Skip to main content

Full text of "Studia Biblica et ecclesiastica : essays chiefly in Bibliocal and patristic criticism"

See other formats

p. I 






(C, \A/ f^^\!t^l. 

V. IS7 


^; 9-^7 

-■ ^ i ^ 

ia^i-TC a. 

^^ 3;uu>oi 

Hev^ W"? 


[Makjory AYaudrop 
J. O. Wahdrop] 

i ^ 5 




The text used for this translation is Sakarf Iivelos Samofhkhe 
(edited by Gobron (Mikhail) Sabinin, S. Pbg., 1882), the 
standard collection of Lives of Georgian Saints ; passag-es 
have also been appended from Rufinus, Moses of Chorene, and 
a MS. entitled Mokfzevai Kart'hlisai (i. e. the Conversion of 

Sabinin's text has the merit of giving" a connected narra- 
tive, but its slipshod style and lack of punctuation frequently 
render it obscure and misleading. 

The New Variant. The best text, as far as it goes, is 
that printed in Alchali yarianti Tsm. Ninos Tzlchovrehisa, anu 
nieore tiatsili Karfhlis Moktzevisa (edited by E. T'haqaishvili, 
Tiflis, 1 891). Wherever this differs materially from Sabinin's 
text its words (marked A. V.) are inserted in the notes. 

The existing MS. of this New Variant forms a part of 
the ' Shatberdi Collection,' a book of miscellaneous parchments 
which formerly belonged to the monastery of Shatberdi, on 
Chorokh Pass, in the district of Clarjet'hi, and appears to 
have been written in the ninth or tenth century. With 
it are bound up three Historical Chronicles and the short 
MS. called Moktzevai Kart'hlisai, all of which are now pub- 
lished. The most notable peculiarity of A. V. is that the 
narrators speak in the first person ; there seems little doubt 
of its being the oldest existing MS., and it is evidently a 


4 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

copy of a very much older (perhaps contemporary) original. 
Unfortunately it is incomplete. The order of the incidents 
differs from that in other versions, and some things are 
omitted altogether. 

Other versions. Among other IMSS. may be mentioned : 

1. A copy of the Lives of the Georgian Saints, written by 
the Catholicos Arsen in the tenth century (preserved in the 
St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences). Arsen tells us he used 
oral as well as written material. 

2. The Shio Mghvime monastery's MS., written in 1733. 

3. The Nat'hlismtzemeli (Baptist) monastery's MS., 17 13. 
These two last named are evidently taken from the same 
source, but the one is not copied from the other. 

4. Queen Mariam's MS. (written 1 636-1646) of Kart'hlis 
Tzkhovreba (the Georgian Chronicle), which was not among 
those edited by Vakhtang VI. 

5. Kart'hlis Tzkhovreba, the great Georgian Chronicle, 
edited by King Vakhtang VI (early eighteenth century), but 
collected long before his time. The text and French translation 
l)ublished by M. F. Brosset, St. Petersburg Academy of 

The MS. Conversion of Georgia. The MS. Moktzevai 
Kart'hlisai (infra, pp. 61-64) gives the legend of St. Nino 
in a dry, brief manner, and carries the history down to the 
ninth century ; but the oldest part does not seem to be later 
than the seventh century. It cannot be looked upon as the 
root from which other versions have sjirung, but only as part 
of a compilation of annals from pre-existing material. 

Agreement of the Versions. It will be found that the 
different versions, through about a thousand years, show no 
essential disagreement, and they are supported by the inde- 
pendent authority of Rufinus, whose work seems to have been 
first known in Georgia through Ephrem the Younger's 
translation of Theodoretus in the eleventh century. It is 
probably from Hufinus that the story of the healing of the 
youth (p. 31) is inserted ; the use of the word cUlc'i, and the 

Life of St. Nino. 5 

omission of the incident in A. V., seem to sug-g-est such an 

Chronology. Various dates are given for the Conversion of 
Georgia: Vakhnsht 317, Baronius 327, Brosset 328, Kart'hlis 
Tzkhovreba 338. The first and last of these are manifestly 
wrong. The year given in Moktzevai Kart'hlisai, 332, if 
we read ' birth ' for ' ascension,' is apparently correct, and is 
confirmed by the Chroniqne Armenienne (i. e. a Georgian 
Chronicle which only exists in an Armenian translation of 
the twelfth century, published in French by Brosset in 
Additions et eclair chsements^ Pgb. 1851). We may thus fix 
the following dates : Nino's arrival in Georgia 3 24, baptism 
of King Mirian 332, Nino's death 338. 

The Georgian Church Autoeephalous. It has been 
asserted, not without authority, that the first Bishop of 
Georgia was onh^ called John (loane, lovane) because he was 
* the Baptist,' and that he was in reality that Eustatius who 
was patriarch of Antioch from 325 till 331, when he was 
expelled by heretics. In 1051 we find the clergy of Antioch 
claiming the patriarchate over Georgia, and about the same 
time Ephrem the Younger refers to Eustatius of Antioch as 
the first Georgian bishop. In any case it is certain that until 
the reign of Vakhtang Gorgaslan (end of fifth century) the 
Georgian Church was subject to Antioch ; Vakhtang made it 
a national Church, and it was solemnly declared autoeephalous 
by the Sixth General Council. Practically, it is now swal- 
lowed up in the Russian Church, and the tomb of St. Nino, 
in the monastery of Bodbe, has been surrounded by hideous 
modern buildings, and given into the care of Russian nuns 
ignorant of the language and history of the country. 

Miscellaneous remarks. It is perhaps unnecessary to 
draw attention to the importance of Jews and women in the 
introduction of Christianity in Georgia, as in other places. 
The Jewish colonies (p, 27) seem to have been ancient, 
numerous, and prosperous ; and the influence of the rabbi 
Abiat'har, who is represented as calling himself complacently 

6 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

(' the new Paul,' plays a larg-e part in the story. Queen Nana 
Weminds us of Helena in Byzantium, Clothilde in France, and 
other royal protectresses of Christianity'. 

The information g-iven about the pre-existing- faiths, the 
imported Persian g-ods Armaz and Zaden, the hostile Chaldean 
It'hrujan, the Book of Nimrod, and, more especially, Gatzi 
and Gaim, or Ga, the ' gods of the Georgian people,' is well 
worthy of attention. So too are such scraps of folklore as 
we find on pp. 23 and 45. From the linguistic point of view 
the fragments of ' Branjian ' and old Persian on pp. 20 and 
21 may be recommended to the notice of philologists. A 
mere translation such as is here presented leaves the field 
open to students fitted to explain the numerous obscure points 
in the legend. 

Life of St. Nino. 


The Conversion of King Mirian, and of all Georgia 
with him, hy our holy and blessed Mother the 
Apostle Nino. 

. Her festival is held on the fourteenth of January. 

Let us tell the story of our holy and blessed Mother, the 
enlightener of all Georgia, the apostle Nino, as she herself, 
at the time of her death, related it to the believer Salome 
of Ujarma, daughter-in-law of King Mirian, who wrote it^ 

Now in those days when Saint George the Cappadocian ^ 
bore witness for Christ, there was in a city of Cappadocia 
a certain ruler, pleasing unto God, called Zabulon, who set out 
for Rome to serve before King Maximian ^ and to carry gifts 
to him. In those same days there was in Colastra ^ a man 
who had two children : a son named lobenal and a daughter, 
Sosana ; and he and his wife died, leaving the brother and 
sister orphans. The children arose and set out for the holy 
city Jerusalem, trusting in the hope of all Christians, the 
holy Resurrection. There they tarried ; Sosana's brother, 
lobenal, obtained the office of steward *, while she served the 
Niamphori Sarra ^' of Bethlehem. 

Now the Cappadocian youth Zabulon, whom we have 

' We learn from an old chronicle that St. Nino was the archmartyr 
St. George's cousin. 

^ A.V. omits the name Maximian. * A.V. ' Colasta.' 

* Devtalari. In Queen Mariam'a MS. devJfcAalari, but in all others dev<alari. 

* A.V. ' 7wiaphori Sara,' 

8 Sttidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

already mentioned, arrived before the king when the Branji^ 
had revolted against the Romans on the field of Patalani^. 
The Lord gave power invincible to Zabulon, who went forth 
with countless hosts against the Branji and put them to 
flight, capturing their king and all his chiefs. Then he led 
them before the king (of the Romans) who decreed that they 
should all be put to death. The Branji began to weep, and 
entreated Zabulon, saying : ' First let us be partakers in your 
religion, and let us be led into the temple of your God ; then 
may we meet death, for we have been taken captive by thee. 
Do thus unto us, and thou shalt be guiltless of our blood, 
O hero ! ' Now when Zabulon heard this, he went hastily and 
secretly to the patriarch ^, and told him what they had said. 
They were baptized by Zabulon ; they were led into the 
temple of God, where they partook of the sacrament of the 
body and blood of Christ, and the glory of the holy apostles 
was declared unto them. 

On the morning when they were to meet their doom, the 
Branji rose very early, and, being clothed in the garments 
of death, were led away unto the place of execution, praying 
and praising God for His baptism and sacrament which they 
had received, saying: 'In this our death we are immortal, 
for God has esteemed us worthy to see His glory, and to 
receive the inexhaustible provision for the journey, to wit, 
the body and blood of the immortal God Christ, who is 
higher than all heights and deeper than all abysses and 
depths, who is blessed through eternity. But, alas for our 
kinsfolk, born in bitterness, inheritors of darkness ! ' They 
then handed themselves over to the executioner. Now when 
Zabulon saw this, he was much moved, and w^ept bitterly, 
for they were as sheep led to the slaughter, and for theii- 
children they mourned grievously, as for lambs. Seized with 
pity for them all, Zabulon went in to the king and entreated 

» ? Branji = Frangi (Franks). Cp. Lebeau, Hist, du Bas-Empire, i. 42-3. 
=* A.V. « Pikhalani.' In other variants Pitalani. 
' A.V. 'he told the king and the patriarch.' 

Life of St. Nino. 9 

him that he would pardon them. The king- granted them 
their liberty. 

The Branji begged Zabulon to go with them to their land 
and teach the gospel of Christ, baptizing with water all the 
people. He hearkened to their prayer, and asked the patri- 
arch for a priest. Then he obtained leave from the king, and 
they went away joyfully. When they were within a day's 
journey of the land of the Branji, the news that their king 
was coming in safety, with all his chiefs, travelled before 
them, and there came forth to meet them ten erisfhavs ^ : 
Khozamai, Khozaba, Zakai and Khenebagi, Timgaragi Daza- 
kai 2, Gazai, Zargai, Zarda, Zamrai and T'hmonigoni ^, and 
all the kingdom with them, and they met at a great deep 
river *. The king divided the people, and placed half of 
them on each side of the river, and the priest blessed the 
water. Then all the people went down into the river and Baptism 
were washed, and rose together, and the priest^ laid his hands Branji. 
upon them all. Ten days tarried they there by the river, 
and they pitched tents. The priest offered up the bloodless 
sacrifice, and the people pai'took of the sacrament of Christ. 
Priests instructed them in all the doctrines of Christianity. 
When Zabulon had said farewell he left them in peace, and 
went away with great gifts to Rome. 

He resolved to go to Jerusalem, and when he arrived there Zabulon 
he divided his gains among the poor, according to the com- Jerusalem 
mandment of God. He saw the steward lobenal, who had 

I ' eris-t'havi (lit. head of the people) is a governor of a province. 

'^ Thus in Sabiiiin, but it may be da (and) Zakai, as in A.V. 

^ In A.V. the names are given as follows : Kholamai, Kiiozabai Khladchai, 
Kheneshagi, Timgaragi, Zakai, Gzai Zargai, Zardai, Zarmai and T'hmonigoni of 
royal race. There are thus eleven names in all, but it is difficult to decide which 
of them is a double name. Queen Mariam's MS. gets over the difficulty by 
omitting Zarmai. The MS. in the church of St. John the Baptist (Nat'hlis 
mtzemeli monastery, in Karayaz Steppe) agrees with A.V. The list in Kart hlis 
Tzkhovreba is : Khozamoi, Khozai, Gaakhlajai (var. Ganlajai), Khonemagai, 
Khingiragai (var. Khinidchragai^ Zajai, Zagai, Zardai, Zamrai, T'hmoni. 

* Queen Mariam's MS. and the Nat'hlis mtzemeli MS. have not ghrmasa 
(deep) ; the former reads ghudmarsa, the latter ghdamarasa (? geographical 
names, names for the river). ' A.V. * Zabulon.' 

I 4-! 

lo Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesmsttca. 

become patriarch, and Zabulon and the patriarch became great 
friends. Then Sara Niamphori said to the patriarch : ' Since 
this Zabulon is father and baptizer of the Branji, a man full 
of wisdom and constant in the service of God, give him thy 
'•^^^^ sister Sosana to wife.' The advice of Sara seemed good unto 


Sdsana. , the holj patriarch ^. 

iiirth of St. Nino ", the enlightener of Georgia, was born of them. 

^'""' She was their only child, and her mother brought her up in 
the service of the poor ^. When Nino was twelve years old, 
her parents sold all they had, and went away to Jerusalem. 
On reaching the holy city, Zabulon, having been blessed by 
the patriarch, left his wife. He clasped his daughter St. Nino 
to his breast, wetting her face with the torrent of tears which 
flowed from his eyes, and said : ' My only daughter ! I leave 
thee an orphan, and confide thee to thy Father who is in 
heaven, the God of all beings, for He is the Father of orphans, 
the Judge of the widow. Fear not, my child, imitate the 
love of Mary Magdalene and of the sisters of Lazarus for 
Christ. If thou lovest Him as they loved Him, He will give 
jthee all thou askest of Him.' 

When he had spoken thus, he gave her a kiss of eternal fare- 
well, and went away bej^ond Jordan, with men who had become 
savage for God's sake, and who dwelt apart from the world, but 
God the omniscient Creator knew the place of their sojourn. 

The patriarch appointed the mother of Nino to serve poor 
and infirm women, and St. Nino served the Armenian Niaphori 
of Dvini two years, reading continually of Christ's sufferings 
on the cross, of His burial, resurrection, and garments, of His 
linen, shroud, and cross. She learned everything, for there 
had been and there was no one in Jerusalem equal to the 
Niaphori in knowledge of the ancient law and the new ; she 
excelled all. The Niaphori thus instructing her said : ' I see, 
my child, thy strength, like the strength of the lioness, whose 

^ A.V. adds : ' tliey went away to his own town Colasa' (var. Colastra). 
\ * Nino is simply nonna, i.e. the nun. 
^ -AfV. adds * day and night unceasingly.' 

Life of St. Nino. n 

roar is louder than that of any four-footed animal, or like the 
female eag-le, which, soaring* in the hig-hest air, beyond 
the male, and, with the pupil of her e^^e, seeing* all the 
country, tiny as a pearl, stops, searches, and like lightning 
perceiving her prey — she plumes her wing-s and immediately 
swoof>s upon it. Even thus may thy life be by the guidance 
of the Holy Spirit. Now will I declare unto thee every- 
thing : When to this earth of mortal man the immortal God 
came to call in the heathen, for He Himself wished to deliver 
the world, He began to do good to the Jews, to raise the 
dead, to give sight to the blind, and healing to the sick. 
The people were envious against him, and, taking counsel 
together, they sent soldiers (? couriers ^) to ask the Jews to 
come to Jerusalem quickly, saying : " Come, let us gather 
together and destroy Him." Then, from all parts, came 
numerous wise men, learned in the law of Moses, who resisted 
the Holy Spirit, and Him that was the Christ they did slay. 
They crucified Him and cast lots for His raiment, and it^ fell 
to the lot of a citizen of Mtzkhet'ha, in the North, The Jews 
buried Christ, and guarded and sealed His tomb, but He rose 
again, as He had said from the beginning. And they found 
the linen early in Christ's tomb, whither Pilate and his wife 
came. When they found it, Pilate's wife asked for the linen, 

and went away quickly to her house in Pontus, and she 

— ' 
became a believer in Christ ^. Some time afterwards, the 

linen came into the hands of Luke the Evangelist, who put 

it in a place known only to himself 

' Now they did not find the shroud (sudari), but it is said 

to have been found by Peter, who took it and kept it, but we 

know not if it has ever been discovered. The crosses are 

buried in the city of Jerusalem, though no man knows in what 

place ; when it shall please God they also shall appear.' 

* stratioti. 

^ A.V. 'the cvarfhi,^ i. e. chiton, tunic or shirt. 

^ This passage does not occur in Kart'hlis Tzkhovreba, nor in any other 
variant, except A.V. 


Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

When St. Nino heard all this from Sara the Niamphovi 
she offered thanks and blessing to God, and asked : ' Where 
is that northern land whence the Jews came and whither 
they took the raiment of our Lord Christ?' Sara answered: 
' ^ There is in the East, in the land of Kart'hli, a town called 
,■"■ Mtzkhet'ha, near Somkhet'hi and Mt'hiulet'hi, and now it has 

I become a part of the empire of the Uzhiks ^, and is a land of 

I idolators.' 

^^ Now in those daj's a certain woman came from Ephesus. 
to worship at the holy places, and Sara Niamphori asked 
her if Queen Elene was still in error and darkness. And the 
woman answered : ' I am their servant, a sharer in all their 
counsels both open and secret, and I know that she has now 
a g-reat desire for the law of Christ and baptism,' When 
St. Nino heard this, she said to the Niamphori : ' Send me, 
and I will go before Elene the Queen ; shall not I appear in 
her presence and speak for Christ's sake?' The Niamphori 
told the patriarch what Nino desired and intended, and the 
patriarch, Nino's uncle, called his niece, and placed her on the 
steps of the holy altar. He laid his holy hands upon her 
shoulders, sighed towards heaven from the depths of his 
heart, and said : ' O Everlasting Lord God, I entreat Thine 
aid for my sister's orphan child, and I send her to preach Thy 
divinity. INfay she spread the good tidings of Thy Resurrec- 
tion ; wherever it pleases Thee may her course be ; may this 
wanderer become, O Christ God, a haven of rest, a leader, 
wise in speech, since she goes forth in Thy name.' And her 
mother gave her a farewell kiss, and made the sign of the 
cross upon her ^, and thus, with prayers to God, and blessings, 
they parted. 
Nino St. Nino set out with the woman who had come from 


' A.V. ' It is a mountainous land north of Somkhit'hi, ruled by the Greeks 
and Uzhiks.' 

MJzhjks or Uses, now Osses, Ossets. Cf. Const. Porphyrog. de Adtn. Imp. 
c. 27; also Acts ii. 9 in the Georgian version. The Uzhiks have also been 
described as Babylonians, Huns, Circassians (Odighe, Zychi). 

^ A.V. 'gave me a cross.' 

Life of St. Nino. 13 

Ephesus. When they arrived in the kingdom of the Romans, with the 
in the house of that woman who had travelled with her they Ephetus" 
saw a certain queen ^ (? royal princess), by name Riphsime, 
and her foster-mother Gaiane ^. They dwelt in a nunnery 
for virg-ins, longing to confess Christ, and waiting for baptism 
from Jerusalem. The woman came to St. Nino, and told 
her about queen Riphsime, and when Nino heard how Riph- 
sime loved Christ, she also went to dwell with her, with the 
woman who was her fellow-pilgrim. In the same year 
St. Nino baptized Riphsime, who had longed much for this, baptizes 
and, with her, her foster-mother Gaiane and others of her ^^ '»i"^®- 
household, to the number of fifty ^ souls ; and St. Nino lived 
in the nunnery * with them two years. 

^ In those days the emperor sent forth to seek a maiden The 
good and beautiful who might be to him a worthy wife, seeks'to 

When the messengers arrived at the convent of vire-ins they 5??'"^. 

* . . Eiphsime. 

saw Riphsime, and learnt that she was akin to kings. They 
were greatly pleased with her beauty, for nowhere could be 
seen one like unto her in loveliness. They drew her fair face 
and made a portrait of her on wood, and sent it to the 
emperor. When he saw it he was exceeding glad, and, filled 
with joy, he resolved to celebrate the wedding with splendour 
and great pomp. So he hastened and sent messengers and i-ulers 

* A.V. vadagi mephetha. 

* A.V. omits ' and her foster-mother Gaiane.' 

3 A.V. 'forty.' * A.V. 'house.' 

' A.V. omits the legend of Riphsime, from ' In those daj's the emperor . . .' 
down to the incident of Nino's being hidden in a briar-bush (p. 15), where it 
goes on: 'And I was left in a briar-bush.' A.V. substitutes the following 
passage: 'Tlien the Lord looked down upon Greece, and King Constantine 
became a believer ; and he confessed Christ, he and his mother and all his 
court, in the year from the beginning (a.m.) 5444, from the resurrection of 
Christ, 311 (this date is in no other variant"), and all Greece received 
Clu-istianity. In the seventh was the holy assembly at Nicaea, and in 
the eighth year our flight from Greece — Queen Riphsime, her foster-mother 
Gaiane and fifty souls, we set out in the first month on the 15th day. And 
we came into tlie bounds of Souikhit'hi (Armenia) into the garden of King 
T'hrdat ; there were they slain in the month on the 30th day, on 
a Friday ' (this date i.s not found in any other variant). 

14 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

to all in his kingdom, ordering them to collect gifts; with great 
rejoicing they came, at his summons, to the imperial nuptials. 
Now when those saints saw the secret cunning of the 
enemy, and the fiery darts he hastened to shoot at Christ's 
holy ones, they were afflicted, for the king was a tool of 
wrath — like the serpent which spake in Paradise, even so was 
this heathen who was given over to the profane worship of 
unclean, abominable idols. When the blessed Riphsime and 
Gaiane, and others of the nuns saw this temptation which 
had come upon them, they remembered their vows of chastity 
which they had made. Woefully they wept that the pagan 
king had learnt of the beauty of St. Riphsime from the 
picture. They inflicted severe penance on themselves, fer- 
vently praying and entreating God without ceasing; and, 
Flight of being of one mind, they secretly fled from that land — fifty 
audher f^d three souls. The fugitives arrived within the borders 
^'^™.' , fof Somkhit'hi (Armenia), at the place w^hich is called Akhal- 

jianions to i ^ '' ' ^ 

Armenia, kalaki, outside which is Dvini, the royal residence (?). 

They entered into wine-presses which were built to the 
north and east, and they kept themselves by selling their 

Now when the emperor saw that St. Riphsime and others 

with her had escaped from his hands, and from his wicked 

love, he was full of bitter discontent, and sent men forth into 

all places to seek them. And the imperial envoys came 

before Trdat, king of the Somekhi (Armenians), and delivered 

to him the emperor's letter, which was as follows : — 

The em- « I, the emperor, greet my beloved brother sovereign and 

le^tter to fiiend, Trdat. Be it known to thee, m}^ brother and ally, that 

kini^of ^^® ^^^^ ^^ Christians, from whom formerly we have suffered, 

Armenia, have again insulted our majesty and outraged our kingdom. 

They serve a certain dead man who was crucified, and worship 

a piece of wood, esteeming it a glory to die for their Lord ; 

they fear not the Jews, but they fear Plim who was slain 

and crucified by them; they insult kings and contemn the 

gods, and they even venerate not the sun, moon and stars, 

Life of SL Nino. 15 

but say all was created by the Crucified ; and they flee from 
the world, fathers and mothers forsaking" one another, separate 
while yet living". Although I have threatened and tortured 
them they increase more and more. But it came to pass 
that I saw the portrait of one of this sect, a young maiden, 
and I resolved to take her to wife ; but her heart had no 
desire even for the love of the king. She looked upon me 
as loathsome and unclean, and fled secretly from me ; and 
they are come into the bounds of thy land. Therefore, be 
it known unto thee, my brother, that thou shouldst seek for 
her and find her ; and let those who are with her die the 
death, for they led her into error, but as for her who is so 
fair of face, Riphsime by name, send her to me. Yet, if she 
please thee, take her for thine own, for thou canst not find in 
the world of the loni (? lonians, Greeks) a fairer — and mayst 
thou be kept alive in the service of the gods.' 

When Trdat had read this command of the emperor, he Trdat de- 
immediately made haste to search, and when he found them marry 
in the wine-presses and saw Riphsime, love's desire wounded l^iplisime, 
him, and he was filled with great joy, and resolved to take 
her to wife. Riphsime would not consent to this, therefore who re- 

f l)S6S 

he martyred her, with Gaiane her foster-mother and many and is 
others with them, as is written in the book of their martyrdom ; "^^^ty^"- 
and we know of the miracles performed at the time of their 
martyrdom in the conversion of the Armenians, and by God's 
providence King Trdat through them was converted. 

Now some of those holy women escaped, among whom was Nino 
St. Nino, who hid in a briar bush which had not yet put ^nd hides 
forth its flowers. And while St. Nino was thus hidden, she ™ % ^^^^^ 

' bush, 

saw the form of an archdeacon ^ descending from heaven, Her 

clad in a stole of light, holding in his hands a censer from ^'''^"^"• 

which arose sweet smelling smoke, concealing the heavens ; 

and with him were many celestial beings. The souls of the 

holy martyrs were set free from their bodies, and were united 

to the host of shining ones, and together they mounted to 

' A.V. 'deacon.' 

i6 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

heaven. "When St. Nino saw this, she cried aloud : ' O Lord, 
O Lord, why leav^est Thou me here among" asps and vipers ? * 
Then she heard a voice from heaven saying: 'Thou too shalt 
he led away into the kingdom of heaven before the throne 
of God at the time when this thorn which is around thee 
shall be sweet with the scent of rose-leaves ^ ; but now arise 
and go into the land of the North where the harvest is great 
but of labourers there is none.' 
Nino Then St. Nino went thence, and arrived at Orbant'hi -, on 

northward ^^^ bounds of Somkhit'hi ; and after four months — from 
March till June — she set forth and came to the mountains 
of Javakhet'hi^ [where was the great lake which is called 
P'haravan. When St. Nino reached this place, and saw the 
northern mountains in summer covered with snow, and felt 
the coldness of the air, she trembled, and spake thus: ' O 
tarries Lord, O Lord, receive my soul ! ' She tarried there two 
P'haravan, days, and begged nourishment from the fishermen who fished 
in the lake. There were also shepherds there, and when they 
watched their flocks by night they called upon their gods 
Armaz and Zaden to help them, and promised them sacrifices 
when they should come before them in peace. This they 
spoke in the Armenian tongue, which St. Nino had formerly 
studied a little with Niaphora, and she spake to one of the 
shepherds, and asked him : ' Of what village are you? ' And 
he answered, saying: '"We are from* Kindzari, Rabati and 
the great city of Mtzkhet'ha, where these gods reign and 
kings rule^.' St. Nino asked them: 'Where is that city of 

* A.V. adds : ' by thy means.' 

2 A.V. ' Uloporet'hi, where I wintered in great distress'; Kart'hlis Tzkho- 
vreba, ' Orbant'hi ' ; Queen Mariam's M.S. ' Urbnit'hi ' ; Nat'hlismtzemeli MS. 
' Orbnit hi ' ; Shiomghvimeli MS, ' Urbnisi.' 

^ A.V. omits ' from March till June,' and all the passage from ' where was 
the great lake ' to the words, ' Then she set out and came to the other side ' 
(on p. 18). This passage is inserted from the Nat'hlismtzemeli and Shio- 
mghvimeli MSS. A.V. inserts after the word ' Javakhei'hi ' : ' that I might 
learn where Mtzkhet'ha was.' 

* Some MSS. insert ' Elarbini and Sap'hurtzeli.' 

^ 'Ghmert'hni ghmert'hoben da mep'heni mep'hoben,' lit. ' the gods act as 
gods, the kings as kings.' 

Life of St. Nino. 17 

Mtzkhet'ha ? ' They answered her : ' On the river flowing- 
from this lake lies Mtzkhet'ha.' 

When St. Nino saw how terrible was the leng-th of the j 
way, and how fearful the mountains, her spirit was seized^-''' 
with trembling. She placed a great stone for a pillow, and 
slept by that river flowing' from the lake. And as she slept, 
there came to her in a vision a man of exceeding tallness, 
whose hair fell down on his shoulders (?) ^ ; and he gave 
a sealed scroll to St. Nino, saving: 'Bear this swiftlv to where ten 
Mtzkhet'ha and give it to the heathen king.' But St. Nino are de- 
began to weep, and entreated him, saying" : ' O Lord, I am r^f" " 
a stranger woman and unskilled, and I know not how to vision. 
speak their tongue. How can I go into a strange land, 
among" a strange people?' Then the man undid the book, 
on which was the seal of Jesus Christ, and in it were written, 
in the Roman tongue ^, ten sajdng-s, as on the tables of stone 
delivered to Moses, and he gave them to St. Nino to read, 
and these were the saying's : 

1. Wherever they preach this gospel, there shall they I 
speak of this woman. Matt. xxvi. 13. 

2. Neither male nor female, but you are all one. Gal. iii. 28. 

3. Go ye and make disciples of all the heathen, and baptize 
them in the name of the Father, of the Sou, and of the 
Holy Ghost. Matt, xxviii. 19. 

4. A lig-ht to shine upon the heathen, and to give glory 
to thy people Israel. Luke ii. 32. 

5. ^ Preach the good tidings of the kingdom of heaven 
in all the world. Mark xvi. 15. 

6. WhocA^er rtceiveth you receiveth Me, and whoever 
receiveth Me receiveth Him that sent Me. Matt. x. 40. 

7. Now Mary was greatly beloved of the Lord, so that 
He always hearkened to her truth and wisdom. 

8. Be not afraid of those who can destroy your bodies, but 
are not able to destroy your soul. Matt. x. 28. 

' ' t'hma t'hmosani.' ^ ' erdt'ha romelebrit'ha ' ^? Greek). 

^ Omitted in Sliio Mghvime MS. 

i8 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

9. Jesus said to Maiy Mag-dalene : * Go, O woman, and 
tell the g-cod news to My brethren.' John xx. 17. 

10. Whithersoever ye go, preach in the name of the Father, 
the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 

When St. Nino had read through these words, she began 
to pray to God, and perceived plainly that this was a vision 
from on high. And she raised her eyes to heaven and 
besought the aid of the all-preserving God, established in 
She the highest ^] Then she set out and came to the other side 

travels to ^ ^^ rivcr, to the part which flows westward, where she 
met manv difficulties and trials on the road, fearful wild 
beasts and many troubles, until she reached the place where 
the stream begins to flow eastward, and then she was 
consoled, for there she found travellers, with whom she 
arrived in the suburbs of the city which is called Urbnisi, 
where she saw the worship of strange gods, for they wor- 
shipped fire, stones and wood. This grieved the soul of 
St. Nino. She entered the quarter^ of the Jews, with whom 
she talked in the Hebrew tongue (wherein she was skilled) ; 
and she tarried there a month and learned the habits and 
customs of that land. 

One day a great multitude of people set forth from that 

town to the great royal city ^ of Mtzkhet'ha, to buy what 

they needed, and to offer sacrifice to their god Armaz ; and 

Arrives at with them went St. Nino. Wlien they reached the city of 

hl^^wW ^^tzkhet'ha they took up their quarters near the bridge of 

she sees a the Magi *. And when St. Nino saw the magicians, fire- 
pagan ^ 
festival. worshippers, seducers of the people, she wei)t for their doom, 

and mourned their strange ways. And, behold, on the 

next day there was a great noise of trumpets and shouting, 

and a fearful tumult, and people without number, like 

the flowers of the field, rushing and crowding, waited for 

' A.V. begins again. 

^ Kart'hlis Tzkhovreba : ' ubansa Uriat'hasa,' into the quarter of the Jews ; 
Queen Mariam's MS., ' baginsa Eomelt'hasa,' into the Roman quarter. 
^ Kart'hlis Tzkh. ' decla kalakad,' to the mother-city, metrojiolis. 
* Pompey's bridge, built in 65 B.C. The modern bridge is on the same site. 

Life of St. Nino. 19 

the king and queen to come forth. Then came Queen 
Nana, and after her coming" the people went quietly, and 
adorned all her path, and enclosed it with hangings of 
every colour, and strewed her way with leaves of trees, and 
flowers, and all the people began to praise the king. Next 
came King Mirian, terrible and in great pomp. St. Nino 
asked a certain Jewess : ' What is this ? ' She replied : ' It 
is their custom to go up before their god of gods, like whom 
is no other idol.' When St. Nino heard this, she ascended 
with the people to see the idol Armaz, and the mountain- 
sides were beautified with standards and ornaments like 
flowers of the field. And St. Nino hastened up to the fortress 
of Armaz, and placed herself near the idol in a crevice of 
the rock, and noticed the incomprehensible and inexpressible 
strangeness of the rites. There was a great noise, and the 
king and all the people trembled and were afraid before 
the idol. St. Nino saw standing a man made of copper, 
whose form was clad in a golden coat of mail, and he had on 
his head a golden helmet, and his shoulder-pieces and his 
eyes were of emeralds and beryls, and he held in his hands 
a sword bright as the lightning flash, which was turned in 
his hand, and none dared touch the idol on pain of death. 
And they spake thus : ' If here there be any who despise 
the glory of the great god Armaz, of those who agree with 
the Hebrews, who hearken not to the priests who teach sun- 
worship, or of those who adore a certain strange god and Son 
of the God of heaven — if here among us be any of these 
wicked ones, may the sword of him whom all the world 
fears strike them down ! ' When they had thus spoken, they 
each, one by one, worshipped the idol with fear and trembling. 
At its right hand was another idol, of gold, with the face of a 
man, and its name was Gatzi ^, and at its left hand was an 
idol of silver, with the face of a man, and its name was 
j Gaim ^, which were the gods of the Kart'hlian peojile. 

When the blessed Nino saw this, she began to sigh 

' Catzi in Georgian siguifiea ' man.' " A.V. Ga (J yd). 

C 2 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

and weep tears to God, because of the eiTor of the land 
of the North, for the lig-ht was hidden from them, and 
the rule of darkness was over them ^. She saw their kings, 
with their hosts and all the princes, journeying-, as it were, 
onward to be swallowed up alive in hell, for they had left 
their Creator, and worshipped gods of stone, of wood, of brass 
and of copper, and these they regarded as the creators of 
all. Then St. Nino remembered those words which her 
mother's brother lobenal, the patriarch, had spoken to her : 
' As a hero I send thee forth, for thou goest into a strangle 
land, to those of the race of Darg-evel, Zevel, Bareidnl ^,' 
which is in the Branjian lang-uage : ' men who are enemies 
Nino's and adversaries of God.' She raised her eyes to heaven and 
prayer. ^^-^ , j q j^qj-^j^ j^y ^jjy g^^^at powcr overturn these Thine 

enemies, and by Thy great long-sufrering- may this people 
become wise, and all Thy foes disai)pear from the earth like 
dust and ashes, but do not despise man whom Thou hast made 
in Thy likeness, and for whom One of the Trinity became 
man and gave life to all in the world. Look down upon their 
race, and deliver their souls from the wicked and invisible 
ruler, the prince of darkness, and grant, O Lord God of my 
father and mother, unto me Thy handmaiden, born to serve 
Thee, that Thy salvation may be seen in all corners of Thy 
earth, that the north with the south may rejoice, and that all 
the people may worship the only God, through Jesus Christ Thy 
Son, to whom it is fittino- to s^iv'e g-lorv with thanks for ever.' 
A great \ When St. Nino had linished this prayer and })raise, 
arises. "" iintaediately God sent forth west winds and hurricanes, with 
clouds fearful and ominous to look upon, and the noisy roar 
of thunder was heard, and at the setting of the sun there 
blew a wind with a bitter, ill-smelling, noxious odour. The 
multitude, perceiving this, began hastilv to run and flee 

' The Georgian words for 'north' and 'shadow' are practically the same. 
Hence the play upon words. 

^ K. Tzkh. 'Dargvel, Zevel, Barcadul'; A.V. 'Dgevel, Zephel, Narca- 
dovel'; Shio Mghv. and Nafhl. Mtz. ' Darbevel, Zephel, Barcadul.' 

Life of St. Nino. 21 

towards their dwellings in the town. God g-ave them but Destroyijig 
little time, and when they were all safe at home, suddenly * ^ 
His wrath burst forth fiercely from the cruel cloud, and hail 
fell, like stones the size of two hands ^, piercing, hard and 
strong, on the house of the idols, and broke them in little 
pieces, and the walls were destroyed by the terrible wind, and 
cast among the rocks ^. But Nino stood unharmed, watching 
from the same place where she had stood at the beginning. 

On the next day came King Mirian, and all the people, to 
seek for their gods, but they could not find them. Therefore 
were they seized with fear and trembling, and astonishment 
filled their minds ; and many said : ' The idols are thus 
helpless and cast down because It'hrujan, the god of the 
Chaldeans, and this our godArmaz have always been enemies, 
for Armaz made the sea go over his land, and now he is 
envious and has done thus to him.' Some affirmed that it 
was done by that God by whose power Trdat, the king of 
Armenia, had been turned into a wild boar, and then again 
from a wild boar into a man, for what other god could have 
done such a thing as this ? Since that time when King 
Trdat by the power of Christ was turned into a wild boar, 
and by the power of Christ was again turned into a man, 
the praise and glory of Christ was no longer secretly spoken 
in Kart'hli, for in the east the grace of God began to shine. 

^ Now in that day of wrath and of the overthrow of the 

' A.V. ' litrisa ' — weighing one pound or nine pounds. 

^ In A.V. a leaf is wanting here, down to the words ' for in the east the 
grace of God began to shine' (end of next paragraph). The missing passage 
is found in Shio Mghv. and Nat'hl. Mtz. MSS. 

^ A.V. begins again as follows: 'And the king said, with tears: "Hehe 
rait'hmeboi khojat'h st'habanub rasul p'hsar zad," which is, being translated : 
" Thou speakest truly, happy queen and apostle of the Son of God." — Now 
in that day of wrath,' &c. 

Prof. Margoliouth points out that the words added in A.V. and beginning 
Ilehe . . . are a transliteration of late Persian, and probably correspond to 
the following : 

All, ah, thou speakest truly, fortunate lady and apostle of the Son of God. 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

St. Nino 
dwells on 
the hill, 

is visited 
by Shro- 

lives nine 
months la 
the house 
of the 

idols, when the hail and cruel wind were ceased, St. Nino 
came out from her crevice in the rock, and found the beryl 
eye, which she took, and went away to the edg-e of the 
precipice. In that place had been in ancient times a fortress 
and a city ^, and she saw standing- there a tree which is 
called hrinii ^ (acacia), very lofty, and fair to look upon, 
with many branches, under w^hose shade she set up the sign 
of the cross, and there she tarried six days, g-iving- thanks 
and entreating God that He w^ould look down with mercy 
ud deliver that people from the error of the devils. And 
when the overthrow of the idols took place it was the fifth 
month from March — the sixth day of August, the day on 
which Christ was transfigured before the prophets and His 
disciples ^. 

As I said, St. Nino dwelt hidden under the tree. There 
came to her from the court a maiden named Shroshana, who 
when she saw St. Nino was surprised, and asked her, by 
means of a woman speaking Greek, whence she came and 
what she did. When she learnt all from St. Nino (except 
about her parentage) and how she was a captive *, Shroshana, 
sympathetic and gracious because of her being a stranger, 
with tears besought St. Nino to go home with her to the 
palace ; but St. Nino would not, and Shroshana departed. 

Three days afterwards she arose, crossed the river Kura, 
and reached the royal garden, where is now the divinely 
raised column and the church of the Catholicos. There she 
saw the little house of the keeper of the garden, and went in. 
Anastos, the keeper's wife, met her, and graciously kissed 
her, as if she had known her and been her friend for a long 
time. She bathed her feet, anointed her with oil, and gave 
her bread and wine. St. Nino tarried with her nine months. 

' Harmozica, built by King Bartom. Strabo, xi. 3. 5 ; Pliny, Hist. nat. 
vi. 10. 2. 

* 'The tree under which King Bartom used to rest and refresh himself.' 
Sakarth. Samot'hkhe, p. 74. 

^ A.Y. ' Evmanuvel on Tabor showed us Himself in the image of the Father.* 
Cf. Rufinus. A.V. omits here aU reference to parentage and captivity. 

Life of St. Nino. 23 

Now Anastos and her husband were childless, and were much 
grieved thereat. In sleep, St. Nino saw a vision of a man 
clothed in light, who said to her : ' Go into the garden, and 
you will find at the foot of a cedar a little twig- ready- 
to sprout forth with sweet smelling flowers of many beautiful 
colours. .Take the earth from that place and give it to the 
couple to eat, and they shall have a son.' St. Nino prayed, whose wife 

1 1 1 T 1 -f > 1 i.^ bears a son. 

and gave it to the husband and wiie to eat, even as the 
angel had commanded, and there was born to them a son, 
and, afterwards, many daughters. Then they believed on 
Christ, and secretly became disciples of Nino ^ 

After the nine months which St. Nino spent in the house Nino re- 
of the gardener, she found outside the walls oi the city, as it bower. 
were a little tent formed of brambles, by God's providence, 
in that place where is now the altar of the Church of the 
Samt'havarepiscopozi (Archbishop), and there she took up 
her abode and place of rest, and there she raised her cross, 
which she had formed out of vine twigs, and sat up all night 
before it to watch, and turned night into day by her unceasing 
prayers and entreaties to God. Wondering at her many 
sufferings, the couple who kept the king's garden served her. 
Whilst she dwelt thus, St. Nino often visited the Jewish 
quarter, that she might converse in the Hebrew tongue, and 
learn the whereabouts of the Lord's tunic [cvarfki), of which 
she had heard at Jerusalem from the Niamphori — how it had 
been carried away by the Jews of Mtzkhet'ha, who would 
know where it was. 

She met a certain Jew, a priest called Abiat'har, and his Abiat'har, 


daughter Sidonia, and preached to them the gospel 01 our and other 
Lord Jesus Christ. And they accepted it, and became her ^^^^ -^^^ 
disciples, with other Jewish women, to the number of six, disciples, 
taught by vSt. Nino, except baptism, for at that time there 
was no priest to baptize them, and secretly they were her 
disciples. And God, by the hands of St. Nino, performed 

* A.V. omits the rest of this chapter, substituting for it Nino's dream of 
the birds (p. 29). 


Studta Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

many wonders and cures, for, by the use of herbs, she freed 

many incurable from their ailments. 
Constan- Three years lived she thus in the city of ]\Itzkhet'ha, and 
^'^^fyJ^fou then King- Mirian and his nephew, the king of the Persians, 
ofGeor- made an expedition into Greece. Constantine, the Greek 
Persians, emperor, put them to flig-ht by the power of Christ, and 

throuo-h His cross, which was borne before all the emperor's 


The words of Ahiat'har the priest, who was con- 
verted hy the holy and blessed Nino^. 

story of I, Abiat'har, became priest, chosen by lot, in that year when 

Abiat'har. ^^^ ^^-^^^ ^^^ blessed mother Nino arrived in Mtzkhet'ha. 

Hereceives After that ^, I received from the Jewish priests in Antioch 

from the ^ letter wherein were these words : — 

Jews in t Qq^j ]j^g iji-oken into three parts the kingdom of Israel, 

for lo ! om- prophets have ceased, and those in whom the 
Spirit of God still dwelt told us that all was fulfilled. We 
are scattered over all the earth, and the Romans have seized 
our land ; we do nought but weep, for the wrath of God our 
Creator is fallen upon us. Now search, therefore, the Book 
of Moses ^, who described all this to us — how He who on 
earth called Himself the Son of God would be slain. And 
we have been the cause of the slavinij of this Nazarene. 
Now we see how from the first our fathers have sinned 
against God and have wholly forgotten Him. Then He gave 
them into the hand of the wicked, but they turned again and 
cried aloud unto God, and He speedily saved them from their 
woes ; and thus did they do, as we know from the Scriptures, 

' In A.V. this chapter comes after the story of the miracle performed by 
the holy pillar (p. 41). 

^ A.V. 'letters arrived from Rome and Egypt, and from the Hebrew 
priests and scribes in Babylon.' 

* A.V. ' who tells us : " He who calls Himself God on the earth shall be 
hanged on a tree." ' 

Life of St. Nino. 25 

even unto the seventh time. Now, since the hands of our 
fathers have been raised against the Son of the Virg-in, and 
thev have killed Him, God has become wroth with us. He 
has destroyed our king-dom, and has sent us away from His 
temple. Our race is altogether despised. And from those 
days three hundred years (nay, more) have passed, and He 
has not hearkened to our prayers. Therefore it seems that 
this surely is not false, but that Man was from heaven.' 

Much more did they write unto us, concerning themselves. 
When I had heard this, I began to inquire of the woman Is con- 
Nino about this Christ : who He was, and why the Son of Nino. " 
God had become man. St. Nino opened her mouth, from 
which the words flowed forth like water from a well, and 
she began to tell unto me by heart our books, even from the 
beginning, and to declare their power. And lo ! she awakened 
me as from sleep, and cast light upon my stony heart, and 
made the misery of my fathers manifest unto me. I trusted 
in the new law, and believed in the words of the Lord Jesus 
Christ, the Son of God, who had suffered and risen again, 
and who would come a second time with glory, and who 
was, and is in truth, the expectation of the Gentiles. My 
daughter Sidonia and I became worthy to receive sprinkling 
by the water of Ijaptism, for the cleansing from sins, which 
the prophet David had desired, and of which he could not 
partake. I heard the voice of those that chanted together 
the new law, which David also had longed to hear. And 
I became worthy to partake of the true body and blood of 
Christ, the Son of God, of the Lamb slain for the sins of the 
world, which is of a sweet savour ; and in this foith, O Lord, 
may my soul pass from my body ! And lo ! we saw with 
our eyes many kinds of miracles performed, in Mtzkhet'ha, 
by St. Nino^ 

^ A.V. adds: 'And the house of Eliozi was in the west of the city, at the 
Gate Mogvet'hi (of the Magicians), on the river Kura ; and there was their 
little cemetery, upon which St. Nino raised the cross of Christ, and one by 
one the nobles were baptized there by Jacob the priest and Prosila the arch- 

26 Stttdta Biblica et Ecdesiastica. 

The words of the same Ahiafhar the priest con- 
cerning the tunic (shirt) of our Lord Jesus 
Christ ^ 

I, Abiat'har, relate unto you that story which I have 

heard, and which I have learnt with mine ears from my 

parents, who learnt it from epistles, and from their parents 

and grandparents. 

The Geor- In those days when Herod ruled in Jerusalem, there was 

gian Jews 

deacon. They called the place " The Nobles' Place of Baptism," and it was 
very well known in our days, for it stood in a plain, without other buildings. 

'In those days the Jews of Mtzkhet'ha were filled with hatred towards 
me; and they tore down the tree-fern (?) (cilamo) which stood over against the 
door of the sanctuary and adorned the place, for its branches were entwined 
over all the front of the building. 

' And they began to go thence, except tliose of the house of the Barabeans, of 
whom fifty souls were baptized, and they became inhabitants of Mtzkhet'ha, 
and Mirian gave them a village which is called Tzikhe didi. They were great 
before the king, and were all Christians, by the grace and guidance of the 
blessed Nino.' 

(The Barabeans are mentioned on p. 43 as Cabrabians.) 

' In A.V. this chapter is headed : ' Chapter VII, written down by the 

Hebrew woman called Sidonia, daughter of Abiat'har the priest.' It begins : 

' And it came to pass that the Lord looked down with mercy on this forgotten 

northern land of the Caucasians, on the mountaineers of Somkhil'hi, on which 

mountains was spread a mist, and in the plains a vapour of error and 

ignorance. And the laud was shadowed from the sight and knowledge of 

the sun of righteousness, the Sou of God ; its name in truth is land of the 

shadow (cf. note I on p. 20). . . . There passed until the birth of Christ 

5100 years; from His birth to His crucifixion 33 years; from the crucifixion 

until the conversion of King Ccmstantine of Greece 311 years; fourteen years 

later our queen Nino was sent with the message of truth to the mountains 

of darkness, and the dawn arose, and then shone forth the great monarch of 

day. Such was our history, O Georgians. For we were turned from the 

light, and were inheritors of darkness. We rejoiced gaily and amassed 

treasure, but when we mourned there was no consoler; we served things 

created, and not the Creator. Our fathers (i. e. the Jews) worshipped Gebal 

and Garizin, seated on cherubim, and beside was no God, nor Moses, nor 

a sign of them, but idols of soulless stone. And in this land of Kart'hli were 

two mountains, and on them two idols, Armaz and Zaden, who stink with the 

ill odour of a thousand souls of first-born youths, whom parents sacrificed until 

now. And there were other royal idols, Gatzi and Ga, and they sacrificed to 

them a prince, whom they burned with fire, and the ashes were scattered 

about the head of the idol.' 

Life of St. Nino. 27 

a rumour that the Persians had taken Jerusalem ^, and because liear of 
of this there was grief and mourning- among the Georgian nativity. 
Jews dwelling in Mtzkhet'ha, the priests of Bodi, the scribes 
of Codi's stream, and the translators of the law in K'hobi ^. 
These were all moved to go and help those in Jerusalem. But 
after a few days another messenger arrived with the consoling 
tidings that the Persians were not come to take Jerusalem ; 
for instead of arms ^ they carried royal* gold, myrrh (a speedy 
healer of wounds), and sweet smelling incense ^. They sought 
a certain child born of the seed of David, of a virgin, and 
they found the child born of a virgin, out of season, in an 
unseemly place, as is the custom for strangers (?). And they 
came to the Babe and worshipped Him, and offered Him their 
gifts, and they^ went away in peace '^. And the Georgian 
Jews heard these tidings with great joy. 

After this, thirty years passed by, and Anna ^ the priest Annas, the 
wrote from Jerusalem to my father Eliozi ^ that He to whom gl^^iaons ' 
the kings of Persia came bringing gifts was grown up and ^^^^^ **^ 
arrived at man's estate ^^, and that He called Himself the Son to be 

• A.V. ' that tv^■elve kings had come to take the land.' 

'^ The Hebrew settlements mentioned in the text seem to have been the 
following : £oJi, Budi or Bodbe, in Cakhet'hi, near Signakh, the place of 
Nino's death and burial : her nunnery there still exists. Codis tsqaro, iu 
Kart'hli, a small stream running into the salt Lake Curaisi, not far from the 
Kura, below Tiflis. Coda village is on this stream. Kliobi (in A.V. Sobi, 
but ? misprint) — K'hoba is a small town in Samtzkhe, near the town and old 
fortress of T'hmogvi, district of Akhaltzikhe. 

' A.V. ' and provisions.' * A.V. ' yellow.' 

' A.V. ' the kings themselves bare burdens.' 

* A.V. ' crossed the mountains and.' 

' A.V. ' Now fear not, Jews ; I, Herod, sought and found not that child, 
nor its mother. But now I have raised the sword against all children of two 
years and less, and have destroyed him with them,' 

' A.V. ' Ana.' ^ A.V. ' father's father Oziai.' 

'" A.V. ' and was arrived with John the son of Zakaria at the river Jordan. 
There went forth all the people of Jerusalem, and with them was thy father's 
mother's brother Elios (? Vthos). And behold the sky thundered, and the 
earth trembled, the mountains shook, the hills sang, the sea stood still, the 
waters arose — the son of Zakaria fled, and we were all seized with fear and 
trembling; and because of the multitude of tlie people we were silent 
concerning this matter.' 


Studia Biblica ct Ecclesiastica. 

jn-esent at 



liears the 
nailing of 
Christ to 
tlie cross, 
and dies. 

Eliozi car- 
ries Christ's 
tunic to 
ha, and 
gives it 
to his 
sister, who 
dies, and 
is buried 
with the 

of God. ' Come hither unto His death, which will fulfil the 
law of God and of Moses.' 

Eliozi went thither ; he was my father's father, an aged 
man, and his mother was of the race of Eli the priest, and 
Eliozi had one sister. The mother of Eliozi entreated him, 
saying" : ' Go, my son, at the royal summons of the ting, to 
fulfil that law, despite which they take counsel. Consort not 
with them, O my son, for He is the word of the prophets 
and the fahle of the wise, and the secret hidden from the 
Jews, the light of the Gentiles and life everlasting.' Eliozi 
of Mtzkhet'ha and Longinozi of Carsni went away, and saw 
the crucifixion of the Lord Christ. 

Now when they nailed the Lord on the cross, and Hasanig^ 
struck the nails with an iron hammer in Jerusalem, Eliozi's 
mother, in !Mtzkhet'ha, heard the blows, and suddenly cried 
out : * Farewell, kingdom of the Jews, for ye have slain your 
Saviour and Deliverer, and henceforth ye shall he accounted 
enemies and murderers of your Creator ! Woe is me that I am 
not buried before His death, for mine ears shall no longer 
hear, and after this I am no longer worthy to look upon the 
light of the Gentiles and tiie peace of Israel.' When she 
had uttered these words, she straightway entered into rest. . 

The Lord's tunic fell by lot to the Jews of IMtzkhet'ha, 
and Eliozi took it to Mtzkhet'ha. His sister received him in 
tears, and embraced his neck ; and taking the garment of Jestis, 
she pressed it to her bosom, and immediately her soul passed 
from her body. Threefold was the cause of her death : bitter 
grief at the slaying of Christ, sorrow for her mother's death, 
and 2 disappointment that she had not been present with 
her brother at the crucifixion. Then there was great wonder 
and turmoil in IMtzkhet'ha, which reached even unto King 

* A.V. 'Pasanic'; Q. Mariam's MS. 'Pasang'; Shio Mghv. MS. and 
Nat'hl. Mtz. 'Pasanig'; KartTil. Tzkh. and other variants, ' Hasinig.' All 
these are probably corruptions of the word pasenaki, i. e. royal officer for 
executing justice, executioner. 

^ A.V. 'longing for the tunic' 

Life of St. Nino. 29 

Aderci ^ ; and all the people, and their princes, and King Aderei 
himself wished for the garment. But he was seized with 
horror and alarm when he found that he could not draw it 
from her hands ; so firmly and eagerly did she clasp the 
garment to her breast, that her brother Eliozi buried it with 
her. The place w^here she was buried God only knows ^, and 
none other can tell, save that it is near unto a cedar, brought 
from Lebanon, planted and reared in Mtzkhet'ha. 

My father also told me that the mantle of Elijah, a double (?) 
garment, endued with divine power, is in that city, lying 
under the stone of the altar of strength, nnfound ^ until the 
appointed time. 

St. Nino urged me to ask my father to tell me all in detail, 
to satisfy her longing to know the place where the tunic was. 
But he only said that the place of its burial was there where 
the tongues of men sing praises to God, the place where Jacob 
saw the ladder which mounted to heaven *. 

^ After many years the grandnephew of King Aderci, King 
Amzael ^, sought the garment among the Jews, but he could 
neither find it nor learn anything of it, except what is men- 
tioned above : that it was said to be buried near a cedar of 
Lebanon. But the family of the same Eliozi, who brought 
the tunic and buried it with his sister, knew that it was to the 
east of the city, by the bridge of the Magi. 

In those days St. Nino saw three times ", yea, four times, in 
sleep, a vision. She was on her knees, and, bent forward, had 
fallen into a light slumber. She saw birds with black wings 
fly down from heaven, and they entered into the river, and 

^ A.V. ' Amazaer,' but in all otlier variants Aderci is said to have been 
king of Kart'hli at Christ's death. 

^ A.V. ' and my mother Nino knows, hut she does not tell, for it is not yet 
time to declare it. Let this suffice for disciples of Nino and believers in 
Christ, to know that it ia near the place where a cedar brought from Lebanon 
was planted in Mtzkhet'ha.' 

^ A.V. ' incon-uptible.' 

* ? The altar of the church at Mtzkhet'ha thus described metaphorically. 

^ A.V. omits this paragraph. ^ a.d. 88. 

' A.V. * twice and three times.' 

30 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

bathed, and became pure white, and they flew into the garden 

already sjjoken of, and gathered the fruits and pecked the 

flowers ; and they came graciously and lovingly towards Nino 

as if she were the mistress of the garden, and gathered round 

her, singing sweetly K 

When St. Nino told this to her disciple Sidonia (Abiat'har's 

daughter), she answered : ' O stranger, of foreign birth 1 

captive, according to thy words ! I know that by thee these 

times will be renewed, and through thy means wall hear the 

story of what our fathers did ; how they spilled the innocent 

blood of the Divine One, for which deed the Jews have 

become a shame, scattered to the ends of the earth, their 

kingdom destroyed, and their holy temple taken from them, 

their glory given unto a strange people. O Jerusalem, 

Jerusalem ! thy wings are stretched forth -, and thou gatherest 

imder thy wings every nation from the ends of the heavens. 

Behold now this woman is come, by whom will be changed 

all the law of this land.' Then she turned to Nino and said : 

' This thy vision announces and declares, that this place will 

be spiritually changed by thee into a garden of Paradise, 

yielding heavenly fruits for evermore.' 

Mirian re- ^Now when King Miriau returned from Greece, put to 

Greece. flight by King Constantine, he heard how St. Nino preached 

the gospel of Christ ; for he heard it openly said that ' the 

dwellers in the north were found in error,' and he was told of 

the vine-stem cross, and of the great miracles done by her. 

Without medicine she cured those who had incurable diseases 

by the application of the cross. Her disciples also preached : 

those who had been secretly converted, to the number of 

seven women of the Jewish race : Sidonia, the daughter 

of Abiat'har, and six others, and the couple who kept the 

Abiat'har's king's garden, and Abiat'har the priest, that new Paul, who 
preaching. x ^ j 

* A.V. does not say that the birds were black, nor that they became white. 
' A.V. ' thy children are scattered.' 

' A.V. from this point to the incident of Khwarai (p. 33) is very brief, 
saying little about the miracles. 

Life of St. Nino. 31 

preacbed the law of Christ fearlessly and unceasingly. He 
was skilled in the old law, the new law he learned from Nino ; 
and even more than Nino he convinced all men and taught 
the law of truth. 

The Jews were moved to stone Abiat'har^ but King Mirian Mirian 
sent servants and hindered the Jews from killing him, for Abiat'har 
King Mirian wished for the law of Christ, having" heard of*^«"'^*^*^ 

° _ _ ' fc> tiie Jews. 

many miracles done by it in Greece and Armenia, and he did 
not hinder the preaching of Nino and her disciples. But the 
devil, the enemy of all true believers, warred against him ; 
and Queen Nana ^ was more cruel than the king, and a despiser 
of the preaching of the true gospel of Christ. 

St. Nino prayed unceasingly in her dwelling in the bramble 
bush, and the heathen were surprised at her prayer and watch- 
ing, and it seemed strange unto them, and they began to 
question her. And she made known to them the old and 
new books, making the foolish wise, and putting into their 
hearts the love of Christ. 

Three years did she preach thus, converting many. Now Nino heals 
there was a young boy of noble birth who was very sick, and nobleman, 
his mother took him from door to door, to see if perchance 
she might find some skilled in healing, and helpful in his 
trouble. They all diligently inquired into his sickness, but 
none could cure the child, and the physicians told the woman 
that her boy could never be healed. The woman was a bitter 
heathen, hating the Christian faith, and hindering others 
from going to consult Nino ; but, being in despair, she came 
and fell down before Nino, entreating her to heal the lad. 
St. Nino said : ' That healing art which is of man I know not ; 
but my God whom I serve, Christ, can cure this child, though 
all think his case hopeless.' She placed the sick boy on the 
cloth ^ whereon she always prayed, and began to entreat the 
Lord ; and the child was cured. She gave the astonished 

* Sabinin says that Nana was the daughter of the Pontian general Nikator, 
and that she raised a statue of Venus in Georgia. Others say she was the 
daughter of Uliotori of Pontus. ^ cilici, i. e. cilicium. 

32 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

and joyful boy to his mother, who confessed Christ, saying- : 
' There is no God save Christ, whom Nino preaches.' And 
she became St. Nino's disciple, and went her way glorifying- 

Queen Queen Nana fell sick of a sore and grievous illness which 

hLaled none was able to cure. All the skilled physicians exhausted 
by Nino, ^j^^-j. medicines, and yet could do nothing ; they were power- 
less and despairing. Then Queen Nana was told how the 
Roman captive woman, who was called Nino, had, by her 
prayers, healed many sick folk. She commanded her servants 
to bring Nino. They went and found her sitting in the 
bower under the bramble, praying, and it was the sixth 
hour. They told her the queen's command. (She answered:) 
' We are not commanded to go out of our humble tent ; but 
let the queen come hither to my abode, and verily she shall 
be cured by the power of Christ.' The servants related to the 
queen what Nino had said, and she eagerly bade them prepare 
her couch and take her ; and her servants bore her on her 
couch, and her sou. Rev, and man}' people went with her. 
When they came to St. Nino's dwelling, and placed the queen 
on the cloth, St. Nino began to pray and entreat God for 
a long time ; then she took her cross, and with it touched the 
queen's head, her feet, and her shoulders, making the sign of 
the cross ; and straightway she was cured, and arose restored ; 
Conversion and she believed in Christ, and said : ' There is no other God 
Nana. '^^^^ Christ, whom this captive woman preaches.' From that 
time she became the friend of Nino, and always inquired 
and sought to know the faith of Christ ; and St. Nino, and 
Abiat'har (the new Paul), and his daughter Sidonia taught her. 
And the queen became a believer, and knew the true God. 
Mirian in- The king inquired of her how she was so suddenly cured, 
the and she told him all : how, without medicine, by the touch of 

a cross, she was healed ; and multitudes who had seen it 
confirmed the queen's words. King Mirian was filled with 
wonder, and he began to seek the faith of Christ. Often he 
inquired of the Jew, Abiat'har, of the old and new books, and 


Life of St. Nino. 33 

he was instructed in everything. In the Book of Nebrot'hi ^, Prophecy 
which King- Mirian had, he found what was written about Christ in ^ 
the building of the tower ^. How there was a voice from *^\^^^^* 

° of Nimroii. 

heaven to Nebrot'hi, saying : ' I am Mikael, appointed by 
God to be ruler of the east. Depart from that town, for God 
protects it ; but in the last days will come a Lord from heaven 
who will be despised among a despised people. The fear of 
Him will bring to nought the charms of the world; kings 
shall forsake their kingdoms and seek poverty. He will look 
upon thee in thy grief and deliver thee.' 

Then Mirian perceived that what the old and new books King 
testified was affirmed by the Book of Nebrot'hi, and he became studies the 
eager for the faith of Christ. But the invisible enemy warred Scriptures, 
against him, hindering the confession of Christ, strengthening 
in his heart the hope in idols and fire. The queen ceased 
not to entreat him to confess Christ ; but for a year from but still 
the time of the queen's conversion the king was undecided. 
St. Nino taught the people unceasingly, and to none did she 
say who she was nor whence she came, but she called herself 
a captive. 

After this, there was a magician (fire- worshipper), a Persian A Persian 
prince named Khwarai^; he was sick in mind, and beside sick, 
himself, and nigh unto death. Now this prince was a kinsman 
of King Mirian *, and the king and queen begged St. Nino's Mirian and 
help, and the king looked to her, being still undecided. He Nino's 
said to St. Nino : ' By what god's power dost thou perform ® ''' 

J f=> i^ i' Mirian'H 

these cures ? Art thou a daughter of Armaz, or a child of defence of 
Zaden ? Thou art come hither from a strange land, and the g^jg 
graciousness of the gods is fallen upon thee ; they have 

* Nimrod. Mr. J. Rendel Harris says that in the Convent of Sinai, Cod. 
Arab. No. 456, there is a piece entitled ' The History of Nebrod Son of 
Canaan,' a 'laropia tfe^puS vloii Xavadv. 

^ Or rather ' column.' ' The Book of Nimrod is mentioned in Vakhtang 
Gorgaslan's life. 

^ A.V. ' Khuarasneuli (i. e. a native of Khorasan), Nana's mother's 
brother.' {Sneuli meana sick.) 

* A.V. now agrees in the main with tlie text followed. 


34 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

endowed thee with the power of healing, with which thou 

may est bring life to a strange land and be renowned for ever. 

Be as a nurse to our children in this worshipful city ^, but 

speak not these strange words of the false faith of the Romans 

— say nothing of it. For, behold, the great conquering gods 

of the world ^, enlighteners and teachers of the Kart'hlians, 

Armaz and Zaden, searchers out of every hidden thing, with 

the ancient gods of our fathers, Gatzi and Gaim ^, are to be 

trusted in by men. Now if thou wilt cure this prince, I shall 

enrich thee, and make thee a citizen of Mtzkhet'ha, as a 

servant of Armaz. Though by the winds and hail that beat 

upon him he was broken, nevertheless that place is immovable. 

This Armaz and the god of the Chaldeans, It'hrujan *, have 

ever been enemies ; our god caused the sea to flow over the 

other, who has now done this. Thus is the custom of the 

conquerors of the world. Now be thou content with this my 


Nino St. Nino replied : ' O king, in the name of Christ, by the 

Cbrist, intercession of His Mother and all His Saints, may the God 

of heaven and earth, the Creator, send down upon thee His 

glory and greatness, and may He pour out upon thee from the 

countless store of His mercies, as from a furnace, one spark of 

His grace, that thou mayest know and perceive the height ° 

of the heavens, the light of the sun, the depth of the sea, the 

breadth of the earth and its foundation. And mayest thou 

know, O king, who clothes the heaven with clouds, with 

winds, and with the voice of thunder, who shakes the earth 

with His violence, and casts forth the lightning*', and sets 

the mountains on fire with His divine wrath, who causes all 

the earth to tremble (the great serpent in the seas trembles), 

even unto the destruction of all the earth, mountains and 

solid rocks. Know thou all these things ; for the unseen God 

' A.V. ' Be as one of the nurses in this honourable land.' 

^ A.V. ' the givers of fruits, of sun, and of raiu.' ^ _^_y_ iq^^ 

* A.V. ' It'hrushana.' 

* ' simaghle,' but A.V. has ' simart'hle,' i. e. justice. 

* A.V. ' on its path, and sends forth the fires of his wrath.' 

Life of St. Nino. 35 

in the heavens, He is Lord of all created things, except His 
Son, who proceeded from Him into the world, appearing in 
the form of a man ; He fulfilled all for which He came, and 
ascended into the heights to His Father. The everlasting 
God is high, and looks down upon the humble^ and He knows 
the proud from afar. O king, His presence is near unto thee ; 
for in this city is a marvel, the garment of the Son of God ; 
and they say the mantle of Elijah is also here, and many 
miracles have been revealed ; and I will cure this thy prince 
only in the name of my Christ and by the cross of His 
sufferings, as it also cured Queen Nana of her great sickness.' 

And they brought that prince to her, and Queen Nana and heals 
came also into the garden, and they put him under the cedar. 
Nino raised her hands to the eastward, and said thrice : 
' O devil, I conjure thee to leave him, that Christ, the Son of 
God, may come in.' And Nino wept, sighing from her soul, 
and besought the help of God for that man. Her disciples 
also were there for one day and two nights ^, and suddenly 
the evil spirit went forth. The prince, and his family, and 
his people ^ were converted by Nino, and they glorified the 
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now, always, and for 
evermore. Amen. 

Story told hy the ivoman Sidonia, ivho was the 
disciple of St. Nino, ivho saw and described 
the miraculous conversion of King Mirian, and 
how he fell at the feet of Nino to confess Christ. 
The setting up of the cross, the building of 
a church, and the miracles done therein. 

One day in summer, in the month of July (20th day), on Kmg 

IMiri&n re- 

the Sabbath day ^, [the king went forth to hunt, towards solves to 
Mukhran. Unseen, that adversary, the devil, came unto him, chfigtians 

' A.V, ' one day.' ^ A.V. omits ' and his people.' 

^ From this point to the words : * Queen Nana and all the people passed 

out to meet the king ' (on p. 37), there is a hiatus in A.V., filled in from 

Nat'hl. Mtz. and Shio. Mghv. variants. 

D 2, 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

At the 
falls on 

he prays 
to God 

and is 

and implanted in his heart the love of fire and idols, and he 
thouo-ht to massacre all the Christians, in order to do service 
to his false g-ods. The king- said to four of his counsellors : 
' We are not worthy before our gods, for we are idle in their 
service, and have allowed these Christian sorcerers to preach 
their faith in our land ; and they perform their miracles of 
sorceiy. Now my advice is this : That we destroy all these 
trusters in the cross, unless they will serve the conquering 
gods of Kart'hli. Let us see Nana, my wife, if she will 
repent, and forsake her belief in the cross, and if not, I will 
forget my love for her, and, with the others, she too shall 
be destroj'ed.' His companions agreed with this counsel ; for 
they were zealous in this matter, having desired it from the 
beginning, but not daring to declare themselves openl3^ 

The king passed the environs of Mukhran, and went up the 
high mountain T'hkhot'hi \ whence he saw Caspi and Up'hlis- 
tzikhe ; he was crossing the mountain towards the south when 
the sun was darkened, and it became like black, eternal night. 
The darkness seized upon the surroundings, and the men lost 
one another. In grief and anxiety the king was left alone. 
He wandered about on the thickly wooded mountains ; then, 
fearful and trembling, he stood in one place, and hope for his 
safety forsook him. Then he bethought himself and took 
counsel in his heart : ' Lo, I have called on my gods and 
have not found comfort. Now, can He whom Nino preaches, 
the cross and the Crucified, through hope in whom she does 
miracles, can He have power to deliver me from my grief? 
I am in a living hell, and I know not if over all the earth 
this change has taken place, and the light turned to dark- 
ness, or only on me. If this grief be for me alone, O God of 
Nino, lighten this night to me, and show me the world again, 
and I will confess Thy name. I will erect a wooden cross and 
worship it, and set up a house to pray in, and obey Nino 
and the faith of the Romans,' 

When he had spoken thus, it became light, and the sun 
1 Thirteen miles west of Mukhran. A small church still marks the spot. 

Life of St. Nino. 37 

shone forth in his glory. Then the king- dismounted from his 
horse, and. standing in that place, stretched out his hands 
towards the eastern heavens, and said : ' Thou art a God above 
all gods, a Lord above all lords, Thou God of whom !Nino tells, 
and Thy name is to be praised by all creatures under the 
heavens and upon the earth ; for Thou hast delivered me from 
my woe and lightened my darkness. Behold, I know that 
Thou desirest my deliverance, and I rejoice, O blessed Lord, 
to come near Thee. In this jilace will I set up a wooden 
cross, by which they may glorify Thy name, and may 
remember this miraculous deed for ever.' So he took note 
of the place, and then departed. Now the scattered people 
saw that light, and assembled ; and the king cried out : ' Give 
the glory to Nino's God, for He is God for ever, and to Him 
only is glory fitting for ever-.'] 

Queen Nana and all the people passed out to meet the king, King 
for they had heard first that he had perished and then that he t^j.^^ ^^ 
was returning in peace. They met him at Kindzara and Mtzkhet - 
Ghart'ha ^. And St. Nino was in her bramble bush praying 
at that hour, as was her custom at eventide, and we with her 
were fifty souls. And when the king came, the town seemed 
to shake. The king cried with a loud voice : ' Where is that 
stranger woman, who is our mother, and whose God is my 
Deliverer?' When he heard that she was in the bush pray- 
ing, he went towards her with all his army, dismounted, and 
said to Nino : ' Now am I become worthy to call upon the 
name of thy God and my Deliverer.' So St. Nino taught him, 

and bade him worship towards the east and confess Christ a"'! con- 
the Son of God. There was trembling and weeping among Christ. 

all the people when they saw the king and queen in tears ^. 

The next day King Mirian sent ambassadors to Greece, to 

^ End of hiatus in A.V. 

^ Kindzara is a few miles north of Mtzkhet'ha, on the river Narecvavi, near 
its junction with the Aragva. Ghart'ha is in the same district. 

^ A.V. adds : ' fur joy, and because of the wonderful miracle which had 
taken place.' 

His em- 
bassy to 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Kino- Constantine, V and a letter from Nino to Queen Elene 
telling- of all the miracles performed by Christ, which had 
been done in Mtzkhet'ha to King Mirian, and entreating them 
to send priests quickly to baptize them]. And St. Nino and 
her disciples preached to the people day and nig-ht un- 
ceasingly, and showed them the true way to the kingdom of 


begins to 
build a 

The cen- 
tral pillar 
cannot be 

Words of the same (Sidonia) concerning the 
huildmg of the church -. 

The people quickly adopted Christianity. Before the priests 
came, the king said to St. Nino^ 'I will hasten to build 
a house of God. Where shall it be built?' Nino said: 
' Wherever the prince ^ wishes.' The king replied : ' I like 
this thy bush, and there would it please me. But if it may 
not be there, let it be in the royal garden by the tall cedar 
among fruitful branches and sweet-scented flowers [^ according 
to the vision which thou didst see, of black-feathered birds 
bathing in the waters, so that they became dazzlingly white, 
and, seating themselves in the trees, poured forth their sweet 
voices]. Truly this transitory garden will bring us to 
eternal life. There shall we build a house of God ^ for prayer, 
before the coming of the priests from Greece.' 

Quickly he took wood, and instructed the carpenters. And 
they cut down the cedar, and from it prei)ared ** seven pillars 
for the church. When they had built the wooden wall, they 
set up the pillars one by one. The biggest pillar, which was 
wonderful to look upon, was ready to be placed in the midst 
of the church, but they could not raise it. The king was 
informed of the miracle, how they could not move the column 

' A.V. omits the passage in brackets. 

^ A.V. does not make this a separate chapter. ' A.V. ' king.' 

* A.V. omits this passage about Nino's vision. 

^ A.V. adds : ' which vrill stand for ever.' 

' A.V. ' a pillar, and on its roots they laid the foundation of the church.' 

Life of St. Nino. 39 

into its place. Then the king* came with many people, and 
they used very powerful machines, and great force, and all 
the people tried by many means to raise it, but they could 
not. The king and all the people were astonished, and said : 
' What can this be ?' And when evening came, the king went 
home very sad. 

St. Nino and twelve women of her disciples tarjied by the Vision of 
pillar and wept. And at midnight those two mountains — Mounts ° 
Armaz and Zaden — fell, as if they had been broken off, and Armaz and 

"^ Zatlen. 

they stopped the rivers. The Mtcvari (Kara) rushed down 
and carried away the town, and there was a terrible sound of 
weeping and lamentation. The Aragva also descended upon 
the fortress, and there were fearful noises. The women were 
afraid and fled, but the blessed Nino cried aloud : ' Fear not, 
my sisters ; the mountains stand there, and all the people are 
asleep. This destruction of the mountains is but a symbol, 
for the mountains of paganism are cast down in Kart'hli, and 
the rivers which are stopped are the blood of the children 
sacrificed to their idols ^, which now will cease. The voice of 
lamentation is that of many devils, mourning because they 
are driven from their places by the power from on high and 
by the Cross of Christ. Turn back, therefore, and pray to God.' 
And suddenly the sounds ceased, and there was nothing. 

St. Nino arose and stretched forth her hands and prayed to Vision of 
God, saying : ' May this matter not be hindered, which the invasion of 
king is engaged upon.' Again, before the cock crew, a power- M^tzkhet'- 
ful army appeared wdth terrible noise at the three gates of 
the city. They broke the gates in pieces, and the town was 
filled with Persian soldiers. There arose horror-inspiring 
cries and shrieks, and there was slaughter and shedding of 
blood everywhere. There was great wailing, and clashing 
of swords, and at this fearful sight our bodies became faint 
and our souls lost courage ; and there was much weeping for 
our kinsfolk. Suddenly there was heard a loud cry : ' Khuara, 
king of the Persians, and Khuarankhuasra ^, king of kings, 
* A.V. ' to their evil spirits.' ^ A.V. ' Khuarankhuara.' 

40 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

command that every Jew be given to the edge of the sword.' 
When I heard this and understood it, I and the ten ^ who 
were with me were filled with doubts, and the swordsmen 
were approaching nearer, and round about us they killed and 
slew. Then a mighty voice was heard, saying : ' King Mirian 
has been captured.' Our saving guide looked round and said: 
' I know what that cry is which now causes so much grief. 
Let us thank God. This is a sign of their destruction, of 
the life of Kart'hli and the glory of this place.' Our wise 
leader consoled us, she was in truth our leader and blessed 

She (Nino) turned to one of the army, and said : ' Where 
are the kings Khuara and Khuavankhuasra ? Yesterday ye 
came forth from Sabastan ; how are ye arrived so quickly ? 
Ye are a great host and mighty ; why have ye destroyed this 
city and given it to the sword ? Go with the winds and 
breezes to the mountains and rocks of the North, for behold 
He cometh from whom ye flee.' She stretched forth her 
hands and made the sign of the cross, and suddenly it all 
became invisible, and there was a great calm. The women ^ 
blessed Nino and glorified God. 
The pillar When dawn was drawing nigh, the m omen fell asleep, but 
lously * I' Sidonia, was awake, and she stood with upraised hands, 
fixed. Behold, a youth stood there, adorned in brilliant light, shrouded 

in fire ; and he spoke some words. She fell on her face, and 
the youth put his hand to the column and raised it, and it 
stood up. And I, Sidonia, was astonished, and said: 'O 
queen, what is this?' She answered : 'Bond thy head to the 
earth ' ; and she began to weep. A little while afterwards, 
she and I arose and went from that place. And the women 
who were without also saw the column 3. And it was as if 
fire came down ; and it (the column) approached its own place, 
and stood twelve cubits away from the earth, and gently, by 

? Probably the meaning is that some Judas bad meantime deserted 
St_ Nino. 2 A.V. ' sisters.' 

^ A.V. ' And the women were outside, and behold I saw the column.' 

Life of St. Nino. 41 

degrees, settled above the place cut out for it at the root of 
the cedar. 

At daylight the king arose^ heavy hearted v^ith care, 
looked at the garden and the newly commenced church of 
which he thought so much. He saw a light, like a flash 
of lightning, rising to heaven from his garden. He began 
to run, and quickly came there, and all the multitude of his 
household and all the people of the town came, for they too 
saw the miracle. The column, shining with light, came down 
into its place, as if from heaven, and stood firm in its place, 
untouched by the hands of man. Happy the time when this 
happened ! The city of Mtzkhet'ha was filled with fear and 
joy, and shed rivers of tears. The king and princes and all 
the people with deep sighs glorified God, and blessed St, Nino, 
and great miracles were done that day. 

^ First there came a Jew, blind from his birth. He Miracles 
approached the divinely raised column and immediately at the 
received his sight, and glorified God. pillar. 

Then there was Amzaspani^, a youth of the court, who had Healing of 
been bedridden for eight years. His mother brought him in p^^j^j ' 
faith, and placed his couch before the pillar of light, entreat- 
ing Nino : * Look upon this my son who is nigh unto death ; 
for I know that the God whom thou servest and preachest 
unto us is God.' Nino touched the column, and placed her 
hand upon the lad, saying : ' Dost thou believe in Jesus Christ, 
the Son of God, come in the flesh to give life to all the 
world ^? ... Be cured through Him, and praise Him whose 
power heals thee.' Straightway the youth arose whole, and 
great fear seized the king and all the people. All kinds of 
sick came and were healed, until the king put a covering of 
wood round the column and hid it from sight, and even then 
the people touched the covering and w^ere cured. The king 

^ A.V. begins a new chapter. 
^ A.V. does not give the youth's name. 

^ A.V. inserts : ' And the youth replied : " Yes, queen, I believe in Jesus 
Christ, the Saviour of creatures." Then said Nino : '. 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

tine's em- 
bassy to 

quickly set about the completion of the church in the royal 

^When King" Mirian^s ambassadors arrived before King 
Constantine and told him what had happened, the king and 
his mother, Queen Elene, were filled with gladness: first, 
because the grace of God was shining into all places, and by their 
hands all Kait'hli would be baptized ; and then they rejoiced 
because they believed that the Persians would be destroyed 
by King Mirian ; and they received them with love. They 
praised and thanked God, and sent the true priest loane the 
bishop, and with him two priests and three deacons. King 
Constantine wrote a letter of prayer and blessing to Mirian, 
thanking God, and sent him a cross, an icon of the Saviour, 
and many gifts. Queen Elene wrote a letter of praise and 
comfort to Nino. The bishop, priests, and ambassadors arrived 
at Mtzkhet'ha. The king and all the people were filled with 
joy, for they longed to be baptized. Then Mirian immediately 
sent forth a command that all the erisfhavs (governors of 
provinces), sjMsalars (generals), and all the persons in his 
kingdom should be called before him ; and they all came in 
great haste to the town. 

The king was baptized under the hand of St. Nino, and, 
people hap- afterwards, the queen and their children under the hands of 
tized. ^\^Q priests and deacons. They blessed the river Mtcvari 

(Kura), and the bishop prepared a place near the gate of 
the bridge of the Magicians, where was the house of Elioz 
the priest, and there the illustrious people were baptized, and 
they called that spot Mt'havart'h Sanat'hlo (the place of 
baptism of the princes). Lower down on the same river, in 
two places, the two priests and the deacons baptized the 
people. The people struggled one with another ; quickly 
they entreated the monks, each to be first baptized, so strong 
was their desire to be baptized, for they had heard the preach- 

^ A.V. omits to the end of the chapter, only saying: 'Then came the 
ambassadors from Greece with the chief of the priests, priests and deacons, 
and began to baptize, as is written above.' 

and his 

Life of St. Nino. 43 

ing of Nino, how she had said : ' None who are not baptized 
will find that light eternal.' Therefore they were all in 
great haste to be baptized. So they all received baptism, 
and the majority in Kart'hli, except the Mt'hiulians (moun- 
taineers) of Caucasus ; the light was shed upon them, but 
they lay obstinately in darkness for some time. There were 
the Jews of Mtzkhet'ha, also, who were not baptized, except 
the Cabrabians ^, of whom were baptized fifty souls, and they 
became true Christians ; for this they became great before 
the king, and he gave them a village which they call TzihJie 
didi (the great stronghold). P'heroz, the son-in-law of King 
Mirian, did not receive baptism, nor his people, but they were 
obedient to King Mii-ian's temporal power. 

Then King Mirian sent Bishop loane, and men of power Mirian 
with him, to King Constantine, and begged for a piece of Constan- 
the wood of life which at that time had appeared to the *^°® ^^'^ 

•Ti more 

servant and lover of Christ, Queen Elene. He also asked that priests. 
many priests might be sent into all the towns and places to 
baptize the people, so that soon every soul in Kart'hli might 
be baptized ; he also asked for masons to build churches. 
When they arrived before the Emperor Constantine, he gave 
them gladly of the wood of life : those beams to which the 
feet of the Lord were nailed, and the nails for the hands. He 
sent also priests and many masons. 

King Constantine built in his kingdom a holy church, Constan- 
a holy temple, and gave very great treasure to Bishop loane, churches 
and commanded that wherever he first came in Kart'hli, '^"^^*- 
there they should build churches in his name, that this gift 
might be possessed in the bounds of Kart'hli. The bishoj) 
went away, and with him the ambassadors. When they 
arrived at the place which is called Erushet'hi^, the car- 

* Kart'hl. Tzkh. ' Barabians.' Said to be descendants of Barabbas. 

^ Erushet'hi was a district, with a river of the same name, at the head 
waters of the Kura. The village or fortress of Erushet'hi is close to Naka- 
lakevi, ' oti ^tait une ville, aujourd'hui simple bourg. Lb, fut batie une belle 
eglise k coupole, par un envoye du grand Constantin, aux frais de I'empereur.' 
Wakhoucht, Descr. geogr. p. 105 ; Berge and Bakradze, ZapigJcl, p. no ; Sisl. 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

of the 
church in 

penters stopped there to build the church ; they put the 
treasure there, and the nails by which the Lord's hands 
were pierced. Then they went on and came to Manglis^ 
and beg-an to build a church, and there they placed the beams 
to which the Lord's feet were nailed. And King- Mirian 
was displeased that they did not come first to the royal city, 
but had begun to bnild churches in other towns and places, 
and had left the relics there. But St. Nino came to him and 
said : ' O king, be not angry ; for wherever they go they 
spread abroad the name of God ; and in this city is there not 
the glorious garment of the Lord ? ' 

The king took Abiat'har and many Jews with him, and 
inquired of them concerning the tunic ; and they told him 
all that which is written above. Then King Mirian raised 
his hand, and said: 'Blessed art Thou, O Jesus, Son of the 
living God ; for from the beginning Thou didst desire to 
deliver us from the devil and the dark place. Therefore was 
Thy holy garment brought from Thy holy city Jerusalem by 
those Hebrews, deniers of Thy divinity, and of a race unknown 
to us.' 

The king and all the city went forward firmly in Christianity. 
The carpenters began to build a church on the outskirts of 
the city, on the dwelling of St. Nino, Avhere the bramble was, 
and where now is the bishop's church. And St. Nino said : 
' Blessed is our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Father of our Lord, 
who hath sent down His holy Word from the high heavens, 
even from His mighty throne, that He might descend to the 
base earth, born indeed of the seed of David, of a virgin pure 
and holv ; for it was agreeable to Him to erive life to us. He 

c7e la Giorgie, t. i. pp. i 21, 195. At Cumurdo, still nearer the source of the 
Kura, is another church said to have been built by Constantine's envoys. 
Berg^ and Bakradze, Zaii. p. 85; Wakhoucht, pp. 99, lOl, 103; Brosset, 
Voy. archeol. II Rapp. p. 166, IV Rapp. p. 6. 

^ Manglis church is about twenty-five miles west of Tiflis. Vide Berg4 and 
Bakr;idze, p. 93; Wakhoucht, Descr. yeorjr. p. 1 71. — ' Cette eglise n'a jamais 
et^ ruinee. Au midi de la votite est represente Mahomet sur un lion; on dit 
que c'est pour cela que les musulmans I'ont respect^e.' 

Life of St. Nino. 45 

hath enlig-htened all beneath the heavens, so that they might 
become believers. He was born as man, He, the Light of 
all, the Image of God ; and, as a servant of the law, He was 
baptized with water and with the Spirit ; He was crucified 
and buried, and rose the third day, ascended into heaven unto 
His Father, and again He cometh with glory. Unto whom 
is fitting all glory, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, now, 
always, and for ever.' 

The Raising of the Honourahle Cross \ 

When the king and queen, with their children and all the A miracu- 
people, were baptized, there stood, on the top of an inaccessible 
rock, a tree, exceedingly beautiful, and of a sweet smell. It 
was a wonder-working tree, for beasts wounded by arrows 
came to it, and when they ate of its leaves, or of the seed 
fallen to the ground, they were healed, even if they came 
wounded unto death. 

This seemed a great miracle to these sometime pagans, 
and they told Bishop loane about the tree. The bishop 
said : ' Lo ! in truth, from the beginning this land hath 
been set apart by God for His service. This tree has been 
planted by God for this present time, for even now has the 
grace of God shone forth on Kai-t'hli; and from this tree shall 
be made the worshipful cross which all the multitudes of 
Kart'hli shall worship.' And Rev, the king's son, and the is cut 
bishop, and many of the people went and cut down the tree, 
and took it, with its branches, and ten times ten men carried 
it, covered with its branches and leaves, into the town. The 
people gathered together to see it, because of its greenness 
and leafiness in the days of summer ^ when every other tree 
was dry. Its leaves had not fallen, and it was pleasant to the 

* A.V. adds 'written by Jacob' (the priest). In A.V, Jacob vviites in the 
first person. 

^ All the other MSS. except Kart'hl. Tzkh. read 'winter,' which the con- 
text shows to be correct. 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

and made 


A fiery 
cross and 

smell and fair to look upon. They set the tree up on its root, 
at the southern door of the church, where the breezes wafted 
abroad its fragrant odour and opened the leaves ; the sight of 
it was beautiful, as we are told that the tree planted in Eden 
was fail'. It was felled on the twenty-fifth of March, on 
a Friday, and the tree stood there thirty-seven days, and its 
leaves did not change colour ; it was as if it stood from the 
root to the topmost branch in a stream, until all the trees of 
the forest were clad in foliage, and the fruit trees were in 
bloom. Then on the first of May they made the (three) 
crosses, and on the seventh they raised them, under the pro- 
tection^ of the king, with rejoicing, and by the will of all the 
people of the city, who were in the church. 

Now all the people of the city saw in all those days that 
a fiery cross came down from heaven upon it ; round about 
was, as it were, a crown of stars, and the cross of fire rested 
upon the church until daylight ; and when daylight came, two 
of the stars separated from the others — one went to the east 
and one to the west, and the brightest went gently towards 
the place, near the stream, beyond Aragva, and stood on that 
rocky hill where was the rivulet which had sprung from the 
tears of St. Nino ^, and thence it mounted to heaven. 

Thus all the people many times saw God's salvation, and 
they began to inquire of the blessed Nino, sajdng : ' What 
meaneth this, that shining stars have come forth, and one is 
gone to the east, even to the mountains of Cakhet'hi, and the 
other to the west, to the neighbourhood of this city^?' 
St. Nino answered : ' When it is seen where they shine on 
those mountains, there let them erect two crosses to Christ.' 
The king did thus, and they watched the highest mountains ^ 
one after the other. This happened upon a Friday, and on 
Saturday at dawn the same miracle happened as before. 

* ' didebit'ha,' to the glory, is perhaps a mistake for ' dadebit'ha,' which is 
found in MSS., but cf p. 47, 'to the glory of the king.' 

^ The brook is called Dzudzus Tsqaro, and there is a small church there. 
^ A.V. ' to the bounds of thy kingdom.' 
^ A.V, ' continually for ten days.' 

Life of St. Nino. 47 

Next day they went to the west, where they stood on the 
mountain of Kvabt'ha T'havi (Head of Caves). They told 
the king how that star came forth from the others, rose, and 
stood over one spot on Mount T'hkhot'hi^, in the pass of 
Caspi, and then became quite invisible. In the same manner, 
those sent to the Cakhet'hian Mountains returned and told 
how they had seen the star move thither, and stand above the 
village of Budi, in the region of Cakhet'hi ^. 

St. Nino commanded them, saying : ' Take two of these Crosses are 
crosses, and raise one in T'hkhot'hi, where God showed His T'hkhot'hi 
power, and give one to Salome, the handmaiden of Christ, to ?■?. 
be erected in the town of Ujarma ^. As for the village of 
Budi in Cakhet'hi, it should not be preferred before the royal 
city, for there are many people. Budi also shall see the grace 
of God.' And they did even as the queen * commanded : they 
raised the wonder-working, holy cross by human hands in 
Mtzkhet'ha, and they went below that hillock to the stream, 
where they passed the night praying to God, and the blessed 
Nino mingled her tears with the brook, and there were cures 
and great miracles performed. 

Next day she and the king, queen, and princes, and a great 
multitude of people, went up on to the rock and knelt on those 
stones and wept ^, until the mountains re-echoed with their 
voices. Then St. Nino laid her hand on a stone, and said to 
the bishop : ' Come, for it befits thee to bless this stone.' And 
he did so, and there they raised the cross to the glory of the 
king. The countless multitude bent and worshij)ped the cross, 
and confessed the Crucified to be the true Son of the living 
God, and believed in the great triune God. And the great ^ 

' A.V. gives the name of the spot as Qrgvi. 

^ Bodbe in Cakhet'hi, near the town of Kisiq (Signakh), also spelt Bodi and 

^ Ujarma, formerly a fortified city, residence of the Cakhet'hian kings, now 
a village, on the river lora in Cakhet'hi, said to have been built by Saurmag 
(237-162 B.C.). 

* A.V. 'St. Nino' J the saint is often addressed as Queen (v. infra). 

* A.V. 'men, women, and children.' * didni, but in A.V. dedani — women. 

48 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

chiefs did not go away from the holy church, the pillar of 
light and the life-giving cross, for they saw there wonderful 
miracles and unceasing cures ^. And on Easter Sunday, King 

^ A.V. adds here : * Then St. Nino left tlie city of Mtzkhet'ha, and went tn 
the mountaineers, to carry the gospel to men in the form of wild beasts, and 
to cast down their idols. But Abiat'har, the Jewish priest, was left here — he 
who was a second Paul, who ceaselessly, day and night, preached Christ and 
His glory, until the flight of the Jews.' 

A.V. then begins a new chapter : ' Tht Raising of the Uonourable Cross in 
Mtzkhet'ha and the second vision. 

'And when the whole land of Kart'hli was converted to Christianity, the 
priests who had come from Greece took counsel about the raising of the sign of 
the cross; and they said to King Mirian: "It is fitting to erect the divine 
sign of the cross." And this advice seemed good to the king and to all the 
people, and joyfully they received the word and teaching of the priests. 
King Mirian ordered wood for the cross. Carpenters came and cut down 
a sweet-smelling tree, and the king commanded the cross to be made. The 
priests taught them the form of the cross ; and when it was made, tlie car- 
penters came and told King Mirian: "We made it according to what the 
priests told us." The king arose joyfully, and ail the people saw the form of 
the cross, and they wondered greatly, and glorified God. 

' At that time the king bethought himself and remembered how that day, 
when it became dark on the mountain, he saw the light of great brilliancy in 
the form of a cross. Then he told the priests and all the people of the sight, 
and how the sign of the cross dispelled the darkness before his eyes. When 
the people heard the king's story, more and more firmly they believed on 
Jesus Ciirist and in the sign of His cross, and all gladly, of one accord, 
worshipped it and glorified God. Then the king counselled all the people 
that they should erect the form of the cross in several places, and commanded 
that each should be where it seemed right, and 'not where they chose. At 
that time King Mirian prayed, saying: "O Lord Jesus Christ, in whom we 
believe through this captive, and have been taught by these Thy priests — 
who didst humble Thyself, and in Thy humility did;-t clothe Thj'self in the 
image of slaves, who didst descend from the blessed bosom of the Father, 
who didst leave for our sake the throne, majesty, and power, and entered the 
womb of a Holy Virgin, and then wert crucified by Pontius {Pontoveli) Pilate, 
buried in the heart of the earth, and on the third day didst rise, fulfilling all 
that was spoken of by the prophets, ascendedst into heaven, and sittest at the 
right hand of the Father, and again art to come to judge the quick and 
the dead — Thou hast left us the sign of Thy cross, for the destruction of the 
unseen machinations of the enemy ; Thou hast miraculously brought us into 
Thy fear that we might escape from the devil, by whom we were enchained 
to our ruin. But now, God, O God our Saviour, vouchsafe to show the 
place in which the sign of Thy cross shall be set up, that it may be 
manifest to those who hate us, and that they may be ashamed ; for Thou, 
Lord, art our helper and our consolation." And at twilight that night. 

Life of St. Nino. 49 

Mirian and all Mtzkhet'ha offered sacrifice. That day they 

instituted the service of the^ cross at Easter, which all Kart'hli 

obsei*ves unto this day. 

And some time afterwards, after Pentecost, on a Wednesday, Appear- 

they saw a miracle, very wonderful : lo ! a pillar of light, in ^^H^ of ^ 

the form of a cross, stood upon the cross ^, and twelve stars in ^^^'''' ^'"^^ 

^ twelve 

a crown round about ; and the cross on the hill gave forth stars. 
a sweet perfume, and all saw the wonder. Many heathens 
were converted and baptized that day^, and the Christians 
were strengthened in their faith, and glorified God. 

They saw another wonder of the cross : how a fire stood Fire rests 
upon it, seven ^ times brighter than the sun ^. It rested there cross at 
like a spark from a furnace, and the angels of God ascended^ 
and descended. And the hill on which stood the cross ^ shook 
very much, and when the miracle ceased the trembling ceased. 
When the people saw that miracle they were all greatly 
astonished, and more and more they glorified God. These 
wonders were performed from year to year, and all the people 

the angel of the Lord stood, in a vision, before King Mirian, and showed him 
a hill on the river Aragva, near Mtzkhet'ha, and said to him: "This is the 
place chosen by God ; there shall ye raise the sign of the cross." And at 
dawn, King Mirian told the priests of his vision of the angel, and his words, 
and the hill which he showed hiiu. When they heard of the vision and saw 
the place, the hill pleased all the people. With rejoicing and songs of praise, 
all the chiefs took the cross, with one accord, and set it up on the hill near 
Mtzkhet'ha, towards tlie east, on Easter Sunday. And when they raised the 
sign of the cross in the land of Kart'hli, suddenly all the idols in the boundaries 
of the country were cast down and broken, and the altars destroyed. When 
they saw this wondrous deed and miracle which had been performed by the 
power of the sign of the cross, they were yet more astonished, and glorified 
God, and worshipped the honourable cross gladly.' 

* A.V. ' victorious.' 

^ A.V. ' and twelve angels encircled it as a crown.' 

' A.V. 'and they built churches.' * A.V. 'three.' 

* A.V. ' and like a flame it burned on the head of the cross.' 

^ A.V. ' rejoiced greatly, and all the earth shook ; and from mountains, 
hills, and ravines a sweet-smelling mist arose to heaven, and the rocks 
crumbled away. And the strong perfume spread over all the land . . . and 
loud voices were heard, and all the people, perceiving the sound (if the songs, 
were afraid, and marvelled much. With fear and trembling they worshipped 
the honourable cross, and with great rejoicing glorified God.' 


50 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

saw them with fear and trembling, and came to worship 

Healing of In those days, Rev ^ the king's son, had a little son who 
Rev's son, ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^-^j^ ^^^^^ ^Q^Sh \ and it was his only child. 

He took him and placed him before the holy cross, and with 

tears entreated it, saying: 'If thou wilt give me this my 

child alive, I will build a canopy for thee to dwell in.' And 

straightway, in that place, his child was healed, and he led 

him away sound and restored to life. Then he came to fulfil 

his vow ; and with great joy and zeal Rev, the king's son 2, 

raised the canopy, and from year to year he came and fulfilled 

his promise of sacrifice ; and in consequence of this, sick folk 

came all the more, and they were cured, and with gladness 

they glorified the holy cross of Christ. 

and other There was a certain young man who was blind in both 

!!erformed ©J^S- He sat ^ down before the cross of Christ, and after seven 

at the jg^yg ]jg received his sig-ht, and glorified the precious cross. 

cross of " to ^ & r 

Mtzkhet'- Then there was a woman always afflicted by evil spirits, 
which had taken away her mind and strength for eight years ; 
and she rent her clothes. They brought her and laid her 
before the cross, and after twelve days she was cured, and 
walked away glorifying God and worshipping the holy cross. 
Again, there was a little boy, and he suddenly fell down 
dead ^. His mother took him and put his dead ^ body before 
the cross. From morning until eventide she prayed weeping 
before the cross. Others came unto her and said : ' Take him 
away, woman, and bury him, for he is dead ; grieve no more.' 
She did not lose hope, but wept more and more piteously, 
and prayed. When evening came, the child was restored to 
life, and opened his eyes, and after seven ^ days his mother led 
him home cured and revived, and glorified God. 

When they saw the miraculous healing power of the holy 
cross, many childless people came and begged that they 
might have children, and the request of many was granted ; 

» A.V. ' a God-fearing man.' = A.V. ' Rev's son." 

3 A.V. ' fell.' * A.V. ' exhausted.' » A.V. ' three.' 

Life of St. Nino. 51 

and they offered sacrifice and thanks. And not only those 
who came thither received healing, but those who from afar 
entreated the aid of the holy cross also received favour im- 
mediately ^. And it helped' those who were in battle, so that 
they overcame their foes, and they came quickly to offer thanks. 
Many pagans in distress were cured by the cross, and 
many were baptized, and with gladness glorified God ; many 
kinds of diseases were healed by the power of the honourable 
cross, many with divers sufferings came to beg healing and 
were at once cured there, even unto this day^, and they 
glorified the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, to whom 
is glory now, always, and for ever. 

The Letter ivJiich ivas ivritten hy the Patriarch of 
Rome and the King of the Branji to Nino, to 
the King, and to all the Kart'hlian folk. 

In those days there came a letter from the holy Patriarch 
of Rome to Nino, to the king, and to all the Kart'hlian folk. 
He sent a Branj deacon to bring his praise and blessing, and 
to entreat of the blessed Nino her prayers and grace. The 
deacon brought also a letter from the king of the Branji to 
Nino, saying, that as her father had baptized all the Branji, 
a deed known to all in Jerusalem and Constantinople, so she 
had enlightened all Kart'hli with the sun of righteousness. 
Therefore he had written this welcome letter, as he had learnt 
of the wonders performed among them, and of the column, 
and the bramble bush and its power of healing. The deacon 
of the Branji saw and heard of the miracles of the pillar, 
which had been done in Mtzkhet'ha, and glorified God. He 
took with him letters, and departed. 

^ A.V. ' If any one called upon the holy cross of Mtzkhet'ha in the stress of 
battle, the cross immediately became his helper against his enemies.' 

^ A.V. ' These have been described for the glory of God and of the 
honourable cross, and that we may all worship the Father, the Son, and 
the Holy Ghost, now and for evermore. Amen,' 

£ Q, 

52 Studia Bib lie a et Ecclesiastica. 

Mirian's Then the king" said to St. Nino and the bishop : ' I will 

zea^ '"^^^ convert the Mt'hiulians at the edge of the sword, and make my 
son-in-law, P'heroz, a servant of God and a worshipper of the 
honourable cross.' Nino answered : ' It is not commanded by 
God to raise the sword, but to show the way of truth by the 
g-ospel, and by the honourable cross which leadeth unto ever- 
lasting* life. May God's g'race enlig-hten the darkness of their 
hearts.' And St. Nino (and Bishop loane) ^ departed. And 
the king took with him an erisfhav (governor of province), 
and they came to Tsubeni ^, and summoned the Mt'hiulians ^, 
those men in the shape of wild beasts, the Dchart'halians*, 
P'hkhovians ^, Gudamaqrians '', and they preached the Gospel of 
Christian truth unto them, leading* to eternal life, but they did 
not wish to be baptized ; then the king-'s erisChav turned the 
sword upon them, and forcibly cast down the idols. They 
turned away from that place and w^ent to Zhalet'hi ^, and 
preached to the Ertso T'hianet'hians ^, who received the 
gospel and were baptized. But the P'hkho^^ans left their 
land, and came into T'hushet'hi ^, and there were other moun- 
taineers who were not converted. The king laid heavy taxes 
on those who did not wish to be baptized ; therefore they banded 
themselves together and wandered about. Some of them at 
last were convei-ted by St. Abibos Necreseli ^", the bislrop, and 
some of them have remained heathens until this day. 

