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Full text of "Structure and organization of the Communist Party of the United States. Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-seventh Congress, first session. November 20, 21 and 22, 1961"

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JUL LJ --^ 







NOVEMBER 20, 21, AND 22, 1961 

Printed for the use of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities 










NOVEMBER 20, 21, AND 22, 1961 

Printed for the use of the 
Oommittee on Un-American Activities 

83743 WASHINGTON : 1962 


United States House of Representatives 
FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 



EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana DONALD O. BRUCE, Indiana 


Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Director 

Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 

John C. Walsh, Co-cmmsel 

Qwenn Lewis, Administratire Assistant 



(Documents appearing in this Appendix were introduced during the proceedings 

printed in Part 1 of these hearings) 

Witnesses and exhibit numbers: Testimony Exhibit 

Francis J. McNamara (Committee exhibits) : page No. page No. 

14 600, 609, 615 730-734 

16 602,622 7."5-739 

17 602 740,741 

21 622 747-750 

26 669 831-836 

28 674 837-853 

30 709 927,928 

31 710 929-933 

32 710 934-938 

Leon Nelson: 

4 589 713,714 

5 591 715-724 

6 595 725,726 

7 596 727 

8 596 728,729 

Robert Friedman: 

1 609 742,743 

2 611 744-746 

Homer B. Chase: 

3 640,646 751-753 

4... 649 754-756 

Alexander Bittelman: 

1 652 757,758 

4 654, 655 759, 760 

5 656 761-780 

6 657,683 781-812 

8 ______ 657 813-816 

9 658 817-826 

11 _ _ 662 827-829 

13 663 830 

Abraham B. Magil: 

4 680 854 

5 _ 680 855 

8 _ 683 856-858 

9 _ 683 859-863 

10 _ _ . 687 864-869 

11 687 870 

12 687 871 

14 689 872 

15^a - 689 873,874 

15-b- 689 875 

15-c _ - 689 876 

16 690 877-881 

17 . ___ 691 882,883 

19 694 884,885 

20 _ . 694 886-888 

21 _ 696 889-893 

23 _ 698 894, 895 

24 699 896-903 

25 _ - 699 904-906 

26 ' ' 700 907-911 

27 _ 700 912,913 

28 700 914-917 
29 703 918,919 

30 " ' > 704 920-924 

31 _ 704 925 

33"""im.IIII""IIIim 705 926 

Index. _ i 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946]; 60 Stat. 
812, which provides: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 


17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the jurisdic- 
tion of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of 
the Government. 


House Resolution 8, January 3, 1061 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 

^p 'r ^y ^r ^F T ^ 

(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in 
any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necesijary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the comniittee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that purpose, 
shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the agencies 
in the executive branch of the Government. 




Nelson Exhibit No. 4 

Page 2 D«iW Worker, New York, TMrnj. Iwie », 1»56 

Communist Leaders 
Hold 3 - Day Meet 

A regular meeting of the NatHXial Committee of the 
Communist Party took place June 22, 23 and 24 at the na- 
tional offices of the CP, lOl West 16 Strcefc 

Eugeoe Denois, geiterktl secre-' Z ', 

tary, presided over the meeting, adopted the next day by iinani- 
it was anoouoced. mom vote and was released to 

The first day was ilevoted to * the press Stmday afternoon. 
report bv Beniamin ]. Davis on The third dav was devoted to 
aspects of the movement lor Ne- an examination of party org^iza- 
po rights. The report assessed tion questions. A report was given 
the gams of the Negro people by Leon Nelson, New York state 
and affirmed the possibihty for organizational secretarv, dealing 
wmaiDg full equality by »he Ne- with problems of part v (uganization 
^•people througli peaceful and in New York. The report was t.)l- 
democratk- means. lowed by a prelimuiary survey of 

^^ "°*!l*^^ ^ ^ ^tlL"." prDbkans of shop and Industrial or- 
gianty » the Negro "a^^f;;" ' ^^^ nationally, by Hal 

!^T*T »L ^IITk* r? . Sknon. The report of Nelin wUl 
NorAto the South that th» ^^^ p^K,bed sUtly in the party's 
moven^t IS bemg led by so,Kb- ^^£^^j discussion bufletia 

IZr^^^ '' h . ''"■"\Y'''''"'^ During the three days, the lu- 

rTJ^^K. 1 MH.t,erners tio„al tr^ union commission ct)n- 

fviLh^^"^ "" the ol ferml wit hrepresentatives from the 

ttie white masses are taking place, _. . _i S\. » ' ^ u. 

he said. Davis warned of tl.e ^f '^*^. ^'',,^^'^f ^ 

grov^ih of the While Citi/cns *t«»wol!f'* "",**** ^^^ '^ '^"" 

Councils and their penetration iiito "*J^ iS!? «h- «™ • • „ 
c«^Hv^r,r ^f »i. 1 L » The politicau action comnussion 

sections ot the ut>or movement. •., . *T„r < ^^.i .. i. 

4f»^, 1- „i J- J hkewjse tonierred with the dis- 

Atter lively disoission and »-,. . j »• i ^- 

«nf«« r^r^R^f I u tncts represented cm the election 

.^«r^^ '^r ",r sit^tion in their »>rioui ttato, 

5S^ T^", ,1^ Ur^ ^r^ ' subco,nmiU«. to «t up pro- 

_- J committee*. The chairmen and 

Ihc second day was devoted to secretaries of the committees are 

• discussion of a rh-aft vtatement a, follows: 
on questions related to tltc special 

report of Khrushchev, .^fter <-oi)- . ^ 

siderable disciusion, a committee Resolution on political situation 

was elected to edit' the draft and a"<^ perspectives: Chainrun, Gene 

incorporate suggestions made at Dcraiis; secretary,, James Jackson, 
the meeting. The final draft was. Constitution committee: Chair- 



Nelson Exhibit Xo. 4 — Continued 

man, Qande Lightfoot; lecretary, 
John Gates. 

Platform conamittee: Chainnan, 
Williain ' Si^iedennan, secretary, 
Albert Bhunberg. 

Resolution on Negro liberation 
struggles: Chainnan, Benjamin J. 
Davis.; secretary, George Blake 

Labor resolution: Chairman, Carl 
Winter; secretary, Hal Simon. 

The chjinnan and secretary of 

the committee on personnel and of 
the committee on officers' reports 
will be announced after oonsulta- 
(ioa with the districts. Farm, youth, 
and convention arrangements com- 
miUees will be set up at the Sep- 
tember national committee meet- 
ing. All districts are urged to send 
in their suggestions on \'arious 
questions for incorporation in the 
resolutions, eta, to tl)e apprc^riate 
committee at the national office. 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 
Party Voice, July 1956, pp. S-8 

The Status oi Our Party 

(Excerpts from a report by the State 
organizational secretary on the New 
York State organization, given to the 
Sfational Committee.) 

I\ 1 F-IK (ourse of discussions dur- 
ing ifie |)ast number of months, an 
often raised tjuestion goes along the 
lines of *" would we have such a re- 
view today if not for the 20th Con- 
grew I believe yes, we would have 
the need for such an agonizing reap- 
praisal of ihe Party's work. We have 
been drifting deeper and deeper into 
a crisis, not like anything we have 
evci experienced in the Party's past 
history. This arises frovn the fact that 
the American scene is much different 
to<la\ from what it has been during 
tli« height of McCarthyism and the 
Korean war or in any other {leriod of 
the histon. of our Party. Yet, our iso- 
lation roniinues unabated. 

What are some of these new devel- 
opments that we can take note of? 

1. McCarthy has been defeated and 
McCartiiyisin is going. 

2. Gei;eva has taken place and the 
relaxation of war tensions is felt in 
every . home. 

3. Struggles of the Negro masses are 
at the highest p>oint we have known 
since reconstruction days. 

4. A mass united labor movement 
exists totlay with big plans. Some are 
already being put into practice. 

5. Rising moods of struggle among 
the workers to defend and extend 
theii ((onomic standards. 

The <>I)jettive conditions today are 
favorable for our Party to work and 
brcome part of these tremendous 
developments. Yet, why haven't we? 
I believe in this question lies the na- 

ture of our crisis. Also to be con- 
sidered are: 

1 . "Where are we and where are the 

2. How do the people view the 
Communist Party and the participa- 
tion of Communists in these move- 

On top of all of this there is no 
doubt but that the 20th Congress 
and the revelations of Stalin which 
flowed from this Congress and the 2nd 
Khrushchev report sharply aggravated 
an ah-eady bad situation and has 
added a moral crisis in the Party. In- 
cidentally, constant changes in the 
leadership of the national center and 
lack of coordination nationally on in- 
dustrial and organizational questions 
have been most harmful. Am I con- 
cluding that our Party is disintegrat- 
ing, that there is no hope? Nol We 
are still the largest single p>arty for 
socialism in the U.S. There does exist 
prestige in some circles of the country 
for the courage of our Party and its 
historic contributions. There are 
many Communist members in trade 
unions in positions of influence in 
the mass movement. But what is the 
state of affairs in the Party today, 
at least as I find it? 

In New York we have just com- 
pleted our Party registration for a 2- 
year f>eriod. Here are some p>eriinent 
facts that this registration presents: 

1. Over the last 10 years we I'utve 
lost more than two-thirds of our mem- 
t)ership. . . . 

2. Of our present membership one- 
third aie industrial workers. 

3. No more than 50-55 per cent 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Continued 

attend meetings even on irregular 

4. No more than 20-30 per cent en- 
gage in sustained activities. 

5. Our Party keeps getting older 
—two-thirds of our present member- 
ship are over 40 years old. with no 
recruiting taking place. 

6. Our dues payments have been 
from fair to good with an 85 per cent 
dues payment of the year 1955 for the 
state as a whole, and 62 per cent for 
the first 5 months of 1956. 

Now I would like to address myself 
to the question of why these looee 
and why the low perctntage of parti- 

1. Objective coriuit^oTLx. Then; is no 
question hut ihat the attacks leveled 
against our Party in tiie first. instance 
and the nation as a whole has been 
tlie greatest single reason that af- 
fected Negro and white membcf«hip 
of the Party, our working dan aad 
middlr class comrades, every social 
stiaij of our Party. Fe.*r of deporta- 
tion, firing, indictment, expuSsiiaa 
from unions, was compounded by 
their isolation. These people tn the 
main remain friendly. We fend that 
many of these former comrades have 
found their form of participation d 

struggles through their shop, their un 
ion or mass orj^^anization, but refui^ 
a formal organized relationship *i 
Partv membership. Our sights rn^at 
be constantly directed at these far- 
mer comrades, not necessarily fc««»» 
the view[»oint of hrmging them hmk 
to the Partv Ihm.iuw if that aiflfic a 
our reavjn toi ilie relatiooship. I 
believe that at this point we will fail. 
We should encourage every section 
and club to remain in regular contact 
with these people and attempt to in- 
volve them in activities. 

2. Our mistakes. Now turning to 
the area of our weaknesses, it is my 
judgment that the Left sectarian ad- 
venturist errors of our Party in shops 
and unions, in electoral work, in Ne 
gro work, in mass work generally con- 
tributed greatly to the position of iscH 
lation we find ourselves in today. 

a. Many, many hundreds were ex- 
pelled unjustly, thereby also weaken- 
ing confidence of thousands who re- 
mained in the Party. 

b. Many instances of comrades in 
shops who stepped out (pushed out 
by adventurous policies of leader- 
ship) on different policy questions 
and then were cut down either by the 
boss or the union leadership, found 
themselves expelled from unions and 
many time? thrown out of a job. 
This, too, had its effect on those who 
observed what happened and still re- 
mained on the job. 

c. For "secuiiiy reasoiis,' we also 
dropped a few thousand members, 
and so exaggerated the fascist danger 
by this and other security measures, 
that we acmally menaced the contin- 
ued existence of our Party. 

d. Losses of Negro membership- 
it has been severe, mainly due to the 
same objective conditions that af- 
fected the Party as a whole. But the 
Left sectarian errors in the Party had 
its particular affect on the Negro 
membership. In the Negro commu- 
nities, we were way out in "left field" 
in every conceivable "left center." 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Continued 

Our particular estimates of work in 
the established organizations of the 
Negro people as well as our estimate 
of "all class unity" vs. "working class 
hegemony" playeti havoc with our 
Party's work. All of this harmed our 
ability to give leadership to our mem- 
bers in the new rising moods of strug- 
gle that at that time were already de- 
veloping. We contributed further to 
this by gross distortions in the fight 
against white chauvinism in the Par- 
tv. This tended to create an unreal 
estimate of rampant white chauvin- 
ism in the Party. What Negro would 
want to associate with such a Party? 
This line also had the effect of firing 
up the "nationalism" of many won- 
derful Negro comrades in such a dis- 
torted manner that a numK^r finally 
left the Party, declaring white chau- 
vinism drove them out. I do not 
doubt thst some left the Party be- 
cause of a particular white chauvinist 
occurrence. This is by far the small- 
est feature of the total problem. 

Now the problem facing us is what 
has been happening to the remaining 

Progress in f he Ftgkt for 
A Moss Policy 

We have gone a long way in cor- 
recting and overcoming our Left sec- 
tarian errors and developing a basis 
cf influence and overcoming thi" se- 
vere isolation thst ronfronted us after 
'he 1952 elections. For three and a 
half years., since th* presentation of 
the drait rcsoir <on by the National 
Con ra: 'let, *ve have been in a con- 
stanc idsfolc^cal and practical strug- 
gle to anchor our membership in the 
trade union and the mass movement, 
and to develop as the mam emphasis 
of work of all party committees mass 
work through the people's organiza- 
tions. What have been the results? 

We estimate that one-third of our 
community membership now have ties 
with masses of people in the mass 
movements. It has already proven a 

most correct and successful direction 
for the entire party membership, ex- 
pressed in the contributions that many 
of our comrades have made as a re- 
sult of their activity: 

1. The anti-\fcCarthy struggles of 
!954 and 1955. Here we stayed out of 
the movement because the liberals said 

they agreed with McCarthy's aims, 
but not his methods. When we en- 
tered the anti-McCarthy movement, 
we were able to help it in a modest 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Continued 

2. Many new experiences of Negro 
and white unity ha« flowed from the 
mass movement in which our com- 
rades have made important contri- 
butions, particularly around the May 
17ih celebrations of the Supreme 
Court decisions on desegregation, both 
in 1955 and 1956, in the struggles 
around Till, and generally aid to the 
new level of developments in the 
South. New high leveb of Negro- 
white relations have been reached, 
especially between the NAACP and 
labor and other mass organizations. 
The garment center rally, many AJC 
rallies, the Garden meeting, are a 
few examples. 

3. New recognition in our Party 
for the building of the Negro peo- 
ple's organizations. Through our in- 
fluence workers have done outstand- 
ing work in building the NAACP 
in the unions. 

4. . Political action-where labor 

commiuees have begun to play a part 

in Congressional elections. 

5. Israel question. 

For many years in the past, we had 
a wrong line on Israel. We did not 
appreciate and understand the deep 
feeling of the Jewish people concern- 
ing the Middle East and the con- 
tinued independent existence of the 
State of Israel. 

If we have been able to l>ring our 
line to conform with the feelings 
of the Jewish people, it's a reso): of 
the influence on the Party of thoae 
comrades active in the Jewish mas* 

6. Greater number of industrial 
membership activw in union commit- 

We have overcome the feeling that 
many of our people had after our 
spliu with union leaders, that we 
could not function in the union chan- 
nels. Our people have once again be- 
come active in the union committees 
and organizations. 

7. A new experienced cadre is aris- 
ing in the Party. A cadre trained and 

experienced in the appreciation of 
the applicadon of correct uc;ical 
measures in the fight for general pol- 
icy. These comrades are developing 
new enthusiasm and peTsp>ectives as 
Party members. They should be 
given a greater voice in th* policy- 
making bodies of our Party. 

8. Industrial Results. The main em- 
phasis of our work in our Party in 
New York in regards to industrial 
work has been placed upon the work- 
ers in the industry, not on the de- 
velopment of outside concentrators 
who have a limited contribution to 
make, or shop paper distribution. 
The imporunt feature is that we have 
a Party organization in the industry, 
not one looking in from the outside. 

During these last few years, hun- 
dreds of comrades a^^eciating the 
importance of induipisd work and in 
agreement with the objectives of the 
Party in New^ork to btiild the Party 
in industry undertook to become in- 

dustrial wojkers. We can say today 
that we have Sm established Party 
organization in every major indusury 
in our state. They have already made 
m*dest or significant contributions 
to ihe workers in their economic and 
poliiAoal struggles in their shops and 
unions. ' This direction has also bene- 
fited us in rebuilding the Party 
Amongst old-timers in many of these 
industries who had drifted from the 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Continued 

Party but who now saw new interests 
on the part of our Party to do in- 
dustrial work by infusing "new 

This ha; had a ttimulating efiEect 
on the general work of the Party 
upstate where new experienced cadre 
were introduced into the general work 
of the Party and have improved die 
Party's mass work a great deal. 


The policy of masj work is a correct 
one and pays off. We muse have the 
necessary patience and ccMiifidence in 
the estimates of the comrades viio are 
today in the mass movement Owe ob- 
jectives should be, after the sununer 
months, to reinvigorate the campaign 
in our Party to convince additional 
hundreds to become more active in 
their natural people's organizations 
and trade union movement. 

Wliy haven't we been able to con- 
vince even a larger number to become 
active in the mass movement? I ymnt 
to discount from this a large number 
of older Jewish and other language 
group comrades, many of whom 
are doing fine work in their Left-led 
organizations and should be encour- 
aged to stay and build it. But what 
about the larger number? We still 
have with us some small pockets of 
continuing resistance to the fight for 
a mass policy. These comrades pre- 
sent themselves as active and vocal 
fighters "from the left." The argu- 
ments usually run along these Hnes: 
We liquidated the Party by giving up 
left centers. We cannot depend on 
Negro "reformists," etc., etc 

But for the mass of uncommitted 
membership, the^ problem is some- 
what different. It stems in my opinion 
from a basic lack of confidence in the 
masses and th:* ability of our policy 
-^i^y to unite and win masses, ther>> 

lore these comrades figure, "I'll sit it 
out and see what haj^ns." 

Another area of this problem 
which I believe is one that we have 

yet to fully appreciate, are the grMtly 
exaggerated objectives undertaken 
by the National Committee and our 
State Committee in regard to mass 
work and organizational objectives. 

1. This was dramatically expressed 
in our 1954 election policy, where 
we undertook objectives fai^ beyond 
the capacity of our Party, such as io 
help get 50,000 votes for the A.L.P., 
to inspire the defeat of the Dewey Ad- 
ministration, the defeat of certain 
reactionary McCarthyite congressmen 
and the re-election of New Deal type 
of congressmen, plus the Flynn cam* 
paign. It was not within our capacity 
tc do all this and it is true that the 
Flynn caxr paign. while an important 
objective in the '54 election, tended 
to crowd out thos major objectives— 
the defeat of the Republican adminis- 
tration and the most Reactionary Mo- 
Ca ^'lyite congressman in the state of 
New York. 

2. ^.nances— the size of out fund 
drives and the time that it takes to 
complete them is creating undue 
hardships on our membership and 
weakens the ability of our Party to 
engage more consistently in the fight 
on major political questions. Three- 
quarters of our total budget is spent 
on the following three items: Admin- 
istration which includes wages to full- 
timers, support to the Daily Worker 
and Party defense. 



Nelson EIxhibit No. 5 — Continued 

These toul expenditures are an iin> 
possible load for our Party member- 
ship to icarry. We must consider many 
drastic cuts in the full-time staff in the 
state and in the counties to the barest 
minimum and learn to increase (he 
•Mai participation in the work of the 
Party amongst non-full time com- 

5. These exaggerated objectives 
plus many others that can t>e listed 
do not take into accoimt the real 
status of our Party and tend to dis- 
tract and divert us from the main line 
of emphasis of our Party work which 
is to, and through, the established 
mass movements. 

4. In all these questions the main 
stumbling block, in our attempt to 
push out on to the field of mass work 
had been the lack of a basic review 
on a number of important policy ques- 
tion^ such as: 

a. A review of the economic situa- 
tion in this country. 

b. Industrial work. 
c Negro question. 

d. The war and fascist danger. 
And I would now add two new 

questions that flow from the discus- 
Hons of the 20th Congress and are 
now making the rounds in our own 

e. Form and structure of our Party 
—Party democracy. 

f. Socialist perspectives, U.S.A. 

We have been somewhat drifting 
into change; change is good, but 
drifting is not satisfactory'. It is not 
•uftcient in the fight to win the mem- 
bership to a full appreciation of the 
enors in each specific area of work. 
Also, it is not being lost on the mem- 
bership that there are important dif- 
ferences in the leadership on the spe- 
cifics in each field of work. The lead- 
ership is not writing and the mem- 
bership is questioning. This tends to 
create a new problem— a moral prob- 
lem amongst the membership in re- 
. gards to its leadership. 

form oa<f Sfracfar* 

1. How are policy making bodies 
constituted today? In most instances 
on a state level they are made up 
almost exclusively of full time func- 
tionaries. The exclusion from 
polky-making bodies of trade union 
cadre and conu"ades from the mass 
movement has been a distortion 
that has developed in our work. This 
has created the condition where some 
of the most competent and able com- 
rades who have the closest links to the 
masses of people have not been in-, 
volved in the decisive work of policy 
making bodies. Therefore, we must 
conclude that we must put an end to 
this practice and bring about the 
fullest combination of functionaries 
plus trade union and mass f>eople on 
all j>olicy-making bodies, starting 
with the national leadership and down 
to section committees. 

2. Political initiative and decen- 
tralization. In regard to this question 
we should more clearly state what is 
a prop)er relationship between the 
state and the counties and the counties 
to the section. Because all too often in 
the past we have found that the state 
in its relationship to lower bodies 
has stifled local initiative, that is, the 
proper application of general jxjlicy 
to the specific conditions in every lo- 
cality. I believe that in the state or- 
ganization and similarly in the coun- 
ties the following should be a gen- 
eral guide for proper political rela- 

a. To give leadership on overall 
political questions. 

b. To adhere firmly to the specific 

c. Whatever differences may arise in" 
regards to policy to be fought out in 
the respective lower bodies and not by 
small staff or secretariats. 

In other words, specific p>olicy to 
be made by each particular sector of 
our Party. We can relate today that 
in the overwhelming majority of in-[. 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Continued 

stances in the industrial part of our 
organization, policy for a particular 
industry is made by the comrades in 
that particular industry. This has 

brought about a general improvement 
in our overall industrial work. 

8. In the course of the last few 
months stimulated by the discussions 
flowing from the 20th Congress a num* 
ber of new questions have been pro- 
jected into the discussion, such as: 

a. Is it. correct and do we need 
a monolithic Party today? 

b. Should our Party affairs be gov- 
erned bv democratic centralism? 

c. What is meant by a new party 
of socialism? 

wars and revolutions. 

b. A Party operatmg in a country 
with a long established history of 
democratic organizations and desBO- 
cratic practices. 

c. Democratic processes are burned 
deep into our p>eople even thougL 
not yet fully available to the Negro 
people or other minorities. 

MonoZ/rbfe Sfru^Jar^ 

In my judgment this is not synony- 
mous vvith democratic form. Mon<^ 
iithic structure for a party organiza- 
tion clashes with demoaatic practicxa. 
For example, when a higher body 

I believe these are valid and legiti- 
mate questions for examination. Let 
me add my views. 

I. We did take lock, stock and bar- 
rel, Lenin's "What Is To Be Done," 
for building an American MarxiK 
Communist Party. In other words 
we have been attempting to construct 
Lenin's valid concept for his time 
and country for a communist party 
on the .American scene. 

a. I'hat is a party not faced by 

concludes on some question o£ policy 
and then prepares to discua such a 
policy with a lower body, the prin- 
ciple objective must be that through 
such discussions such policy questions 
would be either enriched, modified or 
changed. But this has not been the 
practice of relationships of higher 
bodies to lower bodies in the Party. 
This style of work creates rigidity and 
a high degree of formalism in the 
acceptance of decisions. 



Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Continued 

D*moerof)e C«nfrollsni 

We need majority rule and those 
features of centralism that express 
themselves in the minority carrying 
out the rule, that is the decisions of 
the majority. But also with this we 
need the fullest airing of differences, 
so that the full process of the develofv- 
ment of "thought" is presented to the 
membership, thereby giving the mem- 
bership the ability at all times to prop- 
erly assess its leadership, to recall im- 
p>roper leadership and at election time 
to properly select the leadership— 6)i 
the record. 

Further, by majority rule I mean 
the fullest expression of democratic 
rule. We should be a model of such 
procedure. That means living by our 
adopted constitution, even though I 
believe a proper assessment of this 
constitution will p>rove that there is 
much' to be changed to provide great- 
er guarantees for democratic practices 
in our Party. We did not abide by 
the Constitution in the imjsermissible 
way in which the membership dues a 
few years ago were increased in the 
most unilateral, autocratic method, 
or the way people are put into posts 
and never elected by the membership, 
and a hundred and one other 
itutances of lack of democratic pro- 
cedure in our Party. 

N*w Party 

Formally, we have many legal ave- 
nues for struggle. We should take 
full advantage of all of them. Prac- 
tically, though, we arc "illegal"' in the 
shops, in the mass movement and 
among the masses generally. There 
are literally only handfuls of commu- 
nists even in a big city like New 
York who are in {Kwitions to identify 
themselves as communists to their 
neighbors or fellow workers without 
suffering undemocratic persecution. 
This brings me to the question of how 
clubs function in upetate cities or 

even in New York City. Upstate we 
have shop clubs, a few industrial 
clubs and community clubs. All the 
community clubs are functional clubs. 
The entire party upstate is forced to 
function as if it were illegal. It is true 
many party members are known as 
"left wingers," but to identify them- 
selves any further would jeopardize 
their jobs, homes, etc. In the shop 
clubs where our comrades are doing 
good work in the general economic 
struggles in the shops or on the job 
and at times find the of>portunity to 
advance general fK)litical questiofis, 
they find no opportunity to identify 
themselves as Communists. To do so 
would mean immediate dismissal, 
sometimes from the union, most times 
from the job itself. In a discussion 
held with groups of these comrades 
only recently in testing out whether 
they could identify themselves as Com- 
munists, the immediate reaction was 
"What arc you, crazy?" These ques- 
tions are furthest from the minds of 
these most valuable, wonderful com- 
rades. They are well insulated, mak- 
ing friends, generally advancing the 
line of the Party and everything 
seems fine, except when you probe 
the question comes out, "how long 
can you keep up an existence like 
this?" In another industry close to 75 
comrades were interviewed. Not one 
contact could these comrades turn 
up, although iliey are fully involved 
and are able to involve others in 
greater participation for the program 
and activities of their union. 

In another upstate city, after a group 
of workers were dumped out of their 
shop (after a McCarthy-typ>e hear- 
ing), their wives who were members 
of a community organization, were 
brought up on charges for expulsion. 
This is the nature of things, u{>state 
generally and industry sp>ecifically. 
It is somewhat different in New York 
City but not a helluva lot. In the 
shops except for one or 2 industries 
it is the same as the rest of the state. 



Nelson Exhibit No. 


In the mass movement, you cannot 
proclaim yourself a Communist, 
much as you would like to. Ex- 
pulsion would be automatic, and 
thereby create a disruption of nor- 
mal relationships, with ndghbon 
and friends. (There are one 
or two exceptions to thii genera] 
situation.) So, we have functional clubs 
in New York City as well. They work 
and tliey should be encouraged and 
increased. We also have community 
clubs made up of the remaining mem- 
bership. In the main these comrades 
do not belong to a mass organization. 
I described the problem earlier in 
this report. We have attem{>ted to 
give these clubs a particular coaoen> 
tration to do mass work, and ako 
carry out tasks around the indepen* 
dent role of the Party. These are tht 
clubs unfortunately that are flouJMi- 
ering because these comrades as aU 
others are not able to identify them- 
selves, and worse, are not yet ready 
to work through the mass movement 
and join the general struggles for 
democratic advance. 

So, in one way or another, the prol>- 
lem presented here is a general oae 
for the entire party. I believe that 
this problem, particularly for our 
trade union comrades, does not alone 
arise out of present day conditioai. 
There is no doubt that the attacks on 
our Party, the ability -of the bour- 
geoisie to pin the "big lie" on us, 
plus the 20th Congress revelatiotis on 
Stalin have aggravated our situation. 
But this was pretty much so in the 
best days of the 30's. We have had 
very few Communist spokesmen in 
leadership of the trade union or mass 

Therefore, it seems to me we must 
take a much more fundamental look 
at this problem. 

Now, to turn to the question raised 
in the Dennis report— the reorganiza- 
tion of our Party on a new and 
broader basis. I want to present a 
few ideas in searching out the direc- 

tion towards a new mass party for so- 
cialism, U.SA. 

1. Basically it must {N'esent itself 
in a legal and acceptable form that 
can unite with much larger numbers 
of non-communist but sodalist-minded 
workers, farmers and Negro fteople. 
The national leadership should be 
able to present a number of such possi- 
bilities by the time of the National 

2. To open up public discussion 
in our ranks now on new ideas of 
democratic structure for our Party. 

S. To cast off to positions of greater 
independence of policy and public 
expression from positions we have 
held in the past in regard to our re- 
lationship to the Soviet Union and 
other lands of- Socialism. The new 
posi|ion should be along the lines 
of those expressed first by the Daily 
Worker and now by the Italian, 
French and British parties. Our com- 
rades look up)on the Daily Worker 
with new pride, for its courage and 
boldness in leading the movement in 
the direction of this new, necessary 

This can go a long way towards 
destroying the false charge of "foreign 
agents" hurled at our Party since its» 
very inception, and if boldly grasped 
cair lay the proper foundation for 
unity of socialist-minded workers for 
a new party of socialism. 

When the Draft Resolution ajv 
peared three years ago, we took stock 
of our Party. Its isolation showed us 
we were in a crisis. We launched 
then a fight against left sectarianism* 
and for a mass policy, as the way out 
of this crisis. 

Aided by the Draft Resolution, the 
Swift articles, the Draft Program, 
and lately by the Dennis and Schrank 
ref)orts, we have made significant 
progress, as this report tries to show. 

This estimate that Left-sectarian- 
ism is the main danger in our Party 
still holds up. The fight a^nst it 
must continue. 


Nelson Exhibit No. 5 — Coutinued 



Nelson Exhibit No. ii 

Daily Workff, New York, Friday, Junr 7. I9.>7 

Page 3 

Slate CP Officers 

Officers of tfie New York State 
CommitlfC of the Communist 
Part\- ut'ie elected at the group's 
last iTieetiiig, it was annoimced 
yesterday at party headquarters, 
23 VV. 26th St. 

Officers named included former 
City C^ouiicilman Benjamin J. Dav- 

Other officers are George Walt, 
orgaiii/.ation .secretary; William Al- 
berlson. labor .secretiuy, and Wil- 
liam Weiijstone. educatiorial di- 
rector. Ihe posts of secretary of 
Negro affairs and secretary of pub- 
lic affairs wilf he filled at the next 
meeting. A State boaid of 23 



This will be the former Council-- Davis was one of the 1 1 Commu- 
man's Brst return to City Hall since nist national leaders convicted mi- 
lie emerged from .serving a five- der the thought-control kw in 
vear term under the Smith Ac<. 1949. 

is as chairman and George Blake 
Cliariipy as Slate secretary. The 
post of District Organizer, here- 
toltire viewer! as the leading office, 
was almlihfcl. Davis and Charney 
will sli.ire eriiia! revponsihility in 
the leadership of the partv. 

members was also elected to con- 
duct tho affairs of the organiza- 
tion between the bi-monthly meet- 
ings of llie 6()-memi)er committee. 
Since these were no opposing 
candidates, all officers were elected 
by acclamatioit with from one to 



Xei.son Kx III bit No. Ci — Continued 

five voUs opixwing. Prior to the 
elections. Clhaniey and Davis 
stressed the need for a representa- 
tive leadership ;uid for iirnling the 
party hased on the decisions of the 
recent f6th National ConnnnnLst 
Party convention. Tliis position 
was supported hv the over whelm- 
ing majority of those present. 

Prior to the elections a report on 
civil rights was presented by 
Davis. lie descriheil tlie recent 
Pilgrimage of Prayer in Washinc;. 
ton on May 17 as the' most sig- 
nigc-ant event in the history of 
the fi.«?ht for civil riglits since the 
Civil War." 

Following Davis' rejxirt tl»e 
State Committee voted to press 
its support for the civil lights bills 
iM)w pending in Congress and to 
-actively participate in the cam- 
IXiigns to conlbat discrimination in 
housing, education, emploviuent 
etc. in our o\\^l city and State. 

The State Committee iinani- 
mou.sly endorsed tlie Brown-Shar- 
kev - Isaacs anli - discrim!?)ati<»!i 
hoiisini' bill now before the Citv 
(Council and iiisigned Da, is to 
present the views of tlie Coininn- 
nist Party at the hearings sched 
ulcd for tomorrow. 



Nelson Exhibit No. 7 
'New York Times, March 8, 1958, p. 34 


Charney, Watt and Lawrence 
Protest Pro-Soviet Line 

Three officials of the* New 
York State Communist party 
have resigned their posts in pro- 
test against the pro-Soviet party 
line adopted last month. 

Those resigning are George 
Blake Chamey, New York Com- 
munist party executive secre- 
tary; Georg« Watt, organization 
secretary, and William Law- 
rence, treasurer. 

William Albertson was elect- 
ed state secretary. The office 
replaces the positions fom^erly 
occupied by Mr. Chamey and 
Mr. Watt. 

All three officials who re- 
signed have been identified with 
the rightist Communist faction, 
formerly headed by John Gates 
before he left the Communist 
party. The Commimist party na- 
tional committee last month en- 
dorsed the Moscow Declaration, 
issued by the Soviet Union and 
eleven other ruling Communist 
parties. The declaration laid 
down strategy to be followed by 
Communists throughout the 
world. Its endorsement by the 
Communist party in this coun- 
try was Interpreted as giving 
party control to the pro-Soviet 
faction headed by William Z. 
Foster and Benjamin J. Davis. 



Nelson Exhibit No. 8 

n Y. State CP Adepts 
Pregnm en Ketesskui 

New York Communiflt.s wiH center their attention •» 
problems facing the state's workingclass as a reauH of th« 
deveiopini: economic recession, according to decisions r«ac^• 
ed at a state committee 


meeting last weekend. 

The committee heard reports 
from Esther Cantor on unem- 
ployment in the state; from state 
chairman Benjamin J. Davis on 
the Party's recent national com- 
mittee ipeeting; and from Wil- 
liam AFbertson, who presented 
a program of concentration and 
action to the committee. The re- 
ports were ae^pted. 

Three administrative officers 
of the state committee submits 
ted their resii^nation from the 
state staff and exectrtive board. 
Georgre Blake Chamey relinqnish- 
•d his post* as executive seere* 
tary; George Watt as organiza- 
tiMi secreUry. and William Law. 
rente as treastrrer. In a joint 
statement read by Charaey, they 
declared that tlheir fundamental 
differences with the policy dl- 
Mction of the national and state 
cemmittMs, and their belief that 
these bodies had reversed the de« 
o^ons of last year's national 
^Oi»v»ntion, made it impoesiMe 
for them to function effec4tfv«ly 
as state officer*. Their resigna- 
tions were accepted after each 
addressed the meeting. 

Albertson, state labor secre- 
tary, was elected state secretary, 
combining the posts lefO open 

by Charoey and WatL A com- 
mittse was named to review the 
stete^s leadersblp structure and 
to make racommendatiwns re- 
^rding both the set-up and 

Two violations adopted by tha 
national Amunittee at ita Feb- 
ruary meeting were accepted by 
tha rtate connnittea. One dealt 
with tha Comuunist Party's g:en- 
aral direction and perspectives. 
Tha otdier denounced the vi«w8 
expressed in th« recent reak^na- 
tion from the Party of iohr'i 
Gates, former t»ditor of the Daily 

In presenting these resolutions 
In his report, Davis declared 
thay were a "taming point" in 
the Party^B Ufa. He denied they 
ware in any sense a reversal o# 
the Party's national convention, 
but represented a departure from 
the manner in which the con- 
TMitiort had been interpreted by 
sotoM former national and state 
officers. He maintained the reso- 
lutions wcra an extension of tho 
convention decisions. 

economy and on partly prorgam, 
Esther Cantor and Aibertson 



Nelson Exhibit No. S — Continued 

presented proposals designed to 
cushion the effects of Ohe re- 
cession upon the workingclas4. 
These include: 

• National appropriations oif 
a billion dollars annually tot 
pnblic hooaingr; five billions for 
•c^ool eonstruction, teacherii' 

salaries and other edveatkyfl 
needs; and other large-aeai* so- 
cial welfare grants in i^ae* al 
arms appropriations. 

• Elimination of trad* bai*» 
riers with the Soviet Union, Ckk» 
na and other socialist; lands. 

• Increase minimum w«g« *• 
$1.50 and reduce hours to M * 

• Raising ta^ exemptions t4 
$2,000 per couple and flOOO for 
each dependent. 

• Liberalization of unemploy- 
mei)t insurance in New Ifoxk 
through raising maximum pay »• 
|54; addad payments for depaai* 
ants; increasing duralrion «C etij^ 
Hulity requirements. 

• Expansion of state and tttf 
spending programs for bouainf 
education and other pubKe 


• Expansion of the relief pi«> 
gram so as to prevent furtbar 
deterioratnon of standaxM^ bmA 
to liberalize these standards. 

All three reporters noted Chat 
the retfession was felt espeebdl/ 
sharply among the Negro awl 
Puerto Rican workers in Kew 
York, and t^at this required 8p«* 
cial consideration both by tte 
authorities and the Party. 

Albertson also advuaamd • 
comprehensive concentratioB poli- 
cy for the Party, with major at>- 
tention to key industries, and to 
Nero and Puerto Rican workers 
in specific neighborhoods and 
industries. Re also endorsed th« 
ciirrent drive for election of a 
Negro U.S. SenatJor from New 
York in I9S8, and urged tils as 
a major proj^ for the Party. 



Committee Exhibit No. 14 
Party Voice, June 1956, cover sheet and pp. 25, 26 

JIM, 1956 

NO. J 






Committee Exhibit No. 14 — Continued 

Toward An 
American Form 


T'D LIKE to take as the starting 
■^ fKjint for my comments the criti- 
cal mention, in Max Weiss' report to 
the recent national committee meet- 
ing of the Communist Party, of the 
phenomenon he calls "the summary" 
(or, as some people say, the summa- 

We're all familiar with the summa 
fion. A meeting takes plate. A re- 
port is delivered; perhaps by the lead- 
er of the group, j^erhaps by a repre- 
sentative of a high body. Contro- 
versy over the report may be sharp. 
It may evoke proposals contradic- 
tory to the report and even proposals 
opposed to each other. But after the 
discussion is finished, the rejx>rter 
will "sum up." If he has total recall 
and if he is totally objective, he will 
try to synthesize the discussion, take 
th€ best elements from every side, 
or indicate the approach which seems 
to be the majority view. Or, he will 
merely repeat what he said in the first 
place. In any case, the meeting will 
be left, not with a sense of accom- 
plishment, a Sf>ecific understanding 
of decisions made, responsibilities un 
deftaken, but, at worst, a sterile de- 
bate and at best a general awaieness 
of agreement unsupported by any 
specific action by the participants. 

But why? Why do we do it? The 
answer, one answer at any rate, is 
that we have always done it. When 
we look, as we are now doing, with 

fresh, clear eyes, we see the absurdity, 
even the un-democratic nature of the 
"summation" and the manner in 
which it shifts from tiie entire group 
—on whatever level- to one individual 
—the burden of, in effect, making up 
the group's mind. 

But I would like to pursue the rela- 
tively minor matter of the summa- 
tion to the very nature of the Com- 
munist Party, its procedures, structure 
and methods of work. 

Because personal experience is the 
aptest teacher, I'd like to talk in terms 
of my own experience, although I am 
convinced it parallels the experience 
and observations of many. 

I joined the movement in my late 
teens at the height of the depression 
1 found as hundreds oi thousands 
did, that the i<icas of socialism, the 
militance, dedication and leadership 
of the Communists answered my deep- 
est needs. In a very real sense, the 
Communist Party, l)ecausc it opened 
the door to a better life and a collec- 
tive struggle to great numbers of 
Ameiicans, was and remains tlic most 
democratic iocce in existcuce. 

But, although I had had no long 
experience in other organizations, 
trade union or othei-wise, I quickly 
came to recognize a disparity between 
the methods of work, either already 
existing or fought for by Commu- 
nists and others in otganizations and 



Committee Exhibit No. 14 — Continued 

unions and in the paxtv ui^ani/ation 

In the unemployed organisation to 
which I belonged, I insisted on ele( 
tions, minutes, motions, decisions, 
check-up, majority rule and parlia- 
mentary procrss. In my club, I be 
came increasingly conscious of the ab- 
sence of all this, but decided— not 
unicjuely. no doubt— that it didn't 
matter because all Communists were 
of a single mind, anyhow, and it 
was a waste of time to bother with 
foriys when we shared the higher- 
democracy of common purpose. 

This is not to say that the Party 
has not uftimes struggled against 
bureaucratic methods of work or un- 
democratic processes. It has. But 
what was at the root of these meth- 
ods!' In my opinion we have never 
come to grips with the question. Nor, 
to my knowledge have we ever de- 
finitely resolved for oursehcs the kind 
of party we sought to create or, more 
important, the kind of party that 
could be both socialist in guiding 
principle and cliaracteristically Amen 
can-and palatable to masses nj 
.Americans, in form. 

Whaf 7yp9 of Pariy? 

Why, for instance, did it prove so 
difficult, a few years back, to resolve 
ilie argument between those who 
sought to tighten party membership- 
rt(jiiir(ments and those who sought 
to maintain or relax them? 

Why have we oscillated between 
the (oncept of "dedicated revolution- 
aries" and a broad, flexible move- 
ment wherein membership require- 
ments consist only of acceptance of 
general principles and a readiness to 
icail our literature? Why have we 
aiternatelv, sometimes even simulta- 
neously, ilenianded nightly activity 
Iroiii mcnil>crs or continued as mem- 
\>ers even those who did nothing, 
read nothing, promised nothing? 

I think the answer lies here. We 
swallowed whole the concept of a 
tightlv disciplined, "chain-of-comr 
mand ' type of urganization, ^dopK*^ 
fiom abroad. Because this kind of 
movement was, presumably, necessary 
for a particular country at a particu- 
lar time in its own history, we as- 
sumed that it was preordained as the 
only legitimate type of socialist party 
or organization for us or, for that 
matter, for anybody. 

When life in these United States 
demonstrated that what had been 
effective in Stalin's Russia was not 
necessarily so here, we struggled with 

the practical problem. But we left 
untouched the essence of our prob- 

How to determine on the basis of 
American national differences and po- 
litical realities what kind of party or 
ganization could best attract social- 
ist-minded Americans? 

In the 1930s, as I mentioned ear- 
lier, thousands of young persons like 
me, flocked into the movement. Since 
that period, new generations of 
.American workers have come into the 
trade union movement and other or- 
ganizations. Without idealizing the 



Committee Exhibit No. 14 — Continued 

deinotratjc rharacter of these organi- 
zations, it is still a fact that large 
numbers of \vork.ers have learned 
something about democraiic processes. 
'l"o a greater or lesser degree they have 
had a state of local autonomy, a char- 
acteristic of American organization 
even though it is not everywhere re- 
ligiously tiiaintained. 

Isn't it clfar that to attract Ameri- 
cans such as these, a socialist party 
must offer more, not less, in these 

Democroffc CenfroHsm 

I have read and heard a good deal 
in recent months about the viola- 
tions of "democratic centralism." Vet 
I have seen nowhere any questioning 
of the principle itself. I am not here 
arguing for scrapping it. I don't know 
enough about it, and 1 haven't actu- 
ally seen the principle /uucuoniog 
in t>raflice^ What I do know is that 
Marxism, if it is no dogma, does not 
preclude our taking a hard look at 
democratic centralism or anything 
else to determine— /or oiirsrioes— 
whether it is a first prin( iplc ur just 
something we borroAved heedlessly 
because it woiked somen here else. 
(Although even that presumed suc- 
cess is n(jw in question.) 

I do not sneer at decisions to im- 
prove ways of working. But 1 bclie\c 
we have long underestimateil the im- 
portance of jurms as aids toward the 
fulfillment of our good intentions. 
Some of us used to disparage hour 
geois democratic forms because we 
knew where the body was buried. 
We knew that elections -every four 

years and two thirds' vote to override 
a veto and appeals to courts wore all 
(oiuealments of the essence of power 
—somewhere else, in the billionaires 
who never took office at all. And so 
they were, but they were more than 
that. ,-\nd in the harsh years of Mc- 
Carthyism we began more fully to ap- 
preciate the complexity of this go\ern 
nient and political structure of ours. 

Can it bo denied that an insistence, 
even on the form of regular, annual 
con\entioiis of the .Soviet Communist 
Pai ty, could have served as a check 
on the violations of socialist democ- 

Shouldn't Ave here take a good look 
.u all our organizational forms, in- 
cluding the \iriually lifetime tenure 
of people in official posts? (Nor am 
I personally convinced by the argu- 
ment in this particular connection: 
'Look at the trade unions; their presi 
dents hold office for 50 years and 
more ' -we cannot at the same time lay 
claim to l>eing the most advanced 
and excuse our faults by comparing 
them to the most backward traits of 
others ) 

The point is that a party of scxial- 
ism must, instead of givii^ up the 
forms of liberal democracy, maintain 
them with fidelity and make them 
more meaningful than ever by using 
them to win socialism for and with 
the American people. 

And to do this wc have to use, not 
the mummified methcxis and structure 
and yes, even language we mistakenly 
considered as the essence of Marxism, 
l>ut the fonns that will ring a bell 
with an American wodijer. maKc hun 
say: This is for me. 



Committee Exhibit No. 14— Continued 



Committee Exhibit No. 16 
Party Voice, October 1956, pp. 12-14 

Toward the 
Democratic Reconstruction 

of Our Party 


WE members of an active func- 
tiotiai club in Brooklyn have 
been engaged in a series of discussions 
concerning our party work, over the 
past (fetade. Some of these matters 
have been festering in the party for 
many years; others are new and 
directly related to the impact of the 
«oth Congress. We have conclude<r 
that this })eriod of anger, soul search- 
ing and confusion within the ranks 
of the party can either be the shock 
which clears our eyes and straightens 
our backs or it can result in the 
further deterioration of our organ- 
ization. The time for planning and 
reconstruction is at hand. 

Our discussions have all pointed to 
the conclusion that internal denioc 
racy is the key t6-the future of our 
party. We feel that the correction of 
past' political policies can only take 
place through a democratic organ- 
ization which will insure full mem- 
bership initiative and participation 
Furthermore, we believe that the ulti- 
mate cause of American socialism 
will be injured unless our> party 
recognizes the priority of organiza- 
tional and operational theory at this 


It is certainly true that our party 
and its leaders have suffered great 
moral and political set-backs in re- 
cent years partly because of the over- 
whelming attacks upon us by the rul- 
ing class government and its press. 
But let us clearly recogni/e the fact- 
that we are isolated from the great 
body of the American people largely 
because of our own obsession with 
political dogn^.a as against the evi- 
dence and practice of life. For this 
failure, our leaders must share the 
guilt. It is obvious to us that the 
dogmatic policies of the past cannot 
be interpreted merely as "errors" in 
|x>litnal theory. Nor can they be cor- 
rected by purging the leadership and 
dictating new political theory as was 
the case in 1945. The basic trouble 
with our party, as we see it, is rclatt-d 
to the svsteiu of decitling and testing 
thcoiA in daily poluical practice. It 
is as iiuu h a (jiiestion of form as it is 
of content. It is precisely the bureau- 
(ratic inethcnl of arriving nt policv 
thai lias resulted in the failure and 
blindness of policy. 



Committee Exhibit No. 16 — Continued 

rnle<)S our p.irtv creates the condi- 
nous \\licreb\ its major polirv and 
tartiral decisions arc a product of 
total partv diwussion, and unless 
these decisions are exfjosed to the 
sharjMst kinds of internal review, 
then the decisions will often be wrong 
and the errors will continue and mul 
tiply. We must recognize that dcinoc- 
rac\ is not a sop thrown to the mem- 
bership in ortler to give the illusion 
of j)articipation. Most of all, it is not 
a luxury to l)e tasted only when times 
are goo<l. a somewhat impractical if 
not "bourgeois" ideal. Real working 
deniocracy is the life Jorce of an or 
gani/aiioii which facilitates the selec 
tion ol the very best policies amid the 
struL^'uk- of fatts and alternatives. 



1 host who see the solution to our 
di(h( ulties in the effective liquidation 
of our Marxist organization and the 
creation of a so-called mass scKialist 
organization are not lacing up to the 
problem. In fact they are running 
away from it— backwards. Is not this 
the kind of leftist thinking which has 
isolated the socialists in Amt-rica? 
Either we are correct in stating that 
the major error of recem yeats was 
Left-Sectarianism (and such a mass 
scKialist organization falls within this 
class) or. our current thinking about 
broadening our work in the liberal, 
labor and peoples organizations is 
false and we have learned nothing 
from past exf>erience. 

ihe fact of the matter is that we 
have in our party .in organized source 
of political exfierience and talent on 
all levels which is-unic|ue in America. 
In spite of c^ur mistakes, the Commu 
nist Partv has made substantial con 
tributions to the fight against dis- 
criminaticjn. Mc<Jarih\ism and the 
oiganization of peace sentiment in 
this country. Of these things we may 
l)e proud. "1 o write these assets off 
and "throw the baby out with the 

bath" woidd be completely irres- 
jKjnsihle. It might, in fact, set a truly 
mass socialist movement back for 
many years. 1 his does not mean that 
we cannot think in terms of mutual 
relations with other socialist group- 
ings. This is fine and necessary. How- 
ever, is it not perfectly clear that we 
shall not be acceptable to other so- 
cialist groupings precisely unless we 
begin to show signs o( democratic and 
indc|>en<lent activity? We feel that 
the very process of changing the 
bureaucratic character of our party 
will create new opportunities to reach 
millions of .\mericans including in- 
de[)endent scKialists. 


We have notice<l that our party 
histor\ can be loughly drawn in a 
series ol cvclical crises. We have 
moved from "rij^ht deviationism" to 
"left sectarianism" and back amid the 
fury of recriminations, purges and a 
general <lecline of the membership. 
We can no longer afford to continue 
this pattern of leadership, making 
top-level decisions and then waiting 
for a new crisis to correct them. The 
old bureaucratic ways of determining 
policy are grossly ineHuient and 
costly for two reasons. One, tliey are 
not based upon the exjjeriences of 
the membership, those people who are 
directly in roruact with political real 
ity. And two, they are not tested and 
corrected through membership prac 
tice and so it takes too long, some 
times fatally, until the signal to 
change course gets up the line to the 

In spite of the fact, for example, 
that our trade union policies were 
isolating us and endangering the en- 
tire progressive trade union move- 
ment, this infonnaticm was not passed 
on to the leadership of the party. In 
those cases where it was, nothing 
serious was done to alter the situa- 
tion. Clearly then, these are not mat- 
ters of political content alone but ^re 



Committee Exhibit No. 16 — Ck>ntinued 

a direct result of faulty organi/alion. 
A democratic organization would 
have forced a revision of political 


We list the following failures of 
party operation and organization 
which we feel must be corrected: 

1. There has been insufficient 
membership participation in the de- 
termination and continuous evalua- 
tion of poliry and tactics. 

8. The t(^p leadership has func 
tioned in isolation from the experi 
ence and opinions of the majority 
of the membership. This has U) some 
extent been responsible for ihe isrda- 
tion of the partv as a whole from the 
tempo and thinking of the .American 

3. I hese has been no public ex 
pression of dissent among the mem- 
bers of the National Committee when, 
in fact, it has existed. Policy state- 
ments have always appeared as un- 

4. DifTerences of opinion have 
often been construed as "anti-leader- 
ship tendencies" and outright "devia- 
tionism." Discussion in manv areas 
has taken place in an atmosphere of 
intimidation not conducive to honest 
and critical e\aluation. 

5. Party personnel policies have 
resulted in a bureaucratic framework 
of lca<lership which aggra\ ited the 
situations mentioned above. Middle 
and lower part-time I .aders have too 
frequently been utilized as "errand" 
boys for the full-time functionaries 
and the use of their talents, experi- 
ence and contact with the member- 
ship has been overlooked or minim- 
ized. Our party has been overstaffed 
with paiti luiii tioii.iiic* v\ho gave all 
of tlu'ir riiiiK 'o oiL'-iiu/Jiional work 
aiid tonM*|unitU h.ivt little tune to 
work in the coinmuniiies, shops and 
mass organizations. 1 his has further 

increased the isolation of which we 
have spoken. 

G. The top le.iderbhip teas eujoyeil 
an almost iinliinited leiuiK 111 oHict 
having nc\(.r been <\p<<sed 10 the 
healthful piocess of i kction Iliis 
situalif)n in which leadership is per- 
|>etuated until mistakes of such mag 
nitude force .m einbitteied luinovei 
is part t)l the organi/aiional svsteni 
which moves Irom crisis to crisis. Fur 
thermoie, this kind ol bureancucy is 
bounti to de.iden the urgent sense of 
responsibility to the membership 
which is so iiasic to a democratic or 


Our club submits the following 
proposals intended to act as the basis 
for correcting the failures listed. 

1. .\ system of two-way communi- 
cation between top leadership and the 
iiieinbershij) should i^e established. 
This svstein should facilitate the 

gathering ol inenibership ojjinions 
and proposals with respect to dl si^ 
nificanl c|uc-siions of |)oIi(v. W'ltlun 
the liamework ol a (oiumuous nul 
oigani/ed flow ol inloiin.ilion and 
draft nu'm!)Cisl)ip lesolution. local, 
regional :uul national conventions 
should be held regularlv. I hese con 
\entions should be composed of del 
egates who systematically represent 
the position of the inenibershij) on 
matters oi policv .md principle 

2. Diftcrcnces of opinion among 
national and rcgicmal leadership 
should be fully publicized through 
the partv press and within pait> 
channels of communicaUons. 1 he ics- 
olution of these differences should 
take place within the clubs and at the 
various conventions. 

3. I he right of the membership to 
reopen discussion on any polirv iiKit 
ter considered cjuestionable or uii 



Committee Exhibit No. 16 — CJontinued 

realistic shall be respected. Too 
frequently the concept of "democratic 
centralism" has been taken to mean 
that once a ptolicy decision has been 
made. It must never be questioned as 
J inaitei o( }>artv disriplinc. Certainly 
majority decisions must prevail and 
the practical work of the party should 
not be delayed by continued debate. 
Rut if, after a policy is tested in the- 
conimuiiities, the shops and the mass 
organizations, it is found to be wrong 
th(n the membership should have 
I'very opportunity to discuss this in 
their clubs and transmit proposals' 
for change to ajjpropridte higher or 
i^ans. Leadership should, in fact, en- 
courage the conscious evaluation of 
policy under the conditions of local 
political work. A continuous "feed- 
back" of information concerning 
political p>erformance is an effec- 
tive method of avoiding the crisis-to 
crisis fluctuations which have char- 
ar leri/ed our fxarty operations in past 

•J. We propose that the number ol 
paid functionaries be reduced con- 
siderably and that voluntary part-; 
time workers from the communities! 
and shops be introduced in their' 
place. This is a further effort to elimi-. 
nate the isolation of our party leader- 

5. We propose that the National^ 
("onnnittee be elected by the mcm- 
bershi|i from at least a double slate 
ol candidates. Re-election of officers 
should take place at regular inter- 
vals. Tenure of office should be rc- 
siri(ie<I and certain positions desig- 
nated as single and luultiple-term of- 
fices. The net result of limited ten- 
ure !>hould be the |>eri(xlic and stag- 
gered turnover of all of the leader- 
ship to make r(X)m lor fresh thinking 
and to permit leaders to return to tlie 
niainstreanj of national life. 

<). We propose tliat the periodic 
conventions mentioned earlier be 

utilized as a means of developing 
•nominations for nationwide mem- 
bership elections and that the nomi- 
nations be based upon differences in 
ajj^jroarh to political cjuestions. It is 
fcxilish to claim, as some have, that 
with a scientific theory of p>olitical 
' analysis such as Marxism, there is 
but one correct policy and therefore, 
a single "correct" choice for leader- 
ship. This merely begs the question 

of exactfy bow to determine which 
poUqr and leadership is in fact cor- 
rect It is our-opinion that a collec- 
tive decision is the best method of 
arriving at these conclusions. And 
what is a better collective decision 
than the balloting of thousands of 
alert, well-informed members. 

The oft expressed fear that this 
sort of electoral system is a danger- 
ous fetish, a cumbersome bit of for- 
malism, is both arrogant and inap- 
propriate. It is inapfM-opriate in the 
sense that we Americans have learned 
to use this t(X)l effectively and within 
the framework of our national tradi- 
tions, we have come to resf)ect its po- 
tentialities. Such a view is arrogant 
because beneath it there is the as- 
sumption that collective decisions 
should be limited to the collecfive 
'leaders who are wise and more ex- 
'perienced than all the rest. To this 
we say that the "cult of leadership" 
is no more desirable than the "cult of 


• In conclusion, we would like to em- 
phasize the facf^hat these specific 
;recommendations are most tentative. 
We understand that there are difficul- 
ties involved in many of them but 
we rather view this as an obstacle 
to be overcome rather than a con- 
clusive counter-argument. We feel 
very deeply that the question of in- 
ternal democracy is the key -to our 
political future which will open up 
many new and exciting opF>ortunities 



Committee Exhibit No. 16 — Continued 

to the Party. It is fervently hoped 
that most of the leadership will see 
the sii^nificanre of the general ques- 
tions vx have raised and will throw 
open the doors for complete mem- 
bership discussion. It is further hoped 
that the membership will have an oj> 
portunity to discuss these matters 
prior to the release of any major 
draft resolutions or policy statements 

and certainly well before the National 
Convention next year. 

There is no doubt in our minds 
that the coming convention will 
shape the destiny of our Party for 
many years to come and that Ameri- 
can history will not forgive us if we 
fail to meet the democratic challenge 
of this time. 



Committee Exhibit No. 17 
Party Voice, January 1957, pp. 14, 15 


From a Flatbush, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Club— for the N. Y. State Conim. 

We base this resolution orf the 
belief that the references in the Draft 
Resolution on bureaucracy and the 
lack of democracy in the Party are 
far too superficial and inadequate to 
serve the purpose of putting the 
Party on a sound f(jotinp. There 
must be an accountinj^ in detail of 
these evils, how they happened, and 
their destructive effect upon the Party 
as a whole, the members as individ- 
uals,' and the relations of the Partv 
to the American peof)le. It must be 
recognized first of all that ict^ardless 
of whatever changes are made in the 
Party, these evils represented a de- 
nial and perversion of principles ba- 
sic to the Party program and con- 
stitution. We were in the untenable 
situation of proclaiming one set of 
principles and living another. 

We were m principle a party al 
ways in close contact with the peo- 
ple, collective in our way of work, 
monolithic and at the same time 
democratic in its operation, constantly 
checking and improx ing itself through 
criticism and self-criticisiu. In prac- 
tice there was an almost total denial 
of the right, let alone ilie necessity, 
of criticism from below. .Any at- 
tempts at such criticism, oi expres- 
sion of differences with a proclama- 
tion, formulation of program, was al- 
most always looked upon with sus- 
picion, or denounced as anti-Partv 
activity, factionalism, or, at the very 
best, immaturity. Trograms. tactics, 
policies, theoretical formulations, 
tended to flow from the top down., 

with every obstacle and discourage- 
ment placed in ^the way of any move- 
ment in the opposite direction. The 
Party took on an almost military 
character, with stimulating club dis- 
cussions and collective activities re- 
placed by orders, mobili/aiions and 
directives. A group of little function- 
aries was encouraged to develop whose 
actual activity was that of "errand 
boys" and message carriers from 
higher bodies to lower, and who 
shuddered at any indcj)cnd('iu think- 
ing from below. The leadership was 
supposed to be chosen bv. and re- 
sponsible to, the members, and close 
to them. In practice, election be- 
came a mere fcjrmalit\. Leaders were 
appointed, lo-opted, aiuiounced to 
the membersiif^:), with discussion of 
their c]uali(ications limited to closed 
conunittees. The leadcis \\cie gen- 
erally known to the nunilHis only 
throijgli occasional articles or public, 
speeches. Lower leaders weie ap- 
pointed to Party organi/.itions of mass 
organizations, shifted Irom post to 
post, from con)nuinity to community, 
from task to' task, without any dis- 
cussion with the people involved. 
Leaders in high positions and lower 
were in practice removed from real 
contact with the masses of people. 
\ snobbishness developed among 
the Party leadership that could be 
characterized as a caste svstem, with 
the leaders on each level becoming 
a little self-protecting I.unily, even 
self-admiring and self congratulating. 
At conferences, the greatest weight 
was generally given to remarks on a 
basis of who said them, not what was 
said. Members with great popularity. 



Committee Exhibit No. 17 — Continued 

and follouing anions the jjeople were 
turned into functionaries so ovei- 
huidcned uitli inner-partv activity 
that their potentialities for real Icatl 
ership weic lo^t. I'pon almost c\eiv 
active Partv member, there was so 
great a bin den ol meetiniis upon meet- 
ings lamilv, family life, tfieir 
own intellectual. Marxist and cultural 
development, their op])ortunity for 
fricndlv lelations with the very peo- 
j)le ihey weie supposed to learn from 
and inlluence, were strained or made 
almost imj)ossible. In-^tead of a 
place in whidi the members could 
feel their lives enriched, as human 
l)eings, the Party became all too often 
a sponsor of actions and ways of life 
that <ould be characterized as in- 
human. It l^ecame a forbidding or- 
gani/aiion to the masses, so that to 
enter it seemed to be a repudiation 
of whatever human relations and 
pleasures a pc rson had formerly had. 
When, in the last ten vears. there 
were assaults upon tire livelihood and 
jobs ol liiindreds of members, through 
loyalty [jrograms, witch-hunts, red- 
baiting and the like, these members 
frecpiently found themselves in a deep 
(risis. And precisely in this crisis, 
thcv who had so much to olfer, and 
who had done so much, found them- 
selves oft( n without help, without 
guitlance, witliout any feeling that 
tliev were put (A a collective Party 
.that pel hips (onid assist them, or at 
least give ihem a Iceling of not hav- 

uig to sr)lve all their problems alone. 
In th(f)iy, we were a Paity to whom 
huTiiaii beings were piecious. In 
practice, people were re^anled almost 
as expendable. There has vet to be 
a reckoning of how manv pef)ple 
were disillusioned or in other ways 
lost, through these piactices. 

These evils must be eradicated 
I'hev cannot be eradicated sim])ly by 
general announcements such as "we 
have been bureaucratic." or "un- 
democratic," or "we iruist democra- 
tize the Party," or "we have all been 
guilty." Nor can they be eradicated 
simply by printing letters of criticism 
in the Daily Worker, or Parly Voice, 
or other Party organs. I he ' democ 
ratization" of the Party can be carried 
on in as undemocratic a way, dicta- 
torial and 'from above," as the pre- 
vious jnactices. We propose that 
every member in a leading position 
must go through a process of self- 
criticism, in which the main body of 
criticism consists not of their own 
judgment c)f how they were wrong, 
but of what is thought of them by 
those they worked with, and those 
to whom they were responsible, and 
to whom they gave leadership. We 
bel.'civc: th.ti cvei) leader must con- 
sider himself or herself to be on pro- 
bation, until the membership is sat- 
isfied that tliey have gotten rid of 
old and bad habits of work, and de- 
veloped truly democratic and collec- 
tive methods of work. 



Feiedman Exhibit No. 1 
Daily Worker, February 28, 1957. p. 4 

spiAK YOUR ma 

Karl Browder 
On Niglit Beat 

Editor, D;iilv Workti: 

1 \ratr1it(l ami lir;ir<l E;irl 
Bnmdtr on Mikt* W.illiiir's 
Miglil Hrat program llie other 
niglit. I Wiis assailed hy inany 
thoMj^lils as 1 looked al and lis- 
Icnf^l to this man v\lio was so 
large a part of my lile and of 
literally millions of Americans 
\\\w foiiglit the good light lor 
dcinociatic advame (lining the 
years of the New Deal. My le- 
act)ons nrre mixed, souutimes 
confnsed and cxen iitntiadic- 
tory. I set them down here be- 
cause I think it of v.dne, lor my-i 
self certainly, and possibly for 

others, to place coherently n»y 
reaction to what Earl Browder' 
said. These things 1 believe: 

I think it vsas good for Amer- 
icans to hear again-from Earl 
Browder — that the (iommnnist 
Party was not the conspiracy of 
mc carlhyile myth. It was good 
to hear reeallwl the cimtribu- 
lions that ('ommnnisls nuide- 
somelimes the major contribu- 
tions in particular phases of 
American life, like the wimiing 
of social security and the pas- 
sage of the Wagner Lal)or He- 
lations Act. 

It was good to hear Browder 
tell the TV audi«'nce that this 
c>om»try will iwvcr be right with 
itst.'lf in its underslaiuliug of its 
own history until it accepts the 
fact that the New Deal, along 
with the Connnnnist participa- 
tion in the democratic united 
front movement, wa.s a proud 

and vital part of its heritage, and 
not a conspiracy against it. 

Biowder said he is no longer 
a (^immunist. He saiti tliat he 
considers himself a socialist. He 
believes the (^oinininn'st Party, 
to 1)6 "bankrupt," its adherents 

It seem.s to me that there are 
at present within the (Commu- 
nist Party many people \\\iO 
disagree more sharj^ly \\ if h each 
oilier on some thing.s than they 
disagree with Browder. 

It seemnl to me-as T watched 
Night Beat— that the lime was 
long overdue lor the Communist 
Party to acknowleilge that it was 
terribly wrong to liiive expelled 
Earl Browder and to ha\c heap- 
ed oblocpiv and abuse ujion his 
p<Tson. Wrong to Browder, and 
terfainly of no service to the 
cause of socialism. 

It has been said before, but 
as I uatchetl Browder the other 
niglit, I refleclcd again on the 
irrational stupidity with which 
(^omnnmist.^ have driven from 
their ranks men and women who 
maintained political disagree- 
ments with them on one or an- 
other a.spect of policy. 

I do not agree witli Earl 
Browder about many things. But 
I cannot conceive of a united 
movement for iHK-ialisin in this 

country-one broad eriougli (<> 
include the ni.uiv thveric strands 
of socialist thinking now extant 
—winch woulil not include Eail 
Browder as 1 wiiuld suppose 
it could iuilude l\\( . 

Mike \\ .illace did not query 
Earl Browder about tlie pres- 
ent discn.>^sion inside Commu- 



Friedman EIxhibit No. 1 — Continued 

nist tanks and in the pages of 
the Daily \\'i)rker about the fu- 
tuie of activity in this 
counfrx, nor did Broader offer 
n»ore than to declare the Com- 
munists bankrupt and (o see 
lioiM* in a resurgence of the So- 
cialist Party. 

