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Linguistic Sciences

VOLUME 32, NUMBER 2
(FALL 2002)

PAPERS IN GENERAL LINGUISTICS

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=>ARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS
IIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URB ANA-CHAMPAIGN

STUDIES IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES

(ISSN 0049-2388)

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STUDIES IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES

Papers

in
General Linguistics

EDITED BY
Peter Lasersohn

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS

Hee Youn Cho
Aimee Johansen

VOLUME 32, NUMBER 2
(FALL 2002)

DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URB ANA-CHAMPAIGN

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Timothy L. Face and Scott M. Alvord: Descriptive adequacy vs.
psychological reality: The case of two restrictions on
Spanish stress placement 1

Jose Ignacio Hualde and Itziar Aramaio: Accentual variation and

convergence in northeastern Bizkaian Basque 17

Aimee Johansen: Kiswahili naming of days of the week in a wider

context of day name borrowings 39

Regina Morin: English/Spanish language contact on the internet:

Linguistic borrowing of many stripes 43

Keun Young Shin: Two types of negation not and scope ambiguities 63

Asha Tickoo: On information packaging and hearer engagement

in Kashmiri narrative 73

REVIEWS

Peter Lasersohn: Review of Jeffrey C. King: Complex Demonstratives:

A Quantificational Account 91

James H. Yang: Review of Saran Kaur Gill: English Language Challenges

for Malaysia: International Communication 95

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

DESCRIPTIVE ADEQUACY VS. PSYCHOLOGICAL REALITY: THE
CASE OF TWO RESTRICTIONS ON SPANISH STRESS PLACEMENT*

Timothy L. Face and Scott M. Alvord

University of Minnesota

facex002@umn.edu, alvor002@umn.edu

This paper examines two supposed restrictions on Spanish stress
placement: 1) the heavy penult condition, which prohibits stress
leftward of the penultimate syllable if the penultimate syllable is heavy,
and 2) the three-syllable window condition, which prohibits stress other
than on one of the final three syllables of a word. While these two
conditions are clearly descriptively adequate generalizations about the
lexicon, this study sets out to determine whether they are
psychologically real restrictions, serving as constraints that prohibit
words that violate them. The results of a perception study indicate that
neither of these conditions is a psychologically real restriction on
Spanish stress placement. While the present study adds another type of
evidence to recent claims that Spanish is not quantity sensitive, it goes a
step further with respect to the heavy penult condition by claiming that
words that violate this condition are not disallowed by Spanish at all.
With respect to the three-syllable window condition, this study is the
first to claim that this exceptionless generalization about Spanish stress
is nothing more than a generalization over words in the lexicon, and is
not a true restriction on Spanish stress placement.

1. Introduction

In the quest to explain the Spanish stress system, at least two major restrictions on
Spanish stress placement have been taken for granted by many investigators: 1)
the heavy penult condition, and 2) the three-syllable window condition. The heavy
penult condition states that Spanish does not allow words with stress on the
antepenultimate syllable if the penultimate syllable is heavy (i.e., *
'CVC.CVC.CV). While the heavy penult condition is often tied to the role of
quantity sensitivity in Spanish stress assignment, which has been a topic of debate
over the last several years (e.g., Alvord 2003; Barkanyi 2002; Face 2000, 2004;
Harris 1983; Lipski 1997; Roca 1990), the heavy penult condition itself has almost
always been considered a productive restriction on Spanish stress placement,
whether explained by quantity sensitivity or in another way.' The evidence in

* We would like to thank an anonymous reviewer as well as the audience at the 7'" Hispanic Linguistics
Symposium (Albuquerque, 16-18 October 2003) for useful comments and suggestions on an earlier version
of this paper.

' We want to be clear in our distinction here. The term quantity sensitivity is often used in Spanish to refer
to the lack of stress leftward of a heavy penultimate syllable. However, quantity sensitivity is merely an

2 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

support of the heavy penult condition is that, with the exception of a few
toponyms and borrowings, Spanish has no words in violation of this condition.
The three-syllable window condition has also been taken as an indisputable
restriction on Spanish stress placement. The evidence for the three-syllable
window condition is that there exist no Spanish words where stress falls outside of
the last three syllables (e.g., * 'CV.CV.CV.CV). Apparent exceptions to this in the
orthographical system are the result of one or more enclitic pronouns being
attached to the lexical word in orthography (e.g., digamelo 'tell me it'). But no
lexical word violates the three-syllable window condition.

While these apparent restrictions on Spanish stress placement are
descriptively true, not all descriptively true statements about a language are
representative of the psychological reality of the speakers of that language.
Kiparsky (1982) puts it quite clearly in discussing Hale's (1973) findings for
passive formation in Maori (further discussed in Hualde 2000), that the simplest
analysis of the data do not represent the behavior of speakers in cases of
borrowings, change in progress, etc. The relevant data are shown in (1).

(1) verb passive verb passive

awhi

awhitia 'to embrace'

mau

mauria 'to carry'

hopu

hopukia 'to catch'

wero

werohia 'to stab'

arumia 'to follow'

patu

patua 'to strike, kill'

tohu

tohugia 'to point out'

kite

kitea 'to see, find'

Kiparsky (1982:68) states that:

If we wanted an 'A' on our exam, we would, of course, say that the
underlying forms are /awhit/, /hopuk/, /maur/, etc., and that the suffix is
/ia/....If someone were to say that the underlying forms are /awhi/,
/hopu/, /mau/, etc., he'd flunk. What Hale shows is that Maori children
learning their language flunk this 'exam' ... .There is strong evidence
that the 'clever' analysis is not psychologically correct. The
psychologically correct grammar of Maori has /tia/ as the basic ending
and /kia/, /ria/ etc., as a set of allomorphs used in verbs that have to be
lexically marked as taking them.

The Maori data are just one example of cases where descriptively true
statements do not correspond to psychological realities. This has been discussed
by many linguists, including a growing number of studies on Spanish (Morin 2002
for coronal and velar softening, Aske 1990 and Face 2003 for stress rules,
Barkanyi 2002 and Alvord 2003 for quantity sensitivity, Bybee & Pardo 1981 for
diphthongization, Pensado 1997 for nasal and lateral depalatahzation, Eddington
2001 for epenthesis, and others). These cases highlight the necessity of pursuing

explanation for why stress does not exist leftward of a heavy penultimate syllable. That is to say, quantity
sensitivity may (attempt to) explain the heavy penult condition, but it is not itself the heavy jjenult
condition. We take the heavy penult condition as the apparent restriction on stress leftward of a heavy
penultimate syllable, regardless of what explanation (quantity sensitivity or otherwise) may be given for its
existence.

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 3

not only descriptive adequacy in formulating phonological statements, but in
assuring that these statements reflect psychological reality. As Hualde (2000:175)
puts it.

Our task, thus, is to discover which generalizations have reality for the
speakers of a language, as reflected by their linguistic behavior, without
being misled by preconceived notions of simplicity.

In the current paper, then, the task is to determine whether the heavy penult
condition and the three-syllable window condition are psychologically real in
addition to being descriptively adequate, or whether they are descriptively
adequate but lack reality for speakers of Spanish. In order for these two conditions
to be considered psychologically real, they must not only describe the data
accurately, which they clearly do, but they must be shown to serve as constraints
prohibiting words that violate them.

The current paper presents the results of a perception experiment testing the
psychological reality of the heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window
condition in Spanish. Previous research on the heavy penult condition and the
three-syllable window condition is discussed in Section 2. Section 3 presents
experimental methodology. The results are presented and discussed in Section 4.
And finally. Section 5 contains the conclusions drawn from the present study.

2. Previous research

2.1. Heavy penult condition

Attempts to explain the synchronic processes that native Spanish speakers use to
assign stress to words have sometimes used diachronic evidence gleaned from the
Spanish language's development from Latin (e.g., Saltarelli 1997). The major
stress-related phenomenon that has been taken from Latin and applied to Spanish
is quantity sensitivity, which its proponents use to explain the lack of words
violating the heavy penult condition.

Quantity sensitivity is a term used to describe the stress patterns in languages
whose syllable structure, particularly the phonological "weight" of the syllable,
directly affects how stress is assigned. Stress assignment in Spanish has
traditionally been traced to the classical accentuation system of Latin, which has
been one of the basic examples of quantity sensitive languages. Latin accentuation
has been accepted to be entirely predictable. The rule for Latin stress, in words
with at least three syllables, calls for stress on the penultimate syllable if it is
heavy, and on the antepenultimate syllable if the penultimate syllable is light. A
syllable's weight depends on the phonetic makeup of its rime. Latin syllables are
heavy if they contain either a long vowel or a coda consonant; the rime of a light
syllable contains only a short vowel. The Latin stress rule indicates that a heavy
penultimate syllable will "attract" stress, preventing it from falling on the
antepenultimate syllable. Quantity sensitivity is just that: stress is sensitive to
syllable weight, and therefore a heavy syllable will attract stress.

4 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

The many attempts in generative phonology to formalize stress placement in
Spanish non-verbs have disagreed on whether quantity sensitivity actually plays a
role in the synchronic process. In one of the most notable works on Spanish stress,
Harris (1983) uses quantity sensitivity as one of the conditions for his stress
assignment algorithm, as he does in later work as well (Harris 1992). He notes
that, as in Latin, no Spanish words with antepenultimate stress have a heavy penult
(e.g., * 'CVC.CVC.CV), citing the unacceptability of nonce words such as
*teIefosno and *dtasca. Roca (1990), on the other hand, rejects Spanish quantity
sensitivity, as did Larramendi (1729) more than two centuries earlier, and
proposes an alternate analysis to explain the lack of words violating the heavy
penult condition. He argues that the existence of loan words with heavy
penultimate syllables and antepenultimate stress (e.g., Washington, Manchester,
remington 'type of rifle') contradicts the presence of quantity sensitivity in
Spanish. He argues that Spanish speakers who produce these loan words with the
foreign stress pattern have no knowledge of the source language. Anecdotally, it
has been noted, however, that native Spanish speakers with extensive contact with
English can change the stress patterns of these loan words to fit a more Spanish-
like pronunciation (e.g., Washington, Manchester) (Niiiiez Cedeno, personal
communication).

In a view somewhere in between those of Harris (1983, 1992) and Roca
(1990, 1999), Lipski (1997) claims that it is possible that Spanish is losing its
quantity sensitivity and that in the future it may become completely quantity
insensitive. He points out the importance of one difference between Latin and
Spanish: Spanish has no distinction between long and short vowels or between
geminate and non-geminate consonants. In its evolution from Latin, Spanish lost
the distinction of vowel and consonant length. The fact that Spanish does not
distinguish between short and long vowels or consonants 'inherently weakens the
system of quantity sensitivity' (Lipski 1997:577).

More recently a different approach in the attempt to find evidence for or
against the existence of quantity sensitivity in Spanish has emerged. A variety of
experimental studies have examined the role of quantity sensitivity in the
assignment of Spanish stress. Face (2000, 2004a) performed perception
experiments on Spanish stress placement. Both studies were performed using
synthesized nonce words where the acoustic correlates to stress were neutralized.
In the first study. Face (2000:8) found that 'syllable weight has a very real
cognitive effect: A heavy syllable is far more likely to be perceived as stressed. . .
than is a light syllable'. It was found later, however, that the nonce words used in
this first study were not completely neutralized and in fact contained durational
cues to stress. The duration of vowels, but not of syllables, was neutralized, and
therefore the coda consonant of heavy syllables added duration in addition to
phonological weight. After correcting this 'error of experimental design (Face
2004a) by neutrahzing syllable durations as opposed to vowel durations, the

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 5

previous study was replicated with completely neutralized nonce words.^ Results
from this study were found to contradict the previous findings. Face (2004)
concluded that Spanish is not quantity sensitive. Similar conclusions have been
reached by researchers using different types of experimental data.

Barkanyi (2002) used a paper and pencil test with nonce words in which she
asked informants to mark orthographically where they would stress each nonce
word. The unmarked stress pattern (i.e., stress the last syllable if the word ends in
a consonant or the penultimate syllable if the word ends in a vowel) emerged the
most often in her data, as expected. However, a considerable number of words
with heavy penultimate syllables were assigned antepenultimate stress, and this
number was nearly as high as in cases with a light penultimate syllable. This led
Barkanyi to conclude that quantity sensitivity is not an active process for native
Spanish speakers and that stress is most likely assigned using analogy to known
words in the lexicon, which in this case are borrowing such as badminton
'badminton' and remington 'type of rifle' .

In a similar study, Alvord (2003) presented Spanish-speaking subjects with a
written Ust of nonce words with orthographic accents written in. Participants were
asked to judge each word as either possible or impossible in Spanish. Nonce words
that were presented with antepenultimate stress and heavy penults (e.g., tampunlo)
were overwhelmingly accepted as possible Spanish words (94%). Alvord (2003)
not only concluded that Spanish is not quantity sensitive, but also questioned
whether the oft-cited restrictions on antepenultimate stress in words with a heavy
penultimate syllable might not be productive restrictions at all, but rather the
results of historical developments, as also argued in Roca (1990). While the
quantity sensitivity explanation for the heavy penult condition has been a matter of
debate, Alvord goes beyond rejecting quantity sensitivity as the reason for the
heavy penult condition, as he questions whether the heavy penult condition is even
a restriction on Spanish stress placement at all. The conclusion that there is no
restriction on having stress on the antepenultimate syllable when the penultimate
syllable is heavy is of significant interest, and merits further investigation using
other experimental designs.

2.2. Three-syllable window condition

There is not much to report by way of research into the three-syllable window
condition. The primary evidence cited for the existence of this condition in
Spanish is the simple absence of words that have stress in any syllable other than
the last three. The most interesting evidence that can be found is the pluralization
of singular words with antepenultimate stress that also end in a consonant (Hualde
2000, Morales-Front 1999). Generally, when singular words in Spanish are
pluralized, the same syllable is stressed in the plural as in the singular. Examples
of this can be seen in (2a). However, in cases where the singular has

^ Jose Ignacio Hualde pointed out that neither neutralizing vowel duration or syllable duration is truly
representative of natural speech, as in heavy syllables the rime is longer than in light syllables, though the
vowel itself is shorter. For the purpose of controlling factors in the perception studies, however, this type of
neutralization is necessary.

6 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

antepenultimate stress and a final consonant, stress shifts so that it remains within
the three-syllable window, although the location of stress in the plural varies.
Examples of this shift can be seen in (2b).

(2) a. pera-peras 'pear-pears'

tabu-tabues 'taboo-taboos'
camion-camiones 'truck-trucks'

b. regimen-regimenes 'diet-diets'

omicron-omicrones ' omicron-omicrons '

The three-syllable window condition is clearly descriptively true and its
productivity has never been questioned. However, since descriptively adequate
statements about language do not always represent psychologically real
restrictions on the language, and especially in light of Alvord's (2003) claim that
the heavy penult condition may not be psychologically real, all apparent
restrictions on Spanish stress placement, including the three-syllable window
condition need to be re-examined.

3. Methodology

The experiment carried out for the present study was designed to further test the
claim in Alvord (2003) that the heavy penult condition is not a psychologically
real and productive restriction on Spanish stress, and also to experimentally test
whether the three-syllable window condition is a psychologically real and
productive restriction or the artifact of other factors. The experiment seeks to
investigate these issues through a perception test in which subjects were asked to
judge the acceptability of synthesized nonce words.

In order to test the psychological reality of these two descriptively adequate
potential restrictions on Spanish stress placement, a perception test was designed
that looks closely at both of the environments described above. Since the evidence
cited for the heavy penult condition is the absence of Spanish words with
antepenultimate stress and a heavy penultimate syllable, nonce words with these
characteristics (i.e., 'CVC.CVC.CV) were included. Similarly, the evidence for the
existence of the three-syllable window condition is the absence of Spanish words
with stress earlier in the word than the final three syllables, and therefore nonce
words with stress on the fourth-to-last syllable (i.e., 'CV.CV.CV.CV) were
included in the perception test.

In all, 100 nonce words were created (see Appendix) and synthesized using
the MBROLI speech synthesizer. Since stress is the main focus of the study,
special care was taken in the synthesis process to encode stress. The fundamental
frequency (FO) and the duration of segments were manipulated in order to
synthesize the acoustic presence of stress. While the MBROLI speech synthesizer
allows for manipulation of the FO and duration, it does not allow for the
manipulation of intensity. However, experimental studies investigating the
acoustic correlates of stress from both the production and perception perspectives
have found that FO and duration are by far the most important acoustic correlates

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 7

of Spanish stress, with intensity having a minimal role, if any, in communicating
Spanish stress (e.g., Enriquez, Casado, & Santos 1989; Llisterri et al. 2003, 2004;
Quilis 1971).^

All words were designed not only to fit the target structures for syllables and
stress, but also to follow Hochberg's (1988) guidelines for segmental composition
to avoid close similarity to real Spanish words. This was done to avoid the
existence of a similar real word influencing the acceptability judgments on the
experimental words through the association of existing words and their stress
patterns (cf. Face 2004a). In order to ensure that the nonce words were indeed not
too similar to existing words, the list of nonce words was checked by a native
Spanish speaker, and any words that were found to resemble actual words too
closely were subsequently changed.

The 100 synthesized nonce words consist of four different groups of words,
with each group having a different function in the experiment. There were two
experimental groups and two control groups. The first experimental group (N=20),
was created in order to test the psychological reality of the heavy penult condition.
This group consists of nonce words, following the phonotactic patterns of Spanish,
with heavy penultimate syllables which were synthesized to carry antepenultimate
stress (e.g., gdntirpo). As explained above, this type of word has been claimed not
to be possible in Spanish, existing only in a few toponyms and borrowings. This
claim, however, has been brought into question by Alvord (2003). Acceptance of
the words in the heavy penult group would support Alvord' s claim that the heavy
penult condition is not a psychologically real restriction on Spanish stress
placement. Rejection of these nonce words would support the traditional view that
there is a restriction on this type of word in Spanish.

The second experimental group (N=20) was designed to test the
psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition. This group consists
of nonce words with four syllables and stress falling on the first (e.g., topuneta). In
order to test the psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition, it is
important that the nonce words be analyzable only as whole lexical words and not
combinations of a lexical word plus enclitic pronoun, since at least
orthographically these cases appear to violate the three-syllable window condition.
Because of this, care was taken in designing the nonce words so that the last
syllable would not be interpretable as a clitic pronoun (e.g., te, me, se, lo, la, le).
Acceptance of the nonce words in the three-syllable window group would call into
question the psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition as a
productive restriction on Spanish stress placement. The rejection of these nonce
words would indicate that the lack of words violating the three-syllable window
condition in Spanish is indeed due to this condition being a productive restriction
on stress placement.

'This same view had been maintained for Enghsh, but Beckman (1986) shows that intensity actually
provides a strong cue for stress when correctly evaluated (i.e., when integrated with duration).

8 STUDffiS IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 32:2 (FALL 2002)

The other two groups of nonce words were included as a measure of control.
The first control group (N=30) consisting of only obviously possible Spanish
words, with each containing phonotactic and stress patterns that actually exist in
real Spanish words. The second control group (N=30), on the other hand,
contained nonce words that were designed to be obviously impossible Spanish
words, going against Spanish phonotactic patterns, generally by containing
consonant clusters disallowed in Spanish. These two groups of words served as a
measure of control to ensure that the subjects could differentiate between possible
and impossible Spanish words, since this abihty is essential if the results for the
experimental groups are to be meaningful. At least 80% accuracy on the control
groups was required for the data of potential subjects to be counted in the analysis
of the experimental groups.

The 100 nonce words were randomized and recorded as individual .CD A
files onto a compact disc with 3 seconds of silence between each word. The CD
was played on a Panasonic SL-S262 portable CD player and listened to via
Panasonic stereo headphones. Before beginning the official test, a practice set of
five words was presented to the subjects so that they could adjust their ear to the
synthesized voice and the rhythm of the presentation. Subjects were allowed to
listen to the practice session as many times as they wanted to in order to feel
comfortable in completing the task. After the subjects listened to the practice
section, the test words were presented, and no repetition was permitted. The
subjects recorded their judgments on a sheet of paper numbered from 1 to 100
with the words si and no written next to each number. For each word heard,
subjects were asked to circle the appropriate answer according to whether or not
the word they heard was a possible Spanish word. The notion of "possible Spanish
word" was explained to subjects by telling them that while none of the words they
would hear were real Spanish words, the question they needed to answer was
whether each word could be a Spanish word if a new word was needed for a
concept not communicated by any existing Spanish word.

Since any claim in the present study about the psychological reality of the
heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window condition as restrictions on
Spanish stress placement hinges on the acceptance or rejection of nonce words
based on their acoustically marked stress, it is imperative that the subjects be able
to identify the acoustically stressed syllable in these synthesized nonce words. As
an additional measure of control, a post-test was administered to the subjects in
which 20 of the synthesized words from the "possible" group were re-presented
and the subjects were asked to indicate which syllable they heard as stressed.
Subjects recorded their answers on a sheet of paper numbered from 1 to 20, with
each number followed by the numbers 1, 2, and 3. Subjects circled the number of
the syllable perceived to be stressed. This post-test was administered immediately
following the completion of the main experiment, and this ordering was chosen to
avoid directing the subjects' attention to stress as the main interest of the study
before completing the acceptability judgments. Subjects were required to perceive
stress with at least 75% accuracy to have their results included in the study. The

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 9

average score on the post-test was 85%, indicating that the subjects were very
accurate in identifying the acoustically stressed syllable of the synthesized nonce
words.

Subjects were 10 native speakers of Spanish attending graduate school in the
United States who were naive with respect to the purposes of the study. All grew
up monolingual speakers of Spanish and none had lived in the U.S. prior to
attending graduate school. While the subjects speak different varieties of Spanish,
this mixture of Spanish dialects does not pose any problem for the present study
since the apparent restrictions on stress patterns being tested are consistent across
Spanish.

4. Results and discussion

Table 1 shows the results of the perception test. Nonce words in the two control
groups were accepted or rejected as would be expected. Nonce words in the
"possible" group were accepted at a rate of 81% and the words from the
"impossible" group were rejected at a rate of 89%. More interesting are the results
for the two experimental groups. Subjects accepted nonce words in the heavy
penult group at a rate of 67% (133 of 200) and those in the three-syllable window
group at a rate of 62% ( 1 23 of 200).

Table 1. Acceptabihty judgments by nonce word group

Yes

Totals

Heavy Penult

133

67%

34%

200

3 Syllable
Window

123

62%

39%

200

Possible

244

81%

19%

300

Impossible

11%

268

89%

300

Totals

532

53%

468

47%

1000

The result in Table 1, as well as in Figure 1, that stands out is that both
experimental groups were accepted more often than they were rejected, and far
more often than the impossible group. While the experimental groups were not
accepted as often as the possible group, it is clear that their rate of acceptance is
more similar to that of the possible group than to that of the impossible group.
Overall, nonce words in both experimental groups are accepted as possible
Spanish words.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%

■

67%

■

81%

62%

■ Ho
DYes

Heavy
Penult

3 Syllable Possible
Window

Impossible

Figure 1. Acceptability judgments by nonce word group.

In order to see how the acceptabiUty of each group compares to the other
groups, a chi-squared analysis was performed. A chi-squared test comparing all
four groups shows that the distribution of acceptance across groups is statistically
significant (p<0.0001). This result is to be expected, however, given the presence
of the control groups, where the impossible group was required to be rejected and
the possible group was required to be accepted. In order to see if the acceptability
of the experimental groups differs significantly from the control groups,
subsequent chi-squared analyses are needed. These analyses indicate that the rate
of acceptance of each of the two experimental groups differs significantly from
that of each of the two control groups (p<0.001). Furthermore, another chi-squared
analysis indicates that the two experimental groups do not differ significantly from
each other in their rate of acceptance (p=0.27). We can interpret these results as
meaning that the words in the heavy penult and three-syllable window groups
were placed into their own group by subjects in terms of rate of acceptability. We
end up, thus, with three groups: 1) the possible group, accepted as possible
Spanish words at a very high rate, 2) the experimental groups, accepted more often
than not, but less than the possible group, and 3) the impossible group, rarely
accepted as possible Spanish words.

The overall acceptability of the heavy penult group lends support to recent
experimental studies that claim that Spanish is not quantity sensitive (Alvord
2003, Barkanyi 2002, Face 2004a). In addition, it provides support for Alvord's
claim that the heavy penult condition is not a psychologically real and productive
restriction on Spanish stress placement.

