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Chief Lecturer in History and Economics^ Maharaja s College^ 

Vizianagram , 



Chief Lecturer in English^ Maharajas College^ Vizianagram 

Sometime Reader in Dravidian Philology to the 

University of Madras. 



All Rights Reserved.] 


[Price, Rs. Four, 


















When about a year ago a course of lectures 
on South Indian History was instituted at the 
Maharaja's College, the authors of this mono- 
graph undertook the teaching of the subject 
in addition to their other studies ; and both 
of them devoted the summer recess of 1921 
to investigations, the results of which are now 
placed before the public. 

The history of Jainism in South India 
and its influence on the life and thought of 
the people is a fascinating subject. As the 
authors themselves point out, all the materials 
for a final verdict are not yet available and 
the conclusions reached can only be tentative 
and provisional. This, however, does not de- 
tract from the value of this study which 
opens out a most interesting field of thought 
and will, it is hoped, stimulate further research. 

I congratulate the authors on the mono- 
graph and trust that it will be followed in the 
near future by studies of other aspects of 
South Indian Civilisation. 


30th SepL 1922. j 

V. T. Krishnamachari, 






Chief Lecturer in History and Economics, 

Maharaja's College, 





Sec Jt^..Mo.^..'--\ < 





Indian Culture is a web of many threads. 
The subtle and fearless intellect of the Hindus, 
the illumination of the Buddha, the abounding 
humanity of the Jain, the commercial genius 
■and the responsive adaptibility of the Dra vidian, 
and the fierce zeal and organizing energy of 
the Arabian Prophet, have all entered into the 
inner sanctuaries of the people's life and even 
to-day shape their thought, energy and aspir- 
ation in curious and unsuspected ways. 
Nations rise and fall ; kings conquer and 
pass away in the dust ; the forms of political 
life and social effort have their day and cease 
to be ; religious systems and strange rituals 
move for a brief hour their adherents ; — but 
in this vast process of Becoming, there are 
elements of permanent value, which remain 
our inheritance and the inheritance of our 
children for evermore. In the following pages 
an attempt is made to trace the history of a 
people, sincere and great in their day and to 
estimate, in however tentative and fragmentary 
a fashion, the value of their contribution to 
the rich and fruitful stream of South Indian 

I owe a deep debt of gratitude to the Trustee 
of Vizianagram Samasthanam. M.R.Ry. Rao 
Bahadur V. T. Krishnamachariar AvL, b.a.,b.l., 


whose zeal for true learning aud culture 
alone enabled me to carry on my studies,, the 
results of which are embodied in this little 
volume and to our revered Principal M.R.Ry. 
Y. Narashimham Pantulu Garu, m.a., f.m.u,, 
whose inspiration and love of research, en- 
couraged me at every step in my undertaking. 
If I have, therefore, failed in my purpose to 
throw light on one of the sequestered corners of 
South Indian History and trace the early 
history of one of the innumerable religious 
sects of India — that, alas ! now occupy an 
obscure position, it is not due to lack of 
support, financial or otherwise, on the part of 
the College management. 

To my readers I have to offer a word of 
explanation. These "Studies " do not, by any 
means, pretend to be a final or full account 
of the Jains in South India. The time is not 
yet when such a work can be confidently under- 
taken. If the Brahmi and cave inscriptions of 
the Madura and Ramnad Districts can b6 cor- 
rectly and incontrovertibly interpreted, if mile- 
stones in the long history of Tamil literature, 
admittedly the oldest of the Dravidian liter- 
atures, can be firmly planted and if the vague 
mass of tradition about the existence and 
activities of the famous Madura Academy, 
known as the Tamil Sangam, can be proved to 
be true and its date fixed even approximately 
beyond doubt or controversy, one may claim 
to be proceeding on the right road towards 


true historical reconstruction. As it is, the 
information available on the subject of these 
'' Studies " is sketchy and meagre and I have 
done my best to whet the desire of scholars 
for further research on this and kindred 

I have to thank my brother Mr. M. S. 
,Sundara Rajan of the Income-tax Office, 
Madras, for invaluable help rendered in prepar- 
ing the volume for the press. 

Mahaeaja's College,"^ 


August 1922. J 

■^<««. NoJX^^i 

1 33 J 








I. Early History of the Jain Sect... 


► jj 

II. The Jain Migration to the South. 



III. The Jains in the Tamil Land . . 



IV. The Period of Saiva Nayanars 


and Vaishnava Alvars 



V. Modern Period 



VI. Jains and Tamil Literature 



VII. The Jains in the Deccan 



VIII. The Sangam Age 



. . 


Appendix A. The Table of the Ganga Kings . 

. 155 


B. References 

. 157 


. C. ' The so-called Sangam Age ' 

. 161 


D. Misconceptions about Sangan 


. 167 


. 174 


•• •• •• •• • 



>i -^ 

wnmM jAi 


No topic of ancient South Indian History is Sources of 

T T 1 , Information. 

