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VOL, V: PART I. sie
Digitized by the Internet Archive
In 2008 with funding from
Microsoft Corporation
https://archive.org/details/studiabiblicaeteO5oxfouoft
LIFE OF ST. NINO.
PREFACE.
Tue text used for this translation is Sakart hvelos Samot’ hhhe
(edited by Gobron (Mikhail) Sabinin, S. Pbg., 1882), the
standard collection of Lives of Georgian Saints; passages
have also been appended from Rufinus, Moses of Chorene, and
a MS. entitled Moktzevai Karthlisai (i.e. the Conversion of
Georgia).
Sabinin’s text has the merit of giving a connected narra-
tive, but its slipshod style and lack of punctuation frequently
render it obscure and misleading.
The New Variant. The best text, as far as it goes, is
that printed in Akhali Varianti Tsm. Ninos Tzkhovrebisa, anu
meore natsili Karthlis Moktzevisa (edited by E. Thaqaishvili,
Tiflis, 1891). Wherever this differs materially from Sabinin’s
text its words (marked A. V.) are inserted in the notes.
The existing MS. of this New Variant forms a part of
the ‘ Shatberdi Collection,’ a book of miscellaneous parchments
which formerly belonged to the monastery of Shatberdi, on
Chorokh Pass, in the district of Clarjet’hi, and appears to
have been written in the ninth or tenth century. With
it are bound up three Historical Chronicles and the short
MS. called Moktzevai Kart’hlisai, all of which are now pub-
lished. The most notable peculiarity of A.V. is that the
narrators speak in the first person; there seems little doubt
of its being the oldest existing MS., and it is evidently a
B2
4 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
copy of a very much older (perhaps contemporary) original.
Unfortunately it is incomplete. The order of the incidents
differs from that in other versions, and some things are
omitted altogether.
Other versions. Among other MSS. may be mentioned :
1. A copy of the Lives of the Georgian Saints, written by
the Catholicos Arsen in the tenth century (preserved in the
St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences). Arsen tells us he used
oral as well as written material.
2. The Shio Mghvime monastery’s MS., written in 1733.
3. The Nat’hlismtzemeli (Baptist) monastery’s MS., 1713.
These two last named are evidently taken from the same
source, but the one is not copied from the other.
4. Queen Mariam’s MS. (written 1636-1646) of Kart’ hlis
Tzkhovreba (the Georgian Chronicle), which was not among
those edited by Vakhtang VI.
5. Kart’hlis Tzkhovreba, the great Georgian Chronicle,
edited by King Vakhtang VI (early eighteenth century), but
collected long before his time. The text and French translation
published by M. F. Brosset, St. Petersburg Academy of
Sciences.
The MS. Conversion of Georgia. The MS. Moktzevai
Kart’hlisai (infra, pp. 61-64) gives the legend of St. Nino
in a dry, brief manner, and carries the history down to the
ninth century ; but the oldest part does not seem to be later
than the seventh century. It cannot be looked upon as the
root from which other versions have sprung, but only as part
of a compilation of annals from pre-existing material.
Agreement of the Versions. It will be found that the
different versions, through about a thousand years, show no
essential disagreement, and they are supported by the inde-
pendent authority of Rufinus, whose work seems to have been
first known in Georgia through Ephrem the Younger's
translation of Theodoretus in the eleventh century, It is
probably from Rufinus that the story of the healing of the
youth (p. 31) is inserted; the use of the word ci/ici, and the
Life of St. Nino. 5
omission of the incident in A. V., seem to suggest such an
origin.
Chronology. Various dates are given for the Conversion of
Georgia: Vakhusht 317, Baronius 327, Brosset 328, Kart’hlis
Tzkhovreba 338. The first and last of these are manifestly
wrong. The year given in Moktzevai Kart’hlisai, 332, if
we read ‘birth’ for ‘ascension,’ is apparently correct, and is
confirmed by the Chronique Arménienne (i. e. a Georgian
Chronicle which only exists in an Armenian translation of
the twelfth century, published in French by Brosset in
Additions et éclaircissements, Pgb. 1851). We may thus fix
the following dates: Nino’s arrival in Georgia 324, baptism
of King Mirian 332, Nino’s death 338.
The Georgian Church Autocephalous. It has been
asserted, not without authority, that the first Bishop of
Georgia was only called John (Ioane, Iovane) because he was
‘the Baptist,’ and that he was in reality that Eustatius who
was patriarch of Antioch from 325 till 331, when he was
expelled by heretics. In 1051 we find the clergy of Antioch
claiming the patriarchate over Georgia, and about the same
time Ephrem the Younger refers to Eustatius of Antioch as
the first Georgian bishop. In any case it is certain that until
the reign of Vakhtang Gorgaslan (end of fifth century) the
Georgian Church was subject to Antioch ; Vakhtang made it
a national Church, and it was solemnly declared autocephalous
by the Sixth General Council. Practically, it is now swal-
lowed up in the Russian Church, and the tomb of St. Nino,
in the monastery of Bodbe, has been surrounded by hideous
modern buildings, and given into the care of Russian nuns
ignorant of the language and history of the country.
Miscellaneous remarks. It is perhaps unnecessary to
draw attention to the importance of Jews and women in the
introduction of Christianity in Georgia, as in other places.
The Jewish colonies (p. 27) seem to have been ancient,
numerous, and prosperous; and the influence of the rabbi
Abiat’har, who is represented as calling himself complacently
6 Studia Brblica et Ecclestastica.
( the new Paul,’ plays a large part in the story. Queen Nana
eee us of Helena in Byzantium, Clothilde in France, and
other royal protectresses of Christianity.
The information given about the pre-existing faiths, the
imported Persian gods Armaz and Zaden, the hostile Chaldean
It’hrujan, the Book of Nimrod, and, more especially, Gatzi
and Gaim, or Ga, the ‘gods of the Georgian people, is well
worthy of attention. So too are such scraps of folklore as
we find on pp. 23 and 45. From the linguistic point of view
the fragments of ‘ Branjian’ and old Persian on pp. 20 and
21 may be recommended to the notice of philologists. A
mere translation such as is here presented leaves the field
open to students fitted to explain the numerous obscure points
in the legend.
Life of St. Nino. 7
TEXT.
The Conversion of King Mirian, and of all Georgia
with him, by our holy and blessed Mother the
Apostle Nino.
_ Her festival is held on the fourteenth of January.
Ler us tell the story of our holy and blessed Mother, the
enlightener of all Georgia, the apostle Nino, as she herself,
at the time of her death, related it to the believer Salome
of Ujarma, daughter-in-law of King Mirian, who wrote it \
down.
Now in those days when Saint George the Cappadocian '
bore witness for Christ, there was in a city of Cappadocia
a certain ruler, pleasing unto God, called Zabulon, who set out:
for Rome to serve before King Maximian? and to carry gifts
to him. In those same days there was in Colastra* a man
who had two children: a son named Jobenal and a daughter,
Sosana; and he and his wife died, leaving the brother and
sister orphans. The children arose and set out for the holy
city Jerusalem, trusting in the hope of all Christians, the
holy Resurrection. There they tarried; Sosana’s brother,
Tobenal, obtained the office of steward *, while she served the
Niamphori Sarra® of Bethlehem.
Now the Cappadocian youth Zabulon, whom we have
! We learn from an old chronicle that St. Nino was the archmartyr
St. George’s cousin.
2 A.V. omits the name Maximian. 3 A.V. ‘ Colasta.’
* Devtalari. In Queen Mariam’s MS. devkhalari, but in all others devéalari.
5 A.V. ‘ miaphori Sara.’
8 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica.
already mentioned, arrived before the king when the Branji’
had revolted against the Romans on the field of Patalani”.
The Lord gave power invincible to Zabulon, who went forth
with countless hosts against the Branji and put them to
flight, capturing their king and all his chiefs. Then he led
them before the king (of the Romans) who decreed that they
should all be put to death. The Branji began to weep, and
entreated Zabulon, saying: ‘ First let us be partakers in your
religion, and let us be led into the temple of your God; then
may we meet death, for we have been taken captive by thee.
Do thus unto us, and thou shalt be guiltless of our blood,
O hero!’ Now when Zabulon heard this, he went hastily and
secretly to the patriarch °, and told him what they had said.
They were baptized by Zabulon; they were led into the
temple of God, where they partook of the sacrament of the
body and blood of Christ, and the glory of the holy apostles
was declared unto them.
On the morning when they were to meet their doom, the
Branji rose very early, and, being clothed in the garments
of death, were led away unto the place of execution, praying
and praising God for His baptism and sacrament which they
had received, saying: ‘In this our death we are immortal,
for God has esteemed us worthy to see His glory, and to
receive the inexhaustible provision for the journey, to wit,
the body and blood of the immortal God Christ, who is
higher than all heights and deeper than all abysses and
depths, who is blessed through eternity. But, alas for our
kinsfolk, born in bitterness, inheritors of darkness!’ They
then handed themselves over to the executioner. Now when
Zabulon saw this, he was much moved, and wept bitterly,
for they were as sheep led to the slaughter, and for their
children they mourned grievously, as for lambs. Seized with
pity for them all, Zabulon went in to the king and entreated
* ? Branji=Frangi (Franks). Cp. Lebeau, Hist. du Bas-Empire, i. 42-3.
? A.V. ‘Pikhalani’ In other variants Pitalani.
* A.V. ‘he told the king and the patriarch.’
Life of St. Nino. 9
him that he would pardon them. The king granted them
their liberty.
The Branji begged Zabulon to go with them to their land
and teach the gospel of Christ, baptizing with water all the
people. He hearkened to their prayer, and asked the patri-
arch for a priest. Then he obtained leave from the king, and
they went away joyfully. When they were within a day’s
journey of the land of the Branji, the news that their king
was coming in safety, with all his chiefs, travelled before
them, and there came forth to meet them ten erist’havs!:
Khozamai, Khozaba, Zakai and Khenebagi, Timgaragi Daza-
kai?, Gazai, Zargai, Zarda, Zamrai and T’hmonigoni*, and
all the kingdom with them, and they met at a great deep
river *. The king divided the people, and placed half of
them on each side of the river, and the priest blessed the
water. Then all the people went down into the river and Baptism
: : : of th
were washed, and rose together, and the priest’ laid his hands Branji.
upon them all. Ten days tarried they there by the river,
and they pitched tents. The priest offered up the bloodless
sacrifice, and the people partook of the sacrament of Christ.
Priests instructed them in all the doctrines of Christianity.
When Zabulon had said farewell he left them in peace, and
went away with great gifts to Rome.
He resolved to go to Jerusalem, and when he arrived there Zabulon
he divided his gains among the poor, according to the com- be aici ee
mandment of God. He saw the steward Iobenal, who had
1 eris-t’havi (lit, head of the people) is a governor of a province.
2 Thus in Sabinin, but it may be da (and) Zakai, as in A.V."
3 In A.V. the names are given as follows: Kholamai, Khozabai Khladchai,
Kheneshagi, Timgaragi, Zakai, Gzai Zargai, Zardai, Zarmai and T’hmonigoni of
royal race. There are thus eleven names in all, but it is difficult to decide which
of them is a double name. Queen Mariam’s MS. gets over the difficulty by
omitting Zarmai. The MS. in the church of St. John the Baptist (Nat’hlis
mtzemeli monastery, in Karayaz Steppe) agrees with A.V. The list in Kart’hlis
Tzkhovreba is: Khozamoi, Khozai, Gaakhlajai (var. Gardajai), Khonemagai,
Khingiragai (var. Khinidchragai), Zajai, Zagai, Zardai, Zamrai, T’hmoni.
4 Queen Mariam’s MS. and the Nat’hlis mtzemeli MS. have not ghrmasa
(deep); the former reads ghadmarsa, the latter ghdamarasa (? geographical
names, names for the river), 5 A.V, ‘ Zabulon.’
and
marries
Sosana. _
Birth of
Nino.
3
}
t
IO Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
become patriarch, and Zabulon and the patriarch became great
friends. Then Sara Niamphori said to the patriarch : ‘ Since
this Zabulon is father and baptizer of the Branji, a man full
of wisdom and constant in the service of God, give him thy
sister Sosana to wife.’ The advice of Sara seemed good unto
the holy patriarch '.
St. Nino 2, the enlightener of Georgia, was born of them.
She was their only child, and her mother brought her up in
the service of the poor®, When Nino was twelve years old,
her parents sold all they had, and went away to Jerusalem.
On reaching the holy city, Zabulon, having been blessed by
the patriarch, left his wife. He clasped his daughter St. Nino
to his breast, wetting her face with the torrent of tears which
flowed from his eyes, and said: ‘My only daughter! I leave
thee an orphan, and confide thee to thy Father who is in
heaven, the God of all beings, for He is the Father of orphans,
the Judge of the widow. Fear not, my child, imitate the
love of Mary Magdalene and of the sisters of Lazarus for
Christ. If thou lovest Him as they loved Him, He will give
thee all thou askest of Him.’
When he had spoken thus, he gave her a kiss of eternal fare-
well, and went away beyond Jordan, with men who had become
savage for God’s sake, and who dwelt apart from the world, but
God the omniscient Creator knew the place of their sojourn.
The patriarch appointed the mother of Nino to serve poor
and infirm women, and St. Nino served the Armenian Niaphori
of Dvini two years, reading continually of Christ’s sufferings
on the cross, of His burial, resurrection, and garments, of His
linen, shroud, and cross. She learned everything, for there
had been and there was no one in Jerusalem equal to the
Niaphori in knowledge of the ancient law and the new; she
excelled all. The Niaphori thus instructing her said: ‘I see,
my child, thy strength, like the strength of the lioness, whose
* A.V. adds: ‘ they went away to his own town Colasa’ (var. Colastra).
\ * Nino is simply nonna, i.e. the nun.
“S-AoW> adds ‘day and night unceasingly.’
Life of St. Nino. II
roar is louder than that of any four-footed animal, or like the
female eagle, which, soaring in the highest air, beyond
the male, and, with the pupil of her eye, seeing all the
country, tiny as a pearl, stops, searches, and like lightning
perceiving her prey—she plumes her wings and immediately
swoops upon it. Even thus may thy life be by the guidance
of the Holy Spirit. Now will I declare unto thee every-
thing: When to this earth of mortal man the immortal God
came to call in the heathen, for He Himself wished to deliver
the world, He began to do good to the Jews, to raise the
dead, to give sight to the blind, and healing to the sick.
The people were envious against him, and, taking counsel
together, they sent soldiers (? couriers!) to ask the Jews to
come to Jerusalem quickly, saying: “Come, let us gather
together and destroy Him.” Then, from all parts, came
numerous wise men, learned in the law of Moses, who resisted
the Holy Spirit, and Him that was the Christ they did slay.
They crucified Him and cast lots for His raiment, and it? fell
to the lot of a citizen of Mtzkhet’ha, in the North. The Jews
buried Christ, and guarded and sealed His tomb, but He rose
again, as He had said from the beginning. And they found
the linen early in Christ’s tomb, whither Pilate and his wife
came. When they found it, Pilate’s wife asked for the linen,
and went away quickly to her house in Pontus, and she
became a believer in Christ®. Some time afterwards, the |
linen came into the hands of Luke the Evangelist, who put
it in a place known only to himself.
‘Now they did not find the shroud (sudarz), but it is said
to have been found by Peter, who took it and kept it, but we
know not if it has ever been discovered. The crosses are
buried in the city of Jerusalem, though no man knows in what
place ; when it shall please God they also shall appear.’
1 stratioti.
2 A.V. ‘the evart’hi,’ i.e. chiton, tunic or shirt.
$ This passage does not occur in Kart’hlis Tzkhovreba, nor in any other
variant, except A.V.
Nino
departs
12 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
When St. Nino heard all this from Sara the Niamphori
she offered thanks and blessing to God, and asked: ‘ Where
is that northern land whence the Jews came and whither
they took the raiment of our Lord Christ?’ Sara answered :
‘1 There is in the East, in the land of Kart’hli, a town called
~ Mtzkhet’ha, near Somkhet’hi and Mt’hiulet’hi, and now it has
become a part of the empire of the Uzhiks*, and is a land of
idolators.’
Now in those days a certain woman came from Ephesus,
to worship at the holy places, and Sara Niamphori asked
her if Queen Elene was still in error and darkness. And the
woman answered: ‘I am their servant, a sharer in all their
counsels both open and secret, and I know that she has now
a great desire for the law of Christ and baptism.’ When
St. Nino heard this, she said to the Niamphori: ‘Send me,
and I will go before Elene the Queen; shall not I appear in
her presence and speak for Christ’s sake?’ The Niamphori
told the patriarch what Nino desired and intended, and the
patriarch, Nino’s uncle, called his niece, and placed her on the
steps of the holy altar. He laid his holy hands upon her
shoulders, sighed towards heaven from the depths of his
heart, and said: ‘O Everlasting Lord God, I entreat Thine
aid for my sister's orphan child, and I send her to preach Thy
divinity. May she spread the good tidings of Thy Resurree-
tion ; wherever it pleases Thee may her course be ; may this
wanderer become, O Christ God, a haven of rest, a leader,
wise in speech, since she goes forth in Thy name.’ And her
mother gave her a farewell kiss, and made the sign of the
cross upon her *, and thus, with prayers to God, and blessings,
they parted.
St. Nino set out with the woman who had come from
* A.V. ‘It is a mountainous land north of Somkhit’hi, ruled by the Greeks
and Uzhiks.’
* Uzhiks or Uses, now Osses, Ossets. Cf. Const. Porphyrog. de Adm. Imp.
ec. 27; also Acts ii. g in the Georgian version. The Uzhiks have also been
described as Babylonians, Huns, Circassians (Odighe, Zychi).
3 A.V. ‘gave me a cross,’
Life of St. Nino. 13
Ephesus. When they arrived in the kingdom of the Romans, with the
in the house of that woman who had travelled with her they ee
saw a certain queen! (? royal princess), by name Riphsime,
and her foster-mother Gaiane*. They dwelt in a nunnery
for virgins, longing to confess Christ, and waiting for baptism
from Jerusalem. The woman came to St. Nino, and told
her about queen Riphsime, and when Nino heard how Riph-
sime loved Christ, she also went to dwell with her, with the
woman who was her fellow-pilgrim. In the same year
St. Nino baptized Riphsime, who had longed much for this, baptizes
and, with her, her foster-mother Gaiane and others of her leg
household, to the number of fifty ® souls; and St. Nino lived
in the nunnery * with them two years.
5 In those days the emperor sent forth to seek a maiden The
good and beautiful who might be to him a worthy wife. scoks to
When the messengers arrived at the convent of virgins they ™™tY,
Riphsine.
saw Riphsime, and learnt that she was akin to kings. They
were greatly pleased with her beauty, for nowhere could be
seen one like unto her in loveliness. They drew her fair face
and made a portrait of her on wood, and sent it to the
emperor. When he saw it he was exceeding glad, and, filled
with joy, he resolved to celebrate the wedding with splendour
and great pomp. So he hastened and sent messengers and rulers
1 A.V. vadagi mephetha.
? A.V. omits ‘and her foster-mother Gaiane.’
Saas “forky.” © AY. “houve.’
5 A.V. omits the legend of Riphsime, from ‘In those days the emperor...’
down to the incident of Nino’s being hidden in a briar-bush (p. 15), where it
goes on: ‘And I was left in a briar-bush.’ A.V. substitutes the following
passage: ‘Then the Lord looked down upon Greece, and King Constantine
became a believer; and he confessed Christ, he and his mother and all his
court, in the year from the beginning (A.M.) 5444, from the resurrection of
Christ, 311 (this date is in no other variant), and all Greece received
Christianity. In the seventh year was the holy assembly at Nicaea, and in
the eighth year our flight from Greece—Queen Riphsime, her foster-mother
Gaiane and fifty souls, we set out in the first month on the 15th day. And
we came into the bounds of Somkhit’hi (Armenia) into the garden of King
T’hrdat; there were they slain in the first month on the 30th day, on
a Friday’ (this date is not found in any other variant),
T4 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
to all in his kingdom, ordering them to collect gifts; with great
rejoicing they came, at his summons, to the imperial nuptials.
Now when those saints saw the secret cunning of the
enemy, and the fiery darts he hastened to shoot at Christ's
holy ones, they were afflicted, for the king was a tool of
wrath—like the serpent which spake in Paradise, even so was
this heathen who was given over to the profane worship of
unclean, abominable idols. When the blessed Riphsime and
Gaiane, and others of the nuns saw this temptation which
had come upon them, they remembered their vows of chastity
which they had made. Woefully they wept that the pagan
king had learnt of the beauty of St. Riphsime from the
picture. They inflicted severe penance on themselves, fer-
vently praying and entreating God without ceasing; and,
Flight of being of one mind, they secretly fled from that land—fifty
peer and three souls. The fugitives arrived within the borders
ae ‘ ‘of Somkhit’hi (Armenia), at the place which is called Akhal-
Armenia. kalaki, outside which is Dvini, the royal residence (?).
They entered into wine-presses which were built to the
north and east, and they kept themselves by selling their
handiwork.
Now when the emperor saw that St. Riphsime and others
with her had escaped from his hands, and from his wicked
love, he was full of bitter discontent, and sent men forth into
all places to seek them. And the imperial envoys came
before Trdat, king of the Somekhi (Armenians), and delivered
to him the emperor’s letter, which was as follows :—
The em- ‘J, the emperor, greet my beloved brother sovereign and
peror’s . .
letter to friend, Trdat. Be it known to thee, my brother and ally, that
Trdat, :
Bec? the sect of Christians, from whom formerly we have suffered,
Armenia. have again insulted our majesty and outraged our kingdom.
They serve a certain dead man who was crucified, and worship
a piece of wood, esteeming it a glory to die for their Lord;
they fear not the Jews, but they fear Him who was slain
and crucified by them; they insult kings and contemn the
gods, and they even venerate not the sun, moon and stars,
Life of St. Nino. 15
but say all was created by the Crucified ; and they flee from
the world, fathers and mothers forsaking one another, separate
while yet living. Although I have threatened and tortured
them they increase more and more. But it came to pass
that I saw the portrait of one of this sect, a young maiden,
and I resolved to take her to wife; but her heart had no
desire even for the love of the king. She looked upon me
as loathsome and unclean, and fled secretly from me; and
they are come into the bounds of thy land. ‘Therefore, be
it known unto thee, my brother, that thou shouldst seek for
her and find her; and let those who are with her die the
death, for they led her into error, but as for her who is so
fair of face, Riphsime by name, send her to me. Yet, if she
please thee, take her for thine own, for thou canst not find in
the world of the Ioni (? Ionians, Greeks) a fairer—and mayst
thou be kept alive in the service of the gods.’
When ‘Trdat had read this command of the emperor, he Trdat de-
immediately made haste to search, and when he found them i
in the wine-presses and saw Riphsime, love's desire wounded Fiphsime,
him, and he was filled with great joy, and resolved to take
her to wife. Riphsime would not consent to this, therefore who re-
: 3 fuses
he martyred her, with Gaiane her foster-mother and many saan
others with them, as is written in the book of their martyrdom ; ™2"*yred.
and we know of the miracles performed at the time of their
martyrdom in the conversion of the Armenians, and by God’s
providence King Trdat through them was converted.
Now some of those holy women escaped, among whom was Nino
St. Nino, who hid in a briar bush which had not yet put aie ie
forth its flowers. And while St. Nino was thus hidden, she ae
saw the form of an archdeacon! descending from heaven, Her
clad in a stole of light, holding in his hands a censer from “°™
which arose sweet smelling smoke, concealing the heavens;
and with him were many celestial beings. The souls of the
holy martyrs were set free from their bodies, and were united
to the host of shining ones, and together they mounted to
1 A.V. ‘deacon.’
Nino
travels
northward,
tarries
at Lake
P’haravan,
16 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
heaven. When St. Nino saw this, she cried aloud: ‘O Lord,
O Lord, why leavest Thou me here among asps and vipers?’
Then she heard a voice from heaven saying: ‘Thou too shalt
be led away into the kingdom of heaven before the throne
of God at the time when this thorn which is around thee
shall be sweet with the scent of rose-leaves!; but now arise
and go into the land of the North where the harvest is great
but of labourers there is none.’
Then St. Nino went thence, and arrived at Orbant’hi?, on
the bounds of Somkhit’hi; and after four months—from
March till June—she set forth and came to the mountains
of Javakhet’hi® [where was the great lake which is called
Pharavan. When St. Nino reached this place, and saw the
northern mountains in summer covered with snow, and felt
the coldness of the air, she trembled, and spake thus: ‘O
Lord, O Lord, receive my soul!’ She tarried there two
days, and begged nourishment from the fishermen who fished
in the lake. There were also shepherds there, and when they
watched their flocks by night they called upon their gods
Armaz and Zaden to help them, and promised them sacrifices
when they should come before them in peace. This they
spoke in the Armenian tongue, which St. Nino had formerly
studied a little with Niaphora, and she spake to one of the
shepherds, and asked him: ‘Of what village are you?’ And
he answered, saying: ‘ We are from* Kindzari, Rabati and
the great city of Mtzkhet’ha, where these gods reign and
kings rule*.’ St. Nino asked them: ‘ Where is that city of
1 A.V. adds: ‘by thy means.’
2 A.V. ‘Uloporet’hi, where I wintered in great distress’; Kart’hlis Tzkho-
vreba, ‘Orbant’hi’; Queen Mariam’s MS. ‘ Urbnit’hi’; Nat’hlismtzemeli MS.
‘ Orbnit hi’; Shiomghvimeli MS, ‘ Urbnisi.’
* A.V. omits ‘from March till June,’ and all the passage from ‘ where was
the great lake’ to the words, ‘Then she set out and came to the other side’
(on p. 18). This passage is inserted from the Nat’hlismtzemeli and Shio-
mghvimeli MSS, A.V. inserts after the word ‘Javakhet’hi’; ‘that I might
learn where Mtzkhet’ha was.’
* Some MSS, insert ‘ Elarbini and Sap’hurtzeli.’
* «Ghmert’hni ghmert’hoben da mep’heni mep’hoben,’ lit. ‘the gods act as
gods, the kings as kings,’
EEE a ee
FO ee ee
Life of St. Nino. 17
Mtzkhet’ha?’ They answered her: ‘On the river flowing
from this lake lies Mtzkhet’ha.’
When St. Nino saw how terrible was the length of the |
way, and how fearful the mountains, her spirit was seized “
with trembling. She placed a great stone for a pillow, and
slept by that river flowing from the lake. And as she slept,
there came to her in a vision a man of exceeding tallness,
whose hair fell down on his shoulders(?)!; and he gave
a sealed scroll to St. Nino, saying: ‘ Bear this swiftly to where ten
Mtzkhet’ha and give it to the heathen king.’ But St. Nino eae
are de-
began to weep, and entreated him, saying: ‘O Lord, I am ee
a stranger woman and unskilled, and I know not how to cee
speak their tongue. How can I go into a strange land,
among a strange people?’ Then the man undid the book,
on which was the seal of Jesus Christ, and in it were written,
in the Roman tongue”, ten sayings, as on the tables of stone
delivered to Moses, and he gave them to St. Nino to read,
and these were the sayings: e's
. Wherever they preach this gospel, there shall they
alk of this woman. Matit. xxvi. 13. z
2. Neither male nor female, but you are all one. Gal. iii. 28.
3. Go ye and make disciples of all the heathen, and baptize
them in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost. Matt. xxvin, 19.
4. A light to shine upon the heathen, and to give glory
to thy people Israel. Luke ii. 32.
5. > Preach the good tidings of the kingdom of heaven
in all the world. Mark xvi. 15.
6. Whoever receiveth you receiveth Me, and whoever
recelveth Me receiveth Him that sent Me. Matt. x. 40.
7. Now Mary was greatly beloved of the Lord, so that
He always hearkened to her truth and wisdom.
8. Be not afraid of those who can destroy your bodies, but
are not able to destroy your soul. Matt. x. 28.
1 ¢?hma t’hmosani.’ ? ‘enit’ha romelebrit’ha’ (? Greek). ©
* Omitted in Skhio Mghvime MS.
VOL. V, PART I. c
She
travels to
Urbnisi.
Arrives at
Mtzkhet’-
ha, where
she sees a
pagan
festival.
18 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica.
g. Jesus said to Mary Magdalene: ‘Go, O woman, and
tell the good news to My brethren.’ John xx. 17.
10. Whithersoever ye go, preach in the name of the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
When St. Nino had read through these words, she began
to pray to God, and perceived plainly that this was a vision
from on high. And she raised her eyes to heaven and
besought the aid of the all-preserving God, established in
the highest !.] Then she set out and came to the other side
of the river, to the part which flows westward, where she
met many difficulties and trials on the road, fearful wild
beasts and many troubles, until she reached the place where
the stream begins to flow eastward, and then she was
consoled, for there she found travellers, with whom she
arrived in the suburbs of the city which is called Urbnisi,
where she saw the worship of strange gods, for they wor-
shipped fire, stones and wood. This grieved the soul of
St. Nino. She entered the quarter? of the Jews, with whom
she talked in the Hebrew tongue (wherein she was skilled) ;
and she tarried there a month and learned the habits and
customs of that land.
One day a great multitude of people set forth from that
town to the great royal city * of Mtzkhet’ha, to buy what
they needed, and to offer sacrifice to their god Armaz; and
with them went St. Nino. When they reached the city of
Mtzkhet’ha they took up their quarters near the bridge of
the Magi*. And when St. Nino saw the magicians, fire-
worshippers, seducers of the people, she wept for their doom,
and mourned their strange ways. And, behold, on the
next day there was a great noise of trumpets and shouting,
and a fearful tumult, and people without number, like
the flowers of the field, rushing and crowding, waited for
* A.V. begins again.
* Kart’hlis Tzkhovreba: ‘ubansa Uriat’hasa,’ into the quarter of the Jews;
Queen Mariam’s MS., ‘baginsa Romelt’hasa,’ into the Roman quarter.
* Kart’hlis Tzkh. ‘ deda kalakad,’ to the mother-city, metropolis.
* Pompey’s bridge, built in 65 B.c. The modern bridge is on the same site.
Life of St. Nino. 19
the king and queen to come forth. Then came Queen™~
Nana, and after her coming the people went quietly, and
adorned all her path, and enclosed it with hangings of
every colour, and strewed her way with leaves of trees, and
flowers, and all the people began to praise the king. Next
came King Mirian, terrible and in great pomp. St. Nino
asked a certain Jewess: ‘What is this?’ She replied: ‘It
is their custom to go up before their god of gods, like whom
is no other idol. When St. Nino heard this, she ascended
with the people to see the idol Armaz, and the mountain-
sides were beautified with standards and ornaments like
flowers of the field. And St. Nino hastened up to the fortress
of Armaz, and placed herself near the idol in a crevice of
the rock, and noticed the incomprehensible and inexpressible
strangeness of the rites. There was a great noise, and the
king and all the people trembled and were afraid before
the idol. St. Nino saw standing a man made of copper,
whose form was clad in a golden coat of mail, and he had on
his head a golden helmet, and his shoulder-pieces and his
eyes were of emeralds and beryls, and he held in his hands
a sword bright as the lightning flash, which was turned in
his hand, and none dared touch the idol on pain of death.
And they spake thus: ‘If here there be any who despise
the glory of the great god Armaz, of those who agree with
the Hebrews, who hearken not to the priests who teach sun-
worship, or of those who adore a certain strange god and Son
of the God of heaven—if here among us be any of these
wicked ones, may the sword of him whom all the world
fears strike them down!’ When they had thus spoken, they
each, one by one, worshipped the idol with fear and trembling.
At its right hand was another idol, of gold, with the face of a
man, and its name was Gatzi!, and at its left hand was an
idol of silver, with the face of a man, and_its.name was
Gaim *, which were the gods of the Kart’hlian people.
~ When the blessed Nino saw this, she began to sigh
! Catzi in Georgian signifies ‘ man.’ 2 A.V. Ga (? ya).
C2
Nino’s
prayer.
A great 4
“immediately God sent forth west winds and hurricanes, with
storm
arises.
20 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica.
and weep tears to God, because of the error of the land
of the North, for the light was hidden from them, and
the rule of darkness was over them?. She saw their kings,
with their hosts and all the princes, journeying, as it were,
onward to be swallowed up alive in hell, for they had left
their Creator, and worshipped gods of stone, of wood, of brass
and of copper, and these they regarded as the creators of
all. Then St. Nino remembered those words which her
mother’s brother Jobenal, the patriarch, had spoken to her:
‘As a herol send thee forth, for thou goest into a strange
land, to those of the race of Dargevel, Zevel, Barcidul 7,
which is in the Branjian language: ‘men who are enemies
and adversaries of God.’ She raised her eyes to heaven and
said: ‘O Lord, by Thy great power overturn these Thine
enemies, and by Thy great longsuffering may this people
become wise, and all Thy foes disappear from the earth like
dust and ashes, but do not despise man whom Thou hast made
in Thy likeness, and for whom One of the Trinity became
man and gave life to all in the world. Look down upon their
race, and deliver their souls from the wicked and invisible
ruler, the prince of darkness, and grant, O Lord God of my
father and mother, unto me Thy handmaiden, born to serve
Thee, that Thy salvation may be seen in all corners of Thy
earth, that the north with the south may rejoice, and that all
the people may worship the only God, through Jesus Christ Thy
Son, to whom it is fitting to give glory with thanks for ever.’
“When St. Nino had finished this prayer and _ praise,
clouds fearful and ominous to look upon, and the noisy roar
of thunder was heard, and at the setting of the sun there
blew a wind with a bitter, ill-smelling, noxious odour. The
multitude, perceiving this, began hastily to run and flee
* The Georgian words for ‘north’ and ‘shadow’ are practically the same.
Hence the play upon words.
* K. Tzkh. ‘Dargvel, Zevel, Barcadul’; A.V. ‘ Dgevel, Zephel, Narca-
dovel’; Shio Mghyv. and Nat’hl. Mtz. ‘ Darbevel, Zephel, Barcadul.’
Life of St. Nino. 21
towards their dwellings in the town. God gave them but
little time, and when they were all safe at home, suddenly
His wrath burst forth fiercely from the cruel cloud, and hail
fell, like stones the size of two hands1, piercing, hard and
strong, on the house of the idols, and broke them in little
pieces, and the walls were destroyed by the terrible wind, and
cast among the rocks”. But Nino stood unharmed, watching
from the same place where she had stood at the beginning.
On the next day came King Mirian, and all the people, to
seek for their gods, but they could not find them. Therefore
were they seized with fear and trembling, and astonishment
filled their minds; and many said: ‘The idols are thus
helpless and cast down because It’hrujan, the god of the
Chaldeans, and this our god Armaz have always been enemies,
for Armaz made the sea go over his land, and now he is
envious and has done thus to him.’ Some aflirmed that it
was done by that God by whose power Trdat, the king of
Armenia, had been turned into a wild boar, and then again
from a wild boar into a man, for what other god could have
done such a thing as this? Since that time when King
Trdat by the power of Christ was turned into a wild boar,
and by the power of Christ was again turned into a man,
the praise and glory of Christ was no longer secretly spoken
in Kart’hli, for in the east the grace of God began to shine.
3 Now in that day of wrath and of the overthrow of the
1 A.V. ‘litrisa’—weighing one pound or nine pounds.
? In A.V. a leaf is wanting here, down to the words ‘for in the east the
grace of God began to shine’ (end of next paragraph). The missing passage
is found in Shio Mghv. and Nat’hl. Mtz. MSS.
8 A.V. begins again as follows: ‘And the king said, with tears: ‘‘ Hehe
raithmeboi khojat’h st’habanub rasul p’hsar zad,” which is, being translated :
“Thou speakest truly, O happy queen and apostle of the Son of God.”—Now
in that day of wrath,’ &c.
Prof. Margoliouth points out that the words added in A.V. and beginning
Hehe ... are a transliteration of late Persian, and probably correspond to
the following:
=a
: Pe ae Ore *
spl doy 9 us er ST ge Hb
Ah, ah, thou speakest truly, fortunate lady and apostle of the Son of God.
Destroying
the idols.
St. Nino
dwells on
the hill,
is visited
by Shro-
shana,
lives nine
months in
the house
of the
king’s
gardener,
22 Studia Brblica et Ecclestastica.
idols, when the hail and cruel wind were ceased, St. Nino
came out from her crevice in the rock, and found the beryl
eye, which she took, and went away to the edge of the
precipice. In that place had been in ancient times a fortress
and a city 1, and she saw standing there a tree which is
called drinji? (acacia), very lofty, and fair to look upon,
with many branches, under whose shade she set up the sign
of the cross, and there she tarried six days, giving thanks
and entreating God that He would look down with merey
nd deliver that people from the error of the devils. And
when the overthrow of the idols took place it was the fifth
month from Marech—the sixth day of August, the day on
which Christ was transfigured before the prophets and His
disciples *.
As I said, St. Nino dwelt hidden under the tree. There
came to her from the court a maiden named Shroshana, who
when she saw St. Nino was surprised, and asked her, by
means of a woman speaking Greek, whence she came and
what she did. When she learnt all from St. Nino (except
about her parentage) and how she was a captive *, Shroshana,
sympathetic and gracious because of her being a stranger,
with tears besought St. Nino to go home with her to the
palace; but St. Nino would not, and Shroshana departed.
Three days afterwards she arose, crossed the river Kura,
and reached the royal garden, where is now the divinely
raised column and the church of the Catholicos. There she
saw the little house of the keeper of the garden, and went in.
Anastos, the keeper’s wife, met her, and graciously kissed
her, as if she had known her and been her friend for a long
time. She bathed her feet, anointed her with oil, and gave
her bread and wine. St. Nino tarried with her nine months.
* Harmozica, built by King Bartom. Strabo, xi. 3. 5; Pliny, Hist. nat.
Vi. 10, 2.
2 «The tree under which King Bartom used to rest and refresh himself.’
Sakarth. Samot’hkhe, p. 74.
* A.V. ‘ Evmanuvel on Tabor showed us Himself in the image of the Father.’
* Cf. Rufinus. A.V. omits here all reference to parentage and captivity.
Life of St. Nino. | 23
Now Anastos and her husband were childless, and were much
grieved thereat. In sleep, St. Nino saw a vision of a man
clothed in light, who said to her: ‘Go into the garden, and
you will find at the foot of a cedar a little twig ready
to sprout forth with sweet smelling flowers of many beautiful
colours. ,Take the earth from that place and give it to the
couple to eat, and they shall have ason.’ St. Nino prayed, whose wife
and gave it to the husband and wife to eat, even as the a
angel had commanded, and there was born to them a son,
and, afterwards, many daughters. Then they believed on
Christ, and secretly became disciples of Nino’.
After the nine months which St. Nino spent in the house Nino re-
of the gardener, she found outside the walls of the city, as it get ‘
were a little tent formed of brambles, by God’s providence,
in that place where is now the altar of the Church of the
Samt’havarepiscopozi (Archbishop), and there she took up
her abode and place of rest, and there she raised her cross,
which she had formed out of vine twigs, and sat up all night
before it to watch, and turned night into day by her unceasing
prayers and entreaties to God. Wondering at her many
sufferings, the couple who kept the king’s garden served her.
Whilst she dwelt thus, St. Nino often visited the Jewish
quarter, that she might converse in the Hebrew tongue, and
learn the whereabouts of the Lord’s tunie (cvart’/z), of which
she had“heard at Jerusalem from the Niamphori—how it had
been carried away by the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, who would
know where it was.
She met a certain Jew, a priest called Abiat’har, and his Pee ck
daughter Sidonia, and preached to them the gospel of our and other
Lord Jesus Christ. And they accepted it, and became her ie pe
disciples, with other Jewish women, to the number of six, disciples.
taught by St. Nino, except baptism, for at that time there
was no priest to baptize them, and secretly they were her
disciples. And God, by the hands of St. Nino, performed
1 A.V. omits the rest of this chapter, substituting for it Nino’s dream of
the birds (p. 29).
24 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
many wonders and cures, for, by the use of herbs, she freed
many incurable from their ailments.
Constan- Three years lived she thus in the city of Mtzkhet’ha, and
tine defeats
an invasion ;
of Geor- made an expedition into Greece. Constantine, the Greek
glans an
Persians. emperor, put them to flight by the power of Christ, and
then King Mirian and his nephew, the king of the Persians,
through His cross, which was borne before all the emperor's
armies.
The words of Abiathar the priest, who was con-
verted by the holy and blessed Nino’.
Story of I, Abiat’har, became priest, chosen by lot, in that year when
SOEDAY. the holy and blessed mother Nino arrived in Mtzkhet’ha.
Hereceives After that *, I received from the Jewish priests in Antioch
a letter :
from the 2 letter wherein were these words :—
Jews in
Bee, ‘God has broken into three parts the kingdom of Israel,
for lo! our prophets have ceased, and those in whom the
Spirit of God still dwelt told us that all was fulfilled. We
are scattered over all the earth, and the Romans have seized
our land; we do nought but weep, for the wrath of God our
Creator is fallen upon us. Now search, therefore, the Book
of Moses *, who described all this to us—how He who on
earth called Himself the Son of God would be slain. And
we have been the cause of the slaying of this Nazarene.
Now we see how from the first our fathers have sinned
against God and have wholly forgotten Him. Then He gave
‘them into the hand of the wicked, but they turned again and
eried aloud unto God, and He speedily saved them from their
woes ; and thus did they do, as we know from the Scriptures,
' In A.V. this chapter comes after the story of the miracle performed by
the holy pillar (p. 41).
* A.V. ‘letters arrived from Rome and Egypt, and from the Hebrew
priests and scribes in Babylon,’
° A.V. ‘who tells us: ‘He who calls Himself God on the earth shall be
hanged on a tree.” ’
Life of St. Nino. 25
even unto the seventh time. Now, since the hands of our
fathers have been raised against the Son of the Virgin, and
they have killed Him, God has become wroth with us. He
has destroyed our kingdom, and has sent us away from His
temple. Our race is altogether despised. And from those
days three hundred years (nay, more) have passed, and He
has not hearkened to our prayers. Therefore it seems that
this surely is not false, but that Man was from heaven.’
Much more did they write unto us, concerning themselves.
When I had heard this, I began to inquire of the woman Is con-
Nino about this Christ: who He was, and why the Son of eerie "=
God had become man. St. Nino opened her mouth, from
which the words flowed forth like water from a well, and
she began to tell unto me by heart our books, even from the
beginning, and to declare their power. And lo! she awakened
me as from sleep, and cast light upon my stony heart, and
made the misery of my fathers manifest unto me. I trusted
in the new law, and believed in the words of the Lord Jesus
Christ, the Son of God, who had suffered and risen again,
and who would come a second time with glory, and who
was, and is in truth, the expectation of the Gentiles. My
daughter Sidonia and I became worthy to receive sprinkling
by the water of baptism, for the cleansing from sins, which
the prophet David had desired, and of which he could not
partake. I heard the voice of those that chanted together
the new law, which David also had longed to hear. And
I became worthy to partake of the true body and blood of
Christ, the Son of God, of the Lamb slain for the sins of the
world, which is of a sweet savour; and in this faith, O Lord,
may my soul pass from my body! And lo! we saw with
our eyes many kinds of miracles performed, in Mtzkhet’ha,
by St. Nino!
1 A.V. adds: ‘And the house of Eliozi was in the west of the city, at the
Gate Mogvet’hi (of the Magicians), on the river Kura; and there was their
little cemetery, upon which St. Nino raised the cross of Christ, and one by
one the nobles were baptized there by Jacob the priest and Prosila the arch-
The Geor-
gian Jews
26 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
The words of the same Abiathar the priest con-
cerning the tunic (shirt) of our Lord Jesus
Christ}.
I, Abiat’har, relate unto you that story which I have
heard, and which I have learnt with mine ears from my
parents, who learnt it from epistles, and from their parents
and grandparents.
In those days when Herod ruled in Jerusalem, there was
deacon. They called the place “The Nobles’ Place of Baptism,” and it was
very well known in our days, for it stood in a plain, without other buildings.
‘In those days the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha were filled with hatred towards
me; and they tore down the tree-fern (?) (cilamo) which stood over against the
door of the sanctuary and adorned the place, for its branches were entwined
over all the front of the building.
‘ And they began to go thence, except those of the house of the Barabeans, of
whom fifty souls were baptized, and they became inhabitants of Mtzkhet’ha,
and Mirian gave them a village which is called 7'zikhe didi. They were great
before the king, and were all Christians, by the grace and guidance of the
blessed Nino.’
(The Barabeans are mentioned on p. 43 as Cabrabians.)
1 In A.V. this chapter is headed: ‘Chapter VII, written down by the
Hebrew woman called Sidonia, daughter of Abiat’har the priest.’ It begins:
‘And it came to pass that the Lord looked down with mercy on this forgotten
northern land of the Caucasians, on the mountaineers of Somkhit’hi, on which
mountains was spread a mist, and in the plains a vapour of error and
ignorance. And the land was shadowed from the sight and knowledge of
the sun of righteousness, the Son of God; its name in truth is land of the
shadow (cf. note I on p. 20)... . There passed until the birth of Christ
5100 years; froin His birth to His crucifixion 33 years; from the crucifixion
until the conversion of King Constantine of Greece 311 years; fourteen years
later our queen Nino was sent with the message of truth to the mountains
of darkness, and the dawn arose, and then shone forth the great monarch of
day. Such was our history, O Georgians. For we were turned from the
light, and were inheritors of darkness. We rejoiced gaily and amassed
treasure, but when we mourned there was no consoler; we served things
created, and not the Creator. Our fathers (i.e. the Jews) worshipped Gebal
and Garizin, seated on cherubim, and beside was no God, nor Moses, nor
a sign of them, but idols of soulless stone. And in this land of Kart’hli were
two mountains, and on them two idols, Armaz and Zaden, who stink with the
ill odour of a thousand souls of first-born youths, whom parents sacrificed until
now. And there were other royal idols, Gatzi and Ga, and they sacrificed to
them a prince, whom they burned with fire, and the ashes were scattered
about the head of the idol.’
Life of St. Nino. 27
a rumour that the Persians had taken Jerusalem !,and because hear of
Christ’s
of this there was grief and mourning among the Georgian pativity.
Jews dwelling in Mtzkhet’ha, the priests of Bodi, the scribes
of Codi’s stream, and the translators of the law in K’hobi 2.
These were all moved to go and help those in Jerusalem. But
after a few days another messenger arrived with the consoling
tidings that the Persians were not come to take Jerusalem ;
for instead of arms* they carried royal* gold, myrrh (a speedy
healer of wounds), and sweet smelling incense *. They sought
a certain child born of the seed of David, of a virgin, and
they found the child born of a virgin, out of season, in an
unseemly place, as is the custom for strangers(?). And they
came to the Babe and worshipped Him, and offered Him their
gifts, and they ® went away in peace’. And the Georgian
Jews heard these tidings with great joy.
After this, thirty years passed by, and Anna® the priest Annas, the
high priest,
summons
the kings of Persia came bringing gifts was or toate
fa ging § So a Oe and Jerusalem
arrived at man’s estate 1°, and that He called Himself the Son to be
wrote from Jerusalem to my father Eliozi® that He to whom
1 A.V. ‘that twelve kings had come to take the land.’
2? The Hebrew settlements mentioned in the text seem to have been the
following: Bodi, Budi or Bodbe, in Cakhet’hi, near Signakh, the place of
Nino’s death and burial; her nunnery there still exists. Codis tsgaro, in
Kart’bli, a small stream running into the salt Lake Cumisi, not far from the
Kura, below Tiflis. Coda village is on this stream. K’hobi (in A.V. Sobi,
but ? misprint)—K7hoba is a small town in Saintzkhe, near the town and old
fortress of Thmogvi, district of Akhaltzikhe.
5 A.V. ‘and provisions.’ * A.V. ‘ yellow.’
5 A.V. ‘the kings themselves bare burdens.’
° A.V. ‘crossed the mountains and.’
7 A.V. ‘Now fear not, O Jews; I, Herod, sought and found not that child,
nor its mother. But now I have raised the sword against all children of two
years and less, and have destroyed him with them.’
oe, Vi © Ama.’ ° A.V. ‘father’s father Oziai.’
10 A.V. ‘and was arrived with John the son of Zakaria at the river Jordan.
There went forth all the people of Jerusalem, and with them was thy father’s
mother’s brother Elios (? Vthos). And behold the sky thundered, and the
earth trembled, the mountains shook, the hills sang, the sea stood still, the
waters arose—the son of Zakaria fled, and we were all seized with fear and
trembling; and because of the multitude of the people we were silent
concerning this matter.’
present at
Christ’s
death.
Eliozi’s
mother
hears the
nailing of
Christ to
the cross,
and dies.
Eliozi car-
ries Christ's
tunic to
Mtzkhet’-
ha, and
gives it
to his
sister, who
dies, and
is buried
with the
tunic.
28 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
of God. ‘Come hither unto His death, which will fulfil the
law of God and of Moses.’
Eliozi went thither; he was my father’s father, an aged
man, and his mother was of the race of Eli the priest, and
Eliozi had one sister. The mother of Eliozi entreated him,
saying: ‘Go, my son, at the royal summons of the king, to
fulfil that law, despite which they take counsel. Consort not
with them, O my son, for He is the word of the prophets
and the fable of the wise, and the secret hidden from the
Jews, the light of the Gentiles and life everlasting.’ Eliozi
of Mtzkhet’ha and Longinozi of Carsni went away, and saw
the crucifixion of the Lord Christ.
Now when they nailed the Lord on the cross, and Hasanig?!
struck the nails with an iron hammer in Jerusalem, Eliozi’s
mother, in Mtzkhet’ha, heard the blows, and suddenly eried
out: ‘Farewell, kingdom of the Jews, for ye have slain your
Saviour and Deliverer, and henceforth ye shall be accounted
enemies and murderers of your Creator! Woe is me that Iam
not buried before His death, for mine ears shall no longer
hear, and after this I am no longer worthy to look upon the
light of the Gentiles and the peace of Israel.’ When she
had uttered these words, she straightway entered into rest. .
The Lord’s tunic fell by lot to the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha,
and Eliozi took it to Mtzkhet’ha. His sister received him in
tears, and embraced his neck ; and taking the garment of Jesus,
she pressed it to her bosom, and immediately her soul passed
from her body. Threefold was the cause of her death: bitter
grief at the slaying of Christ, sorrow for her mother’s death,
and* disappointment that she had not been present with
her brother at the crucifixion. Then there was great wonder
and turmoil in Mtzkhet’ha, which reached even unto King
7 A.V. ‘Pasanic’; Q. Mariam’s MS. ‘Pasang’; Shio Mghv. MS. and
Nat’hl. Mtz. ‘Pasanig’; Kart’hl. Tzkh. and other variants, ‘ Hasinig.’ All
these are probably corruptions of the word pasenaki, i.e. royal officer for
executing justice, executioner.
? A.V. ‘longing for the tunic.’
Life of St. Nino. 29
Aderci’; and all the people, and their princes, and King Aderci
himself wished for the garment. But he was seized with
horror and alarm when he found that he could not draw it
from her hands; so firmly and eagerly did she clasp the
garment to her breast, that her brother Eliozi buried it with
her. The place where she was buried God only knows’, and
none other can tell, save that it is near unto a cedar, brought
from Lebanon, planted and reared in Mtzkhet’ha.
My father also told me that the mantle of Elijah, a double (?)
garment, endued with divine power, is in that city, lying
under the stone of the altar of strength, unfound ? until the
appointed time.
St. Nino urged me to ask my father to tell me all in detail,
to satisfy her longing to know the place where the tunic was.
But he only said that the place of its burial was there where
the tongues of men sing praises to God, the place where Jacob
saw the ladder which mounted to heaven *.
5 After many years the grandnephew of King Aderci, King
Amzael®, sought the garment among the Jews, but he could
neither find it nor learn anything of it, except what is men-
tioned above: that it was said to be buried near a cedar of
Lebanon. But the family of the same Eliozi, who brought
the tunic and buried it with his sister, knew that it was to the
east of the city, by the bridge of the Magi.
In those days St. Nino saw three times‘, yea, four times, in
sleep, a vision. She was on her knees, and, bent forward, had
fallen into a light slumber. She saw birds with black wings
fly down from heaven, and they entered into the river, and
1 A.V. ‘ Amazaer, but in all other variants Aderci is said to have been
king of Kart’hli at Christ’s death.
2 A.V. ‘and my mother Nino knows, but she does not tell, for it is not yet
time to declare it. Let this suffice for disciples of Nino and believers in
Christ, to know that it is near the place where a cedar brought from Lebanon
was planted in Mtzkhet’ha.’
3 A.V. ‘incorruptible.’
* 2 The altar of the church at Mtzkhet’ha thus described metaphorically.
° A.V. omits this paragraph. § a.v. 88.
7 A.V. ‘ twice and three times.’
Mirian re-
turns from
Greece.
Abiat’har’s
preaching.
30 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
bathed, and became pure white, and they flew into the garden
already spoken of, and gathered the fruits and pecked the
flowers ; and they came graciously and lovingly towards Nino
as if she were the mistress of the garden, and gathered round
her, singing sweetly '.
When St. Nino told this to her disciple Sidonia (Abiat’har’s
daughter), she answered: ‘O stranger, of foreign birth!
captive, according to thy words! I know that by thee these
times will be renewed, and through thy means will hear the
story of what our fathers did; how they spilled the innocent
blood of the Divine One, for which deed the Jews have
become a shame, scattered to the ends of the earth, their
kingdom destroyed, and their holy temple taken from them,
their glory given unto a strange people. O Jerusalem,
Jerusalem! thy wings are stretched forth *, and thou gatherest
under thy wings every nation from the ends of the heavens.
Behold now this woman is come, by whom will be changed
all the law of this land.’ Then she turned to Nino and said :
‘This thy vision announces and declares, that this place will
be spiritually changed by thee into a garden of Paradise,
yielding heavenly fruits for evermore.’
* Now when King Mirian returned from Greece, put to
flight by King Constantine, he heard how St. Nino preached
the gospel of Christ; for he heard it openly said that ‘the
dwellers in the north were found in error, and he was told of
the vine-stem cross, and of the great miracles done by her.
Without medicine she cured those who had ineurable diseases
by the application of the cross. Her disciples also preached :
those who had been secretly converted, to the number of
seven women of the Jewish race: Sidonia, the daughter
of Abiat’har, and six others, and the couple who kept the
king’s garden, and Abiat’har the priest, that new Paul, who
* A.V. does not say that the birds were black, nor that they became white.
7 A.V. ‘thy children are scattered.’
* A.V. from this point to the incident of Khwarai (p. 33) is very brief,
saying little about the miracles.
Life of St. Nino. 31
preached the law of Christ fearlessly and unceasingly. He
was skilled in the old law, the new law he learned from Nino ;
and even more than Nino he convinced all men and taught
the law of truth.
The Jews were moved to stone Abiat’har, but King Mirian Mirian
sent servants and hindered the Jews from killing him, for eee
King Mirian wished for the law of Christ, having heard of ree
many miracles done by it in Greece and Armenia, and he did
not hinder the preaching of Nino and her disciples. But the
devil, the enemy of all true believers, warred against him ;
and Queen Nana! was more cruel than the king, and a despiser
of the preaching of the true gospel of Christ.
St. Nino prayed unceasingly in her dwelling in the bramble
bush, and the heathen were surprised at her prayer and watch-
ing, and it seemed strange unto them, and they began to
question her. And she made known to them the old and
new books, making the foolish wise, and putting into their
hearts the love of Christ. |
Three years did she preach thus, converting many. Now Nino heals
a young
there was a young boy of noble birth who was very sick, and y¢bleman.
his mother took him from door to door, to see if perchance
she might find some skilled in healing, and helpful in his
trouble. They all diligently inquired into his sickness, but
none could cure the child, and the physicians told the woman
that her boy could never be healed. The woman was a bitter
heathen, hating the Christian faith, and hindering others
from going to consult Nino; but, being in despair, she came
and fell down before Nino, entreating her to heal the lad.
St. Nino said: ‘That healing art which is of man I know not;
but my God whom I serve, Christ, can cure this child, though
all think his case hopeless.’ She placed the sick boy on the
cloth? whereon she always prayed, and began to entreat the
Lord; and the child was cured. She gave the astonished
1 Sabinin says that Nana was the daughter of the Pontian general Nikator,
and that she raised a statue of Venus in Georgia. Others say she was the
daughter of Uliotori of Pontus. * cilict, i.e. cilicium.
32 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
and joyful boy to his mother, who confessed Christ, saying :
‘There is no God save Christ, whom Nino preaches.’ And
she became St. Nino’s disciple, and went her way glorifying
God.
Queen Queen Nana fell sick of a sore and grievous illness which
ae none was able to cure. All the skilled physicians exhausted
by Nino. their medicines, and yet could do nothing; they were power-
less and despairing. Then Queen Nana was told how the
Roman captive woman, who was called Nino, had, by her
prayers, healed many sick folk. She commanded her servants
to bring Nino. They went and found her sitting in the
bower under the bramble, praying, and it was the sixth
hour. They told her the queen’s command. (She answered:)
‘We are not commanded to go out of our humble tent; but
let the queen come hither to my abode, and verily she shall
be cured by the power of Christ.’ The servants related to the
queen what Nino had said, and she eagerly bade them prepare
her couch and take her; and her servants bore her on her
couch, and her son, Rev, and many people went with her.
When they came to St. Nino’s dwelling, and placed the queen
on the cloth, St. Nino began to pray and entreat God for
a long time ; then she took her cross, and with it touched the
queen’s head, her feet, and her shoulders, making the sign of
the cross; and straightway she was cured, and arose restored ;
Conversion and she believed in Christ, and said: ‘There is no other God
aes save Christ, whom this captive woman preaches.’ From that
time she became the friend of Nino, and always inquired
and sought to know the faith of Christ; and St. Nino, and
Abiat’har (the new Paul), and his daughter Sidonia taught her.
And the queen became a believer, and knew the true God.
Mirianin- The king inquired of her how she was so suddenly cured,
quires into
ie and she told him all: how, without medicine, by the touch of
ee a cross, she was healed; and multitudes who had seen it
confirmed the queen’s words. King Mirian was filled with
wonder, and he began to seek the faith of Christ. Often he
inquired of the Jew, Abiat’har, of the old and new books, and
Life of St. Nino. 33
he was instructed in everything. In the Book of Nebrot’hi !, Prophecy
which King Mirian had, he found what was written about aie
the building of the tower*. How there was a voice from of Neer
heaven to Nebrot’hi, saying: ‘I am Mikael, appointed by
God to be ruler of the east. Depart from that town, for God
protects it; but in the last days will come a Lord from heaven
who will be despised among a despised people. The fear of
Him will bring to nought the charms of the world; kings
shall forsake their kingdoms and seek poverty. He will look
upon thee in thy grief and deliver thee.’
Then Mirian perceived that what the old and new books King
testified was affirmed by the Book of Nebrot’hi, and he became ee ie
eager for the faith of Christ. But the invisible enemy warred Se™ptures,
against him, hindering the confession of Christ, strengthening
in his heart the hope in idols and fire. The queen ceased
not to entreat him to confess Christ; but for a year from but still
the time of the queen’s conversion the king was undecided. ~~
St. Nino taught the people unceasingly, and to none did she
say who she was nor whence she came, but she called herself
a captive.
After this, there was a magician (fire-worshipper), a Persian A Persian
prince named Khwarai?; he was sick in mind, and beside ae r
himself, and nigh unto death. Now this prince was a kinsman
of King Mirian *, and the king and queen begged St. Nino’s Mirian and
help, and the king looked to her, being still undecided. He oe
said to St. Nino: ‘By what god’s power dost thou perform '¢!”-
Mirian’s
these cures? Art thou a daughter of Armaz, or a child of defence of
Zaden? Thou art come hither from a strange land, and the pit
graciousness of the gods is fallen upon thee; they have
1 Nimrod. Mr. J. Rendel Harris says that in the Convent of Sinai, Cod.
Arab. No. 456, there is a piece entitled ‘The History of Nebrod Son of
Canaan,’ a’ ‘Ioropia NeBpws viod Xavaay,
? Or rather ‘column.’ ~ The Book of Nimrod is mentioned in Vakhtang
Gorgaslan’s life.
3 A.V. ‘Khuarasneuli (i.e. a native of Khorasan), Nana’s mother’s
brother.’ (Snewli means sick.)
4 A.V. now agrees in the main with the text followed.
VOL. V, PART I. D
Nino
preaches
Christ,
34 Studia Biblica et Ecclesvastica.
endowed thee with the power of healing, with which thou
mayest bring life to a strange land and be renowned for ever.
Be as a nurse to our children in this worshipful city}, but
speak not these strange words of the false faith of the Romans
—say nothing of it. For, behold, the great conquering gods
of the world 2, enlighteners and teachers of the Kart’hlians,
Armaz and Zaden, searchers out of every hidden thing, with
the ancient gods of our fathers, Gatzi and Gaim *, are to be
trusted in by men. Now if thou wilt cure this prince, I shall
enrich thee, and make thee a eitizen of Mtzkhet’ha, as a
servant of Armaz. Though by the winds and hail that beat
upon him he was broken, nevertheless that place is immovable.
This Armaz and the god of the Chaldeans, It’hrujan +, have
ever been enemies ; our god caused the sea to flow over the
other, who has now done this. Thus is the custom of the
conquerors of the world. Now be thou content with this my
command.’
St. Nino replied: ‘O king, in the name of Christ, by the
intercession of His Mother and all His Saints, may the God
of heaven and earth, the Creator, send down upon thee His
glory and greatness, and may He pour out upon thee from the
countless store of His mercies, as from a furnace, one spark of
His grace, that thou mayest know and perceive the height °
of the heavens, the light of the sun, the depth of the sea, the
breadth of the earth and its foundation. And mayest thou
know, O king, who clothes the heaven with clouds, with
winds, and with the voice of thunder, who shakes the earth
with His violence, and casts forth the lightning ®, and sets
the mountains on fire with His divine wrath, who causes all
the earth to tremble (the great serpent in the seas trembles),
even unto the destruction of all the earth, mountains and
solid rocks. Know thou all these things; for the unseen God
* A.V. ‘Be as one of the nurses in this honourable land.’
? A.V. ‘the givers of fruits, of sun, and of rain.’ ® LADY, 5a,
* A.V. ‘Ithrushana,’
> *simaghle,’ but A.V. has ‘simart’hle,’ i.e. justice.
° A.V. ‘on its path, and sends forth the fires of his wrath.’
Life of St. Nino. 35
in the heavens, He is Lord of all created things, except His
Son, who proceeded from Him into the world, appearing in
the form of a man; He fulfilled all for which He came, and
ascended into the heights to His Father. The everlasting
God is high, and looks down upon the humble, and He knows
the proud from afar. O king, His presence is near unto thee ;
for in this city is a marvel, the garment of the Son of God;
and they say the mantle of Elijah is also here, and many
miracles have been revealed; and I will cure this thy prince
only in the name of my Christ and by the cross of His
sufferings, as it also cured Queen Nana of her great sickness.’
And they brought that prince to her, and Queen Nana and heals
came also into the garden, and they put him under the cedar. Se
Nino raised her hands to the eastward, and said thrice:
*O devil, I conjure thee to leave him, that Christ, the Son of
God, may come in.’ And Nino wept, sighing from her soul,
and besought the help of God for that man. Her disciples
also were there for one day and two nights 1, and suddenly
the evil spirit went forth. The prince, and his family, and
his people? were converted by Nino, and they glorified the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now, always, and for
evermore. Amen.
Story told by the woman Sidonia, who was the
disciple of St. Nino, who saw and described
the miraculous conversion of King Mirian, and
how he fell at the feet of Nino to confess Christ.
The setting up of the cross, the building of
a church, and the miracles done therein.
One day in summer, in the month of July (20th day), on Ce ee
the Sabbath day °, [the king went forth to hunt, towards solves to
Mukhran. Unseen, that adversary, the devil, came unto him, pelt
t A.V. ‘one day.’ 2 A.V. omits ‘and his people.’
8 From this point to the words: ‘Queen Nana and all the people passed
out to meet the king’ (on p. 37), there is a hiatus in A.V., filled in from
Nat’hl. Mtz. and Shio. Mghv. variants.
D2
At the
chase,
darkness
falls on
him,
he prays
to God
and is
delivered.
36 Studia Biblica et Eccleszastica.
and implanted in his heart the love of fire and idols, and he
thought to massacre all the Christians, in order to do service
to his false gods. The king said to four of his counsellors :
‘We are not worthy before our gods, for we are idle in their
service, and have allowed these Christian sorcerers to preach
their faith in our land; and they perform their miracles of
sorcery. Now my advice is this: That we destroy all these
trusters in the cross, unless they will serve the conquering
gods of Kart’hli. Let us see Nana, my wife, if she will
repent, and forsake her belief in the cross, and if not, I will
forget my love for her, and, with the others, she too shall
be destroyed.’ His companions agreed with this counsel ; for
they were zealous in this matter, having desired it from the
beginning, but not daring to declare themselves openly.
The king passed the environs of Mukhran, and went up the
high mountain T’hkhot’hi ', whence he saw Caspi and Up’hlis-
tzikhe ; he was crossing the mountain towards the south when
the sun was darkened, and it became like black, eternal night.
The darkness seized upon the surroundings, and the men lost
one another. In grief and anxiety the king was left alone.
He wandered about on the thickly wooded mountains; then,
fearful and trembling, he stood in one place, and hope for his
safety forsook him. Then he bethought himself and took
counsel in his heart: ‘Lo, I have called on my gods and
have not found comfort. Now, can He whom Nino preaches,
the cross and the Crucified, through hope in whom she does
miracles, can He have power to deliver me from my grief?
Tam ina living hell, and I know not if over all the earth
this change has taken place, and the light turned to dark-
ness, or only on me. If this grief be for me alone, O God of
Nino, lighten this night to me, and show me the world again,
and I will confess Thy name. I will erect a wooden cross and
worship it, and set up a house to pray in, and obey Nino
and the faith of the Romans.’
When he had spoken thus, it became light, and the sun
* Thirteen miles west of Mukhran, A small church still marks the spot.
Life of St. Nino. 7
shone forth in his glory. Then the king dismounted from his
horse, and, standing in that place, stretched out his hands
towards the eastern heavens, and said: ‘ Thou art a God above
all gods, a Lord above all lords, Thou God of whom Nino tells,
and Thy name is to be praised by all creatures under the
heavens and upon the earth ; for Thou hast delivered me from
my woe and lightened my darkness. Behold, I know that
Thou desirest my deliverance, and I rejoice, O blessed Lord,
to come near Thee. In this place will I set up a wooden
cross, by which they may glorify Thy name, and may
remember this miraculous deed for ever.’ So he took note
of the place, and then departed. Now the scattered people
saw that light, and assembled ; and the king cried out: ‘ Give
the glory to Nino’s God, for He is God for ever, and to Him
only is glory fitting for ever’. |
Queen Nanaand all the people passed out to meet the king, King
for they had heard first that he had perished and then that he ae, as
was returning in peace. They met him at Kindzara and ee
Ghartha?. And St. Nino was in her bramble bush praying
at that hour, as was her custom at eventide, and we with her
were fifty souls. And when the king came, the town seemed
to shake. The king cried with a loud voice: ‘ Where is that
stranger woman, who is our mother, and whose God is my
Deliverer?’? When he heard that she was in the bush pray-
ing, he went towards her with all his army, dismounted, and
said to Nino: ‘Now am I become worthy to call upon the
name of thy God and my Deliverer.’ So St. Nino taught him,
and bade him worship towards the east and confess Christ ee
the Son of God. There was trembling and weeping among Christ.
all the people when they saw the king and queen in tears *.
The next day King Mirian sent ambassadors to Greece, to
1 End of hiatus in A.V.
? Kindzara is a few miles north of Mtzkhet’ha, on the river Narecvavi, near
its junction with the Aragva. Ghart’ha is in the same district.
8 A.V. adds: ‘for joy, and because of the wonderful miracle which had
taken place.’
His em-
bassy to
Constan-
tinople.
Mirian
begins to
build a
church.
The cen-
tral pillar
cannot be
moved,
38 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
King Constantine, [‘and a letter from Nino to Queen Elene
telling of all the miracles performed by Christ, which had
been done in Mtzkhet’ha to King Mirian, and entreating them
to send priests quickly to baptize them]. And St. Nino and
her disciples preached to the people day and night un-
ceasingly, and showed them the true way to the kingdom of
heaven.
Words of the same (Sidonia) concerning the
building of the church ?.
The people quickly adopted Christianity. Before the priests
came, the king said to St. Nino: ‘I will hasten to build
a house of God. Where shall it be built?’ Nino said:
‘Wherever the prince® wishes.’ The king replied: ‘I like
this thy bush, and there would it please me. But if it may
not be there, let it be in the royal garden by the tall cedar
among fruitful branches and sweet-scented flowers [* according
to the vision which thou didst see, of black-feathered birds
bathing in the waters, so that they became dazzlingly white,
and, seating themselves in the trees, poured forth their sweet
voices]. Truly this transitory garden will bring us to
eternal life. There shall we build a house of God® for prayer,
before the coming of the priests from Greece.’
Quickly he took wood, and instructed the carpenters. And
they cut down the cedar, and from it prepared °® seven pillars
for the church. When they had built the wooden wall, they
set up the pillars one by one. The biggest pillar, which was
wonderful to look upon, was ready to be placed in the midst
of the church, but they could not raise it. The king was
informed of the miracle, how they could not move the column
* A.V. omits the passage in brackets.
? A.V. does not make this a separate chapter. SAV, fing?
* A.V. omits this passage about Nino’s vision.
° A.V. adds: ‘which will stand for ever.’
° A.V. ‘a pillar, and on its roots they laid the foundation of the church.’
Life of St. Nino. 39
into its place. Then the king came with many people, and
they used very powerful machines, and great force, and all
the people tried by many means to raise it, but they could
not. The king and all the people were astonished, and said:
‘What can this be?’ And when evening came, the king went
home very sad.
St. Nino and twelve women of her disciples tarried by the Vision of
pillar and wept. And at midnight those two mountains-— bbe ‘
Armaz and Zaden—fell, as if they had been broken off, and ea and
they stopped the rivers. The Mtevari (Kura) rushed down
and carried away the town, and there was a terrible sound of
weeping and lamentation. The Aragva also descended upon
the fortress, and there were fearful noises. The women were
afraid and fled, but the blessed Nino cried aloud: ‘ Fear not,
my sisters; the mountains stand there, and all the people are
asleep. This destruction of the mountains is but a symbol,
for the mountains of paganism are cast down in Kart’hli, and
the rivers which are stopped are the blood of the children
sacrificed to their idols!, which now will cease. The voice of
lamentation is that of many devils, mourning because they
are driven from their places by the power from on high and
by the Cross of Christ. Turn back, therefore, and pray to God.’
And suddenly the sounds ceased, and there was nothing.
St. Nino arose and stretched forth her hands and prayed to Vision of
c : - : Persian
God, saying: ‘May this matter not be hindered, which the j,yasion of
king is engaged upon.’ Again, before the cock crew, a power- ft ee
ful army appeared with terrible noise at the three gates of
the city. They broke the gates in pieces, and the town was
filled with Persian soldiers. There arose horror-inspiring
eries and shrieks, and there was slaughter and shedding of
blood everywhere. There was great wailing, and clashing
of swords, and at this fearful sight our bodies became faint
and our souls lost courage ; and there was much weeping’ for
our kinsfolk. Suddenly there was heard a loud ery: ‘ Khuara,
king of the Persians, and Khuarankhuasra?, king of kings,
1 A.V. ‘to their evil spirits.’ 2 A.V. ‘Khuarankhuara.’
The pillar
miracu-
lously
fixed.
40 Studia Briblica et Ecclestastica.
command that every Jew be given to the edge of the sword.’
When I heard this and understood it, I and the ten! who
were with me were filled with doubts, and the swordsmen
were approaching nearer, and round about us they killed and
slew. Then a mighty voice was heard, saying: ‘ King Mirian
has been captured.’ Our saving guide looked round and said:
‘I know what that ery is which now causes so much grief.
Let us thank God. This is a sign of their destruction, of
the life of Kart’hli and the glory of this place.’ Our wise
leader consoled us, she was in truth our leader and blessed
apostle.
She (Nino) turned to one of the army, and said: ‘ Where
are the kings Khuara and Khuarankhuasra ? Yesterday ye
came forth from Sabastan; how are ye arrived so quickly?
Ye are a great host and mighty; why have ye destroyed this
city and given it to the sword? Go with the winds and
breezes to the mountains and rocks of the North, for behold
He cometh from whom ye flee. She stretched forth her
hands and made the sign of the cross, and suddenly it all
became invisible, and there was a great calm. The women *
blessed Nino and glorified God.
When dawn was drawing nigh, the women fell asleep, but
I, Sidonia, was awake, and she stood with upraised hands.
Behold, a youth stood there, adorned in brilliant ight, shrouded
in fire; and he spoke some words. She fell on her face, and
the youth put his hand to the column and raised it, and it
stood up. And I, Sidonia, was astonished, and said: ‘O
queen, what is this?’ She answered: ‘Bend thy head to the
earth’; and she began to weep. A little while afterwards,
she and I arose and went from that place. And the women
who were without also saw the column. And it was as if
fire came down; and it (the column) approached its own place,
and stood twelve cubits away from the earth, and gently, by
*? Probably the meaning is that some Judas had meantime deserted
St. Nino. 2 A.V. ‘sisters,’
° A.V. ‘And the women were outside, and behold I saw the column.’
Life of St. Nino. 41
degrees, settled above the place cut out for it at the root of
the cedar.
At daylight the king arose, heavy hearted with care,
looked at the garden and the newly commenced church of
which he thought so much. He saw a light, like a flash
of lightning, rising to heaven from his garden. He began
to run, and quickly came there, and all the multitude of his
household and all the people of the town came, for they too
saw the miracle. The column, shining with light, came down
into its place, as if from heaven, and stood firm in its place,
untouched by the hands of man. Happy the time when this
happened! The city of Mtzkhet’ha was filled with fear and
joy, and shed rivers of tears. The king and princes and all
the people with deep sighs glorified God, and blessed St. Nino,
and great miracles were done that day.
1First there came a Jew, blind from his birth. He Miracles
Mao 5 5 q fi a
approached the divinely raised column and immediately ign ea
received his sight, and glorified God. pillar.
Then there was Amzaspani?, a youth of the court, who had Healing of
been bedridden for eight years. His mother brought him in aa ‘i
faith, and placed his couch before the pillar of light, entreat-
ing Nino: ‘ Look upon this my son who is nigh unto death ;
for I know that the God whom thou servest and preachest
unto us is God. Nino touched the column, and placed her
hand upon the lad, saying: ‘Dost thou believe in Jesus Christ,
the Son of God, come in the flesh to give life to all the
world?? . . . Be cured through Him, and praise Him whose
power heals thee.’ Straightway the youth arose whole, and
great fear seized the king and all the people. All kinds of
sick came and were healed, until the king put a covering of
wood round the column and hid it from sight, and even then
the people touched the covering and were cured. The king
1 A.V. begins a new chapter.
? A.V. does not give the youth’s name.
’ A.V. inserts: ‘And the youth replied: “ Yes, queen, I believe in Jesus
Christ, the Saviour of creatures.” Then said Nino:’.
Constan-
tine’s em-
bassy to
Mirian.
Mirian
and his
people bap-
tized.
42 Studia Biblica et Eccleszastica.
quickly set about the completion of the church in the royal
garden.
1When King Mirian’s ambassadors arrived before King
Constantine and told him what had happened, the king and
his mother, Queen Elene, were filled with gladness: first,
because the grace of God was shining into all places,and by their
hands all Kart’hli would be baptized ; and then they rejoiced
because they believed that the Persians would be destroyed
by King Mirian; and they received them with love. They
praised and thanked God, and sent the true priest Ioane the
bishop, and with him two priests and three deacons. King
Constantine wrote a letter of prayer and blessing to Mirian,
thanking God, and sent him a cross, an icon of the Saviour,
and many gifts. Queen Elene wrote a letter of praise and
comfort to Nino. The bishop, priests, and ambassadors arrived
at Mtzkhet’ha. The king and all the people were filled with
joy, for they longed to be baptized. Then Mirian immediately
sent forth a command that all the eris?havs (governors of
provinces), spasalars (generals), and all the persons in his
kingdom should be called before him; and they all came in
great haste to the town.
The king was baptized under the hand of St. Nino, and,
afterwards, the queen and their children under the hands of
the priests and deacons. They blessed the river Mtevari
(Kura), and the bishop prepared a place near the gate of
the bridge of the Magicians, where was the house of Elioz
the priest, and there the illustrious people were baptized, and
they called that spot Mt’havart’h Sanat’hlo (the place of
baptism of the princes). Lower down on the same river, in
two places, the two priests and the deacons baptized the
people. The people struggled one with another; quickly
they entreated the monks, each to be first baptized, so strong
was their desire to be baptized, for they had heard the preach-
+ A.V. omits to the end of the chapter, only saying: ‘Then came the
ambassadors from Greece with the chief of the priests, priests and deacons,
and began to baptize, as is written above.’
Life of St. Nino. 43
ing of Nino, how she had said: ‘None who are not baptized
will find that light eternal.’ Therefore they were all in
great haste to be baptized. So they all received baptism,
and the majority in Kart’hli, except the Mt’hiulians (moun-
taineers) of Caucasus; the light was shed upon them, but
they lay obstinately in darkness for some time. There were
the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, also, who were not baptized, except
the Cabrabians', of whom were baptized fifty souls, and they
became true Christians; for this they became great before
the king, and he gave them a village which they eall T’zikhe
didi (the great stronghold). P’heroz, the son-in-law of King
Mirian, did not receive baptism, nor his people, but they were
obedient to King Mirian’s temporal power.
Then King Mirian sent Bishop Ioane, and men of power Mirian
with him, to King Constantine, and begged for a piece of oe
the wood of life which at that time had appeared to the ine
servant and lover of Christ, Queen Elene. He also asked that priests.
many priests might be sent into all the towns and places to
baptize the people, so that soon every soul in Kart’hli might
be baptized; he also asked for masons to build churches.
When they arrived before the Emperor Constantine, he gave
them gladly of the wood of life: those beams to which the
feet of the Lord were nailed, and the nails for the hands. He
sent also priests and many masons.
King Constantine built in his kingdom a holy church, Constan-
tine has
churches
and commanded that wherever he first came in Kart’hli, Puilt-
there they should build churches in his name, that this gift
might be possessed in the bounds of Kart’hli. The bishop
went away, and with him the ambassadors. When they
a holy temple, and gave very great treasure to Bishop Ioane,
arrived at the place which is called Erushet’hi’, the car-
1 Kart’hl. Tzkh. ‘ Barabians.’ Said to be descendants of Barabbas.
2 Erushet?hi was a district, with a river of the same name, at the head
waters of the Kura. The village or fortress of Erushet’hi is close to Naka-
lakevi, ‘ot était une ville, aujourd’hui simple bourg. La fut batie une belle
église & coupole, par un envoyé du grand Constantin, aux frais de l’empereur.’
Wakhoucht, Descr. géogr. p. 105; Bergé and Bakradze, Zapiski, p. 110; Hist.
Building
of the
bishop’s
church in
Mtzkhet’-
ha.
44 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
penters stopped there to build the church; they put the
treasure there, and the nails by which the Lord’s hands
were pierced. Then they went on and came to Manglis!
and began to build a church, and there they placed the beams
to which the Lord’s feet were nailed. And King Mirian
was displeased that they did not come first to the royal city,
but had begun to build churches in other towns and places,
and had left the relics there. But St. Nino came to him and
said: ‘O king, be not angry; for wherever they go they
spread abroad the name of God ; and in this city is there not
the glorious garment of the Lord ?’
The king took Abiat’har and many Jews with him, and
inquired of them concerning the tunic; and they told him
all that which is written above. Then King Mirian raised
his hand, and said: ‘ Blessed art Thou, O Jesus, Son of the
living God; for from the beginning Thou didst desire to
deliver us from the devil and the dark place. Therefore was
Thy holy garment brought from Thy holy city Jerusalem by
those Hebrews, deniers of Thy divinity, and of a race unknown
to us.’
The king and all the city went forward firmly in Christianity.
The carpenters began to build a chureh on the outskirts of
the city, on the dwelling of St. Nino, where the bramble was,
and where now is the bishop’s church. And St. Nino said:
‘Blessed is our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Father of our Lord,
who hath sent down His holy Word from the high heavens,
even from His mighty throne, that He might descend to the
base earth, born indeed of the seed of David, of a virgin pure
and holy ; for it was agreeable to Him to give life to us. He
de la Géorgie, t. i. pp. 121, 195. At Cumurdo, still nearer the source of the
Kura, is another church said to have been built by Constantine’s envoys.
Bergé and Bakradze, Zap. p. 85; Wakhoucht, pp. 99, I01, 103; Brosset,
Voy. archéol. II Rapp. p. 166, IV Rapp. p. 6.
* Manglis church is about twenty-five miles west of Tiflis, Vide Bergé and
Bakradze, p. 93; Wakhoucht, Deser. géogr. p. 171.—‘ Cette église n’a jamais
été ruinée. Au midi dela vofite est représenté Mahomet sur un lion; on dit
que c'est pour cela que les musulmans I’ont respectéé.’
Life of St. Nino. 45
hath enlightened all beneath the heavens, so that they might
become believers. He was born as man, He, the Light of
all, the Image of God; and, as a servant of the law, He was
baptized with water and with the Spirit; He was crucified
and buried, and rose the third day, ascended into heaven unto
His Father, and again He cometh with glory. Unto whom
is fitting all glory, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, now,
always, and for ever.’
The Raising of the Honourable Cross’.
When the king and queen, with their children and ail the A miracu-
people, were baptized, there stood, on the top of an inaccessible eal
rock, a tree, exceedingly beautiful, and of a sweet smell. It
was a wonder-working tree, for beasts wounded by arrows
came to it, and when they ate of its leaves, or of the seed
fallen to the ground, they were healed, even if they came
wounded unto death.
This seemed a great miracle to these sometime pagans,
and they told Bishop Ioane about the tree. The bishop
said: ‘Lo! in truth, from the beginning this land hath
been set apart by God for His service. This tree has been
planted by God for this present time, for even now has the
grace of God shone forth on Kart’hli; and from this tree shall
be made the worshipful cross which all the multitudes of
Kart’hli shall worship.’ And Rev, the king’s son, and the is cut
bishop, and many of the people went and cut down the tree, re
and took it, with its branches, and ten times ten men carried
it, covered with its branches and leaves, into the town. The
people gathered together to see it, because of its greenness
and leafiness in the days of summer? when every other tree
was dry. Its leaves had not fallen, and it was pleasant to the
1 A.V. adds ‘written by Jacob’ (the priest). In A.V. Jacob writes in the
first person.
? All the other MSS. except Kart’hl. Tzkh. read ‘winter,’ which the con-
text shows to be correct.
and made
into
crosses.
A fiery
cross and
stalry
crown
appear.
46 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
smell and fair to look upon. They set the tree up on its root,
at the southern door of the church, where the breezes wafted
abroad its fragrant odour and opened the leaves; the sight of
it was beautiful, as we are told that the tree planted in Eden
was fair. It was felled on the twenty-fifth of March, on
a Friday, and the tree stood there thirty-seven days, and its
leaves did not change colour ; it was as if it stood from the
root to the topmost branch in a stream, until all the trees of
the forest were clad in foliage, and the fruit trees were in
bloom. Then on the first of May they made the (three)
crosses, and on the seventh they raised them, under the pro-
tection 1 of the king, with rejoicing, and by the will of all the
people of the city, who were in the church.
Now all the people of the city saw in all those days that
a fiery cross came down from heaven upon it; round about
was, as it were, a crown of stars, and the cross of fire rested
upon the church until daylight ; and when daylight came, two
of the stars separated from the others—one went to the east
and one to the west, and the brightest went gently towards
the place, near the stream, beyond Aragva, and stood on that
rocky hill where was the rivulet which had sprung from the
tears of St. Nino ?, and thence it mounted to heaven.
Thus all the people many times saw God’s salvation, and
they began to inquire of the blessed Nino, saying: ‘ What
meaneth this, that shining stars have come forth, and one is
gone to the east, even to the mountains of Cakhet’hi, and the
other to the west, to the neighbourhood of this city?’
St. Nino answered: ‘When it is seen where they shine on
those mountains, there let them erect two crosses to Christ.’
The king did thus, and they watched the highest mountains 4
one after the other. This happened upon a Friday, and on
Saturday at dawn the same miracle happened as before.
* ‘didebit’ha,’ to the glory, is perhaps a mistake for ‘ dadebit’ha,’ which is
found in MSS., but ef. p. 47, ‘to the glory of the king.’
* The brook is called Dzudzus Tsqaro, and there is a small church there.
* A.V. ‘to the bounds of thy kingdom,’
‘ A.V. ‘continually for ten days,’
Life 2) ey Nino. 47
Next day they went to the west, where they stood on the
mountain of Kvabt’ha T’havi (Head of Caves). They told
the king how that star came forth from the others, rose, and
stood over one spot on Mount T’hkhot’hi', in the pass of
Caspi, and then became quite invisible. In the same manner,
those sent to the Cakhet’hian Mountains returned and told
how they had seen the star move thither, and stand above the
village of Budi, in the region of Cakhet’hi’.
St. Nino commanded them, saying: ‘Take two of these Crosses are
crosses, and raise one in T’hkhot’hi, where God showed His eee
power, and give one to Salome, the handmaiden of Christ, to Dacha
be erected in the town of Ujarma®. As for the village of
Budi in Cakhet’hi, it should not be preferred before the royal
city, for there are many people. Budi also shall see the grace
of God.’ And they did even as the queen * commanded: they
raised the wonder-working, holy cross by human hands in
Mtzkhet’ha, and they went below that hillock to the stream,
where they passed the night praying to God, and the blessed
Nino mingled her tears with the brook, and there were cures
and great miracles performed.
Next day she and the king, queen, and princes, and a great
multitude of people, went up on to the rock and knelt on those
stones and wept®, until the mountains re-echoed with their
voices. Then St. Nino laid her hand on a stone, and said to
the bishop: ‘ Come, for it befits thee to bless this stone.’ And
he did so, and there they raised the cross to the glory of the
king. The countless multitude bent and worshipped the cross,
and confessed the Crucified to be the true Son of the living
God, and believed in the great triune God. And the great®
1 A.V. gives the name of the spot as Qrgvi.
? Bodbe in Cakhet’hi, near the town of Kisiq (Signakh), also spelt Bodi and
Budi. d
8 Ujarma, formerly a fortified city, residence of the Cakhet’hian kings, now
a village, on the river Iora in Cakhet’hi, said to have been built by Saurmag
(237-162 B.C.).
* A.V. ‘St. Nino’; the saint is often addressed as Queen (v. infra).
5 A.V. ‘men, women, and children.’ © didni, but in A.V. dedani—women.
48 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
chiefs did not go away from the holy church, the pillar of
light and the life-giving cross, for they saw there wonderful
miracles and unceasing cures’. And on Easter Sunday, King
1 A.V. adds here: ‘Then St. Nino left the city of Mtzkhet’ha, and went to
the mountaineers, to carry the gospel to men in the form of wild beasts, and
to cast down their idols. But Abiat’har, the Jewish priest, was left here—he
who was a second Paul, who ceaselessly, day and night, preached Christ and
His glory, until the flight of the Jews.’ ‘
A.V. then begins a new chapter: ‘ The Raising of the Honourable Cross in
Mtzkhetha and the second vision.
‘And when the whole land of Kart’hli was converted to Christianity, the
priests who had come from Greece took counsel about the raising of the sign of
the cross; and they said to King Mirian: “It is fitting to erect the divine
sign of the cross.” And this advice seemed good to the king and to all the
people, and joyfully they received the word and teaching of the priests.
King Mirian ordered wood for the cross. Carpenters came and cut.down
a sweet-smelling tree, and the king commanded the cross to be made. The
priests taught them the form of the cross; and when it was made, the car-
penters came and told King Mirian: ‘‘ We made it according to what the
priests told us.” The king arose joyfully, and all the people saw the form of
the cross, and they wondered greatly, and glorified God.
‘At that time the king bethought himself and remembered how that day,
when it became dark on the mountain, he saw the light of great brilliancy in
the form of a cross. Then he told the priests and all the people of the sight,
and how the sign of the cross dispelled the darkness before his eyes. When
the people heard the king’s story, more and more firmly they believed on
Jesus Christ and in the sign of His cross, and all gladly, of one accord,
worshipped it and glorified God. Then the king counselled all the people
that they should erect the form of the cross in several places, and commanded
that each should be where it seemed right, and*not where they chose. At
that time King Mirian prayed, saying: “‘O Lord Jesus Christ, in whom we
believe through this captive, and have been taught by these Thy priests—
who didst humble Thyself, and in Thy humility didst clothe Thyself in the
image of slaves, who didst descend from the blessed bosom of the Father,
who didst leave for our sake the throne, majesty, and power, and entered the
womb of a Holy Virgin, and then wert crucified by Pontius (Pontoveli) Pilate,
buried in the heart of the earth, and on the third day didst rise, fulfilling all
that was spoken of by the prophets, ascendedst into heaven, and sittest at the
right hand of the Father, and again art to come to judge the quick and
the dead—Thou hast left us the sign of Thy cross, for the destruction of the
unseen machinations of the enemy ; Thou hast miraculously brought us into
Thy fear that we might escape from the devil, by whom we were enchained
to our ruin, But now, O God, O God our Saviour, vouchsafe to show the
place in which the sign of Thy cross shall be set up, that it may be
manifest to those who hate us, and that they may be ashamed; for Thou,
O Lord, art our helper and our consolation.” And at twilight that night,
Life of St. Nino. 49
Mirian and all Mtzkhet’ha offered sacrifice. That day they
instituted the service of the! cross at Easter, which all Kart’hli
observes unto this day.
And some time afterwards, after Pentecost,on a Wednesday, Appear-
ance of a
cross of
the form of a cross, stood upon the cross”, and twelve stars in pee
a crown round about; and the cross on the hill gave forth stars.
they saw a miracle, very wonderful: lo! a pillar of light, in
a sweet perfume, and all saw the wonder. Many heathens
were converted and baptized that day *, and the Christians
were strengthened in their faith, and glorified God.
They saw another wonder of the cross: how a fire stood Fire rests
: ; ‘ on the
upon it, seven * times brighter than the sun®. It rested there cross at
like a spark from a furnace, and the angels of God ascended ae
and descended. And the hill on which stood the cross ® shook
very much, and when the miracle ceased the trembling ceased.
When the people saw that miracle they were all greatly
astonished, and more and more they glorified God. These
wonders were performed from year to year, and all the people
the angel of the Lord stood, in a vision, before King Mirian, and showed him
a hill on the river Aragva, near Mtzkhet’ha, and said to him: ‘This is the
place chosen by God; there shall ye raise the sign of the cross.” And at
dawn, King Mirian told the priests of his vision of the angel, and his words,
- and the hill which he showed him. When they heard of the vision and saw
the place, the hill pleased all the people. With rejoicing and songs of praise,
all the chiefs took the cross, with one accord, and set it up on the hill near
Mizkhet’ha, towards the east, on Easter Sunday. And when they raised the
sign of the cross in the land of Kart’hli, suddenly all the idols in the boundaries
of the country were cast down and broken, and the altars destroyed. When
they saw this wondrous deed and miracle which had been performed by the
power of the sign of the cross, they were yet more astonished, and glorified
God, and worshipped the honourable cross gladly.’