The acceptability of the three-syllable window group is perhaps more
interesting. The descriptive adequacy of the three-syllable window condition
cannot be refuted, as Spanish has no words with stress outside of the final three
syllables of the word. The results of the present study, however, bring into
question the psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition as a true
restriction on Spanish stress placement. Hualde (2000:175), while arguing for an
analogical model for Spanish stress, explains that Spanish speakers make

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality ll

generalizations based on patterns in the lexicon. He uses the three-syllable window
condition as an example, stating that 'Spanish-speakers know that the plural of
regimen, omicron, Jupiter, whatever it is, cannot be regimenes, omicrones,
Jupiteres\ This generalization on the part of Spanish speakers makes perfect sense
given the categorical presence of stress on only the last three syllables of Spanish
words. Given the seeming strength of this generalization, it may seem odd that
words violating the three-syllable window condition would be judged to be
possible Spanish words. If this condition were a psychologically real restriction on
Spanish stress placement, one would expect the words in violation to be rejected at
a rate similar to the high rate of rejection of the impossible group. Clearly,
however, this is not the case.

While the nonce words of the experimental groups were not rejected at a rate
similar to the nonce words of the impossible group, and while they were accepted
overall, the question of why they were not accepted as often as the nonce words of
the possible group must be addressed. This is where the lack of existing words
having these patterns comes into play. While the nonce words of the experimental
groups are accepted overall, numerous recent studies have shown that an
individual's language experience and the frequency of occurrence of words and
patterns is an important part of their competence (e.g., Bybee 2001, Bybee &
Hopper 2001, and references therein). The fact that Spanish speakers have never
heard words with these patterns makes them seem less "Spanish-like" than words
that follow familiar patterns. Therefore, while they are not completely rejected in
the way that the words in the impossible group are, the relative degree of
unfamiliarity of their stress patterns in comparison with those of the nonce words
in the possible group results in a somewhat lower rate of acceptance.

One possible explanation is that segmental factors are more salient to
listeners than is stress placement in determining whether a nonce word is a
possible Spanish word. If this explanation is accurate, the nonce words violating
the heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window condition may have
sounded "more Spanish-like" than the nonce words whose segmental
combinations made them unacceptable (i.e., the impossible group). While this
explanation is possible, the huge difference in how the two experimental groups
and the impossible group were accepted, along with the overall acceptance of the
experimental group, makes this explanation seem unlikely.

The other possibility, indicated by the current results, is that the heavy penult
condition and the three-syllable window condition, while descriptively adequate,
are not psychologically real restrictions on Spanish stress placement. The concept
of descriptive truths not necessarily corresponding with psychological reality is
not a new one. In fact, much recent evidence that has been brought forth in favor
of such an idea has come from experimental work on Spanish stress (e.g., Aske
1990; Eddington 2000, 2004; Face 2003, 2004a; Hualde 2000; Waltermire 2004).

12 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

5. Conclusion

The present study has presented results from a perception experiment examining
the psychological reality of two apparent restrictions on Spanish stress placement.
The first apparent restriction examined is the apparent prohibition against words
with antepenultimate stress that have a heavy penultimate syllable (i.e., the heavy
penult condition). The results of the experiment showed that nonce words in
violation of this restriction were accepted overall as possible Spanish words. This
finding lends support to the growing number of experimental studies that have
found that Spanish is not quantity sensitive (e.g., Alvord 2003, Barkanyi 2002,
Face 2004), presenting another type of evidence, but also supports the suggestion
in Alvord (2003) that the heavy penult condition is not a psychologically real
restriction on Spanish stress placement.

The second apparent restriction examined is the apparent prohibition against
words with stress outside of the final three syllables (i.e., the three-syllable
window condition). The overall acceptance of nonce words stressed on the fourth
to last syllable calls into question the psychological reality of the three-syllable
window restriction on Spanish stress. As this is the first experimental study to
investigate the three-syllable window condition, further examination is certainly
required before sweeping conclusions can be drawn. However, the results of the
present study indicate that the three-syllable window condition is not a
psychologically real restriction on Spanish stress placement.

In the cases of the heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window
condition in Spanish, clearly it is true that, with the exception of a few toponyms
and borrowings in the case of the heavy penult condition, the Spanish lexicon
consists only of words that follow these conditions. There is no question, then, that
they are descriptively adequate generalizations about stress placement in Spanish.
But it is one thing to formulate a descriptive generalization over the lexicon and
another thing altogether to say that this descriptive generalization functions as a
constraint disallowing words that violate it. If a descriptive generalization about
the lexicon were indeed shown to be used by speakers of the language as a
constraint prohibiting words that violate the generalization, then it would be
possible to say that there exists a psychologically real restriction on the language.
In the case of the two apparent restrictions on Spanish stress considered in this
paper, however, this is clearly not the case. The heavy penult condition and the
three-syllable window condition are descriptive generalizations over the Spanish
lexicon, but they do not serve as a constraint that prohibits words that go against
these generalizations, and therefore they cannot be considered psychologically real
restrictions on Spanish stress placement.

An issue deserving of comment is the fact that there are exceptions to the
heavy penult condition in borrowings and foreign names (e.g., Fromista,
Manchester, remington 'type of rifle'), but no exceptions to the three-syllable
window condition, despite the fact that there are foreign place names such as
Slovak Bratislava, which when pronounced in Spanish becomes Bratislava. This
is especially interesting since in the present study no significant difference was

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 13

found between the status of the nonce words violating the heavy penult condition
and those violating the three-syllable window condition. Unfortunately, we have
no great insight into why exceptions exist to only the heavy penult condition. One
possibility mentioned by an anonymous reviewer is that Spanish has been in
contact with Germanic languages, which are the source of the exceptions
mentioned above, but not with languages, such as Hungarian, Finnish or Czech,
where stress four or more syllables from the end is possible. There are, for
example, very few Slovak-Spanish bilinguals who could serve as a model for the
correct pronunciation of Bratislava. This is a possible explanation for the
distribution of exceptions to the two conditions in question, but leaves other
questions unanswered. For example, Spanish speakers have a much more difficult
time forming the plural of Jupiter 'Jupiter' than they do forming the plural of
Saturno 'Saturn'. Stress is almost always on the same syllable in plurals as in
singulars, and this poses no problem in forming Satumos 'Satums'. However in
forming the plural of Jupiter, an additional syllable must be added, resulting in the
segmental sequence Jupiteres. In this case, if stress is left in the same place as in
singulars, it falls on the fourth syllable from the end. Yet Spanish speakers do not
produce stress on that syllable, but generally struggle in deciding between
stressing the penultimate or the antepenultimate syllable. The likely explanation
for this difficulty is the lack of model singular-plural pairs, which exist (e.g.,
regimen- re gimenes 'diet-diets') but are extremely rare. Of course, there are no
examples of words with stress outside of the final three syllables of the word, and
this may make speakers even more likely to shift stress in the plural of Jupiter,
even though the results of the present study indicate that there is no real restriction
against a word such as Jupiteres. But while the explanation of contact with
Germanic languages and not with languages such as Hungarian, Finnish and
Czech may explain the existence of exceptions to the heavy penult condition and
not the three-syllable window condition, there is no way at this point to determine
whether or not this is the correct explanation

In addition to presenting specific results with respect to the heavy penult
condition and the three-syllable window condition in Spanish, the present study
adds to the growing body of research that questions the connection between
descriptive truths and psychological reality in linguistics. While many
descriptively adequate statements are likely to also represent psychological reality
for speakers of a language, the results of the present study emphasize that this is
not always the case. Care must be taken in linguistic analysis to verify that
statements based on descriptive facts about a language are not over-generalized to
represent the psychological reality of speakers of that language without proper
empirical investigation.

14 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

APPENDIX

Heavy Penult Group:

ferelpa, tampunlo, pinquensa, candolde, lardanta, vintento, pentoslo, timpelto,
dinpuma, ranlinta, gantirpo, zentolpa, pardungo, minpurco, rinlambo, nodulta,
lumponto, zelsimpa, pompurta, niimpatro

Three-syllable Window Group:

gitulopa, pasirenu, betranuca, topuneta, dafulona, bilinalis, volutaso, nolumoda,
etrapolo, ratepano, lopirena, liteslope, onlapenu, dasecopo, telucape, cideroti,
cafunoli, cabilato, napulatra, miilofane

Impossible Group:

nequiclprta, skrilzareio, chticnarp, snolprt, ercbatris, jtcapruts, datbanct, zogpinrp,
chagtjtup, gkimzin, txcopne, llesdtard, sirrimkbi, lopsuvkbi, lopntlist, renctop,
awsilnpt, kpouell, ivumgtra, ustgbro, wioasdpi, vinctzico, nresnizcp, tnvaoi,
btascat, dlpacstp, bcapintrrow, urrachpza, spoinbt, sanstkipt

Possible Group:

tinaro, quitravo, tablumo, nafrafio, dotene, estrfnato, pafiilpa, modora, cotrona,
cubosta, jarplista, calpemo, gilbresa, mufrismo, sortrinista, tuluvan, licuspa,
nolema, lojarra, distropa, lotrano, viteno, pocudin, gatrisa, silzira, atranda, ciblaca,
pulatra, ponlita, blisin

Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 15

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.udies in the Linguistic Sciences
olume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE IN
NORTHEASTERN BIZKAIAN BASQUE

Jose Ignacio Hualde* and Itziar Aramaiot

* University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

*jihualde@uiuc.edu

titziaramayo@msn.com

In this paper we systematically compare the accentual systems
employed in the local Basque dialects of a small area of northeastern
Bizkaia. We show that although lexical accents were historically
regularized on different syllables in the varieties of Ondarroa and
Markina (penultimate vs. antepenultimate syllable), later shared
processes of syllable contraction have tended to restore agreement
between the two varieties in the surface patterns of accentuation of
nominals. In the accentuation of verbal forms, on the other hand,
important differences and even opposite patterns are found. Here we
offer some details of the variation found in this respect, considering
also the competitions of variants in the variety of Berriatura, a rural
area geographically located between Markina and Ondarroa.

1. Introduction

In this paper we consider aspects of accentual variation in the Basque varieties of
the Markina-Ondarroa region, in the northeastern corner of the province of
Bizkaia. The area under study includes the coastal town of Ondarroa, the town of
Markina, some 11 km inland from Ondarroa, and the smaller township of
Berriatua, four kilometers from Ondarroa and seven from Markina. Whereas both
Ondarroa and Markina are relatively large towns (Ondarroa has 9761 inhabitants
and Markina, 4770), Berriatua is a rural zone which has 1083 inhabitants, almost
all of them Basque speakers, spread over a wide municipal area.'

Traditionally, the variety of Markina has enjoyed considerable prestige, since
it was used in writing by some of the first authors to write in Bizkaian dialect (the
Markina school of the 18* and 19"' centuries). It was also the object of one of the
first monographs on a Basque dialect, W. Rollo's (1925) The Basque Dialect of
Marquina. On its part, the variety of Ondarroa is widely perceived as highly
innovative and idiosyncratic and commands strong local loyalty. Among Ondarroa
speakers there does not seem to be any widespread opinion that the variety of
Markina is more worthy of imitation.

If we see Markina and Ondarroa as two different linguistic foci, it is
interesting to consider the linguistic behavior of speakers from Berriatua, who are

' Mancomunidad de Lea-Artibai (2004).

18 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

exposed to both local norms. In this paper we concentrate on facts of accentuation.
The accentual system of Ondarroa Basque has been described and analyzed in
Rotaetxe (1978a, 1978b), Hualde (1995, 1996) and Arregi (2002, 2004). An
analysis of the accentual system of Markina is found in Hualde (2000) (RoUo 1925
does not include any information on accentuation). Aramaio (2003), in a
preliminary study of the Berriatua accentual system, found that, generally
speaking, Berriatua agrees with Markina in the accenmation of words and phrases,
although young speakers tend to prefer Ondarroa forms in some specific cases,
particularly in verbal forms.

The area under study is at the boundary of the Northern Bizkaian accentual
type. Two defining characteristics of the Northern Bizkaian accentual type are (a)
the existence of a lexical contrast between accented and unaccented words and (b)
the presence of tonal plateaux, where the tone rises from the first to the second
syllable of the phrase and stays high up to the first accented syllable, which is
associated with a falling contour (HL) (see Azkue 1923, 1931-32; Jacobsen 1972;
Hualde 1993a, 1999; Elordieta 1997; Hualde, Elordieta, Gaminde, & Srailjanic
2002).

The variety spoken in the next town going east along the coast, Mutriku,
akeady in Gipuzkoa, has property (b) but appears to completely lack the class of
lexically accented word (i.e., there are no accentual contrasts, see Gaminde 1998:
140-1). Further east, in Deba we already find an accentual system of the rather
different Central type, with regular accentual prominence on the second syllable
(see Txillardegi 1984; Hualde 1991). South of Markina, the Mallabia accentual
system is transitional towards the Central type (see Hualde, Mugarza, & Zuazo
2002).

In the next two sections, the accentual patterns of lexically unaccented and
accented words will be considered separately. Both types of words have
undergone a number of changes in the Markina-Ondarroa region as a result of
which their patterns are rather different from those of more conservative varieties
found further west. Although in some important cases (in lexically accented
words) the varieties of Markina and Ondarroa have adopted different solutions, in
general we find a high degree of convergence throughout the area, even in some
very unusual developments. Divergent accentual patterns have nevertheless arisen
in certain verbal forms. In this particular case, we find that corresponding forms in
Markina and Ondarroa have ended up with opposite accentual patterns and there is
also a considerable amount of variation in the speech of speakers from Berriatua
and Markina. These verbal forms are considered in the last section.

2. Lexically unaccented words

2.1. General case

As mentioned, an essential feature of all northern Bizkaian varieties is the
existence of a contrast between lexically accented and unaccented words.^
Lexically unaccented words are subject to a rule of sentential accent (SA) if final

HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE

in a phrase pronounced in isolation or in immediately preverbal position.
Otherwise they do not have accentual prominence on any syllable. The SA rule is
very simple in the rest of the Northern Bizkaian area: SA is assigned to the last
syllable of the phrase. In the Markina-Ondarroa region, however, facts are
somewhat more complicated, with a morphologically and lexically-conditioned
alternation between final and penultimate accent. These complications in the
assignment of SA have arisen from two distinct developments.

First of all, as in other areas to the east and south, the sentential accent was
historically retracted from the final syllable to the penultimate syllable of the
phrase.^ Compare the Ondarroa and Markina examples in Table l"* with those for
Lekeitio, a coastal town to the west of Ondarroa, where SA is uniformly phrase
final, as in the rest of the Northern Bizkaian area (leftmost column):"

Table 1. Lexically unaccented words: Sentential accent rule

Lekeitio

Ondarroa

Markina/Berriatua

Gloss

gixona
gixona ra
gixon andidxa ra
gixona dator

gixona
gixona ra
gixon andixe ra
gixona dator

gisona
gisona da
gison andixe da
gisona dator

'the man'
'(it) is the man'
'(it) is the big man'
'the man is coming'

This situation has been made more complex in the Markina-Ondarroa region
by a rule of vowel deletion. In Markina there is variable deletion of final Id in
hiatus. This deletion rule, which is becoming more frequent in the speech of the
younger generations, produces phrase final accent again, since it is not
accompanied by accent retraction. In Ondarroa, this deletion process became
obligatory some decades ago and there is no variation in this respect:

Table 2. Deletion of /-e/: e > 0 / V

Markina

Ondarroa

Gloss

gure alabi(e)
esku(e)

gure alabi
esku

'our daughter'
'the hand'

The consequence of this process of vowel deletion is that SA is now phrase-
final in some cases and phrase-penultimate in other cases: when the last word of
the phrase is lexically unaccented, there is final accent in inflected singular
phrases ending in a high vowel. Otherwise SA is penultimate. This has created an
accentual contrast between uninflected and inflected singular phrases:

This development also took place in southern Bizkaia (Arratia and Zeberio, see Etxebarria 1991 ; Hualde
1992) and in Gipuzkoa (see Hualde 1993b, 1999).

Basque orthography: x is a voiceless prepalatal fricative and Dr is a voiceless prepalatal affricate. dx\sa.
voiced prepalatal segment with both fi-icative and affricate realizations (found in Lekeitio, but not in the
varieties of the Ondarroa-Markina area). In this papery represents a voiceless (post-)velar fricative.

On Lekeitio accentuation and intonation see Azkue (1931-32), Hualde, Elordieta, & Elordieta (1993,
1994), Hualde (1997:193-201), Elordieta (1997, 2003), and Elordieta & Hualde (2003).

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

Table 3. Ondarroa: Accentual alternations arising from
historical vowel deletion

Uninflected

Absolutive sg.

lau seme
lau beso

'four sons'
'four arms'

gure semi
nire besu

'our son'
'my arm'

It is interesting to note, in this respect, that the relationship between
uninflected and inflected forms is quite different from what we find in standard
Basque or in Literary Bizkaian, a conservative dialect that in all likelihood
represents a stage in the historical evolution of Markina and Ondarroa Basque. In
Table 4 we give examples of uninflected nouns ending in a consonant and in all
five vowels and their corresponding absolutive singular forms in Literary Bizkaian
and in the Lekeitio variety.'' It is obvious that the absolutive singular can be
straightforwardly derived from the uninflected stem by addition of -a and the
application of a few phonological rules (in Literary Bizkaian only in the case of
stems ending in -a). These forms are to be compared with their cognates in
Markina and Ondarroa given in Table 5. Clearly the correspondences between
uninflected and inflected forms are less straightforward.

All examples are lexically unaccented. The accent marks show the accentual
pattern of these words in phrase-final position (that is, in the environment for SA).

Table 4. Uninflected and absolutive sg. forms in conservative dialects

Literary Bizkaian

Lekeitio

Gloss

Uninflected

Abs. sg.

Uninflected

Abs. sg.

gizon

gizona

gixon

gixona

'man'

lagun

laguna

lagiin

laguna

'friend'

alaba

alabea

alaba

alabia

'daughter'

seme

semea

seme

semia

'son'

mendi

mendia

mendi

mendidxa

'mountain'

beso

besoa

beso

besua

'arm'

esku

eskua

esku

eskua

'hand'

Table 5. Uninflected and absolutive sg. forms in Markina and Ondarroa

Markina

Ondarroa

Gloss

Uninflected

Abs. sg.

Uninflected

Abs. sg.

gison

gisona

gixon

gixona

'man'

lagun

lagiine

lagun

lagune

'friend'

alaba

alabi(e)

alaba

alabi

'daughter'

seme

semi(e)

seme

semi

'son'

mendi

mendixe

mendi

mendixe

'mountain'

beso

besu(e)

beso

besii

'arm'

esko

eskii(e)

esko

eskii

'hand'

For variation among Basque dialects in this respect, see Hualde & Gaminde (1998).

HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE

In Ondarroa, where deletion is obligatory, thus, the rule of SA assignment is
now the following: SA IS assigned to the final syllable if the last word in

THE PHRASE IS A LEXICALLY UNACCENTED SINGULAR WORD ENDING IN A HIGH
VOWEL, AND TO THE PENULTIMATE SYLLABLE OF THE PHRASE OTHERWISE. Notice,
incidentally, that the historical contrast between the final back vowels l-ol and l-wl
has been neutralized: all words that etymologically ended in /-u/ in their
uninflected form now end in l-ol and have absolutive singular forms in l-wl (with
the exception of monosyllabic su Tire').

Since the shift of SA to the penultimate took place both in Ondarroa and
Markina and the process of vowel deletion is becoming obligatory in Markina as
well, in the case of unaccented phrases we find the same accentual patterns in the
whole Markina-Ondarroa area.

2.2. Special cases

2.2.1. In addition to phrase-final SA which has its origin in the deletion of Id in
hiatus, we also find final accent in two cases where an intervocalic tap -r- has been
deleted. One of these cases is in the dative, where -ari > -ai [aj]. In this case the
sequence of rising sonority has become a diphthong, as shown in Table 6 (a).
Arguably, since there is no contrast between bisy liable [a.i] and monosyllabic [aj],
forms ending in a final diphthong can be considered to represent phonological
penultimate accent assignment. We find the same pattern in other instances of
final sequences of falling sonority, both resulting from the deletion of -r-, as in
Table 6 (b), and from other origins, as in Table 6 (c):

Table 6. Final sentential accent in words ending in a diphthong

a. lagunari > 0/M lagunai 'to the friend (dat.sg.)'

b. lau pelotari > O lau pelotai 'four ball players'

c. *patrone > patrol 'boss'

2.2.2. Regarding the example in Table 6 (c), in Markina, and optionally in
Berriatua, the falling diphthong [oj] is simplified by deletion of the glide. This
results in another set of vowel-final nominals with final accent in their uninflected
form:

Table 7. Markina & Berriatua: oi > o

patrol > patro 'boss'

melokotoi > melokoto 'peach'

cf. patroie da '(it) is the boss'
cf. melokotoie da '(it) is the peach'

Notice that this results in two different uninflected/sg. correspondences for
nominals ending in /o/, predictable from the position of the accent in the
uninflected form. Compare, for instance, the examples in Table 8, where both (a)
and (b) are lexically accented nouns and (c) has lexical accent:

22 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

Table 8. Markina & Berriatua: Accentual patterns of nominals ending in -o in
their uninflected form

Uninflected

sg., phrase-final

sg., non-phrase-final

baso bat 'a forest'

basii 'the forest'

basu de '(it) is the forest'

patro bat 'a boss'

patroie 'the boss'

patroie da '(it) is the boss'

baso bat 'a glass'
(lexical accent)

basu 'the glass'

basu de '(it) is the glass'

2.2.3. There is also final accent in the allative where the -r- of the suffix has been
lost after a nonhigh vowel. Surprisingly, in Ondarroa we find final accent not only
with stems ending in a low vowel, where the original sequence -ara has become -a,
but also with stems ending in a mid vowel, where the deletion of -r- does not
create a diphthong. In Ondarroa the evolution has been as illustrated in Table 9:

Table 9. Ondarroa: Allative sg.

eliza-ra

elixa

'to the church'

etxe-ra

etxea

'to the house'

mendi-ra

mendire

'to the mountain'

beso-ra

besoa ~ besiire

'to the arm'

esku-ra

esktire ~ eskoa

'to the hand'

Whereas in the case of /a/-final stems, final accent can be explained as a
result of historical contraction (elixdra > elixda > elixd), final accent in forms like
etxed and besod is more difficult to explain, since the resulting sequences are
heterosyllabic {e.txe.d). Notice also that the deletion of the intervocalic -r- and the
shift of the accent to the last vowel of the word occur together. A consequence of
the collapse of the historical contrasts between /©/-final and /u/-final stems, is that
words from both etymological classes vary between -od and -lire in their allative
form. Some speakers use both forms in what appears to be free variation and other
speakers use only one of the two, regardless of etymological class. As shown, the
variant without the -r- also has final accent. In Markina only the forms in -ure are
used {besiire, eskiire), but with stems in /e/ the sequence is further contracted:
etxera > M etxd.

In Berriatua for /e/ stems there is variation between full forms that maintain
the etymological intervocalic -r- and contracted forms like in Markina. Again, the
contracted forms have final accent. With /o/-stems there is no deletion. Whereas
nouns belonging to the etymological /u/-final class form their allative in -ure, with
etymologically /o/-final stems there is synchronic variation between -ora and -ure,
without contraction:

HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence

Table 10. Berriatua: Allative sg.

Uninflected

Allative sg.

Gloss

elixa

'to the church'

kale

kalera ~ kala

'to the street'

etxe

etxera ~ etxa

'to the house'

berde

berdera ~ berda

'to the green one'

mendi

mendire

'to the mountain'

baso

basora ~ basiire

'to the forest'

esko

eskure

'to the hand'

Perhaps the position of the accent in Ondarroa forms like etxed is to be
explained as a case of interdialectal influence.

To conclude this section, in the assignment of SA we don't find any
important differences among the varieties of Markina, Berriatua and Ondarroa.
Certain developments have resulted in SA being phrase-penultimate in some cases
and phrase-final in other cases, but these developments have been common
throughout this geographical area.

3. Lexically accented words

3.1. General rule

In the position of the accent in lexically accented words we do find some
significant differences between the dialects of Ondarroa, on the one hand, and
Markina and Berriatua on the other.

Lexically accented words always surface with an accent on a given syllable,
regardless of their syntactic position. The contrast is evident in non-phrase final
position, as in the examples for Ondarroa in Table 11. The words leko 'place' and
plural lagunan 'of the friends' bear a lexical accent, whereas esko 'hand', lagunan
'of the friend' and the rest of the words in the examples are lexically unaccented:

Table 11. Ondarroa: Accented vs. unaccented contrast phrase-medially

esko andixe ra
leko andixe ra

'it is a big hand'
'it is a big place'

lagunan etxf re
lagunan etxf re

'it is the house of the friend'
'it is the house of the friends'

In most Northern Bizkaian varieties, lexically accented words may carry an
accent on any non-fmal syllable. Thus, for instance, within a couple of randomly
selected pages of Gilisasti's (2003) dictionary of the northwestern variety of
Urduliz, we find examples with initial accent like euskera 'Basque language',
eskonteko 'about to get married', eskupeko 'hidden tip'; with accent on the second
syllable, examples like eskole 'school', eskobaki 'type of bush', eskondute 'the act
of getting married', eskubere 'rake'; and on the third syllable, eskillere 'staircase'.

