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Linguistic Sciences 



VOLUME 32, NUMBER 2 
(FALL 2002) 

f 

PAPERS IN GENERAL LINGUISTICS 



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=>ARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS 
IIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URB ANA-CHAMPAIGN 



STUDIES IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 

(ISSN 0049-2388) 

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STUDIES IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 

Papers 

in 
General Linguistics 

EDITED BY 
Peter Lasersohn 

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS 

Hee Youn Cho 
Aimee Johansen 



VOLUME 32, NUMBER 2 
(FALL 2002) 



DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URB ANA-CHAMPAIGN 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Timothy L. Face and Scott M. Alvord: Descriptive adequacy vs. 
psychological reality: The case of two restrictions on 
Spanish stress placement 1 

Jose Ignacio Hualde and Itziar Aramaio: Accentual variation and 

convergence in northeastern Bizkaian Basque 17 

Aimee Johansen: Kiswahili naming of days of the week in a wider 

context of day name borrowings 39 

Regina Morin: English/Spanish language contact on the internet: 

Linguistic borrowing of many stripes 43 

Keun Young Shin: Two types of negation not and scope ambiguities 63 

Asha Tickoo: On information packaging and hearer engagement 

in Kashmiri narrative 73 



REVIEWS 

Peter Lasersohn: Review of Jeffrey C. King: Complex Demonstratives: 

A Quantificational Account 91 

James H. Yang: Review of Saran Kaur Gill: English Language Challenges 

for Malaysia: International Communication 95 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 

DESCRIPTIVE ADEQUACY VS. PSYCHOLOGICAL REALITY: THE 
CASE OF TWO RESTRICTIONS ON SPANISH STRESS PLACEMENT* 

Timothy L. Face and Scott M. Alvord 

University of Minnesota 

facex002@umn.edu, alvor002@umn.edu 

This paper examines two supposed restrictions on Spanish stress 
placement: 1) the heavy penult condition, which prohibits stress 
leftward of the penultimate syllable if the penultimate syllable is heavy, 
and 2) the three-syllable window condition, which prohibits stress other 
than on one of the final three syllables of a word. While these two 
conditions are clearly descriptively adequate generalizations about the 
lexicon, this study sets out to determine whether they are 
psychologically real restrictions, serving as constraints that prohibit 
words that violate them. The results of a perception study indicate that 
neither of these conditions is a psychologically real restriction on 
Spanish stress placement. While the present study adds another type of 
evidence to recent claims that Spanish is not quantity sensitive, it goes a 
step further with respect to the heavy penult condition by claiming that 
words that violate this condition are not disallowed by Spanish at all. 
With respect to the three-syllable window condition, this study is the 
first to claim that this exceptionless generalization about Spanish stress 
is nothing more than a generalization over words in the lexicon, and is 
not a true restriction on Spanish stress placement. 

1. Introduction 

In the quest to explain the Spanish stress system, at least two major restrictions on 
Spanish stress placement have been taken for granted by many investigators: 1) 
the heavy penult condition, and 2) the three-syllable window condition. The heavy 
penult condition states that Spanish does not allow words with stress on the 
antepenultimate syllable if the penultimate syllable is heavy (i.e., * 
'CVC.CVC.CV). While the heavy penult condition is often tied to the role of 
quantity sensitivity in Spanish stress assignment, which has been a topic of debate 
over the last several years (e.g., Alvord 2003; Barkanyi 2002; Face 2000, 2004; 
Harris 1983; Lipski 1997; Roca 1990), the heavy penult condition itself has almost 
always been considered a productive restriction on Spanish stress placement, 
whether explained by quantity sensitivity or in another way.' The evidence in 



* We would like to thank an anonymous reviewer as well as the audience at the 7'" Hispanic Linguistics 
Symposium (Albuquerque, 16-18 October 2003) for useful comments and suggestions on an earlier version 
of this paper. 

' We want to be clear in our distinction here. The term quantity sensitivity is often used in Spanish to refer 
to the lack of stress leftward of a heavy penultimate syllable. However, quantity sensitivity is merely an 

© 2005 Timothy L. Face & Scott M. Alvord 



2 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

support of the heavy penult condition is that, with the exception of a few 
toponyms and borrowings, Spanish has no words in violation of this condition. 
The three-syllable window condition has also been taken as an indisputable 
restriction on Spanish stress placement. The evidence for the three-syllable 
window condition is that there exist no Spanish words where stress falls outside of 
the last three syllables (e.g., * 'CV.CV.CV.CV). Apparent exceptions to this in the 
orthographical system are the result of one or more enclitic pronouns being 
attached to the lexical word in orthography (e.g., digamelo 'tell me it'). But no 
lexical word violates the three-syllable window condition. 

While these apparent restrictions on Spanish stress placement are 
descriptively true, not all descriptively true statements about a language are 
representative of the psychological reality of the speakers of that language. 
Kiparsky (1982) puts it quite clearly in discussing Hale's (1973) findings for 
passive formation in Maori (further discussed in Hualde 2000), that the simplest 
analysis of the data do not represent the behavior of speakers in cases of 
borrowings, change in progress, etc. The relevant data are shown in (1). 

(1) verb passive verb passive 



awhi 


awhitia 'to embrace' 


mau 


mauria 'to carry' 


hopu 


hopukia 'to catch' 


wero 


werohia 'to stab' 


am 


arumia 'to follow' 


patu 


patua 'to strike, kill' 


tohu 


tohugia 'to point out' 


kite 


kitea 'to see, find' 



Kiparsky (1982:68) states that: 

If we wanted an 'A' on our exam, we would, of course, say that the 
underlying forms are /awhit/, /hopuk/, /maur/, etc., and that the suffix is 
/ia/....If someone were to say that the underlying forms are /awhi/, 
/hopu/, /mau/, etc., he'd flunk. What Hale shows is that Maori children 
learning their language flunk this 'exam' ... .There is strong evidence 
that the 'clever' analysis is not psychologically correct. The 
psychologically correct grammar of Maori has /tia/ as the basic ending 
and /kia/, /ria/ etc., as a set of allomorphs used in verbs that have to be 
lexically marked as taking them. 

The Maori data are just one example of cases where descriptively true 
statements do not correspond to psychological realities. This has been discussed 
by many linguists, including a growing number of studies on Spanish (Morin 2002 
for coronal and velar softening, Aske 1990 and Face 2003 for stress rules, 
Barkanyi 2002 and Alvord 2003 for quantity sensitivity, Bybee & Pardo 1981 for 
diphthongization, Pensado 1997 for nasal and lateral depalatahzation, Eddington 
2001 for epenthesis, and others). These cases highlight the necessity of pursuing 



explanation for why stress does not exist leftward of a heavy penultimate syllable. That is to say, quantity 
sensitivity may (attempt to) explain the heavy penult condition, but it is not itself the heavy jjenult 
condition. We take the heavy penult condition as the apparent restriction on stress leftward of a heavy 
penultimate syllable, regardless of what explanation (quantity sensitivity or otherwise) may be given for its 
existence. 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 3 

not only descriptive adequacy in formulating phonological statements, but in 
assuring that these statements reflect psychological reality. As Hualde (2000:175) 
puts it. 

Our task, thus, is to discover which generalizations have reality for the 
speakers of a language, as reflected by their linguistic behavior, without 
being misled by preconceived notions of simplicity. 

In the current paper, then, the task is to determine whether the heavy penult 
condition and the three-syllable window condition are psychologically real in 
addition to being descriptively adequate, or whether they are descriptively 
adequate but lack reality for speakers of Spanish. In order for these two conditions 
to be considered psychologically real, they must not only describe the data 
accurately, which they clearly do, but they must be shown to serve as constraints 
prohibiting words that violate them. 

The current paper presents the results of a perception experiment testing the 
psychological reality of the heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window 
condition in Spanish. Previous research on the heavy penult condition and the 
three-syllable window condition is discussed in Section 2. Section 3 presents 
experimental methodology. The results are presented and discussed in Section 4. 
And finally. Section 5 contains the conclusions drawn from the present study. 

2. Previous research 

2.1. Heavy penult condition 

Attempts to explain the synchronic processes that native Spanish speakers use to 
assign stress to words have sometimes used diachronic evidence gleaned from the 
Spanish language's development from Latin (e.g., Saltarelli 1997). The major 
stress-related phenomenon that has been taken from Latin and applied to Spanish 
is quantity sensitivity, which its proponents use to explain the lack of words 
violating the heavy penult condition. 

Quantity sensitivity is a term used to describe the stress patterns in languages 
whose syllable structure, particularly the phonological "weight" of the syllable, 
directly affects how stress is assigned. Stress assignment in Spanish has 
traditionally been traced to the classical accentuation system of Latin, which has 
been one of the basic examples of quantity sensitive languages. Latin accentuation 
has been accepted to be entirely predictable. The rule for Latin stress, in words 
with at least three syllables, calls for stress on the penultimate syllable if it is 
heavy, and on the antepenultimate syllable if the penultimate syllable is light. A 
syllable's weight depends on the phonetic makeup of its rime. Latin syllables are 
heavy if they contain either a long vowel or a coda consonant; the rime of a light 
syllable contains only a short vowel. The Latin stress rule indicates that a heavy 
penultimate syllable will "attract" stress, preventing it from falling on the 
antepenultimate syllable. Quantity sensitivity is just that: stress is sensitive to 
syllable weight, and therefore a heavy syllable will attract stress. 



4 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

The many attempts in generative phonology to formalize stress placement in 
Spanish non-verbs have disagreed on whether quantity sensitivity actually plays a 
role in the synchronic process. In one of the most notable works on Spanish stress, 
Harris (1983) uses quantity sensitivity as one of the conditions for his stress 
assignment algorithm, as he does in later work as well (Harris 1992). He notes 
that, as in Latin, no Spanish words with antepenultimate stress have a heavy penult 
(e.g., * 'CVC.CVC.CV), citing the unacceptability of nonce words such as 
*teIefosno and *dtasca. Roca (1990), on the other hand, rejects Spanish quantity 
sensitivity, as did Larramendi (1729) more than two centuries earlier, and 
proposes an alternate analysis to explain the lack of words violating the heavy 
penult condition. He argues that the existence of loan words with heavy 
penultimate syllables and antepenultimate stress (e.g., Washington, Manchester, 
remington 'type of rifle') contradicts the presence of quantity sensitivity in 
Spanish. He argues that Spanish speakers who produce these loan words with the 
foreign stress pattern have no knowledge of the source language. Anecdotally, it 
has been noted, however, that native Spanish speakers with extensive contact with 
English can change the stress patterns of these loan words to fit a more Spanish- 
like pronunciation (e.g., Washington, Manchester) (Niiiiez Cedeno, personal 
communication). 

In a view somewhere in between those of Harris (1983, 1992) and Roca 
(1990, 1999), Lipski (1997) claims that it is possible that Spanish is losing its 
quantity sensitivity and that in the future it may become completely quantity 
insensitive. He points out the importance of one difference between Latin and 
Spanish: Spanish has no distinction between long and short vowels or between 
geminate and non-geminate consonants. In its evolution from Latin, Spanish lost 
the distinction of vowel and consonant length. The fact that Spanish does not 
distinguish between short and long vowels or consonants 'inherently weakens the 
system of quantity sensitivity' (Lipski 1997:577). 

More recently a different approach in the attempt to find evidence for or 
against the existence of quantity sensitivity in Spanish has emerged. A variety of 
experimental studies have examined the role of quantity sensitivity in the 
assignment of Spanish stress. Face (2000, 2004a) performed perception 
experiments on Spanish stress placement. Both studies were performed using 
synthesized nonce words where the acoustic correlates to stress were neutralized. 
In the first study. Face (2000:8) found that 'syllable weight has a very real 
cognitive effect: A heavy syllable is far more likely to be perceived as stressed. . . 
than is a light syllable'. It was found later, however, that the nonce words used in 
this first study were not completely neutralized and in fact contained durational 
cues to stress. The duration of vowels, but not of syllables, was neutralized, and 
therefore the coda consonant of heavy syllables added duration in addition to 
phonological weight. After correcting this 'error of experimental design (Face 
2004a) by neutrahzing syllable durations as opposed to vowel durations, the 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 5 

previous study was replicated with completely neutralized nonce words.^ Results 
from this study were found to contradict the previous findings. Face (2004) 
concluded that Spanish is not quantity sensitive. Similar conclusions have been 
reached by researchers using different types of experimental data. 

Barkanyi (2002) used a paper and pencil test with nonce words in which she 
asked informants to mark orthographically where they would stress each nonce 
word. The unmarked stress pattern (i.e., stress the last syllable if the word ends in 
a consonant or the penultimate syllable if the word ends in a vowel) emerged the 
most often in her data, as expected. However, a considerable number of words 
with heavy penultimate syllables were assigned antepenultimate stress, and this 
number was nearly as high as in cases with a light penultimate syllable. This led 
Barkanyi to conclude that quantity sensitivity is not an active process for native 
Spanish speakers and that stress is most likely assigned using analogy to known 
words in the lexicon, which in this case are borrowing such as badminton 
'badminton' and remington 'type of rifle' . 

In a similar study, Alvord (2003) presented Spanish-speaking subjects with a 
written Ust of nonce words with orthographic accents written in. Participants were 
asked to judge each word as either possible or impossible in Spanish. Nonce words 
that were presented with antepenultimate stress and heavy penults (e.g., tampunlo) 
were overwhelmingly accepted as possible Spanish words (94%). Alvord (2003) 
not only concluded that Spanish is not quantity sensitive, but also questioned 
whether the oft-cited restrictions on antepenultimate stress in words with a heavy 
penultimate syllable might not be productive restrictions at all, but rather the 
results of historical developments, as also argued in Roca (1990). While the 
quantity sensitivity explanation for the heavy penult condition has been a matter of 
debate, Alvord goes beyond rejecting quantity sensitivity as the reason for the 
heavy penult condition, as he questions whether the heavy penult condition is even 
a restriction on Spanish stress placement at all. The conclusion that there is no 
restriction on having stress on the antepenultimate syllable when the penultimate 
syllable is heavy is of significant interest, and merits further investigation using 
other experimental designs. 

2.2. Three-syllable window condition 

There is not much to report by way of research into the three-syllable window 
condition. The primary evidence cited for the existence of this condition in 
Spanish is the simple absence of words that have stress in any syllable other than 
the last three. The most interesting evidence that can be found is the pluralization 
of singular words with antepenultimate stress that also end in a consonant (Hualde 
2000, Morales-Front 1999). Generally, when singular words in Spanish are 
pluralized, the same syllable is stressed in the plural as in the singular. Examples 
of this can be seen in (2a). However, in cases where the singular has 



^ Jose Ignacio Hualde pointed out that neither neutralizing vowel duration or syllable duration is truly 
representative of natural speech, as in heavy syllables the rime is longer than in light syllables, though the 
vowel itself is shorter. For the purpose of controlling factors in the perception studies, however, this type of 
neutralization is necessary. 



6 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

antepenultimate stress and a final consonant, stress shifts so that it remains within 
the three-syllable window, although the location of stress in the plural varies. 
Examples of this shift can be seen in (2b). 

(2) a. pera-peras 'pear-pears' 

tabu-tabues 'taboo-taboos' 
camion-camiones 'truck-trucks' 

b. regimen-regimenes 'diet-diets' 

omicron-omicrones ' omicron-omicrons ' 

The three-syllable window condition is clearly descriptively true and its 
productivity has never been questioned. However, since descriptively adequate 
statements about language do not always represent psychologically real 
restrictions on the language, and especially in light of Alvord's (2003) claim that 
the heavy penult condition may not be psychologically real, all apparent 
restrictions on Spanish stress placement, including the three-syllable window 
condition need to be re-examined. 

3. Methodology 

The experiment carried out for the present study was designed to further test the 
claim in Alvord (2003) that the heavy penult condition is not a psychologically 
real and productive restriction on Spanish stress, and also to experimentally test 
whether the three-syllable window condition is a psychologically real and 
productive restriction or the artifact of other factors. The experiment seeks to 
investigate these issues through a perception test in which subjects were asked to 
judge the acceptability of synthesized nonce words. 

In order to test the psychological reality of these two descriptively adequate 
potential restrictions on Spanish stress placement, a perception test was designed 
that looks closely at both of the environments described above. Since the evidence 
cited for the heavy penult condition is the absence of Spanish words with 
antepenultimate stress and a heavy penultimate syllable, nonce words with these 
characteristics (i.e., 'CVC.CVC.CV) were included. Similarly, the evidence for the 
existence of the three-syllable window condition is the absence of Spanish words 
with stress earlier in the word than the final three syllables, and therefore nonce 
words with stress on the fourth-to-last syllable (i.e., 'CV.CV.CV.CV) were 
included in the perception test. 

In all, 100 nonce words were created (see Appendix) and synthesized using 
the MBROLI speech synthesizer. Since stress is the main focus of the study, 
special care was taken in the synthesis process to encode stress. The fundamental 
frequency (FO) and the duration of segments were manipulated in order to 
synthesize the acoustic presence of stress. While the MBROLI speech synthesizer 
allows for manipulation of the FO and duration, it does not allow for the 
manipulation of intensity. However, experimental studies investigating the 
acoustic correlates of stress from both the production and perception perspectives 
have found that FO and duration are by far the most important acoustic correlates 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 7 

of Spanish stress, with intensity having a minimal role, if any, in communicating 
Spanish stress (e.g., Enriquez, Casado, & Santos 1989; Llisterri et al. 2003, 2004; 
Quilis 1971).^ 

All words were designed not only to fit the target structures for syllables and 
stress, but also to follow Hochberg's (1988) guidelines for segmental composition 
to avoid close similarity to real Spanish words. This was done to avoid the 
existence of a similar real word influencing the acceptability judgments on the 
experimental words through the association of existing words and their stress 
patterns (cf. Face 2004a). In order to ensure that the nonce words were indeed not 
too similar to existing words, the list of nonce words was checked by a native 
Spanish speaker, and any words that were found to resemble actual words too 
closely were subsequently changed. 

The 100 synthesized nonce words consist of four different groups of words, 
with each group having a different function in the experiment. There were two 
experimental groups and two control groups. The first experimental group (N=20), 
was created in order to test the psychological reality of the heavy penult condition. 
This group consists of nonce words, following the phonotactic patterns of Spanish, 
with heavy penultimate syllables which were synthesized to carry antepenultimate 
stress (e.g., gdntirpo). As explained above, this type of word has been claimed not 
to be possible in Spanish, existing only in a few toponyms and borrowings. This 
claim, however, has been brought into question by Alvord (2003). Acceptance of 
the words in the heavy penult group would support Alvord' s claim that the heavy 
penult condition is not a psychologically real restriction on Spanish stress 
placement. Rejection of these nonce words would support the traditional view that 
there is a restriction on this type of word in Spanish. 

The second experimental group (N=20) was designed to test the 
psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition. This group consists 
of nonce words with four syllables and stress falling on the first (e.g., topuneta). In 
order to test the psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition, it is 
important that the nonce words be analyzable only as whole lexical words and not 
combinations of a lexical word plus enclitic pronoun, since at least 
orthographically these cases appear to violate the three-syllable window condition. 
Because of this, care was taken in designing the nonce words so that the last 
syllable would not be interpretable as a clitic pronoun (e.g., te, me, se, lo, la, le). 
Acceptance of the nonce words in the three-syllable window group would call into 
question the psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition as a 
productive restriction on Spanish stress placement. The rejection of these nonce 
words would indicate that the lack of words violating the three-syllable window 
condition in Spanish is indeed due to this condition being a productive restriction 
on stress placement. 



'This same view had been maintained for Enghsh, but Beckman (1986) shows that intensity actually 
provides a strong cue for stress when correctly evaluated (i.e., when integrated with duration). 



8 STUDffiS IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 32:2 (FALL 2002) 

The other two groups of nonce words were included as a measure of control. 
The first control group (N=30) consisting of only obviously possible Spanish 
words, with each containing phonotactic and stress patterns that actually exist in 
real Spanish words. The second control group (N=30), on the other hand, 
contained nonce words that were designed to be obviously impossible Spanish 
words, going against Spanish phonotactic patterns, generally by containing 
consonant clusters disallowed in Spanish. These two groups of words served as a 
measure of control to ensure that the subjects could differentiate between possible 
and impossible Spanish words, since this abihty is essential if the results for the 
experimental groups are to be meaningful. At least 80% accuracy on the control 
groups was required for the data of potential subjects to be counted in the analysis 
of the experimental groups. 

The 100 nonce words were randomized and recorded as individual .CD A 
files onto a compact disc with 3 seconds of silence between each word. The CD 
was played on a Panasonic SL-S262 portable CD player and listened to via 
Panasonic stereo headphones. Before beginning the official test, a practice set of 
five words was presented to the subjects so that they could adjust their ear to the 
synthesized voice and the rhythm of the presentation. Subjects were allowed to 
listen to the practice session as many times as they wanted to in order to feel 
comfortable in completing the task. After the subjects listened to the practice 
section, the test words were presented, and no repetition was permitted. The 
subjects recorded their judgments on a sheet of paper numbered from 1 to 100 
with the words si and no written next to each number. For each word heard, 
subjects were asked to circle the appropriate answer according to whether or not 
the word they heard was a possible Spanish word. The notion of "possible Spanish 
word" was explained to subjects by telling them that while none of the words they 
would hear were real Spanish words, the question they needed to answer was 
whether each word could be a Spanish word if a new word was needed for a 
concept not communicated by any existing Spanish word. 

Since any claim in the present study about the psychological reality of the 
heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window condition as restrictions on 
Spanish stress placement hinges on the acceptance or rejection of nonce words 
based on their acoustically marked stress, it is imperative that the subjects be able 
to identify the acoustically stressed syllable in these synthesized nonce words. As 
an additional measure of control, a post-test was administered to the subjects in 
which 20 of the synthesized words from the "possible" group were re-presented 
and the subjects were asked to indicate which syllable they heard as stressed. 
Subjects recorded their answers on a sheet of paper numbered from 1 to 20, with 
each number followed by the numbers 1, 2, and 3. Subjects circled the number of 
the syllable perceived to be stressed. This post-test was administered immediately 
following the completion of the main experiment, and this ordering was chosen to 
avoid directing the subjects' attention to stress as the main interest of the study 
before completing the acceptability judgments. Subjects were required to perceive 
stress with at least 75% accuracy to have their results included in the study. The 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 9 

average score on the post-test was 85%, indicating that the subjects were very 
accurate in identifying the acoustically stressed syllable of the synthesized nonce 
words. 

Subjects were 10 native speakers of Spanish attending graduate school in the 
United States who were naive with respect to the purposes of the study. All grew 
up monolingual speakers of Spanish and none had lived in the U.S. prior to 
attending graduate school. While the subjects speak different varieties of Spanish, 
this mixture of Spanish dialects does not pose any problem for the present study 
since the apparent restrictions on stress patterns being tested are consistent across 
Spanish. 



4. Results and discussion 

Table 1 shows the results of the perception test. Nonce words in the two control 
groups were accepted or rejected as would be expected. Nonce words in the 
"possible" group were accepted at a rate of 81% and the words from the 
"impossible" group were rejected at a rate of 89%. More interesting are the results 
for the two experimental groups. Subjects accepted nonce words in the heavy 
penult group at a rate of 67% (133 of 200) and those in the three-syllable window 
group at a rate of 62% ( 1 23 of 200). 

Table 1. Acceptabihty judgments by nonce word group 





Yes 


No 






# 


% 


# 


% 


Totals 


Heavy Penult 


133 


67% 


67 


34% 


200 


3 Syllable 
Window 


123 


62% 


77 


39% 


200 


Possible 


244 


81% 


56 


19% 


300 


Impossible 


32 


11% 


268 


89% 


300 


Totals 


532 


53% 


468 


47% 


1000 



The result in Table 1, as well as in Figure 1, that stands out is that both 
experimental groups were accepted more often than they were rejected, and far 
more often than the impossible group. While the experimental groups were not 
accepted as often as the possible group, it is clear that their rate of acceptance is 
more similar to that of the possible group than to that of the impossible group. 
Overall, nonce words in both experimental groups are accepted as possible 
Spanish words. 



10 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 



100% 
80% 
60% 
40% 
20% 
0% 



■ 




■ 


■ 


■ 




67% 


■ 




81% 


H 


I 


62% 


1 



■ Ho 
DYes 



Heavy 
Penult 



3 Syllable Possible 
Window 



Impossible 



Figure 1. Acceptability judgments by nonce word group. 

In order to see how the acceptabiUty of each group compares to the other 
groups, a chi-squared analysis was performed. A chi-squared test comparing all 
four groups shows that the distribution of acceptance across groups is statistically 
significant (p<0.0001). This result is to be expected, however, given the presence 
of the control groups, where the impossible group was required to be rejected and 
the possible group was required to be accepted. In order to see if the acceptability 
of the experimental groups differs significantly from the control groups, 
subsequent chi-squared analyses are needed. These analyses indicate that the rate 
of acceptance of each of the two experimental groups differs significantly from 
that of each of the two control groups (p<0.001). Furthermore, another chi-squared 
analysis indicates that the two experimental groups do not differ significantly from 
each other in their rate of acceptance (p=0.27). We can interpret these results as 
meaning that the words in the heavy penult and three-syllable window groups 
were placed into their own group by subjects in terms of rate of acceptability. We 
end up, thus, with three groups: 1) the possible group, accepted as possible 
Spanish words at a very high rate, 2) the experimental groups, accepted more often 
than not, but less than the possible group, and 3) the impossible group, rarely 
accepted as possible Spanish words. 