' A.V. omit3 'and Bishop loane.' 

' Kart'hl. Tzkh. ' Tsorbani ' (?). The [ilace referred to is probably Tsobeni, 
about seven miles east of the Aragva and fifteen miles above Mtzkhet'ha. 

' Mt'hiulet'hi (i.e. 'the highlands') is a district above the junction of tiie 
Gudamaqari and Aragva. 

* Dchart'hali, river and mountain west of the Aragva, south of Mt'hiulet'hi. 
^ Ancient name of the P'hshavs and Khevsurs, who dwell on the White 

Aragva, east of Mt'hiulet'hi and Gudamaqari and north of T'hianet'hi. 

* At the source of the Black Arai^va. 


^ Zhalet'hi, or Zhaliet'hi, on the river lori in T'hianet'hi. 

* i.e. Lesser T'hianet'hi, south of T'hianet'hi and east of Saguramo. 
® To the extreme north of Cakhet'hi. 

^" Abibos, bishop of Necresi, was one of the Syrian Fathers, who came to 
Georgia about the middle of the sixth century. 

Life of St. Nino. 53 

Then St. Nino went into Cakhet'hi, and rested in Cat- St. Nino 
saret'hi and converted the people. Afterwards she passed Cakhet'hi. 
into the village of Kwel, and called together the Cakhet'hian 
princes. They had not heard of the faith of Christ and the 
baptism of the king ; with joy they received her teaching, 
and were converted and baptized by Jacob the ])riest. Thence 
she went to Bodi, and there came unto her Suji ^, the Queen of converts 
Cakhet'hi, and with her a great multitude of chiefs, warriors, .Suji. 
and women-slaves. She told them of the secret (holy sacra- 
ment) of Christ, and with sweet words taught them the true 
faith. She related the miracles which had haiDpened through 
the column of fire, of which they had not heard before. With 
joy they received the teaching of St. Nino, and the queen was 
baptized with all her chiefs and handmaidens. 

When the blessed Nino had thus fulfilled her work and 
preaching, she knew that the time when her spirit would pass 
from her body was drawing nigh. She wrote a letter to St. Nino's 

l^ttpr I'D 

King Mirian, and gave it to the Cakhet'hian queen Suji. Mirian. 
She wrote thus : 

'To the servant of Jesus Christ, the faithful believer in the 
Holy Trinity, the ally of holy kings, King Mirian. — May God 
rain down the dew of His grace from above upon thee and all 
the palace, and on the camp of thy people, and may the 
cross of Christ and the mediation of His most holy Mother 
guard you. Lo, I have passed through many lands, and they 
have received the gospel of Christ, and been turned from 
their sins and baptized, and do worship God the Creator. 
Now shouldst thou be joyful, for in thy days God has looked 
down upon His creatures, and the light of His wisdom has * 
shone forth upon them. Hold fast unto the true faith, that 
with Him thou mayest reign for ever in the kingdom of 
heaven. My days upon earth are fulfilled^ and I am passing 
from life to go the way of my fathers. Worthy of mention 
among the holy ones of God is Queen Suji, for she became 
a believer in the true Christ, and cast down the idols and cou- 

' A.V. does not mention Suji. 

54 Stiidia Biblica et Ecdesiastica. 

verted the people to the service of God, and called her brother 

and her daughter, also Artereon, a chieftain, and taught them 

the true faith, and all in Budi have been baptized in the 

name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Now 

send unto me the holy chief of the fathers, that he may 

g-ive me provision for my soul's eternal journey, for my time 

is nigh.' 

Queen Suji Queen Suji took Nino's letter, and, moved by desire to do 

with^the homage to the life-gi\'ing pillar, set out in haste. All that 

letter and Ioqo' journey shc walked barefooted, and her tears watered 

arrives at "^ *^ "^ 

Mtzkhet'- the ground. When they an-ived opposite the pillar of life, 


' they saw that the river Aragva had increased greatly, and 

none of the warriors could cross ; when they descended, they 

were turned back, hindered by the impetuosity of the volume 

of water. But as Peter walked to the Lord upon the water, 

so was it with that woman, full of faith in Clirist, and desire 

for the life-giving cross, and with confidence like a gi*ain 

miracu- of mustard seed. She crossed herself and leaped do\\Ti, as 

crosses tlie upon a stccd. On the other side was Bishop loane, with 

Aragva. g]j ^jjg people, and when she entered the stream the waters 

fled back and she passed dry-footed. The king and the 

chief bishop met her in fear and wonder, and they went 

into the church to the pillar of life, and prayed with fervent 

tears. She offered, as a sacrifice, herself, her children, and 

all her servants, and the little town of Bart'hiani, and the 

great village of Budi ; and she rejoiced in spirit. Then 

Queen Suji drew forth the letter of the blessed Nino and 

gave it to the king, and he read it aloud, weeping bitterly. 

Mirian They sent Bishop loane to bring her, but St. Nino did 

and others ,1 o 1 i • /-v -\t 

goto oot choose to come. So the king. Queen iSana, and many 

St*' Nino's ^^ ^^ people set out and came to her. The people assem- 
deathbed. bled in innumerable multitudes, and they saw the face of 
Nino, which was like that of an angel from heaven. They 
tore the hem of her garment and took it and kissed it with 
faith ; and all those seated around passionately prayed, with 
tears pouring from their eyes because of the departure of 

Life of St. Nino. 55 

their leader and benefactress and the healer of the sick. 
Salome Ujarmoeli (i.e. of Ujarma) and Peruzhavri Sivneli 
(i.e. of Sion) and the erist'kavs (governors) and mfhavars 
(chiefs, lords) inquired of her, saying : ' Who art thou, 
whence art thou, and wherefore didst thou come into this 
land to give us life ? Where wert thou brought up, O queen? 
Tell us of thy life, for thou hast spoken of captivity, O divine 
freer of captives. Thou hast taught us concerning the 
prophets who came before the Son of God, and then of the 
twelve apostles, but God has sent none to us save thee, and 
all that thou sayest of thyself is that thou art a captive or 
a stranger.' 

Then Nino began to speak, and said : ' Daughters of the St. Nino 

tells the 

faith ^, queens near to my heart, ye see the faith and love story of 
which those first women bare to Christ, and yet ye wish to ^^^ ^*^^- 
know of my life, the life of a poor handmaiden ! But I shall 
tell you ; for now my days are fulfilled, and I am about to 
fall asleep for ever in the sleep of my mother. Bring writing 
materials that ye may write down my poor, unworthy life, so 
that your children may hear of your faith, and how I was 
received by you, and the divine miracles which ye have seen.' 
Salome Ujarmoeli and Peruzhavri Sivneli quickly brought 
writing materials, and she told them all her pure and blessed 
life as we have written it above, and they wrote it down. 
She entreated the king that the priest Jacob might be bishop 
after loane. 

Bishop loane offered sacrifice to the Lord, and St. Nino Death of 
partook of the body and blood of Christ which was to serve 
her for the journey to eternity. Then she gave her soul 
into the hands of God, and passed into everlasting righteous- 
ness (January 14). Thus, adorned with apostolic grace, shin- 
ing in her pure life, beautiful by her many labours, bearing 
the gift of many works, she presented herself before the Holy 
Trinity, taking, as an offering, many peoples, and the suffer- 
ings borne in this world. She ascended to heaven in the 
* A.V. ' near to God, my queens.' 

56 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

twenty-fifth year from her entr}^ into Georgia, three hundred 
and thirty-eig-ht years from the death of Christ, and from 
the beginning- of the world five thousand seven hundred and 

The inhabitants of Mtzkhet'ha and Ujarma and all Kart'hli 
were deeply moved by her death, and a great multitude of 
people came, and crowded together to touch the skirt of her 
garment. By force, the king put an end to the uproar, and 
commanded that her body should be taken aw^ay and interred 
near the pillar of life. When they were about to lift her 
body, their hands became powerless and ^ they could not 
Her burial move her. Then they understood, and buried her in that 
atBodbe. pj^^g^ .^ Cakhet'hi, in the village of Budi. The saint her- 
self had begged the king, in her modesty, that she might be 
buried there, for the place was humble. But the king and 
all the nobles grieved to bury her there ; yet, in order to fulfil 
her will and desire, they did so. And they built a church 
and appointed a bishop over it, in honour of the holy, blessed 
enlightener of Kart'hli, Cakhet'hi, and Heret'hi ^, the thrice 
divinelv blessed, noble Nino. 

When the divinely enlightened King Mirian had done this, 
he strengthened all Kart'hli and Heret'hi in the faith of the 
triune God, without beginning or end, the Creator of all ; and 
they were thoroughly confirmed in their belief. 

Constan- The Emperor Constantine, w^ho held as a hostage Mirian's 

tine sends ^ 1 • 1 • , -r- 

Prince SOU Bakar, sent him home with many gifts, and wrote : 

^i^lj ^ ' I, Constantine the king, absolute sovereign, a new servant 

letter to of the kingdom of heaven, formerly a captive of the devil, 
Mirian. . ' j 1. 

but delivered by the Creator, I write to thee. King Mirian, 
the divinely enlightened, like me newly planted in the faith. 
Peace be unto thee, and the joy of those who know the 
Trinity, the infinite God, the creating God of all. It is no 
longer needful for me to have a hostage of thee, for it suffices 

* A.V. ' two hundred men could not move the couch on which she lay.' 
^ A province south of Cakhet'hi. 

Life of St. Nino. 57 

to have Let ween us as mediator Christ, the Son of God, 
existent from all eternity, who became man for our salva- 
tion, and His honourable cross which is given to us as 
a guide. By faith in it, and by the mediation of God the 
Creator, let us be in brotherly love one to another. I give 
unto thee thy son ; see him and rejoice, and may the angel 
of peace coming from God be with you. May the Creator 
God always drive the wicked devil from your land.' 

When Prince Bakar and the messenger from the Emperor 
Constantine came to Mtzkhet'ha, King Mirian and Queen 
Nana were filled with joy, and thanked God for all the gifts 
He had bestowed on them. King Mirian finished the cathe- 
dral, and consecrated it with great solemnity in the twenty- 
fifth year from his conversion. Rev, his son, died ; he was 
son-in-law of T'hrdat, king of the Armenians, who had given 
him the kingdom in his own life. They buried Rev in the 
tomb which he himself had built. In the same year King Death of 

J\a 1 n fill 

Mirian fell sick, and was nigh unto death. He said to his 
son Bakar and his wife Nana : ' I do not pass hence as 
I came, and I thank the bounteous God, Creator of heaven 
and earth, who delivered me from the mouth of hell when 
I was a captive of the devil, and esteems me worthy to sit 
with Him on His right hand. Thou, Nana, in due time 
after my death, divide our royal treasure into two parts, and 
give (half of) it for the burial-place of Nino our enlightener, 
so that the spot may never be disturbed, for it is not a royal 
city, but a poor place ; also tell the bishop to glorify the place, 
for it is worthy of honour,' 

And he said to his son : ' My son, my darkness has been 
turned into light, and death into life. To thee I give the 
crown of my realm. May God, the Creator of heaven and 
earth, strengthen thee in perfect faith. Obey all the 
commands of the Son of God, and rest entirely upon them 
and upon the name of Christ. Death will become life to 
thee. . . . "Wherever thou findest those fire-worshippers and 
idols, burn them with fire, and cause them to drink the 

58 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

cinders^. And teach thy children the same, for I know 
that in the Caucasians idolatry will be extirpated. Put thy 
heart into this matter, and pray unto the Son of God born 
in the first times, who became man and suffered for our 
salvation, and lead before thee the honourable cross to con- 
quer thine enemies, for even so do true believers. Honour 
the divinely raised pillar, and let all thy hopes be towards it ; 
and mayest thou fall asleep in the faith of the holy Trinity.' 

They caused the cross of St. Nino to be brought, the cross 
which she had at first, and hung- the ro^^al crown uj^on it, 
Coronation and led forward Bakar and made the sign of the cross on 
his head, and took the crown from the cross and put it on 
his head. And King Alirian died, and they buried him iu 
the Upper Church, by the southern corner of the pillar in 
which is a piece of the divinely raised column. Next year, 
Queen Nana died, and was buiied to the west of the pillar, 
in the same place as King Mirian. 

Bakar, Mirian's son, wa^ king, and he was a believer, like 
his father. He converted very many of the people of Caucasus 
whom his father had not been able to turn to the true faith. 

Rujinus, ' Ecclesiastical History,' Bk. II, ch. vii, in 
Migne's ' Patrologia,' t. xxi. 480-482 {the fol- 
lowing from ' Auctores Hist. Eccl. Basiliae,' 
1544. PP- 225-226). 

Per idem tempus etiam Iberorum gens, quae sub axe 
Pontico jacet, verbi Dei foedera et fidem futuri susceperat 
regni. Sed huius tanti boni praestitit causam mulier quaedam 
captiva, quae apud eos reperta, cum fidelem et sobriam satis 
ac pudicam duceret vitam,. totisque diebus ac noctibus obsecra- 
tiones Deo pervigiles exhiberet, in admiratione esse ipsa rei 
novitas barbaris coepit et quid hoc sibi velit, curiosius per- 

Mr. Conybeare says it is a common trait in the wars of the Christian 
Armenians with Persian fire-worshippers for the latter, if conquered, to be 
made to drink the cinders mixed witli water. 

Life of St. Nino. 59 

quirebant. Ilia, ut res erat, simpliciter Christum se Deum 
hoc ritu colere fatebatur. Nihil ex hoc amplius barbari 
praeter novitatem nominis mirabantur. Verum (ut fieri 
solet) ipsa perseverantia curiositatem quandam mulierculis 
inferebat, si quid emolumenti ex tanta devotione caperetur. 
Moris apud eos esse dicitur, ut si parvulus aegrotet, circum- 
feratur a matre per singulas domus, quo scilicet si quis expert! 
aliquid remedii noverit, conferat laboranti. Cumque mulier 
quaedam parvulum suum per omnes circumtulisset ex more, 
nee aliquid remedii, cunctas domos lustrando, cepisset, venit 
etiam ad captivam, ut si quid sciret, ostenderet. Ilia se 
humani quidem remedii nihil scire testatur, Deum tamen 
suum Christum quem colebat, dare ei desperatam ab homini- 
bus posse salutem confirmat. Cumque cilicio suo parvulum 
superposuisset, atque ipsa desuper orationem fudisset ad Domi- 
num, sanum matri reddidit infantem. Sermo defertur ad 
plures, factique fama magnifici usque ad aures reginae perla- 
bitur. Quae dolore quodam gravissimo corporis afflicta, in 
desperatione maxima erat. Rogat ad se captivam deduci. 
Ilia ire abnuit, ne praesumere amplius aliquid quam sexus 
sineret videretur. Ipsam se regina deferri ad captivae cellulam 
jubet. Quam similiter supra cilicium suum positam, invocato 
Christi nomine, continuo post precem, sanam et alacrem fecit 
exsurgere : Christumque esse Deum, Dei summi Filium, 
qui salutem banc contulerit, docet: eumque quem sibi 
auctorem suae sciret esse incolumitatis et vitae, commonet 
invoeandum. Ipsum namque esse, qui et regibus regna 
distribuat et mortalibus vitam. At ilia cum laetitia domum 
regressa, marito percontanti causam tarn subitae sanitatis 
aperuit, quique cum pro salute conjugis laetus, mulieri 
munera deferri juberet, ilia: horum, inquit, o rex nihil captiva 
dignatur : anrum despicit, argentum respuit, jejunio quasi 
cibo pascitur : hoc solum ei muneris dabimus, si eum, qui me 
ilia invocante sanavit, Christum Deum colamus. Ad hoc 
tunc rex segnior fuit et interim distulit, saepius licet ab 
uxore commonitus, donee accidit quadam die venante eo in 

6o Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

silvis cum eomitibus suis, obscurari densissimis tenebris diem, 
et per tetrae noetis horrorem luce subducta, caeeis iter gressi- 
bus denegari. Alius alio diversi ex eomitibus oberrant : ipse 
solus densissima obscuritate circumdatus, quid ageret, quo se 
verteret nesciebat : cum repente anxios salutis desj)eratione 
animos cog-itatio talis ascendit. Si vere Deus est Christus 
ille, quem uxori suae captiva praedixerat, nunc se de his 
tenebris liberet, ut ipsum ex hoc omissis omnibus coleret. 
Illico ut haec nondum verbo, sed sola mente devoverat, reddita 
mundo dies, regem ad urbem perducit incolumem. Quique 
reginae rem protinus ut gesta est pandit. Evocari jam jamque 
captivam et colendi ritum ut silii tradat, exposcit : neque se 
ultra alium Deum quam Christum veneraturum esseconfirmat. 
Adest captiva, edocet Deum Christum : supplicandi ritum 
venerandique modum, inquantum de his aperire feminae fas 
erat, pandit. Fabricari tamen Ecclesiam monet, formamque 
describit. Igitur rex totius gentis populo convocato, rem ab 
initio quae erga se ac reginam gesta fuerat, exponit fidemque 
edocet et nondum initiatus in sacris fit suae gentis apostohis. 
Credunt viri per regem, feminae per reginam : cunctisque 
idem volenti])us Ecclesia extruitur instanter : et elevato jam 
perniciter murorum ambitu, tempus erat quo columnae collo- 
cari deberent. Cumque erecta prima vel secunda, ventum 
fuisset ad tertiam, consumtis omnibus machinis et boum 
hominumque viribus cum media jam in obliquum fuisset 
erecta et pars reliqua nullis machinis erigeretur, repetitis 
secundo et tertio ac saepius viribus, ne loco quidem moveri 
attritis omnibus potuit. Admiratio erat totius populi, regis 
animositas hebescebat : quid fieri deberet, omnes simul latebat. 
Sed cum interventu noetis, omnes abscessissent, cunctique 
mortales et ipsa opera cessarent, captiva sola in oratione 
pernoctans mansit intrinsecus : cum ecce matutinus et anxius 
cum suis omnibus ingrediens rex, vidit columnam, quam tot 
machinae ac tot populi movere non quiverant, erectam et supra 
basim suam librate suspensam, nee tamen superpositam, sed 
quantum unius pedis spatio in acre pendentem ! Tunc vero 

Life of St. Nino. 6i 

omnis populi contuentes et mag-nificantes Deum, veram esse 
reg-is fidem et eaptivae religionem praeseiitis miraculi testimonio 
perhibebant, Et ecce mirantibus adhuc et stupentibus eunetis, 
in oculis eorum sensim supra basim suam, nullo conting-ente, 
columna deposita, summa cum libratione consedit. Post hoc 
reliquus numerus columnarum tanta facilitate suspensus est, 
ut omnes quae superfuerant, ipsa die locareutur. Postea vero 
quam Ecclesia magnifice constructa est, et populi et fidem Dei 
maiore ardore sitiebant, eaptivae monitis ad imperatorem 
Constantinum totius gentis leg-atio mittitur: res gesta ex- 
ponitur : sacerdotes mittere oratur, qui caeptum erga se Dei 
munus explerent. Quibus ille cum omni gaudio ex honore 
transmissis, multo amplius ex hoc laetatus est, quam si 
incognitas Romano imperio gentes et regna ignota junxisset. 
Haec nobis it a gesia, jideUssimus vir Bacurius , gentis ijjsius 
rex, et apud nos Bomesticorum comes {cui summa erat cura et 
relirjionis et veritatis) expostdt cum nohiscum Palaestiui tunc 
limitis I)ux in liierosolymis satis tiaaniniiter degeret. 

Passage relating to Nino in the MS. eyiiitled ' The 
Conversion of Georgia ' [Moktzevai Kartlilisai). 

. . . Ten years after [the adoption of Christianity by 
Constantine], Elene went to Jerusalem to seek the honour- 
able cross ; and in the fourteenth year, a certain woman, 
Evadagi ^, by name Rip'hsime, fled from the king, for some 
reason, with her foster-mother. And there was with her a 
certain beautiful captive woman called Nino, of whom Queen 
Elene inquired concerning her affairs, and she was a Roman 
princess. She went on her way, performing many miracles 
of healing, and she arrived in Greece and instructed the 
Princess Rip'hsime. 

When Rip'hsime, Gaine, Nino, and certain others with 
them, had crossed the sea in flight, they came into the bounds 

^ The word Evadagi has not been explaii.ed. There are many obscure 
passages in the MS. 

62 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

of Somkhit'hi (Armenia), the realm of King T'hrdat, and 
were martyred there. But Nino escaped ; and, crossing- the 
mountains to the northward, came to the liver Mtcuari (Kura). 
She followed it and came to Mtzkhet'ha, a great city, the 
royal residence. She was there three years, praying secretly 
in a place covered with bramble bushes. She made a cross of 
vine-stems, and tarried there and prayed. And that place was 
without the walls. In the place where the brambles were the 
altar of the Upper Church (Zemo ecclesia) now stands. 

In the fourth year she began to preach the God Christ and 
His faith, saying that ' this land of the north was found in 
error,' In the sixth 3'ear she caused the king's wife, Nana, 
to believe, she being sick, and in the seventh year the king 
was converted to Christ by a miracle. Immediately he built 
the Lower Church in the royal garden, the erection of which 
he himself directed. 

When they had built the churchy he sent an ambassador, 
and a letter from Nino, to Constantine, king of Greece, asking 
for priests ; they came quickly. The king sent Bishop loane, 
two priests, a deacon, a letter from Queen Elene, an icon of 
the Saviour, and the wood of life for Nino. When they 
arrived. King Mirean, the queen, and all their household 
received baptism. They asked for a tree that they might 
make a cross. . . . ' 

2 [Then the king commanded Abiat'har, and many Jews 
with him, to come before him ; and he inquired of them con- 
cerning the tunic, and they told him all that is written above. 
And King Mirian raised his hands, saying : ' Blessed art 
Thou, O Lord Jesus Christ, Son of the Living God, for] Thou 
wishest to save us and deliver us from the devil and his 
dark place, since Thy garment was brought by these Hebrews 
from the holy city Jerusalem to this city of a strange race, 
for our fathers ruled in this city at Thy crucifixion.' And 

' Here there is a leaf wanting in the MS. 

"^ The passage within brackets is filled in from Kart'hl. Tzkh. That which 
follows, to the end of Nino's prayer, is the same, almost word for word, and 
has evidently been taken from the same MS. 

Life of St. Nino. 63 

the king and all Kart'hli betook themselves right speedily to 

Then the blessed woman Nino said : ' Blessed is God, the 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who sent His holy Word 
from high heaven, Himself coming from His throne of might, 
to lowly earth ; without doubt born in a body, of the seed 
of David, born of a woman alone, holy and pure, who was 
pleasing to Him ; and thus He took upon Him our life. He 
enlightened every being beneath the heavens, and they more 
readily became believers in Him because He was born as 
a man. He was worshipped as God ; He was baptized, as 
a servant of the law, with water and with earth. He wit- 
nessed for, and glorified the Father and the Holy Ghost on 
high ; He was crucified, buried, and rose again. He mounted 
into the heights to His P'ather, and is to come again with 
glory. To Him praise is fitting. Amen.' 

When she had spoken thus, she took with her Jacob the 
priest, who had come from Greece, and an eristi'hav, and went 
away to Tsoben, and called the Mt'heulians, Dchart'halians, 
P'hkhovians, and Tsilcanians, and preached the faith of Christ ; 
but they would not receive it. The erisi'hav raised his sword 
a little, and with fear they gave up their idols to be broken. 
They passed to Ertsu ^, and tarried in Zhalet'hi, in the village 
of Edem, and baptized the Ertsu-T'hianians. And the 
Quarians heard this, and fled to T'hoshet'hi, but were at last 
subdued. King T'hrdat ^ baptizing them. 

And she became frail, and set out for Mtzkhet'ha. And 

when she arrived in Ctoet'ha, in the village which is called 

Bodini, she could go no farther. And there came forth from 

the city of Uzharma, Rev, the king's son, and Salome, his 

wife, and his daughter, to watch over her. The king and 

his wife, Nana, sent lovane, the archbishop, to see her and 

bring her back. But she did not wish to go ^, and entreated 

^ Ertso, a small district east of Saguramo. Zhalet'hi is in Ertso. 
^ ? Mirdat III, of Georgia, brother of Bacur (a.D. 364-379). 
' Kart'hl. Tzkh, : ' But St. Nino set out to go to Ran, in order to convert 
P'heroz, and when she approached the village of Budi in Cakhet'hi, she 

64 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

that after him Jacob the priest should be appointed. And 
she gave to him the letter written by Queen Helene, who 
wrote to Nino as queen, apostle, and evangelist. She gave 
the wood of life to Queen Nana. And lovane gave Nino of 
the body and blood of Christ, and she took the provision for 
her soul's journey, and committed her spirit into the hands 
of God, in the fifteenth year from her arrival in Kart'hli, 
from the ascension of Christ three hundred and thirty- 
eight years, from the beginning five thousand eight hundred 
and thirty-eight ^ 

Then the two cities, Mtzkhet'ha and Uzharma, and all the 
land of Kart'hli grieved because of her death. They came 
and buried her body, clad with power, in that place, even in 
Budi, a village of Ckhoet'hi. King Mirean and all the 
people went and built the Upper Church (Zemo eccLosia) of 
stone. Four years passed, and King jNIirean died, and was 
buried on the north side of the central southern column. In 
that column is a piece of the pillar of life. In the second 
year Queen Nana died, and was buried to the west of the 
same pillar as King Mirean. 

And Bacur, the son of Rev ^, was appointed king ; and 
Bishop lovane died, and the priest Jacob, who had come from 
the same place, was appointed archbishop. 

Twenty-three years from the raising of the honourable 
cross, Rev made a canopy and a tomb in the Lower Church 
(Kvemo ecclesia). And Rev died ^, and was buried with his 
wife. In the tenth year after this, Bacur began to build the 
church of Tsilcani, and thirty-five years afterwards he died, 
and was buried in the Lower Church. . . . 

stayed there some days ; and the people of Cakhet'hi came unto her, inquiring 
of her, and she taught many.' 

' ? Evidently for ' ascension ' we should read ' birth.' 

^ Kart'hl. Tzkh. ' Bakar, or Bahkar, the son of Mirian.' 

' In Kart'hl. Tzkh., Rev's death takes place before Mirian's. Kart'hl. 
Tzkh. says: ' From the conversion of King Mirian, in the twenty-fifth year 
(fihronique armin. 'thirty-fifth') died his son Rev, son-in-law of T'hrdat, 
king of the Armenians, who gave him his kingdom in his life. He (Rev) was 
buried in a sepulchre which he himself had built.' 

Life of St. Nino. 65 

Passage relating to Nino in the Armenian 
History of Moses of Chorene (ch. lxxxvi). 

... A certain woman named Nune, one of the scattered 
companions of St. Riphsime, came in her flig-ht to the land 
of the Iberians, to their royal city Mtzkhet'ha. By her strict 
life she gained the gift of healing, through which she healed 
many that were afflicted, and among others the wife of 
Mikhran, ruler of Iberia. And when Mikhran asked her by 
what power she did these wonders, he received from her the 
knowledge of the gospel of Christ. 

At that time it happened that Mikhran went to the chase : 
in rough country he lost himself in the mountains in dull 
weather, but not in consequence of a vision, for it is said : 
' Darkness He calls forth with His voice ' (Job xxxviii. 34), 
and in another place : ' He darkens the day into night ' 
(Amos V. 8). Such was the darkness with which Mikhran 
was engirt, and it was to him the cause of everlasting 
light : for in his terror he remembered what had been said of 
Terdat, who was struck by God when he was pi'eparing for 
the chase ; Mikhran bethought himself : the same thing 
might happen to him. Fear-stricken he prayed that the 
air might be cleared, and that he might return in peace, 
promising to worship Nune. His prayer was heard, and he 
fulfilled his promise. 

Then the blessed Nune demanded faithful men, whom she 
sent to St. Gregory to ask what he would have her do, seeing 
that the Iberians had willingly accepted the preaching of the 
gospel. And she received his command to destroy the idols, 
following his example, and to raise the sign of the honourable 
cross, until that day when the Lord should give a pastor to 
govern them. She immediately cast down the image of the 
thunderer Aramazd, which stood outside the city, separated 
therefrom by a great river (Kura). The people were wont 
at early morn to worship from their housetops that image 


66 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

aloft before their eyes ; those that wished to offer him 
sacrifice, crossed the river and fulfilled the immolation before 
the temples. 

The satraps of the city arose and said : ' Whom shall we 

worship instead of the idols ? ' They were told that they 

should worship ' the sign of the cross of Christ.' This 

they made, and set it up to the east of the city on a fair hill, 

which was also separated from the city by a small river 

(Arag-va). In the morning, according- to their custom, people 

worshipped it from their housetops. But when they went 

up to the hill and saw a piece of wood, roughly hewn, many 

said, with contempt^ that all their forests were full of such 

wood, and then went away. But God in His goodness looked 

down on their error. He sent from the heavens a pillar of 

cloud, and all the hill was filled with fragrance : a melodious 

voice sounded, of many singers of psalms, and there appeared 

a light with a representation of the cross, of the size and 

shape of the cross of wood : twelve stars stood over the 

wooden cross ; all believed and worshipped. And from that 

time many were healed by that cross. 

But the blessed Nune set forth, to instruct with her pure 
lips the other regions of Iberia : she went about everywhere 
in a dress of exceeding simplicity, having nothing superfluous, 
a stranger to the world and all that belongs to it, or rather 
nailed to the cross, exercising her life in continual death, 
confessing by her word the divine Word, and crowned with 
her readiness as with a bloody crown ; we make bold to say 
that she, having become an apostle, preached, beginning from 
the Kekharchians (in Greater Armenia), at the gates of the 
Alans (? Ossets — Dariel Pass) and Kasbians ^, even unto 
the bounds of the Maskuts (Massagetae), as thou mayest 
learn from Agathangelos. 

* East of Cakhet'hi. Cf. Strabo, iv. 5. 



Translated by F. C. Conybeare. 


In Armenian is preserved a history of the Georg-ians ascribed 
to one Djouansher. That it is a translation of a Georgian 
writer's work, the occurrence in it of Georg-ian forms and 
idioms proves, and it was made not later than the thirteenth 
century, for it is quoted in the history of Stephanos Ourbelian, 
who lived in the time of Gregory Anavarzi towards the end 
of that century. 

In chapter xvi (p. 104 of the San Lazaro edition of 1884) 
this work contains a notice which reveals to us the Georgian 
sources used. The following is the passage : ' And this brief 
history was found in the time of confusion, and was placed in 
the book which is called The KhartJilis (or QarthUs) TzJchorepa \ 
that is, T/ie History of the Karthli. And Djouansher found it, 
written up to the time of King Wakhthang. And Djouansher 
himself continued it up to the present time, and entrusted the 
(record) of events to those who saw and fell in with him [or 
them) in his time.' 

In spite of the obscurity of the last sentence, it is clear 
from the above that the Armenian is a translation of 
Djouansher; and as the notice follows immediately after the 
narrative of the martyrdom of King Artchil II, who reigned 
from 688-718, the Georgian original was a document of 
considerable antiquity. Within that original, howevei", wa< 
included a narrative of still earlier date which Djouansher 
merely continued up to his own day. The redaction of this 

* See Miss Wardrop's preface, p. 4. 
F 2 

68 Stitdia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

earlier narrative belong-ed to the reign of Wakhthang, and 
was therefore not later than 483 a. d. 

To this earlier nucleus of Djouansher's work belongs the 
episode of the conversion of Iberia by St. Nouna, which I now 
translate ; and we are probably entitled to assume that the 
Armenian represents a form of the text as it was written 
down before the end of the fifth century. The general 
impression left on one's mind, after confronting the Armenian 
document with the Georgian as translated by Miss Wardrop, 
is, that the latter has been handed down with great fidelity. 

In this connexion it is well to draw the reader's attention 
to the following points. 

1. The marginal numbers inset of my translation of the 
Armenian show at a glance the correspondence page by page 
of Djouansher's narrative with Miss Wardrop's translation. A 
glance at them shows that Djouansher's narrative was shorter 
in form and more compact than the existing Georgian text. 
And this remains certain, even if we admit, as we must, that 
the Armenian translator considerably abridged his original, 

2. The structure of the original document is best preserved 
in the Armenian. Thus its opening words make it clear, that, 
when Nino had been three years only in Mtzkhct'ha, she 
communicated to Salome the narrative of her previous life, 

pp. 1-23. 

At the close of this narrative the right transition to 
Abiathar's narrative is provided by the Ai-menian alone in 
Nino's closing words: — 'And if thou ask thou shalt learn 
from Abiathar the truth.' 

Abiathar at once begins his story. It continues as far as 
p. 29, ' by the bridge of the Magi.' Here the Armenian 
quite rightly puts the episode of the Jews' desiring to stone 
Abiathar at the conclusion of his story, which he may have 
repeated to Salome in the Jewish quarter of Mtzkhet'ha. 

But the Georgian text is dislocated at this point, and 
defers this episode to p. 31, interpolating it in the middle of 
the continued narrative of Nino's missionary activity. 

That narrative, which rightly speaks of Nino in the third 
person, continues as far as p. 54, that is, up to the saint's 
death-bed scene. And here the Armenian, more clearly than 

Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version^ 69 

the Georgian, which is confused, relates the g-enesis of Nino's 
early travel-document. The bystanders ask Nino for informa- 
tion of her early days, and Nino replies : ' I have related it 
to the ears of Salome. . . . Have paper and ink brought and 
write it down from her lips.' 

The document that was so written down is chapter viii of 
Ujouansher, pp. 1-33 of Miss Wardrop's translation. In it 
Nino tells her story in the first person according to the oldest 
Georgian MS. (A.V.), and also according to Djouansher's form 
of narrative. This characteristic trait of the travel-document 
is lost or obscured in the later Georgian texts. 

3. The Armenian helps to bring out the rather primitive, 
and perhaps Montanist, cast of Nino's Christianity, which 
doubtless was also the original type of belief introduced into 
Georo-ia. For the Armenian often omits traits of the more 
elaborate and developed Christianity established in the fourth 
century which the Georgian contains, and vice versa, inter- 
polates other similar traits which the Georgian omits. In 
such cases the Georgian and Armenian, as it were, cancel each 
other ; and we may infer that these traits of a later stage of 
ecclesiastical development did not stand in the original acts. 
I give examples : on p. 20 the Armenian omits the dogmatic 
references to the Trinity in Nino's prayer. On the other 
hand, in p. 23 the Armenian introduces a similar reference 
from which the Georgian text is free. So on pp. 47 and 56 
the Georgian has the phrases ' the great triune God,' and ' the 
Trinity, the infinite God.' In the corresponding passages of 
the Ai'menian these dogmatic expressions are absent. In 
p. 34, on the other hand, the Armenian is more dogmatic than 
the Georgian ; also in p. 31 : ' My God Jesus, King eternal.' 

Again in p. 25 we have the phrase : ' the Son of the 
Virgin.' In the corresponding Armenian this : ' the poor son 
of a woman in distress.' So on p. 44 the Georgian has ' born 
indeed of the seed of David, of a vii-gin pure and holy ' ; where 
the Armenian has the unusual phrase, ' from an only- begotten 
mother was born the only-begotten God.' The two phrases 
at least discount each other ; and the inference is that later 
than the fourth or fifth century Georgian scribes retouched 
the story dogmatically in one way and in one set of passages ; 

70 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

while in Djouansher's and the Armenian tradition it was 
retouched in another way and in a different set of passages. 

But both the Georgian documents and the Armenian ag-ree 
on the following" points : that Jesus was ' the heavenly man,' 
p. 25 (reinforced bv the Armenian in p. 30) ; who ' when he 
had reached man's estate called himself the Son of God,' 
p, 27. Both witnesses also lay stress on the baptism of Jesus, 
p. 45, and this evidently figured as an article in Nino's creed. 
It was an incident of vital importance in the Ebionite view 
of Jesus Christ, yet one of which later dogmatic systems lost 
sight. Lastly, both som-ces insist that Jesus Christ ' came 
in the flesh,' p. 41 ; and this was the position usually urged 
against the primitive error of the Docetae and INIanicheans. 

The Armenian makes it less clear that Nino herself baptized ; 
for it omits the veiy suspicious proviso ' except baptism ' con- 
tained in the Georgian on p. 23 — a proviso which at once 
suggests to a reader familiar with ecclesiastical documents 
that she did baptize. The Ai-menian also ignores the express 
statement which survives in p. 42 of the Georgian that Nino 
baptized the king Mirian. 

It also refers twice, pp. 38 and 39, to Nino's twelve disciples, 
where the Georgian only notices them once. More than one 
heresiarch was accused of profanity for choosing just that 
number of apostles to aid in the work of propagandism. The 
assumption by Abiathar upon his conversion of the name Paul 
is made clearer in the Armenian than in the corresponding- 
Georgian, pp. 30 and '3^'^. It reminds us of the similar custom 
which prevailed among the Paulicians, and was also not 
unknown among orthodox believers. 

Lastly, it is noticeable that the Armenian text, up to nearly 
the end of chapter x ( = p. 40), calls the saint Nouni; but for 
the rest of the narrative calls her Ninau or Nino. Perhaps this 
change of spelling implies a new documentary stratum in the 
Georgian original which underlay the Armenian. In general 
I have kept all diflferences of sj^elling of the Armenian text. 
The name Niophor on p. 10 appears to be the Greek vecoKo'pos, 
mediatized through a Syriac document in which o was con- 
fused with 3. If so, the original acts were written in Syriac. 

Life of St. Nino {Ajinenian Version). 71 


At that time ^ the blessed lady Nouni, the mother of the - 
Wirq ^ (i. e. Iberians), came to Mtzkhet'ha, and was there three 
years ^. And the queen of the Wirq, Solomoni (? Solome), 
asked her whence she was. And Nouni told her thus : — 

The original report about me was that once on a time the 
race of Brandji were at war with Rome ; and a certain man, 
Zabulon bj name, a Cappadocian, conquered them by the g 
might of Christ, and took captive the king and his army. 
And they, astonished, asked for the grace of baptism, which 
he bestowed on them, and dismissed them to their country 
illuminated in Christ. 

Zabulon himself also went with them and made the race of 
the Brandji Christian. And he came to the king and received 
from him many presents, then went off to Jerusalem to honour 
the holy places. And there he foimd two orphans who were 
come from Klastrat after the death of their parents, who were 
Christians. The name of one was Houbnal (i. e. Juvenal), 
and of his sister Susan, who was servant to Niaphor* of 
Bethlehem. And Zabulon took Susan to himself to wife, and 
departed to the city of Klastatas. And I was born of them. 

And when I was twelve years old they came to Jerusalem. 
And my father went away into the wilderness, entrusting me 
to God and to the grace of Christ, that I might devote myself 
in virginity to the heavenly bridegroom. And I entered the 
house of Niophor of Armenian race from the city of Dwin, 

' The last event chronicled was the successful war of Constantine with 
Mihran, king of Iberia, at the conclusion of which Constantine took Bahqar, 
Mihran's son, as a hostage, and Trdat, king of Armenia, gave his daughter 
Beoun (after marriage called Solome) to Mihran's son. The chaptering of the 
Armenian is that of the printed text of Djouansher. 

^ Wirq was the Armenian name for the Georgians. The final q marks the 
plural and the correspondence with Iberi is clear. The Georgians in Turn 
knew the Armenians as the Somkhuri, the Hellenes or Heathens as Thsarmarthi 
and the Greek tcngue as Berdznuli. 

^ Nino had been three years in Mtzkhet'ha when she told her story to 
Salome. The text has ami's* = 'months,' which I correct to am' 'years.' See 

P- 75 (23)- 

* Also spelt Niophor. Whether this person was male or female does not 

appear in the Armenian. It is only clear therefrom that there was one person 

of the name and not two, and that he (or she) came from Dwin, the old 

Christian centre of Armenia, on the Araxes near Artaxata. 

72 Shidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

and I served him {or her) two years, and was continually being 
informed about the economy of Christ our God, and of how 
he died {I'd. how was the end), and of where are the grave- 
clothes of om- Lord. And they taught me that the things 
written by the prophet were fulfilled in the Lord, and that he 

11 was crucified and rose, and went up into heaven, and is to 
come again. And the clothes the wife of Pilate asked for {or 
sought), and believed in Christ ; and departed into Pontus to 
her home. And after a time it fell to Luke the Evangelist, 
and he knows what he did with them. And as to the napkin, 
Peter, they say, took it with him ; and the seamless tunic 
reached the shady (i. e. Northern) land, and lies in the city of 
Mtzkhet'ha. But the Lord's cross lies buried in Jerusalem, 
and is revealed whenever he desires. 

12 And I having heard all this went to the Patriarch, and he 

13 blessed me. And I departed to Rome, that peradventure 
I might win there some share in the grace of Chiist. And 
having set my face sure to the living hope, I found the Wanq 
(i. e. resthouse) of Paul, in which lived virgins, 300 souls. 

14 And there trials beset us, and we came to Armenia. And the 
Caesar sent a letter to Ti-dat ; and search was made, and they 
found us in the troughs of the wine-press. And the king 

15 after much trouble failed in his efforts to induce the betrothed 
of Christ Hripsima to wed him ; and resorting to the sword 
he massacred of us thirty-seven souls. And the rest were 
scattered ; but I remained beneath rose trees, which were not 
yet in blossom. And raising my eyes aloft I saw the souls of 
the saints passing to heaven. And their commander was 
a priest ; with a fiery host he went to meet them, having in 
his hand a censer ; and with the smell of the incense w'as 
the whole world filled. And having censed the saints^ he 
returned with them, and they passed in behind the veil. 

16 But I cried unto the Lord saying: Wherefore hast thou 
left me here, my Lord Jesus ? And he answered me : Fear 
thou not, for thou shalt go up to the same place as thy sisters. 
But do thou rise up and go to the region of the north, where 
is much harvest to reap, but where labourer is not. And after 
a little time yonder bush covered with thorns doth bourgeon 
and blossom with roses. 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Version^ 73 

And I rose up and came to Ourbani of the Armenians, 
and I wintered there ; and in the month of June I came to 
the mountain of Dshavakheth. And reaching the lake of 
Pharhnav, I saw there men fishing- in the lake, and shepherds 
on the edge of the lake. And I heard that they swore ^ by 
Aramazd and by Zaden. For I was acquainted with the 
tongue of the Armenians, having learned it in the house of 
Niophor of Dwin. And I asked them whence they were, and 
they said, from Darb, from Lrban, from Saphoursli, from 
Qintseri, from Rhapaten of Mtzkhet'ha, where gods are glori- 
fied and kings do rule. And this river which runs out of the 
lake goes thither. And I retired alone and laid down my 17 
head and slept. And there was given to me a book in the 
Roman tongue, sealed wath a seal. And the writing of the 
seal was the name of Jesus Christ. And the man who gave 
me the letter said to me : Arise, go and preach whatsoever is 
written therein. And I said to him : Who am I, a woman 
ignorant and weak ? But he said to me : In the grace of 
Christianity and in the land of life, which is the heavenly 
(= 6,vo}) Jerusalem, there is neither male nor female. And 
weakness and ignorance is not spoken of, for Christ is the 
strength of God and the wisdom of God. And Mariam 
Magdalene announced the resurrection of Christ to the 
apostles and to many others ; and there was no shame to 
her for speaking nor to them for listening. And I opened 
the book, and there was in it writ in brief all the power of the 
gospel, comprised in ten sentences [lit. words) ^. 

And I, having read and understood it, arose and prayed to 18 
the Lord ; and I followed the river from the direction of the 
west, until the water turned to the east. And I reached 
Ourbnis, and was there one month ; and then I came with 
merchants to Mtzkhet'ha. And on the day of the feast of 
Aramazd I followed the king and all the people ; and I saw 19 
there a man clad in copper cviirass and casque of gold, adorned 
with two eyes, one an emerald and the other a beryl, having 

' I.e. made their vows to those gods. All this part of the acts of Nino is 
astDnishingly correct in its topography and, so far as we can check them, in its 
other allusions. 

^ The Armenian omits the ten sentences. It was such a manual as a 
Montanist prophetess might have carried about with her. 

74 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

a sword in his hand like a lig-htning'-flash, and he moved it, 
striking- fear into the crowd. And they were trembling- and 
saying : Woe unto us, if we have been amiss in sacrifice or 
have sinned in words with Jew or with Mag-i, for we shall die 
at the hand of Ai-amazd. And there stood on his rig-ht hand 
a gold image named Gatzi, and on his left the silver image 
called Gayim. 

20 And I remembered the saying- of Houbnal the patriarch of 
Jerusalem, a\ ho said to me, Thou shalt reach a land of men at 
war with the true God. And I heaved a sigh and wept, and 
petitioned of God mercy on the erring, and said : God of my 
father and mother, visit thy wrath on these demon- possessed 
images, and destroy them, that they may know thee, the only 
true God. And there was on a sudden a violent wind, and 

21 a voice of thunder, and shootings forth of thunderbolts, and 
hail of the weight of a litre ; and a stench horrible and foul, 
and dense thick gloom, which made the images invisible. 
And the crowd was dispersed, and entered into hiding. And 
on the second day the king and all the people went forth, and 
sought to find the reason of what had happened. Then said 
some : The God of the Chaldaeans Throudjan ^ and our 
Aramazd are enemies from the beginning. And once on 
a time our God destroyed him with water, and now he has 
taken his revenge. But some said what was true, that, the 
great God who smote the king of the Armenians, and after- 
wards healed him along with all Hayastan (i. e. Armenia), he 
has wrought this wonder. 

22 And I found the eye of beryl and came under the tree 
Bantschi, which they call the shelter of King- Bartom ; 
and I prayed there for six days. And on the great day 
of the transfiguration of the Lord, when the Lord showed 
the image of the Father to the chief apostles and prophets, 
there came to me a royal person, Shoushan by name, and 
seeing me she marvelled. And she brought an interpreter 
that spoke the Roman tongue and asked me questions, pitying 

* We recognize the name Xisuthrus used by Berosus. But whether the 
Georgian despoils Eusebius' chronicon or preserves the independent local 
tradition which Berosus preserves is not clear. I should conjecture that 
the Book of Nimrod is the proximate Georgian source. 

Life of St. Nino {^Armenian Version^ 75 

me as a stranger. And she wished to lead me to the palace. 
But I did not go with her ; but I went thence and found 
a woman called Anastou, w^ho was wife of the man who took 
care of the royal g-arden, and she received me gladly. And 
I was in their house nine months. 

And they had no child, and were for that reason in great 23 
sorrow. And a luminous man said to me : Go into the 
garden, and from the root of a cedar ^ sapling by the rose- 
bushes thou shalt take earth, and give it to them to eat in 
the name of the Lord, and he will give them offspring. And 
I did so ; and I gave it them in the name of Jesus Christ 
the God of Sabaoth, who came in lowliness and is to come 
again in his glory to judge the world according to its deserts. 
And they listened and believed in Christ, and received the 
child promised. 

And I went forth from their house ; and outside the wall 
in a grove of tamarisks made myself a station. And there 
I abode three years, and having fashioned a cross I worshipped 
before it the holy Trinity by day and night. And day by 
day I would repair to the Jews, because of their tongue, and 
to gain information of the Lord's tunic. And the priest 
Abiathar and his daughter Sidonia believed in the advent of 
Christ, and six Jewish women with her. And if thou ask 
thou shalt learn from Abiathar the truth. 

And having heard all this, the wise queen wondered and 24 
believed in what she said. And when she heard of the great 
marvels which occurred to her father Trdatj she w^as all the 
more strengthened in the faith and glorified God in his 
infinite glory. 


But the priest Abiathar told his story in the hearing of all 
in words of the following tenor : — 

In the year in which the holy Nouni came to Mtzkhet'ha, 
I was priest by lot of my race. And there was brought me 
a writing from Antioch from the Jews there, to the effect 
that the kingdom was rent in three, and that Romans, 

^ The Armenian word more properly signifies a ' pine ' sapling. 

76 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Greeks and Armenians rule us. And that our prophets are 
silenced and our temple is demolished. And this we know 
from the Scriptures, that, when our fathers sinned, God was 
ang-ry and g-ave them over to captivity. And when they 
beheld their tribulation, they repented, and cried out to the 
Lord in prayer ; and God was appeased and allowed them 

2:, to return and had mercv on them. And seven times this 
happened in the days of old. But since when our sires 
crucified the son of a poor {or the poor son of a) woman in 
distress, named Christ, there are now 300 years that the 
wrath of the Lord is increased upon us ; and we ciy out to 
him early and late, and he gives us no answer, nor is appeased 
towards us. Whence it is rig-ht to understand that he is the 
Son of God, foreshadowed by the Law and the Prophets. 
And do thou look and examine in thy wisdom out of thine 
acquaintance with Scripture, to see how all the things written 
have been fulfilled, and that that man was truly from heaven. 
Now I was in great sorrow for many days, and then on 
examining the Scriptures I found that the time signified by 
Daniel reached its sum under Augustus Caesar of the Romans, 
And while I was engaged in this I saw the holy Nouni, and 
was informed and heard from her lips the words of the 
writings of our prophets, and the chai-acter of his economy 
in detail and order, all things from the birth until the ascen- 
sion into heaven. And I believed in sooth that he was the 
hope of the Gentiles and the salvation of my people Israel. 
And behold we became worthy, I and my seed, of the water 
of Niebazi \ which is of Bethlehem, which David longed for, 
but did not attain to. And the Lord remembered us according 
to his pleasure in his people, and visited us in his salvation ; 
and we dwelled in the house of the Lord, that we might 
eternally praise the Lord. For the holy David blessed us ; 
and may God vouchsafe to me to see yet other marvels and 
blessings in the city b}^ the hand of the holy lady Nouni. 

26 And his hearers were glad and said to Abiathar : What- 

' Niebazi is unintelligible. It is evidently a transcription of the word 
einbazsa which here stands in the Georgian text. The Armenian translator 
mistook it for a proper name. It = ' of baptism,' or ' of the font,' being in 
turn a transcription of the word ifx0aais. 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Version\ 77 

ever thou knowest about this, tell unto us. And he said to 
them : — 

We have heard from our fathers, — what their fathers had 
related to them, — that in the days of King- Herod there 27 
came a rumour to the Jews of Mtzkhet'ha, that king-s from 
among- the Persians had come and taken Jerusalem ; and the 
priests of Bouday and Kodi, the Tslarian scribes and Canaanite 
interpreters set out in headlong* flight eastwards, and all the 
Jews took to mourning. But after a few days tidings were 
noised abroad that the Persians in Jerusalem were not come 
for war, but to do homag-e to a son of a virgin, born of the 
seed of David, having" as their guide from heaven a star 
reasonable and wise. Whom having found in the wilderness 
they glorified him as God. For instead of arms they had 
offerings with them, kingly gold and myrrh of healing and 
frankincense to offer to God. And having offered these to 
the child they went their way. And having heard the matter 
the race of the Jews rejoiced with great joy. And after thirty 
years a letter came from Jerusalem from Annas the priest to 
the father of my mother, Elios, that the child Jesus presented 
by the Magi having become a man called himself Son of God. 
Come ye who are able that we may execute on him the law of 28 
Moses, slaying him. 

And Elios the priest departed being* skilled in the law, of 
the family of Eliazar, of the stock of the house of Heli. And 
he had a mother of the same stock, who charged him, saying : 
Have no share, my son, in the counsels of the Jews. For he 
is the message of the prophets and the hidden meaning of the 
law and the word of the living God, There set out with him 
also Lounkianus of Karsni, and they came and arrived on the 
day of the crucifixion. And when the executioner drove in 
the nails he startled the mother of Ilios because of the 
prophecy therein, and she said : Unto the peace of the 
Gentiles, yonder the king of Israel, Saviour of the world. 
And three times, Woe unto you, slayers of your maker ! But 
pity thou us, Lord our God. 

And then she rested (i. e. died) having believed in Christ 
in that hour. 

But the seamless tunic fell by lot to the Jews of Mtzkhet'ha ; 

78 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

29 and Ilios broug-lit and bore it to his house. And his sistev 
went out to meet him, and taking* (the garment) kissed it and 
laid it on her bosom ; and g-ave up her spirit, having- three 
reasons from Christ, the death of the Lord, and her mother's 
death, and her brother's accord with the Jews. 

And Adrik was king of the Georgians, and on hearing of 
it wondered ; j^et did not wish to keep for himself the tunic 
of one dead. And they kept it beneath the cedar tree of 
which the orio;>inal shoot had been brought from Lebanon. 
And lo, the house of Ilios, which lies west of the bridge of 
the Magi ^. 

When all the Jews heard this, they were ashamed in them- 
selves, and designed to stone him ; because being expert in 
his wisdom he truly proved from the Old Testament the 
divinity of Christ to be glorified with Father and with Spirit. 
And the king having heard the uproar of the Jews bore 
hardly on them, and bade them not to hinder that preaching 
in his land. For he had heard of the ^^■onders which had 
occurred in Armenia and in Rome. 


Then Saint Nouni ventured boldly by means of her dis- 
ciples who believed to disseminate the faith of Christ by 
divers signs, which she wrought with the figured cross. And 
she saw three times in her light sleeping on her knees flocks 
30 of black-hued birds descend into the river and issue up again 
out of it having become white and go into the garden, where 
they browsed on its flowers. And they would cull a little 
therefrom and give it to the master of the flower-garden. 
And she related her dream to Abiathar's daug-hter, and she 
said : O new-comer and sojourner, that makest (us) heirs of 
the garden and tree of life, thine are the good-tidings of our 
fathers and the work of the heavenly man Jesus and of his 
innocent blood. But do thou, Jerusalem, spread out thy 
wings, and gather together those who have won a portion 
in the heavenly one ; with whom thou wilt also muster us 

' The Armenian has Mogtha, which is the Georgian gen. pi. 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Versioii). 79 

by the hand of this holy woman, who makes of this spot 
a garden of delight. 

So Saint Nouni increased in self-denial and in continual 31 
prayer, and the Gentiles marvelled at her endurance. 

In those days a certain woman was going* around with her 
child that was ill with an incurable disease, in hope of finding 
some one to save the child by device of drugs. And she was 
herself of evil life and a blas]3hemer of Christ, and she kept 
back many from the preaching of Nouni. Yet when she was 
at an end of all other means, she took and cast the child 
before Saint Nouni. And the Saint said : Human art of 
healing I have not, but only my Christ, maker of things 
visible and invisible. And she laid the child on her mattress 
and signed it with the cross, saying : My God Jesus, King 
eternal, heal this child in the name of thy power, that the 
Gentiles may know that thou art the giver of life to the race 
of men, who are verily thy creatures ; and owe to thee worship 
and honour and glory everlasting. Amen. 

And having said this she gave the child healed and beauti- 32 
fied and full of joy to the woman. And she said : There is 
no God, except thyself, O Christ, lord and ruler of life and 
death. She departed gladly and told it to all. Then she 
returned to- Nouni and departed not from her. 

In those days the queen Nana fell into an incurable sick- 
ness ; and all who were skilled in the art of healing confessed 
their defeat, saying, It is impossible that this sickness should 
be healed by man. And they told the queen about Nouni, 
and she sent to have her brought to her. And they went 
and found her at prayer in the thicket of the grove of tama- 
. risks before the cross. And they told her the queen's message. 
But she said to them : In this hour I let not my heart decline 
from my Lord. If she desire it, she will come to us. And 
the royal lady having heard said, Take me up and carry me to 
her. There went forth after her a great multitude of men 
and women, and they took and laid her on Nouni's mattress. 
And she prayed for long and laid her cross upon her square- 
ways, and in that hour she sat up having been healed. And 
she arose from the place and went to her house, glorifying 
Christ God, along with all the multitude. And thenceforth 

8o Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

she was a disciple of the truth and learned the laws of Christ 
from Saint Nouni and from Abiathar the priest, who also 
was called Paul in his believing. 

33 But the king- Mihran was full of wonder, and asked of 
Paul, how God became man, and what were these teaching's 
and the name of Christianity. And he told him as best he 
could everything in order. And Mihran had a book which 
told all about the race of Nebrowth ^, and the building of 
Qalene ; and he had it brought before him, and having read 
it, he found in it the following passage : — 

When they began to build the tower and city Qalene, 
there came a voice from on high, which said : I am Miqayel 
(i.e. Michael), ruler of the eastern parts. Abandon that which 
ye build, for God will destroy it. Nathless in the last 
times cometh the king heavenly ; and he fulfilleth that for 
which ye long. And they behold the undespised despised 
among the peoples, and his love driveth out the fair-seeming 
of the world. For kings forsake their kingdoms and love 
poverty, and not that glory which thou seekest, O Nebrowth. 

And having read this, the king fell into deep thought, and 
marvelled that the inner and outer books testify of Christ. 
But he could not forsake the ancestral cult to which he was 
accustomed — the sun and fire, and Aramazd and other idols. 

In those days a Mugian kinsman of the king fell sick ; and 
Mihran said to Saint Nouni : Thou art a daughter of Aramazd 
or else the seed of Zaden, who have brought thee hither as 
a stranger and vouchsafed to thee power of healing, that thou 

34 mayest glorify thyself. Now therefore work the cure of this 
my familiar friend by their name, nor make thyself a mis- 
taken reciter of the faith of the laones. For although 
Throudjan, the god of the Persians, with cloud and hail hath 
routed and carried them away, yet the place is sure ; and such 
war is a habit of the world-swayers. Nay there remain also 
the old gods of our fathers, Gayim and Gatzim, and they are 

* The Book of Nimrod is more than once referred to in the letter of Paul 
of Taron ag:iin8t Theophistus the Greek ; this letter is a monument of the 
eleventh century, at which time this apocryph still circulated among Armenians ; 
in whose literature or in the Georgian it may yet be discovered. Mr. Eendel 
Harris states that in an Arabic MS. of Mount Sinai, No. 435, is contained 
' The history of Nimrod.' This is jirobably the apocryph in question. 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Version^ 8i 

the shooters forth of the sun's rays, and the givers of rain, 
and those that cause the works of the field to bear fruit. 

The saint made answer and said : I am a captive woman, 
a creature and a worshipper of the invisible and unknown 
godhead of Father and Son and Holy Spirit, that is creator 
of heaven and earth. Who because of his great mercy, 
giveth life to the despisers of himself and nurture and honour, 
even as unto thyself. For he hath given to thee mind and 
words, for thee to know the height of heaven and the posi- 
tions of the stars and the depth of the sea and the breadth of 
the earth ; and through these things shalt thou know him 
who governs and adjusts them. And I declare to thee that 
the infinite (lit. unreachable) greatness that robes the heaven 
wuth vapours and thunders with the voice of the winds and 
by means of the great leviathan ^ shakes the whole earth, He 35 
came down from the heights above in lowliness, and took on 
himself our nature. He accomplished the period of thirty 
and three years. And by a senseless race he was rejected and 
crucified, of his own will and not under constraint. And on 
the third day he arose and ascended into heaven. And he 
sent preachers into the world, to believe in his name and 
live in the worship of God, forsaking vain idols. This is the 
gospel which I preach to thee, that thou mayest believe, if 
I should work aught, that it is by his name. And there lies 
hidden here a raiment of his ; and as they say the sheepskin 
mantle of Elias who saw God is here. And that you may 
clearly learn what I say, bring to me the magus of Khorasan, 
the enemy of the truth. And he shall deny his heresy and in 
faith profess whatever I give him to say. 

And when they had brought him to her there in the garden, 
below the cedar tree, she turned him to the west^ and made him 
say three times : I renounce thee, Satan. And then she turned 
him to the east and made him say : I throw myself on thee, 
holy Trinity, and I turn my face to thee, O crucified God. 

And Nouni wept and traced on him the figure of the 
Lord's cross. And there went forth from him the evil spirit 

" Ann. kitos, i.e. K'qro^. 

''■ This detail, absent in the Georgian, is surely an addition of the Armenian 


82 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

like smoke. And the man was made whole of the demon and 
of his sufferings, and believed in Christ with all his house- 
hold. And the onlookers glorified the Father and the Son 
and the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever, Amen. 

After this the king went out to hunt towards Mukh- 
narn. . . . 

(The episode which follows is told almost exactly as in 
pp. '3,^ foil. I only give the more important differences of the 
text page by page.) 

36 P. 'ifi. Omit words 'Let us see Nana ... be destroyed.' 
Ibid. For ' whence he saw ' Arm. has ' that they might 


Ibid. ' The darkness seized.'] Arm. ' Panic fell on them.' 
Ibid. 'Lo, I have called' . . .] The Arm. has the prayer thus: 
' Jesus Christj God of Nouni, win me to thee as thy 
servant and rescue my soul from hell. For my gods have not 
been able to help me ; and I believe that thou art able, and 
thine is day and night. O crucified Lord, with thy cross 
make me alive. For I think that this darkness is not over 
all, but over us alone who after the advent of the light do 
still love darkness. 

And when he had said this the sun beamed forth with 
a bright sky. And his soldiers found him. And dismounting 
they fell on their faces and worshipped the crucified one, 
saying : Thou art God.' . . . 

37 P. 37, 1. 7 from foot of page. ' He went towards . . .'] Arm. 
has : ' They went to her and fell down and worshipped her. 
But she took them firmly, raised them up and turned them 
towards the east.' 

P. 37, last line. ' The next day . . .'] Arm. has as follows : 
' Then Saint Nouni writes before (them) a letter to Helena 
the royal lady of Rome, and !Mihran to the great Constantine, 

38 saying : The Lord hath \dsited the house of the Wii-q in his 
great pity. So do ye send us priests to give us life by water 
and Spirit. But Saint Nouni herself did not rest from 
preaching along with twelve women, who were ever with her. 
And after that the king bethought him of building a church, 
before the priests should come. And they went into the 
garden and cut down the cedar tree, and fashioned out of it 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Version). 83 

six pillars, and they laid the foundations and raised aloft the 
six pillars. But the seventh, which was big-gest of all, they 
could not move from its place, in spite of their numbers and 
of the contrivances of machines, until sunset. And then 39 
they left it and went away in great wonder. But Saint 
Nouni with the twelve remained there for the night and 
prayed with tears. And at midnight there was panic and 
shocks and thunderings, as if the two mountains Armaz 
and Zade were crumbling, and the two rivers, the Kour and 
Arag, were committing havoc and being turned back on the 
city and fortress. And the women with Nouni were affrighted 
and began to flee. But the saint said : Fear not, for this is 
delusion and not real. For the mountains stand firm, and 
the rivers run in their courses, and in peace sleep the men of 
the city. But disbelief that was massive as a mountain hath 
truly crumbled ; and the blood of children offered to the idols 
is forthwith turned back. That is what the rivers signify. 
And the voices of lamentation are the foul demons that led 
astray now mourning their destruction. And having said 
this she exhorted them to diligence, but herself poured out 
fountains of tears. And before it was yet cock-crow, there 
was a turmoil and noise of shouting, as if a heavy force were 
investing the city and took it and overthrew it ; and as if 
the command were given in a voice of power, saying : Khora 
the sovereign of the Persians gives you the command, and 
the king of kings Khorakhosrow commandeth. Ye Jews, 40 
away with j^ou, scatter and die not. And again (was heard 
a voice) : Mihran the sovereign is slain. 

But the blessed lady spread her arms out and said : Depart 
ye into outer darkness. Lo, the crucified one, your slayer, is 
come. Go ye unto the region of the north. And in that 
very hour they disappeared. And close upon dawn appeared 
a youth all fiery, hidden in unapproachable light, who spoke 
unto Saint Nina {sic) three words. And then he went to the 
pillar and raised it aloft. 

And a certain woman, Sidina ^ by name, saw it all, for she 
had gone out to Ninau, and she said : What is this, holy 

* Sidonia is elsewhere the ppelHng used. It is impossible to say whether the 
variations of spelling of proper names observable in the Armenian, and kept by 

G 2 

84 Studia Bib lie a et Ecclesiastica. 

dame. But she answered : Hold thy peace and pray. And 
lo, they saw the pillar enkindled with lig-ht. Gently it came 
A'i down into the (place) cut away at its root. 

And at daybreak came the sovereign and a g-reat crowd 
along" with him ; and they saw that the pillar had shot up, and 
had come without (work of) hand, and was fixed firm upon its 
basis. And they lifted up their voices and gave glory to God. 

And on that day were many miracles wrought in that 
place. For there was a Jew blind from birth. They brought 
him near the column, and his eyes were instantly opened. 
And then one of the princes, Hamazaspuni, eight years old, 
a paralytic, was brought by his mother and laid before the 
pillar on his mattress, and she prayed Ninau for the salvation 
of the child. And she stretched out her hand to the column, 
then laid it on the child, and said : Jesus Christ, who earnest 
in the flesh for the salvation of the world, help this child. 
And at once the child arose and stood upon its feet. And all 
the multitude who saw this gave praise to God ; and fear fell 
upon all. And the king made a covering for the pillar, and 
42 they completed the church, building it to the glory of God. 


But the emperor Constantino, when he saw the messengers 
of Mihran, was delighted at the conversion of the Wirq to 
Christ, the more so because he trusted that they had for 
good broken off their alliance with the Persians. Likewise 
also the royal lady Helena. And they glorified God, and 
sent a bishop called John, and two priests and three deacons, 
and a cross with them and a saving picture. And they came 
and illumined with baptism the king and his wife and 
children and famous men, in a place which is called Moktha, 
and the place was called the Light-giving of the headmen. 
43 And all the Wirq were baptized, except the Mthevouli ^ and 

me in translating, is due to the Georgian original or simply to the Armenian 
tradition. If they stood in the former they might be held to indicate a transla- 
tion from a language like Syriac or Hebrew, in which the vowels were not 

' The Georgian has ' the Mthiuli in the Caucasus,' which is probably the 
right text. 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Version). 85 

the Kowkas and the Jews in Mtzkhet'ha. But of the Barab- 
beans were baptized fifty men ; and the king loved them and 
gave them Diditzikhe. But Pheroz, who had the house of 
Rhana as far as Partav, who was son-in-law of Mihran 
hearkened not to the word of life. And Mihran sent John 
(Hovhannes) the bishop and a leading man with him to Con- 
stantine, and asked for a great number of priests and a piece 
of the cross of the Lord and for stone-cutters to build 
churches. And he sent all he asked for and the board of the 
feet of the Lord, and the nails of the hands^ along with 
furniture and treasure to expend, in order that in his name 
they might build a church in the land of Kharthli. 

And the bishop came to the country of Ousheth and laid 44 
the foundation of a church, and there placed the nails and 
left there builders and treasure. And they went on to 
Manklis, and there he laid the foundation of a church, and 
there placed the holy board. And the king heard, and was 
grieved at their placing the pieces elsewhere than in his 
royal city, and at the envoys not coming there first. But 
Saint Ninau said : Take it not amiss, O king, for in all 
places it is meet to sow the name of the Lord. And here 
there is preserved great holiness and a memorial of the Lord, 
the holy tunic. And the king heard from Abiathar all the 
description of the tunic, and glorified Christ saying : Blessed 
is the Lord God, who rescued it from his hated enemies the 
Jews and bestowed it on us aliens afar olf in his mercy. 

And then the stone-cutters began on the coming of the 
bishop to build a church outside the city, where is now the 
bishop's house. And Saint Ninau spoke at the beginning of 
the work as follows: — 

Distributor of glory, Christ, Son of God ; thou didst come 
in thy fullness and power to the race of David. And from 45 
an only-begotten mother wast born the only-begotten God, 
Light of all, image of the Father, who as in need thereof 
didst receive baptism by water and by Spirit, wast crucified 
and buried in the heart of the earth, didst rise on the third 
day, ascendedst into heaven, and comest to judge the quick 
and the dead. Do thou become shelter and rampart of all 
who have hoped in thee ; and to thee praise for ever, Amen. 

86 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

And some related in that same hour to the bishop that at 
the foot of a little hill there is a beautiful and fragrant tree ; 
and by the same are healed fawns wounded by the huntsmen, 
when they strip off and eat its leaves or fruit. And he said 
to them : Verily this land is ever cared for by the Lord even 
before it knew him. And the bishop took Rew the king's son 
and went and cut down the tree, branches and all, and brought 
it into the city, on the 25th of INIarch on a Friday. And it 
was covered with leaves. And they set it up at the door of the 
4f) church, and for thirty and seven days it kept from withering 
as if it grew from its own root. And on the first of May they 
fashioned three crosses. One of them they set up. And in 
full view of all the people, there came down from heaven a 
luminous cross, crowned with stars, and invested the wooden one 
till the dawn of the morrow. And then two stars came forth, 
one flying eastwards, and one westwards. And Saint Ninau 
said: Go ye up into high places and find out whither the 

47 stars go. And they went up and saw that the one star shone 
on the top of the mountain Thkhothi, which runs out to 
Kasb, and the other in the land of Kakhethi in Daba. And 
they took the two crosses, and set them up in the places 
which the Lord pointed out by the glancing stars. But the 
chief cross they set up on a rock, which lies opposite the city. 

48 And they ordained the day of the great Zadik as the feast of 

49 the cross for all the house of Kharthli, eight days. And 
after the days, again the cross gleamed with light and burst 
out aflame on the fourth day of the week, having on its head 
a wreath of twelve stars. And at sight of these wonders all 
the heathen turned to the Lord and were baptized ; and being 
strengthened in the faith gave praise to God out of reverence 
for the holy cross. For like carbuncles in ores, angels of God 
hovered round the cross and went up over it. 

j^o In those days the son of Rew . . . .' (The Armenian con- 
tinues in agreement with the Georgian as translated above, 
with the following exceptions) : 

P. 50. ' Raised the canopy '] ' raised a marble canopy.' 
Ibid. ' And in consequence . . . cross of Christ '] omit. 
51 P. 51' ' And it helped . . . always and for ever'] omit. 
Ibid. ' In those days,' &c.] The Armenian is as follows : 

Life of St. Nino {Armenian Version^ 87 

' In those days the emperor Constantine sent a deacon, who 
had a letter from the race of Branji, who had been illumined 
by her father. For they heard that among- Armenians and 
Wirq there beamed forth the sun of righteousness with 
effulgent sheen, and that mig-hty works of God were mani- 
fested among- them. . . .' 

P. 52. 'Nino answered,' &c.] Armenian runs thus : 6' 

But Saint Nouni hindered them, saying : The Lord came 
not with sword and bow, but with cross and gospel. And 
the bishop and Ninau went off, and the king with them, to 
Tsrbin, to Dsharthal, to Thkhela, to Tsilkasn, to GoramaAr. 
But they received not the word of the Lord. And they went 
down to Jaleth and to Ertsoyth and preached there. And 
they heard and were baptized. And the Phkhatziq left their 
land and went to Thosheth. And many of the mountaineers 
remain to this day in idolatry. And Saint Ninau went off 53 
into the land of Rana to preach to Pheroz, and tarried hard 
by the marches of Koukhethi and there fell ill. And Rew, 
son of the king, and Solome his wife, who were in Oudjarma, 
came to see her. And the king heard and sent the bishop to 54 
bring her to Mtzkhet'ha, but she would not come. Then 55 
went to her the king and his wife, and Peloujawr Siunetzi, and 
a number of congregations, and they sat round her and wept. 

But she looked up to heaven with unwavering eyes, full of 
joy. Then the queens said to her : Holy mother, as we 
heard from thee, the Son of God had multitudes of prophets, 
and his were also twelve apostles and seventy-two disciples, 
and of them not one was sent to us, but only thyself, holy 
dame. Now then tell us the details of thy birth and thy 
nurture [with us]. And the Saint said to them : — 

Since ye would be informed about the suffering handmaid 
of Christ, who henceforth calJs me to himself and to my 
mother unto eternity ; and I have related it into the ears of 
Solome, daughter of the king of Armenia, a short sketch of my 
coming hither : have brought papers and ink ^, and write it 

* In the Armenian Quaries yev inelan, that is chartas and nikav. These 
words were used in Armenia in the tenth century to signify writing material. 
Even if the same words had stood in the Georgian text of Djouansher they 
would not necessarily imply that that text was a translation from Greek. The 
use of the Latin names for the months points rather to a Latin originaL 

88 Sttidja Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

down from her lips. And as for the rest ye know it of your- 
selves, since ye have heard and seen it. And may the peace 
of the Lord be with you. And I commit unto you Jacob the 
priest, who shall be bishop after John by the call of the Spirit. 
And after that she caused the bishop John to offer the 
sacrifice and she communicated in the holy sacrament. And 
having entrusted herself to the heavenly king, she ended her 
life in Christ. And she was buried in the same place in the 

56 332nd year of the ascension of the Lord, and from the 
departure of Adam from the garden in the 5832nd year, in 
the fifteenth year after her entry into Qarthl. 

But the emperor Constantiue wrote a letter to Mihran, 
and released his son Bahqar, who was with him as a hostage. 
And he said : 

I Constantine Autocrat, new servant of Jesus Christ, by him 
liberated from the captivity of Satan, have sent to thee Mihran, 

57 king of the Wirq, thy son. For our Lord will be a guarantee 
between us for thy remaining loyal and obedient to us. And 
he doth drive out the scheming Bev from thy marches. 

So Mihran held great rejoicings with Nana the mother of 
the child and with all the land to the glory of God. 

After that he finished the church of the bishopric and filled 
it with ornaments. And in those days died Hew his son, 
having lived thirty-four years. And in the same year King 
Mihran fell sick ; and called his son, and, after placing the 
crown on the cross, he then took it thence and placed it on 
his head, enjoining upon him piety and the ordinances of 
religion. And he said to his wife : Go thou, and dwell in the 
tomb of the holy Nouni, and there live. And build a church 
and honour the spot, and distribute our goods to the poor, 
dividing them in twain. And behold I go whence I came. 
And I thank God who hath turned my darkness into light 
and death into life and left into right. And do ye be diligent 
and destroy the idols which remain. And the Lord Almighty 
shall be with you. And having said this he slept. And in 
the third year after him the queen Nana went to her repose 
in the Lord. 



[KiEsopp Lake.] 





The material which is given and discussed in the following 
pages is the result of a visit which Mr. G. A. Wathen and 
myself paid to Mount Athos in the summer of 1899. This 
visit was undertaken primarily to photograph a MS. of the 
LXX for the use of the Cambridge editors, and secondarily 
to inspect and study New Testament and Patristic MSS. 
For these purposes grants were made by the Trustees of the 
E-evision Surplus Fund at Oxford and of the Hort Fund 
at Cambridge, to whose liberality I owe a deep debt of 
gratitude, as I also do to the private generosity of the 
Regius and Margaret Professors of Theology at Oxford and 
of Mr. Conybeare. 

Our trip was exceedingly enjoyable, and we were able to 
do a considerable amount of work, thanks to the kindness of 
His Holiness the Patriarch of Constantinople and of the 
Koti'orrjs of the monks, who gave us letters of commendation. 
We also received great hospitality and help from the 
governing bodies of the monasteries at which we stayed, 
especially valuable to us being that of Father Chrysostom of 
the Laura, who most liberally lent us books of reference from 
his private library and assisted us on many occasions by his 
great knowledge of the beautiful MSS. which are under his 

H 2 

92 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

We were much impressed by the number and beauty of the 
MSS. which we saw at the Laura. To find that there are 
still more than 300 MSS. of the Gospels uncatalogued by 
Gregory and uneollated, 120 of them being- vellum MSS. 
earlier than the fifteenth century, is a surprise, and this 
feeling is increased if it be remembered that there is also 
a similar, though not quite so great a mass of MSS. of 
patristic literature which we were unable, for lack of time, 
even to take down from their shelves. It is a pity that the 
catalogue of the Laura made by Father Chrj^sostom is not 
accessible in the West, as though still unfinished it is very 
accurate and valuable. Lambros' catalogue does not, and 
probably never will, include the Laura library. 

Next to the Laura in importance come the libraries at 
Iv^ron and Pantocrator. Iveron is especially enriched by 
a collection of Georgian MSS., some of which we photo- 
graphed for Mr. Conybeare. 

We were much assisted at Iveron by the kindness of the 
Cambridge University Press, which had given us the sheets 
of the then unpublished second volume of the catalogue of 
Spyr. P. Lambros. 

Vatopedi, the next in value, has a large and well-arranged 
library, but the excessive care which the monks bestow upon 
it renders it diflScult to study adequately the nature of its 

We also visited the monasteries of St. Dionysius, St. Gre- 
gory, and St. Panteleemon (Russico) and the Russian skete of 
St. Andrew. All these monasteries have libraries, and the 
MSS, which we saw are noted and described in the catalosruo 
on p. 170. But none of them approach the Laura collection 
of MSS. in value, and at St. Dionysius and St. Gregory work 
IS not easy. The Russian monasteries have naturally not 
the wealth of MSS. possessed by the old Greek foundations, 
but they are delightfully hospitable and anxious to help 
the traveller in every possible way, and one of the most 
pleasant evenings which we enjoyed on the mountain was 

Texts from Mount At has. 93 

spent on the balcony of Russico, chatting with Father 
Cyprian, and watching the last rays of the sun just catch 
the top of Olympos nearly loo miles away. 

The following pages contain with introductory remarks : — 
I. Description of codex ^. 

II. The text of codex * in St. Mark. 

III. A collation of codex 4' in St. Luke and St. John and 

in the Epistle to the Colossians. 

IV. A collation of codex 107 1. 

' V. Some chapters of a codex of the Acta Pilati. 
VI. A fragment of the Acta Thomae. 

VII. A catalogue and description of the Biblical MSS. which 
we examined. 
It is hoped that the last item (in which the great kindness 
of Dr. Gregory has enabled me to print the numbers which 
he intends to use for the new MSS.), especially so far as it 
refers to the library of the Laura, may be useful to scholars 
visiting Mount Athos until a final and complete catalogue 
be issued. 



Codex 4' was first seen by Dr. C. R. Gregory on August 
26, 1 886, but he was unable to do more than describe it and 
glance through it. The description and notes which he 
gives are as follows : — 

^j. Athous Laurae 

*^ ' saec. VIII vel IX, 21 cm x 15-3 cm, membr, foil. 261, 
col. I (15 cmx8-7 cm), 11. 31 ; litterarum altitude -0175; 
litterae maiores nigrae ; atramentum suffuscum ; litterae 
supra lineas ; capp-tab ; Amm (Mc 233: 16,8), Eus, lect ; 
mus in lect eccles, subscriptiones simplices ; fasciculi a — rj 
desunt ; fasciculus k^ habet nonnisi septem folia, sed nihil 
textus deest ; fasciculo ultimo Jld exciderunt folia primum et 
octavum : 

continet Mc 9,5 kol fjLuxrrj [xiav — finem Lc lo | Act \ 1.2 Pe 
lac 1. 2. J To lud Rom — Vhilem Heir — 8, 11 /cat ov /xtj | folium 
excidit | Hehr 9,19 vtto /ucouo-ecoo- — subscr Hebr. 

Mc 16,8 €(f)ol3ovvTo yap: t 

UavTa 8e ra TraprjyyeXfxh'a rolcr -mpi tov 

Trdrpov (TvvTOfxaxr . i^ijyyeikav : Mera 
Ai Tavra. koi avToa la- i(f)dvr] a-no a.vaTo\rj(r 
Kot fJ.^XP'' Svo-ecoo" e^aTTe'cTTeiA.ey 81' airQv 
TO iepbv Kol a<p9apTov K{]pvyp.a ttjot alco 
VLov a(tiTr]pLa(r ap.riv : 

eoTiy Ka\ ravra (f)ep6pieva 
IxiTO. TO i(})ol3ovvTO ydp. 
'Aracrrao- 8e k. t. A. usque ad versum 20 
et sub finem ^vayyiKiov /cara \idpKov. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 95 

In codice nostio Marci evangelium eodem fere modo 
finitur qui e codice L notissimus est ; id vero interest quod 
nihil adnotationis ante -navTa 8e noster interponit, quod 
antiquiorem sibi vindicare fontem videretur, nisi fortasse 
voeabula €(f)dvr], [xi^pi, aixi]v seriorem textus con formation em 

testarentiu'. Vix est quod dicam f {Tikoa) post k^o^ovvro 
yap : lectionis eeclesiasticae neque vero ipsius evangelii finem 
indicare. Tituli pariter atque subscriptiones librorum prorsus 
simplices sunt; sub finem tamen evangelii lohannis additur: 
evayyeXtoTwy recrcrdpcov ^etoi Aoyot ypacfyivTca; 58e ^rj^iv 'ia^ov 
TUiv TTovoiv. Lectorem non latebit lacobum post epistulam 
Petri alteram stare, neque id casu, nam desinit Act liber 
fasc. kC\ fob 8 recto, et i Petr incipit eodem folio verso, 
loh 7,53 — 8,11 deest. Act 20,28 legit codex tov Kvptov. 1 lo 
5,7.8 deest. I Tim 3,16 O^dcr €<pavep(adr]. 

Perlustravi die 26 mensis Augusti anni 1886. Spero fore 
ut codicem accuratius excutere possim. 

Since 1886 it has been seen but not studied by Dr. Rendel 
Harris in 1892 when he was inspecting the LXX MSS. in 
the monasteries of Mount Athos, and by a German scholar, 
whose name I have unfortunately forgotten, who has left 
a note in the visitors' book at the Laura to the effect that 
all the MSS. are of the ordinary type except B 52 and 
a few others which resemble the KIT family. He has not 
noted that B 52 is cod. ^. Probably the MS. has also been 
seen by various other visitors, but it does not appear to have 
been studied. 

So far as description goes there is nothing to add to 
Dr. Gregory's account beyond the fact that ^ is now 
numbered 172 (B 52) in the Laura catalogue, and I trust 
that that scholar will not regard as impertinent an expression 
of admiration for the general accuracy of his summary 
descriptions, in cases where he is speaking from his own 

Probably few would dissent from Dr. Gregory's opinion 

96 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

that the MS. is of the eighth or ninth century, though 
perhaps the former date is somewhat the more probable. 

Mr. Wathen and myself photographed all that remains of 
the Gospels, not touching the Acts or Epistles because we 
understood that Herr Lie. von der Goltz and Dr. Wobbermin 
had collated these for Dr. von Soden, and had found the 
text ordinary. Mr. Wathen, in order to be satisfied as to 
the correctness of this judgement, collated the Epistle to the 

The collation of these photographs, which are now in the 
Bodleian Library (MS. Gr. Bibl. f. 2) shows that in the 
Gospels cod. "^ presents an interesting and valuable text in 
Mai'k, and an ordinary text though with some interesting 
variants in Luke and John. It has therefore been thought 
best to treat these two parts separately and to print the 
text of Mark in full, with an introductory analysis of the 
important readings it contains, but the text of Luke and 
John in the form of a collation with the Textus Receptus. 
Mr. Wathen's collation of the Epistle to the Colossians is 
also printed in the latter way. 



In attempting to analyse the text of a MS. of the gospel 
the critic is met at the outset with some difficulty in choosing 
a standard of comparison. 

In many ways the best standard is the Textus Receptus as 
it represents a late and popular text, deviation from, and not 
agreement with which is important. But owing to the 
peculiarly mixed character of this text its use is sometimes 
misleading, and it is therefore advisable to use a purer text 
which is ' truer to type,' and less mixed in character. This is 
especially the case when the MS. which has to be analysed 
appears to possess a good and early text. 

I propose therefore in the following pages to use the text 
of Westcott and Hort as a standard of comparison, because 
whether it be the true text or not it certainly is constructed 
on such principles as to present a uniform type throughout, 
and I shall also give a short list of readings compared with 
the Textus Receptus, the importance of which would otherwise 
be obscured by the method adopted. I propose to draw 
a distinction which is arbitrary but convenient between 
readings found in the Textus Receptus and those which are 
not, because a reading which is found in the Textus Receptus, 
even though there be early authority for it, may have come 
into the text of any given MS. at a late period owing to the 
wide prevalence of that form of text. 

The classification, then, will be as follows : — 

1. Readings where cod. ^ agrees with the Textus Receptus. 

2. Readings where cod. 4* has a text for which the oldest 

98 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

authority seems to be either D or the Old Latin 
version and which is not in the Textus Receptus or in 
the Old Syriac. 

3. Readings shared with the Old Syriac against D, the 

Old Latin, and the Textus Recej)tus. 

4. Readings found in both the Old Latin and Old Syriac 

but not in the Textus Receptus. 

5. Readings found in a small group of Uncials of which 

La are the most prominent members. 

6. Readings in which cod. 4' supports WH in following 

a small group of Greek MSS. including B. 

7. Peculiar readings. 

The authorities which are quoted for the readings men- 
tioned are for the most part taken from Tischendorf s critical 
edition, but they have been added to in places from Mrs. 
Lewis' translation of the Sinaitic palimpsest ^ and a few 
other editions of MSS. which were not accessible to Tischen- 
dorf. It should also be noticed that Gregory's notation of 
minuscules has been adopted throughout, and that therefore 
the following MSS. appear under a different symbol to that 
employed by Tischendorf. 

472= c'" 482 = p«°' 

475 = fs" 565 = aPo (WH's 81) 

477 = i^" 84 evgst = y«<='" 

478 = k«« 

1. Readings in cod. "^ agreeing ivith the Textus 
Receptus, merely orthographical variants being 

Marc IX 7 ^ws^ j'£</)eA.r;s add. Xiyovaa c. ADL(A) I 13-69-124- 
346 28 33 dl.; lat-vet &c. 18 av pro lav c. CDLN d-c. 23 

SvvacraL TrtcrTevcrat c. ADN al. jjl. ; a b c f i dl. syrr (pesh-hl) 24 ante 
€v6vs add. Koi c. ADN c&c. 29 post Trpocrcvxij add. kol vrjoTcta C. t^<^^ 

* I am deeply indebted to Mr. W. C. Allen for very kindly revising my 
references to this authority. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 99 

ACDL al. omn. exc. i<5*etca]3. j^ 30 ■n-ap^Tropf.vovTo c, codd omn. 
exc. B*D 42 post Tna-Tevovrayv add. ets ifJi-e C. BLN (&c. 

X 6 ^os< avTovs add. 6 ®eds c. ADN al. pier. ; latt syrr 21 o-ot 
^ro 0-6 c. DN aZ. ^;Zer. ; Clem 25 elo-eXOeiv jwo SteA^cti/ c. i<5ANA 
al. pier.; latt 34 _pos< dTroKrevovcrti/ acZcZ. avrov c ACN; lat-vet 
boh pesh ; Orig 35 Svo c. 5^DL c&c. 35 aurw posterius 
om. c. AN al.pler.; bikcfq 40 joosi euwvu/Awv ac^c?. /xov 
c. min 2>auc. ; syrr (sin-pesh) aeth 

XI 3 2)0st etTrare a(icZ. otl C. ^^CDL d&c. 15 ante ay opdt,ovTa<s 
add. Tovs c. DA al. 2)1. ; Orig^is 23 ^os< a{iT<S ac^tZ. o iav citt?/ 
c. AN aZ. 2)ler. ; a k q 30 ante 'Iwavvou om. to c. NmX o&c. 

XII 9 post Tt acZc?. ovv c. ^5CDA c&c. 37 vios awie aiurov 
c. ^^AX (&c. 

XIII 31 ot> /A'^ 7rapiX6u)(Tiv C. ACDA etc. 32 2^ost ayyeAot 
ac?(i. ot c. AC A (kc. 

XIV 9 pos« €vayyeXLov add. tovto c. ACA ; 1 q sali boh pesh 
21 rjvpost KaXbv C. t^ACD (&c. 22 ^osi AaySwv ac?(Z. 6 It/ctovs 
C. i<^ et c LA <&c. 30 /A€ pos< dTrapvrjo-r) C, ANX <&C. 38 
da-eXOrjre C. J^^CLA «&c. 44 dTrayayere C. ACNA <{;c. 53 J^ost 
crvvepxovTat add. atirw C BN t&c. 60 «?iie fxecrov add. to C DM 
aZ. mu. ; boh 71 o/avvciv pro ojxvvvaL c. t^CA t&c. 72 om. evdv's c. 
ACA al. pier. ; sah boh syr-sin. 

XV 6 ovTrep t^ovvto C. i*5cCN d&c. 8 dva/3o7^oras 12 eiTrev 
2?ro eXcyci/ c. ADN <&c. 23 6 ^ro o? c. ACLA <&c. 40 yjv jJost 
ats C. ACDA (Sec. 45 o-aJjU,a ^^J'O Trrw^a C. ACA latt 46 ^vi/- 
fjiUio pro [jLVrip.aTL C. ACDLA (kc. 

XVI 17 TrapaKoXovO-qa-eL c. ADsupplA c^-c. 20 acM. d/Li7;i/ C. 
CLA djc. 

It is only necessary to make two observations on this list, 
(a) Very nearly all these readings are attested by authorities 
of such age and character as to show that they were in use at 
a very early period. (fS) They are wonderfully few in reality, 
as the Textus Receptus differs in about 480 places from the 
text of WH. in these chapters, and therefore one would on 
a priori principles have been inclined to expect more than 
forty-two such readings in a MS. which belongs to so 
comparatively late a period as the eighth century. 

100 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

2. Readings found in either D or the Old Latin, 
hut not in Textus Receptus, or in the Old Syriac ^. 

IX 12 Trpuyrospro rrp^Tov C. Dgr^^c^grN, 482 1071 30 r)6i- 
\ov jyro r\Qf.\^v C. a b k 49 dvaXw^y^o-eTat jyro dXt aki^jQ-qderai 
cf. k onmia autem substantia consumitur 

X 5 ante rrjv ivroXrjv add. Mwucr^s c. D ; k c f gg ; Clem 24 TCKvta 
pro re'/cva c. AN, I -1 1 8-2 09 700 al. pauc. ; a b ffg f 

XI 14 <fidyr] pro (f>dyoLC,DY, I 1 3-69-346 al. pauc; Orig^s 
17 oTt om. c. DC, 69 472 478 ; a k i q ff25 arm-codd, aeth 21 e^- 
pdv6r] c. DLAN, 1-118-209 33 700 al. jmioc. Orig 

XII 33 TrepiacroTepa 2}'>'0 Trepicra-oTcpov cf. k meliora [nee aliunde 
repert. forma pluralis) 

XIII 14 ka-TrjKCK; pro ia-rrjKOTa C. D, 28 20 6 6e6s hoc 
loco pro KvpLo<; c. c k ffj ; Promiss 

XIV 7 TTOulv pro TToirjcraL D*A, al. pauc. 20 Ae'yei pro cTttcv 
c. D, 565 700 ; k 36 TovTo ante to Tron^pLov c. DN, i-i 18- 
209; aq; Hil 65 7r/)o^r;Tei;crov ■i7)arv C. F^ ; kcf 

XV 29 ova om. c. t^caLAgT; dk 

XVI 3 ttTTo pro €K c. DC, aZ. pauc. ; Eus-dem Serv-Ant 
9 vdvTa Sk k. t. A. c. Ll^^p, 2'j4^s ; k, syr-hl-mg boli-cod aeth-codd 

3. Readings found in the Old Syriac hut not in 
the hest Uncials, the Old Latin, D, or the Textus 
Receptus. Those readings which are found in a few 
secondary Greek MSS. as well as the Old Syriac 
are included in this list. 

X 39 Xiyova-LV pro cittov c. syr-sin 40 post cucovv/awv add. 
fiov c. min pauc. ; syrr (sin-pesh) aeth 47 'Ii^o-ov om. c. L, al. pauc. ; 
i mt syr-sin ; Clem Orig 

XI 27 irpoarjXOov avrw pro tpyovrai -rrpos airov C. syr-sin 

XII 1 post -n-cpuOrjKev add. avrui c, C'N, 28 565 syrr (sin-hl c 
ohel.) sah arm ; Orig 

XIII 11 irpoa-p.eX.eTa.Te pro 7rpop.epLfxva.Te C. Sjrr-sin sed syr-sin 
fxeXeTOLTe potius quam TrpocrfxeXeTaTe transferre videtur 

XV 26 yeypapLfxevT] pro eTnyeypafx/xevrj C. syr-sin 

^ It is of course impossible to be quite certain in the case of small variants, 
especially those which bear on a question of order, whether a reading is in 
the Old Syriac or not. 

Texts from Mount Athos. loi 

4. Readings found in both the Old Latin {or D) 
and the Old Syriac, hut not in the Textus Receptus. 

XI 6 2^0St etTrev add. awroi? C DM$, I-I18-209 13-69-124 
565 700 al. pauc. ; syrr (sin-pesh) latt sah boh 

XII 18 Trpos avTov SaSSov/catoi hoc ordine c. D, 28 106 ; b i 1 q £f 2 
gi gj syr-sin 37 ttois pro -n-oOev c, t^*M* i-i 18-209 33 13-69- 
346-543 28 565 al. pauc. ; b sah syr-sin 

XIV 41 dTre'xct om. c. k syr-sin {sed k acZcZ. 'et post pusillum 
excitavit illos et dixit iam ora dac' et syr-sin- add. ' The hour is 
come, the end is at hand.' 52 ecjivye yt^/Ai/os hoc ordine c. LA, 
184 evgst ; k d c sah boh. ? syrr (sin-pesh) aeth sed sin ' Fled from 
them naked.' 54 rjKoXovOei pro rjKoXovO-qa-ev c G, i-i 18-209 
13-69-124-346-543 565 700 k c q sah boh syrr (sin-pesh) 
66 KaTw om. c, DI, 69 472 565 al. pauc; a c ff ._, q syr-sin (codex 
deficit sed e spatio nan hahuisse Karui videtur) sah boh ; Eus-dem 

XV 3 add. avros Se ovSev aTre/cpivaTo C ANU 13-69-124-346- 
543 33 1310^- pauc. ; a c syrr (sin-hl) arm sah-ming aeth ; Orig 

5. Readings found in a small, group of MSS. of 
vjhich La (the latter being of this typ)e only in 
St. Mark) are the most consistently present followed 
% N* ^^'' C 33 boh. 

IX 21 ii ovpro ws c. t^cC*LA, 33 6i^s 565 43 cts to Tnp 
TO ao-/3ecrTov om. c. ^^caL^^ 240 244 255 700 ; pesh pers 

X 24 eiTrev pro Xe'yct C. A, 565 107 1 27 Travra yap Swara 
irapa tw OeQ cm. c. A, 1-209 69 157 aP; 1 arm-zoh ; Clem 

XI 18 ^Kovov pro ^Kova-av C. A e^eTrAr/o-o-ovro C. b^MA 299 aP ; 
C Vg boh 29 Kdyu) v/aiv epw C LA (i^°) 38 ; boh 

XII 31 rj SevTepa C. A 34 et post /JacrtXetas C i^c^A 

XIII 4 Tavra peXXrj hoc ordine C. L 32 ovre pro ovSk C. L 

XIV 27 Stao-KopTTto-^TjcrovTat to. Trpo/Sara C. AA 34 Xeycti/ pro 
Xc'yct c. AEGH 44 ov iav c. LAN 54 ante jxaKp. om. aTrb 
c. LA 60 o Tt pro rt c. L , 

XV 18 avTov dcnrd^ecrOat C. A 

A reading- which I am inclined to suspect may belong to 
the same family as that indicated by this group of MSS. but 
which lacks the necessary evidence to prove the point is : — 

XI 1 KOL BrjOavCav om. c. 184 evgst; sah 

I02 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

6. Readings ivhere WH.'^ text is based on a small 
group of uncials [not exceeding three in numher) 
tvhich is now increased by cod. ^. 

1X9 cK^ro ttTTo c. BD, 33 475 477 38 i<})y] pro aTreKpLdr] 

Se C. t^BA ; boh pesh 47 o-e ia-nv . . . aoL 1(ttiv pro c. t^B 

X 7 KoX irpoa-KoXk. Trpos r. yvv. om. c. ^^B syr-sin 48 evgst go 29 
€^77 pro oLTTOKp. eTirev c. i^BA boh 47 Na^apiyvos /Jro Na^w/Daio? 

c. BLA, i-i 18-209; latt; Orig 

XII 33 T^s om. 1° c. BUX al. pauc. 

XIII 2 (XTTOKpi^ets om. c. i^BL, 33 al.piauc. ; e sah-boh-syrr (sin- 
pesh) 6 TToXXol sine yap c. t^BL ; aeth 8 ia-ovrai XcfjcoL sine 
Kal c. t^cBL^ 28 ; boh syr-sin 9 yap om. c. BL boh arm aeth 
15 KarafSaTOi sine addit. c. l^BL ; c k boh sah pesh 

XIV 8 avT-q cm. c. t^BL 1-209* 13-69-346 28 565 ; al boh bhi 
35 cTTtTTTtv c. ^5BL boh 47 wraptov c. t>5BD, i-i 18-209 J hl-mg 
68 Ka\ aXeKTwp i(fiwvr](Tev om.^ c. ^^BL, 1 7 evgst ; c boh syr-sin 

XV 14 i-TTOLrjaev KaKov c. BCA, 565 49 evgst aP 24 arav- 
pova-Lv c. BL ; c d ff2 k 1 vg syrr sah aeth go 

The following- reading- in cod. ^ is not found in any MS, 
but is placed in the marg'in of WH. e coniectura. 
XIV 49 iKpaTCLTe cf. B cKparei. 

1. Besides these elements there are a few readings 
in cod. "^ tvhich are apparently not found elsewhere. 
The list of those ivhich are not obviously accidental 
blunders is asfolloivs : — 

IX 20 Kal Ihwv avTov to irvivfjia om. 28 Kar Ihiav ante cis 
oIkov 31 avoixuiv pro dv6po')7ruiv 34 icTMirrjcrav pro to-twTrwv 
37 TratSt'wv Twv tolovto)v hoc ordine 41 av om,. 

X 17 Ti TTOi-^cra's pro ti Tron^o-w iva 29 ecfirj avTols pro i<}>y] 6 
l7}(rov<; 39 'Ir](Tov<; om. 

XI 9 eXeyov pro iKpat^ov 28 Aeyovre? pro koL Xeyovcriv 

XII 6 ante aTreo-reiXev add. Kal 37 add. iv irvev/xaTL 38 
ante do-Tracr/xoL's add.XvTovvroyv 44 ante oXov add. Kal 

XIII 1 Kal iK7rop€vofi€V(jiV avrwv airo pro i.Kirop(.vofx.ivov avTOv €/c 
ZihacTKaX^ om. 

^ i. e. ■>!' agrees in tlie details of the Denial of St. Peter with B ; boh syr-sin. 

Texts from Mount Athos, 103 

XIV 1 r]V Se TO, ci^vfxa kol to 7rao-;^a 12 croi pro tva <f)dyr)^ 
27 ante Trara^o) add, on 47 dp;(iepea)5 Kata^a 56 Kara 
Toi) t?7oroii ^T^O KttT avToi! 61 f.vXoyrj [xivov pro evXoyrjTov 

XV 2 ante diroKpLOel^ om. 6 8e 41 auTw i° om. 

Some of these look like genuine variants, others are clearly- 
due to palaeographical causes. Obvious instances of purely 
transcriptional corruption which can be explained on palaeo- 
g-raphical grounds are the following : — 

IX 31 dvo^wv due to a misreading of dvcji/, the almost invariable 
"way of writing dv6pu)Trwv. 

X 29 €cf)7) avTot5 which, curiously enough, is explained by 
another unsupported reading found only in ^5, ecf>r] aww 6 'It/o-oi}?, 
which if written in the usual manner would be c^t; avr^ 6 Js 

XIV 47 Katct^a which seems to be due to the combined effect 
of a knowledge of the high priest's name and the recurrence of 
the same letters in the next words — koI d^eiAci/. 

It is also probable that the omission in IX 20 is due to 
the scribe's eye skipping over a complete line, the lines being 
arranged thus : — 

HverKQv auTOv npoc aurov 

Kai iboov auTOv to nva 

euGuc GuveonapaSev aurov 

If this be so it probably also explains the reading in 

IX 28, where the lines would be arranged thus : — 

KCi eiaeA9ovTOC aurou 

eic oiKov 01 juaQHTQi auTOu 

KQT ibiav enHpooTOiv aurov 

Here the scribe would seem to have been affected by the 
recurring avrov and to have mixed up the lines. Other 
places in which this explanation may possibly be right are 

X 23 and XIV 56. In the former case the arrangement of 
lines would be : — 

etc rHV paciAeiav rou 0u 

eioeAeuGovrai oi be 
but that this is the explanation is rendered much less likely 

104 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 

by the fact that Clement of Alexandria has got the passage 
with the same transposition as cod. ^. 

In the latter case Kara tov 'I?7<roG takes the place of kcit 
avrov. Perhaps this is merely an accident, but if the length 
of line suggested be right, the arrangement of the archetype 
would have been something like : — 

Kara tou lU juapiupiav 
€ic to eavaTcocai aurov 


Aoi foip 6\|/eubojuapTupouv 
Kara auTou kqi isai ai 

and it is possible that the scribe's eye confused the first and 
last Kara. 

Of course none of these four cases of suggested line-error 
are certain, but their evidence is cumulative, and is made 
much stronger if one remembers that these are the only cases 
in cod. 4' of serious omissions or transpositions which have no 
support in other MSS., that such mistakes are generally due 
to line-error^ and that they can all without undue mani- 
pulation be explained with varying degrees of probability as 
due to line-errors made by a scribe who was using an arche- 
type in which the average length of line was about nineteen 
to twenty-two letters. 

There is therefore at least a presumption in favour of the 
theory that cod. * is copied from a MS. which contained 
nineteen to twenty-two letters in each line. 


IX 6 . . , Koi Mcaa-rj jxiav kol 'HAta ixCav. ov yap ?/5et ri aT:0Kpi6r\, 

7 iK(f)o^OL yap eyivovTo. koi eyivero re^e'Arj iincrKLdCovara avrois, 
Kai eyhcTO (poivr) (k ttjs V€(f)iXr]s Xiyovaa Ovtos ((ttlv 6 vlo^ fxov 

8 6 ayairrfTos, aKov^T€ avTov. Kal k^a-niva irepi^Xexj/dfJievoL ovk€Tl 

9 ovheva Xhov ei fir] tov 'Irja-ovv fxovov p.^&* eavrQv. Kal KarajBaL- 
vovToov axjTciv €K TOV opovs 6ie(T7etAaTO aiiots tva fxrjh^vl a tbov 
buriyrja-oiVTai, et p.r] orav 6 vlos tov dvOpcairov ck V€KpS>v dvacrTr\. 