ipore interesting than the origin and development 
of the Jains who, in times past, profoundly 
influenced the political, religious and literary 
institutions of South India. It has sometimes 
been thought that a connected account of the 
Jains could never be written. But the patient 
and laborious researches of great oriental scho- 
lars such as Burnell, Biihler, Burgess, Hoernle, 
Jacobi, Mackenzie and Wilson, to mention 
only a few of them, have placed in the hands 
of the student of the Ancient History of India 
enough materials to construct a true and 
authentic account of the early Jain sect. Of 
special value and importance to us are the 
elaborate articles and authentic notices of the 
Jains from the pen of eminent scholars like 
Colebrooke, Weber and Biihler. The student of 
Jain history is especially indebted to Lewis Rice 
whose splendid services in the field of epigraphy 
can never be over-estimated. The Epigraphia 
Carnatica and many other valuable historical 
documents brought to light by the Epigraphical 
Department of the Mysore State are veritable 
mines of historical information. But, in accept- 
ing the conclusions arrived at by some of these 


eminent scholars, considerable caution has to be 
exercised. At the time when they wrote and 
formulated their opinions, epigraphy was in its 
infancy. Since then, new facts have been un- 
earthed : the science of epigraphy itself has 
progressed by leaps and bounds : theories once 
considered indisputable have to be considerably 
modified. The vernaculars of the country, again, 
presented a serious obstacle to European scho- 
lars, who, it must be admitted, are not all Beschis 
and Popes, in arriving at a correct estimate of 
some aspects of South Indian history. Speci- 
ally true is the statement with reference to the 
history and influence of the Jains, materials for 
which lie deeply embedded in the vernaculars of 
the country — Tamil, Telugu and Canarese. 
tOrigin'of In spite of the fact that a good deal of infor- 

mation is available about the Jains, scholars are 
still sceptical and speak with caution of the origin 
of the Jain sect. Almost all oriental scholars, 
with a few exceptions, had maintained, and some 
of them still continue to maintain, that Jainism 
was an offshoot of Buddhism. Certain coin- 
cidences in minute details between the lives of 
the Buddha and Mahavira led scholars to believe 
that Jain records were untrustworthy and that 
the Jain sect had no early and separate existence. 
In fact a rich crop of literature has grown round 
this knotty point and the whole of the introduc- 
tion of the Acharanga Sutras by Hermann Jacobi 
has been written with a view to remove the 
deep-rooted prejudice in the minds of European 


scholars, the prejudice that, because the two 
sects have so much in common, one should have 
branched of! from the other. It is beyond the 
scope and aim of this work to enter into an 
examination of the various theories propounded 
in connection with the origin of Jainism. But 
we shall briefly indicate the opinions arrived at 
by Jacobi to whose researches, enthusiastically 
Assisted by Drs. Biihler and Hoernle, Jainism 
owes its rehabilitation as one of the earliest of 
home religions in India. We may consider 
Prof. Weber and Prof. Lassen as represent- 
ing those who attacked the theory of the higher 
antiquity of the Jain sect, mainly on the ground 
of certain important coincidences in the tradi- 
tion of either sect regarding its founder.^ 

Prof. Weber in his learned treatise (Indische^j^^^^ 

^ ^ ^ of Weber 

Studien XVI, 26) writes that, even admitting and Lassen 


that the Buddha and Mahavira were contempo- 
raries, he still regards the Jains '' merely as one 
of the oldest sects of Buddhism." Relying too 
mucl} on." the tradition of the origin of its 
founder having made use of another person than 
Buddha Sakhyamuni," he boldly suggests '' that 
the Jainas had intentionally disowned Buddha," 
the animosity of the sect being so great as to 
drive them out of the pale of Buddhism. But 
the chief argument in support of his theory rests 
on the coincidences which are numerous and 
important in the traditions of the sects regarding 
their founders. Prof. Lassen^ also adheres to 

^ Jacobi, Introduction to Jaina ^ Indisehe alter thunishunde 
Sutras, pp. xvii & xix. IV, p. 763 Slq. 


the same argument and adduces four points of 
coincidence which, he thinks, would establish 
the priority of Buddhism. That both the sects 
applied the same titles or epithets to their pro- 
phets, that both the sects worshipped mortal 
men like gods and erected statues to them in 
their temples, that both the sects laid stress on 
Ahimsa (not killing living beings), that the five 
vows of the Jains and the precepts of theBuddha^ 
nearly coincide, these were the main points relied 
upon by Prof. Lassen to prove that Jainism must 
have branched off from Buddhism. Both Drs. 
Hoernle and Jacobi have, in a convincing man- 
ner, proved the unsoundness of this view. It has 
been established beyond doubt that neither sect 
can lay any claim to originality, regarding its 
moral code. '' The Brahmanic ascetic was their 
(orders) model from which they borrowed many 
important practices and institutions of ascetic 
life."^ In fact both Jainism and Buddhism were 
not religions at all in the strict sense of the word.^ 
They were simply monastic organisations, orders 
of begging fraternities, somewhat similar to the 
Dominicans and Franciscans in medieval Europe, 
established at the end of the sixth and the 
The fifth beginning of the fifth century B.C., a period of 
a period of " great rcUgious activity in northern India. This 
revolt* period is characterised by the springing up of 
various monastic orders, the most important of 

^ For this and other interesting Society of Bengal, 
information vide the inspiring , introduction to Acharanga 

address of Dr. Hoernle delivered gytras d 24 
in 1898 as President of the Asiatic ' 


them being Jainism, Buddhism and a quite 
distinct order of monks, the Ajivakas, established 
by one Gosala, sometime disciple of Mahavira. 
After an existence of some centuries, the order 
of Ajivakas suffered a total decay in the confusion 
of religious ideas which then pervaded the 
country. This institution of monasticism was 
nothing new to the religious practices of the day. 
Already the religion of the Hindus, especially 
the Brahmins, had ordained that every man 
should spend his life in four successive stages 
called, Asramas. The first stage was that of a 
Brahnachari or a religious student, the second 
of a Gralmsta or a householder, the third of retire- 
ment from active life and the last that of a 
mendicant or Sanyasi. It however became the 
custom for a Brahmin, as a rule, to pass through Brahmin ex- 
four, a nobleman through three, a citizen through 
two and a sudra through one, of the four Asra- 
mas} This tendency of the Brahmin to limit 
the entry into the stage of a religious mendicant 
to tho^e belonging to the Brahminic caste, led to 
the formation of non-Brahminic orders which, 
though originally intended for the Kshatriyas, 
were ultimately thrown open to all castes. Thus 
Dr. Hoernle^: — ''It is easy to understand that 
these non-Brahminic orders would not be looked 
upon by the Sanyasins as quite theirequals, even 
when they were quite as orthodox as themselves 
and, on the other hand, that this treatment by 
the Brahminic ascetics would beget in their 

