were the luxuries of the rich. When de Montfort
and his Franciscan teachers thought of the people of
England, their minds instinctively turned to the poor
workers, not to the rich merchants and landlords.
That the poor could live of their own is proved by the
almost idolatrous veneration of de Montfort's memory,
which came spontaneously from the English poor
when the great earl was killed at Evesham during
the so-called period of distress.
The stoppage of trade alienated the merchants and
many of the lords ; but the Church and the people
remained true to England. In January 1265 the first
real English Parliament met at Westminster. In this
Parliament, practically summoned by an excom-
municated earl, there were one hundred and twenty
of the higher clergy and only thirty-two barons ; but
io6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
with the Churchmen there sat two members from each
shire and town. Of the thirty- two barons nine were
Royalists and these were soon increased by seceders
from the ranks of the Nationalists. Gilbert of Glou-
cester abandoned de Montfort, and London gave but
a hesitating support in spite of the efforts of Fitz-
Thomas and his friends. Civil war ensued. In
August 1265 de Montfort and his followers were
welcomed by the monks of Evesham. Next day he
was surrounded by Prince Edward's army and realised
that all was lost. " By the arm of St. James ! they
attack wisely ; not of themselves but from me have
they learned that method ; let us commend our souls
to God since our bodies are theirs," said the Earl of
Leicester when he died for England.
The monks of Evesham buried in their abbey what
remained of de Montfort's body after the victors had
mutilated a corpse they no longer feared. To the
tomb of the excommunicated earl, as to Becket's shrine,
the English flocked to be healed of their ills. In spite
of Pope and King the English called de Montfort St.
Simon the Martyr. At Evesham the vanquished won
the victory ; since Edward learned more than the art
of war from the uncle he defeated. From de Montfort
King Edward I. learned to trust his people and rule
wisely ; and England learned from her great earl to
value economic independence and political freedom
so dearly that in time she was really able to live of
her own. But two centuries had to elapse before the
lesson was fully learned.
IX
THE MAGNATES LOSE THEIR DEMOCRATIC SYMPATHIES
1270-1325
THE death of de Montfort wrecked the democratic
cause. The property of the insurgent barons was
confiscated. London lost her civic rights ; and her
democratic mayor, FitzThomas, died in prison. The
disinherited continued a hopeless fight against Prince
Edward, who undertook the task of reducing England
to obedience. After a time more moderate counsels
prevailed. The barons were allowed to redeem their
estates by the payment of heavy fines. Henry left the
government in the hands of his son, who proved that
he had learned much from de Montfort. In 1270 the
work of pacification was so complete that Edward
thought it safe to accept the cross from his father and
leave England on crusade. Before he left, London
was given her old freedom.
England's interest in the crusade was but slight.
Charles of Anjou was King of Sicily ; to extend French
influence in the Mediterranean his brother, Louis IX.,
sailed for Tunis on his last crusade. Before he joined
Louis, Prince Edward learned that the crusade had
failed, that Louis was dead, and that his son, Philip III.,
had made peace with the infidel. Edward then sailed
io8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
to Acre, where Christians were fighting to keep their
only remaining colony in Syria. Recalled to England
in 1272 by alarming accounts of his father's health,
Edward, on his return journey, visited Charles of
Anjou in Sicily, where he could see for himself that
Germany had ceased to be the leading European State.
A French king ruled the island which had flourished
under Frederic's care ; and Frenchmen had taken
from Germans the task of alternately protecting and
attacking the papacy. Pope Gregory X., Edward's
host at Orvieto, could tell his guest that Rome was
sanctioning the termination of the imperial inter-
regnum in Germany, hoping that the reconciliation of
Pope and Emperor would stimulate the waning interest
of Europe in the East and lead to a new crusade. But
the contrast between the feeble remnant of Christians
at Acre and the prosperous burghers of the North
Italian cities, who gave the young king a royal recep-
tion, must have shown him that the growth of Euro-
pean industry had quenched all zeal for the crusades.
That Edward loved the old feudal world which was
so rapidly changing is shown by his halting, on the
way to Paris, to accept a challenge from the Count of
Chalons. The King won great renown by unhorsing
his opponent ; and then, after paying feudal homage
to his suzerain at Paris, he spent some time in settling
his complicated feudal relations with his turbulent
vassals of Aquitaine. But, even before the King
returned to England, he had to give his serious atten-
tion to prosaic mercantile disputes which had been
affecting Anglo-Flemish trade. In April 1274 Edward
made the exportation of English wool a capital offence.
MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 109
Stint of wool stopped the Flemish looms. On his
return from Aquitaine he had a consultation with the
Mayor of London in Paris ; and then met Count Guy
of Flanders, with whom he made a satisfactory com-
mercial treaty. In August 1274 Edward had a warm
welcome when he entered London.
Whether Edward did or did not fully realise that
the production of the East was being eclipsed by that
of the great manufacturing centres of Europe, there is
no doubt that the call of the East sounded more faintly
to him after his visit to Acre. The thirty-five years of
Edward's reign were devoted to the establishment of
an English parliament, in which the Commons were
represented, to the definition of the respective rights
of the King and the people, to securing access to the
Flemish wool market, and to the unification of Great
Britain. The last object was the one which was nearest
Edward's heart ; it was also the only one which he
failed to achieve.
In 1275 the Parliament of Westminster passed a
comprehensive statute codifying English law. At the
request of the merchants the King's ancient right of
prise was altered into a definite export duty on wool
and leather, England's chief exports. A definite money
payment was granted on each sack of wool and last of
leather. The export duties were called the Ancient
or Great Customs. When prices rose this fixed money
payment injuriously affected the royal revenue and
led to trouble ; but it was an attempt at removing a
cause of friction between the King and his subjects.
These export duties, which enhanced the price of
English wool in Flanders, gave a permanent, though
no THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
slight, protection to English weavers, Flemish cloth,
when sold in the English market, was also burdened
with the cost of carrying the wool to Flanders and the
cloth to England. In 1278 a statute, Quo Warranto,
was passed to compel barons to declare the grounds on
which they claimed their feudal rights. The results
of the inquiry were recorded so that no new rights
could be acquired by custom.
In 1279 another statute, Mortmain, was passed to
prevent English land from passing into the hands of
the clergy without the King's consent. The change
effected by the growth of manufacture in Europe is
illustrated by this statute. Edward's father began
his reign as a vassal of the Pope, although the papacy
was engaged in its struggle with the imperial power ;
but Edward could pass laws, which at one time would
have called forth excommunication and interdict,
although Rome had vanquished her imperial rival.
The papacy was, however, as seriously weakened as its
former foe. The Church still retained her hold over
agriculture ; but, when fine cloth was worth eight times
the wool from which it was woven, merchants became
richer and more powerful than abbots. When kings,
merchants, and artisans worked in concert, they could
curb priests and barons. This was, however, not fullv
realised in England for two centuries after Edward's
reign. If England was born at Runnymede, she was
an infant until de Montfort and Edward taught her to
speak. For two hundred years she learned, as a child
learns, by painful experience. Then, under the Tudors,
she began her royal career.
The Chronicler who wrote that Wales was in the
MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC HI
power of William the Conqueror probably meant
little more than that Wales could not have offered
serious resistance to his attack. The union of Eng-
land and Wales was furthered by the settlement of
Flemings at Pembroke under Henry I. The general
disintegration of Stephen's reign weakened the con-
nexion, which was re-established by Henry II. and
John. The revolutions which produced the Great
Charter and the Provisions of Oxford left Wales in
a semi-independent position. By force of arms
Edward I. united Wales to England, and cemented
the union by giving his son the title of Prince of Wales.
The Scotch of the Lowlands were, like the English,
a blend of Saxons, Danes, and Normans. Whatever
meaning should be attached to the Chronicler's state-
ment that William the Conqueror " also subjected
Scotland to him by his great strength," it is certain
that in 1175 the King of Scotland admitted the over-
lordship of Henry II. Richard I. sold his suzerain
rights ; but there remained an indefinite acknowledg-
ment of the superiority of the English king. During
the reign of Henry III. the royal families of England
and Scotland became closely united. Alexander II.
married Henry's sister, and Alexander III. married
Henry's daughter. In 1286 Alexander III. died,
leaving no direct heirs except the child Margaret, the
Maid of Norway. Her premature death wrecked the
hopes of a peaceful union which had been founded
on her betrothal to Edward's heir. After Margaret's
death in 1290, two Scotch barons of Norman descent,
John Balliol and Robert Bruce, submitted their claims
to the throne of Scotland to Edward's arbitration.
ii2 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
In 1292 Balliol became King John of Scotland, and
at the same time he accepted Edward's over-lordship.
The Scotch, like the English, were growers of wool ;
they sold their wool in Flanders as the English did.
When in the reign of Edward I., and again in the reign
of Edward III., the union of Great Britain was ap-
parently accomplished, the Scotch wool-growers found
that union with England was immediately followed by
the closure of the Flemish market. To Scotch sheep-
farmers union with England came to mean financial
ruin, while alliance with France ensured an open
door in Flanders for their wool. This condition was
not altered until the Flemish weaving industry was
ruined by the development of English weaving. Then
union with England became a popular policy in Scot-
land, and the union of Great Britain was peacefully
accomplished. It is commonly asserted that the
Scotch rebelled against Edward I. because King John
of Scotland was summoned to answer charges brought
by merchants in Edward's court ; but this was an
ordinary incident of the feudal relation. Edward was
summoned to answer charges brought by French
sailors to Philip's court in Paris, and admitted the
validity of the summons by sending his brother to
appear as his deputy. Such a grievance would not
have destroyed the friendly relations between Scotland
and England ; whereas exclusion from the Flemish
market affected every home in Scotland.
In 1293 rivalry between the seamen of Normandy
and of the Cinque Ports led to a sea fight in which the
Norman fleet was destroyed. Edward tried to avert
war by sending his brother Edmund to Paris to
MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 113
answer the charges brought against him in Philip's
court and by acquiescing in the sequestration of six
Gascon strongholds for a short period as atonement
for the destruction of the Norman fleet. These
castles were, however, retained by the French King
and war became inevitable. There were Flemish ships
in the French fleet, but Edward and Count Guy took
immediate steps to secure the continuance of friendly
commercial relations. In particular the Count of
Flanders promised that trade between Scotland and
Flanders should not be interrupted. A project of
marrying Edward's heir to a daughter of Count Guy,
which had previously been mooted and abandoned,
was revived. In June 1294 the marriage treaty was
signed. Then the French King intervened.
Edward knew that delay was dangerous. The
magnates, including King John of Scotland, met in
June 1294. War was unanimously agreed on, and
money almost enthusiastically promised. The feudal
levies were summoned to meet at Portsmouth in
September. The national emergency forced the King
to resort to unconstitutional methods of taxation.
" Even before the June parliament he had seized all the
wool of the merchants, releasing it only on the payment
of from three to five marks on the sack ; an impost
which by some undescribed process received the legal
consent of the owners of wool, and was prolonged to
the end of the war. On July 4 he had seized and
enrolled all the coined money and treasure in the
sacristies of the monasteries and cathedrals. The
assembled clergy were no doubt prepared for a heavy
demand, when the King appeared in person, and after
I
Ii4 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
apologising for his recent violence on the plea of
necessity, asked for an aid." After some resistance the
clergy submitted. The possessions of alien priories
were also seized and small incomes were allotted to the
clergy. This step checked the sending of money to the
French Chapters, to whom the monasteries owed
allegiance. Before the opposition of the clergy was
overcome, Edward threatened to deprive them of the
protection of the law.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert of Winchel-
sey, was a Franciscan, and the earnestness with which
he defended the possessions of the Church marks a
change in the attitude of the friars towards worldly
wealth. The Sicilian vespers occurred in 1282. Then
the French in Sicily were exterminated by the natives.
For a time the papacy was freed from French control,
and Pope Boniface VIII. used this freedom to assert
again an extreme view of papal rights. In spite of the
Act of Mortmain large sums were sent to Rome from
England and also from France. Boniface determined
that the Anglo-French war should not affect this
tribute ; and Winchelsey supported his Pope. The
spirit of de Montfort seemed to live only in King
Edward. The Church tried to evade taxation. The
barons used the King's difficulties as a means by which
they could force the surrender of the royal forest
rights. The merchants shared the general desire to
evade taxation. Even the King's patriotism was
tainted by his wish to retain Gascony.
Disunion in England delayed the attack on
Gascony. The Welsh seized what seemed a favour-
able opportunity for rebellion ; and Edward was
MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 115
obliged to lead an army into Wales. It was not until
the summer of 1295 that the Welsh insurrection was
suppressed. Meanwhile Philip of France was able
not only to defeat the weak force which was sent to
Gascony, but to create trouble for Edward in Flanders
and Scotland. Count Guy was summoned to Paris,
and on his arrival was arrested and detained in prison
for some months. He was not released until he gave
his daughter, who was betrothed to Edward's son, as a
hostage to Philip. Commerce between Flanders and
Edward's dominions was forbidden. The closing of
the Flemish market led to a revolution in Scotland,
King John of Scotland was placed under the control
of twelve Scotch magnates ; an alliance with France
followed ; and then, in June 1295, Philip commanded
the Flemish to re-open their market to the Scotch.
Although the invasion of Gascony proved a failure,
the English navy, which Edward organised, was able
to check Philip's attempt to gain control of the
Channel. Nevertheless in 1295 the revolt of Scotland
added greatly to Edward's troubles.
Imitating his uncle de Montfort, Edward, in
November 1295, summoned a representative parlia-
ment, called the Model Parliament, in order " that what
touches all should be approved by all," and that
" common dangers should be met by remedies agreed
upon in common." Of the common danger the King
wrote that Philip " has beset my realm with a great
fleet and a great multitude of warriors, and purposes,
if his power equal his unrighteous design, to blot out
the English tongue from the face of the earth." The
laity responded to the appeal ; but the clergy declined
12
n6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
to vote an adequate grant. Once more, an insufficient
force was sent to Gascony. In Scotland Edward had
more success. He was again master of Scotland by
force of arms in the summer of 1296.
The tension between Church and King reached its
climax at the parliament of Bury in November 1296.
The clergy declined to submit to the taxation agreed to
by the laity. They pleaded a bull of Boniface VIII.,
in which, under pain of excommunication, lay rulers
were forbidden to tax their clergy and, under the same
penalty, the clergy were forbidden to pay such taxes.
Edward replied by depriving the clergy of all redress
or protection in English law courts. This drastic
measure caused many of the clergy to give way ; but
the quarrel was still smouldering when Edward sailed
for Flanders in 1297. In November 1296 Edward
made an alliance against France with the Emperor of
Germany, the Duke of Austria, the Counts of Holland,
Brabant, and Flanders, and other Teutonic princes.
The object of the alliance was the deliverance of
Flanders from French control.
Philip tried to bribe the Flemish to desert Edward
by offering commercial advantages. When this attempt
failed a French army moved towards Flanders, and
Flemish envoys were sent to beg Edward to come to
their Count's assistance. In May 1297 William
Wallace became the leader of a Scotch revolt, but
neither this nor the disaffection of his barons pre-
vented Edward from sailing to Flanders in August.
The magnates flatly refused to go to Gascony and
showed no great zeal for the expedition to Flanders.
Edward was therefore unable to raise the South of
MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 117
France against Philip, whilst he tried to drive the
French from Flanders. The magnates were apparently
conciliated by Edward's promise to redress their
grievances on his return ; but instead of sending
Edward the supply they had promised, they took
advantage of his absence by obtaining a confirmation
of the Great Charter and the Forest Charter from the
boy, Prince Edward, who had been appointed Regent.
Want of money, disunion in Flanders, and the
defection of his allies wrecked Edward's scheme. He
was reduced to pawning the Crown jewels before he
signed a truce with Philip in October 1297, and re-
turned to England in March 1298. One reason for the
abandonment of the Flemish campaign was a victory
won by Wallace at Stirling Bridge in September 1297.
On his return Edward at once made preparations for
the conquest of Scotland. In July 1298 the defeat
of the Scotch at Falkirk might have led to the union of
Scotland and England ; but the disaffection of the
English lords prevented Edward from making use of
his victory. The magnates were dissatisfied because
the confirmation of the Forest Charter had not led to
the surrender of royal rights. The King was unwilling
to abandon his rights unless an arrangement was
made by which the royal revenue was not diminished.
The dispute ended in the surrender of the royal rights
in 1301 in return for a small grant of money. The
Statute of Merton, which sanctioned enclosures, the
partially successful opposition of the magnates to the
Statute of Quo Warranto, which was intended to
compel them to disclose their titles to the lands they
claimed, and their victory over the King in 1301, were
n8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the first of a long series of measures by which crown
lands passed into private hands.
The King obtained the funds he needed for the
conquest of Scotland in 1302 by an arrangement made
with foreign merchants in a treaty called Carta Mer-
catoria. Aliens were allowed to trade freely in
England with their fellow aliens or with Englishmen.
They were exempted from the payment of local
dues. They were allowed to sell certain articles retail.
In case of dispute they were granted the privilege of
being tried by a jury of which half the members should
be foreigners. The ancient exactions of the Crown
were abolished. In return for these privileges the
alien merchants agreed to a scale of export duties fifty
per cent, greater than those imposed on wool and
leather in the Ancient Customs and to certain mode-
rate duties on other articles imported and exported.
There is no record of the amount paid by the foreigners
for these privileges ; but these New Customs were
farmed to the Frescobaldi, Italian financiers, who had
obtained a monopoly of English finance after the
expulsion of the Jews in 1290.
After the signature of this, the Merchants' Charter,
the war with Scotland was vigorously resumed. The
magnates were not asked to contribute towards the
expenses of the war ; but in 1304 the King levied a
heavy tallage on the royal domains. This was objected
to in the parliament of 1305, but the opposition of the
magnates ceased when the King gave them leave to
tallage their tenants in like manner. In 1305 the
alien priories, for whom no one greatly cared, were for-
bidden to send money to their foreign parent houses.
MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 119
This money was paid into the royal exchequer. In
the autumn of 1305 Scotland was again subdued
and Wallace was hanged at Tyburn. Meanwhile the
quarrel between Philip of France and the papacy had
been strengthening Edward's position. In 1302 the
Sicilian vespers were repeated in the matins of Bruges.
Philip invaded Flanders to avenge the massacre of
Frenchmen, and suffered a crushing defeat at Courtrai.
Although this defeat was partially redeemed at Mons
en Puelle in the following year, Philip was obliged to
acquiesce in the practical autonomy of Flanders whilst
he waged war with the Pope. To free his hands for
his great struggle Philip restored Gascony to Edward
in 1303, and the Anglo-French peace became an
entente cordiale. In 1305 a Gascon became Pope
Clement V. For seventy years Popes ruled Chris-
tendom from Avignon, where they became the servants
of the King of France. At first the entente cordiale
gave Edward almost as much influence over Pope
Clement as King Philip possessed.
The relations between England and Scotland had
become so embittered that the union could only be
maintained by force of arms. In 1306, and again in
1307, the Scotch were in arms under Robert Bruce,
who was crowned King of Scotland. In the latter
year Edward I. died whilst fighting the Scotch. One of
his last instructions was to urge his son, soon to be
Edward II., to continue the war until Scotland was
subdued. In 1306 Edward had obtained a papal
bull absolving him from his oath confirming the Forest
Charter. About the same time Edward obtained from
the Pope letters suspending Archbishop Winchelsey
120 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
and summoning him to the papal Court. In 1305
Edward had received petitions from the poorer folk
complaining that they had lost their ancient rights
when the forests passed into private hands. He then
issued an ordinance reforming the administration of the
forests and decreeing that " if any of them that be
disafforested by the purlieu would rather be within the
forest as they were before, than to be out of the forest,
as they be now, it pleaseth the King very well that they
shall be received thereunto, so that they may remain in
their ancient estate, and shall have common and other
easement, as well as they had before." This ordinance
might have been framed by de Montfort.
Edward would probably have regained his forest
rights after the Pope had absolved him from his oath
but for his death in 1307. Weakened by the loss of
their leader, Archbishop Winchelsey, the magnates
were unable for the moment to resist the King.
Edward II., however, inherited an unfinished war with
Scotland, a quarrel with English merchants over the
Carta Mercatoria, and one with his barons over the
revocation of the Forest Charter. There was peace
with France until 1323, when a dispute arose over the
question of homage for Aquitaine. But in the fighting
the English were little involved, and the dispute was
settled in 1325 when Edward's eldest son did homage.
Nevertheless, the twenty years of Edward's reign
were filled with strife. The King failed to recover his
forests and the merchants continued to protect their
trade, but the victory of the magnates and merchants
was won at a great cost. The loss of Scotland and the
murder of the King formed part of the price England
paid.
X
CARTA MERCATORIA AND ITS INFLUENCE
I307-I340
ONE body of foreign merchants in London, the Germans,
had little need of the treaty called Carta Mercatoria.
They had enjoyed special privileges from the time
of Ethelred. These privileges were confirmed by
Henry II. and his successors. Their concession in
London was the Steelyard. In 1254, when the imperial
power decayed after the death of Frederic II., an
ancient confederation of Rhine towns, under the head-
ship of Cologne, renewed their union. This con-
federation ultimately joined a northern federation and
became the Hanseatic League, an almost independent
State within the Empire of Germany. Liibeck became
the centre of the League, and it included the river
and coast towns, both German and Dutch, from the
Vistula to the Rhine. The Hanse merchants, or
Easterlings, as the English called them, missed no
opportunity of increasing their privileges, but they,
were wise enough to remain on friendly terms with the
citizens of London. They were responsible for the repair
of Bishopsgate and for the payment of one-third of
the expense of maintaining its guard. The Easterlings
carried to England from the Baltic corn in time of
122 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
dearth, and naval stores, such as masts, tar, and hemp.
England came to rely upon the Germans for her navy.
As late as Elizabeth's reign the Jesus of Lnbeck was
one of England's fighting ships.
Edward II. commenced his reign by reversing his
father's policy and disobeying his father's last instruc-
tions. The Scotch war was abandoned before the
country was completely subdued. Gaveston, a Gascon,
who had been banished by Edward I., was recalled,
loaded with gifts, and made the King's chief adviser.
In one particular Edward II. obeyed his father. He
married the French King's daughter Isabella in 1308
at Boulogne. On his return the magnates insisted
on the exile of Gaveston. The King's favourite was
then sent to Ireland as Regent. Archbishop Win-
chelsey returned to England, once again to lead the
magnates in their contest with the King. Parliament
in 1309 gave the King a small grant of money and a
long list of grievances, which included Carta Merca-
toria.
Carta Mercatoria was disliked not because customs
were levied on foreigners, but because in return for
these payments to the King foreigners were excused
from the payment of local dues, murage, pontage,
and pavage, and the cities lost the power of preventing
them from competing in the internal trade of England
by harassing regulations. After the new customs were
suspended at the commencement of Edward's reign
the King sanctioned a decree which, among other
restrictions, forbade foreign merchants to engage in
retail trade or to remain more than forty days at a
time in England. One of the first acts of Edward III.
CARTA MERCATORIA 123
after tne abdication of his father was to grant a charter
to London which confirmed these privileges. For
centuries this drastic method of protection kept the
internal trade of England in English hands, thus
continuing the work once done by the merchant gilds.
External trade was beyond the slender means of the
English. They cheerfully recognised the rights of the
powerful Hanseatic merchants, and in English com-
mercial legislation the privileges of the Easterlings,
which had been granted long before Magna Carta,
were always safeguarded. In return the Easterlings
did not interfere in the retail trade, nor did they leave
the seaports in order to deal directly with the monkish
wool growers or the inland wool merchants.
In defiance of the wish of the barons, Gaveston
returned to England in July 1309. But when
Gaveston's return was followed by the King's promise
to redress grievances many of the barons sullenly
acquiesced. About this time an attempt was made
to increase the King's revenue by letting the waste
lands in the royal forests. This promising scheme was
dropped when the quarrel between King and magnates
developed and the storm broke. The King had
farmed the Customs to Italians in order to raise money.
With the gates of the island in foreign control, the
danger which threatened England can only be com-
pared with that which menaced the country when John
acknowledged the suzerainty of the Pope.
In March 1310 there was held a great council of
bishops and barons. In spite of the King's order the
barons presented themselves in full military array.
Edward II. was forced to submit to be controlled by
124 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
twenty-one magnates, who were called Ordainers.
Forty-one rules by which England was to be governed
were drawn up by the Ordainers and submitted to a
Parliament. The ordinances decreed that the King
should live of his own but should not increase his
forests, that the Frescobaldi and other alien mer-
chants to whom the customs had been farmed should
be imprisoned until they had accounted for the money
they had received, that the Carta Mercatoria should be
rescinded and aliens subjected to the ancient oppressive
dues and regulations from which they had been freed,
also that Gaveston and other friends of the King
should be banished from England. In 1311, and again
in 1317, Edward II. confirmed the ancient charters
to the merchants of the Steelyard, so that, while ^the
Flemish Hanse in England decayed, the Easterlings
were able to acquire a practical monopoly of the
Anglo-Flemish trade.
There is a marked contrast between the policy of
the Ordainers and that for which de Montfort died.
Whilst the Kings of France were abolishing serfdom,
the magnates of England were annexing forest and
waste lands and sowing the seeds of civil war by doing
nothing for the agricultural serf or the artisan in the
towns. The King's party might have done something
for the poor, since, when they had power, only a few
months before they were overthrown and the King
murdered, a proclamation was issued prohibiting the
exportation of fuller's earth, teasles, and other sub-
stances used in clothmaking, in order to protect
English weavers. The Edwards who have worn the
crown of England since the Conquest have often
CARTA MERCATORIA 125
suffered at the hands of the magnates arid middlemen,
but of none can it be truly said that they forgot the
interests of the poor workers "of England.
Gaveston fled to Flanders, but soon returned.
With his King he tried to rally the North to the royal
cause. This attempt failed; and Gaveston, on the
strength of an oath that he should suffer no bodily
harm, surrendered to the barons in 1312. Among
the many dignities which Edward had bestowed on
Gaveston was that of Warden of the forests south of
the Trent. No oath could protect so dangerous an
enemy of the feudal lords. Soon after his surrender
Gaveston was murdered by the barons in sight of
their leader Thomas, Earl of Lancaster. This act
of treachery divided the baronial party, and after
protracted negotiations, during which Archbishop
Winchelsey died, peace was made between the King
and the barons. Gaveston's murderers were pardoned,
and the King tried to obtain the support of his barons
in settling the question of Scotland, which had again
become acute.
The rich order of the Templars was abandoned by
the Pope, who, at Avignon, was in the power of the
French King. The dissolution of the order enabled
the French and English kings to fill their treasuries
with the wealth which the Templars had acquired.
The magnates obtained a share of the plunder, but
Edward II. obtained enough to enable him to lead an
army against the Scotch in 1314. Baronial disloyalty
had allowed Robert Bruce to free Scotland from
English rule ; it also led to the victory of the Scotch
at Bannockburn. Edward II. returned to London
126 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
discredited by his defeat. After 1314 all power passed
into the hands of the barons and their leader, Thomas
of Lancaster. The King of Scotland continued to
harry the North of England, apparently in collusion
with Lancaster, whose estates were spared whilst
others were ravaged. Ireland was invaded by the
Scotch, and Edward Bruce, the brother of the King of
Scotland, assumed the title of King of Ireland. This
attempt failed with the death of Edward Bruce in
1318 ; but it weakened English authority in Ireland.
In England the rule of Thomas of Lancaster was
accompanied by incessant civil wars, caused by the
risings of the poorer folk to re-establish the royal
power. The alliance of the prelates and magnates
had an injurious effect upon the hierarchy. In the
struggle for money and land the spirit of the friars,
which had animated Bishop Grossteste, was killed.
" They gave up their whole leisure time to carving
bits out of the forest and adding them to their own
gardens ; sticking up palings round these bits ; here
a cantle and there a snippet ; here a slab and there
a slice ; a round corner and a square corner ; a
bare piece of turf or a wooded clump ; and all so
neighbourly, encouraging each other the while with
a ' Brother, will this be to your mind ? ' or ' Help
yourself, neighbour ' ; and ' Let me recommend,
sir, another slice ' ; or ' A piece of the woody
part, dear friend.' ' This description of the petty
forest thieves of modern times will serve for those of
olden days, except that then the amount stolen was
proportionate to the greatness of the robbers. They
had little mercy for those who opposed their designs
CARTA MERCATORIA 127
on the common lands, whether in or out of the forest.
After Gaveston's death, Hugh Despenser, a son of the
justiciar who died with de Montfort at Evesham, was
made chief justice of the forests on this side of the
Trent. He had been a faithful servant of Edward I.
and had obtained the bull which enabled Edward to
cancel the forest charter. After the accession of
Edward II., Despenser continued to serve the Crown,
and he incurred the displeasure of the magnates
before Gaveston's murder. He was assisted by his
son, also named Hugh, and both the Despensers
remained in the service of Edward II. after Bannock-
burn, although the magnates insisted upon the removal
of Despenser from his council. When Thomas of
Lancaster failed to establish order in England, the
King's party, and in particular the Despensers, ob-
tained more control over the government of England.
When the citizens of London were united they had
still great weight in England ; but they, too, were
weakened by disunion. Just before the death of
Henry III. they recovered their privilege of electing a
Mayor, and the common folk chose Hervy, a demo-
crat like FitzThomas. The mercantile aldermen were
induced to acquiesce somewhat unwillingly. During
his year of office Hervy gave the craft gilds, or
mediaeval trades unions, increased powers. Hervy's
successor annulled these grants, so that craftsmen
were unable to protect themselves from competition,
while the richer merchants retained their privileges.
Edward I. weakened the authority of the merchant
magnates when he took the city into his hand from
1285 until 1298, and again when he signed the Carta
128 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Mercatoria. In 1319, when the influence of the
Despensers over Edward II. was becoming paramount,
the King signed ordinances which decreed that no
stranger could become free of the city unless he belonged
to a craft gild or was elected by the votes of the com-
monalty of the city. This measure gave London a
democratic constitution.
A full Parliament in 1320 attacked the Despensers
on the ground of their having encroached on the royal
power. The younger Hugh was accused of having
taught that allegiance was due to the Crown rather
than to the person of the King, and that if the King
inclined to do wrong it was the duty of a subject to
constrain him to do right : a strange charge to bring
against a royal favourite. The Despensers were
sentenced to lose their estates and to be exiled. Two
months later one of the magnates insulted the Queen,
and Edward was spurred into action. He defeated
the magnates at Boroughbridge with the aid of Lon-
doners. His great rival, Thomas of Lancaster, fell into
Edward's hands and was beheaded. Thus died one
who was in all but name a rival King of England ;
for the conquered magnate was Earl of Leicester,
Derby, Salisbury, and Lincoln, as well as of Lancaster.
Edward's victory was speedily followed by a com-
mission to inquire into the question of the forests
and by the revocation of the Ordinances. The Carta
Mercatoria was thus revived. The disaffection of the
magnates continued, and London ceased to support
the King.
In 1325 the Queen went to France to settle the
dispute over Edward's homage for Aquitaine. Next
CARTA MERCATORIA 129
year she returned to lead an insurrection against her
husband. The Londoners joined the party led by the
Queen and her paramour, Mortimer. Deserted by all,
Edward abdicated in favour of his son, and was then
murdered in Berkeley Castle. Before the murder of
the King, the Despensers were put to death. Under
the guidance of his mother and Mortimer, the boy-
King, Edward III., accepted the forest charter and
issued charters to the Londoners granting the city its
ancient privileges. Foreign merchants were then
compelled to conduct their trade in conformity to the
ancient rights of the English merchants by a statute
passed in 1328. Much of Gascony was lost during the
last years of Edward II., and this loss was accepted by
a treaty with France after the deposition of Edward II.
The independence of Scotland was recognised by
another treaty. Though externally England was at
peace, she was still distracted by internal discord until
Edward III., in 1330, at the age of eighteen, took the
government into his own hands. Mortimer was then
executed, and the Queen-dowager retired into private
life. Taught by experience, the early Parliaments of
Edward III. gave their young King adequate grants.
In 1333 the Scotch were defeated at Halidon Hill ;
the English monarch became again master of Scotland,
with Edward Baliol as vassal king. Then once more
the Flemish market interposed as an obstacle to the
union of Great Britain.
After the death of Philip IV. of France in 1314, his
three sons, Louis X., Philip V., and Charles IV., reigned
in quick succession. These kings left no sons, and,
when Charles died in 1328, a nephew of Philip IV.
K
130 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
became Philip VI. of France. The Queen-dowager of
England claimed the throne for her son, Edward III.,
but the claim was not seriously pressed, and Edward
paid homage to Philip in 1329. Count Louis of
Flanders had found refuge in Paris from his rebellious
subjects when Philip VI. became King. Without
delay a French army invaded Flanders, and, before
Edward did homage, a French victory at Cassel
reduced Flanders to subjection to Philip VI. and his
vassal, Count Louis. When Scotland was united to
England, both Scotch and English wool came from
Edward's dominions. The political connexion of
France and Flanders was dwarfed by the Anglo-
Flemish economic bond. The French wished to annex
the English possessions in Gascony, and in 1336 trouble
broke out. To please his suzerain, Count Louis
expelled Englishmen from Flanders. Edward replied
by depriving the French of wool from his dominions.
Again Scotland found that the immediate result of
union with England was loss of a market for her wool.
Before long the Scotch were in revolt.
The Anglo-French war, which began in 1336,
resembled that fought by Edward I. ; but, whereas
the earlier war ended with the failure of the Flemish
campaign, this war was fought to the bitter end and
won for itself the name of the Hundred Years' War.
For more than a century Flanders, France, and Eng-
land had been preparing for this great struggle. In
1181, and again in 1252, the English were ordered by
law to have weapons at hand in case of need. The
Flemish and the French had also become nations of
potential soldiers. In 1285 Edward I., by the Statute
CARTA MERCATORIA 131
of Winchester, made every Englishman personally
liable for his fitness to defend England. Edward III.
reaped the benefit of his grandfather's legislation at
Cre£y, Poitiers, and Neville's Cross. In the Hundred
Years' War commerce was frequently used as a weapon.
In 1327 English exports to the Low Countries had to
be sent to Bruges ; but before they were shipped,
they had also to be collected at one of eight English
towns called staples. To please the Flemish,
Edward III., at the commencement of his reign,
allowed them to buy wool in any English town. After
the battle of Cassel, Edward issued a proclamation
inviting Flemish weavers to settle in England. If it
had been possible, in the fourteenth century, to trans-
fer an industry rapidly from one country to another,
the Scotch could have found a market for their wool in
England, and Great Britain might have been unified.
But this transference could only be accomplished by
inviting individual weavers to settle in a foreign land
and then employing them to teach native apprentices.
This slow movement was aided by the Count of Flanders,
who banished his weavers if they opposed his pro-
French policy. Doubtless the Count could not realise
that this emigration of weavers could affect so rich
and prosperous a land as Flanders. Yet Belgian
writers mark this date as the beginning of the ruin of
Flanders.
Edward III. tried to form an alliance with the
Germans and the Flemish against the French. He
began his reign by confirming the privileges of the
Steelyard, and in 1335 gave foreign merchants the
same freedom of trade as Englishmen, "notwithstanding
K 2
132 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
charters, usages, and customs which they (the English)
can allege." The Flemish could enjoy these rights if
they would separate themselves from the French.
On the other hand, Philip VI. offered to forgive debts
owed by the Flemish and to give them the monopoly
of all wool exported from France if they would
remain faithful. The English bribe was the more
attractive. The Count of Flanders remained loyal to
France ; but the Flemish, led by John Van Artevelde,
turned towards England. To tempt Count Louis,
Edward made him the offer of the hand of one of his
daughters, but the offer was refused, and the Count's
army was sent to the island of Cadzand, where it
could stop communication between England and
Flanders.
In November 1337 Louis' army was destroyed by
an English force which sailed from Gravesend, and the
starving weavers of Ghent hailed with great demonstra-
tions of joy the arrival of supplies of English wool.
Almost as soon as the wool, two French ecclesiastics
appeared in Ghent and pronounced the dreaded
sentences of excommunication and interdict. Arte-
velde at once appealed to the Pope and entered into
communication with the other Flemish cities. The
result of Artevelde's action was that at first both
England and France agreed to treat Flanders as neutral
territory, and the ecclesiastical sentences were repealed.
Edward sailed to Antwerp, the seaport of Brabant,
where, to his dismay, he found only one-tenth of the
twenty thousand sacks of wool which Parliament had
promised him. Nevertheless he met his imperial ally
at Cologne, and was appointed Vicar-General of the
CARTA MERCATORIA 133
Empire. The imperial vassals were ready to obey
the Vicar-General on one condition only. They
expected payment for their services. The English
Parliament sent insufficient supplies of wool and
money, and Edward was forced to borrow from
Flemish merchants and Italian financiers, pledging
as security the Crown jewels and the Crown itself.
Meanwhile, the Leliarts, the pro-French party in
Flanders, tried to assert the authority of Count Louis
and the French. The militia of the cities was then
called out, and it became evident that Flanders could
not remain neutral. The Pope, irritated by Edward's
alliance with a schismatic Emperor, openly espoused the
cause of France. An appeal to the Pope could no
longer avert interdict if the Flemish rebelled against
their lawful suzerain ; but Artevelde suggested a way
out of this difficulty. Acting on the advice of the
leader of the Flemish, Edward revived his claim to the
throne of France and therefore to suzerainty over
Flanders. He chose as his royal motto : ' Dieu et
mon droict.'
The first act of the new suzerain of Flanders was
to declare that he would protect Flemish ships, that
there should be no restrictions on the sale of Flemish
cloth in England, that commercial arrangements made
between him and the Flemish cities should hold good
against the merchants of England, and that he would
continue to be a loyal ally of the Flemish cities whether
their Count was friendly or hostile. Then he decreed
that the naval forces of England and Flanders should
be united, that two-thirds of his army should be
recruited in Flanders and Brabant ; that, as King of
134 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
England, he would bear the whole cost of the army
and also pay a large sum to the cities ; that for fifteen
years Bruges should be the staple for English v^ol ;
that the clauses in former treaties with their French
suzerains which dealt with excommunication and
interdict should be null and void ; that the lands which
the French had taken from Flanders should be restored ;
and that there should be a good and common silver
and gold coinage in France, Flanders, Brabant, and
England.
On paper this scheme was excellent ; but funds
came with difficulty from England. In the land
campaign of 1339 neither Philip nor Edward ventured
to take the risk of attacking. To obtain money
Edward returned to England in 1340, after having
promised the Flemish that he would speedily return
with an adequate force. The French fleet was threaten-
ing England, and Edward had to collect and equip
shipping for England's defence. To obtain money
from Parliament the King broke his promise to the
Flemish and agreed to a statute which compelled
foreigners to submit to the restrictions on the trade of
aliens which London and other English towns had
the chartered or customary right of imposing. Money
was then voted ; and, in June 1340, Edward's English
fleet destroyed the Frenchmen who had anchored off
Sluys, the seaport of Bruges. When the danger of
invasion was removed, no more money was collected
in England. Hence Edward was unable to follow up
his naval victory by a vigorous campaign on land.
In September 1340 a truce was signed which gave
liberty to the Flemish but failed to restore Gascony
CARTA MERCATORIA 135
to England. In this truce the King of France re-
nounced his right of excommunicating the Flemish.
Overwhelmed with debts Edward III. escaped by
stealth from his Flemish creditors and returned to
England in November, bent on dealing with those
who had wrecked his plans.
XI
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER
1340-1377
ALTHOUGH the interdict of Flanders produced little
or no effect in 1340, in another way the pro-French
Pope was able to exert a great influence on the cam-
paign. Next to the King the most powerful officials
in England were John Stratford, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, and his brother Robert, Bishop of Chichester.
These brothers had been alternately Chancellors of
England since Edward began his personal reign. In
June 1340 John resigned the great seal to his brother.
Just before Edward sailed for Flanders the Archbishop
tried to stop the expedition by representing the danger
involved in the presence of the French fleet at Sluys.
Edward replied that he intended to sail, but that, if
the Archbishop was afraid he might remain in England.
When in Flanders Edward heard from Sir William
de la Pole, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, that the
supplies, which Parliament had voted, could not be
collected for fear of a revolt. This baron was a wealthy
merchant of Hull to whom Edward was greatly in-
debted and whom he greatly trusted.
On his return Edward imprisoned and fined de la
Pole and other lay officials who had neglected to collect
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 137
the taxes. He dismissed the two ecclesiastics from
their posts of Chancellor and Treasurer of England,
replacing them by lay knights. Then he tried to
establish once and for all the doctrine of the supremacy
of the King by summoning the Archbishop to account
to him for the neglect which had ruined the cam-
paign in Flanders. The Archbishop took sanctuary
at Canterbury as Becket had done before him. He
quoted the Martyr in his sermons and launched general
excommunications against breakers of the Great
Charter. He further declined to be tried except by
his peers in Parliament, and, as these bishops, abbots,
and lay lords were the very men who had voted the
taxes and then failed to pay, Edward did not accept
the Archbishop's challenge. The doctrine that a peer
could only be tried by his peers united the baronage,
lay and clerical, against the King, and the dispute
ended in a compromise.
Stratford escaped trial and the King was forced by
Parliament in 1341 to assent to a statute which placed
him in a somewhat similar position to that of his father
under the Ordainers. On the other hand, the King
obtained adequate supply which was duly collected.
This year, 1341, was a turning-point in English history.
Had the magnates and rich merchants succeeded in
destroying the unifying influence of the royal power
before the weavers had become an influential body
and while agricultural workers were still serfs, that dis-
union, which destroyed Germany, Italy, and Flanders,
might have also claimed Great Britain as its victim.
With rare courage, within a few months of the royal
assent being given Edward formally revoked the
138 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
statute, boldly asserting that his assent was not real,
" but as then it behoved us, we dissimuled in the
premisses." The King's courage was rewarded when
his next Parliament ratified the revocation.
Though Stratford had posed as a second St. Thomas
of Canterbury, the incident proves clearly that an
immense change had taken place since the reign of
Henry II. Becket took his stand on his privilege as
an ecclesiastic and boldly denied the right of any
English layman to sit in judgment on him. In
Becket's time the Archbishop could claim that he
was the head of a body whose power was co-ordinate
with that of the English nation. But Stratford
shielded himself behind his privilege as a peer of
England and appealed alike to lay and clerical peers
to assert the privilege which they enjoyed in common.