10 KOI TOV Xoyov eKpcLTfja-av Trpbs eavTOvs o-u^rjroCi'res tC eanv to "j" 

11 CK v^KpSiV dvacrTrjvat. Kal eirripuiTOov avTou Xiyovres "Oti'HI. 

12 Xiyovaiv ol ypap.\xaTeis ort 'WXiav Set kXOtlv upSnov ; 6 be e(f)ri 
avTois HAtay €X6u)v irpQTos dTroKaTiaTdvei. TrdvTa, Kal tto)? 
yeypaiTTaL (ttl tov vlov tov dvOpcairov tva -KoXXd TrdOrj koI 

13 e^ovbevrjdfi ; dXXa Xiyoo vpXv otl Kal 'HAtas eATjAv^ez/, Kal 
(TTOirjaav ev avrw irdvTa oca ijOeXov, Ka6(>)s yeypaTTTaL ctt' avTov. 

14 Kai kXOovTfs 77/30? Tovs ixaOrjTa^ ibov o^Aoy ttoXvv irepi avrov^ - 

15 Kttt ypap-piaTeis a-vCr]TOvvTas irpos avTov. koI €vdvs ttSs 6 o)(Aos 
ibovTes avTov e^e6ap.^r]6ri(rav, Kal irpoa-TpiyovT^s ricmd^ovTo avTov. 

J- KoX i7Tr]pu)Tri(rev avTOvs Ti (ru^TjTetre irpos avrovi ; koX direKpCd-q 
avT(i) els f K TOV oxXov AibdcTKaXe, ijveyKa tov vlov nov Trpos <re, 'l^ 

18 i^ovTa TTvevp-a dXaXov' Kal ottov av avTov KaTaXd(3rj pi]a(reL 
avTov, Kal dippi^ei. Kal Tpi^ei rows obovTas koX ^rjpaiveTaL' Kal etira 

19 roT? \xadi-jTais (tov tva avTov kK^dXdxriv, Kal ovk la-'f^ya-av. b\ 
CLTTOKpideh avTols Xiyet '12 yevea airtoro?, ecos TroVe Trpos 

20 i(Topai ; ecos "noTe dvi^ vp.G)v ; (pepere avrbv irpos pie. Kai 
ijveyKav avTov Trpos avTOv, evOvs ovv ea-irapa^ev avTOv, Kal Trecriov 

21 eTrt Trj? yrjs ^kvXUto d(ppi^u>v. Kal iTn]pu>Tr](r€V tov iraTepa 

At the top of f. i^ K A Twv vrjCfTeiwv and ap ig put in the margin opposite 
hiZaoKaXe, V. 1 7, and f is put in the text, but above the line, after oyaaT-qaiTai, 
V. 31. 


io6 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

avTov, Tloaoi \p6vos earrlv e£ ov tovto yeyovev avT^ ; o §€ enrei' 23 
'Ek TratSto^ey Kat TToAAaKts Ka\ ets irvpavTov ejSaXev KaliUvbara 
Xva a-noXiar] avToV dAA' et rt bvvt], jSo/jOrfo-ov rjfuv aTiXayxi'Lo-diis 
€0' TjiJLas. 6 8e 'Irjo-oCs etTrer aiiTU) To et 8wao-at Trto-reScrat, 33 
Trai^ra 8wara t&j TnarevovTi,. Kol €v6vs Kpd^as 6 Trarr/p tov 24 
TTatS^ou eAeyey ntoTei^a)' fioi]6riir6v (jlov tJj a-niaTiq. ibo)v 8e 6 25 
'[tjo-oCs on kTiia-WTpixei 6 6)(kos kmr'niriaev ro) TTvevixari, ro) 
CLKaOdpTOi Xiydiv avTUt To aA.aXoy KOt KO)(f)dv Trv€V[xa, kyut 
(TnTdaao) aoL, e^(\de e^ avTov koi /XTjKeVt etaekOrjs ets avTov. 
KOL Kpd^as Kol TToWa (TTTapd^as i^rjkdev' koL eyivero wo^et vsKpos 26 
dSo-re rot's TToAAoi)? Ae'yetr ort d-ntOav^v. 6 be 'Itjo-ou? K/3aT7Jcra? 27 
_ TTfs \eLpos avTov 7]y€tp€V avTov, kul avecTTT]. xat eicreAoovTOS 28 
avTov KUT Ihiav (Is oIkov oi pLaOrjTaL avTov (TTrjpcoTOiv avTov On 
TjjjLils ovK ribvvj]9riiJ.€V (K^aXeiv avTo ; kcu elirev avrois ToSto 29 
TO yh'os iv ovbevl bvvaTai i^eXdilv et p-i] kv Trpocrevxfl ^ai 

— Y^aKeiOev €^e\66vT€S TTapeiropevovTO bid ttjs FaAtAata?, koi ovk 30 

■tjOeXov Xva rt? y^w" (bibaaKev yap tovs p-aOriTdi avTov koi 31 

e'Aeyef avrols on 'O vlos tov dvOput-nov TrapabihoTat ets xetpas 

dv6p.(»>v, KQL aTTOKTevova-Lv avTov, Kal diroKTavdels p-eTa Tpels 

ryjue'pas dvacTTT^aeTat. ol be riyvoovv to prjpiaf koI e(f)OJ3ovvTo avTov 3^ 


— Kal i]Xdev ets Ka({)apvaovp.. Kal ev tt] oIkicl yevap.evo<i eirriptaTa 33 
hi avTovs Tt ev tj] 68(j) SteAoyt^etr^e ; ot be eatunrriaav, 77/30? 34 
'^ dAA7/Aoi;s yap bieXe^d-qa-av ev Trj 68(5 rts^(ov. Kal KaOta-as 35 

ecpcavrjaev' rows SwSexa Kat Ae'yei avrots Et rts OeXei irpiaTos 
etvai, eaTat. TrdvTcav ea-x^aros koi TrdvTOiV biaKovos. Kal Xafio)v 3^ 
■TTatStoi' eaTr](rev avTb ev /xe'crw avraiv Kal evayKaXiadpievos avTo 
eiTrei' awrots Os av kv tS)v TiatStcov tG)v TotovToyv 8e'£r/rat eirl 37 

— rw dv6p.aTi fxov, eju,e de'xerai" Kat 6s ai^ e/xe be\riTai, ovk ep.e 
^ be^eraL dXXd tov aTrocrretAai'rd /xe. "E^t; avroi 6 38 

'Icodi'i'Tjs AiSdo-KoAe, Xbap.ev Tiva ev rw oWjuart o-ou baip-ovia 
eK^dXXovTa, Kot eKo)Xvop.ev avTov, otl ovk aKoXovdei tjpuv. 6 be 39 
'Ijjcroiis etTTef M^ KtoAvere avTov, ovbels yap ecrTLv eirl rtu 

31. dv6ixcuv'] Tlie writing seems rather fainter, and perhaps the word was 
partially sponged out. It is impossible to be certain from the photograph. 

Texts from Mount Athos 107 

ovojjiaTL fjiov OS ov 7roi);crei hvvaiiiv koX hwricmaL 7axv KaKoXoyrjaai 

40 ixi' OS yhp ovK €crTiv KaO^ i]ixa>v, v-n'kp rjiioiv ecmV. *0s yap — 

41 TTOT iVet VpLOLS TTOTTlpiOV vhttTOS €V OVOjXaTI. 0Tb X/JlOTOl! eoTe, ap,r]v 

42 Aeyo) v/xiy on ov jxrj aTroXiai] top p-icrOov avrov. Kai os av -g- 
(TKavhakia-ri tva t&v p.iKpS>v tS)v TTLaTevovTonv els f/xe KaXov 
i(TTiv avT<^ ixaWov ei TrepLKetTai fxvXos ovlkos Trepl tov Tpdy(if]kov 

43 avTov KoX /3e/3Ar]rat els ti]v OaXaacrav. Kat eav a-KavbaXCa-rj o-e ^ 7 
X€t/0 crov, a-jTOKOxj/ov avTrjV' KaXov earCv ere kvXXov elaeXdelv els 

45 7"^^ C<^^y ^ 8i;o x^ipas e^^ovra aTreXdelv els T7]V yeevvav. km 
eav 6 TTovs cov a-KavbaXl^r] ae, aTTOKoyj/ov avrov' KaXov (arCv ere 
elaeXOelv els tyjv ^cotj^ -^aiXdv rj tovs bvo nobas e^ovra jBXrjdfjvat 

47 (Is T-qv yeevvav. koI eav 6 ocpOaXixos aov CTKavbaXCCr} ere, eK(3aXe 
avTov' KaXov ere ecrriv povocfyOaXfjiov ela-eXdelv els ttjv fiacnXeiav 

48 TOV deov rj bvo 6(f)6aXiJ.ovs eyovTa j3XridrjvaL els yeevvav, ottov 6 ^ 

49 (tkcoXt}^ avTcov ov reXevTO, /cat to irvp avrciv ov a^evvvTai' iias 

50 yap TTvpi aXtaOrjcreTaL /cat naa-a Ovaia avaXcaOrjo-eTai. KaXoy to -g- 
aAas* eav be to aXas avaXov yevqTai, ev tLvi avTo apTvaeTe ; 
e^ere ev eavToXs aXa, /cat elpr\veveTe ev aAArjAot?. 

X Kat eKeWev ava(TTas ep^^erai els to. opia ttjs 'louSata? Kot irepav _' 
TOV 'lopbdvov, Kal avixTTopevovTat itdXiv d)(Xoi, irpos avrov, Kat (as 

2 el(adeL TrdXiv ebibaa-Kev avrovs. Kat TTpocreXOovres ^apiaalot 
ernqptarbiv avrov el e^eo'Tiv dvbpl yvvaiKa aTToXvaai, Treipa^ovres 

3 avrov. 6 be aTTOKpcOels etirev avrols Tivplv evereiXaro Mcovarjs ; 

4 01 be etiTov 'Kirerpeyj/ev Muivcrrjs I3i.j3Xlov dirocrracriov ypd^at Kal 

5 aTToAuo-at. 6 be 'frjo-oC? elrrev avrols Upbs rrjv a-KXrjpoKapbiav 

6 v/xwi; eypa^ev vpiv Mcovo-t^? rr\v evroXrjv ravrijv otto 8e apx^* 

7 /crtVeco? dpaev /cat drjXv (7roir](rev avrovs 6 6e6s' eveKev rovrov 

8 KaraXeiy^et avdpwTTOs rbv irarepa avrov Kal rrjv ixrjrepa, Kat 

9 ea-ovrai ol bvo els (rdpKa p.iav' uxxre ovKeri elcrXv bvo aXXa p.ia 

10 adp^' 6 ovv 6 Oeds avveCev^ev avOpumos prj x^pi^ero). Kal els T 
ij Tr}v olKLttv TtdXiv ol ixadrjral rrepl rovrov eTrrjpcoTuiv avrov. '^"^ ^ 

Ae'yet avroi? *0s hv drroXvarf rr}V yvvalKa avrov Kal yap-qa-p 
12 dXXrjv poL)(arai,rj Tavrrjv xal ev avrr] dTToXvaaa-a rbv dvbpa avrrjs 

yap-qcrri dXXov p.oi)(aTai. 


— in most MSS. is given to v. 44. 
I 3 

io8 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiasiica. 

££ Kai Trpo(r€(f)€pov avT^ Traibia tva avTcov a\//rjTai" ol 8e fxaOrjrai 13 
eirertjurjo-ai' avrols. lbot)v be 6 'Irjcrous riyavaKTrjaev Kai enrev 14 
avTols ''A(/)ere ra itaihia epyjecrOai irpos /xc, /x^ KCoXvere avra, 
T&v yap T0L0VT(av earlv r) ^aatkeia tov deov. d/XTjv \eyo) vjuir, 15 
OS av fAj) bi^i]TaL r-qv fSacnXeCav tov deov ws ratStoz^, ov ptTj 
elaiXOr] eis avr^y. Kai ei^ayKaAto-a/xeros avra KorT/vAoyet rt^ets 16 
TOL^ \elpas ("n ovtol. 

— Kai (KTropevofxevov avrov €is oSoy TTpocrbpanwv et? Kai yoi^vTre- 17 
Trjcras avrbv eTTJjpcora avrov AtbdcrKake ayaOi, tC TTotrjoras C^W 
aldiviov K\r\povoixr](T(ty ; 6 b\ 'Itjo-oCs etirev avT(o Ti fi€ Xeyeis 18 
ayadov ; ovbels ayaObs et iir] et? 6 ^eo's. ra^ ivToXas olbas Mtj 19 
(l)ovev(rr}s, Mrj iJ.OLx^v(rrjs, Mr) K\ev//^rj?, Mi/ yj/evbofj-apTvprja-rj^, Tijxa 
TOV TTarepa aov koI ti]v fxr]Tepa. 6 be e^it) avT^ Aibao'Ka'Ke, TavTa 20 

— "navTa ecfyvXa^afxrjv (k veoTTjTos fxou. 6 be 'Ij](roSs ifxfi\e\l/as 21 
avrw TjyaTTTjo-ev avTov Kai eiTrey avrw "Ey croi vaTepeX' viraye oaa 
eX^ts TrdjATjcrov Kai 80? Trrwxoi?, koi e^eis 6j]aavpbv ev ovpavio, koi 

o bevpo CLKoKovdeL fj.ot. 6 be crTvyvdcrai eiri rw Ao'yw oTT^A^ei' 22 
AuTTov/ixei'os, ^i; yap e^^^ KTTj/xara TroAAa. Kai irepi- 23 

l3\e\pdiJ.evos 6 ^Irjcrovs Aeyei toi? fxaO-qrais avrov Yl(os SvctkoAco? 
01 Ta ■yjpn'ip.ara eypvres eiaeXevcrovrai els TTJy ^aa-iKeiav rov Oeov. 
ol be \j.adrira\ e9aiJ.j3ovvro em toT? Ao'yoiy avrov. 6 be 'Itjo-oSs 24 
TTCxAiy oTTOKpi^eis eiTrei/ avrot? TeKvia, ttcS? 8v(rKoAoy eoriy eis ttjv 
^acTiXeiav rov deov elcreKOelv' evKOTTcorepov earcv KapirjXov 8ia 25 
TpvixaXids pacjiCbos elcreXOelv rj Trkovaiov eis ti]v fBaaiXeiav rov 
deov elaeXdeiv. 01 be nepLacrGis e^eTT\i](T(rovro Xeyovres irpos 26 
avrov Kai T15 Swarai a(o6rjvaL ; eju./3Ae'\//^a? avrois 6 'irjcroSs 27 
Aey€i ITapa av6p(ai:oii dbvvarov dAA' ov Tiapd 6e^. 'Up- 28 

^aro Aeyeiy o neVpo? avrw 'ISou ^/let? d(^r}Ka}xev iravra koX 
„ riKoXov6i'](raiJ.ev croi. e<prj avro'is 'Aju7)y Ae'yo) v/xTy, ovSets eo-Tii; 29 
OS dipriKev oUias rj dbeX(f)ovs rj dbeX(})as ^ rtarepa 17 \xr]Tepa 17 
yvvalKa ?/ reKva eveKev ^jxov Kai eveKev rov evayyeXiov, eav /xtj 30 
Ad^T; eKarovraTTXaaiova vvv ev rw Katpw rovro) oiKias Kai d8eA(^oi/s 
Kai abeXcpas nal jxrjrepas kol reKva KaX dypovs fxerd bicaypLMv, Kai 

17. tal 2° is very faint, and seems to have been sponged out. 24. A 

contemporary hand has written in the margin tovs irtwoiOoTas km xp-qiM.aiv. 

29. TtKvd] +^ dypovi written below the line perhaps by the first hand. 

30. Te'/fva] + Kai ywaiHai in the margin, perhaps written by the first hand. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 109 

31 \v rw aicSri tw ep^oixevw C^rjv alcoviov. ttoXXoi be (crovTai 
TTpaTOL eo-xarot koi ecr)(arot TrpoiTOi. —g 

32 'H(ray Se ev tt) 68w ava^aCvovres els 'lepoa-oXvp-a, Koi rjv ^ 
TTpodycov avTOvs 6 'IrjcroCs, Kat eOaixfiovvTo, ol be aKoXovOovvres 
e(l)o^ovvTO. KoX irapaXa^uiv irdXiv tovs bcabeKa ijp^aTO avTols 

33 XeyeLV rd ixeXXovra avrw (yvp.^aiveiv on 'I8ov dvaj3a[vop.ev els 
'Iepoa6Xvp.a, koi 6 vios tov dvOpdjirov irapaboOria-eTai. Tols apx'^' 
pevaiv Kat, toIs ypapLixarevaLV, kqI KaraKpivovcnv avrbv Oavdrt^ 

34 Kat irapabcacrova-iv avTov rots edveaiv koX eixirai^ovcriv avT^ koi 
ep-TiTvaraiCTLV avT<2 koi iiacmyf^aovcnv avTov Kai aTTOKTevovatv 
avTov, Koi fxeTa rpels 7][xepas dvaa-TrjaeTai,. 

35 Kai TtpoaTTopevovTai. avT(2 'laKWySos koI ^lcodvvr]s ol viol — 
ZejSebaiov Xeyovres AtbdcrKaXe, OeXofxev Xva o edv alT^aoop-ev ere 

^ TTOLTja-ris riiJ.iv. 6 be elirev avTols Tt deXere fxe itovqaoo vpuv ; ol be 
eXitav avT^ Aos r]pLlv Iva els crou 6k be^iGiV /cat els e^ dpi(TTepS>v 

38 KadCa-capLev ev rfi bo^j} aov. 6 be 'irjcrovs elirev avrols Ovk otbare rt 
alreicrde' bvvaa-Qe TTielv to TtoT-qpiov o eyo) iiivoi, t] to ^diTTLcrpLa o 

39 eyot) ^a-nTi^op-ai ^aTtTicrdrivai ; ol be Xeyovaiv avT^ AvvdpieOa. 6 be 
elTTev avTols To piev TXOTripiov eyo) ttCvm Txiea-Qe kcu. to jSairTtarpLa 

40 eyu) ^aiTTL(opLai jBaT^TLcrOyja-ecrOe, to be KaQiaai e/c be^iGtv p.ov rj 

41 e^ ev(ovvp,u>v p.ov ova ecrTiv epLov bovvai, dAA' ols riToip-aaTai. koX -— 
CLKOvcravTes ol beKa ijp^avTO dyavaKTelv -jrept 'IaKOj/3ou Kai ^Icadvvov. 

42 Kttl ■npocTKaXeadp.evos avTovs o 'Irjcrous Xeyei avTols OiSare on 
01 boKovvTes dp\eiv tS>v eOvdv KaTaKvpievovcriv avTu>v kol ol 

43 pLeydXot avToiv KaTe^ova-id^ovcnv avTuiv. ov)( ovTois be eaTiv ev 
vpxv' dAA' OS dv 6eXi] p.eyas yevecrOai ev vplv, ecrTai vpSJv bidKovos, 

^^ Koi OS dv deXrj elvaL irpcoTos ev, ecxTai irdvTuiv SovAos* Kat 
yap 6 vlbs tov dvdpdirov ova tjXdev biaKovr]6rjvaL aXXa biaKovrjaaL -g- 
Kot bovvau Trjv \j/V)(jiv avTov XvTpov dvTi ttoXXS>v. 

46 Kat epxpvTai els ^lepeiyu). Kat (KTropevop.evov avTov dito-^ 
'lepeiydi p,eTd twj; piaOrjTMv avTOv Kai ox^Xov iKavov 6 vlds Tip.aL0V 

47 BapTt'/iatos TV(f)Xds TrpocraLTris eKdOrjTO irapd ttjv obov. Kat dKOvaas 
OTL 'Itjctov? 6 Nafaprjyo's eaTiv ijp^aTo Kpd^eiv Ka\ Xeyeiv Tie 

48 Aaveib, eXerjcrov p-e. Kai eTieTip.<x>v avT<2 ttoAAoi Xva o-icotttjo-jj' 

49 6 be TToAAo) p.dXXov eKpaCev Tie Aaveib, eXerjaov p.e, koI oras 

no Stitdia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

o Itjctous etTTey 4>a)i;?jo"are avTov. koi (fiMvovcn tov TV(f)\6v 

Xiyovres avTu> Qdpcrei, eyetpe, (^coret ae. 6 8e aTto^aXMv to 50 

ifxcLTLOv avTOv ava'!Tr]bi](ras T/A^ei/ Trpos tov 'iriaovv. Kal OTro/cpi^eis 51 

aiiTU) 6 'Itjctous erTrey Tt aoi d^Xeis TTOirja-ca ; 6 be rv^Aos eiTT^v 

avTb) ^Paj3ovvL,tva ava0X4\}f(ii. Kot 6 'ItjctoC? eiTrei' avro) "TTraye, 52 

^ TT^oTt? (Tou aicrcoKfV ae. koI €v6v^ av€[3\€\}f€V, kol TjKoAov^et 

avTbi ev Tri obO). 

ill Kal oT€ kyyi(,ov(Tiv ets 'lepocroAv/xa ets Bi^d(payj] irpos to "Opos XI 

"(av EAatcSz', aTTOoreAAei 8vo rwi' fxadrjToiv avrov koI Aeyet avrots 2 

'TTraycre eis r^y KWfxrjv ttjv KaT^vavTi vjxQv, koL €vdvs elcnropevo- 

pLCVOt CIS avTr]v (vprjaiTe ttcoXov bebcfxivov e^' ov ovbels ovttm 

avOpcaTToov iKaOiaev' Avcrare avrov kol (Pepere, Kal kav ti? vpXv 3 

etTT?/ Tt TTOtetre rouro ; etTrore otl *0 Kvptos avrov xpdav 

■^ «X^''* '^^^ €vdvs avrov aTrooreAet (58€. Kai aTtijkOov Kal €vpov 4 

77ci)Aoy beb^ixdvov irpos Ocpav €^<o ctti roy afx(f)6bov, Kal kvovaiv 
avrov. Kai rives rcav ejcei karriKorcov ekeyov avrols Tt TrotetTe 5 
Xvovres TOV TtSiXov ; oi be elitav avrols Kaditjs eiirei^ avrols 6 6 
'Itjo-oSs* Kal a(f)rJKav avT0V9. Kal (p4pov(nv rov tt&Xov 7rp6? tov 7 
'lr](Tovv, Kal eTTL^aXXova-LV avro) ra lixdrta avroiv, Kal eKaOia-ev 
(IT avrov. Kat ttoXXol ra ipLaria avroiv ea-rpcaorav ets Tr]v obov, 8 
aAAoi be art^dbas Koxfravres eK t&v dyp5)V. Kat ot T:podyovTe<s 9 

— Kal ot OLKoXovOovvres eXeyov 

EvXoyqjjLevos 6 ep^dpievos ev ovdixari, KvoloV 
EvXoyqpievr] f] ep\op.ev7] fiaaiXeia rov rrarpos i]p.€iv ^avdb' 10 

'Q^aavva ev rots v\l/i(rTOLS. 

— Kat ela-rjXOev eh 'lepoaoXvpia els to lepdv' Kal irepilBXeyl/dpevos n 
Trdvra oylrias ijbr] ovaris ti]s utpas e^fjXOev els BiOaviav p.era rSiV 

Kat rfj eixavpiov e^eXOdvrcov avrcov cnrb BiOavCas ineivacrev. 12 
Kat Ibutv a-VKTJv dirb p.aKpddev e^ovaav (})vXXa ^X9ev el dpa ri ij 
evpi](jei ev avrfj, Kal eXdoiv ctt' avri)v ovbev evpev el fxr) (f)vXXa, 6 
yap Katpos ovk ^v ovkcov. Kal diTOKpidels etrrev avrfj Mr^Kerc 14 
CIS rov al&va ck aov fxrjbels Kapirbv <f)dy)]. Kal ijKovov oi piaOrjral 

— avrov. Kat ep^ovrai els'\epoadXvp.a. Kat elaeXOiiiv 15 
€is TO lepov rjp^aTO eKJBdXXetv rovs TrcoAouira? Kat dyopdCovras ev 

Texts from Mount Athos. iii 

Tw te/)<3, KoX Tas Tpaire^as rSiV KoXXv^Lorrcav kol tcls KaOibpa'i TOiv 
i6 TtioXovvTcov Tas TTepiarepas KariaTpeyj/ev koL ovk r](f)t€v tva rts 

17 hieveyKr] crKevos bia tov lepov, kol ebCbacrKev Koi iXeycv Ov 
yeypaTTTai O otKo? jxov oIkos irpoaevxjjs KX-rjOrjcreTai ttclo-lv tols 

18 iOvecnv ; vp.€l^ 8e TreTrouyKare avrov airrjXaioi; XrjaT&v. kol — 
ijKovov 01 a/3)(iepet? koi ot ypapLixarel^, nal e^rjTovv ttcSs avrov 
aTToXeacocnv' i(po[3ovvTo yap avrov, Ttas yap 6 ox^Xos e^fTrAjjrrero 

19 eTTi Tj] otoaxj] avrov. Kat orav aye (yevero, c^eiropevovro e^co ^— - 

20 rrjs TToAecos. Kat irapaiTopevoixevoi, irpcal elbov r-qv 

21 crvKfjv k^Ti]pap.p.ivrjV Ik pi^S>v. koI avajjivqcrO^ls 6 Ylirpos eiTrez' 

22 avro) ^FafBIBL, ibe rj (rvKrj ^v Karrjpda-ca e^rjpdvOt]. /cat diroKptOels 6 "T" 

23 'Irjo-ou? Ae'yet avrots *^E)(ere ttio-tlv Oeov' dpi-qv Ae'yw v/xiy on 69 
ar ctTTTj Tw opei rovrw "ApOrjrt Kal ^XrjOiqri eis r^y OdXacra-av, 
Kai jut) biaKptOri kv rfj Kaphia avrov dXXd Tna-revrj on o XaXeX 

24 yiverat, eorat aiirw o eay eiTTTj. 8ta rouro Xiyoi vpuv, rtdvra oaa -^ 
TTpoa^vyeaOe Kai alrelaOe, incrrevere on eAa/3ere, Kai. eorat v/jiii'. 

25 Kat orav oTTjKere TTpoaevxoixcvot, a^tere el n ex^'"^ Kara nvos, iva ^-— 
Kat 6 TTarrjp vp.S>v 6 kv rots ovpavols d(pfi v\xiv rd TTapairrctip-ara 



27 Kat epyovrai rrdXtv ets 'lepoo-oAw/xa. Kat ei' rw tepoi Trept- -g- 

28 TTarovvTos avrov epxpvrai rrpos avrov ol dpxi-cpcts Kai ol ypap-p-a- 
rets Kal ol 77pecr/3vrepot Ae'yoirej avT<a 'Ev ■n'ota e^ovaio, ravra 
TTOtet? ; 17 rCs <TOt ebutKev r-qv i^ovaiav ravrqv tva ravra 

29 TTotTj? ; 6 be 'Irjo^oCs etTiey avrots 'ETrepoorr/aco i;juas eVa Ao'yor, 
Kat dnoKpiOqri p-oi, Kdyia vplv kpS> (V Tioia e^ovaia ravra noico' 

30 rd ^dTTno-jia ^Icadvvov e^ ovpavov riv ri e^ dvOpwiroov ; duoKpiOqri 

31 jixot. Kat 8teAoytXoyTo ■Trpos eaurov? Ae'yoyres 'Eay etTrw/xey 'E£ 

32 ovpawu, epet Ata ri ovk CTnareva-are avr^ ; dXX etrrcop-ev 
'E^ dvdputiroiv c^o^ov rov Xadv, airavres yap elyov rbv 

33 ^luidvvriv ovrois on npo^rirqs qv. koX dnoKpiOivres rw 'Irjo-oO 
Xiyovaiv Ovk oibap.€V. Kal 6 'Irjcrovi Aeyet avrots Ovbe eyo) 

XII Ae'yco vpiv kv rroia k^ovaia ravra nom. Kat rjp^aro 

avrols (V irapa^oXais XaXeiv 'ApireX&va dvOpMTTos i(f)vrevaev, ^ 
Kat TTipi€dr]K€v avna (^paypbv Kat Stpv^ev vrroXrivtov Kal (^Kobopqaev 

32. Spaces are left in the text as shown above, but an apparently contem- 
porary hand has added fxeOa after (pofiov. 

TI2 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

Tivpyov, Kai i^eboTo avTov yewpyoTs, kol aTvcbrnxrjcrev. koL ott- 2 
eoreiAei; Tipds tovs yeco/syov? tu> Katpu> bov\ov, tva ^aj^rf a-no Tuiv 
Kap'nS>v Tov afXTieXcivos' kol Aa^oire? avTov ebeipav Koi ai:i(miXav 3 
K(v6v. Kai iraKLV dTreareiAei; Trpos avTovs aWov bovkov' /cat cKeXvov 4 
(m(pa\toi(rav Koi rjTCfjiaaav. kol aXXov aTreo-retAei/' kolkuvov 5 
ait€.KT€^Lvav, KoX TToAAoi;? aAXouy, ov? p.\v bepovTCs ovs be ^TTOKTev- 
v6pt€S. In eVa eix^i'. uioy ayaTnfjToV kol aniaTiiKcv avTov 6 
€(T\aTov irpos avTovs Xiycav on E,vTpaTTi](rovTa(. tov vlov /xou. 
(KelvoL 8e oi yecopyol irpos eavTovs elirav otl Ovtos kcniv 6 7 
KXrjpovofxos' bevre aTTOKTeCvcopLev avTOv, kol rjpioiv earai rj KXrjpo- 
vofxia. Koi XajBovres ^Tt^KTCivav avrov, Ka\ e^e^aXov avTov e^o) 8 
TOV a/xTreAoii^os. tl ovv TToirjcrci 6 KVpios tov aii-neXSiVOS ; 9 
kXeiKT^TaL KoX airoX^a-ei. tovs yeapyovs, koi Swcret tov ain:iXS>va 
ciAAots. ovb\ TTjv ypa(f)r]V TavTi)v aviyvoiT^ ^° 

ACdov ov aTTeboKLixaaav ol OLKobopiOVVTes, 

ovTos (yevrjOrj els K€(f)aXrjv ymvias' 
irapa Kvpiov kyiveTo avTrj, n 

Koi ecTTiv davp.a(TTr] ev o^^aAjuois 7]p.(av ; 
^ — Kate^7;rot'i' avTov KpaTJjcrai, koI k^o^ri6r]<Tav tov oyXov,iyvu)(ravyap 12 

oTi TTpos avTovs Ttjv TTapafioXr]v eiirei'. kol a(\>ivT€.s avTov aTTrjXdov. 
£- Kat ciTToaTiXXovcnv irpos avTov rivas t&v ^apiaaCo)v kol tmv 13 
*Hpoi)biav(ov tva avTOV aypevcrdicnv Aoyo), koi iXOovTes Xiyovaiv 14 
avrw AibaaKaXe, olbafx-ev otl aXri6i]s el koL ov jueAei croi Trepl 
oibevos, ov yap /3A^7r€ts els TrpocroiiTov avOpMiroov, dAA' eir 
aXrideias t-i]v obov tov 9eov bibd(rKei.s' e^ea-Tiv bovvai Krjvcrov 
KaCcrapi ri ov ; b&fiev i] fxr] biHpiev ; 6 be elbcas avTS)V ttjv vnoKpiaiv 15 
et-nev avTols Tt /xe TTeipd^eTe ; <\)epeTi fxoi. brjvdpiov Xva tSo), oi 16 
be yjveyKav. Kal Xeyei avTols Tivos rj elK(i)v avTt} kol r) eiriypacpr] ; 
01 be etirav avT(2 KaCaapos. 6 be 'Irjaovs elirev avTols Td '7 
Kaiaapos diroboTe KaCcrapi koi to. tov deov to) ^cw. Kal e^eOav- 
[xa^ov eTT avTud. 

Kat epyovTai irpos avTov '2,abbovKaloL, o'lTives Xeyovaiv dvd- 18 
(TTaatv iiT] elvai, Kal eiTrjpctiTcav avTov XeyovTes Aibda-KaXe, Mcava-rjs 19 
eypa\j/ev rjfXLv on edv tivos dbeX(f)ds d-JToOavr} Kal KaraAtTTTj yvvalKa 
Kal JL17J dcpTj TeKvov, Iva Xd^rj 6 dbeX(f)6s avTov ttjz; ywatjca Kal 
i^avaaTi](Ti] aTrepp-a ri dbeX(f>^ ai/Tov. cTrrd d.beX(f)ol ^aav' Kai 20 

Texts from Mount Athos, 113 

6 TrpoiTos iXa^ev yvvaiKa, Kat aTio6vri<TK(iiv ovk a(f)r]Kev airepiia' 

21 KOL 6 bevTepos eXafiev avTrjv, koL irriOavev ju?; KaraAtTTwy a-nipjxa, 

22 Kat 6 rpiros' bxravTcos Kol ol (Trra ovk acfirJKav cnT€pp.a' ^a-yarov 

23 TTOLVTOiU KOL Tj yvvT] cmiOaviv. iv rfi avacnaa^i rivos avr&v ia-rat 

24 yvvri ; ol yap CTrra ea-yov avTr\v yvvaiKa. e^Tj avTols 6 'IrjcroCs 
Ov biCL TovTo irXavaade p-tj elbores ras ypa(f)as p.r]b€ T-qv bvvapiv 

25 Tov d€ov ; orav yap ck veKpMv avao-TSxnv, ovt€ yapovaiv ovre yafxC- 

26 ^ovrai, akX' elalv m ayyeXoL ol kv roTs ovpavols' Trepl 8e T(av v€KpS>v 
OTt eyeCpovraL ovk aveyvoixe kv rfi y8t/3Aoj Ma)crea)9 eTrt rrjs jBdrov tt&s 
flirev avT<f 6 Oeos Xiyutv 'Eyco 6 ^eos 'Af^paap, koI 6 deos 'lo-aaK Kal 

-7 o^eos 'loKcoyS; ovk^o-tlv 66eds vcKp&v a\Xa((avTu>v' TToXvirkavaaOe. 

28 Kat TTpoaeXdfav els tG>v ypap-pLaTicov aKOvaas avTu>v (TvQrjTovvTMv, ^-? 
ei8(i)s OTt KaXGis aireKpidr] avrols, (TTepcaTrja-ev avTov Yloia earlv 

29 ivToXr] TTjOcorrj ttclvtodv ; a-n€Kpi6r] ^Irjaovs on OpcorTj eorty 

30 "A/coue, '\(Tpar\X^ Kvptos 6 Oeos (tov Kvptos ets eort, KOt dyaTT'/crets 
Kvptov TOV Oeov crov e^ oAtjs KapbCas crou Kat e^ o\tjs t% \}/V)(r]s 

31 (Tou KOI e^ oArjs r^s Stai'Otaj (tou kuI e^ 0A17S t?Js t(r)(Vos aov. rj 
bevripa avrr} ' Ayairrja-us tov ttXijo-lov aov is creavTov. p.ei^^v 

32 TOVTcav aXXy\ evToXi] ovk ecrTiv. Kat dnrtv avTi^ ypapLp-arevs - — 
KaAdis, bibaaKaXe, ctt' aX-qdeCas eiTray on €ts eorli' Kat otiK ecrTLV 

33 aAAos TrA^y aiiroi;* Kat to ayairav avTov e^ oAtj? KapbCas Kal (^ 
oXrjs Trjs avviaeoos Kat e^ oAtjs ttjs io-)(yos Kat to ayairav tov 
TrXrj(TLOv a>9 kavTov TiepKraroTipa Icttlv iravTOiv t&v oXoKavTwpaTOiv 

34 Kat OvcTtGiV. KaX 'IrjcroCs etScbs avTov on vovvex^^ aireKpidr] p\y 
elirev avT^ Ov p.aKpav cltto ttjs ^acriAeias et tov deov. Kat ^ 

35 otiSeis ovk4tl ero'Ajua avTov e7repcor?)(rat. Kat pXS 
aTTOKpiOels 6 ^Iqaovs eXeyev btbdaKcov iv tw tepot ITcos Aeyoucrty 

36 ot ypap.paT€is otl 6 Xpto-ros vtos AauetS kaTiv ; avTos Aavelb 
eiTrev iv t5> itvevp-aTi rw ayioi 

Etirey Kvptos- rw Kvptu) p-ov Kd^ou eK be^ioHv pov 
ecos av 6<a tovs k)(6povs (tov v-noKciTU) tQv irobojv crov' 

37 avTO's AauetS kv TrvevpLUTL KaAet avrbv Kvptov, Kal tt&svIos avTov eortV; 

38 Kal 6 TToXvs o)(Aoj rjKovev avTov rjbioos. Kal ev ttj bibaxfi pXe 
avTov eXeyev BAeVere ciTro tmv ypapp-aTtcov Ta>v OeXovroov iv ^ 
oToAais TrepnTaTcIv koI ^qrovvTcav dairaapiovi (v rats dyopais 

26. T^y] Tjs apparently in rasura by a later hand. 

114 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Kat irpayTOKadebpLas kv rai? (rii'a/wyats koI TTpu>TOKki(TLai er rots 39 
—^ beLTTVois, ol KaT€(r6iovT€'i ray oi/cia? Toiv yjipdv Koi irpocfida-ei 40 
fxaKpa TTpoa-^vyop.ivoi' ovTOi Xrjxj/ovrai TrepLcra-OTepov Kp(.\xa. 

Kai KaOiaas cmivavTi tov ya^o(f)vkaKLOv e^ewpet ttcS? 6 o;(Xo9 4^ 
^aA.Xet ^aXKov et? to ya^ocpvXaKelov' kol ttoWoI wXowtoi €^a\Xov 
TToXXd' Kol €\6ov(Ta fjiCa X^IP^ iTTcaxh fiSoA.ei' AeTrra 8vo, o eorii' 42 
Ko8/3aj;Tr/s. Kai Trpoa-KaXecraixcvos tovs jxaOriTas avTov itirev 43 
avTois ^Ajxrjv Ae'yo) v/iaii^ otl rj XVP^ avri] r) Trrcoxr) irXelov ttclvtoov 
e/iaXev tS>v (3aX\6vT(ov eh to ya^o(pv\aKeiov' iravTes yap ex tov 44 
TTepiaaevovTos avTots e^akov, avTj) 8e e/c ttjs ■v(rTepi](T€oi)s avrrjs 
TTcivTa oaa e1\ev ejBoXev, koI oXov tov jBiov avTrj^. 
-Q- Kai eKTTOpevofM^vcav avT(av diro tov iepov Aeyei avr^ et? tcov XIII 
fj.a6r]T&v avTov "ISe TTOTa-jrol Xidoi kol TroTairal olKobofxaL Kai 6 2 
'Itjo-oCs etTTey avriv BAe'Trei? ravras rdi fxeydXai olnohofids ; ov 
~J' fJiT] d(})e6fi (S8e XiOos ctti \l0ov os ov p-t} KaTaXvOfj. Kat KaOrj- 3 
p.ivov avTOV eis to Opos TSiv 'EA.atd>v KaTevavTL tov Upov eTDjpwra 
avTov KaT Ibiav ITeVpos koi 'IaKa)/3os Kai '\u)dvvi]9 Kai ^Avbpeas 
KIttou rjpXv TTo're Tavra eaTai., Kai tC to ai]p.eiov oTav TavTa peXXri 4 
avvTeXficrdaL dnavTa. 6 be ^Irjaov^ ijp^aTo Xeyeiv avToh BAe'- 5 
Trere p-i^ ns v/xas TTXavi](r€f ttoXXoI eXevaovTai em rw ovopiaTL 6 
ixov XeyovTes otl 'Eyw et/xi, Kai ttoXXovs TrXavrjcrovaiv. oTav be 7 
aKova-riTe TToAe'/xou? koi aKod^ iroXep-uiv, \j.r] dpoelade' bel yevecrOai, 
aAA' ovTTU) TO TeXos. iyepdrjcreTaL yap edvos eii e6vo9 Kai Ba- 8 
(TiAeta eiTL HacnXeLav, ea-ovTai (rei(Tfxol KaTo. tottoi;?, ecrovTai Xip.oi' 

— dpyj] (i)bivuiv TavTa. fSXeireTe be v/xeis eavTovs' Trapabaxrovcrtv 9 
Vfxas eis (TVvebpia Kai els crvvaycDyas bapi]<Te(r6e Koi enl riyep.6v(i)V 


~ Kai jSaa-iXeMV a-Tad-qaeade eveKev epLOV els p.apTvpiov avTois. Kai 10 
PJ^ eis TiavTa to. eOvr] irpuiTov bel KrjpvxOijvai to evayyeXiov. Kat 11 
OTav ayuiaiv vp.ds Trapabibovres, pLT] trpoap-eXeTaTe tl XaXrja-qTe, 
dXX o eav bodfj vpXv ev eKeivrj tt] u)pa tovto AaAeire, ov yap ecrre 
vp.els ol XaXovvTes dXXd to irvevpia to dyiov. koI Trapabuxrei 12 
abeX(f)os dbeX<pdv els OdvaTov Kai iraTrjp TeKVOv, Kai eiravaaT-^- 
(TovTai TeKva e-Jii yoveis Kai OavaTuxrovaiv avTovs' koi eaea-Qe 13 
p.i(jovp.evoi v-nb -navTcav bid to ovoud ixov. 6 be virotxeivas els 

— reAo? ovTos (rcaO-qaeTai. "Orav be ibrjTe to BbeXvyp.a Trjs eprjjuw- 14 
Ptl o-euis eaTrjKos ottov ov bet, 6 dvayiv(aa-K(av voeiTU), TOTe ol ev t^ 

Texts from Mount Athos. 115 

15 \ovhaia, (pevyeToxrav eh ra opt], 6 h'k CTit tov bcaixaros i^rj Kara- 
i6 j3aT(t} ixrjbe eiTeA^eVo) rt apai ck ttj? otKi'as avrov, koi 6 eis tov 

17 aypov pLT] iTTtaTpe\fra.Too (Is to. OTrCcrca apai to IfxaTiov avTOV. oval ^ 
8e Tals €v yacTTpl ()(^ovaais koL tois OrjXa^ovaaLS (v e/cetyat? rai? 

18 -qp-ipais. TTpocTivxecrO^ tva jur) yivrjTai rj (f)vyri vp.5iv \(eiixGiVos' — 
^9 €crovTaL yap al r/jue'/oat (Ke'ivaL 6XL\}/ts oXa ov y4yov€V air' pixc 

apxrjs KTL(r€u>s rjv (KTicnv 6 deos ecos tov vvv koi ov [xt] yivr\Tai. ^ 

20 Ka\ €t /ur/ (KoXo/SaxTiv 6 deos Tas ruiepas CKetvas, ovk av irrcaOr] pf^ 
TTaaa adp^. aWa bia tovs e/cAeKTov? ovs e^eAefaro (KokolBMcrev 

21 Tas r]p.epas. Kai Tore edy Tts eLirr] "ISe c58e 6 Xpioro's ^ 

22 [8e e/cet, /i/^ Trtorei^ere' iyepOrjcrovTat yap \}r€vb6xptcrToi. Kal -^ev- pfi$ 
boTipocprJTaL Kai bc^crovcnv (rrj/xeta Kal repara irpos to aixo-nkavav ^ 

23 ei Suraroz; eKAcKroi;?* v/xeis 8e ^XeireTe' TrpoeiprjKa vfxiv iravTa. 

24 'AAAa ey (Keivats rats r]p.ipais p-eTo. T-qv QXiy\nv lKeivr]v b rjXios ^ 

25 <TK0Ti(r6r](reTai, koi r; o-eA?/z^?7 ov Swcret ro (piyyos avTrjs, Kal ot 
do"Tepe? ecoirat e/c Toi; ovpavov iriiTTovTes, Kal ai bvvdp.eLs al iv 

26 rot? ovpavols aaKevdrjcrovTat. Kal t6t€ d\j/ovTaL tov vlov tov 
dvOptaTTOv kpyojievov kv ve(p€\aLs \i€Ta bvvdp,€cos TToKXrjs koI bo^-qs' 

27 Kai t6t€ diToa-TeXei tovs dyye'Aous avTov Kal eTrto-fci'd^et tovs £!^ 
(k\€ktovs (k Tbiv Teaaapuiv drejucoy air' aKpov yrjs eco? aKpov 

28 TOV ovpavov. 'Atto be T7]s crvKrjs p-dOeTC ttjv 
■napa^okqv' orav 7/S77 6 KAdSo? avTrjs airaXos y^vqTat koi to. 

29 (f)vXXa €K(f)vj], yLViaoTKeTe otl kyyvs to d4pos ka-Tiv' ovtoos Kal 
vpLeis, 8Tav iSrjre TavTa yLv6p,€va, yLvaxTKCTe otl kyyvs Icttiv kiii 

30 Ovpais. dp.r\v Xeyoi vp.Lv otl ov p.r] TrapeXOr] rj yeved TavTt] p.ixpi 

31 ov TavTa TidvTa yivr]Tai. 6 ovpavos Kal rj yrj irapeXevcrovTai, ol 

32 8e Adyot pov ov /ut) TrapeXduxnv. Ylepl be Trjs rip.ipas eKeivrjs rj p^p 
TTJs tapas ovbels olbev, ovbe ot dyyeAoi ol iv rw ovpav<a ovre 6 

33 fid?, €1 /UT) 6 TtaTTjp. j3XeTTeT€ dypvnvelTe koi TTpoa-ev)^e(r6e, ovk f—f 

34 otbaTe yap itoTe 6 Kaipos eaTiV ws dvOpcaiTos dT:6bijp.os d(fiels pv8 
TTjv oiKiav avTOV Kal bovs rot? SovAots avTov ttjv e^ovaiav, eKaaTc^ ^ 

35 70 epyov avTov, Kal rw Ovpoapio eveTeiXaTO Iva yprjyopfj. yprj- Pj^ 
yopelTe ovv, ovk otSare yap tt6t€ 6 Kvpios Trjs oiKtas ep\€TaL, 

36 rj d\/^e rj p.e(TOvvKTiov rj dXeKTopo(f)a)VLas rj irpooi, p.rj iX6(i)V 

37 k^aiipvrjs evprj vjxds KaOevbovras' be vp.".v Ae'yco Tidcnv Xeyoi, 

ii6 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

~ — 'HN be TO. aCvixa koL to Ttaa^a ixera bvo i^y^ipas. Kal e^^- XIV 
TOW ol apyjiepeis koX ol ypafxpiaTels ttiSs avTov kv b6k(o KpaTrj- 
(ravTes aTTOKTeivcaa-iv, iX.€yov yap Mr] kv r?/ kopTfi,p.y] TTOTe eorat 2 
dopvjBos Tov Xaov. 

~ Kal ovTOS avTov ev B-qdavia kv Ty oIklo, ^Lp-oovos tov Xeirpov 3 
KaTaK€ip,€vov aiiTov -qXdev yvvrj e)(ovaa akd^aarpov p.vpov vapbov 
Ttia-TiKTJs TToXvTeXovs' crvvTpC^a(ra tjjv a\d(3aaTpov KaTex^^ev 
avTOV TTj K€(pa\r}. rjcrav b4 TLves dyavaKTOvvres irpos eavTOvs 4 
Eis Ti f) aTTwAeia avrrj tov fxvpov yeyovev; ibvvaro yap tovto to 5 
p.vpov TTpadrjvac kiidvoi brjvapioyv TpiaKoaicav Kal bodrjvai. Tols 
'nT£0)(ots' Kal kve^pip-CivTO avTi], b b\ ^h](Tovs eiTrt j; "A^ere 6 
avTTjv' tC avTi] KvTiovi 'irape-)(^€T€ ; KaXov epyov eipydaaTo ev kp.oi' 
T!dvTOT€ yap tow tttmxovs €X€Te /xe^' eauroiy, kol oTav 6i\i)Te 7 

— TidvTOTe bvvacrde avToh eS iroieLV, e/ixe 8e ov iravTore exere* 6 8 
eax€V iTTOirfaev, Trpoekaftev p-vpicrai to <r5)p.d fxov els tov evTa- 
(f)iaap.6v, dp.r}v be Xeyco vpXv, ottov edv KyjpvxOfi to evayyekiov 9 
tovto eh oXov tov Koapiov, Kal o eTioi-qaev avTt] XaXi^d/jaeTaL els 
w- iivr]p,6(TVVov avTijs. Kal '\ovbas 6 'lo-Kapiu;^ 6 els twv 10 

bu)beKa durjKOev irpos tovs dpyiepels iva avTov irapabio avTols. 
ol be aKovaavTes e^dprjaav Kal enriyyeLkav avTU) dpyvpiov bovvai. 11 
KOI eQqTei ttQs avTov evKaipcos Ttapabw. 

Kal Trj 7rpa)Ti] i]pepa TUiv d^vpcav, OTe TO'nd(T)(a eOvov, keyovatv 12 
avT(^ ol piaOrjTal avTov Uov OeXeis direXdovTes eToi/xdo-cojixeV croi 
TO irda^a; Kai diToa-TeWet bvo tcov p.a9i]T0iv avTov koi Xeyet 13 
avTols ^TirdyeTe els ttjv ttoXlv, Kal dTTavTi]crei vpXv dvOpcoiros 
KepdpLLOv vbaTos ^aora^wy' aKoXovOriaaTe avTM, Kal ottov eav 14 
elo'eXOij etiraTe rw olKobea-iroTi] otl 'O bibdcTKaXos Xeyei Wov 
eaTiv TO KaTaXvpid fxov ottov to Trdax^a p.eTd tG>v pia6r]T(av piov 
(f)dy(a ; Kal avTos vpXv bei^ei dvcoyacov p.eya (aTpcop-evov eTOip-oV j^ 
Kal eKel eTotpi.d<raTe rjp.iv. kolI e^rjXdov ol pi.adr}Tal Kal rjXdov els jg 
Tr)v ttoXlv Kai evpov /cameos elTrev avTols, Kai r^Toip-acrav to 
TTd(r)(a. Kai oxj/ias yevop.evrjs ep)(^eTat pieTa tu>v boobeKa. 17 

-Q- Kai dvaKeip.ev(i)V amdv Kai eaOiOVTOiv 6 'IrjcroSs eiTTev 'Ap.r]v js 
Xeyoi vplv OTL els e^ vp.(av iTapabaxret. p-e 6 ea6C(av p.eT ep-ov. 

-fl- rjp^avTo XvTTe'icrOaL Kal Xeyeiv avT^ eXi kutu els Mrjn eyca ; 19 

Piy 6 be XeyeL avTols Els T(av bcabeKa, 6 ep-jSaTTTop-evos pi-eT ep.ov els 20 


Texts from Mount Athos. 117 

21 TO Tpv^Xiov' OTt 6 fxev vloi Tov av6p(a7tov virdyct KaOu)^ yeypaTTTai ^ 
Trept avTov, ovai be rw avdpooTTco eKeti'a) 86' ov 6 vlos tov avOpanrov 
TrapaStSorai" kuXov ^v aiiTw et ovk fyevvrjOr] 6 avOpumos 

22 ^Kcivos. Kal kcrOiovTMv avTwv Ka^oiv 6 'IrjcroC? apTov — 


(vkoyrjcras iKXaaev kol ibooKev uvtols Kal elirev Aa/3ere, tovto 

23 iaTLV TO (Tcofxd piov. Kal Aa/Swr "noTripiov iv\api(rTi]<Tas ebooKev -q- 

24 avTols, Kai (Tnov e^ avTov itavTcs. koI tlTtev avTols Tovto 
kdTiv TO alp-CL pLov TrJ9 bi,a6i]KT]s to kKyyvopivov vTTfp ■noKKc^v' 

25 dp-qv Xeyu) vpXv oti ovk^ti ov /x)/ ttico ck tov y€vi]paTO^ tt/j 
dpLTT^kov k(us T^? 7]pLepas ^Keivrj^ oTav avTb ttlvco Katvbv kv ttJ 

26 ^aaiXiia tov deov. Kat vpvr](TavTes e^rjXOov els to — 

27 Opos T(jiv 'EXatwz'. Ka6 Aeyet avTols b 'IjytroSs ort 
ITarres (TKavbaXia6r}(Tead€, oti yeypaTTTai otl IJaTa^oi tov ttoi- — ~ 

28 piiva, Kai biacrKopTna-Oria-ovTai. to. TTpofiara' dXXd peTa to eyep- 

29 OrjvaC ju.e Trpod^co vpds els Tr}v TaXiXaCav. 6 be TleTpos Xeyet avT<a ^ 

30 El KOI TiavTes (TKavbaXiadricrovTai, dAX' ovk eyco, Kal Xeyet 
avTU) 6 Irjo-ovs ' Ap.r\v Xey(ti o"Oi on av ai]pepov TavTrj rfj vvktI 

31 TTplv 7] bis dXeKTopa (^oivricrai Tpls aTTapvi^a-rj pe. 6 be eKTreptaa&s — 
iXdXeL 'Eav berj p.e crvvaTToOave'iv (rot, ov p.rf ae duaprrja-opai. 

32 Kat epyovTai els \u>piov ov to 6vop.a Teacnp.avri, Kal Xeyet tols "g" 

33 paOrjTa'is avTOV Ka6i(raTe (abe ecos Trpoaev^opai. Kal irapaXap- P21 
^dvet TOV TieTpov Kal tov ^IdKOdjSov Kot tov ^Icadvvqv peO^ eavTov, 

34 Kai Tjp^aTO eKdapjSelcrOat Kal dbripovelv, Kal Xeyetv aiiTots Uept- -g- 
XvTTos ecTTiv rj \j/v\ri pov ecus OavaTov' pieCvaTe &be Kal yprjyopelTe. 

35 Kat TTpoaeXOcbv puKpov eirfUTev eirt Trjs y^s, Kai TTpoar]V)(^eTo iva el 

36 bvvaTOv eariv irapeXdr] dii avTov r] &pa, Kat eXeyyev 'A^3d 6 

' ^ por 

TtaTrjp, TtdvTa bvvarai (rot' irapeveyKat tovto to Ttorriptov dir' ~^ 

37 ep-ov' dAA.' ov ti eycb OtXa) dXXd el ti av. koX ep\eTai koX 62£ 
evpicTKei avTovs KaOevbovras, Kat Xeyet rw HeTpio ^[putv, Kadevbets ; 

38 OVK ia-)(vo-as p.iav u>pav ypi]yoprj(rai ; yprjyopelTe /cat TTpocrevy^ea-de, 
'iva pi] ela-iXOrjre els Treipacrpov' to pev irvevpa irpdOvpov tj be crdp^ 

39 da-devrjs. Kal irdXiv direXOodv TTpocrrjv^aTO tov avTov Xoyov elTidv. "g" 

40 Kal TrdXiv eXd(s)v evpev avTovs KadevbovTas, ■^a-av yap avT<av 01 ££^ 
6(pdaXpol KaTa^apvvopevoi, Kal ovk f\betcrav t'i aTioKpiOOxriv avTu>. 

41 Kal epxeTat to Tpirov Kal Xeyet avTols KadevbeTe Xoiirov Kal — 
27. aKav^aKic9ii(jia0i'\ A contemporary hand has added in the margin ey efioi. 

ii8 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

ava7Tav€(T6i' ijkOev ?; uipa, Ibov TrapabCborai 6 vlos tov avOpunrov 
€is Tas x^ipas TMv afxapTijoXCiv. iyfCpeaOe ayoifxev' Ibov 6 Trapa- 42 

— bibovs fJ-e ijyyiKev. Kal €v6vs eTL avrov Xakovvros 43 

TTapayLV€Tai 'lovSas els tcov 8co8eKa Kal fi(T^ avTov o)(Aos p.eTa 
p.axaLpS>v Koi ^vKoav Trapa t&v ap)(j.€.pi(i)v KaX ypaixp-aTeoiV Kat t&v 

^— TrpeajBvTepMv. SeSwKet be 6 Trapabibovs avTOV (Tvaai]pov avTols 44 
X^yoov *0y iav (f)ikri(T(o ovtos ecmv' KpaTi]craT€ avrov Kal aira- 
ydyeTe aacpakuis. Kal €\do)v €v6vs TrpocreKOotiv avrO) Xiyet Pa^jSi, 45 
Kttt KaTe(f)i\r}(rev avrov. oi be kne^akov ras yjupas k-n avrov Kai 46 

^— eKparrjaav avrov. ets 8e rcov TiapecmiKoruiv crTracrajucyo? Tr\v 47 

[xd^atpav enaicrev rbv bovXov rov dp\i€peu>s Kaid(f)a Kal dcpelkev 

^ avrov TO uirdpiov. -Kai cLTTOKpiOels 6 ' Irjcrovs etTref avrols 'Us 4^ 

(ttI \r}(rri]v e^rjkdare fxerd ixaxatpcov Kal ^i^Acriy av\\a,8elv fj.€ ; 

Kad' r}[X€pav yp-riv rrpos vp-ds kv to) lepw bibd(TK(jyv Kal ovk (Kpa- 49 
~g~ TciTe jue" dAA' Xva TrXr^pooOoiaLV al ypacpai. Kal d(f)4vr€9 avrov 5° 
P![f ((fivyov irdvres. Kal veavia-Kos ris a~vvr]Ko\ov9ei avrw TTept^e^Xrj- 51 

[xevos aivbova eTri yvp.vov, Kai Kparovariv avrov, o be KaraXmo)v 52 

Tr]v a-ivbova e(f)vyev yvp.v6s. 

^ Kal dnriyayov rov ^Iriaovv iTpos rov dp)(^L€pea, Kal (Twep^ovrai 53 

airo) Tidvres ot dpy^iepels koi ol Trpeajivrepoi koX 01 ypap-parels. 

^ Kai 6 Ylerpos p.aKp66ev rjKoXovOei. avr^ eois eaoo eh njy avXrjv rov 54 
dpxiepecos, Kal riv avvKa9)'ip.evos p.erd rStv vTTrjper&v Kal depp-aivd- 

^— fxevos TTpbs TO (pu>s. ol be apx^Lepels Kal dXov rb avvebpLov e^vrovv 55 

Kara rov 'IrjtroC p-aprvpiav eh rb OavarQa-ai avrdvy Kal ovx 

rjvpLcrKOv' ttoXXoI yap e\j/evbop,aprvpovv Kara rod Irjuov, /cat taai 56 

^ al iiaprvpiai ovk rjaav. KaC rives dvaa-rdvres e\}fevbop.aprvpovv 57 

Kar avrov Xeyovres on 'H/xei? r]Kov(Taixev avrov Xeyovros on 58 

'Eyo) KaraXva-oi rovrov rbv \eipoTTOLr]Tov rov vabv koi bia rpiSiv 

T]p.ep5>v dXXov dyeipoTTol.i]Tov olKobop-rjaca' Kai ovbe ovrcas trrrj tjv rj 59 

piaprvpCa avrOtv. Kal dvaaras 6 dpxiepevs ea-Tt] els rb p.eaov Kal 60 

eTrr]p<Lrrjaev rbv Irjaovv XeyoiV Ovk drroKpivr} ovbev o tl ovroi 

(TOV Karap-aprvpovaiv ; 6 be ecrKtuia koI ovk dneKplvaro ovbev. 

?— ndXiv b dp\iepevs erTrjpcora avrov Kal Xeyei avno Sv et 6 Xpiarbs 61 

6 vlbs rod evXoyrip,evov ; b be 'Ir/o-oCs etrrev 'Eyw elp.i, Kal 62 
o'^ecrde rbv vlbv rov dvOpcaiTov eK be^ioov Ka9t]p.evov tjjs bvvapieois 
P^ Kal epydp-evov p-erd T(i>v vecpeX&v rov ovpavov. 6 be apxi-^P^vs 63 

Texts from Mount Athos. 119 

biappri^as tovs xt^^yas avrov Aeyei Ti ert xpdav ^xofxev jxap- pVy 
64 Tvpcov ; -^KOvaaTc Tr]s fiXaa-<pr]ixCas ; tL vp.iv ^aiv^rai; ol h\ ■navn.s 
6g KareKptvav avrbv €voypv elvai Oavdrov. Kat yjp^avTo TLVi9 ip,- P^ 
Ttrveiv avT(o km itepiKaXvTiTeiv avrov to TrpocrooTTOv koI KokacfiL^eiv 
avTov KUL Aeyecy avroj YIpo(f)'^Tev<Tov rjpXv. kol ol inr-qpiTai, 

66 paTria-paaiv avrbv €\aj3ov. Kal ovros tov Uerpov iv ph^ 

67 Tr\ avXfi Ipxerai /xta t&v TratbiaKdov rod ap\i.epioos, Kal ibovcra tov 
Ylerpov depp^atvop^ivov epLfSXexf/aa-a ai/rco Xiyet, Kal av p-tTa tov 

68 '^a(apr]vov ricrOa rov ^\r](Tov' 6 h\ rjpv^aaro Aeycoy Ovre olba 
ovT€ av tL k^yas. Kal e^ijXOev e^o) ei? to rrpoavXiov. P^ 

69 /cat 17] Ibovaa avrov ijp^aro -naktv kiy^iv rols TrapearQatv 

70 OTL Owros €^ avTcov kcrriv. 6 h'k ndkiv tipvelTO. Kal p-era 
p.iKpov ol Trapea-Tutres ek^yov to) Tlerp(d ^Ak-qdcas ef avroiv 

71 ei, KUi yap Takikaios et* 6 be jjp^aTO dvaOep-ari^eiv koI op-vveiv 

72 OTL OvK olba TOV avOpooTTov Tovrov bv Aeyere. Kat e/c bevrepov P^ 
akiKTU>p i(f)(ovrfa€v' Kal avepLvrjaOr] 6 Tldrpos to prip.a o)S eXmv 
avT^ 'Itjo-ous on WpXv ak^Kropa (fxavrja-aL bis rpCs /xe artapvriar], 
Kal iTiifiakiav €Kkai€v, 

XV Kat evOvs irpm avp-jSovkiov Ttoii^a-avres ol apx^fpeis p-era Toiv -^ 
TTpeafBvrepoov Kal ypap,p.aT4cov Kal bkov to (rvvibptov brjaavres rbv P^ 
3 ^\r]aovv cm-qveyKav Kat irapibiOKav IltAaro). Kat eTrrjpwrrjcrey avrbv 
6 Ylikaros 2v et 6 jBaankevs rutv ^lovbamv ; anoKpiOels - 

3 avT(^ Aeyet 2)v Ae'yets. Kat Kar-qyopovv avrov ol ap)(^i€peis TToAAa, ^ 

4 avrbs be ovbev aireKpCvaro. 6 be IltAaros TraAti' errripatra avrbv 
6 keyutv Ovk drroKpivri ovbev ; Ibe rroaa aov KaTrjyopova-iv. 6 be 

Irjcrovs ovKeri ovbev aixeKpiOr], <2crrc 6avp.d^eiv rbv Ylikarov. 

6 Kara 8e eopri]V direkvev avrols eva beap-iov ovnep r]Tovvro. ■qv — 

7 8e 6 key6p.evos Bapa^jias pLera rwv a-racriacrrSiV bebep.evos otrtves <ry 

8 ev rfi ardaei <p6vov TTeTioL7]KacTLV. Kol dva^o')](ras 6 o)(^kos ijp^aro 

9 aiTeicr^at Ka^ws eiroiei avrols. 6 be rTiAaros dr:eKpi6r] avrols 

10 Aeycoy Qekere d-nokva-M rbv j3aa-i.kea t(ov ^lovbaccov ; eyi- 
voio-Kev yap on bid (fydovov TrapabebuxeKrav avrbv ol dp')(^LepeLS. 

11 ot 8e dpyjLepels aveareta-av rbv ox^kov Iva p.dkkov rbv Bapal3j3dv ~ 

12 diTokvo-ri avrols. 6 be IltAaro? Trdkiv drtoKpiOels elirev avrols ^ 


68. A contemporary or slightly later hand adds in the margin kuI aXiKTwp 
i<pijvr)criv, 2. iov^aiwv is written in rasura. 

120 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Tt ovv 7toLy]cr(o ov keyere top fia(rik4a tu>v 'lovbaCcov ; ol 8c 13 
TrdAti' iKpa^av ^ravpaxrov avTov. 6 be rTtAaro? lAeyev TC 14 
yap (TioLTjaev kukov ; ol be TrepicraS)^ eKpa^av ^Tavpctxrov avrov. 

— 6 8e YIlXutos ^ovkofxevos rw oxk(o to iKavov Trotjjcrai airekvcnv 15 
avTols Tov Bapa^^av, Kal irapibuiKev rbv ^lr\aovv <^payeKKu)(Ta<i 
Lva (TTavpctiOij. 

"g" 01 be (TTpaTiS>Tai airriyayov avrov eaut rrjs avkris, o eariv irpaL- 16 
T(apiov, Kal avvKakova-Lv okr)v tt]v a-rreipav, Kal evbibva-KOVcnv 17 
avTov ■nop(f)vpav Kal TsepiriOeacnv avri^ TrAe^ayres aKavOivov 
a-Te(j)avoV Kal ijp^avTo avrov aairaCeaOai Xalpe, (Saaikev raiv 18 
lovbaioiiv' Kal ervirrov avrov Tr]V K€(f)akr]V /caAa/xo) Kal eveirrvov 19 

— ai»rfa), Kat riaevre^ ra yovara TrpoaeKWovv avrut. Kai ore eve- 20 
■nai^av avrw, e^ebvaav avrov rr]v iropcpvpav /cat evebvaav avrov ra 

"^ i/Liarta avrov. Kai e^ayovcriv avrov e^oo lva aravpiacroi- 

a-Lv avrov' Kai ayyapevovcnv rrapayovra. riva ^ifxcava Kvprjvalov 21 

ep\6p.evov a-n aypov, rbv irarepa 'Ake^avbpov /cat 'Pov(f)ov, tva 

a aprj rbv (rravpbv avrov. Kal (pepovcriv avrov errl rbv TokyoOav 22 

~ roTTOv, o eariv p.e6epp.r\vev6pLevov Kpaviov To'ttos-. koi bibu)(rLV avria 25 
a ' 

(Ti0 ea-p-ypvLO-fxevov otvov, 6 be ovk ekajSev. Kal aravpova-iv avrov Kal 24 

" biap-epi^ovrai ra Ip-drLa avrov, (3dkkovres Kki]pov ctt' avra rty rt 

£i? ^ apr]. -qv be u>pa rpirr] Kal earavpooaav avrov. Kal rjv 77 eTTLypacf)!] ^5 

rrjs atria's avrov yeypap.p.evr] *0 (Baa-ikevs rS>v 'lovbalcav. Kal 
(Tie ^ , „ , 

—^ (Tvv avr(D aravpova-Lv bvo krjards, eva e/c Se^twy /cat eva e£ 27 

f^ evcovvp.(jov avrov. Kal ol napaTTopevop.evoi e^ka(T^rip.ovv avrbv 29 

Kivovvres rds Ke(pakds avra>v Kal keyovres 'O KarakvMv rbv vabv 

Kal olKobop-wv ev rpialv r]p.epais, crSxrov aeavrbv KaraBas airo rod 3° 

— aravpov. o/xoto)? Kat 01 dp)(^iepeh ep.T:ai(ovres Tzpos aAA?/Aous 31 

fiera rwv ypap.p.aTeu>v ekeyov "AAAous ea-axrev, eavrbv ov bvvarai 

(rSxraC b Xpiarbs 6 ^acrikevs 'lapai^k KarajSaroo vvv dirb rov 32 

~^ aravpov, lva tboopev Kal TiLarev<Tu>p.ev. Kal ol a-vve(rravpoip.evoL 

^ p-er avrov wfetSt^ov avrov. Kal yevop.evr]<i a>pas eKrris 33 

OK o-Koros iyevero e^' bkr]v rj]v yrjv ecus copas evdrrjs. Kal ri] evdnj 34 

^ U)pa ejSoria-ev 6 'Irjaovs (f)(avfi p-eydkij 'EAcoi, eAcot, kep.a aa^a^Oavi ; 

-^ o iarLV p.e6epp.r]vev6p.evov *0 deos p.ov, Oeos pi.ov, et? rC 

'^J^ eyKareki-nes p.e ; Kai rives rG>v Trapea-rrjKOTMv oLKovcravres ekeyov 25 

Ibe HAtar- ^coret. bpap.u}v be ris yep-Caas (nroyyov o^ovs irepi- 

Texts from Mount Athos. 



0eis Ka\dix(^ firoTiCcv avrov, Keycov "A^ere TSco/xei; et epx^rat — 

37 HAtas Ka^eAeiy avrov. b 8e 'Irjo-ous a(f)€\s (f)0}vi]V fJ.eyd\r]v 

38 (^eiTvevcrev. Kal to KaraniTaaixa tov vaov ka-xCa-dr] els hvo an f 

39 avoddev ecos KaTon. 'lbu>v 8e 6 KevrvpCcov 6 •n-apeoTTj/coi)? e£ ei'ai^- f^ 
Tias avroi; on ovtms f^iTTvevaev etirev 'AXrjd&s ovtos 6 avOpcoTios 

40 vlos dcov rjv. ^Hcrav be koI yvvalKes aTTo \xaKp66ev Oecapovcrai, kv 
als ^v Ka\ Mapia/x 7} Mayhakr\vy] Kal Mapia r} ^laK(aj3ov rod jxiKpov 

41 Kat rj 'Icoo"^ [J'^VTVP 'f«'' SaAw/xrj, at ore rjv kv rfj TakiXaCa riKoXov- 
60VV Kal bi-qKovovv avrw, Kat aAAat ttoAAoi cvvava^dcrai avT(o 
els ^lepocr6kvp.a. 

43 Kai 1781; oxj/ias yevop.evr]<;, eireX ^v •napaaKevq, o ecrTiv irpoaa^- — 

43 jSarov, eXOcov Ioxttjc^ 6 aTro ^ Kpip.adaias ev<T\r}\xuiv (3ovXevTT]s, os 
Kal avTos i]v TTpocrhexofxivos ti]v ^aaiXeCav tov 6eov, ToXpiricras 
elaijXOev Trpos tov UlXoltov Kal fjT'qcraTO to aS>ixa tov 'Irjcrou. 

44 he ITtAaros eOavpiacrev el ijhr] TedvrjKev, Kol iTpo(TKaXe(Td\xevos tov 

45 KevTvptMva eiirjpuiTria-ev avrov el irdXai dnedavev' Kal yvovs d-no 

46 rod Kevrvpiciivos eh(opr\(Taro rb acop-a T(2 'Iioo-tjc/). Kal dyopdaas ~^ 
(Tivhova KadeXojv avrbv eveCXiaev rfj aivhovi Kal eOrjKev avrbv ev 
p.vr]p.e[(a 7]v XeXaropnqp-evov eK irerpas, Kal npocreKvXKrev XiOov 

47 era rrjv Ovpav rov p.vrjp.eiov. 'H be MapCa t] M.ayhaXr]vri Kal -3- 
Mapta ■q 'Icoctt/tos e6e<apovv irov redeirai. 

XVI Kat biayevop-evov rov aajB^drov MapCa i] ^aybaXrivj] Kal 'if 
Mapia 7] 'laK(o(3ov Kal ^aXojpir] riy6pa(rav dpcapara tva eXOovaai, 

2 a\ei\y<x>(Tiv avrov. kul Xi.av irptot ttj /xta r(ov aapparaiv - — 

3 epyovrai enl rb p.vrip.elov dvareiXavros rov rjXiov. Kal eXeyov 
TTpbs eavrds, Ttj dTTOKvXio-et rov XiOov drtb Ti]s Ovpas 

4 rov p.vTf]}xeiov ; Kai dva(3Xe\}/a(TaL dempovaiv on dTiOKeKvXi(Trai, 

5 6 XCdos, rjv yap p.eyas (r(j)6bpa. Kal elaeXOovcrai els rb p-vrj- 
pLelov Xbov veavi(TKov Ka6rip.evov ev roXs Se^tots Tiepifie^XijpLevov 

6 aroXr^v XevKrjv, koI e^edap.^r\6T](Tav. 6 be Xiyei avrals M?/ "^ 
eK9ap,fiel(r6e' 'Irja-ovv ^rjrelre rbv l\a(apr}vbv rbv ea-ravpcop-evov' 

7 Tjyipdr}, ovK euriv oibe' Xbe b tottos ottov edrjKav avrov' dXXd 

At the top of f. 14 is k (u suprascr.) f ano tov naff (x siiprascr.) if t (cu 
suprascr.) ira$Cjv tvayy (e suprascr.) and v. 43 (KOwv is marked dp (^ suprascr.) 
in the margin. At the end of v. 47 is noted t (t suprascr.) t (« suprascr.) 
jra (0 suprascr.). At the beginning of xvi. i, is dp (x suprascr.), and in the 
margin (vayy (« suprascr.) (<o (0 suprascr.) dvaa (t suprascr.). 


122 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

virayere etTiare rots fxaOrjTois avrov kol tQ) TiiTpca on Tlpoayet, 
vj^as els T7]v TaXtXaCav' (Kel avrbv o\//ecr^e, KaOios (linv Vjuv. 
~^ KttL (^ekdovaai ((pvyov airo tov jivrjix^Lov, (^x^^ 7^9 «i""os Tpoixos 8 
Kai cKOTacrts* Kat ovben ovbev elirov, k^o^ovvTO yap' iravra 8e 
TO. 7rapr]yy€kp.4va toIs irepl tov U^rpov a-vvTOjJLCdS e^ijyyeikav' 
Mera 8e ravra Kai airos 'Ijjctous ((fxivrj airo avaToXijs koL jJ-^XP'- 
bvcrecos (^airia-TeiXev bt avrcov to Upbv kol a(f)6apTov Kripvyp.a 
T?]s atooriou acoTtjpCas, ap.riv. 

f(TTLv Kol Tavra (f)(p6pi€va 
jjLCTa TO €(po(f)ovvTO ydp' 
AvacTTas Se irpcoi TrpcoT-p cra^jSaTov €(pdvr] TtpdTov MapCq r// 9 
MaybaXr]vfi, Trap' rjs CK^e/SATj/cei kirTo, baip-ovia. iKeivr] iropiv- lo 
Oclcra &.7rr]yy€L\ev toIs /xer' avTov yevofxivois irevdovaL koL K\aiov(nv' 
(Keivot cLKova-avTes otl ^ Kat (OedOt] vtt' avrrjs rjirLaTrjcrav. Mera J i 
8e Tavra bvalv e£ avToiv n^pnraTovo-iv €(j)avep(x)Or] iv kripa fJ-opcfji] 1 2 
TTop^vop.ivoLS ets dypdv' KciKelvoL aTTiXOovres d-rr-^yyeiXav toIs 13 
XoLTTols' ovbe (KeCvois k-nicTTtvcrav. "Tarrepov diaKetpiivois avroh 14 
rots €vb(Ka ic^avepbiOt], koi ^viibiaev ti}v duKniav avTwv kuI 
(TKXrjpoKapbCav otl rots O^aarafxivois avrov kyr]yipp.ivov ova cTTt- 
OT^va-av. Kal elirev avrols TlopevOh'Tes et? rov Kocrpov diravTa '5 
Kiipv^are ro evayyiXiov Trdcnj rf] Kn'o-ei. 6 77tcrrei^a-as Kat ^a- 16 
TTTiadfls (TctiOi'ia-iTaL, 6 b( aTrio-Tr/o-as KaTaKpiOijo-eraL. ar^p.ela 8e 17 
ro'ii TnaT€V(Taaiv dKoXov6i](r€i, ravra, €v rw ovoixari jxov baipt-ovia 
(K^aXovaiv, yAwo-crat? AaAT/o-oucrti', Kat kv rats X'^P'^'-^ o(p€LS iS 
dpovaiv Kav davd<Tip.dv ri. Trtoocnv ov p.i] avrovs jSXdxj/et, eTit 
dppuxrrovs x^V^S (TTLdi'jcrovcnv nal KaAois e^uvaiv. 'O juer ovv 19 
Kvpto? p.€rd ro XaXijcraL avrols dveXi](f)dr] ds rbv ovpavbv Kal 
€Kd9i,(rev (K be^LO)v rov Oeov. ckhvol 6e (^eXdovres tKrjpv^av 20 
T:avraxov, rov Kvpiov avvepyovvros koI rbv Xoyov ^e^aiovvros bid 
rS>v inaKoXovOovvrMV arjpiemv. dp.r\v. 


8. T (e suprascr.) is added after fap. 

9. In the margin is written avaaraain (o suprascr.) iojOiv (o suprascr.) 
ap {x suprascr.). There is no corresponding riXos. 



As the text of cod. ^ is much less interesting in these 
Gospels than it is in the fragment which remains of St. Mark, 
it has been thought sufficient to give a collation of the text 
of the codex with Lloyd's reprint of the text of Stephanus, 
ed. 1550' I^ will be seen that there are a fair number of 
valiants, but that few of them are of first-rate importance. 


I 1 7rape8(i)(Tav 3 avwOev om. 5 . ante Pa<Tiki(M<i oni. tov 
Koi yvvr] avTio 6 Ivavriov pro evtoTriov 7 rjv ante -^ 8 
@eov pro KvpLov 10 rjv tov Xaov 15 0eov ^^ro Kvpiov 
20 axpis 17s 21 avTov J^ost vaQ 25 oi'tcds 28 utto 
pro VTTO 28 6 ttyytXo9 om. cvXoyrjfjitvr} (rii iv yvvai^LV om. 
29 17 8e cTTi TOV Xoyov SuTapd)(8rj BieXoyi^ero iv iavrfj Xcyovcra 
36 yypcL 38 Mapia 39 optv^v 41 rj 'EXi(rd(3tT 
post Mapt'a? 50 yeveav kol yei'tai' 55 cws aiwvos 56 ws 
pro axret 61 ck tt]? (rtiyyevetas 65 opivij 66 aKOVovTCS 
75 T^s C'^rj'i am. 78 rjp^wv j^5ro avrwr 

II 3 eavTOv pro iSiav 4 Na^ape^ 8 t]7 Troifivj] 0€ov 
^ro Kvptou 12 Kai Keifxevov iv (fidrvrj 18 d/<ovovT€S 20 VTrc- 
(TTpeij/av 'lSov 21 avrov yjro to TraiStov 22 Mwixrcws 
25 ^v ayiov 26 rn-plv rj av 30 tSov 35 Bk om. 36 er?; 
post fjiera dvSpo? 37 cws pt'O <I)S 38 auT>; OWl. 39 iavTwv 
Na^ape'^ 40 o-o</)ta 51 Na^apd^ 

III 1 §€ om. 'Ay3t8tv^s 2 eVt dp;)^t£p£ws 8 So'^re 2>ro 
ap$7]crOe 12 iorav 14 Trot-qcroifjiiv 23 dp)(6fxevos TpidKOvra 
24 rto9 aw<e ws ivofii^ero 'HAct' 25 'Eo-Xt/x. 26 2</Atci 
27 'Iwavdv 32 Iu)/3r]8 33 Apd/JL, TOV 'Iwpd/j. 34 ®dppa 
35 Sepov'x 37 lape^ 

IV 1 ttXt^pt^s a«ie Trvcv/Aaros 4 6 supra lineam 6 Kai 
^ eav ^eA-O) hihmfiL avTrjv om, 7 Tracra ^ro Trdvra 8 6 'Irjaovi 

K a 

124 Stiidta Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

etTTcv 9 ante vtos om. 6 12 6 *lr]crov<: ciTrev avrw 16 'Sa^apeO 
17 ToS 7rpocf>-^TOV 'Ho-aiou 18 cive/ccv cvayyeXLcraa-OaL 20 oc 

64>eaXfjiol iv T-g (nvayoiy^ 22 oi'Xt 23 yeva/xeva Ka<;/)apvaoiV 
25 oTt TToXXai 26 %apec^0a -r^s 2i8wvia9 27 ev tw 'Icrpar/A 

onfe eVt Nai/xaj/ 29 t^s 2° om. 33 Xeyov 35 ets 

/tAcVor 38 ^ om. 42 cVc^^^tow 44 cts ras o-uvaycoyas 

V 2 tSev TrXoidpia 5 xa^ao"wyxev 6 ttX^^os IxOvwv 
7 Tots 2" OW. kirXrjcrO-qa-av 14 Mwvo"^? ctt' avTOv's pro 
avTol<: 19 a?i<e Trotas om. 8ta 20 a^iovraC 21 ets 
^0 /xovos 23 eyeip€ 24 TrapaXvrtKw lyeipe 26 tOo/xev 

28 TTarra ^ro airavra 29 a?iie Aeuis WH. 6 ttoXvs xeAwvoiv 

30 Twv TcAwvwv 31 tcrxvovTts j^'*^ vyiaa'oi'T€9 36 axicrii. 

(Tvix(^(avr)(Tei iTTLfiXrjfJia oni. 37 6 oivos 6 veos 

VI 3 6 'It/o-ovs aw^e Trpos ore pro oTrore 5 cittcv avrots o 
'Iryo-ovs 7 iraperripovvTO avrbv om. ante o-a^/Jarw am, tw 
$£paTrev€i. KaTrjyop^a-wcnv pro evpojo-L Karrjyopiav 8 eyetpe 
Kai ^ro 6 8c 9 v/aSs ti, pro v/au?, ti 10 cittcv avrw 7^ro 
cTttc tw avOpwTr(o ourw 0??l. aTreKaTecTTdOr] vyi^s om. 
11 eXdAow i^ro 8i€XaXovv 17 6 oxXos 18 Kal 2" 0»l. 19 i^y]- 
Tovv 23 x^PV^^ "^"^ °^^°^ 1^^^ Tavra 26 ra aiVa pro 
TttCra 27 dXXa 28 Kal om. 34 ydp ot om. 
35 ToC om. 36 iva pro Kai ou 44 o-ra^vXas rpvywo-i 
45 dv^pcoTTo? 2" ow. Tov 3° om. T^s 2" om. 

VII 1 KaTrapvaov/x 2 ly^cXXcv 3 outos d/covVa? Trcpt 

4 Trape'^ roi^o) 6 c^iXovs 6 l/carovTapx'?? p.ou an<e vtto 

7 dXXd /loVov 10 ets tov oTkoj/ oi Trc/x^^eVrcs 12 /xovo- 

ycv^S i;io9 t;v 0»l. 13 ctt' arr^v 17 ante irdo-rj om. iv 

19 ercpov ?)ro dXXov 20 crepov pro dXXov 21 8e om. 

22 on 07?i. Kat x^Xoi 27 o^tos ydp 28 ydp om, 

TOV (SaTma-Tov om. 31 cTttc 8e 6 Kvptos om. 35 7rdvT0)v om, 

38 OTTto-o) a?i<e irapd Toi? 8ttKpuCTt ante ^p^aro t^s K€<^aX^s om. 

e^e'/xa^cv 41 xp^ocf)€tX€Tai 42 dyaTTT^o-et at-rdv 44 /aoi 

eVi TOi'S 7rd8a5 t^s K€^aX^9 om. 47 d^eovrai 48 dcfieovTai 

VIII 2 MapLO-ix 8 koXt^v pro dya^T^v 13 tov Xdyov a?i<e 

p.€Td xapds 16 Xux^'tav 17 /at; yvwcr^rj pro ou yvwo-^T/creTai 

21 auTov om. 23 (rvv€TrXr)povTo 24 tVav'craTO yaXi^vr} 

fj.€ydXr] 25 eo-Ttv 1° om. Trpos dXXT^Xous XcyovTCS 26 dvTi- 

TTcpa 27 avTw 2" om. 29 iraptp/yeiXev ih(.criJ.evf.TO 8at- 

fiovLov pro 8at/i.oios 30 ovo/xd ccttiv 33 cicriJX^ov 34 dxcX- 

^dvTCS om. 39 croc iiroLrjacv 43 larpoLS pro €ts larpovs /3iov 
avTTjs 44 oTTicrdiv om. 45 tis p.oi; ^i/^qto pro tis di/^d/xcvds 

Texts from Mount Athos. 125 

fiov 2° 47 avTw 2° om. 51 eX^wr 'ItoawT^v Kai 'laKw^ov 

54 €yet/)€ 

IX 1 aTTOCTToAovs ^/'O /xa^T/Tois avTov 2 dcr^evci? 3 pd/SBov 
5 Scxtovrat Kttt 2** om. 7 yevo/x.eva 8 Ti<i pro cis 

10 Travra ocra tp-qfj-ov ttoXcws om. c< KaAov/xcvov ^7*0 KaXovfiivrji 

11 aTToSefa/AC^'OS 16 rjvXoyrja-ev "TrapaOelvai 17 TravTCS 
aw^e Ktti i)(oprrd(T6r]crav . rjpav pro r)p6-q sed non KO(f>LVOV<i 
20 Ilerpos sine 6 24 lav pro av 25 uiffyeX-qcrct 27 co-TOJTtJV 
yevcrcovrat 30 Miovo-t}? 31 •^/xcXAe 33 IleTpos sme 6 
crot fjilav M.<x)(Trj HXi'a /xt'av 35 o dyaTTT/Tos, eV (5 rjvSo' 
Krjcra 36 'It^o-ovs si'/i« 6 38 e(36rj(r€V SiSdorKaXc om. 
iirL/SXiiJ/ai 40 avTo c/c/JdAojcrti' 41 cws ttotc ^7*0 Kai 2° 
/X.01 Tov vtov (Tou oiSe 43 eiTrcv 8c 46 rts avTwv So/cci eivai 
fjiCL^wv 48 ctv _pro cav 6iS owojsl'T'O ovto? 49 iv pro 
CTTt TO. owl. 50 v/x.aiv 6t5 55 Ktti ciTrev . . . crcocrai 
67 iav pro av 62 6 'It^ctoi)? 7rpo5 avrov 

X 1 ^/AcXXcv 2 cK^aXrj 4 ^aXXdvTiov 6 /x,ev om. 
8 8' 0)n. 13 Xopa^eiv KaOi^fievot 14 rjfJiepa. Ikuvtj pro 
KpL<T€i 21 cvSoKca iy€V€TO 22 /xot TTapih66-q 24 iSov 
32 Tw auTov TOTTOi/ 35 avTw OW. 36 7rXr](riov BokcI aoi 
39 Mapid/x 42 Mapi'a yap 

XI 4 d(fiLOfJi€v TravTt tw 5 ipei pro citttj 8 <^tXov avroi! 
11 -^ j>ro €1 13 awie e^ oipavov om. 6 15 tw dp^ovri 17 /xcpi- 
a-Oeiara Kaff iavrrjv 19 atiroi a«<e Kpirai 23 (TKOpTri^ei jxt 
25 o-;(oXa^ovTa crea-apMixevov 31 2oXw/xa)vos 6w 34 Kai 1° om. 
36 Ti om. 41 diravra pro Trdvra 42 dXXo. 50 iK8iKrj6jj 
pro iK^rjTrjOfj 54 avrbv Koi om. 

XII 4 dTTOKTCLVovTiov 5 e)(OVTa l^ovcriav ante yi^wav 
om. TYjv 6 TTtoXoiivTat 8 iav pro av 11 /xipi/xvrja-rjTe 
15 avTwjpro avTOv 2° 16 r)v(f>6pr](Tev 28 a-tjfJLepov iv dyp(^ ovra 
29 TTtere 31 avroi) J5ro tou 0€ov 32 rjvBoKrja-ev 33 /?aX- 
XdvTia 37 6 KvpLo<i iXOoiV 39 opuy^vat rr/v OLKiav 40 o*v 
om. 42 6 ^ro /cat 8oi)vat 47 avrov pro iavrov 
7] pro fMrj^e 49 cVt ^ro cts 53 eVi pro e'^' 54 vecfteX-qv 
sine Tr]v Xe'yere on 56 tov oipavov Kai t^s y^s 58 /SdXQ 

XIII 1 IltXaTos hoc accentu, et sic jjassim 2 iirep pro irapa 
3 TrdvTCDS pro Trdvres 4 SeKaoKTw 6 ttc^vtcv/acVj^v 
anfe cv tw 7 €kkoij/ov ovv 8 Koirpia 11 8cKaoKTci 
18 ow j5ro Se 19 avTOu pro cauToD 20 kox om. 26 dpirjaOe 
27 anie ipydrai om. ot 29 an<e fBoppa om. diro 34 dTro- 
KTc'vvovo-a 35 Xt'yco 8e pro d/z^v 8c Xc'yoj 

126 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiasti'ca. 

XIV 1 (ray8/?ttTwv pro cra^/JaTa) 3 d Om. 7 /c€/<Xt/ieVovs 
10 dvaTTto'e 12 dvTaTroSoixd aoL 18 Travre? Trapatrcta^at 
e^eX^wv iSciv 21 cKeivos ow. 23 /xov 6 oTkos 20 /xou cTvat 
lxaOrjT^<S 28 615 ^ro Ttt 7r/)os 29 avrui om. 31 o-v/x/JaXciv 
pos< jSacriXfL 32 iroppw avrov 33 cTvat /xov 34 8e /<at 

XV 1 avTui €yyt'^0VT£S 4 cv«v?/K0VTa ei'vea cws ov 
7 ecrrai post iv tw oupavw 9 (TvyKaAti 14 toC vcrrepetcrOai 
17 £^>7 pro eiTre Xt/xw aiSe 19 Kat om. 20 ou /xa/cpav 

22 an^e o-toXi)v OW. t^v 23 cvey/covrfs 24 ^v 2" ow. 26 toi)to 
pro Tavra 28 r]6iXi]a-€v 32 Kat 3" om. ^v 2" ow. 

XVI 5 avTOv pro iavrov 6 ySaSovs pro /Jarov? to, ypd/x- 
fiara 7 to, ypdjxfxaTa 9 eKXiTrr] 12 Swcret v/aiv 
14 Kai 1° om. 15 toriv om. 20 '/v o?». os o??i. ctX/cw- 
/AcVos 22 Toi' 07n. 26 ev^cv pro cvtcv^cv 29 Xe'ytt 8e 
Mwvorea 30 /xcTai'OT/crtocrt 31 Mwvcrews arpro eav 

XVII 1 ttXt/v oiai pro omi 8c 2 eVa pos< tovtwv 3 8c om. 
4 d/xapTT]<r^ T^s r)ixepa<; 2" om. Trpds ere pro ctti ere 6 ex*'''* 
pro cixfTC 7 €v6(,ws om. 9 c^ei X"P'' aiTw om. 10 on 2° om. 
20 cTTcpwTt^cis 24 {iTTo Tov ovpuvov Kot om. 27 cya/xt'- 
^ovTO Ktti ovK eyi'ojo-av cws pro kcu 1° 28 ku^ws pjro Kat ws 
30 Ttt avTtt pro Tavra 33 os 8' ttv pro kol o? c'ai/ avrrjv 2** om. 
^ojoTTotT^o-ci pro ^woyov7)crci 34 cIs pro 6 cis 35 dXt^ovcrat 

XVIII 1 Trpo(T€vx€(T$ai avTol"; 4 t;^cXcv 7 avTw 2>^'0 
Trpos avTov fxaKpoOypxl 11 TavTa Trpos cavTov ws pro uxrirep 
13 CIS 2° 0)n. 14 ^ yap cKctvos Kat 6 pro 6 Bk 18 avTov tis 
20 crov 2" om. 24 eto-cXcvo-ovTat pos< ^cov 25 cio-cX- 
Belv 2° OHi. 27 co-Tt post ^cw 29 dSeXcftovs, rj tt8cX<^as 

33 TTj Tpirrj rjp-ipn 39 a-iyr^crr] pro (TLOiTrrjarr) 42 aiiTw litteris 
minorihus supra lineam scriptum est 

XIX 1 ap)((DV rrj^ (rvvayu)yrj<i vTnJpxcv J^O r]v dpxtTeXwv)/s Kat 
OUT09 rjy TrXot'crios om. 4 7rpoo"Spap,wj' (TVKOfxopaLav 5 Kat 
iSwv avTOV ctTTC 8 Tois TTTtuxois 8t8o>/x,t 11 civai aiTov 
13 cv (5 pro cws 15 Tt9 om. SuTrpayfxaTeva-avTo 22 8e om. 

23 /xov TO dpyvpLOV ctti rpdire^av av om. avro eirpa$a 

34 ctTTOV oTt 35 cTTtpti/zavTcs 42 o-ou 2° om. 43 Trapep.- 
ftaXovcriv 44 XtOov ctti Xidov 46 yc'ypaTTTat oTt 

XX 1 cKetVojj/ 07n. 2 o-ot £8wkcv pro eo-Ttv 6 8ov9 o"ot 6 ttcttci- 

fTfXiVOV 11 €T€pOV TTC/Xl/'at 12 TpLTOV TTC/Xl/^at 8o9XoV 14 ScVTC Om. 

16 ctTTav 24 ctTTttv 27 otrtvcs Xeyoucrt ^ro ol dvTtXcyoKrcs 

28 27 pro aTroOdvr) 33 co-Tat 2)^0 ytVcTat 39 ctTrav 40 yap 

pro Be 48 cv aroXats TrcptTraTcti' 47 ot KaTCo^^tovTcs 

Texts from Mount Athos. 127 

XXI 1 IZiV TO. Swpa avTwv post ya^o<f>vXdKiov 2 kol i" OW. 
XeTTTo, Svo 3 TrXeio) pro irXexov 5 dvaOifxaa-Lv 6 a 
suprascriptum XiOov pro \C6io ov fjirj KaraXvOrj 8 ovv am. 
10 CTT 12 iravTbiV pro (XTravTwv d7rayo/x.evovs 14 ^eVe 
pro OecrOe iv rais KapStats 23 tw Aaai ^Jro cv Tw Aaw toutcj 
24 TCI Wvrj irdvTa 25 ^;^oi»? ^ro yj^ovcrrj^ 27 8wa/A€(j>9 
TToAX^? Kai So^rj^ 30 -^Sr; om. 32 iravra ravra 34 (Saprj- 
OuxTL 35 at<^V7/Sios 36 KaTi(r)(y(rr]T€ pro KaTa^LwdrJTC 

XXII 6 avTois ^os< o)(Xov 10 ets ^v ^>?'0 ov 12 dvwyatov 

18 yevT^/xaros 22 Tropeverat post wpto-fxtvov 26 ytvtcr^w 

30 Ka0y(r€a-6e 32 eKXiTrr; 34 yiir/ l° ow. 35 oil9evos 
l3aXXdvTL0V 39 a^rou om. 42 ytvecrOw 43 aTro toO 
ovpavov 44 ycvci^cvo? Kat cyeVcTO ^ro iy^vero Se eVi riy? y^s 45 
KoifJLWfxevovi avTovs 47 Se om. avrovs pro avrwv 52 i^rjXOcTe 
53 to-Tiv vyu-wv 54 avTov 2° 0?/i. 57 ywat post airov 
60 avTov XaXowTos 62° am. 62 6 IleTpo? 66 avrwv 
pro kavTwv 71 fxapTvpijiV pro fxaprvpias 

XXIII 2 e^vos T7/xaJv 8 €^ tKavoS OiXtav 11 Kat o 'H/jwSt^s 
12 o re 'HpwSiys Kat 6 ^^AaTos 17 (XTroAvctv avrot? post ioprrjv 

19 yeyevT) fjLevrjv ])ro yevo/xcyrjv iv t^ <fivXaK^ 25 avrois owi. 
26 ToC l" om. 27 Kat 2° ow. 29 iicOpeif/av pro iOrjXacrav 
33 ^X6ov pro aTrrjXOov 33 cvwvv/xwv pro dpLCTTepwv 35 o-i;v 
avTois om. 36 Kat 2'' OWl. 38 ctt' atiT<3 yey pa fJLfjLivrj 44 ivdrrjs 
45 la-XLcrOy) post vaov 46 TrapaTiOe/xac 47 eSo^a^ci/ 
48 ra (TTrjB-q avrdv 49 lo-TT^KCtcrav (TwaKoAov^oiicrat 

XXIV 4 av8p€s Si^'o aio-^T/o-ccrti/ 10 ^i' jpro ^crav 
MaySaXtv^ ri'laKw/Sov 18 cv 1° om. 20 re om. 29 kc- 
kAckcv •781/ 34 ovTtos ante rjyepOr) 44 Aoyot /xou 47 ctp^d- 
ftcvos 50 Bt^avtav rjiXoyrja-ev 

Ad jinem evangelii (.vayy^Xiov Kara Aovkuv lifferis magiiis 


Titul. EvayyeAtov Kara ^{oidvvi]v. 

I 17 M(ovo"€<os 19 Aevtras Trpos avTov 20 eyw ovk elfil 

21 o-v <:m<e 'HAta? 24 ol om. 25 ov8k pro ovre bis 27 ova 

dfju iyu) 28 BT^^avto, pro 'Br)0a/3ap^ 29 6 'IwaVvi;s om. 

31 Tw owl. 35 TraAiv om. 37 01 Suo airov 40 oil/ecrOe 
pro tSere ^A^ov ovi/ 8c 0?m. 42 Mtcriav 43 i^yayoi' 
8e om. 46 Na^ape^ 47 Na^ape^ 50 eTirev pro At'yet 
51 6 'lr]a-ov<; oxjrrj 


Stiidta Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

II 6 \lBiva.i vSpiat Keifxevai post 'lovhaiwv 8 ol 8c ^0 /cat 
17 KaTacfidyeraL 19 6 om. 22 avrois om. 

III 2 avTov pro Tov Irjaovv hvvarai ante ravra 3 o om. 

4 6 om, 5 6 om. 
16 €^€1 ^ro (.xo 
irovrjpa dcnv 

IV 1 77 om. 
13 ^\r)(Tov<; sine 6 

8 ^ J9/0 Kttl 2° 
19 avT(i)v TTOvrjpa. 
21 cto-tv ^ro ccTTiv 
3 Tra'AiJ/ om. 
15 'ipxo/xaL 
21 yi'vai ^os< ynoi 

a^T^ 27 lOavixaiov 30 o'v om. 

10 6 om,. 14 Mwvo-Tys 

20 ^os< avTov add. on 

23 2aXci> 

9 ov(rr]<; post Sa/xapciVtSos 

20 TU) opei TOt'ru) Trpocr- 

25 Mccrtas ckcivos 

31 Se om. 34 ttoit^o-o) 


legatur koX 3 

51 vTvqvTrjfTav 
"V \ 7] eopTYj 
5 e/cti av^pwTTOS 

35 Terpd/xrjvo^ 36 /cat 1° om. tVa lii ^877 6 Ocpi^tDV 

i(TTiv 2° om, 

50 '^ ^ 


6 Ir](rov<; 

ov pro o) 
i^Oh pro xOh 

4 fXov€TO pro KarefSaLvev 
7 ySaX?; 8 eyeipe 

cm. 37 6 2° owl, 

45 oa-a pro a 

52 CITTOV ovv 

2 BT^crcratSa 
do-^ev€ta atToD 

m. prim, sed nunc tyeipai Kpd/SaTTov et sic passim 10 Kat 

ovK KpdjSaTTov (TOV 14 crot Tt 25 olkovo-uxtl 

27 Kat 2° om. 38 iv vplv fxivovra 44 dAXT^Xwv in rasura 

scriptum est et quamvis litteras erasas legere non possim dvwv 
scriptum esse a spatio arhitror 45 Mwt'o-^s 46 Mwvo-et 

VI 2 iOedypovv avTOv om. 5 tol'S o^^aX/xois 6 'It^ctous 

6 ^/^eXXc 9 tV om 
ws ^ro wo-et 
17 KafftapvaovfX, 

dvSpes S??l5 ot 
15 TTciXiv om. 

OS pro b 10 dveTTCcrav 

11 o;^Xots pro a.vaK€ip.ivoL<i 

oi'TTU) TT/aos avTov<; iXr)Xv6iL 6 

21 at'Tov Xa/iiLV iyevero to TrXotov 



CIS o ivefirjaav 01 p-aO-qTal avTOv om. 
23 TrXota ^X^cv ^ro ^X^c TrXotapta 

pro Zl 
cyo) auTov 
44 Kayo) 
51 t,y]<TU 

K-airapvaovfi 26 iScTC 

39 Trarpos 0771. iv am. 

41 6 Ik tov ovpavov /caraySa's 
45 0COV szwe tot) 46 cwpa/ccV tis 

r/v eyoj 8cuo"(o 0^/1. 54 dvacTTT^a-o} iyw 

57 ^T^o-ct 58 ^Tycrct 60 6 Xoyos oCtos 

66 Ttoi' fxaOrp-HJv avrov aTrrjXOov 

ttXoTov ^5ro irXoidpLOv 2° 
24 tScv Kat 1° om. 

29 TTtCTTCt'lJTC 35 ow 

40 Tre fJL\j/avT6<; fie TraTpos 

42 ouTos Xe'yct 

50 dTToXTJTat 

55 dXr^PT^s 

63 XcXa- 


ovv om. 

71 Io"Kapt(jDTOv 7rapa8t8ovat avrov 

VII 1 /xcra TavTa om. 4 Trotct Tt 6 

8 ravTTjv om. 6 cp-os Katpos 12 ^v vrcpt avToG 

22 McoDcnys Moovcrcajs 23 Mwucrews 

26 dXiy^ws om. 28 6 'It/o-oSs ««<« cv tw icp&J 

81 TTOii^orct TOUTwv 32 01 dpp^tcpcts Ktti Ol <J>apicratoi 


19 Mojv'o-^s 

24 KptVCTC 

29 8c om. 
33 avTots 

Texts from Mount Athos. 129 

(ym. 35 ttqv ovv 39 "Aycov om. 40 d/coro-avTC? twv 

Xoytov TOVTcoi/ 42 ov;^ pro ov^i ep^^crat 6 XpicrTos 

43 tyevero ev tw o^^Au) 46 iXakujcrev oijtws 50 Trpo? 

avTov VUKTOS 51 TTpCiTOV 52 6/c T^s FaXiXatas Trpo^ryxT/s 

ovK iyecpeTat 53 usque ad VIII 1 1 a/j-dprave om. 