24 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

eskonduparri 'newly wed'.^ From these examples we can also see that there is no
uniformity regarding the position of the accent if we count from the end of the
word either.

Importantly, plural and some other suffixes place an accent on the
immediately preceding syllable (they are preaccenting suffixes), but if the stem is
accented, the accent of the stem prevails. For instance, in eskii-ek 'the hands' and
etxe-tik 'from the house' the accent occurs immediately before the accented suffix,
but with a lexically accented stem we have leku-ek 'the places' and leku-tik 'from
the place'. In the varieties of Markina and Ondarroa, as well as in neighboring
Lekeitio, most of these contrasts in the position of lexical accents have been
neutralized, with generalization of one of the patterns, as shown in Table 12. In
Lekeitio and Ondarroa almost all lexical accents surface on the penultimate
syllable of the word. In Markina and Berriatua, on the other hand, there has been
historically regularization of lexical accents on the antepenultimate syllable
(without contraction):

Table 12. Distribution of lexical accents

Gemika

Lekeitio

Ondarroa

Markina &
Berriatua

Gloss

eskuek

eskuk

esku(e)k

'the hands'

etxetik

'from the house'

lekuek

lekuk

leku(e)k

'the places'

lekutik

lekiitik

lekutik

'from the place'

mendidxek

mendidxak

mendixak

mendixek

'the mountains'

mendidxetatik

mendixetatik

'from the
mountains'

lekuetatik

lekutatik

lekuetatik ~
lekutatik

'from the places"

What is common to the varieties of the Markina-Ondarroa area, as well as
neighboring Lekeitio, is that they have fewer contrasts regarding the position of
lexical accents than the varieties of the Gemika-Getxo area. In the Gernika-Getxo
system the position of lexical accents is free, since it is determined by the position
of the leftmost lexically (pre-)accented morpheme. In Lekeitio. Ondarroa, Markina
and Berriatua, on the other hand, lexical accents are assigned to a given syllable
counting from the end of the word. The syllable that attracts the accent is the
penultimate in Lekeitio and Ondarroa but the antepenultimate in Markina and
Berriatua.

* For the rules governing accent assignment in the varieties of this area, see Huaide (1989), Hualde &
Bilbao (1992, 1993).

HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 25
Table 13. Generalizations regarding lexical accent

I. Gemika-Getxo

A lexical accent may occur on any nonfinal syllable. In
morphologically complex words, the leftmost accented
morpheme determines the position of the accent.

II. Lekeitio and
Ondarroa

Words containing one or more lexically accented
morphemes surface with an accent on the penultimate
syllable.

III. Markina and
Berriatua

Words containing one or more lexically accented
morphemes surface with an accent on the antepenultimate
syllable (before optional vowel deletion).

We may note in Table 1 2 above that, even though in Ondarroa and Lekeitio
we have penultimate accent, in Ondarroa lexical accents do not fall on the same
vowel as in Lekeitio in cases where there has been contraction. On the other hand,
in cases where a vowel in the last syllable has been lost, Ondarroa and Markina
have the accent on the same syllable. That is, whereas the antepenultimate accent
rule of Markina and Berriatua applies to noncontracted forms, in Ondarroa, where
accent is penultimate, the penultimate accent rule applies to (obligatorily)
contracted forms.

More examples illustrating the contexts where Ondarroa and Markina words
have the same and different accentuation are given in Table 14 for the
absolutive/ergative plural:

Table 14. Abs./erg. pi. (a): accent on different syllable in O & M, (b): accent on

same syllable

Ondarroa

Markina & Berriatua

Gloss

gixonak
lagunak
mendixak

gisonak
lagunek
mendixek

'men'

'friends'

'mountains'

etxik
buruk
pelotaixek
melokotoik

etxi(e)k
buru(e)k
pelotarixek
melokotoiek

'houses'
'heads'
'ball players'
'peaches'

It is probably the case that historically in Ondarroa the deletion of vowels in
hiatus became obligatory before the penultimate lexical accent rule was adopted.
In Markina, instead, vowel deletion is a more recent phenomenon, which postdates
the adoption of the antepenultimate generalization.

The application of the rules of penultimate accent in Lekeitio and Ondarroa
vs. antepenultimate accent in Markina is further illustrated in Table 15, which
shows accent displacement as longer suffixes are added in plural forms.

26 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

Table 15. Shift of lexical accent to penultimate syllable in L & O and to the

antepenultimate in M (& B)

Gemika

Lekeitio

Ondarroa

Markina

Gloss

lagunek

lagunak

lagunek

'the friends'

lagunena

lagunana

lagunena

'the one of the
friends'

lagunentzat

lagunantzat

lagunentzat

'for the friends'

lagiinentzako

lagunentzako

lagunantzako

lagunentzako

'for the friends'

lagiinentzakoa

lagunentzakua

lagunentzaku

lagunentzaku(e)

'the one for the
friends'

The shift of all lexical accents to the penultimate, as in Lekeitio and
Ondarroa can be understood as a strengthening of the strongest pattern, since in
most cases penultimate accent would be the most common pattern before the
change. The Markina shift has a less obvious origin. As argued in Hualde (2000),
the generalization of antepenultimate accentuation with lexically accented words
in Markina can be seen as a sort of reaction to the retraction of the accent to the
penultimate of the phrase in lexically unaccented phrases. That is, the
(phonetically-motivated) shift in the singular lagune > lagiine 'the friend' may
have triggered the "compensatory" shift lagunek > lagunek 'the friends' .

It is to be noted that in Ondarroa, where (Uke in Markina) the SA rule targets
the penultimate of the phrase (in cases without contraction), and lexical accents
have been shifted to the penultimate of the word (like in Lekeitio), the contrast
between lexically unaccented and accented words is lost in the specific case where
word and phrasal domains coincide. As we see in Table 16, singular and plural
forms of lexically unaccented stems are always accented on different syllables in
both Lekeitio and Markina. In Ondarroa, on the other hand, the sg./pl. accentual
difference is neutralized in case the word is phrase-fmal.

Table 16. Lexically unaccented and accented words

Lekeitio

Ondarroa

Markina

Gloss

gixona
gixona ra

gisona
gisona da

'the man'

'(he) is the man'

gixonak
gixonak dis

gisonak
gisonak di

'the men'

'(they) are the men'

In the Ondarroa example in (a) in Table 16 both singular noun and clitic verb
are lexically unaccented and SA falls on the penultimate syllable of the phrase. In
(b) the plural genitive suffix introduces a lexical accent in the noun, which
surfaces on the penultimate OF THE WORD. In Lekeitio there is phrase-final accent
in (a) vs. word-penultimate in (b). In Markina the contrast is between phrase-
penultimate in (a) and word-antepenultimate in (b). It is thus clear that the
Ondarroa accentual system is more opaque than both that of Lekeitio and that of
Markina, since a contrast that is made phrase-medially is neutralized when the
word is in phrase-final position (Hualde 1995).

HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE 27

Another illustration is given in Table 17. Notice that in Ondarroa the contrast
betweeen (a) and (b) is neutralized in (a') and (b'), which are identical, since word
and phrase coincide in this case (for further exemplification see Hualde 1995).
This neutralization does not obtain in Markina, since lexical accents have been
generalized to the antepenultimate of the word instead.

Table 17. Neutralization of accentual contrast phrase-finally in Ondarroa vs.
preservation of contrast in Markina & Berriatua

Ondarroa

Markina & Berriatua

Gloss

a.
a',
b.
b'.

lagunana ra
lagunana
lagunana ra
lagunana

lagunana da
lagunana
lagunena da
lagunena

'it is the one of the friend'
'the one of the friend'
'it is the one of the friends'
'the one of the friends'

It is thus possible to see a functional motivation in the shift of lexical accents
to the antepenultimate syllable in Markina and Berriatua. In this way, the broader
generalization that with unaccented stems the accent falls earlier in the plural than
in the singular is preserved in all sentential contexts.

In lexically accented words it would thus appear that Markina and Ondarroa
have substantially different patterns: word-antepenultimate vs. word-penultimate.
However, as already mentioned above, vowel deletion in Markina creates
convergence between both dialects in all cases where a vowel in the final syllable
is lost. The rules in Table 13 above are rephrased in Table 18, with
exemplification in Table 19.

Table 18. Rules of lexical accent

I. Ondarroa

Lexically accented words have penultimate accent.

II. Markina &
Berriatua

Lexically accented words have antepenultimate accent, except
that there is penultimate accent when the last vowel is deleted.

Although, after vowel deletion, the accentual generalization is now more
complex in Markina, the spread of this process in the same contexts where
historically it took place in Ondarroa is making the two dialects more alike in
surface patterns.

Table 19. Examples without and with vowel deletion

Ondarroa

Markina & Berriatua

sg.

sg-

Pl.

mendixe 'mountain'
mendixe ra
basu 'forest'
basu re

mendixak
mendixak dis
basuk
basuk dis

mendixe
mendixe da
basue ~ basu
basue da ~ basu da

mendixek
mendixek di
basuek ~ basuk
basuek ~ basuk di

3.2. Special cases

Besides arising from the optional process of deletion of /-e/ after another vowel, in
Markina penultimate lexical accent is found in a few other more specific cases.

28 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

where an earlier historical process reduced a sequence of two syllables to a single
one. The result is, again, that the degree to which the two varieties of Markina and
Ondarroa differ from each other in accentual matters is actually more limited than
one might be led to conclude from the basic rules.

3.2.1. An older process of contraction is found in the absolutive plural (and other
plural cases) of /a/-final stems. These have penultimate accent in Markina, just like
in Ondarroa; e.g., aldbak 'the daughters', elixak 'the churches' (vs. e.g., sdgarrak
"the apples', from sugar). Since historically these forms had a long vowel /aa/, it is
reasonable to assume that contraction of this long vowel took place after
generalization of antepenultimate accent: *aldbaak > aldbak.

3.2.2. In addition, in a couple of morphological cases there is penultimate accent
in Markina with all stems. Consider, to begin with, the local plural cases illustrated
in Table 20:

Table 20. Local plural cases

Ondarroa

Markina

Gloss

mendixetan

mendixeta

mendixetatik

mendixetan

mendixeta

mendixetatik

'in the mountains', ines. pi.
'to the mountains', allat. pi.
'from the mountains', abl. pi.

In the Ondarroa examples the accent is uniformly on the penultimate, as
expected. In Markina, the inesive and ablative plural forms follow the regular
antepenultimate pattern of the dialect. The allative plural, on the other hand,
irregularly shows penultimate accent. Historically the allative plural (like the
allative singular, see Table 9 above) has undergone contraction, after deletion of
intervocalic -r-. In Markina contraction must have taken place after the
generalization of the antepenultimate accent rule: *mendixetara > *mendixetaa >
mendixeta. In Ondarroa, on the other hand, contraction in this case (like in other
cases) must have preceded penultimate accent, since otherwise we would find final
accent.

3.2.3. In the commitative singular as well we find the same accentuation in both
varieties. In this case contraction has followed deletion of intervocalic -g-.

Table 21. Commitative sg. in Markina, Berriatua & Ondarroa

lagiinas 'with the friend' < lagunagaz

lekuas 'with the place'

arbolias 'with the tree'

3.2.4. Just as we saw for the dative singular in Table 6, in the dative plural as well
we find the same pattern in both varieties, with the accent one syllable further to
the left than in the singular. Strictly, then, the dative plural has penultimate accent
in Markina and Berriatua {*laguneri > lagunei).

HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 29
Table 22. Dative sg. & pi.

dat. sg.
dat. pi.

Ondarroa

lagunai
lagunai

Markina & Berriatua

lagunai
lagiinei

3.2.5. Lexically accented words may owe their accentedness to the fact that they
bear an accented suffix, or the stem itself maybe lexically accented. As noted in
Hualde (2000:1 14) unaccented stems in their bare form have penultimate accent in
Markina, instead of the expected antepenultimate accent. In Berriatua, on the other
hand, there is variation between penultimate and antepenultimate accent in this
case, even in the speech of the same speaker:^

Table 23. Uninflected stems with lexical accent

Ondarroa

Markina

Berriatua

Gloss

lenguso bat
belarri bat
arbola bat

lengoso bat
belarri bat
arbola bat

lenguso ~ lenguso bat
belarri ~ belarri bat
arbola ~ arbola bat

'a cousin'
'an ear'
'a tree'

3.2.6. Finally, there is another case where convergence between Ondarroa and
Markina/Berriatua is due to the fact that in Ondarroa we irregularly find
antepenultimate accent. This is in the allative singular of lexically accented stems.
As was shown in Table 9 for unaccented stems, the sequences /oa/ and /ea/ that
have resulted from the deletion of intervocalic -r- in the allative somewhat
unexpectedly count as a single syllable. In Table 24 lexically accented and
unaccented stems are compared.

Table 24. Allative sg. forms with historical deletion of -r-

Lexically unaccented

Lexically accented

Ondarroa

Markina

Gloss

Ondarroa

Markina

Gloss

etxea
besoa
(-besiire)

etxa
besiire

'to the house'
'to the arm'

Bflboa

lekoa

(~ lekure)

Bflbora
lekure

'to Bilbao'
'to the place'

To summarize this section, at some historical point both Ondarroa and
Markina regularized the position of lexical accents by shifting most of them to a
syllable counting from the end of the word. Each of these varieties, however,
adopted a different rule. In Ondarroa there was regularization of lexical accents on
the penultimate syllable of the word. In Markina and Berriatua, on the other hand,
lexical accents were shifted to the antepenultimate syllable, thus avoiding the
neutralization between lexically accented and unaccented words in phrase-final
position that obtains in Ondarroa. The extent to which Ondarroa and

' The two variants do not seem to have the same sociolinguistic consideration in Berriatua. Some Barriatua
speakers believe that forms liice lenguso, belarri, etc., are the proper Berriatua forms, whereas lenguso,
belarri, etc., are said to be due to influence from other dialects, even if many Berriatua speaicers use them.
The truth may be that the latter patterns is actually older.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

Markina/Berriatua differ in actual accentual patterns is, however, not as great as
one might expect from these divergent developments, since other, more recent,
developments have produced a change from antepenultimate to penultimate accent
in Markina (and Berriatua) in a number of contexts. The unusual accentual
behavior of the final sequences /oa/ and /ea/ in Ondarroa allative forms also results
in convergence in accentual patterns within this geographical area in this
morphological context.

4. Verbs

The most striking examples of accentual variation in the Markina-Ondarroa region
are found with some inflected verbal forms. In some paradigms we find
completely opposite patterns in Markina and Ondarroa, as shown in Table 25.

Table 25

Ondarroa

Markina & Berriatua

Gloss

liburu ekarri ban
liburu ekarri ben

's/he brought the book'
'they brought the book'

In both Ondarroa and Markina, a number of inflected forms have final accent
(although not always the same forms, as can be seen in Table 25). Since in
nominals (phrase-)penultimate accent is general and final accent only occurs as a
result of contraction, these verbal forms require special explanations.

4.1. Some cases of phrase-final accent with inflected monosyllabic verbal forms
are transparently the product of contraction:

Table 26. Phrase-final accent with contracted monosyllabic verbs

Ondarroa

Markina

Gloss

argala ra
argala ra
mendire ni

argala da
argala da
mendire dole

<dago
<da
< doa

's/he is looks thin' (Sp. esta)

's/he is thin' (Sp. es)

's/he is going to the mountain'

The contrast between (a) and (b) in Table 26 (pointed out in Hualde 1995,
2000) obtains because the verb in (a) is etymologically bisyllabic. In the example
in (c) there has been contraction in Ondarroa, but the epenthesis of an intervocalic
glide (like in Lekeitio, etc.) has prevented contraction in Markina (and Berriatua).

4.2. Generally in the northern Bizkaian area, forms carrying the pluralizer -e are
lexically accented. In Lekeitio, for instance, 2""* and 3"* person singular forms
bearing the pluralizer -e have marked penultimate accent. In Ondarroa as well,
these forms are special in their accentuation, but we find the mirror-image pattern:
forms bearing the plural -e have final accent, against the general penultimate rule
of the dialect. Compare the following paradigms:

HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE

Table 27

Lekeitio

Markina

Ondarroa

Gloss

dot

'I have it'

dosu

'you have it'

dau

's/he has it'

dogiJ

dogu

'we have it'

dosue

'you-pl. have it'

dabe

'they have it'

nator

'I am coming'

satos

'you are coming'

dator

's/he is coming'

gatos

'we are coming'

satose

satose/satose

satose

'you-pl. are coming'

datos

'they are coming'

Notice that the forms that are accentually different from the rest of the paradigm
are the same in both dialects: those bearing final -e. The accentual patterns are,
however, the opposite. The Lekeitio forms are essentially the same forms that we
find elsewhere within the Northern Bizkaian area: the plural suffix -e is
preaccenting. That is, plural -e has the same behavior as plural suffixes in nominal
inflection. In this connection, we may point out that in Lekeitio the auxiliary forms
corresponding to the two examples in Table 25 are, respectively ebdn (unaccented)
's/he Ved it' and eben 'they Ved it'. What needs to be explained is the Ondarroa
pattern. Why does plural -e trigger final accent in Ondarroa?

We have seen that when we have final accent in Ondarroa it is generally the
case that an earlier bisyllabic sequence has been contracted. Now, in the writings
of 19"* century authors from the Markina area we find forms with a final double
vowel like dabee 'they have it'. This being the case, we may assume that in
Ondarroa, in this case as well, originally there was penultimate accent and
contraction has produced final accent: *dabee > dabe. We may further assume
that, once it arose in this form, the final accent pattern was then spread by analogy
to other forms with the same plural suffix.

The potential paradigm also provides evidence that final accented -e has
resulted from contraction followed by analogical generalization. Potential forms
bear the suffix /-ke/, after which plural l-d is added in the second and third person
plural. In Markina, potential forms have penultimate accent, except that final
accent may occur in the second and third person plural when the sequence /-kee/ is
contracted (Another possibility in Markina is dissimilation: -kee > -kie). We may
surmise that contraction became obligatory in Ondarroa, after which final accent
spread to the rest of the paradigm, since all these forms would appear to have the
same ending. That is, leikee > leike 'they can' and hence, by analogy, leike > leike
's/he can' and neike > neike 'I can', etc., see Table 28.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)
Table 28. Potential

Ondarroa

Markina

1 sg.

neike

2sg.

seinke

3sg.

leike

Ipl.

geinke

2 pi.

seinke

seinkie ~ seinkee ~ seinke

3pl.

leike

leikie ~ leikee ~ leikee

Consider now the paradigm of eroan 'to carry, take'. This verb, being an old
causative, is etymologically accented in all its forms (see Hualde 1993a). This is
what we find in Lekeitio, where with this verb all forms are lexically accented and
have penultimate accent. Just like in nouns with accented stems, there is no
accentual contrast between singular and plural: with this verb the forms with final
-e (2"'' and 3"* plural) are not different from the rest. In Ondarroa, on the other
hand, these two forms have final accent. It is thus clear that final accent in
Ondarroa in many verb forms with plural -e is the product of analogical extension
and reinterpretation. In Table 29 we give also the forms used in Berriatua, for
comparison. As can be seen, in Berriatua, forms with antepenultimate accent
compete with Ondarroa-style forms (variants listed first are more frequent):

Table 29. eroan 'to carry, take', present

Lekeitio

Ondarroa

Berriatua

daroiat

darut

daroiet

Isg.

daroiasu

danisu

daroiesu

2sg.

daroia

daru

daroie

3sg.

daroiagu

daruagu

daroiegu ~ darogu

Ipl.

daroiasue

darusue

daroiesue ~ daroiesue

2 pi.

daroie

darue

daroie ~ daroie

3 pi.

4.3. Forms including a dative argument (both intransitive and transitive) are"
special in their accentuation. The present tense intransitive forms for a dative
argument (e.g., 'it is to me, to you', etc.) are shown in Table 30 for Lekeitio,
Ondarroa, Berriatua and Ondarroa.

Table 30. Bivalent intransitive auxiliary (present tense)

Lekeitio

Ondarroa

Berriatua

Markina

dxat

gata

(j)ate ~ (j)ate ~ aste

jate ~ jata

Isg.

dxatzu

gatzu

(j)atzu ~ (j)atzu

jatzu

2sg.

dxako

gako

(j)ak6 ~ (j)^o

jako

3sg.

dxaku

gasku

(j)aku ~ asku

jaku

Ipl.

dxatziie

gatzue

(j)atzue ~ (j)atzue

jatziie

2 pi.

dxake

gakoe

(j)akue ~ (j)akue

jakue ~ jakue

3 pi.

In Lekeitio, the forms for a 2"'' and 3"^ person plural indirect object, which
have the accented suffix l-d, predictably have penultimate accent, whereas the

HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 33

other forms have regular final accent. In Ondarroa, the three forms for a plural
indirect have fmal accent. That is, it appears that the pattern of the two forms
ending in -e has been extended to the remaining form for a plural dative. In
Berriatua and Markina fmal accentuation has been extended to all forms of the
paradigm for some speakers, but most forms optionally or variably may have
penultimate accent as well. In general, younger speakers favor fmal accent.

We find exactly the same situation with trivalent transitive forms, as shown
in Table 3 1 for Ondarroa, Berriatua and Markina.

Table 31. Trivalent transitive auxiliary (present tense)

Ondarroa

Berriatua

Markina

Gloss

emosta

emoste ~ emoste

's/he gave it to me'

emotzu

emotzu ~ emotzu

's/he gave it to you'

emotza

emotza ~ emotza

emotze ~ emotze

's/he gave it to him/her'

emosku

's/he gave it to us'

emotzue

emotzue ~ emotzue

's/he gave it to you-pl.'

emotze

emotze ~ emotzie ~
emotze

emotzie ~ emotzie

's/he gave it to them'

As shown in the table, the only form for which final accent appears to be
obligatory for all speakers is emosku 's/he gave it to us'. In Berriatua forms for a
plural argument of the type emotze 's/he gave it to them' and kendutze ~ kendutze
'they took it from them' are preferred by older speakers, whereas younger
speakers employ emotze and kendutze. Tracing the historical steps that gave rise to
the present situation in Berriatua and Markina would require a very detailed
sociohnguistic study.

4.4. There is also considerable variation in contexts where a complementizer is
attached to a verbal form.

It is to be noted that there is segmental neutralization between several pairs
of singular and plural forms when a complementizer is attached to the verb. In
Ondarroa, the complementizer -ela 'that' leaves the accent on the same syllable
that would have it in the bare form of the verb (although there appears to be some
interspeaker variation). This allows, for instance, for a contrast between
segmentally identical forms such as sdtosela 'that you-sg. are coming', from sdtos,
and satosela 'that you-pl. are coming', from satose. With the complementizers
-elako 'because' and -enin 'when', on the other hand, the contrast is neutralized.

STUDffiS IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 32:2 (FALL 2002)
Table 32. Ondarroa: Verbs with complementizers

a. -ela

you-sg. vs. you-pl.

bixar satosela esaste 'they've told me that you-sg. are coming

tomorrow' vs.

bixar satosela esaste 'they've told me that you-pl. are coming

tomorrow'

etorri sasela esaste 'they've told me that you-sg. have come' vs.

etorri sasela esaste 'they've told me that you-pl. have come'

b. -elako
sg. = pi.

you-sg. = you-pl.
bixar satoselako (aserratu re)

'(s/he has become angry) because you-sg./you-pl. are coming
tomorrow'

c. -enm

you-sg. = you-pl.

satosenin 'when you-sg./you-pl. come'

etorri sasenin 'when you-sg./you-pl. arrived'

In Markina, on the other hand, the complementizer -ela triggers final accent
when attached to an unaccented verbal form {satos, sas), but leaves the accent on a
syllable of the stem of lexically accented forms, such as those bearing plural l-d
{satosie, sane), see Table 33. Verbal forms bearing the complementizer -elako,
have the accent on the same syllable as the corresponding forms with -ela. That is,
for accentual purposes the syllable -ko of this complementizer is invisible.