The utmost that Stratford dared demand was a trial
by his lay and spiritual peers in Parliament, which
Becket would have scornfully refused. This change is
strikingly illustrated by the subsequent ecclesiastical
legislation of Edward's reign. These statutes in theory
anticipated the emancipation of the English Church
from the control of Rome ; but theory and practice
in the Middle Ages often differed widely, and these
statutes were not obeyed. The land hunger of the
magnates was appeased for a time by the plunder
of the forests. In the reign of Edward II. the alien
priories were first attacked. The magnates obtained
a large part of the estates of the alien monks as these
were gradually confiscated. Although the confisca-
tion of all monastic lands was deferred until the six-
teenth century, this larger scheme was in the air ;
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 139
hence any union between the lay and clerical magnates
could only be short-lived.
After the truce of Esplechin, Count Louis seemed
to be willing to govern Flanders in accord with Arte-
velde, who maintained close and cordial relations with
England. It soon, however, became evident that the
Count was using his position to further the aims of the
French King. In 1342 civil war in Brittany diverted
Philip's attention from Flanders, which was at this
time weakened by civil strife. In July 1345 the
outlook in Flanders seemed brighter ; at least, so
Edward was assured by Artevelde when they met at
Sluys. Froissart asserts that at this conference it
was arranged that the Prince of Wales should re-
place Count Louis as ruler of Flanders ; but modern
historians regard this as somewhat doubtful. At
any rate, Anglo-Flemish relations were intimate and
cordial.
After their meeting at Sluys Edward returned to
England, and Van Artevelde to Ghent, where he was
murdered. The Flemish cities hastened to express
their horror at a crime which had deprived Edward
of a friend and an ally. They also assured Edward
that he could still count upon their support. In
July 1346 Edward sailed to Normandy and simul-
taneously the Flemish marched south. Edward's
small army reached the outskirts of Paris, but the
Flemish were unable to join him. Forced to retreat
Edward won a brilliant victory at Cre9y and then
besieged Calais, at that time a town on the frontier
of Flanders. Calais surrendered to the English in
August 1347.
140 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Count Louis was killed fighting for the French at
Crecy. His son, Louis de Male, entered at once into
negotiations with his Flemish subjects. In 1347
Edward left his army, which was besieging Calais,
met the Count in Flanders, and arranged that the
young ruler should marry his daughter Isabella.
A fortnight before the date arranged for the wedding,
Count Louis fled from Flanders to the court of his
French suzerain. In May, Flanders was placed under
interdict, and Philip offered to secure the removal of
the interdict and to grant extraordinary commercial
advantages to the Flemish if they would abandon
their English alliance. But the Flemish remained
faithful to their English allies. Before the fall of
Calais Philip was approaching with a large army to
relieve the town, when the advent of a Flemish army
forced him to retire in great haste, and Calais became
the most prized possession of England. Not only was
Calais an open door through which English armies
could enter France, but it became the staple at which
the Flemish could buy English wool, until England
had developed manufactures so that she ceased to
sell raw materials.
After the capture of Calais a general truce was
signed. For eight years, until 1355, England and
France were nominally at peace ; in reality these years
were full of fighting in France and on the narrow seas.
Immediately after the truce was signed the Black
Death spread throughout France, and in August 1348
the disease appeared in England. The cessation of
war on a grand scale is probably due to the desolation
caused by this plague rather than to the formal truce.
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 141
In the interval between the signature of the truce
and the appearance of the Black Death Flanders was
treacherously attacked by the French. The Flemish
appealed to Edward for aid, and were told that English
help would be given if they would pay for the expedi-
tion. Though England was very prosperous Edward
could not rely upon parliamentary grants ; and an
English army in Flanders could not live by pillage
as it did in France. Before sailing for Normandy
Edward had been compelled to repudiate his debts
to the Florentine bankers. Florentine distress and
the plunder of France paid for the campaign which
gave Calais to England. To defend Flanders cost
much, to attack France brought wealth to England ;
hence the later wars of Edward's reign consisted
chiefly of marauding expeditions to France.
The invasion of Flanders was stopped by the Black
Death ; but a war of intrigue continued until the power
of the Flemish cities was fatally weakened at the
battle of Rosebeque in 1382. While the Flemish
accumulated wealth, their vicious economic system
gave them neither rest in the present nor security for
the future. Their wealth came from weaving. Their
looms were fed with English wool ; and when the
English made cloth, the Flemish were forced to rely
almost entirely upon the French market for the sale
of their finished product. They were also largely
dependent on France for their food. This economic
division was reflected in Flemish politics. The Leliarts
advocated union with France and submission to the
counts, while the Blauwaerts favoured a close alliance
with England, burgher rule, and a merely nominal
142 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
connexion with count or French suzerain. The
absence of a strong unifying force, such as England
possessed in her kings, led to strife between towns and
between gilds in the same town. It was a simple
matter for the French to play one faction against the
other and to profit by the internal disunion.
A canal connected Ghent whh the sea, but the
merchants of Bruges induced Louis' father to make
Bruges the staple for English wool so that they could
make their profit on it before the weavers of Ghent
were supplied. Flanders was fed with grain from
Artois ; in 1379 the merchants of Bruges obtained
from Count Louis permission to unite two rivers by a
canal so that the staple for grain might be at Bruges
instead of Ghent. Hence the rich burghers of Bruges,
who were international traders, were also Leliarts ;
and the burghers of Ghent, who depended mainly on
the weaving industry, were Blauwaerts. But both
factions were in favour of a close commercial con-
nexion with England.
The same selfishness was shown in the relation of
gilds to each other. Artevelde's death followed a
fierce fight between the weavers and the fullers of
Ghent. At times the counts opposed any increase of
French authority and promoted cordial relations with
England. Count Louis de Male all but married into
the English royal family, and his daughter and heiress
was betrothed to one of Edward's sons before her
marriage in 1369 to Philip, Duke of Burgundy and
brother of King Charles V. of France. Until 1360
France was weakened and impoverished by English
raids. She was engaged in expelling the invaders
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 143
during the next fifteen years. As soon as she felt
equal to the task she attacked the Flemish cities.
The battle of Rosebeque in 1382 placed Flanders at
the mercy of her Count and his Burgundian son-in-
law. But Ghent maintained a certain amount of in-
dependence ; and the Dukes of Burgundy soon became
rivals of the Kings of France. Thus the Flemish
market remained open to English wool as long as
England allowed it to be exported.
In 1346 the Scotch invaded England during
Edward's absence in France. At Neville's Cross King
David II. of Scotland was defeated and sent a prisoner
to the Tower of London. In 1357 David was released
on promise of a large ransom which was never fully
paid. Scotland was kept poor by internal strife,
whilst England grew in strength from the immigration
of the Flemish and the development of weaving. For
years there were fights on the borderland between
England and Scotland, but nothing worthy to be
called war. England, however, now began to face a
new rival, one with whom she was destined at a later
date to wage war for centuries.
The production of wool was being rapidly developed
in Spain, hence she was competing with England in
the Flemish market, as well as with Gascony in the
wine trade. Her ships, built to face the stormy Bay
of Biscay, were far larger than the English. The
disappearance of the naval power of France and the
hold England obtained over the Straits of Dover by
the capture of Calais gave England such supremacy
in the narrow seas as to endanger Spanish trade.
Philip VI. of France died in 1350 and was succeeded
144 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
by his son John II., who at once allied himself with
Peter the Cruel of Castile. A Spanish fleet sailed to
Sluys, capturing twenty Anglo-Gascon ships on the
way. A defeat of this miniature Armada was enacted
when the fleet left Flanders to pillage the coasts of
England. Edward III. and his eldest son, the Black
Prince, waited for the towering Spaniards off Win-
chelsea. In spite of the difference in size the English
were victorious. Fourteen Spanish ships were cap-
tured and the rest driven off in disorder. Edward
boarded and captured one of the largest Spaniards,
while his own ship was so badly injured that it was
left to founder.
In 1355 the Black Prince raided Southern France.
Edward III. had intended at the same time to raid
Northern France, but he was recalled by a movement
of the Scotch, and spent the first few months of 1356
in devastating part of Scotland. In 1356 an English
raid reduced Normandy to a state of anarchy, whilst
the Black Prince moved towards the north and defeated
the French at Poitiers. King John was captured and
taken to London. A truce was then signed and
negotiations followed which led to the treaty of
Bretigny in 1360. By this treaty an enormous ransom
was promised for King John ; Aquitaine was given to
England, together with territory in the neighbourhood
of Calais. The King of Castile, Peter the Cruel, made
haste to come to terms with Edward. In 1362 a
treaty between England and Castile was signed in
London.
Peter's bastard half-brother, Henry, entered Castile
in 1366 with an army of English and French soldiers.
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 145
who, after the treaty of Bretigny, had been supporting
themselves by pillage on their own account. In 1364
King John died, and his son> Charles V., encouraged
this expedition and lent it his general, Du Guesclin.
In this way Charles freed France from the scourge of
bandits and at the same time tried to gain control
over the navy of Spain. Peter of Castile fled to
Bordeaux, where he sought help from the Black
Prince, who had been made Prince of Aquitaine.
An army led by the Black Prince won a brilliant
victory at Navarete, and placed Peter once more on
the throne of Castile. Then the double-dealing of the
Castilian King wrecked his own cause and England's
power in Aquitaine. Peter had promised to meet the
expenses of the army of occupation. This promise
was not kept, and the Black Prince led back to Aqui-
taine his army wasted by famine and disease. Two
years later Peter was killed by his half-brother Henry,
and Castile became the ally of France.
These facts help to explain the economic policy of
the latter half of Edward's reign. In 1351 alien
merchants were allowed to trade freely in England in
defiance of the charters and privileges of the English
merchant gilds. Two years later English merchants
were not allowed to export wool, and Gascons were
allowed to sell wines freely in England, whilst English-
men might only buy wines in Bordeaux and Bayonne.
Aliens were ready to pay for royal protection whilst
English merchants persisted in trying to avoid taxa-
tion. Money was needed by the King, hence there
was a strong motive for diverting trade into alien
hands. The advantages given to aliens also tended
L
146 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
to bind the Flemish and the Gascons to the King of
England.
But however fascinating this policy may have
seemed, it had one grave defect. It was fatal to the
growth of an English mercantile marine, and at that
date merchant ships were largely used in the navy
when war broke out. Disaster has always followed
when England has neglected her navy. The failure
of Peter the Cruel to pay the money he had promised
forced the Black Prince to levy a hearth tax in Aqui-
taine. The towns, by reason of their liberties, were
exempt from this tax, and the country districts
naturally rebelled when called upon to pay for a war
waged in order that Gascon and English merchants
might not fear an attack by the Spanish. In 1372
an English fleet bearing reinforcements to Aquitaine
was destroyed by the navy of King Henry of Spain.
England then lost command of the sea, and her oversea
empire was doomed. In 1374 the English possessions
in Southern France were reduced to little more than
the cities of Bordeaux and Bayonne. These cities
and Calais were almost all that remained of England's
dominions in France when Edward III. died in 1377.
Although the outflow of money to Rome was
checked by the anti-papal legislation of Edward III.,
and tribute to Rome was not paid after 1366, these
years foreshadowed a sorry future for England. The
scarcity of labour, after the Black Death, raised wages
and the price of necessaries of life, in spite of the
Statutes of Labourers, which were intended to keep
wages and prices at their old level. Whilst the Kings
of France were emancipating their serfs, English
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 147
Parliaments were doing less than nothing for the poor
of England, since forest charters and Statutes of
Labourers took from manual workers the little that
they had. If contemporary writers are believed, the
friars had so far forgotten their early ideals that they
took by guile from the weak, whilst others took by
force. In the teaching of John Wycliffe and his
followers, the Lollards, there was much of the former
doctrine of the friars ; and Lollardism spread rapidly
in England.
To harmonise the feudal system with the national
idea which was replacing feudalism in England and
France, Edward III. of England and John II. of
France, by marriage and royal grants, arranged that
the great fiefs should become the property of their
children. The Black Prince died before Edward III.,
leaving a son who, at the age of eleven, became
Richard II. in 1377. Three years later Charles VI.,
also at the age of eleven, became King of France.
Both kings were surrounded by uncles possessing
almost independent power. In England, John of
Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and his brother, the Duke
of Gloucester, led the barons. In France the most
powerful of the King's uncles was the Duke of Bur-
gundy. From painful experience both nations had to
learn that disunion and decentralisation were followed
by civil war and misery.
The disunion in England, which ultimately led to
the War of the Roses, was partly concealed whilst the
English were engaged in plundering France. The
magnates were at times united in opposition to the
King, but they had no other bond of union. After
148 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the Black Death laymen used their lands for sheep-
farming, and thus became the competitors of the
wool-growing monks. When Wycliffe preached apo-
stolic poverty he had eager listeners in the feudal
lords who coveted the lands of their rival wool-growers.
Lay and clerical magnates were, however, at one in
wishing to come into direct touch with the foreigner
and dispense with the services of English merchants.
By thus eliminating a body of English workers they
hoped to buy cheap and sell dear.
In the Church there was a conservative party,
which was ready to acquiesce in the Roman connexion
in order to retain its temporal possessions, and Lollard
reformers, who were ready to abandon wealth and
make the Church entirely national. Every merchant
was anxious to protect his own trade but was reluctant
to extend the advantage of protection to his neighbour.
Thus when the London fishmongers tried to protect the
English fishing industry, other citizens were anxious
to buy direct from foreign fishermen. The develop-
ment of the English fishing industry was retarded
by the opposition of those who wished to buy fish
cheap.
Before the death of Edward III. the contest
between the sections into which the English were
divided began. His grandson Richard succeeded to
the rule of an already distracted country. The
sections were, roughly speaking, grouped in a baronial
and a mercantile party. Lancaster led the baronial
party. He had married the legitimate Queen of
Castile, and hoped that the reconquest of Aquitaine
might help him to expel the bastard Henry from
ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 149
Spain. The mercantile party, on the other hand,
was content with command of the Straits of Dover,
and disliked the idea of fighting for Aquitaine. Both
parties were, however, fully alive to the necessity of
restoring England's naval power. The nobles deri-
sively called Richard the Londoners' King ; and the
boy-king probably owed his undisputed succession to
the merchants of London.
XII
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS
I377-MI3
DURING the later years of Edward's reign the illness of
the King and his eldest son threw the government into
Lancaster's hands. The statutes which gave foreigners
complete freedom of trade in England and forbade the
export of wool by English merchants caused much
discontent. By favouring Wycliffe, Lancaster tried
to find a vent for this discontent in an attack on
the Church; but a year before Edward's death the
Good Parliament gave expression to English feeling.
Certain officials, acting for Lancaster, had abused their
right of selling royal licences to enable English mer-
chants to export wool contrary to the statutes. These
men were impeached, dismissed from office, and fined.
A long list of grievances was drawn up and a standing
council was appointed to advise the King. A charter
was issued to London restoring protection of inland
trade to English merchants. Lancaster was unable
to offer effective resistance ; but in the following year
he assembled a Parliament packed with his own
adherents and thus undid much of the work of the
Good Parliament. This Parliament levied a poll-tax
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 151
graduated according to the wealth of the taxpayers.
The minimum tax was fourpence.
The result of the mercantile policy of Edward III.
was the abandonment by English merchants of their
claim to pay no more than the Ancient Custom on the
export of wool. The violent measure of 1333, which
gave aliens a monopoly of England's foreign trade and
made the export of English wool by native merchants
a crime, was evaded by royal licences ; but English
merchants found that it was better to pay heavier
duties than to buy licences. When the English
merchants agreed to pay subsidies in excess of the
Ancient Custom, they were again allowed to export
wool and leather. The subsidies varied, but on an
average they increased the Ancient Custom ten to
twenty fold for natives and the Hanse merchants of
the Steelyard, while other aliens were more heavily
taxed. A substantial protection was thus given to
English weaving, since the looms of Flanders had
come to depend on English wool for the making of
fine cloth. Spanish and Scotch wool could only be
used when mixed with the wool of England. In
dressing, dyeing, and finishing cloth England lagged
behind Flanders ; but early in the fifteenth century un-
finished English cloth could be placed on the Flemish
market at a price which meant ruin to Flemish
weavers. In 1434 the Flemish admitted defeat by
prohibiting the importation of English cloth.
When English merchants were debarred from
foreign trade English shipping declined, and as the
navy in those days depended on merchant ships,
England lost command of the sea. In the French
152 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
war which began again in 1369 England was forced to
defend herself instead of attacking France. In 1372
command of the sea passed to the allied navies of
Castile and France, and money had to be raised for the
defence of the English coast. When the Isle of Wight
had to be ransomed from the French, and Hastings
was burned, England's danger forced Richard's early
Parliaments to undertake the creation of a navy. In
Richard's first Parliament, held at Westminster in
1377, the baronial and mercantile parties appear to
have made a temporary truce while measures were
taken for the defence of England. Money was voted
for the navy, and two merchants were appointed
treasurers of the grants. On the other hand, Lancaster
was given command of the fleet; but the internal
peace of England had but a short life.
While Edward III. was dying, Wycliffe was sum-
moned to St. Paul's to answer a charge of heresy.
Lancaster intervened on behalf of Wycliffe, and
offered violence to the Bishop of London. Although
Lollardism was very prevalent in London, the citizens
could not miss an opportunity of showing their hatred
to Lancaster, who was only saved from a riotous mob
by the intervention of the bishop. The dying King
succeeded in making peace ; but after Richard's first
Parliament a reason for a new quarrel was found.
Lancaster's fleet failed to accomplish all that was
expected of it, while a private fleet, equipped at the
cost of Philipot^one of the treasurers, captured fifteen
French and Spanish ships. In 1378 Parliament sat at
Gloucester that it might be free from London's influence.
Philipot was accused of using public money for his
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 153
fleet ; but he had little difficulty in proving that it had
been paid for out of his own resources. The restrictions
on foreign merchants were then partially removed by
statute, although the preamble describes the dislike
felt by English merchants to foreign competition.
A contemporary monk, Thomas of Walsingham,
who was in favour of foreign competition, has left a
record of one result of this statute. At that time,
he wrote, all Eastern goods carried by the Genoese
were brought to England and sold to English mer-
chants who resold them to the Flemish, Normans,
and Bretons. A rich Genoese merchant tried to take
advantage of the statute. He promised many gifts
to the King if Richard would allow him to settle at
Southampton, where a castle had recently been built.
He pledged himself to make Southampton the finest
port in the West, and would probably have succeeded
in annexing the profits hitherto made by English
merchants had he not been murdered before the door
of the house in London at which he was lodging.
John Kyrkeby, the instigator of the murder, for a
time escaped punishment ; and the chronicler expressed
his fear that other foreign merchants would be deterred
from imitating the Genoese.
In 1380 Parliament met at Northampton that
Kyrkeby might be tried away from London. He was
tried by Parliament, probably because it was thought
that no jury would convict. Kyrkeby was hanged,
and Parliament turned its attention to raising money.
The parliament of Gloucester had voted a poll-tax,
whose minimum was fourpence a head. This tax had
proved insufficient. The Parliament of Northampton
154 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
voted a new poll-tax, whose minimum was a shilling
a head. The anger of the poor at once found voice.
Parliaments had sanctioned enclosures of common
lands. The peasants had watched their nobles force
the King to surrender his forest rights. They knew
that their kinsfolk in the towns had not altogether
unsuccessfully contended with merchant princes, who
were strong enough to oppose the will of the mag-
nates in Parliament. They had doubtless heard that
in France and Flanders serfs had acquired rights
which were denied to English agricultural labourers.
Recently French and Flemish peasants had resisted
excessive taxation by taking arms. They had little to
expect from submission when Statutes of Labourers
limited wages in the interests of the rich.
Lollards had been preaching Christian Socialism
and had found eager listeners among the oppressed.
Ignorant of the modern economic paradox that direct
taxation is less oppressive than indirect, the labourers
of England saw in the poll-tax a means by which the
burden of defending England would be shifted to their
shoulders from those of the magnates. The insurrec-
tion which followed would probably be repeated if the
modern income-tax were extended to those who earn a
weekly wage. With no clearly defined object, except
the abolition of the poll-tax and the redress of griev-
ances which varied according to the locality, the people
took arms, and a large body of insurgents were wel-
comed by the workers of London. Lancaster's palace
was destroyed ; the Archbishop of Canterbury was
murdered ; and, among other victims, merchants or
bankers who pronounced bread and cheese with a
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 155
Flemish accent were put to death. This was London's
answer to the statute passed at Gloucester and the
execution of Kyrkeby.
The poll-tax was not levied after the insurrection ;
but little else was gained by the poor. To pacify the
insurgents the King promised to abolish serfdom,
but Parliament insisted upon the King's breaking his
promise to the English poor. Serfdom, however, gradu-
ally disappeared during the next century. When the
revolt of the peasants was suppressed England's atten-
tion was diverted to foreign affairs. The Duke of Bur-
gundy had married the heiress of Flanders before the
accession of his nephew, Charles VI., to the throne of
France. Burgundy induced the young King to attack
the Flemish cities which had become practically inde-
pendent of either count or suzerain. In 1382 Flanders
was again made subject to France after the battle of
Rosebeque. After Cregy and Poitiers the popes were
able to return from Avignon to Rome. In 1377 the
French tried to regain their former control over the
papacy by recognising an anti-pope Clement VII. at
Avignon in opposition to Urban VI. The French and
the Leliarts in Flanders became Clementines, while
the English and the Blauwaerts accepted Pope Urban.
After Rosebeque, England, owing to the strife of
factions, was unable to help the Blauwaerts with a
regular army ; but Parliament gave a grant of money
to the Bishop of Norwich, who led an Urbanist crusade
to Flanders. This crusade did less than was expected ;
but it kept alive the resistance of Ghent and contribu-
ted largely to ruin an invasion of England which the
French had planned. Parliament in 1381 passed the
156 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
first English Navigation Act, which compelled English
merchants, who had recovered the right of exporting
goods, to use English shipping in order that there
might be an adequate reserve of merchant-ships in
case of need. There was therefore an English fleet
prepared to defend England from invasion ; but the
policy of the Navigation Act was abandoned when
the magnates obtained power, and, before the end of
Richard's reign, England's naval power had again
become very weak.
Whilst the Flemish were sullenly acquiescing in
French rule, England's friends, the Portuguese, routed
the Castilians. To follow up this success Parliament,
in 1385, voted money for an army which Lancaster
led to Portugal in the following year. In this Par-
liament the King refused his assent to a proposed
measure confiscating the temporalities of the Church.
The attack on the Church, however, was not renewed
until merchants and magnates had finished their
quarrel. Lancaster took advantage of the disunion in
the city between those who wished to buy fish caught
by foreigners and those who wished to protect London
fishermen. Northampton led those who wished to
buy fish from foreigners, and Brembre those who wished
to keep the London fish market for Londoners. After
the Peasants' Revolt Northampton became mayor.
Two years later Brembre was elected. This election
was followed by a riot in which Northampton was
implicated, and he was sentenced to be hanged.
Owing to Lancaster's influence, this sentence was
commuted into imprisonment, from which he was
released in 1387.
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 157
Richard's uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, took
Lancaster's place when the latter sailed for Portugal,
while Lancaster's son, Henry of Derby, also led the
barons. The King made large grants to his uncles,
and a cry arose that, if the King would abstain from
giving and live of his own, taxation would be lighter.
These and other royal grants were bribes paid by the
King to secure the loyalty of the magnates. Dis-
content was increased when Richard's friend, the Earl
of Oxford, was made Marquis of Dublin and received
the promise of a grant from England in case the Irish
revenue proved insufficient. Little had been done in
Ireland since the reign of Henry II. Left to themselves,
the settlers in Ireland amalgamated with the Irish.
The De Burghs became Burkes ; and Ormonds,
Geraldines, and Desmonds were regarded by the Irish
as national leaders. In 1387 Irish industry had so
far developed that safe conducts were issued by the
Flemish to Irish merchants ; and, in 1399, Sluys was
made the staple for the sale of Irish cloaks. Richard's
chief adviser was the Earl of Suffolk, eldest son of
de la Pole, the merchant who played so conspicuous a
part in the reign of Edward III. Oxford's mission to
Ireland was the prelude to the union of the two islands
which Richard would probably have permanently
established had the English magnates allowed him to
reign in peace.
The mercantile party failed to conclude a satisfactory
peace with France ; and an unsuccessful campaign
against the Scotch, who were in alliance with France,
gave the magnates their opportunity. When Parlia-
ment met in 1786 Suffolk asked for large grants for
158 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
England's defence. The magnates refused their aid
unless Suffolk was dismissed. When Richard refused,
the records of the deposition of Edward II. were read
to both houses, and, under this menace, the King
yielded. Suffolk was impeached and imprisoned.
Oxford was ordered to betake himself to Ireland, and
Richard was placed under the control of Gloucester
and ten other magnates. The King took the opinion
of the judges of England, who found that the barons
had acted unconstitutionally, and King and barons
prepared for civil war. In March 1387 the English
fleet engaged the French, who were escorting a wine-
fleet to Sluys. The French suffered a crushing defeat.
One hundred and twenty-six ships were captured by
the English, and all danger of invasion passed away.
The glamour of this victory and internal disunion
made London hesitate in declaring against the barons.
Richard again yielded.
In February 1388 the Merciless Parliament met.
Five Lords Appellant, led by Gloucester and Derby,
impeached Suffolk, Oxford, the Chief Justice, the
Archbishop of York, and Brembre. The Archbishop
was deprived of his see and his property ; the others
were sentenced to be drawn and hanged. This punish-
ment was inflicted on the Chief Justice and Brembre ;
but Suffolk and Oxford made their escape from Eng-
land and died in Ireland. Among other victims, the
judges who had given their opinion to the King were
sentenced to death ; but this sentence was commuted to
perpetual exile in Ireland. Having disposed of their
opponents, the magnates re-enacted two statutes of
Edward III. which gave foreign merchants complete
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 159
free tiade in England ; they also voted themselves
a large sum of money for their services.
When in power the magnates adopted the peace
policy of the men they had murdered ; and in 1389
a truce for three years with France was signed.
Lancaster's war with Castile had not been crowned
with success ; but in 1388 he married his daughter to
the Castilian King and received a large sum for relin-
quishing his claim to the Crown. Before the truce was
signed with France Richard declared that he was of
age and intended to rule without the aid of his uncle
Gloucester. The return of Lancaster to England a few
months later enabled Richard to effect this revolution
without bloodshed. He then, with great tact, gradu-
ally undid the work of the Lords Appellant.
In 1391 a statute was passed restoring inland trade
to the English. The preamble of this statute states of
those granting free trade " that the statutes, if they be
fully holden and executed, shall extend to the great
hindrance and damage as well of the city of London
as of other cities, boroughs, and towns of this realm."
London, however, showed little gratitude for a gift
which was marred in the eyes of the faction in power
because it gave the same protection to those who sold
fish and victuals as to those who dealt in wool and
manufactured goods. The King tried to raise money
on a valuable jewel ; and the citizens not only refused
to lend but attacked and left for dead a Lombard who
was ready to help the King. Richard then took the
city into his hand, but not for long. In August 1392
there was a formal reconciliation of the King and his
city during a royal visit. Richard then entreated
i6o THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
his Londoners to set an example to other towns by
respecting law and order. At the King's request a
neutral mayor, Richard Whittington, was appointed,
who held office until 1398.
Richard tried to make peace in the Church by
preventing the Lollards from attacking the bishops
and the bishops from violently persecuting their
opponents. In 1395 the King received the submission
of the Irish chieftains in Ireland. While he esta-
blished his authority in the island he endeavoured to
reform its government, so that union might be a bless-
ing to both England and Ireland. Next year the King
married the seven-year-old daughter of Charles VI. of
France, arranging at the same time a peace for thirty
years. After eight years of wise and just rule, Parlia-
ment expressed its thanks by formulating a list of
grievances which contained a complaint of the number
and expense of the King's household. The ladies who
formed the retinue of the child-queen were specially
mentioned. This remonstrance was sent by magnates
who held courts of their own and had large bodies of
armed retainers in readiness to attack the King.
It must have seemed as if the days of the Merciless
Parliament were going to be revived, and Richard
determined to strike first. Gloucester, Warwick, and
Arundel were arrested and accused before Parliament
in 1397. Gloucester died in prison before his trial.
Arundel was executed. Warwick threw himself on
the King's mercy and was banished. The estates of
the convicted magnates were divided among the
eight nobles who managed the coup d'etat. One of
these was Henry of Derby, a former Lord Appellant ;
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 161
he became Duke of Hereford. In January 1398
Parliament made large grants to the King for the rest
of his life, and then dissolved after giving a small
committee power to act for the whole body. During
this Parliament Hereford accused the Duke of Nor-
folk, a baron who had been rewarded for loyalty to
the King, of treasonable conversation. By what
appears to be a curiously inconsistent sentence, Norfolk
was banished for life and Hereford for six years.
Since Lancaster, Hereford's father, acquiesced and re-
mained on friendly terms with Richard, it is probable
that the sentence would seem more reasonable if all
the facts were known.
For a short while Richard enjoyed autocratic
power, supported by a large body of mercenary
soldiers from Wales. To pay the soldiers and bribe
the friendly magnates Richard spent money lavishly.
In 1398 Lancaster died. The King seized the Lan-
castrian estates and altered Hereford's sentence into
banishment for life. This bold act alarmed all holders
of property ; but the King underestimated the danger
which threatened his despotism. Roger, Earl of
March and heir apparent to the throne, had been
made ruler of Ireland. March was killed during a
revolt of the Irish in August 1398. His two infant
sons alone stood between the disinherited Duke of
Lancaster and succession to the Crown. Richard led
an expedition to Ireland to re-establish English rule,
and Lancaster landed in Yorkshire. The King's
followers abandoned his cause. On his return from
Ireland in 1399, Richard, with hardly a struggle,
surrendered himself to his victorious cousin. The
M
162 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
conquered king was deposed, and died soon after his
deposition in Pontefract Castle. It is more than prob-
able that he was murdered. Lancaster was elected
by Parliament and crowned King Henry IV.
To the victors the spoils. The legislation of
Henry IV. explains his success. In 1401 ecclesiastics
obtained a statute enabling them to burn heretical
Lollards who denounced the wealth of the Church.
Lancastrian barons were rewarded at the expense of
Richard's friends. The wool merchants obtained their
heart's desire when, in the first year of Henry's reign,
the fish trade was thrown open to foreign competition
in spite of the fishmongers' charters. Four years
later the Londoners appear to have agreed on a com-
promise. Then another statute was passed decreeing
" that all the merchant strangers of what estate or
condition that they be, coming, dwelling, or repairing
within the realm of England, shall be entreated or
demeaned in the manner, form, and condition as the
merchant denizens be, or shall be entreated or de-
meaned in the parts beyond the sea," and that
merchant strangers should suffer loss of goods and
imprisonment if they accepted greater privileges than
their fellow-countrymen accorded to English mer-
chants. Foreigners had to lodge with an English
host, who was responsible for their not remaining more
than a limited time in England and for their buying
English goods with the money they received for the
goods they sold in England. In this way it was
ordained by law that imports should be paid for by
real exports.
In 1406 the neutral mayor Whittington was again
STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 163
elected, and London showed little concern when Henry
raised loans, Lollards were burned, and friars were
hanged. Anglo-Flemish trade suffered little when, in
1403, France and England resumed their war, if the
ineffective fighting of this period deserves the name of
war. Neither England nor France was able to fight.
France was divided into parties, one led by Duke John
of Burgundy and the other by Louis, Duke of Orleans
and brother of the mad King Charles VI. The Anglo-
French war was resumed by the Orleanists. When
Duke John wished to join, he was stopped by the
Flemish towns on whose wealth he depended. During
the struggle between the Burgundians and Orleanists,
the Duke of Orleans was murdered in 1407. The
young Duke of Orleans and his father-in-law, the
Count of Armagnac, continued the contest with the
Burgundians. During this civil war the Flemish re-
gained their ancient semi-independence and traded
with the English as if there had been an Anglo-French
peace.
At home Henry IV. had many troubles. Wars
with the Scotch and the Welsh and English insur-
rections filled the first ten years of his reign, which
lasted only fourteen years. These wars exhausted
the royal treasury and made Henry almost as
dependent on Parliament as he had made his cousin
Richard on the Lords Appellant in 1387. The post
of King of England was one which exhausted the
wealth of the richest, and the revenue of the Lan-
castrian estates was insufficient to enable the King
to balance expenditure and income. Two of his
predecessors had been deposed and murdered.
M 2
164 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Edward III. might have shared their fate had he not
satisfied the greed of England with the plunder of
France. Before Henry IV. died his crown was by
no means secure. Henry V., who became King on
the death of his father in 1413, appears to have laid
this lesson to heart, since it was not long before he
followed in the footsteps of his great-grandfather
Edward III.
XIII
CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE WAR OF THE ROSES
1411-1450
DURING the contest in which magnates wrested the
royal forest rights from their King, Edward II. lost
his throne and life. Richard II. shared his ancestor's
fate when merchants and magnates quarrelled over
the protection of England's inland trade. A com-
promise was effected when the first Lancastrian kings
ruled England. Edward III. impressed on English
merchants the wisdom of acquiescing in export duties
when he forbade them to engage in foreign trade.
After this heavy export duties were paid by the
English and the Hanse of the Steelyard, while still
larger duties were paid by other aliens. Under
Henry IV. the English paid the equivalent of twenty
pence of modern money, and ordinary aliens the
equivalent of twenty-four pence on each pound of
exported wool. Under Henry V. the English paid
about seventeen pence, while aliens still paid at their
former rate. The question of restrictions on foreign
merchants was temporarily settled by a statute which
gave foreigners rights similar to those which they
granted to Englishmen trading abroad.
Henry V., however, sat on an uncertain throne.
166 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Amidst their internal convulsions the French respected
the persons of their kings, whilst the English first
humbled and then murdered theirs. It is not sur-
prising that Henry V. spent his life trying to succeed
to the throne of France after the mad King Charles VI.,
whose life was held sacred by Burgundian and
Orleanist. In 1411 Henry IV. had sent an English
expedition to France, only to abandon his Burgundian
allies, when, in 1412, the Orleanists bribed the English
King with a promise of Aquitaine. England's double
dealing for a time ruined Duke John of Burgundy.
His influence in Paris waned ; and the States of
Flanders negotiated with England as though they had
no ruler. The Duke was forced to accept a treaty
signed at Senlis between the States of Flanders and
an invading Orleanist army. This treaty stipulated
that the Duke should hand Flanders over to his son
and retire to Burgundy. Although the rapidly
growing weaving industry of England and the Floren-
tine market made the Flemish wool market of less
importance, yet English merchants must have felt
concern when the Orleanists controlled Bruges, the
port to which rough English cloth was going in in-
creasing quantity to be finished by the expert dyers
and dressers of Flanders. Without difficulty Henry V.
obtained a grant from Parliament in 1414 for an
expedition to France.
In spite of the treaty of Senlis, Duke John allied
himself with the English ; but the Flemish nobles
joined the French army. In August 1415 the English
landed at the mouth of the Seine and captured Har-
fleur, which was re-peopled with English settlers as
CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 167
Calais had been. Henry was then able to block the
waterway along which the . products of Rouen and
Paris found access to the sea, but his army was too
small for more ambitious schemes of conquest. In-
stead of re-embarking for England he marched by
land to Calais, probably in order to ascertain whether
the conquest of the Norman coast between Harfleur
and Calais would be a difficult operation. At Agin-
court the English were opposed by a French army of
about four times the English strength. Once again,
not far from Crecy, the English won a brilliant victory.
The Duke of Orleans was captured at Agincourt, and
the Count of Armagnac became the leader of the
Orleanists. In November Henry was warmly wel-
comed by his Londoners, who dreamed that the
plunder of France would again cross the Channel as in
the days of Edward III. Parliament cheerfully voted
funds for an expedition with which the king sailed to
Normandy in 1417. But Henry soon made it evident
that he intended to win a kingdom and not to pillage
France.
English greed and disunion were appropriately
rewarded by the campaign of Henry V. From the
first Henry made it clear that little plunder would be
sent to England. Stringent rules protected the
property and lives of non-combatant Frenchmen;
and town after town in Normandy submitted to the
English King. But once embarked on this enterprise
the English could not turn back. Had they done so,
the Burgundians would have been crushed, and con-
trol of the Channel which was necessary for Eng-
land's export trade would have passed to France.
168 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
For the policy which gave France access to the Medi-
terranean through Toulouse was bearing fruit. The
time was at hand when men described a man of colos-
sal wealth by saying " He is as rich as Jacques Coeur,"
the merchant prince who financed the Armagnac and
whose Mediterranean fleets rivalled those of Genoa
and Venice. The Emperor Sigismund visited England
in 1416 ; and his advice that the King should guard
Dover and Calais as his two eyes was an oft-told tale
in England. French ships could have been moved
from the Mediterranean to the Channel more easily
than the Genoese galleys which opposed Edward III.
Once these had passed the Straits of Dover they
could have isolated England. It was of the utmost
importance that France should be weakened. Never-
theless Englishmen realised that they were paying a
heavy price. A contemporary wrote " Woe is me !
Mighty men and the treasure of this realm will be
fordone about this business."
Fortune favoured Henry. Paris must have suffered
when the Seine, her great waterway, was closed. In
May 1418, just before Henry laid siege to Rouen, the
capital of Normandy, the Burgundian faction in Paris
rose against the Armagnacs. The Dauphin escaped,
but the Count of Armagnac was murdered, and Duke
John became the guardian of the mad King Charles.
Rouen, left without adequate support, succumbed ;
and Henry became the ruler of Normandy. Negotia-
tions were commenced both with the Dauphin and
with Duke John ; but Henry's terms were so
exorbitant that the war continued. In the summer
of 1419 the Dauphin and the Duke agreed to forget
CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 169
their feud and join in resisting the English invader.
Duke John met the Dauphin at Montereau, and, as
the Duke knelt to pay homage, he was murdered
by the Dauphin's men. Once again French disunion
was England's best ally. John's son and heir, Duke
Philip of Burgundy, made peace with the English.
Henry married Katherine of France and was recog-
nised as the heir of his father-in-law, Charles VI.
For little more than two years Henry governed
France as Regent for his insane father-in-law. These
years were spent in war with the Frenchmen of the
South, who supported the Dauphin. In 1422 Henry V.
died from dysentery brought on by exposure. His
infant son became Henry VI., and the Duke of Bedford,
the baby-king's uncle, inherited the impossible task
of ruling France and England. When, a few weeks
later, Charles VI. died, Bedford's task was not made
easier. Paris and the North accepted Henry VI. as
King of France, but in the South the Dauphin was
proclaimed as Charles VIII. Bedford's brother, the
Duke of Gloucester, acted as Bedford's deputy in
England, but his rule was nominal. The real power
was entrusted by Parliament to a council of magnates.
This subordination of the unifying and centralising
power of the Crown to the authority of a committee
of territorial lords was a marked feature of Lancastrian
times. The effect such a policy was likely to produce
can be traced in the history of Poland. In that land,
governed nominally by elected kings and in fact by
great landlords, agriculture was developed and manu-
facture stifled. The owners of land insisted on buying
cheap foreign goods, and home industries, other than
170 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
agriculture, were not fostered. The people remained
in an unprogressive, servile state, until the nation,
weakened by internal disunion, ceased to exist. From
such a fate England was saved by the victory of the
Yorkists in the War of the Roses.
In 1423 the Council of Magnates ordered the sale
of the navy which Henry V. had created. In 1452
two ships, " rotten and useless, practically constituted
the royal navy of England." Statute laws and civic
charters protected English merchants if the executive
had enforced the law. But the English wool-growing
lords supported armies of retainers and defied the law.
The Flemish and Italian merchant bought and sold
freely to lay and clerical magnates. English merchant
shipping declined and England's naval power was
further weakened. This is stated in the Libel (or
little book) of English Policy, written in 1436 or 1437.
In this book the trade of Europe, as far as it affected
England, is concisely discussed.
The author begins with an earnest exhortation
to the English to " cherish Marchandise, keepe the
admyraltie, that we bee Masters of the narrowe see,"
and gives the Emperor's advice to Henry to keep
Calais and Dover " as your tweyne eyne." Bruges is
described as the great market for European goods.
Thither went wool from Spain and Scotland, but this
could not be woven into fine cloth without the addition
of English wrool ; hence the author argues that the
Flemish must starve if they quarrel with England.
Constant stress is laid on the importance of a strong
English navy. With this and her fortresses of Calais
and Dover, England could close the narrow seas and
CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 171
exclude Scotch, Germans, Portuguese, Spaniards, and
Italians from their market in Flanders. Then, the
writer says, England could live in peace, since none
would dare to face the loss of their trade.
The Libel pleads for a united England, Wales, and
Ireland ; and, apart from the constant refrain, lord-
ship of the sea, attention is called to one " principal
matter/' that England should abandon her system of
unfair trade. The Libel does not find fault with the
law of England ; but it states plainly that the law
was constantly evaded and broken, so that foreigners
had advantages over Englishmen in the English
markets, whilst in foreign markets Englishmen were
forced to submit to such restrictions as foreigners
chose to impose. In the Libel the policy of English
fifteenth-century fiscal reformers was thus briefly
stated. Henry VI., who became King at the age of
one, inherited from his grandfather, Charles VI., a feeble
brain. In his reign the royal power, already seriously
weakened, almost disappeared. The authority of
Parliament dwindled with that of the King. A body
passing statutes which were not obeyed could not
command respect. Two parties divided England —
Lancastrians, who favoured the existing state of
things, and Yorkists, who advocated fiscal reform
and centralisation. An appeal was made to the sword.
The Yorkist victories paved the way for the protection
of industry which gave England the glories of Tudor
times.
Florence was a great buyer of the unfinished
English cloth, which members of the Arte di Calimala
dressed and dyed. For the Genoese who carried dyed
172 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
cloth from England and brought " Woll, Oyle, Woad-
ashen, by vessel in the see, Cotton, Rochalum, and good
gold of Genue," the writer of the Libel has no more
dislike than he has for the Germans, who also bought
dyed stuffs and sold us bacon, bowstaves, materials
for making beer, and naval stores. He speaks well,
too, of the trade with the Portuguese, and expresses
the hope that they will not imitate the Spanish and
deal directly with the Flemish. But he has few good
words to say of the Venetians and the Florentines.