VIII 12 cAaXTjo-ej/ atirots 6 Ir/troS? 14 ^ ttov virdyut ad Jin. 
vers, 19 av ^Setre 20 6 'Iiycrors OWl. ya^o^uXaKeiw 

26 AaAw pro Aeyw 28 vif/uya-tjTai fiov om. 29 6 TraTrjp 
Otn. 44 tot) Trarpos Ka^ws Kat 6 Trarrjp avTOv 46 cAey^ct 
Se 0?w. 51 Tov e/Aov Aoyor 52 yevo-rjTat 63 (tu 2^* 0//1. 
59 Kat SteXOwv iiropevtro kol -Traprjyiv o^Vcos 

IX 3 'l7;cro{)5 SiW 6 8 -n-pocraLTrjs pro tu^Aos 10 ttco? 
ovv ■^vew;!(6r/crav 11 ow pro hi 16 ovk tcTTii' ovtos Trapa 
Oeoi) 6 av^pcoTTOs 17 Aeyoi^crcj/ ow avew^e 20 olSafiev 
bis scriptum sed loco priore punctis damnatum 21 avrov epcorv?- 
crarc, rjXiKLav e)(€L avros Trept eaiirou AaAiycrat 26 ovv pro 8e 

27 /xaOrjTal avTOv 28 oi 8e iXoiSoprjcrav fxa6r]Tr}<i et 
29 MwvKTci 30 TOVTOi yap TO Oavjxaa-Tov 31 o 0eos 
dynapTcuAwi/ 36 Ktti Tts 37 8€ om. 40 /act' avTou 
ovTe? 41 ow om. 

X 3 cfxxivei pro KaAet 4 irdvra 2>^'0 Trpo/Sara 1° 7 oTt 
om. 8 ^A^ov Trpo ifiov 10 TrepLcra-oTepov pro Treptcro-ov 
12 6 Se fXLcrOojTos 16 aKovovcri pro ct/couo'ovo't yevT^o'ovTat 
17 p-e 6 Trarqp 18 ovSet? ydp 22 totc pro Se 26 oTt 
ovK Jii'O ov yap 29 b Se'SwKe p.oi ttcivtwv ixei^uiv 32 epya 
/caAa cp,€ At^d^cTC 34 oTt cyw 39 avrov TrdAiv 
41 iTroLr](T€ CT/p-eiov 42 ttoAAoi tTriVrevo'av cis avTov CKet 

XI 9 tupat eio^tv 11 l^virvrjcrui 17 cv tw /xvyj/xeLw e^ovra 
20 'It/o-ous SM«e o 24 17 MdpOa 32 'It/o-ovs sm« o 
dvrou Trpos tovs TroSas fJiov direOaviV 38 avTo pro 
avTO) 39 TereAcvTTyKOTO? 44 KrjpLats 47 Trotci crrjiMela 
52 e^vovs 8e p,ovov 54 avrov om. 57 kol om. 

XII 2 dvaK€tp.£Va)v o-vv avrw 4 IcTKapiwrov 6 c/xcAAcv 
pro ep.eA€v 7 dcjieTe avrrjv iva Trjprjcrr] 12 'It/o'ovs 
sfwe 6 16 TTporepov pro Trpwrov 18 ^Kovo-av 25 dTroAvct 
pro dTToAeo-et 26 rts SiaKovfj Kat ult. om. 29 icrTrjKu)^ 
pro icrTa)<; 30 17 (fxovr] avrrj 34 ovros om. 35 e'v 
vfuv pro jXiO vfjLwv ws pro ews 36 to? pro cws 
40 €7ra)pa)0-£v (rTpa(fiwcn Kat IdcrofiaL 41 OTt iSev 43 ctTrtp 
pro ^TTcp 49 SeSwKev 50 ovrtos 

XIII 2 yivofJuivov KapSiav tva irapaBfo avrov, 'lovSas 2i/>iwvos 

130 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

IcTKaptioTOV 8 fJiov Tovs TToSas 10 ovK e)(€L )(peiav ci 

fXT] pro rj 12 fcat om. 20 dv pro lav 23 8e om. 

CK tS)v fjLaOrjTwv 24 tis av etr] ovi. tivos pro ov 25 ava~ 

irecrojv 26 'la-KapiwTov 27 €is om. Ta;^£tov 28 Se 

cm. 30 l^XOev evOiws 36 cyw vTrayw 37 IleTpos 

si/ie 6 

XIV 3 TOTTOV vyitiv etre pro ^re 7 Trarepa fiov av ^Seirc 

10 cv ifxol sine 6 13 atTT^o-r^rat 14 tovto _p''<' ^7<^ 
16 Kayoi 21 tov TraT/aos /xou ^ro /xov 23 'Ij^ctovs 5twe 6 

28 etTTov 2" o?n. /j-ov i" om. 31 ourws 

XV 2 Kaparov TrXct'oi'a 6 to 7r{}p 9 v/aSs rjydinqa-a. 

11 ^ 2"'*' H-^^^V 1^ aiT^Tc 24 eVotr/orci/ 25 ev t<j> vo/xw 
ai'Twv yeypayu/xeVos 

XVI 3 oiSacrt ^""^ eyvworav 7 ov fxi] ^^Orj pro ovk iXcvaerai 

10 {iTTctyco Trpos Tov iraripa /xov om. 12 v/aiv Xe'yciv 

13 d/covo'et ^ro av aKOvcrr] 15 \ap.f3dyet pro \rjil/€Tai 16 ovkItl 
pro ov Kal oTi vTrayo) 17 eyw OWl. 18 rt ecrri to{}to 
TO om. 22 vvv /Acv XvTnjv e^cre 23 eav ti pro oo-a av 

29 avTw om. 32 Ka/Ac 33 cx^tc i^'O c^trc 

XVII 2 8ojo-€t 7 cyi'djcrav pro lyvwKai' cto-ii/ pro co'Ttj' 

11 ovKCTL Kayoj w p)ro oi;? rjfiiis ei' ia-p-iv 13 cauTOis 
19 wQ-tv Kai auTOt 20 TrtCTevovTwi/ 22 Kuyw 24 oeocoKas 
pro eScuKas 

XVIII 4 tSwi/ pro eiSws 6 oti om. 7 eTrrjpurrrja-ev avTovs 
15 aXXos 52Jie o 16 tKctvos pro 6 oAAos 20 X^XdXrjKa 
rfj om. 22 Trapeo-TWTwi/ virrjpeTwv irape(rTr)Ku><; om, 
24 aTreo-TetXev orv 26 6 o-uyyev^? pro (rvyyeiT]^ wv 28 Trpwt 
pro Trpcot'a 29 <;^7;(Tt pro cTttc 30 KaKoiroiwv 33 6 
ITtXaTos (Jioc accentu passim) ttuXlv 34 diriKpivaTo pro 
aTreKpLOr} avTw (xtto creavTov 36 Ir;(ToJ5s «?»?« o vwrjpeTai 
ot e/Aot i^ywvt^ovTO av 37 'Ir/o-ovs sme 6 eyw 1° om. 39 vftiv 2" 
0711. airoXvcru) vpuv 40 TraAiv om. 

XIX 1 6 IltXaTOS IXa/Se 3 eSi^oo-av 4 ouSc/xtav 
atTtav £v airrw 5 toou pro loe o toov v/a£is avTov 
7 i7/Aa>v 07n. vtov ©€ou eavTov 9 'It^o-ovs om. 10 e^ovo-iav 
2^ om. s«c? ac?c/. m. e. in margine U avrio pro 6 Kar ipov 
ovBep-Lav 12 6 IIiXaTOS c^ryTCt cKpavyacrav iavrov ttolwv 

14 wpa Tjv ws TptVr; 17 o?v pro 8e 'Efipa'ta-rl Se pro os 
XeycTai 'EfSpaLcrTl 20 6 tottos t^s ttoXcw? Pw/taio-Tt, 
'EXXt/vio-ti' 21 Twv 'lovSatwv et/xt 23 dpacf>o<; 25 Mapiap. 
7) ToO KXoTra Mapta/x 26 atToi) om. 27 tSe 

Texts from Mount Athos. 131 

6 /Jia6r)Tr]<; avTr]v 28 i]Sr] iravra 29 ovv om. (nroyyov 

ovv fiea-Tov tov o^ovs vo-o-wttu) 31 iwel TrapacTKevrj ^v ante iva 

Tov (ra^/3a.T0v Ikuvov 33 Xhov 34 i^XOev €v6i"i 

36 TncrT€vr)T€ 8k pro yap 38 6 l" et 2" ow. avrov pro 

TOV Irjcrov 39 avTov pro tov It^o^ovv 42 avrov pro tov 


XX 3 Ka\ 6 IleTpo? 4 Ta;)(etov 5 to, o^ovta Ket/xeva 
/Ae'vTotye 11 Mapia/i, 15 e6i]Ka<; avrov 16 'Va^ovvC 
ad Jlnem versus add. Kal Trpoo-iSpa/xev at/^ao-^ai awTou 
17 'iT^croiis sme 6 21 Kal cTttcv ^ro eiTrev ovv 6 'Iryo-ov? 0»/. 
23 d^eWTtti 25 avTots 07W. 28 Kat 1° owi. 29 Ow/aS om. 

XXI 1 o Ir^orovs TraAtv 3 ive/Srja-av €v6v^ oni. 4 eyvwcrav 
2>ro ^Scicrav 5 ^XV"^ ^ ^os< evp-qa-ere add, 01 8e cTttov 8t* 
oA>;? vu/cTos KOTTtacravTcs ouSev eAa/?o/A€v ctti Se tw (r<S pijixart /3aXov[j.ev 
LO-)(yov pro Lcrxva^av 11 ive/Srj ovv pro dve/Sr] fxeyd\o)V 
l)(6v(j)v 13 ovv om. 17 Kat Ae'yei Kvptc 18 ^wot; 
otoT/ 25 a ^ro oo-a ac? finem evangelii Evayye'Atov KaTct 
'liodvvrjv et statim postea 

€vayyeXL(TrC)v r€(T<Tap(i)V 6etoL Xoyot 
ypa<f)€ur€<; wSe A^^tv ecr^pv twv irovoiV 
litteris magnis scripta sunt 


I 2 /cat Kvpiov 'Irycroi) Xpto-Tov om. 6 j905i KapTro<f}. add. /cat 
av^avofjievov 10 ev ttj €7rtyvwo"et 14 oia tov aifxaros avrov oni. 
16 cTTt Ti}? y^s 8171 e ra. 20 8t avToS om. ta-rai rd iirl t^9 
y^S 22 7rapa<Trrj(rai 24 Tra6rjfJia<Ti sine fiov Hpurrov 
iv rw (TMjxarL jxov os ccrri 27 yvwvai pro yvuipurai 

II 1 i'lrip vp.wv 2 rov ©eoC Kat TraTpos ToG XptorTOu 
3 yvwo-ews sine t^s 7 ev 7rL<rr€t iv avrfj 12 ck veKpCiv 
13 ovTa? Tots 20 et sine ovv (tvv X/DtorTui 23 iOeXoOprjaKia 

III 4 TOTe Kat v/i,6ts (ftavepwOT^a-ea-Oe iv 80^ o-i'v a^JToi 5 to, 
/acAt; sine v/xutv 7 ev Towots 12 olKrip/xov 15 iKXrjOrjre 
iv (Tw/xart evt 16 ev Tats KapBiais v/xwv tu> ©ew 18 tSt'ot? 
om. 20 ev Kvptu) 22 6ff)6aXixo8ovXiaiS (f)o^ovfji€VOL rov 
J^vpLov 23 Kat l" 0?H. dv pro eav 25 KOfMia-Tjrax 

IV 3 810 Kat 6 dwoKpCvao-dai 9 yvojpto-ovo-t 



Of all the minuscule MSS. which we saw in the libraries 
of the monasteries on Mount Athos the one now numbered 
104 A in the Laura catalogue was far the best, indeed it was 
the only one which presented any g-reat features of interest. 
It was not difficult to identify it as the MS. which Dr. Gregory 
has numbered 107 1 in his catalogue in the Prolegomena to 
Tischendorf s ed. maj. viii. 

Dr. Gregory's descrijDtion is as follows : — 

' 1071 in Ath. Laurae ; saec xii, 28-3 x 19-5 membr, coll. 2, 
11 26. 27, Carp. Eus.-t, capp-t, capp, titl, sect, (Mc 234: 
16, 9) can, syn, men, subscr ut A, ortx ; Evv; Lc 22, 43. 44 
deerat, m. ser. add. in mg. : Joh. 8, 6 KaTca KeKvcpws tu> baK.rv\(o 
Kariypaipiv : 8, 9 (KacTTOi be tup 'lovhaionv (^i]px€TO apiajxevos 
o/nb t5>v Ttpecr^vTepMv' Syare Trdyras l^ikBiiv et multa alia. In 
Calabria nisi fallor exaratus, manibus duabus, partim litteris 
Neritinis. Vidi 27 Aug. 1886.' 

There is only a little to be added in the way of technical 
description, but the following points may be noted. 

(i) According to our notes the summary account should also 
contain lect. jnct. I much regret, in the light of subsequent 
investigation, that we did not look more carefully into the 
nature of the lections. Probably they are the ordinary ones, 
but I cannot speak with certainty, and considering that a 
connexion perhaps exists between this MS. and Codex Bezae, 
it would be worth while for the next scholar who goes to 
the Laura to look into the question more carefully. I should 
be inclined to guess that, as Dr. Gregory did not notice 
the presence of any lection marks, they are not a complete 
system, but only a few which caught our eye, or rather, as 

Texts from Mount Athos. 133 

I judge from the handwriting of the note on this point, 
Mr. Wathen's eye. 

The pictures are not illuminated, and are unlike those in 
any MS. which I saw on Mount Athos, but I have since seen 
in the Bodleian a MS. (MS. Douce 70), the pictures of which 
remind me of those in cod. 1071. Probably the explanation 
that they were prepared for illumination, but never finished, is 
as true for 107 1 as it certainly is for Douce 70. In the picture 
before the fourth Gospel it is important to note that the Latin 
words In j)Tincipio erat verhum appear on the page of the open 
book which St. John is represented as holding. 

(2) I feel sure that it was written by three rather than by 
two hands, whose work was distributed as follows : — 

Scribe A wrote quaternions i, 7 and 8 containing the 
introductory matter (Carp. Eus.-t. Capp-t and, I think, syn. 
men.), and Mt 22, 13-end of Capp-t. to Mark. 

Scribe B wrote quaternions 2 and 9-23, containing Mt i, 
1-7, 26 (hKob6iJ.r](T€v and Mc i, I to the end of the Gospels. 

Scribe C wrote quaternions ^-6, containing- Mt 7, 26-Mt 
22, 13 briaav-. 

It is noticeable that in the seventeenth quaternion scribe B 
has inserted two conjugate leaves between the seventh and 
eighth folia of the gathering. If there is no other irregularity 
in the make-up of the MS. this gives a total of 186 folia, but 
our notes say that the MS. contained 181 folia. As this 
discrepancy did not strike us until we had left the mountain, 
it is impossible to do more than record the fact without offer- 
ing any explanation. 

(3) Literae NerUlnae means the writing of the school of 
Nardo, or Neritum, near Rossano, the existence of which 
is recorded by De Ferrariis in his tract De Sihi Iaj)ygiae ^ 

^ In hac urbe de qua nunc loquimur et gymnasium quondam fuit Graecarum 
disciplinarum tale, ut cum Mesapii Graeci laudare Graecas literas volunfc 
Neritinas esse dicant. Sunt enim hae literae perpulchrae et castigatae et 
iis, quibus nunc utuntur inipressores, Orientalibus ad legendum aptiores.— 
Antonius Galateus (De Ferrariis), De Situ lapygiae, ed. 1558, p. 122. 

134 Stitdia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, 

I think that Dr. Greg-ory here alludes to the writing of the 
scribe B, but I do not feel sure, as I only know Literae Neritinae 
through description. However, I do not feel the least hesita- 
tion in affirming a complete agreement with Dr. Gregory in 
his belief that the MS. came from Italy. The Latin words 
in the picture of St. John are evidence that it came from 
a district where Latin was more or less known, and the hand- 
writing has a peculiar stiffness ^, very difficult to describe, but 
easy to recognize, which is often characteristic of Italian MSS. 
I much regret that, for some reason which we could not under- 
stand, we were not allowed to photograph even a specimen of 
this MS. 

The Provenience and llutory of the. Codex. 

It will be seen from the foregoing remarks that the codex 
came from S. Italy or Sicily — there is little difference between 
the two regions, palaeographically considered. It remains to 
be seen whether the exact home of the MS. can be found, and 
the explanation of its being taken to Mount Athos be dis- 
covered. Father Chrysostom, when the problem was put 
to him, affirmed that the answer was easy and certain. 
There had been, he said, in the twelfth century, a movement 
of rapprochement between S. Italy and Constantinople, which 
had resulted in the foundation of a monastery on Mount 
Athos, endowed bv the Greek merchants connected with 
Amalfi, and therefore called 'A/ixaA^trwy. This monastery was 
afterwards known, doubtless when the connexion with Italy 
Iiad been broken, as to Wop^ivov — an obvious corniption of the 
earlier title. After a period of prosperity it fell into ruins, 
and its library and lands were taken over by the Laura. The 
ruined tower on the top of a precipitous and thickly-wooded 
hill may be seen on the right hand of the path as one approaches 
the Laura from Iveron. 

1 See Batiffol's essay in VAiAjaye de Rossano. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 135 

The only reference to this monasteiy which I have been 
aVjle to find in books about Mount Athos is in De Vosriie's 
Syrie^ Palesiine et Mont Atlios, a little book which gives a 
charming- and most lifelike description of the * Holy Moun- 
tain.' He says on p. iS'T, : ' En meme temps (the closing years 
of the twelfth century) ^ I'instigation d'Innocent III une 
tentative est faite pour latiniser le principal centre monastique 
de I'orthodoxie. Les Amalfitains ces infatigables pionniers 
qu'on retrouve ^ I'avant-garde de toutes les entreprises occi- 
dentales en Orient fondent le couvent catholique d'Omorphono 
dont les ruines abritent aujourd'hui des chevriers sous un toit 
de lierre dans un des sites les plus pittoresques de la presqu'ile.' 
Unfortunately he gives no authority for this statement, and I 
have not been able as yet to find any. The ancient ' Chronicon 
Amalfitanum' published by Muratori is mutilated at this 
point, but one of the few fragments relating to this period 
recounts a mission to Constantinople, and the obtaining of the 
body of St. Andrew from that city. This at least shows the 
Amalfitans in the neighbourhood of Athos, and dealing in 
monastic ' properties.' It should also be noticed that the 
period in question is that of the Montferrats and the Roman 
kingdom of Thessalonica, when a Latinising movement is quite 
probable. Therefore there can be little doubt that Father 
Chrysostom's suggestion is a very reasonable one, but caution 
demands a statement of countervailing considerations. 

If Dr. Gregory is right in identifying part of cod. 107 1 as 
written in the hand characteristic of the school of Nardo, it 
weakens the case for Amalfi, because Nardo is close to Rossano, 
not to Amalfi, and there is some, though not very good 
evidence, that there was in the twelfth century a monastery 
on Mount Athos definitely connected with Calabria. This 
evidence is found in the life of St. Bartholomew ^ of Simeri, 
near Rossano. St. Bartholomew was a person who in early 
life became a kind of hermit in the mountains near Rossano, 

^ Printed in the Bollandist Acta SS. Sept. vol. -viii. 

136 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

and afterwards founded several monasteries in the district, 
including- St. Mary's of Patira. He is said to have made 
a journey to Constantinople, and to have been very well 
received by the Court, especially by a pious noble named 
Calimeris, who gave him many valuable presents, and — the 
chronicler continues — o'm.p eis to " kyiov opos eKCKTJjro [xova- 
arrjpLov ctt' ovopiaTL rov kv ayiois Trarepos r}p.wv nai ovpavo(f)dvTopos 
BaaiKeiov avrco eocopTJcraTo, evepyeretcr^at fxaWov e/c tovtov t) 
(vepyeTelv jxaXa eiKorco? oi6[Ji€Vos, ovTtep tj/j; ■npocTTaa-iav rats 
TToXAau eneivov bvacoTrrjOeli iKeretat? 6 fxeyas araSe^ajuero? ttoAAtJs 
o)(j)€\eias Toi? €V avrtp dcr/c7jra6s eytvero Trpo'fero? Ao'yots 6[xov koL 
^pyoLS pv6ixi(ras aiiovs Ttpbs to [xikinov (1. ^iXTtov) — then some 
details recounting Bartholomew's departure and his appoint- 
ment of a successor — 8 to koI p-^xpi tijs ai]pL(pov ws (paal to 
fxova(TTi]pLov ' Tov KaA.a/3poG ' Tiapa tuIs eyxcoptots kiTOVop.a- 

Again, there does not seem to be any entirely trustworthy 
evidence as to the existence of this monastery. It is not 
mentioned (nor is to Mopc^ii-oV) by John Comnenus ^ in his 
description of Mount Athos, but this does not prove more 
than that it did not exist in the seventeenth century when 
John Comnenus wrote. The whole question of these two 
monasteries ought to be inquired into by the next scholar 
who visits the mountain. 

At present one can only say that cod. 1071 was probably 
once in the library of either to Mop(f)iv6v or the monastery of 
Tov Kakafipov, whither it was imported either from Amalfi or 
from the neighbourhood of Rossano. The importance of this 
fact will probably be considered to lie in the light it may 
possibly throw on the locality in which the Codex Bezae was 
preserved in the twelfth century, for, as will be shown later, 
there is in the text of the pericope adulterae in cod 107 1 
a point of close connexion with the Codex Bezae. 

^ Printed in Montfaucon's Falaeographia Oraeca. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 137 

Evidence other than textual which connects Cod. 107 1 with 

other MS8. 

This is given by the stichometric enumerations and subscrip- 
tions which are found at the end of the Gospels. They are as 
follows: — 

At the end of St. Matthew : EvayyeAtoy KaTo. Mar^aioy 
(■ypa(f)r] kol b.vTe^Xr\6r\ e/c rStv kv 'lepoa-okvjjLOLS Tra\ai(ov avTiypu' 
(f)(av T(av €v T(o *Ayt(j) "Opet i.TroK(iixivu>v. orx. ,/3^ (2500). 

At the end of St. Mark : EvayyikLov Kara MdpKOv kypaipt] koX 
6.VT€l3\-qdr] 6p.oC(t}S €K T(av icriTOvbacrpievcav. ar^- ,"^4 (^59<^)' 

They are omitted at the end of the two other Gospels. 
This indication of provenience, whatever it may mean, groups 
cod. 107 1 with the following MSS. at least, and probably 
with others. 

A 1 (ix) in the Bodleian : brought from ' the East ' by 
Tischendorf in 1853. Probably therefore originally part of 
the libraiy of St. Catherine's monastery on Mount Sinai. 

20 (xi) at Paris: brought from the East in 1669. 

117 (xv) in the British Museum: apparently nothing is 
known of its history except that it once belonged to Bentley. 

157 (xii) in the Vatican Library : written, perhaps in 1 128, 
for the Emperor John II Porphyrogenitus, presumably there- 
fore in Constantinople, 

164 (xi) in the Barberini Library: a palimpsest. Written 
by Leo, priest and scribe, and purchased in 1168 at Jerusalem 
by a certain Bartholomew. Probably therefore written in 
some Eastern monastery. 

262 (x ? xii) afc Paris : probably written in Italy, but 
afterwards sent to Constantinople, and brought back in 


428 (xiii) at Munich: history apparently unknown. 

^6^ (ix) at St. Petersburg : said to have been written by 

' A of course has not got the subscription to Matthew, and in the other 
MSS. quoted sometimes one of the Gospels lacks the subscription. 

138 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

the Empress Theodora ; afterwards in the monastery of 
Houmish Khan in Pontus. 

^66 (ix) at St. Petersburg .- the other half of cod. A, which 
Tischendorf seems to have separated as he did in other cases. 

829 (xii ? xi) at Grotta Ferrata : almost certainly written 
in S. Italy or Sicily. Dr. Gregory's question whether it may 
not be ' consanguineus familiae 13,' i.e. a member of the 
Ferrar group, may be definitely answered in the negative. 

The scanty information which may thus be gathered from 
catalogues about these MSS. suggests that the group to 
which they belong may be divided into two — an Eastern and 
an Italian branch. To the former belong A, 20, 157, 164, 565, 
^66 (which may perhaps be subdivided into Constantino- 
politan and Sinaitic branches) ; to the latter belong 262, 829, 

The question remains to be decided, what is the original 
home of the family. I think that Sinai is the most likely 
place. This conclusion is reached from a consideration of the 
subscription. This it will be remembered runs as follows : — 

Evayye'Aioi' Kara ^\arQaxov lypa<\>r\ Kai a.vTej3Xi]di] Ik twv iv 
' lepocroAv/xot? TraXatoiv &VTLypa(f)(av tc^v kv rw 'Aytw "Opei dTroxei- 

At first this appears to identify ^ Jerusalem and the "kyiov 
"Opo?. But there seems no reason for thinking that any 
monastery at Jerusalem was ever called a holy mountain. 
1 o "Ayiov "Opos, according to Father Chrysostom, for whose 
great learning and instinct on such points I learnt while at 
the Laura to have the greatest respect, felt confident that it 
meant neither Jerusalem nor (considering the early date of A 
^66, ^6^) Athos^ but definitely Sinai. He boldly emended 
€K T&v iv lepoo-oAvjuots into e/c t&v *Iepo(roXu//eircoz/, adding 
(what is perfectly true) that the terminations of words in 
colophons are often so abbreviated that they may mean almost 


^ This eeems to be Bousset's view in his Text-hritische Studien. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 139 

I think therefore that probably Sinai is the original home, 
and that the subscription means that the archetype of the 
g-roup came originally from Jerusalem, and was, at the time 
when it was used, preserved in the library at Sinai. 

The Text of this Family. 

At present it is impossible to say whether any members of 
the family have preserved the original text. The majority have 
undoubtedly reverted to the ordinary A ntiochian type, but 157, 
^^S'' 107 J (especially 565), have texts of some value, and A 566, 
262, 829 have a certain number of interesting readings. To 
work the subject out fully would be a long and delicate piece 
of work, but the impression which I have at present is that 
no close genealogical connexion can be shown to exist between 
any of the MSS. in this group at all similar to that found in 
the Ferrar group or the group which is headed by cod. i. It 
is possible that further study may reveal, a more remote con- 
nexion, and may even connect them with other well-known 
MSS. which do not possess this interesting colophon, which 
would then acquire a further importance. 

An attempt has been made by Dr. W. Bousset, in his Text- 
kritische Studien, to deal with the subject somewhat on these 
lines. He considers that all these MSS. belong to a large 
group headed by the uncials Kn(M) which he thinks may be 
connected more or less closely with Jerusalem, and have affini- 
ties with the text of Origen. There is no question that Kn(M) 
possess a peculiar text which may represent some definite 
recension, but it may be doubted whether MSS. like 157. 5^5^ 
107 1 can be rightly claimed as belonging to this group. 
They have some points in common wdth it, but they have 
many more in which they disagree, not only with it, but also 
among themselves. The whole problem raised is full of diffi- 
culties, and at present no adequate solution has been offered. 
If however any advance is possible, it is probable that it will 
be made by dealing with the smaller and definite families first, 
and afterwards bringing them together into larger groups. 

L 3 

T40 Stadia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

The Text of Cod. 1071. 

The collation with Lloyd's text of the whole of St. Mark, 
and of several chapters from the other Gospels, which is given 
in the following pages, will probably be sufficient to give a 
fair impression of the character and value of the codex. It 
must however be understood that this is not based on photo- 
graphs, but only on a necessarily hurried collation, which was 
made at the Laura by Mr. Wathen and myself, and naturally 
must have suffered from the haste with which it was made. 
We did not collect orthographical variants simply as such : 
the spelling of cod. 107 1 is very bad, offering in this respect 
a o-reat contrast to the mass of the MSS. in the libraries on 
Mount Athos. I have not attempted any full analysis of the 
different readings, but at the conclusion of the collation I have 
drawn attention to some of the more interesting variants^ and 
especially to the text of the pericope adidterae. 


V Ijposi avi/Srj add. 6 'It/ctovs 13 j3Xr]6iv t^iii KarairaTeto-Oai 

18 icora Iv TT] Kepaia poi<t vofxov add. koI twv TrpofftrjTtov 

19 ii'ToXwv fxov Tovrwv 20 vfjidv rj ^iKaiocrvvq 22 eiTn; 
TO) ah(\(jiQ) avTOv fjnapi 25 /act' avrov ante ci 28 IttlOv- 
/xLcraL ai'T7/v 29 crKai'SaAt^ci ere ante 6 Se^to? 32 /aoi;(€V- 
drjvaLpro fjiOL)(a.a-0ai 36 Troi^o-ai ante Acvkt/v 39 St^tav 
sine a-ov 40 post IfidTiov add. cov 42 8ws 2^'''^ BlSov 
44 Oin. KaXois TroictTe tov<s /xLaovvra's v/xas 47 </)iAoi;s jpro 
dSeX^oi's oi iOvLKOL pro reXwiai 48 (Ls pro Sio-irep 
o ovpavLO<; pro 6 iv Tois ovpavofi 

VI 1 Trpoae^eTe Be 3 yvoi pro yvwToy 4 ottws r) aov 
iXer)fjioavvr] iv tw Kpvirri^ avros ctTroSwo-et omissis verbis omnihu-i 
quae inter iv tw KpyTrrQ i'^ et iv tw KpvTTTiZ 2° interponenda sint 
5 TTpoa^f.v)(ea-6e. et ta-eaOe pro irpoaevxn k.t.X. 14 v/xeis pro 
v/juv 20 ovSe /Spwa-is ovre KAcTrrovo-iv 23 o^^oA/ios 
sine rrov 24 post orSets add. otKexT/s 26 ovt€ . . . ovre . . . 
ovTc 28 ov KOTTtojcriv ovBl vyjOovcLV 32 TaDra yap Travra 
TO. edvr) i7n^-)]Tov(TLV 

XXI 3 airoaTeXXeL 8 avTwv pro eavTaJf 13 TrotiJ- 

arare avrov 14 ^oiXol kol TV(f)Xol 18 post iiravayoiV 

Texts from Mount Athos. 141 

add. o ^\n]<TO\i<i 22 aireio-^e "pro atri^arjTe 24 post awTois 

add. djxrjv Xeyo) v/xtv 26 ^^os^ Start om. o*j/ j^'OS^ iav oni. 

Sk 28 ^^osi aj/^/3(07ros «t/(i. rts cr^fxepov post ipyd^ov 

30 erepo) ^^ro Seurepo) 38 ^06'< tiiov ffcZcZ. atirov 

XXIII 5 yap pro Be 10 ifxwv post 1<ttw 19 post 

/Att^dv (1) acZc?. co-Tt 20 Kat Iv T(3 KaOrjixivia iv Trdcn 21 Karoi- 


I 2 Ka^ibs yiypaiTTai Iv 'Htrata tw 7rpo<f)rjTt 5 ^05< 'lepo- 
croXviuTai add. Travres 7 Kvij/as om. 9 e/cetVais joos^ r]fxepai<i 

10 ws ^W oxret 15 a»i/e Xe'ywv 0»i. Kat 16 aiuTo9 tov 2t/xoJVOS 
17 yeveV^at 0«i. 19 ^^osi 8iKTva add. avTwv 21 i.v6v<i pro 
evOe(j)<i 23 a?i^6 A.€ywv acZtZ. <j>(x)vrj fxeydXy 25 avrwv pro avrov 
26 (ji(i)V)']cra<; pro Kpd^av 27 aTravres Tr/aos eaurous Aeyovras 
Tt ecTTt ToiiTO c'( Tt's 17 K-T.X. 33 Kat 7]v oA?; 17 TToAlS 
35 wa(rTa? (xtt^X^cv 6 Iv^croi)? 36 o re "^Lfiwv 37 (re OH<e 
^'/^ToDcrtv 42 T^ Xiirpa auroC 45 Swacr^at rtwie avrov 
<j>av€pu}<s post ets TToAiv irdvToOev 

II 1 €i(rv;A^ev TraAtr 6 l7)crov<: iv otKw ^^ro ets otxov 
3 (j>epovTe<i ante Trpos avrov 5 crou at d[xapriai aov ut vid. sed 
coll. est amhigua 8 airot StaXoyt'^ovrat 9 (tov post KpdfB- 
^arov 10 d^teVat ^posi ctti t^s y^S 11 eyetpe apov 5?«e 
/cai 12 evwTTtor ^r'O Ivavriov 13 ^os< TraXtv ac?<i. 6 'I?;croi;s 
rjp-^ovro pi'>'0 VPX^'''^ ^^ P^*' TrtVet ac?c?. 6 StSao-KaXos 17 ante 
ov vpctai/ a<Zc?. ort oo yap rjXuov 18 ot ctTro twi/ ^ap. 
ot p.a6riToX rwv (j>ap. /xadqrat crov pro trot paOiqral 21 ouSets 
iine Kat 23 ante rots adjB[i. om. Iv ot p-a^. avrov et rjp^avro 
24 ^^OSi TTOtoijo-iv add. ol jJLaOrjral 25 Xe'yct pro eXeyev 
26 Upeva-i p-ovov 

III 6 tTTOtrjo-av 7 jSOi'f 'Ivyo^ovs a(^<i. yvous Trapa r^v 
OdXaacrav 7]KoXov6r}(rav post 'lovSat'a? 8 cTrotci o It/o-oijs 

11 e6ed)povv irpoa-iinirrov eKpa^ov 12 aurots o Itjq-ovs 
13 ets TO opos 6 Ii^o'ovs 16 Kai lirWrjKev avrois 6vop.ara, ra» 
Stfiwvt XleVpof 17 *IaKco/3ou Siwe rou 18 Mar^atov rov 
reXwrjv 20 p,r/Se pro p.yjre 23 avrots 6 'lr](rov<; 25 Swtj- 
arjrai pro BvvaraL crraO^vaL post iKeivr] 27 dXX' ovSe'ts 
Swarai ets r^v otKt'av tov to"^vpov etcreX^oJV ra aKCvr] avrov Siapirdcrai 
28 TO, dp.apryp.ara post dvOpuiTrmv iav pro dv 30 on 
eXeyov on 31 Kat ep;)(ovrat ^ro epxovrai ovv r] p.yrr)p avrov 
Kal oi d8eX</)0i avrov 32 Trcpi avrov o;!^Xos ttoXvs Kai 

142 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

\kyov<jiv fro cTttov Se 33 koX a.TroKpiOfl'i auTois Xc'yct Koi 

pro ^ 34 ad Jin. vers. add. ovroi da-cv 35 eav pro av 

IJ-rjT-qp fiov 

IV 1 r]v im T^s yrj<i 3 (nrecpat tov (nropov avTov 
4 cnreipeiv avrov tov ovpavov cm. 5 Kai aAAo pro aXXo 
8c y^9 (SdOo'i 6 Kttt ore dverctXcv 6 tjXlos pro fjXtov k.t.X. 

8 ai'^avofieva €i? rpiaKOvra koX i^Kovra kol iv iKarov 

9 at'Tots 0771. 10 Kat ore ^ro ore Se rjpwTwv pro rjpwTrjcrav 
11 Aeyerat 2'^*' yiVerat 12 fSXixJ/dycriv cn'vwcri 15 ev^t'S 
16 ofxoLw; ctcrtv 18 orrot eto-tv 2" oni. aKot'cravres 20 ev 
pro £v <e/* 21 vtto ^Jro ctti tc^tJ /^ro iiriTeOrj 22 IX^t; eis 
(fiavepov 24 avTifJi€Tprj$r](r€Tai 25 eai' ^0 ai/ 2G cXcycv 

atTOtS 31 KOKKOV pro k6kK<0 jXlKpOT^pOV 32 fJiei^WV 

■jravTwv Twv Xa;^ai/wv twv ctti 7-79 y^s 34 rots i8toi? jxaO-qrai'; 

35 €ts Trepav sine to 36 TrXoia jwo TrXoiapia 37 /cat ra 

Kv/xaTa pro to. 8e Kvp-ara ^8r] ye/xi^ccrOai avria 38 auros 

^v ev rfi irpvfivrf 41 ot av€//.ot 

V 1 T epyf.crrjvoiv 2 vinqvrqcrcv 3 fivi^fxacnv pro fJi-Vf]' 
ficioLS ovre dXvae(riv ovre Tre'Scs 4 atTov l" oni. ovSet? 
cSvvaTO avTOV Bafj-dcrai 5 ^v aw^e SiaTravTO? cv rots 
fivrjjxacriv kox iv tois opecrLV 6 aTro 07/1. 7 Xeyct ^'ro cittc 
11 vpos TO opcL 13 dyeXr] Trdira 16 Kat StT^yTycravTO 8e 
19 Tre—oLijKc Kat rjXirj(ri ere 6 ©eos (^ 6 Ki'ptos om.) 22 TrapaKaXct 
27 Toi) Kpaa-TreSov tov lp,aTLOV 33 Tpip.ov(ra 8to ireTroLrjK^v 
40 TraiTas 41 TaXiOd KovfJi 

VI 2 TOVTO TTuvTa pro TovTw TavTa oTt 0?», 3 8c 07n. 
4 (Tvyyevevcrtv avrov 11 av 07H. ov /t^ Sc^tovTat 2o8o/>tots 
Kat 14 'HptuS?;; r^v (xko^v 'It/o-ov 15 17 om. 17 <f)vXaKy sine Trj 
26 8ta Se Tovs opKOVs yOeXev 30 Kat 2° om. 33 ot 
o;!(Xot 0171. 35 Trpoa-£X66vT€<i 01 /xadrjToi avTov Xiyovaiv avTw 
37 8r]vapL(DV BiaKoaiiDV 38 eTrtyvorres 39 ctj'aKXt^Tjvat 
44 (Lo-et 07?i. 45 rots o^Xov; 52 avrm' rj KapSta 54 avrov 

ot dvBpe<i TOV TOTTOV Ik^vov 

VII 6 OTt 0'/??. i7rpo<^r]T€v<Tev ort 6 Xaos orros 11 6 
dvOpwTTO'i 13 8ta T^v 7rapd8o(riv vfxwv rjv 15 Kotvoxrat 
avTov 16 6 €;^tijv pro et Tts ejj^et 19 KaOapi^wv 24 ets 
otKtav 26 ^vpo(fiOiviKicr(ra to yevr/ 28 tcjv ttltttovtwv 
^i)(LOiv t(ov TratSttov 0/>l. 29 ck t^9 ^vyarpos cou to 8at/xovtov 
30 €7rt TTjv kXlvtjv 31 i^eXOwv 6 'I?;o-ovs aTro 36 arrot 
/xaXXov 7repLcraoTep(ji)<; 

VIII 1 TTuXtv TToXXou 6 'Iryo-oi'S om. 2 o;^Xov toutov 

Texts from Mount Athos. 143 

3 diTro fiaKpoOev 4 wSe om, avrois ^**0 toS o^^^Xaj 

7 evXoy7;cras avra etTTCV ■jrapaOe'ivai avra 8 i)(opTdcrd'r)(Tav Travre? 

cnrvptSas TrXrjpet^ 9 TcrpaKtcr^tAtot avSpcs 10 Kat €/x/3as 

€vOeu)<; 12 lavToi; ^Jro avTov oi jrro ei 13 TraAiv 

£/xy8as £is TrAotov 8ti}X^€t/ 14 lirfXad ovTO ol ixaO^qral a^TOv 

era apTOv fiovov 16 cv eauTOts p^O Trpo? ciAAt^Xovs 19 KoejSt'vous 

KXaa-fJiaTOiv rjparf. TrAr/peis 21 ovttoj 22 (.p)(0VTai pro ep^erai 

23 avTOv pro avrw 24 etTrev jp7*0 lAeyev ort om. 

opw om. 28 a.TrtKpidr}(rav Aeyovres 31 twv ap)(i(pi(av 

33 o 8e 'It^ctous 34 et ti? pro oo-rt? 35 outos 

ow. 36 Tov avOpu-TTOv oXov Tov Koap-ov 38 cai' 

pro av 

IX 2 IwavvTyv sine tov 3 eyeVovTO AcvKavai ovtws 
5 Kttt 6eXr}<i TTOLrjauip.ev rpcts CTKrjvds 7 Kat iSou eyevcTO 
aKOfCTe avTOi; 9 Kat KaTaySaivdvTWV dvao"T77 €k v€Kpwv 
12 TrpwTOS ^0 TrpoiTOV Ktt^ws p?*© Kai ttws 13 Travra ocra 
15 iSovTcs avTov i^€6ap,(3i]6r](Tav 16 eauTows 17 aAaXov 
Kttt KO<fi6v 18 eav 2^^© ai/ 19 ctTrev avrw 22 €0' 
^^yiAtt? Kvpie 23 TO om, 25 6 o;)(Xo5 23 tovs ttoAAovs 

28 etVcA^ovTos avTOu Kar iSi'av lirrjpuiTUiV avrov, 8ta Tt 
33 ^A^ev 6 Itjctovs SieAoyt'^to-^e Trpos cavrovs 34 rt's jjj 
^ei'^tov 38 £<^>; pro aTr^Kpidiq Se om. cv tw ovo/xari 
Ta 8aip.6vta os ovk (ZKoAou^et ^yittv om. 39 TTOtrjcras pro Troti^cret 
40 T7/AWV pro v/Awi' 6?s 41 fjiov om. ori ov /a^ 42 p.iKpu)v 
TOvTwv 45 €KKoij/ov KoAov yap 

X 1 /cai 8ia 7 Kat etTrev evcKev 8 crap^ p.(,a 10 ctttj- 
pwTwv 11 av pro eav 17 * tSov Tts TrAovcrtos TrpoahpapMV 
KoX 20 at^ ^n. add. tl cti varepu) 21 et ^e'Aets re'Actos 
clvat vTraye 7rTw;(ots stn€ rots crTavpov <rov 23 rots 
fJLaOr]Ta2s avTOv Ae'yei 24 etTrev pro Ae'yet TCKVia xpripLaai 
sine TOis 25 rpv/AaAtas pa^iho^ SteA^civ 27 Trapa dvOpw- 
TTOts TOVTO d^vvarov eortv ©eai sme tw 28 rjp^aTo oe 

29 Kat evcKcv tou evayyeAtoi; 30 TraTe'pa? ^turjv aiwvtov 
KXy]povop.-q(T€L 31 lo-)(a.Toi sine ot 33 ypap^/xaTevcn sine 
TOts 34 ip.TTTVcrovcnv avrio kol yu.aortywo'oucrtv avTov 35 tov 
ZeySeSatou AeyovTes avTol cru Trot^o-i/s 40 rjTOLfjiaa-TaL 
VTTO TOV TraTpos p-ov 43 p.e'yas yeveV^at v/xoiv StciKOVO? 
44 OS eav 48 auTos Se pro 6 8e 50 dvaTr?/8?^o-as pro 
dvao-TttS 51 at'Tw 6 'It^ctovs etTrev Tt (rot ^eAets ttolt^cto} 
52 avTw pro tw 'It^o-oi! 

XI 1 eyyi^ovcriv 6 'Iv^o'oi'S Kat ot fxaOrjTai avTOv ets Iepoo-dAvp,a 

144 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

Kttt 7\KB€V €ts Bt^e^ay^ koX 2 dyaycre ^^.ol 3 Tt Xijerc tov 

TToiXov ^^ro Ti TTOietre tovto 4 SeSe/xe'vov tov ttwXov 5 eoroj- 

Twv 6 evcTctAaro ai'roTs 7 cf>€povcriv pro rjyayov 8 Kai 

TToAAoi p''^' TToAAot Se 9 cocraj/va rui vij/LaTO) 10 Kai ev\oyr)jX€vij 

11 a/i^e cts TO Upov om. koi en ^ro iJSt; 13 airo ^aKpoOcv 
el apa Tt cf>vXXa fxovov 14 6 'I?/crovs om. jxrjKiTi eis tov 
alwva €K crov Kapirov /x/jSets (fidyoi 15 rovs dyo/ja^oKxas 18 oi 
dp^i€peL<; Koi ol ypa/y-juare?? 19 orav ^'^O ore €^€7ro/)et'ovTO 
20 irapaTrope.v6p.evoi rrpon 21 iSov pro t8e 22 6 'It/o-ovs 

23 €1 e)(^eTe ttlo-tlv TncrTeva-eTe Xeyere {sed infra avTw. SfC. ?) 

24 OT6 iravTa 7rpo(Tev)(ea-9e kol alrelcrOe 28 ^ rt's croi 
eSwKev Tr]v e^ovaiav 29 'It^o-oiIs om. Kayu) v/uv epQ) eva 
30 'Iwttvi'ou, 7ro^€V ^v ; e^ ovpavov 17 31 8teA.oyt^ovTO ovv om. 
32 cav OOT. 33 Tw It^ctoi; Ae'yoi'criv 

XII 1 uvOpiMTTOs ecf)VTivaev (oKoSofirjcrev auru) Trvpyov 2 aTro 
Twv KapTTwv 6 €va €i;(€V {jtov (e< ac?c/. Kat 1) avVov 6"2?ie Kai 
tcrxcLTOV TTpos avTOvs 7 yewpyol Oeaa-afxevoL avTov ep)(6fievov Trpos 
cavTors eiTTOV 8 i^e/SaXov aiWov 11 v/xwv 2^^^ rjpiwv 

12 e<f>o/3ovvTO Ti]v TrapajSoXrjv ravTqv 14 Kat pro ot 8e 
ctTTC ovv rjfuv, e^ea-TLV eTriKecfxiXeov Sovvai Krjvaov KatVapi ■>) oil ; 
17 Tw Kat'crapi eOavpial^ov 18 eTrrjpuyTOJV 19 iva pro 
OTi 20 cTTTa ovv ctoeA^oi ^crav Trap' i7p,rv yvvatKa Kat 
diviOave Ka\ aTroOviQcrKiov 21 p,?; KaTaAetVcuv (nr€pp,a J)''''^ '<ttt 
ovSe K.T.A. 22 Kat ot cTTTtt eXafiov ea-)(aTOV irdvTUiv Kat rj 
yvvi) diridavev 23 di'ttordo-ct ovv 25 ayycAot 0£ov 26 tou 
fidrov cytb €ip.t 6 ©cos 'IaKw/3 Kat 6 ©cos 'IcraaK 27 ovk 
co-Ttv ©cos ante ^wvtwv 07n. ©cos 28 tSwv pro ciSws 
iravTOiV pro 7rao"ojv 29 irpuyTr) TrdvTCDV cvtoA^ 30 avTi^ 
co-Tiv rj TTpuiTq h'ToXrj 31 ai'r^s pro avrrj (vel 6p.ota avT^s, 
avTT; t) 34 ovk eroXfia 35 AaS co-rt 36 cv ttvcv- 
p,aTt dyt'o) 37 TTws pro iro&ev 

XIII 1 ctTTcv pro Ae'yct 2 dTTOK-pt^cts 6 'It^o-ovs dff)e6rj 
wSe 4 ravra iravra 6 cip.t 6 Xptcrros 7 opdrc p,^ 
8 dpx^ ravra Trctvra 9 ctti iTycp-ovas Kat ySao-tActs 
10 irpwTOV Set 11 irpofxepLiJLvyarjTaL 12 Kat Trarr/p tckvov /i^ 
14 co-ros cv TOTTO) oTTOv 18 ;^ctp,(uvos p.7;8c (ra^/Sdrio 19 Krto-ctos 
Koa/xov 20 eKoX6^(D(rev 6 ©cos 24 roiv rjfxepwv cKctvwv 
pro eKeivrjv 28 orav -^81; 6 kAciSos avr^s aTraAos 29 ctS^rc 
ravra 30 ravra 0??2. 32 t^ ^wo Kat ot dyycAot roiv 
ovpavwv ov8c 6 vtos ct /at/ 6 irarrjp p,dvos 34 oj? yap 
yfyrjyoprjo-ri 36 evpyja-ei 

Texts from Mount Athos. 145 

XIV 3 TToKvriiiov pro ttoXotcXoCIs tov aXd/Saa-rpov 5 tovto 
TO fxvpov 6 ev e/xoi pro eh ifxe 7 vavTOTe ev Trotrja-aL 

8 ecr)(^£V TO crC)fj.a. fxov 9 ottov iav 10 'lovoa? 

'lo-KapiwTT^s (s?'we 6 6?s) avTov TrapaSai 11 apyvpia 

ttCjs avTov €VKaLp(D<: 13 A.€ya)V 7J?*0 Kat Aeyei 14 KaTaXvp-d 

jiov 15 •^/xtv ^ro v^tv Kat cKct 16 Kat i^rjXOoy 

cTot/Auae aiTw ot fxaOrjToi avrov 19 AtiTretcr^at Kat dSrjpoveiv 

iyu) eljXL (l**) 22 Kat cvXcyiyo-as 24 kK)(yv6p.€VQV ct's 

a<f>€(riv dfxapTi<j}V 2t*J SiacrKopTTKrOrjcrovTat to. Trpof^ara rrjs TroLp.vq<; 

29 ci Kttt 30 ooi a-^fX€pov 31 6 8e HeVpos fj-aXkov 

cav Se'r; /xe crw trot aTro^avttv 32 Trpoa-ev^ofxat 35 TrpocreXOwv 

36 toi;to (xtt €/xoiJ dXX 6 Tt 0"i; 37 ep^cTat Trpos TOts 

fiaOrjTd<s 38 yprjyopeLT€ ovv 40 avTwv ol 6(ji0aXp.ol 

dTroKpiBwcnv avTw 41 dvi^ei to TiXo? 42 p.ov ^7'0 yu,e 

43 lovSas 6 'lo-KaptwTijs wv om. 46 iTri^aXov to.? x<Elpa<i 

avTia 50 d^cvTts a^Tov ot fxaOrjTai It^vyov TrdvT€<i 51 i^KoAot'- 

6r)<T€V 52 e(f)vyev yv/xvos 53 dp;(t€pea Katd<^av 55 iva 

avTov OavaTwcrovaiv 58 tovtov tov vaov d;^6tpo7rot-/jTOV 

^^ro TOV ■xeipOTTOi.rjTOV 59 ^v om. 61 ovk diriKpivaTO ovSev 

62 6 oe *l7^o"o{'S aTTOKpt^eis ciTrev auTw ci) ctTras oTt eyw 64 eivat 

^505^ ^avctToii 65 TrepLKaXvTTTeLV avri^ avrov om. post 

TTpoa-fOTTOv 7rpo({)rJT€vcrov vvv rjiuv ^pLare, Tts ecTtv 6 TratVa o"€ 

(sic) 66 KciToj iv rrj avXfj 68 owe otSa o^tc av 

Ti Aeycts 69 7rap€0"Toio"tv 

XV 3 ^30sd TToXXd add. avTos Se ov8ev direKpivaro 6 aTrcAicrev 
12 7rdA.iv aTTOKpt^ei? tov (^acrtXea 13 iKpavya^ov ^Jro 
tKpa^av 14 €Kpavya^ov pro eKpa^av (TTavpwcrov CTTavpuxrov 
15 TTotetv ^^ro TTOLTJcrat 16 e^w t^s at>X^s 17 ;^Xa/xt8a 
KOKKLvrjv Kat ■7rop(f)vpav 18 6 (3aatXev<; pro f^aaLXev 20 t^v 
;(Xap,t8a Kat iropfjivpav 22 tov FoXyo^a 23 StSoio-i 
icrXaxJ/tvLo-fjLevov {sic habet collatio) pro i(T/jivpvc(Tp.ivov 24 Kat 
o-Tavpwo-avTes 8e 8te/xe'pto"av 25 ot€ ^ro Kat 26 'lovSat'wv 
outos 30 KaTd/3r]6L 32 ct 6 XptcrTos lo-par/X co^Ttv 
7rLcrTev(r<D/jL€v avTw 33 Kat yevop-evr^s 2^'" yevo/xivrjs Se 34 Tg 
ivvdry wpa 35 ttSe ^^ro iSou 36 t€ <»«. 39 vios 
0€oi; ^v 6 dvOpioTTO'; ovtos 40 Kat 2° 07«. t^ toG 
om. 41 Kttt 1° om. 43 IXOimv pro rjXOev 46 ek pro iirl 

XVI 1 17 TOV om. tov Ir^o'ow ^ro atTov 2 t^ /xta twv 
crafi/3dTwv 9 dvao^Tos Se 6 'Irjcrov^ 11 cKctvot ^^ro KdKctvot 
14 eyr^ycppe'vov ck tcov veKpwv 16 oti o TriorTevtov ^ro 6 tt to-T€was 
19 Kvpios 'Irjo'ovs 

146 Studi'a Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 


XXII 3 ante Saravas OWJ. 6 KoXovix-tvov 4 apyitp^vai 
Kat ypa/xixaTevcL orpaTT^yois tov Xaov 5 apyvpta 6 oiio- 
X6yrj<T€ 8 (XTrecrTeiXev 6 'It^ctoDs 9 eroi/Aacrco/xev crot 

10 vTravrrja-u 14 ciTrocrToAoi 0??l. 16 a^Tw ^ ro e^ atTov 
18 ac?c^. 0,770 TOV vvv sed quo loco per incuriam in collatione nan 
notavi 19 KX6fJLe^'ov pro StSoyitcvov 25 6 8e 'Ir/crovs 
26 post rjyovfxivos add. yeVfcr^oj 27 fJ-ei^oiv cctti 30 ctti 
SwScKa Opoviiiv 34 6 oe 'Ir^crows 35 ou8 evds 36 Se 
^ro ouv 37 €1 pro ert 38 iSoti wSe fxa^aipat 42 irapeveyKaL 
43, 44 ow, 7?2. ^r. seo? addidit m. alt. eiusdem fere temp)oris 

47 irporjyev pro Trporjp^^TO ad Jin. vers, tovto yap a-qfjieLov 
8e8u)K€v avTols ov av (j>iXrj(Tfa avros etrrtv 49 tu iaofjieva 

52 i^XOarc post ^vXtav add. crvXXajSeLV fie 53 ^ uipa 
v/x(ov 57 rjpvrjcraTo sine avrbv ovk oTSa avrov 60 ante 
aXiKTwp om. 6 61 'It/ctov pro K.vpiov trplv rj 64 iTrrjpwTrja-av 
Trpo(j)r]T€V(rov rjplv Xpicrre 66 aTn^yayov 69 oiTro tov vvv Sc 
71 enrav fxaprvpuyv pro iJ.apTvpia<; 

XXIII 1 ^yayov Trpos pro iirl 2 rfp^av pro rfp^avro 
rjvpafjiev 3 airoKpiOu avToi XiyuiV 8 l^ ixavwi' ^ovwv 

11 ir(.pijiaXwv T€ 12 o re Hp<i>S>;s Kai 6 IltAaTos cv arr^ n^ 
rjfiepa 15 dvcTre/Ai/^ev yap a^Tov Trpos T7/Aas 17 di'ayKct 8e 
£i;(ev at'TOis Kara iofrrrjv aTroXveiv eva 19 ev tt} (f>vXaKr] pro eis 
(fivXaKyv 20 8e ^ro o?v '7rpoae(fnovri(rev at'Tois 22 d^tov 
^ro atrtov evpccTKd) pro evpov 25 a9j/e <f)vXaKr]v om. tijv 

26 d7r?7yayov avrov cis to (XTavpuxTai ante ip^ofjuivov om. tov 

27 ywatKt? 2^^^ yvvatKwi' aw<e Ikotttovto om. koX 32 ^yovTo 
oc auTta) o"vv TO) 'It/o^oi) fcat crcpoi 8i'o o'w auTw (rvva.Lpedrjvai 
33 ^A^ov ^ro dirrjXOov ti's ^ro eVt 34 efSaXXov 
35 iiejxvKTifpi^ov 8e avTov 01 6 vtos rou 0cou 6 c/cAcktos 
37 (Twaov creavTov Kai KaTa/Sa airo tov (TTavpov 45 iavia-Or] Be 

48 o;(Aot om, ^ewptVaj/res 51 os Kat avros Trpoo-eSep^eTo 

53 ai'To 1° om. avTov p>'''0 ^^to 2° w /Jro ov ovSeis 
ovSeVw ad. Jin. vers. TeOevTOS avTov' iTriOi-jKe tw fxvrjfxeiio XtOov 
55 at ywatKes dTro ^ro ck 56 8c om. 

XXIV 1 ^A^ov opOpov ^aOeo<s p-vy^jieiov pro fjLvrjfJia 
3 elcreXOovcraL 8e Kvpiov om. 10 17 'laKwjSov 18 ets si//e o 
ante 'lepova-aXTj/x om. iv 20 avrov irapeSajKav 34 ovrws 
rjyipOrj 44 Kat eiTrev ^ro etTre 8e 47 dp^ci/xevos 

Texts from Mount Athos. 147 


V 5 exet av^pojTTOS 7 vai Kvpif. avOpoi-rrov 8e 8 VTraye 
€t5 Tov OLKov (Tov JpTO Kttt TreptTTaTet 10 Kpa/SaTTOv aov 11 6 8e 
OLTreKpidrj 12 ecrriv 0»i. e/cetvos 6 avOpuiTro? 14 Ae'yci 
23ro ctTTCj/ 15 aTTTTyyctXev 17 avToi<s Xeywv 18 ctAX' ort 
19 aTreKpiOiq 22 ovSev yap Kpivei 28 6avfjid(rr]T€ 
dKov(T(i)crtv 30 dAXo. Ka^ws 36 SeSw/cc awifi Troioi 
OW. cyo) 38 ev vyaiv fxevovra 44 dvOpwiruiV pro aXXrjXwv 
/xovoyevovs pro fjLovov 47 TrtcrTevere ^ro TriorcvcrtTe 

VI 2 rjKoXovOr) 8e iOewpcL pro etopwi/ 3 o/dos stVie to 
5 TOiis ocftOaX/xovs 6 'Iiyo-oCs Wi. pr. cm. Trpos tov 4>tAt7r7rov sed 
add. m. sec. in rasura 7 6 ^lXlttttos aKpKio-wa-Lv 2)ro dpKovcriv 
9 eV om. OS pro o 11 cSwKe pro SteSwKc 17 aTz^e 
TrXotov om, TO ycyoi/ec ovtto) pro ovk 21 eyeVtTO to ttXoiov 

22 eiSws jpro i8wv e/cctvo om. ttAoiov pro irXoiapiov 

23 aAAa 8e TrAoiapta ^A^cv T^s TLfi€pid?)o<; ov 2)ro ottov 

24 irXoidpia pro TrXola 27 ftpwcnv 2° om. 29 fm^e 'It/o-ovs 
0«l. 6 38 ttTTo pro iK 40 yap pro Se tov TraTpos 
p.ou pro TOV 7refjn{/avT6<i p.€ 42 'Itjctovs om. ovtos Aeyet 
45 eo-rrjv pro ta-Ti ovv om. 46 cojpaKtV Tt? 47 eis 
c/xe om. 51 6 t,u>v OM. ^"^creL pro tprjcr^Tat 52 ot 'louSaioc 
irpos dAA->^Aous T^v crdpKa Sovvat 55 dXrjOrj^ (? Ots) 

57 aTreo-TaA/ce 6 Trarrjp 6 ^wv t'f}<TeL pro tpqcrcTai 

58 ^>/o-€t pro ^rJo-cTai 60 6 Aoyos ovTos 63 AeAdATjxa 
23ro AaAw 64 6 'It/o-oCs e^ apx'?^ l^V ^^* ®® TToAAoi 
Twv fia07]T(x)v avTOv d-rrrjXOov 68 ovv om. 70 i^eXe^d/xrjV Tovs 
SwScKtt 71 'lo'KapiojTov TrapaStSovat avTov 

VII 1 p-eTo, TavTa a?l<e TrcpteTraTet 3 o-ov 2'' om. a o-v ttoicis 
4 Tt ev KpvTTTiZ 8 OVK avafSuLVM 6 ifxbs Katpos 10 cis ttjv 
iopTrjv ante rore 12 ^v ante irepl dXXos eXeyev pro dXXoi 8k 
eAcyov 15 iOavp-a^ov ovv 21 ante 'lr](rov<; om. 6 29 ad 
fin. vers. m. sec. add. koL eav cittw oti ovk olSa avrov eo^opat opotos 
ifjiSyv if/evcTTrjs 30 Tas ^(etpas p'"0 W/v X^V** ^^ ttoAAoi ck 
TOV o^Aov ovv TovTcov om. 32 ^Kovo^av ovv ot dp^^tcpeis 
Kai ot ^apicroLot 33 avTots w/i. 35 evpia-KOfxev 36 6 Aoyos 


ot pro dXXot 42 r/ ov;^t epp^cTat 6 Xpto'Tos 43 eyevcTo 

a?l<e €v T(j) o;^A(u 46 eAdATjo-tv ovtws 50 Trpos avTOV 


VIII 1-11 codex sic habet: — 'It^o-ovs 8e iiropevOrj ets to opos 

148 Studia Biblica et Ecdesiastica. 

Twv 'EAaiajv opOpov. Ka\ ttoXlv TrapaytVcTat €ts to lepov, Kai ttus 
6 Aaos ^px^TO KOL KaOto-a'; eStSacTKev avTov<i. "Ayovcrtv oe ol ypa/xyLtareis 
Ktti 01 ^apio-aloL ywatKa €7rt d/xaprta elXrj/xfjievTjv, koL (TTT^cravTes 
avri]v ev fxicm) Xiyova-iv avTui iKTreipd^ovTe? 01 dp;^t€peis tva e^j^wcri 
KaTTjyopeLV avrov, AiSdaKaXe, avT-q vj yvvrj KaTctA-T/Trrat €7rauTo</)ajp<i> 
fioi)(^evoiJ.evr). Mwi'O'i^s Se •^yu.iv €v rw vd/xw Sta/ceXevei rds rotavras 
Xi^d^6cv' cru Tt A,€yets ; 6 Se 'It/ctovs Karw kckvc^w? toj oaKTr Ao) 
KaTeypa(f)ev €is tt/v y^v. ws 8e iirifxivov dvepcuTwrre? dv€/ari/'€v 
Kttt etTTCV airois '0 a.vafxdfyrrjTo<i vp-thv Trpwros eV airryv j^aX^TUi 
XiOov' KOL TtdXiv KaraKv^a^ tw Sa/vrt'Ao) Kariypa(f>€v cts T^f T^i'- 
cxacTTOs Se Tuiv 'louSaiwv l^rjp)(€TO dpfd/Aevoi dTro Ttijv Trpea-fSvTepwv 
w(TT€ Trdvras e^eA^etv, /cat KareXeLffiOr] /x,dvos, Kal 17 ywiy €v /i-eVu) ovtra. 
dva/cdi/^as Se 6 'It/ctoi'S etTrev r^ ywatKi IIov cicrtv ; ouSets ere Karc- 
Kpivev ; KOiKeLvr] eiTrev Ov'Set's, Ki'ptc. Kat 6 'It/o-oD? eiTrev OvSe cyoj ere 
KaraKplvoi' Tropevov, oltto tov vvv [xrjKeTi dfidprave. 12 iXaXqaev 

at'Tois 6 'It/ctoi'S 16 Be oin. 17 Se o?H. 19 av ffSeire 

21 auTots om. rais dfxapTiai<i 23 cAeycv ^ro cittcv 

24 cdv ydp . . . vp.u}v om. 25 cTttcv ovv ^^ro Kai cTttcv 

26 AaAw ^ro Ae'yo) 27 eyvwo-av Se 29 Kai ovk d(f>rJKiv 

o irarrip om. 35 6 vlos . . . aicova Oin. 36 eorre pro 

tcrecrOe 38 a ^ro o bis 40 dvOpwiro? Trarpds pro 0€o{) 

42 ow om. 44 ck toG Trarpo? tov StaySdAou 46 /xc o»i. 

§€ o«i. 48 ovv om. 53 (TV om. 59 kol SteA^wv 

CTTopedeTO Kat Traprjyev 

The most interesting feature in this collation is the very 
remarkable similarity of the text of the ^^ericope aduHerae to 
that found in Codex Bezae. 

It includes no less than eight variants which are peculiar 
to D 1071, though one of them, ItcX aixaprCa pro iirl ixoi\€La, 
is supported by the version of the story which, according to 
Eusebius, was quoted by Papias from the Gospel according 
to the Helreics, and by the Edschmiadzin Codex, published 
by Mr. F. C. Conybeare in the Expositor for December, 1895, 
p. 406. 

This striking similarity suggests the possibihty that the 
scribe of cod. 1071 made use of Codex Bezae, at least in this 
passage, and in that case we have a valuable hint that Codex 
Bezae was in the South of Italy in the twelfth century — 

Texts from Mount Athos. 149 

a sug-g-estion which is strongly supported by Dr. Rendel 
Hai*ris' book on the Annotafors of Codex Bezae. In 
any case the scribe of 'cod. 1071 must haA^e had as an 
exemplar for the i^ericoi-je aduUerae either Codex Bezae or 
a MS. with a similar text. As the text of cod. 1071 
as a whole is not remarkable for any similarity to Codex 
Bezae, it would seem as though he only used it in order 
to correct his usual exemplar. The question therefore 
arises whether he may have made this use of it in other 
passages. To afford some data for answering this question 
I have apj)ended a list, which is intended to be illustrative 
rather than exhaustive, of passages where cod. 107 1 has 
the support of only a few other MSS. It will be seen 
that in some of these passages cod. 1071 is found together 
with Codex Bezae. But in the majority of instances this 
is not the case, and cod. 1071 has readings in common with 
almost every type of authority in turn.. 

Therefore I think that although it is quite probable that 
the scribe of cod. 1071 had access to Codex Bezae and made 
use of it in the pericope aduUerae, it is improbable that he 
did so elsewhere, and except in the case of the 2)ericope, there 
is no reason for thinking that the evidence of cod. 107 1 is 
merely a direct copy of the evidence of Codex Bezae. 

Mt V 18 2;06'< vojxov add. koX twv Trpoffi-qTwv C. 13-124-543 565; 
arm syr-hr Iven-lat 22 ante /xaypi add. tw dSeXe^w avrov c. L, 

1-209 i3~i24-543 700; ffj syrr-sin-cur arm boh 44 KaAws 

. . . (juurovvTa^ vfxa<i om. c. t^B, I— 209 22; k syrr-siu-cur boh; 
Athen Clem Orig Iren-lat Cyp 

VI 5 Trpoa-evxeo-Oe . . . eo-eaOe C. ^^* et cgZ, 1-118-209 2 2 lat 
2)ler sah boh syr-hl mg arm-codd Orig Clem Aug 24 ovSeh 

OLKeTYj^ C. La, al. pauc. 28 KOTnwaiv ovSe vyOovcrLV C. t^B, 

1-118-209 4 33 ; Athan Clem 32 ravra yap iravra A, 

13-124-543; cfffjVg; Aug 32 cTTt^i^ToCo-iv c. t^B, 1-118- 

209 4 13-124-543 22 207; Max 

XXI 24 post avTOL<; add. ap-qv Xiyoi vp2v c. nulla auctoritate 
26 ovv om. c. DL, 28 126 700 al; a b e ffj 9 syr-sin-pesh ; Orig 

Mc I 7 Kvij/as om. c. D, 28 256 565 17 yevea-Oai om. C. 

150 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

1-118-131-209 13-69 28 48 108 115 127 258 274 700; b syrr- 
sin-pesli aeth perss 26 <^coi'iycrav fro (<^wvrJo-as) Kpd^av c. t^BL, 

33; Orig Dam 36 o re 2t/Awv c. (D)Kn, 1-118-131-209 

69—124-543 28 al. pauc. (D* tc Si/awv, D- roVe '^Lfj.wv) 45 8vva 

a-6at ai'Tov C. ^54>, 225 245 292 700 

II 3 <^€/DovTCS Trpos avTov C. t^BL, 33 16 laOUi /cai ttiWi 6 
SiSao-KaXos vftwv c. LA, 69-346 al. pauc. ; f ffj gj 1 vg boll 24 
TTOtovcriv 01 /xaO-qraL o-ov c. DM, I-l 18-131-209 1 3-69-1 24-346- 
543 28 61 115 161 472 565 700; latt syrr-sin-hr aeth 25 
Xe'yet pro IXcycv c. t^CL. 13-69-124-543 28 33 700 b d f gj i q 
vg {ait) boh 

III 16 i7reOr]K€v auTOis ovo/Aara tw Si/awvi IleTpoi' c. 33 238 ; aeth 
33 Kol oLTTOKpiOeU avTois Xeyei C. ^^BCLA ; Vg boh syr-hl 

IV 8 av^avo/xeva C. b5B 11 Xiyerai pro yiveraL C. D, 28 64 
124 565 ; a b c ffj gi i q 41 01 avc/Aoi c. ^5ca^D)E, 1-118- 
131-209 33 al.pauc; c g, i q boh pesh aeth; Yict-Ant 

V 1 Tepyea-Tjvwv C. i^caLUA, I-1 18-131-209 28 33 565 700 al. 
pauc. ; boh syr-sin-hl-mg Epij^h. Thpliyl. (? Orig) 27 toO 
Kpao-7re'8ov tov l/jiaTLov c. M, I— 118— 209 33 33 add. Stb 
7r€TroLr)K€ c. D, 50 1 24 565 a ff^ i arm (syr-sin dejic.) sed haec et 
XdOpa addunt 

VI 2 Trdvra c. (t^)(C*)A, al. pauc. f gj gj vg 7 tous 
8ojScK:a p.a6r}Td<i avTov c. D, 474 569 b ffj gj i q (s€cZ D latt Otn. 
avTov) 26 T7^€Xcv pro rjOeXrjcrev c 11*, 1-209 al. pauc. 39 
di'tt/cAi^^vat C. t^B*S<^, l-l 18-209 13-69-346-543 28 157 565 
700 al. pauc. 

VII 31 aTTo pro CK C. 565 36 irepLaaoTepo)^ c. i^D^y'i, 61 700 

VIII 2 oxA-ov Tovroj/ c. L al. pauc. ; a b c f ffj gj i q boh syrr- 
sin-pefch 4 wSe 07>i. c. DH, 69 ; b c fifj i q go 8 ixoprdcrOr]- 
a-av TravTcs C. KMII, 33 al. pauc. 24 eiTrev ^'^O eAeyev c. ^5*C, 
al. pauc. 

IX 22 pos< r;p,as «c?(^. Kvpie c. 262 (cf DG, 565 ; a b gj i q arm) 
38 £<^7/^Jro direKpidr] c. t^BA^; boh syr-pesh os . . . i^/xii/ om. 
c. i^BCLA*, 10 115 346; f boh syr-sin-pesh aeth arm perss 

X 21 post vcrT€p€L add. el ^e'Acts reAetos civat c. al. pauc. ; ann ; 
Clem {et add. ante h KMNII, 13-69-124-346-543 28 565 al. 
pauc. ; boh syr hi c* aeth) 40 ad Jin. vers. add. viro tov Trarpos 
fjLov c. t^* ®t cb^ i-i 18-209 ^^- P<^uC' ; a syr hi mg 

XI 3 Tt Xrere tov ttwXov C. D, 13-69-124-346-543 28 565 700; 
a b f £["2 i arm Orig 

XII 14 eViKCi^aAeov c. D, 1 24 565 ; k {capitularium) 

Texts from Mount Athos. 151 

XIII 32 6 TTuT^p /AoVos c. 13-124-346-543 262 565; a k sah 

XIV 41 d7r€;(€t TO reXos C. D, 13-69-124-346-543 565; d q 
{sufficit finis) 

XV 12 ttoXlv aTroKpiOih c. ^^BC, 33 ; syr-bl aeth 13 iKpav- 
ya^ov c. 472 565 "^6 f^s ^W &^po-v c. A 

Lc XXII 4 add. Kat to6? ypa/x//.aTeOcrtv C. CP, 48 60 106 127 
254 346 700; abcefFjilq syrr-sin-cur-pesh-hl arm aeth ; Eus- 
dem 47 Trporjyev D, 1-118-131-209 69-124 22 al. 2)auc. 

XXIII 1 ■n-po'i pro IttI c. L, 157 al. pauc. 3 direKpLOrj avrC^ 
Xe'ywv c. D (1-118-131-209); a (sah boh) 27 ywaiKcs c. D, 
243 ; c f sah syr-cur-pesh 35 i^e/jiVKT-^pi^ov Se avrbv c. J^D, 
1-118-131-209 239 248 482 ; a c arm-ed 6 uios tov ®€ov 
6 cKXeKTo? c. 13-69-124-346-543 (126 472); sah bob syr-hr-hl 
arm ; Eus-dem 53 add. ad fin. vers. reOevros avrov- iTreOrjKc 
Tw pLvrj/xeiiii XlOov c D j c sah (^sed add. ov fx6yi<; cikocti iKvXiov) 

XXIV 3 Kvpiov om. c. f sab syrr-sin-cur-pesh 44 Kat eiTrcv 
pro €t7re 8e c. D ; a c e f fF^ 1 q vg syr-pesh-hr aeth 

Jo V 38 eV vjxiv /xeVovra c. t^BL, i-i 18-209 (i3)-i24 33 al. 
pauc. ; Cyr 44 tov p^ovoyevovs ®eov cf. Eus-prep. p.6vov tov iv6<s 

VI 17 ovTTOi c. t^BLD, 33 13-69-124-543 al.pauc; a b e syr- 
hr ; Cyr 47 els e/^e om c. t^BLT ; arm 57 aTreo-raA/ce c. 
D, 13—69-124-543 al.pauc. 

VII 8 ovK pro ovTTU) c. i^DKMn, 17 389 482; a b c e al boh 

VIII 24 iav . . . vp.wv om. c. ii8*-209* 33 al. pauc; fFj, 
35 6 vlo<s . . . alwva om. c. t^XF, 33 124 al.pauc, Clem. 



Any attempt at textual criticism of the A recension of 
Acta Pilati is rendered a task even more difficult than it 
naturally is by the obscure and subjective arrang-ement of 
the text and apparatus in Tischendorf's edition. So far 
however as a superficial examination of the material can 
show, the MSS. which Tischendorf quotes are none 
of them very closely related. He uses, at least partially, 
nine Greek MSS., ABCDEFGHI (among which BFH 
and CGE seem to form g-roups, though with much mixture), 
a Latin version, and an early Coptic version. To this 
apparatus INIr. Conybeare added in Sfitdia Biblica, iv. 3, two 
Armenian versions, which are substantially the same, trans- 
lated into Greek and Latin. The text now printed is that 
of another Greek MS., which may be called J. 

This is ff. 332''-336'^ of a paper MS. at the Laura, 
numbered A 117, written in the fourteenth or fifteenth 
century. Had time not been pressing-, or had the monks 
been willing to allow the codex to be photographed, it would 
have been possible to give the text complete. As it is, I 
can only offer the results of an exceedingly hurried collation 
of chaps. I, 3-12, made with a copy of the 1H53 edition of 
Tischendorf's Evangelia Apocrypha^ which Father Chrysostom 
very kindly lent us. 

There can be little doubt that this MS. does not belong 
to any group of MSS. used by Tischendorf, and that while 
in some places the hand of the redactor is apparent, in others 
the text has every appearance of being early. 

Any elaborate analysis would be out of place, but it 
may be well to mention briefly a few points which seem 

Texts from Mount Athos. 153 

1. There are a considerable number of places where a text 
hitherto found only in versions now receives the support of 
a Greek MS. Among* others the following" are noticeable : — 

(a) Preface. 'Ez^ Iret evreaKatSeKarw : so Lat. (Copt.) 
Arm.": cf. Eusebius' Chronolog-y. 

(/3) I, 3. ore jue aTreoretAas : so Lat. Copt. Arm. All 
Greek MSS. prefix Kvpte rjyeixoiv or a similar phrase. 

(y) I, 6. Ae'yei rots 'louSatots : cf. Arm." Ae'yfi avroij. 
Gk. Lat. Copt, read Ae^et rots koi roT? Trpecr- 

^VTipOlS TOV Xaov. 

(8) I, 6. KCLfxTTTovTaL d(/)' lauTcSz^ fcal 7rpo(rKvyo{;o"ty : the 
Coptic is the only other authority for koL irpoa-Kvvova-Lv. 

(e) 5, I. .<4<;?r/. dAA' ovx oka: so Lat. Arm. (Copt.). No 
Greek MSS. read this, but there is a trace of it in a fairly 
widespread reading- ovk oAtya. 

(C) 12, I. fixcpavio-Oeh : so Arm. Others apparently 


2. Certain readings which have no support are interesting-. 
Chief among these are : — 

(a) 6, I seqq. In most authorities the evidence of the 
various Jews who testify to miracles of healing is introduced 
by the phrase irapa-n-qb'qa-as. (On the possible origin of 
this see Dr. Rendel Harris' Homeric Centones.) In J this 
phrase is consistently omitted, but in three places the 
similarly descriptive touch is added that the evidence was 
given ' /ixera baKpvoov.' 

(I3) 6, 2. The evidence of the kco^o's is not given in any 
other authority. 

(y) 9-10. The two malefactors. In all other authorities, 
except one passage (16, 7) in Arm.^, Avo-jxas is always men- 
tioned first, is on the right hand, and is the penitent thief. 
In J the exact opposite is the case, and this fact becomes 
important in the light of the lecture on the subject of these 
names delivered by Dr. Rendel Harris at Mansfield College, 
where he showed reasons for thinking that in the primitive 
form of the tradition the names and characters were as in J. 

154 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

The existence of sucli a MS. was unknown to him when he 
first wrote his lecture, though he knew of it in time to 
mention it — a remarkable, and indeed unusual, confirmation 
of theory by discovery. 

(8) 12, I. The statement that the room was sealed 
with Kaiaphas' signet is unique. It is an extraordinary 
addition, whether early or late, since taken in connexion with 
the fact that Kaiaphas had also charge of the key, it creates 
an obvious and irresistible chain of circumstantial evidence 
that Kaiaphas secretly let Joseph out of his prison. 

'YTTO/xi^r^/zara 'l7;o"oG ^pLcrrov irpayOevra iirX 

YlovTLOV YliXdrov laropijo-apros' ^LKodrj/jLov koI aw- 

rd^auTOS avrov ypapfiaaL pcopaiKol^, e^pa'iKoi^ kol 

iXXr}ifLKol9 . 

'Ev Irei ivv€a /cat Se/ccfro) ttjs Tiy^ixovias Ti^epiov Kaiaapos 
jSatriAecos 'Pco/i.atcoi^ Kal 'HpcoSou tov vlov tov irpdorov Hpcobov 
^ao-iXe'o)? TJ^9 FaXiXaia? rrj upb okt^ KaXavhdv * AirpiWmv ijTis 
((ttIv Mapn'cp koi ctti vTrarias *Pov(f>ov xai Pov[xe\i(jivos €V T<a 
TcrapTfa) Irei rrjs Sta/coo-ioo-r^s bevrepa^ dAujUTitaSos cttI apx^tepiuiv 
TMv ^lovbaicav 'IcootJttou kol "Avva koL Ka'id^a, oca Kara tov 
(TTavpbv KOL TO iraOos tov Kvptov rip.Giv 'Itjo-oC! Xpiorou crvv- 
iTa^ev KaTO. CLKpLjieiav to. TTCTrpayixiva roi? lepeGo-i Kal rot? AotTrois 

^lovbaCoLS OVTOS. 

I. I. 'O^Avvas Kal Kaia(f)as Kal ^ovpLrjv Kal :!Sodaii\ Kal Fa/xaXt^A. 
'lovSa? KOI Necfidakelpt, 'AAe'farSpos "Ep/ixtAo? Kal oi AotTroi tcSv 
'lovbaicov ^\6ov -npos YIlXcitov KaTrjyopoviTes tov 'Irjo-ou Trept 
TioWoiv TTpd^fujv Xiyovres otl Tovtov othap-ev vlov elvai 'l(x}(Tr](f> 
tov TCKToro? OTTO Mttpto? y€VVT]9evTa, Kal Ae'yet kavTov elvaL vlov 
©eoC /cat ^aaiXfa, ov povov b\ tovto dXXa Kal to. (rd^fiaTa fie^rjXol 
Kai TOV "ndrpiov vopov rjpStv fSovXirai KaTaXveiv' vopov 8e I)(0jix6v 
ToiovTov iv cra^^dT(a prj OepaiTiVnv Tivd' ovto^ 8e ^mXovs /cat 
Xiirpovs Kat TV(pXovs Kal TrapaXvTLKOvs Kal batpovtC^^pivovs 

* The MS. has at this point the Prologue of Ananias, but I did not 
collate it. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 155 

^depaiTfvcrcv cltto KaK&v Trpd^ecav. ^AiroKpiOds 8e 6 YIlXoltos Xiyei 
avTols YloiuiV KaKGtv Trpa^ecoi' ; \iyov(nv avT(f T6r]s kariv koX €v 
BeeA.^e/3ovA apyovri tS>v hanxoviaiv e/c/3dAXet to. bat[x6vta Kal 
Ttavra avT(^ vnoTacraerai.' Ae'yei avTol'i 6 IltAaros* tovto ovk 
icTTtv €v iivi.vp.aTi aKa6dpT(a (KJSdkXeLv to. haip.6via, dAA' kv 6iio. 

2. Aiyovariv ol 'lovSaToi tQ> rFiAdrw, ^A^LOvp.ev to vpiirepov 
piiyedos axTTC avTbvirapaa-Trjvat tw /37/juart ^/jtaii' koI d/cowat avTov. 
Ka\ TTpocTKaXeadpLevos 6 YIlXcltos tovs 'lovbaCovs Aeyet, Awa/iat eyw 
7jy(pL0)v obv ^acnkia k^eTdcrai ; Xiyovcnv avT(o 'H/ixeis ov kiyop.€v 
^acnkia avTov tlvai dAA' ovro? kavTov Aeyet. Ilpoo-KaAeo-d/ieyos 
h\ 6 HiAdTO? Kovpcrovpa Ae'yet avrw, Merd iTtLdKeias dyd-qTia 
6 'I?]croCs. 'E^eA^ojy oSy o Kovpcrcap kolI ^inyvovs avTov TTpocre-- 
KVvr](T€v, Kol \a(3(i)v to Ka^dirAco/xa Trjs x^ipos avTov rjirXaicrev 
■)(apLal Koi XiycL avTQi, Kvpie cSSe TrepiTrdrrjcroi; koI €7tij3r}di. on 6 
riyep.(x)v ere KaAet. iSoires 8e ol 'lovSaioi o iTToir^crev 6 Kovpcnop 
Kar^Kpa^av tov YliXdTov XiyovTes, Aid tl p.r] VTtd TrpaiKiavos ela- 
eXOilv dAA' vtto Kovpaovpos, Kal yap 6 Kovpacop deaa-dp-ivos avTov 
'npo(TiKVvr](Ti KaX to (paKCoXiov o eixc^ fj-rrXcoa-e y; kol Ae'yec 
avrw Kvpi€ (TTi^rjOi otl 6 r]yep.(j)V ae naXei. 

3. Ae'yet 6 DtAaTOs T^KOvpaovpt, TC tovto (-noirja-as ; Ae'yet aiiroj 
6 Kovpcrcop, "Ore fie dTre'oretAaj et? 'lepocroAv/xa Trpos roy 'AA- 
i^avhpov iXhov avTov KaO-qp-evov kin, ovov Kal ol Tialhes tC^v 
'EfipaLoov *E/3patoTt eKpa^ov KXdbovs KaTi)(^ovTes kv rat? yjepcriv, 
dXXoi 8e kaTpaivvvov to. lp.dTia avTutv XiyovTis ^(oaov br] 6 ev 
v\l/C(TT0L9, evAoyrj/xe'i'os 6 kp\6p.€vos kv 6v6p.aTL Kvplov. 

4. KatKpd^ouo-ti' ot 'louSatot Ae'yoi'res'jOt pikv iratSes rwr 'E^patcoy 
*E/3pat<Trt ^Kpa(ov <rv be TioOev ytrwcTKets 'E/3patorrt "EAArjz; oiy ; 
Ae'yet avrots 6 Kovpcrcap, ^HpcaTTjad Ttva tS>v ^lovbaicav, tI (cttiv 
o KpdCova-iv 'E/3patcrri 01 iratSes ; Ae'youo-ty avTU) ol 'louSatot, 
'Q,aavvd' Ae'yet be avToXs 6 FltAdro? Kal to o)(ravvd tC €pp.r}v€V€Tai, ; 
Xeyovdiv avTO) ^Qa-ov 8tj' Ae'yet avrots 6 IltAdros Et v/xeis 
fxapTvpeiTe rds (pcovas Tas Trapd rw^/ Traihoiv Xe^^^deia-as, tl 7Jp.apT(v 
6 Kovpactip ; ol 8e ecrtcoTxcoi'. Ae'yet 6 r]yep.<i>v rw Kovpaovpi, "E^eA^e 
KOI oto) ^owAet rpo'TTO) eto-dyaye avTOv' k^eXOoiV 8e o Kovpautp 
kTroCrjcrev tu> a)(i]p.aTL toj Trpcorw aTrXwaas to (f>aKe6Xiov avTov Kal 
Ae'yet rw'IfjoroG Kvpte,c58e kiiC^rjdL /cat eto-eA^e on 6 r]y€p.(av ae KaAft. 

M 2 

156 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

ras TrpoTo^jias, kKaix(\)6i]aav d^' eaurcSy ai TrpoTo/xai roSy aCyv(av kol 
irpocTiKvvria-av toj 'Itjo-ow* i8oi;t€s 8e 01 'lovSaToi to a^rjixa t(ov 
aiyvitiv TTcos €Kdfx(f)9r}crav Koi TTpoa-eKVvrjcrav avT^, e/i/aeya)? eKpa^ov 
Kara tcov (rLyvo(f)6p(ov, €iJ.(3piixu)iJ.cvos be 6 IliXaro? Kara twv 
'lovSatwr Ae'yet avrois, Tt Kpa^ire Kara T(av (TLyvo(f)6p(ov on avroi 
€<aiJi\lfav avras tw Trpoa-KVvrja-ai ; Xeyovcnv ol lovbaioi Trpo? 
TiiXaTov 'H/xeis etbofxev ttws €K(i[X(})0i]<Tav al TrpoTOixal vTid t&v 
(riyvo(f)6p(av Kal TTpoa-eKvvrjcrav avTU). iTpo<TKa\e(ra.ixevos be 6 
FTiAaTos Tovs (nyvo(f)6povs Xeyei avTois, Ti tovto eTrou/orare ; 
Aeyoucrti; rw IliAaTw, H/zeis ai^Spes 'EAAT/j/torat eap.ev kul 
UpobovXoi Kol TTw? eixajuev irpoa-Kwrja-ai, avTca; koI yap fjixe'Ci 
KaTe)(^ovT€s ras Trporojud? avrai a(f)' eavT(ov CKa/x(^07j(raj/ koI 
TTpoaeKVvrjaav avr^. 

6. Aeyet tois 'louSatots 6 ITiAaros 'EKAe'^ao-^e v/:xeTs ev eauroty 
tt/^5pas bwarovs ev ia)^yi Koi KaraayjiraicTav to aiyva Kat tSco/tiey 
61 kavTois KOniTiTovTai a(f>' eavToiv kul TrpocrKWovcn. (TnXe^dp.evoi 
be ol rpL^ovvoL avbpa? eK tov \aov bcabeKa ev l(Tyyi bwarovs 
beboiKav avTOVi Karacryelv rds TrpoTOfxas nal or^vai ep-TtpocrOev 
TOV r]ye\i6vos. koX Xeyei IltAaToj toj Kovpa-ovpi 'E/c/SaAe tov 
'Itjo-ouv e^(o6ev tov TrpaiTinpiov koX elcrdyaye avTov irdkiv oio) (BovXei 
TpOTTo). 'E^j)A0« be 6^lr)aovs e^(o tov irpaiToypiov crvv to) Kovpa-ovpi. 
npoa-KaXeadfxevos be 6 IltAaros tovs KaTe)(^ovTas Tas TrpoTajjidi to 
TTporepov Xeyei avTols, opiocras /cara tov Kalaapos, otl 'Edv ov 
Kap.(^6G)cnv al irpoTopat tS>v aiyvoiv flcreXdovros tov lr](rov, 
dnoTepca tcls Ke(f)aXas vp.<av, eKeXevae be tui novpaMpi tov 
eiaeXdelv Toy 'Irjcrovv en bevrepov' Kal TtoXXa TrapeKaXecrev 
6 Kovpacap Iva ein^f^ to (paKeoXiov avTov. Kai eire^r} Kai ela-fjXdev, 
elcreXOovTos be tov ^Irjaov (Kdp(})6r}(Tav irdXiv d(f>' eavTuiv to. aCyva 
Kal irpoo'eKVvrja^av tw 'Irjaov. 

5(5 *!* *|> «r 3|» Sp vv 

III. I. &vpLov ovv TrXrja-Oels o fjyepLCtiv e^rjXdev eK tov TrpaiTcopCov 
/cai Aeyei Trpos tovs ^lovbatovs, MapTupa e^ci) tov rjXtov otl ovbeixiav 
ahiav evpicTKU) ev avT<^. ' AnoKpidivTes be ol lovbaXoi elirov tw 
IltAdTO) El piTj rjv ovTOs KaKoiroios ovk dv (tol irapebb^Kapiev avTov' 
Xeyei avTols FIiAaTos, Aa/3eTe avTov vp.els Kal KaTo, tov p6p.ov 

Texts from Mount Athos. 157 

vix5>v KpCvare avrov Xiyovcriv avrw, 'H/uiy ovk e^eorti/ aiTOKTilvai 
ovbiva' Aeyei avTols 6 FIiAaroj, 'Tfxlv elrrev 6 Qebs [xri diro/creipai. 
aW' €fioC; 

2. Kai (larjXdev jjlct opyrjs et's to irpaLTcapiov koI irpoa-KaXeaape- 
vos Tov ^Irjaovv Kar Ibiav Aeyet avT^, Tt ovtol (tov Karap^apTvpovcri ; 
6 ok ^\r](Tovs ecrtcoTj-a* Xiyei npos avrov 6 ITiA aro? Mtjti eyw 
'lovbaios elfxi ; to eOvos to aov kol irav to irp^a-^VTipLov -napi- 
huiKOiv ere e/xot, tI knoiria-a^ ; aTreKpidrj 6 ^Irjaovs, 'H ^ao-tAeia 77 (p-ij 
OVK (.CTTLV CK TOV KocTpov TOVTOV' CI CK TOV Kvcrpov i]V Tj fiaaiXda 
T] e/LiTJ ot VTTtjpiTai ol kp.01 fjyutviCovTO au tva prj iiapahoOia rois 
'lovSatots* vvv 6e 77 j3a(nX(Ca rj epri ovk ^cttlv ivTevdev. Ae'yei 
avT(i> 6 OtAaro? Ovkovv ^aaiX^vs ei <rv ; aireKpivaTO 6 'ItjcoCs, 
Si) A^yeis on fiaa-iXevs eip.1 eyw, eyw ets rouro y€yivv)] koI ets 
ToCro eA^Au^a eiy tw Kocrp-ov tva iras 6 a)i' ex r^? aArj^eias 
CLKOvrj p.ov TTJs (fxovrj^' Aeyet airw 6 DiAaro?. Ti eo-rw; dAr/^eta ; 
€^ ovpavov ; eTii r% y//? dArj^eia ovk icrTiv' Ae'yet avrw d 'Itjo-oCs 
Opas, ol Triv aXr\ditav Aeyoires irdi^ KpivovTai anb tS)v k^nvTcav 
Ti]v k^ovaiav kitX t^s y^s. 

IV. 1. KaraAtTTcbz; 8e roi' ^\r]<Tovv 6 niAaros €^T]X6ev e^o) roC Trpai- 
Toopiov irpos Tovs ^lovbaiovs Kai At'yei avrois, I8e eyw ovbep.iav alTiav 
€vpia-K(i) €v ro) av6p<iiTH^ tovt(^' Xiyovcnv avT^, Ovtos etTrez' bvvapai 
KaTaXvcrai. tov vaov tovtov Kai bia TpiSiv rjpepoiv iyeipai, avTov' 
Ae'yec avrots 6 niAarofjiroioi; z^aoV ; Xeyovcriv auro), *0z^ (LKob6p.rj(T(v 
^oXop.(i>v kv TeaaapoLKovTa kol e^ eT€(rt Kai oSros Aeyet bta Tpidv 
rjp^pStv iyelpaL avTov Ji,Xiy€i avTols 6 OiAaTo?, 'A^wo'? elpi. airo 
TOV atpaTos Tuv bt-KaCuv tovtov, i/aei? o\}/€(t6€' Xiyovcriv 01 
\ovbaloL, To aXp.a avrov e^' jy/zas Kat eirt rd riKva rjpoiv. 

2, YIpoa-KaXeadpL^vos (?) 8e 6 OtAdrus rovs '7Tpe<r(3vTipovs rov 
Xaov Kai Aeyei avrols, Mtj ovtcos Ad^pa TTOL-^a-arc, ovbev yap a^tov 
davarov Karrjyopelre avrov, rj yap KaTr\yopia vp.5>v Trept depaTniai 
Kai /3e/3rjA(«)(rea>s aa^jSdrov ea-riv' Xiyovcnv ol Trpea-^vrepoL Kai 
ol ypapp-arels irpos rov riyep-ova, Kara KaCa-apos (dv ris ^Xaa(f)'t]- 
pi^crrj, d^tos Oavdrov kcrriv, ovroi Kara tov &tov i^Xaa(f)ripri<re. 

3. npoo-eVa^e bk 6 riyepioov e^eXOeiv tovs ^lovbaCovs Kai rrpoa- 
KaXeadpivos rov ^Irjaovv Ae'yei avro)" Ti iroir/o-co ae ; Ac'yet 6 ^Irjaovs 
TO) HtXdna, OvTOis ibodr]' Aeyei 6 UiXaros H&s ibodr} ; Aeyei o 

158 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

'Irjcrous, Mq)Vo-7/s koI o\ TTpo^r]Tat TipoeKripv^av iT€pt tov Oavarov 
fxov KOI TrJ9 ava(TTd(re(os' TrapiaToprjaavTes he ol lovhaloi kul 
oKOVcravTe^ Xlyovai rw rTtAdrfa), Ti -nXeiov 6i\HS <ai jxeiCov rrjs 
jSKacT^rjjjLLas Tavrrjs aKova-ai; Aeyet avrois 6 ntA.aro?, Et ovtos 6 
\6yos ^\d<j(f)r]p.6i ecTTW, irepX ttjs ^\aa(f)riij.Las Tavrrjs XajSere 
avTov vpLels koI aTraydyeTi eiy T^y (rvvaycoyr^v v\x5>v Kai Kpivare 
avTov' XiyovcTLV ol ^lovbaioi tw DiXaTw, 'O vojxos e^ei on dvOpb)- 
iro? CIS dvdpcaTTov eav ajxapTrjcrrj d^tos ((ttlv \afj.j3dvetv naaapa- 
KOVTa irapa fxCav, 6 be ets ©eor l3Xaa(f)r]pL(av XiOofioXia At^o/3oAjj- 

4. Ae'yei avrois 6 OiXaTos, Aci^ere ovv avrov I'/xets koI oio) ySov- 
Keade TpoTTi^ dp-vvaaOe avrov' Xiyovcnv avT(o ot *lovbaloi, Hjueiy 
^ovXoixeOa tva (rravpuiOfj' Aeyet 6 FltAaros Ov/c ((ttiv d^Los 

5. r[€pL^X€\l/dix€V09 be 7]yep.u>v etv reus TrepteoraiTas ox^ous 
deoipeZ Tivas baKpvovras tS>v 'lovbaioiv koi Aeyet avrois, O^ ttSz' 
TO TrAf/^os ^e'Aet avrov diroOavelv' Xeyovaiv avrai ot "npea-ftvTepoL 
TOV Xaov Aid tovto ijXOajxev dirav to tjXijOos tva diroOdvp, eavrov 
vlov Qeov Kal jSaatXea Xeyei. 

V. I. NtKo'877/xos apxctiv TU)V ^lovbaCctiv ecnr] ep-ixpoa-Qev tov OtAa- 
Tov \ey<i)V,^A^LU> to vp-eTepovKpdros eva-efii] tov p.aKno6vp.elv aKovcrai 
fj-ov' Aeyet 6 OiAarus, EtTre o fiovXei' Xeyei 6 '^iKobrip.o's, Eittoz' 
Tots dp\iepevcn /cat toTs tt pea jBvTe pots Kal Aei'irats Kat Travri tw 
Aaw ev ttj a-vvayooyfj, Tt (ru^j/retTe juera toO dvdp<aTTov tovtov, otl 
6 dvOpcoTTOs ovTos arifxela kuI irapdbo^a eiroiijae Kal iroiel d ovSeis 
eiToiricrev, d(f)€T€ ovv avrov Kal jxi] jSovXeaOe tl irovripdv xar avTov. 
el eK Qeov eort rd crrjfxela h ttouI aTadi^rrovTai,' Kal yap Mtouo-T/s 
diroa-TaXels napd @eov ev AlyviTTco ttoAAo o-T)/xe"a c Trotrja-e h etirev 
avT(^ 6 ©€09 TTOLrjcraL epiTTpocrOev <J>apacb jSao-tAews Atyw77T0i», Kai 
rjcrav (Kel depaTTovTes dvbpes <t>apau) Kal avTol ar]p.e^ia a eTTOirjaev 
Moivaijs eiroirjaav aAA' oii^ dXa, koI eireibr} Ta ar]p.ela h eT:oir\(Tav 
ovK ^aav OTTO Qeov dircaXovTO Kal avTol Kal irdvTes ol TTLcTTevovres 
avTois' Kal vvv d(^eTe tov dvOpMirov tovtov, ov ydp ecTTiv a^ics 

2. Afeyoucti; ot 'Iou8atoi tw NikoS^/iaw^ Sv pLaOrjTrj'i avrov eyevov 
Kal TOV Xoyov vrrep avrov ttoicTs ; Ae'yei Trpos avrovs 6 NiKobrjp-os, 

Texts from Moimi Athos. 159 

M^ fcai 6 f]y€iJ.o)v iJia6i]Tr}9 avrov eyivcro Kd\ rbv Xoyov virep avrov 
iroiei; ov Karia-TTqa-^v avrov Kaicrap eirt rod d^tw/xaro? tovtov ; 
rjaav 8e ol 'loiSatot (ixjipLixcoixevot Koi rpi^ovT^s tovs ohovras 
avTcov Kara rod Niko87;/xou, Aeyei TTpo? avrovs 6 HlXcltos, Tt 
rpiC^re tovs obovras vjjioiv Kara tovtov d.Kov(ravTes Ttap* avTov ; 
Kiyovcnv oi 'lovSaioi rw NtKoSTjjuo), Ti]v ^Xrjdeiav avTOV Aa^r/s /cat 
TO fiepos avTov' Ae'yet a^rois NtKo8?;/xoj, ^Aurjv, ajxriv, XdjSoo KaOoy^ 

VI. I, Tts 8e €K Tov o\\ov rwy 'lovSaiooy (XOmv (pLTrpocrOev rj^iov 
ctTreiy Ao'yoi'' Aeyet avro) 6 ritAaros, Et tl diKeis eiW* 6 8e fxeTo. 
baKpvMV cXeyev, TpLciKOVTa okt^} er7j iirl kAiz^tj? KaraKcCjJicvo'i ijixrjv 
Kai €V obvvrj rtoXXfj v-rtripypv Kai kXOovTos tov 'IrjfroS 77oAAot 
baifxoviCopievoi Kai TrotKiAat? voaois KaTaKtip.evoi €depaTTev6r](rav 
VTT^ avTov, Kai rtves veavtaKOi. KareAeT^frayres ju.e (^daTacrdv [ji.€ 
jj-erd Trjs kXivtjs Kai, dirriyayov jtxe irpos avrov' Kai ibdv jxe 6 
'Ijjtrovs (a-Tr\ayxvtcrdri koI X6y<a [xovca avros jue eOepdireva-fi' 
eliT(ov ^Apov TO Kpdp^arov (tov Kai Treptudret. ol 'louSatot elirov 
Trpos Toy IliXdrov, 'A^Lovp.€V to vjxerepov jxiyeOos KaXilv rroCav 
fjixepav (depdrrevaev avrov' 6 8e €<prj ^dl3(3arov eTvat Kai iroAAovs 
baipLOvi^oixivovs Kai TTOtKtAats voaOLS u'wexop-ivovs to) Aoyw avrov 

2. Erepo? be pierd baKpvmv eiTre tm YliXarw Eyo) TV(f>Xds eyev' 
vi]piriv, (f)(i>vrJ9 p-(v dKovoiv (?) TTpoa-wiTOv be ovk ejSXeTiov, Kai irapd- 
yovTos TOV ^Iriaov ((fxi^vqa-a (fxovfj p.eydXr\ Xiycov 'EAer|(ro'i; ju,e, vie 
Aaui8* Kai eXerjaas p-e eiTeOrjKe rds "x^elpas avrov eiti rovs 6(pdaX- 
p-ovs pov Kai evdicos dvejSXeyj/a. "AAAos Kocxpos elite 'Eyo) -{jpriv jut) 
XaX&v Kol rj'^aro pov rrjs yAoS(TOTj? Kai i:apa\pripa IdOrjv. "Erepo? 
eiirev Eya> Kvprbs ijprjv Kai Ao'yw b>pd<j}ae p.e. 

VII. Twrj be TLS diro p.aKp6$ev ej36rj(rev (fxavfj peydXrj Xiyovcra, 
Kat 0)9 alpoppoovaa ■qpi]v koX r]\}/dpriv rod KpaaTrebov rov lp.ariov 
avrov Kai ecrri] r] pvats rod a'iparo'S 17 bC erStv SwSe/ca' Xeyovaiv ol 

lovbaZoi 'H/iAeis v6p.ov e\opev p.i] vitdyetv yvvalKa els paprvpiav. 