1 would have liked to hear 
Urowder's \ie\vs on this ques- 
li«)n. For it the future cannot, 
as I believe it cannot, exclude 
an Earl Browder from the ranks 
of ^socialist - minded Americans 
(as if any group could, by fiat, 
announce that Browder is not 
socialist -minded), neither can 
Earl Browder exclude other 
Americaiut, no matter how fully 

he may hHve for himself deter- 
mined their bankruptcy. 

Earl Browder never beard of 
me. But my political being was 
molded during the years he was 
a major political inflaence in 
this country. I would have liked 
to hear him sav— along with his 

proud defease of the Commu- 
nist Party's contributions to 
American democracy and vic- 
tory in the anii-lascist war— that 
he feels some continuing respon- 
sibihty toward the thousands of 
men and women whose mistakes 
—no less than their .services to 
American and to socialism— were 
at least molded during the years 
of his stewardship. 

I would have asked this, not 
merely to set record! straight, 
btit I believe that a 
logical conclusion to such an 
attitude would prevent Earl 
Browder from writing off his 
former associates— en n»asse— as 
political bankrupts. 

I do not believe that I am 
politically bankrupt, nor do I 
judj^e Earl Browder so, I ask 
a like opinion from him, not 
as a return courtesy, but be- 
cause I think the future of 
American socialism requires a 
willingness to explore, to ex- 
change, unfettered by the bit- 
terness and lollies of ttic past. 



Friedman Exhibit No. 2 
{Catalogue, Jefferson School of Social Science, Fall 1950, pp. 1, 12, 15) 





Friedman Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

Labor Youth League Courses (Tuesdays) 

Recognizing tht' Iremendoiis iiTiporiance of the education of youth, 
the Jefferson School is drvoting almost it<; eiitiie resources on 
T^jesday evenings to a special program of courses for memlxrrs of the 
Labor Youth League. All ot these courses are designed !•> further 
the education of youth in the principles of scientific socialism. 

The Tues<lay evening l.YL courses offered during the fall term ire 
listed below. Course descriptions appear in numerical order elsewhere 
in this catalog. The reduced lee for LYL members (upon presentation 
of membership cards* is $5.00 per course, plus 50^ library fee (Open 
to youlli other than LYL members only by permission of the Registrar 
and payment of the regular fee of J7.00.) 


Ann Williams ■ 8:00 P M. 

Theodore Bassett ^ 4S P M. 


Jose Arias 8; 1 S 9:45 P.M. 


Jack Kroner 6:30 8:00 P.M. 

Robert Priedmart 8:IS 9:45 P.M. 


David Goldway 6:30 8:00 P.M. 

Jack Kroner 8:15-9:45 PM 



Fbiedman Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 


(Science of Society — taught in the Spanish language) 
Jose Arias (LYL) Mantes 8: 1 5-9:45 P.M. 

I tKi iniKMliiccit'in al rstudio <le la« cararlPii-iii'ias inas (U*«la<'a(las 
(li- la- socicdades ca|'itali>tas' y las rp«fiir*tas hasica- <lrl Marxisino- 
l.t'iiiiiisiiKi a lis problemas prin<i|jale>> qur CDnfroiita lUK-stro 
pm-lilii en la actiialidad. 


Alfred Eisenberg Sec. A Mon. 6:45-8: 1 5 P.M. 

Jack Kroner Sec. B (LYL) Tues. 6:30-8:00 P.M. 

^Robert Friedma n Sec. C fLYL) Tues. 8:15-9:45 P.M. 

//#'Harry K. WelU Sec.D Wed. 8:30-10:00 P.M. 

F,iiipr<:crn I- ol scipiilific socialism mit of tlie workinn rias.s s-tnignles 
of the I9ili (fill my. Development of Marxist political cronomy, 
philosophy, and poiiiical theory. Furtlif^r development of Marx- 
ism-Lenini-m in the period of imperialism and the rise of so- 


Victor Per'c Sec. A Mon. 8-30 10:00 P.M. 

Dcwid Go'dway Sec. B (LYL) Tues. 6:30-8:00 P.M. 

Jack Kroner Sec. C (LYL) Tues. 8: 1 5-9:45 P.M. 

Elizabeth Lawson .Sec. D Wed. 6:45-8:1 5 P.M. 

. Ann Williams ■ Sec. E Thurs. 8:30- 1 0:00 P.M. 

George Squier Sec. F Fri. 6:30-8:00 P.M. 

Murray Savage Sec. G Sat. 2:00-3:30 P.M. 

Orijiins and nature of eapitali->t production, an<l the fievelopment 
of I ..'^. (apilali>tn. The law of value; the itieaitin*: id eapitali-t 
exploitation; lahor-|iower as a eommodjty; the production of ■-nr- 
plu- value. 

I'revious stud\ oi Course I, or the equivalvnl, is required. 




Committee Exhibit No. 21 
Party Voice, June 1956, pp. 3, 4 

Party Democracy and 

(From Discussion af State Committee meeting} 

By B. S. 

fT^HAT section of Clomiade Dennis' 
-*- H'port which deals with collective 
leatkrship, democracy, criticism and' 
self-criticism, is, in my opinion, an 
important opening to an area of our 
thought which needs much further 
de\elopment. Perhaps it was Com- 
rade Dennis' intention to provide the 
opportunity for such development 
and for a more fundamental probing> 
into the essential features of tiemoc-" 
racy. I hold that where we have failed 
in inner democracy cannot be simply| 
laid to the attacks of the past years 
or to the fact that our Party's mass ties' 
have seriously diminished. Nor can 
we simply exhort our people to be 
more democratic in their ideas and 
their ways. We must trace any fail- 
ures in democracy to the important 
left ideological concepts that we have 
lived by for the last 20-30 years. 

The determinant for us, in the 
U.S., as to the scope of our inner de- 
mocracy must be based on a clear 
outlook as to what wc want to be on 
the American scene. 

For myself, I prefer to be a part 
of an important trend in the labor 
and mass movement rather than a 
purist sect. Is it sufficient to say that 
all we have to do is to show and 
develop skill in our approaches to the 
mass movement that we will become 
such a trend? This does not conform 
to an analysis of the worst features. 

of our undemocratic practices which 
ultimately had to lead to one broken 
mass tie after another, to the resolu-, 
tion of internal differences, by vilifi-; 
i cation, slander and expulsion, to the' 
ideological purification " processes 
which were literally brainwashing, and 
to the cardinal crime of all, thC; 
extreme stultification of our Party 
membership and a certain level of our' 

cadre. , ^ , ,' 

Perhaps Comrade Dennis, by virtue] 
of the limitations placed on him in! 
the last five years, does not see the; 
extent of stultification and the present 
extreme icaction to it. It is my opin- ' 
ion that we cannot simply say that, 
we will improve the situation by a 
more balanced developjnent of demo- 
cratic centralism with a greater em- 
phasis on democracy. We must know 
what democratic centralism is— Does 
it apply to the American scene to- 
day? just as we are examining the 
effect of a certain kind of applica- 
tion to the Soviet scene, it can't be 
denied that one of the worst, if not 
the most important reason for thej^ 
Soviet criticism taking the form that 
it did, was the wide awakening that 
the Central Committee faced, when 
it examined the extreme stultifica- 
tion and lack of entliusiastic support 
for the aims and objectives of the 
Soviet party for the building of Com- 



Committee Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

Meaofffhfe Unify? 

i What has been the main ideologi- 
cal weapon that has militated against 
the practice of democracy in our 
Party? Each "prosecutor" at an ex- 
(pulsion knew £ull well that there were 
a series of standard charges that had 
to be put iny each case in order to 
make it stick: anti-leadership, undis- 
ciplined, anti-working class, and for 
the poor soul who would dare to at- 
tempt to argue his or her case, the 
cardinal crime of breaking the unity 
of the Party and in reality wanting it 
tto degenerate into a debating society. 
lit is the concept of monolithic unity 
! which we must examine. 

In the name of monolitliic unity 
we have learned to stand l>y while 
I importa nt dissent was expunj^cd from 

!our ranks. Most members today un- 
derstand and agree that Comrade Fos- 
ter conducted himself adroitly in his 
opposition to Browder. But they 
would honestly like to see a situation 
in our Party in which important dis- 
sent could be expressed without our'* 
falling apart at the seams. Isn't it 
true that we borrowed literally from 
,the CPSU on this question of mono- 
lithic unity? There will certainly be 
tome who say that they believe in 
monolithic unity and that there is no 
difference between that and the con- 
cept of majority rule. I note that' 
Ck>mrade Dennis eliminates any ref- 
erence to monolithic unity and secs^ 
as the process of achieving unity and 
discipline, the establishment of the 
right to dissent from the majority, 
;abiding by majority rule and warns 
against our turning into a debating, 

I think we have to add to this, pre- 
:cisely because of stultification, pre- 
.cisely because we don't have a cadre- 
which is trained in the most demo- 
cratic methods, because scientific 
thinking and measurement can only 
take place in an atmosphere in which, 
ideas flow and reflect wide mass ex- 
Iperience, we must stress the value and 

jniporiance of dissent and difference.. 

-As long as we have^a section organi- 
zer or a club organizer, or anyone, 
who, when unable tq convince a mem-[ 
,bcr, a sympathizer of the correctness 
of a line, can take recourse to the need 
tor monolithic unity, then you must 
run tJie risk that the Party's earS| 
are closed to the masses. As long as 
our Party committees consider it an', 
important principle to submtige dif- 
ferences in unanimous rej>orts so that, 
neither the membership nor the masses' 
can know what we arc debating, then 
we m ust ru n the_risk^jhat the line of 
•or Psrtjr is the property of th^ few. 
So long »i tve place major emphasis 
on the danger of our becoming a de- 
iHtnig society and ^ he danger of the 
influx of bourgeois ideas, then we 
must run the risk that somewhere 
honest and correct opinion will be 
characterized as an effort to do that.. 

AHIf»d» Toward Dompcraey 

For many years now we've culti-' 
vated a contempt for bourgeois de-' 
mocracy, unable to separate those as-' 
p^ets of bourgeois democracy which 
the f)eople struggled for and won 
from the practices of the bourgeoisie,^ 
the distortions and the efforts to go 
back historically on it. We fail tO! 
consider that rules we very often 
advance for the labor and m^ss move- 
ment are rules which we somehow 
think do not apply to us. We are sup- 
posed to be the f>ossessors of a science 
which eliminates the need for trends* 
'in finding the path toward socialism. 
\';Yet life has shown that where you 
«have a hard-fisted, iron-bound line, 
you can't seriously have a market' 
place of ideas. This under the theory' 
and the fear that bourgeois ideas will 
infiltrate into our ranks. Aside from^ 
the danger of classifying dissenting 
ideas prematurely and incorrectly as 
bourgeois ideas, we reflect a great 
lack of faith in the masses both with- 
in and outside our Party to re jeer 



Committee Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

ideas that are harmful to labor, the 
Negro people and farmers. 

I want to cite as an illustration a 
number of such ideas: 

1. The characterization of the slo- 
gan "Free by 63" 

2. The struggle for a guaranteed 
annual wage 

3. Labor's interest in Point 4 of 
the foreign aid program 

4. The legal struggle of the 
NA.A.CP and allies on the school 

New Organixaflonal Forms 

Lenin's development of Party of 
inew type and the rules of democratic 

centralism was based on conditions 
-th^t applied in an estimate of a pe- 
riod of civil war and revolution. 

Let me restate. .The rules of demc>- 
cratic centralism were developed by 
Lenin in an era of wars and revolu- 
tion, when the possibilities of peace- 
ful transition were not on the order 
of the <Iay. The rules had then war- 
■ military character. The Russian peo- 
ple had created and perfected the 
means of struggle against an autoc- 
racy and were demanding Bread, 
Land and Peace. They not onlv had 
no long experience in bourgeois de- 
mocracy but were advancing the one 
democratic feature they wanted— the 
end of the autocracy and the control 
of their destiny. In such a situation 



Committee Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

monolithic unHy~was vital. HoweveV,^ 
even tbere it was dependent on thel 
overwhelming voluntary support of' 
the Russian people. Lenin never for-, 
got that. On the American scene' 
monolithic unity which I contend is' 
far different from nAjority rule is 
alien. The people first are testing 
many, many ideas and are not buying 
a single line. They are even suspi- 
cious of ultimate or "ulterior" objec- 
tives._ Those who have had contact 
with us are also repelled by our in- 
ability to stand dissent and differ- 
ences. As soon as difference arises we 
get panicky and must expunge it. 

Democratic centralism on the 
American scene must be based on the 
type of political organization we will 
be. The "party of the new type," in 

i my opinion, will not be suited to the 

-American scene. We will have to pro- 
vide guarantees for democracy which 
can compete with any organization 
in America. We will be imf)elled to 
establish rules which will protect dis- 
sent and prevent by design simplified 
expulsion methods. We need not de- 
lude ourselves about the degree of 

. unity in our Party today. We must 
adjust to the idea that a minority, 
not understanding or agreeing with 
a line, may very well choose not to 
apply it too well. By proving in life 
and struggle that a line or a leader- 
ship is largely correct, then we will 

'win voluntary unity and the fullest 
acceptance of the rule of the ma- 



Chase Exhibit No. 3 


•S^ . Oot0l>«r. X9«0 

Vo th* ll**b<rr* of th* K*M snf land Olstriet 

ttmmr C««r«d«ai 

During Um past r«« iraa^. our party bas auooaaarulljr ««athar«l tha coat 
Mv«r« arlala la its hiatonr. I« baa a«t tho attacks of MoCartliyiaa. and It 
IMS dafaatad ttaa onalaucht of ravlslonlaa, aa vail aa th« aaaaulta •'f tha 
altr«>laft dosaatlata froa wlthla Ita ranks. 

Xo thaaa atrugglaa tba X7tfe National Convontloo «aa a najor landaark, 
TCKiatarli« as iapmaalva aavanos tenara tha unlfloatlon of tba Party. Thla 
■sa Mpvaaa^ in coarada Ous Hall's oonaludlr« raaarka in thaaa wordat "Atoovs 
•11— «nd of oruelaX iaportanoa — a a aftlng froa tba 17tli ConvaotlOB la the faot 
tkat «a kav* oaa party, onft polloy and «>a dlr««tlo«.... Tba policy, lira and 
4iraoUSB aat roirtfa at tSTa oaavantloB «lTl ba tba pelioy, lira and dlraotlen 
tw ttas Mtaol* Farty, for mfrf aaabar, Inolud&nt aatloiial ooaalttaa aaabora 
•Bd •Tfloara." 

If our rarty la to fulfill tba ebllgatlona lapoaad on it by th« aoaantous 
a»« iDSplrlBf saroh of avanta toJay, unity la of paraaount laportanoai Irdaad, 
Partr wity ia our naat praoloua poaaaaalon. Thoaa abo oootrlbuta In any wy 
!• •ylttttnc our raeka, ttaarafera, do a aost sarloua dlaaarvloa to tb* Party 
aai tha aerilnc olaaa, ard to tba oauta of pMoa, daaooraoy and aoolallan. 

Wa ara now at a point abara tba looaanaas of tba paat en policy quaetlons 
crmi&nc out of tha aavara Idaelegloal atru^elaa tbrouyb ablob «« hava paosad, 
dm aa lonaar ba telaratad. Today tha Party auat daaand that avory laadtng 
ooarsda. altbout aMSptlon, sdhara to and flfht for tba rarty'a polinaa, 
•van vbara b* or aba aay diaacraa vttb ona or anotbav aspoot of tbaa. wo ona 
«bo la not praparad to do ao baa tba rlftht to raMln la a peaitloa of laadar- 

•**»• ....,^^, i 

Xt U in tbla lldbt U»% aa wlab to daal alth thi» oor »Mct <>£_C»M;»<b 
■aaar Ghaaa Vndhla sSpporTrs altbln tba laadarablp of tha ■»- Rnjfland Dls- 
trlot STar tba paat aavaral aonttaa. 

Ounw tba tlaa that Coarada Cbaaa baa baan •«*«»i *«•.•••* '"«?.•'' *Il* 
■afcioMa eSallttaarba has aatabllahad a r cord of rapaat«« vposltloa on 
!Ztl?tilL^o»MtlaM Mt lnfra<»isntly as a alnorlty of ona. l«ut aora 
tSirt5?"Vbn"^lU«S2 wi^2Si.i«ta not by -PPJ;^"* «»• ^l^SiTt^,, 
r^^kTi K« luL «««mtMlalBir aaJoTltv. but by asc&nt •■ «»oaaalnf fl«bt •KSlnai 
?2!?SttbL^ KHrtotSSd^liiainrto iobllls; t.;a dlatrloT aralnat tba 
^SailUn^Ind laltoraS of thTpsTty. tha raault baa ba«. to throw tba 
dtitT^t aSlvSa tato «dlaaa dabataa, to dlwt It froa giving tha 
tiUlm^danS S ttTpolltlcal aetlvlty of tha dl.trlot and to oraata 
TnowaaTSg confualaa and turaoU la tha Pirty'a ranka. 

2n particular, Coar-da Cha.a .ni «>»•,•«»??'**" IfS.rj^tfUf.tSk'tT*' 

siTtisS'iis: s;i2-t!i^^?;-io2r^:u?:i^2; s^ras^rjir^j 
STs ir^rE*s:.«S^s2a';a:rt::S'^^-f^ 

In ths •Isotlon eaapalRa in Hau ftvland. 



Chase Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

lTiola4«4 tn titm— dooua«Bta ar* o«Ua for • spcolal natlenal e«nT«Bttai 
or • a y e f 1 aatl nal eoaaltte* iMAtlng to ra^naliM tta* •l«otc7«l pcl^oy. 
ClaarXy, ttw bol«lnc la tit* wry Mlot: of as •ImUob oaivaMpa »f iiuah 

MUMTlBca, Mbea* pr«Mr»tlon «eul4 ei« 19 th« •■MrgiM and fSonoaa of tb* 
rarkjr for a oonalterabla Voa Bnglani Sla%rlot, wouli te dlT«rV»d f>ea aar 
•ffaatlva fartlolpatlos tn tta» oaapalga. 

F«u>u>ar, «i)4ap Caar*4« Chaaa'a laedorsMp %ha dlacrtot bc«r4 (tea 
araeaadad de2.tb«ra%alr to puraua a poDoy dlr<>«itl|r oentranr to that of tha 
Party natlcnal^y. A dlvtrlot uawaXattvr (taallB«; ^Ith Cute hb* icsuad vta'ali 
■OBt out of Ita aajr to atr^la out Adlal "tavanaon for atta'ik, and tMa, aora* 
avar, at a tlaa vto'V th« «ov«b«s!% of paao« foreaa la ralattoa t- hia «•• a 
aattor of no aa«ll oonaaQuaoo^ Sa tha oai^eiim. « latar nowalottor oaliad 
for a bojreott of tba praaldantlal alaotlona, daaplta ttoa faot that thla 
taetto baa baaa plainly rapudlatad by tha Party aa ona ahlob oould only aarva 
be laolata It froa tha aaatoa. And th&» Itna haa boan oonaletantly axpraaaaA 
aad aupportad >:y Coarada f*haa«, both wlthte tha Party and at publlo aaatlrmr** 

Tbaca sotlonB »er« ollaasad at u.a aoat raoant aa^tin^ of tha dlatrlot 
oaaalttaa, at Mliloti Coarado Otaaa and thoa<- abo aupportad hia aada It claar , 
U*^t thwy had no latant'>aB of Laft win* Party policy/^ / - A' ' '-J 

dafjF It a* »alf~atylod "aavlora* ef tba Vrrty froa Ita own Katloral ;:oaaltt«a. 
^My aada it claar slao th^t ^>>ay d4«ar4ad tt\e loyalty of botb tba raDk'-and- 
fila aaabarahlp and tha diatriot fv*«sittaa aanbara not to tha national Party 
pelloy bat td thalr jpoilcy. ■tutf. um u^rcbaator olub r<^ to dlatributa 
tba firct of ten avtsaX*t^' jr , b?>»rullRc it aa contrary to Party polloy and 
appaallng to tna natle«:t«l ieadarahlp to lnt<»rvana, thay m*ir» ohar^ad with 
balDf. faotlonallata. Id abort. Coar- da Cnaa« and hia aupportar^j in tha 
dlatrlot laadarahlp are dataralnad to aaka an: carry out thalr own polloy, 
aot thua to rapudlata tnet datnrait^ad by Vie National Coaalttaa. 

Tbla appllaa not only to '•laotoral polloy. Ttila (rroup la a<4ually 
oppoaaa to tba Carty'a policy on paaoa anU paaeaful coaxlat'noa •• atatad 
in tba raaolutloe onloh appeared in Tba '-orker on Au^uat ^1. /.t a rooa'')t 
ra^ioial national ooBslttaa oor:f «r«n « In Now York , :oar da ^tiaaa anC tao 
of (.la followora who mmr* praaent votad against trto raaolutlon of ti.a 
N*>tleia; jcaoutlra Coaalttaa, raaflralr.i^ tna poaltlun takan by thf> 17th 
Katloral Cor.Tantloo on tnt^aa quaatloia. later, at t..a Jlatrlot coaalttaa 
aaatln^r, adharanta of tn'a .' ro'ip rafuaed to vota on tha r<^a lution, trsa 
tlaa claialni; thay had not hal » ataanoa to raail it. 

All thla haa baan aoooapanled by in uneaaaln^ atraaa. of attaJo and 
•landar a^al- at tha national l^adarphlp wt.iC; '.tiay freely chfiract<*rlsa aa 
ooralatlnc, withrut azo'iptlon, or r«TJalonlata arJ liquldatora, aa 
uaurparr of powar, aa guilty of Mahonaety and Morae, Indaatl. cn«r« haTO 
baan not Irfroquart Ina^nuatlora t.'ii>t ■' uhln tha rctionii''. leedarai.lp th<*ra 
ara aganta of laparlAllaE. In abort, tha P>. -ty l"t.aorai.lp la habitually 
ft^rrmd to by CoEr»>Je Chaaa and hia follewera In lar.^ua, a whl< h la oua- 
toaarily r<«ar,'v«i for th« t-ost Jan^aroua anaclaa of tha Tt.rty and tha 
aorklni claaa. 

But th** Jrraaponal* If" lar^uaga faployi»<i ^y tMa roup la not oonflrad 
to tnia. *t tha Mi rch Kotlonal ^onalttao aeatir, , Co'r'-la -hara pro ;m aad 

that tha Daaocratl - Party ba braniad ar tha 'war party*-^ prcp'^ael torta- 

rount to labiftllnr tha ftapubll'^n Party tha 'paana party" .'la naa not ^nly 


Chase Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

pcrslatM iB fa\mmlj intarpretlni tf.o Party's rvoolutlon oo tha aladtloaa 
( Tha workw . Au^at Ibl ae a virtually outright andoraesant of Kenrady, 
but haa itada apoeor^aa obartclnr thtat tha tolood of Cubar oMldran end lyDOhad 
!(«gro«a raata on tho hecla of thoaa who awpport thla maolutidn. Ka i^m alae 
baan ,u<lty of lr^ea^or•l^la antl-^'OTlat atatcenta, laplyinfr that tha Sovlat 
Onion It ,-ullty of a n^clat Biiproach to tha Chir«aa paopla. At tha rational 
•a»tl> g h« otarpad th«t hy takln, part Ir the Olyeploa, tr a '"'Ovlat Union naa 
guilty of part} ^Ipat'ng In tha rapa of Tulwant 

wa subrr^lt that auoh onduot la net that of a r«»apoeRlMe Party laadari 
rathar It la what would b<> axpaotcd froa advanturera and prorooat^ur*. 1% 
plr c«a tha Perty bafor*' th* Ac-rlcan working pcopla aa an irraaponelbla, 
advanturlat orKanlmtlon, am within tha P^rty It oraataa t^ndlaaa dlaaonalen 
and crlr la« It aa an affwctlva political boly. 

Xba faotc indlcat* that COTra la -haa*' anct bla aupportara ara fundaaan* 
tallj oppoaoii to tha iurty'a pollclaa, not only on tha alaotlona but on 
paeoa and othar baalo laauaa aa well. Rora, tbalr attituda la on* of oon« 
taapt for tha will of tha majority In tha Party. Tbay £0 forth to 4e 
battla not wltb tha anaalea >f tba worklRf olaaa, but wltb tha laadarahip 
and a««b<>rahlp of tha Party Itaolf, aa if theaa "ara tba r<>al anaaiaa of tb« 
Morklnc olaaa. 

At tba raglonal caatln^ thay aubalttad a doouaent ap, alng tha 
national alaotoral policy and oalllng for a boycott of tha praaldantlal 
alaotlona. Of a vota of IC to 1 aaong tha National Ooaatttaa aaabara 
praaant, tba docuamt waa rajoctad aa aootarlan, baaloallj Inoorraot and 
ooBtrary to Perty policy. By tha aaaa «ota, all aotiona takan bgr tka 
dlatrlct on thebaala of iha dcruant' vara condaanad aa violating deaocratlo 
eantraliaa and Party dlaolpllno. 

Latar, tha Natlona: Seorr^tMrlat adopt* i a aotln oalllng upon all 
lafedlr.g coaradAa In tha Hax }^> land Dlatrlct to anJ tho flautlng of Parky 
policy and to daol* ra thalr Intention o' fully aupportlnt It In tbo futur*. 
Iba KOtloa furtbar atat»<l that If thaae oosra Jaa should not do ao. tha 
Saor«tarlat oa'Xa on th« dlatrlct to alact a laadar^hlp which will . Tlia 
Xatlonal' 'xaoutlTa Coaaltt«« at Ita laat seating a provad tha aotlflo of tha 
S«or*tarlat. ^ihmi tnla waa plaoad bafora a aaetlng of tha dlatrlot eea- 
alttaa (froa whloh unfortunatalr o a-th:rd of tba saabara »«r» aba<«nt), 
Coareda Cbeaa anl thoaa who aup-crtad hla acia It pla'.a titay rajaetai ttoa 
aotlOB and wer« dataralned to do m thay nloacad. 

Tba conduct of Coaraia Ch»aa will ba plar^^d bafora th» Daoaabar abating 
of the National 'oorittaa, whiob wiu ba ankad to taka anproprlata aotloa. 
At tha aaee tlsa wa call u-on th« Party aaabt^rahlp an. laaJarahlp In Haw 
Bn,land to rally bahlnd tha Party md lU pollclaa, to rapudlata tha aotleea 
of Coarnda Chaea end thoa« who aurr>ort hla, and tc taka at^pa to aatabllA 
a l««darar.lp which will fipht fur tha Una of Um Porty. 

Wa ara det'-rmlred to put an end tc all dlaruption within tha Party, en 
wbatavar frounie and froa mhBtry r aourc^, and to dafand tha unity and 
intagrlty of th« "arty at all ooata. </a would not ba aorthy of laadarahlp 
in tha Party if •* did not do ao. And w** hava a«ary c^nfldtnoa that tha 
aacbar«hlp of tna Kaw fji, lend i/latrlct will unlta in aupn<ert of tha Party 
a^ainat all who wo^^ld waakaa and dlaript it. 

Coaradaly youra, 
national Saor«»Urlat (SPITA) 



Chase Exhibit No. 4 


The American Road 
to Socialism 

Is It 'Cult of the IndlYlduar 
or Bureaucracy? 



recently published report 
to the National Committee 
of the Communist Party 
stated that serious efforts 
were made by the leadership to 
strengthen democracy in the 
Partv since 1945. Foster hai 
written in the Daily Worker 
that the cult of the individual 
and bureaucracy were problems 
of the Browder leadership. He 
doesn't state, but certainK' im- 
plies, that such problems ao not 
now exist. 

The Daily Worker, Foster 
and Dennis have recognized the 
error of tHe ciilt of the individ- 
ual in the CPSU. Neither Den- 
nis, Foster nor the Daily Worker 
takes the position that bureau- 
cracy and the cult- of the indi- 
vidual are the main problems of 
the CFUSA. They have evi- 

dently not examined past writ- 
ings in Political Affairs, in the 
Daily Worker, in draft resolu- 
tions, in political work (such as 
the Progressive Party) to deter- 
mine if the ciilt (4 the individtial 
is the main weakness in the 
work of the U. S. Conununist 
Party, both before and after 
1945. For example, Foster and 
Dennis haven't mentioned that 
they suppressed Jun Keller's cril- 
iciim on the first draft resolu- 
tion after 1945. The Daily 
Worker still doesn't explain 
why they suppressed critical 
letters from 1945 to 1956. 
On Chauvinism 

Gene Dennis states that the 
1949-1953 campaign against 
chauvinism shoula have been a 
mass campaign rather than an 
internal one. This is the imder- 
statement of the year. It is pos- 
sible that the national leaders 
started this campaign with the 



Chase EJxhibit No. 4 — Oon tinned 

idea that ft would facilitate the 
struggle for Negro rights, t sup- 
ported it in the beginning be- 
cause white chauvinism ^id exist 
in the Party. Most of it proved 
unintentional and the. result of 
poor national leadership on the 
Negro question. 

However, this campaign soon 
developed into a really vicious 
attack on the membership and 
secondary leadership by the na- 
tional office. Expulsions reached 
heights never dreamed of by 
Browder. Many more members 
were hiade ineffective because 
of unjustiifed slander. Members 
were expelled witHout steps pro- 
vided for in the Par^ constitu- 
tion, often under the guise of 
security or "the difficult objec- 
tive situation." Both Negro and 
white left the Patry in large 

Foster has criticized other 
theoreticiaiis on the Negro ques- 
tion for sectarianism. He doesn't 
mention that the violations of 
Party democracy and Marxism 
citeo above were committed un- 
der the Foster-Dennis ]eadershq> 
and often in their names, i 

Without numerous article and 
speeches unduly praismg Foster 
and Dermis it is very possible^ 
that most of die serious errors 
would have been avoided. There- 
fore a preface to the Dennis ar- 
ticle on Khnushchev would have 
been strengthened by an ex- 
planation to the U. S. member- 
ship on his role in the so-called 
campaign against white chauvin- 
ism. The role of nidividual top, 
functionaries and National Ccmii- 
n^ttee members in tiiAt can^ 
pai0D also oeedi to be eiaminea 
and explained. Certainly enough 
of them followed undemocratio 
methods between 1949 and 1958w 
Their unanimity in acoeptiDS 
Uiat section of Dennis' repmt 
was a shmsldng noB-Marid^ act 

The first step toward becoming 
a modest part of such struggles 
as Montgomery is admission by 
leadership that fhey have sub- 
stituted dogma and directives 
f^ Marxist winking and struggle. 
the Dennis report amounts to 
48 pagf^ and attempts Marxist 
^observations tm a multitude oi 
'subjects. It covers mainly the, 
years 1^45-56. And not one word 
on die Rosenbergs! Under the 
Dennis-Foster l^dersbip one 
draft resolution was published 
before their death widiout a 
vtKnd on me struggle. Ancrthe^ 
(afler their dea&) with or one 
(X two paragraphs criticizing, as 
I recall, ^e reformist leadership 
of the labOT movement for inao- 
tivity in &e Rosenbergs behall. 
The' role of the Party leader- 
ship, especially in the period 
until a few -weeks before their 
execution, was characterized by 
inaction and incompetence. The 
non-Mandst National Guardian, 
Pope Pius XII »nd many rank 
and file Conununists were far 
ahead of the Party leaders in 
imderstanding and actiao. No one 
can claim that ineffective leader- 
ship in ^ Rosenberg. case was 
mainly left sectarianism. It was 
a result of ^mexplained and 
unadmitted defects on the part 
of leadership. 

Reiect die Report 

Since 1940 the leadership of 
the American Cmmnuaists have, 
at various times, looked over 
their Idft dioulder and seen see- 
tarianism. A\ odier^limes tibey 
have looked over th^ rigM 
shoulder and seen ornKMrtunisn 
and revfsidnisra. Now h die 
time diat diev sboidd turn 
squarely arouna and see that 
the memben and tfw people are 
pointing to ImrAnicracy, cult of 
die indivtfaal and Isobtion from 

83743 O - 62 <pt. 2) - 4 



Ohase Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 

The point fa not who assumes 
"particular responabihty" but 
who is going to tefl what led to 
hia Indivlduiu mistakes and what 
be or she is doing as a person 
to insure against their repetition. 

I would urge on the National 

(1) That they reverse them* 
selves and reiect the. Dermis re- 
port since it places main em- 
phasis for past errors on left sec- 
tarianism rather than joa bu- 
reaucracy vdA the cuh of the in« 
dividual It is high time that- 
they recognize it is impossible 
to readi a correct program or 
carry it out until this bureauc- 
racy is ended. 

(2) That the national conven- 
tion DC postponed six months so 
the discussion can produce a 
democratic representation from 
til^ districts rather than a ma- 
jority of functionaries. 

(3) That a committee be set 
up to study deniDcratic central- 
ism in the USA, write articles 
on it and encourage others to 
write. This committee should not 
be restricted to National Com- 
mittee members. Is democratic 
centralism being misused -by 
leaders in the U. S. or is tli« 
logic of democratic centralism 
here the development of bu- 

Once this is done the gulf be- 
tween membership and leader- 
ship will be narrowed. The foun- 
dations for a new program with 
refreshed and strengthened lead- 
ership will be ready. Large num- 
bers of people are ready to work 
in a disciplined way for imme- 
diate neeas and a Socialist U. S. 
Vanity and "prestige" must stfep 
aside so these foUcs can unitt 
and get aa with the work. 





- Bittelman -^ 

Clark Took Page Out 
Of the Tsar's Book 

rpSAR NICHOLAS II of Russia 
deported Alexander Bittelman 
40 years before Attorney General 
Clark began following In the Tsar's 

Agents of the feudal autocrat 
tvho lost his Job in 1917, noticed tha'. i 
a young shoemaker's son was f^ght- ] 
Ing the Black Hundreds (a kind of 
Russian KKK) and other strike- 
breakers and anti-Semites In Kiev! 

This young shoemaker's son, ; 
Alex Bittelman, was such an active i 
part of the democratic revolution- 
ary movement that Tsar Nicholas 
deported him to tlic frozen Arctic. 

Friends of Alex were shipped 
Rway too. 

COLD AND HUNGER were leav- 
ing their mark on young Alex. His 
old health never came back. But 
}iis hatred for oppression has fired 
his political activities since. 

Bittelman took an engineering 
course in New York after coming 
to America in the early years cf 
the second decade. But the people's, 
movement filled more and more of 
his time. 

He was a full-time battler for 
freedom long before the Paimei 
•Red Raids" began. 

The Palmer "Red Raids" of Nov. 
7, 1919 and Jan. 2, 1920, were a piece 
right out of the Tsar's old cloth. 

They were directed, incidentally, 
by J. Edgar Hoover, FBI chief, who 

is the driving Icrce behind the de- 
portations delirium of today. 

charter member 
cf the American communist Pariy, 
Hnd an editor and organizer, fought 
for freedom all through the Palmer- 
licxjver terror, when more Uian 6,000 
men and women were arrested. 

Bittelman has been a national 
l-^ader of the Communist Party lor 
more than two decades. The original 
labor's Who's Wh® listed him cs a 
member of the central Committer 
Lock la 1925. And he edited Uid 

j Pariy'.s nalioiiHl the )relieai org?n, 

! The Coaimiinj*!, later. 

But Bitiriman was never Loo busy 

I to kr^rp In Ih? closest touch wU\j 

'{b.-^ Jewish mass.'s .'rom whom he 



I Old romiadf^s on thf Jewish 
: Morning F.-ci!ieil. whos? slaf J he 
.: joljxfd at U.N siuit In 1922, speak 
of him with esjjerial affection. 
I "Alex had a pociiliar pridr in hb 
peDplp. H? thrilled -AJth everv Jew- 
ish achii'," s:iJd the Frrlh^it 
city editor we?k. 

And ho suffered \vi:h every blow 

at tl-.e Jows. wh-lner the blow 

came Irom th'ir er.emirs in Gor- 

mai'.y. Palestine or from the antt- 

• Semites in the United Stales. 


. bihzlng Jewish pcop!? to the ^ar 

'.i^ainst Hitlrr were immense, as ti'^c 

FBI well kr.ows. Tliey know of hU 

pio;>eer work hi favcr of the Jewish 

iitats in Plilestine as woll 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 1 — ^Continued 

(Continued from Page 2) I'ConimunJst, is a rock in tneir path. 

But the men behind the present H*^^**'* ^^y **»*y s^-k to s^'parate 
deportations deilriuni know also that i^^* ivota the American Jewish peo- 
Bittelman is determined to blocir R**. *'hom he has been working witn 
the rr^wd that. la imitat*.:g Hitler |»*"ce he came to the United State* 
In America today. ?5 )^9^\^^ 






Alexander Bittelman 
1$ Expelled by CP 

At a meeting held on Novem- 
ber 14, the Westchester Club of 
the Communist Party, of which 
Alexander Bittelman had been 
tk member, voted unanimously to 
^n>el liim from the Party. 

Bittelroan had been informed 
il person of the dub'a planned 
ftetion and requested to be pres- 
•Dt at the Club meeting, but he 
mfused to attenil The club's 
•ftion was taken on the recom- 
ipendation of the National Sec- 
x^rtariat of the Communist Par- 
\y, which issued the following 

The N^ievs of A. Bittelman have 
hlMQ uader discussion since hst 
■aade thetn public in a series of 
t7«tve Mticiea in The Daily 
Worker in October, 1967. He pr^- 
•ioWd them again in PoUtic&l; 
Affairs (April. 1968), and «rti- 
oiss aaalyziag and contesting his 
Boaition were published in the 
mune magazine (December, 1967, 
J«»uary. 1968, and March 1958). 
9i> theory of the "Welfare State'* 
ZMAd te socialism was under fre> 
lycnt discussion in the Draft 
Prsgram Committee, _pf , which 
ht was a member. His views were 
Mjected by this committee "as a 
Insic departure from Marxism- 
Lamniflm and as an expression 
ef modem revisionism in the 
linited SUtes." The Committee 
■tatement setting forth the 
grounds for this judgment was 
poblished in Political Affairs, 
December, 1958. 

In the spring of 1959, Bittel- 
man informed the Party leader- 
ship that he had written a book, 
^p^i agreed to submit the manu- 
Vtript for review. However, he 
proceeded instead, in August, 
1^9, to announce in the non- 
party press that he sought fin- 
ancial aid to publish a book in 
'Which he would present views 
^ich have been condemned "by 
the Communist Party as anti- 
liandst. At the same time, he 
continued to advocate his "theo- 
ries" at meetings in various ci- 
ties, organized by revisionists and 
liquidationists who had left the 
Purty'and were attacking it. At 
tjliese meetings, moreover, funds 
were solicited for the publication 
of his book. 

Nevwrtheless, the National Ex- 
•putive invited Bittehnan to dia- 
esss the matter, and requested 
ikaX he submit the manuscript 
of the book to it. A meeting was 
fesld with him at which he stated 
^at no jnatter what the Nation- 
al Executive Committee might 
Ibink i^ut it, he intended to pub- 
lish it in any case. However, he 
2>eluetantly submitted the manu- 
sniirt for examination. On the 
basis of a report by a subcommit- 
tee assigned to read it, the NEC 
«B October 14, 1959, in a letter 
signed by Eugene Dennis, then 
National Secretary, informed 

•Tt is oar unaniaaous position 
ttat ia a number of basic aspects 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 4 — 'Continued 

«M thesis of the book conflicts 
with fundamental Marxist theo- 
retical principles and with Amer- 
lean realities. Further, it is in 
certain important respects cooch- 
«d as a platform of struggle 
•gainst the principles and poli- 
cies of the Party. 

"Should you proceed in any 
case to publish it on your own, 
tM you have indicated intentions 
of dohig, you should toe fully 
aware from our August diacus- 
sion with you what the conse- 
quences of such an act would be." 

In hisj-eply (October 18, 19B9) 
Bittelman denied the right of the 
NEC to pass judgTtient on his 
book and declared his intention 
to publish it, whatever the con- 
sequences. The book appeared in 
September, 1960, multi-graphed. 
By this action Bittelman has 
braeenly violated the Party prin- 
ciples of democratic centralism 
•nd taken the path of anti-Party 
struggle, together with t he revJ- 
sionists who left the Party pre- 
viously, and has thereby forfeit- 
ed his right to membership. The 
National Secretariat therefore 
recommends his immediate expul- 
sion from the Communist Party. 

Bittelman has . been a Party 
leader and member of long stand- 
ing, and in such a case expulsion 
is a particularly serious action. 
However, during the past few 
years, while actively engaged in 
pursuing the course described 
above, he has completely with- 
drawn from all constructive Par- 
ty activity. More, in an unprin- 

cipled manner, while continuing 
to present himself as a Party 
member, he has associated him- 
self with i^nti-Party revisionist 
elements in attaching the Party. 
In addition, he took it upon him- 
self to advocate publicly i>osi- 
tions in opposition to those of the 
Party, expressed, for example, 
in a letter to the National Gaar- 
dian, on the presidential elec- 

Persistent conduct of such a 
character could not be condoned 
in the case of any Party mem- 
ber; much less can it be tolerated 
in a Party leader of many years' 
standing. By his insistent defi- 
ance of Party discipline and his 
continued advocacy of a line in 
direct conflict with the Party's^ 
Marxist-Leninist theoretical prin- 
ciples, he has closed the door 
on any other alternative and has 
compelled the National Secreta- 
riat, in the best interests of the 
Party, to ask his expulsion. 

Like any other Party member, 
Bittelman has the right to ex- 
press his views, either orally or 
in writing. But such views must 
be in accord with Party princi- 
ples. A member of the Party can- 
not use his membership to advo- 
cate views in/direct opposition to 
the very principles of the organ- 
ization which he joined to up- 
hold. Differences and criticism 
on tactical questions are entirely 
I>ermi8sible — indeed, indispens- 
able. But no one can write 
books directed against the Party 
and retain his membership. 




Alexander Bittelraan's series of articles entitled, 
"I Take a Fresh Look," begins in the Daily Worker 
of Oct. 1, 1957, p. 5. The articles will discuss 
the welfare state, peaceful competition, relation • 
of Marxism to the labor movement. 

1st of the series on "Life and Theory" 

D.W., Oct. 1, 1957, pp. 5, 7 


2nd " " 

3rd » " 

Uth " " 

5th " " 

6th " " 

7th " " 

8th •» " 

9th » " 

10th " » 

nth » » 

12th » " 

» "The Party Crisis" 

D.W., Oct. 2, 1957, pp. 5, 7 

" "Party Crisis - Subrjective 
Factors" - D.W., Oct. 3, 1957 j 
pp. 5, 7 

" "Nature of the Party's 
Dogmatism" - D.W., Oct, U, 
1957, p. 5 

" "The Way Out of the Party 
Cilsis" - D.W., Oct. 7, 1957, 
pp. 5, 7 

" "America's Future" 

D.W., Oct. 8, 1957, pp. 5, 7 

" "The Problem of Markets" 
D.W., Oct. 9, 1957, pp. 5, 7 

" "The Welfare State" 

D.W., Oct. 10, 1957, p. 5 

" "An American Road to 

Socialism" - D.W., Oct. 11, 
1957, p. 5 

" "The Future of the Party" 
D.W., Oct. \\xy 1957, pp. 5, 7 

" "Communists and the Unions" 
D.W., Oct. 15, 1957, p. 5 ^ 

" "Toward a Leading Party of 
Socialism" - D.W., Oct. l6, 
1957, pp. 5, 7 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT Xo. 5 — Continued 

Dally Vorkw^ New York. Thartday, October 10, 1957 PaSC 5 


The Welfare 



AS VET THERE is no scien- 
tific definition of the Welfare 
State, but its meaning— hislori- 
cal, social and political— is fair- 
ly clear. 

In a general way it is the 
old American dream that came 
down to our own da\.s of a free 
and happy nation. But it be- 
gan to assume modern .social 
and political forms in the 193()'s 
during the Great Depression 
and the rise of the New Dea'. 
Gradually it became the social 
and political aspiration of la- 
bor, tne toiling farmers, the Ne- 
gro people and large sections 
of small and independent busi- 
ness, with organized labor as 
its chief exponent. It is becom- 
ing a social and political plat- 
form of the overwhelming ma- 
jority of the American jv^ople 
for making the welfare clause 
of the Constitution the basic and 
chief function of government. 
Specifically: the government— 
the State— assumes full resixm- 
sibihty for the economic and so- 
cial welfare and security of the 
IX'ople, with a consistent .ex- 
]>ansij)n of the people's dcnm- 
cratic liberties and rights, na- 
tional, state and local. 

A scientific MaiAist-I^ninist 
analysis of this popular concept 
of the Welfare State^wpuld show 
that it is a modem product and 
expression of the trauitional anti- 
monoix)Iy and democratic move- 
ments of the American p«'ople. 
It embcKlies a system of radical 
social reforms for the improve- 
ment of the economic conailions 
f)f the masses of the people and 
for restricting and curbing the 
powers of the monoplies. 

On the political side it is 
again a modem exprcssicm of 
the traditional struggle of the 
democratic classes and groups 
in the United States for making 
the will of the masses ever more 
effective in government and 
generally in the pi)litical lile of 
the nation. 

MEWED KRO.M the Marx- 
ist-Leninist standpoint, the Wel- 
fare State would represent a 
historic stage in the social prog- 
ress of the American people, a 
historic stage of considerable" 
duration in the advance of the 
American lieojile to the eventual 
socialist transformation of Amer- 
ican society'. 

Whetlier in popular concept 
or scientific analvsis, the Wei- 





fare State is not Socialism nor so- 
cialistic in any sense of the 
word. It is anti-monopoly but 
not anti-capitalist. Its aim is to 
check and cmb the econ(imic 
and jwlitical powers of the mo- 
nopolies, not to abolish capital- 
ism. The movements lor the 
Welfare State are jzenerally 
democratic — not socialist — bv 
their aims, aspirations and social 

Again. \ie\\ccl from the Marx- 
ist-L<Miinist theoretical iH)siti<ins, 
the potcnti.dities of the Welfare 
State for realizing the social 
welfare atul secnrit\ of the peo- 
ple within the confines of the 
capitalist system— these potetiti- 
alitics are limited: but tliev may 
pnne extensive lor a certain 
period of time. 

In an\' event, the reali/aficni 
of the Welfare State is condi- 
tioned by two basic laclors. One 
is the rise of a i>o\vcrf\il anti- 
monopoly c<ialition embracing 
the majorif\' ol the American 
jicopic and h.ixinvi tlic working 
class as its backbone and driv- 
ing force. The other is a gov- 
rriuncnt represcMiling and ac- 
ti\i'ly backed by such a coali- 
tion, a government will b<* 
willing and .iblc to go to the 
\erv limit compatible with cap- 
italist relations of production to 
curb the powers oi the n»onop- 

BASIC TRENDS in Am« rican 
social and political life all go 
in tliat directi(Mi. Marxist-Len- 
Ists. and Socialists of all cur- 
rents, can play a key role in 
accelerating the course of devel- 
opment of these anti-monopoly 
trend.s toward a Welfare State 
and to bring it to complete fru 

\'ie\ved once more from the 
tlteoretical positions of Marxism- 
Leninism, tne welfare potentiali- 
ties of the Welfare State, it* 
capacities to meet the ever 
growing needs ol the pKJople, 
must eventually become ex- 

hausted and come to an end. At 
some point along the road of 
social progress, the welfare ac- 
tivities of that state must come 
into insoluble conflict with the 
capitalist mode of production. 
Economic and political problems 
must inevitably arise at a cer- 
tain turn in the development of 
the Welfare State, whose solu- 
tion will become possible only 
by social measures that go be- 
yond the limitations of Uie cap- 
italist sN.stem. It is at such a 
turn that the American people 
will confront the direct task of 
transforming American social 
life on the oasis of ScK'ialism. 

MOST PEOPLE view today 
the Welfare State as the final 
and coujplete answer to Amer- 
ica's basic s(K'ial problems. Marx- 
ist-Leninists cannot accept that 
point of view. To them the 
Welfare State, while represent- 
ing great progressive .siK-ial and 
political changes, yet consti- 
tutes only a historic stage on the 
road of social progress and 
eventually to. Socialism. 

Others tend to l<x)k upon the 
Welfare States as in itself the 
transition to, a kind 
of o^x'ning phase in the social- 
ist transformation of American 
society. Marxist-Leninists can 
not accept that point of view 
either. The idea of the Wel- 
fare State and the movements 
towards it are arising as objec- 
tive necessities from the nati(Mi- 
al speculiarities of American so- 
cial, economic and political life. 
This alone determines the so- 
cial and political content of the 
Welfare State and the class na- 
ture of the forces moving in 
that direction. 

A Marxist-Leninist analvsis 
shows that the social and politi- 
cal content of the Welfare State 
is anti-monoply, not anti-canital- 
ism, and that the class ancl po- 
litical nature of the movements 
toward it are generally demo- 
ctatic, not socialist. The con- 
clusion therefore is that the Wei- 



BiTTEi.MAN Exhibit Xo. ."> — ■Continuefl 

far^ State is a distinct historic 
stage in America's social prog- 
ress and that the peaceful and 
constitutional transition to So- 
cialism is another historic stage, 
the next and higher stage. 

TTiis is how the future of 
American appears in a fresh lo«)k 
at theory and life. From the 
"cold war," the American people 
fight their way to the period of 
peaceful coexistence and tt>m- 
petition. From the struggles 
to insure world- peace, tney 

proceed to impose upon the 
government foreign policies 
based upon the Bandung prin- 
ciples, and domestic policies in- 
spired by the economic and po- 
litical ideals of the Welfare 
State. And along thLs road of 
anti - monopoly coalition and 
struggle, the American people 
will be moving to the Welfare 
State itself. 

to Socialism.) 

American Road 



HiTTKi.MAX KxiiiiUT No. .1 — 'CoiitiimtMl 
Daily Worker, N»w York, Friday, Oriohrr 11, 1057 Page 5 


Amerkan Road to 

IN VIEW OF the position of 
American people today, a so- 
cialist United States can be en- 
visione<l only with the aid of 
Marxist-Ix*ninist theory. But 
even withont the aid of our 
theory it is not diflficult to en- 
visage a United States govem- 
e<l by a peoples' anti-monopoly 
coalition where the economic 
and political powers of the mo- 
n(;p4)iies are restricted and 
titrbi-d; where the basic and 
chief fnnclion of government is 
to secure the people's welfare, 
maintain and expand their dem- 
ocratic liberties and to cooper- 
ate with all nations in the pres- 
er\'ation r)f world peace; and 
where America fulfills its lead- 
ing role in world affairs in 
fiiendship and collaboration 
with all nations and peoples. 

Looking still further into 
America's future, from the posi- 
tions of the Welfare State stage 
of its history, it is not difficult 
with the aid of MarxLst-Leninist 
ibeorv to see the task of socialist 
transformation arising inevitably 
before the American people as 
the next and higher historic 
stage in their social progress. 
And it is not difficult to see 
that they will tackle this task 
with great competence and dis- 

patch, with the aid and guid- 
ance of a leading party of So- 
cialism, inspired ny the princi- 
ples of Marxism-Leninism. 

It is evident that there is no 
substance whatever to the 
charge made by our enemies 
that Communists cannot hon- 
estly wish and work for the 
success of the United States in 
the p>eacefnl competition with 
the Soviet I'nion and the other 
socalist nations. The fact is that 
Communists themselves can and 
do offer a program for the 
emerging period of peaceful co- 
existence ami competition de- 
signed to advance the well- 
being of the American jseople, 
to accelerate their social and 
political progress and to raise 
the le.iding role of the United 
States in world affairs. 

Let onr cnenue.s tiy to chal- 
lenge it. 

We take the field of econonu'c 
competition and we ask: will 
America's successes mean fail- 
ures for the socialist nations 
or for the nations now strug- 
gling lor their economic and 
lH)litfcal independence? Not at 
all. The more America succeeds 
in expanding and developing 
normal trade relations with other 
tuitions on the basis of the 
Bandung principles, the more 





beneficial that will be not only 
to tJie peoole of the United 
States but also to the new na- 
tions and to the countries 
building Socialism. 

tween the United Stales and the 
Soviet Union and the other so- 
cialist nations in rendering eco- 
nomic aid for the rapid indus- 
trialization of the underdevel- 
oped countries can only be of 
the greatest benefit to all con- 
cerned. Here the need for aid 
will be virtually unlimited for 
a whole historic period. Hence, 
the aid of all able to give will 
be more than welcome if offered 
in the spirit and along the lines 
of the Bandung principles. 

This is the field where com- 
petition between the United 
States and the Soviet Union, or 
China, or the other socialist na- 
tions, will almost inevitably pass 
into cooperation. For the truth 
is that when both sides com- 
pete along the lines of the Band- 
ung principles, competition and 
coojieratiOn will go hand in 

Economic competition l>e- 
t\vcen the United Stales and the 
countries .of Socialism, in the 
emerging period of peaceful co- 
existence, can have only one 
result: the advancement of the 
welfare and social progress of 
all peoples and nations regard- 
less of their social systems and 
political institutions. 

What about the field of politi- 
cal competition? Here rivalry 
and competition are bound to 
slacken as the period of peaceful 
coexistence becomes^ firmly es- 
tablished and economic com- 
petition tunis ever more into 

I SPEAK here not of com- 
petition between politic-al insti- 
tutions and systems. This will 
take place in the realm of ideo- 
logical competition. The uefer- 
ence here is to the present rival- 
ries between the so-called East 

and West for winning allies, 
friends and supporters. On this 
issue, American Communists 
(arid Communists in all lands) 
have consistently a<lvocated a 
policy of political collaboration 
—collaboration for the mainte- 
nance of world peace and for 
the well being of all peoples 
—between the United States and 
the Soviet Union in the first 
place, as well as between all 
nations and peoples regardless 
of the differences in their social 

In the ensuing historic period, 
the trend toward political col- 
laboration and away from rival- 
ry and conflict is bound to 
grow stronger. 

There remairts the major and 
crucial field of ideological com- 
petition. Tliis Is the competi- 
tion between the two social 
systems, capitalism and social- 
ism. This competition is bound 
to demonstrate to mankind which 
of the two systems can meet 
best the needs and aspirations 
of all peoples for peace, pros- 
perity, well-being and happi- 
ness; whk'h of the two svstems 
is most suited for the full and 
untrammeled development of 
mankind's capacities for mater- 
ial, cultural and spiritual 
growth; which of the two can 
provide the best environment for 
the unlimite^l intellectual and 
Spiritual growth of each imli- 
vidual in true freedom and 



CIALISTS of all currents, are of 
course convinced that the so- 
cialist system is the better of 
the two and that historically 
socialism is destined to supplant 
capitalism. To an Ameri<.-an !>ۥ 
liever in Socialism, the greatest 

Satriotic service that can be ren- 
ered to America is to work for 
the eventual socialist transfornia- 1 
tion of the United States. ■ 

Consequently, when in the 
_cotft?e of the world compe\iti<m . 



BiTTELMA.v Exhibit No. ."> — •Continuetl 

between the two systems, the 
majprity of the American peo- 
ple Will reach the conclusion 
that the socialist system is a bet- 
ter and more progressive system 
and win proceed, in a constitu- 
tional way, to make the change. 
This will mark a vkiory not of 
one country over another but of 
a ne^i' and progressive social 
system and idea over an old ami 
reactionary one, 6ne that hss 
outlived its progressive capaci- 
ties and usefulness and must 
pass into the annals of history. 

We have been discussing AN 
PETITION and we foimd that 
this emerging historical period 
offers the American people un- 
preoec^ nted opportunities for. 
further social progress, for sig- 
nificant material and cultural 
growth, ' for realizing a major 
leading role in the proeress and 
well-being of mankind. It is 

the period which leads to toe 
Welfare State from which the 
road will open to the peaceful 
and constitutional transition to 

America can win the competi- 
tive rivalries in the emerging 
new historical period only on 
the non-monopoly and non-im- 
perialist road of social and poli- 
tical progress. American suc- 
cesses in this conrrpetitioo will 
inevitably be accompanied by 
the further advance of the anti- 
monopoly and progressive forces 
"of the American people to in- 
fluence and leadership in the 
nation. For only the advance 
and triumph of these forces, 
headed by the working class, in 
the leadership of the nation can 
bring about the advancement of 
American progressive and hu- 
manitarian leadership in the af- 
fairs of the world. 

(Monday: Future at the Party.) 



BiTTELMA.x Exhibit No. o — •Continued 

bally Worker, N«r York, Wedneaday. October 16. I^S7 pg^Ofi 5 

'I TAKE A FREil»II LOOK' (12) 

Toward a Leading Party 


(Concluding Artkfe) 

THE CURRENT Communist 
Party crisis must not blur tlie 
fact that we are on the road 
toward a leading party of So- 
cialism. The Co;nmunist Party 
can and will play e key part 
in hastening the emergence of 
such a party in the United 

We proceed from the propo- 
sition tnat tlie American labor 
movement is headed in a his- 
torically progressive direction. 
It is moving toward major ^rid 
significant social changes in 
conflict with the economic and 

litical power of the monopo- 
ies. }n this lies the chief guar- 
antee that ever increasing num- 
bers of progressive and thought- 
ful trade unionists will . turn 
toward Socialism as the ultimate 
solution of America's basic so- 
cial problems. Having reached 
that turn they will inevitably be- 
come the backbone of. a lead- 
ing mass Socialist party. 

One of the most important 
tasks of the Communist Part>', 
in the fulfillment of its van- 
guard role in this period, is to 
accelerate this historical pro- 
cess. The task has two aspects. 
One is to suotxirt. as the most 


advanced and resolute section 
of the working class, the prog- 
ress of the trade union move- 
ment toward major economic, 
p<)litioal and social changes. 
This is fundamental. This is the 
way not. only to be an effective 
defense of the daily economic 
and political powers of the mo- 
nopolies. It is the way to the 
Welfare State and from there 
to the next and higher historic 
stage— the socialist transforma- 
tion of American society. 

The other asoect of the task 
is to help the labor movement 
to see clearly the line of its own 
historical march, the various 
stages on the road, and its ulti- 
mate objectives. It is the task 
of accelerating the progress of 
the more progressive ax)d 
thoughtful trade unionists tow- 
ard the acceptance of the So- 
cialist ideal and program and 
toward active participation in 
the building and leadership of 
a mass party of Socialism. 
• " ■ 

THAT THE American labor 
movement Ls headed in a gen- 
erally progressive direction 
seems to t>e incontestable for 
some very basic objective and 
subjective reasons. Labor has 
becttme conscious of a number 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — 'Continued 

of fundameotal economic, po- 
L'tical and social problems tnat 
have confronted it for a long 
time. It is seeking and press- 
ing for solutions. And in so 
doing, the labor movement is 
compelled to move in a jwo- 
gressive direction. 

What other direction can 
labor take in the struggle for 
fuU employment and a guaran- 
teed annual wage? What other 
direction is there for a sigTn'6- 
cant extension of tfie social se- 
ciuity program? 

It is the direction of expand^ 
ing the strength and ^influencs 
of the trade union movement 
It is the direction of buildiog 
up and expanding labor's politi- 
cal and social influence in the 
affairs of the nation. It is the 
direction of developing and 
strengthening labor's politic-al 
ties and alliances with the Ne- 
gro liberation movements, with 
the formers and small business, 
with all other anti-monopoly and 
progressive forces in American 

Labor has become conscious 
of the fact ^t irmust 4ntimate- 
ly/cooccm itself with the course 
of the national economy. It must 
seek to combat and, if possible, 
forestall economic recessions, de- 
pressions and crises. Most im- 
portant: labor has come to rea- 
lize that, with its anti-depres- 
sion program and policies, it is 
actually able to affect economic 
developments in the interests 
of the American people' as a 
whole, given adequate political 
organization and activity. 

These positions of the labor 
movement have a logic of their 
own whether understood by its 
participants or not. It . is the 
logic of struggle to curb the eco- 
nomic and political powers of 
tl«e powers of the monopolies. 
It is the logic of economic and 
political struggle, increasingly 
independent and class conscious, 
that must lead to the emer- 
gence of a powerful anti-fnonop- 

oly coalition and to the Welfare 
State. The age of automation 
which is now opening up, and of 
the peaceful use of atomic pow- 
er, with its new and acute eco- 
nomic and social problems, will 
tend to accelerate most power- 
fully all these tendencies and 

IT MUST BE realized, how- 
ever, that the anti-racfiopoly 
logic of all thesfe developments 
is already understood by large 
numbers and decisive sections 
of the labor movement. And 
the numbers are progressively- 
increasing. Thus lab()r's advance 
on the road of siK-ial progress 
is bound to pick up considerable 
.nioment\im in the ' coming 
months and years. 

This is not to close one's eyes 
to the fact that the decisive 
forces in the labor movement 
have not as yet drawn many 
of the important conclusions— 
especially for the deepening of 
independent political action— 
from their own programs and 
activities. This is a basic weak- 
ness. Nor can or»e overlook 
the bourgeois and petty bour- 
geois theories underlying some 
of these programs. But this is 
precisely where the vanguard 
role of the advance section oi 
the working class comes in. It 
n the duty and task of the Com- 
munist and other socialist mind- 
ed u-orkers. to help the labor 
movement as a whole to see 
where it is going, to make the 
necessary practical conclusions 
from its own programs and posi- 
tions, to overcome its vital po- 
litical and theoretical weakness- 

The labor movement and its 
allies can and must play a key 
role in the social progress on 
the American people in the 
emerging jjeriotl of peaceful co- 
existence and confipetition. But 
to fulfill that role, the trade 
union movement will have to 

(Continued on Page 7). 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT Xo. 5 — 'Coiitiuued 

Daily Worker, New York, Vcdnc»d»y, October 16, 195 7 Page 7 


(Continued from Page S) 
produce its own PROGRAM 
for this historical period. To 
be of true benefit to the Amer- 
ican people, to be truly capable 
of advancing their Welfare and 
expanding their democratic lib- 
erties, as well as to advance 
the friendship of America wtth 
all nations and peoples and the 
leading role of the United States 
in world affairs, this, program 
'and policy must be non-monop- 
oly and non-imperialist. 

It must be genuinely progres- 
sive and democratic. It must 
be backed by a steadily growing 
anti-monopoly coalition wift 
labor as its backbone and driv- 
ing force, a coalition which seeks 
'to curb the powers of the mo- 
nopolies and to advance to the 
Welfare State. 

To belo accelerate this his- 
toric Dfocess, as the most ad- 
vanoea and resolute section cf 
the labor movement, this is the 
way to fulfill the vanguard role 
of the Communist Party in this 
period. Here lies the future of 
our Partv and al$o the future 
of a leaaing mass party of So- 

the present Party crisis and be- 
gin to move toward that future 
Sy initiating arKl, practicing the 
new forms and methods of our 
vanguard role arising from new 
relations with the trade union 
movement and with all other 
progressive movements. 

Our Party will emerge from 
the crisis and open a new phase 
in its gp-owth and development 
by bringing forth a definitive 
program, a Marxist-Leninist pro- 
gram, which has evaluated and 

"drawn all theoretical conclu- 
sions from the great social and 
political changes of the present 
period and which traces , the 
lines of march of the American 
people, stages and phases, to tlie 
peaceful and constitutional 
transition to Socialism. 

This is a great theoretical and 
poltical task which can be ful- 
nlled only by the organized and 
persistent efforts of the entire 
Party and its membership. It is 
a task for the realization of 
which the Party will seek the 
opinions and advice of other 
socialist minded and progressive 
people and groups, especially the 
more consistently progressive 
elements of ti>e trade unions. 

It is a task which will re- 
quire a fresh scientific look at 
our Marxist-Leninist theories 
and a full evaluation of the 
national characteristics and 
peculiarities in the economic, po- 
litical, social and ideological 
development of the United 
States. The resulting product 
win be a good program forihe 
American people and its working 
dass. It will thereby be a good 
Mid safe guide to world peace, 
friendship of all nations, and 
woHdng class internationalism. 

Finally, to come out of the 
crisis, nie Party will need a 
new tactical orientation, one 
that will help all the progressive 
forces of the American people 
to play an effective part in the 
struggle for peace, for democ- 
racy, for economic security and 
people's welfare . 

And so we conclude: our 
Party's future lies with the fu- 
ture of the American working 
class. It lies with tlie future ot 
die American people. 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Continued 

political affairs 







On the 12-Party Declarafion 

Key Problems of Party 

Behind the Guatemalan 

Africa and the United States 

The Nakedness of Mr. Fast 


[58] Letters from Readers 

tZO] 1 

"■~"- ^ '^ / 


jlO] "Ideas in Oui lime" -J 

83743 O - 62 (pt. 2) - 5 





Key Problems of Party Program 

By Alexander Bitfelman 

What kind oi- a program does the 
Party need-' The i6th Party Con- 
vention gave a clear answer. The 
program has "to define clearly and 
unequivocally the viewpoint of 
American Communists on all funda- 
mental problems of the struggle for 
socialism in the United States." 

Put in other words, the Program 
has to trace the American Road to 
Socialism, proceeding from the theo- 
retical positions of Marxism-Lenin- 
ism and with the aid of its scientific 

From this it is obvious that the 
projected Party program cannot be 
a program of action designed for a 
particular situation or even period 
of time. Programs of action the Par- 
ty needs and formulates from time to 
time as cKcasion demands. Nor can 
the projected Program be a mere 
statement of policy whether for a 
particular issue or for a complex 
of issues. This too the Partv has to 
produce every now and then. 

Finally, the [>rogram called for by 
the i6th Convention is something 
very much difTcrcnt from a statement 
of the Party's general line and tac- 
tical orientation. The Main Resolu- 
tion of the Convention is that kind 
of a document; and as such, it con- 
tains certain programmatic aspects, 
but it is not the program. 

Starting out from a Marxian analy- 
sis of American capitalism, with all 
its national p)eculiarities and charac- 
teristics, the program has to define 
the historic stage or stages on the 
American road to socialism; the spe- 
cific objective tasks of each stage; 
and the corresponding programs of 
economic, political and social de- 

How urgent is the need for such a 
Party program? Extremely urgent 
and pressing, according to the i6th 
Convention. "The Convention fccU 
that it is incorrect to continue to 
function without a comprehensive 
and basic written program," so 
speaks the Main Resolution. It 
should be obvious by now, eleven 
months after the (.(invention, that 
the very solution of the Party crisis 
depends in large measure upon our 
willingness and abilitv to produce 
the kind of program the (Convention 

In what spirit shall we proceed 
to work on this program r" Here too 
the (Convention gave us a clear lead. 
It said: "Entirely new and unprece- 
dented problems are emerging today 
which were never treated by Marx, 
Engels or Lenin. They arise from 
the new world situation and its im- 
pact on all countries." Very true, 
as life has convincingly demon- 








ttratcd. Hence, the Convention 
said: "The Communist Party will 
have to be bolder in re-examining 
certain Marxist-Leninist theories 
which, w^hile valid in a past period, 
may have become outdated and ren- 
dered obsolete by new historical de- 

In any such serious undertaking, 
the danger always exists that revision- 
ist tendencies may creep into the 
process of re-examination, and Marx- 
ists will always be on their guard. 
At the same time, the Convention 
also said that our main danger at 
this time is dogmatism and sectar- 
ianism. It pointed to something very 
crucial when it said: 

The Marxist movement in our coun- 
try has suffered historically from dog- 
matic application of Marxist theory to 
the American scene. The Communist 
Party inherited these weaknesses. In- 
sufficient development of the indepen- 
dent theoretical work of our Party over 
the past decades has contributed to- 
wards our doctrinaire acceptance and 
mechanical application of many theo- 
retical propositions. 