"The great Galees of Venice and Florence
Be well laden with things of complacence,
All spicery and of grossers ware :
With sweet wines all manner of chaffare,
Apes and Japes, and marmusets tayled,
Nifles and trifles that little have avayled ;
And things with which they fetely blere our eye :
With things not enduring that we bye.
For much of this chaffare that is wastable
Might be forborne for dere and deceivable."
The economic policy of the Libel very closely
resembles the policy of modern protectionists. Com-
plementary imports — that is, those for which no sub-
stitute can be found at home — should be encouraged,
especially if the materials can be used in English
industries. Rival products should be as far as possible
kept out of England, and no foreigner should have any
advantage over Englishmen in the English market,
but the treatment of foreigners should be similar to
that which they accord to the English who trade in
their lands. The Lombards, in particular, are accused
of evading the protective laws of England, and this
CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 173
doubtless accounts for the dislike of these merchants
expressed in the Libel.
The Hanseatic League was an important factor in
the England of Henry VI. At one time three groups of
cities were included in this confederation : the Dutch,
the North Germans, under the leadership of Lubeck,
and the West Germans, led by Cologne. The merchants
from Cologne were the first to engage in the Anglo-
Flemish trade. The North Germans began life humbly
enough as fishermen who caught herrings off the south
coast of Sweden which was subject to the King of
Denmark. Their fishing fleet became a trading fleet,
and by force of arms they subjected Norway to their
economic control in 1285. Successors to the trade of
the Northmen, Wisby became their most important
trade centre in the Baltic. In the middle of the
fourteenth century the Danes fought to crush the
growing power of the German cities. Wisby was
destroyed, and a great Scandinavian Empire might
have been created had not the other groups united
with the North German in an offensive and defensive
alliance.
Under the headship of Cologne, sixty-seven cities
united in 1364. Denmark was reduced to subjection
in 1370. In 1397, Denmark, Norway and Sweden
were united ; but the economic power of the League
was then too firmly established, and the Baltic be-
came a mare clausum in which none but the Germans
might trade.
Fishing for herrings was a very ancient industry in
England. In 1238 mention is made of ships coming
from the Baltic to Yarmouth for cargoes of English
174 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
fish. In 1394 measures had to be taken to prevent
foreigners from using the Yorkshire coast as the North
Germans used the coast of Sweden. The London fish-
mongers failed in their struggle to keep the English
market for English-caught fish. In 1435 a statute was
passed authorising the sale of foreign fish in spite of
the charters of the fishmongers. Fishing should have
been a natural industry to islanders like the English ;
but as late as the seventeenth century the Dutch
claimed the right to fish English waters as if they
belonged to Holland. Then at last protection gave
the English a fishing industry as it had given her
supremacy in the making of cloth. The barons of
the Cinque Ports were also governors or conservators
of the Yarmouth herring fair. Thus they were pecu-
liarly responsible for the English navy and the English
fishing industry.
Whilst Henry V. was fighting in France, war broke
out between the Scandinavian powers and the North
German cities. The Dutch left the League and fought
in alliance with the Scandinavians. Had the English
not been pre-occupied with the French war they might
have joined in the war and opened the Baltic. As
it was, the war ended in favour of the North Germans
in 1435, although both the Dutch and the English
refused to admit the Hanseatic claim to a monopoly
of the Baltic trade, and unofficial war on the sea con-
tinued. This purely commercial war was fought with
great ferocity, since each side considered their foes
to be pirates and gave no quarter. In the treaties
made with the North Germans by Richard II., English
merchants were promised freedom of trade in the
CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 175
Baltic in return for the freedom granted to the Hanse
merchants in England, but the numerous acts of
violence recited in these treaties prove that the mer-
chants of the League had no intention of allowing
the English access to the Baltic. England had no
reason to complain of the merchants of Cologne ; but
the merchants, who are supposed to have called them-
selves at one time the brotherhood of St. Thomas
Becket, had become the Merchant Adventurers, and in
seeking to extend England's commerce they naturally
resented the closure of the Baltic by the North Germans.
During the early years of Henry VI. Bedford de-
voted his energies to establishing Henry's authority
in France. Recruits for the Anglo-Burgundian army
were readily obtained in England, whilst there was
a steady stream of Scotchmen into the ranks of
Charles VII. In 1406 James, the heir to the throne
of Scotland, was captured by the English whilst sailing
to France. He was restored to the Scotch in 1423,
after receiving an English education, and repaid his
English friends by stopping the exodus of soldiers
from Scotland. In wealth, the allies of England,
the Low Countries, and Northern France must have
been superior to the Frenchmen of the South, in spite
of the valuable Mediterranean trade. But, whilst
the Northerners, preoccupied by internal strife, gave
but grudgingly to the Anglo-Burgundian cause, the
Southerners spent their lives and money freely for
Charles VII. There was so little loyalty among the
allies that, in 1423, Gloucester married Jacqueline of
Hainault, hoping to gain her heritage of Holland,
which Duke Philip of Burgundy had marked as his
176 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
own. The Anglo-Burgundian alliance was nearly
wrecked when Gloucester, in 1425, crossed the Channel
to seize the land he coveted. The Londoners approved
of Gloucester's design, and showed their sympathy
by rising against those who had tried to supplant
Gloucester when he was making his unsuccessful
campaign in the Low Countries. Civil war was only
averted by Bedford's return. During Bedford's ab-
sence of sixteen months the French war was badly
managed, and the time then lost was never recovered.
Whilst the Anglo-Burgundians became lukewarm
and disunited, the French King's adherents gained
courage. For a little over a year French patriotism
was inspired by the sight of a girl-heroine, Joan of Arc,
who claimed that God had sent her to lead her country-
men to certain victory. Under her guidance the French
won some remarkable victories ; but, during the
eight months which preceded her capture in 1430, she
was used to inspire confidence, not to direct the cam-
paign. It is no disparagement to the services which
Joan of Arc rendered to France to suggest that the
vacillation of the Duke of Burgundy contributed
largely towards the success of the French.
The change in the economic relations between
England and Flanders is quite sufficient to account
for the dissolution of the Anglo-Burgundian alliance.
Heavy cloth, in which there was much wool, could be
more cheaply manufactured in England, since the
Flemish could only buy English wool burdened with
heavy export duties. Lighter fabrics could not as yet
be made in England, and in order to weave these
the Flemish had urgent need of English wool. The
CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 177
Flemish had advantages over the English in the
dressing and dyeing of both heavy and light cloth.
Hence, whilst one branch of Flemish weaving was
being ruined by English competition and the industry
as a whole was threatened by the probable develop-
ment of English cloth-making, the Flemish found it
difficult to retaliate on a nation which had a monopoly
of the raw material on which all branches depended.
In 1429 the English Parliament passed a statute
to check the practice of evading the payment of
export duties on wool carried to Flanders. In 1434
the Flemish forbade the importation of English cloth,
and in the same year Philip of Burgundy made a
secret agreement with Charles VII. In 1435 negotia-
tions for an Anglo-French peace failed because Eng-
land refused to restore Normandy ; the secret agree-
ment became the formal treaty of Arras ; and in 1436
the Flemish besieged Calais. The weavers of Ghent
were foremost in responding to the Duke's request
that his subjects should attack their old allies, the
English. But, although some Flemish weavers were
being ruined by English competition, there were many
weavers of lighter fabrics in Flanders who had need of
English wool, and Flemish cloth finishers were ready
to dress and dye English cloth. Scotch and Spanish
wool could be bought in Flanders, but these could not
be used until they were mixed with English wool.
When commerce with England was suspended the
zeal of the besiegers of Calais flagged. In spite of the
Duke's entreaties the Flemish returned to their homes,
and civil war, caused by divergent economic interests,
made Flanders a negligible quantity in the Anglo-
N
178 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
French duel. In the treaty of Arras Charles waived
his claim to suzerainty over Flanders during Duke
Philip's life ; but, when their dukes tried to abolish
the old privileges by which each Flemish city tried to
get the better of its neighbours, they met with a
resistance similar to that formerly offered to the
invading kings of France.
Just before the treaty of Arras was signed Bedford
died. Both Gloucester and the Duke of York were
left with claims to the throne of England if the boy-
king died without issue. But at first Gloucester and
York united in opposing the powerful Beauforts,
illegitimate descendants of John of Gaunt, who had
been legitimised by Parliament but declared incapable
of inheriting the Crown. Cardinal Henry Beaufort,
supported by his nephew the Earl of Somerset and by
the Earl of Suffolk, a descendant of the merchant
family of de la Pole, led a party which desired peace
with Flanders and France. Gloucester and York were
both naturally in favour of retaining the King's pos-
sessions in France. For fourteen years after the
treaty of Arras, the English grew more and more dis-
contented with the misgovernment of the magnates.
In 1450 popular discontent found expression in Cade's
rebellion ; and although this failed, it was soon fol-
lowed by the War of the Roses which put an end to
parliamentary misrule.
XIV
THE WAR OF THE ROSES
1440-1471
A STATUTE restricting the franchise in the shires to
those who owned landed property of an annual value
of not less than twenty shillings was passed in 1430
while the King was a child. Thus when Henry VI.
became old enough to govern he was surrounded by
barons who kept small armies of retainers and who
could fill Parliament with their partisans. Had the
magnates abstained from quarrelling with each other,
and had they allied themselves with the merchants,
the English monarchy and English freedom would
probably have been destroyed. The magnates appear
to have sought to conciliate the wealthy citizens when
the free sale of foreign fish was allowed in 1435, and
when in 1439 a statute was passed re-enacting the
restrictions on foreign merchants. In 1440 an Anglo-
Flemish commercial treaty was signed. This truce
lasted nine years. In 1449 the weavers of the Nether-
lands again insisted upon a prohibition of the importa-
tion of cheap English cloth, and the English retaliated
by forbidding all intercourse with the Low Countries.
The Hanse merchants played an important part in
the commercial struggle between England and Flanders.
i8o THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
As middlemen they insisted on being allowed to carry
either wool or cloth. When the Flemish declined to
accept English cloth, the Hanseats refused to supply
Flanders with wool, and the Flemish were obliged to
yield. Although the League aided England in their
commercial war with Flanders, the North Germans,
in spite of their treaties, refused to allow English
Merchant Adventurers entrance into the Baltic. From
1438 to 1441 the Dutch fought their former comrades
of the League to gain admittance into the Baltic ; but,
in spite of the treaty of 1441, the North Germans
insisted on their claim to exclude foreigners. The
Scandinavian kingdoms also tried to throw off the
yoke of the League. They were, however, so inferior
to the North Germans in sea power that they could
only secretly encourage the Victual Brothers, inde-
pendent sea rovers who were treated as pirates by the
League.
De Witt has left a picture of England as foreigners
saw her in the fifteenth century. " As for England,
we are to know that heretofore it wholly subsisted
by Husbandry, and was wont to be so naked of any
Naval Power that the Hans-Towns being at War with
England, they compelled King Edward in the Year
1470 to make peace upon Terms of Advantage to
them. And so long as the English used to transport
nothing but a few Minerals, and much Wool, which
they carried to Calais by a small number of their own
Ships, and sold only to Netherlandish Clothiers, it
would have been so prejudicial for the King to forbear
his Customs of Wool (which at Calais alone amounted
to 50,000 Crowns per annum, and likewise to the Sub-
THE WAR OF THE ROSES 181
ject,rin case he had made War upon the Netherlands)
that we read not that these trading Provinces ever
broke out into a perfect open War against England.
For the sometimes War hapned between the Princes
of the respective Countrys, nevertheless most of the
Citys concerned in Traffick and Drapery continued in
Amity."
In 1447 the naval weakness of England tempted
the League to enact that no English goods should be
carried except on Hanseatic ships. The French had
been steadily driving the English from the lands they
had conquered. In 1440 the captive Duke of Orleans
was released owing to the influence of the peace party.
It was intended that Orleans should act as peace-
maker between France and England, but the war
continued. In 1442 the idea of peace was revived ;
and it was suggested that Henry should marry a
daughter of the powerful Count of Armagnac. At
this time the French magnates, led by Armagnac,
were uniting against Charles VII., so that the pro-
posed marriage might have led to peace on favourable
terms for the English. In 1443, when Charles and his
magnates were reconciled, Suffolk crossed the Channel
and negotiated a truce for two years by surrendering
English claims. At the same time he arranged that
Henry should marry Margaret of Anjou, the daughter
of a landless French noble. It was becoming abun-
dantly clear that the English, with a weakened navy,
would have to face the hostility of the Germans in the
North Sea and of the French in the Channel when
France regained possession of the coast.
To keep power over Parliament the Government
i8a THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
accused the sheriffs of having " tampered with the
returns to Parliament, ignoring men duly elected, and
substituting nominees of their own." In 1445 legis-
lation was passed to secure that " Knyghtes of the
Shire . . . hereafter to be chosen be ... gentilmen of
birth " ; not yeomen, nor " bynethe." Having thus
silenced the democracy, the peace party determined to
attack Gloucester and York. In 1447 Parliament met
at Bury St. Edmunds, where the influence of the
London mob would not be felt. Gloucester was
arrested and died before trial. His death was followed
by the appointment of York to the Lieutenancy of
Ireland for ten years, an honourable form of banish-
ment. Repeated surrenders to the French prolonged
the truce until 1449. Then Parliament met in West-
minster, and before it was dissolved the Anglo-French
war was resumed. It was soon manifest that Eng-
land's possessions in France were doomed, and there
was grave danger that England would be invaded.
Above all things it was important that Calais should
not be lost. As long as Dover and Calais were in
English hands, the armed merchantmen of England
could interpose between the French and North German
fleets. If France had had an adequate navy or the
North Germans an adequate army nothing could have
saved England, since her coasts were so defenceless
that in 1450 it was an everyday occurrence for a walk
along the coast to end on board an enemy's ship.
Though there was great distress in England and
the King was penniless, the peace party had been
prospering. Cardinal Beaufort died in 1447, leaving
great wealth behind him. His nephew and Suffolk
THE WAR OF THE ROSES 183
were rewarded for their mismanagement by being cre-
ated Dukes of Somerset and of Suffolk. In addition
to England's other troubles, in 1449 the importation
of English cloth into Brabant, Holland, and Zeeland
was prohibited. A new Parliament was summoned to
meet at Westminster in November 1449. In spite of
the efforts of the peace party, this Parliament was
hostile to Suffolk. In order to protect his minister
from the anger of the people, Henry banished him for
five years ; but, on his way to the Continent, Suffolk
was intercepted and beheaded by English sailors who
were lying in wait for him. Parliament insisted that
all royal grants made during the King's reign should
be revoked. This order was, however, imperfectly
obeyed. Normandy was lost to the English in 1450.
The men of Kent rose under Jack Cade. The insur-
gents demanded a change of government and the
recall of the Duke of York from Ireland. Though
the rebellion was suppressed, York resigned the Lieu-
tenancy of Ireland and became the leader of the
opposition to the Government. In 1451 the South of
France was lost to the English. York was apparently
about to succeed, when he listened to an invitation to
make peace with Somerset. York's demands were
nominally conceded ; he disbanded his forces and met
the King, only to find that he was a prisoner in the
hands of his enemies. Somerset, however, feared to
take extreme measures against a popular leader, and
York acquiesced in Somerset's rule.
In 1452 the English were cheered by some suc-
cesses. At a diet held at Utrecht a majority of the
Hanse cities made favourable terms with the English
184 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
commissioners. The citizens of Ghent, in arms
against their Duke on account of certain taxes, sought
and obtained aid from England. The merchants of
Bordeaux, anxious once more to exchange wine for
English cloth, also obtained help from England and
expelled the French. The Parliament, which met in
this year at Reading to be free from the influence of
the Yorkist Londoners, supported Somerset and the
King. But clouds soon gathered. Liibeck refused to
accept the arrangement made at Utrecht. The
merchants of Cologne were allowed to enjoy the
privileges of the London Steelyard, whilst those of
Liibeck continued the commercial war with England.
The League was temporarily divided ; but the English
were still excluded from the Baltic market for their
cloth. In July 1453 twenty thousand citizens of
Ghent perished at the battle of Gavre, and England's
hope of recovering the Flemish market vanished. In
Southern France Bordeaux only was holding its own^
with difficulty, against the French. In October Bor-
deaux yielded, and another market was permanently
closed. The foreign possessions of England were re-
duced to the fortress of Calais.
To add to England's troubles the King's mind,
never very strong, gave way ; and he was unable even
to understand that an heir to his difficulties had been
born. Under these depressing conditions the Queen's
desire to be made Regent was refused ; and Parliament
in 1454 entrusted York with the office of Protector.
Somerset was at the same time lodged in the Tower,
lest a worse fate should befall him. Next year the
King recovered from his insanity. Somerset was
THE WAR OF THE ROSES 185
reinstated, and both parties drew the sword. The first
battle of St. Albans ended in a victory for the Yorkists.
Somerset was killed in battle ; York became Constable
of England, whilst his supporter, the Earl of Warwick,
was made Captain of Calais. In 1456 the Queen
removed her husband and son to the Midlands. The
Yorkists were then deprived of power ; but for three
years there was no fresh outbreak of civil war. In
1457, owing to reverses at sea, the Queen was forced
to give Warwick a commission to keep the sea for
three years, and Warwick succeeded where his pre-
decessor had failed.
In 1459 the Queen thought that she was strong
enough to crush the Yorkists. Both sides armed,
and the battles of Blore Heath and Ludlow proved
that the Queen's calculations were well founded. The
Yorkists made the mistake of trusting to their retainers
and fighting at a distance from London and Kent,
the centres of their strength. Before the end of the
year the leading Yorkists were in exile. York was
again sent to Ireland and Warwick withdrew to
Calais, which he held in opposition to the Government.
Though defeated on land, the Yorkists had the support
of England's sailors and of the men of Kent. In
London many of the rich merchants were Lancastrian,
but the great majority of the common folk were on
the side of York.
Warwick landed in Kent in 1460. He was wel-
comed by the citizens of London. Money was raised
in the city; at Northampton the Lancastrians were
crushed ; and York returned to London with a captive
King, who was allowed to reign under York's tutelage,
186 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
whilst York was recognised as the heir to the throne.
The Queen speedily raised a new army in the North.
At Wakefield, in 1460, York was defeated and killed
in the battle. A Lancastrian victory at St. Albans
in February 1461 ought to have opened the road to
London ; but the Queen hesitated before attacking
a Yorkist stronghold. Meanwhile York's son and
heir, soon to be Edward IV., had defeated the Lan-
castrians of the West at Mortimer's Cross. His
victorious army joined Warwick's force which had
been defeated at St. Albans, and London accepted
Edward as King. Henry VI. had escaped from the
custody of the Yorkists when they were defeated at
St. Albans. The new king pursued the Lancastrians
as they retired towards the North and defeated them
at Towton. Henry VI. and his Queen fled to Scot-
land, and, in 1461, Parliament recognised that
Edward IV. was King by right of birth and not by
parliamentary title.
The Yorkist cause had been supported by the
common folk, weavers and ironworkers. They were
rewarded in 1463 when Parliament decreed that the
importation of a long list of cutlery and ironware was
forbidden during the King's pleasure and that no
wrought silk should be imported for five years. At
the same time the export of wool was confined to
Englishmen, and to encourage agriculture the importa-
tion of grain was forbidden until the price was high
enough to allow English farmers to grow grain at a
profit. This, the first English corn law, if statutes
permitting or forbidding the exportation of grain are
neglected, preserved England from having her corn-
THE WAR OF THE ROSES 187
growing ruined by the importation of cheap grain
from the Baltic. Next year the importation of woollen
cloth was forbidden. The preambles to these statutes
make it quite clear that they were intended to protect
English industry. During the civil war, as a rule, the
common folk were spared, while noble prisoners were
executed without mercy. The slaughter of so many
magnates made it easier to carry into effect the idealism
of de Montfort who, two centuries before England was
ripe for the change, had urged Englishmen to protect
the English weaver instead of seeking over-precious
raiment from abroad.
In the year 1453, when the War of the Roses was
brewing, the Turks captured Constantinople. Materials
from the East, such as alum, without which cloth
could not then be finished, were only to be had at
whatever price the Turks chose to ask. John di
Castro, a refugee from Constantinople, obtained the
Pope's permission to open mines in papal territory.
An abundance of excellent alum was produced at
some date between 1460 and 1465. Shortly after this
alum was found at Volterra, not far from Florence.
The Medici of Florence were papal bankers and
financed the alum mines and works. After a war
between Florence and Volterra, the Medici were able
to control the supply of alum from Volterra as well as
that from papal territory. The cloth of Florence was
no longer sent to be dyed at Constantinople, and
the Popes and Medici won colossal wealth from the
discovery. The splendour and the wickedness of
Rome and Florence under the Borgias and the Medici
came from this easily earned wealth. Before the end
i88 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of the fifteenth century Florence, thinking herself
secure in her monopoly of alum, adopted the policy
of free importation. Cheap rough cloth was carried
from England to be finished in Florence. The rich
Medici grew richer, whilst the weavers starved and
fought desperately for the right to exist. Meanwhile
England increased her hold over the primary industry
of weaving, and waited in patience for the secondary
industries which were bound to come to her.
Portugal had been England's faithful political and
commercial ally. The treaty of Windsor, in 1386,
established this alliance, which was cemented by the
marriage of Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of
Gaunt, to King John of Portugal. Her son, Henry,
was the Portuguese prince who led his countrymen
on those voyages of discovery by which ultimately a
sea route to the East round the Cape of Good Hope
was found in 1486. Thus European progress was
stimulated and not retarded when importation from
the East was temporarily checked by the capture of
Constantinople. Duke Philip of Flanders was evi-
dently alive to the importance of Portugal when he
married Philippa's daughter, Isabel, with great pomp
in 1427 ; but the Portuguese remained faithful to their
English friends, and the treaty of Windsor was con-
stantly renewed. Charles the Bold, son of Philip and
Isabel, was the real ruler of Flanders for some years
before 1467, when he succeeded to the Duchy of
Burgundy on his father's death.
In 1461, the year in which Edward IV. was crowned,
Charles VII. of France died, and his son, Louis XL,
became King. From Louis, Queen Margaret obtained
THE WAR OF THE ROSES 189
shipping and men. But the rivalry which existed
between the Duke of Burgundy and Louis XL made
the French King cautious. English shipping was able
to cope with the insufficient force obtained from
France, and Queen Margaret again found shelter in
Scotland. A Lancastrian rising in the North of
England, supported by the Scotch, was crushed in
1464 at the battles of Hedgely Moor and Hexham.
Scotland then made peace with Edward ; Queen
Margaret fled to France ; and Henry VI. found hiding-
places in the houses of his English adherents. Fear
of the power of the King of France prevented an open
rupture between England and the Netherlands when
commercial intercourse was suspended.
After 1458 short commercial truces between
England and Flanders enabled English merchants to
conduct a somewhat precarious trade. In the second
year of his reign Edward tried to establish an English
Hanse in the Netherlands by the grant of a " large
charter " to English merchants trading in those parts.
Commercial treaties were also made with Denmark,
Brittany, Scotland, Naples, and Spain. To facilitate
the conclusion of the treaty with Spain a present of
English sheep was sent to the Spanish King, and it is
supposed that the growing of fine wool in Spain began
after this gift. In 1463 a Navigation Act was passed
to compel English exporters to use English ships ;
but this Act lapsed in three years and was probably
never seriously enforced. To raise funds for an
adequate navy was too dangerous a policy before the
central government was strong enough to crush
opposition to national taxation ; but Edward doubt-
igo THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
less hoped to restore England's sea power by building
up a mercantile marine. He became a trader on his
own account, and his marriage to an Englishwoman,
Elizabeth Woodville, who was only the daughter of
a knight, endeared the King to the middle classes,
although it tended to estrange the great nobles.
Edward's attempt to establish direct commerce
with the Netherlands alarmed the weavers of Flanders.
It was immediately followed by a Burgundian edict
prohibiting the importation of English cloth. This
was answered by an English Act forbidding importa-
tion from Burgundian lands ; but the Act specified
that the rights of the Steelyard were not to be affected,
hence Anglo-Flemish trade passed into the hands of
the merchants of Cologne. The commerce of Calais
was affected by Edward's " large charter," which was
intended to create direct intercourse between Flanders
and England, and by the Act which confined Anglo-
Flemish trade to the merchants of the Steelyard who
dealt between London and Bruges. When Charles
the Bold became Duke of Burgundy in 1467, negotia-
tions for an alliance between Charles and Edward
were set on foot. The alliance involved joint action
against France and direct commercial intercourse
between the Burgundian lands and England. It was
to be cemented by the marriage of Edward's sister,
Margaret, to Duke Charles.
Warwick, whose interests were bound up with
Calais and English shipping, opposed the alliance and
the treaties ; but a treaty which restored commerce
with the Netherlands was evidently better than the
absolute cessation of trade. Hence the merchants of
THE WAR OF THE ROSES 191
Calais supported Edward in his new policy, although
this policy involved their obtaining a smaller share of
Anglo-Flemish trade. The treaties were signed and
the marriage solemnised after Parliament had signified
its approval in 1468. Then followed a rising of nobles
who were jealous of the favours bestowed on the
Queen's relatives. Warwick and Edward's brother,
the Duke of Clarence, supported this rebellion. After
a small battle at Edgecote, Edward fell into the hands
of the rebels. This sudden revolt was succeeded by
an equally sudden reaction. Edward was set free,
and Warwick in 1470 fled to Calais. Refused admit-
tance at Calais, Warwick obtained ships and men from
Louis XL and sheltered himself in the mouth of the
Seine, where he was blockaded by the Duke of Bur-
gundy. Before long Duke Charles was forced to raise
the blockade. There were naval battles between the
Hanseatics and Flemings on one side and Warwick
on the other, although England and Burgundy were
allied. Finally, in 1470, after making peace with
Queen Margaret, Warwick landed at Dartmouth.
Edward fled to Flanders, and Henry VI. was released
from the Tower to serve as puppet King for Warwick.
It was not long before England again learned
that internal peace was impossible as long as her navy
was weak. After some hesitation, Duke Charles lent
his brother-in-law some ships, and money with which
he could hire others from the Hanse merchants. In
1471 Edward landed in England. Clarence deserted
Warwick's cause, and London again welcomed a
Yorkist King. Warwick was routed and slain at the
battle of Barnet in 1471. On the day of the battle
192 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
£)ueen Margaret landed at Weymouth. Three weeks
later the Lancastrians who had joined her were
defeated at Tewkesbury. Edward, the only son of
Henry VI., was put to death after the battle, and
Queen Margaret surrendered to Edward. Warwick's
Vice-Admiral, Fauconbridge, led his sailors to
London. He was defeated by the resistance of the
Londoners, and resumed his old career of pirate, until
he was captured and beheaded. Edward entered
London as unquestioned King. On the day of his
entry Henry VI. died a probably unnatural death in
the Tower, and for a time England had rest from
civil war.
XV
ENGLAND'S PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED
1473-1490
EDWARD IV. was restored to his throne by Duke Charles
the Bold ; but there was little to unite the two rulers
except their common hostility to Louis XI. Charles
wished to create an independent Greater Burgundy
which should stretch from the Low Countries to the
Mediterranean. Within his kingdom there would
have been ample pasture for flocks whose wool might
have fed Flemish looms. Charles even dreamed of
adding England to his dominions. After the death of
Henry VI. he placed on record a secret document in
which he claimed the throne of England as a descendant
of John of Gaunt through his mother. But the first
task to which Charles devoted his energy was the
conquest of the lands which separated Flemish looms
from the Burgundian pastures. To aid him in his
enterprise, Charles negotiated with the Dukes of
Guienne and Brittany and with Edward IV., who was
invited to enter France by way of Brittany.
Co-operation with the English was impossible until
the English could cross the Channel in safety. Ac-
cordingly Charles arranged a meeting of the Hanse
merchants and the English at Utrecht in 1473, when
o
194 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
peace was made between the North Germans and the
English. The feud between Cologne and the Baltic
towns was then healed, and Liibeck again became
the chief Hanse city. The North Germans regained
the privileges of the Steelyard, promising to give
English merchants equal freedom in the Baltic. This
promise was, however, speedily broken. Charles pro-
mised Edward the support of the Flemish in the
campaign against Louis ; but the merchants declined
to listen to the Duke's prayers and threats. In 1475
Edward wisely sailed to Calais instead of Brittany.
When it was clear that Charles would have no help
from Flanders, Edward made terms with Louis XI.
The campaign was abandoned after Edward had
received a large sum of money from the French King
and a promise of an annual subsidy. It was also
agreed that the Dauphin should marry Edward's
daughter Elizabeth. The marriage project failed ;
but the subsidy was regularly paid during Edward's
life, and he was thus relieved from the necessity of
summoning Parliament.
In 1476 French gold was used to bribe the Swiss to
attack Charles and to spread treachery in the Bur-
gundian army. Charles fell at the battle of Nancy,
leaving an only child, Mary, as heiress. The Flemish
burghers at first saw in the disaster an opportunity for
wringing from the duchess and her mother a renewal
of the privileges which had divided the Netherlands.
When Louis realised profit from his judicious invest-
ments by annexing large portions of the Burgundian
lands, and when he threatened to absorb the Nether-
lands by marrying the Dauphin to their young Duchess,
PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED 195
the burghers awoke to their danger. An army, tenfold
as large as that which Duke Charles had asked for,
was hastily levied, and Mary was married to Maxi-
milian, son of the German Emperor. Thus for a time
absolute ruin was averted ; but, in the end, the men
who preferred to depend on the foreigner for their raw
material, wool, and who thought as traders not as
imperialists, lost both trade and freedom.
Edward's interference in foreign politics almost
ceased after 1475. The money he received from
France, supplemented by benevolences or compul-
sory gifts from wealthy merchants, enabled him to
rule without Parliament. One Parliament, indeed,
met in 1478 ; but the only business it transacted was
the condemnation of Edward's brother, the Duke
of Clarence, for high treason. Clarence died in the
Tower before the sentence of Parliament was carried
out. Parliament did not again meet until 1483, just
before Edward's death. In 1478 a commercial treaty
was made between England and Flanders. Next year
Philip, the baby son of Maximilian and Mary, was
betrothed to one of Edward's daughters. Flanders
and France were at war and this was probably a hint
to the French King that there might be an Anglo-
Burgundian alliance if his payments were not punc-
tually made.
The last years of Edward's life were devoted
mainly to Scotland. Advantage was taken of the
Franco-Burgundian war and of disunion in the Scotch
royal family. The Duke of Albany, brother of the
reigning King James III., laid claim to the throne, and
Edward supported Albany's claim. In return Albany
o 2
196 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
promised to acknowledge Edward's overlordship if
he won the throne of Scotland. But in March 1482
Mary of Burgundy died, leaving two infant children,
Philip and Margaret. Whilst Edward and Albany
were making terms, Louis XI. was negotiating with the
Flemish, and it was agreed that the Dauphin should
marry Margaret, who would have as dowry the Bur-
gundian lands for which France was fighting. France
was thus able to interest herself in the affairs of
Scotland, and in the midst of a successful campaign
which Edward's brother Richard, Duke of Gloucester,
was conducting against James of Scotland, Albany
resigned his claim and made terms with his brother.
As the result of the war England gained only the
frontier town of Berwick, but Gloucester acquired the
reputation of a great military leader.
The negotiations between France and the Low
Countries, which were finally concluded by the Peace
of Arras in March 1483, were at once felt in England.
The motive, prompting Louis to pay the annual
bribe, which had lessened taxation in England, was
removed when Edward's neutrality was no longer
of value to the French King. France could then
interfere to check the movement towards the unifica-
tion of Great Britain, and the trade between England
and the Low Countries was endangered. When
England wished to sell cloth instead of wool Bruges
closed her market in 1434, only to create a dangerous
rival in Antwerp, the sea port of Brabant. There
English Merchant Adventurers settled in 1446, and
Antwerp, accepting the principle of free trade, offered
a hearty welcome to all merchants of every nation.
PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED 197
The Hanse League had much capital invested in
Bruges, and were therefore loth to leave. But as the
trade of Bruges decayed, the Zwyn silted up. Charles
the Bold urged his semi-independent Flemish towns to
aid Bruges in clearing the waterway, but they turned
a deaf ear. Antwerp grew as Bruges declined, and
the Hanse merchants followed the English. Then
followed the dramatic commercial war of the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. Cheap English
goods flooded the Low Countries and Germany.
At first there was plenty for the poor and luxury for
the rich, soon followed by loss of production, ruin,
and desolation. It was this market of Antwerp which
might have been closed to the English by the Peace
of Arras.
Parliament met in January 1483, and supply for
the Anglo-French war which seemed inevitable was
at once voted. Shortly after Parliament was pro-
rogued Edward died in April 1483, and his son, a boy
of twelve, became Edward V. By illegal and violent
measures the young King's uncle, Gloucester, was
made Protector, and the sons of Edward IV. were
lodged in the Tower. In June the Protector obtained
the consent of the nobles to his usurpation of the
throne as Richard III. A few days after this the boy-
king and his brother were murdered in the Tower.
The conscience of the nation was again shocked when
Richard's wife, whose health precluded the possibility
of her bearing more children, died suddenly, after
Richard was left childless by the death of his only
son. The shock was increased when Richard pro-
posed to marry his niece Elizabeth, the sister of the
ig8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
murdered children. Englishmen believed not without
some reason that Richard had murdered Henry VI.,
his brother Clarence, his two nephews, and his wife.
Though Richard's Parliament passed statutes making
benevolences illegal and protecting English trade
against foreign competition, his reign was destined
to be a short one.
Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, a descendant of
the Beauforts, had fled to the Continent. Arrange-
ments were made by which he was to land in England,
seize the Crown, marry Edward's daughter Elizabeth,
and thus put an end to the strife between the Houses
of York and Lancaster. In 1483 Richard succeeded in
suppressing a rebellion to carry out this scheme ; but
in 1485 Henry landed at Milford Haven with a small
body of soldiers lent by the French. Richard was
defeated and killed near Bosworth ; and Henry was
informally crowned on the field of battle. His formal
coronation took place in October 1485 ; and almost
immediately Parliament met and gave its sanction.
In January 1486 Henry married Elizabeth, and the
long feud between York and Lancaster was healed.
In 1621, when the advantage which England had
gained from protection was patent to all, Lord
Bacon wrote of Henry VII. that " the King also (having
care to make his realm potent as well by sea as
by land), for the better maintenance of the navy,
ordained that wines and woads from the ports of Gas-
coign and Languedoc should not be brought but in
English bottoms ; bowing the ancient policy of this
estate from consideration of plenty to consideration of
power : for that almost all the ancient statutes invite
PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED 199
(by all means) merchant strangers to bring in all sorts
of commodities, having for end cheapness, and not
looking to the point of state concerning the naval
power." If it is possibly too much to claim for Henry
the inauguration of the protective policy, he and his
descendants made England great by loyally adhering
to it.
In a speech which Bacon puts in the mouth of
Henry's Chancellor at the opening of Parliament, the
Chancellor states that the King " prays you to take
into consideration matters of trade, as also the manu-
factures of the kingdom, and to repress the bastard
and barren employment of moneys to usury and
unlawful exchanges, that they may be (as their
natural use is) turned upon commerce and lawful and
royal trading ; and likewise that our people may be
set awork in arts and handicrafts, that the realm may
subsist more of itself, that idleness be avoided, and
the draining out of our treasure for foreign manu-
facture stopped. But you are not to rest here only,
but to provide further that whatsoever merchandise
shall be brought in from beyond the seas may be
employed upon the commodities of this land, whereby
the kingdom's stock of treasure may be sure to be kept
from being diminished by any overtrading of the
foreigner."
When mentioning a law which forbade the im-
portation of certain silk goods, Bacon says that
" this law pointed at a true principle ; that where
foreign materials are but superfluities, foreign manu-
factures should be prohibited. For that will either
banish the superfluity or gain the manufacture."
200 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Laws were passed compelling importers of foreign
" merchandise brought in from beyond the seas " to
buy an equivalent amount of English goods, so that
imports were paid for by exports and checking the
" barren employment of moneys " so that rich English-
men could not, like the Fuggers and Medici, send
capital abroad to earn interest by giving employment
to foreigners. In a popular poem written after the
protective statutes of Edward IV. the following quaint
advice was given :
" Therefore let not our wool be sold for nought,
Neither our cloth, for they must be sought,
And in especial restrain straightly the wool,
That the commons of this land may work at the full.
And if any wool be sold of this land,
Let it be of the worst both to free and bond,
And none other in (no) manner wise,
For many causes, as I can devise.
If the wool be coarse, the cloth is much the worse,
Yet into little they put out of purse,
As much for carding, spinning, and weaving,
Fulling, rowing, dyeing, and shearing.
And yet when such cloth is all wrought,
To the maker it availeth little or nought.
The price is simple, the cost is never the less,
They that worked such wool in wit be like an ass.
The cost within little truly at the full
Is as much as it were made of the fine wool,
Yet a yard of that one is worth five of the other ;
Better can not I say, though it were to my brother."
This somewhat unscrupulous policy was carried
out by enacting that the foreigner should not be
allowed to buy English wool until the English weaver
had enjoyed an option for six months after shearing
PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED 201
time. No cloth might leave England until it had
been " barbed, rowed, and shorn." For centuries the
importation of foreign cloth was forbidden, except
during a few years when Oliver Cromwell's army
governed England. The keystone of England's fiscal
policy was this forcing the rich to support the poor
weaver and not " to seek over-precious raiment."
Iron-ware was prohibited during the King's pleasure
in the reign of Edward IV. It is evident the English
production was then insufficient, and the King was
therefore invited to regulate the importation. In the
short reign of Richard III. the importation was given
as a monopoly to English merchants ; but as these
goods came from the Low Countries, with whom
commerce was frequently interrupted, a great stimulus
was given to home production. The prohibition was
not made absolute until the reign of Elizabeth ; but
from 1354 the exportation of iron was prohibited, thus
a supply of raw material was ensured.
The Wars of the Roses were fought by armies of
retainers, who wore the livery of great nobles in token
of their readiness to support the cause of their leaders,
whilst these leaders maintained or protected their
followers in the King's courts. Juries were afraid to
convict ; and the laws against livery and maintenance,
which were continually enacted from 1327 onwards,
were inoperative, since the offence of maintenance
was repeated when offences against these statutes
came into court. A new court, which obtained the
name of Star Chamber, was established at the com-
mencement of Henry's reign. It was composed of the
Chancellor, Treasurer, Privy Seal, a bishop, a lay lord
202 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of the Privy Council, and two judges. Offences
against the statutes of livery and maintenance were
removed to this court, which could not be terrorised.
The King's treasury was filled by heavy fines levied
on disobedient nobles, and the King's peace replaced
feudal disorder.
The magnates were, however, unwilling to beat
their swords into ploughshares. The growth of
weaving had made sheep farming more profitable
than agriculture, and landlords were taking advantage
of Enclosure Acts such as the Statute of Merton.
" Inclosures at that time began to be more frequent,
whereby arable land (which could not be cultivated
without people and families) was turned into pasture,
which was easily rid by a few herdsmen ; and tenances
for years, lives, and at will (whereupon much of the
yeomanry lived) were turned into demesnes. This
bred a decay of people. ... In remedying of this
inconvenience the King's wisdom was admirable ; and
the Parliament's at that time. Inclosures they would
not forbid, for that had been to forbid the improve-
ment of the patrimony of the kingdom ; nor tillage
they would not compel, for that was to strive with
Nature and utility : but they took a course to take
away depopulating inclosures and depopulating pastur-
age, and yet not by that name, or by any imperious
express prohibition, but by consequence.
" The ordinance was, ' That all houses of husbandry,
that were used with twenty acres of ground and up-
wards, should be maintained and kept up for ever ;
together with a competent proportion of land to be
used and occupied with them ' (as by another statute,
PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED 203
made afterwards in his successor's time was more fully
declared) ; this upon forfeiture to be taken, not by way
of popular action, but by seizure of the land itself by
the King and lords of the fee, as to half the profits, till
the houses and lands were restored. By this means
the houses being kept up did of necessity enforce a
dweller ; and the proportion of land being kept up,
did of necessity enforce that dweller not to be a beggar
or cottager, but a man of some substance, that might
keep hinds and servants, and set the plough on going."
After describing the service which this yeoman class
could render to the military strength of England, Lord
Bacon adds : " Thus did the King secretly sow Hydra's
teeth ; whereupon (according to the poet's fiction)
should rise up armed men for the service of the king-
dom.'' Bacon had personal experience of the effect
of this policy.
Much was done by Henry VII. to found English
commerce upon England's production of cheap cloth.
When the Venetians, alarmed at the appearance of
English shipping in the Eastern Mediterranean, im-
posed an export duty on Cretan wines loaded on
foreign ships and gave bounties to their own wine-
exporters, Parliament retaliated by placing a heavy
import duty on wine carried by the Venetians. As a
producer of cloth England had an overwhelming
advantage in this commercial war. The trade of the
Venetian middlemen in English cloth was swept away,
when England in 1490 made a commercial treaty with
Florence, the great centre of cloth-making in Italy.
Florence, like Antwerp, accepted the principle of free
trade. Cheap English cloth was imported in the hope
204 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of retaining the secondary industry of dyeing and
dressing when the primary industry of weaving was
surrendered to England. In Florence, as in Flanders,
this policy was followed by ephemeral prosperity,
marred by civil wars which were the death throes of
the weaving industry. Then followed in Florence, as
in Flanders, loss of freedom and ruin. But protected
England grew ever richer and her cloth was carried
throughout the Mediterranean by English merchants
on English ships.
It was much more difficult to deal with the
Hanseatic League than with the Venetians. The
treaty of Utrecht gave English merchants the same
rights in the Baltic as Hanse merchants enjoyed in
England, but these rights in the Baltic were withheld.
Until England had built an adequate navy nothing
could, however, be done ; and English merchants were
forced, from fear of the sea power of the League, to
acquiesce in a policy of masterly inactivity. Indeed
an Act was passed in the reign of Henry VII. expressly
exempting Hanse merchants from any restrictive
commercial legislation "which Parliament might pass.