' Maxmuller, The Hibbert Lee- ^ Hoernle, Presidential Address, 
tures, p. 343. Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1898. 


rivals a tendency to dissent and even to opposi- 
tion. Thus the Buddhists and the Jains were 
not only led to discard the performance of reli- 
gious ceremonies which was also done by the 
Brahminic mendicants, but to go further and 
even discontinue the reading of the Vedas. It 
was this latter practice which really forced them 
outside the pale of Brahminism. The still very 
prevalent notion that Buddhism and Jainisni 
were reformatory movements and that more 
especially they represented a revolt against the 
tyranny of caste is quite erroneous. They were 
only a protest against the caste exclusiveness of 
the Brahminic ascetics. But, caste as such, 
and as existing outside their orders was fully 
acknowledged by them. Even inside their orders, 
admission, though professedly open to all, was 
practically limited to the higher castes. It is 
also significant for the attitude of these orders 
to the Brahminic institutions of the country, 
that though in spiritual matters their so-called 
lay adherents were bound to their guidance, yet 
with regard to ceremonies siich as those of birth^ 
marriage and death they had to look for service 
to their old Brahminic priests. The Buddhist 
or Jain monk functionated as the spiritual 
director to their respective lay communities but 
the Brahmins were their priests." 
Views of This theory has also received considerable 

criticLd by support at the hands of Prof. MaxmuUer.^ 
*^° ^* Prof. Biihler in the Bodhdyana Sutra and Prof. 

^ Hibhert Lectures, p. 351. 


Kern in his History of Buddhism have stated a 
similar opinion. It has, however, been attacked 
by M. Earth who doubts the authenticity of Jain 
records and literature which were not reduced 
to writing till the fifth century A.D. The Jains 
had not, for many centuries, Earth says, become 
distinct from the numerous groups of ascetics 
who had only a sort of floating existence. There- 
Lore they must have been careless in handing 
down their sacred lore. Jacobi refuted this as- 
sumption by saying that the small sect of the 
Jains, like the Jews and Parsis, carefully preserved 
their original tenets : that, far from having only 
vague recollections of their traditions and beliefs, 
they denounced, as founders of schisms, those 
who differed from the bulk of the faithful even 
in the minutest detail.^ The division of the 
Jains, into two sects, the Digambaras and the 
Svetambaras, about which mention will be made- 
later on, is a point in illustration. 

Not only Jacobi ^ but other scholars also be- 
lieved that Jainism, far from being an offshoot 
of Euddhism, might have been the earliest of 
home religions of India. The simplicity of 
devotion and the homely prayer of the Jain 
without the intervention of a Erahmin would 
certainly add to the strength of the theory so 
rightly upheld by Jacobi.^ Another important 
testimony is that of the eminent oriental scholar 
Mr. Thomas who, in his article Jainism or The 

' Introduction to Acharanga 

' The Journal 

of the 


Sutras, p. 36. 

Asiatic Sccietv, 



2 See Note 1, p. 154. 


pp. 376 and 377. 




of scholars' 

Early Faith of Asoka, inclines to the same belief.^ 
The views of the various scholars and their 
respective positions in regard to this matter have 
thus been ably set forth by Biihler.^ 

" Apart from the ill-supported supposition of 
Colebrooke. Stevenson and Thomas, according to 
which Buddha was a disloyal disciple of the 
founder of the Jainas, there is the view held 
by H. H. Wilson, A. Weber, and Lassen, and 
generally accepted till twenty-five years ago,that 
the Jainas are an old sect of the Buddhists. 
This was based, on the one hand, upon the re- 
semblance of the Jaina doctrines, writings, and 
traditions to those of the Buddhists, on the 
other, on the fact that the canonical works of 
the Jainas shew a more modern dialect than 
those of the Buddhists, and that authentic 
historical proofs of their early existence are 
wanting. I was myself formerly persuaded of 
the correctness of this view and even thought I 
recognised the Jainas in the Buddhist school of 
the Sammatiya. On a more particular examin- 
ation of Jaina literature, to which I was forced 
on account of the collection undertaken for the 
English Government in the seventies, I found 
that the Jainas had changed their name and 
were always, in more ancient times, called 
Nigrantha or Nigantha. The observation that 
the Buddhists recognise the Nigantha and relate 
of their head and founder, that he was a rival 

^Tke Journal of the Royal Jat??as will ever remain a stand- 

Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, (New ard authority on the early 

Series) Art 8. history of North Indian Jainism. 

* Biihler's Indian Sect oj the 


of Buddha's and died at Pava where the 
last TTrthakara is said to have attained Nirvana, 
caused me to accept the view that the Jainas 
and the Buddhists sprang from the same religi- 
ous movement. My supposition was confirmed 
by Jacobi, who reached the like view by another 
•course, independently of mine (see Zeitschrift der 
Deutsch Morg. Ges. Bd. XXXV, S. 669. Note 
1), pointing out that the last Tii'thakara in the 
Jaina canon bears the same name as among the 
Buddhists. Since the publication of our results 
in the Ind. Ant. Vol. VII, p. 143, and in Jacobi's 
introduction to his edition of the Kalpasutra, 
which have been further verified by Jacobi with 
great penetration, views on this question have 
been divided. Oldenberg, Kern, Hoernle, and 
others have accepted this view without hesita- 
tion, while A. Weber (Indische Studien Bd. XVI, 
S. 240) and Barth {Revue de V Histoire des Reli- 
gions, tom. Ill, p. 90) keep to their former 
standpoint. The latter do not trust the Jaina 
traditipn and believe it probable that the state- 
ments in the same are falsified. There are 
certainly great difficulties in the way of accept- 
ing such a position especially the improbability 
that the Buddhists should have forgotten the 
fact of the defection of their hated enemy. 
Meanwhile this is not absolutely impossible as 
the oldest preserved Jaina canon had its first 
authentic edition only in the fifth or sixth 
century of our era, and as yet the proof is 
wanting that the Jainas, in ancient times, 