VIII. AAAot be ttoXXol e/c row rrXriOovs rStv ^lovbatcav perd baK- 
pvoiv e^ocov, OvTos 6 dr6pu>TTOs Ti po(pr\ri]s ecrrlv Kai rd baipovia avrw 
VTrorda^crovrai koi ndv ■ndOo'i' Xeyei. 6 ritAaros Trpos rovs 'lovbaCovi 
TOVS eliTovTas /cat rd baipovta avr<2 vitordcraovrai. /cat iidv irdOos, 

i6o Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Atari KoX o\ hihadKoKoi vixS>v ovk vTreTayrja-av avT^ ; avTol 
Xiyovcriv 'H/:xet? oihaixev on koI top Ad^apov iiyeipcv T€Tpariixepov 
€K Tov jUfTj/jieiou' €iJ.<poj3os 8e yev6[jL€Vos 6 YIlKcltos Xeyet irpos to 
irXrjdos TUiV ^lovbamv, Tt dikere eK)(eai alp.a dd(Mv ahiKois; 

IX. I. Kal Trpof/KaXeo-ajueros KaT IbCav ^LKohrjpiov KoiTovshu)- 
heKa &vbpas tovs elirovras p.r] yeyevvrja-QaL avrov e/c iropviCas (prjai, 
Tt TrotT/tro) ort fxeydkr) 8ta<rra(Tts yiverai kv rw Aaw; ot 8e Aeyov(rir, 
'H/uetj oti/c otSa/xey, avroX oxlrovraL. Ilpoa-KakeadpLevoi Trdkiv 6 
ritAaro? airav to irkijOos t&v 'louSatcoy Aeyet avrots, OtSare on 17 
o-vvrjdeLa vjjuv (cttlv Kara koprijv T(av d^vfxcov tva diToXve(r6ai t5)v 
tieajxiutV e\o} ovv becrfxtov KardbiKov tov Xeyofxivov BapajS^dv 
Koi TovTov ka-TooTa KaTevtiiitiov v\xS)v tov Xey6p.evov Xpta-Tov, et? 
ov ovbepiiav ahiav eLpia-KUi kv avTw, irolov ovv OeXere d-noXva-oi 
vixlv ; ol be r]Ti](ravTO tov Bapafifidv tov 8e 'Ir^aovv eXeyov 
2raupa)0?;Ta)' €T€poi rwy 'lovbaiuiv eXeyov Ovk et 0tAos tov 
KatVapoj edv tovtov ov aravpcoarji on elTrev eavTov viov 0eoC /cat 
^aaiXia' Taya tovtov elvai ^e'Aets ^aaiXia koX ov KaCa-apa. 

2. 'Opyta-dels 8e avTols 6 rTiAaros Ae'yet irpos tovs 'lovSatous, 
'Act TO (.dvos vp.Ci>v (TTaaLacTTai daiv, kul rots (vepyeTais vp.5>v dvTi- 
XiytTi' XiyovcTiv 01 'louSatot, riototj evepytrais ; Aeyei avrots 6 
ritAaros, *0 0€o? i)p.S>v otto SovAeta? (TKX-qpds IppvaaTo I'/uas 
e^ayayoji' eK tj/s AlyvTiTov koX bid daXdcraris ws 8ia irjpds Sti^yaye, 
Koi €v Tf] eprjp-io bUdpi\}/iV v//as, p.avvd kol 6pTvyop.r]Tpav ebaxev 
ipXv, KoX CK TieTpas vbu>p (noTiacv vixas koi v6p.ov ebcaKCv' 
vp-di 8e coTTjaacr^e p.6(Tyov xutvevrov koX TTaput^vvaTe tov &edv 
vp.G>v Kttt (^T^Tr](T€v diroXiaai vpids, Kal Xuavevaas Muivcrrjs virkp 
vp-dv eldrjKovadr] kol ovk^tl €davaT(adrjT€y Kol vvv v/ieis KarayyeA- 
X€t4 fxov, OTt eycb /xtcrai tov jSacnXea. 

3. YlXqcrdeU ovv opyrjs 6 rTtAaros dvaaTas diro tov /37jjuaros 
atToO (0]T7]cr€v i^eXOeiV Xiyovcnv ot 'Iou8atot, *H/i,ets jBacnXea 
OLbap.€V TOV Koiaapa kol ov tov Irjcrovv, kul ybp ol /xdyot boopa 
7rpo(Ti]veyKav diro dvaToXdv cos /3ao-iAet Kai 'Hpw^Tjs dKovaas Trapd 
TUiv p.dyoiv OTL jSatTtAeus iyevvrjOr] e^'qTrjcrev avTov diiOKTelvai. 
yvov9 8e Trar^p aiTov koI f) p-riTr\p ainov Mapia Aa^o'ires ovtov 
((j)vyov €ts AXyvTTTOv' koI a/covtras 'Hpw8r;s e7Tep.\l/e Kol dvetAf 
Toi»s 7rat8as t&v 'E/3pata)V tovs ywvrjOivTas iv BrjdXiefx. 

Texts from Mount Athos. i6i 

4. Kat ravra aKOvaas 6 r]y€fxo)V i({)OJ3i]6r) cr(p6bpa Kol KaTea-eicrdr] 
rfi xf'pt Tovs ox^ovs T&v 'lovhaLcov otl iKpaCov, ml Xe'yei avToXs, 
OvTos kcTTiv ov e^Tjret 'H/9Co8r;s ; Xiyovcriv 01 'louSatoi, Ovro's kcrriv' 
6 ovv ITtAaro? Xajioiv vboip a-nat^aTO ras xctpci? avTov aTtivavTL 
Tov rjXiov Aeyo)!', Ad^os €lp.i oltto tqv aifxaTos tov hiKaiov tovtov' 
vfxds 6\I/€(t6(' TidXtv Xiyovaiv ol 'louSaiot, Tb aXp.a avTov e<^' 
rjixas Koi iirl to, rdKva rji^Qv. 

5. 'EKeAeuo-e 8e d ITtAaros kXKvaOrjvai tov ^r]Xov ov (KaOi^fTo. 

ATTo^acri? Kara tov 'Itjo-ov. 

To idvos TO (TOV KaTeirXe^i ae a)s ^aaiXia' hia tovto amc^r]- 
vdixrjv KttTa (tov npGiTov (ppayeXXovaOai. bta tov 6i( Tav 
€V(r€^u>v ^aatXeoov, Kai tots. dvapTaaOat em tov aTavpov iv roi 
K7/7ra). djmotcos 8e Kai tovs hvo KaKovpyovs (rvv avT^ TiaTav kol 

X. I. Aaj36vT€s 8e 01 'louSaToi tov *Ir}(rovv e^ijiaXov avTov in 
TOV TTpaiTcapiov koX tov^ KaKOvpyovs a^jv avT(o, koI ore diri^XOov eTrt 
TOV TOTTov (^ihvaav avTov to. i/txana avTov kol TtepUC^a-av avTov 
XivTLOV Kol aT4(f)avov ef dKav6<av TrepUOrjKav avTu> ctti ttjv KfcpaX-qv 
avTov, ofxoCuis be Kai Toiii bvo KaKOVpyovs eKpip-acrav TiaTav c/c 
be^iuiv Koi AvapLCLv e^ eiKavvp-oov, 6 he ^Irjaovs eXeye, ITdre/j 
a(f)es avTOLS, ov yap otbaaL tC TTOiovatv' Kai btep-epLaavTO to. IpLaTia 
avTOV ol (TTpaTiSiTat., ^dXXovTes kAtj/jous* eio-r^/cet be 6 Xaos 
Oecapoiv aiiTov, Kai e^epLVKTi]pL^ov avTov ol dp^Lepels Kai ol 
6.pX0VTes XeyovTes, "AAAov? eauxras, creavTov ov bvvaa-aL croDcrai, 
el vlos eaTLV tov &eov ovtos KaTajSaTo) aTro tov (TTavpov. 
eviiraiCov be avT<a ol cTTpaTiGiTai irpoae^epov be o^os XeyovTes, Et 
(TV el 6 /3acriAevs tQv ^lovbaiatv crutaov creavTOV. ^YiKeXevae be 6 
IltAaros juera T7]v duo^paaiv els tltXov e'niypa(^^vai T-qv ahiav 
avTov ypdpifxaa-t pco/xaiKotj e^paXKols Kat eXXr]vi.Kols, Kad(i)S etnav 
ol 'lovbaloi OTL l3a(nXevs ecrrt tS>v 'louSatcor. 

2. Eis be Tcov Kpep-acOevTOiv KaKovpyatv ovopaTi AvcrpLav Xeyei 
TTfjos TOV ^Irjaovv, Ei av €i 6 Xptoros crdjcroi' aeavTov Kai ^/xas" 
aTTOKpidels be 6 eTepos w 6vop.a TeaTav eTreTipia avroi Xeyoiv' 
Ovbev (po^r\aai tov Qeov on ev r^ avT^a Kpip-aTi. el; Kai rjpLels 
^ev a^ta dv eirpd^ajxev d'noXap.^dvop>.eVy oSros 8e ovbev KaKov 

1 62 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

er^pa^iv' kol iXeye tw 'Irjaov, MvricrOrjTC [lov Kvpif oTav iX6ri<s (V 
Ti] /Sao-iAeta aov' ttirev he avTu> 6 'Itjctoiis ^AyJ]v, ajxriv, Ae'yco frot 
OTL (TTiixepov ixer eixov ecTTj ev rcS TTapabeCa-io. 

XI. 1. ^Hv 8e u)pa (ucrei ckttj koL ctkotos iyevero e^ 6kr}V tj]V yjjv 
(MS u>pas evdrrj^jaKOTLadevTOS 8e rod fjKiov e(r)(tV^Tj to KaTaTT^Taa-jxa 
Tov vaov fxtaov airb avayOev eco? Karco' Kai (fxiivrja-as (pcovfi fxeyaXr] 
6 'Irjcrous etTTf Biaba yec^t* KvOpuxri' o eppLrjveveTai. Et? x^V'^* 
crou irapaTLOrjfjLi to irvevpia fxov' kul tovto eiiruiv (^iTTvevae. Ibcav 
Toivvv 6 eKaTovTapxos tov aeicrpov koI to yevofxevov ibo^aare tov 
Qeov XeyoiV on 'O avOpanros ovtos biKatos ^v, kol Trarre? ol 
OeoyprjcravTes to. arfpieia TVTTTOVTes kavTciv to, a-TijOrj imicrTpexl/ov 
ei? Ti]v ayCav TioXiv. 

2. O 8e (KaT6vTap)(^os avriyyeLXe tw rjyejJiovL iravTa to. yevopLCva' 
CLKoiJcras 8e o niA.aros koL tj yvvr} avTov (kvirrjdrja-av ravTa 
a(l)6bpa Koi ovK ((payov ovbc €inov ti]v T]p.epav (K€lvi]V jxera- 
KaKeadpL^vos be 6 ITiAaros tovs lovbaiovs elnev avTols ©ewpeire 
TO, y€v6p.eva ; Xeyovcnv avTui oi ^lovbaLoi,''EKkeL\}/LS icTL tov fjXiov, 
Kara rd etco^o'f, 

3. E 1(7777 Keicrai' 8e ot yvutaTOL avTov otto p-aKpudev, Kai yuratKC? 
ai avvaKoXovdrjcracraL avT(^ otto ttjs TaXtXaias Oecopovaai TavTa' 
KOI Ibov dvQp Tis ovopLttTi 'lojfTTjt^ /SovXeuT^s VTtdp\(i>v dvrjp Sixaios 
Kai dyados ovk ^]v (TvyKaTaOep-evos ttj [3ovXfj avTcav koI ttj irpd^ei. 
rfi TTOvrjpa, d-JTO 'ApipLadias /ita? TroAeoo? ttJ? 'lovSaiaj, os Tipocr- 
eblyjeTo Kai avTos ttjv ^aatXeiav tov Qeov. 0VT09 TrpoaeXOwv rw 
YliXaTia fiTrjaaTO to a-QpLa tov 'Itjo-oC koi KadeXcov avTO h'iTvXi^ev 
€V crivbovi, KaQapa koI e6i]Kev avTo kv pLvr}p.eL(a Xa^evTt^, kv Z ovk 
?]r ovbels TTcoTTore reOeis. 

XII. I. ^AKovaavTCs bk oi ^lovbatoi oti to au>pia tov bjcrou 
fiTi]craT0 6 'luxrrjcf), i^rjTovv avTov Kai tovs bcabeKa tovs el-novTas 
/IT/ yeyevvrja-dai ck iropvitas Kai tov ^iK6brjp.ov Kai dXXovs hepovs 
TToXXovs, otTtves eaTTjaav ip-irpoadev tov ITiAarou koi jiAera 
baKpvcov bir^y-qcravTo to. davp-dcria avTov, kul kfiovXovTo dveXe'iv' 

TidvTdiV be dlTOKpV^eVTUiV 6 ^LKObrjpLOS U>(f)6r} aVTols p-OVOS, OTl 

OVTOS 6 dvrjp dp\(t)v TUiv 'lovbai^v vT!rjp\e, koX Xiyovaiv avTio Si; 
xws ela-rjXOes els Tr}v (rvvayctiyriv ; otl (vvverrTidTOip avTov et koI 
TO p.ipos avTOV pt-eTa (rod iv rw pieXXovTt alcavL' Ae'yei avTols 6 

Texts from Mount Athos. 163 

Niko'Stj/xo?, ^ Afxr\v yivoiTo fjLOi. KaOo^s eiTrare* o/xoico? 6e koI 6 
'l(i}ar}(f) iix(f}ai'ia6€LS eiTrey aiirois, Tt ort cAv7r77^r)re Kar' e/xou 
fxarams, on ^rrjo-ajurji; to (rw/xa rou 'It] (roO koI erervAi^a avTO 
tnySoi^t Kai TtdeiKa avrb ev tu> Kai,v(a (xov \ivr]\xeii^ Ka\ XiOov 
liiyav i:po(TKvXi(Tas rrj Ovpq tov cnn]kaLOV Kal aTtrjkdov ; 
Kol ov KoAw? (Trpd^are Kara tov biKaCov, aXXa Koi k6yx'>] 
avTov vTT€^d\k€T€ /xTj jxeTafJieXriBivTes. KpaTri<TavT€s 8e ol 
'lovbaloL TOV 'lo}(Tr](f) ^Kikivcrav avTov a<r<pa\6is TrjpeladaL, Kal 
kiyova-LV irpos tov Icoo-tj^, FiywcrKe ort 17 lopa ovk aTratret itpa^ai 
TL KaTo, (TOV oTi (rd^(3aTov bLa(f)aCv€L, Koi yivcoaKC otl ra(^^s ov 
KaTa^LU)6i]crri, aAA' ecrovTai al aapKes ^p^fxa rot? Trereiyots tov 
ovpavov Kal rots drjpion Ttjs yrjs' aTTOKpiOeh 8e 6 'Iaj(r^<^ Aeyei 
avTols, OvTos 6 Aoyos tov Tvpdvvov tort FoAta^, 6s oyveibicrev tov 
Qeov ^(ovTa Kai tov dyiov AavLb, etTrey yap 6 0e6s 'E/xot iKbUrjais 
Kayo) dvTa-nobw(T(o, Aeyet Y^vpios, /cat vvv 6 aKpo^vcrTos tt] aapKl 
KOI Tr€piT€ixv6pi.€vos Tj] Kapbio. Xafiojv vb(op CLTTevCxI/aTO Tas x^^P^^ 
avTOV direvavTi, tov rjXiov Xeycov 'A^wo? et/xt eyo) otto tov atpaTos 
TOV biKaiov TovTov' vp.€ls d\l/€a-6e' Kai dtTCKpiO-qTC avT<^ Aeyoyres 
To atjua avTov e0' rjjjLas Kal eirt Ta TeKva rjpLoiv, Kal vvv <po^ 
jujjTrore (pddcrei r} opyr} Kvpiov iirl Ta TeKva vpcov b>s ftTiare' 
dKOV(ravT€S be tovs Xoyovs tovtovs €T:LKpdv9r]crav KaTO. tov 'Icocrr;^ 
crcpobpa ttj '^v^fj, Kal kT:iXa^6p.evoi kv^KX^Krav et? otKoy (^vXaKr\s 
KoX ((T(f)payL(TavTO ttjv dvpav rw baKTvXibii^ tov Kaiacpa. 

2- Tw be epxopivca aafi^dTiii uipiaav ot dp)(t«pets tov evpeOrjvai 
TidvTas kv Tji avvaycayfi ttj juta tov a-a^/SdTov, Kai arvvaOpolaavTes 
ol 'lovSaiot dirav to ttXTjOos kv Trj (rvvaycoyfi k^ovXevaavTO -Troto) 
OavdTOi diTOKTeivcoaiv tov 'Ico<rr]^, Kal eKeXevaav fxeTO. aTipias 
dxdrjvai avTov' dvoC^avTcs be Tas dvpas TfjS <PvXaKTJs ov^ evpov 
avTov, Kol e^etTTTj ttSs 6 Aao?, XeyovTes otl Tas acftpaylbas evpop.ev 
cra>as Kal Trjv KXeiba ecryjev 6 Kaiacpds' Kal tov Aoittou ovkItl 
kT6Xp.(tw kiTLJBaXe'iv tcls xe^P^^' 



In his edition of the Acts of Thomas in Acta Apostolorum 
Apocrypha Tisehendorf quotes the variants of five MSS. 
which he calls ABCDE, and to these M. Bonnet has added 
PQRS. The text which is now printed is that of another 
frag-ment, which I shall call T, found in cod. 476 in the 
library of Iveron, a paper MS. of fourteenth century. The 
negatives of the photographs of T which I used will be 
found in the Bodleian Library under the Pressmark MS. Gr. 
th. f. 8, and are numbered 1-7. 

Mr. Burkitt has pointed out to me that T belongs to the 
same family as B (Paris, Nat. Gr. 1468). It is impossible 
to say without collating" B exactly how close the connexion 
may be, as Tisehendorf does not quote B fully but only in 
select and important passages. But the following readings 
are sufficient to demonstrate the general connexion of B 
and T, and to help any one who may wish accurately to 
determine their relations I have followed the photographs 
exactly in matters of spelling and accentuation. 

(a) 13. eay OTTaAXayT^Te r^s puTTopas Koircoi^tas ravrr]? yiVeo-^€ 
vaoi ayiOL KaOapot, aTTaWayevres 7:\i]^€(iiV Koi obvv^v (jiavepu>v 
T€ Kot acpavoiv kol (ppovrCbai ov Tr€pL6ii]cr((r6e /Stov koI TiKVoov, 
tSr TO re'Aos aTrwAeta vTrdpy^e.i. — ACPQ with small variations. 

(CLV Tr}pi'i(rr]T€ (avTovi ap.ip.TiTovi to Xoittov tov ^iov tovtov 
i(T€crOi del [B vaoX\ ayioi pvcrOevTes 0.1:0 ndcrrjs (fidopas (pavepds 
re Kot (va7tOKpvcf>ov Koi (^povTihuiv avui^iXSiv koX eTrijSAa^wy. — 
BT, and the closeness of agreement is equally marked for 
several more lines. 

(/3) 16. KOI aTTeA^orre? KaTep.iyr]crav avTut — ACEPQ. 

KoL dm\66vT€S ikajSov Trap avTOV to XovTpdv ttjs x^P'''"0S fv 
ovofjiaTL Trarpo's K.r.A. — BT. 

(y) 24. Instead of the account which begins in codd. 
ACEPQ KOL (vdeuis ire^yj/as and continues to the end of the 
story, covering four pages in M. Bonnet's edition, BT have 

Texts from Mount Athos. 165 

Kai TT^[x\}/as €i4(3aXa tov dcayiav k.t.X. finishing the whole 
narrative in a few lines. 

These examples mig-ht be added to at leng-th, and prove 
a close relationship between B and T. In the absence of 
a complete collation of B it is impossible to say more 
definitely what the relationship is. The next scholar who 
deals with the text of the Ada Thomae will no doubt be able 
to throw light both on this point and on the relationship 
which the ordinary ^ texts and this text bear to the Syriac Acts. 


11. . . . ayay-q, Kat vh^v 6[i.oiov rov &(D[xa eorcSra Kol 
oixiKovvTa Tr]v vviJi<f)riv. koI Xiyei avTca, ov^t irpcaTos iidvTOiv 
e^fjkdes ; ttws ovv evpidfL^ ojbe ; koI 6 Kvpios elir^v avroj, Ovk 
elfXL iy<a ©cojua?, abeX<f)ds be avTov €i//t, Kat eKadiafv 6 Kvpcoi 
fTTi TTJs kKlvtjs, Kot tjp^aTO bibdaKCiv avTovs kol Xiydv, 

12. MvriiJLOV€V(TaT€ T€Kva i^ov oLTTep 6 dSeA^o's fxov eAaArjo-ey 

/X€^' VjXOiV KoL tCvL V/LittJ TTap46iTO, Kol TOVTiO yV(OT(, OTl iCLV 

Tripr](T€LTe kavToiis afxefXTTTovs to Xoittov tov (Biov tovtov, eaeadaL 
aet ayioL pvcrdevTes airb Tracnjs (f)dopai, (f)avepas re koI evano- 
Kpv(f>ov, Kal <\>povTibaiv avo(\)€.XQ>v koX iTH^Xa^dVj kav yap 
yivuiVTai vfxlv TraibCa €V€K€v avrStv fxiXX^Tai TvnTeiv nvas koX 
apTTa^eiv opi^avov'S koX KaTairoveiv xrjpcov koI TaiTa TroioCrres 
VTTol3dXX€T€ avTovs ei? TifXMpias KaKicrTas' dXXa fieCvaTC 
ayid(ravT€'i avTovs diro iravTiav, irpoaboKovvTes cmoXa^iiv Tiapa 
TOV dX^divov vvp.(^iov Tovs ore^ai'ovs Toy's a.(f>6dpTovs. TavTa 
bibd^as avTovs 6 Kvpioy e^rjXOev tlTiuiv avTols, *H x^P'S tov 
Kvpiov r}p.cov icTTai /xe^' vp.G)V. 

13. Ot 8e vioi dKovaavTes k-niaO-qcrav tov Kvpiov rjjjiciv' efxuvav 

61 oAtj? T77S vvKTOS p.y\b' oAoos VTrrwo-ayres. opOpov b\ yivop.ivov 

jSairiAeus TrA^pwcras rpdireCo-v elarjveyKev ^p-irpocrdiv avTwv Kat 

€vpiv avTOvs KaOrjpLivovs dvTiKpvs aXX-^Xav Tr]v be 6(f)LV ttjs vvp(}>ris 

^ It IS perhaps worth while to mention that we also photographed some 
pages of cod. Iver. 275, which contain part of the Acts of Thomas in the more 
ordinary form. It did not seem worth publishing, but the negatives of my 
photographs are to be found in the Bodleian under the Pressmark MS. Gr. 
th. f. 8, if any scholar wishes to go more closely into the question. 

i66 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

aa-KiiraTov ovcrav. Kal Xiyei. avri], Aia tI oiVw? Kadrj ixovrj Ihia 
Kol ovbe o"K€7rrj, dAA' ws 7/87; yjpovov Ikuvov crvixfiidxraaa tQ avhpi 
(Tov ; 

14. H 8e aiT^KpiOr] Xiyovaa 'AAtj^coj TTCiTcp ev TtoWrj ayaTTTj 
vTtap\(jop.iv, Kai tG> KvpiU} i^p.S)V e.vyjilip.i.Oa on to aK4TTa(rp.a tt/s 
aio^vrTjy air ep.ov a07;pTjrat Stori erepco ydp-co aXrjdtv^ avve- 
(,iv\dr]ij.ev. KaX kv rip-epa x^P^^ M^^ ovk kv€Trai)(6r]v koX (v 
riixipa rapaxrjs ovk erapaxdriv. 

15. *0/xoicos /cd/ceii-'os {jp^aro Xiydv, Ev)(apio-r<i3 (rot hicnrora 
^h](Tov Xptare, 6 bta tov ^ivov bo'uKov aov kp.^avicra'i rjixlv, 6 rrjs 
aTS)ae(as /xe XvTpcaaafxevos, 6 kavTOv KaTayaycav ews €p.ov tov 
TUTTeLvov' "Ort Trpos Kaipcav /xe a-jraWd^as 6 dzokkvixiva) bow 
^etpa fior]Q(,ias. Kvpie Itjo^oC \pcaTe^ 6 ruiv oXcav r]p.5>v b€(nT6Ti]s 
Koi jSaaLXevs, dyios koL dkrjOivd'i, €vxo.pi<TTovpL€v croi Tfepl iravra. 

16. TavTa cLKOvaas 6 (BaaLXem bL4ppr]^ev ti]V alaOrJTa avTov 
Kpd^oiv, 'K^eKdovTes raxiois (f)ep€ri p.01. tov irXdvov (Kelvov, eyo) 
yap IbCais fxov ^.tptrlr avTov ela-i'jyayov, 6s 8e evp<av avTov dydyei 
fioL (Tw^ei p.ov Tijv dvyaTepa, kul tj tl av am/crei buxroy avTut. 

^ AmXdovTiS ovv Ti^piiiXOop Tiacrav ti]V Ttepixoipov Kal p^rf 
iVpdvTis i]X9ov kv TO) ^ei'o8o)(€ta) Kal evpoov CKei Tr}v avXi]Tpiav 
\x6v(\v KXaiovcrav irepl avTov. kol di'aoracra ■qX6ev Trpos tovs 
viovs KoX riv aw avTols €^vTii] peTovcra avTols. ol bi vioL KaT-q- 
X^]<Tav Kal TOV jSaatXea. /xera 8e xP^'vov ijKOVcrav irepl tov 
CLTToaToXov, OTL iv ttj 'Ivbta StSdcTKei, Kal diieXOovTes iXa^ov 
Trap' avTOv to XovTpov Ttjs xdpiTos, (^oiTicrOivTis kv ovojiaTi TiaTpos 
Kal vlov Kal ayiov TTVivp.aTos, cD Trpiirei Tiacra bo^a TifXTJ K/adros 
fxeyaXoiavvq T:po(TKVvr]cns koX j^aaiXiLa dTiXiVTrjTOS tls tovs 


17. "Ore be riXdev 6 dirocrToXos ev ttj 'IvbCa p.€Ta ^A^^dvrj tov 
(fjLTTopov €v64ois dv^yayev T(a /3acriXet Trepi tov olKob6p.ov, Kal 
Xapas 7rA77(r0ers (KeXevae elcreXOdv tov Qu>p.dv Kal Xeyei avTM, 
Tloiav epyaaCav olbas iv fvAots, koi iroiav ev XlOols ; 6 5e dTrd- 
(TToXos Aeyei, 'Ez; p.'kv ^vXois dpoTpa, Kal C'^yovs, Kal -nXoia, 
TpaxtXias, Kal K&Tias' iv be XlOols, <XTi]Xas, Kal vaovs, Kal 
TTpaLTcapia j3a(TiXiKa' 6 be ^a(nXevs x^P^^ TrXrjcrOels elirev ; 
Kayo) TOLOVTov xp^^o.v elxov, dXXd ktIo-qv \xoi TtaXdTiov, 

Texts from Mount At has. 167 

18. Kat \aficov avTov SteAeyero avrQ Trepl t^s olKohofxrjs tov 
TTaXaTLov TO TTcos TeOoiatv ol \CdoL, Kol ore i]\div irX-qaLov 
TOV TOTtov €v9a ijSovk^To T7]v OLKobofxrjv TTOirjaai. \4yet, avTOj, "OSe 
^ovkofxaL, Kal 6 airocrToXos Ae'yei, Kat yap koI 6 Torto^ CTrtT^Sidy 
((TTLif 77/30? otKo8o/i7ji', ^v be a\<TU)hr]s vbara ttoAAo ^x^iv, Kai. Ae'yet 
avToi "Airap^at, tov ktl^^lv, koL 6 anoaToXos Aeyei 'Ev tw KaipGt 
TovTov ov KTtcrai, /cat 6 /SacrtAevs eiTrev, ITore 8e, Kat 
6 dTTooToAo? Ae'yei, 'Ti:€p[3op€TLOv, kuI reAetw ^ ^avOiKd, 6 8e 
iSaaikevs Ae'yet Oacra OLK.ohop.ij Oepovs otKoSo/xeirat, crii 8e 
)(ei/x&)ro? KTt^et?, Kat 6 aTrooroAos Ae'yet, Ourcos ocfjeiKr] yeviaOai, 
Kat 6 j3aaLXev<i elirev Et? touto o^ot 8oKet, Kay 8ta\apa^oi' ju.ot 
ai/rw ti'a iSo), eTretS?) 8ta xpoi'ou epy^op.ivov ivTavOa. 6 8e aTro- 
(TToAo? kaj3u>v KaXapiOV e\apacrcrev piTpnv. Kat ray /ixer dvpibas 
irpos aiaToXiiv rjvoi^ev irpos to (f)(as, Tcis be Ovpa^ irpos bvaiv, 
TO he aproTTOilov irpos Ki^a, to he ayoiyov tov vdaros els 
apKTov. Ibojv be 6 ^aai\evi tov tottov Ae'yet, 'AAtj^ws avQpoiTte 
TexvCrrjs et, Kat TTpeirei croi /SarrtAet e^vTiripeTeicrQai, kox KaTa\eL\}fas 
avTO) y(^pvaCov LKavbv aTrebrjfxrjaev. 

19. Kat KUTCL Kaipov airecrTeXXev avTw haTravas Kal aXXa 
CTriTTjSta, he airoaToXos TrepiripyeTo Tas TioXets Kal Tas Kb> 
olKovop.5iv Tovs heofxivovs. eXeyev yap Ta tov /3ao-tAea)s tu) 
;3ao-tAet 8o^?]crerat, Kat avecns eorrat rot? ttoXXoIs. ^lera he 
yjiovov aueaTeiXev Trpos avTov 6 jBacnXevs p-adelv el eKTia-Tai to 
TTaXoLTtov' Kal br]Xol avTca 6 airoaToXos To [xev TtaXaTiov eKTicrTai 
TO he oreyo? TrepiXtiTreTai. Kat avaTelvas to op.p.a irpos tov 
KvpLov eXirev, Ev)(aptcr7(3 aoi hecnioTa 'IrjfroC X/otare aireOavov 
yap Lva ^a)0770t^(r7js ixe, Kal -neirpaKa'i p.e Xva ttoAAous eXevOepiaaoy, 
OVK eTiavaaTO he ava\J/v)(^(av tovs beopevovs Kal tovs ev OXC-^ei 
SvTas Kal eXeyev, *0 KvpLOS r]p.(av olKovop-rjcre TavTa, oti avTos 
ea-Tiv Tpo(f)evs T<av dp^avS>v^ koX Tcav \r]p5>v irpoaTaTr]^ Kat Tots 
6Xi^op.evois yiveTai avd^v^is. 

20. Mera he xpovov ilXOev 6 ^acnXevs ev Trj TToAei epcaTQv 
TOVS (fiiXovs avTov TTipl TOV TtaXaTLov, Kal X^yovaiv avTu> Ovhev 
eKTLo-Tai, ovbe erepov ri er.oiridev aXXa Tieplepx^Tai Tas TtoXeis 
Kai Tas KU) ttolo^v evae^eCas koI yjitipiydv toIs irevrjaLv, Kal 
8t8aa-Ket eva Qeov eTvaL rdv XpLaTov, koI TroAAa eaTlv azep 

i68 Stiidia Bibltca et Ecclesiastica. 

TToiel' veKpovs yap iyetpr], koI KvXkovs Oepairevci, koI haLp-ovas 
CLTTeXavveL, Kal (fyopel ^v IpLariov, to b^ ^pQ>p.a avTov €(ttIv 6.pT0'i 
Kai vbu>p. et OTi, fxayos ((ttIv ovk olbapev, a\ka at tacreis avTov 
hs TTOui, KOI rd CLTrXovv avrov Koi eirieiKes tovto a7]paLV€i, rj on 
biKaio^ icTTiv T] aTTOoToAo? Qeov, ttlkvot^pms yap I'rja-TeTLiei.. ravra 
6.K0V(DV 6 jBaa-Lkevs rals x^P^f-^ avrov Tr]V 6\j/iv TrpoaeTpcyp^ev. 

a I. Kat dvpov TrAr/o-^et? ijveyKev tov Qcapav Kal Xe'yet avrQ 
"EKTLcrds p.01 TO TiaKaTiov ; Ka\ 6 airocrToXos Xiyei "Ektiotoi, Kal 
6 ^aaiXevs eiTrev 11 ore ovv (iki-nopnv avrca ; /cat 6 airoa-ToXo^ 
Xiyn "ApTi Ibetv ov bvvaa-ai, dW' ore i^4Xdr}9 tov ^iuv tov 
TTpO(TK€pov TOVTov. 6 be ^ocTtA.ei'S opyicrOeU (KcXevaev avTov 
^XT]6r]vai ets to bea-fxcDTT^piov ap.a rc5 ffxiiopca 'A^^dvq (ca^ iva- 
KpLvqrai TTcpl avT(ov Kal ovrco? d7roA«'(rci avrov?" 6 8e dTroaroXos 
aTrety Xeycav Toi (fxnopai Mr} Xvttov, dXXa fxovov raaTivaov. koi 
aTTO \xkv TOV Kocrpov TOVTOV iXfvdepctiOeicrr], els hi tov piiXXovTa 
aiSiva C^r\v altaviov KX-qpovoprjo-fLi rrj bk vvktl kKeivq 6 tov 
fiacTiXeoos db(X(f)b9 Xri<f)d€i9 irepl tov avp.^avTos tQ 
abeX(f)ut avTOv TT(p\f/ai Xe'yei avTw, 'Ibov db(X(f)k iravTa crot irapa- 
TtO-qpt, TTjv re olKiav Kat rd iipdypaTa pov, eyo) yap 8td ttjv 
(TvplBd(rav aoi Xvirr^v ddvpia Xy](fidds dTTodvi](rKC>), dXXa avatravcrov 
pov Ti]v ^V)(r}v VTTi^epxopevos beLvr] Tip.u>pia tS> p-ayut ckcCvo}. 
6 bk eiTrey 'F,v(6vpri6r}v ttc/ji avTovs KaraKavaaL (Kbaprovs. 

22. 'O 8e irdpavTa diTibooKev ttjv \j/V)(riv avTor, 6 b^ 0a<nX€vs 
i-nivdii Toy tSio:; dbeX(f)di', Kal (jBovXero eis -noXvTLpov Kevovpyiav 
TTopcpvpav aiiTov KaTacfydrjvai. ot be dyyeXoi Xa^ovTes ttjv yf/vxriv 
avTov durjyaycav kv t5> Ttapabeicroi beiKvvovTei avTrj tovs eKel 
ToTTOvs Kat oiK^crets Kal oaa 6 0«ds dyadd TjTOLpaa-ev rots dya- 
TiSxTLV avTov, Kal 0T€ ^Xdcv ets TT]v OLKobopifV TOV ©oi/xd k-n-qpdiTTr]- 
aav avrrjv ol ayyeXoi ttov ^ovXerai ttjv oXk^ctw TTOifjaai, koI 
aTT0KpL6el(ra ctTrer, Ae'o/xat vpoiv Kvpioi p.ov cts %v Tcav KaTcayeoiV 
TOVTOiv edcrare' p-e p.eXvai, Kal eiTtov avTrj eKeCvoL, Ov bvvrj, eTretS?/ 
TOV dbeX(f)ov (TOV eorty, o olKobop-qa-ev 6 xpioTtavo? eKetroy, Kat 
d-neKpidr] Xeyovaa Aeop.aL vp&v, KvpioC p.0Vy (Tvyx}^pri<TaTi poi 
diieXdelv tva dyopdcrco avro irap' avTov, ov yap olbev avTOi 6 
dbeX(f)6i pov. 

23. Kat etf^ecoy d(f)TJKav avT7}v ol dyyeXoi, koI (XOovaa els rd 

Texts from Mount Athos. 169 

(Ttejuia avrov avaa-ras Aeyet tois Trept avTov, ^AireXOovres ra)(eai? 
<f)ip€Ti ixoL Tov abeX.(f)6v [/.ov, 'Lva alTr\(Toiiai Trap" avrov alrrwia, 
KoX aireKOovTes €vr]yyeXicravTo avTut Trept tov ibiov abeXcftov. 
6 8e cLKoiaas x^pa? Xr]cf)6els ^\9iv Koi KaT€(f)i\ri avrov. 6 8e 
kiyei avrS), Alrricriv Tiva €}(«> Trpo? ae Kai ixtj fxov TrapaKova?]?, 
be. ISaa-ikevs \iyeL atr&i, 'ASeA^e juou eai' eorti' ew? rf/s 
KecpaX-^s IJ.OV, ov [x-q ae irapiXdoi' tot^ Xiyei. avTM, 'A8eX0e, to 
TTaXdriov o Ixets fy Tot? ovpavols ttoXtjo-ov juot avrw oTrep (tu 
ovK oiSas. 6 be elrrev, Kal eixol TTaXdriov ev oipavols ttov virdpyei ; 
Kai elirev, "Oitep <j)Kob6ixr](riv (tol 6 ■^ptariavos eKelvos. 

24. Kat elirev avr5>, ^AbeXcpe, eKeivco TT(aXrja-aL croi ov bvvafxai 
doparov yap icmv, dXX' ev)(oixai KayS> eTtirvyelv avro. 'ixpfxev be 
TOV oinobopLOv Kal KTt^et (TOL. Kal TiepLyp^ai e^e^aXev rbv 0cop,ai', 
Kal Xeyei avrd 'S^vyyj:api]aov rjiioiv i)ri. eiiXr]iijxeXi]aafxev eh ae 
dyv(tiOvvT€9, Kal TToirja-ov i]p.d'i kolvcovovs yeveadat eKelvov ov 

35- O be diTocTToXos Xe/ei, Kayw vpuv (Tvy\aipoi kowcovovs 
yeveaOaL avrov rrj^ ^a(nXeia<s. Kal XajSwv e(f)(aTLaev avrovs 
6o(ras avrols rb Xovrpov rrjs \dpiTO<i ev ovop-ari rov Txarpbs, Kal 
TOV vlov, Kal TOV ayiov TTvevp-aTos. Kal dva^dvrav avrG>v eK rov 
vbaros e(pdvri avTols 6 aoirrjp w? rbv diroaroXov davpid(rai' Kai 
(pias p-eya eXajixj/ev. Kal arripi^ai avrovs ev rrj nitrrei, e^ijXOev 
TTopev6ei9 rrjv obbv airov ev Kuptw, w TTpeTret irdaa bo^a Kal 
(BaaiXela r} dreXevTijros e's rovs aicavas rSiV alcavMV, d\J.r\v. 




The following- catalogue contains a short description of 
all the MSS. which we saw on the mountain. In the case 
of most of the lihraries it only supplements the catalogue of 
Prof. Lambros, but in the case of the Laura there is not at 
present any published catalogue, and Mr. Wathen therefore 
specially devoted himself to the task of producing a list of 
the vellum MSS. of the Gospels in that library. So far 
therefore as the Laura is concerned, the catalogue is chiefly 
his work, but we usually consulted together as to the date 
of the MSS., and often consulted Father Chrysostom. It 
will be seen that most of the MSS. have numbers in bold 
type attached to them. These refer to Dr. Gregory's Text- 
Kritik, and Dr. Gregory has been so kind as to go through 
my notes, and add to each new MS. the number which 
he proposes to assign to it in his next edition. 



N.B. — The catalogue now in use at this librai-y is quite different 
from the one in Paris which Dr. Gregory used for his 
Prolegomena to Tischendorf. 

L Vatop. 5 (xiv). A beautifully illuminated copy of the works 
of Athanasius. A partially obliterated note at the beginning — 
ySiySAt'ov fiaatXiKov tov (? tov) xaA Tmav . . . ovo/i-ao-^eVros 8ia toG 
Oetov Kol dyycAiKov (Tx^fji.aTo<; 'Iu)a<jtt</>. I doubt greatly whether we 
read this note correctly. 

2. Vatop. 7 (xii), the works of Athanasius. 

Texts from Mount At has, 171 

3. Vatop. 27 (Acts 1523) (xi) ff. 185 (19 x 14) veil. Acts (from 
XV. 20) Heb. Cath. Paul. {om. Eph.) ortx. subs. vtroB. lect. syu. 
men. (imperfect). Text ordinary, om. Acts xv. 34. 

4. Vatop. 58 (Evan. 1434) (xii) veil. Evv. k€</). (Mc. Jo. only) 
lect. (imperfect). A later (xiii-xiv) hand added i\\Q peri cope adulterae 
at the end of Luke, but it is also found in the usual place. Text 

5. Vatop. 10 1 (Evan. 1435) (xi) veil. Evv. Ke</). subs. pict. 
vers. a-Tix- (.i^x, .a^, ^ySw, ^^t) a-Tacr. Pericope adulterae obelized. 
Text ordinary. 

6. Vatop. 106 (Evan. 1436) (xiii) ff. 212 (218 x 15-4) veil, 
col. I. Evv. Ke<^. TtT. (TTLx- (Lc. only ^^<a) subs. (Lc. only) syn. men. 
(Sept. Oct. missing). The quaternion containing ff. 112— 119 has 
been supplied by a later (xv) hand. Several marginal notes 
correcting faults in the text, some by the first hand, others by 
a contemporary scribe, e.g. Mc. ii. 24 om. ev r. o-d/S/S. ins. m. s. 
in nig. Mc. v. 15 om. KaOrj/xevov ins. m. s. in mg. Mc. xv. 28 
om. vers. ins. m. s. in mg. Lc. ii. 20 om. koL atvowrcs ins. m. s. 
in mg. Lc. ii. 3 1 om. o r/TOLfji . . . Xauiv ins. m. p. in mg. Lc. vii. 
20 om. vers. ins. m. s. in mg. Lc. x. 27 om. i$ oXr]<i r^s . . . IcrX' 
<rov ins. m. s. in mg. 

7. Vatop. 218 (Acts 1524) (xiii) ff. 418 veil. Written by two 
contemporary hands. Paul. Heb. Jac. i. 2. Pet. Jude. Imj)erfect 
syn. at beginning. Text ordinary. 

8. Vatop. 221 (Evan. 1437) (xi-xii) veil. Lc. only with a com- 
mentary which describes St. Luke as /Aa^i^r^s Ylerpov, Ke(f>. tit. 
Text ordinary. A photograph of this MS. is contained in Bodl. 
MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

9. Vatop. 758 (Evan. 1438) (xi-xiii) ff. 340 (15-5 X122) veil 
col. I. Evv. K£^. TIT. amm. eus. tab. o-tix- ( — fix fi^ fi'^) subs, 
prol. (Mt. kpix. vTTo lo). Lc. fiaO. Hhpov) pict. lect. syn. Ep. ad Carp. 
Text ordinary, adult, obelized. 


10. Pant. 24 (x). Octateuch with Hexaplaric notes. I was 
inclined to think that this MS. may have come from S. Italy or 
Sicily, as the colouring reminded me of the MSS. of the Ferrar 
group, but I do not feel certain. "We photographed it throughout 
for the Cambridge Septuagint, and were greatly assisted in doing 

172 St lid I a Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

this by the very kind way in which the hrirpoTroi of the monastery 
gave us facilities and help. 

11. Pant. 28 (Acts 509) (ix-x). A catena on the Pauline and 
Catholic Epistles. It appears to contain a considerable amount of 
quotation from Theodore of Mopsuestia. Several photographs 
of it are to be found in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. The text itself 
seems ordinary. 

12. Pant. 36 (Evl. 1058) (xiii) ff. 242 col. 2 veil. Text ordinary. 

13. Pant. 39 (Evan. 1392) (x-xi) (26-6 x 22-5) ff. unnumbered, 
col. I veil. Evv. K€</>. T(T. anim. eus. tab.-K€<^. ortx- C/^x P-*^ fi^ fi'') 
subs. lect. syn. men. A full commentary in the margin. (Mc. Vict. 
Ant.) Photographs in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

14. Pant. 44 (Apoc. 1526) (ix-x) veil. A fragment of the 
Apocalypse written in half-uncial with the commentary of Andreas 
in minuscule. Probably the earliest ^IS. extant of this commentary. 
Photographs of two pages in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

15. Pant. 52 (Evan. 1399?) (xi) veil. Evv. k€(^. tit. amm. eus. 
tab.-(/c£^.-can.) pict. lect. vers. Ep. ad Carp. syn. Text ordinary. 
Mt. viii. 13 add. koX v7roo-rpci/^a? k.t.X. This MS. was not numbered, 
and we were not sure whether it really was Pant. 52. That number 
is now attached to it. 


16. Iver. 2 (Evan. 989) veil. The account in the Prolegomena 
to Tischendorf is accurate. The commentaiy in St. Mark is that 
of Victor of Antioch. 

17. Iver. 5 (Evan. 990) veil. Text ordinary. 

18. Iver. 19 (Evan. 994) (ix-x) veil. A text and catena written 
continuously and arranged in great confusion, containing apparently 
only Matt, and John. The commentary is chiefly anonymous, but 
there are a few extracts from Origen, Irenaeus, Theodore Mops., 
Severianus, Apollinarius, Gregory Thaum., and Cyril Alex. 

19. Iver. 21 (Evan. 995). Text ordinary. 

20. Iver. 30 (Evan.? 999) (xiii) ft". 260 (23-2 x 17) col. i veil. 
Evv. act. oath. paul. hebr. k€<^. tlt. amm. tab.-Ke</). o-nx- Mc. 
only ^ax subs. prol. lect. Text ordinary. In the Prolegomena 
Dr. Gregory gives 998 to Iver. 30. But the numbers appear to 
have been altered, for Iver. 30 does not correspond to his descrip- 
tion of Evan. 998, and seems to be Evan. 999. 

21. Iver. 52 (Evan. 1003) (xii-xiii) (22-2 x 14-6) veil. Evv. and 

Texts from Mount Athos. 173 

in a later hand (1 xv), act. catli. /c€<^. tit. tab.-Ke<^. (ttix- lect. syn. 
men. adult, obelized. Text ordinary. 

22. Iver. 56 (Evan. 1006) (xi) ff. 221 col, i. Evv. apoc. kc^. 
Tir. amm. eus. tab.-/ce^. (ttlx- {fix ,°^'^ fi^ fi''') subs, intro. lect. syn. 
(imperfect) Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary, but in Mt. viii. 13 add. 
Koi vTrocTTpeij/as k.t.X., and in tbe pericope adulterae there are two 
notes : ( l ) to K€<f>dXaiov tovto tov KaTo. ©w/xav ctiayyeXtou ctrTiv, ( 2 ) 
typa<ji€v eKacTTov avTwv d/xaprtas, At the end there are many 
extracts from Patriotic writers. "\Ve noted the following : — Titus 
of Bostra, Kosmas, Eusebius, Dionysius the Areopagite, Hesychius, 
Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ammonius, Origeu. 

23. Iver. 68 (Evan. 1012) (xi) ff. 260 (23-2x17) cob i veil. 
Evv. /c€(^. TLT. amm. eus. lect. Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary. 

24. Iver. 72 (Evan. 1014) (xi-xii) (16-5 X 1 1-6) veil. Evv. k€^. 
TIT. amm. eus. tab.-K€<^. prol. Text ordinary, 

25. Iver. 275 (xii) veil. A full account of its content is given 
by Lambros in the Cambridge catalogue. It seemed to me to be 
possildy a S. Italian MS, Some photographs are to be found in 
Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

26. Iver. 476 (xiv) paper, various acts and martyrdoms, fully 
described by Lambios. Photographs of a fragment of the Acts of 
Thomas are to be found in Bodl, MS. Gr, th. f. 8, and are edited 
above, pp. 164-9. 

27. Iver. 665 (Evan. 1028) (x-xi) (25 x 17) col. i. veil. Matt. 
K€^. TIT. amm, eus. tab.-Ke^. lect. In bad condition. Text ordinary. 

St. Andeew's. 

28. Andr. i (ix) uncial. (Evan. 3) there is nothing to add to 
Dr. Gregory's description except that Mc. xv. 28 is omitted. 
Photographs in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

29. Andr. 3 (Evan. 905) (xii) veil. Text ordinary. 

30. Andr. 4 (Evan. 908) (xiii) veil. Text ordinary. 

31. Andr. 5 (Evan. 906) veil. Text ordinary. 

32. Andr. 6 (Evan. 1432) (xii) flf. 226 (14-6 X 11-3) col. i veil. 
Evv. K€^. TIT. tab.-can. amm. subs. lect. syn. Ep. ad Carp. 

33. Andr. 8 (] Evl. 579). A lectionary (xiii) not Evan. 907. The 
numbers at this library have obviously been much altered since 
Dr. Gregory's visit. 

34. Andr. 9 (Evan. 1433) (xi-xii) ff. 267 (21-7 x 15-6) veil. 
Paul. cath. evv. kc^. tit. amm. eus. prol, lect. syn. men. tab.-(Ke0.- 
can.) vers. Text ordinary. 

174 Stttdia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

St. Gregory's. 

35. Greg. 3 (Evan. 922). Description in the Prolegomena to 
Tischendorf is accurate, but it should be added that the u-ji^oi are 
,/8c/)t5, acfxri, fixo, fi(TL. The subscription to Mt. is iypd(jir] koi 
a.vT€(3\rjOr) Iv crrt^ots ,l3(f>i<s Ke(fiaXaioi<s rvrj, i^eSoOr] 8k k.t.X. and to 
Mc. iypd<f)rj koi diTefiXrjOrj o/Motois iv crrt^ots a<f>aL k.t.X. This is 
a corrupted form of the subscription found in A &c. The text 
seemed ordinary, except that Mc. xv. 28 is omitted, but it should 
be examined again; we were only three hours in the monastery, 
and neither of us was well. 

36. Greg. 156 (Evan. 923). The description in the Prolegomena 
is accurate, but add — pict. subs. men. syn. The MS. seemed to us 
to belong to the thirteenth rather than the twelfth century. 

St. Dionysius. 

37. Dion. 4 (Evan. 924) (xii) veil. Evv. k«<^. tit. tab. -(k€^. -can.) 
amm. subs. Ep. ad Carp. prol. pict. 

38. Dion. 8 (Evan. 927) (written by Theokti^tos in 1133) ff. 
280 (22-2 X 17-4) col. I veil. Evv. act. cath. paul. K€<f>. tit. tab.- 
(Kc<^.-can.) eu9. amm. subs, euthal. hypoth. pict. men. syn. Ep. ad 
Carp. An extract from the Apostolic Constitutions at the beginning. 
Text ordinary. Photograph in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

39. Dion. 10 (Evan. Q). The description in the Prolegomena 
is quite accuiate. The text is ordinary. AVe noted the following 
readings: — Mt. xvi. 19 /cat o cav Xva. . . . end of verse is omitted, but 
added by the first hand in the margin. Mt. xxvi. 71 mg. eV aXXto- 
Ktti Xe'yct at'Tots c/cei kol ovtos ^i'. Mt. xxvii. 9 ovt i$ lepcfx. dXXa 
Zaxapiov. Mc. vi. 20 7roA.Aa a eVot'ci, but the a although certainly 
by the first hand seemed to have added at the end of the line. Lc. 
xxii. 43—4 asterisked, but probably only for liturgical reasons, as 
a note is added vrrocTTpifjiCTf. eis MaT^. A + is added at the 
beginning of each line of the pericope adulterae. 

40. Dion. 22 (Evan. 930) (xi-xii) flf. 227 (19.4x15-4) col. i 
veil. Evv. (if. missing at the end of Jo.) k€<{>. tit. tah. -Ke<f). 
(missing for Mt.) pict. Text ordinary. 

41. Dion. 25 (Evan. 933) (xii) ff. 293 (19x14-6) col. i veil. 
Evv. K«J3. tit. tiib.-Ke^. amm. eus. subs. lect. syn. men. Text 

Texts from Mount Athos. 175 

42. Dion. 26 (Evan. 934) (xii) ff. 260 (18-4 x 12-7) col. i veil. 
Evv. Ki^. TIT. tah.-K€cj>. (missing for Mt.) amm. subs. prol. o-tix- 

(//^X /<^X )• The subscription to Mark is la-riov on to Kara 

MdpKov ay. cvayy. i^paiSc SiaXeKTio ypacf>ev W avrov ei? iX^ iicSoOr) 
/u.€Ta xpovov9 8eKa t. x- «• Text ordinary, om. Mc. xv. 28. 

43. Dion. 28 (Evan. 936) (xii) ff. 69 (16.9x11) col. i veil. 
Fragments of Mt. and Mc. kc^. ? amm. lect. Text ordinary. 

44. Dion. 29 (Evan. 937) (xi) veil. Evv. tit. tab.-(Ke^.-can.) 
amm. subs. prol. Ep. ad Carp. A Latin scribe (1 xv) has written 
an interlinear translation of a few words. Text ordinary. 

45. Dion. 30 (Evan. 938) (written by Xapiroiv in i3i9)(i6-4 x 
11-4) veil. Evv. Kc</). TLT. tab.-(/c£0.-can.) di/ayv. prol. subs. syn. men. 
o-Tix- (Mt. only). Text ordinary, adult, obelized. 

46. Dion. 40 (Evan. 948) (x) ff. 297 (14-6 x 11-5) col. i veil. 
Evv. K£0. TIT. amm. pict. lect. Text ordinary. 

47. Dion. 67 (Evan. 950) (xii) ff. 39 (20-8 x 13-4) veil. Frag- 
ments of Lc. and Mc. in considerable confusion. Text ordinary. 


[This is the libraiy of the church of the Koiv6Trj<s or parliament of 
the monks at Karyes.] 

48. Prot. 41 (Evan. 1097) (x-xii) (18 x 15). A copy of the 
Gospels made up from MSS. of different dates, at least one 
of which seemed to me to be S. Italian. K€<f>. tit. amm. tab.-K£<^. 
lect. pict. A few exegetical notes in the margin. Text ordinary. 

The Laura. 

49. Laur. i (Evan. 1074) (xii-xiii) ff. 200 (12-2 x 9) col. i veil. 
I^vv. (Jo. incomplete) k€(J>. tlt. amm. eus. tab.-(K€^.-can.) harm, 
lect. Ep. ad Carp. This MS. is remarkable for the amount of 
lectionary matter which is incorporated into the text, e. g. Mt. 
vi. 14 cTttcv 6 Kvpio?- eav a.(f)rJTe k.t.X. Mt. xxvi. 39 add. axjiOrj 
8c ayyeAos k.t.X. [We could find no other ' Ferrar ' readings.] 
Text otherwise ordinary, om. Mt. xvi. 2. 3. 

50. Laui\ 2(Evan. 1439)(xi)ff. 328 (i4-6x io)col. I velL Evv. 
K€<f>. TLT. iah.-K€(f>. amm. pict. lect. syn. adult, om. Text ordinary. 

51. Laur. 3 (Evan. 1440) (xiii) ff. 206 (15x11) col. i veil. 
Evv. K€<f>. TLT. amm. eus. tab.-Kc^. lect. syn. Perhaps S. Italian. 
Text ordinary. 

52. Laur. 4 (Evan. 1421) (xiii and a few quaternions from an 

176 Shidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

earlier MS. ? xi) fP. 210 (14 x 11) col. i veil. Evr. /ce^. eus. amm. 
tab.-(K€^,-can.) subs, (jtix- (^It. only ^fi^ in an early quaternion) 
lect. pict. Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary. 

53. Laur. 5 (Evan. 1442) (xiii) fF. 301 (13-5 X io-8) col. i. Evv. 
K€^. TIT. amm. tab.-Acee^. subs. lect. syn. Text ordinary. 

54. Laur. 6 (Evan. 1443) (a. 1047) ff. 308 (14 x 9-8) col. i veil. 
Evv. Ke</). TIT. eus. amm. tab.-(Ke^.-cau.) subs. vers. lect. syn. men. 
Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary, but Mt. xvi. 2, 3 and adult, are 
marked with -f-. 

55. Laur. 7 (Evan. 1444) (x) fip. 345 col. i. Evv. tit. amm. 
eus. tab.-K€^. prol. (KoV/xa 'IvS.) pict. men. Mt. xvi. 2. 3 with V* 
Mc. XV. 28 om. Jo. vii. 52 ovk eyet/ocTat, but margin if ovk ly-qyepTac 
Text otherwise ordinary. 

56. Laur. 8 (Evan. 1445) (a. 1323) ff. 278 (i6-8x 13-5) col. i 
veil. Ew. K£(^. tab.-/<€^. amm. subs. (ttiX' {fix> /"X' z/^*^' fi"^) ^®'^^' 
pict. syn. men. adult, obelized. Text ordinary. 

57. Laur. 9 (Evan. 1446) (xii) ff. 187 (17x11-8) col. i veil. 
Evv. /c€<^. TIT. amm. pict. Text ordinarJ^ 

58. Laur. 10 (Evan. 1447) (a. 1337) ff. 230 (16-8x12) col. i 
veil. Evv. Ke</). TtT. tab.-can. amm. prol. subs. lect. syn. Eeckonings 
of kvkXol tjXlov. Text ordinary. 

59. Laur. 11 {1 Evan. 1077) (x) ff. 263 (17-5 x 12-2) col. i veil. 
Evv. Kecf). TIT. eus. amm. prol. pict. lect. (syn. men. by a later hand). 
Lc. xxii. 42 with -X-. Lc. xxi. 4 add. in mg. rauTa Xe'ywv e'^wvet 
6 €x<Jiv b>Ta K.T.X. Jo. viii. 13 om. Jo. viii. 14 om. v/acis . . • virayoi. 
adult, obelized. [So our notes, but Dr. Gregory says deest. It is 
this which makes me doubt whether this is really Evan. 1077.] 
Text ordinary. 

60. Laur. 12 (Evan. 1076) (xi) ff. 280 (i6-i X 11-9) col. i veil. 
Evv. *C6^. TtT. tab.-/<c<^. amm. subs, (but placed before each Gospel) 
lect. (ra. s.) pict. syn. Mc. iii. 25 ovi. but ins. m. s. in mg. Lc. 
iv. 6 om. oTi i/jiol TrapaSe'SoTat but ins. m. s. in mg. adult, om. 
but ins. at the end of the Gospel with the note : — evprjTai koI eTcpa 
iv ap^^atots di'Ttypac^ots uTrcp (rvveibo/xev ypa(//ai Trpos to tcXci tov avTOv 
(vayyeXicrTov a iaTiv raSe* koX airqXOfv €Ka(TTOS k.t.X. 

61. Laur. 13 (Evan. 1448) (xi) ff. 255 (16-5 x 12-6) col. i 11. 35 
veil. Evv. act. paul. cath. pss. prol. tab.-(K€</>.-can. but K€(f>. for Mt. 
missing) amm. eus. tit. kc^. lect. subs. Mt. viii. 13 add. koL 
vTroa-Tpeif/as k.t.X. Mt. xviii. 1 1 add. ^T/r^crai koL. Lc. xxii. 4 7 
add. TovTo yap (rr)p.€Lov k.t.X. Text otherwise ordinary. 

62. Laur. 14 (Evan. 1449) (xi) ff. 319 (16-4 X ii-s) col. i veil. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 177 

Evv. K€^. TIT. tab.-cau. ens. amm. ap^. tcX. (not lect.) syn. men. 
Ep. ad Carp. om. Jo. iv. 3 ins. m. s. in nig. Mt. v. 44 om, 
eiXoyeLTC toi's KaTap(j)jj.evov<; v/xas. Mc. XV. 23 07)1. Jo. viii. 42 
om. but ins. m. s. in mg. 

63. Laur. 15 (Evan. 1080) (ix-x) ff. 411 (19-4 x 13-2)001. i veil. 
Evv. with commentary (semi-uncial) in the margin in places. Evv. 
Kecfi. TLT. tab.-K€<^. eus. amm. prol. (Mt. ipfxrjvevOr] vtto 'Imolvvov) pict. 
Mt. ix. 13 om. £ts jx^rdvoLav. ^It. xvi. 2, 3 om. but ins. m. s. in mg. 
Mc. XV. 28 om. Lc. vii. 28 om. 6 8e puKpoT^po'? to end but ins. m. s. 
in mg. Lc. xxii. 43, 44 marked with ^. adult, om. Photograph 
in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 

G4. Laui-. 16 (Evan. 1078) (x-xi) fF. 192 (18-4 x 14-7) col. i veil. 
Evv. K€<^. tab. -can. amm. prol. subs, (at the beginning) <ttlx- {,^x> 
/"X' z/^'^' //^■'^) ^^(^i' ^^^- V. 44 om. KOi Slwkovtwv v/aSs but ins. m. s. 
Mt. xvi. 2 J 3 om. Mc. XV. 28 om. Lc. vi. 4 om. koi eXafiev. Lc. 
vi. 10 om. iyirj's but ins. m. p. Lc. xi. 4 dAAa pvaat rj/jias d-n-o tov 
-TTOvrjpov is obelized, adult, at the end of Jo. with the same note 
as in 60. 

65. Laur. 17 (Evan. 1450) (xi) fif. 273 (18-4x14) col. i veil. 
Evv. K€(f>. TLT. tah.-Kecf}. amm. lect. pict. syn. Mt. v. 44 om. koI 
8lu)k6vt(i}v v/xas but ins. m. s. in mg. Mt. ix. 13 om. eh /^cTavotav. 
Lc. xxi. 31 om. TO Oepo<; . . . iyyv'; iaTiv. 

66. Laur. 18 (Evan. 1451) (xii-xiii) £P. 254 (18x13-4) col. i. 
Evv. K€(f). TLT. eus. amm. subs. Many pages missing and in bad 

67. Laur. 19 (Evan. 1452) (a. 992 by 'Iwavv>?s) ff. 266 (18 x 14-4)- 
Evv. Ke</). TIT. tab.-(can.-/ce<^.) amm. eus. prol. Ep, ad Carp. The 
ammonian sections are written in green ink and the canons in red. 
adult, obelized. 

68. Laur. 20 (Evan. 1453) (xiii) ff. 207 (17-1 x 13-6) col. i 11. 27. 
Evv. tab.-/ce^. (Mt. missing) uvayv. (pis, era, pL^, $(3) lect. subs, (ttlx- 

69. Laur. 21 (Evan. 1454) (xii) ff. 256 (18-2 x 14-5) col. i 11. 21 
veil. Evv. /<€<^. TIT. tab.-(can.-Ke^.) eus. amm. prol. subs. vers. pict. 
Ep. ad Carp. Mt. vii. 1 3 om. koL iroXXol . . . 8t' avTri<i but ins. m. s. 
in mg. 

70. Laur. 22 (Evan. 1455) (xi-xii) ff. 283 (i8-i x 13-8) col. i 
II. 22 veil. Evv. K€f^. TLT. tab.-/<e(/). eus. amm. lect. pict. syn. men. 
Ep. ad Carp. 

71. Laur. 23 (Evan. 1079) (x) flf. 271 (20-1 x 14-5) col. i 11. 24 
veil. Evv. Ke</>. TIT. amm. eus. tab.-(Ke<^.-can.) prol. pict. lect. men. 

178 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

(imperfect) Ep. ad Carp. Mt. xxvii. 9 Sia 'Ho-aibv tov irpo^. 
Lc. xxii. 43 f. with *C-. Jo. v. 4 with 5S. 

72. Laur. 24 (Evan. 1456) (xiii) ff. 227 (i8-8x 14-1) col. i 11. 33. 
Evv. act. paul. cath. k(.<^. tit. amra. tab.-Kc^. prol. subs. lect. 

73. Laur. 25 (Evan. 1457) (xii-xiii) fF. 254 (19-6 x 14-4) col. i 
11. 25 veil. Evv. Ke^. TIT. tab.-can. amm. pict. Mt. xviii. 1 1 ^r/r^o-ai 
Kttt (Tuxrai. Lc. vi. 4 o?rt. e\a/3e kol. adult, om. 

74. Laur. 26 (Evan. 1458) (x) ff. 323 (19 x 14-8) col. i 11. 20 veil. 
Evv. Ke(t>. TLT. amm. eus. tab.-/<€<^. Mc. xv. 28 om. but acZcZ. m. s. 
in mg. ao?MZ^ om. but a new page containing it has been inserted. 

75. Laur. 27 (Evan. 1459) (xiii) ff. 210 (19-5 X 138) col. i 
11. 23 veil. Evv. Kc<^. TtT. amm. tab.-K€</>. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. 
adult, om. 

76. Laur. 28 (Evan. 1460) (xii) ff. 263 (17-8 x 13-8) col. i 11. 21 
veil. Evv. Ki(f). TIT. amm. eus. tab.-(/c€<^.-can.) subs. crTL^. {,fix^ ,°-X' 
fiui, ^/St) pict. Ep. ad Carp. om. Lc. ix. 55 but add. m. s. in rag. 
adult, marked with -f-. 

77. Laur. 29 (Evan. 1461) (xiii) ff. 330 (20 x 14-5) col. i 11. 20 
veil. Evv. K€<^. tab.-K€^. prol. subs. vers. o-nx. {,Px'> /"X» fi*^^ fi'^) 
lect. syn. men. dvayv. adult, marked with — . 

78. Laur. 30 (Evl. 1073) veil. 

79. Laur. 31 (Evan. 1462) (?date) ff. 265 (20-9x15) col. i 
11. 20 veil. Evv. K(.f^. subs. <mX' {fix> ,°-X> //^^' fi"^) tab.-K€</). lect. 
syn. men. dvayi/. adult, with — . 

80. Laur. 32 (Evan. 1463) (xii) ff. 2i3(i9-7x 13-8) col. i 11. 26 
veil. Evv. K€</). TLT. tab.-K€^. amm. subs. lect. pict. vers, adult. 
with — . 

81. Laur. 33 (Evan. 1464) (xi-xii) ff. 292 (20-5 x 15-4) col. i 
11. 20 veil. Evv. Ki(j). TLT. tab.-K€</). amra. subs. 

82. Laur. 34 (Evan. 1465) (xii) ff. 308 (20-9 x 14-7) col. i 11. 24 
veil. Evv. K€^. TLT. tab.-(can.-Kf</>.) amra. prol. subs. (Mt. only) 
o-Ttx- (Mt. only fiy) l^^t. syn. men. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. 

83. Laur. 35 (Evan. 1466) (a. 1270) ff. 233 (20x12-7) col. i 
veil. Evv. K€^. TLT. amm. lect. pict. men. syn. Jo. vii. 8 om. iyij 
ovTTU) . . . TavTTjv but ins. m. s. in mg. 

84. Laur. 36 (Evan. 1467) (xii-xiii) ff. 343 (20-6x13) col. i 
11. 23 veil. Evv. Ke(f). TLT. amm. eus. lect. syn. men. (imperfect). 
Mt. viii. 13 add. kol vTroo-rpti/'as k.t.X. Mt. xxvi. 73 om. kol yap 
7) A-aXtd K.T.X. but ins. m. s. in mg. adult, with — . 

85. Laur. 37 (Evan. 1468) (xii-xiii) ff. 245 (206 x 14-9) col. i 
11. 24 veil. Evv. K€<ji. TIT. amm. eus. prol, vers. tab.-(K€<^.-can.) syn. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 179 

men. Ep. ad Carp. At the end some notes on exegetical diffi- 
culties, e. g. a-yokia. cis to rj wpa rjv wo-ct ^. 

86. Laur. 38 (Evan. 1469) (xiii) fF. 172 (20 x 15-4) col. i veil, 
Evv. (imperfect) k£</). tit. prol. lect. syn. (imperfect). 

87. Laur. 39 (Evan. 1470) (x) ff. 215 (20-6 x 14-7) col. i 11. 22 
veil. Evv. Ke(f). TLT. amm. tab.-(K€^.-can.) subs. lect. Ep. ad Carp. 
Mc.xv. 28 om. but ins.m. a. in mg. Levi. 4 om. koI cSwkcv koL 
T. /A. a. but ins. m. s. in mg. Jo. viii. 14 om. ifiets ovk otSarc k.t.X. 
but ins. m. s. in mg. Jo. viii. 24 om. iav yap fx-rj k.t.X. but ins. 
m. s. in mg. adult, om. 

88. Laur. 40 (Evan. 1471) (xi) ff. 396 (19-8 x 14) col. i 11.^8 
veil. Evv. Kecfi. TLT. tab.-/c£</). amm. eus. subs, (not Mt.) o-ti^. {,(^X^ 
ax, fidi, fir) lect. syn. men. adult, c. — . 

89. Laur. 41 (Evan. 1472) (xii) ff. 306 (19-2 x 14-5) col. i 11. 2i 
veil. Evv. K€^. TLT. amm. prol. tab.-(Ke^.-can.) lect. syn. Ep. ad 
Carp. Mt. viii. 13 add. nal xnro<TTpi^a<i k.t.X. Mt. xix. 9 om. 
Kttt o (ZTroAeX. K.T.X. but ins. in m. e. in mg. Mt. xxi. 7 om. koX 
cTTc/ca^. K.T.X. but add. m. s. in mg. 

90. Laur. 42 (Evan. 1473) (xi) ff, 227 (21-3 x 16-5) col. i 11. 26 
veil. Evv. K€<^. tit. amm. eus. tab.-(/ce</).-can.) prol. Ep. ad Carp. 
Mt. xxviii. 9 om. ws Se cTropfvovTo . . . avTov but add. m. s. in mg. 
adult, om. 

9L Laur. 43 (EvI. 1074) veil. 

92. Laur. 44 (Evan. 1474) (xii) ff. 416 (22-8 X i6-6) col. i 11. 19 
veil. Evv. /c£^. TIT. amm. eus. tab.-K£<^. lect. syn. men. Mt. viii. 
1 3 add. KoX vTro(TTpi\^a<; k.t.X. 

93. Laur. 45 (Evan. 1475) (xii) ff. 279 (22-5 x 16) col. jtjl. j^o 
veil. Evv. K^ffi. TLT. amm. tab.-(K€<^.-can.) subs, cttix- {fix-> /"X' fi^^ 
,/8t) lect. pict. syn. Mt. viii. 13 add. kox woo-Tpei^as k.t.X. but 
this is now marked with dots. Jo. iii. 31 om. 6 <ov . . . cTravw 
TravTwv eo-Ti Kai but add. m, s. in mg. 

94. Laur. 46 (Evan. 1476) (xii-xiii) ff. 348 (21-2 x i5-8) col. 1 
11. 2 1 veil. Evv. tab.-K£^. prol. eus. /cc<^. tit. subs. pict. syn. men, 
lect, ctvayv. 

95. Laur. 47 (Evan, 1477) (xiii) ff", 286 (2i-9X_i6^) col. ijl. 22. 
Evv. tab,-K€<j!>, prol. vers. k£</). tit. subs, (ttlx- (,/?X' /^X' — » ^1^^) ^y^' 
men. lect. dvayj/. 

96. Laur. 48 (Evan. 1478) (x) ff. 217 + 13 (21-5 x 18-2) col. i 
11. 24 veil, (but the 13 added leaves are paper). Evv. tab.-(»<€^.-can.) 
prol. Ep. ad Carp. amm. eus. kc<^. tit. subs, (at the beginning), 
Lc. vi. 4 om. Kttt eXa/Se Kal. Lc, xx, 1 1 om. hepov . . . Trefuf/aL but 

i8o Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

add. m. s. iu mg. Jo. v. 9 om. koI €v$iia<; . . . TrcpteTraTct but ins. 
m. s. in mg. Jo. v. 1 2 om. verse but add. m. s. iu mg. Jo. vii. 8 
originally writteu ii^ds dim/Syjre eh t^v kopr^v ravr-qv on 6 €/a6s 
Ktttpos K.T.X. but ravrrjv has been erased and a later hand has 
Avritten over it eyw ovk ai/a^aaw. Jo. viii. 7 om. vers, but add. in 
mg.; and so also small omissions are made and corrected iu Jo. x. 6, 
X. 12, X. 18, X. 32, xiii. 32, xiii. 33. We spent some time over 
this MS., but at last came to the conclusion that although 
there were more than the usual number of variants, it was not 
of great value, but had merely been written somewhat carelessly. 

97. Laur. 49 (Evan. 1479) (xi) ff. 266 (21.5 x 16-3) col. i veil. 
Evv. Ke(f>. TLT. amm. eus. tab.-/ce^. prol. subs. vers. lect. syn. men. 
tah.-KVK\. rjX. at the end and tab.-*cv/cA. aeXm'. at the beffinninfr 

98. Laur. 50 (Evan. 1480) (xiii) ff. 243 (21-5 x 15-3) col. i 
11. 26 veil. Ew. tab.-Kc^. Kccf). arayv. lect. syn. men. adult. 

99. Laur. 51 (Evan. 1073) (x) ff. 334 (22 x 17-4) col. i. Evv. 
act. extracts from Fathers, an uncial leave at the beginning 
contains a lection beginning Mt. xxiv. 37, amm. lect. syn. men. 
Mt. ix. 13 om. CIS fxerdvoLav. Mt. xvi. 2-3 om. but ins. m. s. in 
mg. Mc. XV. 28 om. Lc. i. 17 om. but ins. m. s. in mg. Lc. 
xxii, 44 marked ^ and with a lectionary note Kara fiarO. k€(J>. 
a^, i.e. Mt. xxvi. 40. adult, om. but vii. 53 is inserted by a 
later hand. The extracts from the Fathers are (i) Chrysostom cis 
Tr]v irpoSoa-iv tov 'loi'Sa kol ttjv 7rapa.8o(TLv twv fiva-Trjptwv : (2) tts tov 
crravpov, k.t.X. apparently anonymous : (3) Gregory Nanz. on the 
Passover, and €ts rrjv ftpaSvTrJTa: (4) cts rrjv Kaivrjv KvpiaK-qv: (5) 
vovOecria yepovTwv TrvevfjLaTLKwv Kara /Aovavwv. 

100. Laur. 52 (Evan. 1481) (xi) ff. 222 (21 x 16-3) col. i 11. 22 
veil. Evv. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-Kc<^. vers. Kecj>. tj.t. pict. 

lOL Laur. 53 (Evl. 1075) veil. 

102. Laur. 54 (Evan. 1482) (xiii) ff. 395 (22-5 x 15-7) col. i 
11. 25 veil. Evv. act. cath. paul. tab.-/c€^. prol. k€<^. subs. lect. 
pict. S}-n. men. dmyj/. o-tix- i'^, a^, ^, fir), adult, obelized. 
Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto yap k.t.X. 

103. Laur. 55 (Evl. 1076) veil. Uncial. 

104. Laur. 56 (Evl. 1077) veU. Uncial. 

105. Laur. 57 (Evan. 1483) (xi) ff. 272 (24-4 x 19) col. i 11. 20. 
Evv. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-(can.-K€^.) prol. vers. eus. amm. tlt. Ki<f>. 
lect. Mt. xvi. 14 o^n. ercpoi Se 'UpffXLav but add. m. s. in mg. 
Mt. xxui. 8 ^iSdcTKaXos 6 Xpioros and tr. Travres . . . co-re to v. 9. 

Texts from Mount Athos. i8i 

106. Laur. 58 (Acts 1525) (a. iri8) fF. 142 {23-4Xi7-3) 
col. 2 act. catli. paul. Euthal. martyr. -Paul. <tti^. Text 

107. Laur. 59 (Evan. 1484) (xil) ff. 299 (22-6 x 16-5) col, i 
11. 20 veil. Evv. tal).-K€(^, amm. Ke(^. rtr. The name of the scribe 
seems to have been Ma^t/x,os, as this name is written by the first 
hand at the end of the M.S. Mt. xix. 9 om. kol 6 diroXek. 
. . . /x.oi;^aTat. Mt. xix. 18 om. ov ixoL-^^v(Ti.L<s. Mc. iii. i om. 
ttoKlv. Mc. iii. 5 om. vyir}<i ws 17 aXX-q. Mc. vi. 17 om. (^iXlttttov. 
Mc. vi. 24 om,. vers. Mc. vii. 8 om. d^evres . . . avdpwTrwv. 
Mc. X. 19 om. fir] a-!ro(rT€prj(rri<;. Mc. X. 27 om. Travra . . . Oeio. 
Mc. xi. 7, 8 om,. Itt auTa! . . . 68ov. Mc. xv. 28 erased. Lc. vi. 4 
€(f)ay€ erased. Lc. xx. 16 om. tov<; yewpyou?. Lc. xx. 24 after 
hrjvdpLov a line is erased. Lc. xxii. 44 koX . . . Trpocrrjvx^To is 
erased, xxii. 47 om. koI ijyytcre . . . aurov. But all these omis- 
sions are corrected by a later hand, who also added to Lc. xxii. 
48 TovTo TO crrjp.. k.t.X. . . . eare to the end of V. 9, but a later 
hand has written the ordinary text in the margin. 

108. Laur. 60 (Evan. 1485) (xi-xii) ff. 228 (23-6 x i8-6) col. i 
11. 21 veil. Evv. amm. eus. Kc<f>. tit. pict. Mc. xv. 28 om. Lc. 
xiv. 8 om. vw6 . . . kutukX. but add. m. s. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto 
yap (TrjfjL. k.t.X. 

109. Laur. 61 (Evan. 1486) (a. 1098) ff. 233 (24-3x19) col. i 
veil. Evv. Kecji. TLT. tab.-can. amm. eus. men. syu. Ep. ad Carp. 
adult, obelized. 

110. Laur. 62 (Evan. 1487) (xii) ff. 275 (23-7 x 16-5) col. i 
11. 22 veil. Evv. tab.-K£0. prol. k€</). lect. subs. (.Jo. missing) (nix- 
C/^X' /"X' — ' — ) ^y^- ^en. dvayv. adult, marked — . Lc. xxii, 47 
add. TOVTO yap k.t.X. 

111. Laur. 63 (Evan. 1488) (xii) ff. 271 (24-2Xi8.i) col. i 
11. 22 veil. Evv. tab.-Kc^. prol. vers. Kecf). lect. dvayv. subs, cttlx- 
(//^X' /'^X' yl^^' fi'') ^y^- 'i^^ii- adult, marked with signs of doubt- 
fulness. Lc. xxii. 47 add, tovto . . . avTos 1(ttiv. 

112. Laur. 64 (Evan. 1489) (xii) ff. 289 (22-7xi6-i) col. i 
11. 24 veil. Evv. tab.-K€^. prol. kc^. lect. subs. syn. men. dvayv. 
adult, marked as doubtful. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . oSrds 


113. Laur. 65 (Evan. 1490) (xii) ff. 309 (23 x i6-8) col. i veil. 
Evv. act. paul. oath. k€<^. tit. amm. eus. tab.-(K€^.-can.) prol. vers, 
lect. syn. men. Ep. ad Carp. 

114. Laur. 66 (Evan, 1491) (xii-xiii) ff. 195 (22-9 x 16-5) col, i 

i82 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

11. 26 veil. Evv. tab.-/c£0. amm. tit. k£<^. subs. pict. Mc. xv. 
28 om. 

115. Laur. 67 (Evan. 1492) (a. 1342) ff. 343 (23-5 x i4'7) col. i 
11. 21 veil. Evv. prol. vers. tab.-Kc</). tit. k€^. subs, cttix- {,j8;^? P-X-, 
J^isi, fir), adult, obelized. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto yap . . . avTo's 


116. Laur. 68 (Evan. 1493) (xiv) ff. 182 (25-4 x 17-2) col. 1 
11. 25 veil. Evv. tab.-K6^. Ke<^. lect. subs, dvayv. pict. ctti;^. (^y8x» 
^a^;^, ^)8o), ^(St). adult, obelized. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto yap . . . 


117. Laur. 69 (Evan. 1494) (xii) ff. 267 (25.1x17-1) col. i 
11. 28 veil. Evv, tab.-Kc^. prol. vers. tit. k€</). lect. subs, o-tix. 
{fix> /*^X» fi^^ //^^) ^v'^Y^- ^^^' ^ii*- 13 o-dd. koX v-rrocrTpeij/a^ k.t.X. 
Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto yap . . . avTos io-riv, adult, obelized, 

118. Laur. 70 (Apl. 1118) veil. 

119. Laur. 71 (Evl. 1078) veil. 

120. Laur. 72 (Evl. 1079) veil. 

121. Laur. 73 (Evan. 1495) (xii-xiii) ff. 263 (24-6 x i8-6) col. i 
11. 29 veil. Paul, (imperfect) cath. evv. tab.-K€</>. prol. lect. subs, 
amm. (erased) dvayr. syn. men. 

122. Laur. 74 (Evan. 1496) (xiv) ff. 284 (24-5 x 18) col. i 11. 22 
veil. Evv. prol. tab.-K£<^. Ke<^. lect. subs. o-ti^. C^X' — ' — > — ) 
dvayv. syn. men. adult, marked as doubtful. Lc. xxii. 47 add. 

tovto . . . aVTOS COTIV. 

123. Laur. 75 (Evan. 1497) (xiii) ff. 345 (24-7 x 18-3) col. i 
11. 2 1 veil. Evv. prol. tab.-Kc</). amm. tit. KC(f>. lect. subs. syn. men. 
Lc. vi. 4 oni. Kal lAajSc. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . avTos co-tiv. 

124. Laur. 76 (Evan. 1498) (xii-xiii) ff. 217 (25-3 x 16-3) col. i 
veil. Evv. Ketfi. TIT. amm. tab.-K£<^. lect. prol. pict. syn. men. 

125. Laur. 77 (Evan. 1499) (xii-xiii) ff. 230 (24-5 x 17-2) col. 1 
11. 28 veil. Evv. tab.-K£</>. lect. dvayv. subs. syn. men. Lc. xxii. 
47 add. tovto yap . . . avTos ecTTiv. 

126. Laur. 78 (Evan. 1500) (ix) ff. 156 (21.7x18.3) col. i 
11. 17 veil, in poor condition. Mt. iv. 13-Mc. xv. 16. harm, at the 
bottom of the pages, amm. eus. tit. Kecfy. lect. mus. Some marginal 
notes written in an uncial hand. Mt. ix. 13 om. ci? /ACTavoiav but 
add. m. s. in mg. Mt. xvi. 3 om. v-jroKpiTaC but add. m. s. in mg. 
The same also adds in the next line koX ti}s y^s after ovpavov. Mt. 
xvi. 1 1 Trepi dpTwv. Mt. xviii. 1 1 ^r]Trj(rat Kal is added above the 
line. Mc. i. i KaOw^. Mc. xiv. 12 om. twv d^vfiuiv . . . eOvov but 
add. m. s. in mg. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 183 

127. Laur. 79 (Evan. 1501) (xiii-xiv) ff. 201 (22-9 x 17-5) col. i 
11. 33 veil, in poor condition. Act. paul. cath. evv. euthal. tab.- 
Ki^. harm, dvayv. /c€<^. lect. subs. vers. (Mt. missing) crTt;^. ( — -, p.y^, 
fiin, — ) syn. men. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto yap . , . auros icmv. 

128. Laur. 80 (Evl. 1080) veil. 

129. Laur. 81 (Evl. 1081) veil. 

130. Laur. 82 (Evl. 1082) veil. Uncial. 

131. Laur. 83 (Evl. 1083) veil. 

132. Laur. 84 (Evl. 1084) veil. 

133. Laur. 85 (Evl. 1085) veil. 

134. Laur. 86 (Evl. 1086) veil. Uncial. 

135. Laur. 87 (Evan. 1502) (xii-xiii) ff. 409 (26-8 x 17-5) col. i 
11. 1 7 veil. Evv. Ep. ad Carp. prol. tab.-(Ke^.-can.) aram. tlt. K€<f>. 
lect. syn. men. Mt. v. 44 om. koI Sicokovtwv v/aSs. Mt. xvi. 2-3 
om. but add. m. s. in mg. Mt. xvi. 4 om. tov 7rpo(f>-qTov but add. 
m. s. in mg. Mt. xviii. 11 om. Mt. xxiii. 13, 14, tliese verses 
ai'e transposed, and jixiKpa is omitted. Mc. i. 2 7 om. ti eori tovto ; 
Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . auTos ccttiv. 

136. Laur. 88 (Evl. 1087) veil. 

137. Laur. 89 (Evl. 1088) veil. 

138. Laur. 90 (? Evl. 1098) veil. 

139. Laur. 91 (Evl. 1090) veil. 

140. Laur. 92 (Evl. 1091) veil. Uncial. 

141. Laur. 93 (Evl. 1092) veil. 

142. Laur. 94 (Evl. 1093) veil. 

143. Laur. 95 (Evl. 1094) veil. 

144. Laur. 96 (Evl. 1095) veil. 

145. Laur. 97 (Evl. 1096) veil. Uncial. 

146. Laur. 98 (Evl. 1097) veil. 

147. Laur. 99 (Evan. 1503) (a. 1388) ff. 261 (29-3 x 22-2) col. 2 
11. 33 veil. Evv. act. cath. paul. apoc. prol. vers. tab.-*cc^. /ce^. 
lect. subs. a-Tix- {fix^ ,«X' fi^^ fi"^) "vayi/. syn. men. adult, obelized. 
Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . a^ros co-tiv. 

148. Laur. 100 (Evl. 1098) veil. 

149. Laur. loi (Evl. 1099) veil. 

150. Laur. 102 (Evl. 1100) veil. Uncial. 

151. Laur. 103 (Evl. 1101) veil. 

152. Laur. 104 (Evan. 1071) v. pp. 132-51. 

153. Laur. 105 (Evl. 1102) veil. 

154. Laur. 106 (Evl. 1103) veil. 

155. Laur. 107 (Evl. 1104) veil. 

184 Shidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

156. Laur. 108 (Evl. 1105) veil. Uncial. 

157. Laur. 109 (Evan. 1504) (xiii) ff. 93 (29x20-8) col. 2 
11. 29 veil, in poor condition, Lc. iv. i— Jo. tab.-Ke<^. amm. Ke</>. 
TIT. lect. syn. men. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . avTos ia-Tiv. 

158. Laur. no (Evl. 1106) veil. 

159. Laur. in (Evl. 1107) veil. 

160. Laur. 112 (Evl. 1108) veil. 

161. Laur. 113 (Evl. 1109) veil. 

162. Laur. 114 (Evl. 1110) veil. 

163. Laur. 115 (Evl. 1111) veil. 

164. Laur. 116 (Evl. 1112) veil. 

165. Laur. 117 (Evl. 1113) veil. 

166. Laur. 118 (Evl. 1114) veil. 

167. Laur. 119 (Evl. 1115) veil. 

168. Laur. 120 (Evl. 1116) veil. 

169. Laur. 146^ (Evan. 1505) (n. 1084) ff. 268 (16-5x12) 
col. I 11. 41 veil. Evv. act. cath. paul. pss. Ep. ad Carp, tab.- 
(kc<^. -can.) vers. amm. kc^. tit. lect. pict. Lc. xxii. 47 add. 

TOVTO . . . ai;TOS icTTiv. 

170. Laur. 172 (Evan. *) v. pp. 94-131. 

171. Laur. 173 (Evan. 1509) (xii-xiii) ff. 332 (21-4x14) col. i 
11. 31 veil. Evv. act. paul. cath. prol. dvayv, lect. subs. (Mc. only) 
(TTLx- ( — , ,aX' — ' — ) ^y^' ^^' ^^'i- 47 '^d<^- TOVTO . . . avTos co-tu'. 

172. Laur. 209 (Evan. 1506) (xiv) veil. A fragment of text 
witb Theophylact's commentary, almost illegible in most parts. 
In the list of Apostles it reads Ze^eSato? instead of ©aSSato?. 

173. Laur. 233 (Evan. 1507) veil. A catena with text at least 
in places, includes quotations from Origen, Chrysostom, Eusebius, 
Theodore Mops., Cyril Alex., Titus Bost. 

174. Laur. 270 (Evv. 1508) (? date) ff. 448 (21-7 x 14-4) 
col. I 11. 27 paper. Evv. act. cath. paul. tab.-Kc^. Kccfi. dvayr. 
prol. vers. lect. subs, o-tlx- syn. men. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto 
. . . avTos eoTiv. adult, obelized. 

175. Laur. 288 (Evan. 1510) (xi) ff. 2ii (20-8 x 163) col. 2 
11. 28 veil, in poor condition. Evv. kc^. tit. tab.-K€<^. amm. eus. 
lect. syn. (on paper). Mc. xv. 28 om, 

* There is a double numeration in use at the Laura, (i) a continuous system, 
which is used in the catalogue; (2) ly shelves, each being numbe-ed with 
a letter. These numerations can be interchanged, and either is sufficient in 
asking for MSS., but it may be well to remember that 1-120=1 A-120A, 
121-240= I B-120 B, and so on, the number of MSS. in a row of shelves 
varying, but approximating to 120. 

Texts from Mount Athos. 185 

176. Laur. 289 (Evan. 1511) (xiii) ff, 138 (22-2x17) col. i 
11. 28 veil, in poor condition. Evv. tab.-K€^. amm. tit. K€(fi. lect. 
(TTix- (,a^X' — ' 'i^X^' — )• ^^' '^^ii- 47 f*^(^' TOVTO . . . avTos ia-TLV. 

177. Laur. 290 (Evan. 1512) (xiv) veil. A fragment of Gospels 
in very bad condition. 

178. Laur. 293 (Evan. 1513) (xi-xii) ff. 169 (21-7 x i6-5) col. i 
11. 23 veil. Mt. xvi. 15-J0. xix. 4 tab.-Kc^. amm. eus. kc^. tit. 
lect. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . a^Tos ccttiv. 

179. Laur. 294 (Evan. 1514) (xi) ff. 261 (22 x 17-6) col. i 11. 20 
veil. Evv. tab.-K€^. amm. eus. tit. /ce^. lect. subs, cttlx- (//^X' /<^X' 
^/3u), ^(3t). Lc. xxii. 43, 44 marked as doubtful. Lc. xxii. 47 
add. TOVTO . . . auTos ia-Tiv. Jo. v. 3, 4 marked with -X*. adult. 
marked with -f . 

180. Laur. 295 (Evan. 1515) (xiii) ff. 164 (22-5 x 17-5) col. 2 11. 
26-7 veil. Evv. amm. tit. lect. syn. men, adult, om. but add. 
m. s. in tag. 

181. Laur. 296 (Evan. 1516) (xiv) veil. Theophylact with text 
of Gospels in places. 

182. Laur. 298 (Evan. 1517) (1 date) ff. 265 (21-6 x 15-7) col. i 
11. 20 veil. Mt. vii. 13-J0. xiii. 13 tab.-Kc<;^. tit. /<€</>. subs, cttix- 
adult, mai'ked as doubtful. Lc. xxii. 47 add. tovto . . . avTo? iaTiv 

m mg. 

183. Laur. 320 (Evan. 1518) (xi) ff. 410 col. 2 11. 29-31 veil. 
Evv. act. cath. paul. apoc. prol. tab.-Ke<^. harm. lect. subs, dv'ayi'. 
cTTix- syn. men. adult, marked as doubtful. Lc. xxii. 47 add. 
TOVTO . . . avT6<; ecTTiv. We thought that this might be Evan. 1072. 

184. Laur. 340 (Evan. 1519) (xiii-xiv in our opinion, but 
Father Chrysostom thought it was earlier) ff. 179 (25-5 X 19) col. 2 
11. 26 veil. Evv. tab.-K£<j!). amm. eus. tlt. kc^. lect. syn. men. musical 
notes. Lc. xxii. 44 marked with 5K-. 

185. Laur. 341 (Evan. 1520) (xi) ff. 80 (23-7 x 18-5) col. i 
11. 22 veil. Lc. vi. 7-J0. tab.-K£^. amm. tit. kc^. subs, o-tix- 
adidt. om. 

186. Laur. 350 (Evl. 1117) veil. 

187. Laur. 359. Commentary of Chrysostom. veil. 






[G. H. GwiLLiAM, B.D.] 



Discoveries and hypotheses in connexion with Syriac 
Biblical Texts require a fresh consideration of the place of the 
Peshitto in New Testament criticism. The followino^ pages 
will supplement the essay in Sttidia Biblica iii on the materials 
for the criticism of the Peshitto Text. 

Circumstances connected with the recent edition of the 
Tetraeuaiigelimn Syriacum, pp. 192, 193. 

The evidence of the Peshitto is important only so far as it 
is an independent witness to the Greek Text, p. 1 93. 

I. Eelation of the Peshitto to cod. A and the Cursives. 

1. Preliminary test in the Four Gospels, pp. 194, 195. 

2. Contents of Peshitto MSS., p. 195. 

3. Definition of ' Ti-aditional Greek Text,' pp. 196, 197. 

4. Examination of the text of the Peshitto in St. Matt, i-xiv, 

pp. 197-207. 

5. Summary of the evidence of the Peshitto, pp. 207, 208. 

II. I. Eeadings of the Peshitto which agree neither with those of 

cod. B, nor with the Traditional Text, p. 209. 

2. Such readings collected from St. Matt, i-xiv, pp. 210-217. 

3. Results, pp. 217, 218. 

4. The existence of these readings shows : — 

a. Either that the Cursives embody many peculiar readings, 

which full collation would bi'ing to light, p. 218. 

b. Or that the Peshitto is the sole witness to such readings, 

p. 219. 

III. It is admitted that the Peshitto Text : — 

1. "Was universally leceived in the Syriac Church, 

2. Is fully attested by manuscript evidence, 

3. Was never superseded, p. 220. 

P a 

190 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

4. But as regards the use of the Peshitto by Syriac writers : — 

a. Ai:)liraates quoted a different Text, p. 221. 

b. Tlie evidence of Ejihraim has been claimed for the Peshitto ; 

Mr. Burkitt's opinion ; pp. 221-222. 
Witness of other Syriac writers, p. 222, 

IV. I. Two problems: — (i) the antiquity, (2) the value of the 

Peshitto, p. 223. 
2. The Peshitto is an independent witness to the text of the 
Gospels, but is not the ' sheet-anchor ' of the Traditional 
Text, p. 224. 

V. Demonstration that the evidence of the Peshitto is not necessary 

to the Traditional Text, for that is sufficiently attested by other 
witnesses; Examples; Results; pp. 225-229. 
The evidence for the true text of the Greek Testament, pp. 229, 
YI. Considerations in view of conjectures as to the history of the 
Syriac Version, or Versions, pp. 231, 232. 

The suffo-estion that Rabbula was the author of the Peshitto 
agrees with some facts and statements, but is : — 

1. Not adequately attested in Syriac history, p. 232. 

2. Leaves unexplained the disappearance of the pre-Peshitto 

Text, p. 232. 

3. Does not account for the universal acceptance of the Peshitto 

in the fifth century, p. 233. 

If Mr. Burkitt's theory be accepted, it follows that the 
Peshitto : — 

1. Was published in its present form before a.d. 435, p. 233. 

2. Represents readings of ancient Greek MSS. no longer 

extant, pp. 233-234. 

3. Is the authorized text of an imiDortant part of the Catholic 

Church, p. 235. 

Thus the new theory, if it could be accepted, would be 
found to have enhanced the value of the Peshitto, by giving 
it a date and an origin, while modifying its position in the 
Apparatus Criticus of the Greek New Testament. 




The third volume o?Studia Bihlica et EccJesiasfica contained an 
essay by the present waiter entitled The Materials/or the Criticism 
of the Peshifto Neio Testament. During the eleven years which 
have elapsed since the publication of that volume, advance 
has been made in our knowledge of the Syriac texts cui-rent 
amongst the Syriac-speaking Christians of the early centuries of 
our era. An event of no small importance was the discovery 
and publication of the Lewis Palimpsest of the Syriac Gospels ^. 
Expectations long cherished by New Testament critics seemed 
now on the point of realization. The solitary position of the 
Curetonian had presented grave difficulties in accounting for 
its origin. It was hoped that the Lewis MS. would be 
a powerful supporter of the Curetonian Text. It was hailed 
as a second witness to the ' Old Syriac' Much disappoint- 
ment however has followed the examination of the Lewis 
Text. It has been found that it so lends its authoiity now to 
the Curetonian, now to the Peshitto, that its presence adds 
to the confusion of the position. 

Again, Mr. Burkitt has traversed the opinion 2, which was 
commonly held, that St. Ephraim used the Peshitto Version, 
and has argued, after re-examination of his works, that in 
many passages he quotes a different text. Lastly, the publica- 
tion last year of the text of the Holy Gospels (which comprise 
about half of the Peshitto New Testament ^) from the materials 
described in my former essay, has placed the Peshitto Text 
in its earliest form (as far as the evidence goes) in the hands 

' The Four Gospels in Syriac transcribed from the Sinaitic Pa limpsest, 

" Texts and Studies, vol. vii. No. 2, 'St. Ephraim's Quotations from the 
Gospels,' by F. Crawford Burkitt. 

* The Peshitto Canon does not include 2 Peter, 2, 3 John, Jude, Revelation. 

192 Stitdia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

of scholars ^. The time has come for determining* the position 
of the Peshitto in the Aj^paratus Criticus of the New Testa- 
ment, especially in view of the theory which has recently been 
broached by Mr. Burkitt - as to the origin and history of the 
great Syriac Version. 

The pages which follow will form an Appendix to the edition 
of the Peshitto Text, as the former essay served for a Prolego- 
menon to it. The circumstances which have led an author to 
investigations resulting in the production of his book are, as 
a rule, of no importance for the reader. In the present case 
they would certainly not be mentioned by me, were it not for an 
insinuation made by one of my reviewers ^. His words are : — 

' We even venture to doubt whether Mr. Gwilliam would 
have spent these laborious years ^ over the restoration of the 
great version to its first form if he had not been so deeply in- 
\ olved in the struggle' [between two rival Schools of Criticism]. 

No such doubt is to be entertained. Some remarks in 
an early edition of Scrivener's Introthiction, read long ago, 
suggested the need of a revision of the printed text of the 
Peshitto. Several years after an opportunity was afforded 
of residing in London and collating Syriac MSS. in the 
British Museum. Subsequently a Prospectus was put out, and, 
at the suggestion of various scholars, other collations were 
made. These were wholly sui^erfluous as regards the evidence 
of the Peshitto to the Greek Text of the New Testament, and 
exceeded the limits of P. E. Pusey's design ; but the work 
which has been published is intended to serve as a book of 
reference not only in questions of reading, but also in many 

^ Tetraeuangelium Sanctum (Pusey et Gwilliam), Oxonii, mdccoci. 

* Op. cit.. pp. 2, 57. 

' Mr. J. Rendel Harris in The London Quarterly Review, January, 1902, 
p. 100,^ foot. I recognize and thank him for his courteous remarks about the 
execution of the work; but the greater part of his review is occupied by 
a criticism of the views of Burgon and Miller and those who agree with them. 

* We are credited with having bestowed more years upon the Tetraeuan- 
geliuin than we can claim to have so spent. For such a period we ought to 
have more to show. The truth is, my predecessor and I made our collations 
as opportunity served for visits to libraries. After I took up the work, 
I often laid it aside, sometimes for many months together, while engaged in 
other studies and occupations. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 193 

details of Syriac grammar and language, some of which, being 
derived from documents hitherto uncollated, are now offered 
for the first time to Oriental scholars. There seems to be no 
need to treat the text of the rest of the Syriac Testament in 
the same exhaustive fashion ; but I do not regret that for the 
most important part — the Four Holy Gospels — the evidence for 
our readings has been collected from all quarters, and stated 
in full. Time has not been misspent, since the hours have 
served for an exhaustive and final survey of a field hitherto 
unexplored. No doubt can hereafter be entertained of the 
character and contents of the great version in common use 
in the Syriac Church. We have also made some advance 
towards a revision of the text of the other books of the New 
Testament. For these, the amount of diplomatic evidence is 
not nearly so great. Many questions concerning punctuation 
and vocalization have already been settled in editing the 
Gospels. The careful collation of a few very ancient and 
accurate MSS. of the Acts and the Epistles would com- 
plete the work and provide ample attestation of the text to 
be finally adopted. 

In the present essay an attempt will be made to determine 
the position of the Peshitto in New Testament criticism. 
We shall follow up the lines of evidence now available as to 
the nature and histoiy of the Peshitto Text. We shall 
inquire, what is its right and authority to speak and testify 
to the readings of the Greek Testament, before we admit it into 
the witness-box. If the Peshitto Version merely reproduces the 
Traditional Greek Text in a Syriac dress, it is worth no more 
than any ordinary Greek copy, and of these we already possess 
a multitude. If the Edessene and the Constantinopolitan read- 
ings are borne on streams of independent derivation, then^ when 
they agree, the Greek Text, which they support, can certainly 
claim a very high degree of attestation. But if these readings 
are derived from the same immediate source, the evidence 
for them is not twofold because spoken in two languages. It 
is only the reiterated testimony of one class of witnesses. 



I. It seems to be commonly assumed that the text of the 
Peshitto represents in Syriac the Greek readings of codex A 
and the majority of Greek MSS., as distinguished from 
those of codex B and such authorities as side with it. The 
opinion expressed in INIiller^s Scrivener ^ may be placed beside 
that of Westcott and Hort, who say . . . 'it was perceived 
that the Vulgate Syriac Version diifered from early Versions 
generally, and from other important early documentary 
authorities, in the support which it frequently gave to the 
common late Greek Text ^.' We will subject these opinions 
to the test of our own independent examination. 

We may begin with the testimony of the Peshitto in a 
collection of passages from the Four Gospels, which will be 
found in an Appendix to the Edition of the Greek Testament, 
issued by the Clarendon Press in 1889^. Some of the 
passages there given were intended to afford examples of 
readings, which have no relation to our present inquiry. 
They are places in which there is no opposition between the 
mass of copies and codex B ; or, where the Syriac idiom con- 
veys no information about the variation in the Greek Text. 
It must also be remembered that, as far as the Peshitto is 
concerned, they are an arbitraiy and disconnected series, and 
do not afford an adequate view of the text as a whole. Still, 
they will serve our purpose for a preliminary notice, and they 
yield the following results : — 

In St. IMatthew the mass of copies are supported by the 

* Vol. ii. p. 300. 

' The New Testament in the Original Greek. Introduction, § 188. 

' Novum Testamentum. Accedunt Tres Appendices. The text of the 
Oxford Edition by Bishop Lloyd in 1827 has been revised by Dr. Sanday, who 
has added the Appendix Delectus Lectionum notatii dignissimarum, of which 
we have made use. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crif. of Greek N. T. 195 

Peshitto in thirty-six places, and cod. B, with, or without, 
the consent of some other authorities, in six places. 

In St. Mark the numbers are twenty-one and one re- 

In St. Luke twenty-five and five. 

In St. John twenty-two and five. 