Table 33. Markina: Verbs with complementizers

a. -ela

you-sg. vs. you-pl.

bixer satosela esastie 'they've told me that you-sg. are coming

tomorrow' vs.

bixer satosiela ~ satosela esastie 'they've told me that you-pl. are

coming tomorrow'

etorri sasela ~ sarille esastie 'they've told me that you have-sg. come'

vs.

etorri sariela esastie 'they've told me that you-pl. have come'

b. -elako

you-sg. vs. you-pl.

bixer satoselako (aserretu de) '(s/he has become angry) because you-
sg. are coming tomorrow' vs.

bixer satoselako (aserretu de) '(s/he has become angry) because you-
pl. are coming tomorrow'

etorri saselako ~ sarilleko 'because you-sg. have come' vs.
etorri sarielako 'because you-pl. have come'

Nevertheless, the Ondarroa option of leaving the accent on the same syllable
as in the bare form can also be used in Markina in certain cases, such as the
bivalent intransitive forms given in Table 34.

HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence
Table 34. Bivalent intransitive forms with the complementizer -(e)la

Ondarroa

Gloss

a.
b.
c.
d.

pentzaten dot es gakola gustaten
pentzaten dot es gakoela gustaten
pentzaten dot es gatzule gustaten
pentzaten dot es gatzuela gustaten

'I think s/he doesn't like it'
'I think they don't like it'
'I think you-sg. don't like it'
'I think you-pl. don't like it'

Markina & Berriatua

Gloss

a.
b.
c.
d.

pentzetot es jakola giistetan
pentzetot es jakuela gustetan
pentzetot es jatzule ~ jatzule gustetan
pentzetot es jatzuela gustetan

'I think s/he doesn't like it'
'I think they don't like it'
'I think you-sg. don't like it'
'I think you-pl. don't like it'

5. Conclusion

In this paper we have compared the accentual systems found in the region of
Ondarroa, Berriatua and Markina, focusing on aspects of variation. In the
accentuation of nominals we find a high degree of agreement across these three
varieties. Lexical accents were historically shifted to different syllables in
Ondarroa and Markina/Berriatua, but the way this shift has interacted with
different processes of syllable contraction has tended to eliminate accentual
differences between the dialects. In essence (skipping many important details),
regularization of lexical accents to the penultimate syllable in Ondarroa took place
after several processes of vowel deletion, whereas in Markina/Berriatua
regularization to the antepenultimate syllable predates these processes, some of
which are still optional. In both Markina/Berriatua and Ondarroa vowel deletion
postdates the shift from phrase-final to phrase-penultimate accent in lexically
unaccented phrases and produces final accent.

In verbal forms, on the other hand, we find much greater differences and
sometimes even opposite patterns. The accentual behavior of the different verb
forms and complementizers and the nature of both intra-speaker and cross-
dialectal variation, which we have only started to examine here, clearly requires
more detailed investigation.

REFERENCES

'Aramaio, Itziar. 2003. Berriatuko azentua. Berriatuko hiztegitxoa. Unpublished

undergraduate thesis. Univ. del Pais Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unib.
Arregi, Karlos. 2002. Focus on Basque movements. Massachusetts Institute of

Techolology, Ph.D. dissertation in Linguistics.
. (to appear). Stress and islands in Northern Bizkaian Basque. In: Hualde &

Lakarra (eds.).
Azkue, Resurreccion Maria de. 1923. Morfologia Vasca. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia.

[Reprinted en 3 vol., Bilbao, Editorial La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca, 1969].
. 1931-32. Del acento tonico vasco en algunos de sus dialectos. Euskera

4.282-318 & 6.3-50.

36 Studes in the Le^iguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

BORING, Daniel, Matthew GORDON, & Cungmin Lee (eds.). 2003. Topic and

Focus: Papers from a Workshop on Intonation and Meaning. Dordrecht:

Kluwer.
Elordieta, Gorka. 1997. Accent, tone and intonation in Lekeitio Basque. In:

Martinez-Gil & Morales-Front (eds.), 1-78.
. 2003. Constraints on intonational prominence of focalized constituents. In:

Biiring, Gordon, & Lee (eds.), 1-22.
Elordieta, Gorka, & Jose I. Hualde. 2003. Tonal and durational correlates of

accent in context of downstep in Lekeitio Basque. Journal of the

International Phonetic Association 33.195-209.
Etxebarria Ayesta, J. M. 1991. Zeberioko euskararen azentuaz. In: Lakarra

(ed.), 611-108.
Gaminde, Inaki. 1998. Euskaldunen Azentuak. Bilbo: Labayru.
GILISASTI, Inaki. 2003. Urduliz Aldeko Berba Lapikokoa: Lexico del Euskera de

Uribe Kosta. Bilbao.
GUSSENHOVEN, Carlos, & Natasha Warner (eds.). 2002. Laboratory Phonology

7. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Hualde, Jose I. 1989. Otro acento vizcaino: Getxo. Anuario del Seminario de

Filologia Vasca 'Julio de Urquijo' 23.809-17.

. 1991. Basque Phonology. London: Routledge.

. 1992. Notas sobre el sistema acentual de Zeberio. Anuario del Seminario de

Filologia Vasca 'Julio de Urquijo' 26.767-76.
. 1993a. On the historical origin of Basque accentuation. Diachronica 10.13-

50.
. 1993b. Observaciones acerca de los sistemas acentuales de la zona

occidental de Gipuzkoa. Anuario del Seminario de Filologia Vasca 'Julio de

Urquijo' 21.241-63.
. 1995. Anahsis del sistema acentual de Ondarroa. Anuario del Seminario de

Filologia Vasca 'Julio de Urquijo' 29.319-33.
. 1996. Accentuation and empty vowels in Ondarroa Basque: Against the

concept of phonological derivation. Lingua 99.197-206.
. 1997. Euskararen azentuerak. Donostia & Bilbao: Gipuzkoako Foru

Aldundia & Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea (Supplements of Anuario del

Seminario de Filologia Vasca 'Julio de Urquijo' 42).

. 1999. Basque accentuation. In Hulst (ed.), 947-93.

. 2000. On system-driven sound change: Accent shift in Markina Basque.

Lingua 110.99-129.
Hualde, Jose I., & Xabier Bilbao. 1992. A phonological study of the Basque

dialect of Getxo. Anuario del Seminario de Filologia Vasca 'Julio de

Urquijo' 26.1-ni.
. 1993. The prosodic system of the Basque dialect of Getxo: A metrical

analysis. Linguistics 31.59-85.
Hualde, Jose I., Gorka Elordieta, & Arantzazu Elordieta. 1993. Focalizacion

y prosodia en vascuence vizcaino. Anuario del Seminario de Filologia Vasca

'Julio de Urquijo' 17.731-49.

HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE 37

. 1994. The Basque Dialect of Lekeitio. Bilbo & Donostia: Univ. del Pais

Vasco & Diputacion Foral de Gipuzkoa (Supplements of Anuario del

Seminario de Filologia Vasca 'Julio de Urquijo' 34).
HuALDE Jose I., Gorka Elordieta, Inaki Gaminde, & Rajka Smiljanic. 2002.

From pitch accent to stress accent in Western Basque. In: Gussenhoven &

Warner (eds.), 547-84.
HUALDE Jose I., & Inaki Gaminde. 1998. Vowel interaction in Basque: A nearly

exhaustive catalogue. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 28:1.41-77.
HUALDE Jose I., & Joseba A. Lakarra (eds.). (to appear). Studies in Basque and

Historical Linguistics Dedicated to the Memory of R. L. Trask. Donostia/San

Sebastian: Diputacion de Gipuzkoa (Supplements oiASJU).
HuALDE, Jose I., Pello MUGARZA, & Koldo ZUAZO. 2002. The accentual system

of Mallabia Basque. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32.39-56.
HULST, Harry van der (ed.). 1999. Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of

Europe. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Jacobsen, W. 1972. Nominative-ergative synchretism in Basque. ASJU 6.67-109.
Lakarra, Joseba (ed.). 1991. Memoriae L. Mitxelena Magistri Sacrum. Donostia:

Diputacion Foral de Gipuzkoa (Supplements of Anuario del Seminario de

Filologia Vasca 'Julio de Urquijo' 14).
Mancomunidad de Lea-Artibai. 2004. Lea-Artibai. Diagnostico de

Sostenibilidad. Bilbao: Graphidaps.
Martinez-Gil, Fernando, & Alfonso Morales-Front (eds.). 1997. Issues in the

Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages. Washington,

D.C.: Georgetown University Press.
ROLLO, William. 1925. The Basque Dialect of Marquina. Amsterdam: Paris.
ROTAETXE, Karmele. 1978a. L' accent basque: Observations et hypotheses. La

Linguistique 14.55-77.

. 1978b. Estudio Estructural del Euskera de Ondarroa. Durango: L. Zugaza.

Txillardegi [Alvarez Enparantza, J.L.]. 1984. Euskal Azentuaz. Donostia-San

Sebastian: Elkar.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

KISWAHILI NAMING OF DAYS OF THE WEEK IN A WIDER
CONTEXT OF DAY NAME BORROWINGS*

Aimee Johansen

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

alnet@uiuc.edu

The days of the week in Kiswahili are a combination of words of Bantu and
Arabic origin. In standard Kiswahili, Saturday through Wednesday are
expressed as a combination of the Arabic loan word juma, literally 'week' but
here used as 'day', and a number.' After Wednesday, Kiswahili uses the Arabic
words Alhamisi and Ijumaa for 'Thursday' and 'Friday', respectively, as shown
in(l).

( 1 ) Kiswahili words for the days of the week

Word of Bantu
origin^

Gloss

Adaptation
of Arabic
borrowing

Gloss

English

Juma.mosi

'day.one'

Saturday

Juma.pili

'day. two'

Sunday

Juma.tatu

'day.three'

Monday

Juma.nne

'day.four'

Tuesday

Juma.tano

'day.five'

Wednesday

[missing:
Juma.tundatu
or Juma.sita]

Alhamisi

'the fifth
day'^

Thursday

[missing:
Juma.fungate
or Juma.saba]

Ijumaa

'the day of
congregation'

Friday

For Kihore (1997), the borrowing of Alhamisi 'Thursday' into Kiswahili
from Arabic is an anomaly, given that there is no particular importance of this

' I would like to thank UIUC student Charles LaWarre and one anonymous referee for suggestions on
this squib. All mistakes are, of course, my own.

' This pattern is common in other East African Bantu languages, with the exception that a Bantu word
is generally used, rather than juma. One such example is Shinzwani, a language classified in Guthrie's
(1967-71) classification of African languages as a Bantu G40 language, like Kiswahili. Shinzwani uses
the word mfumo 'week' plus the numbers 'one' through 'five' to form the words for Saturday through
Wednesday (Ahmed-Chamanga 1997). In both Kiswahili and Shinzwani, this pattern holds for days
one through five, with day one being the day following Friday, which is the day of prayer in Islam.
^ The word juma is borrowed from Arabic. (Its Arabic meaning is 'week'.) However, in Arabic, there is
no use of juma plus a number to make the names for days of the week.

' Translations for Alhamisi and Ijumaa are borrowed from Kihore (1997). The Middle Eastern week
calendar system is numeric, with the exception of Aj-Jumaa 'Friday' ('the day of congregation').
Arabic A l-Khamiis 'Thursday' literally means 'the fifth day', whereas in the Kiswahili calendar, it is
actually day six (Kihore 1997). The result is that Kiswahili literally has two day fives.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

day in the Muslim week. However, this borrowing might be better understood
in the broader context of borrowing with respect to seven-day calendar week
systems. Brown (1989) studied words for days of the week in 145 languages in
cultures that have a seven-day week, mostly through diffusion by Christian
groups. For this reason, there is a focus on Sunday as the day of worship, rather
than Friday. Brown found that languages were most likely to borrow the word
for Sunday, followed by Saturday, then Friday and Monday, and then the other
days of the week. Brown cites frequencies of words for the days of the week in
six European languages, whose speakers have traditionally been Christian, in
which Sunday was the most salient (i.e., frequently referred to) day, followed
closely by Saturday.'*

In Shaba Kiswahili (spoken in the Democratic Republic of Congo),
whose speakers are mainly Christian, we see the salience of Saturday and
Sunday in the fact that they do not follow the pattern exhibited by the other
days of the week, as demonstrated in (2). In Shaba, Saturday and Sunday are
days six and seven, respectively, in contrast to days six and seven being
Thursday and Friday in the standard Kiswahili week.

(2) Days of the week in Shaba Kiswahili^

Shaba Kiswahili

Gloss English

Shiku ya mposho

'day of weekly ration'

Saturday

Shiku ya mungu/yenga

'day of God'

Sunday

Kazi moya

'work one'

Monday

Kazi mbiri

'work two'

Tuesday

Kazi tarn

'work three'

Wednesday

Kazi ine

'work four'

Thursday

Kazi tano

'work five'

Friday

Brown's (1989) work on seven-day week systems demonstrates the
tendency of languages spoken in areas where Christianity is the predominant
religion to set apart not only Sunday, but also Saturday, from the other days. In
this context, we should not be surprised by the special salience of both
Thursday and Friday in standard Kiswahili, which is based on the Kiswahili
spoken on the predominantly Muslim island of Zanzibar. Nor should we be
surprised by the resulting adoption of Ijuniaa 'Friday' and Alhamisi 'Thursday'
by Kiswahili. Thursday would share in the cultural salience of Friday in the

■* The special salience of Saturday is probably increased in European countries by the fact that most
people's work week does not include Saturday, although this is a relatively recent phenomenon, as
pointed out by an anonymous referee. This may be a contributing factor in the languages that Brown
(1989) studies as well, but this is not discussed. The facts of Shaba Kiswahili would seem to support
this notion. Unfortunately, it is difficult to tease apart the religious importance of Sunday and the
salience it lends to Saturday from the fact that these two days are also not included in the standard
work week in many places, even if this is a relatively recent phenomenon.

'These are the names for the days of the week given in Kapanga (1991:321). The word kazi Is the word
for 'work', indicating that these are the workdays. Siku ox shiku is the word for 'day', distinguishing
Saturday and Sunday from the workdays. Kaji (1985:321-2) gives siku where Kapanga lists kazi in the
words for 'Monday' through 'Friday', although it is indicated that sikuya kazi 'day of work' is another
option.

Johansen: Kiswahili Naming of Days of the Week 41

same way that Saturday draws from the cuhural importance of Sunday in
predominantly Christian cultures.

Indeed, we can look to Shinzwani (Ahmed-Chamanga 1997), for
evidence of the salience of Thursday in a Bantu language. Shinzwani, a Bantu
language spoken on the predominantly Muslim island of Nzwani (or Anjouan)
in the Comoro Islands, uses Djumwa or Djimwa for Friday, borrowed from
Arabic. However, the native Shinzwani word used for Thursday, Yahoa, is
derived from the verb -hoa, meaning 'wash up'. The implication is that the day
before Friday is important because it is the day that one washes up in
preparation for the day of prayer. The special salience of Thursday and Friday
are demonstrated in the fact that they break from the pattern that holds for the
other days of the week, namely the use of mfumo 'week' plus a number (see
footnote 2).

Within this context of the salience of both the day of prayer and the day
before, both in Christian cultures and Muslim cultures, we can better
understand why Kiswahili borrowed both Ijumaa 'Friday' and Alhamisi
'Thursday' from Arabic. In the seven-day week, both days six and seven take
on special importance.

REFERENCES

Ahmed-Chamanga, Mohamed. 1997. Dictionnaire frangais-comorien

(dialecte shindzuani). Paris: L'Harmattan.
Brown, Cecil H. 1989. Naming the days of the week: A cross-language study

of lexical acculturation. Current Anthropology 30.536-50.
Guthrie, Malcolm. 1967-71. Comparative Bantu: An Introduction to the

Comparative Linguistics and Prehistory of the Bantu Languages.

Famborough: Gregg International Publishers.
KaJI, Shigeki. 1985. Deux mille phrases de swahili tel qu'il se parle au Zaire.

(African Languages and Ethnography, XIX.) Tokyo: Institute for the

Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA).
Kapanga, Mwamba Tshishiku. 1991. Language variation and change: A case

study of Shaba Swahili. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign,

Ph.D. dissertation in Linguistics.
KiHORE, Yared Magori. 1997. Kiswahili naming of the days of the week: What

went wrong? Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 51.151-6.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

ENGLISH/SPANISH LANGUAGE CONTACT ON THE INTERNET:
LINGUISTIC BORROWING OF MANY STRIPES

Regina Morin

The College of New Jersey

rmorin@tcnj.edu

Spanish/English contact on the Internet is not a traditional situation of
geographical language contact, but the resulting language change can
be analyzed within the framework of a traditional analysis of linguistic
borrowing. While English lexical items are entering Spanish Internet
language at an unprecedented rate, there is an increasing tendency for
Spanish to find or create, in a number of different ways, expressions
that conform to Spanish linguistic patterns, rather than continuing to
simply use English terminology. The observable results of
Spanish/English language contact on the Internet are examined here
and classified as loanwords, borrowings, loan translations, semantic
caiques, and loan blends.

1. Introduction

Language contact has generally been thought of as the geographical 'impinging
of linguistic groups upon the territory of other linguistic groups' (Macaulay
1982:203). Indeed, a great number of studies have considered Spanish/English
contact in the United States (e.g., Timm 1975, Sobin 1982, Daiuta 1984, Otheguy,
Garcia & Fernandez 1989, Silva-Corvalan 1994, Toribio 2002), French and
English in francophone areas of Canada (Poplack, Sankoff & Miller, 1988; Palmer
& Harris 1990, Grant-Russell 1999), or Gaelic and English in Scotland (Macaulay
1982). However, Macaulay (1982) reminds us that 'some situations of contact are
of a different kind altogether' (1982:204). Martin (1998), for example, examines
French/English language mixing as it appears in written French advertising,
focusing on code-mixing and code-switching in written material. The case of
Spanish/English language contact on the Internet is another situation that differs
altogether from the traditional idea of geographically motivated language contact
and change. Soler (1997:61), in discussing the role of the Spanish language on
the Internet writes:

La territorialidad ya no es el unico factor vinculado a la creacion de
espacios culturales y de comunicacion. Estos empiezan a ser
independientes de los territorios fisicos.

'Territoriality is no longer the only factor linked to the creation of
cultural and communicative spaces. These are beginning to be

44 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

independent of physical territories.'

Spanish/English contact on the Internet, and the resulting language change,
defy easy classification for a number of reasons. Fu^t, this is not a traditional
geographical situation of language contact, and it is not at all clear that we are
dealing with a traditional bilingual speech community. In addition, EngUsh lexical
items are entering Spanish Internet language at an unprecedented rate, but in
different ways. For example, /«?e/72er, raton 'mouse', and salvapantallas 'screen
saver' are all lexical items that are commonly used in Spanish to talk about
computers and the Internet, but each is a borrowing of a different type. Finally,
while some borrowings are clearly already undergoing integration into the
Spanish language, even appearing in Spanish language dictionaries, others are
still very clearly flagged as foreign items. Such flagging can be carried out
through the maintenance of source language orthography or accentuation, the
use of quotation marks or italics, or some kind of metalinguistic commentary
(Grant-Russell 1999).

2. Language in cyberspace

There is nascent interest in what Timofeeva (2001:199) calls 'the linguistic issue
[of] language in cyberspace....', accompanied by a still small body of research on
different aspects of the subject. Soler (1997) laments what he sees as a patrimonial
reticence with respect to the diffusion of Spanish and Hispanic language and
culture on the Internet. He points to the fact that 85% of Latino content servers
were in the United States at the time of writing, and that a large part of the
Spanish language presence on the Web is due to private rather than corporate or
institutional initiatives. In a more optimistic vein, Piiiol (1999) analyzes some
recent lexical innovations in Spanish Internet language, and points out that there
is an increasing tendency for Spanish to find or create expressions that conform
to Spanish linguistic patterns, rather than continuing to simply use English
terminology. Piiiol (2000) explores the usefulness of Spanish language e-mail,
discussion lists and web sites for the Spanish FL classroom. Timofeeva (2001)
examines Russian Internet language and details many Hnguistic innovations that
are leading to the establishing of a new cyber- or hybridized Web language. She
argues that the influence of a global network with its computer terminology in
EngUsh, and Web-texts standards based on new units and models of language
has created a new Web language in Russian that lies somewhere between
'classical hterary language', on the one hand, and 'plain or street language', on
the other.

Many of the innovations Timofeeva identifies in Russian Internet language
can also be found in Spanish Internet language. Such innovations include a lack
of traditional punctuation, or special web usage of traditional punctuation. Some
examples in Spanish can be found at http://www.nazcanet.com/e-jobs/, where the
advertising banner with the message Ya no es .complicado 'It's not so
.complicated anymore' incorporates the dot com (.com) extension as part of the
word complicado, or at http://www.enel.net/rumbodiario/, where the name of the
site is enelpunt%net, and punto appears only as a period (dot) in the URL.

Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 45

Another characteristic of Russian Internet language is a greater hnguistic freedom
in speUing, such as a specialized use of capital letters. An example of this in
Spanish is found at http://www.tuGUeb.com, described as the portal or website
for Gaceta Universitaria, a web publication directed at a young pubhc in general,
and at university students in particular. In addition to the graphic manipulation of
capital letters that connects the web address to the name of the publication, this
particular URL disregards Spanish spelling conventions. The graphemic
combinations <gue> and <gui> in Spanish are pronounced /ge/ and /gi/. They are
pronounced /gue/ and /gui/ only when spelled with the umlaut as in vergiienza
'shame' or linguista 'linguist', but there is no doubt that this web site is called
/tu-giieb/ 'your Web', a pronunciation that reflects a common allophonic
variation of /w/ (e.g., hueso 'bone' can be pronounced [we-so] or [gue-so], where
[w] is the voiced bilabial spht-fricative consonant, often allophonically
strengthened to [g], and [u] is a high back ghde). In the area of lexis, some
innovations in Russian Internet language include the use of current keywords as
a basis for word formation (e.g., Hhtcphct 'Internet' > HHTcpHCTHsaLtHH
'Intemetization'), compounding (e.g., HHTepHcx-KynbTypa 'Internet culture'),
blendings such as CcTHKex 'netiquette', based on Cctb 'net' + Sthkct
'etiquette', and semantic neologisms, whereby an existing word acquires a new
web meaning that differs from its standard meaning. In Spanish Internet language,
in addition to the widespread use of blendings based on international (English)
Internet vocabulary found in Russian Internet language, there are certain loan
blends that are specific to Spanish language web sites, such as those found on the
Ecuadorian server http://www4.ecua.net.ee/, which makes abundant use of links
such as ecuapaging, ecuaforos, ecuachat, and ecuacards. Other blends are
strictly Spanish, such as publitotal from publicidad 'advertising'+ total, part of
the name of a Uruguayan server (UruguayTotal.com).

3. Language contact in cyberspace: A case of code-switching?

One language contact phenomenon that has been explored in great detail is
code-switching, described by Timm (1975:473) as:

that preeminently biUngual mode of communication characterized by
frequent shifts from one language to the other, (typically without
phonological interference) throughout the flow of natural
conversation.

While many language contact situations can be analyzed in terms of code-
switching vs. borrowing, I would argue that such is not the case for
Spanish/English contact on the Internet. One reason is that the motivations for
code-switching are largely extralinguistic, and that code-switching serves as a
device for indicating personal feehngs, as a response to the speaker's assessment
of his or her interlocutor on various levels, or as a reflection of ethnic identity
(Timm 1975, Toribio 2002). The use of EngUsh in Spanish language Internet texts,
on the other hand, answers to a much narrower necessity, and can more fruitfully
;be considered a case of transfer, that serves as 'a means of correcting the
inadequacies of a lexicon' (Weinreich 1967:31). A further consideration is that

46 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

code-switching is traditionally found and analyzed in spoken language (cf.
Martin 1998). Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988) use a complex set of criteria to
argue that it is possible to distinguish between single-word switches and single-
word borrowings in the speech of bilinguals, while Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez
(1989) make this distinction based solely on phonological integration of single-
word items: single word switches in the speech of the Cuban Americans
participating in their study preserve English phonology, while single-word
borrowings are phonologically integrated into Spanish. While the phonological
aspect of language contact is central to virtually all existing research on both
code-switching and other contact phenomena (cf. Grant-Russell 1999),
communication on the Internet is accomplished primarily through written means
(even in chat rooms and through instant messaging), so it is extremely difficult to
establish the level of phonological integration of English items, single- or multiple-
word, that appear in Spanish Internet language. Even so, it seems safe to assume
that, as in other cases of linguistic borrowing, phonological integration of English
terms used in Spanish language Internet texts becomes more complete as the
social integration of the loanword proceeds, and that phonological integration is
in part a function of the bilingual ability of the speaker (Haugen 1950; Poplack,
Sankoff & Miller 1988). Monolingual Spanish speakers or those with low
proficiency in English most likely show a strong tendency to assimilate Internet
language borrowings into Spanish phonology while more proficient English
speakers tend to assimilate less to Spanish phonological patterns. A fmal
consideration is that Spanish Internet language is global by its very nature, and
cannot be analyzed as the mode of communication of any specific language
community. Therefore, as implied above, producers and consumers of Spanish
Internet language probably include English/Spanish bilinguals as well as
monoUngual Spanish speakers. Code-switching by definition is a linguistic
behavior found among bilingual speakers. On the other hand, in the case of
linguistic borrowing, it is a bihngual speaker who introduces a new loanword, but
once the loanword gains a certain currency in the host language it will be picked
up and used even by the monolingual speaker as the borrowed item loses its
status as a foreign word (Haugen 1950). Myers Scotton (1990), following
Gibbons (1987:70) points out that borrowing typically requires only a
monolingual competence. The observed results of Spanish/EngHsh contact on the
Internet can be more accurately described in terms of linguistic borrowings of
various kinds, rather than as a situation of code-switching.