But even the commerce and sea power of the Hanse
League, lacking the only sure foundation of national
production, contained within itself the seeds of decay.
At least the foundation of England's Tudor navy was
laid in the reign of Henry VII. and the first dry dock
was constructed, although it was left for other Tudors
to build on this foundation. A way into the Baltic was
also opened by the treaty with Denmark in 1490 ; and
through this entrance English ships sailed ultimately
to wrest from Germans the commerce of the League.
XVI
SPAIN ENTERS INTO TRADE COMPETITION
1490-1509
THE greatest problem which confronted Henry was
the phenomenal growth of Spain. Until 1479 Spain
was divided into two large Christian States, Castile
and Aragon, the small Mahomedan kingdom of Gra-
nada, and the still smaller Christian State of Navarre.
Though Castile was three times the size of its eastern
neighbour Aragon, this difference was partly com-
pensated by the Aragonese possessions in the Mediter-
ranean, Corsica and Sardinia, and by the control
Aragon exercised over Sicily. The union of Castile
and Aragon under Ferdinand and Isabella, which
foreshadowed the absorption of Granada and Navarre,
created a Spanish nation which occupied four-fifths
of the Iberian peninsula. It seemed only too likely
that Portugal, the remaining fifth, would also be per-
manently absorbed, as, somewhat later, it actually
was united to Spain for sixty years.
Before the Catholic kings, Ferdinand, Isabella, and
their successors, created national unity by asserting
their royal power, Spanish nobles and Spanish Par-
liaments possessed even greater rights and freedom
than the English had before the Tudors centralised
206 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the government of England. There was more religious
toleration in Spain than there was in England. Jews
and Mahomedans worked side by side with Christians.
The Spaniard excelled the English in manufactures,
and, after Edward IV. sent the King of Aragon a
present of English sheep, the wool of Spain became
even finer than that of England. Live sheep had
been sent to Spain in the reign of Edward III., but
probably through carelessness in breeding Spanish
wool was of inferior quality until after the reign of
Edward IV. The success of the Portuguese in dis-
covering the gold of Guinea and the sea route to the
East was dwarfed when, in 1493, Ferdinand was told
by Columbus of the discovery of America. A Pope
had given the sanction of religion to the Portuguese
monopoly of the sea route to the East and to the
lands they had found in Africa. Another Pope, Alex-
ander VI., a Spaniard by birth, gave Ferdinand and
Isabella similar rights in the West. In the subsequent
histories of Spain and England the effect of economic
policy on national growth and national freedom can
be clearly traced. Spain neglected her workers, and
lost her freedom and colossal strength ; whilst by
pursuing an opposite policy England became both
strong and free.
England could stop Spanish ships from passing
Dover and Calais ; Spain could exclude the English
from the Mediterranean ; hence a good understanding
was important to both nations. After thirteen years
of tedious negotiations Ferdinand's youngest daughter,
Catherine, was married to Arthur, the eldest son of
Henry VII. and heir to the throne of England. A few
SPANISH COMPETITION 207
months later Arthur died, and Henry, who was at the
time a widower, sought to marry his daughter-in-law.
When her mother Isabella vetoed this curious pro-
posal, Catherine was married to her brother-in-law,
afterwards Henry VIII.
An unhappy fate attended most of the carefully
planned marriages of Ferdinand's five children. His
eldest daughter, Isabella, married the Crown Prince of
Portugal in 1490, only to become a widow in a few
months' time. In 1497 she married her husband's
cousin and successor, Emanuel, and died giving birth
to a son, who also died in infancy. Ferdinand's third
daughter, Maria, then became Emanuel's wife. Had
Isabella's son lived he would have united Spain and
Portugal, since Ferdinand's only son, Juan, died
without issue in 1497. Between Maria and the Crown
of Spain there were Ferdinand's second daughter,
Juanna, and her two sons, Charles and Ferdinand.
Just as Isabella and Maria were used to bring Portugal
under Spanish control, so Juan and Juanna were used
to detach Flanders from France. The story of this
change in Flanders is closely intertwined with English
history.
Mary of Burgundy died in 1482 leaving Maximilian
a widower with two children, Philip and Margaret.
Just before his death, in 1483, Louis XI. signed the
Peace of Arras and betrothed the Dauphin, soon
to be Charles VIII., to the baby princess, Margaret,
of Flanders, who was kept at Paris until she should
arrive at a marriageable age. Confusion reigned in
the Low Countries after Mary's death. The chief
interest of the French fief, Flanders, was weaving, and
208 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
English cloth was prohibited in Flanders. The mer-
chants of Bruges watched with anger the passing of
their prosperity to Antwerp, which imported English
cloth for Brabant and the other provinces. There was
economic division in Brabant, as well as in Flanders,
since Brabantine weavers were also being ruined by
English cloth ; but, on the whole, Flanders was in
favour of protection and the German fiefs of free trade.
The Flemish obtained possession of the child duke,
Philip, and refused to allow his German father, Maxi-
milian, any voice in their government. With Margaret
at Paris and Philip in Flanders, with England weakened
by a King, Richard III., whose vices had disgusted his
people, and with the economic interests of the Flemish
forcing them towards France, the political union of
Flanders and France would probably have been
accomplished but for two reasons. The annexation of
Flanders would almost certainly have caused war
between France and Maximilian's father, the Em-
peror of Germany, and the prospect of annexing
Brittany to France diverted the interest of the French
from Flanders. Hence when Henry VII. became
King of England, Maximilian had, after a civil war,
established his authority over the Low Countries,
France was moving towards the final conquest of
Brittany, and fate was preparing, for what is now
called Belgium economic and political ruin. The
short-lived prosperity of Brabant, which came from
the free trade of Antwerp, was about to place the
southern provinces of the Netherlands under Spanish
rule and to make them for centuries a battlefield where
European nations fought for any issue except the
SPANISH COMPETITION 209
freedom and independence of the unhappy land which
was devastated in the wars. .
During the early years of Henry's reign the ancient
questions of Flanders and France dominated England's
foreign policy. Spain was then preoccupied with
the tasks of absorbing the Mahomedan kingdom of
Granada and transforming herself into a great military
and naval power. When Maximilian tried to prevent
the absorption of Brittany by France, and to regain
the Burgundian provinces which Louis XI. had
annexed, he was constantly thwarted by his Flemish
subjects. Maximilian's policy involved alliance with
England and war with France ; and, whilst this suited
the interests of the merchants of Antwerp, it was
fatal to the weaving industry of Flanders. Flanders
was the scene of incessant civil wars, and the hatred
of England which permeated the land found expression
in the schemes of the Dowager Duchess Margaret,
widow of Charles the Bold and sister of Edward IV.
Soon after Henry's accession an impostor, Lambert
Simnel, personated the Earl of Warwick, a nephew of
Edward IV., who was at the time closely imprisoned
in the Tower. In Ireland Simnel was accepted as
King, and Margaret of Burgundy sent Flemish soldiers
to assist the rebels. But the movement failed in
England, and without great difficulty Henry defeated
the invading army of Irish and Flemings at Stoke-on-
Trent in 1487. French designs against the autonomy
of Brittany drew Maximilian and Henry together, and
Ferdinand also nominally joined the alliance. The
Spanish were anxious to recover two frontier pro-
vinces, Rousillon and Cerdagne, which Louis XI. had
p
210 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
managed to obtain ; but they were preoccupied by the
war in Granada.
In 1489 Parliament made a grant for the war with
France. This was followed by an insurrection in the
North of England, a not uncommon sequel to an
attempt at levying taxes in those days. When this
revolt was suppressed, Henry had to help Maximilian
in suppressing the Flemish, who had taken arms
against the English alliance and the proposed war
with France. Still pressed by the Flemish, Maxi-
milian made peace with France in 1489, a few months
after an English army had landed in Brittany. The
chief result of England's invasion of Brittany was the
marriage of the young Duchess of Brittany by proxy
to Maximilian in 1490. The French at once invaded
Brittany, and Maximilian's bride was then actually
married to Charles VIII. in 1491. In this way Brittany
was permanently joined to France, whose sea power
was thus greatly increased.
Ferdinand, Henry, and Maximilian prepared for
war with France. The usual rebellion in Flanders was
suppressed by Maximilian's army, aided by an English
fleet, and in 1492 Henry crossed to Calais and laid
siege to Boulogne. Disunion in the Netherlands,
however, wrecked the alliance. The Dowager Duchess
had been secretly preparing a fresh impostor, Perkin
Warbeck, who was supposed in Flanders to be an
illegitimate son of Edward IV. by the wife of a Flemish
boatman. In 1491 Warbeck assumed in Ireland the
role of the younger of the princes who were murdered
in the Tower.
Instead of vigorously attacking France, Spain
SPANISH COMPETITION 211
entered into negotiations for the restoration of the
provinces she coveted, and Henry, threatened with
revolt at home, wisely accepted a large indemnity from
Charles and signed the peace of Etaples. A few
months later Spain gained her provinces and also
made peace, and soon after, in 1493, Maximilian, too,
signed the treaty of Senlis. By this treaty Maxi-
milian's daughter, Margaret, was returned to her
father, and with her many of the Burgundian land
annexed by Louis after the death of Charles the Bold
were restored. Charles VIII. made these sacrifices
in order to free himself for the conquest of Italy.
This invasion seemed at first to be a triumphal progress
rather than war. A rich prize was being fought for —
the Italian monopoly of alum. Had France succeeded
by stopping the supply of alum, she could, without war,
have forced Flemish dressers and dyers to join the
weavers in demanding the union of Flanders and
France. Spanish influence over Southern Italy was
disappearing when Louis' son, then Charles VIII. of
France, was confronted by a Holy League — that is,
one which included the Pope. The League was
created by Ferdinand ; Maximilian, Emperor of
Germany since 1493, and Henry VII. joined it, and the
French conquest of Italy was checked.
Warbeck, deprived of French aid by the peace of
Etaples, went to Flanders, where the Dowager Duchess
unofficially supplied him with men and ships. With
these he tried and failed to land at Deal in 1495.
Thence he again sailed to Ireland ; but Henry had,
during the previous year, sent Sir Edward Poynings
to Ireland to prepare for Warbeck's return. It was
P 2
212 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
then that the Poynings Acts were passed by the Irish
Parliament. These made existing English law valid
in Ireland and decreed that in future all Irish legisla-
tion should be invalid unless approved by the English
Council. After failing in Ireland, Warbeck found
shelter in Scotland, where he was at first cordially
received by James IV. After the formation of the
Holy League, Warbeck was repudiated by his Flemish
friends.
In 1496 Parliament made a large grant for war with
James IV. of Scotland. Opposition to taxation led
to an insurrection of the Cornish. This revolt, follow-
ing the previous rising in Northumberland, appears to
have been the reason why Henry summoned only one
other Parliament during the remaining thirteen years
of his reign, and from the Parliament of 1504 he only
asked the customary feudal dues on knighting his eldest
son and marrying his eldest daughter ; but even these
customary payments were strongly opposed. The
Cornish rebels advanced unopposed through Southern
England to suffer a crushing defeat at Blackheath.
Warbeck had left Scotland in order to raise the Irish,
but was forced to land in the West without followers.
In spite of the battle of Blackheath, an insurgent army
soon assembled. Without much difficulty, however,
Warbeck was captured, and after escaping from the
Tower he was executed in 1499. In the same month
the Earl of Warwick suffered the same punishment.
The war with Scotland was not vigorously pro-
secuted, and a truce was signed in 1497. This truce
became a defensive alliance in 1502, and the alliance
was sealed by the marriage of James IV. to Henry's
SPANISH COMPETITION 213
elder daughter, Margaret. From this marriage came
the union of Great Britain under James I. The
alliance of Maximilian and Ferdinand was in like
manner confirmed in 1496, when Ferdinand's daughter,
Juanna, married Maximilian's son, Philip, and the
Spanish fleet which carried Juanna to the Netherlands
returned with Philip's sister, Margaret, who was
married to Juan, the heir of Spain.
Whilst Flanders was supporting Warbeck, Anglo-
Flemish trade, other than that carried on by the
merchants of the Steelyard, was stopped. The anger
of the Merchant Adventurers was expressed by an
attack on the Steelyard. But, until England pos-
sessed a strong navy, the Hanse League was a dangerous
foe, and the rioting was suppressed. To induce Eng-
land to join the Holy League the Magnus Intercursus,
an Anglo-Burgundian commercial treaty, was signed
in 1496, and English merchants returned to Antwerp.
Ten years later, when Philip and Juanna were sailing
south to take possession of Castile, which they inherited
on the death of Isabella, they were forced to seek
refuge in England. From his guests Henry obtained
two very advantageous treaties, one of which, the
Malus Intercursus, deprived Flemish weavers of the
limited protection afforded them by the Magnus
Intercursus. A storm of protest in Flanders sealed
the fate of the new commercial treaty, and trade was
conducted on the lines laid down in Magnus Inter-
cursus.
" Their first contact with the West Indies revealed
to the Spaniards the possibility of opening up fresh
sources of supply, and the amount of the precious
214 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
metals they acquired was quite unprecedented. The
islands supplied annually increasing quantities till
1516 ; in 1522 the exploitation of Mexico began."
Dr. Cunningham adds that, measured by the value of
grain, the rise in prices was as i to 2*40 from 1540 to
1582, and as i to 2*22 from 1583 to 1642. In one
century, therefore, the cost of grain food increased more
than fivefold. As this wealth belonged to Spain, her
sudden appearance as the greatest Power in Europe
is easily accounted for. She had the means of increas-
ing her navy to an almost unlimited extent. The
people of Spain were trained to arms owing to their
frequent contests with the Mahomedans ; her rulers
had the wealth to support armies on foreign service.
From the beginning of the sixteenth century until
1648, Spanish infantry enjoyed the reputation of being
invincible ; but ultimately Spain's fiscal system ruined
her army. The Spanish soldier was conquered by the
rise in prices.
Spain's fatal mistake was the undervaluing of
Spanish production. Before the days of Ferdinand
and Isabella, manufactures were largely in the hands
of Moors, who were also better agriculturists than their
Christian neighbours. Commerce was conducted by
Jews, who for centuries enjoyed more toleration in
Spain than in other parts of Europe. Suddenly
toleration was replaced by persecution. The Jews
were banished in 1492, and the Moors shared their
fate when gold from America promised to give Spain
wealth which was not earned by work done in the
home country. A century later, when Spain was
intoxicated by unearned gold, the Christianised Moors,
SPANISH COMPETITION 215
or Moriscos, were also expelled. In defiance of the
laws of Spain the precious metals were exported to
buy foreign products, and this exportation increased
as prices rose. When Spain's ability to pay for an
army and navy declined, her military and naval
strength naturally decayed.
The rise in prices was of benefit to England. Her
products increased in value as Spanish gold and silver
lost their purchasing power. But England's Kings
suffered. The rooted objection of the English to all
taxation increased when ever-increasing sums of
money had to be raised for national purposes. The
dissolution of the monasteries and the execution of
Charles I. were both largely due to the need of additional
supply for national purposes when the value of the
precious metals declined. It was a mere chance that
Columbus did not discover America for England
instead of for Spain. Cabot, almost immediately
after the voyage of Columbus, sailed from Bristol to
Newfoundland. But until 1525 England feared to
challenge Spain's monopoly of the New World. Then
the economic strength which came from English
production enabled England to begin a contest that
lasted until Spain was ruined. Spain bought goods
from all nations, England sold goods to all ; hence
Spain became a sieve through which the precious
metals flowed to England.
Henry VII. appears to have foreseen the impending
change. He could not increase taxation without the
danger of rebellions ; but from the rich, by fines and
benevolences, he obtained such wealth that his son,
Henry VIII., is reported to have inherited i,8oo,ooo/.
216 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
with the Crown of England. Of England at this time
Bacon wrote : " The Crown extremely rich and full of
treasure, and the kingdom like to be so in a short time.
For there was no war, no dearth, no stop of trade or
commerce ; it was only the Crown which sucked too
hard ; but now being full, and upon the head of a
young King, it was like to draw the less." The seven-
teen-year-old King at once ceased to suck money.
Victims were invited to lay their grievances before
the King ; and the agents of Henry VII., Dudley and
Empson, were executed.
The Anglo-Spanish entente cordiale brought pros-
perity. France paid large annual sums to safeguard
her coasts from English invaders. Without aid from
France the Scotch did not dare to attack England.
The middlemen of Spain were ready to buy English
cloth, at Antwerp or Cadiz, which they could sell in
their home and colonial markets. Portugal, with
her markets in the East, the Netherlands, Italy, and
Germany, was being rapidly brought under Spanish
influence. Access to Italian alum, a vital necessity
for the development of dressing and dyeing in England,
was open as long as England and Spain were at peace.
Protection of industry was welding England into a
united nation. The centralising power of the Crown
was destroying the decentralisation which prevailed
when feudal magnates were semi-independent kinglets.
On the Continent a movement was in progress towards
the creation of an Empire out of the States of Europe.
Charles of Burgundy was about to become Duke of
Austria, King of Spain, and the great Emperor
Charles V. of Germany. Whilst England was laying
SPANISH COMPETITION 217
the foundations of what has become a world-wide
Empire on the sure rock of the protection of national
production, Charles V. was destined to prove the
impossibility of building on the sandy foundation of
international trade and the exploitation of recently
discovered lands. Before Charles abdicated in 1555,
crushed by the task he had undertaken, it had
been clearly demonstrated that a nation united
by protecting its workers was stronger than the most
powerful and wealthy monarch of an empire of
traders.
The policy of France resembled that of England,
and she, like England, resisted absorption into the
European federation. Her Kings, in alliance with the
artisans of her towns, had created out of semi-inde-
pendent provinces a nation whose area was nearly as
great as that of modern France. Mediaeval commerce
could not exist without commercial treaties, and the
long Anglo-French wars made such treaties impossible
except for brief periods. In the " Libel of English
Policie " England's trade with Flanders and Brittany
is mentioned ; but this existed because these pro-
vinces were semi-independent. Nothing is said of
direct Anglo-French commerce, because it was prac-
tically non-existent. It is easy to understand why
England often fought to maintain the autonomy of
the French provinces and why she allied herself with
Spain when the French tried to absorb Italy and the
Italian alum mines. Had the French become masters
of Italy, the dressers and dyers of Flanders, to whom
alum was indispensable, must have starved like their
brother weavers or become a part of France. The
2i8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
French, doubtless, realised that they could conquer
Flanders in Italy.
Charles VIII. of France was followed by Louis XII.
in 1498. The new King of France continued the policy
of bribing the English to abstain from attacking
France, in order that the French might concentrate
their energies on the invasion of Italy ; but the Italians,
aided by the Spaniards, were able to keep the French
at bay. A year before Henry VII. died, the Pope,
Spain, and France forgot for a time that they were
foes and joined in the League of Cambrai. The object
of this League was to plunder Venice, and it was
speedily gained. When the Pope and the Spaniards
had obtained their desires, and the French were
making use of the alliance to establish themselves in
Northern Italy, a new Holy League was formed
between the Pope, Spain, and Venice in order to resist
Louis XII. Thus Henry VIII., at his accession, was
confronted, as his father had been, with the danger
to the rapidly growing woollen industry of England
which was involved in the establishment of French
control over the alum mines of Italy.
XVII
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES
I509-IS39
HENRY VIII. began his reign by an act which endeared
him to his magnates. Dudley and Empson, the agents
who had been employed by his father to fleece the rich,
were executed. The extortion of money ceased, and
Parliaments were summoned. The King married his
sister-in-law, Catherine of Aragon ; and joined the
Holy League in 1511. An English fleet sailed to
Guienne, but Ferdinand once again used the Anglo-
Spanish alliance to further the interests of Spain,
whilst England gained nothing. As Rousillon and
Cerdagne had been added to Ferdinand's dominions
when Henry VII. was Spain's ally, so now the Spanish
won Navarre, but the English failed to establish
themselves in Guienne. The French invasion of Italy
was, however, wrecked by this counter-attack.
English politicians were looking forward to the
future when Ferdinand's death would place his grand-
son Charles on the Spanish throne. In 1508 Mary,
the sister of Henry VIII., had been married by proxy
to Charles, and the scene of the Anglo-French war was
shifted to the North of France. Here the English met
with more success. In alliance with Charles' German
220 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
grandfather, Maximilian, Henry VIII. was able to
make himself master of the rich and populous city
of Tournay after winning the Battle of the Spurs
in August 1513. Meanwhile, the Scotch had followed
their ancient custom of allying themselves with France
against England, but Scotland's army was destroyed,
and her king, James IV., killed at Flodden Field in
September 1513.
After the Battle of the Spurs, Louis XII. of France
abandoned the fight for Italy. Ferdinand was ex-
pressing his anxiety to marry his grandson, Charles,
to one of Louis' daughters when Henry made peace
with France. Tournay was left in England's keeping
and a large French annuity was promised to the King
of England. Mary, in spite of her marriage by proxy
to Charles, was actually married to Louis XII., only
to become a widow within a few months, when in 1515
Louis died and his cousin became Francis I. of France.
Mary then married the Duke of Suffolk without her
brother's consent. The unfortunate Lady Jane Grey
was Mary's grandchild.
After Flodden, Scotland was governed by Henry's
sister, Margaret, as Regent for her infant son, James V.
He, as the only living grandchild of Henry VII., might
at any moment have become King of England as well
as King of Scotland. This is enough to account for
the fact that Flodden Field was not followed by an
invasion of Scotland. The Saxons of Great Britain
were drawing closer to each other. The nobles of
Scotland, who had still the semi-independent power
which their English brethren had lost during the Wars
of the Roses, were naturally averse to the union ; but
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES 221
a strong body of opinion in England and in Scotland
was in its favour, and time was on the side of the
unionists. When English magnates told Henry VII.
that the marriage of his daughter, Margaret, might place
England under a Scotch King, he laughed at their
fears, telling them that " the greater would draw the
less." This was, however, but a half-truth ; in a
perfect union there is neither greater nor less. If the
union of England and Scotland proves that this is
true, the union of Great Britain and Ireland also
proves that a union is not perfect if the economic bond
is absent.
The Anglo-French peace enabled the French to
win the victory of Marignano in 1515 and become
masters of Northern Italy. The army of a Holy
League, which did not include England, was defeated,
and the Medicean Pope, Leo X., allied himself with
Francis I. In 1516 Ferdinand died, and Charles of
Burgundy, at the age of sixteen, became Charles I. of
Spain. When Charles took possession of his kingdom
he was followed by Flemings and other foreigners who
were anxious to do the work which had formerly been
done by the Moors and Jews. But hatred of the
foreigner and contempt for home production were
deeply engrained in the Spaniards. Their communes
rose in revolt, and, though the insurgents were defeated,
their policy was adopted. The development of Spain's
industry was checked. She became a military para-
sitic power. With her industry her ancient liberty
also passed away. Her ruler is known as the Emperor
Charles V., not as King Charles I. of Spain. Three
years after Ferdinand's death Charles inherited the
THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
German and Austrian lands of his other grandfather,
the Emperor Maximilian, thus becoming the greatest
European monarch since the days of Charles the Great.
Meanwhile Cardinal Wolsey, who was directing the
policy of England, found in the alliance of Francis I.
and the Pope, which followed Marignano, a problem
hard for an English Cardinal to solve. He maintained
nominal peace with France, whilst he sent subsidies
to enable Maximilian to resist Francis I. and tried to
form a new Holy League by detaching Leo X. from the
French alliance. Wolsey's plans were shattered when
Ferdinand died. Charles was by birth and education
a Fleming, and the policy of Flanders at this time
has been described by Machiavelli. "The people of
Flanders live generally of their own manufactures,
which they vend at the fairs in France — that is, at
Paris and Lyons — for towards the seaside they have
no utterance, and towards Germany it is the same, for
there are more of their commodities made than in
Flanders, so that whenever their commerce with the
French is cut off they will have nowhere to put off their
commodities, nor nowhere to supply themselves with
victuals. So that, without irresistible necessity, the
Flemings will never have any controversy with France."
Antwerp was enjoying the short-lived prosperity
of a trading town whose commerce is not founded on
home production ; whilst the producers of Flanders
were clinging desperately to France, the one market
in which they were to some extent secure. From
their native land, which Antwerp's free importation
was ruining, the Flemish fled to protected England in
such numbers that, in 1517, on Evil May Day there
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES 223
were riots in London in which alien workmen were
killed. These riots were suppressed, and when order
was enforced Parliament passed measures to redress
the grievance. Wiser than the Spanish, the English
continued to welcome aliens who could teach new
crafts, but the number of foreign journeymen who
could be employed was limited that Englishmen might
have work. The foreign craftsmen had to take
English apprentices that Englishmen might become
independent of foreign instructors. This carefully
planned State aid enabled England to improve her
woollen industry.
Six months after his accession to the throne of Spain
Charles signed the peace of Noyou with Francis I.,
confirming the peace by a promise to marry the French
King's daughter. After his grandson's defection
Maximilian still took English gold, but as he failed to
do the promised fighting, in 1518 an Anglo-French
treaty was signed. England again received large sums
of money from France ; Henry's infant daughter
Mary was betrothed to the Dauphin, and Tournay was
restored to France. Northern Italy was left under
French control, whilst the Spanish were masters in
the south. Between these rival powers the Pope and
his allies, the Medici of Florence, ruled over buffer
States, which contained the highly prized mines of
alum. England now sought to solve the Italian
problem by placing an Englishman, Cardinal Wolsey,
on the papal throne. Had she been able to control
the supply of alum the development of her woollen
industry would have secured her from any injury
from the rise in prices. Whilst European affairs were
224 ™E STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
in this state of suspense, Maximilian's death in 1519
necessitated the election of another emperor. The
chief candidates were Francis and Charles, though
Henry VIII. and Charles' only brother, Ferdinand,
were also mentioned.
The weavers and peasants of Germany were
beginning to suffer from the importation of cheap corn
and cheap cloth ; whilst German middlemen, Fuggers
and Welsers, were growing enormously rich. Germans,
like other North Europeans, were cut off from direct
communication with the outside world by the Spanish
and Portuguese monopolies, which had papal sanction.
German exports and imports had to pay toll in Spain
on their journeys to and from America, and sea
power was clearly destined to pass from the Hanseatic
League to those great ships which Spain could build
for her lucrative American trade. Capitalist Fuggers
were not so adversely affected by Spain's monopoly of
American trade. Their capital was free from restric-
tions, and it was invested in mining ventures in the New
World as well as in Antwerp. It was the gold of the
Fuggers which secured the election of the Emperor
Charles V.
Charles' election was aided by the prevalent idea
that he would foster German industry and create, from
the disunited German States, a nation like that which
had recently been formed from the semi-independent
provinces of France. For as yet Charles had shown
sympathy for Flanders rather than Spain, and he had
tried to protect Flemish industry. The Nationalists
of Germany saw, from the first, that Germany could
not be unified without a religious change. From all
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES 225
Christendom Rome drew tribute. When the Pope
allied himself with the French, he became a possible
enemy of Germany and England ; yet the tribute had
still to be paid. Moreover in Germany the power
of prince-bishops had to be curbed ; but this was
impossible until Rome's central authority was under-
mined. The Bishop of Durham was the only prelate
who had semi-independent jurisdiction in England ;
but English bishops had their own courts and special
privileges which at times conflicted with the authority
of the English King. The English navy was being
created by Henry VIII. It was easy to see that if
England became a sea power, she too would come
into conflict with Spain.
One important source of papal revenue was the sale
of indulgences, documents which professed to give the
purchaser pardon for sin. The Fuggers had gained
much wealth from their commission on the sale of
indulgences. In 1513 a Dominican monk, Tetzel, was
selling an indulgence granting absolution for all sins
except offences against ecclesiastics, selling arms or
forbidden goods to the infidel, and importing alum from
the Turk instead of from the papal mines, contrary
to the apostolic prohibition. Tetzel was forbidden to
enter Saxony, but he came close to the frontier, and the
good folk of Wittenberg went out to buy. A recently
appointed theological professor, Dr. Martin Luther,
challenged a discussion on the sale of indulgences, and
in accordance with custom nailed the theses, or points
to be discussed, on the door of the Castle Church . All
was ready for the explosion when this match was
applied. The university press could not cope with the
Q
226 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
demand for the German translation of the theses.
It was the beginning of the Reformation.
Other reformers had died in the fire, but Luther
found himself the spokesman of the German Nationalist
party, which was looking forward to a certain and
rapid victory when Charles was elected. The policy of
this party is clearly stated in Luther's writings.
Separation from Rome was advocated, not only
because the Popes taught false doctrines, but because
a free and united Germany was impossible as long as
the country was impoverished by tribute paid to
Rome. It was also clearly recognised that another
cause of Germany's weakness was the free importation
of the Fuggers and their fellows, which was making the
German worker poorer whilst it enriched the middle-
man. As a concession to the Nationalists a Reichs-
regiment, or national council, was established, but in this
body neither the cities nor the small landowners were
represented, and its power was strictly circumscribed.
Nevertheless, at the first meeting of the council, a
scheme was passed which would have given the Nether-
lands and Germany fiscal unity by encircling them
with custom houses. This measure was vetoed by
Charles at the request of the Fuggers and other German
merchants. Whilst this measure of fiscal reform was
being vetoed, the small landowners had risen in revolt.
When this rising was suppressed, a wave of Socialism
spread over Germany, and the Peasants' War began.
Until Charles abdicated in 1555, Germany was the
scene of incessant disorder. Then there was a pause
whilst both sides marshalled their forces. In 1619 the
last act in the long struggle commenced. During the
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES 227
Thirty Years' War Germany suffered indescribable
horrors, and when peace was signed at Westphalia, two-
thirds of her population had disappeared. What was
once the greatest empire in Europe became a collection
of disunited States, doomed to be weak until the nine-
teenth century, when a Zollverein recreated the German
Empire.
After the election of Charles V., England for a time
pursued an undecided policy. Henry and Francis
swore eternal friendship at the Field of the Cloth of
Gold in 1520. This was immediately followed by a
secret agreement between Henry and Charles. The
project of marrying Henry's daughter to Charles was
discussed, and Charles promised Wolsey the tiara at
the first vacancy. Although this promise was broken
and Charles' former tutor, a Fleming, became Pope
Adrian VI. in 1522, England declared war against
France, when the French made a new move in their
plans for the conquest of Italy. Mary was then
formally betrothed to Charles, and Charles again
promised to secure Wolsey's election as Pope when a
vacancy occurred. The English raids in France were
of little importance, but France was crushed at the
battle of Pavia in 1525, and Francis became Charles'
prisoner. Meanwhile Pope Adrian died in 1523, but
instead of Wolsey, one of the Medici became Pope
Clement VII.
Want of money prevented Charles from following
up the victory of Pavia. England made peace with
France, after receiving a large indemnity, and in 1526
Francis bought his freedom by surrendering lands in
Burgundy to his captor and agreeing to abandon all
Q2
228 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
designs on Italy. Spain loomed so large that it seemed
as if the Empire she was creating would enfold the
young nations of Europe in a deadly embrace. Her
economic weakness was concealed by her military and
naval strength. The Spanish had been forced into
rebellion before Charles decreed that foreign cloth
should be subject to the same tests as Spanish cloth.
In 1526 the Emperor signed a treaty with France
which sanctioned the importation of French cloth,
whilst Spanish cloth was prohibited in France. From
so invertebrate a power England had in reality little
to fear. Time would ruin her more effectually than
war. On the other hand, France was a dangerous
economic rival. This appears to have been the view
taken by Wolsey, who leaned towards war with France.
Others, however, were of opinion that war with France
would weaken England and render her an easy prey
for the Spaniard. This opinion was shared by Wolsey's
dependent, Thomas Cromwell, who before long sup-
planted his master.
After Pavia there was an Anglo-French alliance,
and men waited to see whether Pope Clement could
resist the Emperor Charles. To encourage the Pope,
30,000 ducats were sent from England to Rome in
return for rights over the alum mines, from which
Henry said that he expected " high pleasure and
profit." All these fond anticipations vanished when
Charles' army stormed and sacked Rome in 1527.
This punishment was inflicted because Pope Clement
had failed in subservience to his patron Charles. After
so severe a lesson there was little chance that the
Pope would repeat his mistake. Rome and the Church
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES 229
had apparently been absorbed in Charles' Empire,
and Henry's life seemed all that protected England
from Rome's fate. If the young princess Mary had
become Queen, her Spanish mother would have been
England's ruler ; under their guidance England might
have become a province of Charles' Empire.
The right of a woman to succeed to the throne of
England was by no means certain. Mary's cousin,
James V. of Scotland, would probably have contested
her claim. James could have counted on help from
France, whilst Mary would have been supported by
Spain. Unless Henry left a male heir civil war in
England seemed inevitable after his death, and it
was well known that Queen Catherine could no longer
bear children. It was therefore decided that the
King should obtain a divorce from Catherine on the
ground of her having been his brother's wife ; and
Henry chose Anne Boleyn as his future wife. The
need of an English heir to the throne of England was
so urged that, in normal times, Henry's request would
probably have been granted ; but Spain's influence
at Rome was too powerful, and the divorce of Queen
Catherine developed into a struggle during which the
English learned that their nationality was in danger
unless they severed themselves from Rome.
For six years Henry's divorce suit was argued at
Rome, where men who had lived under the Borgias
must have wondered why Catherine and her daughter
were not quietly poisoned. It is absurd to suppose
that sensual passion prompted Henry to persevere
with his suit. After 1527 he lived openly with Anne
Boleyn, and he could only have sought to give England
230 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
a lawful king if his union with Anne proved fruitful.
England and France formed a close alliance and
declared war against the Emperor in 1528 ; but in the
following year Francis abandoned the contest as hope-
less. All hope of freeing the papacy from Charles'
control passed away, and Wolsey, who had staked his
future on obtaining the divorce without breaking with
Rome, died a ruined man in 1530. His dependent,
Thomas Cromwell, became at first the secret and then
the open adviser of the King. Cranmer, a priest who
had embraced Luther's doctrines and was secretly
married, aided Cromwell in arranging Henry's divorce
and England's breach with Rome. Cranmer was made
Archbishop of Canterbury in 1532. Cromwell and
Cranmer had little difficulty in obtaining the consent
of Parliament to the breach with Rome, which put an
end to the payments made by England to the papacy.
In January 1533 Henry, hoping that Anne was about to
present him with the longed-for heir, privately married
her. Archbishop Cranmer lost no time in proclaim-
ing Henry's divorce from Catherine and the validity
of his marriage to Anne, whose daughter Elizabeth was
born in September 1533. There was great fear in
England of a Spanish invasion, and severe measures
were taken against those who denied the King's
supremacy over the English Church. The two most
conspicuous martyrs were Cardinal Fisher and Sir
Thomas More. In January 1536 Catherine of Aragon
died and fear of invasion passed away.
Within a few months of Catherine's death, Anne
Boleyn was accused of having committed adultery with
four men, one of whom was her own brother. More
SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES 231
than seventy English noblemen and gentlemen, includ-
ing Anne's father, uncle, and her former lover, were
unanimous in returning verdicts of guilty after they had
heard the evidence against the Queen and those who
were accused with her. All the accused were executed,
and Henry at once married another English wife, Jane
Seymour, who died in October 1537 after giving birth to
a son, the future Edward VI. Whilst Henry's bureau-
cratic government did not hesitate to strike at men
as eminent and virtuous as Sir Thomas More, it was
keenly alive to the danger of offending the mass of the
people of England. Increased taxation, which other-
wise would have followed the rise in prices, was avoided
by granting to the King the dues which had been paid
to the Pope. The monasteries, deprived of all support
from Rome, were suppressed and plundered. Some
of the plunder found its way into the pockets of the
magnates, but the bulk of it was placed in the royal
treasury.
The English Reformation was at first economic
rather than religious. The English people had little
sympathy with Luther's doctrines and Henry shared
their views. In 1523 the Pope bestowed on him the
title Defender of the Faith as a reward for his having
written against Luther, in which he eloquently
described a husband's duty to his wife. England's
needs made him a reformer whose conduct as a husband
has been sharply criticised. The English, alarmed
perhaps by the socialist excesses which accompanied
the Reformation in Germany, wished to retain the
ancient creed, and Henry gave them what they wished.
The suppression of the monasteries led to insurrec-
232 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
tions, such as the Pilgrimage of Grace in Yorkshire ; but
these had little chance of success without foreign aid.
During one of the most critical periods in England's
history Spain was the foe England chiefly dreaded, and
troubles in Germany, fear of a Turkish invasion, and
the hostility of France kept Charles too fully occupied
to interfere in English affairs. In 1539, however, it
seemed as if Charles and Francis had forgotten their
differences and could unite to restore Rome's authority
in England. The danger was so great that it aff ords
at least some excuse for the measures that were taken
to avert it.
XVIII
ENGLAND FREES HERSELF FROM PAPAL SUPREMACY
IS39-I559
ENGLAND was fortifying her coasts in 1539 to be ready
for the threatened invasion. Charles and Francis had
signed a truce for ten years in June 1538, and as a
preliminary to a direct attack arrangements were
being made to close the markets of the Continent to
English goods. The French were willing to break off
all commercial intercourse with England if Charles
would close the ports of his Empire. A great stimulus
would have been given to the production of France
by the destruction of English industry. But Charles'
Empire depended on international trade. In 1528
the merchants of the Empire had taught their Em-
peror that he must not interfere with their trade. It
was their opposition which forced Charles to acquiesce
sullenly in the divorce of Catherine of Aragon. The
Emperor was unable to agree to commercial war, and
before plans for a direct attack on England were made,
in 1539 Charles was compelled to devote his energies
to crushing a rebellion of the burghers of Ghent.
England's danger passed away when, in 1540, it became
evident that the war between Francis and Charles
would soon begin afresh.
234 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Dreading the coming of an invader the English
took steps to secure unity within the island. Any
change in religious thought and practice could not fail
to divide the English. Parliament, therefore, in 1539
passed the Act of the Six Articles, which punished with
the stake or the gallows those who denied the ancient
Catholic faith. Thus it happened that in England
a man risked his life if he acknowledged the Pope's
authority, or if he denied the creed of Rome. Though
Luther's doctrines were banned in England, Henry
in January 1540 married Anne of Cleves to make sure
of the support of the Protestants of Germany in the
event of war with Francis and Charles. Six months
later, when fear of invasion was passing away, this
marriage was dissolved with the consent of both
husband and wife. It was probably only a nominal
marriage, as Henry conceived an aversion to his bride
at their first meeting. Cromwell's policy of friendship
with France and hostility to the Emperor had obviously
failed when Charles, Francis, and the Pope were
forming schemes for the destruction of England. He
paid for his mistake with his head in 1540 ; and Henry
personally ruled over England until his death in 1547.
In 1528, when war with Spain was only averted by
the pressure which merchants in England and the
Netherlands brought to bear upon their rulers, the
Spanish began their policy of exciting rebellion in
Ireland, using that island as the French had used
Scotland. Henry met this attack by winning over
the Irish chieftains with grants of monastic lands, so
that English rule seemed to be more firmly established
than it had been. But, whereas in England some-
SEVERANCE FROM ROME 235
thing was ultimately done to compensate the poor for
the loss of the alms they had received from the
monks, in Ireland nothing was done. No schools were
founded, and there was no Irish poor law until the
nineteenth century, when it was introduced in spite
of the opposition of Cobden and the free-trade econo-
mists. In 1504 the fatal policy of treating Ireland
economically as a foreign country was inaugurated,
when the exportation of English money to Ireland
and the importation of Irish money were prohibited.
Great Britain, as well as Ireland, has paid for these
mistakes. On the other hand, Wales was made one
with England in 1536, when it was arranged that
Welsh members should be summoned to Parliament,
and Henry devoted the last years of his life to the
promotion of the union of England and Scotland.
Although in 1525 Queen Margaret could describe
the people of Scotland as " more inclined to England
than to France/' the opposition of Scotch magnates
wrecked Henry's plan of uniting Great Britain by
marrying his daughter and heiress, Mary, to her cousin
James V. The movement in favour of union, how-
ever, gained ground in Scotland amongst the laity.
Henry's agent in Edinburgh reported, in 1543, that
the " nobles and the whole temporality " favoured the
proposed marriage of Henry's heir, Edward, to Mary,
the infant heiress of Scotland, but that " undoubtedlie
the kyrkemen labor, by all the meanes they can, to
empeche the unitie and establishment of these twoo
realmes." It was these churchmen who, under Car-
dinal Beaton, kept Scotland loyal to Rome when
England broke with the papacy. They feared the
236 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
loss of their possessions if the union of Great Britain
was accomplished, and they influenced James V. in
his choice of a wife. In 1537 the Scotch King married
the daughter of Francis I., and when she died his
second wife was Mary of Guise.
When Francis and Charles were planning the
destruction of England in 1539 they could confidently
count upon Scotland's aid. Whilst Henry bribed the
merchants of the Netherlands to oppose war with
England by proclaiming that for seven years they
could import English cloth on paying the same duties
as English merchants paid, he used every effort to
detach James V. from France. In vain Henry asked
James to meet him in 1536 and in 1542. The short-
lived friendship between France and Spain came to
an end in 1541 ; hence, when James refused the second
invitation to a friendly alliance, Henry resorted to
force. James V. died in 1542 after the defeat of his
army at Solway Moss, learning on his deathbed that
Mary of Guise had given birth to an heiress to the
throne of Scotland, the unfortunate Mary Stewart.
The splendid opportunity of uniting Great Britain
by the marriage of Prince Edward and Queen Mary
was lost through the opposition of Cardinal Beaton.
In 1546 the Cardinal paid with his life for his devotion
to his Church, when he was murdered by the unionists
of Scotland who were already looking upon the heretic
preacher, John Knox, as their leader.
One of Henry's greatest achievements was the
creation of a strong navy. When in 1544 France
and Scotland were at war with England and Charles'
Empire, the Scotch fleet was utterly destroyed,
SEVERANCE FROM ROME 237
Boulogne was captured by the English, and a French
attack in the Solent ended in failure. In 1546, a week
after Cardinal Beaton's death, peace was signed. The
French paid a large indemnity and promised a still
larger sum in eight years' time, when Boulogne was to
be restored to France. Scotland was wisely left to
learn, under the regency of Mary of Guise, that her
true policy was union with her kinsfolk in England.
