Historic strikes and their settlement; also, Fundamentals of street-car control

UC-NRLF

Cents

Historic Strikes

AND

Their Settlement

-ALSO •

Fundamentals

Street-car Control

LEIGH H. IRVINE

THE CALKINS NEWSPAPER Sv>

24 Clay Street
SAN FRANCIS*

PART I

HISTORIC STRIKES

AND

THEIR SETTLEMENT

BEING AN ACCOUNT OF

ABOR'S GREAT BATTLES IN AMERICA,
HOW THEY BEGAN AND ENDED,
WHAT SOLDIERS AND CITI-
ZENS HAVE DONE
TO MAKE
PEACE

A REVIEW OF ANCIENT LABOR TROUBLES

BY

LEIGH H. IRVINE

THE CALKINS NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE

24 CLAY STREET. SAN FRANCISCO

1907

,: •' • ' THE MASSES SUFFER.

The fates of the great majority have ever been, and
doubtless still are, so sad that it is painful to think of them
Unquestionably the existing type of social organization is
one which none who care for their kind can contemplate with
satisfaction; and unquestionably men's activities accom-
panying this type are far from being admirable. The strong
divisions of rank and the immense inequalities of means are
at variance with that ideal of human relations on which the
sympathetic imagination likes to dwell; and the average con-
duct, under the pressure and excitement of social life as at
present carried on, is in sundry respects repulsive. Herbert
Spencer, on page 4 of "A Plea for Liberty."

NOT SOCIALISM.

There is no Socialism in recognizing the plain fact that
the gifts of fortune are not distributed in this world accord-
ing to merit. There is no Socialism in declaring that the
rich, by reason of their riches, have responsibilities towards
the poor; or that the poor, by reason of their poverty, have
claims upon the rich. Nor is there any Socialism in holding
that the State has responsibilities toward the poor, and that
the law ought, when necessary, to assert the reasonable claims
of poverty, and enforce the reasonable duties and obligations
of wealth. John Rae, page 9 of " Contemporary Socialism."

BISMARCK'S VIEWS.

If you do not cry out about State Socialism whenever
the State does anything for the laborer in the way of
Christian charity— then you will destroy the charm of social
democracy. Bismarck, quoted on page 421 of Rae's " Con-
temporary Socialism."

DANGER AHEAD.

It was de Toqueville's theory (' 'Democracy in America")
that "free institutions run continual risk of shipwreck when
power is the possession of the many, but property — from
whatever cause — the possession of the few. With the ad-
vance of democracy a diffusion of wealth becomes almost
a necessity of State."

INTRODUCTION.

IN 1902 I hurriedly visited Yuma, Arizona, where I met
for the first and last time the eminent C. Osborne Ward,
author of "Ancient Lowly. " The great savant lay dying,
one of his comprehensive literary plans unfinished.

As a young man he had studied with the immortal Dar-
win, had worked with Schliemann among the ruins of
ancient Troy, and had served our Federal Government with
distinction for a quarter of a century, his field being in
the Department of Labor. His "Ancient Lowly" had then
been recognized for many years as the ablest book on early
social conditions, and it stands to-day as the monumental
achievement of a long and scholarly life, much of which was
devoted to original investigation in history and economics.

As I had devoted many years to both field and academic
service in the study of social and economic problems, and
had collaborated with Mr. Ward in an undertaking only
then fairly started, he appointed me his literary executor
to carry out some of his plans, these to be designed in part
from notes which he gave to me as he neared the end.

During the extensive research incident to carrying out
the departed scholar's unfinished volumes — not yet com-
pleted by me — I have made a careful study of both ancient
and modern labor conditions. It is for these reasons, in
part, that I venture, not immodestly I hope, to offer this
brief history of some of the important battles of organized
labor, together with a slight account of the struggles of the
lowly classes of antiquity.

In these days of vexatious labor troubles, many thought-
ful citizens wonder whether the present economic system is
about to be overthrown by violence. Thousands of prudent
men and women fear for the future, feeling that, as one
writer has said, "Foreign hordes of anarchists, masquerad-
ing as labor-unionists, are organizing to destroy American
liberty."

A careful study of the industrial wars of thirty years
convinces me that the red-shirted anarchist, loud-mouthed
and blatant, is as much despised by the honest leaders of

409614

labor as by the conservative "captains of industry " who
own the great bulk of the wealth of the land.

Despite many regrettable evils in the unions, and though
violence and bloodshed have often accompanied strikes, it
will be found, on the whole, that both employer and em-
ployee have grown steadily more liberal and tolerant than
they were, for example, in 1877, also that the wiser
national leaders of labor federations know that violence
spells defeat.

The public at large, that great body of non-combatants
that always suffers more than the belligerents, has in recent
years made insistent demands for peace, and the spirit of
conciliation has often pervaded the ranks of the warring
forces, even against their will, society at large demanding
with increasing emphasis that the duelists in the "affairs of
honor " between employer and employee must desist from
clogging the wheels of industry while they do slaughter in
the public streets. For these reasons, rather than because
of the handling of rioters by police, militia, and Federal
soldiers, the lesson of history reveals the victories of society,
the great umpire, the court whose mandates neither capital
nor labor dare permanently to defy. Vast progress has been
made during the era between the "Molly Maguire" out-
rages, for example, and that of the Roosevelt Arbitration
Board, which settled a gigantic coal strike that threatened
to assault the very foundations of government.

In the ancient mines of Laurium the laborer, who was
believed to have no soul, was chained to his task in under-
ground pest-holes where each day's work only enlarged his
tomb. In these modern days of closer relationship between
the hired man and his employer each battle settled by calm-
ness and the spirit of conciliation increases the respect of
the contestants for each other and enlarges, not the tomb
of the slave, as in ancient Laurium, but the field of life and
opportunity for the sons of toil.

LEIGH H. IRVINE.

24 Clay Street, San Francisco, May, 1907.

ANCIENT LABOR TROUBLES.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and
that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging
of the future but by the past. — Patrick Henry.

THOSE who believe that labor troubles are of modern
origin belong to the class that deny that the earth ro-
tates on its axis. It is well known that the primal condition
of man, so far as we have gone in historic research, was
that of master and slave, of brutality and rebellion.