4. Contact phenomena: linguistic borrovdngs of many stripes

According to Weinreich (1967) the most common form of borrowing is the
outright transfer of single-word items or unanalyzed compounds from one
language to another, resulting in a loanword. The term loanword is used in this
sense in much of the research on language contact. For Daiuta (1984) loanwords
result when speakers transfer both form and content from the source language to
the recipient language, with concomitant phonological and morphological
adaptation (e.g., Spanish lonchar from 'to have lunch'; troca or troque from
'truck'). Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez (1989) call these simply single-word

Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 47

borrowings (as opposed to single- word switches), and in Silva-Corvalan's (1994)
terminology, they are single-word loans. Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988:52)
make a distinction between lexical borrowing on the one hand, and loanwords on
the other:

Lexical borrowing involves the incorporation of individual L2 words
(or compounds functioning as single words) into discourse of LI, the
host or recipient language, usually phonologically and
morphologically adapted to conform with the patterns of that
language, and occupying a sentence slot dictated by its syntax. The
status "loanword", however, is traditionally conferred only on words
which, in addition, recur relatively frequently, are widely used in the
speech community, and have achieved a certain level of recognition or
acceptance, if not normative approval...

Palmer and Harris appear to make the same distinction, and refer to integration, or
'the acceptance of a word or phrase originating in another language by a
language community as part of its language' (1990:81).

The loanword is not only the most common form of linguistic borrowing. It
is also the only observed result of borrowing that can be defined more or less
straightforwardly based on the existing hterature. Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez
(1989:43) summarize the problem:

The study of modeUng, which Weinreich defined as the use of the
influenced language's own elements in a manner that replicates, or
models, features of the influencing language, is beset with
terminological and conceptual difficulties. The terms caique, semantic
loan, semantic extension, loan shift, and loan translation have all been
in circulation for many decades, aU referring essentially to the same
modeling phenomenon.

The problem is actually more complicated, since these terms appear to describe the
same thing, when really, they do not. Both loan translation and caique are
generally defined as the transferring of meaning without forms, or as 'the transfer
of language X content alone, using the forms of language Y to render the
content' (Daiuta 1984:72). However, an important distinction is missing. If we
look at the examples in Haugen (1950) and Weinreich (1967), it becomes
apparent that a loan translation creates a new lexical item in the recipient
language to refer to a previously unnamed item or concept, for example, when
Spanish uses the words rasca+cielos to render the same meaning as the English
forms 'sky'-(-'scraper'. Weinrich (1967:50) considers the loan translation to be a
'reproduction in terms of equivalent native words', where the model can be
reproduced exactly (Spanish rascacielos from EngUsh 'skyscraper'), or less
exactly (a loan rendition such as German Wolkenkratzer 'cloud scraper' from
English 'skyscraper'), or where a new coinage is created based on a stimulus in
the model language (a loan creation, for example, Yiddish mitkind (literally
'fellow child'), based on English 'sibling'). The use of the label 'caique' in
Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez (1989), and Silva-Corvalan (1994) captures the

48 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

difference between a caique and a loan translation. Silva-Corvalan defines single-
word caiques as:

the transferring of meanings into an already existing lexical item (e.g.,
parientes 'relatives' extends its meaning to incorporate the meaning
of English pare«/5...) (1994: 171)

Silva-Corvalan gives other examples such as aplicacion 'application' in the
sense of making a request (Spanish solicitud), grados, for school 'grades'
(Spanish notas), and carpeta for 'carpet' (Spanish alfombra or moqueta). These
examples clearly point out the difference between a loan translation and a caique.
A loan translation creates a new lexical item, whereas a caique transfers a foreign
meaning onto an already existing lexical item. This use of the term caique appears
to coincide with Haugen's (1950) semantic loan, in which no formal structural
elements are transferred, only meaning, and the new meaning is the only visible
evidence of borrowing.

The last term that is of import here is loan blend, described by Haugen
(1950:214) as a word where 'only part of the phonemic shape of the word has
been imported, while a native portion has been substituted for the rest'. Haugen
gives the example of Pennsylvania German [blaumSpai], based on American
English 'plum pie'. Here the speaker analyzed the compound into its constituent
morphemes, and made a partial substitution.

5. The current study

To compile the lists of lexical items analyzed in this study, I consulted a large
number of Spanish language servers, online newspapers and dictionaries. See
Appendix A for a complete listing of servers and websites consulted. The home
pages, navigating and clicking words, privacy policies, legal notices, terms of
service, FAQ's, and e-mail and chat registration forms from servers based in Spain
and nine Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America yielded many examples of
linguistic borrowing. I repeatedly consulted thirty onHne newspapers from Spain
and countries in Latin America, most of which are also published in print, and
found that many have sections dedicated to science, technology, and the Internet,
which also make use of many borrowed lexical items. However, some Internet-
related lexical items are undergoing a certain degree of integration and diffusion
beyond the Internet, and have achieved word list status. In addition, such lexical
items are not relegated only to special technology sections, but are finding their
way into front page news items, as seen in the following examples:

(1) a. El vertiginoso ascenso del precandidato democrata Howard
Dean es un buen ejemplo de como hacer "ruido" en Internet.
'The meteoric rise of the democratic candidate Howard Dean is a
good example of how to make "noise" on the Internet'.
(http://www.clarin.com/diario/2003/07/ll/t-587348.htm)

b. En los ultimos anos, Google.com se ha convertido en el
buscador de Internet mas popular en el mundo, y es que
regularmente da excelentes resultados si sabes buscar bien.

Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 49

Pues bien, Google fue hackeada....

'In recent years, Google.com has become the most popular

Internet search engine in the world, and it regularly gives

excellent results if you know how to do a good search. Well,

Google was hacked...'

(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html)

c. Sin embargo, en este caso pocos son los que se atreven a
recurrir a las autoridades federates ya que, como senalo uno
de los "webmasters" a la revista "Wired" ...
'However, in these cases few dare to go to the federal authorities,
as was pointed out by one of the webmasters for the magazine
Wired...'
(http://www.abc.es).

In what follows, the observable results of Spanish/English language contact
on the Internet will be examined and classified using the following terms, defined
in the preceding section: loanwords, borrowing, loan translation, semantic caique,
and loan blend.

5.1. Loanwords

If following Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988) we use dictionary attestations as
one gauge of acceptance of a linguistic borrowing, a number of forms can already
be classified as loanwords. Technically, only accepted borrowings are loanwords,
but a number of loan translations and semantic caiques have also recently
achieved word list status. A comparison of the twenty-first print edition of the
Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (Real Academia Espafiola 1992) and the
twenty-second edition (2001) that appears online gives an idea of how rapidly
some Internet terminology is becoming integrated into the Spanish language as a
whole. The online version, which like all previous print editions has been
compiled with the collaboration of sister Academias in Latin America, North
America and the Philippines, has added 10,000 new lexical items, more than
24,000 new acceptations, and more than 3,000 phrases and expressions. Only
two of the forms {raton 'mouse' and disco duro 'hard drive') that appear in the
twenty-second edition online appear in the print edition from 1992. This means
that most of the items that have attained word list status have done so roughly in
the last ten years. The terms that appear in the twenty-second edition of the
Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola follow:

(2) a. Fully accepted borrowings: ciberespacio, hardware, software,
die, hypertexto, web, modem, pixel;

b. Loan translations: buzon electronico 'electronic mailbox',
correo electronico 'e-mail', disco duro 'hard drive', pdgina web
'web page';

c. Semantic caiques: (anti)virus, ventana 'window', navegar
'browse', aplicacion '(web) application', raton 'mouse'.

The terms {anti)virus, ciberespacio, hardware, software, modem, pixel.

50 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

correo electronico, disco duro, and ventana also appear in the Diccionario
General de la Lengua Espanola VOX online (Spes Editorial 2000). Some
loanwords show clear (but inconsistent) signs of integration into Spanish through
regular morphological processes, or through phonological and orthographic
assimilation to Spanish. The definitions of hardware and software in the
Diccionario General de la Lengua Espanola VOX online also include the
information 'Se pronuncia yarJwer', and 'Se pronuncia softuer , giving us some
idea of the phonological adaptation that the terms are undergoing. In this
dictionary, the words modem and pixel appear with no written accent, but they
appear as modem and pixel in the online Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola
(Real Academia Espanola 2001), and on a regular basis, as modem, pixel, and
pixeles, also with a written accent and with a plural form that conforms to
Spanish patterns of plural word formation (-5 if the word ends in a vowel, -es if it
ends in a consonant) in the advertising section of the print edition of the Spanish
newspaper El Pais. On many websites we find the word click, which appears as
haz click, haga click or hace click, depending on the dialectal variation involved,
with the Enghsh spelling, or as die, with a simplification of the EngUsh <ck>
orthographic cluster. In still other cases, the command forms clique aqui 'click
here' or cliquea aqui (http://www.ahijuna.com.ar/info/herramientas/) are attested,
with standard Spanish orthography even though there is no verb form clicar or
cliquear in the 1992 print edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua EspaHola, the
2001 online edition, or the 2000 Diccionario General de la Lengua Espanola
VOX online.

5.2. Unintegrated borrowing

Borrowing, as we have seen, is the outright transfer of both form and content of
single-word items or unanalyzed compounds. In Spanish Internet language,
though not in Spanish in general, this definition must be extended to include the
use of abbreviation by initials. Piiiol (1999) points out that normally in Spanish,
abbreviation by initials will reflect Spanish word order, for example, IMF
(International Monetary Fund) in Enghsh, but FMI {Fondo Monetario
Internacional) in Spanish. However, this does not happen in Spanish Internet
language, where English word order is maintained in abbreviation by initials.
Pinol offers many examples of this, including:

(3) a. FTP not PTF {Protocolo de Transferencia de Ficheros)

b. HTML not LMHT (Lenguaje de Marcado de HiperTexto)

c. URL not LUR {Localizador Universal de Recursos)

Pinol also includes a listing of blendings such as ciberespacio which are
phonologically adapted to Spanish, but maintain English word order. These must
also be considered borrowings, since it appears that the blending takes place in
EngUsh, and then the unanalyzed blended form is transferred to Spanish in both
form and content. This would explain why Enghsh word order is maintained.
Some of these include:

(4) a. ciberespacio 'cyberspace' from 'cybernetic space'

Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 51

b. e-mail from 'electronic mail'

c. emoticon 'emoticon' from 'emotional icon'

Some of the more common borrowings that appear on Spanish language
servers and web sites are listed below. None of these appear in the Diccionario
de la Lengua Espahola 1992 print edition, the 2001 online edition, or the 2000
Diccionario General de la Lengua Espanola VOX online. For a more complete
listing, see Appendix B.

(5) banners
cookies
chat

click/clic (doble clic
hacker/hacking
home/home-page
(la) Internet
links
login

messenger
online

spam/spamming/anti-spam
World Wide Web

It is curious to note that the word Internet, which appears even in scholarly
publications in Spanish (Soler 1997, Piiiol 1999, 2000), is not listed in the
dictionary.

The borrowings that appear here are used on any number of web sites, but
very often they are flagged as foreign terms in some way. This appears to be, at
times a function of the website, and at others, a function of the word. For
example, the Spanish print newspaper ABC is known to be politically
conservative, and to use a quite formal style of language. In the legal notice of the
online edition (http://www.abc.es), many borrowed terms are flagged as foreign,
and some doubly so through the use of quotation marks as well as metalinguistic
commentary (e.g., mediante la tecnica denominada "framing" 'through the
technique called "framing"', mediante la tecnica denominada "in line linking"
'through the technique called "in line linking'"). In other cases, it appears that it
is the term itself that leads to flagging. Some terms such as 'cookies' are so
unassimilated that they even lead to some confusion in the assignment of gender.
For example, in their privacy policies, many websites such as
http://www.bacan.com refer to una cookie and las cookies (fem.), but
http://www.univision.com refers to the feminine una "cookie" o galleta, and in
the same paragraph, to masculine plural estos "cookies". The privacy policy of
Clarin, an Argentinean print and online newspaper (http://www.clarin.com),
informs readers that:

Los Cookies [masc] son pequehas piezas de informacion
transferidas por el sitio Web 'cookies are small pieces of information
transferred by the Website...'

52 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988) found that gender assignment is made very
consistently quite early in the process of integration, so we can assume that terms
like 'cookies' have been borrowed into Spanish Internet language, but are
nowhere near being considered as part of the lexical stock of the majority of
Spanish speakers.

In many cases borrowed items are used along with Spanish terms that
denote the same thing. For example, on the home page for http://www.ozu.es, the
message is 'Estas en: Home', but on other pages the link to return to the home
page is Ozu pagina de inicio. At http://www.mexicoglobaI.com/pagina_inicio/ the
following message appears:

Si utiliza otro browser elija el navegador (browser) que estd
utilizando actualmente para recibir instrucciones. 'If you use
another browser choose the browser that you currently use to receive
instructions.'

Likewise, the term correo electronico and 'e-mail' are used interchangeably on
many web sites. On http://www.ozu.es, the user is directed to chequear tu correo
'check your mail' or follow the command accede a tu correo 'access your mail',
but if the user does not have an account, in order to create a user profile it is
necessary to provide an alternate e-mail address or mail altemativo, where one
can be notified upon receiving a message:

Selecciona "Activa Notificacion" si deseas recibir un aviso en tu
mail alternativo cada vez que recibas un e-mail. 'Choose "Activate
Notification" if you want to receive notification through your
alternate e-mail address every time you receive an e-mail.'

While many borrowings are still marked as foreign, others are already
showing signs of integration into Spanish through regular morphological
processes. The borrowing chat, for example, exists as a related noun form, chateo,
and as a verb, chatear. The borrowed form hacker habitually appears even in
news items, and has a number of related forms, including related nouns and
conjugated verbs, as seen in the following examples:

(6) a. Detienen a un hacker...
'a hacker was arrested...'
(http://www.clarin.com/diario/hoy/umym-587829.htm)

b. Un hombre de 31 ahos hacked...
'A 31 year old man hacked...'
(http://www.clarin.com/diario/hoy/um/m-587829.htm)

c. Una hackeadita a Google
'a little hacking at Google'
(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html)

d. Google fue hackeada...
'Google was hacked...'
(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html)

Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 53

e. El hackeofue hecho por un ingles...

'the hacking was done by an Englishman...'
(http://www.cnienUnea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html)

f. Ademds de esta busqueda hackeada, existe otra...
'In addition to this hacked search, there is another...'
(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html).

To summarize, what is clear is that among these borrowings, there are
degrees of integration. On one end of the scale, the borrowed form Internet does
not appear in the dictionary, but it does regularly appear in news items and in
scholarly writing (Soler 1997, Pinol 1999, 2000), and is very seldom flagged as
foreign. In addition, it is always feminine {la Internet) when it is assigned gender.
This consistency in gender assignment indicates that it already has a certain
currency in the word stock of many Spanish speakers. In the middle are
expressions like chat and hacker that have undergone morphological
innovations. And at the other extreme are the many expressions like cookies that
are still considered quite foreign and are habitually flagged as such through
orthography, the use of quotation marks or italics, or some kind of metalinguistic
commentary, alone or in combination.

5.3. Loan translations

As explained above, a loan translation here means the use of Spanish forms to
render the content of English, thereby creating a new lexical item in Spanish. All
the items that appear here were created to name Internet related things and
concepts that were previously unnamed in Spanish. A fuller listing can be found
in Appendix B, but a representative sample appears below:

(7) archivos adjuntos 'attachments'
barra de herramientas 'tool bar'
correo electronico 'e-mail'
corrector ortografico 'spell check'
disco duro 'hard drive'
espacio cibemetico 'cyberspace'
hipervinculos 'hyperlinks'
mapa del sitio 'sitemap'

mensaje/mensajeria instantaneo/a 'instant message/messaging'
pancartas publicitarias 'banners'
periodico electronico 'online newspaper'
pirata informatico 'hacker'
programacion de terceros 'branded programming'
salvapantallas 'screen saver'

As indicated above, buzon electronico, correo electronico, disco duro, and
pdgina web already appear in the 2001 online edition of the Diccionario de la
Lengua Espahola (Real Academia Espaiiola), disco duro appears in the 1992
print edition, and correo electronico and disco duro, appear in the 2000
Diccionario General de la Lengua Espahola VOX online.

54 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

5.4. Semantic caiques

Recall that a semantic caique involves the transfer only of meaning, and the new
meaning is the only visible evidence of borrowing (Haugen 1950). So in all the
examples that follow, no new lexical items are created, but lexical items that
already existed in Spanish have acquired a new meaning, copied or calqued from
English lexical items. In the case of those that already appear in the dictionary, it
is easy to see that existing words have taken on new meaning. For example, in
the 1992 print edition of the Diccionario de la lengua espanola, the word
ventana 'window' is defined as 'the elevated opening left in a wall for
ventilation and light; the pieces of wood and glass used to close such an opening;
each opening in the nose'. None of its related figurative expressions refers to
information technology. In the 2001 online edition of the dictionary, ventana has
the same definitions as before, in addition to a new meaning:

Espacio delimitado en la pantalla de un ordenador, cuyo contenido
puede manejarse independientemente del resto de la pantalla 'A
delimited area on a computer screen, whose content can be
manipulated independently of the rest of the screen'.

Likewise, navegar 'navigate' has the meanings:

'to travel by water on a ship or vessel; to make the ship or vessel move
forward; by analogy, to travel by air in a balloon, airplane or other
vehicle',

in addition to figurative meanings that have no relation to information
technology. In the 2001 online edition of the Diccionario de la lengua
espanola, the word navegar has the new meaning: Desplazarse a traves de una
red informdtica 'to move from one place to another through an information
network', i.e., to browse. The following are representative examples of semantic
caiques found in Spanish Internet language. A more complete Usting appears in
Appendix B:

(8) buscador 'search engine'
cargar 'upload'

descargar 'to download'/descargas 'downloads'
dominio 'domain'

navegar 'to browse'/navegador 'browser'/navegacion 'browsing'
pagina 'page'
raton 'mouse'
ventana 'window'
servidor 'server'

In Spanish Internet language, there are also examples of existing Spanish
words that appear to be caiques but are not, for example, busqueda 'search'.
Such words do not take on new meanings, but rather extend their traditional
meanings to a new area. The Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (Real
Academia Espaiiola 1992) lists busqueda with the definition

busca, accion de buscar. U. con frecuencia en los archivos y escribanias

Morin: Engush/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 55

'search, action of searching. Frequently used in archives and court clerks'
offices'.

On the Internet, the meaning of busqueda remains the same, but it is
extended to include electronic archives. It is not a caique, an already
existing item with a new meaning, but rather a semantic extension, a lexical
item whose traditional meaning is extended to cover more ground. Other
words that might be included in this group are clave 'password', charlas
'chat', contrasena 'password', /oro 'forum', membresia 'membership', and
pldticas 'chat'. Membresia is attested in the Spanish of Ecuador, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and Panama. Interestingly, it does
not appear in the 1992 print edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua
Espanola, but it does appear in the 2001 online edition.

5.5. Loan blends

In a loan blend, part of the phonemic shape of the word is imported, while a
native portion has been substituted for the rest, that is, a compound is analyzed
into its constituent morphemes, and a partial substitution is made. There are few in
Spanish Internet language, and most appear to use proper names in Spanish as the
native portion of the blend, as shown by the following examples:

(9) ecuanet (Ecuadorian server)

ecuapaging (paging services on Ecuadorian Server)
ecuaforos (forums on Ecuadorian server)
ecuachat (chat rooms on Ecuadorian server)
ecuacards (online greeting cards on Ecuadorian server)
clarinmail (e-mail associated with Argentinean online newspaper

Clarin)
Ambitoweb (website for Ambito Financier©)

6. Conclusions

Spanish/English contact on the Internet is far from what we traditionally consider
a language contact situation. Nonetheless, it is possible to look at this virtual
language contact situation, and use traditional tools to analyze the recurrent
borrowing phenomena that are found across a large number of Spanish language
servers and web pages. Just as in traditional language contact, loanwords and
borrowing are the most common phenomena, but there are also examples of loan
translations, semantic caiques and loan blends. In addition, Internet language
borrowings undergo integration in much the same way as borrowings in
traditional contact situations, by consistently occupying the correct syntactic slot
in a sentence, by receiving consistent gender assignment, by adapting to
phonological and morphological patterns of the recipient language, by
conforming to the orthographic patterns of the recipient language, and by
appearing in written texts without any of the flagging devices that indicate
awareness of the foreign status of a lexical item.

The study of Spanish/English contact on the Internet provides a rich field

56 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

for future research. First, this study examines only written texts, without delving
into the level and rate of phonological integration of foreign lexical items for
bilingual and monolingual speakers. In addition it does not consider whether
items from Spanish Internet language that have achieved a certain level of
integration have done so across the board, or if age, education, sex, social class,
and familiarity with English have an effect on the willingness or ability of Spanish
speakers to use such borrowed lexical items. Finally, it has been shown above
that the rate of integration of borrowed lexical terms is inconsistent. Some lexical
items have acquired word list status very rapidly, appearing in scholarly
publications, Spanish language dictionaries, and online and print newspapers,
with morphological, phonological and orthographic adaptations, while others are
still quite far from being considered in any way Spanish. Except in the case of
die or cliquea, modem and pixel, even in the case of borrowed lexical items that
appear in the dictionary, or that already have a number of related forms, the
orthography is still very much foreign, even though the phonology is showing
signs of conforming to Spanish sound patterns (recall the spelling pronunciations
of 'hardware' ijdrduer) and 'software' (softuer) offered by the VOX online
dictionary), and word families are being created through conventional Spanish
derivation. Since language change is occurring very rapidly in this situation it
may be possible in a very short time to document the adaptation to Spanish
patterns of orthography, morphology and phonology of English language
Internet lexis. The study of Spanish/English contact on the Internet will provide
us with as fertile a field for observing and documenting language change as has
the geographical contact that has resulted in so much research on traditional
Spanish/EngUsh contact situations.