possessed a fixed tradition. The belief tliat 
I am able to insert this missing link in the 
chain of argument and the hope of removing 
the doubts of my two honoured friends has 
caused me to attempt a connected statement of 
the whole question although this necessitates 
the repetition of much that has already been 
said, and is in the first part almost entirely 
a recapitulation of the results of Jacobins 
jain^m not From the above summary of the opinions of 

an offshoot or ^ . . 

Buddhism, scholars, it is clear that Jainism was not only 
distinct and separate from Buddhism, but that 
, it had an earlier existence. If so, what was the 
position of Mahavira ? That he could not have 
been the founder of the faith is evident. He is 
therefore to be considered as a reformer of the- 
Jain faith. 

As a matter of fact, the traditions of Maha- 
vira's own sect speak of him as one who from 
the beginning had' followed a religion established 
long ago. This position is in perfect accord with 
Jain theology according to which Mahavira 
Vardhamana is the twenty-fourth and the last 
Tirthankara, twenty-three Tirthankaras having 
preceded him. His immediate predecessor was 
Parsvanath. He was born in 877 B.C. and is 
supposed to have reached Moksha in the 
hundredth year of his age in 777 B.C. Thus^ 
Parsvanath seems to have better claims to the 
title of "the founder of Jainism " and only two 
centuries have intervened, between the death of 



the founder of the Jain Church and the rise of 
its reformer. But here stops the credible ele- 
ment in the canonical history of the Jains. For, 
Parsvanath's predecessor, Arishtanemi, is stated 
to have died 84,000 years before Mahavira's 
Nirvana. We are here concerned only with 
Mahavira from whom the real history of the 
Jain Church commences. It is from Mahavira 
?hat we trace those illustrious lines of preachers 
and gurus who played an important part in 
moulding the religious and political life of many 
ancient Hindu states. 

The son of the chief of the Natha clan of the Mahavira : 
Kshatriyas (Nataputta), Mahavira Yard hamana and career, 
was like the Buddha, of high arist(^cratic des- 
€ent, his father Siddarta being the head of a 
Kshatriya clan and the governing king of an 
oligarchic republic consisting of Visali, Kun- 
daggama and Vaniyaggama. Born in or about 
599 B.C., he entered the spiritual career at the 
age of thirty ; and addressing himself mainly 
to mombei's of the aristocracy, joined the order 
of Parsvanath. 

The observances of this order did not seem to 
have satisfied Mahavira's notions of stringency, 
one of the cardinal points of which, we are told, 
was absolute nudity.^ He therefore remained 
only for one year within the order of Parsvanath 
and then separated from it. Discarding then 
completely his clothes, he wandered about for a 
period of twelve years through the country of 

^ This seems to be the Svetambara view. 


North and South Bihar, Allahabad, visiting the 
cities of Kausambi and Rajagriha.^ The last 
thirty years of his life were spent in teaching 
his religious system and organising his order of 
societies which were patronised chiefly by those 
princes with whom he was related through his 
mother, the kings of Videha, Magadha and Anga. 
In the towns and villages of these parts he spent 
almost the whole period of his ministry thougli 
he extended his travels as far north as Sravasti 
near the Nepalese frontier and as far south as 
the Parsvanath hill. It is important to note 
that the area of his ministry practically coincides 
with that of his late contemporary, the Buddha. 
During the last days of his life, he was able to 
gain large numbers of adherents in the course of 
his perigrinations. It was then that he was 
acknow^ledged to be a Jina or KevaUn. It is 
this title of ' Jina ' from which the names, Jains 
and Jainism, are derived, and his early connec- 
tion with the order of Parsvanath accounts for 
the fact that the latter saint is reckoned as the 
immediate predecessor of Mahavira. Mahavi- 
ra's death took place in the seventy-second year 
of his life in the small town of Pava in the Patna 
district. Modern research has assigned 527 B.C.^ 
as the date of his Nirvana, 

''Wilson's Works, Vol. ], 480 B.C. The Svetambaras, how- 

p. 30.3. ever, place the Nirvana of 

2 Thus Jacobi in Hastings' Mahavira, which is the initial 

Encyclopcedia of Religion and point of their era, 470 years 

Ethics (p. 467): "This event before the beginning of the 

(Mahavira's Nirvana) took Vikrama era, or in 527 B.C. The 

place, as stated above, some Digambaras place the sam& 

years before Buddha's death, and event 18 years later. In the 

may, therefore, be placed about Preface to his edition of the 


Mahavira's title as the reformer of the Jain 
Cliurch consists in the fact that he was able to 
bring the entire order of Parsvanath to his way 
of thinking especially in the matter of wearing 
clothes. iVs has been stated already, Mahavira 
stood for complete nudity.^ 

Let us next trace the development of this new Early 
order of Nigrantha monks founded by Mahavira jainism ; its^ 
Vardhamana. From the statement of the various ^^^^^^P"^®^-**- 
Buddhistic chronicles, we learn that during the 
first century after the death of the Buddha 
the Jains were prominent in various places 
in the north. An important piece of information 
is conveyed to us by Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese 
traveller who visited India in the seventh century 
A.D. In his Memoirs are to be found extracts 
from the ancient annals of Magadha. One such 
extract relating to the great monastery of 
Nalanda, the high school of Buddhism in Eastern 
India which was founded shortly after the Bud- 
dha's death, mentions that a Nigrantha who was 
an astrologer, had prophesied the great success 
of the new building.^ This shows that Jainism 
was then prevalent in the kingdom of Magadha. 
The next important evidence of the development 
of Jainism was the famous Asoka Edict. '^ " My 