The workers of antiquity were involved in frequent and
bitter strifes that resulted from unions for the betterment of
the masses. Laborers of the Roman Empire, under Con-
stantine, had about thirty-five unions, and seven hundred
years before the Christian era, according to Plutarch,
Mommsen, and Ward, trade-unions existed in great num-
bers. Numa Pompilius granted the unions freedom from
hostile legislation, and Tarquin and Claudius were • unable
to stamp them out. Cicero led the aristocrats in denouncing
labor organizations, but they were not put down. Solon, the
great law-giver of Athens, recognized and made laws for
the unions. The Solonic Dispensation is famous in history.

Artisans in the building trades maintained their organi-
zations during six hundred years at Rome, and for about as
long in Attica and other parts of Greece. Organization per-
meated almost every branch of industry, including the circus
performers, gladiators, and fortune-tellers. Pagan image-
makers objected to Christianity because it would destroy
the trade of godsmithing, which employed an army of skilful
idol-makers.

The first great historic strike was that of Moses and the
Jews, known as the Exodus. This was strangely like modem
strikes. The Hebrews sought in vain to induce the Egyptians
to modify the hard tasks imposed upon them. Many bloody
conflicts took place between masters and servants, but Moses
organized the workers and achieved freedom. Moses ordered
not far from a million Hebrew workers to throw down their
implements of toil and march away. It was physical and
economic as well as religious causes that induced the two
great brothers — Moses and Aaron — to petition King Pharaoh
for relief from overwork, bad food, and injustice. The kin?

O HISTORIC STRIKES

was sour and insulting, saying, "Wherefore do ye lead the
people from their work?" History records the fact that
the great strike of Moses — a rebellion, in fact — led up to
the Law of Moses, for the author had then become both
statesman and deliverer.

Another noted strike grew out of the Eleusinian Mys-
teries, held at Eleusis, about ten miles from Athens. It was
customary for the Eleusinian devotees to give up to their
festivities nine days every five years. They were insulted
and assaulted by crusading slaves and laborers, who struck
against exclusion from religious rites in the Eleusinian Mys-
teries. The strikers, descended from generations of skilful
artisans, had built the magnificent palaces and temples of
Greece. As their skill had been recognized and celebrated,
they felt that their personality and their union should not
be spurned. Their outbreak was the forerunner of battles
that brought greater freedom to the laborers of those eras
of bloodshed and brutality.

Another great battle was led by Nabis, a genius and
leader of workingmen. He fought the Ephori, who were
five secret despots of ancient Greece. The Ephori trained
young aristocrats in the art of assassinating laborers, teach-
ing the hot-blooded aristocrats to be ready at any moment,
with daggers, to butcher the naked, half-starved and
unarmed working classes in sufficient number to keep down
the labor forces to a schedule made by the Ephori. Nabis
made an ancient French Revolution of the situation, invented
engines of devilism — stabbing manikins, broadaxes, death-
traps— and when his labor hordes and he had finished their
bloody work the Ephori had sunk, never to rise again. Nabis
careered 207 years B. C.

One of the most wonderful uprisings of ancient labor was
413 B. C., when 20,000 chained slaves working in the silver
mines of Laurium, where men and women, painted and naked,
seldom saw the light of day, bolted for the Spartan gar-
rison, and aided the brave Spartans in their twenty-seven
years' war against the Athenians. This strike was a heavy
blow to the Athenians, who not only lost the slave miners
and armor-makers, but beheld their former slaves, rewarded
by new masters, fighting against them bitterly in the war
that defeated and humbled Athens. This strike cost Athens
her prestige. But Laurium furnished yet another strike.

HISTORIC STRIKES 7

The worker in the Laurium silver mines — B. C. 133 — was
the lowest kind of a slave. He was usually a prisoner of
war. The mines — thirty miles from Athens — were foul sub-
terranean caverns in which the naked and painted laborer
was chained and put to work himself to death under the
direction of savage masters who had leased the slave from
the Empire.

One day the striking miners killed their overseers,
robbed the armories, and took the town. They laid waste
the country, but were finally defeated by Heraklitos, the
mayor, "when the usual brutalities of wholesale crucifixion
ensued and nearly all the miners were put to death. ' '

At Latium — 194 B. C. — a strike of slaves was caused by
a lockout. Combining with the labor slaves of the city, a
horde of degraded and impoverished agricultural workers
got up a strike during a gala day when the inhabitants of
Setia, a village, were about to witness gladiatorial contests.
A traitor betrayed the strikers, whereupon Merula, the
praetor, led the trained troops of Rome into the field, and
two thousand strikers were put to death.

There were many bloody strikes hundreds of years before
as well as after Christ. One is a typical example of con-
ditions. On the island of Scio (ancient Chios), seven miles
from the coast of Asia Minor, slavery existed in diabolical
forms. About two hundred and fifty years A. D. a slave
named Drimakos led a number of deserters to mountain
fastnesses, where he became their king. The rich Chians
were defeated in trying to capture the slave leader and his
men.

In a conference with the city magistrates Drimakos in-
duced them to sign a treaty. He said: "What we want is
subsistence, no more; but we will never again submit to
drudgery or bondage. " The compact was lived up to until
the Chians plotted to have Drimakos murdered, whereupon
the great leader, hearing of the plot, induced his favorite
young man to anticipate the Chians in their desire for his
head. He said: "Son, to him that bringeth my head the
Chians offer money and freedom. I have lived long enough;
thou art dear to me, therefore thy duty is to cut off my
head, take it to them, receive thy reward, return home, and
be happy."

Reluctantly the young man obeyed, but Drimakos 's band

8 HISTORIC STRIKES

ravaged the country, tortured the Chians, and built a monu-
ment to Drimakos, their hero.

Prominent among the great battles of ancient labor is
that wherein the immortal Spartacus led the strike of the
gladiators' union, saying: "If ye are men, strike down
yon guard, follow me, and gain the mountain passes. If
ye are beasts, stand there like fat oxen waiting for the
butcher's knife." This speech is supposed to have been
made about 75 B. C.

Aided by slaves and unions Spartacus dealt many hard
blows to Rome, showing himself a brave general and a
genius, exceedingly humane for his age. Dissensions and
jealousies among his followers probably resulted in his
undoing. After many notable victories that terrified Rome
from 74 to 70 B. C., Spartacus and most of his men were
slaughtered in a battle unwisely forced into by his restless
followers. Six thousand of his men escaped, but they were
captured and crucified along the Appian Way. Workingmen
were then persecuted with great severity until the doctrines
of Christ came to teach the brotherhood of man.

Florus says Spartacus died like a Roman emperor, killing
scores and falling with his body so completely cut to shreds
that it was never identified. The Romans then gave no
quarter, but killed sixty thousand workingmen "who died
in a defeat that caused the chains of labor to be more
securely riveted for ages. "

STRIKES IN THE UNITED STATES.