This is the state of mind with 
which we must approach our work 
on the program. 

Writing on the preparation of a 
program for the Russian Party in the 
latter half of 1899, Lenin said the 

We do not regard Marxist theory 
as something completed and inviolable; 
on the contrary, we are convinced that 
it has only laid the cornerstone of 

the science which Socialists must fur- 
ther advance in all directions if they 
wish to keep pace with life. We think 
that an independent elaboration of the 
Marxist theory is especially essential for 
Russian Socialists, for this theory pro- 
vides only general guiding principles, 
which, in particular, arc applied in Eng- 
land differently from France, in France 
differently from Germany, and in Ger- 
many different from Russia {Marx- 
En gels Marxism, page 126, Lenin's 
own emphases). 

It is, of course, true that since these 
words were written, Marxist theory 
has made history-creating advances. 
It has been developed further by 
Lenin himself for the era of mo- 
nopoly capitalism and imperialism, 
bringing into life Marxism-Lenin- 
ism. This theory has been further 
enriched by the epoch-making ex- 
periences of socialist transformations 
in the Soviet Union, in China and 
in many countries of eastern and 
central Europe. The national libera- 
tion movements in large parts of the 
world, and the tremendous advances 
of the labor movement of the ca(M- 
talist countries to influence in the af- 
fairs of their nations, have contribu* 
ted mightily to the still further en- 
velopment and enrichment of Kfarz- 
ist theory — Marxism-Leninism. 

But the development of Marxist 
theory never stops. It must never be 
allowed to stop if we wish **to keqp 
pace with life," as Lenin said. And 
this is what the 16th Convention 
wanted us to do. Its Main Resolu- 
tion said: "To advancq the struggle 
in the United States for peace, de- 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Coiitimiet] 


mocracy, civil rights and socialism, fronts" as one of the chief means 

the Communist Party must further out of the crisis. Very well. This 

develop its independent theoretical we must try to do; but can this be 

work." done successfully in the old way? 

In \iew of the foregoing, it is im- The Party has been trying for many 
perative to ask the following ques- years to do mass work but that did 
tion: what is Comrade Foster's atti- not prevent the crisis from arising 
tude to the decision of the i6th Con- nor did it bring the further dcvel- 
vention that we begin work on the opment of the crisis to a stop. Ob- 
preparation of "a comprehensive and viously, the effort to do mass work 
basic written program"? Why does in the old way does not work. The 
he keep silent about the program? Party needs a new way of doing 
How did he manage to write a mass work. What is this new way? 
document of thousands upon thou- One of the reasons for the continu- 
sands of words without explicitly dis- ing Party crisis is precisely the fact 
cussing our new programmatic prob- Comrade Foster continues totally 
lems. without fully formulating any oblivious of this major fact in the 
of them, without even saying that Party's life. 
we need a program of the kind called 

for. by the Convention? Shall we New ways of doing mass work 

assume that Comrade Foster is op- require a comprehensive and basic 

posed to the [)r()gram decision of Party program of the kind called 

the Convention? for by the i6th Convention; a new 

I am referring here to his article relationship between the Communist 
"The Party Crisis and the Way Party and the labor movement, the 
Out" {Political Affairs, Dec-Jan.), movement of our class; a new rela- 
This article, according to Foster, "in- tionship between the Party and the 
dicates the chief means by which this Negro national liberation movement 
crisis may be overcome." But one and all other progressive movements 
would look in vain among these of the people; a new tactical orien- 
chief means for the task of preparing tation based upon this new relation- 
a basic .uid comprehensive Party ship; and a pcrs|)ective of a lead- 
program. (Comrade Foster simply ig- ing mass party of socialism — a united 
nores this task. The truth, however, party of socialism — inspired by the 
is that one of the very key and chief teachings c^f Marx and Lenin, 
means of bringing the Party out of 

the crisis is precisely the prepara- This does not mean, of course, 

tion of a basic and comprehensive that no mass work of any kind is 

Party program. ^x)ssible until all these requirements 

Comrade Foster speaks of "tlie have been fully met. No, that is not 
earliest and most intensive cultiva- the idea. But it does mean that suc- 
tion of our mass work upon all cessful mass work of a scope aod 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Continued 


oanire that will pull the Party out of is not just confusion; although, God 

the crisis will become possible only knows, there is plenty of that in our 

in the process of meeting these ba- midst, and also theoretical disoricn- 

sic requirements for the new ways tation. But what is the chief source 

of doing mass work. of all diat ? // is the appearance and 

Comrade Foster's article shows no accumulation of a whole series of 

awareness of the crucial needs of new and major problems, calling for 

these requirements. fundamental programmatic and po- 

He speaks of the need "to liqui- litical answers, but which our Partf 

date the continuing theoretical con- has not yet found or even clearly 

fusion in the Party." All right, and adequately formulated. The ac- 

Whercin lies the confusion? About cumulation of unsolved nu^or theo- 

\i^at specific and concrete theored- retical problems and the protracted 

cal problems are we confused P Is it delay in arriving at a solution of 

enough merely to restate Marxist- these problems — this is the source 

Leninist principles, and to restate of the theoretical oonfusioa and di»- 

them inadequately, "to liquidate the orientation in our midst. He who 

continuing theoretical confusion"? does not see that, sees nothing at all 

If that were enough, the confusion in the Party crisis, 

would be liquidated by now since Hence, "to liquidate the contiau- 

we have had many and repeated ing theoretical confusion in the 

"restatements" of fundamental prin- Party," we must begin to face and 

ciplcs. But Comrade Foster himself tackle the new and major theoretical 

finds that the confusion is still here. proUcms confronting us. This means 

Why? to formulate and solve a number (d 

Comrade Foster makes no effort key problems of Party program, "en- 

to answer this question except to say tirely new and unprecedented prob- 

pf the confusion that it is "not only lems," as the 16th Convention said, 

our traditional sectarianism and dog- We must prepare a program that will 

matism, but also the Revisionism "define clearly and unequivocally 

which has almost wrecked the Party." the viewpoint of American Commu- 

This only tells us that we suffer nists on all fundamental problems 

from both tendencies— dogmatism of the struggle for socialism in the 

and revisionism. That is true. But United States." 
it tells us nothing at all about the 

specific problems we are theoretically CAPITALISM IN THE 

confused on and wherein the confu- UNITED STATES AND THE 

•ion Uet. It is as diough Comrade AMERICAN ROAD TO 

F<ater was deliberately avoiding SOQAUSM 
these quesdoDs; but they cannot be 

anroided. Life is seeing to that. llie social system existing now in 

What we su^ from theoredcally the United States is capitalism. It 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Continued 


if governed by the tame ecoocmuc problem whote aoludoo k the start- 
laws as the capitalist system in Eng- ing point ^ the pfcparatioa ol the 
land, for example, or France, or any Party program. It is also a major 
other capitalist country. It is gov- political problem. The struggle 
emcd by xhc economic laws discov- against various bourgeois dieoriea 
efcd and formulated by Marx. that capitalism in the United States 
Our program must demonstrate »• cither no capi t alis m at all or is 
the truth of this proposition and also governed by entirely diSercnt eco- 
of the Marxian conclusion that nomic laws than capitalism else- 
socialism in the United States is in- where is both a theoretical and po- 
evitable. This is the basic task of htical struggle. The exposure of the 
the program. monopoly fraud of "People's Capi- 
How do we propose to fulfill this talism," which Comrade Foster un- 
task? What dicoretical problems pardonably confu^a widi die aspira- 
must we formulate and solve in or- tions of the American people and its 
der to realize this basic program- labor movement towards a Welfare 
matic task? State, is also both theoretical and po- 

A key problem facing us here is litical. 
to define scientifically, in a Marxist- To struggle effectively against all 

Leninist way, the nature of the na^ bourgeois theories that American 

tional peculiarities and characteris- capitalism is "exceptional," and to 

tics of American capitalism. It is expose the nxxiopoly fraud of "Peo- 

unqucstiooable that capitalism in pic's Capitalism," our program must 

the United Sutes, beginning with its define dearly the nature ol the un- 

very origin and continuing 'through questionable national peculiarities o£ 

its present highest stage, that of mo- American capitalism. It must pro- 

nopoly and imperialism, is display- ceed from that to the necessary pro- 

ing a number of distinct and impor- graramatic conclusions oo whether 
tant national pecuUaritics and char- these peculiarities have a bearing, 
acteristics. What are they? How and the kind of bearing, oo the 
important are they from the stand- American road to sorialiam. 
point of struggle for socialism in Comrade Foster speaks in his ar- 
the United States? tide about "national characteristics" 

In other words: are the national but he continues to shy away from 
peculiarities and characteristics of the programmatic problem facing 
capitalism in the United States of us here. He refers to the fact that 
such a nature that they raise before "the United States is the largest ol 
our Party programmatic problems all capitalist couotries." Ib what re- 
bearing on the American Road to spects? What, ii any, programmatk 
Socialism? onnrlunnm must wc draw fraa 

This is DOC only a basic theoretical that? But we find no answer from 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Coutinued 


Foster, noc evea Ac recognitioo that The answer is found in a study 

an answer is called for. of the chief national characteristics 

Comrade Foster also speaks of in the origin and dfvelopmtnt of 
"the particular qualities of US, mo- capitalism in the United States. Some 
nopolies." What are these partkular say this is a historical approach. Of 
qualities? Do we have to find out course, it is; this is a Marxist theory 
what they are and what their nature and method. If the problem as for- 
is from a theoretical and program- mulated is real, and if the way to 
nutic standpoint? No answer from the answer lies in the origin and 
Foster; not even an intimaticxi of development of American capital- 
ao answer. Had he taken the ism, then the approach has to be his- 
trouble of analyzing in a Marxist- torical. Isn't that so? 
Leninist way ''the particular quali- American capitalism, as is well 
ties of the VS. monopoUes," he known to every student of the coun- 
might have ditcovercd that the mod- try's economic and general history, 
ern strivings of the Aooerican peo- originated and developed in the pros- 
pie towards a Welfare State, which ess of conquering a continent, with a 
he confuses with the monopoly ^tntier in continual motion iov 
fraud of "People's Capitalism," are many decades, not only the geo- 
promoted and stimulated by the ir- graphic frontier but also and espe- 
recoQcilable conflict and contradic- dally the economic frontier. As a 
tioo between the mooopoUes and the result, capitalism in the United 
noass of the American people. He States was developing in width and 
might have learned that the full and dq>th at the same time, and stiU 
far-reaching objective significance of continues to do so. It was develop- 
diis conflict stems from the funda- ing extensively through the continu- 
mental contradiotioa bettvcen the al rise of new capitalist relations 
mouopolits «nd the general capi- in new parts of the country; and it 
ndist entfironrmens of free compe- was developing intensively through 
tition and commodity production. the concentration and centrahzation 

This contradiction, as analyzed by of capital and the subsequent rise 
T^nin, which he defines as "perma- of monopoly and imperialism, 
nent and insoluble," ^ the attribute Important here is die role of the 
of monopoly capitalism and impe- moving frontier (with which bour- 
rialism in all capitalist countries. But geois historians have dealt much but 
in the United States, as every one-sidedly), the simultaneous ex- 
thoughtful student o£ the American tensive and intensive development 
toeae knows, this oootradictioa of the American economy, and the 
came to play an extraordinary rok. comtinmd reproduction of new 'Capi- 
Why? Comrade Foster does not even udist relations as wetl as new mo- 
tet this question, let alone answer it nopoly groupings. These factors, 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Continued 

which itill operate diougfa in new *lkoiiest" trade in the free market, 

and rKanyjng ways, $<ini to repro- the contradictions between cartels and 

duce contintuOly and in ever sharps tt^**^ <« ^« one hand, and^non-car- 

er form "the permmnent and insot- J^ .^"^\°? i^^'^'i^ 

uhle contrudicS^TiUnin) between ^^^X^ISe) ""^ 

the American monopolies and the "^' *** ^^'' 

general capitalist environment of It is painful to record that Com- 

free competition and commodity rade Foster and other American 

production and the contradiction be- Communists have been and are try- 

tween the anti-democratic tenden- ing "to evade and obscure the very 

eies of the monopolies and the demo- profound and radical contradictions 

cratic tendencies of (he American of imperialism" of which Lenin 

people. writes. As a result, they are arriv- 

It is predaely here that we find ing, or tend to arrive, at false con- 

tbe main ex(danatioa for the fact elusions on many important matters 

that the chief and basic contradic- of theory and poUcy, including the 

tioa of capitalism, the contradiction Welfare Sute. 

between the capitalist class and the In combatting the bourgeois theo- 

working class, has found and con- ries of the "exceptional" nature of 

tinues to find its sharpest expression capitalism in the United States, 

in the contradiction between the mo- American Marxists must dcmon- 

oopoUes and tSie mass of the people, strate, by convincing proof and not 

Anti<apit«Aist sentiments and move- by mere assertion, that (i) Ameri- 

menu tend to assume an anti-mo- can capitaUsm is governed by the 

mopoly edge and character. same economic laws as capitalism in 

Lenin attached tremendous impor- other countries; (2) that all general 

tance to the contradiction between economic laws are modified in their 

monopoly and the general capitalist working and operation by many cir- 

environment of free competition cumstances (K^rx) ; (3) that the na- 

and comnvxlity production. He tional peculiarities in the origin and 

wrote: development of capitalism in the 

United States tend to give birth to 

Kautsky's theoretical critique of im- popular illusions about the "cxcep- 
perialism has nothing in common with tional" nature of American capital- 
Marxism— precisely for the reasoo that j^ ^y^^^ jj^e monopolies seek to 

1 ^^ f°^ ^'^ ^"^'"^ ^ «pio>t again* ^^ P«>plc ^V m«ans 

found juid radjad comradj^ions of ^^^^^^^ STudulent fictions as -Peo- 

unperiausm: the contradiction b©- •,-->.,• « / \ l .u . .l 

tw^ monopoly and fiee competition f^» Capitahsm ; (4) but that these 

that exists side by side with it, be- »*«»« national pecuhanues are creat- 

tween die rantic "opermUoos* (and »ng the objective conditions for a 

gigantic pn£tt) U finance capital and Welfare State, an anti-monopoly 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Continued 


form of democracy as a ttagc of 10- ing the Welfare State. It is a his- 

dal progress, and for a peaceful and tork task of a general democratic no- 

oonstitutioaal transition from the ture to be accomplished by an anti- 

Wclfarc State to the Socialist State monopoly coalition of labor, the 

in a revolutionary change from capi- farmers, the Negro people, the 

olism to sociahsm. middle classes and sections of the 

The foregCHng four points are sug- non-monopoly bourgeois, a coalition 

gcftcd as an answer to the key pwo- of which labor is the backbone and 

grammatic problem formulated driving force. 

above, namely, whether the national Viewed in the light of Marxist- 
peculiarities of capitalism in the Leninist theory, we can conclude as 
United States are of such a nature follows: the successful struggle for 
as to have a direct bearing on the the fulfillment of the objective tasks 
American Road to Socialism. of the Welfare State — curbing the 

h foUowi therefore that the Ameri- economic and political powers of the 
can working class must accomplish monopolie»^will create the condi- 
a major historic task of radical ceo- tions ior the coming of the next 
nomic and political change in the stage of social progress — the peace- 
United States before it can proceed ful and constitutional transition to 
to head the advance oi the Ameri- sociahsm. 

can people to the socialist transfor- It follows from the above that (a) 
mation of American society. It is the peaceful and constitutional transi- 
the task of curbing the powers of tion is not an automatic process but 
the rtK)nopolies in the economy and must be fought for; and (b) only the 
government of the nation. It is the struggle for the Welfare State will 
task of estabhshing an anti-mohopoly create the conditions and reahze the 
form (^ democracy, within the con- objective possibilities for the peace- 
fines of the capitalist mode of pro- ful transition to socialism. 
ducticMi and the existing bourgeois The emergence of two world sys- 
sute system, in which the chief tems — the sociahst and capitalist — 
£uncti<m of government will be the and the approach of the period of 
realization of the welfare clause of the peaceful coexistence and competition 
Constitution and the full im^^emen- are ushering in a new phase of the 
tadon of the democratic Uberties of general crisis of capitalism. As a 
the Bill of Rights. It is the task of consequence, the reactionary impe- 
realizing fully the equal rights and riaUst and aggressive drives of the 
national Hbcration of the Negro monopolies are bound to come into 
people, completing the process of irrcconciliable conflicts with Ameri- 
Bo u rgeois-democratic transformation can national interests. These will 
in the South. dictate a policy of peaceful coexist- 

It is the historic tasl( of establish- ence and competition, the appUca- 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 5 — Continiiwl 



tion of the Bandung principles in 
relations with other nations, and 
policies of people's welfare and de- 
mocracy at home. 

Hence, in this emerging new pe- 
riod of the present historic epoch 
the people's struggles for curbing 
the powers of the monopolies in the 
economy and government of the na- 
tion are bound to rise to new 
heights of achievemenL The advance 
to dbe Welfare Sute will gather pow- 
er and momentum. The American 
people will reach a stage of historic 
progress in which conditions will ma- 
ture for the democratic, peaceful and 

constitutional transition from the 
Welfare State to the Socialist Sutc 
These are only some of the itey 
problems of Party program. They 
must be discussed freely, eantestly 
and objectively. They must be dis- 
cussed in the same spirit in which 
Lenin invited the Russian Marxists 
to discuss the preparation of their 
own' first program in 1899. He 
wrote: ''We shall therefore gladly 
afiord space in our paper for articlet 
on theoretical questions as we invite 
all comrades openly to discuss con- 
troversial points" {Marx-EngiU 
Marxism, p. 126). 

From the Land c^ Barbarism . . . 
"In no city in the world can one see so much Shakespeare, Ibsen, Wilde, 
Schiller, Ostroosl(y, Chtl^hov, and so on, in one wee\ as in Moscom." 

Ossia Trilling, vice-president, Internatiooal Association of 
Theatre Critics, in The New Yorl(^ Times, Jan. ad, 1958. 

• • • 

"The Russians have realized for some years the necessity of guiding 
every child as far along the educational path as he is qualified to go, of 
identifying talent early and cultivating it to the utmost, of rewarding schol- 
arship and research, and mailing teaching a reputable, dignified profession." 

Claude M. Fucss, former headmaster, Phillips Academy, 
Andover, Mass., in The Saturday Review, Feb, i, 1958. 



Political Affairs — December 1957 

The Party Crisis and the Way Out: Parti 


Duriiiji several days in October, the Daily Wor/^er in New York 
City, published a series of articles by the well-known Communist leader, 
Alexander Bittelnian, in which an analysis was offered of the crisis in the 
American Left and suggestions given as to how this might be overcome. 
William Z. Foster, finding himself in disagreement with many of the 
points made by Comrade Bittelman, prepared a reply which was originally 
intended for the same paper. Meanwhile, however, it became necessary — 
temporarily it is hoped — to reduce the size of that p>aper to but four 
pages; this has made impossible the publication of Comrade Foster's 
reply in the paper. Knowing there would be widespread interest in the 
views of William Z. Foster on the central questions discussed by Comrade 
Bittelman, we bring these to our readers in the following p>ages. 

Shortly after completing the work hereunder published. Comrade 
Foster, who has l>een seriously ill for years, suffered a cerebral hemorrhage. 
But with the indomitable fighting will which has characterized his entire 
career, Comrade Foster has been battling his way back to recovery. We 
know that all our readers, and additional multitudes throughout the 
world, wish for him a speedy and complete return to activity. — Ed. 

I. HOW THE PARTY Party's i6th Convention. Now, 

v^ AS BUILT therefore, despite any other consid- 

TiiE BASIC TMJNc the Communist erations, the article cannot stand 

Party of the United Stales needs is without an adequate answer, 

an active development of mass work Before analyzing Comrade Bittcl- 

and Party building. At the same "^^"'s n^^in thesis, however, it would 

time, theoretical clarity is necessary; be well to consider the policies by 

bi'.t 1 did not find Comrade Bittle- which the C.P.U.S.A. built itself 

man's articles in the Daily Worker over the years, as these policies, in the 

to be serving either purjwse. Ranging Bittelman articles, arc very much 

throughout the Party's theory, his- the subject of controversy. Let us 

tory and practice, his articles con- examine why, in earlier decades, the 

siitute virtually a new thesis for the Party was able to grow strong and 

Party; one which conflicts at nu- to become a real factor in the labor 

mcrous points with the line of the movement, while all other Lett 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6— Continued 


groups remained stagnant and impo- may be listed for analysis, as having 
tent. Manifestly, the reason for this been decisive in the history of the 
success did not lay in special en- Communist Party, particularly dur- 
vironmcntal conditions, for these ing its successful decades, 
were essentially identical for all Left First: Socialist perspective: Of 
groups, varying as they did from tremendous importance in strength- 
economic crisis to boom, to war, and ening the work of the C.P.U5A 
back to boom again. Decisive, in- was its close sympathy with the first 
stead, were the subjective factors; country of SociaHsm, die U3.SA. 
the policies used by the various The struggles, hardships, and suc- 
groups. cesses of the Soviet people were a 
,„^., ..w..^.^.,., ,-^ supreme inspiration to the C.P.U.SA 

^^^ »yiX-tL?pMp>l^.T ^nd they L attracted to it. ra«k. 

OF MARXISM-LENINiSM »l l c u» • ^u i,-- 

IN PRACTICE fighters m the working 

class. A fundamental advantage to 
The basic reasons why the Com- our Party also stemming from 
munist Party could build itself in the Russian Revolution was the 
numbers and mass influence over theoretical work of its great leader, 
this long and varied period were Lenin, whose writings were the meat 
three-fold. First, theoretically, the and drink of the Party. There were 
Party was based upon the sound also some important negative sides 
principles of Marxism-Leninism, to the Party's relationship toward 
which sum up the entire world class the U.S.S.R., but these were far out- 
struggle experience of the proletariat weighed by the positive influences 
and the scientific thinking of its great of the Revolution, 
leaders. Second, organizationally, as One of the serious negative effects 
well as politically, the C.P.U.S.A. was due to our Party's failure to con- 
was what Lenin called "a Party of a duct a comradely criticism of the 
new type"; adapted to all the exig- weaknesses of that country. This 
encics of the class struggle in the "evcrything-is-all-right" policy an- 
j>eriod of imperialism. And third, tagonized many workers, who right- 
the Party applied its Marxist-Lenin- ly believed that criticism was in or- 
ism in a spirit of active class struggle, der. But by far the most serious nega- 
In order to learn just how these tive effect upon the Party in this 
three basic Marxist-Leninist theories general respect was the Party's long- 
and practices translated themselves continued sectarian tendency to ap- 
concretely into effective mass work ply too literally to the United States 
and active Party building for the ihc experiences of the Russian Revo- 
C.P.U.S.A., it is necessary to examine lution, especially in its agitation and 
into their application in the class propaganda. This tendency was par- 
struggle over the decades in ques- ticularly harmful when the Party 
tion: Of these policies, at least seven untlirt(K>k to explain how American 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Ooutiuued 


Socialism would be brought about, was affiliated for 20 years, had vari- 

and also how that new system would our weaknesses (such as overcentrali- 

operate. Here the C.P.U.S.A. (like zation), and these were harmful; 

all other Communist Parties) tended but on the whole the Comintern 

10 copy mechanically the Russian ex- was a big plus for the Party, in 

perience — Soviets, revolutionary strat- maturing its Leninist ideology, edu- 

cgy, and all. This error profoundly eating its cadres, and developing the 

hindered the growth of the Party Party's international proletarian 

and its mass work. spirit. 

The American workers did not Third: Democratic centralism: 
believe the assumption that Socialism This Leninist form of organization 
could not be achieved through regu- was also a major asset to the Com- 
lar American democratic channels munist Party of the United States. 
For many years this remained the As other Communist Parties, the 
supreme theoretical weakness of the C.P.U.S.A. made many mistakes in 
Party; its failure to absorb into its this respect, ';vith bureaucratic prac- 
policies what was fundamental in tices. Notv.'lthstanding these short- 
the Russian Revolution and yet to comings, democratic centralism, even 
work out more specifically the prob- in the limited forms in which wc 
able road to Socialism in the United achieved it, gave our Party a fight- 
States. It was not until 1949 that this ing capacity, discipline, and working 
most difficult of all the Party's theo- spirit that were the envy of every 
rctical problems was essentially element in the labor movement. In 
solved, by developing the perspective its ability to move swiftly and reso- 
of achieving Socialism in this coun- lutely as a unit, our Party had no 
try along parliamentary channels rival in the labor movement, and 
and relatively peacefully. This was this was a fundamental cause of its 
the most important theoretical ad- relative success, 
vance ever made by the C.P.U.S.A, Fourth: National characteristics: 
on its own initiative. It opened up Almost from its inception, the Com- 
a whole new period of possibilities munist Party made war against the 
of Party membership and united bourgeois theory of American ex- 
front connections with masses of ccptionalism, which holds that capi- 
workcrs hitherto repelled by the talism in this country is not capi- 
Party's unacceptable conception of talism at all; that American workers 
the road to American Socialism. are not real proletarians; and that 

Second: Proletarian international- there are no social classes and no 

ism: A tower of strength to the class struggle in the United States. 

C.P.U.S.A. was its working relations Simultaneously, the Party paid rela- 

with other fighting working forces lively close attention to such im- 

all over the world. The Communist portant specific American national 

International, to which our Party characteristics as the fact that the 


RiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6^ — Continued 


United States is the largest of all working class and American national 

capitalist countries; the particular interests in the Party's fight to defeat 

qualitiesof U.S. monopolies; the non- the war threat and McCarthyism. 

Socialist ideology of the workers; He also forgets that what has been 

the lack of a big Social-Democratic called the Party's Leftist leadership, 

party; the higher living standards in 194^ developed the most impor- 

of the workers; the national diversity tant break with sectarianism in the 

of the working class; the special Party's history, namely the formu- 

American Negro question; and the lation of the parliamentary road to 

specific American democratic and Socialism. His charge that the Party 

revolutionary traditions. Here again, also overestimated the war danger 

the Party made many errors, both and fascism stems from the Right 

of omission and commission, and and has no truth in it. Korea, Indo 

of both a Right and "Left" nature, China, Egypt, the vast military ma- 

especially in the realm of theory, chine of the United States, and the 

and despite the good advice of Lenin, present tense world situation are the 

Nevertheless, particularly in the most efTective answer to this, 

every-day class struggle, the Party Fifth: The united front: This v/3i 

lived in the world of American po- one of the most productive policies 

litical reality, and it based its im- in the whole arsenal of the C.P. 

mediate demands and struggles gen- U.S.A., especially in the form of the 

erally upon the actualities of the Left-Progressive bloc in the trade 

situation in the United States. The unions. This Leninist strategy cd- 

C.P.U.S.A. was actually more Amer- nbled the Communists to unite wiili 

ican in its mass work than any other other progressive forces in a way 

Left group in this country, all as- that was equaled by no other teo- 

sertions to the contrary notwith- dcncy in the labor movement. Ai 

standing. usual, however, gross mistakes wcrt 

Comrade Bittelman is only partly made, mainly, but not always, in a 

correct when he says that the Party sectarian way, such as our disastroui 

"went overboard" in a Leftist di- splits with the Fiizpatrick and La- 

rection after it defeated Lovestone's Follettc groups in the big labor parn 

opportunism in 1929. Only a year movement of 1922-24. Despite aD 

after this, in the vast unemployment these weaknesses, however, we buik 

movement of the 1930's, the Party our Party primarily with the grcai 

conducted some of the biggest united front policy of a Left-Pro- 

mass struggles in its entire his- gressive bloc in the trade unioni 

tory. And Bittelman is largely incor- Count the united front, therefore, 

rect when he says that the Party especially in the unions, as one d 

also "went overboard" after defeat- the most fundamental reasons for 

ing Browder's Revisionism in 1945. the growth of the Communist Party. 

Here he ignores the fundamental Sixth: The vanguard role: The 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


Party's realization of this basic Lc- guishcd for sclf-critidsm, especially 
ninist principle of Party work, was when it came to its leaders admit- 
also one of the most decisive reasons ting their personal mistakes; but 
tor its considerable measure of sue- even in the limited degree that it did 
cess. To realize this, all we have to practice self-criticism, this gave our 
do is to think back to the Party's Party a big advanuge over all other 
numberless pioneering fights — to or- Left groupings, 
^nize the unorganized, to defend pARTY-BUILDING IN 
the rights of die Negro people, to ^j^^ STRUGGLE 
secure relief and insurance for the 

unemployed during the great ceo- llie relative success of the Party's 

nomic crisis, to establish democracy mass struggles over die years was 

and honest leadership in the trade based upon die generally corrert ap- 

unions, and to win many a hard- plication of the above seven funda- 

fought strike. In such struggles, it mental Marxist-Leninist principles, 

was commonplace for the Party to especially in trade-union work. In- 

stand at the head of the workers deed, die Party built itself mainly 

ideologically, and more dian once, with its generally sound practical 

as among the unemployed, organi- trade-union pohcy. This policy in its 

zationally as well. The Party's van- immediate sense, had its roots in the 

guard role among the Negro people pre-Party work of the Foster-John- 

in struggle was outstanding, especial- tone group in the Chicago Federa- 

!y in contrast with the A. F. of L. tion of Labor. By the dme die Party 

and the Socialist Party. Such miU- was founded, diis group had ah-eadv 

tant and fearless leadership and po- carried through the nadooal organi- 

litical initiadve clearly were among zation of the meat-packing workers 

the most fundamental reasons, de- (200,000 members) and the national 

spite the usual crop of shortcom- steel workers (367,000) and a lo-year 

ings, why the C.P.U.S.A. was in a fight against dual unionism, one of 

class by itself on the Left in its the worst sectarian mistakes ever 

ability to attract members and to made by the Left— a fight which was 

ft'in mass influence. brought to a victorious conclusion 

Seventh : Self-criticism : This is one by the publication in 1920 of Lenin's 

of the most dynamic and effecuve classical work, "Left-Wing" Com- 

of all the Leninist organizational munism: An Infantile Disorder. The 

principles. The analysis and admis- Foster-Johnstone group were syndi- 

sion of errors gives an enormous calists and as such held many wrong 

advantage to Communist Parties theories; but, as has often happened 

over other political organizations. It in our Party's history, this did not 

facilitates the overcoming of short- prevent them from carrying through 

comings and the prevention of others, many relatively correct immcdiate- 

The C.P.U.S.A. was never distin- demand campaigns. They joined the 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 

Party early in 1921, and from then ment of the period. However, the 

on led its trade-union work. unfortunate splits with the Fitzpat- 

The development of the Trade rick and La Follette forces in 1923— 
Union Educational League after 1921 Leftist errors which the Party's trade- 
marked the beginning of effective union leaders, among others, op- 
Commimist work in the trade un- posed— cost the Party and the 
ions. It was based upon a Left- T.U.E.L. much of their previous mass 
Progressive (Center) united front, gains. 

with a militant vanguard trend. It Nevertheless, in the ensuing yean 
was also animated with a keen sense up to the great economic crash of 
of American reality in labor's strug- October, 1929, the T.U.EX. led many 
gle for immediate demands. Q)ming important trade-union strugglct 
upon the scene, as it did, in the crisis These included the united front dec- 
period for the trade unions of the tion campaigns in the Carpentcn, 
big post-World War I employer of- Machinists, Needle Trades, Miners, 
fensive against organized labor, the and other organizations — in the 
T.U.EJ^. made a strong and im- U.M.W.A., for example, the Left- 
mediate impression upon the hard- Progressive bloc, with three district 
pressed labor movement with its presidents on its national slate, ac- 
militant campaigns. Consequendy, tually polled more votes than did 
within 18 months some 2,000,000 John L. Lewis; but it was counted 
organized workers — over half of the out of the election. There were also 
whole trade-union movement — en- many big strikes, among them those 
dorsed the T.U.EX,.'s central slogan of the New York Fur Workers aod 
for the amalgamation of the trade Cloakmakers; the several strikes of 
unions into industrial organizations. Textile workers in Passaic, New 
Almost as great a success was had Bedford, Lawrence, Gastonia, aod 
with the T,U.E.L.'s other major slo- elsewhere, as well as other important 
gans, "For a Farmer-Labor Party," strikes — all conducted in the mit 
"Organize the Unorganized," and tant pioneering spirit of the T.U£L 
"Recognize Soviet Russia." industrial unions and, of course, the 

These broad mass movements of Party. A basic achievement of the 
the T.U.E.L. quickly broke the pre- Party in this period of flush prospa- 
vious isolation of the Gammunist ity was its persistent and effective 
Party and brought it right into the struggle against the intense class col- 
heart of the living class struggle, laboration of the trade union lead- 
The Party moved its headquarters ers and against the current "new 
from New York to Chicago, devel- capitalism" illusions, which were 
oped united front relations with the akin to the "people's capitalism" and 
Fitzpatrick forces, and at once be- "welfare state" illusions of the pres- 
came an important factor in the ent time. In this key fight the CS. 
strong Farmer-Labor party move- was clearly the ideological leader of 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


ihc American labor movement. demonstration of March 6, 1930 — 
During the early 1920's the Party, which brought 1,250,000 unemployed 
with its characteristic vanguard to the streets — was organized, and 
spirit, revolutionary enthusiasm, and during the next three years literally 
grasp of immediate economic and hundreds of local, state, and national 
political realities in the United hunger marches, many of them 
States, began its historical struggle splendidly organized, were carried 
for Negro rights and against every through. The Communists quickly 
manifestation of Jim Crowism, Here became the recognized leaders among 
serious theoretical and tactical er- the vast millions of the unemployed. 
rors were made, such as Pepper's ad- The "secret" of these big successes 
vocacy of a Negro republic in the by the Party was its application of 
South, but the hampering effects of the seven basic Leninist principles 
these general errors were at best above referred to — including the van- 
partly overcome by the splendid fight guard role. Party discipline, the 
jf the Party for the Negro people's united! front, proletarian interna- 
:lementary human demands. For tionalism, and an appreciation of the 
rxample, the Party's gallant struggle national characteristics of the Amer- 
br the Scottsboro boys set the pace ican class struggle, 
aot only for the trade-union move- When the C.I.O. forces, in 1935, 
ment, but also for the Negro organi- began their historic drive to organ- 
zations and the liberal groupings, ize the basic industries, the Com- 
By its brave and alert fight, the munist Party, fully grasping the sig- 
Party, during these years, laid much nificance of the issues involved, was 
of the political basis for the present ready for the campaign. The 
strong political thrust of the Negro T.U.U.L. promptly liquidated it- 
people, self, its forces joined the A. F. of L. 
When the great economic crisis of unions, without conditions, and the 
1929 broke, the Communist Party Left entered into practical united 
also rose splendidly to the occasion, front working arrangements with the 
Its long training in trade-union work C.I.O. leaders. Here, the wide cx- 
Dow stood it in good stead. It came perience, the thousands of local con- 
forward as the ideological and organ- tacts in the open shop industries, 
izational leader of the huge armies the vanguard spirit, and the sense of 
of semi-starving workers. Its mili- grass roots realism, if not always 
tant advocacy of unemployment in- theoretical clarity, of the Commu- 
surance and reUef put both the nists made them the most effective 
A. F. of L. and the Socialist Party organizers in this historic struggle. 
to the blush. Through the Trade Communist pamphlets on the tech- 
Union Unity League (T.U.U.L.), niques of trade-union organization 
which was the old T.U.E.L. reor- were used as textbooks in many 
?anized in 1929, the big unemployed C.I.O. organizing committees. Hun- 

BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. B — Continued 


dreds of Communists, trained in the complex world struggle against fas 

trade-union work of the T.U.E.L. cism, were of inestimable value ii 

and T.U.U.L., were members of the the Party's very effective partidjn 

local and national organizing staffs tion in this great life and death strug 

in steel, auto, rubber, needle, textile, gle. Of course, serious errors wtn 

maritime, and other industries. The made, but who can doubt the valid 

epoch-making success of the great ity and great effectiveness of tix 

movement and the growth of the Party's general fight in this period.' 

powerful progressive wing of the In Une with its broad LeniM 

C.I.O., were testimonials to the cor- program of uniting with all otha 

rectness of the organizing line fol- progressive forces, the Party in tli 

lowed by the Left-Progressive bloc crucial elections of 1936, gave praC' 

and the Communist Party. 'ical support to the candidacy d 

One of the major associated dc- Franklin D. Roosevelt Very signifi 

velopments in the establishment of cant was it that Earl Browder, whoo 

the CIO was the raising of the Ne- the Right in our Party is trying K 

gro struggle to new heights by the build up as a super-effective nm 

admission of large numbers of Ne- leader, vigorously opposed the poliq 

gro . workers into the trade unions, of this support for Roosevelt Hi 

and some into union leadership. It was for launching a Farracr-Laba 

was the successful culmination of ticket, and he never gave up di 

years of tireless and devoted pioneer idea until he* was completely ds 

work by the Communists, and this feated. Had this grave error bed 

fact was recognized, especially by made it v/ould have disastrouii] 

the Negro people. There was also, isolated the Communist Party. It w> 

in this general period, the develops on the basis of the informal uniu 

ment of the enormous youth move- front with the Roosevelt forces tb 

ment, involving several millions of the Party very effectively fought ok 

young people, and in which the by side with them all through World 

miliunt Young Communist League, War II. An example of the Paity^ 

headed by Comrade Gil Green, was vanguard role in this broad unita 

admittedly a dynamic factor. front combination was its tirelff 

The latter 1930's were the period and successful fight for the Second 

of the developing struggle against Front. 

Hitler's fascism, and the Communist It was through such sound po( 

Party proved itself to be equal also icies, particularly in the trade-unioi 

to this basic test Here again, the field, that the Communist Parti 

Communists' international relations, built up its numerical strength ao4 

their customary vanguard spirit, their mass influence. With its cvcntift 

effective Party discipline, their united 85,000 members, the Communis 

front policy, and their realistic ap- Party had several times more affli 

praisal of American needs in the ates and a vastly greater mass infln 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


ence than all the other Left groups ism, concretized by the seven Lenin- 
iput together, including the Socialist ist principles enumerated above, de- 
Party. If the Party did not make a spite the Party's very imperfect ajv 
better showing in political elections, pHcation of theoL 
tbis was partly due to die strong „ .j^ DEVELOPMENT 
pnp the two party system had up>on Qp ttjc pa RTY PRIST*; 
the workers, but mainly because the 

masses were repelled by the Party's During the period of the Celd 

Leftist conception of the American War, roughly from 1947 until the 

road to Socialism, which they con- present date, the Conmiimist Party 

ridered to be for the violent over- lost very heavily in members and 

throw of the government. mass influence. TTiese losses have 

Most of the errors made by the not been due to an inherent decline 
Party over the years in the applica- in efficiency of the several Leninist 
tion of its policies have been in the working principles, which, as wc 
direction of theoretical dogmatism have shown, made possible the build- 
and Left-sectarian poUcies in prac- ing of the Party over the years. The 
ticc. These "Left" errors were very Party crisis will be found to be based 
damaging in the Party's work. But upon other factors, objective and sub- 
while combatting such "Left" short- jective, which we shall examine. 
comings, let us not forget that the a) Prosperity illusions: First and 
Party also suffered severely from foremost of the objective factors in 
Right mistakes. The Right opportu- creating the Party crisis have been 
nism of Pepper and Lovestone deep- the corroding effects of the long- 
ly hurt the Party, and so did the continued upward swing of Amcri- 
crass Revisionism of Browder. Brow- can imperialism. Since 1940, the 
dcr's opportunism, which came to United States, basically as a result 
a climax in his notorious Teheran of World War II and the aftermath 
thesis of late 1943, was already defi- rebuilding, has been passing through 
nitcly damaging the Party from 1936 an unprecedented industrial boom, 
on. Also, let us note that the Party, and with relatively steady employ- 
in the current Revisionism of Com- mcnt. Besides, the bourgeoisie has 
rade Gates, is experiencing the most been compelled to improve economic 
serious political error in its entire conditions for large sections of the 
history. working class, wage increases were 

The basic thing to grasp in all the won fairly easily, etc. This situation 

foregoing analysis is that the main has created powerful "prosperity il- 

subjective force which made it pos- lusions" among the workers, ex- 

rible for the Party to grow in num- pressed by political complacency, 

bcrs and influence was the fact that "welfare state," "people's capital- 

the Party operated in practice upon ism," etc., to the general effects that 

the foundation of Marzism-Lciua- there will be no more economic 


BiTTELMAN BxHiBiT No. 6 — Continued 


crises, that mass unemployment is warning sharply of the need to coa 

now a thing of the past, that capi- bat prosperity illusions, both witii 

tahsm is automatically developing and without the Party. 

into a progressive regime with a b) The Stalin rev f lotions : Fun^ 

beneficent government, that Social- mental, too, as a subjective baa 

ism is not necessary, and the like. in developing the Party crisis wot 

Such illusions were characteristic the revelations of the Stalin "cuki 

also of the upswing periods of im- the individual" in the U5.S.R, q 

perialism in Great Britain, Germany, posed by Khrushchev at the aoi 

Japan, France, and other major capi- Congress of the Qsmmunist Pai^ 

talist countries — except that the sit- of the Soviet Union in Febnaqi 

uation is more exaggerated in the 1956. The shocking story of burcav 

United States than it has ever been racy and brutality there unfolded ■ 

in any other country. These enervat- doubtedly shook the Socialist fal 

ing prosperity illusions, although ob- of numbers of Communists in ih 

viously not strong enough to prevent capitalist countries, not the least i 

the growth of trade unionism, '-ev- the United States. This shock n 

crthcless tend to soften the figiiting deepened by the developments it 

spirit and Socialist perspectives of Hungary in November, 1956, wla 

the workers, The Communist Party the Soviet Army was called upn 

membership and leadership, as we as a "grim necessity," to stamp oi 

have learned in the Party crisis, is the counter - revolution, basicJ 

by no means immune to prosperity organized by agents of Aim 

illusions. These are all the more ican imperialism. The negative ■ 

prevalent and injurious in our Party suits of the Stalin revelations m 

in view of its weak social composi- all the more marked in the Unis 

tion — too few industrial workers. States because of the already pi 

Negroes, youth, and women — and vailing crisis conditions in the Ga 

the relatively low theoretical level munist Party. 

of the Party. CapitaUst prosperity il- c) The Government persecuim 

lusions have been very basic, there- A basic factor, objective in natn 

fore, in provoking the present crisis in creating the crisis in the CJ*.U5J 

in the Party. was the prolonged and bitter pe 

Comrade Bittelman is profoundly secution of the Communist Pan 

incorrect when he brushes aside by the government, local, state, a 

prosperity illusions as unimportant national from 1948 to 1955: iBl 

in causing the Party's crisis, saying: wholesale arrests of leaders, jailiig 

". . . the economic situation by itself deportations, discriminations in il 

could not and did not influence the dustry, the formal oudawing of 4 

development of the Party crisis." The Party, etc., directed against Col 

Party's national convention, correct- munist Party members and synfi 

ly, held quite a different viewpoint, thizcr»— all oi which was 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. (> — Continued 


ut under conditions of pro-war hys- the United States — a matter which 

cria and malignant fascist-like had been raised in the Party. This 

(cCarthyism. Not surprisingly, un- serious political Leftist error gready 

icr these terror conditions large worsened the position of the Party 

lumbers of members dropped out before the masses and in the courts, 

i the Party, mass contacts were especially as it was being specifically 

weakened, the Party organization charged with con^iring to advocate 

iras disrupted, and the whole work the violent overthrow of the United 

if the Party was made vastly more States Government, c) The exccs- 

tfiicult. sive security regulations adopted by 

d) Leftist errors: The increasing- the National Board in 1950. This 

jf difficult position of the Party was wrong move further cut into the 

ilso considerably worsened by sev- Party's gradually declining member- 

iral serious errors made by the Party ship and it also weakened its mass 

leadership during the cold war pc- contacts. Further errors can be dted 

piod. Under the terror situation, in specific fields of Party work, as 

|i»ese errors tended, in the main, to among the Negro people, etc Doubly 

be Left-sectarian in charartcr, even difficult was the work of applying 

though the Party was by no means the Party's peace poUcy, because the 

led by those who are now called overwhelming mass of the Amcri- 

Leftists and who are being blamed can people beUeved the Soviet Union 

for the errors. During such a long (and Communists generally) to be 

period and under such extremely responsible for the threatening war 

difficult conditions, it was not sur- danger. 

prising that serious errors were Errors were also made in the vital 
made. The three most important er- trade-union field, usuaUy, but not 
rors of the cold war period were: always, of a Left-sectarian character. 
a) The organization of the Progres- Totally unjustified, however, were 
ave Party during the 1948 election the reckless efforu of the Right to 
campaign, a step which the Com- fasten the blame upon the Party for 
munist Party supported. To have the the great C.I.O. spUt in 1949, with 
Wallace peace ticket in the field was the expulsion of eleven progressive 
correct, but for that Party to be unions with almost 1,000,000 mem- 
launched without the necessary labor bers. This split, which developed in 
backing was wrong. This incorrect almost every capitaUst country and 
naovc tended gready to isolate the which ruptured the great World 
Left forces in the trade unions, b) Federation of Trade Unions, was or- 
The failure of the Party actively to ganized by the State Department 
adopt and support the proposition and its labor alUes as a basic phase 
of presenting to the masses the per- of monopoly capitalism's pro-war 
ipective of a parUamentary and rela- program. The progressive forces in 
dvely peaceful road to Socialism in the C.I.O., as in all other afiected 




BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


countries, did everything possible to 
avert the split, if not always skil- 

The combined effect of these vari- 
ous errors and shortcomings of the 
Party, and of the other crisis factors, 
was seriously to weaken the Party 
in its membership and mass con- 
tacts. But when the terror period 
came virtually to a close after the 
Geneva conference of 1955 and it 
became possible for the Party to func- 
tion in a more normal manner, the 
Party was by no means yet in crisis. 
Although gready reduced in size and 
mass influence, the Party's morale 
remained high. This was because, 
in fighting valiandy, as it did, 
against malignant McCarthyism and 
the threatening danger of an atomic 
world war, a fight which was praised 
all over the world, the Party felt 
that it was acting both in the inter- 
est of the American people and in 
accordance with the best traditions 
of Marxism-Leninism — as indeed it 
was — and it was inspired and 
strengthened thereby. Its unity re- 
mained strong, its outlook clear, and 
its fighting spirit undaunted. But a 
new factor was soon to develop, 
one that, within the framework of 
the other crisis factors, wa's to de- 
moralize the Party and to throw it 
into deep crisis. This was the swift 
growth of a powerful Right-Revi- 
sionist trend in the Party. 


Revisionism in the C.P.U.S.A. was 
generated, basically, as remarked 

above, by the upswing of Ameriai 
imperialism and the long-continued 
industrial boom, with ensuing "proi. 
perity illusions," plus the low tha- 
retical level in the Party. It expressed 
itself in moods and theories to tic 
effect that capitalism, {>articularly 
in the United States, has substantial- 
ly overcome its inner and outer cod- 
tradictions and was evolving moct 
or less spontaneously in a progressive 
direction. The United States and 
other big capitalist countries woe 
assumed to be in a new period ii 
which monopoly capital had lost 
most of its maUgnancy, power, aod 
political control; its erstwhile drive 
for world conquest did not exist; the 
war danger, as a serious menace, 
had disappeared; the class strug^ 
was gready softened, and the politi- 
cal road to "Socialism" was to he 
an easy advance for the workers. 
This was the "new capitalism" of 
the 1920's and the "progressive capi- 
talism" of the Roosevelt period 
brought up to date; the opportunism 
of Lovestone and Browder adapted 
to the cold war period. The first 
general current expression of this 
latest edition of Revisionism was 
contained in the article in PouncAL 
Affairs of November, 1956, written 
by Comrade John Gates, and en- 
titled, "Time For a Change." 

The Revisionists drew many 
sweeping conclusions from their 
main political position. The Com- 
munist Party was declared obsolete 
and in need of being replaced, 
either by a "political action associa- 
tion" or by a "new mass party d 


BiTTEi.MAN KxHiBiT No. 6 — (Continued 


odalism." Marxism-Lcniaism was shielded from all criddsiiL The cen- 
ubbed "Left-sectarian" in the Unit- tral theme of this organized dcfeat- 
1 Sutcs and was to be abandoned ism and liquidationism was that the 
t a colorless Social Democratic Communist Party and Marxism- 
Marxism," without Lenin. All Leninism had to be abandoned in 
olicics based upon the perspective favor of opportunistic substitutes. 
I an active class struggle were de- Concretely, the Right attacked 
iarcd out of place, and they had to Marxism-Leninism, not only in gcn- 
t supplanted by policies essentially eral, but specifically in all its vari- 
lass collaborationist in nature. This ous aspects, as indicated above. 
|lcvisionism grew quickly and soon That is: (a) the Socialist perspective 
it came to dominate most of the staff of the Party was blasted by miping 
of the Daily Worker, a majority of attacks against the U.S.SJL, cspc- 
27 to I on the New York Sute cially with regard to Hungary; (b) 
Committee, and it had a strong fol- Proletarian internationalism was bc- 
bwing in various other state com- litded in favor of a lop-sided and 
mittccs of the Party. opportunistic presentation of na- 
In order to put through their ob- tional interests; (c) Democratic ccn- 
rious program of Uquidationism, traUsm was rigorously condenmed 
the Revisionists carried on a very as fatal to Socialist democracy; 
jctivc campaign to discredit the past, (4) The Party's essentially healthy 
present, and future of the Commu- struggle against American cxccp- 
aist Party. The general idea seemed tionahsm was condemned and un- 
to be that if they could make the dermined; (e) The vanguard role 
Party members lose faith in the of the Party was discarded and de- 
Party, they would be disposed to clared without further vaHdity in 
give up the Party and Marxism-Le- the face of the "ideological matur- 
ninism and accept the substitute or- ity" of the trade unions and other 
ganizations and poUcics of the mass organizations, about the only 
Right. To this end, in estimating the vanguard function left to the Party 
policies of the cold war period, the being that of advocating Socialism; 
Right multiplied "errors" in every (f) The united front, especially the 
direction. Violating the principle of Left-Progressive bloc in the trade 
self-criticism, every conceivable real unions, was discredited and aban- 
and imaginary mistake was distort- doned, upon the theory that there 
cd or manufactured and then parad- were no longer broad Right, Center, 
ed to the disadvantage of the Party's and Left currents in the labor move- 
reputation. Party achievements were mcnt; (g) Self-criticism was made 
belittled or ignored outright. The a mockery of by being used as a 
Party was thrown into a fever of ex- basis for a full-scale ideological at- 
aggeration of Left-sectarian errors, tack upon the Party, 
with the Right danger carefully During the Revisionist offensive 



BiTTELMAN EJxHiBiT No. 6 — Continued 


the Labor-Farmer Party slogan was 
also virtually discarded. The thinking 
behind this action was : (a) an op- 
portunistic acceptance of the Demo- 
cratic Party as the Party of the 
working class, and (b) a considera- 
tion of the correct Labor-Farmer 
Party slogan as a rival to the Uquida- 
tory slogans for the political action 
association and for the new mass 
party of Socialism. It is on the basis 
of a common fight for a Labor- 
Farmer Party and for labor's irrmie- 
diate demands, that the C.P.U.S.A. 
should be cooperating with other 
Left groups, and not simply to advo- 
cate Socialism or to try to organize 
a new Social-Democratic party. 

In the Party's difficult situation, 
the Revisionist campaign of liqui- 
dationism did very great harm. TTiis 
in fact, is what immediately precipi- 
tated the Party into crisis. The most 
profound confusion and pessimism 
penetrated the ranks of the Party. 
All told, several thousand members 
quit it in frustration and despair. 
Never before has any Conmiunist 
Party so suicidally torn itself apart. 
Veteran Party members, who had 
bravely withstood the violent perse- 
cution by the government, and who 
had kept their political balance in 
the face of the Stalin revelations, col- 
lapsed under the destructive ideo- 
logical offensive from the Right. 
Various Party and other Left insti- 
tutions, which had remained un- 
shaken under the worse blasts of the 
McCarthy terrorism, crumbled under 
the liquidationism of the Revision- 
ists, even though, in the meantime. 

pohtical conditions had grcady ia. 
proved. This was the tragic fate of 
the splendid Jefferson Scho(J, the 
California Labor School, the Dadj 
Peoples World and the Labor YouA 
League — all of which perished undtr 
the Right offensive. Key jouroak 
and other vital institutions are ab 
imperiled by it. The substance of 
the present crisis is that the Party 
is deeply sick with a heavy attack 
of Right Revisionism. It is an un- 
tenable excuse for the Right to claim, 
as Comrade Bittelman docs, that 
the Party crisis was inevitable- 
which it was not. 

Comrade Bittelman, in his ar- 
ticles, grealty understates the danger 
of Revisionism in the Party. In bo, 
he brushes it aside with the commes 
that its proposal, from which he 
mildly demurs, was "to leave Man- 
ist-Leninist theory alone for the mo- 
ment and let life speak for itseli" 
Of course, there was no such pro- 
posal whatever made in the Party. 
Instead, there were definite attempb 
backed with great energy, to liqui- 
date the Party as such and to cut 
the heart out of its Marxist-Leninist 
theory. If the Right could have had 
its way — which fortunately the Party 
membership prevented — our Party 
and its theory would have been de- 
stroyed. In this sharp struggle, the 
Left was the real spokesman for the 
Party members in their determina- 
tion to keep our Party intact upon 
a Marxist-Leninist basis. Comrade 
Bittelman makes a serious error io 
so sUghdy passing over this funda- 
mental situation. If he goes easy 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


oa the Right, however, he takes forces in the United States— all of 

inany sharp and unjustified cuts at which questions had been distcvted 

the Left by the Right Some elements of Re- 

The uncertain line followed by visionism did, however, manage to 

Comrade Dennis has also done much cling to the main resolution of the 

to deepen and prolong the Party convention, such as a poor sum-up 

crisis. While he has opposed in writ- of Sodal-Democracy, a faulty statc- 

ing some of the worst crudities of ment of the vanguard role of the 

Comrade Gates — the pohdcal ac- Communist Party, a dubious outline 

don association, the incorrect stand of trade-union policy, and a seri- 

on Hungary, and the coddling of ously deficient analysis of the short- 

the anti-Communist, Clark — Dennis comings and achievements of the 

has never taken a firm stand against Party during the cold war period. 

Revisionism, a course which has In its i6th national convention 

tended to appease and concihate it the Party gave a strong pc^tical set- 

The i6th national convention of back to Right Revisionism; never- 
the CJP.U.SA., held in February, theless, the Right has remained in- 
1957, gave a sharp rehuS to the Re- trenched organizationally througb- 
visionist agitation going on in the out the Party. Together with its coo- 
Party. It adopted a ringing decla- ciliators, it is now very strong in all 
ration for the continuation and the the leading committees of the Party, 
vigorous rebuilding of the Commu- and this is also true in various state 
nist Party; it reiterated its support committees. Its main strength is 
of the basic principles of Marxism- that it controls and uses the Daily 
Leninism as "universally valid"; it Warmer as its special mouthpiece, 
portrayed American impcriaUsm as This continuing Rig^it strength or- 
sccking to dominate the world, and ganismtionally is a basic reason ^y 
it warned against the continuing war the Party has not been making a 
danger. The convention also took a more rapid recovery from its serious 
correct position on such important crisis, as it operates to block the ap- 
theoretical and practical questions as, plication of the sound policies of 
the comradely criticism of other the i6th national convention. The 
Communist Parties and the countries whole Communist world remarks 
of Socialism, the practice of more po- this Revisionism in our Party, but 
litical initiative by the C.P.U.SA., our leader^p tries to deny it or 
and the development of friendly and to hide it 
cooperative relations with other Left 

The concluding section of Comrade Foster's article, entitled "The 
Road Ahead," will be published in the next issue. — ^Ed. 


BiTTELMAN ExHiBiT No. 6 — Continued 
Political Affairs — January 1958 

The Party Crisis and tlie Way Out, 

Part II 

By William Z. Foster 

In our December issue the first half of this article was published. As 
we then pointed out, this article is tn the form of a reply to a series of 
articles by the well-l(nown Communist leader, Alexander Bittelman, 
which appeared in the New Yorl{ Daily Worker. Readers should bear in 
mind that Comrade Foster wrote what follows in October. 

We are happy to be able to report that William Z. Foster continues 
to maf{e steady progress in his recovery from the cerebral hemorrhage 
that hit him late in October — Ed. 

THE BITTELMAN THESIS litically bankrupt ever since its two 

main programmatic proposals — the 

Having shown in the previous in- transformation of the Communist 

stallment: a) the means by which Party into a political action associa- 

the Communist Parly was built sue- tion, and the emasculation of Marx- 

ccssfuUy in its earlier years, and b) ism-Leninism — were rejected over- 

the causes of the Party's present whelmingly by the national conven- 

crisis, it now remains to determine tion of the CPUSA, last February. 
what the Party's policy should be Bittelman avoids such gross po- 

in the light of the present changed litical formulations as those of Gates, 

and changing economic and politi- and he uses the terminology of 

cal situation here and abroad. Marxism-Leninism in his analy- 

The Right takes a position that the sis. But much of the substance 

basic theories and methods by is gone from Bittelman's Marx- 

which we built the Party in the ist phraseology, and it all boils 

first place, are now all completely down essentially to the main 

out of date; in short, that the Party Gates proposition. Besides this 

and its Marxism-Leninism are ob- Gates' backbone, there are also ele- 

solcte. Comrade Bittelman's articles ments of Lovestone American cx- 

in the Daily Worl(cr tend essentially ceptionalism in the Bittelman thesis, 

in this general Right direction. They as it seeks to break down the Party's 

tend to su'pport, in general, the struggle against this insidious hour- 

Gates position which has been po- geois ideology. And it also contains 



BiTTELMAN Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 


elements of the Browder-Tehcran crises of importance ahead for capi- 
thcsis, with its over-estimation of the talism. Apparently, in the post-war 
degree of peaceful co-existence at- boom the crisis has disappeared, to 
tained, and its understatement of the the extent that he no longer con- 
aggressive role of American impe- siders it worth mentioning. Bittcl- 
rialism. ' , man also minimizes the powerful 

The articles of Comrade Bittel- antagonism of American imperialism 
man have as their political center against the Socialist world. He 
the proposition that the capitalist speaks of American imperialism, its 
system, both generally and on an ambitions for world control, and 
international scale, including the the potential war danger which this 
United Slates, is now entering, or has creates; but he does this largely in 
practically entered upon, an inter- the sense that these dangers arc 
mediate social stage somewhere be- potential rather than actual. He 
twcen monopoly capitalism and So- makes it look as though the Cold 
cialism. Internationally, this stage is War is over and that peaceful co- 
peaceful co-existence, and nationally existence is practically here; hence 
it is the Welfare State. While Bit- the job now is "to usher in this pc- 
tclman speaks of both these situa- riod fully and completely ... to 
tions as "emerging," his whole ar- insure its stabiHty and to prevent 
gument and program are based upon backsHding into the Cold War or in- 
the assumption that they have vir- to the immeasurable disaster of a 
tually "emerged." This major con- new world war" (Part III). He 
elusion Bittelman buttresses with an- speaks of all this as constituting "a 
other one to the general effect that, new historical period of consider- 
as a consequence of the above in- able duration." Generally, the mat- 
termediate development, the world ter of active struggle against the 
struggle between the forces of world aggressive foreign policy of Wall 
imperialism and those of Socialism, Street as a basic condition for estab- 
and also the national class struggle, lishing peaceful coexistence, fades 
have been muted almost to the van- away, 
ishing point. Comrade Bittelman presents a 

Comrade Bittelman draws a pic- sinriilar picture of an American capi- 
turc of a world capitalism which, talism which has substantially ovcr- 
dcspite its weakened position, has come its major inner contradiictions. 
largely solved its inner contradic- He sees numerous serious market 
tions; for he makes no mention of problems facing the system; but ap- 
thc general crisis of the capitalist parendy these will produce no major 
system, which has been disiategrat- economic crises, for the latter arc not 
ing that system ever since World foreseen in his analysis. On the con- 
War I and the Russian Revolution, trary, he evidently looks toward a 
He also sees no cyclical economic future of relatively easy develop- 


BiTTEnLMAN EXHIBIT No. 6— Continued 


mcnt economically in the general the power and fighdng spirit of 
direction of Socialism, without basic American monopoly capital has sud- 
economic breakdowns in the mean- denly almost disappeared, and the 
time. fascist danger, which during the 
Bittelman also apparendy sees no sharpest period of the Cold War 
future big strikes and other struggles raised its head so menacingly in 
between the workers and the mo- McCarthyism, has vanished without 
nopoiists, or if he does contemplate a trace. He has generally a concept 
such he does not consider them vital of a paaceful social evolution, wdlh 
enough to make them part of his but Utde class struggle and with mo- 
gcneral picture. His vague references nopoly capital unable or unwilUng 
to struggle, therefore, have no real to make any serious resistance, 
point. In his arucles, the American In Comrade Bittelman's analysis 
class str4ggle, like the international of a peacefully and almost automati- 
anti-imperialist struggle, largely cally evolving capitalist society to- 
evaporates, with erstwhile ruthless wards Socialism, naturally the part 
American imperialism playing more to be played by the Conmiunist 
and more a passive role. This whole Party becomes vasdy different and 
outlook presents essentially the same far less important than in the past, 
perspective of progressive or easy Certainly, the Party would have 
victories, a relatively struggle-less very little leading or fighting to do. 
evolution towards SoicaUsm, as that This is because, as Bittelman appar- 
presented by Comrade Gates in his endy would have us conclude: a) 
article in Political Affairs of Novcm- there would be very litde clas« strug- 
bcr, 1956. gJc in general, and b) the mass or- 
The heart of Comrade Bittel- ganizations, grown mature politically, 
man's general nadonal concepdon is would be able to lead their own 
in his handling of the quesdon of fight effectively, with Httlc or no a*- 
ihe Welfare State. He makes no real sistance from the Communist Party. 
analysis of just what he means by In this sense Bittelman signalizes 
the welfare state, but obviously he "the rise of the American trade union 
considers it in general terms as movement to a posidon of cffccdvc 
definitely an intermediate regime bc-^ leadership of the working class in the 
tween monopoly capitalism and So- ccononiic and polidcal field, and to 
cialism. In fact, he says, "the con- a certain extent also in the ideologi- 
clusion, therefore, is that the wcl- cal field." And he adds that "some- 
fare state is a disdnct historic stage thing similar is taking place among 
in American social progress, and the movements of the Negro people 
that the peaceful and consdtudonal and among the farmers.** 
transidon to Socialism is another, the Obviously, such a general concept 
next and higher stage." (Part III), would leave but little for the Com- 
In Bittelman's. general analysis all munist Party to do, except to tail 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


after the respective mass movements, beginning with the Russian Revolu- 
to point out their lesser weaknesses, tion in 1917, but especially since 
and to propagate for Socialism. It World War II, vast and rapid 
would mean the practical oblitera- changes politically have been taking 
tion of the Party's vanguard role, place in the world. On the one 
notwithstanding Comrade Bittel- hand, shattered by two great world 
man's constant reference to it. This wars, torn by various Socialist and 
is also essentially the concept be- colonial revolutionary movements, 
hind Comrade Gates' political action and weakened from within by the 
association. Bittelman speaks for the broad growth of trade unions, work- 
building of a mass Marxist-Leninist ers' parties, and other essentially anti- 
Party, one that will eventually have capitalist organizations— world capi- 
behind it the majority of the work- talism sinks deeper and deeper into 
ing class; but he does not explain general crisis. And on the other 
how this broad Party could be built, hand, a vast system of Socialist 
in view of the slim functions al- states has been created, embracing 
lotted by him to it in the class strug- over one-third of humanity; many 
gle. erstwhile colonial countries have 

broken their imperialist chains and, 
THE LINE OF THE i6th with an increasingly pro-Socialist ori- 
NATIONAL CONVENTION entation, have embarked upon a 
Like Comrade Gates' program, course of political independence; 
Comrade Bittelman's thesis, as we and a great growth of working-class 
shall see, is in direct and major organizations, as indicated, has taken 
conflict with the general political place throughout the capitalist world, 
line worked out at our recent national The general effect of all this is that 
convention and incorporated in its ^^c world center of actual economic 
main resolution. Although, as we an^ political strength has been mov- 
havc noted earlier, there are some »ng more and more towards world 
secondary weaknesses in this resohi- Socialism— indeed, it may well be 
tion, due to the strong Revisionist that this center of world political 
influence in the Party, the general gravity is already on the side of So- 
political direction of the resolution cialism. This shift has been espe- 
is sound. And it goes directly against cially dramatized by the sensational 
the main thesis developed by Com- launching of the Soviet satellite, 
rade Bittelman in his articles— not- Sputnik, an event which threw 
withstanding his repeated endorse- American capitalists almost into 
ments, in words, of the line of the panic. 

convention. Obviously, this tremendous altera- 

Bcfore developing this point, let tion in the relationship of class forces 

us take a look at the changing world between the world's workers and 

situation. During the past period, world monopoly capital has also pro- 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 



foundly changed the conditions of 
the struggle between them, both na- 
tionally and internationally. Monop- 
oly can no longer dominate the 
world as it once did. This was de- 
cisively proved when the combined 
peace forces of the world, from 1947 
on, blocked, at least temporarily, the 
-atomic drive of American imperial- 
ism for war and world conquest and 
brought this great power to the ne- 
gotiating table in Geneva in 1955. 
This was an historic event, a tre- 
mendous victory, shared in by our 
Party; but one that the Right has 
characteristically belittled and mis- 

Comrade Bittelman sees the new 
situation in the world, but unfor- 
tuniately, in his articles he draws ex- 
aggerated conclusions from all this. 
Thus, he apparently believes that the 
peace fight is already won. This 
could be a most dangerous error. 
That the war danger, although less- 
ened, is still with us is being graphi- 
cally demonstrated by Khrushchev's 
dramatic letter of October 15th to 
the Socialist Parties of Western Eur- 
ope, asking them to be on guard 
against the attempts to organize a 
highly dangerous war against Syria. 
Let us rejoice that the peace forces 
of the world have become so militant 
and powerful, but let us not jump 
the gun by practically assuming that 
they still have no basic tasks ahead 
of them. Monopoly capital must be 
compelled to accept peaceful co-ex- 
istence. It will never do so volun- 
tarily. It has not yet capitulated, 
strong pressure must still be brought 

to bear upon it. This is what is not 
seen in the Bittelman articles, but 
it could be a major disaster for us 
thus to neglect it. 

This was the fundamental line of 
the 1 6th national convention of the 
CPUSA, which worked with a keen 
sense of rapidly changing condi- 
tions. It warned against "false con- 
ceptions that peaceful co-existence is 
already assured or that it will come 
about automatically." And it also 
warned, that "the imperialists have 
not reconciled themselves to the 
relationship of forces which makes 
this perspective [of peace] possible" 
{Proceedings, p. 263). To relax the 
peace struggle now, in a spirit of 
over-confidence, could be disastrous, 
and this is one of the main weak- 
nesses of the Bittelman articles. 