Mary taught the Scotch that she and her supporters
were preparing the way for French rule whilst they
posed as champions of the independence of Scotland.
Henry's health had been failing for many years.
It is more than probable that his marriage with
Catherine Howard in 1540 and with Catherine Parr in
1543 were as nominal as his union with Anne of Cleves.
He had no children by these wives. Catherine Howard
was Anne Boleyn's cousin ; and she, too, was convicted
of adultery and executed in 1542. No doubt has been
cast upon the justice of this conviction. Froude's
conjectural explanation of Henry's matrimonial mis-
fortunes is much more than plausible, though it
throws doubt on the paternity certainly of Edward VI.
and probably of Elizabeth. A confidential despatch
of the Spanish Ambassador to England supports this
doubt in the case of Edward VI. In spite of the
wealth which Henry had acquired from the monasteries
and the Church, he was compelled to debase the
coinage in 1544, and when he died in 1547 his nine-
year-old son succeeded to financial difficulties which
tended to increase with the rise in prices.
On Edward's accession to the throne, one of his
maternal uncles, Edward Seymour, became Regent.
238 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
He was given the title of Lord Protector, and was
advanced to the dukedom of Somerset. The virtue
and the vice of his rule was pithily expressed in a
letter written by a friend to the Protector: " What
seeth your Grace ? Marry, the King's subjects all
out of discipline, out of obedience, carrying neither
for Protector nor King. What is the matter ?
Marry, sir, that which I said to your Grace in the
gallery. Liberty ! Liberty ! and your Grace's too
much gentleness, your softness, your opinion to be
good to the poor — the opinion of such as saith to your
Grace, ' Oh, sir, there was never man that had the
hearts of the poor as you have.' ' This reaction
against Henry's iron rule lasted less than three years.
These years were filled with risings in England and
wars with France and Scotland. In them the cur-
rency was still further debased, foreigners poured into
the country with their fatal poison, the strife of creeds,
and Somerset was forced to acquiesce in the execution
of his brother for treason. Like Stephen, the Pro-
tector " was a mild man, and soft, and good, and did
no justice." He paid with his head for the anarchy.
Theoretically the Protector's schemes were ad-
mirable. He wished for a Great Britain united under
Edward and Mary of Scotland ; but, when he began to
do the wooing for his nephew, it had to be done with
that English army which won the battle of Pinkie in
1547. A French army came to Scotland's aid and
carried off the young Queen to France. The war with
France was not a success. By the peace of 1550
Boulogne was surrendered four years before the ap-
pointed time, for half the promised payment. The
SEVERANCE FROM ROME 239
laws which defined treason were rescinded and the
power of the Crown reduced, whilst the Protector's
brother, Admiral Lord Seymour, was preparing to
play the part of Richard III. Three months after her
husband's death Catherine Parr, the Queen Dowager,
married Lord Seymour. Elizabeth was at the time
living with Catherine Parr ; and the Burleigh papers
record a series of incidents, discreditable to both
Catherine Parr and her husband, by which a girl of
fourteen was brought under the control of Lord
Seymour. The Queen Dowager died in child-bed little
more than a year after her marriage, and Lord
Seymour renewed his disgraceful intrigues with Eliza-
beth. The Admiral also organised a pirate fleet in
the Channel and acquired strongholds which he filled
with ammunition. The Protector signed his brother's
death-warrant in 1549.
Henry's Act of the Six Articles, which punished
those who abandoned the old faith, was repealed and
foreigners were welcomed in England. These brought
with them their industrial skill and the woollen
manufacture was stimulated. With them also came
religious discord and the Scotch firebrand, John Knox,
embittered by nine months' toil at the oar of a French
galley. Knox was welcomed in England, and might
have been Bishop of Rochester but for his conscientious
scruples. To obtain money the English government
confiscated parochial endowments and the coinage
was further debased. Common lands were enclosed
with scant regard for the rights of the peasants. The
rise in the price of wool, owing to the increase in
England's cloth-making industry, tempted those who
240 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
obtained the common lands to turn them into sheep
farms on which little labour was employed. Ruined
monks and peasants took arms, hoping to check
enclosures and restore the old faith. Ten thousand
peasants were killed before these revolts were sup-
pressed. Over large areas in England the country
folk became landless men. Ultimately the poor found
employment in the new English industries, but it was
a different sowing of dragon's teeth to that sowed by
Henry VII. In the weaving towns of the Eastern
Counties Englishmen readily accepted from their
Flemish teachers the doctrine that centralised govern-
ment was bad and, a century after the enclosures, the
Independents and Levellers wreaked their vengeance
on an innocent King. They failed, however, to regain
their land. Shortly before the French Reign of
Terror, Arthur Young noticed with surprise that the
number of peasant proprietors was far greater in
France than in England.
The rebels complained that pasturage was replacing
tillage, thus lessening the demand for labour. The
enclosed wastes were converted into sheep farms and
the land used for sheep increased ; but there is little
evidence that there was less land under corn. The
statute of 1463 and the subsequent quarrel with the
Baltic towns of the Hanse League so stimulated corn-
growing in England that, as a rule, English corn was
too cheap for the importation of foreign grain to be
profitable. During the sixteenth century the price
of corn did not advance as rapidly as the price of other
commodities. Corn is not mentioned in a long list
of necessary and unnecessary imports from the Low
SEVERANCE FROM ROME 241
Countries and France, drawn up about the year 1563.
But perhaps the most striking proof of England's
self-sufficiency in corn production is the blow struck
at the Easterlings by Edward's government. As
England's trade with the Baltic was in its infancy and
the Hanse League were the chief carriers of cheap
Polish corn, an attack on their privileges would have
been impossible if England had been dependent on
the foreigner for her food-supply. In 1552 the mer-
chants of the Steelyard lost their privileges because
the League had not fulfilled its promise to grant
English merchants the same privileges in German
towns as Germans enjoyed in England.
Somerset's sympathies were with the peasants in
their opposition to the enclosures. At their own
expense the magnates hired foreign troops to crush
the revolt. Hence, when the peasants were defeated,
Somerset fell as well as Ket and other peasant leaders.
In 1549 the magnates under Warwick, soon to be
Duke of Northumberland, drove Somerset from his
Protectorship and paid themselves out of the public
purse for the expenses they had incurred in defeating
the peasants. In 1552 Somerset was executed and
Northumberland governed England whilst Edward
was dying of consumption. Before Edward's death
in 1553 a royal will was signed bequeathing the
Crown to Northumberland's daughter-in-law, Lady
Jane Grey.
The doctrinal reformers included eminent eccle-
siastics, such as Archbishop Cranmer ; magnates who
had grown rich from confiscated Church lands ; and
foreign artisans who had been pouring into England.
R
242 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
The majority of the English were still attached to the
faith of their fathers. The death of Edward gave
them their opportunity of avenging themselves on
the lords who had hired foreigners to defeat English
peasants. Northumberland won no support when he
proclaimed his daughter-in-law Queen of England.
The people were weary of a Reformation which they
associated with bad money and enclosures. Mary
became Queen and Northumberland followed Somerset
to the block. The alien preachers were driven from
England. Knox fled with them, returning to Scotland
in 1555 to organise her breach with Rome in 1560.
During Mary's reign the other Mary of Scotland
lived in France, waiting for her marriage in 1558 and
for her few months' reign with her husband, Francis II.,
over both France and Scotland. When the Marys
were Queens, in Great Britain the unionist cause
appeared to be losing ground ; but, beneath the
surface, Scotch and English were both learning the
lesson, which they have never forgotten, that disunion
in Great Britain means foreign rule in the island. In
1554 Mary of England married Philip, the heir to the
dominions of Charles V. The Spaniards were as little
liked in England as the French were in Scotland.
Though elaborate precautions were taken in the
marriage treaty to safeguard the independence of
England, a revolt, headed by Wyatt, had to be sup-
pressed in 1554, and a less serious rising in 1557.
With the Spaniards came religious persecution. Had
the fires of Smithfield been lighted only for the rich
the reaction against the corruption of the magnates
during Edward's minority might have outlasted Mary's
SEVERANCE FROM ROME 243
reign. But those who died were mostly poor folk who
had nothing to do with the enclosures.
After his marriage Philip waited in England for a
son who failed to appear. Elizabeth's fate trembled
in the balance. Had there been an heir she would
have been the one thing not wanted ; but, if there were
no children from the Spanish marriage, either Elizabeth
or the Frenchwoman, Mary of Scotland, would rule
over England. To the Spaniard, Elizabeth was better
than the Frenchwoman. Heir or no heir, it is probable
that England would have emancipated herself from
the grip of the cosmopolitan Emperor, Charles V. ;
but it would have been at a terrible cost had Mary
given birth to a son. Worn out by the impossible task
of ruling over a cosmopolitan empire, Charles abdicated
in 1555, and Philip went to Flanders to be invested
with the government of the Netherlands. Ferdinand,
the brother of Charles V., became Emperor of Germany
and Duke of Austria, whilst Philip II. succeeded to the
Low Countries, Spain, and Spanish Italy.
When Elizabeth was released and recognised as
heiress apparent, the more far-seeing may have
associated with Elizabeth, in their forecast of a happy
England under another Queen, a certain William Cecil,
who was Elizabeth's friend and adviser. To Cecil was
due the credit of depriving the Germans of their
privileges in the reign of Edward VI. Under Mary,
Cecil was neglected, and the Hanseatic merchants
recovered their old privileges when she came to the
throne ; but they enjoyed their liberty for less than
two years. The Queen, who dared to re-establish the
Pope's supremacy and to burn Archbishop Cranmer
R 2
244 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
and other English bishops, was forced in 1555 to yield
to the demands of the merchants of London. Even
the prayer of a husband whom the Queen passionately
loved was without effect. The Germans were deprived
of their right to monopolise the commerce of England.
In their anger they placed England under a commercial
interdict, which lasted until Mary's death in 1558.
In 1557 the Spanish alliance involved England
in war with France. Before Mary's death, Calais,
England's last Continental possession, was lost, and
England was smarting under this loss when Elizabeth
succeeded to the throne and to the debts and debased
coinage of her predecessors. Elizabeth at once made
Cecil her secretary, and he remained her devoted
servant and adviser until his death in 1598, when his
son took his place. Favourites — such as Leicester,
Essex, and Raleigh — give a handle to those who care
to discuss the private character of England's rulers.
The exact truth can never be known, and this perhaps
makes the subject fascinating ; but those who judge
monarchs by the work they do for the lands they
govern will find little to blame in the policy which
Cecil pursued under the orders of his Queen. The
supremacy of the Pope was once more abolished, and
a form of service was introduced which was intended
to please all schools of religious thought, and, to a
large extent, answered the wishes of its designers.
The difficult question of Scotland was solved with
equal wisdom. In 1560 an English army helped
Knox and the Scotch unionists to expel the French.
When their task was done the English withdrew, and
the Scotch were left to sever themselves from France
and Rome in their own way. At the end of this year
SEVERANCE FROM ROME 245
Francis II. died and the French power over Scotland
ceased. England was recompensed for the loss of
Calais by the love of Scotland. Scotch reformers
would have married Elizabeth to the Earl of Arran
and thus united Great Britain ; but Elizabeth was
wiser. War would have interfered with the work
Cecil had to do for England, and Mary's followers would
have fought for their Queen ; hence in 1560 the fate
of Scotland was left to a Scotch Parliament, which
broke with Rome and removed the great obstacle to
the union of Great Britain.
Good fortune favoured Elizabeth from first to last.
The wars of religion distracted France during the
greater part of her reign. In 1562 an English force
occupied Havre in order to aid the Huguenots in
the first religious war. When French Catholics and
Protestants forgot their differences and joined in expel-
ling the English, Elizabeth laid the lesson to heart.
Henceforward the French were allowed to fight their
civil wars without the interference of an English army.
In 1559 Philip II. of Spain left the Netherlands,
enraged with subjects who demanded redress of
grievances before they would vote supply. For
eleven years there was trouble brewing in the Low
Countries. Then followed the eighty years' war of
Dutch independence. Again Elizabeth interfered only
when England's interests were vitally affected. Thus
the Queen was able to restore England's finance and
coinage, and, whilst France and Spain were weakened
by discord, England, guided by Elizabeth and Cecil,
increased her productive power, added foreign com-
merce to home production, and began to build the
greatest Empire which has ever existed.
XIX
INCREASE OF ENGLAND'S NAVAL POWER
1560-1585
A DEPUTATION of Hanse merchants approached Queen
Elizabeth in 1560. They were received with the
greatest courtesy, but were told that they must no
longer expect more favourable treatment than their
English competitors, and that German trade with
England would in future be regulated in the interests
of the English. They were also told that they would
have to give English merchants in their German ports
the same rights as they were allowed in England.
When foreign commerce was thus brought under
national control, Parliament prohibited the importation
of many articles which were being imported from
Antwerp although they could be made in England.
This prohibition was at once felt in the Netherlandsj
since the Hanse merchants could no longer carry the
forbidden goods. Commercial relations between Eng-
land and the dominions of Philip II. of Spain were
broken off ; but the English found a market for their
cloth at Emden, from which port it could be sold
to the inhabitants of the Low Countries or Germany.
Although Spanish ships were pillaged in the Narrow
Seas, Spain had to submit to the insult in order to
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 247
save Antwerp's trade from ruin. In 1564 Anglo-
Spanish trade was resumed on terms dictated by
England. The empire of traders was too weak to wage
a commercial war with a nation of producers.
Mining was encouraged and the smelting of iron.
Alum works were started in the Isle of Wight. Cecil
was personally interested in this venture, which for a
time succeeded and then failed. Alum was the one
thing needed to give England absolute supremacy in
cloth-making. From the surface rock which had been
weathered alum could be easily prepared, but the
working of deeper deposits was a secret jealously
guarded by the Pope. Just before Elizabeth's death
this difficulty was overcome. Italian alum-workers
were smuggled out of papal territory. Alum works
were started in Yorkshire, and England had an ample
supply of cheap alum with which she could finish her
rough cloth.
From the time of Edward III. the exportation of
iron was forbidden, that English iron-workers might
have a cheap and abundant supply of raw material.
When this measure was supplemented by the protec-
tion given to finished iron goods, the industry made
rapid progress. The Elizabethan English were, how-
ever, too wise to sacrifice strength for wealth. It was
not until much later that the method of using coal
in iron-smelting was invented. The use of charcoal
necessitated a great consumption of wood, and this
endangered the growth of English shipping ; hence the
use of wood, growing near the coast and rivers, in
iron-smelting was forbidden by repeated Acts of
Parliament. Cecil prepared the way for Howard,
248 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Drake, Hawkins, and the defeat of the Armada, just as
at a later date Pitt and Barham made it possible for
Nelson to do his duty at Trafalgar. One article, in
particular, had the honour of a special statute, fre-
quently re-enacted, prohibiting its importation. Free-
trade economists argue that to produce cheaply raw
materials and instruments used in manufacture should
be imported duty free. The Elizabethan English
thought otherwise, for wool-cards were the subject
of the statute. According to the free-trade theory
English cloth-making ought to have been injured by
the statute prohibiting the importation of foreign wool-
cards, but, in fact, England before long made not only
the best cloth but the best wool-cards. This ounce of
fact is worth tons of theory. Elizabeth inherited a
debased coinage and debts contracted by her brother
and her sister. Though prices continued to rise in
her reign, the efficiency of her protective system
enabled her to restore the coinage, discharge the
debts, and maintain the navy without resorting to
excessive taxation. Whilst England's production was
protected, Cecil enforced rigid economy in govern-
mental departments. Thus England could afford to
subsidise the struggling Protestants in France and the
Netherlands. In defiance of the laws of free trade
England became wealthy, and, better still, she became
strong.
The Merchant Adventurers, who carried English
cloth to Antwerp in competition with the Hanse
merchants, were encouraged by government. In 1581
a Levant company was incorporated in order to trade
with the Turk, and these merchants in 1584 sent
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 249
English cloth to the Persian Gulf and Goa. The
Muscovy merchants, incorporated in Mary's reign, also
opened up trade with Persia by the old Scandinavian
route of the Russian rivers. The Germans had built
ships for England, and carried naval stores, tar, and
hemp from the Baltic. This was probably the reason
why they retained their privileges for so long a time.
Timid hearts could urge that they were indispensable,
if England was to have a strong navy; but timidity
was not a characteristic of the England of Elizabeth,
and an English Eastland Company replaced the
Easterlings.
At first Elizabeth was too poor to do much for the
navy, but money was found to buy ships from the
Germans and powder and cannon in Antwerp. But
soon after Elizabeth's accession shipbuilding and the
manufacture of cannon and gunpowder were developed
in England. The Jesus of Liibeck was the last ship
bought from the Germans. Merchant shipping grew
apace, and every merchant ship was a potential
man-of-war. To encourage English shipping the
coasting trade of England was reserved for English
ships. In this way a navy was created which delivered
England when the Spanish Armada came, saw, and
was conquered.
The English were not a seafaring race when
Elizabeth began her reign. Yet, before it was over,
they had commenced to regard the sea as their own.
Cabot's voyages were soon forgotten. Whilst England
was in alliance with Spain and still acknowledged the
supremacy of the Pope, the French were pushing their
way into Canada and giving the name of New France
250 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
to North America. When the Reformation spread to
France, Huguenots, aided by Admiral Coligny, settled
at first in Brazil, and, when this experiment failed,
in Florida, whence as pirates they attacked the com-
merce and colonies of Spain. Before the English broke
through the monopolies of Portugal and Spain by
collecting slaves on the Guinea Coast and selling them
in the West Indies, Frenchmen had engaged in this
lucrative trade. Preying upon the Spaniard and
Protestantism were closely connected in the sixteenth
century, but, as France and Spain were almost always
at war, the Catholic Kings of France winked at the
religious errors of subjects who robbed Spanish ships
of American gold.
After the death of Henry II. of France in 1559 his
widow, Catherine de Medici, directed the official policy
of France for thirty years, during the reigns of her
three sons. This policy aimed at restoring peace to
Europe by re-establishing a purified papal power. It
also involved the suppression of the Huguenots.
During the French civil wars their infant colonial
empire perished, and the English took over the task
of fighting the Spanish monopoly. The collapse of
Spain in 1564, after her short-lived commercial war
with England, was followed by English attacks on her
jealously guarded American empire. In Mary's reign
English ships first visited the Guinea Coast in defiance
of the Portuguese monopoly. John Hawkins went
there in 1562 and carried slaves to Hayti, where he
sold them, " trusting the Spaniards no further than by
his own strength he was able still to master them."
This private venture was so successful that in 1564
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 251
Hawkins sailed in command of some of the Queen's
ships, including the Jesus of Liibeck, to Guinea and
thence with slaves to the West Indies, where, after
much trouble owing to the absence of a licence from
the King of Spain, the slaves were sold. On his way
to England Hawkins succoured the pirate colony of
the French in Florida, and he met other Frenchmen,
engaged in the unlicensed slave-trade, in Africa and in
the West Indies. The sailor, who wrote of this second
venture in unlicensed slave-trading, was able to end his
tale with thanksgiving to God, since there was " great
profit to the venturers of the said voyage, as also to
the whole realm, in bringing home both gold, silver,
pearls, and other jewels great store. His name, there-
fore, be praised for evermore. Amen." Hawkins'
third voyage ended in failure. Trapped by the
Spanish fleet, treacherously according to Hawkins,
the Jesus was lost, and, after much suffering, Hawkins
returned in one small ship, and his cousin, Francis
Drake, in another. The experiences of the English
prisoners in the prisons of the Inquisition filled England
with hatred of Rome and Spain.
In 1567 Philip sent the Duke of Alva overland to the
Netherlands with an army which was strong enough to
crush all opposition to Spanish rule. Ships containing
pay for Alva's troops were driven to take refuge at
Plymouth and Elizabeth confiscated the treasure.
Alva was then forced to tax the Netherlands. This
taxation, coupled with the stoppage of commerce
between England and Antwerp, drove the Low
Countries into open rebellion, and the war of Dutch
Independence began. Already, it is true, William of
252 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Orange had been outlawed and was trying to invade
the Netherlands with foreign mercenaries ; but, after
the taxation, the Netherlands united in defence of
their autonomy.
At first, however, William of Orange lacked the
money required before the Spanish could be effectively
attacked. The poor folk in the Netherlands subscribed
towards William's war fund, but the rich held aloof.
Enough was, nevertheless, collected to equip eighteen
vessels at the Huguenot port of La Rochelle. These
ships carried William's letters of marque and crews
of lawless seamen, who called themselves Sea-Beggars.
They seized three hundred Spanish vessels within a
few months, and disposed of their booty in England.
Representations from the Spanish Ambassador forced
Elizabeth to forbid this use of English harbours. Then
in 1572 the Sea-Beggars seized the Dutch port of
Brill, and Holland rose in revolt.
Meanwhile negotiations were proceeding between
England and France which had in view the expulsion
of the Spanish from the Netherlands and the division of
the country between England, France, and Germany.
A religious peace was to be proclaimed in France, and
the Protestant heir-expectant, Henry of Navarre, was
married to the daughter of Catherine de Medici.
Six days after the marriage the Huguenot magnates
who had come to Paris were massacred on the Feast
of St. Bartholomew 1572. Henry of Navarre was
spared, but Admiral Coligny was killed. Civil war
recommenced, and the expansion of France oversea
was checked for years. Elizabeth, however, remained
faithful to the defensive alliance she had made with
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 253
France. She had no intention of throwing France
into the arms of Spain, and at the same time she would
not waste England's strength in a European war. A
more effective way of fighting Spain was being thought
out in England.
In 1570 and 1571 Drake made voyages to the West
Indies of which no particulars are recorded. He had
not forgotten the Spanish attack on Hawkins and the
misery of his own home-coming. In 1572 he sailed
to the Isthmus of Panama, attacked Nombre de Dios,
and returned with a rich store of Spanish gold. Then,
whilst England and Spain were still officially at peace,
another and greater exploit was prepared. In 1577
Drake sailed from Plymouth with a company of 164
men in five ships. He did not return until 1580, and
in the interval he sailed through the Straits of Magellan,
plundered the unprotected Spanish towns on the east
coast of America, fed and clothed his crew from
Spanish ships, crossed the Pacific, rounded the Cape of
Good Hope, and on his voyage collected from the
Spanish seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds.
In 1578 England signed a treaty of alliance with
the Netherlands directed against Spain. Philip tried
to reply to this unofficial war by creating difficulties
for Elizabeth in the British Isles. Mary of Scotland
married Lord Darnley in 1565. Her illegitimate half-
brother, Lord Moray, joined the party of Knox and
the ultra-Protestants and was preparing a rebellion
against his sister on account of her sympathy with
Rome, when Mary attacked the insurgents with such
swiftness that they fled to England. Mary's secretary,
Riccio, was suspected of being in the pay of Philip and
254 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the Pope. With the approval of John Knox, Riccio
was murdered by Lord Darnley in the presence of his
wife and Queen. Lord Moray then returned, and the
Queen's councillors were Protestant and pro-English.
Mary's son, James, was born in 1566, and Elizabeth
was invited to be his godmother. Early in the follow-
ing year Lord Darnley's body was found under cir-
cumstances which pointed to the anti-English Lord
Bothwell as the murderer. Scotland rose against her
Queen when Mary married Bothwell a few months after
Darnley's death. In 1568 Mary fled for shelter to
England, and under Moray, as Regent for James,
Scotland remained loyal to England.
Philip then devoted his attention to fomenting
disaffection amongst the English Catholics in favour
of the captive Queen Mary. The great obstacle was
Cecil. The Duke of Norfolk led the discontented
magnates and Cecil was in danger of sharing Riccio's
fate. Elizabeth, however, acted promptly, although
her favourite Leicester was one of Cecil's enemies.
Norfolk was arrested, and a rising in the North of
England was sternly suppressed in 1569. Next year
the Pope issued a bull excommunicating Elizabeth
and releasing her subjects from their duty of obedience
to their Queen. Alva had apparently crushed the
Protestants of the Low Countries ; but before the bull
was issued Alva's power was weakened by the seizure
of Spanish gold at Plymouth. In 1571 the Ridolfi
conspiracy was planned by Spain. Elizabeth was to be
murdered, Norfolk to be married to Mary of Scotland,
and part of Alva's army was to make them Catholic
rulers of Great Britain. Cecil, who had been made
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 255
Lord Burghley, discovered the plot. Norfolk was
executed in 1572, but Mary's life was spared. The
defensive alliance with France and the secret aid given
to William of Orange were Burghley's answers to the
danger which threatened England.
The massacre of St. Bartholomew was a heavy blow
to English hopes, but this was more than compensated
by the success of the Sea-Beggars and Drake's exploit
at Nombre de Dios. In 1572 it was evident that the
sea power of Spain was not invincible, and the revolt
of the Dutch taxed the resources of Spain so severely
that England had rest for seven years. Want of money
ruined Spain, although she had sole possession of the
gold and silver of Mexico and Peru. In spite of the
laws of Spain the precious metals flowed from her to the
middlemen of Antwerp and Amsterdam, and through
them to England. Until Spain had proved herself
incapable of protecting property from her mutinous
troops, Antwerp and Amsterdam remained Catholic
and loyal to Spain. Their merchants looked upon
the revolt as a needless quarrel with their wealthy
Spanish clients. The severity of Alva's rule failed
to conquer the Dutch, and in 1573 he was replaced
by Requesens, who was instructed to try the effect of
gentler methods. Holland and Zeeland refused to
submit, but the southern provinces acquiesced in the
new policy.
The great difficulty which confronted Requesens
was his Spanish army, whose pay was always in arrears.
Under Alva the plunder of Malines, Zutphen, Naarden,
and Haarlem had satisfied the soldiers, but after
Requesens had failed to capture Leyden, even the
256 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
merchants wavered in their loyalty when they saw
the land overrun with hungry and mutinous bandits.
Requesens died in 1576, and before his successor, Don
John of Austria, an illegitimate son of Charles V.,
arrived, the mutineers had sacked Antwerp, the richest
city in the Low Countries, perhaps in Europe. The
horror caused by this outrage against civilisation for
a time united the Low Countries. In the Pacification
of Ghent the provinces agreed to forget their past
divisions and to unite in securing the expulsion of
the Spanish soldiers. William of Orange was to be
lieutenant, admiral, and general for Philip in Holland
and Zeeland until the Spaniards were expelled.
In Spain the necessity of removing the Spanish
troops from the Netherlands was by this time clearly
recognised, and it was proposed that they should be let
loose on England. This proposal was vetoed by the
Netherlanders who were loyal to Spain. They saw
that Antwerp would be still further injured if the
production of England, in which their merchants dealt,
was checked. Money was raised on bills drawn in
Philip's name and discounted by the Fuggers of
Antwerp. The Spanish troops were then sent away by
land. There remained a force of German mercenaries,
but Don John was pledged to send them also away as
soon as the States-General raised funds for their arrears
of pay. These mercenaries, however, did not leave,
and though open war ceased there was such unrest that.
Philip sent Alexander of Parma, with 20,000 Spanish
troops, to Don John's aid. The insurgents were
crushingly defeated at Gemblours in 1578, but on the
other hand Amsterdam threw in its lot with Holland
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 257
and Zeeland. In the same year Don John died and
Parma became Viceroy for Philip.
During the Anglo-French negotiations before the
massacre of St. Bartholomew the marriage of Elizabeth
with the French King's brother, Henry of Anjou, was
suggested and discussed. When it became evident that
Elizabeth's suitor would become Henry III. of France,
his brother, Francis d'Alen£on, afterwards Duke of
Anjou, was proposed as a possible husband for Eliza-
beth. From England, where he had been vainly
wooing Elizabeth, a lady of nearly fifty and more than
twenty years his senior, Francis of Anjou sailed to
Antwerp in 1582 with Elizabeth's old friend, Leicester,
and other English nobles. Beneath the grotesque
courtship important issues were at stake. In 1581
Francis had been accepted as sovereign of Flanders,
Brabant, and the northern provinces, which had re-
pudiated Philip. Antwerp, the great market for
English cloth, was owning a new lord, and Elizabeth's
ambiguous answer left her free to act in England's
interests, if the experiment was successful.
Before long it was evident that the experiment
would not succeed. In 1584 Anjou died, and his death
was almost immediately followed by the murder of
William of Orange. Next year Parma gained posses-
sion of Antwerp and all the southern provinces for
Philip of Spain. In spite of all the advantages of her
protective system the outlook seemed dark for England.
In 1581 Philip had seized Portugal, and every non-
European market was closed to English goods. When
Antwerp was being besieged by the Spaniards in 1585,
Elizabeth made a fruitless attempt to induce Henry III.
s
258 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of France to assume the sovereignty of the Nether-
lands. The Garter was sent to the French King
simultaneously with an embassy from the Netherlands,
but the religious divisions of the French forced the
King to decline the offer. England had to face Spain
aided only by the insurgent Dutch.
It is not easy to trace any fear in England's actions,
though there were attempts at maintaining the nominal
peace with Spain. The ancient policy of England had
been to rely on the Hanse League, but Cecil's policy
of giving to the Germans as much and no more than
they gave to the English was resolutely adhered to.
The Hanse town of Hamburg saw that prosperity
followed the settlement of the English Merchant
Adventurers in Emden, and in 1567 Hamburg signed a
treaty allowing the English to trade within her walls.
When the treaty expired in 1577 the other Hanse
towns compelled Hamburg to expel the English, and
after one year's grace the Merchant Adventurers left.
The Germans in London were then placed on the same
footing as other foreigners, and a commercial war
ensued in which England was able to prove the
superiority of a nation which protected her production
over rivals who traded in foreign-made goods. Driven
from Hamburg the Merchant Adventurers were again
welcomed at Emden. When Emden was closed to the
English at the Emperor's command, Elbing received
them. They were soon after again received openly at
Emden and more or less secretly in other Hanse towns.
For a short while Hamburg gave them another wel-
come, and when she once more drove them out in 1587
they moved a few miles down the Elbe and settled
INCREASE OF NAVAL POWER 259
in Stade, which defied the Emperor as Elbing did the
King of Poland.
Ceaseless efforts were made to find outlets for
English cloth. Mention has already been made of the
access to the East opened through Russia and the
lands of the Turk, but English ships also sailed to
Archangel in 1553, only to find that there was no
passage to the East through the icy seas. No better
fortune attended the daring seamen who sought a
North- West passage round the American coast.
At the same time attempts were made to found
colonies in North America. Though these failed, from
the lessons the failures taught, the English learned the
method of creating dominions oversea. Good fortune,
on the other hand, attended Drake when, in September
1585, he sailed with about thirty ships from Plymouth
to avenge the fall of Antwerp. Touching first at
Spain, where he boldly took in fresh water and pro-
visions, Drake sailed to the West Indies by way of the
Cape Verde Islands. His progress was marked by
sacked and burned Spanish towns and ships, and he
returned with sixty thousand pounds taken from the
Spaniards. It was evident that nothing but a direct
attack could subdue England, and preparations for it
were now made.
s 2
XX
THE ARMADA. ENGLISH AND DUTCH OBTAIN
CONTROL OF THE SEA
1585-1601
BEFORE his abdication in 1555 Charles V. had learned
that it was beyond the power of one man simul-
taneously to unite the German Empire and Western
Europe in a cosmopolitan brotherhood. But it was
not clear that the cosmopolitan scheme would not
succeed if one member of his family attacked the
problem in Germany and another in Western Europe.
If Germany and Western Europe were welded into two
federations, both in subjection to Rome, intermarriage
between the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs would
sooner or later blend the two federations into one
cosmopolitan Empire. Hence Charles' brother became
the Emperor Ferdinand, and Charles' son became
Philip II. of Spain and of Spain's dominions in Europe
and beyond the sea.
This great scheme failed not because the Habsburgs
wavered in their loyalty to cosmopolitanism but
because the peoples over whom they ruled took arms
to support their nationality. Ferdinand's son and
heir, afterwards Maximilian II., was married in 1548 to
his cousin, Maria, daughter of Charles V. In spite of
his Spanish wife and the Spanish influences which
THE ARMADA 261
surrounded him, Maximilian, before his accession in
1564 to the Empire of Germany, showed strong lean-
ings towards Protestantism and German nationalism.
He received, however, a plain intimation that, if he
declined to fall in with the cosmopolitan scheme he
would have to abandon all hope of becoming Emperor,
and he yielded to the pressure. Maximilian and his
son, Rudolf II., Emperor from 1576 to 1612, main-
tained intimate relations with Spain, whilst they
avoided making a direct attack on Protestantism.
The absence of protection for German workers,
peasants, and artisans weakened Protestantism and
German nationality. The wealth of Germany passed
into the hands of her international merchants, who
could invest their capital in foreign lands and favoured
a close connection with Spain. The Jesuits, who were
labouring to bring Europe back to Catholicism, met
with great success in Germany. Time appeared to be
on the side of cosmopolitanism in the German Empire.
But in Western Europe Philip II. had a more
difficult task. The people of the Netherlands had
partially succeeded in throwing off the yoke of Spain.
Amsterdam and the North had won freedom, whilst
Antwerp and the South had bought peace by rejoining
the Spanish Empire, when the murder of William of
Orange in 1584 left the Dutch without a leader.
Spain's agents were at work in every land. The
Catholics of England and Ireland were being taught
that their religion demanded rebellion against Eliza-
beth, and there were grave fears that the Queen would
share the fate of William of Orange. The British
Isles were to become dependencies of Spain under
262 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Mary Stewart. Even James of Scotland, alarmed by
the strength and zeal of the Scotch Catholics, pursued
a hesitating and doubtful policy.
Nor could Elizabeth turn to France for aid. Since
the peace of Cateau-Cambresis in 1660 there had been
no open war between France and Spain, but the
religious wars in France had ended in the formation
of a Catholic League led by Henry, Duke of Guise, and
a Huguenot opposition whose chief was Henry of
Navarre. The French King, Henry III., had failed to
reconcile his subjects in 1576 owing to the opposition
of the League. In 1585 a definite alliance was formed
between the League and Philip of Spain, and Henry III.
was forced to submit to the authority of Henry of
Guise and his brother the Cardinal.
Threatened on all sides, Elizabeth was forced to
abandon her policy of masterly inactivity, and in 1585
the Queen's favourite, Leicester, landed in Flushing
with 5000 foot and 1000 horse to fill the place which
the murder of William of Orange had left vacant.
This post was one which an Englishman was ill-qualified
to fill. Englishmen still talk of the Dutch Republic,
although not long after the final severance from Spain
de Witt pointed out that the English should talk of
what is now the kingdom of Holland as the Federated
Republics. Leicester, accustomed to the ways of a
united kingdom, was called upon to guide the fortunes
of seven provinces which had never been really united
and had now joined in a federation so loose that
each province, and almost each town, was practically
an independent State. The name republic serves only
to conceal the fact that the Dutch had no political
THE ARMADA 263
freedom. Towns were governed by councils of
burghers which co-opted fresh members when vacancies
occurred and elected deputies to the States-General.
The Dutch were governed by merchants whose right
to rule was based on their wealth, and chief amongst
these were the merchants of Amsterdam.
The people of Holland closely resembled the
English. In Holland, as in England, the people were
righting to preserve their nationality ; in both lands
there were more Catholics than Protestants, but
difference of religion did not affect their zeal for the
national cause. Here, however, the likeness ceased.
In England the Queen was as ardent a nationalist as
her subjects. In Holland the mercantile governing
body fought Spain in order to carry to and from the
East and West. They were, many of them, Jews who
had been driven from Spain and Portugal, or foreigners
who had migrated from Antwerp. Such men could
have little sympathy with the patriotic hopes and
fears of the Dutch. Leicester began his rule by for-
bidding all commercial intercourse between the Dutch
and Philip's dominions. He had no wish to supply the
enemies of England with food and clothing when they
could be starved into submission. But the merchants
claimed the right of trading freely, and gladly supplied
the Spaniards with all they were ready to pay for,
even with powder and shot to be used against the
Dutch and their English allies. After wasting his
fortune in a hopeless struggle with the merchants,
Leicester returned to England in August 1587 a poor
but wiser man. Then Maurice, a younger son of
William of Orange, at the age of twenty commanded
264 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the Dutch military and naval forces against Parma, the
best general in Europe.
In the ports of Spain and Portugal the Invincible
Armada was being built, and in the Southern Nether-
lands Parma was collecting men and transports, buying
what he needed from the merchants of Amsterdam,
that he might be ready to sail for England when the
Armada had brushed aside the Dutch and English
fleets. But in 1587 Drake sailed from England
before the Armada was fully equipped. He looked
in at Cadiz and destroyed all the shipping which failed
to escape up the creeks. He found Lisbon too strong ;
but he waited outside and destroyed coasting vessels
as they arrived with stores. The Armada could not
sail that year, and, had Drake been able to keep the
sea, it might never have sailed. But his ships needed
refitting, so Drake returned to England after cap-
turing an East Indiaman, which paid for the expedi-
tion. In 1588 Drake was kept in England, because
it was hoped that Philip would not send the Armada
after his fleet had been crippled. Nevertheless the
Armada sailed.
In spite of the gold of America, Spain was poor,
owing to a fiscal system which threw the whole burden
of taxation on the home producer. Neglect of the
navy had given Drake the opportunity he had used
so well. But in 1588 nothing was spared. It was,
however, too late. An English navy was in existence
capable of guarding England's coasts. The Dutch
ships held Parma in check, whilst the English harried
the Invincible Armada. Northwards it fled in con-
fusion. One-third of the ships, battered and tempest-
THE ARMADA 265
tossed, found their way to Spain round the north of
Scotland ; the shallows and the storm had the rest.
England and Protestantism were saved.
The destruction of the Armada freed Western
Europe. French Nationalists, Catholics and Pro-
testants, united against the League. During the last
few days of 1588 the Guises were murdered, and in
April 1589 the alliance of Henry III. and Henry of
Navarre was publicly announced. The League held
Paris, and Mayenne, brother of the murdered Henry
of Guise, took over the command of the pro-Spanish
party. Philip made a desperate attempt to conquer
France. Walloons and Flemings were sent to re-
inforce the army of the League. In August 1589 the
murder of the Guises was avenged by a friar who
stabbed Henry III. Before his death the French
King acknowledged Henry of Navarre as his suc-
cessor. In March 1590 Henry IV. routed the army
of the League at Ivry. Philip then sent Parma, his
best general, to the aid of his allies, whilst England
sent reinforcements for the Nationalists. In 1592
Parma's health failed, and he returned to Flanders,
where he died before the end of the year. Then the
Leaguers lost heart. Henry IV. was reconciled to the
Church of Rome, French Catholics and Protestants
accepted him as King, and the French wars of religion
dwindled into ineffective attempts to impede the
establishment of a strong national government in
France.
In 1587, when England was threatened by the
Invincible Armada, Mary of Scotland was beheaded
in Fotheringay Castle, in which she was living as a
266 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
State prisoner. It was nominally on her behalf that the
Armada was about to sail, and the Catholic plots against
Elizabeth's life had as their object the placing of
Mary on the thrones of England and Scotland. After
Mary's death, English Catholics realised that to
oppose Elizabeth was to aid Philip in his attack on
English nationality, and, in spite of persecution, the
Catholics in England were loyal to their native land.
James' hesitation disappeared when the Armada was
defeated. In 1589 he married the Protestant princess,
Anne of Denmark, and the movement towards the
union of England and Scotland continued to make
headway.
In 1580, papal soldiers, subjects of Philip of Spain,
landed in Ireland, entrenched themselves at Smer-
wick, and encouraged the Earl of Desmond to rebel.
When this rebellion was suppressed half a million acres
in Munster were forfeited to the Crown, and an attempt
was made to plant English settlers on the confiscated
lands. Ten years earlier the Irish Parliament had
passed protective measures to encourage the weaving
of linen yarn in Ireland. This yarn was used by
weavers in Lancashire and Cheshire, and royal letters
patent annulled these protective statutes. Thus,
although Ireland was treated as a conquered country,
in which English settlers were to act as a permanent
self-supporting garrison, these unpaid soldiers of
England were denied that protection which their
English brethren enjoyed. This economic policy
transformed English Protestants into Irish Catholics,
and created the need for fresh harryings of Ireland
and more plantations, which, in their turn, failed.
THE ARMADA 267
The settlers retained their language, and in English
expressed their hatred of the land which treated them
as foreigners. Disaffection in Ireland, fostered by
Spain, troubled and impoverished England during
Elizabeth's reign.
The decay of Spain was evident to all except the
Spanish after the destruction of the Armada. In
spite of the gold of America, the Spanish policy of
neglecting home production had forced Charles V. to
regard the Low Countries as the financial centre of
his empire. But the commerce of the Spanish Nether-
lands was ruined in the war. The great seaport,
Antwerp, was blocked by forts built by the Dutch to
command the waterway to the sea, and England was
helping to strangle Antwerp, since she held Flushing,
at the mouth of the waterway, as one of the cautionary
towns given as pledges for the expenses incurred when
Leicester was sent to the Netherlands. Ostend was
held by the Dutch. When the Armada sailed, Dun-
kirk, Nieuwport, and Sluys were the only ports from
which Parma's army could have sailed to England,
and these ports were of little or no value when the
English and Dutch held command of the sea. Yet
blind to their weakness, the Spanish continued to
believe that they could conquer England.
In 1589 Drake sailed south to detach Portugal
from Spain. Don Antonio was to have been made
King of Portugal, and, in return, he promised that
the English should have the same commercial rights
as the Portuguese in Portugal, Brazil, and the Indies.
This expedition failed, and more than a century elapsed
before the Methuen treaty, in 1703, gave English
268 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
products the longed-for preference in Portugal and her
colonies. Drake and Hawkins died in 1596 whilst
they were engaged in their favourite work of pillaging
the Spanish West Indies ; but in the same year
Cadiz was also pillaged by a mixed English and Dutch
expedition. With this destruction of Spanish shipping
Spain's last hope of invading England died. Two
years later Philip II. was succeeded by his son,
Philip III.