In the year 1881 there were 471 strikes in the United States,
and in 1900 there were 1779. Between the years 1881 and 1900
there were 22,793 strikes. During this era the strikes ordered
by labor organizations culminated thus: Succeeded, 52.86 per
cent; partly succeeded, 13.60 per cent; failed, 33.54 per cent.
Of the strikes not ordered, 55.39 per cent failed. — Census
Report «.

The history of strikes during the last half century has
accentuated four facts: (1) The losses to the strikers have
been much exaggerated. The permanent gain from a successful
strike often outweighs the temporary loss of all strikes, in-
cluding the failures. The real injury is the disarrangement
of industry and its effect on the consumer. (2) With the
growth of unionism there has been a distinct improvement in
the conduct of strikes. Violence and bloodshed are now less
common than formerly. (3) The oldest unions approve of
strikes only as a last resort. * * * Unionism has been
on the whole a conservative force. (4) The outcome of a strike
is largely dependent on the state of public opinion, and the
strike itself is no longer held to be a matter of private concern
between the employer and the workmen. The coal strike of

HISTORIC STRIKES 9

1902 was won, and the New York Subway strike of 1905 was
lost, almost entirely because the issues were so clear that the
general public sentiment favored the strikers in the one case
and opposed them in the other. — Professor Seligman, of Co-
lumbia University, pages 439 and 44O of Principles of Economics.

OF THE many thousands of strikes that have disturbed
the public peace of the United States, or parts of it,
within the last thirty years, only a few have been of that
far-reaching character and general scope to warrant their
classification as of historic importance.

Though it is common to hear all sorts of predictions of
general revolution, if one chances to be in the vortex of a
local labor storm, the truth is that the thousand or two
strikes that embroil employers and employees each year
throughout the United States are mostly of local signifi-
cance, though they may show the existence of a widespread
economic disease.

Glancing rapidly at old strikes in America, that of the
bakers of New York, in 1741, is probably the oldest of which
we have any record. It was followed by disturbances of
some importance in Philadelphia, in 1796, and again in 1798.
The shoemakers were the workers involved, and they called
their battle a 'turnout.' This strike lasted ten weeks; it
was for an increase of wages, and it was partly successful.

One of the most notable of the early strikes was that of
the sailors. It occurred in New York in 1803. The sailors
marched and forced others to join them in their demand for
more pay. They were pursued by constables, arrested, and
lodged in jail. Their strike failed.

In 1805 the shoemakers of Philadelphia went on a six
weeks' strike for increased wages. Though they were prose-
cuted for conspiracy, there is no record of their conviction,
and there is evidence that they won their point.

In November, 1809, the cordwainers of New York struck,
and for the first time the disturbance was called a strike,
They were defeated. It was they who invented the word
'scab/ which they then applied to non-union men.

During 1817 at Medford, Massachusetts, Thacher
Magoun, a shipbuilder, precipitated a strike by abolishing
the grog privilege from his shipyard. "No rum" signs
were plastered all over his works, whereupon the men re-
belled, but they finally gave in, and a ship was finished with-
out the use of liquor. This is probably the first strike and

10 HISTORIC STRIKES

the last ever instituted for reasons that would please a
prohibitionist.

The year 1835 was fairly free from labor troubles, though
five hundred mechanics in Boston struck for a ten-hour day,
as did a few hundred men in a score of mills at Paterson,
New Jersey.

The stonecutters of New York struck during the same
year for an increase of wages, and for regulation of piece-
work. It is interesting to note that during this time the
merchants of Schuylkill pledged themselves to employ no
laborers except such as would agree to work from sunrise
until sunset. During the same year there was a strike in the
Philadelphia coal yards. About this time several branches
of workmen in Philadelphia marched the streets with ban-
ners, demanding that they be compelled to work "from six
to six only."

About this period there were various strikes, some suc-
cessful, of carpenters, tinplate and sheetiron workers, cord-
wainers, tailors, tailoresses, bookbinders, folders, and others.
The master bookbinders resolved to increase women's wages
to $3 a week, declaring less than that sum "inhuman and
oppressive. ' '

There was no time or inclination for strikes during the
Civil War, but from 1870 on to 1877 there was considerable
trouble. Coal miners, railroad employees, and others, strove
hard to get more pay.

Carroll D. Wright, late United States Commissioner of
Labor, found that there were 1741 strikes and lockouts
between the years 1741 and 1880. Of that number only 316
succeeded. One hundred and fifty-four were compromised,
and 583 completely failed. In 438 cases reports are not to
be obtained. In 1089 cases the contention was over wages.
In 1880 there were 610 strikes, but prior to that there had
not been to exceed eighty or ninety a year. Mr. Wright
thinks that statistics will show, when finally compiled, that
there has been a decrease in the total number of strikes
during the years following 1900.

The First Great Modern Strike.

The first of modern historic strikes was one of momentous
importance and serious culmination. It was on the Balti-
more and Ohio Railroad, at Martinsburg, West Virginia,
and news of its progress caused great alarm in the public

HISTORIC STRIKES 11

mind, for the many outrages of the anarchistic organization
known as the " Molly Maguires," in the anthracite coal
regions of Pennsylvania, had caused many persons to fear
that the Molly Maguires, working in secret with deadly
purpose, meant to kill the rich, destroy property, and bring
about ' ' the dreadful equality of the unequal. ' ' The Maguires
had been very active in the perpetration of tragedies during
the late sixties. In fact, however, the Molly Maguires never
started an open strike. They were terrorists and des-
peradoes.

Coming back to the first historic strike — that on the
Baltimore and Ohio system — the immediate cause of the
trouble was a cut of ten per cent in wages, coupled with
irregular employment, long runs, the separation of men from
their families by having ' layoffs' at inconvenient, expensive,
and distant points, and some other grievances, such as with-
holding men's pay for three or four months. It is easy to
imagine the bitterness that such abuses engendered.

The state militia at Martinsburg and Pittsburg sympa-
thized with and refused to fire on the strikers. At Cincin-
nati, Toledo, St. Louis, Syracuse, Buffalo, Chicago, and else-
where there were riots. This strike wore itself out, but
better conditions followed for both employer and employee.