Parisista Parvan [Bibl. ]7id., Cal- - According to the Digambaras 

cutta, 1891), p. 4ff., the present all the twenty-four Tirthankaras 

writer criticizes the Svetambara advocated nudity ; the Svetam- 

tradition, and, by combining the baras hold that only Mahavira 

Jain date of Chandragupta's insisted upon it in his time, 

accession to the throne in 155 2 Turner, Mahdva?nsa, pp. 

after the Nirvana with the 66-67 and pp. 203-206. 

historical date of the same event ^ Pillar Edict No. VIT, 2nd 

in 321 or 322 B.C., arrives at Part. See also Buhler's The 

476 or 477 B.C. as the probable Indian Sect of the Jaina-s, pp. 37 

date of Mahavira 's Nirvana," and 39. 


superintendents ", says Asoka, '' are occupied 
with various charitable matters, they are also 
engaged with all sects of ascetics and house- 
holders. I have so arranged that they will also 
.be occupied with the affairs of the Samgha. 
Likewise I have arranged that they will be 
occupied with the Ajivika Brahmans. I have 
arranged it that they will also be occupied with 
the Nigantha." Thus, during the time 'of 
Asoka the Jains who in earlier records are always 
known as Nigranthas or Niganthas, were deemed 
worthy and influential enough to be specially 
mentioned in Asoka 's Edicts. The next great 
progress that was made by Jainism was in the 
south-eastern part of its original home. The 
famous Kharavela inscription of the second 
century B.C. for the meaning of which we are 
specially indebted to Dr. Baghavan Lai Indraji, 
testifies to the advance of Jainism as far as 
Kalinga. In fact, after the missionary zeal 
displayed by Asoka in the cause of Buddhism, 
the centre of Jainism had shifted from Magadha 
to Kalinga where the faith prevailed, down to 
the time of Hiuen Tsang.^ At the same time, 
the equally famous Mathura inscriptions of the 
II century A.D. reveal the fact that Mathura 
rwas one of the chief centres of the Jain reli- 
gion long before the I century A.D. Thus, for 
nearly five centuries after the death of Mahavira, 
Jainism was making rapid progress in the various 
parts of Upper India. Interesting as it must be 

* Boal, Life of Hiuen-Tsang, Vol. II. 


trace the main lines of development of North 
ndian Jainism, materials are wanting to fill the 
icmise. It is not our purpose here to deal with 
North Indian Jainism. We may, therefore, close 
this outline with the remark that, with the rise 
of Buddhism during the early Asokan period 
and the progress of Brahminism in the early 
centuries of the Christian era, Jainism found it 
Hard to maintain itself in the north and showed 
rapid signs of decay after the seventh century. 

After the death of Mahavira, our interest and The disciples 


attention are directed to his disciples who carried Mahavira. 
aloft the torch of Jain culture far and wide. 
He had altogether eleven disciples who remained 
faithful to him and who are said to have in- 
structed among them 4,200 Munis. Of them 
two deserve special mention, Sudharman^ who, 
however, died before his master, and Gautama 
who survived his master but a month ; these 
with Jambusvami, the pupil of Sudharman, 
formed the three KevaUs or possessors of true 
wisdom. Mention has next to be made of the six 
teachers who followed in the wake of the KevaUs, 
the Sruta KevaUs or hearers of the first masters, 
who in their turn, were followed by seven others, 
Dasapurvis, who were so called from having 
been taught the work so named.^ The names of 
the Sruta KevaUs as mentioned in the 
inscriptions are Vishnu, Nandimitra, Aparajita, 

' Hoemle would have us sup- been continued to the present 

pose that Sudharman survived day. 

his master and that it was ^ Wilson^s Works, Vol. I, 

through him that Jainism has p. 236. 



Govardhana, Stulabhadra and Bhadrabahu. 
The last mentioned Sruta Kevall is of more im- 
mediate interest to us as the sage who led a 
great Jain migration to the south, and who was 
thus responsible for the spread of Jainism in 
the Tamil and Canarese countries. We shall, 
in the next chapter, examine the importance to 
South Indian religious history of the advent of 
this sage into the Mysore country. ' 


Bliadrabahu, the last Sruta Kevall, is, from Bhadrabahu ; 
the view point of Jain history, a most important 
figure. Born of a Brahmin priest, the saint was 
destined to play a great part in the religious 
history of India. His father was a Brahmin, 
Srjmasarma by name. From an inspection of 
the child's horoscope, the father perceived that 
he would become a great upholder of the Jain 
faith and so named him Bhadrabahu. The 
child was, in due course, brought up in the Jain 
faith in the house of Akshashravaka. Through 
the instructions of this Svami and other Sruta 
Kevalts, the boy soon acquired a knowledge of 
the four great branches of learning, Yogini, 
Sangini, Prajnyani and Pmjlatkena of the Veda, 
of the four Anuyoga of grammar, and the four- 
teen sciences. Eventually, with the consent of 
his parents, he took the Blhsha and by the 
practice of J nana, Dhydna, Tapas and Samyama, 
became an Acharya. It was this Acharya that, 
during Ihe days of Chandragupta Maurya, led a 
great migration to South India, so important and 
fruitful of consequences. The main incidents 
regarding the advent of this Jain sage into Mysore 
are graphically narrated in Sravana Beigola 
Inscription No. 1. The story is told that Bhadra- 
bahusvami ^' who by virtue of severe penance 
had acquired the essence of knowledge, having, 
by his power of discerning the past, present and 
future, foretold in Ujjain, a period of twelve 
years of dire calamity and famine, the whole of 
the Sangha living in the northern regions took 