1 A.V. ‘ victorious.’
? A.V. ‘and twelve angels encircled it as a crown.’
3 A.V. ‘and they built churches.’ * A.V. ‘three.’
5 A.V. ‘and like a flame it burned on the head of the cross.’
A.V. ‘rejoiced greatly, and all the earth shook; and from mountains,
hills, and ravines a sweet-smelling mist arose to heaven, and the rocks
crumbled away. And the strong perfume spread over all the land. . . and
loud voices were heard, and all the people, perceiving the sound of the songs,
were afraid, and marvelled much. With fear and trembling they worshipped
the honourable cross, and with great rejoicing glorified God.’
VOL. V, PART I. E
6
Healing of
Rev’s son,
and other
miracles
performed
at the
cross of
Mtzkhet’-
ha.
50 Studia Briblica et Ecclestastica.
saw them with fear and trembling, and came to worship
devoutly.
In those days, Rev}, the king’s son, had a little son who
was sick, and nigh unto death; and it was his only child.
He took him and placed him before the holy cross, and with
tears entreated it, saying: ‘If thou wilt give me this my
child alive, I will build a canopy for thee to dwell in.’ And
straightway, in that place, his child was healed, and he led
him away sound and restored to life. Then he came to fulfil
his vow; and with great joy and zeal Rev, the king’s son’,
raised the canopy, and from year to year he came and fulfilled
his promise of sacrifice; and in consequence of this, sick folk
came all the more, and they were cured, and with gladness
they glorified the holy cross of Christ.
There was a certain young man who was blind in both
eyes. He sat*® down before the cross of Christ, and after seven
days he received his sight, and glorified the precious cross.
Then there was a woman always afflicted by evil spirits,
which had taken away her mind and strength for eight years ;
and she rent her clothes. They brought her and laid her
before the cross, and after twelve days she was cured, and
walked away glorifying God and worshipping the holy cross.
Again, there was a little boy, and he suddenly fell down
dead *, His mother took him and put his dead * body before
the cross. From morning until eventide she prayed weeping
before the cross. Others came unto her and said: ‘Take him
away, woman, and bury him, for he is dead ; grieve no more.’
She did not lose hope, but wept more and more piteously,
and prayed. When evening came, the child was restored to
life, and opened his eyes, and after seven ® days his mother led
him home cured and revived, and glorified God.
When they saw the miraculous healing power of the holy
eross, many childless people came and begged that they
might have children, and the request of many was granted ;
? A.V. ‘a God-fearing man.’ 2 A.V. ‘Rev’s son.’
SiAeveecrtelis * A.V. ‘ exhausted.’ 5 A.V. ‘three.’
Life of St. Nino. 51
and they offered sacrifice and thanks. And not only those
who came thither received healing, but those who from afar
entreated the aid of the holy cross also received favour im-
mediately? And it helped those who were in battle, so that
they overcame their foes, and they came quickly to offer thanks.
Many pagans in distress were cured by the cross, and
many were baptized, and with gladness glorified God ; many
kinds of diseases were healed by the power of the honourable
cross, many with divers sufferings came to beg healing and
were at once cured there, even unto this day?, and they
glorified the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, to whom
is glory now, always, and for ever.
The Letter which was written by the Patriarch of
Rome and the King of the Branji to Nino, to
the King, and to all the Karthlian folk.
In those days there came a letter from the holy Patriarch
of Rome to Nino, to the king, and to all the Kart’hlian folk.
He sent a Branj deacon to bring his praise and blessing, and
to entreat of the blessed Nino her prayers and grace. The
deacon brought also a letter from the king of the Branji to
Nino, saying, that as her father had baptized all the Branji,
a deed known to all in Jerusalem and Constantinople, so she
had enlightened all Kart’hli with the sun of righteousness.
Therefore he had written this welcome letter, as he had learnt
of the wonders performed among them, and of the column,
and the bramble bush and its power of healing. The deacon
of the Branji saw and heard of the miracles of the pillar,
which had been done in Mtzkhet’ha, and glorifled God. He
took with him letters, and departed.
? A.V. ‘If any one called upon the holy cross of Mtzkhet’ha in the stress of
battle, the cross immediately became his helper against his enemies.’
? A.V. ‘These have been described for the glory of God and of the
honourable cross, and that we may all worship the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost, now and for evermore. Amen,’
E2
Mirian’s
niissionary
zeal.
52 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
Then the king said to St. Nino and the bishop: ‘I will
convert the Mt’hiulians at the edge of the sword, and make my
son-in-law, P’heroz, a servant of God and a worshipper of the
honourable cross.’ Nino answered: ‘It is not commanded by
God to raise the sword, but to show the way of truth by the
gospel, and by the honourable cross which leadeth unto ever-
lasting life. May God’s grace enlighten the darkness of their
hearts.” And St. Nino (and Bishop Ioane)! departed. And
the king took with him an evis#’hav (governor of province),
and they came to Tsubeni?, and summoned the Mt’hiulians®,
those men in the shape of wild beasts, the Dehart’halians?,
P’*hkhovians®, Gudamaqrians °, and they preached the Gospel of
Christian truth unto them, leading to eternal life, but they did
not wish to be baptized ; then the king's eris/’Aav turned the
sword upon them, and forcibly cast down the idols. They
turned away from that place and went to Zhalet’hi’, and
preached to the Ertso T’hianet’hians *, who received the
gospel and were baptized. But the P’hkhovians left their
land, and came into T’hushet’hi °, and there were other moun-
taineers who were not converted. The king laid heavy taxes
on those who did not wish to be baptized; therefore they banded
themselves together and wandered about. Some of them at
last were converted by St. Abibos Necreseli '°, the bishop, and
some of them have remained heathens until this day.
1 A.V. omits ‘and Bishop Ioane.’
? Kart’hl. Tzkh. ‘Tsorbani’ (?). The place referred to is probabiy Tsobeni,
about seven miles east of the Aragva and fifteen miles above Mtzkhet’ha.
° Mvhiulet’hi (i.e. ‘the highlands’) is a district above the junction of the
Gudamagqari and Aragva.
* Dehart’hali, river and mountain west of the Aragva, south of Mt’hiulet’hi.
5 Ancient name of the P’hshavs and Khevsurs, who dwell on the White
Aragva, east of Mt’hiulet’hi and Gudamagari and north of T’hianet’hi.
® At the source of the Black Aragva.
7 Zhalet’hi, or Zhaliet’hi, on the river Iori in T’hianet’hi.
* i.e. Lesser T’hianet’hi, south of T’hianet’hi and east of Saguramo.
® To the extreme north of Cakhet’hi.
° Abibos, bishop of Necresi, was one of the Syrian Fathers, who came to
Georgia about the middle of the sixth century.
Life of St. Nino. 53
Then St. Nino went into Cakhet’hi, and rested in Cat- St. Nino
saret’hi and converted the people. Afterwards she passed CuihePae
into the village of Kwel, and called together the Cakhet’hian
princes. They had not heard of the faith of Christ and the
baptism of the king; with joy they received her teaching,
and were converted and baptized by Jacob the priest. Thence
she went to Bodi, and there came unto her Sujit, the Queen of converts
Cakhet’hi, and with her a great multitude of chiefs, warriors, ca
and women-slaves. She told them of the secret (holy sacra-
ment) of Christ, and with sweet words taught them the true
faith. She related the miracles which had happened through
the column of fire, of which they had not heard before. With
joy they received the teaching of St. Nino, and the queen was
baptized with all her chiefs and handmaidens.
When the blessed Nino had thus fulfilled her work and
preaching, she knew that the time when her spirit would pass
from her body was drawing nigh. She wrote a letter to St. Nino’s
King Mirian, and gave it to the Cakhet’hian queen Suji. ee
She wrote thus:
‘To the servant of Jesus Christ, the faithful believer in the
Holy Trinity, the ally of holy kings, King Mirian.—May God
rain down the dew of His grace from above upon thee and all
the palace, and on the camp of thy people, and may the
cross of Christ and the mediation of His most holy Mother
guard you. Lo, I have passed through many lands, and they
have received the gospel of Christ, and been turned from
their sins and baptized, and do worship God the Creator.
Now shouldst thou be joyful, for in thy days God has looked
down upon His creatures, and the light of His wisdom has
shone forth upon them. Hold fast unto the true faith, that
with Him thou mayest reign for ever in the kingdom of
heaven. My days upon earth are fulfilled, and I am passing
from life to go the way of my fathers. Worthy of mention
among the holy ones of God is Queen Suji, for she became
a believer in the true Christ, and cast down the idols and con-
* A.V. does not mention Suji.
Queen Suji
sets out
with the
letter and
arrives at
Mtzkhet’-
ha,
miracu-
lously
crosses the
Aragya.
Mirian
and others
go to
Bodbe to
St. Nino’s
deathbed.
54 Studia Briblica et Ecclestastica.
verted the people to the service of God, and called her brother
and her daughter, also Artereon, a chieftain, and taught them
the true faith, and all in Budi have been baptized in the
name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Now
send unto me the holy chief of the fathers, that he may
give me provision for my soul’s eternal journey, for my time
is nigh.’
Queen Suji took Nino’s letter, and, moved by desire to do
homage to the life-giving pillar, set out in haste. All that
long journey she walked barefooted, and her tears watered
the ground. When they arrived opposite the pillar of life,
they saw that the river Aragva had increased greatly, and
none of the warriors could cross; when they descended, they
were turned back, hindered by the impetuosity of the volume
of water. But as Peter walked to the Lord upon the water,
so was it with that woman, full of faith in Christ, and desire
for the life-giving cross, and with confidence like a grain
of mustard seed. She crossed herself and leaped down, as
upon a steed. On the other side was Bishop Ioane, with
all the people, and when she entered the stream the waters
fled back and she passed dry-footed. The king and the
chief bishop met her in fear and wonder, and they went
into the church to the pillar of life, and prayed with fervent
tears. She offered, as a sacrifice, herself, her children, and
all her servants, and the little town of Bart’hiani, and the
great village of Budi; and she rejoiced in spirit. Then
Queen Suji drew forth the letter of the blessed Nino and
gave it to the king, and he read it aloud, weeping bitterly.
They sent Bishop Ioane to bring her, but St. Nino did
not choose to come. So the king, Queen Nana, and many
of the people set out and came to her. The people assem-
bled in innumerable multitudes, and they saw the face of
Nino, which was like that of an angel from heaven. They
tore the hem of her garment and took it and kissed it with
faith ; and all those seated around passionately prayed, with
tears pouring from their eyes because of the departure of
Life of St. Nino. 5S
their leader and benefactress and the healer of the sick.
Salome Ujarmoeli (i.e. of Ujarma) and Peruzhavri Sivneli
(i.e. of Sion) and the erist’havs (governors) and mf havars
(chiefs, lords) inquired of her, saying: ‘Who art thou,
whence art thou, and wherefore didst thou come into this
land to give us life? Where wert thou brought up, O queen?
Tell us of thy life, for thou hast spoken of captivity, O divine
freer of captives. Thou hast taught us concerning the
prophets who came before the Son of God, and then of the
twelve apostles, but God has sent none to us save thee, and
all that thou sayest of thyself is that thou art a captive or
a stranger.’
Then Nino began to speak, and said: ‘ Daughters of the St. Nino
faith 1, queens near to my heart, ye see the faith and love bral
which those first women bare to Christ, and yet ye wish to be life.
know of my life, the life of a poor handmaiden! But I shall
tell you; for now my days are fulfilled, and I am about to
fall asleep for ever in the sleep of my mother. Bring writing
materials that ye may write down my poor, unworthy life, so
that your children may hear of your faith, and how I was
received by you, and the divine miracles which ye have seen.’
Salome Ujarmoeli and Peruzhavri Sivneli quickly brought
writing materials, and she told them all her pure and blessed
life as we have written it above, and they wrote it down.
She entreated the king that the priest Jacob might be bishop
after Ioane.
Bishop Ioane offered sacrifice to the Lord, and St. Nino Death of
partook of the body and blood of Christ which was to serve aa
her for the journey to eternity. Then she gave her soul
into the hands of God, and passed into everlasting righteous-
ness (January 14). Thus, adorned with apostolic grace, shin-
ing in her pure life, beautiful by her many labours, bearing
the gift of many works, she presented herself before the Holy
Trinity, taking, as an offering, many peoples, and the suffer-
ings borne in this world. She ascended to heaven in the
1 A.V. ‘near to God, my queens.’
Her burial
at Bodbe.
Constan-
tine sends
Prince
Bakar
with a
letter to
Mirian.
56 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
twenty-fifth year from her entry into Georgia, three hundred
and thirty-eight years from the death of Christ, and from
the beginning of the world five thousand seven hundred and
thirty-eight.
The inhabitants of Mtzkhet’ha and Ujarma and all Kart’hli
were deeply moved by her death, and a great multitude of
people came, and crowded together to touch the skirt of her
garment. By force, the king put an end to the uproar, and
commanded that her body should be taken away and interred
near the pillar of life. When they were about to lift her
body, their hands became powerless and? they could not
move her. Then they understood, and buried her in that
place, in Cakhet’hi, in the village of Budi. The saint her-
self had begged the king, in her modesty, that she might be
buried there, for the place was humble. But the king and
all the nobles grieved to bury her there; yet, in order to fulfil
her will and desire, they did so. And they built a church
and appointed a bishop over it, in honour of the holy, blessed
enlightener of Kart’hli, Cakhet’hi, and Heret’hi?, the thrice
divinely blessed, noble Nino.
When the divinely enlightened King Mirian had done this,
he strengthened all Kart’hli and Heret’hi in the faith of the
triune God, without beginning or end, the Creator of all; and
they were thoroughly confirmed in their belief.
The Emperor Constantine, who held as a hostage Mirian’s
son Bakar, sent him home with many gifts, and wrote :
‘TI, Constantine the king, absolute sovereign, a new servant
of the kingdom of heaven, formerly a captive of the devil,
but delivered by the Creator, I write to thee, King Mirian,
the divinely enlightened, like me newly planted in the faith.
Peace be unto thee, and the joy of those who know the
Trinity, the infinite God, the creating God of all. It is no
longer needful for me to have a hostage of thee, for it suffices
* A.V. ‘two hundred men could not move the couch on which she lay.’
* A province south of Cakhet’hi.
Life of St. Nino. 57
to have between us as mediator Christ, the Son of God,
existent from all eternity, who became man for our salva-
tion, and His honourable cross which is given to us as
a guide. By faith in it, and by the mediation of God the
Creator, let us be in brotherly love one to another. I give
unto thee thy son; see him and rejoice, and may the angel
of peace coming from God be with you. May the Creator
God always drive the wicked devil from your land.’
When Prince Bakar and the messenger from the Emperor
Constantine came to Mtzkhet’ha, King Mirian and Queen
Nana were filled with joy, and thanked God for all the gifts
He had bestowed on them. King Mirian finished the cathe-
dral, and consecrated it with great solemnity in the twenty-
fifth year from his conversion. Rev, his son, died; he was
son-in-law of T’hrdat, king of the Armenians, who had given
him the kingdom in his own life. They buried Rev in the
tomb which he himself had built. In the same year King Death of
Mirian fell sick, and was nigh unto death. He said to his ea
son Bakar and his wife Nana: ‘I do not pass hence as
I came, and I thank the bounteous God, Creator of heaven
and earth, who delivered me from the mouth of hell when
I was a captive of the devil, and esteems me worthy to sit
with Him on His right hand. Thou, Nana, in due time
after my death, divide our royal treasure into two parts, and
give (half of) it for the burial-place of Nino our enlightener,
so that the spot may never be disturbed, for it is not a royal
city, but a poor place ; also tell the bishop to glorify the place,
for it is worthy of honour.’
And he said to his son: ‘ My son, my darkness has been
turned into light, and death into life. To thee I give the
crown of my realm. May God, the Creator of heaven and
earth, strengthen thee in perfect faith. Obey all the
commands of the Son of God, and rest entirely upon them
and upon the name of Christ. Death will become life to
thee. . . . Wherever thou findest those fire-worshippers and
idols, burn them with fire, and cause them to drink the
58 Studia Biblica et Ecclesvastica.
cinders!. And teach thy children the same, for I know
that in the Caucasians idolatry will be extirpated. Put thy
heart into this matter, and pray unto the Son of God born
in the first times, who became man and suffered for our
salvation, and lead before thee the honourable cross to con-
quer thine enemies, for even so do true believers. Honour
the divinely raised pillar, and let all thy hopes be towards it ;
and mayest thou fall asleep in the faith of the holy Trinity.’
They caused the cross of St. Nino to be brought, the cross
which she had at first, and hung the royal crown upon it,
Coronation and led forward Bakar and made the sign of the cross on
a thie head, and took the crown from the cross and put it on
his head. And King Mirian died, and they buried him in
the Upper Church, by the southern corner of the pillar in
which is a piece of the divinely raised column. Next year,
Queen Nana died, and was buried to the west of the pillar,
in the same place as King Mirian.
Bakar, Mirian’s son, was king, and he was a believer, like
his father. He converted very many of the people of Caucasus
whom his father had not been able to turn to the true faith.
Rufinus, ‘ Ecclesiastical History, Bk. IL, ch. vir, in
Migne’s ‘ Patrologia, t. xxi. 480-482 (the fol-
lowing from ‘ Auctores Hist. Eccl. Basiliae,
1544, pp. 225-226).
Per idem tempus etiam Iberorum gens, quae sub axe
Pontico jacet, verbi Dei foedera et fidem futuri susceperat
regni. Sed huius tanti boni praestitit causam mulier quaedam
captiva, quae apud eos reperta, cum fidelem et sobriam satis
ac pudicam duceret vitam, totisque diebus ac noctibus obsecra-
tiones Deo pervigiles exhiberet, in admiratione esse ipsa rei
novitas barbaris coepit et quid hoe sibi velit, curiosius per-
* Mr. Conybeare says it is a common trait in the wars of the Christian
Armenians with Persian fire-worshippers for the latter, if conquered, to be
made to drink the cinders mixed with water.
Life of St. Nino. 59
quirebant. Illa, ut res erat, simpliciter Christum se Deum
hoc ritu colere fatebatur. Nihil ex hoe amplius barbari
praeter novitatem nominis mirabantur. Verum (ut fieri
solet) ipsa perseverantia curlositatem quandam mulierculis
inferebat, si quid emolumenti ex tanta devotione caperetur.
Moris apud eos esse dicitur, ut si parvulus aegrotet, cireum-
feratur a matre per singulas domus, quo scilicet si quis experti
aliquid remedii noverit, conferat laboranti. Cumque mulier
quaedam parvulum suum per omnes circumtulisset ex more,
nec aliquid remedii, cunctas domos lustrando, cepisset, venit
etiam ad captivam, ut si quid sciret, ostenderet. Ila se
humani quidem remedii nihil scire testatur, Deum tamen
suum Christum quem colebat, dare ei desperatam ab homini-
bus posse salutem confirmat. Cumque cilicio suo parvulum
superposuisset, atque ipsa desuper orationem fudisset ad Domi-
num, sanum matri reddidit infantem. Sermo defertur ad
plures, factique fama magnifici usque ad aures reginae perla-
bitur. Quae dolore quodam gravissimo corporis afflicta, in
desperatione maxima erat. Rogat ad se captivam deduci.
Tila ire abnuit, ne praesumere amplius aliquid quam sexus
sineret videretur. Ipsam se regina deferri ad captivae cellulam
jubet. Quam similiter supra cilicium suum positam, invocato
Christi nomine, continuo post precem, sanam et alacrem fecit
exsurgere: Christumque esse Deum, Dei summi [Filium,
qui salutem hane contulerit, docet: eumque quem sibi
auctorem suae sciret esse incolumitatis et vitae, commonet
invocandum. Ipsum namque esse, qui et regibus regna
distribuat et mortalibus vitam. At illa cum laetitia domum
regressa, marito percontanti causam tam subitae sanitatis
aperuit, quique cum pro salute conjugis laetus, mulieri
munera deferri juberet, illa: horum, inquit, o rex nihil captiva
dignatur: avrum despicit, argentum respuit, jejunio quasi
cibo pascitur : hoe solum ei muneris dabimus, si eum, qui me
illa invocante sanavit, Christum Deum colamus. Ad hoc
tune rex segnior fuit et interim distulit, saepius licet ab
uxore commonitus, donec accidit quadam die venante eo in
60 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
silvis cum comitibus suis, obscurari densissimis tenebris diem,
et per tetrae noctis horrorem luce subducta, caecis iter gressi-
bus denegari. Alius alio diversi ex comitibus oberrant: ipse
solus densissima obscuritate circumdatus, quid ageret, quo se
verteret nesciebat: cum repente anxios salutis desperatione
animos cogitatio talis ascendit. Si vere Deus est Christus
ille, quem uxori suae captiva praedixerat, nune se de his
tenebris liberet, ut ipsum ex hoe omissis omnibus coleret.
Illico ut haee nondum verbo, sed sola mente devoverat, reddita
mundo dies, regem ad urbem perducit incolumem. Quique
reginae rem protinus ut gesta est pandit. Evocari jam jamque
captivam et colendi ritum ut sibi tradat, exposcit: neque se
ultra alium Deum quam Christum veneraturum esse confirmat.
Adest captiva, edocet Deum Christum: supplicandi ritum
venerandique modum, inquantum de his aperire feminae fas
erat, pandit. Fabricari tamen Ecclesiam monet, formamque
describit. Imgitur rex totius gentis populo convocato, rem ab
initio quae erga se ac reginam gesta fuerat, exponit fidemque
edocet et nondum initiatus in sacris fit suae gentis apostolus.
Credunt viri per regem, feminae per reginam: ecunctisque
idem volentibus Ecclesia extruitur instanter: et elevato jam
perniciter murorum ambitu, tempus erat quo columnae collo-
cari deberent. Cumque erecta prima vel secunda, ventum
fuisset ad tertiam, consumtis omnibus machinis et boum
hominumque viribus enum media jam in obliquum fuisset
erecta ef pars reliqua nullis machinis erigeretur, repetitis
secundo et tertio ac saepius viribus, ne loco quidem moveri
attritis omnibus potuit. Admiratio erat totius populi, regis
animositas hebescebat: quid fieri deberet, omnes simul latebat.
Sed cum interventu noctis, omnes abscessissent, cunctique
mortales et ipsa opera cessarent, captiva sola in oratione
pernoctans mansit intrinsecus: cum ecce matutinus et anxius
cum suis omnibus ingrediens rex, vidit columnam, quam tot
machinae ac tot populi movere non quiverant, erectam et supra
basim suam librate suspensam, nec tamen superpositam, sed
quantum unius pedis spatio in aere pendentem! Tune vero
Life of St. Nino. 61
omnis populi contuentes et magnificantes Deum, veram esse
regis fidem et captivae religionem praesentis miraculi testimonio
perhibebant. Et ecce mirantibus adhuc et stupentibus cunctis,
in oculis eorum sensim supra basim suam, nullo contingente,
columna deposita, summa cum libratione consedit. Post hoc
reliquus numerus columnarum tanta facilitate suspensus est,
ut omnes quae superfuerant, ipsa die locarentur. Postea vero
quam Ecclesia magnifice constructa est, et populi et fidem Dei
maiore ardore sitiebant, captivae monitis ad imperatorem
Constantinum totius gentis legatio mittitur: res gesta ex-
ponitur: sacerdotes mittere oratur, qui caeptum erga se Dei
munus explerent. Quibus ille cum omni gaudio ex honore
transmissis, multo amplius ex hoe laetatus est, quam si
incognitas Romano imperio gentes et regna ignota junxisset.
Haee nobis ita gesta, fidelissimus vir Bacurius, gentis ipsius
rex, et apud nos Domesticorum comes (cut summa erat cura et
religionis et veritatis) exposuit cum nobiscum Palaestini tune
limitis Dux in Mierosolymis satis unanimiter degeret.
Passage relating to Nino in the MS. entitled ‘ The
Conversion of Georgia’ (Moktzevar Kart hlisa).
... Ten years after [the adoption of Christianity by
Constantine], Elene went to Jerusalem to seek the honour-
able cross; and in the fourteenth year, a certain woman,
Evadagil, by name Rip’hsime, fled from the king, for some
reason, with her foster-mother. And there was with her a
certain beautiful captive woman called Nino, of whom Queen
Elene inquired concerning her affairs, and she was a Roman
princess. She went on her way, performing many miracles
of healing, and she arrived in Greece and instructed the
Princess Rip‘hsime.
When Rip’hsime, Gaine, Nino, and certain others with
them, had crossed the sea in flight, they came into the bounds
1 The word Evadagi has not been explaired. There are many obscure
passages in the MS.
62 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
of Somkhit’hi (Armenia), the realm of King T’hrdat, and
were martyred there. But Nino escaped; and, crossing the
mountains to the northward, came to the river Mtcuari (Kura).
She followed it and came to Mtzkhet*’ha, a great city, the
royal residence. She was there three years, praying secretly
in a place covered with bramble bushes. She made a cross of
vine-stems, and tarried there and prayed. And that place was
without the walls. In the place where the brambles were the
altar of the Upper Church (Zemo ecclesia) now stands.
In the fourth year she began to preach the God Christ and
His faith, saying that ‘this land of the north was found in
error. In the sixth year she caused the king’s wife, Nana,
to believe, she being sick, and in the seventh year the king
was converted to Christ by a miracle. Immediately he built
the Lower Church in the royal garden, the erection of which
he himself directed.
When they had built the church, he sent an ambassador,
and a letter from Nino, to Constantine, king of Greece, asking
for priests ; they came quickly. The king sent Bishop Ioane,
two priests, a deacon, a letter from Queen Elene, an icon of
the Saviour, and the wood of life for Nino. When they
arrived, King Mirean, the queen, and all their household
received baptism. They asked for a tree that they might
make a cross. . . .!
*[Then the king commanded Abiat’har, and many Jews
with him, to come before him; and he inquired of them con-
cerning the tunic, and they told him all that is written above.
And King Mirian raised his hands, saying: ‘Blessed art
Thou, O Lord Jesus Christ, Son of the Living God, for] Thou
wishest to save us and deliver us from the devil and his
dark place, since Thy garment was brought by these Hebrews
from the holy city Jerusalem to this city of a strange race,
for our fathers ruled in this city at Thy crucifixion.’ And
’ Here there is a leaf wanting in the MS.
* The passage within brackets is filled in from Kart’hl. Tzkh. That which
follows, to the end of Nino’s prayer, is the same, almost word for word, and
has evidently been taken from the same M8,
Life of St. Nino. e
the king and all Kart’hli betook themselves right speedily to
Christianity.
Then the blessed woman Nino said: ‘ Blessed is God, the
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who sent His holy Word
from high heaven, Himself coming from His throne of might,
to lowly earth; without doubt born in a body, of the seed
of David, born of a woman alone, holy and pure, who was
pleasing to Him; and thus He took upon Him our life. He
enlightened every being beneath the heavens, and they more
readily became believers in Him because He was born as
a man. He was worshipped as God; He was baptized, as
a servant of the law, with water and with earth. He wit-
nessed for, and glorified the Father and the Holy Ghost on
high ; He was crucified, buried, and rose again. He mounted
into the heights to His Father, and is to come again with
glory. To Him praise is fitting. Amen.’
When she had spoken thus, she took with her Jacob the
priest, who had come from Greece, and an eris?’hav, and went
away to Tsoben, and called the Mt’heulians, Dchart’halians,
P’hkhovians, and Tsilcanians, and preached the faith of Christ ;
but they would not receive it. The evist’hav raised his sword
a little, and with fear they gave up their idols to be broken.
They passed to Ertsu?, and tarried in Zhalet’hi, in the village
of Edem, and baptized the Ertsu-T’hianians. And the
Quarians heard this, and fled to T’hoshet’hi, but were at last
subdued, King T’hrdat? baptizing them.
And she became frail, and set out for Mtzkhet’ha. And
when she arrived in Ctoet’ha, in the village which is called
Bodini, she could go no farther. And there came forth from
the city of Uzharma, Rev, the king’s son, and Salomé, his
wife, and his daughter, to watch over her. The king and
his wife, Nana, sent Iovane, the archbishop, to see her and
bring her back. But she did not wish to go%, and entreated
* Ertso, a small district east of Saguramo. Zhalet’hi is in Ertso.
2 ? Mirdat ITI, of Georgia, brother of Bacur (A.D. 364-379).
’ Kart’hl. Tzkh.: ‘But St. Nino set out to go to Ran, in order to convert
P’heroz, and when she approached the village of Budi in Cakhet’hi, she
64 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
that after him Jacob the priest should be appointed. And
she gave to him the letter written by Queen Helene, who
wrote to Nino as queen, apostle, and evangelist. She gave
the wood of life to Queen Nana. And Jovane gave Nino of
the body and blood of Christ, and she took the provision for
her soul’s journey, and committed her spirit into the hands
of God, in the fifteenth year from her arrival in Kart’hli,
from the ascension of Christ three hundred and _ thirty-
eight years, from the beginning five thousand eight hundred
and thirty-eight ?.
Then the two cities, Mtzkhet’ha and Uzharma, and all the
land of Kart’hli grieved because of her death. They came
and buried her body, clad with power, in that place, even in
Budi, a village of Ckhoet’hi. King Mirean and all the
people went and built the Upper Church (Zemo ecclesia) of
stone. Four years passed, and King Mirean died, and was
buried on the north side of the central southern column. In
that column is a piece of the pillar of life. In the second
year Queen Nana died, and was buried to the west of the
same pillar as King Mirean.
And Bacur, the son of Rev *, was appointed king; and
Bishop Iovane died, and the priest Jacob, who had come from
the same place, was appointed archbishop.
Twenty-three years from the raising of the honourable
cross, Rev made a canopy and a tomb in the Lower Church
(Kvemo ecclesia). And Rey died *, and was buried with his
wife. In the tenth year after this, Bacur began to build the
church of Tsileani, and thirty-five years afterwards he died,
and was buried in the Lower Church... .
stayed there some days; and the people of Cakhet’hi came unto her, inquiring
of her, and she taught many.’
2? Evidently for ‘ ascension’ we should read ‘ birth.’
2 Kart’hl. Tzkh. ‘ Bakar, or Bahkar, the son of Mirian.’
° In Kart’hl. Tzkh., Rev’s death takes place before Mirian’s. Kart’hl.
Tzkh. says: ‘From-the conversion of King Mirian, in the twenty-fifth year
(Chronique armén. ‘thirty-fifth’) died his son Rev, son-in-law of T’hrdat,
king of the Armenians, who gave him his kingdom in his life. He (Rev) was
buried in a sepulchre which he himself had built.’
Life of St. Nino. 65
PASSAGE RELATING To NINO IN THE ARMENIAN
History or Moses oF CHORENE (CH. LXXXVI).
... A certain woman named Nuné, one of the scattered
companions of St. Riphsime, came in her flight to the land
of the Iberians, to their royal city Mtzkhet’ha. By her strict
life she gained the gift of healing, through which she healed
many that were afflicted, and among others the wife of
Mikhran, ruler of Iberia. And when Mikhran asked her by
what power she did these wonders, he received from her the
knowledge of the gospel of Christ.
At that time it happened that Mikhran went to the chase:
in rough country he lost himself in the mountains in dull
weather, but not in consequence of a vision, for it is said:
‘Darkness He calls forth with His voice’ (Job xxxviii. 34),
and in another place: ‘He darkens the day into night’
(Amos v. 8). Such was the darkness with which Mikhran
was engirt, and it was to him the cause of everlasting
light: for in his terror he remembered what had been said of
Terdat, who was struck by God when he was preparing for
the chase; Mikhran bethought himself: the same thing
might happen to him. Fear-stricken he prayed that the
air might be cleared, and that he might return in peace,
promising to worship Nuné. His prayer was heard, and he
fulfilled his promise.
Then the blessed Nuné demanded faithful men, whom she
sent to St. Gregory to ask what he would have her do, seeing
that the Iberians had willingly accepted the preaching of the
gospel. And she received his command to destroy the idols,
following his example, and to raise the sign of the honourable
cross, until that day when the Lord should give a pastor to
govern them. She immediately cast down the image of the
thunderer Aramazd, which stood outside the city, separated
therefrom by a great river (Kura). The people were wont
at early morn to worship from their housetops that image
VOL, V, PART I. F
66 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
aloft before their eyes; those that wished to offer him
sacrifice, crossed the river and fulfilled the immolation before
the temples.
The satraps of the city arose and said: ‘Whom shall we
worship instead of the idols?’ They were told that they
should worship ‘the sign of the cross of Christ.’ This
they made, and set it up to the east of the city on a fair hill,
which was also separated from the city by a small river
(Aragva). In the morning, according to their custom, people
worshipped it from their housetops. But when they went
up to the hill and saw a piece of wood, roughly hewn, many
said, with contempt, that all their forests were full of such
wood, and then went away. But God in His goodness looked
down on their error. He sent from the heavens a pillar of
cloud, and all the hill was filled with fragrance: a melodious
voice sounded, of many singers of psalms, and there appeared
a light with a representation of the cross, of the size and
shape of the cross of wood: twelve stars stood over the
wooden cross; all believed and worshipped. And from that
time many were healed by that cross. .
But the blessed Nuné set forth, to instruct with her pure
lips the other regions of Iberia: she went about everywhere
in a dress of exceeding simplicity, having nothing superfluous,
a stranger to the world and all that belongs to it, or rather
nailed to the cross, exercising her life in continual death,
confessing by her word the divine Word, and crowned with
her readiness as with a bloody crown; we make bold to say
that she, having become an apostle, preached, beginning from
the Kekharchians (in Greater Armenia), at the gates of the
Alans (? Ossets—Dariel Pass) and Kasbians1, even unto
the bounds of the Maskuts (Massagetae), as thou mayest
learn from Agathangelos.
1 Kast of Cakhet’hi. Cf. Strabo, iv. 5.
[ 67]
THE ARMENIAN VERSION OF DJOUANSHER
TRANSLATED BY F. C. CoNYBEARE.
PREFATORY NOTE.
In Armenian is preserved a history of the Georgians ascribed
to one Djouanshér. That it is a translation of a Georgian
writer’s work, the occurrence in it of Georgian forms and
idioms proves, and it was made not later than the thirteenth
century, for it is quoted in the history of Stephanos Ourbelian,
who lived in the time of Gregory Anavarzi towards the end
of that century.
In chapter xvi (p. 104 of the San Lazaro edition of 1884)
this work contains a notice which reveals to us the Georgian
sources used. The following is the passage: ‘And this brief
history was found in the time of confusion, and was placed in
the book which is called The Kharthlis (or Qarthlis) Tzkhorepa',
that is, Ze History of the Karthii. And Djouanshér found it,
written up to the time of King Wakhthang. And Djouanshér
himself continued it up to the present time, and entrusted the
(record) of events to those who saw and fell in with him (or
them) in his time.’
In spite of the obscurity of the last sentence, it is clear
from the above that the Armenian is a translation of
Djouanshér; and as the notice follows immediately after the
narrative of the martyrdom of King Artchil IJ, who reigned
from 688-718, the Georgian original was a document of
considerable antiquity. Within that original, however, was
included a narrative of still earlier date which Djouanshér
merely continued up to his own day. The redaction of this
1 See Miss Wardrop’s preface, p. 4.
FQ2
68 Studia Brblica et Ecclestastica.
earlier narrative belonged to the reign of Wakhthang, and
was therefore not later than 483 4. D.
To this earlier nucleus of Djouanshér’s work belongs the
episode of the conversion of Iberia by St. Nouna, which I now
translate; and we are probably entitled to assume that the
Armenian represents a form of the text as it was written
down before the end of the fifth century. The general
impression left on one’s mind, after confronting the Armenian
document with the Georgian as translated by Miss Wardrop,
is, that the latter has been handed down with great fidelity.
In this connexion it is well to draw the reader's attention
to the following points.
1. The marginal numbers inset of my translation of the
Armenian show at a glance the correspondence page by page
of Djouanshér’s narrative with Miss Wardrop’s translation. A
elance at them shows that Djouanshér’s narrative was shorter
in form and more compact than the existing Georgian text.
And this remains certain, even if we admit, as we must, that
the Armenian translator considerably abridged his original.
2. The structure of the original document is best preserved
in the Armenian. Thus its opening words make it clear, that,
when Nino had been three years only in Mtzkhet’ha, she
communicated to Salome the narrative of her previous life,
pp. 1-23.
At the close of this narrative the right transition to
Abiathar’s narrative is provided by the Armenian alone in
Nino’s closing words :—‘And if thou ask thou shalt learn
from Abiathar the truth.’
Abiathar at once begins his story. It continues as far as
p. 29, ‘by the bridge of the Magi.’ Here the Armenian
quite rightly puts the episode of the Jews’ desiring to stone
Abiathar at the conclusion of his story, which he may have
repeated to Salome in the Jewish quarter of Mtzkhet‘ha.
But the Georgian text is dislocated at this point, and
defers this episode to p. 31, interpolating it in the middle of
the continued narrative of Nino’s missionary activity.
That narrative, which rightly speaks of Nino in the third
person, continues as far as p. 54, that is, up to the saint's
death-bed scene. And here the Armenian, more clearly than
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 69
the Georgian, which is confused, relates the genesis of Nino’s
early travel-document. ‘The bystanders ask Nino for informa-
tion of her early days, and Nino replies: ‘I have related it
to the ears of Salome. ... Have paper and ink brought and
write it down from her lips,’
The document that was so written down is chapter viii of
Djouanshér, pp. 1-23 of Miss Wardrop’s translation. In it
Nino tells her story in the first person according to the oldest
Georgian MS. (A.V.), and also according to Djouanshér’s form
of narrative. This characteristic trait of the travel-document
is lost or obscured in the later Georgian texts.
3. The Armenian helps to bring out the rather primitive.
and perhaps Montanist, cast of Nino's Christianity, which
doubtless was also the original type of belief introduced into
Georgia. For the Armenian often omits traits of the more
elaborate and developed Christianity established in the fourth
century which the Georgian contains, and vice versa, inter-
polates other similar traits which the Georgian omits. In
such cases the Georgian and Armenian, as it were, cancel each
other; and we may infer that these traits of a later stage of
ecclesiastical development did not stand in the original acts.
I give examples: on p. 20 the Armenian omits the dogmatic
references to the Trinity in Nino’s prayer. On the other
hand, in p. 23 the Armenian introduces a similar reference
from which the Georgian text is free. So on pp. 47 and 56
the Georgian has the phrases ‘the great triune God, and ‘ the
Trinity, the infinite God.’ In the corresponding passages of
the Armenian these dogmatic expressions are absent. In
p- 34, 0n the other hand, the Armenian is more dogmatic than
the Georgian ; also in p. 31: ‘My God Jesus, King eternal.’
Again in p. 25 we have the phrase: ‘the Son of the
Virgin.’ In the corresponding Armenian this: ‘the poor son
of a woman in distress.’ So on p. 44 the Georgian has ‘ born
indeed of the seed of David, of a virgin pure and holy’; where
the Armenian has the unusual phrase, ‘from an only-begotten
mother was born the only-begotten God.’ The two phrases
at least discount each other; and the inference is that later
than the fourth or fifth century Georgian scribes retouched
the story dogmatically in one way and in one set of passages ;
Jo Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
while in Djouanshér’s and the Armenian tradition it was
retouched in another way and in a different set of passages.
But both the Georgian documents and the Armenian agree
on the following points: that Jesus was ‘the heavenly man,’
p- 25 (reinforced by the Armenian in p. 30); who ‘ when he
had reached man’s estate called himself the Son of God,
p. 27. Both witnesses also lay stress on the baptism of Jesus,
p- 45, and this evidently figured as an article in Nino’s creed.
It was an incident of vital importance in the Ebionite view
of Jesus Christ, yet one of which later dogmatic systems lost
sight. Lastly, both sources insist that Jesus Christ ‘came
in the flesh,’ p. 41; and this was the position usually urged
against the primitive error of the Docetae and Manicheans.
The Armenian makes it less clear that Nino herself baptized ;
for it omits the very suspicious proviso ‘except baptism’ con-
tained in the Georgian on p. 23—a proviso which at once
suggests to a reader familiar with ecclesiastical documents
that she did baptize. The Armenian also ignores the express
statement which survives in p. 42 of the Georgian that Nino
baptized the king Mirian.
It also refers twice, pp. 38 and 39, to Nino’s twelve disciples,
where the Georgian only notices them once. More than one
heresiarch was accused of profanity for choosing just that
number of apostles to aid in the work of propagandism. The
assumption by Abiathar upon his conversion of the name Paul
is made clearer in the Armenian than in the corresponding
Georgian, pp. 30 and 33. It reminds us of the similar custom
which prevailed among the Paulicians, and was also not
unknown among orthodox believers.
Lastly, it is noticeable that the Armenian text, up to nearly
the end of chapter x (=p. 40), calls the saint Nouni; but for
the rest of the narrative calls her Ninau or Nind. Perhaps this
change of spelling implies a new documentary stratum in the
Georgian original which underlay the Armenian. In general
I have kept all differences of spelling of the Armenian text.
The name Niophor on p. 10 appears to be the Greek vewxédpos,
mediatized through a Syriac document in which 9 was con-
fused with 9. If so, the original acts were written in Syriae,
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 7x
CHAPTER VIII.
Ar that time! the blessed lady Nouni, the mother of the ,
Wirg? (i.e. Iberians), came to Mtzkhet’ha, and was there three
years*. And the queen of the Wirg, Solomoni (? Solomé),
asked her whence she was. And Nouni told her thus :—
The original report about me was that once on a time the
race of Brandji were at war with Rome; and a certain man,
Zabulon by name, a Cappadocian, conquered them by the ,
might of Christ, and took captive the king and his army.
And they, astonished, asked for the grace of baptism, which
he bestowed on them, and dismissed them to their country
illuminated in Christ.
Zabulon himself also went with them and made the race of
the Brandji Christian. And he came to the king and received
from him many presents, then went off to Jerusalem to honour
the holy places. And there he found two orphans who were
come from Klastrat after the death of their parents, who were
Christians. The name of one was Houbnal (i.e. Juvenal),
and of his sister Susan, who was servant to Niaphor* of
Bethlehem. And Zabulon took Susan to himself to wife, and
departed to the city of Klastatas. And I was born of them.
And when I was twelve years old they came to Jerusalem.
And my father went away into the wilderness, entrusting me
to God and to the grace of Christ, that I might devote myself
in virginity to the heavenly bridegroom. And I entered the
house of Niophor of Armenian race from the city of Dwin,
10
1 The last event chronicled was the successful war of Constantine with
Mihran, king of Iberia, at the conclusion of which Constantine took Bahqar,
Mihran’s son, as a hostage, and Trdat, king of Armenia, gave his daughter
Béoun (after marriage called Solomé) to Mihran’s son. ‘The chaptering of the
Armenian is that of the printed text of Djouanshér.
2 Wirg was the Armenian name for the Georgians. The final g marks the
plural and the correspondence with Iberi is clear. The Georgians in Turu
knew the Armenians as the Somkhuvi, the Hellenes or Heathens as Thsarmarthi
and the Greek tongue as Berdznuli.
5 Nino had been three years in Mtzkhet’ha when she told her story to
Salome. The text has amiss =‘months,’ which I correct to am* ‘years,’ See
P- 75 (23)-
* Also spelt Niophor. Whether this person was male or female does not
appear in the Armenian. It is only clear therefrom that there was one person
of the name and not two, and that he (or she) came from Dwin, the old
Christian centre of Armenia, on the Araxes near Artaxata,
72 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
and I served him (or her) two years, and was continually being
informed about the economy of Christ our God, and of how
he died (/i¢. how was the end), and of where are the grave-
clothes of our Lord. And they taught me that the things
written by the prophet were fulfilled in the Lord, and that he
11 was crucified and rose, and went up into heaven, and is to
come again. And the clothes the wife of Pilate asked for (or
sought), and believed in Christ ; and departed into Pontus to
her home. And after a time it fell to Luke the Evangelist,
and he knows what he did with them. And as to the napkin,
Peter, they say, took it with him; and the seamless tunic
reached the shady (i.e. Northern) land, and lies in the city of
Mtzkhet’ha. But the Lord’s cross lies buried in Jerusalem,
and is revealed whenever he desires.
12 And I having heard all this went to the Patriarch, and he
13 blessed me. And I departed to Rome, that peradventure
I might win there some share in the grace of Chnst. And
having set my face sure to the living hope, I found the Wanq
(i.e. resthouse) of Paul, in which lived virgins, 300 souls.
14 And there trials beset us, and we came to Armenia. And the
Caesar sent a letter to Trdat ; and search was made, and they
found us in the troughs of the wine-press. And the king
15 after much trouble failed in his efforts to induce the betrothed
of Christ Hripsima to wed him; and resorting to the sword
he massacred of us thirty-seven souls. And the rest were
scattered ; but I remained beneath rose trees, which were not
yet in blossom. And raising my eyes aloft I saw the souls of
the saints passing to heaven. And their commander was
a priest ; with a fiery host he went to meet them, having in
his hand a censer; and with the smell of the incense was
the whole world filled. And having censed the saints, he
returned with them, and they passed in behind the veil.
16 But I cried unto the Lord saying: Wherefore hast thou
left me here, my Lord Jesus? And he answered me: Fear
thou not, for thou shalt go up to the same place as thy sisters.
But do thou rise up and go to the region of the north, where
is much harvest to reap, but where labourer is not. And after
a little time yonder bush covered with thorns doth bourgeon
and blossom with roses.
Life of St. Nino (A rmenian Version). 73
And I rose up and came to Ourbani of the Armenians,
and I wintered there; and in the month of June I came to
the mountain of Dshavakheth. And reaching the lake of
Pharhnay, I saw there men fishing in the lake, and shepherds
on the edge of the lake. And I heard that they swore? by
Aramazd and by Zadén. For I was acquainted with the
tongue of the Armenians, having learned it in the house of
Niophor of Dwin. And I asked them whence they were, and
they said, from Darb, from Lrban, from Saphoursli, from
Qintseri, from Rhapaten of Mtzkhet’ha, where gods are glori-
fied and kings do rule. And this river which runs out of the
lake goes thither. And I retired alone and laid down my
head and slept. And there was given to me a book in the
Roman tongue, sealed with a seal. And the writing of the
seal was the name of Jesus Christ. And the man who gave
me the letter said to me: Arise, go and preach whatsoever is
written therein. And I said to him: Who am I, a woman
ignorant and weak? But he said to me: In the grace of
Christianity and in the land of life, which is the heavenly
(= dyw) Jerusalem, there is neither male nor female. And
weakness and ignorance is not spoken of, for Christ is the
strength of God and the wisdom of God. And Mariam
Magdalene announced the resurrection of Christ to the
apostles and to many others; and there was no shame to
her for speaking nor to them for listening. And I opened
the book, and there was in it writ in brief all the power of the
gospel, comprised in ten sentences (/:¢. words) *.
And I, having read and understood it, arose and prayed to
the Lord ; and I followed the river from the direction of the
west, until the water turned to the east. And I reached
Ourbnis, and was there one month; and then I came with
merchants to Mtzkhet’ha. And on the day of the feast of
Aramazd I followed the king and all the people; and I saw
there a man clad in copper cuirass and casque of gold, adorned
with two eyes, one an emerald and the other a beryl, having
} Te. made their vows to those gods. All this part of the acts of Nino is
astonishingly correct in its topography and, so far as we can check them, in its
other allusions.
2 The Armenian omits the ten sentences. It was such a manual as a
Montanist prophetess might have carried about with her.
8
i
2
_
22
74 Studia Biblica et Ecclestasttca.
a sword in his hand like a lightning-flash, and he moved it,
striking fear into the crowd. And they were trembling and
saying : Woe unto us, if we have been amiss in sacrifice or
have sinned in words with Jew or with Magi, for we shall die
at the hand of Aramazd. And there stood on his right hand
a gold image named Gatzi, and on his left the silver image
called Gayim.
And I remembered the saying of Houbnal the patriarch of
Jerusalem, who said to me, Thou shalt reach a land of men at
war with the true God. And I heaved a sigh and wept, and
petitioned of God mercy on the erring, and said: God of my
father and mother, visit thy wrath on these demon-possessed
images, and destroy them, that they may know thee, the only
true God. And there was on a sudden a violent wind, and
a voice of thunder, and shootings forth of thunderbolts, and
hail of the weight of a litre; and a stench horrible and foul,
and dense thick gloom, which made the images invisible.
And the crowd was dispersed, and entered into hiding. And
on the second day the king and all the people went forth, and
sought to find the reason of what had happened. Then said
some: The God of the Chaldaeans Throudjan! and our
Aramazd are enemies from the beginning. And once on
a time our God destroyed him with water, and now he has
taken his revenge. But some said what was true, that, the
great God who smote the king of the Armenians, and after-
wards healed him along with all Hayastan (i.e. Armenia), he
has wrought this wonder.
And I found the eye of beryl and came under the tree
Bantschi, which they call the shelter of King Bartom ;
and I prayed there for six days. And on the great day
of the transfiguration of the Lord, when the Lord showed
the image of the Father to the chief apostles and prophets,
there came to me a royal person, Shoushan by name, and
seeing me she marvelled. And she brought an interpreter
that spoke the Roman tongue and asked me questions, pitying
* We recognize the name Xisuthrus used by Berosus. But whether the
Georgian despoils Eusebius’ chronicon or preserves the independent local
tradition which Berosus preserves is not clear. I should conjecture that
the Book of Nimrod is the proximate Georgian source.
Life of St. Nino (Armeman Version). 75
me as a stranger. And she wished to lead me to the palace.
But I did not go with her; but I went thence and found
a woman called Anastou, who was wife of the man who took
care of the royal garden, and she received me gladly. And
I was in their house nine months. 2
And they had no child, and were for that reason in great
sorrow. And a luminous man said to me: Go into the
garden, and from the root of a cedar! sapling by the rose-
bushes thou shalt take earth, and give it to them to eat in
the name of the Lord, and he will give them offspring. And
I did so; and I gave it them in the name of Jesus Christ
the God of Sabaoth, who came in lowliness and is to come
again in his glory to judge the world according to its deserts.
And they. listened and believed in Christ, and received the
child promised.
And I went forth from their house; and outside the wall
in a grove of tamarisks made myself a station. And there
I abode three years, and having fashioned a cross I worshipped
before it the holy Trinity by day and night. And day by
day I would repair to the Jews, because of their tongue, and
to gain information of the Lord’s tunic. And the priest
Abiathar and his daughter Sidonia believed in the advent of
Christ, and six Jewish women with her. And if thou ask
thou shalt learn from Abiathar the truth.
And having heard all this, the wise queen wondered and
believed in what she said. And when she heard of the great
marvels which occurred to her father Trdat, she was all the
more strengthened in the faith and glorified God in his
infinite glory.
CHAPTER IX.
But the priest Abiathar told his story in the hearing of alli
in words of the following tenor :—
In the year in which the holy Nouni came to Mtzkhet’ha,
I was priest by lot of my race. And there was brought me
a writing from Antioch from the Jews there, to the effect
that the kingdom was rent in three, and that Romans,
‘ The Armenian word more properly signifies a ‘ pine’ sapling,
to
ur
26
76 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
Greeks and Armenians rule us. And that our prophets are
silenced and our temple is demolished. And this we know
from the Scriptures, that, when our fathers sinned, God was
angry and gave them over to captivity. And when they
beheld their tribulation, they repented, and cried out to the
Lord in prayer; and God was appeased and allowed them
to return and had merey on them. And seven times this
happened in the days of old. But since when our sires
erucified the son of a poor (or the poor son of a) woman in
distress, named Christ, there are now 300 years that the
wrath of the Lord is increased upon us; and we ery out to
him early and late, and he gives us no answer, nor is appeased
towards us. Whence it is right to understand that he is the
Son of God, foreshadowed by the Law and the Prophets.
And do thou look and examine in thy wisdom out of thine
acquaintance with Scripture, to see how all the things written
have been fulfilled, and that that man was truly from heaven.
Now I was in great sorrow for many days, and then on
examining the Scriptures I found that the time signified by
Daniel reached its sum under Augustus Caesar of the Romans.
And while I was engaged in this I saw the holy Nouni, and
was informed and heard from her lips the words of the
writings of our prophets, and the character of his economy
in detail and order, all things from the birth until the aseen-
sion into heaven. And I believed in sooth that he was the
hope of the Gentiles and the salvation of my people Israel.
And behold we became worthy, I and my seed, of the water
of Niebazi’, which is of Bethlehem, which David longed for,
but did not attain to. And the Lord remembered us according
to his pleasure in his people, and visited us in his salvation ;
and we dwelled in the house of the Lord, that we might
eternally praise the Lord. For the holy David blessed us ;
and may God vouchsafe to me to see yet other marvels and
blessings in the city by the hand of the holy lady Nouni.
And his hearers were glad and said to Abiathar: What-
* Niebazi is unintelligible. It is evidently a transcription of the word
embazsa which here stands in the Georgian text. The Armenian translator
mistook it for a proper name. It = ‘of baptism,’ or ‘of the font,’ being in
turn a transcription of the word éuBaais,
Lye of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 77
ever thou knowest about this, tell unto us. And he said to
them :—
We have heard from our fathers,—what their fathers had
related to them,—that in the days of King Herod there
came a rumour to the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, that kings from
among the Persians had come and taken Jerusalem ; and the
priests of Bouday and Kodi, the Tslarian scribes and Canaanite
interpreters set out in headlong flight eastwards, and all the
Jews took to mourning. But after a few days tidings were
noised abroad that the Persians in Jerusalem were not come
for war, but to do homage to a son of a virgin, born of the
seed of David, having as their guide from heaven a star
reasonable and wise. Whom having found in the wilderness
they glorified him as God. For instead of arms they had
offerings with them, kingly gold and myrrh of healing and
frankincense to offer to God. And having offered these to
the child they went their way. And having heard the matter
the race of the Jews rejoiced with great joy. And after thirty
years a letter came from Jerusalem from Annas the priest to
the father of my mother, Elios, that the child Jesus presented
by the Magi having become a man called himself Son of God.
Come ye who are able that we may execute on him the law of
Moses, slaying him.
And Elios the priest departed being skilled in the law, of
the family of Eliazar, of the stock of the house of Heli. And
he had a mother of the same stock, who charged him, saying :
Have no share, my son, in the counsels of the Jews. For he
is the message of the prophets and the hidden meaning of the
law and the word of the living God. There set out with him
also Lounkianus of Karsni, and they came and arrived on the
day of the crucifixion. And when the executioner drove in
the nails he startled the mother of Ilios because of the
prophecy therein, and she said: Unto the peace of the
Gentiles, yonder the king of Israel, Saviour of the world.
And three times, Woe unto you, slayers of your maker! But
pity thou us, Lord our God.
And then she rested (i.e. died) having believed in Christ
in that hour.
But the seamless tunic fell by lot to the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha ;
78 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
29 and Ilios brought and bore it to his house. And his sister
30
went out to meet him, and taking (the garment)-kissed it and
laid it on her bosom; and gave up her spirit, having three
reasons from Christ, the death of the Lord, and her mother’s
death, and her brother’s accord with the Jews.
And Adrik was king of the Georgians, and on hearing of
it wondered ; yet did not wish to keep for himself the tunic
of one dead. And they kept it beneath the cedar tree of
which the original shoot had been brought from Lebanon.
And lo, the house of Ilios, which lies west of the bridge of
the Magi}.
When all the Jews heard this, they were ashamed in them-
selves, and designed to stone him; because being expert in
his wisdom he truly proved from the Old Testament the
divinity of Christ to be glorified with Father and with Spint.
And the king having heard the uproar of the Jews bore
hardly on them, and bade them not to hinder that preaching
in his land. For he had heard of the wonders which had
occurred in Armenia and in Rome.
CHAPTER X.
Then Saint Nouni ventured boldly by means of her dis-
ciples who believed to disseminate the faith of Christ by
divers signs, which she wrought with the figured cross. And
she saw three times in her light sleeping on her knees flocks
of black-hued birds descend into the river and issue up again
out of it having become white and go into the garden, where
they browsed on its flowers. And they would cull a little
therefrom and give it to the master of the flower-garden.
And she related her dream to Abiathar’s daughter, and she
said: O new-comer and sojourner, that makest (us) heirs of
the garden and tree of life, thine are the good-tidings of our
fathers and the work of the heavenly man Jesus and of his
innocent blood. But do thou, Jerusalem, spread out thy
wings, and gather together those who have won a portion
in the heavenly one; with whom thou wilt also muster us
* The Armenian has Mogtha, which is the Georgian gen. pl.
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 79
by the hand of this holy woman, who makes of this spot
a garden of delight.
So Saint Nouni increased in self-denial and in continual 31
prayer, and the Gentiles marvelled at her endurance.
In those days a certain woman was going around with her
child that was ill with an incurable disease, in hope of finding
some one to save the child by device of drugs, And she was
herself of evil life and a blasphemer of Christ, and she kept
back many from the preaching of Nouni. Yet when she was
at an end of all other means, she took and cast the child
before Saint Nouni. And the Saint said: Human art of
healing I have not, but only my Christ, maker of things
visible and invisible. And she laid the child on her mattress
and signed it with the cross, saying: My God Jesus, King
eternal, heal this child in the name of thy power, that the
Gentiles may know that thou art the giver of life to the race
of men, who are verily thy creatures ; and owe to thee worship
and honour and glory everlasting, Amen.
And having said this she gave the child healed and beauti- 32
fied and full of joy to the woman. And she said: There is
no God, except thyself, O Christ, lord and ruler of life and
death. She departed gladly and told it to all. Then she
returned to. Nouni and departed not from her.
In those days the queen Nana fell into an incurable sick-
ness ; and all who were skilled in the art of healing confessed
their defeat, saying, It is impossible that this sickness should
be healed by man. And they told the queen about Nouni,
and she sent to have her brought to her. And they went
and found her at prayer in the thicket of the grove of tama-
risks before the cross. And they told her the queen’s message,
But she said to them: In this hour I let not my heart decline
from my Lord. If she desire it, she will come to us. And
the royal lady having heard said, Take me up and carry me to
her. There went forth after her a great multitude of men
and women, and they took and laid her on Nouni’s mattress.
And she prayed for long and laid her cross upon her square-
ways, and in that hour she sat up having been healed. And
she arose from the place and went to her house, glorifying
Christ God, along with all the multitude. And thenceforth
80 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
she was a disciple of the truth and learned the laws of Christ
from Saint Nouni and from Abiathar the priest, who also
was called Paul in his believing.
But the king Mihran was full of wonder, and asked of
Paul, how God became man, and what were these teachings
and the name of Christianity. And he told him as best he
could everything in order. And Mihran had a book which
told all about the race of Nebrowth!, and the building of
Qalené; and he had it brought before him, and having read
it, he found in it the following passage :—
When they began to build the tower and city Qalené,
there came a voice from on high, which said: I am Miqayel
(i.e. Michael), ruler of the eastern parts. Abandon that which
ye build, for God will destroy it. Nathless in the last
times cometh the king heavenly ; and he fulfilleth that for
which ye long. And they behold the undespised despised
among the peoples, and his love driveth out the fair-seeming
of the world. For kings forsake their kingdoms and love
poverty, and not that glory which thou seekest,O Nebrowth.
And having read this, the king fell into deep thought, and
marvelled that the inner and outer books testify of Christ.
But he could not forsake the ancestral cult to which he was
accustomed—the sun and fire, and Aramazd and other idols.
In those days a Magian kinsman of the king fell sick ; and
Mihran said to Saint Nouni: Thou art a daughter of Aramazd
or else the seed of Zadén, who have brought thee hither as
a stranger and vouchsafed to thee power of healing, that thou
34 mayest glorify thyself. Now therefore work the cure of this
my familiar friend by their name, nor make thyself a mis-
taken reciter of the faith of the Iaones. For although
Throudjan, the god of the Persians, with cloud and hail hath
routed and carried them away, yet the place is sure; and such
war is a habit of the world-swayers. Nay there remain also
the old gods of our fathers, Gayim and Gatzim, and they are
33
1 The Book of Nimrod is more than once referred to in the letter of Paul
of Taron against Theophistus the Greek; this letter is a monument of the
eleventh century, at which time this apocryph still circulated among Armenians ;
in whose literature or in the Georgian it may yet be discovered. Mr. Rendel
Harris states that in an Arabic MS. of Mount Sinai, No. 435, is contained
‘The history of Nimrod.’ This is probably the apocryph in question.
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 81
the shooters forth of the sun’s rays, and the givers of rain,
and those that cause the works of the field to bear fruit.
The saint made answer and said: I am a captive woman,
a creature and a worshipper of the invisible and unknown
godhead of Father and Son and Holy Spirit, that is creator
of heaven and earth. Who because of his great mercy,
giveth life to the despisers of himself and nurture and honour,
even as unto thyself. For he hath given to thee mind and
words, for thee to know the height of heaven and the posi-
tions of the stars and the depth of the sea and the breadth of
the earth ; and through these things shalt thou know him
who governs and adjusts them. And I declare to thee that
the infinite (lit. unreachable) greatness that robes the heaven
with vapours and thunders with the voice of the winds and
by means of the great leviathan! shakes the whole earth, He 35
came down from the heights above in lowliness, and took on
himself our nature. He accomplished the period of thirty
and three years. And by a senseless race he was rejected and
crucified, of his own will and not under constraint. And on
the third day he arose and ascended into heaven. And he
sent preachers into the world, to believe in his name and
live in the worship of God, forsaking vain idols. This is the
gospel which I preach to thee, that thou mayest believe, if
I should work aught, that it is by his name. And there lies
hidden here a raiment of bis; and as they say the sheepskin
mantle of Elias who saw God is here. And that you may
clearly learn what I say, bring to me the magus of Khorasan,
the enemy of the truth. And he shall deny his heresy and in
faith profess whatever I give him to say.
And when they had brought him to her there in the garden,
below the cedar tree, she turned him to the west? and made him
say three times: I renounce thee, Satan. And then she turned
him to the east and made him say: I throw myself on thee,
holy Trinity, and I turn my face to thee, O crucified God.
And Nouni wept and traced on him the figure of the
Lord’s cross. And there went forth from him the evil spirit
? Arm. kitos, i.e. «770s.
* This detail, absent in the Georgian, is surely an addition of the Armenian
translator.
VOL, V, PART I, G
82 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
like smoke. And the man was made whole of the demon and
of his sufferings, and believed in Christ with all his house-
hold. And the onlookers glorified the Father and the Son
and the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever, Amen.
After this the king went out to hunt towards Mukh-
PITTS. a
(The episode which follows is told almost exactly as in
pp: 35 foll. I only give the more pe gigs differences of the
text page by page.)
36 =P. 36. Omit words ‘ Let us Bee ae . be destroyed.’
Ibid. For ‘whence he saw’ Arm. buss that they might
see.
Ibid. ‘ The darkness seized.’] Arm. ‘ Panic fell on them.’
Ibid. ‘Lo, I have called’. . .] The Arm. has the prayer thus:
‘Jesus Christ, God of Nouni, win me to thee as thy
servant and rescue my soul from hell. For my gods have not
been able to help me; and I believe that thou art able, and
thine is day and night. O crucified Lord, with thy cross
make me alive. For I think that this darkness is not over
all, but over us alone who after the advent of the light do
still love darkness.
And when he had said this the sun beamed forth with
a bright sky. And his soldiers found him. And dismounting
they fell on their faces and worshipped the crucified one,
saying: Thou art God. ...
37. ~-P. 37,1. 7 from foot of page. ‘He went towards...’] Arm.
has: ‘They went to her and fell down and worshipped her.
But she took them firmly, raised them up and turned them
towards the east.’
P. 37, last line. ‘The next day ...’] Arm. has as follows:
‘Then Saint Nouni writes before (them) a letter to Helena
_ the royal lady of Rome, and Mihran to the great Constantine,
38 saying: The Lord hath visited the house of the Wirq in his
great pity. So do ye send us priests to give us life by water
and Spirit. But Saint Nouni herself did not rest from
preaching along with twelve women, who were ever with her.
And after that the king bethought him of building a church,
before the priests should come. And they went into the
garden and cut down the cedar tree, and fashioned out of it
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Verston). 83
six pillars, and they laid the foundations and raised aloft the
six pillars. But the seventh, which was biggest of all, they
could not move from its place, in spite of their numbers and
of the contrivances of machines, until sunset. And then 39
they left it and went away in great wonder. But Saint
Nouni with the twelve remained there for the night and
prayed with tears. And at midnight there was panic and
shocks and thunderings, as if the two mountains Armaz
and Zadé were crumbling, and the two rivers, the Kour and
Arag, were committing havoc and being turned back on the
city and fortress. And the women with Nouni were affrighted
and began to flee. But the saint said: Fear not, for this 1s
delusion and not real. For the mountains stand firm, and
the rivers run in their courses, and in peace sleep the men of
the city. But disbelief that was massive as a mountain hath
truly crumbled ; and the blood of children offered to the idols
is forthwith turned back. That is what the rivers signify.
And the voices of lamentation are the foul demons that led
astray now mourning their destruction. And having said
this she exhorted them to diligence, but herself poured out
fountains of tears. And before it was yet cock-crow, there
was a turmoil and noise of shouting, as if a heavy force were
investing the city and took it and overthrew it ; and as if
the command were given in a voice of power, saying: Khora
the sovereign of the Persians gives you the command, and
the king of kings Khorakhosrow commandeth. Ye Jews, 40
away with you, scatter and die not. And again (was heard
a voice): Mihran the sovereign is slain.
But the blessed lady spread her arms out and said: Depart
ye into outer darkness. Lo, the crucified one, your slayer, is
come. Go ye unto the region of the north. And in that
very hour they disappeared. And close upon dawn appeared
a youth all fiery, hidden in unapproachable light, who spoke
unto Saint Nina (sic) three words. And then he went to the
pillar and raised it aloft.
And a certain woman, Sidina! by name, saw it all, for she
had gone out to Ninau, and she said: What is this, holy
1 Sidonia is elsewhere the spelling used. It is impossible to say whether the
variations of spelling of proper names observable in the Armenian, and kept by
G 2
=
4
43
84 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
dame. But she answered: Hold thy peace and pray. And
lo, they saw the pillar enkindled with light. Gently it came
down into the (place) cut away at its root.
And at daybreak came the sovereign and a great crowd
along with him ; and they saw that the pillar had shot up, and
had come without (work of) hand, and was fixed firm upon its
basis. And they lifted up their voices and gave glory to God.
And on that day were many miracles wrought in that
place. For there was a Jew blind from birth. They brought
him near the column, and his eyes were instantly opened.
And then one of the princes, Hamazaspuni, eight years old,
a paralytic, was brought by his mother and laid before the
pillar on his mattress, and she prayed Ninau for the salvation
of the child. And she stretched out her hand to the column,
then laid it-on the child, and said: Jesus Christ, who camest
in the flesh for the salvation of the world, help this child.
And at once the child arose and stood upon its feet. And all
the multitude who saw this gave praise to God ; and fear fell
upon all. And the king made a covering for the pillar, and
they completed the church, building it to the glory of God.
CHAPTER XI.
But the emperor Constantine, when he saw the messengers
of Mihran, was delighted at the conversion of the Wirq to
Christ, the more so because he trusted that they had for
good broken off their alliance with the Persians. Likewise
also the royal lady Helena. And they glorified God, and
sent a bishop called John, and two priests and three deacons,
and a cross with them and a saving picture. And they came
and illumined with baptism the king and his wife and
children and famous men, in a place which is called Moktha,
and the place was called the Light-giving of the headmen.
And all the Wirg were baptized, except the Mthevouli! and
me in translating, is due to the Georgian original or simply to the Armenian
tradition. Ifthey stood in the former they might be held to indicate a transla-
tion from a language like Syriac or Hebrew, in which the vowels were not
expressed.
' The Georgian has ‘the Mthiuli in the Caucasus,’ which is probably the
right text.
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 85
the Kowkas and the Jews in Mtzkhet’ha. But of the Barab-
beans were baptized fifty men ; and the king loved them and
gave them Diditzikhé. But Pheroz, who had the house of
Rhana as far as Partav, who was son-in-law of Mihran
hearkened not to the word of life. And Mihran sent John
(Hovhannés) the bishop and a leading man with him to Con-
stantine, and asked for a great number of priests and a piece
of the cross of the Lord and for stone-cutters to build
churches. And he sent all he asked for and the board of the
feet of the Lord, and the nails of the hands, along with
furniture and treasure to expend, in order that in his name
they might build a church in the land of Kharthli.
And the bishop came to the country of Oushéth and laid 44
the foundation of a church, and there placed the nails and
left there builders and treasure. And they went on to
Manklis, and there he laid the foundation of a church, and
there placed the holy board. And the king heard, and was
grieved at their placing the pieces elsewhere than in his
royal city, and at the envoys not coming there first. But
Saint Ninau said: Take it not amiss, O king, for in all
places it is meet to sow the name of the Lord. And here
there is preserved great holiness and a memorial of the Lord,
the holy tunic. And the king heard from Abiathar all the
description of the tunic, and glorified Christ saying: Blessed
is the Lord God, who rescued it from his hated enemies the
Jews and bestowed it on us aliens afar off in his mercy.
And then the stone-cutters began on the coming of the
bishop to build a church outside the city, where is now the
bishop’s house. And Saint Ninau spoke at the beginning of
the work as follows :—
Distributor of glory, Christ, Son of God; thou didst come
in thy fullness and power to the race of David. And from 45
an only-begotten mother wast born the only-begotten God,
Light of all, image of the Father, who as in need thereof
didst receive baptism by water and by Spirit, wast crucified
and buried in the heart of the earth, didst rise on the third
day, ascendedst into heaven, and comest to judge the quick
and the dead. Do thou become shelter and rampart of all
who have hoped in thee ; and to thee praise for ever, Amen.
86 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
And some related in that same hour to the bishop that at
the foot of a little hill there is a beautiful and fragrant tree ;
and by the same are healed fawns wounded by the huntsmen,
when they strip off and eat its leaves or fruit. And he said
to them: Verily this land is ever cared for by the Lord even
before it knew him. And the bishop took Réw the king’s son
and went and cut down the tree, branches and all, and brought
it into the city, on the 25th of March on a Friday. And it
was covered with leaves. And they set it up at the door of the
church, and for thirty and seven days it kept from withering
as if it grew from its own root. And on the first of May they
fashioned three crosses. One of them they set up. And in
full view of all the people, there came down from heaven a
luminous cross, crowned with stars, and invested the wooden one
till the dawn of the morrow. And then two stars came forth,
one flying eastwards, and one westwards. And Saint Ninau
said: Go ye up into high places and find out whither the
47 stars go. And they went up and saw that the one star shone
on the top of the mountain Thkhothi, which runs out to
Kasb, and the other in the land of Kakhethi in Daba. And
they took the two crosses, and set them up in the places
which the Lord pointed out by the glancing stars. But the
chief cross they set up on a rock, which lies opposite the city.
48 And they ordained the day of the great Zadik as the feast of
49 the cross for all the house of Kharthli, eight days. And
after the days, again the cross gleamed with light and burst
out aflame on the fourth day of the week, having on its head
a wreath of twelve stars. And at sight of these wonders all
the heathen turned to the Lord and were baptized ; and being
strengthened in the faith gave praise to God out of reverence
for the holy cross. For like carbuncles in ores, angels of God
hovered round the cross and went up over it.
50 In those days the son of Réw... .’ (The Armenian con-
tinues in agreement with the Georgian as translated above,
with the following exceptions) :
P. 50. ‘ Raised the canopy ’] ‘raised a marble canopy.’
Ibid. ‘And in consequence . . . cross of Christ] omit.
sr P. 51. ‘And it helped .. . always and for ever’] omit.
Ibid. ‘In those days,’ &e.] The Armenian is as follows:
a
4
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 87
‘In those days the emperor Constantine sent a deacon, who
had a letter from the race of Branji, who had been illumined
by her father. For they heard that among Armenians and
Wirg there beamed forth the sun of righteousness with
effulgent sheen, and that mighty works of God were mani-
fested among them. ...’
P. 52. ‘Nino answered,’ &c.] Armenian runs thus : 52
But Saint Nouni hindered them, saying: The Lord came
not with sword and bow, but with cross and gospel. And
the bishop and Ninau went off, and the king with them, to
Tsrbin, to Dsharthal, to Thkhela, to Tsilkasn, to Géramadr.
But they received not the word of the Lord. And they went
down to Jaléth and to Ertsoyth and preached there. And
they heard and were baptized. And the Phkhatziq left their
land and went to Thoshéth. And many of the mountaineers
remain to this day in idolatry. And Saint Ninau went off 53
into the land of Rana to preach to Pheroz, and tarried hard
by the marches of Koukhethi and there fell ill. And Réw,
son of the king, and Solomé his wife, who were in Oudjarma,
came to see her. And the king heard and sent the bishop to 54
bring her to Mtzkhet’ha, but she would not come. Then 55
went to her the king and his wife, and Peloujawr Siunetzi, and
a number of congregations, and they sat round her and wept.
But she looked up to heaven with unwavering eyes, full of
joy. Then the queens said to her: Holy mother, as we
heard from thee, the Son of God had multitudes of prophets,
and his were also twelve apostles and seventy-two disciples,
and of them not one was sent to us, but only thyself, holy
dame. Now then tell us the details of thy birth and thy
nurture [with us]. And the Saint said to them :—
Since ye would be informed about the suffering handmaid
of Christ, who henceforth calls me to himself and to my
mother unto eternity; and I have related it into the ears of
Solomé, daughter of the king of Armenia, a short sketch of my
coming hither: have brought papers and ink!, and write it
1 In the Armenian Quartés yev melan, that is chartas and péAay. These
words were used in Armenia in the tenth century to signify writing material.
Even if the same words had stood in the Georgian text of Djouanshér they
would not necessarily imply that that text was a translation from Greek. The
use of the Latin names for the months points rather to a Latin original,
88 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
down from her lips. And as for the rest ye know it of your-
selves, since ye have heard and seen it. And may the peace
of the Lord be with you. And I commit unto you Jacob the
priest, who shall be bishop after John by the call of the Spirit.
And after that she caused the bishop John to offer the
sacrifice and she communicated in the holy sacrament. And
having entrusted herself to the heavenly king, she ended her
life in Christ. And she was buried in the same place in the
56 332nd year of the ascension of the Lord, and from the
departure of Adam from the garden in the 5832nd year, in
the fifteenth year after her entry into Qarthl.
But the emperor Constantine wrote a letter to Mihran,
and released his son Bahqar, who was with him as a hostage.
And he said:
I Constantine Autocrat, new servant of Jesus Christ, by him
liberated from the captivity of Satan, have sent to thee Mihran,
57 king of the Wirq, thy son. For our Lord will be a guarantee
between us for thy remaining loyal and obedient to us. And
he doth drive out the scheming Dev from thy marches.
So Mihran held great rejoicings with Nana the mother of
the child and with all the land to the glory of God.
After that he finished the church of the bishopric and filled
it with ornaments. And in those days died Réw his son,
having lived thirty-four years. And in the same year King
Mihran fell sick; and called his son, and, after placing the
crown on the cross, he then took it thence and placed it on
his head, enjoining upon him piety and the ordinances of
religion. And he said to his wife: Go thou, and dwell in the
tomb of the holy Nouni, and there live. And build a church
and honour the spot, and distribute our goods to the poor,
dividing them in twain. And behold I go whence I came.
And I thank God who hath turned my darkness into light
and death into life and left into right. And do ye be diligent
and destroy the idols which remain. And the Lord Almighty
shall be with you. And having said this he slept. And in
the third year after him the queen Nana went to her repose
in the Lord.
ile
- TEXTS FROM MOUNT ATHOS
[Krrsopp Laxz. |
VOL. V, PART II. H
TEXTS FROM MOUNT ATHOS.
PREFACE.
THE material which is given and discussed in the following
pages is the result of a visit which Mr. G. A. Wathen and
myself paid to Mount Athos in the summer of 1899. This
visit was undertaken primarily to photograph a MS. of the
LXX for the use of the Cambridge editors, and secondarily
to inspect and study New Testament and Patristic MSS.
For these purposes grants were made by the Trustees of the
Revision Surplus Fund .at Oxford and of the Hort Fund
at Cambridge, to whose liberality I owe a deep debt of
gratitude, as I also do to the private generosity of the
Regius and Margaret Professors of Theology at Oxford and
of Mr. Conybeare.
Our trip was exceedingly enjoyable, and we were able to
do a considerable amount of work, thanks to the kindness of
His Holiness the Patriarch of Constantinople and of the
Kowdrns of the monks, who gave us letters of commendation.
We also received great hospitality and help from the
governing bodies of the monasteries at which we stayed,
especially valuable to us being that of Father Chrysostom of
the: Laura, who most liberally lent us books of reference from
his private library and assisted us on many occasions by his
great knowledge of the beautiful MSS. which are under his
charge.
H 2
92 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
We were much impressed by the number and beauty of the
MSS. which we saw at the Laura. To find that there are
still more than 200 MSS. of the Gospels uncatalogued by
Gregory and uncollated, 120 of them being vellum MSS.
earlier than the fifteenth century, is a surprise, and this
feeling is inereased if it be remembered that there is also
a similar, though not quite so great a mass of MSS. of
patristic literature which we were unable, for lack of time,
even to take down from their shelves. It is a pity that the
catalogue of the Laura made by Father Chrysostom is not
accessible in the West, as though still unfinished it is very
accurate and valuable. Lambros’ catalogue does not, and
probably never will, include the Laura library.
Next to the Laura in importanee come the libraries at
Ivéron and Pantocrator. Ivéron is especially enriched by
a collection of Georgian MSS., some of which we photo-
graphed for Mr. Conybeare.
We were much assisted at Ivéron by the kindness of the
Cambridge University Press, which had given us the sheets
of the then unpublished second volume of the catalogue of
Spyr. P. Lambros.
Vatopédi, the next in value, has a large and well-arranged
library, but the excessive care which the monks bestow upon
it renders it difficult to study adequately the nature of its
contents.
We also visited the monasteries of St. Dionysius, St. Gre-
gory, and St. Panteleemon ( Russico) and the Russian skete of
St. Andrew. All these monasteries have libraries, and the
MSS. which we saw are noted and described in the catalogue
on p. 170. But none of them approach the Laura collection
of MSS. in value, and at St. Dionysius and St. Gregory work
is not easy. The Russian monasteries have naturally not
the wealth of MSS. possessed by the old Greek foundations,
but they are delightfully hospitable and anxious to help
the traveller in every possible way, and one of the most
pleasant evenings which we enjoyed on the mountain was
Texts from Mount Athos. — 93
spent on the baleony of Russico, chatting with Father
_ Cyprian, and watching the last rays of the sun just catch
the top of Olympos nearly 100 miles away.
The following pages contain with introductory remarks :—
1. Description of codex ¥.
u. The text of codex ¥ in St. Mark.
ut, A collation of codex ¥ in St. Luke and St. John and
in the Epistle to the Colossians.
Iv. A collation of codex 1071.
v. Some chapters of a codex of the Acta Pilati.
vi. A fragment of the Acta Thomae.
vu. A catalogue and description of the Biblical MSS. which
we examined,
It is hoped that the last item (in which the great kindness
of Dr. Gregory has enabled me to print the numbers which
he intends to use for the new MSS.), especially so far as it
refers to the library of the Laura, may be useful to scholars
visiting Mount Athos until a final and complete catalogue
be issued.
94
I. DESCRIPTION OF CODEX W.
Codex Y was first seen by Dr. C. R. Gregory on August
26, 1886, but he was unable to do more than describe it and
glance through it. The description and notes which he
gives are as follows :—
Athous Laurae
-: saec. VIIT vel IX, 21 emx15-3 cm, membr, foll. 261,
col. 1 (15 emx8-7 em), ll. 31; litterarum altitudo -0175 ;
litterae malores nigrae; atramentum suffuscum; litterae
supra lineas; capp-tab; Amm (Mc 233: 16,8), Eus, lect ;
mus in lect eccles, subscriptiones simplices; fasciculi a—j
desunt ; fasciculus k= habet nonnisi septem folia, sed nihil
textus deest ; fasciculo ultimo ja exciderunt folia primum et
octavum :
continet Me 9,5 cat won plav—finem Lc Io | Act | 1.2 Pe
Lac 1.2.3 Io Lud Rom—Philem Hebr—8, 11 kai od ph | folium
excidit | Hebr 9,19 ir pwvogwo—subser Hebr.
Me 16,8 époBoivro yap: *
Ildvta 6% ta mapnyyeApéva Toic repli Tov
/ , 3 , \
méTpov ovvTdpwo. e€nyyerkav: Mera
Aé ratra. Kat adtio te epdvyn and dvatodjo
\ / , b} h > , A
Kal pexpt d0cewo ebaméoreirev Ov avTav
eee ‘ an
TO lepov kal GpOaprov kiipvypa tio aiw
vlov cwrnplas aynv:
bd \ a ,
€OTLW Kal TavTa Eepoueva
pEeTa TO ehoBodvto ydp.
3 \ s
Avaotao 6€ k. Tt. A. usque ad versum 20
et sub finem evayyéAvoy kata pdpKov.
Texts from Mount Athos. 95
In codice nostro Marci evangelium eodem fere modo
finitur qui e codice L notissimus est; id vero interest quod
nihil adnotationis ante zsavta 6€ noster interponit, quod
antiquiorem sibi vindicare fontem videretur, nisi fortasse
vocabula éddvyn, péxpl, aunv seriorem textus conformationem
testarentur. Vix est quod dicam p (rédoc) post epoBotvro
yap: lectionis ecclesiasticae neque vero ipsius evangelii finem
indicare. Tituli pariter atque subscriptiones librorum prorsus
simplices sunt; sub finem tamen evangelii Johannis additur:
evayyeAloTGy Tecodpwv Oetor Adyou ypadEevtec, Gde ANEw Eoxov
Tov Tovwv. Lectorem non latebit Iacobum post epistulam
Petri alteram stare, neque id casu, nam desinit Act liber
fase. x¢’, fol. 8 recto, et 1 Petr incipit eodem folio verso.
Toh 7,53—8,11 deest. Act 20,28 legit codex rod kupiov. 1 Io
5,7-8 deest. 1 Tim 3,16 Ocd0 épavepsdn.
Perlustravi die 26 mensis Augusti anni 1886. Spero fore
ut codicem accuratius excutere possim.
Since 1886 it has been seen but not studied by Dr. Rendel
Harris in 1892 when he was inspecting the LXX MSS. in
the monasteries of Mount Athos, and by a German scholar,
whose name I have unfortunately forgotten, who has left
a note in the visitors’ book at the Laura to the effect that
all the MSS. are of the ordinary type except B 52 and
a few others which resemble the KII family. He has not
noted that B 52 is cod. ¥. Probably the MS. has also been
seen by various other visitors, but it does not appear to have
been studied.
So far as description goes there is nothing to add to
Dr. Gregory’s account beyond the fact that ¥ is now
numbered 172 (B 52) in the Laura catalogue, and I trust
that that scholar will not regard as impertinent an expression
of admiration for the general accuracy of his summary
descriptions, in cases where he is speaking from his own
knowledge.
Probably few would dissent from Dr. Gregory’s opinion
96 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
that the MS. is of the eighth or ninth century, though
perhaps the former date is somewhat the more probable.
Mr. Wathen and myself photographed all that remains of
the Gospels, not touching the Acts or Epistles because we
understood that Herr Lic. von der Goltz and Dr. Wobbermin
had collated these for Dr. von Soden, and had found the
text ordinary. Mr. Wathen, in order to be satisfied as to
the correctness of this judgement, collated the Epistle to the
Colossians.
The collation of these photographs, which are now in the
Bodleian Library (MS. Gr. Bibl. f. 2) shows that in the
Gospels cod. ¥ presents an interesting and valuable text in
Mark, and an ordinary text though with some interesting
variants in Luke and John. It has therefore been thought
best to treat these two parts separately and to print the
text of Mark in full, with an introductory analysis of the
important readings it contains, but the text of Luke and
John in the form of a collation with the Textus Receptus.
Mr. Wathen’s collation of the Epistle to the Colossians is
also printed in the latter way.
2h)
II. TEXT OF COD. VW IN ST. MARK.
In attempting to analyse the text of a MS. of the gospel
the critic is met at the outset with some difficulty in choosing
a standard of comparison.
In many ways the best standard is the Textus Receptus as
it represents a late and popular text, deviation from, and not
agreement with which is important. But owing to the
peculiarly mixed character of this text its use is sometimes
misleading, and it is therefore advisable to use a purer text
which is ‘ truer to type,’ and less mixed in character. This is
especially the case when the MS. which has to be analysed
appears to possess a good and early text.
I propose therefore in the following pages to use the text
of Westcott and Hort as a standard of comparison, because
whether it be the true text or not it certainly is constructed
on such principles as to present a uniform type throughout,
and I shall also give a short list of readings compared with
the Textus Receptus, the importance of which would otherwise
be obscured by the method adopted. I propose to draw
a distinction which is arbitrary but convenient between
readings found in the Textus Receptus and those which are
not, because a reading which is found in the Textus Receptus,
even though there be early authority for it, may have come
into the text of any given MS. at a late period owing to the
wide prevalence of that form of text.
The classification, then, will be as follows :—
1, Readings where cod. ¥ agrees with the Textus Receptus.
2. Readings where cod. ¥ has a text for which the oldest
98 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
authority seems to be either D or the Old Latin
version and which is not in the Textus Receptus or in
the Old Syriac.
3. Readings shared with the Old Syriac against D, the
Old Latin, and the Textus Receptus.
4, Readings found in both the Old Latin and Old Syriac
but not in the Textus Receptus.
5. Readings found in a small group of Uncials of which
LA are the most prominent members.
6. Readings in which cod. Y supports WH in following
a small group of Greelk MSS. including B.
7. Peculiar readings.
The authorities which are quoted for the readings men-
tioned are for the most part taken from Tischendorf’s critical
edition, but they have been added to in places from Mrs.
Lewis’ translation of the Sinaitic palimpsest’ and a few
other editions of MSS. which were not accessible to Tischen-
dorf. It should also be noticed that Gregory’s notation of
minuscules has been adopted throughout, and that therefore
the following MSS. appear under a different symbol to that
employed by Tischendorf.
7 eset 482 = pe
475 = fer 565 = 2° (WH’s 81)
459 ee 84 evgst = y**
478 — ser
1. Readings in cod. V agreeing with the Textus
Receptus, merely orthographical variants being
neglected.
Mare IX 7 post vepeAns add. Neyovoa c. ADL(A) 1 13-69-124-
346 28 33 al.; lat-vet de. 18 ay pro éav c. CDLN cc. 23
dvvaca mictedoa c. ADN al. pl.; abcfial. syrr (pesh-hl) 24 ante
ev@ds add. xaic. ADN de. 29 post zpocevyy add. kai vnoteia c. RCP
1 IT am deeply indebted to Mr, W. C. Allen for very kindly revising my
references to this authority.
Texts from Mount Athos. 99
ACDL al. omn. exc. S*etcaB; k 30 zaperopevovto c. codd omn.
exc. B*D 42 post muotevovtwv add. eis eué c. BLN de.
X 6 post aitots add, 6 @cdsc. ADN al. pler.; lattsyrr 21 ca
pro oe c. DN al. pler.; Clem 25 cicedOeiv pro dueAPety c. NANA
al. pler.; latt 34 post amoxtevotow add. aitov c. ACN; lat-vet
boh pesh; Orig 85 dvo c. NSDL ce. 35 aitd posterius
om. c. AN al. pler.; bikcfq 40 post eiwvipov add. pov
ce. min pauc.; syrr (sin-pesh) aeth
XI 3 post ciate add. dru c. SCDL ke. 15 ante ayopalovras
add. rots ¢. DA al, pl.; Orighis 23 post aitd add. 6 éav etry
c. AN al. pler.; akq 30 ante Iwdvvov om, 76 c. NVIIX ce.
XII 9 post ri add. oiv c. NCDA ce. 37 vids ante avtod
c. SAX ke.
XIII 31 od pi wapeAOwow c. ACDA ce. 32 post ayyedou
add. oi c. ACA de.
XIV 9 post ciayyedov add. rovro c. ACA al. pl. ; 1q sah boh pesh
21 Hv post kadov c. SACD ee. 22 post AaBov add. 6 “Incots
ce. Nete LA ce. 30 pe post arapvycy c. ANX de. 38
eioeAOnte c. NCCLA de. 44 drraydyere c. ACNA Cc. 53 post
ovvepxovrat add. ait ¢. BN de. 60 ante pecov add. 76 c. DM
al. mu.; boh 71 opview pro épvivarc. SCA de. 72 om. edOis c.
ACA al. pler.; sah boh syr-sin.
XV 6 ovrep yrowvro c. NCCN ce. 8 avaBonoas 12 ectzvev
pro édeyev c. ADN ce. 23 6 pro os c. ACLA de. 40 nv post
ais c. ACDA ée. 45 cpa pro tropa c. ACA latt 46 puvn-
pelo pro pyvypatic. ACDLA dc.
XVI 17 zapaxorAovbyoe c. ADSPPIA Le. 20 add. dyn c.
CLA de.
It is only necessary to make two observations on this list.
(a) Very nearly all these readings are attested by authorities
of such age and character as to show that they were in use at
a very early period. (8) They are wonderfully few in reality,
as the Textus Receptus differs in about 480 places from the
text of WH. in these chapters, and therefore one would on
a priori principles have been inclined to expect more than
forty-two such readings in a MS. which belongs to so
comparatively late a period as the eighth century.
100 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
2. Readings found in either D or the Old Latin,
but not in Textus Receptus, or in the Old Syriac}.
IX 12 zparos pro zpartov c. Det Ne Ast N, 482 1071 30 76«-
Aov pro nOerev c. abk 49 avahwbyoera pro art adicOnoerat
cf. k omnia autem substantia consumitur
X 5 ante ri evtoAjv add. Mwvojs c.D;kefg,; Clem 24 texvia
pro texva c. AN, I-118-209 700 al. pauc.; ab ff, f
XI 14 dyn pro dayoc. DV, 1 13-69-346 al. pauc.; Orighis
17 6riom. cc. DC, 69 472 478; akigq ff,, arm-codd, aeth 21 eén-
pavOn c. DLAN, 1-118-209 33 700 al. paue. Orig
XII 33 repiccdtepa pro repicoorepov cf. k meliora (nec aliwnde
repert. forma pluralis)
XIII 14 éorynxds pro éornxota c. D, 28 20 6 Oeds hoc
loco pro xvpios ¢. ck ff,; Promiss
XIV 7 zovely pro roujoa D*A, al. paue. 20 A€yer pro cirev
c. D, 565 700; k 836 rodro ante 7d wotnpiov c. DN, 1-118-
‘209; aq; Hil 65 zpodyrevoov juiv c. FW; kef
XV 29 ova om. c. N@ LAS; dk
XVI 3 azo pro éx c. DC, al. paue.; Eus-dem Serv-Ant
9 wavra O¢ k.7T.A.¢. L4"p, 274™8; k, syr-hl-mg boh-cod aeth-codd
3. Readings found in the Old Syriac but not m
the best Uncials, the Old Latin, D, or the Textus
Receptus. Those readings which are found in a few
secondary Greek MSS. as well as the Old Syriac
are included in this list.