In the United States itself, the mo- 
nopolists also feel the pressure of the 
new strength of labor and of world 
Socialism, and they can no longer 
dictate to the workers in their former 
brutal manner. They are compelled 
to make concessions to the workers 
and their allies for several basic 
reasons, among them: a) the favor- 
able labor market for the workers; 
b) the greater inherent strength of 
labor's organizations; c) the pres- 
sures, favorable to the workers in 
all "countries, including the United 
States, of advancing world Socialism; 
d) and because the employers must 
seek, through concessions, class col- 
laboration, and when need be, vio- 
lence, to keep the conservatively-led 
trade unions and workers' parties 
lined up in their all-out capitalist 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


front against the countries of Social- capitalist production are not abating, 

ism. but are becoming sharper. The funda- 

But let us not be deceived by all mental factors making for economic 

these concessions. The capitalist crisis continue to operate today no 

beast has been wounded, but he re- less than in the boom of the twen- 

mains extremely dangerous — he is ties" {Proceedings, p. 257). Undoubt- 

still the capitalist, seeking to gain edly stormy days economically are 

profits at any cost. The most harm- ahead for American and world capi- 

ful thing that could happen to the talism. 

working class would be for it to fall Comrade Bittelman's theory that 
into moods of complacency, which is the trade unions have now achieved 
what the Bittelman thesis would "effective political leadership" for the 
tend to create. In contrast to Bittel- working class also does not jibe 
man's conception, the Party conven- with reality or with the line of the 
tion put forth a distinct perspective i6th national convention of the Par- 
of class struggle, and in doing this ty. Of course, the unions have made 
it was fundamentally correct. The great progress in the past 20 years, 
convention struck this keynote with There are hosts of honest and for- 
the statement that, "Titanic econom- ward-looking trade-union officials; 
ic and political struggles will inter- but there are also many who are 
vene in our country before the ma- neither of these things. In fact, the 
jority of the people take the path great bulk of the unions are now 
to Socialism" {Proceedings, p. 305). dominated by a conservative lead- 
There is no trace of any such fight- ership, without a peer in this respect 
ing perspective in Bittelman's placid in the capitalist world, and they have 
thesis. harmful policies to fit. The truth 

The CPUSA convention line also is that in the American labor move- 
did not agree with Comrade Bittel- ment, instead of coming from such 
man's over-optimistic estimate of the corrupt and conservative elements, 
economic outlook — he shows no per- the progressive leadership has al- 
spective whatever for future severe ways come from the pressure of the 
economic cyclical crises. This is a Left and Progressive forces, and there 
Keynesian trend. Although the con- is no good reason to suppose that 
vention made no definite immcdi- it will be otherwise in the near fu- 
atc economic forecast, it did indi- ture. These forces, working together, 
catc very clearly that economic built the modern trade-union move- 
crises were to be expected. It said: ment, and for the most part, they 
"Hence, despite the prolonged pros- did it in the face of violent opposi- 
perity and despite the significant tion from the conservative leader- 
effects of the new features that have ship. The i6th national convention, 
emerged in the American economy, while taking full cognizance of the 
the basic contradictions inherent in recent great progress of the trade 


BiTTELMAN EJxHiBiT No. 6 — Continued 


unions, did not speak of them in the also, discard the vanguard role of 
sense of their having achieved "ef- the Party in the ultimate struggle for 
fective political leadership of the Socialism. A militant forecast of 
working class." Instead, it said: future struggle in no sense conflicts 
"The spontaneous struggles of the with the Party's correct perspective 
working class against capitalism can, of the possibility in the United States 
at best, lead only to trade-union con- of a peaceful and parliamentary 
sciousness." {Proceedings, p. 323). road to Socialism; for such a peace- 
Trade unions as such are not ful advance can only be realized by 
enough : the working class must have a powerful labor movement, able 
its mass party; in this case, a Labor- and willing to suppress the counter- 
Farmer Party. revolutionary attempts of the mono- 
The convention, with its general polists and to maintain the necessary 
conception of the leading role of democracy in the country to enable 
the conscious forces of Socialism, the workers to proceed peacefully to 
forecast for the Party a far broader their historic class goal of Socialism, 
perspective of action than that out- During the past generation or so 
lined by Comrade Bittclman in his the workers of the United States 
thesis, in which the Communist have won many concessions from 
Party essentially tails along after the monopoly capital, 
"matured" organizations, especially This wide reform trend has been 
the trade unions. The convention variously characterized under such 
definitely considered the Party in the titles as, "The New Capitalism" 
role of vanguard, both now and in (1920's), "Progressive Capitalism" 
ilie future struggle for Socialism. (Roosevelt era), and "The Welfare 
It summed up its perspective in this State" and "People's Capitalism" 
general respect in its resolution as (post-World War II). The trends 
follows: "It emphasizes that a// roads have also been expressed in bour- 
to Socialism are roads of mass strug- geois election programs variously 
gle, waged under the leadership of known as "The New Freedom" 
the working class and its Marxist (Wilson), "The Square Deal" (T. 
vanguard." {Proceedings, p. 305.) Roosevelt), "The New Deal" (F. D. 
Clearly, this means a continuing Roosevck), "The Fair Deal" (Tru- 
vanguard role for the Party from man), and "Modern Republicanism" 
now on, for the Party could hardly (Eisenhower). 

first play a passive role and then Making a virtue of necessity, the 
step in at the last moment, so to bourgeois apologists have built up a 
speak, and take over the class leader- whole series of illusions around the 
ship in the fight for Socialism. Those reform trend, including, that capital- 
who sec no vanguard role for the ism is now a humane regime, peace- 
Party in the everyday struggles of ful and progressive; that the govern- 
• the working class, by the same tdcen, ment has become a democratic peo- 



pie's state standing above the class of innocence the aggressive foreign 
struggle and operating in the inte- policies of American imperialism, 
rests of the whole people; that the The attitude of the CPUSA to- 
workers and employers have now wards these general developments, 
become virtually economic and polit- which, in one form or another, it has 
ical partners; that economic crises had to deal with almost since its 
and mass unemployment are now birth, is two-fold. On the one hand, 
things of the past; that the rule of the Party has vigorously supported, 
finance capital has been liquidated often pioneered in fact, every sub- 
by the elimination of the banker's stantial reform, of whatever kind or 
role from private industry; that cap- source, that will help the workers, 
italists in general have been virtually This it did, among others, under 
ousted by the "managerial revolu- Roosevelt, Truman, and also even 
tion"; that the workers are buying under Eisenhower. At the same time, 
out the industries; that capital is as it did at its i6th national conven- 
being democratized, etc. These de- tion, with its slogan for a people's 
magogic generalizations have been anti-monopoly coalition, the Party 
built up over the years by many has projected slogans for a demo- 
bourgeois economists and politicians, cratic anti-monopoly government 
as well as Right Social Democratic within the framework of the capi- 
writers, but the main theoretical talist system; one which would 
contributors have been Keynes, vastly expand all the democratic 
Strachey, Burnham, and Djilas. concessions that the workers, over 
The basic purposes of such de- the years, have won from the em- 
magogic generalizations — as cur- ployers and their government. On 
rently, the welfare state and people's the other hand, the Party has warred 
capitalism— is to confine the devel- against all the pro-capitalist, anti- 
oping struggle of the workers and Socialist demagogies that have been 
their allies within channels safe for always tied up with such slogans as 
capitalism. They defend the cap- the "New Capitalism," the "Welfare 
italist system against advancing So- State," and "People's Capitalism." 
cialism. Specifically, they aim at In this respect, through the years, 
spreading all kinds of crippling the CPUSA has perhaps done its 
"prosperity illusions" among the best ideological educational work 
workers; to extoll the efficiency and among the masses, 
beneficence of capitalism; to culti- Comrade Bittelman, however, 
vate class-collaboration practices in would have us abandon this basically 
industry; to maintain intact the correct policy. He proposes, instead, 
workers' allegiance to the two party that we support as our own the slo- 
system; to poison the people's minds gan for the welfare state. But this 
with anti-Soviet, anti-Socialist lies; would be a serious mistake for vari- 
and especially to cover with a mantle ous reasons and a long leap to the 


BiTTELMAN EJxHiBiT No. 6 — Continued 


Right. Bittelman makes a number of mess of bourgeois pottage. 

mistakes with his proposal: For one The welfare state slogan is also 

thing, he ignores the fact that the wrong in that it implies that, through 

"Welfare State," like "People's Cap- the reforms indicated, a basic change 

italism," is already here, with all its has taken place in the structure of 

illusions and limitations, as part of the capitalist state — that capitalism 

the general monopoly state set-up; is gradually turning into Socialism; 

it is not something that is to be estab- that the state is no longer a repres- 

lished in the more or less distant sive organ; that it does not function 

future. The United Stales, Great primarily in the interests of the mon- 

Britain, France, and other regimes opwlists; and that the power of the 

of monopoly capital, are, in fact, at latter in the welfare state is prac- 

present "Welfare States," with all tically broken. Nor could our Party, 

the confusion that this term implies, try as it might, give a more real con- 

The type of state that would be tent to this slogan. The nonsense of 

created by a victory of the anti-mon- the welfare state illusions regarding 

opoly coalition proposed by our Party, this country is obvious from even a 

and which Comrade Bittelman holds glance at the composition of the 

necessary for bringing about the wel- United States Government, in which 

fare stale, would, however, create a the working class, Negro people, 

cjuite different type of government — poorer farmers, and women, who 

one committed to a serious struggle make up the great majority of the 

against monopoly capital. Our adop- American people, have barely a trace 

lion of the welfare state slogan, of representation. Those who doubt 

therefore, would put us, willy-nilly, the power of monopoly capital in 

in the false and untenable position this country today would do well to 

of supporting the present welfare read Victor Perlo's new book, The 

stale. Empire of High Finance. 

Comrade Bittelman is also incor- The adoption of the welfare state 

reel when he attempts to establish slogan would expose our Party to 

a basic difference between the slogan all the ideological confusion bound 

for the welfare state and that for up with this slogan. This would be 

people's capitalism. For the two are so, particularly in view of the strong 

akin politically, and in labor circles Revisionist trend to accommodate the 

in this country the latter slogan is Party to such illusions. Even Com- 

probably more fX)pular than the rade Bittelman, in his analysis of 

former. The welfare state slogan is the welfare state, presents it almost 

the people's capitalism slogan dolled entirely in a positive sense, leaving 

up for the use primarily of Right out altogether the many dangerous 

Social Democrats. It is essentially an anti-Socialist, pro-capitalist illusions 

attempt to have the workers peddle that are connected inseparably with 

away their Socialist birthright for a this slogan. 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


Comrade Bittclman is likewise in- Party upon a permanent scale. The 
correct when he says that the Party CPUSA is not a part-time or stop- 
has not analysed the New E>cal and gap Party, to serve only until we can 
the consequences of the reforms get a "better" organization — either 
flowing out of it, which have since the "political action association" or 
developed into what is vaguely "the new mass party of Socialism" 
known as the welfare state and peo- — as so many of our leaders so harm- 
pie's capitalism. The contrary is the fully believe. The Marxist-Leninist 
case. The difference is, that, in its Party is the best type of leading 
extensive analyses, the Party correcdy Party in every contingency that the 
arrived at an opposite conclusion working class may face — in periods 
from Comrade Bittclman. This it of prosperity, under fascist terror, 
expressed at its i6th national conven- during imperialist wars, in colonial 
tion: first, positively, by its militant revolution, in the winning of power 
support of all immediate demands in capitalist lands, and in the build- 
that will aid the workers, and sec- ing of Socialism. Comrade Gates is 
ond, negatively, by its opposition to basically in error when he says 
the "prosperity illusions" slogans. (Political Affairs, November, 1956), 

In view of the foregoing, there- that the CPUSA is geared to the 

fore, the Party should reject Com- prospect of an early revolution. On 

rade Bittelmen's proposal that it the contrary, it is geared to every 

adopt the welfare state slogan, and possible political situation that the 

it should push forward to realize its workers may confront. On this pcr- 

slogan for a people's anti-monopoly manent basis, therefore (whatever 

coalition government and all its im- its name may be) we must set out 

mediate implications. to build the CPUSA, something 

which should have been begun 

THE PARTY: ITS THEORY actively right after the national con- 

AND PRACTICE vention, but was not. 

One of the major things that wc 

a) The Communist Party: From must also do in the building of our 
the foregoing consideration of the Party is to "rehabilitate it ideological- 
changed national and international ly." That is, while absorbing genuine 
situation, the way our Plarty was criticism, wc must clear away the 
built, how it fell into crisis, and the heaps of unjustified bclitdements 
decisions of the i6th national conven- and misrepresentations of the Party, 
tion of the Party, three basic con- its record, and its leadership that 
elusions stand forth with unchal- were cast upon it from the Right 
lengeable clarity. The first is that during the past 18 months or so. We 
wc must build the Commimist must learn again to love the Party, 
Party, and upon as broad a basis to esteem its great record, its historic 
as possible. Wc must also build the fight against the war danger and £a»' 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6— (Continued 


cism, and to have confidence in its ously emphasized, must be based 

bright future in the labor move- definitely upon the fundamental 

ment and class struggle. "universally valid" principles of 

The CPUSA must resume its agi- Marxism-Leninism, not for the time 
tation for the eventual formation of being, but all the way through the 
a mass Labor Farmer Party — as the workers' perspective. Of course, the 
workers, generally on the march, Party must use the utmost flexibility 
are obviously moving towards indc- in applying and interpreting Marx- 
pendent political action. In this agi- ism-Leninism for the masses, adap>t- 
tation, however, we must, as the main ing it to the sharpening American 
resolution states, realize that the La- situation. At the same time, our 
Hor-Farmer Party is "not the only Party must combat the many pro- 
form" of mass political action — there capitalism illusions now being spread 
may eventually be much broader among the workers. We must also 
coalitions, and we see now that there be resolute in combatting Revisionist 
may also be far narrower ones. Its attempts to water-down and to de- 
ncglect of the Labor-Farmer Party vitalize Marxism-Leninism, and like- 
slogan has been one of the most seri- wise, every "Lcft"-sectarian ten- 
• lus shortcomings in the history of dency to apply it in dogmatic or doc- 
thc Communist Party. trinairc fashion. These arc the most 

We should discard completely the vital lessons that have come out of 
slogans for a political action associa- the long Party debate. 
lion and for a new mass party of The criticism, heard so much from 
Socialism, (in the immediate sense the Right, that Marxism-Leninism 
in which the latter is put), as liqui- is inherently rigid and lacks the 
•Jatory, both of the Labor-Farmer flexibility to meet the complex prob- 
I^arty movement and of the Com- lems ahead of the workers in this 
munist Party. We must co-operate and other countries in the rapidly 
more freely with the other Left changing world situation, is flady 
groups in immediate class struggle contradicted by the whole history of 
activities; but it is not our job to the international Communist move- 
combine with them in forming an- ment. Not only has Marxism-Lcnin- 
other Social Democratic Party. The ism provided the theories and lead- 
basic organizational meeting grounds ership for the workers and their al- 
of all the Left gtoups arc in the lies by which they have established 
trade unions and in the broad polit- Socialism throughout one third of 
ical organizations of the organized the world, but in doing this it has 
v^orkers and their allies, all of which displayed extraordinary adaptability 
^ill eventually tend to develop more to new situations — not to deny, how- 
of an anti-capitalist perspective. cve^r, that there has also been much 

h) Marxism - Ltninism: The dogmatism and sectarian inflexibil- 

CPUSA, as the conventioa so vigor* ity. Our task, therefore, is to improve 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Ck)ntinue<J 


Marxism-Leninism and to develop eteering question, the "right-to- 
it, not to undermine and destroy it. work" laws, and many other serious 
There is nothing in the world more problems. The recent strikes of the 
new and vital than Marxism-Lenin- farmers, and their obvious political 
ism. discontent, show the possibilities also 
c) The class struggle policy: To- in this most important democratic 
gether with building the Commu- sector of the population, 
nist Party and imbuing it with Marx- All these problems are tending to 
ist-Leninist principles, it is also neces- sharpen up, especially as the indus- 
sary to apply these principles upon trial situation becomes more unsatis- 
the basis of a rising class struggle factory and the problems of Ameri- 
perspective in this country. This can imperialism abroad multiply on 
elementary lesson the i6th national every world front. The people are 
convention also stressed. Its line in widely tending to have more serious 
this resjKct had nothing in common clashes with monopoly capitalism, 
with the easy evolution perspectives In order to play its political part in 
developed by comrades Gates and this rising mass discontent, the Party 
Bittelman. Its general miHtant hne must, as it did in the i6th convcn- 
was summed up in its active projec- tion, base its policies upon the per- 
tion (jf the fight for a broad ami- spective of a sharpening class strug- 
monopoly people's coalition of all gle. It would be disastrous for the 
the democratic forces in the United Party to yield to the class peace con- 
States, ceptions of a diminishing class strug- 
Manifestly there are generating gle and an expectation of easy 
very important mass struggles in victories ahead for the workers, 
this country. There is the ever- which the Revisionists for the past 
present struggle against the war 18 months have been so busily pro- 
danger and for peace, which deeply pagating in the Party, 
concerns the whole American peo- 
ple. Our Party must learn how to THE CONCRETE APPLICATION 
become active effectively among the OF MARXIST-LENINIST 
broad masses in this elemental strug- PRINCIPLES 
gle. The great offensive of the Ne- 
gro people for school desegregation We have seen above how it 
in the South, for the right to vote, emerges from our total past experi- 
and against every form of Jim Crow- ence that we must apply three basic 
ism, indicates the tremendous strug- Marxist-Leninist lessons: a) to build 
gle potentials in the present Ameri- the Communist Party, b) to base it 
can political situation. The trade upon the sound principles of Marx- 
unions are also deeply stirred by the ism-Leninism, and c) to animate it 
uncertain economic situation, the with a fighting policy based upon 
problem of automation, the rack- the perspective of a rising class strug- 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


gle in the United Sutes. All this is tion under the guises of the welfare 

fundamental, but we must go further state and people's capitalism. These 

and show concretely how the prin- are vital new phases in our Socialist 

ciples of Marxism-Leninism are to work. 

be applied in the present situation, Two: Proletarian Internationalism: 
which is so greatly changed from World solidarity of labor is an im- 
that of the early days of our Party, pcrative issue of ever-new import- 
Pertinent, in doing this will it be to ance these days because of: the need 
take the same seven basic Marxist- for resolute struggle to establish 
Leninist principles dealt with at the peaceful co-«xistence of all countries; 
outset of this analysis in showing the rapidly growing strength of 
how our Party was built, and then world Socialism; the closer knitting 
see how differently these valid prin- together economically of the whole 
ciples apply in the new situation of world; the profoundly favorable in- 
these days. fluence of world Socialism upon the 
One: Socialist Perspective: In this class struggle in the capitalist coun- 
general and important respect the tries — notably the Negro question 
CPUSA is very much better off than and the wage struggle in the United 
it used to be. This is because it now States. A sound defense of the inte- 
foresees a road to Socialism in this rests of the workers and the Ameri- 
country that will appear as very real- can people implies a firm interna- 
istic and much more acceptable to tional proletarian poUcy. More than 
American workers. The Party must ever, such a policy must and will in- 
know how to make the most of this volve friendly criticism among the 
very valuable point. The Party has Communist parties and Socialist 
also a more realistic attitude towards countries. A special task of our Party 
the Soviet Union, with its new at- is to realize that the intervention in 
titude of comradely criticism of that Hungary last November was im- 
country. This also removes a great perative, in order to beat down the 
handicap that the Party suffered developing counter-revolution in that 
from in the past. But the Party must country basically organized by the 
eliminate from its work the recently agents of Wall Street. The CPUSA 
developed Right tendencies to snipe is the only Communist Party in the 
at the USSR and to minimize its world which does not take this real- 
Past, present, and future Socialist istic stand. Particularly in this time 
role. Tlie USSR is the outstanding of aggressive foreign policies by 
leader of world Socialism, a fact of American imperialism, we must also 
which capitalism is well aware. The beware the penetration of the Party 
question of teaching the workers the by bourgeois national influences, 
significance of Socialism takes on Three: Democratic Centraliwi: Wc 
double importance now, with the most restore in the Party a dearer 
sharp growth of anti-Socialist agita- concept of the major Leninist policy 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 


of democratic centralism. This pol- ism. In this general respect also, the 
icy, containing as it docs the two Party has made some sectarian cr- 
indispcnsable elements of democracy rors in the past, above all, in its long 
and centralization, is the only pos- inability to work out a more realis- 
sible policy for a fighting Party, tic statement of the road to 
Comrade Gates is fundamentally American Socialism. Generally, 
wrong when he says in his Political however, the Party, especially in 
Affairs article that, "Apparendy its vital tradc-imion work, has had 
democratic centraUsm results in a a realistic approach in this broad 
scmi-mihtary type of organization sphere. Improvements, however, arc 
which is clearly not fit for our coun- always in order. To be effective, 
try in this period." His own prop- the Party, basing itself upon the 
osals would degenerate the Party fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism, 
into a debating society. It is a fact, must work out its policies more care- 
of course, that, with bureaucratic fully than ever upon the basis of 
practices, the Party in the past has specific and changing American con- 
abused the basically correct policy of ditions. But in doing this, the 
democratic centralism. The Party, Party must not relax in its basically 
therefore, must learn to apply the correct ideological struggle against 
policy more effectively, and in harm- American exceptionalism. 
ony with American conditions and Five: The United Front: The 
traditions. We must have a Party Party must re-develop this fimda- 
in which, not only do the members mental and effective Leninist policy, 
accept the Party program and pay especially in the form of Left-Pro- 
their dues, but they also carry on grcssivc cooperation in the trade 
Party work. There must be a polit- unions. This was the means by 
ical Une that is obligatory and a which we built the Party and made 
sound Party discipline. There must it a real influence in the labor move- 
be the broadest possible participation ment. And despite all the changes 
of the membership in policy making and advances in the labor move- 
nt all levels. Dissent must be per- ment, the policy basically still re- 
mitted, but no factionalism. Party tains its validity. It is sheer non- 
papers must be contrc^led by the sense to declare, as the Right is coo- 
Party and required to express the stantly doing, that there arc not io 
Party line. the American labor movement the 
Four: "National characteristics: three characteristic ideological cur- 
One of the most harmful results rents of conservatives (Right), Pro- 
of the development of Revisionism gressives (Center) and Left, such 
in our Party has been iu tendency as are to be found in the labor mov^ 
to break down the Party's struggle ments of every capitalist country 10 
against the poisonous bourgeois the world. Our job is to find the 
ideology of American ezcepdooal- practical ways to enter into active 


BiTTELMAN EJxHiBiT No. 6 — Continued 


collaboration with the Progressives, active participant, along with the 
not to deny that they exist. This is AFL, CIO and pro-Roosevelt forces 
the broad road to trade union unity in general, when the broad demo- 
and to progress generally in the cratic front took place in the historic 
unions. fight against Hider. Contrary to all 
Obviously, the old Left-Center this realism, the Party for the past 
forms of the TUEL in the 1920's two years has been unable to pro- 
would be totally out of place in the duce a trade-union resolution or to 
1950's, and so, also, would be the do any real trade-union work, the 
open warfare against the Right, reason for this being because, under 
which prevailed for many years strong Revisionist pressure, the lead- 
after 1935. But to counteract the ership has been making the double 
holdback pressures of the most con- mistake of trying to discard the basic 
scrvative group of labor leaders in policies of the vanguard role and of 
the world, it is imperatively neces- specific cooperation with the Progres- 
sary to activate the combined Pro- sives. 

grcssive forces in the unions, includ- Six: The vanguard role: In the 
ing within the general meaning of changing world of labor this basic 
this term all those elements, what- Leninist principle remains vitally 
ever their past attitudes, who are tak- necessary for the CPUSA. Our Par- 
ing a progressive course with regard ty is not "a" but "the" vanguard 
to the given issue or situation. Party. This is because it is the bear- 
It is a gross misrepresentation of er of Marxism-Leninim and it tries 
Party history by the Right when to put into effect this basic philoso- 
it states that our Party followed a phy and program of the working 
practice of arbitrarily classifying in class. The opportunity to function 
pigeonholes given individuals or as vanguard in the labor movement 
groups of labor officials. On the con- lies open before our Party on every 
trary, it was always flexibly ready front in the class struggle. This is 
to work with anyone with whom it because of the better insight concern- 
could. Thus, for example, when, in ing labor's problems that it acquires 
1935, Lewis, Dubinsky, Hillman, from its knowledge of the workers' 
and others — many of whom we did basic science. But, of course, in 
not previously consider to be cither the present gready changed situa- 
Lefts or Progressives — embarked tion, the means and methods for 
upon the task of building the CIO, performing the vanguard role, differ 
the Communists, quite in line with widely from those prevailing years 
previous Party policies, gave them ago. Such elementary slogans as 
inunediatc and effective cooperation, "organize the imorsanized,** "indus- 
With the same basic flexibility, the trial unionism," and "unemployment 
Party, as it had done upon many insurance," which not so long ago 
previous occasions, also became an were real vanguard slogans in the 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 



United States and served our Party 
well, will no longer suffice. Our 
theoretical and practical leadership 
must be on a much higher plane, 
because of the great progress made 
by the unions and other mass or- 
ganizations in recent years. 

liut Comrade Bittelman is wrong 
in assuming and broadly inferring 
that, on the basis of their undeniable 
progress, the unions have reached a 
f)()int of giving "effective political 
leadership" to the working class, 
and that, therefore, the Communist 
Party must develop "a new attitude" 
toward them — presumably one of 
bowing to their political leadership. 
This is essentially denying the lead- 
ing role of the Party. The "effective 
political leadership" thesis is contra- 
dicted by the many wrong policies 
and unsolved elementary tasks that 
are now cluttering up and crippling 
the trade unions. These include: 
tailing after the foreign policies of 
American imperialism; the erst- 
while blatant pro-war policies of the 
decisive ranks of the union leader- 
ship; the primitive state of the work- 
ers' political organization, with no 
independence from the bourgeois 
political leaders; and the continua- 
tion of the old Gompers policy of 
"rewarding your friends," etc.; the 
present disregard of the heroic strug- 
gle of the Negro people in the South 
against Jim Crow, and the continuing 
discrimination against Negroes in 
trade-union leadership; the failure 
of organized labor to develop a 
sound economic program of its own; 
the failure to push the decisively im- 

portant Southern organizing drive; 
the existence of a huge amount of 
racketeering, corruption, and auto- 
cratic controls in the unions; the 
"trade-union capitalism" policies in 
handling the huge welfare funds; 
the fact that large numbers of the 
leaders are not only "business union- 
ists," whose highest ambition for 
their organizations is a class collabo- 
ration agreement with the bosses, 
but also that they are actual capi- 
talists themselves; their open defense 
of the capitalist system and peo- 
ple's capitalism illusions, their ex- 
treme opposition to Socialism, etc. 

In all these issues, and many more, 
the trade-union leaders are giving 
anything but "effective political lead- 
ership" to the working class. The 
need for the type of leadership that 
will come from effective cooperation 
between the Left and the Progres- 
sive elements is a burning one. In- 
deed, if our Party stepped to the 
fore as it did in the historic fight 
against McCarthyism and the war 
danger, this was because such action 
was imperative on its part as a result 
of the virtual collapse of the trade- 
union leadership upon these most 
vital questions. The way is clearly 
open, therefore, for our Party not 
simply to content itself with what 
Comrade Bittelman calls the unions' 
"effective practical leadership of the 
working class"; but to help, along 
with other progressive forces, to give 
them the real political leadership 
which their membership and the sit- 
uation demand. 

Seven: Self -Criticism: This funda- 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 6 — Continued 



mental Leninist policy is always rele- 
vant, and is so in the present period, 
as one of the Party's most powerful 
instruments. But we must practice 
it far more correctly than we have 
done in the past, especially in our 
recent Party discussion. The gross 
distortions of cold war Party policy, 
wiih the wholesale manufacture of 
"errors," playdown of Party achieve- 
ments and ignoring of objective dif- 
ficulties, which were injected by the 
Right into an otherwise very valuable 
Party discussion, did not constitute 
real self-criticism, but an ideologi- 
cal attack against the integrity and 
the very life of the Party. 

New methods of worf^^: It is not 
enough for the Party to have correct 
political [)olicics, it must also know 
how to apply them elTeciively in the 
given situation. Therefore, the ques- 
tion of methods of work is always 
of paramount importance. Flexibil- 
ity and a progressive spirit in ap- 
plying policy among the masses are 
particularly vital at the present time 
of a rapidly changing economic 
and political situation, both nation- 
ally and internationally. The search 
for ever-more effective methods of 
work is of decisive importance. The 
fate of the CPUSA will depend in a 
basic measure upon the extent to 
which wc realize and adapt our- 
selves to this fundamental need. 

The foregoing general analysis 
evaluates the concrete Marxist-Len- 
inist policies with which the Com- 
munist Party, through the years, 
was built and developed into a real 
force in the labor movement. It 
shows als<j the extent to which these 
fruitful policies are valid for the 
present situation. It traces the causes 
for the Party crisis; it indicates the 
chief means by which this crisis may 
be overcome, and also how the Parly 
can regain its legality, rebuild its 
strength, and again become a real 
influence in the class struggle. The 
needful curative tasks may be 
summed up under three general 
heads: a) to bring about the earliest 
and most intensive cultivation of 
our mass work upon all fronts; b) 
to liquidate the continuing theoreti- 
cal confusion in the Party, not only 
our traditional sectarianism and dog- 
matism, but also the Revisionism 
which has almost wrecked the Party, 
and c) to develop an energetic cam- 
paign of Party rebuilding (especially 
among the ex-members), not upon 
the basis that we are building the 
Party ujx)n a temporary scale — until 
we can get a "better" organization 
—but with the understanding that 
we are constructing the Party that 
will be the vanguard in all the stages 
of the workers' struggle, including 
the eventual building of Socialism. 




[ 1 ] The 19Se Elections 

[16] Cuba: Torment and Promise 

[19] China's Educational 

[40] Americans View the Soviet 
Union (Pt. ID 

[54] Fruitful Years (Reviewing 
"No Men Are Strangers") 

[58] The Rev. King's Outlook 
(Reviewing "Stride 
Toward Freedom") 

Party Program Discussion 
(On Democracy and the 
"Welfare State") 




BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 8 — Continued 

Party Prograin Discussion 

The following statement was adopted by the Draft Program Ciimmittee, after m 
dis( union on the programmatic sigiiifit nuce of the fight for democracy. In the course 
of the discussion, Comradt Alexander Itittelman itttroducfd the following motion: 
"The programmatic ol)jccfiVI^ <Jf Tffft '^dhimufiist Party of ihc I'nitwl State;, in the 
struggles of the American people f<ir tl^e liefcnsc an<i extension of democracv, is ihe 
further development ami e\itiis;.>n of tin- denjocr.icy of Lincoln and the Neiv Deal, 
an anti-monof>oly form of dcnuHiacy, i Welfare State, operating within the conhnes 
of the capitalist mode of pKxItiction md the hourgcois slate system, this being a 
historic stage of social progif« on ihr American Road to S«)cialLsm." Anotdirtgly, 
the Committee felt it necessary !o deftult^s tli'at'y as ffossible what is mitwt l<\ de- 
fense and extension of dem<>crai\. nndo^t^the stime time diifxjse of Comrade JUttel- 
man's "Welfare State" theory of th-' r. •.. .' to unKilisni, uhich had hren under dnrus- 
sion in the committee since its formatir.y. The statetnenl was adopted, with one vote 
against, and two abstentions: 

By defense of democracy wc mean (i) 
the defense of labor, Negro, and peo- 
ple's rights and of social reforms al- 
ready won as a result of popular strug- 
gle, including lights and reforms rec- 
ognized in the Constitution and the 
laws of the land but still to be realized 
in practice; (2) the defense of the rep 
rcscntative institutions of the detnocral- 
ic form of government under the bour- 
geois system, against the constant ef- 
forts of monopoly and reaction to un 
ilennine and destroy these institutions, 
to militarize the slate and regiment the 
pei4>lc. raiiting the danger of ,1 fascist- 
type government. 

by extension of democraviy wc mean 
(l) the deepening and broadening of 
labor, Negro, and |>ei»plc's rights and 
of soi iai retoimt already gained and 
the winning of new rights and reforms, 
including the democratic transforma- 
tion of the South and the abolition 
of the Jim-Crow system, that will 
strengthen the forces of labor and the 

people, enhance their direct participa- 
tion in government at all levels, and 
curb and restrict the power of monop- 
oly aijid reaction; (2) structural reforms 
in the govcrnmcrK, under our Consti- 
•"tron, that will strengthen and enrich 
those governing institutions that are 
directly representative of the people — 
local, slate and Federal — as the central 
piHar of government, and that will 
open wide and keep open the channel 
for the expression of the will of the 
people through a party of their own, 
a labor led people's party, directed 
against the power of monopoly. 

The struggle for the defense of de- 
mocracy against reaction and for the 
extension of democracy go hand in 
hand. In our history, every successful 
defense of democracy ltd to the further 
extension of popular sovereignty, build- 
ing up a powerful demcKratic tradition 
associated with the names of Jefferson, 
Lincoln, Douglass, and F. D. Roose- 
velt. Each nujor advance resulted from 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 8 — Continued 


iful «U « g|^ ei the pccok democracy, a Welbrt State," 
the force* at reactioo which spending to "a historic tttte of 
{ht to limit and curb democratic progress on the American Road to S^ 
rights and representative inttitutions. cialism." The thesis embodied in thia 
Today, the threat to democracy is the position confuses and diverts the peo> 
concentrated power of moDopoly, and pie's fight for democracy by project- 
its domination and militarization of the ing erroneous views on social oevelop- 
State. It devolves upon labor, which ment and the nature of the state uo- 
represents the common interests of the der capitalism and under sociahsm, as 

Eple, to lead the struggle for the <k- follows: 
K and eitension oidemocracy. (i) The "Welfare State" thesis en- 

The strategic objective of the struggle visions a new-type democracy in be- 

ior democracy in the present stage of twecn bourgeois democracy and so> 

development in this country is to curb ciaiiat democracy, corresponding to aa 

ntonopoly power, an objective which intermediate sCufe of society in be- 

kads toward an anti-monopoly coali- tw«en pntent-day capitalism and •»> 

tion government, led by labor. Such cialism, whereas there is no such in- 

a people's government, as we now en- termediate stage, the transition from 

vision it, would mark the culmination one to the other being accomplished 

of an entire suge of struggle against by a social revolution. While difier- 

monopoly, and would attain the maxi- ent forms of the bourgeois-democratic 

mum popular sovereignty possible under state exist, and it may be possible by 

capiuUsm. At the same time, it opens the struggles of labor and other anti- 

up the way for the next stage, the monopoly forces to extend bourgeois 

struggle for a working class govern- democracy within a given sute, the 

ment that will carry through the social- only new-type democracy of our era 

ist revolution, in accordance with the is socialist democracy, which estah- 

speciBc conditions prevailing at the lishcs majority rule in fact, 
tin^ and establish majority rule — gov- (2) It envisions a new state, cor- 

cnunent oi, by, and for the people, responding to an intermediate stage of 

9ach a working-class government will society and of democracy, whereas the 

'}rm the state ana its institutions, only new state in this epoch of history 

accordance with the desire of the is the working class state, whatever 

E, from instriiments of monopoly its form, which inaugurates the transi- 

capital into instruments serving the tion from capitalism to socialism, and 

«f«i£are o{ the people. On the base of from bourgeois democracy to socialist 

■ew socialist property relations, it will dennx^-acy. 

establish socialist democracy, by far a (3) It would replace the objective 

higher form of democracy than is poa- of a labor-led, anti-monopoly coalition 

able under capitalist private owner- government, within the present state 

skip and exjJoitation. system, which would curb and under- 

Feafirming the approach of the "Ini- mine monopoly power, vv^th the aim ol 

tial Report on Basic Program," we re- the so-called Welfare Sute, which is an 

^Mt the view that the struggle for the illusion and a deception under capi- 

and extension of democracy talism. In reality, the "Welfare State" 
Inds to "an anti-monopoly form oi as it exisu in all highly d c vdopad 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 8 — Continued 


capiulitt oounthM, in c l udin g our 
own, i» a mooopdy »ute that has been 
forced by the power of the labor and 
people's movemccu to concede social 
welfare measures, which it always tries 
to delay as long as possible, keeping 
them to a minimum and seeking to 
pare them down once granted. At the 
same time, monopoly capital utilizes 
tuch measures, once forced upon it, 
as insurance against basic social changes 
and as a means of preserving the capi- 
talist system in the face of the gen- 
eral crisis. On the other hand, a peo- 
ple's government of anti-monopoly 
coalition would seek to advance, not 
hinder, basic social change, and thus 
pave the way for the fundamental 
shift in pohtical power by which the 
working class and its allies can un- 
dertake the transition to socialism. 

(4) The theory of the "Welfare 
State Road to Socialism" is a reBcction 
of various bourgeois and reformist 
views of the state, which serve to dis- 
guise and make more acceptable the 
rule of monopoly. Present-day reform- 
ism and revisionism prolong the illu- 

sion that throu^ measures 
with the "Welfare State," which an 
supposed to be creating a "new caps* 
talism," our present society will gradu- 
ally grow over into socialism. The 
idea that the "Welfare State" repre- 
sents '"an anti-monopoly form of de- 
mocracy" and corresponds to a new 
stage of progress under capitalism is 
an expression of the same general out- 
look. In particular, it is closely akin 
to the revisionist view developed in the 
Yugoslav Draft Program that in the 
United States socialism can be at- 
tained through state capitalism and the 
direct political role of the trade unions 
within the present state, and without 
the necessity of a vanguard p>arty of 
Marxism-Leninism. The theory of the 
"Welfare Sute Road to Socialism" 
feeds and supports reformism and re- 
visionism in the working class move- 

The Draft Program Committee re- 
jects the "Welfare Sutc" thesis as a 
basic depjarture from Marxism -Lenin- 
ism and as an expression of modern 
revisionism in the United States. 

Readers are invited to contribute to the discussion of Party program. 
Such manuscripts should be addressed to: James S. Allen, Secretary, 23 W. 
»6th St., New York II, N. Y. 



Political Affairs, December 1960 

On the Expulsion of Bittehnan 

By National Secretariat, CPUSA 

I Uquidationist5, who had left the Party 

and were attacking iL At those meet- 

Thc views of Alexander Bittclman ings, moreover, funds were solicited 

^ve been under discussion since he for the publication of his book. 

■Mde them public in a series of i2 ar- Nevertheless, the National Execu- 

aclcs in the Daily Worl^er in Octo- tive invited Bittclman to discuss the 

her 1957. He presented them again matter, and requested that he submit 

in Political Affairs (April 1958), and the manuscript of the book to it- 

•iticles analyzing and contesting his A meeting was held with him at 

position were published in the same which he stated that no matter what 

magazine (December 1957, January the National Executive Conrniittec 

1958, and March 1958). His theory might think about his book, he in- 

ci. the "Welfare Sute" road to 10c- tended to pniblish it in any case 

ialism was under frequent discussion However, he reluctantly submitted 

in the Draft Program Committee, of the manuscript for examination. On 

which he was a member. His views the basis of a report by a subcom- 

wcre rejected by this committee "ar mittec assigned to read it, the NEC 

a basic departure from Marxism- on October 14, 1959 in a letter 

Leninism and as an expression of by Eugene Dennis, then Natiooal 

modern revisionism in tiic United Secretary, informed Bittclman: 

States." The Committee sutement "It is our unanimous poMtion tlut 

setting forth the grounds for this in a number- of basic aspects tlte 

judgment was published in Political thesis of the book conflicts with 

Affairs, December 1958. fundamental Marxist theoretical prin- 

In the spring of 1959, Bittelman dples and with American realities, 

informed the Party leadership that he Further, it is in certain important 

had written a book, and agreed to respects couched as a platform ci 

submit the manuscript for review, struggle against the principles and 

However, he proceeded instead, in policies of the Party. 

August 1959, to announce in the "Should you proceed in any case 

■00-Party press that he sought fin- to publish it on your own, as you 

aacial aid to publi«h a book in which have indicated intentions of doing, 

Wr would present views which had you should be fully aware from our 

■ been condemned by the Communist August discussion with you what the 

i Party as anti-Marxist. At the same consequences of such an act would 

time, he continued to advocate his be." 

theories at meetings in various In his reply (October 18, 1999) 

cities, organized by revisionists and Bittelman denied the right of the 




BiTTELMAX Exhibit No. 9 — Continued 

NEC to pass judgment on his hf)ok 
and declared his intention to pubHsh 
it, whatever the consequences. The 
book app>cared in September i960, 
multigraphed. By this action ^ttel- 
man has brazenly violated the Party 
principles of democratic centralism 
and taken the path of anti-Party 
struggle, together with the revision- 
ists who left the Party previously, 
and has thereby forfeited his right 
to membership. The National Sec- 
retariat therefore recommends his 
immediate expulsion from the Com- 
munist Party.* 

Bittelman has been a Party mem- 
ber and leader of long standing, and 
in such a case expulsion is a par- 
ticularly serious action. However, 
during the past few years, while 
actively engaged in pursuing th« 
course described above, he has com- 
pletely withdrawn from all construc- 
tive Party activity. More, in an 
unprincipled manner, while contin- 
uing to present himself as a Party 
member, he has associated himself 
with anti-Party revisionist elements 
in attacking the Party. In addition, 
he took it upon himself to advocate 
pOblicly a position on the presidert- 
tial election in opposition to that of 
the Party, expressed for example, in 

• On Noveaiber 14. I960 the Westchester Qub 
of the Communist Party, of which Binelmao 
iud been a member, voted unanimously in 
accordance with the recommendation of the N»- 
cional Secretariat to expel him from the Parry. 
The club reported that he had neither attended 
meetings nor paid due* for the preceding two 
ycttn, and had refused to atttad that particular 

a letter to thr NattnnaJ Ciuardian 
calhiit^ tui outiight endorsement and 
su[)port to Kennedy. 

Persistent conduct of such a char- 
acter could not be condoned in the 
case of any Party member; much 
less can it be tolerated in a Party 
leader of many years' standing. By 
his insistent defiance of Party dis- 
cipline and his continued advocacy 
of a line in direct conflict with the 
Party's Marxist-Leninist theoretical 
principles, he has closed the door on 
any other alternative and has com- 
pelled the National Secretariat, in 
the best interests of the Party, to 
ask his expulsion. 

Like any other Party member, 
Bittelman has the right to express 
his views, either orally or in writ- 
ting. Rut such views must be in 
accord with Party principles. A mem- 
ber of the Party canncjt use his 
membership to advocate views in 
direct opposition to the very prin- 
ciples of the organization which he 
joined to uphold. Differences and 
criticism on tactical questions arc 
entirely permissible — indeed, indis- 
pensable. But no one can write books 
directed against the Party and retain 
his membership. 

As Lcnin wrote: "Everyone is free 
to write and say whatever he likes 
without restrictions. But every free 
union (including a party) is also 
free to expel members who use the 
Party's platform to advocate anti- 
Party views. . . . The Party is a 
voluntary union which would be 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 9 — Continued 



bound (o break u[), hist i(i( ■ .<i^ically 
and then materially it ii did not 
purge itself of people advocating 
anti-Party views." (Furty Organiza- 
tion and Party Literature , Moscow, 
p. 24.) 


in his book, Bitielnian gors much 
further along ilu anii Marxist road 
than ui Ills ;i!(.\M!isl\ jviiihshcil 
aMiili-s. Hiic he attempts to pro- 
\i(lc- a i(.\ti)(i(ik for the revisionists 
who left the Party together with 
elates, and also a hquidationist .pro- 
gram for a new "united Socialist 
Partv" to take the place of the 
Communist Party. 

His own brand of revisionism fol- 
. lows the traditional lines of "Ameri- 
can cxceptionalism" as developed 
earlier by Lovestone and Browder, 
according to which the Marxist laws 
do not apply to the United States. 
In Bittelman's view, the "national 
peculiarities" of the United States 
now assume prime and decisive im- 
portance. According to him, these 
peculiarities have become so decisive 
and overwhelming as to make pos- 
sible the modification of the basic 
economic laws of capitalism to the 
extent of producing a new and higher 
stage of capitalism in the United 

Revising the Leninist view, con- 
firmed by all recent history, that 
monopoly and imperialism constitute 
the last or highest stage of capitalism, 
Bittelman sees a uniquely American, 

a iKu pi wgussivc sijge ol tapualism, 
in between monopoly capitalism and 
socialism. This is to be the "Welfare 
State" — which he defines as "a system 
ol reforms which extends American 
dernocracv tn .1 higher form, an anti- 
inono[)olv t"i in of democracy," and 
uhich will Ldiisiiuue "an historic 
irngress ... of con- 

stage of st)Cia! 
sulerabk iliiianon" within the pres- 
ent system 
boUigCDis slate ;)\stei'n 

)f capitalism and the 
in short, "a 
new stage of capit.ilisnij" In time, 
after a K^ng time, this will "grow 
over" into socialism. 

Accoriling to him. the "Welfare 
Slate" has l)ei.(iine the indispensable 
condition for periinaneni pc.iceful 
coexistence, lor capitalist [>rospcrity, 
and iur a democratic and peaceful 
way to socialism. In his view, a 
new U.S. capitalism is also to reform 
the world, bringing its benefits to 
Asia, Africa and Latin America. 
In tUe comfietition of the two world 
systems, the refurbished capitalism 
of the United Slates will make such 
social progress as "only the first 
phases of socialism could hope to 
attain in other capitalist countries." 
Even now, before the new capitalist 
idyll arises, the United States, ac- 
cording to Bittelman, is so fully and 
inevitably embarked on the road to 
the '"Welfare Stale" that it stands 
"in front, not in the rear of man- 
kind's procession to a higher social 
form of living." 

Such are the fantasies, spun out of 
a complete distortion of Marxist- 
Leninist principles, that the new pro- 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. !♦ — Ck>ntinue<l 


phct wants the Oimmurust Parts to Wit*h this ba^iv distortion of the 

sponsor. Marxist perspective, it is not surpris- 

His Utopia is not only a caricature ing that Bittelman should discover 

of the Marxist-Leninist theory of in the trade-union movement every- 

social development and the socialist thing necessary for his "Welfare 

revolution. It is a complete distortion State" road to socialism. It is of 

of the perspective of demcxratic anti- course true that new approichcs 

monopoly struggles and coalition for have to be developed by Communists 

the present period, as developed by and progressives to the labor and 

the Communist Party. With his idyll other mass movements under the 

of the "Welfare State," he confuses new conditions of today. But what 

hopelessly the strategic objective for Bittelman proposes is the complete 

the present period of struggle — the liquidation of the independent role 

curbing and undermining of the 0/ the Communist and pro-^ressive 

power of monopoly in the fight for forces in the trade-union moi^cment. 

democracy and peace. His dreams He would have the Communist Party 

are of the kind that would cripple relinquish entirely its working class 

labor and all anti-monopoly forces res(5onsibilities and role to the trade 

in the major struggles against the union leadership. 

anti-labor, anti-democratic, cold-war In his view, the present trade union 

monopoly camp. Without such a movement possesses all the rcquire- 

struggle it is impossible to gather ments for leading the working class 

the forces for peace and social and the nation along the path of 

progress. progress, indeed to socialism itself. 

His theories, if not decisively re- It is true that the labor movement 
pudiated, would do grievous damage has grown greatly in recent decades 
to the principles and outlook of the and has a leading role to play. But, 
Communist Party for the present according to Bittelman, the labor 
and future. Bittelman distorts at the movement already represents "a 
core the strategic orientation of the major shift in class relations in the 
Ameriaan itoad to socialism. He United States," with revolutionary 
makes it appear that the anti-mon- implications. According to him, it 
opoly coalition, working toward the is "destined to bring forth a leading 
objective of a people's government mass Socialist Party;" in truth, he 
directed against monopoly, must lead says, it is already playing "an ex- 
to a new stage of capitalist society, traordinary role in the advance of 
In reality, it can only lead to a the toiling masses to a socialist con- 
new stage of the struggle, in which sciousness and socialism." And this, 
a new relation of forces can open moreover, in a labor movement 
the way to an advance to socialism, whose top officialdom ardently sup>- 
• • • ports the capitalist system and often 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 9 — Continued 

outdoes the capitalists ilicnisclves in tlsclf. and of the role of Communists, 

enmity toward the sociaHst countries.^ labor progressti/es and the Left in 

In short, while paying lip-service the trade unions. The united front 
to the Marxist-Leninist proposition (chiefly from below and also with 
that socialist consciousness does not leaders) is here completely set aside 
arise spontaneously but must be in favor of surrender to the notorious 
actively aroused in the working class policy of class collaboration, 
by its party, he assures us that even Bittelnian often engages in cut- 
now "the American v/orkers are right distortion of the position of the 
socialist minded in a special Amcri- Communist Party. He claims, for 
can way." Due to this unique Amer- example, that the only alternative to 
ican trait, the class-collabor.itionist his line is to call on the working 
policies now prevalent in the labor class to engage directly in socialist 
leadership play only a superficial revolution, and thus seeks to make 
role, and need bother no one, even it apf>ear that the Communist posi- 
if the policy of class partnersliip with tion amounts to doing exactly that, 
monopoly sustains the cold war. The He likewise slanders the Party by 
philosophy and hne of action dev- r^aking it appear that it holds noth- 
eloped by labor leaders like Reuther ing can be done to win Negro 
arc sufficient, according to Bittelman, rights and df!mocracy in the South 
to enable the workers to realize short of a socialist revolution. In this 
"their fondest dreams of having the and other respects, Bittelman places 
benefits of socialism without doing the issues and "alternatives" facing 
away with capitalism." Such a paean the Party in a manner which, con- 
of praise to the American capitalist sidering the political atmosphere in 
system is unworthy of any class- the country, can be characterized 
consciousness person, let alone of a only as provocation. 
Communist. It is, of course, in con- Considering himself on the side 
flict with the realities of American of the angels, he thinks that any 
working conditions, which increas- other course than his own fantasy of 
ingly reveal a far different situation, the "Welfare State" amounts to dis- 

In reality, his concept is nothing ruption of peaceful coexistence and 

more than the old theory of spon- taking the road of civil war. Thus, he 

taneity, common to revisionism, ac- says, "failure or refusal to fight for 

cording to which objective condi- the establishment of a 'Welfare State' 

tions will automatically lead to pro- would, in fact, amount to failure or 

grcss and sociahsm, without the refusal to fight for a {>caceful and 

active leadership of a working-class constitutional transition to socialism 

vanguard party. This is liquidation in the United States." Tliis is noth- 

not only of the role of the Com- ing but plain political blackmail, 

munist Party ^ but of the class struggle since it is well known that the Com- 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 9 — Continued 



munist Party advocates a democratic, 
peaceful and constitutional road to 
socialism. But its road is by means 
of class struggle to socialism — and 
not into the camp of opportunism 
and revisionism where Bittclman has 
pitched his tent. 

Bittclman engages in a revision of 
the philosophical foundations of 
Marxism-Leninism. This is apparent 
in his departure from the materialist 
interpretation of history. It is implicit 
in his entire thesis of new "stages" 
of society, including the "discovery" 
of the "Welfare State." 

Thus, he must admit that the 
ternri "Welfare State" is unscientific 
from the Marxist point of view, but 
he tries to justify not only the use 
of the term but also the content he 
imparts to it by references to subjec- 
tive phenomena. He seeks its val- 
idity not basically in actual historical 
experience, as Marxist materialism 
teaches, but in current p)opular con- 
cepts, even if, as he admits, they may 
be illusory. He refers constantly to 
"what people believe is a Welfare 
State," to its hold on "the minds of 
the masses," to its alleged resem- 
blance to the "American dream," etc. 
'{Emphasis added.) 

Certainly, such concepts, if pop- 
ularly held, need to be taken into 
account in carrying on [Hopaganda 
for the line of the Party and in work- 
ing out tactical approaches and 
methods. But how can popular coa- 

cepu or ideas in themselves con- 
sututc "an historic suge" of society? 

This is absurd. Marx taught that 
"it is not the consciousness of men 
that determines their being but on 
the contrary their social being deter- 
mines their consciousness." That 
means that Marxists, if they are not 
to be idle dreamers, must base their 
policies on reality, not on illusory 
beliefs which people may hold. 

Experience teaches us that the so- 
called "Welfare State" is not a stage 
in history. It is a misnomer for cer- 
tain aspects of state-monopoly cap- 
italism, as it actually exists in all 
leading capitalist countries — and not 
in the imagination of Bittclman or 
anyone else. State-monopoly cap- 
italism is the subordination of the 
state apparatus of the monopolies in 
order to assure maximum profits and 
to consolidate and prolong the dom- 
ination of the financial oligarchy 
over the economic and p)olitical life 
of the country. It is neither a "higher 
stage" or capitalist democracy, nor 
a "growing over" of capitalism into 
socialism. In the words of the new 
Soviet textbook. Foundations of 
Marxism-Leninism {World Marxist 
Review, December, 1959) : 

To the reformist and revisionist pro- 
gram of a state monopoly capitalism 
"evolving" into socialism the Marxist- 
Leninist parties countcrposc a clear- 
cut program of decisive struggle 
against the capitalist monopolies, 
against their domination, for the 
overthrow of the dictatorship of a 
handful of monopolist aristocracy. 


BiTTEXMAN Exhibit No. 9 — Continued 


Bittelman tees state aK>oopoly cap- omic laws may be modified by dr- 

italism only as a tendency among cumstanccs and ends up by making 

other trends within highly developed the modification into the central 

capitahsm, and not as the main trend principle itself. He does the same 

of development during the past four with Lenin's observation that na- 

decadcs, brought on by the general tional pecularities are important al- 

crisis of capitalism. though secondary. He makes these 

The welfare aspects of the modern pccuJiaritics fundamental and de- 
monopoly state — unemployment in cisivc, and relegates the basic laws 
surance, old-age pensions and other of Marxism-Leninism to a secondary 
reforms — are a direct product of the role in American social development, 
constant struggle of labor and other The same can be seen in his 
anti-monopoly forces for concessions treatment of the role of subjective 
from monopoly, concessions which and objective factors in history, con- 
monopoly also attemps to use (so far, fusing the objective factory with 
successfully) to preserve the social spontaneity, and shoving aside the 
system and its power over the state, role of the class struggle and of the 

Bittelman separates out of this Marxist-Leninist party in the making 
complex and interrelated f>roces* of history. It is this, among other 
only the element of welfare and , things, that leads him to transform 
other social legislation won by pop- Lenin's theory of the growing over 
ular pressure, covering up the main of the democratic revolution into the 
feature — monopoly domination of socialist revolution, into the Bittel- 
the state. From this he comes up man theory of the "growing over" 
with a completely distorted view of one social system into another — 
of the state as it functions in reality, of capitalism into socialism. Bittel- 
fashioning from this abstracted, one- man thus finds himself, despite his 
sided picture a thoroughly schematic constant references to Marx and 
and doctrinaire theory of the Wei- l^nin, in the company of the op- 
fare State as a new stage of society. p<»rtunists and revisionists who, each 

There is method to this madness in his own way, argue for the pro- 
— the method and approach of n>eta- position that capitalism can be re- 
physics and idealism. The metaphy- formed into socialism by the mere 
sical method comes out starkly in his working out of objective factors 
mishandling and distortion of well- operating automatically. 
kiK) vn Marxist-Leninist principles, This is the same bankrupt theory 
when he singles out one element in as that of the opportunists in Britain 
a quotation from Marx or Lenin and and other countries who, for half 
turns it into a new and predominant a century, have preached about cap- 
prmciple. Thus, he starts from itaiism "growing over" into socialism. 
Mi»rv'.\ fibservation that basic econ- But no socialism has ever come of 



BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 9 — ^Continued 



It, even when its aHvotatcs were at 
the head ot governmcm, as was the 
Labor Party in Britain. On the con- 
trary, they weakened the influence 
of labor and helped the lories re- 
peatedly to return to [x>wer. 
• • • 

Using the same method, Bittel- 
man sets himself the task of revising 
the dialectical materialist approach 
to morality and ethics. It should be 
well known to students of Marxism 
that humanism — concern for the 
fullest development of the welfare 
of all mankind— was always a cen- 
tral element in Marxist thought. 
Scientific socialism with its socialistic 
humanism — this was the all-embrac- 
ing answer to the problem of ad- 
vance toward the hununist goal as 
It was posed already m the develop- 
i'jig capitalism of the early 19th 
century. And today, socialism as it 
is established and growing in the 
countries of tJie socialist world is in 
fact enabling mankind to attain ever 
new and higher levels of human rela- 
tions and morality. 

However, progress toward human- 
ism occurs not in a vacuum but in 
the course of actual social develops 
ment dirough the class struggle. Here 
the question of morality enters the 
picture not as an abstract concept 
but in relauon to the actions of the 
working class in pursuing its inter- 
ests and in the building of socialism. 
For morality is not an abstract matter. 
There is either working-class mor- 
ality or bourgeois morality. 

Working-class morality — Commu- 

nist morality is interrelated with 
A\u\ sc'vcN ili( advance toward the 
humanist goaL It serves the struggle 
toward achievement of higher levels 
of ethics and morality through the 
victorv of .s(K:ialism. Hence, when a 
violation of the socialist norms of 
morality and democracy does occur, 
as was the case with Stalin in his 
later years, it cKcurs as an aberra- 
tion, and it is therefore possible to 
overcome the damage and restore 
both Party and socialist democracy 
at higher levels than before. 
'Bittelman, however, "discovers" a 
contradiction between the concept of 
humanism on the one hand and the 
class character of .morality on the 
other. And having "found" this con- 
trailiction, he seeks to give priority 
to humanism as an absolute, abstrac- 
ted from its relation to society and 
class struggle. Tliis, in turn, enables 
him to "discover" other contradic- 
tions — between political cx[->ediency 
and Communist morality, between 
the Communists Party and the work- 
ing class, between the Party and the 
s(Kialist state. 

In each case the conduct of the 
Party is judged against some ab- 
stract, non-class yardstick of morality. 
Thus, all these so-called contradic- 
tions of political power in the world, 
in all countries, without differentia- 
tion as to class content, social pur- 
pose or historical progress. This in 
turn leads Bittelman to cast grave 
doubts upon the morality of the Com- 
m^inist Parties of the socialist world, 
warning that the exercise of concen- 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 9 — Continued 


tratal fX)Iitn.<il power could "begin 'I he book makes it clear that until 
to change the content of that lead- now Hittelman had been hiding his 
ership — its social and political con- real views on the Communist Party, 
tent ... in a direction away from views which coincide completely with 
socialism and Kiward something that the liquidationist position of the 
only God knows what but certainly Gates revisionists. Now Bitlelman 
nothing of a socially progressive expresses his view that Communists 
nature." Failing to mention the basic have a role to play only as "one of 
and drastic steps taken by the leader- many other socialists factors, currents 
ship of the Soviet Communist Party, and tendencies," as a component "in 
to revitalize and extend the healthy whatever socialist movement or party 
norms of Party and socialist dem- vv^l eventually emerge." Without 
ocracy, Bittelman leaves the imprcs- analyzing in any way the nature of 
sion that nothing has been changed other socialist tendencies or group- 
and that this is a real and present ing5, he revives the slogan so dear 
danger. In this, he takes a position to the Gates revisionists — a "United 
akin to that of both the Yugoslav Socialist Party." which he hastens to 
revisionists and the Trotskyites. asure us will not be Marxist-Leninist, 
Continuing his pursuit of the and in which progressive trade 
"absolute" (he even invokes "the unionists, like Reuther, will plav the 
moral imperatives of the Ten Com- leading and determining role. This, 
mandments") Bittelman develops a then, "is the American way," as blue- 
view which amounts to the rejcc- printed by Bittelman. 
tion of the materialist base of mor- Tlic Communist Party, Bittelman 
ality in any given society, its class now says, "has very little meaning 
roots, and the role of transition from for the life and struggles of the 
capitalism to socialism which gives American people" for "for the cause 
real foundations to the broad ethical of socialism in America." It's only 
and moral progress of man in our hope, he says, is to accept the "Wel- 
times. In effect, he has transferred the fare State," otherwise it is certain 
entire consideration of morality from to degenerate "into a hopeless sect 
its Marxist base on to the non class, that nobody needs, nobody wants 
non-historic and aloof plane where and nobody cares for." He, in effect, 
the defenders of bourgeois morality calls upon the younger generation, 
like to keep it. It was from this plane together u ith some from the "older" 
that the revisionists of the Crates set. to build a new "united partv of 
type launched their attack ufxin the socialism"— thus far merely a figment 
Soviet Union — always in the name of Bittelman's imagination, 
of the "greater" humanity and in the , Thu";, Bittelman has made the full 
lofty moral tone so beloved of John turn tf) revisionism, revealing !i;m- 
Foster Dulles. self a^ <»ne witii Ciatts and ther 


BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT No. 9 — Continued 


deserters from the Party who have meeting successfully the new tasks 
taken the anti-Marxist and anti-Party and problems of our time. Bittcl- 
path. Bittelman reflects the influence man's fantastic contortions by which 
of the imperialists, who have been he transforms state monopoly cap- 
seeking to undermine and destroy italism into a "Welfare State" and 
the Communist Party. Overwhelmed makes «a mockery of the anti-mon- 
by the power of U.S. monopoly cap- opoly coalition have been an obstacle 
ital, he exhibits a lack of faith in the to the effective development of the 
working class and in the achieve- Party's perspective. His factional, 
ment of socialism in our country. disruptive, anti-Party activities, in- 
• • • dicated in the expulsion statement 

As is customary with revisionism, above, his bourgeois individualism,; 

Bittelman labels all opponents of his his crass violations of discipline, in 

views as "doctrinaires," "dogmatists," defiance of the most elementary con- 

and "sectarians." Going to the extent ditions of membership, his advocacy 

of slandering the Party and many of a program which can only harm 

unnamed Communists, Bittelman the struggle against monopoly and 

does his best, as he did throughout imperialism and the fight for peace, 

the inner Party discussion, to make democracy and socialism — all this 

it appear that the only alternative to means that he has departed from 

his untenable un-Marxist position is Marxism-Leninism and Party prin- 

"Left" sectarianism, ciples and makes him unfit for mem- 

The recent Party crisis was pre- l>ership in the Communist Party, 

cipitated by the revisionist friends of Therefore, the expulsion of Bittel- ! 

Bittelman who took unprincipled ad- man as a revisionist and factionalist, 

vantage of a number of mistakes of and the exposure of the real nature 

a Leftist character during the pre- f)f his views, should lead to the 

vious period to create a revisionist further clarification of the Party 

panic in the Party, which they hoped policies and program, 

would lead to its utter dispersal and The time is past when established 

disapp-.arance. But they failed. The Party policy and principals can be 

healthy working-class cure oi the ilefied with impunity, making a 

membership saved the Party, and shambles of democratic centralism 

thereby preserved the base for mov- and harming the unity of the Party, 

ing forward. Shaking off Bittelman Our Party can make progress only 

and the remnants of revisionist ideas on the basis of solid unity among all 

within its ranks can only strengthen (Communists around the policies ela- 

the vigor and unity of the Party, borated by the leadership along the 

which knows also how to guard line established at the 17th National 

itself against blacklisting into dog- Convention. And wc have every con- 

matic positions that prevent it from fidencc that it will do so. 



Excerpts from Pamphlet 



in the 


of the 




BiTTELMAN EXHIBIT Xo. 11 — Continued 

opportunism and built up a united Communist Party. 
These experiences the Comintern utilized in order to help 
the American Communists of those years to solve their own 
specific problems of unity, and these problems were solved. 
A unified and single Communist Party was materialized 
in the United States in shorter time, less painfully and 
wastefully, than would have been the case without the ad- 
vice and assistance of the Comintern. Is there a single class- 
conscious worker in the United States who, having familiar- 
ized himself with this event, would reproach the Comintern 
for "interfering" in American affairs or reproach the Ameri- 
can Communists for accepting this "interference"? No, 
only Muste & Co., and the renegades, who echo the 
chauvinism of the Yankee imperialists, will utter such 

We come now to another milestone of Comintern leader- 
ship. This time it was the problem of breaking through 
the walls of illegality erected by the American bourgeoisie 
between the young Communist Party and the working class. 
The Communists, having been driven underground by 
Wilson-Palmer in 1919-1920, were struggling to find their 
way to the masses despite the illegality and governmental 
persecutions. What were the special difficulties for the 
solution of this problem? 1 hey arose from the danger of 
seeking to achieve legality by sacrificing Communist prin- 
ciples and hiding the revolutionary line, on the one hand, 
and from the danger of trying to preserve intact the Com- 
munist principles by abandoning all serious fight for legal 
and open work, on the other hand. 

The way to the masses, the Communist Party could then 
find only by fighting and overcoming these Right and 
"Left" opportunist dangers. One of the founders of the 



BiTTELMAN ExHiHiT No. 11 — Continued 

of the class struggle in the United States and the point 
/It which they met and joined hands was Leninism and 
the Communist Intemntional. 

In thf fifteen years of its cxisicnte ihc Comintern has 
^own into a true world pari\. it has reached the high 
stage where all "Communist Parties are carrying out one 
single line of the Comintern," a stage where all "Commu- 
nist Parties are united by the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International into a single centralized World 
Party which the Second International never had and never 
will have." (Piatnitsky, Speech at the Thirteenth Plenum 
of the E.C.C.I.) In this lies the main strength of the world 
revolution and the guarantee of its inevitable victory. It is 
this that makes possible, for the first time in the history 
of the world, the effective carrying out of a world revolu- 
tionary strategy, the only road to victory over capitalism. 
And it IS in Comrade Stalin, since Lenin's death, that this 
strategy has found the greatest formulator, interpreter, and 
organizer. With the deepest pride in this achievement, the 
class-conscious workers of the United States, the militant 
farmers and revolutionary Negroes, will celebrate the Fif- 
teenth Anniversary of the Comintern. It is with the same 
feeling of pride that they realize that they belong to a 
world party together with the glorious Party of the Soviet 
Union; that they belong to a world party which is daily 
guided by such proved leaders as Manuilsky, Kuusinen, 
Thaelmann and Piatnitsky; and that by building the revo- 
lutionary movement in the United States we are also build- 
ing the world power of the proletariat for the victory of the 
world revolution. 





- Paife 5 


Alex Bittelman Writes 
On Why Revolution Is 
Inevitable in the U. S. 

In the chapter, "The Socialist 
Revolution in the United States." 
from his forthcoming bocric, Alex 
Bittelman takes up the questions, 
*^Is the Socialist revolution in tlie 
U. 8. A. inevitable? Is It possible? 
Can it be victorious?", and gives 
a decisive answer In the affirmative. 

This chapter examines and re- 
duces to naught the bourgeois and 
reformist argument that though 
the Marxian-Leninist theory of the 
proletarian revolution may have had 
a certain validity in the epoch of 
the "old capitalism." in the epoch 
of Marx and Engels. and perhaps 
even a certain validity for indus- 
trially backward countries, it does 
not hold at all for industrially and 
culturally advanced countries, and 
certainly not for such a country as 
the United States of America. 

Quoting copiously from Marx, 
Engek. Lenin, and Stalin, and from 
Comintern documents, Bittelman 
proves conclusively that the pro- 
letarian revolution 1« Inevitable In 
the United States. He concludes 
with an analysis of the character 
of the revolution in the U. S. A. 