their way to the south." The Jain traditions 
of the country not only make mention of this 
fact but also give a graphic account of the meet- 
ing of Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta Maurya 
in the court of the latter at Pataliputra/ Having 
had during the previous night sixteen dreams^ 
Chandragupta communicated them to Bhadra- 
bahu. The last of the dreams was of the ap- 
proach of a twelve-headed serpent which Bhadra- 
babu interpreted to mean the approach of twelve 
years of dire calamity and famine. As foretold 
by him, a terrible famine broke out in the 
country. The Mauryan emperor, abdicating his 
throne in favour of his son Simhasena, took 
Diksha and joined Bhadrabahu who, collecting 
a body of twelve thousand disciples, started on 
a grand exodus towards the south. In their 
march southward, the Sruta Kevall had a strange 
perception that he would die and at once ordered 
a halt on " the mountain of a populous country 
The Jain Completely filled with the increase of people^ 
money, gold, grain, cow, buffaloes* and goats, 
called Katavapra." He then gave Upadesa to 
one Visakhamuni and entrusted the disciples to 
his care, sending them on under his guidance 
further south to the Chola, Pandya and other 
countries. Chandragupta sought special per- 
mission to stay with Bhadrabahu, which was 
granted. Very soon, the Sruta Kevall died and 

1 The RdjavaJikathe, a compen- Jain establishmentat Meleyur for 

dium of Jain history, legends and a lady of the MysoreRoyal family, 

chronology, compiled in the 19th furnishes a good deal of informa- 

century by Deva Chandra of the tion regarding early Jain history. 



ilie funeral rites were performed by Chandra- 
[upta Maurya. Such is the legendary account 
of the advent of the Jain sage into the south. 
There is here no element of improbability and 
3^et scholars have doubted not merely the tradi- 
tions prevailing in the country, but the very 
inscriptions at Sravana Belgola that give us a 
complete picture of the whole story. 
* That Chandragupta, the Mauryan king, was a 
Jain and attended on Bhadrabahu during his 
last days and died twelve years after, doing 
penance on the Chandragiri hill, may be taken as 
historical facts. Evidence in favour of such a 
theory is overwhelming. We know that scar- 
city due to drought or floods, is frequently 
mentioned in Jdtaka Stories. Sometimes the 
famine extended over the whole kingdom but, 
more often than not, it was confined to small 
tracts. Megasthenes' testimony as to the immu- 
nity of India from famine is well known, but his 
statement perhaps refers to a general scarcity.^ 
There, is, therefore, absolutely no reason to dis- 
credit the story of a twelve years' famine. We 
shall next consider whether Chandragupta was Was 
a Jain. Dr. Fleet has persistently maintained gupta 
that the Chandragupta referred to in the tradi- ^ 
tion as well as in the inscription was one 
Gupti-gupta, a name which however does not 
occur in any of the inscriptions. The Sravana 
Belgola inscriptions are, no doubt, late in origin ; 
yet there is no reason to doubt their authenticity 

' The Journal of the Royal AsiaHc Society 1901 Vol., p. 861. 


and accuracy. Lewis Kice was the first to dis- 
cover these inscriptions and render them easily 
accessible to scholars. His view that Chandra- 
gupta was a Jain and that he came south was 
strongly supported by eminent scholars like Mr. 
Thomas. In the course of his article, ' Jainism 
or the Early Faith of Asoha \ he says\ " that 
Chandragupta was a member of the Jain commu- 
nity is taken by the writers as a matter of course 
and treated as a known fact which needed neither 
argument nor demonstration. The documentary 
evidence to this effect is of comparatively early 
date and apparently absolved from suspicion 
by the omission from their lists of the name of 
Asoka, a far more powerful monarch than his 
grandfather, and one whom they would reason- 
ably have claimed as a potent upholder 
of their faith, had he not become a pervert. 
The testimony of Megasthenes would likewise 
seem to imply that Chandragupta submitted to 
the devotional teaching of the Sermanas as 
opposed to the doctrine of the Brahmins.'' 
Prof. Kern, the great authority on Buddhist 
Scriptures, has to admit that nothing of a 
Buddhistic spirit can be discovered in the state 
policy of Asoka. ^ '' His ordinances concerning 
the sparing of life agree much more closely with 
the ideas of the heretical Jains than those of the 
Buddhists." Thus there is a general consensus 
of opinion among scholars that Chandragupta 
was a Jain. 

'^ The Journal of the Royal Series) Article 8. 
Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, (New ^ Indian Antiquary, Yol.Y, p. 275 


The legend that Chandragupta abdicated his The Legend 
throne and died a Jain ascetic at Sravana Bel- Chandra- 
gola has been discredited by Dr. Fleet/ Appa- 
rently the late Dr. V. A. Smith,^ in his first 
edition of the Early History of India, supported 
him. Referring to the death of Chandragupta, 
Smith himself says that Chandragupta ascended 
the throne at an early age and, inasmuch as he 
reigned only twenty-four years, he must have 
died before he was fifty years of age. Thus 
there is an air of uncertainty about the time of 
his death. Historians do not tell us how he 
met with his death. If he had died in the 
battle-field or in the prime of life, mention would 
have been made of the fact. To discredit 
the Sravana Belgola inscriptions discovered 
by Lewis Rice is to discredit the whole tradition 
and the legendary account of the Jains enshrined 
in Rajavalikathe, and it is highly hazardous for 
the historian to go so far. Are we then wrong 
in believing with Lewis Rice that Chandragupta 
who had taken a Jain vow retired with the great 
Bhadrabahu to the Chandragiri hill ? 