The overall acceptability of the heavy penult group lends support to recent 
experimental studies that claim that Spanish is not quantity sensitive (Alvord 
2003, Barkanyi 2002, Face 2004a). In addition, it provides support for Alvord's 
claim that the heavy penult condition is not a psychologically real and productive 
restriction on Spanish stress placement. 

The acceptability of the three-syllable window group is perhaps more 
interesting. The descriptive adequacy of the three-syllable window condition 
cannot be refuted, as Spanish has no words with stress outside of the final three 
syllables of the word. The results of the present study, however, bring into 
question the psychological reality of the three-syllable window condition as a true 
restriction on Spanish stress placement. Hualde (2000:175), while arguing for an 
analogical model for Spanish stress, explains that Spanish speakers make 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality ll 

generalizations based on patterns in the lexicon. He uses the three-syllable window 
condition as an example, stating that 'Spanish-speakers know that the plural of 
regimen, omicron, Jupiter, whatever it is, cannot be regimenes, omicrones, 
Jupiteres\ This generalization on the part of Spanish speakers makes perfect sense 
given the categorical presence of stress on only the last three syllables of Spanish 
words. Given the seeming strength of this generalization, it may seem odd that 
words violating the three-syllable window condition would be judged to be 
possible Spanish words. If this condition were a psychologically real restriction on 
Spanish stress placement, one would expect the words in violation to be rejected at 
a rate similar to the high rate of rejection of the impossible group. Clearly, 
however, this is not the case. 

While the nonce words of the experimental groups were not rejected at a rate 
similar to the nonce words of the impossible group, and while they were accepted 
overall, the question of why they were not accepted as often as the nonce words of 
the possible group must be addressed. This is where the lack of existing words 
having these patterns comes into play. While the nonce words of the experimental 
groups are accepted overall, numerous recent studies have shown that an 
individual's language experience and the frequency of occurrence of words and 
patterns is an important part of their competence (e.g., Bybee 2001, Bybee & 
Hopper 2001, and references therein). The fact that Spanish speakers have never 
heard words with these patterns makes them seem less "Spanish-like" than words 
that follow familiar patterns. Therefore, while they are not completely rejected in 
the way that the words in the impossible group are, the relative degree of 
unfamiliarity of their stress patterns in comparison with those of the nonce words 
in the possible group results in a somewhat lower rate of acceptance. 

One possible explanation is that segmental factors are more salient to 
listeners than is stress placement in determining whether a nonce word is a 
possible Spanish word. If this explanation is accurate, the nonce words violating 
the heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window condition may have 
sounded "more Spanish-like" than the nonce words whose segmental 
combinations made them unacceptable (i.e., the impossible group). While this 
explanation is possible, the huge difference in how the two experimental groups 
and the impossible group were accepted, along with the overall acceptance of the 
experimental group, makes this explanation seem unlikely. 

The other possibility, indicated by the current results, is that the heavy penult 
condition and the three-syllable window condition, while descriptively adequate, 
are not psychologically real restrictions on Spanish stress placement. The concept 
of descriptive truths not necessarily corresponding with psychological reality is 
not a new one. In fact, much recent evidence that has been brought forth in favor 
of such an idea has come from experimental work on Spanish stress (e.g., Aske 
1990; Eddington 2000, 2004; Face 2003, 2004a; Hualde 2000; Waltermire 2004). 



12 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

5. Conclusion 

The present study has presented results from a perception experiment examining 
the psychological reality of two apparent restrictions on Spanish stress placement. 
The first apparent restriction examined is the apparent prohibition against words 
with antepenultimate stress that have a heavy penultimate syllable (i.e., the heavy 
penult condition). The results of the experiment showed that nonce words in 
violation of this restriction were accepted overall as possible Spanish words. This 
finding lends support to the growing number of experimental studies that have 
found that Spanish is not quantity sensitive (e.g., Alvord 2003, Barkanyi 2002, 
Face 2004), presenting another type of evidence, but also supports the suggestion 
in Alvord (2003) that the heavy penult condition is not a psychologically real 
restriction on Spanish stress placement. 

The second apparent restriction examined is the apparent prohibition against 
words with stress outside of the final three syllables (i.e., the three-syllable 
window condition). The overall acceptance of nonce words stressed on the fourth 
to last syllable calls into question the psychological reality of the three-syllable 
window restriction on Spanish stress. As this is the first experimental study to 
investigate the three-syllable window condition, further examination is certainly 
required before sweeping conclusions can be drawn. However, the results of the 
present study indicate that the three-syllable window condition is not a 
psychologically real restriction on Spanish stress placement. 

In the cases of the heavy penult condition and the three-syllable window 
condition in Spanish, clearly it is true that, with the exception of a few toponyms 
and borrowings in the case of the heavy penult condition, the Spanish lexicon 
consists only of words that follow these conditions. There is no question, then, that 
they are descriptively adequate generalizations about stress placement in Spanish. 
But it is one thing to formulate a descriptive generalization over the lexicon and 
another thing altogether to say that this descriptive generalization functions as a 
constraint disallowing words that violate it. If a descriptive generalization about 
the lexicon were indeed shown to be used by speakers of the language as a 
constraint prohibiting words that violate the generalization, then it would be 
possible to say that there exists a psychologically real restriction on the language. 
In the case of the two apparent restrictions on Spanish stress considered in this 
paper, however, this is clearly not the case. The heavy penult condition and the 
three-syllable window condition are descriptive generalizations over the Spanish 
lexicon, but they do not serve as a constraint that prohibits words that go against 
these generalizations, and therefore they cannot be considered psychologically real 
restrictions on Spanish stress placement. 

An issue deserving of comment is the fact that there are exceptions to the 
heavy penult condition in borrowings and foreign names (e.g., Fromista, 
Manchester, remington 'type of rifle'), but no exceptions to the three-syllable 
window condition, despite the fact that there are foreign place names such as 
Slovak Bratislava, which when pronounced in Spanish becomes Bratislava. This 
is especially interesting since in the present study no significant difference was 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 13 

found between the status of the nonce words violating the heavy penult condition 
and those violating the three-syllable window condition. Unfortunately, we have 
no great insight into why exceptions exist to only the heavy penult condition. One 
possibility mentioned by an anonymous reviewer is that Spanish has been in 
contact with Germanic languages, which are the source of the exceptions 
mentioned above, but not with languages, such as Hungarian, Finnish or Czech, 
where stress four or more syllables from the end is possible. There are, for 
example, very few Slovak-Spanish bilinguals who could serve as a model for the 
correct pronunciation of Bratislava. This is a possible explanation for the 
distribution of exceptions to the two conditions in question, but leaves other 
questions unanswered. For example, Spanish speakers have a much more difficult 
time forming the plural of Jupiter 'Jupiter' than they do forming the plural of 
Saturno 'Saturn'. Stress is almost always on the same syllable in plurals as in 
singulars, and this poses no problem in forming Satumos 'Satums'. However in 
forming the plural of Jupiter, an additional syllable must be added, resulting in the 
segmental sequence Jupiteres. In this case, if stress is left in the same place as in 
singulars, it falls on the fourth syllable from the end. Yet Spanish speakers do not 
produce stress on that syllable, but generally struggle in deciding between 
stressing the penultimate or the antepenultimate syllable. The likely explanation 
for this difficulty is the lack of model singular-plural pairs, which exist (e.g., 
regimen- re gimenes 'diet-diets') but are extremely rare. Of course, there are no 
examples of words with stress outside of the final three syllables of the word, and 
this may make speakers even more likely to shift stress in the plural of Jupiter, 
even though the results of the present study indicate that there is no real restriction 
against a word such as Jupiteres. But while the explanation of contact with 
Germanic languages and not with languages such as Hungarian, Finnish and 
Czech may explain the existence of exceptions to the heavy penult condition and 
not the three-syllable window condition, there is no way at this point to determine 
whether or not this is the correct explanation 

In addition to presenting specific results with respect to the heavy penult 
condition and the three-syllable window condition in Spanish, the present study 
adds to the growing body of research that questions the connection between 
descriptive truths and psychological reality in linguistics. While many 
descriptively adequate statements are likely to also represent psychological reality 
for speakers of a language, the results of the present study emphasize that this is 
not always the case. Care must be taken in linguistic analysis to verify that 
statements based on descriptive facts about a language are not over-generalized to 
represent the psychological reality of speakers of that language without proper 
empirical investigation. 



14 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

APPENDIX 

Heavy Penult Group: 

ferelpa, tampunlo, pinquensa, candolde, lardanta, vintento, pentoslo, timpelto, 
dinpuma, ranlinta, gantirpo, zentolpa, pardungo, minpurco, rinlambo, nodulta, 
lumponto, zelsimpa, pompurta, niimpatro 

Three-syllable Window Group: 

gitulopa, pasirenu, betranuca, topuneta, dafulona, bilinalis, volutaso, nolumoda, 
etrapolo, ratepano, lopirena, liteslope, onlapenu, dasecopo, telucape, cideroti, 
cafunoli, cabilato, napulatra, miilofane 

Impossible Group: 

nequiclprta, skrilzareio, chticnarp, snolprt, ercbatris, jtcapruts, datbanct, zogpinrp, 
chagtjtup, gkimzin, txcopne, llesdtard, sirrimkbi, lopsuvkbi, lopntlist, renctop, 
awsilnpt, kpouell, ivumgtra, ustgbro, wioasdpi, vinctzico, nresnizcp, tnvaoi, 
btascat, dlpacstp, bcapintrrow, urrachpza, spoinbt, sanstkipt 

Possible Group: 

tinaro, quitravo, tablumo, nafrafio, dotene, estrfnato, pafiilpa, modora, cotrona, 
cubosta, jarplista, calpemo, gilbresa, mufrismo, sortrinista, tuluvan, licuspa, 
nolema, lojarra, distropa, lotrano, viteno, pocudin, gatrisa, silzira, atranda, ciblaca, 
pulatra, ponlita, blisin 



Face & Alvord: Descriptive Adequacy vs. Psychological Reality 15 

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I 



I 

.udies in the Linguistic Sciences 
olume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 

ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE IN 
NORTHEASTERN BIZKAIAN BASQUE 

Jose Ignacio Hualde* and Itziar Aramaiot 

* University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 

*jihualde@uiuc.edu 

titziaramayo@msn.com 

In this paper we systematically compare the accentual systems 
employed in the local Basque dialects of a small area of northeastern 
Bizkaia. We show that although lexical accents were historically 
regularized on different syllables in the varieties of Ondarroa and 
Markina (penultimate vs. antepenultimate syllable), later shared 
processes of syllable contraction have tended to restore agreement 
between the two varieties in the surface patterns of accentuation of 
nominals. In the accentuation of verbal forms, on the other hand, 
important differences and even opposite patterns are found. Here we 
offer some details of the variation found in this respect, considering 
also the competitions of variants in the variety of Berriatura, a rural 
area geographically located between Markina and Ondarroa. 

1. Introduction 

In this paper we consider aspects of accentual variation in the Basque varieties of 
the Markina-Ondarroa region, in the northeastern corner of the province of 
Bizkaia. The area under study includes the coastal town of Ondarroa, the town of 
Markina, some 11 km inland from Ondarroa, and the smaller township of 
Berriatua, four kilometers from Ondarroa and seven from Markina. Whereas both 
Ondarroa and Markina are relatively large towns (Ondarroa has 9761 inhabitants 
and Markina, 4770), Berriatua is a rural zone which has 1083 inhabitants, almost 
all of them Basque speakers, spread over a wide municipal area.' 

Traditionally, the variety of Markina has enjoyed considerable prestige, since 
it was used in writing by some of the first authors to write in Bizkaian dialect (the 
Markina school of the 18* and 19"' centuries). It was also the object of one of the 
first monographs on a Basque dialect, W. Rollo's (1925) The Basque Dialect of 
Marquina. On its part, the variety of Ondarroa is widely perceived as highly 
innovative and idiosyncratic and commands strong local loyalty. Among Ondarroa 
speakers there does not seem to be any widespread opinion that the variety of 
Markina is more worthy of imitation. 

If we see Markina and Ondarroa as two different linguistic foci, it is 
interesting to consider the linguistic behavior of speakers from Berriatua, who are 



' Mancomunidad de Lea-Artibai (2004). 

© 2005 Jos6 Ignacio Hualde & luiar Aramaio 



18 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

exposed to both local norms. In this paper we concentrate on facts of accentuation. 
The accentual system of Ondarroa Basque has been described and analyzed in 
Rotaetxe (1978a, 1978b), Hualde (1995, 1996) and Arregi (2002, 2004). An 
analysis of the accentual system of Markina is found in Hualde (2000) (RoUo 1925 
does not include any information on accentuation). Aramaio (2003), in a 
preliminary study of the Berriatua accentual system, found that, generally 
speaking, Berriatua agrees with Markina in the accenmation of words and phrases, 
although young speakers tend to prefer Ondarroa forms in some specific cases, 
particularly in verbal forms. 

The area under study is at the boundary of the Northern Bizkaian accentual 
type. Two defining characteristics of the Northern Bizkaian accentual type are (a) 
the existence of a lexical contrast between accented and unaccented words and (b) 
the presence of tonal plateaux, where the tone rises from the first to the second 
syllable of the phrase and stays high up to the first accented syllable, which is 
associated with a falling contour (HL) (see Azkue 1923, 1931-32; Jacobsen 1972; 
Hualde 1993a, 1999; Elordieta 1997; Hualde, Elordieta, Gaminde, & Srailjanic 
2002). 

The variety spoken in the next town going east along the coast, Mutriku, 
akeady in Gipuzkoa, has property (b) but appears to completely lack the class of 
lexically accented word (i.e., there are no accentual contrasts, see Gaminde 1998: 
140-1). Further east, in Deba we already find an accentual system of the rather 
different Central type, with regular accentual prominence on the second syllable 
(see Txillardegi 1984; Hualde 1991). South of Markina, the Mallabia accentual 
system is transitional towards the Central type (see Hualde, Mugarza, & Zuazo 
2002). 

In the next two sections, the accentual patterns of lexically unaccented and 
accented words will be considered separately. Both types of words have 
undergone a number of changes in the Markina-Ondarroa region as a result of 
which their patterns are rather different from those of more conservative varieties 
found further west. Although in some important cases (in lexically accented 
words) the varieties of Markina and Ondarroa have adopted different solutions, in 
general we find a high degree of convergence throughout the area, even in some 
very unusual developments. Divergent accentual patterns have nevertheless arisen 
in certain verbal forms. In this particular case, we find that corresponding forms in 
Markina and Ondarroa have ended up with opposite accentual patterns and there is 
also a considerable amount of variation in the speech of speakers from Berriatua 
and Markina. These verbal forms are considered in the last section. 

2. Lexically unaccented words 

2.1. General case 

As mentioned, an essential feature of all northern Bizkaian varieties is the 
existence of a contrast between lexically accented and unaccented words.^ 
Lexically unaccented words are subject to a rule of sentential accent (SA) if final 



HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE 



19 



in a phrase pronounced in isolation or in immediately preverbal position. 
Otherwise they do not have accentual prominence on any syllable. The SA rule is 
very simple in the rest of the Northern Bizkaian area: SA is assigned to the last 
syllable of the phrase. In the Markina-Ondarroa region, however, facts are 
somewhat more complicated, with a morphologically and lexically-conditioned 
alternation between final and penultimate accent. These complications in the 
assignment of SA have arisen from two distinct developments. 

First of all, as in other areas to the east and south, the sentential accent was 
historically retracted from the final syllable to the penultimate syllable of the 
phrase.^ Compare the Ondarroa and Markina examples in Table l"* with those for 
Lekeitio, a coastal town to the west of Ondarroa, where SA is uniformly phrase 
final, as in the rest of the Northern Bizkaian area (leftmost column):" 

Table 1. Lexically unaccented words: Sentential accent rule 



Lekeitio 



Ondarroa 



Markina/Berriatua 



Gloss 



gixona 
gixona ra 
gixon andidxa ra 
gixona dator 



gixona 
gixona ra 
gixon andixe ra 
gixona dator 



gisona 
gisona da 
gison andixe da 
gisona dator 



'the man' 
'(it) is the man' 
'(it) is the big man' 
'the man is coming' 



This situation has been made more complex in the Markina-Ondarroa region 
by a rule of vowel deletion. In Markina there is variable deletion of final Id in 
hiatus. This deletion rule, which is becoming more frequent in the speech of the 
younger generations, produces phrase final accent again, since it is not 
accompanied by accent retraction. In Ondarroa, this deletion process became 
obligatory some decades ago and there is no variation in this respect: 

Table 2. Deletion of /-e/: e > / V 



Markina 


Ondarroa 


Gloss 


gure alabi(e) 
esku(e) 


gure alabi 
esku 


'our daughter' 
'the hand' 



The consequence of this process of vowel deletion is that SA is now phrase- 
final in some cases and phrase-penultimate in other cases: when the last word of 
the phrase is lexically unaccented, there is final accent in inflected singular 
phrases ending in a high vowel. Otherwise SA is penultimate. This has created an 
accentual contrast between uninflected and inflected singular phrases: 



This development also took place in southern Bizkaia (Arratia and Zeberio, see Etxebarria 1991 ; Hualde 
1992) and in Gipuzkoa (see Hualde 1993b, 1999). 

Basque orthography: x is a voiceless prepalatal fricative and Dr is a voiceless prepalatal affricate. dx\sa. 
voiced prepalatal segment with both fi-icative and affricate realizations (found in Lekeitio, but not in the 
varieties of the Ondarroa-Markina area). In this papery represents a voiceless (post-)velar fricative. 

On Lekeitio accentuation and intonation see Azkue (1931-32), Hualde, Elordieta, & Elordieta (1993, 
1994), Hualde (1997:193-201), Elordieta (1997, 2003), and Elordieta & Hualde (2003). 



20 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

Table 3. Ondarroa: Accentual alternations arising from 
historical vowel deletion 



Uninflected 


Absolutive sg. 


lau seme 
lau beso 


'four sons' 
'four arms' 


gure semi 
nire besu 


'our son' 
'my arm' 



It is interesting to note, in this respect, that the relationship between 
uninflected and inflected forms is quite different from what we find in standard 
Basque or in Literary Bizkaian, a conservative dialect that in all likelihood 
represents a stage in the historical evolution of Markina and Ondarroa Basque. In 
Table 4 we give examples of uninflected nouns ending in a consonant and in all 
five vowels and their corresponding absolutive singular forms in Literary Bizkaian 
and in the Lekeitio variety.'' It is obvious that the absolutive singular can be 
straightforwardly derived from the uninflected stem by addition of -a and the 
application of a few phonological rules (in Literary Bizkaian only in the case of 
stems ending in -a). These forms are to be compared with their cognates in 
Markina and Ondarroa given in Table 5. Clearly the correspondences between 
uninflected and inflected forms are less straightforward. 

All examples are lexically unaccented. The accent marks show the accentual 
pattern of these words in phrase-final position (that is, in the environment for SA). 

Table 4. Uninflected and absolutive sg. forms in conservative dialects 



Literary Bizkaian 


Lekeitio 


Gloss 


Uninflected 


Abs. sg. 


Uninflected 


Abs. sg. 


gizon 


gizona 


gixon 


gixona 


'man' 


lagun 


laguna 


lagiin 


laguna 


'friend' 


alaba 


alabea 


alaba 


alabia 


'daughter' 


seme 


semea 


seme 


semia 


'son' 


mendi 


mendia 


mendi 


mendidxa 


'mountain' 


beso 


besoa 


beso 


besua 


'arm' 


esku 


eskua 


esku 


eskua 


'hand' 



Table 5. Uninflected and absolutive sg. forms in Markina and Ondarroa 



Markina 


Ondarroa 


Gloss 


Uninflected 


Abs. sg. 


Uninflected 


Abs. sg. 


gison 


gisona 


gixon 


gixona 


'man' 


lagun 


lagiine 


lagun 


lagune 


'friend' 


alaba 


alabi(e) 


alaba 


alabi 


'daughter' 


seme 


semi(e) 


seme 


semi 


'son' 


mendi 


mendixe 


mendi 


mendixe 


'mountain' 


beso 


besu(e) 


beso 


besii 


'arm' 


esko 


eskii(e) 


esko 


eskii 


'hand' 



For variation among Basque dialects in this respect, see Hualde & Gaminde (1998). 



HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE 



21 



In Ondarroa, where deletion is obligatory, thus, the rule of SA assignment is 
now the following: SA IS assigned to the final syllable if the last word in 

THE PHRASE IS A LEXICALLY UNACCENTED SINGULAR WORD ENDING IN A HIGH 
VOWEL, AND TO THE PENULTIMATE SYLLABLE OF THE PHRASE OTHERWISE. Notice, 
incidentally, that the historical contrast between the final back vowels l-ol and l-wl 
has been neutralized: all words that etymologically ended in /-u/ in their 
uninflected form now end in l-ol and have absolutive singular forms in l-wl (with 
the exception of monosyllabic su Tire'). 

Since the shift of SA to the penultimate took place both in Ondarroa and 
Markina and the process of vowel deletion is becoming obligatory in Markina as 
well, in the case of unaccented phrases we find the same accentual patterns in the 
whole Markina-Ondarroa area. 

2.2. Special cases 

2.2.1. In addition to phrase-final SA which has its origin in the deletion of Id in 
hiatus, we also find final accent in two cases where an intervocalic tap -r- has been 
deleted. One of these cases is in the dative, where -ari > -ai [aj]. In this case the 
sequence of rising sonority has become a diphthong, as shown in Table 6 (a). 
Arguably, since there is no contrast between bisy liable [a.i] and monosyllabic [aj], 
forms ending in a final diphthong can be considered to represent phonological 
penultimate accent assignment. We find the same pattern in other instances of 
final sequences of falling sonority, both resulting from the deletion of -r-, as in 
Table 6 (b), and from other origins, as in Table 6 (c): 

Table 6. Final sentential accent in words ending in a diphthong 

a. lagunari > 0/M lagunai 'to the friend (dat.sg.)' 

b. lau pelotari > O lau pelotai 'four ball players' 

c. *patrone > patrol 'boss' 

2.2.2. Regarding the example in Table 6 (c), in Markina, and optionally in 
Berriatua, the falling diphthong [oj] is simplified by deletion of the glide. This 
results in another set of vowel-final nominals with final accent in their uninflected 
form: 

Table 7. Markina & Berriatua: oi > o 



patrol > patro 'boss' 

melokotoi > melokoto 'peach' 



cf. patroie da '(it) is the boss' 
cf. melokotoie da '(it) is the peach' 



Notice that this results in two different uninflected/sg. correspondences for 
nominals ending in /o/, predictable from the position of the accent in the 
uninflected form. Compare, for instance, the examples in Table 8, where both (a) 
and (b) are lexically accented nouns and (c) has lexical accent: 



22 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

Table 8. Markina & Berriatua: Accentual patterns of nominals ending in -o in 
their uninflected form 





Uninflected 


sg., phrase-final 


sg., non-phrase-final 


a. 


baso bat 'a forest' 


basii 'the forest' 


basu de '(it) is the forest' 


b. 


patro bat 'a boss' 


patroie 'the boss' 


patroie da '(it) is the boss' 


c. 


baso bat 'a glass' 
(lexical accent) 


basu 'the glass' 


basu de '(it) is the glass' 



2.2.3. There is also final accent in the allative where the -r- of the suffix has been 
lost after a nonhigh vowel. Surprisingly, in Ondarroa we find final accent not only 
with stems ending in a low vowel, where the original sequence -ara has become -a, 
but also with stems ending in a mid vowel, where the deletion of -r- does not 
create a diphthong. In Ondarroa the evolution has been as illustrated in Table 9: 

Table 9. Ondarroa: Allative sg. 



eliza-ra 


> 


elixa 


'to the church' 


etxe-ra 


> 


etxea 


'to the house' 


mendi-ra 


> 


mendire 


'to the mountain' 


beso-ra 


> 


besoa ~ besiire 


'to the arm' 


esku-ra 


> 


esktire ~ eskoa 


'to the hand' 



Whereas in the case of /a/-final stems, final accent can be explained as a 
result of historical contraction (elixdra > elixda > elixd), final accent in forms like 
etxed and besod is more difficult to explain, since the resulting sequences are 
heterosyllabic {e.txe.d). Notice also that the deletion of the intervocalic -r- and the 
shift of the accent to the last vowel of the word occur together. A consequence of 
the collapse of the historical contrasts between /©/-final and /u/-final stems, is that 
words from both etymological classes vary between -od and -lire in their allative 
form. Some speakers use both forms in what appears to be free variation and other 
speakers use only one of the two, regardless of etymological class. As shown, the 
variant without the -r- also has final accent. In Markina only the forms in -ure are 
used {besiire, eskiire), but with stems in /e/ the sequence is further contracted: 
etxera > M etxd. 

In Berriatua for /e/ stems there is variation between full forms that maintain 
the etymological intervocalic -r- and contracted forms like in Markina. Again, the 
contracted forms have final accent. With /o/-stems there is no deletion. Whereas 
nouns belonging to the etymological /u/-final class form their allative in -ure, with 
etymologically /o/-final stems there is synchronic variation between -ora and -ure, 
without contraction: 



I 



HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 



23 



Table 10. Berriatua: Allative sg. 


Uninflected 


Allative sg. 