Another remarkable strike was that on the Pennsylvania
Railroad in 1877. After the panic of 1873 the road reduced
wages, and again in June, 1877. The employees of the roads
having terminals at Pittsburg formed the Trainmen's Union
and decided to strike at noon, June 27. Though it involved
many roads and branches, the storm center was at Allegheny
City and Pittsburg. Owing to poor organization and the
work of a traitor who informed the Company what the men
were doing, this strike did not become a very bloody one.
On July 19, however, the storm broke in earnest. Though
the trainmen engaging were not authorized by the Train-
men's Union, and though that organization was not to blame,
yet the mobs increased, the strikers increasing in number
and violence. On the 20th .of July they had reached to the
number of five thousand, and on the 21st they gave battle
to the troops of Pennsylvania infantry. The guns of the
militia were seized, the bayonets twisted off, and the troops
did not have any power over the mobs. Twenty-two persons
were killed by shots, stones, or volleys from the troops.

12 HISTORIC STRIKES

When the troops rested for food the mobs formed again,
and as the rioters had by that time broken into gun stores
and armed themselves they were prepared for an earnest
fight. Cars were burned, the roundhouse was set on fire,
and a field-piece was obtained by the mob. Attacks were
frequent until the 23d. Despite the soldiers and a citizens'
committee cars were fired, thugs and thieves fell in line as
camp-followers, and before the end was in sight sixteen
hundred cars, one hundred and twenty-six locomotives, and
all the shops and buildings of the Company had been de-
stroyed. Tracks were torn up or ruined by fire. The damage
reached $5,000,000, and a judgment for $3,592,789 was
rendered against the county of Allegheny. The last of this
debt was paid by the county in 1906.

The Telegraphers' Battle.

The next great strike was a quiet one compared with the
one just described. It was the revolt of the telegraphers, in
1883. The men wanted the cessation of Sunday work with-
out pay, wanted eight-hour days, and the equalization of
pay between men and women. A demand was also made
for increase of wages. This strike failed, lasting from July
19 to August 23, and the employees lost a quarter of a million
dollars.

The Gould-System Strike.

In 1885 and 1886 there was a great strike on the South-
western or Gould System of railways. The first outbreak
was at Sedalia, Missouri, March 7, 1885, but on the 17th of
March work was resumed.

In March, 1886, the Knights of Labor ordered a strike
on the Gould System because a foreman prominent in the
order had been discharged. For nearly a month the business
of the road was paralyzed, and the strike was declared off.
The Company would not thereafter treat with its men,
except individually. The strike was therefore renewed on
April 5, but its backbone had been broken, the public was
not with the men, and they lost.

Homesteaders Kill Pinkertons.

The next great battle was in July, 1892, when much
trouble arose between the Carnegie Steel Company and its
men at Homestead, Pennsylvania. No agreement could be
reached regarding wages^ and on June 30 the Company

HISTORIC STRIKES 13

closed its works and discharged its men. The men for the
most part were members of the Amalgamated Association
of Iron and Steel Workers, and though the immediate ques-
tion then at issue involved but a few of the Carnegie work-
men, yet the Amalgamated affiliation caused the trouble.
The union men resolved to prevent the opening of the works
with non-union men.

On July 4 the union men prevented the sheriff and his
deputies from guarding the works and aiding non-union men
to work. Later two barges loaded with Pinkerton detectives
approached on the Ohio River. The strikers hid behind
piles of steel billets, from which they fired on the detectives
and prevented them from landing. Though armed with
Winchester rifles, the Pinkertons were prevented from land-
ing. They were again and again driven to their boats, many
being killed. This was on July 5.

On July 6 the strikers, having obtained a brass cannon,
commanded the barges. Another force of a thousand
strikers got a cannon and took up a position on the opposite
side of the river, where a breastwork of railroad ties was
thrown up. The boats were fired on for hours, but they
were protected by steel plates, and many barrels of oil were
thrown into the river in an attempt to fire the boats. The
Pinkertons waved a flag of truce and surrendered. Seven
Pinkertons had been killed, twenty-three wounded. On their
march through the streets, after surrender, the survivors of
the Pinkertons were treated with much abuse.

On July 10 the Governor sent the entire force of the
militia to Homestead, and on the 12th Homestead was placed
under martial law and peace was restored. Congress investi-
gated the affair, but no legislative action ever resulted. The
strike was not declared off until November, 1892. It was
one of the bitterest of all labor's wars.

The Pullman Strike of 1894.

There is now a general belief among labor leaders that
the great Pullman strike, ordered May 11, 1894, might have
been avoided by the exercise of good judgment. The reason
for this decision is that the original controversy involved
men who were not railway employees, and that the American
E ail way Union, a transitory sort of organization, which had
won a victory over the Great Northern Railroad, erred in
taking the Pullman employees into its membership. It should

14 HISTORIC STRIKES

be said that the A. R. U. did not advise the strike, but it
felt that it had to stand by the local Pullman men in their
battle.

In anticipation of a lockout of the Pullman men the
A. R. U. ordered the strike, boycotted Pullman cars, and
involved the country in a great strike. The American Fed-
eration of Labor refused to order a sympathetic strike, but
the A. R. U. carried on the battle alone, with a great ac-
companiment of riots, murder, and other crimes. United
States troops were here and there on the scene to protect
Federal property, particularly at Chicago. Altogether
nearly fifteen thousand troops were engaged, not to quell
the strike, but to protect property.

The A. R. U. numbered about one hundred and fifty
thousand members during the Pullman strike, and the con-
troversy assumed an intensely bitter form, the Union hold-
ing practically that the public had no rights in the contro-
versy, and that the Union might paralyze business if neces-
sary to maintain its existence. It should here be said that
the courts, not the army, broke this strike, which ceased
about July 15. Injunctions against the strikers were
numerous in the Federal courts.

The railroads lost $5,000,000 in earnings, the strikers at
Pullman, numbering 3100, lost $350,000 in wages, and 100,000
or more employees of roads centering at Chicago lost
$1,500,000 in wages. Bradstreets puts the public loss at
$80,000,000. The A. R. U. attempted to destroy the great
railway brotherhoods in retaliation for their failure to give
aid, but the A. R. U. itself perished, while the brotherhoods
survive, stronger than ever, being recognized and respected
by railroad managers.

The Anthracite Strike.

One of the marvelous results of conciliation is seen in
the anthracite coal strike of 1900, which resulted in an
increase of ten per cent in coal miners' wages. The coal
barons settled for political and business reasons, but felt
sour and vindictive. For these reasons there was good tem-
per for a big battle in 1902, when the United Mine Workers
of America asked for an increase of wages and a decrease
of time. Really there was a deeper grievance. The men
wanted recognition, but the operators were firm in with-
holding it.