To sum up, Bhadrabahu, the last Sruta KevaU^ 
led a great Jain migration from the north to 

' Epigraphia Indica, Vol. Ill, history ' ; but, on reconsideration 

p. 171, and Indian Antiquary, of the whole evidence and the 

Vol. XXI, p. 156. objections urged against the 

^ V. A. Smith, Early History of credibility of the story, I am 

India, First Edn., p. 106. He now disposed to believe that the 

has, however, changed his view tradition probably is true in its 

as can be seen from the following main outline and that Chandra - 

extract from the recent edition gupta really abdicated and 

of the same book, p. 146. " In became a Jain ascetic, * * • 

the second edition of the book I Nevertheless, my present impres- 

rejected the tradition and dis- sion is that the tradition has a 

missed the tale as ' imaginary solid foundation on fact." 


the south. After staying some time at Chandra- 
giri hill, he died there. Chandragupta, the 
founder of the Mauryan greatness, himself a 
Jain, proceeded to the same place with his 
Acharya and, after surviving him twelve years, 
died there. 

The death of Bhadrabahu took place, accord- 
ing to the Digambaras, 162 years after Vardha- 
mana or, according to Svetambaras, 170 years 
after Vardhamana,^ which also is the date arrived 
at by Jacobi and that is 297 B.C. 

This fact of the Jain migration is important, as 
it furnishes us the starting point for an account 
of the Jains in the south, as otherwise, we would 
be left in the dark as to the cause and course of 
the Jain migration. Dr. Leumann says that 
this migration of the Jains to the south is the 
initial fact of the Digambara tradition. It is 
from this epoch that the Jain community which 
was undivided before separated into two sects, 
the Digambaras and the Svetambaras.^ As 
this is one of the important points in the early 
history of Jains, we shall briefly notice it. 
The Jain The history of the Jain Church is full of ref er- 

itsTchi^ms. ences to the various schisms that had taken 
place from time to time. According to Svetam- 
baras, there were eight schisms, the first of which 
was originated by Mahavlra's son-in-law, 
Jamali, and the last, occurring 609 years after 
the death of Vardhamana (83 A.D.), gave rise to 

' The Sacred Boohs of the East^ ' Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, 
Vol. XXII, p. xliii. pp. 59 and 60. 


the Digambara sect. Of the earlier schisms, the 
Digambaras do not seem to know anything. 
But they say that under Bhadrabahu rose the 
sect of Ardhaphalakas which in 80 A.D. 
developed into the Svetambara sect. Writing of 
this schism, Jacobi says\ " It is probable that 
the separation of the sections of the Jain Church 
took place gradually, an individual development 
going on in both groups, living at great distance 
from one another and that they became aware 
of their mutual difference about the end of the 
1st cent. A.D." The first great schism pro- 
bably took place during the time of Mahavira 
who organised his own order of monks distinct 
from that of Parsvanath. This is evident from 
the fact that even to-day there are Jains who 
trace their spiritual descent from Parsvanath 
and not from Mahavira. The same schism re- 
appears in a more elaborate form and in a more 
acute manner during the time of Bhadrabahu. 
As has been pointed out by Dr. Hoernle, the 
essential point of difference between the order of 
Parsvanath and that of Mahavira was on the 
question of wearing a modicum of clothes. The 
final separation took place about the year 82 
A.D. This involved the rejection by one sect 
of the canonical literature of the other. 

The whole circumstance has thus been clearly Dr. Hoemie 

. on the 

indicated by Dr. Hoernle. '' In the second cen- schisms, 
tury after Mahavira's death, about 310 B.C., a 
very severe famine lasting twelve years took 

^ Hastings, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VII, 
pp. 465 & 466. 


place in tlie country of Magadha, the modem 
Bihar, beyond which, as yet, the Jain order does 
not seem to have spread. At that time Chandra- 
gupta, of the Mauryan dynasty, was king of the 
country andBhadrabahuwasthe head of the still 
undivided Jain community. Under the pressure 
of the famine, Bhadrabahu with a portion 
of his people emigrated into the Karnataka or 
Canarese country in the south of India. Over 
the other portion that remained in Magadha, 
Stulabhadra assumed the headship. Towards 
the end of the famine, during the absence of 
Bhadrabahu, a council assembled at Pataliputra^ 
the modern Patna, and this council collected the 
Jain sacred books, consisting of the 11 angas 
and the 14 purvas, which latter are collectively 
called the 12th anga. The troubles that arose 
during the period of famine produced also a 
change in the practice of the Jains. The rule 
regarding the dress of the monks had been that 
they should ordinarily go altogether naked,, 
though the wearing of certain clothes appears ta 
have been allowed to the weaker members of the 
order. Those monks that remained behind felt 
constrained by the exigencies of the time to 
abandon the rule of nakedness and to adopt the 
white dress. On the other hand, those who out 
of religious zeal chose to exile themselves rather 
than admit of a change of the rule of nakedness 
made that rule compulsory on all the members 
of their portion of the order. When on the 
restitution of peace and plenty, the exiles^ 


returned to their country, the divergence of 
practice which had in the meantime fully esta- 
blished itself between the two parties made 
itself too markedly felt to be overlooked. The 
returned exiles refused to hold fellowship any 
longer with the (in their opinion) peccant portion 
that had remained at home. Thus the foun- 
dation was laid of the division between the two 
sections, the Digambaras and Svetambaras." 

Now each of these main divisions is sub- Svetambara 
divided into different minor sects, according to 
the difference in acknowledging or interpreting 
the religious texts. The principal divisions of 
the Svetambara sect are^ : — 

(1) Pujera, who were thorough worshippers. 

(2) Dhundias, who although they recog- 

nise the images of Tirthankaras, yet 
do not indulge in worshipping with 
formal rites and formulas. 