Gloss 


elixa 


elixa 


'to the church' 


kale 


kalera ~ kala 


'to the street' 


etxe 


etxera ~ etxa 


'to the house' 


berde 


berdera ~ berda 


'to the green one' 


mendi 


mendire 


'to the mountain' 


baso 


basora ~ basiire 


'to the forest' 


esko 


eskure 


'to the hand' 



Perhaps the position of the accent in Ondarroa forms like etxed is to be 
explained as a case of interdialectal influence. 

To conclude this section, in the assignment of SA we don't find any 
important differences among the varieties of Markina, Berriatua and Ondarroa. 
Certain developments have resulted in SA being phrase-penultimate in some cases 
and phrase-final in other cases, but these developments have been common 
throughout this geographical area. 



3. Lexically accented words 

3.1. General rule 

In the position of the accent in lexically accented words we do find some 
significant differences between the dialects of Ondarroa, on the one hand, and 
Markina and Berriatua on the other. 

Lexically accented words always surface with an accent on a given syllable, 
regardless of their syntactic position. The contrast is evident in non-phrase final 
position, as in the examples for Ondarroa in Table 11. The words leko 'place' and 
plural lagunan 'of the friends' bear a lexical accent, whereas esko 'hand', lagunan 
'of the friend' and the rest of the words in the examples are lexically unaccented: 

Table 11. Ondarroa: Accented vs. unaccented contrast phrase-medially 



esko andixe ra 
leko andixe ra 


'it is a big hand' 
'it is a big place' 


lagunan etxf re 
lagunan etxf re 


'it is the house of the friend' 
'it is the house of the friends' 



In most Northern Bizkaian varieties, lexically accented words may carry an 
accent on any non-fmal syllable. Thus, for instance, within a couple of randomly 
selected pages of Gilisasti's (2003) dictionary of the northwestern variety of 
Urduliz, we find examples with initial accent like euskera 'Basque language', 
eskonteko 'about to get married', eskupeko 'hidden tip'; with accent on the second 
syllable, examples like eskole 'school', eskobaki 'type of bush', eskondute 'the act 
of getting married', eskubere 'rake'; and on the third syllable, eskillere 'staircase'. 



24 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

eskonduparri 'newly wed'.^ From these examples we can also see that there is no 
uniformity regarding the position of the accent if we count from the end of the 
word either. 

Importantly, plural and some other suffixes place an accent on the 
immediately preceding syllable (they are preaccenting suffixes), but if the stem is 
accented, the accent of the stem prevails. For instance, in eskii-ek 'the hands' and 
etxe-tik 'from the house' the accent occurs immediately before the accented suffix, 
but with a lexically accented stem we have leku-ek 'the places' and leku-tik 'from 
the place'. In the varieties of Markina and Ondarroa, as well as in neighboring 
Lekeitio, most of these contrasts in the position of lexical accents have been 
neutralized, with generalization of one of the patterns, as shown in Table 12. In 
Lekeitio and Ondarroa almost all lexical accents surface on the penultimate 
syllable of the word. In Markina and Berriatua, on the other hand, there has been 
historically regularization of lexical accents on the antepenultimate syllable 
(without contraction): 

Table 12. Distribution of lexical accents 



Gemika 


Lekeitio 


Ondarroa 


Markina & 
Berriatua 


Gloss 


eskuek 


eskuek 


eskuk 


esku(e)k 


'the hands' 


etxetik 


etxetik 


etxetik 


etxetik 


'from the house' 


lekuek 


lekuek 


lekuk 


leku(e)k 


'the places' 


lekutik 


lekutik 


lekiitik 


lekutik 


'from the place' 


mendidxek 


mendidxak 


mendixak 


mendixek 


'the mountains' 


mendidxetatik 


mendidxetatik 


mendixetatik 


mendixetatik 


'from the 
mountains' 


lekuetatik 


lekuetatik 


lekutatik 


lekuetatik ~ 
lekutatik 


'from the places" 



What is common to the varieties of the Markina-Ondarroa area, as well as 
neighboring Lekeitio, is that they have fewer contrasts regarding the position of 
lexical accents than the varieties of the Gemika-Getxo area. In the Gernika-Getxo 
system the position of lexical accents is free, since it is determined by the position 
of the leftmost lexically (pre-)accented morpheme. In Lekeitio. Ondarroa, Markina 
and Berriatua, on the other hand, lexical accents are assigned to a given syllable 
counting from the end of the word. The syllable that attracts the accent is the 
penultimate in Lekeitio and Ondarroa but the antepenultimate in Markina and 
Berriatua. 



* For the rules governing accent assignment in the varieties of this area, see Huaide (1989), Hualde & 
Bilbao (1992, 1993). 



HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 25 
Table 13. Generalizations regarding lexical accent 



I. Gemika-Getxo 


A lexical accent may occur on any nonfinal syllable. In 
morphologically complex words, the leftmost accented 
morpheme determines the position of the accent. 


II. Lekeitio and 
Ondarroa 


Words containing one or more lexically accented 
morphemes surface with an accent on the penultimate 
syllable. 


III. Markina and 
Berriatua 


Words containing one or more lexically accented 
morphemes surface with an accent on the antepenultimate 
syllable (before optional vowel deletion). 



We may note in Table 1 2 above that, even though in Ondarroa and Lekeitio 
we have penultimate accent, in Ondarroa lexical accents do not fall on the same 
vowel as in Lekeitio in cases where there has been contraction. On the other hand, 
in cases where a vowel in the last syllable has been lost, Ondarroa and Markina 
have the accent on the same syllable. That is, whereas the antepenultimate accent 
rule of Markina and Berriatua applies to noncontracted forms, in Ondarroa, where 
accent is penultimate, the penultimate accent rule applies to (obligatorily) 
contracted forms. 

More examples illustrating the contexts where Ondarroa and Markina words 
have the same and different accentuation are given in Table 14 for the 
absolutive/ergative plural: 

Table 14. Abs./erg. pi. (a): accent on different syllable in O & M, (b): accent on 

same syllable 





Ondarroa 


Markina & Berriatua 


Gloss 


a. 


gixonak 
lagunak 
mendixak 


gisonak 
lagunek 
mendixek 


'men' 

'friends' 

'mountains' 


b. 


etxik 
buruk 
pelotaixek 
melokotoik 


etxi(e)k 
buru(e)k 
pelotarixek 
melokotoiek 


'houses' 
'heads' 
'ball players' 
'peaches' 



It is probably the case that historically in Ondarroa the deletion of vowels in 
hiatus became obligatory before the penultimate lexical accent rule was adopted. 
In Markina, instead, vowel deletion is a more recent phenomenon, which postdates 
the adoption of the antepenultimate generalization. 

The application of the rules of penultimate accent in Lekeitio and Ondarroa 
vs. antepenultimate accent in Markina is further illustrated in Table 15, which 
shows accent displacement as longer suffixes are added in plural forms. 



26 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

Table 15. Shift of lexical accent to penultimate syllable in L & O and to the 

antepenultimate in M (& B) 



Gemika 


Lekeitio 


Ondarroa 


Markina 


Gloss 


lagunek 


lagunek 


lagunak 


lagunek 


'the friends' 


lagunena 


lagunena 


lagunana 


lagunena 


'the one of the 
friends' 


lagunentzat 


lagunentzat 


lagunantzat 


lagunentzat 


'for the friends' 


lagiinentzako 


lagunentzako 


lagunantzako 


lagunentzako 


'for the friends' 


lagiinentzakoa 


lagunentzakua 


lagunentzaku 


lagunentzaku(e) 


'the one for the 
friends' 



The shift of all lexical accents to the penultimate, as in Lekeitio and 
Ondarroa can be understood as a strengthening of the strongest pattern, since in 
most cases penultimate accent would be the most common pattern before the 
change. The Markina shift has a less obvious origin. As argued in Hualde (2000), 
the generalization of antepenultimate accentuation with lexically accented words 
in Markina can be seen as a sort of reaction to the retraction of the accent to the 
penultimate of the phrase in lexically unaccented phrases. That is, the 
(phonetically-motivated) shift in the singular lagune > lagiine 'the friend' may 
have triggered the "compensatory" shift lagunek > lagunek 'the friends' . 

It is to be noted that in Ondarroa, where (Uke in Markina) the SA rule targets 
the penultimate of the phrase (in cases without contraction), and lexical accents 
have been shifted to the penultimate of the word (like in Lekeitio), the contrast 
between lexically unaccented and accented words is lost in the specific case where 
word and phrasal domains coincide. As we see in Table 16, singular and plural 
forms of lexically unaccented stems are always accented on different syllables in 
both Lekeitio and Markina. In Ondarroa, on the other hand, the sg./pl. accentual 
difference is neutralized in case the word is phrase-fmal. 

Table 16. Lexically unaccented and accented words 





Lekeitio 


Ondarroa 


Markina 


Gloss 


a. 


gixona 
gixona ra 


gixona 
gixona ra 


gisona 
gisona da 


'the man' 

'(he) is the man' 


b. 


gixonak 
gixonak dis 


gixonak 
gixonak dis 


gisonak 
gisonak di 


'the men' 

'(they) are the men' 



In the Ondarroa example in (a) in Table 16 both singular noun and clitic verb 
are lexically unaccented and SA falls on the penultimate syllable of the phrase. In 
(b) the plural genitive suffix introduces a lexical accent in the noun, which 
surfaces on the penultimate OF THE WORD. In Lekeitio there is phrase-final accent 
in (a) vs. word-penultimate in (b). In Markina the contrast is between phrase- 
penultimate in (a) and word-antepenultimate in (b). It is thus clear that the 
Ondarroa accentual system is more opaque than both that of Lekeitio and that of 
Markina, since a contrast that is made phrase-medially is neutralized when the 
word is in phrase-final position (Hualde 1995). 



HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE 27 



Another illustration is given in Table 17. Notice that in Ondarroa the contrast 
betweeen (a) and (b) is neutralized in (a') and (b'), which are identical, since word 
and phrase coincide in this case (for further exemplification see Hualde 1995). 
This neutralization does not obtain in Markina, since lexical accents have been 
generalized to the antepenultimate of the word instead. 

Table 17. Neutralization of accentual contrast phrase-finally in Ondarroa vs. 
preservation of contrast in Markina & Berriatua 





Ondarroa 


Markina & Berriatua 


Gloss 


a. 
a', 
b. 
b'. 


lagunana ra 
lagunana 
lagunana ra 
lagunana 


lagunana da 
lagunana 
lagunena da 
lagunena 


'it is the one of the friend' 
'the one of the friend' 
'it is the one of the friends' 
'the one of the friends' 



It is thus possible to see a functional motivation in the shift of lexical accents 
to the antepenultimate syllable in Markina and Berriatua. In this way, the broader 
generalization that with unaccented stems the accent falls earlier in the plural than 
in the singular is preserved in all sentential contexts. 

In lexically accented words it would thus appear that Markina and Ondarroa 
have substantially different patterns: word-antepenultimate vs. word-penultimate. 
However, as already mentioned above, vowel deletion in Markina creates 
convergence between both dialects in all cases where a vowel in the final syllable 
is lost. The rules in Table 13 above are rephrased in Table 18, with 
exemplification in Table 19. 

Table 18. Rules of lexical accent 



I. Ondarroa 



Lexically accented words have penultimate accent. 



II. Markina & 
Berriatua 



Lexically accented words have antepenultimate accent, except 
that there is penultimate accent when the last vowel is deleted. 



Although, after vowel deletion, the accentual generalization is now more 
complex in Markina, the spread of this process in the same contexts where 
historically it took place in Ondarroa is making the two dialects more alike in 
surface patterns. 

Table 19. Examples without and with vowel deletion 



Ondarroa 


Markina & Berriatua 


sg. 


pi 


sg- 


Pl. 


mendixe 'mountain' 
mendixe ra 
basu 'forest' 
basu re 


mendixak 
mendixak dis 
basuk 
basuk dis 


mendixe 
mendixe da 
basue ~ basu 
basue da ~ basu da 


mendixek 
mendixek di 
basuek ~ basuk 
basuek ~ basuk di 



3.2. Special cases 

Besides arising from the optional process of deletion of /-e/ after another vowel, in 
Markina penultimate lexical accent is found in a few other more specific cases. 



28 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

where an earlier historical process reduced a sequence of two syllables to a single 
one. The result is, again, that the degree to which the two varieties of Markina and 
Ondarroa differ from each other in accentual matters is actually more limited than 
one might be led to conclude from the basic rules. 

3.2.1. An older process of contraction is found in the absolutive plural (and other 
plural cases) of /a/-final stems. These have penultimate accent in Markina, just like 
in Ondarroa; e.g., aldbak 'the daughters', elixak 'the churches' (vs. e.g., sdgarrak 
"the apples', from sugar). Since historically these forms had a long vowel /aa/, it is 
reasonable to assume that contraction of this long vowel took place after 
generalization of antepenultimate accent: *aldbaak > aldbak. 

3.2.2. In addition, in a couple of morphological cases there is penultimate accent 
in Markina with all stems. Consider, to begin with, the local plural cases illustrated 
in Table 20: 

Table 20. Local plural cases 



Ondarroa 


Markina 


Gloss 


mendixetan 

mendixeta 

mendixetatik 


mendixetan 

mendixeta 

mendixetatik 


'in the mountains', ines. pi. 
'to the mountains', allat. pi. 
'from the mountains', abl. pi. 



In the Ondarroa examples the accent is uniformly on the penultimate, as 
expected. In Markina, the inesive and ablative plural forms follow the regular 
antepenultimate pattern of the dialect. The allative plural, on the other hand, 
irregularly shows penultimate accent. Historically the allative plural (like the 
allative singular, see Table 9 above) has undergone contraction, after deletion of 
intervocalic -r-. In Markina contraction must have taken place after the 
generalization of the antepenultimate accent rule: *mendixetara > *mendixetaa > 
mendixeta. In Ondarroa, on the other hand, contraction in this case (like in other 
cases) must have preceded penultimate accent, since otherwise we would find final 
accent. 

3.2.3. In the commitative singular as well we find the same accentuation in both 
varieties. In this case contraction has followed deletion of intervocalic -g-. 

Table 21. Commitative sg. in Markina, Berriatua & Ondarroa 

lagiinas 'with the friend' < lagunagaz 

lekuas 'with the place' 

arbolias 'with the tree' 



3.2.4. Just as we saw for the dative singular in Table 6, in the dative plural as well 
we find the same pattern in both varieties, with the accent one syllable further to 
the left than in the singular. Strictly, then, the dative plural has penultimate accent 
in Markina and Berriatua {*laguneri > lagunei). 



HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 29 
Table 22. Dative sg. & pi. 



dat. sg. 
dat. pi. 



Ondarroa 



lagunai 
lagunai 



Markina & Berriatua 



lagunai 
lagiinei 



3.2.5. Lexically accented words may owe their accentedness to the fact that they 
bear an accented suffix, or the stem itself maybe lexically accented. As noted in 
Hualde (2000:1 14) unaccented stems in their bare form have penultimate accent in 
Markina, instead of the expected antepenultimate accent. In Berriatua, on the other 
hand, there is variation between penultimate and antepenultimate accent in this 
case, even in the speech of the same speaker:^ 

Table 23. Uninflected stems with lexical accent 



Ondarroa 


Markina 


Berriatua 


Gloss 


lenguso bat 
belarri bat 
arbola bat 


lengoso bat 
belarri bat 
arbola bat 


lenguso ~ lenguso bat 
belarri ~ belarri bat 
arbola ~ arbola bat 


'a cousin' 
'an ear' 
'a tree' 



3.2.6. Finally, there is another case where convergence between Ondarroa and 
Markina/Berriatua is due to the fact that in Ondarroa we irregularly find 
antepenultimate accent. This is in the allative singular of lexically accented stems. 
As was shown in Table 9 for unaccented stems, the sequences /oa/ and /ea/ that 
have resulted from the deletion of intervocalic -r- in the allative somewhat 
unexpectedly count as a single syllable. In Table 24 lexically accented and 
unaccented stems are compared. 

Table 24. Allative sg. forms with historical deletion of -r- 



Lexically unaccented 


Lexically accented 


Ondarroa 


Markina 


Gloss 


Ondarroa 


Markina 


Gloss 


etxea 
besoa 
(-besiire) 


etxa 
besiire 


'to the house' 
'to the arm' 


Bflboa 

lekoa 

(~ lekure) 


Bflbora 
lekure 


'to Bilbao' 
'to the place' 



To summarize this section, at some historical point both Ondarroa and 
Markina regularized the position of lexical accents by shifting most of them to a 
syllable counting from the end of the word. Each of these varieties, however, 
adopted a different rule. In Ondarroa there was regularization of lexical accents on 
the penultimate syllable of the word. In Markina and Berriatua, on the other hand, 
lexical accents were shifted to the antepenultimate syllable, thus avoiding the 
neutralization between lexically accented and unaccented words in phrase-final 
position that obtains in Ondarroa. The extent to which Ondarroa and 



' The two variants do not seem to have the same sociolinguistic consideration in Berriatua. Some Barriatua 
speakers believe that forms liice lenguso, belarri, etc., are the proper Berriatua forms, whereas lenguso, 
belarri, etc., are said to be due to influence from other dialects, even if many Berriatua speaicers use them. 
The truth may be that the latter patterns is actually older. 



30 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 



Markina/Berriatua differ in actual accentual patterns is, however, not as great as 
one might expect from these divergent developments, since other, more recent, 
developments have produced a change from antepenultimate to penultimate accent 
in Markina (and Berriatua) in a number of contexts. The unusual accentual 
behavior of the final sequences /oa/ and /ea/ in Ondarroa allative forms also results 
in convergence in accentual patterns within this geographical area in this 
morphological context. 

4. Verbs 

The most striking examples of accentual variation in the Markina-Ondarroa region 
are found with some inflected verbal forms. In some paradigms we find 
completely opposite patterns in Markina and Ondarroa, as shown in Table 25. 

Table 25 



Ondarroa 


Markina & Berriatua 


Gloss 


liburu ekarri ban 
liburu ekarri ben 


liburu ekarri ban 
liburu ekarri ben 


's/he brought the book' 
'they brought the book' 



In both Ondarroa and Markina, a number of inflected forms have final accent 
(although not always the same forms, as can be seen in Table 25). Since in 
nominals (phrase-)penultimate accent is general and final accent only occurs as a 
result of contraction, these verbal forms require special explanations. 

4.1. Some cases of phrase-final accent with inflected monosyllabic verbal forms 
are transparently the product of contraction: 

Table 26. Phrase-final accent with contracted monosyllabic verbs 



Ondarroa 



Markina 



Gloss 



argala ra 
argala ra 
mendire ni 



argala da 
argala da 
mendire dole 



<dago 
<da 
< doa 



's/he is looks thin' (Sp. esta) 

's/he is thin' (Sp. es) 

's/he is going to the mountain' 



The contrast between (a) and (b) in Table 26 (pointed out in Hualde 1995, 
2000) obtains because the verb in (a) is etymologically bisyllabic. In the example 
in (c) there has been contraction in Ondarroa, but the epenthesis of an intervocalic 
glide (like in Lekeitio, etc.) has prevented contraction in Markina (and Berriatua). 

4.2. Generally in the northern Bizkaian area, forms carrying the pluralizer -e are 
lexically accented. In Lekeitio, for instance, 2""* and 3"* person singular forms 
bearing the pluralizer -e have marked penultimate accent. In Ondarroa as well, 
these forms are special in their accentuation, but we find the mirror-image pattern: 
forms bearing the plural -e have final accent, against the general penultimate rule 
of the dialect. Compare the following paradigms: 



HUALDE & ARAMAIO: ACCENTUAL VARIATION AND CONVERGENCE 

Table 27 



31 



Lekeitio 


Markina 


Ondarroa 


Gloss 


dot 


dot 


dot 


'I have it' 


dosu 


dosu 


dosu 


'you have it' 


dau 


dau 


dau 


's/he has it' 


dogiJ 


dogu 


dogu 


'we have it' 


dosue 


dosue 


dosue 


'you-pl. have it' 


dabe 


dabe 


dabe 


'they have it' 


nator 


nator 


nator 


'I am coming' 


satos 


satos 


satos 


'you are coming' 


dator 


dator 


dator 


's/he is coming' 


gatos 


gatos 


gatos 


'we are coming' 


satose 


satose/satose 


satose 


'you-pl. are coming' 


datos 


datos 


datos 


'they are coming' 



Notice that the forms that are accentually different from the rest of the paradigm 
are the same in both dialects: those bearing final -e. The accentual patterns are, 
however, the opposite. The Lekeitio forms are essentially the same forms that we 
find elsewhere within the Northern Bizkaian area: the plural suffix -e is 
preaccenting. That is, plural -e has the same behavior as plural suffixes in nominal 
inflection. In this connection, we may point out that in Lekeitio the auxiliary forms 
corresponding to the two examples in Table 25 are, respectively ebdn (unaccented) 
's/he Ved it' and eben 'they Ved it'. What needs to be explained is the Ondarroa 
pattern. Why does plural -e trigger final accent in Ondarroa? 

We have seen that when we have final accent in Ondarroa it is generally the 
case that an earlier bisyllabic sequence has been contracted. Now, in the writings 
of 19"* century authors from the Markina area we find forms with a final double 
vowel like dabee 'they have it'. This being the case, we may assume that in 
Ondarroa, in this case as well, originally there was penultimate accent and 
contraction has produced final accent: *dabee > dabe. We may further assume 
that, once it arose in this form, the final accent pattern was then spread by analogy 
to other forms with the same plural suffix. 

The potential paradigm also provides evidence that final accented -e has 
resulted from contraction followed by analogical generalization. Potential forms 
bear the suffix /-ke/, after which plural l-d is added in the second and third person 
plural. In Markina, potential forms have penultimate accent, except that final 
accent may occur in the second and third person plural when the sequence /-kee/ is 
contracted (Another possibility in Markina is dissimilation: -kee > -kie). We may 
surmise that contraction became obligatory in Ondarroa, after which final accent 
spread to the rest of the paradigm, since all these forms would appear to have the 
same ending. That is, leikee > leike 'they can' and hence, by analogy, leike > leike 
's/he can' and neike > neike 'I can', etc., see Table 28. 



32 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 
Table 28. Potential 





Ondarroa 


Markina 


1 sg. 


neike 


neike 


2sg. 


seinke 


seinke 


3sg. 


leike 


leike 


Ipl. 


geinke 


geinke 


2 pi. 


seinke 


seinkie ~ seinkee ~ seinke 


3pl. 


leike 


leikie ~ leikee ~ leikee 



Consider now the paradigm of eroan 'to carry, take'. This verb, being an old 
causative, is etymologically accented in all its forms (see Hualde 1993a). This is 
what we find in Lekeitio, where with this verb all forms are lexically accented and 
have penultimate accent. Just like in nouns with accented stems, there is no 
accentual contrast between singular and plural: with this verb the forms with final 
-e (2"'' and 3"* plural) are not different from the rest. In Ondarroa, on the other 
hand, these two forms have final accent. It is thus clear that final accent in 
Ondarroa in many verb forms with plural -e is the product of analogical extension 
and reinterpretation. In Table 29 we give also the forms used in Berriatua, for 
comparison. As can be seen, in Berriatua, forms with antepenultimate accent 
compete with Ondarroa-style forms (variants listed first are more frequent): 

Table 29. eroan 'to carry, take', present 



Lekeitio 


Ondarroa 


Berriatua 




daroiat 


darut 


daroiet 


Isg. 


daroiasu 


danisu 


daroiesu 


2sg. 


daroia 


daru 


daroie 


3sg. 


daroiagu 


daruagu 


daroiegu ~ darogu 


Ipl. 


daroiasue 


darusue 


daroiesue ~ daroiesue 


2 pi. 


daroie 


darue 


daroie ~ daroie 


3 pi. 



4.3. Forms including a dative argument (both intransitive and transitive) are" 
special in their accentuation. The present tense intransitive forms for a dative 
argument (e.g., 'it is to me, to you', etc.) are shown in Table 30 for Lekeitio, 
Ondarroa, Berriatua and Ondarroa. 

Table 30. Bivalent intransitive auxiliary (present tense) 



Lekeitio 


Ondarroa 


Berriatua 


Markina 




dxat 


gata 


(j)ate ~ (j)ate ~ aste 


jate ~ jata 


Isg. 


dxatzu 


gatzu 


(j)atzu ~ (j)atzu 


jatzu 


2sg. 


dxako 


gako 


(j)ak6 ~ (j)^o 


jako 


3sg. 


dxaku 


gasku 


(j)aku ~ asku 


jaku 


Ipl. 


dxatziie 


gatzue 


(j)atzue ~ (j)atzue 


jatziie 


2 pi. 


dxake 


gakoe 


(j)akue ~ (j)akue 


jakue ~ jakue 


3 pi. 



In Lekeitio, the forms for a 2"'' and 3"^ person plural indirect object, which 
have the accented suffix l-d, predictably have penultimate accent, whereas the 



HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 33 

other forms have regular final accent. In Ondarroa, the three forms for a plural 
indirect have fmal accent. That is, it appears that the pattern of the two forms 
ending in -e has been extended to the remaining form for a plural dative. In 
Berriatua and Markina fmal accentuation has been extended to all forms of the 
paradigm for some speakers, but most forms optionally or variably may have 
penultimate accent as well. In general, younger speakers favor fmal accent. 