Thus we find that what is confessedly a superficial and 
inadequate view, seems to confirm the common opinion, to 
which we have adverted. Perhaps that opinion arose from 
partial and insufiicient investigations. We will therefore 
pui-sue the inquiry more exhaustively. 

2. We note first that a Peshitto MS. of the New 
Testament contains less than a Greek copy^. The Canon 
was limited to the Holy Gospels, the Acts with i Peter, 
James, and i John attached, the fourteen Epistles of St. Paul. 
Next we find that the text of the Gospels exhibits, in all 
Peshitto MSS., some marked divergencies from the Tradi- 
tional Greek Text. The story of the woman taken in adul- 
tery is absent from St. John, the latter part of Matt, xxvii. 
^^, that it might he fulfilled, &c., and the Blessing of the Cup 
in Luke xxii. 17, are omitted, while to Matt, xxviii. 18 are 
added the words and as my Father sent me, I also send you. 

From this survey of the character of the Peshitto in broad 
outline, we must pass to a more minute examination of the 
text. It will indeed be impossible to eflfect an exhaustive 
examination within the limits of the present essay, but 
passages can be examined, which will aiford specimens, fully 
sufficient in number and importance, of the character of the 
translation as a whole. We will take the first fourteen 
chapters of St. Matthew. They occupy about one-eighth of the 

' See The Materials, &c., Studia Biblica, iii. p. 53 n^, p. 57 n. Most of 
the extant Syriac Biblical MSS. are copies of the Gospels only. Of the 
forty-two copies employed in the recently published Tttraeuangelium, only 
five, Nos. 12, 16, 17, 33, and 42, contain the Peshitto New Testament 

A clear and sufficient account of the MSS. of the Peshitto New Testament, 
known to be extant in different libraries, is given by Dr. Gregory in the third 
and supplemental volume of Tischendorf's Novum Testamentum Graece ; see 
cap. ix, c, pp. 828-851. 

196 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

text of the Four Holy Gospels ia the Peshitto — a substantial 
portion ; and in comparing the Syriac translation of them 
with the Greek original, we have the assistance of the first 
division of Part I of Prebendary Miller's Textual Commentary 
upon the Holy Gospels'^. This portion of the great work, 
which Miller planned, but did not live to finish, consists of 
the fourteen chapters, which we propose to examine. In all 
places, where the rival schools of criticism differ in the read- 
ings which they prefer, the evidence of Manuscripts, Versions, 
and Fathers is set forth, fully and impartially, by the 
lamented author ; but it was not part of his design to quote 
readings, which have never been adopted by any of the lead- 
ing critics ; we must therefore supplement Miller's annota- 
tions by those given in Tischendorf's Novum Testamentum, in 
order to discover how far the Traditional Greek Text is sup- 
ported by the Peshitto, and in what readings the latter agrees 
with the text of codex B. 

3. Here we wish to state distinctly that by the ' Traditional 
Greek Text * of the New Testament, we mean the text which 
has been handed down to us by and in the Catholic Church, 
and which is contained in the mass of copies and is attested 
by ecclesiastical writers 2. We do not necessarily mean the 
' Textus Receptus.' Everybody knows that the latter is only 
a text, found in a particular edition, to which this title was 
assigned by the editor. This text has no authority whatever 
beyond that of the few MSS., on which it ultimately rests ^. 

^ A Textual Commentary upon the Holy Gospels largely from the use of 
materials, and mainly on the Text, left hy the late John William Burgon, B.D., 
by Edward Miller, M.A., 1 899. 

- See Tlie Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels vindicated and established, 
Burgon and Miller, 1S96, p. 5 and passim; Revision Revised, p. 269 (xiii), 
with which compare p. 21, note 2. Miller indeed (op. cit. Introduction, 
p. vii) sets the Textus Receptus in contrast to the texts of Tischendorf and 
others, but that he recognized that it possessed no inherent authority is clear 
from the words used in the Introduction to the Traditional Text, p. 5. The 
paragraph is from his pen, not Burgon's. 

^ The editions issued by the Elzevirs, of one of which the editor says 
' textum habes ab omnibus receptum' — whence the familiar appellation — are 
practically identical with the earlier editions of Stephens, and therefore rest 
on the MSS. Stephens employed. These MSS., for the most part, exhibited 
the readings which belong to the Traditional Greek Text. See more in 
Scrivener's Introduction, ed. 4, vol. ii. chap. vii. 

Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 197 

If, as in truth is the case, it coincides to a very large extent 
with the Traditional Greek Text, this fact alone, not the 
name ' Receptus,' imparts any weight, or importance, to its 
readings. Yet in the heat of the controversy which followed 
the publication of The Revision Revised opponents were heard 
to sneer at the late Dean Burgon, as though he quoted the 
Textus Receptus — or, which is practically the same thing, 
Lloyd's Greek Testament — as an authority^. Burgon, who 
had devoted a lifetime to the textual problem, knew better 
than to show such ignorance. When he quoted the Textus 
Receptus^ or Lionel, he did so because those editions give the 
readings of the Traditional Text of the Catholic Church. So 
far was he from a superstitious deference to those late forms 
of text, that he deliberately proposed, and intended to publish, 
a large number of emendations, in order to bring the current 
text into harmony with that of the majority of MSS. and 
the readings of the Fathers ^. 

4. We now proceed with our examination, setting down 
first the reading of the Traditional Text^ then comparing with 
it the reading of codex B, and noting to which side the sup- 
port of the Peshitto inclines. In a few cases some other 
Greek readings are added. 

St. Matthew, i-xiv. 

Title. To KaTo. MaTdoLov "Ayiov Et^ayyeAtoi/. 

Some MSS. EuayyeAtoi' Kara Mar^atoi/. 

B Kara MaOQaiov. 

Pesh. «l^>s? Jlojoto U-«J5 ^G*^^©/ the Holy Gospel, the 

Preaching of Mattai. 
I. I. Pesh. ^09 represents AautS of the majority, or perhaps 
AauetS of B &c., but not Aa(3i8 of Textus Receptus. 

5. Bool, : so Pesh. JCio*, but B Boes. 

6. AartS Se n ftacnXevs : Pesh. and B om. o jSao-iXev?. 

7. 'Acra : SO Pesh. ]>co(, but B Ao-a<^. 

1 Several years afterwards the same charge was brought against the Dean 
by Dr. Salmon in Some Thoughts on the Textual Criticigra of the New 
Testament, see pp. 3 and 4. For Miller's reply see The Present State of the 
Textual Controversy respecting the Soly Gosjpels, pp. 24-26. 

^ See Appendix to this essay. 

198 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 

10. 'A/xwv: so Pesh. »clso/, but B A/xco?. 

15. 'Wa.rBa.v : Pesh. »koo seems to repi'esent Ma^^av of B* ^ 
The evidence of the Peshitto with reference to variations in the 

spelling of some other names is not adduced, because it is not 
certain in these cases what forms of the Greek it really supports. 

18. 'H yevv>7oris is probably supported by Pesh. o«»^ ; Byevco-t?. 
fjt.vr]o-Tev6€icrr]<; yap : Pesh. and B om. yap. 

25. AvT^s Tov TTpcoTOTOKov : SO Pesh., but B om. 

11. 1 1 . ET80V TO TraiStov : so Pesh. with B and most, but Text. 
Recept.^ and a few authorities evpov t. tt. 

17. Ytto 'Up. : B and, as it seems, Pesh.' 8ta. 

18. @pr]vo<s KOL KXav6fji6<;. B om, Oprjv. k. ; Pesh., having only 
jkA^xo, may be held to support tlie omission. 

19. Kar ovap ^aiVcrat : B (fiaLv. k. ov., which is the order of the 
Peshitto, but is also a natural Syriac order; it is, however, 
supported by ND and others and the Latin. 

21. *HA^ev, B eicrrjXOev. Pesh. here ]l( , but at v. 20 ^^)Jii.iw is 
used for the compound verb. 

23. Na^apeV : Pesh. l> J, though with diflPerent vowels, gives 
final 0, as many uncials and cursives read, against Text. Recept., 
Bmai and others. 

III. 3. 'Ytto : Pesh. as it seems Sta (see ii. 17), so B. 

6. 'Ev Tw 'lopSdvT) : B and Pesh. add irorap-oi. 

7. To ySaTTTio-p-a avrov : B om. avrov ; so Pesh., but seems to have 
read epxpix^vov; (SaTTTia-Orjvai, cp. Luke iii. 12. 

11. BaTTTi^w t'p,as is the order of Pesh. against B; but being 
the natural order of the Syriac it is, perhaps, not clear evidence 
of reading. 

12. 'ATToOyKrjv: Pesh. and B add avrov. 

14. B omits 'Ioidvvr}<;, Pesh. reads as the majority. 

16. Kat ^aTTTto-^et's : Pesli. and B /^aTrrtcr^cis Se. 

'Ev6v<; dve/3r] is the order in B and Pesh. B omits avrw, which 
is found in the majority and Pesh. 

IV. 3. Kat TTpoaeXOoiV aiTw 6 Treipa^cuv eTirev. Pesh. oniits avTW, 
and reads enrev avro) with B &c. 

5. "lo-T-qcrtv : Pesh. probably eoT-qcrev as B. 

9. Tavra Travra croi Swo-w : SO Pesh. against B. 

1 Cp. i.l>«.^«.ao for MaT^dr, Luke iii. 24. * See preceding page. 

' Versions, including the Syriac, cannot be relied on for evidence in all 
cases as to the particular preposition in the Greek original, but the Peshitto 
seems usually to have rendered vtto by ^^*, and 5id by O, or ♦*». 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N.T. 199 

10. 'O-Ktaoi jxov: Pest, with B and Text. Recept. omit, against 
the majority. 

12. 'AK0j;cra9 Se 6 'Ii^o-oi)? : so Pesh. ; B om. o It^ctou?. 

13. Here B* reads Na^apa, see ii. 23. 

KaTvepvaovfx in the majority, but ^Qmj;.3l6 in Pesh. corresponds 
to Ka<f)apvaovfJL of B. 

16. EtSe </)cus fieya; Pesli. Jju- ).a> J>o»CL», which seems to 
represent the order of B. 

18. IlepiTraTwi/ Se (sine addit.) Pesh. with B and the majority, 
but Text. Recept. and some cursives add o Irjtrovs- 

23. "OX-qv TTjv TaXiXaiav : Pesh. ll*^i>s^ ot^kOo, which agrees with 
ev oXt] ty) TaXtXaca, the reading of B ; but Pesh. adds the I?;crov?, 
which B omits. 

24. Pesh. has and before haiixovit^oiiivowi, which B omits. 

V. 4, 5. Pesh. has the verses in the usual order, which is also 
that of B and nearly all authorities. 

9. KvTol viol is the reading of the majority and of B, Pesh. seems 
to omit the avTOL with N and some others. 

11. 'Prjfjia, which B omits, is expressed in Pesh. 
^€v86fji€voL : so Pesh. with B and nearly all authorities. 

13. BXrjOrjvai e^w, Koi Karair. : SO Pesh. a*?11o ;,->N, )>1^1,?, but 
perhaps the idiom would hardly allow another rendering. B (3Xr]0ev 
€^w, om. Kai. 

22. Eikt} : so Pesh. and the majority; B omits. 

25. 'Ev Trj 6Sw ftcT avTov. Pesh., in the order of B, fj-er arrou 
ev TT] oSo). Pesh. has the second ere TrapaSw, which B omits. 

27. Pesh. with B and others omits rots dpp^atots, which Text. 
Eecept. I'eads. 

28. After eVi^v/ATjcrat B and the majority read avrrjv, others 
avrrj<; ; some omit ; Pesh. has the pronoun. 

30. 'BXrjOfj els yeewav : so Pesh. ''^)JSu ," B ets yecvvav aTreXOrj. 

31. » in Pesh. probably expresses on, which B omits. 

32. '^Os av a.iroXv(Ty : B Tra? o airoXvoiv, so Pesh. 

''Os lav aTroXeXv/Mevriv yap.rj(Trf is exactly expressed in Pesh. ; B 6 
a7roXeXvix€vr]v ya/xTjcras : a few authorities omit the clause and/Aoixarai. 
39. Trjv Se^tav crov. Pesh. expresses crov, which N and others 
omit. B reads it with the majority. 

44. EvXoyetTe tovs Karapoifxevovi ifxas: Bom.; Pesh. « v>\, Q^;^o 
%aa,^ j^JJj, and bless him who curseth you. 

KaXaJ9 TTotetTe rots fiicrovcrLv vp-as : B om. ; Pesh. has the words 
with and prefixed. T. E. and a few cursives tovs fiiaovvTas. 

200 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

Toiv iTnjpca^oi'Tojv v/aS?, Kai : SO Pesh. ; B om. 

47. (^iXovs in the majority, Pesh. and B aSiX(f>ov<;. 
TeAwj/at : SO Pesh. ; B eOviKoi. 

OvTw (or -cos) in the majority, but Pesh. with B to avTo. 

48. 'O €v Tots ovpavoL? : B o ovpavio<;. Tischendorf quotes the 
Peshitto for the former, but the evidence is doubtful. Tov iv rots 
ovpavoLs, V. 16, and 6 ovpdvLO's, vi. 14, are each rendered by 
^.vN.-s« • in neither place is there any variation in the Greek. 

VI. r. 'EAer//xocri'v7/v of the majority (not B) is almost certainly 
intended by Pesh. )fcsj3?>, the regular word for iXerj/xocrvvr]. StKaio- 
(Tvvr] is rendered by ]lcu^o. 

4. Pesh. reads with the majority auros before ctTroSoja-et, and the 
concluding words iv tw </)avcpa). B omits both. 

5. Upoa-evxT], ear] : so Pesh. with the majority against B. 

"On aTrexovcTL. Pesh. has ? = on, but it may be inserted 
idiomatically ; B om. 

6. 'Ev Tw (jiavepw : SO Pesh. as majority ; B om. 

12. 'Acf)L€p,€v. Pesh. ^AJ&A., a(f)rJKap.€v, as B. 

13. Pesh. has the Doxology with the majority against B, but 
omits dfjirjv according to the best MSS. 

15. Ta TrapaTTTw/AaTa avTwv om. Pesh. and a few against majority 
with B. 

16. Pesh. has f = on: see ver. 5 ; B om. 

18. 'Ev T(j> (f)av€pw, added by Text. EecejDt., though not part of the 
Traditional Text, is omitted by Pesh. with B and the majority. 

20. OvSe : so Pesh. and the majority, but N and Curet. Kai. 

21. 'Y/xwv . . . ifxiov : so Pesh. ; B crov . . . crov. 

22. 'O 6c}i6aXfio<; Pesh. with the majority; B adds aov. 

'Eav o*v Pesh. and majority, including B; N and Curet. omit. 

24. Map-fjiwra Text. Eecept., most MSS. /xa/Awva, ?o Pesh. 

25. Kai n TTtrjTe : so Pesh. with the majority; B and others 
yj n TT., N and others om. 

32. Pesh. with the majority reads ovpdvto?, which is omitted by 
N, Old Latin and Curetonian. The Lewis palimpsest is defective 
in the latter part of ch. vi. 

33. Bao-iActav tov ®eov : SO Pesh. with the majority ; B om, 

VII. 2, Here again (cp. v. 48) Tischendorf quotes Pesh., as though 
''^.*ollS.j» necessarily represents puTprjOrjaeTaL, the reading of B 
and the great majority ; but it may stand for the variant dvn- 
fierprjO^aeTai, cp. tO^ju for dvTiKaXecrwcnv, Lk. xiv. 12, where the 
drri is neglected. 

Peshitto Versmi in A pp. Crit. of Greek NT. 201 

5. T^j/ 80/cov Ik rov ocjiOaXfjiov aov. This, whether intentionally or 
not, is the order followed in Pesh. B €k t. o<^. a. t. 8ok. 

8. w.I^3is_'» in Pesh. (and so Cur.) seems to express the /;res. 
avoiycrai of B. 

9. T19 icTTLV i^ V. avO., ov iav alnjcrrj. Pesh. )*^^ ^QAJJso 
wc»cu^)u*j?, which implies co-tlv, but not idv ; both are omitted by B. 

10. Kat iav exactly the .1© of Pesh. ; B rj Kai. 

12. Pesh. omits ovv with slight support, against the majority. 

13. 14. 'H TTvXr] bis; so Pesh. with majority including B. 
Westcott and Hort omit. 

14. Ti Pesh. and most MSS. ; B* and others on. 

15. Pesh. with B omits 8e after Trpocrixere. 

16. "XracfivX^v : B crrae^uXas, for which Tischendorf quotes Pesh.; 
but the evidence is doubtful, for the pi. |'^' ^- may represent the 
collective force, which aracjivXrj often has, see Grimm's (Thayer) 
and Blomfield's Lexx. to the Gk. T., s. v. 

19, nSv, as the majority; but ovv is added by some Greek MSS. 
and the Curetonian. 

24. 'O/xotwo-w avTov. Pesh. reads o/xotw^T^crcTat as B. 

29. 01 ypafXfxaTeLs : Pesh. and B add avioiv, Lachmann with 
Pesh. against B adds Kat ol ^apicraioi. 

VIII. 2. 'EA^wj/ of the majority was probably read by Pesh. ; 
cp. rendering of ver. 19, Trpoa-eWwv ^= owa. B Trpoa-eXOwv. 

3. "Rif/aro avTov 6 'Irjcrovs : SO Pesh. with the majority ; B omits 
o l7]crov<;. 

5. Ei(TeX66vTi Se avrQ. Text. Recept. and a few MSS. with 
Pesh. against B have tw 'Irjcrov. 
KaTrepvaovp., see iv. 13. 

7. Pesh. om. koI with B. 

8. Aoyo) : so Pesh. with the majority, including B. Text. 
Eecept. Xoyov. 

9. 'Ytto eiovcTLav : SO Pesh. with the majority, but B adds 

10. OvSk iv Tw 'icrparjX ToaavTrjv maTiv : SO Pesh., but B Trap* 

OuScVl TO(T. TTKT. €V T. I(T. 

13. Kat u)s : Pesh. omits Kat with B. 

'O TTttts avTov : so Pesh. ; B om. avTov. Pesh. and the majority 
(including B) iv Trj wpa iKeivrj, where Lachmann reads airo ttjs wpa? 


15. Atr^Kovci avTio: so B and the true text of Pesh., but Pesh. 
Edd. and a few MSS. yOo»^, avrots. Greek MSS. are divided. 

202 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

21. TcLiv fjia9r]T(l)v avTov : SO Pesh.; B om. avrov. 

25. Ot fxaOrjTat : B om., Pesh. wO)0»*:ft.N,l, his disci2)le3. 
'H/aS? : so Pesh. ; B om. 

27. 'YiraKovovaiv avrio is also the order of Pesh,; B transposes. 

28. Tepryecrrjvihv : TaSapyvaiv B, so Pesh. 

29. B om. 'Irjcrov, against Pesh. 

31. 'ETTtr/Dei/'ov : so Pesh. ; B aTrocrTciXov. 

32. Pesh. Jt»Ju«o, ets Tovs x^^i-pov^y ^^ B. 

IX. 2. *A</)£a)VTai, perfect, see Winer's Gr., xiv. 3 a. Pesh. 
^^ ' Pi ' *^ *' is possibly the present a^tevrai as B, but ep. the various 
Sjriac renderings at Lk. vii. 43, 47, 48. 

2oi at dfiapTLai crov in the majority, so Pesh., Bcrou at a/Aaprtai. 

4. 'I8wv in the majority, B and Pesh. eiSm. 
"Yfxels ivdv/xelo-Oi : Pesh. omits v/xeis with B. 

5. Pesh. perhaps supports a<^t€VTat, see ver. 2. 

%ov in B and the majority ; Pesh. .^ aoi, as Text. Eecept. 

6. 'EyepOeis: B eyeipc, for which Tischendorf quotes Pesh., where 
■^oa*, ^oj9 certainly favours the reading of B, but may be only 
due to the Syriac idiom. 

8, 'EOavfiacrav : B €cf)o(3rj6y](Tav, so Pesh. 

11. EtTTov : Pesh. ^..^jso/, dicunt, represents (perhaps) cXcyov of 
B, but a well supported v. 1. is otj»/, dixerunt. There are some 
variations of order in the Greek of the second clause : Pesh. agrees 
with the majority and B. 

12. O Se 'It/o-ovs tt/cot'cras ciTrev avrois : SO Pesh.; B om. It^ctous and 

13. Et? /ieravotav: B and Pesh. omit. 

14. NTjaTcvo/Acv TToXkd: so Pesh. ; B om. TroXAa. 

17. 'ATToXowTttt: Pesh. ^}\ in the same form as the two 
preceding verbs, seems to express the present aTroXXwrat of B. 

18. Ets eX^wi/. Pesh. has [^..^J ojja ^s* [Joaoi/] ]U ; by com- 
parison of the rendering of viii. 2, it may be inferred that the trans- 
lator read cts Trpoa-eXOwv, the reading of B, or, perhaps, rt? Trpoa. 

Ae'ywi/ : Pesh. omits 9 = on, which is read in the majority and B. 

22. Pesh. has the 'Ir/croSs, which Tischendorf with N omits. 

23. Ae'yet avrots : B eXcyev, omitting avTots : Pesh. .oo»ii. ;^{o, 
which seems to represent eXcyev avroi?. 

26. Pesh. with the majority has av-rrj. 

32. "AvOpwTTov K(j}(f)6v : Pesh. U,j-*, omitting avOpiaTrov as B. 
33- ['Ort] ovSeVoTc : Pesh. «ol^oo JJ, without ?, certainly favours 
the omission of ort in the majority of MSS., including B. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 203 

34. This verse is contained in Pesh., as in almost all authorities, 
including B. 

35. 'Ei/ Tw Xaw : B and Pesh. omit. 

36. 'Eo-KiiA/x€vot : so most MSS. and B, but Pesh. ooo» ^|I seems 
to represent cKXeXv/xevoi of other MSS. and Text. Eeceiat. 

X. 2. Kai 'IctKwySos : Pesh. with B; the majority omit km. 

3. AefS/^oLos 6 iTnKXy^Oel'i ©aSSatos •* SO Pesh., but B omits Ae(3(3. 
o ctti/cAt/^. 

4. KavavLT-rjs- Pesh. ju^lXiS represents icavavato? of B. 

8. Before or after Actt. KaOap., Bj Text. Eecept., and others insert 
veKpov; eyetpere ; so Pesh. (ed. Schaaf )j but the MSS. omit. 

10. 'Fd^Bovs: thus many uncials and cursives, but Pesh. J^r^jw 
sing, with B and others. 

'Ecrriv is expi-essed by Pesh., B omits. 

12. Pesh, as B and the rest, without the addition in N and the 

14. 'E|^ep;^o/x.€vot : SO Pesh., op. the rendering of Mark xi. 19; 
B adds e|o). 

Tov KovLopTov T. TToS. lu B and the majority; Pesh, ^^3 JL* o^ 
^» represents r. kov. ck t. ttoS. of N and Latin, cp. the I'endering of 
Acts xiii. 51. 

19. Ao^j/crerat yap v/xlv iv eKeLVr] rrj wpa ri XaXrj<T€Te (or -rjTe) : 
so Pesh. and B ; a few omit. 

23. For aXXrjv or hipav the evidence of the Peshitto is uncer- 
tain ; the same Syriac is sometimes used for the former, sometimes 
for the latter, cp. Matt, iv^ 21 and vi. 24. 

33. Pesh. seems to confirm avrov Kayw of the majority; B /cayw 

XI. 2. Atjo tu)V fxaOrjTwv avrov : B (with Pesh.) 8ta t. fiaO. avr. 

5. Kat before )((i}Xoi, kw^oI, and TTToy^oi, which some omit, is 
found in Pesh., also before veKpoi with B and others, but against 
the majority. 

8. 'El/ fj.aXaKOL^ lp.aTLOL<; : B omits ifxajLOLS, also elalv at the end 
of the verse. Pesh, reads both. 

9. ^iSeiv ; irpocfyyTrjv ; SO Pesh., but B has 7rpo(f>rjTr]v tSctv; 

10. Ovros yap: so Pesh., but B omits yap. Pesh. has os Kara- 
(TKevda-eL with B and the majority. 

15. 'Akovclv, which B omits, is read by Pesh. 

16. 'Ej/ dyopats KaOr]fxevoL<i : Pesh. has KaOyjp.evoL'i first, as B, and 
reads ev [t??] ayopa as D and some cursives. 

Tois cTtttpot? avTwv : so Pesh. as Text. Eecept. against B. 


204 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

17. 'E^pr^vT^o-a/Acv viCiv : so Pesli. ; B omits v/xtj/. 
19. Twv T€Kvwv avTrj<i : B t. cpycov av., and so Pesh. 
2 1 . XopaCiv and Brj^cratSa are favoured by Pesh. ; B Xopa^etv, 

o-TToSw : KaOrjfxevoL, which is added in N and others, is not in Pesh. 
23. KaTrepvaov/j. : see note on iv. 13. 

KaTafSi/Saa-Orjcrr) : SO Pesh. with the majority ; B Karaf^rja-r]. 
yevoixevai iv (tol : this is the order of Pesh., but B cv (tol yev. 
ejxetvav : B 6/xeivev, and Pesh. has fem. sing, in agreement with 

26. 'EyeVcTo evSoKia : this is the order of Pesh., but B has evSoKia 

XII. 3. 'ETretVao-c: so the majority with B and Pesh., but some 
add avTos. 

For AauiS see note on i. i. 
4. "Et^ayev : so Pesh. with the majority, but B t^ayov. 

0{'9 : Pesh. sing., as B, but )«Jii., bread, for aprovs precedes. 
^. Tov (ra(3/3dTov : so Pesh. with the majority, but Text. Recept. 
and some cursives prefix xai. 

10. 'Hv: so the majority; B omits; Pesh. and others 77V cK-et. 

11. Tis eo-Tttt : yoaj^ clL» recognizes an eo-rat [or eo-ri], which 
a few omit, against the majority, inchiding B. 

14. Ot 8c ^apLcraiOL (rvfx(3ov\tov eXafSov Kar avrov i$€X06vT€<; m 
the majority, but B and Pesh. transpose e$eXO. 8e ot $ap. rxv/x/?. eX. 
K. avT. 

15. "OxXoL was read by Pesh. ; B omits. 

22. Ylpoa-qvix^V ctr'Tw Sai/xovt^ofievos rvcjiXos kol kco^o? : SO the 
majority, but B and Peshitto Trpoa-qv^yKav avrw SaifxavL^ofxevov 

TVcf)XoV Kttt KU)(f>OV. 

"Qo-re TOV -rvtjiXbv Kal Kwcfiov : so the majority, but Pesh. and 
a few transpose t. kw^. k. tv^. koL XaX. : B omits t. tu<^. /cat and Kat 
before XaActv : Pesh. omits the latter Kat, but the construction is 

25. B and others omit 6 'I-qa-ov^ : Pesh. read it with the majority. 

27. 'Yfjiwv taovTai Kpirai : the order of the majority, with which 
Pesh. -? .aaX oIj agrees. B Kptrat eo-. vfx. 

28. 'Ev IIvewVaTt ©eoG eyw, the order of the majority, including 
B ; so Pesh. ; many cursives eyw cv IIi/eu/AaTt ©eou. 

31. Tols dv^/DWTTots at the end of the verse is omitted by B but 
read by Pesh. 

32. 'Ev Tw vCv atwvi in the majority, B tovtw tw atwvt : Pesh. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 205 

seems to have had tw atwvi todtw, as a few MSS. read, but 
\io> ^ >fi^ ^a stauds for h t<3 vvv atwvt, Titus ii. 12 ; cp. 2 Tim. 
iv. 10. 

35. ®r)cravpov '. SO the majority with B and Pesh.; others add 
rrj'i KttpStas. 

38. ' ATreKpiOrjaav : B adds avTw : Pesh. o»^ ^i.:»io . . . oiX, 
aTreKpLOrjaav . . . Aeyovres aurco. 

Kai <l>apio-atW : so Pesh., B omits. 

40. "Eo-rai : Pesh., as the majority, without koI following, which 
is added by D. 

44. 'ETTto-Tpet/fw els tov oTkov jxov is also the order of Pesh., but 

B has 6t5 T. OLK. fX. eTTLCTTpeij/U). 

46. "Eti 8e . . . aSeXffiol avTov. B omits Se, N^ omits avrov, Pesh. 
read both. 

47- Pesh. has this verse, which B omits. 

XIII. I. Ae, oLTTo : B omits ; Pesh. read Sc, and a-rro, or ck. 

9. 'AKoveiv : so Pesh., B omits. 

II. EtTrev avTOLs : SO Pesh. with B and the majority. N omits 

14. AvTOLs in the majority; Pesh. had ctt' uvtols, as D and 
others, or ev, the reading of a few MSS. 

15. Tois (io-t in the great majority, but Pesh. read rots coo-iv 
avT(i)v bis, which has little support. 

16. To, wTtt v/xCJv : so Pesh. ; B omits u/awv. 

17. Pesh. read ydp, which N and a few omit. 

22. Tov aioivos TovTov : SO Pesh. ; B omits tovtov. 

23. T-^j/ yrjv TTjv Kokrjv : this is the order of Pesh., but it is the 
natural order of the Syriac. B and others T-qv KaX-qv yrjv. 

24. ^TretpovTi : Pesh.'^ij? is the cnreipavTi of B. 
28. OihlhovXoi: so Pesh.; B omits. 

31. Pesh. as the majority with B ; fXaXrja-€v for ■7rapi6r]K€v in D 
and others. 

33. KvToi<; : N and others add \eywv : Pesh. as the majority. 

34. OvK : JJ without f^ almost proves that Pesh. read ovk, and 
not ovSev of B and others. 

35. lipot^TjTov : so Pesh., X adds Hcraiou. 
Kocr/xot) : B omits, Pesh. reads it. 

36. 'O 'Ir/croCs : B omits ; Pesh. has it after roVe at the beginning 
of the verse. 

^pacrov : B Siacracfiyjcrov : ^p. seems to be intended by ja*3 of 
Pesh., cp. for SLeadcf^rjcrav in xviii. 31. 

q 3 

2o6 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

37. Pesh. had avroi's, which B omits. 

40. TovTov : so Pesh., B omits. 

43. 'Akovclv: so Pesh., B omits; cp. ver. 9. 

44. IlaXiv : so Pesh., B omits. 

Kat TrdvTa otra Ix" TrwXet : Pesh. omits Kai, and has the order 
TTwXei TT. o. e)(€L, which agrees with B's text. 

45. 'Av^pwTTw iix7r6p(a: Pesh. );^ J;.ri.^i., B omits av$p. 

46. "Os evpwv : Pesh. w»a*./ ^? *o seems to represent the 
reading of B evpiav Be. 

51. Ae'yei avTot'; 6 'lrjaov<; : Pesh. and the majority; B omits. 
KvpLc : B omits, Pesh. has ^ti, Our Lord. 

52. El's Tr]v (Saa-LXeiav: B rr} (Saa-LXeia: Pesh. laaX.:!oX probably 
represents the former, but it is not certain. 

55. 'Iwo-^s : this (or rather Iwctt;) was the reading of Pesh. with 
the majority. B Iwcrriffi. 

57. T77 TrarptSi avTOv : B omits avrov. In Pesh. o»k>X.»:!0, 01 
certainly exjDresses either avrov, or the v. I. iSta. 

XIV. 3. Pesh. reads avrov, which B omits. 

Kai eOero iv (f>vXaKrj : this is also the order of Pesh., but might 
represent the v. I. aTreOcTo : B has ev cjivXaKij aTreOero. 

4. AvTw 6 'I(x)dvvr}s is also the order of Pesh., but B transposes 
o I. and avT. 

6. Teveo-L(j)v 8e dyo/AeVwv : B yeveo-tois 8e yevofj.evoL<; : a few yevc- 
o-iwv Se yevo/xevoyv: Pesh. ot^ lS-.=> ^? )oo) .3, which favours 
some case of ycvo/xevo? : cf. the rendering of rjyov avrrjv rjixipav by 
)i.:ttCL. wc»o>''> V in Esther ix. 17. 

9. Pesh. read IXvirrjOr] 6 )8acriXevs, 8ia 8e tols opKovs, as the 
majority ; B Xuttt^^ci? o ^. 8ta t. op. 

12. ■^Hpav TO o-o)p,a, Kai Waxl/av avTO in the majority; B Trroifia 
and avToi'. Pesh. o;.ri.i3 cxk'iij*. oNcio, favours -n-Tio/xa, and omits 
avTo or avTov, but reads his corpse. 

13. Kat ciKowas : B aKovo-as 8e, which is supported by Pesh. ^>. 

14. Pesh. has 6 'It/o-ois, which B omits. 

15. Oi fjiaOrjTai avrov : so Pesh.; B omits avrov. 
'AiroXvcrov : a few authorities add ovv, but not Pesh. 

18. AvTols wSe : so Pesh. ; B (j>8e avrov;. 

19. Aa/3u)v in the majority and B., but Pesh. and a few Kai 

2 2. Kat evOews rjvdyKacrev 6 'lijo-oi? rov<; paOrjra? avrov. B and 
others with Pesh. omit Jr](rov<;. A few omit evOeois and N and 
several avrov : Pesh. reads both. 

Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 207 

24. MeVoi/ T-^? OaXd(Ta-r}<; ^v : SO the majority; Posh. loo» [0.^^*9 
]hi<^ Jlo*^/ ^:^>/ ^, which agrees with- B's reading o-raStous 
TToAAous aTTo T7;s y^s ttTrei^e.' 

25. "AirrjXOe in the majority, B 7;X^e, which seems to be supported 
by Jl/ of the Peshitto, for aTrrjXOe is generally rendered by '^jj'. 

'O 'Irjcrov's, which B omits, is read in Pesh. 

26. Kai lS6vTe<s avrov ot futOyTaL : B ot 8e fJLaOrjrai tSovTes avrov : 
Pesh. as the majority, but reading his disciples. 

27. AvTois 6 'Ir/o-oGs in nearly all MSS. ; B o It^ct. aurots : a few 
omit o Irj(rov<; : Pesh. has 6«*f Jesus at once spake ivith them. 

28. AvTw 6 IleVpos eiTre . . . tt/jos ere iXdeiv : B o IleT/Dos eiirev 
avTti}, eXOcLv TTpos ere, which readings correspond to i.:£>lo Jlu^o 
^laX ]U ^*^ ?aii3 . . . oCik in Pesh. 

29. 'EX^ctv is represented by )l)L»» of Pesh,; B Kai rjX6ev. 

30. "Avefjiov L(rxvp6v : B omits icrxvpovy Pesh. reads it. 

33. 'EA^ovTcs 7rpoa-€Kvvrj(rav : so Pesh. ; B omits eXOovre';. 

34. TevvrjcrapeT : B, but not Pesh., prefixes cts. 
36. na/aevaAouv avrov : so Pesh. ; B oinits avrov. 

■ 5. In examining tlie character of the Peshitto in fourteen 
chapters, we have noted the reading's of the version in two 
hundred and forty-three verses or places ; but several of 
these readings have no importance for the purpose in hand. 
In not a few cases the evidence of the Peshitto is doubtful. 
In others, where the witness is clear, the Greek readings, 
which are attested by the Syriac, have no direct connexion 
with the subject of our inquiry. An instance of the latter 
class of passages is Matt. ii. 11, where the agreement of the 
Peshitto with B is of no significance, for the majority of MSS. 
of all ages supports the same reading, while only a very few 
have the alternative reading- of the Textus Receptus. We 
exclude therefore the seventy-six following places : — 

Title, i. I ; ii. 11,23 ; "i- n; i^- 13^,18; v. 4, 5,9, 11, 13, 
27> 28, 31, 39, 48; vi. 5b, 15, 16, 18, 20, 22 b, 24, 32; vii. 
2, 5, 12, 13, 16, 19, 29 ; viii. 5, 8, 13 b, 15 ; ix. 2, 5, 6, 11 bis, 
18, 22, 26, ss, 34, 36; X. 8, 12, 14b, 19, 23; xi. 5, 10 b, 
16, 21 b; xii. 3, 8, 10, 11, 22 b, 28, 32, ^^, 40; xiii. 11, 14, 
155 i7j 3h 33^ 35, 52; xiv. 15 b, 19, 22. 

2o8 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

The remaining" one hundred and sixty-seven passag-es form 
two groups ; (I) those in which the Peshitto supports the 
reading-s of the majority of Greek MSS., (II) those in which 
the Peshitto supports the readings of codex B. 

I. i. 5, 7, lo, i8a, 25; ii. 21 ; iii. 14, 16; iv. 9, 12, 23, 
24; V. II, 22, 25 b, 30, 32b, 44ter,47b; vi. i, 4 bis, 5 a bis, 
6, 13, 21, 22 a, 25, '^'3, ; vii. 9, 10, 14 ; viii. 2, 3, 9, 10, 13, 
21, 25 bis, 27, 29, 31 ; ix. 2, 12, 14, 23 ; x. 3, to, 14, '^'>, ; xi. 
8 bis, 9, 10 a, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23 bis, 26 ; xii.4, 15, 25, 27, 31, 
38, 44, 46, 47 ; xiii. I, 9, 16, 22, 23, 28, 34, 'i.r^, ^6 bis, ^'j, 40, 
43, 44 a, 45, 51 bis, S5^ 57 ; xiv. 3 bis, 4, 10, 14, 15 a, 18, 25, 
26, 27, 29, 30, 0,0,, 34, 36. 

II. i. 6, 15, 18 b ; ii. 17, 18, 19 ; iii. 3, 6, 7, 12, 16 bis ; iv. 
3, 5, 10, 13b, 16, 23 ; V. 25 a, 32a, 47 bis; vi. 12 ; vii. 8, 9, 
15, 24, 29 ; viii. 5, 7, 13, 28, 32 ; ix. 4 bis, 5, 8, 13, 17, 18, 
32, ^S ; X. 2, 4, 10 ; xi. 2, 5, 16, 19, 23 bis; xii. 4, 14, 22 a, 
38; xiii. 24, 44 b, 46 ; xiv. 6, 12, 13, 22, 24, 25, 28. 

Several of the verses, which are cited, involve more than 
one distinct point in the evidence ; they are therefore neces- 
sarily entered in the summary under more than one head. 
Some of the verses, which are excluded, may be thoug-ht to 
contain evidence of the connexion of the Peshitto with the 
majority of the MSS. on the one side, or with cod. B on the 
other. We have preferred in all cases of doubt to exclude 
the verse, rather than to seem to overstate the case ; but a few 
instances more or less would make no real difference in the 
general result, which is as follows : — 

In fourteen chapters the readings of the Peshitto are found 
to support the Traditional Greek Text in one hundred and 
eight places, and the Text of codex B in sixty-five places — 
more than half the number. 



I. It is not our intention in this essay to pursue our in- 
vestig-ations be3^ond the Holy Gospels. Questions concerning" 
the value of the evidence of the Peshitto are limited to those 
books for the present ; when Ciiretonian Epistles and a Lewis 
Acts have been discovered, a wider field will be opened up ; but 
the results we have already obtained, and the considerations 
to follow, are, we think, sufficient in amount and weight to 
stamp the character of the Peshitto as a w^hole. These results 
will by some be received with surprise ; yet Westcott and 
Hort have already said ^ : — - 

' Nevertheless the two texts are not identical. In a con- 
siderable number of variations the Vulgate Syriac ^ sides with 
one or other of the Pre- Syrian texts against the Antiochian 
Fathers and the late Greek text, or .else has a transitional 
reading, which has often, though not always, some Greek 
documentary attestation.' 

The first two assertions in this quotation are, on the whole, 
confirmed by our examination of the text of Matt, i-xiv. The 
last assertion is somewhat vague, but appears intended to 
mean that the Peshitto readings form a connecting link 
between the texts which the writers call respectively 
' Pre-Syrian ' and ' Antiochian and late.' To complete our 
investigation, we will now collect from the same chapters of 
St. Matthew those places in which the Peshitto witnesses 
to independent readings, as distinguished from those in which, 
as we have alreaxly seen, it supports either codex B or the 
Traditional Greek Text. We will add in each case a com- 

> 'New Test., Introd., § 189 

' By which they mean tlie Peshitto. As has often been pointed out, this 
epithet expresses tbe reception and popularity of this versiun, but assumes 
a theory about its origin which is still a subject of discussion. 

2IO Stitdia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 

parison with the Curetonian and the Lewis ^ MSS., and give, 
where necessary or desirable, confirmatory readings, especially 
those of D, and the evidence of the Old Latin ; but we shall 
not attempt to exhibit the attestations in full : space would 
not permit, and the reader can verify our conclusions from 
the pages of Tischendorf. 

2. St. Matthew, i-xiv. 

I. 20. Om. i8ou, also ii. i, and often. As the use of )©♦, lo, is in 
accordance with Syiiac idiom, it is difficult to believe that a trans- 
lator would fail to employ the particle, if i8ou were before him in 
his Greek MS. Sometimes, but not often — e.g. xii. 49 — )©», lo, is 
introduced, where there is no iZov in the Greek. Cur. and Lp. 
omit at i. 20, but at ii. i read and lo. 

23. Me^' yj^Civ 6 ©cos, »o»^/ >Na.\., Our God is with us, but our 
may be intended to express 6. Cur. and Lp. as Pesh., but tians. 'bL ( . 

25. 'EyivwcTKev : Pesh. o>N;^n.», eyvw avTijv, the reading of D and 
the Old Latin. Cur. and Lp. different. 

II. I. Om. I80V, sse i. 20. 

T^s 'louSat'as, )?oom? ysj*^ i>w^, Bethlehem of Jtidah (so Cur. 
and Lp.) as ver. 6, and so ver. 5. 

5. Om. auTO) : so N^ Chrys. (codd. Moscuenses 3), but not Cur. 
and Lp. 

6. Om. yij, Pesh. Cur. Lp. 

8. EtTTtv • Pesh. adds yOo*!^, avTois, with Cur. and Lp. Pesh. 
has the order tt. t. TratSiou aK/jt/3a)s : so Cur. ; Ljd. omits aKpi/Jws. 

'Ettu-v 8e €Vfn]Te, aTrayyctAare fj.01, oU wo»>>JolS.'*S)<»(» K200 
wjola**, And when ye have found him, come tell me. It is doubtful 
if the translator had avrov, but probable that he read Sevre. Cp. 
xxviii. 6, where Sevre iSere is rendered ^jL* ^*^(l. Cur. and Lp. 
as Pesh. 

1 1 . Pesh. (Tfjivpvav Kai Xi(3avov. So Cur. and Lp. 

13. Om. ISov, see i. 20; so Cur. and Lp. 

14. 'O §£ eyep^ets : Pesh. Cur. Lp. But Joseph arose. This is 
hardly to be reckoned a v. I. ; probably the name is added for 
clearness ; yet it is supported by Old Latin MSS. 

* I shall use the symbol Lp., which I employed six years ago when writing 
in the Critical lieview, to indicate the palimpsest discovered and published 
by Mrs. Lewis. Everyone calls the companion text the Curetonian, after its 
discovei'er. Appellations which tend to confuse the Sinai Palimpsest with 
the Codex. Sinaxticus, may mislead some readers. S resembles S, the symbol 
of a tenth centux-y MS. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 211 

19. Tou 'HpcuSou: Pesh. Cur. Lp, add toG /SacrtAecos, having, as it 
seems, the same reading as in ver. i, and again omit Ihov. 
21. Joseph added, as ver. 14 ; not Cur. nor Lp. 
23. ju^x^ ^iiig-> ih,e Prophet, Pesh. Cur. and Lp. 

III. 3. Pesh. omits Aeyovro?, with slight support. Cur. and Lp. 
read it. 

8. Kaj07rot'9 a^iovs Pesh. with Cur. and Lp. 

10. "HSt; Se': Pesh. ^? )o», reading, as it seems, 'l8oi> Se, Cur. 
Lp. Joto, /cat Ihov. 

12. Pesh. reads aAwva, ctitov, and dTroOrJKrjv as if plurals; Cur. so 
reads the last two, Lp. the second only. All omit avrov after alrov. 
16. 'I80V omitted in Pesh., read in Cur. and Lp. 

IV. I. Tov IIvcu/AaTos : Pesh. and Cur. add jkA.9afi9, dytwcri'v?;?, 
i. 6. ctytov, but rather as an explanation than following a different 
reading. Lp. follows the Greek. All have the order viro t. tti/cv. 
eis T. eprjfxov with N K. 

15. Pesh. omits kol before yy, and proceeds kaa^? U*io( , which 
certainly looks like a reading 6Sos, for the adverbial sense of the 
accusative 6S6v would require a preposition before l^Jo/. Cur. 
and Lp. read kol but have '0/ as Pesh. 

19. Aeyct avTois : Pesh, and Cur. add Jesus ^. 'Y/xas : Pesh. 
with D and Old Latin MSS. adds yeveo-^at : not Cur. nor Lp. 

20. AiKTva : Pesh. adds avrtDv: so Cur. and Lp. 

23. Pesh. omits the second Tracrav: not Cur. nor Lp. 

24. }j&!iLla.]^ ^.A^Al^if ^A^(o . . . jtAd oiLA^f ^^»(, rov<; KaKu><; 
exovTa<i . . . KOL tovs ftacrdvoLs crwe;^o/xeVoi;s, the repetition of 
^;i^/ suggesting tliat Pesh. read tov<s before f3aa-a.voLs. Cur. and 
Lp. are different and diverge from the Greek. 

V. I. 'iStov Se: Pesh. adds Jesus, as iv. 19 ; not Cur. nor Lp. 

11. Pesh. jlo^,^^ vl^^^^ )kA*2. Jbo ^o yaa^.X. Three 
transpositions, as though reading KaO' v/xwv ttSj/ pi^fxa -n-ov-qpov hcKev 
i[xov ij/evSofxevoi. prj/xa Trovqpov is the Usual Syi'iac order of noun 
and adjective, the other two changes are iiot required by the idiom 
and certainly suggest a different order in the Greek. Cur, and Lp. 
have KaG" vfxwv in the same position : the former certainly, the 
latter probably, omits p^/xa. Cur. has xf/evSofxevoL before ev. ifji.. : 
Lp. omits it. 

* It may be said with good reason that this arldition is like that of Joseph 
in ii. I4 and 21, but Dr. Sanday treats the addition or omissiim of Jesus in 
xvi. 21 as a var. lect., see Ap/iend. p. 107. On the other hand, the case of 
copies, with which Dr. Sanday was dealing, is different from that of a Version. 

212 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

12. o*^ ^'^'^; Thefa rejoice, as though reading rore -^aip^Tc. Not 
Cur. nor Lp. 

17. Old editions of Pesh. omit the second yjXOov. The true text 
agrees with the Greek, so also do Cur. and Lp. 

31. Pesh. Cur. Lp. omit 8c. 

36. All transpose and add o*s, as though reading Troi^crat Iv 
avrfi fxiav Tpi^a Xcvktjv tj {xeXatvav. 

37. D JJo KoX ov ov, Pesh. Cur. Lp. 

44. Pesh. .QlaX j^U? « ntiN,, tw Karaputfjievi^ v/aSs, in sing. Cur. 
and Lp. omit the clause. 

45. "On : Pesh. > oo», He who. Pesh. also transposes aya6ov(; 
Kal 7rovr]pov<i. lu each case P is supported by Cur. Lp. and some 
Old Latin MSS. 

VI. I. Upoaex^Te: Pesh. (not Cur. nor Lp.) adds Se, with N and 

5. ^lXovo-lv: Pesh. and Cur. add arrjvai, the Old Latin reading, 
and omit earaJTe?. Lp. omits the verse. 

17. Pesh. transposes, Nt'i/^ai to Trpoa-wTrov crov, kol aXeixJ/ai, r^v 
Ke(j)aX7]v (Tov. So Cui'. Ljj. is defective to viii. 3. 

18. i^-^j oo», avTos airoSuio-eL croi, Pesh., not Cur. 

32. IldvTa yap ravra to. eOvrj : SO the true text of the Peshitto, 
but the old editions and some MSS. add )ca.^^JS.9, tov Kocrp-ov, 
Cur. adds )^»v?, with the same meaning. OlSe yap : Pesh. (not 
Cur.) 8c, with slight sujDport. 

VII. 16. ^> >i3 ^,aTro ^i. T. Kap. av., Pesh. ; Cur. '^.Ocx, ow. 

VIII. 2. *M I'^'i^) AcTrpos Tis, Pesh. and Cur. 

3. Tt)!' x«tp« • Pesh. adds airov with Cur. Lp. and N. 

4. )Jo»a>v, to the Priests, pi., Pesh. and Cur. The reading of Lp. 
is conjectural, and given as sing, by the Editors. 

To 8wpov: so Pesh., but a well supported v. I. is ^,1^900, thy 
gift. Cur. and Ljd. have the gift. 

5. Pesh. adds tl<s, as ver. 2 ; so Cur. In Lp. there is a 

8. Pesh. has oo» jJoj-^J^. The same construction is found in 
ver. 13. Probably in each case oo» stands for the article and does 
not represent a reading c/cciros. Cur. and Lp. have also 00, but 
here before the noun, ver. 13 after as Pesh. 

12. 'Y,K^Xr]67]aovTai : Pesh. t ftQC>>, shall go forth] so Cur. and 
Lp. with K. 

14. IleTpou: Pesh. yCi v.n^«^,», StVwvo?, cp. Mark i. 29 in the 
Greek. So Cur. and Lp. 

Pes hit to Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 213 

16. tOoMCut, TO. TTvev/xara avrCJv, Pesh., but Cur. and Lp. only 
tQj(, aura. 

23. '>^CL*^ ja ^ flo »3o. There is no Jesus in the Greek, but see 
note on ii. 14. Cur. and Lp. are both defective here. 

24. AvTos Se : Pesh. adds ^^cubk*, Jesus, as in the preceding verse ; 
so vers. 26, 28, 32. Cur. is defective to x. 32. Lp. has not the 
addition, here or below, but is defective in the beginning of ver. 26. 

25. Kvpie: Pesh. here, and ix. 28, xiii. 51, has .lio, Our Lord, 
but the difference is rather of idiom than of reading. Lp. agrees 
with Pesh. Cur. is defective : at xiii. 51 both omit the word. 

26. Pesh. and Lp. the wind in the singular, with N and others. 

27. Pesh. and Lp. omit kol before ol ave/xoL. 

29. Pesh. om. ISov: cp. note on i. 20. 

32. Pesh. omits ISov and the second -^oipoiv : so Lp., but there 
are many differences between the texts. 

33. )oo)> «*.2Ci!:^A, as though i-eading Travra to, ycvd/Acva : cp» the 
Syriac of xviii. 31. Lp. has^^.o, Travra, but the rest is illegible. 

IX. 2. Pesh. om. l8ov, as viii. 29 above. Lp. is defective, here 
and the next two verses. 

3. Kat ISov, rtves T. y. : Pesh, rtve? Se r. y. 

4. EiTTci' : Pesh. adds avroL?, with D and some others. 

5. Pesh. seems to have 'A^. o-oi ai a/xapTLai aov, reading both crot 
and <7ov. Lp. the same. On d^ewvrat or af^Uvrai see note on ix. 2, 
p. 202. 

6. Pesh. om. Tore (with M) and has )JiiL» oo»^, for which see 
note on viii. 8. Lp, reads rore but has « ooC^. 

10. Pesh. omits eyeVero and reads avrwv dvaKet/xevwv, with X*. 
It also omits kol Ihov. Lp. is defective. 

15. For ir€v6fiv Pesh. has 0-.1Q.X, vq(TT€.vuv, with D and Old 
Latin MSS. Lp. follows the Greek. 

16. Pesh. omits Se : so Lp. 

18. Pesh. om. i8ou. Lj}. joto, Kat Ihov. 

19. Pesh. transposes, koI ol jxad-qTol airov kol rjKoXovOrjaav arrw, 
reading 3rd pers. pi. as E and some other copies. Lp. follows the 

28. U.vtflo .c«!jo», but perhaps as before (viii. 8) only the article 
is intended, ol Tvcf)Xoi So Lp. 

30. k«»lis.3l/ ) »< o, KOL evOi."S aveio)(^97](rav : SO Lp. 

32. as^ '. '>^ciA.» ja^j *oo, And as Jesus went forth, they 
hrought. Ihov is omitted. Lp. omits tSov, but otherwise follows 
the Greek. 

214 Stiidia Biblica et Ecdesiastica. 

36. 'iSwj/ 8€ : Pesli. adds 'Ir^crovs (not Lp.) with some support. 
37- Tore: Pesh. o, Kat : Lp. ^«.»o4, totc. 

X. I. 'E^ovo-iai/: Pesh. adds Kara with E and others, but not Lp. 
1 01 JGOO, Kat /xaXaKiav, Tracrav being omitted j so Lp. 

2. ;cy>V»l> ^9 •oo»^.«9, 'EkciVwv Se twv SwScKa, In Lp. the 
sentence is inverted, but there is no eKetVwv. 

4. Pesh. prefixes Kat to ^t/Awv, and reads )i,^cu»afio, S'carjuta; so 
Lp. Both omit Kat before irapaSovs, 

10. M?^ : Pesh. and Lp. Ho, /xrjBi, 

24. AiSacTKaXov : Pesh. adds avrov with Lp. and N. 

25. Pesh. has always >^<^i\:!^, B'elzebub; so Cur. So also 
Lp. here ; in the other places the MS. is defective, 

28. Kai before ifrvxrjv is omitted by Pesh. and Lp. 
30. Pesh, adds v/awv after Ke<f)aXTJ's. So apparently Lp., but the 
wording is different. 

XI. 5. Pesh. has kol before XeirpoL, as well as the other nouns. 
So Cur. Lp. is defective here. 

14. AeiaaOai: Pesh. o\-^p, BeiacrOe, as E and some cursives, 
but not Cur. nor Lp. 

20. Tore rjp^aTo : Pesh. adds Jesus. So Cur. Lp. is defective. 

21. Pesh. prefixes )oot i^io, and he was saying; Cur. i.soio, 
and he said ; Lp. defective. 

TTciAat av : Pesh. ^; iSi^. The same occurs at Luke x. 13. It 
looks like a reading 8e, for av is usually passed over in the Syriac 
rendei'ing. Cur. as Pesh. Lp. is again defective. 

24. i*n^k \jij:£)(, Xeyw crot, Pesh., with slight support. Cur. 
omits the pronoun ; Lp. is defective. 

XII. 2. 'iSdvTcs : Pesh. adds avrovs with Cur. and Old Latin 
and some Greek MSS. Lp. is defective to ver. 7. 

5. Pesh. om. rot? ad^fSacnv : so Cur. 

9. 'EKtt^ev : Pesh. adds Jesus (not Cur.) with C and some 

10. Pesh. reads Kat avOpwTros rts: see note on i. 20 : Cur. has 
ISoi) and Tts. 

1 1 . Pesh. and Cur. omit tovto and read Kparet, iyetpei, with D and 
others. Lp. seems also to have the present tense, but is defective. 

13. Pesh. Kat c^eVeive rrjv x^'P<* avrov, and omits vyn^<s. So Cur. 
and, as it seems, Lp., but the writing is in part defective. 

24, 27. See note on x. 25. 

30. jj-a-'so o»»-^vi, as though they read o-KopTrt^wv crKopTrt^ct. So 
Cur. In Lp. the writing is lost. 

Pesliitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 215 

32. Pesh., with Cur. and Lp., iv tw alQivL fxeXXovn, but the repe- 
tition of the noun is ahnost required by the idiom. 

44. 2co-apco/x.evoi/ : Pesh. piefixes Kai with Cur. Ljd. X and others. 

46. For ISoi) Pesh. has ol/, rjXOov. Cur. and Lp. agree with the 

49. Pesh. Kol, L^ov, ol dSeXi, repeating tSou, which is so often 
omitted, cj). i. 20. Cur. as Pesh., but Lp. has a different 

XIII. I. o!is».o . . . <Si.2u (cited by Tischendorf) exactly rejii'esent 
(.^rjXOfv KoX iKaOrjTo, but participle and finite verb are often resolved 
into two finites, with or without copula. Lp. here omits and. 
Cur. agrees with Pesh. 

10. Pesh. adds avrov to ol fiaOrjTat, with Cur. Lp. and others. 

13. Pesh. .ooOQJ^ at end of clause, as though reading AaXw 
avTOLs : but ini'erences from order of words are somewhat doubtful. 
Cur. and Lp. as Pesh. 

18. fJikJ/? J;l^^-^7 "^W T^apajioX-riv tov a-TripfxaTos. Cur. and Lp. 
agree with the Greek. 

23. Tov Xoyov : Pesh. adds ixov, wfcsJiil», and has the order aKovwv 
T. Xoy. fxov. Cur. and Lp. have this order, but not p.ov. Old Latin 
q has verhum meuin. 

'*0s ^-i] KapTro(f)opeL: Pesh. and Cur. J»)J oomO, which perhaps 
represents 8e, the reading of A, rather than S-^. Lp. has and then it 
yieldeth, tlie Old Latin reading. 

28. Pesh. (against the majority, but with D and Old Latin) has 
the order Xiyovatv (not etTrov) avrw ol SovXol '• but it is a natural 
Syriac order. Cur. and Lp. as Pesh. 

29. Ov- p-rjiroTe: Pesh. )L.Na.\», omitting ov, but Cur. and Lp. 
have it. The negative is implied in either reading. 

Pesh. (with slight supjDort) afxa aurois kol («S() t. (tItov. Cur. 
and Lp. transpose, kol t. ctTtov ajxa avr. 

30. Ets 8eo-;u,a?: Pesh. )lis_.i£o)jo »QJ( oiooolo, St^o-. avra Sea-fia^: 
SO Cur. Lp. with Old Latin and some Greek MSS. 

32. Met^ov Twi': Pesh. fjL. TrdvTwv twv. So Cur. Lp. and some 
Greek MSS. 

41. Toil's TTotof'VTas: Pesh. Cur. Lp. all them which do. 

48. 'Avaf^i/Sda-avTes : Pesh. adds avTrjv, with some sujDport. It 
has the Kat, which some omit, and after Ka^to-avres, proceeds ,Qj.^^ 
UJuicLd a*.5S>/'')Ji^o, they selected; and the good they put into 
vessels. Cur. and Lp. have avrrjv and /cat, but express the latter 
part of the verse differently. 

2i6 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

54, 57. Pesh. for Trarpt's has ]fc>a*»j!0, city. So Cur.; also Lp. at 
ver. 54, at 57 it is defective \ 

XIV. I. 'Ev cKetVo) : Pesh. adds Se : so Cur. and, no doubt, Lp., 
but the writing is defective. 

4. At the end Pesh. adds Jlio/, wife; so Cur., but not Lp. 

6. ^i^^gtan o»i5, kv /Aeo-o) Twv dvaKet/jievwv, cp. Mark vi. 2 2. So 
substantially Cur., but Lp. omits the clause. 

7. 'fl/AoAdy7/o-£v : Pesh. )>ja.-, sware, with slight support, but not 
Cur. nor Lp. 

8. Pesh., with Cur. and Lp., has She said, Give me here. The 
order was perhaps altered for the sake of the Syriac idiom, but it 
is supported by the Greek of D. 

9. Pesh. adds at the end o»^, to her, with Cur. ; so apparently 
Lp., but the word is illegible. 

13. IIc^t}: Pesh. Uji*2», as if reading 8ia ^y)pa.<s, but the same 
rendering of ttc^^ is found in Mark vi. 33. Cur. more literally 
"•^^ts ; Lp. is defective. 

15. Tovs oxAous: Pesh. adds )k*j(^?, tw dv^pcuTrwv, not Cur. ; Lp. 
is defective. 

16. Pesh. omits 'It^o-ols, with Cur. Lp. N and D. 

19. 'Etj-i Tors x"P^oi;s : Pesh. )c^»/ ^^^iw, on the ground, but Cur, 
).^tt^, Lp. )>i3>CL., to express the )(6pTov<;. 

\.a,'\'\'\ ci,>ftflo ]»io&Xl tcuoto .wo<Ofcl.v5.^b>.^ 00^0, and 
gave to his disci2)les (omitting tous aprous) and the disciples set 
them before the multitudes. Cur. He brake tJie bread and gave to 
his disciples and his disciples gave to the multitudes ; so Lp. ^ Pesh. 
has some slight support from the Old Latin. 

21. Pesh. omits wo-ct': so Cur.; Lp. is defective. 

24. Pesh. omits ^8r;, with D and Old Latin MSS, It also has 
^.^ U^l^«v>, ^aaavLl6fX€vov iroXv. Most of Lp. is illegible. 
Cur. does not read 7/817 or ws^». Cur. and Lp. have and they were 
distressed, mas. pi. 

25, 26. \^^ bis, water, for r^s 6a\d<Tarj<;. t>;i' 6dXaa(ray, looks 
like an early error for ^ax., sea. Lp. is defective at ver. 25, and 
has )k^a- at ver. 26. Cur. has )Jio ver. 25. Ui^ ver. 26. 

1 The Syriac expresses a special meaning of the word — ' native place,' iu 
general, hence ' city.' Besides instances iu the Gospels, it is so used by Philo 
and Josephus ; see Thayer's Grimrns Lexicon, BlomGeld's Lejicon to the 
Greek Testament, s.v. It would therefore be unreasonable to suppose that the 
Syriac had a reading woAu. 

^ On *QJ<w, which is read in Cur. as well as in Pesh., but not in Lp., see 
remark on the use of Ooj, viii. 8, above. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N.T. 217 

26. Tischendorf quotes Pesh. for the inversion TrepnraTovvTa eVi t. 
6d\., but the order seems due to the Syriac idiom. Cur, and Lp. 
have the same order. 

29. 'O 8e: Pesh., with E and others, adds 'l7ycroi}s : not Cur.; Lp. 
is defective here. 

31. 'O 'Ir]<Tovs: Pesh. \;-V, our Lord. Cur. has Jesus, Lp. is 

34. Pesh. i^^? {the land) of Genesar. So Cur. and Lp. 

3. Tn our examination of the text of these fourteen chapters, 
we find one hundred and thirty-seven places where the render- 
ings in the Peshitto agree neither with the Greek Text of codex 
B, nor with that of the mass of Greek copies. In this number 
we do not include the variations in v. 17 and vi. 32 a, because 
the true text of the Peshitto^ is now found to be in agreement 
with the Greek ; nor viii. 4 b, because, though there is a well- 
sujiported reading ' tJi^ gift,' the true text aj)pears to be * the 
gift,' as the Greek; nor the doubtful readings in viii. 8, 13, 
25, ix. 28, xiii. 54, 57, xiv. 19 a and 26. In the majority of the 
hundred and thiity-seven places, the Peshitto has the support 
of the Curetonian and the Lewis, or one of them. In many 
others it is supported by the Old Latin, or by a few Greek 
copies. There remain thirty-one places — almost one-fourth 
of the whole number — in which the Peshitto appears to stand 
alone ; places, at least, where no variation in other authorities 
is quoted by Tischendorf in his notes, with the two exceptions 
(if exceptions they be) which we have recorded below. As 
the presence of such a large number of Peshitto readings in 
only fourteen chapters is significant, it will be well to collect 
and set them down. They are : — 

ii. 21 Joseph added ; iii. 16 Ihov omitted ; iv. 15 koX omitted ; 
23 second -naarav omitted ; 24 tovs added j v. i Jestis added ; 
12 Tore prefixed ; 44 the singular rw Karapwixhio vfxas ; vi. 18 
avrds inserted before avobcixret ; vii. 16 8e added; viii. 16 
avTGiv added ; 23 Jesus added, and below ; 29 Ihov omitted ; 

1 At V. 17 the MSS. and the American Edition have the second fc^-Vj 
?l\9ov. At vi. 32 the addition is found in two important copies, but is 
rejected by the majority. See Tetraeaangelium , pp. 39 and 48. 

21 8 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

33 Trarra ra yevoixeva ; ix, 2 Ihov omitted ; 3 rues 8e 
rcoi' ypajxixaTiiiw ', lO koI iSow omitted; 18 Ihov omitted; 
32 J^p*?^^ for avTS>v ; 37 /cat for Tore ; x. 2 eiceCvcav added ; xii. 
46 ?/A^oy for Ihov; xiii. 18 roS airipiiatos ', 23 /^lou added to 
Tov koyov'^; 29 omission of ov ; 48 the reading i^^ey selected', 
and the good they put'^; xiv. 13 the probable reading hia ^ripas; 
15 T&v av9p(i)iro}v added; 24 ttoKv added; 26 im to. vhara ; 
31 the reading Oi'.r Lord. 

4 a. We have noted that two of these Peshitto readings 
receive external support, one from a codex of the Old Latin, 
the other from a passage in Chrysostom. It is in a high 
degree probable that others of the readings agree with variants 
in some of the cursive copies, the bulk of which has never 
been examined exhaustively ^. At present our argument is 
merely negative : in these many places the Peshitto appears 
to stand alone. We can however foresee that ultimately one 
or other of two positions must be taken. If the many Peshitto 
readings, which witness to Greek variants such as are found 
in none of the best known copies, are hereafter discovered to 
represent variants lurking, some in one, some in another, 
cursive copy, it will follow that the cursives embody much 
independent matter ; that they are not mere replicas of one 
archetype, the reproduction, in publishers' style, of a single 
text ; that they can no longer be disregarded by those who 
would settle the text of the Greek Testament on an irre- 
fragable basis. If they contain nothing but one late type of 
text, let them be laid aside, and the issue will be between 
Tischendorf s codex N, and Westcott and Hort^s codex B. If 
they represent a large number of very ancient, but now lost, 
archetypes, we shall neglect the greater part of the evidence 
if we only admit the testimony of a few uncials. 

^ Tischendorf adduces Old Latin q as a sole authority for this addition. 

* Tischendorf quotes from Chrysostom a passage resembling this reading, 
but adduces no authority of MSS. or Versions. 

^ Gregory in Tischendorf's Nor. Ted. Gr. (vol. iii, viii, p. 453) recognizes 
that some cursives witness to a text much older than themselves, and adds, 
' haud ita niulti vero ad hunc diem accurate examinati sunt.' 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 219 

b. This will be one position. But an alternative may have 
to be taken. It may be that whether the cursive texts be 
hereafter resolved into many, or proved to be only one, the 
Peshitto will be found to possess a large store of readings, 
which unquestionably presuppose variations in the Greek, and 
yet are supported by no Greek copies now known to us. Full 
allowance must here be made for differences, which are rather 
of translation than of reading ; still there will yet remain 
a considerable number of places, where the Peshitto (as dis- 
tinguished from the Curetonian and the Lewis) will be an 
independent witness to very ancient Greek readings, and will 
claim to be heard in addition to the attestations of N and B. 
Westcott and Hort in their Introduction, to which we have 
already referred, suppose that there was 'an authoritative 
revision [of the Greek] at Antioch, which was then taken as 
a standard for a similar authoritative revision of the Syriac 
Text.' But since we have shown that the Peshitto readings 
do not exactly represent any extant Greek Text, it follows 
that, if the conjecture of the Cambridge Doctors be right, the 
Peshitto is the sole witness to a very ancient and authorita- 
tive type of the text of the New Testament. 




At tins stag-e in our investigation it may be convenient 
to re-state what is known and generally admitted in con- 
nexion with the history of the Peshitto Version of the New 

T. No one questions the fact that it has been received for 
many centm'ies as their accredited version by both branches 
of the Syrian Church ^ 

2. The text of the version is attested by an • exception- 
ally large number of very ancient MSS. These, though 
written in different localities, exhibit the text at various 
epochs with a certainty and uniformity, which is almost, 
or quite, without a parallel among the MSS. of ancient 
books ^. 

3. The pre-eminence of the Peshitto was due to the high 
estimate in which it was held, and not to the absence of 
competitors. At the beginning of the sixth century, and 
again at the beginning of the seventh, revisions were under- 
taken ^ with a view to bringing the text of the Syriac into 
conformity with the type of Greek text then prevalent, 
and rendering- the translation more literal and accurate ; but 
neither of these revisions superseded the ancient Peshitto. 

4 a. So far all critics are in agreement. But it has been 
supposed that in the era preceding the time when our oldest 
copies of the Peshitto were written, some other form of trans- 
lation was in general use. It was observed that Aphraates *, 
whose Homilies were composed between a. d. 337 and 345, and 

1 For the history of the Syriac Versions of the New Testament see Wright, 
Syriac Literature, pp. 6-20, where many authorities are quoted. Cp. 
Mr. Burkitt's Early Christianity outside the Noman Empire, pp. 15, iS, 19. 

2 Compare Mr. Kendel Harris' remarks in L. Q. B., pp. 103, 104. 

3 The Philoxenian, by Philoxenns, Bishop of Mabog, in 508, and the 
JIarldeian, by Thomas of Harkel, in 616. 

1 For ApliVaates and Ephraim see Wright, Syriac Literature, pp. 32-3^, 
and the article ' Ephraim ' in Dictionary of Christian Biography, 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 221 

therefore are anterior to our earliest Peshitto MSS., did not 
habitually quote frona the New Testament Peshitto Text. 
The usage of this writer is of importance in the question, 
because his Homilies contain a very large number of Biblical 
citations, and afford sufficient materials for arriving at a 
definite conclusion. 

b. The usage in citations of the other great Syriac writer of 
the period, Mar Ephraim\ is perhaps the pivot on which the 
present controversy will turn. Formerly it was supposed that 
Ephraim made use of the Peshitto. If, as appeared to be the 
case in not a few places, he used some other translation from 
time to time — perhaps his own independent rendering — yet 
the presence of the Peshitto in his writings was proof of the 
antiquity of the version, and that it was known, and in use 
amongst Syriac writers, in a period earlier thnn that of our 
earliest copies of it '^. Many years ago I indicated that the 
solution of the problem might be found by a careful examina- 
tion of all the quotations in the earliest Syriac writers-^. 
Mr. Burkitt has proceded on the path, which I pointed out as 
the route to our destination ; and his observations and con- 
clusions are, naturally, to me of peculiar interest. After an 
exhaustive study of the genuine works of Mar Ephraim, he 
contends that the resemblance of Ephraim 's quotations to the 
Peshitto Text is due to corruption of Ephraim's own text, 
and that the true text of Ephraim, as attested by the best 
MSS. of the Father's writings, shows that he used the Biates- 
mron in the main *. Hence Mr. Burkitt infers that the 
Peshitto did not exist in the fourth century. His inference 

^ See Mr. Woods' ' Examination of the New Testament Quotations of 
Ephrem Syrus* in Studia Bihlica, vol. iii. 

^ It is allowed by all Syriac scholars that some of the oldest of the extant 
MSS. of the Peshitto N. T, are not later than the fifth century, and were 
perhaps written about a hundred years after the death of Ephraim, which 
took place in 373. A recent examination of the most ancient Syriac ]\1S. in 
the Bodleian Library, a Tetraeuangelium, has led to tlie conclusion that it is 
much older than has hitherto been supposed, and rivals in antiquity all, 
except a few, of the oldest copies. See a note by the present writer on ' The 
Age of Dawkins 3 ' in The Jonrnnlof Theological Studies, April, 1902. 

^ In a paper published in Studia Bihlica, vol. i; see pp. 168, ifx^. 

* On the disuse of this work in the Syrian Church see p. 232 (2) below. 

R 2 

222 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 

is exposid to the obvious objection that the use of the Diates- 
saron does not prechide the existence of Separate Gospels. 
He even admits the use of the Peshitto in eig-ht out of his 
forty-eig-ht selected examples. But Mr. Burkitt's theory 
derives support from the phenomena presented by those few- 
quotations which have been traced in other extant remains of 
the Syriac literature before the fifth century. It is not dis- 
puted that they bear a greater resemblance to Curetonian, 
or Lewis, readings, as the case may be, than to the Peshitto 
Text. But from the fifth century and onwards the Peshitto 
held undisputed possession of the field in the usag-e of the 
Syrinus. A theory of its origin is demanded, and Mr. Burkitt 
considers the action taken by Bishop Rabbula affords sufficient 
explanation of the rise of the great version ^. 

1 Burkitt, op. cit., p. 57 ; see also p. 232, n. i, below. 


Since the preceding* pag-es have been in print, I have 
thought that, in referring to Mr. Burkitt's statements, I 
may have represented him as allowing more than he is 
willing to concede. His words in Texts and Studies, vol. vii. 
No. 2, p. SS^ are :— 

' I cannot think that the occasional coincidences of 
language with the Peshitta against the Sinai Palimpsest 
and the Curetonian, amounting to eight in all, are of a 
character to suggest the actual use of the Syriac Vulgate.' 

The position then is this. Mr. Burkitt recognizes in eight 
(out of forty-eight) passages coincidences with the language 
of the Versio Simplex. To Dr. Waller, myself, and others, 
these coincidences are evidence for the existence of the form 
of text now contained in the ' Syriac Vulgate.' If that text 
existed, and quotations were made, which agree with it, it is 
not unreasonable to suppose the actual use of the Version 
itself Mr. Burkitt thinks otherwise ; and, as I understand, 
contends that the coincidences are really with the Diatessaron, 
which happens in those passages to exhibit readings identical 
with those subsequently found in the Syriac Gospels, though 
not in the Curetonian or Lewis MSS. of them. 

G. H. G. 

[Studia Biblica, V. iii.] 

224 Shidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 

was raised^. It was confidently asserted by those who dis- 
parag-e the Traditional Text, that the cause of their opponents 
had suffered shipwreck and was hopelessly lost. But the 
school, in which I have for many years been a scholar, has 
never considered the Peshitto the sheet-anchor of our position. 
I have yet to learn that Scrivener or Burgon ever set such an 
extravag-ant value on the Peshitto, although, as we allow, they 
held the evidence of that Version in very high esteem. The 
epithet ' sheet-anchor ' was invented in the opposite camp, 
perhaps by Dr. Sanday ^. It was first used in my hearing by 
him in his speech at the Debate on New Testament Criticism, 
held in New College five years ago ^. Those who spoke on the 
other side were careful to insist on the necessity of weighing 
all the evidence. Their language is opposed to any intention 
of making some single part the sole support of the whole *. 
We admit that Burgon and Miller held the Peshitto Version 
in very high esteem, but we are sure that their estimate would 
have been modified in deference to any certain conclusions 
derived from accurate study of the history of that Version. 
But even in the extravagant supposition that the Peshitto 
was the worthless rendering of a falsified Greek codex, palmed 
off upon good Bishop Rabbula by a crafty monk of Antioch ; 
even if thus the Peshitto had to be expunged from our 
Apparatus Criticus, the critical position of the late Dean 
Burgon would be unchanged. He would still have said, 
' I base my text on the evidence of all the available and 
credible and creditable witnesses ^.' 

' A note of triumph sounds all through Mr. Rendel Harris' review in 
i. Q. H. and reaches_/or^mtino in the last paragraph. 

^ Mr. Burkitt, in a letter to the Record dated Feb. 24 last, says, ' The 
statement that the Peshitta New Testament was the "sheet-anchor" of the 
defenders of the Textus Receptus represented my own deliberate opinion." 
Allowing that for Textus Receptus must be substituted Tradiiional Text, as 
we have already explained, yet the statement shows an entire misapprehension 
of our position. Our primary witnesses are the M88. Versions and fathers, 
however valuable, are only subsidiary, not essential, supporters. 

- The Oxford Dehate on the Textual Criticisyn of the Aew Testament, with 
a Preface explanatory of ihe Rival Systems, 1897. 

* See Miller's introductory speech, Debate, pp. 4 and 16, and compare my 
own remarks, p. 30. 

* Thus in substance he expressed himself repeatedly. See, for example. 
Revision Revised, pp. 338, 339. 



We will see how the evidence for the Traditional Text 
would be affected by the omission of the testimony of the 
Peshitto. To avoid the slightest suspicion of partiality, we 
will ag-ain avail ourselves of the presentment of evidence given 
by our opponent, Dr. Sanday, in the Oxford New Testament, 
and if from the reading-s, which beg-in on p. io3, we take 
always that which stands at the top of each pag-e, we shall 
clear our selection from any appearance of desig-n. We ask 
the reader to note that here is no question to which side the 
evidence belongs, as when discussion arises on the reading of 
a copy, or the text which underlies a passage in a version. 
The evidence of the Peshitto has already been allowed to our 
side by Dr. Sanday. V\'e simply inquire what difference 
it will make in the verdict if we direct this witness to stand 

I. Matt. i. 25 Tov vlov avTrjs tov TrpcoToroKov : or, vlbv only. We 
will quote Burgon's own words '. ' Only nBZ and two cursive 
copies can be produced for the omission. . . . Besides the Vulgate, 
the Peschito and Philoxenian Syriac, the Aetbioj)ic, Armeuian, 
Georgian, and Slavonian Versions, a whole torrent of Fathers are 
at hand to vouch for the genuineness of the ejiithet. . . . And how 
is it possible that two copies of the ivth century (Bn) and one of 
the vith (Z) . . . backed by a few copies of the Old Latin, should be 
supposed to be any counterpoise at all for such an airay of first- 
rate contemporary evidence as the foregoing ' (namely, the Fathers, 
whom he quotes by name) ? It is clear that the subtraction of the 
more important Syriac Version, though it would affect the evidence, 
would not change the Dean's decision, for that is based on the 
consentient testimony of the bulk of MSS. and Fathers ; nor, on 
our principles, can the verdict be different, even though we add 
to the Dean's statement, that the Curetonian and the Memphitic- 
Thebaic side here with B and N. 

^ The Eevision Revised, p. 123. 

226 Sfttdia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

2. Matt. V. 44 cTTT^pea^oVTcov iu/aSs Kai These words are omitted 
by nB and some other authorities. The scale is not turned, if we 
withdraw the Peshitto from the mass of evidence by which the words 
are supported. 

3. Matt. vii. 14. oTi is the reading of N*B* and some other 
authorities, ri of such a mass of authorities, that the omission of 
the Peshitto, which supports it, can make no possible difference in 
the result. 

4. Matt. xi. 19. €/Dywv, the reading of N and B*, is here sup- 
ported by the Peshitto, in spite of which we accept the Traditional 
reading riKvwv, which is found in nearly all copies. 

AVe pass the reading at the top of the next page (106), because 
the Peshitto is not there cited, nor is its evidence available with 
certainty. Some other readings will be passed over for the same 
cause. We take next : — 

5. Matt. xix. 9 KOL 6 aTToXeXvixevrjv ya/XT^cras /xotxa-Tai. BurgOU 
wrote ^: — 'Those thirty-one letters probably formed three lines in 
the oldest copies of all. Hence they are observed to exist in the 
Syriac (Peshitto, Harkleian and Jerusalem), the Vulgate, some 
copies of the Old Latin, the Armenian, and the Ethiopic, besides 
at least seventeen uncials (including B$2), and the vast majority 
of the cursives.' It is obvious that the omission of the Peshitto 
from such a formidable list would not affect the Dean's decision. 

The addition in Matt. xx. 28 (p. 109) and the omission in xxii. 
44 (p. no), with some other variations on subsequent pages, do 
not enter into the present discussion. The next is : — 

6. Matt. xxvi. 28. Katv^s, which Westcott and Hort, bound by 
their allegiance to codex B, omit, is attested by such a multitude 
of witnesses, that the further evidence of the Peshitto is super- 
fluous, though gratifying. 

7. Markv. I. Tepaa-rjvuiv N*BD and the Latin. TaSaprjvwv A 
and the majority, with the Peshitto. Here the evidence of the 
Peshitto is of more consequence than in some of the instances 
already considered; but even without it, TaSaprjvwv enjoys the 
support of the mass of witnesses. 

8. Mark ix. 23. With or without the Peshitto, Trto-Tevcrai will be 
read by those who accept the testimony of the majority of witnesses. 

9. IMark xi. 3. ' Traces of ttolXlv linger on only in those 
untrustworthy witnesses nBCDLA, and about twice as many 

1 The Cannes of the Corruption of the Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels, 
Burgon and Miller, 1S96, p. 40. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 2.2.'^ 

cursive copies,' Burgon '. After this it matters little that the 
Peshitto here sides with the majority against B. 

10. Mark xv. 28. The omission of this verse in 'a very few 
ancient authorities ' was brought about ' by the influence of the 
Lectionary practice,' according to Burgon's explanation in Causes 
of Corruption of Text, pp. 75—8. 

11. Luke iv. 18. It has been said that the words Idcraa-Oai 
Tot's crvvTeTpi/xixevovs ttjv KapSiav are open to suspicion as being 
a genuine portion of the Old Testament Text, but not also of the 
New ^. "We accept them, however, on the authority of the mass 
of coj)ies, with, or without, the Peshitto. 

12. Luke vi. 48. The gloss 8ia to KaAws olKoSo/xrja-OaL avTrjv, 
exhibited by nB and a few others as the genuine text, cannot be 
accepted in place of the familiar words against the evidence of the 
great majority, whether we include the witness of the Peshitto 
or not. 

13. Luke X. I. i/3SofirjKovTa nA, &c.; B and a few authorities 
add Svo. The Peshitto for the former reading is a counterpoise to 
the Curetonian and Lewis for the latter, but its absence would 
not turn the scale against the weighty evidence of the massof MSS. 

14. Luke xi. 4. The witness of the Latin for the clause aAAa 
pva-at rj/xa<; oltto tov irovqpov is divided, but it is found in the 
Curetonian, though not in the Lewis, and even without the ' sheet- 
anchor ' of the Peshitto, is secured by overwhelming weight of 
diplomatic evidence. Only a slavish adherence to N and B could 
induce editors to omit it. 

15. Luke xvi. 12. rj/jL^Tepov cannot be read on the authority 
of B and L, with some slight further attestation, when vfxirepov is 
attested by a host of witnesses, irrespective of the Peshitto. 

16. Luke xxiii. 15. (l) dv£7re/Ai^a yap ii/xas Trpos airdv, or (2) 
dyeVe/Ai/'e yap avTov 7rpb<s rjixa.'i. Seven uncials (including N and B 
and some cursives are quoted for the latter reading, which is 
necessarily adopted by those editoi's who follow N and B. The 
former reading is that of the majority of ]\ISS. and of the Latin, 
and receives some support from the reading for I sent him to him, 
which is found in the Curetonian, the Lewis, and the Peshitto. 
The additional testimony of the latter confirms the authority of 
reading (i), but we do not deem the evidence essential to our 

* The Revision Bevised, p. 57 bot. 

^ See Scriveuer's Fkdn Introduction (ed. Miller^, i. p. 13. 

228 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 

17. Luke xxili. 45. kol ia-KOTLcrOr) 6 ^Xios receives almost 
unanimous support. Tliose who prefer tov rjXtov eKXetVovTos have 
(says Burgon ') 'but a single Version — not a single Father — and 
but three-and-a-half Evangelia to appeal to, out of perhaps three 
hundred and fifty times that number.' Such a weight of evidence 
for the traditional reading is hardly affected by the fact that the 
Peshitto sides with it. In such a case its testimony is immaterial. 

18. Luke xxiv. 42, The omission or retention of the words 
Kal ctTTo fxeXicrcriov K-qpiov is the subject of a Dissertation of twelve 
pages by Dean Burgon, and foi'ms Appendix I of The Traditional 
Text. It will be seen by reference to the summary of evidence on 
pp. 250, 251, that the testimony of the Peshitto, though included, 
is not essential to the writer's decision. 

It would consume space without necessity, and tire the 
patience of the reader, if we were to add other examples. 
Tliese eighteen, taken almost at random from three Gospels, 
are enough to ilhistrate our position. So great is the wealth 
of attestation to the Traditional Text of the New Testament, 
that the evidence of a Version or a Father can, argumenti 
cansa, be laid aside. No 'sheet-anchor' is required where 
there is no fear of drifting. The loss of codex B would be 
fatal to the stability of the structure raised by more than one 
critical editor. Without the Old Latin the advocates of 
Western readings would lack an indispensible witness. As 
the discovery of N afforded a support to the text of B, so the 
presence or absence of the Peshitto may affect the evidence 
which we accept, but would not turn the scale so as to disturb 
our estimate of the whole text. I do not deny the possibility 
of our judgement being altered as to some particulpr and 
isolated readings ; but in the vast majority of cases the verdict 
dej^ends on the different principles adopted by the rival schools 
in sifting the evidence, and not on the attestation of an 
individual witness. Formerly it was lawful to take oui* stand 
on the acknowledged antiquity of the Peshitto. It was im- 
possible indeed to prove, but neither was it possible to disprove, 
that the version dated from the third or second century, the 

^ The Ecvision lie vised, p. 64. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 229 

latter being* the era assigned to it by many competent scholars. 
Now Ephraira and Rabbula have been summoned to intercept 
the connexion with such great antiquity. But New Testa- 
ment critics cannot wait, and delay the settlement of the 
Greek Text, while experts are arguing* about the date of a 
Version. We are bold to sweep the difficulty aside, and 
dispense with the evidence of the Peshitto. We do not admit 
that its evidence is of no value. We insist that even on the 
hypothesis of oui* opponents, it is adjudged to be a witness 
of ancient readings, while it is most assuredly an independent 
witness. Yet, in spite of its value, we can afiPord to do with- 
out it, so abundant is the evidence which the Providence of 
God has provided for the establishment of the Text of His 

For the evidence for the true text of the New Testament is 
not the witness of the venerable codex B, taken alone ; nor 
the reconsti-uction effected by the labours of Drs. Westcott and 
Hort ^ ; nor the independent testimony of 'Western' docu- 
ments ^ ; nor the occasional consent of a few very ancient 
copies, which are frequently at variance in their witness ; but 
the sufficient evidence is the testimony of the Catholic Church, 
as shown in the form of text which she has handed down to 
us. In saying* this we do not mean that one unvarying* 
form has been current in all places and at all times. There 
have been corrupt as well as correct copies. Some Versions 
were made from better MSS. of the original than others 
were. Some of the Fathers were more critical than others, 
and sought out the best readings, while others quoted with 
little regard to accuracy. There is therefore not only room, 
but an imperative demand for the exercise of the most search- 

' Although Westcott and Hort assigned to codex B a position of paramount 
importance, they sometimes rejected its evidence (which usually they accepted 
unhesitatingly) in a way whicii certainly savours of arbitiariness. An 
example is Matt. vi. 22, where, wiih the majority, they read kanv 6 dfOaK/xos; 
but B (with some support) adds aov, which Lachmann adopted. Compare 
the strictures in Itevisioii Recised, p. 307. 

^ For this form of Text see Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the Neto 
Testanmit (Kenyon), ehap. viii, § 4, Salmon, op. cit., chap, vi ; Oxford Debute, 
Pref., p. ix. 

230 Stndia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 

ing" criticism in dealing- with the readings of Holy Scripture. 
' It is the study,' said Burg-on^ ^ of a lifetime.' Codex B, as 
interpreted by Dr. Hort, is evidence enough for some. Those 
who are not satisfied with the witness of one MS,, and the 
explanations of one clever mind, desire judicially to sift all 
the evidence. To them the Peshitto is a most important 
witness, because it is independent, and speaks from out of 
a remote past ; but it is not the ' sheet-anchor ' of their 
textual faith. They rest on the collective wisdom of the 
Church, not on the opinions of a part only. In arg-uing for 
the antiquity of the Traditional Text, Miller has said ^ that 
it is confirmed by the witness of the Peshitto. He does not 
say proved^ nor does he claim the witness as necessary for the 
argument. If the witness has not all the evidence to give, 
with which he was credited. Miller's arg-ument may be modi- 
fied, but his conclusion is not disproved. Mr. Burkitt's 
contention does not remove the Peshitto. We still need it, 
though not in the pressing and imperative sense, which has 
been supposed. We shall continue to appeal to it, even if the 
conditions of the problem are somewhat changed. 

^ See tlie Preface to Oxford Delate, p. xiv. 



In the uncertainty which enwraps the origin of the Peshitto 
conjecture has special attractions, but on the present occasion 
I shall content myself with the humbler, but not, I think, 
unprofitable task of inviting" the reader to consider certain 
aspects of conjectures which have been made to serve for 
history in a region of mist and obscurity. 

I. It was recognized that there was ample evidence to 
witness to the spread of the Gospel in Syria at a very early 
period in the Christian era, in view of which it was not 
unreasonable to conjecture that the Holy Scriptures were 
translated into the Syriac vernacular even as early as the 
second century a. d. ^. The Peshitto Version occupied the 
field, and was by tradition credited with being the ancient 
and oi'iginal Syriac Bible, of which some later versions were 

3. Comparison with the history of the Latin Versions next 
suggested the conjecture that the Peshitto was evolved from 
some earlier version. This conjectm-e had the advantage of 
offering an account — though not an adequate and satisfactory 
one — of the relation of the Peshitto Text to another Syriac 
Text (the Curetonian) which, meanwhile, had been brought 
to England from Egypt ^. It had also the effect of greatly 
reducing the antiquity of the Peshitto. 

3. When it was discovered that writers anterior to the 
episcopate of Rabbula ^ did not always and accurately quote 
from the Peshitto, while writers of subsequent ages were 
evidently familiar with the Peshitto Text, and used it as their 

* See Burkitt, op. cit., pp. 9-1 3 ; Miller's Scrivener, vol. ii. chap. ii. 

' Mr. Rendel Harris, however, has justly insisted on ' the fallacy of 
reasoning in textual matters from analogy.' L. Q E., pp. 103, 104. 

^ He was Bishop of Edessa fi-om 411 to 435. See article by E. Venables in 
Dictionary of Christian Bioyraphy, and Wriglit's Syriac Literature, pp. 32-38. 

232 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica 

vernacular, it was further conjectured that Rabbula was the 
author of the present form of the Peshitto Text. This con- 
jecture is useful as offering- an explanation of a somewhat 
obscure statement in the Life of Rabbula, that ' he translated 
by the wisdom of God which was in him the New Testament 
from Greek into Syriac, because of its variations, exactly as 
it was ^.' 

On the other hand the conjecture is unsatisfactory in that 
it leaves unexplained the following- facts : — 

1. That a very great and memorable event in the history 
of Syriac Christianity is unnoticed in Syriac literature except, 
if it be so, by the meagre allusion already quoted. If the 
Peshitto was composed in the earliest days of the spread of 
the Gospel in Syria, its story may well be lost in the mists of 
a most remote past. But the conjecture is, that it arose at 
a time when there was great activity amongst Syriac writers. 
Their silence on so important a subject is very remarkable. 

2. The loss of the Older Text. If it be granted that the 
Curetonian and the Lewis are Pre-Peshitto copies, it must be 
allowed that their divergences one from another ai'e so great 
that at the best they only contain some Old Syriac Text^; 
and they are only two in number against the multitude of 
Peshitto copies. To attempt to account for their differences 
does not come within the scope of this essay, and in our 
present knowledge would probably be futile. On the other 
hand, the fact that they are connected by the application to 
both of the term Mepharreslie may be significant. It is not 
unreasonable to suppose that they represent first attempts to 
carry out the order of Rabbula, that copies of the Separated 

^ The words as given by Overbeck are: — )o»^( V vf)'^^-s «_»> UiA© 

.toot ov»l^(? 1-20 «*.»( .]^(]^]<!^M. The order in his Canons relating to 
ihe Holy Gospel> is as follows :— •. Uw.>f)A.Vi'S.O U'.«fcfl>N, JloX*^ Jooil; 
.);i3ls-aoo Is--/ )oo*J )^»^>a? .cuii.^o/ Jlo*^ ^.,oCi>.a^?, 'Let the 
Priests and Deacons take care that in all the Churches there be a Gospel 
d^Mepharreshe, and that it be read.' Ephraemi Rahidae aliorumque Opera 
Selecta (Overbeck), pp. 172, 220. 
* See p. 236 n. below. 

Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 233 

(^MepharresJie) Gospels were to be substituted for the Diates~ 
saron, which hitherto had been much in use ^. 

3. Quite as remarkable as the loss of the Old Syriac Text 
was the rapidity with which (on Mr. Burkitt's hypothesis) 
the new Peshitto Text sprang- into favour. As far as we can 
judge from the evidence of Peshitto MSS. now extant, the 
old Text was entirely neglected, and copies of the new were 
multiplied without admixture of Old Syriac elements. 

If however these various difficulties present so little force 
to some minds that no hesitation is felt in accepting* Mr. Bur- 
kitt's conjecture, then it should be noted that certain con- 
sequences will follow, and necessarily, from the hypothesis. 

1. The origin of the Peshitto Text is traced to a very early 
date in the history of the authorities for the Text of the New 
Testament. Rabbula's episcopate lasted from a. d. 411-435. 
Within that period ex hypothesi the Peshitto was produced. 
It is therefore as old as any of the oldest MSS. of the Greek 
Testament, with the exception of x and B. 

2. Kabbula translated afresh, where necessary, from the 
original. Therefore he had access to Greek documents. It 
is obvious that an ecclesiastic in his position, who was 
approaching the formidable task of a revision of the Text 
of the New Testament in use in his countr}^, would employ 
the most accurate documents which he could obtain ^. If he 
was not satisfied with those which wei'e accessible in his own 
country, he could send to Alexandria or to Constantinople for 
better copies ^. We know nothing, and my reader is free to 

* See The Traditional Text, cliap. vi, ' Witness of the Early Syriac 
Versions.' Prebendary Miller favoured the hyj-Qthesis that in vai'ious parts 
of Christendom incorrect readings and extraneous glosses were hand-^d down 
beside the streams of genuine traditional text and authorized translation, and 
that this erroneous matter was gradually rejected, and now only survives in 
certain documents or classes of documents. Compare the Dialogue with an 
Objector in Rtridon Revised, jip. 320-328. 

^ Dr. Salmon, op. cit., pp. 84, 85, recognizes that the Syrian reviser 'had 
one important advantage over us in his better knowledge of the current text 
of the fourth century.' This is indeed true ; but such considerations are too 
much neglected by those who would set the arm-chair conjecture of the modern 
student above the testimony of contemporaneous witnesses. 

^ He had friends in both cities, for he corresponded with Cyi il and preached 
at Constantinople. See Wright, op. cit., pp. 48, 49. 

234 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesmstica 

adopt any conjecture he pleases ; but this he must grant, 
that Rahbula's Greek MSS. exhibited a Text which is not 
identical with what is read in codex A, or in any other codex 
in our Apparatus Criticus, This we have already demonstrated, 
from the broad features of the Canon down to the minutiae 
of trifling- variations. The readings (as distinguished from 
renderings) which are peculiar to the Peshitto, may with 
propriety be called ' Syrian Readings,' because they depend 
on the Greek readings, which were accepted by the great 
Syrian Bishop, whether he used imported MSS. or copies 
preserved in Syrian Libraries. They are not, however, 
identical, as we have seen, with the ' Syriac Readings ' con- 
demned by Drs. Westcott and Hort, and they often agree 
with the readings of codex B, the great authority of the 
Cambridge Doctors. As regards their age, it would be no 
unreasonable supposition that Rabbula used copies made 
a century or so before his time, copies as old as, or older than, 
N and B. Even if he used copies made in his own day, to 
his own order, these would represent more ancient documents. 
On any hypothesis, Rabbula's Peshitto represents the readings 
of Greek codices of great antiquity, and independent alike of 
the oldest uncials and the latest cursives ^. 

This aspect of the question was enforced by Dr. Waller in 
a correspondence between Mr. Burkitt and himself, which 
appeared in the Becord newspaper in the early months of the 
year 1903. Mr. Burkitt retorted that it was 'a new plea.' It 
is not so. Our plea is one and the same always. We plead 
the judgement of the universal Church. In an inquiry such as 
this, which is partly literary, partly historical, partly theological, 
fresh discoveries affect different portions of the evidence. 
When the readings of the codex Rossanensis were made 
known, Dr. Sanday described it as ' lending- its support 
decidedl}^ to the defenders of the Traditional Text^.' At an 

* I would also refer the reader to what I have written before in Studia 
Bihlica, vol. ii. pp. 265, 266. 

^ Studia Biblica, vol. i. The Text of the codex Rossanensis (2), p. 112. 

Pe shift Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 235 

earlier date the discovery of the Codex Sinaitieus strengthened 
the position of those who base their text on a few ancient 
documents. But, thoug-h the presentment of the evidence 
may he modified, the rival schools of criticism remain in hope- 
less antagonism, because they differ on first principles. 

3. The Peshitto has long enjoyed the authority belonging 
to common use and general acceptance in an ancient branch 
of the Catholic Church, and thus occupies a superior position 
as compared with the two other forms of Text, the Curetonian 
and the Lewis. These have no history, and can claim no 
authority beyond the antiquity imparted to some of their 
readings by the resemblance they bear to quotations in early 
Syriac writers. The two Texts are contradictory on the 
supreme question of our Lord's human nature, and the Lewis is 
heretical in some of its statements ^. But the Peshitto enters 
the witness-box to testify to the Text of the New Testament 
with the weight of accepted credibility. Its Text has been 
handed down to us as that which the Syriac Church has 
received as authentic. It represents a stage in the process of 
eliminating ancient textual errors — for it is well known that 
some of the worst were perpetrated in the earliest ages^ — 
and preserving the genuine readings. I venture to remind 
my readers that my argument has always been, ' We know 
that the Peshitto is ancient, but we know nothing, indis- 
putable and adequate, about any earlier version. We do not 
deny^ that such may have existed, but we contend that it 
certainly was neither the Lewis nor the Curetonian, in their 
present forms.' ' No one,' says Mr. Burkitt *, ' supposes that 
S. Jerome used either of the particular MSS. which we call 
a and h as the basis of his revision,' Perhaps not. But the 
epithet ' Old Syriac ' was constantly prefixed to a reading 
copied from the Curetonian, or is nowadays prefixed to one 

^ See Church Quarterly Review, April, 1895, pp. 11 2-1 14. 
^ ^ee Causes of Corruption in the Traditional Text (Burgon and Miller), 
pp. 12, 13 ; Miller's Scrivener, II, chap, ix, §§ 2, 3. 
^ Cp. my words in Stadia Biblica, i. p. 172 ; ii. pp. 89, 90. 
* S. EphrainVs Quotations, p. vii. 


236 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

taken from the Lewis, as though ' Curetonian,' ' Lewis,' and 
' Old Syriac ' were equivalent terms ; a very inaccurate mode 
of expression, in view of the hopeless differences between the 
Curetonian and Lewis Texts ^ 

If Mr. Burkitt is right in ascribing the present form of the 
Peshitto New Testament to the pen of Rabbula, he has (I fear, 
unintentionally) greatly enhanced its weight, by giving it a 
definite history, a distinguished origin, and the shelter of an 
authoritative authorship. He reminds me that I appealed 
unto Caesar, and he thinks the appeal will result in a decision 
to the condemnation of our cause. As far as judgement has 
yet been pronounced, we have nothing to complain of. The 
path I indicated, when followed up, has led to a satisfactory 
result. The unknown author of the Peshitto has been found 
in the person of a distinguished churchman, who revised an 
ancient work by Greek MSS. which have no representatives 
now extant, and thus has transmitted to us an indejiendent 
witness to the Greek Text of the New Testament. We wait 
with curiosity to see whether further research will establish 
the truth of Mr. Burkitt's hypothesis, or whether it will fail 
to bear the weight of the difficulties which attend the adoption 
of it. Meanwhile we note an interesting resemblance between 
the work of Mr. Burkitt and of Drs. Westcott and Hort. 
They (albeit unwittingly) established the antiquity of the 
Textus Receptus of the Greek. He has confirmed the authority 
of the Textus Receptus of the Syriac. 

' Mr. Burkitt (ibid.) recognizes the divergence between these forms of 
Syriac Text. I add the words of an eminent and well-known Orientalist, 
whose name T do not mention, as I quote from a private letter. After speaking 
of the peculiar interest attaching to the new edition of the Tetraeuangelium, 
because of the possible connexion of Rabbula with the Peshitto, he says, 
'Allerdings ware es viel wichtiger, wenn wir die alte Uebersetzung in ihrer 
urspriinglichen Gestalt hatten.' But this he explains is unattainable, on 
account of ' die grossen Abweichungen des Sinaiticus von Curetonianus.' 



The death of Prebendary Miller has delayed, but, we hope, 
will not put a stop to, the publication of Burgon's Text. The 
portion, however, of the Textual Commentary already printed 
affords g-ood examples of the changes which Burgon considered 
were demanded by the evidence. Instances will be found in 
every chapter. As interesting specimens we may quote : — 
Matthew ii. ii, Textual Commentary (Miller), p. 8. Here 
Textus Receptus reads (.vpov to TiaibCov, but Burgon with 
Westcott and Hort and the Revisers reads etbov t. tt. iii. 8, 
p. 13 ; T. R. KapiTovs a^Lovs, Burgon, W. H., Revisers, Kap-nbv 
a^iov. iv. 10, p. i8 ; Burgon, oTj-tVoo juou, which T. R., W. H., 
and Revisers omit. v. 2i, p. 26 ; T. R. and W. H. eppidrj, 
Burgon with Laehmann and cod. B, ippridri. v. 47, p. 38 ; 
T. R.j W. H., Revisers, dSeA^ov?, Bm-gon, ^lAow. vi. 18, 
p. 46 ; T. R. at the end of the verse adds iv rw cpavepui, Burgon 
and W. H. omit with B. vii. 14, p. 5^ ; rt o-reirj 17 tt., Burgon 
and Revisers' margin ; oti (t. tj tt., T. R., W. H., Revisers' 
Text. viii. 15, p. 60 ; StrjKoVei avrols, T. R. ; 8117. avrw, Burgon, 
W. H., Revisers. The reader may be surprised to discover 
that Burgon frequently accepted the readings of Westcott 
and Hort. In these cases those editors are supported by the 
majority of the Greek MSS. and by the Fathers. 



Yy 3 ■ " - '^. '^ 0^ '*^ ^ 


Scope of the inquiry undertaken. 

It is the object of this essay to examine the evidence from 
archaeology as to the custom of the early Church, while only 
such references to literature will be made as may serve for the 
purpose of illusti-ation. The first three chapters will deal with 
the positive side of the question, by considering- the actual 
representations of the rite that have been preserved, while in 
the last two the negative evidence will be examined, by 
studying such fonts as have survived from early days, with a 
view to determine whether their structure was such as would 
admit of the submersion of a catechumen. 