Morin: Engush/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 57

APPENDIX A
SPANISH LANGUAGE SERVERS AND WEBSITES CONSULTED

(1) Servers and portals
http://bacan.com (Ecuador)
http://wwwl.ecua.net.ec (Ecuador)

http://www.tuGueb.com (portal for Gaceta Universitaria - Spain)
http://www.ozu.es (Spain)

http://www.terra.es (Spain and International)
http://cnienlinea.com (Mexico)
http://www.univision.com (Mexico)
http://www.esmas.coni/televisahome (Mexico)
http://www.rcp.net.pe (Peru)
http://www.terra.com.ar (Argentina)
http://www.yagua.com (Paraguay)
http://www.chilebusca.cl (Chile)
http://www.buscaniguas.com.sv (El Salvador)
http://us.uruguaytotal.com (Uruguay)
http://www.auyantepui.com (Venezuela)
http://espanol.yahoo.com (Yahoo U.S. in Spanish)
http://ar.yahoo.com (Yahoo Argentina)
http://mx.yahoo.com (Yahoo Mexico)

(2) Online newspapers
http://marca.com (Spain)
http://www.abc.es (Spain)
http://www.5dias.com (Spain)
http://www.as.com (Spain)
http://www.expansion.com (Spain)
http://www.ole.clarin.com (Argentina)
http://www.lanacion.com.ar (Argentina)
http://www.larazon.com.ar (Argentina)
http://www.clarin.com (Argentina)
http://www.elindependiente.com.ar (Argentina)
http://www.enel.net/rumbodiario (Dominican Republic)
http://www.hoy.com.do (Dominican Republic)
http://www.prensalibre.com/pls/prensa/index2.jsp (Guatemala)
http://www.eldiario.net (Bolivia)

http://eltiempo.com (Columbia)
http://www.nacion.co.cr (Costa Rica)
http://www.nuevaprensa.org/scripts/index.html (Cuba)
http://chile.primerapagina.com (Chile)
http://www.elcomercio.com (Ecuador)

http://www.laprensagrafica.com/portada/default.asp (El Salvador)
http://www.lahora.com.gt (Guatemala)
http://www.laprensahn.com (Honduras)
http://www.laprensa.com.ni (Nicaragua)

58 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

http://www.prensa.com/hoy/portada.shtml (Panama)
http://www.(liarionoticias.com.py/200307 1 8/index.php (Paraguay)
http://www.estrelladepr.com (Puerto Rico)
http://www.elpais.com.uy/03/07/18 (Uruguay)
http://www.el-nacional.com (Venezuela)

(3) Dictionaries

http://www.rae.es (Real Academia Espanola, 2001)
http://www.elmundo.es/diccionarios

http://www.diccionarios.com/index.phtml (Diccionario General de la
Lengua Espanola VOX online)

(4) Assorted

http://www.periodistadigital.com (has links to many Spanish language

newspapers)
http://www.cibercentro.com (links to Spanish language newspapers, servers

and search engines)
http://www.trinity.edu/mstroud/spanish/spanUnk.html (has links to

newspapers, servers, and cultural sites)
http://www.novomedia.es/web/medios/intemet.htm (Spanish website linked

to a number of newspapers)

APPENDIX B
ADDITIONAL EXAMPLES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWINGS

1) Additional Unintegrated Borrowings

cibercampaiia 'cyber campaign'

(sitio) cobrandeados 'co branders'

encriptar

firewall

newsletters

password

splitter

weblog/webloggers

webmail

webmaster

webcam

website

2) Additional Loan Translations

buzon electronico 'electronic mailbox'

camara web 'webcam'

carpeta C 'C drive'

codigo de cliente 'login'

correos basura 'junk mail'

en linea 'online'

hiperenlaces 'hyperlinks'

Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 59

pagina de entrada 'homepage'

pagina de inicio 'homepage'

pkata cibemetico 'hacker'

proteccion antivirus 'virus protection'

recorrido grafico 'virtual tour'

salas de chat 'chatrooms'

sitio(s) web 'website(s)'

teletrabajo 'telecommuting'

ventanas interactivas 'interactive windows'

3) Additional Semantic Caiques

ambientes 'IMVironments' (Instant Messaging Environments)

bajar 'download' (jbajatelo ya! from http://ar.messenger.yahoo.com)

bajado 'downloaded'

controladores 'drivers'

entomos 'IMVironments' (Instant Messaging Environments)

gusano 'worm, virus'

portal 'website'

virus 'computer virus'

6 0 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

REFERENCES

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States: Sociolinguistic Aspects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Anderson, John (ed.) 1982. language Form and Linguistic Variation: Papers

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Daiuta, Amy. 1984. Remarks on calquing. CUNY Forum: Papers in Linguistics

10.70-89.
DicciONARio General de la Lengua Espanola VOX (onhne). 2000. Barcelona:

Spes Editorial.
Gibbons, John. 1987. Code-mixing and Code-choice: A Hong Kong Case Study.

Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.
Grant-Russell, Pamela. 1999. The influence of French on Quebec English:

Motivation for lexical borrowing and integration of loan words. LACUS

Forum 25.473-86.
Haugen, Einar. 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language 26.210-31.
Jacobson, Rodolfo (ed.) 1990. Codeswitching as a worldwide phenomenon.

New York: Peter Lang.
Macaulay, Donald. 1982. Borrow, caique and switch: The law of the English

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study of code-switching and code-mixing, and borrowing in a commercial

context. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 28:1.159-84.
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switching, and modeling in West New York Spanish: An intergenerational

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Palmer, Joe & Brigitte Harris. 1990. Prestige differential and language change.

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lengua extranjera. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies, 6:1.93-

103.
PoPLACK, Shana, David Sankoff & Christopher Miller. 1988. The social

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. 2001. Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (online), <http://www.rae.es>.

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SOLER, Joaquin. 1997. Internet. El espanol y los cimientos de un cambio global.

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Hague: Mouton.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

TWO TYPES OF NEGATION NOT AND SCOPE AMBIGUITIES

Keun Young Shin

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

keunshin @ uiuc.edu

Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG) presented by Groenendijk &
Stokhof (1990) assumes that negation not is always interpreted as
sentence negation and normally treated in a static way. Under this
analysis, all anaphoric relations between terms occurring in a negated
sentence and anaphora outside the sentence are impossible. However,
this runs against our intuitions on the sequence of sentences A man
does not walk in. He stays outside. In addition, the current DMG
analysis fails to capture the ambiguities of a negated sentence with
quantified noun phrases correctly. This paper proposes that negation
not is an expression of two types, which can be adjoined to two
different expressions: a verb phrase (i.e., an expression of an
intransitive verb type) and a sentence. Negation is applied according to
two rules: (i) negation not cannot be raised after Quantifier raising and
(ii) quantified noun phrases cannot be raised outside of the scope of
negation when they are in subject position. This approach correctly
predicts that not every sentence with negation and quantified noun
phrases exhibits scope ambiguities or prohibits anaphoric relations to
pronouns outside the sentence.

1. Introduction

Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG) presented by Groenendijk «&; Stokhof
(1990) assumes that negation is always adjoined to a whole sentence and is
normally treated in a static way. Under this approach, if a sentence is negated, all
anaphoric relations between terms occurring in the sentence and anaphora outside
the sentence are impossible. However, this runs against our intuitions on the
sequence of sentences in (1). The indefinite noun a man occurring in the negated
sentence is anaphorically linked to the pronoun in (1).

(1) A man does not walk in. He stays outside.

Moreover, the current approach fails to capture the ambiguities of a negated
sentence with quantified noun phrases correctly. Consider the sentences in (2).

(2) a. Not every man walks in.

b. Every man does not walk in

Sentences (2a) and (2b) differ by virtue of the position of negation on the surface
representation, and this results in different interpretations: sentence (2b) is
ambiguous whereas sentence (2a) is not. Sentence (2a) has only one reading that

64 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

there are some men who do not walk in. In addition to this reading, sentence (2b)
has the reading that no man walks in. However, the current DMG approach
predicts that sentence (2a) would be interpreted exactly the same as (2b).

This paper proposes an alternative analysis for interpreting negation not on
the grounds that not every sentence with negation and quantified noun phrases
exhibits scope ambiguities or prohibits anaphoric relations to pronouns outside the
sentence. Negation is an expression of two types, which can be adjoined to two
different expressions: a verb phrase (i.e., an expression of an intransitive verb
type) and a sentence. The ambiguities of a negated sentence with quantified noun
phrases can be captured by two appUcation rules: (i) Negation raising should be
appUed before Quantifier raising, and (ii) a term in subject position is not raised.

This paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the problem in dealing
with negation not using Dynamic Montague Grammar in detail. Section 3 deals
with scope ambiguity analysis and its problems. In Section 4, I will propose an
alternative analysis for negation not and present how this analysis captures the
ambiguities of a negated sentence with quantified noun phrases as well as
anaphoric relations involving negation. Section 5 summarizes the conclusions of
this paper.

2. PreviGus analysis: Dynamic Montague Grammar

Groenendijk & Stokhof (1990) propose Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG),
where they use a system of dynamic intensional logic as the semantic component
of a Montague-style grammar. I assume familiarity with the dynamic intensional
logic system (Groenendijk & Stokhof 1991) as well as the type theory of
Montague (1974).

The basic expressions I will use in this paper are adopted from Groenendijk
& Stokhof (1991). They are translated in (3), where x is a variable of type e, P and
Q of type <s, <e, «s, t>, t»>, and p of type <s, «s, <e, «s, t>, t»>, «s, t>,
t»>; j is a constant of type e, 'man' and 'walk' are constants of type <e, t>, and
'see' of type <e, <e, t»; the dj is a discourse marker.

(3) Definition 1 (Translations of basic expressions)

a. man -^ AjcTman(x)

b. walk — > AjcTwalk(x)

c. see^XpXx["^{'^Xy1'seeiy)ix))]

d. a, -^XPXBd, [ T(d,); "Q (dj)]

e. every, -^XPXQ^d, [ T(d,) ^ ^Q (d^)]

f. he, -^XQ [ ^Q (d,)]

g. John,3XQ[{j/di}-Q(d,)]

DMG assumes that negation is adjoined to a whole sentence and interpreted
as // is not the case that. Under this approach, negation is normally treated in a
static way, although there are two kinds of negation, dynamic negation and static
negation, as defined in (4):

Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope AMBiGurriES 65

(4) Definition 2 (Negation)

Static negation -0 = T-iiO

Dynamic negation ~<I) = A,p-<(<I)(p))

Due to the definition of static negation, dynamic effects of expressions inside the
scope of negation are blocked. That is to say, if a sentence is negated, all
anaphoric relations between terms occurring in the sentence and anaphora outside
the sentence are not possible. This analysis gives the right prediction for the
examples in (5) and (6). The pronoun in the second sentence cannot be interpreted
as being anaphorically linked to the quantified noun phrases in the first sentence,
which is translated in (7).

(5) It is not the case that a man walks in the park. *He whistles.

(6) No man walks in the park. *He whistles.

(7) A,p[-i3x[man(x) a walk-in(x)] a ''p]

However, consider the direct natural language counterpart sentence instead
of the usual indirect translation using the expression it is not the case that.

(8) A man does not walk in. He stays outside.

The DMG approach assumes that the sequence of sentences in (8) is interpreted
exactly the same as It is not the case that a man walks in. *He stays outside. In
other words, the first sentence in (8) is translated as in (7), and it is predicted that
the pronoun in the second sentence cannot be anaphoric to the indefinite noun a
man occurring in the first sentence. However, this runs against our intuitions on
sentence (8). Negation not in (8) cannot be translated as dynamic negation in order
to allow the anaphoric relation. Dynamic negation and other functional appUcation
produce the following translation of the first sentence in (8).

(9) X,p— i3x[man(x) a walk-in(x) a {x/d,} ''p]

This translation is not what we want. In a situation where a man walks in and he
does not stay outside, (8) is false. But if the first sentence in (8) is interpreted as
(9), (8) will be true in the same situation. Moreover, if we translate sentence
negation as dynamic negation, the negation in the sentence extends to the
sentences that follow it in the discourse. In order to prevent this, we should close
off the negated sentence using static negation. Therefore, the current DMG
approach seems to fail to capture the anaphoric relation involving sentences with
negation.

3. Problems with scope ambiguity analysis

In the preceding section, we have seen that DMG raises a problem concerning the
analysis of anaphoric relations involving negation. It fails to account for anaphoric
relations between terms occurring in a negated sentence and pronouns, as in
sentence (8). One attempt to solve this problem is to assume that scope
ambiguities are involved in sentence (8). Although Groenendijk & Stokhof (1990)
do not discuss scope ambiguities, we can say that negation interacts with

66 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

quantified noun phrases and gives rise to scope ambiguities following traditional
Montague Grammar. Sentence (8) can have the following two syntactic structures,
represented in (10a) and (10b), and it has two meanings due to scope ambiguities:
(i) there is a man who does not walk in, and (ii) there is no man who walks in.

(10) a. It is not the case that a man walks in.

a man, it is not the case that hcj walks in

it is not the case that he, walks in

hei walks in

b. It is not the case that a man walks in.

it is not the case that a man walks in

a man walKs m

We have already seen that (10b) does not allow a man to Unk to anaphora outside
the sentence. On the other hand, functional application and some standard
reduction produce the following translation of (10a):

(11) A,pBx[man(x)A [-i walk(x) A{x/d,} "p]]

Negation has a narrow scope over the predicate and a man can be anaphoric to a
pronoun in the following sentence. Therefore the current DMG can capture the
anaphoric relation in sentence (8) using scope ambiguities.

However, this approach brings out problems. First, it predicts that every
sentence with negation and quantifier noun phrases will be ambiguous since
negation not interacts with quantified NPs and gives rise to scope ambiguities.
Consider the sentences in (12).

(12) a. Not every man walks in.

b. Every man does not walk in.

If we follow the current approach, (12a) is predicted to have the exactly same
interpretations as (12b). But (12a) is not ambiguous, whereas (12b) is. Sentence
( 1 2a) has only one reading, namely one in which every man is under the scope of
negation: there are some men who do not walk in. In addition to this reading,
( 1 2b) has the reading where every man is raised outside of the scope of negation:
no man walks in. Sentences (12a) and (12b) differ by virtue of the position of
negation, and this results in different interpretations. However, the scope
ambiguity approach cannot capture the difference between (12a) and (12b).

Furthermore, the different position of negation affects the interpretation of
anaphoric relations. For example, the anaphoric relation in the sequence of

Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope Ambiguities 67

sentences A man does not walk in. He stays outside is different from the one in //
is not the case that a man walks in. *He stays outside. However, the scope
ambiguity approach predicts that they have the same readings and that the
anaphoric relation in It is not the case that a man walks in. *He stays outside
should be possible. Therefore, the scope ambiguity approach does not capture the
fact that the different positions of negation in a sentence result in different
interpretations.

There is another problem with the assumption that negation not is adjoined to
a sentence, as pointed out by Chierchia & McConnell-Ginet (2000). Consider the
following sentence, in which two verb phrases are conjoined.

(13) Every student is tired and isn't enjoying the show.
(Chierchia & McConnell-Ginet 2000:415)

If not is only combined with a sentence and it can be raised, we may expect that
wide scope readings for negation are possible in conjoined verb phrases. But the
only possible reading for (13) is one in which negation has scope over the second
conjunct but not over the first conjunct. In other words, negation is combined with
the second verb phrase, not with the whole sentence. However, the current DMG,
where negation is only combined with an expression of type «s, t>, t>, i.e., a
sentence, cannot deal with conjoined verb phrases in (13) properly.

One might argue that sentence (13) is derived from conjoined sentences via
conjunction reduction. Thus, (13) can convert to (14), with negation having
narrow scope over the second conjunct in (13).

(14) Every student is tired and every student isn't enjoying the show.

However, this approach raises another problem. We cannot assign the correct truth
value for (13) by evaluating each conjunct in (14). Sentence (13) requires that not
a single student is enjoying the show: for every student x, x is not enjoying the
show. In a situation where every student is tired and only some of them are
enjoying the show, (13) is false, but (14) can be true.

In summary, the scope ambiguity analysis for anaphoric relations cannot
capture two important points as follows:

(i) Available readings are different depending on the position of negation:
not every sentence with negation and quantified noun phrases exhibits
scope ambiguities or allows anaphoric relations to pronouns outside the
sentence.

(ii) Negation can be adjoined to phrases other than a sentence.

4. Translation rules for negation not

We have already seen that negation can be combined with an expression of the
category of intransitive verb phrases (IV) to yield an IV in the case of conjoined
verb phrases. It is claimed that negation can be combined with noun phrases and
adverbs as well as verb phrases and sentences (Gamut 1991). In other words,
negation is combined with the noun phrase every man in the sentence Not every

68 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

man walked in. But this claim does not seem to be strong. If not can negate terms
such as every man and a (single) man, we should expect the following sentences to
be acceptable as well.

(15) a. * John likes not every man.

b. *John likes not a (single) man.

However, (15a) and (15b) are not acceptable to most native English speakers.
Negation not immediately preceding a term is acceptable only when the term is in
subject position, but not in object position. This contrast suggests that negation is
adjoined not to a term, but rather to a whole sentence. Therefore, I assume that in
sentence Not every man walked in, negation is combined with the whole sentence
every man walked in and that traditionally so-called external negation of a
quantifier is sentence negation.

Consider the following sentence (16), which can have the interpretation that
the adverb always is negated, that is, John sometimes smiles.

(16) John does not always smile.

Predicate adverbs Uke always in (16) are expressions that yield an IV when
applied to an IV. Assuming that negation can be adjoined to an IV, we do not need
to stipulate any additional negation rule to capture that not is attached to the
predicate adverb in (16) since negation will be adjoined to the IV always smile.

Therefore, I propose that negation not is an expression of two types:
sentence negation and IV negation. They are defined as in (17) where x is a
variable of type e, P of type <s, <e, «s, t>, t»>, and 0 of type <s, «s, t>, t».

(17) Rules OF Negation /vor

- Translation rules for negation not

a. Sentence negation not not -> X<P [~^0]

b. IV NEGATION NOT not -^XPXx [-"P (x)]

- Rules for application

c. Negation raising

Negation not can be raised, but it caimot be lowered.

d. Quantifier raising blocking

A term a carmot be raised outside of the scope of negation.

The application rules (17c) and (17d) capture the fact that available readings are
different depending on where negation occurs. According to the negation rules in
(17), Not every man walked in will have only one interpretation, that is, negation
not is adjoined to the sentence Every man walked in. We cannot get the
interpretation as that for every man x, x did not walk in, since rule (17d) blocks the
NP from raising outside of the scope of negation. On the other hand, the sentence
Every man did not walk in will have two interpretations because the negation
adjoined to an IV expression can be raised and negate a whole sentence. That is.

Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope Ambiguities 69

negation not can be adjoined to either the IV walk in or the sentence Every man
walked in.

This alternative analysis also gives the right prediction that the different
position of negation affects the interpretation of anaphoric relations. Sentence (18)
has the following two syntactic structures represented by (18a) and (18b). In other
words, negation can be interpreted as either IV negation or sentence negation and
hence sentence (18) has two possible readings, (19a) and (19b), which correspond
to (18a) and (18b) respectively.

(18) A man didn't walk in.

a. [,p a man [NOT [ypwalk in]]]

b. [NOT [,p a man[ [y? walk in]]]]

(19) a. ^p3x[man(x)A ^ walk(x) AJx/d, } "p]
b. A,p[ — iBx[man(x)A walk(x) ] a ''p]

When negation is interpreted as IV negation as in (19a), the indefinite noun phrase
a man is outside of the scope of negation and can be linked anaphorically to a
pronoun occurring outside the sentence. However, any anaphoric link to a pronoun
outside the sentence is blocked when negation is raised, and the sentence is
interpreted as (19b). Therefore, this analysis gives the right prediction that a
pronoun outside sentence (18) can be anaphoric to a man when it is interpreted as
in (19a).

However, a problem arises when we deal with examples of scope ambiguity
with two quantified NPs and negation. Consider the sentence in (20).

(20) Every man did not see a stop sign.

This sentence is predicted to have six different readings, schematically represented
in (21), if we assume that traditional scope ambiguities are involved (SS stands for
'stop sign').

(21) a. -nVx[man(x) ^ 3y[SS(y)Asee(x,y)]]

b. Vx [man(x) ->-n 3y[SS(y)Asee(x,y)]]

c. Vx [man(x) -^ 3y[SS(y)A -.see(x,y)]]

d. ^3y [SS(y) a Vx[man(x) -> see(x,y)]]

e. 3y [SS(y) a -iVx[man(x) -^ see(x,y)]]

f. 3y [SS(y) a Vx[man(x) -^ ->see(x,y)]]

Traditional scope ambiguities derive the undesirable readings (21c) and (2 Id) as
well. (21c) has the interpretation that for every man there was a stop sign which he
did not see, and (2 Id) means that there was no stop sign such that every man saw
it. Assume that there are three men [Bill, Tom, John} and three stop signs [A, B,
C). If everyone saw only two stop signs and Bill, Tom and John did not see the
different stop sign A, B, and C respectively, (21c) and (21d) will be true.
However, this runs against English native speakers' intuitions for sentence (20).

70 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

On the other hand, my analysis predicts that (21a) and (21b) are the only
possible readings for sentence (20). In order to get two other possible readings,
namely (21e) and (2 If), the noun phrase a stop sign needs to be raised outside the
scope of negation. But the noun phrase every man must not be raised outside the
scope of negation in order to prevent the undesirable reading (21c). In other
words, the Quantifier Raising Blocking (QRB) should be restricted to a term in
subject position as in (22d'). We also need the rule restricting the order of raising
as in (22c'): Negation raising should take place before Quantified NP raising.

(22) Rules for apphcation (revised)

c'. Negation raising

Negation not cannot be raised after Quantifier raising

d'. Quantifier raising blocking

A term a cannot be raised if a is in [Spec, IP] (i.e., if a e P,/p/) '

Applying the rules (22c') and (22d'), sentence (20) will have four different
readings, which are represented schematically as follows:

(23) a. [s every man [NOT [,v [ysee] [a stop sign]]]]

b. [s a stop sign [s every man [ NOT [,v [v see] [ ]]]]]

[s NOT[s every man [ _ [,v [v see] [a stop sign]]]]]

[s a stop sign [s NOT [s every man [ _ Qy [see] [ _]]]]]]

This approach also accounts for different anaphoric relations between an
indefinite noun in subject position and one in object position when negation is
attached to a verb phrase. Consider the sequences of sentences in (24) and (25).

(24) A man does not have a cat. *It is under the tree/ He has a dog.

' We can still deal with examples of scof)e ambiguity with two quantifiers in (i) or de dicto/de re ambiguity
in (ii) using the QRB rule in (22d').

(i) Every man saw a stop sign.

(ii) A man seeks a unicorn.
Sentence (i) will have two readings depending on whether the object NP is raised or not. Even if every man
in subject fxjsition is raised after raising a stop sign in object position in (i), we will get the same result as
when there is no quantifier raising. In (ii), the ambiguity of de dicto/de re reading is due to the scope of the
intensional verb seek and the object NP a unicorn. Therefore, we can account for the ambiguities of (i) and
(ii) without raising a noun phrase in subject position.

However, the QRB rule seems to need to be modified in order to deal with the de dicto/de re
ambiguity that sentences with intensional verbs give rise to:

(iii) John believes that a unicorn walked in.
In order to get a de re reading, the NP a unicorn in subject position should be raised: a unicorn has wide
scope over the intensional verb believe. This problem might be solved by allowing NP raising when the NP
is in the subject position of the embedded clause.

Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope Ambiguities 71

(25) A man did not see a cat. It is under the table/ He saw a dog.

Both (24) and (25) allow a man to link anaphorically to a pronoun outside the
negated sentence. In other words, an indefinite noun in subject position can have
anaphoric relations with pronouns occurring outside the negated sentence, when it
precedes negation and there is no presupposition that the entity referred to by the
subject NP does not exist. But this is not true for an indefinite noun in object
position. The object a cat in (24) cannot have anaphoric relations with pronouns
outside the negated sentence. The first sentences in (24) and (25) differ in terms of
verb type, and this results in differences with respect to anaphoric relations with
pronouns outside the first sentences.

Our analysis predicts that when negation is adjoined to IV, a term in object
position should be raised in order to link to pronouns outside the negated sentence,
whereas a term in subject position can have anaphoric relations with pronouns
outside the sentence without such a process. Assuming that existential quantifier
raising can be blocked depending on the type of a given verb, we can capture the
difference between (24) and (25). That is to say, the raising of the indefinite NP in
object position outside the scope of IV negation is blocked by the verb have in the
first sentence in (24) and hence cannot have an anaphoric relation with the
pronoun in the following sentence. However, an indefinite noun in subject position
is outside the scope of IV negation, and it can link anaphorically to pronouns
outside the negated sentence regardless of the type of a given verb.'^

5. Conclusion

If negation is always interpreted as sentence negation and anaphoric relations are
dealt with by ambiguities in the scope of the antecedent, we fail to capture the fact
that available readings are different depending on the position of negation. In this
paper, I have proposed that negation not is an expression of two types and can be
adjoined to IV and S. The ambiguities of a negated sentence with quantified noun
phrases are accounted for by two rules: (i) negation not cannot be raised after
Quantifier raising and (ii) quantified noun phrases cannot be raised outside of the
scope of negation when they are in [Spec, IP]. This predicts that not every
sentence with negation and quantified noun phrases will exhibit ambiguity.
Moreover, we can predict that the number of available readings is different

^ However there are cases where anaphoric links between indefinite noun phrases occurring in the object
position of the state verb have and pronouns outside the sentence are not blocked, as in (i). In order to
account for this anaphoric relation, Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) treat example (i) using dynamic
negation and dynamic disjunction as illustrated in (ii). It is obvious that further research is necessary to
clarify when the dynamic versions of the operators should be used.

(i) Either Morris Hall does not have a bathroom or it is in a funny place,
(ii) Either- 3d2[Tbathroom(d2);Thave(MH, d2)]or [Tin-a-funny-place(d2)]
3d2[Tbathroom(d2);Thave(MH, d2)]=* Tin-a-funny-place(d2)
Vd2 [ [Tbathroom(d2);Thave(MH, d2)]=> Tin-a-funny-place(d2)]

72 STUDffiS IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 32:2 (FALL 2002)

depending on where negation occurs, even if two sentences with negation have the
same number of quantified noun phrases.

REFERENCES

Chierchia, Gennaro. 1992. Anaphora and dynamic binding. Linguistics and

Philosophy \5.l\l-lS3.
Chierchia, Gennaro, & Sally McConnell-Ginet. 2000. Meaning and

Grammar: An Introduction to Semantics. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press.
Gamut, L.T.F. 1991. Logic, Language, and Meaning, Volume 2: Intensional

Logic and Grammar. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Groenendijk, Jeroen, & Martin Stokhof. 1991. Dynamic Montague Grammar.