This chapter from Comrade Bit- 
tleman's forthcoming book ' is j 
printed In the February i5.sue of 
"Tb^ Communist." Fverv Commii- should put a copy of this Ksue 
Into the hands of a Soclalifit worker 
or a member of the A. F. ot L. 



Committee Exhibit No. 26 
Party Voice, December 1956, pp. 3-5 



By L. W. M. 

(The writer does not believe that 
the Draft Resolution deals satisfac- 
torily with the problems discussed in 

Ithis article, and therefore submits it 
as part of the discussion of that Draft, 

jalthough it was written previously.)! 

. Comnumists c^n serve no cause— 

. . . I 

neither the advancement of socialist 

ideas in this country, nor protection 

of socialism where it exists or is being 

built— without winning the confidence 

of the people ol this country, and 

primarily of workers, Negroes and 

others suffering discrimination in any 

degree and seeking to overcome it. 

Id our day, .tijis confidence cannot' 
be won solely by fighting for the p)eo- 
ple's daily needs. In the first place, 
Communists are- not alone in doing' 
so. Powerful organizations— unions, 
NAACP, parents' associations— do so 
with energy, sincerity and much suc- 
cess. . 

Communists can win support for 
socialism only by demonstrating that 
the people's needs can be met more 
fully and quickly under a socialist 
organttation of society ,than under a 
capitalist, and that certain funda- 
' mental problems— depression, unem- 
ployment—cannot be solved under 
capitalism at all. 

Today, the existence of socialist 
countries— countries in which most 
means of production are publicly , 

owned— and primarily of the Soviet 
Union, means that socialism is judged 
on its record. No matter how com- 
pletely the picture of life in a so- 
cialist U.S.A. may be worked out in 
the future, advocates of socialism here 
'are compelled, whenever that subject 
is discussed, to take a stand on the 
way in which it has worked out in the 
Soviet Union. 

In most of the world this easily 
becomes an asset to the advocates of 
socialism, for the increase in produc- 
tion made possible by that system, 
and the elimination of the contrast 
between extreme luxury for land- 
lords and capitalists and extreme 
poverty for the people, has already 
made it superior in every way to 
slave-owning, feudal and undeveloped' 
capitalist forms of society. But in 
countries where capitalism has a long 
history, where the democratic insti- 
tutions set up by the capitalists to 
reflect changes in business fortune) 
have been broadened by the people's 
struggle for universal suffrage, en- 
franchisement of women and minori- 
ties, and civil liberties, and where 
imperialist exploitation of foreign 
countries has made possible an in- 
creased living standard at home: in 
these countries, particularly our own, 
the argument for socialism on the ba- 
sis of its accomplishments is more 



Committee Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 


The basic factor in demonstrating 
the superiority of one system over 
another is its productivity. You can't 
give the people what you haven't got. 
The Soviet Union does not yet pro- 
duce nearly as much as we, nor does 
it produce, per head of population, as 
much as any West Eurof>ean country, 
or Japan, in a number of fields, or 
even as much per person as the East 
European people's democracies which 
had a century of capitalist develop- 
ment. It can provide the world's most 
universal health care, as proved by 
the fact that its death rate is lower 
than ours— an enormous achievement 
for a country that eats much more 
poorly than we. It is, before our 
very eyes, surpassing us in the level 
of compulsory education it gives its 
children. It offers its women painless 
childbirth, and the Pof)e recommends 
the' Soviet method to the world. It 
has shod the barefoot, replaced rags 
with clothes, eliminated national in- 
equality to a degree not touched by 
any other country. 

In some resjxfcts, however, progress 
has been slow, and in some, there 
has been none at all in the 40 years 
isince the Revolution. The Daily, 
^Worker's Moscow correspondent re-' . 
■ported Monday (July 23) that the 
housing space per person is hardly 
greater than in 1913, before the Revo- 
lution, and is smaller than in 1926, 
and that new housing is now dis-. 
tributed on the basis of one family> 
per room, with two or three familiesf 
sharing kitchen and bathroom. The 
fact that housing for 25,000,000 So- 
viet people was destroyed in World 
War II is something that West Euro- 
pean workers can understand, hav- 
ing suffered much air raid destruc- 
.tion, but to Americans it is only 
<a statistic. 

Nor has the Soviet Union yet 
greatly surpassed the number of 
cattle it had 28 years ago. This is due 
to wartime destruction and, before. 

that, destruction by peasants who 
followed the lead of rich farmers— ku- 
laks -in killing their cattle j^ther 
than yielding them to collective own- 
ership. • This is reflected in the 
amount of meat and milk in the diet, 
although fairer distribution enables' 
the Soviet worker to eat meat two 
or three times a week, while he rarely 
• saw it in Tsarist days. Nor has grain 
output kept up with the growth in^ 
population, until this year. 

Clearly, the .'Vmerican people can- 
not be won to socialism solely on the 
basis of its achievements in raising 
the living standards of the Soviet p)eo- 
ple, particularly when Soviet leaders 
admit that things could have been 
better but for mistakes in agricul- 
tural and other policies. Nor can 
American advocates of socialism run 
away from the facts of Soviet life, all 
the "bad" sides of which have been 
carefully reported by the capitalist 
press, and repeated by trade union 
and other molders of opinion. 

Politicol Conditions 

^ jU. tbik h true in the iphere of ma- 
terial conditions, it is even more true 
in the sphere of political life. Inl 
material matters, including living' 
standard, education and health, even 
the capitalist press admits that the 
U5SSR has an overall record of great 
progress, despite the exceptions indi- 
cated above. But in terms of political 
freedom, it is now clear that matters 
got progressively worse for 25 years, 
from the silencing of the Trotsky- 
ites— who are now admitted to have- 

' been opf>ositionists, but not criminals 
—in 1927, to Stalin's death in i953-' 
In the entire history of political 
movements by any nation or class in 
any country, there is nothing to com- 
pare to the execution, under Stalin 
and his colleagues, of 70 per cent of 
the Party Central Committee elected 
in 1934: 98 out of 139 members. 
What hiakes tlys unique is the fact 

^that these were not oppositionists, . 



Committee Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 

but people who had won election on 
the basis of their contribution to in- 
dustrialization and collectivization, 
and whd wholeheartedly supp>orted 
the line of the Congress at which 
they were elected. 

. Americans sinnply want no p)olitical 
•ystem under which anything like 
this can take place. This requires 
American advocates of socialism to. 
'spell out civil liberties and the func- 
tioning of democracy in a socialist 
America. But for the American Com- 
munist Party it means more. 

CWIl UlMrtics Under Socialism 

!JT^t American Communist Party 
does not approach the American p>eo- 
ple with clean hands, as far as the 
Soviet Union is concerned. The 
American Communist Party repeated, 
as gospel truth, which it sincerely 
believed, every lie told by the Soviet 
Union about its living standards,, 
about Tito, about democracy in the. 
iSoviet Communist Party, about the 
Moscow Trials, about the electoral 
system, about the Doctors' Case, the 
stamping out of Jewish culture. 

This is also true of other Commu-. 
nist Parties. It is the more to their 
discredit because their leaders have 
been in and out of the USSR con- 
stantly, and many lived there for ' 
years. However, they at least en)Oy| 
fhr adrmta^ of solid fie<* to the 
|>eople in (ountries where ihe work- 
ing a 'foreign agent." This is not a 
capitalism. This is true not only in* 
Italy and France, but in England and 
even Canada. 

Ihe United State? is the one mod- 
ern (<nintry whose working dass does 
not oppose the capitalist system. The 
working class actively supports the- 
existing bourgeois democratic system 
of government, and believes it better 
dian any dictatorial system it has 
ever seen elsewhere, including the 
Soviet Union. The Negro p>eople are' 

^'hghting segregated schools and buses, 
land for the right to vote, while not 
figh ting the plantation s ystem at pres- 
ent, thus indicating that human dig- 
nity is at least as important to them, 
and at the moment more important, 
than economic issues. ' 

• Problem of Amoricaa CommuRlsH 

If, in this situation, less favorable 
than in any other important country 
on earth, the Communist Party is not 
to damage the cause of socialism,! 
much less advance it,/it must free it 
self completely of the charge of be 
ing a "foreign agent."/ This is not a[ 
matter of proving in a Smith Act TrialJ 
that Communists have been good sol-i 
diers in the war, or the labor move 
ment, or in struggle against discrimi- 
I nation, or that they have not taken 
money from the Soviet Union, or di 
rect orders, or even of showing that 
the Communist Party has made prac 
tical applications of policy on its} 

y It is a matter of proving that they 
do not regard the Soviet word asi 
gospel, that they are not apologists,! 
that they judge the Soviet UnionI 
on the basis of facts and not propa-j 
ganda handouts, that they study So-, 
viet developments independently,/ ex- 
actly as Marx studied the Civil War 
in the United States, and that agree- 
ment with the Soviet Union, when it 
.occurs, arises o~ut of thinking based' 
on the interests of the non-exploiting 
majority of the American peoples, 
and its experience. 

'i This is not the case today. Last' 
July the Worker carried an article by 
the Chairma n of the CPUSA, William. 
Z. Foster, on the June 30th resolution! 
of die CC, CPSU written in reply 
to world iiitirisni. and <hm of C4mi- 
'niunist Parlies, of developments in 
the Soviet Union revealed by the 20th 
Congress, and particularly the secret 

• Khrushchev rejiort. Foster has not 
one word of criticism to offer of that 



Committee Exhibit No. 26 — Continuetl 

lesolutioii, or of the Soviet leaders,"" 
or' of any aspect of the present situa- 
tion in the USSR. 

Yet, among other things, that reso- 
lution is a direct slap in the face of 
the Connnunist Party of the United 
States. The CPSU has a perfect right 
to disagree with Togliatti or anyone 
else. But its newspaper, Pravda, has^ 
no right, when choosing to reprint 
a critical article by the General Sec- 
retary of the American Party, Den-, 
nis, to censor it by omitting his refer- 
ence to the execution of Jewish cul- 
tural leaders and the suppression of 
I Jewish-language cultiye, something 
on which not one word has been said 
in the USSR to this day. The crime is 
compounded, and its deliberateness ' 
(is made clear, when, having chosen 
'only Dennis' article to inform the 
Soviet people of foreign Communist' 
criticism (and Dennis' criticism was 
Ifar weaker than Togliatti's), the 
CPSU resolution contrasts his approv- 
ing words to Togliatti's criticism, and 
again completely ignores the question 
on which it censored his article. 

How can any American Jew: how 
can any American Negro, who knows, 
as William L. Patterson put it in the 
Daily, that his fate is bound up with 
that of any other minority, have any 
use for an .\merican political leader 
who fails to protest this censorship 
and to raise the censured question 
even more strongly? Dennis, by His si- 
lence for the months since his article 
appeared in Pravda, and Foster, by his 
failure to mention this matter in his 
article, have abdicated all right to 
leadership in the Communist Party. 
This is not their only mistake, and, 
they have performed a lifetime of 
services (as did Rakosi and Gcro) 
'but at this moment it is a fatal miv 
' take with which the Communist Party 
cannot live. If the Party does not 
demonstrate independence, it cannot 
live. This is not indef>endence, but 
cringing subservience. 

Why the Fatal Mistake? \ * ' \ 

yi^V this is ibe fif^w thit ends 
their usefulness to the Party as its 
top leaders, or the Party's usefulness 
to the American people if it retains 
them (just as Rakosi's unwillingness. 
to break with Stalinist methods ended* 
his usefulness as the leader of the 
Hungarian Party he served with in- 
credible self-sacrifice for a lifetime), 
there still remains the question as to 
why they have remained silenL 

/ believe the basic reason is so- 
called defense of the Soviet Union. 
But today the Sgviet Union can de- 
fend itself, as the 20th Congress made 
amply clear. In the world balance of, 
forces, capitalist encirclement no 
longer exists. It is the Communist 
Parties abroad, and particularly the[ 
CPUS A, that jneeds defense. The' 
CPSU made a contribution in that, 
direction, starting with the Belgrade 
apology to Tito last year, when if 
indicated its belief in different pathi 
to socialism, and the independence 
of the variohs parties. A further con- 
tribution was made by dissolution of 
the Cominform. But the leaders of 
the CPSU are apparently too steeped 
in their exalted position in the world 
Communist movement to be consist- 
ent i* this respect. Their Resolution 
of June 30, and the subsequent Prav- 
da editorial, are. steps backward. 

How Snppori th« Soviet Union 

The best support the CPUSA can 
give to the continued existence and 
growth of the USSR is to win sup- 
port among the American people. 
It can do so only by defending its in- 
terests, including those of all of its 
components, including the 5,000,000 
Jews, who have a legitimate interest 
in the fate of 'Jews' abroad. And when 
the interests of any section of the 
American f>eople— and I see no con- 
flict between the interest of Ameri- 
can Jews in this matter and those of 
the liberty-loving American people as 
a whole— conflict with the piolicies of- 



Committee Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 

the Soviet leaders of this moment,, 
these American interests come first. • 

Related <o the concept of defense 
of. the Soviet Union is that of interna- 
tional working class solidarity. That 
is easily dealt with. Are the $o^iet 
leaders helping or hurting interna-, 
tional working class solidarity By 
their silence on the Stalin-era crimes 
against the Jews? I'hey are hurting it, 
as you can learn by talking to any 
Jewish worker, and it is therefore A 
service to international working class 
solidarity, and to working class sup- 
port of the Soviet Union, to protest 
their attitude. 

A third reason for this silence by 
the American, and other Communist 
Parties, since the Soviet resolution of 
June 30, is the assumption that So-, 
viet Marxists must necessarily be the, 
world's best Marxists. That is false 
historically and theoretically. Marx 
and Engels lived in ca})italist coun- 
tries all their lives. That did not pre- 
vent them from developing the jheory[ 
which the Soviet Union still regards| 
as fundamt 1. My valid. Lenin made 
his greatest theoretical and organiza- 
tional contributions before the Revo-' 
lution, if only because he did not out- 
live it very long. Mao Tse-tung crea- 
tively developed Marxism-Leninism 
in a country that was not even capi- 
talist, but semi-feudal. Dimitrov con- 
ceived the People's Front in a Nazi 
dungeon, and proclaimed it from^ a 
Nazi courtroom. 

It is not Marxist, but idealist, to 
hold that Soviet Marxists must be 
the best in the world. In a certain 
sense, they can be the poo'e.". md 
get away with it in practice K- this 
date, it is not their Marxism that 
makes Soviet socialism, but the exist- 
ence of socialism in the USSR that re- 
quires them to be Marxist. The only 
alternative there is a return to capi- 
talism, which even the Nazi invaders 
and the Harvard Research Center in- 
vestigators of the thinking of Soviet 

D.P.'s concluded the Soviet p>eople 
would not countenance. 

The fact that theory is not the 
great concern of today's practical- ' 
minded Soviet leaders, and the fact 
that political thinking was suppressed 
under Stalin, as Khrushchev and Mi-'^ 
koyan have admitted, explains why • 
there can be such gross backwardness 
as Furtseva, Khrushchev, and now the 
whole C.C, CPSU have displayed 
on the Jewish question. Is not the 
theoretical backwardness of the So- ■ 
viet leadership indicated further by 1 
the fact that the «oth Congress did 
not originate, but merely swung into 
•^ine, with the concept of legal transi-r 
tion to socialism develop»?d in Com-i 
numist parties in capitalist countries, 
including the United States, over the' 
past 20 years? 

The American, and all other Com-' 
munist Parties, owe it to socialism, 
not only to think out their own prob- 
lems independently of the CPSU, but 
to have and express opinions on 1(5, 
problems, because its policies affect 
the good name of socialism every- 
where in the world. And in whatever 
.field information on the USSR may! 
be lacking, foreign Communists havef 
the right to demand that it be madel 
available, in this day when the USSRi 
believes it safe to invite a Gen. Twin-| 
ing to Soviet air shows. | 

But Communists have no right to 
silence on any pressing problem of 
concern to any section of the Ameri- 
can people. They must form their 
own opinions on Soviet matters with 
the information at hand, when the 
USSR refuses to provide it. And they 
must demand such information, and 
the correction of injustices, by means' 
exactly as forceful and public as 
are necessary to get results. Be it re- 
membered that Tito, as we now know, 
furthered the cause of inteiTRitional 
socialism, particularly the right of 
each country to go its own road, when" 
,he defended himself against Soviet 
attack by trading insults in public, ac-. 



Committee EJxhibit No. 26 — Continued 

cepting aid from the U.S. and forming 
a military alliance with Greece and 

This must be the basis of its rela- 
tions with all other CP's: unifcy for 
peace and socialism; complete inde- 
pende/ice in everything not directly 
and immediately endangering peace 
and socialism; and the right to make 
suggestions and demands uf)on all 
other CP's,, including that ' of the 

■ USSR, where the interests of peace 
and socialism are truly at stake.i 
They should have the same rights, 
but no more, with regard to the 

While this is approximately the 
formulation in the Draft Resolution, 
I will believe that it is more than lip 
service only if the Party leadership 

' sf>eaks out officially on specific mat- 
ters now pressing. 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 

Page 2 Pdly VTk o. l<ew YoA. 1Wi.y. Irfr t,\V » 

The Statement of the 
Soviet Communist 


FoDowing is tbe text ef a ret- 
ohtMn bv dw Cmtrat Commit- 
tee of die Soviet Communist 
Party "oB.overpoming the per- 
sonality cult and its conse- 
quences," as broadcast by the 
Meacow radio Mid translated 
in London: 

The Central Committee of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union notes wi^ satisfaction that 
the decisions of the historic Twen- 
tieth Congress of the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union have 
met with full approval and ardent 
support by the whole of our party, 
the whole of the Soviet people, 
fraternal Communist and Work- 
ers parties, the working people of 
the great cornraonweaJtn of So- 
cialist countries, by millions of 
people in capitalist and coloiual 

And this is understandable, 
since the twentieth party congress, 
which marks a new stage in the 
creative development of Marxism- 
Leninism, has given a thorough 

analysis of the present internation- 
al and internal situation, has arm- 
ed the Conununist Party and the 
whole of the Soviet people with 
a maiestic plan for the further 
struggle of building of commu- 
nism, has opened new prospects 
for joint actions of all .parties of 
the working class for euminatiag 
the threat of another war, and for 
the interests of the working peo- 
ple. I 
ImfJementing the decisions of 
the Twentietli Congress, the So^ 
viet people, under the leadership 
of thie Communist Party, arc at- 
taining new and outstanding suc- 
cesses in aH spheres of political, 
economie and cultural life of the 
country. The Soviet people have 
raOied still closer around the 
Conunmust Party and are display- 
ing hi^ creative activity in the 
strug^ foe the implementation of 
the tasks set by the Twentieth 

The period which has elapsed 
since the congress has at the same 
time rerealed the great hvmg force 
of its decisicms for the interaation- 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

ai Cmmnunist and woikm nfove- 
ment, and for the stnig^ of all 
progressive forces for the strength- 
ening oi uckiversal peace. Impor- 
tant rundamental theoretioal theses 
on peaceful coexistence of states 
tvith different social systems, on 
the possibility of preventing wan 
during the present era, and en the 
various forms of transition of 
countless to socialism, set forth by 
the congress, are having a bene- 
ficial influence on the intematiooal 
situation, are promoting ^ eas- 
ing of tension and the strengthen- 
ing of the unity of action of all 
forces struggling for peace and 
democracy, for a furrtier consolida- 
tion of the positions of the world 

system of socialism. 


WHILE AMONG the Soviet 
people, among the working people 
in the peoples democracies and 
throughout the world, the historic 
decisions of the 20th Congress have 
caused great enthusiasm and a new 
upsurge of creative initiative and 
revolutionary energy, in the camp 
of the enemies of the woHcing class 
they have given rise to alarrn and 
rancour. Reactionary quarters of 
the United States and several other 
capitalist countries are clearly per- 
ttirbed by the great program of 
ftruggle for strengthening peace 
mapped out by the 20th Congress. 
Their anxiety grows as this pro- 
gram h being actively and con- 
sistently, put into effect. 

Why is it that the enemies of 
communism and socialism are con- 
centrating their attacks on the 
shortcomings about which the 
Central Committee of our party 
spoke at the 20th Congress? They 
are doing so in order to distract 
the attention of the working class 
and its pivty from the major ques- 
tions ad\-anced by the 20th Con- 
gress of the parly which are clear- 
ing the way to further successes of 
the cause of peace, socialism and 

unity of tlie working class. The de- 
cisions of the 20th party Congress, 
the domestic and f^ign policy of 
the Soviet Government, have caus- 
ed confusion in the imperialist 
quarters of the United States and 
other states. 

The courageous and consistent 
foreign policy of the USSR in in- 
suring peace and cooperation be- 
tween states, irrespective of their 
social wder, finds support among 
the broadest people's masses in all 
countries oi the world, is widening 
die front of peace-loviag states, 
and is causing a deep crisis of the 
"cold-war* policy, the policy of 
setting up military blocs and the 

arras drive. 


IT IS NOT fortuitous that the 
loudest hue and cry around the 
struggle against the personality 
cult in the USSR has been raised 
by United States imperialist circles. 
The presence of negative phenom- 
ena, connected with the personality 
cult, suited their book, so that by 
exploiting these facts, they could 
struggle against socialism. Now 
that our party is courageously -overr 
coming the consequences of the 
personality cuH, the imperialists 
see in it a factor which is accela- 
rafting the progress of our country 
to communism, and which is weak- 
ening the position of capitalism. 

Endeavoring to, weaken the 
great attractirtg force of tlie 
decisions of the 20tfa Congress and 
their effect upon the broadest peo- 
ple's masses, the ideologists of 
capitalism are resorting to all sorts 
of tricks and devices to distract the 
attention of the working people 
from die advanced aiui inspiring 
ideas posed before mankind by the 
Social^ world. 

Of late the bourgeois press has 
huttdied an extensive slanderous 
aatt-Soviet camneiga. /wfaicfa tlv 
icadionary ciiaes are trying to 



Committee Kxhibit No. 28 — Continued 

base on certain facts connected with 
the condemnation bv the Soviet 
Communist party of the penonality 
cult of J. V. StaBn, 

The promoters of this campaign 
ire making every effort to confuse 
the issue and conceal the fact that 
the question at issue is a past stage 
in the hfe of the Soviet country. 
They also want to pass over in 
silence and to distort the fact that 
the Communist patty of the Soviet 
Union and the Soviet Government 
during t\)e years since Stalin's 
death have, with exceptional per- 
sistence and determination been 
liquidating ^e consequences of the 
personality cult and are successfully 
implementing the new tasks in the 
interest of strengthening peace, 
building communism, in the inter- 
est of the broad people's masses. 

Laimching a slanderous cam- 
paign, the ideologists of the bour- 
geoisie are again, though unsuc- 
cessfully, endeavoring to cast a 
shadow on the great ideas of 
Marxism-Leninism, to undermine 
the trust of the working people in 
the first Socialist country in the 
world, the U.S.S.R., and te sow 
confusion in the ranks of the inter- 
national Communist and workers 

THE EXPERIENCE of history 
teaches that the enemies of inter- 
national proletarian unity have in 
the past repeatedly triea to make 
use of what they thought were 
favorable moments for undermin- 
ing the international unity of the 
Communist and worker parties, for 
splitting the international working 
movement and for weakening the 
forces of the Socialist camp, but 
every time the Communist and 
Workers parties discerned the 
maneuvers of the enemies of social- 
ism, closed their ranks still closer, 
demonstrating their indestructible 
political unity and unswerving 
loyalty to the ideas of Marxi^in- 

The fraternal Communist and 
Worker parties also discerned this 
maneuver of the enemies of .social- 
ism in time and are giving it the 
rebuff it deserves. At the same time 
it would be wron^^ to close one's 
eyes to the fact that certain of our 
friends abroad have not got to the 
bottom of the question of the per- 
sonality cull and its consequences 
iod are tolerating at times a wrong 
interpretation of certain of its 

In its criticism of the personality 
cult the party proceeds from the 
principles of Marxism - Leninism. 
Already for more than three yean 
our party has- been waging a con- 
sistent struggle against the person- 
ality cult of J. V. Stalin, firmly 
overcoming its evil consequences. 

Naturally, this question occu- 
pied an important place in the 
work of the Twentieth Congress 
and its decisions. The congress 
noted that the Central Committee, 
quite rightly and timely, came out 
against the personality cult, the 
spread of which belittled the role 
of the party and the popular 
masses, lowered the role of col- 
lective leadership in the party and 
frequently brought about grave 
omissions ui work and gross vio- 
lations of socialist laws. 

The congress empowered the 
Central Committee to carry out 
consistent measures to ensure the 
complete elimination of the per- 
sonality cult, so alien to Marxism- 
Leninism; to liquidate its conse- 
quences in all spheres of party, 
state and ideological work, and to 
implement strictly the norms of 
party life and the principles of the 
collectivity of party leadership 
laid down by the great Lenin. 

In the struggle against the cult 
of personality the party leadership 
is guided by the known tenets of 
Marxism-Leninism on the roles of 
the popular masses, party and in- 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

dividual personalities in history, 
on the inadmissibility o( the per- 
sonality cult of a political leader, 

however great his merits. 


THE FOUNDER of scientific 
communism, Karl Marx, stressuig 
his dislike of "any personality 
cult," used to say that he and 
Friedrich Engels joined the 
League of Communists "on condi- 
tion that everything contributing 
to the superstitious worship of au- 
thorities be thrown out of the 

In founding our Communist 
Party, V. I. Lenin fougiit unremit- 
tingly against tite anti-Marxist 
conception of the "hero" and the 
"crowd" ainl resolutely condemn- 
ed the practice of setting the in- 
dividual hero over the popular 

The wisdom of tens of millions 
of creators," V. I. Lenin used to 
say, "creates something immeasur 
afa4v higher titan the greatest fore 
si^t ofgeuius." 

In putting forward the ques- 
tion of the struggle against the per- 
sonality cult of I. V. Stalin, the 
Central Committee proceeded, 
from the fact thut the personality 
cult contradicts the nature of So- 
cialist order and became an obsta- 
cle on the way to the development 
of Soviet democracy and the ad- 
vancemer»t of the Socialist society 
toward communism. 

the 20th Coiigrcss. on the initi- 
ative of the Central Committee, 
deemed it necessary to speak out 
courageously and frankly about the 
grave consequences of the person- 
ality cult and the serious errors 
tolerated diu'ing the latter [leriod 
of Stalin's life, and to call upon the 
entire party to make a joint effort 
to put an end to everything the 
personality cult entailed. 

At the same time the Central 
Committee was fully aw^re that the 
frank admission of errors tolerated 
would be linked to certin short- 

comings arul losses which might 
be exploited by enemies. The 
courageous self-criticism in the 
question of the personality cult 
was a new and brilliant proof of 
the force and strength of our party 
and of the So\'iet Socialist regime. 
One can say with assurance that 
not a single one of the niling parties 
of the capitalist countries would 
ever have risked taking a similar 
step. On the contrary, they would 
have tried to conceal such un- 
pleasant facts from the people and 
pass over in silence such unpleas- 
ant facts. 

But the So\-iet Communist party, 
brought up on t le revolutionary 
principles of Marxism-Leninism, 
told the w hole truth, no matter how 
bitter. The party resolved to take 
this step eidtisively on its own 
initiative, i^ing guiaed by the con* 
sideration^that if the stand taken 
against the cuh of Stalin caused 
some temporary di£Bctilties, M 
would still, from the point of view 
of the vital interests and ultimate 
aims of the working class, have a 
vast positive result. 

This creates firm guarantees diat 
in the future phenomena similar to 
llie personality cult can never ap- 
pear in our party and our coimtry 
and that in the future the leader- 
ship of the party and the country 
wiU be carried out collectively on 
the basis of a Marxist-Leninist 
policy and wide iimer party dem- 
ocracy, with the active creative 

participation of millions of workers. 


HAVING TAKEN a lesohite 
stand against the personality cult 
and its consequences, havinig open- 
ly subjected to criticism the mis- 
takes to which it gave rise, the 
party has demonstrated once more 
its devotion to the immortal princ- 
iples of Marxism-Leninism and the 
interests of the people, its solici- 
tude for creating the beit condi- 
tions for the development of the 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

party and Soviet democracy in the 
interests of successful Communist 
construction in our country. 

The Central Committtee notes 
that the discussion in party organi- 
zations and at general meetings of 
workers of t\\c question of the per- 
sonality cult and it^ consequences 
took place amid great activity of 
party members and nonparty men, 
that the Central Committee line 
found full approval and support 
among the party and people. 

The publicizing by the party of 
the facts of the violation of So- 
cialist law and other errors con- 
nected with the personality cult 
of V. J. Stalin naturally cause 
feelings of bitterness and profound 
regret. But the Soviet people un- 
derstand that the condemnation 
of the personality cult was neces- 
sary in the interests of the con- 
struction of communism, whose 
jK^ive participants they are. 

The Soviet people sees that the 
party has in recent years insistently 
carried out practical measures 
aimed at removing the conse- 
quences of the personality cult in 
all spheres of party, state, eco- 
nomic and cultural construction. 
As a result of this work the party, 
whose uitemal fbrces are no longer 
fettered, has come still ckjser to 
the people .and is now in a state 
of unprecedented cixative activity. 


now COULD the personality 
cult of Stalin, with all its negative 
consequences, arise and acquire 
such currency luider the conditions 
<rf a Soviet Socialist regime? 

When examining this question 
one nujst bear in mind both the 
objective and concrete conditions 
in which the building of socialism 
in the USSR took place, as well 
as some subjecfive factors connect- 
ed with the i^ersonal qualities of 

The October Socialist Revolu- 
tion entered history as a classic 

example of the revolutionary trans- 
Tormation of a»pitalist societv, car- 
ried out under the leadersnip of 
the working class. By the example 
of the heroic struggle of the Bol- 
shevik part>', the first Socialist 
•state in the world. Communist 
parties in other countries and all 
progressive and democratic forces 
are learning the experience of solv- 
ing the vital social questions aris- 
ing from present-day social devel- 

In the course of almost 40 years, 
the building of a Socialist society 
of workers of our country, vast 
experience has been accumulated 
which is being creatively studied 
and assimilated by workers of 
other Socialist states, in accord- 
ance with their concrete condi- 

This was the first experience in 
history of building a Socialist so- 
ciety w^ich was formed in the 
process, the test in practice of 
many truths hitherto only known 
to Socialists in general outline and 
theory. For more than a quarter 
of a century, the Soviet land wa« 
the only country which paved for 
mankind the way to socialism. It 
was like a besieged fortress situat- 
ed in a capitalist encirclement 
After the abortive intervention of 
U state* in 1918-1922, the ene- 
mies of the" Soviet county in the 
West and East continued to pre- 
pare new "crusades" against the 

ENEMIES sent into the U.S.S.R. 
a large number of spies and diver- 
sionists who tried in every way to 
undermine the first Socialist state 
in the world. The threat of a new 
imperialist aggression against the 
U.S.S.R. became particularly in- 
tense^after the ad\ent to power of 
fascism in Germany in 1933, which 
proclaimed as its aim the destruc- 
tion of communism, the destruction 
of the Soviet Union, the first work- 
ers' state in the world. Everyone 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

remembers tl» formation of the ^so- 
called anti-Cominteni pact and the 
Berlin-Rome-Tok> o a^s, which 
were actively supported by the 
forces^ of all international reaction. 
In an atmosphere of a growing 
threat of war, the rejection by the 
Western powers of the measures to 
curb fascism and organize collective 
security repeatedly proposed by the 
Soviet Union, the state was com- 
pelled to strain every ner\e to 
strengtlten defense and struggle 
against the intrigues of the harm- 
ful capitalist encirclement. The 
party had to train the whole peo- 
ple in a spirit of constant vigilance 
and readiness in the fac-e of for- 
eign enemies. 

The intrigues of intcmatioiwil re- 
action were all the more dangerous 
because for a long time an embit- 
tered class struggle had been going 
in tlie country and the question of 
who would gain the \ipper hand 
was being decidttl. 

After the death of Lenin, hostile 
trends became active in the party, 
Trotslaites, right \\ ing opportunists 
and bourgeois nationalists whose 
position was a rrjt-ction of Lenin's 
theory of the possibility of the vic- 
tory of Socialism |n <me country. 

Tliis would actualh have led to 
the restoration of capitalism in the 
U.S.S.F. Tlte parly unleashed a 
merciless strug^V' against these 

enemies of Leninism. 


FULFILLING U-uius behests, 
the Comnun»ist party *t a course 
towards the So( iali%t indu.strialixa- 
iion of the c«Miiitr\-, the collectiviza- 
tion of agriculhire and tlie realiza- 
tion of a cultural revolntion. 

In the course of solving these 
majestic tasks of building a Social- 
ist soc-iety in one separate country, 
the Soviet people and the Commu- 
nist party had to overcome un- 
imaginable difficulties and ob- 
staclrt. In tl»e shortest space of 
time, our coimtr\-, without any eco- 
nomic help whatsoever from 
abroad, had to liquidate its cen- 
turies-old backwardness and re- 
shape the entire national economy 
on new Socialist ft>undations. 

This complicatrtl national and 
international situation demaiKled 
iron discipline, evergrowing vig- 
ilance and a most strict cerHraliza- 
tion of leadership which inexitably 
had a negative effect on tf>e devel- 
opment of certain democratic 

In the course of a fierce struggle 
against the whole world of impe- 
rialism, our country had to submit 
to certain restrictions of democ- 
racy, justified by the logic of the 
struggle of our people for social- 
ism in circumstances of capitalist 
encirclement. But these restric- 
tions were already at that time 
regarded by the party and people 
as temporary, subject to removal 
as the Soviet state grew stronger 
and the forces of democracy and 
socialism developed throudiout 
the world. The people deliber- 
ately accepted these temporary 
sacrifices in view of the ever-new 
successes daily achieved by the So- 
viet social order. 

All these dilficulties on th« 

(CootiDued oo Page 6)_ 



Committee Exhibit Xo. 28 — Continued 

Page 6 P«ay w«rk>, ^^ y^ Tw^^t, j^ t. i»m 

The Statement of the 
Sovkt Communist 


(Continued from Page 2) 

path of building socialism were 
overcome by the Soviet people 
under the leadership of the Com- 
munist party and its Central Com- 
mittee, which consistently carried 
out Lenin's general line. 

The victory of socialism in our 
country in conditions of enemy en- 
circlement and a constant threat 
of attack ftom outside was a world- 
historic deed on the part of the 
Soviet people. During, the first 
five-year plans, as a result of in- 
tense and heroic efforts by the peo- 
ple and party, our economically 
backward country made a gigantic 
leap in its economic and cultural 
development. On the basis of the 
successes in Socialist construction 
the living standards of the work- 
ers were raised and unemployment 
was liquidated for good. The pro- 
foundest cultural revolution took 

place in the coimtry. 


IN A SHORT space of time the 
Soviet people reared numerous 
cadres ol a technical intdligentsia, 
which took its place on the level 

of world technical progress and 
put Soviet scieticc and technology 
among the first in the world. The 
inspir^r and organizer of these vic- 
tories was the great party of Com- 
munists. On the example of the 
USSR, workers and peasants who 
had taken power into their own 
hands could successfully build and 
develop their Socialist state with- 
out capitalists and land-owners, 
expressing and defending the in- 
terests of wide people's masses. All 
this played a great inspiring role 
in the growth and influence of 
Conrmmnist and Workers parties in 
all countries of the world. 

Holding the position of General 
Secretary of the Central Commit- 
tee of the party for a lengthy 
period. J. V. Stalin, together witn 
other leaders, actively struggled for 
tlie realization of Lenin's behests. 
He was devoted to Marxism-Lenin- 
ism, and as a theoretician and 
good organizer headed the strug- 
gle of the party against the Trots- 
kyites, right-wing opportunists and 
bourgeois nationalists and against 
the intrigues of capitalist encir- 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

In this polUical and ideological 
struggle Stalin acquired great au- 
thority and popularity. However, 
all oiir great victoiies began to be 
incorrectly connected with his 
name. The successes attained by 
the Communist party and the So- 
viet country and the adulation of 
Stalin went to his head. In diis 
atmosphere the cult of Stalin's 
. personality began gradually to take 
shape. r 

The development of the person- 
ality cult was to an enormous ex- 
tent contributed to by some indi- 
vidual traits of J. V. Stalin, whose 
negative character was already 
pointed out by V. I. Lenin. At the 
end of 1922 Lenin sent a letter to 
ihJ^ current party congress, in 
which he said: 

"Comrade Stalin, by becoming 
General Seceretary. has concentrat- 
ed vast power in his hands. I am 
not certain that he will always be 
able to use his power sufficiently 

In a postscript to this letter writ- 
ten at the beginning of January, 
1923, V. I. Lenin reverted to tlie 
question of some personal traits of 
Stalin intolerable in a leader. 

"Stahn is too rude," wrote 
Lenin, "and this shortcoming which 
is quite tolerable in our midst and 
among us Communists, becomes 
intolerable in the office of the Gen- 
eral Secretary. I therefore invite 
tlie comrades to think of a way of 
removing Stalin from this post and 
appointing to the post another per- 
son who in all other respects differ 
from Comrade Stahn-to wit, is 
more polite, more attentive toward 
comrades and less capricious." 

AT THE 1 3th party congress, 
which was held soon after V. I. 
Lenin's death, his letters were 
made ks»own to the delegates. As a 
iesult of the discussion of these 
documents it \va% retogni/.ed as 
Cxpe<litnU lo I avo Stalin at his [wsl 

as Secretary General, on condition, 
however, that he took Lenin's 
criticism into consideration and 
drew all the necessary conclusions. 

Having remained at the post as 
General Secretary, Staliu, in the 
first period after Vladimir Uyich's 
death, took into accomit his critical 
remarks. Later on. however, Stalin, 
having excessively overrated bis 
merits, believed in his own infal- 

Plenary sessions of the Central 
Conunittee and congresses of the 
party were held irregularl>', and 
later they were not convened for 
many years. In fact, Stalin found 
himself outside criticism. 

Great harm to the cause of So- 
cialist construction and the develop- 
ment of democracy inside the party 
and the state was infficted by 
Stalin's erroneous formula that as 
the Soviet Union moved toward 
socialism the class struggle would 
allegedly become more and more 
acute. This formula, which is only 
correct for certain stages of the 
transition period, when the ques- 
tion of "Who will beat whom?" was 
being solved, when a persistent 
class struggle for the buildii^ of 
the foundations of socialism was in 
progress, was put forward . . . 
in 1937 at a moment when social- 
ism had alrendv triumphed in our 
country , and the exploiting classes 
and their economic base had been 

In practice, this erroneous theo- 
retical formula was the basis for 
the grossest violations of Socialist 
law and mass repressions. 

IT WAS in tliese circumstances 
that special conditions were creat- 
ed in particular for the state secu- 
rity organs, in whom enormous 
confidence reposed as a result of 
their indubitahk- ser\ices to the 
people and country in the defense 
of the conquests of the revolution. 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

For a considerable period o\ 
lime the state security organs jus- 
tified- this confidence and their 
special position did not cause any 
(^nger. The situation changed 
when the control of them by the 
party and Government was grad- 
ually replaced by the personal con- 
trol of Stalin and the normal ad- 
ministration of justice was often 
superseded by his personal deci- 

Th« situation became even 
more complicated when the crim- 
inal band of tfie agent of interna- 
tional imperialism, [Lavrenti P.] 
Beria, was put at the head of the 
state security organs. Serious vio- 
lations of Soviet law and mass re- 
pressions occurred. As a result of 
enemy machinations, many honest 
Communists and Soviet non-party 
men were slandered and suffered 

The twentieth party congress 
and the entire policy of the Central 
Committee after the death of Sta- 
lin bear vivid testimony to the fact 
that within the Central Committee 
of the party a Leninist core of 
leaders had come into being who 
correctly understood pressing re- 
quirements in the sphere both of 
internal and external poHcy. 

It cannot be said that there was 
no counter-action against the neg- 
ative manisfestations which were 
connected with the personality 
cult and put a brake on the ad- 
vance of socialism. 

MOBEOVER, there were cer- 
tain periods, for instance during 
the war years, when the individual 
acts of Stalin were sharply re- 
stricted, when the negative con- 
sequences of lawlessness and ar- 
Bilrariness were . substantially di- 

It is known that precisely dur- 
ing this very war period members 
of the Central Committee and also 
outstanding So\iet war command- 
ers took over certain secton of ac- 

tivity in the rear and at the front, 
I made independent decisions, and 
I through their organizational, poli- 
tical, economic and military work, 
together with local party and So- 
viet organizations, insured the vic- 
tory of the Soviet people in the 
war. After victory the negati\e 
consequences of the cult of person- 
ality re-emerged with great force. 

The Leninist core of the Central 
Committee immediately after the 
death of Stalin set a course of 
resolute struggle against the per- 
sonality cult and its grav« con- 

It might be asked why these 
people did not take an open stand 
against Stalin and remove him from 
the leadership? This could not be 
done in the circumstances which 
had arisen. 

Facts undoubtedly bear out that 
Stalin was guilty of many lawless 
deeds, particularly in the later pe- 
riod of his life. It should not be 
forgotten, however, that the So- 
viet people knew Stalin as a per- 
son which always acted in defense 
of the USSR against the intrigues 
of \h» enemies and struggles for 
the cause of socialism. At times 
he applied in this struggle un- 
worthy methods and violated the 
Leninist principles of party life. 
Therein lay tlie tragedy of Stalin. 

But all this made the struggle 
against the lawless deeds perpe- 
trated at the time more di£Bcult, 
since the success of Socialist con- 
struction and the consolidation of 
the USSR were attributed to Sta- 
lin. Any action against him in 
those conditions would not have 
been understood by tlip p>eople, 
and this does not mean there was 
a lack of personal courage in- 

It is obvious that anyone who 
had acted in that situation against 
Stalin would not have received 
su(^;)ort from the people. More- 
over, such a stand would in those 
conditions have been regarded as. 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

a stand against the cause of So- 
cialist construction and a blow 
agaitiiit the unity of the party and 
the whole state, extremely dan- 
gerous in the presence of cap- 
italist encirclement. 

IN ADDITION, tlie successes 
which the working people of the 
Soviet .'Union attained under the 
leadership of their Communist 
party aroused justifiable pride in 
the heart of every Soviet person 
and created an atmosphere in 
which individual mistakes and 
shortcomings seemed less impor- 
tant against the background of 
euormous successes, while the ne- 
gative consequences of these mis- 
bd(es were quickly made good by 
tlie colossal growth of the vital 
forces of the party and Soviet so- 

One should also bear in mind 
that many facts and wrong actions 
of Stalin, especially as regards the 
violation of Soviet law, became 
knovvn only iti recent times, after 
his death, mainly in connection 
with the exposure of the Beria 
gang and tlie establishment ol 
party control over the organs ol 
state security. 

Such are the main conditions 
and causes which restdtcd in the 
emergence and currency of the per- 
sonality cult of J. V. Stalin. Ob- 
viously, everything that has been 
said explains, but in no way jus- 
tifies, the Stalin cult and its con- 
sequences, which have been sr 
sharply and justly condemned by 
our party. 


INDISPl'TABLY the personality 
cult has inflicted serious Iiarm on 
ihe cause of the Communist Party 
and Soviet society. It would, how- 
ever, be a serious mistake to de- 
duce from the past existence of 
the cult of personality some kind 
of changes in the social order in 
the USSR or to look for the source 

of this cult in the nature of the 
Soviet social order. Both alterna- 
tives are absolutely uTong. as they 
do not accord with reality and 
conflict with the facts. 

In spite of all the evil wliich 
the personality cult of Stalin has 
done to the party and the people, 
it could not change and has not 
changed the nature of the social 

Lven Stalin was not big enough 
to change the stale. 

No pcrson.ility cult could change 
the nature of the Socialist state, 
bused on public ownership of the 
means of production, the union 
of the working class and peasantry, 
and the friendship of peoples, al- 
though this cult aid inflict serious 
damage on the development of 
Socialist democratism and the up- 
surge of the creative initiative of 
the millions. 

To imagine that an individual 
personality, even such a large one 
as Stalin, could change our poli- 
tico-social order means to enter 
into profound contradiction with 
the facts, with Marxism and with 
truth and to give way to idealism. 
This would mean to attribute to 
ait individual personality such ex- 
cessive and supernatural powers 
as an change the order 
of a society and a social order in 
which the many - million strong' 
masses of working people are ^ 
decisiA'e force. 

AS IT IS KNOWN, the nature 
of the social-political regime is de- 
termioed by the nature of the 
means of production, to whom the 
means of production belong and 
in the hands of what class polit- 
ical authority is vested. The whole 
world knows that in oiu" country, 
as a result of the October Revolu- 
tion and the victory of socialism, 
the Socialist means of production 
have \y::U consolidated and that 
fpr nearly 40 years already our. 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Coutinued 

authorities has been in the hands 
Thanks to this, the Soviet social 
regime is gaining in strength from 
year to year and its productive 
forces are growing. This is a fact 
wJiich even our ill-wishers cannot 
fail to admit. 

The consequences of the per- 
sonality cult were, as is known, 
certain serious mistakes in th? 
leadership of various branches of 
the party and Soviet state, both in 
the internal life of the Soviet coun- 
try and in its foreign policy. One 
can, in particular, point to serious 
shortcomings countenanced by 
Stalin in the direction of agricul- 
ture, in organizing the country's 
preparedness to repel the Fascist 
invaders, in the gross arbitrariness 
which led to a conflict with Yng^o- 
slavia, in individual sides of the 
Soviet state's life, particularly in the 
last years of I. V. Stalin's life, in 
the development of Soviet society. 
But, it goes without saying they 
did not divert it from the correct 
road towards cojnmunism. 

Our enemies assert that the per- 
sonality cult of Stalin was not en- 
gendered by finite historical 
conditions which have already sunk 
into the nast but by the Soviet $p- 
tem itseU, by what they consiaer 
to be its link to democratism and 
so on. 

Such slanderous assertions are 
refuted by tl»c entire history of the 
development of the Soviet state. 
The Soviet as a new democratic 
form of state authority arose as a 
result of the creative revolutionaiy 
activity of the broadest popular 
masses who had risen to the strug- 
gle for freedom. They were and re- 
main organs of genuine popular 
aulhorit\-. it is precisely the Soviet 
regime which created the possibility 
of discerning the immense creative 
energies of the people. 

It set in motion inexhaustible 
forces inherent in the popular 
masses, drew millions of pe^le 
towards conscious direction of the 

state, into creative participation in 
the construction of socialism. In a 
historically short space of time the 
So\iet statfe came out victorious 
from thejnost difficult of tests and 
passed its baptism of fire in tlie 
World War 11. 

When tiie last exploiting classes 
were liquidated in our countr>', 
when socialism became the dom- 
inant system in the entire national 
economy, while the iotemational 
situation of our country had radic- 
ally changed^ die scope of Soviet. 

democracy expanded incalcuiabk 
and is continuing to do so. 

UNLIKE any kind of bourgcof 
democracies, Soviet democracy ^ 
only pr!5c!ai!T!s tise right of 4 
members of Soviet society, witho^ 
esception, to work, education n( 
leisure, participation in state nfiaii^ 
freedom of speccti and of the prtij, 
and freedom of consciousness bit 
also a real possibility for the fm 
development of personal abiSitia 
and other democratic rights aoj 
freedoms, but also insures tiie« 

The essence of democracy liet 
not in fprmal indications but k 
whether the noHtical authority " 
services and renects ii) action tb 
will and basic interests of the not. 
jority of the people and workea 
The entire internal and foreigt 
policy of the Soviet state proclaim 
the fact that our regime is a truly 
democratic popular regime 

The highest aim of ilie Sovfct 
state is to raise the population's 
living standards in every respect 
and secure a peaceful existencfljot 
its people. 

A testimony to the further d^ 
veiqjMnent oi Soviet democracy an 
the measiues which are being put 
through for the part>' and govern- 
ment for extending the rights aad 
competence of union republics, tlie 
strict adherence to law and reor- 
ganization of the sy^item of piun- 
ning with the aim of fostering local 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

initiative, activating work in local 
Soviets and developing criticism 
and self-criticism. 


IN SI^ITE and regardless of the 
personality cull, the mighty initi- 
ative of the popular masses led by 
the Communist party and engend- 
ered by our regime has performed 
its great historical tusk, overcom- 
ing all barriers on the way to tlte 
construction of socialism. And in 
this the democratic nature of the "^ 
Soviet regime finds its highest ex- • 

The outstanding victories of to- 
mlism in our country did not com« 
of themselves. They were gained 

thanks to the tremendous orgaimJH ' 
tional and educational work of the 
party and its local bodies, thanb 
to the fact that the party has tl* 
wa>-s brought up its cadres and aB 
Communists in a spirit of loyalty • 
to Marxism and Leninism, in a 
spirit of devotion to the cause of 
communism. Q 

The Sonet society is strong 
through an atfareness of iIm 
masses. Its historic destinies were 
determined and are still being de- 
termined by the creative labors of 
our glorious collective farm iJ*as* 
antry and popular intelligentsia^ 

(Continued on Page 7) 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

Paily Vorker, New York, TagsAiy, Jnly 3, 1956 PaSC 7 

JJie Statement of die 
Soviet Communist 


(Contiau«d from Page 6) 
By liquidating the consequences 
^ the peoonahty cult, for restor- 
ing BoMievik norms of the party 
life and by deplcH ing Socialist dem- 
3cracv, our party achieved a fur- 
iyet strengthening of its ties with 
\n»d masses, raUied them still 
(joier uiider the great Leninist 

The fact that the party itself 
l)o)d1y and openly posed the ques- 
tion of liquidating the personality 
cuk, the question of inadmissible 
mi^es made by Stulin, is a con- 
vincing testimony that our party 
firmly stands on guard for Lenin- 
km, tl»e cause of socialism and 
communism, the maintenance of 
Socialist law and interests of the 
people, and the safeguarding of 
the rights of Soviet citizens. This 
Is the best proof of the force and 
viability of the Soviet Socialist 
regime. It speaks at the same time 
for the determination to eradicate 
1o the end the consequences of 
the personality cult and not allow 
mistakes of such a nature to be 
repeated in the future. 

The condemnation by our party 
0/ fJir personality cult of StaHn 
and j($ censequences evoked the 
«ppro\aI and wide response of all 
brotherly Communist and Work- 
ers' parties. Noting the significance 
of the Twentieth Congress to the 
entire international Communist 
and workers' movement, the Com- 
munists of foreign countries regard 
the stmggle against the personality 
cult and its consequences as a 
struggle for the purity of Mai-xist 
and Leninist principles, tor a crea- 
tive approach to the solution of 
coi>temporary problems of the in- 
ternational workers' movement, 
for its affirmation and further de- 
velopment of principles of prole- 
tarian internationalism. 

IN STATEMENTS of a number 
of brotherly Communist parties, 
approval and support is expressed 
for the measiu-es against tlie per- 
WTiality cult carried out by our 

Tie organ of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Chinese Communist 
Party, the People's Daily, describ- 
ing the conclusions reached and 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

dkcussinc the decisions of the 
Twentieth Congress held by the 
Politburo of Bie Cliiiiese Commu- 
nist Party, says in an editorial en- 
titled "Historic experience of dic- 
tatorship of proletariat:" 

"The ConamunLst Party of the 
Soviet Uoioa, following Lenin's 
behests, deals seriously with some 
frave errors countenanced by Sta- 
lia io •directing Sociahst construc- 
*wo »nd the consequences they 
have provoked. Because of the 
iravity of these consequences, the 
Soviet party was faced with th^ 
••wd, while admitting the great 
lervictt of J. y. Stalin, to reveal 
^im all urgency the essence of the 
■^akes Stalin allowed to occur 
•od to urge the entire party to be- 
waie of a repetition of this, and 
Jo urge it resolutely to eradicate 
!"• consequences engendered by 
"*« short comings." 

t ^JL ^"""""ists of China pro- 
foundly believe that after sharp 
, *2|«sm developed at the Twen- 
JJJJ. ^^ereis. all active factors 
Which were severely restricted in 
»!* past because^ of certain politi- 
cal mistakes will indubitably be 
set in motion everywhete, that the 
(Communist Party of the Soviet 
Uiiion and the ^viet people will 
be united as never before in the 
struggle to build a great Commu- 
nist society as never before seen 
in history, in a struggle for a sta- 
ble peace throughout the wo^ld." 
The merit of the leader of the 
Soviet Communbt Party," reads a 
statement by the Politburo of the 
French Communist Party, "lies in 
their having undertaken to correct 
the mistakes and shortcomings 
connected with the personality 
cult, a fact that testiBes to the 
force and unity of the great par- 
ty of Lepiu, to the confidence 
which it enjoys among the Soviet 
people, and swells its authority 
among the international workers' 


of the National Committee of tlie 
United States Communist Party, 
Eugene D'ennis, noting the tre- 
mendous significance of the 20th 
congress, states in the well known 
article: "The 20th congress 
strengthened universal peace and 
social progress. It marked a r>ew 
stage iu the development of so- 
cialism and in the struggle for 
peaceful coexistence which started 
in the time of Lenin, was pursued 
in subsequent year and is becom- 
ing more and more effective and 



AT THE SAME lime it should 
be noted that when discwning the 
question of the personality cult 
a correct interpretation of the rca- 
sons which engender^ it has not 
-iilways been given. 

For instance, a substantial and 
interesting interview given by 
Comrade [Pahniro] Togliatti [Ital- 
ian Communist leader] to the mag- 
azine Nuovi Argumt^nti contains, 
alongside many of the most im- 
portant and correct deductioi>s, 
also some incorrect ones. 

One caimot, in partic«lar, agree 
wid^ Comrade Togliatti when he 
asks whether Soviet society has 
not reached "certain forms of de- 
generation?" There are no fouinla- 
tions for such a question. 

It is all the more incompreJien- 
sible becatise in vatK}ther part of 
his intervie>v Comrade TogUatti 
says quite correctly: "It must be 
deduced that the essence of the 
Socialist rcgim^ was not lost, since 
none of the preceding g;iin$ were 
lost, nor did the regime lose sup- 
port of the working masses of 
workers, peasants and intellectuals 
who form Soviet society, Tliw sui>- 
port proves in itself that, in spite'i 
of everything, society retained its, 
main democratic character)" 

And indeed without the support 
of the broadest popular masses rf 
the Soviet regime for this policy of 
the Communist Party, our country 



Committed: Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

would not have been able to create 
in an nnprecedentedly short space 
of time a powerful Socialist in- 
dustry or to carry out collecti\iza- 
tion of agriculture and it woukl 
have been unable to gain a vic- 
tory in the World War II. on uhosc 
outcome the fate of all mankind 

As a result of the complete rout 
of Hitlerisra. Italian fascLsoi and 
Japanese militarism, tlie forces of 
the Communist movement de- 
veloped extensively, gre\v in scope 
and became mass Commiuiist par- 
ties in Italy, France and other 
capitalist countries. People's de- 
mocracies were established in a 
number of countries of Europe 
and Asia, a world s>-stem of so- 
cialism arose and was consolidated, 
and the national hberation move- 
ment which led to the dL^utegra- 
tion of tlte colonial system attain- 
ed unprecedented successes. 


The Soviet party congress, 
which condemned the personality 
cult, the Communists and all So- 
viet people see in them a proof 
of the increased force of our party, 
its Leninist adherence to prin- 
c^>les, its unity and integration. 
"A party of the revolutionary pro- 
letariat, V. I. Lenin said, "is suf- 
ficiently strong to criti<rize itself 
openly, to call mistakes and weak- 
nesses by their right names." 
Guided by this principle of Lenin's, 
our party will continue to disclose 
Iwldfy, to criticize openly and to 
remove resolutely the mistakes and 
blunders in its work. 

MITTEE considers that work ac- 
complished up to now by the party 
on ^e elimination of the personal- 
ity cult and its consequences al- 
ready have given positive results. 

Proceedisg from the decision of 
the 20th party Congress, the CPSU 
Contral Committee urges all party 

Consistently adhere in all our 
work to the (host important tenets 
of Lenin's Marxist-Leninist teach- 
ings on the p>copIe as creators of all 
the material transfomiationji of so- 
ciety for the victory of communism. 

Insistently to continue Lenin's 
principles of party leadership 
pursued in past years by the CPSU 
♦Central Committee— the highest 
principle of collec-tive leadership— 
in order to maintain the "honn of 
party Ufe laid down by ihe chartei' 
of our party for development or 
criticism and self-criticism. 

To reestablish fully tlie principles 
of Soviet Socialist democrcay ex- 
piessed in the constitution of the 
Soviet Union, to correct to the end 
the violations of revolutionary So- 
cialist law. 

To mobilize oiu* cadres and all 
Communists as well as broadcast 
to tlie masses of workers the strug- 
gle for tlie practical implementa- 
tion of taske of the Sixth Five- Year 
Plan, developing for '111 is purpose 
die creative initiative and energies 
of masses— the true creators, of 

indicated that the most important 
feature of our era is the conversion 
of socialism into a world system. 
The most difficult period in the de- 
velopment and establishment of 
socialism is behind us. Our Social- 
ist country has ceased to be an 
isolated island in an ocean of cap- 
italist states. 

At present more tlun a third of 
all mankind is building a new hfe 
under the banner of socialism. The 
ideas of socialism penetrate the 
thoughts of many milUons of peo- 
ple of capitalist countries. The idea 
oT socialism immensely influence 
the people of Asia, Africa and 
Latin America who are opposing 
all forms of colonialism. 

The decisions of the 20th party 
Congress were received by all ad- 



Committee Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

vocat« ot iieace, socialism sikI io 
all tlemocTalJc progressive circles 
as an inspired program for consoli- 
dating universal peace, for the 
interest of working people in tlie 
triumph of the caux of socialism. 

Under contemporary conditions, 
wide inspired prospects open up 
before the Com:Tiunisi parties* en- 
lire intcnialional workers' mox-e- 
mcnt-to achie\e togetl>er with all 
peaccloNing forces the prevention 
of a new uorld war, to restrain 
monopolies and insure lasting peace 
and security for the people, stop 
the armament race and relieve t\ie 
toilers of the hea\y burden of 
taxation engendered bv it. defend 
democratic rights and freedoms 
which ensure for workers a better 
life and^happy future. 

It is pftcisely in this l!:st mil- 
lions of simple people of all coun- 
tries of tlie wc^rld are vitallv in- 
terestetl. 11»e jieaceful policy' and 
every new succrss of the Soviet 
Union, China and uW other coun- 
tries following the road to Socialis- 
ism conlribule to a jjreat extentjo 
the successful solution of these 


conditions, such international 
working class organizations as the 
Comintern and Cominform ceased 
their activities. It does not follow 
from this that international soli- 
darity and the need of contacts be- 
tween revolutionary and brotl^rly 
parties which adopted the posi- 
tions of Marxism and Leninism 
have lost significance. 

At the present time, when forces 
of Socialism and the influence ef 
the ideas of Socialism have grown 
immeasurably through out the 
whole world, when individual 
wa>s towards Socialism are be- 
coming apparent ia various coun- 
tries, Marxist parties and the work- 
ing class must naturally retain 
and strengthen ideological unity of 
international brotherly solidarity 

in the struggle against the threat 
of a new war and in the struggle 
against the unpopular forces of 
monopoly and capital which are 
striving to suppress all revolution- 
ary ' progressive movements. 

Communist parties are united 
by the great aim of liberating the 
working class from the oppression 
of the capital. They are luiited. 
into one by loyalty to the scientific 
ideology of Marxism-Leninism, by 
the spirit of proletarian intema- 
tionalisiH, and by boundless devo- 
tion to the interests of the popular 

In their actixity under contem- 
porary conditions, the Communist 
parties proceed from the national 
peculiarities in the conditions of 
every country, and are expressing 
with the greatest fullness the na- 
tional interests of their peoples. At 
the same tjme, realizing that the 
struggle for the interests of the 
working class, for peace and na- 
tional independence of their coun- 
tries, is a matter of the whole in- 
ternational proletaiiat, they rally 
together and strengthen their ties 
and cooperation among themteWes. 

The ideological unarumsty aad 
brotherlv solidarity of Marxist par- 
ties of the working class of various 
coimtries is all the more necessary 
because capitalist monopolies are 
creating their own international 
agjQ-essive unions and blocs simi- 
lar to NATO, SEATO and the 
Baghdad pact, aimed against 
peace-loving nations, against the 
aational-hberation movement, 
against the working class, and the 
vital interests of the toilers. 

has done much and is continuiag 
to do much for the reduction of in- 
ternational tension— and this is 
i|'ijackno\^Hedged now by everybody— 
^<i^9erican monopolist capital at tfie 
sarde time oontiiiues appispriat- 
ing large subs for intensifying sub- 
versive acti\'ity in the Socialist 
countries. At the height of tho 
• "cold war," as it is known, the 



Committee ExHiniT No. 28 — Continued 

American Congress officially (in 
addibon to funds bein^ speat un- 
officially) allocated $100 million 
for tl>e purposes of subversive ac- 
tivity in the countries of peoples 
democracy and the Soviet Union. 

Now, when the Soviet Union 
and other Socialist countries are 
doing ever>thing possible to re- 
duce international tension, the ad- 
herents of the "cold war" are try- 
ing to activizc the "cold war" 
which is condemned by the peo- 
ples of the whole world. This is 
shown by the decision of the 
American Senate on an additional 
appropriation of $25 milUon for 
subversive activity, which is cyni- 
cally being called "an encourage- 
ment of freedom beyond the Iron 

We must soberly appraise this 
fact and draw relevant deductions 
irom it. It is clear, for instance, 
that the anti-people's demonstra- 
tions in Poznan were paid from 
this source. 

However, the provocateun and 
the diversionists who were paid 
from the overseas funds, had only 
enough courage for a few hours. 
The workers of Poznan rebuffed 
the enemies .sallies and provoca- 
tions. The plans of the dark RW^T 
of the "cloak and dagger" lailea 
So did tl»eir foul provocation 
against the people's authority in 

Subversive activities in the peo- 
ple's democracies will also contin- 
ue to fail in the future, although 
such actions are generously paid 
for from monies appropris^ed by 
American monopolist*. One can 
say that this money is being spent 
for nothing. 

that one must not show a careless 
attitude towards the new machina- 
tions of the imperialist agents, 
who are trying to penetrate into 
Socialist counbries for the purpose 
of undermining the achievements 
of the workers. The forces of im- 
perialist reaction are attempting to 

divert the workers from the cor- 
rect path of the struggle for their 
interests, to poison their souls with 
lack of confidence in the success 
of the cause of Socialism. 

Contrary to all the machinations 
of the ideologists of the capitalist 
monopoly, the working class, led 
by the experienced Communist 
vanguard, marches on its road, 
which has led to the historic 
achievements of Socialism and will 
lead to new victories of the cause 
of peace, Democracv and Social- 
ism. One can be confident that the 
Communist and workers' parties 
of all countries will raise the glor- 
ious Marxist banner of^ proletarian 
internationalism even higher. 

The Soviet people are jastly 
proud that our motherland wa.s the 
first to chart the path to Social- 
ism. Now, when Socialism has be- 
come a world system, when broth- 
erly cooperation and mutual as- 
sistance have been established be- 
tween Socialist countiies, new fav- 
orable conditions hikve developed 
for the flourishing of Socialist de- 
mocracy, for the further consoli- 
dation of the material-production 
base of communism, the steadfast 
upsurge of the standard of living 
of the workers, for all-round de- 
velopment of the personality of a 
new man— builder of the Commu- 
nist socict)'. 

Let the bourgeois ideolofpsts 
concoct fables about "crisis" of 
Communisa», and about "confu- 
sion" in the ranks of the Commu- 
nist Party. We are iised to hearing 
such incantations by the enemies. 
Their forecasts alwiix's burst like 
soap bubbles. Liickless forecasters 
hke these have come and gone but 
the Communist movement, the 
immortal and life-giving ideas of 
Marxism -Lenin ism triumphed and ' 
are continuing to triumph. Tliis 
will also be the case in the future. 
No foul, slanderous attacks of our '^ 
enemies can stop the irresistuble >^ 
trend of historical development of 
mankind towards Communism. 

Signed: The Central Committee | 
of the Communist Party of the So- 
1 viet Union. 



Magil Exhibit No. 4 

Page 2 

Daily Worker, New York, Tuesday, January 15, 1957 

mopi iMRM If Mvcr tflflir 

JOHN GATES. editer-«-chief «f , 
the Duly Wori» and Tke Wckik I 
er, yntexdav announced the ap-i 
pointiiieut of A. B. Magil as editor 
«f tlie vwecHy WoAer. 

M^i^, a t]»txv« el Phft^d^lp^ta, 
is a veteran jouniaHst aad aMmor. 
fie began ue^'sgaper wo>^ is die 
hR^abrs. coweiiBS tii« pelioe CMtrt 
beat l^ar the Phiiadej^a F'vzH^^sc 
Ledger. Later ix worked >.^ New 
York ior Wocaes's '^esjr and ike 
Bronx Home News. 

His assoetation ^iAi tlie Daily 
Wofin- began in 1928 wfiea be 
idmed its rtaff ac a copy reaiVr. 
fie later served on iht Thaiy Wark- 
er editorial board and was tbe 
weu-spaper'f oorrecpondent in Is- 
rael and Uexico. 

In the early thirtiec, M4gil, Aen 
a rpMdest of Detroit, edited tfie, 
Aiito Wociers Newi, ocgan of an 
iodenendent union which was one 
of the foreranners of the present 
Caited Auto Wocien. 

Duriixg the late thirties and early 
forties Stagii was r)ne of the editors 
of the wedcly New Masses and 
later was associate editor of the 
monthly Alaises and NCamstream. 

Xl^gil is co-aiithor, widi Henry 


Steveos, of the booJc, Tke Peril of 
Fasctsm,'' pubiisJied in 19-18. In 
1950 he wrote "Israel in Crisis.* 
He is the autiKK of oumeious pam- 
phlets, of which two became best 
seBers. They were "The Truth 
About Father CougbJin " im\ "So- 
cialism: What's in It for You." 



Magil Exhibit No. 5 

Rr^i :'-iCi.l an sci .»i. i 

(* . 1 .'Ma 

vr uti i' \'ji'i. al Ilie post .nTh- «' Nrw Varli N Y under thf »rl of MerrH I. IS 

Vol. \\XI\ No. 211 

(8 Page*) 

^cw York, Monday, Oslober 21, 1957 
" Price 10 Cent* 

A. B. Magil Named 
Foreign Editor 


A. B. Magil, who until recent- 
ly was editor of the weekend 
Worker, takes over tomorrow u 
foreiftn editor of the Daily Work- 
er. Flis first column will appear 
in oin* new four-page daily. 

Magil, who hat covered Mesi- 
co and Israel and has autiioredi 
two b<M>ks, will cover the current 
Viiited Nations debates. His col- 
umn will appear twice a week ■• 
the Daily Worker and also in tli9 
weekend Worker. 

Other changes, designed for 
a lightly -edited and crisply-writ- 
ten four-pager, will b« 



Magil Exhibit No. 8 

p^w^ 4 PaUy W*A<r, N«rw Ytk« Wmitmiaif, Aprfl 4 19S4 

How the Stalin Cult 



<o determine just what factors 
kd to the development of 
Stalin's cult of the personality. 
This is necessary, in order to arm 
other Communist parties and 
uorkers' organi zations against 
similar d a n- 
gers, and also 
to controvert 
the bourgeois 
that Socialism 
in general 
must culmi- 
nate in bu- 
r e a u c r a c y. 