Direct evidence as to the custom of the Ante-Nicene Church 
is confined to the paintings of the catacombs of Rome. They 
are by far the most important witness that has survived, for 
they have been preserved where stuff's have perished, house- 
hold articles broken, even inscriptions and marbles destroyed. 
They were hidden from public gaze ; and so the expression of 
Christian sentiment and representation of Church custom could 
be freely painted, and moreover after the Lombard invasions 
of the seventh and eighth centuries, when the bodies of the 
saints were removed within the walls of the city, they became 
entirely neglected, so that their frescoes escaped the fate of so 
many ancient monuments that were destroyed in later building 
and restoration. 

In representations of baptism there is sometimes a consider- 
able difference of opinion as to whether that of Christ is 


240 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

pictured or that of a catechumen. For our purpose it is a 
matter indifferent, for though the doctrinal significance of 
S. John's baptism was entirely distinct, there is no reason to 
suppose that it was conceived of as varying- in method. 

It is generally assumed that the usual custom of the early 
Church was to baptize by total immersion, and though the 
reasons for supposing that affusion may have been practised 
even by the Apostles have often been set out and may be 
found in any special treatise on the subject, it is generally 
taken for granted that it was only in exceptional cases that 
the latter method was adopted. 

This assumption is based mainly on the evidence supplied 
by literature. No doubt the works which have sm-vived to 
the present day represent what was best in the thought of the 
early Church and so most worth preserving, and we do well in 
giving them the first place in our consideration, since it is 
always more profitable to study what is typical of any age, even 
if the average stood at a lower level ; but we niust noli forget 
that the writiugs of the Fathers, as giving the best work of the 
leaders of the Church, tend to depict the ideal in their minds 
rather than to chronicle the actual that lay before their eyes. 

The average of Christian sense and practice is best discovered 
by studying the way it worked itself out in liturgies and in 
the recognized devotions of the people, but even the Church 
orders will reveal to us what was aimed at rather than what 
was attained. To find out what was actually done by the mass 
of Christians we must turn to the evidence of archaeology, for 
which the data are drawn so largely from cemeteries and other 
regions where the popular will has always had freest scope. 

So, were a stranger to examine our customs to-day, he would find 
frequent allusions in sermons to the symbolism of baptism 
which would seem to assume the practice of total immersion ; 
on turning to the Prayer Book he would suppose it to be the 
custom, and affusion to be permitted occasionally, but an exam- 
ination of the fonts in our churches would prove submersiou 
always impossible for adults nnd nearly for infants. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 241 

Ex. I. Fresco in the Crypt of Lucina. c. 100 a.d. 

The earliest representation is that painted over the door of 
one of the chambers of what was probably the original crypt 
of Lucina on the Appian way {Fig. i). 
It now forms part of the catacomb 
of S. Callistiis and dates from the 
first or early second century ^. 

The scene is that of the baptism 
of Christ. The Baptist, clothed in 
an exomis, stands on the right ; he 
stoops forward and holds out his 
right hand to a nude figure moving -^. ^ 

^ !=> & Fig, I. 

towards him as if to come out of the 

water. The dove flying towards the right is seen above the 

figure of the Saviour. 

The fresco is -61 m. high and -4 broad. A copy was made 
by an artist named Dickmann under the supervision of Mgr. 
Wilpert in 1884; since that time it has considerably faded. 
The tongue of land on which the Baptist stands in the re- 
production in De Rossi, as well as the water-line, do not appear 
in the original. Wilpert noticed that the traces of colour 
were more blue under the figiu'e of the Baptist and of a greener 
shade beneath that of the Saviour. The olive branch indicated 
in the beak of the dove in De Rossi is emphasized in Garrueci, 
whose picture is that most frequently reproduced, but seems 
to have been inserted in his copy from some confusion with 
the left wing of the bird. 

From the relative position of the figures the water could not 
have been pictured as rising higher than the knees of the 

^ Edmische Quartalschrift (in future R. Q.8.), 1896, p. 335 : 'Die Taufe 
Christ! auf vorconstantinischen Gemalden der Katacomben,' von A. de Waal. — 
De Rossi, Soma Sotterranea, vol. i, p. 324, tav. 14, Rome, 1864. — Garrueci, 
P. R., Sforia delV arte cristiana, vol, i, p. 203; vol. ii, tav, i, Prato, 
1873. — Schultze, v., Archaologie der christUchen Kunst, p, 365, Mttnchen, 

T 2 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Saviour, as the Baptist seems to have been represented as 
standing on dry ground. 

The painting has been explained as symbolical of deliverance 
from persecution (Garr., vol. i, p. 203) and as the saving of 
S. Peter (Martigny, Diet'? art. Pierre). V. Schultze interprets 
it as the baptism of a catechumen on the ground that our Lord 
would not have been represented naked in pre-Constautinian 
times. Against this opinion see Dr. J. Strzygowski, Icono- 
graj^hieder Taufe Christi, p. 3, Miinchen, 1885, and the fresco 
in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus described 

Ex. 2. Fresco in the Gallery of the Sacraments 
in S. Callistus. c. 200. 

The so-called gallery of the sacraments in the cemetery of 
S. Callistus dates from the second or early part of the third 
century. The sacrament of baptism is represented in the 
two oldest cubicula. 

In the first, A^, the baptizer stands on dry ground to the 

left of the picture (Fig. 2). He is 
clothed in a white toga, and his feet 
are bare. He lays his right hand on 
the head of the catechumen, and in 
his left holds an object generally con- 
sidered to be a scroll. 

The catechumen is represented as 
a boy, nude, holding his hands straight 
down and inclining a little to the left 
towards the baptizer. The water rises to the ankles. 

The fresco is between two loculi; above the upper one is 
a shipwreck, and in the corresponding place on the wall to 
the left is Moses striking the rock and a man fishing in the 
water which flows from it ^. 

Fig. 2. 

* De Waal, R. Q. S. 1896, p, 344. — De Kossi, vol. ii, tav. 1 1 and 15, cc. 12 and 
13. — Garr., vol. ii, tav, 5, 3. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 243 

Fig. 3- 

Ex. 3. Fresco in the Gallery of the Sacraments 
in S. Callistus. c. 200. 

In the other cubiculum, A^, the baptizer stands on the rig-ht 
side with bare feet and a cloth round his loins (Fig. 3). The 
catechumen is again represented as a boy, nude, holding 
his hands down and slightly 
turning his face away. Both 
are standing in the water, 
and the baptizer is in the 
act of pouring water over 
his head. The falling water 
is represented by six large 
strokes of dark blue paint. 
The dove behind the right- 
hand figure flies towards the 

Above is represented Jonah being cast out of the ship and 
swallowed by the whale, to the left is a man fishing, to the 
right a man carrying his bed, generally described as the para- 
lytic (Mark ii. 12), but more probably intended for the sick 
man of Bethesda (John v. 9). The symbolism of the whole 
leaves no doubt that a scene of baptism is represented, 
while the absence of the dove in the first example suggests 
that it is perhaps a catechumen rather than our Saviour that 
we have before us ^. 

In the reproduction in De Rossi the strokes indicating the water 
are too finely drawn, and the water-line is represented as 
passing behind the knees and leaving the baptizer's feet dry as 
well as those of the baptized down to the ankles, below which 
he shows the picture as destroyed. Garrucci and others copy 
him. The water should cover the ankles, allowing the feet to 
show through the water. The dove is omitted in De Rossi and 
Garr., but is given in the R. Q. S. The pictui'e in the latter is 

^ De Waal, E. Q. S. 1896, p. 344. — De Rossi, vol. ii, tav. 13 and 16, cc. I3 
and 13. — Garr., vol, ii, tav. 7, 2. 


Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

reproduced by photograi^hy from a painting and does not show 
the blue strokes of water. 

Fig. 4. 

Ex. 4. Fresco in the Cemetery of SS. Petrus and 
Marcellinus. c. 250. 

Another representation occurs in the roof of cubicnlum 54 
in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and !^^arcellinus (Bosio's num- 
bering), and dates from the middle of the third century 

(Fig. 4). The Baptist is 
represented on the left 
standing on dry groimd with 
his left foot raised on a 
stone, leaning a little for- 
ward and laying his right 
hand on the head of Christ. 
He wears a cloak or skin 
reaching to the knees and 
leaving the right shoulder 
and arm free. The Saviour 
is represented as a nude boy, 
standing in the water, and His arms raised as in prayer. 
Above in the clouds is the dove flying downwards. 

The dove, taken with the fact that the three corresponding 
scenes represent the Magi following the star, the Adoration, 
and (?) the Annunciation, leaves no doubt as to the subject 
and forms a link to Ex. i in the crypt of Lucina, where the 
baptism of Christ is represented, and Exx. 2 and 3 where the 
person baptized is a boy ^, 

It is interesting to note that the newly baptized were commonly 
called fueri or infantes (cf. Le Blant, ^tude sur les sarco^hages 
Chretiens antiques de la ville d' Aries, p. 27). The custom of 
giving them a mixture of milk and honey mentioned by 
Tertullian {De Cor. 3, Adv. Marc, i, 14 : ' Hie [Dominus] . . . 
nee aquam reprobavit creatoris, qua suos abluit, nee oleum, 

* Wilpert, J., Ein Cyclus christologischer Gemahle aus der Katacomle der 
heiligen Petrus und Marcellinus, Freiburg im B., 1891. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 245 

quo suos unguit, iiec mellis et lactis societatem, qua suos in- 
fantat ') is enjoined in the Canons of Hippolytus, ch. 19, § 144, 
as teaching them that they have become as little children, 
' ut doceant eos qui communicant iterum se natos esse ut 
parvuli, quia parvuli communicant lac et mel.' In § 148 
however the custom is regarded as a symbol of the future life 
in the promised land, the waters of baptism corresponding to 
those of the Jordan, and thus further emphasizing the similarity 
of the baptism of Christ as conceived in the popular imagina- 
tion with the administration of the sacrament as men were 
accustomed to witness it. Later tradition declared that the 
stone on which the Baptist stood while pouring the water over 
our Saviour's head was preserved in the church on the banks 
of the Jordan at the traditional place of Christ's baptism, 
where it served as the prototype of the bishop's cancellarium 
usually found in early Christian baptisteries. (GaiT., vol. i, 
p. 368, quoting Epiphanius.) ^ 

Another example is mentioned by De Waal [R. Q. S. 1896, 
p. 346) as having- been discovered by Wilpert in the cemetery 
of Domitilla but as not having been edited. No description 
is given, but it is attributed to the same period as the examples 
Beyond these there are two pictures of doubtful significance, 
and two with possible but improbable reference to baptism. 

Ex. 5. Fresco in the Cemetery of Praetestatus. 
Second century. 

In the cemetery of Praetestatus there is a fresco, dating from 
the end of the second century, the meaning of which has been 
much disputed. It represents three beardless figures, clothed 
in tunic and toga but with bare feet (Fig. 5). That on the 
right stands with the head slightly turned to the left ; the 
two figures on the left hold long cane-stalks with leaves in 
their hands ; that in the hand of the central figure touches the 
head of the figure to the right, round whose head are short 

^ Peregrinatio Silviae, ed. Gamurrini, ch. 68, p. 98, who quotes Paulinus 
Ep. 21 ad Sev. and the Itinerarium Burdigalense. 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

strokes of paint. To the extreme rig-ht is a growing- cane on 
the bend of which is a dove. Near the picture are painted 
the woman with the issue of blood and the woman of Samaria, 
g-iving" no clue to the meaning of the scene. 

This fresco is usually interpreted as the Passion of Christ, 
thoug-h mainly on the ground that the figures are clothed and 
so could not represent baptism 'by immersion.' Passion scenes 
are rare at so early a date, but baptism scenes it is true are 
hardly less so. The whole is in a peculiar style of painting 

Fig. 5 (after Garrucci). 

due, according to De Rossi, to the work having been executed 
by Greek artists. 

On the other hand the presence of the dove would seem to 
, indicate baptism ; the canes have been interpreted as symbol- 
izing the Jordan; and the second figure may be a disciple 
witnessing the event, or a representative of the church as in 
the mosaics in the church of S. ApoUinare Nuovo at Ravenna 
in the series depicting our Lord's miracles. The marks round 
the head, usually explained as representing the crown of thorns, 
have a parallel in the indications of water in the fresco in the 
cemetery of S. Callistus (Ex. 3) mentioned above, thovigh 
here they are much smaller ^. 

* Garr,, vol. i, p. 368, and vol. ii, tav. 39, i. — De Rossi, Bidltttiuo di archeo- 
lorjia cristiana, 1872, p. 64. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 247 

Garrucci first explains the fresco as a scene of the Passion ; then, 
after a long discussion, concludes that it represents our Lord's 
baptism. De Rossi in the Bullettino describes it as the 
mocking of the soldiers, though without discussing the question. 
F. X. Kraus interprets it as the crowning with thorns, and 
refers to Le Blant {Revue de I'art chretien, 1894, p. 37) as 
seeing Docetic influence in it, Geschichte der christlichen Kunsl, 
vol. i, p. 161, Freiburg im B., 1896. 

£x. 6. Symbolical fresco in S. Callistus. 
TJiird century. 

The region of S. Soter in the cemetery of S. Callistus dates 
from the third centmy. A fresco painted on the semicircle at 
the back of an arcosolium in one of its chambers has given it 

Fig. 6 (after Garrucci). 

the name of the chapel of the sheep. A loculus has been cut 
across the picture since it was painted, but its general features 
are clear (P'ig. 6). 

In the centre is the Good Shepherd carrying a sheep on His 
back and with two at His feet. On either side water is falling 
and two men are hurrying to it, holding out their hands to 
drink from it. Below are sheep at each corner, over which 
the water descends in a shower. 

On the wall to the right is represented a beardless Moses 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

pig, 7 (after Garrucci). 

raising his left foot on a stone to loosen his shoe, then a bearded 

figure striking the rock, while a third hastens toward it holding 

out his hands in the 
same attitude as the 
two figui'es in the cen- 
tral painting (Fig. 7). 
The painting opposite 
represents the miracle 
of the multiplication of 
the loaves ^. 

To understand the 

significance of this picture we naust consider three post- 

Constantinian representations of baptism. 

Ex. 7. Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus. 359. 

The sarcophagus of Junius Bassus in the Crypt of S. Peter's 
dates from the year 359. Its front consists of a double row of 
scenes from the Old and New Testaments, standing in the re- 
cesses of an arcade of carved and twisted pillars. In the spandrels 
of the lower arcade are small reliefs in which Christ and the 
Christian disciple are represented as lambs. In the second 
sj)ace from the right He is represented laying His right fore 
foot on the head of the disciple lamb, while a stream flows 

over its head from the beak 
of a dove and the hind 
quarters of the lamb are 
covered with a stream that 
flows down from a rock 
(Fig. 8). 

The other reliefs repre- 
sent : — first, on the right, 
raising of the dead (much damaged) ; second, the receiving of the 
law (?) ; third, the Lamb multiplying loaves ; fourth, the Christ 

' De Eossi, vol. ii, Tav. d'Aggiunta A, and voL iii, p. 70, tav. 9. — Garr,, 
vol. ii, tav. 1 8, 2 and 4. 

Fig. 8. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 249 

Lamb striking the rock (while a disciple lamb drinks from the 
water which flows down in a stream similar to that represented 
in the Baptism scene) ; and fifth, the Christ Lamb meeting the 
disciple lamb in a ship at sea. 

The similarity of the cycle with that in the Chapel of the 
Sacraments in the cemetery of S. Callistus leaves no doubt 
of the meaning of the relief^. 

The engraving in Garrucci fails to give the water flowing over 
the hind quarters of the lamb. 

Ex. 8. Unpuhlished draiving of a Sarcophagus, 

De Rossi {BtiUeUino, 1876, p. 11) refers to an unpublished 
drawing of a sarcophagus made by a Flemish archaeologist 
Philip de Winghe, in which ' the centre of the front is occupied 
by the mystic lamb, whose feet are in a stream, while on its head 
and back there flow two streams of water from the dove which 
descends from heaven.' 

The feature of the stream flowing from the dove's mouth 
reappears in the mosaic representing the Baptism of Christ 
in the Arian baptistery of E-avenna (S. Maria in Cosmedin). 
According to Strzygowsky the same feature was in the 
original in the orthodox baptistery, but was destroyed and 
remade to rej)resent the water as poured from a vessel in 
the hand of the Baptist [Icon. d. Taufe Ckristi^ p. 10). 

Ex. 9. Sarcophagus at Aries. I. Fourth-fifth 


In the third chapel of the museum at Aries is a repre- 
sentation of the Baptism of our Lord on the small end of 
a sarcophagus of the fourth or fifth century. 

The Baptist is represented bearded, standing on the left, 

clothed in a skin which leaves his right shoulder free (Fig. 9). 

He lays his right hand on the head of the Saviour and 

slightly raises the left. The Saviour is represented as p. 

^ Garr., toI. v, tav. 322. — Bull. 1876, 10-11.— B. Q. S. 1896, p. 335. 


Studia Bib lie a et Ecclesiastica. 

nude boy with his arms slightly raised and hands held up, 
and turning" towards the water which falls in a mass hke a 

twisted pillar 
from a knob 
of rock in the 
centre. Over 
the head of the 
Baptist is the 
dove with out- 
stretched wings 
flying down 
towards the 
middle. The 
stone is divi- 
ded down the 
centre of the 

Fig. 9 (after Garrucci). 

stream of water, and on the other half (if the two parts 
really belong to one another) is represented a figure in tunic 
and pallium holding a scroll in his hand. The whole is very 
roughly executed ; the water flows over the feet of the 

Saviour (the 



Fig. lo (after Garrucci). 

Garrucci does 
not give this 
feature) . 

On the cor- 
resj)onding end 
is represented 
and clothed in 
a toga, striking- 
a similar rock 
from which a 
similar stream 

flows down (Fig. lo). On the right side of the water is 
a Jew in tunic and chlamys running towards it and 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 251 

holding out his hands to catch it as it falls. In the space 
corresponding- to that occupied by the Baptist is another 
figure in tunic and chlamys holding up his hand in a similar 
attitude. Such representations of Moses striking the rock 
with the water falling in this peculiar way are very common 
both at Aries and at Rome ^, 

With this should be compared the carving on another 
sarcophagus-end in the same museum. 

Ex. 10. Sarcophagus at Aries. II. Fourth or fifth 


On the left is represented a beardless figure clothed in ^ 
toga standing in front of a tree (Fig. ii). In the centre is 

Fig. II (after Garrucci). 

a stream of water flowing straight down from a knob of rock 
in the form described in the last example. In the middle 
of the stream directly under the rock stands a nude boy 

^ Garr., vol. v, tav. 351, 5 and 6. — Le Blant, Sarcoph. d' Aries, pi. xv. i. 

252 Studta Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

holding his hands down and turning his face to the right. 
The water half covers him. 

The stone has either been sawn in two down the centre, 
or is joined to a similar piece on which is represented the 
stream of water towards which two figm'es are hastening 
to drinks 

The engraving in Qarrucci represents the boy as iliore covered 
by the water than he is in the original carving. 

With these it is interesting to compare a passiage in the 
' African Acts of S. Pei"petua ' (J. A. Robinson : Texts and 
Studies, Cambridge, vol. i, p. 29). 

In her second vision the saint sees her brother Dinocrates, 
who had died at the age of seven years and no doubt with- 
out having been baptized, trying to get at the water of a 
font (piscina, Ko\vix[3i]dpa) to drink, but is unable to do so as 
the rim is above his head. In a later vision she sees him 
cleansed, clothed and refreshed, the rim of the font is lowered 
to his waist, the normal level, and he drinks water out of a 
streani that never failsj which she interprets as a sign that 
he has had the loss of the sacrament on earth made good to 
him in heaven. 

* Erat deinde in ipso ioco ubi Dinocrates erat piscina plena aqua, 
altiorem marginem habens quam erat statura pueri, et exten- 
debat se Dinocrates quasi bibiturus. Ego dolebam quod et, 
piscina ilia aqiiam liabebat, et tamen propter altitudinem 
marginis bibiturus non esset. Et experrecta sum et cognovi 
fratrem meum laboi*are. Sed fidebam me profuturam labori 
eius, et orabam pro eo omnibus diebus quousque transivimus 
in carcerem castrensem, munere enim castrensi eramus 
pugUaturi ; natale tunc Getae Caesaris. Et feci pro illo 
orationem die et nocte gemens et lacrymans ut mihi donaretur. 
Die quo in nervo mansimus ostensum est mihi hoc ; video 
locum ilium quem retro videram et Dinocratem mundo corpore 
bene vestitum refl-igerantem, et ubi erat vulnus video 
cicatricem, et piscinam illam quam retro videi'am, submisso 
margine ad umbilicum pueri, et aquam de ea trahebat sine 

^ Garr., vol. v, tav, 398, 9. — Le Blant; pi. i. figs. 2 and 3, 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 253 

cessatione ; et accessit Dinocrates et de ea bibere coepit ; quae 
fiala non deficiebat, et satiatus accessit de aqua ludere more 
infantium gaudens et experrecta sum. Tunc intellexi 
translatum eum esse de poena.' Ch. 7. 

From these examples we see the close connexion of idea in 
all these subjects. In each sarcophagus the representation of 
Moses striking- the rock so frequently associated with the 
figures hastening to drink is connected with that of baptism ; 
in the case of Ex, 9 with the baptism of Christ, in Ex. 10 
with that of a eatechameuj while in Ex. 7 the catechumen, 
and in Ex. 8 Christy are each symbolized by a sheep. 

In the vision of S. Perpetua we have the same idea of the 
drinking of the water directly connected with baptism. 

This general agreement in the fourth and fifth centuries 
from France, Spain, and Rome points to a widespread conven- 
tional symbolism. Christian sarcophagi do not show much 
originality in execution, and repeat designs in forms little 
different from those generally found in the catacombs. These 
would need some time to become established and to spread 
throughout the West. This fact, supported by the second- 
century evidence from Africa, justifies us in holding that 
the fresco in the chapel of the sheep in S. Callistus (Ex. 6) 
should be interpreted as a symbolical representation of 

Exx. 1I5 12. Gold treasure from Sinigaglia. 
Seventh or eighth century. 

This interpretation is further confirmed by a similar sym^ 
bolic representation of baptism on a gold treasure found in 
1880 near Sinigaglia, and which came into the possession of 
Cav. C, Rossi. The work is in the Lombard or late Ravennese 
style, and is possibly as late as the seventh or eighth centtiry, 
but it carries on the traditional symbolism of the lamb and 
the fish so frequently found in the catacombs. In one scene 
a bishop is represented, standing on a mound with two sheep 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

on each side (Fig*. 12). He holds a palm branch in his left 
hand, and in his right is a jug* from which he pours water 

over one of the sheep. There 
can be no doubt that this is in- 
tended to symbolize baptism as 
the corresponding picture pour- 
trays the Eucharist ; and that 
the sacmment so symbolized was 
administered by affusion is proved 
by another scene on the same 
casket, where a bishop is repre- 
sented in his vestments, holding a pastoral staflP in his left 
hand, while he pours water over the head of a kneeling 
woman out of a spoon or bowl which he holds in his right 

(Fig- 13) '• 

Fig, 12. 

rig. 13. 

Three doubtful representations. 

A fresco in the cemeteiy of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus is 
generally interpreted as the healing of the blind, but might 
possibly refer to baptism. 

1 B.Q.S. 1888, p. 148. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 255 

It represents a beardless figure clothed in a tunic and 
chlaniys and holding a rod in his left hand, while he lays 
his right on the head of a boy who is clothed in a short tunic 
and barefoot. The boy seems to lean back a little and hold 
his hands in front of him, in which action Garrucci sees 
an indication of blindness. 

The companion picture represents a similar beardless figure 
striking the rock. The rod in the hand of the principal figure 
suggests some connexion of idea between the two, and the 
healing of the blind is generally represented by the touching 
of the eyes, rather than the laying on of hands ; but the absence 
of any indication of water makes the reference to baptism very 
doubtful ^. 

A somewhat similar picture formerly in a cemetery on the 
Via Latina (Garr. 40, i) now destroyed, and a picture in the 
cemetery of S. Domitilla, where a woman lays her hands on 
the head of a girl (Garr. '>^'>^, 3), suggest that we have here 
merely a scene of benediction. 

Another painting in the cemetery of S. Priscilla may 
possibly represent baptism. A figure to the right lays his 
hand on the head of another who is clothed in a long white 
dress. After careful examination this has been pronounced by 
Mgr. de Waal as a representation of the healing of the blind, 
but solely on the ground that the figure is clothed ^. 

Ex. 13. Glass fragment in the Vatican. Fourth or 

Jifth century. 

This, however, is no conclusive proof, as is shown by the cut- 
glass fragment of the fourth or fifth century found in the ruins 
of the Roman house near the baths of Diocletian, and now in 
the Museo Cristiano of the Vatican Library. On it is a 
clothed child apparently about to step to the right out of 

^ Garr., vol. ii, tav. 44, 2 and 3. 

* Ball. 1 888, tav. iii. — Hennecke, E., Altchristliche Malerei undaltkirchliche 
Literalur, p. 70, Leipzig, 1896. 



Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

some vessel or pool which has been broken off (Fig*. 14). She 

turns her head to the left towards a male figure clothed in 

a toga with a 

halo round his 

head. He points 

with the right 

hand to the child 

and turns his 

head to the left, 

as if others were 

following from 

that direction. 

His name Mirax 

is given as well 

as that of the 

child Alba. 

Above from an 

inverted pitcher- 
Fig. 14. (after Ganucci). ., , 
^ ^ ^ ' moutn a stream 

descends on the child's head, the hand of a figure to the rig-ht 

is laid on the head also ; the rest is broken off. A dove flies 

down to the left with an olive branch in its beak ^. 

It has been suggested that alba^albafa, and that the child 

has been clothed in white after the actual baptism (cf. the con- 

signatorium alvatorum built at Naples, below, p. 339). In the 

absence of further indications, all we can say is that this fresco 

in the cemetery of S. Priscilla may very well represent baptism, 

but we have no sufficient proof to justify our using it as evidence. 

Summary of evidence for the Ages of 

To sum up the evidence from archaeology for and against 
the practice of baptism by immersion in pre-Constantinian 
times. We have four actual representations of the act, one 

• Garr., vol. vi, 464, i. — Bull. 1876, tav. i, i, pp. 76". 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 257 

from the first or early second century, two from the late 
second or early third, one from the middle of the third. We 
have one certain symbolical representation from the third, 
one possible one from the second or third. Two that are more 
than doubtful date from the third. 

Of the five certain representations four come from the 
cemetery of S. Callistus, though only two from the same region, 
one from that of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus. In favour of 
immersion is the fact that the figure is represented naked and 
standing in the water in all examples that certainly refer to 
baptism (Exx. i, 2, 3 & 4). 

Against is the fact, that in no case is there any attempt to 
represent immersion, and in two cases the actual affusion is 
represented, once directly (Ex. 3), and once symbolically (Ex. 6). 

In the three cases where the water is clearly marked it only 
rises above the feet, and is therefore not deep enough to allow 
of immersion. 

In the paintings we have examined there is no sign of 
influence from liturgical custom, or of desire for historical 
accuracy. They are less self-conscious than those of later date, 
and seem to aim simply at representing what was felt to be the 
essential idea of baptism. 

The obvious difficulty of representing immersion must be 
allowed its full weight. We have no evidence to show how 
it would have been attempted in pre-Constantinian times, but 
the frequent representations in the fourth-century sarcophagi of 
the drowning of the Egyptians suggest a very different treat- 
ment. It is interesting also to compare the picture of the Flood 
in the Vienna Genesis, the passage of the Red Sea on the 
gates of S. Sabina at Rome (Fig. 15), or that of the figure 
of the Jordan on the chair of Maximian at Ravenna (Ex. 42, 
Fig. 39), where the idea of immersion is intended to be 

To conclude, the direct evidence from archaeology alone 
may not be conclusive to show that in pre-Constantinian 
times baptism by aff'usion only was practised generally or 

U 3 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

indeed in any one single case ; but it does show, that there 
was nothing- repugnant in it to the general mind, that no 
stress was laid on total immersion, that the most important 
moments were held to be those when water was poured over 
the catechumen, and when the minister laid his hand on his 
head. This, taken in connexion with the known customs of 
later ages, makes it more than probable that the usual method 
of administration was by affusion only. 


Fig. 15 (after Garrucci). 



Christian Sarcophagi. 

After the conv^ersion of Constantine the Christian com- 
munity rapidly increased in wealth, and now that persecution 
had come to an end it was no longer necessary to bury under- 
ground in the catacombs, or to conceal the fact when a tomb 
belonged to one of the adherents of the favoured religion. These 
two causes combined to make sarcophagi the most character- 
istic examples of Christian art in the post-Nicene age ; for as 
soon as there was no longer the same reason for buying 
cheaply from the ' ready-made ' pagan shops, or being content 
with an ambiguous symbolism that would not attract attention 
from outsiders, an original style grew up that was purely 
Christian and was only very slightly influenced by the earlier 
artistic tradition of Rome, 

On the other hand the marked similarity to one another 
in the examples that have survived, and the general low level 
of workmanship that they display^ seem to prove that they 
were mere productions of journeymen-workers, turned out 
mechanically from the shop. This, however, while detracting 
from their artistic merit adds to their archaeological value ; 
the fact that their choice and treatment of subjects are nearly 
stereotyped shows that they reflect in some degree the general 
mind of the church, and gives them a quasi-oflScial sanction. 
We must not, however, press this point too far, as the conven- 
tional decoration of our modern cemeteries can hardly be said to 
represent fairly the average Christian sentiment of our own day. 

Most of these sarcophagi are of Roman origin and have 
been collected in the Museo Cristiano at the Lateran. The 
next largest collection is that of Aries, while several more 
examples exist in various parts of Spain, France, and Italy. 


Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

Those dating" from the second century are very simple, being 
merely ornamented with figures of the Good Shepherd or the 
female figure raising her hands in prayer generally known as 
an Orante. In the third century we find the ideas suggested 
by the former of these elaborated into pastoral and vintage 
scenes, a single design occupying as a rule the whole front of 
the sarcophagus. In the early fourth century this is resolved 
into a symmetrical disposition of a cycle of scenes usually sepa- 
rated from one another under arcades ; while in later examples 
they are more crowded together and less clearly defined. The 
examples at Rome date almost entirely from before the troubles 
of the fifth century, though in France they probably continued 
to be prod\iced till a somewhat later date. Those preserved 
at Ravenna are of a different type and represent a new 
tradition. Thus the evidence that we may draw from this 
source throws light on the custom of Latin Christianity and 
of the western Church generally in the fourth and early fifth 

The baptismal representations on the sarcophagus of Junius 
Bassus (359), and on two of those at Aries, have been already 
described on pp. 248-251. 

Et., 14. Sarcophagus at Ancona. Fourth century. 

On the lid of a sarcophagus in the cathedral of Ancona the 

Saviour is represented as a nude 
boy, standing immediately under 
a stream of water which flows 
behind Him from a sort of rose 
(Fig. 16). He holds His hands 
down and leans slightly to the 
left towards the Baptist, who lays 
his right hand on His head, and 
slightly raises his left hand. To 
the right stands a figure (? of a prophet) with a scroll in his 
hand. There is no dove. The group is to the extreme right 

Fig. 1 6 (after Garrucci). 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 261 

of the lid of the sarcophagus, the other subjects being* the 
Nativity and the Magi, Moses receiving the law (?), and 
David and Goliath (?) 1. 

The sarcophagus bears the name of Gorgonius ; but in the 
opinion of Garrucci this can hardly refer to the man, mentioned 
by Symmachus, who became consul in the year 379^ unless 
indeed he had his coffin prepared some time before his death, 
since there is no mention in the inscription of his having 
borne office. 

Ex. 15. Sarcophagus from Soissons. Fourth or 

fifth century. 

A sarcophagus of the fourth or fifth century was formerly 
at Soissons in the church of Ste. Marie. It had been used for 
the tomb of S. Vodalis who died 720 a. d., and was seen by 
Mabillon and published in the Amiales Ordinis S. Benedicti 
in 1703-39. 

On it Christ is represented on the right as a boy, nude, 
standing on dry ground, holding His hands down, and turning 
slightly to the left (Fig. 17). Two 
other figures clothed in tunic and 
pallium stand on the left, both of 
whom raise their right hands ; the 
left foot of the figure nearer the* 
Saviour is raised as if on a stone. 
Between Christ and the Baptist 
the water falls in a stream 
broadening from a point. The 
dove is seen above to the right. 

The sarcophagus is divided into 
five arcade's, and in- the niche corresponding is Moses striking 
the rock ; the other subjects are the woman with the issue of 
blood, the centmion, and the soldiers sleeping by the cross ^. . 

^ Garr., vol. v, tav. 326, i. — Str., p. 6, and taf. i, 6. 

* Garr., vol. v, tav. 403, 4. — Le Blant, Les sarcophages Chretiens de la 
Gaule, p. 14. — Str. p. 6, taf. 1,7. 

Fig. 17 (after Garrucci). 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Ex. 16. Sarcophagus at Mad^^id. 

On a sarcophagus in the Academy of History in the Na- 
tional Museum of Madrid, Christ is represented as a boy, nude, 

and nearly up to His knees 
in M'ater which flows behind 
Him from a boss of rock 
above (Fig-. 18). He holds 
His hands down and turns 
His head to the left. The 
Baptist, clothed in an exomis, 
stands on dry land on the 
left, laying- his hand on the 
Saviour's head and slightly 
raising his left foot. The 
dove is represented above on 
~~ the rock. 

^^' ' The other subjects are^ 

Moses striking the rock, the healing of the blind, Christ sur- 
rounded by foui' apostles, and the sacrifice of Isaac ^. 

Ex. 1 7. Sarcophagus at the Lateran. I. 
The baptism of Christ is twice represented on sarcophagi 

in the Lateran collec- 

On that numbered 
183 Christ appears as 
a boy, standing in the 
water which rises to 
His knees, holding His 
hands down and turn- 

— — — ' ~ " ing His face to the left 

Fig. 19 (after Garrucci). (Fig. 1 9). The water 

falls in two streams, one of which descends on the head of the 

Saviour, while the other takes the usual pillar-like form to 

^ Garr., vol. v, tav. 341, 3. — Str,, p. 6, taf. i, 8. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 263 

the rig-ht of the group and turning- to the left flows over His 
feet. The Baptist stands on the opposite side^ clothed in a 
skin, raising" his left foot on a stone. 

The hand of the Baptist holding* a patera and the head of 
the Saviour are restorations, as well as (?) the first of the two 
streams just mentioned. 

The other scenes are — Christ before Herod, the imprison- 
ment of S. Peter, the mang'er and the shepherds, and the 
raising" of Lazarus ^. 

No mention of the restorations is made in the official catalogue 
of the Museum. 

Ex, 1 8. Sarcophagus at the Lateran. II. 

No. 153 (a) is a fragment to the left of which the Baptist 
is represented as bearded, clothed in a woollen exomis and 
with bare feet. Christ stands nude, holding" His hands down, 
while the water rises to His thighs. The top part of the 
carving is broken off, so that the position of the hand of the 
Baptist, the existence of the dove, and the source of the 
water cannot be determined. The rest of the fragment is 
occupied by a scene of the mystic feast of fish and bread ^. 

This fragment was discovered by Prof. Marucchi in the 
Vatican gallery, and was transferred 
to the Museo Cristiano in the Lateran 
in 1866. 

Ex. 19. Sarcophagus from 
S. Maria Antiqua. 

Another example has recently been 
discovered in the excavation of the 
church of S. Maria Antiqua in the 
Forum (Fig. 20). The Baptist, clothed 
in a toga, stands on dry ground to the 

1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 316, i. — Str., p. 6, taf. i, 9. 
* De Rossi, Bull., 1882, p. 90, tav. ix. 

Fig. 20. 

264 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

rig-ht and lays his hand on the head of the Saviour. Christ is 
represented as a boy, nude, and turning His head slig-htly to the 
left. The water rises to His knees. The dove appears over His 
head flying towards the right ^. 

Three Sarcophagi in had condition. 
Three others may be mentioned to make the list complete. 

Ex. 20. 
A part of a frieze from the Aliscamps at Aries, nearly 
destroyed by exposure to the weather; published by Le 
Blant from an earlier print ^. 

Ex. 21. 

Another in a similar condition at Servannes near Aries, but 
described in a sixteenth-century Latin MS. at Paris, in the 
handwriting of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peiresc, as possessing 
the same features of the dove and the falling water (loan, 
Bapta pellibus indutus baptizans superveniente columba aquam 
de coelis cadentem rostro gestante) ^. 

Ex. 22, 

An unpublished sarcophagus in the basilica of SS. Nereus 
and Achilleus ^. 

Two others at Naples, believed by Ciampini {Mon. vett., vol. 
ii, ch. 4) to be those of Agilulphus, husband of Theodelinda 
(590), and of Arrichius, second Duke of Beneventum (591), are 
probably spurious^. 

A doubtful example occurs on a sarcophagus in the church of 
Le Mas d'Aire on the Adour in south-west France. At the 

1 Bull., 1901, p. 205, tav. vi. 

* Le Blaut, Sarcophagea d' Aries, xii, fig. 3, text 24, xvii. — Str., p. 7, taf. 
I, 10. 

' GaiT., vol. V, tav. 316, 2. — Le Blant, xxix and xxx, text pp. 46fiF. — Str. 
p. 8, tav. I, 13. 

* Kraus, Beal-Encyclopaedie, art. 'Taufe,' and referred to by Grousset, 
Etudes sur Vhhtoire des sarcophages chretiens, Paris, 1885, 105, n. 187. 

'■> Kraus, R.-E., art. ' Taufe,' p. 834. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 265 

extreme rig-ht a naked man is carved, tmning towards the 
rig-ht, with hands slig-htly raised. Before him a robed figure, 
standing- equally on both feet, lays his hand on the naked 
man's head. Both stand under a tree. No water is indicated, 
but a dove (?) sits in the tree. Next to this group are 
to be seen Adam and Eve on either side of the tree of 
knowledge ^. 

This may be intended for a scene of baptism, as the 
restoration to grace forfeited at the Fall, but is more probabl}' 
intended for the Creation of man. Perate [Archeologie 
Cliretienne, p. 323) describes it as ' le bapteme d'un adolescent.' 

Summai^y of evidence from Sarcophagi. 

Thus we have thirteen examples of the representation of the 
baptism of Christ from sarcophagi. In every case where the 
carving is perfect He is represented nude and as a boy, while the 
Baptist lays his hand on His head or at least raises it with that 
object. In one case (Ex. 15) He stands on dry ground, once the 
water flows over His feet (Ex. 9}, twice it rises to His knees 
(Exx. 16, 17), once to the thighs (Ex. 18). In four cases it falls 
from a knob of rock or spout, in two of which it falls all 
over His body. 

It will be noticed that in all examples hitherto cited, with 
the exception of Exx. i, 4 and 9, the Saviour is represented as 
holding His hands down and not raising them in the attitude 
of prayer. The dove also is usually represented as visible at 
the moment of baptism ; whereas in Luke iii. 21 it is stated 
that our Saviour was praying when the heavens opened, and 
in all three Gospels the dove is described as descending after 
He had gone up out of the water. It is obvious therefore that 
the conception of the scene is drawn from current practice 
rather than from the pages of Scripture. 

In connexion with these it is interesting to study other 

* Garr., vol. v, tav. 301, 3. — Le Blant, Sarcophages de la Gaule, p. 98 and 
pi. xxvi. 


Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

evidence from the western Church as to the mode of administer- 
ing baptism to catechumens. 

Ex. 23. Tomhstone from Aquileia, Fifth century. 

We have described the Vatican glass fragment above, Ex. 13. 
A similar treatment appears on a fifth -century tombstone at 
Aquileia, which was probably erected in memory of a young 
girl who died soon after her baptism. 

She is represented as standing in a large bowl, nude, wear- 
ing a necklace, 
and holding her 
hands down 
(Fig. 21). The 
water streams on 
her over the 
crescent - shaped 
lower edge of 
a circular open- 
ing which is 
sown with small 
crosses or stars 
and out of which a dove flies. On the right a man in 
a tunic lays his hand on her head ; to the left stands a haloed 
figure clothed in a toga and pointing to her with his right 
hand. There is a tree on each side of the group ^. 

This is described by Garrucci as an example of baptism by 
affusion ' as well as immersion ' (!). 











Fig. 2 1 (after Garrucci). 

Ex. 2J[. Spoon from Aquileia. Fourth or fifth 


From the same place comes a spoon, dating from the fourth 
or fifth century, with a scene of the same nature engraved on 
its bowl (Fig. 22). A nude figure stands in a large shallow 

* G.irr., vol. vi, tav. 487, 26. — Bull., 1876, tav. i, 2. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 267 

basin ; above him appears the dove from whose beak the water 
descends. A figure to the left in an exomis holds a patera in 
the stream over the head of the catechumen, while another 
figure stands on the right. At the point of the spoon on 
the left is a figure in a toga 
standing by a sort of altar '. 

This spoon, which was 
found with several others 
inscribed with various names, 
was probably not used for 
liturgical purposes. Possibly 
it was a present given on the 
occasion of the ceremony pictured on it. 

The feature of the stream from the mouth of the dove occurs 
on the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus (Ex. 7), on the ivories in 
the Bodleian Library (Ex. 29), in the British Museum (Ex. 33), 
at Amiens (Ex. 30), at Milan (Ex. 28), on the MS. of Rabula 
(Ex. 34), in the Etzschmiadzin Gospel Book (Ex. '3^^^ and 
in the mosaic of the Arian baptistery at Ravenna, all of which 
are described below. 

Fig. 22 (after Garrucci). 

Use of a patera in Baptism. 

According to Strzygowski [Icojiographie, p. 10) this feature 
was also found in the original mosaic in the orthodox baptist- 
ery (S. Giovanni in Fonte) in the same city. He maintains 
that the patera from which the Baptist pours the water in the 
picture, as it now appears, must be due to a later restoration, 
on the ground that it is borrowed from a liturgical use first 
arising in the fourteenth century. A similar vessel is, however, 
represented on this spoon from Aquileia, which he seems to 
have overlooked. 

In the so-called Attila treasure at Vienna are two paterae 
of gold weighing 287 gr. and 305 gr. respectively. They 
are each of the same design, and have a cross in the centre 

' Garr., vol. vi, tav. 462, 8. 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

round which run letters read by Dr. Joseph Hampel as 
follows : — 
8ta i'^aros kva-nK-ixJinv d(^tets ttolvtcov (sic) a(xapTi.S>v (Fig. 23), 
' if thou purifiest thyself with water thou shalt be free from all 
sin.' The word vbaros at least he considers to be certain. He 
holds that these paterae were baptismal vessels (' Taufschalen ') 
and attributes them to the fourth or fifth century. Kondakov, 

however, believes the 
letters to be Bulg-arian, 
and would therefore 
assign them to a date 
later than 864, when the 
Bulgarian race adopted 
Christianity ^. 

There is good reason 

to suppose that a bronze 

bowl with a handle, 

found in ruins above the 

cemetery of Praetestatus 

and now in the Museo 

Kircheriano at Rome, 

was also used for the administration of baptism. It is in the 

shape of a hemispherical pan embossed with anglers, boats, 

and fishes, and in the centre is the head of a river-god with 

crab-claws growing out of his head, like those on the head of 

the allegorical figure of Jordan in the Arian baptistery at 

Eavenna (Fig. 24) ^. 

In the history of S. Silvester in the Liber Pontijicalis (314- 
335) we read that Constantine gave to the church which he 
built at Ostia a basin of silver for baptism weighing 20 pounds 
(' pelvem ex argento ad baptismum pens. lib. xx.' Lib. Pont. 

^ Hampel, J., Ber Goldfund von Nagy Szent Miklos, Buda-Pestb, 1886, 
pp. 27 and 64, Fig. 16. — Kondakov, N. P., Gesehichte unci Denhmdler des Byz. 
Emaih, p. 39. Another at Odessa. Venturi, Stoiia delV arte Italiana, 
vol. ii, 1902, p. 30. * Garr., vol. vi, tav. 461. 

Fig. 23. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 269 

S. Silvester, ch. 28). The weig'ht of this vessel shows it must 
have been used as a font, as in the two examples from Aquileia, 

Fig. 24 (after Garrucci). 

while the whole basin of the Lateran baptistery seems to have 
been covered with silver [ib. ch. 1 3). A similar gift was made 
by Xystus III (432-440) to the basilica of S. Laurence of a 
' conca aurocalca pens. lib. xx,' as well as of ' ministerium ad 
baptismum vel jmenitentiae ex arg-ento pens. lib. v ' ; either a 
vessel used for oil, such as the ' patenam argenteam auroclusam 
chrismalem pens. lib. v' that Constantine gave to the 'titulus 
Equitii ' near the baths of 
Diocletian, or one similar to 
that in the Museo Kircheriano 
described above (Xystus, ch. 6, 
Silvester, ch. 3). 

Ex. 25. Cross-shaft at 
Kells. c. 800. 

A similar vessel also appears 
in a baptismal scene on a broken cross-shaft at Kells, which 

Fig. 25. 

270 Shidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, 

was the chief seat of the Columban monks about the year 
800 A. D. (Fig. 25) ^ 

DescriiJtion of the Later an font. 

The font in the baptistery which Constantine built at the 
Lateran is described voi^e. Liher Pontificalls (Silvester, ch. 13) 
as having been made of porphyry and overlaid with silver. 
In the centre rose a candelabnim also of porphyry, ending in 
a golden vessel containing balm, which burning with a wick 
of asbestos served a double purpose of giving light and perfume. 
On the edge of the piscina, probably ojiposite the steps by 
which the catechumen entered the water, were life-sized silver 
figures of Christ and the Baptist. Between them was a lamb 
of gold, from whose mouth a stream of water fell into the 
basin (unless indeed it flowed in four streams from a rock at 
its feet, as so frequently represented in early Christian art), 
while seven figures of stags ranged round its parapet served the 
same purpose. 

Fontem sanctum ubi baptizatus est Augustus Constantinus ex 
lapide porfyretico et ex omni parte coopertum intrinsecus 
et foris et desuper et quantum aqiiam continet ex argento 
purissimo lib. iii viii. In medio fontis columua porfy- 
retica qui portat fiala aurea ubi candela est, pens, auro 
purissimo lib. Iii, ubi ardet in diebus Paschae babamum lib. 
cc, nixum vero ex stippa amianti. In labio fontis baptisterii 
agnum aureum fundentem aquam pens. lib. xxx, ad dexteram 
agni, Salvatorem ex argento purissimo, in pedibus v, pens. lib. 
clxx ; in leva agni, beatum lohannem Baptistam ex argento, 
in pedibus v, teneutem titulum scriptum qui hoc habet ' ecce 
agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit jDeccata mundi ' ; pens. lib. cxxv. 

Cervos argenteos vii. fundentes aquam, pens. sing. lib. Ixxx. 

Tymiaterium ex auro purissimo cum gemmis prasinis xlviiii, 
pens. lib. xv. 

Innocent I (401-417) gave a similar stag to the 'titulus 
Vestinae ' weighing 25 pounds. 

The figure of the stag is of frequent occurrence in connexion 

1 J.Romilly kXi&wfihristian Sywholmn in Great Britain and Ireland, p. 23 1. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 271 

with baptisteries and baptismal scenes (e.g. at Salona, in the 
cemetery of Pontianus, &c.). 

The water seems to have fallen in a stream from some such 
head in the baptistery of S. Stephen built by Eustorgius at 
Milan (early sixth cent.), which is thus described by Eunodius 
{Garm. ii. 149, Migne, Patr. Lot. Ixiii. p. 361 ; ci.Bull,, 1876, 
p. 12):— 

En sine nube pluit sub tectis imbre sereuo, 

Et coeli faties pura ministrat aquas. 
Proflua marmoribus decurrunt flumina sacris, 

Atque iterum rorem parturit ecce lapis. 
Arida nam liquidos effundit pergula fontes, 

Et rursus natis unda superua venit. 
Sancta per aethereos emanat lympha recessus 

Eustorgii vatis ducta ministerio. 

The present building- at the Lateran dates as far as the 
lower part is concerned from the time of Xystus III (432-440), 
during whose pontificate the above description was written. 
He, however, probably altered the outline but little, and there 
is good reason to believe that the lists of Constantine's gifts 
were copied from contemporary records and do not represent 
later accumulations (Duchesne, Lib. Pont., ad loc. notes ; cf also 
his description of the baptistery in Origines du culte chretien, 
p. 298). 

Analogies from the customs of the Baths. 

In Greek and Roman baths it was common for the water 
to flow from the heads of animals [Lid. of Class. Antiq., art. 
' Baths '). A Greek vase painting shows four women standing 
under such jets (Fig. 26). It was also customary for the 
attendant to pour water over the heads of the bathers, while 
the bath was always followed by anointing, as an unction by 
the bishop followed the act of baptism. 

The orthodox baptistery at Ravenna was built by Bp. Neon 
in 449-452 A.D. on the foundations of an earlier building, 
supposed to have been a bath, while the Arian baptistery 



Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

was similarly adapted a few years later (Ricci, Guida d'l 
Bavenna, 1900, pp. 32 & 10). 

We read in the story of the martyrdom of Perpetua that 

Fig. 26. 

when Saturus was covered with blood from the bite of a 
leopard, the crowd in the amphitheatre joking-ly cried out 
that he had been well bathed, using- the language of the 
baths, which the author writing at the end of the second 
century interpreted as an allusion to baptism. 

Iiihixit dies victoriae illorum et processerunt de carcere iu 
ampliitheatrum ... sequebatur Perpetua ... item Felicitas salvam 
se peperisse gaudens ut ad bestias pugnaret, a sanguine ad 
sanguinem, ab obstetrice ad retiarium, lotura post partum 
baptismo secundo. 

Et statim in fine spectaculi leopardo eiecto, de uno morsu tanto 
perfusus est (Saturus) sanguine, ut populus revertenti illi 
secundi baptismatis testimonium reclamaverit ' salvum lotum, 
salvum lotum,' plane utique salvus erat qui hoc modo laverat. 

'Salvum lotum' is a phrase of the baths to which KaXws eXovo-ca 
corresponds. {Texts and Studies, vol. i. Passio Perpetuae 
cc. 18 & 21 ; cf. Introd. p. 8.) 

So fifty years later Cyprian argues that the recognized 
analogy of the baths must not be pressed too far. He had 
been asked whether men who received baptism in sickness 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 273 

were to be counted true Christians, since they were not 
washed in the life-giving- water but had only had a little 
poured over them (eo quod aqua salutari non loti sint sed 
perfusi). He explains it is not necessary for the whole body 
to be touched by the water, as if it were an actual bath with 
salt of nitre and a seat to wash yourself in, so that aspersion 
or perfusion is sufficient to constitute a valid sacrament (see 
below, p. 312). 

Fig. 27. 

Analogy of Mithraic customs. 

The Mithraic custom of baptism as practised in the third 
and fourth centuries was probably borrowed from, or at least 
influenced by, Christian practice. A conception of new birth 
sug-g-ested by, or taug-ht in opposition to, the Christian doc- 
trine of baptism was supposed to be involved in the Tauro- 
bolium. In the ceremony the recipient sat in a trench under 
a platform on which a bull was killed in such a manner as to 
allow the blood to fall all over him. The man so purified was 
described as 'renatus.' Symbolically this was represented in 
art by a dog drinking at the stream that flowed from the 
neck of the bull slain by the young Mithra (Fig. 37), as 

X 3 

274 Stitdia Bihlica et Ecdesiastica. 

Christian baptism was symbolized by the Jews drinking 
from the rock struck by Moses, or S. Peter, or by lambs, or 
stags drinking at a fountain (Figs. 6, lo, ii, 38) 1. 

Summary of evidence for the Age of the Councils. 

To sum up the conclusions drawn from the evidence from 
sarcophag'i, from the analogy of the baths, and of Mithraic 
customs as to the practice of the Church in the Western 

In the fourth and fifth centuries baptism took place before 
a witness or witnesses, in a fixed spot, either in a structural 
baptistery, into which the w'ater usually fell from a spout or 
figure-head, or in a movable basin. In the latter case the 
ofiiciant poured water over the catechumen from a vessel ; in 
the former he led him under one of the spouts, and either 
directed the flow over his head with the vessel or guided his 
head under the water with his hands. This we know from 
other sources was done three times. 

An immersion ma^ have preceded this, but there is no men- 
tion of a double act by any writer of early (Jate, and at least 
it was not considered the most significant element of the rite. 
With the peace of the Church the ceremony has become 
slightly more elaborate, and the flow of water is fuller and 
more continuous owing to the influence of the baths. The 
ofiiciant seems to have stood on a raised platform or step and 
not to have entered the water himself. 

L'immersion baptismale ne doit pas s'enteudre en ce sens que 
Ton plongeat entierement dans I'eau la personne baptis^e. 
EUe entrait dans la piscine, oil la hauteur de I'eau n'etait 
pas suffisaute pour depasser la taille d'un adulte; puis on 
la plajait sous I'une des bouches d'ou s'echappaient des jets 
d'eau ; ou encore, on prenait de I'eau dans la piscine elle-meme 
pour la repandre sur sa tete. C'est ainsi que le bapteme est 
represent^ sur les anciens monuments ^. 

1 Bigg, C, Christian Platonittts of Alexandria, p. 237. 
* Duchesne, Origines du cidte chretien, p. 302 ; and al3o Eijlises SepardeSf 


Christian Art after the fifth century. 

There are but scanty remains of early Christian art dating* 
from after the fifth centmy in Italy. The successive invasions 
of Goths, Vandals, and Lombards, if not destroying* as much 
as is popularly supposed of the productions of earlier years, 
left the country impoverished^ and as little inclined to spend 
much on costly works as it was able to train artists to execute 

In the East, however, the policy of Diocletian in removing' 
the seat of government from Rome, and the subsequent action 
of Constantine in establishing a strong centralized power at 
Byzantium, secured the firm holding together of the Empire 
for many centuries. As a consequence Byzantine art long 
survived that of Rome, and, in architecture at least, had 
a development that compares not unfavourably with the 
later evolution of the Gothic cathedral in the West. The 
gradual elaboration of Syrian architecture, with its small 
domed buildings, up to the construction of Justinian's great 
church of the Hagia Sophia is the most characteristic work 
of Byzantine genius, though at the same time it is the feature 
that has had the least influence on the artistic life of Western 

The question of the nature and influence of Byzantine art 
cannot yet be said to be fully determined. Apart from 
church building its chief productions seem to have been 
illuminated manuscripts, and it was in executing them, and 
possibly also in making designs for woven stuffs, that its 
artists appear to have received their training. It became 
therefore a characteristic of its less important works that 
they were chiefly executed with the purpose of illustrating 

276 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

continuous historical narratives, and whilst showing' con- 
siderable skill in technique, they tended to become stereo- 
typed and conventional from constant repetition of subjects 
that differed but little from one another. This influence is 
felt specially in mosaic work, ivory carving, and fresco paint- 
ing, where it is generally a series of scenes that is pictured, 
though in such objects as flasks, gems, or medals the same 
style reappears ^. 


An exception to the general artistic poverty of Italy in 
the fifth and sixth centuries is to be found at Ravenna. As 
the seat of the court of Honorius and under the enlightened 
reign of Theodoric, it became for one hundred and fifty years 
the most important city of the West, and a series of monu- 
ments rose up within its walls upon which the most skilful 
artists of the day were employed, and which attracted the 
attention of Justinian. 

The mosaic workers came from Rome, and the general plan 
of the churches, which are almost the sole remains of the 
former glory of the city, follows that of the Roman basilica, 
while the classical spirit is still felt in the drawing of the 
earlier figures in the Baptistery and S. Apollinare Nuovo. 
The vigour of the Gothic race appears in the originality of 
choice and treatment in the New Testament scenes in the 
nave of the latter ; and the essential difference between north- 
ern and southern architecture is already seen in the mausoleum 
of Theodoric, for there for the first time the horizontal line 
gives way to the vertical as the characteristic feature in 
construction, and in its erection the first step was taken 
which inaugurated the change from classic styles of building, 
just as his reign may be said to be the first beginning of 

' Kraus, F. X., Geschickte der christlichen Kund, vol. i, bk. 9, and vol ii, 
bk. 13, Freiburg im B., 1896; Strzygowski, J., Orient oder lioni, Introd., Leip- 
zig, 1901. For a different view see F. Wickoff, Die Wiener Genesis, Wien, 
1S95, who sees in Byzantine art merely the last stage of the decadence of that 
of Kome. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 277 

the Middle Ages. Theodoric had been brought up at the 
court of Byzantium, and the building of the church of 
S. Vitale fell in the time of Byzantine rule. If Justinian 
was not actually present at its consecration he regarded 
himself as in some sense its founder. He appears on the 
mosaics of its walls, and his authority seems to have modified 
the plan of the building, and to have decided that the gallery 
should rest not on wooden beams, as originally planned, but 
on stone arches in accordance with the rules of Byzantium ^ 
We have therefore at Ravenna an art in which three 
different streams of influence, Roman, Gothic, and Byzantine, 
united, and in which the extent to which each makes itself 
felt can be traced with something like precision. 

Fig. 28 (after Garrucci). 

Ex. 26. Mosaic in the Orthodox Baptistery. 


Two important baptism scenes are to be found in the 
mosaics of the baptisteries at Ravenna alluded to in the last 
^ Kicci, C, Guida di Ravenna, p. 40, Bologna, 1900. 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

chapter. That in the orthodox baptistery (Baptisterium 
Ursianum or S. Giovanni in Fonte) was probably set up 
by Bp. Neon in 449-452. 

Here Christ is represented bearded and with a halo, holding 
His hands down to His side, naked, and standing in the water 
which rises to His waist (Fig. 28). On the left side is the 
Baptist wearing an exomis and with a halo. He stands 
on a promontory of rock with his left foot raised, holding 
a jewelled cross in his left hand, while with his right he 
pours water from a patera over the head of Christ. Over- 
head is the dove flying downwards vertically; in the water 
to the right is an allegorical figure of Jordan marked by 
the name, a bearded man with a reed, holding a cloth in 
his hands. Plants spring from the banks ^. 

According to Strzygowski the patera is a fourteenth -cen- 
tury restoration, as ' no such instrument was used till that 
date.' We have already considered the reasons for believing 
in its use at an earlier period. The head and right arm of 
the figure of Christ are restored, the halo and beard being 
possibly modern additions. 

Ex. 27. Mosaic in the Avian Baptistery. 

In the Arian baptistery (S. Maria in Cosmedin) is a similar 

mosaic occupying a corresponding 

place in the centre of the dome. 

In it Christ is represented 

beardless, with a halo, holding His 

hands down to His side, and up 

to His waist in water (Fig. 29). 

The dove flies down vertically from 

above, and from its beak a stream 

descends on the head of our Lord. 
Fig. 29 (after Garrucci). mi t» • 

ihe Baptist stands to the right on 

a rock wbich rises out of the water. He is clothed in a spotted 

' Garr., vol. iv, taw. 226 and 227. — Str., p. 10, taf. i, 14. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. ^^(^ 

skin and holds a curved stick in his left hand^ while he lays 
the rig-ht on the head of the Saviour. To the left sits 
Jordan, out of the water, and represented as an old man with, 
two crab-claws growing out of his head, holding a reed in 
his right hand while he raises his left in astonishment 
(Pss. Ixxvii. 1 6 and cxiv. 5) ^. 

These two examples fall within the first and second period 
respectively of the history of Ravenna's greatness, while 
Roman influences were still strong in her art, but had been 
weakened by being transplanted and modified by new sur- 
roundings. They show a new conception of the scene which 
almost entirely breaks away from the old tradition, and would 
appear to be due to an attempt to picture more exactly the 
scenes of the Gospels. 

hijiuence of apocryphal writiyigs. 

An interesting account of the apocryphal additions to the 
story of our Lord's bajotism as related in the Gospels will be 
found in a work entitled Em Usher wiheacJdeter BericJit 
iiber die Tavfe Jesu, by Adolf Jacoby (Strassburg, Triibner, 
1902). The author believes that he has traced them to a lost 
Church Order connected with the Syriac BidascaUa, and there- 
fore dating from the third century. In certain fragments of 
a fourth -century Epiphany sermon based on this document we 
find it related that at the baptism of our Lord the waters of 
the Jordan first fled back and then rose in a heap. Similar 
allusions to the miracle are quoted from Ephraem Syrus 
(335-379), Jacob Baradaeus (451), Jacob of Sarug (521), 
from several Epiphany sermons of the fifth or sixth cen- 
turies, Cyril of Jerusalem (348, Cat. xii. 15), from hymns of 
Anatolius (450), and the Ambrosian collection. The narratives 
of the pilgrim Antoninus Placentius (570-600) and others 
state that the miracle was repeated yearly, and references to 
the legend are found in Armenian and Coptic writings. 

Jacoby believes that both the retiring of the water and the 

^ Garr., vol. iv, tav. 241. — Str., p. 10, taf. I, 15. 

28o Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

rising in a heap were dwelt on to emphasize the doctrine of 
the Divine Nature of our Lord ; and that the former, which 
is alluded to in all the above writings, was suggested by 
Pss. cxiv. 3, 5, Ixxvii. i6, while the latter, which is less 
frequently dwelt upon, was regarded as an act of homage to 
the Incarnate Word, and found support in Ps. xxviii. 3 (LXX). 

He further holds that the influence of this widespread tra- 
dition can be traced in Christian ai"t, and to its influence 
he ascribes the feature of the symbolic representation of the 
Jordan first found in the Ravenna mosaic, and that of the 
water rising in a heap to the waist or neck of the Saviour, 
which first definitely appears in the fresco at Monza (Ex. 51, 
c. 700). It may be doubted, however, whether the legend 
had any great influence on the artistic representation of 
the scene, for though Jordan is shown in the Ravenna 
mosaics as holding up his hands in astonishment, the water 
is not represented as receding. The fear of the river is 
emphasized only in the ivories at Ravenna and in the 
British Museum (Figs. 39, 40), while in later examples the 
tendency is for the allegorical figure to occupy a subsidiary 
place or to be omitted altogether. 

It is still more doubtful if the representation of the water 
as rising in a heap to cover our Lord's body has any con- 
nexion with the legend. It seems rather to be merely the 
conventional way of indicating the river in an age when the 
laws of perspective were not understood. 

The whole legend is' obviouslv based on the Old Testament 
stories of the passage of the Red Sea and of the passing of 
the Jordan by the Israelites, and the rising of the waters 
in a heap was supposed to have taken place, not round the 
Saviour's body for the purpose of covering Him, but in the 
stream above, that He might stand on dry land while He 
was being baptized, just as it stood to allow the IsraeKtes to 
pass over dry shod. The only persons in the whole cycle of 
symbolism who are conceived of as submerged are the 
Egyptians who pursued after the Chosen People. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 281 

Milan school of ivories, c- 500. 

The rule of Theodoric (493-526) secured a time of com- 
parative prosperity for the rest of Italy ; and though the 
government was in the hands of one of the conquering race 
the old Roman civilization continued with very little con- 
sciousness of change. The influence of Byzantium or of the 
Goth would have been felt less elsewhere than they both were 
at E-avenna, and in the art of this time the old tradition is 
still strong. 

To this period may be assigned five ivories of probable 
Italian origin. 

Ex. 28. Ivory in the Cathedral at Milan, c. 500. 

An ivory ' five pieces ' book -cover (? originally a diptych) 
in the treasury of the cathedral at Milan contains sixteen 
scenes from the life of Christ. 
In that of the baptism He is 
represented as a beardless 
youth, nude, and standing up 
to His knees in water which 
falls from a pillar of rock in 
a copious stream behind and 
all round Him (Fig. 30). The 
Baptist stands also up to his 
knees in water, and holds 
a crooked staff" in his left ^ig- i°- 

hand. A stream flows from the beak of the dove ^. 

Garrucci describes this last feature, which we have already 
noticed above (p. 267), as a ray, the symbol of grace, and 
quotes Chrysologus, Serm. CLX : — ' Spiritus Sanctus in specie 
columbae totam in caput parentis novi chrismatis pingue- 
dinem fundit ut impleat illud quod propheta dixit " Propterea 
unxit te Deus tuus oleo laetitiae" '. This does not, however, 
exclude its being also intended for a stream of water, for we 

* Garr., vol. vi, tav. 454.— Str., p. 13, taf. ii, 2. 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

may notice the same feature in the Aquileia spoon (Ex. 24, 
fig". 22), where it is in this stream that the baptizer holds 
his patera ; while in the relief at Monza described below 
(Ex. 51), in the Berlin ivory from the Micheli collection 
(Ex. 52, fig". 44) as well as in Exx. ^"^^ & 54 (fig. 45), the dove 
pours the water from a vessel held in its beak. 

Ex. 29. Ivory in the Bodleian Lihrary at Oxford. 

c. 500. 

A very similar treatment (Fig. 31) appears on another 

book-cover in the Bodleian 
Library at Oxford, as one of 
twelve scenes in the life of the 
Saviour, who is represented in 
the centre throned and with the 
four evil beasts under His feet 
(Ps. xci. 13). The features of the 
pillar of rock, and of the water 
falling from it as well as from 
the dove's beak and rising to the 
Saviour's knees, are repeated, 
while the Baptist holds the 
crooked staff but stands on dry ground raising his left foot ^, 

Ex. 30. Ivory at Amiens, c. 500. 

An ivory of the same school is 
in the possession of M. Mallet at 
Amiens, and was published by M. 
I'Abbe E. van Dreval in the Revue 
de VArt Chretien, XIX, 1875, pi. xix, 
p. 352. In it the Baptist is repre- 
sented as clothed in an exomis, hold- 
ing a crooked staff and raising his left 
foot (Fig. 32). There is a stream that 

rig. 31- 

( (^/^jrp 



^\y^= ^-^§^^-T^ 

Fig. 32. 

^ Str., p. 12, taf. ii, i. — Westwood, Fictile IvoriesinS. Kensington Museum. 
p. 55, pi. 6. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 283 

flows from the dove as well as a broad stream falling from a 
bossy pillar of rock. The Saviour is pictured as a boy with 
a simple halo and on dry ground \ 

Ex, 31. Werden Ivory at South Kensington 


The carving on the remains of an ivory box in South 
Kensington Museum, and formerly at Werden in Rhenish 
Prussia, is of very similar workman- 
ship to the last two examples (Fig. 
33). The Saviour is represented as 
a nude boy and with a crossed halo. 
Both He and the Baptist are up to 
their knees in water, but on the left 
is a personification of the Jordan pig. 33 (after Garrucci). 
holding branches in his hands, 

leaning on a pitcher from which the water flows. The whole 
work is marked with a certain originality that seems to 
suggest the working of a new influence^. 

Stuhlfauth ^ points out the similarity of these works, and 
believes them to be productions of a Milanese school of carving, 
and to date from the latter half of the fifth century. He holds 
that the example at Milan (Fig. 30) is the oldest, while that 
at Amiens (Fig. 32) he suggests may date from the period 
between the invasion of the Huns in 452 and that of the 
Ostrogoths in 490. The Bodleian example he considers to be 
Byzantine in its details and in the style of the seventh and 
ninth centuries : but he holds it to be a modern forgery, mainly 
however on the ground that it bears a Latin inscription. That 
at South Kensington (Fig. ^'^) he would place a little later, 
as having a crossed nimbus and generally showing a more 

* Stuhlfauth, G., Die altchristliche ElfenheinplastiJc, p, 75, Mohr, Freiburg 
i. B. and Leipzig, 1896. 

^ Garr., vol. vi, tav. 447, 3. — Westwood, No. 99. 

^ Die altchristliche Elfenbeinplastik, pp. 74, 77, 199. 


Studta Bihlica et Ecclesiasiica. 

developed style. Strzygowski ^, on the other hand, considers 
this last example to date from the time of Theodosius (392-395), 
to which period he also ascribes the book-cover at Milan 
(Fig-. 30); while he holds the Bodleian ivory (Fig. 31) to be 
a work of the school of Ravenna that became more and more 
influenced by Byzantium in the sixth centuiy. 

Ex. 2)2. Ivory cover to the Missal of Gregory 
at Munich. ? c. 500. 

A fifth example of the same school, though not mentioned 
by Stuhlfauth, may be seen in the Royal Libraiy at Munich, 
where it forms part of the cover of the so-called missal of 
Gregory the Great. (Cim. 143. Cod. Lat. 10Q77.) 

The carving is somewhat worn, but the Saviour seems to be 

represented as a boy without 
a halo (Fig. 34). The Baptist 
stands on dry ground, clothed 
in an exomis and holding 
a crooked staff; he raises his 
right foot while he lays his 
hand on our Lord's head. 
Jordan stands on the opposite 
side holding in his left arm 
a tree, and with an inverted 
Fig. 34- pitcher from which the water 

flows, rising to the thighs of the Saviour. The massacre 
of the Innocents appears above and the miracle of Cana 
below, as in the example from Amiens (Ex. 30, fig. 32). 
The ivory is attributed in the library catalogue to the 
eleventh or twelfth century, but the choice of subjects 
as well as certain peculiarities of treatment (e. g. the woman 
throwing up her hands in the scene of the massacre of the 
Innocents) seem to show that it is of the same school as the 
above example, and dates from the fifth or early sixth century. 

' Das JEhschmiadzin Evanffeliar,\Yien, 1891. Cf. Kraus, Geschichte der 
christlichen Kunst, vol. i, p. 507. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 285 

Fig. 35 (from a photograpb). 

Ex. ^sZ' Ivory in the British Museum, f c. 500. 

To the same date may perhaps be referred an ivory in the 
Christian Antiquities room in the British Museum, in which 
the feature of the stream from the 
dove's beak reappears (Fig. 'j^^). 
In it the Saviour is represented 
as a nude boy, with a halo, 
holding- His hands down and 
standing" on the ground. 

The head alone of the dove 
appears. The Baptist is scantily 
clothed in an exomis which 
leaves both arms and legs bare, and he lays his hand on the 
Saviour's head. To the left stands a bearded figure with 
wings, and clothed in a toga. There are indications of 
water behind the feet of Christ. On either side are candle- 
sticks similar to those on an early fifth-century silver casket 
in the Museo Cristiano at the Vatican, and to those on 
a sarcophagus at Ravenna of the same period. The rest of 
the ivory is occupied with the finding of Christ in the • 
temple, a rare subject which, however, also occurs on the 
Milan ivory. 

This example is ascribed to the fifth century, but its peculiar 
features make it difficult to assign it to any particular place 
or date ^. 

Oriental types. Ex. 34, Rahula MS. at 
Florence. 586. 

The first baptism scene in which Christ appears bearded (if 
the mosaic at Ravenna has been altered in restoration) is in one 
of the miniatures of the Syriac Rabula MS. in the Biblioteea 
Laurenziana in Florence (Fig. 36). In it the Baptist is 
represented in the usual attitude, raising his left foot, but 

* Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities in the British 
Museum, 1901, No. 293. — Graeven, H., Elfenheinwerke aus Sammlungen in 
England, No. 22. — Westwood, No. 154 


Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

stooping as the Saviour is immersed in the water as far as the 
waist. He turns His head a little aside^ and the stream or 

ray descends on it from ahove, where 
(^p^ the hand with two outstretched 

fing-ers appears in the heavens and 
beneath it flies the dove. The Jordan 
is marked by banks on which flowers 
are growing^. 

The monk Rabula lived at Zagba 
in Mesopotamia and wrote the MS. 
in 586. It is the earliest example 
Fig. 36. that we possess of the art of illumi- 

nation by miniatures that had such 
a wonderful development in the later Middle Ages, and 
undoubtedly influenced the work of the schools of Karl the 
Great (Kraus, F. X., GescJi. d. christl. Knnst, i, 463 & ii, 25. 
Freiburg im B., 1895-7). 

Ex. 35. Etzschmiadzin Gospel Book. c. 500. 

Very similar in design is a miniature in the Gospel book of 
Etzschmiadzin in Armenia. The hand in the heavens, the dove 
and the stream or ray reappear, but the Saviour is represented 
as beardless, without nimbus, and only immersed in the water 
as far as His loins. 

Strzygowski considers that this proves the MS. to be earlier 
than the Rabula MS., and adds that while the style of dress 
and the type of the apostles' heads that appear in the margin 
suggest that it dates from the sixth century, the architectural 
ornamentation in w^hich the pictures are set would seem to 
point to the fifth. He is inclined to attribute it therefore to 
the first half of the sixth. In any case the obvious connexion 
of the two miniatures would point to an archetype of earlier date 
than 586 2. 

* Garr., vol. iii, tav. 130. — Str., p. 17. 

* Strzygowsky, J., ByzantinUche Denhndler, I, Das Etzschmiadzin Evan- 
geliar, p. 73 and taf. 6, 2, Wien, 1891. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 287 

Ex. 36. Flask at Monza. Before 599. 

A flask at Monza may also be of Syrian origin. It is said 
to have been g-iven by Gregory the Great to Theodolinda 
(599), but is probably of earlier date, and would seem to have 
served originally to bring back oil from the Holy Land, as is 
shown by its Greek lettering. It is ornamented with seven 
small scenes from the life of Christ. In that of the baptism 
the Saviour is represented as a boy in the water up to His 
knees. The Baptist in a tunic stands on dry ground raising 
his left foot. An angel on the right holding a cloth shows 
eastern influence. All three figures are haloed ^. 

Ex. 37. Bronze Medal at the Vatican. 

A bronze medal in the Museo Ciistiano shows Christ up to 
His knees in water. The Baptist raising his foot holds the 
crooked staff" in his left hand and lays his right on the Saviour's 
head. The word lORDA is written underneath, and around 
is the legend ' Bedemptio filiis hominum'. This object, if 
genuine, was probably a keepsake from the Holy Land ^. 

Ex. 38. Censer from Syria. ? 6th century. 

A censer found at the convent of Mar Muza el Habashi, 
between Damascus and Palmyra, is now at the British 
Museum (Fig. ^6 a). On it S. John is represented standing 
on the left with his right hand stretched out over the head of 
our Lord, who appears as a boy, holding His hands straight 
down, with the water rising to His knees. A single attendant 
angel holds a cloth and the dove appears overhead. There is 
a considerable distance between the hand of the Baptist and 
the head of the Saviour on which he appears to pour the water. 
The figures, however, are much worn, and in the companion 
scenes the hands are all of the same peculiar long shape, so 

1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 433, 8. — Str., p. 14, taf. ii, 5. 

^ Garr., vol. vi, tav. 480, 15. — Str., p. 14, taf. ii, 6. — Bull., 1869, p. 58. 



Studi'a Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

that it is imjjossible to say whether it was intended to show 

an act of affusion ^. 

The censer is attri- 
hiited to the ninth or 
tenth centuries, but the 
scenes seem to follow a 
much earlier tradition 
and to be of the type 
found in the West in 
the fifth or sixth cen- 
turies, just as the fifth- 
century fonts of the 
Hauran seem to be of 

the same type as those of Italy and Africa (pp. 327, 350). 

Ex. 39. Horn Medallion from Egypt, c. 500. 

A horn medallion, found in the burial ground of Achmim, 

near Panoplis in Upper Egypt, 
represents the Baptist standing 
on the banks of the Jordan 
clothed in a short tunic and 
laying his hand on the Saviour's 
head (Fig. 37). Both are beard- 
less, and our Lord wears a cloth 
round His loins. He crosses His 
hands over His breast and stands 
on dry ground. Both He and 
the Baptist have each a plain 
nimbus. The dove flies over- 
head, and on the right bank 

stands an angel in a tunic holding a cloth. This object is 

attributed to c. 500 ^. 

' Dalton, 0. M., Catalogue, No. 540. Proceedings of the Society of Anti- 
quaries in London, 1872. Plate opp. p. 290. 

^ Forrer, 'R.,DiefrUhchristlichenAIferthumeraus(lem Grdherfelde von Ach- 
tnvm-Panoplis, taf. xi, i, Strassburg, 1893 'Die Zeit der Herstellung diirfte 
die Mitte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Ch. sein.' 

I'ig- 37. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 289 

Ex. 40. Seal at Rome. Sixth or seventh century. 

A seal, which he attributes to the sixth or seventh century, 
is mentioned by Stuhlfauth as existing in the museum of the 
German Campo Santo at Rome. He describes the figure of 
Christ as bearded, and mentions an angel holding a cloth as 
in the last example ^. 

Ex. 41. Fresco in the Cemetery of Pontianus. 

Sixth century. 

In a fresco in the cemetery of S. Pontianus in Kome Christ 
is represented as an adult and standing up to His waist in 

Fig. 38 (after Garrucci). 

water (Fig. 38). He is bearded and has a plain nimbus round 
His head. The Baptist stands on a river bank to the right, 
holding a reed in his hands ; an attendant angel, covering his 
hands with a cloth, appears on the left in a cloud. Below is 
a stag drinking. The painting has been attributed to the ninth 

^ Stuhlfauth, G., Der Engel., p. 193, Mohr, Freiburg im B., 1897. — Bull., 
1887, p. 48. — Romische Quartalschri/f, 1887, ^^'^' i^) 4? P* ^^S* 

Y a 


Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

or tenth century, but seems to follow the older Roman tradition 
and more probably dates from the sixth ^. 

Byzantine types. 

A new period of art as of literature arose with Justinian. 
It had certain well-defined characteristics of its own, and 

created types that became fixed in 
later ag-es of decadence, and lasted 
far into the INIiddle Ages witli little 

Ex. 42. CJiair of Maximian 
at Ravenna. 454-556, 

The cbair of Maximian (454- 
^^6) in the treasury of the 
cathedral at Ravenna still repre- 
sents Christ as a boy, but the 
water is made to rise as hig-h as 
His waist (Fig-. 39). The Baptist 
clothed in a skin stands raising 
his foot as usual, while two angels 
Fig. 39. with cloths stand on the right. 

Jordan is represented allegorically 

in the water below as starting away in amazement. The 

dove appears as usual overhead^. 

Ex. 43. Ivory at the British Museum. II. 
? Sixth century. 

A very similar ivory carving is in the Mediaeval room at 
the British Museum, where it is described as Italian and of the 
sixth century. The workmanship is perhaps coarser, but the 
general disposition of the figures is the same (Fig. 40). The 

^ Garr., vol. ii, tav. 86, 3. — Marracchi, 0., Elements d" ArcMologie Chretienne, 
vol. ii, p. 63. 

^ Garr., vol. vi, tav. 41 S, 2. — Str., p. 15, taf. ii, 8. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 291 

Baptist, clothed in an exomis, raises his left foot and lays his 
rig-ht hand on the Saviour's head, who is represented as a boy 
with a thick mass of curly hair. The water rises to His 
waist. Behind is a (?) female figure 
covering- her hands with a cloth, 
and with a veil over her head; there 
were probably originally t.vo such 
figures, but the right side of the ivory 
is imperfect. Below in the water is 
Jordan, with crab-claws growing out 
of his head, starting away in astonish- 
ment. Above is the hand appearing 
from heaven, while below is the dove 
holding in its beak a circular object. 
This may be intended for a crown or 
halo (as on a font at Liege, c. 1112), 
but it is more probably a patera ; for. 
though we do not find this feature 
elsewhere, it has a close parallel in 
the examples of Lombardo- Roman art cited below, where 
a pitcher is held by the dove in a similar manner ^ 

Fig. 40 
(from a photograph). 

Ex. 44. Ivory from Marsal. 

A fragment found at Marsal in Lothringen may have been 
part of a similar scene. Only the figure of Christ remains. 
The water rises to His thighs and His arms are crossed over 
His breast, an attitude, before the finding of the medal at 
Achmim (Ex. 39, fig. 37), known in no instance earlier than 
an Armenbibel in Munich. The water falls from a hand. 
The Baptist stood on the right, but the figure has been broken 
off, as well as those of the attendant angels if they originally 
existed. The Saviour is marked with a square nimbus, proving 
that the custom of restricting that form to persons still living 

^ Dalton, 0. M., Catalogue, No. 294, pi. 7. — Graeven, H., Elfenheinwerhe 
aus Sammlungen in England, No. 28. 

292 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

in this world was not without exceptions. The work is 
roughly executed ^ 

Ex. 45. Pillar at Constantinople. Sixth century. 

A sixth-century rej)resentation of Christ's baptism appears 
in the carving of a pillar found at Constantinople, and now in 
the museum of the Tschinili Kiosk in that city. It shows 
our Lord up to His thighs in the water, with the same two 
attendant angels holding cloths on the left. The figure of the 
Baptist is much larger than that of our Lord, but we cannot 
tell whether He was pictured as a boy or with a beard as the 
head has been broken -. 

Ex. 46. Ring at Palermo. ? Sixth century. 

Two attendant angels also appear on a ring found at Syracuse 
and now in the museum at Palermo. The Saviour is described 
as standing up to His breast in the water, and the work is 
considered to be Byzantine and of the sixth or early seventh 
centmy ^. 

The scene is one of a series running round the hoop of the 
ring. The work is very minute, but in the reproduction in 
Kondakov the water appears to rise no higher than the waist. 
There are also scenes of the crucifixion and of the visit of the 
IMaries to the sepulchre, which Kondakov thinks are similar 
in style to those on the flasks in the treasury at Monza 
(Ex. "^6). 

^ Kraus, F. X., Kunst und Alierihum in IHsass-Lothringen, vol, iii, p. 309 
and taf. ii. 

' Strzygowski, Byz. Zeiischnft, 1892, p. 575, 'Die alt. Byz. Plastik der 
Bliitezeit,' reproduced in Schultze, Archaeologie der altehristlichen Kunst, 

P- 331- 

^ Salinar, Del Heal Museo di Palermo, Palermo, 1873, pi. A. i. Arch. 

/owrMaZ, vol. xxxviii, 1881, p. 154. — Kondakov, N., Geschichte und DenJcmdler 

des Byz. Emails, p. 264. A precisely similar ring is to be seen in the gold 

collection of the British Museum, Dalton, 0. M., Catalogue, No. 129, who 

refers to yet another formerly in the Pichon collection sale catalogue, 1897, 

No. 26, and figured by Schlumberger, Melanges d'arch. hyz., p. 67. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 293 

Lombard and Carolingian types. 

The seventh century in Italy is marked by the preponderance 
of barbarism in civil lifej while all that survived of classic 
culture was being- g-athered into the monasteries. After the 
time of Greg-ory the Great (ob. 604) both liturg-ical custom 
and ecclesiastical art underwent considerable modifications, and 
it is from this era that it is usual to reckon the beg-inning of 
the Middle Ages. 

After this date therefore we may expect to find two widely 
differing" types of art. The one vigorous and original in idea, 
but rough in execution and only slightly influenced by tradition ; 
the other continuing the older style on its general conception, 
but becoming more and more conventional, while the working 
of the new spirit appears in details. 

Fig. 41 (from a photograph). 

Ex. 47. Rough ivory carving at South Kensington. 

To this period may be ascribed a very rough carving on 
ivory in South Kensington Museum, which represents Christ as 

294 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

being baptized in a sort of tub-like font in which He stands 
immersed to the waist (Fig-. 41). On the reverse side is a fine 
piece of work, probably of Carolingian origin and attributed to 
the eighth or ninth century. The inferior work must therefore 
be of earlier date ^. 


Fig. 42 (from a photograph). 

Ex. 48. The Wessohrunner Gehet. 814. 

In the 'Wessohrunner Gebet,' a MS. of the year 814, 
preserved in the library at Munich, is an illustration of the 
baptism of a Jew, who stands in a small circular font which 
reaches to his waist (Fig. 42) ^. 

Ex. 49. Ivory from S. MarJcs chair at Grado. 
Sixth or seventh century. 

An ivory originally forming part of the chair of S. Mark 
at Grado, and now in the Museo Archeologico at Milan, is 
considered by Graeven and Garrucci to be work of the 
seventh century. It represents the Evangelist baptizing 
Anianus with his wife and son, who stand up to the breast 
in water in a large tank (the son up to the neck), while 

^ Westwood, Fictile Ivories, No. 256. 

" Reproduced in Springer, A., Bandbuch der Emistgeschichte, vol. ii, p. 93, 
Leipzig, 1902, 3rd edition. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 295 

the saint stands on dry ground (Fig". 43). If the date he 
correct this is the earliest representa- 
tion of haptism in which submersion 
could be intended ^ 

The chaii' is said to have been 
broug-ht from Alexandria to Con- 
stantinople and to have been presented 
to the church of Grado by the 
Emperor Heraclius (610-640). If 
this is the same chair the reliefs 
must have been executed at an 
earlier date, but they cannot, in the 
opinion of Graeven, be much older. 
A comj)anion relief in the British 
Museum is attributed to the sixth 

Fig. 43 (from a cast). 


Ex. 50. Paliotto of S. Ambrose at Milan. 827. 

The paliotto (altar frontal) of S. Ambrogio at Milan 
was set up in the year 827 by Archbishop Ang-ilbert and 
executed by a certain Wolfinius, as shown by an inscription 
on the back. On it is represented the baptism of S. Ambrose, 
who stands naked in a small octagonal font which reaches 
to his thighs, while an attendant poui's water over his 
head from a large pitcher^. 

Ex. 51. Relief at Monza. c. 700. 

The use of a pitcher also apj)ears in a relief in S. Giovanni 
in Fonte at Monza (c, 700), where it is held in the beak of 
the dove, which flies down in the centre overhead and pours 
water from it over the head of the Saviour. The Baptist 
stands on the left, and there is one attendant angel holding 

^ Westwood, No. 156. — Graeven, H., FruhchriMiche und mittelalterliche 
Elfenbeinwerke aus Sammlungen in Italien, Horn, 1900, No. 44. — Garr., vol. i. 
p. 570. 

^ Str., p. 36, tav. viii, 2. 


Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

a cloth to the right. The water is here for the first time 
definitely represented as rising- miraculously in a heap, 
a feature which becomes very common in later times ^. 

Ex. 52. Ivory from Micheli Collection at Berlin. 

An ivory in the Berlin Museum formerly belonging- to 
the Micheli collection at Paris shows the dove as pouring 

water from a pitcher over the 
Saviour's head, who is repre- 
sented as a full-grown man, 
nude, holding His hands down 
and immersed in the water to 
His thighs (Fig. 44). The 
Baptist is clothed in an exomis 
of skin, holding a crooked staff", 
and on dry land. On the other 
side is the figure of Jordan, out 
of the water, nude, but with a 
cloth over his lap. He points 
upwards with his right hand, 
and in his left holds an inverted 
pitcher from which the water 
flows. Above are three winged 
heads of angels holding cloths. The hand appears in 
heaven over the dove. The work is ascribed to the seventh 
century ^. 

Ex. 53. Ivory at Strasshurg. 

Another example presenting the same features is men- 
tioned as being in the possession of Herr Forrer at Strass- 
hurg, and is mentioned by A. Jacoby in his Bericht uher die 
Taufe Jesu. The hand of God appears above. The dove 
holds a pitcher in its beak, and an angel stands in the 

■ 'K/-l-\..'^l'-.^/i->>J-\^U^-K^^U^ ^ . 

Fig. 44. 

* Str., p. 33, tav. viii, i. 

^ Westwood, No. 240.— Str., p. 36, taf. viii, 3. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 2.cfi 

background to the right. S. John, on the left, lays his hand 
on the Saviour's head. Our Lord stands with the water 
rising above His thighs, and Jordan hastens in astonish- 
ment away to the rights 

Ex. 54. 

The pitcher in the beak of the 
dove also appears in a tenth- 
century ivory at Rheinis, which 
represents the baptism of Chlodwig- 
(Fig. 45)'. 







LI- . ^ 


Fig. 45 (from a cast). 

Ex. 55. Gem found at Rome. 

A gem found at Rome represents the Baptist and our 
Lord, both clothed and standing in the water. The dove 
rests on the head of Christ whom S. John appears to 
embrace ^. The water rises only as high as the ankles of the 
two figures. 

This ring was bought by Mr. Fortnum and is now in the 
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford (No. 71 in the collection of 
Christian gems ; cf. The Archaeological Joiirnal, vol. xxxvii, 
1880, p. 360, where it is said that the object may be anterior 
to the third centmy). 

Ex. 56. Fresco in a catacomb at Naples. 759. 

A symbol of the open heaven from which the dove descends 
appears in the fresco in the catacomb of S. Gennaro at Naples, 
which was painted soon after 759 under Greek influence 
(Fig. 46). The two attendant angels also appear holding 
cloths covering their hands, but they raise them and look up 
as if in prayer. The Saviour is in the water up to the 
thighs \ 

' Jacoby, A., Bericht iiber die Taufe Je^u, Strassburg, 1902, p. 82. 
^ Westwood, No. 325. 

* Garr., vol. vi, tav. 478, 41. — Bull., 1877, p. 48. 

* Garr., vol. ii, tav. 94, 3. — Str., p. 18. 


Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

This is considered by Strzygowski to be the earliest instance 
in which the open heaven is represented, but we have already 

Fig. 46. 

met with it on the gravestone from Aquileia (Ex. 24, fig, 21). 

How beautiful a featm'e this can be made can be seen in the 

fresco by Fra Angelico in the 
cloister of San Marco at 
Florence, where the traditional 
arrangement is preserved as 
late as the fifteenth century 
in nearly all its details. 

Ex. 5 7. Ivory fror)% 

On an ivory in a collection 
from Rheinau the Saviour 
stands with His feet in a small 
font (Fig. 47). The Baptist 
stands to the left, an angel on the right. The hand from 

Fig. 47 (from a cast). 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 299 

^ :mj^mm^i'ww'^rma 

heaven and the dove with a stream issuing- from its beak 

also appear, as well as the 

figure of Jordan seated 

on a pitcher, and another 

with a serpent and a fish 

symbolizing (?) earth and 

water ^. 

Ex. 58. Ivory fromi 

An ivory in the Royal 
Library at Munich orig- 
inally belonging to the 
cathedral at Bamberg 
shows an angel on the 
right, S. John on the 
left, as well as the 
hand and the dove (Fig. 
48). The water rises in 
a heap to the waist, and above are symbolic figures of the sun 
and moon with a host of angels ^. 

Ex. 59. Ivo7y at Darmstadt. 

Another ivory from western Ger- 
many now in the museum at Darm- 
stadt shows Christ standing in a pool of 
water with a scalloped margin. Two 
angels stand on the right (Fig. 49) ^. 

The classic details of these three 
works and their selection of fea- 
tures from various schools suo-ffest 
that we have in them examples of 
Carolingian art from the eighth or 
ninth century. 

mM c^k\ fmMLmiK\(fim 

Fig. 48 (from a cast). 

Fig. 49 (from a cast). 

' Westwood, No. 277. 

' ib., No. 275. 

ib., No. 299. 

300 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

The second Council of Nicaea(787) ordered a uniform mode 
of picturing the scene. It ruled that Christ should be repre- 
sented in the centre between the banks of the Jordan, with 
S. John on the left and the two attendant ang-els on the 
right, and so the similarity of treatment that had grown up 
by custom was stereotyped by a positive enactment. The 
custom of baptizing infants had by this time become almost 
universal, and as the administration of the sacrament no 
longer formed a striking public ceremony, all temptation 
to modify the pictorial representation of the Gospel scene 
by the influence of liturgical custom was still further re- 

Ex. 60. Menologion of Basilms II. 976-1025. 

The earliest example of such an illustration is probably that 
in the menologion of Basilius II (976-1025) in the Vatican 
Library at Rome, where the correct disposition of the figures is 
observed, and the water is represented as covering the body and 
the shoulders ^ 

Summary of evidence from the age of the 
northern invasions. 

It will be noticed that in the examples from the fifth and 
sixth centuries, where the older tradition is still strong, the 
water is made to rise to the knees, while it is still repre- 
sented as falling from a rock or fountain-head (Exx. 28-30, 
figs. 30-32). In early Ravennese (Exx. 26, 27, figs. 28, 29) 
and Oriental art generally it is made to rise higher, to the 
thighs (Exx. 44, 45), or to the waist (Exx. 34, 35, 41, 43, 
figs. 38-40). In two later examples it rises to the breast (Exx. 
46, 49, fig. 43), while in the latest example we have quoted 
(Ex. 60) it reaches as high as the neck. In all such exam- 
ples, however, the BajDtist is raised very little higher than the 
Saviour (though in the Eabula MS. he has to stoop), and in most 

^ Str., p. 19, tav. ii, li. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 301 

cases it is only by disregarding' the laws of perspective that 
the water can be so pictured. In the fresco at Monza(Ex. 51, 
c. 700) the difficulty is avoided by showing the water rising 
miraculously in a heap to the waist, and this feature appears 
frequently in later examples (e.g. in the paliotto of Salerno 
(eleventh century), the Egbert Codex at Trier (989-993), the 
font at Liege (11 13), &c.). In many later examples it rises 
to the neck, but in no case does it cover the head. 

First traces of the custoTn of submersion. 

The Council of Chelsea (816) first ordered (Canon 11) that 
priests were to take care not merely to pour the consecrated 
water over the head of the infant, but always to * immerse ' it 
in the font, as the Son of God set us an example when He 
was thrice ' immersed ' in the waters of Jordan. 

Sciant etiam presbyterii, quando sacrum baptismum ministrant, 
ut non efFundant aquam sanctam super capita infantuum sed 
semper mergantur in acria : sicut exemplum praebuit per 
Semetipsum Dei Filius omni credenti, quando esset ter 
mergatus in undis Jordan is ^ 

It is curious to note that the misunderstanding of the word 
' merffo ' [mergatus) appears as Latin begins to die out as 
a spoken language, and that it was in England that it was 
first understood as involving *?^3mersion. 

In the middle of the ninth century baptism by affusion was 

evidently still the more common practice. Walafrid Strabo 

(849) comments on the fact that in the past ' immersion ' 

was not considered necessary, and that in his day it was 

allowable to administer the sacrament by pouring water over 

the catechumen, as S, Laurence is said to have done in the 

case of the soldier who was converted by a vision of Christ 

wiping the limbs of the saint after he had suffered torture. ' It 

is with us usually so administered' he adds, 'in the case of an 

' Darwell Stone, Holy Baptism, p. 271, Longmans, 1899. — Hadilan and 
Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, iii, 584 (who note on the word 
acria, ' Tliis word stands for ac[ua, or possibly for lavacro '). 

302 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

older man who cannot be baptized in a small font.' It was 
evidently coming to be considered that ' immersion ' must 
mean iotal immersion, and that this was the more perfect and 
primitive way, though as a rule it was not feasible, except 
in the case of children, in the fonts that existed. 

Be Eccl. Reh. XXVII. Notandum non solum mergendo vei'um 
etiam desuper fundendo multos ])aptizatos fuisse, et adhuc 
posse ita baptizari si necessitas sit, sicuti in passions beati 
Laurentii queudam urceo allato legimus baptizatum. Hoc 
etiam solet evenii'e cum provectiorum gianditas corporum in 
minoi'ibus vasis tingi non patitur. 

The modern Greek custom of dipping probably became 
universal in the East between the ninth and eleventh centu- 
ries, at the time when Byzantine art became stereotyped and 
so strongly marked by liturgical custom, and when original 
thought also gave way to rigid traditionalism. The Armenian 
church similarly adopted it, but retained the more primitive 
affusion side by side with the more recent practice. 

In the time of Aquinas the newer mode of administration 
prevailed almost univ^ersally, and he declares it safer to baptize 
by ' immersion,' as it is the common use [Summa III, 66, 7. 
Tutius est baptizare per modum immersionis quia hoc habet 
usus communior), though other thirteenth-century evidence 
shows that even in this 'immersion* it was considered 
dangerous to allow the child's head to go under the water. 
(Augusti, DenhvMrcligkeUen aus der chrlslUcheii Archdologie ^ 
vol. vii, ch. 9, p. 235.) 

It is curious to notice how this anxiety as to the method 
adopted appears as infant baptism becomes the rule. Indeed 
it is difficult to see how any one but a small child can be said 
to l)e baptized, if the word is to be interpreted as involving 
5?/i5mersion. This was felt by Duns Scotus, who declared a 
priest excused if he was weak, or if the candidate was a great 
country fellow whom he could not lift. 

Comment, in iV sentent. dist. 3, qu. 4. Excusari potest minister 
a trina immersione, ut si minister sit impoteus et si sit uuus 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 303 

magnus rusticus qui debet baptizari quem nee potest imnier-* 
gere nee elevare. (Augusti, p. 217.) 

la the sixteenth century in the Eng-lish and Roman ritual 
affusion is recog-nized as equally permissible, as was also the 
ease in the Lutheran and Calvinistie bodies ; and since that 
time the mediaeval custom of dii^ping has ceased to be practised 
in the West except by the English Baptist community. 

Conclusion of positive evidence from Archaeology. 

To sum up : — 

We notice from these sixty examples, ranging- from the 
first to the tenth century and coming* from Rome, Gaul, 
Spain, Milan, Ravenna, Armenia, Syria, Eg-ypt, Byzantium, 
Sicily, Ireland, the Kingdom of Lombardy, and the court of 
Karl the Great, that the type is persistent, and lasts with little 
real alteration from the earliest times till it hands on the 
traditional form to mediaeval art. The oldest scenes simply 
represent the idea of baptism ; the slight modification of the 
fourth century is due to elaboration borrowed from liturgical 
custom ; and the more marked influence of Ravenna, Syria, 
and Byzantium is due to an attempt to secure historic 
realism. As far as there is any development in the actual 
mode of administration it is towards submersion, but the 
furthest step in that direction consists in representing the 
water as rising (in most cases miraculously) as high as the 

On the other hand : — 

Illustrations of what probably indicates immersion are found 
in two pontificals attributed to the ninth century, one in 
the Minerva Library at Rome (Kraus, Realenci/clopddie, art. 
* Taufe ' p. 838), and one in the Library at Windsor. Both are 
reproduced in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, art. ' Baptism,' 
§ 43. In both cases it is an infant that is about to be 
dipped, and in the latter a priest in alb and stole administers 
the rite while a bishop in chasuble and stole descends from 



Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Fig. 50 (from a cast). 

FJg- 51- 

his desk and prepares to anoint the child. A similar scene 
occurs on the ivory book-cover of the Sacramentary of Drogo 
at Metz (ninth century), where eighteen liturgical and other 

scenes are repre- 
sented. In the 
eighth the water in 
a small font under 
a canopy is being 
consecrated, while 
in the ninth two 
small children are 
being dipped. Another scene shows the baptism of Christ 
represented in the traditional manner, with Jordan and the 
attendant angels (Figs. 50 and 51)^. 

We have seen then that all the evidence of archaeology goes 
to prove that the essential part of baptism was considered in 
the early Church to be the pouring of water over the candidate's 
head by the bishop, or the guiding his head under a descending 
stream, followed by the laying on of hands. There remains the 
question, whether this was preceded by a self-immersion, for 
a bishop could not have actually dipped a grown man : such 
an act might conceivably have taken place and yet not be 
represented, just as the anointing that undoubtedly followed 
does not appear in any of the examples we have examined that 
date from before the eighth century. 

To answer this question we must consider the evidence of 
early Christian baptisteries. 

* Westwood, No. 295. — Kraus, F. K., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Lotli- 
ringen, iii, 575. — Oeschickte, ii, p. 16. 


Baptism in Apostolic times. 

Baptism in apostolic times was no doubt administered without 
any special font or building" being* set apart for the purpose. 
The 3,000 converts at Jerusalem (Acts ii. 41), the jailor at 
Philippi (xvi. 2,3)^ S. Paul at Damascus (ix. 18), the disciples 
at Ephesus (xix. 5), may have been baptized in some sort of 
bath, but it is difficult to imagine how the rite could have been 
carried out by submersion. 

The eunuch of queen Candace was baptized in the open air 
(viii. 38), and the baptism of Lydia and her household (xvi. 
15) may have taken place in the river near the place of prayer 
where she met S. Paul. Tertullian declares (Z'e Bapt. 4) that 
S. Peter baptized in the Tiber, and he evidently contemplated 
the possibility of open-air baptism in his own day (c. 200). 

Ideoque nulla distinctio est, mari quis an stagno flumine an 
fonte, lacu an alveo diluatur ; nee quicquam refert inter eos, 
quos loannes in lordane et quos Petrus in Tiberi tinxit, nisi 
et ille spado, quern Philippus inter vias fortuita aqua tiuxit, 
plus salutis aut minus retulit. 

The place of Christ's baptism. 

The custom of open-air baptizing in the Jordan district 
continued at least as late as the fifth century. We have seen 
how such a scene of open-air baptism was interpreted in art, in 
therepresentationsof our Lord's baptism. The natural features 
of the Holy Land, as well as local tradition, still further support 
this interpretation as being* correct in the point we are 
considering, viz. the depth of the water. 

z a 

3o6 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiasttca, 

'At the foot of the hills there burst forth all the summer, 
not only such springs as we have in our own land, but large 
and copious fountains from three to twenty feet in breadth and 
from one to three in depth, with broad pools of fish, and some 
sending forth streams strong enough to work mills a few yards 
away. These fountain-heads, as they are called, are very 
characteristic features of the Syrian summer^.' 

Sylvia of Aquitaine (385-388) describes the traditional spot 
as she saw it. The spring had a sort of pool in front where 
it was supposed S. John had baptized, and she was told that 
to that day the Easter baptisms for the candidates of that 
district took place in the same spot ". 