We find exactly the same situation with trivalent transitive forms, as shown 
in Table 3 1 for Ondarroa, Berriatua and Markina. 





Table 31. Trivalent transitive auxiliary (present tense) 


Ondarroa 


Berriatua 


Markina 


Gloss 


emosta 


emoste ~ emoste 


emoste ~ emoste 


's/he gave it to me' 


emotzu 


emotzu ~ emotzu 


emotzu ~ emotzu 


's/he gave it to you' 


emotza 


emotza ~ emotza 


emotze ~ emotze 


's/he gave it to him/her' 


emosku 


emosku 


emosku 


's/he gave it to us' 


emotzue 


emotzue ~ emotzue 


emotzue ~ emotzue 


's/he gave it to you-pl.' 


emotze 


emotze ~ emotzie ~ 
emotze 


emotzie ~ emotzie 


's/he gave it to them' 



As shown in the table, the only form for which final accent appears to be 
obligatory for all speakers is emosku 's/he gave it to us'. In Berriatua forms for a 
plural argument of the type emotze 's/he gave it to them' and kendutze ~ kendutze 
'they took it from them' are preferred by older speakers, whereas younger 
speakers employ emotze and kendutze. Tracing the historical steps that gave rise to 
the present situation in Berriatua and Markina would require a very detailed 
sociohnguistic study. 

4.4. There is also considerable variation in contexts where a complementizer is 
attached to a verbal form. 

It is to be noted that there is segmental neutralization between several pairs 
of singular and plural forms when a complementizer is attached to the verb. In 
Ondarroa, the complementizer -ela 'that' leaves the accent on the same syllable 
that would have it in the bare form of the verb (although there appears to be some 
interspeaker variation). This allows, for instance, for a contrast between 
segmentally identical forms such as sdtosela 'that you-sg. are coming', from sdtos, 
and satosela 'that you-pl. are coming', from satose. With the complementizers 
-elako 'because' and -enin 'when', on the other hand, the contrast is neutralized. 



34 



STUDffiS IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 32:2 (FALL 2002) 
Table 32. Ondarroa: Verbs with complementizers 



a. -ela 



you-sg. vs. you-pl. 

bixar satosela esaste 'they've told me that you-sg. are coming 

tomorrow' vs. 

bixar satosela esaste 'they've told me that you-pl. are coming 

tomorrow' 

etorri sasela esaste 'they've told me that you-sg. have come' vs. 

etorri sasela esaste 'they've told me that you-pl. have come' 



b. -elako 
sg. = pi. 



you-sg. = you-pl. 
bixar satoselako (aserratu re) 

'(s/he has become angry) because you-sg./you-pl. are coming 
tomorrow' 



c. -enm 



you-sg. = you-pl. 

satosenin 'when you-sg./you-pl. come' 

etorri sasenin 'when you-sg./you-pl. arrived' 



In Markina, on the other hand, the complementizer -ela triggers final accent 
when attached to an unaccented verbal form {satos, sas), but leaves the accent on a 
syllable of the stem of lexically accented forms, such as those bearing plural l-d 
{satosie, sane), see Table 33. Verbal forms bearing the complementizer -elako, 
have the accent on the same syllable as the corresponding forms with -ela. That is, 
for accentual purposes the syllable -ko of this complementizer is invisible. 

Table 33. Markina: Verbs with complementizers 



a. -ela 



you-sg. vs. you-pl. 

bixer satosela esastie 'they've told me that you-sg. are coming 

tomorrow' vs. 

bixer satosiela ~ satosela esastie 'they've told me that you-pl. are 

coming tomorrow' 

etorri sasela ~ sarille esastie 'they've told me that you have-sg. come' 

vs. 

etorri sariela esastie 'they've told me that you-pl. have come' 



b. -elako 



you-sg. vs. you-pl. 

bixer satoselako (aserretu de) '(s/he has become angry) because you- 
sg. are coming tomorrow' vs. 

bixer satoselako (aserretu de) '(s/he has become angry) because you- 
pl. are coming tomorrow' 

etorri saselako ~ sarilleko 'because you-sg. have come' vs. 
etorri sarielako 'because you-pl. have come' 



Nevertheless, the Ondarroa option of leaving the accent on the same syllable 
as in the bare form can also be used in Markina in certain cases, such as the 
bivalent intransitive forms given in Table 34. 



HuALDE & Aramaio: Accentual Variation and Convergence 
Table 34. Bivalent intransitive forms with the complementizer -(e)la 



35 





Ondarroa 


Gloss 


a. 
b. 
c. 
d. 


pentzaten dot es gakola gustaten 
pentzaten dot es gakoela gustaten 
pentzaten dot es gatzule gustaten 
pentzaten dot es gatzuela gustaten 


'I think s/he doesn't like it' 
'I think they don't like it' 
'I think you-sg. don't like it' 
'I think you-pl. don't like it' 




Markina & Berriatua 


Gloss 


a. 
b. 
c. 
d. 


pentzetot es jakola giistetan 
pentzetot es jakuela gustetan 
pentzetot es jatzule ~ jatzule gustetan 
pentzetot es jatzuela gustetan 


'I think s/he doesn't like it' 
'I think they don't like it' 
'I think you-sg. don't like it' 
'I think you-pl. don't like it' 



5. Conclusion 

In this paper we have compared the accentual systems found in the region of 
Ondarroa, Berriatua and Markina, focusing on aspects of variation. In the 
accentuation of nominals we find a high degree of agreement across these three 
varieties. Lexical accents were historically shifted to different syllables in 
Ondarroa and Markina/Berriatua, but the way this shift has interacted with 
different processes of syllable contraction has tended to eliminate accentual 
differences between the dialects. In essence (skipping many important details), 
regularization of lexical accents to the penultimate syllable in Ondarroa took place 
after several processes of vowel deletion, whereas in Markina/Berriatua 
regularization to the antepenultimate syllable predates these processes, some of 
which are still optional. In both Markina/Berriatua and Ondarroa vowel deletion 
postdates the shift from phrase-final to phrase-penultimate accent in lexically 
unaccented phrases and produces final accent. 

In verbal forms, on the other hand, we find much greater differences and 
sometimes even opposite patterns. The accentual behavior of the different verb 
forms and complementizers and the nature of both intra-speaker and cross- 
dialectal variation, which we have only started to examine here, clearly requires 
more detailed investigation. 



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Uribe Kosta. Bilbao. 
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Sebastian: Elkar. 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 

KISWAHILI NAMING OF DAYS OF THE WEEK IN A WIDER 
CONTEXT OF DAY NAME BORROWINGS* 

Aimee Johansen 

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 

alnet@uiuc.edu 

The days of the week in Kiswahili are a combination of words of Bantu and 
Arabic origin. In standard Kiswahili, Saturday through Wednesday are 
expressed as a combination of the Arabic loan word juma, literally 'week' but 
here used as 'day', and a number.' After Wednesday, Kiswahili uses the Arabic 
words Alhamisi and Ijumaa for 'Thursday' and 'Friday', respectively, as shown 
in(l). 

( 1 ) Kiswahili words for the days of the week 



Word of Bantu 
origin^ 


Gloss 


Adaptation 
of Arabic 
borrowing 


Gloss 


English 


Juma.mosi 


'day.one' 






Saturday 


Juma.pili 


'day. two' 






Sunday 


Juma.tatu 


'day.three' 






Monday 


Juma.nne 


'day.four' 






Tuesday 


Juma.tano 


'day.five' 






Wednesday 


[missing: 
Juma.tundatu 
or Juma.sita] 




Alhamisi 


'the fifth 
day'^ 


Thursday 


[missing: 
Juma.fungate 
or Juma.saba] 




Ijumaa 


'the day of 
congregation' 


Friday 



For Kihore (1997), the borrowing of Alhamisi 'Thursday' into Kiswahili 
from Arabic is an anomaly, given that there is no particular importance of this 



' I would like to thank UIUC student Charles LaWarre and one anonymous referee for suggestions on 
this squib. All mistakes are, of course, my own. 

' This pattern is common in other East African Bantu languages, with the exception that a Bantu word 
is generally used, rather than juma. One such example is Shinzwani, a language classified in Guthrie's 
(1967-71) classification of African languages as a Bantu G40 language, like Kiswahili. Shinzwani uses 
the word mfumo 'week' plus the numbers 'one' through 'five' to form the words for Saturday through 
Wednesday (Ahmed-Chamanga 1997). In both Kiswahili and Shinzwani, this pattern holds for days 
one through five, with day one being the day following Friday, which is the day of prayer in Islam. 
^ The word juma is borrowed from Arabic. (Its Arabic meaning is 'week'.) However, in Arabic, there is 
no use of juma plus a number to make the names for days of the week. 

' Translations for Alhamisi and Ijumaa are borrowed from Kihore (1997). The Middle Eastern week 
calendar system is numeric, with the exception of Aj-Jumaa 'Friday' ('the day of congregation'). 
Arabic A l-Khamiis 'Thursday' literally means 'the fifth day', whereas in the Kiswahili calendar, it is 
actually day six (Kihore 1997). The result is that Kiswahili literally has two day fives. 

© 2005 Aimee Johansen 



40 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 



day in the Muslim week. However, this borrowing might be better understood 
in the broader context of borrowing with respect to seven-day calendar week 
systems. Brown (1989) studied words for days of the week in 145 languages in 
cultures that have a seven-day week, mostly through diffusion by Christian 
groups. For this reason, there is a focus on Sunday as the day of worship, rather 
than Friday. Brown found that languages were most likely to borrow the word 
for Sunday, followed by Saturday, then Friday and Monday, and then the other 
days of the week. Brown cites frequencies of words for the days of the week in 
six European languages, whose speakers have traditionally been Christian, in 
which Sunday was the most salient (i.e., frequently referred to) day, followed 
closely by Saturday.'* 

In Shaba Kiswahili (spoken in the Democratic Republic of Congo), 
whose speakers are mainly Christian, we see the salience of Saturday and 
Sunday in the fact that they do not follow the pattern exhibited by the other 
days of the week, as demonstrated in (2). In Shaba, Saturday and Sunday are 
days six and seven, respectively, in contrast to days six and seven being 
Thursday and Friday in the standard Kiswahili week. 

(2) Days of the week in Shaba Kiswahili^ 



Shaba Kiswahili 


Gloss English 


Shiku ya mposho 


'day of weekly ration' 


Saturday 


Shiku ya mungu/yenga 


'day of God' 


Sunday 


Kazi moya 


'work one' 


Monday 


Kazi mbiri 


'work two' 


Tuesday 


Kazi tarn 


'work three' 


Wednesday 


Kazi ine 


'work four' 


Thursday 


Kazi tano 


'work five' 


Friday 



Brown's (1989) work on seven-day week systems demonstrates the 
tendency of languages spoken in areas where Christianity is the predominant 
religion to set apart not only Sunday, but also Saturday, from the other days. In 
this context, we should not be surprised by the special salience of both 
Thursday and Friday in standard Kiswahili, which is based on the Kiswahili 
spoken on the predominantly Muslim island of Zanzibar. Nor should we be 
surprised by the resulting adoption of Ijuniaa 'Friday' and Alhamisi 'Thursday' 
by Kiswahili. Thursday would share in the cultural salience of Friday in the 



■* The special salience of Saturday is probably increased in European countries by the fact that most 
people's work week does not include Saturday, although this is a relatively recent phenomenon, as 
pointed out by an anonymous referee. This may be a contributing factor in the languages that Brown 
(1989) studies as well, but this is not discussed. The facts of Shaba Kiswahili would seem to support 
this notion. Unfortunately, it is difficult to tease apart the religious importance of Sunday and the 
salience it lends to Saturday from the fact that these two days are also not included in the standard 
work week in many places, even if this is a relatively recent phenomenon. 

'These are the names for the days of the week given in Kapanga (1991:321). The word kazi Is the word 
for 'work', indicating that these are the workdays. Siku ox shiku is the word for 'day', distinguishing 
Saturday and Sunday from the workdays. Kaji (1985:321-2) gives siku where Kapanga lists kazi in the 
words for 'Monday' through 'Friday', although it is indicated that sikuya kazi 'day of work' is another 
option. 



4 



Johansen: Kiswahili Naming of Days of the Week 41 

same way that Saturday draws from the cuhural importance of Sunday in 
predominantly Christian cultures. 

Indeed, we can look to Shinzwani (Ahmed-Chamanga 1997), for 
evidence of the salience of Thursday in a Bantu language. Shinzwani, a Bantu 
language spoken on the predominantly Muslim island of Nzwani (or Anjouan) 
in the Comoro Islands, uses Djumwa or Djimwa for Friday, borrowed from 
Arabic. However, the native Shinzwani word used for Thursday, Yahoa, is 
derived from the verb -hoa, meaning 'wash up'. The implication is that the day 
before Friday is important because it is the day that one washes up in 
preparation for the day of prayer. The special salience of Thursday and Friday 
are demonstrated in the fact that they break from the pattern that holds for the 
other days of the week, namely the use of mfumo 'week' plus a number (see 
footnote 2). 

Within this context of the salience of both the day of prayer and the day 
before, both in Christian cultures and Muslim cultures, we can better 
understand why Kiswahili borrowed both Ijumaa 'Friday' and Alhamisi 
'Thursday' from Arabic. In the seven-day week, both days six and seven take 
on special importance. 

REFERENCES 

Ahmed-Chamanga, Mohamed. 1997. Dictionnaire frangais-comorien 

(dialecte shindzuani). Paris: L'Harmattan. 
Brown, Cecil H. 1989. Naming the days of the week: A cross-language study 

of lexical acculturation. Current Anthropology 30.536-50. 
Guthrie, Malcolm. 1967-71. Comparative Bantu: An Introduction to the 

Comparative Linguistics and Prehistory of the Bantu Languages. 

Famborough: Gregg International Publishers. 
KaJI, Shigeki. 1985. Deux mille phrases de swahili tel qu'il se parle au Zaire. 

(African Languages and Ethnography, XIX.) Tokyo: Institute for the 

Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA). 
Kapanga, Mwamba Tshishiku. 1991. Language variation and change: A case 

study of Shaba Swahili. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 

Ph.D. dissertation in Linguistics. 
KiHORE, Yared Magori. 1997. Kiswahili naming of the days of the week: What 

went wrong? Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 51.151-6. 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 

ENGLISH/SPANISH LANGUAGE CONTACT ON THE INTERNET: 
LINGUISTIC BORROWING OF MANY STRIPES 

Regina Morin 

The College of New Jersey 

rmorin@tcnj.edu 

Spanish/English contact on the Internet is not a traditional situation of 
geographical language contact, but the resulting language change can 
be analyzed within the framework of a traditional analysis of linguistic 
borrowing. While English lexical items are entering Spanish Internet 
language at an unprecedented rate, there is an increasing tendency for 
Spanish to find or create, in a number of different ways, expressions 
that conform to Spanish linguistic patterns, rather than continuing to 
simply use English terminology. The observable results of 
Spanish/English language contact on the Internet are examined here 
and classified as loanwords, borrowings, loan translations, semantic 
caiques, and loan blends. 

1. Introduction 

Language contact has generally been thought of as the geographical 'impinging 
of linguistic groups upon the territory of other linguistic groups' (Macaulay 
1982:203). Indeed, a great number of studies have considered Spanish/English 
contact in the United States (e.g., Timm 1975, Sobin 1982, Daiuta 1984, Otheguy, 
Garcia & Fernandez 1989, Silva-Corvalan 1994, Toribio 2002), French and 
English in francophone areas of Canada (Poplack, Sankoff & Miller, 1988; Palmer 
& Harris 1990, Grant-Russell 1999), or Gaelic and English in Scotland (Macaulay 
1982). However, Macaulay (1982) reminds us that 'some situations of contact are 
of a different kind altogether' (1982:204). Martin (1998), for example, examines 
French/English language mixing as it appears in written French advertising, 
focusing on code-mixing and code-switching in written material. The case of 
Spanish/English language contact on the Internet is another situation that differs 
altogether from the traditional idea of geographically motivated language contact 
and change. Soler (1997:61), in discussing the role of the Spanish language on 
the Internet writes: 

La territorialidad ya no es el unico factor vinculado a la creacion de 
espacios culturales y de comunicacion. Estos empiezan a ser 
independientes de los territorios fisicos. 

'Territoriality is no longer the only factor linked to the creation of 
cultural and communicative spaces. These are beginning to be 

© 2005 Regina Morin 



44 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

independent of physical territories.' 

Spanish/English contact on the Internet, and the resulting language change, 
defy easy classification for a number of reasons. Fu^t, this is not a traditional 
geographical situation of language contact, and it is not at all clear that we are 
dealing with a traditional bilingual speech community. In addition, EngUsh lexical 
items are entering Spanish Internet language at an unprecedented rate, but in 
different ways. For example, /«?e/72er, raton 'mouse', and salvapantallas 'screen 
saver' are all lexical items that are commonly used in Spanish to talk about 
computers and the Internet, but each is a borrowing of a different type. Finally, 
while some borrowings are clearly already undergoing integration into the 
Spanish language, even appearing in Spanish language dictionaries, others are 
still very clearly flagged as foreign items. Such flagging can be carried out 
through the maintenance of source language orthography or accentuation, the 
use of quotation marks or italics, or some kind of metalinguistic commentary 
(Grant-Russell 1999). 

2. Language in cyberspace 

There is nascent interest in what Timofeeva (2001:199) calls 'the linguistic issue 
[of] language in cyberspace....', accompanied by a still small body of research on 
different aspects of the subject. Soler (1997) laments what he sees as a patrimonial 
reticence with respect to the diffusion of Spanish and Hispanic language and 
culture on the Internet. He points to the fact that 85% of Latino content servers 
were in the United States at the time of writing, and that a large part of the 
Spanish language presence on the Web is due to private rather than corporate or 
institutional initiatives. In a more optimistic vein, Piiiol (1999) analyzes some 
recent lexical innovations in Spanish Internet language, and points out that there 
is an increasing tendency for Spanish to find or create expressions that conform 
to Spanish linguistic patterns, rather than continuing to simply use English 
terminology. Piiiol (2000) explores the usefulness of Spanish language e-mail, 
discussion lists and web sites for the Spanish FL classroom. Timofeeva (2001) 
examines Russian Internet language and details many Hnguistic innovations that 
are leading to the establishing of a new cyber- or hybridized Web language. She 
argues that the influence of a global network with its computer terminology in 
EngUsh, and Web-texts standards based on new units and models of language 
has created a new Web language in Russian that lies somewhere between 
'classical hterary language', on the one hand, and 'plain or street language', on 
the other. 

Many of the innovations Timofeeva identifies in Russian Internet language 
can also be found in Spanish Internet language. Such innovations include a lack 
of traditional punctuation, or special web usage of traditional punctuation. Some 
examples in Spanish can be found at http://www.nazcanet.com/e-jobs/, where the 
advertising banner with the message Ya no es .complicado 'It's not so 
.complicated anymore' incorporates the dot com (.com) extension as part of the 
word complicado, or at http://www.enel.net/rumbodiario/, where the name of the 
site is enelpunt%net, and punto appears only as a period (dot) in the URL. 



Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 45 

Another characteristic of Russian Internet language is a greater hnguistic freedom 
in speUing, such as a specialized use of capital letters. An example of this in 
Spanish is found at http://www.tuGUeb.com, described as the portal or website 
for Gaceta Universitaria, a web publication directed at a young pubhc in general, 
and at university students in particular. In addition to the graphic manipulation of 
capital letters that connects the web address to the name of the publication, this 
particular URL disregards Spanish spelling conventions. The graphemic 
combinations <gue> and <gui> in Spanish are pronounced /ge/ and /gi/. They are 
pronounced /gue/ and /gui/ only when spelled with the umlaut as in vergiienza 
'shame' or linguista 'linguist', but there is no doubt that this web site is called 
/tu-giieb/ 'your Web', a pronunciation that reflects a common allophonic 
variation of /w/ (e.g., hueso 'bone' can be pronounced [we-so] or [gue-so], where 
[w] is the voiced bilabial spht-fricative consonant, often allophonically 
strengthened to [g], and [u] is a high back ghde). In the area of lexis, some 
innovations in Russian Internet language include the use of current keywords as 
a basis for word formation (e.g., Hhtcphct 'Internet' > HHTcpHCTHsaLtHH 
'Intemetization'), compounding (e.g., HHTepHcx-KynbTypa 'Internet culture'), 
blendings such as CcTHKex 'netiquette', based on Cctb 'net' + Sthkct 
'etiquette', and semantic neologisms, whereby an existing word acquires a new 
web meaning that differs from its standard meaning. In Spanish Internet language, 
in addition to the widespread use of blendings based on international (English) 
Internet vocabulary found in Russian Internet language, there are certain loan 
blends that are specific to Spanish language web sites, such as those found on the 
Ecuadorian server http://www4.ecua.net.ee/, which makes abundant use of links 
such as ecuapaging, ecuaforos, ecuachat, and ecuacards. Other blends are 
strictly Spanish, such as publitotal from publicidad 'advertising'+ total, part of 
the name of a Uruguayan server (UruguayTotal.com). 

3. Language contact in cyberspace: A case of code-switching? 

One language contact phenomenon that has been explored in great detail is 
code-switching, described by Timm (1975:473) as: 

that preeminently biUngual mode of communication characterized by 
frequent shifts from one language to the other, (typically without 
phonological interference) throughout the flow of natural 
conversation. 

While many language contact situations can be analyzed in terms of code- 
switching vs. borrowing, I would argue that such is not the case for 
Spanish/English contact on the Internet. One reason is that the motivations for 
code-switching are largely extralinguistic, and that code-switching serves as a 
device for indicating personal feehngs, as a response to the speaker's assessment 
of his or her interlocutor on various levels, or as a reflection of ethnic identity 
(Timm 1975, Toribio 2002). The use of EngUsh in Spanish language Internet texts, 
on the other hand, answers to a much narrower necessity, and can more fruitfully 
;be considered a case of transfer, that serves as 'a means of correcting the 
inadequacies of a lexicon' (Weinreich 1967:31). A further consideration is that 



46 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

code-switching is traditionally found and analyzed in spoken language (cf. 
Martin 1998). Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988) use a complex set of criteria to 
argue that it is possible to distinguish between single-word switches and single- 
word borrowings in the speech of bilinguals, while Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez 
(1989) make this distinction based solely on phonological integration of single- 
word items: single word switches in the speech of the Cuban Americans 
participating in their study preserve English phonology, while single-word 
borrowings are phonologically integrated into Spanish. While the phonological 
aspect of language contact is central to virtually all existing research on both 
code-switching and other contact phenomena (cf. Grant-Russell 1999), 
communication on the Internet is accomplished primarily through written means 
(even in chat rooms and through instant messaging), so it is extremely difficult to 
establish the level of phonological integration of English items, single- or multiple- 
word, that appear in Spanish Internet language. Even so, it seems safe to assume 
that, as in other cases of linguistic borrowing, phonological integration of English 
terms used in Spanish language Internet texts becomes more complete as the 
social integration of the loanword proceeds, and that phonological integration is 
in part a function of the bilingual ability of the speaker (Haugen 1950; Poplack, 
Sankoff & Miller 1988). Monolingual Spanish speakers or those with low 
proficiency in English most likely show a strong tendency to assimilate Internet 
language borrowings into Spanish phonology while more proficient English 
speakers tend to assimilate less to Spanish phonological patterns. A fmal 
consideration is that Spanish Internet language is global by its very nature, and 
cannot be analyzed as the mode of communication of any specific language 
community. Therefore, as implied above, producers and consumers of Spanish 
Internet language probably include English/Spanish bilinguals as well as 
monoUngual Spanish speakers. Code-switching by definition is a linguistic 
behavior found among bilingual speakers. On the other hand, in the case of 
linguistic borrowing, it is a bihngual speaker who introduces a new loanword, but 
once the loanword gains a certain currency in the host language it will be picked 
up and used even by the monolingual speaker as the borrowed item loses its 
status as a foreign word (Haugen 1950). Myers Scotton (1990), following 
Gibbons (1987:70) points out that borrowing typically requires only a 
monolingual competence. The observed results of Spanish/EngHsh contact on the 
Internet can be more accurately described in terms of linguistic borrowings of 
various kinds, rather than as a situation of code-switching. 

4. Contact phenomena: linguistic borrovdngs of many stripes 

According to Weinreich (1967) the most common form of borrowing is the 
outright transfer of single-word items or unanalyzed compounds from one 
language to another, resulting in a loanword. The term loanword is used in this 
sense in much of the research on language contact. For Daiuta (1984) loanwords 
result when speakers transfer both form and content from the source language to 
the recipient language, with concomitant phonological and morphological 
adaptation (e.g., Spanish lonchar from 'to have lunch'; troca or troque from 
'truck'). Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez (1989) call these simply single-word 



Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 47 

borrowings (as opposed to single- word switches), and in Silva-Corvalan's (1994) 
terminology, they are single-word loans. Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988:52) 
make a distinction between lexical borrowing on the one hand, and loanwords on 
the other: 

Lexical borrowing involves the incorporation of individual L2 words 
(or compounds functioning as single words) into discourse of LI, the 
host or recipient language, usually phonologically and 
morphologically adapted to conform with the patterns of that 
language, and occupying a sentence slot dictated by its syntax. The 
status "loanword", however, is traditionally conferred only on words 
which, in addition, recur relatively frequently, are widely used in the 
speech community, and have achieved a certain level of recognition or 
acceptance, if not normative approval... 