In: Kalman & Polos (eds), 3-48.
Kalman, Laszlo, & Laszlo POLOS (eds), 1991. Proceedings of the Second

Symposium on Logic and Language. Budapest: Lorand University Press.
Montague, Richard. 1974. Formal Philosophy: Selected Papers of Richard

Montague. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

ON INFORMATION PACKAGING AND HEARER ENGAGEMENT IN
KASHMIRI NARRATIVE

Asha Tickoo

Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville

atickoo @ siue.edu

The objective of this paper is to describe a feature of the information
packaging in Kashmiri oral narrative, and to suggest that it is designed
specifically to serve the oral mode of narration. Recurring segments in
Kashmiri oral narrative are constructed out of strings of sentences
containing propositions that are informationally highly given. When
narrative incrementations utilize more, rather than less, hearer-given
information, they effect greater hearer engagement by setting the hearer
up as a more informed participant in the narration. The informed hearer
is inevitably engaged because s/he becomes a potentially active
contributor to the narrative. I will suggest that it is possible 1) to
identify two main types of highly given proposition in Kashmiri oral
narrative, and 2) to demonstrate that they are able to effect hearer
engagement in somewhat distinct ways.

1. Introduction

My objective in this paper is to describe a feature of the information packaging in
Kashmiri oral narrative, and to suggest that it is designed specifically to serve the
oral mode of narration. Recurring segments in Kashmiri oral narrative are
constructed out of strings of sentences containing propositions that are
informationally highly given (cf. for example, the sentences marked verb initial
(VS) and preposed (P) in the Kashmiri narrative extract, in the Appendix). To my
knowledge, this is not the norm for written narrative, or, in fact, for other genres of
written discourse, either in Kashmiri or in other languages. The majority of
sentences out of which written discourse is constructed appear to contain new
propositions, that is, propositions that are only sufficiently given to be coherent.
This is understandable, since the principal objective of every incrementation in
any developing text must be to introduce new information. Yet, Kashmiri oral
narrative builds a significant number of narrative segments out of sentential
propositions which are more given than is needed to merely meet the coherency
constraint, containing, hence, only a relatively small new component. One has to
wonder about the motivation for this type of information distribution, and about
the impact it has on the way in which the message is communicated.

We can perceive this information-packaging feature as an attempt to frame
the sentential new contribution in terms of what is largely known to the hearer.
But we must, then, also acknowledge that framing the new in terms of the given is

74 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

something that is more generally effected by merely implementing the coherency
constraint, by simply introducing the new after the given — an organization of
information which serves to facilitate more effective communication, by easing
the task of information processing and comprehension. Further, the coherency
constraint and the given-before-new distribution of information, which it effects,
allow for a proposition that is merely given enough to be accessible, a proposition,
that is, which is largely new. The appearance of a highly given proposition,
carrying a relatively small new component, therefore, appears to be a specialized
manifestation of the general communicative strategy of fashioning the new out of
the given. As such, it seems to me that it is also likely to come with a specialized
associated communicative function, beyond the general effect of easing
information processing and comprehension. I would like to suggest that there is a
way in which this packaging of information serves to engage an otherwise passive
interlocutor in the essentially monologic communicative act of narration.

When narrative incrementations utilize more, rather than less, hearer-given
information, they effect greater hearer engagement by setting the hearer up as a
more informed participant in the narration. The informed hearer is inevitably
engaged because s/he becomes a potentially active contributor to the narrative. I
will suggest that it is possible 1) to identify two main types of highly given
proposition in Kashmiri oral narrative, and 2) to demonstrate that they are able to
effect hearer engagement in somewhat distinct ways.

In what follows, I will briefly describe each of these two distinct types of
given sentential propositions, and the word order pattern characteristically used to
mark each one. I will then try to suggest the communicative end served by the use
of each prepositional type, by speaking about the distinct type of hearer
engagement brought about by the combination of sentence-level pragmatic effects
and broader discourse effects produced by their use. Insightful discussion of the
first type of given proposition (marked by means of the preposed construction)
calls for a much more lengthy description than is needed for the second type
(marked by means of the verb-initial clause); that is, the need for clarity makes the
apparent imbalance in the treatments of the two given propositions unavoidable.

Some of the most significant findings of this study are derived from the
analysis of a sample of Kashmiri oral narrative. Six half-hour recordings of oral
narratives, by two adult native speakers of Kashmiri, were transcribed and
analyzed for this study; a randomly selected extract from one of these is included
in the Appendix.

2. The preposed construction and the given proposition

One of the two highly given propositions used for text incrementation in Kashmiri
oral narrative is marked by the use of the preposed construction. In this section, I
will describe the givenness of the Kashmiri preposed construction and the
constraints, therefore, on how new information is introduced by means of this type
of sentential incrementation.

TiCKOO: On iNfFORMATION PACKAGING AND HEARER ENGAGEMENT 75

It is relevant to begin by pointing out that preposing in Kashmiri (and also in
Hindi and English) marks an atemporal incrementation to the text. (cf. 2b & 3b. In
these, and all following examples, '^' is the symbol used to mark the focused
sentential element.) (In this respect, it differs from fronting by scrambling in
languages such as Hindi, which accommodate both preposing and fronting by
scrambling, since in Hindi, a direct object can be fronted by scrambling in the
environment of a preceding temporal adverb (cf.lb).)

(1) a. shiila ne bohothsa khana pakaya

Sheila by a-lot-of food cooked
'Sheila cooked a lot of food.'
b. aur fir wo khana usne gariib loogu(n) me(n) baanta
and then that food she poor people amongst distributed
'Then she distributed that food amongst the poor.'

(2) a. kuc bhi nahi khata?

nothing not eats
'Doesn't he eat anything?'
b. ^eek buund pani bhi wo nahi pita (#fir)
one drop of water even he not drinks (#then)
'He doesn't even drink a drop of water.'

(examples taken from Hindi)

(3) a. They had a baby boy.

b. ''Tom they called him (#after that).

Additionally, the comparative assessment of Kashmiri and the better-studied
English preposing (cf. Tickoo 1992) suggests that while English preposing is
constrained to be salient given (defined by Prince as information 'the speaker
assumes the hearer has or could appropriately have ... in his/her consciousness at
the time of hearing the utterance' (Prince 1981a:230)), Kashmiri preposing is
constrained to be minimally only shared knowledge given (defined by Prince as
information 'the speaker assumes the hearer knows or can infer ... (but is not
necessarily thinking about)' (Prince 1981a:230)). Hence, while (2b) and (3b) are
both atemporally sequenced clauses, (2b) is shared knowledge given, while (3b) is
salient given. In consequence, (2b) is not a felicitous English preposing (cf. 4b).

(4) a. He kept a strict fast.

b. # ^A drop of water he didn't even have.
He didn't even have ^a drop of water.

When we speak of salient given or shared knowledge given, we are speaking,
as suggested above, of the ways in which the incrementation is assumed by the
speaker to be given to the hearer. A more complete representation of
givenness/newness would, at the same time, indicate whether the incrementation is
given or new to the discourse. The salient proposition makes an incrementation
that MAY OR MAY NOT BE NEW TO THE DISCOURSE, but is, in every case, ATTENDED
TO by the hearer at the time of the utterance. The shared knowledge proposition,
on the other hand, makes an incrementation that is new to THE discourse, but is
KNOWN as possible, though it is NOT attended to by the hearer, at the time of the

76 Studies in the LnsfGUiSTic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

utterance. Both of these, of course, differ from the third possibiUty, the standard
proposition of the clause in canonical order, which, by contrast, is new to the
DISCOURSE and new to the hearer (that is, neither attended to, nor known) at
the time of the utterance. It is also relevant to mention that while the information
represented by means of the preposed construction, whether shared knowledge or
salient, could also be conveyed by means of the clause in canonical order,
represented in the preposed construction, it comes with an overt signal of its
hearer-given status.

2.1. Saliency and scalarity

The saliency constraint on English preposing comes with a number of other
defining features, which are useful to this discussion both because they accurately
account for the corresponding salient subset of Kashmiri preposing, and because
they help locate the differences in the identifying features of the broader class of
shared knowledge preposings.

First, the salient proposition of English preposing is distributed into two
separate constituents — 1) the preposed constituent and 2) the open proposition
(obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent, OP for future
reference). Each of these constituents is independently salient given (cf. 5b & 6b)
(Prince 1981b, 1984; Ward 1985). (English preposing is, hence, not merely a
topic-creating device, as suggested in earlier hterature (cf. Halliday 1967; Gundel
1974; Langacker 1974; Rodman 1974; Crieder 1979; Bland 1980; Reinhart 1981;
Davison 1984).)

(5) Focus Movement:

a. The contras devised a new strategy.

b. Guerilla Warfare, they called it.

(Ward 1985:290)

In (5b), the salient OP (obtained by substituting a variable for the focal
constituent) is 'They called it x (x: an element of the set of names of strategies)',
and the salient preposed constituent Guerilla Warfare is an instantiation of the
variable x.

(6) Topicalization:

a. I made two minor mistakes.

b. One, apparently ^everyone in the class made.

Likewise, in (6b) the salient OP is 'x made some-number-of-mistakes, where x is
on the scale members-of-the-class', and the salient preposed constituent 'one' is an
instantiation of the nonfocal variable 'some-number-of-mistakes'.

It is important for our purposes to recognize that the relationship of salience,
which the preposed constituent (and also the focus, in Topicalization, in which the
focus is not the preposed constituent) bears to the preceding discourse, is
'scalar' (cf. Ward 1985). Understanding the relationship of scalarity, as it appears
in English preposing, is useful to our appreciation of the way scalarity is realized
in Kashmiri preposing. When the salient relationship to the preceding discourse of
the preposed constituent (or focus in Topicalization) is represented as scalar, it is

TicKoo: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 77

being characterized as one of the following possible types of relationships: part to
whole, subset to set, greater than, less than, attribute to entity, or the relationship
of equality. (I include the relationships of equality and attribute to as scalar
relationships, because they have been so categorized in earlier work on preposing
and scalarity (cf. Ward 1985). One recognizes intuitively, however, that they differ
in significant ways from the more standard scalar relationships.) This means, for
example, that at the time of the utterance of (5b), the speaker assumes that the
interlocutor is attending both to the strategy and the conception of it as possessing
certain types of attributes; the preposed constituent Guerilla Warfare, then, is an
instance of the saUent scalar relationship of attribution. Likewise, at the time of the
utterance of (7b), the speaker assumes that the interlocutor is attending to the
entity all nuts of (7a) and the perception of it as a set comprising elements; the
preposed constituent peanuts of (7b), then, is an instance of the scalar salient
relationship of element of set.

(7) a. I like all nuts,
b. Peanuts, I ''love.

Tickoo (1992) also characterizes the salience of the OP in terms of scalar
relationships. Three types of scalar salient OP relationships — attribution, as in
(8), prerequisite to, as in (9), and alternative to, as in (10) — are illustrated below:

(8) a. At bottom, things just are the way they are, a heterogeneous

reality. Yet parts of this reality have the capacity for perception,
for acquiring information from other parts, and an accompanying
capacity for acting on still others,
b. Those parts having the capacity for perception and action we
call organism. (Ward 1985:279)
OP: We call (a part of reality) y (y: names of such parts)

(9) a. G: So, how did it (prelims) go?

S: The historical question, I had some problems with, but I think
it's ok.
b. S: The descriptive, I just wrote a lot. We'll see. (Ward 1985:280)
OP: I did (a section of the exam) in y manner (y: a way of
performing the exam)

(10) N: Don't you feel anything?

M: What I feel I control. (Ward 1985:290)

OP: I y (y: feel or control) (some part of what can potentially be felt)

In (8), the OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of (8b)

— 'we call (a part of reality) y (y: names of such parts)' — relates attributively to
(8a). The relationship of naming is not saUent as a result of being previously
mentioned, but because the act of naming is presupposed by the existence of
certain types of entities, phenomena or acts.

In (9), the OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of
(9b), 'I did (a section of the exam) in y manner (y: a way of performing the exam)

— is prerequisite to taking the exam, i.e., performing the exam (or some part

78 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

thereof in some way) is implicit in the taking of the exam. For this reason, it is
infelicitous to state the presupposition of (lib) in the context of (1 la):

(1 1) a. G: How did it (preHminary exams) go?

S: I had some problems with the historical question, but I think it
is okay,
b. #1 performed some part of the exam in a certain way.

In (10), the OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of
(lOM), 'I y (y: feel or control) (some part of what can be felt)' — implies that the
potential for the existence of the alternative states of feeling or controlling is
presupposed by (ION). This is demonstrated by the fact that it is infelicitous to
state this presupposition in the context of (ION), as is shown in (12):

(12) A: Don't you feel anything?

B: # Either I feel something or I don't feel anything.

The final significant constraint on felicitous English preposing is that there
must be consonance between the scalar salient relationships of preposed
constituent and accompanying proposition (Tickoo 1992), exemplified in (13)
through (16), below:

( 1 3) a. I like all candy.

b. Other food, I ^just eat.

(14) a. Hike food.

b. # Candy, I ^just eat.

(15) a. Hike all candy,
b. # Food, I Wore.

(16) a. Hike all food,
b. Candy, I Wore.

In (13b), the OP bears the less than relationship to the proposition of the preceding
clause, and its accompanying preposed constituent relates as the less palatable, and
merely essential whole set, to the more palatable and desirable element of this set,
of the preceding clause. There is consonance between the relationship of whole
set, of less palatable but essential, of the preposed constituent, and the less than
relationship of its accompanying OP, and therefore preposing of (13b) is felicitous
in the context of (13a). The reverse is not true. That is, given that I like the whole
set, it cannot be salient that I merely tolerate an element of it, and this is illustrated
in (14). Similarly, (15) and (16) illustrate that element of set to whole set can
accommodate the greater than relationship (cf. 16b), and that the reserve is not the
case (cf. 15b).

To summarize, Enghsh preposing is salient given with functional distribution
into preposed constituent and OP. Further, there is consonance between the scalar
salient relationships of these constituents.

TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 79

2.2. Shared knowledge scalarity

When proposing in Kashmiri is salient, it is also, like English proposing,
functionally distributed into proposed constituent (PC) and OP, with consonance
between the functions of these constituents (cf. 17).

(17) me vuch shiU ti sarla amirakadal pakan

I saw Sheila and Sarla Amirakadal walking
'I saw Sheila and Sarla walking at Amirakadal.'

Shili (PC) vuchim ^godi

Sheila saw-I first

'I saw Sheila fu"st,'

ti pati vichim sarli
and then saw-I Sarla
'and then I saw Sarla.'

However, in the identifying, more encompassing, set of shared knowledge
proposing it is NOT always possible to identify the separate scalar relationships of
proposed constituent and OP. This identifying set of shared knowledge proposing
realizes the less given, shared knowledge counterparts of salient scalar
relationships which constrain felicitous Enghsh preposing (cf. 18, 19 & 20).

(18) Shared knowledge attribution:
totaa'n ees thiik so
until-then was all right she
'Until then she was all right.'

^kath (PC) ees karaan
talk was doing

'She was talking.'

^baath (PC) ees karaan
talk was doing

'She was talking.'

^cai eesin ceemits
tea had drunk
'She had had her tea.'

Mod (PC) oosun coomut
milk had drunk
'She had had her milk.'

(19) Shared knowledge alternation:
tem pati chi palav

that after are clothes
'Then come the clothes.'

n'av palav chi suvnaavaan
new clothes are getting-made
'They are getting new clothes made.'

80 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

preen palav (PC) Vhini tsinaan

old clothes are-not wearing

'They don't wear the old clothes.'

(20) Shared knowledge prerequisite act:

Tse anthi na'v palav khaandari kheetri

You did-you-buy new clothes wedding for
'Did you buy new clothes for the wedding?'

anha, magar pee(n)si (PC) gatsnam aasin

would-buy-them, but money must have

'I would buy them, but I don't have the money.'

agar nookri miijim tootaa'n
if job will-get by-then
'I get a job by then,'

teli ani

then will-get

'then I will get them.'

The shared knowledge status of these preposings is evident in the fact that their
OPs can be felicitously stated and denied in the context of the discourse to which
they are bonded. This is illustrated in (21), using the example of (18):

(21) Until then she was fine.

Statement of shared knowledge: She was doing the things that people
do when they are well.

Denial of shared knowledge: But she wasn't doing the things that
people generally do when they are well.

It is not possible to state or deny salient OPs. The statement of the presupposed
OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of the preposing of
22b, in the context of (22a), is redundant and the denial is so contrary to
expectation that it describes very odd behavior:

(22) a. They had a baby.

b. ^Tom they called him.

Statement of presupposition: They gave him a name.

Denial of presupposition: But they did not give him a name.

The difference between the two ways to the realization of the scalar
relationships of attribution, alternation, and prerequisite to is the fundamental
difference between shared knowledge and salient given, that salient given is an
instance of what is already assumed to be in association with the proposition to
which it is salient, while shared knowledge is an instance of what is merely
common knowledge as possible. So, shared knowledge attribution is only
recognized as possible, while its salient manifestation is an instance of an inherent
attribute. In (18), chatting away when one is well is probable or likely but not
inevitable, whereas the attributive act of naming is inevitable in contexts such as
(22a), where naming is inevitably connected to the event of having a baby.

TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 81

We can demonstrate the greater distance of the shared knowledge
proposition from its preceding proposition as compared to the salient proposition
and its preceding proposition by juxtaposing the two environments in which a
single clause instantiates the shared knowledge and salient versions of the above-
referred to propositional relationships: attribution, alternation, and prerequisite to.

Shared knowledge attribution, which is not felicitous in preposed version in
English (cf. 23), can be made salient by altering the preceding discourse (cf. 24).

(23) Until then she was all right.

# ^Tea she had had./ She had had tea.

(24) She did not want tea.
But tea she had ^had.

Juxtaposing the two attributive relationships of (23) and (24) gives us 1) having
had tea to being all right, and 2) having had tea to not wanting tea, and clearly
demonstrates the greater distance of shared knowledge attribution from preceding
proposition, as compared to the relationship between salient attribution and its
preceding proposition.

Infelicitous too in preposed version in English is shared knowledge
alternation (cf. 25). To make this alternation salient and, therefore, felicitous in
preposed form, the preceding context is modified as in (26).

(25) After that come the clothes.
They get new clothes made.

# The old clothes they ^don't wear./ They Mon't wear the old clothes.

(26) After that come the clothes.
Everyone buys new clothes.

The old ones they simple \hrow away.

Again, simply juxtaposing 1 ) not wearing old clothes to buying new ones, and 2)
throwing away old clothes to buying new ones is suggestive of the greater distance
between the shared knowledge alternation and its proposition, as compared to the
salient alternation and its proposition.

Like the attributive and alternative relationships, the shared knowledge
relationship of prerequisite to is infelicitous in English preposing (cf. 27). To
make it a felicitous preposing, the preceding context must be modified as in (28):

(27) Will you buy new clothes for the wedding?

# I would, but the money I Mon't have.

(28) To go on vacations you must have time and money.
Money, I ^don't have.

Again, simply juxtaposing the two versions of the relationship of prerequisite to is
suggestive of the greater distance of the shared knowledge relationship and
preceding proposition compared to the salient relationship and preceding
proposition: 1) having money to buying new clothes, and 2) having money to
needing money.

82 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

The above examples were constructed so that the same clause would relate
back with a single relationship, but with two levels of givenness, repeated below:

Attribution:

shared knowledge: having had tea to the state of being well

salient: having had tea to not wanting it

Alternation:

shared knowledge: not wearing old clothes to buying new ones

salient: throwing away old clothes to buying new ones

Prerequisite to:

shared knowledge: having money to buying new clothes

salient: having money to needing money

It can be said of salient preposing, with its highly constrained relationship to the
preceding proposition, that it marks a special pragmatic effect. But precisely
because of its high degree of relatedness to its preceding proposition, it is not used
repeatedly in successive incrementations for the purpose of effecting text building.
Because Kashmiri allows for shared knowledge preposings, and scalar
relationships can, therefore, be realized by means of a much wider range of
information, its repeated use in successive incrementations can be exploited for
text building.

2.3. Shared knowledge scalarity and text building

To appreciate how successive preposings are used to effect a well-defined type of
text development, it is important to acknowledge two basic facts: 1) that an
incrementation bearing a given relationship to the preceding proposition does not
introduce a new prepositional point, but rather sustains the preceding proposition,
merely building on it in a way made evident by the scalar relationship it
instantiates, and 2) that successive preposings, building one segment of discourse,
instantiate the same scalar relationship to a single sustained preceding proposition.
This is illustrated in (29), (30) and (31), below. In (29), the repeated use of
preposed constructions, bearing the scalar relationship of alternation, serves to
elaborate on only one prepositional point — that certain predictable actions are
taken to address the clothes one wears, on the festive occasion being described.
More specifically, the two successive preposings state 1) that new clothes are
made and 2) that old clothes are not worn. In (30), successive preposings are
instantiations of the scalar relationship of attribution to one prepositional point —
that the queen has been left penniless. More specifically, they state that 1) the
palace was taken away from her, 2) in fact, everything was taken away from her,
and 3) that she became extremely poor. Similarly, in (31), successive preposings,
once more, instantiate the scalar relationship of attribution to one prepositional
point — that certain wrong doings are punished with a term of imprisonment in
the well. They specify that these wrong doings are 1) committing theft, 2) killing
someone, and 3) other things of this nature. In general, hence, the use of a
succession of such incrementations, reaUzing the same scalar relationship, sustains
a major prepositional point, while allowing the narrator to revise it, in each
incrementation, to amplify, or perhaps alter, or rephrase it.

TiCKOo: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 83

(29) tern pati chi palav
that after are clothes
'Then come the clothes.'

n'av palav chi suvnaavaan
new clothes are-they getting-made
'They get new clothes made.'

preen palav (PC) Vhini tsinaan

old clothes are-not wearing

'They don't wear the old clothes.'

(30) amis gay wyan vari kath itaykin
to-her went now a year about in this way
'She passed a year in this way.'

palas (PC) ti nyuk

palace also took-they-from-them

'They also took from them the palace.'

prath kah chiis (PC) nyuk

each one thing , . took-they-frpm-them
They took evefythmg from them.

bilkul gariib (PC) tayaar gay yi bicha'r
absolutely poor (PC) became this poor-thing
'This poor thing became very poor.'

(31) ath manz a' s tsinaan timan insaanan yiman aasihe kosor kormuth
that in used to put-they those people who had criminal-act done
'In that they used to put those people who had committed some crime.'

tsuur ka'rmits
theft done
'Committed theft.'

kah mormuk
someone killed
'Killed someone.'

ithii chiiz

this-kind-of thing
'This kind of thing'

At each such incrementation, the hearer knows not only the sustained proposition,
but also the scalar relationship that is being used to amplify it. This also means
s/he knows of the set of possible realizations of the scalar relationship from which
the narrator must choose in order to properly introduce the new sentential
component, at each incrementation. When such a means to text building is
adopted, the role of the interlocutor is somewhat different from his/her standard
function as information processor and receiver. His/her knowledge not only of the
given proposition, but also of the well-defined and constrained way in which the
narrator can add new information makes him/her qualify better as an informed.

84 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

rather than uninformed, participant in the communicative act of narration. Recent
literature on oral narrative has suggested that narration between informed
participants has, as one might expect, the potential to be a more cooperative,
collective and therefore dialogic process (cf. Goodwin 1987; Mandelbaum 1987;
Nofsinger 1999). Manipulating information presentation in successive
incrementations to set up the interlocutor as informed, and to maintain this
informed state of being, puts in place what is needed to facilitate dialogic
narration, and creates the illusion, at least, of making the interlocutor an active
participant in the process of narration. It seems to me that this is a strategy devised
to draw and hold the attention of an otherwise passive interlocutor in what is
essentially a monologic process of communication.

3. The verb-initial clause and the given proposition

In the second type of highly given proposition, what the hearer has knowledge of,
at the time of the utterance, is that one of a very small set of clausal events that can
appear in the context of the preceding event will do so. (This is true, for example,
of each of the clauses of 32b-h.)

(32) a. ati vichin gume hinz led

there saw-she horse of manure
'There, she saw horse manure.'

b. ti tujin yi
and picked up this
'and she picked it up'
emi manz kadin
from-it in took-out
'From it she took out'

c. kadin emi manzan mishki
took-out from-it in barley
'From it she took out some barley.'

d. ka'rin safaa yina yi
did clean-then this-one this
'She cleaned it.'

pyaanis manz chajin
water in cleaned-them
'She washed it in water'
ti pati gay gretas pet
and then went mill on
'and then she went to the mill'

e. ti annin pihith
and got-them ground
'and had it ground.'

f. bonoovun thooda oot
made a-little flour. . .
'She made a little flour'

g. ti biit akis jayi kuhs tal

TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 85

and sat one place tree under
'and she sat somewhere, under a tree'
h. ti bona'vin yim zi rootiha'n
and made these two flat-breads
'and made two pieces of flat bread.'