X 89 r<yovew pro eirov c. syr-sin 40 post ciwvipwv add.
pov ¢. min pauc.; syrr(sin-pesh) aeth 47 ‘Iycoit om. c. L, al. pauc.;
i mt syr-sin; Clem Orig
XI 27 zpoo7ndOov aitd pro épxovrar Tpos avrov ¢C. syr-sin
XII 1 post repiéOyxey add. aitd c. C’N, 28 565 syrr (sin-hl c
obel.) sah arm; Orig
XTII 11 zpocpederare pro wpopepysvare c. syr-sin sed syr-sin
pederare potius quam rpoopederare transferre videtur
XV 26 yeypappévyn pro érvyeypappevy ©. Syr-sin
1 It is of course impossible to be quite certain in the case of small variants,
especially those which bear on a question of order, whether a reading is in
the Old Syriac or not.
Texts from Mount Athos. IOI
4. Readings found in both the Old Latin (or D)
and the Old Syriac, but not in the Textus Receptus.
XI 6 post cizey add. airois c. DM®, 1-118-209 13-69-1124
565 700 al. paue.; syrr (sin-pesh) latt sah boh
XII 18 zpos airov Saddovxator hoc ordine c.D, 28 106; bilg ff,
g, Z, syr-sin 37 rds pro 70bev c, N*M* 1-118-209 33 13-69-
346-543 28 565 al. pauc.; b sah syr-sin
XIV 41 déxer om. c. k syr-sin (sed k add. ‘et post pusillum
excitavit illos et dixit iam ora dc.’ et syr-sin- add. ‘The hour is
come, the end is at hand.’ 52 épvye yupvos hoc ordine c. LA,
184 evgst; k dc sah boh.? syrr (sin-pesh) aeth sed sin‘ Fled from
them naked.’ 54 jKorovda pro yKoAovOyoe ¢. G, I-1 18-209
13—69—-124-346-543 565 70o k cq sah boh syrr (sin-pesh)
66 kdtw om.c. DI, 69 472 565 al. pauc.; ac ff, q syr-sin (codex
deficit sed ¢ spatio non habuisse xétw videtur) sah boh; Eus-dem
XV 8 add. aris 5 ode dmrexpivatro c. ANU 13-69-124-346—
543 33 131 al. pawe. ; ac syrr (sin-hl) arm sah-ming aeth; Orig
5. Readings found in a small. group of MSS. of
which LA (the latter being of this type only wm
St. Mark) are the most consistently present followed
by x* x° C 33 boh.
IX 21 2é ob pro ds c. NCC*LA, 33 61™8 565 43 «is TO 7Up
7d doBeorov om. c. NLA, 240 244 255 700; pesh pers
XK 24 cirev pro heya c. A, 565 1071 27 ravta yap dvvaTa
rapa TO OG om. c. A, 1-209 69 157 al”; | arm-zoh; Clem
XI 18 jxovov pro jxoveav c. A e€exAnooovto ¢. NMA 299 al’;
c vg boh 29 Kayo tpiv épd c. LA(N*) 38; boh ~
XII 31 7 devrépa c. A 34 ef post Bacireias c. NAA
XIII 4 ratra pédAn hoc ordine c. L 32 ovre pro ovdé c. L
XIV 27 diacxopmicOnocovra Ta 7pdoBara c. AA 34 éyew pro
deyee c. AEGH 44 dv éav c. LAN 54 ante paxp. om. amo
c. LA 60 671 protic. L .
XV 18 airov aoralecOar c. A
A reading which I am inclined to suspect may belong to
the same family as that indicated by this group of MSS. but
which lacks the necessary evidence to prove the point is:—
XI 1xai ByOaviay om. c. 184 evgst; sah
102 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
6. Readings where WH.’s text is based on a small
group of uncials (not exceeding three in number)
which is now increased by cod. W.
IX 9 & pro aré c. BD, 33 475 477 38 edy pro amexpiOn
de c. NBA; boh pesh 47 oé éoTw . . . coi eotw pro c. NB
X 7 Kai tpocKoAX. pos T. yuv. om.c. SB syr-sin 48 evgstgo 29
épn pro amoxp. eirev c. SBA boh 47 Nalapnvos pro Nalwpaios
c. BLA, 1-118-209; latt; Orig
XII 33 trys om. 1° c. BUX al. paue.
XIII 2 dzroxpibeis om. c. NBL, 33 al. paue.; e sah-boh-syrr (sin-
pesh) 6 zoAAoi sine yap ¢. NBL; aeth 8 écovrar Aupol sine
Kat c. NCBL, 28; boh syr-sin 9 yap om. c. BL boh arm aeth
15 KxataBdrw sine addit. c. SBL; ck boh sah pesh
XIV 8 airy om. c. NBL 1-209* 13-69-346 28 565; al boh bhl
35 emmre cc. SBL boh = 47 &rapiov c. NBD, 1-118-209; hl-mg
68 Kai ddéxtop épovnoey om.' c. NBL, 17 evgst; ¢ boh syr-sin
XV 14 éxoinoe xaxov c. BCA, 565 49 evgst al? 24 orav-
povow c. BL; cd ff, k1 vg syrr sah aeth go
The following reading in cod. ¥ is not found in any MS.
but is placed in the margin of WH. e coniectura.
XIV 49 éxparetre cf. B exparet.
7. Besides these elements there are a few readings
in cod. VW which are apparently not found elsewhere.
The list of those which are not obviously accidental
blunders is as follows :—
IX 20 xai idov airov 76 veda om. 28 Kar idiav ante eis
olKov 31 dvopwv pro avOpurwv 84 éowwryncav pro éowwrwv
37 raidiwv Tv TowovTwv hoc ordine 41 av om.
X17 ri roujcas pro ti rojow Wa 29 Edy avtois pro ey 6
"Tyoods 39 “Incois om.
XI 9 edeyor pro éxpalov 28 A€yovres pro Kal A€yovow
XII 6 ante aréoretXev add. kai 37 add. &v rvevpare 38
ante aoracpovs add. Cytovvtwv 44 ante oXdov add. kai
XTIT 1 kai éxropevopévoy airav amd pro éxropevopévov adrod ek
dvdaoKadre om.
* i, e. W agrees in the details of the Denial of St. Peter with B; boh syr-sin.
Texts from Mount Athos. 103
XIV 1 jy 8 ra alupa Kai 76 racxa 12 co pro wa dayys
27 ante waraéw add. ore AT apxiepews Karta 56 Kara
Tov inood pro Kat avTod 61 cvAoynpévov pro ebdAoyynTod
XV 2 ante aroxpiHeis om. 6 dé 41 aird 1° om.
Some of these look like genuine variants, others are clearly
due to palaeographical causes. Obvious instances of purely
transcriptional corruption which can be explained on palaeo-
graphical grounds are the following :—
IX 31 avopwv due to a misreading of avov, the almost invariable
way of writing av@pw7ruv.
X 29 én atrois which, curiously enough, is explained by
another unsupported reading found only in &, ép7 atta 6 ‘Inoois,
which if written in the usual manner would be édy aira 6 is
XIV 47 Ka:dda which seems to be due to the combined effect
of a knowledge of the high priest’s name and the recurrence of
the same letters in the next words—xai adet\ev.
It is also probable that the omission in IX 20 is due to
the scribe’s eye skipping over a complete line, the lines being
arranged thus :—
HVEfKaV QUTOV TIPOC aUTOV
Kat wv avTOv TO TVG
ev8uc GuveoTapatev auTov
If this be so it probably also explains the reading in
IX 28, where the lines would be arranged thus :—
KGL E€LGEABOVTOC AUTOU
€lC OlKOV OL MAOHTAL aUTOU
KOT LOLAV ETTHPWTWY AUTOV
Here the scribe would seem to have been affected by the
recurring avrov and to have mixed up the lines. Other
places in which this explanation may possibly be right are
X 23 and XIV 56. In the former case the arrangement of
lines would be :—
€lCc THV BaGotAElavy Tou 6U
ELGEAEUGOVTaL OL dE
but that this is the explanation is rendered much less likely
104 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
by the fact that Clement of Alexandria has got the passage
with the same transposition as cod. ¥.
In the latter case kata tod "Inood takes the place of kar’
avrod. Perhaps this is merely an accident, but if the length
of line suggested be right, the arrangement of the archetype
would have been something like :—
KATA TOU LU UapPTUPLaV
€lC TO BAVATWGAL AUTOV
KQL OVX HUPLGKOV TTOA
AOL fap ewevdouaptupovy
KATA GUTOU KQL IGQt aL
and it is possible that the scribe’s eye confused the first and
last xara.
Of course none of these four cases of suggested /ine-error
are certain, but their evidence is cumulative, and is made
much stronger if one remembers that these are the only cases
in cod, ¥ of serious omissions or transpositions which have no
support in other MSS., that such mistakes are generally due
to line-error, and that they can all without undue mani-
pulation be explained with varying degrees of probability as
due to /ine-errors made by a scribe who was using an arche-
type in which the average length of line was about nineteen
to twenty-two letters.
There is therefore at least a presumption in favour of the
theory that cod. ¥ is copied from a MS. which contained
nineteen to twenty-two letters in each line.
KATA MAPKON.
\ ied 7, Ae , /? by s ” (ieee 2 Kd
1X6 ... kat Moon piay kat “HAla play. od yap be ti aroKp.6n,
+ \ be 4 \ / “
7 expoBo. yap éyevovto. Kal eyévero vedéAdn émickidovea avtois,
Ao Sf A n
Kal €yeveTo hwvi ex THS vepeAns A€yovoa Otros eotiv 6 vids pov
eS , b) 4 a \
8 0 ayamyTOos, axoveTe aiTov. Kal efamiva TmepiBrEWapevor ovKETL
Sy / > X A > a n
9 ovdeva tdov ef wy TOY “Incody povoy pe? Eavtdv. Kal xataBai-
, 2 iA a an
VOVTMY AUTGV. EK TOV dpovs bieoTEiAaTo adtois Wa pndevl & tov
Py , > Se € eX Loy) , b) n > =
inynowvrat, ef py Stav 6 vids Tod avOpadrov ek veKpOv dvacTh.
10 kat Tov Adyoy expdtnaay Tpds Eavtovs ouyrobyvtes Th éotiW TO
11 ék vexpGv dvaothvar. Kal éenynpdrwv aitov Aé€yovtes “Ori 7
f lal n a fal
12 N€yovow ot ypapparets btu “HAlav bef edXOeiv Tparov ; 6 be Edy
a € an \ cal
avrots “HAtas €A@av ampGtos amoxatiotaves mdvta, Kal TOs
/ \ \ na
yéypamrat énmt tov vidv tod avOpérov tva moAda abn Kal
3 oe a e
13 €£ovdernO7 ; adda A€yw tyiv ore cal “HAlas eAjdvdev, Kal
emoinoay év ait@ Tdvta boa 7Oehov, Kaas yéypaTmTal ew adrov.
Gare \ 4
14 Kat €dA@ovtes pos Tovs pabyntas tdov dyAov ToAvY TeEpt avTovs ~
\ cal n \ Se av, \ ba cad (oO 3
15 Kal ypaypatets ov(ntovvtTas mpds atrdy. Kal evOds Tas 6 GyAos
» , > ‘ >] , \ / be / b] ,
iddvtes adrov e€cOapBnOnoar, kal mpootpEexovtes nomaCovTo avTov.
I We) , b) , Ti o \ > i, ie Wes a)
17 kat emnpdrnoev avtovs Tk ov yreire mpos avrovs ; Kal aexplOn
pees t > na + if 7 N cr \ 1 ba
auTw els €k ToD OxAov AlddackaXe, nvEyKa TOV vioY ov TpOs Ge, 1%
18 €xovTa Tvedua Gdadov' Kal dmov ay adroy KatadaBn pyooer
Sa. \ 2 , \ / NN Nees \ / . \ 4
avrov, kal adpicer kal Tpier Tovs dddvTas Kal Enpatverat’ Kal eiva
nr Lal \
19 Tots pabytats cov tva avtov ekBdAwouwy, Kal ovk toxvoav. 6 b€
amokpiOels avrots Aéyer °Q yeved AmuoTos, Ews TOTE Tpos tas
x ee , See! a ee , AS , \
20 €oouar; €ws mOTe avé€ouar tuay ; hepeTe avTov Tpds pe. Kal
Ld b hae \ > , ns > x > , \ ‘\
qveykav avTov Tpos avtdv. ev0ds ody Eomapakery aitéy, Kal TETOV
n fol \ : f
2renml THs yns exvAdleTo adpilov. Kal emnpdtnoey Tov TaTépa
At the top of f. 1° # A t&v vynoTe@y and dp is put in the margin opposite
b5doxare, v. 17, and 7 is put in the text, but above the line, after dvagrncerar,
V. 33:
VOL. V, PART II, I
oY
45
be
B
bs
a
106 Studia Biblica-et Ecclesiastica.
”~ €
A \ a 5 RB . 9
avtov, IIdcos xpdovos éorly e€ od TodTo yeyovey avT@ ; O O€ ElTEY 22
\ \ lal > ‘ 7 A.\ a} lvA
°Ek mravodOev" Kal moAAdKts Kal eis Top adrov EBadev kat els VOaTa
cd b) , OE ay ees) Sipe. , / eta \
iva amodgon adtév' add’ et te d0vN, BonOnoov july oTrAayxvLTOeEls
er a n , a
ep nas. 6 6& "Incots civev ait@ To ef dvvacat TioTEtoat, 23
4 Ss na / \ bas t € ‘ a
mavta dvvata TO TioTeVorTL. Kal evOds Kpdgas 6 TaTHp Tov 24
by, nm 2) ION XS €
matdlov eAeyev Tictevw BonOnodv pov 77) amotig. ldwv 6€ 0 25
> a a , cal
Incots Oru emiovytpéxer 6 6yAos emeTinyoEY TH TVEVMATL TO
2 , / bye Lr) BY BA \ \ a St eX
axadaptw Aéywv avt@ To GdAadov kat Kodpov TvEvpa, Eyo
ca) \ ay, bee 2
emitdoow oot, €€ehOe €€ adrod kal pykere eloeAOns eis avrov.
\ BS o , e MN x
Kal kpdéas kal ToAAG omapdgas enrAOev’ Kal eyeveTo @oEL VEKpOS 26
an la
@otTe Tovs ToAAOVs A€yety Stu aTéOavev. 6 S& "Invods Kpatynoas 27
cal . > a Oo” ey 2 ora Se \ > O06 8
THS XELPOS aLTOD TyELpey advTov, Kal aveoTn. Kat eloedOOvTOS 2
> a 2 997 > c \ 2 a3 , Dye, o
avtov kat idtav els otkov of pabyntal avTod emnpoTwy avtov “Ort
nels ovK nOovvnd exBadely avto ; Kal elmev avtots Todvro 2
nets ovK novvnOnpev exBadeiy adTo ; Kal € 9
\ 3 c X cal \
TO yévos ev ovdert dvvatar e€edAOcivy ei py ev TpoceEvx?) Kat
/
vnoteia.
Kaxeidev e€eAOdvtes mapenopevovto bia THs TadwAaias, Kal ovK 30
A Xr o Cay e618 \ \ 6 X= > a \
noedov tva tis yro edidacKey yap Tovs pabynTds avrovd Kal 31
v > a ind c ca m3 , / > a
eAeyev avtotis OTL O vids Tov avOpwTov Tapadioorat els xeElpas
\ a > \ n
Gvonwv, Kal amoKTevodow avtov, Kal amoxtavOels peta Tpels
€ / ) / c de , , a ¢a Ans a 36 2
NMépas avaothoeral. ob S€ Hyvdovy TO pHa, Kal EpoBodvTo avrov 3
ETEPWTHT AL.
Na b , 7S o Fie b) ,
Kai 7AGev els Kadapvaovp. Kat €v rij oikia yevapevos emnpata 33
> / n n
avtovs Ti ev tH 0d@ dredoylCecbe ; of 5€ EorwmynoAaV, Tpds 34
2 / \ / b) om en 7 4 / \ /
aAArjAous yap drehexXOnoay ev 77H 6d@ Tis pelCwv. Kal KaOloas 35
. \ a n_
epdrncey’ tovs Sddexa Kal A€yer adtots Ei tis O€AEr mp@ros
/
eivat €oTat TayT@Y €oxatos Kal TavTwV sidKovos, Kal AaBav 36
/ ” > a 2 / > lal ‘\ ) / > >
Taldloy EoTNTEV aVTO EV pETw AVTGY Kal EvayKadLodpevos avTd
> ° a oN a a ‘
eimev avtots “Os ay év tév Taldiov Tv TowovTwy déEnTar emt 37
sf b)
® ovopatl pov, eye de * kal Os dy éuée d€ Y
T@ Gvomatl pov, ewe Sexerar’ Kal os dy eve SeynTat, ovK epe
4
46 Séxerau GAG Tov atooTelAarTd pe. "Edn aire 6 38
U]
2 / / a
Iwavyns Atddoxadre, tdapev twa ev TO dvdpatt cov dadvia
fe \ o al ral
€xBaddovTa, Kal ExwAVowev adiTov, Sti ovK AkoAovbel jyiv. 6 dé 39
5) a 5 N ay \ n
Inoots etmev Mn kwddvete airdv, ovdels yap eotw emt To
31. dvépov] The writing seems rather fainter, and perhaps the word was
partially sponged out. It is impossible to be certain from the photograph.
Texts from Mount Athos 107
> ele , A > , . , . , \ na ,
OvopaTt pov Os ov TolnoeL SUVauW Kal OuPyTETAL 7aXv KaKOAOYyHGAal
4o pe’ Os ydp ovK éoTw Kad’ udy, tTep yay eotiv. “Os yap 2
17 raf cee la ud 2 pee, ic4 X nan 3 LL Ripe Wee SS 9
41 ToTice: tas ToTHpiov Voaros ev dvdpar. St. Xprorod éore, ayunv
v. dé (aN ie4 3 XN ’ Ne KS 06 ’ fal K \ aA a 46
42 A€yw tdyiv St. ov pH amodrAéon Tov ptcbov adrod. al os av =z
oxavdadion eva TOV piKpGv Téyv TaTeEVdyTwY Eis eue KaddV
€OTLW AUTO padAov ei TEplkEeLTaL UAOS OVvLKOS TEpt TOV TPaynAroV
D p ye p paxnQov -
a \ —
43 avTod Kal BEeBAntat els Tiv OddAaccayv. Kal éav cxavdadrlon ce 7) ¢
xelp cov, andkowov abtyy' Kaddv éotiv oe KvAdOv eloedOeiy els
N\ ‘\ x‘ 7 a 4 3 lal bo] si / \
45 THY (wry 7 dvo xElpas exovta ameAOeiy els THY yéeevvay. Kal
€av 0 Tovs cov cxavdari~y ce, andKowov aitév' Kaddy eotiv oe
eicedOety eis tiv Conv ywordv 7 Tovs dv0 Tédas ExovTa BANOjvaL
47 eis THY yeevvav. Kal éay 6 dpOadpds cov cKavdadrl(y ce, ExBade
avtov' Kaddv o€ eotiv povdd0adrpoy eloedOety els THY BactAelay
48 Tov Oeod 7) bvo0 dpOadports Exovta BAnOjvat els yéevvay, STov 6 P%
, rbot tad > “a \ X\ fal 3 7 > , 5 la
49 oK@ANE adtGv od TeAevTa Kal TO Top a’TGy od GBEvyvTaL* Tas
50 yap wupl GAucOnoeTal Kal Taca Ovota dvadwOnoetar, Kaddv 10
dAas* éap d€ 76 das avadov yéevynrat, év tive atTo apricete ;
exere ev Eavtois dda, kal eipnvedtere ev AAAHAOLS.
\ la lad PY
x Kat éxeiOev dvactas Epyerat eis Ta Bpia THs lovdaias Kal wépay ~—
a F \
Tod lopddvov, kal cvpropevovtar TaALY dxAoL Tpds adTov, Kal ws
2€iwder madw edldacKxey avtovs. Kal mpocedOdvtes Papicaior
3 , SN ae 5) \ a > a ,
emnpatwov advrov ei éLeotiv avdpl yvvatka amodtoat, Terpacovtes
3 avtov. 6 d€ dmoxpibels eimev avtots Ti tyiv evete(Aato Mavojis ;
406 8€ eizovy Enérpewev Mavojs BiBAloy amoataciov ypawat Kai
a fal n Ie
5, aToADoa. 6 5€ “Incods efzev avrots Ilpds tiv oKxAnpoxapdtay
6 tpov eypayev tpiv Mavons thy evtodny tadtnv ano bé apxijs
i re A \ lol b / > x € Pi e ,
y ktTloews Gpoev Kat OnAv erolnoev attovs 6 Beds’ Evexev TovTOU
/ y A / > an \ XN / \
8 katadeier GvOpwros Tov TaTépa avTod Kal THY PNTEpa, Kal
9 €oovrat of dvo eis odpka play’ woTE ovKETL eloly dVo GAAA pia
\ D \ —
10 cap& 6 ov 6 Beds auvéevEev GvOpwtos pi xwpiCeTw. Kai ets 6
11 THY oixiay mdAw of padntal mept TovTov emnpeTwy adrov. Kat —
/ > “ a bP) 4 AS cal > ca) \ 4
A€yet adrois “Os dy anodvon tiv yvvaika avTod Kat yapnon
BA (p x , Ned Ye Gy) , x ? Suen
12 GAAHY MOLXaTal, TaVTNY Kal Ev avTH aToAVTACca TOV avdpa auTi}s
yapnon GAdAov poryarat.
P* in most MSS. is given to v. 44.
t
I 2
108 Studia Buiblica et Ecclesiastica.
a a \
ps = Kat mpocedepoy att taidia va atréy aWyrau’ of b€ pabnrat 13
a > a t A e
émetiunoay avtois. dev b& 6 “Incods nyavaxtnoev Kal €lTev 14
c ” BS UA Shel s
autois “Adere Ta Tratdia EpyerOar Tpds je, pT] KwWAVETE aUTA,
a lal lel RN / { <a)
TOV yap ToLovTeV éotly 7H Bactrela Tod Oeod. aGunv AEyw ply, 15
an n 2: .
ds Gy pi) Se€nta Tv Bacwrelay Tod Oeod @s Tadioy, ov pH
\
elo€AOn els adtiv. Kal évayxaicapevos aita KatnvAdyet TLOEls 16
5S al jae) 2a eZ
Tas xX€lpas em advTa.
a \
a Kai éxropevopevov attod eis 6d0v tpocdpapev els Kat yovuTe- 17
iA ‘\
Thoas avtov émnpéra aitév Arddokade ayabe, ti moujoas Conv
oda te / = ec ee lal = > a) /
aidvioy KAnpovounow ; 6 b€ “Incots eimev att@ Ti pe deyets 18
‘
ayabov ; ovdels ayabds ef pi) eis 6 Oeds. Tas evTodds oidas M7 19
, aN , \ , \ , ,
govedtons, My potxevons, M7 KrA€Wns, Mi) Wevdouaptupnons, Tipa
Tov Tatépa cov Kal Ti pyntepa. 6 5& py avT@ Aidackade, TadTa 20
Pp” 5 a /
a mavta epvdagaynv ex veotntos pov. 6 b& “Inootds euBdrEWas 21
Ne ene / ee, \ 9 See, € oF oe, cod
avTe nyamnoev avtov Kal einev aito “Ev cot totepet’ traye boa
wv / A A cal \ a Y 3 > an s
€xets THANTOV Kal 50s TT@xXois, Kal E€ers Oncavpdy év ovpare, Kat
p' n 5 4 ec XN , >] \ A“ , ° cal
“g O€bpo akodovder pot. 0 O€ oTvyvacas ETL TH AOyw aTHAOEDV 22
AuTOvPEVOS, HV yap EXwv KTHaTa TOAAG. Kal mrepi- 23
BAeWdpuevos 6 “Incots €yer Tots pabnrais avrod Ids dvcKdAws
4 ~ / v +) 4 > ‘\ Lan n_
ot Ta xpryjpata exovtes eiaeAedoovTa eis THY BactArclay Tod Beod.
‘ lal \ lal , n ‘ nan
ot 6@ padntai eOayBodvto em Tois Adyous adrod. 6 be "Inoods 24
/ b) \ > > ~ / n / , 5) > ‘\
madw anoxkpiels eitev avtots Texvia, més dvcoKoAdy éotiv eis THY
Baowrelav tod Oeod eioedOeiy’ evKoTeTEpov eotiv Kadyndov bia 25
Tpuparias padldos elaedAOciv 7) TAovotoy eis THY Baoirelay Tod
Oeod cicedOciv. of b€ TEepicoGs eLemANooovTo AéyovTes Tpds 26
aitovy Kal ris dvvatat cwbnvar; euBdr*Was adtois 6 "Incods 27
/ fal
A€yet Tapa avOpezors advvatov GAN ov Tapa Hed. *Hp- 28
/ ¢ ft rye oikas ? Ae ta b) , / \
€ato éyew 6 Tlérpos avtm dod nets adykayev Tavra Kal
tos , t + ~
i WROAOVOr}Tapev got. €pn avtois “Aprjy A€yw tyiv, oddels oti 29
a a aK
Os adijkev oikias 7 adeAods 7) GdeAfas 7) TaTépa 7) pytepa 7
nn x e a el n
yovaika 7 Tékva Evexev eyod Kal Evexey Tod evayyeAlov, edy fi) 30
AGBy ExatovtarAaciova viv évy TO KaipS TovT oikias kal adeAods
\ iis 2 \ \ / \ / \ 3 aN \ lal ‘\
kat adeAdas Kal pytépas Kal Téxva Kal aypovs pera SiwypGr, Kal
17. xai 2° is very faint, and seems to have been sponged out. 24. A
contemporary hand has written in the margin tots memo:OoTas én! ypnpyacty.
29. réxva|+% dypods written below the line perhaps by the first hand.
30. Téxva]+xai yuvatkas in the margin, perhaps written by the first hand.
Texts from Mount Athos. 109
> nm” bea La J X \
31 eV TH aidve TH Epxouevm Cwrv ai@vioy. TodrdAol bE EcovTa
a a pia
mp@To. €oxaTo. kal €oxaTor TPGTOL. 7
na n BT
32. "Hoay d& ev 7H 630 avaBalvovres eis “lepooddvpa, Kat jv 8
d 2) \ Ce) a \ er ie a € Se. y a“ B
Tpodywy avrovs 0 ‘Ingots, kat €OapPotvTo, ot d6€ axodovdourTEs
a °
époBodvto. Kal mapadaBav madw Tovs dedeKa HpEaTo avTois
33 A€yetv Ta peAAovTA at’T@ ovpBaivew Sti “ld0v avaBatvopen eis
a | , Nye e\ tate o>) , , a 5
Epoo0Avpa, Kal O vlos TOU avOpwTov TapadoOnoeTaL Tots apyte-
a ‘ lal a \ lal
pedo Kal Tols ypayparedowv, Kal KaTaKpivovow avTov Oavate
\ , pj aa cal oy Nea 7 eed \
34 kal Tapadadcovow avtov Tots Over Kat eumatovow abT@ Kal
i) \ \ A
€umTUcwoWw avT@ Kal pacTLy@oovoLW avTov Kal amoKTEvodoty
avTov, Kal peta TpEls uepas avacTHoeETat.
\ / Se ye a IE \ bs / ¢ CaS
35 Kat apoomopevovta. avtm ‘laxwBos xat ‘Iwavyns of vior —
ZeBedaiov A€yortes Arddoxadre, OéAopev iva 6 eav aitjowpev oe
36
ree Toujons Huy. 6 d€eimev adtois Ti OédAeTE pe ToLjow div ; of be
elmay ait@ Ads npiv iva eis cov ex de€tOv kal eis e€ apiotepdv
oJ ? nan fo -
38 Kkadiowper év TH SdEn cov. 6 d€ Inoois eizev adtois Odx oldare Ti
> o < s, lal \ , BPS: 3X , x Q , A
ultetobe’ dvvacbe TLELY TO TOTNPLOV O Eyw TVW, 7) TO BaTTLO"A O
| \ / ge - e > , ey / € x
39 eyo Barricouar BamticOyvat ; ob 6€ Acyovow avT@ Avvayeba. 6 dé
=> b a \ x , xX IN t s \ \ /
eimev avtots To pev motnptoy 6 eye Tivw Tieabe kal TO BatTicpa
4o 0 €ym BantiCoua BanricOjcecbe, TO 5€ Kabioa ex deELGv pov 7)
3 b) 7, > ” > ee a ) 3 € / \
41 €€ evwvpwv pov ovK EoT €mov Sodvat, GAN’ ols HTolwactat. Kai —
G) , c / ¥ > ~ \9 , 9 /
akovoavtes ot b€ka HpEavto ayavaxteiv Tept laxd Pov Kai Iwavvov.
\ / > N CR ~ / > lal y iz4
42 kal mpookadeoduevos avtovs 6 Inoods héyer atrois Oldare doze
ot doKxodvTes Gpyew TOV eOvGV KaTaKupievovow aiTav Kal ot
t > lal / > an $ oe pi) 3
43 meyadou adtGv Katefovord(ovoiy ait@v. ovx otTws bE EoTLY EV
bpiv' GAN’ os av Hedy peyas yevéc Oat ev tpiv, Eorar tuGv dudKovos,
ye kal os ay OeAn elvar mpGtos ev tyiv, €orar TavTwy doddos* Kal
’ m - E Apes pte
yap 6 vids Tod avOpe@Tov ovdK HAGEY SiaKxovynOjvat AAG Siaxovjca =
kal dobvat THY Woxyv advrod AvTpov dvTi ToAAGL.
46 Kat &pxovrar eis “lepexd. Kal éxmopevopevov attod amo
"Tepety® peta TOv pabnTGv adrod Kal 6xAov ikavod 6 vids Tiaiov
N
47 Baptiwaios tupdds mpocairns exddnro Tapa Thy 6ddv. Kat axotvoas
a ‘ / ‘
dt. “Incots 6 Naapnyds éotw ijpEaro kpacew Kat A€Eyew Tie
Ves n \ / ~
48 Aaveld, éAenodv pe. Kal emetiwy ait@ TmodAo Wa ciwmnoyn
tal lal \ “
49 6 6€ TOAA® paGddov Expadey Tie Aaveld, eAénody pe. Kal oras
IIo Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
£
6 "Inoods eimev Dwvyicate aditov. Kal gwvodor. tov tupddv
, a fal ¢€ %\ >) ‘
A€yovtes adT@ Oapoet, eyerpe, pwvet oe. 6 S€ ATOBadrdY TO 50
a > a \
ipdriov avtod dvarnoyjaas 7AOEv Tpos Tov ‘Inoodv. Kal amoxpiOels sr
a an ) ,
avT@ 6 “Inaods eimey Ti cor OéAets Toijow; 6 5 TupAds eimev
a > an ch aoe yt /
ait@ “PaBovvri, iva avaBhépo. Kal 6Inoods cizev airs “Yraye, 52
\ /
» wlotis cov céowxey oe. Kal evOds aveBrEWev, Kal jKodrAovder
4.
QUT® EV TI 000. }
c L c
]
pS Kal bre éyyiCovow els "leporddvpa els BnOpayl) mpds Td “Opos XI
B n In lal b) , / na a > a \ id > cal
“av EAaoy, arooreAXer bv0 TOV pabnT@V avTOd Kal A€yeL avTOts 2
e if > \ , ‘ Seam \ ba pS > ,
Trayere els THY KOunv THY Katévaytt budr, kal evOvs elotopevd-
b] eJees’ Cl, a IUD 4 3 \ ¥
pevot eis avtiy etpyoete TOAOY Sedepevoy ef’ Ov ovdels ovTw
b) , SNesy - / a \ , Ney, core
avOpatwov éxafioev’ huoare avtTov Kal pepeTe. Kal €ay Tis dpiv 3
” , a a ¥ 4 c 4 bd a l4
etm Ti moveire todto ; eimate Stet “O xvpios adrod ypelay
a \ fal
f! éxyet kal edOds adtov dmooredei Gde. Kal amHAOov Kal ebpov 4
T@Xov dedenevov Tpds Ovpay Ew emi Tod dudddov, kal AVovow
> , / lal b] ae - , ” +) ° / na
avrov. Kal Ties TOV Exel EotynKOTwY Edeyov airois Ti moveire 5
Avovtes TOV TOAOV; ot S€ eEizav atrois KaOas cizev adrois 6 6
a lal \ lal
Inoods* kat apjxay atrovs. Kal pێpovow tov aGdov wpds Tov 7
a nm b) na
Inooby, Kat émiBddAdAovow ait@ Ta ivdtia atvTy, Kal exdOioev
59 Cleey e >! \ ay ee A er yw > \ ey /
€m™ avTov. Kat TOAAOL Ta twaTLa avTa@V EoTpwoay eis THY OddV, 8
an a \
@dAou 6€ oTiBddas KoWavtes ex TOV dypdv. Kal of mpodyorTes 9
10 a
Pi’ Kal of dxodovdobvres EXeyov
Ss
‘Qoavva’
Cael] , >
Evdoynévos 6 épxdpevos ev dvopati Kuptov’
Evdoynpervn 7) epxovern Bacidr€la Tod Trarpds Huav Aaveid: 10
‘Qoavva év Tots tyiorous.
He n
£ Kat elojdOev eis “lepoodAvpa eis Td tepdv' Kat mepiBdeWrduevos 11
mavta owias 75n ovens Tis mpas e€fAOev eis BiOaviay pera Tov
dedeKa.
oy a cat 2 .
Kat rH énavpiov eedAOovtwy aitév amd Bidavias éreivacev. 12
\ an
Kal ld@y ovkijy amd paxpddev éxovoav pvdAAa HAOev ef dpa Te 13
Cho 4 5 3 nN Nee we ; po : ewe. ION eo 3 ‘\ , c
EUpITEL EV AUTH, Kal EAD@Y Ex avTIV ovdev Ebpev Ei py PiAAa, 6
x \ ’ Ss 4 A >) \ ? + CoS /
yap Katpos ovK nv oUKwY. Kal amoKpiOeis eimev adty Mnxéri 14
els Tov ai@va ex cod pydels Kaprov pa Kal 7Kovov of pabnrat
= #1) p yn ] Haon
b)
p 2 =
~~ avtod. Kat épxovrat eis’ lepoodAvupa. Kai eioedAdov 15
BY ¥ n
els 70 lepov npgaro éxBadddew Tovs TwAodvTas Kal ayopdCovras év
Texts from Mount Athos. III
T® lep@, Kal Tas TpateCas Toy KoAAVBLOTGY Kal Tas Kabddpas THY
16 TwAOVYTMY TAS TEpLoTEepas KaTeoTpeWev Kal ovK Hoey iva Tis
17 OvevéyKn oKedos dia Tod tepod, Kal edidacKey Kal Edeyev Ov
/ € Cet > fal , Cc n
yéypamtat ‘O oikds pou oikos mpocevyts KAnOjoeTar Tac Tots
18 €Ovecw ; buels 5€ TEeTOUjKaTEe aitov onHdaiovy AnoTdy. kal
¥ ral \ lal na
jKOvov ol apxepets Kal ol ypappartels, kal eCytoy mds adtov
a \ lad
atok€owaty’ epoBodtyvto yap aitdv, mas yap 6 dxAos eLenANTTETO
\ col las n
19 emt TH Sidaxy advtod. Kai drav owe eyevero, eLemopetovto &fw
lad , \ , er. X
20 THS TOAEWS. Kat maparopevopevor pat €tdov TH
n 5 / | c lal A ° \ ce / 9
21 ouKny e€npaywerny ex picov. Kal dvapyvnobels 6 [lérpos eirev
22 aiT@ “PaBBi, toe 1 ovKH iy Katnpdow eEnpdvOyn. Kal amoxpileis 6
23 "Inoods A€yer adtois “Exete tiotiv Oeod" aunv Aéyo tyiv Ott ds
a ~ »~ , ” \ BP: ‘ 4
ay eimn TO Oper TOUTM “ApOyT. Kat BANOnTL eis THY Oadaccar,
\ De caiia } Ca V6, > nN 2. A - ied A tal
Kat pn dtaxpiOn ev TH Kapdia avtod adhAa miocTEev’n OTL O Aadei
Me wy > Codie «\ SEX yf i. na , Clb / lcd
24 ylveTal, €orat aiT@ 6 éav eimyn. 81a TOvTO A€yw div, TavTa boa
ty \ > va) , oe 5] / Vy Car |
mpooevyeobe Kal aitetobe, muorevere Gru eAaBereE, Kal €orar dpiv.
A @ / , 3 / 7 / ic
25 kal Otay OTHKETE TPOTEVX OMEVOL, Aplete el TL EXETE KATA TLVOS, iva
\ n a a a r
Kal 6 TaTHp buav 6 ey Tots ovpavots apy tuiv Ta Tapantopata
ULOV.
re a
\ \
27 Kat €pxovrar maduy eis “lepoodAupa. Kal év t@ tep@ tepi-
‘
a a cal \
28 TATOUVTOS AYTOU €pxovTaL Tpds adTov oF apxLepels Kal ob ypaypa-
Tels kal of mpeoBurepot A€yovtes ai’t@ "Ev mola éfovoia radta
p p cy t ‘ c
lal * / ” X\ 3 oe tf tof a
moveis ; 7 Tis cor édmxey tiv e€ovolay tavrtnv tva tadra
o . e de | nan a b] Btn 2) 7 ig laa e do
29 Tons ; 6 O€ ‘Incods cimey adrois TEpHTHTw Dyas Eva AOyor,
ane Mi) I, REN geet 1S) Ves 9 Pee Ef , a a.
Kal amoxkplOnré jo, Kayo tyiy ep@ ev Toia eLovota tavTa ToLd
nan /
30 TO Bamticpa “Iwavvov e& ovpavod jv 7) e€ GvOpdmav ; anoxptOnré
? 5) >
31 pot. Kal dveAoyiCovto mpos EavTods A€yovtes 'Eav cinmwpev “EE
2 _ a lal X\ , > 3 / > a p) yf
32 ovpavod, epet Ava Ti ovK EmLoTEVoaTE a’Tw; GAA ElTMpeEV
"EE avOpérmv poBod Tov Aacdv, Gmavtes yap elxov Tov
> / x [24 / > \ 3 / Coy oh fol
33 Iwavyny Ovtws bt. mpodytns jv. Kat atoxpiOévtes TH ‘Inood
Aéyovow Ovx oldapev. kal 6 "Inoods A€yer aitots Ovde eyw
na n fal ee
XII A€yw tyiv év Tola eLovotia tadTa Tod. Kal 7péato
avrois év TapaBoAats Aadely “AureAGva avOpwros epitevoer,
n \ Va Nao 3 /
Kal TepieOnken aiTt@ ppaypwov Kat Gpv€ev bToARviov Kal @Kodounoev
32. Spaces are left in the text as shown above, but an apparently contem-
porary hand has added peda after poBou,
pxB
a
prey
t
pxs
A
pke
pes
“
B
pen
B
112 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
, etd Suen val We By) , ed
mvpyov, kal eێdoTo avTov yewpyois, kal amedjunoev. Kal am- 2
/ Q \ X\ a a na f 3 \ na
caTelhey TOS TOUS yewpyous TH Kalp@ SoddAov, iva AaBn ano Tov
n a a \
KapT@Vv Tov aumeAGvos* Kal AaBdvrTes avTov edetpav Kal améoTELAaD 3
\ t a \ a
Kevoy. Kal TAAL ATEeoTELAEV TOs aUTOUS GAXOV SodAov" Kal éexetvov 4
\ a
éxepadiwcay kal 7Tiwacav. Kal GAdov améoTevAev' KaKelvor 5
UL \
amextewvapv, kal ToAAOvs GAAOUs, ods ev S€povTes ods SE AToKTEV-
, yy e a ey 2 Rete \ ) A a SN
vovtes. €Tt Eva eixev, vidv ayanntov'’ Kal améotetdev avrov 6
ba \ 3 a / ie4 > / X\ Ce
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pacov én atte.
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oTac. Mi €lvat, kal emnpdtwv adtov A€éyovtes AvddoKadre, Mavojs 19
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Texts from Mount Athos. 113
c lat HN _ \. 3 fa) , > b) a ,
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\
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hy lL give , \ @ e XX > a nm t ”
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a lal \ na al
oToAais Tepimateiy Kal (ntovvTwv aomacpovs év tals ayopais
26. THs] ns apparently in raswra by a later hand.
114 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
o a S e
Kal TpwtoKkabedpias ev Tails cvvayYwyais Kal TpwrokALcias EV TOts 39
al nr \ /
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7
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lal > aM \ / X \ >I , A. Je
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Texts from Mount Athos. 115
Ce a
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16 Bdtw pnde eloedAOeTw TL Gpar éx THs olkias adrod, Kal 6 els Tov
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pla Na) , Slay. Nn er) ra) aes c sal a“ = WAN X‘
g Kal dvakemevwoy avtév Kal erdidrvtwy 6 ‘Inoods einen BqY 18
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Texts from Mount Athos. 117
21 TO TpUBALOY” Ort 6 Mev vids Tod dvOpemoDV bTayet KaDws yéypanrar PEF
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27. sxaySarr00noecde | A contemporary hand has added in the margin év éyol.
118 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
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>) a a a Cs fat b) BA ay) ALLS
eis Tas Xelpas TOV Gyaptwav. éyelpecOe Gywpev’ ldov 0 Tapa- 42
pra f f
— Stdovs pe iyytKev. Kai edOvs ért adrod AadodpTos 43
a \ a
mapayivetar “lovdas cis TGv dedeKa Kal per? aiTod XAOS peETa
a faa \ / \ at
paxaipov kal EVAwY Tapa TOY ApxlEepewY Kal ypaypaTewy Kal TOV
TT > val
ome mpeoBurépwny. dedHxKEL 6€ 6 Tapadid0dvs ad’roy otioonpoY avTots 44
Aéyov “Ov éiv idrjow ovrdés eotiw" Kpatioate adrov Kal ana-
na 5 fa €
yayete Gopaddas. kal ehdov evObs TpocehOav aiTe héyer “PaBBi, 45
X\ ‘ lal bs \
kal karepiAnoen adtov. ob 5& ém€Badoy Tas xeipas Em adTov Kal 46
p™y > / S29 N n , , N
P"Y éxpdtnoay avrov. eis b& TOY TapEecTHKOTwY oTAaTdpEVOS THY 47
a
paxaipay emacev Tov Soddov Tod apyxtepéws Kardda kal adpeidrev
5 a / \ \ a =
PT abrod TO @rdpiov. -Kat amoxpiels 6’ Inoots cimev advrois ‘Qs 48
a
Spe ‘\ cirgets DS a \ / cal
emt AnoTiy eéndOate peta paxatpav cal EVAwY ovddaBelv pe;
0 c / o 4 c na Md nn c bed 5 ba \ > 3
oe Kka0 nEepay nny TpOs Vas EV TH LEpw OLOGTKWY Kal OUK EKpa- 49
“pg Teiré pe’ GAN iva TAnpwOdow ai ypapat. Kal aevtes avrov 50
\ cal
PT™ Euyov mavtes. Kal veavioxos tis cvvnKodovde: avt@ TeptBeBAN- 51
t a , Hash a \ a So, ¢ XS \
PEvOS olvOOVva ETL yupvod, Kal KpaToto. avTov, O O€ KaraALT@D 52
x , ” ,
THY clwdova EpvyEeVv yupVoOs.
pm¢ K A, 45. / A > fal \ NX be) / \ ,
pms al amjyayov Tov ‘Incoty mpos Tov apxtepea, Kal ovvepxovTat 53
tn hed ! 2 a \ / \ a
avT@ TaVTES Ol apxlepets Kal Ol mpEcBUTEpoL Kal Ol ypapparets.
oS kal 6 Ilérpos paxpdbev nxodovde: atT@ Ews Eow eis Ti avAjy TOO 54
Ve , a a
apxlepews, Kal jv ovvKabievos peta TOV UTNpETGv Kal Oepyawvo-
a pevos Tpos TO PGs. ob O€ ApxLepets Kal GAov TO ovvEdptov eGjrovvy 55
a lod Le a
Kata Tov "Inood paptuplav eis TO OavatGoa adtdv, Kal ovx
ied Cy \ \ ) / \ n> lal \ wv
nupiokoy’ ToAAoL yap eYevdopapTvpouy Kata Tov Inoodv, Kal toat 56
ph € / > > , ° / 3 /
Ph at paptuplar ovKk yoay. Kal Ties avactavTes eYevdopaptupoun 57
> ’ a / a c lal > / > fal / ied
KkaT avtod Aeyovtes OTL Hyets 7Kovcapyev avtov AEyovTos OTL 58
> ‘\ , Le ‘ / .Y \ \ \ n
Ey® katadvow tTodtov Tov xEL_pomointoy Tov vaoy Kal b1a TpLav
€ a ” =) > / 3 \ Od cy »” ve €
neEep@v GAXov axetpoTrolyrov olkodopynow' Kal ovdE OUTws ton IV N 59
paptupla a’tav. Kal avaoras 6 dpxtepeds Eotn cis TO évoV Kal 60
2 , \ d nN / ’ 3 / , / a e ms
emnpetnoev Tov Inooty AEywv OvK amoKpivyn ovdev O TL OUTOL
Led € x 3 , \ > ° / > /
gov KaTapaptupotow; 6 b& éoidma Kal OVK ameEKplvaTO ovdED.
a / val r
Pi radu 6 dpxrepeds exnpdra adrov Kal Aéyer adits Lv ef 6 Xpuords 61
a
A n , fal
6 vios Tod evAoynuevov; 6 b& “Inoods eimev “Eyod eipt, kal 62
x \ al na ad ,
OWeobe Tov vidv Tod avOpémov ex SeEcGv KaOnpevoy Tijs Svvapews
PB Kal epxduevov peTa TOV vEepEeAGY TOD ovpavod. 6 Se apxLepEds 63
=
Texts from Mount Athos. 119
, ‘\ a a
Suappigas Tovs xiT@vas adtod Neyer Th éru xpelay eyouev pap- pry
64 TUpwy; HKovoarte Tis BAaohpyplas; Th bylv palverar; of dé mavTeEs
{/ ISN 7 a 6 & ee , 5, 48
65 KaTeKpiwav avTov evoxov e€ivar Oavarov. Kai ypavrd twes éep- Po
4 bd Co \ / b] an x , \ /
TTVEL AUT@ Kal TEPLKAAUTTELY aUTOD TO TpOTwWTOV Kal KoAadiCew
2) SN \ / 3 Lad Ve ec lal \ c ig /
avtov Kat A€yew ait@ LIpodyrevoov jpiv. Kat of banpérac
66 panicpacw avrov é€daBov. Kai évros rot Iérpov ev pe
TH AVA EpyeTat pla TGV TaldicKGy TOO a é i 608 ye
67 TH avAn epx pia TO K@V TOD apxLepews, Kal idodoa Tov
Ilérpov Oeppaivopevov euBréyaca atte rXéyer Kal ob pera rod
68 Na€apyvod ijo0a tod “Inood* 6 b& Hpvyjcato A€ywv Oire oida
ovTe éxlotapat od Ti A€yers. Kal e€qAOev Ew eis TO TpoadArov, PAF
Pp i aeag a
69 kal ) maldloxn idotca adrov ipéato mdAur A€yeww TOIs TapecTOo.w
7o 8tt Otros e& atrév eoriv. 6 5& madw ipveiro, Kal pera
\ € n x ” / > an 3 b) an
Bikpov ol- Tapeot@tes EAcyov to Ilétpw ’AAnOGs e€ adbrav
\ . n
yr el, Kal yap TadAatos ef 6 6@ Ap€ato dvabepatiCey Kal duvbew
y2 OTL OvxK oida Tov AvOpwmov Tobroy dv réyeTe. Kal ex SevTéepov PAs
PIN Ld b) , e Ln Be! , € / a ein ¢ S
aXrextwp epovyncev® Kal aveuvnoOn o Lletpos 70 pia os cinev
° a \ Led \
ait@ Inoots drt [piv adéxropa povica. dis tpis pe axapyvion,
kat émiBadev éxAarev.
‘A A tal n 4
xv Kal ed0is mpwt cvpBoddrov roujoavres of dpyepets pera tov ©”
B
\
TpecButépwy Kal ypapparewy Kal Grov 76 cvvédpioy Syoavtes Tov pA
2 Inooty anjveyxay Kal mapédwxav TiAdro. Kal émnpétnoev adtov *
noouv anyvey Ie = npety U 3
6 TlwAaGros Xd ef 6 Baoreds TGv "loviaiwn ; amoxpibels —
n \ lal al
3 adT@ héeyer Dd A€yers. Kal katnydpovv avrod ot apxrepets moAAG, 7
N tad a
4 adTos O€ ovdev amekpivato, 6 d€ IltAaros mdAw émnpdta avrov
5 déyov Ovx azoxpivyn otdév; ide dca cov Katnyopotow. 6 b&
"Inoods ovKéTe ovdev amexpiOn, @ote Oavudcew tov TlAarov.
6 Kara 6€ éoptny amédvev adtots eva d€op.ov SvTeEp jTobvTO. Hv ——
pa Hl) a}
7 5€ 6 Aeyopevos BapaBBas peta TGv oTactacTGy Hedemevos oiTiWES oy
2 . ! , , V9 , cr a
8 ev TH OTAGEL Hovoy TETOLNKaTLY. Kal avaBonaas 0 dxXAos npeato
galtetcbar Kaas emote. adrois. 6 d€ TlwAaros amexpidn avrots
10 A€ywy O€deTe AToAVTH tyiy Tov Baciiéa Tv “lovdaiwy; éyi-
X\ vA X\ , , 2: Q e b) c
vookey yap OTe d1a POovoy Tapadedm@xeroay avtTdv ot apytepeis.
11 of O& Apxlepets Aveceroay Tov dxAov tva paddAov Tov BapaBBav >
12 dmokvon adrots. 6 b€ IlGros wad amoxpibels etmev avrois 7
68. A contemporary or slightly later hand adds in the margin xal dAéxTap
épuvnoer, 2. iovdaiwy is written in rasura,
avy
120 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
Ti oty Toujow dv A€yere TOv Baciréa Tov ‘Jovdaiwv; of b& 13
c
maw éxpagay Xtavpwoov airov. 6 b& Tlwaros édeyev Tih 14
na a >
yap énoinoev Kaxdv; of d& TEepicads expagay tatvpwoov adtov.
os z A -
—06 6€ IlAGartos BovAcuevos to dxA@ 76 tkavdv Torqoa anédvoev 15
a
avtois Tov BapaBBav, xal mapédwxev tov “Incodv ppayedAAdoas
iva cravpw67.
c XN a 3 , eee ” a 3 Lea av 3
3 Ol 6€ orpariGrar amHyayoy aitiv €ow Tis addtjs, 6 éoTiW Tpal- 16
, \ a x4 AS a A ar) /
T@plLovy, Kal cvvKadodoty OAnv Ti oTeipav. Kal evdidVoKovow 17
\ an
aitév soppipav Kat nepiriOgacw atte mAécEavtes axdvO.voy
\ »* roa an an
otépavorv' Kal ijpavto aitiv domdCecOar Xaipe, Baoired Tov 18
na \
Tovdaiwy Kai éruntov adtod tiv Kepaddy Kaddpo cal évéztvov 19
Of] pes ‘ ! \ , , 9A Noy aL.
pe Ure; Kal TUWevTes Ta yOVvaTa TPOTEKVVOVY QuT®. KQ@l OTE EVE- 20
Ee Sie : ae \ , b ae ieee 2 cee \
targa adto, e€édvoav avtov thy Toppipav Kal evédvoay adtoy Ta
€ > a Meet cod A Dy. ¥ ¢ ,
— iwdria avrod. Kal efayovow abrév &€m iva cravpdow-
\ 4 val
ow avTdv’ Kal ayyapevovow mapayovtd twa Livwva Kvpnvator 21
a \
€pxopevov an’ aypod, tov matépa ’Ade€dvdpov xat ‘Povpov, iva
Ct
— # \ . > a \ / JEN > A Ty, r Ad
a “p7) TOV OTAVPOV aAVTOV, Kal epovow QuTOV €Tt TOV OAYOUAV 22
\ an
LS romop, 6 €or pebepunvevopevov Kpaviov Témos. kal didwow avT® 23
x 3 J, = t X > ” \ ca) 31.2% \
o.B ETMUpVLOPEVOV OlvoY, 6 S€ OdK €AaBEV. Kal cravpodo. adtov Kal 24
a diapepiCovtar Ta ivatia avrod, Baddovtes KAjjpov em’ adra ris ri
2 apn. jv d€ Spa tplrn kat eotatpwcav aitdv. Kat Ww i emrypadi) ae
Ths airlas avrod yeypaypévn ‘O Bacrreds tov "lovdaiwy. Kai
Ole
\ 2 _ my a / / ced 2 n \ ve 3
— uv avt@ otavpotoi bvo Anotds, Eva ex dSeEiGv kal Eva e€ 27
n \ / a
oF evovtpwv avtod. Kat of maparopevdpevor &Bacdypovv adrov 29
an X\ \ , lal \ / « / . 4
KivourTes Tas Kepadas avtay Kai d€yovtes ‘O xatadtwv Tor vaov
\ > nf 3 A € / n ‘ X >) Q n
Kal olkodouOy ev TpLolv TNuepals, T@oov cEeavToy Kataas 7d TOD 30
ot a ae, Sh rear re , Sau ,
“; FTavpOVv. OMolws Kal Ol apxLEepEts ETraiCoyTes Tpos aAArAovus 31
META TOV ypaypatéwy Edeyov “AAXovs Ecwoer, EavTov od dSvvatat
BA gaca’ 6 Xpiotos 6 Bacireds “IopaijA KataBdtw viv ad Tod 32
t
=> a \ \
B TTavpov, iva tOwpev Kal Tiotedowper. Kal of cvvestavpwpévor
oo Dig D)s Nin, 69
-< pet avtod wveldicov adrov. Kal yevopévns épas Exrns 33
4 oKdTos ¢yéveto ed’ GAnv Ti ynv Ews pas evar al 77 évarr
on Y qv Ty yn S$ @pas EVaTNS. K 1] €VAT)) 34
B ¢ 2 , e9 a Mess / > Via , “ =
pe Re eBonoev 6 “Inoots dov7 peyadn Edat, €Awi, Aeua caBay bar ;
4 3 6 , c , c , . /
“po cot pelepunvevopevoyv O Geos pov, 6 Beds pov, eis Ti
>) / / a
o“B éyxatéhimes pe; Kal Ties TOV TaperTyKéTwVY aKovoarTes €deyov 35
“Ide “HAlay gove?. dpapdv dé tis yeuloas ondyyov déous TEpl-
Texts from Mount Athos. 121
, OK
Gels kahauo endricev aitov, Aéywv “Agere tdwpev ef Epxerar —
37 "HAlas xadedciv aitov. 6 b& "Inoods adels wviv Heyadny
38 éLénvevoev. Kal 10 xatanéracpua tod vaod éoylcOn els dbo am? =
39 dvwbev Ews kdtw. “ldov 5& 6 Kevtuplwy 6 mapectnkas && evav- %**
, > a ow oe
tlas avrod ti obtws eEémvevoev cimev *AdnOGs ovTOS 6 sie
a“ Ke
40 vids Oe08 Hv. "Hoar S& kal yuvaikes am6 paxpdbev Oewpodoa, év **
ais jv Kat Mapidp 7 Maydarnviy kat Mapla 7 *laxéBov rod peeioe
4 kal 9 Iwon pajrnp Kal Sadoun, at dre Fv ev 77 TadwAata jKodov-
Oovy kai Sinxdvouy air, kal dAAat ToAAaL ovvavaBaca aiTo
bd >’ ld
els LepoooAvpa.
\
42, Kal 75n dvlas yevouevns, émel jv tmapackevy, 6 éotiw TpocdB- —
43 Barov, ehOav "Iwan 6 amd “Apiyabaias evoyjpowv Bovdcutis, ds
Kal avtos vy tpocdexdopevos THY Bactelay Tod Oe0d, ToAuHnoas
elonAdev mpds tov TAarov kal ijrjoato T6 oGpa Tod “Inood.
44 6 6€ TlwWaros edavyacen ef dn TéOvnKev, kat TpocKadeodpevos TOV
/ 5) , ae > t Tuy, 3 \ \ SN
45 kevtuptova ennpernoe avrov el mada, améBaver” Kal yvovs amo
lal lal ~~ P 7
46 ToD KevTupiwvos edwpycato 76 cGpa TO "Iwonp. Kal ayopacas |
, 2 > A b) / Led , ‘ yy > Q >
owddva Kabehov avtov evethicey TH owwddvt Kat EOnkey avtov ev
prnpei@ 0 jv AeAaTounwéevov ex TéTpas, Kal mpoceKvALoev AiOov
47 emt tiv Ovpay Tod pryynpelov. “H d& Mapia 7 Mayédadnvi kal
Mapia 7 “lwontos éOedpovy rod TéOertat.
, pro
B
pr
i
[>
XVI Kal dvayevouevov tod caBBdrov Mapia » Maydadnviy kal
Mapia 7) “laxéBov kcal Sadropn jydpacay dpépara iva éAOotoa
2ddciywow aitéy, Kal Alay mpwl TH ma Tov caBBdtrwav — Es
3 €pxovtat emt TO pynpetoy avareiAaytos Tod 7Alov. Kal éAeyov
mpos éavtds, Tis amoxvdice. qpiv tov AlOov amd THs Ovpas
4700 pynpetov; Kal dvaBrddpacar Oewpodow Sti AtoKeKvALoTaL
56 AtOos, Hv yap péeyas opddpa. Kal eloeAOodoat els TO pryn-
Belov tdov veavioxov Kabijpevov ev tois de€vois TepyBeBANpEvov Oe
6 oroAnY Aevxyv, Kal e£eOayBnOnoay. 6 be yer adrais My BZ
€xOapBetcbe “Incody Gyreire tov Naapynvov tov éoravpwpévor*
7 Hy€p0n, ovk Esti Bde ide 6 Témos émov EOnKxav adrdv' GAG
At the top of f. 14 is « (v suprascr.) [amo tov mao (x suprascr.) w T (w
suprascr.) wada@v evayy (€ suprascr.) and v. 43 éA@av is marked dp (x suprascr.)
in the margin. At the end of v. 47 is noted 7 (€ suprascr.) 7 (w suprascr.)
ma (@ suprascr.). At the beginning of xvi. I, is dp (x suprascr.), and in the
margin evayy (€ suprascr.) €w (9 suprascr.) dvag (7 suprascr. ),
VOL. V, PART IL K
122 Studia Briblica et Ecclestastica.
a a a \ oo , i !
Undyere eizate Tois pabntats aitod Kal T@ étpw dre Mpodyer
c tal ‘ 7 nero!
a tuas els tHv TadiAralav’ éxel adtoy dweobe, kaOos einen typiv.
p
lat nan \ > ,
Kat €€eXodoar epvyov and Tod prnyelov, elyev yap avTas Tpdmos 8
a Y
Ss a te lA s
kal ékotacis’ Kal ovdert ovdey elrov, epoPotvto yap’ mdvta dé
X val , .
Ta TapnyyeAmeva Tots wept Tov Ilérpov cvvtdpws enyyetdav
a a cel \ f
Mera 6€ radra Kal airés "Inoods édvn and dvatoAjjs Kal péxpt
> n \ /
dvoews eLaréorethey Ou’ aitdv Td tepdv Kal ApPOaptov Kipvypa
na /
Tijs alwviov cwrnplas, aunv.
éotw Kal tadra pepopeva
peTa TO epododtrro ydp*
> X\ S \ , / 3 / fal / m
Avaotas 5€ mpwi mpdétn caBBarov épavyn mpGrov Mapia 79
Mayédadnvij, map’ js exBeBArjKer Enta Saipdria, éxelyyn Topev- 10
Oetoa aniyyetrer Tols per avTod yevouevots TEvOodct Kal KAatovoLY*
By) a ’ a
exeivor akovoavtes Ott Gj Kal €OedOn bm’ adris nalctnoay, Mera 11
> A \ 3 3 ny cal ) /, > c / ify
6€ Tadra bvoly ef aitav TEpitarotowy edavepabn év ETENA Lopgy 12
/ >] b) Be. b] al ’ , ° , o
Topevopevors Els Aypov" Kakelvor ameAOdvTES AmTHyyeiAay Tols 13
AowTots’ OvdE exelvois exiotevoav. “Yorepov dvaxepévors adrois 14
an ef 3 / \ > ‘4 \ b] / ’ ny \
Tols evdeka edavepeén, kal oveldicev Thy amictiay aitéy kal
, 4 ° , Ie aS 3 / > Seer,
okAnpoKapoiay Ott Tots Oeacapevors avTov eynyeppévov ovK eTi-
oTevoav. Kal eimey adtots TlopevOevres eis tov kéopov &rayra 15
- \ ’ / / _~ / ¢ / \
knpvEare TO ebayyé\vov Taon TH KTice. 6 TioTEevoas Kal Ba- 16
‘ / ec XN 2) 7 HA o ‘
TTLTOEs TwOnTETAL, O SE ATLOTHOAS KaTaKpLOnoETAL. onpeEla dé 17
Tois MuoTEVoagw AKoAovdyjoe TadTa, év TO dvdépari pov daydvia
] a \ ral
ekBadodow, yAdooats adjoovoww, Kal ev Tails yepolw ets 18
>) an x / /, / > ‘ > \ f bys
apovow Kav Oavaocwov TL Tlwow ov pr adrovs BAdwWet, emt
e) , a 5 ‘E \ lal e c is iy
appwotovs xelpas émOycovew Kai Kad@s E€ovowv. ‘O pep ody 19
/ \ x a ? o > la ’ x 2) \ \
Kuptos pera TO AaAHoTAaL avTots avedndOy eis TOY ovpavoy kal
€xdOioev €x deLiGv tod Oeod. exeivor Se eLerAOdvTEs exipvEav 20
a nN an ‘ ‘A n~
TavTaxod, Tod Kuplov cuvepyodvTos Kal TOV Adyov BEBaLodvTos dia
a /
TOV ETTAKOAOVOOUYTMY onwElwv. apnv.
,
eyarreAion KATA Maépkon
8. 7 (e€ suprascr.) is added after ydp.
9. In the margin is written dvacracip (0 suprascr.) éw6 (o suprascr.)
dp (x suprascr.). There is no corresponding réAos.
123
III. THE TEXT OF COD. VY IN ST. LUKE AND
ST. JOHN AND COLOSSIANS,
As the text of cod. V is much less interesting in these
Gospels than itis in the fragment which remains of St. Mark,
it has been thought sufficient to give a collation of the text
of the codex with Lloyd’s reprint of the text of Stephanus,
ed. 1550. . It will be seen that there are a fair number of
variants, but that few of them are of first-rate importance.
ST. LUKE.
I 1 zapédwoay 3 avwobev om. 5 ante Baoréws om. rot
kal yuvy) avT@ 6 évavriov pro évwmiov 7 hv ante y 9
@cod pro Kupiov 10 Hv Tod Aaod 15 @cod pro Kvupiov
20 axpus as 21 airov post vaG 25 ovrTws 26 azo
pro ro 28 6 ayyedos om. evAoynpevn ov ev yuvargiv om.
29 7 d€ eri Tod Adyou duerapdyOy duedoyilero év éavtp A€youca
36 ype 38 Mapia 389 dpunv 41 1 EXwoafBer
post Mapias 50 yeveav Kal yeveav 55 ews aidvos 56 ws
pro woel 61 ék Tis ovyyevetas 65 opw7 66 dxovovres
75 rys Cwns om. 78 ypav pro atrav
IL 3 éavrot pro idiay 4 Nagaped 8 rH Toipvy 9 Ocov
pro Kupiov 12 Kat Keiwevov ev hatvyn 18 dxovovres 20 irre-
oTpewav idov 21 airov pro 76 ratdiov 22 Mwvoews
25 iv dyov 26 zpiv 7 av 30 tdov 35 de om. 36 ern
post pera avdpos 37 €ws Pro ws 38 airy om. 39 éavrdv
Nalapeé 40 codia 51 Nalapaé
TIIT1 dom. = *ABidwijs 2 eri dpxiepews 8 ddgyre pro
apénob« 12 «trav 14 romowpev 23 dpxopevos TpidKovrTa
24 vids ante ws évopuilero "Hrel 25 ‘Eokip 26 Deneci
27 “Iwavav 32 ‘Twh7d 33 ‘Apap, Tod “Iwpap 34 @appa
35 Sepovx 37 ‘Iaped
IV 1 zAnpns ante mvevparos 4 6 supra lineam 6 Kai
@ éay Gédw Si8wpe airyv om. 7 waca pro mavra 8 6 ‘Iyoois
K 2
124 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
crev QMantervissom.& 126 "Inoois etrev aito 16 Nalaped
17 rod zpodpyrov ‘Hoaiov 18 civecey cdayyeAioacOae 20 ot
6fOarpol ev TH cwaywyh 2Borxi 23 yevapeva Kadapvaovjp
25 ore toAAat 26 SdpehOa ris Sidwvias 27 év tO Iopanr
ante ézi Naipav 29 rijs 2° om. 33 Evo 35 cis
pécov 38 7) om. 42 érelyjrovv 44 cis Tas Tvvaywyas
V 2 ibey mod pia. 5 xaAdowpev 6 zAnOos ixPiwv
7 tots 2° om, éexAno Onoav 14 Mwvojs éx aitovs pro
avrois 19 ante zotas om. da 20 adéovtai 21 <is
pro povos 23 cyeupe 24 wapadvTiKG = Eyetpe 26 idopev
28 ravra pro aravra 29 ante Aevis om. 6 Tos TeAWVOV
30 trav TeAwvav 81 iocyvovtes pro byatvorres 36 oxioe
ovppovyre eriBAnpa om. 37 6 olvos 6 véos
VI 3 6 ‘Incois ante zpos OTe pro bore 5 cirev attors 6
"Incods 7 mapetnpovvTo avTov om. ante caBBatw om. To
Geparrever KaTnyopyTwow pro etpwor KaTyyoplav 8 éyeipe
kal pro 6 be 9 ipas 71, pro tpas, TL 10 <izev ait@ pro
elre 73 avOparrw ovTw om. aexateot adn byujs om.
1l €\dAouv pro SueAddovw 1745 dxdos = 18 Kal 2° om. 18 eLyj-
TOUV 23 xapyre TA avTA Pro TavTa 26 7a aitTa pro
TAvTO 27 adda 28 Kai om. 34 yap oi om.
35 rod om. 86 iva pro Kai ov 44 cradvAds Tpvyaot
45 dvOpwros 2° om. Tov 3° om. THs 2° om.
VII1 Kazapvaoip 2 every 3 otTos dKxovoas Tept
4 rapéén TovTH 6 didous 6 ExarovTapyys prov ante td
7 aA\a povov 10 eis Tov oikov ot Treupbervtes 12 povo-
yevs vios jv om, 13 ém airiy 17 ante racy om. ev
19 érepov pro adAov 20 érepov pro adAov 21 de om,
22 ori om. Kal xwAot 27 ovtos yap 28 yap om.
tod BarriTov om. 81 etre dé 6 Kupuos om. 85 ravTwv om.
88 dricw ante rapa. Tots daxpvor ante npato THs Kepadns om.
efeuacev 41 xpeoderriérar 42 dyarynoe aitov 44 pow
él Tous 7d0as THs Kepadyns Om. AT adéovrat 48 adéovrai
VIII 2 Mapiip 8 xadnv pro ayabyv 13 rov Adyov ante
peta xapas 16 Avyviav 17 pi) yvorO7 pro ob yvwoOyoerae
21 airdy om. 23 cvverAnpovto 24 éravcato yadnvn
peyadn 25 éorw 1° om. — zpos GAAHAovs A€yovTes 26 avri-
Tepa 27 aird 2° om. 29 ropiyyeAe edecpevero date
poviov pro Saipovos 80 dvopa éotw 88 cio AOov 34 ared-
Govres om. 89 cou érointe 43 iarpois pro eis iatpovs _ Biov
320A
avrns 44 dnibev om. 45 ris pov wWato pro tis aWapevos
Texts from Mount Athos. 125
prov 2° 47 aird 2° om. 51 edOav Twavyyy Kat TdkwBov
54 eyepe
IX 1 drocroAovs pro pabynras atrod 2 acbeveis 3 paBdov
5 d€xwvrar Kal 2° om. 7 yevopeva 8 tis pro els
10 ravra ooo épnpov oAews om, et kadovpevov pro Kadoupevns
11 azodeEdpevos 16 yiddynoce mapabetvat 17 wravres
ante xal éxopracOnoav jpav pro npn sed non xodivovrs
20 Ilézpos sine 6 24 éay pro av 25 ddedAjnoe 27 éotdTwv
yevowvrat 30 Movojs 31 jpedre 33 Ilérpos sine 6
col piav Moon ‘HXia piav 35 6 ayaryros, ev & nvd0-
Kno. 36 “Incots sine 6 38 eBonoe didaoKadte om.
erriBrEYrau 40 aird exBddwow 41 Ews Tore pro kal 2°
POL TOV VIOV Gov de 43 ecirev Oe 46 ris airov Soxel elvar
peilov 48 ay pro éav bis ovTws pro otros 49 év pro
emt To OM. 50 tpar bis 55 kai elmev . . . cdorat
57 cov pro av 62 6 ‘Incods zpos abrov
X 1 jpedrAg 2éxBady . 4 BaddAavriov 6 pev om.
8 0 om. 13 Xopaleiy Kabnpevor 14 npepa éxeivy pro
Kpioret 21 <idoxia éyévero 22 por rapedoOy 24 idov
32 Tov avtov Td7ov 35 aird om. - 86 mdyolov Soxed cor
89 Mapiap 42 Mapia yap
XI 4 ddiopev = =rarti 5 épet pro eiry 8 dirov airod
11} proc 18 ante e€ oipavot om.6 15 7G dpyovre - 17 pepi-
obcica ka? éavtiy 19 atrot ante pirat 23 ckoprie pe
25 cxoAdlorta. cecapwpévov 81 LorAwpavos bis 834 Kai 1° om.
36 Tu Om. 41 dravta pro TavTa 42 dAdo 50 exdixn Oh
pro exlytrnOn 54 airov Kal om.
XII 4 droxrewovrwy 5 éxovra éfovciav ante yéevvav ©
om. THY 6 zwdAovvTat 8 éav pro av 11 pepipvnonre
15 air pro aitod 2° —-16 niddpycev 28 onpepov ev ayp® ovta
29 zriere 31 airod pro Tov Ocov 32 nvddoKnoev 33 Bad-
avria 87 6 Kipios eOav 39 dpvyjnvat THY oikiav 40 otv
om. 42 6 pro kat dodvat 47 airod pro éavrod
7) pro pode 49 éxi pro eis 53 émi pro ed 54 vedéAnv
sine THv A€yere Gre 56 Tov otpavov Kal THs yns 58 Bary
XIII 1 Wudros hoe accentu, et sic passim 2 irép pro mapa
3 TavTws pro mavres 4 Sexaoxro 6 medurevpevnv
ante év TO 7 éxkoov ovv 8 Kdémpia 11 dexaoxra
18 oy pro 5 ~=—-19 avrod pro éavrod 20 xaiom. 26 apénobe
27 ante épydra om. ot 29 ante Boppa om. amo 34 dro-
KTévvovca 35 Adyw Se pro dunv dé A€yw
126 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
XIV 1 caBBarwv pro caBBarw 3 ci om. 7 KexAtpevous
10 dvdrece 12 avrarddopa cor 18 wavres Tapateto Gon
eSeXOav ideiv 21 éxetvos om. 23 pov 6 otkos 26 pov elvau
pabnrys 28 cis pro Ta mpos 29 aire om. 31 cupBareiv
post Bacitrt 32 réoppw atrod 33 elvai pov 84 dé Kal
XV 1 aird eyyilovres 4 évevnxovta évven ews Ov
7 éxra. post év TO ovpava 9 ovyKadet 14 rod torepetc bar
17 edn pro etre Aid de 19 kai om. 20 ov paxpay
22 ante orodjv om. tiv 23 eveyxdvTes 24 Hv 2° 0M. 26 TovTO
pro ravra 28 70€dAnoev 32 Kal 3° om. jv 2° om.
XVI 5 airod pro éavtov 6 Badovs pro Barovs Th Ypap~
para 7 TX ypdppara 9 exdiry 12 decer tpiv
14 Kai 1° om. 15 éorw om, 20 jv om. dsom. cidAKw-
pevos 22 rod om. 26 évOev pro éevred0ev 29 A€yer de
Movoeéa 30 peravonowor 81 Movoéws av pro éav
XVII 1 wri otal pro ovai de 2 éva post tovtwv 3 dé om,
Adpaptnon THs Huepas 2° 0m. mpds ve pro eri ce 6 éxere
pro eixere 7 edBéws om. 9 exer yap atta om. 10 dr 2° om.
20 éxepwribels 24 iro Tov otpavov kal om. 27 éyapi-
Covto Kal ovk €yvwoav ews pro Kal 1° 28 xaos pro Kai ws
30 ra atta pro tatra 33 Os 0 ay pro Kai ds cov = att nv 2° om,
Cworounoe pro Cwoyovnce 34 cis pro 6 cis 35 adotoar
XVIII 1 zpocevxyer Par airors 4 nberev 7 ait@ pro
mpos avTov = pakpoOupe? 1l ratra mpos Eavtov = &s-_:Pro HoTrep
13 «is 2° om. 14 7) yap éxetvos ~— kal 6 pro 6 be 18 airov tis
20 cov 2° om. 24 cicehevoovrar post Oeod 25 ciced-
Geiv 2° om. 27 core post bed 29 ddeddors, 7) ddeAdhas
33 rH Tpirn Hepa 39 oryyon pro cwrjon 42 aire litteris
minoribus supra lineam seriptum est
XIX 1 dpywr ris cvvaywyns brHpxev pro jv apxireddvns Kal
ovTos 7¥ 7AOvaLOs OM. 4 zpocdpapov oavKopopatav 5 Kai
idwv avrov cire 8 rois mrwxois didwpe 11 eclvau adrov
13 év & pro ews 15 ris om. duerpayparevcavto 22 de om.
23 pov TO dpyvpiov emi tparelay av om. avTo éempaga
34 eizov ore 35 émipivavres 42 cov 2° om. 43 zapep-
Badotow 44 Nibov eri NiGov 46 yéyparrat ort
XX 1 exe(vov om. 2 cou dwxev pro éotw 6 dovs cor 6 zrerel-
opevov Al erepov répar 12 tpirov répar dodAov =-14 dedre om.
16 elray 24 cirayv 27 oitwes N€yovct pro ot dvti€yovtes
28 7) pro drobavyn = 88 eorar pro yiverat 39 citav = 40 yap
pro oe 46 €v oroXats repiTateiv 47 of kateaGiovres
Texts from Mount Athos. 127
XXI1Libev 1a ddpa atrdv post yalodpuddKov 2 kai 1° om.
Aerra dvo 3 riciw pro w)elov 5 dvabéuacw 6a
suprascriptum idov pro im od pr) KatavOA 8 ovv om.
10 én’ 12 ravrwv pro dravtwv Grrayoevous 14 Oére
pro bérbe ev Tais Kapdials 23 7@ Aa@ pro év TO ad TovTw
24 ra eOvy tava 25 jxovs pro nxovons 27 duvdpews
ToAARs Kal dons 30 757 om. 32 rdvTa Tatra 34 Bapy-
baat 35 aidvyd.os 36 Katicxvonte pro katawOyre
XXII 6 airois post dydov 10 cis nv pro ov 12 dvoryavov
18 yevjparos 22 wopeverar post wpirpévov 26 yweoOw
30 Kabynoec be 32 exdirn 34 pn 1° om. 35 ovdevds
BadXavtiov 39 aitov om. 42 yweo Ow 43 azo Tov
ovpavod 44 yevdpevos Kal éyévero pro éyévero bé eri tis yns 45
Kolpwpevous aitois 47 d¢om. aitois proaitav 52 é&jdOere
53 éeoTw tpov 54 atrov 2° om. 57 yvvar post advrov
60 aitod Aadotvros 6 2° om. 62 6 Ilérpos 66 atta
pro éavTaov 71 paptipwv pro paprupias
XXIII 2 eOvos ypav 8 é& ixavov OéAwv 11 Kai 6 “Hpwdys
12 6 re ‘Hpwdns Kat 6 ILAGros 17 drodvew aitois post éopriv
19 yeyevnuevny pro yevoyevnv ev TH pvdaky 25 avrois om.
26 rov 1° om. 27 kai 2° om. 29 ef€Opeav pro éOyAacav
33 7AOov pro amndrOov 33 chwvipwv pro apictepov 35 aviv
avtois om. B86 Kai 2° om. 38 ém aid yeypappevn 44 évdrys
45 ecyxicOn post vaov 46 raparidepat 47 édoféalev
48 7a ornOn aitav 49 ioryKecav ovvaxoAovbotoat
XXIV 4 dvdpes dvo aicOnoecw 10 hv pro joav
Maydadw7 9 laxaBov 18 év 1° om. 20 re om. 29 Ké-
kAukev 70 34 ovrws ante iyépOn 44 doyor prov 47 apgéa-
poevos 50 Biéaviav nvrAdynoev
Ad finem evangelit evayyedvov cata Aovxay litleris magnis
scriptum.
ST. JOHN.
Titul. EvayyéAvoy cata “Lwdvvnv.
I 17 Movcews 19 Aeviras pos airov 20 éya ovK eipi
21 ci ante ‘HXias 240i 0m. 25 ovdé pro ore bis 27 ovK
eit eya 28 Bybavia pro BybaBapa 29 6 Iwavvys om.
31 7G om. 35 wadw om. 87 of dvo aiTod 40 cere
pro idere HAGov otv d€ om. 42 Meciav 43 iyayov
dé om. 46 Nagapeé 47 Na¢aped 5O elev pro A€yen
516 "Inoots . oy
128 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
II 6 AGwar bdpiar ke(uevar post “lovdaiwy 9 of d€ pro Kat
17 xatapayerai 19 6 om. 22 atrois om.
III 2 airov pro tov Incotv dvvarat ante radra 3 6 om.
4éiom. 560m, 8 7) pro Kat 2° 10 60m. 14 Movojs
16 €xer pro éxn 19 airav rovnpa 20 post airod add. ore
Tovnpa eiow 21 ciow pro éorw 23 Dareiu
IV 17 om. 3 radw om. 9 ovons post Lapiapeiridos
13 “Incots sine 6 15 epxopar 20 7 dpa TovTw Tpoo-
Kuvetv O€t 21 yivar post por 25 Mecias €KELVOS
€rAOn 27 eOaipalov 30 oty om. 31 dé om. 34 roujcw
pro Tow 35 retpapnvos 36 Kal 1° om. zta ut ndn 6 Oepi~wv
legatur kal 3° om. 37 6 2° om. ear 2° om. 44 6
*Tycois om. 45 dca pro é 50 ov pro 5 “Inoots
51 iryvrncav 52 eirov ovv exGes pro xbés
V 1 » éopry 2 Byooaida 4 éNovero pro xaréBawev
5 éxet avOpwros acbeveia abtod 7 Bary 8 cyeipe
m. prim. sed nune éyerpar kpaBarrov et sic passim 10 kat
ovK KpaBatrov cov 14 coi Tu 25 dxovowor
27 kai 2° om. 38 év tyiv pevovta 44 adXyAowv tr rasura
seriptum est et quamvis litteras erasas legere non possim davov
scriptum esse a spatio arbitror 45 Mwvojs 46 Movoe?
VI 2 eGedpovv avrov om. 5 rovs 6pOadrpors 6 “Incots
ayopacwpev 6 npedXe 9 &y om. Os pro o 10 avérecav
avopes sine ot os Pro acet 11 dyAois pro avaxewpévors
15 zadw om. 17 Kadapvaoip ovrw mpos avtovs eAndvOer 6
"Inoods 21 airov AaBetv eyeveto TO mAotov 22 éxeivo
eis 0 éeveBynoav ot pabytal aitod om. mXotov pro movaprov 2°
23 wXoia HAGev pro HAGE tAOLApLa 24 dev kal 1° om,
7ovapia Kazapvaovp 26 dere 29 micrevnre 35 ov
pro oe 39 ratpds om. ev om. 40 rémipavros pe TaTpos
eyo avTov 4l 6 ék Tod otpavod KataBas 42 otros Aéyeu
44 Kayo 45 cod sine tod 46 édpaxev Tis 50 amrdAnrat
51 fyoe Hv eyo dacw om. 54 dvacriow eyo 55 adnOys
bis 57 Choe 58 fyoe 60 6 Xédyos otros 63 deda-
Anka 66 trav pabyrav aitod amndOov 68 ovv om.
71 “Ioxapidrov Tapadwoovat avTov
VII 1 pera ratra om. 4 rove Te 6 roids eore
8 ravrny om. 6 €40s KaLpos 12 jv repi aitod 19 Mwvojs
22 Mwvojs Movoéws 23 Mwvoéws 24 Kpivete
26 GAnbas om. 28 6 ‘Inoois ante év 7a iepod 29 de om.
81 roijce: ToUTwY 32 of dpxtepets Kai of Papurator 33 avrots
Texts from Mount Athos. 129
om. 35 od ovv 39 “Ayiov om. 40 dxovoartes TOV
Aéywv TovTwv 42 ovx pro ovyi epxerar 6 Xpiords
43 éyeveto év TO dxAw 46 édadnoev ovrws 50 zpos
avTov VUKTOS 51 mpdrov 52 éx ris TadtAalas rpopyrns
ovK éyeiperat 53 usque ad VIII 11 dpdprave om.
VIII 12 edadnoev aitois 6 Iycots 14 7) rod irayw ad fin.
vers. 19 ay ndecre 20 6 ‘Iyoois om. yalopvdAakeiw
26 AarAG pro réyw 28 tWoonra prov om. 29 6 rarip
om. 44 tov watpos Kaas Kal 6 rarip avtov 46 édéeyéa
dé om. 51 tov éuov Adyov 52 yevonrar 53 ov 2° om.
59 Kai dueAbov €TOpEVETO Kal Tapiyyev OUTWS
IX 3 “Incods sine 6 8 rpocaitys pro tupAds 10 7as
ovv VvEdxXOnoav 11 otv pro de 16 ovk geri otros Tapa
Ocod 6 avOpwros 17 A€yovow ovv avewke 20 oidapev
bis seriptum sed loco priore punctis damnatum 21 airov épwrn-
care, Aukiav €xet adTos Tepl EavTod AaAHoat 26 ovv pro de
27 pabytrat avrov 28 ot dé édowdpnoav pabnrys
29 Movoet 30 ro'tw yap TO Oavpacrov 31 6 Weds
apapTtwAOv 36 Kal tis 37 dO om. 40 per airod
ovTes 41 ovv om.
X 3 dwvel pro kart 4 ravra pro mpoBata 1° 7 ore
om. 8 7AOov mpd éwod 10 repirodrepov pro mepiroov
12 6 dé puobwros 16 axovovor pro axovcovar yevnoovrat
17 pe 6 warnp 18 otdels yap 22 tore pro dé 26 ore
odk pro ov yap 29 6 dddwxé po Tavtwv peilov 32 epya
Kava ene AOalere 34 ore éyo 39 aitov réAw
Al éroinoe onpetov 42 modXoi ériorevoay cis aitov éxel
XI 9 dpai ciow ll eévrvyjow 17 év TO pvnpelw exovra
20 ‘Inoots sine 6 24 7» Mép6a 82 “Inoois sine 6
aiTov mpos Tos mddas prov améOavev 38 aito pro
avT@ 39 rereAevTyKOTOS 44 xnpiais 47 rrovet onpeta
52 eOvovs d€ povov 54 airov om. 57 Kai om.
XII 2 dvaxewpévov ortv aitd 4 ‘Ioxapwrov 6 cwedArev
pro épedev 7 agere aitny va TNPHT 12 *Incots
sine 6 16 zpdrepov pro rpa&tov 18 yKovcav 25 amoAver
pro arodécer 26 tis diaxov7 kai ult. om. 29 éoTyKws
pro éoTws 30 7 wv?) aitn 34 otros om. 85 ev
ty pro pe tpyov as pro ews 36 ws pro ews
40 érwpwcev oTpadhac. kal iacopar Al ort tdev 43 cirep
pro nrep 49 dédwxev 50 ovrws
XIII 2 ywopévov Kapoiav iva, rapad@ avrov, ‘Iovdas Sipwvos
130 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
"Iokapusrov 8 pov Tovs 70das 10 otk éxer xpeiav ei
ph pron 12 Kai om. 20 ay pro éav 23 de om.
€x Tov pabyTav 24 tis dv ein om. Tivos pro ov 25 ava-
TET OV 26 ‘Ioxapiwrov 27 eis om. TAX ELOV 28 de
om. 30 e&jOev ci bews 36 eyo irayw 37 Ilérpos
sine 6 :
XIV 3 rozov ipiv elre pro 7re 7 warépa pov av noete
10 éy enol sine 6 13 airnonrat 14 rotro pro éyw
16 kayo 21 rod zarpds pov pro pov 23 ‘Incots sine 6
28 clrov 2° om. prov 1° om. 31 ottws
XV 2 xaprov ri«iova 6 ro up 9 ipas yyaryca
11 7 pro peivn 16 airjre 24 éroinoe 25 év TO vopw
adT@v yeypappevos
KVI 3 oidaci pro éyvwcav 7 ov py EXOn pro odk edevoerat
10 izdyw mpos Tov TaTépa pov om. 12 dptv rye
13 dxovoe pro av axovon 15 AapBave pro Aneta 16 ovxere
pro ov Kal OTL UTrayw 17 éya om. 18 ri éore TovTO
TO OM. 22 viv pev Avrnv kere 23 éav tu pro dca av
29 aird om. 32 Kape 33 éxeTe pro Ekere
XVII 2 daca 7 €yvwoay pro éyvwkav ciow pro eoTw
LL ovKére Kayo ® pro ovs Hpets ev eopev 13 éavrois
19 dow kat aitot 20 mucrevovTwr 22 Kayo 24 dédwxas
pro edwKas
XVIII 4 idov pro cidis 6 ori om. 7 érnpwrncev aitovs
15 dAXos sine 6 16 éxeivos pro 6 aAXos 20 AeAGAnKa
TH Om. 22 rapeototwy trnpeTov TapegTHKwS OM.
24 aréoreXev ovv 26 6 ovyyevijs pro cvyyevis ov 28 zpwi
pro mpwia 29 you pro <ire 30 Kako7o.ov 33 6
[liAGros (hoe accentu passim) madw 34 dmexpivato pro
amrekptOn aitd ad weavTou 36 ‘Incois sine 6 barnpeTat
of enol yywviovto dv = 87 “Inaots sine i eyo 1° om. ~—- 89 tpi 2°
om. arodvaw bpiv 40 zadw om.
XIX 16 IWdaros cdaBe 3 edidocav 4 ovdepiav
aitiav év avT@ 5 idov pro ie 6 idov ters avTOV
7 npav om. viov Ocod éavTov 9 “Inoots om. 10 egovoiav
2° om. sed add. m. s. in margine 11 airé pro é Kat €.0U
ovdepniav 12 6 WAGros efyrer expavyarav €avTov TOLMY
14 apa qv ws Tpit 17 ovv pro 6é ‘EBpaiort d€ pro os
héeyerar “EBpaiori 20 6 tomros THs ToAEWS ‘Pwpaiori,
“EAAnuicri 21 rév ‘Tovdaiwy cipe 23 apados 25 Mapiap
4 ToD Kiora Mapa. 26 airod om. 27 ide
Texts from Mount Athos. 13I
6 pabyris aditnyv 28 73y 7avra. 29 ovv om. oroyyov
ov perrov Tod Ogovs toowrw 31 érei rapackern Av ante tva
tod caBBarov éxeivov 33 idov 34 e&AOev ibis
36 micrevnre dé pro yap 38 6 1° et 2° om. airod pro
Tod Inood 39 airov pro tov ‘Tycotv 42 aitov pro tov
‘Inootv
XX 3 kai 6 Ieérpos 4 tTaxevov 5 ra d0ova keipeva
pevrovye 11 Mapua. 15 é6yxas avrov 16 ‘PaBovvi
ad fmem versus add. kat mpooédpapev awarGa. avrod
17 ‘Incois sine 6 21 kai cirev pro cirev ovv 6 Incods om.
23 adéewvra 25 aitots om. 28 kai 1° om. 29 Owpa om.
XXI16'Inoois rakw = 8 eveBycav = cifis om. = 4& eyvworay
pro jnoewav 5 éxnre 6 post cipnoere add, oi dé cirov bv
oAys vuKTos KoTLaaavTes ovdev CAGBopev él bE TG OG fypatt Barodpev
iaxvov pro icxvoav 11 évéByn otv pro avéBy peyadov
ixQvwv 13 otv om. 17 Kai A€yer Kipre 18 loon
oir 25 @ pro ova. ad finem evangelti Evayyé\uov kata
lwavyny et statim postea
> A , lal ?,
evayyeioTGv Teacapwv Peto. Noyor
ypahevres Bde ANEW EcXov TaY TOVwV
liiterts magnis scripta sunt
COLOSSIANS.
I 2 xai Kupiov Inood Xpicrod om. 6 post xaprod. add. xai
avsavepevov 10 éy ty érvyvooe 14 8:4 Tod aiparos abrov om.
16 éri rhs ys sine Ta 20 dv atrod om. €oTaL TH el THS
yns 22 rapacrnoar 24 rabjpacr sine prov Xpurtov
> A , , 7 3 a ,
€V T® TWUATL [LOU OS €OTL 27 yvovat pro yvwpioa
II 1 itp tyov 2 tod @eod Kal watpds tod Xpicrod
3 yvocews sine THS 7 é&v wiore €v avTy 12 ék vexpov
13 ovtas Tots 20 <i sine otv = atv Xpiord 23 ecoOpyckia
III 4 rore kai tpets havepwOnoeobe ev d6€y orv aitd 5 ra
pedy sine tpav 7 év rovrous 12 oixtippod 15 éxAnOnre
év owpate evi 16 ey Tais Kapdials tudv TO Oed 18 idiors
om. 20 év Kupiw 22 dpbadpodovAtas poBovpevor Tov
Kipiov 23 kai 1° om. av pro éay 25 Kopionrat
IV 3 600 kai 6 aroxpivac bar 9 yvupicovar
132
IV. CODEX EVANG. 1071.
Or all the minuscule MSS. which we saw in the libraries
of the monasteries on Mount Athos the one now numbered
104 A in the Laura catalogue was far the best, indeed it was
the only one which presented any great features of interest.
It was not difficult to identify it as the MS. which Dr. Gregory
has numbered 1071 in his catalogue in the Prolegomena to
Tischendorf’s ed. maj. vill.
Dr. Gregory’s description is as follows :—
‘1071 in Ath. Laurae ; saee xii, 28-3 x 19-5 membr, coll. 2,
ll 26. 24, Carp. Eus.-t, capp-t, capp, titl, sect, (Me 234:
16, 9) can, syn, men, subser ut A, orix; Luv; Le 22, 43. 44
deerat, m. ser. add. in mg.: Joh. 8, 6 xdtw xexupos To daxTIA@
karéypapev: 8, 9 Exacros be TGv "lovdaiwy e€jpxeto apEdpevos
and Tév mpecButépwr' Sore mavras e&edOeiy et multa alia. In
Calabria nisi fallor exaratus, manibus duabus, partim litteris
Neritinis. Vidi 27 Aug. 1886,
There is only a little to be added in the way of technical
description, but the following points may be noted.