Palmer and Harris appear to make the same distinction, and refer to integration, or 
'the acceptance of a word or phrase originating in another language by a 
language community as part of its language' (1990:81). 

The loanword is not only the most common form of linguistic borrowing. It 
is also the only observed result of borrowing that can be defined more or less 
straightforwardly based on the existing hterature. Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez 
(1989:43) summarize the problem: 

The study of modeUng, which Weinreich defined as the use of the 
influenced language's own elements in a manner that replicates, or 
models, features of the influencing language, is beset with 
terminological and conceptual difficulties. The terms caique, semantic 
loan, semantic extension, loan shift, and loan translation have all been 
in circulation for many decades, aU referring essentially to the same 
modeling phenomenon. 

The problem is actually more complicated, since these terms appear to describe the 
same thing, when really, they do not. Both loan translation and caique are 
generally defined as the transferring of meaning without forms, or as 'the transfer 
of language X content alone, using the forms of language Y to render the 
content' (Daiuta 1984:72). However, an important distinction is missing. If we 
look at the examples in Haugen (1950) and Weinreich (1967), it becomes 
apparent that a loan translation creates a new lexical item in the recipient 
language to refer to a previously unnamed item or concept, for example, when 
Spanish uses the words rasca+cielos to render the same meaning as the English 
forms 'sky'-(-'scraper'. Weinrich (1967:50) considers the loan translation to be a 
'reproduction in terms of equivalent native words', where the model can be 
reproduced exactly (Spanish rascacielos from EngUsh 'skyscraper'), or less 
exactly (a loan rendition such as German Wolkenkratzer 'cloud scraper' from 
English 'skyscraper'), or where a new coinage is created based on a stimulus in 
the model language (a loan creation, for example, Yiddish mitkind (literally 
'fellow child'), based on English 'sibling'). The use of the label 'caique' in 
Otheguy, Garcia & Fernandez (1989), and Silva-Corvalan (1994) captures the 



48 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

difference between a caique and a loan translation. Silva-Corvalan defines single- 
word caiques as: 

the transferring of meanings into an already existing lexical item (e.g., 
parientes 'relatives' extends its meaning to incorporate the meaning 
of English pare«/5...) (1994: 171) 

Silva-Corvalan gives other examples such as aplicacion 'application' in the 
sense of making a request (Spanish solicitud), grados, for school 'grades' 
(Spanish notas), and carpeta for 'carpet' (Spanish alfombra or moqueta). These 
examples clearly point out the difference between a loan translation and a caique. 
A loan translation creates a new lexical item, whereas a caique transfers a foreign 
meaning onto an already existing lexical item. This use of the term caique appears 
to coincide with Haugen's (1950) semantic loan, in which no formal structural 
elements are transferred, only meaning, and the new meaning is the only visible 
evidence of borrowing. 

The last term that is of import here is loan blend, described by Haugen 
(1950:214) as a word where 'only part of the phonemic shape of the word has 
been imported, while a native portion has been substituted for the rest'. Haugen 
gives the example of Pennsylvania German [blaumSpai], based on American 
English 'plum pie'. Here the speaker analyzed the compound into its constituent 
morphemes, and made a partial substitution. 

5. The current study 

To compile the lists of lexical items analyzed in this study, I consulted a large 
number of Spanish language servers, online newspapers and dictionaries. See 
Appendix A for a complete listing of servers and websites consulted. The home 
pages, navigating and clicking words, privacy policies, legal notices, terms of 
service, FAQ's, and e-mail and chat registration forms from servers based in Spain 
and nine Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America yielded many examples of 
linguistic borrowing. I repeatedly consulted thirty onHne newspapers from Spain 
and countries in Latin America, most of which are also published in print, and 
found that many have sections dedicated to science, technology, and the Internet, 
which also make use of many borrowed lexical items. However, some Internet- 
related lexical items are undergoing a certain degree of integration and diffusion 
beyond the Internet, and have achieved word list status. In addition, such lexical 
items are not relegated only to special technology sections, but are finding their 
way into front page news items, as seen in the following examples: 

(1) a. El vertiginoso ascenso del precandidato democrata Howard 
Dean es un buen ejemplo de como hacer "ruido" en Internet. 
'The meteoric rise of the democratic candidate Howard Dean is a 
good example of how to make "noise" on the Internet'. 
(http://www.clarin.com/diario/2003/07/ll/t-587348.htm) 

b. En los ultimos anos, Google.com se ha convertido en el 
buscador de Internet mas popular en el mundo, y es que 
regularmente da excelentes resultados si sabes buscar bien. 



Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 49 

Pues bien, Google fue hackeada.... 

'In recent years, Google.com has become the most popular 

Internet search engine in the world, and it regularly gives 

excellent results if you know how to do a good search. Well, 

Google was hacked...' 

(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html) 

c. Sin embargo, en este caso pocos son los que se atreven a 
recurrir a las autoridades federates ya que, como senalo uno 
de los "webmasters" a la revista "Wired" ... 
'However, in these cases few dare to go to the federal authorities, 
as was pointed out by one of the webmasters for the magazine 
Wired...' 
(http://www.abc.es). 

In what follows, the observable results of Spanish/English language contact 
on the Internet will be examined and classified using the following terms, defined 
in the preceding section: loanwords, borrowing, loan translation, semantic caique, 
and loan blend. 

5.1. Loanwords 

If following Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988) we use dictionary attestations as 
one gauge of acceptance of a linguistic borrowing, a number of forms can already 
be classified as loanwords. Technically, only accepted borrowings are loanwords, 
but a number of loan translations and semantic caiques have also recently 
achieved word list status. A comparison of the twenty-first print edition of the 
Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (Real Academia Espafiola 1992) and the 
twenty-second edition (2001) that appears online gives an idea of how rapidly 
some Internet terminology is becoming integrated into the Spanish language as a 
whole. The online version, which like all previous print editions has been 
compiled with the collaboration of sister Academias in Latin America, North 
America and the Philippines, has added 10,000 new lexical items, more than 
24,000 new acceptations, and more than 3,000 phrases and expressions. Only 
two of the forms {raton 'mouse' and disco duro 'hard drive') that appear in the 
twenty-second edition online appear in the print edition from 1992. This means 
that most of the items that have attained word list status have done so roughly in 
the last ten years. The terms that appear in the twenty-second edition of the 
Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola follow: 

(2) a. Fully accepted borrowings: ciberespacio, hardware, software, 
die, hypertexto, web, modem, pixel; 

b. Loan translations: buzon electronico 'electronic mailbox', 
correo electronico 'e-mail', disco duro 'hard drive', pdgina web 
'web page'; 

c. Semantic caiques: (anti)virus, ventana 'window', navegar 
'browse', aplicacion '(web) application', raton 'mouse'. 

The terms {anti)virus, ciberespacio, hardware, software, modem, pixel. 



50 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

correo electronico, disco duro, and ventana also appear in the Diccionario 
General de la Lengua Espanola VOX online (Spes Editorial 2000). Some 
loanwords show clear (but inconsistent) signs of integration into Spanish through 
regular morphological processes, or through phonological and orthographic 
assimilation to Spanish. The definitions of hardware and software in the 
Diccionario General de la Lengua Espanola VOX online also include the 
information 'Se pronuncia yarJwer', and 'Se pronuncia softuer , giving us some 
idea of the phonological adaptation that the terms are undergoing. In this 
dictionary, the words modem and pixel appear with no written accent, but they 
appear as modem and pixel in the online Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola 
(Real Academia Espanola 2001), and on a regular basis, as modem, pixel, and 
pixeles, also with a written accent and with a plural form that conforms to 
Spanish patterns of plural word formation (-5 if the word ends in a vowel, -es if it 
ends in a consonant) in the advertising section of the print edition of the Spanish 
newspaper El Pais. On many websites we find the word click, which appears as 
haz click, haga click or hace click, depending on the dialectal variation involved, 
with the Enghsh spelling, or as die, with a simplification of the EngUsh <ck> 
orthographic cluster. In still other cases, the command forms clique aqui 'click 
here' or cliquea aqui (http://www.ahijuna.com.ar/info/herramientas/) are attested, 
with standard Spanish orthography even though there is no verb form clicar or 
cliquear in the 1992 print edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua EspaHola, the 
2001 online edition, or the 2000 Diccionario General de la Lengua Espanola 
VOX online. 

5.2. Unintegrated borrowing 

Borrowing, as we have seen, is the outright transfer of both form and content of 
single-word items or unanalyzed compounds. In Spanish Internet language, 
though not in Spanish in general, this definition must be extended to include the 
use of abbreviation by initials. Piiiol (1999) points out that normally in Spanish, 
abbreviation by initials will reflect Spanish word order, for example, IMF 
(International Monetary Fund) in Enghsh, but FMI {Fondo Monetario 
Internacional) in Spanish. However, this does not happen in Spanish Internet 
language, where English word order is maintained in abbreviation by initials. 
Pinol offers many examples of this, including: 

(3) a. FTP not PTF {Protocolo de Transferencia de Ficheros) 

b. HTML not LMHT (Lenguaje de Marcado de HiperTexto) 

c. URL not LUR {Localizador Universal de Recursos) 

Pinol also includes a listing of blendings such as ciberespacio which are 
phonologically adapted to Spanish, but maintain English word order. These must 
also be considered borrowings, since it appears that the blending takes place in 
EngUsh, and then the unanalyzed blended form is transferred to Spanish in both 
form and content. This would explain why Enghsh word order is maintained. 
Some of these include: 

(4) a. ciberespacio 'cyberspace' from 'cybernetic space' 



Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 51 

b. e-mail from 'electronic mail' 

c. emoticon 'emoticon' from 'emotional icon' 

Some of the more common borrowings that appear on Spanish language 
servers and web sites are listed below. None of these appear in the Diccionario 
de la Lengua Espahola 1992 print edition, the 2001 online edition, or the 2000 
Diccionario General de la Lengua Espanola VOX online. For a more complete 
listing, see Appendix B. 

(5) banners 
cookies 
chat 

click/clic (doble clic 
hacker/hacking 
home/home-page 
(la) Internet 
links 
login 

messenger 
online 

spam/spamming/anti-spam 
World Wide Web 

It is curious to note that the word Internet, which appears even in scholarly 
publications in Spanish (Soler 1997, Piiiol 1999, 2000), is not listed in the 
dictionary. 

The borrowings that appear here are used on any number of web sites, but 
very often they are flagged as foreign terms in some way. This appears to be, at 
times a function of the website, and at others, a function of the word. For 
example, the Spanish print newspaper ABC is known to be politically 
conservative, and to use a quite formal style of language. In the legal notice of the 
online edition (http://www.abc.es), many borrowed terms are flagged as foreign, 
and some doubly so through the use of quotation marks as well as metalinguistic 
commentary (e.g., mediante la tecnica denominada "framing" 'through the 
technique called "framing"', mediante la tecnica denominada "in line linking" 
'through the technique called "in line linking'"). In other cases, it appears that it 
is the term itself that leads to flagging. Some terms such as 'cookies' are so 
unassimilated that they even lead to some confusion in the assignment of gender. 
For example, in their privacy policies, many websites such as 
http://www.bacan.com refer to una cookie and las cookies (fem.), but 
http://www.univision.com refers to the feminine una "cookie" o galleta, and in 
the same paragraph, to masculine plural estos "cookies". The privacy policy of 
Clarin, an Argentinean print and online newspaper (http://www.clarin.com), 
informs readers that: 

Los Cookies [masc] son pequehas piezas de informacion 
transferidas por el sitio Web 'cookies are small pieces of information 
transferred by the Website...' 



52 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

Poplack, Sankoff & Miller (1988) found that gender assignment is made very 
consistently quite early in the process of integration, so we can assume that terms 
like 'cookies' have been borrowed into Spanish Internet language, but are 
nowhere near being considered as part of the lexical stock of the majority of 
Spanish speakers. 

In many cases borrowed items are used along with Spanish terms that 
denote the same thing. For example, on the home page for http://www.ozu.es, the 
message is 'Estas en: Home', but on other pages the link to return to the home 
page is Ozu pagina de inicio . At http://www.mexicoglobaI.com/pagina_inicio/ the 
following message appears: 

Si utiliza otro browser elija el navegador (browser) que estd 
utilizando actualmente para recibir instrucciones. 'If you use 
another browser choose the browser that you currently use to receive 
instructions.' 

Likewise, the term correo electronico and 'e-mail' are used interchangeably on 
many web sites. On http://www.ozu.es, the user is directed to chequear tu correo 
'check your mail' or follow the command accede a tu correo 'access your mail', 
but if the user does not have an account, in order to create a user profile it is 
necessary to provide an alternate e-mail address or mail altemativo, where one 
can be notified upon receiving a message: 

Selecciona "Activa Notificacion" si deseas recibir un aviso en tu 
mail alternativo cada vez que recibas un e-mail. 'Choose "Activate 
Notification" if you want to receive notification through your 
alternate e-mail address every time you receive an e-mail.' 

While many borrowings are still marked as foreign, others are already 
showing signs of integration into Spanish through regular morphological 
processes. The borrowing chat, for example, exists as a related noun form, chateo, 
and as a verb, chatear. The borrowed form hacker habitually appears even in 
news items, and has a number of related forms, including related nouns and 
conjugated verbs, as seen in the following examples: 

(6) a. Detienen a un hacker... 
'a hacker was arrested...' 
(http://www.clarin.com/diario/hoy/umym-587829.htm) 

b. Un hombre de 31 ahos hacked... 
'A 31 year old man hacked...' 
(http://www.clarin.com/diario/hoy/um/m-587829.htm) 

c. Una hackeadita a Google 
'a little hacking at Google' 
(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html) 

d. Google fue hackeada... 
'Google was hacked...' 
(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html) 



Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 53 

e. El hackeofue hecho por un ingles... 

'the hacking was done by an Englishman...' 
(http://www.cnienUnea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html) 

f. Ademds de esta busqueda hackeada, existe otra... 
'In addition to this hacked search, there is another...' 
(http://www.cnienlinea.com.mx/notas/61_4707.html). 

To summarize, what is clear is that among these borrowings, there are 
degrees of integration. On one end of the scale, the borrowed form Internet does 
not appear in the dictionary, but it does regularly appear in news items and in 
scholarly writing (Soler 1997, Pinol 1999, 2000), and is very seldom flagged as 
foreign. In addition, it is always feminine {la Internet) when it is assigned gender. 
This consistency in gender assignment indicates that it already has a certain 
currency in the word stock of many Spanish speakers. In the middle are 
expressions like chat and hacker that have undergone morphological 
innovations. And at the other extreme are the many expressions like cookies that 
are still considered quite foreign and are habitually flagged as such through 
orthography, the use of quotation marks or italics, or some kind of metalinguistic 
commentary, alone or in combination. 

5.3. Loan translations 

As explained above, a loan translation here means the use of Spanish forms to 
render the content of English, thereby creating a new lexical item in Spanish. All 
the items that appear here were created to name Internet related things and 
concepts that were previously unnamed in Spanish. A fuller listing can be found 
in Appendix B, but a representative sample appears below: 

(7) archivos adjuntos 'attachments' 
barra de herramientas 'tool bar' 
correo electronico 'e-mail' 
corrector ortografico 'spell check' 
disco duro 'hard drive' 
espacio cibemetico 'cyberspace' 
hipervinculos 'hyperlinks' 
mapa del sitio 'sitemap' 

mensaje/mensajeria instantaneo/a 'instant message/messaging' 
pancartas publicitarias 'banners' 
periodico electronico 'online newspaper' 
pirata informatico 'hacker' 
programacion de terceros 'branded programming' 
salvapantallas 'screen saver' 

As indicated above, buzon electronico, correo electronico, disco duro, and 
pdgina web already appear in the 2001 online edition of the Diccionario de la 
Lengua Espahola (Real Academia Espaiiola), disco duro appears in the 1992 
print edition, and correo electronico and disco duro, appear in the 2000 
Diccionario General de la Lengua Espahola VOX online. 



54 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

5.4. Semantic caiques 

Recall that a semantic caique involves the transfer only of meaning, and the new 
meaning is the only visible evidence of borrowing (Haugen 1950). So in all the 
examples that follow, no new lexical items are created, but lexical items that 
already existed in Spanish have acquired a new meaning, copied or calqued from 
English lexical items. In the case of those that already appear in the dictionary, it 
is easy to see that existing words have taken on new meaning. For example, in 
the 1992 print edition of the Diccionario de la lengua espanola, the word 
ventana 'window' is defined as 'the elevated opening left in a wall for 
ventilation and light; the pieces of wood and glass used to close such an opening; 
each opening in the nose'. None of its related figurative expressions refers to 
information technology. In the 2001 online edition of the dictionary, ventana has 
the same definitions as before, in addition to a new meaning: 

Espacio delimitado en la pantalla de un ordenador, cuyo contenido 
puede manejarse independientemente del resto de la pantalla 'A 
delimited area on a computer screen, whose content can be 
manipulated independently of the rest of the screen'. 

Likewise, navegar 'navigate' has the meanings: 

'to travel by water on a ship or vessel; to make the ship or vessel move 
forward; by analogy, to travel by air in a balloon, airplane or other 
vehicle', 

in addition to figurative meanings that have no relation to information 
technology. In the 2001 online edition of the Diccionario de la lengua 
espanola, the word navegar has the new meaning: Desplazarse a traves de una 
red informdtica 'to move from one place to another through an information 
network', i.e., to browse. The following are representative examples of semantic 
caiques found in Spanish Internet language. A more complete Usting appears in 
Appendix B: 

(8) buscador 'search engine' 
cargar 'upload' 

descargar 'to download'/descargas 'downloads' 
dominio 'domain' 

navegar 'to browse'/navegador 'browser'/navegacion 'browsing' 
pagina 'page' 
raton 'mouse' 
ventana 'window' 
servidor 'server' 

In Spanish Internet language, there are also examples of existing Spanish 
words that appear to be caiques but are not, for example, busqueda 'search'. 
Such words do not take on new meanings, but rather extend their traditional 
meanings to a new area. The Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (Real 
Academia Espaiiola 1992) lists busqueda with the definition 

busca, accion de buscar. U. con frecuencia en los archivos y escribanias 



Morin: Engush/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 55 

'search, action of searching. Frequently used in archives and court clerks' 
offices'. 

On the Internet, the meaning of busqueda remains the same, but it is 
extended to include electronic archives. It is not a caique, an already 
existing item with a new meaning, but rather a semantic extension, a lexical 
item whose traditional meaning is extended to cover more ground. Other 
words that might be included in this group are clave 'password', charlas 
'chat', contrasena 'password', /oro 'forum', membresia 'membership', and 
pldticas 'chat'. Membresia is attested in the Spanish of Ecuador, El 
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and Panama. Interestingly, it does 
not appear in the 1992 print edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua 
Espanola, but it does appear in the 2001 online edition. 

5.5. Loan blends 

In a loan blend, part of the phonemic shape of the word is imported, while a 
native portion has been substituted for the rest, that is, a compound is analyzed 
into its constituent morphemes, and a partial substitution is made. There are few in 
Spanish Internet language, and most appear to use proper names in Spanish as the 
native portion of the blend, as shown by the following examples: 

(9) ecuanet (Ecuadorian server) 

ecuapaging (paging services on Ecuadorian Server) 
ecuaforos (forums on Ecuadorian server) 
ecuachat (chat rooms on Ecuadorian server) 
ecuacards (online greeting cards on Ecuadorian server) 
clarinmail (e-mail associated with Argentinean online newspaper 

Clarin) 
Ambitoweb (website for Ambito Financier©) 

6. Conclusions 

Spanish/English contact on the Internet is far from what we traditionally consider 
a language contact situation. Nonetheless, it is possible to look at this virtual 
language contact situation, and use traditional tools to analyze the recurrent 
borrowing phenomena that are found across a large number of Spanish language 
servers and web pages. Just as in traditional language contact, loanwords and 
borrowing are the most common phenomena, but there are also examples of loan 
translations, semantic caiques and loan blends. In addition, Internet language 
borrowings undergo integration in much the same way as borrowings in 
traditional contact situations, by consistently occupying the correct syntactic slot 
in a sentence, by receiving consistent gender assignment, by adapting to 
phonological and morphological patterns of the recipient language, by 
conforming to the orthographic patterns of the recipient language, and by 
appearing in written texts without any of the flagging devices that indicate 
awareness of the foreign status of a lexical item. 

The study of Spanish/English contact on the Internet provides a rich field 



56 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

for future research. First, this study examines only written texts, without delving 
into the level and rate of phonological integration of foreign lexical items for 
bilingual and monolingual speakers. In addition it does not consider whether 
items from Spanish Internet language that have achieved a certain level of 
integration have done so across the board, or if age, education, sex, social class, 
and familiarity with English have an effect on the willingness or ability of Spanish 
speakers to use such borrowed lexical items. Finally, it has been shown above 
that the rate of integration of borrowed lexical terms is inconsistent. Some lexical 
items have acquired word list status very rapidly, appearing in scholarly 
publications, Spanish language dictionaries, and online and print newspapers, 
with morphological, phonological and orthographic adaptations, while others are 
still quite far from being considered in any way Spanish. Except in the case of 
die or cliquea, modem and pixel, even in the case of borrowed lexical items that 
appear in the dictionary, or that already have a number of related forms, the 
orthography is still very much foreign, even though the phonology is showing 
signs of conforming to Spanish sound patterns (recall the spelling pronunciations 
of 'hardware' ijdrduer) and 'software' (softuer) offered by the VOX online 
dictionary), and word families are being created through conventional Spanish 
derivation. Since language change is occurring very rapidly in this situation it 
may be possible in a very short time to document the adaptation to Spanish 
patterns of orthography, morphology and phonology of English language 
Internet lexis. The study of Spanish/English contact on the Internet will provide 
us with as fertile a field for observing and documenting language change as has 
the geographical contact that has resulted in so much research on traditional 
Spanish/EngUsh contact situations. 



Morin: Engush/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 57 

APPENDIX A 
SPANISH LANGUAGE SERVERS AND WEBSITES CONSULTED 

(1) Servers and portals 
http://bacan.com (Ecuador) 
http://wwwl.ecua.net.ec (Ecuador) 

http://www.tuGueb.com (portal for Gaceta Universitaria - Spain) 
http://www.ozu.es (Spain) 

http://www.terra.es (Spain and International) 
http://cnienlinea.com (Mexico) 
http://www.univision.com (Mexico) 
http://www.esmas.coni/televisahome (Mexico) 
http://www.rcp.net.pe (Peru) 
http://www.terra.com.ar (Argentina) 
http://www.yagua.com (Paraguay) 
http://www.chilebusca.cl (Chile) 
http://www.buscaniguas.com.sv (El Salvador) 
http://us.uruguaytotal.com (Uruguay) 
http://www.auyantepui.com (Venezuela) 
http://espanol.yahoo.com (Yahoo U.S. in Spanish) 
http://ar.yahoo.com (Yahoo Argentina) 
http://mx.yahoo.com (Yahoo Mexico) 

(2) Online newspapers 
http://marca.com (Spain) 
http://www.abc.es (Spain) 
http://www.5dias.com (Spain) 
http://www.as.com (Spain) 
http://www.expansion.com (Spain) 
http://www.ole.clarin.com (Argentina) 
http://www.lanacion.com.ar (Argentina) 
http://www.larazon.com.ar (Argentina) 
http://www.clarin.com (Argentina) 
http://www.elindependiente.com.ar (Argentina) 
http://www.enel.net/rumbodiario (Dominican Republic) 
http://www.hoy.com.do (Dominican Republic) 
http://www.prensalibre.com/pls/prensa/index2.jsp (Guatemala) 
http://www.eldiario.net (Bolivia) 

http://eltiempo.com (Columbia) 
http://www.nacion.co.cr (Costa Rica) 
http://www.nuevaprensa.org/scripts/index.html (Cuba) 
http://chile.primerapagina.com (Chile) 
http://www.elcomercio.com (Ecuador) 

http://www.laprensagrafica.com/portada/default.asp (El Salvador) 
http://www.lahora.com.gt (Guatemala) 
http://www.laprensahn.com (Honduras) 
http://www.laprensa.com.ni (Nicaragua) 



58 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

http://www.prensa.com/hoy/portada.shtml (Panama) 
http://www.(liarionoticias.com.py/200307 1 8/index.php (Paraguay) 
http://www.estrelladepr.com (Puerto Rico) 
http://www.elpais.com.uy/03/07/18 (Uruguay) 
http://www.el-nacional.com (Venezuela) 

(3) Dictionaries 

http://www.rae.es (Real Academia Espanola, 2001) 
http://www.elmundo.es/diccionarios 

http://www.diccionarios.com/index.phtml (Diccionario General de la 
Lengua Espanola VOX online) 

(4) Assorted 

http://www.periodistadigital.com (has links to many Spanish language 

newspapers) 
http://www.cibercentro.com (links to Spanish language newspapers, servers 

and search engines) 
http://www.trinity.edu/mstroud/spanish/spanUnk.html (has links to 

newspapers, servers, and cultural sites) 
http://www.novomedia.es/web/medios/intemet.htm (Spanish website linked 

to a number of newspapers) 

APPENDIX B 
ADDITIONAL EXAMPLES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWINGS 

1) Additional Unintegrated Borrowings 

cibercampaiia 'cyber campaign' 

(sitio) cobrandeados 'co branders' 

encriptar 

firewall 

newsletters 

password 

splitter 

weblog/webloggers 

webmail 

webmaster 

webcam 

website 

2) Additional Loan Translations 

buzon electronico 'electronic mailbox' 

camara web 'webcam' 

carpeta C 'C drive' 

codigo de cliente 'login' 

correos basura 'junk mail' 

en linea 'online' 

hiperenlaces 'hyperlinks' 



Morin: English/Spanish Language Contact on the Internet 59 

pagina de entrada 'homepage' 

pagina de inicio 'homepage' 

pkata cibemetico 'hacker' 

proteccion antivirus 'virus protection' 

recorrido grafico 'virtual tour' 

salas de chat 'chatrooms' 

sitio(s) web 'website(s)' 

teletrabajo 'telecommuting' 

ventanas interactivas 'interactive windows' 

3) Additional Semantic Caiques 

ambientes 'IMVironments' (Instant Messaging Environments) 

bajar 'download' (jbajatelo ya! from http://ar.messenger.yahoo.com) 

bajado 'downloaded' 

controladores 'drivers' 

entomos 'IMVironments' (Instant Messaging Environments) 

gusano 'worm, virus' 

portal 'website' 

virus 'computer virus' 



6 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

REFERENCES 

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States: Sociolinguistic Aspects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
Anderson, John (ed.) 1982. language Form and Linguistic Variation: Papers 

Dedicated to Angus Mcintosh. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 
Daiuta, Amy. 1984. Remarks on calquing. CUNY Forum: Papers in Linguistics 

10.70-89. 
DicciONARio General de la Lengua Espanola VOX (onhne). 2000. Barcelona: 

Spes Editorial. 
Gibbons, John. 1987. Code-mixing and Code-choice: A Hong Kong Case Study. 

Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. 
Grant-Russell, Pamela. 1999. The influence of French on Quebec English: 

Motivation for lexical borrowing and integration of loan words. LACUS 

Forum 25.473-86. 
Haugen, Einar. 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language 26.210-31. 
Jacobson, Rodolfo (ed.) 1990. Codeswitching as a worldwide phenomenon. 

New York: Peter Lang. 
Macaulay, Donald. 1982. Borrow, caique and switch: The law of the English 

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Martin, Elizabeth. 1998. The use of English in written French advertising: A 

study of code-switching and code-mixing, and borrowing in a commercial 

context. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 28:1.159-84. 
Myers Scotton, Carol. 1990. Codeswitching and borrowing: Interpersonal and 

macrolevel meaning. In: Jacobson (ed.), 85-110. 
Otheguy, Ricardo, Ofelia Garcia, & Mariela Fernandez 1989. Transferring, 

switching, and modeling in West New York Spanish: An intergenerational 

study. International Journal of the Sociology of Language Special Issue 

79.41-52. 
Palmer, Joe & Brigitte Harris. 1990. Prestige differential and language change. 

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lengua extranjera. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies, 6:1.93- 

103. 
PoPLACK, Shana, David Sankoff & Christopher Miller. 1988. The social 

correlates and linguistic processes of lexical borrowing and assimilation. 

Linguistics 26.47-104. 
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Madrid: Espasa Calpe. 

. 2001. Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (online), <http://www.rae.es>. 

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Los Angeles. New York: Oxford University Press. 
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Hague: Mouton. 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 

TWO TYPES OF NEGATION NOT AND SCOPE AMBIGUITIES 

Keun Young Shin 

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 

keunshin @ uiuc.edu 

Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG) presented by Groenendijk & 
Stokhof (1990) assumes that negation not is always interpreted as 
sentence negation and normally treated in a static way. Under this 
analysis, all anaphoric relations between terms occurring in a negated 
sentence and anaphora outside the sentence are impossible. However, 
this runs against our intuitions on the sequence of sentences A man 
does not walk in. He stays outside. In addition, the current DMG 
analysis fails to capture the ambiguities of a negated sentence with 
quantified noun phrases correctly. This paper proposes that negation 
not is an expression of two types, which can be adjoined to two 
different expressions: a verb phrase (i.e., an expression of an 
intransitive verb type) and a sentence. Negation is applied according to 
two rules: (i) negation not cannot be raised after Quantifier raising and 
(ii) quantified noun phrases cannot be raised outside of the scope of 
negation when they are in subject position. This approach correctly 
predicts that not every sentence with negation and quantified noun 
phrases exhibits scope ambiguities or prohibits anaphoric relations to 
pronouns outside the sentence. 

1. Introduction 

Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG) presented by Groenendijk «&; Stokhof 
(1990) assumes that negation is always adjoined to a whole sentence and is 
normally treated in a static way. Under this approach, if a sentence is negated, all 
anaphoric relations between terms occurring in the sentence and anaphora outside 
the sentence are impossible. However, this runs against our intuitions on the 
sequence of sentences in (1). The indefinite noun a man occurring in the negated 
sentence is anaphorically linked to the pronoun in (1). 

(1) A man does not walk in. He stays outside. 

Moreover, the current approach fails to capture the ambiguities of a negated 
sentence with quantified noun phrases correctly. Consider the sentences in (2). 

(2) a. Not every man walks in. 

b. Every man does not walk in 

Sentences (2a) and (2b) differ by virtue of the position of negation on the surface 
representation, and this results in different interpretations: sentence (2b) is 
ambiguous whereas sentence (2a) is not. Sentence (2a) has only one reading that 

© 2005 Keun Young Shin 



64 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

there are some men who do not walk in. In addition to this reading, sentence (2b) 
has the reading that no man walks in. However, the current DMG approach 
predicts that sentence (2a) would be interpreted exactly the same as (2b). 

This paper proposes an alternative analysis for interpreting negation not on 
the grounds that not every sentence with negation and quantified noun phrases 
exhibits scope ambiguities or prohibits anaphoric relations to pronouns outside the 
sentence. Negation is an expression of two types, which can be adjoined to two 
different expressions: a verb phrase (i.e., an expression of an intransitive verb 
type) and a sentence. The ambiguities of a negated sentence with quantified noun 
phrases can be captured by two appUcation rules: (i) Negation raising should be 
appUed before Quantifier raising, and (ii) a term in subject position is not raised. 

This paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the problem in dealing 
with negation not using Dynamic Montague Grammar in detail. Section 3 deals 
with scope ambiguity analysis and its problems. In Section 4, I will propose an 
alternative analysis for negation not and present how this analysis captures the 
ambiguities of a negated sentence with quantified noun phrases as well as 
anaphoric relations involving negation. Section 5 summarizes the conclusions of 
this paper. 

2. PreviGus analysis: Dynamic Montague Grammar 

Groenendijk & Stokhof (1990) propose Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG), 
where they use a system of dynamic intensional logic as the semantic component 
of a Montague-style grammar. I assume familiarity with the dynamic intensional 
logic system (Groenendijk & Stokhof 1991) as well as the type theory of 
Montague (1974). 

The basic expressions I will use in this paper are adopted from Groenendijk 
& Stokhof (1991). They are translated in (3), where x is a variable of type e, P and 
Q of type <s, <e, «s, t>, t»>, and p of type <s, «s, <e, «s, t>, t»>, «s, t>, 
t»>; j is a constant of type e, 'man' and 'walk' are constants of type <e, t>, and 
'see' of type <e, <e, t»; the dj is a discourse marker. 

(3) Definition 1 (Translations of basic expressions) 

a. man -^ AjcTman(x) 

b. walk — > AjcTwalk(x) 

c. see^XpXx["^{'^Xy1'seeiy)ix))] 

d. a, -^XPXBd, [ T(d,); "Q (dj)] 

e. every, -^XPXQ^d, [ T(d,) ^ ^Q (d^)] 

f. he, -^XQ [ ^Q (d,)] 

g. John,3XQ[{j/di}-Q(d,)] 

DMG assumes that negation is adjoined to a whole sentence and interpreted 
as // is not the case that. Under this approach, negation is normally treated in a 
static way, although there are two kinds of negation, dynamic negation and static 
negation, as defined in (4): 



Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope AMBiGurriES 65 

(4) Definition 2 (Negation) 

Static negation -0 = T-iiO 

Dynamic negation ~<I) = A,p-<(<I)(p)) 

Due to the definition of static negation, dynamic effects of expressions inside the 
scope of negation are blocked. That is to say, if a sentence is negated, all 
anaphoric relations between terms occurring in the sentence and anaphora outside 
the sentence are not possible. This analysis gives the right prediction for the 
examples in (5) and (6). The pronoun in the second sentence cannot be interpreted 
as being anaphorically linked to the quantified noun phrases in the first sentence, 
which is translated in (7). 

(5) It is not the case that a man walks in the park. *He whistles. 

(6) No man walks in the park. *He whistles. 

(7) A,p[-i3x[man(x) a walk-in(x)] a ''p] 

However, consider the direct natural language counterpart sentence instead 
of the usual indirect translation using the expression it is not the case that. 

(8) A man does not walk in. He stays outside. 

The DMG approach assumes that the sequence of sentences in (8) is interpreted 
exactly the same as It is not the case that a man walks in. *He stays outside. In 
other words, the first sentence in (8) is translated as in (7), and it is predicted that 
the pronoun in the second sentence cannot be anaphoric to the indefinite noun a 
man occurring in the first sentence. However, this runs against our intuitions on 
sentence (8). Negation not in (8) cannot be translated as dynamic negation in order 
to allow the anaphoric relation. Dynamic negation and other functional appUcation 
produce the following translation of the first sentence in (8). 

(9) X,p— i3x[man(x) a walk-in(x) a {x/d,} ''p] 

This translation is not what we want. In a situation where a man walks in and he 
does not stay outside, (8) is false. But if the first sentence in (8) is interpreted as 
(9), (8) will be true in the same situation. Moreover, if we translate sentence 
negation as dynamic negation, the negation in the sentence extends to the 
sentences that follow it in the discourse. In order to prevent this, we should close 
off the negated sentence using static negation. Therefore, the current DMG 
approach seems to fail to capture the anaphoric relation involving sentences with 
negation. 

3. Problems with scope ambiguity analysis 

In the preceding section, we have seen that DMG raises a problem concerning the 
analysis of anaphoric relations involving negation. It fails to account for anaphoric 
relations between terms occurring in a negated sentence and pronouns, as in 
sentence (8). One attempt to solve this problem is to assume that scope 
ambiguities are involved in sentence (8). Although Groenendijk & Stokhof (1990) 
do not discuss scope ambiguities, we can say that negation interacts with 



66 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

quantified noun phrases and gives rise to scope ambiguities following traditional 
Montague Grammar. Sentence (8) can have the following two syntactic structures, 
represented in (10a) and (10b), and it has two meanings due to scope ambiguities: 
(i) there is a man who does not walk in, and (ii) there is no man who walks in. 

(10) a. It is not the case that a man walks in. 

a man, it is not the case that hcj walks in 



it is not the case that he, walks in 



hei walks in 

b. It is not the case that a man walks in. 



it is not the case that a man walks in 



a man walKs m 

We have already seen that (10b) does not allow a man to Unk to anaphora outside 
the sentence. On the other hand, functional application and some standard 
reduction produce the following translation of (10a): 

(11) A,pBx[man(x)A [-i walk(x) A{x/d,} "p]] 

Negation has a narrow scope over the predicate and a man can be anaphoric to a 
pronoun in the following sentence. Therefore the current DMG can capture the 
anaphoric relation in sentence (8) using scope ambiguities. 

However, this approach brings out problems. First, it predicts that every 
sentence with negation and quantifier noun phrases will be ambiguous since 
negation not interacts with quantified NPs and gives rise to scope ambiguities. 
Consider the sentences in (12). 

(12) a. Not every man walks in. 

b. Every man does not walk in. 

If we follow the current approach, (12a) is predicted to have the exactly same 
interpretations as (12b). But (12a) is not ambiguous, whereas (12b) is. Sentence 
( 1 2a) has only one reading, namely one in which every man is under the scope of 
negation: there are some men who do not walk in. In addition to this reading, 
( 1 2b) has the reading where every man is raised outside of the scope of negation: 
no man walks in. Sentences (12a) and (12b) differ by virtue of the position of 
negation, and this results in different interpretations. However, the scope 
ambiguity approach cannot capture the difference between (12a) and (12b). 

Furthermore, the different position of negation affects the interpretation of 
anaphoric relations. For example, the anaphoric relation in the sequence of 



Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope Ambiguities 67 

sentences A man does not walk in. He stays outside is different from the one in // 
is not the case that a man walks in. *He stays outside. However, the scope 
ambiguity approach predicts that they have the same readings and that the 
anaphoric relation in It is not the case that a man walks in. *He stays outside 
should be possible. Therefore, the scope ambiguity approach does not capture the 
fact that the different positions of negation in a sentence result in different 
interpretations. 

There is another problem with the assumption that negation not is adjoined to 
a sentence, as pointed out by Chierchia & McConnell-Ginet (2000). Consider the 
following sentence, in which two verb phrases are conjoined. 

(13) Every student is tired and isn't enjoying the show. 
(Chierchia & McConnell-Ginet 2000:415) 

If not is only combined with a sentence and it can be raised, we may expect that 
wide scope readings for negation are possible in conjoined verb phrases. But the 
only possible reading for (13) is one in which negation has scope over the second 
conjunct but not over the first conjunct. In other words, negation is combined with 
the second verb phrase, not with the whole sentence. However, the current DMG, 
where negation is only combined with an expression of type «s, t>, t>, i.e., a 
sentence, cannot deal with conjoined verb phrases in (13) properly. 

One might argue that sentence (13) is derived from conjoined sentences via 
conjunction reduction. Thus, (13) can convert to (14), with negation having 
narrow scope over the second conjunct in (13). 

(14) Every student is tired and every student isn't enjoying the show. 

However, this approach raises another problem. We cannot assign the correct truth 
value for (13) by evaluating each conjunct in (14). Sentence (13) requires that not 
a single student is enjoying the show: for every student x, x is not enjoying the 
show. In a situation where every student is tired and only some of them are 
enjoying the show, (13) is false, but (14) can be true. 

In summary, the scope ambiguity analysis for anaphoric relations cannot 
capture two important points as follows: 

(i) Available readings are different depending on the position of negation: 
not every sentence with negation and quantified noun phrases exhibits 
scope ambiguities or allows anaphoric relations to pronouns outside the 
sentence. 

(ii) Negation can be adjoined to phrases other than a sentence. 

4. Translation rules for negation not 

We have already seen that negation can be combined with an expression of the 
category of intransitive verb phrases (IV) to yield an IV in the case of conjoined 
verb phrases. It is claimed that negation can be combined with noun phrases and 
adverbs as well as verb phrases and sentences (Gamut 1991). In other words, 
negation is combined with the noun phrase every man in the sentence Not every 



68 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

man walked in. But this claim does not seem to be strong. If not can negate terms 
such as every man and a (single) man, we should expect the following sentences to 
be acceptable as well. 

(15) a. * John likes not every man. 

b. *John likes not a (single) man. 

However, (15a) and (15b) are not acceptable to most native English speakers. 
Negation not immediately preceding a term is acceptable only when the term is in 
subject position, but not in object position. This contrast suggests that negation is 
adjoined not to a term, but rather to a whole sentence. Therefore, I assume that in 
sentence Not every man walked in, negation is combined with the whole sentence 
every man walked in and that traditionally so-called external negation of a 
quantifier is sentence negation. 

Consider the following sentence (16), which can have the interpretation that 
the adverb always is negated, that is, John sometimes smiles. 

(16) John does not always smile. 

Predicate adverbs Uke always in (16) are expressions that yield an IV when 
applied to an IV. Assuming that negation can be adjoined to an IV, we do not need 
to stipulate any additional negation rule to capture that not is attached to the 
predicate adverb in (16) since negation will be adjoined to the IV always smile. 

Therefore, I propose that negation not is an expression of two types: 
sentence negation and IV negation. They are defined as in (17) where x is a 
variable of type e, P of type <s, <e, «s, t>, t»>, and of type <s, «s, t>, t». 

(17) Rules OF Negation /vor 

- Translation rules for negation not 

a. Sentence negation not not -> X<P [~^0] 

b. IV NEGATION NOT not -^XPXx [-"P (x)] 

- Rules for application 

c. Negation raising 

Negation not can be raised, but it caimot be lowered. 

d. Quantifier raising blocking 

A term a carmot be raised outside of the scope of negation. 

The application rules (17c) and (17d) capture the fact that available readings are 
different depending on where negation occurs. According to the negation rules in 
(17), Not every man walked in will have only one interpretation, that is, negation 
not is adjoined to the sentence Every man walked in. We cannot get the 
interpretation as that for every man x, x did not walk in, since rule (17d) blocks the 
NP from raising outside of the scope of negation. On the other hand, the sentence 
Every man did not walk in will have two interpretations because the negation 
adjoined to an IV expression can be raised and negate a whole sentence. That is. 



Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope Ambiguities 69 

negation not can be adjoined to either the IV walk in or the sentence Every man 
walked in. 

This alternative analysis also gives the right prediction that the different 
position of negation affects the interpretation of anaphoric relations. Sentence (18) 
has the following two syntactic structures represented by (18a) and (18b). In other 
words, negation can be interpreted as either IV negation or sentence negation and 
hence sentence (18) has two possible readings, (19a) and (19b), which correspond 
to (18a) and (18b) respectively. 

(18) A man didn't walk in. 

a. [,p a man [NOT [ypwalk in]]] 

b. [NOT [,p a man[ [y? walk in]]]] 



(19) a. ^p3x[man(x)A ^ walk(x) AJx/d, } "p] 
b. A,p[ — iBx[man(x)A walk(x) ] a ''p] 

When negation is interpreted as IV negation as in (19a), the indefinite noun phrase 
a man is outside of the scope of negation and can be linked anaphorically to a 
pronoun occurring outside the sentence. However, any anaphoric link to a pronoun 
outside the sentence is blocked when negation is raised, and the sentence is 
interpreted as (19b). Therefore, this analysis gives the right prediction that a 
pronoun outside sentence (18) can be anaphoric to a man when it is interpreted as 
in (19a). 

However, a problem arises when we deal with examples of scope ambiguity 
with two quantified NPs and negation. Consider the sentence in (20). 

(20) Every man did not see a stop sign. 

This sentence is predicted to have six different readings, schematically represented 
in (21), if we assume that traditional scope ambiguities are involved (SS stands for 
'stop sign'). 

(21) a. -nVx[man(x) ^ 3y[SS(y)Asee(x,y)]] 

b. Vx [man(x) ->-n 3y[SS(y)Asee(x,y)]] 

c. Vx [man(x) -^ 3y[SS(y)A -.see(x,y)]] 

d. ^3y [SS(y) a Vx[man(x) -> see(x,y)]] 

e. 3y [SS(y) a -iVx[man(x) -^ see(x,y)]] 

f. 3y [SS(y) a Vx[man(x) -^ ->see(x,y)]] 

Traditional scope ambiguities derive the undesirable readings (21c) and (2 Id) as 
well. (21c) has the interpretation that for every man there was a stop sign which he 
did not see, and (2 Id) means that there was no stop sign such that every man saw 
it. Assume that there are three men [Bill, Tom, John} and three stop signs [A, B, 
C). If everyone saw only two stop signs and Bill, Tom and John did not see the 
different stop sign A, B, and C respectively, (21c) and (21d) will be true. 
However, this runs against English native speakers' intuitions for sentence (20). 



70 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

On the other hand, my analysis predicts that (21a) and (21b) are the only 
possible readings for sentence (20). In order to get two other possible readings, 
namely (21e) and (2 If), the noun phrase a stop sign needs to be raised outside the 
scope of negation. But the noun phrase every man must not be raised outside the 
scope of negation in order to prevent the undesirable reading (21c). In other 
words, the Quantifier Raising Blocking (QRB) should be restricted to a term in 
subject position as in (22d'). We also need the rule restricting the order of raising 
as in (22c'): Negation raising should take place before Quantified NP raising. 

(22) Rules for apphcation (revised) 

c'. Negation raising 

Negation not cannot be raised after Quantifier raising 

d'. Quantifier raising blocking 

A term a cannot be raised if a is in [Spec, IP] (i.e., if a e P,/p/) ' 

Applying the rules (22c') and (22d'), sentence (20) will have four different 
readings, which are represented schematically as follows: 

(23) a. [s every man [NOT [,v [ysee] [a stop sign]]]] 

b. [s a stop sign [s every man [ NOT [,v [v see] [ ]]]]] 



[s NOT[s every man [ _ [,v [v see] [a stop sign]]]]] 

[s a stop sign [s NOT [s every man [ _ Qy [see] [ _]]]]]] 




This approach also accounts for different anaphoric relations between an 
indefinite noun in subject position and one in object position when negation is 
attached to a verb phrase. Consider the sequences of sentences in (24) and (25). 

(24) A man does not have a cat. *It is under the tree/ He has a dog. 



' We can still deal with examples of scof)e ambiguity with two quantifiers in (i) or de dicto/de re ambiguity 
in (ii) using the QRB rule in (22d'). 

(i) Every man saw a stop sign. 

(ii) A man seeks a unicorn. 
Sentence (i) will have two readings depending on whether the object NP is raised or not. Even if every man 
in subject fxjsition is raised after raising a stop sign in object position in (i), we will get the same result as 
when there is no quantifier raising. In (ii), the ambiguity of de dicto/de re reading is due to the scope of the 
intensional verb seek and the object NP a unicorn. Therefore, we can account for the ambiguities of (i) and 
(ii) without raising a noun phrase in subject position. 

However, the QRB rule seems to need to be modified in order to deal with the de dicto/de re 
ambiguity that sentences with intensional verbs give rise to: 

(iii) John believes that a unicorn walked in. 
In order to get a de re reading, the NP a unicorn in subject position should be raised: a unicorn has wide 
scope over the intensional verb believe. This problem might be solved by allowing NP raising when the NP 
is in the subject position of the embedded clause. 



Shin: Two Types of Negation Not and Scope Ambiguities 71 

(25) A man did not see a cat. It is under the table/ He saw a dog. 

Both (24) and (25) allow a man to link anaphorically to a pronoun outside the 
negated sentence. In other words, an indefinite noun in subject position can have 
anaphoric relations with pronouns occurring outside the negated sentence, when it 
precedes negation and there is no presupposition that the entity referred to by the 
subject NP does not exist. But this is not true for an indefinite noun in object 
position. The object a cat in (24) cannot have anaphoric relations with pronouns 
outside the negated sentence. The first sentences in (24) and (25) differ in terms of 
verb type, and this results in differences with respect to anaphoric relations with 
pronouns outside the first sentences. 

Our analysis predicts that when negation is adjoined to IV, a term in object 
position should be raised in order to link to pronouns outside the negated sentence, 
whereas a term in subject position can have anaphoric relations with pronouns 
outside the sentence without such a process. Assuming that existential quantifier 
raising can be blocked depending on the type of a given verb, we can capture the 
difference between (24) and (25). That is to say, the raising of the indefinite NP in 
object position outside the scope of IV negation is blocked by the verb have in the 
first sentence in (24) and hence cannot have an anaphoric relation with the 
pronoun in the following sentence. However, an indefinite noun in subject position 
is outside the scope of IV negation, and it can link anaphorically to pronouns 
outside the negated sentence regardless of the type of a given verb.'^ 

5. Conclusion 

If negation is always interpreted as sentence negation and anaphoric relations are 
dealt with by ambiguities in the scope of the antecedent, we fail to capture the fact 
that available readings are different depending on the position of negation. In this 
paper, I have proposed that negation not is an expression of two types and can be 
adjoined to IV and S. The ambiguities of a negated sentence with quantified noun 
phrases are accounted for by two rules: (i) negation not cannot be raised after 
Quantifier raising and (ii) quantified noun phrases cannot be raised outside of the 
scope of negation when they are in [Spec, IP]. This predicts that not every 
sentence with negation and quantified noun phrases will exhibit ambiguity. 
Moreover, we can predict that the number of available readings is different 



^ However there are cases where anaphoric links between indefinite noun phrases occurring in the object 
position of the state verb have and pronouns outside the sentence are not blocked, as in (i). In order to 
account for this anaphoric relation, Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) treat example (i) using dynamic 
negation and dynamic disjunction as illustrated in (ii). It is obvious that further research is necessary to 
clarify when the dynamic versions of the operators should be used. 

(i) Either Morris Hall does not have a bathroom or it is in a funny place, 
(ii) Either- 3d2[Tbathroom(d2);Thave(MH, d2)]or [Tin-a-funny-place(d2)] 
3d2[Tbathroom(d2);Thave(MH, d2)]=* Tin-a-funny-place(d2) 
Vd2 [ [Tbathroom(d2);Thave(MH, d2)]=> Tin-a-funny-place(d2)] 



72 STUDffiS IN THE LINGUISTIC SCIENCES 32:2 (FALL 2002) 

depending on where negation occurs, even if two sentences with negation have the 
same number of quantified noun phrases. 

REFERENCES 

Chierchia, Gennaro. 1992. Anaphora and dynamic binding. Linguistics and 

Philosophy \5.l\l-lS3. 
Chierchia, Gennaro, & Sally McConnell-Ginet. 2000. Meaning and 

Grammar: An Introduction to Semantics. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. 
Gamut, L.T.F. 1991. Logic, Language, and Meaning, Volume 2: Intensional 

Logic and Grammar. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 
Groenendijk, Jeroen, & Martin Stokhof. 1991. Dynamic Montague Grammar. 