Again it may ___^ 

be s;ud that the ones best quah> 
fied to ansv^er this vital ques- 
tion authoritatively are the men 
who \\orked most closely with 
Stalin; nevertheless it is possible 
for others with the material al- 
ready at hand, to show at least 
some of the background forces 
that helped to produce this gen- 
eral situation. 

First to be considered is the 
basic fact that e\'er since its in- 
ception in November, 1917, the 
So\iet Union confronting a hos- 
tile capitalist world, has had to 
face a whole series of profound 
problems of a life-and-death 
urgency. These called for a 

inaxiinum of organization, dis- 
cipline and drive on the part of 
the Communist Party and the 
whole Soviet people. 

Among the more important of 
these struggles and campaigns 
were, the November revolution 
and the ensuing three years of 
civil war; the collectivization of 
agriculture; the rebuilding of in- 
dustry from the ground up. the 
long mass struggles against 
Trotskvites and other counter- 
revolutionaries; the carrying 
through of the several five-year 
plans, which almost overnight 
transformed Russia from a very 
backward agricultural country 
into a leading industrial power; 
the building of a new and gi- 
gantic force of skilled workers 
and engineers; the waging of 
World W'iT II, and the defen- 
sive struggle against militant 
American imperialism during 
the cold war. 

All these great national ef- 
forts, in which the \ery existence 

of the Soviet Union was at 
stake, were prosecuted with 
every ounce of strength tJiat the 
Soviet people could muster. 
The consequent, long semi-mili- 
tary like discipUne was one in 
which bureaucracy could readily 
flourish, as obviously it did. 



Magil Exhibit No. 8 — Contimied 

SECOND, there is the tre- 
mendous personal prestige of 
Stalin won legitimately in many 
of the earlier of these decisive 
struggles to evaluate. Particular- 
ly in the historic fight around 
tne question of builuing Social- 
ism in one country, Stalin came 
forth as a Marxist-Leninist of 
high calibre. In the earlier 
stages of his work up to the 
middle thirties, Stalin although 
always an aggressive leader, did 
not yet markedlv display his ba- 
reaucratic trenas. Many were 
the times when he warned Party 
members and others to hearken 
to the voice of tlie masses, to 
practice self-criticism, to avoid 
unseemly boasting about per- 
sonal achievements, to beware 
of "becoming dizzy with suc- 
cess" and the like. But even- 
tually, as it has been made evi- 
dent, his tendency toward one- 
man leadership developed, but 
for reasons that are not yet 
clear, but may have been patho- 
logical. With his already great 
reputation as a basis, he man- 
aged, egotistically, in the condi- 
tions of high discipline prevail- 
ing over long periods, to take 
unto himself undeserved credit 
for the many huge achievements 
which the Communist Party 
and the Soviet people were 
making and to reduce the prac- 
tice of collective leadership to 
the vanishing point. The "cult" 
of the individual" with all its 
grave negative consequences, 
was the result. 

THIRD, there is the role of 
the Communist Party itself as a 
decisive factor to consider. To 
what extent the Party was 
weakened in its initiative and 
strength by Stalin's growing bu- 
reaucratism remains to be staled. 
It has also not yet been made 
clear as to whetlier or not or to 
what degree, the Party and its 
leaders were able, at least par- 

tially, to check the undemo- 
cratic course of Stalin and to 
hold the USSR on the funda- 
mentally correct political line 
which it followed over the 

Obviously, however, the Party 
was not able to mauitain Party 
democracy and self-criticism and 
to eliminate the enervating cam- 
paign of adulation with which 
Stalin surrounded himself. Ad- 
mittetlly, as 1 pointed out in a 
recent article, to do these things 
was no small matter, with the 
possibility, always lurking in the 
situation, of a Party split that 
could be fatal to the Soviet 
Union in its pxtremely diflicult 

international situation. 


least three of the major elements 
in the development of Stalin's 
overstress upon his own person- 
ality. The combination of the 
powerful and ambitious leader, 
working in con<litious of a high 
discipline and of almost super- 
human national effort, and with 
the Parly not vigilant enough on 
the question of inner dem<K'- 
racy, produced the dangerous 
situation which finally de- 

The Stalin cult of the individ- 
ual, as is very obvious, also af- 
fected other Communist parties, 
as well as that in the USSR; hut 
with a considerable difference. 
Communists throughout the 
workl, through the years, de- 
^■eloped a profound admiration 
for Stalin on the basis of the 
excellent work which he did for 
many years in the leadership of 
the CPSU. They were also su- 
premely conscious of the correct 
political political course of the 
Soviet Union generally and of 
the hemeiKlous historical role 
that it has played since its incep- 
tion in leading the world up- 
ward and onward to peace, pros- 
perity and Socialism 

(Continued on Page 7) 



Magil Exhibit No. 8 — Continued 
Pafly WoAfT. New YoA, V<^n»«d«y. April i. 19S6 PagC 7 


(Continued fro«i Page 4) 

Clearly, the high estimate of 
Stalin held by the Comnmuisls 
of other countries was tleeply 
influenced by the cult of the in- 
dividual, but it lacked much of 
the extreme adulation of Stalin 
tliat prevailed in the Soviet 
Unino. Naturally, foreign Com- 
munists, like those in the USSf^, 
saw various asjiCLts of Commu- 
nist policy in various countries 
tliat should be discussed and 
criticized. If, however, such nwt- 
ten were not considered pub- 
licly, this was primarily because 
of an exaggerated c-onception 
that to do so would more or less 
injure the cause of peace aiKl 
uorld socialism, which was al- 
ready the target of bitter attack 
from the entire capitalist world. 

AS A RESULT of the cur- 
rent revaluation of the role of 
Sfalin, there will \indoubtcdly 
DC a strengthening of Party de- 
'""tucy and of tlie principles of 
collective leadership in Com- 
munist parties generally. There 
must, by tlie same token, also 
DC a better critical exchange 
generally among the respective 

C^ommuiiist p.irties. Obviously 
inadc'(i\iate has been the pre- 
vailing system iip until now, es- 
pecially sinte the dissolution of 
the Comintern of refraining 
from open criticism of brother 
parties. In the absence of an in- 
trrnational, or of a strong inter- 
party theoretical journal, there 

should be cidtivated a far more 
extensive exclunse of critical 
material among me Communist 
parties. The famous Duclos ar- 
ticle showed how helpful such 
criticism, when well-based, 
could be. 

The ultimate result of the 

Erocess of revaluating Stalin will 
e a great improvement in die 
inner-life aiui ge^ral effective- 
ness e\'erywhere of the Commu- 
nist parties. It is a difficult les- 
son, out we may be assured tliat 
it \\ill be learned basically. And 
it will be all the more readily 
learned by the casing of war 
tensions and the development of 
a getieral situation, requiring 
less of the extreme, semi-military 
discipline which was such an 
important factor in producing 
tlie Stalin cult of the individual. 
A sound party discipline and 
a thorough-going party democ- 
racy are in no way contradic- 
tory, and it is a healthful syn- 
thesis of these two indispensable 
elements that we must strive to 



Magil Exhibit No. 9 


Page 7 

The American Road 
to Socialism 

For a New Look at 
Demo€rati€ Centralism 


abuses and crimes that took 
place in the Soviet Union 
under Stahn's one-man rule 
have focussed attention on 
the question of democracy under 
socialism and \Hthin the Commu- 
nist Parties. Id the case of the 
Communist Party of the United 
States the shocking disclosures 
concerning the Soviet Union and 
other socialist countries have 
only lent impact, depth and 
urgency to the discussion of in- 
ner-Party democracy that had 
begun informally even before 
the 20th Congress of the Soviet 

As our discussion has develop- 
ed, the question has occasionally 
been raised whether the chief 
structural principle of Commu- 
nist Parties in all countries, dem- 
ocratic centralism, is valid for 
the United States. To some. 

democratic centralism is the vil- 
lain of the piece, responsible for 
bureaucracy and inadequate 
democracy in the American Party 
and bearing much of the blame 
for errors in political estimates 
and tactics. 

OF C. P. 

First, let us get our bearings 
a bit. Some Communists write 
and speak as if our Party were 
the most undemocratic organiza- 
tion in the United States and as 
if virtually all other organiza- 
tions were models of democracy. 
The fact is that a political party 
which represents the working 
class and the interests of the 
majority of the people is by its 
very nature immeasurably more 
democratic than the parties of 
big business or other organiza- 
tions not based on the popular 
interest, irrespective of the prac- 
tices and procedures that prevail 
in them. 



Magil Exhibit No. 9 — Continued 

In addition, even people's 
organizations, like the trade 
unions, the National Farmers 
Union, Americans for Demo- 
cratic Action, NAACP, Amer- 
ican Jewish Congress, etc., leave 
much to be desired from the 
standpoint of internal democ- 
racy. Nevertheless, we cannot be 
content with the democratic so- 
cial core of the Communist Party 
and assume that nothing needs 
to be done to asure that it func- 
tions in a democratic way. 

However, this question cannot 
be considered in the abstract. 
We would ignore the facts of 
life if we did not recognize that 
the absence of real legality for 
Communists in American life— a 
situation which did not begin 
with the Smith Act arrests but 
has been greatly intensified since 
then-necessarily restricts democ- 
racy within the Party. 

In saying this, let me add that 
in my opinion bureaucratic and 
anti-democratic practices have 
grown up in our Party-partly in 
imitation of other Communist 
Parties, partly as a result of 
American capitalist influences— 
which far exceed what is re- 
quired bv security considera- 
tions. These practices, which 
stifle free discussion and stunt 
the initiative of the membership, 
need to be drastically changed. 

It is legitinwite to inquire 
whether and to what degree 
democratic centralism has been 
responsible for this situatioti. 
What do we mean by democratic 
centralism? It is surprising that 
in the Constitution of the Com- 
munist Party of the U.S.A., 
which states that "In accord with 
the principles of democratic 
centraUsm . . . Communist Party 
members shall be involved in the 
formulation of major policies 

and shall have the right and duty 
to examine the execution of 
policies," no definition is gi\'en 
of democratic centralism. 

Turning to another authori- 
tative source, the Constitution of 
the Soviet Party, as adopted at 
its 19th congress in 1952, we 
learn that aemocratic central- 
ism signifies: 

("a) Election of all leading 
Party bodies from the highest to 
the lowest; (b) periodical reports 
of the Party boaies to their Party 
organizations; (c) strict Party 
discipline and subordination of 
the minority to tHe majority; 
(d) absolutely binding character 
of the decisions of higher bodies 
upon lower bodies." 

Every people's organization of 
national scope faces in some 
form the problem of combining 
internal democracy with central- 
ized leadership. This problem is 
especially acute for a workers* 
party which aims to organize the 
struggles of the working class 
and its allies and eventually to 
lead them to socialism in a coun- 
try ruled by a minority of 
monopoly capitalists, who have 
at their disposal powerful instru- 
ments of repression as well as 
nearly all the media for molding 
the public mind. 

It was to oope with this prob- 
lem that Lenin in the early 
years of this century developed 
the principles of democratic 
centralism and sharply combat- 
ted those who advocated a looser 
form of organization. He also 
pointed out that in essence this 
struggle was also developing in 
other Socialist parties— the Ger- 
man, French, Italian— and that 
everywhere the opportunist anti- 
Marxist wing sought to under- 
mine centralized leadership and 
discipline by demanding greater 
local autonomy in the name of 



Magil Exhibit No. 9 — Continued 

While the general aspect of 
this problem was international, 
the aemocratic centralism 
evolved by Lenin and the Bol- 
shevik Party was a product of 
specifically Russian conditions. 
These conditions u'ere character- 
ized by great economic back- 
wardness, semi-feudal social 
relations, absolutist dictatorship 
and the absence of democracy. 
This situation necessitated ex- 
treme centralization fn the 
Marxist part>', sometimes at the 
expense of internal democracy, 
and strong discipline, often akin 
to military discipline. 

After the Soviet Revolution 
democratic centralism evolved 
during the first few years in con- 
ditions of civil war and foreign 
intervention. In this period the 
struggle between Marxist and 
anti-Marxist trends in the Social- 
ist parties of Other countries also 
came to a head and led to the 
split in world socialism and the 
birth of Communist Parties. 


It was natural and inevitable 
that under these circumstances 
the immature Communist Parties 
in the capitalist countries, strug- 
gling to rid themselves of op- 
portunist barnacles still cUnging 
to them as well as of ultra-left 
tendencies, should have been 
strongly influenced by the much 
more experienced Communist 
Party of the world's first social- 
ist state. 

Thus the "Conditions of AfiRlia- 
tion to the Conrununist Interna- 
tional," written by Lenin and 
adopted by its second congress 
(1920) stated: 

The parties affiliated to the 
Communist International must 
be built up on the principle of 
democratic centralism. In the 
present epoch of acute civil war 
the Communist Party will be able 
to perform its duty only if it is 
organized in the most centralized 

manner, only if iron discipline 
I^rdering on military discipline 
prevails in it, and if its party cen- 
ter is a powerful organ of apthor- 
ity, enjoying wide i>owers »i\d 
the general confidence of the 
members of the party." 
(Selected Works Vol. 10, p. 204). 
It is obvious that this type of 
democratic centralism did not 
conform then or at any time 
since to American conditions. 

THE THIRD congress of the 
Comintern adopted a lengthy 
resolution on organizational 
soiicture and methods of work 
which spelled out in great detail 
exactly now the individual Com- 
munist Parties should conduct 
their activity. By the fourth 
congress in 1922 Lenin recog- 
nized this was wrong. The 
resolution is an excellent one," 
he said in a report to the con- 
gress, "but it is almost thoroughly 
Russian, that is to say, abiost 
everything is taken from Rus- 
sian conditions ... I have the 
impression that we made a big 
mistake with this resolution, 
namely, that we ourselves have 
blocked our own road to fur- 
ther success." (Selected Works, 
v6\. 10, p. 332). 

Neverthless, the Russian type 
of democratic centralism un- 
doubtedly made an important 
historic contribution to the 
evolution of the Communist 
Party of the United States and 
the world Communist movement. 
It served as an antidote to the 
Socialist Party setup under which 
every member could do pretty 
mucn as he pleased (provided 
he didn't please to behave too 
much like a Marxist), and partv 
decisions were violated, with, 
impunity. Democratic centralism 
was also an antidote to anarch- 
ist and IWW conceptions, which 
denied the role of organization 
and leadership in the working- 
class struggle. 



Maoil EJxhibit No. 9 — Continued . 


In practice democratic cen- 
tralism was modified over the 
years by our Party and other 
Communist Parties. Not all the 
modifications can be said to have 
been for the better. Here again 
the practices of the Soviet part>', 
which for so long was engaged in 
bitter struggles against internal 
and external enemies under the 
increasingly dictatorial leader- 
ship of Stalin, adversely affected 
the parties in other countries. 

Almost completely lost in the 
shuffle was anothei aspect of 
Lenin's views on democratic 
centralism. In an article. "The St. 
Petersburg Split in 1907," which 
unfortimately is not included in 
Lenin's Selected Works, he 

The Russian Social-Demo- 
cratic Labor Party (the original 
name of the Communist Party) 
is organized democraticallv. 
This means that the business of 
the Party is conducted by its 
members, directly or through 
representatives, and that all 
members are equal without ex- 
ception. All the officials, all the 
leading bodies, all the institu- 
tions of the party are elected, 
responsible and may be recalled. 
In order to make sure that a 
decision shall be really demo- 
cratic, it is not sufficient to gather 
together delegates of the or- 
ganization. It is necessar>' that 
all the members of the organiza- 
tion, in electing the delegates, 
shall independently and each one 
for himself express their opinion 
on all controversial questions 
which interest the whole of the 
organization. Democratically or- 
ganized parties and leagues can- 
not on principle avoid taking tl:e 
opinion of the whole of the 
membership without exception, 
particularly in important cases, 
when the question under con- 
sideration is of some political 
action in which the mass is to 

act independently, as for exahi- 
ple, a strike elections, the boy- 
cott of some local establishment, 

**. . . Not all political questions 
can be decided by a referendum 
of the whole Party membership. 
This would entadl continuous, 
wearying and fruitless voting. 
But the important Questions, es- 
pecially those which are direct- 
ly connected with definite action 
by the masses themselves, must 
be decided demociiticall)'. not 
only by a gathering of delegates, 
but by a referendum or tlie 
whole membership." (Lenin co 
Organization, pp. 19-20, Empha- 
sis in original). 


Though conditions in our 
country are certainly much freer 
than they were in ezarist Russia, 
how many members of Party 
committees— section, region, state 
committees and the National 
Committee— owe their posts to 
appointment rather than elec-- 
tion. or. as it is sometimes euphe- 
mistically called, "co-option?" 
And can any Party member re- 
call when he participated in a 

It is usually forgotten that the 
issue of Trotskyism in the So\iet 
Communist Part>' was decided 
in 1927 by a referendum. Ihe 
Trotskyites were badly beaten, 
receivmg only 4,000 votes, about 
one-half percent of the total. If 
any referendum has since been 
held in the Soviet Party, no one 
has heard of it. In general, sub- 
mission of important questions 
to a vote of the membership has 
not, as far as I know, been prac- 
ticed by Communist Parties for 
many years. This reflects the one- 
sided development of democratic 
centralism, in which, regardless 
of objective conditions, central- 
ization has been exaggerated and 
democracy unduly restricted. 

(Continued on Page 10) 



Maqil Exhibit No. 9 — Continued 


Urges New Look at 

Democratic Centralism 

(Continued from Page 7) 
CLEARLY, before we con- 
clude that democratic centralism, 
which is not a rigid formula and 
can be adapted to changing 
conditions, is "un-American." we 
ought to try practicing it How- 
ever, in saying this, I would also 
caution against treating demo- 
cratic centralism as a holy of 

Is democratic centralism one 
of the fundamental principles ol 
Marxist-Leninist science of tlio 
same order as historical material- 
ism, the tfacor)' of surplus value 
and the theory* of imperialism? 
In my opinion it is not. Demo- 
cratic centralism is a means to 
an endr4f a better means can be 
found, lets not hesitate to adopt 
it. But let's make certain it's real- 
ly better. 

changes are required in the 
.\inerican application of demo- 
cratic centralism. Among them in 
my opinion, is that the "sub- 
ordination of the minority to the 
nujority" should also provide for 
the ri^t of the minority to ex- 
press itself even after a decision 
has been taken. In other wo^s, 
the ri^t to dissent^ so deeply 

embedded in the American 
democratic tradition, needs to be 
iocoiporated into tht practtct of 
our Party. Of course, a balance 
must be struck: the expression of 
a minority view cannot be al- 
lowed to assume forms that 
impede the execution of the ma- 
jority decision. Yet even at the 
risk of opening the way to fac- 
tional activity we must strive to 
provide channels within th© 
Party and its press for dissenting 

I think we ought to recognize 
both the urgent need to expand 
Party democracy in order to 
make It a moref effective fighter 
for the peoples interests, as well 
as the limits of that expansion. 
This internal process cannot take 
place under a glass, but joined 
to the external mass activity 
around the main issues that con- 
front the people and around the 
1956 election campaign. The dis- 
cussion of the next few months 
and the Party convention should 
make it possible to agree on 
the specific internal changes re- 
quired to help make our Party a 
much more significant force in 
American life and lay the basii 
for an eventnal new mass party 
of focialisni. 



Magil Exhibit No. 10 
Party Voice, November 1956, pp. 25-27 


ly E. S. 

THE CPUSA is in the process of 
undertaking the most critical 
examination of its role and philos- 
ophy in its history. I would like to 
make my contribution to that discus- 
sion. Before doing so, however, I be- 
lieve it to be of importance that cer- 
tain .general agreements be made as 
to the type of discussion held, 

One such general agreement would 
be that discussion b6 from the view- 
point of advancing the interests of so- 
cialism (i.e., the system whereby the 
people own the means of production 
and determine what shall be done 
with the fruits of their labor, rather 
than a system which allows a narrow 
group to own and control the means of 
production and forces the working 
class into continual struggle to get a 
share of their own labor's results). If 
one is to discuss within the CP— the 
need for agreement on such a p>oint 
is so obvious it hajdly needs further 

What is not so obvious, unfor- 
tunately, is the need for a general 
agreement that political questions be 
argued on the basis of their political 
merit rather than on a basis of label, 
namecalling and mere statement of 
position. Now everybody agrees to 
this in principle; but in practice ix 
is more often violated than not. The 
content of innumerable letters to the 
D. W. and discussion section that I 
have read, the content of innumerable 
Ulks, speeches I've heard, have at 
their core a repetition of words and 

charges such as: "Those are bourgeois 
views" or "the talk of the class enemy" 
or "liquidationist," etc. tic— all in 
substitution for actual political argu- 
ment and facts. Let us suppose, f<M- a 
moment, that a number of readers of 
this article have irrefutable proof 
that I am nothing but a paid agent 
of the Morgan interests. If these read- 
ers could not refute my views on the 
basis of the merits, or lack thereof as 
demonstrated in fa<:ts, then they 
•hould hang their heads in shame, 
shut their mouths, and stop ulking. 

What I consider to be at the heart' 
of our present problems is what has 
been a major premise of communist 
philosophy and practice as it has 
operated. This is the theory of mono- 
lithic unity as it has been op{x>sed to 
democratic clash of ideas, free ex- 
pression and inquiry. In the interna- 
tional field, this theory stood for the 
solid "unity" of all working class 
parties— on all questions— in such a 
way as to oppose a position of party 
independence and fraternal criticism. 

On the inner party questions, it 
made the nice-sounding concept of 
"democratic centralism" in practice a 
concept of a "unified" party where 
opp>osition was mercilessly expelled 
instead of a party where opp>osition 
had a chance to come into the of>en, 
where members decided on the basis 
of fair judgement of different points 
of view. In the general political field, 
this theory stood and stands for a 
"unified, monolithic" society whereby 



Magil Exhibit No. 10 — Continued 

everybody is of necessity in agree- 
ment and fundamental opp>osition is 
not tolerated, is considered harmful 
—rather than a society which en- 
courages a clash of ideas, lets the 
majority judge, and protects the 
rights of the minority to hold and 
express their views. In short, it is a 
question of the monolithic theory of 
international working class relations, 
of party make up and of national 
politics, versus the traditional (or as 
some prefer to label— "bourgeois") 
democratic approach. 

It is my contention that the tradi- 
tional democratic concepti6n is a 
necessity to a socialist party and a so- 
cialist country. Monopoly Capital 
has rejected the democratic approach. 
I hold it has been a basic mistake of 
the Communist left to similarly reject 
it. A number of articles have been 
written touching on one or another 
aspect of this question as* it applies 
to "democratic centralism." In this 
article I would like to briefly examine 
some of the practice and results of 
the theory of "monolithic unity" as 
applied to international working 
class relations and as applied to the 
internal political structure of the first 
socialist land, the USSR. 

Since the birth of the Soviet Union 
we held a view that to be at all critical 
of the USSR was to play into the 
hands of those capitalists who wish 
to destroy that country. Certainly it 
was true that there were huge forces 
in motion bent on the destruction of 
the USSR. The wars of intervention 
proved that beyond all doubt. There 
was grave need to defend what the So- 
viets were trying to accomplish. But 
because of that need, we adopted an 
uncritical, blanket attitude which we 
now all recognize to have been wrong. 
Certain corollaries to 'the theory of 
"everything good, nothing bad" about 
the Soviet Union developed as a 
logical result. Namely: since the 
CPSU was the first to establish so- 
cialism, the CPSU was the wisest of 

parties and therefore the final arbiter 
of theoretical disputes; if you were 
critical of the Soviet Union, you were 
anti-Socialist; if you disagreed with 
a CPSU analysis you were splitting 
the unity of the international work- 
ing class and aiding the Bourgeoisie. 
It was in such a context that the 
theory of "monolithic unity" of work- 
ing class parties grew and flourished. 
It is essential that at a point where 
we are debating so heavily the matters 
of "unity," "independence," and 
"fraternal criticism," we give as care- 
ful an examination as ()Ossible as to 
what was wrong (if wrong at all) 
about these theories of unity" as 
they operated. 

Obviously, such theories were 
wrong because they helped submerge 
the truth. That is as good a starting 
point as any. Certainly Kruschev's 
report amply demonstrated that the 
truth was submerged. In fact, that 
truth and history itself were falsified. 

If in refusing to consider any criti- 
cism of the USSR, we submerged the 
truth— it was a particular kind of 
truth we submerged. It was the truth 
that there was something wrong. 
When you hide a fact that is rotten 
you help that fact to grow in its rot- 
tenness and spread. As we now know, 
Stalin's despotism grew from small 
beginnings to immense horrors. When 
you expose an evil condition to the 
light of world knowledge (in this 
case it was not general world knowl- 
edge, but the knowledge of the CP's 
that was lacking), you of necessity 
make it more difficult for the evil con- 
dition to grow and easier to cut out 
—as a cancer is cut out from an other- 
wise healthy body. Is it not easy to 
see that Stalin could not nearly as 
easily rule as he did if the foreign 
CP's were aware of his dictatorship 
and criiici/ed it openly and heavily 
(and weren't enough facts available 
to the foreign CP's and ours?). 

Thus, in so uncritically defending 
the first land of socialism, our party 



Magil Exhibit No. 10 — Continued 

and the other CP's actually did a dis- 
semice to that land. We thus bear a 
section of the responsibility for the 
dictatorship and all its tragic results. 
And this is one important thing 
wrong with our concept of socialist 
"unity" as it operated— we hurt the 

What else occurred as a result of our 
lad of indej>cndence, our false 
"unity" approach? We were and are 
a Party of the American working class, 
at least in our aspirations and our 
activity and program. As such, we had 
and have a responsibility to that class 
and the American people as a whole. 
This responsibility demands a truth- 
ing where it exists. We did not present 
fill jjitture of how Socialism is work- 
the whole truth, we denied what was 

Now this is not a gotxl thing to do 
in itself, but it is a just plain stupid 
thing to do when the people you are 
talking to are being barraged by every 
uiifa\f)ral)le criticism in Existence 
(many imagiriary-i)ut again, many 
real). .And barraged by means far in 
excess of ours. So what hap|>ened? 
'I he .American peoi>Ic IcKjkcd at the 
way in which wc- denied everything 
unfavorable and concluded that they 
could not iK-lieve our picture of events 
and they could not believe us. Pre 
sented with terrific daily anti-.Soviet 
barrage, presented with an absurdly 
uncritical defending group, much of 
the positive and significant side of 
Soviet life was and is rejected by most 
Americans. The ability of the CP. to 
convince arou-nd Socialism was greatly 
weakened as ScKialism has become 
identified with the Soviet political 
system and its failures— and the Amer- 
ican C.P. as an outfit fearful of the 

So the second thing wrong about 
a concept of Socialist "unity" which 
not only doesn't see the importance 
of independence and criticism but 
rejects it altogether, is that it greatly 
weakens the ability to convince and 

damages the ability to build a socialist 
outlook among the American people. 

But the worst results have yet 
to be mentioned. Since the 20th Con- 
gress of the C.P.S.U. we have become 
keenly aware of the importance of 
fmding our own path to socialism. 
We accept this need as a major Marx- 
ist dcxrtrine. But the fact is, we long 
ago accepted and talked of this as an 
inipKjrtant truth. There is ample doc- 
umentation of that. How then was 
it possible to have in theory recog- 
nized the need for judging sjjecific 
American characteristics, American 
traditions and finding an American 
path— and yet so totally inadequately 
and supinely have dealt with this 
cjuestion in practice? 

The answer seems to me to be that 
the highly rated theory of uncritical 
"socialist unity" was largely resf>ons- 
ible. Such a theory tended to result in 
the most extreme glorification of 
everything Soviet. If the C.P.S.U. had 
all the answers, if everything they did 
was right, what need had we to strug- 
gle with finding our own answers- 
just cojjy theirs. And if you said no, 
why that's tantamount to criticizing 
tlieir institutions. If Lenin said that 
the bourgeois state forms must be 
smashed and replaced with new ones 
—well I.eiiin had said that, the Soviets 
did that and who were we to say 
parliamentary institutions had a dif- 
ferent significance in our country and 
the needs and problems of the Soviets 
were different from ours (why "Amer- 
ican cxce|>tionaIists" of course, was 
the charge). 

Of course, it is true that within the 
Marxist movement in America, the 
problem of failure to deal with 
American conditions have a long his- 
tory. As in the case of the early Ger- 
man-American Marxists, the piroblein 
was sharp long before the existence 
of the U.S.S.R. It is also true, that 
much in American Socialist history 
was as native and as sensitive to 
American facts of life as was p>ossible. 



Magil Exhibit No. 10 — Continued 

So it wasn't only historical traditions 
of the Left that limited the C.P. here 
in developing an American approach. 
In large part, it was its failure to 
critically separate what was valid for 
it and what was not valid for it from 
the experience of the U.S.S.R. And 
further, to at least see whether there 
possibly were some new "universal" 
thoughts we could contribute our- 
selves. The failure to have a legiti- 
mately critical approach towards the 
U.S.S.R. predetermined the failure to 
be a genuinely independent Ameri- 
can socialist party. How could such a 
work as Foster's "Towards a Soviet 
America" be written and at least tem- 
porarily accepted within a genuinely 
independent American party? 

This failure to strike our own na- 
tional path— related closely to our 
uncritical unity approach and glori- 
fication of things Soviet— not only 
made us a miniature Soviet party in 
both organizational form and domes- 
tic outlook— it seriously limited our 
ability to properly assess our foreign 
policy outlook. 

Take for example the storm that 
arose within and towards the Party 
between the time of the Nazi-Soviet 
Non-Aggression Pact and the entrance 
of the U.S.S.R. into the war. Were 
we right in our "hgnd-off" policy? 
Were we right to say hands-off during 
the time when Nazi armies were 
sweeping over France and western 
Europe, Balkan and Scandinavian 
Eurof>e, and blitzing London? Was 
such a policy really anti-fascist? Was 

it a service to the American workers 
to make all sorts of excuses as to why 
we didn't want to act against German 
fascism at a time when it was bloodily 
setting its iron heel up>on the peoples 
of Europe? I hardly think so. 

Neither did the Frenchman whose 
children were being murdered by 
Nazi troops, whose home was being 
dive-bombed. He knew well his own 
native fascists were betraying him and 
cooperating with Hitler. Was he in- 
debted to our American party for 
pointing this out instead of helping 
him to resist? I hardly think so. French 
Communists knew better about the 
Nazi invasion for they were being 
murdered too. They were in the fore- 
front of resistance by sheer physical 
necessity. We needed the entrance of 
the U.S. into the war to- want to fight. 
We did a disservice to the workers 
of the world. Such was our unthink- 
ing, blind, slavish theory of "inter- 
national socialist unity." We could 
not distinguish between what may 
or may not have been a valid national 
tactic of the S.U. to gain time for 
themselves, and the pressing need of 
workers and people generally to re- 
sist the fascist slaughter. 

So the third thing wrong with our 
"unity" theory was that it hurt the 
development of an American path to 
socialism and it hurt the international 
anti-fascist contribution our party 
should have made. In summing up 
points one, two, and three, the prog- 
ress of socialist and democratic de- 
velopment in the U.S.S.R. was hurt, 
not helped by our blind approach: 
the progress of socialist thihing in the 
U.S. was hurt, not helped as well as 
the friendly approach of Americans 
to the S.U.; the ^development of an 
American path was prevented and the 
international contribution of our 
party limited. 

It is time we realized that truth, 
the full truth and genuine independ- 
ence (not part truths with the hiding 
of wrongs, not imitativeness, not sur- 



Magil Exhibit No. 10 — Continued 

rendering one's own need to think 
to the thinking of anyone else's) is a 
corollary to and need of genuine so- 
cialist and international working 
class unity. I subscribe fully to the 
definition of proper relations given 
by the Nat'l. Conun. C.P. U.S.A. on 
June 25. 1956: "These relations must 
be based on the principle of serving 
the best national interests of each 
people and the common interest of 
all progressive humanity; of the 
equality of parties; of the right and 
duty of the Marxists of all countries 
to engage in friendly criticism of the 
theory and practice of Marxists of 
any country whenevei they feel this 
necessary. Far from weakening, this 
will strengthen international working 
class solidarity" (my italics.) 

Unfortunately neither the Soviet 
party, the bulk of foreign parties or 
our party has yet come to grips with 
the vital imp>ortance of practicing 
such relations. Is this statement true? 
Does, for example, the Soviet party 
fail to practice such relations today? 
It is true that in the discussions with 
Tito, the admission of their errors 
and the agreement with the Yugoslav 
leaders on exchanging socialist ex- 
periences—plus the whole theoretical 
dictum of the 20th Congress on this 
subject— much assistance was given by 
the Soviet Party towards the develop- 
ment of such a type of relations. 

It is also true that their attitude to- 
wards differing opinions than their 
own on the sources of the Stalin 
monstrosities hardly support such a 
relationship. Read carefully the sec- 
tion of the June 30, 1956 C.C.- 
C.P.S.U. resolution dealing with vari- 
ous comments of foreign parties. 
Where the foreign statements support 
the C.P.S.U. approach that is fine. 
But directly preceding the part re- 
ferring to "certain of our friends" 
(later identified as Togliatti) who are 
not "clear," a frightening lecture 
about "international unity . . . split- 
ting the international workers move- 
ment . . . weakening the forces of the 
socialist camp" and thus distinctly 
linking the type of "unclarity" shown 
by a Togliatti or a Nenni or a Steve 
Nelson or Johnny Gates with giving 
aid to the enemies of socialism and 
splitting unity. 

The great debate, Marxist exchange 
and birth of indef>endent thinking 
that took place after the Kruschev 
ref)ort has suffered sharply since the 
C.C.-C.P.S.U. resolution. Instead of 
inquiry and examination, we have 
idle praise. I am shocked in particular 
by the quieting of Comrade Togliatti. 
The manner in which most of tlie 
foreign parties went into idolatrous 
praise of the C.C. resolution and 
dropf)ed their own questions is very 
disturbing. Even our own national 
committee's resolution would have 
done much better if it had actually 
started examining "certain asf>ects of 
the origins and effects of past viola- 
tions of socialist law and principle," 
rather than merely mentioning the 
problem as part of a statement of 
praise and solidarity. 

The old cliches pour out from the 
mouths of innumerable members and 
leaders here. If one takes exception 
to the way the Soviet resolution places 
the problem— if one insists that only 
full political democracy is the proper 



Magil Exhibit No. 10 — Continued 

needed supplement of economic de- 
mocracy—if one attempts to deal 
favorably with such thoughts— he be- 
comes "anti-Soviet," "weak-kneed," 
"aider of the bourgeoisie" and a 
"splitter of socialist unity." 

Indeed, these twisted conceptions 
are very much with us. What is most 
unfortunate is that burning issues, 
such as the meaning of Poznan, are 
sidestepped by us here for fear of 
being labelled "splitters." The Polish 
Party has come to what I think most 

of us agree was a realistic, truthful 
and courageoujs appraisal of Poznan's 
significance. TTiey did this despite an 
atmosphere of hysteria. They did this 
despite the comments of Soviet lead- 
ers which missed the heart of the 

We must finally repudiate these 
ridiculous conceptions of "unity" 
and begin practicing independent 
thinking in the spirit of the N.C.'s 
definition (and the N.C. must prac- 
tice it too). 


Magil Exhibit No. 11 


New Resolution 
On USSR Urged 


Editor, Daily Worker: 

Congratula^ons on yo»u fine 
editorials on the developmeuti 
in Poland and Hungary. 

1 think it is time now tliat 
we reco5qize that the resolution 
of the Soviet Communist Party's 
Central Committee on the Statin 
reveUtions served to put a brake 
en our thinking. As a result the 
National Committee of the 
American Conuuunist Parly 
adopted a resolution that is 
equivocal. In rov opinioiv this 
resolution should oe reexamined 
and a forthri^U statement criti- 
cizing the distortion of socialism 
that rias taken place in the So- 
viet Unipn shopld be adopt etl. 

Such criticism will not play 
into the hands of the Stite De- 
partment It is the violation of 
«)emocracy in Socialist lands that 
has helpetl the Stale Depart- 
ment to sell the American peo- 
ple that cold war program. The 
sooner the socialist coimtries are 
democratized the sooner will 
peaceful coexistence become a 

Eodoaed is $5 for yous fund 


Magil Exhibit No. 12 
Pace 4 THE WORKER, SUNDAY, JULY t, 195< 

Dennis Comments on 
Soviet CP Statement 

Eugene Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist 
Party, yesterday issued the following comment on the recent 
resolution of the Central Committee of tlie Communist Party 
o\ tlie Soviet Union: r »i • » »• i 

-The Soviet Commnnist P^rtv's t^e solKlanty of the intemahonal 
lesi.hition « a ,n<>st v^elconie de- ^"'^'"8 y^^'' movement. These 
vel<.i)ment in tW friendlv u.ler- ^V'*' ''''\ .^*'''^^' '"r^""* "^.^^ 
change of opinion among Marxists ^^ ^ f^^^^^, pt^cetu] eo-eijstence 

of the worid. It c-orrectly tian.s at- > ^'"^ "*♦'«"*' P<>!'<^' *^y '^^ 
tej.tion to the profound significance to prolong world tensions and mam- 

of its 20th Congress, with its his- ***" « s"*^'*^' 2™' "^- ^y, 

t.,ri^ decisions paving the xvay for \»»"^ ^^ '« f"«^^**^ **»« ^^^l«* 

no? socialist a.lvoiK-es and its far- ^^ P^op-es for worW peace whKrh 

reaching conclusions on tl.e non- was reflected at Bandung and Ccn- 

ii^vitability of war and the possi- ^'^^ *"^ conlmuc-s w grow. 

bility for peaceful paths to S<x-ial- "I" my opinion the resolution of 

km in democratic countries. the CPSU goes a long way in ex- 

The resolution correctly esti- plaining— while clearly not justify- 

mates the Sinister aims of those re- ing— what has become known as 

actionary circles who would bury the growth of the cult of the indi- 

the tremendoiis achievements of the vidual and the tmforgiveable viola- 

2()th Congress ajMler an a\alariche tions of Socialist legality and prin- 

of speculation about the re-evalua- ciples that took place in the latter 

tion of Stalin. It coincides with period of Stalin s leaderNhip. The 

our estimate that reactionary circles substance of this matter will be dis- 

here and elsewhere are trying to cussed shortly by our National 

distort and utilize Khrushchev's Coromittee which will then collcc- 

special report ou Stalin to disrupt Lively cxprr^ its views." 



Magil EhcHiBiT No. 14 
Nem York Times, Sept. 24, 1956, p. 20 


Soviet Organ Disagrees With 

U.S. Reds on Him — Terms 

Browder 'Opportunist' 


The Soviet Communist party 
organ Pravda has indicated con- 
tinued Soviet support for Wil- 
liam Z. Foster, American Com- 
munist leader who has been 
under sharp criticism from Com- 
munists here. 

Pravda hailed JJj^J^oater as a 
"noted theoretician and Marxist 
historian." It quoted approving- 
ly the late Theodore Dreiser's 
eulogy of him as an "outstand- 
ing son of the American work- 
ing class." 

At the same time Pravda 
made clear Soviet opposition to 
any suggestion, raised recently 
in Communist circles here, of re- 
habilitating Earl Browder. the 
Communist leader who was 
purged at the end of World War 
II. Pravda labels Mr. Browder 
an "opportunist," one of the 
worst terms of opprobrium in 
the Communist vocaibulary. 

Mr. Foster's weakening posi- 
tion and status among American 
Communists has been evident in 
the last several months from 
criticism published in The Daily 
Worker. He has been blamed 
for party errors and it has been 
suggested that a "cult of per- 
sonality" was created about him 
as one was about Stalin. 

Further evidence of Mr. Fos- 
ter's challenged status came last 
week-end in The Daily Worker. 
There Eugene Dennis, general 
secretal-y of the Communist 
party, revealed that the party's 
new draft resolution setting 
down a new party line did not 
fully meet Mr. Foster's approval. 
The latter was reported to have 

voted for it "with qualifications" 
that he will make public later. 

Praise in Book Review 

Taking the form of a review 
of a book published in Moscow 
last year — a translation of a vol- 
ume by Mr. Foster on the history 
of Negroes in this country — 
Pravda' s eulogy of him is in 
these terms : 

"Soviet people know Comrade 
Foster as a fighter for peace, 
deipocracy and socialism, as r 
noted figure in the international 
Communist and workers' move- 
ment. From his youngest years 
Foster always linked his life 
with the struggle of the Ameri- 
can proletariat. A product irom 
the ranks of the U. S. A. work- 
ing class, he well knows the 
needs and aspirations of the 
workers of his country. 

'Thirty-five years of his life 
Comrade Foster has devoted to 
the struggle for the purity and 
unity of the Communist party of 
the U. S. A. against opportlinists 
and diversionists. All his great 
party experience the 75-y5ar-old 
revolutionary has given to e(^u- 
cating Communists in the spirit 
of supreme service to the inter- 
est of the American people, in 
the spirit of firm loyalty to the 
teachini^cs of Marxism-Leninism." 

Pravda's attack on Mr. Brow- 
der comes when it approves Mr. 
Foster's rejection of what is al- 
leged to have been Mr. Brov/- 
der's belief that the "Ncofro 
problejn" had been almost solved 
in the United States. 

Pravda not only indicates So- 
viet approval of Mr. Foster gen- 
erally, but indicates that it ac- 
cepts him as an indeppnd'^nt 
theoretician whose findings are 
valid for Marxi.«ts the v.-orld 
over. It gives this appraisal of 
his book on Negroes in this 
country : 

"William Foster's book repre- 
sents a serious contribution to 
the dcyelopment of Marxist-Len- 
inist theory applied to Americfin 
conditions, in generalizing the 
experience of the struggles of 
the working class And of all 
workers of America." 


Magil Exhibit No. 15-a 
Kommvnist, No. 16, November 1956, p. 3 ff. 




Legislative Reference Service 

[House Un-American Activities Coram.] 

[SOURCE: "Kommunist" No. 16, November, 1956, page 3 ff.] 

This editorial tells about the firm linity between all Social- 
ist countries, the loyalty of various Communist parties and leaders 
and their support of the Soviet action in Hungary. Then, on page 13, 
it says verbatim: "Naturally, there are people who, in moments of 
serious events, show instability, fall under the influence of petty 
bourgeois prejudices, and lose their ability to appraise the situation. 
One can think that the inperialists, when hollering about the viol' - 
tion of "human rights" and "basic liberties" in Hungary, are apparent- 
ly laughing among themselves at their own hypocrisy, recalling, for 
exan^le, such episoues of tht past, as the forcible occupation of 
Guatemala by the United States, but v±iat can we say about people who 
call themselves Marxists, like the author of the editorial in the New 
York "Daily V/orker" of November 5th, and still put on the same level 
the events in Egypt and Hungary? This author babbles about the right 
of self-determination" having in mind both Kgypt vAich the inperialist 
interventionists had invaded, and Hungary where Soviet troops came 
following the call of the workers and farmers government to help the 


Magil Exhibit No. 15-a — Continued 

- 2 - 

socialist, patriotic forces. This position of the author ox [the 
article] in "Laily t/orker" aoes neither prove the firmness of his 
principles nor his understanding of the meaning of the processes which 
go on in the world. At the same time, it is only just to state that, 
out of these progressive people in VJestern Europe who, immediately 
after the first news of the events in Hungary gave way to emotions not 
controlled by a soxind appraisal of the situation, and made quick and 
unfair charges against the forces fighting against counter-revolution, 
many, later on, vAien it became clear what was going on in Hungary, took 
the side of the fighters against the reactionary," [End of verbal 
translation] . 

The article goes on to say that the enemies had hoped that the 
Hungarian tragedy which they had provoked themselves would break off 
Hungary from the Socialist can^j and undermine its unity, but they were 
disappointed, , , . , 


Magil Exhibit No. 15-1) 

PaHy ▼•rfcgr, Wfw York, Monday, WovetWr 26, 19S6 Pogg K 

Pflily Workers-? 


INO.. If lart ira MMt Mm 
a. r.. Til n > m AL|**^« «-7tM. 
AMnM ■'edtMrt- ■« Vat. H. « 

♦Koniniuiiisl' and The Daily Worker 

WE LEARN from Moscow press dispatches that 
Xomnuinist, the theoretical joumaf of the Soviet Com- 
munist Party, doesn't approve of the Daily Worker's edi- 
torial position on the events in Hungary. We haven't seen 
tije full text of Kommunist's remarks but we are all for a 
fraternal exchange of views and a thrashing out of all 
differences; and when we get the full text of Kommunist's 
niece, we intend to study it. 

But we don't think Kommunist's dismissal of our \ lews 
ts "babbling " comes under the heading of fraternal spirit, 
tai we suggest Kommunist's editorial writer follow the 
jdvice of Pravda to Marshal Tito on the friendly tone re- 
quired in such discussions. 

As for Kommunist's opinion of our editorial position, 
its main criticism appears to he that we "equated " the 
invasion of Eg>pt with the use of Soviet troops' in Hungary. 

This is not so. 

Let us repeat exactly where we stand. 

We l)a\e \ igorously supported U. S.and Soviet moves 
igauist-the imperialist invasion of Egypt. And we have 
warued the American people at the same time against 
attempts here to exploit the Himgarian crisis for purposes 
of reactionary intervention in that country and to fan the 
cold war. 

To quote our Nov. 5th editorial, we ha^e urged "the 
withdrawal of all troops from all countries to their own 
borders", and we pointed out that "as long as American 
military bases ring the globe, the cold war continues." 

No, we do not "equate" the events in Hungary with 
fee imperialist invasion of Egypt. But neither do we con- 
done Soviet policies in Hungary or those of the Hungarian 
Communist Party. Our position has been that the main 
responsibility for the tragic events in Hungary' lay with the 
Stalinist policies of repression and the violations of national 
jovereigiity o\cr the past eight yeans. We ha\o stated that 
d»e cause of socialism demands the rapid implementation, 
already long over due, of the varioiis Soviet policy state- 
njents on these questions. 

We see the main job of the Daily Worker in this con- 
Dft-tion as one of opposing the efforts of reactionaries in 
oiir own country^ to proniote the cou;>ter-revolntionary 
elements in the People's Democracies who seek, as in 
Hungary, to turn back the clock of history. 

As for Kommunist, when the full text of its disagree- 
ment witli us l>ecomes available, we w ill print it. It vkould 
be good if Kommunist provided its own readers with the 
text of our Nov. 5th editorial and our present remarks. 


Magil Exhibit No. 15-c 
p Daily Wfk«r. N«w Y«rk, Ti>c«a«y, y«veaA«r t7, 19S6 



"KOMM.UNIST*, theoretical journal of the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, has expressed its dii, 
agreement with the Daily Worker on the Hungarian situation, n^ 
cdrding to Moscow new dispatches. 

"Kommunist" said the Daily Worker had made an error in pm, 
ting the events in Hungary and Egypt on the same nlane. It accused 
the Daily Worker editorial dF "Iwibblinff about the right of $elf, 
determination'' and of failing to see the difference between Egypt., 
"invaded by imperialist interventionists"- and Hungary whei« 
"Soviet troops came at the call of the woAers' and peasant's govern, 
ment to help Socialist patriotic forces'*. 

"Konununist" asserted that the position taken by the editorial 
writer "does hot testify to the firmness of his principles or his under- 
standing of die processes under way in the world. It expressed the 
hope that when emotions receded the Daily Worker wouW take 
i>ack its "hasty and unjust accusation" with regard to Soviet activi- 
ties in Hungary. 



Magil Exhibit No. 16 

PaSC 2 P*^ Werkar, New York, Tli«r«4«y, WovemWr f9, lf5< 




Big dianges tre taking 
place in the worW, and hence 
in the minds of all thinking 
people. Therefore it is not sur- 
prising that there have been 
chang.e» in tb« Daily Works's 
approach to many probfems. 

It ■ good tb^ d» Daily dis- 
pla>-s considerable initiative, re- 
acts qiudcly to events and en- 
deavors to mdte a bre£^ with 
the dogmatism of the past Yet 
there is a growing concern among 
many readers and friends of the 
Daily Worker reg a r di ng its edi- 
torial position on certain vita] qoes- 
tions, especially on ^ recent 
events in Hungary. What are some 
ef the reasons for this deep ap- 
prehension which, as I indicated 
in a letter pukBshed in these 
pages on Nov. 12, 1 too share? 

The situation in Hungary is not 
only regrettable, it is also extreme- 
ly complex. No putter how one 
evaluates the turn of events in 
Hungary after Nov. 4, I believe 
all Marxists would agree that if 

Hungary i^ent fascist workl peace 
and progress would be imperilled. 
A new impoiaKstiinder box would 
bave been created ki 6>e heart 
of Eastern Europe. No American 
or Earapeam, Asiaa or African bomc 
would be free from the fateful 

Bearing this in amid, it is evi- 
dent that Hungary is a crucible 
testing how best^to advance the 
strug^ for peace in a dianging 
worU sitoation; testmg, too^ bow 
best to p romo te the genuine na- 
tional interests of one's own coim- 
try, as well as one's attitude tow- 
arids the lands of socialism and 
proletarian intemationah'ism. 

Let nt faamine some of the 
knowabfe facts. Many &cts re- 
main onknown— to the Daily s edi- 
tors as well as to jayself. Yet 
there are a few • hara facts on 
which most Marxists can agree. 

It ii a fact that the present sit- 
uation in Hungary had its origin 
in grave distortians of Marxist 
theories and in abhorrent viola- 
tions of socialist princq>fes. Among 
these «were the indefensible rcla- 
Mota between the Soviet Union 



Magil Exhibit No. 16— Continued 

Mod. Hunguy ertablwhffd by Sta- 
bn, ^ appaicnf initial slo^iiess 
uitk which same of ihest errors 
woe tacUedbr tke pfcanK Soviet 
)radenh%», ma -lb* resistaace of 
Rakosi aad bii o so liaIcs to cor- 
rect their own cosily mistakes even 
ti^en tfie dock of faisKiiy struck 
one minate to miAi^ht. 

It is a fact diat the struggle 
in Hungary began as a popular 
roovemeBt for tSw f c s tor a t i op pf 
demociatic rights, an improxe- 
ment in the people's living stand- 
ards, and a respect for Hungary's 
national sovereignty based on the 
mutual interest of socialist nations 
dealing with each other^as equals. 

It if ako a fact that renmants 
of the pro-Hitler HOT^y regime, 
aided and abetted by the West, 
sought from the beginniug to di- 
vert this popular movement into 
its opposite. For they strove, in 
conjunction \vit!i the supporters 
of the Dulles "Tiberataon" policy, 
to convert Hungary into a fascist 
place d'annes for new imperialist 
adventures in eastern Europe. 

Tbese ^K^ts are clear to most 
Marxists, and to mapy non-Marx- 

But the Daily Worker missed the 
bus when the intervention of the 
counter-revolutionaries underwent 
a qualitative change. The Daily 
Worker did not recognize that 
by Nov. 4 the danger of a fascist 
coup d'elat, backed by the Dulles 
Brothers, had become clear and 
And present, and that this in turn 
endaogered the security of all the 
people's democracies and \he 

Prior to Nov. 4 the editors of 
the Daily Worlcr correctly noted 
tliat Horthy exiles, agents of Proj- 
ec-t X, Radio Free Europe, etc. 
were trying to exploit and capi- 
talize on the Hungarian situation. 
But the editors underplayed tbe 
entry Into Hungary ol large forces 

of HiMlhy's ok) Arrow Cross Pivi- 
sioa and of 8Qj000 divam odbei 
fascist agents and bailds whidi sd- 
filtnted I^ungary via tiie Anstriaa 
borier. Likewise diey belittled 
the s^nificance ol CanSaal Miad- 
zentys nMbo speecb of Nov. Z in 
which he called for a return "to 
a system of private property" and 
fhe restoration to the^ Church ol 
its former possessions^ privileges 
and politicid influence— and Oiia 
at the moment when Radio Free 
Europe urged, and _'nidy and 
Njg>' proposed to include the Car- 
dinal in a new government coali- 

Und4re$tisBating dse sigoificanoe 
of these developments, the Daily 
Worker failed to draw the obvious 
conclusion that the threat of a 
fascist putsch became sufficiently 
menacaig (o require, as a matter 
of grim itecessit:/, die resolute ac- 
tioo taken by the Soviet Uioioo 
on Nov. 4. 

• • • 

Thinf^ reached such a pass that 
one editorial spokesman for the 
paper argued thutr since Stalm 
falsely characterized Tito as a 
fascist, how are we to know whe- 
ther a serious fascist danger lenlly 
arose in Hungary? 

But this argument did not carry 
any weight with Tko him s el f. Ob 
the contrary, Fof even Tito-wh* 
can hardly be considered a Soviet 
"apologist,* and who has his own 
aie to grind in the present situa- 
tion—saw the "hard necessity'' and 
threat to world peace which com- 
pelled the Soviet Union to take 
miHtarv action. 

The' leaders of the USSR-Ufce 
the Marxists of China, Italy, 
France, etc.-have admitted that 
the>' were wrong in some of their 
pirN'ious characterizations of Tilo. 
But no one, and least ol all thoae 
who profess to be ManriaH, can 
conclude from this that die Soviet 



Magil Exhibit No. 16— Continued 

trader^iip is therefore to be brush- 
ed aff as poor lucres of where 
and when the fascist daitger is 
real ami acute. Certaioly they 
were not \«Tnn^ about Hitier, Hiro- 
hko, Mussolini, Horthy and Fran- 

And miglit it not be under- 
standable if the USSR-a multi- 
natioiul socialist state that sac- 
rificed 20 million lives in the anti- 
Axis war— were exceptkmaOy sen- 
sitive, even allergic; to the eider- 
gence of a new fascist danfer in 
the postwar period, especially ' in 
as area which forms a bridge be- 
tween Western Germany and its 
own bordersf 

Another writer for the Daily's 
editors has smi^t to justify his 
doubts about the reality of the 
acute fascist danger in Hungary 
in the name of "independence" 
from Soviet estimates. It is quite 
true that in the past we American 
Marxists were often unduly in- 
fluenced by the view of Soviet 
Marxists. None of us wish to re- 
turn to this uncritical acceptance 
of the opinions of others, in tfic 
So\'iet Union or elsewhere. 

In breaking with the old dogma- 
tism thai declared virtually eA'ery- 
Ihing the USSR did was above 
criticism, is it an improvement to 
disregard the fact that the USSR 
is the first and foremost land of 
socialism? Is there not something 
"wrong in Denmark" with the ne^ 
dogmatism which insists that 
everything the USSR does is sus- 
pect or mistaken? 

We American Communists once 
made tl^e mistake of looking at 
the Soviet Union uncritically. But 
we never made the mistake of 
k)oking at it through the eyes of 
the An'erican imperialists. We 
never failed to recognize its so- 
cialist^ role and achievements, its 
historic contributions to the strug- 
gle for peace, national liberation, 
and social progress. 


It is my opinion that a truly 
independent Marxist position can- 
not be arrived at by declaring one's 
independence from working class 
ideology and partisanshiii. It must, 
on the contrary, be a class posi- 
tion-independent of the influence 
of American Big Busmess, the 
Stalie Department, and the ecbtCMial 

policy of the New York Times. 
• • • 

It is good that the DaiKr Wofker 
editorials raise (he need uv a new 
summit meeting to relax Ae new 
international tensions and end Ae 
cold war. But is not this position 
undermined when the papn re- 
peatedly questions whether the 
Soviet Union really intends to 
cany out "tiie decisions of the 20di 
Congress and implement its Oct. 
30th declaration? Does not sudi 
speculation, especially when it con- 
tinues after the recent Warsaw- 
Soviet pact, give aid and com- 
fort t6 titose Bi and out of the 
Administration who claim that the 
"perfidy" of die USSR makes futile 
a meeting at the siunmit, or any 
other Ej»t-West meeting to end 
the cold war? 



Magil Exhibit No. 16— Continued 

It is good dut the Daily Wofkct 
cdftors write about the possibility 
of realizing the people's Dopes for 
a long period of peaceful co-exist- 
ence between tWe capitabst and 
socialist countries. But do these 
hopes rest on the gpodwiB of the 
caiMtalist countries, including our 
own? Do they not radier rest oo 
the emergeoce of socialism as a 
powerful world system ^-hose 
peace policies have the support 
of a growing bloc of neutral na- 
tions and of tens of millions of 
wofkiog people in the cafxtalisl 
countries themselves? And is not 
the continued strength of that sys- 
tem the best and, indeed, the chiei 
guarantee of peaceful co-eastencc? 

Yes, the lands of socialkm have 
made thrir share of serious and 
harmful mistakes. But is the strug- 
gle for co-esistencc helped by con- 
centrating only on the mistakes 
while minimizing, or even negating, 
the long and consistent struggle of 
the socialist govemntents for peace, 
and also the fact that, ui^ke any 
capitalist gmemments, thev openly 
and frankly acknowledige meir mis- 
takes and evolve, progress, and 
grmv bi tlte course of the struggle 
to correct them and to solve com- 
plex problems without precedent 

in histor>-? 

• • • 

One of tl)e editorial writers for 
tlie DaiK' Worker now urges that 
we "de-emphasize" Hungary' and 
concentrate on American problems. 
In so doing;, the writer seems to 
consider that criticism of tlie 
Daily's Nov. 5th editorial is "a 
platform for apologetics" for the 
camp of socialism. But one may 
well ask what kind of an American 
brand of .Nfarxism is it that would 
label proposals designed to ad- 
vance the struggle against Wall 
Street's ^iberation'' crusade ar>d 
the bipartisan N.\TO and Project 
X programs as "apologetics"*? 

If sonte columnists saw more 
clear Iv the realities of American 
life, iKey might have less difficulty 
in imderstanding wtut has hap- 
pened in Hungar>'. Take, iot ex- 
ample, the rofe of important sec- 
tions of the Hungarian working 
class who were either active partici- 
pants in or passix'e supporters of 
the movement whose leadership 
was temporarily seized by reac- 
tionary and pro-fascist forces. 

Som^- commentators seem to 
think that the character of a move- 
ment is determined solely by 
whether or not it has a measure 
of working class support. Does 
this mean that, "coming back 
hofQe," there should W progres- 
sive support for 1>ack to work" 
movements in a hard-pressed strike 
-<m the ground that, akhou^ in- 
spvrtd and led by employers, these 
scab movements haveHhe "support 
of workers'? Does A also mean 
that militant work«s*^ should hesi- 
tate to use firm measures against 
lynch mobs organized by the White 
Citizens Councils— when or if sub- 
stantial numbers of white southern 
workers were misled into joining 
the segregationists and the lynch 

I have read with interest some 
excerpts from an.article by Palmiro 
Togliatti entitled The Defense of 
Frwdom and Peaoe," published in 
L^LTnita on Nov. 6th. Among other 
thmgs, the Italian Communist 
leader writes: 

". . . What else but war could 
be d>e result if Hungary would 
have come under the rule of an 
open, reactionary government? 
Siorder incidents, intervention, 
provocation would start-aB these 
preparatory steps for an armed con- 
flict which we know so welL What 
international organizations would 
enter the picture to tcv to establish 
order when the greM imperialist 



Magil Exhibit No. 16 — Continued 

powm, or some of diem, axe blow- 
ing on the sparks to get the fire 

"At this very moment, ue are 
caOed upon to condemn die Soviet 
Union, to demand that it should 
open the ruad in Hungary to ter- 
ror, provocation of war, to con- 
demn it if it doesn't listen to us. 

"The duty of the Soviet Union 
is to prevent the estaUishment of 
havens of military provocation on 
its borders. Its diuty, especially 
now, is to defend all the positions 
which are part of the peace front, 
to prevent tite rupture or the sli^t- 
est weakening of these .positions. 
It is its duty not only to itself or 
the countries of Eastern Europe, 
but also to us and to all people. 
The analysis of what called forth 
the present tragic events in Hun- 
garv takes second place to what 
is happening now in the workl. 
Let us try to understand (his. Lei 
us try to understand that our duty 
here in Italy consists in this situa- 
tion in remaining united foi the 
defense of peace and throwing 
back the attack of reaction. We 
know its intentions as we know 
to what it will lead, if our differ- 
ences in the labor movement should 
help it to break through. . . ." 

The reality of the Horth^like 
fascist danger to world peace- 
aided and abetted by our own 
economic royalists— although ob- 
scure to some of the Daily's edi- 
tors, should be as clear to Amer- 
ican Communists as to Togliattl 

No matter how complex develop- 
ments in other parts of the world, 
we shall best succeed in under- 
standiog our responsibihties if we 
keep our eye on the ball here at 
home. The (uudanwntal Marxist 
concept of class antagonisms and 
class strug^ is not obsolete, least 
of an here in the United States. 
The lome ti aaes forgotten enemy- 
Monflpoly— hat stfll to be combat- 
ted and shackled. 

New possfliilities for assuring a 
bng period of peaceful co-exist- 
ence oo exist, but their realization 
still depends on the mass struggle, 
the intervention, and the unit}- of 
the peoples, not least of all the 
American people. The people's 
aspirations for a "New America' 
can also lead to a new democratic 
advance and hi^ier standards; but 
this, too, requires or^mized popu- 
lar stn^Kle and wise, militant 
working cuss leadership— including 
the inmience and initiatives of a 
Marxist vanguard— against the same 
enemy which threatens work! 

Whatever else may have changed 
since Lxnct^ s day. or since the 
20th Congress, it still remains true 
that the strongest bond outside of 
family kinship should be that 
uniting all the world's woiVing 
people. TnJb American Marxists 
wfll now more than ever do all 
in their power to strengthen that 
bond, and therefore to combat all 
who strive to weaken it. 


Party Life, December 1956, No. 24, p. 30 ff. 



mAHSUTION (Russian) 
Legislative Reference Service 

[House Un-Aaerican Activities Cobbi. ] 

[Source: "PARTIINAIA ZHaJ" ("Party Life") December, 1956, No. 24, p. 30 ff.] 


The article states that, at the present time, the characteristic forms 
and ways of the transition to Socialism are being discussed within Communist 
parties and that it has been clearly established that the problem of the 
relationship between the general principles and the partictilar ways of the 
building of Socialism can only be understood on the basis of MaiTdsm- 
Leninism. Then it says - verbatim: 

"Not infrequently, the critical nppralsal and analysis of the past 
activity of the Coninrunist parties are being used by antl^fenlst and 
unstftble elements in order to slander the previous activity of their party 
and to undermine its Ideological and political foundations. The rightist 
[elements] within the Cosimunlst Party of the USA came t^ with an open 
revision of Marxism-Leninism. They maintain that Marxism Is obsolete, 
Leninism is a specifically Russian phenomenon, snd the econonuc teaching 
of MarxixH-Leninism does not fit the analysis of the capitalism in the USA 
lAere the latter develops according to "specific laws." They stand up 
against the dictatorship of the proletariat, against the Lenin-type party, 
in place of vAiich they offer a massive "association of Communist propaganda," 


Magil Exhibit No. 17 — Continue<i 
- 2 - 

vhlle* at the sane tlnte^ they sajr that Sociallsa Is a matter of the 
far future. During the pre-Comrention discussion which developed, party 
leaders loyal to the I' principles of proleterien inter- 
nationalism, as well as its organizations repxilss the aiit! -Party views. 
[End of verbal translation]. 

The article goes on to say that thase revisionist deviations are 
particularly dangerous at the present time ^en the "ijtperialiatic 
reactionary" terrified by the development of CoiamxmisTnj lead fierce 
attacks against Communist parties in many countries, etc. The Com. 
Party of the USA is not mentioned any more. 


Magil Exhibit No. 19 
Soviet Russia, February 3, 1957, pp. 2, 3 




Legislative Reference Service 

[House Un-American Activities Conm,] 

[SOURCE: "SOVIETSKAIA ROSSIIA" ("Soviet Russia"), February 3, 1957, 

pages 2-3.] 


The article tells about "nationalisVopportunistic" deviation 
vihich spread in various Communist countries and in Communist Parties 
of non-Communist countries. It mentions such trends, e.g., in 
Hungary, Yugoslavia, Poland, as expressed in newspaper articles, 
speeches, etc. This is the way, the bourgeois elements are trying 
to destroy the unity of the working class according to the slogan 
"Divide and rule" I Then it says on page 3 — (verbal translation:) 

"Some leaders of the labor movement in the capitalist countries 
now come up with the propaganda of "National Communism". For exanple, 
in the USA, where the inpact of the bourgeois ideology upon the work- 
ing class is greatest, rightist elements in the ranks of the American 
Communist Party now suggest a revision of Marxism-Leninism. Recently, 
these elements have been particularly furiously attacking Leninism, 
They declare it a "typically Russian" phenomenon, and many principles 
of Marxism - "obsolete" and "not fitting" the USA. 

Among those who are most zealously preaching such views, is 


Magil Exhibit No. 19 — Continued 

- 2 - 

Joseph ^Clark , managing editor of the international department of 
the paper "Daily Worker". In his articles, he attempts to prove 
that Maxx and Engels, in creating the scientific theory of Socialism, 
based it only on the "struggle for Socialism in Western Europe", Con- 
sequently, Clark presents the matter by alleging that Lenin and the 
Bolsheviks workeo \mder conditions to vrtiich most of the Marx' prin- 
ciples "did not apply", as can be easily conceived, all this served 
Mr. Clark's purpose in his attempt to separate Marxism from Leninism 
and to aeny the universal character of the basic principles of Harxism- 

In such a way, "National Communism" has become a new attempt to 
revise the Marxist-Leninist teaching, a refined bourgeois nationalism, 
camouflageG with a "Communist" shell. 

The preachers of "National Communism" meet with a firm opposition 
on the part of the woriring class and the fraternal Communist parties," 
[End of verbal translation] . The article goes on to relate the answer 
which the Czechoslovak President Antonin Zapotockj'- gave the revisionists 
in his speech in Moscow. Then it cv/ells on the slogan "Proletarian in- 
ternationalism is the fighting banner of the working class". Signed: 
T, Timofeev, 



Maoix Exhibit No. 20 
P»ay IToAtr, N«w York. W«an«J«y. F«hnuiry 6, 19S7 Page 5 


by Joseph Oark 

\ Soviet Article 

On ''National Communism^ 

ONE REASON it may be a 
long time before I see tbe full 
text of tliat **Sovie(ska\a Ros- 
siya" ailicle, wbicli mentions me 
by name, is that someone in 
our goveinmeiit is afraid to let 
me read certain newspapers. 
This may not eurl the hair of 
our economy-minded secretary 
of the treasury, but one of his 
eniplojcs gels paid for trading 
foreign pnbhVations addressed 
to the Daily \\'orker. He draws 
his salary for jletiding whether 
those papers are suitable for our 
e> es. 

Little moie than a week a no, 
the posf-offit-e deiH)si(«<l a big 
bundle of back copies of "So\ ict- 
ska\a l^ossiya" which had taken 
so long lor the ciistoujs tensor 
to read that they weren't news- 
worthy any lo?)ger. So in discus- 
sing this particular issue of the 
paper I'll ha\e t«) confine my- 
self to tlie b'w quotes which 
the news agencies sent tbiough. 