HISTORIC STRIKES 15

After many failures, through conferences and otherwise,
one hundred and forty-seven thousand miners threw up their
jobs and were idle from May 12 to October 23, 1902.

The coal mining companies were short $46,000,000 in coal
receipts during the strike, the men lost $25,000,000 in wages,
and $1,800,000 was spent by mine workers throughout the
United States for the relief of their striking brethren. Rail-
road companies probably lost $50,000,000 in freights.

Despite the Union's protest against violence and appeal
for peaceful measures, there were boycotts, murders, and
general violence.

On October 3 President Roosevelt arranged a conference
of the coal barons and the principal officers of the Mine
Workers of America, but nothing definite was done. This
caused great apprehension in business circles, and there was
widespread fear of grave trouble, such as the bread riots
that have often occurred in England.

Suddenly the operators asked the President to appoint a
commission, pledging themselves to abide by its decision.
The union miners, on request of the President, consented to
abide by the award of the Presidential Commission. This
stopped the strike at once, and for five months the Commis-
sion took evidence and heard the parties to the controversy.
The award was finally made and signed by employers and
employees. The agreement was to continue in full force for
three years, and its terms were respected. By getting to-
gether the parties to the controversy learned more about
each other, and better feeling has prevailed ever since.

Colorado Disturbances.

There were severe Colorado disturbances in 1903, involv-
ing four of the fifty-nine counties of the State. There had
been trouble for many years among the miners, and at
Cripple Creek there were great outbreaks in 1903-04. The
miners deported non-union men, and the Citizens' Alliance
retaliated by deporting union men. Murders, boycotts, im-
prisonments, and injunctions followed. During fourteen
years the State spent more than $1,000,000 for military
campaigns to quell riots. The last of these grave troubles
was in June, 1904, but the effects of none of them have
really been of national importance. It is now known that
the most violent and lawless labor-union men in the country

16 HISTORIC STRIKES

infested the Colorado districts, going later to. Nevada to
continue their work of tearing down and disrupting society.

Other Strikes.

Early in 1906 it was seen that the year would be one of
defeat for labor. In the case of the larger strikes the unions
met with grave repulses, because their strikes were unwise,
and in most cases they were not approved by national labor
organizations. Early in the year a six-months' strike in
the Fall River, Massachusetts, cotton mills was settled
through the mediation of Governor Douglas, and later a
second battle was avoided by the raising of operatives '
wages. In March a strike on the Subway and the elevated
roads of New York was easily defeated in six days, as it
was not approved by national organizations of employees,
which have often proved a conservative influence.

Chicago Teamsters.

One of the long, bitter, and disastrous strikes of recent
times was that of the Chicago teamsters, May to July 20, 1905,
which was attended by great violence. It began as a sympa-
thetic strike to aid garment workers who had practically lost
their strike before the teamsters sought to aid them. Nine-
teen persons were killed, and several hundred were wounded
during the battles that accompanied this war. The team-
sters were finally defeated, never having had public approval.
Some persons close to the scene, reporters and other
observers, have said that this was the most foolish, corrupt,
and cruel of recent strikes; others have even charged that
it was managed in the interest of competing companies who
corrupted several labor leaders. Jurors, editors, and inves-
tigators now agree that there was corruption on both sides.
In other strikes at Chicago it has been charged that tho
unions and their employers have now and then combined
to rob the public.

Unions to Remain.

In 1905 President Roosevelt, in his annual message to
Congress, declared for the second time that, in his opinion,
trade-unions have come to stay, and that they must be dealt
with as permanent factors. He recommended legislatioo

HISTORIC STRIKES 17

concerning child labor, the work of women, and germane
matters.

Reduced Efficiency.

Some of the strongest union men are planning to increase
the efficiency of labor. They recognize the fact that every
time a union "lets down the bars" and brings in non-union
competitors, after their surrender, the standard of efficiency
is lowered, and that a union card is no longer what it was
in the old days — a badge of competency. In other words,
the increased union membership, recruited largely from in-
competents of the surrendering 'scab' class, is not the mem-
bership that would come under strict conditions in times of
industrial peace.

Elements of Weakness.

There are several practices that make for weakness in
labor organizations, one of the principal ones being the
limitation of apprentices. In seeking to prevent a surplus
of journeymen in the various trades, unions curtail the
number of those who are permitted to learn trades. If a
young man wants to learn this or that trade he is confronted
by prohibitory rules that forbid the teaching of more than
a limited number of apprentices, wherefore the cry that
unions of foreigners prevent American youth from master-
ing trades. In some quarters this feature has alienated
many citizens from sympathy with unionism.

In Pittsburg a few years ago it was discovered that a
mechanic who insisted on doing practically as much work
in eight hours as he had formerly done in nine was "knocked
in the head" and otherwise assaulted until he agreed to
curtail his output. Many similar instances have been
reported, lately a case in Oakland, California. It is the
opinion of some of the shrewdest union men that the barring
of American youth from the opportunities of life, and the
tyrannical curtailment of work, coupled with the growing
inefficiency of union men, sound the death knell of the union-
ism of to-day. Others, among them students of marked
ability, foresee a reformation of abuses and the strengthen-
ing rather than the disintegration of unionism.

Recent Decisions.

In some recent English cases, and in one celebrated case
in Connecticut, individual members of unions were sued

18 HISTORIC STRIKES

with the union as an organization for damages inflicted by
violent strikers. Heavy judgments were rendered and
enforced against the defendants. It is the opinion of Carroll
D. Wright that such cases will act as deterrent forces, modi-
fying both the number and severity of strikes. Some of the
more conservative union leaders believe the decisions have
been a benefit to their cause, tending to correct abuses and
prevent violence.

Noted Settlements.

Vice-president Baldwin, of the Southern Railway (1895),
treated with the six thousand employees operating over the
four thousand miles of the system. The men were growing
weary of the reduction of wages that had been in force
since 1893. After conferring for some days, examining
receipts and expenses, and investigating all the facts sub-
mitted by Vice-president Baldwin, the men were entirely
satisfied, and there was no strike. Some little points of
friction were adjusted, and conciliation left all parties feel-
ing friendly. Capitalists recognized Baldwin's ability and
gave him the presidency of a vast enterprise, and labor has
since built a monument to his memory. His far-sighted
policy, coupled with high ideals along the line of the Golden
Rule, furnish a wonderful object-lesson for the emulation
of other captains and privates of industry.