(1) According to our notes the summary account should also
contain /ect. pict. I much regret, in the light of subsequent
investigation, that we did not look more carefully into the
nature of the lections. Probably they are the ordinary ones,
but I cannot speak with certainty, and considering that a
connexion perhaps exists between this MS. and Codex Bezae,
it would be worth while for the next scholar who goes to
the Laura to look into the question more carefully. I should
be inclined to guess that, as Dr. Gregory did not notice
the presence of any lection marks, they are not a complete
system, but only a few which caught our eye, or rather, as
Texts from Mount Athos. 133
I judge from the handwriting of the note on this point,
Mr. Wathen’s eye.
The pictures are not illuminated, and are unlike those in
any MS. which I saw on Mount Athos, but I have since seen
in the Bodleian a MS. (MS. Douce 70), the pictures of which
remind me of those in cod. 1071. Probably the explanation
that they were prepared for illumination, but never finished, is
as true for 1071 as it certainly is for Douce 70. In the picture
before the fourth Gospel it is important to note that the Latin
words In principio erat verbum appear on the page of the open
book which St. John is represented as holding.
(2) I feel sure that it was written by three rather than by
two hands, whose work was distributed as follows :—
Scribe A wrote quaternions I, 7 and 8 containing the
introductory matter (Carp. Eus.-t. Capp-t and, I think, syn.
men.), and Mt 22, 13-end of Capp-t. to Mark.
Scribe B wrote quaternions 2 and 9-23, containing Mt 1,
1-7, 26 axoddunoev and Me 1, 1 to the end of the Gospels.
Scribe C wrote quaternions 3-6, containing Mt 7, 26-Mt
22, 13 dyoar-.
It is noticeable that in the seventeenth quaternion scribe B
has inserted two conjugate leaves between the seventh and
eighth folia of the gathering. If there is no other irregularity
in the make-up of the MS. this gives a total of 186 folia, but
our notes say that the MS. contained 181 folia. As this
discrepancy did not strike us until we had left the mountain,
it is impossible to do more than record the fact without offer-
ing any explanation.
(3) Literae Neritinae means the writing of the school of
Nardo, or Neritum, near Rossano, the existence of which
is recorded by De Ferrariis in his tract De Situ lapygiae’.
1 Tn hac urbe de qua nunc loquimur et gymnasium quondam fuit Graecarum
disciplinarum tale, ut cum Mesapii Graeci laudare Graecas literas volunt
Neritinas esse dicant. Sunt enim hae literae perpulchrae et castigatae et
iis, quibus nunc utuntur impressores, Orientalibus ad legendum aptiores.—
Antonius Galateus (De Ferrariis), De Situ Iapygiae, ed. 1558, p. 122.
134 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
I think that Dr. Gregory here alludes to the writing of the
seribe B, but I do not feel sure, as I only know Literae Neritinae
through description. However, I do not feel the least hesita-
tion in affirming a complete agreement with Dr. Gregory in
his belief that the MS. came from Italy. The Latin words
in the picture of St. John are evidence that it came from
a district where Latin was more or less known, and the hand-
writing has a peculiar stiffness1, very difficult to describe, but
easy to recognize, which is often characteristic of Italian MSS.
I much regret that, for some reason which we could not under-
stand, we were not allowed to photograph even a specimen of
this MS.
The Provenience and History of the Coden.
It will be seen from the foregoing remarks that the codex
came from 8. Italy or Sicily—there is little difference between
the two regions, palaeographically considered. It remains to
be seen whether the exact home of the MS. can be found, and
the explanation of its being taken to Mount Athos be dis-
covered, Father Chrysostom, when the problem was put
to him, affirmed that the answer was easy and certain.
_ There had been, he said, in the twelfth century, a movement
of rapprochement between 8S. Italy and Constantinople, which
had resulted in the foundation of a monastery on Mount
Athos, endowed by the Greek merchants connected with
Amalfi, and therefore called "Awadgivév. This monastery was
afterwards known, doubtless when the connexion with Italy
had been broken, as ro Mopdivdv—an obvious corruption of the
earlier title. After a period of prosperity it fell into ruins,
and its library and lands were taken over by the Laura. The
ruined tower on the top of a precipitous and thickly-wooded
hill may be seen on the right hand of the path as one approaches
the Laura from Ivéron.
1 See Batiffol’s essay in L’ Abbaye de Rossano.
Texts from Mount Athos. 135
The only reference to this monastery which I have been
able to find in books about Mount Athos is in De Vogiié’s
Syrie, Palestine et Mont Athos, a little book which gives a
charming and most lifelike description of the ‘Holy Moun-
tain.’ He sayson p. 263: ‘En méme temps (the closing years
of the twelfth century) 4 l instigation d’Innocent III une
tentative est faite pour latiniser le principal centre monastique
de l’orthodoxie. Les Amalfitains ces infatigables pionniers
qu'on retrouve a l’avant-garde de toutes les entreprises occi-
dentales en Orient fondent le couvent catholique d’ Omorphoné
dont les ruines abritent aujourd’hui des chevriers sous un toit
de lierre dans un des sites les plus pittoresques de la presqu’ile.’
Unfortunately he gives no authority for this statement, and I
have not been able as yet to find any. The ancient ‘Chronicon
Amalfitanum’ published by Muratori is mutilated at this
point, but one of the few fragments relating to this period
recounts a mission to Constantinople, and the obtaining of the
body of St. Andrew from that city. This at least shows the
Amalfitans in the neighbourhood of Athos, and dealing in
monastic ‘properties. It should also be noticed that the
period in question is that of the Montferrats and the Roman
kingdom of Thessalonica, when a Latinising movement is quite
probable. Therefore there can be little doubt that Father
Chrysostom’s suggestion is a very reasonable one, but caution
demands a statement of countervailing considerations.
If Dr. Gregory is right in identifying part of cod. 1071 as
written in the hand characteristic of the school of Nardo, it
weakens the case for Amalfi, because Nardo is close to Rossano,
not to Amalfi, and there is some, though not very good
evidence, that there was in the twelfth century a monastery
on Mount Athos definitely connected with Calabria. This
evidence is found in the life of St. Bartholomew! of Simeri,
near Rossano. St. Bartholomew was a person who in early
life became a kind of hermit in the mountains near Rossano,
1 Printed in the Bollandist Acta SS. Sept. vol. viii.
136 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
and afterwards founded several monasteries in the district,
including St. Mary’s of Patira. He is said to have made
a journey to Constantinople, and to have been very well
received by the Court, especially by a pious noble named
Calimeris, who gave him many valuable presents, and—the
chronicler continues—émep eis 76 “Ayov Gpos éxéxtyTO pova-
otip.ov én dvdparte Tod év dylous TaTépos Mav Kal otpavopdrTopos
Bactrelov ait@ edwpyocato, evepyeteicOat padrdov éx TovTOV 7}
evepyeteiy pada elxdt@s olduevos, odmEp THY mpootaciay Tats
mohAats exelvov dvcwmndels txerelars 6 peyas avad_eEduevos ToAXTs
Opedelas Tols ev adTt@ doxytais éyévero Tpdevos Adyots 6uod Kal
Epyous poOpioas adtovs mpds Td weAmov (1. B€ATLov)—then some
details recounting Bartholomew’s departure and his appoint-
ment of a successor—é.d kal péxpe Tis onmepov @s act 7d
povactiptov ‘tod KadaBpod’ mapa Tots eyxwplos émovoua-
Cera.
Again, there does not seem to be any entirely trustworthy
evidence as to the existence of this monastery. It is not
mentioned (nor is 76 Mopdudv) by John Comnenus? in his
description of Mount Athos, but this does not prove more
than that it did not exist in the seventeenth century when
John Comnenus wrote. The whole question of these two
monasteries ought to be inquired into by the next scholar
who visits the mountain.
At present one can only say that cod, 1071 was probably
once in the library of either 76 Mopduvdv or the monastery of
Tod KadaSpod, whither it was imported either from Amalfi or
from the neighbourhood of Rossano. The importance of this
fact will probably be considered to lie in the light it may
possibly throw on the locality in which the Codex Bezae was
preserved in the twelfth century, for, as will be shown later,
there is in the text of the pericope adulterae in cod. 1071
a point of close connexion with the Codex Bezae.
1 Printed in Montfaucon’s Palaeographia Graeca.
Texts from Mount Athos. 137
Evidence other than textual which connects Cod. 1071 with
other MSS.
This is given by the stichometric enumerations and subscrip-
tions which are found at the end of the Gospels. They are as
follows :—
At the end of St. Matthew: EvayyéAvov xara MarOaitov
eypagn Kat dvteBANOn &x trav ev ‘Iepocohvpors madatdv avtvypa-
pov Tov év 76 ‘Ayi "Oper dtoxeevor. atx. Bp (2500).
At the end of St. Mark: EvdayyéAvov cata Mdpxov éypagn Kal
dvTeBrAHOn dpoiws éx Tay eomovdacpevev. Tx. apl (1590).
They are omitted at the end of the two other Gospels.
This indication of provenience, whatever it may mean, groups
cod. 1071 with the following MSS, at least, and probably
with others.
A? (ix) in the Bodleian: brought from ‘the East’ by
Tischendorf in 1853. Probably therefore originally part of
the library of St. Catherine’s monastery on Mount Sinai.
20 (xi) at Paris: brought from the East in 1669.
117 (xv) in the British Museum: apparently nothing is
known of its history except that it once belonged to Bentley.
157 (xii) in the Vatican Library : written, perhaps in 1128,
for the Emperor John II Porphyrogenitus, presumably there-
fore in Constantinople.
164 (xi) in the Barberini Library: a palimpsest. Written
by Leo, priest and scribe, and purchased in 1168 at Jerusalem
by a certain Bartholomew. Probably therefore written in
some Eastern monastery.
262 (x? xii) at Paris: probably written in Italy, but
afterwards sent to Constantinople, and brought back in
1735.
428 (xiii) at Munich: history apparently unknown,
565 (ix) at St. Petersburg: said to have been written by
1 A of course has not got the subscription to Matthew, and in the other
MSS. quoted sometimes one of the Gospels lacks the subscription.
VOL. V, PART II. L
138 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
the Empress Theodora; afterwards in the monastery of
Houmish Khan in Pontus.
566 (ix) at St. Petersburg: the other half of cod. A, which
Tischendorf seems to have separated as he did in other cases.
829 (xii ? xi) at Grotta Ferrata: almost certainly written
in S. Italy or Sicily. Dr. Gregory’s question whether it may
not be ‘consanguineus familiae 13,’ i.e. a member of the
Ferrar group, may be definitely answered in the negative.
The scanty information which may thus be gathered from
catalogues about these MSS. suggests that the group to
which they belong may be divided into two—an Eastern and
an Italian branch. To the former belong A, 20, 157, 164, 565,
566 (which may perhaps be subdivided into Constantino-
politan and Sinaitic branches); to the latter belong 262, 829,
1071.
The question remains to be decided, what is the original
home of the family. I think that Sinai is the most likely
place. This conclusion is reached from a consideration of the
subscription. This it will be remembered runs as follows :—
EvayyéAvov xara MarOaiov éypadn cat dvteBAnOn ex Tov ev
“Tepooodvpous TadaGy avttypapar Tv ev TO “Ayiw “Ope dmoxel-
pevov.
At first this appears to identify! Jerusalem and the “Ay.oy
“Opos. But there seems no reason for thinking that any
monastery at Jerusalem was ever called a holy mountain.
To “Ay.ov “Opos, according to Father Chrysostom, for whose
great learning and instinct on such points I learnt while at
the Laura to have the greatest respect, felt confident that it
meant neither Jerusalem nor (considering the early date of A
566, 565) Athos, but definitely Sinai. He boldly emended
éx TOV éy ‘TepocodAdpors into ex Tdv ‘Iepocodvpertoy, adding
(what is perfectly true) that the terminations of words in
colophons are often so abbreviated that they may mean almost
anything.
1 This seems to be Bousset’s view in his Tert-kritische Studien,
Texts from Mount Athos. 139
I think therefore that probably Sinai is the original home,
and that the subscription means that the archetype of the
group came originally from Jerusalem, and was, at the time
when it was used, preserved in the library at Sinai,
The Teat of this Family.
At present it is impossible to say whether any members of
the family have preserved the original text. The majority have
undoubtedly reverted to the ordinary Antiochian type, but 157,
565, 1071 (especially 565), have texts of some value, and A 566,
262, 829 have a certain number of interesting readings. To
work the subject out fully would be a long and delicate piece
of work, but the impression which I have at present is that
no close genealogical connexion can be shown to exist between
any of the MSS. in this group at all similar to that found in
the Ferrar group or the group which is headed by cod. 1. It
is possible that further study may reveal.a more remote con-
nexion, and may even connect them with other well-known
MSS. which do not possess this interesting colophon, which
would then acquire a further importance.
An attempt has been made by Dr. W. Bousset, in his Teaxt-
kritische Studien, to deal with the subject somewhat on these
lines. He considers that all these MSS. belong to a large
group headed by the uncials KII(M) which he thinks may be
connected more or less closely with Jerusalem, and have affini-
ties with the text of Origen. There is no question that KII(M)
possess a peculiar text which may represent some definite
recension, but it may be doubted whether MSS. like 157, 565,
1071 can be rightly claimed as belonging to this group.
They have some points in common with it, but they have
many more in which they disagree, not only with it, but also
among themselves. The whole problem raised is full of diffi-
culties, and at present no adequate solution has been offered.
If however any advance is possible, it is probable that it will
be made by dealing with the smaller and definite families first,
and afterwards bringing them together into larger groups,
L2
140 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
The Text of Cod. 1071.
The collation with Lloyd’s text of the whole of St. Mark,
and of several chapters from the other Gospels, which is given
in the following pages, will probably be sufficient to give a
fuir impression of the character and value of the codex. It
must however be understood that this is not based on photo-
graphs, but only on a necessarily hurried collation, which was
made at the Laura by Mr. Wathen and myself, and naturally
must have suffered from the haste with which it was made.
We did not collect orthographical variants simply as such:
the spelling of cod. 1071 is very bad, offering in this respect
a great contrast to the mass of the MSS. in the libraries on
Mount Athos. I have not attempted any full analysis of the
different readings, but at the conclusion of the collation I have
drawn attention to some of the more interesting variants, and
especially to the text of the pericope adulterae.
ST. MATTHEW.
V 1 post avéBn add. 6 “Inaots 13 Brno Sw xatarareio bat
18 iata ev tH Kepaia post vopov add. kal tv mpopytav
19 évroAGv pov TovTwY 20 tpdav 7 duxacocvvn 22 «in
TO GdEAPD aiTod pope 25 per’ atrov ante & 28 érbv-
pioar avriy 29 ocxavdadriler oe ante 6 deEs 82 porxer-
Ojvar pro porxyaobar 86 roujoa ante NevKiV 89 deérav
sine gov 40 post ipariv add. cov 42 80s pro didou
44 om. Kad@s wovetre Tods pucodtvTas twas 47 ¢idrovs pro
adeApors ot eOvixol pro TeAGVaL 48 as pro worep
6 ovpavios pro 6 ev Tols ovpavots
VI 1 zpoceyere be 3 yvO pro yvoTw 4 drws 7 cov
eXenpootvyn ev TO KpuTTG aditos arodice omissis verbis omnibus
quae inter ev TO KpuTT@ 1° et év TO KpuTTG 2° interponenda sint
5 rpoce’yecbe et Eccabe pro mpoceixy x.T.X. 14 wpeis pro
Up 20 ovde Bpdcis oute kAerrovow 23 dp0adpos
sine cov 24 post ovdets add. oixérns 26 ovre... ovTe...
ouTe 28 ov komidow ovde vyPovew 32 taiTa yap ravTa
7a €Ovyn erilytotow
XXI 3 drooreAXc 8 aitav pro éavtov 13 zrou-
gate avTov 14 yxwrdrot Kai tudpdol 18 post éravdywv
Texts from Mount Athos. 141
add. 6 "\yoovs 22 aireiobe pro airnonre 24 post adrtois
add. diy Néyw bpiv 26 post dati om. ovv post éay om.
be 28 post avOpwmds add. ts onpepov post épyalov
30 érépw pro devtépw 38 post viov add. atrov
XXIII 5 yap pro ss 10 tpov post éorw 19 post
petlov (?) add. éare 20 kai év 74 Kabynpevy ev aot 21 Karo-
KyOaVTL
ST. MARK.
I 2 xabas yéyparta ev “Hoaia tO zpopyrte 5 post ‘lepo-
codvupirar add. ravres 7 KvWas om. 9 éxeivars post jpepais
10 as pro ocet 15 ante A€ywv om. Kat 16 atrod Tod Sijwvos
17 yeveoba om. 19 post dixrva add. airy 21 cifis pro
eifews 23 ante \éEywv add. duv7 peyadry 25 aitov pro aitov
26 dwvyjcas pro kpagav 27 amavtes mpos éavtovs NéyovTas
Ti é€oTe TovTo et Tis K-T.A. 83 kal qv OAn 7 TOS
35 dvacras arpAOev 6 Incods 36 6 Te Sipwv 37 oe ante
Cntovow 42 7 déexpa aitou 45 dvwacbat ante aitrov
avepos post cis woAw mavTobev
II 1 cichjd\Oev rartw 6 ‘Inoods -€v olk@m pro eis otxoy
3 deportes ante mpos aitov 5 cov ai dpaptia cov ut vid. sed
coll. est ambigua 8 atvrol diadoyilovrar 9 cov post kpaf-
Barov 10 addievar post eri THs ys ll éyetpe dpov sine
kal 12 évworiov pro évavtiov 13 post radw add. 6 ‘Incots
NPXOVTO PTO npxXeETo 16 post rive add. 6 didacxados 17 ante
ov xpelav add. ore ov yap 7AGov 18 of azo Tov dap.
ot pabyrai Trav dap. pabynral cov pro cot pabyrat 21 ovdets
sine Kal 23 ante rois ca BP. om. év ot pal. avtod et npgavto
24 post rowtocw add. ot pabyrat 25 Neyer pro edeyev
26 icpetou povov
III 6 ézoinoav 7 post Incots add. yvois Tapa tiv
Oadaccav nkodovOncav post lovdaias 8 ézole 6 Inaots
11 eGewpovv T pow émimTTov éxpacov 12 airois 6 "Incots
13 «cis Td dpos 6 ‘Inoots 16 kal éreOnKev airois dvopata, Ta *
Sipove Térpov 17 “IaxwBov sine rob 18 Mar@atov tov
TeAOV NV 20 poe pro pyre 23 avrois 6 “Incots 25 duv7/-
onta pro dvvarat ata@jvar post éxeivyn 27 dAN oveeis
Svvarat eis THY Oikiay TOD icxupod eiceAOav TA oKE'y adTod diaprdcac
28 ri dpaptypata post avOpwrwv éav pro av 80 ore
éXeyov OTe 81 Kal épxovrar pro épxovrac obv H paATHp avrov
Kal of ddeAgot adtov 32 qepi aitov dxyAos Todds Kat
142 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.,
Aéyovow pro etrov dé 33 Kal aroxptOeis adtots A€yet kal
pro 7 34 ad fin. vers. add. otroi ciow 35 éav pro av
paTnp pov
IV 1 w exit tis yas 3 o7eipar tov omdpov aittov
4 oveipew aitov TOU otpavov om. 5 xal dAdo pro aXXo
de yns Babos 6 xal ore avererXev 6 HALos pro HALov k.T.X.
8 avféavopeva eis TplakovTa Kal é€fyKovTa Kal ev éxaTov
9 aitois om. 10 kai ore pro ore be HpOoTwVv PTO npwrncav
11 Adyerou pro yiverat 12 Brdbwow ovvact 15 eddis
16 dpoiws ciow 18 otrol ciow 2° om. aKovoavTes 20 &v
pro ev ter 21 imo pro éxi teOn pro exiteOH 22 Oy «is
avepov 24 avriperpnOnoera 25 édv pro av 26 edeyev
avrots 31 KéKkov Pro KOKKw AUK pOTEpoOV 32 peilwv
ravTwv Tov Aaxdvwv TOV ext THS ys 834 rots idlos pabnrais
35 cis 7épay sine TO 36 zAota pro mAoapia 37 Kai Tao
KUpata pro ta be Kipata non yepiler Oar aires 38 aitos
HV ev TH TpvpvY Al of dvepou
Vi i1 Tepyeonviv 2 iryvrncev 3 pvyjpacw pro pry:
peious ovre GAvoeow otte Tédes 4 airov 1° om. ovdeis
edvvato aiTov dapacaL 5 jv ante dsiamavros év Tots
pyjpacw Kal év Tois operw 6 do om. 7 eye pro cire
11 zpos TO dpe 13 dyéAn race 16 kai diunyjoavto bé
19 zerotnxe kal HAEnTE oe 6 Ocds (2 6 K’pros om.) 22 rapaxadre?
27 tov Kpaorédov Tov ipatiou 33 tpéuovca did TreroinKev
40 zavras 41 radi0a Kovp
VI 2 tovro ravta pro to'Tw Tatra ore OM. 3 de om.
4 ovyyevetow aitov 1l av om. ov py déEwvTat Sodopors
kal 14 ‘Hpwdys tiv axonv "Incot 15 7om. 17 dvAaky sine rH
26 61a dé Tovs OpKous nOedev 80 Kai 2° om. 33 ol
OxAou Om. 35 zpooeOorvres of pabytai aitod A€yovew aito
87 dyvapivv diaxooiwv 38 érvyvovtes 39 dvaxdOjvat
44 wociom. 45 tovis dxAovs 52 aitdv 7 Kapdia 54 airov
ot avOpes TOU TOTOV exeivou
VII 6 or om. er popyrevorev ott 6 Aaods ovTos ll 6
avOpwros 13 dua tHv rapddocw tpav iy 15 Kowdcar
avTov 16 6 €xwv pro ci tis Exe 19 xabapilov 24 cis
oikiav 28 Svpodowikisoa 70 yevn 28 trav riTTovTwY
Yuxlov TOV TaLdtwy OM. 29 x tis Ovyatpds cov TO daipoviov
30 emi tiv KAWnv 31 efehOav 6 “Incots ad 86 airoi
padrov repiroorépws
VIII 1 zadw zodXod 6 “Ingots om. 2 6xov TOUTOV
Texts from Mount Athos. 143
3 amo paxpolev 4 ade om. 6 airois pro TO byAw
7 evAoynoas atta elev rapabetvar aitra 8 éxopracOnoav mavtes
orupioas tAnpes 9 retpaxicyidvor avdpes 10 kai éuBas
cvOews 12 éavrov pro aitov ov pro «i 13 madw
euBas «is mAotov dupAev 14 ézedabovro of pabytai airot
éva. apTov povov 16 év éavtots pro mpos GAAHAOVS 19 kodivous
kAacpatwv npate mAnpes 21 ovr 22 €pxovrar pro epyerau
23 aitov pro aita 24 cirey pro édeyev OTe Om.
bp om. 28 dmexpiOyoav déyovres 31 TOV dpyLepewv
33 6 d€ “Inoois 84 «i Tis pro sotis 35 ovtos
om. 36 tov avOpw7rov dAov TOV Koo pov 38 éay
pro ay
IX 2 Iwavvyy sine tov 3 éyévovTo Aevkavat ovtws
5 kai Gédys Touotwpev Tpels oKNVGS 7 kal idov éyévero
dKkovere avTou 9 kal KxataBawovtwv dvacTn €K VEKpOv
12 rpatos pro zpaTov Kaos pro Kal 7Os 13 rdvra boa
15 iddvres airov e&eOapBynOnoav 16 éavtovs 17 dXaXov
kal Kopov 18 éay pro av 19 cirey atta 22 ed’
Hpas Kvpte 23 70 om. 25 6 6xAos 28 tovs zodAois
28 ciceAOdvros aitou Kat idtav érnpwotwv aitov, da ri
33 7dOev 6 “Inoois dueAoyier Oe mpos Eavtovs 34 ris 7
peilov 38 edn pro arexpiOn dé om. év T@ dvopare
Ta. SatpLovea. Os OvK GkoAovOEt Hiv OM. 39 roijoas pro Tounoe
40 ipov pro tpov bis 41 pov om. OTL Ov 21) 42 pKxpdv
TOUTWY 45 éxxowov Kadov yap
X1 kai dua 7 Kal elev evexev 8 caps pia 10 éry-
potov 1l av pro éay 17 idov tis 7AOvcos tpocdpapyov
kat 20 ad fin. add. ti ér torepo 21 «i Odes TéAELOS
elvar Uraye TTWXOLS SINE TOLS oTavpov cov 23 Tos
palyrais airov Neyer 24 cirev pro heya Tekvia xXpypace
sine TOIS 25 tpvpadsas padidos due Oetv 27 wap avOpu-
Tous TOUTO aovvaTOV éoTL co sine To 28 xpgéato de
29 kal évexey Tov evayyeAlov 80 zarépas lwnv aiwviov
KAnpovopynoer 31 evyaror sine ot 33 ypappatevor sine
TOUS 84 éurricovew atte Kal paotiydcovcw aitov 35 tov
ZeBedaiov Aeyovtes aiTa ov Tounons 40 jjroipacrat
to TOU TaTpos pou 43 péyas yevérOau tuav SuaKkovos
44 os éav A8 airos d€ pro 6 de 50 dvarndyoas pro
dvacTas 51 aire é “Inoots cir Ti cou GéXeus trojow
52 ait pro rd ‘Tycod
XI 1 eyyiLovew 6 “Inoots kal of pabyrat avrov cis ‘IepoodAvpa
144 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
kal mAGev cis Bilary?) Kat 2 ayayeré por 3 ri Avere TOV
T@AOV PTO Ti TOLELTE TOUTO 4 dedepevov Tov THAOV 5 éotw-
TOV 6 éverei\ato ai’tois 7 depovew pro jyayov 8 Kai
cal i!
toAXol pro roAXoi be 9 dcavva TotWioTw 10 Kal eroynpevn
11 ante cis To iepov om. Kal éru pro noy 13 do paxpobev
€i apa TL pvAXa povov 14 6 ‘Incouts om. pykere eis TOV
aidva éx cov Kaprov pydels Payor 15 Tovs ayopalovtas 18 ot
3 a \ e An ¢ ? > ,
GpXLEpeis KaL OL ypappaTers 19 orav pro ote egeropevovTo
20 zaparopevdpevor tpwi 21 idod pro ibe 22 6 ‘Inoots
. Om” / , , . > a . ,
23 «i exeTe TioTW TUT TEVTETE déyere (sed infra aita, §e. 4)
24 or mavra mporesxerbe Kal aireiobe 28 7) Tis co
cOwKkey THY eLovotiav 29 *Incovs om. Kayo byiv ép® eva
30 'Iwavvov, 7obev jv ; e& ovpavon 7 31 dieAoyiLovro ovv om.
82 éay om. 33 76 ‘Inood A€yovow
XII 1 dvOpwros ediitevcev wKodopncev at wipyov 2 amo
TOV KapTOv 6 eva exer tov (et add. Kai?) avTov sine Kat
€xXaTOV Tpos avTors 7 yewpyot Ocardpevor aitov épxdpevov mpos
€avTous €lTov 8 eféBarov av’rov ll vpov pro jpov
12 édhoBotvro tiv TapaBoAnv tadtnv 14 kal pro oi dé
ae = [ee tad > , 8 ~ a , a” ”
eimé ovv np, eLeotw exixepddeov dovvar knvoov Kaicape 7 ov;
17 76 Kaioapu eCavpalov 18 éxnpétoev 19 iva pro
o e ‘ > > \ 2 Be cal ~ X\
OTL 20 éxra oty ddeAdol Roav rap Hiv YUVGLKa Kal
5 /, A > , ‘ , , A
azéOave Kal aroOvnoKwv 21 py xatadeirwv oréppa pro Kal
ovde k.T.A. 22 xai of érra €AaBov EoXaTov TaVTWY Kal 7)
youn arébavev 23 dvacrace ovv 25 ayyedou Oeov 26 rov
Barov eye €ipt 6 @cds "laxdB kai 6 Oeds Ioaax 27 ovK
eativ. Ocds ante lovtwv om. Oecds 28 idwv pro eidos
TaVvTWY pro Tacav 29 rpwrn TavTwv évToAy 30 airy
> ‘ < , > , . ee) 9 4 43 > “A
eotiv 4 mpwTn evToAy 31 avris pro atrny (vel dpota airis,
avry 1) 84 ovk éroApa 35 Aad éort 36 ev zvev-
ec , A /
pare ay 37 TOs pro robev
XIII 1 ceiver pro reve 2 azoxpiHeis 6 "Incois aden
aoe 4 ravtTa TavtTa 6 ciui 6 Xpiorros 7 épare py
8 apx7) TavTa TavrTa 9 ézi wyepovas Kat Bacrreis
10 zparov det 1l zpopepypyyontat 12 Kat watip TéKvov pay
€ ‘ > / 9 lal \ / /
14 évros év TOTw Srrov 18 xewaovos pydé casBarw 19 xrivews
, / cal lal
KOO LOU 20 éxoddBwoev 6 Oeds 24 Tov qpepov exetvwv
pro éxeivnv 28 sorav 76n 6 KAddos airs dradds 29 cidzre
TavTa 30 ratra om. 32 7) pro Kal ol dyyedou TOY
ovpavav ovdé 6 vids ei py 6 Taryp podvos 34 ws yap
yenyopyon 36 etpyoe
Texts from Mount Athos. 145
XIV 3 wodvtipov pro rodoteAots ~— Tov GAG Baortpov 5 roto
\ 4 > > la > > / s > “
TO pvpov 6 ev €puol pro eis epe 7 WavToTE Ev TOLHTAL
8 eoxev TO Opa pov 9 Gov éay 10 ’Iovcas
? , ° e EN A > ,
Ioxapuitys (sine 6 bis) aitov mapado ll apyipia
TOS avTOV EdKaipws 13 A€ywv pro Kai A€yer 14 xatdAvpa
prov 15 jpiv pro ipiv Kal éKel 16 Kai é&AGov
‘3 td > Pad c ‘ > a = ‘ > “~
ETOWLATE A’T@ ot pabynTal airov 19 AvreioAar Kal adnuoveiv
eyo «ips (1°) 22 Kai evrAoynoas 24 éxxvvdpevov eis
»” e wn / ‘ , Led ,
adeow apaptiov 27 duackopmicOycovra: ta TpoBara THs Totpvys
29 «i Kal 80 od onjpepov 31 6 de Hezpos padrov
éav O€n pe ovv cou arobavely 32 mpocevgopnar 35 mporeAGaov
36 TovTo dm eyo GAN 6 te ov 37 epxetar mpos Tovs
pabynras 38 ypiyopeire ovv 40 aitov of 6pbadpoi
Groxpilicw atta 41 daméxe. TO Tédos 42 pov pro pe
43 ‘lovdas 6 “Ioxapuarns av om. 46 éreBadov Tas xElpas
aiT@ 50 ddérres airoy of pabjrar epvyov martes 51 KoXov-
Ono 52 edvyev yupvds 53 dpxiepea Karaday 55 wva
aitov Oavataicovew 58 rovtov Tov vaov GxEeipoTroinrov
pro TOV XELpoTrointov 59 jv om. 61 ov drrexpivato ovdev
62 6 dé “Incots aoxpilels civev aiTo ov elas Ott eyw 64 civar
pest Gavarov 65 wepuadirrew atta avTov om. post
TpoTwmTov mpopytevcov vov piv Xpiore, tis €otw 6 Taica ce
(ste) 66 Kkdtw év TH avr 68 ove oida ore av
, , lal
Ti NEyers 69 zapectocw
XV 3 post woAXa add. airis be otdev arexpivato 6 arédvcev
12 zddw dzroxpibeis Tov Baciréa 13 éxpavyalov pro
* > , ” , ,
expagav 14 éxpavyalov pro expagav oTavpwoov cTavpwoov
15 roiv pro rojoo 16 éfw tHs atAjs 17 xAapida
Kokkivynv kal Toppvpav 18 6 Bacirets pro Baciret 20 tiv
xAapida Kal zropdipav 22 tov Todyoba 23 didoter
eodayuwiocpevov (sic habet collatio) pro éopupyvicpevov 24 kai
otavpwioarres 6€ = Sueueprorav 25 ore pro kal 26 ‘Iovdaiwy
oUTos 30 Kata Bnh 32 «i 6 Xpuoros "Iopand éorw
, > A ‘ , / ‘ a
TUTTEVTWHEV AUTO 33 kal yevomevys pro yevoperys 6é 34 77H
evvdTn wpa 35 «ide pro idov 36 Te om. 39 vidos
@cov jv 6 avOpwros otros 40 xai 2° om. " TOU
om. 41 kai 1° om. 43 éhOov pro 7bev 46 cis pro ézi
XVI 1 7 tov om. tov Incovv pro aitov 2 TH pia TOV
caPBarwv 9 davactas 8 6 “Inaois ll éxetvou pro Kaxetvor
14 éynyeppévov ex TOV vexpov 16 or 6 mistevwv pro 6 TioTEVoasS
19 Kipwos "Incovs
146 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
ST. LUKE.
XXII 3 ante Saravas om. 6 kaXovpevov 4 apxiepedou
Kal ypapparedor oTparnyots Tov aod 5 dpyvpua 6 dpo-
Aoynoe 8 aréoretXey 6 “Inoodts 9 éTodowpev cot
10 travryce 14 arooroAa om. 16 aitw pro é& airov
18 add. a6 tot viv sed quo loco per incuriam in collatione non
notavr 19 KAdpevov pro diddpevov 25 6 b€ “Inaots
26 post ryovpevos add. yéver Ou 27 peilwv eore 80 eri
dHdexa Opovwv 34 6 dé “Incots 35 ovd’ évos 86 de
pro ovv 37 «i pro éte = 88. idod Bde payaipar 42 rapevéyKat
43, 44 om. m. pr. sed addidit m. alt. eiusdem fere temporis
47 zponyev pro mponpyxeto ad fin. vers, totto yap onpeiov
dédwxev attois ov dv dityow aitos éorw 49 ra écopeva
52 e&\Oare post Evrdwv add. ova Betv pe 53 7 apa
bpov 57 jpvynocato sine avtov ovK olda avTov 60 ante
aA€xTwp OM. 6 61 “Incot pro Kupiov = zpiv 7) 64 ernpwrncav
mpopytevoov Huiv Xpurre 66 aryyayov 69 aro rod viv dé
71 cizav paptipwv pro paprupias
XXIII 1 jyayov mpos pro emi 2 npéav pro npéavto
nupaprev 3 dzoxpibe aita €ywv 8 é€ ixavdv xpovwv
ll wepiBadrwv rte 12 6 re “Hpwdys kai 6 WAdros ev airy 7H
HpEpa. 15 dverepwev yap airov mpos Hpas 17 dvdyxe de
elyev aiTois Kata €opriv arolvew Eva. 19 év tH dvAaky pro «is
pvAaknv 20 d€ pro otv Tporepuvncev avTois 22 agéiv
pro airiov etpioxw pro etpov 25 ante drrakyy om. thy
26 amyyayov aitov cis TO oTavpHoa ante épxopevov om. Tod
27 yvvaikes pro yvvaikov ante éxomTovto Om. Kal 32 7yovTo
dé atte oiv To “Inood Kai erepor Ovo odiy atta cvvaipeOqvat
33 7AGov pro ar7ndOov _ els pro ert 34 ¢Baddov
35 efeurxtypilov d€ aitoy of 6 vidos ToD Meod 6 exAeKTOs
37 cGcov ceavTov Kai KataBa ard TOD oTavpod 45 écyicOn de
48 oxAor om. Gewpicavres 51 os kai aitos mpooedێxero
53 atro 1° om. avTov pro avTo 2° ® pro ov ovdels
ovoeTw ad. fin. vers. reBévros abtod" éréOnxe TO pvynpeio Aov
55 ai yuvatkes amo pro ék 56 de om.
XXIV 1 7AGov spOpov Babé€os pvynpeiov pro pyvnpa
3 cicedotoa dé kuptov om. 10 % “laxwPov 18 cis sine é
ante ‘Tepovoadrp. om. év 20 aitov wapédwxav 34 ovTws
HyEpOn 44 kai cirev pro cize dé 47 apédpevos
Texts from Mount Athos. 147
ST. JOHN.
V 5 éxet avOpwros 7 vai Kipe avOpurov dé 8 traye
€is TOV OLKOV Gov PYO Kal TEpiTaTeL 10 xpaBarrov cov 11 6 de
amexpiOn 12 éorw om. exetvos 6 dvOpwiros 14 reyes
pro eimrev 15 aayyyctAev 17 aivtots Aéywv 18 aad’ ore
19 azexpiOn 22 ovdev yap Kpwvet 28 Oavpaoyre
akovowow 30 adda Kabas 86 ddduxe ante row
om. éya 38 év byiv pevovta 44 avOpdérev pro addXdynAwv
povoyevods Pro povov AT miotevere pro mictevoere
VI 2 jKorovbn de COewper Pro Ewpwv 3 dpos sine ro
5 tovs opOadrpors 6 "Incods Mm. pr. om. mpos Tov Pirurmov sed
add, m. sec. in rasura 7 6 Pidurmos = axpkéowow pro apKotow
9 ev om. os pro o 11 édwxe pro diédwxe 17 ante
motov om. Td yeyover oUTw pro ovK 21 éyévero 76 7)otov
22 <idws pro idov €xetvo OM. motov pro mAo.apiov
23 dAda dé rAodpia HAOev Ts TiBepiddos ov pro Orov
24 zAodpia pro roa 27 Bpadcw 2° om. 29 ante *Incots
om. 6 38 do pro ék 40 yap pro dé TOU TATpOS
pov pro Tov méempavTos pe 42 *Inoots om. otros Aéyer
45 éornv pro éore ouv om. 46 édpaxev Tis A7 «is
ewe om. 51 6 Cav om. noe pro Lnoerat 52 ot “Iovdator
ampos aAAndovs THY odapKa dodvat 55 adnOys (9 bis)
57 dméotadke 6 matnp 6 Cav noe pro lyoerat
58 you pro lyoera 60 6 Adyos otros 63 AeAdAnka
pro AarAB 64 6 "Inoods e€ dpyxjs pn om. 66 zodAot
Tov pabytav aitod amnAOov 68 ovy om. 70 éfedXeEapnv Tovs
budexa 71 “loxapwirov Tapaowovat avTov
VII 1 pera tatra ante repeeratra = 8 cou 2° om. ~—& ab Totes
4 tT év KpuTTe 8 ovk avaBaivw 6 mos Kaipos 10 eis TH
€optiv ante Tore 12 Hv ante rept dAXos éheyev pro aAdou é
€eyov 15 eOavpalov otv 21 ante Inoovs om. 6 29 ad
fin. vers. m. sec. add. Kai éav eizw Ott ovK ofda abtov exopat Opo.os
bpov wetorys 30 Tas xelpas pro THY xElpa 31 zoAXoi éx
TOU OxAov otv TOUTWY OM. 32 jKovcay ovv ot apxvepets
kal ot Papioaior 33 avtois om. 35 evpiocKopev 36 6 Adyos
oUTos 40 trav Aéywv TovTwv pro Tov Oyov 41 or ovTds
ot pro aAXor 42 7 ovxi épxetar 6 Xpuotos 43 éyévero
ante év tT@ oxdw 46 édadynoev ovTws 50 zpos aitov
VUKTOS TO TPOTOV
VIII 1-11 codex sic habet:—Inoots 8& éropevOn eis 1d dpos
148 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
A ’ a »” N , , > Ni we , \ =
tov "EXadv opOpov. kai wddw zapayiverat eis TO lepov, Kal Tas
e ‘\ 4 \ 4 397 = > , ” ‘ ce A
5 ads HpxeTo kal Kabioas edidacKkey adtovs. “Ayouvow d€ ol ypayparteis
a lal /
Kat ot Papwraio. yuvaika ert dpaptia eiAnppevyv, Kal oTyoavTes
A Lad 9 ”
airy ev pérw €yovow ait@ éxreipadlovres ol Gpxtepeis Wa EXxwor
rs > A , o c \ , > ,
Katnyopely aitod, Adaoxade, atty 1) yuvy) KatetAnmTar éemavTopwpy
potxevopevn. Movors b& iyiv ev To vopm duaxehever Tas ToLav’Tas
Abdlew* ob ti €yas; 6 Se “Inoots Katw Kexvpos TO daxTilw
, > ‘ a e X See > a Sa,
Katéypahev cis THY yhv. os de erémevov avepwravTes avexupev
\ a > “” c > /, e cal cal pie: yeas /
Kat eirev avtois ‘O dvapaprytos tpav mpatos éx’ aitivy PBadetw
NiGov' Kai wadw Kataxiwas TO SaxTiAw Katéypadev cis TH Yijv.
4 XA “ >, y , ~~ / > fat 3 XN “ /
éxactos O€ Tov "lovdaiwy é&ypxeTo apédpevor awd Tov tpecBuTEpwv
0 t fEeNGeiv, kal kateAcihOy povos, Kal } yuviy év pérw ovo
wore Tavtas e&eAGeiv, kai kaTeAcihOy povos, Kal 7) yuv7yy ev mere ;
> / ‘ ec 3 a Ss ~ \ A > lA > 7 ,
dvakvwas d€ 6 “Inoots cirev tH yuvarxt Tod ciciv; ovdets oe Kare-
> 4 > > , 4 es ie ~ > sQr. 3 y
Kpwev ; kakeivyn etrev Ovdeis, kipte. Kal 6 Inaods eirev OvdE ey ce
KaTaKkplvw" Topevov, aTO TOD VOV pyKEeTL apaprave. 12 éAdAnoev
avtois 6 "Inoots 16 de om. 17 d€ om. 19 ay nodere
21 airois om. Tais dpaprias 23 é\eyey pro cirev
24 éav yap .. . -dpav om. 25 clvev ow pro kai eizrev
26 Aare pro éyw 27 eyvwcay oe 29 Kai ov« adnKev
6 maTHp om. 35 6 vids... ai@va om. 36 core pro
ecco be 38 a pro o bis 40 avOpw7os matpos pro @cov
42 ovv om. 44 éx rod ratpos Tod diaBdAov 46 pe om.
dé om. 48 ov om. 53 od om. 59 Kal dveAOav
A lal
€TopeveTo Kal TapHyev
The most interesting feature in this collation is the very
remarkable similarity of the text of the pericope adu/terae to
that found in Codex Bezae.
It includes no less than eight variants which are peculiar
to D 1071, though one of them, éwi duapria pro emi porxeta,
is supported by the version of the story which, according to
Eusebius, was quoted by Papias from the Gospel according
to the Hebrews, and by the Edschmiadzin Codex, published
by Mr. F. C. Conybeare in the Lxpositor for December, 1895,
p- 406.
This striking similarity suggests the possibility that the
scribe of cod. 1071 made use of Codex Bezae, at least in this
passage, and in that case we have a valuable hint that Codex
Bezae was in the South of Italy in the twelfth century—
Texts from Mount Athos. 149
a suggestion which is strongly supported by Dr. Rendel
Harris’ book on the Annotators of Codex Bezae. In
any case the scribe of ‘cod. 1071 must have had as an
exemplar for the pericope adulterae either Codex Bezae or
a MS. with a similar text. As the text of cod. 1071
as a whole is not remarkable for any similarity to Codex
Bezae, it would seem as though he only used it in order
to correct his usual exemplar. The question therefore
arises whether he may have made this use of it in other
passages. To afford some data for answering this question
I have appended a list, which is intended to be illustrative
rather than exhaustive, of passages where cod. 1071 has
the support of only a few other MSS. It will be seen
that in some of these passages cod. 1071 is found together
with Codex Bezae. But in the majority of instances this
is not the case, and cod. 1071 has readings in common with
almost every type of authority in turn.
Therefore I think that although it is quite probable that
the scribe of cod. 1071 had access to Codex Bezae and made
use of it in the pericope adulterae, it is improbable that he
did so elsewhere, and except in the case of the pericope, there
is no reason for thinking that the evidence of cod. 1071 is
merely a direct copy of the evidence of Codex Bezae.
Mt V 18 post vopuov add. kai tov tpopyrayv ¢. 13-124-543 565;
arm syr-hr Iren-lat 22 ante pwpé add. TO d5eAPG aitod c. L,
1-209 13-124-543 700; ff, syrr-sin-cur arm boh 44 xahds
. . pucodvras bpas om. ec. NB, 1-209 22; k syrr-sin-cur boh;
Athen Clem Orig Iren-lat Cyp
VI 5 zpocevxecGe . . . evecbe c. 8* et CBZ, 1-118-209 22 lat
pler sah boh syr-hl mg arm-codd Orig Clem Aug 24 ovdeis
oixerns c. LA, al. pauc. 28 Koridow ode vyPovcew c. NB,
1-118-209 4 33; Athan Clem 32 tav7a yap wavra A,
13-124-543; cf ff, vg; Aug 32 émlyrovow c. NB, 1-118-
209 4 13-124-543 22 207; Max
XXI 24 post airois add. apjvy réyw tytv c. nulla auctoritate
26 ovy om. c. DL, 28 126 700 al; a be ff, 9 syr-sin-pesh; Orig
McI7 ktwas om. c. D, 28 256 565 17 yevéoOau om. c.
150 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
I-118-131-209 13-69 28 48 108 115 127 258 274 700; b syrr-
sin-pesh aeth perss 26 dwvjcay pro (pwvycas) kpagay c. NBL,
33; Orig Dam 86 6 Te Siuov c. (D)KII, 1-1 18-13 1-209
69-124-543 28 al. pauc. (D* re Sipwv, D? tore Siw) 45 diva.
cba aitov c. N®, 225 245 292 700
II 3 dépovres pos aitov c. NBL, 33 16 éoOle Kai river 6
dddoxaros tyav c. LA, 69-346 al. pauc.; f ff, g, 1 vg boh 24
movovow ot pabytai cov c. DM, 1-118—-131-209 13—69—124-346—
543 28 61 115 161 472 565 700; latt syrr-sin-hr aeth 25
déyer pro eheyey c. RCL, 13-69-124-543 28 33 oo bdfg,igq
vg (ait) boh
III 16 éreOyxev avrois dvopata TO Zipwvi Ierpov c. 33 238; aeth
33 Kai dzoxpiHels adrots A€yee c. NBCLA; vg boh syr-hl
IV 8 avgavopeva c. SB 11 A€yerau pro yivera c. D, 28 64
124 56s; abet, g4 g 4l of dvepo c. N°“ D)E, 1-118-
131-209 33 al. pauc.; ¢ g, iq boh pesh aeth; Vict-Ant
V1 Tepyeonvav c. N@LUA, 1-118—-131-209 28 33 565 700 al.
pauc. ; boh syr-sin-hl-mg Epiph. Thphyl. (? Orig) 27 Tov
Kpac7rédov Tov twatiov c. M, 1-118-209 33 83 add, 86
meroinxe c. D, 50 124 565 a ff? i arm (syr-sin defic.) sed haec et
AdOpa addunt
VI 2 zavra c. (N)(C*)A, al. pauc. f g, g, vg 7 Tovs
Sadexa pabyras avtod c. D, 474 569 b ff, g, iq (sed D latt om.
avTov) 26 7nOerev pro nOédnoev c. I*, 1-209 al. pauc. 39
dvaxiOjvar c. NB*S, 1-118-209 13-69-346-543 28 157 565
700 al. pauc.
VII 31 azo pro ék ¢. 565 36 zepicootépws c. NDW4, 61 Zoo
VIII 2 oydov totrov c. Lal. pauc.; abc f ff, g,iq boh syrr-
sin-pesh 4 ade om. c. DH, 69; bc ff, iq go 8 éxoptac6y-
cav wavres c. KMII, 33 al. paue. 24 cirev pro édeyev c. N*C,
al. pauc.
IX 22 post ids add. xipie c. 262 (cf DG, 565; ab g, 1 q arm)
38 édy pro aexpiby c. NBAW; boh syr-pesh Os... Hpiv om,
c. NBCLAY, 10 115 346; f boh syr-sin-pesh aeth arm perss
X 21 post iorepet add. ci Oéders Téevos civau c. al. pauc.; arm;
Clem (et add. ante & KMNII, 13-69-124-346-543 28 565 al.
pauc.; boh syr hl c* aeth) 40 ad fin. vers. add. i76 Tod ratpds
pov c. N* etch, r-118—209 al. pauc.; a syr hl mg
XI 3 ri Avere tov TOXOV c. D, 13-69—-124-3 46-543 28 565 700;
a b f ff, i arm Orig
XII 14 érixepdrcov c. D, 124 565; k (capitularium)
Texts from Mount Athos. I51
XIII 32 6 warip povos ¢. 13-124-346-543 262 565; ak sah
aeth.
— KIV 41 dréyer 75 rédXos c. D, 13-69-124-346-543 565; dq
(sufficit finis)
XV 12 zadw aroxpibels c. NBC, 33; syr-hl aeth 13 éxpav-
yatov c. 472 565 AG cis tiv Ovpav c. A
Le XXII 4 add. kai rots ypayparetow c. CP, 48 60 106 127
254 346 700; abce ff, i1 q syrr-sin-cur-pesh-hl arm aeth; Eus-
dem 47 mpornyev D, 1-118-131—209 69-124 22 al. pauc.
XXIII 1 wpds pro exi c. L, 157 al. paue. 3 dzexpiOy atta
déywv c. D (1-118-131-—209) ; a (sah boh) 27 yvvaixes c. D,
243; ¢ f sah syr-cur-pesh 35 éfepuxtnpiCov b€ avtov c. ND,
I-I18-131-209 239 248 482; ac arm-ed 6 vios TOD Ocod
6 éxAexTos C. 13-69-124—-346-543 (126 472); sah boh syr-hr-hl —
arm; Eus-dem 58 add. ad fin. vers. reBévt0s attov: éréOnKe
TO pvnpetw iBov c. D; ¢ sah (sed add. dv poys etkoor éxvArov)
XXIV 3 xvpiov om. c. f sah syrr-sin-cur-pesh 44 kai etrev
pro eize 0 c. D; ace f ff, 1 q vg syr-pesh-hr aeth
Jo V 88 év iptv pevovta c. NBL, 1-118-209 (13)-124 33 al.
pauc.; Cyr 44 tod povoyevots Ocod cf. Eus-prep. pdvov tod évds
VI 17 ovrw c. NBLD, 33 13-69-124-543 al. pauc.; a be syr-
hr; Cyr AT cis eueé omc. NBLT; arm 57 dréotaXke ¢.
D, 13-69-124-543 al. pauc.
VII 8 otk pro ov’rw c. NDKMIL, 17 389 482; abce al boh
syrr-sin-cur
VIII 24 diy ... tpav om. c. 118*-209* 33 al. pauc.; ff,
35 6 vids . . . aidva om. c. NXT, 33 124 al. pauc.; Clem.
152
V. SOME CHAPTERS OF THE ACTA PILATI.
Axy attempt at textual criticism of the A recension of
Acta Pilati is rendered a task even more difficult than it
naturally is by the obscure and subjective arrangement of
the text and apparatus in Tischendorf’s edition. So far
however as a superficial examination of the material can
show, the MSS. which Tischendorf quotes are none
of them very closely related. He uses, at least partially,
nine Greek MSS., ABCDEFGHI (among which BFH
and CGE seem to form groups, though with much mixture),
a Latin version, and an early Coptic version. To this
apparatus Mr. Conybeare added in Studia Biblica, iv. 3, two
Armenian versions, which are substantially the same, trans-
lated into Greek and Latin. The text now printed is that
of another Greek MS., which may be called J.
This is ff. 3227-336" of a paper MS. at the Laura,
numbered A 117, written in the fourteenth or fifteenth
century. Had time not been pressing, or had the monks
been willing to allow the codex to be photographed, it would
have been possible to give the text complete. As it is, I
ean only offer the results of an exceedingly hurried collation
of chaps. 1, 3-12, made with a copy of the 1853 edition of
Tischendorf’s Evangelia Apocrypha, which Father Chrysostom
very kindly lent us.
There can be little doubt that this MS. does not belong
to any group of MSS. used by Tischendorf, and that while
in some places the hand of the redactor is apparent, in others
the text bas every appearance of being early.
Any elaborate analysis would be out of place, but it
may be well to mention briefly a few points which seem
interesting.
Texts from Mount Athos. 153
1. There are a considerable number of places where a text
hitherto found only in versions now receives the support of
a Greek MS. Among others the following are noticeable :—
(a) Preface. "Ev éree évveaxadexarw: so Lat. (Copt.)
Arm.?: cf. Eusebius’ Chronology.
(8) 1,3. 8re pe dméoretdas: so Lat. Copt. Arm. All
Greek MSS. prefix kvpe 7yyeuov or a similar phrase.
(y) 1, 6. Aéyer rots "lovdaios: ef. Arm.4 Adyes adrois.
Gk. Lat. Copt. read A€yet rots apyicvrayéyous Kal Tots mpeo-
Burépo.s Tod Aaod.
(5) 1, 6. xdprrovra ad’ éavtav cat tpooxvvodcw: the
Coptic is the only other authority for cal tpooxvvotcw.
(e) 5,1. Add. ad odx 6dra: so Lat. Arm. (Copt.). No
Greek MSS. read this, but there is a trace of it in a fairly
widespread reading ov« dA‘ya.
(¢) 12, I. é€upamodels: so Arm. Others apparently
TapekBas.
2. Certain readings which have no support are interesting.
Chief among these are :—
(a) 6, seqq. -In most authorities the evidence of the
various Jews who testify to miracles of healing is introduced
by the phrase raparndjoas. (On the possible origin of
this see Dr. Rendel Harris’ Homeric Centones.) In J this
phrase is consistently omitted, but in three places the
similarly descriptive touch is added that the evidence was
given ‘pera dSaxpvwv.’
(B) 6,2. The evidence of the xw¢ds is not given in any
other authority.
(vy) 9-10. The two malefactors. In all other authorities,
except one passage (16, 7) in Arm.8, Avoyas is always men-
tioned first, is on the right hand, and is the penitent thief.
In J the exact opposite is the case, and this fact becomes
important in the light of the lecture on the subject of these
names delivered by Dr. Rendel Harris at Mansfield College,
where he showed reasons for thinking that in the primitive
form of the tradition the names and characters were as in J.
VOL. V, PART IL. M
154 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
The existence of such a MS. was unknown to him when he
first wrote his lecture, though he knew of it in time to
mention it—a remarkable, and indeed unusual, confirmation
of theory by discovery.
(5) 12, 1. The statement that the room was sealed
with Kaiaphas’ signet is unique. It is an extraordinary
addition, whether early or late, since taken in connexion with
the fact that Kaiaphas had also charge of the key, it creates
an obvious and irresistible chain of circumstantial evidence
that Kaiaphas secretly let Joseph out of his prison.
‘Yrropynpatra “Inood Xpictov mpayOevra ent
Tlovriov [:Aarov ioropnoavtos Nixodjpov Kai ovv-
TAEAVTOS AUTOD ypappact pwopatkois, EBpaikois Kai
€AANVLKOLS *.
> ¥ DI / \ a € , ,
Ep éret évvéa xat dexdtw rijs jyeuovias TiBeplov Kaloapos
\ lal a fal c
Bacthéws ‘Pwpaiwv kai “Apédov rod viod tod mpérov “Hpwédov
Baoiréws tis TadwWaias ty mpd dxT@ Kadavddy ’AmpidAdAlwv res
éotly Maprtiw kal énl trarias ‘Povdov xal “Povpediwvos ev to
/ ” Led ” / > Ul ey /
TETAPTM ETEL THS SLaKOTLOTTHS SevTEpas OAVUTLAbOS ETL ApXLEpewy
tov “lovdaiwy "Iwonmov kat “Avva kal Kaidda, 60a cata tov
‘ \ BY / an 4 € a ? a a
atTavpov Kat TO Taos Tod Kupiov nuav “Inoovd Xpiorov ovv-
érakev kata akpiBevav Ta TeTpaypeva Tois tepedou Kal Tots AowToOts
*Tovdalous otros.
€ r
I. 1. ‘O”’Avvas xal Kaadas cat Soupjy cat AodaiA cal TapadujA
"lovdas xat NepOarely, ’Adr€Eavdpos “Eputdos kat of Aowwol Tov
‘lovdalwy 7AGov mpds TluAGrov xarnyopodyres tod "Incod tepl
ToAAGY Tpagewy A€yovtes StL Todrov oldapev vidv eivar loond
Tov TexTovos amd Mapias yevvnbévra, kal Aéyer EavTov civat vidov
na \ ‘ ‘ fal val
cod kal Bactd€<a, ov pdvov b€ TodTo AAG Kal Ta caBBata BeBnrot
) 7
= ea t , Cn , Tas , Sy
Kat Tov TaTpLov Yoyov Nu@v BovrAETat KaTadvelv* vopov bE ExoneEr
a \
Towdtoy €v caBBdtw pr Oepanevery Tiva’ ovTos b€ xwAods Kat
\ \
Aempovs Kat TupdAovs kal Tapadvtixovs Kal datpoviCouévovs
> The MS. has at this point the Prologue of Ananias, but I did not
collate it.
Texts from Mount Athos. 155
an / 3 \ r
eOepamevoev a0 KakGv Tpdgewv. “Amoxpiels dé 6 TuNGTos A€yet
~ n ’ eS A
abrots Totwy xaxév mpagewn ; héyovow aire’ Tons éotlv cal év
BeeACeBovd apxovte TGv Satpoviwy éxBadrArAe Ta Sadvia Kal
, ea ec , se , > a € la . a >
mTavTa avT® bnotaccerat’ eye avtois 6 TlwWaros* reito ovk
gor év mvevpatt axabdprw exBadAcuy Ta daidria, GAN’ ev Dee.
> a oo / eo] n 4
2, Aéyovow ot “lovdaitoe ro TliAdr@, *Agvodpev 7d tyerepov
a a / € n \ a
peyeOos Gore adTov Tapacthivar To Byatt jay Kal akodcat avrtov.
Kat mpockadeoduevos 6 TiAGros rovs lovdaious A€yer, Avvapar eyo
Pe G n
Nyepav av Baciréa eLeracat ; A€yovow atte “Hyeis od A€yomev
Baotréa attov elvar GAN ovTos Eavrov A€yer. Tpooxadeodpevos
d€ 6 IliAatos xovpooupa éye. adt@, Mera emetkelas ayxOnrw
a \
6 “Incots. “EfedOav odtv 6 Kotpowp kal émtyvods aitiv zpoce-
/ \ % \ / na A ’ fa! e
KUyynoev, kat AaBav TO KkabaTAwpAa THS XELPOS avTOD TAwWCED
\ \ , i ete. , al / \ ae Ed o” c
Xapvat Kat Aeyer avT@, Kvpre @dE TEpiTaTnooy Kal ETAL OTL O
< , tal Dn 7 S c. 9 tal Ag? i“ € ,
nyepev oe Karel. lddvtes 6€ ot Lovdator 0 Emoinoey 0 Kovpawp
Karéxpagav Tov TliAdrov A€yovtes, Ava ti pi) bd Tpalkwvos elo
o ° a 4 \ / \ \ < / , ° a
eActy GAN WTO Kovpooupos, Kat yap 0 Kovpowp Oeacapevos avTov
, \ x , a oe ey \ \ f
TPOTEKUYYHTE KaL TO PakeoALoy O Elxev TAWOE Xapat Kal AEyes
atT@ Kipre evi BnO. Ste 6 Hyepov oe Kandel.
3. Aeyer 6 [tAaros To kovpaoupt Ti rotTo éemolnoas ; A€yet adTw@
e ‘ A
6 kovpowp, “Ore pe améotedas eis lepoodAvwa ampdos Tov ’AA-
\ nr a
éfavopov etdov avtoy KaOypevov emt dvov Kat ot maldes TaV
- , ° s
‘EBpaiwy ‘EBpaiort éxpaCov xAddous KaTéxovtes ev Tais xepotr,
na / an
GAAo b€ eotpévyvov Ta twatia aitGv héyovtes Taoov by 6 ev
e , 7 / aS, , >} > , 7
vyloro.s, evAoynuevos 6 epxomevos ev Gvduate Kuplov.
a a n_¢
4. Kalxpacovovw of Tovdator Aێyovtes, Ot wev Tatdes TOV EBpaiwy
“- e -- \e
“EBpaiortt éxpacoy ot 6€ 700ev ywwdoxers EBpaiort “ENAnv av ;
a , a . fe
A€yes atrois 6 Kotpowp, Hpdrncd twa tv ‘lovdatwy, ti éori
d kpdCovow “EBpaiorl of matdes; A€youow ait@ ot “lovoaior,
a rc \
‘Qoavva’ A€yeu 6é adtois 6 MAGros Kal 76 @cavva ri Eppnveverar ;
héyovow ait@® Tdoov by A€yer adrois 6 TiAGros Ei tpets
lal Xx ‘ ~ ‘ rn /, 7 tas &
paptupeire Tas Pwvas Tas Tapa TGV Taldwv ex Oeicas, TL Tuaptev
6 Kovpowp ; of béeoidrav. A€yet 6 jyepav TO kovpooupt, "E£edCe
YY hes , , Sess WN don Atl a) \ Se 16 ,
kat olm Botvdke. tpdtw elodyaye aitoy' eedAPav b& 6 Kovpowp
b) , oe / n 4 c , \ , J lal \
evolnoey TO TXIMaTL TO TPOTH anAdoas TO PaxedAtoy adtTod Kal
7 Cot J fal \ val
A€yer To Incod Kupre, dd¢ Em’ BO Kai eloedAde Gru 6 NyEMay oe KaAEi,
M 2
156 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
a ) a \ A
5. EloedOdvros 8& tod “Incod cal rév cryvopdpov KatexovTov
, a a
Tas MpoTouds, ekaupOnoar ap EavtGv at mpotowal tdv olyvey Kat
Tpocexvynoav Te Inood' iddvtes 5€ of "Tovdaior TO oyna Tov
P 4} pay x7
atyvwy TOs exappOnoar kal mpocekvyncay avTa, eupevOs Expacov
y s éxdupOnoay kal mpocextynoay aire, eupevds exp
Kata TOV oLyvoddpwv, euBpirdpevos 5€ 6 TliAGros xara tov
Tovdalwy Néyer adtois, Ti kpacere kata TGV otyvopdpwy Sri adrot
Exappav adtas To mpookuvica; A€yovow of “lovdaton mpé
pay avtas TH mporKvncar; ey pos
TliAarov ‘Hyets etdouev Os exdupOnoav ai mpotowat b7d Tov
, ‘ / z. — , ; X «
oiyvopdépwv Kal Tpocextynoav atte. TpooKkadeoduevos be 6
[liAatos Tovs avyvopdpovs A€ye avtots, Té rotro émoujoare ;
nr e a <
A€yovow TO TliAdt@, “Hyets avdpes “ENAnvictait éopev kal
\ n a = \ tal
iepddovAo Kal TOs elxayev TpocKuVHTaL a’T@; Kal yap Nuels
, Gy \ e + ly Ue € a CAPa si
KATEXOVTES TAS TpoToMas avTat ab eEavTav ExayuPOnoav kat
TPOTEKULNTAY AUTO.
6. Aéyet tots "Tovdaious 6 TuAaros ’Exdeacdbe tyeis ev Eavrois
vw \ b] > / \ / \ 7 \
avdpas duvatovs év ioxtt Kal KatacyéTwoap Ta olyva Kal oper
py al U 3 oy 22 a \ a 5]
ei €avtols KaumTovra ad’ éavtdv Kal mpooKvvodar. emidrdeEduevor
dé of rpiBodvor dvdpas éx Tod aod Sedexa ev loybi dvvarovs
n \ fal
dédwkav avrov’s Katacyety Tas TpoTouas Kal oTHvar EuTpoobev
n \ lad cal y¥
ToD nyeudvos. Kal A€yer 6 TliAGros ta Kovpaovpt “ExBade Tov
? Led ” A / \ , / FLER / A ,
Incodv é£wbev Tod Tpaitwpiov Kal eiodyaye adtov TdaAw olw BovrEL
, ? a Ye 3 iad my a , \ ts ,
tpoT®. *E&nrde 5@ 6 Inoods €£w rod tpaitwpiov civ To Kovpaoupt.
IIpooxadeoauevos 6 6 [ItAGros tovs KatéxovTas Tas TpoTopas TO
s / > lal BJ , ~ n , [4 > nS >
mpotepoy A€yEl auTots, Ouocas Kata Tov Kaicapos, ort ‘Eav ov
kaupdaow at mpotowat trav alyvwv eloedOdvtos Tod ‘Inood,
° lol ‘ ‘ e na 3 , XS n” , a
GToTEeU@ Tas Kehadas wav, Exedevoe HE THY KOVpTwPL Tod
elaeAOeiy tov “Incody éx devTépov’ Kat ToAAG TapeKddrevev
a a \ \ c
6 kovpoup iva ém1B7 Td paxedAtoy avdTov. Kal éw€Bn Kal cloner,
eiaehOdvtos b€ TOD "Inood éxaypOnoay radw af’ Eavtdy Ta olyva
kal Tpocekvynoay To Iyncod.
* * * * * * %
III. 1. Ovpod ody tAnoOels 6 Hyepwav e€HADEv Ex TOD Tpartwplov
kal A€yer Tpds Tovs lovdalovs, Maprupa éxw Tov HALov Ott ovdeulay
aitiay etpicxw ev ait@. ‘AmoxpiOévres b€ of Iovdator elroy TO
[lAdr@ Ei pi) jv otros KaxoTows ovdk dy co. Tapeddxapev avTov"
A€yet avrots 6 [liAGros, AaBere atrov tyets kat Kata Tov youov
Texts from Mount Athos. 157
cA , ea aa , 32 RAS € a > ov > val
bu@v Kpivare avtov’ A€yovow aviT@, ‘Hyiv ovk eLeotiw azoxreiva
, a lal e lal a
ovdeva’ A€yer adrois 6 TuAGros, “Ypiv eimev 6 Ocds pip avoxreivat,
GAN’ euol ;
\ > ae ot > Jars J Les ’ y Ly \
2. Kat elonddev pet opyijs eis TO mpatréptoy Kal TpooKadeoaye-
\ ’ a > 997 / baa) a) , a
vos Tov Incody Kat idtay A€yet avt@, Tt ovTot cov Katapaptupoter ;
6 O€ “Ingots éordma* éyer mpds adrov 6 Tlwaros Myre eyo
’ or 5) ee BY sy \ Ta N / /
lovdaids eiut 3 7d €Ovos Td cov Kal Tav 7d TpEaBuTEpLoy TapEe-
dwxay oe enol, Ti éxoinoas ; atexplOn 6 lyoods, “H Bacwrela 7 evi
> x 3: na , , - ~ ) a , 3 ec ,
OUK €OTLY EK TOU KOOMOUV TOUTOU’ El EK TOU KOoLOUV WV n BactAEta
Ce LEAN e ¢€ 4 Coe \ ¢ 4 X ¢ SS cal al
7 Eun ot banperar ob Euot pywvicovto av iva pH wapadoOG Tots
*lovdatous* viv d& 7 Bactrela H eu ovK eat evTedOev. Eyer
avT@ 6 [liAa@ros Ovxotiy Bactreds «i ot; amekpivaro 6 “Inaois,
2d A€yets Sti Bacireds eius ey@, ey eis TodTO yeyevynpat Kal els
Le) a te *) is Ld (4 ine ¢€ X\ D) nfs a) a
TovTo €AnAvOa els TOV KOcpov iva was 6 Ov ex THs aAnOetas
2 , los alae t Sey ale 2 (pe) 2), 7 "
axovn mou THs Pevns’ Aeyet avTw Oo TliAartos. Ti €or adnGera ;5
DI) > a sen a a Sin 7, b # 4 , Sn le 9 a
€€ otpavod ; ent ths ys GAnOea odK eat" A€yer adT@ 6 "Inoods
“Opas, of tHv adn A€éyovtes TAs Kpivovtar amd TOV exo
pas, ot THY GAnGerav eyovTEs TAs KplvovTaL amd TOY exSvTwY
‘\ 3 4 Pipe Les fo
tiv eLovolav ent Tis yas.
IV. 1. Karadimey d€ rov “Inooty 6 Mdaros eénrOev €€w Tod mpat-
7 AQ Ni b) / \ / 3 a x 3 NY 3 / pier)
Twptiov Tpos Tous Lovdatous kat Acyet avTois, ld¢ éy@ ovdeutav aitiay
er 3 . 3 , pies , 94 - 5 ,
eUpiokw ev T@ GVOPSTH TOUTH’ éyovow adT@, Odros elev S¥vapat
KataAdoa Tov vady Tovrov Kal dia TpLOv HuepGv eyeipar avtov
a cr a a ry
A€yet adrots 6 [tAGros, Motov vady ; A€yovaty adTo, “Ov exodduno ev
Sodouav ev recoapdxovta Kai e€ Erect Kat ovros Eyer Sia Tprdy
NuepGv eyelpar avtdv },A€yet adrots 6 IlAGros, Adwds eius and
al ¢ fal VA , ¢€ cal yy 4 / €
TOU aluatos Tov diKaluv TovTOV, Upels OWeoOe AEyovTlw ot
? a a lal \ an
Iovdator, T6 aiva avrot ed juas kal él ta Téxva Nav.
2. Upocxadecduevos (?) 5 6 IiAarus tots mpecButépovs roi
a \ a X
Nao Kal A€yet avrots, My otrws AdOpa Toinoare, ovdev yap d&évov
Y 3 +47)
a a a \
Oavarov Katnyopeire adtod, ) yap Katnyopia tay Tept Oepareias
\
kal BeBnAdoews caBBarov éotiv' A€youow ol mperBUrepor Kal
ot ypapparteis zpos Tov yewdova, Kata Katoapos édv tis BAacdy-
enon, a€tos Oavarov éotiv, otros Kata Tod Ocod eBraodnunce.
3. IIpooérage 5& 6 nyepav e€edAOeiv Tovs lovdaiovs xal mpoc-
! eet) a f 2 cA Ie / t <? a
kadecauevos Tov Inoody \eyet avT@ Ti ToLnow oe ; Aeyero Inaodvs
° lad nm / 4 <
T@ [LiAdrw@, Otrws €d60n° Aéyer 6 TkAGros [Gs €600n ; A€yer 6
158 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
? a fal \ e a , \ aA f
Incots, Mevojs Kal of tpopitat mpoexnpvéav Tept Tod Oavarou
\ ~ > a
pov Kal THs avactdcews’ Taptotopnoavtes d& of “Lovdator Kal
, cal a a a fol
dxovoartes A€yovot TO TiAdtw, Té mAelov Oédrers Kal petCov Tis
Bracdnplas tavrns akodcar; A€yet adrots 6 TlAGros, Ei obros 6
\ lad
Adyos BAdodnpds eotiv, wept THs BArAaodynuias tavryns AaBerE
abrov tpets Kal amayayere eis tiv cvvaywyiy tuav Kal Kkpivate
a a c , a4
avtov' éyovoy ot "lovdator ro TltAdt@, ‘O vopos Exer OTe GvOp@-
mos eis GvOpwrov éav dpaptnon Géis éotw AapBavewv Tecoapa-
p papThon rm p
Kovta Tapa plav, 6 O€ els Ocdv BrAacdnyGv ALOoBortLa AvOoBoAn-
Onoera.
, ° ral € c / oe Den e lal \ a /
4. Aéyet avrots 6 TliAatos, AaBere ovy avrov vpets Kat oiw Bov-
heoOe tpdTH dptvacbe adtov’ A€yovow adr ot *lovdator, “Hyets
Bovrdpueba tva oravpwOf* Aéyer 6 TwAaros Otx éorw agvos
sravpwOijvat.
5. TepiBdeyrapevos 8& 6 tyyewav els rods TepteoTGtas dxAovs
dewpel tivas Saxptovtas T&v "lovdaiwy kal r€yet adrois, OV wav
Td TAOS O€dAer aditov amobaveiv' A€yovoty avT@ ot TpeaBdTEpor
70d Aaod Ard TodTo 7AOapev Grav Td TAOs tva aroOavn, Eavtdv
‘ Led \
vidv Ocod cal Baciréa A€yet.
V.1. Nexddnuos apxwv rv lovdatwy eorn urporber Tod TtAd-
/ ’ nt Ve / / b] lal a lal 2) lol
rov A€yor, AE@ 70 by€TEpov KpaTos Evoe BH TOD paxnobvpeEty akodrat
vou' A€yet 6 TlwAGros, Eiwé 6 BovrAew A€yer 6 Nixddnyos, Eizov
a fal \ lal al
rots Gpxtepedou Kal Tols mpeoBvrépors Kal Aevirats Kat mavTl To
a3 aA a , - \ a? , , ov
hao ey TH ovvaywyn, Ti ovlyreite peta Tod avOparov TovTOV, OTL
ees - a \ / pI] 7 ‘ ”~ a > \
6 GvOpwros otros onpeta Kal mapdboga érolnoe Kal ToLEl & ovdets
> / ” s > \ \ nS 4 / A b] > lel
emoinoev, abete ovv avToy Kal py BovdAcoOe TL TOVNpOY KaT avTOU.
9,49 a 3 NX lal al 4 a \ N. fal
el €x Ocod éote TA onpeta & TOLed oTAOHTOrTAL’ Kal yap Mwvojs
zd \ n~n 3 ’ /, \ a b] / J
anootalels mapa cod ey Alyintw ToAAA onpEia ETOinoe & eimev
> BRP,
advo 6 @cds rorhoa Eurpoobev Papaw Bacthéws Aiydarov, Kal
c
a 3 tal f ” X\ A > \ a) a 2 ,
noav exe Oeparortes avdpes Papad kal avTolt onueia a ETOLNTEV
a \ r
Mavofs érotnoay ad ody 6Aa, kal ened) TA onpeta & erolnray
> > Pp] Q Loh ard 7, ‘ ’ \ \ / € ,
ovK Hoay aT Ocod ameAovTo Kal avTOl Kai TaVTES OL TLTTEVOVTES
>’ mA e \ a ” BY ¥ a > / 3 ”
avrots* kal viv dere Tov GvOpwrov Todrov, ov yap éotiy Géws
davdrov.
u e? a a id \ ‘\ , Lowy bd /
2. Aéyovow oi Tovdator TO Nixodnuw, Sv pabytHs avtod eyevov
\ x , gees ? a o / A 2) \ ¢ ,
kal Tov Adyov UTEp avTod ToLEis ; A€yet TpOs avToUs 0 NiKedypos,
Texts from Mount Athos. 159
\ \ € fal , rn
M7 kal 6 nyeuav pabyntHs adrod éyéveto Kal Tov Adyov brep avrod
Towel; ov Katéeotnoev adtov Kaioap én rod déiéparos rovtov ;
3 CR Ly, ne NR > , ‘ , \ 207
noav d€ ot “lovdator €uSpiropevor Kat tpiCovtes Tovs dddvtas
avtév kata Tod Nuxodrjpov, A€ye mpds adrovs 6 TltAaros, Ti
he \ b] , € an \ i! , 9 b) an
tpiere tovs dddvtas tudy Kata TovToV dkovaavTes Tap’ avTod;
/ «2? a n , ‘\ / > a / ‘
A€yovory ot ‘lovdator TS Nixodijuw, Ti adnPerav adtod AadBys Kat
ray lal ,
TO répos avTod" A€yet adrois Nuxddnpos, Apny, aunv, AdBo kabas
elmare,
a an 3
VI. 1. Tus d€ &x Tod dyAov Tv lovdalwy eADav Eurpocbev HEiov
elmeiy Adyov" A€yet ad’T@ 6 TTAGros, Et te OeAers etme’ 6 SE peta
\ y
daxpvwv édeyev, Tprdkovta OxT® ern eal kAivns Katakelwevos Hunv
kal éy ddvvn ToAAH bTApxov Kal eAOdvTos Tod “Incod moAXoOl
t L
\
datpoviCouevot kal mouxiAais vooots Katakelyevou eOcparevOnoay
(a ’ a , , , / b) , /
Um auTOv, Kal TLVES VveavioKoL KaTeAEnoavTes pe EBacTacay pe
\ o 7, Sey 4 , \ canyon \ oO 7 ¢
peta THs KAivys Kal amyyayov pe mpdos airdv’ Kal idev pe 6
>? a 3 , \ , , Sse yk b) ,
Inoots éomAayxvicOn Kat Aoy@ pmovm avTos pe EVEpaTevoer
SEN > BY , 4 \ / Cai) a =
eimav “Apov Td xpaBBatdv cov kat mepimarer. of “Lovdator eimov
mpos tov IlAarov, Agiodpev 1d tyetepov péyeOos Kadely Totay
€ i \
nuepav Ocparevoer avtov’ 6 5& €pn SaBSarov civar Kat ToAXovs
4 \ , U / La! , ’ n
darwoviCouevovs Kal Trotkidats vooos ovvExXopEevovs TO Adyw attod
b) /
edepatevoev.
ee \ is 4 3
2. “Erepos d€ peta daxptwv eize To [tAatw "Eye tudpdds éyev-
/ n X
yipnV, povijs wey axovwv (2) mpdcw7oy dé obK EBAETOV, Kal Tapd-
la) a a 5 ,
yovtos Tod “Incod epovynca hori peyddn A€ywv 'EX€noov pe, vie
Aavid* Kal édenoas pe émeOnke Tas xeipas adtod emt Tovs dpOad-
?
povs pov kal eves aveBrewa. “AdAos kos cite Eyo puny py
a a a t
AadGv kal Hryard pov Ths yAdoons Kal mapaxphua idOnv. “Erepos
> BY
elnev “Ey® kuptos juny Kal Ady@ SpOwcé pe.
\ / cee , 3 , La f }
VII. Turvy 6€ tis a6 paxpodev EBonoev pavn peyadn A€youca,
Pea a a -
Kat os aipoppootca juny cal yw auny tod Kpaomédov Tod ipariou
? lel \ an n
GUTOU Kal €oTn 7) pots TOD aipatos H Ov erGv SedeKa* A€yovow ot
’ an e a , y” \ e lA a 9 ,
Tovéato. Hets voyxov €xouev pt) UTAyELv yuvaixa eis wapTupiav.
vy a n
VIII. “AdAoz 5é ToAAO! ex Tod TANOovs TGv lovdatev peta dak-
vwv €Bdwv, Otros 6 dvOpwros Tpopytns early kal Ta Satpdvia ad’To@
p p popyrn ye
e , A a / / ¢ c X ‘\ 2 ,
UToTacoovTat Kat Tay TaOos* A€yer O [lLAGTOs zpos Tovs Lovdaiovs
\ er ie) va
Tous elmovTas Kal Ta dalpdvia avT@ bToTdoGovTat Kal TAY 7A00s,
160 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
a a \
Avati kal of biddoKador tyuav odx bmeTaynoay atte; aitot
€ - \ /
A€yovow “Hyets oldapev Sti kal tov Adapov iryeipev TeTpanuepov
€x TOD pvnuelou' EupoBos be yevopevos 6 TlAGros Aéyer mpos 7d
TAHOos THv “lovdaiwy, Ti OédAeTe Exx€ar aiya ANG@oy AdiKG s;
,
IX. 1. Kat apocxadeoduevos kar idiav Nixddnyor kat Tovs 60-
deka Gvdpas Tous elmovras pi] yeyevvnoOa aitov ex Topvelas pyat,
‘4 / id , , 3 ” Loe c X /
Ti mowjow Stu peyadn diacracts yivetat ev TO Aa@; ot SE A€youoty,
a \
“Hyels odk oldapev, adtot dwovta. Tpocxadeoduevos mdduv 6
Tl.Aaros drav 76 TANGos Tv "lovdalwv A€yet avrots, Oldare Sti 7
f eye 3 SS" i BS n Dy AA e b] s a
ovvndera viv eoti Kata €optiy Tov aGpov Eva amor\verOar TOV
deopiwy’ éxw ovv déop.oy Katddikoy Tov AEyopevov BapaBBav
Kal TovToy éoTOTa KaTeveTiovy tuov Tov AEyouevoy Xpiotov, els
a 5 / = ay € / 3 ’ " Cal > / 5 ,
dv ovdewiay aitlay eipicxw év ait@, Totov ody OédeTE Av0AVTW
¢ «7 € \ ye BY c BY ee) a x
viv; ol d€ yTnoavto Tov BapaBBayv tov b€ Inoodvy edeyov
SravpwOjtw’ €erepor tGv “lovdaiwy eAeyov Oix et Pldros Tod
r an fal \
Kaicapos éav rotrov od otavpdons Ort eizev Eavtoy vidv Oeod cat
Baowéa’ taxa TovTov eivat OéAets Bactdéa Kal ov Kaloapa.
2. Opyicbels 5 adrots 6 TliAaros A€yer pds Tovs “lovdaiovs,
2 \ x, » See es / > \ a > / Cnn b)
Ael 70 €Ovos tpGv orac.actal elow, Kal Tots evepyéTats tpOv avti-
A€yere’ A€yova of “lovdaior, Tlolous evepy€rais; A€yeu adrois 6
TliAaros, ‘O Oecds tyGv amd dovdeias oxAnpas epptoato ipas
efayaywv ex ths Alydnrov kal 61a Oaddoons as dia Enpas dujyaye,
L év TH Eppa 610 vy tpas, pavva Kal déptvyopyjtpay édwxev
Kal €v TH Epnum SreOpeWev vyas, p pTVyYOLNTp
an ig cal \ oe
tpiv, kal ék métpas Ddwp endticey tuas Kal vopov €dwkey vty
ig n \ 5 /, , A 4 , A 4
tipeis 5 €ornoacbe pdoxov xwvevroy Kal mapwkdvate Tov Ocdv
tpav Kal eCytnoev amod€oa tpas, kai Autavedoas Mavoijs brep
tyov elonxovadn Kal ovKeTe COavatwOyre, Kal viv vpels KaTayyeA-
Neré prov, Ste yw puoG Tov Baciréa,
3. TlAno@els oty dpyis 6 Taros dvacras and rot Biparos
aitod e(ytncev e€edOeiv' A€yovow ot “lovdator, ‘Hyets Bacitéa
” BY ‘ > BN , ny \ x € if n
oldayev Tov Keloapa kat ov Tov ‘Inoody, Kat yap ot payou dpa
, >) We) an e lal Ye , / \
Tpoonveykayv and avatorAGv ws BactdrEi kal Hpddns axovoas tapa
n / ied bs 3 / 5 / J A >) lal
TOV padywy Ott Baoireds eyevyynOn eCytnoev aitov amoxTeivat.
‘ XX ° x 3 nm \ « la ’ lel , , ’ \
yvovs 5€ 6 TaTHp aitod Kal 7 paTnp avtod Mapia AaBevtes avrov
épuyov els Atyumroy’ kal dxotvoas “Hp@ins émepwe Kal avetre
Tovs Taldas TOv “EBpaiwy tovs yervnbevras ev BynOAeep.
Texts from Mount Athos. 161
4. Kal ratra axodoas 6 jyepev epoB7On opddpa cal karerelocOn
TH XEipt Tovs dxAovs Tv "lovdaiwy Sti ExpaCov, kal A€yer adrois,
Oirds éorw dv eGirer “Hpadns ; éyovow of "lovdator, Obrds éori*
6 ovv TlAGros AaBav biwp amevivato Tas xeipas adtod anévavte
Tov HAtov A€ywr, AO@ds eiut azo Tod alyatos Tod dixalov TovTov'
pets OperOe? mari A€yovow ot “lovdaior, Td alua aitod éq’
neas Kal én Ta Téxva NUav.
5. Exédevoe 5@ 6 TiAGros EAxvoOjvar Tov Byddv od éxab€Cero.
b] ny A
Amdgdacts kata T08 Inood.
\ A
To €Ovos 76 adv KarémArAcké oe Gs Bacidéa’ ba rodTo anedn-
, \ a cal a a a
vapny Kata ood Tp@tov dpayedAdovobar bia Tov Oeopdov Tov
> a ; \ , b) c cya a Ae SD n
evoeBOv Bactd€wy, kat Tote avapTacbar emt TOD oTavpod Ev Tw
, c 7 aS \ ‘ , 7, XN Late ,
KNT™, Opolws 0€ Kal Tovs bo Kaxovpyous civ aiT@ Téctay kal
Avopar.
a an ,
X. 1, AaBdvres 5 of “Iovdator rov “Incoty 退Badov adrov éx
a , \ ‘ ? \ Ses \o Cie te SEEN
TOU TPALTWPLOV KL TOUS KaKOUPyOUS TUY AUT, Kal OTE aTHAPOY emt
x , 1f/ 328 ee / > a \ , SEK
tov Toémoy e€édvoav avToyv Ta ipatia avTod Kal mepiéCwoay adtov
/ \ 4 3 b) n Ve Sue. ay aN DS \
AEvtiov Kal orépavoy e€ axavOGv TepreOnkay adito emt Thy Kepadv
b an e x \ ‘\ , , 3 / / >
avTod, duolws 5€ kal Tovs do Kakovpyous éxpéyacay Técray éx
deErGv Kai Avopav e€ elwvdpwv, 6 5& “Inoots édeye, Tarep
# > al > \ » / cal = \ , Nwe /
aes avTots, ov yap oldact Ti ToLovaoLy® Kal diewepioayTo Ta ipatia
avTov ot otpati@tar, BadAovtes KAnpovs* elotyKer 5€ 6 ads
lal \ a
fewpOv avrov, kat e€euvxtypiCov avroy ot apyiepets Kal ot
t x ae, x > , r
dpxovtes A€yovTes, “AAAovs Eodoas, ceavtoyv ov SvvavaL ceca,
ei vids eotiy Tod Oeod ottos KataBdtw amd Tod oravpod.
3 X b eee a ¢ n , Saw, / >
événat(ov b€ adT@ of otpaTi@rar mpoaepepoy be d€os A€yovTes, Ei
ov ef 6 Bacireds Tay “lovédaiwy oGoov ceavtov. *ExéAevoe 52 6
TliAaros peta tiv anddpacw eis titdov emypapivar tiv airlay
, a / € - val c .- cal \.€ cal \ =
QUTOUV ypdppact pwyaikots EBpatikots Kat cAAnviKols, Kabws eElmav
ot lovdator dt Bacireds €ott Tov “Iovdalwr.
2. Eis 8€ rév Kpepacbevtwy Kakovpywr dvopatt Avopav déyer
nN a ’ a > ‘ oe) £ BY a BY ne Ade AC es
mpos Tov Inootv, Ei od ef 06 Xpictds c@oov ceavTov Kali Hpas
< cal
amoxpiOels 5& 6 Erepos @ dvoya Téoray émeriva atte déywr
Ovsev PoPjoa tov Ocdv Sri ev TO aiT@ Kpipate ef; Kal tpets
/ ia)
pev Ggia Ov enpdgapey arorauBavomer, otros b& ovdey KaKdv
162 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
éxpatey’ kal deye To Inoot, MrjoOnti pov Kipre Grav EAOns ev
~ , ° = s 9s ee ri, 9 2 ey, ,
7 Bacirelg cov’ elev b€ adTo 6 "Inoods ’Apty, aun, Eyw oor
ix , a! 45 a 3 Lad l4
OTL oNpEpov per eod Eon ev TO Tapadeiow.
’ X lal
XI. 1. *Hy 62 dpa acel Extn kal oxdros éyéveto ed’ Any THY yy
an is
Ews @pas evdrns, cxoticbevros bé Tod HALov ecyxioOy TO KaTaTETAT PA
a a “ ed [Z
Tod vaod pécov and Avwbev Ews KATH Kal Povyjcas pwv7y peyadn
6 "Incods cite Biada yedi: KvOpwot 6 Epynvederar Eis xetpas
’ n mh 5 \ a SN. oes 2TSh
cov Tapatiénut TO TVEda ov" Kal TodTO eimay e€emvevoe. “ldOV
‘ ‘
toivuy 6 ExatdvTapxos Tov cEeiopov Kal Td yevopevoy eddkace TOV
Ocdv A€ywv St. ‘O GvOpwros ovTos Sixaros jv, kal mavTes ob
Oewpnoavtes TA onyeta TUTTOVTES EavTGY TA oTNOn bTETTpEWor
, ‘\ c / /
els THY aylay ToALy.
2 5(0) bee , b) / r Cee. , / “ ‘ , 3
: KATOVTAPXOS GVIYVYELAE TO HyE“OVL TAVTA Ta yevoweva
. / XN c lal \ ¢ ~ > an 3 ‘4 lal
axovoas 6€ Oo IItAaros Kat » yurn avtod €AuTNOnoaY TadTa
, Ae SS Brel Io\ 9 \ ere eae 5
opodpa kat ovk edayov ovdé Emlov TV NMepay exelyny’ peTa-
‘ c ? cal al
xadeodpuevos b€ 6 [lAGros tovs lovdalovs eitev attots Oewpetre
Ta yevopeva ; €yovaty atte ot Tovdator, "ExAeuis éore Tod HALov,
Kara TO €lwds.
3. Etorjxeroay 6€ of yywotol avtrot a76 paxpobev, kal yuvaixes
at cuvaxodovoyjcacat aite ano ths TadtAatas Oewpodca Tatra’
kal idov avyp tis dvopatt "lwond Bovdevtis brapxwv avijp dixavos
AY 9: Q b) 3 , n a tas \ an f
Kat ayabds ovK Hv ovyKatabeuevos TH Bovdy attGv Kal TH mpdker
a Cola a A bi. Tad aN Th To 5 la A 0
TH Tovnpa, and 'Apipabias pias TéAEws THs “lovdatas, ds mpoo-
o/ \ S'S ‘ / n a oe . lal
ed€xeTo Kal avtos THY BactAElay TOD Oecod, otTos TpoceAPov TO
TliAdt@ irjcato 76 cGpa Tod "Inood Kal xadehov aidto everddrEev
€v o.vdovt Kabapa kat €OnKxev avTo ev prnvetw AakevTH, Ev w OUK
pe ] MUnpece +? t
be § b \ , /
yu ovdels THOTOTE TEOEls.