Off Lisbon, in 1589, Drake captured a large fleet
of Hanseatic corn-ships which had sailed round Scot-
land to avoid English ships in the Channel. The corn
was confiscated as contraband of war, and Elizabeth
refused to listen to the remonstrances of the mer-
chants. The Emperor of Germany then expelled
English merchants from his dominions ; but the
English carried on a contraband trade through the
Dutch town Middelburgh. When the Hanseatic mer-
chants forbade the sale of corn to the Dutch, Elizabeth
turned the Germans out of the Steelyard. In 1599
Emden and Stade again admitted English merchants,
and the Hanseatic League was hoping to settle the
dispute by negotiation when Elizabeth died in 1603.
Ultimately the Germans returned to their Steelyard,
but as unprivileged foreigners they were hencefor-
ward of little account in England's commerce.
Although the Dutch were as seriously threatened
as the English by the Armada, in 1589 the English
captured Dutch as well as Hanseatic ships carrying
corn to Spain, and the States-General asked Elizabeth
to release the ships and corn. They urged that they
depended wholly on commerce, and that the merchants
THE ARMADA 269
would forsake Amsterdam if their trade was disturbed.
The Dutch people were brave, self-sacrificing, and
patriotic. Their sailors were in no way inferior to
the English. But the Republics were ruled by mer-
chants who thought only of buying cheap and selling
dear. The Dutch employed their sailors in opening
up trading stations in the East and West, whilst
England used her sea power to found colonies and
create markets for her products.
When the Spanish Netherlands was denied access
to the sea, there was a great exodus of artisans to
England and to Holland. A most interesting account
of the effect of the fiscal systems of England and the
Dutch on this emigration is given in de Witt's " Interest
of Holland." When Antwerp was taken, " that City
being thus wholly shut up from the Sea, and the King
of Spain very imprudently neglecting to open the
Scheld, being desirous, according to the Maxims of
Monarchs, to weaken that strong City, which he
thought too powerful for him, and to disperse the
Trafnck over his many other Cities ; he bent all his
Strength against the Frontiers of Gelderland, England,
and France, whereby the Merchants of Antwerp were
necessitated to forsake their City, and consequently
to chuse Amsterdam to settle in, which before the
Troubles was, next to Antwerp, the greatest Mer-
cantile City of the Netherlands. For when we rightly
consider the innumerable Inconveniences found in
all Islands, and especially Northward, by reason of
Storms, and long Winters, in the Consumption of
Goods bought, and the necessary Communication
with many inland Neighbours ; every one may easily
270 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
imagine why the Antwerpers sat not down in the
adjacent Islands of Zeland ; and besides, neither in
France nor England was there any liberty of Religion,
but a Monarchical Government in both with high
Duties on Goods imported and exported."
" And tho the Protestant Merchants, by reason of
the great Peace, and good situation of England, would
have most inclined to settle there ; yet were they
discouraged from coming into a Country where there
were no City Excises or Imposts on Lands, or any other
Taxes equally charging all, whether Inhabitants or
Strangers ; but heavy Taxes and Customs laid on all
Goods imported and exported, by which Foreigners
and their Children and Grandchildren, according to
the Laws of the Land, must pay double as much as
the natural English ; yea in the Subsidies of Parlia-
ment, which extend to perpetuity on Foreigners and
their Children, they must pay double Assessment:
Besides which all Strangers are excluded from their
Guilds and Halls of Trade and Manufactures ; so that
none have the Freedom there to work, either as
Journey-man, or Master-workman, save in that
whereof the Inhabitants are ignorant."
" And all these Discouragements were also for the
most part in the Eastern Cities " (Hanse towns) ; " yea
in England as well as in the Eastern Cities, a Foreigner,
tho an Inhabitant, was not suffered to sell to any
other but Citizens ; nor to sell Wares by Retail, or for
Consumption, or to buy any sort of Goods of Strangers
or of Inhabitants that are Strangers, neither by
Wholesale nor Retail : All which made them think
England no fit place to settle in. ... The Flemish
THE ARMADA 271
Fishing also fell into Holland : But the Manufactures
were thus divided ; one third of the Dealers and
Weavers of Says, Damask, and Stockings, &c., went
casually into England, &c., because that Trade was
then new to the English, and therefore under no Halls
or Guilds. Another great part of them went to
Leyden ; and the Traders in Linen settled mostly at
Haerlem. But there was still a great number of
Traders in Manufactures that remained in Flanders
and Brabant : For seeing those Goods were continually
sent to France and Germany by Land-carriage, it was
impossible for us to prevent it by our Ships of War,
or any other Means imaginable."
An old rhyme declares that
Hops, Reformation, Bays, and Beer
Came into England all in a year.
These immigrant weavers of says and bays were
Protestants of a pronounced type. They settled in the
Eastern Counties, where they preached their gospel
of disunion in religion and politics to the children of
those who had been dispossessed by enclosures and
massacred in Ket's rebellion. De Witts and le Bruns
became Whites and Browns and with the descendants
of the old Levellers formed the English Independents,
who half a century after Elizabeth's death temporarily
abolished royalty in England. In 1593 the danger
to English nationality was recognised, and an Act
was passed imposing exile or conformity to the Church
of England on all who lived in England ; but, driven
below the surface, sectarianism continued to increase.
Lord Burghley continued to advise Elizabeth until
272 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
his death in 1598, when his place was filled by his
son, Sir Robert Cecil. Burghley was opposed by the
Queen's favourite, Leicester, but never with success.
When Leicester died in 1588, the Earl of Essex and
Sir Walter Raleigh became the favourites of Elizabeth.
Essex succeeded to Leicester's feud with the Cecils.
Just before his death Burghley wished England to
make peace with Spain as France was doing. The
English merchants feared that their trade would suffer
if they made peace with Spain whilst the Dutch
were forcibly entering Spain's empire oversea. Essex
espoused the cause of the merchants, and attacked
Burghley with such violence that he lost Elizabeth's
favour. The peace party was defeated, but Essex
accepted the Vice-royalty of Ireland, hoping to re-
instate himself with his Queen, He, however, failed
in Ireland, and after a prolonged trial was deprived
of all his offices. In his anger Essex asked James of
Scotland to send an army to remove Cecil from the
Queen's Council. Detected in treason, Essex appealed
in vain to the merchants of London to take arms
against Cecil. He was beheaded in 1601. Raleigh
and Cecil, however, remained on friendly terms until
just before Elizabeth's death.
XXI
TRADE RIVALRY BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH
1601-1623
A SERIOUS constitutional difficulty was created when
England's foreign trade passed into English hands.
The Crown had authority over foreign merchants
trading in England, and could either prohibit or im-
pose duties on their trade. In virtue of her royal
prerogative Queen Elizabeth deprived the merchants
of the Steelyard of their privileges. The rights of the
Crown over foreign trade conducted by Englishmen
were not clearly denned. At first there was no
practical difficulty in this uncertainty. If English
merchants evaded an imposition or restriction they
gained an advantage over their foreign competitors,
and when the English Merchant Adventurers were a
feeble folk the Crown revenue was not seriously
affected. But when foreign trade was largely con-
ducted by English merchants, the Crown had to choose
between surrendering a large part of its revenue or
asserting its right to impose duties on foreign trade
whether it was conducted by natives or aliens.
This difficulty was increased by the rise in prices.
The ancient customs, from which the Crown had
drawn much of its revenue, were satisfied by the
T
274 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
payment of fixed sums of money for fixed amounts of
goods. When goods rose in value and money fell
the Crown suffered. In Elizabeth's time trouble was
staved off by the treasure stolen from Spain and by
the sale of monopolies. Nevertheless, Elizabeth was
forced to alienate a large part of her Crown lands in
order to obtain funds for the defence of England, and
her successors were thus driven to depend upon the
customs for their revenue. Monopolies, in themselves,
were no more immoral than modern patents. To
encourage the expenditure of capital in starting new
industries or in diverting old industries into new
channels, exclusive rights of manufacture were granted
to individuals by the Crown. In the same way mono-
polies of trade in different parts of the world were
given to chartered associations of merchants in order
that they might arm their ships and defend themselves
without leaning upon the royal navy. The expense
of policing the seas could not have been borne by some
merchants if others might trade without sharing this
expense. Elizabeth's last Parliament, in 1601, was
about to pass an Act abolishing monopolies when
the Queen announced her intention of cancelling all
monopolies which were injurious to her people.
The greatest difficulty which the Stuarts had to
face was, however, the rapid progress made by Dutch
merchants in the race for wealth. The Dutch mer-
chants grew rich by slipping through the breach in
Spain's monopoly which English guns had made.
They founded their Eastern empire when England
was fighting Spain in order that no new Armada
should threaten either her coasts or those of her ally.
DUTCH TRADE RIVALRY 275
Pamphlet literature in England teemed with envy of
the Dutch and suggestions as to how England too
could become wealthy. In observations supposed to
have been presented to King James by Raleigh, stress
is laid upon the small customs paid by Dutch mer-
chants. The writer argued that, although English
merchants paid eighteen times as much duty as Dutch
merchants, England obtained only half the amount of
revenue that Holland received. He urged the King to
make full use of the alum which had been found in
England, " considering that God hath enabled, and
given Your Majesty, power to advance Dressing and
Dyeing and Transporting of all your Cloths within a
Year or two ; I speak it knowingly."
James acted upon the suggestion of securing the
cloth-finishing industry for England. In 1609 the
alum industry of England was protected against
foreign competition and grew rapidly. The sale of
alum was also made a royal monopoly. In 1614 the
exportation of undressed and undyed cloth was for-
bidden, and the licence of the Merchant Adventurers
to export such cloth was revoked. A very large
number of Dutch workers were employed in finishing
English cloth, and the Dutch retaliated by prohibiting
the importation of finished cloth from England and
enlarging their weaving industry. This commercial
war was short-lived. It ended in a compromise, but
victory rested with the English. Their cheap alum
and cheap cloth gave them supremacy in every process
in the cloth-making industry.
The paternal government of the first Stuarts pro-
voked much opposition from those outside the circle
T2
276 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
of beneficiaries. In James' first Parliament a measure
granting freedom of trade was carried in the Commons
but thrown out by the Lords. The term free trade
has, however, had many meanings. To-day it means
the right to import goods, whether they are raw
materials or finished manufactures, without payment
of duty. In the reign of James I. it could also mean
either the abolition of the exclusive rights of the com-
panies, chartered by the Tudors, to England's foreign
trade, or the abolition of those monopolies which
restricted the manufacture and sale of certain articles
to privileged individuals. The free-trade measure
which was defeated in James' first Parliament was
an attack on the chartered trading companies. Better
success attended the attack on monopolies in 1624.
Then monopolies were made illegal with certain excep-
tions, such as saltpetre, gunpowder, cannon, alum, &c.,
which were regarded as beneficial to the State. New
inventions could also be made monopolies for fourteen
years by royal letters patent, and the trading mono-
polies of the chartered companies were not interfered
with.
The abolition of monopolies, except new patents,
was undoubtedly a wise measure ; but it does not
follow that monopolies were harmful when they were
introduced. In a backward country, which sought to
introduce manufactures from abroad, they stimulated
new industries just as the granting of patents stimu-
lates new inventions. It was after the industries
were established in England that monopolies became
injurious by limiting home competition and produc-
tion. Similarly, when policing the seas was beyond
DUTCH TRADE RIVALRY 277
the power of England's navy, it was wise to restrict
foreign trade to large corporations who could afford to
send fleets of armed merchant ships to foreign lands.
The Dutch were building up a great foreign trade by
means of companies possessing exclusive rights, and
the massacre of English merchants at Amboina by
their Dutch rivals in 1624 proved that the time had
not yet arrived when treaties or agreements could
protect the weak in the fierce struggle for commerce.
After the defeat of the Armada, English and Dutch
merchants invaded the Eastern monopoly of the
united nations of Spain and Portugal. The early
failures of individual English merchants led to the
formation in 1600 of the English East India Company.
The first fleet of the new company sailed to the East
in 1601. It traded in Sumatra, established a factory
in Java, captured a Portuguese ship in the Straits of
Malacca, and returned with a valuable cargo of pepper.
In 1602 the Dutch founded their East India Company
with a capital nineteen times that of the English
company. James, in 1604, made peace with Spain,
one condition being that the English might trade
where they had traded before the war. This was,
however, interpreted as meaning that the English
might trade in all places not actually occupied by the
Spanish or Portuguese. The Dutch continued their
war with Spain, and in 1615, after destroying the
Spanish fleet, began to create a colonial empire in the
Spice Islands. The Dutch were unwilling to allow
the English to trade in colonies whose garrisons
and upkeep were paid for by the merchants of the
Republic. To avert a threatened Anglo-Dutch war in
278 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
the East an agreement was arrived at between the
Dutch and English companies in 1519. But arrange-
ments made in Europe were disregarded in the East.
After the massacre at Amboina England failed to ob-
tain reparation from Holland and the English ceased
to trade in the Spice Islands, whilst the Dutch colonial
empire and trade continued to increase.
The Dutch visited Japan in 1609 and established
a trading settlement, although the Japanese forbade
them to profess Christianity publicly. Nearly a
century earlier the Portuguese had visited China in
1511, and in 1557 they were allowed to lease Macao.
In 1622 the Dutch attacked Macao, but failed to
capture it. Then they established themselves in
Formosa and used every means to obtain a footing for
trade in China. That two Dutch embassies were the
only European envoys who kow-towed to the Emperor
of China is characteristic of this merchant State,
which had fought for freedom from Spanish rule only
to be governed by cosmopolitan merchants. But the
vast wealth which these merchants brought to Holland
blinded the Dutch to every other consideration.
After the massacre at Amboina English traders
went no further east than India until wars with
England had taught the Dutch to respect Englishmen.
Not content with driving English traders from the
Far East, the Dutch threatened the English in India
and the Persian Gulf, where Englishmen had acquired
a somewhat precarious footing. On his accession
James I. began to develop his policy of peace with
foreign powers and consolidation at home. Parlia-
ment defeated his project of uniting Great Britain,
DUTCH TRADE RIVALRY 279
but Ulster was planted with settlers in his reign.
Peace was made with Spain in 1604, and, except for
the unfortunate expedition to Germany just before
James' death, England remained at peace with all
men. This Anglo-Spanish peace gave the Dutch an
opportunity which they seized. As enemies of Spain
and Portugal, they forcibly penetrated Portuguese
possessions in the East, whilst the English advanced
cautiously and diplomatically. The Dutch admiral,
Heemskerk, had once laboured in vain to find a North-
East passage to the East which could not be blocked
by Spain. In 1607 the Spanish navy was anchored
under the guns of Gibraltar ready to intercept Dutch
traders. A Dutch fleet under Heemskerk attacked
and annihilated the Spaniards. Like Nelson, Heems-
kerk died in the hour of victory, but his life's work
was accomplished. The way to the East was wide
open for the Dutch, and in 1609 they signed a twelve
years' truce with Spain.
There is much to be said for James' peace policy.
England's two chief competitors, Spain and Holland,
contained within themselves germs of decay, and their
doom was certain without England's interference.
Spain's neglect of her producers and her reliance on
American gold were busily undermining her strength.
Moriscos, that is Moors, who had embraced Christianity
and remained in Spain, were keeping scientific agri-
culture and industry alive in the Peninsula. Part of
the American gold and silver remained in the hands
of the Moriscos and formed a store of capital which
Philip II. had tapped when he needed money for his
navies and his cosmopolitan schemes. Oppressed by
280 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
this heavy taxation and by their Spanish neighbours,
who envied them their wealth, the Moriscos had
engaged in treasonable correspondence with Elizabeth.
James forwarded this correspondence to Philip III.
as a peace offering, and Spanish consumers in 1609
drove out the last of Spain's producers. Lord
Burghley's son, Robert Cecil, was the King's adviser.
The elder Cecil organised the defeat of the Armada ;
the younger secured that Spain should never again
threaten the shores of England. Robert Cecil had
earned the dignity of Earl of Salisbury, which James
conferred upon him after the peace with Spain.
During the twelve years' truce with Spain the
loose federation, called the Dutch Republic, disclosed
its weakness. In times of war the need of a military
leader and of some sort of national union was felt,
but during peace there was nothing to curb the
despotic power of the wealthy merchants. Hence the
merchants advocated peace at any price, provided their
trade was not affected, whilst a large section of the
Dutch realised that without foreign war they could
never gain freedom and national unity. In 1609 the
great bank of Amsterdam was founded, and proved
from the first a wonderful success. Their skill in
finance and their political power in Holland enabled
the merchants to bury in the vaults of the bank the
gold and silver of the Dutch as well as the specie of
foreigners. An old writer says : " By means of this
bank the magistrates of Amsterdam are possessed of
the bulk of the property of their inhabitants, and
thereby have the strongest security for their fidelity."
Holders of bank paper dared not oppose those who
DUTCH TRADE RIVALRY 281
held the bullion which gave value to the paper. Though
the Dutch army was largely composed of foreign
mercenaries, the Dutch navy was manned by Dutch
sailors whose courage and devotion to their country
prove that the Netherlands might have become a
united nation but for the merchant rulers.
The twelve years' truce all but destroyed the Dutch
federation. Prince Maurice, son of William of Orange,
was Stadtholder and Captain-General of the Republic.
He was naturally also the leader of the unionist party,
and as long as war with Spain was necessary to the
merchants Maurice and Oldenbarneveldt, the spokes-
man for local privileges, worked harmoniously to-
gether. When Heemskerk destroyed the navy of
Spain and made the way to the East safe for the
merchants Oldenbarneveldt advocated peace with
Spain. Maurice knew the danger of peace and opposed
it. In the end a truce was signed, and at once civil
strife began. The one bond of union which the Dutch
possessed was their orthodox Calvinist creed. Though
the Netherlands contained a large number of Catholics
and Jews, the fact that Calvinism was the State religion
in all the provinces tended to draw these provinces
together. In the seventeenth century political differ-
ences still almost invariably disguised themselves as
religious quarrels. Two rival sects divided Holland —
Gomarists and Arminians. The former advocated the
maintenance of the Calvinist creed and the State
Church, the latter preached a more liberal faith and
religious toleration.
Oldenbarneveldt led the Arminians and Maurice
the Gomarists, though they took little or no interest
282 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
in the theological dispute. The Stadtholder had the
support of the army and thus was master of the
situation. Oldenbarneveldt induced the province of
Holland to raise a separate army, and but for Maurice's
prompt action civil war would have ensued between
the States of Holland and the States-General of
all the provinces. The incipient rebellion was not
allowed to make headway, and Oldenbarneveldt was
executed as a traitor to the Republic in 1619. But
the power of the merchants was strong enough to
prevent national union. War with Spain was resumed
in 1521, and the Stadtholder's attention was occupied
with the defence of the country. Maurice died un-
married in 1625, and his brother Henry became Stadt-
holder. Until his death in 1647 Henry was, like his
brother, constantly engaged in war with Spain.
The Dutch exercised a far greater influence over
England's home and foreign policy than any other
foreigners during the reigns of the early Stuarts.
Spain lost strength with great rapidity after the
death of Philip II. France increased in strength, but
it was long before she recovered from her disastrous
wars of religion. Germany was torn asunder by the
Thirty Years' War, which destroyed nearly two-thirds
of her population and left her a mere collection of
petty disunited States. The Dutch alone seemed to be
gaming from the misfortunes of their neighbours, and
by imitating Dutch methods the English hoped to
obtain a share of Dutch success. Until Charles I.
created a strong navy a direct attack on the Dutch
was certain to end in failure. Pending the creation of
a navy the English tried to copy Dutch ways. The
DUTCH TRADE RIVALRY 283
English merchants became Calvinistic Puritans and
tried to destroy the royal prerogative, their aim being
that a King of England should have no more power
than a Dutch Stadtholder. In the end the merchants
failed, but their folly murdered their King and gave
England the terrible Commonwealth.
It was not until the end of Elizabeth's reign that
the friendship which united Cecil and Raleigh ceased.
Both men corresponded secretly with James before his
accession, and Cecil was preferred to Raleigh. Whilst
Raleigh urged the King to imitate the Dutch by
continuing the war with Spain and transforming
England into a " State-merchant," Cecil advised peace
with Spain and the continuance of the policy of
developing English production. Raleigh also wished
to foster English industry, but he appears to have
failed to realise that a Dutch State-merchant would
prove fatal to England's protective system. Defeated
in his contest with Cecil, Raleigh engaged in intrigues
which were pronounced treasonable. He was, however,
reprieved on the scaffold, and sent to honourable
confinement in the Tower. During his trial the
attorney for the Crown, Sir Edward Coke, earned
an unpleasant reputation by his bitter attack upon
a prisoner who was fighting for life. In time the
unscrupulous Crown advocate became an equally
unscrupulous opponent of the Crown. In 1604 peace
was made with Spain, and Cecil became Lord Salisbury.
James began his reign by trying to establish not
only peace but religious toleration. He proposed a
concordat with the Pope by which Catholics should
enjoy toleration on condition of their being excom-
284 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
municated if they acted so as to endanger the State.
When his proposal was rejected, to conciliate English
Protestants James banished Catholic priests. Then
followed Gunpowder Plot ; and, instead of Parliament,
toleration for Catholics was blown to the winds.
James' first Parliament, which met in 1604, contained
a majority of Puritans who still conformed to the
Church of England, hoping to change it from within.
James probably saw that Dutch political disunion lay
behind English puritanism, since he continued Eliza-
beth's policy of insisting upon conformity and epito-
mised his views in the statement : " Nobishop, no King."
It is almost certain that the great majority of English-
men would have supported the King, although the
majority in Parliament opposed him. The forty-
shilling franchise and the enclosures had limited the
number of electors in the counties, and in the towns
close corporations had so restricted the franchise that
borough members represented the merchants in much
the same way as delegates to the States represented
the merchants of Holland. When they shelved James*
scheme for the union of England and Scotland, members
of the English Parliament proved that they were
not out of sympathy with the Dutch particularist
and mercantile policy. They had no wish to share
England's trade with the Scotch.
When Church lands were confiscated and common
lands enclosed, something was done to protect the
poor, who had been fed by the monks. The lands
were sold at low rates, subject to heavy fines if the
poor were neglected by the new owners. This condi-
tion of sale was, however, systematically disregarded.
DUTCH TRADE RIVALRY 285
In the first year of Edward VI. Parliament passed a
savage Act, punishing those who did no work for three
consecutive days with branding and slavery for two
years. The Act ends with a pious hope that the
unemployed, who were too infirm for work, would be
cared for by the localities in which they were born or
were residing. Another ineffectual Act for relieving
the poor was passed in 1555. In 1572 a poor-rate was
first sanctioned by Parliament, and in 1597 and 1601
the system of official poor relief was definitely organised.
In 1589 an Act was passed forbidding the build-
ing of cottages without the provision of at least four
acres of land to each cottage. Nevertheless, the
vicious system of enclosing common lands, which had
made these laws necessary, was continued. In 1607
the peasants rose in the Midland Counties ; Levellers
were soon busy destroying the fences which excluded
the poor from the common lands; and it seemed as
if Ket's rebellion would be repeated. But Govern-
ment acted promptly. The revolt was suppressed,
not without bloodshed and executions. Once more
dragon's teeth were sown from which should spring
those armed men who surrounded the scaffold at
Whitehall when James' innocent son was publicly
murdered.
Some attempt was apparently made in the reign
of James I. to enforce the obligation which the buyers
of Church lands had accepted in the reign of Henry VIII.
As the holders of Church lands had incurred a penalty
of 61. 135. 4^. for each month of their neglect, their
lands might have been forfeited to the Crown. But
this was too bold a step for James to take in the
286 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
teeth of a Parliament which had made him feel its
power. He therefore acceded to the request of his
Parliament and remitted the penalty in 1623. This
incident illustrates the difficulties which the early
Stuarts had to face. They repeatedly tried to act in
the interests of the people ; they were thwarted at
every turn by Parliaments elected by the wealthy. On
the scaffold Charles I. proclaimed that he died a
" martyr for the people," and he was justified in making
this claim. The sufferings endured by all under the
Commonwealth were required to teach the rich in
England that they, too, would suffer if they neglected
the English poor.
XXII
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS IN ENGLAND AND HER
COLONIES
1604-1623
IN 1606 a merchant, John Bates, refused to pay a duty
on currants which had been imposed by the Crown
before the accession of James I. Bates pleaded that
the imposition was illegal because it had not been
sanctioned by Parliament. The case was exhaustively
argued in the Exchequer Chamber, and the judges,
after the most careful consideration, found for the
Crown. Recent research has proved that in this
judgment there was no straining of the constitution or
law of England. The scale of tariffs was then revised
by Lord Salisbury with that moderation which was
a characteristic of the Cecils. The royal revenue
derived only a small benefit, but the decision was a
severe blow to the Puritan merchants who wished to
imitate the Dutch free-traders. The judicial decision
was attacked in Parliament. That the House of
Commons is not a good court of appeal was then
illustrated. In order to support their case free-
traders treated "Detallagio non concedendo," a para-
graph written by a monkish historian, as a statute of
the realm. For centuries this fiction was believed by
288 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Englishmen. Thus Carlyle could write : " Custom-
house Duties, a constant subject of quarrel between
Charles and his Parliaments hitherto, had again been
levied without parliamentary consent ; in the teeth of
old ' Tallagio non concedendo ' ..." Ignorance of this
kind has led the English to label the early Stuarts as
tyrants and their judges as venal sycophants.
Judges, in the seventeenth century, still regarded
fees paid them by suitors as perquisites which they
could accept without shame, though they could not
openly defend their practice. The difficulty of settling
the quarrel between King and Parliament which
had begun was complicated by the absence of an
impartial judicial body to whom disputes could be
referred. But the royalist lawyers were no more
corrupt than those who opposed the Crown. Coke
was made Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 1606.
Unscrupulous and ambitious, he tried to make the
court over which he presided the supreme tribunal in
England. The administration of the navy had be-
come hopelessly corrupt. A commission appointed by
the Crown to reform the administration and punish
offenders was obstructed in 1613 by lawyers who
supported the pretensions of the Court of Common
Pleas. Coke, himself, interfered in 1615 on behalf of
swindlers whose victims had obtained from Chancery
the justice denied them by Common Law. Coke was
dismissed in 1616, and after vainly trying to regain
royal favour by marrying his daughter to the brother
of the King's favourite, Buckingham, the ex- judge
obtained a seat in Parliament where he led the oppo-
sition to the Crown. In 1621 Coke avenged himself
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS 289
on his old adversary, then Lord Chancellor Bacon,
when Parliament insisted on Bacon's dismissal for
having accepted money from suitors.
Salisbury, in 1610, tried to reconcile King and
Parliament by making the Great Contract. This
provided that the King should abandon his feudal
rights in return for a permanent grant of 200,ooo/. a
year, and that Parliament should assent to certain
fixed tariffs whilst the Crown agreed to levy no new
customs without consent of Parliament. This settle-
ment was all but effected when, after consulting
their constituents, the Commons refused to grant the
20O,ooo/. In 1611 James dissolved his first Parliament,
which had prevented the union of England and Scot-
land and the peaceful establishment of constitutional
monarchy.
To Parliaments, in which the Commons claimed
the right of overruling judicial decisions and exercising
the functions of a court of law, Churchmen replied by
asserting that kings governed by divine right and that
all resistance to their authority was sinful. The King's
earnest desire for peace made him advocate a com-
promise between these extreme theories. It also led
him to believe that he could mediate between the
Catholics and Protestants of the Continent who were
drifting towards the terrible Thirty Years' War. To
obtain influence over both sides James married his
daughter, in 1613, to the Elector Palatine, leader of
the German Protestants, and at the same time, in
opposition to Salisbury's advice, the King commenced
negotiations for the betrothal of Henry, Prince of
Wales, to a daughter of the King of Spain. Both
u
2QO THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Salisbury and the Prince of Wales died in 1512, but,
regardless of Puritan feeling, James continued the
negotiations with his remaining son, Charles, as the
prospective bridegroom.
The large dowry promised with the Spanish bride
also attracted James, since the royal income was
insufficient even in times of peace. The maintenance
of an efficient navy was a heavy burden, and the early
Stuarts tried to do their duty in this matter in spite
of their financial difficulties. For a short while Salis-
bury's place was filled by Robert Carr, a Scotchman,
who was made Earl of Somerset. Somerset married
Lady Essex, the divorced wife of the son of the Lord
Essex who was executed in Elizabeth's reign. Lord
and Lady Somerset were in 1616 found guilty of a
murder, which was connected with the divorce pro-
ceedings. They were pardoned by the King, but were
compelled to retire from court life. Somerset's place
as royal favourite was filled by George Villiers, who
soon afterwards was rapidly advanced to the dukedom
of Buckingham. During Somerset's short ascendancy
Parliament was summoned, but it refused to come to
any agreement with the King, and insisted upon dis-
cussing religious questions and custom-house duties.
This Parliament, called the Addled Parliament, was
dissolved without transacting any business or granting
supply.
In 1616 the royal finance was in such a condition
that the Dutch towns which England had held since
1585 were restored for a fraction of the sum for which
the Republic had pledged them. In this year also
need of money led to one of the greatest tragedies of
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS 291
this reign. It was almost universally believed that in
Guiana, the no-man's-land between Spanish and Portu-
guese America, there were gold mines richer than those
of Peru. In Elizabeth's reign Raleigh had attempted
the colonisation of Virginia, and, after early failures,
the colony of Virginia was proving itself a success.
At a later period Raleigh had sought for gold in
Guiana. From his prison in the Tower Raleigh asked
the King's leave to be allowed once again to seek for
the fabled gold mines. James consulted the ambas-
sador of Spain and the desired permission was granted
on condition that the search for the gold mines should
not become a raid on Spanish settlements. The con-
dition was broken, and whether the breach was or
was not Raleigh's fault is a much debated question.
In any case on Raleigh's return to England his old
sentence was revived, and he was beheaded in 1618.
In 1641 Lewes Roberts was able to write of Man-
chester as the seat of a somewhat important cotton
industry. It therefore probably began in the early
years of James' reign. Spinners had not sufficient
skill to spin a cotton yarn strong enough to serve as
warp, but cotton brought from Smyrna to London by
the Levant Company formed the woof of the fustian.
It was to protect the trade of the Levant Company
from their Venetian competitors that the duty on
currants, to which Bates objected, was originally im-
posed. The warp of the fustian was of linen yarn
grown and spun by the settlers who were planted in
Ulster, when, after an unsuccessful rebellion, Tyrone
and other Irish chiefs were driven out of Ireland in
1607. Before the end of the century Acts of Parlia-
U2
2Q2 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
ment were passed to stop the importation of foreign
linen, whilst Irish linen was admitted duty free. This
economic bond has knit Ulster to England, though,
in the past the Presbyterians of the North of Ireland
suffered as much from religious intolerance as Catholics
in the South.
The commencement of the Thirty Years' War in
Germany made the English and the Dutch anxious to
end their disputes over the East Indian trade. An
Anglo-Dutch commercial treaty of 1619 seemed to
settle all outstanding differences, and to enable two
Protestant powers to unite against the danger which
threatened them. But the question at issue was too
important to be peacefully settled. The massacre of
Amboina followed in 1624, and in the end the sword
decided whether England or Holland should be
supreme in the Asiatic trade. The Dutch renewed
their war with Spain in 1621, and an English Parlia-
ment was assembled, which was eager to join their old
allies, and voted subsidies for the war. The King, too,
was anxious to help his son-in-law, the Elector Palatine,
whose lands had been conquered, but James believed
that he could effect his purpose by diplomatic negotia-
tion with Spain. In return for the subsidies voted by
Parliament the King did not interfere to save Bacon
when he was dismissed, but Parliament was forbidden
to interfere in foreign affairs and was dissolved in 1522.
In this year 120 religious enthusiasts, who had been
forced to find refuge in Holland during Elizabeth's
reign, returned to Plymouth, whence they sailed in the
Mayflower and the Speedwell for New England. They
had previously obtained the King's promise that they
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS 293
might worship as they pleased in their new home.
The foundation of this colony ultimately proved far
more important than the commercial successes of the
Dutch which caused such heartburnings in Jacobean
England. For the war, which recommenced in 1621,
like all Dutch wars, was waged in the interests
of trade. About this time the Dutch West India
Company was formed. To it Dutch settlements in
North America were transferred and a claim was
made to the coast from the Chesapeake to Newfound-
land. The Mayflower pilgrims were thus intruders in
lands which both Spain and the Republic claimed.
In a few years the Dutch became masters of Brazil.
Admiral Hein and his sailors fought as bravely as
Dutchmen did in the days of Heemskerk. But the
war was costly, and the captured Spanish ships barely
sufficed to pay expenses. Hein's exploits met with no
recognition until in 1628 he captured a Spanish treasure
fleet and the Dutch West India Company paid a 50-per-
cent, dividend. Hein's astonishment at the honours
which were then showered upon him shows how
unable Dutch seamen were to understand the minds
of their mercantile rulers.
To the Dutch colonies traders went to buy cheap
and sell dear ; to the English colonies settlers emigrated
who intended to build homes. Joint-stock companies
organised English emigration, but from the first the
settlers managed their own affairs, and before long the
Crown acquired the shareholders' rights. In this way
New Englands grew oversea where Englishmen were
able to worship as they pleased under the aegis of a
Motherland which was ready to fight for them, but
294 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
left them free to govern themselves. England was
amply repaid by the economic union which came
from the political connexion. The colonies sent home
raw materials and bought English manufactures.
Experience has proved the wisdom of England's policy,
but it was not evident to Englishmen in the reign of
the first Stuarts. They envied the Dutch who bought
cheap, sold dear, and founded no colonies in the
English sense. They wondered why England should
found colonies in order "to plant tobacco and puri-
tanism only."
James' Spanish policy proved a failure. In 1623
Charles and Buckingham went in disguise to the court
of Spain to woo the Spanish princess ; but Philip
would not agree to be neutral in the war between
Protestantism and Catholicism, and there was great
rejoicing in London when Charles returned empty-
handed. Parliament was again summoned in 1624.
Charles and Buckingham supported the popular cry
for war with Spain ; but the King was unwilling to
abandon his Spanish policy. An inadequate supply
was granted, which was more than swallowed up by
the dispatch of an English force to aid the Elector
Palatine. This army died miserably of parliamentary
niggardliness and disease before it reached Germany.
The Spanish match was broken off and Charles was
betrothed to Henrietta, a Catholic, but the daughter
of the ex-Huguenot tolerant Henry of Navarre. War
with Spain was, however, not declared when James
died in 1625 and Charles succeeded to his father's
kingdom and his father's debts and difficulties.
It is universally admitted that Charles in his private
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS 295
life set an excellent example to his subjects and to
the other sovereigns of his time, that he was sincerely
religious, and that he spared no pains in the per-
formance of his work as King of England. It has also
become customary to write that, owing to a mysterious
weakness of character, Charles was the cause of the
Civil War. This latter fact, although often stated
as an axiomatic truth, is in reality a very debatable
question. It can be urged that a stronger or more
obstinate King would have been faced by rebellious
subjects before Charles was, and that his character
had as little to do with the Civil War as the character
of the baby Prince of Orange, who was deposed by
the merchant rulers of Holland two years after the
execution of King Charles.
The King of England was also King of Scotland
and of Ireland. In England and Scotland a large
number of people had not accepted Elizabeth's com-
promise between Catholicism and Calvinism, and still
clung to their ancient creed. These were especially
numerous in the country districts. But the majority,
in both kingdoms, had accepted the separation from
Rome, though they were not in agreement as to what
was the best national creed. Had toleration of
religion been allowed it is probable that in Great
Britain the mass of the population would have quietly
accepted the Elizabethan compromise or have moved
towards a new union with Rome. The latter alter-
native was greatly dreaded by the Calvinists or
Puritans. These Puritans were still members of the
Churches of England and Scotland. They regarded
Rome and Spain as their natural enemies, and detested
296 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
everything that remained to remind them of their
former connexion with the Catholic Church, They
were ready to tolerate bishops and liturgies if the
bishops were deprived of their lands and their power
and the use of the liturgy was made optional.
In Scotland the Reformation had been closely
associated with the unionist cause. In 1572 the
Scotch nobles, who were as independent as the English
nobles had been before the War of the Roses, insisted
upon the establishment of Episcopacy in Scotland
in order that the bishops might have some legal title
to hand over the greater part of their revenues to the
nobles to whom they owed their sees. In spite of the
selfishness of the merchants in the English Parliament,
who refused commercial and political union with
Scotland from unwillingness to share their foreign
trade with the Scotch, James induced the Scotch Par-
liament in 1521 to sanction the Articles of Perth, which
lessened the difference between the English and Scotch
Churches ; but in England bishops retained their
authority, whilst in Scotland their authority was
overshadowed by that of the General Assembly.
The English Puritans had theif thoughts fixed on the
Dutch Republic rather than on Scotland. They be-
longed for the most part to the rich English middle
class, merchants and country squires. They saw,
within a few miles of the English coast, the Dutch
rapidly making fortunes out of trade, and doing this
under an intolerant Calvinistic creed and an oligarchic
government in which the power of the merchants was
greater than that of the Stadtholder. English mer-
chants wished to imitate the Dutch, and many other
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS 297
Englishmen sympathised with their wish. Whatever
may have been true of the bulk of the English, those
who had the franchise were largely Puritan.
There was in Ireland an overwhelming majority
of Catholics. The penal laws nominally existed in
Ireland as well as Great Britain, but they could not be
enforced, and the Irish Parliament contained as many
or even more Catholics than Protestants. In France
the toleration of religion granted by the Edict of
Nantes had put an end to civil strife. Even when
the King of France broke the agreement in certain
respects there was no general rising, but isolated
revolts, as at La Rochelle. It was, therefore, only
natural that the Stuarts wished to unite their king-
doms by religious toleration, and that the Puritans of
Parliament opposed a policy which they thought would
be fatal to their party and their power.
In their oversea dominions the early Stuarts had
an opportunity of showing England the benefits of
their policy. To them North America owes the founda-
tion of its free institutions and religious toleration.
Virginia and other colonies were created by chartered
companies whose shares were largely held by members
of the two Houses of Parliament. The Crown retained
the right of rescinding these charters if the companies
failed to govern wisely. The Virginia Company soon
discovered that their early hope of large dividends
from Virginian gold mines was a dream which could
never be realised. To obtain dividends for their
shareholders the merchants oppressed the settlers,
whose complaints were carried to England. Fearing
that James would rescind their charter if there was no
298 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
reform, the merchants in 1619 granted a charter to
the settlers by which they were allowed self-govern-
ment under governors appointed by the company.
Under this government the settlers devoted themselves
to the cultivation of tobacco with great success.
Suddenly, in 1622, the colonists were attacked by
Indians and all but exterminated. Then the settlers
appealed to their King for protection. In the last
year of James' reign the Virginia Company was
dissolved and Virginia became the first self-governing
colony under the Crown. Her staple product,
tobacco, was then also protected. No tobacco, other
than Virginian, was allowed to enter England or
Ireland, and the growing of tobacco in England or
Ireland was forbidden.
In 1620, just before the Mayflower carried the
pilgrims to New England, James incorporated the New
England Company. The headquarters of this com-
pany was Plymouth, and it replaced an older West of
England Company which had unsuccessfully competed
with the London Company in the colonisation of
Virginia. Although Massachusetts was peopled by
Puritans, who in England were undermining the royal
power, Charles I. gave self-government to the colony
in 1629. In their new home the Puritans were able
to establish a theocracy in defiance of their charter,
which plainly gave legislative power to the whole
body of the freemen. When a body of settlers uncon-
nected with the Church of England left Massachusetts
to found a colony in Rhode Island, where they could
have democratic government and freedom of con-
science, they received from Charles a patent protecting
RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS 299
them from Puritan oppression. In New England
those who stood for freedom and toleration invariably
looked to the King of England.
The creation of the self-governing colony of Mary-
land is perhaps the most striking instance of Charles'
desire for religious toleration. This was severed from
the loyal colony of Virginia to form a place of refuge
for English Catholics when Parliament insisted on
their persecution. Not even in Rhode Island was
there such perfect freedom from religious bigotry as
in Maryland until England had lost her King. Then
for a short while Puritans who had been invited to
Maryland by their Catholic fellow-subjects extinguished
religious freedom by force of arms. Maryland regained
her freedom when royalty was restored in England.
During the last few years of Elizabeth's reign,
although the Catholics were not actively persecuted
in Ireland, a subtle attempt was made to impoverish
the native Irish by the issue of base coin. This policy
was, however, abandoned immediately after the
accession of James I. Sir Arthur Chichester was
appointed Lord Deputy in 1604. At first he attempted
to force the Irish Catholics to obey the law and attend
services in the Protestant churches ; but, when he
found that persecution was likely to end in civil war,
Chichester reverted to the old system of practical
toleration. The old Irish land system was socialistic.
Land was held by an individual for life only. When
the holder of land died the chief of his clan had power
to divide it between the members of the clan. Chichester
attempted, at first with apparent success, to substi-
tute the English freehold system for the Irish tenure.
300 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
This success was probably due to the decision of the
English Privy Council that the new system should not
be made an excuse for alienating land from the Irish
to English settlers, but that the freeholders should be
Irish.
The introduction of the English land system struck
a fatal blow at the independence of the chiefs of the
Irish clans. A quarrel ensued between an Ulster
chieftain and his vassal. They were finally summoned
to argue their case in London. This invitation was
interpreted by the chieftain as an English attempt
to secure his person, and he and a fellow chief of the
North fled from Ireland never to return. Nevertheless
their departure was followed by an insurrection in
Ulster which was suppressed without much difficulty.
This revolt was followed by wholesale confiscation of
land and the planting in Ulster of settlers from England
and Scotland.
The English thought that the annexation of Ulster
had broken the power of the Irish Catholics ; but they
found that it had driven the loyal Catholics of Anglo-
Norman descent into alliance with the native Irish.
The penal laws against Catholics could not be enforced,
although attempts were made not only to enforce
them but to increase their severity. The recall of
Chichester in 1615 was followed by plantations in
various parts of Ireland. Under the new English
land laws it was easy to find pretexts for dispossessing
Irish landowners. Thus, during the reign of James I.,
discontent in Ireland increased.