Former Mayor Abram S. Hewitt, of New York, was
once met by his men from the ' works/ which had been run-
ning at a loss. Wages had not been satisfactory for a long
time, and the men were chafing under a reduction of ten
per cent, therefore they demanded more money.

"Boys, send in an auditor and examine our books/' said
the Mayor, and they did so. The result was they withdrew
their demand, and offered to stand a further cut of ten
per cent, but Mr. Hewitt rejected the invitation. The old
Mayor used to laugh, after that, and say, ' ' Do you think
you could get up a strike in our works now?" His policy,
like Baldwin's, resulted in industrial peace and "good
understanding" thereafter.

Strikes to End.

Carroll D. Wright, for many years United States Com-
missioner of Labor, and a careful student of every phase
of industrial troubles, says he realizes that the era of strikes

HISTORIC STRIKES 19

is passing away, or will pass away, adding: "I believe that
the good sense of the workingmen of this country, co-operat-
ing with the good sense and wisdom of the employers of
labor, will see to it that strikes do not occur and that the
public is not inconvenienced. All strikes are uneconomic in
their results, but the strike problem can not be solved by
courts, by laws, by military force, or by any drastic
measure. ' '

Light Ahead.

A study of the evolution of industry, a growth always
accompanied by the multiplication of trades that demand
culture, gives hope of a brighter industrial future than most
men ever picture.

Poverty is no new thing. It was old at ancient Nippur,
and Nippur was old almost ten thousand years before
Christ. Coming to modern eras and conditions, one need
do no more than read Macaulay's "History of England " for
vivid and accurate accounts of the pauperism and famine
that confronted our ancestors.

The history of human vocations, according to Doctor
William T. Harris, late United States commissioner of
education, goes back to a time when men were miserable
slaves whose total energies were required to wrest from
nature their subsistence. There was a time' when ninety-
nine per cent of the men were absolutely compelled to
struggle for food, which consisted largely of fish and game,
or to manufacture rude clothing and other primary creature-
comforts for themselves and those immediately dependent
on them. To-day a large portion of the world's workers
are adding the element of beauty to that which was pri-
marily merely useful. Many others minister to the moral
and intellectual wants of the race. Man will be emancipated
from the slavery of harsh industrial conditions some day,
but not until human invention and power of combination
shall reach the point where machinery can produce a plenti-
fulness of the necessaries of life at a very low cost. Then
there will be less slavery, less intense devotion to pursuits
that render men and women mere machines. When that day
comes the race will demand more workmen of a high degree
of culture in the higher vocations. In other words, the
future human race, the type of man now in process of
growth, will evolve some day into a more perfect being, a

20 HISTORIC STRIKES

creature of more complex wants, and he will need the assist-
ance of his fellows in esthetic pursuits for which there will
be adequate remuneration. The improved race will demand
more artists, more scientists, more musicians, and
others, in complex and unforseen . pursuits wherein
they will serve the ends of culture. All the avail-
able nooks and crannies of nature will some day be explored
by the new man, the man whose ancestors are now warped
by narrow manual pursuits, who are now the mere grooms
or attendants of machines, or of their more greedy and suc-
cessful fellow men. These arts open the gates of a bright
future, and promise to make men free; but a continual
readjustment of vocations is in progress, and all laborers
who are mere l hands7 must work at a continually growing
disadvantage.

Dr. Harris puts the case in a forcible way, bringing his
keen analysis to bear on the problem. According to him,
the progress of the world in inventions necessitates a con-
stant, and sometimes abrupt, ascent of mere hand labor into
intelligent directive power.

Higher Vocations.

The ruder pursuits minister directly to the satisfaction of
the wants of food and the coarser forms of clothing and
shelter. The higher vocations relate to the satisfaction of
man's spiritual wants, and the supply of means for luxury
and amusement. The number of persons required in these
higher spheres, especially in the production of articles of
luxury and of ornamental goods, is increasing rapidly. In
the United States and Great Britain five in a hundred
laborers are actually pursuing vocations that have for their
object the addition of ornament to what is already useful,
or the direct ministration to culture in some form. When
the ratio is reversed and only five in a hundred are needed
to provide the crude necessary articles of consumption, and
the remnant of society may devote itself to the higher order
of occupations — then the economic problem will be solved.

The trend of social history, according to the eminent
expounder of Hegel — Doctor Harris — now becomes apparent,,
in the light of man's destiny. It is not merely the emanci-
pation of man from thralldom to nature. The plentiful
supply of his material wants would be only a curse if there
did not remain a high state of activity in the work for the

HISTORIC STRIKES 21

spiritual perfection of man. In the civilization of to-morrow
it is apparent that there will be a higher average of educa-
tion, and a greater activity in the fields of honorable achieve-
ment along the lines of rational endeavor, than to-day.
Without such exertion we should be no better than the lazy
tribes of the tropics.

Everybody wants food, clothing, and other creature-
comforts; all want articles of luxury, means of protection,
and the ministry of culture, each in proportion to his degree
of civilization. The new demands must call for services of
the cultured along these higher lines.

Machinery a Blessing.

The more application of machinery the fewer laborers are
needed in the departments where a narrow or special educa-
tion will suffice, and the more the laborer is required to
have a general and humane culture. This doctrine contains
the cheering gospel of final emancipation from drudgery.
The only condition attached to it is that all shall be edu-
cated, and this condition is indeed the best part of the
gospel. It makes it the business of society and of every
member of it to see that each and all are educated. It
becomes the interest of the selfish man as well as the ideal
of enlightened philanthropy to have each member of society
so intelligent that he can find his proper vocation, his place
of labor in the higher order of cultured human occupations.
To be able to do only by hand what a machine can do, is to
be a pauper, is to work at a continually increasing disad-
vantage. Invention makes obsolete the skill of previous
generations — of immediately preceding years, even — and
those who are too ignorant, too poor, or too old to readjust
their employments and learn new trades are not able to earn
a living.

Production Increases.

We are each year increasing our capacity as producers.
Machinery is manufacturing more and more of the things
which supply man's manifold wants. The manual-labor
problem will be largely solved when the majority shall be
excused from the arts of production, and when only a few
persons, comparatively, shall be required in those manual
handicrafts that create the ruder necessaries, which bring
forth the products of everyday life. As before indicated,

22 HISTORIC STRIKES

the world's workers will then be called into fields of greater
intellectual and spiritual activity.