XII. 1. ’Axovoavtes 5& of “Lovdator drt TO cGpa tod “Incod
» Se <3 / 3 / Sie \ \ , \ ° ,
yTHaTO 6 lwond, eCyrovy avTov Kal rods bédeKa Tods eimdvTas
‘ Led 3 , \ A , No: c /
pay yeyevvnobar €x mopvetas Kal tov Nixddnuoy Kal GAAovs Er€povs
a A ‘
ToAAovs, olTwWes E€atHoav Eeurpoobey tod TItAdrov kal pera
daxptov dunynoavto Ta Oavpdowa adrod, kal éBovAovto avedeiv"
mavtwy b€ amoxpuBévtwv 6 Nixoddnpos SpOn atrois povos, 6te
a fe y ca > 7 (ee \ 4 beeen ‘
ovTos 0 avip apxev Tov ‘lovdatwy bnIpxe, Kal A€yovow avT@ Lv
a n a \
TOs elanrdes eis THY GvVaywynY 3 OTL TLVETTLATWP avTOD «Et Kal
b / > a \ a3 vac / A é / > al ¢
TO Mepos auTOU peTa cov ev TM pedAovTL al@vi’ AEyeEL aUTOLS O
Texts from Mount Athos. 163
~ >
Nixodnuos, “Apny yévorrd pow Kabews elmate’ 6polws be Kal 6
\ cal a
"loond euparicdels eimev avrois, Ti dtu édumnOnte Kar éuod
, oe bd , \ a Cae aA ] / 9), 8
patatws, Ore iTnoduny TO TGya TOd "Inood Kal evervAra avTo
, \ / ape Ke 5S, a n , \ 7
owdovt Kal TeeiKa avTO €v T@ KalY@ pov prnpet@ Kat AlOov
péyay mpockvAicas tH Ovpa tod omndatov kal anqdOov ;
\ > Sal , a
kal ov KadGs émpdgare Kata Tod Bbixalov, adda Kal Adyyn
Aa / ‘
avTod vmeBadrAeTe py petapeAnOévtes. Kpatynocavtes 6é of
> ral X 3 Q an o
lovdator tov “Iwond éxédevoay avtov dogmards tnpeicGar, Kal
/ > / tal la)
A€yovow pds Tov ‘lwond, Tivwoke 6tt } Gpa ovK amairel Tpagat
% * , \ cad
TL kata gov Ort caBBarov diadatver, kal yivwoke Ste Tapas ov
KatagiwOnon, add’ €cov i od } 7 ts ToD
non, covtat al capxes BpGya tots meTewwois TOD
ovpavod Kal Tots Onplos THs yns* amoxpibels be 6 Iwanp déyer
attots, Odros 6 Adyos Tod Tupdvvov éotl Tor1dd, ds aveidicev Tov
a \
Ocdv Gvta Kal roy Gytov Aavid, elmev yap 6 Oeds Epol exdixynous
+ iat. bp) , , , \ a co Ss , fe \
Kay@ avtatod@ow, Aeyet Kuptos, kat viv 0 axpoBvotos TH capKt
\ A el lA ‘\ cv >) - \ o
Kal TEpliTeuvomevos TH Kapdia AaBav vdwp aneviato Tas xéEipas
> Lot ip / Pang: 4 / ’ a >] 3 NM x “A cd
avrov atévaytt TOD HALlov Aéywv 'AOGds eiut Ey@ a76 TOU aiyaros
an 5 co . \ tee
Tov dixalov Tovrov’ tues deobe’ Kal amexpiOnre ait@ EyovTes
n « lal \ \ , € nn \ fal n
To ata avrod éd’ juas Kai éml Ta Teva Nua, kal vov PoBodpat
, t (DET AeaN , 324) Ss , eon € ¥ 5
pymote pOace. 7 Opyn Kuptov émt Ta Téexva vpGv os etnare
, > \ , , 2 , \ \ 2 ‘
dkovoavtes 5€ ToUs Adyous TovTOVs ETmLKpavOnoar Kata TOV Iwond
opddpa tH Wx, Kal émiAaBdopevor évexAeroay eis oikov pvdakijs
kal eodpayicavto TH Odpay To SaxTvALdio Tod Karaga.
2. To 5€ epxopevy caBBdtw dpioay ot apxrepets Tod edpeOjvar
, 3 ral a nr na n , \ ,
TavTas ev TH ovvaywy? TH MLa TOD GaBBarov, Kat cvvabpoicavtes
ot “lovato. dmav TO TAHOos ev TH ovvaywy?) éBovdredcayto Tolw
, > , ree | , was, \ 9 ,
Bavdt@ anoxtelywowv tov ‘lmond, Kal éxedevoay peta artiplas
ax Ojvar adtov’ avotgavres b& Tas Oipas tis pvdaxijs odx evpov
nr \ lal
avtov, kat e£€oTn Tas 6 Aads, A€yovTes Gti Tas odpayidas edpopev
lal C nm an /
oéas Kal Ti KAelda éoxev 6 Kasadas’ kal Tod AowTod ovKért
eTdApoy emuBarety Tas XElpas.
164
VI. A FRAGMENT OF THE ACTA THOMAE.
In his edition of the Acts of Thomas in Acta Apostolorum
Apocrypha Tischendorf quotes the variants of five MSS.
which he calls ABCDE, and to these M. Bonnet has added
PQRS. The text which is now printed is that of another
fragment, which I shall call T, found in cod. 476 in the
library of Ivéron, a paper MS. of fourteenth century. The
negatives of the photographs of T which I used will be
found in the Bodleian Library under the Pressmark MS. Gr.
th. f. 8, and are numbered I-7.
Mr. Burkitt has pointed out to me that T belongs to the
same family as B (Paris, Nat. Gr. 1468). It is impossible
to say without collating B exactly how close the connexion
may be, as Tischendorf does not quote B fully but only in
select and important passages. But the following readings
are sufficient to demonstrate the general connexion of B
and T, and to help any one who may wish accurately to
determine their relations I have followed the photographs
exactly in matters of spelling and accentuation.
(a) 12. éay dmaddAayijre Tijs puTapas Kolvwvias Tavrns yivecbe
vaol &ytor Kadapol admaddayevtes TANLEwY Kal dduvGv davepav
Te kal apavay kal dpovtidas ov mepiOjoerbe Biov Kal Tékvwr,
Op TO TéAos aT@AELa DTdpyet.—ACPQ with small variations.
€av THpijontre éavTovs GyeuTTovs TO AoLTOY Tod PBlov TovTOV
éxecde det [B vaol] adyvor puodevres and Tdons POopas pavepas
Te Kal évarroxpvgov Kal dpovriiwy dvwdedGv Kal éemBAaBGv.—
BT, and the closeness of agreement is equally marked for
several more lines.
(8) 16. Kal amedOdvres kateulynoay aire—ACEPQ.
Kat aweAOovtes EXaBov map avtod Td AovTpov THs xapiTos ev
ovopatt Tatpos K.7T.A.—BT.
(y) 24. Instead of the account which begins in codd.
ACEPQ kai ev6éws wéuas and continues to the end of the
story, covering four pages in M. Bonnet’s edition, BT have
Texts from Mount Athos. 165
kai méppas e€€Baa tov Owyuay «.t.d. finishing the whole
narrative in a few lines.
These examples might be added to at length, and prove
a close relationship between B and T. In the absence of
a complete collation of B it is impossible to say more
definitely what the relationship is. The next scholar who
deals with the text of the Acta Thomae will no doubt be able
to throw light both on this point and on the relationship
which the ordinary 1 texts and this text bear to the Syriac Acts.
\ a lad a
II. ... aydyn. Kat eidev duorov tod Owua éorara kal
¢ a : \ -, \ J. b ilies | an
Oputdodvta THY viudyy. Kal A€yer adlT@, ovxl TpaTos TdvTwv
ecnrAOes ; Ts ody evpeOeErs Ge ; Kal 6 Kupios elmev atta, Odx
\ a lal SN na
eipl €yG Owpas, adedpods 5€ adrod elt, Kat exdbicey 6 Kuptos
\ Led \
emt ths KAlvns, Kal jp£ato dibddoxew avtovs kal A€yeu,
12. Mynwovedaate téxva pov amep 6 adeAdds wou eAdAnoev
’ e a ‘ / e€ (ad / \ fal an [4 aN
ed vay Kal Tive vas TapEeBeTO, Kal TovTW yyG@re, OTL eay
/ ¢ \ Size ur 4 x an tes , ”
THPHoELTE EavTOvS GpyEeuTTous TO AoiTOY TOD Biov TovToOV, érecOat
> eA d £ / 3 \ t fad “« 43 5)
Gel Ayton pusOevtes amo Taons POopas, pavepas TE Kal evamo-
Kpvgov, Kal dpovtidwy dvodedGv kal em BdrAaBGv, éav yap
/ 1 eel 9 yf ed b] n / te x \
yévwovtat tiv Tmatdia evexey avtav péAdeTar TUTTEW TLVas Kal
a nr Ny lal a
aptacew dppavovs Kal xatamoveity ynpov Kal TaiTa ToLodyTeEs
« [f ? \ g) , i 4 b) a ,
uToBadAreTe avrovs eis Timwplias KakioTas’ adda wpelvate
¢ / >’ bY >] A , / 5. tal \
aylacavrTes avTovs amd TavTwV, TpocdoKovyTES ATOAABEY Tapa
Tod AANOWod vupdlov Tos oTepdvovs Tos apOaprovs. Taira
a € lol
diddéas airods 6 Kupios e€nddev eimay avrois, ‘H xadpis rot
Kupiov nucy éorar ped” tar.
13. OF 6€ véor dkovoavres EnicOnoav Tod Kupiov nuev’ Euewar
? a
du Ans THs vuKros pnd GAws ITVacavTes. OpOpov bE yevouevov
6 Bacireds TAnpdoas Tpamelav elonveyKey EuTpooOev avTay Kal
etpev aitods KaOnuevous aytikpus GAAjA@Y Thy bE diy THs vUudns
1 It is perhaps worth while to mention that we also photographed some
pages of cod. Iver. 275, which contain part of the Acts of Thomas in the more
ordinary form. It did not seem worth publishing, but the negatives of my
photographs are to be found in the Bodleian under the Pressmark MS. Gr.
th. f. 8, if any scholar wishes to go more clusely into the question.
166 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
3 t > A / Ses X \ ¢ / , 3Q7
aoKeTatov ovaoay, Kat A€yet avtn, Ava Ti otrws KaOn povn idia
Kal ovde oxém™, GAN’ @s 76 Xpovov ikavoyv cup Bidcaca To avopi
cov ;
€ “ 2 J a , lal
14. H 6€ amexpidn A€youca ’AANOGs Tatep Ev TOAAN ayaTy
« , \ na , e n > , [4 \ / =
bTapxwpev, Kal T@ Kupiw judy evxoueOa OTe TO oKeTATLA THs
aisxtvns am euod adypytar didre Erépw ydpw adnOivG ovve-
/ \
CevxOnuev. Kal éy juepa xapds pov ovK eévetaixOny kal ev
Nuepa Tapaxns ovK érapaxOnv.
15. “Opoiws Kaxeivos jpgaro A€yew, Evyapicrd cou d€om0Ta
"Inood Xpiote, 6 1a Tod E€vov SovAov cov eudavicoas huiv, 6 THs
lal f n a a
oTGoTE~S ME AUTPWOdpEVOS, O EavTOV KaTayayGv Ews euod TOD
lel cf
tamewov' “Ort mpos katpdv pe atadddgas 6 anodAvpEvH Sods
xelpa Bundelas. Kupre Inood Xpioreé, 6 trv SAwv jhuav deondTns
\ A da \ 3s A > fal \ oc
Kal Baowrevs, Gytos Kat aAnOivds, EvxapioTovpev ooL TEpl TayTA.
16, Tatra dxovoas 6 Bacireds diéppynéev tiv aicOijta abrod
kpa wv, E€edOdvtes taxéws péperé poor Tov mAdvov exetvor, eye
yap idlais pov xepolv adtov elorjyayor, ds b€ edpOv adrov ayayer
, ‘ J Va x ; eee 4 Ul ee
pot go er pov Tip Ovyarépa, Kal 7 Te Gv aitjnoe dow avTa.
"AmeAOdvtes ody TeEpijAOov Tacay Tv Tepixwpov Kal pi)
Cvew S , a , \ e ’ a X ’ ,
evp@vtes 7ADov ev TO Levodoyxeiw Kal ebpwv Exel Thy avAntpiav
, / ‘ > a \ b) o > . ‘
Horny kAaloveay Tept avtod. Kal dvactaca 7AOev pds Tovs
/ \ - ’ al 3 € fal > fal ¢c » / /
veovs Kal qv ouv avtois e€imnperodoa avrots. of b€ véot kaTH-
\ Q / x x , ¥# \ A“
xnoav Kat Tov Baoiéa, peTa b& xpdvov yKovoav Tept Tod
GmooroAov, OT. ev TH “Ivdia biddoKEl, Kal ameAOdvTes EAaBov
~ ’ Lal A 4 n / / 3’ ’ , a
map avtod 70 Aoutpov Tis xapitos, pwticbevTes ev dvdpaTt TaTpos
kal viov Kal aylov mvevpatos, @ mpéTEL Taca bd£a Tip Kpatos
, , \ e, bl / > \
weyadkwourn TpooKuynots Kat Baoideia areAEvTNTOS Els TOUS
ai@vas.
3 a =
17. “Ore 5€ 7ADev 6 andaToNos ev tH Ivdla pera "ABBavy Tod
5 , bs b) a al \ a >’ s \
eumdpov evdews avityayey TS Baotei Tept Tod olxoddpov, Kal
xapas tAnoOet’s exéAevoe ceived Ociy tiv Owpay Kal Aé€yer adta,
Tlotav épyaciay otdas ev EvAors, kal moiav év AiBous ; 6 bE amd-
atoAos déyet, "Ev pév EvAows dpotpa, kal vyovs, Kai maAoia,
TpaxiA€as, kat k@mas* ev be Alois, oTHAas, Kal vaovs, Kal
mpaitopia Bactrixa’ 6 6€ Bacireds yxapds wAnoOels etnEev;
Kay® rovovrov xpelay eixov, adda Ktloov pow TadarTiopy.
Texts from Mount Athos. 167
18. Kat AaBav atrov dehéyeto ad’ta Tepl Tijs olkodouys Tod
madatiov TO THs TeOGow ot Alo, Kal Gre AOeEV TANolov
Tod Ténov évOa EBovdrcTo Tip oikodoprny Torjoa A€yer adiTS, “Ode
\ \ ,
BovAopar, Kat 6 AmdaTOAOs A€yel, Kal yap Kal 6 Témos emiTHdLds
€or Tpos oixodopuyy, Hv d& GAoddys VOata TOAAG Exar, Kal AE yer
aivT@ “Arapgat tod rife, kal 6 andatodos Eyer "Ev TG Kaipo
TovTov ov Ovvayar KTloal, Kal 6 Bactdcds eimev, Tore 88, Kat
6 amdatodos Eyer, “LrepBoperiov, cal tedkerG O EavOixd, 6 be
Baotieds A€yer Tlaca oixodouyn O€povs oixodopeirar, ob be
xEmavos xtiCes, kal 6 amdaToAos A€yet, OFrws dheidn yevérOar,
9s a lal x
kal 6 Baotdeds eizev Els todro cou doxet, Kav dvaxdpagdy ror
atT@ iva idm, émerdy bia yxpdvov epxopuevov evtadOa. 6 d& amd-
atodos AaBay KddAapov éxdpaccer petpov. Kal ras pev Oupidas
\ Ee rv? ef Fe \ ‘ las \ de 6 7, Q 5 ,
mpos avatodiy Tvoigev Tpos TO POs, Tas 5& Ovpas mpds dvow,
TO 5€ adpromottoy mpds AiBa, TO be aywydv Tod Biaros eis
dpxtov. idav b&@ 6 Bacireds Tov TémoV €yer, "AANOGSs GvOpwr7eE
a \
Texvitns €, Kal mpémer vor Bacrdret eEvtnpeteioOar, kal katareias
lal /
avT@ xpvoloy ixavoy amedjpnoev.
an ,
19. Kai xara xaipoy anéoteAdev attd datdvas Kat GAda
3 Va e Se , , \ , \ \ ,
EMTHOLA, O OE ATOOTLAOS TEPLNPXETO Tas TOAELS Kal Tas K@pas
oikovopGv tovs deouevovs. edeyev yap Ta tod Bacirtéws To
Bactret d00ncerat, Kal dveois Eotat Tois ToAAois. pera de
, b) / N See % € Ss a Si 9, x
Xpovoy anéotetAey Tpds avTov O BactAevs padety ef ExTLicTaL TO
maddriov’ kal dnAot adtd 6 dndotodos Té pev Taddriov extiocrat
x XS / , \ > cal ‘ » BY BY
TO 6€ oTeyos TeEpiAciveTat. Kat avareivas To dupa tpds Tov
Kvpiov eimev, Evxapioté oor d€on0ta “Inoot Xpuoté améOavov
\ o , \ f , ef A 3 /
yap tva Cworomons we, Kal TéTpakas pe iva TOAAOVS EhevIEpwow,
\
ovK énavaato b& davaiywy Tots deouevous Kal Tovs ev OAMpeEL
évras Kal édeyev, “O Kvpios tua oixovdunoe tadra, ore adros
3
\ a a n na \ °
€aTly tpopevs TOV dphavay, kal Tv xnpGv Tpostdrns Kal Tois
OAtBopuevors yiverar avawréis.
20, Mera d€ xpdvoy 7ADev 6 Bacireds ev TH TOAEL Epwradv
Tous pidovs av’tod mept tod madariov, kat A€yovow aitTG Ovdev
” yx e , b) , > \ \w \ ,
Extiotal, ovde Erepdy TL exoinoev GAAG TeEplépxeTat Tas TOAELS
Kal Tas Kopas ToLGy eboeBelas Kal ywptyGy tois mévyow, Kal
5) \
diddoKer Eva Ocov eivat tov Xpiotdv, wat woAAG e€aTlyv azep
168 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
AG ‘ \ 3 , \ S / \ ly
Tovel’ vexpovs yap éyelpn, Kal KvAdovs Oeparever, kal daluovas
anedavvel, Kai opel ev twatioy, TO 5 BpSwa avtod éotiv dpros
kat tdwp. ei Ott pdyos eotly ovx oldapev, GAAA ai idoers adrod
a \ a a \ na bal
as movel, kal TO amAObY adTod Kal émerkés TodTO Tnuatver, 7) Ore
dixatos early 7) AmdaToAos Oeod, mixvotépws yap vynotever. Tadra
axovwv 6 Bacireds tais xepoly adrod riv Ow mpocérpewer.
a \ lal n
21. Kal Odvpod mAnodels jveyxey tov Owuay Kal déyer aiTa
“Extiods pot TO TaAdtiov ; Kal 6 amdoToXos Aéyet "Exticrat, Kal
a a
6 Bactreds eimev lore otv BA€mopev aire; Kal 6 amdcroXos
Aéyer “Apte idety od Svvacat, GAN Sre e€EAOns Tod Blov Tod
A
Tpookepov tovTov. 6 5& Baoreds dpyiobels exérevoey adrov
fal / an
BAnOjvar eis TO Seopwrypiovy dua TS euTrépw ’ABBdvn Ews ava-
/ ‘ > na \ isA 3 / 3 4, e c » > i
KplLUYTAL TEPL QUT@V Kal OUTWS aToAcTEL aUTOUS* O 5€ ATdaTOAOS
amely A€ywv TG Eundpw My AvTod, GAAG pdvov slatevoor. Kal
amd peév Tod Kdopov TovTov ehevOepwOeion, els 5€ TOv péAAOVTA
tm: , >and / sn X cal 3 / € n
aléva (wv aleviov KAnpovopnoets TH 5€ vuKTi éexelvn 6 Tod
x ] , fal \ na lal
Bacitews adeApds abvuia AnPOeis mepl tod cvpBavtos Th
AdEAPG avrod TwEeuWas A€yer adTG, "ld0d adeAPe TdvTA cor Tapa-
/ ‘ > 52 ‘ bs / , 5 See Ds \ bs \
tiOnju, THY TE OiKiay Kal Ta TpaypaTd pov, eyo yap ba TH
ovpBacav cor AvTv aOvputa AnPbeis anoOvncKw, GAA avdravody
‘ ‘ e , fal , n / > /
pov tiv Woryiy bre€epyduevos Sew Tiyswpia TO payw éxelva.
¢ \ ° > / \ > \ a b) /
0 6€ eimev “EvedupnOnv rept avrovs Kataxatoa éxddprovs.
22. ‘O 5€ mdpavta arédwxey Thy Woyxnv aitot, 6 b& BactAreds
\
emévder Tov idiov adeAgor, kal €BovdeTO els TOAVTIOY KEvoupylay
Toppvpay aitov xatrapOijvar. of b€ Ayyedor AaBOvTes Ti Woynv
avTod anjyaywv ev TO Tapadeiow derxvovTes adTh Tods exet
, \ 2 aS, 4 c A ° wee 7 a bl]
témous Kat oixjoers Kal doa 6 Ocds ayaba jroluacey Tois dya-
a eek » 3 ’ X > x a 2 3 ,
T@ow avtov, kal dre 7AGEv els THY oikodouyY TOD Owua exnpsTn-
es ef a / ‘ 4 e2 \
gay avtyy ot ayyedo. Tod BovAeTat tiv olknow Totqoa, Kal
. a * , enn , mr * a ,
amoxpiOeioa eimev, A€opar tyadv xipiol pov els ty Tay KaTwyéwv
4 s/ u lal \ = S257 1S b) ’ A , ‘
TOUTwY éaoaTE ME petvat, Kal eimov auth exelvor, Ov dvvn, éretdi)
a lal \ A nr
Tod adeApod cov éotlv, 0 oikoddunoev 6 xpioTiavds éxeivos, Kal
b) / f / € fal (¢ , f
amexpiOn A€yovta Acouar tmdv, Kvpiol pov, cvyxwpjoaté pot
tal 3 U » ’ ’ fal > ‘\ = b eee a. <
dnedOety Iva ayopdcw adtd map’ adtov, ob yap otdev alte 6
adeAgos pov.
23. Kat et0éws adpijxay avr of dyyedo, kat éAOodca els 7d
Texts from Mount Athos. 169
an b] an 3 ‘ / a A ’ , > , ,
TNA avTovD avaotas AEye Tols TEpt avTov, AmedOovTEs Taxéws
pepere por Tov adeApdv pov, tva aiticowar map’ avtod alrnwa,
Kal ameAOdvtes etnyyeAlcavto aitG epi Tod ldlov ddeddod.
fal \ \
6 8€ dxotoas yapas AnPOels HADev Kal Katepirn adrdv. 6 Be
A} tn At Naw: Q ~ \ / ,
éyer ata, Airnow twa exw mpds oe Kal uy ov Tapakovons,
/ na fal
6 6€ Baoirevs A€yer adTG, "AdeAPE pov eay EoTw Ews Tis
Kepadns Mov, ov pn aE TapeAOw’ TdTE A€yet adiTG, ’AdEAPE~, TO
/ Ae oe: > cal > a , , Le! oe \
maAdatiov 6 éxets ev Tots otpavois médAnodY por a’TG OmEp ov
> > Caw ee: \ A ? 3 ° re /
ovk otdas. 6 6€ eiwev, Kal euol madariopy év otpayois Tod bmdpxet ;
bY) eh. 7) > , , € \ 3 tal
kal eimev, "Orep Okoddpnoev oo. 6 xpiotiavds exetvos.
\ LvoerN na
24. Kal eivev avrd, Aded@é, exeivw toAjoai cor od dvvapat
SF ~ 3 >) ’ + lad 3 tal > , ot >
adpatov yap eat, GAN evyopat KayG emiTvXElv aiTd. Exopev dE
Tov oikoddpov Kal kTiCer cor. Kal mépas e€€Badrev Tov Owpar,
\ , b lal , € lal x , , 3
kal Aeyer avT@ Lvyx@pycov nuev Tt eTANppEeAnoapev Els TE
ayvwodrtes, Kal Tointov ipas Kolwwvods yevécOar Exeivov ov
Knpvooels.
c na Fal
25. O 6€ amdarodos A€yer Kayo tyiv ovyxaipw Koiwmvots
yevéoOar avTod ths Bactrelas. Kal AaBov epdticev avTovs
ddcas avtois TO AovTpoy Ths xXapiTos ev dvdpatt TOD TaTpds, Kal
nan nan \ an n an
TOU viod, kal TOU aylov TvEevpaTos. Kal dvaBdvrwy advTy ek Tov
+ , / > a (- “\ e Q b} , , vA \
vdatos epdvyn avtois 6 cwrip os Tov andaToAOY Oavpacat’ Kal
pds peya Ehap ev. kal ornpi~as advtovs ev tH mlaTer e€jdAGev
na an e ad \
mopevbeis THY 6ddv aitod ev Kupiv, & mpémer aca ddfa Kal
cal oe 52 , s) \ Mes a 77 Phe old
Baotreta 7 aredevTyTOS €'s TOUS alwvas TOV alovav, aunV.
NOL, Vij ewan Le N
VII. A CATALOGUE AND DESCRIPTION OF THE
BIBLICAL MSS. WHICH WE EXAMINED.
Tue following catalogue contains a short description of
all the MSS. which we saw on the mountain. In the case
of most of the libraries it only supplements the catalogue of
Prof. Lambros, but in the case of the Laura there is not at
present any published catalogue, and Mr. Wathen therefore
specially devoted himself to the task of producing a list of
the vellum MSS. of the Gospels in that library. So far
therefore as the Laura is concerned, the catalogue is chiefly
his work, but we usually consulted together as to the date
of the MSS., and often consulted Father Chrysostom. It
will be seen that most of the MSS. have numbers in bold
type attached to them. These refer to Dr. Gregory’s Tewxt-
Kritck, and Dr. Gregory has been so kind as to go through
my notes, and add to each new MS. the number which
he proposes to assign to it in his next edition.
CATALOGUE.
V ATOPEDI.
N.B.—The catalogue now in use at this library is quite different
from the one in Paris which Dr. Gregory used for his
Prolegomena to Tischendorf.
1. Vatop. 5 (xiv). A beautifully illuminated copy of the works
of Athanasius. A partially obliterated note at the beginning—
BiBAtov Baoirtkov tod (Y7dv) KkadX Tway . . . dvopacbévros dia Tod
Geiov Kai ayyeArKod oxnpatos Iwacap. I doubt greatly whether we
read this note correctly.
2. Vatop. 7 (xii), the works of Athanasius.
Texts from Mount Athos. I7I
3. Vatop. 27 (Acts 1528) (xi) ff. 185 (19 x 14) vell. Acts (from
xv. 20) Heb. Cath. Paul. (om. Eph.) orcy. subs. io6. lect. syn.
men. (imperfect). Text ordinary. om. Acts xv. 34.
4. Vatop. 58 (Evan. 1484) (xii) vell. Evv. xed. (Mc. Jo. only)
lect. (imperfect). A later (xiii-xiv) hand added the pericope adulterae
at the end of Luke, but it is also found in the usual place. Text
ordinary.
5. Vatop. ror (Evan. 1435) (xi) vell. Evv. xed. subs. pict.
vers. ortx. (Bx, ax, Bw, Br) crac. Pericope adulterae obelized.
Text ordinary.
6. Vatop. 106 (Evan. 1486) (xiii) ff. 212 (21-8x 15-4) vell.
col. 1. Evv. xed. tur. ory. (Le. only Bw) subs. (Lc. only) syn. men.
(Sept. Oct. missing). The quaternion containing ff. 112-119 has
been supplied by a later (xv) hand. Several marginal notes
correcting faults in the text, some by the first hand, others by
a contemporary scribe, e.g. Mc. il. 24 om. év tr. caBB. ins. m. 8.
in mg. Me. v. 15 om. xaOypevov ins. m.s. in mg. Me. xv. 28
om. vers. ins. m.s.in mg. Le. ii. 20 om. Kat aivotytes ts. M. 8.
inmg. Le. ii. 31 om. 6 yroiw... Aadv ins. m. p. in mg. Le. vil.
20 om. vers. ins. m. 8. in mg. Le. x. 27 om. é& GAns THs... ivy.
cov 7ns. m. 8. in mg.
7. Vatop. 218 (Acts 1624) (xiii) ff. 418 vell. Written by two
contemporary hands. Paul. Heb. Jac. 1. 2. Pet. Jude. Imperfect
syn. at beginning. Text ordinary.
8. Vatop. 221 (Evan. 1437) (xi—xii) vell. Le. only with a com-
mentary which describes St. Luke as paOyris Ilétpov, xed. tit.
Text ordinary. A photograph of this MS. is contained in Bodl.
MS. Gr. th. f. 8.
9. Vatop. 758 (Evan. 1438) (xi—xiii) ff. 340 (15-5 x 12-2) vell
col. 1. Evv. xed. rer. amm. eus. tab. ory. (— ,Bx ,Bo ,Br) subs.
prol. (Mt. épp. t7r6 “Iw. Le. waG. érpov) pict. lect. syn. Ep. ad Carp,
Text ordinary. adult. obelized.
PANTOCRATOR,
10. Pant. 24 (x). Octateuch with Hexaplaric notes. I was
inclined to think that this MS. may have come from 8. Italy or
Sicily, as the colouring reminded me of the MSS. of the Ferrar
group, but I do not feel certain. We photographed it throughout
for the Cambridge Septuagint, and were greatly assisted in doing
N2
172 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
this by the very kind way in which the érérporou of the monastery
gave us facilities and help.
11. Pant. 28 (Acts 509) (ix-x). A catena on the Pauline and
Catholic Epistles. It appears to contain a considerable amount of
quotation from Theodore of Mopsuestia. Several photographs
of it are to be found in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. £8. The text itself
seems ordinary.
12. Pant. 36 (Evl. 1058) (xiii) ff. 242 col. 2 vell. Text ordinary.
13. Pant. 39 (Evan. 1892) (x—xi) (26-6 x 22-5) ff. unnumbered.
col. rvell. Evv. xed. trv. amm. eus. tab.-ced. orrx. (Bx aK Bo Br)
subs. lect. syn. men. A full commentary in the margin. (Me. Vict.
Ant.) Photographs in Bodl. MS. Gr. th, f. 8.
14. Pant. 44 (Apoc. 1526) (ix—x) vell. A fragment of the
Apocalypse written in half-uncial with the commentary of Andreas
in minuscule. Probably the earliest MS, extant of this commentary,
Photographs of two pages in Bod]. MS. Gr. th. f. 8.
15. Pant. 52 (Evan. 13997) (xi) vell. Evy. xed. tur. amm. eus,
tab.-(xed.-can.) pict. lect. vers. Ep. ad Carp. syn. Text ordinary,
Mt. viii. 13 add. cat troorpéwas x.7.A. This MS. was not numbered,
and we were not sure whether it really was Pant. 52. That number
is now attached to it.
IvERON.
16. Iver. 2 (Evan, 989) vell. The account in the Prolegomena
to Tischendorf is accurate. The commentary in St. Mark-is that
of Victor of Antioch.
17. Iver. 5 (Evan. 990) vell. Text ordinary.
18, Iver. 19 (Evan. 994) (ix—x) vell. A text and catena written
continuously and arranged in great confusion, containing apparently
only Matt. and John. The commentary is chiefly anonymous, but
there are a few extracts from Origen, Irenaeus, Theodore Mops.,
Severianus, Apollinarius, Gregory Thaum., and Cyril Alex.
19. Iver. 21 (Evan. 995). Text ordinary.
20. Iver. 30 (Evan. ? 999) (xiii) ff. 260 (23-217) col. 1 vell.
Evy. act. cath. paul. hebr. xed. tur. amm. tab.-xed. ox. Me.
only ax subs, prol. lect. Text ordinary. In the Prolegomena
Dr. Gregory gives 998 to Iver. 30. But the numbers appear to
have been altered, for Iver, 30 does not correspond to his descrip-
tion of Evan. 998, and seems to be Evan. 999.
21, Iver. 52 (Evan. 1008) (xii—xiii) (22-2 x 14-6) vell. Evy. and
Texts from Mount Athos. 173
in a later hand (?xv), act. cath. xed. tir. tab.-xed. orey. lect. syn.
men. adult. obelized. Text ordinary.
22, Iver. 56 (Evan. 1006) (xi) ff. 221 col, 1. Evv. apoc. Keg.
tir. amm. eus. tab.-Ked. ory. (By ,axk Bw Br) subs. intro. lect. syn.
(imperfect) Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary, but in Mt. viii. 13 add.
kat drootpéeas k.t.., and in the pericope adulterae there are two
notes: (1) 76 KepdAaiov TotTo Tod KaTa Owpav edayyediov eotiv, (2)
éypapey éxdotov aitav duaptias, At the end there are many
extracts from Patristic writers. We noted the following :— Titus
of Bostra, Kosmas, Eusebius, Dionysius the Areopagite, Hesychius,
Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ammonius, Origen.
23. Iver. 68 (Evan. 1012) (xi) ff. 260 (23-217) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tir. amm. eus. lect. Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary.
24. Iver. 72 (Evan. 1014) (xi—xii) (16-5 x 11-6) vell. vv. keg.
Tir. amm. eus. tab.-xed. prol. Text ordinary.
25. Iver. 275 (xii) vell. A full account of its content is given
by Lambros in the Cambridge catalogue. It seemed to me to be
possibly a 8. Italian MS. Some photographs are to be fouud in
Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8.
26. Iver. 476 (xiv) paper, various acts and martyrdoms, fully
described by Lambros. Photographs of a fragment of the Acts of
Thomas are to be found in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8, and are edited
above, pp. 164-9.
27. Iver. 665 (Evan. 1028) (x—xi) (25 x17) col. 1. vell. Matt.
kes. TIT. aM. eus. tab.-Ked. lect. In bad condition. Text ordinary.
Sr. ANDREW’S.
28. Andr. 1 (ix) uncial. (Evan. 3) there is nothing to add to
Dr. Gregory’s description except that Mc. xv. 28 is omitted.
Photographs in Bod]. M8. Gr. th. f. 8.
29. Andr. 3 (Evan. 905) (xii) vell. Text ordinary.
30. Andr. 4 (Evan. 908) (xiii) vell. Text ordinary.
31. Andr. 5 (Evan. 906) vell. Text ordinary.
32. Andr. 6 (Evan. 1482) (xii) ff. 226 (14-6 x 11-3) col. 1 vell.
Evv. xed. rir. tab.-can. amm. subs. lect. syn. Ep. ad Carp.
33. Andr. 8 (1 Evl. 579). A lectionary (xiii) not Evan. 907. The
numbers at this library have obviously been much altered since
Dr. Gregory’s visit.
34. Andr. 9 (Evan. 1488) (xi—xii) ff. 267 (21-7 x 15-6) vell.
Paul. cath, evv. xed. rir. amm. eus. prol. lect. syn. men. tab.-(xed.~
can.) vers. Text ordinary.
174 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
St. GReGorY’s.
35. Greg. 3 (Evan. 922). Description in the Prolegomena to
Tischendorf is accurate, but it should be added that the oriyo are
Bois, abor, Bxo, Bou. The subscription to Mt. is éypddy kat
dvteBAyOn ev aorixors Bdis xehbadalors tTvy, e&500n SE x.7.d. and to
Me. éypady Kat avreBAnOn Spotws ev otixors abou «.t.\. This is
a corrupted form of the subscription found in A &c. The text
seemed ordinary, except that Mc. xv. 28 is omitted, but it should
be examined again; we were only three hours in the monastery,
and neither of us was well.
36. Greg. 156 (Evan. 923). The description in the Prolegomena
is accurate, but add—pict. subs. men. syn. The MS. seemed to us
to belong to the thirteenth rather than the twelfth century.
St. Dionysius.
37. Dion. 4 (Evan. 924) (xii) vell. Evy. xed. tur. tab.-(xed.-can.)
amm. subs. Ep. ad Carp. prol. pict.
38. Dion. 8 (Evan. 927) (written by Theoktistos in 1133) ff.
280 (22-2 17-4) col. 1 vell. Evv. act. cath. paul. xed. tir. tab.-
(xep.-can.) eus. amm. subs. euthal. hypoth. pict. men. syn. Ep. ad
Carp. An extract from the Apostolic Constitutions at the beginning.
Text ordinary. Photograph in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8.
39. Dion. ro (Evan. 2). The description in the Prolegomena
is quite accurate. The text is ordinary. We noted the following
readings :—Mt. xvi.19 xal 6 éay Avo. ... end of verse is omitted, but
added by the first hand in the margin. Mt. xxvi. 71 mg. évy dAAw"
kat A€yer abrois exe Kal ovTos jv. Mt. xxvii. g ovr’ e& ‘Tepeu. GAAG
Zaxapiov. Me. vi. 20 woAAG & ézrocer, but the & although certainly
by the first hand seemed to have added at the end of the line. Le.
Xxll. 43-4 asterisked, but probably only for liturgical reasons, as
a note is added troorpépere eis Mar6. A + is added at the
beginning of each line of the pericope adulterae.
40. Dion. 22 (Evan. 930) (xi—xii) ff. 227 (19-4 15-4) col. 1
vell. “Evy. (1 f. missing at the end of Jo.) xed. tur. tab.-Ked.
(missing for Mt.) pict. Text ordinary.
41. Dion. 25 (Evan. 983) (xii) ff. 293 (19x 14-6) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tir. tab.-xep. amm. eus. subs. lect. syn. men. Text
ordinary.
Texts from Mount Athos. 175
42. Dion. 26 (Evan. 984) (xii) ff. 260 (18-4 x 12-7) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xe. tur. tab.-xed. (missing for Mt.) amm. subs. prol. ory.
(Bx ex — —). The subscription to Mark is ioréov Gru 7d Katd:
Mapxov dy. evayy. EBpaidr Siadéxtw ypadev ix airod eis iAnp e&ed60n
pera xpovous déxa Tt. x. d. Text ordinary. om. Me. xv. 28.
43. Dion. 28 (Evan. 986) (xii) ff. 69 (16-9 x11) col. x vell.
Fragments of Mt. and Me. xed. ?amm. lect. Text ordinary.
44, Dion. 29 (Evan. 987) (xi) vell. Evv. rir. tab.-(xed.-can.)
amm. subs, prol. Ep. ad Carp. A Latin scribe (? xv) has written
an interlinear translation of a few words. Text ordinary.
45. Dion. 30 (Evan. $88) (written by Xapérwv in 1319) (16-4 x
11-4) vell. Evy. xed. tur. tab.-(xep.-can.) dvayv. prol. subs. syn. men.
orx. (Mt. only), Text ordinary. adult. obelized.
46. Dion. 40 (Evan. 948) (x) ff. 297 (14-6x 11-5) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. rir. amm. pict. lect. Text ordinary.
47. Dion. 67 (Evan. 950) (xii) ff. 39 (20-8 x 13-4) vell. Frag-
ments of Le. and Me. in considerable confusion. Text ordinary.
PROTATI,
[ This is the library of the church of the xowédrys or parliament of
the monks at Karyes. |
48. Prot. 41 (Evan. 1097) (x-xii) (18x15). A copy of the
Gospels made up from MSS. of different dates, at least one
of which seemed to me to be S. Italian. xed. rir. amm. tab.-xed.
lect. pict. A few exegetical notes in the margin. Text ordinary.
THe LAvuRA.
49, Laur. 1 (Evan. 1074) (xii—xiil) ff. 200 (12-2 x 9) col. 1 vell.
Evy. (Jo. incomplete) xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) harm.
lect. Ep. ad Carp. This MS. is remarkable for the amount of
lectionary matter which is incorporated into the text, e.g. Mt.
Vi. 14 eizrev 6 Kipuos: éay adare x.t.A. Mt. xxvi. 39 add. dfn
d& dyyedos x.r.A. [We could find no other ‘Ferrar’ readings.]
Text otherwise ordinary. om. Mt. xvi. 2. 3.
50. Laur, 2 (Evan. 1439) (xi) ff. 328 (14-6 x 10) col. 1 vell. Evv.
keg. Tit. tab.-xed. amm. pict. lect. syn. adult. om. Text ordinary.
51. Laur. 3 (Evan. 1440) (xiii) ff. 206 (15x11) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-xep. lect. syn. Perhaps 8. Italian.
Text ordinary.
52. Laur. 4 (Evan. 1421) (xiii and a few quaternions from an
176 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
earlier MS. ? xi) ff. 210 (14x11) col. 1 vell. Evv. xed. eus. amm.
tab.-(xed.-can.) subs. ory. (Mt. only By in an early quaternion)
lect. pict. Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary.
53. Laur. 5 (Evan. 1442) (xiii) ff. 301 (13-5 x 10-8) col. 1, Evy.
xed. TT. am. tab.-xed. subs. lect. syn. Text ordinary.
54. Laur. 6 (Evan. 1448) (a. 1047) ff. 308 (14 x 9-8) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. eus. amm. tab.-(xed.-can.) subs. vers. lect. syn. men.
Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary, but Mt. xvi. 2, 3 and adult. are
marked with ~.
55. Laur. 7 (Evan. 1444) (x) ff. 345 col. 1. Evv. cer. amm.
eus. tab.-xed. prol. (Kéopa ’Ivd.) pict. men. Mt. xvi. 2. 3 with /
Me. xv. 28 om. Jo. vii. 52 otk éyetperat, but margin tf otk eynyeptat.
Text otherwise ordinary.
56. Laur. 8 (Evan. 1445) (a. 1323) ff. 278 (16-8 x 13-5) col. 1
vell. Evy. xe. tab.-xep. amm. subs. orry. (By, aX; Bo, Br) lect.
pict. syn. men. adult. obelized. Text ordinary.
57. Laur. 9 (Evan. 1446) (xii) ff. 187 (17x 11-8) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. am. pict. Text ordinary.
58. Laur. 10 (Evan. 1447) (a. 1337) ff. 230 (16-8 x12) col. 1
vell. Evy. xed. tur. tab.-can. amm. prol. subs. lect. syn. Reckonings
of k’kAo yA‘ov. Text ordinary.
59. Laur. 11 (? Evan. 1077) (x) ff. 263 (17-5 x 12-2) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. eus. amm. prol. pict. lect. (syn. men. by a later hand).
Le. xxil. 42 with X. Le. xxi. 4 add. in mg. ratra A€yov epdva
6 €xov Gta x.t.A. JO. vill. 13 om. Jo, Vill. 14 om. bpels . . . brayw.
adult. obelized. [So our notes, but Dr. Gregory says deest. It is
this which makes me doubt whether this is really Evan. 1077. |
Text ordinary.
60. Laur. 12 (Evan. 1076) (xi) ff. 280 (16-1 x 11-9) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. tab.-xed. amm. subs. (but placed before each Gospel)
lect. (m. s.) pict. syn. Me. iii. 25 om. but ins. m.s.in mg. Le.
lv. 6 om. ort éwol wapadédorar but zms. m. s. in mg. adult. om.
but is. at the end of the Gospel with the note :—etpyrar Kai érepa
€v dpxators dvtvypagois arep ovveidopev ypaivat pos TO TéAEL TOD aTOd
evayyelotou a éotw Tade Kal arnOev ExacTos k.T.r.
61. Laur. 13 (Evan, 1448) (xi) ff. 255 (16-5 x 12:6) col. 1 Il. 35
vell. Evv. act. paul. cath. pss. prol. tab.-(xed.-can. but xed. for Mt.
missing) amm. eus. tur. xed. lect. subs. Mt. vill. 13 add. xat
trootpevas x.7.X. Mt. xvill. 11 add. Cyrica cat. Le. xxii. 47
add. tovto yap onpetov k.7.4. Text otherwise ordinary.
62. Laur. 14 (Evan, 1449) (xi) ff. 319 (16-4 x 11-3) col. 1 vell.
Texts from Mount Athos. 177
Evv. xed. tir. tab.-can. eus. amm. apy. red. (not lect.) syn. men,
Ep. ad Carp. om. Jo. iv. 3 ivs. m. 8. in mg. Mt. v. 44 om.
eidoyetre Tos KaTapwpevous tuds. Me. xv. 23 om. Jo. vill. 42
om, but ins. m. s. In mg.
63. Laur. 15 (Evan. 1080) (ix—x) ff. 411 (19-4 x 13-2) col. 1 vell.
Evy. with commentary (semi-uncial) in the margin in places. Evv.
xed. Tir. tab.-Ke. eus. amm. prol. (Mt. éopunve’6y iz Iwavvov) pict.
Mt. ix. 13 om. eis peravorav. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. but ins. m.s. in mg.
Me. xv. 28 om. Le. vil. 28 om. 6 8é puxpdrepos to end but ins. m. s.
inmg. Le. xxi. 43, 44 marked with X. adult. om. Photograph
in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8.
64. Laur. 16 (Evan. 1078) (x—xi) ff. 192 (18-4 x 14-7) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tab.-can. amm, prol. subs. (at the beginning) oruy. (Bx,
ax, Bo, Br) lect. Mt. v. 44 om. xal Swoxdvrwv tas but ins. m. s.
Mt. xvi. 2,3 om. Me. xv. 28 0m. Le. vi. 4 om. xat &daBev. Le.
Vi. 10 om. tyujs but ims. m. p. Le. xi. 4 GdAa pdoar Has axd Tod
movypov is obelized. adult. at the end of Jo. with the same note
as in 60.
65. Laur. 17 (Evan. 1450) (xi) ff. 273 (18-4x14) col. 1 yell.
Evy. xed. tir. tab.-xep. amm. lect. pict. syn. Mt. v. 44 om. kat
duwxdvtwv tpas but ins. m. s.in mg. Mt. ix. 13 om. eis perdvoway.
Le. xxl. 31 om. 70 O€pos . . . éyyts eorw.
66. Laur. 18 (Evan. 1451) (xii—xiii) ff. 254 (18 x 13-4) col. 1.
Evv. xed. vir. eus. amm, subs. Many pages missing and in bad
condition.
67. Laur. 19 (Evan. 1452) (a. 992 by Iwdvvys) ff. 266 (18 x 14-4).
Evy. xed. tur. tab.-(can.-xep.) amm. eus. prol. Ep. ad Carp. The
ammonian sections are written in green ink and the canons in red.
adult. obelized.
68. Laur. 20 (Evan. 1458) (xiii) ff. 207 (17-1 x 13-6) col. 1 Il. 27.
Evy. tab.-xed. (Mt. missing) dvayr. (pis, oa, pit, EB) lect. subs. ory.
(Bx ax Po —).
69. Laur. 21 (Evan. 1454) (xii) ff. 256 (18-2 x 14-5) col. 1 ll. 21
vell. Evy. xed. iz. tab.-(can.-xed.) eus. amm, prol. subs. vers. pict.
Ep. ad Carp. Mt. vii. 13 om. kat roAXol .. . dv airys but ims. m. s.
in mg.
70. Laur. 22 (Evan. 1455) (xi-xii) ff. 283 (18-1 x 13-8) col. 1
ll, 22 vell. Evy. xed. tur. tab.-xed. eus. amm. lect. pict. syn. men.
Ep. ad Carp.
71, Laur. 23 (Evan. 1079) (x) ff. 271 (20:1 x 14-5) col. 1 Il. 24
vell. Evv. xed. ter. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) prol. pict. lect. men.
178 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
(imperfect) Ep. ad Carp. Mt. xxvii. 9 Sia ‘Hoatov rod zpod¢.
Le. xxii. 43 f. with X. Jo. v. 4 with X.
72. Laur. 24 (Evan. 1456) (xiii) ff. 227 (18-8 x 14-1) col. 1 Il. 33.
Evy. act. paul. cath. xe. tur. amm. tab.-xed. prol. subs. lect.
73. Laur. 25 (Evan. 1457) (xii-xiii) ff. 254 (19-6 14-4) col. 1
ll. 25 vell. Evv. xed. ver. tab.-can.amm. pict. Mt. xviii. 11 Gyrjoat
kal coat. Lic. vi. 4 om. éXaBe cat. adult. om.
74, Laur. 26 (Evan. 1458) (x) ff. 323 (19 x 14-8) col. 1 Il. 20 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-xep. Me. xv. 28 om. but add. m. s.
inmg. adult. om. but a new page containing it has been inserted.
75. Laur. 27 (Evan. 1459) (xiii) ff. 210 (19-5 x 13-8) col. 1
Il, 23 vell. Evv. xed. ver. amm. tab.-xed. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om.
adult. om.
76. Laur. 28 (Evan. 1460) (xii) ff. 263 (17-8 x 13-8) col. 1 Il. 21
vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-(xed. -can.) subs. oruy. (Bx, aX,
Bo, Br) pict. Ep. ad Carp. om. Le. ix. 55 but add. m. s. in mg.
adult, marked with ~.
77. Laur. 29 (Evan. 1461) (xiii) ff. 330 (20x 14-5) col. 1 Il. 20
vell. Evy. xed. tab.-xep. prol. subs. vers. orey. (Bx, 2x, Bo, Br)
lect. syn. men. dvayv. adult. marked with —.
78. Laur. 30 (Evl. 1078) vell.
79. Laur. 31 (Evan. 1462) (?date) ff. 265 (20-9x15) col. 1
ll. 20 vell. Evv. xed. subs. oruy. (Bx, ,ax, Bo, Br) tab.-xed. lect.
syn. men. dvayv. adult. with —.
80. Laur. 32 (Evan. 1468) (xii) ff. 213 (19-7 x 13-8) col. 1 Il. 26
vell. Evy. xe. tur. tab.-xep. amm. subs. lect. pict. vers. adult.
with —.
81. Laur. 33 (Evan. 1464) (xi-xii) ff. 292 (20-5 x 15-4) col. 1
ll. 20 vell. Evv. xed. tur. tab.-xep. amm. subs.
82. Laur. 34 (Evan. 1465) (xii) ff. 308 (20-9 x 14-7) col. 1 Il. 24
vell. Evv. xe. tur. tab.-(can.-xep.) amm. prol. subs. (Mt. only)
ortx. (Mt. only Bx) lect. syn. men. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om.
83. Laur. 35 (Evan. 1466) (a. 1270) ff. 233 (20x 12-7) col. 1
vell. Evy. xed. tur. amm. lect. pict. men. syn. Jo, vil. 8 om. éya
ov7w ... Tavrnv but ims. m. s. in mg.
84. Laur. 36 (Evan. 1467) (xii—xiii) ff. 343 (20-6 x 13) col. 1
ll. 23 vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. eus. lect. syn. men. (imperfect).
Mt. vil. 13 add. xat troorpéWas x7... Mt. xxvi. 73 om. kat yap
9 Aadid «.7.A. but tvs. m. s.in mg. adult. with —.
85. Laur. 37 (Evan. 1468) (xii—xiii) ff. 245 (20-6 x 14-9) col. 1
ll. 24 vell. Evv. xed. rer. amm. eus. prol. vers. tab.-(xep.-can.) syn.
Texts from Mount Athos. 179
men. Ep. ad Carp. At the end some notes on exegetical diffi-
culties, e. g. oxodua eis TO) Opa nv wel 5.
86. Laur. 38 (Evan. 1469) (xiii) ff. 172 (20x 15-4) col. 1 vell.
Evv. (imperfect) xed. tur. prol. lect. syn. (imperfect).
87. Laur. 39 (Evan. 1470) (x) ff. 215 (20-6 x 14-7) col. 1 Il. 22
vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. tab.-(xed.-can.) subs. lect. Ep. ad Carp.
Me. xv. 28 om. but ins.m.s. in mg. Le. vi. 4 om. Kat édwxev Kat
rT. p.a. but ins. m.s.inmg. Jo, viii. 14 om. ipets od« oldare x.r.X.
but ins. m.s. in mg. Jo. vill. 24 om. éav yap pi «.7.A. but zs.
m.s.inmg. adult. om.
88. Laur. 40 (Evan. 1471) (xi) ff. 396 (19-8x 14) col. 1 ll. 18
vell. Evv. xed. ur. tab.-xep. amm. eus. subs. (not Mt.) or. (Bx,
ax, Bo, Br) lect. syn. men. adult. c. —.
89. Laur. 41 (Evan. 1472) (xii) ff. 306 (19-2 x 14-5) col. 1 Il. 21
vell. Evy. xed. rer. amm. prol. tab.-(xed.-can.) lect. syn. Ep. ad
Carp. Mt. viii. 13 add. kai imootpefas «7.4. Mt. xix. g om.
kal 6 doAeX. x.7.A. but ims. in m.g. in mg. Mt. xxi. 7 om. Kai
évexdO. x.7.. but add. m. s. in mg.
90. Laur. 42 (Evan. 1478) (xi) ff. 227 (21-3 x 16-5) col. 1 Il. 26
vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) prol. Ep. ad Carp.
Mt. xxviii. 9 om. ds S& éxopevovro .. . adtod but add. m. s, in mg.
adult. om.
91. Laur. 43 (Evl. 1074) vell.
92. Laur. 44 (Evan. 1474) (xii) ff. 416 (22-8 x 16-6) col. 1 Il. 19
vell. Evy. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-xed. lect. syn. men. Mt. viii.
13 add. kai troorpéas x.7.X.
93. Laur. 45 (Evan. 1475) (xii) ff. 27g (22-5 x 16) col. 1 Il. 20
vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. tab.-(xed.-can.) subs. o7x. (Bx, ax, Bo,
Br) lect. pict. syn. Mt. viii. 13 add. xat troorpépas x.7.A. but
this is now marked with dots. Jo. iii. 31 om. 6 Ov... érdvw
ravtwv é€ott kat but add. m, s. in mg.
94. Laur. 46 (Evan. 1476) (xii-xiii) ff. 348 (21-2 x 15-8) col. 1
Il. 21 vell. Evy. tab.-xed. prol. eus. xed. tir. Subs. pict. syn. men.
lect. dvayv.
95. Laur. 47 (Evan. 1477) (xiii) ff. 286 (21-9 x 16) col. 1 ll. 22.
Evv. tab.-xed. prol. vers. xed. tur. subs. ory. (Bx. OX: — Br) syn.
men. lect. dvayv.
96. Laur. 48 (Evan. 1478) (x) ff. 217+13 (21-5 18-2) col. 1
ll. 24 vell. (but the 13 added leaves are paper). Evv. tab.-(xed.-can.)
prol. Ep. ad Carp. amm. eus. xed. tir. subs. (at the beginning).
Le. vi. 4 om. kat éX\aBe cal. Le. xx. 11 om. érepov .. . répaba but
180 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
add.m.s.inmg. Jo.v.9 om. kal eiOéws ... meprerdre but ins,
m.s.inmg. Jo. v. 12 om. verse but add. m.s.in mg. Jo, vii. 8
originally written tyes dvi Byte eis Thy éopriv TavTHV OTL 6 emos
Kaipos «.7.A. but tavrnv has been erased and a later hand has
written over it éy® odk dvaBatvw. Jo. viii. 7 om. vers. but add. in
mg.; and so also small omissions are made and corrected in Jo. x. 6,
X. 12, X. 18, X. 32, Xill. 32, xiii. 33. We spent some time over
this MS., but at last came to the conclusion that although
there were more than the usual number of variants, it was not
of great value, but had merely been written somewhat carelessly.
97. Laur. 49 (Evan. 1479) (xi) ff. 266 (21-5 x 16-3) col. 1 vell.
Evy. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-xed. prol. subs. vers. lect. syn. men.
tab.-kvkA. 7A. at the end and tab.-cu«A. ceAny. at the beginning.
98. Laur. 50 (Evan. 1480) (xiii) ff. 243 (21-5 x 15-3) col. 1
ll. 26 vell. Evy. tab.-xep. xe. dvayv. lect. syn. men. aduldt.
obelized.
99. Laur. 51 (Evan. 1078) (x) ff. 334 (2217-4) col. 1. Evy.
act. extracts from Fathers, an uncial leave at the beginning
contains a lection beginning Mt. xxiv. 37, amm. lect. syn. men.
Mt. ix. 13 om. eis perdvouav. Mt. xvi. 2-3 om. but ins. m. s. in
mg. Me. xv. 28 om. Le. 1.17 om. but ins. m. s. in mp.” Le:
xxl. 44 marked 3 and with a lectionary note xatd path. Ked.
o95, 1.e. Mt. xxvi. 40. adult. om. but vii. 53 is inserted by a
later hand. The extracts from the Fathers are ( 1) Chrysostom eis
Ti mpodoow Tod “lovda Kal Tiv tapddoow tov pvornpiov : (2) eis Tov
atavpov, x.7.4. apparently anonymous: (3) Gregory Nanz. on. the
Passover, and cis tiv Bpadutqra: (4) eis rv KawyVv Kupiaknv: (5)
vovdecia yepovTwv TVEvpaTiKOY Kata povdxur.
100. Laur. 52 (Evan. 1481) (xi) ff. 222 (21 x 16-3) col. 1 Il. 22
vell. Evy. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-xed. vers. xe. tur. pict.
101. Laur. 53 (Evl. 1075) vell.
102. Laur. 54 (Evan. 1482) (xiii) ff. 395 (22-5 x 15-7) col. 1
ll. 25 vell. Evy. act. cath. paul. tab.-xe. prol. xed. subs. lect.
pict. syn. men. dvayv. orx. (Bx, ax, Bo, Br). adult. obelized.
Le. xxii. 47 add. totro yap x.7.X.
103. Laur. 55 (Evl. 1076) vell. Uncial.
104. Laur. 56 (Evl. 1077) vell. Uncial.
105. Laur. 57 (Evan. 14838) (xi) ff. 272 (24-4 x 19) col. 1 ll. 20.
Evy. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-(can.-xed.) prol. vers. eus. amm. tur. Ke.
lect. Mt. xvi. 14 om. érepor d& ‘Iepeiay but add. m. s. in mg.
Mt. xxiii. 8 diddoxados 6 Xpurrds and tr, rdvtes . . . ore to VY. 9.
Texts from Mount Athos. 181
106. Laur. 58 (Acts 1525) (a. 1118) ff. 142 (23-4 17-3)
eol. 2 act. cath. paul. LEuthal. martyr.-Paul. omy. Text
ordinary.
107. Laur. 59 (Evan. 1484) (xii) ff. 299 (22-6 16-5) col. x
ll. 20 yell. Evv. tab.-xed. amm. xed. tir. The name of the scribe
seems to have been Maéwwos, as this name is written by the first
hand at the end of the MS. Mt. xix. g om. xai 6 dzodeX.
» + + porxarar. Mt. xix. 18 om. ov potyevoes. Me. iil. 1 om.
wadw. Me. ill. 5 om. byujs os 7 GAAn. Me. vi. 17 om. Birir7ov.
Me. vi. 24 om. vers. Me. vii. 8 om. adévres . . . dvOpurorv.
Me, x. 19 om. pi) drootepynons. Me. x. 27 om. wavta.. . Ged.
Me. xi. 7, 8 om. éw aira... dd0v. Me. xv. 28 erased. Le. vi. 4
epaye erased. Le. xx. 16 om. rots yewpyovs. Le. xx. 24 after
dnvdpwov a line is erased. Le. xxii. 44 kal . . . mpoonvyxero is
erased, XXxil. 47 om. Kal yyywe ... aitov. But all these omis-
sions are corrected by a later hand, who also added to Le. xxii.
48 tovto TO onp. kT... . . ote to the end of v. 9, but a later
hand has written the ordinary text in the margin.
108. Laur. 60 (Evan, 1485) (xi—xii) ff. 228 (23-6 x 18-6) col. 1
Il. 21 vell. Evv. amm. eus. xed. tir. pict. Me. xv. 28 om. Le.
xiv. 8 om. i170... katakX. but add. m. s. Le. xxii. 47 add. totro
yap on. K.T.A,
109, Laur. 61 (Evan. 1486) (a. 1098) ff. 233 (24:3x19) col. 1
vell. Evv. xed. tur. tab.-can, amm. eus. men. syn. Ep. ad Carp.
adult. obelized.
110. Laur. 62 (Evan. 1487) (xii) ff. 275 (23-7 16-5) col. 1
I]. 22 vell. Evy. tab.-xed. prol. xed. lect. subs. (Jo, missing) o7ex.
(Bx, aX, —: —) syn. men. dvayv. adult, marked —. Le, xxii. 47
add. tovro yap k.t.X,
111. Laur. 63 (Evan. 1488) (xii) ff. 271 (24-2 18-1) col. 1
ll. 22 vell. Evy. tab.-xedp. prol. vers. xed. lect. dvayv. subs. ort.
(Bx, .2x, Bo, Br) syn. men. adult. marked with signs of doubt-
fulness. Lec. xxii. 47 add, totro ... aitos éorw.
112. Laur. 64 (Evan. 1489) (xii) ff. 289 (22-7 16-1) col. 1
ll. 24 vell. Evv. tab.-xed. prol. xed. lect. subs. syn. men. dvayr.
adult. marked as doubtful, Lc. xxil. 47 add. rotto . . . ovrds
€oTLV.
113. Laur. 65 (Evan. 1490) (xii) ff. 309 (23 x 16-8) col. 1 vell.
Evv. act. paul. cath. cep, tt. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) prol. vers,
lect. syn. men. Ep. ad Carp.
114, Laur. 66 (Evan. 1491) (xii—xiii) ff. 195 (22-9 x 16-5) col. 1
182 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
ll. 26 vell. Evv. tab.-xep. amm. tir. xed. subs. pict. Me. xv.
28 om.
115. Laur. 67 (Evan. 1492) (a. 1342) ff. 343 (23-5 x 14°7) col. 1
ll. 21 vell, Evv. prol. vers. tab.-xep. tur. xed. subs. orry. (Bx, 2x;
Bo, Br). adult, obelized. Le. xxii. 47 add. rodro yap .. . avtos
€OTLvV.
116. Laur. 68 (Evan. 1498) (xiv) ff. 182 (25-4 17-2) col. 1
ll. 25 vell. Evy. tab.-xed. xed. lect. subs. dvayv. pict. ory. (Bx,
ax, ,Bw, Br). adult. obelized. _Le. xxii. 47 add. rotro yap . .
autos ori.
117. Laur. 69 (Evan. 1494) (xii) ff. 267 (25-1 17-1) col. 1
ll. 28 vell. Evv. tab.-xep. prol. vers. tir. xed. lect. subs. ory.
(Bx OX; Bo, Br) avayv. Mt. vill. 13 add. xai trootpépas x.7.X.
Le. xxii. 47 add. rodro yap... airds éorw. adult. obelized.
118. Laur. 70 (Apl. 1118) vell.
119. Laur. 71 (Evl. 1078) vell.
120. Laur. 72 (Evl. 1079) vell.
121. Laur. 73 (Evan. 1495) (xii—xiii) ff. 263 (24-6 x 18-6) col. 1
ll. 29 vell. Paul. (imperfect) cath. evv. tab.-xed. prol. lect. subs.
amm. (erased) avayv. syn. men.
122. Laur. 74 (Evan. 1496) (xiv) ff. 284 (24-5 x 18) col. 1 Il. 22
vell. Evv. prol. tab.-xep. xed. lect. subs. otry. (Bx, — —, —)
dvayv. syn. men. adult. marked as doubtful. Le. xxi. 47 add.
TOUTO .. . AUTOS €OTLY.
123. Laur. 75 (Evan. 1497) (xiii) ff 345 (24-7 x 18-3) col. 1
ll. 21 vell. Evv. prol. tab.-xed. amm. tir. xed. lect. subs. syn. men.
Le. vi. 4 om. xat €AaBe. Le. xxi. 47 add. rotro .. . aitds éorw.
124. Laur. 76 (Evan. 1498) (xii—xiil) ff. 217 (25-3 x 16-3) col. 1
vell. Evv. xed. rer. amm. tab.-xed. lect. prol. pict. syn. men.
125. Laur. 77 (Evan. 1499) (xii—xiii) ff. 230 (24-5 x 17-2) col. 1
ll. 28 vell. Evv. tab.-xed. lect. dvayv. subs. syn. men. Le. xxii.
47 add. roto yap... aitds éorw.
126. Laur. 78 (Evan. 1500) (ix) ff. 156 (21-7 x 18-3) col. 1
ll. 17 vell.in poor condition. Mt. iv. 13-Mc. xv.16. harm. at the
bottom of the pages. amm. eus. tur. xed. lect. mus. Some marginal
notes written in an uncial hand. Mt. ix. 13 om. eis peravovay but
add. m.s.in mg. Mt. xvi. 3 om. toxpirai but add. m. s. in mg.
The same also adds in the next line xat ris yfs after otpavod. Mt.
XVi. JI wept dprov. Mt. xviii. 11 Cyrjoar wai is added above the
line. Me.i. 1 xaOos. Me. xiv. 12 om. trav alipov... voy but
add. m. s. in mg.
Texts from Mount Athos. 183
127. Laur. 79 (Evan. 1501) (xiii—xiv) ff. 201 (22-9 x 17-5) col. x
ll. 33 vell. in poor condition. Act. paul. cath. evv. euthal. tab.-
xe. harm. dvayv. xed. lect. subs. vers. (Mt. missing) ory. (—, ax,
Bo, —) syn. men, Le. xxii. 47 add. totro yap... aitds éorw.
128. Laur. 80 (Ev]. 1080) vell.
129. Laur. 81 (Evl. 1081) vell.
130. Laur. 82 (Ev]. 1082) vell. Uncial.
131. Laur. 83 (Evl. 1083) vell.
132. Laur. 84 (Evl. 1084) vell.
133. Laur. 85 (Evl. 1085) vell.
134. Laur. 86 (Evl. 1086) vell. Uncial.
135. Laur. 87 (Evan. 1502) (xii-xiii) ff. 409 (26-8 x 17-5) col. 1
ll. 17 vell. Evv. Ep. ad Carp. prol. tab.-(ked.-can.) amm. tur. xed.
lect. syn. men. Mt. v. 44 om. kal dwxdvtwy ipas. Mt. xvi. 2-3
om. but add. m. s.inmg. Mt. xvi. 4 om. rod zpodyrov but add.
m. s. in mg. Mt. xviii. 11 om. Mt. xxiii. 13, 14, these verses
are transposed, and paxpa is omitted. Me. i. 27 om. ri éore TrovTO ;
Le. xxii. 47 add. rotro .. . airds éorw.
136. Laur. 88 (Evl. 1087) vell.
137. Laur. 89 (Evl. 1088) vell.
138. Laur. go (? Evl. 1098) vell.
139. Laur. 91 (Evl. 1090) vell.
140. Laur. 92 (Evl. 1091) vell. Uncial.
141. Laur. 93 (Evl. 1092) vell.
142. Laur. 94 (Evl. 1098) vell.
143. Laur. 95 (Evl. 1094) vell.
144. Laur. 96 (Evl. 1095) vell.
145. Laur. 97 (Evl. 1096) vell. Uncial.
146. Laur. 98 (Evl. 1097) vell.
147. Laur. 99 (Evan. 1508) (a. 1388) ff. 261 (29-3 x 22-2) col. 2
ll. 33 vell. Evv. act. cath. paul. apoc. prol. vers. tab.-xed. xed.
lect. subs. ou. (Bx. OX; Bo, Br) avayv. syn.men. adult. obelized.
Le. xxii. 47 add. rotro . . . airdés éorw.
148. Laur. 100 (Evl. 1098) vell.
149. Laur. ror (Evl. 1099) vell.
150. Laur. 102 (Evl. 1100) vell. Uncial.
151. Laur. 103 (Ev. 1101) vell.
152. Laur. 104 (Evan. 1071) v. pp. 132-51.
153. Laur. ros (Evl. 1102) vell.
154. Laur. 106 (Eyl. 1108) vell.
155. Laur. 107 (Evl. 1104) vell.
184 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
156. Laur. ro8 (Evl. 1105) vell. Uncial.
157. Laur. 109 (Evan. 1504) (xiii) ff. 93 (29x 20-8) col. 2
ll. 29 vell. in poor condition, Le. iv. 1-Jo. tab.-xef. amm. xed.
rir. lect. syn. men. Le. xxii. 47 add. totro .. . adtds éorwv.
158. Laur. 110 (Evl. 1106) vell.
159. Laur. 111 (Evl. 1107) vell.
160. Laur. 112 (Evl. 1108) vell.
161. Laur. 113 (Evl. 1109) vell.
162. Laur. 114 (Evl. 1110) vell.
163. Laur. 11g (Evl. 1111) vell.
164. Laur. 116 (Evl. 1112) vell.
165. Laur. 117 (Evl. 1118) vell.
166. Laur. 118 (Evl. 1114) vell.
167, Laur. 119 (Evl. 1115) vell.
168. Laur. 120 (Evl. 1116) vell.
169. Laur. 146! (Evan. 1505) (a. 1084) ff. 268 (16-5 x12)
col. 1 ll. 41 vell, Evv. act. cath. paul. pss. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-
(xep.-can.) vers. amm. xed. tit. lect. pict. Le. xxii. 47 add.
TOUTO . . . AUTOS eoTLY.
170. Laur. 172 (Evan. W) v. pp. 94-131.
171. Laur. 173 (Evan. 1509) (xii—xiii) ff. 332 (21-4 x14) col. 1
ll. 31 vell. Evy. act. paul. cath. prol. évayv. lect. subs. (Me. only)
otty. (—, ax, —, —) syn. Le. xxii. 47 add. rotro . . . airos éorwy.
172. Laur. 209 (Evan. 1506) (xiv) vell. A fragment of text
with Theophylact’s commentary, almost illegible in most parts.
In the list of Apostles it reads ZeBedatos instead of @addatos.
173. Laur. 233 (Evan. 1507) vell. A catena with text at least
in places, includes quotations from Origen, Chrysostom, Eusebius,
Theodore Mops., Cyril Alex., Titus Bost.
174. Laur, 270 (Evv. 1508) (date) ff. 448 (21-7 x 14-4)
col. x ll. 27 paper. Evv. act. cath. paul. tab.-xed. xed. avayv.
prol. vers. lect. subs. ox. syn. men, Le. xxii. 47 add. toto
. avtos eat. adult. obelized.
175. Laur. 288 (Evan. 1510) (xi) ff. 211 (20-8 x 16-3) col. 2
ll. 28 vell. in poor condition. Evy. xed. tir. tab.-xed. amm. eus.
lect. syn. (on paper). Me. xv. 28 om.
1 There is a double numeration in use at the Laura, (1) a continuous system,
which is used in the catalogue; (2) ly shelves, each being numbeed with
a letter. These numerations can be interchanged, and either is sufficient in
asking for MSS., but it may be well to remember that 1-120=1 A-120A,
121-240=1 B-120 B, and so on, the number of MSS. in a row of shelves
varying, but approximating to 120.
Texts from Mount Athos. 185
176. Laur. 289 (Evan. 1511) (xiii) ff. 138 (22-217) col. 1
ll. 28 vell. in poor condition. Evv. tab.-xe®. amm. tir. xed. lect.
oTLX: (ax; —, Bxé —). Le. xxii. 47 add. totr0 . . . airds éorw.
177. Laur. 290 (Evan. 1512) (xiv) vell. A fragment of Gospels
in very bad condition.
178. Laur. 293 (Evan. 1518) (xi—xil) ff. 169 (21-7 x 16-5) col. x
ll. 23 vell. Mt. xvi. 15-Jo. xix. 4 tab.-xed. amm. eus. xed. Tir.
lect. Le. xxii. 47 add. rotro . . . attdés éorw.
179. Laur. 294 (Evan. 1514) (xi) ff. 261 (22 x 17-6) col. 1 ll. 20
vell. Evy. tab.-xed. amm. eus. rir. xed. lect. subs. o7rx. (Bx, jax;
Bo, Br). Le. xxii. 43, 44 marked as doubtful. Lec. xxii. 47
add. rotro...aitds éorw. Jo. v. 3, 4 marked with x. adult.
marked with +.
180. Laur. 295 (Evan. 1515) (xiii) ff. 164 (22-5 x 17-5) col. 2 Il.
26-7 vell. Evv. amm. tit. lect. syn. men. adult. om. but add.
m. s. in mg. :
181. Laur. 296 (Evan. 1516) (xiv) vell. Theophylact with text
of Gospels in places.
182. Laur. 298 (Evan. 1517) (? date) ff. 265 (21-6 x 15-7) col. x
ll. 20 vell. Mt. vii. 13-Jo. xiii. 13 tab.-Ked. tur. Keb. subs. ory.
adult. marked as doubtful. Le. xxii. 47 add. totro .. . adros éorw
im mg.
183. Laur. 320 (Evan. 1518) (xi) ff. 410 col. 2 Il, 29-31 vell.
Evv. act. cath. paul. apoc. prol. tab.-xed. harm. lect. subs. avayv.
o7x. syn. men. adult. marked as doubtful. Le. xxii. 47 add.
TovTo .. . a’tos éorw. We thought that this might be Evan. 1072.
184, Laur. 340 (Evan. 1519) (xiii-xiv in our opinion, but
Father Chrysostom thought it was earlier) ff. 179 (25-5 x 19) col. 2
ll. 26 vell. Evv. tab.-xed. amm. eus. rir. xed. lect. syn. men. musical
notes. Le. xxii. 44 marked with X.
185. Laur. 341 (Evan. 1520) (xi) ff. 80 (23-7x 18-5) col. 1
ll, 22 vell. Le. vi. 7-Jo. tab.-xed. amm. tir. xed. subs. ory.
adult. om.
186. Laur. 350 (Evl. 1117) vell.
187. Laur. 359. Commentary of Chrysostom. vell.
VOL. V, PART IT 0)
oT \ el s ; %
TT,
THE PLACE OF THE PESHITTO VERSION
IN THE APPARATUS CRITICUS OF THE
GREEK NEW TESTAMENT
[G. H. Gwituam, B.D.]
VOL. VY, PART III. P
SYNOPSIS
Discoveries and hypotheses in connexion with Syriac
Biblical Texts require a fresh consideration of the place of the
Peshitto in New Testament criticism. The following pages
will supplement the essay in Studia Biblica ii on the materials
for the criticism of the Peshitto Text.
Circumstances connected with the recent edition of the
Tetraeuangelium Syriacum, pp. 192, 193.
The evidence of the Peshitto is important only so far as it
is an independent witness to the Greek Text, p. 193.
I. Relation of the Peshitto to cod. A and the Cursives.
1, Preliminary test in the Four Gospels, pp. 194, 195.
2. Contents of Peshitto MSS., p. 195.
3. Definition of ‘ Traditional Greek Text,’ pp. 196, 197.
4. Examination of the text of the Peshitto in St. Matt, i-xiv,
pp. 197-207.
5. Summary of the evidence of the Peshitto, pp. 207, 208.
II. 1. Readings of the Peshitto which agree neither with those of
cod. B, nor with the Traditional Text, p. 209.
2. Such readings collected from St. Matt. i-xiv, pp. 210-217.
3. Results, pp. 217, 218.
4. The existence of these readings shows :—
a, Either that the Cursives embody many peculiar readings,
which full collation would bring to light, p, 218,
b. Or that the Peshitto is the sole witness to such readings,
p- 229.
IIL. It is admitted that the Peshitto Text :—
1, Was universally received in the Syriac Church,
2. Is fully attested by manuscript evidence,
3. Was uever superseded, p. 220.
Pez,
190 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
4. But as regards the use of the Peshitto by Syriac writers :—
a. Aphraates quoted a different Text, p. 221.
b. The evidence of Ephraim has been claimed for the Peshitto ;
Mr. Burkitt’s opinion; pp. 221-222.
Witness of other Syriac writers, p. 222.
IV. 1. Two problems:—(1) the antiquity, (2) the value of the
Peshitto, p. 223.
2. The Peshitto is an independent witness to the text of the
Gospels, but is not the ‘ sheet-anchor’ of the Traditional
Text, p. 224.
V. Demonstration that the evidence of the Peshitto is not necessary
to the Traditional Text, for that is sufficiently attested by other
witnesses; Examples; Results; pp. 225-229.
The evidence for the true text of the Greek Testament, pp. 229,
230.
VI. Considerations in view of conjectures as to the history of the
Syriac Version, or Versions, pp. 231, 232.
The suggestion that Rabbula was the author of the Peshitto
agrees with some facts and statements, but is :—
1. Not adequately attested in Syriac history, p. 232.
2. Leaves unexplained the disappearance of the pre-Peshitto
Text, p. 232.
3. Does not account for the universal acceptance of the Peshitto
in the fifth century, p. 233.
If Mr. Burkitt’s theory be accepted, it follows that the
Peshitto :—
1. Was published in its present form before A.D. 435, p. 233.
2. Represents readings of ancient Greek MSS. no longer
extant, pp. 233-234.
3. Is the authorized text of an important part of the Catholic
Church, p. 235.
Thus the new theory, if it could be accepted, would be
found to have enhanced the value of the Peshitto, by giving
it a date and an origin, while modifying its position in the
Apparatus Criticus of the Greek New Testament.
THE PLACE OF THE PESHITTO VERSION
IN THE APPARATUS CRITICUS OF THE
GREEK NEW TESTAMENT
The third volume of Studia Biblica et Eeclesiastica contained an
essay by the present writer entitled Zhe Materials for the Criticism
of the Peshitto New Testament. During the eleven years which
have elapsed since the publication of that volume, advance
has been made in our knowledge of the Syriac texts current
amongst the Syriac-speaking Christians of the early centuries of
our era. An event of no small importance was the discovery
and publication of the Lewis Palimpsest of the Syriac Gospels 1.
Expectations long cherished by New Testament critics seemed
now on the point of realization. The solitary position of ‘the
Curetonian had presented grave difficulties in accounting for
its origin. It was hoped that the Lewis MS. would be
a powerful supporter of the Curetonian Text. “It was hailed
as a second witness to the ‘Old Syriac.’ Much disappoint-
ment however has followed the examination of the Lewis
Text. It has been found that it so lends its authority now to
the Curetonian, now to the Peshitto, that its presence adds
to the confusion of the position.
Again, Mr, Burkitt has traversed the opinion ?, which was
commonly held, that St. Ephraim used the Peshitto Version,
and has argued, after re-examination of his works, that in
many passages he quotes a different text. Lastly, the publica-
tion last year of the text of the Holy Gospels (which comprise
about half of the Peshitto New Testament *) from the materials
described in my former essay, has placed the Peshitto Text
in its earliest form (as far as the evidence goes) in the hands
1 The Four Gospels in Syriac transcribed from the Sinaitiec Palimpsest,
1894.
4 Texts and Studies, vol. vii. No. 2, ‘St. Ephraim’s Quotations from the
Gospels,’ by F. Crawford Burkitt.
3 The Peshitto Canon doves not include 2 Peter, 2, 3 John, Jude, Revelation.
192 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
of scholars’. The time has come for determining the position
of the Peshitto in the Apparatus Criticus of the New Testa-
ment, especially in view of the theory which has recently been
broached by Mr. Burkitt * as to the origin and history of the
great Syriac Version.
The pages which follow will form an Appendix to the edition
of the Peshitto Text, as the former essay served for a Prolego-
menon to it. The circumstances which have led an author to
investigations resulting in the production of his book are, as
a rule, of no importance for the reader. In the present case
they would certainly not be mentioned by me, were it not for an
insinuation made by one of my reviewers *. His words are :-—
‘We even venture to doubt whether Mr. Gwilliam would
have spent these laborious years* over the restoration of the
great version to its first form if he had not been so deeply in-
volved in the struggle’ [between two rival Schools of Criticism].
No such doubt is to be entertained. Some remarks in
an early edition of Scrivener’s Introduction, read long ago,
suggested the need of a revision of the printed text of the
Peshitto. Several years after an opportunity was afforded
of residing in London and collating Syriac MSS. in the
British Museum. Subsequently a Prospectus was put out, and,
at the suggestion of various scholars, other collations were
made. These were wholly superfluous as regards the evidence
of the Peshitto to the Greek Text of the New Testament, and
exceeded the limits of P. E. Pusey’s design ; but the work
which has been published is intended to serve as a book of
reference not only in questions of reading, but also in many
* Tetraeuangelium Sanctum (Pusey et Gwilliam), Oxonii, mpcccct.
2-O)p. elt../pp. 2, 57.
* Mr. J. Rendel Harris in The London Quarterly Review, January, 1902,
p- 100, foot. I recognize and thank him for his courteous remarks about the
execution of the work; but the greater part of his review is occupied by
a criticism of the views of Burgon and Miller and those who agree with them.
* We are credited with having bestowed more years upon the Tetraeuan-
gelium than we can claim to have so spent. For such a period we ought to
have more to show. The truth is, my predecessor and I made our collations
as opportunity served for visits to libraries. After I took up the work,
I often laid it aside, sometimes for many months together, while engaged in
other studies and occupations,
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 193
details of Syriac grammar and language, some of which, being
derived from documents hitherto uncollated, are now offered
for the first time to Oriental scholars. There seems to be no
need to treat the text of the rest of the Syriac Testament in
the same exhaustive fashion; but I do not regret that for the
most important part—the Four Holy Gospels—the evidence for
our readings has been collected from all quarters, and stated
in full. Time has not been misspent, since the hours have
served for an exhaustive and final survey of a field hitherto
unexplored. No doubt can hereafter be entertained of the
character and contents of the great version in common use
in the Syriac Church. We have also made some advance
towards a revision of the text of the other books of the New
Testament. For these, the amount of diplomatic evidence is
not nearly so great. Many questions concerning punctuation
and vocalization have already been settled in editing the
Gospels. The careful collation of a few very ancient and
accurate MSS. of the Acts and the Epistles would com-
plete the work and provide ample attestation of the text to
be finally adopted.
In the present essay an attempt will be made to determine
the position of the Peshitto in New Testament criticism.
We shall follow up the lines of evidence now available as to
the nature and history of the Peshitto Text. We shall
inquire, what is its right and authority to speak and testify
to the readings of the Greek Testament, before we admit it into
the witness-box. Ifthe Peshitto Version merely reproduces the
Traditional Greek Text in a Syriac dress, it is worth no more
than any ordinary Greek copy, and of these we already possess
a multitude. If the Edessene and the Constantinopolitan read-
ings are borne on streams of independent derivation, then, when
they agree, the Greek Text, which they support, can certainly
claim avery high degree of attestation. But if these readings
are derived from the same immediate source, the evidence
for them is not twofold because spoken in two languages. It
is only the reiterated testimony of one class of witnesses.
194
i
1. It seems to be commonly assumed that the text of the
Peshitto represents in Syriac the Greek readings of codex A
and the majority of Greek MSS., as distinguished from
those of codex B and such authorities as side with it. The
opinion expressed in Miller’s Scrivener? may be placed beside
that of Westcott and Hort, who say ... ‘it was perceived
that the Vulgate Syriac Version differed from early Versions
generally, and from other important early documentary
authorities, in the support which it frequently gave to the
common late Greek Text*.’ We will subject these opinions
to the test of our own independent examination.
We may begin with the testimony of the Peshitto in a
collection of passages from the Four Gospels, which will be
found in an Appendix to the Edition of the Greek Testament,
issued by the Clarendon Press in 1889%. Some -of the
passages there given were intended to afford examples of
readings, which have no relation to our present inquiry.
They are places in which there is no opposition between the
mass of copies and codex B; or, where the Syriac idiom con-
veys no information about the variation in the Greek Text.
It must also be remembered that, as far as the Peshitto is
concerned, they are an arbitrary and disconnected series, and
do not afford an adequate view of the text as a whole. Still,
they will serve our purpose for a preliminary notice, and they
yield the following results :—
In St. Matthew the mass of copies are supported by the
1 Vol. ii. p. 300.
2 The New Testament in the Original Greek. Introduction, § 188.
3 Novum Testamentum. Accedunt Tres Appendices. The text of the
Oxford Edition by Bishop Lloyd in 1827 has been revised by Dr. Sanday, who
has added the Appendix Delectus Lectionum notatu dignissimarum, of which
we have made use.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 195
Peshitto in thirty-six places, and cod. B, with, or without,
the consent of some other authorities, in six places.
In St. Mark the numbers are twenty-one and one re-
spectively.
In St. Luke twenty-five and five.
In St. John twenty-two and five.
Thus we find that what is confessedly a superficial and
inadequate view, seems to confirm the common opinion, to
which we have adverted. Perhaps that opinion arose from
partial and insufficient investigations. We will therefore
pursue the inquiry more exhaustively.
2. We note first that a Peshitto MS. of the New
Testament. contains less than a Greek copy’. The Canon
was limited to the Holy Gospels, the Acts with 1 Peter,
James, and 1 John attached, the fourteen Epistles of St. Paul.
Next we find that the text of the Gospels exhibits, in all
Peshitto MSS., some marked divergencies from the Tradi-
tional Greek Text. The story of the woman taken in adul-
tery is absent from St. John, the latter part of Matt. xxvii,
35, that it might be fulfilled, &c., and the Blessing of the Cup
in Luke xxii. 17, are omitted, while to Matt. xxviii. 18 are
added the words and as my Father sent me, I also send you.
From this survey of the character of the Peshitto in broad
outline, we must pass to a more minute examination of the
text. It will indeed be impossible to effect an exhaustive
examination within the limits of the present essay, but
passages can be examined, which will afford specimens, fully
sufficient in number and importance, of the character of the
translation as a whole. We will take the first fourteen
chapters of St. Matthew. They oceupy about one-eighth of the
1 See The Materials, &c., Studia Biblica, iii. p. 53 n*,p.57n. Most of
the extant Syriac Biblical MSS. are copies of the Gospels only. Of the
forty-two copies employed in the recently published T'etraeuangelium, only
five, Nos. 12, 16, 17, 33, and 42, contain the Peshitto New Testament
complete.
A clear and sufficient account of the MSS. of the Peshitto New Testament,
known to be extant in different libraries, is given by Dr. Gregory in the third
and supplemental volume of Tischendorf’s Novum Testamentum Graece ; see
cap. ix, c, pp. 828-851.
196 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
text of the Four Holy Gospels in the Peshitto—a substantial
portion ; and in comparing the Syriac translation of them
with the Greek original, we have the assistance of the first
division of Part I of Prebendary Miller’s Zextwal Commentary
upon the Holy Gospels’, This portion of the great work,
which Miller planned, but did not live to finish, consists of
the fourteen chapters, which we propose to examine. In all
places, where the rival schools of criticism differ in the read-
ings which they prefer, the evidence of Manuscripts, Versions,
and Fathers is set forth, fully and impartially, by the
lamented author; but it was not part of his design to quote
readings, which have never been adopted by any of the lead-
ing critics; we must therefore supplement Miller’s annota-
tions by those given in Tischendorf’s Novum Testamentum, in
order to discover how far the Traditional Greek Text is sup-
ported by the Peshitto, and in what readings the latter agrees
with the text of codex B.
3. Here we wish to state distinctly that by the ‘ Traditional
Greek Text’ of the New Testament, we mean the text which
has been handed down to us by and in the Catholic Church,
and which is contained in the mass of copies and is attested
by ecclesiastical writers?. We do not necessarily mean the
‘Textus Receptus.’ Everybody knows that the latter is only
a text, found in a particular edition, to which this title was
assigned by the editor. This text has no authority whatever
beyond that of the few MSS., on which it ultimately rests.
2 A Textual Commentary upon the Holy Gospels largely from the use of
materials, and mainly on the Text, left by the late John Wiiliam Burgon, B.D.,
by Edward Miller, M.A., 1899.
* See The Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels vindicated and established,
Burgon and Miller, 1896, p. 5 and passim; Revision Revised, p. 269 (xiii),
with which compare p. 21, note 2. Miller indeed (op. cit. Introduction,
p- vii) sets the Zextus Receptus in contrast to the texts of Tischendorf and
others, but that he recognized that it possessed no inherent authority is clear
from the words used in the Introduction to the Traditional Text, p. 5. The
paragraph is from his pen, not Burgon’s.
* The editions issued by the Elzevirs, of one of which the editor says
‘ textum habes ab omnibus receptum’—whence the familiar appellation—are
practically identical with the earlier editions of Stephens, and therefore rest
on the MSS. Stephens employed. These MSS., for the most part, exhibited
the readings which belong to the Traditional Greek Text. See more in
Scrivener’s Introduction, ed. 4, vol. ii, chap. vii,
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 197
If as in truth is the case, it coincides to a very large extent
with the Traditional Greek Text, this fact alone, not the
name ‘ Receptus, imparts any weight, or importance, to its
readings. Yet in the heat of the controversy which followed
the publication of Ze Revision Revised opponents were heard
to sneer at the late Dean Burgon, as though he quoted the
Textus Receptus—or, which is practically the same thing,
Lloyd’s Greek Testament—as an authority’. Burgon, who
had devoted a lifetime to the textual problem, knew better
than to show such ignorance. When he quoted the Zewxtus
Receptus, or Lloyd, he did so because those editions give the
readings of the Traditional Text of the Catholic Church. So
far was he from a superstitious deference to those late forms
of text, that he deliberately proposed, and intended to publish,
a large number of emendations, in order to bring the current
text into harmony with that of the majority of MSS. and
the readings of the Fathers ?.
4. We now proceed with our examination, setting down
first the reading of the Traditional Text, then comparing with
it the reading of codex B, and noting to which side the sup-
port of the Peshitto inclines. In a few cases some other
Greek readings are added.
St. MartrHew, i-xiv.
Title. To cata Mar@atov “Ayiov EvayyéAvov.
Some MSS. EvayyeAtov cata Mar@atov.
B Kara Maééavov.
Pesh. usoe Jlososo | Pare wd qe! the Holy Gospel, the
Preaching of Mattar.
I. r. Pesh. .s09 represents Aavd of the majority, or perhaps
Aaved of B &e., but not AaZid of Textus Receptus.
5. Boog: so Pesh. JS5, but B Boes.
6. Aavid 8&6 Bacire’s: Pesh. and B om. o BacuwWevs.
7. Aad: so Pesh. heo/, but B Acad.
1 Several years afterwards the same charge was brought against the Dean
by Dr. Salmon in Some Thoughts on the Textual Criticism of the New
Testament, see pp. 3 and 4. For Miller’s reply see The Present State of the
Textual Controversy respecting the Holy Gospels, pp. 24-26.
2 See Appendix to this essay,
198 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
Io. “Auwv: so Pesh. yos0/ , but B Apas.
15. Mar6dv: Pesh. \M>o seems to represent Ma66ay of B*’.
The evidence of the Peshitto with reference to variations in the
spelling of some other names is not adduced, because it is not
certain in these cases what forms of the Greek it really supports.
18. “H yevvnors is probably supported by Pesh. oS. ; B yeveors.
punotevbeions yap: Pesh. and B om. yap.
25. Avras Tov mpwtorokov: so Pesh., but B om.
II. 11. Efdov 7d wadéov: so Pesh. with B and most, but Text.
Recept.? and a few authorities etpov 7. 7. .
17. ‘Yzo ‘Iep.: B and, as it seems, Pesh.? da.
18. Opivos Kat kNavOpds. B om. Opynv. x.; Pesh., having only
J.as, may be held to support the omission.
19. Kar évap daiverar: B daw. x. ov., which is the order of the
Peshitto, but is also a natural Syriac order; it is, however,
supported by 8D and others and the Latin.
21. "HAGev, B eeondAOev. Pesh. here JL?, but at v. 20 SAwS is
used for the compound verb.
23. Nafaper: Pesh. Ls 5, though with different vowels, gives
final 9, as many uncials and cursives read, against Text. Recept.,
Bmai and others.
III. 3. ‘Yd: Pesh. as it seems d:a (see ii. 17), so B.
6. "Ev 7 ‘Iopdavy: B and Pesh. add zorapw.
”. To Barticpa aitod: Bom. avrov; so Pesh., but seems to have
read epxopevous BarticOnva, cp. Luke iil. 12.
11. Barrilw tpas is the order of Pesh. against B; but being
the natural order of the Syriac it is, perhaps, not clear evidence
of reading.
12. “AzoOyxnv: Pesh. and B add avrov. -
14. B omits "Iwavvys, Pesh. reads as the majority.
16. Kat Barricbe’s: Pesh. and B Barriobes de.
Evéds avéBy is the orderin B and Pesh. B omits airé, which
is found in the majority and Pesh.
IV. 3. Kai zpoceAOav aitd 6 reapalwv etrev. Pesh. omits avrw,
and reads e:zev avtw with B &c.
5: Iornow: Pesh. probably eorncer as B.
9. Tatra ravra cou ddow: SO Pesh. against B.
Cp: LA.ds0 for Maré@ar, Luke iii. 24. 2 See preceding page.
$ Versions, including the Syriac, cannot be relied on for evidence in all
cases as to the particular preposition in the Greek original, but the Peshitto
seems usually to have rendered id by eS, and dia by ©, or gad.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 199
10. ’Oziow pov: Pesh. with B and Text. Recept. omit, against
the majority.
12. ’Axovoas dé 6 “Inorots: so Pesh.; Bom. o Iygovs.
13. Here B* reads Nagapa, see ii. 23.
Kazepvaovp in the majority, but pow 345 in Pesh. corresponds
to kadapvaovy of B.
16. Hide Pads péya; Pesh. Jk fas Jsoas, which seems to
represent the order of B.
18. Ilepuraraéy dé (sine addit.) Pesh. with B and the majority,
but Text. Recept. and some cursives add o Iyoovs.
23. “Odnv tiv TadiAaiav: Pesh. JUS oSa>, which agrees with
ev oAn tT) VadiAaua, the reading of B; but Pesh. adds the o Iyaovs,
which B omits.
24. Pesh. has and before daiporopévovs, which B omits.
V. 4,5. Pesh. has the verses in the usual order, which is also
that of B and nearly all authorities.
g. Avrol viol is the reading of the majority and of B, Pesh. seems
to omit the avrou with & and some others.