Tunc ergo quia retiuebam scriptura esse baptizasse sanctum lo- 
hannem iuEnon iuxta Salim requisivi de eo quam longe esset ipse 
locus. Tunc ait ille sanctus presbiter ; ecce hie est in ducentis 
passibus; nam si vis ecce mode pedibus duco vos ibi. Nam 
haec aqua tarn grandis efc tam pura quam videtis in isto vice 
de ipso fonte venit. Tunc ergo gratias ei agere coepi et rogare 
ut duceret nos ad locum, sicut et factum est. Statim ergo 
coepimus ire cum eo pedibus totum per vallem amenissimam 
douec perveniremus usque ad hortum pomarium valde amenumj 
ubi ostendit nobis in medio fontem aquae optimae satis et pure, 
quia semel integrum fluvium demittebat. Habebat autem ante 
se ipse fons quasi lacum ubi parebat fuisse operatum sanctum 
lohannem baptistam. Tunc dixit nobis ipse sanctus presbiter, 
in hodie hie hortus aliter non appellatur Greco sermone nisi 
copostu agiu iohanni, id est quod vos dicitis latine hortus sancti 
lohannis. Nam et multi frati'es sancti monachi de diversis 
locis venientes tendunt se ut laventur in eo loco. Denuo ergo 
et ad ipsum fontem sicut et in singulis locis facta est oratio et 
lecta est ipsa lectio, dictus etiam psalmus competens, singula 
et quae consuetudinis nobis erat ubicunque ad loca sancta 
veniebamus ita et ibi fecimus. Illud etiam presbiter sanctus 
dixit nobis, eo quod usque in hodierna die semper cata pascha 
quicumque essent baptizandi in ipso vico id est in ecclesia 

' Smith, G. A., Historical Geography of the Holy Land, p. 77 ; of the many 
pools or streams of Aenon (woXAd vSara), John iii. 23. 
* Peregrinatio Sihiae, ed. Garaurriui, ch. 45, p. 59. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology, 307 

que appellatur opu Melchisidech omiies in ipso fonte 

The place was also known to Eusebius (265-340). 

Jerome in Eus. De situ et nominibus, 163, Migne, Pair. Lat. 
torn, xxiii. p. 677 (Aenon juxta Salim ubi baptizabat lohannes 
sicut in Evangelio cata lohannem scriptum est et ostenditnr 
nunc usque locus in octavo lapide Scytbopoleos ad meridiem 
iuxta Salim et lordanem) ; but he seems to place the scene of 
our Lord's baptism at Bethabara and mentions the custom of 
Christian baptism in the river (182, p. 884). 

In later times the baptism was believed to have taken place 
at Bethabara in the river itself, and a cross was erected in the 
water to mark the spot. Antoninus Placentius (570-600) 
describes it as surrounded by marble steps by which it was 
possible to go down into the water. The legend further 
added that the water rolled back to allow the Saviour to stand 
on dry ground. 

Legends of the Ajjostolic Age. 

The Acts of Xantippe, Polyxena, and Rebecca are a Gnostic 
work dating probably from the third century, but using the. 
Acts of Paul, which are most likely of the second, and are 
considered by Zahn to be orthodox. 

Polyxena is described as meeting S. Andrew in a wood and 
asking him for baptism. He replies, * Let us go, my child, 
where there is water.' 

They come to a spring where they meet Rebecca, a Jewess, 
coming to di-aw, and a lion appears who tells the apostle to 
baptize them, which he does in the name of the Trinity. 

The story of the lion reappears in the Acts of Paul and 
Thecla, and it is this legend that Jerome alludes to when he 
speaks with contempt of the work with its story of a baptized 
lion (baptizati leonis fabulam, De vir. illud. ch. 7) ^ 

In the Clementine Homilies {Horn. xiv. i) Mattidia is 
described as being baptized on the sea-shore between some 

- James, M. R., Texts and Studies, vol. ii, no. 3, pp. 43-85, Cambridge, 

3o8 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

rocks. A river or spring" where there is living- water is 
mentioned as a suitable place for baptism in Clem. Horn. 
Contest, ch. i; cf. Horn. xi. 26^. 

In the Acts of Linus the story is told of how S. Peter, 
when imprisoned in the Tullianum (Mamertine prison) under 
the Capitol, converted his two jailors Processus and Martinianus, 
and after causing- a spring- to burst forth baptized them and 
forty-seven others. The Acts date from the middle of the 
fourth century, and were probably taken from an earlier Greek 
form (G. Salmon in Lid. CItristian Biograjihy, art. ' Linus '). 
The saints are commemorated on July % in the Roman Bre- 
viary, and the story forms part of the lessons of the third 
nocturn. The spring about which the story grew up is still 
shown. The Tullianum was originally built as a well-house 
over this spring, having the usual dome form that is charac- 
teristic of the earliest buildings of Italy. The present floor 
of the upper chamber dates from early republican times, but 
the lower room was still in use in the fifth century a.d. 
A small circular hole forms the well-mouth, in which there is 
a constant supply of water. The forty-nine people could not 
easily have got into a room only 6 metres in diameter ; still 
less could they have been dipped in the well. Doubts have 
been cast on the Roman origin of the legend on this ground -. 

Grisar considers the tradition is not earlier than the sixth 
century, as the building remained a prison in Christian times 
and was only converted into an oratory in the fifteenth. 

Legends of the Ages of Persecution. 

The Armenian Acts of Piiocas, telling a stoiy of persecution 
in the time of Trajan (which has however been added to later), 
describe the bishop as baptizing some soldiers in the sea ^. 

' dementis Bomani Homiliae Virjinti, ed. Dressel, 1853, pp. 296, 6, 247. 

" Grisar, H., 'Dec Mamertinische Kerker,' in the Zeitschrifl fiir katk. 
Theohgie, 1896, p. 10.2.— Laiiciani, E., The Enins and Excavatiom of ancient 
Rome, London, 1897, p. 287. 

* Conybeare, F. C, The Apology and Acts 0/ ApoUonius, &c., 1894, ch. 
xvi, p. 118. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 309 

' When the soldiers saw it (a torch, Gr. version ' more than ten 
thousand lamps ') they rushed in, and throwing themselves at 
his feet sought of him the washing of the font — and the blessed 
bishop took the men and went as far as the edge of the sea 
outside the city and gave them the seal in Christ.' Cf. Acta 
Sanctorum, July 14, vol. iii, p. 644. 

Victor of Marseilles is said to have baptized in the sea at the 
end of the third century (Ruinart, Acta Sincera^ ' S. Victor 

S. Apollinaris is said to have baptized in a house as well as 
in the sea and in a river at Ravenna (Surius, Vit. Sanct. 

July 23, §§ 2,4, II). 

In the Acts of S. Laurence we read how the saint baptized 
Lucillus, a fellow prisoner, by pouring' water over his head. 
Hippolytus his jailor was baptized with nineteen others in 
his own house and it would seem by the same method, thoug-h 
the Acts speak of his being* ' raised out of the water,' from 
which we gather he stood in some bath or vessel. After he 
had been brought before Decius, one of the soldiers named 
Romanus, who had guarded him and had seen him toi'tured, 
was converted by a vision of Christ wiping his limbs. So 
the next day he brought a pitcher of water and cast himself 
at the feet of the saint, who took the water from him and 
gave him the baptism he desired. 

Surius, Vit. Sanct. Aug. 10, §§ 16, 17, 21. Turn beatus Laurentius 
catechizavit Lucillum et accepta aqua dixit ad eum : Omnia 
in confessione lavantur. Tu autem me pronunciante responde 
* Credo.' Benedixitque aquam et cum expoliasset eum fudit 
super caput eius dicens, &c. 

. . . deinde more solito catechizavit eum, acceptamque aqnam 
benedixit et baptizavit eum . . . et cum eum ex aqua elevaret . . . 
et praeclare baptizati sunt in domo . . , Porro Romanus urceum 
afferens cum aqua opportunitatem captabat . . . accessit et aquam 
afierens, misit se ad pedes beati Laureutii rogavitque cum 
lacrymis ut baptizaretur. Et acceptam aquam benedixit et 
baptizavit eum. 

This incident is referred to by Walafrid Strabo (H49). 

3IO Studt'a Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

In tlie Acts of Pope Marcellus, a deacon named Sisinius 
baptizes a certain Apronianus, who was sent to conduct him 
to the prefect Laodicius. When they are both committed to 
prison they are described as baptizing- numbers who visited 
them there. 

The baptism of Apronianus, according to the story, took 
place in a basin within the house ; and in a later form of the 
Acts it is narrated in similar words how the deacon Cyriacus 
baptized a Persian princess in a silver bath (cp. the tombstone 
from Aquileia, Ex. 23, Fig. 21). The place where he had 
erected a baptistery in his own house was afterwards, during 
the persecution of Diocletian, turned into a ])ath by a pagan 
named Carpasius. 

Eadem bora allata est aqua et catechizavit eum et benedixit 
fontem et deposuit eum nudum iu pelvim dicens &c. . . . et 
elevavit eum de pelvi et duxit eum ad Sanctum Marcellum. 

Cumque essent ia eustodia veniebant ad eos multi Gentiles 
et baptizabautur cum omni fiducia ^ 

Catechizavit eam et allata aqua deposuit earn nudam in concham 
argenteam. . . . Cum vidisset Carpasius placatum sibi Maxi- 
minianum, petiit ab eo domum beati Cyriaci, qui confestim, 
quod petebatur, ei concessit. Et cum introisset in eandem 
domum, quam donaverat B. Cyriaco Diocletianus Augustus, 
invenit locum ubi S. Cyriacus fontem aedificavit, quern conse- 
cravit beatus Marcellus episcopus, ubi frequenter baptizabat 
S. Cyriacus venientes ad fidem. Tunc Carpasius vicarius paga- 
nus crudelissimus, cum in eadem dome invenisset baptistei iura, 
fecit in loco eodem balneum, quasi ad deridendam legem 
christianorum ^. Cf. Augusti, Denkiviirdigkeiten aus der 
christlichen Archdologie, vol. 7, pp. 187, 189, 225. 

The Acts in their present form seem to be of the fifth or sixth 
century, though they are based on an earUer tradition. 
Duchesne, Lib. Font. vol. i, pp. xcix and 165. 

Baptism, in Special Circumstances. 
A legend of the Diocletian persecution told in the spurious 
Acts of Peter of Alexandria narrates how a woman in a storm 

• Oesfa Marcelli Papae. Surii vit. Sand., Jan. 16, § 3, 5, p. 334. 

* Acta Sanctorum, Boll., Jan. 16, vol. ii, §§ 16, 23, p. 7. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 311 

at sea baptized her child with blood drawn from her breast, 
and that when she broug-ht it afterwards to the font, the water 
turned to stone to prevent the repetition of the sacrament. 

A tradition of the end of the fourth century relates that 
S. Athanasius when a boy conferred baptism in play on some 
children on the sea-shore at Alexandria. He was observed 
by the Bishop Alexander, who, having- ascertained that the 
necessary questions had been duly answered and the water 
poured over them {infusa), declared the rite was not to be 
repeated, but that it only needed completion. 

Piufinus, H. E. bk. i. eh. 14. Videt emiiius puerorum super cram 
maris ludum imitantium . , . statuisse traditur illis qiiibus 
integris interrogationibus at responsionibus aqua fuerat infusa 
iterari baptisraum non debere sed adimpleii. 

A story is told by Johannes Moschus (620) which he heard 
from a certain abbot Andrew. He said that as a young man 
he was very unsettled {ajaKTos ttoz-u, indisciplinatus valcle et 
inquietus fui) and that he fled into the desert of Palestine 
with nine others, of whom one was called Philoponos and one 
was a Jew. The Jew fell ill, and though for some time 
refusing to desert him, they at last saw it was necessaiy unless 
they were all to die of thii-st. The Jew begged for baptism, 
but they demurred, as there was no bishop or presbyter among 
them, and besides there was no water. Philoponos, however, 
told them to strip him and set him on his feet, which they 
did with some difficulty. Then filling his hands with sand he 
poured it thrice on his head, saying, ' Theodore is baptized,' &c. 
The Jew was at once healed, and on returning to Ascalon he 
went to Dionysius the bishop, who called his clergy together 
to discuss the validity of such a baptism. Some argued that 
it was valid, as it had been confirmed by a miracle ; others 
said that though Moses baptized in water, in the cloud and in 
the sea, John in penitence, and Jesus in the spirit, and though 
Gregory of Nazianzen mentioned the baptism of blood and 
that of tears, no mention was made of sand ; so the bishop 
thought it best to take him to the Jordan and baptize him 

312 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

there, making Philoponos a deacon. No one, however, seems to 
have objected to the baptism on the ground that he had not 
been totally immersed in the sand ^. 

Kat [lira noXXov kottov opQiov avTov arrjiraVTfS e^fSvaafitv. 6 Be 4>tXoVoi'of 
TrXr/pcofxa? \l/d[jiiiov ras x^'P"? ai/rov eVi rpls Kare^^etv avrov rrj KecjioKj] 
"Kiycov K.T.X. 

In all the above cases of baptism administered in the ages 
of persecution, or under special circumstances, we have seen 
that submersion could not have been practised, and yet there 
is no trace of justification of the method adopted as though it 
were unusual or as if excuse were necessary. 

Clinical Baptism. 

The objection to the clinical baptism of Novatian (Eus. 
H. E. vi. 43) was not that he had not been dipped, but that 
he had only sought the rite on his sick bed in fear of death, 
and that he had never made up for the supposed necessity of 
such an act by seeking the seal of the bishop according to the 
rule of the Church. No stress is laid on the word ' by pouring ' 
{jiipiXvdds), but further instances of his cowardice are given 
immediately after. 

So Cyprian (Ep. 76, Migne, Pair. Lai. vol. iii, p. 1147). 
after arguing that baptism out of the church is invalid, goes 
on to answer the objections of those who considered that 
persons who had been baptized in sickness ought not to be 
called Christians, but clinics, on the ground that they were not 
washed but sprinkled (?iow hdi sunt sed petfusi). He says it is 
not as if it were an actual bath, and there were need of salt 
of nitre {aphronitnm) and a seat {solium) to sit on while 
washing yovu'self He quotes Ezek. xxxvi. 25, Numb. xix. 8, 
12, 13, viii. 6-7, and xix. 9, and argues that aspersion is allow- 
able if faith is sound ; but throughout, the contrast, as far as it 
refers to the method of administration, is between sprinkling 
and pouring over the whole body, while the sole objection to 

1 Johannes Moschus, Pmtum Spirituale, cli. 176, Migne, Ixxxvii, para iii, 

r- 3043- 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 313 

clinical baptism in his eyes is that it does not take place in 
the presence of the Church. 

Nee quemquam movere debet quod aspergi vel perfuudi videntur 
aegri cum gratiam dominicam consequuntur. . . . Unde apparet 
aspergionem quoque aquae instar salutaris lavacri obtinere et 
quando haec in Ecclesia fiunt, ubi sit et accipientis et dantis 
fides integra, stare omnia et consummari ac perfici posse 
maiestate Domini et fidei veritate. 

The synod of Neocaesarea (314-325) forbade the ordaining- 
of persons baptized in sickness, on the ground that their 
acceptance of the faith had been forced on them by cir- 
cumstances. The rule was only to be relaxed if on recovery 
they showed a special zeal, or if (an unfortunate alternative) 
there was a lack of candidates for Holy Orders. 

'Eav voaoiiv ns (fxcTicdfj, ds npfa^vrfpov aytadai ov dwarai , . . ovk « 
Trpoaipecrecos yap f) Trians airov, aX\' e'l avayKrjs . . , il (xt] rd^a bia Trjv 
fi€Ta TavTa avTov aTTovdrjv Koi tticttiv kcu bia (nrdviv dvOponrav . 

Affusion in Church Orders. 
In the Bidache it is considered the natural thing, if there 
is no suitable tank with running or other water for the 
candidate to stand in while the water is poured over his 
whole body, that it should be simply poured over his head 
alone, that being considered the only essential part of the 
ceremony. In the Canons of Hippolytus the presbyter is 
directed to keep his hand on the catechumen's head while he 
is being baptized, an injunction which would seem to preclude 
the idea of dipping, as the water in which both presbyter 
and catechumen stand is obviously shallow. (Haneberg, Canon 
19. 125: * tum prima vice immergitur aquae, dum ille manum 
capiti eius impositam relinquit.') In the later so-called Canons 
of Basil we find that submersion has come to be considered the 
better way, though three handfuls of water poured over the 
head and body are held sufficient as an alternative. 

Findet man nichts, worin man untertaucheu kanu, soil er im 
Namen der Dreiheit drei Haiide voll Wasser auf sein Haupt 
' Cone. Neocaes. can. xii, Hefele, vol. i, § 17. 

314 Sttidta Biblfca et Ecclesiastica. 

erhalten, und er soil Wasser auf sein Haupt und seiuen gau- 
zen Korper giessen uud ihn baden \ 

One would like to know, however, what was the original 
Greek word, and whether possibly the idea of submersion has 
not been due to either the Arabic or the Coptic translator 
throug-h whose hands the Canons seem to have passed in turn, 
and whether in the earliest form the two alternatives were 
not simply those of the DidacJie. 

Ba])tism in Private Houses. 

In the earliest times, however, open-air baptism must have 
been the exception, as such a ceremony could hardly fail to 
attract attention. Before the conversion of Constantine 
Christian worship could only be canied on in private houses 
(rlomus ecclesiae), where the wealth of the owner formed 
a protection, or in the catacombs, where probably as early as 
the second century the Church had a legal position as a 
burial guild ; and it is only natural to suppose that baptism, 
which was followed immediately by the Communion, was 
conferred in the same places ^. 

In private houses the rite could only have been administered 
in the impluvium, in the middle of the atrium, or in a bath- 
room. The atrium of a honse was semi-public, and all 
evidence seems to show that Christians met in the inner 
peristylum. The arrangements of later churches in the West 
long continued to follow that of the private house, the 
catechumens being- confined to the more public outer court, 
where the fountain served for the ablutions of the faithful. 
Bernini's colonnade before S. Peter's at Rome, with its two 
fountains, is the seventeenth-century development of the old 
court of Constantine's building in which Symmachus set up 
the pine-cone fountain now in the Giardino della Pigna of 
the Vatican. 

^ Riedel, W., Die Kirchenrecktsquellen des Patriarch/its Alexandrien,\^e'i^- 
zig, 1900, p. 282, canon 105. 

* Lightfoot, J. B., Hidorical Essays, pp.6i-2. — Ramsay, W. M., The Church 
in the Roman Empire, London, 1 893. 


Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 315 

Examples of baths in private houses can still be seen in the 
house of Germanieus on the Palatine and in that of the 
Vestals in the Forum. They lie to the rig-ht of the tablinum, 
in the more private quarters of the house, but in neither of 
them nor in the more pubKc impluvium would submersion 
have been possible. 

In the bath described by Pliny (bk. v. ep. 6) there was a 
piscina deep enough to swim in, but it is noticeable that the 
basin described as a 'baptisterium,' though a large one, was 
not of sufficient depth for that purpose. 

Inde apodyterium balinei laxum et hilare excipit cella frigidaria 
in qua baptisterium araplum atque opacum. Si natare latius 
aut tepidius velis in area piscina est; in proximo puteus ex 
quo possis rursus astringi, si poeniteat teporis. Cf. also Bk. 
ii. ep. 17. Inde balinei cella frigidaria spatiosa et effusa 
cuius in contrariis parietibus duo baptisteria velut eiecta 
sinuantur abuude capacia si mare in proximo cogites. 

Baptism in private houses lasted as late as the sixth 
century. We read that it was forbidden, except in cases of 
necessity, in 527 at the Council of Dovin in Armenia (Can. 
16; Hefele, vol. iii. § 240), and at the Council ' in Trullo ' 
(Quinisext) at Constantinople in 692 it was forbidden, except 
with the consent of the bishop (Can. 31, vol. iv. § 327). 


Fonts in Egypt. 

Egypt was probably the first country to develop a distinct- 
ively Christian Art, just as she became early famous for her 
literature and her catechetical school, and this art seems to 
have continued with but little influence from outside. The 
dome building'-form is almost universally found, and shows 
no sign of being modified by the Byzantine evolution that 
produced S. Sophia or by the basilica development of Rome, 
while at the same time the tradition of a domestic architecture 
lasted long", especially in the disposition of monastic buildings^. 

This is seen in the usual shape and position of the font. 
Every Coptic church has what is called the Epiphany tank, 
usually about 8 or lo feet by 6, and 5 or 6 feet deep. 
This, says Butler, *it is reasonable to suppose was used 
for immersion, as it stands in the narthex, but there is no 
distinct evidence or tradition that it was so.' It seems rather 
to be the Egyptian form of the fountain that developed from 
the impluvium of the Roman house as described above. Just 
as in the West it was used for ablutions, and after beinsf 
brought inside the church dwindled down to the holy water 
stoup, so the Egyptian churches have a second form, generally 
about 2 feet by one, placed at the west of the nave and used 
for the mandatum and ablutions. 

The font, on the other hand, is found in various positions 
near the sanctuary, as the bath-room would have been in the 
inner part of the house. It is described as ' a deep circular 

* Butler, A. J., The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, Oxford, 1884. — 
Scbultze, v., Archaoloffic der christlichen Kunst, p. 115. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 317 

basin like our modern fonts, though there is no trace of 
separate circular or hexagonal baptisteries ' (Butler, pp. 23, 41). 

Ex. 61. Dair Mdri Mtna. f Fourth century. 

Thus at Dair Mari Mina, between old and new Cairo, there 
is a small font to the south of the apse at the east end. The 
church was restored in 730, but this part is considered to 
belong to the original fourth-centmy building (pp. 62, 73). 

Ex. 62. Dair Abu 's Sifain. f Tenth centm^y. 

At Dair Abu' 's Sifain are two fonts consisting of large 
basins built up into the masonry. One has a square enlarge- 
ment east and west, at the bottom of which are two steps 
' obviously adapted for immersion,' though the font itself is 
not more than 4 feet in depth, and apparently only about 
3 feet in diameter ; the size of the other at the end of the 
south aisle is about the same, and the depth 3 feet (p. 117)' 
The building of the church is ascribed to Christodulus (1060), 
but it is probably earlier, and was built or rebuilt in 927. 

Three more dating from the seventh or eighth century are 
mentioned as existing at the churches of Anba Shanuda, Mari 
Girgis, and Sit Miriam at Abu' 's Sifain in the usual position, 
but no measurements are given (pp. 138 and 144). 

Ex. 63. Abu Sargah. Tliird or sixth century. 

At the church of Abu Sargah in old Cairo, an eighth- 
century building with a sixth-century crypt, is a round font 
imbedded in masonry of a diameter of 2 feet, while in the 
crypt is a round stone vessel 30 inches across, which it is 
suggested is part of the original second or third-century 
building that was remade in the sixth (plan, pp. 201 and 203). 

Ex. 64. Dair al Abiad. Third or fourth century. 

At Dair al Abiad, the white monastery (Anba Shanuda) 
dating from the third or fourth century, is a small chapel on 

3i8 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

the south side of the narthex which was probably a baptistery, 
and was described by V. Denon in 1 799 as ' containinof 
a mag-nificent font for immersion ' ; from the plan (fig-. 26) in 
Butler it was about 4 feet in diameter. The basin seems to 
have been sunk in a platform of masonry which was ascended 
by a short flight of steps (pp. 17, 354 and vol. ii, p. 365). 

On page 43 the author mentions the font at Dair 
Abu' 's Sifain as a ' very early font, which differs from the 
others in being deeper and having on each side of the well 
a short flight of steps ; in other words, it is adapted more for 
immersion than sprinkling.' The steps, however, are elsewhere 
described as only two in number, and the church dating from 
the tenth century makes this example of later origin than any 
of the others cited ; but even in this Inrger type of late font it 
would be impossible to ' immerse ' any but a very undersized 
man, though we need not therefore assume that the modern 
custom of sprinkling was substituted for afiusion. 

Ex. 65. AT Adra. 

At the little church by the cathedral of Al' Adra is a font 
described as standing in a recess 3 feet deep, in the form 
of a deep round basin with a rim curving out and fluted sides. 
The room is described as tiny and the church as little altered 
from the day of its dedication, and probably one of the oldest 
in Egypt (p. 226). 

Legends of miraculous fonts. 

JohannesMoschus(62o) mentions a miraculous font(0wrto/xQ) 
which he says existed at Cedrebatis, and which filled itself on 
the eve of Easter and remained full till Whitsuntide. The 
font is described as consisting of one block {jioroKidov 6v), from 
which we see that the type with which he was familiar must 
have been about the size of those described above ^. 

A similar story is told by Gregory of Tours (sixth century) 
of a font in Lusitania, which seems to have been of a cruciform 

* Pratutn Spirituale, Migne, Pair. QraecoLat., Ixxxvii, pars iii, p. 3107. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 319 

shape, forming" an exception to the usual rule in the West 
where, as we shall see, the basins are generally circular or 
octagonal. He relates that, though the doors of the baptistery- 
were sealed on Thursday in Holy Week, when they were 
opened on Saturday the font was not only found full, but the 
water was piled up like a heap of corn, and that it stayed so 
until every one had drawn away all that was required for 
their fields or their homes, but that as soon as the first 
baptism took place in it it shrank back, and disappeared 
when all had received the sacrament. The water rose 
miraculously for the convenience of those who wished to 
draw from it, but there was no need to rise to cover the 
bodies of the catechumens. 

Piscina namque est apud Osen campum antiquitus sculp ta et ex 
marmore vario ia modum crucis miro composita opera. Sed 
et aedes magnae claritatis et celsitudinis desuper a cliristianis 
constructa est. . . Ac mirum dictu, piscinam quam reliquer- 
ant vacuam reperiuut plenam, et ita cumulo altiore refertam 
ut solet super oi-a modiorum triticum aggregari, videasque hue 
illucque latices fluctuare nee partem in diversam defluere . . . 
licet ubi infans primus intinctus fuerit, mox aqua reducitur et 
baptizatis omnibus lymphis in se reversis ut initio produntur 
nescio ita ut fine clauduntur ignaro ^. 

The same legend reappears in the description of the scene 
of our Lord's baptism by the pilgrim Antoninus Placentius 
(570-600), where, however, the miracle is described as taking 
place on the night of the festival of the Epiphany. It seems 
also to be referred to by Theodosius (530) some years earlier. 

Syrian and Egyptian Church Orders. 

It is impossible to say with certainty whether the Canons 
of Hippolytus (third century) contemplate the use of a special 
font for baptism. They survive only in an Arabic version, 
and are generally quoted in the Latin translation published 
by H. Achelis in the Leipzig Texte nncl Untersiichungen, 

^ Greg, Tur., De Glor. mart., i. 24, Migne, Fatr. Lat., Ixxi, p. 725. 

320 Sttidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

vol. vi, 1 89 1, or in that of D. B. von Haneberg" (Munclien 

In the former. Canon 19, § 112 orders the catechumens to 
assemble at cockcrow by a current of water of a ' bahr,' pure, 
prepared and holy (prope fluctuantem aquam maris puram, 
paratam, sacram). This, Achelis seems to consider, contem- 
plates the administration of the rite in sea-water. 

Von Haneberg, on the other hand, believes it may refer 
either to open-air baptism in a river or to a font, and in the 
introduction to his edition of the Canons inclines to the latter 

F. C. Burkitt in a note in the Journal of Theological Sfndien, 
1900, p. 379, considers that the passage cannot refer to the sea, 
as the word ' bahr ' is without the article, nor does he think 
it can be applied to a piece of ecclesiastical furniture like the 
' sea ' in Solomon's temple, because the Arabic word ' tayyar ' 
signifies not so much 'waves' as the current of a stream. 
He holds that in Canon 29, § 213, where the dust of the 
sanctuary is ordered to be thrown into the water of a ' bahr 
tayyar ' (in aquam maris undosi), a running stream must be 
implied as in the ritual enjoined in Lev. xiv. 5, 50. He would 
prefer therefore to translate ' let them assemble at cockcrow 
by the water, a running stream pure, prepared, and holy.' 
W. Riedel, in the translation of the Canons in his KircJienrecIifs- 
quellen des Patriarchafs Alexandrien, agrees with him, and 
renders the passage 'das Wasser eines reinen brausenden 
Flusses' (p. 211). 

It is evident that the Arabic translator did not understand 
the words before him in the original, so for its interpretation 
we must rely on internal evidence and on parallel passages in 
other Church Orders. The service as described in the Canons 
clearly takes place in a church (§§ 135, 142, &c.), and it is 
more natural to suppose that the order to throw the dust of the 
sanctuary into a running stream would refer to a fountain of 
running water within the precincts of the building. The 
killing of the bird, in Lev. xiv. 6, seems to take place at the 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 321 

tent of meeting, and in verse 50 the running water seems to 
be within the house that is to be purified. All this suggests 
that a font is meant in the Canon. 

This is further borne out by the parallel passages in allied 
Church Orders. The Egyptian Heptateuch, first pubhshed by 
H. Tattam in 1848, is given thus in his tmnslation from the 
Bohairic dialect (§ 46, p. 54) : — ' And at the time of the cock- 
crowing let them first pray over the water. Let the water be 
drawn into the font or flowing into it, and let it be thus if 
there be no scarcity. But if there be a scarcity, let them pour 
the water which shall be found into the font, and let them 
undress themselves,' &c. The Sahidic version in Lagarde. 
Aegyptiaca^ Can. Ecclesiast. No. 46, p. 255, has the same words, 
but adds ' and haste ' after the word translated ' scarcity/ and 
continues ' use what water can be found.' 

The Verona Latin fragment is defective, but the Ethiopic 
statutes contain the same directions : — ' At the time of cock- 
crow let them pray first over the water, whether it was such 
as flowed into the tank or was caused to flow into it. If there 
was difficulty let him pour water which has been drawn ' (from 
a well) ; and the Arabic statutes (MS. Vat. § 34) say : — ' At the 
time of cockcrow let him pray first over the water, and let 
the water be either running to the tank or running upon it. 
Let it be thus unless there was urgent necessity ; if there was 
constraint let him pour in water which is found ^.' 

So in the Syrian ' Testament of our Lord ' (? fourth cent.) 
in which a baptistery is specially mentioned, we find it ordered 
that the water is to be pure and running (hoc autem modo 
baptizentur dum aecedunt ad aquas quae debent esse mundae 
et fluentes) ^. 

These documents are based on a lost Church Order origi- 
nating probably in Syria in the second century. They seem 

^ I am indebted to the Rev. O. Horner for the above two unpublished 

^ Tedamenfum Domini Nostri lesu Christi, ed. I. E, Eahmani, Mainz, 
1899, bk. ii. 

A a 2 

322 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

to show that baptism took place, not in the open air, but in 
a vessel within doors, and preferably in one that had a con- 
tinuous stream running* into it to keep it fresh. Such basins 
would naturally be erected in churches, but where no such 
fountain was available, water might be brought in and poured 
over the head of the catechumen. 

This explains the passage in the Didache which has 
generally been interpreted as referring to open-air baptism : — 
' Baptize ... in living water. But if thou hast not living 
water, baptize in other water, and if thou canst not in cold 
then in warm. And if thou have not either, poui* water thrice 
upon the head,' &c. 

ovrui ^aTTTKrare . . . iv iiban ^mvTi. 'Eav 8( fir) txU^ v8a>p ^av, (Is aXXo 
vdayp ^anricrov ' tl 8' oi) dwacrai iv yj/v^pto, iv deppa. Eav S« 
dfi(f>6T(pa pr] (xn^, eic)(fov els ttjh KecpoKrjv Tp\s v8o)p k.t.\. 

The natural place for the rite to be administered would be in- 
doors, preferably in a fountain with nmning water ; but, failing 
this, any tank or warm bath might be used. If no basin were 
at hand of sufficient size to allow the catechumen to stand in 
it while the water was poured over his body, it was enough 
if it were poured thrice over his head. 

Fonts in Syria. 

Christianity spread rapidly in very early times in Syria. 
From Jerusalem it passed to the lowlands of Palestine, whence 
in the persecutions of Decius and Diocletian it sent a con- 
tinuous stream of martyrs to Caesarea (Eus. H. E. bk. VIII). 
Flourishing communities existed from earliest times in the 
great cities of Antioch, Edessa, and Damascus, but no remains 
of their churches have survived, except at Tyre and Jerusalem. 
On the other hand, numerous traces of the Christianity of the 
smaller towns and villages have been discovered, especially 
of that which followed the Roman civilizing of the Hauran in 
the second century ; and though the Diocletian persecution 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 323 

seems to have swept away such buildings as may have then 
existed, there are considerable remains of the fourth and fifth- 
century churches with certain strongly marked architectural 
featm-es. The latest are of the middle of the seventh century, 
while after the capture of Damascus by the Mohammedans in 
6'^^, only one single church is known to have been built in 
ancient times. 

Ex, 66. Tyre, 314. 

The cathedral at Tyre was built by Bp. Paulinus in 314, 
and is described by Eusebius in his sermon on the occasion of 
its dedication, preserved in his Ecclesiastical History (bk. X, 
ch. 4). It was evidently considered an event of great impor- 
tance at the time, since it was the first large church that had 
been built, and signalized the final triumph of Christianity. 
He mentions the fountain (jcpTJyai) for washing the hands that 
stood in the atrium, and also alludeS to adjoining buildings 
(i^ibpas Koi oUovs) joined to the side (ets TiXivpd) of the basilica 
and united with the entrances into the centre of the structure 
(rms em tov \xiaov oXkov da^oXah ipunxhovs) , for those 'who 
still require the purification and sprinkling {-nepLppavTripiaiv) of 
water and the Holy Spirit.' 

It is much to be regretted that his description is so vague, 
and the remains of the church so scanty. Erected at that 
particular time it must have preserved the traditions of the 
previous century, and shown what Christians would have 
wished to build in the days of persecution had they been able ; 
while it also formed a link with later times in that it probably 
set the example which the churches of the fourth century 
followed, and became the starting-point of the whole develop- 
ment in church building in post-Constantinian times. 
" The ruins of the cathedral were explored by Dr. S. N. Sepp 
in 1845, when he reported that he discovered the old font in 
the left aisle, and it is marked in this position in his plan 
(Meer/a/iri nach Tp-us, Leipzig, 1879, p. 217). In his de- 
scription of the alterations and rebuilding of the thirteenth 

324 Studia Bihhca et Ecclesiastica. 

century, a font of the same shape is referred to as standing on 
the rig-ht hand of the nave near the altar. 

In 1874, however, he excavated one of the adjoining 
buildings, and there discovered ' a basin in the form of a drawn 
out cross with three ' (four in the diagram) ' steps at each end ' 

(Fig. 52). It seems to have been 

vr^ A p -A used later for burial purposes, and 

t'toj \~ \~& ) fragments of an altar and a sar- 
cophagus ornamented with fairly 

Fig, 52. good classical decoration were found 

near, pointing to a date in the fourth 

century. This seems to have been the same font as that 

which he discovered in 1845, but it had been broken in the 

meanwhile. * 

The actual basin is oblong, with extensions at either end for 
the steps. The depth is 2^ feet and the length 6 feet (? with- 
out the extensions), the breadth is not stated. The draw^-hole 
is marked in the plan. 

Dr. Sepp considers this to be the original font, and, after 
describing it as probably the oldest basin for ' immersion ' that 
exists, adds that from its slight depth it could not have served 
for adults, and therefore proves that infant baptism was 
practised from earliest times ! He does not suggest where 
the adults could have been baptized, or the purpose of the 
steps if the font was only used for infants. 

Dr. Sepp also describes a spring in a rock chamber with 
a yard depth of water [eUenhoch), which he identifies with the 
source of the fountain in the atrium of which Eusebius 

The baptistery occupies a similar position in the description 
of a church given in ch. 1 9 of the ' Testament of our Lord,' 
a Chm-ch Order dating in its present form probably from the 
fourth century, but based upon an earlier work. No descrip- 
tion of the font, however, is given. 

Intra atrium sit aedes baptisterii habcns longitudinem viginti 
et uuius cubitorum, ad praefiguraudum uumerum conipletum 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 325 

prophetarum, et latitudinem duodecim cubitoium pro adum- 
brandis iis, qui constituti fuerunt ad praedicandum evangeliuiu. 
Aditus sit unus, exitus vero sint tres. 
Velum ex bysso pura confectum habeat altare, quoniam est 
immaculatum. Similiter domus baptismi [i. e. baptisterium] 
sit velo obtecta \ 

Ex. 67. Amivas. Foui^th century. 

A fourth-century baptistery was discovered in 1884 at 
Amwas (Emmaus) by Dr. C. Schick, containing a font in 
remarkable preservation. The building is square with an 
apse, in the middle of the chord 
of which lies a cruciform basin 
with rounded ends (Fig. S2))- f I 

The area of the apse where the 

bishop would have stood is raised 

to a level with the rim of the 

basin, which is only half sunk -p- 

in the ground. Two steps lead 

into it on the west side. On each side are shallow depressions 

in the floor^ connected with the basin by a drain which pierces 

its side. These w^ere possibly the places where the newly 

baptized stood to receive unction, and were constructed to 

carry back the water that ran from their bodies. No 

accurate measurements were taken, but the following are 

a2)2)roximate — breadth '^•^ metres, depth 1-35 metre. 

Taking into account the fact that the basin is half sunk in 
the level of the floor in which these curious depressions are 
made, the water in it could never have been more than about 
half a metre deep, or it would have run off through the drains 
and covered the floor of the baptistery ^. 

^ Testament lira Domini Nostri lesu Christi, ed. Rahmani, Mainz, 1899. 
* Schick, C, in Zeihchrift d. Deidschen Paldsthui-Vereins, Bd. vli, 18S4, 
p. 15, with a picture. 

326 Stiidia Biblica et Ecdesiastica. 

Ex. dZ. Beit 'Amva. f Fourth century. 

A font was discovered in 1875 at Beit 'Auwa, near Hebron, in 
a ' Byzantine building ' (Fig. 54). ' In the centre is a square 
basin, side 2 feet 3 in., 7 in. deep, four steps lead down ' (i.e. two 
structural steps, as appears from the plan) ' 5 in. high, 9 in. 
broad (i.e. the total depth 20 in.), the whole surrounded by four 
segmental recesses, the external form being that of a rounded 
cross ; the longest measurement being 5 J feet, the total height 
outside 3 feet 4 in.' 

The font is described as ' fitted for immersion.' Evidently 
there were none of the descendants of the Anakim surviving\ 

!(>>■ it tut 
til ' 1~ J 


rig. 65. 

Ex. 68 a. 

Another at Khiirbet Tekua, south of Bethlehem, is described 
as octagonal, 4 feet high, 4 feet 3 in. in diameter (Fig. ^^). 
The plan shows only one step ^. 

Ex.6g. Deir Seta, f Fifth century. 
Among the extensive ruins of the Hauran very few traces of 
baptisteries have been found. The most important is that 

' Conder, C. E., and Kitchener, Survet/ of Western Palestine, Memoirs, 
1883, vol. iii, p. 321. 
' lb., p. 368. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. '>pri 

of Deir Seta. It is a hexagonal building, some way from the 
church, with a sort of portico adjoining. The sides are 15 feet 
in length, so the diameter is some 30 feet. The central basin 
is described as not visible because covered by the ruins of the 
roof, but it is marked in the plan as hexagonal, with six pillars 
that once supported a ciborium. If the plan is correct the 
basin must have been some 8 to 10 feet across^. 

Another at Moudjeleia is given on pi. Ixiii, but no 
measurements are gi/en. 

There is one also at Qal'at Sim'an, the church built soon 
after the death of Simeon of the pillar, who died 460. It is an 
octagonal building, but nothing is said of the shape or size 
of the font ^. 

In the 'Acta Maris Apostoli' is the following account of the origin 
of a baptistery in Mesopotamia or Persia. The saint has 
converted the king after casting out seventy-two devils from 
his son, which fly out of his mouth in the form of strange 
beasts, ' regem vero et civitatem baptizavit in nomine Patris et 
Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Fornacem autem regii palatii foderunt 
usque ad aquas, et aedificavit beatus Mar Mares ecclesiam. 
Et super aquam fornacis quam in puteum converterant aedifi- 
cavit baptisterium, et puteus usque in hodiernum diem iuxta 
testimonium nonnullorum baptisterium est; et signa magna 
efficiuntur ab aquis illls.' 

The Acts are ascribed to the fifth or sixth century, but may 
possibly be of the fourth, as there is no reference to Nestorianism 
in them ^ 

The churches of Asia Minor and Byzantium were closely 
connected with that of Syria, and the fonts seem to have 
been of the same shape as those which represent the earlier 
traditions of Palestine. 

Ex. 70. Aladschadagh. Sixth century. 

A baptistery near Myra in Lycia is described as built in 
the form of a Greek cross with a breadth of 4-5 metres 

^ De Vogii^, Syrie Centrale, pi. cxvii. 

'^ lb., pi. cxxxix-cli. 

^ Analecta Bollandiana, 1885, iv, 79 and Introd., p. 45. 

328 Stadia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

between the pillars at the angles. The square basin (Tauf- 
brunnen) still stands in the centre, and is -82 metres hig-h 
and '86 broad. The building is of the same age as the 
neighbouring church, which is of the ' usual early Christian 
basilica form' with a fore-court, and capitals 'resembling 
those of S. Vitale at Ravenna.' We may therefore place it 
in the sixth century ^. 

Ex. 71. Gill Bagtische. Seventh century. 

The ruins of a baptistery have been recently discovered at 
Giil-Bagtische, two houi-s west of Vurla (Clazomenae). It 
stood with its chambers for the preparation of the catechumens 
on the north side of the chm-ch. The font was square and 
constructed of white marble slabs, and seems to have stood 
under a canopy. Three steps (two as given in the plan) led 
down to it. The channels to fill and empty the basin are 
still visible. The font itself is about \\ metres across, the 
central slab being about 1 metre square. The depth is not 
stated, but judging from the steps it must be rather less than 
I metre. The building is attributed to the seventh century. 

Erhalten sind von dem Taufort die Fuudamente der Umfassungs- 
mauern, im Innern vier starke aufgemauerte Eckpfeiler, aus 
gut gearbeiteten Quadern, und iin Centrum das mit drei 
Stufen versehene Taufbassin in weissem Marmor ausgefiihrt. 
Die Marmorplatten waren mit Gips verkettet. Dass der 
Wasserzufluss hier auch eiu kiinstlicber war, beweisen die 
Wasserrohre, die das eine oben an der SW. Ecke des Bassius 
im Boden, das andre in der westliclien Umfassungsmauer 
noch aufi-eclit, in situ, stehen. Unten im Bassin selbst, au 
der Nordwand, fiihrte eine Thonrohrleituug das Wasser ab ". 

Ex. 72. S. Sophia, Constantinople. Fifth centuvij. 

A circular building at the NE. angle of S. Sophia at 
Constantinople is supposed to be the baptistery of the pre- 

^ Petersen, E., and von Luschan, F., Reisen in Li/kien, Wien, 1889, vol. ii, 
pp. 38ff. 

'^ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Oct. 19CI, p. 56S. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology 


Justinian chiu'ch, and to have escaped the fire that destroyed 
the old building in 53 a. It is 45 feet in diameter, but no 
traces of a font are described. 

In the Imperial Museum at Constantinople, however, is a 
iarg-e marble font of oval quatrefoil shape, which was formerly 
in the precincts of the Mosque Zeinab Sultana, to the west of 
S. Sophia (Fig. 56). It is 8 ft. 22 in. long, 6 ft. \\ in. 

Fig. 56. 

wide, and 4 ft. 6 in. deep. At one end it can be entered by 
a descent of two steps ^. 

In the illustration the section gives three steps, while the plan 
has the usual two. Another smaller one is mentioned as 
existing in the precincts of the Mosque Kotza Mustapha 
Pasha (p. 81). 

A small octagonal building described by Blouet [Exploration 
ncienfijjque de la Moree^ 1^31) appears from the engraving 
(pi. 3) to be merely a fountain. 

' Lethaby and Swainson, The Church of Sancfa SopJdu, London, 1894, 
pp. 19, 81, 183. 


Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

Ex. ']i. Salona. Before 641. 

A plan and description of the group of building's that 
formed the baptistery of the cathedral of Salona, near Spalato 
in Dalmatia, was published in 1850 by Dr. Fr. Carrara {Be 
Scavi di Salona nel 1848, Vienna), but no description of the 
font itself was given beyond stating that it was of marble 
and mosaic. The plan, which is reproduced in Garrucci, tav. 
278, and has been frequently reproduced in books of Christian 
archaeology, is misleading, and represents it as T-shaped. 

J ;i'o/'> ' 

Fig. 57- 

A more accurate plan is given by Fr. Lanza in his work 
Monumenti Salonitani inediii, Vienna, 1856, tav. ii. fig. 2. 
He describes the font as square, and entered on three sides 
by a descent of two steps (Fig. 57). On the third side there 
seems to have been a desk for the bishop, and at the four 
corners were red marble pillars which must have served to 
support a canopy. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 331 

Since that time unfortunately the font has suffered further 
damage, as for some years there was no curator of the ruins. 
The steps have disappeared as well as the remains of the 
bishop's desk. The hole by which the basin was emptied 
can still be seen and is shown in the illustration (Fig. 58), but 
the leaden pipe mentioned by Lanza has gone. 

In its present condition the font is 1 metre wide by -So m. 
deep, but originally it could not have been more than -jo- 
•80 m. square, and could only hold one person with difficulty. 
A description of the recent excavations of the adjoining 

Fig. 58 (from a photograph). 

basilica, in the course of which the canal for conveying the 
water to the baptistery was discovered, will appear in the 
Bullettino d' Archeologia e Storia Dalmata for 1902. 

I am indebted for the above information to the kindness of 
Prof. Fr. Bulic, Director of the Museum at Spalato, who 
considers that the font could not have been used for sub- 
mersion (Untertauchung), and that the rite must have been 
administered by affusion (Aufgiessen). 

Salona was taken by the Avars in 641, and the inhabitants 
fled to Spalato and took refuge in the ruins of the palace of 

332 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

Diocletian. The baptistery must therefore be at least as old 
as the sixth century. 

Guida di Sjxdato e Salona. Zara, 1894, p. 233. Nel centre 
deir edifizio, lastricata tutto a mosaico di pasta di vetro 
derate, stava una vasca rettangolare di raarmo a cui da due 
lati salivasi mediante due gradini anch' essi di marmo, mentre 
al late volte a borea faceva capo il tube conduttore dell' 
acqua. Ai quattri angoli della vasca si rinvennero gli avanzi di 
fottili coloune di marme I'osso, die probabilmente avranno 
servito a sostegno di un ciborio a foggia di baldacchino posto 
sopra la vasca battesimale. 


Fonts in the Catacomhs. 

BoLDETTi, in his description of the Roman catacombs pub- 
lished in 1 720, declares that several baptisteries were discovered 
there. Only three, however, are known to exist. 

Ex. 74. Cemeferium Ostrianum. ? Third century. 

The first is in the Cemeterium Ostrianum on the Via No- 
mentana, a few hundred yards beyond the church of S. Agnese, 
and was discovered in 1876. No description of the font is 
given in the account of the discovery in the BidleU'mo for 
1876, or in Professor Mavucchi's chapter on the catacomb 
in his Elements (V arcJieologie cJiretienne, vol. ii ; but I am told 
by the author of the latter work that it is formed by hollowing 
out the rock to receive a natural spring, and that it is small 
and not deep. The basin seems to be in a part that was 
excavated in the third certuiy. 

In the Acts of Papias and Maurus we read that the saints 
suffered death in the Diocletian persecution, and were buried 
near the Via Nomentana, ' ad nymphas ubi Petrus baptizabat.' 

The document dates from the fifth century, but other dis- 
coveries have identified the cemetery beyond doubt and proved 
its connexion with very early traditions of the Apostle. 

Ex. 75. Cemetery of Priscilla. Fourth century. 

In 1 90 1 the discovery of a baptistery was made in the ceme- 
tery of Priscilla on the Via Salaria Nova, by Professor M arucchi 
and the Commission of Sacred Archaeology. At the bottom 
of the staircase of S. Silvester, near the chapel of the Acilii 
Glabriones, is a small apse with a niche at its further end 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

leading to a large tank at a slightly lower level (Fig. 59). 

A graffito on the arch above, ' qui sitit veniat ad me et bibat,', 

frequently found in baptisteries, 
proves that this chamber was used 
for the administration of the sacra- 
ment. The basin is about 3I 
metres wide, 9 metres long, and 
1-40 deep. 

Professor Marucchi considers that 
it may have been used for baptism 
by ' immersion,' the candidate using 
a wooden ladder or perhaps a single 
stone ; but such a proceeding would 
have been very awkward, and the 
presence of a hollow in the traver- 
tine floor of the apse above, and a 
hole to carry off the water, makes 
Fig. 59 A. Entrance by j^ q^ite unnecessary to suggest it 

staircase or 25 steps. B. Apse. ^ ./ »&> 

c. Niche at the end of the 

apse. D. Basin full of water. 
E. Channel of water, f. Tra- 
vertine pavement. G. De- 
pression hollowed out in the 
pavement. H. Drain to carry 
off the water. k. Modem 

even as an alternative method ^. 
Crostarosa, in the Report of the 
Commission, holds that the water 
was drawn from the tank and 
poured over the head of the cate- 
chumen, pointing out that the 

niches in the wall (for lamps) are round the apse and leave 

the ' font ' in darkness. 

In questa piscina poteva disceudersi servendosi di pochi gradini 
in legno di una semplice pietra, essendo profunda soltanto 
I m. 40. Onde il battesimo vi si poteva conferire per 
immersione, essendo accessibile la piscina, anche per iufusione 
vedendosi innanzi all' abside I'incavo per assicurare la pelvis (G) 
e il foro per lo scolo dell' acqua. 

p. 164. In fondo alio scalene e il posto per il battesimo coperto 
di un' apside, in questa fu praticata un' apertura per 
attingere acqua dalla piscina e versarla sulla testa del 

^ Ball., 1901, p. 71 (plan and photographs, taw. 2, 2 a, and 3). 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 335 

When Liberius {^'^S'^-'iS'^) was forbidden by Constantius to 
come within the walls of the city, he lived, we read, as an 
exile in the cemetery of Novella on the Via Salaria. This 
cemetery was an addition to that of Priscilla made by Marcellus 
some fifty years before (Duchesne, Lib. Pont.^ ch. xxxi, p. 164). 

When Easter approached he was advised by Damasus 
to baptize there, as S. Peter was said to have done in the 
neighbouring Cemeterium Ostrianum on the Via Nomentana, 
and 4,000 persons are said to have received the rite there. 
Marucchi believes that the recently discovered baptistery was 
made on this occasion, and a graffito discovered on its walls 
giving- the consular date 375 makes it probable that the Acts 
of Liberius, which are not later than the sixth century 
(Duchesne, Lib. Font., vol. i, p. cxxii), contain a genuine tradi- 
tion explaining the origin of this fourth-century structure. 

Constantius iussit eum extra civitatem habitare : habitabat 
autem ab urbe Eoma millario tertio quasi exul in cymiterio 
Novellae via Salaria. Veniens autem dies Paschae vocavit 
universes presbyteros cives romanos et diaconos et sedit in 
cymiterio. Damasus dixit ' Baptiza in pelve ubi magister. 
Pelvis ilia non lignum, sed totus mundus est.' 

Erat enim non longe a cymeterio Novellae cymeterius Ostrianus 
[sic] ubi Petrus apostolus baptizabat. Eodem tempore 
Pascliae baptizavit piomiscui sexus numero quatuor millia 
duodecim. Acta Liherii et Damasi, ed. Constant., Ejpist. 
Pont., p. 9; Migne, Patrol. Lat, t. viii, pp. 1388-93. 

Ex. 76. Cemetery of Pontianus. Sixth century. 

The baptistery in the cemetery of Pontianus on the Via 
Portuensis dates from the sixth century. It is formed by 
allowing a natural spring to collect in an oblong trench 
excavated in the rock. It is 2 metres wide and one deep, but 
is seldom full. A flight of steps leads down to it, and there 
is a small level space of about 4 feet across for the ofiiciating 
bishop to stand on. The fresco above, which leaves no doubt 
as to the purpose of the excavation, has already been described ^. 

^ Marucchi, 0., EUmenti d'arcMologie chretlenne, vol. ii, p. 63. 

336 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

A font in the catacomb of S. Gennaro at Naples is 
considered below. 

Ex. ']']. Alexandria. 

In the description of the catacomb of Alexandria given in 
the Bulhltino for 1865, p. 60, we read of a larg-e basin 
excavated in the floor, which seems once to have been crossed 
by a channel in which water flowed. No measurements are 
given, but from the plan it seems to have been circular, and 
a little wider than the locnli cut to receive the bodies, and 
therefore presumably about i to i| metres across. The 
catacomb dates from the third century, and De Rossi holds 
that ' such a structure for holding- water has the appearance 
of a font rather than a well ' (p. 62). 

Fonts in haptistemes. 

Marcellus I (308-310) is said in the Zll/er Pontijicalis to 
have restored or established twenty-five churches for baptism 
in Rome. No traces of such churches have survived, and it is 
more probable that the author refers to parish churches where 
preparation for baptism was carried on, as the administration 
of the rite required the presence of a bishop. 

Duchesne, Origines du Culte chretien, p. 164. Eglises parois- 
siales ou avaieiit lieu les instructions preparatoires au 
bapteme . . . Je dis les exercices preparatoires, car la celebration 
du bapteme . . . requ^rant la presence de I'eveque, ces cere- 
monies s'accomplissaient dans une reunion generale et non 
par circonscription de paroisse. 

Ex. 78. The Later^an baptistery. 

The most important baptistery of the fourth century in 
the West was that erected by Constantine at the Lateran, 
which we have partially described above. The whole was 
restored by Xystus III (432-440) and the upper pillars are 
modern, but it is generally considered that the shape has not 
been altered. The basin is octagonal and the depth about 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 337 

3 feet. It is 62 feet in diameter in a building of 90 feet 
diameter, and is therefore unusually large in proportion to the 
baptistery. It has a desk for the bishop on the north side, 
and is entered on the south by two steps. 

This is quite the largest that exists, and from the descrip- 
tions was evidently considered something exceptional. It 
seems to have been for the West what the church at Tyre 
was for the East, and to have inaugm-ated a new type, but 
whether as an amplification of a form already traditional, or 
as a change from one almost identical with a private bath to 
a building modelled on the pattern of the public thermae, it is 
difficult to say. 

Ex. 79. S. Stefano on the Via Latina. c. 450. 

That the latter was the ease is suggested by the remains 
of a baptistery in the ruins of the church of S. Stefano on 
the Via Latina, which dates from the middle of the fifth 
century. It was built on the site of an old Roman villa and 
the baptistery lay on the north-west, to the right of the 
altar, in which direction are to be seen extensive remains of 
baths. The font is circular, about 6 feet in diameter, and the 
parapet has been broken away, but the hole for draining the 
water away still remains as well as that by which it was 
filled, showing that the present depth of about 3 feet is original. 
Two semicircular masses of masonry fill up nearly half the 
space, and were possibly the substructures of the pulpits in 
which the bishop and his assistants stood ^. 

This font suggested the plan on which an interesting modern 
font has been constructed in the parish church of Lambeth for 
the purpose of administering baptism by submersion, but it 
has been found necessary nearly to double the diameter and 
the depth, and to introduce seven steps by which the candidate 
descends to the bottom. In the font at S. Stefano it waB 
found on experiment to be nearly impossible to crouch down 

^ Marucchi, 0., Elements d'arcJveologie chrtlienne, vol. ii, ch, 6, p. 300. 

B b 2 

338 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

so as to briug the whole body below what would liave been 
the surface level of the water. 

Exx. 80, 81. Naples. Fourth century. 

Two fonts of similar shape and size remain in Naples. One 
is in a building' to the right of the apse of the basilica of 
S. Restituta, the roof of which contains mosaics of the fourth 
century ; the hole for emptying the basin is still visible. 
The other is in the court in front of the galleries of the 
catacomb of S. Gennaro. Here the parapet of the font is 
broken away^ but the base of the bishop's desk remains, and 
opposite it on the east side the rim is broken for the descent 
into the water. The hole for draining is still visible at 
a depth of 3 to 4 feet. In the adjoining chamber are the 
remains of a raised platform on which an altar once stood, 
and of the seats in the apse on either side of the bishop's 
throne. They probably date from the fourth century, though 
the roof has considerable remains of frescoes of the first or 
early second century. The font is therefore probably also of 
the fourth, though one is tempted to regard it as dating from 
before the peace of the Church, and as abandoned when 
another, copied from it, was erected in the basilica in the 

There is also a niche in the rock pointed out as the new 
baptistery just under the fresco described above (p. 298). No 
trace of the basin is left, but it must have been quite small, 
no bigger than a modern font. 

We read in the Gesta Episcoporum NeapoHtanorum, written by 
John the Deacon of S. Januarius of Naples, that S. Eestituta 
was built by Zosimus, apparently at the instigation of 
Sylvester of Rome. Severns, who succeeded him, built four 
basilicas, including that of S. Fortunatus, which he ornamented 
with mosaic. Soter (465) built the church of the Apostles 
and either a parish church or a baptistery (plevem post 
Sanctum Severum secuudus instituit ; according to Muratori 
plebe = ecclesiae baptismales sive parochiales). Victor, a con- 
temporary of Pope Gelasius (492), built two basilicas outside 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 339 

the walls, one dedicated in the name of S. Stephen about 
a mile out before the chapel of S. Januarius, and another, 
S. Euphemia, just outside the gute. Stephanus (496) built 
the church ad nomen Salvatoris, which was generally known 
as the Stephania. The apse of this church was destroyed by 
fire, and was restored and decorated with a mosaic representing 
the Transfiguration by John {532), but the church was again 
destroyed by fire and rebuilt by Stephen (766). 

Vincent (550-560) built the greater baptistery (baptisterium 
fontis maioris) in or near the archbishop's palace, and John in 
the time of Pope Deusdedit (? Deodatus 615) built an additional 
room for the administration of the unction that followed after 
baptism (consignatorium alvatorum [ablutorum, Mur.] inter 
fontes maiores a domino Sotero episcopo digestae et ecclesiam 
Stephaniam per quorum baptizati ingredientes ianuas a parte 
leva ibidem in medio residenti offeruntur episcopo et benedi- 
ctione accepta per ordinem egrediuntur parti sinistrae. Id 
ipsud et in parietibus super columnas depingere iussit). 

Atlianasius (847) carried out a great deal of ornamenting of 
various churches at S. Januarius and elsewhere \ 

The existing bajitistery in S. Restituta is usually identified 
either with that built by Soter or with that constmcted by 
Vincent, but it is difficult to believe that the first basilica of 
S. Restituta was without the font which formed so important 
a feature of the churches at Tyre and Eome. More light will 
no doubt be thrown on the subject by the new discoveries and 
investigations of Mgr. G. A. Galante referred to on pp. 219 
and 221 of the Romische Qiiartalschrift for 1900, and in the 
BuUettino for 1900, p. 99. 

Ex. ^2. Nocera dei Fagani, near Naples. Fifth 


The baptistery of S. Maria Magg-iore at Nocera dei Pagani 
was a circular building, erected in the fifth century, 80 feet 
in diameter and with an apse. The piscina is circular, with a 
diameter of 1 8 feet and an octagonal rim. It was surrounded 

* Johannes Diaconus Ecclesiae S. Januarii Neapoli, Gesta Episcoporum 
Neapolitanorum (Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptoreg, 1723). — Also in 
Monumenta Germaniae histoHca, Scriptorum rerum Langdbardicarum et 
Italicarum Saec. vi-ix, 1877. 

340 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

originally by eight pillars, of which three remain. Two steps 
run round the inside of the basin, which is therefore not more 
than 2 to 3 feet deep ^. 

The Diet, of Christ. Antiquities gives the depth as 5 feet. 
Its authority appears to be Fergusson, whose elevation how- 
ever gives a depth of about 3 feet. The plan and section in 
Dehio and Von Bezold are from Isabelle, who gives the 
diameter from pillar to pillar as 6' 150 metres, that of the floor 
of the basin 4 metres, and the depth, judging from the plan, as 
about ij metre. 

Baptistery of S. Peters. 

The baptistery of S. Peter's was destroyed in the rebuild- 
ing of the cathedral in the sixteenth century. It lay to the 
right of the sanctuaiy, probably at the end of the north tran- 
sept. A small font seems to have been constructed when the 
church was built, which proved insufficient. In the time of the 
Emperor Constantius the Catholic Christians were forbidden 
to use the Lateran baptistery, and wore compelled to go 
outside the walls of the city for the administration of the 
sacrament. We have seen above how Liberius at this 
time (probably) had the font constructed in the cemetery 
of S. Priscilla (p. 335)j and the Acts of Liberius relate how 
Damasus got permission to build a larger font at S. Peter's 
with a more ample supply of water, and how he helped with 
his own hands in its construction. The building was orna- 
mented with mosaics by Longinus, prefect of Rome in 403. 

The Acts date from the sixth century, but a contemporary 
inscription in the crypt of S. Peter's relates how Damasus 
lirst made the cistern in the hill above, from which the water 
was drawn. 

Damasus dixit . . . date mihi opera ministerii ut haec aqua 
mundetur desuper cadavera homiuixm. Fecit autem cuniculos 

' Diet. Chiutian Antiquities, art. ' Baptistery.' — Fergusson, Architecture, 
vol. i, p. 385. — Dehio and Bezold, Die kirchliche Bankunst des AbcniUamJe.i, 
Stuttgart, 1892. — Isabelle, Lcs Edifices circulaires, Paris, 1855. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 341 

duos et exinanivit locum ilium qui est a dextera introeuntibus 
in basilicam beati Petri apostoli. Habebat enim ibidem 
fontem qui i^sic) non sufficiebat. Et caecidit montem Damasua 
manu sua. Et introivit plus quam consuetum est. Et con- 
struxit fontem ^. 

The baptistery is thus described by Prudentius {Peristeph. xii. 

Dextra Petrum regie tectis tenet aureis receptum 

Canens oliva murmurans flueuto. 
Namque supercilio saxi liquor ortus excitavit 

Fontem perennem chrismatis feracem. 
Nunc pretiosa ruit per marmora lubricatque clivum, 

Donee virenti fluctuet colymbo. 
Interior tumuli pars est, ubi lapsibus sonoris 

Stagnum nivali volvitur profundo. 
Omnicolor vitreas pictura superne tingit undas, 

Musci relucent et virescit aurum 
Cyaneusque latex umbram trahit imminentis ostri, 

Credas moveri fluctibus lacunar. 
Pastor oves alit ipse illic gelidi rigore fontis 

Videt bitire quas fluenta Christi. 

African Fonts. 

As early as the second century there was a flourishing" 
Christian Church in Africa. Chapels were erected at the 
place where Cyprian was martyred and over the spot where 
his body was buried, and probably many churches were built 
in the long* peace between the persecutions of Decius and 
Diocletian, but no example is known to survive which dates 
from before the conversion of Constantine. The fourth and 
fifth centuries, however, were great ages of church building-, 
as the numerous consecration sermons of Augustine testify. 

After the fall of Carthage, in 439, the Catholic Christians 
were persecuted by the Arian Vandals, who preferred con- 
fiscating* the older churches to building new ones for them- 

* Migne, Pair. Lett., viii, p. 1392. — Duchesne, Lib. Pont., Introd. cxxii. — 
Kirsch, J. P., 'Zur Geschichte der alten Petruskirche,' Edniische Quartai. 
sckri/t, 1890, p. 118. 

342 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

selves ; and the overthrow of their dominion by Belisarins in 
534 found the country too wasted to do more, as a rule, 
than keep the older basilicas in repair. When the country 
was again conquered by the Arabs at the end of the seventh 
century, the churches, already in many cases only used in half 
their area, gradually fell into complete ruin. 

Ex. 83. Carthage. ? Fourth or fifth century. 

A baptistery was discovered at Carthage by Sgr. Cesana in 
1S80, The font is described as octagonal, with two steps 
going down into it. Among the ruins were found fragments 
of plaster that had fallen from the dome over the basin, the 
diameter of which measured 2-83 metres ('frammenti d'intonaco 
dipinto caduti dalla cupola dell' ottagono, il cui diametro 
maggiore e di metri 2-83 '). 

A mosaic of four fish was also found, and near it some lamps 
and an earthenware vessel (orciuolo fittile) of rough make and 
ornamented with fishes, which De Rossi ascribes to the fifth 
century, and suggests that it was used for baptism by 
ji (fusion^. 

Ex. 84. Damous el Karita. Fourth ce7itury. 

The basilica of Damous el Karita had a large hexagonal 
fountain in the atrium, which lay to the north side of the 
church, while in the baptistery on the south side the font is 
still to be seen. It is circular below and hexagonal above. 
It has a diameter of 3 metres and is entered by four steps. 
The depth is estimated at '80—90 m. The hole for emptying 
the basin is still to be seen^. 

De Rossi suggests that this was the church referred to in 
a sermon ' Be passione SS. Donati et Advocafi,' printed after 

' Bull., 1881, p. 125. 

* Bull., 1898, p. 219. — Wieland, Dr. Fr., Ein Aufflur/ hi» altchristliche Africa , 
Stuttgart, 1890, pp. 25 and 31. — Gsell, S., Milanges d'arcMologie et iVhistoire, 
Rome, 1894, p. 25. Several more baptisteries are mentioned in Les 
monuments antiques de VAlgerie, Paris, 1901, by the same author. Cf. also 
11. Q. S., 1902, p. 81. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 343 

the works of Optatus. Dr. Wieland thinks it may have been 
erected on the spot where S. Perpetua suffered. 

Ex. 85. Hammam el Lif. Fourth or fifth 


A baptistery recently discovered at Hammam el Lif. 
opposite Carthage, has a cylindrical font '6^ m. hig-h on the 
outside, and with a diameter of 1-34 m. (Fig. 60). The 
centre of the basin has a further depth of -60 m. with 

i! li- _ _ P^. 

I 1 

? I 


Fig. 60. 

a diameter of '']^ m., making a total depth of 1'25 m. There 
are six little recesses round the upper rim, but one of these 
does not reach to the top as the side is broken by a step. It 
was therefore impossible to fill the font to the brim, and the 
water could never have been more than one metre deep. 

Ex. 86. Tebessa. Before 439. 

A monastic church at Tebessa (Theveste) near Carthage is 
remarkable for its similarity in measurement to Solomon's 
temple at Jerusalem. Dated inscriptions show that it was 
built before 439. 

The baptistery stands to the right of the atrium, and is 
described as a narrow oblong room (ein langlicher winkeliger 
Raum), containing a circular font of 2 m. diameter and 
formed by three concentric stone rings. The outer ring is 
partly original, but has been restored in later times from 
material taken from a building of the classic period. A deep 


Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

groove runs round the edge and served as a channel to convey 

the water from some spring ^. 

Dr. Wi eland informs me 
that the basin was at most 
•80 m. deep. There seems 
from the illustration in his 
book (Fig. 61) to have been 
a canopy over the font sup- 
ported on pillars, the bases of 
which remain. 

Ex. 87. Tigzirt, 
Sixth ceritury. 

At Tigzirt near Algiers is 
a font which is described as 

Fig. Ci. 

circular and formed out of three concentric stone rings. 
It stands in a baptistery of cruciform shape with rounded ends. 
The basin is -45 m. high on the outside and measures i-8o in 
diameter, and is therefore probably about 'So m. deep. The 
drain for carrying away the water is still visible, but there 
is no trace of any channel by which the font was filled. Two 
large vessels were found near, which may have served to bring 
the water, or it may have fallen from a fountain-head above as 
in the Lateran baptistery and in that of Eustorgius at Milan. 
The remains of a platform can be seen on the east side, which 
may have served to facilitate the entrance into the w^ater but was 
more probably the base of the bishop's desk. The bases of 
two of the columns which supported the ciborium are still in 
their place. The building would seem to be of the sixth 
century, as it lies between the old Roman wall and the outer 
Byzantine fortification, though it has been ascribed to the 
early fifth century ^. 

1 Bull., 1899,11. 51. — Wieland, pp. 97,98. — Ballu, A., Monuments antiques 
lie I'Algirie: Tehessa, Lamblse, l^imgad, Paris, 1894. 

* Wieland, pp. 172-3.— Gavault, P., Etudes sur les Ruines romaines de 
Tigzirt, Bihliotheque d' Arclicologie Africaine, Fa»c. 2, Paris, 1897, p. 88. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 345 

Ex. ZZ. Tipasa. Fourth century. 

At Tipasa, to the west of Alg-iers, there is another font of 
almost identical form. It stands in a square baptistery 
between the basilica and the sea. It is formed of three 
concentric ring-s and measures 3-40 m. 
in diameter, narrowing- down to 1-30 
in the centre, and is not more than 
I m. deep. The church is thought to 
date from the fourth century ^. 

Ex. 89. El Kantara. 

The font from the church of El 
Kantara on the island of Djerba has Yig. 62. 

been transported to Tunis. It is made 

of white marble and is of cruciform shape externally and 
octagonal within. Its depth is only -60 m. (Fig. 62). 

I am indebted to M, Pere Delattre, Superieur des Pferes Blancs, 
S. Louis de Carthage, for this information as well as for the 
details of the font at Hammam el Lif. 

There is also a baptistery at Castiglione, near Algiers, which 
lies under the apse of the baptistery (cf. the font at Am was) ^, 
and another, dating from the fourth or fifth centmy, is 
mentioned as existing at Busguniae on Cape Matifon, near 
Algiers, in the Romische Quartalschrift , 1901, p. 91. 

I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Wieland for many details 
in the above section. 

Ex. 90. Ravenna. 449-452. 

The font in the Orthodox Baptistery at Ravenna is octa- 
gonal, with a diameter of about 3'40 m. and a depth of about 
1 5 m. The entrance is opposite to the bishop's desk which 
is raised by two stej5S, so that the head of a man standing in the 

' Wielaiid, p. 183. — Gsell, S., Milanges d'archeologie et d'histoire, xiv, 
Eome, 1894, p. 358. 

* Bulletin archeologique du Comitedes Travaux historiques, i8g6, pts. 1 & 2. 

346 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

water would be well below the reach of his hands (Figs. 63, 64). 

A porphyry sarcophagus, raised up to the level of the desk, is 

now used for a font, but originally 
the rite could only be administered 
by pouring water on the catechu- 
men's head, the water in the basin 
being quite out of reach. The 
building is supposed to have been 
a chamber of the public baths 
before it was converted to its present 
use by Neon (449-452) ^ 

The basin has disappeared from 

the Arian baptistery, but its site is marked by a round slab 

of porphyry of about 3 m. in diameter, which was possibly 

its floor. 

Fig. 63. 

Fig. 64 i^froui a photograph). 

Ex. 91. Farenzo. Sixth century. 

Tlie baptistery of the cathedral at Parenzo is at the west 
end of the building, and received its present form from 
Eufrasius in the first part of the sixth centmy ; but this 
building was erected on earlier foundations of a structure raised 

* Isabelle, Les Edifices circulaires et les Domes, Paris, 1855. — Ricci, C, 
Oaida di Ravenna, Bologna, 1900, j>. 32. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 347 

in 313, and this again on another of the second century. A 
mosaic of the third century, with a pattern of fishes, has been 
found on this lowest level, but it lies in a different part of the 
church and is probabl}' of secular origin. The baptistery is 
8 metres across ; the hexagonal font appears to be about 3 m. 
in diameter ^. 

Ex. 92. Cividale. 716-762. 

The town of Cividale in Friuli (Forum lulii) near Aquileia 
was for a long time in possession of the Lombards, and the 
baptistery erected by the patriarch Calixtus (716-763) is 
perhaps the earliest example of distinctively Lombard art. It 
was restored by Sig-wald in 774, and the font was brought into 
the cathedral in the seventeenth century. It is octagonal and 
surmounted by a ciborium. The height of the structm'e is 
3-8 metres and its diameter 3 m. There are three steps (but 
always pictured as two) leading up to the rim of the basin 
and two to go down into it. In the section in Garrucci ^ the 
steps ape represented as steeper than usual. If the drawing 
is correct, this would seem to be a sign of the beginning 
of the attempt to introduce the practice of baptism by 

Es ist achteckig und hat eine Hohe von 3-8 Meter und einen 
Durchmesser von 3 Meter. Zu demselben fiihren gegenwartig 
drei Stufen und zwei zum Hinabsteigen in die piscina concha 
fontium. Ob urspriiiiglich statt der fiinf Stufen sieben vor- 
handen gewesen, ist zwar wahrscheinlich, lasst sich aber nicht 
mehr sicher stellen. Die oberste Stufe, auf der jene standen, 
die bei dem Taufacte beschaftigt waren, wurde ' fundamentum 
aquae et stabilimentum pedum ' genannt. Den ganzen inneren 
Eaum nimmt die Piscina ein. Sie war, wie der Massstab zeigt, 
hinlanglicb geraumig zum Taufacte durch Immersion. 

See, however, p. 351 below. 

^ Bull., 1896, p. 14, and plan. 

' Garr., vol. 6, tav. 425. — E. von Eitelberger von Edelberg, Gesammelte 
hunsthistorische Schrifte7i, III, Wien, 1S84, p. 329. 

348 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

Ex. 93. Poitiers. Fourth century. 

A Merovingian baptistery dating from the sixth or seventh 
century still exists at Poitiers. It seems, however, to stand 
on the site of an older building", the font of which was 
excavated in 1890 by M. P. C. de la Croix, Directeur des 
Musees de la Societe des Antiquaires de I'Ouest, &c. He 
informed me that it was damaged by the building having 
been used as a bell-foundry in 1827, but could be easily 
restored. It was about i m. deep, octagonal, and was 
entered by three steps. The water, however, which came from 
a third-century aqueduct, entered on a level with the bottom 
of the basin and could never have been more than -aim. deep. 
He considers that the font dates from the fourth century. 

Ex. 94. Aquileia. Eighth century. 

An engraving of an eighth-century font at Aquileia is 
given in Smith's Biciioiiary of Christian Antiquities, where it 
appears as an irregular hexagon with broken pillars at the 
corners standing on a low parapet rim, and a step running 
round inside. The plans, however, represent it as octagonal. 
It seems to be of the usual size, and to have the usual two 
steps running round the inside. It may therefore be i metre 
deep ^ 

Ex. 95. Schacheneck in Lothringen. Ninth or tenth 


At Schacheneck in Lothringen is a baptistery with a font 
dating from Carolingian times (ninth or tenth century). 
It is '80 m. deep, the inside diameter '92 m., the outside 
breadth 1-30 m., and the thickness of the rim "20 m. ; there is 
a small circular opening at the bottom showing that the 
present depth is original ^. 

^ Holzinger, Dr. H., Die altcAristliche Archttecfur, Stuttgart, 1889, pp. 
319 & 220, where the same two incompatible illustrations appear. 

' Kraus, F. X., Kutist und Alterthum in Elsass- Lothringen, vol. iii, p. 915, 
with a picture. Prof. Kraus adds : ' Die Taufe geschah in diesen grossen Kufen 
(about 22 feet deep) noch durch Untertauchen ' ! 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology, 349 


Fountain-heads in Palestine 

Fonts in Cemeteries. 

75. Cemetery of Priscilla 

74. Ostrian Cemetery . 

76. Cemetery of Pontianus 
81. Catacomb at Naples 

77. Catacomb of Alexandria 


61. Dair Mari Mlna 

62. Dair Abu' 's Sifain 
02 a. ,, ,, 

63. Abu Sargah . . 

64. Dair al Abiad . 

65. Al' Adra . . . 

Syria and the Ea. 

66. Tyre .... 

67. Amwas . . 

68. Beit 'Afiwa 



\. Khiirbet Tekfia 
Deir Seta . . . 

Giil Bagtische 
S. Sophia . . 


73. Salona 

Rome and early Italian. 

78. Lateran baptistery . . . 

79. S. Stefano on the Via Latina 

80. S. Restituta, Naples . . 

82. Nocera dei Pagani . . . 


83. Carthage 

84. Damons el Karita . . . 

85. Hammam el Lif . . . 

86. Tebessa 

87. Tigzirt 

88. Tipasa 

89. El Kantara 

Late Italian and other fonts. 

90. Ravenna 

91. Parenzo 

92. Cividale 

9^. Poitiers 
94. Aquileia 


3rd cent. 
6th cent. 
4th cent. 
3rd cent. 

4th cent, 
loth cent, 
loth cent. 
6 th cent. 
2nd or 3rd c. 
3rd or 4th c. 
very old 

4th cent. 

? 4th c. 

? 4th c. 
5-6th c. 

6 th cent. 

7 th cent. 

4-6 th c. 

5th cent. 
4th cent. 
5 th cent. 

4-5th c. 
4-6 th c. 

before 439 
6th cent. 
4th cent. 


95. Schacheneck 

6th cent. 

4th cent. 
8 th cent. 

9-ioth c. 

, ^ oblong 

oblong . 


oblong. . . . 
crucifoi-m with 

rounded ends 
square . .. 

octagonal . 
hexagonal with 

square .... 
square .... 
oval quatrefoil 

square with cibo- 

octagonal . 
circular . 
circular . 

octagonal . 
circular . 
circ. with ciborium 
circular . . 
circular . . 
cruciform . . 


octagonal • 



octagonal . 




-20 ft. 

3| X 9 m. 

2 X I m. 
6 ft. . . 
i-i \ m. 

3 ft. . 

3 ft. • 

2 ft. . 

30 in. 

4 ft. . 
vmder 3 ft. 

6 ft. . 
3-5 m- 

2 ft. 3 in 

4 ft. . 
8-10 ft. 

.86 m. 

3 ft. 2 J in. X 6 ft. 

I m. 


62 ft. 
6 ft. . 
6 ft. . 
18 ft. 

2.83 m. 
3 m. . 
1-25 m. 
2 m. . 
1.80 m. 
3.40 m. 

3.40 m. 
3 m. . 
3 m. . 

•92 m. 

1-3 ft. 

, f i'40 m. [floor. 
( hollow in 

not deep. 

I m, 

3 ft. 

4 ft. 

3 ft. 


1-35 '"• 
(water -70 m.) 
20 in. 28 in. 

4 ft. (outside). 

•82 m. 

I m. 

4 ft. 6 in. 

•80 m. 

3 ft. 
3 ft. 

3 ft. 
2-3 ft. 

1.15-95 m. 
.80— 9c m. 
1-25 m. 
•80 m. 
•80 m. 
I m. 

1-25 m. 


• 21 m. 
I m. 

•80 m. 

350 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

Two types of Fonts. 

It will be noticed that these fonts may be divided into two 
types. In the East they are generally small square or 
circular basins (Exx. 61-65, ^^ ^' 7°)' while sometimes they 
are elongated on four sides and so made the shape of a Greek 
cross (Exx. 66-68, 71, 73). In the West they are usually 
octagonal or circular, greater in diameter but not deeper, 
while the two steps generally run round the whole circum- 
ference, the whole forming a wide shallow basin (Exx. 78, 86, 
91, &c. &c.). 

There is often a parapet as well and a pulpit for the bishop 
(Exx. 78-81, 90, &c.), while frequently we find pillars to sup- 
port a ciborium over the basin (Exx. 69, 78, 82, 86, 92, 94). 

Both types seem to have developed from the small baths 
in domestic use in which baptism was administered in pre- 
Constantinian times ; but in the East they seemed to have 
retained the features of the private bath, while in the West 
and in the Roman Hauran in Syria they exhibit a strongly 
marked uniformity of pattern that seems derived from the 
public Thermae. 

This conjecture is borne out by the numerous traditions 
which tell of baths being converted into baptisteries, while 
a glance at the still remaining fngidarium in the Stabian 
baths at Pompeii is sufficient to show after what pattern the 
western type was modelled. The shape is just that of the 
circular baptistery with its four small apses, while the basin 
itself of white marble is of similar proportions to many of 
the fonts we have considered. It is 13 ft. 8 in. in diameter, 
and about 3 ft. 9 in. deep. It is entered by two marble steps, 
and has a seat running round it at a height of 10 in. from 
the bottom. It was clearly therefore never more than half 
full, as no one would sit on a seat more than a few inches 
under the water ^. 

^ Cf. Cyprian, Ep. 76, referred to ab'>ve, p. 312. — Concise Dictionarij of 
Greek and Roman Anti'^uities, Murray, London, 1898, art. 'Baths,' p. 106. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology, 351 

DeptJi of Fonts. 

The depth can be ascertained with certainty in the cases 
where the original di-ain-holes remain, and can usually be 
calculated approximately from the steps leading down to the 
water, which are almost invariabl}'' two in number. 

The normal depth is under 3 ft., so that unless the font 
were filled to the brim, the average depth of water would 
have been about 2 ft. ; in some cases 15 in. represents the 
utmost capacity of the basin (Amwas, Beit ' Auwa). In many 
cases, where the font has disappeared, we are justified in 
assuming a similar measurement, as its proportion to the size 
of the baptistery does not vary much in the West. 


Much misunderstanding has arisen from the sup]iosition 
that it was usual to descend into the water by seven steps. 
The number found is almost invariably two, and where three 
are spoken of it will generally be found that the rim of the 
font has been counted as the third, and that the font is 
constructed with three concentric rings. 

The seven steps therefore referred to in literature are made 
up by counting the paces of the catechumen, the first being 
when he puts his foot on the edge to step in, the next two as 
he descends the two inner rings of the font, the fourth as he 
stands on the floor of the basin, and the remaining three as 
he goes up out of the water. 

Cf. Isidore of Seville (633), de Divin. Offic. II. ch. 25 'Fons 
autem omnium gratiarum origo est, cuius septem gradus sunt ; 
tres in descensu propter tria quibus renuntiamus, tres in 
ascensu propter tria quae coufitemur, septimus vero is est, 
qui et quartus similis Filio hominis extinguens fornacem ignis, 
stabilimeutum pedum fuadameutum aquae in quo omnis 
plenitude divinitatis habitabat corporaliter.' This passage 
seems to have been misunderstood by K. von Eitelberger in the 
quotation given above in his description of the font at Cividale. 

VOL. V, PAUT IV. c c 

352 Studia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

It mig-ht seem at first sig-ht as if a depth of 2 or 3 ft. were 
sufficient to allow the whole body to be covered, but a little 
consideration will show that it would be impossible in a font 
only 3 ft. across. Even in the wider type of basin that was 
common in the West it would be extremely awkward and 
practically impossible, as any one will realize who has ever 
tried to dip himself in the shallow end of an ordinary 
swimming- bath. The only example of those we have con- 
sidered in which such a proceeding' would have been possible 
is perhaps that of the Lateran, where the rite was administered 
by the Popes. When baptism is administered by total im- 
mersion in modern times, it is found necessary to have a tank 
in which the candidate can stand with the water up to his 
neck or breast ; or if the water is shallower the font must be 
at least 8 ft. long, and the administrator has to enter the 
water and lay the candidate on his back. In the early Church, 
as we have seen, the bishop made use of a desk which i-aised 
him well out of reach of the surface of the water. 


The ])illars in the Lateran baptistery are supposed to have 
been hung- with curtains. From earlv times the Church had 
objected to men and women bathing together {Const. Apost. 
1,9; Cypr. de hah. lirg. 19), and the presence of deaconesses 
would seem to imply that in the prej)aration for baptism the 
sexes were kept apart, even if the rite was administered to 
both at the same time {Can. Hipp. § 114 ; Const. Apost. 3, 15). 

Augustine {de Civ. Dei xxii. 8) mentions a miracle which 
came to his knowledge as having taken place in the women's 
quarter of the baptistery at Carthage {in parte feminarum 
ohservanti ad bajdisterium), which may refer to a separate font 
or simply to a robing-room, such as are frequently found 
adjoining the ancient baptisteries. There are said to have 
been two separate buildings at Autun. 

At the same time no special precautions seem to have been 
taken to screen the candidates, who were made to take off 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 353 

everything, even jewelry and false hair {Can. Hipp. § 115)- 
Chrysostom speaks of catechumens as being 'as naked as 
Adam in Paradise ' {Horn. 6 i7i Coloss.). Ambrose {Serm. 20) 
points out how absurd it is for a man who was born naked, and 
entered naked into the Church, to hope to carry his riches 
into heaven. Cyril [Cat. M^st. 2) reminds the newly bap- 
tized how they were naked in the sight of men and were not 
ashamed. Athanasius accused Arius of inciting Jews and 
heathens to break into the baptistery at Alexandria and 
insult the catechumens ; while Peter of Apamea was accused 
of doing the same thing at Constantinople, and so frightening 
the women there assembled that they fled naked into the 
streets (Chryst. Epist. i ad hmocent.^). 

In the western Church, however, the ring of pillars carrying 
a ciborium is a very common feature (as at Salona, Tebessa, 
Cividale, and Aquileia), and these were probably used in later 
times to secure the privacy that was not thought necessary 
in earlier ages. The curtain mentioned in the description of 
the church in the * Testament of our Lord ' seems to have hung 
before the door and not round the font (' Similiter domuB 
baptismi sit velo obtecta,' p. 325). 

It is related of Otto of Bamberg that on converting the 
Pomeranians (1124), he had three baptisteries constructed, one 
for boys, one for women and one for men. He had three large 
basins sunk in the ground so that they reached as high as a 
man's knee, and round them he had curtains hung on cords 
tied to a circle of supports. The catechumens went inside 
with their godparents, and there gave up their clothes to them, 
and the priest standing outside the curtains, when he heard 
the candidate enter the water, drew aside the curtain enough to 
allow him to pour water thrice over his head. We have here 
an interesting survival of the ancient custom at a time when 
infant baptism must have been the rule, and when fonts were 
of the type with which we are familiar to-day, being usually 
raised on pedestals to facilitate the dipping which, we Baw^ 

* Bingham, bk. xi. ch. ll sections l-J. 
C C 2 

354 Stiidia Bihlica et Ecclesiastica. 

had by this time come to be considered the more perfect 
way ^. 

Cortinas circa dolia, fixis columnellis funibusque inductis, oppandi 
fecit, ut in modum coronae velo undique cupj^a cingeretur, 
ante sacerdotem vero et comministros, qui ex una parte 
astantes Sacramenti opus explere habebant, liuteum fune 
traiectum pejDendit. . . Sacerdos vero qui ad cuppam stabat, 
cum audisset potius quam vidisset quod aliquis esset in aqua, 
velo paululum remoto, trina immersione capitis illius myste- 
rium Sacramenti perfecit. 

Persistency of type. 

The Western type of font that was established by the fourth 
century la«ts with singular persistency late into the Middle 
Ag-es ; just as the traditional method of picturing the baptism 
of our Lord underwent comparatively little modification in 
the course of centuries. Fonts of the early Christian form 
are found at Torcello (ninth to eleventh centuries), Florence 
(eleventh to twelfth), Cremona (twelfth), Pisa (1153), Parma 
(1196), while baptisteries from which the original basins have 
disappeared are numerous. This conservatism in later ages 
would seem to argue against any sudden change having been 
made at the time of the peace of the Church. 

Again, our examples have been taken from the catacombs 
of Rome and Alexandria, from Palestine, Tyre, Egypt, the 
Hauran, Asia Minor, Persia, Byzantium, Dalmatia, Rome of 
the fourth century, Naples, Africa, Lusitania, the Lombard 
and Merovingian kingdoms, and the Frankish Empire. In 
none of these cases would submersion be easy or natural ; in 
most cases it would be impossible. Such a remarkable 
unanimity, in spite of differences in details, points back to 
a much earlier original type of basin which certainly would 
not have been large ; and if we are right in holding that the 
private bath in domestic use was the model which first 
suggested the form and shape of the later structures, we may 

' Acta Bolland., Julj 28, p. 395. 

Baptism mid Christian Archaeology. 355 

confidently assert that baptism by submersion would have 
been as difficult to carry out in them as it would have been 
in the catacombs. 

Sources of the popular error. 

Besides the misunderstanding as to the way in which the 
seven steps were reckoned, to which allusion has been made 
above, three other sources of popular error may ba mentioned. 

It might be argued that the custom of consecrating the 
water excludes the method of administration by bringing 
the head of the catechumen under a stream descending from 
a spout, which we saw reason to believe was sometimes 
adopted. But it must be remembered that the idea that any 
change in the water itself was brought about by benediction 
is of comparatively late origin. It was rather the consecra- 
tion of the ELEMENT of Water that was considered to have 
been eiSPected by the baptism of Christ in the running stream 
of Jordan^. 

The analogy between baptism and death, dwelt on by 
S. Paul in the epistle to the Romans (vi. 4), has often been 
quoted as involving submersion, and numerous passages 
in the Fathers have seemed to support the belief that the 
catechumen must necessarily have been entirely covered by 
the water. Thus Cyril of Jerusalem, when he compares the 
threefold immersion with the three days and nights of our 
Lord's entombment, and reminds his hearers that in their 
baptism they saw nothing ' as if it were night/ uses language 
which seems to imply total immersion. 

Cat. Myst. XX. 4 ovtoj koI vfiels iv rfi TrpMTrj dvabvati rrju npcorr^v 

€/it/x€JO"^e Tov Xpi(TTOii €i> Ttj yfj fjfiepav nal t^ KaraSvcrei ttjp vukto. 

ilanep yap 6 4v vvktX ovKeri /SXeVet, 6 Se eV fjpipa iv (fxori. Sidya^ 

ovTfflj eV Trj KaraSvaeif as fv vvkti, ov8(p fcopaTe, iv be Tij avabvafi 

TToKiv, (OS iv Tip.ipa irvyxavtrf ovrts. 

This is of course involved in our modern customs of burial, 

where earth is piled on the coffin ; but it may be questioned 

* Stone, D., Holy Baptism, ch. i, note 13, p. 221. 

356 Stiidia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 

whether such an idea was present either to the mind of the 
Apostle, who was thinking- of the burial of our Lord where 
the body was simply laid in the tomb, or to the writers of the 
early Church, whose customs of burial involved no more than 
laying the corpse in a sarcophagus or carrying it down to 
the catacombs. It is in the structure of the font rather than 
in the water that they find their analogy, in the act of going 
down rather than in what they found when they descended. 

Cat. Myst. ill. I 2 rporrov riva iv Toh vbaat Ta(f>fls, Sxnvfp (kcIvos iv rfj 
irerpa — and XX. 4, where the catechumens are reminded how they 

were led to the KuKvp^rjOpa as 6 Xpia-rbs ano Tov aravpov f7i\ ra 
■jrpoKfiptvov iivTJpa. Cf. Bingham, bk. xi. cli. 11, sections 4-7. 

Even where the custom of earth-burial obtained, to cast a 
handful over the corjise was considered suffit'ient to constitute 
an intei-ment. It was in this way that Antigone disobeyed 
the command of Creon that her brother's body was to remain 
without the honour of burial : — • 


Koviv TTn\Cvas Kd(payi(rTfV(Tas a )(pr] . 

Sec the passages quoted by R. C. Jehb in his edition of Sophocles 
(Cambridge 1883), describing the guilt incurred by any one 
who passed l»y an unburied corpse without throwing earth 
on it. 

The words used to describe the administration of the sacra- 
ment (jdaTTTL^w, XovTpov, KaTabv(a, mergo, immersio, tingo) are 
usually assumed to imply submersion. Even if this were 
involved in their original meaning, the same expressions 
mig-ht well be used if the rite were carried out in the 
way described above. Similarly the colloquial English 
word ' to duck ' means strictly to dive, or push under the 
water, but in common use it is applied to any serious wetting, 

' Soph. Ant. 245 ; cf. Hor. Carm. i. 28. 23-25 : — 

At til, nauta, vagae ne parce nialignus arenae 

Ossibus et capiti inhumato 
Particulam dare. 

Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 357 

and even to a simple lowering- of the head, where there is 
no question of water at all. 

As a matter of fact, we have seen that whatever may have 
been the theories of ecclesiastical writers on the subject, the 
evidence from archaeolog-y shows that they had little or no 
influence on popular practice for at least 700 years, and it is 
only when in the West Latin ceased to be the language in 
which people habitually thought, and when in the East the 
g-rowing rarity of adult baptism made the Greek word patient 
of an interpretation that suited that of infants only, that the 
more literal meaning of the term began to be enforced. 

Cf. Duchesne, ^glises Separees, Paris, 1896, p. 95. En somme, il 
y a ici une erreur d'interpretation. L'imraersion dent parlent 
les anciens textes n'est pas autre chose que raffusion actuelle, 
pratiqu^e sans doute avec plus d'abondance, mais sans 
difference essentielle. Et cette manifere de voir trouve une 
confirmation dans I'emploi des mots tinctio, tingere, pour 
designer le bapterae. Ce synonyrae est dans la langue 
eccl6siastique latine depuis le temps de Tertullien. Or, que 
signifie tingerel Tout simplement mouiller et non pas im- 


It would be an ungracious task to trace how persistently 
the greater number of archaeologists have repeated the state- 
ment that baptism by immersion (i. e. suBmersion) was the 
universal custom in primitive times, and to point out how 
consequently they have been misled in judgement ; but we may 
hope that the study here undertaken may at least have 
done something to remove this cause of confusion, and settled 
one small point among the many questions that make the 
study of Christian antiquities one of such great difficulty. 


The list of fonts in Italy (pp. 336-340, 345-348) might easily 
have been extended. A list of 59 baptisteries, dating from the 
4th to the nth centuries, is given in Lopez, II battistero di 
Parma, 1864, pp. 249 fF. Some dozen of these are mentioned as 
still possessing their original fonts, which are described as entered 
by two or three steps and hexagonal (Pesaro, 4th cent., Trieste, 6tli 
cent., Pola in Istria, ? 9th cent.), octagonal (Barzano, Galliano, 
6th-7th cent.), square (Murano, Torcello, nth cent.), or 'like the 
ancient baths' (Cittauova) ; but no exact measurements are given, 
except in the case of an early Lombard basin at Castrocaro near 
Forli, which is rectangular, 1-40 m. by 60 m. and 53 m. deep. In 
R. Cattaneo, Architettura in Italia, a small 7tli or 8th century font 
in the museum at Venice is described and pictured (p. loi, fig. 
44), and the remains of an earlier one at Torcello are mentioned in 
Yenturi, Storia delV arte italiana, vol. ii, Milan, 1902, p. 158. 

It would have been easy also to multiply examples of representa- 
tions of the rite from the 8th-ioth centuries. A Carolingian 
ivory in the Museo Nazionale at Florence represents the baptism 
of Cornelius (H. Graeven, Friihchristliche u. mittelalt. Elfen- 
beinwerke, 1900, n. 29). The chapel of the Virgin erected at the 
Vatican by John VII in 706 has been destroyed, but sketches 
of the mosaics have been preserved, among which occurs a scene 
of the baptism of Christ (Garr. 279, i, and 280, 4); and in the 
copy of the homilies of S. Gregory Nazianzen in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale at Paris (MS, Grec. 510, fol. 426), which was written 
for Basil the Macedonian in 886, is a page containing twelve small 
pictures of the Apostles, each baptizing a catechumen, who stands 
immersed up to the breast in a round, square, or cruciform font. 


Africa, Christianity in, 341. 

— fonts in, 342-5. 

Ages of persecution, summary of 
archaeological evidence from, 

— legends of, 308-10. 
Alexandria, font in ca*^^acomb of, 

Amiens, ivory at, 282, 
Amwas, font at, 325. 
Ancona, sarcophagus at, 260. 
Angel, one attendant, 285, 287-9, 

293, 295, 296, 298, 299. 

— two attendant, 290-2, 297, 
299, 300. 

— three attendant, 296. 304. 
Apocryphal writings, influence 

of, 279. 
Apostolic age, legends of, 307. 
Aquileia, font at, 348. 

— spoon from, 266. 

— tombstone from, 266. 
Aquinas, 302. 

Archaeology, evidence of, distinct 
from that of literature, 240. 

Aries, sarcophagi at, 249-52. 

Asia Minor, fonts in, 327-8. 

Aspersion, contrasted with pour- 
ing over the body, 312. 

Attila treasure at Vienna, 267. 

Baptism, methods of administra- 
tion, 257, 274, 304. 

— in the oj^en air, 305. 

— place of Christ's, 306. 

— administered to candidates 
naked, 310, 353. 

— with blood, 311. 

— in play, 311. 

— with sand, 311. 

— clinical, 312. 

— in Church Orders, 313, 319-22. 

— in private houses, 314. 
Baptisteries, in Church Orders, 


— octagonal, 327, 329, 338, 345. 

— hexagonal, 327, 342, 346. 

— circular, 328, 339. 

— square, 328, 337. 

— square with an apse, 325, 345. 

Baptisteries, cruciform, 344. 

— narrow and oblong, 343. 

— at S. Peter's, 340. 

— late Italian, 353, 354, 358. 
Baths, analogies from customs of, 

271, 312. 

— in private houses, 315. 

— fonts suggested by, 316, 350, 

Berlin, Micheli ivory at, 296. 

British Museum, Byzantine ring 
at, 292. 

— ivories at, 285, 290, 295. 

— Syrian censer at, 287. 
Burial, analogy of, 355. 
Byzantine art, nature and influ- 
ence of, 275, 290-2. 

Callistus, frescoes in cemeteiy of, 

242-3, 247. 
Carolingian art, 286, 293-4, 298- 

3oo> 358. 
Catacombs, fonts in, 333-6. 

— importance of in archaeology, 

Chelsea, Council of, 301. 
Church Orders,baptism in, 3 19-22. 
- — aff"usion in. 313. 
Ciboi-ia over fonts, 327, 339, 344, 

347, 348, 350, 353- 
Cividale, font at, 347. 
Cloth, held by angel, 287-91, 

292, 298-9. 
Constantinople, carved pillar at, 


— fonts at, 328-9. 
Crab-claws on head of symbolical 

figure, 269, 278, 291. 

Curtains, 352. 

Cyprian declares clinical baptism 
valid, 312. 

Cyril of Jerusalem compares bap- 
tism to burial, 355. 

Darmstadt, ivory at, 299. 

Dove, stream from beak of, 248, 

249, 267, 278, 281, 285. 
Drain, still existing in fonts, 324, 

325. 329. 331, 334, 337, 338, 
342, 344, 348, 351. 



Drinking, symbolical of baptism, 
247, 250-3, 273. 

Egj'pt, fonts in. 316-18. 

— bom medallion from, 288. 
Epiphany tank, distinct from the 

font, 316. 
Etzschmiadzin Gospel book, 286. 
Eustorgius, baptistery of at Milan, 


Florence, Rabula MS. at, 286. 
Fonts, represented in Christian 
art, 293, 294, 297, 298, 304. 

— two types of, 350. 

— depth of, 351. 

— legends of mii-aculous, 319. 

— table of, 349. 

Grado, ivories from chair of, at 
Milan, 294. 

Hauran, fonts in, 326. 
Heaven, opened at baptism, 265, 

— hand from, 286, 291, 298, 299. 

Infantes, newly baptized called, 

Isidore of Seville, 351. 

Johannes Moschus, story of bap- 
tism with sand, 311. 

— legend of miraculous font, 318. 
Jordan, sj^mbolic representation 

of, 277, 278, 280, 283, 284, 290, 
291, 296, 298. 
Junius Bassus, sarcophagus of, 

Kells, cross at, 269. 

Lambeth, modern font for sub- 
mersion at, 337. 
Lateran, font at the, 270, 336. 

— sarcophagi in Museo Cristiano 
at the, 262-3. 

Legends, of baptism, 307-12. 

— of miraculous fonts, 318. 
Lombard art, 253, 293. 
Lucina, fresco in the crypt of, 


Madrid, sarcophagus at. 260. 
Mamertine prison, legend of, 

Marsal in Lothringen, ivory found 

at, 291. 
Milan, baptistery of Eustorgius 

at, 271. 

— school of ivories from, 281-4. 

— ivories from S. Mark's chair 
at Grado, 294. 

— paliotto of S. Ambrose at, 295. 
Mithraic custom, analogy of, 273. 
Monza, relief at, 295. 

— flask at. 287. 
Munich. MS. at, 294. 

— ivory at. 284. 

Museo Kircheriano, bronze bowl 
at, 268. 

Naples, fresco at, 297. 

— fonts at, 338-9. 
Nocera, font at, 339. 

Oxford, ivory in the Bodleian 

Library at, 282. 
— gem at, 297. 

Palermo, ring at, 292. 

Palestine, fonts in, 326. 

Patera, use of in baptism, 254, 

267, 274, 291. 
Petrus and Marcellinus, fresco in 

cemetery of, 244. 
Pitcher, in the beak of the dove, 


— used for baptism, 295, 302, 309. 
Poitiers, font at, 348. 
Pompeii, bath at, 350, 
Pontianus, fresco in the cemetery 

of, 289. 

— font in the cemetery of, 335. 
Praetestatus, fresco in the ceme- 
tery of, 24s. 

Priscilla, font recently discovered 
in the cemetery of, 333. 

Prudentius, description of the 
font at S. Peter's, 341. 

Pulpit for the bishop, 245, 337, 
338, 344, 346, 350, 352. 

Ravenna, the meeting point of 
Roman, Byzantine, and Gothic 
influence, 276. 

— mosaic in baptisteries at, 277-8. 

— ivoiy on chair of Maximian at, 

Red Sea, passage of, influence 
on apocryphal descriptions of 
Christ's baptism, 280. 



Red Sea, submersion of Egyptians 
in, 257, 280. 

S. Laurence, legend of, 309. 

S. Maria Antiqua, sarcophagus 

found at, 263. 
S. Peter's, font at, 340. 
Salona, font at, 330, 
Sarcophagi, importance in a>'- 

chaeology of, 259. 

— evidence from, 265. 
Schacheneck in Lothringen, font 

^ at, 348. 

Soissons, sarcophagus at, 261. 
South Kensington, ivories at, 283, 

StaiF, crooked in hand of the 

Baptist, 281-4, 298. 
Steps, in fonts, 347, 351. 
Strassburg, ivory at, 296. 
Submersion, first traces of custom, 


— of Egyptians, 257, 280. 

— representation of, 257, 303. 

— awkwardness of, in shallow 
water, 352. 

Sylvia of Aquitaine, describes 
scene of our Lord's baptism, 506. 

Symbolic representation of bap- 
tism, 247, 248, 253, 254. 

Syrian types of representation of 
baptism, 286-8, 

— censer at British Museum, 

— fonts, 322, 326-7. 

— miniatures, 286. 

— iiask at Monza, 287. 

— medal at Vatican, 287. 

Tyre, font at, 323. 

Vatican, glass fragment at, 255. 
Via Latina, font at S. Stefano in, 

Walafrid Strabo, 301. 
Water, depth of, in representa- 
tions of baptism, 257, 265, 274, 


— increases in depth in later 
representations, 303. 

— rising in a heap, 280, 295, 
299, 300-301, 504. 

— falling in a column, 250, 251, 
262, 281-3. 

— benediction of, 355. 




University of Toronto 








Acme Library Card Pocket 

Under Pat. "Ref. Index FUe"