XXIII
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR
1623-1629
BEFORE his father's death Charles had gained great
popularity with Parliament by opposing the Spanish
alliance. Buckingham shared this popularity and
Charles made him his chief adviser, but their short-lived
popularity vanished when Charles became King. This
was inevitable. Parliament wished to gain for itself
the same control over home and foreign affairs as the
Dutch States-General possessed. On the other hand
the King, from motives which were not altogether
selfish, objected to becoming a mere Stadtholder. For
whilst Parliament was formulating its extensive claim
it was proclaiming its incompetence to direct foreign
affairs or adequately consider the interest of English
workers.
The factor which dominated the whole political
situation was the overwhelming sea power of the
Dutch. They claimed and exercised the right of fish-
ing off the coasts of England as if they belonged to the
Republic. When James prohibited foreigners from
fishing in English waters, hoping to develop an English
industry, the Dutch sent their fishing fleet with an
armed escort, and the English had to submit. There
302 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
was only one remedy for this trouble, the creation of
a strong navy. Both James and Charles did all they
could to create this navy, but their efforts were largely
neutralised by Parliament's refusal to grant the neces-
sary funds. An alliance with the Dutch and a mari-
time struggle with Spain would have led to the same
result as in Elizabeth's reign. England would have
shared in the fighting, and the Dutch would have
monopolised the rewards of a successful war. Yet
this was the course advocated by Parliament.
The royal policy was a close alliance with France
and friendship with the Dutch until the English navy
was built. As a condition of the alliance the French
demanded that English Catholics should enjoy the
same freedom from persecution as French Protestants
enjoyed in France. Just before his death James
signed the required agreement with Louis XIII., and
the penal laws were suspended. In 1625 Charles was
married by proxy to the French King's sister Hen-
rietta, who landed in England a week before Charles'
first Parliament met. Nine months earlier Charles and
Buckingham had prevailed upon James to yield to the
wishes of Parliament and break with Spain. In return
Parliament presented the King with a colossal pro-
gramme for the war and an inadequate sum of money.
Six months had nearly elapsed since an English force
was despatched under Mansfield to make its way to
Germany through the Netherlands. Owing to the
poverty of the Crown this force was dying miserably
of starvation and disease when Charles' first Parlia-
ment met.
Charles naturally asked Parliament for money that
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 303
he might carry out the Parliamentary programme.
In reply a ridiculously insufficient supply was voted,
and heedless of the sufferings of the English soldiers in
the Netherlands, Parliament began to discuss griev-
ances. One grievance was the suspension of the
penal laws ; another was that a clergyman named
Montague had ventured to publish a book advocating
doctrines held to-day by moderate high Churchmen,
and pleading that Catholics as well as Protestants
were members of the Church of Christ. Montague
urged that Catholics were " corrupt and unsound in
the highest degree, but not utterly apostate." Charles
protected Montague from an impeachment threatened
by the Commons ; but the King had to promise to
persecute Catholics. Even this concession failed to
induce the Commons to grant supply, and in 1625
Parliament was dissolved.
Tunnage and poundage, in other words customs
duties, included the export duties on English products
(once chiefly raw wool, by this time manufactured
cloth) and the impositions on imported goods which the
Crown levied in virtue of its right to regulate foreign
trade. At the commencement of a reign, tunnage and
poundage were usually granted to the King for life.
The grant was a renewal of the agreement made with
Edward I. when that king surrendered his right of
taking an arbitrary prise from England's exports.
It was practically a charter for English producers, and
no English king had ever refused to ratify this ancient
compact. But Charles' first Parliament shelved a Bill
which would have sanctioned tunnage and poundage
for one year only.
304 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
The shelving of this Bill was a declaration of war.
From the reign of William I. until James' reign the
Crown lands had been steadily alienated, and Charles
could only count on a slender income from this source.
James had levied certain feudal aids, but he was
obliged to make a moderate use of this ancient pre-
rogative. After his reign no king ventured to claim
these aids. The sale of baronetcies, which replaced
these aids, was little liked, and monopolies had been
strictly limited in 1624. If Charles had abandoned
his right to levy customs duties he would have become
not a constitutional monarch relying on his people
for support, but a puppet in the hands of his merchants.
The merchants had good reasons for wishing to reduce
the royal power to complete insignificance. Heavy
fines levied on wealthy merchants did not increase their
affection for the King.
The great trading companies existed in virtue of
charters granted by the King. What the King gave,
the King could take away. Thus at the beginning of
James* reign, when there was an outcry against trading
monopolies, the Levant Company had to surrender its
charter, and a company formed to trade with Spain and
Portugal died after one year's existence. When the
attack on monopolist companies failed in the Parlia-
ment of 1604 the Levant Company regained its charter,
and many new companies were founded. The com-
panies during James' reign strengthened their influence
over Parliament by converting associations of mer-
chants into joint stock companies. A very large
number of the wealthy, who alone had votes, were
interested on the side of the merchants. Before its
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 305
suppression in 1624 the stock of the Virginia Com-
pany was held by a thousand adventurers, whilst the
number of electors in England was only about 160,000.
In 1604, when trading monopolies only were attacked,
scarce forty votes in the Commons were in favour of
the companies. In 1624, when other monopolies were
abolished, trading companies were excepted. This
illustrates the change in parliamentary feeling which
had taken place during the reign of James I.
The suppression of the Virginia Company at the
request of the settlers was not the only grievance of
which stockholders had to complain. When Parlia-
ment tried to interfere on behalf of the Virginia Com-
pany, and James took the matter into his own hands,
there were those who muttered " that any other business
might in the same way be taken out of the hands of
Parliament." The Dutch seemed to be about to found
a great empire in Brazil. Their West India Company
was bidding fair to be as great a success as the Dutch
East India Company. English merchants could con-
trast this with the strong action taken by James in
1620 to prevent an English company from provoking
a war with Spain by founding colonies on the Amazon.
In the East, as in the West, the hopes built on the
agreement with the Dutch in 1619 were shattered by
the massacre at Amboina in 1622, and England dared
not provoke the Dutch navy. It appeared to be
England's fate to feed on crumbs which fell from the
Dutchman's table, and even these crumbs might be
swept away if a firm Anglo-Dutch alliance was not
promptly formed. Hence Parliament was indifferent
when its action against Catholics undermined the Anglo-
306 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
French alliance, and Charles, too, found in fines im-
posed on Catholics some slight relief from his financial
troubles.
Just before James' death arrangements were made
for the despatch of a great fleet to Spain. The Dutch
were to lend England twenty ships, and in order to
encourage the French to make the attack, Buckingham
promised to lend these and twenty other English ships
to the King of France. Before the fleet was ready the
Huguenots of La Rochelle were in revolt because
Louis had failed to destroy a fort which commanded
the harbour. In 1625 Richelieu, the great French
minister, persuaded Buckingham that peace was about
to be made with the Huguenots, and one English
naval ship with six merchantmen were lent to France.
They were then manned by Frenchmen and used
against the Huguenots. This happened a few weeks
after the dissolution of Parliament, and was used to
inflame public opinion in England against the King's
adviser, Buckingham. A little more than six weeks
later an expedition to Spain proved a failure owing
to the treasonable conduct of the merchantmen
attached to the fleet. This also became a grievance.
Urgent need of money forced Charles to summon
his second Parliament in 1626. He was at this time
trying to pledge the crown jewels with the merchants
of Amsterdam. Four sub-committees were soon hard
at work discussing grievances. The failure of the
Spanish expedition, due to inadequate parliamentary
supply and the disaffection of the merchants, was
one grievance, the friction with France caused primarily
by Parliament's insistence on the persecution of
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 307
Catholics was another. Montague's pamphlet and
the fact that Buckingham controlled the Admiralty
and was also Master of the Horse and Warden of the
Cinque Ports engaged the attention of the Commons.
Last, but probably not least, Buckingham had dared
to demand and obtain from the East India Company
certain royal dues on ships which had been captured in
the East. An attack on Buckingham's administration
was being prepared when Charles appealed to Parlia-
ment to give him supply so that the grievances might
be prevented and redressed. Supply was, however,
not granted, and the Commons threatened to call the
Custom House officers to account unless the King
surrendered his prerogative by asking Parliament for
tunnage and poundage. The discord between Charles
and his Parliament increased. The Commons im-
peached Buckingham, and members used language
which threatened the King's authority and the life
of his minister. Two of the more violent members
were imprisoned and then released. To end an im-
possible situation Parliament was dissolved in June
1626.
The action of Parliament against toleration of
Catholics had undermined the Anglo-French alliance,
and whilst Parliament was sitting England and France
were on the verge of war. These strained relations were
somewhat inconsistently made one of Parliament's
many grievances. French ships were arrested for
carrying contraband of war to the Spanish. This
difficulty might have been overcome, but in the hope
of conciliating his Puritan subjects, Charles prevented
English Catholics from attending Mass at the French
3o8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
embassy. At every turn Charles was confronted by
the insuperable difficulty of pleasing both his Puritan
subjects and his Catholic French allies. To maintain
England's position a strong navy was needed, but
Parliament would not grant supply. At war with
Spain and drifting into war with France, Charles
demanded free gifts and forced loans, thus appealing
" from a faction to the body of the nation." In this
matter the King was acting illegally, and the judges
refused to support him. When the Chief Justice was
replaced by one whom the King believed to be more
pliable, Charles refrained from asking his judges to
reverse their decision. Those who refused to contri-
bute to the loan were imprisoned. An application
was made for a writ of habeas corpus, which the Crown
answered by pleading that there were reasons of State
preventing the immediate disclosure of the cause for
which the arrests had been made. The judges found
that this answer was a good one in the particular case
which had been submitted to them* There were
obviously many precedents in support of this judicial
decision. Ship money was levied in the maritime
counties, and precedents for this tax were so clear that
it could not be resisted. The building of a royal navy
began, and England was soon independent of the
merchant ships which had failed her in time of need.
To satisfy the Puritans Charles sent his wife's
French attendants back to France. English merchant-
men were seized by the French, and the merchants
clamoured for redress. A fleet was prepared which
swept the French from the sea and sailed to relieve
La Rochelle. Again an English expedition intended
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 309
to help foreign Protestants was wrecked by the Puritans
of England. On their way to the coast the soldiers,
lacking pay or provisions, were forced to live on the
farmers with whom they were billeted. This became
a grievance. Buckingham led the expedition, which
all but proved a great success. Its ultimate failure
and the loss of many English lives were undoubtedly
due to lack of support from England. No one has
ventured to suggest that Charles failed to aid Bucking-
ham for any other reason than poverty. To obtain
money Parliament was summoned in 1628.
The leader of Charles' second Parliament was
Eliot, but in the third Parliament Wentworth took the
lead. Under their new leader the Commons adopted
a more conciliatory attitude. The Petition of Right
obtained the royal assent amidst universal rejoicing.
The King agreed that " no man hereafter be compelled
to make or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax or
such like charge without common consent by Act of
Parliament," that arbitrary imprisonment should
cease, and that there should be no more billeting of
soldiers or proclamations of martial law. Three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds were then granted
to the King, and constitutional monarchy might have
begun in England but for Eliot and the Puritans.
This was not the ending they had in view.
Two days after the King had assented to the
Petition of Right a clergyman named Manwaring was
impeached by Pym on behalf of the Commons. Man-
waring' s offence was that he had preached in favour
of the King and had published his sermon after ob-
taining the royal licence. The Lords inflicted a severe
3io THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
sentence and Charles pardoned the criminal. Parlia-
ment as well as the King denied the right of free speech
to opponents. The attack on Buckingham was re-
newed ; this time by way of a remonstrance to the
King. Ballads were circulated denouncing the King's
minister as luxurious, incompetent, and immoral.
The effect was soon seen in the murder of a Dr. Lambe,
a quack doctor, who had been consulted by Bucking-
ham. The London mob, as they battered their victim
to death, said that, if Buckingham had been present,
" they would have minced his flesh, and have had
every one a bit of him." Then the Commons turned
their attention to tunnage and poundage and were
promptly prorogued.
Eighteen years earlier when the Great Contract
was discussed 200,ooo/. a year was considered a fair
equivalent for the King's prerogative of taxation.
All feudal dues and other taxes were abolished by the
Petition of Right in return for one payment of
350, oool. " It is as certain as anything can well be
that, either because they did not wish to enhance the
difficulty of obtaining a satisfactory answer from the
King, or because they expected to gain their object
in another way, the Commons never had any intention
to include the question of tunnage and poundage in
the Petition of Right." The Customs duties amounted
each year to about half the 350,000^. voted by the
Commons. It is, therefore, absurd to suppose that the
King would have surrendered this annual income and
limited his prerogative for so paltry a sum. Yet the
Commons, within a few days of the royal assent to the
Petition of Right, claimed that the word tax in the
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 311
petition meant tariff. When the Commons adopted
this attitude Wentworth accepted a peerage and left
the House which he had ceased to direct.
Whilst Parliament was discussing grievances the
citizens of La Rochelle were dying of starvation. With
the money voted by Parliament an English fleet was
hastily prepared, and Buckingham was on the eve of
sailing in command of the expedition when he was
murdered at Portsmouth. The murderer was treated
as a hero, and the fleet sailed under a new commander.
Off La Rochelle the royal ships were unable to come to
close quarters owing to their draught, and the pressed
merchantmen refused to obey orders. In October 1628
La Rochelle surrendered. Six months later peace was
made with France and in 1630 with Spain.
The second session of Parliament in 1629 was made
duller by the murder of Buckingham, but there were
still many grievances, religion and the Customs were
the chief. In this Parliament Cromwell delivered his
first speech. He mentioned briefly that some twelve
years before 1629 a clergyman preached a sermon
which a Puritan preacher thought was in favour of
papacy. Cromwell's Puritan friend preached the next
sermon, and, in spite of a warning from the bishop,
denounced his brother in Christ. Thereupon the
bishop reprimanded the Puritan. Here was clearly a
member who had a genius for discovering grievances
and who might rise. The debates on religion turned
on details which to-day seem too trivial to engage the
attention of sensible men, but they must have em-
bittered the life of the King. On tunnage and poundage
the views of the members were quite clear. Just
3i2 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
before Parliament was dissolved its deliberations were
summed up in the following resolutions : " Whosoever
shall bring in innovation in religion, or by favour seek
to extend or introduce Popery or Arminianism, or
other opinions disagreeing from the true and orthodox
Church, shall be reputed a capital enemy to this
kingdom and commonwealth. Whosoever shall counsel
or advise the taking and levying of tunnage and
poundage, not being granted by Parliament, or shall
be an actor or an instrument therein, shall be likewise
reputed an innovator in the government, and a capital
enemy to this kingdom and commonwealth. If any
merchant or other person whatsoever shall volun-
tarily yield or pay the said subsidies of tunnage and
poundage not being granted by Parliament, he shall
likewise be reputed a betrayer of the liberty of Eng-
land, and an enemy to the same." This was Charles'
reward for assenting to the Petition of Right. It was
eleven years before Parliament again assembled.
The history of France in the seventeenth century
forms a sharp contrast with that of England and
Holland. The members of the Commons in the
French States-General were largely elected by the
people, or Third Estate, and not by a privileged class.
In many communes there was manhood suffrage.
The French people had, therefore, an articulate voice,
which the English and the Dutch did not possess.
They recognised in the royal power the factor which
not only made for national unity but stood between
the poor, not long emancipated from serfdom, and
rich magnates, who were ready to take advantage of
the ignorance and weakness of the mass of the people.
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 313
The Third Estate was the chief support of the King
in the long struggle which reduced the feudal princes
to subordination to the central power of the Crown.
In France doctrines of the Reformation were at first
embraced by the artisans and the Third Estate advo-
cated religious toleration. The attitude of the Third
Estate changed when aristocrats accepted Protes-
tantism and tried to use it as a means of undermining
the royal power. But, whilst the majority of the
French people opposed Protestantism, they had no
sympathy with the anti-nationalism of the Guises.
They welcomed the extension of the King's authority
in the reign of Henry IV. Under this King France
accepted the principle of religious toleration ; the
movement in favour of union with Spain was crushed ;
and, taught by their sufferings in the civil wars, the
French learned to value their King as the factor which
made for national union and national strength.
Henry IV. repaid his subjects by fostering home
industry and colonial enterprise. The policy he com-
menced was carried on by his successors under the
guidance of Richelieu, Mazarin, and Colbert. England,
the most dangerous rival of the French, was handi-
capped by the fight between King and Parliament.
When the struggle was over in England, she was faced
by a vigorous producing nation with whom she had
to fight for more than a century for sea power and
world empire. It is impossible to say what the issue
of this struggle would have been had Louis XIV. con-
tinued Henry's policy of religious toleration and
Louis' descendants been faithful to the protective
system perfected by Colbert. '-In 1614 the Third
314 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Estate of France, the one articulate voice of the
democracy in Western Europe, begged the King to
proclaim as the fundamental law of France that he
was an absolute monarch and that there was no
reason, spiritual or temporal, which could justify re-
sistance to his will. After this act of abdication the
States-General were not again summoned until 1789.
In 1616 Richelieu began his political career as adviser
to the Queen Dowager, who was acting as Regent for
Louis XIII.
One of Richelieu's services to France was the
creation of a central admiralty to replace the inde-
pendent provincial admiralties. Whilst England en-
gaged in a suicidal civil war France was engaged
in the problem of developing production, founding
colonies, and creating the marine which should bind
the colonist to the home producer. The conquest of
the Huguenot seaport of La Rochelle made it cer-
tain that the New France which was being founded
in Canada should be Catholic and loyal. The con-
duct of the Jesuit missionaries aided Richelieu in
this matter. The English settlers exterminated the
natives and Dutchmen sold firearms to the Mohawks
to be used against Catholic Christian tribes. Both
the English and the Dutch bought and sold African
slaves. But the Canadians kept themselves free from
the taint of slavery, and, in advance of the French
settler, missionaries taught the Indians the Christian
faith and built chapels, hospitals, and schools in which
Indians and Frenchmen were treated as brothers in
Christ. Loyalty, freedom, and piety were the charac-
teristics of Canada from the very first.
CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR 315
The growth of French influence in North America
became in time a serious danger to England's colonies.
North America might have been French-speaking
to-day had the French been true to the principles
which guided them in the seventeenth century. The
inevitable struggle between two strong nations for
supremacy in North America was, after many years
of fighting, decided in favour of the English more by
the inability of the French to understand the value
of Canada than by the power of the sword. But for
Charles' early Parliaments this struggle need never
have occurred. When Buckingham was failing to
relieve La Rochelle the English in America were
capturing French settlements, and before the end of
the war the French flag almost ceased to wave in
Canada. As one of the conditions of the peace which
the opposition of Parliament forced Charles to make
with France, Quebec and other Canadian settlements
were restored to the French. Not until 1760, when
the French were accepting the doctrines of laisser-
faire, was Canada again part of the British Empire.
It is difficult to over-estimate the gain to France
and the loss to England of the decades of English
disloyalty, of civil war, and of Cromwell's military
usurpation.
XXIV
CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I.
1625-1636
DURING the Reformation in Scotland the nobles had
seized the revenues of the Church. Scotch bishops
and clergy depended on aristocratic paymasters for
their stipends. James I. did something to remedy
this grievance by securing a permanent income for the
clergy. The noble owner of tithe was still, however,
able to oppress the tiller of the soil by compelling him
" to keep his harvest ungarnered till it pleased the tithe
owner to take possession of his share." To remedy
this and other evils, in 1625 Charles issued an Act of
Revocation by which the mass of Church property
in the hands of laymen was re-annexed to the Crown,
on the ground of technical flaws in the original con-
cessions. At the same time the King issued a pro-
clamation explaining that he did not intend to take
full advantage of the Act. This was followed by an
arrangement which allowed farmers to exchange tithe
for a rent-charge or extinguish tithe by paying nine
years' purchase. Church lands were left in the hands
of the nobles in return for certain payments to the
King. This ' ' wise and beneficent reform gave the nobles
a legal title to their lands in return for their payments
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 317
to the Crown ; the poorer clergy received increased
stipends ; the King was enabled to re-endow bishops ;
and the farmers could reap their harvests in peace.
But the nobles objected to a measure which deprived
them of some of the wealth which came from the
stolen lands, and they feared that more drastic measures
would be taken against them at some future time."
A conciliatory policy was adopted in Ireland.
Between 1626 and 1629, after much discussion, an
arrangement was made by which a standing army
was raised and paid for by the Irish in return for
concessions or Graces granted by the Crown. These
Graces abolished many, but not all, the Catholic
grievances, gave landowners a title to lands which
had been in private hands for sixty years, and promised
the native chiefs of Connaught, where the English
land system had not been established, a confirmation
of their estates in the following year. In Monaghan,
Catholic priests tried to take possession of their con-
fiscated churches ; but there is no reason to assume
that the policy of conciliation would not have proved
a success had it been adhered to. A loyal Irish army
might well have answered the hopes of its creators by
defending Ireland from Spanish intrigues and attacks.
Land-grabbing wrecked this hopeful scheme.
The sept of the Byrnes held land in Wicklow which
officials in Dublin, including Lord Deputy Falkland,
coveted. The Byrnes had been guilty of turbulence
and outrages in the reign of Elizabeth ; but, after the
accession of James, the chief of the Byrnes had induced
his sept to settle down to a regular life. Nevertheless,
in 1623 Falkland proposed to plant Wicklow. This
3i8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
proposal was vetoed by the English Government.
In 1625 Falkland reported that he had discovered a
conspiracy in which the Byrnes were involved. Again
the English Government forbade the plantation.
Three years later the chief of the Byrnes and his two
sons were arrested. Before their trial Charles inter-
vened. A Commission was appointed to sift the
evidence against the Byrnes, which reported that the
Byrnes, instead of being conspirators, were themselves
the victims of an infamous conspiracy. Falkland
resigned, and Viscount Wentworth, who had led the
opposition to the King in Charles' third Parliament,
became Lord Deputy of Ireland.
The action of Parliament, after Charles' acceptance
of the Petition of Right, caused many moderate
parliamentarians to modify their views. Those who
sought to establish constitutional monarchy left a
party which aimed at making Parliament supreme
and reducing the power of the King to that of a
Stadtholder. Prominent amongst these new royalists
was Wentworth, a commoner of ample fortune, like
his colleague, Hampden, who with Wentworth and
others had been imprisoned for resisting the illegal
forced loan. Wentworth's action was not inconsistent.
He had objected to an illegality which would have
increased the prerogative of the Crown. When the
King admitted his error by accepting the Petition of
Right, Wentworth, not inconsistently, objected to the
attempt to coerce the King into abandoning his legal
right to tunnage and poundage, without which the
Crown could neither defend England from a foreign
foe nor maintain law and order in the British Isles.
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 319
Wentworth became Viscount Wentworth and Lord
President of the North. In counties where the
tradition of feudal independence still lingered, Lord
Wentworth tried to establish the central authority of
the Crown, not without making enemies, but without
exciting serious opposition. Having proved his capa-
city in the Northern Counties, Wentworth was sent to
Ireland in 1633 to solve the problem which had baffled
his predecessors in the office of Lord Deputy.
Another parliamentarian, Noy, was made Attorney-
General in 1631. He devoted himself to discovering
in old records precedents by means of which the Crown
could obtain the national revenue which Parliament
declined to grant. It was not necessary to invent
statutes, such as " De Tallagio nonconcedendo," to prove
that the rich had stolen from the King and nation vast
areas of forest lands. Thus, in 1634, the descendants
of those who had stolen forest lands were forced to pay
for titles to their estates. Then land-owning magnates
united with mercantile magnates, and, like his ancestor,
Edward II., Charles paid with his life for his attack
on those who held the stolen lands.
In 1633 Charles was crowned at Holyrood after
entering Edinburgh " amidst a storm of loyal welcome."
But the Scotch nobles had not been idle. Whilst the
King of Scotland held his court near London, then far
distant from Scotland, his Scotch nobles, with little
fear of royal interference, could influence public
opinion in Scotland and thus secure their hold over
the old Church lands. To have servants in whom he
could trust, Charles had given to the Scotch bishops
high positions in the government of Scotland. Not
320 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
unnaturally the nobles feared that the bishops would
use their power to upset the compromise which
sanctioned the alienation of Church lands. The
revival of the royal claim to the forests must have
filled the Scotch nobles with forebodings. If ancient
titles to land could be disregarded where the land had
been stolen, there was little reason to hope that their
titles would be respected if an inquiry was called for.
Thus discontent soon developed into a storm which
shattered the power of the Crown.
In England, Scotland, and Ireland political and
economic quarrels were disguised. Naked and un-
ashamed they would have been unable to involve three
kingdoms in civil war ; but when those who were about
to draw the sword for their private interests repre-
sented themselves as religious enthusiasts they were
able to enlist in their ranks some of the noblest minds.
Milton, after much hesitation, definitely adopted the
cause of Parliament ; but against lofty thinkers such
as Milton can be set men like George Herbert and
Nicholas Ferrar, who worshipped God in the beauty of
holiness and followed their King with unswerving
loyalty. Modern Englishmen, nauseated by the invec-
tive which Whig historians have poured upon Charles'
faithful servants, can turn for relief to the " Memorials "
of the parliamentarian lawyer, Whitelock, who served
Cromwell during his usurpation and was largely
responsible for the judicial murder of Straff ord, once
the Wentworth who helped to frame the Petition of
Right. In the interests of his cause Whitelock had
slain his enemy, but he was too generous to revile a
fallen foe. After describing the scene on the scaffold,
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 321
Whitelock wrote : " Thus fell this Noble Earl, who for
his natural Parts and Abilities, and for improvement
of knowledge by experience, in the greatest Affairs,
for wisdom, faithfulness, and gallantry of mind, hath
left few behind him, that may be ranked with him."
Chief amongst those who have suffered at the hands
of Whig historians stands Laud, Bishop of London
in 1628, and Archbishop of Canterbury in 1633, who
was Charles' spiritual and political guide during
the King's personal reign. Laud and Wentworth
were responsible for the royal policy to which they
gave the name " Thorough." They shared the honour
of martyrdom by Act of Parliament, after their
enemies had vainly tried to find a legal pretext for
killing them. Briefly, " Thorough " consisted in ad-
ministering the law with absolute fairness, allowing
the rich no privileges denied to the poor, in substituting
for the Stuart policy of religious toleration the repres-
sion of sedition which was thinly veiled under puri-
tanism, and in rigid economy at home so that England
might make her power felt abroad whilst the King
lived of his own until such time as Parliament should
agree with the King as to their respective rights. In
1629 peace was signed with France and Spain, and
under Charles' personal rule England enjoyed such
prosperity that, but for the Irish and the Scotch,
" Thorough " might well have been a success.
In Ireland " Thorough " partially failed because
Wentworth could not divest himself of English pre-
judices. He was unable to regard the native Catholics
other than as a conquered people who were not entitled
to the even-handed justice which was necessary for the
Y
322 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
success of the new policy. When the money required
for the Irish army was granted, no more Irish Parlia-
ments were summoned, and the promise to the natives
in Connaught was not fulfilled. The grants had been
made for three years, and this period was about to
expire when Wentworth landed in Ireland. From
the Irish Council and the Catholic landowners he
obtained a prolongation of the Irish contribution for
a year. Advantage was then taken of the strife
between Catholic and Protestant in the Irish Parlia-
ment of 1634, and Wentworth obtained the money
he required, whilst he omitted from the Graces the
confirmation of estates with sixty years' title and
refused to fulfil the compact with the landowners of
Connaught. " Thorough " in Ireland meant the estab-
lishment of the King's authority and of English rule
in every province ; hence Wentworth claimed Con-
naught for the Crown and proceeded to plant it
with settlers. This alone would not have stirred
England. All English parties regarded the native
Irish as a conquered race, and cared little when
promises to the Irish were broken and Irish lands
were given to English settlers.
But the establishment of royal authority in Ireland
involved disputes with the English lords, and this
was remembered against Wentworth. When Ulster
was planted, the London companies had obtained the
county of Londonderry on certain conditions which
they had not fulfilled. The Star Chamber forfeited
these lands and imposed a heavy fine in 1635. Hence-
forward Wentworth could count upon the hostility
of the merchants of London. A small, but well paid
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 323
and efficient, army was raised in Ireland. Supported
by this disciplined force Wentworth was able to carry
out his policy in the teeth of the opposition of the
magnates. The established Church in Ireland had
become a scandal. Education and spiritual work
were neglected. As in Scotland, the property of the
Church was passing into the hands of wealthy laymen,
who allowed church buildings to decay, and paid
small stipends to ministers. When Wentworth
" arrived in Ireland he found that one of the Dublin
churches had served his predecessor for a stable, that
a second had been converted into a dwelling-house,
and that the choir of a third was used as a tennis-
court. The vaults underneath Christ Church were
let out as alehouses and tobacco shops. In the choir
above, the communion table, standing in the midst
of the congregation, had become an ordinary seat for
maids and apprentices." Since this was the condition
of the Church in Dublin it is not surprising that
Catholicism and Presbyterianism were the principal
spiritual forces in Ireland. Wentworth did excellent
service to religion by reforming the Church : he
marred his good work by insisting upon conformity
to the established faith.
In Wentworth's economic policy there was the
same success and failure. The Irish Sea was infested
by privateers flying the Spanish flag and " pirates in
all but name." Wentworth fitted out ships and cleared
the sea. He imported flax seed, and not only started
the linen industry of Ulster, but was one of the founders
of the Lancashire cotton industry. At first, English
cotton spinners were unable to spin a cotton thread
Y 2
324 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
strong enough to serve as warp. In 1641 Lewes
Roberts wrote, " the town of Manchester buys the
linen yarn of the Irish in great quantity, and, weaving
it, returns the same again in linen into Ireland to sell.
Neither does her industry rest here, for they buy
cotton-wool in London that comes first from Cyprus
and Smyrna, and work the same into fustians, ver-
milions, dimities, &c., which they return to London,
where they are sold, and from thence, not seldom, are
sent into such foreign parts where the first materials
may be more easily had for that manufacture."
Wentworth wished to establish in Ireland not only
the growing of flax and the spinning of yarn but the
final weaving of linen cloth. When he went to London
in 1636 to answer accusations brought against him by
discontented Irish magnates, he told the Council that
he had imported Dutch weavers as well as Dutch flax
seed, and that there were six or seven looms at work in
Ulster. But, too mindful of English interests, Went-
worth discouraged the Irish woollen industry. Thus
Ulster was endowed with agriculture and manufactures,
whilst the other provinces were forced to subsist on
agriculture alone. After the Commonwealth this
became the settled policy of England. State aid was
given to the linen industry of Ulster. The Lancashire
fustian industry developed into the Lancashire cotton
industry, and the making of linen was left to the
Irish of Ulster. In other parts of Ireland manufactures
were strangled in the interests of English manufacturers.
Both Catholics and Presbyterians were persecuted, but
the economic bond kept Ulster loyal to England
whilst the Catholics of the other province became
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 325
England's foes. But all this was not foreseen in
Wentworth's time. He had done one great service in
lessening the power of the magnates, and the poor were
glad because the power of the Crown stood between
them and oppression. In the summer of 1637 Went-
worth was greeted with every mark of affection when
he paid a visit to the South of Ireland.
In England Archbishop Laud was doing much the
same work as Wentworth in Ireland. Abbot, his
predecessor in the see of Canterbury, had been a
Puritan Calvinist, who "considered Christian religion
no otherwise than as it abhorred and reviled Popery, and
valued those men most who did that most furiously."
" The remissness of Abbot, and of other bishops by his
example, had introduced, or at least connived at a
negligence, that gave great scandal to the Church, and
no doubt offended very many pious men. The people
took so little care of the churches, and the parsons as
little of the chancels, that instead of beautifying them
or adorning them in any degree, they rarely provided
against the falling of many of their churches, and
suffered them at least to be kept so indecently and
slovenly that they would not have endured it in the
ordinary offices of their own houses ; the rain and
the wind to infest them, and the Sacraments them-
selves to be administered where the people had most
mind to receive them." The central aisle of St. Paul's
Cathedral was used as a common thoroughfare and
called Paul's Walk. Business men used the cathedral
as a clubroom and children as a playground. The
clergy complained that their services in the choir could
not be heard owing to the noise in the nave. In the
326 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
adjacent church of St. Gregory the Communion table
had been moved from the east end to the nave and
merchants sat on it and used it as a writing-table.
Strange as it seems to modern Englishmen, accus-
tomed to see churches and chapels treated with rever-
ence, there were earnest and godly men who believed
that spiritual religion was increased by the desecration
of houses of prayer. Hatred of Rome drove them to
extremes which very few would now defend. Laud
fully shared the Puritan dislike of the papacy ; he had
no love for Calvin's harsh creed, but he was as zealous
for spiritual religion as the holiest Puritan. Left to
themselves there is no reason why the two parties in
the Church of England should not have agreed to differ
as high and low Churchmen do to-day. Both Laud's
followers and the Puritans were in favour of a united
Church of England. Separatists, few in number and
disliked by both parties, consisted largely of foreign
immigrants who were allowed to worship in England
as they had been accustomed to worship in their
foreign homes. But there were those who had un-
worthy reasons for objecting to unity and discipline
in the Church. Religious anarchy allowed them to
steal funds held in trust for religious or educational
purposes. The Church still owned much land which
could be plundered if anarchy increased. When, as
Bishop of London, Laud removed the Communion
tables to the east end of churches and surrounded them
with rails to protect them from profanation by men
and stray dogs he had to face strenuous opposition.
The merchants of London made use of Puritan
preachers to further their political aims. Tithes,
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 327
which supported the London clergy, were reduced to
a mere pittance by fraudulent undervaluation ; on the
other hand, funds were collected to endow lectureships
in London and provincial churches. These lecturers
held offices at the pleasure of their paymasters. They
could sit in the vestry during the service until the
time came for them to enter the pulpit and denounce
the Church which they were nominally serving. Land-
lords in the country obtained the same power over the
clergy as money lords in the towns. The parish priests,
who had once been able to champion the cause of the
poor against oppressors and enclosers, now spoke at
the risk of losing their incomes. Laud did much to
re-establish the independence of the clergy. The poor
again had those who could plead their cause, and
stealers of national or ecclesiastical property were
called to account.
In an island like England fishing ought to have
flourished ; but, deprived of protection in 1435, it
remained in a sickly condition in spite of spasmodic
efforts to revive it. In 1601 Sir John Keymer wrote :
" There is more wealth raised out of herrings and other
fish in his Majesty's seas by the neighbouring nations
in one year than the King of Spain hath from the
Indies in four. There are 20,000 ships and other
vessels, and about 400,000 people thus set on work by
sea and land, and maintained only by fishing upon the
coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland." He said
that before arriving at this conclusion " he traced
the countries twice over from town to town, and from
thence along his Majesty's sea coasts of England,
Scotland, rand Ireland." The Dutch did most of this
328
THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
fishing, and their sea-power was so great that England
had to submit to the Dutch as Denmark had formerly
submitted to the Hanse League. James I. tried to
compel Dutch fishermen to pay for the privilege of
using English waters ; but he abandoned the attempt
when the Dutch fishing fleet was escorted by Dutch
warships. No reparation could be obtained for the
massacre of English traders by the Dutch at Amboina,
although the claim was pressed at intervals after 1624.
Both the Dutch and their enemies, the sailors of
Dunkirk, who owned allegiance to Spain, treated
English harbours as if they were no-man's-land.
Whitelock gave the following description of the causes
which led to the levying of Ship-money in England.
" Our coasts were much infested by Pyrats, even by
Turks and Algiers men, to the great prejudice of trade.
The Dutchmen became almost Masters of the Sea in
the Northern fishing ; Overtures were made concerning
Herring fishing, and Busses, for our own Coasts : and
to prevent Strangers. . . . The King finding the
Controversie begun, and that it must be maintained
by force, which his want of money could not doe. . . .
And by advice of his Privy Council, and Council
Learned the King requires Shipmoney." For assertion
of the King's forest rights, the use of patents to bring
in a revenue to the Crown, and the levying of Ship-
money Laud was not primarily responsible. The
forest claims and the writs for Ship-money began when
Laud was Bishop of London, and the Earl of Portland
Lord Treasurer. Portland was at heart a Catholic,
and he and his Catholic friends enriched themselves as
well as the Crown.
THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. 329
Laud vigorously attacked Portland's corrupt
administration. When Portland died in 1434, soon
after Laud became Archbishop of Canterbury, the
treasury was put into commission. The new Arch-
bishop was made a commissioner of the treasury, and
also head of the Committee for Foreign Affairs. He
was thus able to exert a great influence over the policy
of England. At first he was hampered by colleagues
in the treasury who wished to tread in Portland's
steps ; but, in 1636, Juxon, who to Laud's joy had
succeeded him in the see of London, was appointed
Lord Treasurer because " his honesty was beyond
dispute." Laud in England and Wentworth in Ireland
were making " Thorough " a complete success when
storm clouds gathered in Scotland, where the King's
servants were feebler and less efficient men.
CHAPTER XXV
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD
1633-1639
LAUD'S policy aimed at increasing the power of the
Crown and giving it the whole-hearted support of a
national Church to which all Englishmen were to
conform. He tried to make the law supreme over the
rich as well as over the poor, and naturally invoked
the aid of the Court of Star-Chamber, which had been
created in the reign of Henry VII. to curb the lawless
nobility, and of the Court of High Commission, which
Parliament established in Elizabeth's reign to enforce
religious unity and morality by punishing offenders
who had ceased to fear the discipline of a Church
weakened by the Reformation. Such a policy was
certain to excite violent opposition. In many respects
it resembled that of the great French minister, Cardinal
Richelieu. But whilst Richelieu struck fiercely and
effectively at the French nobles who opposed the
King, the executioner's axe was not used by Laud. In
England there was no royal army to establish tyranny
had Laud wished to make his King despotic.
Until Stratford was murdered by the Long Parlia-
ment, only one man was executed for politics or religion
during Charles' reign. This victim, a Catholic priest,
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 331
was sent to the gallows by the over-zeal of a Puritan
judge. Several old women, however, were put to
death owing to the belief in witchcraft which was
a feature of puritanism in England, Scotland, and the
Puritan Colonies. Laud and his bishops discouraged
this superstition and were instrumental in saving the
lives of some so-called witches. After Laud's fall,
from 1640 until the Restoration in 1660, thousands
of old people were executed for the crime of witchcraft.
Four members of the Puritan party, which persistently
demanded the execution of Catholics, figure as the chief
of Laud's victims. They were punished for publishing
seditious pamphlets of the most extravagant character,
and for obstinately glorying in their offences. Three
lost their ears in the pillory, one was flogged, and all
were imprisoned.
Clarendon states that there would have been little
or no sympathy with Bastwick, Burton, and Prynne
but for their position in society. One was a doctor,
another a divine, and the third a lawyer. When
professional men were punished " (as the poorest and
most mechanic malefactors used to be, when they
were not able to redeem themselves by any fine for
their trespasses, or to satisfy any damages for the
scandals they had raised against the good name and
reputation of others) men began no more to consider
their manners but the men, and each profession, with
anger and indignation enough, thought their education
and degrees and quality would have secured them
from such infamous judgments, and treasured up
wrath for the time to come." Two of these sufferers
played a prominent part in the Civil War, and learned
332 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
some wisdom. In 1649, when resisting the establish-
ment of Cromwell's tyranny, Lilburne, who had been
flogged and imprisoned under Charles, said " that if
it were possible for me now to choose, I had rather
choose to live seven years under old King Charles'
government (notwithstanding their beheading him as
a tyrant for it) when it was at its worst before this
Parliament, than live one year under their government
that now rule." Ten years later Prynne was taking
an active part in the restoration of monarchy in
England.
In 1630 a Scotch minister, who had taken a medical
degree in Leyden, but had failed to satisfy the examiners
of the English College of Physicians, was practising
clandestinely and at the same time writing seditious
books. His book, called " An Appeal to Parliament ;
or Sion's Plea against Prelacy," is an excellent illustra-
tion of the manner in which religion was used to cloak
incitement to rebellion and murder. In " Sion's
Plea" the assassination of Buckingham, which was
still fresh in men's minds, was represented as the
work of " the Lord of Hosts." The Queen was de-
scribed as a " daughter of Heth " whom the King had
married when " he missed an Egyptian." Every evil
was attributed to the bishops, and the people were
urged to rise in armed rebellion against the government
of the King. For less violent language men had been
hanged in Elizabeth's reign. To follow up the murder
of a Prime Minister by the publication of such a book
would be regarded as a serious crime in modern
England. That Leighton only suffered the loss of
an ear, flogging, and imprisonment illustrates the
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 333
clemency, not the severity, of Charles' government.
When the King's government was overthrown all
these seditious writers were compensated by the Long
Parliament, whilst Charles' servants were treated
with an illegal severity which reminds the reader of
the Merciless Parliament.
To put the royal finances in order was Laud's
constant aim. Under Portland the King's debts
were continually increasing. Large sums might have
been obtained from the forest claims ; but as there
was no royal army, it was thought wise to abstain
from extreme measures against the nobles, and the
royal claims were abandoned in return for a small
sum. The laws which forbade depopulation by the
conversion of arable land into pasture were being
broken. A commission was appointed to consider
this abuse, and offenders were fined. Clarendon wrote
of this part of Laud's policy : " The revenue of too
many of the Court consisted principally in inclosures
and improvements of that nature which he " (Laud)
" still opposed passionately except they were founded
upon law ; and, then, if it would bring profit to the
King, how old and obsolete soever the law was, he
thought he might justly advise the prosecution. And
so he did a little too much countenance the commission
concerning depopulation, which brought much charge
and trouble upon the people, and was likewise cast
upon his account." Here those who were depopulating
the land are called " the people." Clarendon had
little sympathy with the poor who were being driven
from their homes.
Laud's agrarian policy made enemies amongst the
334 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Royalist courtiers as well as amongst the parlia-
mentarians. The same result followed from his
commercial policy. Portland had pleased his Catholic
friends by giving them the patent for manufacturing
soap from home-grown materials. Laud approved
of encouraging home production, whilst he wished to
see the patent worked by London manufacturers
instead of by Catholic courtiers. After a long contest,
Laud achieved his aim, but gained little goodwill,
since the patent was assigned to the new company
subject to a large annual payment to the Crown.
Even the King's wishes were opposed by Laud when
they conflicted with the welfare of the nation. Charles
loved innocent pleasures, which were nevertheless
expensive. In his palaces he collected art treasures,
and he inclosed Richmond Park at a great cost, in
spite of Laud's loudly expressed fear that his master
would lose the hearts of his people by inclosing land.