In: Kalman & Polos (eds), 3-48. 
Kalman, Laszlo, & Laszlo POLOS (eds), 1991. Proceedings of the Second 

Symposium on Logic and Language. Budapest: Lorand University Press. 
Montague, Richard. 1974. Formal Philosophy: Selected Papers of Richard 

Montague. New Haven: Yale University Press. 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 

ON INFORMATION PACKAGING AND HEARER ENGAGEMENT IN 
KASHMIRI NARRATIVE 

Asha Tickoo 

Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville 

atickoo @ siue.edu 

The objective of this paper is to describe a feature of the information 
packaging in Kashmiri oral narrative, and to suggest that it is designed 
specifically to serve the oral mode of narration. Recurring segments in 
Kashmiri oral narrative are constructed out of strings of sentences 
containing propositions that are informationally highly given. When 
narrative incrementations utilize more, rather than less, hearer-given 
information, they effect greater hearer engagement by setting the hearer 
up as a more informed participant in the narration. The informed hearer 
is inevitably engaged because s/he becomes a potentially active 
contributor to the narrative. I will suggest that it is possible 1) to 
identify two main types of highly given proposition in Kashmiri oral 
narrative, and 2) to demonstrate that they are able to effect hearer 
engagement in somewhat distinct ways. 

1. Introduction 

My objective in this paper is to describe a feature of the information packaging in 
Kashmiri oral narrative, and to suggest that it is designed specifically to serve the 
oral mode of narration. Recurring segments in Kashmiri oral narrative are 
constructed out of strings of sentences containing propositions that are 
informationally highly given (cf. for example, the sentences marked verb initial 
(VS) and preposed (P) in the Kashmiri narrative extract, in the Appendix). To my 
knowledge, this is not the norm for written narrative, or, in fact, for other genres of 
written discourse, either in Kashmiri or in other languages. The majority of 
sentences out of which written discourse is constructed appear to contain new 
propositions, that is, propositions that are only sufficiently given to be coherent. 
This is understandable, since the principal objective of every incrementation in 
any developing text must be to introduce new information. Yet, Kashmiri oral 
narrative builds a significant number of narrative segments out of sentential 
propositions which are more given than is needed to merely meet the coherency 
constraint, containing, hence, only a relatively small new component. One has to 
wonder about the motivation for this type of information distribution, and about 
the impact it has on the way in which the message is communicated. 

We can perceive this information-packaging feature as an attempt to frame 
the sentential new contribution in terms of what is largely known to the hearer. 
But we must, then, also acknowledge that framing the new in terms of the given is 

© 2005 Asha Tickoo 



74 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

something that is more generally effected by merely implementing the coherency 
constraint, by simply introducing the new after the given — an organization of 
information which serves to facilitate more effective communication, by easing 
the task of information processing and comprehension. Further, the coherency 
constraint and the given-before-new distribution of information, which it effects, 
allow for a proposition that is merely given enough to be accessible, a proposition, 
that is, which is largely new. The appearance of a highly given proposition, 
carrying a relatively small new component, therefore, appears to be a specialized 
manifestation of the general communicative strategy of fashioning the new out of 
the given. As such, it seems to me that it is also likely to come with a specialized 
associated communicative function, beyond the general effect of easing 
information processing and comprehension. I would like to suggest that there is a 
way in which this packaging of information serves to engage an otherwise passive 
interlocutor in the essentially monologic communicative act of narration. 

When narrative incrementations utilize more, rather than less, hearer-given 
information, they effect greater hearer engagement by setting the hearer up as a 
more informed participant in the narration. The informed hearer is inevitably 
engaged because s/he becomes a potentially active contributor to the narrative. I 
will suggest that it is possible 1) to identify two main types of highly given 
proposition in Kashmiri oral narrative, and 2) to demonstrate that they are able to 
effect hearer engagement in somewhat distinct ways. 

In what follows, I will briefly describe each of these two distinct types of 
given sentential propositions, and the word order pattern characteristically used to 
mark each one. I will then try to suggest the communicative end served by the use 
of each prepositional type, by speaking about the distinct type of hearer 
engagement brought about by the combination of sentence-level pragmatic effects 
and broader discourse effects produced by their use. Insightful discussion of the 
first type of given proposition (marked by means of the preposed construction) 
calls for a much more lengthy description than is needed for the second type 
(marked by means of the verb-initial clause); that is, the need for clarity makes the 
apparent imbalance in the treatments of the two given propositions unavoidable. 

Some of the most significant findings of this study are derived from the 
analysis of a sample of Kashmiri oral narrative. Six half-hour recordings of oral 
narratives, by two adult native speakers of Kashmiri, were transcribed and 
analyzed for this study; a randomly selected extract from one of these is included 
in the Appendix. 

2. The preposed construction and the given proposition 

One of the two highly given propositions used for text incrementation in Kashmiri 
oral narrative is marked by the use of the preposed construction. In this section, I 
will describe the givenness of the Kashmiri preposed construction and the 
constraints, therefore, on how new information is introduced by means of this type 
of sentential incrementation. 



i 



TiCKOO: On iNfFORMATION PACKAGING AND HEARER ENGAGEMENT 75 

It is relevant to begin by pointing out that preposing in Kashmiri (and also in 
Hindi and English) marks an atemporal incrementation to the text. (cf. 2b & 3b. In 
these, and all following examples, '^' is the symbol used to mark the focused 
sentential element.) (In this respect, it differs from fronting by scrambling in 
languages such as Hindi, which accommodate both preposing and fronting by 
scrambling, since in Hindi, a direct object can be fronted by scrambling in the 
environment of a preceding temporal adverb (cf.lb).) 

(1) a. shiila ne bohothsa khana pakaya 

Sheila by a-lot-of food cooked 
'Sheila cooked a lot of food.' 
b. aur fir wo khana usne gariib loogu(n) me(n) baanta 
and then that food she poor people amongst distributed 
'Then she distributed that food amongst the poor.' 

(2) a. kuc bhi nahi khata? 

nothing not eats 
'Doesn't he eat anything?' 
b. ^eek buund pani bhi wo nahi pita (#fir) 
one drop of water even he not drinks (#then) 
'He doesn't even drink a drop of water.' 

(examples taken from Hindi) 

(3) a. They had a baby boy. 

b. ''Tom they called him (#after that). 

Additionally, the comparative assessment of Kashmiri and the better-studied 
English preposing (cf. Tickoo 1992) suggests that while English preposing is 
constrained to be salient given (defined by Prince as information 'the speaker 
assumes the hearer has or could appropriately have ... in his/her consciousness at 
the time of hearing the utterance' (Prince 1981a:230)), Kashmiri preposing is 
constrained to be minimally only shared knowledge given (defined by Prince as 
information 'the speaker assumes the hearer knows or can infer ... (but is not 
necessarily thinking about)' (Prince 1981a:230)). Hence, while (2b) and (3b) are 
both atemporally sequenced clauses, (2b) is shared knowledge given, while (3b) is 
salient given. In consequence, (2b) is not a felicitous English preposing (cf. 4b). 

(4) a. He kept a strict fast. 

b. # ^A drop of water he didn't even have. 
He didn't even have ^a drop of water. 

When we speak of salient given or shared knowledge given, we are speaking, 
as suggested above, of the ways in which the incrementation is assumed by the 
speaker to be given to the hearer. A more complete representation of 
givenness/newness would, at the same time, indicate whether the incrementation is 
given or new to the discourse. The salient proposition makes an incrementation 
that MAY OR MAY NOT BE NEW TO THE DISCOURSE, but is, in every case, ATTENDED 
TO by the hearer at the time of the utterance. The shared knowledge proposition, 
on the other hand, makes an incrementation that is new to THE discourse, but is 
KNOWN as possible, though it is NOT attended to by the hearer, at the time of the 



76 Studies in the LnsfGUiSTic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

utterance. Both of these, of course, differ from the third possibiUty, the standard 
proposition of the clause in canonical order, which, by contrast, is new to the 
DISCOURSE and new to the hearer (that is, neither attended to, nor known) at 
the time of the utterance. It is also relevant to mention that while the information 
represented by means of the preposed construction, whether shared knowledge or 
salient, could also be conveyed by means of the clause in canonical order, 
represented in the preposed construction, it comes with an overt signal of its 
hearer-given status. 

2.1. Saliency and scalarity 

The saliency constraint on English preposing comes with a number of other 
defining features, which are useful to this discussion both because they accurately 
account for the corresponding salient subset of Kashmiri preposing, and because 
they help locate the differences in the identifying features of the broader class of 
shared knowledge preposings. 

First, the salient proposition of English preposing is distributed into two 
separate constituents — 1) the preposed constituent and 2) the open proposition 
(obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent, OP for future 
reference). Each of these constituents is independently salient given (cf. 5b & 6b) 
(Prince 1981b, 1984; Ward 1985). (English preposing is, hence, not merely a 
topic-creating device, as suggested in earlier hterature (cf. Halliday 1967; Gundel 
1974; Langacker 1974; Rodman 1974; Crieder 1979; Bland 1980; Reinhart 1981; 
Davison 1984).) 

(5) Focus Movement : 

a. The contras devised a new strategy. 

b. Guerilla Warfare, they called it. 

(Ward 1985:290) 

In (5b), the salient OP (obtained by substituting a variable for the focal 
constituent) is 'They called it x (x: an element of the set of names of strategies)', 
and the salient preposed constituent Guerilla Warfare is an instantiation of the 
variable x. 

(6) Topicalization : 

a. I made two minor mistakes. 

b. One, apparently ^everyone in the class made. 

Likewise, in (6b) the salient OP is 'x made some-number-of-mistakes, where x is 
on the scale members-of-the-class', and the salient preposed constituent 'one' is an 
instantiation of the nonfocal variable 'some-number-of-mistakes'. 

It is important for our purposes to recognize that the relationship of salience, 
which the preposed constituent (and also the focus, in Topicalization, in which the 
focus is not the preposed constituent) bears to the preceding discourse, is 
'scalar' (cf. Ward 1985). Understanding the relationship of scalarity, as it appears 
in English preposing, is useful to our appreciation of the way scalarity is realized 
in Kashmiri preposing. When the salient relationship to the preceding discourse of 
the preposed constituent (or focus in Topicalization) is represented as scalar, it is 



J 



TicKoo: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 77 

being characterized as one of the following possible types of relationships: part to 
whole, subset to set, greater than, less than, attribute to entity, or the relationship 
of equality. (I include the relationships of equality and attribute to as scalar 
relationships, because they have been so categorized in earlier work on preposing 
and scalarity (cf. Ward 1985). One recognizes intuitively, however, that they differ 
in significant ways from the more standard scalar relationships.) This means, for 
example, that at the time of the utterance of (5b), the speaker assumes that the 
interlocutor is attending both to the strategy and the conception of it as possessing 
certain types of attributes; the preposed constituent Guerilla Warfare, then, is an 
instance of the saUent scalar relationship of attribution. Likewise, at the time of the 
utterance of (7b), the speaker assumes that the interlocutor is attending to the 
entity all nuts of (7a) and the perception of it as a set comprising elements; the 
preposed constituent peanuts of (7b), then, is an instance of the scalar salient 
relationship of element of set. 

(7) a. I like all nuts, 
b. Peanuts, I ''love. 

Tickoo (1992) also characterizes the salience of the OP in terms of scalar 
relationships. Three types of scalar salient OP relationships — attribution, as in 
(8), prerequisite to, as in (9), and alternative to, as in (10) — are illustrated below: 

(8) a. At bottom, things just are the way they are, a heterogeneous 

reality. Yet parts of this reality have the capacity for perception, 
for acquiring information from other parts, and an accompanying 
capacity for acting on still others, 
b. Those parts having the capacity for perception and action we 
call organism. (Ward 1985:279) 
OP: We call (a part of reality) y (y: names of such parts) 

(9) a. G: So, how did it (prelims) go? 

S: The historical question, I had some problems with, but I think 
it's ok. 
b. S: The descriptive, I just wrote a lot. We'll see. (Ward 1985:280) 
OP: I did (a section of the exam) in y manner (y: a way of 
performing the exam) 

(10) N: Don't you feel anything? 

M: What I feel I control. (Ward 1985:290) 

OP: I y (y: feel or control) (some part of what can potentially be felt) 

In (8), the OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of (8b) 

— 'we call (a part of reality) y (y: names of such parts)' — relates attributively to 
(8a). The relationship of naming is not saUent as a result of being previously 
mentioned, but because the act of naming is presupposed by the existence of 
certain types of entities, phenomena or acts. 

In (9), the OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of 
(9b), 'I did (a section of the exam) in y manner (y: a way of performing the exam) 

— is prerequisite to taking the exam, i.e., performing the exam (or some part 



78 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

thereof in some way) is implicit in the taking of the exam. For this reason, it is 
infelicitous to state the presupposition of (lib) in the context of (1 la): 

(1 1) a. G: How did it (preHminary exams) go? 

S: I had some problems with the historical question, but I think it 
is okay, 
b. #1 performed some part of the exam in a certain way. 

In (10), the OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of 
(lOM), 'I y (y: feel or control) (some part of what can be felt)' — implies that the 
potential for the existence of the alternative states of feeling or controlling is 
presupposed by (ION). This is demonstrated by the fact that it is infelicitous to 
state this presupposition in the context of (ION), as is shown in (12): 

(12) A: Don't you feel anything? 

B: # Either I feel something or I don't feel anything. 

The final significant constraint on felicitous English preposing is that there 
must be consonance between the scalar salient relationships of preposed 
constituent and accompanying proposition (Tickoo 1992), exemplified in (13) 
through (16), below: 

( 1 3) a. I like all candy. 

b. Other food, I ^just eat. 

(14) a. Hike food. 

b. # Candy, I ^just eat. 

(15) a. Hike all candy, 
b. # Food, I Wore. 

(16) a. Hike all food, 
b. Candy, I Wore. 

In (13b), the OP bears the less than relationship to the proposition of the preceding 
clause, and its accompanying preposed constituent relates as the less palatable, and 
merely essential whole set, to the more palatable and desirable element of this set, 
of the preceding clause. There is consonance between the relationship of whole 
set, of less palatable but essential, of the preposed constituent, and the less than 
relationship of its accompanying OP, and therefore preposing of (13b) is felicitous 
in the context of (13a). The reverse is not true. That is, given that I like the whole 
set, it cannot be salient that I merely tolerate an element of it, and this is illustrated 
in (14). Similarly, (15) and (16) illustrate that element of set to whole set can 
accommodate the greater than relationship (cf. 16b), and that the reserve is not the 
case (cf. 15b). 

To summarize, Enghsh preposing is salient given with functional distribution 
into preposed constituent and OP. Further, there is consonance between the scalar 
salient relationships of these constituents. 



TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 79 

2.2. Shared knowledge scalarity 

When proposing in Kashmiri is salient, it is also, like English proposing, 
functionally distributed into proposed constituent (PC) and OP, with consonance 
between the functions of these constituents (cf. 17). 

(17) me vuch shiU ti sarla amirakadal pakan 

I saw Sheila and Sarla Amirakadal walking 
'I saw Sheila and Sarla walking at Amirakadal.' 

Shili (PC) vuchim ^godi 

Sheila saw-I first 

'I saw Sheila fu"st,' 

ti pati vichim sarli 
and then saw-I Sarla 
'and then I saw Sarla.' 

However, in the identifying, more encompassing, set of shared knowledge 
proposing it is NOT always possible to identify the separate scalar relationships of 
proposed constituent and OP. This identifying set of shared knowledge proposing 
realizes the less given, shared knowledge counterparts of salient scalar 
relationships which constrain felicitous Enghsh preposing (cf. 18, 19 & 20). 

(18) Shared knowledge attribution : 
totaa'n ees thiik so 
until-then was all right she 
'Until then she was all right.' 

^kath (PC) ees karaan 
talk was doing 

'She was talking.' 

^baath (PC) ees karaan 
talk was doing 

'She was talking.' 

^cai eesin ceemits 
tea had drunk 
'She had had her tea.' 

Mod (PC) oosun coomut 
milk had drunk 
'She had had her milk.' 

(19) Shared knowledge alternation : 
tem pati chi palav 

that after are clothes 
'Then come the clothes.' 

n'av palav chi suvnaavaan 
new clothes are getting-made 
'They are getting new clothes made.' 



80 Studes in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

preen palav (PC) Vhini tsinaan 

old clothes are-not wearing 

'They don't wear the old clothes.' 

(20) Shared knowledge prerequisite act : 

Tse anthi na'v palav khaandari kheetri 

You did-you-buy new clothes wedding for 
'Did you buy new clothes for the wedding?' 

anha, magar pee(n)si (PC) gatsnam aasin 

would-buy-them, but money must have 

'I would buy them, but I don't have the money.' 

agar nookri miijim tootaa'n 
if job will-get by-then 
'I get a job by then,' 

teli ani 

then will-get 

'then I will get them.' 

The shared knowledge status of these preposings is evident in the fact that their 
OPs can be felicitously stated and denied in the context of the discourse to which 
they are bonded. This is illustrated in (21), using the example of (18): 

(21) Until then she was fine. 

Statement of shared knowledge : She was doing the things that people 
do when they are well. 

Denial of shared knowledge : But she wasn't doing the things that 
people generally do when they are well. 

It is not possible to state or deny salient OPs. The statement of the presupposed 
OP, obtained by substituting a variable for the focal constituent of the preposing of 
22b, in the context of (22a), is redundant and the denial is so contrary to 
expectation that it describes very odd behavior: 

(22) a. They had a baby. 

b. ^Tom they called him. 

Statement of presupposition : They gave him a name. 

Denial of presupposition : But they did not give him a name. 

The difference between the two ways to the realization of the scalar 
relationships of attribution, alternation, and prerequisite to is the fundamental 
difference between shared knowledge and salient given, that salient given is an 
instance of what is already assumed to be in association with the proposition to 
which it is salient, while shared knowledge is an instance of what is merely 
common knowledge as possible. So, shared knowledge attribution is only 
recognized as possible, while its salient manifestation is an instance of an inherent 
attribute. In (18), chatting away when one is well is probable or likely but not 
inevitable, whereas the attributive act of naming is inevitable in contexts such as 
(22a), where naming is inevitably connected to the event of having a baby. 



TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 81 

We can demonstrate the greater distance of the shared knowledge 
proposition from its preceding proposition as compared to the salient proposition 
and its preceding proposition by juxtaposing the two environments in which a 
single clause instantiates the shared knowledge and salient versions of the above- 
referred to propositional relationships: attribution, alternation, and prerequisite to. 

Shared knowledge attribution, which is not felicitous in preposed version in 
English (cf. 23), can be made salient by altering the preceding discourse (cf. 24). 

(23) Until then she was all right. 

# ^Tea she had had./ She had had tea. 

(24) She did not want tea. 
But tea she had ^had. 

Juxtaposing the two attributive relationships of (23) and (24) gives us 1) having 
had tea to being all right, and 2) having had tea to not wanting tea, and clearly 
demonstrates the greater distance of shared knowledge attribution from preceding 
proposition, as compared to the relationship between salient attribution and its 
preceding proposition. 

Infelicitous too in preposed version in English is shared knowledge 
alternation (cf. 25). To make this alternation salient and, therefore, felicitous in 
preposed form, the preceding context is modified as in (26). 

(25) After that come the clothes. 
They get new clothes made. 

# The old clothes they ^don't wear./ They Mon't wear the old clothes. 

(26) After that come the clothes. 
Everyone buys new clothes. 

The old ones they simple \hrow away. 

Again, simply juxtaposing 1 ) not wearing old clothes to buying new ones, and 2) 
throwing away old clothes to buying new ones is suggestive of the greater distance 
between the shared knowledge alternation and its proposition, as compared to the 
salient alternation and its proposition. 

Like the attributive and alternative relationships, the shared knowledge 
relationship of prerequisite to is infelicitous in English preposing (cf. 27). To 
make it a felicitous preposing, the preceding context must be modified as in (28): 

(27) Will you buy new clothes for the wedding? 

# I would, but the money I Mon't have. 

(28) To go on vacations you must have time and money. 
Money, I ^don't have. 

Again, simply juxtaposing the two versions of the relationship of prerequisite to is 
suggestive of the greater distance of the shared knowledge relationship and 
preceding proposition compared to the salient relationship and preceding 
proposition: 1) having money to buying new clothes, and 2) having money to 
needing money. 



82 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

The above examples were constructed so that the same clause would relate 
back with a single relationship, but with two levels of givenness, repeated below: 

Attribution : 

shared knowledge: having had tea to the state of being well 

salient: having had tea to not wanting it 

Alternation : 

shared knowledge: not wearing old clothes to buying new ones 

salient: throwing away old clothes to buying new ones 

Prerequisite to : 

shared knowledge: having money to buying new clothes 

salient: having money to needing money 

It can be said of salient preposing, with its highly constrained relationship to the 
preceding proposition, that it marks a special pragmatic effect. But precisely 
because of its high degree of relatedness to its preceding proposition, it is not used 
repeatedly in successive incrementations for the purpose of effecting text building. 
Because Kashmiri allows for shared knowledge preposings, and scalar 
relationships can, therefore, be realized by means of a much wider range of 
information, its repeated use in successive incrementations can be exploited for 
text building. 

2.3. Shared knowledge scalarity and text building 

To appreciate how successive preposings are used to effect a well-defined type of 
text development, it is important to acknowledge two basic facts: 1) that an 
incrementation bearing a given relationship to the preceding proposition does not 
introduce a new prepositional point, but rather sustains the preceding proposition, 
merely building on it in a way made evident by the scalar relationship it 
instantiates, and 2) that successive preposings, building one segment of discourse, 
instantiate the same scalar relationship to a single sustained preceding proposition. 
This is illustrated in (29), (30) and (31), below. In (29), the repeated use of 
preposed constructions, bearing the scalar relationship of alternation, serves to 
elaborate on only one prepositional point — that certain predictable actions are 
taken to address the clothes one wears, on the festive occasion being described. 
More specifically, the two successive preposings state 1) that new clothes are 
made and 2) that old clothes are not worn. In (30), successive preposings are 
instantiations of the scalar relationship of attribution to one prepositional point — 
that the queen has been left penniless. More specifically, they state that 1) the 
palace was taken away from her, 2) in fact, everything was taken away from her, 
and 3) that she became extremely poor. Similarly, in (31), successive preposings, 
once more, instantiate the scalar relationship of attribution to one prepositional 
point — that certain wrong doings are punished with a term of imprisonment in 
the well. They specify that these wrong doings are 1) committing theft, 2) killing 
someone, and 3) other things of this nature. In general, hence, the use of a 
succession of such incrementations, reaUzing the same scalar relationship, sustains 
a major prepositional point, while allowing the narrator to revise it, in each 
incrementation, to amplify, or perhaps alter, or rephrase it. 



I 



TiCKOo: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 83 

(29) tern pati chi palav 
that after are clothes 
'Then come the clothes.' 

n'av palav chi suvnaavaan 
new clothes are-they getting-made 
'They get new clothes made.' 

preen palav (PC) Vhini tsinaan 

old clothes are-not wearing 

'They don't wear the old clothes.' 

(30) amis gay wyan vari kath itaykin 
to-her went now a year about in this way 
'She passed a year in this way.' 

palas (PC) ti nyuk 

palace also took-they-from-them 

'They also took from them the palace.' 

prath kah chiis (PC) nyuk 

each one thing , . took-they-frpm-them 
They took evefythmg from them. 

bilkul gariib (PC) tayaar gay yi bicha'r 
absolutely poor (PC) became this poor-thing 
'This poor thing became very poor.' 

(31) ath manz a' s tsinaan timan insaanan yiman aasihe kosor kormuth 
that in used to put-they those people who had criminal-act done 
'In that they used to put those people who had committed some crime.' 

tsuur ka'rmits 
theft done 
'Committed theft.' 

kah mormuk 
someone killed 
'Killed someone.' 

ithii chiiz 

this-kind-of thing 
'This kind of thing' 

At each such incrementation, the hearer knows not only the sustained proposition, 
but also the scalar relationship that is being used to amplify it. This also means 
s/he knows of the set of possible realizations of the scalar relationship from which 
the narrator must choose in order to properly introduce the new sentential 
component, at each incrementation. When such a means to text building is 
adopted, the role of the interlocutor is somewhat different from his/her standard 
function as information processor and receiver. His/her knowledge not only of the 
given proposition, but also of the well-defined and constrained way in which the 
narrator can add new information makes him/her qualify better as an informed. 



84 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

rather than uninformed, participant in the communicative act of narration. Recent 
literature on oral narrative has suggested that narration between informed 
participants has, as one might expect, the potential to be a more cooperative, 
collective and therefore dialogic process (cf. Goodwin 1987; Mandelbaum 1987; 
Nofsinger 1999). Manipulating information presentation in successive 
incrementations to set up the interlocutor as informed, and to maintain this 
informed state of being, puts in place what is needed to facilitate dialogic 
narration, and creates the illusion, at least, of making the interlocutor an active 
participant in the process of narration. It seems to me that this is a strategy devised 
to draw and hold the attention of an otherwise passive interlocutor in what is 
essentially a monologic process of communication. 

3. The verb-initial clause and the given proposition 

In the second type of highly given proposition, what the hearer has knowledge of, 
at the time of the utterance, is that one of a very small set of clausal events that can 
appear in the context of the preceding event will do so. (This is true, for example, 
of each of the clauses of 32b-h.) 