A few years ago we read of the destruction of this and
that machine by angry peasants in Europe, and by farm
laborers in America; yet there is no greater error abroad
than the common one which assumes that machinery has
supplanted human labor. Machinery is not the enemy of the
laboring man. Its grand work has scarcely more than begun,
yet it has brought many benefits to the laborer. It has
already raised the scale of living, by decreasing the cost of
manufactures, and it makes necessary the employment of
far more workers than were employed before its advent.
Countless thousands of men and women are now engaged
in useful industries, industries that were unknown before the
era of machines. Let us resort to facts: The census of the
United States for 1880 shows that 185 per cent more people
were employed in manufactures in 1880 than in 1850, and
that they were employed at an increase of 300 per cent in
wages. To be specific, there were 957,059 persons employed,
in 1850, as against 2,732,595, in 1880. They received $236,-
755,464, as wages, against $947,953,795, in 1880. During
that era the population did not keep pace with the marvelous
increase of wages, for it scarcely more than doubled.

Let any person who doubts these facts, or who fails to
comprehend them in their abstract and somewhat repellant
statistical form, consider some of the marked advances in
the economic progress of the world. The revelations in this
line are striking indeed. Almost every invention made in
modern times has called for the manufacture' of machinery,
which, being completed, has required a large number of
mechanics to operate it. The world is full of trades formerly
unknown, alive with the busy hum of marvelous industries
unseen by our forefathers. I submit a few of the trades
that have benefited mankind by enlarging the sphere of
activities for men and women alike, by giving employment
to a vast army of workers. The reader will doubtless be able
to add largely to my list, but the following outline shows
how trades have been multiplying during a few generations:
Chemical, nautical, and astronomical instruments, spinning
and weaving of all kinds, from delicate fabrics of silk, et
cetera, to carpets and heavier textiles, improvements in cut-
lery manufacture, fire-arms, musical instruments, steam-

HISTORIC STRIKES 23

boats, steamships, railroad trains and railroad machinery,
paper manufactures of all kinds, marvelous printing and
lithographing presses and machinery, telegraph and its allied
industries, electrical machines, including telephones and pho-
nographs, typewriting machines, gas machinery, clocks, many
marvelous forms of the spinning jenny, power looms, bolt,
nut, and nail works, wood-working machinery, great bridges
1 and other structures of the new era, photography and allied
arts, sewing machines, boot and shoe-making machines, infinite
iron and metal processes, hydraulic and mining machinery,
scores of agricultural inventions that have changed the face
of nature — and thousands of machines that were absolutely
undreamed of in the old days of ox teams and hand power.

It is a far cry from the days of beacon-lights on the
hillsides of colonial America to the wireless telegraph on
ships and mountains, from the pony express of our western
frontier to the modern automobile and vestibuled railroad
trains, but every turn of the great wheel of progress is along
the lines indicated in the foregoing analysis.

PART II.

Fundamentals

OF

Street-car Control

BEING A DISCUSSION OF

The Legal and Economic Principles

of Public Service as Applied

to Rail Highways

-BY-
LEIGH H. IRVINE

CROWN PUBLISHING COMPANY

26 Clay Street

SAN FRANCISCO

— 1907 —

Reprinted from "SIXTY MILLION SLAVES," Copyright 1888, LEIGH H.
IRVINE, and from the San Francisco Trade Journal, by permission of
The Calkins Newspaper Syndicate.

FUNDAMENTALS OF STREET-CAR CONTROL

EXPLANATORY.

This argument was made by me two decades ago, though
the reader might be led to believe that it was inspired by the
present .street-car strike in San Francisco.

Twenty years ago, in Kansas City, Mo., I was a law part-
ner of Frank P. Blair, now an eminent Chicago attorney.
In connection with Mr. Blair and Judge Ashby, of Omaha,
Nebraska, I made a thorough study of the railway problem
in its legal and economic aspects. That study, then, pursued
for more than two years, led me to conclude that ownership
of the highway — the track itself — should be vested in the
government, and that the ownership and operation of cars
fall within the province of private industry. Inherently a
highway, or an exclusive franchise for its use, should never
be the subject of monopoly. The years intervening have
served to confirm me in the opinion originally formed.

My views were set forth in detail in a series of lectures
that were published in book form in 1888, under the title,
" Sixty Million Slaves; a Lawyer's Plea for the People. "
Some economists and several public men of note indorsed
the deductions as sound and practical, and the late M. J.
Becker, chief civil engineer of the Panhandle System, pro-
nounced the plan of a joint operation of trains over a public
track a practical scheme; in fact, there were several compa-
nies operating over a long track near Columbus, Ohio, at
the time, and each company was simply leasing the right of
way over the road with the privilege of using it at specified
times in conjunction with other companies.

The substance of the .argument that follows is from
i ' Sixty Million Slaves ' J and from an address delivered before
the University Extension Club at Sacramento in 1898. As
the discussion covers fundamental problems, it is, with some
additions, apropos of the present situation in San Francisco.

LEIGH H. IRVINE.
26 Clay Street, San Francisco, May 20, 1907.

FUNDAMENTALS OP STREET-CAR CONTROL 3

UNDER modern social conditions strikes, boycotts, lock-
outs, and other economic diseases are multiplying with
increasing frequency. Federations of labor on the one
hand and great combinations of capital on the other dis-
courage the middleman, disarrange industry, and plunge
society into bitter strifes.

Though the courts originally regarded strikes as unlawful
conspiracies they now grant not only the right to strike, but
to employ pickets. One result of such decisions is that
strikes are now conducted as great industrial wars, being
directed by national commanders.

While these signs of social maladjustment multiply, the
class struggle predicted and agitated by socialists seems to
come closer every day. Thoughtful men who are neither
millionaires, labor agitators, nor socialists naturally begin
to ask where this strife is to end. The stern capitalist of
courage may call for state militia or Federal troops when the
public peace is overthrown, for example, during a street-car
strike, and a president of the determination of a Cleveland,
ignoring an Altgeld's gubernatorial protest, protects Chi-
cago's street-cars by sending an escort of Uncle Sam's sol-
diers. Thereupon the socialists and the public ownership
party demand municipal ownership, and with every new
strike there is renewed discussion. Thousands of writers and
speakers travel over the old roads that lead nowhere, and
each outbreak finds the problem as far from solution as ever.
Must the strife always continue? Must the remedy forever
remain a mystery?

Not Socialism.