11. “Pyya, which B omits, is expressed in Pesh.
Wevdopevor: so Pesh. with B and nearly all authorities.
13. BAyOjvae ew, kat katam.: 80 Pesh. wsghho saX Johaby, but
perhaps the idiom would hardly allow another rendering. B BAyGev
e&u, om. Kal.
22. Eikyj: so Pesh. and the majority; B omits.
25. "Ev ty 600 per attod. Pesh., in the order of B, per’ avrov
ev tT) 00w. Pesh. has the second ce zapada, which B omits.
27. Pesh. with B and others omits tots dpyaios, which Text.
Recept. reads.
28. After ériGvpjoa Band the majority read avrnv, others
avTys; some omit; Pesh. has the pronoun.
30. BAnOy eis yéevvav: so Pesh. au; B as yeevvay aedOn.
31. 9 in Pesh. probably expresses 6ri, which B omits.
32. “Os av arodvoy: B was o aroAvwr, so Pesh.
“Os ay drodehupévynv yapnon is exactly expressed in Pesh.; B o
amroAcAvpevyy yapnoas: a few authorities omit the clause and porxarat.
39. Ti defiav cov. Pesh. expresses cov, which & and others
omit. 5B reads it with the majority.
44. Evdoyetre robs katapwpevors tpas: Bom.; Pesh. a a5530
yaa gs, and bless him who curseth you.
Kadds rroveire Tots pucovow twas: Bom.; Pesh. has the words
with and prefixed. TT. R. and a few cursives tovs pucodvras.
200 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
Tév érnpealovtwy tas, kal: so Pesh.; B om.
47. Pidrovs in the majority, Pesh. and B adeAdovs.
TeA@var: so Pesh.; B e6vixor.
Otrw (or -ws) in the majority, but Pesh. with B ro avro.
48. ‘O év tots otpavots: Bo ovpavos. Tischendorf quotes the
Peshitto for the former, but the evidence is doubtful. Tov év rots
ovpavois, Vv. 16, and 6 ovpavos, vi. 14, are each rendered by
.saesy; in neither place is there any variation in the Greek.
VI. 1. ’EXenpoovvny of the majority (not B) is almost certainly
intended by Pesh. JKo9), the regular word for éXeypootvy. Suxaro-
ovvn is rendered by JLasfo.
4. Pesh. reads with the majority airds before drodéce:, and the
concluding words év to davepo. B omits both.
5. Ipoce’yyn, éon: so Pesh. with the majority against B.
"Ort daéxovor. Pesh. has 9 = om, but it may be inserted
idiomatically; B om.
6. ’Ev to davepd: so Pesh. as majority ; B om.
12, “Adiewev. Pesh. ose. adykapev, as B,
13. Pesh. has the Doxology with the majority against B, but
omits dy according to the best MSS.
15. Ta rapartopara aitav om. Pesh, and a few against majority
with B.
16. Pesh. has 9 = ore: see ver. 5; Bom.
18, ’Ev té davepo, added by Text. Recept., though not part of the
Traditional Text, is omitted by Pesh. with B and the majority.
20, Oidé: so Pesh. and the majority, but 8 and Curet. xa,
21. ‘Ypav ... tudv: so Pesh.; Boov... cov
22. ‘O 6¢6arpos Pesh. with the majority; B adds cov.
’Eay otv Pesh. and majority, including B; & and Curet. omit.
24. Mappwva Text. Recept., most MSS. papwva, so Pesh.
25. Kat ri winre: so Pesh. with the majority; B and others
Tt. 7, % and others om.
32. Pesh, with the majority reads otpavios, which is omitted by
x, Old Latin and Curetonian. The Lewis palimpsest is defective
in the latter part of ch. vi.
33. BaowAelav rod @cod: so Pesh. with the majority; B om.
VII. 2. Here again (cp.v. 48) Tischendorf quotes Pesh., as though
Nwolkss necessarily represents perpyOjcera, the reading of B
and the great majority ; but it may stand for the variant dyv7-
petpyOjcerat, cp. yoray for dvtixadeowow, Lk. xiv. 12, where the
avri is neglected,
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 201
5. Tv doxov ék Tod 6pOadpod cov. This, whether intentionally or
not, is the order followed in Pesh. B ex 7. of. o. 7. Sok.
8. wKkSKso in Pesh. (and so Cur.) seems to express the pres.
avovyetat of B.
g. Tis eorw e& %. avO., dv eav aitnon. Pesh. oa (eALs als
woa Shes, which implies ecry, but not éév; both are omitted by B.
10. Kal éav exactly the alo of Pesh.; By kau.
12. Pesh. omits ovv with slight support, against the majority.
13, 14. H wvdAn bis; so Pesh. with majority including B,
Westcott and Hort omit.
14. Ti Pesh. and most MSS. ; B* and others or.
15. Pesh. with B omits de after rpocéyere.
16. SradvaAyjv: B cradvaAas, for which Tischendorf quotes Pesh. ;
but the evidence is doubtful, for the pl. }Aus may represent the
collective force, which oradvA7 often has, see Grimm’s (Thayer)
and Blomfield’s Lexx. to the Gk. T., s. v.
19. Iav, as the majority ; but ovv is added by some Greek MSS.
and the Curetonian.
24. ‘Opowwsow airov. Pesh. reads opowbyoera as B.
29. Oi ypappareis: Pesh. and B add avtwy. Lachmann with
Pesh. against B adds kat ot Papicator.
VIII, 2. "EXGov of the majority was probably read by Pesh. ;
cp. rendering of ver. 19, tpooeA\Pov = S20. B zpocedOuv.
3. “Hwaro aitod 6 "Incots: so Pesh. with the majority; B omits
5 Inoois.
5. HiceAOovre 8¢ aitG. Text. Recept. and a few MSS. with
Pesh. against B have 76 ’Incod.
Karepvaovp, see 1V. 13.
4. Pesh. om. xai with B.
8. Adyw: so Pesh. with the majority, including B. Text.
Recept. Adyor.
9. ‘Yro éfovotav: so Pesh. with the majority, but B adds
TAO TOLEVOS,
10. Oise é&v 76 “IopaiA tocattny rictw: so Pesh., but B zap’
ovdevt Too. Tia. ev T. Io.
13. Kat és: Pesh. omits cae with B.
‘O ais aitod: so Pesh.; Bom. avrov. Pesh. and the majority
(including B) év 77 dpa éxetvy, where Lachmann reads dro rijs dpas
exelvns»
15. Aupxover aita: so B and the true text of Pesh., but Pesh,
Edd, and a few MSS. \ooS, avrovs. Greek MSS. are divided,
202 Sine Biblica et Ecclestastica
21. Tév pabytdv aitod: so Pesh.; B om. avrov.
25. Oi pabyrai: Bom., Pesh. coomraNdh, his disciples.
‘Hyas: so Pesh.; B om.
27. ‘Yraxovovow airé is also the order of Pesh.; B transposes.
28. Tepyeonvav: Tadapynvev B, so Pesh.
29. Bom. ’Inood, against Pesh.
31. “Exitpefov: so Pesh.; B azooretXov.
32. Pesh. Jno hand, €ls TOUS XoLpous, as B.
IX. 2. ’"Adéwvra, perfect, see Winer’s Gr., xiv. 3 a. Pesh.
qsaaa is possibly the present adevrar as B, but ep. the various
Syriac renderings at Lk. vii. 43, 47, 48.
Zou ai duaptiar cov in the majority, so Pesh., Boov at apapriau.
4. ‘Idv in the majority, B and Pesh. edws.
‘Ypeis évOupetobe: Pesh. omits vers with B.
5. Pesh. perhaps supports aduevrat, see ver. 2.
Sov in B and the majority ; Pesh. y& cor, as Text. Recept.
6. "EyepOeis: B eyewpe, for which Tischendorf quotes Pesh., where
Nvasa pos certainly favours the reading of B, but may be only
due to the Syriac idiom.
8. *EGavpacav: B edonOncav, so Pesh.
11. Eizov: Pesh. s¢s0/, dicunt, represents (perhaps) e\eyov of
B, but a well supported v.1. is ogso/, dixerunt. There are some
variations of order in the Greek of the second clause: Pesh. agrees
with the majority and B.
12. ‘O dé Inooits dxovcas elrev airois : so Pesh.; Bom. Iyoovus and
avrols.
13. Kis perdvorav: B and Pesh. omit.
14. Nyorevowev todd: so Pesh. ; B om. zodAa.
17. “AzoXovvra: Pesh. el’, in the same form as the two
preceding verbs, seems to express the present aroAAvyra of B.
18. Eis €A@ov. Pesh. has [npc] S20 ou [hans] JL? ; by com-
parison of the rendering of viii. 2, it may be inferred that the trans-
lator read evs zpoced Our, the reading of B, or, perhaps, tis tpoc.
Aéyov: Pesh. omits y=o7, which is read in the majority and B.
22. Pesh. has the "Incots, which Tischendorf with & omits.
23. Aéye airois: B edeyev, omitting avros: Pesh. yoo 2018,
which seems to represent eAeyev avrors.
26. Pesh. with the majority has atry.
32. “AvOpwrov kwoddv: Pesh. hein, omitting avOpwzov as B.
33- [Or] ovdérore: Pesh. pokes II, without 9, certainly favours
the omission of orc in the majority of MSS., including B.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 203
34. This verse is contained in Pesh., as in almost all authorities,
including B.
35. Ev 7d AaG: B and Pesh. omit.
36. “EoxvApevor: so most MSS. and B, but Pesh. som el seems
to represent exeAvpevor of other MSS. and Text. Recept.
X. 2. Kai IdxwBos: Pesh. with B; the majority omit xa.
3. AcBBatos 6 éxixAyGeis @addaios: so Pesh., but B omits AcBP.
o emixAnO.
4. Kavavirns. Pesh. sso represents xavavaios of B.
_8. Before or after Aer. xafap., B, Text. Recept., and others insert
vexpous eyepere; So Pesh. (ed. Schaaf.), but the MSS. omit.
10. ‘PaBdovs: thus many uncials and cursives, but Pesh. how
sing. with B and others.
*Eorw is expressed by Pesh., B omits.
12. Pesh.as B and the rest, without the addition in & and the
Latin.
14. "E€epyopevort so Pesh., ep. the rendering of Mark xi. 19;
B adds e&w.
Tov xovtoprov 7: 700. in B and the majority; Pesh. gs0 hes
<J represents 7. Kov. ex 7. 708. of & and Latin, cp. the rendering of
Acts xili. 51.
19. Aobyoerar yap tpiv ev exeivy TH Opa ti Aadyjoere (or -Te):
so Pesh. and B; a few omit.
23. For a\dnv or érépav the evidence of the Peshitto is uncer-
tain; the same Syriac is sometimes used for the former, sometimes
for the latter, cp. Matt. iv. 21 and vi. 24.
33- Pesh. seems to confirm airov xéyo of the majority; B kayw
auTov.
XI. 2. Avo rév pabytaév aitod: B (with Pesh.) dca 7. pad. avr.
5. Kai before ywAoi, Kwdoi, and rtwxoi, which some omit, is
found in Pesh., also before vexpor with B and others, but against
the majority.
8. ’Ev padaxois iwatiows: B omits waruois, also city at the end
of the verse. Pesh. reads both.
9. “ldetv ; zpopyryv; so Pesh., but B has zpodyrny ide ;
10. Otros ydép: so Pesh., but B omits yap. Pesh. has ds xata-
oxevacee With B and the majority.
15. ’Axove, which B omits, is read by Pesh.
16. Ev dyopats xafnpévors: Pesh. has xaOypevors first, as B, and
reads ev [ry] ayopa as D and some cursives.
Tois éraipos aitav: so Pesh. as Text. Recept. against B.
VOL. V, PART III. Q
204 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
17. "EOpyvjcapev iptv: so Pesh.; B omits vw.
19. Tév réxvwv airas: Br. epywv av., and so Pesh.
21. Xopagiv and Byfoaida are favoured by Pesh.; B Xopager,
By bcadav.
7086: kabnpevor, Which is added in ¥ and others, is not in Pesh.
23. Kazepvaovp: see note on iv. 13.
katafiBacOyoy : so Pesh. with the majority; B xataByon.
yevouevat ev coi: this is the order of Pesh., but B ev cou yev.
éuewav: B enewvev, and Pesh. has fem. sing. in agreement with
Sodom.
26. ’Eyévero evdoxia : this is the order of Pesh., but B has evdoxia
eyev.
XII. 3. Ezetvace: so the majority with B and Pesh., but some
add avtos.
For Aaviéd see note on i. f.
4. "Edayev: so Pesh. with the majority, but B edayov.
Ovs: Pesh. sing., as B, but lsaauN, bread, for dprous precedes.
~8. tod caBBdrov: so Pesh. with the majority, but Text. Recept.
and some cursives prefix Kau.
10. °Hv: so the majority; B omits; Pesh. and others yy exe.
11. Tis éorar: \Sasce oiso recognizes an eorat [or eoru], which
a few omit, against the majority, including B,
14. Of 88 Bapwrator cvpBovdov eaBov Kat’ avrod e&eAGdvtes in
the majority, but B and Pesh. transpose eed. de ov Bap. cup. ed.
K. QUT.
15. "OxAou was read by Pesh.; B omits.
22. IpoonvéxOn ait& dapoviCopevos tudAds Kat kwpds: so the
majority, but B and Peshitto zpoonveyxay avtw dapoviCopevov
tupXov Kat kwov.
"Qore Tov TudAdv Kal Kwddv: so the majority, but Pesh. and
afew transpose T. kod. K. Tup. Kal Aad. ; B omits 7. rv. kar and Ka
before Xadew: Pesh. omits the latter xa:, but the construction is
different.
25. Band others omit 6 ’Iycots: Pesh. read it with the majority.
24. ‘Ypav écovra xpiraé: the order of the majority, with which
Pesh. 39 yoas ov agrees. B xpirar eo. vp.
28. ’Ev [vevpare @cod eyo, the order of the majority, including
B; so Pesh.; many cursives eyw ev Ivevpate Ocov.
31. Tots dvOpdéros at the end of the verse is omitted by B but
read by Pesh.
32. Ev 7@ viv aidve in the majority, B tovrw tw aww: Pesh,
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 205
seems to have had tw aw rtovrw, as a few MSS. read, but
Jao Jsadso stands for éy rd viv aiév, Titus ii. 12; cp. 2 Tim.
iV. LO.
35- Onoarvpod: so the majority with B and Pesh.; others add
TNS Kapolas.
38. ’AzexpiOnoav : B adds avtw: Pesh. aS eivlo fee RES,
amexpiOnoav . . . Aeyovtes avTw.
Kai ®apicaiwv: so Pesh., B omits.
40. "Eorau: Pesh., as the majority, without xat following, which
is added by D.
44. “Emorpépw eis rov oikdv pov is also the order of Pesh., but
B has evs tr. ov. pu. ereorpelu.
46. "Eri 0€ . . . ddeAdol aitod. B omits de, NP omits avrov, Pesh.
read both.
44. Pesh. has this verse, which B omits.
XIII. 1. Ag, dzd: B omits; Pesh. read de, and azo, or ex.
g. “Axovew: so Pesh., B omits.
II. Etrey airois: so Pesh. with B and the majority. & omits
avuTols. .
14. Adrots in the majority; Pesh. had ex’ avrouw, as D and
others, or ev, the reading of a few MSS.
15. Tots @of in the great majority, but Pesh. read tos wow
avtwv bis, which has little support.
16. Ta dra tpav: so Pesh.; B omits vywr.
17. Pesh, read ydép, which & and a few omit.
22. Tov aidvos tovrov: so Pesh.; B omits rovrov.
23. Ti yhv tyv KaAnv: this is the order of Pesh., but it is the
natural order of the Syriac. B and others ryv xadnv yyy.
24. Sareipovte: Pesh. S5y9 is the ozetpavru of B.
28. Oi d¢ dodAor: so Pesh.; B omits.
31. Pesh. as the majority with B; «AaAynoey for rapéOyKev in D
and others.
33. Airois: & and others add Aeywv: Pesh. as the majority.
34. Ot«: } without pes almost proves that Pesh. read ove, and
not ovdey of B and others.
35. Upodyrov: so Pesh., 8 adds Hoatov.
Koopov: B omits, Pesh. reads it.
36. ‘O "Incots: Bomits; Pesh. has it after rove at the beginning
of the verse.
Ppdcov: B duacapynoov: dp. seems to be intended by wa® of
Pesh., ep. aryo/ for duecadpyoay in XViil. 31.
Q 2
206 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica
37. Pesh. had airots, which B omits.
40. Tovrov: so Pesh., B omits.
43. “Axovew: so Pesh., B omits; ep. ver. 9.
44. Ild\w: so Pesh., B omits.
Kal rdvra éoa exer rode? : Pesh. omits car, and has the order
mode 7. 0. Exel, Which agrees with B's text.
45- AvOparw éuropw: Pesh. Jeu Jaa, B omits av6p.
46. °Os etpov: Pesh. vatnil ew? 2 seems to represent the
reading of B evpwv de.
51. Aéye airois 6 Incots: Pesh. and the majority; B omits.
Kvpie: B omits, Pesh. has >, Our Lord.
52. Eis tiv Bacirelav: Bry Baowdea: Pesh. haaSsaX\ probably
represents the former, but it is not certain.
55. Iwofs: this (or rather Iwoy) was the reading of Pesh. with
the majority.. B Iwan®.
57. TH marpid. avtod: B omits avrov. In Pesh. ater, o
certainly expresses either avrov, or the v. 1. dia.
XIV. 3. Pesh. reads airév, which B omits.
Kat ero év vAaky: this is also the order of Pesh., but might
represent the v. 1. awefero: B has ev dudaxy azebero.
4. Aird 6 “Iwdvvys is also the order of Pesh., but B transposes
o I. and avr.
6. Teveotwy 8& d&yopévov: B yeveorois de yevopevors: a few yeve-
cov de yevopevwv: Pesh. od» Kas ew? Joo 25, which favours
some case of yevopevos: cf. the rendering of jyov airiy jpepay by
Jsoa. Gooeas in Esther ix. 17.
g. Pesh. read édvr7jOn 6 Bacrred’s, bua 8 Tods dpKous, as the
majority; B Avrnbeas o B. dia T. op.
12. "Hpav 7d copa, xat Oaav airé in the majority; B rropa
and avroy. Pesh. o;a© ose adsa favours trwya, and omits
avto or avrov, but reads his corpse.
13. Kal dxovoas: B axovoas de, which is supported by Pesh. qe.
14. Pesh. has 6 Iycots, which B omits.
15. Oi pabyral aitod: so Pesh.; B omits avrov.
’AréAvoov : a few authorities add ovy, but not Pesh.
18. Adrots de: so Pesh.; B wée avtous.
19. AaBdv in the majority and B., but Pesh. and a few kat
Aa Pov.
22. Kal etOéus jvdyxacey 6 “Inoots robs pabyras airot. B and
others with Pesh. omit Inoovs. A few omit evfews and & and
several avrov: Pesh. reads both.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 207
24. Mécov 77s Oaddoons jv: so the majority; Pesh. Loo fasus
Jk ceo Jhon hes/ ho? «©, which agrees with: B’s reading orad.ovs
woXAovs aro TNS YS aTreELXE.”
25. ‘AajdGe in the majority, B 7AGe, which seems to be supported
by JL? of the Peshitto, for ax)Ge is generally rendered by Sx/.
‘O “Inoois, which B omits, is read in Pesh,
26. Kai iddvres aitirov of pabytai: B ox de wabyras Wovres avtov :
Pesh. as the majority, but reading és disciples.
27. Avrois 6 Inoots in nearly all MSS.; B o Iyo. avros: a few
omit o Incovs: Pesh. has bet Jesus at once spake with them.
28. Air 6 Ilérpos etre . . . mpds oe eAOciv: B o Merpos erev
avtw, «Mew zpos oe, which readings correspond to ;xlo 3 fuse
ghad Jl? uX yano ... od in Pesh.
29. ’ENOeir is represented by Jhlyy of Pesh.; B car nrbev.
30. “Avepov icxupdv: B omits uryupov, Pesh. reads it.
33- ‘EdOovres tpocextvnoav: so Pesh.; B omits eovres.
34. Tevvnocaper: B, but not Pesh., prefixes es.
36. Iapexadovy airov: so Pesh.; B omits avrov.
5. In examining the character of the Peshitto in fourteen
chapters, we have noted the readings of the version in two
hundred and forty-three verses or places; but several of
these readings have no importance for the purpose in hand.
In not a few cases the evidence of the Peshitto is doubtful.
In others, where the witness is clear, the Greek readings,
which are attested by the Syriac, have no direct connexion
with the subject of our inquiry. An instance of the latter
class of passages is Matt. ii. 11, where the agreement of the
Peshitto with B is of no significance, for the majority of MSS.
of all ages supports the same reading, while only a very few
have the alternative reading of the Textus Receptus. We
exclude therefore the seventy-six following places :—
Ditle aie Alte 91. LL 5. 1v 19 ay WOR vals eoGy. T1y.13,
27, 28, 3,20, 48; vi.4, b; 15; -16, 18, 40, 29° b) 94, 32/5. vil.
25, 53. 22; 15, 1G, 10, 295 Vil. 5, 9, 13 bi Dy. teres 0, EX bis,
102722 0,0830 34, 20 x, 0, 12, 14 tO. gered bo 10) by,
1G, 2s 0, LOL TL eal, 26, 62.) so acer. FT, 14,
E57 7, Shs 8325. bes XIV U5 Oy Ty 22.
208 Studia Biblica et E-cclesiastica
The remaining one hundred and sixty-seven passages form
two groups; (I) those in which the Peshitto supports the
readings of the majority of Greek MSS., (II) those in which
the Peshitto supports the readings of codex B.
I. 5; 75 10, 10m, 25) Weis. a, a Ord nO. ee,
24% V. II, 22, 25b, 30, 32b, 44 ter, 47b; vi. 1, 4 bis, 5a bis,
6, 13, B41, 22a, 25°93 5 vil.00, 10, 146 viii. 2, 3.9, 10,. 03:
21,25 bis, 27,20; 31 5 ee, 12; 14, 29): = O10, 4, 3a
8 bis, 9, Toa, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23 bis, 26; xl. 4, 15, 25, 27, 31,
38, 44, 46, 473 xill. I, 9, 16, 22, 23, 28, 34, 35, 36 bis, 37, 40,
43, 448, 45, 51 bis, 55, 573 Xiv. 3 bis, 4,10, 14, 15a, 18, 25,
26, 27, 29; 30; 33, 34, 36. | |
If, 4, 6, 55, 18 b 5 0.17; £6; £95 Mi. 3,16, 7, 22, 16, bies awe
3, 5, 10,13 b, 16, 23; v.25 a, 32a, 47 bis; vi. 12; vil. 8, 9,
15, 24, 205 Vill..5. 95,195 29, 925 we. 4 biss5, 819, 2 7 tes
32, 355 X. 2,4, 10; 1. 2, 5, 16, 19, 29 hiss) sal. 4a ere,
38; xill. 24, 44 b, 46; xiv. 6, 12, 13, 22, 24, 25, 28.
Several of the verses, which are cited, involve more than
one distinet point in the evidence ; they are therefore neces-
sarily entered in the summary under more than one head.
Some of the verses, which are excluded, may be thought to
contain evidence of the connexion of the Peshitto with the
majority of the MSS. on the one side, or with cod. B on the
other. We have preferred in all cases of doubt to exclude
the verse, rather than to seem to overstate the case ; but a few
instances more or less would make no real difference in the
general result, which is as follows :—
In fourteen chapters the readings of the Peshitto are found
to support the Traditional Greek Text in one hundred and
eight places, and the Text of codex B in sixty-five places—
more than half the number.
209
LE
1. It is not our intention in this essay to pursue our in-
vestigations beyond the Holy Gospels. Questions concerning
the value of the evidence of the Peshitto are limited to those
books for the present; when Curetonian Epistles and a Lewis
Acts have been discovered, a wider field will be opened up ; but
the results we have already obtained, and the considerations
to follow, are, we think, sufficient in amount and weight to
stamp the character of the Peshitto as a whole. These results
will by some be received with surprise; yet Westcott and
Hort have already said ' :—
‘Nevertheless the two texts are not identical. In a con-
siderable number of variations the Vulgate Syriac? sides with
one or other of the Pre-Syrian texts against the Antiochian
Fathers and the late Greek text, or else has a transitional
reading, which has often, though not always, some Greek
documentary attestation.’
The first two assertions in this quotation are, on the whole,
confirmed by our examination of the text of Matt. i-xiv. The
last assertion is somewhat vague, but appears intended to
mean that the Peshitto readings form a connecting link
between the texts which the writers call respectively
‘Pre-Syrian’ and ‘ Antiochian and late.’ To complete our
investigation, we will now collect from the same chapters of
St. Matthew those places in which the Peshitto witnesses
to independent readings, as distinguished from those in which,
as we have already seen, it supports either codex B or the
Traditional Greek Text. We will add in each case a com-
1 New Test., Introd., § 189
2 By which they mean the Peshitto. As has often been pointed out, this
epithet expresses the reception and popularity of this version, but assumes
a theory about its origin which is still a subject of discussion.
210 Studia Briblica et Ecclesiastica
parison with the Curetonian and the Lewis! MSS., and give,
where necessary or desirable, confirmatory readings, especially
those of D, and the evidence of the Old Latin; but we shall
not attempt to exhibit the attestations in full: space would
not permit, and the reader can verify our conclusions from
the pages of Tischendorf.
2. St. Marruew, i-xiv.
I. 20. Om. idov, also ii. 1, and often. As the use of Joy, Jo, is in
accordance with Syriac idiom, it is difficult to believe that a trans-
lator would fail to employ the particle, if ov were before him in
his Greek MS. Sometimes, but not often—e. g. xii. 49—Jo, lo, is
introduced, where there is no vdov in the Greek. Cur. and Lp.
omit at i. 20, but at ii. 1 read and lo.
23. Mc’ ipdv 6 Geds, yors/ car, Our God is with us, but our
may be intended to express 6. Cur. and Lp.as Pesh., but trans. @.
25. “Eyivwoxey: Pesh. oxaaue, eyvw airyy, the reading of D and
the Old Latin. Cur. and Lp. different.
II. 1. Om. idov, see i. 20.
Tis “lovdaias, Jyoose9 ped Kis, Bethlehem of Judah (so Cur.
and Lp.) as ver. 6, and so ver. 5.
5. Om. atta: so N> Chrys. (codd. Moscuenses 3), but not Cur.
and Lp.
6. Om. yf, Pesh. Cur. Lp.
8. Eirev: Pesh. adds yoo, avrows, with Cur. and Lp. Pesh.
has the order z. 7. watdvov axpyBws: so Cur.; Lp. omits axpiBos.
"Exay d€ evpyre, amayyethaTé 101, ob vovohmaals roo
wolas, And when ye have found him, come tell me. It is doubtful
if the translator had avrov, but probable that he read devre. Cp.
xxvill. 6, where dedre idere is rendered gro hus qwolh. Cur. and Lp.
as Pesh.
11. Pesh. cpvpvay kat A(Bavov. So Cur. and Lp.
13. Om. idov, see 1. 20; so Cur. and Lp.
14. ‘O de éyepbeis: Pesh. Cur. Lp. But Joseph arose. This is
hardly to be reckoned a v./.; probably the name is added for
clearness ; yet it is supported by Old Latin MSS.
1 T shall use the symbol Lp., which I employed six years ago when writing
in the Critical Review, to indicate the palimpsest discovered and published
by Mrs. Lewis. Every one calls the companion text the Curetonian, after its
discoverer. Appellations which tend to confuse the Sinai Palimpsest with
the Codex Sinaiticus, may mislead some readers. S resembles 8, the symbol
of a tenth century MS.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 211
19. Tod “Hpddov: Pesh. Cur. Lp. add tod Bactdéws, having, as it
seems, the same reading as in ver. 1, and again omit idov.
21. Joseph added, as ver. 14; not Cur. nor Lp.
23. MSs3 sing. the Prophet, Pesh. Cur. and Lp.
ITT. 3. Pesh. omits A¢yovros, with slight support. Cur. and Lp.
read it.
8. Kapzovs agiovs Pesh. with Cur. and Lp.
10. "Hdy dé: Pesh. e? Jo, reading, as it seems, *I8od dé. Cur.
Lp. Joro, cat idov.
12. Pesh. reads dAwva, cirov, and dzobyxnv as if plurals; Cur. so
reads the last two, Lp. the second only. All omit airod after otrov.
16. *Idov omitted in Pesh., read in Cur. and Lp.
IV. 1. Tod Ivetparos: Pesh. and Cur. add }asagy, ay Lwovvys,
1.e. dyiov, but rather as an explanation than following a different
reading. Lp. follows the Greek. All have the order uo r. zvev.
eis T. epnwov With & K.
15. Pesh. omits xat before yj, and proceeds frase fuso/ , which
certainly looks like a reading 6d0s, for the adverbial sense of the
accusative 65dv would require a preposition before kuso?. Cur.
and Lp. read xat but have 3? as Pesh.
19. Aéyeu avtots: Pesh, and Cur. add Jesus}. ‘Yuas: Pesh.
with D and Old Latin MSS. adds yeveoOar: not Cur. nor Lp.
20. Aixrva: Pesh. adds avrwy: so Cur. and Lp.
23. Pesh. omits the second zacav: not Cur. nor Lp.
24. Jotsabs eel edoto tee MAD Wadd em/; TOUS KAKOS
exovTas . . . Kal Tos PBacdvors ovvexopévous, the repetition of
ed. / suggesting that Pesh. read trois before Bacdvos. Cur. and
Lp. are different and diverge from the Greek.
V.1. “Idov dé: Pesh. adds Jesus, as iv. t9; not Cur. nor Lp.
1. Pesh. JlaXxee eS fro Jars jlo So yoanss. Three
transpositions, as though reading ka@? dpav wav pha rovynpov eveKev
€uov Wevddpevor. pyjia wovypov is the usual Syriac order of noun
and adjective, the other two changes are not required by the idiom
and certainly suggest a different order in the Greek. Cur. and Lp.
have xa@ tuév in the same position: the former certainly, the
latter probably, omits pyua. Cur. has evdduevor before év. éu.:
Lp. omits it.
* It may be said with good reason that this addition is like that of Joseph
in ii, 14 and 21, but Dr. Sanday treats the addition or omission of Jesus in
Xvi. 21 as a var. lect., see Append. p. 107. On the other hand, the case of
copies, with which Dr. Sanday was dealing, is different from that of a Version.
212 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
12. Opa geeeo, Then rejoice, as though reading rore xaipere. Not
Cur. nor Lp.
17. Old editions of Pesh. omit the second 7AOov. The true text
agrees with the Greek, so also do Cur. and Lp.
31. Pesh. Cur. Lp. omit de.
36. All transpose and add o>, as though reading zoujoa év
ath play tTpiya NevKyV 7) peAaway.
37. } Wo xai od ov, Pesh. Cur. Lp.
44. Pesh. aos dlls CO, 70 katapwpery tas, in sing. Cur.
and Lp. omit the clause.
45. “Ore: Pesh. 9 om, He who. Pesh. also transposes dyabods
Kal zovypovs. In each case P is supported by Cur. Lp. and some
Old Latin MSS.
VI. 1. Ilpoceyere: Pesh, (not Cur. nor Lp.) adds 8é, with x and
others.
5. Protow: Pesh. and Cur. add orjva, the Old Latin reading,
and omit éoradres. Lp. omits the verse.
17. Pesh. transposes, Nia: 76 mpdcwrdv cov, Kat areusou tiv
Kehadyv gov. So Cur. Lp. is defective to viii. 3.
18. g>e2s oo, avTos arodwce: cor, Pesh., not Cur.
32. Havra yap ratra ra €Ovy: so the true text of the Peshitto,
but the old editions and some MSS. add haNsg, 70d xdcpov.
Cur. adds \s3{9, with the same meaning. Ofde yap: Pesh. (not
Cur.) de, with slight support.
WEL: sr. ve? jhe = amo de T. Kap. av., Pesh.; Cur. S.20, ody.
ViGEE. 2." gas oie, Aerpos tis, Pesh. and Cur.
3. Thv xetpa: Pesh. adds airod with Cur. Lp. and x.
4. Waar, to the Priests, pl., Pesh. and Cur. The reading of Lp.
is conjectural, and given as sing. by the Editors,
To d@pov: so Pesh., but a well supported v.1. is yissas, thy
gift. Cur. and Lp. have the gift.
5. Pesh. adds vs, as ver. 2; so Cur. In Lp. there is a
lacuna.
8. Pesh. has oo Lords. The same construction is found in
ver. 13. Probably in each case om stands for the article and does
not represent a reading éxeivos. Cur. and Lp. have also og, but
here before the noun, ver. 13 after as Pesh.
12. “ExBAnOjoovra: Pesh. yaaas, shall go forth; so Cur. and
Lp. with x.
14. Ilerpov: Pesh. yassaay, Ziuwvos, cp. Mark i. 29 in the
Greek. So Cur. and Lp.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 213
16, \Woas9, TA tvevpaTa aitdv, Pesh., but Cur. and Lp. only
Ww (, aura.
23. Same. ASo .d0. There is no Jesus in the Greek, but see
note on 11. 14. Cur. and Lp. are both defective here.
24. Atros d¢€: Pesh. adds was, Jesus, as in the preceding verse ;
so vers. 26, 28, 32. Cur.is defective to x. 32. Lp. has not the
addition, here or below, but is defective in the beginning of ver. 26.
25. Kvpve: Pesh. here, and ix. 28, xiii. 51, has Ge, Our Lord,
but the difference is rather of idiom than of reading. Lp. agrees
with Pesh. Cur. is defective: at xiii. 51 both omit the word.
26. Pesh. and Lp, the wind in the singular, with s and others.
27. Pesh. and Lp. omit xai before of dvepou.
29. Pesh. om, idov: cp. note on i. 20,
32. Pesh, omits idot and the second xo/pwv: so Lp., but there
are many differences between the texts,
33- Joo pesado, as though reading rdvra ra yevdueva: cp. the
Syriac of xviii, 31. Lp. has so, zavra, but the rest is illegible.
IX. 2. Pesh. om, idov, as vill. 29 above. Lp. is defective, here
and the next two verses.
3. Kat idov, rweés 7. y.: Pesh, tues 82 7. y.
4. Eizev: Pesh, adds avrois, with D and some others,
5. Pesh. seems to have ’Ad. cou ai dpapriat cov, reading both cou
and gov. Lp.the same. On ddewvrar or ddpievrar see note on 1x. 2,
p- 202.
6. Pesh. om. rére (with M) and has [£;4s0 oo, for which see
note on vill, 8. Lp, reads rére but has p ood.
10. Pesh, omits éyévero and reads airév dvaxepevov, with x*.
It also omits kai idov. Lp. is defective.
15. For zevOeiy Pesh, has poss vnoreve, with D and Old
Latin MSS. Lp. follows the Greek.
16. Pesh. omits 6¢é: so Lp.
18. Pesh. om. idov. Lp. Joo, cat iSov.
19. Pesh. transposes, kal of pabytal aitod Kai HKoAovOncay aiTo,
reading 3rd pers. pl. as E and some other copies. Lp. follows the
Greek.
28, |axacs cic, but perhaps as before (viii. 8) only the article
is intended, of rvdAot. So Lp.
30. whol) Jeusoo, Kal cidis dvewxOnoav: so Lp,
32. A520 sae. Qs 490, And as Jesus went forth, they
brought. idod is omitted. Lp. omits idov, but otherwise follows
the Greek.
214 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
36. “Idav d¢: Pesh. adds Iycois (not Lp.) with some support.
37- Tore: Pesh. 0, car: Lp. eegeo, tore.
X. 1. “Eovoiav: Pesh. adds xara with E and others, but not Lp.
\o9aD0, kal padakiav, tacav being omitted ; so Lp.
2. pearly ee? (ode, *Exeivwv 8€ tév dwdexa, In Lp. the
sentence is inverted, but there is no éxeivwr.
4. Pesh, prefixes xat to Siuwv, and reads Lyctines, S'carjuta; so
Lp. Both omit xai before zapadovs,
10. My: Pesh. and Lp. Wo, undé,
24. Adaoxadov: Pesh, adds atrod with Lp. and x.
25. Pesh. has always ecaJNN5, Belzebub; so Cur. So also
Lp. here ; in the other places the MS. is defective.
28. Kai before Yvyqv is omitted by Pesh. and Lp.
30. Pesh, adds ipar after xepadjs. So apparently Lp., but the
wording is different.
XI. 5. Pesh. has cai before Aezpod, as well as the other nouns.
So Cur. Lp. is defective here.
14. Aé€faoOar: Pesh. aXas, déEaoHe, as E and some cursives,
but not Cur. nor Lp.
20. Tore jpéaro: Pesh, adds Jesus. So Cur. Lp. is defective.
21. Pesh. prefixes Joo e616, and he was saying; Cur. sho,
and he said; Lp. defective.
mada. dv: Pesh, ge? +a9, The same occurs at Luke x, 13. It
looks like a reading é¢, for dv is usually passed over in the Syriac
rendering. Cur. as Pesh. Lp. is again defective.
24. war jo zx0/ , A€yw cor, Pesh., with slight support. Cur.
omits the pronoun ; Lp. is defective.
XII. 2. “Idovres: Pesh. adds airots with Cur. and Old Latin
and some Greek MSS. Lp. is defective to ver. 7.
5. Pesh. om. tots caBBaow : so Cur.
g. “ExetOev: Pesh. adds Jesus (not Cur.) with C and some
others.
10. Pesh, reads Kai av@pwrds tis: see note on i. 20: Cur, has
idov and tus,
11. Pesh. and Cur. omit rotro and read xpare?, éye(per, with D and
others. Lp. seems also to have the present tense, but is defective.
13. Pesh, Kat écérewe rv xeipa adtod, and omits tyjs. So Cur.
and, as it seems, Lp., but the writing is in part defective.
24, 27. See note on x. 25.
30. dens 09,400, as though they read oxopri<wy oxoprile. So
Cur. In Lp. the writing is lost.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 215
32. Pesh., with Cur. and Lp., év 76 aid péAXovti, but the repe-
tition of the noun is almost required by the idiom.
44, Yecapwpevov: Pesh. prefixes xa: with Cur. Lp. 8 and others.
46. For idod Pesh, has ob/, #AOov. Cur. and Lp. agree with the
Greek,
49. Pesh. xai, tdov, of ddedX., repeating i8ov, which is so often
omitted, cp. i. 20, Cur. as Pesh,, but Lp. has a different
expression.
XIII. 1. she... aay (cited by Tischendorf) exactly represent
eénAGev kal éxdOnro, but participle and finite verb are often resolved
into two finites, with or without copula. Lp. here omits and,
Cur. agrees with Pesh.,
10. Pesh. adds adrot to of pabyra/, with Cur. Lp. and others.
13. Pesh. cosas at end of clause, as though reading Aard
avrots: but inferences from order of words are somewhat doubtful.
Cur. and Lp. as Pesh.
18. Jssiy WNs, riv rapaBodjv rod orépparos. Cur. and Lp.
agree with the Greek.
23. Tov Adyov: Pesh. adds pov, o\Nas, and has the order dxovwv
tT. Aoy. pov. Cur. and Lp. have this order, but not pov. Old Latin
q has verbum meum.
“Os 83 kaprodopet: Pesh. and Cur. J3}$ oo20, which perhaps
represents 6¢, the reading of A, rather than 67. Lp. has and then tt
yreldeth, the Old Latin reading.
28. Pesh. (against the majority, but with D and Old Latin) has
the order A€yovow (not cizov) aire of dotAoc: but it is a natural
Syriac order, Cur. and Lp. as Pesh.
29. Ov: parore: Pesh. laaS9, omitting ov, but Cur. and Lp.
have it. The negative is implied in either reading.
Pesh. (with slight support) dua abrots kal (9/) 7. oirov. Cur.
and Lp. transpose, kai tr. otrov apa air.
30. His décpas: Pesh. JKusolso we cial, Syo. aura Seopas:
so Cur. Lp. with Old Latin and some Greek MSS.
32. MetLov trav: Pesh. p. ravtrwy tov. So Cur. Lp. and some
Greek MSS.
41. Tovs rowitvras: Pesh. Cur. Lp. all them which do.
48. “AvaBiBacavres: Pesh. adds airyy, with some support. It
has the cai, which some omit, and after xa@icavres, proceeds aoe
SS ansss/” |S2o, they selected ; and the good they put into
vessels, Cur. and Lp. have air and kai, but express the latter
pait of the verse differently.
216 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
54, 57. Pesh. for zazpis has JKts—s0, city. So Cur.; also Lp. at
ver. 54, at 57 it is defective’.
XIV. 1. “Ev éxetvw: Pesh. adds dé: so Cur. and, no doubt, Lp.,
but the writing is defective.
4. At the end Pesh. adds JLXu?, wife; so Cur., but not Lp.
6. \aisaco pee év péow Tov dvakepéevov, cp. Mark vi. 22. So
substantially Cur., but Lp. omits the clause.
7. ‘Qpodsynoev: Pesh. las, sware, with slight support, but not
Cur. nor Lp.
8. Pesh., with Cur. and Lp., has She said, Give me here. The
order was perhaps altered for the sake of the Syriac idiom, but it
is supported by the Greek of D.
g. Pesh. adds at the end oN, to her, with Cur. ; so apparently
Lp., but the word is illegible.
13. Wefq7: Pesh. hana, as if reading 8&4 éypas, but the same
rendering of eff is found in Mark vi. 33. Cur. more literally
Sagoo; Lp. is defective.
15. Tovs dxAouvs: Pesh, adds hails, tov dvOparwv, not Cur. ; Lp.
is defective.
16. Pesh, omits "Ijoods, with Cur, Lp. 8 and D.
19. "Emi rovs xdprous: Pesh. \x3/ Sox, on the ground, but Cur,
hacos., Lp. fosas, to express the ydprovs.
Jeias ann Jpiwdh (WS soe wWSKS Sono, and
gave to his disciples (omitting tots aprovs) and the disciples set
them before the multitudes. Cur. He brake the bread and gave to
his disciples and his disciples gave to the multitudes ; so Lp.? Pesh.
has some slight support from the Old Latin.
21. Pesh. omits @oeé: so Cur.; Lp. is defective.
24. Pesh. omits 757, with D and Old Latin MSS. It also has
eer Jax has, Bacaviopevov tov. Most of Lp. is illegible.
Cur. does not read 737 or ug. Cur. and Lp. have and they were
distressed, mas. pl.
25, 20; kiso bis, water, for ris Oaddcons, tiv Oadaccar, looks
like an early error for lsas, sea. Ly. is defective at ver. 25, and
has |se. at ver. 26. Cur. has Lise ver. 25, hss ver. 26.
1 The Syriac expresses a special meaning of the word— native place,’ in
general, hence ‘city.’ Besides instances in the Gospels, it is so used by Philo
and Josephus; see Thayer’s Grimm’s Lexicon, Blomfield’s Lexicon to the
Greck Testament, s.v. It would therefore be unreasonable to suppose that the
Syriac had a reading dAus.
? On \o&o, which is read in Cur. as well as in Pesh., but not in Lp., see
remark on the use of Oo, viii. 8, above.
Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N.T, 217
26. Tischendorf quotes Pesh. for the inversion repuratotvta éxt 7.
Gad., but the order seems due to the Syriac idiom. Cur. and Lp.
have the same order, _
29. ‘O de: Pesh., with E and others, adds Ijcods: not Cur.; Lp.
is defective here.
31. ‘O "Inaods: Pesh. yee, our Lord. Cur. has Jesus, Lp. is
defective.
34. Pesh. sdatcy (the land) of Génésar. So Cur. and Lp.
3. In our examination of the text of these fourteen chapters,
we find one hundred and thirty-seven places where the render-
ings in the Peshitto agree neither with the Greek Text of codex
B, nor with that of the mass of Greek copies. In this number
we do not include the variations in v. 17 and vi. 32 a, because
the true text of the Peshitto! is now found to be in agreement,
with the Greek ; nor viii. 4b, because, though there is a well-
supported reading ‘¢/y gift, the true text appears to be ‘the
gift,’ as the Greek; nor the doubtful readings in viii. 8, 13,
25, ix. 28, xili. 54, 57, xiv. 1gaand 26. In the majority of the
hundred and thirty-seven places, the Peshitto has the support
of the Curetonian and the Lewis, or one of them. In many
others it is supported by the Old Latin, or by a few Greek
copies. There remain thirty-one places—almost one-fourth
of the whole number—in which the Peshitto appears to stand
alone; places, at least, where no variation in other authorities
is quoted by Tischendorf in his notes, with the two exceptions
(if exceptions they be) which we have recorded below. As
the presence of such a large number of Peshitto readings in
only fourteen chapters is significant, it will be well to collect
and set them down. They are :— .
ul. 21 Joseph added ; iii. 16 ido omitted ; iv. 15 kal omitted ;
23 second wacav omitted; 24 tovs added; v. 1 Jesus added ;
12 tore prefixed ; 44 the singular 7@ karapopeve tyas 3 vi. 18
avros inserted before dzoddéce.; vii. 16 5€ added; viii. 16
avtaév added; 23 Jesus added, and below; 29 idod omitted ;
1 At v. 17 the MSS. and the American Edition have the second Rol/,
7AGov, At vi. 32 the addition is found in two important copies, but is
rejected by the majority, See Tetraeuangelium, pp. 39 and 48,
218 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica.
33 marta Ta yevopeva; 1x. 2 ldod omitted; 3 Tres 88
Tav ypapyatéwv; 10 Kal lov omitted; 18 idov omitted ;
32 Jesus for aitév; 37 kal for rére; x. 2 éxetvwy added; xi.
46 7AOoy for idov; xiii. 18 rod oréppatos; 23 pov added to
Tov Adyov1; 29 omission of od; 48 the reading they selected ;
and the good they put”; xiv. 13 the probable reading d1a Enpas;
15 tov avOperwv added; 24 word added; 26 émi ra ddara ;
31 the reading Our Lord.
4a. We have noted that two of these Peshitto readings
receive external support, one from a codex of the Old Latin,
the other from a passage in Chrysostom. It is in a high
degree probable that others of the readings agree with variants
in some of the cursive copies, the bulk of which has never
been examined exhaustively *. At present our argument is
merely negative: in these many places the Peshitto appears
to stand alone. We can however foresee that ultimately one
or other of two positions must be taken. Ifthe many Peshitto
readings, which witness to Greek variants such as are found
in none of the best known copies, are hereafter discovered to
represent variants lurking, some in one, some in another,
cursive copy, it will follow that the cursives embody much
independent matter ; that they are not mere replicas of one
archetype, the reproduction, in publishers’ style, of a single
text; that they can no longer be disregarded by those who
would settle the text of the Greek Testament on an irre-
fragable basis. If they contain nothing but one late type of
text, let them be laid aside, and the issue will be between
Tischendorf’s codex &, and Westcott and Hort’s codex B. If
they represent a large number of very ancient, but now lost,
archetypes, we shall neglect the greater part of the evidence
if we only admit the testimony of a few uncials.
1 Tischendorf adduces Old Latin q as a sole authority for this addition.
2 Tischendorf quotes from Chrysostom a passage resembling this reading,
but adduces no authority of MSS. or Versions.
’ Gregory in Tischendorf’s Nov. Test. Gr. (vol. iii, viii, p. 453) recognizes
that some cursives witness to a text much older than themselves, and adds,
‘ haud ita multi vero ad hunc diem accurate examinati sunt.’
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greck N.T. 219
b. This will be one position. But an alternative may have
to be taken. It may be that whether the cursive texts be
hereafter resolved into many, or proved to be only one, the
Peshitto will be found to possess a large store of readings,
which unquestionably presuppose variations in the Greek, and
yet are supported by no Greek copies now known to us. Full
allowance must here be made for differences, which are rather
of translation than of reading; still there will yet remain
a considerable number of places, where the Peshitto (as dis-
tinguished from the Curetonian and the Lewis) will be an
independent witness to very ancient Greek readings, and will
claim to be heard in addition to the attestations of 8 and B.
Westcott and Hort in their Introduction, to which we have
already referred, suppose that there was ‘an authoritative
revision [of the Greek] at Antioch, which was then taken as
a standard for a similar authoritative revision of the Syriac
Text.’ But since we have shown that-the Peshitto readings
do not exactly represent any extant Greek Text, it follows
that, if the conjecture of the Cambridge Doctors be right, the
Peshitto is the so/e witness to a very ancient and authorita-
tive type of the text of the New Testament.
VOL. V, PART III. R
220
1TT.
At this stage in our investigation it may be convenient
to re-state what is known and generally admitted in con-
nexion with the history of the Peshitto Version of the New
Testament.
1. No one questions the fact that it has been received for
many centuries as their accredited version by both branches
of the Syrian Church ?.
2. The text of the version is attested by an+ exception-
ally large number of very ancient MSS. These, though
written in different localities, exhibit the text at various
epochs with a certainty and uniformity, which is almost,
or quite, without a parallel among the MSS. of ancient
books 2.
3. The pre-eminence of the Peshitto was due to the high
estimate in which it was held, and not to the absence of
competitors. At the beginning of the sixth eentury, and
again at the beginning of the seventh, revisions were under-
taken ® with a view to bringing the text of the Syriac into
conformity with the type of Greek text then prevalent,
and rendering the translation more literal and accurate ; but
neither of these revisions superseded the ancient Peshitto.
4a. So far all critics are in agreement. But it has been
supposed that in the era preceding the time when our oldest
copies of the Peshitto were written, some other form of trans-
lation was in general use. It was observed that Aphraates A
whose Homilies were composed between a. D. 337 and 345, and
1 For the history of the Syriac Versions of the New Testament see Wright,
Syriac Literature, pp. 6-20, where many authorities are quoted. Cp.
Mr. Burkitt’s Karly Christianity outside the Roman Empire, pp. 15, 18, 19.
2 Compare Mr, Rendel Harris’ remarks in LZ. Q. R., pp. 103, 104.
3 The Philorenian, by Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabog, in 508, and the
Harkleian, by Thomas of Harkel, in 616.
4 For Aphraates and Ephraim see Wright, Syriac Literature, pp. 32-38,
and the article ‘ Ephraim’ in Dictionary of Christian Biography.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 221
therefore are anterior to our earliest Peshitto MSS., did not
habitually quote from the New Testament Peshitto Text.
The usage of this writer is of importance in the question,
because his Homilies contain a very large number of Biblical
citations, and afford sufficient materials for arriving at a
definite conclusion.
b. The usage in citations of the other great Syriac writer of
the period, Mar Ephraim !, is perhaps the pivot on which the
present controversy will turn. Formerly it was supposed that
Ephraim made use of the Peshitto. If, as appeared to be the
case in not a few places, he used some other translation from
time to time—perhaps his own independent rendering—yet
the presence of the Peshitto in his writings was proof of the
antiquity of the version, and that it was known, and in use
amongst Syriac writers, in a period earlier than that of our
earliest copies of it®, Many years ago I indicated that the
solution of the problem might be found-by a careful examina-
tion of all the quotations in the earliest Syriac writers °.
Mr. Burkitt has proceeded on the path, which I pointed out as
the route to our destination ; and his observations and con-
clusions are, naturally, to me of peculiar interest. After an
exhaustive study of the genuine works of Mar Ephraim, he
contends that the resemblance of Ephraim’s quotations to the
Peshitto Text is due to corruption of Ephraim’s own text,
and that the true text of Ephraim, as attested by the best
MSS. of the Father’s writings, shows that he used the Diates-
saron in the main*. Hence Mr. Burkitt infers that the
Peshitto did not exist in the fourth century. His inference
1 See Mr. Woods’ ‘Examination of the New Testament Quotations of
Ephrem Syrus’ in Studia Biblica, vol. iii.
? It is allowed by all Syriac scholars that some of the oldest of the extant
MSS. of the Peshitto N.T, are not later than the fifth century, and were
perhaps written about a hundred years after the death of Ephraim, which
took place in 373. A recent examination of the most ancient Syriac MS. in
the Bodleian Library, a Tetraeuangelium, has led to the conclusion that it is
much older than has hitherto been supposed, and rivals in antiquity all,
except a few, of the oldest copies. See a note by the present writer on ‘The
Age of Dawkins 3’ in The Journal of Theological Studies, April, 1902.
° In a paper published in Studia Biblica, vol. i; see pp. 168, 169.
* On the disuse of this work in the Syrian Church see p. 232 (2) below.
R 2
222 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica
is exposed to the obvious objection that the use of the Diates-
saron does not preclude the existence of Separate Gospels.
He even admits the use of the Peshitto in eight out of his
forty-eight selected examples. But Mr. Burkitt's theory
derives support from the phenomena presented by those few
quotations which have been traced in other extant remains of
the Syriac literature before the fifth century. It is not dis-
puted that they bear a greater resemblance to Curetonian,
or Lewis, readings, as the case may be, than to the Peshitto
Text. But from the fifth century and onwards the Peshitto
held undisputed possession of the field in the usage of the
Syrinus. A theory of its origin is demanded, and Mr. Burkitt
considers the action taken by Bishop Rabbula affords sufficient
explanation of the rise of the great version *.
1 Burkitt, op. cit., p. 57; see also p. 232, n. 1, below.
NOTE TO PAGE 222.
Since the preceding pages have been in print, I have
thought that, in referring to Mr. Burkitt’s statements, I
may have represented him as allowing more than he is
willing to concede, His words in Texts and Studies, vol. vii.
No. 2, p. 55; are :—
‘I cannot think that the occasional coincidences of
language with the Peshitta against the Sinai Palimpsest
and the Curetonian, amounting to eight in all, are of a
character to suggest the actual use of the Syriac Vulgate.’
The position then is this. Mr. Burkitt recognizes in eight
(out of forty-eight) passages coincidences with the language
of the Versio Simplex. To Dr. Waller, myself, and others,
these coincidences are evidence for the existence of the form
of text now contained in the ‘Syriac Vulgate.” If that text
existed, and quotations were made, which agree with it, it is
not unreasonable to suppose the actual use of the Version
itself Mr. Burkitt thinks otherwise; and, as I understand,
contends that the coincidences are really with the Diatessaron,
which happens in those passages to exhibit readings identical
with those subsequently found in the Syriac Gospels, though
not in the Curetonian or Lewis MSS. of them.
[Studia Biblica, V. iii. ]
224 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
was raised’. It was confidently asserted by those who dis-
parage the Traditional Text, that the cause of their opponents
had suffered shipwreck and was hopelessly lost. But the
school, in which I have for many years been a scholar, has
never considered the Peshitto the sheet-anchor of our position.
I have yet to learn that Serivener or Burgon ‘ever set such an
extravagant value on the Peshitto, although, as we allow, they
held the evidence of that Version in very high esteem. The
epithet ‘sheet-anchor’ was invented in the opposite camp,
perhaps by Dr. Sanday *. It was first used in my hearing by
him in his speech at the Debate on New Testament Criticism,
held in New College five years ago*, Those who spoke on the
other side were careful to insist on the necessity of weighing
all the evidence. Their language is opposed to any intention
of making some single part the sole support of the whole‘.
We admit that Burgon and Miller held the Peshitto Version
in very high esteem, but we are sure that their estimate would
have been modified in deference to any certain conclusions
derived from accurate study of the history of that Version.
But even in the extravagant supposition that the Peshitto
was the worthless rendering of a falsified Greek codex, palmed
off upon good Bishop Rabbula by a crafty monk of Antioch ;
even if thus the Peshitto had to be expunged from our
Apparatus Criticus, the critical position of the late Dean
Burgon would be unchanged. He would still have said,
‘I base my text on the evidence of all the available and
credible and creditable witnesses °.’
1A note of triumph sounds all through Mr. Rendel Harris’ review in
L. Q. R. and reaches fortissimo in the last paragraph.
2 Mr. Burkitt, in a letter to the Record dated Feb. 24 last, says, ‘ The
statement that the Peshitta New Testament was the ‘‘ sheet-anchor” of the
defenders of the Textus Receptus represented my own deliberate opinion.’
Allowing that for Textws Receptus must be substituted 7raditional Text, as
we have already explained, yet the statement shows an entire misapprehension
of our position. Our primary witnesses are the MSS. Versions and Fathers,
however valuable, are only subsidiary, not essential, supporters.
° The Oxford Debate on the Textual Criticism of the New Testament, with
a Preface explanatory of the Rival Systems, 1897.
* See Miller’s introductory speech, Debate, pp. 4 and 16, and compare my
own remarks, p. 30.
* Thus in substance he expressed himself repeatedly. See, for example,
Revision Revised, pp. 338, 339.
225
M,
We will see how the evidence for the Traditional Text
would be affected by the omission of the testimony of the
Peshitto. To avoid the slightest suspicion of partiality, we
will again avail ourselves of the presentment of evidence given
by our opponent, Dr. Sanday, in the Oxford New Testament,
and if from the readings, which begin on p. 102, we take
always that which stands at the top of each page, we shall
clear our selection from any appearance of design. We ask
the reader to note that here is no question to which side the
evidence belongs, as when discussion arises on the reading of
a copy, or the text which underlies a passage in a version.
The evidence of the Peshitto has already been allowed to our
side by Dr. Sanday. We simply inquire what difference
it will make in the verdict if we direct this witness to stand
down.
1. Matt. i. 25 tov vidv aitns Tov mpwrdToKov: or, vidv only. We
will quote Burgon’s own words’. ‘Only NBZ and two cursive
copies can be produced for the omission. . .. Besides the Vulgate,
the Peschito and Philoxenian Syriac, the Aethiopic, Armenian,
Georgian, and Slavonian Versions, a whole torrent of Fathers are
at hand to vouch for the genuineness of the epithet.... And how
is it possible that two copies of the ivth century (Bx) and one of
the vith (Z) ... backed by a few copies of the Old Latin, should be
supposed to be any counterpoise at all for such an array of first-
rate contemporary evidence as the foregoing ’ (namely, the Fathers,
whom he quotes by name)? It is clear that the subtraction of the
more important Syriac Version, though it would affect the evidence,
would not change the Dean’s decision, for that is based on the
consentient testimony of the bulk of MSS. and Fathers; nor, on
our principles, can the verdict be different, even though we add
to the Dean’s statement, that the Curetonian and the Memphitic—
Thebaic side here with B and x.
1 The Revision Revised, p. 123.
226 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
2. Matt. v. 44 émnpealovtwy tyas kai. These words are omitted
by XB and some other authorities. The scale is not turned, if we
withdraw the Peshitto from the mass of evidence by which the words
are supported.
3. Matt. vil. 14. or is the reading of 8*B* and some other
authorities, ri of such a mass of authorities, that the omission of
the Peshitto, which supports it, can make no possible difference in
the result.
4. Matt. xi. 19. épywv, the reading of & and B*, is here sup-
ported by the Peshitto, in spite of which we accept the Traditional
reading téxvwv, Which is found in nearly all copies.
We pass the reading at the top of the next page (106), because
the Peshitto is not there cited, nor is its evidence available with
certainty. Some other readings will be passed over for the same
cause. We take next :—
5. Matt. xix. 9 cal 6 droeAvpévny yapnoas porxara. Burgon
wrote ?:—‘ Those thirty-one letters probably formed three lines in
the oldest copies of all. Hence they are observed to exist in the
Syriac (Peshitto, Harkleian and Jerusalem), the Vulgate, some
copies of the Old Latin, the Armenian, and the Ethiopic, besides
at least seventeen uncials (including B®S), and the vast majority
of the cursives. It is obvious that the omission of the Peshitto
from such a formidable list would not affect the Dean’s decision.
The addition in Matt. xx. 28 (p. 109) and the omission in xxii.
44 (p. 110), with some other variations on subsequent pages, do
not enter into the present discussion. The next is :—
6. Matt. xxvi. 28. xaw7s, which Westcott and Hort, bound by
their allegiance to codex B, omit, is attested by such a multitude
of witnesses, that the further evidence of the Peshitto is super-
fluous, though gratifying.
4. Marky. 1. Tepaonvav 8*BD and the Latin. Tadapyvav A
and the majority, with the Peshitto. Here the evidence of the
Peshitto is of more consequence than in some of the instances
already considered; but even without it, Padapyvav enjoys the
support of the mass of witnesses.
8. Mark ix. 23. With or without the Peshitto, rurredorax will be
read by those who accept the testimony of the majority of witnesses.
9. Mark xi. 3. ‘Traces of zdadw linger on only in those
untrustworthy witnesses NBCDLA, and about twice as many
1 The Causes of the Corruption of the Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels,
Burgon and Miller, 1896, p. 40.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 227
cursive copies, Burgon’. After this it matters little that the
Peshitto here sides with the majority against B.
1o. Mark xv. 28. The omission of this verse in ‘a very few
ancient authorities’ was brought about ‘by the influence of the
Lectionary practice,’ according to Burgon’s explanation in Causes
of Corruption of Text, pp. 75-8.
11. Luke iv. 18. It has been said that the words idcacOa
Tos CVVTETPLLPEeVvOUS THV Kapdiay are open to suspicion as being
a genuine portion of the Old Testament Text, but not also of the
New*. We accept them, however, on the authority of the mass
of copies, with, or without, the Peshitto.
12. Luke vi. 48. The gloss dua 7d Karas oixodopnoba aityy,
exhibited by 8B and a few others as the genuine text, cannot be
accepted in place of the familiar words against the evidence of the
great majority, whether we include the witness of the Peshitto
or not.
13. Luke x. 1. €Bdounxovra NA, &c.; B and a few authorities
add évo. The Peshitto for the former reading is a counterpoise to
the Curetonian and Lewis for the latter, but its absence would
uot turn the scale against the weighty evidence of the mass of MSS.
14. Luke xi. 4. The witness of the Latin for the clause dA\Aa
pvoot Has aro Tov movnpod is divided, but it is found in the
Curetonian, though not in the Lewis, and even without the ‘ sheet-
anchor’ of the Peshitto, is secured by overwhelming weight of
diplomatic evidence. Only a slavish adherence to 8 and B could
induce editors to omit it.
15. Luke xvi. 12. #pérepov cannot be read on the authority
of B and L, with some slight further attestation, when ijérepov is
attested by a host of witnesses, irrespective of the Peshitto.
16. Luke xxiii. 15. (1) dvérempa yap tas mpos atrov, or (2)
averepie yap adtov mpos yuas. Seven uncials (including & and B
and some cursives are quoted for the latter reading, which is
necessarily adopted by those editors who follow & and B. The
former reading is that of the majority of MSS. and of the Latin,
and receives some support from the reading for J sent him to him,
which is found in the Curetonian, the Lewis, and the Peshitto.
The additional testimony of the latter confirms the authority of
reading (1), but we do not deem the evidence essential to our
decision.
1 The Revision Revised, p. 57 bot.
? See Scrivener’s Plain Introduction (ed. Miller’, i. p. 13.
228 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
17. Luke xxiil. 45. Kal éoxoticOn 6 Avos receives almost
unanimous support. Those who prefer rod #Atov éxAeirovtos have
(says Burgon ') ‘but a single Version—zoét a single Father—and
but three-and-a-half Evangelia to appeal to, out of perhaps three
hundred and fifty times that number.’ Such a weight of evidence
for the traditional reading is hardly affected by the fact that the
Peshitto sides with it. In such a case its testimony is immaterial.
18. Luke xxiv. 42. The omission or retention of the words
kat azo peducotov Kypiov is the subject of a Dissertation of twelve
pages by Dean Burgon, and forms Appendix I of The Traditional
Z'ext. It will be seen by reference to the summary of evidence on
pp. 250, 251, that the testimony of the Peshitto, though included,
is not essential to the writer’s decision.
It would consume space without necessity, and tire the
patience of the reader, if we were to add other examples.
These eighteen, taken almost at random from three Gospels,
are enough to illustrate our position. So great is the wealth
of attestation to the Traditional Text of the New Testament,
that the evidence of a Version or a Father ean, argumenti
causa, be laid aside. No ‘sheet-anchor’ is required where
there is no fear of drifting. The loss of codex B would be
fatal to the stability of the structure raised by more than one
critical editor. Without the Old Latin the advocates of
Western readings would lack an indispensible witness. As
the discovery of § afforded a support to the text of B, so the
presence or absence of the Peshitto may affect the evidence
which we accept, but would not turn the scale so as to disturb
our estimate of the whole text. I do not deny the possibility
of our judgement being altered as to some particular and
isolated readings ; but in the vast majority of cases the verdict
depends on the different principles adopted by the rival schools
in sifting the evidence, and not on the attestation of an
individual witness. Formerly it was lawful to take our stand
on the acknowledged antiquity of the Peshitto. It was im-
possible indeed to prove, but neither was it possible to disprove,
that the version dated from the third or second century, the
1 The Revision Revised, p. 64.
Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N.T. 229
latter being the era assigned to it by many competent scholars.
Now Ephraim and Rabbula have been summoned to intercept
the connexion with such great antiquity. But New Testa-
ment critics cannot wait, and delay the settlement of the
Greek Text, while experts are arguing about the date of a
Version. We are bold to sweep the difficulty aside, and
dispense with the evidence of the Peshitto. We do not admit
that its evidence is of no value. We insist that even on the
hypothesis of our opponents, it 1s adjudged to be a witness
of ancient readings, while it is most assuredly an independent
witness. Yet, in spite of its value, we can afford to do with-
out it, so abundant is the evidence which the Providence of
God has provided for the establishment of the Text of His
Word,
For the evidence for the true text of the New Testament is
not the witness of the venerable codex B, taken alone; nor
the reconstruction effected by the labours of Drs. Westcott and
Hort!; nor the independent testimony of ‘Western’ doéu-
ments”; nor the occasional consent of a few very ancient
copies, which are frequently at variance in their witness; but
the sufficient evidence is the testimony of the Catholic Church,
as shown in the form of text which she has handed down to
us. In saying this we do not mean that one unvarying
form has been current in all places and at all times. There
have been corrupt as well as correct copies. Some Versions
were made from better MSS. of the original than others
were. Some of the Fathers were more critical than others,
and sought out the best readings, while others quoted with
little regard to aceuracy. There is therefore not only room,
but an imperative demand for the exercise of the most search-
* Although Westcott and Hort assigned to codex B a position of paramount
importance, they sometimes rejected its evidence (which usually they accepted
unhesitatingly) in a way which certainly savours of arbitrariness. An
example is Matt. vi. 22, where, with the majority, they read éo7uv 6 ép0adpds;
but B (with some support) adds cov, which Lachmann adopted. Compare
the strictures in Revision Revised, p. 307.
* For this form of Text see Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New
eee (Kenyon), chap. viii, § 4, Salmon, op. cit., chap. vi; Oxford Debate,
ref,, p. ix,
230 «©— Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica
ing criticism in dealing with the readings of Holy Scripture.
‘It is the study, said Burgon, ‘of a lifetime.’ Codex B, as
interpreted by Dr. Hort, is evidence enough for some. Those
who are not satisfied with the witness of one MS., and the
explanations of one clever mind, desire judicially to sift all
the evidence. To them the Peshitto is a most important
witness, because it is independent, and speaks from out of
a remote past; but it is not the ‘sheet-anchor’ of their
textual faith. They rest on the collective wisdom of the
Church, not on the opinions of a part only. In arguing for
the antiquity of the Traditional Text, Miller has said? that
it is confirmed by the witness of the Peshitto. He does not
say proved, nor does he claim the witness as xecessary for the
argument. If the witness has not all the evidence to give,
with which he was credited, Miller’s argument may be modi-
fied, but his conclusion is not disproved. Mr. Burkitt’s
contention does not remove the Peshitto. We still need it,
though not in the pressing and imperative sense, which has
been supposed. We shall continue to appeal to it, even if the
conditions of the problem are somewhat changed.
1 See the Preface to Oxford Debate, p. xiv.
231
VI.
In the uncertainty which enwraps the origin of the Peshitto
conjecture has special attractions, but on the present occasion
I shall content myself with the humbler, but not, I think,
unprofitable task of inviting the reader to consider certain
aspects of conjectures which have been made to serve for
history in a region of mist and obscurity.
1. It was recognized that there was ample evidence to
witness to the spread of the Gospel in Syria at a very early
period in the Christian era, in view of which it was not
unreasonable to conjecture that the Holy Scriptures were
translated into the Syriac vernacular even as early as the
second century A.p.1. The Peshitto Version occupied the
field, and was by tradition credited with being the ancient
and original Syriac Bible, of which some later versions were
revisions.
2. Comparison with the history of the Latin Versions next
suggested the conjecture that the Peshitto was evolved from
some earlier version. This conjecture had the advantage of
offering an account—though not an adequate and satisfactory
one—of the relation of the Peshitto Text to another Syriac
Text (the Curetonian) which, meanwhile, had been brought
to England from Egypt”. It had also the effect of greatly
reducing the antiquity of the Peshitto.
3. When it was discovered that writers anterior to the
episcopate of Rabbula® did not always and accurately quote
from the Peshitto, while writers of subsequent ages were
evidently familiar with the Peshitto Text, and used it as their
1 See Burkitt, op. cit., pp. 9-13; Miller’s Scrivener, vol. ii. chap. ii
2 Mr. Rendel Harris, however, has justly insisted on ‘the fallngy of
reasoning in textual matters from analogy.’ JL. Q. &., pp. 103, 104.
~ 3 He was Bishop of Kdessa from 411 to. 435. See article by E. Venables in
Dictionary of Christian Biography, and Wright's Syriac Literature, pp. 32-38.
232 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica
vernacular, it was further conjectured that Rabbula was the
author of the present form of the Peshitto Text. This con-
jecture is useful as offering an explanation of a somewhat
obscure statement in the Life of Rabbula, that ‘he translated
by the wisdom of God which was in him the New Testament
from Greek into Syriac, because of its variations, exactly as
it was 1,’
On the other hand the conjecture is unsatisfactory in that
it leaves unexplained the following facts :—
1. That a very great and memorable event in the history
of Syriac Christianity is unnoticed in Syriac literature except,
if it be so, by the meagre allusion already quoted. If the
Peshittio was composed in the earliest days of the spread of
the Gospel in Syria, its story may well be lost in the mists of
a most remote past. But the conjecture is, that it arose at
a time when there was great activity amongst Syriac writers.
Their silence on so important a subject is very remarkable.
2. The loss of the Older Text. If it be granted that the
Curetonian and the Lewis are Pre-Peshitto copies, it must be
allowed that their divergences one from another are so great
that at the best they only contain some Old Syriac Text’;
and they are only two in number against the multitude of
Peshitto copies. To attempt to account for their differences
does not come within the scope of this essay, and in our
present knowledge would probably be futile. On the other
hand, the fact that they are connected by the application to
both of the term Mepharreshe may be significant. It is not
unreasonable to suppose that they represent first attempts to
carry out the order of Rabbula, that copies of the Separated
1 The words as given by Overbeck are Jo? Kaan ee? nad
madsca Sho .lsiams bow ee Jew bokug .oms
shoo Sree ts hso gol 5 Oe SS The order in his Canons relating to
the Holy Gospels is as follows:—. Masao laa JLadb> Jool:
Jeohrw0o ha? Joow faraws Wwdwo/ jis qeodas), ‘Let the
Priests and Deacons take care that in all the Churches there be a Gospel
d Mepharreshe, and that it be read,’ Hphraemi Rabulae aliorumque Opera
Selecta (Overbeck), pp. 172, 220,
? See p. 236 n. below,
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 233
(Mepharreshe) Gospels were to be substituted for the Dza‘es-
saron, which hitherto had been much in use}.
3. Quite as remarkable as the loss of the Old Syriac Text
was the rapidity with which (on Mr. Burkitt's hypothesis)
the new Peshitto Text sprang into favour. As far as we can
judge from the evidence of Peshitto MSS. now extant, the
old Text was entirely neglected, and copies of the new were
multiplied without admixture of Old Syriac elements.
If however these various difficulties present so little force
to some minds that no hesitation is felt in accepting Mr. Bur-
kitt’s conjecture, then it should be noted that certain con-
sequences will follow, and necessarily, from the hypothesis.
1. The origin of the Peshitto Text is traced to a very early
date in the history of the authorities for the Text of the New
Testament. Rabbula’s episcopate lasted from A.D. 411-435.
Within that period ex hypothesi the Peshitto was produced,
It is therefore as old as any of the oldest MSS. of the Greek
Testament, with the exception of s and B.
2. Rabbula translated afresh, where necessary, from the
original. Therefore he had access to Greek documents. It
is obvious that an ecclesiastic in his position, who was
approaching the formidable task of a revision of the Text
of the New Testament in use in his country, would employ
the most accurate documents which he could obtain’. If he
was not satisfied with those which were accessible in his own
country, he could send to Alexandria or to Constantinople for
better copies °. We know nothing, and my reader is free to
1 See The Traditional Text, chap. vi, ‘ Witness of the Early Syriac
Versions.’ Prebendary Miller favoured the hypothesis that in various parts
of Christendom incorrect readings and extraneous glosses were handed down
beside the streams of genuine traditional text and authorized translation, and
that this erroneous matter was gradually rejected, and now only survives in
certain documents or classes of documents. Compare the Dialogue with an
Objector in Revision Revised, pp. 320-328.
? Dr. Salmon, op. cit., pp. 84, 85, recognizes that the Syrian reviser ‘had
one important advantage over us in his better knowledge of the current text
of the fourth century.’ This is indeed true; but such considerations are too
much neglected by those who would set the arm-chair conjecture of the modern
student above the testimony of contemporaneous witnesses,
* He had friends in both cities, for he corresponded with Cyril and preached
at Constantinople. See Wright, op. cit., pp. 48, 49.
234 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica
adopt any conjecture he pleases; but this he must grant,
that Rabbula’s Greek MSS. exhibited a Text which is not
identical with what is read in codex A, or in any other codex
in our Apparatus Criticus. This we have already demonstrated,
from the broad features of the Canon down to the minutiae
of trifling variations. The readings (as distinguished from
renderings) which are peculiar to the Peshitto, may with
propriety be called ‘Syrian Readings,’ because they depend
on the Greek readings, which were accepted by the great
Syrian Bishop, whether he used imported MSS. or copies
preserved in Syrian Libraries. They are not, however,
identical, as we have seen, with the ‘Syriac Readings’ con-
demned by Drs. Westcott and Hort, and they often agree
with the readings of codex B, the great authority of the
Cambridge Doctors. As regards their age, it would be no
unreasonable supposition that Rabbula used copies made
a century or so before his time, copies as old as, or older than,
x and B. Even if he used copies made in his own day, to
his own order, these would represent more ancient documents.
On any hypothesis, Rabbula’s Peshitto represents the readings
of Greek codices of great antiquity, and independent alike of
the oldest uncials and the latest cursives *.
This aspect of the question was enforced by Dr. Waller in
a correspondence between Mr. Burkitt and himself, which
appeared in the Record newspaper in the early months of the
year 1902. Mr. Burkitt retorted that it was ‘a new plea.’ It
is not so. Our plea is one and the same always. We plead
the judgement of the universal Church. In an inquiry such as
this, which is partly literary, partly historical, partly theological,
fresh discoveries affect different portions of the evidence.
When the readings of the codex Rossanensis were made
known, Dr. Sanday described it as ‘lending its support
decidedly to the defenders of the Traditional Text”. At an
1 I would also refer the reader to what I have written before in Studia
Biblica, vol. ii. pp. 265, 266.
* Studia Biblica, vol. i. The Text of the codex Rossanensis (2), p. 112.
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 235
earlier date the discovery of the Codex Sinaiticus strengthened
the position of those who base their text on a few ancient
documents. But, though the presentment of the evidence
may be modified, the rival schools of criticism remain in hope-
less antagonism, because they differ on first principles.
3. The Peshitto has long enjoyed the authority belonging
to common use and general acceptance in an ancient branch
of the Catholic Church, and thus occupies a superior position
as compared with the two other forms of Text, the Curetonian
and the Lewis. These have no history, and can claim no
authority beyond the antiquity imparted to some of their
readings by the resemblance they bear to quotations in early
Syriac writers. The two Texts are contradictory on the
supreme question of our Lord’s human nature, and the Lewis is
heretical in some of its statements!. But the Peshitto enters
the witness-box to testify to the Text of the New Testament
with the weight of accepted credibility. Its Text has been
handed down to us as that which the Syriac Church has
received as authentic. It represents a stage in the process of
eliminating ancient textual errors—for it is well known that
some of the worst were perpetrated in the earliest ages?—
and preserving the genuine readings. I venture to remind
my readers that my argument has always been, ‘We know
that the Peshitto is ancient, but we know nothing, indis-
putable and adequate, about any earlier version. We do not
deny * that such may have existed, but we contend that it
certainly was neither the Lewis nor the Curetonian, in their
present forms.’ ‘No one,’ says Mr. Burkitt *, ‘supposes that
S. Jerome used either of the particular MSS. which we call
a and @ as the basis of his revision. Perhaps not. But the
epithet ‘Old Syriac’ was constantly prefixed to a reading
copied from the Curetonian, or is nowadays prefixed to one
1 See Church Quarterly Review, April, 1895, pp. 112-114.
2 See Causes of Corruption in the Traditional Text (Burgon and Miller),
PP. 12,13; Miller’s Scrivener, II, chap. ix, §§ 2, 3.
3 Cp. my words in Studia Biblica, i i. p. 172; ii. pp. 89, go.
* 8. Ephraim’s Quotations, p. vii.
VOL. V, PART III. S
236 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
taken from the Lewis, as though ‘ Curetonian,’ ‘ Lewis,’ and
‘Old Syriac’ were equivalent terms; a very inaccurate mode
of expression, in view of the hopeless differences between the
Curetonian and Lewis Texts !.
If Mr. Burkitt is right in ascribing the present form of the
Peshitto New Testament to the pen of Rabbula, he has (I fear,
unintentionally) greatly enhanced its weight, by giving it a
definite history, a distinguished origin, and the shelter of an
authoritative authorship. He reminds me that I appealed
unto Caesar, and he thinks the appeal will result in a decision
to the condemnation of our cause. As far as judgement has
yet been pronounced, we have nothing to complain of. The
path I indicated, when followed up, has led to a satisfactory
result. The unknown author of the Peshitto has been found
in the person of a distinguished churchman, who revised an
ancient work by Greek MSS. which have no representatives
now extant, and thus has transmitted to us an independent
witness to the Greek Text of the New Testament. We wait
with curiosity to see whether further research will establish
the truth of Mr. Burkitt’s hypothesis, or whether it will fail
to bear the weight of the difficulties which attend the adoption
of it. Meanwhile we note an interesting resemblance between
the work of Mr. Burkitt and of Drs. Westcott and Hort.
They (albeit unwittingly) established the antiquity of the
Textus Receptus of the Greek. He has confirmed the authority
of the Textus Receptus of the Syriac.
1 Mr. Burkitt (ibid.) recognizes the divergence between these forms of
Syriac Text. I add the words of an eminent and well-known Orientalist,
whose name I do not mention, as I quote from 4 private letter. After speaking
of the peculiar interest attaching to the new edition of the Tetraeuangelium,
because of the possible connexion of Rabbula with the Peshitto, he says,
‘ Allerdings wire es viel wichtiger, wenn wir die alte Uebersetzung in ihrer
urspriinglichen Gestalt hatten. But this he explains is unattainable, on
account of ‘die grossen Abweichungen des Sinaiticus von Curetonianus.’
ai!
ADDENDUM
Tue death of Prebendary Miller has delayed, but, we hope,
will not put a stop to, the publication of Burgon’s Text. The
portion, however, of the Zewtual Commentary already printed
affords good examples of the changes which Burgon considered
were demanded by the evidence. Instances will be found in
every chapter. As interesting specimens we may quote :—
Matthew ii. 11, Textual Commentary (Miller), p. 8. Here
Textus Receptus reads edpov 7d maidiov, but Burgon with
Westcott and Hort and the Revisers reads cféov tr. 7. iti. 8,
p- 12; T. R. xapmots agiovs, Burgon, W. H., Revisers, kaprov
aéiov. iv. 10, p. 18; Burgon, éricw pov, which T. R., W. H.,
and Revisers omit. v. 21, p. 26; T. R. and W. H. éppé6n,
Burgon with Lachmann and cod. B, épp7@n. v. 47, p. 38;
T. R., W. H., Revisers, adeAgots, Burgon, didovs. vi. 18,
p- 46; T. R. at the end of the verse adds év r@ davepo, Burgon
and W. H. omit with B. vil. 14, p. 55; ti orevy » 7., Burgon
and Revisers’ margin; 67 o. 7 7, T, R., W. H., Revisers’
Text. vill. 15, p. 60; dunxdver atrois, T. R.; dy. adro, Burgon,
W. H., Revisers. The reader may be surprised to discover
that Burgon frequently accepted the readings of Westcott
and Hort. In these cases those editors are supported by the
majority of the Greek MSS, and by the Fathers.
BAPTISM AND
CHRISTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY
CHAPTER I
THE AGES OF PERSECUTION
Scope of the inquiry undertaken.
It is the object of this essay to examine the evidence from
archaeology as to the custom of the early Church, while only
such references to literature will be made as may serve for the
purpose of illustration. The first three chapters will deal with
the positive side of the question, by considering the actual
representations of the rite that have been preserved, while in
the last two the negative evidence will be examined, by
studying such fonts as have survived from early days, with a
view to determine whether their structure was such as would
admit of the submersion of a catechumen.
Direct evidence as to the custom of the Ante-Nicene Church
is confined to the paintings of the catacombs of Rome. They
are by far the most important witness that has survived, for
they have been preserved where stuffs have perished, house-
hold articles broken, even inscriptions and marbles destroyed.
They were hidden from public gaze; and so the expression of
Christian sentiment and representation of Church custom could
be freely painted, and moreover after the Lombard invasions
of the seventh and eighth centuries, when the bodies of the
saints were removed within the walls of the city, they became
entirely neglected, so that their frescoes escaped the fate of so
many ancient monuments that were destroyed in later building
and restoration.
In representations of baptism there is sometimes a consider-
able difference of opinion as to whether that of Christ is
VOL. V, PART IV. sy
240 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
pictured or that of a catechumen. For our purpose it is a
matter indifferent, for though the doctrinal significance of
S. John’s baptism was entirely distinct, there is no reason to
suppose that it was conceived of as varying in method.
It is generally assumed that the usual custom of the early
Church was to baptize by total immersion, and though the
reasons for supposing that affusion may have been practised
even by the Apostles have often been set out and may be
found in any special treatise on the subject, it is generally
taken for granted that it was only in exceptional cases that
the latter method was adopted.
This assumption is based mainly on the evidence supplied
by literature. No doubt the works which have survived to
the present day represent what was best in the thought of the
early Church and so niost worth preserving, and we do well in
giving them the first place in our consideration, since it is
always more profitable to study what is typical of any age, even
if the average stood at a lower level ; but we must not forget
that the writings of the Fathers, as giving the best work of the
leaders of the Church, tend to depict the ideal in their minds
rather than to cbronicle the actual that lay before their eyes.
The average of Christian sense and practice is best discovered
by studying the way it worked itself out in liturgies and in
the recognized devotions of the people, but even the Church
orders will reveal to us what was aimed at rather than what
was attained. To find out what was actually done by the mass
of Christians we must turn to the evidence of archaeology, for
which the data are drawn so largely from cemeteries and other
regions where the popular will has always had freest scope.
So, were a stranger to examine our customs to-day, he would find
frequent allusions in sermons to the symbolism of baptism
which would seem to assume the practice of total immersion ;
on turning to the Prayer Book he would suppose it to be the
custom, and affusion to be permitted occasionally, but an exam-
ination of the fonts in our churches would prove submersion
always impossible for adults and nearly for infants.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 241
Ez. 1. Fresco in the Crypt of Lucina. c. 100 A.D.
The earliest representation is that painted over the door of
one of the chambers of what was probably the original erypt
of Lucina on the Appian way (Fig. 1).
It now forms part of the catacomb
of S. Callistus and dates from the 2
first or early second century 1.
The scene is that of the baptism
of Christ. The Baptist, clothed in =
an exomis, stands on the right; he WN }
stoops forward and holds out his \
right hand to a nude figure moving Fig. ¥
towards him as if to come out of the
water. The dove flying towards the right is seen above the
figure of the Saviour.
The fresco is -61 m. high and -4 broad. A eopy was made
by an artist named Dickmann under the supervision of Mer.
Wilpert in 1884; since that time it has considerably faded.
The tongue of land on which the Baptist stands in the re-
production in De Rossi, as well as the water-line, do not appear
in the original. Wilpert noticed that the traces of colour
were more blue under the figure of the Baptist and of a greener
shade beneath that of the Saviour. The olive branch indicated
in the beak of the dove in De Rossi is emphasized in Garrucci,
whose picture is that most frequently reproduced, but seems
to have been inserted in his copy from some confusion with
the left wing of the bird.
From the relative position of the figures the water could not
have been pictured as rising higher than the knees of the
1 Rémische Quartalschrift (in future R. Q.S.), 1896, p. 335: ‘Die Taufe
Christi auf vorconstantinischen Gemalden der Katacomben, von A.de Waal.—
De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. i, p. 324, tav. 14, Rome, 1864.—Garrucci,
P. R., Storia dell’ arte cristiana, vol. i, p. 203; vol. ii, tav. i, Prato,
1873.—Schultze, V., Archdologie der christlichen Kunst, p. 365, Mtuchen,
1895.
1
242 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
Saviour, as the Baptist seems to have been represented as
standing on dry ground.
The painting has been explained as symbolical of deliverance
from persecution (Garr., vol. i, p. 203) and as the saving of
S. Peter (Martigny, Dict.” art. Pierre). V. Schultze interprets
it as the baptism of a catechumen on the ground that our Lord
would not have been represented naked in pre-Constantinian
times. Against this opinion see Dr. J. Strzygowski, [cono-
graphie der Taufe Christi, p. 3, Miinchen, 1885, and the fresco
in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus described
below.
Ex, 2. Fresco in the Gallery of the Sacraments
in 8. Callistus. cc. 200.
The so-called gallery of the sacraments in the cemetery of
S. Callistus dates from the second or early part of the third
century. The sacrament of baptism is represented in the
two oldest eubicula.
In the first, A?, the baptizer stands on dry ground to the
left of the picture (Fig. 2). He is
clothed in a white toga, and his feet
are bare. He lays his right hand on
the head of the catechumen, and in
his left holds an object generally con-
sidered to be a scroll.
The catechumen is represented as
a boy, nude, holding his hands straight
down and inclining a little to the left
towards the baptizer. The water rises to the ankles.
The fresco is between two loculi; above the upper one is
a shipwreck, and in the corresponding place on the wall to
the left is Moses striking the rock and a man fishing in the
water which flows from it}.
1 De Waal, R. Q. S. 1896, p-344.—De Rossi, vol. ii, tav. 11 and 15, cc. 12 and
13.—Garr., vol. li, tav. 5, 3.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 243
He. 3. Fresco in the Gallery of the Sacraments
im S. Callistus. c. 200.
In the other cubiculum, A®, the baptizer stands on the right
side with bare feet and a cloth round his loins (Fig. 3). The
catechumen is again represented as a boy, nude, holding
his hands down and slightly
turning his faceaway. Both
are standing in the water,
and the baptizer is in the
act of pouring water over
his head. The falling water
is represented by six large
strokes of dark blue paint.
The dove behind the right-
hand figure flies towards the
group.
Above is represented Jonah being cast out of the ship and
swallowed by the whale, to the left is a man fishing, to the
right a man carrying his bed, generally described as the para-
lytic (Mark ii. 12), but more probably intended for the sick
man of Bethesda (John v. 9). The symbolism of the whole
leaves no doubt that a scene of baptism is represented,
while the absence of the dove in the first example suggests
that it is perhaps a catechumen rather than our Saviour that
we have before us’.
In the reproduction in De Rossi the strokes indicating the water
are too finely drawn, and the water-line is represented as
passing behind the knees and leaving the baptizer’s feet dry as
well as those of the baptized down to the ankles, below which
he shows the picture as destroyed. Garrucci and others copy
him. The water should cover the ankles, allowing the feet to
show through the water. The dove is omitted in De Rossi and
Garr., but is given in the &.Q.S. The picture in the latter is
1 De Waal, 2. Q. S. 1896, p. 344.—De Rossi, vol. ii, tav. 13 and 16, cc. 12
and 13.—Garr., vol. ii, tav. 7, 2.
244 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
reproduced by photography from a painting and does not show
the blue strokes of water.
Ex. 4. Fresco in the Cemetery of SS. Petrus and
Marcellinus. c¢. 250.
Another representation occurs in the roof of cubiculum 54
in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus (Bosio’s num-
bering), and dates from the middle of the third century
(Fig. 4). The Baptist is
represented on the left
standing on dry ground with
his left foot raised on a
stone, leaning a little for-
ward and laying his right
hand on the head of Christ.
He wears a cloak or skin
reaching to the knees and
leaving the right shoulder
Fig. 4. and arm free. The Saviour
is represented as a nude boy,
standing in the water, and His arms raised as in prayer.
Above in the clouds is the dove flying downwards.
The dove, taken with the fact that the three corresponding
scenes represent the Magi following the star, the Adoration,
and (?) the Annunciation, leaves no doubt as to the subject
and forms a link to Ex. 1 in the erypt of Lucina, where the
baptism of Christ is represented, and Exx. 2 and 3 where the
person baptized is a boy}.
It is interesting to note that the newly baptized were commonly
called pueri or infantes (cf. Le Blant, Etude sur les sarcophages
chrétiens antiques de la ville d’ Arles, p. 27). The custom of
giving them a mixture of milk and honey mentioned by
Tertullian (De Cor. 3, Adv. Marc. i, 14: ‘Tle [Dominus]...
nec aquam reprobavit creatoris, qua suos abluit, nec oleum,
1 Wilpert, J., Hin Cyelus christologischer Gemilde aus der Katacombe der
heiligen Petrus und Marcellinus, Freiburg im B., 1891.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 245
quo suos unguit, nec mellis et lactis societatem, qua suos in-
fantat’) is enjoined in the Canons of Hippolytus, ch. 19,§ 144,
as teaching them that they have become as little children,
‘ut doceant eos qui communicant iterum se natos esse ut
parvuli, quia parvuli communicant lac et mel.’ In § 148
however the custom is regarded as a symbol of the future life
in the promised land, the waters of baptism corresponding to
those of the Jordan, and thus further emphasizing the similarity
of the baptism of Christ as conceived in the popular imagina-
tion with the administration of the sacrament as men were
accustomed to witness it. Later tradition declared that the
stone on which the Baptist stood while pouring the water over
our Saviour’s head was preserved in the church on the banks
of the Jordan at the traditional place of Christ’s baptism,
where it served as the prototype of the bishop’s cancellarium
usually found in early Christian baptisteries. (Ganr., vol. i,
p- 368, quoting Epiphanius.) ?
Another example is mentioned by De Waal (2. Q. S. 1896,
p- 346) as having been discovered by Wilpert in the cemetery
of Domitilla but as not having been edited. No description
is given, but it is attributed to the same period as the examples
above.
Beyond these there are two pictures of doubtful significanee,
and two with possible but improbable reference to baptism.
Ez. 5. Fresco in the Cemetery of Praetestatus.
Second century.