I DO FIND it hard to Wlieve 
that the news reports were ac- 
curate when they said that the 
Soviet article mentioned only me 
by name when criticizing Ameri- 

can, Polish and Yugoslav writers. 
Wlioever coat bed that editor of 
"Sovietskaya Rossiya" certainly 
gave him an ir^flated idea of my 

Anyway "natMmal CtMnmu- 
nism" is our common fault, it 
seems. May I hasten lo inter- 
ject at ibis point my pleasure that 
Soviet publications are contluct- 
ing a public sort of «lcbate. I've 
dished out ciiticisin so 1 should 
be able to lake ft. 

There has been only one tbs- 
concerling aspect to such de- 
bates, at least in the jiast As 
several Polish anil Yugoslav 
C;on)n)unists have pointed out, 
So\iot publications often attack 
something they do not quote, or 
if they tjuote, it will often be 
out of context. 

Thus, I find it difficult to 
discern an\ thing J wTOte in the 
accounts quotetl from "Soviet- 
skaya Rossiya." AccH)rding to 
these I was accused of trying to 
separate l>eninisrn from Marxism. 
Looking to see what I had 
actually written on this subject 
I found the following: 



Magil Exhibit No. 2() — C<nitiiuied 

"Lenin vtas a great Marxist 
because he did not accept con- 
clusions that were obsolete and 
inapplicable to the world he 
li\ed in. He used the Marxist 
nielhod and scientiBc approach 
to .study the world he lived in 
and to change it, as we should 
do toda>-. And we have the 
advantage of Lenin's contribu- 
tion to a creative Marxism which 
has no truck with d«>gniati$ra." 

FRANKLY I don't know 
what's meant by "national com- 
nMinisni." Bnt I do know that 
nothing can be more alien to 
Marxisuj tlian the \iew that all 
countries will come to socialism 
alonj; the same jiiUh. American 
Marxists have traditionally suf- 
fered irom a sectariani.sni based 
iri large part on a failure to 
study the si>e<ific features of 
our coiintr\'s labor movement, 
its hislow and American eco- 
nomic ('ondition.s. 

Ironically, it was Lenin who 
Mained HuKsian Marxists ag«iiast 
applying to Russia, concepts 
vhich Marx and Engeis devel- 
oped about the United States^ 
Lenin noted s<Mne si>ecilic fea- 
tures of the sotialist moven^ent 
in America as follows: 'The .sec- 
tarian isolation of groups, 1«?m1- 
fuls of Socialists isolaletl from 
the prolchuijif; not the slightest 
success of the Socialists in the 
elections among the working 
masses, etc. Whoever forgets 
these fundamei'tal condition 

and sets out to dr^w broad con- 
clusions from 'American-Rus-sian 
parallels' displays extreme su\i€?" 

Lenin singled- out what he 
tltought was the most important 
advice for American socialists as 
follows: "Marx and Engcls 
taught the Socialists at all costs 
to rid thenj.selves of narrow sec- 
tarianism and join the labor 
movement. . . ." (Emphasis is 
Lenin's.) And Lenin concluded: 

To think that these recom- 
mendations of Marx and Eni:els 
to the British ant! American la- 
bor movement can be simply 
and ciirecll> applied to Kussian 
conditions is to use Marxism, not 
in order to eluc klato its method, 
not in order to study tiie t<y>- 
crcte histi>rica! peculiarities oi 
the labor ntovement in certain 
I'osmtiies, but in order to settle 
petty factional, intellectual ac- 
counts." (Slill Lenin's emphasis.) 

Rossi>a" is displeased by ref- 
pTcnce.s to the struggle against 
'Stalinists." it is not at all 
averse to labeling Marxist.s— who 
agsee with Lenin about the sec- 
tarianism e.f An»eriean social- 
jsm-<as a "Right Wing." 

The article als«i acc»»sed irr- 
taiii American, Polish and Yugo- 
slav Communists of "boungwois 
nationalism disguised in Com- 
munist terminology.*' Strong 
woidi, but I impatiently mviAti 
(Continued om Page 7) 


Magil Exhihit Xo. 20 — Continuetl 
D«ily Wo rk tr, New York. WeJin-iMlay, February 6, If 57 Page 7 


(CopHimrJ from Fage 5) 

the evidence. Meanwhile, \he 
advice Engek gave to die Ger- 
maii - American Socialists still 
sounds good to me: *TT»ey will 
have to become out and out 

Frederick Engels was aware 
of the distinctive features of the 
Americaji scctie in his tinie 
when he wrote to his frieixJ 
Sorge liere. "For the ma.sses 
are to be set in motion only 
along t\\e road that fits each 
counti-y and the prevailing cir- 
cumstances, u+iich is usually a 
roundabout roatl." 

I wonder what the autlior of 
the "Sovictska\a Rossiya" arti- 
cle thinks of Lenin's \Se\v that 
in Marxism, the vital thing is 'to 
elucidate its method." And that 
there's nothing more important 
than "to study the concrete his- 
torical pecularitics of the lab<ir 
movement in tvrtain cmmtries.* 

Let's have some fricndK com- 
petition in suich stutlv. While 
American Marxists weUojnc the 
opinions of Miuxists e\'cr\ \\ lieie, 
the>- will find their own path 
through study and iwrticijwtion 
in the labor movement. 



Maoil Exhibit No. 21 

RMBttn* u wess< ciut mxam Oei. A 1M1. M ika 

tc.^a M »n tan. ■. T. turn ttt «si « turea a. un 

Vol. XXXIV, No. 30 
(8 Paget) 

New York, Monday, February 11, 19S7 
► " Price 10 Cente 



Independence and unity were the twin keynotes struclc 
at the 16th national convention of the Communist Party, 
USA, over the weekend. Eugene Dennis, party general secre- 
tary who deli\'ered the keynote ad- 

dress Saturday, sounded tlie note of 
independence when he took issue 
with French Communist leader 
Jacrjues Ehiclos. He asserted that 
"our decisions will be our own, 
made by the collective judgement 
of this convention, and will be 
based on OUR Marxist understand- 
ing of American reality and the 
needs of our people and nation." 

Duclos, in greetings on Jan. 21 
to the convention for the French 
Communist Party, had warned of 
"dangerous departures" by Ameri- 
can Communists from Marxist- 
Leninist principles. 

The note of unity was struck 
yestefda), when the convention 
overwhelmingly approved a reso- 
lution continuing tne Communist 
Party and opposing its transforma- 
tion into a political or educational 
association. This issue had been 

one of the most controversial in the 
months of pre-convention debate 
among Communists. 

There were only 3 delegates op- 
posed and 17 who abstained in a 
hand vote of the estimated 300 
delegates. William Z. Foster. John 
Gates, Benjamin J. Davis and Den- 
nis were among those who voted 
fcK the unity resolution, which did 
not close the door to future discus- 
sion on names and form "as may 
be organized by the incoming na- 
tional committee." 

The four-<lay convention is be- 
ing held at the Chateau Garden on 
E. Houston St. and Second Avenue. 
It is being covered by a large bat- 
tery of newspapers, as well as tele- 
vision and radio. It is the first 
C^ommunist convention since De- 
ceml>er, 1950. Jailings under the 
Smith Act and the overall McCar- 



Magil Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

lliyite witcliunl of the inten-ening 
years had prevented tlie convening 
of scliedufed biennial gatherings, 
according to party six)kesmen. 

A partial credentials report 
sljowed 299 delegates present from 
34 states with an estimated repre- 
sentation of 25,000 members. Of 
those present, 45 delegates have 
been prosecuted under the Smith 
Act frameups. 

Other convention highlights over 
the weekend were: 

• William 21 Foster addressed 
the convention following Dennis' 
Keynote. (See Page 3 for story on 
both si-tceches.) 

• The convention by over- 
whelming vote approved the ad- 
mission as observers of a group, in- 
cluding three persons from the 
New York Civil Liberties Union, 
Rev. A. J. Mustc. secretary emeri- 
tus ot the Fellowship of Reconcili- 
ation. Dorothv Day. editor of The 
Cathohc Worker, and others. 

• Ai one of its first actions, the 
delegates unanimous!) approved a 
telegram to President Eisenhower 
urging him "to issue in the South a 
new Eisenhower doctrine for en- 
forcement of the Supreme Court's 
desegregation decisions and against 
the racist vidvoc.itos and pr^'^cti- 
tioners of force and violence." 

• The delegates paid tribute to 
the memory of those Commimisls 
who have ^ied in recent years. 

• Greetings and messages of 
greetings and solidarity were sent 
to Communists now jailed as politi- 
cal prisoners ujider the Smith Act 
though control law. 


John Gates, a s[iokesman for th» 
idea of a political action association, 
was among those who spoke for the 
resolution on Name &nd Form. 
Gates said he felt it necessar>' ta 
subordinate his views to tlie need 
for uoitv in the party. He declared 
be would continue to advocate hit 
views and he hoped it would be ia 
an atmosphere oi free political de- 

George Blake Chamey, N. Y. 
state chairman, told the delegates 
that he supported the resolution for 
tiie sake of unity, but added that tie 
rejected an\' idea that advocacy of 
a polib'cal action association was 

The resoluti(m was based on 
similar actions brought iiUo the 
convention by delegates from 
eleven states— New York, Cilifomia, 
Nfichigan, Illinois, Washington, In- 
diana, Oregon, Pennsylvania. Dela- 
ware, Minnesota, and Colorado. 
These delegatio-is were for con- 
tinuing the party without fore- 
closing discussion on the iisue. 

Sid Stein, chairman of the reso- 
lutions committee, told the con- 
\'ention, "We want unity, but 
Pan, t unity can only be built and 
kept if it is based on a policy that 
unites us with our class and with 
its natural allies." 

Stein said the majority in the 
Communist National Committee 
disagreed with the political action 
association but insisted on the 
right of its advocates "to speak for 
their position." 

The majority, he added, l»elievet 
that the value of Marxism-Lenin- 
ism "is not enhanced but destro\ed 
by our past appmacii— dogmalio 
latching on to catch phrases which 
turn our ardor for socialism into 
adoration for cliches." 

The NC majority further insists, 
he said, "on the need to break with 
the uncritical acceplanc-e and d(»g- 
matic application of proposition* 
nromulgated b> Marxists in otlier 

The convention, taking place at 
the Chateau Gardens at E. Hous- 
ton St. near Second Avenue, is be- 
ing covered b\' the largest battery 
of newspapennen in the i>arly'« 
histor)', according to Simon W. 
Gerson, press spokesman for the 


Tl>e reporters and tdevisiom 
crews weie not admitted into th# 
couventiim however, and are !»•• 
(Contmufd on Page 7) 



Magil Exhibit Xo. 21— Ck>ntinued 

P>ny Worker, New Y>rfc. UonJmr, FAmMrr 11^ 19S7 P^g ^f. J 


(ContiiMMd from Pk^B I) 
iBf briefed by CenoD and « con- 
ventioa press committee. Ceraoo 
stresed ttiat tbe convration itaeU 
would have been qpen to the picss, 
but, as he explained: 

"About half of the delegates 
work in shops and factories, and 
some come from tbe Soutfa. Many 
of these have informed us that to 
have the press in the coovention 
might jeopardize their jobs, their 
hberty, and, several, from the 
South, their very hvcs." 

Rev. Muste. said it was "unfor- 
tunate** that llie preris should be 
barred but expressetl Ine opinion 
that tliere are "factors of a special 
character in this sit(9ati<n) that ac- 
count for liesitation in the matter" 
by the convention. 

Muste referred to anti-Commu- 
nist "hysteria" in the country. He 
said, "People have a mistaken idea 
of democratic processes ai>d how 
to combat what is e\-il and falla- 
cious in comm»mism." 

The ctmvention opened Satur- 
day at ] 1 :45 a.m. with the singing 
of the Star Spanj^lotl Bani^r. Slo- 
gans on the walls called for: "Wel- 
fare Not Warfare; Full Equality 
for the Negro People: For Peace- 
ful Coexistence: Build and Sup- 
port the Daily Worker.' ' 

The <onv(Mitiou dclce;atcs, in a 
memorial tribute to Communists 
who have died in recent years, 
sto(xl ill honor of Bol>ert ^tinor, 
Israel Amter. Ray HansbrouKh, El- 
la Reeve Bloor, Anita Whitney, 
Frank Xfiicci, William Wietier, 
Sam Hall and others. 

Members of the old National 
Committee still jailed under the 
Smith Act frame lips are Elizabeth 

Curley Flyim, Henry Winston, 
Robert Thompson, GiHbert Creen, 
Cns Hall and Pettis Perry. 

Duclos, fn a message sent Jan. 
21 for the French Communist Cen- 
tral Committee, toM the delegates! 
that "the Communist Party can 
play its role of rrvohitionary party 
of the woridng class acting in the 
interest of all the peo|4e and the 
nation only if it is budt and k0ns 
in the hamewock of the funda- 
mental prineiples which have been 
tested in other countries, in the 
first place in the So>-iet Union, 
thanks to the victory of 1917; 
only if it determines its internal 
life and its political struggle in 
the framework of tlie principles of 
Marxism-Leninism, only if it Eights 
for its Icadutg role in the re\^- 
lionary struggle for socialism. 

"In examining with great atten- 
tion the opinions expressed by dif- 
lerent comrades in your discussion 
and the official tloenments like the 
Draft Resolution lor the conven- 
tion, the Nov. 6 statement of ;he 
CPUSA concerning the e 'rats in 
Poland and IIun)iary and other 
docun>ents-\ve bolievc tlut we dis- 
cern dangerous departures from 
these priiK'iples; we have at the 
same time, however, been happy 
to see that a more profound study 
of the real facts has already per- 
mitted you to make certain pre- 
cisions and happy corrections for 
our common cause and the future 
of the USA." 


Dennis, taking exception to Du- 
los' criticism in Itis keynote speech, 
commented; 'In respect to the mis- 
givings expres.sed in the greetings 
signed by Jacques Duclos, let me 
say that we American ConMnunists 
firmly believe in our great ma- 
jority that tl»e main line o: our 



MA(fiL Exhibit No. 21— Ck>ntinued 

convention resoKilion is Mantist- 
Leninist in content and fnllv ia 
accord with the interests and dem- 
ocratic traditions of our country, 
with proletarian solidarity, and 
with the new and ever developing 
generalized experience of the in- 
ternational working class." 

Dennis added, "In any ca!;e, out 
decisions will be our own, niade by 
the coflecfive )udgtnent of tbk con- 
vention, and wiD be based on OUR 
Marxist understanding of Araericari 
reality and the needs of our people 

and nation." 


Foster, on the other bar>d, de- 
clared: "In its letter of g^vetings. 
signed by secretary Jacques Dtidos, 
tfie Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of France is correcl 
in waminf us of revisiooist tend- 
CBcies ia oui Party. Many im ohi 
Party have been saying this for 
oionths past. And its tmlh is mani- 
fested l^ the many basic amend- 
ments made in our main lesohition 
by the various state conventions.'' 

Foster urged that "this conven- 
tion should welcome the sape and 
friendly advice of our French com- 
rades and others. Of course, the 
convention will work out its [ol- 
ic-ies and estimates upon the basis 
of the American and international 

It was an article by Dncloc in 
1945 condemning the program of 
the Communist Political Action As- 
sociation headed by Earl Browder 
as revisionism of Marxism-Lemnism 
that led to the upheaval which re- 
sulted then in the reconstitution of 
the Communist Party, the expul- 
sion later of Browder and the 
adoption of the postwar policies of 
the party in the last ten years. 

A new message from the Frer>ch 
party, received on the eve of the 
conxenlion last Friday, omitted 
specific references to the Diaft 
Resolution aixd other convention 

documents but repeated substan- 
tially similar opiuions. 

"We have the firm hope," it de- 
clared, "that the Cdmmunists oi 
the U. S. will know how to avoid 
the pitfalls which they may en- 
counter on the rood of revohition- 
ary struggle and will not depart 
from the fundamoital principles of 
Marxism - Leninism wluch have 
been tested in other countries, es- 
peciallv in the Soviet Union and 

In its greetings, the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union noted 
that tl>e American Communists are 
"constantly defending the demo- 
cratic rights of the American peo- 
ple, continuing and deve!'>ping the 
best traditions of Lincoln, JeffersoB, 
Debs and Ruthenberg and other 
oustanding sons of America." 

The message continued, Tom 
poity is exposing the conspiracies 
of aggressive American circles at- 
temptmg to turn toward new wars. 
The CFUSA is beroicaHy figbtinf 
for the preservation of the party, 
for strengthening the unity (»f its 
ranks on the principles of Marxism- 

"In its ^t for the rigb^ of rfw 
working-dass, the CPUSA is striv- 
ing to safeguard brotherly ide<olog- 
cial relatiooships with other Coa»- 
munist and Workeis' parties which 
is sacred for the advanced w or kcw 
of all countries oo priaerples ol 
proletarian internationalism. 

The So\'iet party message eon- 
cluded: "Strengthen and further 
develop friendship and relationship 
of the Soviet nation and the Amer- 
ican n^ion, for the mutual beneft 
of mir countries and pe^ce." 

John Williamson, writing from 
Britain, told the delegates: This 
wiU be the first conventien since 
1925 that I will not be pri^Tlrgrd 
to attend, due to my ruthless de- 
portation by the Eisenuower ad- 



Maoil Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

ministratioii. I assure you, despite 
this temporary enforced political 
exile, tluit I cowsider mj-self one 
of you. 

"l look forward to the day when 
the American people will repeal 
the McCa nan- Walters Act and per- 
mit my return to the country where, 
for 42 years, I was an integral part 
of its people and the labor movc- 


A message from the Cormmraist 
Party of Italy, signed by Pahniro 
Togfiatti, its eeiieral secretar>', no- 
ted: "The Italian Communists, en- 
gaged Bi accordance with the de- 
cisions of the 8th Congress in the 
struggle for an Italian road to so- 
cialism, follow with lively interest 
the efforts and the esperierices 
which the brother parties, having 
in common the s;in>e cause, carry 
out in Hie particular conditions 
flowHig from their own traditions, 
from the class relationships and 
national characteristics of t h e i i 
own country. 

Togliatti said, "This strug[^ of 
ours is the best coi^tributioa which 
we consideT we must make to the 
great international worlcing-class 
movement of which we are a part." 

The Communist Party of Puerte 
Rico, whose main leaders are fac- 
ing a Smith Act tbou|^t control 
trial, sent its "hajpn that your Par- 

ty will emerge united with a poli- 
tical orientatioD that will pornyt 
it to make the action of the work- 
ing class and people of the United 
States effective for the achieve* 
ment of peace, social wcH-beiog, 
remet foe equality and democratie 
ri^ts and the recognitioa of die 
aatJanal iudependenee of peoples.* 

The greeting was tigneo by Ra- 
mon Mirabal, general secretary. 

Odier greetings read to the con- 
vention Saturday came from die 
Communist and Workers parties of 
Canada, Bolivia, Czechoslo>'aIiia 
utd Japan. 

An anti-Commimist Hungarian 
group picketed the oooventioo for 
ane hour Sunday. A statement on 
this action was made public by 
Claude Ughtfoot and Carl Winter. 
co-chairmen of the convention pre- 
siding committee. It said: 

1^ attempted demonstration 
outsid^ our convention hall ser\es 
the game of Kmiwland and Mc- 
Carthy. It seeks to rekindle and 
extend the cold uai. But the great 
majority of ihe *jierican people, 
no matter what their views ou Hun- 
gary and the evenls there, want an 
end to war provocations. 

"We join the American people in 
seeking friendship among peofJes 
and peaceful coexistence of nations 
despite differences in their social 



Magil Exhibit No. 23 

rtn iroBKEit. Sunday, march lo, i9S7 Page IS 

U.S. Communists Answer 
Message of French Q' 

The Commiinuit Party of the 
U.S. replied last week to the 
letter vwiich had been sent to 
the recent national convention 
of the party by Jacques Duclos 
on behalf of the French Com- 
munist Party. 

The reply was the final action 
of a 2-day meeting of the na- 
tional administiative committee 
which was devoted principally to 
a discussion of the federal civil 
rights struggle, the current anti- 
labor probes, and new develop- 
ments among socialist-oriented 

The national administrative 
committee pledged its full sup- 
port to the forthcoming circu- 
lation and financial drive of the 
Daily Worker and The Worker. 

The reply to Duclos greeted 
it as an expression of interna- 
tional workingclass solidarity 
but disagreed with the criticism 
and misgivings expressed by 

Duclos had said of the con- 
vention's draft resolution that 
"we believe that we disccDi 
dangerous departures" Uom 
Marxist-Leninist principles. 

The American Communists* 
reply said: 

"We are deeply persuaded 
that our decisions are based on 
sound principles of Marxism- 
Leninism, ratlier than being re- 
visionist. We are of the opin- 
ion that some of our past con- 
tributions to America have been 

limited by dogmatic and doc- 
trinaire understanding and ap- 
plication of these principles, as 
well as ofttiraes uncritical accei>- 
ance of views of Marxists in 
odier countries, and often by a 
failure to appreciate thoroughly 
enough the conditions and demo- 
cratic traditions of our countr> ." 
The resolutions of the C«^m- 
mtmist Party convention the Ut- 
ter held, represented "an imj>or- 
tant departure from the past. It 
then quoted this section of a 
resolution adopted at the con- 

"The Comnmnist Party b;ises 
its theory generally on the cul- 
tural heritage of mankind and 
particularly on the principles «)f 
scientific scxnalism as developed 
by Karl Marx, Frederick Englfs, 
and V. L Lenin. These principles 
the Communist Party of the 
U.S.A. interprets, applies and 
strives to develop further in ac- 
cordance with the requirements 
of the American class struggle 
and democratic traditions." 

"Our resolution," the partv 
said, "also clarifies our concc*pt 
of relations among working class 
parties. 'These relations nuist be 
based on the principles of scien- 
tific socialism^ on pcaietarian iih 
tematiooalism, they must be 
based on eacJi Comminiist Party 
serving the best national ruiev- 
ests of its ixropte and thereby 
the common interests of all pro- 
gressive humanity. Tliis re<|uires 
tlie equality and indei)en(l(>n(e 



Magil Exhibit No. 23— Continued 

of Marxist parties in the luiitnal 
discussion and re^>luti(>n of 
common problems; tlie rigl>t and 
duty of the Con>munists of ;i!l 
countries to engage in comrado- 
1)' criticism of the ixjlicies and 
practices of the Communists of 
any country whenever they fcfl 
this nece.ssaili-. This will strrnplh- 
en, not weaken, internalinnal 

solidarity. It will advance tlie 
#cause of socialism in all coun- 

The reply to the French parly 
had been referred to the I'.S. 
party's national conunitloe hv 
its convention for editing. All 
national committee members 
were polled for the reply. 



Magil Exhibit No. 24 
Pravda, February 16, 1957, p. 3 



Legblativb Referince Service 
(Hcmse Uo-Aoierioaii 
AetlTlties CoBBdtt«e) 

TFARSUTION ( Russian ) 

[Source: "PRAVDA" Fabruary 16, 1957, p. 3] 


On the results of the 171 Congress of the CoBBunist Burty of the 
U.S.A., New York, February 15. ("PraTda" correspondence). The sixteenth 
National Congress of the Comunlst I^ty of the U.S.A. completed its agenda 
on February 12 in New York, 

This Congress of the Comgunlst Party of the U.S.A. which was founded 
38 years ago, ast at a particularly difficult moment of its history. Suffice 
it to have a superficial look at its past, to see what thorqy road this 
Party had to go during the post-war years, and to recognize its treiaendous 
contribution to the working class of America. Under the conditions of 
cruel persecution, the Conmunist B&rty of the U.S.A. lead a heroic struggle 
against the danger of a nuclear war, for negotiations between the East and 
the West, for civil liberties and rights, for the raising of the standard of 
living and the organisation of the working class, for the rights of Unions, 
increase of enploynent, and against the revelry of the reactionary. During 


Magil Exhibit No. 24 — Continued 
- 2 - 

the whole period of the "Cold War" the Conmunlst Party of the U.S.A. was 
subject to severe trials and persecutions which have not stopped even now. 
Barty leaders were arrested, put in Jail, deported. Suffice it to say that, 
of %^^ 13 Bsmbers and 9 candidates of the National Committee elected at the 
previous Congress of the I^arty in Decenber, 1950, sijc nen are now in Jail, 
and others, including Secretary General Dennis, were released Just one year 
ago. There were periods where nearly all Party leaders were behind bars. 
Many local Party officers were subject to court trials and Imprisonment. 
Under these conditions the membership decreased in number. 

We should also note the fact, that the rise of production in some 
branches of the American industry during the past few years, basically 
caused by the armament race, created an illusion of a "continued prosperity" 
of the American economy in certain groups of Americans, among them some 

All this, in connection with some mistakes made by the leadership, 
gradually originated sons ideological deviations among a part of the Party 
members, and even brought about revisionist and liquidatory trends. 

The struggle between the revisionist elements and the firm Marx-Lenin 
forces in the Communist Party of the U.S.A., considerably increased during 
the period of pre-eonventional discvissions which started in 1956. Some 
Party leaders were not able, in the beginning, to put a stop to the revi- 
sionist and rightist elements. The struggle gained intensity after the 
publication by the National Comniittee of the project of resolutions for the 
I7Ith Party Congress, in >rtilcb the basic aims of the Party were declared. 
Rightist elements started advocating the necessity to liquidate the Party and 
to transform it into a non-partisan "Association of political action". 


Magil Exhibit No. 24 — Continued 
- 3 - 

Simultaneously with their liquidator^ atteapts directed against tha 
Party, the rightist elements attacked MarxlsBk-Lenlnism. The Aiaerican 
rerisloniatB declared that, before they can be accepted and creatively applied, 
the principles of Marxlsi^Lenlnlsn should be subject to "explanation" or 
"Interpretation" with the purpose of proving their suitability for the 
given nation. 

Sone propositions which reflected the position of the rightist elements, 
were Included in one or another form in the project of the policy resolu- 
tion prepared by the National CoBBiittee for the approval of the XVItb 
Congress. In particular, there was the above-mentioned proposition con- 
cerning the Interpretation of Marxism-Leninism "in accordance to the American 
conditions". Party Chalman William Foster objected against this proposi- 
tion and some other propositions in the project of the policy resolution. 
'In October of the past year, he stated, in the Joxirnal "Political Affairs" 
that "in elaboration of its policy directives, the Party, naturally, should 
consider the specific American conditions; however, it should not wallow in 
the mud of 'American exclusiveness ' which is based on the arbitrary presumi^ 
tion that, allegedly, American capitalism Is made of a special stuff and 
is not subject to the universal laws of the growth and decline of capitalism 
on a world-wide scale." 

The revisionist and llquidatoiy attitude of a portion of the Bember- 
shlp of the ComBunist Party, on the eve of the Congress aroused malicious Joy 
among the bourgeois press. The papers predicted that the Congress would 
mean a break-up of the Conmunlst Farty of the U.S.A., and will become its end. 


Maoil Exhibit No. 24 — Continued 

- 4 - 

However, the hopes of the bourgeois press did not cone true. The 
Party was able to overcome a series of grave differences and to preserve 
the unity of the organization. The Idea of an "association" which the 
revisionists wanted to have In place of the Party, was qualified bgr a great 
Bajorltjr of the Party as a pitiful opportunistic substitute. 

The negative attitude of the basic mass of the Party membership towards 
the idea of the "association" played a decisive role. At the Congress a 
resolution was voted and passed AGAINST the transformation of the Barty 
into a "political and elucidative association", while the possibility of a 
later consideration of the project was reserved. An overwhelming majority 
of the delegates voted for this resolution which decided upon the further 
existence of the Party. 

In this way, the Congress definite^ approved the necessity to preserve 
the Communist Party of the U.S.A. which is guided, in its aeltivity, by the 
principles of MancisB-Leninism. 

The Sixteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the U.S.A., demon- 
strated the loyalty of the majority of the American Communists to Marxism- 
Leninism. They correctly realized that the essence of the power of Marxism- 
Leninism lies in the fact that, while exposing the natural social development, 
it considers the historical, economic and other specific characteristics of 
each particular country and helps to resolve correctly the aims of the 
Communist Barty. 


Magil Exhibit No. 24 — Continued 
- 5 - 

The Congress streaeed the necessity of a struggle on tvo fronts: 
against the leftist sectarian errors and against rightist opportunistic 
trends. While putting the main stress on the critical appraisal of the 
sectarian errors of the past, the Communiat Party, at the same tlae, pointed 
out the dangers of the rightist opportunist deviations which had taken 
place during the past months. 

FurthernwrB, the Congress reaffirmed y again, the loyalty of the 

American Communists to the idea of the international solidarity of workers. 

The resolutions of the XVI Congress of tne Comminlst Party of the U.S.A. 

stress "the devotion to the great principle of the proletarian internatlonallsD" 

In hisspeech at the Congress, the Secretary General of the Coamunlst Party 

of the U.S.A., Eugene Dennis, said on this Issue: 

There Is no conflict between the genuine national interests 
of our people and the general labor interests of the peoples of 
all countries, ... We reject the cynical attitude and the 
hostility to the Socialist countries and their Marxist parties. 
We reject every viewpoint irtiich tends to consider only the grave 
violations of the Socialist principles which take place, but pays 
no attention to the historical achievements of the Soviet Union, 
the Peoples Republic of China and of other countries of Socialism. 

The concrete and extensive activity program of the Communist P&rty of 
the U.S.A., as adopted by the Congress, Is of great Importance. 

In the field of foreign problems, the Party considers it its main duty, 
the fight for peace, for the reduction of world tension, against the prepara- 
tions for nuclear warfare and against the attempts to revive the "Cold War". 
In particular, the American Conmunists appeal to the working class and the 
whole population of the United States to oppose the "provocative doctrine of 
Eisenhower-Dulles in regard to the Middle East". 


Magil Exhiijit No. 24 — Continued 
- 6 - 

In the field of internal politics, the Conaaunist Party of the U.S.A. 
stresses the following main strategic task: "to curb monopolies, to 
achieve a new democi^tic setup of politics^, powers, and to pave the road 
to greater successes in the social area." The Congress pointed out that, 
at the present tine, conditions appear which will make it possible to form 
an anti-monopolist coalition headed by the working people, embracing biroad 
masses of Union members, fanners, Negroes, small industrialists, workers of 
science and culture. 

Some segments of the Intolligensii [? educated people] \Ao realize 
the lankruptcy of the capitalist system, try to find a middle way between 
capitalism and socialism. This is a futile attempt. It is well-known 
that there is no third way. It is also known that, on the road of Socialism 
there can be found a solution to all these problems which capitalism is not 
able to solve. 

At its Congress, the Communist Party accepted concrete measures aiming 
at the strengthening of the activity of "leftist elements, including 
Communists and other groups with socialist minds" in the labor unions. In 
this connection, particular attention is paid to the struggle for the unity 
of action of all workers. 

The Party's tasks in the fight for the rights of Negroes, take con- 
siderable place in the resolutions of the Congress. The Congress stresses 
the necessity to democratize the South and to strengthen the unity of White 
and Negroes. Particular attention is paid to the strengthening of the union 


Magil Exhibit No. 24 — Continued 

- 7 - 

of the Negro and White vorkers in their struggle against the advancement 
of the monopolies. The Communists call for a world-wide support "of the 
great heroic struggle of the Negroes in the South and everywhere in the 
country" . 

The Congress decided to move, during the coming year, the central 
establishments of the Party from New York to Chicago- -closer to the main 
industrial and agricultural regions of the country; it accepted a new electoral 
system to the National Committee of the Party, and elected a part of its 

The membership of the National Committee of the Party was increased 
from 13 to 60 members, with 20 members elected by the Congress and l+O to 
be elected during the coming weeks at State Conventions. When the complete 
number of National Committee is elected, it will decide the problem of a 
permanent executive body responsible for current business. In the mean- 
time, this function was entrusted to a "Temporary Administrative Committee" 
consisting of 11 members, selected out of the 20 elected members of the 
National Committee. The "Temporary Administrative Committee" (functioning 
as a presidium) was formed of the former Chairman of the National Committee 
William Foster, former Secretary General of the Party Eugene Dennis, Benjamin 
Davis, Earl Durham, Fred Fien, James Jackson, John Gates, Charles Loman, 
Sydney Stein, Doxey Wilkerson, and George Chamey. 

The Congress approves amended statute of the Party. 

Thus, the Congress of the Communist Party of the U.S.A., contrary to all 
"prognoses" and hopes of the reactionary, showed no weakness, but, on the 
contrary, a strengthening of the Party, and demonstrated the unity of its ranks. 


Magil Exhibit No. 24 — Continuefl 
- 8 - 

The Sixteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. re- 
affirmed the loyalty of the Afflerican Communists to the principles of 
Meurxism-Leninism, and their readiness to intensify their struggle for the 
basic Interests of the American workers, for peace and democracy. 

F. Orekhov 


Magil EIxhibit No. 2."i 


oi jl/iontlitij Journal 

UoritleaC C:n natijsis 





• ^___..,— — 








Magil Exhikit No. 25 — Contimied 




The 16th National Convention of the 
Communist Party of the United 
States, hold from February 9 to 12 in 
New York, met "in difficult circum- 
stances. In the seven years since the 
previous convention the American 
Communist Party has suffered 


' See International Affairs, 1956, No 11. 

siderable losses, subjected as it is to 
savage persecutions by the U.S. reac- 
tionaries. Many of its leaders are im- 
prisoned. Others, including a number 
of delegates, are under investigation 
or facing trial. The anti-democratic 
Smith, MacCarran and Taft-Hartley 
acts, and other reactionary measures 
imposed by the groups ruling Amer- 
ica, hamper the work of the American 

In recent months the situation was 
aggravated by revisionist and Righrt- 
opportunist elements who tried to 
utilize the party^s policy of overcom- 
ing past Left-sectarian mistakes to 
put forward the liquidationist id.ea of 
converting the party into an amor- 
phous "political association." There 
was also a proposal to organize a 
"mass party for socialism," into which 
the Communist Party would dissolve 
itself. The revisionists urged the re- 
jection of a number of basic Marxist- 
Leninist principles. They also put 
forward a policv implying departure 
from the principle of proletarian in- 

The opportunist tendencies are 
above all the result of pressure on the 
American working class by bourgeois 
ideology. In the L^nited States — the 
leading country of world imperial- 
ism — anti-communist and anti-Soviet 
propaganda is at its peak. In addi- 
tion, some part was played by some of 
the post-war economic developments 
in the United States, where a tem- 
porary economic upswing has led to 
illusions amoncf some Communists re- 
garding American capitalism's "spe- 
cial features." 

The firm Marxist-Leninists in the 
U.S. Communist Partv resisted the 
revisionist and liquidationist moves. 
They were rejected by most local 
party groups. The decisions of the 
state party conventions, which pre- 
ceded the national convention, show 
that the bulk of America's rank-and- 
file Commimists want to preserve the 
Communist Party. 

The hopes of reaction, which on the 
eve of the convention claimed that the 
Communist Party was facing a 



Magil Exhibit No. 25 — Continued 



"split" with most of its members ad- 
vocating "rejection" of the principles 
of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian 
internationalism, were shattered. In 
spite of all such "forecasts," the con- 
vention proved a demonstration of 
the growing solidarity of the party 
membership. Differences which had 
earlier come to the fore were resolved. 
Party unity vvas strengthened on the 
basis of Marxist-Leninist principles. 

An overwhelming majority voted 
against the idea of turning the Com- 
munist Party into a "political or edu- 
cational association," and called for 
the strengthening and consolidation 
of the Communist Party of the United 

The convention reaffirmed its loyal- 
ty to the principles of proletarian in- 
ternationalism. This point was made 
hi the main reports and delegates' 
speeches, and also in the resolutions, 
'in one of which the convention re-em- 
phasized the American Party's loyalty 
to the "great principle of proletarian 
internationalism." The preamble to 
tlie new party rules adopted at the 
ccmvention upholds the cardinal prin- 
ciple that their common interests are 
the link uniting the workers of all 

The American Communists have 
drawn up a plan of action designed 
to help in the achievement of an inter- 
national detente and peaceful co-exist- 
ence. They see the mobilization of the 
American public against the expan- 
sionist Eisenhower Doctrine as one of 
their most important tasks. They have 
also drawn up an extensive pro- 
gramme to assert the rights and 
interests of the working class, the 
Negro people, the farmers, and other 
working people in the United States. 
The Communist Party aims to achieve 
a new relationship of political forces 
within the country-, to curb the monop- 
olies and ensure social progress for 
the American working people. The 
convention stressed the special impor- 
tance of efforts to create an anti-mo- 
nopoly coalition headed by the work- 
ing class. It adopted resolutions on 
increasing the links between the party 

and the people and on inner-party 

The convention acknowledged the 
vital force of proletarian interna- 
tionalism. This fact is all the more 
important in the light of the efforts of 
reactionary Western groups to sow 
ideological dissension and vacillation 
in the communist ranks in the hope 
of splitting the international com- 
munist movement, undermining the 
principle of proletarian international- 
ism and setting fraternal Communist 
parties one against the other. The 
bourgeois ideologists hoped to succeed 
above all in leading capitalist coun- 
tries like the United States and Brit- 
ain, where the Communist parties 
are today relatively small in number 
and where the influence of bourgeois 
propaganda on the working class and 
its party is particularly great. 

These plans are failing. Every- 
where, including the United States, 
the Communists are repulsing the at- 
tempts of the reactionaries. While 
overcoming past mistakes of a dog- 
n:atic and Left-sectarian nature, the 
Communists in the Western countries 
are at the same time vigorously op- 
posing revisionist and liquidationist 

Pursuing a policy based on tested 
Marxist-Leninist principles, and ap- 
plying the great teachings of Marx- 
ism-Leninism to U.S. conditions, the 
American Communist Party will be 
able to utilize all the possibilities 
which exist for stepping up the 
struggle for the vital interests of the 
v.orking class and the entire American 
people, for peace, dem.ocratic freedoms 

rnd social progress. 

T. TImofeyev 


Magil Exhibit No. 26 


V ■Jl/lontktij Jouryiat 

OLitieut ^yJ Mac MS IS 








Magil Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 


The March 1957 issue of our journal carried a brief item by T. Timofeyev on the Amer- 
iian Communist Party Convention. On June 4, the New Yorl< Daily Worker published an 
open letter by Alan Max, one of its Editors, addressed to the Editors of International 
Affairs, in which he comments on the assessment of the 16th Communist Party Con- 
untion made by Timofeyev. 

On June 12, the Daily Worker ciTt'itd an article by the Honorary Chairman of the 
N.itional Committee of the American Communist Party. William Z. Foster, in which, re- 
plying to Alan Max, he expressed agreement with the estimate given in International 

In publishing Alan Max's Open Letter and Foster's article containing a clear reply 
'o it, the Editors of International Affairs think it necessary to make the following 

We have studied the official documents of the convention and consider that they con- 
firm the conclusions reached in the article published in International Affairs. 

The size of Timofeyev's article naturally made any detailed and exhaustive analysis 
"f the convention's decisions impossible. It was important for the writer to spotlight the 
''asic conclusion arising from an analysis of the convention materials— that the cbnven- 
'tion had rebuffed revisionist and Right-opportunist elements who had tried to take advan- 
tai^e of the policy which tlie Party had adopted to overcome past Left-sectarian mistakes 
in order to propagate llquidationist proposals for the transformation of the Communist 
'^arty Into a "political or educational association," that is, in fact, for the winding-up bf 
'he Party. 

Finally, we want to note, as was underlined in the article, that the fight against 
liquidationist and revisionist trends in the American Communist Party, as in the Com- 
munist parties of a number of other Western countries, is developing side by side with 
Ihe correction of past dogmatic and Left-sectarian mistakes. 

It seems to us that it Is difficult to raise any objection to these conclusions, which are 
wholly confirmed by the official documents of the convention. 


A number of Marxist publications abroad have given accounts of the 
American Communist Party convention. These include Pravda, L'Humanite, 
^'arious Latin American publications, and the account by our correspondent 
'n Great Britain, John Williamson, in World News. Now we have still an- 
otlier report, this time in the March issue of International Affairs, published 
■n Lnglish in Moscow and currently on sale here. 

'1 UK!.-,. 


Magil Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 


All these accounts seem to have one thing in common — a lack of familiar- 
ity with the proceedings of the convention. How these publications happened 
to carry such similar reports, I do not know. But in an effort to help rectify 
an unfortunate situation. I would like to devote this space today to an Open 
Letter to the Editors of International Affairs: 

Dear Friends: 

I have read the article in your March issue by T. Timofeyev on the Amer- 
ican Communist Party convention. 

No convention which follows on the heels of a year's sharp discussion 
and differences of opinion is easy to analyze. Nevertheless, the proceedings 
of the convention have now been published and when they reach you, you 
will find that they read like an entirely different convention from the one dis- 
cussed by your correspondent. 

According to T. Timofeyev, the convention consisted of a rejection of 
"revisionist" attempts to derail the Party. It is true that the convention reaf- 
firmed many principles and rejected proposals to change the form of the or- 
'^anization. It is true that a one-sidedness. in many new approaches has de- 
veloped during the year preceding the convention, was corrected at the con- 
vention itself. But what was new was just these new approaches, the "new 
course" which the convention resolution called for and of which T. Timofeyev 
seems to be completely [here a word is omitted — Ed., International Affairs]. 

So that you will not think that I am interpreting the convention merely 
from my own standpoint, let me quote to you from an editorial on the con- 
vention published in the April issue of Political Affairs and unanimously en- 
dorsed at the time by the National Administrative Committee of the Party: 

"The heart of the convention's analysis as to the causes for the 'serious 
crisis of a political, ideological and organizational nature,' that whicfi con- 
stitutes the basis for the 'new course' and without which the crisis could 
not have been met, is contained in the following passage of the (convention) 

" 'The roots of these errors are not to be found in the events of the past 
10 years alone- 

" 'The Marxist movement in our country has suffered historically from 
dogmatic application of Marxist theory to the American scene. The Com- 
munist Party inherited these weaknesses. Insufficient development of the in- 
dependent theoretical work of the Party over the past decades has contri- 
buted towards our doctrinaire acceptance and mechanical application of 
many theoretical propositions. 

" 'Our Party also suffered from an oversimplified approach to and un- 
critical acceptance of many views of AAarxists and Marxist parties in other 

" 'Bureaucratic methods of leadership, failure to develop inner-Party de- 
mocracy and a frequent intolerant attitude to the people we worked with 
have been in large measure responsible for our inability to correct mistakes 
in time as well as for much of our sectarianism. All these factors are inter- 
related; each helped to reinforce the other.' " 

The editorial also quotes the following section of the resolution: 

"To end its isolation and expand its mass work, the main task of the 
Party is to overcome completely the influence of Left-sectarian estimates, 
policies and tactics in all fields of work. In the process of carrying out the 
main task, the Party must struggle against existent Right-opportunist ten- 
dencies, combating them at all times. This is especially necessary in view of 
the extremely sharp turn which the Party is now making in many of its basic 


Magil Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 


policies.The necessary struggle against Right-opportunists' errors must be 
carried on in such a way as not to weaken the main task." 

But where in T. Timofeyev's article is there a single word about "the 
extremely sharp turn which the Party is now making"? Where is there the 
slightest indication of any "new course" or of what the Political Affairs edi- 
torial calls "this new creative approach and broader understanding of 
theory"? Or the Political Affairs estimate that "in abandoning the earlier 
idealistic and uncritical attitude towards the lands of socialism, while recog- 
nizing their historic role and achievements, the Party has strengthened its 
iibility to promote true proletarian internationalism"? 

Where is there the smallest hint of the Party's new approach to Social- 
Democracy, or of the convention reply to Jacques Duclos of France? 

Some people may feel the convention went too far. Others. like myself, 
feel that it is unfortunate that the convention was unable for various rea- 
sons to dig deeper into the new questions which it did tackle. But however 
one feels about the convention, what it did do or did not do is a matter of 
fact and is all on the record. I am sure that when the printed proceedings 
reach you, along with the estimate of the proceedings in the Political Affairs 
•'ditorial, you will want to correct the impression which your readers have 
gotten from the account of T. Timofeyev. 

Such an account, especially if it remained uncorrected, could only tend 
to shake the confidence of your readers in the ability of your journal to give 
sound political estimates. I am confident that now that the official documents 
become available to you, you will correct this unfortunate mistake. 

Alan Max 
Daily Worker, June 4. 1957 


Alan Max {Daily Worker, June 4) takes sharp issue with numerous Com- 
munist journals— Prayrfa, L'Humanite, World News, International Affairs 
<ind several Latin American papers — because in their reviews and analyses 
they signalize and center their attention upon the defeat of revisionism 
that took place at the recent convention of the CPUSA Max claims that in 
'loing this they had been misled and that they have failed to grasp the real 
•significance of the convention. But the reality shows that it is A\ax who is 
in error. 

The 16th Convention, while not without flaws, was generally a construc- 
tive one. Among its main achievements, it struck hard blows at the Party's 
traditional narrow and dogmatic applications of Marxist theory and its im- 
iTitical attitude towards other Communist parties and the countries of so- 
cialism; it pointed out many other Left-sectarian errors and it warned 
"Rainst the Right danger in the Party; it developed a strong position against 
Party bureaucracy, and it outlined a sound program of mass work. 

This was all to the good; but it would have amounted to very little if the 
convention had not at the same time dealt a sharp reverse to the strong 
revisionist attempts being made in the Party to transform the nature of the 
Communist Party and to castrate its basic theory, to weaken its interna- 
tional spirit and to undermine its struggle against American imperialism. 

It is therefore understandable, and correct, that the Communist journals 
^hich Max complains of singled out for key emphasis the basic facts of the 
convention's rejection of revisionism, as well as dogmatism, including its 


Magil Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 


specific repudiation of the proposed political action association, and endorse- 
ment of the continuation and upbuilding of the Communist Party; its rejec- 
tion of incorrect theoretical formulations and its correct outlining of a basic 
endorsement of A\arxism-Leninism; its strong declaration for proletarian 
iniernationalisni, and its sustained attack upon aggressive American im- 
perialism and its aspirations for world domination. Thus the convention 
saved and reinforced the very spirit and structure of Communism in the 
United States. The weakness of Ma.x's article is that he brushes aside lightly 
this basic development. 

If these Communist journals, with which Max disagrees, have not spe- 
cifically stressed emphatically such decisions of the convention as those call- 
ing for a less ^dogmatic approach to applying and developing Marxism- 
Leninism, for more critical attitude towards other Communist parties and 
the countries of socialism, and for an all-out struggle against bureaucracy, 
evidonth it is not because they. underestimate the value of these achieve- 
ments, but rather because they do not consider them as peculiarly American 
nor as specifically distinctive of the CPUSA convention. On the contrary. 
similar constructive developments are now to be found in all Communist 
parties in varying degrees whether these parties hold political power or not. 
as a universal reaction to the shocking excesses and abuses of the Stalin cult 
of the individual — although some of our comrades appear to believe, incor- 
rectly, that these important innovations are primarily American in origin. 

T. Timofeyev (International Affairs, March 1957) states correctly: 

"While overcoming past mistakes of a dogmatic and Left-sectarian 
nature, the Communists of the Western countries (including those of the 
United States) are at the same time vigorously opposing revisionist and 
liquidationist tendencies." ' 

So far as the 1 6th Convention of the CPUSA was concerned, however, 
the difference was that it did not do as thorough a job in this general respect 
as did, say. the recent conventions of the British and Canadian Communist 
Parties, where revisionism was overwhelmingly defeated. 

The big job before us now is to put the mass-work decisions of the con- 
vention into effect energetically. This is the broad road along which the 
CPUSA, emerging from its present crisis, can unify itself and again become 
a potent factor in the American class struggle. 

Daily Worker, June 12, 1957 

I The words in brackets are added by Wiliiani Z Foster— Ed., InternatiorKil Affairs. 


Magil Exhibit No. 27 
Eommunist, August 1957, No. 12, pp. 30-i9 




Legislative Reference Service 

House Un-American Activities 

/SOURCE: B. Ponomarev, "The workers movement of the capitalist 
countries in the struggle for peace and living interests of the 
toiling people", in " IfoMMUNIST", Moscow, August, 1957, No. 12, 
p. 30-49./ 

The article states that, in the capitalist countries, the work- 
ing class constitutes the power which drives popular masses to the 
struggle for peace, democracy and social progress, against war, 
atomic armament and test, colonialism etc. The article is chiefly 
concerned with foreign policy, NATO, social problems, strikes, 
unemployment etc. in capitalist countries and the necessity of a 
unity of all workers and their communist parties. 
Then it says, page 46, /QUOTE/ "The ideological and organizational 
strengthening of Communist Parties goes on amid struggles against all 
kind of opportunists and revisionists. In a number of Communist 
parties (USA, Canada, England, Brazil) this struggle has an acute 
character" /End of QUOTE/ 

Page 47 - /QUOTE/ "The Congress of the Communist Party of the USA 
pointed out, that the views of the American revisionists were rather 
fully presented by the meiriser of the National Party Committee John 
Gates in his article "Its time for a change" published in the Journal 
"Political Affairs" in November, 1956. In this article an attempt is 


Magil Exhiuit No. 27 — Continued 
- 2 - 

made show, in contrast to reality, that since all countries are enter- 
ing a new era of peaceful coexistence, the danger of a new world war 
has disappeared. In Gates' opinion, for a long period to come, the 
class struggle in the DSA will have an evolutionary character. From 
this, Gates draws the conclusion that the Communist Party, created in 
the period of revolutionary conditions, constitutes a past period for 
the American working class; it now needs another organization adjusted 
to the new situation. According to Gates, such new organization 
could be a non-partisan association of political actions." /End of QUOTE/ 
Page 48 - /QUOTE:/ "The Congress of the Communist Party of USA passed 
a special resolution "On the Name and Form of the Party", which has a 
principal significance. In part, the resolution says: '1. The Congress 
approves the continuing existence of the Communist Party of USA. Our 
main objective is the strengthening, reorganization and growth of the 
Communist Party and the liquidation of its isolation. 2. The Congress 
is against the transformation of the Party into a political or 
educational association". /END OF QUOTE/ 

The article goes on to say that the forces of the international 
working class are invincible but unity of ideas and actions is essential. 




Magil Exhibit No. 28 
The Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Vol. X, No. 7, pp. 6-9 


The Battle With Revisionism in the Communist Parties 

Koninmnibt, No. 18, DecenilM:r [published in January] , pp. 27-44. 
10,000 words. Condensed text: ) The recent conlerences of repre- 
sentatives ol Communist mid Workers' Parlies and the declaration 
and peace manifeslo adopted by the conferences were universally 
appraised by the workers' and deniocralic press of the world 
as events of tremendous imiwrtance. The content of the docu- 
ments, wholeheartedly accepted and approved by the millions 
of Communists, clearly relutet the slanderous fabrications of 
bouriieoib propa^;andists about "disintegration" and "crisis" in 
the world Communist movement. 

The entire postwar experience of the international Communist 
movement shows thai reaction's strugple apainsl the Commu- 
nist Parlies has become more highly organized and more adroit, i 
\Vhile babblint; about imaginary "crises" in the Communist Par- 
lies, internalional reaction does not forget year after year to ; 
improve its methods of hounding the Communist movement and 
resorts to newer and newer ways of persecutinj;: the participants i 
in this movement. Where reaction is unable to outlaw the Com- 
munisl Parties oulrinht. the rulmt; circles set up "loyalty tests," 
dismiss Communists and their supporters from jobs, and engage 
m other forms of discrimination against them. Subversive work 
inside the Parties and recruiting of traitors and renegades are 
widespread practices. i 

All the years of the existence and activity of the Communist 
Parties have been an unbroken chain of sharp battles against 
the class enemies of (he proletariat, against the forces of reac- ; 
tion. Every success of the working class in the capitalist coun- i 
tries is won at the cost of great effort and sacrifice, above all 
on the part of the vanguard of the proletariat, the Communist&. 

But the campaign waged by reaction against the Communist 
and Workers' Parties during 1956 was marked by particular 
ferocity, and the fad (hat it took on mtensily shortly after the 
20th Congress of the Communist Parly of Ihe Soviet Union in- 
dicates the real aim of this onslaught. 

The forces of reaction launched the fierce anii-Communisi 
campaign in order to prevent the relaxation of internalional 
tension which was becoming evident, to fan the "cold war" and 
to try to stop the advance of the workers' and democratic move- 
ment. Following the banning of the Communist Parly in V.'esl 
Germany in August, 1956, a hail of blows descended upon the 
Communist Parties in other capitalist countries. The persecu- 
tion was particularly intensified at the time of the imperialist 
aggression against Egypt and during the counterrevolutionary 
rebellion in Hungary. 

The wave of repression, police persecution, fascist pogroms 
and fabrications in the reactionary press and radio came when 
the Communist Parties of many countries were working on sub- 
stantial reorganization of iheir activities and discussing the 
questions which arose in connection with the Soviet Communist 
Party's condemnation of the cult of the individual leader— a cull 
alien lo Marxism-Leninism— and in connection with overcoming 
the cffecti> of this cull. 

The results of the discussion which look place in many of the 
fraternal Parlies were quite favorable. Without exception, the 
Communist Parties were in solidarity with the decisions and 
conclusions of the Soviet Communist Party on the major ques- 
tions of present-day dcvelopmenl and also on the questions of 
overcoming Ihe cull of the individual leader. These decisions 
stimulated the t reative initiative of the I'arties, helped them to 
survey their past work critically and lo draw up the political line 
in the new circumslanc<'s, A marked invlgoration of inner - 
Party life took pL?'e and the memljership became more active. 
Th<' Communists' mass work Imprtived and became more flex- 
ible on the basi."! of consistent adherence to the Leninist prin- 
ciples of Parly leadership. 

The Communist Parlies had to dtscuHS Ihe major interna- 
tional and national problems and the current tasks of the 

workers' movement amid a situation of reactionary terror. The 
discussion did not take place without infiltration of alien influ- 
ences. Some of the Communists showed ideological instability 
during the discussion. Opportunist elements raised their heads 
in some of the Parties and tried to impose their revisionist 
views on the Communists. Through i(s propaganda media reaction 
gave wide support to the revisionists and encouraged Ihem lo 
form anti- Party factional groupings. The more brazen ol the 
revisionists became the "heroes of the day" in the bourgeois 
press and became fashionable in society salons. 

The Communist Parlies had to fight on two fronts, against 
revisionism and against dogmatism. The latter manifested it- 
self in the inability of some Communists lo break with sec- 
tarian methods of work, outdated schemes and stereotypes, 
failure to reckon with a rapidly changing situation and to make 
use of all opportunities for strengthening Party influep.ce among 
the masses. 

Dogmatism fetters the creative initiative of the Parties and 
dooms them to isolation from the masses Dogmatism and sec- 
tarianism are encountered particularly frequently among the 
functionaries of those Parties that had been underground for a 
long time or still are underground and have not been able to 
establish firm daily contact with the masses and their real life, 
to grasp their needs and interests deeply. Communists who have 
weak ties with the masses and the workers* movement confine 
themselves to a narrow circle of like-minded persons, gradually 
become pedantic and rely on quotations instead of studying real 
life and real situations, and turn the theses of Marxist science 
into a dogma, passively waiting for "the hour of the revolution 
to strike." Dogmatism and sectarianism act as brakes upon the 
political activity of Iht Parties and lead to political impotence. 
A I^rty that buries itself in the shell of sectarianism is in- 
capable of heading the struggle of the masses and leading the 
cause of the working class lo victory. Therefore, at certain 
stages of the development of one or another proletarian party 
dogmatism and sectarianism can become the main danger. 

The Communist Parties condemn dogmatism and sectarianism 
and rebuff them- But in recent times essentially the most open 
revisionism of the fundamental principles of Marxism-Lenlnism 
has begun under the guise of combating dogmatism, allegedly on 
behalf of creative development of Marxism-Leninism. Advocates 
of strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat and reinforcing 
the leading role of the Communist Party only recently were 
called "Stalinists*; some people here and there now try lo make 
them out to be dogmatists, conservatives and sectarians. 

"Revisionism, or right opportunism, is a bourgeois ideological 
trend far more dangerous than dogmatism," pointed out Com- 
rade Mao Tse-tung in a speech at the Uth augmented session of 
the Supreme State Council Feb. 27, 1957. "The revisionists, the 
right opportunists, say they stand for Marxism and they attack 
'dogmatism' However, what they attack is the most fundamental 
principles of Marxism." 

Revisionism, as one of the manifestations of opportunism in 
the international workers' movement, arose back In the last 
quarter of the previous century as a weapon of the bourgeoisie's 
struggle against the spread of revolutionary Marxism. ■■ 

The appearance of opportunist vacillations in a party of the 
working class lowers its fighting spirit, paralyzes revolutionary 
energies, brings forth the danger of trailing in the wake of events 
and of edging the Party rightward into a reformist stand. The 
Communist Parties hold that a determined struggle against op- 
portunism and Its revisionist variety In their ranks is an essen- 
tial condition for the final victory of the working class and the 
cause of socialism and, where peoples already have embarked 
on the socialist path of development. Is essential for success in 
building socialist society. 

The recent revival ol revisionism in the Communist movement 
manifested itself directly in Ihc course of the discussions held 
In the Parties on questions of the development of the workers' 
movement, first and foremost regardini* the perspectives of so- 



Magil Exhihit Xo. 28 — Continue<l 

VOL. X. NO. 7 



the world have expressed full solidarity with the decisions o( the 
20th Congress. The participants in the Moscow Conference of 
Communist Parties took these decisions as the basis for the 
corresponding section ol the declaration. 

It would be incorrect to restrict the possibility of peaceful | 

and democratic evolution from capitalism to socialism solely 
to parliamentary activity, to restrict the task of winninj; the 
majority of the people (or socialism to the stru^itile for a ma- l 
jorily of votes in elections and, accordingly, a majority of seats ; 
in parliament. 

Historical experience shows that the capitalist class in power 
Is sufficiently astute to adapt to its interests the entire mecha- 
nism of the parliamentary system as changes occur m the balance 
of political forces. Moreover, the electoral system in a number 
of countries essentially precludes the working class and it.s or- 
ganizations from exerting a direct influence on the work of the j 
parliament. Where the positions of the ruling bourgeois parties [ 
are genuinely threatened by a Workers* Party or a bloc of leftist 
parties, a fraudulent electoral law, artifically reducing popular 
representation in parliament and turning majorities into minon- , 
ties, is usually introduced. 

In contrast to the reformists, who enter into all kinds of 
bargains and compromises with the bourgeoisie and are always 
ready to sacrifice the interests of the working people for the 
sake of lucrative appointments and various parliamentary 
maneuvers, the Communists want a majority in parliament in 
order to transform it mto a genuine instrument of the popular 
will, into an agency to bring about and establish social -economic 
changes in the interest ol the majority of the people. In order to 
turn this institution of bourgeois democracy, a traditional insti- 
tution in many countries, into a body genuinely expressing the 
popular will, active and painstaking work is needed to win and 
organize the masses, ajid ail forms of struggle must be used. 

Persistent and consistent effort is needed to democratize the 
existing constitutional and electoral laws, to invest parliament 
with broad rights in the sphere of legislation and control over 
the government, police, etc. The Communists are well aware 
that any parliamentary activity can be effective and yield results 
only if it rests on the organized revolutionary movement of the 
masses. To reduce everything to the so-called "free play of 
forces" in parliament, to parliamentary maneuvers, would mean 
placing oneself beforehand at the jnercy of the bourgeoisie, it 
would mean falling into "parliamentary cretinism," the incurable 
malady of the reformist leaders. ... 

It is, moreover, not excluded that where parties of the work- 
ing class and its allies win a majority in democratic elections 
bourgeois reaction will take every measure to prevent them 
from comir.g to power, will not submit to the decision of the 
majority without, as Lenin warned in his time, testing their 
superiority in a last desperate battle or series of battles. It 
would be a most serious mistake to lose sight of this possibility 
and not prepare to repel the forces of reaction. The use of force 
may be called forth by the resistance of the exploiters to the 
freely expressed will of the majority of the people, while the de- 
gree and acuteness of the class struggle on the part of the vic- 
torious proletariat will depend on the nature and form of the re- 
sistance offered by reaction to the will of the people. On this 
question the Communists completely differ with the right Social- 
Democrats, who rule out use of force against the exploiter ele- 
ments even when there is real danger of the working class losing 
the positions that it has won. 

Thus, the peaceful way of transition from capitalism to social- 
ism is only a possible way, not the exclusive and only way, as 
the revisionists have imagined. On the contrary, in many capi- 
talist countries this possibility may not even occur, or decisive 
victory of the working class in a struggle begun by peaceful 
methods may be endangered by counterrevolutionary violence on 
the part of the ruling class. It must be borne m mind that. In 
conditions of the domination of capital, the choice of the form of 
the struggle depends not only and not so much on the working 
class. The reactionary fortes can impose conditions of struggle 
in which the use of force on its part becomes inevitable. In such 
circumstances the use of force by the working class and its 
allies may prove the only means of bringing the cause of the 
revolution to a victorious finish. ... 

The Communists recognize the possibility of peaceful transi- 
tion from capitalism to socialism, but obviously this does not at 

alt mean that the peaceful process of accomplishing the social 
revolution eliminates the necessity of one or another form of 
dictatorship of the proletariat after the overthrow of the rule ol 
the bourgeoisie. 

Lenin spoke of diversities on the road that mankind takes 
from capitalism to socialism. But the road itself, the transition 
from the capitalist system to a society in which there are no ex- 
ploiters and exploited, is impossible without political leadership 
by the working class. Therein lies the essence of the question 
of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the chief law of socialist 
revolution. Forms of the dictatorship of the proletariat, how- 
ever, can be different, depending on specific conditions. 

One cannot counterpose socialist democracy to the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat. For only under the leadership of the 
working class does a higher form of democracy and its genuine 
blossoming become possible. The masses themselves, engaging 
in the broadest democratic activity, rule a state in which the 
leadership of the working class is realized. The workers, 
peasants and all the working people, who constitute the over- 
whelming majority of the population, fully enjoy all democratic 
rights under any form of dictatorship of the proletariat. As the 
world socialist system becomes stronger, as the forces of so- 
cialism grow, the need for restricting democracy disappears 
and democratic rights are guaranteed to all citizens, including 
even former exploiters; democracy becomes universal. Hence, 
it is not a question of the principle of the dictatorship of the 
working class being "outdated" or bemg inapplicable to developed 
capitalist countries; the question is how to apply creatively this 
great principle, tested by the historical experience of millions 
of people, in the specific conditions of modern life. 

Since the revisionist theories assign to the Communist Parties 
the role of participant in the usual struggle for parliamentary 
seals in the hope of some day winning a majority, the revision- 
ists call for re-examination of the Leninist principles of Party 
structure too. The main attacks are upon the principle ol demo- 
cratic centralism, which the revisionists declare suitable only 
for a numerically small party of professional revolutionaries 
preparing the working class for insurrection. The Communist 
Parties of Brazil, Great Britain, Canada, the United States and 
other countries demanded, instead ni demonaiic centralism, 
adoption ol the principle of "democratic leadership." the right 
of the minority to organize (actions, to reject and refuse to sub- 
mit to majority decisions, to "fight to become the majority." 
The very logic ot the struggle against Marxism- Leninism led 
some of the revisionists to the conclusion that the very name ol 
Communist Party should be changed and the Party turned into 
some kind ot debating club. 

Like the "national Communists" in the people's democracies, 
the revisionists in the Commiini*;t Parties of the capitalist coun- 
tries campaigned for withdrawing their Parties from the interna- 
tional Communist movement and. above all, for severing contact 
with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In their practical 
work in the Parties they tried in every way to weaken Inter- 
Party ties, to provoke differences among the Communist Parties 
and replace the existing close bonds of friendship and mutual 
confidence with "a form of coexistence and freedom of comradely 
criticism." In the guise of comradely criticism there occurred 
defamation of the entire experience of and outright slanderous at- 
tacks upon many of the Parties and especially the Con.niunisl 
Party of the Soviet Union, as the IcaJi.ig fuicc of the Communii;t 

The right opportunists in the ranks of the Communist Parties 
accompany their attacks on Marxism-Leninism, on democratic 
centralism and on Party discipline with demands for "freedom 
of criticism," etc. By "freedom of criticism" they mean full 
right to engage in factional struggle and complete abrogation of 
the principle of democratic centralism. "Without falling into 
anarchy, genuine liberalization must be carried out, that is, 
recognition of trends and their right to express their view in 
the Party organs" — such was the demand advanced in ultimatum 
form by the writer J. -P. Holland, since expelled from the French 
Communist Party, in a letter published In the bourgeois weekly 
I'Express on Nov. 9, I'.i56. 

In the British Communist Party, the right-wing minority 
(Peter Cadogan, Christopher Hill, Malcolm MacEwen) of the 
commission appointed by the Executive Committee to prepare 
materials for the 25th Party Congress, held In April last year, 

83743 O - 62 (pt. 2) - 14 



Magil Exhibit No. 28 — Continue<l 




submitted a complete program o." demands to the Con^iress on 
the pretext of "democratization" of the Party. Since the declara- 
tions and -ar^juments" advanced by the revisionists in the Brit- 
ish and other fraternal Parties against the principle of demo- 
cratic centralism do not differ at all in substance, it will no 
doubt be helpful to dwell in some detail on the main propositions 
contained in this minority report. It states: 

"'Democratic centralism' was a condition of affiliation to the 
Third International, and Lenin's draft of the conditions of affilia- 
tion put special emphasis on the need for centralism, for 'iron 
discipline' in the Party 'bordering on military discipline,' so 
that the Party might be capable of coping with the tasks of a 
period of revolution, civil war and imperialist war. 

"In our view the conception of 'iron discipline,' bordering on 
military discipline, although essential for the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union in Lenin's time, and in other countries in 
similar circumstances, is inappropriate to our party or to 
present British conditions. 

-•••Such 'iron discipline' may be possible in a small party of 
professional revolutionaries, but it is inconceivable in a mass 
party such as we hope to build, and it is unrealizable In practice 
in our conditions*" 

■We therefore recommend to the Executive Committee: 
(a) That, in addition to participation in branch meetings, the in- 
dividual members of the Party have the right to meet with 
others before the Congress to discuss political questions or 
prepare political statements, provided that the district commit- 
tee is notified of such meetings. 

"(b) That, in addition to opening the pages of the Party press 
to contributions selected by the editors, the Executive Commit- 
tee recognize the right of the individual Party members or 
groups to publish materials on controversial points independently 
and to circulate these materials among branches. 

"(c) That, in organizing the discussion, the Executive Commit- 
tee recognize the right of branches, if they wish, to invite speak- 
ers from other branches who express minority views," etc. 

One of the trio, MacEwen, in an article headed "Stop Putting 
the Cart Before the Horse," published in World News Nov. 3, 
1956. wrote: "We can accept Lenin's concept of the new type of 
Party except for democratic centralism*** 'Democratic central- 
ism,' with its stubborn insistence on the subordination of the minor- 
ity to the majority, of lower bodies to higher* '"is alien to British 
working-class traditions and we do not need it in the existing 

In the Communist Party of Brazil the revisionists based their 
objection to the leading role of the Communist Party on the 
grounds that in present-day conditions in that country the work- 
ing class will allegedly not play an independent role, and all its 
efforts therefore should be directed at supporting the national 
bourgeoisie. The revisionist Pinto suggested "discarding with- 
out hesitation all the old concepts of the Communist Party as the 
vanguard of the working class" and the formation of a party of 
the type of the Indian National Congress. 