I agree with Professor Seligman, of Columbia University,
that it is possible to advocate government ownership — espe-
cially municipal ownership — of some forms of property,
without incurring the imputation of socialism; and if the
right line of demarkation is drawn there is a field for public
ownership, in co-operation with private industry in the opera-

i of street-cars in cities. It is my purpose to analyze the
uestion of public ownership as applied to the street-car

4 FUNDAMENTALS OF STREET-CAR CONTROL

problem, and to show that the public ownership of the high-
way itself, as distinguished from the public ownership and
operation of the cars, is consistent with the modern system
of industry, now conducted along the conservative and recog-
nized lines of individualism. In other words, a city may
justly own the iron highways within its territory, may also
own the power plants by which cars are moved, and may
charge track toll and power rentals to competing operating
companies, all this without interfering with the rights of
private capital, and without overthrowing the present
economic system of industry. This distinction preserves the
rights of all classes, and overcomes the objection that munici-
pal operation would involve the hiring of a vast army of
men.

It is now generally recognized by economists that govern-
ment may "properly do what the private individual can not
do, will not do, and ought not to do." [Seligman.] The
private ownership of any kind of a highway, the exclusive
use of that which of right belongs to the public, this comes
fairly within the limitation of what private individuals and
corporations ought not to do.

Railroads Are Highways.

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided sev-
eral times, as have the supreme courts of many states, that
railways are public highways. In the case of the Pensacola
Telegraph Company (96 U. S., page 1), Chief Justice Waite
held that government has the undoubted "power to make
a government monopoly of the management of railways and
the telegraph, and to appropriate to its use the existing
lines of both."

Under the law of eminent domain private property must,
under the compelling force of public demand, be surrendered,
after just compensation, for the benefit of the majority.
Every person who has ever seen a condemnation jury at
work knows what may be accomplished when a railroad com-
pany, in its quasi public character, needs a man's farm for
its switch yards.

FUNDAMENTALS OF STREET-CAR CONTROL O

In some of the earlier legal battles defendants who op-
posed the right of railways to condemn their lands argued
that railroads were private ways because they were so
operated that none but their owners could use them, and be-
cause every vehicle not owned by the company was barred
from the railroad; but the courts have uniformly held that
railroads are public highways whose privileges are granted
for a time to companies, subject, always, to the superior
rights of the public; and that if railroads do not exist by
public necessity the titles by which the companies hold
many of their franchises can be set aside as absolutely null
and void. Judge Jere Black announced this doctrine with
singular force and clearness.

Though the cases cited pertain largely to interstate
railroads, the principle and the reasoning apply with even
greater logic to the case of street railways in modern cities,
where interruptions of traffic by the ill-arranged affairs of
private owners inflict sharp and disastrous inconvenience
and losses upon the public.

Highways Belong to All.

Highways are of great antiquity. They existed in an-
cient Egypt, in Peru, and in Ceylon, where they reached a
high degree of perfection. In Judges we find accounts of
highways and by-ways, and Rome's Via Aurelia and Flam-
minian Way are as famous as the military roads of Caesar 's
day. Alexander von Humboldt speaks of the marvelous
roads of the Incas, mountain highways over the Andes, con-
structed by forgotten generations. But whether we read of
ancient highways in India, or of those described
in Exodus or in the annals of excavated Troy, or
even of the appearance on the highway of the chariot built
by Erichthonius at Athens 1486 years before Christ, we find
one condition — that highways were always owned by the
people, and from the earliest times (down to the invention
of the railroad) both civilized and savage men have always
guarded their highways from private ownership. Whether
a bridlepath or a chariot way, the road always remained

6 FUNDAMENTALS OF STREET-CAR CONTROL

the heritage of the multitude. Men of all races, in all ages,
have had the right to pass and repass over the public thor-
oughfares, which have been open to men, women, and chil-
dren whether walking, driving, or riding. Horses, mules,
asses, oxen, camels, elephants, dromedaries, reindeer, Arctic
dogs, and even African ostriches ridden by jet black own-
ers, have been free to travel over the highway, as free as
the snow-skaters of Lapland or Holland, as free as an
Oriental palanquin bearer or a modern chauffeur racing
through the highways of an American city. With the ad-
vent of railroads the public was ruled off the track. Then
began our monopolies and our strikes, interrupting land loco-
motion with modern vehicles.

A study of the history of highways shows that a com-
prehensive definition characterizes them as such modifica-
tions of the surface of the earth as will enable it fitly to
receive that vehicle furnished by the civilization of the era.
The path of a nomad and the steel rails of a modern trolley
system are inherently a free means of land locomotion. The
franchises and special privileges granted to owners of steel
highways mark the first overthrow of the right of the public
to use the roads. It is interesting in this connection to note
that the first charters issued to American railroads made it
plain that the exclusive, right to own and operate trains on
the highways was denied. The selling of exclusive fran-
chises was a later invention of the money kings who made
the railroad era of modern civilization in America.

Public Must Own the Track.

The restoration of the highway to the public is the remedy
for the evils that come from strikes, because the track is
the key that enables the owners of street-car lines to lock
out the public and dictate the terms under which men will
be hired to operate cars. Take the track from the magnate,
and the giant that makes it possible to block our commerce
while he fights with unions is tied and helpless. Abolish
private ownership of the rail highway, permit the operation
of cars by competing companies, and the problem is solved.

FUNDAMENTALS OF STREET-CAR CONTROL 7

It is clear by all the legal authorities that in temporarily
abandoning their right to build railways the state govern-
ments merely delegate to their transient agents — the railway
companies — the right to carry on a great public necessity.
By parity of reasoning we may substitute city for state,
street -railway for steam railway, and argue that the fre-
quency of strikes and the paralysis of industry by the stop-
ping of street-car service justify the condemnation of the
street-car tracks, wires, and power houses under the law of
eminent domain. That step once taken nobody could ever
again bar the public from its right of locomotion in modern
vehicles, over modern highways.

The fact that private companies have bought our high-
ways in almost every American city is an evidence that
public officers have never clearly understood that cities
might have declined to go into the business of operating
street-cars and still have retained the absolute right to say
who shall operate them, and that none shall prevent their
operation so long as anybody owns a car. Even if it be
deemed wise to limit the general use of tracks to one or two
companies, the right to allow almost unrestricted access dur-
ing emergencies should always be retained by the public.

The character of the railway is such as to make it im-
practicable for everybody to run his own vehicle thereon,
but it is possible to permit a limited number of operating
companies to compete over a track owned by the public; it
is possible to say that no highway shall ever be sold to
anybody or permitted to earn money for any corporation.
To preserve the freedom of the masses the highways of
every character must be as remote from private ownership
as were the wagon roads over which the pioneers crossed
the continent in '49. The track itself must forever remain
free from the clutch of monopoly.

-20

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