In the cemetery of Praetestatus there is a fresco, dating from
the end of the second century, the meaning of which has been
much disputed. It represents three beardless figures, clothed
in tunic and toga but with bare feet (Fig. 5). That on the
right stands with the head slightly turned to the left; the
two figures on the left hold long cane-stalks with leaves in
their hands ; that in the hand of the central figure touches the
head of the figure to the right, round whose head are short
1 Peregrinatio Silviae, ed. Gamurrini, ch. 68, p. 98, who quotes Paulinus
Ep. 21 ad Sev. and the Itinerarium Burdigalense.
246 Studia Briblica et Ecclesiastica.
strokes of paint. To the extreme right is a growing cane on
the bend of which is a dove. Near the picture are painted
the woman with the issue of blood and the woman of Samaria,
giving no clue to the meaning of the scene.
This fresco is usually interpreted as the Passion of Christ,
though mainly on the ground that the figures are clothed and
so could not represent baptism ‘by immersion.’ Passion scenes
are rare at so early a date, but baptism scenes it is true are
hardly less so. The whole is in a peculiar style of painting
Fig. 5 (after Garrucci),
due, according to De Rossi, to the work having been executed
by Greek artists.
On the other hand the presence of the dove would seem to
indicate baptism ; the canes have been interpreted as symbol-
izing the Jordan; and the second figure may be a disciple
witnessing the event, or a representative of the church as in
the mosaics in the chureh of S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna
in the series depicting our Lord’s miracles. The marks round
the head, usually explained as representing the crown of thorns,
have a parallel in the indications of water in the freseo in the
cemetery of S. Callistus (Ex. 3) mentioned above, though
here they are much smaller 1.
) Garr., vol. i, p. 368, and vol. ii, tav. 39, 1.—De Rossi, Bullettino di archeo-
logia cristiana, 1872, p. 64.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 247
Garrucci first explains the fresco asa scene of the Passion; then,
after a long discussion, concludes that it represents our Lord’s
baptism. De Rossi in the Bullettino describes it as the
mocking of the soldiers, though without discussing the question.
F. X. Kraus interprets it as the crowning with thorns, and
refers to Le Blant (Revue de Vart chrétien, 1894, p. 37) as
seeing Docetic influence in it, Geschichte der christlichen Kunst,
vol, i, p. 161, Freiburg im B., 1896.
Ex. 6. Symbolical fresco in S. Callistus.
Third century.
The region of S. Soter in the cemetery of 8. Callistus dates
from the third century. A fresco painted on the semicircle at
the back of an arcosolium in one of its chambers has given it
Fig. 6 (after Garrucci).
the name of the chapel of the sheep. A loculus has been cut
across the picture since it was painted, but its general features
are clear (Fig. 6).
In the centre is the Good Shepherd carrying a sheep on His
back and with two at His feet. On either side water is falling
and two men are hurrying to it, holding out their hands to
drink from it. Below are sheep at each corner, over which
the water descends in a shower.
On the wall to the right is represented a beardless Moses
248 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
raising his left foot on a stone to loosen his shoe, then a bearded
figure striking the rock, while a third hastens toward it holding
out his hands in the
same attitude as the
two figures in the cen-
tral painting (Fig. 7).
The painting opposite
represents the miracle
of the multiplication of
the loaves 1.
To understand the
significance of this picture we must consider three post-
Fig. 7 (after Garrucci).
Constantinian representations of baptism.
Ex. 7. Sarcophagus of Junius. Bassus. 359.
The sarcophagus of Junius Bassus in the Crypt of S. Peter’s
dates from the year 359. Its front consists of a double row of
scenes from the Old and New Testaments, standing in the re-
cesses of an arcade of carved and twisted pillars. In the spandrels
of the lower areade are small reliefs in which Christ and the
Christian disciple are represented as lambs. In the second
space from the right He is represented laying His right fore
foot on the head of the disciple lamb, while a stream flows
over its head from the beak
of a dove and the hind
quarters of the lamb are
covered with a stream that
flows down from a_ rock
(Fig. 8).
The other reliefs repre-
sent :—first, on the right,
raising of the dead (much damaged); second, the receiving of the
law (?); third, the Lamb multiplying loaves ; fourth, the Christ
* De Rossi, vol. ii, Tav. d’Aggiunta A, and vol. iii, p. 70, tav. 9.—Garr.,
vol, ii, tav. 18, 2 and 4.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 249
Lamb striking the rock (while a disciple lamb drinks from the
water which flows down in a stream similar to that represented
in the Baptism scene) ; and fifth, the Christ Lamb meeting the
disciple lamb in a ship at sea.
The similarity of the cycle with that in the Chapel of the
Sacraments in the cemetery of 8, Callistus leaves no doubt
of the meaning of the relief'.
The engraving in Garrucci fails to give the water flowing over
the hind quarters of the lamb.
Hx. 8. Unpublished drawing of a Sarcophaqus.
De Rossi (Bullettino, 1876, p. 11) refers to an unpublished
drawing of a sarcophagus made by a Flemish archaeologist
Philip de Winghe, in which ‘the centre of the front is oceupied
by the mystic lamb, whose feet are in a stream, while on its head
and back there flow two streams of water from the dove which
descends from heaven.’
The feature of the stream flowing from the dove’s mouth
reappears in the mosaic representing the Baptism of Christ
in the Arian baptistery of Ravenna (S. Maria in Cosmedin).
According to Strzygowsky the same feature was in the
original in the orthodox baptistery, but was destroyed and
remade to represent the water as poured from a vessel in
the hand of the Baptist (Icon. d. Taufe Christi, p. 10).
Ez. 9. Sarcophagus at Arles. I. Fourth-fifth
centuries.
In the third chapel of the museum at Arles is a repre-
sentation of the Baptism of our Lord on the small end of
a sarcophagus of the fourth or fifth century.
The Baptist is represented bearded, standing on the left,
clothed in a skin which leaves his right shoulder free (Fig. 9).
He lays his right hand on the head of the Saviour and
slightly raises the left. The Saviour is represented as a
1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 322.—Dull. 1876, 10-11.—R. Q. S. 1896, p. 325.
250 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
nude boy with his arms slightly raised and hands held up,
and turning towards the water which falls in a mass like a
Fig. 9 (after Garrucci).
twisted pillar
from a knob
of rock in the
centre. Over
the head of the
Baptist is the
dove with out-
stretched wings
flying down
towards the
middle. The
stone is divi-
ded down the
centre of the
stream of water, and on the other half (if the two parts
really belong to one another) is represented a figure in tunic
and pallium holding a scroll in his hand. The whole is very
roughly executed; the water flows over the feet of the
Fig. to (after Garrucci).
Saviour (the
engraving in
Garrucci does
not give this
feature).
On the cor-
responding end
is represented
Moses,bearded,
and clothed in
a toga,striking
a similar rock
from which a
similar stream
flows down (Fig. ro). On the right side of the water is
a Jew in tunic and chlamys running towards it and
Baptism and Christian Archaeology, 251
holding out his hands to catch it as it falls. In the space
corresponding to that occupied by the Baptist is another
figure in tunic and chlamys holding up his hand in a similar
attitude. Such representations of Moses striking the rock
with the water falling in this peculiar way are very common
both at Arles and at Rome},
With this should be compared the carving on another
sarcophagus-end in the same museum.
Ex. 10. Sarcophagus at Arles. II. Fourth or fifth
century.
On the left is represented a beardless figure clothed in a
toga standing in front of a tree (Fig. 11). In the centre is
/ YY g 3
Care
Fig. 11 (after Garrucci).
a stream of water flowing straight down from a knob of rock
in the form described in the last example. In the middle
of the stream directly under the rock stands a nude boy
1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 351, 5 and 6.—Le Blant, Sarcoph. d’ Arles, pl. xv. I.
252 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
holding his hands down and turning his face to the right.
The water half covers him.
The stone has either been sawn in two down the centre,
or is joined to a similar piece on which is represented the
stream of water towards which two figures are hastening
to drink },
The engraving in Garrucci represents the boy as niore covered
by the water than he is in the original carving.
With these it is interesting to compare a passage in the
‘African Acts of S. Perpetua’ (J. A. Robinson: Zeats and
Studies, Cambridge, vol. i, p. 29).
In her second vision the saint sees her brother Dinocrates,
who had died at the age of seven years and no doubt with-
out having been baptized, trying to get at the water of a
font (piscina, kokvu879pa) to drink, but is unable to do so as
the rim is above his head. In a later vision she sees him
cleansed, clothed and refreshed, the rim of the font is lowered
to his waist, the normal level, and he drinks water out of a
stream that never fails, which she interprets as a sign that
he has had the loss of the sacrament on earth made good to
him in heaven.
‘Erat deinde in ipso loco ubi Dinocrates erat piscina plena aqua,
altiorem marginem habens quam erat statuta pueri, et exten-
debat se Dinocrates quasi bibiturus. Ego dolebam quod et
piscina illa aquam habebat, et tamen propter altitudinem
marginis bibiturus non esset. Et experrecta sum et cognovi
fratrem meum laborare. Sed fidebam me profuturam labori
eius, et orabam pro eo omnibus diebus quousque transivimus
in carcerem castrensem, munere enim castrensi eramus
pugnaturi; natale tune Getae Caesaris. Et feci pro illo
orationem die et nocte gemens et lacrymans ut mihi donaretur.
Die quo in nervo mansimus ostensum est mihi hoc; video
locum illum quem retro videram et Dinocratem mundo corpore
bene vestitum refrigerantem, et ubi erat vulnus video
cicatricem, et piscinam illam quam retro videram, submisso
margine ad umbilicum pueri, et aquam de ea trahebat sine
* Garr., vol. v, tav. 398, 9.—Le Blant, pl. i. figs. 2 and 3.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 253
cessatione ; et accessit Dinocrates et de ea bibere coepit; quae
fiala non deficiebat, et satiatus accessit de aqua ludere more
infantium gaudens et experrecta sum. Tune intellexi
translatum eum esse de poena.’ Ch. 7.
From these examples we see the close connexion of idea in
all these subjects. In eaeh sarcophagus the representation of
Moses striking the rock so frequently associated with the
figures hastening to drink is connected with that of baptism ;
in the case of Ex. 9 with the baptism of Christ, in Ex. 10
with that of a catechumen, while in Ex. 7 the catechumen,
and in Ex. 8 Christ, are each symbolized by a sheep.
In the vision of S. Perpetua we have the same idea of the
drinking of the water directly connected with baptism.
This general agreement in the fourth and fifth centuries
from France, Spain, and Rome points to a widespread conven-
tional symbolism, Christian sarcophagi do not show much
originality in execution, and repeat designs in forms little
different from those generally found in the catacombs. These
would need some time to become established and to spread
throughout the West. This fact, supported by the second-
century evidence from Africa, justifies us in holding that
the fresco in the chapel of the sheep in S. Callistus (Ex. 6)
should be interpreted as a symbolical representation of
baptism.
Exx. 11,12. Gold treasure from Singaglia.
Seventh or eighth century.
This interpretation is farther confirmed by a similar sym-
bolic representation of baptism on a gold treasure found in
1880 near Sinigaglia, and which came into the possession of
Cav. C. Rossi. The work is in the Lombard or late Ravennese
style, and is possibly as late as the seventh or eighth century,
but it carries on the traditional symbolism of the lamb and
the fish so frequently found in the catacombs. In one scene
a bishop is represented, standing on a mound with two sheep
254 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
on each side (Fig. 12). He holds a palm branch in his left
hand, and in his right is a jug from which he pours water
over one of the sheep. There
can be no doubt that this is in-
tended to symbolize baptism as
the corresponding picture pour-
trays the Eucharist; and that
the sacrament so symbolized was
administered by affusion is proved
by another scene on the same
casket, where a bishop is repre-
sented in his vestments, holding a pastoral staff in his left
hand, while he pours water over the head of a kneeling
woman out of a spoon or bowl which he holds in his right
(Fig. 13)?
TaAib
Cae
on
3 = OAD SERN ES
Gum apie \ PTA | B Sy RA
a ————-
Uh LLL LLL LLL
Fig. 13.
Three doubtful representations.
A fresco in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus is
generally interpreted as the healing of the blind, but might
possibly refer to baptism.
1 R. Q.S. 1888, p. 148.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 255
It represents a beardless figure clothed in a tunic and
chlamys and holding a rod in his left hand, while he lays
his right on the head of a boy who is clothed in a short tunic
and barefoot. The boy seems to lean back a little and hold
his hands in front of him, in which action Garrucci sees
an indication of blindness.
The companion picture represents a similar beardless figure
striking the rock. The rod in the hand of the principal figure
suggests some connexion of idea between the two, and the
healing of the blind is generally represented by the touching
of the eyes, rather than the laying on of hands ; but the absence
of any indication of water makes the reference to baptism very
doubtful 1.
A somewhat similar picture formerly in a cemetery on the
Via Latina (Garr. 40, 1) now destroyed, and a picture in the
cemetery of S. Domitilla, where a woman lays her hands on
the head of a girl (Garr. 33, 3), suggest that we have here
merely a scene of benediction.
Another painting in the cemetery of S. Priscilla may
possibly represent baptism. A figure to the right lays his
hand on the head of another who is clothed in a long white
dress. After careful examination this has been pronounced by
Mer. de Waal as a representation of the healing of the blind,
but solely on the ground that the figure is clothed ?.
Ex, 13. Glass fragment in the Vatican. Fourth or
Sifth century.
This, however, is no conclusive proof, as is shown by the cut-
glass fragment of the fourth or fifth century found in the ruins
of the Roman house near the baths of Diocletian, and now in
the Museo Cristiano of the Vatican Library. On it is a
clothed child apparently about to step to the right out of
1 Garr., vol. ii, tav. 44, 2 and 3.
2 Bull. 1888, tav. iiiimHennecke, E., Altchristliche Malerei und altkirehliche
Literatur, p. 70, Leipzig, 1896.
VOL. V, PART IY. U
256 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
some vessel or pool which has been broken off (Fig.14). She
turns her head to the left towards a male figure clothed in
a toga with a
halo round his
head. He points
with the right
hand to the child
and turns his
head to the left,
as if others were
following from
that direction.
His name Mirax
is given as well
as that of the
child Alba.
Above from an
inverted pitcher-
Fig. 14 (after Garrucci).
mouth a stream
descends on the child’s head, the hand of a figure to the right
is laid on the head also; the rest is broken off. A dove flies
down to the left with an olive branch in its beak 1.
It has been suggested that a/a=adtata, and that the child
has been clothed in white after the actual baptism (ef. the con-
signatorium alvatorum built at Naples, below, p. 339). In the
absence of further indications, all we can say is that this fresco
in the cemetery of S. Priscilla may very well represent baptism,
but we have no sufficient proof to justify our using it as evidence.
Summary of evidence for the Ages of
Persecution.
To sum up the evidence from archaeology for and against
the practice of baptism by immersion in pre-Constantinian
times. We have four actual representations of the act, one
1 Garr., vol. vi, 464, 1.— Bull. 1876, tav. 1, 1, pp. 7 ff.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 257
from the first or early second century, two from the late
second or early third, one from the middle of the third. We
have one certain symbolical representation from the third,
one possible one from the second or third. Two that are more
than doubtful date from the third.
Of the five certain representations four come from the
cemetery of S. Callistus, though only two fromthe same region,
one from that of SS. Petrus and Mareellinus. In favour of
immersion is the fact that the figure is represented naked and
standing in the water in all examples that certainly refer to
baptism (Exx. 1, 2, 3 & 4).
Against is the fact, that in no ease is there any attempt to
represent immersion, and in two eases the actual affusion is
represented, once directly (Ex. 3), and once symbolically (Ex. 6).
In the three cases where the water is clearly marked it only
rises above the feet, and is therefore not deep enough to allow
of immersion.
In the paintings we have examined there is no sign of
influence from liturgical custom, or of desire for historical
accuracy. They are less self-conscious than those of later date,
and seem to aim simply at representing what was felt to be the
essential idea of baptism.
The obvious difficulty of representing immersion must be
allowed its full weight. We have no evidence to show how
it would have been attempted in pre-Constantinian times, but
the frequent representations in the fourth-century sarcophagi of
the drowning of the Egyptians suggest a very different treat-
ment. It is interesting also to compare the picture of the Flood
in the Vienna Genesis, the passage of the Red Sea on the
gates of S. Sabina at Rome (Fig. 15), or that of the figure
of the Jordan on the chair of Maximian at Ravenna (Ex. 42,
Fig. 39), where the idea of immersion is intended to be
expressed.
To conclude, the direct evidence from archaeology alone
may not be conclusive to show that in pre-Constantinian
times baptism by affusion only was practised generally or
U2
258 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
indeed in any one single case ; but it does show, that there
was nothing repugnant in it to the general mind, that no
stress was laid on total immersion, that the most important
moments were held to be those when water was poured over
the catechumen, and when the minister laid his hand on his
head. This, taken in connexion with the known customs of
later ages, makes it more than probable that the usual method
of administration was by affusion only.
Fig. 15 (after Garrucci),
CHAPTER II
THE AGE OF THE COUNCILS
Christian Sarcophagi.
Arter the conversion of Constantine the Christian com-
munity rapidly increased in wealth, and now that persecution
had come to an end it was no longer necessary to bury under-
ground in the catacombs, or to conceal the fact when a tomb
belonged to one of the adherents of the favoured religion. These
two causes combined to make sarcophagi the most character-
istic examples of Christian art in the post-Nicene age ; for as
soon as there was no longer the same reason for buying
cheaply from the ‘ ready-made’ pagan shops, or being content
with an ambiguous symbolism that would not attract attention
from outsiders, an original style grew up that was purely
Christian and was only very slightly influenced by the earlier
artistic tradition of Rome,
On the other hand the marked similarity to one another
in the examples that have survived, and the general low level
of workmanship that they display, seem to prove that they
were mere productions of journeymen-workers, turned out
mechanically from the shop. This, however, while detracting
from their artistic merit adds to their archaeological value ;
the fact that their choice and treatment of subjects are nearly
stereotyped shows that they reflect in some degree the general
mind of the church, and gives them a quasi-official sanction.
We must not, however, press this point too far, as the conven-
tional decoration of our modern cemeteries can hardly be said to
represent fairly the average Christian sentiment of our own day.
Most of these sarcophagi are of Roman origin and have
been collected in the Museo Cristiano at the Lateran. The
next largest collection is that of Arles, while several more
examples exist in various parts of Spain, France, and Italy.
260 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
Those dating from the second century are very simple, being
merely ornamented with figures of the Good Shepherd or the
female figure raising her hands in prayer generally known as
an Orante. In the third century we find the ideas suggested
by the former of these elaborated into pastoral and vintage
scenes, a single design occupying as a rule the whole front of
the sarcophagus. In the early fourth century this is resolved
into a symmetrical disposition of a cycle of scenes usually sepa-
rated from one another under arcades ; while in later examples
they are more crowded together and less clearly defined. The
examples at Rome date almost entirely from before the troubles
of the fifth century, though in France they probably continued
to be produced till a somewhat later date. Those preserved
at Ravenna are of a different type and represent a new
tradition. Thus the evidence that we may draw from this
source throws light on the custom of Latin Christianity and
of the western Church generally in the fourth and early fifth
centuries.
The baptismal representations on the sarcophagus of Junius
Bassus (359), and on two of those at Arles, have been already
deseribed on pp. 248-251.
Ex. 14. Sarcophagus at Ancona. Fourth century.
On the lid of a sarcophagus in the cathedral of Ancona the
Saviour is represented as a nude
boy, standing immediately under
eu x : a stream of water which flows
Sy TeX A'(4 behind Him from a sort of rose
() (Fig. 16). He holds His hands
down and leans slightly to the
left towards the Baptist, who lays
Fig. 16 (after Garrucci). his right hand on His head, and
slightly raises his left hand. To
the right stands a figure (? of a prophet) with a seroll in his
hand, There is no dove. The group is to the extreme right
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 261
of the lid of the sarcophagus, the other subjects being the
Nativity and the Magi, Moses receiving the law (?), and
David and Goliath (?)1.
The sarcophagus bears the name of Gorgonius ; but in the
opinion of Garrucci this can hardly refer to the man, mentioned
by Symmachus, who became consul in the year 379, unless
indeed he had his coffin prepared some time before his death,
since there is no mention in the inscription of his having
borne office.
Ex, 15. Sarcophagus from Soissons. Fourth or
Sifth century.
A sareophagus of the fourth or fifth century was formerly
at Soissons in the church of Ste. Marie. It had been used for
the tomb of S. Vodalis who died 720 a.p., and was seen by
Mabillon and published in the Aunales Ordinis 8. Benedicti
in 1703-39.
On it Christ is represented on the right as a boy, nude,
standing on dry ground, holding His hands down, and turning
slightly to the left (Fig. 17). Two
other figures clothed in tunic and
pallium stand on the left, both of
whom raise their right hands; the
left foot of the figure nearer the*
Saviour is raised as if on a stone.
Between Christ and the Baptist
the water falls in a_ stream
broadening from a point. The
dove is seen above to the right.
The sarcophagus is divided into
five arcades, and in- the niche corresponding is Moses striking
the rock; the other subjects are the woman with the issue of
blood, the centurion, and the soldiers sleeping by the cross ?.
ZA SI
Lila
Ws
VLE
WS
\\ ; .
R
s ws x
3
A
LLL
VIE.
Fig. 17 (after Garrucci).
1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 326, 1.—Str., p. 6, and taf. 1, 6.
? Garr., vol. v, tav. 403, 4.—Le Blant, Les sarcophages chrétiens de la
Gaule, p. 14.—Str. p. 6, taf. 1, 7.
262 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
Ez. 16. Sarcophagus at Madrid.
On a sarcophagus in the Academy of History in the Na-
tional Museum of Madrid, Christ is represented as a boy, nude,
and nearly up to His knees
in water which flows behind
Him from a_ boss of rock
above (Fig. 18). He holds
His hands down and turns
His head to the left. The
Baptist, clothed in an exomis,
stands on dry land on the
left, laying his hand on the
Saviour’s head and slightly
raising his left foot. The
dove is represented above on
the rock.
The other subjects are—
Moses striking the rock, the healing of the blind, Christ sur-
rounded by four apostles, and the sacrifice of Isaac 1.
Ex. 17. Sarcophagus at the Lateran. JI.
The baptism of Christ is twice represented on sarcophagi
in the Lateran collec-
tion.
On that numbered
183 Christ appears as
a boy, standing in the
water which rises to
His knees, holding His
hands down and turn-
ing His face to the left
Fig. 19 (after Garrucci). (Fig. 19). The water
falls in two streams, one of which descends on the head of the
Saviour, while the other takes the usual pillar-like form to
1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 341, 3.—Str., p. 6, taf. 1, 8.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 263
the right of the group and turning to the left flows over His
feet. The Baptist stands on the opposite side, clothed in a
skin, raising his left foot on a stone,
The hand of the Baptist holding a patera and the head of
the Saviour are restorations, as well as (?) the first of the two
streams just mentioned.
The other scenes are—Christ before Herod, the imprison-
ment of S. Peter, the manger and the shepherds, and the
raising of Lazarus}.
No mention of the restorations is made in the official catalogue
of the Museum.
Ex. 18. Sarcophagus at the Lateran. I.
No. 152 (a) is a fragment to the left of which the Baptist
is represented as bearded, clothed in a woollen exomis and
with bare feet. Christ stands nude, holding His hands down,
while the water rises to His thighs. The top part of the
carving is broken off, so that the position of the hand of the
Baptist, the existence of the dove, and the source of the
water cannot be determined. The rest of the fragment is
occupied by a scene of the mystic feast of fish and bread ?.
This fragment was discovered by Prof. Marucchi in the
Vatican gallery, and was transferred
to the Museo Cristiano in the Lateran
in 1866,
Ex. 19. Sarcophagus from
S. Maria Antiqua.
Another example has recently been
discovered in the excavation of the
church of 8. Maria Antiqua in the
Forum (Fig. 20). The Baptist, clothed
in a toga, stands on dry ground to the
1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 316, 1.—Str., p. 6, taf. 1, 9.
2 De Rossi, Bull., 1882, p. go, tav. ix.
264 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
right and lays his hand on the head of the Saviour. Christ is
represented asa boy, nude, and turning His head slightly to the
left. The water rises to His knees. The dove appears over His
head flying towards the right’.
Three Sarcophagi in bad condition.
Three others may be mentioned to make the list complete.
Ex. 20.
A part of a frieze from the Aliscamps at Arles, nearly
destroyed by exposure to the weather; published by Le
Blant from an earlier print °.
Ex: 37.
Another in a similar condition at Servannes near Arles, but
described in a sixteenth-century Latin MS. at Paris, in the
handwriting of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peirese, as possessing
the same features of the dove and the falling water (Ioan.
Bapta pellibus indutus baptizans superveniente columba aquam
de coelis cadentem rostro gestante) °.
Ex, 22.
An unpublished sarcophagus in the basilica of SS. Nereus
and Achilleus ¢.
Two others at Naples, believed by Ciampini (Jon. vett., vol.
ii, ch. 4) to be those of Agilulphus, husband of Theodelinda
(590), and of Arrichius, second Duke of Beneventum (591), are
probably spurious °.
A doubtful example occurs ona sarcophagus in the church of
Le Mas d’Aire on the Adour in south-west France. At the
1 Bull., 1901, p. 205, tav. vi.
2 Le Blant, Sarcophages d’Arles, xii, fig. 3, text 24, xvii—Str., p. 7, taf.
ss stone, vol. v, tav. 316, 2.—Le Blant, xxix and xxx, text pp. 46 ff.—Str.
p- 8, tav. I, 13.
‘ Kraus, Real-Encyclopaedie, art. ‘Taufe,’ and referred to by Grousset,
Etudes sur Vhistoire des sarcophages chrétiens, Paris, 1885, 105, n. 187.
5 Kraus, R.-£., art. ‘ Taufe,’ p. 834.
re
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 265
extreme right a naked man is carved, turning towards the
right, with hands slightly raised. Before him a robed figure,
standing equally on both feet, lays his hand on the naked
man’s head. Both stand under a tree. No water is indicated,
but a dove (?) sits in the tree, Next to this group are
to be seen Adam and Eve on either side of the tree of
knowledge ?.
This may be intended for a scene of baptism, as the
restoration to grace forfeited at the Fall, but is more probably
intended for the Creation of man. Pératé (Archéologie
Chrétienne, p. 323) describes it as ‘le baptéme d’un adolescent.’
Summary of evidence from Sarcophagi.
Thus we have thirteen examples of the representation of the
baptism of Christ from sarcophagi. In every case where the
carving is perfect He is represented nude and as a boy, while the
Baptist lays his hand on His head or at least raises it with that
object, In one case (Ex. 15) He stands on dry ground, once the
water flows over His feet (Ex. 9), twice it rises to His knees
(Exx. 16, 17), once to the thighs (Ex. 18). In four cases it falls
from a knob of rock or spout, in two of which it falls all
over His body.
It will be noticed that in all examples hitherto cited, with
the exception of Exx. 1, 4.and 9g, the Saviour is represented as
holding His hands down and not raising them in the attitude
of prayer. The dove also is usually represented as visible at
the moment of baptism; whereas in Luke iii. 21 it is stated
that our Saviour was praying when the heavens opened, and
in all three Gospels the dove is described as descending after
He had gone up out of the water. It is obvious therefore that
the conception of the scene is drawn from current practice
rather than from the pages of Scripture.
In connexion with these it is interesting to study other
1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 301, 3.—Le Blant, Sarcophages de la Gaule, p. 98 and
pl. xxvi.
266 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
evidence from the western Church as to the mode of administer-
ing baptism to catechumens.
Ex. 23. Tombstone from Aquileia, Fifth century.
We have described the Vatican glass fragment above, Ex. 13.
A similar treatment appears on a fifth-century tombstone at
Aquileia, which was probably erected in memory of a young
girl who died soon after her baptism.
She is represented as standing in a large bowl, nude, wear-
ing a necklace,
and holding her
hands down
(Fig. 21): The
water streams on
her over the
crescent - shaped
NTISPOQVEM
E LECITDOMSPAVSAT
lower edge of
a circular open-
ine which is
sown with small
Fig. 21 (after Garrucci).
crosses or stars
and out of which a dove flies. On the right a man in
a tunic lays his hand on her head; to the left stands a haloed
figure clothed in a toga and pointing to her with his right
hand. ‘There is a tree on each side of the group?.
This is described by Garrucci as an example of baptism by
affusion ‘as well as immersion’ (!),
Ex, 24. Spoon from Aquileia. Fourth or fifth
century.
From the same place comes a spoon, dating from the fourth
or fifth century, with a scene of the same nature engraved on
its bowl (Fig. 22). A nude figure stands in a large shallow
1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 487, 26.—Bull., 1876, tav. 1, 2.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 267
basin ; above him appears the dove from whose beak the water
descends. A figure to the left in an exomis holds a patera in
the stream over the head of the catechumen, while another
figure stands on the night. At the point of the spoon on
the left is a figure in a toga
standing by a sort of altar’.
This spoon, which was
found with several others
inscribed with various names,
was probably not used for
liturgical purposes. Possibly Fig. 22 (after Garrucci).
it was a present given on the
occasion of the ceremony pictured on it.
The feature of the stream from the mouth of the dove occurs
on the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus (Ex. 7), on the ivories in
the Bodleian Library (Ex. 29), in the British Museum (Ex. 33),
at’ Amiens (Ex. 30), at Milan (Ex. 28), on the MS. of Rabula
(Ex. 34), in the Etzschmiadzin Gospel Book (Ex. 35), and
in the mosaic of the Arian baptistery at Ravenna, all of which
are described below.
Use of a patera in Baptism.
According to Strzygowski (Iconographie, p. 10) this feature
was also found in the original mosaic in the orthodox baptist-
ery (S. Giovanni in Fonte) in the same city. He maintains
that the patera from which the Baptist pours the water in the
picture, as it now appears, must be due to a later restoration,
on the ground that it is borrowed from a liturgical use first
arising in the fourteenth century. A similar vessel is, however,
represented on this spoon from Aquileia, which he seems to
have overlooked.
In the so-called Attila treasure at Vienna are two paterae
of gold weighing 287 gr. and 305 gr. respectively. They
are each of the same design, and have a cross in the centre
1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 462, 8.
268 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
round which run letters read by Dr. Joseph Hampel as
follows :—
A€AYAATOCANATIAVCONA(1)EICTI(A)NTONAMAP(sic) TION
did Bdaros dvatAvcwy adrels mdvtwy (sic) duapriay (Fig. 23),
‘if thou purifiest thyself with water thou shalt be free from all
sin.’ The word fdaros at least he considers to be certain. He
holds that these paterae were baptismal vessels (‘ Taufschalen ’)
and attributes them to the fourth or fifth century. Kondakov,
however, believes the
letters to be Bulgarian,
and would therefore
assion them to a date
later than 864, when the
Bulgarian race adopted
Christianity }.
There is good reason
to suppose that a bronze
bowl with a handle,
found in ruins above the
cemetery of Praetestatus
and now in the Museo
Kircheriano at Rome,
was also used for the administration of baptism. It is in the
shape of a hemispherical pan embossed with anglers, boats,
and fishes, and in the centre is the head of a river-god with
crab-claws growing out of his head, like those on the head of
the allegorical figure of Jordan in the Arian baptistery at
Ravenna (Fig. 24) *.
In the history of 8. Silvester in the Liber Pontificalis (314-
335) we read that Constantine gave to the church which he
built at Ostia a basin of silver for baptism weighing 20 pounds
(‘pelvem ex argento ad baptismum pens. lib. xx.’ Lb. Pont.
1 Hampel, J., Der Goldfund von Nagy Szent Miklés, Buda-Pesth, 1886,
pp. 27 and 64, Fig. 16.—Kondakov, N. P., Geschichte und Denkmdler des Byz.
Emails, p. 39. Another at Odessa. Venturi, Storia dell’ arte Italiana,
vol. ii, 1902, p. 30 2 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 461.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 269
S. Silvester, ch. 28). The weight of this vessel shows it must
have been used as a font, as in the two examples from Aquileia,
Fig. 24 (after Garrucci).
while the whole basin of the Lateran baptistery seems to have
been covered with silver (2d. ch. 13). A similar gift was made
by Xystus III (432-440) to the basilica of 8. Laurence of a
*conca aurocalea pens. lib. xx,’ as well as of ‘ ministerium ad
baptismum vel paenitentiae ex argento pens. lib. v’ ; either a
vessel used for oil, such as the ‘ patenam argenteam auroclusam
chrismalem pens. lib. v’ that Constantine gave to the ‘ titulus
Equitii’ near the baths of
Diocletian, or one similar to
that in the Museo Kircheriano
described above (Xystus, ch. 6,
Silvester, ch. 3).
Ex. 25. Cross-shaft at
Kells. c. 800.
A similar vessel also appears
Fig. 25.
in a baptismal scene on a broken cross-shaft at Kells, which
270 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica,
was the chief seat of the Columban monks about the year
800 a. D. (Fig, 25)},
Description of the Lateran font.
The font in the baptistery which Constantine built at the
Lateran is described in the Liber Pontificalis (Silvester, ch. 13)
as having been made of porphyry and overlaid with silver.
In the centre rose a candelabrum also of porphyry, ending in
a golden vessel containing balm, which burning with a wick
of asbestos served a double purpose of giving light and perfume,
On the edge of the piscina, probably opposite the steps by
which the catechumen entered the water, were life-sized silver
figures of Christ and the Baptist. Between them was a lamb
of gold, from whose mouth a stream of water fell into the
basin (unless indeed it flowed in four streams from a rock at
its feet, as so frequently represented in early Christian art),
while seven figures of stags ranged round its parapet served the
same purpose.
Fontem sanctum ubi baptizatus est Augustus Constantinus ex
lapide porfyretico et ex omni parte coopertum intrinsecus
et foris et desuper et quantum aquam continet ex argento
purissimo lib. iii vill. In medio fontis columna_porfy-
retica qui portat fiala aurea ubi candela est, pens. auro
purissimo lib, lii, ubi ardet in diebus Paschae balsamum lib.
cc, nixum vero ex stippa amianti. In labio fontis baptisterii
agnum aureum fundentem aquam pens. lib. xxx, ad dexteram
agni, Salvatorem ex argento purissimo, in pedibus vy, pens. lib.
clxx; in leva agni, beatum Iohannem Baptistam ex argento,
in pedibus vy, tenentem titulum scriptum qui hoc habet ‘ecce
agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi’; pens. lib. exxv.
Cervos argenteos vii. fundentes aquam, pens. sing. lib. Ixxx.
Tymiaterium ex auro purissimo cum gemmis prasinis xlviiii,
pens. lib. xv,
Innocent I (401-417) gave a similar stag to the ‘titulus
Vestinae’ weighing 25 pounds.
The figure of the stag is of frequent occurrence in connexion
1 J.Romilly Allen, Christian Symbolismin Great Britain and Ireland, p. 231.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 27%
with baptisteries and baptismal scenes (e.g. at Salona, in the
cemetery of Pontianus, &c.).
The water seems to have fallen in a stream from some such
head in the baptistery of S. Stephen built by Eustorgius at
Milan (early sixth cent.), which is thus described by Ennodius
(Carm. ii. 149, Migne, Patr. Lat. lxiii. p. 361; cf. Bull., 1876,
p. 12):—
En sine nube pluit sub tectis imbre sereno,
Et coeli facies pura ministrat aquas.
Proflua marmoribus decurrunt flumina sacris,
Atque iterum rorem parturit ecce lapis.
Arida nam liquidos effundit pergula fontes,
Et rursus natis unda superna venit.
Sancta per aethereos emanat lympha recessus
Eustorgii vatis ducta ministerio.
The present building at the Lateran dates as far as the
lower part is concerned from the time of Xystus III (432-440),
during whose pontificate the above description was written.
He, however, probably altered the outline but little, and there
is good reason to believe that the lists of Constantine’s gifts
were copied from contemporary records and do not represent
later accumulations (Duchesne, Lz. Pont., ad loc. notes; cf. also
his description of the baptistery in Ovigines du culte chrétien,
p: 298).
Analogies from the customs of the Baths.
In Greek and Roman baths it was common for the water
to flow from the heads of animals (Dict. of Class. Antiq., art.
‘Baths’). A Greek vase painting shows four women standing
under such jets (Fig. 26). It was also customary for the
attendant to pour water over the heads of the bathers, while
the bath was always followed by anointing, as an unction by
the bishop followed the act of baptism.
The orthodox baptistery at Ravenna was built by Bp. Neon
in 449-452 A.D. on the foundations of an earlier building,
supposed to have been a bath, while the Arian baptistery
VOL, V, PART IV. x
272 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
was similarly adapted a few years later (Ricci, Guida di
Ravenna, 1900, pp. 32 & Io).
We read in the story of the martyrdom of Perpetua that
when Saturus was covered with blood from the bite of a
leopard, the crowd in the amphitheatre jokingly cried out
that he had been well bathed, using the language of the
baths, which the author writing at the end of the second
century interpreted as an allusion to baptism.
Inluxit dies victoriae illorum et processerunt de carcere in
amphitheatrum ... sequebatur Perpetua ... item Felicitas salvam
se peperisse gaudens ut ad bestias pugnaret, a sanguine ad
sanguinem, ab obstetrice ad retiarium, Jotura-post partum
baptismo secundo.
Et statim in fine spectaculi leopardo eiecto, de uno morsu tanto
perfusus est (Saturus) sanguine, ut populus revertenti illi
secundi baptismatis testimonium reclamaverit ‘salyum lotum,
salvum lotum,’ plane utique salvus erat qui hoc modo laverat.
‘Salvum lotum’ is a phrase of the baths to which kadés éAovcw
corresponds. (Z'exts and Studies, vol. 1. Passio Perpetuae
ec. 18 & 21; cf. Introd. p. 8.)
So fifty years later Cyprian argues that the recognized
analogy of the baths must not be pressed too far. He had
been asked whether men who received baptism in sickness
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 273
were to be counted true Christians, since they were not
washed in the life-giving water but had only had a little
poured over them (eo quod aqua salutari non loti sint sed
perfusi). He explains it is not necessary for the whole body
to be touched by the water, as if it were an actual bath with
salt of nitre and a seat to wash yourself in, so that aspersion
or perfusion is sufficient to constitute a valid sacrament (see
below, p. 312).
Analogy of Mithrare customs.
The Mithraic custom of baptism as practised in the third
and fourth centuries was probably borrowed from, or at least
influenced by, Christian practice. A conception of new birth
suggested by, or taught in opposition to, the Christian doc-
trine of baptism was supposed to be involved in the Tauro-
bolium. In the ceremony the recipient sat in a trench under
a platform on which a bull was killed in such a manner as to
allow the blood to fall all over him. The man so purified was
described as ‘renatus.’ Symbolically this was represented in
art by a dog drinking at the stream that flowed from the
neck of the bull slain by the young Mithra (Fig. 27), as
X 2
274 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
Christian baptism was symbolized by the Jews drinking
from the rock struck by Moses, or S. Peter, or by lambs, or
stags drinking at a fountain (Figs. 6, 10, 11, 38) }..
Summary of evidence for the Age of the Councils.
To sum up the conclusions drawn from the evidence from
sarcophagi, from the analogy of the baths, and of Mithraic
customs as to the practice of the Church in the Western
empire.
In the fourth and fifth centuries baptism took place before
a witness or witnesses, in a fixed spot, either in a structural
baptistery, inte which the water usually fell from a spout or
figure-head, or in a movable basin. In the latter case the
officiant poured water over the catechumen from a vessel ; in
the former he led him under one of the spouts, and either
directed the flow over his head with the vessel or guided his
head under the water with his hands, This we know from
other sources was done three times,
An immersion may have preceded this, but there is no men-
tion of a double act by any writer of early date, and at least
it was not considered the most significant element of the rite.
With the peace of the Chureh the ceremony has become
slightly more elaborate, and the flow of water is fuller and
more continuous owing to the influence of the baths. The
officiant seems to have stood on a raised platform or step and
not to have entered the water himself.
L’immersion baptismale ne doit pas s’entendre en ce sens que
Yon plongeat entitrement dans l’eau la personne baptisée.
Elle entrait dans la piscine, ot la hauteur de l’eau n’était
pas suffisante pour dépasser la taille d’un adulte; puis on
la placgait sous lune des bouches d’ou s’échappaient des jets
d’eau ; ou encore, on prenait de ]’eau dans la piscine elle-méme
pour la répandre sur sa téte. C'est ainsi que le baptéme est
représenté sur les anciens monuments *.
1 Bigg, C., Christian Platonists of Alexandria, p. 237. :
? Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien, p. 302; and also Eglises Separées,
P- 93+
CHAPTER III
THE AGE OF NORTHERN INVASIONS
Christian Art after the fifth century.
THERE are but scanty remains of early Christian art dating
from after the fifth century in Italy. The successive invasions
of Goths, Vandals, and Lombards, if not destroying as much
as is popularly supposed of the productions of earlier years,
left the country impoverished, and as little inclined to spend
much on costly works as it was able to train artists to execute
them.
In the East, however, the policy of Diocletian in removing
the seat of government from Rome, and the subsequent action
of Constantine in establishing a strong centralized power at
Byzantium, secured the firm holding together of the Empire
for many centuries. As a consequence Byzantine art long
survived that of Rome, and, in architecture at least, had
a development that compares not unfavourably with the
later evolution of the Gothic cathedral in the West. The
gradual elaboration of Syrian architecture, with its small
domed buildings, up to the construction of Justinian’s great
church of the Hagia Sophia is the most characteristic work
of Byzantine genius, though at the same time it is the feature
that has had the least influence on the artistic life of Western
Europe. |
The question of the nature and influence of Byzantine art
cannot yet be said to be fully determined. Apart from
chureh building its chief productions seem to have been
illuminated manuscripts, and it was in executing them, and
possibly also in making designs for woven stuffs, that its
artists appear to have received their training. It became
therefore a characteristic of its less important works that
they were chiefly executed with the purpose of illustrating
276 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
continuous historical narratives, and whilst showing con-
siderable skill in technique, they tended to become stereo-
typed and conventional from constant repetition of subjects
that differed but little from one another. This influence is
felt specially in mosaic work, ivory carving, and fresco paint-
ing, where it is generally a series of scenes that is pictured,
though in such objects as flasks, gems, or medals the same
style reappears |.
Ravenna.
An exception to the general artistic poverty of Italy in
the fifth and sixth centuries is to be found at Ravenna. As
the seat of the court of Honorius and under the enlightened
reign of Theodoric, it became for one hundred and fifty years
the most important city of the West, and a series of monu-
ments rose up within its walls upon which the most skilful
artists of the day were employed, and which attracted the
attention of Justinian.
The mosaic workers came from Rome, and the general plan
of the churches, which are almost the sole remains of the
former glory of the city, follows that of the Roman basilica,
while the classical spirit is still felt in the drawing of the
earlier figures in the Baptistery and S. Apollinare Nuovo.
The vigour of the Gothic race appears in the originality of
choice and treatment in the New Testament scenes in the
nave of the latter; and the essential difference between north-
ern and southern architecture is already seen in the mausoleum
of Theodoric, for there for the first time the horizontal line
gives way to the vertical as the characteristic feature in
construction, and in its erection the first step was taken
which inaugurated the change from classic styles of building,
just as his reign may be said to be the first beginning of
* Kraus, F. X., Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, vol. i, bk. 9, and vol ii,
bk. 13, Freiburg im B., 1896; Strzygowski, J., Orient oder Rom, Introd., Leip-
zig, 1901. For a different view see F. Wickoff, Die Wiener Genesis, Wien,
1895, who sees in Byzantine art merely the last stage of the decadence of that
of Rome.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 277
the Middle Ages. Theodoric had been brought up at the
court of Byzantium, and the building of the church of
S. Vitale fell in the time of Byzantine rule. If Justinian
was not actually present at its consecration he regarded
himself as in some sense its founder. He appears on the
mosaics of its walis, and his authority seems to have modified
the plan of the building, and to have decided that the gallery
should rest not on wooden beams, as originally planned, but
on stone arches in accordance with the rules of Byzantium ',
We have therefore at Ravenna an art in which three
different streams of influence, Roman, Gothic, and Byzantine,
united, and in which the extent to which each makes itself
felt can be traced with something like precision.
Fig. 28 (after Garrucci).
Ex. 26. Mosaic in the Orthodox Baptistery.
449-452.
Two important baptism scenes are to be found in the
mosaics of the baptisteries at Ravenna alluded to in the last
1 Ricci, C., Guida di Ravenna, p. 40, Bologna, Ig00.
278 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
chapter. That in the orthodox baptistery (Baptisterium
Ursianum or S. Giovanni in Fonte) was probably set up
by Bp. Neon in 449-452.
Here Christ is represented bearded and with a halo, holding
His hands down to His side, naked, and standing in the water
which rises to His waist (Fig. 28). On the left side is the
Baptist wearing an exomis and with a halo. He stands
on a promontory of rock with his left foot raised, holding
a jewelled cross in his left hand, while with his right he
pours water from a patera over the head of Christ. Over-
head is the dove flying downwards vertically ; in the water
to the right is an allegorical figure of Jordan marked by
the name, a bearded man with a reed, holding a cloth in
his hands. Plants spring from the banks ?.
According to Strzygowski the patera is a fourteenth-cen-
tury restoration, as ‘no such instrument was used till that
date. We have already considered the reasons for believing
in its use at an earlier period. The head and right arm of
the figure of Christ are restored, the halo and beard being
possibly modern additions.
Ex. 27. Mosaic in the Arian Baptistery.
In the Arian baptistery (S. Maria in Cosmedin) is a similar
mosaic occupying a corresponding’
place in the centre of the dome.
In it Christ is represented
beardless, with a halo, holding His
hands down to His side, and up
to His waist in water (Fig. 29).
The dove flies down vertically from
above, and from its beak a stream
descends on the head of our Lord.
The Baptist stands to the right on
a rock which rises out of the water. He is clothed in a spotted
Fig. 29 (after Garrucci).
1 Garr., vol. iv, tavv. 226 and 227.—Str., p. 10, taf. 1, 14.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 279
skin and holds a curved stick in his left hand, while he lays
the right on the head of the Saviour. To the left sits
Jordan, out of the water, and represented as an old man with
two crab-claws growing out of his head, holding a reed in
his right hand while he raises his left in astonishment
(Pss. Ixxvil. 16 and cxiv. 5) 1.
These two examples fall within the first and second period
respectively of the history of Ravenna’s greatness, while
Roman influences were still strong in her art, but had been
weakened by being transplanted and modified by new sur-
roundings. They show a new conception of the scene which
almost entirely breaks away from the old tradition, and would
appear to be due to an attempt to picture more exactly the
scenes of the Gospels.
Influence of apocryphal writings.
An interesting account of the apocryphal additions to the
story of our Lord’s baptism as related in the Gospels will be
found in a work entitled Hin bisher unbeachteter Bericht
iiber die Taufe Jesu, by Adolf Jacoby (Strassburg, Trubner,
1902). The author believes that he has traced them to a lost
Church Order connected with the Syriac Didascalia, and there-
fore dating from the third century. In certain fragments of
a fourth-century Epiphany sermon based on this document we
find it related that at the baptism of our Lord the waters of
the Jordan first fled back and then rose ina heap. Similar
allusions to the miracle are quoted from Ephraem Syrus
(325-379), Jacob Baradaeus (451), Jacob of Sarug (521),
from several Epiphany sermons of the fifth or sixth cen-
turies, Cyril of Jerusalem (348, Cat. xii. 15), from hymns of
Anatolius (450), and the Ambrosian collection. The narratives
of the pilgrim Antoninus Placentius (570-600) and others
state that the miracle was repeated yearly, and references to
the legend are found in Armenian and Coptic writings.
Jacoby believes that both the retiring of the water and the
1 Garr., vol. iv, tav. 241.—Str., p. Io, taf. 1, 15.
280 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
rising in a heap were dwelt on to emphasize the doctrine of
the Divine Nature of our Lord ; and that the former, which
is alluded to in all the above writings, was suggested by
Pss. cxiv. 3, 5, Ixxvil. 16, while the latter, which is less
frequently dwelt upon, was regarded as an act of homage to
the Incarnate Word, and found support in Ps. xvi. 3 (LXX).
He further holds that the influence of this widespread tra-
dition can be traced in Christian art, and to its influence
he ascribes the feature of the symbolic representation of the
Jordan first found in the Ravenna mosaic, and that of the
water rising in a heap to the waist or neck of the Saviour,
which first definitely appears in the fresco at Monza (Ex. 51,
e. 700). It may be doubted, however, whether the legend
had any great influence on the artistic representation of
the scene, for though Jordan is shown in the Ravenna
mosaics as holding up his hands in astonishment, the water
is not represented as receding. The fear of the river is
emphasized only in the ivories at Ravenna and in the
British Museum (Figs. 39, 40), while in later examples the
tendency is for the allegorical figure to occupy a subsidiary
place or to be omitted altogether.
It is still more doubtful if the representation of the water
as rising in a heap to cover our Lord’s body has any con-
nexion with the legend. It seems rather to be merely the
conventional way of indicating the river in an age when the
laws of perspective were not understood.
The whole legend is obviously based on the Old Testament
stories of the passage of the Red Sea and of the passing of
the Jordan by the Israelites, and the rising of the waters
in a heap was supposed to have taken place, not round the
Saviour’s body for the purpose of covering Him, but in the
stream above, that He might stand on dry land while He
was being baptized, just as it stood to allow the Israelites to
pass over dryshod. The only persons in the whole cycle of
symbolism who are conceived of as submerged are the
Egyptians who pursued after the Chosen People.
Baptism and Chrastian Archaeology. 281
Milan school of worres. e¢. 500.
The rule of Theodoric (493-526) secured a time of com-
parative prosperity for the rest of Italy; and though the
vovernment was in the hands of one of the conquering race
the old Roman civilization continued with very little con-
sciousness of change. The infiuence of Byzantium or of the
Goth would have been felt less elsewhere than they both were
at Ravenna, and in the art of this time the old tradition is
still strong.
To this period may be assigned five ivories of probable
Italian origin.
Ex. 28. Ivory in the Cathedral at Milan. c¢. 500.
An ivory ‘five pieces’ book-cover (? originally a diptych)
in the treasury of the cathedral at Milan contains sixteen
scenes from the life of Christ.
In that of the baptism He is
represented as a_ beardless
youth, nude, and standing up
to His knees in water which
falls from a pillar of rock in
a copious stream behind and
all round Him (Fig. 30). The
Baptist stands also up to his
knees in water, and holds
a crooked staff in his left Fig. 30.
hand, A stream flows from the beak of the dove '.
Garrucci describes this last feature, which we have already
noticed above (p. 267), as a ray, the symbol of grace, and
quotes Chrysologus, Serm. CLX :— Spiritus Sanctus in specie
columbae totam in caput parentis novi chrismatis pingue-
dinem fundit ut impleat illud quod propheta dixit “ Propterea
999
.
unxit te Deus tuus oleo laetitiae This does not, however,
exclude its being also intended for a stream of water, for we
1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 454.—Str., p. 13, taf. li, 2.
282 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
may notice the same feature in the Aquileia spoon (Ex. 24,
fig. 22), where it is in this stream that the baptizer holds
his patera; while in the relief at Monza described below
(Ex. 51), in the Berlin ivory from the Micheli collection
(Ex. 52, fig. 44) as well as in Exx. 53 & 54 (fig. 45), the dove
pours the water from a vessel held in its beak.
Ex. 29. Ivory in the Bodleian Inbrary at Oxford.
C. 500.
A very similar treatment (Fig. 31) appears on another
book-cover in the Bodleian
Library at Oxford, as one of
twelve scenes in the life of the
Saviour, who is represented in
the centre throned and with the
four evil beasts under His feet
(Ps. xci.13). The features of the
pillar of rock, and of the water
falling from it as well as from
the dove’s beak and rising to the
Saviour’s knees, are repeated,
while the Baptist holds the
erooked staff but stands on dry ground raising his left foot}.
Ex. 30. Ivory at Amiens. c. 500.
An ivory of the same school is
in the possession of M. Mallet at
Amiens, and was published by M.
VPAbbé E. van Dreval in the Revue
de lV’ Art Chrétien, XIX, 1875, pl. xix,
p- 352. In it the Baptist is repre-
sented as clothed in an exomis, hold-
ing a crooked staff and raising his left
foot (Fig. 32). There is a stream that
? Str., p. 12, taf. ii, 1.—Westwood, Fictile Ivories in 8. Kensington Museum.
P- 55, pl. 6.
* i ee
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 283
flows from the dove as well as a broad stream falling from a
bossy pillar of rock. The Saviour is pictured as a boy with
a simple halo and on dry ground },
Ex. 31. Werden Ivory at South Kensington
Museum.
The carving on the remains of an ivory box in South
Kensington Museum, and formerly at Werden in Rhenish
Prussia, is of very similar workman-
ship to the last two examples (Fig.
33). The Saviour is represented as
a nude boy and with a crossed halo,
Both He and the Baptist are up to
their knees in water, but on the left
is a personification of the Jordan Fig. 33 (after Garrucci),
holding branches in his hands,
leaning on a pitcher from which the water flows. The whole
work is marked with a certain originality that seems to
suggest the working of a new influence ?,
Stublfauth * points out the similarity of these works, and
believes them to be productions of a Milanese school of carving,
and to date from the latter half of the fifth century. He holds
that the example at Milan (Fig. 30) is the oldest, while that
at Amiens (Fig. 32) he suggests may date from the period
between the invasion of the Huns in 452 and that of the
Ostrogoths in 490. The Bodleian example he considers to be
Byzantine in its details and in the style of the seventh and
ninth centuries: but he holds it to be a modern forgery, mainly
however on the ground that it bears a Latin inscription. That
at South Kensington (Fig. 33) he would place a little later,
as having a crossed nimbus and generally showing a more
1 Stuhlfauth, G., Die altchristliche Elfenbeinplastik, p. 75, Mohr, Freiburg
i. B. and Leipzig, 1896.
2 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 447, 3.—Westwood, No. 99.
3 Die altchristliche Elfenbeinplastik, pp. 74, 77, 199.
284 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
developed style. Strzygowski1, on the other hand, considers
this last example to date from the time of Theodosius (392-395).
to which period he also ascribes the book-cover at Milan
(Fig. 30); while he holds the Bodleian ivory (Fig. 31) to be
a work of the school of Ravenna that became more and more
influenced by Byzantium in the sixth century.
Ex. 32. Ivory cover to the Missal of Gregory
at Munich. ?¢. 500.
A fifth example of the same school, though not mentioned
by Stuhlfauth, may be seen in the Royal Library at Munich,
where it forms part of the cover of the so-called missal of
Gregory the Great. (Cim. 143. Cod. Lat. 10077.)
The carving is somewhat worn, but the Saviour seems to be
represented as a boy without
a halo (Fig. 34). The Baptist
stands on dry ground, clothed
in an exomis and holding
a crooked staff; he raises his
right foot while he lays his
hand on our Lord’s head.
Jordan stands on the opposite
side holding in his left arm
a tree, and with an inverted
Fig. 34- pitcher from which the water
flows, rising to the thighs of the Saviour. The massacre
of the Innocents appears above and the miracle of Cana
below, as in the example from Amiens (Ex. 30, fig. 32).
The ivory is attributed in the library catalogue to the
eleventh or twelfth century, but the choice of subjects
as well as certain peculiarities of treatment (e. g. the woman
throwing up her hands in the scene of the massacre of the
Innocents) seem to show that it is of the same school as the
above example, and dates from the fifth or early sixth century.
1 Das Etzschmiadzin Evangeliar, Wien, 1891. Cf. Kraus, Geschichte der
christlichen Kunst, vol. i, p. 507.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 285
Ex. 33. Ivory in the British Museum. ?c. 500.
To the same date may perhaps be referred an ivory in the
Christian Antiquities room in the British Museum, in which
the feature of the stream from the
dove’s beak reappears (Fig. 35).
In it the Saviour is represented
as a nude boy, with a halo,
holding His hands down and
standing on the ground,
The head alone of the dove
appears, The Baptist is scantily
Fig. 35 (from a photograph).
clothed in an exomis which
leaves both arms and legs bare, and he lays his hand on the
Saviour’s head. To the left stands a bearded figure with
wings, and clothed in a toga. ‘There are indications of
water behind the feet of Christ. On either side are candle-
sticks similar to those on an early fifth-century silver casket
in the Museo Cristiano at the Vatican, and to those on
a sarcophagus at Ravenna of the same period. The rest of
the ivory is occupied with the finding of Christ in the-
temple, a rare subject which, however, also occurs on the
Milan ivory.
This example is ascribed to the fifth century, but its peculiar
features make it difficult to assign it to any particular place
or date 1,
Oriental types. Eu. 34. Rabula MS. at
Florence. 586.
The first baptism scene in which Christ appears bearded (if
the mosaic at Ravenna has been altered in restoration) is In one
of the miniatures of the Syriac Rabula MS. in the Biblioteca
Laurenziana in Florence (Fig. 36). In it the Baptist is
represented in the usual attitude, raising his left foot, but
1 Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities in the British
Museum, 1901, No. 293.—Graeven, H., Elfenbeinwerke aus Sammlungen in
England, No. 22.—Westwood, No. 154
286 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
stooping as the Saviour is immersed in the water as far as the
waist. He turns His head a little aside, and the stream or
ray descends on it from above, where
the hand with two outstretched
fingers appears in the heavens and
beneath it flies the dove. The Jordan
is marked by banks on which flowers
are growing.
The monk Rabula lived at Zagba
in Mesopotamia and wrote the MS.
in 586. It is the earliest example
that we possess of the art of illumi-
nation by miniatures that had such
a wonderful development in the later Middle Ages, and
undoubtedly influenced the work of the schools of Karl the
Great (Kraus, F. X., Gesch. d. christl, Kunst, 1, 463 & 11, 25.
Freiburg im B., 1895-7).
Ex. 35. Htzeschnuadzn Gospel Book. c. 500.
Very similar in design is a miniature in the Gospel book of
Etzschmiadzin in Armenia. The hand in the heavens, the dove
and the stream or ray reappear, but the Saviour is represented
as beardless, without nimbus, and only immersed in the water
as far as His loins.
Strzygowski considers that this proves the MS. to be earlier
than the Rabula MS., and adds that while the style of dress
and the type of the apostles’ heads that appear in the margin
suggest that it dates from the sixth century, the architectural
ornamentation in which the pictures are set would seem to
point to the fifth. He is inclined to attribute it therefore to
the first half of the sixth. In any case the obvious connexion
of the two miniatures would point to an archetype of earlier date
than 586 ”,
1 Garr., vol, iii, tav. 130.—Str., p. 17.
? Strzygowsky, J., Byzantinische Denkmdler, I, Das Etzschmiadzin Evan-
geliar, p. 73 and taf, 6, 2, Wien, 1891.
a
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 287
Ex. 36. Flask at Monza. Before 599.
A flask at Monza may also be of Syrian origin. It is said
to have been given by Gregory the Great to Theodolinda
(599), but is probably of earlier date, and would seem to have
served originally to bring back oil from the Holy Land, as is
shown by its Greek lettering. It is ornamented with seven
small scenes from the life of Christ. In that of the baptism
the Saviour is represented as a boy in the water up to His
knees. The Baptist in a tunic stands on dry ground raising
his left foot. An angel on the right holding a cloth shows
eastern influence. All three figures are haloed '. ;
Kx. 37. Bronze Medal at the Vatican.
A bronze medal in the Museo Cristiano shows Christ up to
His knees in water. The Baptist raising his foot holds the
crooked staff in his left hand and lays his right on the Saviour’s
head. The word IORDA is written underneath, and around
is the legend ‘ Redemptio filiis hominum’. This object, if
genuine, was probably a keepsake from the Holy Land ?.
Ex. 38. Censer from Syria. ? 6th century.
A censer found at the convent of Mar Muza el Habashi,
between Damascus and Palmyra, is now at the British
Museum (Fig. 36a). On it 8. John is represented standing
on the left with his right hand stretched out over the head of
our Lord, who appears as a boy, holding His hands straight
down, with the water rising to His knees. A single attendant
angel holds a cloth and the dove appears overhead, There is
a considerable distance between the hand of the Baptist and
the head of the Saviour on which he appears to pour the water.
The figures, however, are much worn, and in the companion
scenes the hands are all of the same peculiar long shape, so
1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 433, 8.—Str., p. 14, taf. ii, 5.
2 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 480, 15.—Str., p. 14, taf. ii, 6.—Bull., 1869, p. 58.
VOL. V, PART IV. y
288 Studia Briblica et Ecclesiastica.
that it is impossible to say whether it was intended to show
an act of affusion 1.
The censer is attri-
buted to the ninth or
tenth centuries, but the
scenes seem to follow a
much earlier tradition
and to be of the type
found in the West in
the fifth or sixth cen-
turies, just as the fifth-
century fonts of the
Fig. 36 a.
wee Hauran seem to be of
the same type as those of Italy and Africa (pp. 327, 350).
Ex. 39. Horn Medallion from Egypt. c. 500.
A horn medallion, found in the burial ground of Achmim,
near Panoplis in Upper Egypt,
represents the Baptist standing
on the banks of the Jordan
clothed in a short tunic and
laying his hand on the Saviour’s
head (Fig. 37). Both are beard-
less, and our Lord wears a cloth
round His loins. He crosses His
hands over His breast and stands
on dry ground. Both He and
the Baptist have each a plain
nimbus. The dove flies over-
. head, and on the night bank
stands an angel in a tunic holding a cloth. This object is
attributed to c. 500 2.
? Dalton, O. M., Catalogue, No. 540. Proceedings of the Society of Anti-
quaries in London, 1872. Plate opp. p. 290.
2 Forrer, R., Die friihchristlichen Alterthiimer aus dem Griiberfelde von Ach-
mim-Panoplis, taf. xi, 1, Strassburg, 1893 ‘Die Zeit der Herstellung diirfte
die Mitte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Ch. sein.’
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 289
Ex. 40. Seal at Rome. Sixth or seventh century.
A seal, which he attributes to the sixth or seventh century,
is mentioned by Stuhlfauth as existing in the museum of the
German Campo Santo at Rome. He describes the figure of
Christ as bearded, and mentions an angel holding a cloth as
in the last example}.
Ex. 41. Fresco in the Cemetery of Pontianus.
Sixth century.
In a fresco in the cemetery of 8S. Pontianus in Rome Christ
is represented as an adult and standing up to His waist in
C nigg 2
—
ae
i BE
OVE
Fig. 38 (after Garrucci).
water (Fig. 38). He is bearded and hasa plain nimbus round
His head. The Baptist stands on a river bank to the right,
holding a reed in his hands; an attendant angel, covering his
hands with a cloth, appears on the left in a cloud. Below is
a stag drinking. The painting has been attributed to the ninth
1 Stuhlfauth, G., Der Engel., p. 193, Mohr, Freiburg im B., 1897.—Buill.,
1887, p. 48.—Rémische Quartalschrift, 1887, tav. iv, 4, p. I13.
Y 2
290 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
or tenth century, but seems to follow the older Roman tradition
and more probably dates from the sixth ?.
Byzantine types.
A new period of art as of literature arose with Justinian.
It had certain well-defined characteristies of its own, and
created types that became fixed in
later ages of decadence, and lasted
far into the Middle Ages with little
alteration.
Ex. 42. Chair of Maximian
at Ravenna. 454-556.
The chair of Maximian (454-
556) in the treasury of the
cathedral at Ravenna still repre-
sents Christ as a boy, but the
water is made to rise as high as
His waist (Fig. 39). The Baptist
clothed in a skin stands raising
his foot as usual, while two angels
Fig. 39. with eloths stand on the right.
Jordan is represented allegorically
in the water below as starting away in amazement. The
dove appears as usual overhead ?.
Ex. 43. Ivory at the British Museum. II.
? Siath century.
A very similar ivory carving is in the Mediaeval room at
the British Museum, where it is described as Italian and of the
sixth century. The workmanship is perhaps coarser, but the
general disposition of the figures is the same (Fig. 40). The
‘ Garr., vol. ii, tav. 86, 3—Marrucchi, O., Eléments d Archéologie Chrétienne,
vol. ii, p. 63.
2 Garr., vol, vi, tav. 418, 2.—Str., p. 15, taf. ii, 8.
9 Cait aie
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 291
Baptist, clothed in an exomis, raises his left foot and lays his
right hand on the Saviour’s head, who is represented as a boy
with a thick mass of curly hair. The water rises to His
waist. Behind is a (?) female figure
covering her hands with a cloth,
and with a veil over her head; there
were probably originally two such
figures, but the right side of the ivory
is imperfect. Below in the water is
Jordan, with erab-claws growing out
of his head, starting away in astonish-
ment. Above is the hand appearing
from heaven, while below is the dove
holding in its beak a cireular object.
This may be intended for a crown or
halo (as on a font at Liége, c. 1112),
but it is more probably a patera; for.
though we do not find this feature Fig. 40
(from a photograph).
elsewhere, it has a close parallel in
the examples of Lombardo-Roman art cited below, where
a pitcher is held by the dove in a similar manner 1.
Ex. 44. Ivory from Marsal.
A fragment found at Marsal in Lothringen may have been
part of a similar scene. Only the figure of Christ remains.
The water rises to His thighs and His arms are crossed over
His breast, an attitude, before the finding of the medal at
Achmim (Ex. 39, fig. 37), known in no instance earlier than
an Armenbibel in Munich. The water falls from a hand.
The Baptist stood on the right, but the figure has been broken
off, as well as those of the attendant angels if they originally
existed. The Saviour is marked with a square nimbus, proving
that the custom of restricting that form to persons still living
* Dalton, O. M., Catalogue, No. 294, pl. 7—Graeven, H., Elfenbeinwerke
aus Sammlungen in England, No. 28.
292 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
in this world was not without exceptions. The work is
roughly executed’.
Ex. 45. Pillar at Constantinople. Sixth century.
A sixth-century representation of Christ’s baptism appears
in the carving of a pillar found at Constantinople, and now in
the museum of the Tscbinili Kiosk in that city. It shows
our Lord up to His thighs in the water, with the same two
attendant angels holding cloths on the left. The figure of the
Baptist is much larger than that of our Lord, but we cannot
tell whether He was pictured as a boy or with a beard as the ©
head has been broken ?.
Ex. 46. Ring at Palermo. ? Sixth century.
Two attendant angels also appear on a ring found at Syracuse
and now in the museum at Palermo, The Saviour is described
as standing up to His breast in the water, and the work is
considered to be Byzantine and of the sixth or early seventh
century %,
The scene is one of a series running round the hoop of the
ring. The work is very minute, but in the reproduction in
Kondakov the water appears to rise no higher than the waist.
There are also scenes of the crucifixion and of the visit of the
Maries to the sepulchre, which Kondakoy thinks are similar
in style to those on the flasks in the treasury at Monza
(Ex. 36).
1 Kraus, F, X., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Lothringen, vol. iii, p. 309
and taf. ii.
2 Strzygowski, Byz. Zeitschrift, 1892, p. 575, ‘Die alt. Byz. Plastik der
Bliitezeit,’ reproduced in Schultze, Archaeologie der altchristlichen Kunst,
p- 331.
3 Salinar, Del Real Museo di Palermo, Palermo, 1873, pl. A. 1. Arch.
Journal, vol. xxxviii, 1881, p. 154.—Kondakov, N., Geschichte und Denkméler
des Byz. Emails, p. 264. A precisely similar ring is to be seen in the gold
collection of the British Museum, Dalton, O. M., Catalogue, No. 129, who
refers to yet another formerly in the Pichon collection sale catalogue, 1897,
No. 26, and figured by Schlumberger, Mélanges d’arch. byz., p. 67.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 293
Lombard and Carolingian types.
The seventh century in Italy is marked by the preponderance
of barbarism in civil life, while all that survived of classic
culture was being gathered into the monasteries. After the
time of Gregory the Great (ob. 604) both liturgical custom
and ecclesiastical art underwent considerable modifications, and
it is from this era that it is usual to reckon the beginning of
the Middle Ages.
After this date therefore we may expect to find two widely
differing types of art. The one vigorous and original in idea,
but rough in execution and only slightly influenced by tradition ;
the other continuing the older style on its general conception,
but becoming more and more conventional, while the working
of the new spirit appears in details.
WEEN —}
QRASaS QSOS SANS SS SSCS
Fig. 41 (from a photograph).
Ex. 47. Rough wory carving at South Kensington.
To this period may be ascribed a very rough carving on
ivory in South Kensington Museum, which represents Christ as
294 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
being baptized in a sort of tub-like font in whieh He stands
immersed to the waist (Fig. 41). On the reverse side is a fine
piece of work, probably of Carolingian origin and attributed to
the eighth or ninth century. The inferior work must therefore
be of earlier date!.
Fig. 42 (from a photograph).
fiz. 48. The Wessobrunner Gebet. 814.
In the ‘Wessobrunner Gebet,’ a MS. of the year 814,
preserved in the library at Munich, is an illustration of the
baptism of a Jew, who stands in a small cireular font which
reaches to his waist (Fig. 42) ?.
Ex. 49. Ivory from 8. Mark's chair at Grado.
Sixth or seventh century.
An ivory originally forming part of the chair of S. Mark
at Grado, and now in the Museo Archeologico at Milan, is
considered by Graeven and Garrucci to be work of the
seventh century. It represents the Evangelist baptizing
Anianus with his wife and son, who stand up to the breast
in water in a large tank (the son up to the neck), while
1 Westwood, Fictile Ivories, No. 256.
* Reproduced in Springer, A., Handbuch der Kuastgeschichte, vol. ii, p. 93,
Leipzig, 1902, 3rd edition.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. - 295
the saint stands on dry ground (Fig. 43). If the date be
correct this is the earliest representa-
tion of baptism in which submersion
could be intended 1.
The chair is said to have been
brought from Alexandria to Con-
stantinople and to have been presented
to the church of Grado by the
Emperor Heraclius (610-640). If
this is the same chair the reliefs
must have been executed at an
earlier date, but they cannot, in the
opinion of Graeven, be much older.
A companion relief in the British
Museum is attributed to the sixth Fig. 43 (from a cast).
century.
Ex. 50. ‘Pahotto of S. Ambrose at Milan. O27:
The paliotto (altar frontal) of S. Ambrogio at Milan
was set up in the year 827 by Archbishop Angilbert and
executed by a certain Wolfinius, as shown by an inscription
on the back. On it is represented the baptism of 8. Ambrose,
who stands naked in a small octagonal font which reaches
to his thighs, while an attendant pours water over his
head from a large pitcher *.
He. 51. Relief at Monza. c. 700.
The use of a pitcher also appears in a relief in S. Giovanni
in Fonte at Monza (e. 700), where it is held in the beak of
the dove, which flies down in the centre overhead and pours
water from it over the head of the Saviour. The Baptist
stands on the left, and there is one attendant angel holding
1 Westwood, No. 156.—Graeven, H., Friihchristliche und mittelalterliche
Elfenbeinwerke aus Sammlungen in Italien, Rom, 1900, No. 44.—Garr., vol. i.
Pp- 57°-
2 Str., p. 36, tav. vili, 2.
206 - Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
a cloth to the right. The water is here for the first time
definitely represented as rising miraculously in a_ heap,
a feature which becomes very common in later times}.
Ex. 52. Ivory from Micheli Collection at Berlin.
An ivory in the Berlin Museum formerly belonging to
the Micheli collection at Paris shows the dove as pouring
water from a pitcher over the
Saviour’s head, who is _repre-
sented as a full-grown man,
nude, holding His hands down
and immersed in the water to
His thighs (Fig. 44). The
Baptist is clothed in an exomis
of skin, holding a crooked staff,
and on dry land. On the other
side is the figure of Jordan, out
of the water, nude, but with a
cloth over his lap. He points
upwards with his right hand,
and in his left holds an inverted
pitcher from which the water
flows. Above are three winged
heads of angels holding cloths. The hand appears in
heaven over the dove. The work is ascribed to the seventh
century 7. i
Ex. 53. Ivory at Strassburg.
Another example presenting the same features is men-
tioned as being in the possession of Herr Forrer at Strass-
burg, and is mentioned by A. Jacoby in his Bericht tiber die
Taufe Jesu. The hand of God appears above. The dove
holds a pitcher in its beak, and an angel stands in the
1 Str., p. 33, tav. viii, 1.
2 Westwood, No. 240.—Str., p. 36, taf. viii, 3.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 297
background to the right. S. John, on the left, lays his hand
on the Saviour’s head. Our Lord stands with the water
rising above His thighs, and Jordan hastens in astonish-
ment away to the right}.
Ex. 54.
The pitcher in the beak of the
dove also appears in a_tenth-
century ivory at Rheims, which .
represents the baptism of Chlodwig ae
(Fig. 45) *. Fig. 45 (from a cast).
Ex. 55. Gem found at Rome.
A gem found at Rome represents the Baptist and our
Lord, both clothed and standing in the water. The dove
rests on the head of Christ whom S. John appears to
embrace *. The water rises only as high as the ankles of the
two figures,
This ring was bought by Mr, Fortnum and is now in the
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford (No. 71 in the collection of
Christian gems; cf. The Archaeological Journal, vol. xxxvii,
1880, p. 360, where it is said that the object may be anterior
to the third century).
Hx. 56. Fresco im a catacomb at Naples. 759.
A symbol of the open heaven from which the dove descends
appears in the fresco in the catacomb of S. Gennaro at Naples,
which was painted soon after 759 under Greek influence
(Fig. 46). The two attendant angels also appear holding
cloths covering their hands, but they raise them and look up
as if in prayer. The Saviour is in the water up to the
thighs +.
1 Jacoby, A., Bericht iiber die Taufe Jesu, Strassburg, 1902, p. 82.
2 Westwood, No. 325.
3 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 478, 41.—Bull., 1877, p. 48.
* Garr., vol. ii, tav. 94, 3.— Str., p. 18.
2098 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
This is considered by Strzygowski to be the earliest instance
in which the open heaven is represented, but we have already
_ met with it on the gravestone from Aquileia (Ex. 24, fig. 21).
How beautiful a feature this can be made can be seen in the
Fig. 47 (from a cast).
fresco by Fra Angelico in the
cloister of San Marco at
Florence, where the traditional
arrangement is preserved as
late as the fifteenth century
in nearly all its details.
Ex. 57. Ivory from
Rhevnau.
On an ivory in a collection
from Rheinau the Saviour
stands with His feet in a small
font (Fig. 47). The Baptist
stands to the left, an angel on the right. The hand from
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 299
heaven and the dove with a stream issuing from its beak
awe
x aa
I Caf =
also appear, as well as the
figure of Jordan seated
XY
Ray
on a pitcher, and another
with a serpent and a fish
symbolizing (?) earth and
water '.
Ex. 58. Ivory from
Bamberg.
An ivory in the Royal
Library at Munich orig-
inally belonging to the
cathedral at Bamberg
W4
Y)
shows an angel on the
right, S. John on the
left, as well as the
hand and the dove (Fig.
48). The water rises in
a heap to the waist, and above are symbolic figures of the sun
and moon with a host of angels *.
N)
Fig. 48 (from a cast).
Ex. 59. Ivory at Darmstadt.
Another ivory from western Ger-
many now in the museum at Darm-
stadt shows Christ standiiig in a pool of
water with a scalloped margin. Two
angels stand on the right (Fig. 49) *.
The classic details of these three
works and their selection of fea-
tures from various schools suggest
that we have in them examples of
Carolingian art from the eighth or
ninth century. Fig. 49 (from a cast).
1 Westwood, No. 277. 2 10:, NO. 275. 5 ib., No. 299;
300 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica,
The second Council of Nicaea (787) ordered a uniform mode
of picturing the scene. It ruled that Christ should be repre-
sented in the centre between the banks of the Jordan, with
S. John on the left and the two attendant angels on the
right, and so the similarity of treatment that had grown up
by custom was stereotyped by a positive enactment. The
custom of baptizing infants had by this time become almost
universal, and as the administration of the sacrament no
longer formed a striking public ceremony, all temptation
to modify the pictorial representation of the Gospel scene
by the influence of liturgical custom was still further re-
moved. ;
Ex. 60. Menologion of Basilius If. 976-1025.
The earliest example of such an illustration is probably that
in the menologion of Basilius II (976-1025) in the Vatican
Library at Rome, where the correct disposition of the figures is
observed, and the water is represented as covering the body and
the shoulders '.
Summary of evidence from the age of the
northern invasions.
It will be noticed that in the examples from the fifth and
sixth centuries, where the older tradition is still strong, the
water is made to rise to the knees, while it is still repre-
sented as falling from a rock or fountain-head (Exx. 28-30,
figs. 30-32). In early Ravennese (Exx. 26, 27, figs. 28, 29)
and Oriental art generally it is made to rise higher, to the
thighs (Exx. 44, 45), or to the waist (Exx. 34, 35, 41, 43,
figs. 38-40). Intwo later examples it rises to the breast (Exx.
46, 49, fig. 43), while in the latest example we have quoted
(Ex. 60) it reaches as high as the neck. In all such exam-
ples, however, the Baptist is raised very little higher than the
Saviour (though in the Rabula MS. he has to stoop), and in most
1 Str., p. Ig, tav. ii, 11.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 301
cases it is only by disregarding the laws of perspective that
the water can be so pictured. In the fresco at Monza (Ex. 51,
ce. 700) the difficulty is avoided by showing the water rising
miraculously in a heap to the waist, and this feature appears
frequently in later examples (e.g. in the paliotto of Salerno
(eleventh century), the Egbert Codex at Trier (989-993), the
font at Liége (1112), &c.). In many later examples it rises
to the neck, but in no case does it cover the head.
First traces of the custom of submersion.
The Council of Chelsea (816) first ordered (Canon 11) that
priests were to take care not merely to pour the consecrated
water over the head of the infant, but always to ‘immerse’ it
in the font, as the Son of God set us an example when He
was thrice ‘immersed’ in the waters of Jordan.
Sciant etiam presbyterii, quando sacrum baptismum ministrant,
ut non effundant aquam sanctam super capita infantuum sed
semper mergantur in acria: sicut exemplum praebuit per
Semetipsum Dei Filius omni credenti, quando esset ter
mergatus in undis Iordanis’.
It is curious to note that the misunderstanding of the word
‘mergo’ (mergatus) appears as Latin begins to die out as
a spoken language, and that it wasin England that it was
first understood as involving svbmersion.
In the middle of the ninth century baptism by affusion was
evidently still the more common practice. Walafrid Strabo
(849) comments on the fact that in the past ‘immersion ’
was not considered necessary, and that in his day it was
allowable to administer the sacrament by pouring water over
the catechumen, as S. Laurence is said to have done in the
case of the soldier who was converted by a vision of Christ
wiping the limbs of the saint after he had suffered torture. ‘It
is with us usually so administered’ he adds, ‘in the case of an
1 Darwell Stone, Holy Baptism, p. 271, Longmans, 1899.—Haddan and
Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, iii, 584 (who note on the word
acria, ‘ This word stands for aqua, or possibly for lavacro’).
302 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
older man who cannot be baptized in a small font.’ It was
evidently coming to be considered that ‘immersion’ must
mean ¢ota/ immersion, and that this was the more perfect and
primitive way, though as a rule it was not feasible, except
in the ease of children, in the fonts that existed.
De Eccl. Reb. XXVII. Notandum non solum mergendo verum
etiam desuper fundendo multos baptizatos fuisse, et adhuc
posse ita baptizari si necessitas sit, sicuti in passione beati
Laurentii quendam urceo allato legimus baptizatum. Hoc
etiam solet evenire cum provectiorum granditas corporum in
minoribus vasis tingi non patitur.
The modern Greek custom of dipping probably became
universal in the East between the ninth and eleventh centu-
ries, at the time when Byzantine art became stereotyped and
so strongly marked by liturgical custom, and when original
thought also gave way to rigid traditionalism. The Armenian
church similarly adopted it, but retained the more primitive
affusion side by side with the more recent practice.
In the time of Aquinas the newer mode of administration
prevailed almost universally, and he declares it safer to baptize
by ‘immersion,’ as it is the common use (Swama III, 66, 7.
Tutius est baptizare per modum immersionis quia hoe habet
usus communior), though other thirteenth-century evidence
shows that even in this ‘immersion’ it was considered
dangerous to allow the child’s head to go under the water.
(Augusti, Denkwiirdigkeiten aus der christlichen Archdéologie,
vol. vii, ch. 9, p. 235)
It is curious to notice how this anxiety as to the method
adopted appears as infant baptism becomes the rule. Indeed
it is difficult to see how any one but a small child can be said
to be baptized, if the word is to be interpreted as involving
submersion. This was felt by Duns Scotus, who declared a
priest exeused if he was weak, or if the candidate was a great
country fellow whom he could not lift.
Comment. in LV sentent. dist. 3, qu. 4. Excusari potest minister
a trina immersione, ut si minister sit impotens et si sit unus ~
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 303
magnus rusticus qui debet baptizari quem nec potest immers
gere nec elevare, (Augusti, p. 217.)
In the sixteenth century in the English and Roman ritual
affusion is recognized as equally permissible, as was also the
ease in the Lutheran and Calvinistic bodies; and since that
time the mediaeval custom of dipping has ceased to be practised
in the West except by the English Baptist community.
Conclusion of positive evidence from Archaeology.
To sum up :—
We notice from these sixty examples, ranging from the
first to the tenth century and coming from Rome, Gaul,
Spain, Milan, Ravenna, Armenia, Syria, Egypt, Byzantium,
Sicily, Ireland, the Kingdom of Lombardy, and the court of
Karl the Great, that the type is persistent, and lasts with little
real alteration from the earliest times till it hands on the
traditional form to mediaeval art. The oldest scenes simply
represent the idea of baptism; the slight modification of the
fourth century is due to elaboration borrowed from liturgical
custom ; and the more marked influence of Ravenna, Syria,
and Byzantium is due to an attempt to secure historic
realism. As far as there is any development in the actual
mode of administration it is towards submersion, but the
furthest step in that direction consists in representing the
water as rising (in most cases miraculously) as high as the
neck.
On the other hand :—
Illustrations of what probably indicates immersion are found
in two pontificals attributed to the ninth century, one in
the Minerva Library at Rome (Kraus, Realencyclopddie, art.
‘Taufe’ p. 838), and one in the Library at Windsor. Both are
reproduced in Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, art. * Baptism,’
§ 43. In both cases it is an infant that is about to be
dipped, and in the latter a priest in alb and stole administers
the rite while a bishop in chasuble and stole descends from
VOL. V, PART IV, Z
304 Studia Biblica et Ecclescastica.
his desk and prepares to anoint the child. A similar scene
occurs on the ivory book-cover of the Sacramentary of Drogo
at Metz (ninth century), where eighteen liturgical and other
scenes are repre-
sented. In the
eighth the water in
a small font under
a canopy is being
consecrated, while
in the ninth two
Fig. 50 (from a cast).
small children are
being dipped. Another scene shows the baptism of Christ
represented in the traditional manner, with Jordan and the
attendant angels (Figs. 50 and 51)}.
We have seen then that all the evidence of archaeology goes
to prove that the essential part of baptism was considered in
the early Church to be the pouring of water over the candidate's
head by the bishop, or the guiding his head under a descending
stream, followed by the laying on of hands. There remains the
question, whether this was preceded by a self-immersion, for
a bishop could not have actually dipped a grown man: such
an act might conceivably have taken place and yet not be
represented, just as the anointing that undoubtedly followed
does not appear in any of the examples we have examined that
date from before the eighth century.
To answer this question we must consider the evidence of
early Christian baptisteries.
} Westwood, No. 295.—Kraus, F. K., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Loth-
ringen, iii, 575.—Geschichte, ii, p. 16.
CHAPTER IV
BAPTISM WITHOUT A FONT
Baptism in Apostolic tumes.
Baptism in apostolic times was no doubt administered without
any special font or building being set apart for the purpose.
The 3,000 converts at Jerusalem (Acts 11. 41), the jailor at
Philippi (xvi. 33), S. Paul at Damascus (ix. 18), the disciples
at Ephesus (xix. 5), may have been baptized in some sort of
bath, but it is difficult to imagine how the rite could have been
carried out by submersion.
The eunuch of queen Candace was baptized in the open air
(vili. 38), and the baptism of Lydia and her household (xvi.
15) may have taken place in the river near the place of prayer
where she met S. Paul. Tertullian declares (De Bapt. 4) that
S. Peter baptized in the Tiber, and he evidently contemplated
the possibility of open-air baptism in his own day (e. 200).
Ideoque nulla distinctio est, mari quis an stagno flumine an
fonte, lacu an alveo diluatur; nec quicquam refert inter eos,
quos Ioannes in Jordane et quos Petrus in Tiberi tinxit, nisi
et ille spado, quem Philippus inter vias fortuita aqua tinxit,
plus salutis aut minus retulit.
The place of Christ's baptism.
The custom of open-air baptizing in the Jordan district
continued at least as late as the fifth century. We have seen
how such a scene of open-air baptism was interpreted in art, in
the representations of our Lord’s baptism. ‘The natural features
of the Holy Land, as well as local tradition, still further support
this interpretation as being correct in the point we are
considering, viz. the depth of the water.
Z2
306 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
‘At the foot of the hills there burst forth all the summer,
not only such springs as we have in our own land, but large
and copious fountains from three to twenty feet in breadth and
Jrom one to three in depth, with broad pools of fish, and some
sending forth streams strong enough to work mills a few yards
away. These fountain-heads, as they are called, are very
characteristic features of the Syrian summer?.’
Sylvia of Aquitaine (385-388) describes the traditional spot
as she saw it. The spring had a sort of pool in front where
it was supposed S. John had baptized, and she was told that
to that day the Easter baptisms for the candidates of that
district took place in the same spot.
Tune ergo quia retinebam scriptum esse baptizasse sanctum Io-
hannem inEnon iuxta Salim requisivi de eo quam longe esset ipse
locus. Tune ait ille sanctus presbiter; ecce hic est in ducentis
passibus; nam si vis ecce modo pedibus duco vos ibi. Nam
haec aqua tam grandis et tam pura quam videtis in isto vico
de ipso fonte venit. unc ergo gratias ei agere coepi et rogare
ut duceret nos ad locum, sicut et factum est. Statim ergo
coepimus ire cum eo pedibus totum per vallem amenissimam
donec perveniremus usque ad hortum pomarium valde amenum,
ubi ostendit nobis in medio fontem aquae optimae satis et pure,
quia semel integrum fluvium demittebat. Habebat autem ante
se ipse fons quasi lacum ubi parebat fuisse operatum sanctum
Tohannem baptistam. Tune dixit nobis ipse sanctus presbiter,
in hodie hic hortus aliter non appellatur Greco sermone nisi
copostu agiu iohanni, id est quod vos dicitis latine hortus sancti
Iohannis. Nam et multi fratres sancti monachi de diversis
locis venientes tendunt se ut Javentur in eo loco. Denuo ergo
et ad ipsum fontem sicut et in singulis locis facta est oratio et
lecta est ipsa lectio, dictus etiam psalmus competens, singula
et quae consuetudinis nobis erat ubicunque ad loca sancta
veniebamus ita et ibi fecimus. Illud etiam presbiter sanctus
dixit nobis, eo quod usque in hodierna die semper cata pascha
quicumque essent baptizandi in ipso vico id est in ecclesia
' Smith, G. A., Historical Geography of the Holy Land, p. 77 ; of the many
pools or streams of Aenon (moAAd vdata), John ili. 23.
9 Peregrinatio Silviae, ed. Gamurrini, ch. 45, p. 59+
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 307
que appellatur opu Melchisidech omnes in ipso fonte
baptizarentur.
The place was also known to Eusebius (265-340).
Jerome in Eus. De situ et nominibus, 163, Migne, Patr. Lat.
tom. xxiii. p. 677 (Aenon juxta Salim ubi baptizabat Johannes
sicut in Evangelio cata Iohannem scriptum est et ostenditur
nune usque locus in octavo lapide Scythopoleos ad meridiem
iuxta Salim et Iordanem); but he seems to place the scene of
our Lord’s baptism at Bethabara and mentions the custom of
Christian baptism in the river (182, p. 884).
In later times the baptism was believed to have taken place
at Bethabara in the river itself, and a cross was erected in the
water to mark the spot. Antoninus Placentius (570-600)
describes it as surrounded by marble steps by which it was
possible to go down into the water. The legend further
added that the water rolled back to allow the Saviour to stand
on dry ground.
Legends of the Apostolic Age.
The Acts of Xantippe, Polyxena, and Rebecca are a Gnostic
work dating probably from the third century, but using the
Acts of Paul, which are most likely of the second, and are
considered by Zaln to be orthodox.
Polyxena is described as meeting 8S. Andrew in a wood and
asking him for baptism. He replies, ‘ Let us go, my child,
where there is water.’
They come to a spring where they meet Rebecca, a Jewess,
coming to draw, and a lion appears who tells the apostle to
baptize them, which he does in the name of the Trinity.
The story of the lion reappears in the Acts of Paul and
Thecla, and it is this lerend that Jerome alludes to when he
speaks with contempt of the work with its story of a baptized
lion (baptizati leonis fabulam, De vir. alust. ch. 7)".
In the Clementine Homilies (Hom. xiv. 1) Mattidia is
described as being baptized on the sea-shore between some
» James, M. R., Texts and Studies, vol. ii, no. 3, pp. 43-85, Cambridge,
1897.
308 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
rocks. A river or spring where there is living water is
mentioned as a suitable place for baptism in Clem. Hom.
Contest. ch. i; ef. Hom. xi. 261}.
In the Acts of Linus the story is told of how S. Peter,
when imprisoned in the Tullianum (Mamertine prison) under
the Capitol, converted his two jailors Processus and Martinianus,
and after causing a spring to burst forth baptized them and
forty-seven others. The Acts date from the middle of the
fourth century, and were probably taken from an earlier Greek
form (G. Salmon in Dict. Christian Biography, art. ‘ Linus’).
The saints are commemorated on July 2 in the Roman Bre-
viary, and the story forms part of the lessons of the third
nocturn. The spring about which the story grew up is still
shown. The Tullianum was originally built as a well-house
over this spring, having the usual dome form that is charac-
teristic of the earliest buildings of Italy. The present floor
of the upper chamber dates from early republican times, but
the lower room was still in use in the fifth century a.p.
A small cireular hole forms the well-mouth, in which there is
a constant supply of water. The forty-nine people could not
easily have got into a room only 6 metres in diameter ; still
less could they have been dipped in the well. Doubts have
been cast on the Roman origin of the legend on this ground °.
Grisar considers the tradition is not earlier than the sixth
century, as the building remained a prison in Christian times
and was only converted into an oratory in the fifteenth.
Legends of the Ages of Persecution.
The Armenian Acts of Phocas, telling a story of persecution
in the time of Trajan (which has however been added to later),
describe the bishop as baptizing some soldiers in the sea *.
1 Clementis Romani Homiliae Viginti, ed. Dressel, 1853, pp. 296, 6, 247.
4 Grisar, H., ‘Der Mamertinische Kerker,’ in the Zeitschrift fiir kath.
Theologie, 1896, p. 102.—Lanciani, R., The Ruins and Excavations of ancient
Rome, London, 1897, p. 287.
’ Conybeare, F. C., The Apology and Acts of Apollonius, Kc., 1894, ch.
Xvi, p. 118.
Baptism. and Christian Archaeology. 309
‘When the soldiers saw it (a torch, Gr. version ‘more than ten
thousand lamps’) they rushed in, and throwing themselves at
his feet sought of him the washing of the font—and the blessed
bishop took the men and went as far as the edge of the sea
outside the city and gave them the seal in Christ.’ Cf. Acta
Sanctorum, July 14, vol. iii, p. 644.