Peralva, one of the editors of the newspaper Imprensa Popu- 
lar, became a rabid propagandist of disruptive revisionist views 
in the ranks of the Brazilian Communist Party. In his articles 
"On the Unreality of a Leading Core in the Party" and "On the 
Rights of the Minority," he insisted that a minority could exist 
in the Party alongside the majority and "should have the right to 
defend its views, its old positions and viewpoint." The minority, 
according to Peralva, should be able "at any time freely to ex- 
press criticism of the work of the Party, its decisions or even 
its program." 

The measures recently taken by the leading bodies of the ■ 

Brazilian Communist Party and supported by the local Party or- 
ganizations to defend the unity of the Party and expose the re- 
visionists In its ranks helped to cleanse the situation and cor- 
rect past mistakes. The plenary session of the Party Central ! 
Committee in August. 1957. showed that the overwhelming ma- ' 
jority of the Party cadres stand solidly and firmly by Marxist- 
Leninist positions and that the Party was Increasingly purging , 
its ranks of alien— opportunist and antlproletarian— elements. 

When discussions of problems of Party work began in the [ 

'.'ommunist Parly of the Unitt-d States, here loo rightist ele- 
nents became active in the course of the discussion, trying to 
mpose their views on the Party. Asserting that the whole world I 
Is entering a new era of peaceful coexistence and that a change 

IS setting in, away from the arms race and toward competition 
in economic and other spheres, John Gates— a member of the 
National Committee of the Party and editor of the New York 
Daily Worker— and other revisionist elements drew the conclu- 
sion that the Communist Party of the United States, formed at a 
time of a revolutionary situation, represents a past stage for 
the American workers' movement, which now stands in need of 
a different kind of organization, adapted to the new situation. 
This was how the rightists justified their thesis of the need to 
turn the Communist Party into a nonparty association for 
political action, the need to reject democratic centralism and 
ties between the Party and the international Communist move- 
ment, etc. ... 

In Discussion Bulletin (No. 2, 1956), William Norman of the 
New York Party organization wrote in the article "The Way to 
Restore Trust': "In my opinion the most determined changes 
are needed, namely, the Party should become a non-party or- 
ganization, an association for political action. Some people will 
think that this means rejecting Marxist positions. But the Marx.- 
ist character of our organization cannot be determined by its or- 
ganizational forms. ••• 

"The principal changes should reduce to the following: 
"1. The reformed organization should change the name 
'Communist' to something else. 

"2. The principle of democratic centralism should be re- 

"3. The idea of monolithic unity of the Party should be 

"4. The vanguard role of the organization should be looked at 
realistically; instead of a vanguard role, a leading role should 
be ensured." 

The same issue of the Bulletin published an article by William 
Schneiderman, an official of the Party organization of California, 
in which he said: "We must become a truly democratic party, 
which requires a decisive break with the principles on which the 
organization has been based in the past. Policy should be deter- 
mined after broad discussion, with different views taken into ac- 
count. The right to disagree should remain in effect even after 
decisions are adopted." 

In July, 1956, the Daily Worker printed an article by A. B. 
Magil in which he raised the question, "Is democratic central- 
ism one of the basic principles of Marxist-Leninist theory?" He 
replied: "In my view, it is not." Arguing his stand, he asserted 
that "democratic centralism, proclaimed by Lenin and the Bol- 
shevist party, was the product of specific Russian conditions." 
"Democratic centralism," according to Magil, "is applicable only 
under such conditions as exceptional economic backwardness, 
semifeudal social relations, absolute dictatorship and absence 
of democracy." 

An article in the same paper, July 13, 1956, claimed that 
"democratic centralism has proved bad as a basic principle 
of Party organization***" and leads allegedly "to the isola- 
tion of thousands of the best fighters for socialism in 
our country from the democratic masses. Democratic cen- 
tralism should be replaced by rule of the democratic major- 

The 16th Congress of the Communist Party of the United 
States, held In New York in February, 1957, rejected the pro- 
posals of the right opportunists and reaffirmed the loyalty of the 
U.S. Communist Party to the principles of Marxism-Leninism 
and proletarian internationalism. The Congress showed that the 
American Communists and especially the Party organizations of 
the industrial areas stand for strengthening the Communist Party 
on a Marxist-Leninist basis and for heightening Its role In the 
country's political life. ... 

The struggle against the right opportunists was not carried 
through to the end at the Congress, and this has had an adverse 
effect upon the further work of the Party. Elements favoring a 
conciliatory stand are continuing their factional activity. Never- 
theless, the Important decisions adopted at the 16th Congress, 
especially the resolutions on continuing the Parly's existence 
and on its activity and tasks, can greatly facilitate victory of the 
healthy elements in the Party, the elements standing by Marxist- 
Leninist positions. 

The struggle waged by contemporary revisionists against the 
organizational principles of the Communist Party betray in clear 
relief the petty-bourgeois nature of their ideas. For them demo- 



Magil Exhibit No. 28 — Continued 

VOL. X. NO. 


cratic centralism is a niccliariical combination of two mutually 
e\clui>ive concepts. Yet centralism and democracy in the Marx- 
i:?t-Leninist understaiidiriLi of the principle of democratic cen- 
tralism are indissoluble and indivisihle, one determinuif; the 
other. Democratic centralism ensures to each Communist the 
rii^ht of free, creative discussion of the Party's work and tasks, 
the opportunity to take the most active part in workniL; out the 
Party political line in accord with new requirements and chaiii^es 
in the situation. The sint;le collective will of the Party is evolved 
in the process ot democratic discussion within the Party and is 
expressed in the decisions adopted In the majority. Factional- 
ism and iitrut;t;le by the minorilv against the majority's deci- 
sions contradict the very C()nce|)t of democracy, sit^iiify an anar- 
chistic claim to iiinore the majority w.ill. to impose one's will 
on the majority, and. consequenUv, denial of the democracy 
■.;uaranteed by the principle of democratic centralism. 

Party democracy enables all the menibcrs of the Party to ex- 
press their views and to participate in the collective discussion 
and adoption of decisions; it means the election and accountabil- 
ity of Party bodies from bottom to top, Uie develn))ment of criti- 
cism and self-criticism, and the maintenance by the Part\ of 
ties with the broad masset. of the people. Cf"i'r> ''»-"i ■: . 
unity of the Party pro.'.rani ;inri Sintntn^ "ijiv nf leadership, 
ubli^atory, uniform disriplii;e iiul u c-rpta'^i-o by -'H Co'iimunists 
of the majority's decisions. Drmocr.itir contrali:m "ii^^ures 
unity ot will and action fo- the P.irty. ui.ihL;.- it hii-hly ori^anized 
and *^ives it Iifihtinii effectiveness. 

Tlie opporlunisis' demands lor abandnnin^ democratic cen- 
tralism simply mean creatini: upporlunitits fur freedom of dis- 
ruptive acts within the Party, undennmin;.; it by developini; fac- 
tional stru^t^le for the sake of "the Mi;ht of the minority to seek 
to become the majority." In effect, this is .1 fresh attempt to r'^- 
duco ilic revolutionary proletarian p.u tv to the level ot ordinary 
bourtrcois parties. 

"He who does not deliberately close his eyes," wrote Lenin in 
-What Is to Be Done?" "cannot fail to see that the new. critical' 
trend in socialism is nothin-^ but a tieu variety of opp or tunism . 
And if we Judt^e people not by the brilliant to^as they themselves 
don. not by the striking; names they t^ive themselves, but by how 
they act and what they actually advocate, it will i>e clear that 
■freedom of criticism' means freedom foi an opportunist trend 
in social democracy, the freedom to convert social democracy 
into a democratic party of reform, the fri^cdom to introduce 

bourt;eois ideas and bourj^eois elements into socialism." 
("Works" Russian], Vol. V. pp. 327-328.) 

That there is a possibility, under definite conditions, of a 
peaceful transition to socialism by no means excludes the need 
for. but makes even more necessary a revolutionary, workin^;- 
clasb parly united by uniform discipline. On this path the diffi- 
culties of the class strut;t;le, the task of choosing; correct and 
flexible tactics, and luc complexity of the situation demand of 
he Communisi Party the L;reatest solidarity and unity of will 
; nd action, and any faclionnli^^m in the i^uise of "freedom of 

riticism." as understood by today's revisionists, weakens the 
,'artv and deprives it of fi^htim^ effectiveness. 

"For people whose declarations inside the Party tie in with 
the attacks of the enemies outside," said Comrade Thorez in 
the report to the Hth Con^;ress of the French Communist Party 
in July. 1956, "we do not recot^nize the rif^ht to 'freedom' to 
propat;ate m our ranks their subversive, anti-Conimunist views. 
It would be better for us to at;rce to freedom to put these people 
outside the Party. I ai.k you. Comrades, what would have be- 
come of our party, what would have become of the French work- 
ers' movement, if on the pretext of "freedom' of opinion we had 
L^ranled freedom of action in our own ranks to Doriot and other 

Guided by the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, the Communist and 
Workers' Parties have successfully rebuffed the attacks of the 
riL;ht-opportunist, revisionist elements and have emer^;ed even 
more tempered from serious tests. The fraternal solidarity of 
the Communist Parties and the unity of the international Com- 
munist movement have become stron^^er, as is evident from the 
outcome of the conferences in Moscow in November, 1957. 

Revisionism has suffered a crushin^i blow, but it is still not 
comjiletely crushed. After the failure of the frontal attacks, the 
right opportunists may now try to carry on their dirty work of 
fiKhtm- against Marxism-Leninism, against the cause of social- 
ism, by more subtle methods and m cunning guises. Therefore, 
the struggle against revisionism now remains the chief task of 
the Communist and Workers' Parties, who consider H thf^r 
sacr*iH duty firmly to nn*n*''ir t!;c jjuri'.y nf .Mnrxist-L^rini?! 
theory and to fiuht a-rainst all who wenknn i't' iiit^rntf innal 
workers' movement its un;*v and solidarity. ... 

[Additional articles on revisionism will appear in subsequent 
issues of the Current Digest.) 



Magil Exhibit No. 29 

Page 11 



Kditor, The Worker: 
T was surpiised that the offi- 
ci;i] statement in the March 9 
Worker on the recent meetinj? 
of the National Committee of 
the Communist Party failetl ta 
mention one important action 
of that body: the adopion of a 
motion made by Albert J, 
(Micky) Lima, chairman of the 
Northern California Committee 
of the party, terming "inac- 
curate*' the references in No. 18 
of "Kommunist." theoretical or- 
K»n of the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union, to two Amer- 
ican Communists, W i f li a m 
Schneiderman end A. B. Magil, 
which implied that they are 

TKis motion, which also asked 
"'Kommunist" to publish a cor- 
rection, was adopted by a vote 
of 37 to 4 with 11 abstentions. 
I trust the failure to mention 
this action does not mean that 
the matter is being swept under 
the carpet. 

The facta ere as follow?*. No. 
18 (December 1957) of "Kom- 
munist" putliahed an article by 
D. Shevliagin, "The Struggle of 
the Fraternal Communist Par- 
ties against Contemporary Op- 
portunisno." The Americai^ pat- 
ty was among thoae discussed. 

The author referred to "John 
Gates . . . and other revision- 
ist elements." He <.lso stcted 

that "the right \ving based its 
thesis on the necessity of turn- 
ing the CP ino a non-party aif- 
sociation of political action, on 
the necessity of repudiating 
democratic centralism and party 
ties with the international Com- 
munist movement, etc." 

The author then gave exam- 
ples of the positions taken by 
"revisionist.s elements" or "the 
right wing." Among the exam- 
ples were quotations from arti- 
cles by $chneiderman and my- 
self, written more than a year 
ago, prior to the 16th national 
convention of the American par- 
ty in February 1957. The New 
York Times and other papers 
throughout the country published 
the news that we had been 
branded in Moscow as revision* 

Even if these articles con- 
tained wrong ideas, it strikes 
me as highly irresponsible to 
.smear t w o veterans of the 
American Communist movement 
eg revisionists on the basis of 
single articles. However, the 
fact is that Shevliagin distorted 
th* meaning of both articHea. 
In the case of my piece, which 
appeared in The Worker of July 
22, 1956, he not only quoted out 
of context, but put in quotation 
marks wor^s I never used which 
changed the meaning of one 

Schneiderman's article rejected 
the proposal of a non-party po- 
litical action associtttion; mine 



Magil Hxhibit No. 29 — Contimaed 

was a polemic against those who 
wanted to abandon demo<rratic 
centralisDti. At the same time 
both articles proposed changes 
in the direction of greater dem- 
ocracy in the Commnnist Party. 
These proposals reflected sti'ong- 
ly articulated majority thinking 
amonjT party members; their 
substance was later adopted by 

the 16th national convention and 
embodied in the new party con- 

Both Schneiderman and I re- 
quested the National Committee 
to reject the characterisation of 
us in the Shevlingin article. Thia 
it did by a decisive vote. 

A. B. .Magil 



Magil Exhibit No. 30 

Pa«:e 3 

CP Leaders Discuss 
Recent Gathering 

Resident members of the newly-elected national execu- 
tive committee of the Communist Party at a recent meet- 
ing evaluated the February meeting of the national com- 
mittee. A subcommittee authorized by the NEC issued 
the following summary of the evaluation: 

THE RECENT MEETING o£ the natioiud committM 
was an event of critical importance for our party. Al this 
meeting, a number of steps were taken towaixi dealing with 
the problems created by the sharp division uniting the 
Party on the basis ' of Uie line laid down by the 16th na- 
tional convention, and equipping it to cope with the urgent 
tasks created by the current economic situation. 

First, the Committee heard 

and discussed a coiJiprehensive 
report by Comrade Hy Lumer 
on the economic situation. The 
report, based on "an extensive 
array of facts and figures, 
warned that "the economy stands 
on the Ibreshhold of a major 

"The current economic situa- 
tion demonstrates', the repqrt 
pointed out, that the 16th na- 
tional convention was correct in 
stating that "the -Marxist the- 
ory erf crisis is not invalidated 
by the prolonged period of pros- 
perity," and that those who en- 
visioned a "new," "criaJaless" 
capitalisTTj. were wrong. 

(Excerpts from the report are 
On page 8 of thb issue.) 

The report and the di^icussion 
also rejected one-sided, negative 
attitudes to the economic pro- 

gi"am3 of labor and other sec- 
tions of the people, and devel- 
oped a broad, united front ap- 
proach in projecting the Party's 
pioprram and activity, which 
calls for an energetic fight for 
joljs and security at all levels. 

Both the report and the dis- 
cussion centered attention not 
only on the party's esimate of 
the economic situation but also 
on the party's role in relation 
to it. 'The unanimous adoption 
of the report thus provides the 
hasis for speedily unfolding our 
activity in this vital area. 

The meeting next addressed 
Aself to the crucial question 
which is the question of the 
party itself — its nature, its role 
and it's future. 

The debate centered around 
the questions involved in the re- 



Magil Exhibit No. 30— Continued 

ports of Comrades Gene Den- 
nis and Sid Stein to the nation- 
al executive committee meeting 
in December. That meetings set 
Up a subcommittee consisting of 
Comrades Gene Dennis, Sid Stein, 
Carl Winter and Claude Light- 
foot to deal with the problem. 
The members of this subcom- 
mittee submitted two resolu- 

One was a greatly amended 
version of a resolution original- 
ly submitted by the Northern 
California district board. This 
was presented by Comrades 
Winter and Lightfoot in the 
hope of finding a basis for a position, and re- 
ceived qualified support from 
Comrade Stem. The second, .sub- 
mitted as a substitute by Com- 
rade Dennis, sought to unify the 
Paity on the basis of a clear, 
unambiguous position. 

After con.sideiable di-scussion, 
t h t> resolution submitted by 
i-'on-.rade Dennis wa> adopted by 
a vote of 32 to 21 with 3 ab- 
stentions. The full text of both 
resolutions are being printed 
el.seuhcre and will shortly be 
iiva'lable. (The March Political 
Affairs will carry the texts of 
the main resolutions adopted, 
and the complete text of the 
economic report.) 

which was established as the 
definitive policy of the party, 
clearly sets forth the party's 
character as defined by the 16th 
convention, in these words: 

"The convention emphasized 
the indispensable vanguard role 
of a Marxist working clase par- 
ty of gocialism, and the neces- 
sity of striving as such to win 
mass influence and leadership 
for our party. It declared that 

the party, guWed by the prin- 
ciples of Marxism-Leninism, is 
motivated by both the highest 
patriotism toward our own coun- 
try and the great concept of 
proletarian internationalism. 

•^It defined the party as a 
party of action — not a debating 
society — ^in which the mintfrity 
must be subordinated to the ma- 
jority once A ileclsion is taken. 
At the same time, it took steps 
to combat bureaucracy, reinforc- 
ing inner-party <l€mocracy to 
assure the fullest contribution 
of all members in the making 
and execution of policy, while 
prohibiting all factions and anti- 
party groupings and practices. 
"The convention also under- 
scored the fact that the party 
is not a temporary organization 
nor a holding operation, sup- 
posedly serving as a stepping 
stone to some nebulously-de- 
fined successor. The party is 
here to stay. Without it, the 
fight for social progress will be 
limited and the victory of so- 
cialism is inconceivable. 

"The mass party of socialism 
for which "we strive must also 
be a party of this type — a work- 
ing class vanguard party grulded 
by the science of Marxism-Leni- 
nism. It must not be confused 
with ether types of political par- 
ties of a united front chara<rter, 
or with an idea of a so-called 
united socialist party in which 
adherents of Marxism-Leninism 
would be only one among a 
number of other ideological cur- 
rents. Nor should it be confused 
with the urgent need of pro- 
moting united front relations 
and cooperation between Com- 
munists and other pro-socialists 



Magil Exhibit No. 30 — Continued 

pudiated all ideas and attiludeb 
expressing a lack of faith in the 
Party and its future, rejecting 
its vanguard role, and seeing it 
as merely a transient organiza- 
tion. It repudiated the revision- 
ist views of a John Gates, which 
deny the need for a Marxist- 
Leninist working-class party. 
The meeting also adopted, by 
a vote of 36 to 15, a strong reso- 
lution on the GaOes resignation. 

The resolution rejected with 
equal vigor the position of those 
at the opposite extreme who, un- 
der a cloak of doctrinaire ab- 
stractions and "Marxist" dogma, 
parade as defenders of the "pu- 
rity" of the party, and who in 
practice boycott and isabottege 
its mass work and openly con- 
duct anti-party factional activi- 

These alien views, whether cf 
right or left origrin, have done 
much to show confusion in our 
ranks and to obstruct all effbrts 
to build and strengthen he par- 
ty. The national committee meet- 
ing, we believe, took decisive 
steps to dear up this situation, 
and laid the basis for the defeat 
of these anti-party ideologies. 

First and foremost, by its ac- 
tion it put an end to all specula- 
lion and cMifusion as to tlie 
need for the party, and as to its 
ckaraeter, role and future. On 
this and related questions, the 
meeting established for the first 
time since the convention a clear- 
cut majority position. In domg 
80, it created the condltiowi 
necessary qt this point to resolve 
the passivity, indecision and near- 
paralysis which have plagued uu 
for the past year. It laid the 
basis for throwing the party into 
the struggles ahead and for re- 

solving our problems, and it 
opened the way for pro<reeding 
with the preparation of the much- 
needed party program. 

Having adopted a clear policy 
perspective in relation to the 
current situation and the party, 
based on the orientation estab- 
lished by the 16th convention, 
the ifK^ting undertook to elect 
a leadership capable of carry^ 
ing out this line, on the ba^iis 
of the Dennis resolution. 

executive committee was dissolv- 
ed, and a new executive com- 
mittee of fifteen was set up. 
Of these, nine were elected at 
this time, with the remaining 
six to be elected at the .next 

Some comrades in the minority 
took the position of refusing to 
participate in such a leadership! 
They declined all nominations, 
asserting that they cou\d not 
sume responsibility for carrying 
out the adopted line. We believe 
these comi'ades are profoundly 
wrong and that their position 
is very harmful to the party. 
We sincerely urge them to recon- 
sider this stand, and are hope- 
ful that we and the party mem- 
bership will succeed in convinc- 
ing them to abandon it. 

There have been certain er- 
roneous interpretation^ of the 
aetioiis taken by the national 
conmaittee. On the one hand, 
there are those who assert that 
the majority position is a rever- 
sal of the line of the 16th con- 
vention in that it now places 
revisionism; not lef t -sectarian - 
isoi and dogmatism, as the main 
danger to the party. 

(Continued on page 14) 



Page 14 

Magil Exhibit No. 30 — Continued 

GP Leaders Discuss Recent Cattmring 

(Continued from page 3) 

At the other pole are adher- 
ents of the ultra-left who con- 
aider that the ^hief accomplish- 
ment of the meeting waa that 
tlie national committee moved 
"in the right •direction" — that 
is, that it paved the way for 
inoving farther to the left;. Their 
main complaint, among others, 
is that Uie Dennis resolution 
failed to reverse the convention 
position t^t the main threat 
to the party is sectarianism and 

This erroneous view wags dear- 
ly not that of the majority \a 
the nationa committee, who sup- 
ported the Dennis resolution not 
as a factional vehicle, but as a 
sound party position behind which 
the party as a whole can be 

resolution is quite clear: 

"In estimating the twin evils 
of left-soctarianism and right op- 
portunism, the convention cor- 
rectly declared that our errors 
of the past period were chiefly 
uf a left-sectarian charad;er. It 
pointed out that sectarianistn 
and dogmatism have been a his- 
toric weakness of our movement, 
against which a decisive^ strug- 
gle must be waged — a strug- 
gle that wHl necessarily be a 
protracted one. But the conven- 

tion alao pointed out that both 
left-c^ectarianism and right-op- 
portiiniem have objective roots 
in Uie capitalist society in whi<rh 
we live, and that both must be 
fought at all timed, with env< 
pha.<^is on that which at a given 
moment constitutes t*he greater 

"Events since the convention 
havo sharply underscored this. 
On the one hand, the dangel^ of 
Left-sectarianijim and dogmatism 
has grown, including a resurg- 
ence of a ullTa-left viewpoint 
and grouping which const. t.utc:i 
a fomndable obstacle to our 
work and a serious menace to 
the unity and political Ihie of 
the party. On the other hand, 
I'here has developed an increas- 
ingly dangerous right-oppbrtun- 
ist and revisionist viepoint, ex- 
emplified most strikingly byrthe 
'anti-Marxist views and actions 
of Uates." 

L nf ortunaOely. soiqe comrades 
underestimate the existence of 
a right or revisionist danger, 
and have failed to draw the 
necessary conclusions from the 
Gates resignation. Some comrades 
have also taken disborted view 
of the party*s stand on the ques- 
tion of workmg-«l«ss internation- 
aliom and its attitude toward <die 
socialist countries. 

What the actions of the na- 
tional committee accomplished 
was to estabiish a basis for get- 



Magil Exhibit No. 30 — Continued 

ting the party into motion, he- 
ginning a process of ending the 
the prevailing indecision an<l im- 
passe in its leadershij), and re- 
building party consciousness and 
morale. The actual fulfillment 
of these tasks is still ahead of 
us. Those of us in the leadership 
bear a heavy responsibility for 
assuring their fulfillment, for 
cooftbatting bureaucracy and 
making possible the fullest con^ 
tribution of the entire member- 
ship through the widest develop- 
ment of inner-party <lemocracy. 

The fight for the party lies 
ahead. It must be conducted by 
putting uhe party to work — ny 
participating in the vital strug« 
gles for jobs, peace, Negro rights, 
the defense of labor's rights and 
democratic liberties generally, 
and in the important 1958 elec- 
tion. It nnist be conducted by 
working energetcally to complete 
the registration drive and to 
build the Worker. 

10 must be conducted also by 
cafrying forward the ideological 
struggle on all fronts, induding 
that within the party, and by 
comhAtting^ all anti-p*rty treoda 
and ideologies, whetiher of the 
Left or of the Right. Above all, 

we must root out every mani* 
festation of the destructive virus 
of fu<'tionalism, from whatever 
source it may enuinate. 

We call on all party members, 
whatever their individual views, 
to rally behind the party and 
to fight wholeheartedly for it. 
In the words of the resolution: 
"For us — Ameucan Marxisl.-. 
who fight f<<r peai c. democracy 
and socialism — the party is our 
most precious pos.session. This 
is why we American Commun- 
ists, like Communists every- 
where, treasure our party, and 
will make everj' effort and sac- 
rifce to presci-ve and build it. . . 

"We <?all on all party mem- 
bers to defend t'he party, and 
to fight for it.s Marxist-Leninist 
program, theory and principles. 
We call on all i>arty members 
and organizations to strive to 
develop the maximum political 
and orvcanizing initiatives and 
partcipation in the momentous 
mass struggles of today, to meet 
the great challenge of 1&68. By 
so doing, we wiH sLren^jthen the 
party and its mass ties an<^ in- 
fluence. And we shall help shape 
the course of events in the m- 
tuvests of our class and our 



AIagil Exhihit Xo. HI 



Continued Division in the 
party Is Manifest as 13 of 
20 Members Are Dropped 


A major sliake-up has taken 
pjCp II'' "IP national IpadPislup 
pf the Conununist party in this 

Onl/ s.n (Ml of the twenty 
,11,'mbi'i « of the pflrty's Nation- 
;,! P'AiMitive Commiltoe ploctcd 
1351 -ipvinp were re-electPd at 
3 niro: itit; of the full sixty-moni- 
j,p,- national conmiittce l.-\st 
vvrrUi-n'l The National Ex- 
piuin'" roniniittpe directs the 
norm.Tl optMations of the party. 
X I .'solution adopted by the 
N:»uonal t'omnultee last week- 
priil ir.iHMtod that the recent 
^^>i;icn.-«tion of John Gates, edi- 
tor ot Thi' Daily Worker before 
ii \v,i.- lii.-iontinued. had not 
pn<l<^i t'^^' divisions among 
^iiioiuan Communists. 

The lesoliitlon hailed last 
November s Moscow declara- 
tion issned by the Soviet Union 
gnd pl<=vpn other ruling Com- 
munisi parties, as a '"document 
of far-rea. hing. historic impor- 
tance.' and said American Com- 
nnimsis should study it and 
learn Uom it." The Moscow 
declaration laid down strategy 

to he followed by Communists 

I)i;vi:g!>''''ii the world. 

Pifffrpnop of opinion in thp 
p;,riy on thp wisdom of the 
movp m> indicated by the reso- 
lution «; denunciation of those 
who .ittflcked the declaration as 
g rpvrr.^al of earlier Communist 
polirv It condemned as well 
thn.if a>-. used of regarding the 
dp>laraii->n as a "dogma and a 
5uh«t!tntp for our Qwn inde- 
fien.if-nt theoretical and political 

Thp rpsolut ion's author was 
Eiipene Pe.inis. party secretary, 
who ha.i headed the centrist fac- 
tion of the party as opposed to 
thP rightest supporters of Mr. 
Cites and the all out pro- 
Soviet faction of William Z. 
Fo.'ter and Benjamin Davis, Mr. 
Denni?' resolution as adopted 
attacked not only "right op- 
portunism." but also the "ul- 
tra-left viewpoint," 

Aside from Mr. Gates, the 
nio?l notable figures who were 

not re-elected to the National 
Executive Committee were Mr. 
Foster, who has been reported 
very ill. George Blake Charnpy. 
New York Communist leader 
who was closely aligned with 
Mr. Gates in the past, and the 
party secretaries, Sidney Stein 
and Fred Fine. 

The new National Executive 
Committee included these seven 
hold overs: Mr. Davis. Mr. Den- 
nis, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, 
James E. Jackson, Albert J. 
Lima, Hy Lumer, and George 
Meyers. The two new members 
are Jack Stachel and Robert 
Thompson. Six more member? 
are to be elected. 


Magil Exhibit No. 33 
Party Affairs, September 1958, p. 8 


At its June 28-29 meeting, the National Committee directed the National Execu- 
tive Committee to issue a statement on the evil of factionalism. The following is 
in partial fulfillment of these instructions. 

For the past two years, the Party has been increasingly plagued with the disease 
of factionalism. Not the least of its manifestations has. been a steady stream of 
factional documents, attacking the line of the Party and vilifying its leadership, 
and circulated outside of proper Party channels. Among the most widely distributed 
of such documents has been the dissertation on the Negro question by Comrade Harry 
Haywood and, more recently, a treatise entitled "Two Roads," whose author signs 
himself "Milton Palmer," and which is issued under the sponsorship of a Party 
section in Philadelphia. It has been surreptitiously circulated throughout the country, 
without the knowledge or sanction of either the Philadelphia or national Party 

The circulation of these and other such writings must be sharply condemned as 
anti-Party acts, in deliberate violation of the Party Constitution. 

A still more recent factional act, emanating from a different' source, is the 
circulation by Comrade Abe Magil of an article expressing his views on the Yugo- 
slav situation, after it had been rejected for publication by The Worker. Following 
the rejection, Comrade Magil made no effort to avail himself of other possible 
channels of publication open to hum, nor did he discuss the matter with the Party 
leadership. Instead, he privately mimeographed the article and sent it, with a letter 
'attempting to justify this action, to "the members of the Party's National Commit- 
tee and to others who I think might want to read it." 

There can be no doubt that Comrade Magil, long experienced in these matters, 
was fully aware of the nature and import of his action. Hence it can be construed 
as nothing other than a deliberate piece of factionalism. As such, it must be con- 
demned and Comrade Magil must be severely censured for the willful commission 
of such an anti-Party act. 

The continued circulation of factional documents, whatever their nature or origin, 
cannot be tolerated in our Party. We warn that any further instances will be met 
with immediate disciplinary action. 



Committer Exhibit No. 'M) 

Satwday, JMMiy 11, 1958 

Peeph't WorM 9 

Communists report 
some differences 

t0 TIM PMflt't Wfltt4 

NEW YORK— Th« Commu- 
niat party dlsdoaed UUa^week 
that four of its leaders have 
been ctoaure<f by the party's 
national executive committee 

In a formal preaa release, the 
party's national adinialstratlve 
committee (NAC) also revealed 
that the NEC, by a divided 
vote, had adopted a statement 
of position on the recent dec- 
laration of 12 Communist and 
Workers parties in the social- 
ist countries cmd a peace mani- 
festo by 64 Commumst and 
Workers parties. The execu- 
tive commitee's statement will 
appear in pte January issue of 
PoUUcal Affairs. 

The four censured were Shi- 
gene Dennis, Benjamin Davis, 
Hy Lumer and James Jackson. 

All fdur are members of the 
party's seven-man NAC. At a 
meeting of the NAC on Dec. 2 
the four sought to secure adop- 
tloB ot a public declaration 
on the statement of the 12 
Conunnnist and Workers par- 
ties in socialist countries. 


The censure motion read: 
"Dm NEC considers the ef- 
forts of the four to three ma- 
jority of the NAC in atUmpt- 
ing to push through and make 
public a statement of import- 
ant policy, in relation to the 12 
party declaration in the NAC 
and their refusal to consult 
with the NBC as a serious 
breach of party democracy, an 
act of bureaucracy contrary to 
the spirit of the 16th oooven- 

*Th« NEC eatpresBSi tti 
•harp criticism of the failure 
of the -NAC to funcUon within 
the limits of iU clearly defined 
ftdministratlYe role. It ia- 
•tnicU the NAC that there 
ahaU be no npetition of sudh 
•a action lA the futura." 

TtdB motion was adopted* 11 
to 7 with I atastenUoDS and 3 
absentees. The same division 
was registered in approval of 
the statement on the 12-party 
declaration. The votes were: 

Aye: George Blake Chamey, 
Dave Davis, Fred Fine, John 
Gates, Dorothy Healey, Claude 



Committee Exhibit No. HO — Continued 

Ughtfoot. Albert J; (^Mlckle) 
Lima, Carl Rom, Mike Rubso, 
Sid Stein and Martha Stone. 
No: Benjamin Da via, Eugene 
DenniB. Earl Durham, Eliza- 
beth Gurley Flynn. Jamea Jacki 
son, Hy Lumcr and Robert 

Abataining: Carl Winter, 
Jack Stachel. 

Absent: William Z. Foster, 
George Meyers, 

Earlier the NAC reported 
that the same meeting of the 
NEC (Dec. 20-22) approved a 
recommendation to the staff 
and owners of The Daily 
Worker ttiat the paper suspend 
dally pubUcati(^. and that ef- 
forts be centered on sosCaining 
the weekly Worker. 


Tile NBC also heard two 
conflicting reports by Dennis 

and stein, on the party's work 
since its 16th convention last 

"Aftsr lenifthy deUberaUon," 
said the press release, "it was 
agreed to continue ths discus- 
sion on these divergent esti- 
mates at the next meeting of 
the NBC. and meanwhile to 
submit both reports to the 
members erf the national com- 
mittee for their information 
and consideration. This ia pre- 
liminary to the coUe<!tlve ac- 
tion of the naMonal oomftnit- 
tae which wiU be taken by the 
conuttittas as a whole at its 
next regular meeting in Fel^ru* 

Th4 NliC also heard a report 
by Qeorge Morris on the recent 
AFLrCIO convention in Atlan- 
tic City, and received a memo* 
raadum by Dennis coaonnlng 
the sesslotf of Congress and tha 
Communist viewpoint oa lagwm 
before the Oonggress. 



Committee Exhibit No. 31 

[ 1 } Statement on Declaration 

of 12 Communist Parties 

[ 5 ] The National Farmers' Union 

[13] The Elizabeth Gurley Flynn 


[49] The Party Crisis and the 

Way Out. Part II 


h Mox 



[21] "Ideas In Our Time" 



Committee Exhibit No. 31 — Continued 

Vol. XXXVII. No. 

JANUARY, 1958 

political affairs 

A Theoretical and Polifical Magaiinc of SclentiHc Socialism 


Statement on the Declaration of 
12 Communist Parties 

By the National Executive Committee, CPUSA 

On December 22, 1957, the National Kxociitive Qiminiticc, CFUS.\, 
adopted the following statement conccrnini; the Declaration adopted in 
Moscow in mid-Novemher, 1957.* 1 hat Declaration was published in lull 
in our Dc«ember issue. — Ed. 

TiioiMiTi ti. Americans will give 
serious consideration to the Decla- 
ration of 12 (.oinmunist and Work- 
ers' Parties because it represents the 
considered o[Mnions of those who 
.i;iiide the destinies of more than 
(>o() million human beings — more 
than a third of mankind embarked 
on a course of Socialist development. 

Naturally, s{:)ecial interest has been 
displayed in the attitude of Ameri- 
can (Communists toward that decla- 
ration, and we therefore deem it de- 
sirable to state our views. 

The declaration, in the first in- 
stance, expresses the judgment of 
12 governing parties, carrying the 

• The vote on chij statement wis »5 followj: 
In JMvor, 11: G B. Charney, D. Divu. F M 
Fine, J. Gate*. D. He«ly, C. Lightfoot. M. Limt. 
C Rojj. M Russo. S. Stein. M Stone; Oppot*d. 
1: B D»vij. E. Dennii. E Durham, E. G. Flynn, 
J. Jackson, H. Lumer. R. Thompson; Ahitmnint. 
2. J. Suchel. C. Winter; Abtmt. 2: W. Z. Foster. 
G. A Meyers. 

grave res[)()n.sibility of leading their 
respective countries through various 
stages of socialist development, seek- 
ing to arrive at a c(jmmon estimate 
of the world scene and to strength- 
en their fraternal alliance so as more 
efifectively to contribute to the cause 
of peace and colonial liberation and 
social advance, and striving to find 
the best solutions to problems 
are common to each of them. 

The declaration is an important 
expression of unity among these 12 
parties of the Socialist countries, a 
unity achieved through fraternal dis- 
cussions and the mutual exchange of 

We note with satisfaction their re- 
affirmation of the estimate that "the 
question of war or peaceful co-ex- 
istence is now the crucial question of 
world policy." This has been the 


Committee Exhibit No. 31 — Continued 


conviction of American Commu- take we often made in the past, of 

nists, as well as of many non-Com- accepting the views of brother par- 

munist Americans. In the same ties regarding their own problems 

sense, we greet their solemn pledge: as necessarily applying in the same 

"The Communist Parties regard the way to the problems our Party faces, 

struggle for peace as their foremost or of accepting a generalized esti- 

task. They will do all in their power mate of the world situation without 

to prevent war." our own critical appraisal as to 

The gyrations and aberrations in whether it is fully correct, or applic- 
VVashington, in the wake of the So- able to our own country. To do 
cialist man-made moons, underscore otherwise, we would be ignoring the 
once again that powerful forces in lessons of our own pre-convention 
our own country oppose the prin- discussions, &ad the decisions of the 
ciple of peaceful co-existence, resist National Convention of our Party, 
disarmament, and are ready to While we have the utmost respect 
gamble the lives of our people and and admiration for the leadership 
all mankind in "limited wars," in shown by brother parties to the work- 
Dulles' brinkmanship, in devious ing<lass and its allies in their own 
support to colonialism — all for the lands, and the contributions they have 
power and the glory and the profit made to the cause of peace and to 
of giant monopolies. the advancemeni of Marxist thought, 

Wc are of the firm conviction, as we firmly believe that there is much 

arc the 12 parties, that the forces for we can learn from the experiences of 

peace arc sufficiently powerful to pre- other parties. But wc also believe 

vent war, that "peace and peaceful that only our Party can estimate best 

co-cxistcnce have now become the de- our tasks for the immediate struggles 

mands of the broad masses in all ahead and in charting the American 

countries," that peace can win de- road to Socialism, 

spite the machinations of imperial- These problems of theory and 

ism. policy have been the subject of much 

The declaration passes judgment thought and discussion in the ranks 

fjn many questions of theory and of American Communists. Our Con- 

jxjlicy in the world Communist vcntion Resolution states, "Wc are 

movement. This judgment merits in full agreement to study further the 

thorough study by Marxists every- question of our theoretical and tac- 

where, and needs to be weighed in tical approach to war, the theory of 

the light of their own experience the State, Dictatorship of the Prolc- 

and the reality in their respective tariat, and other questions that time 

countries. docs not afford an opportunity to 

In doing $0, we American Com- resolve at this National Convention." 

munists should not repeat the mis- In doing this we are guided by our 

83743 O - 62 (pt. 2) - 15 


OoMMiTTEE Exhibit No. 31 — C!ontinued 


own national convention of last Feb- ciples in the United States is our rc- 

ruary, which resolved: sponsibility, and one that we cannot 

To advance the struggle in the abdicate. 

United States for peace, democracy, In discussing dogmatism and 

civil rights and socialism, the Com- Rjg^t opportunism, the 12 parties 

munist Party must further develop its concluded that Right opportunism 

independent theoretical work. It must .^ ..^^^ ^^.^ ^ ^^ ^^^^ .. ^^ 

tree itself from deeply ingrained nab- , ^ ^° . , 

us of dogmatism and doctrinairism t- " ^''""'': "" ^^a '"^/"'^"V^" 

which breed securianism, and which this score, as it is reHected m odier 

in turn lend encouragement to Right Commumst Parties, and how this 

opportunism. squares with the struggle to fully 

In order to succeed in this, the Par- carry out the Une of the 20th Con- 

ty must study thoroughly the realities gress, CPSU. 

of American life today, the history and We believe the 12 parties were 

tradition of our working class and ^jse jn adding: "However, dogmat- 

peoplc, the special features of capi- -^^^ ^^^ sectarianism can also be the 

taUst economy and bourgeois democ- ^^.^ ^ ^^ ^.^^ 

racy in our country, the disunctive • , * ^ . -, ^ 

features of the American road to s^ development in one Party or an- 

^.jjjj-jjjj other. It is tor each Communist 

Party to decide what danger thrcat- 

These momentous tasks we have ens it more at a given time." The 
now undertaken in a discussion to independent decision of our Party 
shape a program for the American was rendered by its National Con- 
Communist Party. Affirming, as our vention which declared that "the 
convention did, that "Marxism-Lcn- main task of the Party today is to 
inism is a scientific analysis of the overcome completely the influence 
universal and objective laws of so- of Left-sectarian estimates, policies 
cial development," we arc guided and tactics in all fields of work," 
by our Convention's injunction that and that "the necessary struggle 
"die Communist Party of the against Right-opportunist errors 
United States interprets, and ap- must be carried on in such a way as 
plies, and strives to develop further not to weaken the main task." 
[the principles of scientific socialism] The deliberations and conclusions 
in accordance with the requirements of Marxists anywhere, especially the 
of the American class struggle and spokesmen of the 12 Parties who 
democratic traditions." can draw on such a rich store of ex- 

Wc will learn what we can from perience, serve to stimulate, enrich 

the experience and judgment of the and advance Marxist thought evcry- 

12 Parties in the discussion of our where, if subjected to critical analy- 

own program. But the creative ap- sis, free debate, and a determtned 

plication of Marxist-Leninist prin- effort to learn from the mistakes of 



Committee Exhibit Xo. 81 — Continne<l 


the past. Their declaration points 
up the challenge we posed before 
ourselves to make our own indepen- 
dent contribution to the further de- 
velopment and enrichment of the 
theory of scientific socialism. 

The orderly, systematic and col- 
lective process for doing just that is 
alTorded by the discussions, just be- 
gun, to fashion a program for the 
Qjmmunist Party of the United 

Such a discussion, however, in the 
present state of the Party's situa- 
tion, would only be of value if, first, 
it is understood as not replacing the 
urgent need for the Party's finding 
ways and means of engaging in mass 
activity and playing some role in the 
immediate struggles facing the 

American people; and secondly, ii 
this discussion is conducted in th< 
spirit of scientific objectivity whicl 
vvill seek out and explore the unique 
features of our country's develop- 
ment, as well as the common feature.* 
characteristic of all capitalist coun- 
tries; which will not start labelling 
every beginning in that direction as 
a departure from Marxism-Leninism, 
thus slamming the door on any fruit- 
ful discussion ever getting started, 
and paralyzing the Party into inac- 
tion, and which will lend an atten- 
tive ear to the views of other social- 
ist-minded forces in helping us to 
chart our course. 

Here is a most urgent task before 
.\merican Communists. 



Committee Exhibit No. 32 
Political Affairs, June 1958, pp. 22-26 

On the Peace Manifesto and the 

12-Pai1y Declaration 

By National Executive Committee, CPUSA 

In accord with the resolution adopted by the National Committee at its 
February meeting, the following statement was unanimously adopted by 
the National Executive Committee. Since then, a number of significant 
developments have occurred, particularly in relation to negotiations for a 
summit conference and to the position taf^en by the Seventh Congress 
of the Yugoslav League of Communists, which give added meaning to 
both the Peace Manifesto and the Twelve-Party Declaration, and re- 
newed emphasis to the importance of their study and circulation. — The 

I sions, are also responsible for ex- 
cessive taxation, inflation and loss of 

Announcement by the Soviet Union jobs through trade restrictions, as 

of unilateral suspension of nuclear well as curbs on civil liberties and 

weapons tests has raised the hopes of the lag of science and education in 

all mankind and has gready in- our country. 

creased the universal determination We American Communists have 
to ban nuclear war. It reinforces the always sought understanding and 
world-wide demand for East-West cooperation between the United 
talks and encourages the prospects States and the USSR, in the best in- 
for a big-power meeting "at the terests of our people. We are mind- 
summit," despite the opposition of ful of the fact that President Roose- 
Dulles, Strauss and other spokesmen velt's recognition of the Soviet Un- 
for monopoly. ion in 1933 contributed to the rc- 
The lifting of the threatening vival of trade and manufacture in 
cloud of atomic war and the ending the U.S. after the most devastating 
of the cold war will remove a great economic crisis in our history, help- 
burden from the shoulders of the ing to reopen factories and providing 
American people. Prevailing policies jobs. We cannot forget that, as al- 
of big business and its political lies in the anti-Hitler war, wc 
spokesmen, which have been geared fought together to end fascist tyranny 
to war and increasing world ten- and military conquest, thus opening 




Committee Exhibit No. 32 — Continued 



the way to the liberation of o{> 
pressed peoples in many lands. To- 
day, the development of friendly 
relations, cooperation and trade be- 
tween our country and the USSR 
is decisive for achieving a durable 
\v(jrld peace. 

When, on the occasion of the ob- 
servance of the 40th anniversary of 
the founding of the first socialist 
republic, representatives of 64 Com- 
munist parties met in Moscow and 
issued a pint Manifesto for Peace, 
they not only voiced the ideals and 
humane purposes of those dedicated 
to socialism everywhere, but they 
echoed the hope of all mankind. The 
CPUSA was unable to take part in 
these dehberations due to anti-demo- 
cratic and restrictive laws in the U.S. 
which still bar freedom of travel 
and political association. But we 
hail the call for peace adopted by 
the Communists from 64 countries 
and shall seek to make it known to 
the American people as part of our 
contribution to ending misunder- 
standing and toward cementing 
friendship and cooperation between 
ilie peoples of the East and West. 

The Manifesto declares, as our 
i^>th National Convention has also 
noted: "War is not inevitable. War 
t^an be prevented, peace can be pre- 
''crvcd and made secure." A new 
halance of forces exists which makes 
this possible. Heading the camp of 
peace are the socialist lands — the So- 
viet Union, People's China, the 
people's democracies of Europe and 
Asia. By their side are the Ban- 

dung nations, a powerful new world 
force. And in the capitalist coun- 
tries, the masses of working people 
are a mighty force for peace. 

But at the same time, it is clear that 
the danger of war has not passed. 
Its source is ". . . the capitalist mo- 
nopolies who have a vested interest 
in war and have amassed unprece- 
dented riches fr(;m two world wars 
and an arms drive. . . . The ruling 
circles of some capitaHst countries, 
under pressure of the monopolies 
and especially those of the U.S., have 
rejected proposals for disarmament, 
prohibition of nuclear weapons and 
other measures aimed at preventing 
a new war." 

This is evidenced anew by the 
refusal of the Administration to sus- 
pend the current series of nuclear 
tests in the Pacific, by the steps be- 
ing taken to establish missile and 
rocket bases in the NATO coun- 
tries and to arm West Germany with 
atomic weapons, and by American 
imperialist interference in Indo- 
nesia and the Middle East. 

However, the Manifesto declares, 
this danger can be overcome. The 
forces of peace can prevail. We hail 
the call of the 64 parties to all peo- 
ple of good will throughout the 
world to demand an end to the cold 
war, prohibition of nuclear weap- 
ons and tests, abolition of military 
blocs and foreign bases, an end to 
imperialist plotting and military 
provocations. We add our voice to 
the concluding plea of the Mani- 
festo for Peace in which 64 Com- 



Committee Exhibit No. 32 — Ck>ntinued 



munist parties from all five contin- 
ents ask: 

From now on let the countries with 
different social systems compete with 
one another in developing science and 
technology for peace. Let them dem- 
onstrate their superiority not on the 
field of batde but in competition for 
progress and for raising living stand- 

We extend a hand to all people of 
good will. By a common effort let 
us get rid of the burden of armaments 
which oppresses the peoples. Let us 
rid the world of the danger of war, 
death and annihilation. Before us is 
a bright and happy future of mankind 
marching forward to progress. 

We also reiterate the sound ob- 
servations of the Manifesto that: 

The socialist countries do not in- 
tend to enforce their social or politi- 
cal system on any other nation. They 
are firmly convinced that socialism is 
bound to win, but they know that 
socialism cannot be implanted from 
without, that it will come above all 
as a result of struggle by the working 
class and all other progressive forces 
within each country. 


We welcome equally the Declara- 
tion of the Twelve Communist and 
Workers' Parties which are the 
governing parties of socialist states, 
as renewed evidence of the great 
contribution to world peace and so- 
cial progress which is inherent 
in the socialist system. 

Today, the Soviet Union, pioneer- 
ing a new way of life free from 
class exploitation, no longer stands 
alone as a sociahst country. Now, 
one-third of the world's people have 
rid themselves of the rule of capital 
and are building their future on so- 
cialist foundations. We greet this 
growth and consolidation of socialist 
society in many lands, creating for 
the first time a world system of a 
higher order than capitalism — one 
which is a reliable bulwark of peace 
and freedom. 

These countries, inspired by and 
learning from the historic lessons of 
the Great October Revolution and 
the victory of socialist construction 
in the USSR, have each come to so- 
cialism by their own paths, overcom- 
ing great obstacles and uniting their 
people and national resources for mu- 
tual aid and support of world peace. 
This historic Declaration demon- 
strates the high degree of unity and 
solidarity achieved by the leading 
parties of these countries. 

The unity demonstrated by these 
twelve parties, which arc success- 
fully leading their countries in the 
building of socialism, serves to em- 
phasize anew that the internation- 
ally valid, basic lessons of working- 
class history and experience which 
constitute the teachings of Marxism- 
Leninism are not negated by the re- 
spective national features and course 
of development of each nation. On 
the contrary, the enhanced unity ot 
world-wide socialist forces — follow- 
ing upon fraternal mutual aid, equ^' 


Committee Exhibit No. 32 — Continued 


ity and self-examination and corrcc- tribution which the Declaration 

tion of errors — rests on the recogni- makes to advancing the struggle for 

tion of the general principles of com- peace. Assessing the international 

munism, coupled with their creative situation, including the continued 

application in accord with the spe- "cold war" policies of the aggressive 

cific conditions of each country. imperialist forces, particularly of the 

The Declaration of the twelve U.S. monopolists, the Declaration 
parties notes that the XXth Con- stresses that the struggle for peace 
gress of the Conmiunist Party of is now the key task confronting all 
the Soviet Union signalized a great progressive humanity, in the first 
advance in Marxist-Leninist theory place the Communists and other 
and practice, corresponding to the advanced workers. In this connec- 
new conditions of our present epoch tion, and on the basis of a compre- 
— the epoch of world transition from hensive analysis of the profound 
caiptalism to socialism. In this re- changes in the alignment of world 
spcct, the Congress projected new forces — especially the historic signifi- 
possibilities for achieving peaceful cance of the emergence of sociaHsin 
coexistence and peaceful paths to so- as a world system, the disintegra- 
cialism. This advance the Declara- tion of the old colonial empires, the 
tion carries forward and develops sharpening contradictions in the im- 
further, thus making a major new perialist camp and the strengthening 
contribution to the advance of Marx- of world labor. Communist and na- 
ist-Lcninist theory. And, in con- tional liberation movements — the 
firming what is new, it re-cmpha- Declaration emphasizes that the 
sized at the same time the impera- peace forces have grown to a point 
tive need, for all who seek to end where there is a real possibility of 
class exploitation and build social- averting war. Towards this end the 
ism, to adhere to the scientific meth- Communist and Workers' parties of 
od and principles of Marxism-Len- the socialist states reaffirmed their 
inism, derived from the objective adherence to the principles of pro- 
laws of social development which letarian internationalism and of the 
continue to be verified by world peaceful coexistence of the socialist 
experience. In this connection, yi and capitalist systems and urged 
dealing with the key issues of the joint action in behalf of peace on 
world labor movement and interna- the widest possible scale and with all 
tional cooperation for peace, democ- who favor peace and oppose war. 
racy and freedom, the Declaration 

stressed the vital importance of un- III 
folding a resolute struggle against re- 
visionism, as well as dogmatism. Over a year ago, at the i6th Na- 

Espccially noteworthy is the con- tional Convention of our own Par- 


Committee Exhibit No. 32 — Continued 


ty, we American Communists took end, too, we must successfully ac- 
steps — following extended self-criti- complish the task we have set our- 
cal examination of our work and selves of making substantial prog- 
views — to break with sectarian errors ress in preparing a draft of a basic 
and dogmatic habits which hind- Party program before our next na- 
ered our keeping pace with the tional convention, 
changing world and prevented our While unfolding deeper study and 
giving the most effective leadership broader discussion of the American 
to the strivings of the American scene as the basis for our conclu- 
people fur peace and greater social sions, our Party will find vitally im- 
progress. In so doing, we also found portant the lessons summarized from 
it necessary to wage a determined the experience of the international 
struggle against revisionism — against Communist and working class 
any abandonment of our ideological movement. 

moorings which are rooted in the The National Executive Commit- 
struggles and experience of the tee of the CPUSA calls for a thor- 
working class of our country and all ough study and systematic discus- 
lands, and which bind us with the sion of the theoretical propositions 
caUse of toiling humanity every- contained in the Twelve-Party Dec- 
where. laration by every section of our 
The broad outlines of our future Party organization and the populari- 
work, established by our i6th Con- zation of the historic achievements 
vention and further developed on of the socialist sector of the world 
the basis of our experiences since reflected therein, together with the 
then, still need to be vigorously contributions it holds out for world 
fought for in theory and practice. f>eace. 

Toward this end, our Party must Likewise the National Executive 

strengthen itself politically and or- Committee calls for the widest dis- 

ganizationally, expand its mass ties tribution of the Peace Manifesto of 

and multiply its vanguard contribu- the 64 Communist and Workers 

tion to the great struggles for peace, parties and the organization of di*- 

jobs, civil rights and democratic cussions around the Manifesto in the 

liberties in our country. Toward ranks of the Party and among other 

this end, we must conduct a syste- advocates of peace. This will be ao 

matic struggle against Left sectarian- important contribution serving the 

ism and Right opportunism, against best national interests of the A"*^ 

doctrinairisrn and revisionism, in de- can people and the cause of wor 

fense of the Party and its cardinal peace. 
Marxist principles. And toward this 





Albertson, WUliam 725, 727-729 

Allen, James S 816 

Amter, Israel (alias Ford) 891 

Aptheker, Herbert -_ 930 

Arias, Jose 745, 746 


Bassett, Theodore 745 

Beria, Lavrenti P 845 

Bittelman, Alexander (alias Raphael) 757-830 

Bloor, Ella Reeve (Mother) 891 

Blumberg, Albert 714 

Bonosky, Philip i 771 

Browder, Earl (aliases: Dixon; Ward; George Morris) 742, 

743, 748, 754, 755, 784, 788, 789, 792, 819, 872, 892 
Burnham 803 


Cadogan, Peter 915 

Cantor, Esther 728 

Charney, George Blake 714, 

725-728, 890, 902, 925, 927, 930 

Chase, Homer Bates 751-756 

Clark (Tom C.) 757 

Clark, Joseph 885-888 


Davis, Benjamin J., Jr 713, 714, 725-728, 889, 902, 925, 927, 928, 930 

Davis, Dave 927, 930 

Day, Dorothy 890 

Dennis, Eugene (born Francis Xavier Waldron; also known as Paul Eugene 

Walsh; Milton) 713, 

723, 747, 748, 754-756, 759, 795, 817, 834, 850, 871, 872, 877, 
879, 889-891, 897, 900, 902, 921, 923, 925, 927, 928, 930. 

Dimitrov, Georgi (Dimitroff) 835 

Djilas (Milovan) - 803 

Dreiser, Theodore 872 

Dubinsky (David) 810 

Duclos, Jacques 858, 889, 891, 892, 894, 910 

DuUes, John Foster 878 

Durham, Earl L 902, 928, 930 

Eisenberg, Alfred 746 

Engels, Frederich (Frederick) 772, 840, 887, 888, 894 

Fine, Fred 902,^ 925, 927, 930 

• Appears as Phillip. 

' Spelled Fien in this reference. 


Fitzpatrick 784, 786 

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 719, 891, 925, 928-930 

Foster, William Z 727, 

748, 754, 755, 774-778, 781-812, 833, 834, 856, 867, 872, 889, 
890, 892, 898, 902, 908, 910, 911, 925, 928, 930. 

Franco (Francisco) 879 

Friedman, Robert (also known as Robert Mann) 730, 742-746 

Fuess, Claude M 780 

Fursteva 835 


Gates. John (W) (alias Irving Regenstreif) 714 

727, 789, 792, 795, 796, 798, 799, 805, 807, 809, 819, 825, 854, 
868, 889, 890, 902, 912, 913, 916, 918, 922, 923, 925, 927, 930. 

Gero (Erno) 834 

Gerson, Simon W 890, 891 

Goldway, David 745, 746 

Green, Gilbert 788, 891 


Hall, Gus (alias for Arva Halberg) 751, 891 

Hall, Sam 891 

Hansbrough, Ray 891 

Haywood, Harry 926 

Healey, Dorothy Ray (Mrs. Philip Marshal Connelly; nee Rosenblum; 

also known as Dorothy Ray) 927, 930 

Hill, Christopher 915 

Hillman (Sidney) 810 

Hirohito 879 

Hitler (Adolf) 879 

Hoover, J. Edgar 757 

Horthy (Miklos) 878,879 


Jackson, James E 713, 902, 925, 927, 928, 930 

Johntone 785 

Kautsky 778 

Keller, James (Albert) (Jim) 754 

Keynes 803 

Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeyevich 713, 715, 790, 800, 833, 835, 865, 871 

Kroner, Jack 745, 746 

Kuusinen 829 


LaFollette :i. 784, 786 

Lawrence, William. (See Lazar, William.) 

Lawson, Elizabeth 746 

Lazar, William (also known as William Lawrence; Isreal Lazar) 727, 728 

Lenin, V. I 721, 

772, 773, 778, 780, 782, 793, 818, 823, 829, 839, 840, 843, 844, 
851, 860-862, 866, 885, 887, 888, 894, 916, 917. 

Lewis (John L.) 786, 810 

Lightfoot, Claude 714, 893, 921, 928, 930 

Lima, Albert J. (Mickie or Mickey) 918, 925, 928, 930 

Loman, Charles 902 

Lovestone, Jay 784, 789, 792, 796, 819 

Lumer, Hyman (alias Robert Harold Meyers) 920, 925, 927-930 


MacEwen, Malcolm 915, 916 

Magil, Abraham B. (Abe) 854-926 

Mann, Robert. {See Friedman, Robert). 

Manuilsky (Dimitri Z.) 829 

Mao Tse-tung 835, 914 

INDEX iii 


Martinez, Jose 771 

Marx, Karl 772, 776, 823, 840, 887, 894 

Max, Alan 908, 910, 911 

Meyers, George 925, 928, 930 

Mikoyan ( Anastas I vanovich) 835 

Mindszenty, Joseph Cardinal ' 878 

Minor, Robert 89 1 

Mirabal, Ramon 893 

Morris, George (also known as Yusem Morris) 928 

Mucci, Frank 891 

Mussolini (Benito) 879 

Muste, A. J 828, 890, 891 


Nagy 878 

Nelson, Leon 713-729 

Nelson, Steve 868 

Nenni, (Pietro) 868 

Nicholas II, Czar^ of Russia 757 

Norman, William 916 

Orekhov, F , 903 


Palmer, Milton 926 

Pasternak, Boris 813 

Patterson, William L 771, 834 

Pepper 789 

Peralva 916 

Perlo, Victor (also known as "Mike"; Martin Stribling) 746, 804 

Perry, Pettis 77 1 , 891 

Piatnitsky 829 

Pinto 916 

Pittman, John 771 

Ponomarev, B 912 


Rakosi (Matyas) 834, 878 

Rolland, J. P 915 

Roosevelt, Franklin D 788 

Ross, Carl 928,930 

Russo, Michael A. (Mike) 928, 930 


Savage, Murray 746 

Schneiderman, William 714, 916, 918 

Schrank 723 

Schwartz, Harry 872,925 

Shevlyagin, D 914, ^ 918 

Signer, Herbert 889 

Simon, Hal 713,714 

Squier, George 746 

Stachel, Jack (Jacob) 925, 928, 930 

Stalin, Josef (losif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili) 715, 

790, 829, 832, 835, 839-841, 843-847, 856-859, 862, 870, 871, 878 

Stein, Sid 890, 902, 921, 925, 928, 930 

Stevens, Henry 854 

Stevenson, Ad'lai (E.) 752 

Stone, Martha (Mrs. Emil Asher) 928,930 

Strachey 803 

Swift 723 

1 Incorrectly spelled Mindzenty in this reference. 

2 Appears as Tsar. 

' Spelled Shevliagin in this reference. 


T Page 

Thaelmann 829 

Tildy 878 

Timofeyev, T 885,i 906, 908-911 

Tito 883-835, 875,878 

Thompson, Robert (Bob) 771, 891, 925, 928, 930 

Thorez 917 

Togliatti, Palmiro 834, 850, 868, 880, 881, 893 

Trilling, Ossia 780 


Wallace, Mike 742 

Watt, George Walsh 725, 727, 728 

Weinstone, William 725 

Weiss, Max 731, 929 

Wells, Harry K 746 

Whitney, Anita 891 

Wiener, William 891 

Wilkerson, Doxey 902 

Williams, Ann 745, 746 

Williamson, John ' 892, 908 

Winston, Henry 891 

Winter, Carl 714, 893, 921, 928, 930 

Zapotocky , Antonin 885 



American Civil Liberties Union, New York Chapter 890 

American Federation of Labor (AFL) 787, 810 

American Jewish Congress 860 

Americans for Democratic Action 860 

Auto Workers, United. (See Automobile, Aircraft, and Agricultural Im- 
plement Workers of America, AFL-CIO.) 
Automobile, Aircraft, and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, 

AFL-CIO (UAW) 854 

California Labor School.. 794 

Cominform. (See Communist Information Bureau.) 

Comintern. (See International III.) 

Communist Information Bureau (Information Bureau of the Communist 

and Workers' Parties; Cominform) 852 

Communist Party, Bolivia 893 

Communist Party, Brazil 912, 915, 916 

Communist Party, Canada 893, 911, 912, 915 

Communist Party, China 849 

Communist Party, Czechoslovakia 893 

Communist Party, France 723, 894, 895, 915, 917 

Central Committee 891, 892 

Politburo 850 

Communist Party, Germany (West) 914 

Communist Party, Great Britain 911, 912, 915 

Twenty-fifth Party Congress, April 1956 723 

Communist Party, Hungary. (See Hungarian Workers' (Communist) 

Communist Party, Italy 723, 893 

Communist Party, Japan 893 

Communist Party of America, Central Committee 757 

' Spelled Timofeev in this reference. 



Communist Party of the United States of America 713-938 

National Structure: 

Administrative Committee 909, 927, 928 

Draft Program Committee (1958) 759, 814-817 

Executive Committee. (See entry under National Committee.) 
National Commissions: 

Political Action Commission 713 

Trade Union Commission 713 

National Committee 713-715, 

719, 727, 728, 731, 751, 752, 754-756, 850, 868, 870, 890, 891, 
895-897, 902, 908, 912, 916, 918-920, 922, 923, 925, 926, 934. 

Executive Committee 759, 

760, 817, 818, 920-922, 925-928, 930, 934, 938 

Secretariat 753, 759, 760, 817-826 

National Conventions and Conferences: 

Sixteenth Convention, Februarv 9-12, 1957, New York City 713, 

714, 726, 772-775, 781," 795, 799-803, 805, 889, 896-903, 905, 
908-913, 916, 918-922, 928, 931, 932, 935, 938. 
Convention Preparation Committees: 

Constitution Committee 713 

• Labor Resolution Committee 714 

Platform Committee 714 

Resolution on Negro liberation struggles Committee — 714 
Resolution on political situation and perspectives 

Committee 713 

Seventeenth Convention, December 9-12, 1957, New York 

City 751,826 

Districts : 

New England District 751-753 

Northern California District: 

District Board 921 

District Committee 918 

States and Territories: 

California 890, 916 

Colorado 890 

Delaware 890 

Illinois 890 

Indiana 890 

Michigan - 890 

Minnesota. 890 

New York State 713, 715-724, 727, 728, 730, 916 

State Board 725 

State Committee 725, 726, 728, 740, 747, 793 

New York City Area: 

New York County (Manhattan) : 

Westchester Club 759,818 

Oregon 890 

Pennsylvania 890 

Philadelphia 926 

Washington 890 

Communist Party, Poland. (See United Polish Workers' (Communist) 

P^^^y-) ^ so-? 

Communist Party, Puerto Rico ^-^"J 

Communist Party, Soviet Union 748, 754, 825, 831-835, 865, 875, 892, 914 

Central Committee 747, 832, 833, 835, 837-853, 868, 870, 871, 876 

Congresses : ^ 

Thirteenth Congress, May 23-31, 1924 844 

Nineteenth Congress (1952) 860 

Twentieth Congress, February 1956, MoscotJv^^ 715, 

720, 721, 723, 790, 834, 835, 837-840, 845, 849-851, 859, 871, 879, 

881, 915, 932, 937, 938. 

Communist Political Association ^ - 89^ 

Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) 787, 788, 791, 810 

1 Appears as Communist Political Action Association. 


F Page 

Fellowship of Reconciliation 890 

Harvard Research Center 835 

Hungarian Workers' (Communist) Party 875 


International III (Communist) (also known as Comintern and International 

Workers' Association) 783, 852, 861, 916 

Executive Committee 829 

Thirteenth Plenum 829 

Second World Congress, July 17 to August 7, 1920, Petrograd and 

Moscow , 861 

Fourth World Congress, November 7 to December 3, 1922, Petrograd 

and Moscow 861 

International Association of Theatre Critics 780 

Jefiferson School of Social Science 744-746, 794 

Labor Youth League 745, 746, 794 

Mine Workers of America, United (UM WA) 786 


National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). 718, 860 

National Farmers Union 860 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 852, 880 


Phillips Academy (Andover, Mass.) 780 

Pilgrimage of Prayer, May 17, 1957, Washington, D.C 726 

Progressive Party 754, 791 

Project X 878, 880 

Radio Free Europe 878 

Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party 862 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SE ATO) 852 


Trade Union Educational League (TUEL) 786, 788, 810 

Trade Union Unity League (TUUL) 787, 788 


United Polish Workers' (Communist) Party 869 

U.S. Government: 

Supreme Court 718 


Workers Library Publishers (New York) 827 

World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) 791 

Young Communist League 788 

Yugoslav League of Communists, Seventh Congress 934 

INDEX vii 


A Page 

Autoworkers News 854 

Bronx Home News 854 


Catholic Worker 890 

Communist, The 757 

\ D 

Daily Worker {see also Worker, The) __ .723, 754, 795, 875, 876, 885, 908, 925, 928 
Declaration of the Conference of 12 Communist Parties, November 1957 
(Moscow) (also known as the Declaration of Communist and Workers 
Parties of Socialist Countries) 727, 914, 925, 927, 929-934, 936-938 

Empire of High Finance, The 804 

Foundations of Marxism-Leninism 822 


Imprensa Popular 916 

International Affairs 908, 910 

Israel in Crisis (book) 854 

I Take a Fresh Look (series of articles) 761-780 

Kommunist 875, 876, 918 

"Left- Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder 785 

L'Humanite 908, 910 

L'Unita 880 


Masses and Mainstream 854 

Milestones in the History of the Communist Party 827 

Morning Freiheit 757 


National Guardian 755 

New Masses 854 

Nuovi Argument! 850 

Party Voice 730 

Peace Manifesto of the 64 Communist and Workers' Parties, November 

1957, Moscow 934, 935, 938 

People's Daily 849 

People's World 794 

Peril of Fascism, The (book) 854 

Philadelphia Public Ledger 854 

Political Affairs 910, 921, 927 

Pravda 872, 908, 910 

viii INDEX 



Socialism: What's in It for You (book) 854 

Soviet Russia (Sovietskaya Rossiya) 886 

Truth About Father Coughlin, The (book) 854 


What Is To Be Done 721 

Worker, The {see also Daily Worker) 926 

World News 908, 910 



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