(32) a. ati vichin gume hinz led 

there saw-she horse of manure 
'There, she saw horse manure.' 

b. ti tujin yi 
and picked up this 
'and she picked it up' 
emi manz kadin 
from-it in took-out 
'From it she took out' 

c. kadin emi manzan mishki 
took-out from-it in barley 
'From it she took out some barley.' 

d. ka'rin safaa yina yi 
did clean-then this-one this 
'She cleaned it.' 

pyaanis manz chajin 
water in cleaned-them 
'She washed it in water' 
ti pati gay gretas pet 
and then went mill on 
'and then she went to the mill' 

e. ti annin pihith 
and got-them ground 
'and had it ground.' 

f. bonoovun thooda oot 
made a-little flour. . . 
'She made a little flour' 

g. ti biit akis jayi kuhs tal 



TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 85 

and sat one place tree under 
'and she sat somewhere, under a tree' 
h. ti bona'vin yim zi rootiha'n 
and made these two flat-breads 
'and made two pieces of flat bread.' 

This creates anticipation of the new selection from the known set. In other words, 
we can say that, at the time of the utterance, the hearer KNOWS THE PROPOSITION 
IN TERMS OF ITS TYPE, and s/he anticipates the specific token of this type. Such a 
given proposition is formally marked by the use of a verb-initial clause (that is, a 
clause with tensed verb in initial position, cf. 32). (In preposing, by contrast, the 
HEARER KNOWS THE PROPOSITION — BOTH THE TYPE AND THE TOKEN — and the 

new component is an amplification of a dimension of it.) A string of sentential 
incrementations in VS order, hence, serves to create, and fulfill, a succession of 
expectations about the narrative event sequence. 

In the text preceding the extract of (32), the reader is informed that the 
protagonist of the story — a former queen, who has been reduced to a state of dire 
need — is in search of ways of making root, the special bread that is made and 
distributed to people on the festive occasion being described in the story. The 
clause preceding the string of VS clauses informs us that she comes upon some 
horse manure. Then in successive VS clauses, we have the following events, each 
anticipated by the interlocutor, at the time of its utterance, as one of a very finite 
set of events that the hearer knows must occur in the context of its preceding 
discourse: she picked it up, she took out some barley from it, she cleaned it, she 
got it ground, she made a little flour, she sat somewhere under a tree, and she 
made two roots (pieces of bread). 

(33) a. tem dop yakdam anuyn haspital 
he said at once bring-him hospital 
'He said bring him to the hospital straight away.' 

b. bas ga'y a's wa'n ekdam 
went we now at-once 
'So we left at once.' 

c. ba'gaash ti bi ga'y 
Bhagash and I went 
'Bhagash and I left.' 

d. va'ta's vaapass myon gari 
arrived back my home 
'We arrived at my home.' 

e. von timan ithka'n chi daliil 
said to-them this-way is problem 
'We told them this is what the problem is.' 

f. tul su 
picked up him 
'We picked him up.' 

g. tov tangas pet 
put-him horse-driven carriage on 



86 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

'We put him in a horse-driven carriage.' 
h. ti gay a's vaapas haspitai 
and went we back hospital 
'And we went back to the hospital.' 

In the extract of (33), the narrator is told by the doctor that the protagonist of the 
story (who has suddenly taken ill) must be brought to the hospital. This is reported 
in (33a). Then in successive VS clauses, the following events are presented: we 
left immediately, we arrived at my home, we told them what the problem was, we 
picked him (the patient) up, we put him in a horse-driven carriage, and we 
returned to the hospital. Each one of these events is anticipated by the hearer, at 
the time of its utterance as one, of a very finite set of events, that must occur in the 
context of the preceding discourse. We saw earlier that in a succession of 
preposings, the sustained thread of discourse — that is, the sustained given 
component — is a major propositional point. The sustained thread of discourse 
effected by the use of a succession of VS clauses is a string of propositional types; 
and hence the anticipation in succession of the (new) realization of each of these 
known types. 

Here, the device quite transparently effects greater hearer engagement, by 
manipulating information presentation in successive incrementations so that the 
use of hearer-given information enables and encourages the hearer to make 
predictions about the forthcoming new information. As in preposing, by being 
made a more, rather than less, informed participant, the hearer is able to feel more 
actively involved in the process of narration. The standard interlocutor role as 
information processor and receiver is added to by his/her function as predictor and 
anticipator of the next sequenced event. 

4. Conclusion 

The disproportionately large number of segments of Kashmiri oral narrative that 
are built out of one or the other of these two types of highly given sentential 
propositions suggests that information in Kashmiri oral narrative is strategically 
packaged to increase hearer engagement, specifically because this is a challenge in 
an essentially monologic communicative process. It is also true that this 
information packaging, along with its formal marking, is only found in the context 
of oral narration. It is not produced, for example, in a simple translation exercise, 
from English to Kashmiri. 



TiCKOO: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 87 

APENDIX: Randomly selected extract from a recording of a Kashmiri 
oral narrative 

akis mulkas manz oos yi baadshaa 
one-to country in was this king 

temisinz zanaan aa's prath vari pan divaan 

his wife used to every year carry out certain ritual practices on a particular 

festive occasion 

ti em kor sooriy tayaar 

and she did everything ready 

karinyim root thayaar VS 

did these breads ready 

korun pati puuza VS 

did after that puja 

ti puuza karith karin kath vath VS 

and puja having-done did talk 

ti pathi dyutin yi navvid sarini 

and then gave this blessed-food everyone-to 

godnethan gay emis panis riinis, yus mahraj oos, pathsha oos 
first went to him her husband, who king was, king was 

temis gay naviid heth 

to-him went blessed-food with P 

ti su oos ni zyaadi karaan pats vats keh ti yiman chiizan manz 
and he was not a lot doing belief at all these things in 

eym tul yi naviid 

he picked up this blessed-food 

ti dyutun buutan pet barith VS 

and threw shoes on dropped 

bus retshenaa gay 

as one might expect a little while passed 

ti apayri aav aalaan 

and from-there came announcement 

donduur vool aav 
town crier came 

ti tem ditsi kraki ki baadsha hasa nin ratith 
and he gave a cry that king will-take captured 

ti tsinas sihaajihas manz VS 

and will-put-him well in 



88 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

ti bas retsihenaa gay 

and as one might expect a little time passed 

ti aay yim VS 

and came these guards 

ti niyuk yi badshaa retith VS 

and took this king captured 

ti tsinuk yi sihajaahas VS 

and put him well in 

ath manz aa's tsinan timan insaanan yiman aasihe kosur kormuth 
that in were putting those people who had crime done 

tsuur karmitsan P 

theft done 

kah mormuk P 

someone killed 

ithiy chiiz 
such things 

yi tsunuk raji ti ath manz P 

this-one put king also that in 

ti yi zanaan aa's ... 
and this wife was . . . 

yi gay pareshaan 

she became very worried 

saaripaa'si vaasi gay katham 
all money became finished 

niyak paa'si vaa'si VS 

took-way money 

gay bikaar tayaar VS 

became beggar 

yi gay vati vati 
she went street street 

vati vati ees feeraan P 

street street was wondering 

beechan ti kevaan 
begging and eating 

ti seta ees vadaan P 

and a lot was crying 

ti veets akis gara manz VS 

and arrived one house in 



TicKoo: On Information Packaging and Hearer Engagement 89 

amis gay wyanvari kath ithaykin dharbidhar 
to-her became now year about like-this vagabond-like 

palas ti nyuuk P 

palace also took-from-them 

prath kah chiiz nyuuk P 

everything took-from-them 

bilkul garib tayaar gay yi bichaar P 

absolutely poor became this poor-thing 

ti pati aa'spakaan 
and then was walking 

yi aa's sakith tachmits 
she was very tired 

ti beyi aa's yina yi... 
and also was you know ... 

tresh aa'sis lajmits P 

thirst was-to-her felt 

bochi lajmits P 

hunger felt-to-her 

vaathan, vaathan, vaa'ts akis garas nishan 

getting-there, getting-there arrived one house near 



90 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

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ALPORD, Dan et al. (eds.). 1984 Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Meeting, of 

the Berkeley Linguistics Society. Berkeley, CA: Berkeley Linguistics 

Society. 
Bland, Susan. 1980. Topic/comment sentences in English. Cornell University, 

MS. 
Cole, Peter, (ed.). 1981. Radical Pragmatics. New York: Academic Press. 
Crieder, Chet A. 1979. On the explanation of transformations. In: Givon (ed), 3- 

22. 
Davison, Alice. 1984. Syntactic markedness and the definition of sentence topic. 

Language 60:4.797-846. 
Givon, Talmy. (ed.). 1979. Syntax and Semantics 12: Discourse and Syntax. New 

York: Academic Press. 
. 1984. Syntax: A functional-typological introduction. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: J. 

Benjamins. 
Goodwin, Charles. 1987. Forgetfulness as an interactive resource. Social 

Psychology Quarterly 50.1 15-30. 
GUNDEL, Jeanette. 1974. The role of topic and comment in linguistic theory. 

University of Texas at Austin, Ph.D dissertation in Linguistics. 
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Mandelbaum, Jenny. 1987. Couples sharing stories. Communication Quarterly 

35.144-70. 
NOFSINGER, Robert E. 1999. Everyday Conversation. Prospect Heights, IL: 

Waveland Press. 
Prince, Ellen F. 1981a. Toward a taxonomy of given-new information. In: Cole 

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The New York Academy of Sciences. 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 



REVIEW 



Jeffrey C. King: Complex Demonstratives: A Quantificational Account. 
Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001. Pp. xiii+207. Price: (cloth) $50.00, 
ISBN 0-262-11263-9; (paper) $20.00, ISBN 0-262-61169-4. 

Peter Lasersohn 

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 

lasersoh @ uiuc.edu 

David Kaplan's classic paper 'Demonstratives', published in 1989 after more than 
a decade of circulation in manuscript, seemed to establish demonstratives as 
perhaps the clearest and least controversial example of 'directly referring' terms: 
contributing an individual — but no further descriptive material — to the semantic 
content of sentences in which they occur, modally rigid, and non-quantificational. 
Kaplan's original formalism modeled only 'simple' demonstratives, consisting of 
this or that with no accompanying common noun; but one might naturally expect 
'complex' demonstratives such as this book or that man wearing the yellow shirt 
to be semantically similar, and indeed analyses such as those in Braun (1994) or 
Borg (2000) defend exactly this view, allowing the descriptive material of such 
expressions to play a role in the character, but not the content, of sentences in 
which they appear. King's book challenges this view on all counts, presenting a 
detailed defense of the view that complex demonstratives are quantificational 
expressions rather than singular terms, with non-rigid uses in which their 
descriptive material forms part of the content of the larger sentence. 

The heart of King's case is the existence of certain uses of complex 
demonstratives which seem difficult or impossible to account for in a direct 
reference analysis. Prominent among these is the 'no demonstration no speaker 
refereiKe' use, illustrated in examples like (1), uttered by a speaker who does not 
know who scored one hundred on the exam, but only that exactly one student did 
so: 

(1) That student who scored one hundred on the exam is a genius. 

The demonstrative here seems entirely natural, but the speaker would not seem to 
have any particular individual in mind as the referent of the phrase. Through a 
complex but careful series of arguments. King shows that various strategies for 
dealing with such examples in a direct reference approach lead to significant 
problems. Additional problems for direct reference analyses come from 
'quantification in' examples, in which the demonstrative contains a variable bound 



Thanks to Gary Ebbs, Lenny Clapp and the other members of lUinois Program for Research in the 
Humanities reading group on 'Demonstratives and Concepts' for many interesting discussions of King's 
book, and to Jeffrey King, for his helpful presentation to the reading group. 

© 2005 Peter Lasersohn 



92 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

by a quantifier outside the demonstrative, as in (2), and from Bach-Peters 
examples such as (3): 

(2) Most avid snow skiers remember that first black diamond run they 
attempted to ski. 

(3) Every friend of yours who studied for it passed that math exam she was 
dreading. 

Alongside these semantic arguments. King suggests that complex 
demonstratives behave syntactically like quantificational, rather than referential, 
noun phrases: they allow antecedent-contained deletion, as in (4): 

(4) Tiger birdied that hole that Michael did. 

They also show weak crossover effects, so that (5) cannot be interpreted with his 
anaphoric to that man with the goatee: 

(5) His mother loves that man with the goatee. 

King suggests that these patterns show that complex demonstratives undergo 
quantifier raising at LF. 

King shows considerably more sophistication about natural language syntax 
than much of the philosophical literature on demonstratives, but these arguments 
are not unassailable. Analyses of antecedent-contained deletion are available 
which do not depend on quantifier raising (Baltin 1987). In addition, some 
constructions that do not clearly involve quantification still show weak crossover 
effects: for example, intonational focus (Chomsky 1976). Example (6), with focus 
on loves, allows a reading where his is anaphoric to John, but (7), with focus on 
John, does not: 

(6) His mother LOVES John. 

(7) His mother loves JOHN. 

My own intuition is that (5) improves considerably if focus is placed on the verb, 
so the crossover effect in this example may have less to do with the 
quantificational status of complex demonstratives than with the syntax of focus 
marking. 

Having presented arguments against a direct reference account and in favor 
of a quantificational account of complex demonstratives. King proceeds to 
develop a detailed quantificational analysis. Starting from a relatively simple view, 
he introduces complications by stages, eventually arriving at the claim that the 

determiner that denotes a four-place relation and are uniquely in an 

object X and x is . The first argument place is for the property denoted by the 

common noun phrase with which that combines; the final argument place is for 
the property denoted by the scope. The second and third argument places are filled 
pragmatically according to the intentions of the speaker; different ways of fiUing 
them give rise to different readings for the complex demonstrative. 

If the speaker utters the complex demonstrative with a 'perceptual intention' 
— that is, if the speaker perceives a particular individual b in his or her physical 



Lasersohn: Review of King 93 

environment and, in using the demonstrative, intends to talk about b — then the 
second argument place of that is filled with the property is identical to b. This 
allows the complex demonstrative to mimic specific reference to b, despite its 
quantificational semantics. It should be noticed here that although the choice of b 
depends on the perceptions of the speaker, the property is identical to b involves b 
itself, not perceptions of ^, so the demonstrative retains a kind of direct 
correspondence to b despite King's rejection of the direct reference approach. 
Opponents of the whole idea of directness of reference will therefore probably not 
find King to be as clear an ally as they might have hoped. 

A more 'indirect' reading is obtained if the speaker utters the demonstrative 
with a 'descriptive intention' — that is, if he or she believes that there is some 
individual that uniquely possesses a certain property P, and intends to talk about 
that individual, as in the 'no demonstration no speaker reference' use described 
above. In this case, the second argument place of that is filled with P. Typically 
(though not always), P will be the property denoted by the common noun phrase 
with which that combines; in other words, the very same property which fills the 
first argument place. This renders the second argument completely redundant, 
standing idly by but doing no semantic work — a somewhat odd feature of the 
analysis, but one which seems necessary if a completely unified treatment of that 
is to be maintained. 

The third argument place in the semantics of that may be filled either with 
are jointly instantiated, or with are jointly instantiated in w, t, where w, t are the 
world and time of the context of use. The latter choice effectively renders the 
content of the common noun argument of that irrelevant to modal evaluation of 
the sentence in which it occurs. For example, sentence (8) may be interpreted as in 
(9): 

(8) That guy driving the red Blazer is smart. 

(9) Guy driving the red Blazer and is identical to b are uniquely jointly 
instantiated in w, t in an object x and x is smart. 

On this reading, the sentence will require that b, the object of the speaker's 
perceptual intention, be a guy driving the red Blazer in the world and time of the 
utterance, but the sentence will be true in all those worlds in which b is smart, 
regardless of whether & is a guy driving the red Blazer in those worlds. This part 
of the analysis is surprisingly reminiscent of those analyses which allow the 
descriptive material of the complex demonstrative to contribute to character but 
not content, though of course this terminology is not used. Here again, opponents 
of the whole idea of direct reference may find themselves disappointed. 

If the third argument place of that is filled simply with are jointly 
instantiated, and if the sentence is uttered with a descriptive intention, then we 
obtain a modally non-rigid interpretation, in which the descriptive material of the 
complex demonstrative must be satisfied in every world in which the sentence is 
true. For example, (10) may be interpreted as (1 1): 

(10) That student who scored one hundred on the exam is a genius. 



94 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

(11) Student who scored one hundred on the exam and student who scored 
one hundred on the exam are uniquely jointly instantiated in an object x 
and X is a genius. 

On this reading, the sentence will be true at those times and worlds in which there 
is a unique student who scored one hundred on the exam — potentially a different 
student in different worlds — and that student is a genius. 

With this analysis in place, King proceeds to explore the interaction of 
demonstratives with modals, negation, and verbs of prepositional attitude; to 
defend his analysis against an alternative which would claim that complex 
demonstratives are ambiguous between directly referring and quantificational 
uses; and to address various details and 'loose ends' of his account. The book 
concludes with a brief formal fragment illustrating the analysis. 

Proponents of direct reference theories will no doubt find ways to poke holes 
in many of King's semantic arguments, just as LF syntacticians may poke holes in 
some of his syntactic arguments. That having been said, I think no one will deny 
that this book provides a major contribution to the study of demonstratives, and 
has advanced the level of the discussion considerably. King examines a much 
broader range of data than previous treatments, argues his case closely and 
carefully, develops his analysis at an unusual level of detail, and works through 
the consequences thoroughly. I think it is fair to say that this book will set the 
standard for subsequent treatments. 

Beyond its importance in the study of demonstratives, this book provides a 
model for work at the interface of Unguistics and philosophy — an area which is 
currently undergoing a kind of renaissance. It deserves a wide readership, not just 
among specialists in the semantics of demonstratives, but among philosophically- 
oriented linguists and linguistically-oriented philosophers more generally. 

REFERENCES 

Almog, Joseph, John Perry, & Howard Wettstein (eds.). 1989. Themes from 

Kaplan. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 
Baltin, Mark. 1987. Do antecedent-contained deletions exist? Linguistic Inquiry 

18.579-95. 
BORG, Emma. 2000. Complex demonstratives. Philosophical Studies 97.229-49. 
Braun, David. 1994. Structured character and complex demonstratives. 

Philosophical Studies 74.193-219. 
Chomsky, Noam. 1976. Conditions on rules of grammar. Linguistic Analysis 

2.303-51. 
Kaplan, David. 1989. Demonstratives. In: Almog, Perry 8c Wettstein (eds.), 481- 

563. 



Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 
Volume 32, Number 2 (Fall 2002) 



REVIEW 



Saran Kaur Gill: English Language Challenges for Malaysia: International 
Communication. Serdang: Universiti Putra Malaysia Press, 2002. Pp. 
132. Price: $24.00, ISBN 9832373522. 

James H. Yang 

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 

hyang5@uiuc.edu 

Gill's main argument is to propose Standard Malaysian English to meet the needs 
for national identity and international intelligibility. Gill remarks that Malaysians' 
average English skills have been relapsing since Malay promoted Bahasa Malaysia 
as the main medium of instruction in schools in 1969 and later at the university 
level in 1983 (p. 38). Specifically, she points out that after the colonial era, the 
number of acrolectal English speakers has decreased considerably. By contrast, the 
number of mesolectal and basilectal English speakers has increased greatly in 
Malaysia (p. 52). Accordingly, she proposes to improve Malaysians' English skills 
to enhance national competitiveness in technological advancement and global 
markets. 

However, she found that it is inadequate to continue to adopt Standard 
British English as the pedagogical norm. This inadequacy is due to the following 
reasons. First, it is almost linguistically impossible for adult learners of English to 
attain native-like accents. She argues that it is practical to adopt the local educated 
variety of English as a teaching model. Furthermore, Malaysian inhabitants cannot 
identify themselves with exonormative discourse practices and sociocultural 
values associated with the UK. Since Malaysia became independent of the UK on 
31 August 1957, there have been strong feeUngs of antagonism against English, 
and the government has taken measures to disestablish it (p. 25). Most crucially, 
talk practices are part of culture, embodying national identities. Accordingly, Gill 
asserts that it is more appropriate to adopt the local educated variety of English as 
a teaching model for Malaysians. 

In fact, the findings of Gill's questionnaire demonstrate that her fellow 
nationals prefer their educated English variety to Standard British English for their 
pedagogical norm. Gill found that 85% of her Malaysian informants approve of 
Standard Malaysian English as the most suitable pedagogical model of English in 
Malaysia. British English with a Received Pronunciation (RP) accent, by 
comparison, is perceived by 73% of the respondents to be the second suitable 
model. Apparently, a local standard variety of English is emerging in Malaysia as 
many people realize that their local standard variety of English represents part of 
their national identities and cultures. 



© 2005 James H. Yang 



96 Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 32:2 (Fall 2002) 

What, then, is Standard Malaysian English? What is the difference between 
Standard Malaysian EngUsh and Standard British English? Gill defines (p. 29) 
Standard Malaysian EngUsh as a variety of English, where as far as phonology is 
concerned, there is slight variation tolerated so long as it is internationally 
inteUigible; in terms of syntax, no deviation is tolerated at all, and with regard to 
lexis, variation is acceptable only for words which have no sociocultural 
equivalents in Enghsh. 

Gill also examines the use of English in Malaysia. She found that Standard 
Malaysian English or acrolectal English is used at formal presentations on behalf 
of companies (p. 78). In addition. Standard Malaysian English is employed in 
radio advertisements to give a brief announcement of an advertised product. Local 
basilectal and acro-mesolectal varieties of English are, by contrast, often used by 
advertisers to capture listeners' attention because most Malaysians speak those 
varieties in daily conversations. Accordingly, advertisers draw on popular 
colloquial varieties of EngUsh to create the images of friendliness, reminding the 
audience that their products are designed for everyday use. Put simply, each local 
variety of English is linked with different language ideologies, and advertisement 
agencies employ different local English varieties as strategies to create desired 
impressions and promote their products and services. 

Finally, Gill proposes Standard Malaysian English as the medium of 
instruction for higher education to attain the three goals, set by Datuk Seri Dr. 
Mahathir Mohamad, the Prime Minister of Malaysia (p. Ill): 

1) For Malaysia to remain competitive at the international level 

2) To enhance Malaysians' efficiency and capability associated with English 
skills 

3) To keep up the pace of translation with the generation of knowledge and 
information in the field of science and technology 

However, in my opinion, some realities need careful consideration before a local 
acrolectal variety of English is adopted as the medium of instruction for higher 
education in countries where English is taught as a second and/or foreign 
language. First, many teachers, except for English teachers, might not be 
competent to speak local acrolectal English fluently and might not well explain 
complex and abstract ideas in English to their students. Second, while teachers 
might use and speak acrolectal English, many students might not have developed 
necessary skills in listening comprehension. In addition, students might not have 
developed appropriate speaking skills to ask questions in English. It is very likely 
that students will spend more time on the learning of EngUsh and less time on the 
studies of their own fields. Accordingly, the students may lose interests in their 
original studies and change their research fields into the study of English language 
acquisition. Consequently, there will be more English majors and fewer 
professionals in other important fields, such as engineering, technology and 
medicine, as in the case of numerous African countries (Bocamba 1995). Third, 
the assumption that the use of local acrolectal EngUsh for higher educaUon can 
improve students' English skills is doubtful. While teachers' use of English in 



Yang: Review of Gill 97 

class can provide their students with more input, the question is to what extent 
students can digest the input into their intake and apply them in actual 
communication. Finally, when English teachers focus on the goal of helping their 
students achieve the highest possible level of English proficiency, they also need 
to consider the real-world use of English in international communication (Vande 
Berg 1997). Crosling and Ward (2002) report that competence in formal 
presentation alone is inadequate for the workplace because most verbal 
communication in international companies is informal in nature. They found that 
informal English expressions are the most frequently used forms in work-related 
discussions among workmates in the same company department. Therefore, in the 
case of teaching English for international communication, there is a need to 
consider not only linguistic competence but also sociolinguistic competence in the 
realistic use of English in intercultural exchanges and international business. 

REFERENCES 

BoccAMBA, Eyamba G. 1995. The politics of language planning in Africa: Critical 

choices for the 21st century. In: PuTZ (ed.), 1 1-27. 
Crosling, Glenda, & Ian Ward. 2002. Oral communication: The workplace need 

and uses of business graduate employees. English for Specific Purposes 

21.41-57. 
PUTZ, Martin (ed.). 1995. Discrimination through Language in Africa? 

Perspectives on the Namibian Experience. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 
Vande Berg, C.K. 1997. Corporate versus academic perceptions of the need for 

language fluency. Journal of Language for International Business 8:2. 16- 

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STUDIES IN THE UNGUISTIC SCIENCES 
VOLUME 32, NO. 2 (Fall 2002) 



Papers in General Linguistics 

Timothy L. Face and Scott M. Alvord: Descriptive adequacy vs. 
psychological reality: The case of two restrictions on 
Spanish stress placement 

Jose Ignacio Hualde and Itziar Aramaio: Accentual variation and 
convergence in northeastern Bizkaian Basque 

Aimee Johansen: Kiswahili naming of days of the week in a wider 
context of day name borrowings 

Regina Morin: English/Spanish language contact on the internet: 
Linguistic borrowing of many stripes 

Keun Young Shin: Two types of negation not and scope ambiguities 

Asha Tickoo: On information packaging and hearer engagement 
in Kashmiri narrative 



Reviews 



Peter Lasersohn: Review of Jeffrey C. King: Complex Demonstratives: 
A Quantificational Account 

James H. Yang: Review of Saran Kaur Gill: English Language Challenges 
for Malaysia: International Communication