The word " people " is here used in the modern sense.
Notwithstanding the King's extravagance, Laud's
financial administration was most successful. The
royal debts were diminished, and "Thorough" bid
fair to have as great a triumph in England as in
Ireland. Clarendon ends his account of Laud's work
by telling of how, from the time of his succeeding to
the Treasury, Laud " exceedingly provoked or under-
went the envy and reproach and malice of men of
all qualities, who agreed in nothing else ; all which
though well enough known to him, were not enough
considered by him, who believed, as most men did,
the government to be so firmly settled that it could
neither be shaken from within nor without, and that
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 335
less than a general confusion of Law and Gospel could
not hurt him, which was true too ; but he did not
foresee how easily that confusion might be brought
to pass, as it proved shortly to be. And with this
general observation of the outward visible prosperity,
and the inward reserved disposition of the people to
murmur and unquietness, we conclude this first
book."
Nothing contributed more towards Laud's ultimate
failure than his determination to punish the "most
splendid transgressors . . . who were not careful to
cover their own iniquities, thinking they were above
the reach of other men or their power or will to chastise.
Persons of honour and great quality, of the Court and
of the country, were every day cited into the High
Commission Court upon the fame of their incontinence
or other scandal in their lives, and were there prose-
cuted to their shame and punishment, and as the
shame (which they called an insolent triumph upon
their degree and quality and levelling them with the
common people) was never forgotten, but watched for
revenge, so the fines imposed there were the more
questioned and repined against, because they were
assigned to the rebuilding and repairing St. Paul's
Church, and thought therefore to be the more severely
imposed and the less compassionately reduced and
excused, which likewise made the jurisdiction and
rigour of the Star Chamber more felt, and murmured
against, and sharpened many men's humours against
the Bishops before they had any ill intention towards
the Church."
The story of the drainage of the Cambridgeshire
336 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
fens throws much light upon some of the causes of
the Civil War. In 1629 a Dutchman, called Ver-
muyden, obtained the contract for a great drainage
scheme. He was to receive as payment 95,000 acres
of the reclaimed land. An outcry against this grant
to a foreigner led to the transfer of the contract in
1635 to the Earl of Bedford, who agreed that the
Crown should have 12,000 of the 95,000 acres. Ver-
muyden was employed to drain the lands as the servant
of the company which Bedford formed. In 1638
commissioners at St. Ives incorrectly found that the
lands had been drained, and gave the 95,000 acres to
Bedford without reserving the 12,000 acres for the
Crown. A new commission sat at Huntingdon in
1639. It was then admitted that the land was not
drained, and that the money of the company was
exhausted. The company was called upon either to
raise fresh capital and finish the drainage or to sur-
render the contract to the King in return for 40,000
acres.
Many poor folk lived by catching wild-fowl in the
fens or making baskets from the osiers and reeds.
These men looked upon the fens as common lands and
the drainage as a great inclosure. There was much
opposition in Cambridge, and Cromwell became
popular by advocating the claims of the fen-men.
His friends have maintained that he also opposed the
commissioners who sat at Huntingdon, but this is
uncertain. In any case he sat for Cambridge in the
Short and in the Long Parliaments, winning for
himself the nickname " Lord of the Fens." The Civil
War for a time put an end to the drainage ; the
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 337
scheme was, however, revived during the Common-
wealth, and Cromwell's supporters had their reward.
But it will be seen that those who gained were not
the poor fen-men.
After the suppression of the English religious orders,
who for centuries had superintended the production
of fine wool, the quality of English wool deteriorated.
In 1560 English wool was still the finest, but Spanish
wool had become worthy of being called fine. In 1604
James I. prohibited the exportation of English wool
to ensure an ample supply for English weavers. It
is interesting to notice that about the same time the
importation of foreign hops was forbidden, so that
English hop-growing, which began in Elizabeth's
reign, might be protected from cheap and inferior
foreign hops which were flooding the English market.
The immigration of weavers from Flanders and
Brabant established a vigorous cloth-making industry
in the Dutch Republic, and the manufacture of cloth
was being rapidly developed in France under Richelieu's
fostering care. There is much to be said in favour of
the policy of peace with Spain which was a feature of
the reigns of James I. and Charles I. The market of
Spain was opened to the English, and through Spain
an indirect entrance into her colonial markets was
gained. The fine wool of Spain could also be obtained
for English looms; and when the English procured
a supply of native alum they were able to declare
commercial war against the Dutch cloth finishers, not-
withstanding the handicap which the Dutch enjoyed
in their shipping and control over markets in Brazil
and the East.
z
338 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
In 1622 James I. appointed a commission to
inquire into the causes of the depreciation of English
wool and to suggest methods by which Scotch and
Irish wool might be attracted to England. In 1634
Spanish cloth is mentioned as an established industry
in England. In 1611 Spanish folly reached its climax
when the Moriscos, an industrious people of mixed
Spanish and Moorish descent, were expelled from
Spain. After their expulsion Spain practically ceased
to weave, and Spanish wool was forced to find a market
in England, France, or Holland. The long Anglo-
Spanish peace facilitated trade between England and
Spain. Even war could not wholly prevent the
exportation of Spanish wool to France and Holland.
The Thirty Years' War had a disastrous effect upon
German production, and Germans bought instead of
selling cloth. Dunkirk was the only seaport in the
Spanish Netherlands which remained open in spite
of the efforts of the Dutch. Through Dunkirk English
cloth could find its way into Belgium and Germany.
Just before Portland's death the character of the
Thirty Years' War changed. France became the open,
instead of the secret, enemy of Spain. Arrangements
were being made to divide the Spanish Netherlands
between France and Holland, thus closing Dunkirk
and inflicting a serious blow to the export trade of
England. This danger, as well as the desire of freeing
the English coasts from Dutch fishermen, influenced
Charles' advisers when they recommended the levying
of ship money. There was no doubt that the King
had the right to demand ship money from the coast
towns. The judges held that inland towns, whose
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 339
industry and trade were threatened, were also liable ;
but this judgment was passively resisted by the oppo-
nents of the King.
A proposed alliance with Spain for the defence of
Dunkirk was defeated by the arguments of Laud and
Wentworth. They held that, if England built an
adequate navy, she could without war preserve Dun-
kirk from the Dutch and French. The wisdom of
this policy was proved when France in 1635 declared
war against Spain and directed her attack against
Alsace instead of Belgium. Ship money was honestly
devoted to the purpose for which it was levied. A
strong fleet soon gave England command of the narrow
seas. The claim of the Dutch to fish in English
waters was successfully contested, although an English
fishing company started by Charles failed owing to
the ignorance of the English. Of this De Witt wrote :
" In the meantime the English challenged the
Sovereignty of the narrow Seas, alledging, That the
fishery belong'd solely to them. But their intestine
Divisions, and not our Sea Forces, put a stop to that
work, and their Herring-fishing, then newly begun,
ceased. It is observable that when they had taken
their Herring at one and the same time and place with
the Hollanders, and sent them to Dantzick in the years
1637 and *638, and found that the Herring taken and
cured by the Hollanders was approved and good, and
that the English Herring to the very last Barrel were
esteemed naught ; they then chang'd their Claim
upon the whole Fishery, into that of having the
Tenth Herring, which the diligent and frugal Inhabi-
tants of Holland reputed no less than to fish for, and
Z 2
340 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
pay Tribute to a slothful and prodigal People, for a
Passage by the Coast of England, which yet must have
been paid had not the free Government of the States
of Holland, in the year 1667, brought those Maritime
Affairs into another State and Condition."
The pirates from the Mediterranean were driven
from the English seas, and an English fleet appeared
before Sallee, their seaport, and obtained the surrender
of Christian slaves. Whilst all seemed well with
England and England's King, storm clouds gathered
in Scotland. This kingdom was regarded as so unim-
portant that Clarendon could write that " the truth is,
there was so little curiosity either in the Court or the
country to know anything of Scotland, or what was
done there, that when the whole nation was solicitous
to know what passed weekly in Germany and Poland,
and all other parts of Europe, no man ever enquired
what was doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom
place or mention in one page of any gazette ; and even
after the advertisement of the preamble to rebellion,
no mention was made of it at the Council Board,
but such a dispatch made into Scotland upon it,
as expressed the King's dislike and displeasure, and
obliged the Lords of the Council there to appear more
vigorously in the vindication of his authority and
suppression of those tumults."
The mistake made by the English Parliament when
it rejected the scheme proposed by James I. for the
political and economic union of Great Britain was
about to plunge the British Isles in the horrors of
civil war. Whilst English industry and commerce
made rapid strides, Scotland remained in a com-
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 341
paratively unprogressive condition. The English
traveller was struck by the filth and squalor of Edin-
burgh, whilst even the English inns were palaces to
the Scotch when they first saw them. Prisoners were
still tortured in Scotland, and the burning of witches
was almost a national pastime. This cruel form of
superstition was closely associated with presbyterian-
ism. It flourished in the New England Colonies
when the preachers had realised their ideal and
established a theocratic government. During the
second half of the sixteenth century thousands of men
and women were put to death in Scotland, where the
preachers were able to spread terror amongst the
people much as witch doctors still do in Africa. The
comparatively weak hold which this superstition had
over the English was much increased by James I.,
who carried with him from Scotland a firm belief in
the devil's power. Laud tried with some success to
mitigate the horrors of witch-hunting. When he fell
the witch doctors of England had their way, and under
the presbyterian Long Parliament the number of
victims in England became a national disgrace. It
is to Cromwell's credit that he discouraged this super-
stition, which gradually died away after the restoration
of monarchy.
As a substitute for the political and economic
union of England and Scotland which the English
Parliament had shelved Laud tried to unite Great
Britain by a common ritual. In 1638 an attempt to
replace the political prayers of the Scotch preachers
by a liturgy kindled a revolt. The liturgy was
accompanied by canons which would have com-
342 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
pelled the childless Scotch clergy to leave a portion
of their estates to educational purposes. At once
Scotch nobles who trembled for their church land and
Scotch preachers united with the people of Scotland
in opposing what seemed to be English dictation.
The sentimental tie of the Crown proved ineffective.
A Covenant was extensively signed which bound the
Covenanters to resist the ecclesiastical innovations
and to abolish episcopacy. A General Assembly of
the preachers and their lay supporters met at Glasgow
in 1638. The Scotch bishops were excommunicated,
and under this rebellious theocratic government taxes
were levied and the Covenanters took arms. The
Scotch universities were placed under control as
centres which might be dangerous to the Covenant.
Thus Charles was forced either to take action or to
lose all authority over his northern kingdom.
Without an army Charles could only oppose the
Scotch by calling upon his English magnates to join
him with their feudal levies. The fleet was sent
north to separate the Scotch from the Dutch and the
French from whom they were obtaining military
supplies and with whom they were entering into
treasonable relations. Had the magnates been loyal
the rebels would have been crushed, but there were
some who, smarting under the rule of Laud, saw in
the Scotch rebellion only an opportunity of weakening
the power of the Crown and regaining their old privi-
leges. Although the English magnates were not as
yet ready to openly oppose their King, their disaffection
caused delay. The funds which had been collected
under the care of Laud were exhausted, and poverty
THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD 343
compelled Charles to make terms with the Scotch.
The treaty of Berwick was regarded by the Scotch
Parliament, which soon met, as a sign of weakness,
and they proceeded to pass measures which trans-
ferred the royal authority in Scotland from the King
to the Scotch Parliament. Charles lost much by this
campaign and the treaty of Berwick. His English
magnates who were disaffected established secret
friendly relations with the Scotch, who, instead of
disbanding their forces, took advantage of the peace,
imported cannon and military stores from abroad,
and attempted to revive the old Franco-Scottish
alliance. Impoverished and weakened, Charles was
doomed to learn, as his predecessors had done, that
there was little pity for a vanquished king.
XXVI
KING CHARLES I. AND HIS EARLS
1640-1641
WHEN Parliament ruled England in the reign of the
Lancastrian Henry VI. the suffrage in the counties
was restricted to a limited number of freeholders, and
the qualification of a member of Parliament was made
prohibitive for all except the moderately wealthy
landowner. Before this restriction the packing of
Parliaments had been effected by the magnates by
means of their retainers ; after the War of the Roses
the power of the barons was at first so shattered that
the danger to the Crown from the existence of two
oligarchic houses was not felt. A new body of mag-
nates was, however, created under the Tudors and
Stuarts who inherited not only the ancient titles but
the old tendency to resent royal interference. These
were at first fed sumptuously in the reigns of Henry
VIII. and Edward VI. from the plunder of the Church,
and being well fed, for the most part remained quiet,
and co-operated with the Crown in sending to the
block those who wished to resist the will of the
monarch. The confiscation of abbey lands placed
large areas under the control of laymen, who thus were
CHARLES I. AND HIS EARLS 345
able to influence the limited number of electors even
more effectually than the old feudal barons.
In the reign of Henry VIII. one of the Russells
obtained the forest of Exmoor and the town of Tavis-
tock with thirty manors in Devonshire, Cornwall, and
Somerset which had belonged to the Abbey of Tavis-
tock. Ten years later, under Edward VI., to these
lands were added Thorney, with several thousand
acres in Cambridgeshire, the abbey of Woburn in
Bedfordshire, and the title Earl of Bedford. The
Bedfords were staunch Protestants, and the fourth
Earl, he who obtained the contract for draining the
fens near his Cambridgeshire lands, was regarded as
the leader of the Puritan party. One piece of pro-
perty which the Bedfords acquired, that near Co vent
Garden, once Convent Garden, became very valuable
during the decade of Charles' personal reign owing to
the growth of London ; and, although Laud's rule pro-
tected the ecclesiastical property and royal rights
from spoliation, Bedford and his associates were not
treated badly even in the matter of the fens. By the
Huntingdon decision they were entitled to receive
lands of the annual value of 6o,ooo/. in return for a
capital outlay of ioo,ooo/., but they had hoped for
more.
When Lord Bedford died in 1641 the leadership of
the Puritan party devolved upon the Earl of Essex.
The first Earl of Essex was created by Queen Elizabeth
too late for the plunder of the monasteries. He
undertook the planting of Ulster, selling his English
estates and receiving grants of Irish lands. He con-
ducted an unsuccessful campaign in Ireland, and
346 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
became notorious for his cruelty to the native Irish.
After his death in 1576 his son was one of Elizabeth's
favourites. The second Earl also failed in Ireland,
and this failure and the execution of the Earl for
treason have been already described. In 1604 the
attainder was removed by Act of Parliament and the
traitor's son succeeded to the title. This was the
Earl who led the Puritan nobles after Bedford's death.
Clarendon describes him as a man who nursed the
grievance that his talents were not adequately recog-
nised by the King. His pride was wounded in early
life when his wife divorced him and married Somerset,
the favourite of James I. The failure of the attack on
La Rochelle when Essex was in command seems to
have increased the Earl's bitterness. When a favour-
able moment arrived Essex amply avenged himself on
Strafford and the King's advisers who had neglected
him.
To Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of Northumberland,
more than to any other magnate, Charles owed his
ruin. Of Northumberland Clarendon wrote : "If he
had thought the King as much above him, as he thought
himself above other considerable men, he would have
been a good subject ; but the extreme undervaluing
those, and not enough valuing the King, made him
liable to those impressions, which they who approached
him by those addresses of reverence and esteem, that
usually insinuate into such natures, made in him."
He came of a family of Border lords, who looked upon
their rank as almost royal and to whom treason
appeared to be merely the assertion of their ancient
privileges. The first earl was created by Richard II.,
CHARLES I. AND HIS EARLS 347
and repaid his benefactor by taking a leading part
in the King's deposition and the election of the par-
liamentary king Henry IV. Before long, however,
he was again a rebel, and died fighting against the
sovereign he had helped to place on the throne.
Henry V. restored the earldom and estates to the
grandson of the first earl, and the second earl and his
son who succeeded him fell fighting for the parlia-
mentary kings during the War of the Roses. The
son of the third earl swore fealty to the victorious
Edward IV. and thus regained the earldom. He fell
fighting for Richard III. at Bosworth ; but his loyalty
was so doubtful that Richard was obliged to place a
close watch over him during the battle. His son, the
fifth earl, was suspected of using a royal badge when
harrying the Scotch, and just before the death of
Henry VII. he was fined io,ooo£. for an encroachment
on the King's rights. This earl was, however, never
actually guilty of open treason ; and his son, the sixth
earl, was loyal to Henry VIII., though his brothers
and his mother joined in the rebellion called the
Pilgrimage of Grace. The sixth earl left no issue, and
by the execution of his brother the earldom lapsed.
It was, however, revived by Queen Mary in favour of
the sons of the Percy who had taken part in the
rebellion. These sons engaged in conspiracies against
Elizabeth. One was executed as a traitor, and the
other committed suicide in the Tower before his trial.
The ninth earl, son of the suicide, was found guilty of
complicity in Gunpowder Plot, in which one of his
kinsmen played a prominent part, and spent nearly
sixteen years in the Tower. He died in 1619, and was
348 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
succeeded by his son Algernon, who avenged the
deaths of his ancestors by largely contributing to the
ruin and murder of Charles I.
The difficulty of governing the North of England
without the aid of the Percies doubtless prompted
England's rulers to forgive their many acts of treason,
and the same motive probably had weight with
Charles when he showered favours on the tenth earl.
Charles made him a Knight of the Garter and Lord
High Admiral. Northumberland was thus one of the
council who were responsible for the government of
England during what is called Charles' personal reign.
The campaign against the Scotch which ended with
the disastrous treaty of Berwick exhausted the royal
treasury, and when the Scotch made use of this treaty
to attack the royal authority in Scotland, Charles'
fate depended on his being able to raise funds for a
new army. Negotiations were pending for a loan
from Spain, when a Spanish fleet took refuge in Eng-
lish waters from a superior Dutch force. By what
some contemporaries regarded as Northumberland's
treachery the Dutch were allowed to attack the
Spanish, and Charles was unable to obtain financial
relief from Spain. Although Northumberland's sub-
sequent conduct encourages belief in his treachery,
neither Charles nor Went worth, who was recalled to
England to advise the King in September 1639, a few
weeks before the destruction of the Spanish fleet in
the Downs, seems to have doubted Northumberland's
loyalty.
To raise funds Wentworth advised the King to
summon an English Parliament whilst he returned
CHARLES I. AND HIS EARLS 349
to Ireland to obtain a vote of supply from the Irish
Parliament. In March 1640 the Irish Parliament
granted i8o,ooo/. with enthusiasm, and promised to
give more if needed. The native Irish were if anything
more demonstrative of their loyalty than their English
fellow-members. In April the English Parliament,
called the Short Parliament, met. Although Charles
was able to give proof that the Scotch rebels were
negotiating with the French, and although the majority
of the peers were anxious to grant supply for the
defence of England, the Lower House, led by Pym,
began the discussion of grievances. Encouraged by
the example of Scotland, the Commons sought prac-
tically to abolish the royal power in England as it had
been practically abolished in the northern kingdom.
After three weeks Charles and his councillors despaired
of obtaining supply and the Parliament was dissolved.
In the King's Council Northumberland and Holland
were alone in wishing to avert a dissolution. As both
these Lords ultimately joined the English rebels, it
seems probable that this dissolution did not create,
though it may have precipitated, the outbreak of
civil war.
[NOTE. — At this point the work was interrupted by
the death of the author. The two following extracts
from his notebook are thought to be of sufficient
interest to be added here. It is believed they have not
been published among his other writings, and that he
intended to use them in this book.]
Historians admit that the wars of the eighteenth
century were due to commercial causes, but speak of
350 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
earlier wars as wars of religion. The distinction is
somewhat misleading. When religion was closely
associated with politics and economy, it was natural
that it should have occasioned contests between
nations. The time has passed when Popes could claim
a temporal suzerainty over nations and their rulers.
No Pope would now dream of granting lands to a king
as Pope Alexander VI. gave the Americas and the East
to the kings of Castile and Portugal ; nor would any
Pope think of issuing an indulgence which, whilst
absolving men from mortal sins, failed to absolve from
the sin of buying alum from any other source than
the mines in papal territory. Religion confines itself
within its proper province. Its teachers recognise that
its kingdom is not of this world, and thus the economic
motive for which men fought, or changed their religion,
no longer exists. An attempt has been made in the
following pages to trace the economic motive which
prompted the wars of religion and the great changes of
faith.
Underlying motive for war, the same at all times.
To assert this is not to express any opinion on the
character of religion ; e.g. to say Mahomedanism spread
because it relieved Christian provinces from tribute to
Byzantium merely gives a reason for the spread of a
creed which Protestant Christians believe to be false ;
whereas showing that the Reformation derived much of
its strength from economic causes gives a reason for
the spread of a faith which they believe to be superior
to the one it superseded.
ENVOI
To BRITISH FREE TRADERS
Brothers, I come, a spirit from the dead,
To tell the tale of England that I knew ;
If you are doubters, pray forgive what's said
In praise of England. You are English, too.
J. W. W,
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Rolls Series, 1861. Translation).
Annales Monastici (Rolls Series, 1864, &c.).
Ashley's Economic History, vol. i. part I, 1888 ; part II, 1893.
Bacon (Francis, Works of). Edited by Spedding, Ellis, and Heath.
Bagwell's Ireland under the Tudors.
Bancroft's History of the United States of America.
Barker's (Ellis) Rise and Decline of the Netherlands.
Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici.
Biographie Universelle.
Birch's Cartularium Saxonicum, A.D. 948-975.
Brewer's Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. (Rolls Series).
Bridges' France under Richelieu and Colbert.
Bryce's Holy Roman Empire.
Burke's History of Spain.
Caillet's Ministers du Cardinal Richelieu.
Cambridge Modern History.
Carlyle's Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches.
Charlton's History of Whitby.
Chronicle of Jocelin of Brakelond (King's Classics).
Chronicles of Stephen, Henry II. and Richard I. (vol. iii. Rolls Series).
Clowes's Royal Navy.
Collings's Land Reform.
Cunningham's (T.) History of Taxes. (1773.)
Cunningham's (W.) Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Early
and Middle Ages. (1905.)
Cunningham's (W.) Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Modern
Times.
De Witt's True Interest and Political Maxims of the Republic of
Holland and West Friesland. (Translation, 1702.)
A A
354 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
English Church (History of). Edited by Stephens and Hunt.
Facsimile of Indulgences issued by Pope Leo X.
Finlay's History of Greece.
Fisher's Forest of Essex.
Fox Bourne's English Merchants.
Freeman's History of the Norman Conquest.
Freeman's General Sketch of European History.
Froude's English in Ireland.
Froude's History of England.
Gardiner's History of England from Accession of James I. In
10 volumes.
Gardiner's History of Great Civil War. In four volumes.
Gardiner's Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution.
Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. (Edited by Pro-
fessor Bury.)
Gniest's History of English Constitution. Ashworth's translation.
Gregorovius' Rome in the Middle Ages. (Hamilton's Translation.)
Gross' Gild Merchant. Vol. I.
Grote's History of Greece.
Hakluyt's Voyages.
Hakluyt's Voyages of Elizabethan Seamen. Edited by Payne.
Hall's History of Custom Revenue of English.
Hodgkin's Italy and her Invaders.
Josephus' Antiquities of the Jews.
Kervyn de Letterhove's Histoire de Flandre.
Lang's History of Scotland.
List's National System of Political Economy. (Lloyd's Translation.)
Machiavelli's Prince and other Pieces. (Morley's.)
Macpherson's Annals of Commerce.
Maitland's Domesday Book and Beyond.
Milman's History of the Jews.
Milman's History of Latin Christianity.
Moeller's History of the Christian Church : Reformation and Counter-
Reformation. (Translated by Freese.)
Morse's Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire.
Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic.
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED
355
Nares's Life of Lord Burleigh.
Pauli's Simon de Montfort. (Goodwin's Translation.)
Political History of England.
Raleigh's Select Observations ; presented to King James.
Rambaud's Histoire de la Civilisation Franfaise.
Rishanger's Chronicle and Miracles of Simon de Montfort. (Camden
Society.)
Rogers's (Thorold) Economic Interpretation of History.
Rogers's (Thorold) History of Agriculture and Prices in England.
Sharpe's London and the Kingdom.
Sinclair's History of the Revenue. Third edition.
Social England.
Stebbing's Sir Walter Raleigh.
Stephens' Portugal (Story of the Nations).
Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England.
Stubbs's Memorials of St. Dunstan.
Stubbs's Constitutional History of England.
Stubbs's Select Charters.
Trollope's History of the Commonwealth of Florence.
Varenbergh's Histoire des Relations Diplomettiques entre la Flandre
et I'Angleterre.
Varenbergh's La Flandre et I' Empire d'Allemagne.
Walsingham's Historia Anglicana. (Rolls Series.)
Walter of Hemingburgh. (English Historical Society.)
Welsford's Strength of Nations.
Worm's Histoire Commercial de la Ligue HansJatique.
Wright's Political Poems and Songs. (Rolls Series.)
Young's Travels during 1787, 1788, and 1789.
A A 2
INDEX
ADDLED Parliament, 290
Agincourt, 167
Alcuin, 1 8, 22-3
Alfred the Great, 24
Aliens, treatment of, 134, 162,
165, 171, 223, 271
Aller, massacre of Saxons at the,
19, 23
Alum, its importance in cloth
industry, 187, 211, 216, 217,
223, 247, 275
Alva, Duke of, 251, 254-5
Amboina, massacre at, 277, 292
Amsterdam, 255, 256, 263, 269,
280
Ancient (or Great) Customs, 109,
118, 151
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 23, 31
Anglo-Saxon invasion, 8
Anne of Cleves, 234, 237
Anselm, 57, 64-5
Antwerp, 132, 196-7, 203, 222, j
224, 246, 248, 249, 255, 256,
257, 267, 269
Arian Christianity, n, 12, 13
Armada, the, 264
Arras, Peace of, 196, 207
Arthurian legends, 3
Assize of Arms, 77
Avignon, 119, 155
BACON, Francis, Lord Chancel-
lor, 198-9, 202-3, 216, 289, 292
Baldwin, count of Flanders, 26
Baltic trade, 173-5, 180, 194, j
204, 240-1
Barbarian invasions of Roman
territory, 7, 8, 10, 27
Bates, John, 287
Bath in Roman times, 5
Beaton, Cardinal, 235-6
Beaufort, Cardinal, 178, 182
Beaufort, Edmund, Duke of
Somerset, 178, 182-5
Becket, Thomas, Archbp., 72-4
Bedford, John, Duke of, 169,
175, 178
Bedfords enriched by church
plunder, 345
Benedictine monasteries, 13, 14,
15, 17, 28, 42-3, 47
Berwick, treaty of, 343
Black Death, 140
Black Sea in Greek legends, 2
Boclands, 30
Boleyn, Anne, 229-31
Bouvines, battle of, 87
Bretigny, treaty of, 144
Brittany, 209-10
Bruce, Robert, 119, 125
Bruges, 131, 134, 166, 170, 190,
196-7
Buckingham, George Villiers,
Duke of, 290, 294, 301, 306-
CADE'S rebellion, 178, 183
Cadiz, 264, 268
Caesar's invasion of Britain, 3
Calais, 139-40, 168, 170, 177,
180, 184, 190, 194, 244
Cambrai, League of, 218
358
THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Cambridgeshire Fens, draining
of> 335-7
Canada (French), 249, 314-5
Canute, 33-5
Caorsines, 96
Carlyle, Thomas, i, 288
Carta Mercatoria, see. Merchants'
Charter
Catherine of Aragon, 206-7,
229-30, 232
Cecil, Robert, Earl of Salisbury,
272, 280, 283, 287, 289-90
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley,
243-72
Charles I., 294-349
Charles V., Emperor, 216-7,
219-43
Charles Martel, 17-8
Charles the Bald, 26
Charles the Bold, Duke of Bur-
gundy, 190-4
Charles the Fat, 25
Charles the Great, 18-21, 22-3
Charles the Simple, 26
Chester, battle of, 14
Chichester, Sir Arthur, 299-300
China, 278
Cinque Ports, 45, 112, 174
Cistercians, 50, 69, 83
Civil War, causes of the, 301-15
Clarendon's ' Rebellion ' quoted,
33i, 333, 334-5, 34O, 346
Cloth trade, 151, 171, 176-7, 179,
187-8, 190, 200-1, 203-4, 239,
247-8, 259, 275
Clovis, conversion of, 12-13
Coeur, Jacques, 168
Coinage, 237, 238, 248
Coke, C.J., 288
Cologne, 173, 184, 190, 194
Colonies, foundation of, 291,
293, 297
Columbus, 206, 215
Constantine, Roman Emperor,
4, 6, 10, 12 ; the forged
Donation of, 18, 27
Constantinople, owed its
supremacy to Theodosius the
Great, 4, and to Constantine,
10, 12 ; Mahomedan attack
upon, repulsed, 17 ; a com-
mercial metropolis, 20, 21,
34, 82 ; Emperor's English
bodyguard, 40, 48 ; sacked by
Crusaders, 82 ; captured by
Turks, 187
Constitutions of Clarendon, 72
Corn, early legislation about,
1 86, 240-1
Cotton, 291, 323-4
Court of High Commission, 330,
335
Covenant, Scotch, 342
Cranmer, Archbp., 230, 241, 243
Crecy, 139, 167
Cromwell, Oliver, 311, 336-7, 341
Cromwell, Thomas, 228-34
Customs, Ancient (or Great),
109, 118, 151 ; New, 118
DAMME, 86, 95
Danegeld, 91
Danelaw, 24
De Burgh, Hubert, 93, 96
De la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, 157-8
De Montfort, Simon, ist earl, 85,
95 ; 2nd earl, 96, 100-6, 187
De Witt's ' Interest of Holland/
180, 262, 269, 339
' Defender of the Faith/ 231
Despensers, the, 127-9
Dominicans, 99
Don John of Austria, 256-7
Donation of Constantine, a for-
gery, 1 8, 27
Drake, Sir Francis, 251, 253, 259,
264, 267-8
Dudley and Empson, 216, 219
Dunkirk, 338-9
Dutch East India Company, 277,
292
Dutch Independence, war of,
251-79
Dutch sea-power, growth of,
260-72
Dutch trade rivalry, 273-86
Dutch West India Company, 293
EAST INDIA COMPANY, 277
Easterlings, 44, 121, 123, 124,
241. See Hanseatic League
Eastland Company, 249
INDEX
359
Edward the Black Prince, 144-7
Edward the Confessor, 35-9
Edward the Martyr, 31
Edward I., 106-20
Edward II., 120-9
Edward III., 129-49
Edward IV., 186-97
Edward V., 197
Edward VI., 237-41
Elbing, 258-9
Elizabeth, Queen, 230, 239, 243-
272
Emden, 246, 258, 268
Enclosures, 97, 117, 126, 154,
202, 239, 271, 284-5, 333
Essex, Earl of, 272, 346
Ethelred the Redeless, 31
Eudes, Count of Paris, 25
Evesham, battle of, 106
Evil May Day, 222
FERDINAND and Isabella of
Spain, 205-22
Fish trade, 159, 162, 173-4, 327-
328, 339
Florence, 166, 171, 187-8, 203-4
Florida, Huguenot colony in,
250-1
Folclands, 30
Forest laws and rights, 92, 120
Francis I., 220-36
Franciscans, 99, 105
Free trade under James I., 276
Frescobaldi, 118, 124
Friars, Dominican and Francis-
can, 99, 147
Fuggers, German capitalists,
200, 224-6, 256
GAVESTON, Piers, 122-5
Gavre, battle of, 184
Genoa, 153, 171-2
Ghent, 95, 177, 184
Glastonbury, 30
Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of,
169, 175-6, 178, 182 ; Richard,
Duke of, see Richard III. ;
Thomas, Duke of, 157-60
Godwine, Earl, 37-9
Good Parliament, 150
Great Charter, 87
Great Contract, 289, 310
Gregory VII. (Hildebrand) , 37,
52
Grey, Lady Jane, 241-2
Grossteste, Bishop, 100
HAMBURG, 258
Hanseatic League, 121, 123, 124,
151, 165, 173-5, 179, 180, 181,
183, 193-4, 204, 213, 240-1,
243-4, 246, 248, 258, 268, 270.
See Steelyard
Harold, 37-40
Harold Bluetooth, 29
Hawkins, Sir John, 250, 268
Heemskerk, Admiral, 279
Hein, Admiral, 293
Henrietta Maria, Queen, 294,
302
Henry I., 59
Henry I L, 71-8
Henry III., 89-106
Henry IV., 160-4
Henry V., 164-9
Henry VI., 169-92
Henry VII., 198-218
Henry VIII., 219-37
Henry (IV.) of Navarre, 352,
262, 265, 294, 313
Hildebrand (Pope Gregory VII.),
37, 52
Hops introduced, 271 ; pro-
tected, 337
Howard, Catherine, 237
Huguenots, 245, 250, 262. And
see La Rochelle
Hundred Years' War, 130
Hungarian invasion of Italy, 27
INDULGENCES, sale of, 225
lona, 13
Ireland, references to, 72, 75,
126, 157, 160, 161, 211-2,
234-5, 266-7, 279, 291-2, 297,
299-300, 317-8, 321-5, 349
Iron trade, 186, 201, 247
Italy, French invasion of, 211,
218, 219, 321, 333
360
THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
JAMES I., 254, 262, 266, 272,
273-94
Japan, 278
Jews as international traders,
n, 17, 20, 206, 214, 263 ; in
England, 45, 56, 91
Joan of Arc, 1 76
John, 75, 80, 8 1 -9
John of Gaunt, Duke of Lan-
caster, 147, 148, 150, 152, 154,
> 1S9> l61
KET'S rebellion, 241, 271, 285
Knox, John, 239, 242, 244, 253-4
Kyrkeby, John, 153
LA ROCHELLE, 252, 297, 306,
308, 311, 314. And see
Huguenots
Labourers, Statutes of, 146-7
Lambe, Dr., 310
Lanfranc, 41, 53, 57
Langton, Stephen, 84, 86, 93
Laud, Archbishop, 321, 325-9,
his policy, 330-43
Leicester, Earl of, 262-3, 272
Leighton's ' Sion's Plea,' 332
Levant Company, 248, 291, 304
Lewes, battle of, 104
' Libel of English Policy ' (1436-
1437), I7°-3
Lilburne, 332
Linen, Irish, 291-2, 323-4
Livery and maintenance, 201-2
Lollards, 147, 148, 152, 154, 160, j
162
London, references to, 41-2, 45, j
56, 69-70, 88, 127-8, 149, 159, I
162-3, I82, 184, 185, 191-2, j
223, 258, 310, 326-7, 345
Louis IX., 98
Luther, 225
MAGNUS INTERCURSUS, 213
Mahomedans, their invasion of i
Europe checked at Tours, 17 ; j
invade Southern Italy, 25, 27 ; !
capture Constantinople, 187
Malus Intercursus, 213
Manchester, 291, 324
Manwaring's sermon, 309
Marignano, battle of, 221
Marshal, William, Earl of Pem-
broke, 93
Mary of Burgundy, 194-6, 207
Mary Tudor, Queen, 242-4
Mary, Queen of Scots, 236, 238,
242, 243, 253-5, 262, 265
Maryland, 299
Massachusetts, 298
Maurice of Orange, 263, 281-2
Mayflower, 292-3, 298
Medici, the, 187, 200, 223 ;
Catherine de, 250
Merchant Adventurers, 175, 248,
258, 273, 275
Merchants' Charter, 118, 120,
122, 124, 128
Merciless Parliament, 158
Merton, provisions of, 97, 117;
statute of, 202
Model Parliament, 115
Monasteries, foundation of, see
Benedictines, Cistercians ; sup-
pression of, 219-32
Monopolies, 274, 276, 304
Montague's pamphlet, 303, 307
Moors (Moriscos), 206, 214, 279-
280, 338
More, Sir Thomas, 230-1
Mortmain, statute of, no
Munster, Plantation of, 266
Muscovy merchants, 249
NAVAL matters referred to, 24-5,
3i, 32-3, 37, 38-9,40,86, 134,
146, 151-2, 156, 170, 180, 181,
182, 189, 191, 198, 204, 225,
236, 249, 282, 290, 302, 308, 339
Naval power, increase of, 246-59
Navigation Act, 156, 189
Neville's Cross, 143
Nicholas I., Pope, 27
Nombre de Dios, 253, 255
Norman Conquest, 34-70
Northampton, 153
Northmen, ravages of, 23
Northumberland, Algernon
Percy, loth earl of, 346-9 ;
John Dudley, Duke of, 241-2
Noy, Attorney-General, 319
INDEX
361
OCTROI, origin of, 1 1
Odo of Bayeux, 53
Offa, King of Mercia, 22
Ordainers, 124
Otto the Great, 27-9
PAPAL supremacy repudiated,
233-45
Parliament, first meeting at
Westminster, 105
Parma, Alexander of, 256, 264,
265
Parr, Catherine, 237, 239
Pavia, battle of, 227
Peasant proprietors, 240
Peasants' Revolt, 155
Peasants' War (Germany), 226
Peter's Pence, 16, 52
Petition of Right, 309
Philip II., 242-3, 245-68
Philipot, naval treasurer, 152
Pilgrimage of Grace, 232
Poll-tax, 150, 153
Poor rate, 285
Portugal, 69, 79, 156, 188, 205,
206, 207, 216, 224, 250, 257,
267-8, 277, 278, 279
Poynings Acts, 211-12
Prise, levying of, 22
Protection for English trade,
early instances of, 42, 44-6,
69, 70, 90, 151, 171, 186-7, T98,
204, 216-7, 258, 337
Protective policy initiated, 193-
204
Provisions of Merton, 97, 117; of
Oxford, 101 ; of Westminster,
101
Prynne, 332
Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, 27
Puritanism, rise of, 295
Quo WARRANTO, statute of, 117
RALEIGH, Sir Walter, 272, 275,
283, 291
Reformation in England at first
economic rather than re-
ligious, 231, 242
Religious contentions, 286-300
Rhode Island, 298
Richard I., 75, 77, 79-81
Richard II., 147-62
Richard III., 196-8
Richard, Earl of Gloucester,
100-4
Richelieu, Cardinal, 313, 314,
330, 337
Richmond Park enclosed, 334
Roberts, Lewes, on Manchester,
291, 323-4
Rolf, Duke of Normandy, 26
Roman Settlement of Britain,
!-7
Rome, sack of, 228
ST. ALBANS, 185, 186
St. Augustine, 13-4
St. Bartholomew Massacre, 252
St. Benedict, 13
St. Berno of Cluny, 28
St. Boniface, 18
St. Columba, 13
St. Dominic, 85, 99
St. Dunstan, 28, 30-2
St. Francis, 99
St. Wilfrid, 15-6
St. Willibrord, 18
Saracenic invasion of Europe,
17, 25, 27
Saxon England, 22-33
Scotland referred to, 75, 111-2,
115-20, 125, 129-30, 143,
144, 175, 189, 195-6, 212-3,
220-1, 235-7, 244-5, 253-4,
265-6, 284, 295-6, 316, 319-
320, 340-3
Sea-Beggars, 252, 255
Sea-power, increase of, 246-59
Serfdom, disappearance of, 155
Settlement of Europe, 8-21
Seymour, Jane, 231
Ship-money, 308, 328, 338
Ships and naval stores bought
from Germany, 121-2, 172, 249
Short Parliament, 349
Silk, 1 86, 199
Simnel, Lambert, 209
Six Articles, 234, 239
Slave-trade, 250, 251
Sluys, battles at, (1340) 134,
(1387) 158
362
THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND
Somerset, Duke of, Protector,
237-41
Southampton, 153
Spain, 189, 205-18, 219, 224,
228, 234, 242-4, 246-83, 289-
294, 306, 337-9, 348
Stade, 259, 268
Star Chamber, 201, 322, 330
States-General of France, 312-4
Statute of Marlborough, 101
Steelyard, 49, 121, 124, 131, 151,
165, 184, 190, 191, 213, 241,
268, 273. See Hanseatic
League
Stephen of Boulogne, 63, 64,
65-70
Stigand, 39, 41
Strafford, Thomas Wentworth,
Lord, 309, 311, 318, 319, 320,
321-5, 348-9
Stratford, John, Archbp., 137-8
Suffolk, William de la Pole,
Duke of, 178, 182-3
Sweyn, King of Denmark, 32-3
TEMPLARS, 125
Tetzel, 225
Theodore of Tarsus, 15
Theodosius the Great, 4
Thirty Years' War, 227, 282,
289, 292, 338
Thomas of Lancaster, 125-28
' Thorough,' policy of, 321
Tobacco, 298
Toulouse, 85, 94
Tournay, 220, 223
Tours, battle of, 17
Tunnage and poundage, 303,
307, 3"
ULSTER, Plantation of, 279,
291-2, 300
Utrecht, diet at, 183-4, I93>
204
VENICE, 20, 50, 172, 203, 218
Verdun, treaty of, 20, 23
Vills and villeins, Saxon, 9
Virginia Company, 291, 297, 305
Volterra, 187
WALES, TIO-I, 114-5, 235
Wallace, William, 116-9
War of the Roses, 179-92
Warbeck, Per kin, 210-2
Warwick, Earl of, 185, 190-1
Weavers, immigrant, 271
Westminster, Council of, 99, 100
Whitby Conference, 14-5
Whitelock's ' Memorials,' 320,
328
Whittington, Rich., Lord Mayor,
1 60, 162
Widukind, 19
William I., 35-54
William II., 55-9
William of Orange, 251-2, 255-7,
261-2
Winchelsey, Robert of, 114, 119-
120, 122, 125
Winchester, statute of, 131
Winwaed, battle of, 14
Wisby, 44, 50, 173
Witchcraft, belief in, 331, 341
Wolsey, Cardinal, 222-30
Wool and cloth trade, 26-7, 43,
60, 63, 75-6, 84, 95, 102-3,
108-10, 112, 130-4, 141, 142,
143, 166, 176, 177, 186-8, 190,
200-1, 203-4, 206, 223, 239.
Wu
337
If stan, 41
Wycliffe, John, 147, 148, 150,
152
YEOMAN class, 203
York, Richard, Duke of, 178,
182, 183, 185-6 ; Edward,
Duke of, see Edward IV.
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