This creates anticipation of the new selection from the known set. In other words,
we can say that, at the time of the utterance, the hearer KNOWS THE PROPOSITION
IN TERMS OF ITS TYPE, and s/he anticipates the specific token of this type. Such a
given proposition is formally marked by the use of a verb-initial clause (that is, a
clause with tensed verb in initial position, cf. 32). (In preposing, by contrast, the
HEARER KNOWS THE PROPOSITION — BOTH THE TYPE AND THE TOKEN — and the

new component is an amplification of a dimension of it.) A string of sentential
incrementations in VS order, hence, serves to create, and fulfill, a succession of
expectations about the narrative event sequence.

In the text preceding the extract of (32), the reader is informed that the
protagonist of the story — a former queen, who has been reduced to a state of dire
need — is in search of ways of making root, the special bread that is made and
distributed to people on the festive occasion being described in the story. The
clause preceding the string of VS clauses informs us that she comes upon some
horse manure. Then in successive VS clauses, we have the following events, each
anticipated by the interlocutor, at the time of its utterance, as one of a very finite
set of events that the hearer knows must occur in the context of its preceding
discourse: she picked it up, she took out some barley from it, she cleaned it, she
got it ground, she made a little flour, she sat somewhere under a tree, and she
made two roots (pieces of bread).

(33) a. tem dop yakdam anuyn haspital
he said at once bring-him hospital
'He said bring him to the hospital straight away.'

b. bas ga'y a's wa'n ekdam
went we now at-once
'So we left at once.'

c. ba'gaash ti bi ga'y
Bhagash and I went
'Bhagash and I left.'

d. va'ta's vaapass myon gari
arrived back my home
'We arrived at my home.'

e. von timan ithka'n chi daliil
said to-them this-way is problem
'We told them this is what the problem is.'

f. tul su
picked up him
'We picked him up.'

g. tov tangas pet
put-him horse-driven carriage on

86 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

'We put him in a horse-driven carriage.'
h. ti gay a's vaapas haspitai
and went we back hospital
'And we went back to the hospital.'

In the extract of (33), the narrator is told by the doctor that the protagonist of the
story (who has suddenly taken ill) must be brought to the hospital. This is reported
in (33a). Then in successive VS clauses, the following events are presented: we
left immediately, we arrived at my home, we told them what the problem was, we
picked him (the patient) up, we put him in a horse-driven carriage, and we
returned to the hospital. Each one of these events is anticipated by the hearer, at
the time of its utterance as one, of a very finite set of events, that must occur in the
context of the preceding discourse. We saw earlier that in a succession of
preposings, the sustained thread of discourse — that is, the sustained given
component — is a major propositional point. The sustained thread of discourse
effected by the use of a succession of VS clauses is a string of propositional types;
and hence the anticipation in succession of the (new) realization of each of these
known types.

Here, the device quite transparently effects greater hearer engagement, by
manipulating information presentation in successive incrementations so that the
use of hearer-given information enables and encourages the hearer to make
predictions about the forthcoming new information. As in preposing, by being
made a more, rather than less, informed participant, the hearer is able to feel more
actively involved in the process of narration. The standard interlocutor role as
information processor and receiver is added to by his/her function as predictor and
anticipator of the next sequenced event.

4. Conclusion

The disproportionately large number of segments of Kashmiri oral narrative that
are built out of one or the other of these two types of highly given sentential
propositions suggests that information in Kashmiri oral narrative is strategically
packaged to increase hearer engagement, specifically because this is a challenge in
an essentially monologic communicative process. It is also true that this
information packaging, along with its formal marking, is only found in the context
of oral narration. It is not produced, for example, in a simple translation exercise,
from English to Kashmiri.

TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 87

APENDIX: Randomly selected extract from a recording of a Kashmiri
oral narrative

akis mulkas manz oos yi baadshaa
one-to country in was this king

temisinz zanaan aa's prath vari pan divaan

his wife used to every year carry out certain ritual practices on a particular

festive occasion

ti em kor sooriy tayaar

and she did everything ready

karinyim root thayaar VS

did these breads ready

korun pati puuza VS

did after that puja

ti puuza karith karin kath vath VS

and puja having-done did talk

ti pathi dyutin yi navvid sarini

and then gave this blessed-food everyone-to

godnethan gay emis panis riinis, yus mahraj oos, pathsha oos
first went to him her husband, who king was, king was

temis gay naviid heth

to-him went blessed-food with P

ti su oos ni zyaadi karaan pats vats keh ti yiman chiizan manz
and he was not a lot doing belief at all these things in

eym tul yi naviid

he picked up this blessed-food

ti dyutun buutan pet barith VS

and threw shoes on dropped

bus retshenaa gay

as one might expect a little while passed

ti apayri aav aalaan

and from-there came announcement

donduur vool aav
town crier came

ti tem ditsi kraki ki baadsha hasa nin ratith
and he gave a cry that king will-take captured

ti tsinas sihaajihas manz VS

and will-put-him well in

88 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

ti bas retsihenaa gay

and as one might expect a little time passed

ti aay yim VS

and came these guards

ti niyuk yi badshaa retith VS

and took this king captured

ti tsinuk yi sihajaahas VS

and put him well in

ath manz aa's tsinan timan insaanan yiman aasihe kosur kormuth
that in were putting those people who had crime done

tsuur karmitsan P

theft done

kah mormuk P

someone killed

ithiy chiiz
such things

yi tsunuk raji ti ath manz P

this-one put king also that in

ti yi zanaan aa's ...
and this wife was . . .

yi gay pareshaan

she became very worried

saaripaa'si vaasi gay katham
all money became finished

niyak paa'si vaa'si VS

took-way money

gay bikaar tayaar VS

became beggar

yi gay vati vati
she went street street

vati vati ees feeraan P

street street was wondering

beechan ti kevaan
begging and eating

ti seta ees vadaan P

and a lot was crying

ti veets akis gara manz VS

and arrived one house in

TicKoo: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 89

amis gay wyanvari kath ithaykin dharbidhar
to-her became now year about like-this vagabond-like

palas ti nyuuk P

palace also took-from-them

prath kah chiiz nyuuk P

everything took-from-them

bilkul garib tayaar gay yi bichaar P

absolutely poor became this poor-thing

ti pati aa'spakaan
and then was walking

yi aa's sakith tachmits
she was very tired

ti beyi aa's yina yi...
and also was you know ...

tresh aa'sis lajmits P

thirst was-to-her felt

bochi lajmits P

hunger felt-to-her

vaathan, vaathan, vaa'ts akis garas nishan

getting-there, getting-there arrived one house near

90 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

REFERENCES

ALPORD, Dan et al. (eds.). 1984 Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Meeting, of

the Berkeley Linguistics Society. Berkeley, CA: Berkeley Linguistics

Society.
Bland, Susan. 1980. Topic/comment sentences in English. Cornell University,

MS.
Cole, Peter, (ed.). 1981. Radical Pragmatics. New York: Academic Press.
Crieder, Chet A. 1979. On the explanation of transformations. In: Givon (ed), 3-

22.
Davison, Alice. 1984. Syntactic markedness and the definition of sentence topic.

Language 60:4.797-846.
Givon, Talmy. (ed.). 1979. Syntax and Semantics 12: Discourse and Syntax. New

York: Academic Press.
. 1984. Syntax: A functional-typological introduction. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: J.

Benjamins.
Goodwin, Charles. 1987. Forgetfulness as an interactive resource. Social

Psychology Quarterly 50.1 15-30.
GUNDEL, Jeanette. 1974. The role of topic and comment in linguistic theory.

University of Texas at Austin, Ph.D dissertation in Linguistics.
Halliday, Michael A. K. 1967. Notes on transitivity and theme in English. Part

2. Journal of Linguistics 3.199-244.
Langacker, Robert. 1974. Movement rules in functional perspective. Language

50.630-64.
Mandelbaum, Jenny. 1987. Couples sharing stories. Communication Quarterly

35.144-70.
NOFSINGER, Robert E. 1999. Everyday Conversation. Prospect Heights, IL:

Waveland Press.
Prince, Ellen F. 1981a. Toward a taxonomy of given-new information. In: Cole

(ed.), 223-55.
. 1981b. Topicalization, focus-movement, and Yiddish-movement: A

pragmatic differentiation. In: Alford et al. (eds.), 249-64.
. 1984. Topicalization and left-dislocation: A functional analysis. In White &

Teller (eds.), 213-25.
Reinhart, Tanya. 1981. Pragmatics and linguistics: An analysis of sentence

topics. Philosophica 27.53-94.
Rodman, Robert. 1974. On left dislocation. Papers in Linguistics 7.437-66.
TiCKOO, Asha. 1992. On preposing and word order rigidity. Pragmatics 2:4.467-

86.
Ward, Gregory. 1985. The semantics and pragmatics of preposing. University of

Pennsylvania, Ph.D dissertation in Linguistics.
White, S. J., & V. Teller, (eds.). 1984. Annals of New York Academy of

Sciences, Volume 433: Discourses in Reading and Linguistics. New York:

The New York Academy of Sciences.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

REVIEW

Jeffrey C. King: Complex Demonstratives: A Quantificational Account.
Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001. Pp. xiii+207. Price: (cloth) $50.00,
ISBN 0-262-11263-9; (paper) $20.00, ISBN 0-262-61169-4.

Peter Lasersohn

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

lasersoh @ uiuc.edu

David Kaplan's classic paper 'Demonstratives', published in 1989 after more than
a decade of circulation in manuscript, seemed to establish demonstratives as
perhaps the clearest and least controversial example of 'directly referring' terms:
contributing an individual — but no further descriptive material — to the semantic
content of sentences in which they occur, modally rigid, and non-quantificational.
Kaplan's original formalism modeled only 'simple' demonstratives, consisting of
this or that with no accompanying common noun; but one might naturally expect
'complex' demonstratives such as this book or that man wearing the yellow shirt
to be semantically similar, and indeed analyses such as those in Braun (1994) or
Borg (2000) defend exactly this view, allowing the descriptive material of such
expressions to play a role in the character, but not the content, of sentences in
which they appear. King's book challenges this view on all counts, presenting a
detailed defense of the view that complex demonstratives are quantificational
expressions rather than singular terms, with non-rigid uses in which their
descriptive material forms part of the content of the larger sentence.

The heart of King's case is the existence of certain uses of complex
demonstratives which seem difficult or impossible to account for in a direct
reference analysis. Prominent among these is the 'no demonstration no speaker
refereiKe' use, illustrated in examples like (1), uttered by a speaker who does not
know who scored one hundred on the exam, but only that exactly one student did
so:

(1) That student who scored one hundred on the exam is a genius.

The demonstrative here seems entirely natural, but the speaker would not seem to
have any particular individual in mind as the referent of the phrase. Through a
complex but careful series of arguments. King shows that various strategies for
dealing with such examples in a direct reference approach lead to significant
problems. Additional problems for direct reference analyses come from
'quantification in' examples, in which the demonstrative contains a variable bound

Thanks to Gary Ebbs, Lenny Clapp and the other members of lUinois Program for Research in the
Humanities reading group on 'Demonstratives and Concepts' for many interesting discussions of King's
book, and to Jeffrey King, for his helpful presentation to the reading group.

92 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

by a quantifier outside the demonstrative, as in (2), and from Bach-Peters
examples such as (3):

(2) Most avid snow skiers remember that first black diamond run they
attempted to ski.

(3) Every friend of yours who studied for it passed that math exam she was
dreading.

Alongside these semantic arguments. King suggests that complex
demonstratives behave syntactically like quantificational, rather than referential,
noun phrases: they allow antecedent-contained deletion, as in (4):

(4) Tiger birdied that hole that Michael did.

They also show weak crossover effects, so that (5) cannot be interpreted with his
anaphoric to that man with the goatee:

(5) His mother loves that man with the goatee.

King suggests that these patterns show that complex demonstratives undergo
quantifier raising at LF.

King shows considerably more sophistication about natural language syntax
than much of the philosophical literature on demonstratives, but these arguments
are not unassailable. Analyses of antecedent-contained deletion are available
which do not depend on quantifier raising (Baltin 1987). In addition, some
constructions that do not clearly involve quantification still show weak crossover
effects: for example, intonational focus (Chomsky 1976). Example (6), with focus
on loves, allows a reading where his is anaphoric to John, but (7), with focus on
John, does not:

(6) His mother LOVES John.

(7) His mother loves JOHN.

My own intuition is that (5) improves considerably if focus is placed on the verb,
so the crossover effect in this example may have less to do with the
quantificational status of complex demonstratives than with the syntax of focus
marking.

Having presented arguments against a direct reference account and in favor
of a quantificational account of complex demonstratives. King proceeds to
develop a detailed quantificational analysis. Starting from a relatively simple view,
he introduces complications by stages, eventually arriving at the claim that the

determiner that denotes a four-place relation and are uniquely in an

object X and x is . The first argument place is for the property denoted by the

common noun phrase with which that combines; the final argument place is for
the property denoted by the scope. The second and third argument places are filled
pragmatically according to the intentions of the speaker; different ways of fiUing
them give rise to different readings for the complex demonstrative.

If the speaker utters the complex demonstrative with a 'perceptual intention'
— that is, if the speaker perceives a particular individual b in his or her physical

Lasersohn: Review of King 93

environment and, in using the demonstrative, intends to talk about b — then the
second argument place of that is filled with the property is identical to b. This
allows the complex demonstrative to mimic specific reference to b, despite its
quantificational semantics. It should be noticed here that although the choice of b
depends on the perceptions of the speaker, the property is identical to b involves b
itself, not perceptions of ^, so the demonstrative retains a kind of direct
correspondence to b despite King's rejection of the direct reference approach.
Opponents of the whole idea of directness of reference will therefore probably not
find King to be as clear an ally as they might have hoped.

A more 'indirect' reading is obtained if the speaker utters the demonstrative
with a 'descriptive intention' — that is, if he or she believes that there is some
individual that uniquely possesses a certain property P, and intends to talk about
that individual, as in the 'no demonstration no speaker reference' use described
above. In this case, the second argument place of that is filled with P. Typically
(though not always), P will be the property denoted by the common noun phrase
with which that combines; in other words, the very same property which fills the
first argument place. This renders the second argument completely redundant,
standing idly by but doing no semantic work — a somewhat odd feature of the
analysis, but one which seems necessary if a completely unified treatment of that
is to be maintained.

The third argument place in the semantics of that may be filled either with
are jointly instantiated, or with are jointly instantiated in w, t, where w, t are the
world and time of the context of use. The latter choice effectively renders the
content of the common noun argument of that irrelevant to modal evaluation of
the sentence in which it occurs. For example, sentence (8) may be interpreted as in
(9):

(8) That guy driving the red Blazer is smart.

(9) Guy driving the red Blazer and is identical to b are uniquely jointly
instantiated in w, t in an object x and x is smart.

On this reading, the sentence will require that b, the object of the speaker's
perceptual intention, be a guy driving the red Blazer in the world and time of the
utterance, but the sentence will be true in all those worlds in which b is smart,
regardless of whether & is a guy driving the red Blazer in those worlds. This part
of the analysis is surprisingly reminiscent of those analyses which allow the
descriptive material of the complex demonstrative to contribute to character but
not content, though of course this terminology is not used. Here again, opponents
of the whole idea of direct reference may find themselves disappointed.

If the third argument place of that is filled simply with are jointly
instantiated, and if the sentence is uttered with a descriptive intention, then we
obtain a modally non-rigid interpretation, in which the descriptive material of the
complex demonstrative must be satisfied in every world in which the sentence is
true. For example, (10) may be interpreted as (1 1):

(10) That student who scored one hundred on the exam is a genius.

94 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

(11) Student who scored one hundred on the exam and student who scored
one hundred on the exam are uniquely jointly instantiated in an object x
and X is a genius.

On this reading, the sentence will be true at those times and worlds in which there
is a unique student who scored one hundred on the exam — potentially a different
student in different worlds — and that student is a genius.

With this analysis in place, King proceeds to explore the interaction of
demonstratives with modals, negation, and verbs of prepositional attitude; to
defend his analysis against an alternative which would claim that complex
demonstratives are ambiguous between directly referring and quantificational
uses; and to address various details and 'loose ends' of his account. The book
concludes with a brief formal fragment illustrating the analysis.

Proponents of direct reference theories will no doubt find ways to poke holes
in many of King's semantic arguments, just as LF syntacticians may poke holes in
some of his syntactic arguments. That having been said, I think no one will deny
that this book provides a major contribution to the study of demonstratives, and
has advanced the level of the discussion considerably. King examines a much
broader range of data than previous treatments, argues his case closely and
carefully, develops his analysis at an unusual level of detail, and works through
the consequences thoroughly. I think it is fair to say that this book will set the
standard for subsequent treatments.

Beyond its importance in the study of demonstratives, this book provides a
model for work at the interface of Unguistics and philosophy — an area which is
currently undergoing a kind of renaissance. It deserves a wide readership, not just
among specialists in the semantics of demonstratives, but among philosophically-
oriented linguists and linguistically-oriented philosophers more generally.

REFERENCES

Almog, Joseph, John Perry, & Howard Wettstein (eds.). 1989. Themes from

Kaplan. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Baltin, Mark. 1987. Do antecedent-contained deletions exist? Linguistic Inquiry

18.579-95.
BORG, Emma. 2000. Complex demonstratives. Philosophical Studies 97.229-49.
Braun, David. 1994. Structured character and complex demonstratives.

Philosophical Studies 74.193-219.
Chomsky, Noam. 1976. Conditions on rules of grammar. Linguistic Analysis

2.303-51.
Kaplan, David. 1989. Demonstratives. In: Almog, Perry 8c Wettstein (eds.), 481-

563.

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002)

REVIEW

Saran Kaur Gill: English Language Challenges for Malaysia: International
Communication. Serdang: Universiti Putra Malaysia Press, 2002. Pp.
132. Price: $24.00, ISBN 9832373522.

James H. Yang

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

hyang5@uiuc.edu

Gill's main argument is to propose Standard Malaysian English to meet the needs
for national identity and international intelligibility. Gill remarks that Malaysians'
average English skills have been relapsing since Malay promoted Bahasa Malaysia
as the main medium of instruction in schools in 1969 and later at the university
level in 1983 (p. 38). Specifically, she points out that after the colonial era, the
number of acrolectal English speakers has decreased considerably. By contrast, the
number of mesolectal and basilectal English speakers has increased greatly in
Malaysia (p. 52). Accordingly, she proposes to improve Malaysians' English skills
to enhance national competitiveness in technological advancement and global
markets.

However, she found that it is inadequate to continue to adopt Standard
British English as the pedagogical norm. This inadequacy is due to the following
reasons. First, it is almost linguistically impossible for adult learners of English to
attain native-like accents. She argues that it is practical to adopt the local educated
variety of English as a teaching model. Furthermore, Malaysian inhabitants cannot
identify themselves with exonormative discourse practices and sociocultural
values associated with the UK. Since Malaysia became independent of the UK on
31 August 1957, there have been strong feeUngs of antagonism against English,
and the government has taken measures to disestablish it (p. 25). Most crucially,
talk practices are part of culture, embodying national identities. Accordingly, Gill
asserts that it is more appropriate to adopt the local educated variety of English as
a teaching model for Malaysians.

In fact, the findings of Gill's questionnaire demonstrate that her fellow
nationals prefer their educated English variety to Standard British English for their
pedagogical norm. Gill found that 85% of her Malaysian informants approve of
Standard Malaysian English as the most suitable pedagogical model of English in
Malaysia. British English with a Received Pronunciation (RP) accent, by
comparison, is perceived by 73% of the respondents to be the second suitable
model. Apparently, a local standard variety of English is emerging in Malaysia as
many people realize that their local standard variety of English represents part of
their national identities and cultures.

96 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002)

What, then, is Standard Malaysian English? What is the difference between
Standard Malaysian EngUsh and Standard British English? Gill defines (p. 29)
Standard Malaysian EngUsh as a variety of English, where as far as phonology is
concerned, there is slight variation tolerated so long as it is internationally
inteUigible; in terms of syntax, no deviation is tolerated at all, and with regard to
lexis, variation is acceptable only for words which have no sociocultural
equivalents in Enghsh.

Gill also examines the use of English in Malaysia. She found that Standard
Malaysian English or acrolectal English is used at formal presentations on behalf
of companies (p. 78). In addition. Standard Malaysian English is employed in
radio advertisements to give a brief announcement of an advertised product. Local
basilectal and acro-mesolectal varieties of English are, by contrast, often used by
advertisers to capture listeners' attention because most Malaysians speak those
varieties in daily conversations. Accordingly, advertisers draw on popular
colloquial varieties of EngUsh to create the images of friendliness, reminding the
audience that their products are designed for everyday use. Put simply, each local
variety of English is linked with different language ideologies, and advertisement
agencies employ different local English varieties as strategies to create desired
impressions and promote their products and services.

Finally, Gill proposes Standard Malaysian English as the medium of
instruction for higher education to attain the three goals, set by Datuk Seri Dr.
Mahathir Mohamad, the Prime Minister of Malaysia (p. Ill):

1) For Malaysia to remain competitive at the international level

2) To enhance Malaysians' efficiency and capability associated with English
skills

3) To keep up the pace of translation with the generation of knowledge and
information in the field of science and technology

However, in my opinion, some realities need careful consideration before a local
acrolectal variety of English is adopted as the medium of instruction for higher
education in countries where English is taught as a second and/or foreign
language. First, many teachers, except for English teachers, might not be
competent to speak local acrolectal English fluently and might not well explain
complex and abstract ideas in English to their students. Second, while teachers
might use and speak acrolectal English, many students might not have developed
necessary skills in listening comprehension. In addition, students might not have
developed appropriate speaking skills to ask questions in English. It is very likely
that students will spend more time on the learning of EngUsh and less time on the
studies of their own fields. Accordingly, the students may lose interests in their
original studies and change their research fields into the study of English language
acquisition. Consequently, there will be more English majors and fewer
professionals in other important fields, such as engineering, technology and
medicine, as in the case of numerous African countries (Bocamba 1995). Third,
the assumption that the use of local acrolectal EngUsh for higher educaUon can
improve students' English skills is doubtful. While teachers' use of English in

Yang: Review of Gill 97

class can provide their students with more input, the question is to what extent
students can digest the input into their intake and apply them in actual
communication. Finally, when English teachers focus on the goal of helping their
students achieve the highest possible level of English proficiency, they also need
to consider the real-world use of English in international communication (Vande
Berg 1997). Crosling and Ward (2002) report that competence in formal
presentation alone is inadequate for the workplace because most verbal
communication in international companies is informal in nature. They found that
informal English expressions are the most frequently used forms in work-related
discussions among workmates in the same company department. Therefore, in the
case of teaching English for international communication, there is a need to
consider not only linguistic competence but also sociolinguistic competence in the
realistic use of English in intercultural exchanges and international business.

REFERENCES

BoccAMBA, Eyamba G. 1995. The politics of language planning in Africa: Critical

choices for the 21st century. In: PuTZ (ed.), 1 1-27.
Crosling, Glenda, & Ian Ward. 2002. Oral communication: The workplace need

and uses of business graduate employees. English for Specific Purposes

21.41-57.
PUTZ, Martin (ed.). 1995. Discrimination through Language in Africa?

Perspectives on the Namibian Experience. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Vande Berg, C.K. 1997. Corporate versus academic perceptions of the need for

language fluency. Journal of Language for International Business 8:2. 16-

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STUDIES IN THE UNGUISTIC SCIENCES
VOLUME 32, NO. 2 (Fall 2002)

Papers in General Linguistics

Timothy L. Face and Scott M. Alvord: Descriptive adequacy vs.
psychological reality: The case of two restrictions on
Spanish stress placement

Jose Ignacio Hualde and Itziar Aramaio: Accentual variation and
convergence in northeastern Bizkaian Basque

Aimee Johansen: Kiswahili naming of days of the week in a wider
context of day name borrowings

Regina Morin: English/Spanish language contact on the internet:
Linguistic borrowing of many stripes

Keun Young Shin: Two types of negation not and scope ambiguities

Asha Tickoo: On information packaging and hearer engagement
in Kashmiri narrative

Reviews

Peter Lasersohn: Review of Jeffrey C. King: Complex Demonstratives:
A Quantificational Account

James H. Yang: Review of Saran Kaur Gill: English Language Challenges
for Malaysia: International Communication

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