Victor of Marseilles is said to have baptized in the sea at the
end of the third century (Ruinart, Acta Sincera, ‘8. Victor
Massit.’),
S. Apollinaris is said to have baptized in a house as well as
in the sea and in a river at Ravenna (Surius, /z¢. Sanct.
July 23, §§ 2, 4, 11).
In the Acts of S. Laurence we read how the saint baptized
Lucillus, a fellow prisoner, by pouring water over his head.
Hippolytus his jailor was baptized with nineteen others in
his own house and it would seem by the same method, though
the Acts speak of his being ‘raised out of the water,’ from
which we gather he stood in some bath or vessel. After he
had been brought before Decius, one of the soldiers named
Romanus, who had guarded him and had seen him tortured,
was converted by a vision of Christ wiping his limbs. So
the next day he brought a pitcher of water and cast himself
at the feet of the saint, who took the water from him and
gave him the baptism he desired.
Surius, Vzt. Sanct. Aug. 10, §§ 16,17, 21. Tum beatus Laurentius
catechizavit Lucillum et accepta aqua dixit ad eum: Omnia
in confessione lavantur. Tu autem me pronunciante responde
‘Credo.’ Benedixitque aquam et cum expoliasset eum fudit
super caput eius dicens, &c.
...deinde more solito catechizavit eum, acceptamque aquam
benedixit et baptizavit eum ...et cum eum ex aqua elevaret...
et praeclare baptizati sunt in domo... Porro Romanus urceum
afferens cum aqua opportunitatem captabat ... accessit et aquam
afferens, misit se ad pedes beati Laurentii rogavitque cum
lacrymis ut baptizaretur. Et acceptam aquam benedixit et
baptizavit eum.
This incident is referred to by Walafrid Strabo (849).
310 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
In the Acts of Pope Marcellus, a deacon named Sisinius
baptizes a certain Apronianus, who was sent to conduct him
to the prefect Laodicius. When they are both committed to
prison they are described as baptizing numbers who visited
them there.
The baptism of Apronianus, according to the story, took
place in a basin within the house ; and in a later form of the
Acts it is narrated in similar words how the deacon Cyriacus
baptized a Persian princess in a silver bath (cp. the tombstone
from Aquileia, Ex. 23, Fig. 21). The place where he had
erected a baptistery in his own house was afterwards, during
the persecution of Diocletian, turned into a bath by a pagan
named Carpasius,
Eadem hora allata est aqua et catechizavit eum et benedixit
fontem et deposuit eum nudum in pelvim dicens &c. ... et
elevavit eum de pelvi et duxit eum ad Sanctum Marcellum.
Cumque essent in eustodia veniebant ad eos multi Gentiles
et baptizabantur cum omni fiducia’.
Catechizavit eam et allata aqua deposuit eam nudam in concham
argenteam.... Cum vidisset Carpasius placatum sibi Maxi-
minianum, petiit ab eo domum beati Cyriaci, qui confestim,
quod petebatur, ei concessit. Et cum introisset in eandem
domum, quam donaverat B. Cyriaco Diocletianus Augustus,
invenit locum ubi 8. Cyriacus fontem aedificavit, quem conse-
cravit beatus Marcellus episcopus, ubi frequenter baptizabat
S. Cyriacus venientes ad fidem. Tune Carpasius vicarius paga-
nus crudelissimus, cum in eadem domo invenisset baptisterium,
fecit in loco eodem balneum, quasi ad deridendam legem
christianorum’. Cf, Augusti, Denkwiirdigheiten aus der
christlichen Archidologie, vol. 7, pp. 187, 189, 225.
The Acts in their present form seem to be of the fifth or sixth
century, though they are based on an earlier tradition.
Duchesne, Lb, Pont. vol. i, pp. xcix and 165.
Baptism in Special Circumstances.
A legend of the Diocletian persecution told in the spurious
Acts of Peter of Alexandria narrates how a woman in a storm
1 Gesta Marcelli Papae. Surii vit. Sanct., Jan. 16, § 3, 5, p. 334-
* Acta Sanctorum, Boll., Jan, 16, vol. ii, §§ 16, 23, p. 7.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 311
at sea baptized her child with blood drawn from her breast,
and that when she brought it afterwards to the font, the water
turned to stone to prevent the repetition of the sacrament.
A tradition of the end of the fourth century relates that
S. Athanasius when a boy conferred baptism in play on some
children on the sea-shore at Alexandria. He was observed
by the Bishop Alexander, who, having ascertained that the
necessary questions had been duly answered and the water
poured over them (cz/fusa), declared the rite was not to be
repeated, but that it only needed completion.
Rufinus, 1. #. bk. i. ch. 14. Videt eminus puerorum super oram
maris ludum imitantium... statuisse traditur illis quibus
integris interrogationibus et responsionibus aqua fuerat infusa
iterari baptismum non debere sed adimpleri.
A story is told by Johannes Moschus (620) which he heard
from a certain abbot Andrew. He said that as a young man
he was very unsettled (draxtos mavv, indisciplinatus valde et
inquietus fui) and that he fled into the desert of Palestine
with nine others, of whom one was called Philoponos and one
was a Jew. The Jew fell ill, and though for some time
refusing to desert him, they at last saw it was necessary unless
they were all to die of thirst. The Jew begged for baptism,
but they demurred, as there was no bishop or presbyter among:
them, and besides there was no water. Philoponos, however,
told them to strip him and set him on his feet, which they
did with some difficulty. Then filling his hands with sand he
poured it thrice on his head, saying, ‘ Theodore is baptized, &e.
The Jew was at once healed, and on returning to Ascalon he
went to Dionysius the bishop, who called his clergy together
to discuss the validity of such a baptism. Some argued that
it was valid, as it had been confirmed by a miracle; others
said that though Moses baptized in water, in the cloud and in
the sea, John in penitence, and Jesus in the spirit, and though
Gregory of Nazianzen mentioned the baptism of blood and
that of tears, no mention was made of sand; so the bishop
thought it best to take him to the Jordan and baptize him
312 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
there, making Philoponos a deacon. No one, however, seems to
have objected to the baptism on the ground that he had not
been totally immersed in the sand 1.
Kai pera rodXov kérov dpOiov avrov arnaavres eLedvcaper, 6 dé Biddrovos
mAnpaocas dppov ras xetpas adtou emi rpis Kar€xeev adTod TH xepady
Aeyov K.T.r.
In all the above cases of baptism administered in the ages
of persecution, or under special circumstances, we have seen
that submersion could not have been practised, and yet there
is no trace of justification of the method adopted as though it
were unusual or as if excuse were necessary.
Clinical Baptism.
The objection to the clinical baptism of Novatian (Eus.
H. E. vi. 43) was not that he had not been dipped, but that
he had only sought the rite on his sick bed in fear of death,
and that he had never made up for the supposed necessity of
such an act by seeking the seal of the bishop according to the
rule of the Church. No stress is laid on the word ‘ by pouring’
(mepixv0eés), but further instances of his cowardice are given
immediately after.
So Cyprian (Ep. 76, Migne, Patr. Lat. vol. iii, p. 1147),
after arguing that baptism out of the church is invalid, goes
on to answer the objections of those who considered that
persons who had been baptized in sickness ought not to be
called Christians, but clinics, on the ground that they were not
washed but sprinkled (ow loti sunt sed perfusi). THe says it is
not as if it were an actual bath, and there were need of salt
of nitre (aphronitrum) and a seat (solium) to sit on while
washing yourself. He quotes Ezek. xxxvi. 25, Numb. xix. 8,
12, 13, Vili. 6-7, and xix. 9, and argues that aspersion is allow-
able if faith is sound ; but throughout, the contrast, as far as it
refers to the method of administration, is between sprinkling
and pouring over the whole body, while the sole objection to
1 Johannes Moschus, Pratum Spirituale, ch. 176, Migne, lxxxvii, pars iii,
P- 3°43:
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 313
clinical baptism in his eyes is that it does not take place in
the presence of the Church.
Nec quemquam movere debet quod aspergi vel perfundi videntur
aegri cum gratiam dominicam consequuntur.... Unde apparet
aspersionem quoque aquae instar salutaris lavacri obtinere et
quando haec in Ecclesia fiunt, ubi sit et accipientis et dantis
fides integra, stare omnia et consummari ac perfici posse
maiestate Domini et fidei veritate.
The synod of Neocaesarea (314-325) forbade the ordaining
of persons baptized in sickness, on the ground that their
acceptance of the faith had been forced on them by cir-
cumstances. The rule was only to be relaxed if on recovery
they showed a special zeal, or if (an unfortunate alternative)
there was a lack of candidates for Holy Orders.
"Edy voodv tis poricOA, cis mpecBurepov ayecOar ov Svvarat . . . ovK €k
mpoaipécews yap } miatts avTov, GAN’ && dvdykns... et wy Taxa Ora THY
5 - > a ‘ \ iy \ \ , Bb) , 1
veTa TavuTa auTov omovony Kal TLOTLY Kal bua oTraviy avOpatreav .
Affusion in Church Orders.
In the Didaché it is considered the natural thing, if there
is no suitable tank with running or other water for the
candidate to stand in while the water is poured over his
whole body, that it should be simply poured over his head
alone, that being considered the only essential part of the
ceremony. In the Canons of Hippolytus the presbyter is
directed to keep his hand on the catechumen’s head while he
is being baptized, an injunction which would seem to preclude
the idea of dipping, as the water in which both presbyter
and catechumen stand is obviously shallow. (Haneberg, Canon
19. 125: ‘tum prima vice immergitur aquae, dum ille manum
capiti eius impositam relinquit.’) In the later so-called Canons
of Basil we find that submersion has come to be considered the
better way, though three handfuls of water poured over the
head and body are held sufficient as an alternative.
Findet man nichts, worin man untertauchen kann, soll er im
Namen der Dreiheit drei Hinde voll Wasser auf sein Haupt
1 Conc. Neocaes. can. xii, Hefele, vol. 1, § 17.
314 Studia Bibltca et Ecclesiastica.
erhalten, und er soll Wasser auf sein Haupt und seinen gan-
zen Korper giessen und ihn baden’.
One would like to know, however, what was the original
Greek word, and whether possibly the idea of submersion has
“not been due to either the Arabic or the Coptic translator
through whose hands the Canons seem to have passed in turn,
and whether in the earliest form the two alternatives were
not simply those of the Didaché.
Baptism in Private Houses.
In the earliest times, however, open-air baptism must have
been the exception, as such a ceremony could hardly fail to
attract attention. Before the conversion of Constantine
Christian worship could only be carried on in private houses
(domus ecclesiae), where the wealth of the owner formed
a protection, or in the catacombs, where probably as early as
the second century the Church had a legal position as a
burial guild; and it is only natural to suppose that baptism,
which was followed immediately by the Communion, was
conferred in the same places *.
In private houses the rite could only have been administered
in the impluvium, in the middle of the atrium, or in a bath-
room. The atrium of a house was semi-public, and all
evidence seems to show that Christians met in the inner
peristylum, The arrangements of later churches in the West
long continued to follow that of the private house, the
catechumens being confined to the more public outer court,
where the fountain served for the ablutions of the faithful.
Bernini's colonnade before 8. Peter’s at Rome, with its two
fountains, is the seventeenth-century development of the old
court of Constantine’s building in which Symmachus set up
the pine-cone fountain now in the Giardino della Pigna of
the Vatican.
* Riedel, W., Die Kirchenrechtsquellen des Patriarchats Alexandrien, Leip-
zig, 1900, p. 282, canon 105.
? Lightfoot, J. B., Historical Essays, pp.61-2.—Ramsay, W. M., The Church
in the Roman Empire, London, 1893.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 315
Examples of baths in private houses can still be seen in the
house of Germanicus on the Palatine and in that of the
Vestals in the Forum. They lie to the right of the tablinum,
in the more private quarters of the house, but in neither of
them nor in the more public impluvium would submersion
have been possible.
In the bath described by Pliny (bk. v. ep. 6) there was a
piscina deep enough to swim in, but it is noticeable that the
basin described as a ‘baptisterium, though a large one, was
not of sufficient depth for that purpose.
Inde apodyterium balinei laxum et hilare excipit cella frigidaria
in qua baptisteri'um amplum atque opacum. Si natare latius
aut tepidius velis in area piscina est; in proximo puteus ex
quo possis rursus astringi, si poeniteat teporis. Cf. also Bk,
ii. ep. 17. Inde balinei cella frigidaria spatiosa et effusa
cuius in contrariis parietibus duo baptisteria velut eiecta
sinuantur abunde capacia si mare in proximo cogites.
Baptism in private houses lasted as late as the sixth
century. We read that it was forbidden, except in cases of
necessity, in 527 at the Council of Dovin in Armenia (Can,
16; Hefele, vol. ii. § 240), and at the Council ‘in Trullo’
(Quinisext) at Constantinople in 692 it was forbidden, except
with the consent of the bishop (Can. 31, vol. iv. § 327).
CHAPTER V
THE FONT IN THE EAST
Fonts in Egypt.
Egypt was probably the first country to develop a distinct-
ively Christian Art, just as she became early famous for her
literature and her ecatechetical school, and this art seems to
have continued with but little influence from outside. The
dome building-form is almost universally found, and shows
no sign of being modified by the Byzantine evolution that
produced S. Sophia or by the basilica development of Rome,
while at the same time the tradition of a domestic architecture
lasted long, especially in the disposition of monastic buildings?.
This is seen in the usual shape and position of the font.
Every Coptic church has what is called the Epiphany tank,
usually about 8 or 10 feet by 6, and 5 or 6 feet deep.
This, says Butler, ‘it is reasonable to suppose was used
for immersion, as it stands in the narthex, but there is no
distinct evidence or tradition that it was so.’ It seems rather
to be the Egyptian form of the fountain that developed from
the impluvium of the Roman house as described above. Just
as in the West it was used for ablutions, and after being
brought inside the church dwindled down to the holy water
stoup, so the Egyptian churches have a second form, generally
about 2 feet by one, placed at the west of the nave and used
for the mandatum and ablutions.
The font, on the other hand, is found in various positions
near the sanctuary, as the bath-room would have been in the
inner part of the house. It is described as ‘a deep circular
* Butler, A. J., The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, Oxford, 1884.—
Schultze, V., Archdologie der christlichen Kunst, p. 115.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 317
basin like our modern fonts, though there is no trace of
separate circular or hexagonal baptisteries’ (Butler, pp. 22, 41).
Ex. 61. Dair Mari Mina. ? Fourth century.
Thus at Dair Mari Mina, between old and new Cairo, there
is a small font to the south of the apse at the east end. The
church was restored in 730, but this part is considered to
belong to the original fourth-century building (pp. 62, 73).
Ex. 62. Dair Abw’’s Sifain. ? Tenth century.
At Dair Abu’ ’s Sifain are two fonts consisting of large
basins built up into the masonry. One has a square enlarge-
ment east and west, at the bottom of which are two steps
‘obviously adapted for immersion, though the font itself is
not more than 4 feet in depth, and apparently only about
3. feet in diameter; the size of the other at the end of the
south aisle is about the same, and the depth 3 feet (p. 117).
The building of the church is ascribed to Christodulus (1060),
but it is probably earlier, and was built or rebuilt in 927.
Three more dating from the seventh or eighth century are
mentioned as existing at the churches of Anba Shanida, Mari
Girgis, and Sit Miriam at Abu’ ’s Sifain in the usual position,
but no measurements are given (pp. 138 and 144).
Ex. 63. Abu Sargah. Third or sixth century.
At the church of Abu Sargah in old Cairo, an eighth-
century building with a sixth-century crypt, is a round font
imbedded in masonry of a diameter of 2 feet, while in the
crypt is a round stone vessel 30 inches across, which it is
suggested is part of the original second or third-century
building that was remade in the sixth (plan, pp. 201 and 203).
Ex. 64. Dair al Abiad. Third or fourth century.
At Dair al Abiad, the white monastery (Anba Shanida)
dating from the third or fourth century, is a small chapel on
318 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
the south side of the narthex which was probably a baptistery,
and was described by V. Denon in 1799 as ‘containing
a magnificent font for immersion’; from the plan (fig. 26) in
Butler it was about 4 feet in diameter. The basin seems to
have been sunk in a platform of masonry which was ascended
by a short flight of steps (pp. 17, 354 and vol. ii, p. 265).
On page 43 the author mentions the font at Dair
Abw’ ’s Sifain as a ‘very early font, which differs from the
others in being deeper and having on each side of the well
a short flight of steps; in other words, it is adapted more for
immersion than sprinkling.’ The steps, however, are elsewhere
described as only two in number, and the church dating from
the tenth century makes this example of /a/er origin than any
of the others cited; but even in this /arger type of ate font it
would be impossible to ‘immerse’ any but a very undersized
man, though we need not therefore assume that the modern
custom of sprinkling was substituted for affusion.
Ex. 65. Al Adra,
At the little church by the cathedral of Al’ Adra is a font
described as standing in a recess 3 feet deep, in the form
of a deep round basin with a rim curving out and fluted sides.
The room is described as tiny and the church as little altered
from the day of its dedication, and probably one of the oldest
in Egypt (p. 226).
Legends of miraculous fonts.
Johannes Moschus(620) mentions a miraculous font (peétiopa)
which he says existed at Cedrebatis, and which filled itself on
the eve of Easter and remained full till Whitsuntide. The
font is described as consisting of one block (ovdAOov ov), from
which we see that the type with which he was familiar must
have been about the size of those described above !.
A similar story is told by Gregory of Tours (sixth century)
of a font in Lusitania, which seems to have been of a cruciform
_ + Pratum Spirituale, Migne, Patr. Graeco-Lat., 1xxxvii, pars iii, p. 3107.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 319
shape, forming an exception to the usual rule in the West
where, as we shall see, the basins are generally circular or
octagonal. He relates that, though the doors of the baptistery
were sealed on Thursday in Holy Week, when they were
opened on Saturday the font was not only found full, but the
water was piled up like a heap of corn, and that it stayed so
until every one had drawn away all that was required for
their fields or their homes, but that as soon as the first
baptism took place in it it shrank back, and disappeared
when all had received the sacrament. The water rose
miraculously for the convenience of those who wished to
draw from it, but there was no need to rise to cover the
bodies of the catechumens.
Piscina namque est apud Osen campum antiquitus sculpta et ex
marmore vario in modum crucis miro composita opere. Sed
et aedes magnae claritatis et celsitudinis desuper a christianis
constructa est... Ac mirum dictu, piscinam quam reliquer-
ant vacuam reperiunt plenam, et ita cumulo altiore refertam
ut solet super ora modiorum triticum aggregari, videasque huc
illucque latices fluctuare nec partem in diversam defluere. . .
licet ubi infans primus intinctus fuerit, mox aqua reducitur et
baptizatis omnibus lymphis in se reversis ut initio produntur
nescio ita ut fine clauduntur ignaro’.
- The same legend reappears in the description of the scene
of our Lord’s baptism by the pilgrim Antoninus Placentius
(570-600), where, however, the miracle is described as taking
place on the night of the festival of the Epiphany. It seems
also to be referred to by Theodosius (530) some years earlier.
Syrian and Egyptian Church Orders.
It is impossible to say with certainty whether the Canons
of Hippolytus (third century) contemplate the use of a special
font for baptism. They survive only in an Arabic version,
and are generally quoted in the Latin translation published
by H. Achelis in the Leipzig Texte und Untersuchungen,
1 Greg. Tur., De Glor. mart., i. 24, Migne, Patr. Lat., |xxi, p. 725.
VOL. V, PART IY. Aa
320 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
vol. vi, 1891, or in that of D. B. von Haneberg (Munchen
1870).
Tn the former, Canon 19, § 112 orders the catechumens to
assemble at cockcrow by a current of water of a ‘bahr,’ pure,
prepared and holy (prope fluctuantem aquam maris puram,
paratam, sacram). This, Achelis seems to consider, contem-
plates the administration of the rite in sea-water.
Von Haneberg, on the other hand, believes it may refer
either to open-air baptism in a river or to a font, and in the
introduction to his edition of the Canons inclines to the latter
interpretation.
F. C. Burkitt in a note in the Journal of Theological Studies,
1900, p. 279, considers that the passage cannot refer to the sea,
as the word ‘ bahr’ is without the article, nor does he think
it can be applied to a piece of ecclesiastical furniture like the
‘sea’ in Solomon’s temple, because the Arabic word ‘ tayy4r’
signifies not so much ‘waves’ as the current of a stream.
He holds that in Canon 29, § 213, where the dust of the
sanctuary is ordered to be thrown into the water of a ‘ bahr
tayyar’ (in aquam maris undosi), a running stream must be
implied as in the ritual enjoined in Lev. xiv. 5, 50. He would
prefer therefore to translate ‘let them assemble at cockcrow
by the water, a running stream pure, prepared, and holy.’
W. Riedel, in the translation of the Canons in his Kirchenrechts-
quellen des Patriarchats Alexandrien, agrees with him, and
renders the passage ‘das Wasser eines reinen brausenden
Flusses’ (p. 211).
It is evident that the Arabic translator did not understand
the words before him in the original, so for its interpretation
we must rely on internal evidence and on parallel passages in
other Church Orders. The service as described in the Canons
clearly takes place in a church (§§ 135, 142, &c.), and it is
more natural to suppose that the order to throw the dust of the
sanctuary into a running stream would refer to a fountain of
running water within the precincts of the building. The
killing of the bird, in Lev. xiv. 6, seems to take place at the
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 321
tent of meeting, and in verse 50 the running water seems to
be within the house that is to be purified. All this suggests
that a font is meant in the Canon.
This is further borne out by the parallel passages in allied
Church Orders. The Egyptian Heptateuch, first published by
H. Tattam in 1848, is given thus in his translation from the
Bohairie dialect (§ 46, p. 54) :—‘ And at the time of the cock-
crowing let them first pray over the water. Let the water be
drawn into the font or flowing into it, and let it be thus if
there be no scarcity. Butif there be a scarcity, let them pour
the water which shall be found into the font, and let them
undress themselves, &c. The Sahidic version in Lagarde,
Aegyptiaca, Can. Ecclesiast. No. 46, p. 255, has the same words,
but adds ‘ and haste’ after the word translated ‘scarcity,’ and
continues ‘use what water can be found.’
The Verona Latin fragment is defective, but the Ethiopie
statutes contain the same directions :—‘ At the time of cock-
crow let them pray first over the water, whether it was such
as flowed into the tank or was caused to flowinto it. Ifthere
was difficulty let him pour water which has been drawn’ (from
a well) ; and the Arabic statutes (MS. Vat. § 34) say :—‘ At the
time of cockcrow let him pray first over the water, and let
the water be either running to the tank or running upon it.
Let it be thus unless there was urgent necessity ; if there was
constraint let him pour in water which is found },’
So in the Syrian ‘Testament of our Lord’ (? fourth cent.)
in which a baptistery is specially mentioned, we find it ordered
that the water is to be pure and running (hoc autem modo
baptizentur dum accedunt ad aquas quae debent esse mundae
et fluentes) *.
These documents are based on a lost Church Order origi-
nating probably in Syria in the second century. They seem
1 TI am indebted to the Rev. G. Horner for the above two unpublished
quotations.
2 Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, ed. I. E. Rahmani, Mainz,
1899, bk. ii.
Aaz
322 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
to show that baptism took place, not in the open air, but in
a vessel within doors, and preferably in one that had a con-
tinuous stream running into it to keep it fresh, Such basins
would naturally be erected in churches, but where no such
fountain was available, water might be brought in and poured
over the head of the eatechumen.
This explains the passage in the Didache which has
generally been interpreted as referring to open-air baptism :—
‘ Baptize...in living water. But if thou hast not living
water, baptize in other water, and if thou canst not in cold
then inwarm. And if thou have not either, pour water thrice
upon the head,’ &e.
ota Bantioate ... ev dati Cavs. "Eav b€ pi exns vdap Cav, eis GAXo -
Udep Bamricov’ ei 8 od Sivaca ev Wuype, ev Oeppo. “Ea O¢é
appdrepa pi Exns, Exxeov eis THY Keadry Tpis Udwp k.T.r.
The natural place for the rite to be administered would be in-
doors, preferably in a fountain with running water ; but, failing
this, any tank or warm bath might be used. If no basin were
at hand of sufficient size to allow the catechumen to stand in
it while the water was poured over his body, it was enough
if it were poured thrice over his head.
Fonts in Syria.
Christianity spread rapidly in very early times in Syria.
From Jerusalem it passed to the lowlands of Palestine, whence
in the persecutions of Decius and Diocletian it sent a con-
tinuous stream of martyrs to Caesarea (Hus. H. #. bk. VIII).
Flourishing communities existed from earliest times in the
great cities of Antioch, Edessa, and Damascus, but no remains
of their churches have survived, except at Tyre and Jerusalem.
On the other hand, numerous traces of the Christianity of the
smaller towns and villages have been discovered, especially
of that which followed the Roman civilizing of the Hauran in
the second century; and though the Diocletian persecution
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 323
seems to have swept away such buildings as may have then
existed, there are considerable remains of the fourth and fifth-
century churches with certain strongly marked architectural
features. The latest are of the middle of the seventh century,
while after the capture of Damascus by the Mohammedans in
635, only one single chureh is known to have been built in
ancient times.
Hx. 66,. Tyre, 314.
The cathedral at Tyre was built by Bp. Paulinus in 314,
and is described by Eusebius in his sermon on the occasion of
its dedication, preserved in his Ecclesiastical History (bk. X,
ch. 4). It was evidently considered an event of great impor-
tance at the time, since it was the first large church that had
been built, and signalized the final triumph of Christianity.
He mentions the fountain (kpijva:) for washing the hands that
stood in the atrium, and also allude’ to adjoining buildings
(e£éSpas kat olxovs) joined to the side (eis 7Aevpa) of the basilica
and united with the entrances into the centre of the structure
(rais éni tov pécov oikov eiaBodais jvepérovs), for those ‘who
still require the purification and sprinkling (repippavtnpiwv) of
water and the Holy Spirit.’
It is much to be regretted that his description is so vague,
and the remains of the church so scanty. Erected at that
particular time it must have preserved the traditions of the
previous century, and shown what Christians would have
wished to build in the days of persecution had they been able ;
while it also formed a link with later times in that it probably
set the example which the churehes of the fourth century
followed, and became the starting-point of the whole develop-
ment in church building in post-Constantinian times.
- The ruins of the cathedral were explored by Dr. S. N. Sepp
in 1845, when he reported that he discovered the old font in
the left aisle, and it is marked in this position in his plan
(Meerfahrt nach Tyrus, Leipzig, 1879, p. 217). In his de-
scription of the alterations and rebuilding of the thirteenth
324 Studia Bibhica et Ecclesiastica.
century, a font of the same shape is referred to as standing on
the right hand of the nave near the altar.
In 1874, however, he excavated one of the adjoining
buildings, and there discovered ‘a basin in the form of a drawn
out cross with three’ (four in the diagram) ‘steps at each end’
(Fig. 52). It seems to have been
used later for burial purposes, and
ql A fragments of an altar and a sar-
cophagus ornamented with fairly
Fig. 52. good classical decoration were found
near, pointing to a date in the fourth
century. This seems to have been the same font as that
which he discovered in 1845, but it had been broken in the
meanwhile.
The actual basin is oblong, with extensions at either end for
the steps. The depth is 2} feet and the length 6 feet (? with-
out the extensions), the breadth is not stated. The draw-hole
is marked in the plan.
Dr. Sepp considers this to be the original font, and, after
describing it as probably the oldest basin for ‘immersion’ that
exists, adds that from its slight depth it could not have served
for adults, and therefore proves that infant baptism was
practised from earliest times! He does not suggest where
the adults could have been baptized, or the purpose of the
steps if the font was only used for infants.
Dr. Sepp also describes a spring in a rock chamber with
a yard depth of water (e//enhoch), which he identifies with the
source of the fountain in the atrium of which Eusebius
speaks.
The baptistery occupies a similar position in the description
of a church given in ch. 19 of the ‘Testament of our Lord,’
a Church Order dating in its present form probably from the
fourth century, but based upon an earlier work. No descrip-
tion of the font, however, is given.
Intra atrium sit aedes baptisterii habens longitudinem viginti
et unius cubitorum, ad praefigurandum numerum completum
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 325
prophetarum, et latitudinem duodecim cubitorum pro adum-
brandis lis, qui constituti fuerunt ad praedicandum evangelium.
Aditus sit unus, exitus vero sint tres,
Velum ex bysso pura confectum habeat altare, quoniam est
immaculatum. Similiter domus baptismi [i.e. baptisterium |
sit velo obtecta '.
Ex. 67. Amwas. Fourth century.
- A fourth-century baptistery was discovered in 1884 at
Amwas (Emmaus) by Dr. C. Schick, containing a font in
remarkable preservation. The building is square with an
apse, in the middle of the chord
of which lies a cruciform basin
with rounded ends (Fig. :
59
The area of the apse where the
bishop would have stood is raised
to a level with the rim of the a
basin, which is only half sunk Big. 33.
in the ground. Two steps lead
into it on the west side. On each side are shallow depressions
in the floor, connected with the basin by a drain which pierces
its side. These were possibly the places where the newly
baptized stood to receive unction, and were constructed to
carry back the water that ran from their bodies. No
accurate measurements were taken, but the following are
approximate—breadth 3-5 metres, depth 1-35 metre.
Taking into account the fact that the basin is half sunk in
the level of the floor in which these curious depressions are
made, the water in it could never have been more than about
half a metre deep, or it would have run off through the drains
and covered the floor of the baptistery 2.
1 Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, ed. Rahmani, Mainz, 1899.
* Schick, C., in Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Palistina-Vereins, Bd. vii, 1884,
p. 15, with a picture.
326 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
fix. 68. Beit’ Aiwa. ? Fourth century.
A font was discovered in 1875 at Beit’ Atiwa, near Hebron, in
a ‘ Byzantine building’ (Fig. 54). ‘In the centre is a square
basin, side 2 feet 3 in., 7 in. deep, four steps lead down’ (i.e. two
structural steps, as appears from the plan) ‘5 in. high, gin.
broad (i.e. the total depth 20 in.), the whole surrounded by four
segmental recesses, the external form being that of a rounded
cross ; the longest measurement being 53 feet, the total height
outside 2 feet 4 in.’
The font is described as ‘ fitted for immersion.’ Evidently
there were none of the descendants of the Anakim surviving'.
©) .
hem
: ,
= : a eu of Fea
Sasney on AB iwi Ee a
Fig. 54. Fig. 55.
Ex. 68 a.
Another at Khirbet Tektia, south of Bethlehem, is described
as octagonal, 4 feet high, 4 feet 3 in. in diameter (Fig. 55).
The plan shows only one step 2.
Fix. 69. Deir Seta. ? Fifth century.
Among the extensive ruins of the Hauran very few traces of
baptisteries have been found. The most important is that
* Conder, C. R., and Kitchener, Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs,
1883, vol. iii, p. 321.
2 3FO., ps 308.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 327
of Deir Seta. It is a hexagonal building, some way from the
church, with a sort of portico adjoining. The sides are 15 feet
in length, so the diameter is some 30 feet. The central basin
is described as not visible because covered by the ruins of the
roof, but it is marked in the plan as hexagonal, with six pillars
that once supported a ciborium. If the plan is correct the
basin must have been some 8 to 10 feet across 1.
Another at Moudjeleia is given on pl. Ixiii, but no
measurements are given.
There is one also at Qal’at Sim’an, the church built soon
after the death of Simeon of the pillar, who died 460. It is an
octagonal building, but nothing is said of the shape or size
of the font *,
In the ‘Acta Maris Apostoli’ is the following account of the origin
of a baptistery in Mesopotamia or Persia. The saint has
converted the king after casting out seventy-two devils from
his son, which fly out of his mouth in the form of strange
beasts, ‘regem vero et civitatem baptizavit in nomine Patris et
Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Fornacem autem regii palatii foderunt
usque ad aquas, et aedificavit beatus Mar Mares ecclesiam.
Et super aquam fornacis quam in puteum converterant aedifi-
cavit baptisterium, et puteus usque in hodiernum diem iuxta
testimonium nonnullorum baptisterium est; et signa magna
efficiuntur ab aquis illis.’
The Acts are ascribed to the fifth or sixth century, but may
possibly be of the fourth, as there is no reference to Nestorianism
in them *.
The churches of Asia Minor and Byzantium were closely
connected with that of Syria, and the fonts seem to have
been of the same shape as those which represent the earlier
traditions of Palestine.
Ex. 70. Aladschadagh. Sixth century.
A baptistery near Myra in Lycia is described as built in
the form of a Greek cross with a breadth of 4:5 metres
1 De Vogiié, Syrie Centrale, pl. cxvii.
2 1b., pl. exxxix-cli.
3 Analecta Bollandiana, 1885, iv, 79 and Introd., p. 45.
328 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
between the pillars at the angles. The square basin (Tauf-
brunnen) still stands in the centre, and is -82 metres high
and -86 broad. The building is of the same age as the
neighbouring church, which is of the ‘usual early Christian
basilica form’ with a fore-court, and capitals ‘ resembling
those of 8. Vitale at Ravenna.’ We may therefore place it
in the sixth century}.
Ex. 71. Giil Bagtische. Seventh century.
The ruins of a baptistery have been recently discovered at
Gul-Bagtische, two hours west of Vurla (Clazomenae). It
stood with its chambers for the preparation of the catechumens
on the north side of the church. The font was square and
constructed of white marble slabs, and seems to have stood
under a canopy. Three steps (two as given in the plan) led
down to it. The channels to fill and empty the basin are
still visible. The font itself is about 1} metres across, the
central slab being about 1 metre square. The depth is not
stated, but judging from the steps it must be rather less than
1 metre. The building is attributed to the seventh century.
Erhalten sind von dem Taufort die Fundamente der Umfassungs-
mauern, im Innern vier starke aufgemauerte Eckpfeiler, aus
gut gearbeiteten Quadern, und im Centrum das mit drei
Stufen versehene Taufbassin in weissem Marmor ausgefiihrt.
Die Marmorplatten waren mit Gips verkettet. Dass der
Wasserzufluss hier auch ein kiinstlicher war, beweisen die
Wasserrohre, die das eine oben an der SW. Ecke des Bassins
im Boden, das andre in der westlichen Umfassungsmauer
noch aufrecht, in situ, stehen. Unten im Bassin selbst, an
der Nordwand, fiihrte eine Thonrohrleitung das Wasser ab°.
Ex, 72. 8S. Sophia, Constantinople. Fifth century.
A circular building at the NE. angle of 8S. Sophia at
Constantinople is supposed to be the baptistery of the pre-
* Petersen, E., and von Luschan, F., Reisen in Lykien, Wien, 1889, vol. ii,
pp. 38 ff.
* Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Oct. 19ct, p. 568.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 329
Justinian church, and to have escaped the fire that destroyed
the old building in 532. It is 45 feet in diameter, but no
traces of a font are described.
In the Imperial Museum at Constantinople, however, is a
large marble font of oval quatrefoil shape, which was formerly
in the precincts of the Mosque Zeinab Sultana, to the west of
S. Sophia (Fig. 56). It is 8 ft. 24 in. long, 6 ft. 13 in.
ats
ox
fe <
Fig. 56.
wide, and 4 ft. 6 in. deep. At one end it can be entered by
a descent of two steps.
In the illustration the section gives three steps, while the plan
has the usual two. Another smaller one is mentioned as
existing in the precincts of the Mosque Kotza Mustapha
Pasha (p. 8r).
A small octagonal building deseribed by Blouet (Hxploration
scientifique de la Morée, 1831) appears from the engraving
(pl. 3) to be merely a fountain.
' Lethaby and Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia, London, 1894,
pp. 19, 81, 183.
330 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
Ex. 73. Salona. Before 641.
A plan and description of the group of buildings that
formed the baptistery of the cathedral of Salona, near Spalato
in Dalmatia, was published in 1850 by Dr. Fr. Carrara (De’
Scavi di Salona nel 1848, Vienna), but no description of the
font itself was given beyond stating that it was of marble
and mosaic. The plan, which is reproduced in Garrucci, tav.
278, and has been frequently reproduced in books of Christian
archaeology, is misleading, and represents it as T-shaped.
Pe YL; ,
;
ye
a | en ne
EMT IOTTOMD WUPLIM OT
e ' 2 2 7 bt s < , f rtafa
Fig. 57.
A more accurate plan is given by Fr. Lanza in his work
Monumenti Salonitani inediti, Vienna, 1856, tav. i. fig. 2.
He describes the font as square, and entered on three sides
by a descent of two steps (Fig. 57). On the third side there
seems to have been a desk for the bishop, and at the four
corners were red marble pillars which must have served to
support a canopy.
_— —
—
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 331
Since that time unfortunately the font has suffered further
damage, as for some years there was no curator of the ruins.
The steps have disappeared as well as the remains of the
bishop’s desk. The hole by which the basin was emptied
can still be seen and is shown in the illustration (Fig. 58), but
the leaden pipe mentioned by Lanza has gone.
In its present condition the font is 1 metre wide by -80 m.
deep, but originally it could not have been more than -70-
-80 m. square, and could only hold one person with difficulty.
A description of the recent excavations of the adjoining
Tl
n Elaereen eaaiizial
. '@
O
Sy atts S
7 []
8
Fig. 58 (from a photograph).
basilica, in the course of which the canal for conveying the
water to the baptistery was discovered, will appear in the
Bullettino @ Archeologia e Storia Dalmata for 1902.
I am indebted for the above information to the kindness of
Prof. Fr. Buli¢, Director of the Museum at Spalato, who
considers that the font could not have been used for sub-
mersion (Untertauchung), and that the rite must have been
administered by affusion (Aufgiessen).
Salona was taken by the Avars in 641, and the inhabitants
fled to Spalato and took refuge in the ruins of the palace of
332. Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica,
Diocletian. The baptistery must therefore be at least as old
as the sixth century.
Guida di Spalato e Salona. Zara, 1894, p. 233. Nel centro
dell’ edifizio, lastricata tutto a mosaico di pasta di vetro
dorato, stava una vasca rettangolare di marmo a cui da due
lati salivasi mediante due gradini anch’ essi di marmo, mentre
al lato volto a borea faceva capo il tubo conduttore dell’
acqua. Ai quattri angoli della vasca si rinvennero gli avanzi di
sottili colonne di marmo rosso, che probabilmente avranno
servito a sostegno di un ciborio a foggia di baldacchino posto
sopra la vasea battesimale.
CHAPTER VI
THE FONT IN THE WEST
Fonts in the Catacombs.
Botvett!, in his description of the Roman catacombs pub-
lished in 1720, declares that several baptisteries were discovered
there. Only three, however, are known to exist.
Ex. 74. Cemeterium Ostrianum. ? Third century.
The first is in the Cemeteritum Ostrianum on the Via No-
mentana, a few hundred yards beyond the church of S. Agnese,
and was discovered in 1876. No description of the font is
given in the account of the discovery in the Budlettino for
1876, or in Professor Marucchi’s chapter on the catacomb
in his Eléments @archéologie chrétienne, vol. ii; but I am told
by the author of the latter work that it is formed by hollowing
out the rock to receive a natural spring, and that it is small
and not deep. The basin seems to be in a part that was
excavated in the third century.
In the Acts of Papias and Maurus we read that the saints
suffered death in the Diocletian persecution, and were buried
near the Via Nomentana, ‘ad nymphas ubi Petrus baptizabat.’
The document dates from the fifth century, but other dis-
coveries have identified the cemetery beyond doubt and proved
its connexion with very early traditions of the Apostle.
Ex. 75. Cemetery of Priscilla. Fourth century.
In 1901 the discovery of a baptistery was made in the ceme-
tery of Priscilla on the Via Salaria Nova, by Professor Marucchi
and the Commission of Sacred Archaeology. At the bottom
of the staircase of S. Silvester, near the chapel of the Acilii
Glabriones, is a small apse with a niche at its further end
334 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
leading to a large tank at a slightly lower level (Fig. 59).
A grafito on the arch above, ‘qui sitit veniat ad me et bibat,’
E
Fig. 59. A. Entrance by
staircase of 25 steps. B. Apse.
c. Niche at the end of the
apse. D. Basin full of water.
E, Channel of water. F. Tra-
vertine pavement. 6G. De-
pression hollowed out in the
pavement. H. Drain to carry
off the water. xk. Modern
passage.
frequently found in_baptisteries,
proves that this chamber was used
for the administration of the sacra-
ment. The basin is about 33
metres wide, 9 metres long, and
1-40 deep.
Professor Marucchi considers that
it may have been used for baptism
by ‘immersion,’ the candidate using
a wooden ladder or perhaps a single
stone ; but such a proceeding would
have been very awkward, and the
presence of a hollow in the traver-
tine floor of the apse above, and a
hole to carry off the water, makes
it quite unnecessary to suggest if
even as an alternative method?.
Crostarosa, in the Report of the
Commission, holds that the water
was drawn from the tank and
poured over the head of the cate-
chumen, pointing out that the
niches in the wall (for lamps) are round the apse and leave
the ‘font’ in darkness.
In questa piscina poteva discendersi servendosi di pochi gradini
in legno o di una semplice pietra, essendo profunda soltanto
Im. 40. Onde il battesimo vi si poteva conferire per
immersione, essendo accessibile la piscina, o anche per infusione
vedendosi innanzi all’ abside l’incavo per assicurare la pelvis (G)
e il foro per lo scolo dell’ acqua.
p- 164. In fondo allo scalone é il posto per il battesimo coperto
di un’ apside, in questa fu praticata un’ apertura per
attingere acqua dalla piscina e versarla sulla testa del
catechumeno.
* Bull., 1901, p. 71 (plan and photographs, tavv. 2, 2a, and 3).
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 335
When Liberius (352-356) was forbidden by Constantius to
come within the walls of the city, he lived, we read, as an
exile in the cemetery of Novella on the Via Salaria. This
cemetery was an addition to that of Priscilla made by Marcellus
some fifty years before (Duchesne, Z74. Pont., ch. xxxi, p. 164).
When Easter approached he was advised by Damasus
to baptize there, as S. Peter was said to have done in the
neighbouring Cemeterium Ostrianum on the Via Nomentana,
and 4,000 persons are said to have received the rite there.
Marucchi believes that the recently discovered baptistery was
made on this occasion, and a graffito discovered on its walls
giving the consular date 375 makes it probable that the Acts
of Liberius, which are not later than the sixth century
(Duchesne, Lid. Pont., vol. i, p. exxii), contain a genuine tradi-
tion explaining the origin of this fourth-century structure.
Constantius iussit eum extra civitatem habitare: habitabat
autem ab urbe Roma millario tertio quasi exul in cymiterio
Novellae via Salaria. Veniens autem dies Paschae vocavit
universos presbyteros cives romanos et diaconos et sedit in
cymiterio. Damasus dixit ‘ Baptiza in pelve ubi magister.
Pelvis illa non lignum, sed totus mundus est.’
Erat enim non longe a cymeterio Novellae cymeterius Ostrianus
[sic] ubi Petrus apostolus baptizabat. Eodem tempore
Paschae baptizavit promiscui sexus numero quatuor millia
duodecim. Acta Liberii et Damast, ed. Constant., Hpzst.
Pont., p.9; Migne, Patrol. Lat., t. viii, pp. 1388-93.
Ex. 76. Cemetery of Pontianus. Sixth century.
The baptistery in the cemetery of Pontianus on the Via
Portuensis dates from the sixth century. It is formed by
allowing a natural spring to collect in an oblong trench
excavated in the rock. It is 2 metres wide and one deep, but
is seldom full. A flight of steps leads down to it, and there
is a small level space of about 4 feet across for the officiating
bishop to stand on. ‘The fresco above, which leaves no doubt
as to the purpose of the excavation, has already been described !.
1 Marucchi, O., Bléments d@’archéologie chrétienne, vol. ii, p.63.
VOL. V, PART IV. § Bb
j
336 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
A font in the catacomb of S. Gennaro at Naples is
considered below.
Ex. 77. Alexandria.
In the description of the catacomb of Alexandria given in
the Bullettino for 1865, p. 60, we read of a large basin
excavated in the floor, which seems once to have been crossed
by a channel in which water flowed. No measurements are
given, but from the plan it seems to have been circular, and
a little wider than the loculi eut to receive the bodies, and
therefore presumably about 1 to 13 metres across. The
catacomb dates from the third century, and De Rossi holds
that ‘such a structure for holding water has the appearance
of a font rather than a well’ (p. 62).
Fonts in baptisteries.
Marcellus I (308-310) is said in the Liser Pontificalis to
have restored or established twenty-five churches for baptism
in Rome. No traces of such churches have survived, and it is
more probable that the author refers to parish churches where
preparation for baptism was carried on, as the administration
of the rite required the presence of a bishop.
Duchesne, Origines du Culte chrétien, p. 164. Eclises parois-
slales ot avaient lieu les instructions préparatoires au
baptéme ... Je dis les exercices préparatoires, car la célébration
du baptéme .. . requérant la présence de I’évéque, ces céré-
monies s’accomplissaient dans une réunion générale et non
par circonscription de paroisse.
Ex. 78. The Lateran baptistery.
The most important baptistery of the fourth century in
the West was that erected by Constantine at the Lateran,
which we have partially described above. The whole was
restored by Xystus III (432-440) and the upper pillars are
modern, but it is generally considered that the shape has not
been altered. The basin is octagonal and the depth about
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 337
3 feet. It is 62 feet in diameter in a building of go feet
diameter, and is therefore unusually large in proportion to the
baptistery. It has a desk for the bishop on the north side,
and is entered on the south by two steps.
This is quite the largest that exists, and from the descrip-
tions was evidently considered something exceptional. It
seems to have been for the West what the church at Tyre
was for the East, and to have inaugurated a new type, but
whether as an amplification of a form already traditional, or
as a change from one almost identical with a private bath to
a building modelled on the pattern of the public thermae, it is
difficult to say.
Ex. 79. 8S. Stefano on the Via Latina. cc. 450.
That the latter was the case is suggested by the remains
of a baptistery in the ruins of the church of S. Stefano on
the Via Latina, which dates from the middle of the fifth
century. It was built on the site of an old Roman villa and
the baptistery lay on the north-west, to the right of the
altar, in which direction are to be seen extensive remains of
baths. The font is circular, about 6 feet in diameter, and the
parapet has been broken away, but the hole for draining the
water away still remains as well as that by which it was
filled, showing that the present depth of about 3 feet is original.
Two semicircular masses of masonry fill up nearly half the
space, and were possibly the substructures of the pulpits in
which the bishop and his assistants stood }.
This font suggested the plan on which an interesting modern
font has been constructed in the parish church of Lambeth for
the purpose of administering baptism by submersion, but it
has been found necessary nearly to double the diameter and
the depth, and to introduce seven steps by which the candidate
descends to the bottom. In the font at S. Stefano it was
found on experiment to be nearly impossible to crouch down
1 Marucchi, O., Eléments d'archéologie chrétienne, vol. ii, ch, 6, p. 200.
Bb2
338 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
so as to bring the whole body below what would have been
the surface level of the water.
Exx. 80, 81. Naples. Fourth century.
Two fonts of similar shape and size remain in Naples. One
is in a building to the right of the apse of the basilica of
S. Restituta, the roof of which contains mosaics of the fourth
century; the hole for emptying the basin is still visible.
The other is in the court in front of the galleries of the
catacomb of S. Gennaro, Here the parapet of the font is
broken away, but the base of the bishop’s desk remains, and
opposite it on the east side the rim is broken for the descent
into the water. The hole for draining is still visible at
a depth of 3 to 4 feet. In the adjoining chamber are the
remains of a raised platform on which an altar once stood,
and of the seats in the apse on either side of the bishop’s —
throne. They probably date from the fourth century, though
the roof has considerable remains of frescoes of the first or
early second century. The font is therefore probably also of
the fourth, though one is tempted to regard it as dating from
before the peace of the Church, and as abandoned when
another, copied from it, was erected in the basilica in the
city.
There is also a niche in the rock pointed out as the new
baptistery just under the fresco described above (p. 298). No
trace of the basin is left, but it must have been quite small,
no bigger than a modern font.
We read in the Gesta Episcoporum Neapolitanorum, written by
John the Deacon of 8. Januarius of Naples, that 8. Restituta
was built by Zosimus, apparently at the instigation of
Sylvester of Rome. Severus, who succeeded him, built four
basilicas, including that of 8. Fortunatus, which he ornamented
with mosaic. Soter (465) built the church of the Apostles
and either a parish church or a baptistery (plevem post
Sanctum Severum secundus instituit; according to Muratori
plebe=ecclesiae baptismales sive parochiales), Victor, a con-
temporary of Pope Gelasius (492), built two basilicas outside
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 339
the walls, one dedicated in the name of 8. Stephen about
a mile out before the chapel of S. Januarius, and another,
S. Euphemia, just outside the gate. Stephanus (496) built
the church ad nomen Salvatoris, which was generally known
as the Stephania. The apse of this church was destroyed by
fire, and was restored and decorated with a mosaic representing
the Transfiguration by John (532), but the church was again
destroyed by fire and rebuilt by Stephen (766).
Vincent (550-560) built the greater baptistery (baptisterium
fontis maioris) in or near the archbishop’s palace, and John in
the time of Pope Deusdedit (? Deodatus 615) built an additional
room for the administration of the unction that followed after
baptism (consignatorium alvatorum [ablutorum, Mur.] inter
fontes maiores a domino Sotero episcopo digestae et ecclesiam
Stephaniam per quorum baptizati ingredientes ianuas a parte
_ leva ibidem in medio residenti offeruntur episcopo et benedi-
ctione accepta per ordinem egrediuntur parti sinistrae. Id
ipsud et in parietibus super columnas depingere iussit).
Athanasius (847) carried out a great. deal of ornamenting of
various churches at 8. Januarius and elsewhere’.
The existing baptistery in 8. Restituta is usually identified
either with that built by Soter or with that constructed by
Vincent, but it is difficult to believe that the first basilica of
8. Restituta was without the font which formed so important
a feature of the churches at Tyre and Rome. More light will
no doubt be thrown on the subject by the new discoveries and
investigations of Mgr. G. A. Galante referred to on pp. 219
and 221 of the Rémische Quartalschrift for 1900, and in the
Bullettino for 1900, p. 99.
Ex. 82. Nocera det Pagan, near Naples. Fifth
century.
The baptistery of S. Maria Maggiore at Nocera dei Pagani
was a circular building, erected in the fifth century, 80 feet
in diameter and with an apse. The piscina is circular, with a
diameter of 18 feet and an octagonal rim. It was surrounded
1 Johannes Diaconus Ecclesiae S. Januarii Neapoli, Gesta Episcoporum
Neapolitanorum (Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Seriptores, 1723).—Also in
Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptorum rerum Langobardicarum et
Italicarum Saec. vi-ix, 1877.
340 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
originally by eight pillars, of which three remain. Two steps
run round the inside of the basin, which is therefore not more
than 2 to 3 feet deep’.
The Dict. of Christ. Antiquities gives the depth as 5 feet.
Its authority appears to be Fergusson, whose elevation how-
ever gives a depth of about 3 feet. The plan and section in
Dehio and Von Bezold are from Isabelle, who gives the
diameter from pillar to pillar as 6-150 metres, that of the floor
of the basin 4 metres, and the depth, judging from the plan, as
about 1} metre.
Baptistery of S. Peter's.
The baptistery of S. Peter's was destroyed in the rebuild-
ing of the cathedral in the sixteenth century. It lay to the
right of the sanctuary, probably at the end of the north tran-
sept. A small font seems to have been constructed when the
church was built, which proved insufficient. In the time of the
Emperor Constantius the Catholic Christians were forbidden
to use the Lateran baptistery, and were compelled to go
outside the walls of the city for the administration of the
sacrament. We have seen above how Liberius at this
time (probably) had the font constructed in the cemetery
of S. Priscilla (p. 335), and the Acts of Liberius relate how
Damasus got permission to build a larger font at S. Peter’s
with a more ample supply of water, and how he helped with
his own hands in its construction. The building was orna-
mented with mosaics by Longinus, prefect of Rome in 403.
The Acts date from the sixth century, but a contemporary
inscription in the crypt of S. Peter’s relates how Damasus
first made the cistern in the hill above, from which the water
was drawn.
Damasus dixit ... date mihi opera ministerii ut haec aqua
mundetur desuper cadavera hominum. Fecit autem cuniculos
‘ Dict. Christian Antiquities, art. ‘ Baptistery..—Fergusson, Architecture,
vol. i, p. 385.—Dehio and Bezold, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes,
Stuttgart, 1892.—Isabelle, Les Edifices circulaires, Paris, 1855.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 341
duos et exinanivit locum illum qui est a dextera introeuntibus
in basilicam beati Petri apostoli. Habebat enim ibidem
fontem qui (sic) non sufficiebat. Et caecidit montem Damasus
manu sua. Et introivit plus quam consuetum est. Et con-
struxit fontem’.
The baptistery is thus described by Prudentius (Peristeph. xii.
31-41).
Dextra Petrum regio tectis tenet aureis receptum
Canens oliva murmurans fluento.
Namque supercilio saxi liquor ortus excitavit
Fontem perennem chrismatis feracem.
Nunc pretiosa ruit per marmora lubricatque clivum,
Donec virenti fluctuet colymbo.
_ Interior tumuli pars est, ubi lapsibus sonoris
Stagnum nivali volvitur profundo.
Omnicolor vitreas pictura superne tingit undas,
Musci relucent et virescit aurum
Cyaneusque latex umbram trahit imminentis ostri,
Credas moveri fluctibus lacunar.
Pastor oves alit ipse illic gelidi rigore fontis
Videt sitire quas fluenta Christi.
African Fonts.
As early as the second century there was a flourishing
Christian Church in Africa. Chapels were erected at the
place where Cyprian was martyred and over the spot where
his body was buried, and probably many churches were built
in the long peace between the persecutions of Decius and
Diocletian, but no example is known to survive which dates
from before the conversion of Constantine. The fourth and
fifth centuries, however, were great ages of church building,
as the numerous consecration sermons of Augustine testify.
After the fall of Carthage, in 439, the Catholic Christians
were persecuted by the Arian Vandals, who preferred con-
fiscating the older churches to building new ones for them-
1 Migne, Patr. Lat., viii, p. 1392.—Duchesne, Lib. Pont., Introd, exxii.—
Kirsch, J. P., ‘Zur Geschichte der alten Petruskirche,’ Rémische Quartat-
schrift, 1890, p. 118.
342 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
selves; and the overthrow of their dominion by Belisarius in
534 found the country too wasted to do more, as a rule,
than keep the older basilicas in repair. When the country
was again conquered by the Arabs at the end of the seventh
century, the churches, already in many cases only used in half
their area, gradually fell into complete ruin.
Ex. 83. Carthage. ? Fourth or fifth century.
A baptistery was discovered at Carthage by Sgr. Cesana in
1880. The font is described as octagonal, with two steps
going down into it. Among the ruins were found fragments
of plaster that had fallen from the dome over the basin, the
diameter of which measured 2-83 metres (‘frammenti d’intonaco
-dipinto caduti dalla cupola dell’ ottagono, il cui diametro
maggiore é di metri 2-83’).
A mosaic of four fish was also found, and near it some lamps
and an earthenware vessel (orciuolo fittile) of rough make and
ornamented with fishes, which De Rossi ascribes to the fifth
century, and suggests that it was used for baptism by
alfusion 7.
Ex. 84. Damous el Karita. Fourth century.
The basilica of Damous el Karita had a large hexagonal
fountain in the atrium, which lay to the north side of the
church, while in the baptistery on the south side the font is
still to be seen. It is cireular below and hexagonal above.
Tt has a diameter of 3 metres and is entered by four steps.
The depth is estimated at -80--90 m. The hole for emptying
the basin is still to be seen”.
De Rossi suggests that this was the church referred to in
a sermon ‘ De passione SS. Donati et Advocati, printed after
! Bull., 1881, p. 125.
2 Bull., 1898, p. 219. —Wieland, Dr. Fr., Hin Ausflug ins altchristliche Africa,
Stuttgart, 1890, pp. 25 and 31.—Gsell, 8., Mélanges d’archéologie et d’ histoire,
Rome, 1894, p. 25. Several more baptisteries are mentioned in Les
monuments antiques de Algérie, Paris, 1901, by the same author. Cf. also
R. Q. &., 1902, p. 81.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 343
the works of Optatus. Dr. Wieland thinks it may have been
erected on the spot where S. Perpetua suffered.
kx. 85. Hamman el Lif. Fourth or fifth
century.
A baptistery recently discovered at Hammam el Lif,
opposite Carthage, has a cylindrical font -65 m. high on the
outside, and with a diameter of 1-24 m. (Fig. 60). The
centre of the basin has a further depth of -60 m. with
SS Oee al
t
Fig. 60.
a diameter of -75 m., making a total depth of 1:25m. There
are six little recesses round the upper rim, but one of these
does not reach to the top as the side is broken by a step. It
was therefore impossible to fill the font to the brim, and the
water could never have been more than one metre deep.
fix. 86. Tebessa. Before 439.
A monastic church at Tebessa (Theveste) near Carthage is
remarkable for its similarity in measurement to Solomon’s
temple at Jerusalem. Dated inscriptions show that it was
built before 439.
The baptistery stands to the right of the atrium, and is
described as a narrow oblong room (ein linglicher winkeliger
Raum), containing a circular font of 2m. diameter and
formed by three concentric stone rings. The outer ring is
partly original, but has been restored in later times from
material taken from a building of the classic period. A deep
344 Studia Brblica et Ecclestastica.
groove runs round the edge and served as a channel to convey
the water from some spring}.
Dr. Wieland informs me
that the basin was at most
‘8o m. deep. There seems
from the illustration in his
book (Fig. 61) to have been
a canopy over the font sup-
ported on pillars, the bases of
which remain.
Bai87. .Tigesrt.
Sixth century.
At Tigzirt near Algiers is
a font which is described as
circular and formed out of three concentric stone rings.
It stands in a baptistery of cruciform shape with rounded ends.
The basin is -45 m. high on the outside and measures 1-80 in
diameter, and is therefore probably about -80 m. deep. The
drain for carrying away the water is still visible, but there
is no trace of any channel by which the font was filled. Two
large vessels were found near, which may have served to bring
the water, or it may have fallen from a fountain-head above as
in the Lateran baptistery and in that of Eustorgius at Milan.
The remains of-a platform can be seen on the east side, which
may have served to facilitate the entrance into the water but was
more probably the base of the bishop’s desk. The bases of
two of the columns which supported the ciborium are still in
their place. The building would seem to be of the sixth
century, as it lies between the old Roman wall and the outer
Byzantine fortification, though it has been ascribed to the
early fifth century ”.
1 Bull., 1899, p. 51.-—Wieland, pp. 97, 98.—Ballu, A., Monuments antiques
de V Algérie: Tebessa, Lambése, Timgad, Paris, 1894.
2 Wieland, pp. 172-3.—Gavault, P., Etudes sur les Ruines romaines de
Tigzirt, Bibliothéque d’ Archéologie Africaine, Fasc. 2, Paris, 1897, p. 88.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 345
Ex. 88. Tipasa. Fourth century.
At Tipasa, to the west of Algiers, there is another font of
almost identical form. It stands in a square baptistery
between the basilica and the sea. It is formed of three
concentric rings and measures 3-40 m.
in diameter, narrowing down to 1:30
in the centre, and is not more the VY &
Im.deep. The church is thought to
date from the fourth century !.
Hoy 80... El Kk "Ct.
%. 39 antara ‘NS Y)
The font from the church of El
Kantara on the island of Djerba has Fig. 62.
been transported to Tunis. It is made
of white marble and is of cruciform shape externally and
octagonal within. Its depth is only -60 m. (Fig. 62).
I am indebted to M. Pére Delattre, Supérieur des Péres Blancs,
S. Louis de Carthage, for this information as well as for the
details of the font at Hammam el Lif.
There is also a baptistery at Castiglione, near Algiers, which
lies under the apse of the baptistery (cf. the font at Amwas) ”,
and another, dating from the fourth or fifth century, 1s
mentioned as existing at Busguniae on Cape Matifon, near
Algiers, in the Rémische Quartalschrift, 1901, p. 91.
I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Wieland for many details
in the above section.
Ex. 90. Ravenna. 449-452.
The font in the Orthodox Baptistery at Ravenna is octa-
gonal, with a diameter of about 3-40 m. and a depth of about
14m. The entrance is opposite to the bishop’s desk which
is raised by two steps, so that the head ofa man standing in the
‘ Wieland, p. 183.—Gsell, S., Mélanges darchéologie et dhistoire, xiv,
Rome, 1894, p. 358.
2 Bulletin archéologique du Comité des Travaux historiques, 1896, pts. 1 & 2.
346 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
water would be well below the reach of his hands (Figs. 63, 64).
A porphyry sarcophagus, raised’ up to the level of the desk, is
now used for a font, but originally
the rite could only be administered
by pouring water on the catechu-
men’s head, the water in the basin
being quite out of reach. The
building is supposed to have been
a chamber of the public baths
before it was converted to its present
Fig. 63. use by Neon (449-452)?.
The basin has disappeared from
the Arian baptistery, but its site is marked by a round slab
of porphyry of about 3 m. in diameter, which was possibly
its floor.
Fig. 64 (from a photograph).
Ex. 91. Parenzo. Sixth century.
The baptistery of the cathedral at Parenzo is at the west
end of the building, and received its present form from
Eufrasius in the first part of the sixth century; but this
building was erected on earlier foundations of a structure raised
1 Isabelle, Les Edifices circulaires et les Domes, Paris, 1855.—Ricci, C.,
Guida di Ravenna, Bologna, 1900, p. 32.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 347
in 313, and this again on another of the second century. A
mosaic of the third century, with a pattern of fishes, has been
found on this lowest level, but it lies in a different part of the
church and is probably of secular origin. The baptistery is
8 metres across; the hexagonal font appears to be about 3 m.
in diameter !.
Ex. 92. Cividale. 716-762.
The town of Cividale in Friuli (Forum Tuli) near Aquileia
was for a long time in possession of the Lombards, and the
baptistery erected by the patriarch Calixtus (716-762) is
perhaps the earliest example of distinctively Lombard art. It
was restored by Sigwald in 774, and the font was brought into
the cathedral in the seventeenth century. It is octagonal and
surmounted by a ciborium. The height of the structure is
3-8 metres and its diameter 3 m. There are three steps (but
always pictured as two) leading up to the rim of the basin
and two to go down into it. In the section in Garrucci? the
steps are represented as steeper than usual. If the drawing
is correct, this would seem to be a sign of the beginning
of the attempt to introduce the practice of baptism by
submersion.
Es ist achteckig und hat eine Héhe von 3-8 Meter und einen
Durchmesser von 3 Meter. Zu demselben fiihren gegenwirtig
drei Stufen und zwei zum Hinabsteigen in die piscina concha
fontium. Ob urspriinglich statt der fiinf Stufen sieben vor-
handen gewesen, ist zwar wahrscheinlich, lisst sich aber nicht
mehr sicher stellen. Die oberste Stufe, auf der jene standen,
die bei dem Taufacte beschaftigt waren, wurde ‘fundamentum
aquae et stabilimentum pedum’ genannt. Den ganzen inneren
Raum nimmt die Piscina ein. Sie war, wie der Massstab zeigt,
hinlanglich geriumig zum Taufacte durch Immersion.
See, however, p. 351 below.
1 Bull., 1896, p. 14, and plan.
* Garr., vol. 6, tav. 425.—R. von Kitelberger von Edelberg, Gesammelte
kunsthistorische Schriften, III, Wien, 1884, p. 329.
348 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
Ex. 93. Poitiers. Fourth century.
A Merovingian baptistery dating from the sixth or seventh
century still exists at Poitiers. It seems, however, to stand
on the site of an older building, the font of which was
excavated in 1890 by M. P. C. de la Croix, Directeur des
Musées de la Société des Antiquaires de Ouest, &e. He
informed me that it was damaged by the building having
been used as a bell-foundry in 1827, but could be easily
restored. It was about 1: m. deep, octagonal, and was
entered by three steps. The water, however, which came from
a third-century aqueduct, entered on a level with the bottom
of the basin and could never have been more than +21 m. deep.
He considers that the font dates from the fourth century.
Ex. 94. Aquileia. Highth century.
An engraving of an eighth-century font at Aquileia is
given in Smith’s Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, where it
appears as an irregular hexagon with broken pillars at the
corners standing on a low parapet rim, and a step running
round inside. The plans, however, represent it as octagonal.
It seems to be of the usual size, and to have the usual two
steps running round the inside. It may therefore be 1 metre
deep !.
Ex.95. Schacheneckin Lothringen. Ninth or tenth
century.
At Schacheneck in Lothringen is a baptistery with a font
dating from Carolingian times (ninth or tenth century).
It is -80 m. deep, the inside diameter -g2 m., the outside
breadth 1-30 m., and the thickness of the rim -20 m.; there is
a small circular opening at the bottom showing that the
present depth is original ?.
1 Holzinger, Dr. H., Die altchristliche Architectur, Stuttgart, 1889, pp.
219 & 220, where the same two incompatible illustrations appear.
? Kraus, F. X., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Lothringen, vol. iii, p. 915,
with a picture. Prof. Kraus adds: ‘ Die Taufe geschah in diesen grossen Kufen
(about 25 feet deep) noch durch Untertauchen’!
Baptism and Christian Archaeology.
SYNOPTIC TABLE OF FONTS.
349
Place.
Fountain-heads in Palestine . | .
Fonts in Cemeteries.
75. Cemetery of Priscilla . .
74. Ostrian Cemetery . :
76. Cemetery of Pontianus .
81. Catacomb at Naples . .
77. Catacomb of Alexandria .
Egypt.
61. Dair Mari Mina
62. Dair Abu’ ’s Sifain
62a. i
63. ‘Abu Sargah
64. Dair al Abiad- .
65. Al’ Adra .
Syria and the East.
66. Tyres. 0 ss :
67. Amwas . :
68. Beit ’Afwa .
68 a. Khiirbet Tekfia .
69. Deir Seta. .
70. Aladschadagh .
71. Giil Bagtische
72.8. Sophia. . .
73. Salona. .
Rome and early Italian.
78. Lateran baptistery . :
79.5. Stefano on the Via Latina
80. S. Restituta, Naples .
82. Nocera dei Pagani. .
Africa.
83. Carthage. . . .
84. Damous el Karita .
85. Hammam el Lif
SOnWebessay <7. ss
87. Tigzirt .
88. Tipasa . .
89. El Kantara .
Late Italian and he sea
go. Ravenna . -
gt. Parenzo
g2. Cividale .
93.
94.
Poitiers .
Aquileia .
95-Schacheneck .
ees
325-306
3rd cent.
6th cent.
4th cent.
3rd cent.
4th cent.
1oth cent.
roth cent.
6th cent.
2nd or 3rd c.
3rd or 4the,
very old
314
4th cent.
? 4th c.
? 4th ec.
5-6th c.
6th cent.
7th cent.
ve
4-6th c.
324-337
5th cent.
4th cent.
5th cent.
4-5th ce.
4-s5the.
9
before 439
6th cent.
4th cent.
?
449-452
6th cent.
716-762
4th cent.
8th cent.
g-Ioth c,
9 | oblong
circular .
a er
oblong.
circular .
circular
circular
circular’) 5 -
circular
circular . .
circular ..
circular . .
circular . .
oblong. .
cruciform with
rounded ends
Squateney wen cs
octagonal .
hexagonal with
cibori um
square. = «
square . :
oval quatrefoil
square with cibo-
rium
octagonal .
circular
circular .
circular .
octagonal .
hexagonal . .
circular ya) teas
cire.with ciborium
circular .
circular
cruciform .
octagonal. . .
hexagonal
octagonal
ciborium
octagonal .
hexagonal
ciborium
Circular avai.
with
with
Diameter
3-20 ft. :
34 x gm
small .
PhAST oa
6 ff. :.
1-1} m
small . s
3 ft.
3 ft.
2 ibe
30in
4ft. . ;
under 3 ft. .
Gift. .
gee Ive,
2 ft. 3 in.
7 ir Re Hs ae
8-10 ft. .
{Say -
i a
3 ft.24 in. x 6 ft.
I:
I; In.
Eo ee ee ve
62 ft. .
Gifts.
Oifteyt es
TGs, 6
2-83 m.
shinier.
1-25 Mm. .
2 TW. «
1-80 m. .
3-40 mM. .
peg AN
: 2{ 1°40 m, [floor,
hollow in
not deep.
Im.
3 ft.
z
a
4 ft.
3 ft.
?
fe
?
2
23 ft.
1°35 mn.
(water -70 m.)
20 in. (28 in.
outside),
4 ft.(outside).
9
‘82 m.
Tm,
4ft. 6in.
‘So m.
350 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
Two types of Fonts.
It will be noticed that these fonts may be divided into two
types. In the East they are generally small square or
circular basins (Exx. 61-65, 68 a, 70), while sometimes they
are elongated on four sides and so made the shape of a Greek
cross (Exx. 66-68, 71, 73). In the West they are usually
octagonal or circular, greater in diameter but not deeper,
while the two steps generally run round the whole cireum-
ference, the whole forming a wide shallow basin (Exx. 78, 86,
gt, &e. &e.).
There is often a parapet as well and a pulpit for the bishop
(Exx. 78-81, go, &e.), while frequently we find pillars to sup-
port a ciborium over the basin (Exx. 69, 78, 82, 86, 92, 94).
Both types seem to have developed from the small baths
in domestic use in which baptism was administered in pre-
Constantinian times; but in the East they seemed to have
retained the features of the private bath, while in the West
~ and in the Roman Hauran in Syria they exhibit a strongly
marked uniformity of pattern that seems derived from the
public Thermae.
This conjecture is borne out by the numerous traditions
which tell of baths being converted into baptisteries, while
a glance at the still remaining /rigidarium in the Stabian
baths at Pompeii is sufficient to show after what pattern the
western type was modelled. The shape is just that of the
circular baptistery with its four small apses, while the basin
itself of white marble is of similar proportions to many of
the fonts we have considered. It is 13 ft. 8 in. in diameter,
and about 3 ft. g in.deep. It is entered by two marble steps,
and has a seat running round it at a height of 10 in. from
the bottom. It was clearly therefore never more than half
full, as no one would sit on a seat more than a few inches
_ under the water’.
1 Cf. Cyprian, Ep. 76, referred to above, p. 312.—Concise Dictionary of
Greek and Roman Antiquities, Murray, London, 1898, art. ‘ Baths,’ p. 106.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 35%
Depth of Fonts.
The depth can be ascertained with certainty in the cases
where the original drain-holes remain, and can usually be
calculated approximately from the steps leading down to the
water, which are almost invariably two in number.
The normal depth is under 3 ft., so that unless the font
were filled to the brim, the average depth of water would
have been about 2 ft.; in some cases 15 in. represents the
utmost capacity of the basin (Amwas, Beit “Atiwa). In many
cases, where the font has disappeared, we ,are justified in
assuming a similar measurement, as its proportion to the size
of the baptistery does not vary much in the West.
Steps.
Much misunderstanding has arisen from the supposition
that it was usual to descend into the water by seven steps.
The number found is almost invariably two, and where three
are spoken of it will generally be found that the rim of the
font has been counted as the third, and that the font is
constructed with three concentric rings.
The seven steps therefore referred to in literature are made
up by counting the paces of the catechumen, the first being
when he puts his foot on the edge to step in, the next two as
he descends the two inner rings of the font, the fourth as he
stands on the floor of the basin, and the remaining three as
he goes up out of the water.
Cf. Isidore of Seville (633), de Divin. Offic. II. ch. 25 ‘Fons
autem omnium gratiarum origo est, cuius septem gradus sunt ;
tres in descensu propter tria quibus renuntiamus, tres in
ascensu propter tria quae confitemur, septimus vero is est,
qui et quartus similis Filio hominis extinguens fornacem ignis,
stabilimentum pedum fundamentum aquae in quo omnis
plenitudo divinitatis habitabat corporaliter.’ This passage
seems to have been misunderstood by R. von Eitelberger in the
quotation given above in his description of the font at Cividale.
VOL. V, PART IV. ce
352 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.
It might seem at first sight as if a depth of 2 or 3 ft. were
sufficient to allow the whole body to be covered, but a little
consideration will show that it would be impossible in a font
only 3 ft. across. Even in the wider type of basin that was
common in the West it would be extremely awkward and
practically impossible, as any one will realize who has ever
tried to dip himself in the shallow end of an ordinary
swimming bath. The only example of those we have con-
sidered in which such a proceeding would have been possible
is perhaps that of the Lateran, where the rite was administered
by the Popes. When baptism is administered by total im-
mersion in modern times, it is found necessary to have a tank
in which the candidate can stand with the water up to his
neck or breast; or if the water is shallower the font must be
at least 8 ft. long, and the administrator has to enter the
water and lay the candidate on his back. In the early Church,
as we have seen, the bishop made use of a desk which raised
him well out of reach of the surface of the water.
Curtains.
The pillars in the Lateran baptistery are supposed to have
been hung with curtains, From early times the Church had
objected to men and women bathing together (Const, Apost.
1,9; Cypr. de hab. virg. 19), and the presence of deaconesses
would seem to imply that in the preparation for baptism the
sexes were kept apart, even if the rite was administered to
both at the same time (Can. Hipp.§ 114; Const. Apost. 3, 15).
Augustine (de Civ. Dei xxii. 8) mentions a miracle which
came to his knowledge as having taken place in the women’s
quarter of the baptistery at Carthage (im parte feminarum
observanti ad baptisterium), which may refer to a separate font
or simply to a robing-room, such as are frequently found
adjoining the ancient baptisteries, There are said to have
been two separate buildings at Autun.
At the same time no special precautions seem to have been
taken to screen the candidates, who were made to take off
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 353
everything, even jewelry and false hair (Can. Hipp. § 115):
Chrysostom speaks of catechumens as being ‘as naked as
Adam in Paradise’ (Hom. 6 im Coloss.). Ambrose (Serm. 20)
points out how absurd it is for a man who was born naked, and
entered naked into the Church, to hope to carry his riches
into heaven. Cyril (Cat. Myst. 2) reminds the newly bap-
tized how they were naked in the sight of men and were not
ashamed. Athanasius accused Arius of inciting Jews and
heathens to break into the baptistery at Alexandria and
insult the catechumens; while Peter of Apamea was accused
of doing the same thing at Constantinople, and so frightening
the women there assembled that they fled naked into the
streets (Chryst. Hist. 1 ad Innocent.').
In the western Church, however, the ring of pillars carrying
a ciborium is a very common feature (as at Salona, Tebessa,
Cividale, and Aquileia), and these were probably used in later
times to secure the privacy that was not thought necessary
in earlier ages. The curtain mentioned in the description of
the church in the ‘ Testament of our Lord’ seems to have hung
before the door and not round the font (‘Similiter domue
baptismi sit velo obtecta,’ p. 325).
It is related of Otto of Bamberg that on converting the
Pomeranians (1124), he had three baptisteries constructed, one
for boys, one for women and one for men. He had three large
basins sunk in the ground so that they reached as high as a
man’s knee, and round them he had curtains hung on cords
tied to a circle of supports. The catechumens went inside
with their godparents, and there gave up their clothes to them,
and the priest standing outside the curtains, when he heard
the candidate enter the water, drew aside the curtain enough to
allow him to pour water thrice over his head. We have here
an interesting survival of the ancient custom at a time when
infant baptism must have been the rule, and when fonts were
of the type with which we are familiar to-day, being usually
raised on pedestals to facilitate the dipping which, we saw,
1 Bingham, bk. xi. ch. 11 sections 1-3.
Cea
354 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica.
had by this time come to be considered the more perfect
way’.
Cortinas circa dolia, fixis columnellis funibusque inductis, oppandi
fecit, ut in modum ecoronae velo undique cuppa cingeretur,
ante sacerdotem vero et comministros, qui ex una parte
astantes Sacramenti opus explere habebant, linteum fune
traiectum pependit...Sacerdos vero qui ad cuppam stabat,
cum audisset potius quam vidisset quod aliquis esset in aqua,
velo paululum remoto, trina immersione capitis illius myste-
rium Sacramenti perfecit.
Persistency of type.
The Western type of font that was established by the fourth
century lasts with singular persistency late into the Middle
Ages ; just as the traditional method of picturing the baptism
of our Lord underwent comparatively little modification in
the course of centuries. Fonts of the early Christian form
are found at Torcello (ninth to eleventh centuries), Florence
(eleventh to twelfth), Cremona (twelfth), Pisa (1153), Parma
(1196), while baptisteries from which the original basins have
disappeared are numerous. This conservatism in later ages
would seem to argue against any sudden change having been
made at the time of the peace of the Church.
Again, our examples have been taken from the catacombs
of Rome and Alexandria, from Palestine, Tyre, Egypt, the
Hauran, Asia Minor, Persia, Byzantium, Dalmatia, Rome of
the fourth century, Naples, Africa, Lusitania, the Lombard
and Merovingian kingdoms, and the Frankish Empire. In
none of these cases would submersion be easy or natural; in
most cases it would be impossible. Such a remarkable
unanimity, in spite of differences in details, points back to
a much earlier original type of basin which certainly would
not have been large; and if we are right in holding that the
private bath in domestic use was the model which first
suggested the form and shape of the later structures, we may
1 Acta Bolland., July 28, p. 395.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 355
confidently assert that baptism by submersion would have
been as difficult to carry out in them as it would have been
in the catacombs.
Sources of the popular error,
Besides the misunderstanding as to the way in which the
seven steps were reckoned, to which allusion has been made
above, three other sources of popular error may be mentioned.
It might be argued that the custom of consecrating the
water excludes the method of administration by bringing
the head of the catechumen under a stream descending from
a spout, which we saw reason to believe was sometimes
adopted. But it must be remembered that the idea that any
change in the water itself was brought about by benediction
is of comparatively late origin. It was rather the consecra-
tion of the ELEMENT of water that was considered to have
been effected by the baptism of Christ in the running stream
of Jordan.
The analogy between baptism and death, dwelt on by
S. Paul in the epistle to the Romans (vi. 4), has often been
quoted as involving submersion, and numerous passages
in the Fathers have seemed to support the belief that the
catechumen must necessarily have been entirely covered by
the water. Thus Cyril of Jerusalem, when he compares the
threefold immersion with the three days and nights of our
Lord’s entombment, and reminds his hearers that in their
baptism they saw nothing ‘as if it were night,’ uses language
which seems to imply total immersion.
Cat. Myst. xx. 4 ovrw kali tyeis ev tH mpatn avadvoe. thy mpatny
€peiobe Tod Xpicrod ev tH yh Nuepay Kal TH Katadvoet THY VUKTA.
"Qomep yap 6 ev vuKti ovKers Bremer, 6 dé ev nuepa ev hort didyer,
ovtas ev TH Katadice, ws ev vuKri, ovdey Ewpare, ev b€ TH avadioe
maddy, was ev nuépa eruyxavere Ovres,
This is of course involved in our modern customs of burial,
where earth is piled on the coffin; but it may be questioned
1 Stone, D., Holy Baptism, ch. 1, note 13, p. 221.
356 Studia Biblica et Ecclesvastica.
whether such an idea was present either to the mind of the
Apostle, who was thinking of the burial of our Lord where
the body was simply laid in the tomb, or to the writers of the
early Church, whose customs of burial involved no more than
laying the corpse in a sarcophagus or carrying it down to
the catacombs. It is in the structure of the font rather than
in the water that they find their analogy, in the act of going
down rather than in what they found when they descended.
Cat. Myst. iii. 12 tpdrov twa ev Trois dace raeis, dowep exeivos ev TH
nérpa—and xx. 4, where the catechumens are reminded how they
were led to the xoAvuBnédpa as 6 Xpiords awd Tod oravpod emi TO
mpoxeipevoy pripa. Cf. Bingham, bk. xi. ch. 11, sections 4-7.
Even where the custom of earth-burial obtained, to cast a
handful over the corpse was considered sufficient to constitute
an interment. It was in this way that Antigone disobeyed
the command of Creon that her brother’s body was to remain
without the honour of burial :—
rov vexpov Tis apriws
Oaas BeBnxe kati xpori dupiav
, , > , 4 ‘1
xév madvuvas Kadhayiorevoas a xpn.
See the passages quoted by R. C. Jebb in his edition of Sophocles
(Cambridge 1883), describing the guilt incurred by any one
who passed by an unburied corpse without throwing earth
on it.
The words used to describe the administration of the sacra-
ment (Banri€w, Aoutpdy, katadiw, mergo, immersio, tingo) are
usually assumed to imply submersion. Even if this were
involved in their original meaning, the same expressions
might well be used if the rite were carried out in the
way described above. Similarly the colloquial English
word ‘to duck’ means strictly to dive, or push under the
water, but in common use it is applied to any serious wetting,
1 Soph. Ant. 245; cf. Hor. Carm. i. 28. 23-25 :—
At tu, nauta, vagae ne parce malignus arenae
Ossibus et capiti inhumato
Particulam dare.
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 357
and even to a simple lowering of the head, where there is
no question of water at all.
As a matter of fact, we have seen that whatever may have
been the theories of ecclesiastical writers on the subject, the
evidence from archaeology shows that they had little or no
influence on popular practice for at least 700 years, and it is
only when in the West Latin ceased to be the language in
which people habitually thought, and when in the East the
growing rarity of adult baptism made the Greek word patient
of an interpretation that suited that of infants only, that the
more literal meaning of the term began to be enforced.
Cf. Duchesne, Eglises Séparées, Paris, 1896, p.95. En somme, il
y aici une erreur d’interprétation. L’immersion dont parlent
les anciens textes n’est pas autre chose que l’affusion actuelle,
pratiquée sans doute avec plus d’abondance, mais sans
différence essentielle. Et cette maniére de voir trouve une
confirmation dans l’emploi des mots tinctio, tingere, pour
désigner le baptéme. Ce synonyme est dans la langue
ecclésiastique latine depuis le temps de Tertullien. Or, que
signifie tingere? Tout simplement mouiller et non pas im-
merger.
It would be an ungracious task to trace how persistently
the greater number of archaeologists have repeated the state-
ment that baptism by immersion (i. e. suUBmersion) was the
universal custom in primitive times, and to point out how
consequently they have been misled in judgement ; but we may
hope that the study here undertaken may at least have
done something to remove this cause of confusion, and settled
one small point among the many questions that make the
study of Christian antiquities one of such great difficulty.
NOTE
Tue list of fonts in Italy (pp. 336-340, 345-348) might easily
have been extended. A list of 59 baptisteries, dating from the
4th to the 11th centuries, is given in Lopez, Jl battistero di
Parma, 1864, pp. 249 ff. Some dozen of these are mentioned as
still possessing their original fonts, which are described as entered
by two or three steps and hexagonal (Pesaro, 4th cent., Trieste, 6th
cent., Pola in Istria, ?9th cent.), octagonal (Barzano, Galliano,
6th—7th cent.), square (Murano, Torcello, 11th cent.), or ‘like the
ancient baths’ (Cittanova) ; but no exact measurements are given,
except in the case of an early Lombard basin at Castrocaro near
Forli, which is rectangular, 1-40 m. by 60 m. and 53 m.deep. In
R. Cattaneo, Architettura in Jtalia, a small 7th or 8th century font
in the museum at Venice is described and pictured (p. ro1, fig.
44), and the remains of an earlier one at Torcello are mentioned in
Venturi, Storia dell’ arte italiana, vol. ii, Milan, 1902, p. 158.
It would have been easy also to multiply examples of representa-
tions of the rite from the 8th-1oth centuries. A Carolingian
ivory in the Museo Nazionale at Florence represents the baptism
of Cornelius (H. Graeven, Friihchristliche u. mittelalt. Elfen-
beinwerke, 1900, n. 29). The chapel of the Virgin erected at the
Vatican by John VII in 706 has been destroyed, but sketches
of the mosaics have been preserved, among which occurs a scene
of the baptism of Christ (Garr. 279, 1, and 280, 4); and in the
copy of the homilies of 8. Gregory Nazianzen in the Bibliothéque
Nationale at Paris (MS. Grec. 510, fol. 426), which was written
for Basil the Macedonian in 886, is a page containing twelve small
pictures of the Apostles, each baptizing a catechumen, who stands
immersed up to the breast in a round, square, or cruciform font.
ee ee
LALA ALL IL EL IE NINN NN i NN IE RBH
INDEX
Africa, Christianity in, 341.
— fonts in, 342-5.
Ages of persecution, summary of
archaeological evidence from,
256.
— legends of, 308-10.
Alexandria, font in catacomb of,
336.
Amiens, ivory at, 282.
Amwas, font at, 325.
Ancona, sarcophagus at, 260.
Angel, one attendant, 285, 287-9,
293, 295, 296, 298, 299.
—two attendant, 290-2, 297,
299, 300.
— three attendant, 296, 304.
Apocryphal writings, influence
of, 279.
Apostolic age, legends of, 307.
Aquileia, font at, 348.
— spoon from, 266.
— tombstone from, 266.
Aquinas, 302.
Archaeology, evidence of, distinct
from that of literature, 240.
Arles, sarcophagi at, 249-52.
Asia Minor, fonts in, 327-8.
Aspersion, contrasted with pour-
ing over the body, 312.
Attila treasure at Vienna, 267.
Baptism, methods of administra-
tion, 257, 274, 304.
— in the open air, 305.
— place of Christ's, 306.
—administered to candidates
naked, 310, 353.
— with blood, 311.
— in play, 311.
— with sand, 311.
— clinical, 312.
— in Church Orders, 313, 319-22.
— in private houses, 314.
Baptisteries, in Church Orders,
321.
— octagonal, 327, 329, 338, 345.
— hexagonal, 327, 342, 346.
— circular, 328, 339.
— square, 328, 337.
— square with an apse, 325, 345.
Baptisteries, cruciform, 344.
— narrow and oblong, 343.
—- at S. Peter’s, 340.
— late Italian, 353, 354, 358.
Baths, analogies from customs of,
271, 312;
— in private houses, 315.
— fonts suggested by, 316, 350,
354.
Berlin, Micheli ivory at, 296.
British Museum, Byzantine ring
at, 292.
— ivories at, 285, 290, 295.
— Syrian censer at, 287.
Burial, analogy of, 355.
Byzantine art, nature and influ-
ence of, 275, 290-2.
Callistus, frescoes in cemetery of,
242-3, 247.
Carolingian art, 286, 293-4, 298-
300, 358,
Catacombs, fonts in, 333-6.
— importance of in archaeology,
239. ;
Chelsea, Council of, 301.
Church Orders, baptism in, 319-22.
— affusion in, 313.
Ciboria over fonts, 327, 339, 344,
347, 348, 350, 353.
Cividale, font at, 347.
Cloth, held by angel, 287-91,
292, 298-9.
Constantinople, carved pillar at,
292.
— fonts at, 328-9.
Crab-claws on head of symbolicai
figure, 269, 278, 291.
Curtains, 352.
Cyprian declares clinical baptism
valid, 312.
Cyril of Jerusalem compares bap-
tism to burial, 355.
Darmstadt, ivory at, 299.
Dove, stream from beak of, 248,
249, 267, 278, 281, 285.
Drain, still existing in fonts, 324,
325, 329, 331, 334, 337, 338,
342, 344, 348, 351.
360
Drinking, symbolical of baptism,
247, 250-3, 273.
Egypt, fonts in, 316-18.
— horn medallion from, 288.
Epiphany tank, distinct from the
font, 316.
Etzschmiadzin Gospel book, 286.
Eustorgius, baptistery of at Milan,
27k.
Florence, Rabula MS. at, 286.
Fonts, represented in Christian
art, 293, 294, 297, 298, 304.
— two types of, 350.
— depth of, 351.
— legends of miraculous, 319.
— table of, 349.
Grado, ivories from chair of, at
Milan, 294.
Hauran, fonts in, 326.
Heaven, opened at baptism, 265,
298.
— hand from, 286, 291, 298, 299.
Infantes, newly baptized called,
244.
Isidore of Seville, 351.
Johannes Moschus, story of bap-
tism with sand, 311.
— legend of miraculous font, 318.
Jordan, symbolic representation
of, 277, 278, 280, 283, 284, 290,
291, 296, 298.
Junius Bassus, sarcophagus of,
248.
Kells, cross at, 269.
Lambeth, modern font for sub-
mersion at, 337.
Lateran, font at the, 270, 336.
— sarcophagi in Museo Cristiano
at the, 262-3.
Legends, of baptism, 307-12.
— of miraculous fonts, 318.
Lombard art, 253, 293.
Lucina, fresco in the crypt of,
241.
Madrid, sarcophagus at, 260.
Mamertine prison, legend of,
308,
Index.
Marsal in Lothringen, ivory found
at, 291.
Milan, baptistery of Eustorgius
at, 271.
— school of ivories from, 281-4.
—ivories from §. Mark’s chair
at Grado, 294.
— paliotto of 8. Ambrose at, 295.
Mithraic custom, analogy of, 273.
Monza, relief at, 295.
— flask at, 287.
Munich, MS. at, 294.
— ivory at, 284.
Museo Kircheriano, bronze bowl
at, 268.
Naples, fresco at, 297.
— fonts at, 338-9.
Nocera, font at, 339.
Oxford, ivory in the Bodleian
Library at, 282.
—gem at, 297.
Palermo, ring at, 292.
Palestine, fonts in, 326.
Patera, use of in baptism, 254,
267; 274,201.
Petrus and Marcellinus, fresco in
cemetery of, 244.
Pitcher, in the beak of the dove,
295-7: :
— used for baptism, 295, 302, 309.
Poitiers, font at, 348.
Pompeii, bath at, 350.
Pontianus, fresco in the cemetery
of, 289.
— font in the cemetery of, 335.
Praetestatus, fresco in the ceme-
tery of, 245.
Priscilla, font recently discovered
in the cemetery of, 333.
Prudentius, description of the
font at S. Peter’s, 341.
Pulpit for the bishop, 245, 337,
338, 344, 346, 350, 352.
Ravenna, the meeting point of
Roman, Byzantine, and Gothic
influence, 276.
— mosaic in baptisteries at, 277-8.
— ivory on chair of Maximian at,
260.
Red Sea, passage of, influence
on apocryphal descriptions of
Christ’s baptism, 280.
Index.
Red Sea, submersion of Egyptians
in, 257, 280.
S. Laurence, legend of, 309.
S. Maria Antiqua, sarcophagus
found at, 263.
S. Peter’s, font at, 340.
Salona, font at, 330.
Sarcophagi, importance in ar-
chaeology of, 259.
— evidence from, 265.
Schacheneck in iene need font
at, 348.
Soissons, sarcophagus at, 261.
South Kensington, ivories at, 283,
293.
Staff, crooked in hand of the
Baptist, 281-4, 298.
Steps, in fonts, 347, 351.
Strassburg, ivory at, 296.
Submersion, first traces of custom,
301-3.
— of Egyptians, 257, 280,
— representation of, 257, 303.
— awkwardness of, in shallow
water, 352.
Sylvia of Aquitaine, describes
scene of our Lord’s baptism, 306.
361
Symbolic representation of bap-
tism, 247, 248, 253, 254.
Syrian types of representation of
baptism, 286-8.
—censer at British Museum,
287.
— fonts, 322, 326-7.
— miniatures, 286.
— flask at Monza, 287.
— medal at Vatican, 287.
Tyre, font at, 323.
Vatican, glass fragment at, 255.
Via Latina, font at 8, Stefano in,
337.
Walafrid Strabo, 301.
Water, depth of, in representa-
tions of baptism, 257, 265, 274,
300.
— increases in depth in later
representations, 303.
— rising in a heap, 280, 295,
299, 300-301, 304.
— falling in a column, 250, 251,
262, 281-3.
— benediction of, 355.
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