(3) Terapanthis, who do not believe in 

images or their worship in any form 

The Digambaras, in their turn, are also sub- Digambara 

,..,,. . sub-sects. 

divided into various sects. The most important 
of them are : — 

(1) Bispanthi, who allow worship to a 

certain extent. 

(2) Terapanthi, who acknowledge images 

but do not allow any sort of worship. 

^ For a detailed account of the Ghosh, An Epitome of Jainism, 
Jain Gachchhas vide Nahar and Ch. XXXVI. 


Oanas and 

(3) Samaiyapantlii, who do away entirely 
with image worship and who merely 
acknowledge the sanctity of the 
sacred books which alone they 

(4) Gumanpanthi, an eighteenth century 
sect, calling itself from its founder 

(5) Totapanthi. 

The Digambara Church is further divided into 
four Sangas or monastic orders : — 

(1) Nandi Sanga, (2) Sena Sanga, (3) Deva 
Sanga and (4) Simha Sanga. 

Each of these Sangas was still further divided 
into Ganas, such as the Punnata, Balathkara, 
Kotiya. Each of these, again, was sub-divided 
into Gachchhas, such as Pushtaka, Sarasvati 
and others. 

The Svetambaras are generally classified 
further into 84 Gatchas or divisions. Most of 
these Gatchas are now extinct. 
Digambaras So far as the main division is concerned, 

Svetambaras: there is vcry little difference in the essentials of 
difference, doctriuc between the Svetambaras and the 
Digambaras. For example, the most authori- 
tative book of the Digambaras, Tattvdrthddhi' 
gama Sutra by Umasvami, is one of the standard 
books also of the Svetambaras. The Digam- 
baras, however, might be said to differ from the 
Svetambaras in the following points^ : — 

■• Hastings, Encyclopadia of Religion and Ethics. 


(1) According to the Digambaras, Kevallns 

are perfect saints, such as the Tir- 
thankaras who live without food. 

(2) The embryo of Mahavira was not 

removed from the womb of Deva- 
nanda to that of Trisala, as the 
Svetambaras contend. 

(3) The Digambaras believe that a monk 
" who owns any property, i.e., wears 

clothes, cannot reach Nirvana. 

(4) No woman can reach Nirvana. 

(5) The Digambaras disowned the canonical 

books of the Svetambaras, as has 
already been pointed out by Dr. 
The Jain heirarchy and succession of Gurus Chandra, 
after Chandragupta can be ascertained from successor 
Sravana Belgola Inscriptions Nos. 47, 145, 108 
and 54. First comes Yatindra Kunda^, a 
great Jain Guru,' 'who, in order to show that both 
within and without he could not be assisted by 
Rajas^ moved al)Out leaving a space of four inches 
between himself and the earth under his feet." 
Umasvami,^ the compiler of Tattvdrilia Sutra, 
Griddhrapinchha, and his disciple Balakapinchha 
follow. Then comes Samantabhadra,^ ' ever 
fortunate ', " whose discourse lights up the 
palace of the three worlds filled with the all 
meaning Syadvada." This Samantabhadra was 

^ Sravana Belgola Inscription, the Bombay Branch of the Royal 

No. 105. Asiatic /Socie^?/, Vol. XVIII, p.213. 

2 From a paper read by Mr. ^ Sravana Belgola Inscription, 

K. B. Pathal<, vide the Journal cf No. 105. 



the first of a series of celebrated Digambara 
writers who acquired considerable predominance, 
in the early Rashtrakuta period. Jain tradi- 
tion assigns him Saka 60 or 138 A.D.^ Sravana 
Belgola Inscription No. 44 records some interest- 
ing accounts of Samantabhadra's activities. 
^' At first, in the town of Pataliputra,^ was 
the drum beaten by me.^ Afterwards ip. 
the Malava, Sindu and Thaka country,* in 
the far off city of Kafichi^, arrived at 
Karhataka^, strong in warriors, great in 
learning, small in extent, I roam about. Oh ! 
King : like a tiger in sport ! " From the above 
statement of Samantabhadra, it is evident that 
he was a great Jain missionary who tried to 
spread far and wide Jaina doctrines and morals 
and that he met with no opposition from other 
sects wherever he went. Samantabhadra's 
appearance in South India marks an epoch not 
only in the annals of Digambara tradition, but 
also in the history of Sanskrit literature.*^ He is 
also the author of an important Jain work Apta 
Mimamsa, the most authoritative exposition of 
the Syadvada doctrine. After Samantabhadra 
a large number of Jain Munis took up the work 
of proselytism. The more important of them 

* Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on "^ Cunningham in his Ancient 

the Search of the Sanskrit MSS. Geography identifies Thaka 

in 1883 & 1884, p. 320. country with the Punjab. 

o T> ^ J.T ^ ^ The RajavaliTcathe mentions 

^ Patna on the Ganges. Samantabhadra as having gone 

^ To beat a drum fixed in a to Kafichi a number of times, 

central place in the city is a « Kolhapur in South Mahratta 

pecuhar form of challenge and country. 

invitation extended to religious ^ Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part 

disputants. 2, p. 406. 


have contributed much for the uplift of the Jain 
world in literature and secular affairs. There 
was. for example, Simhanandi, the Jain sage, 
who, according to tradition, founded the state of 
Gangavadi.^ Other names are those of Pujya- 
pada, the author c/*f the incomparable grammar, 
Jinendra Vydhar(\na, and of Akalanka who, in 
788 A.D., is belie^ted to have confuted the Bud- 
dhists at the court of Himasitala in Kanchi, 
and thereby procured the expulsion of the Bud- 
dhists from South India. An account of some of 
these Jain missionaries will, no doubt, be 
interesting but we cannot pursue the subject 

' See Chapter VII, The Jains in the Deccan. 


materiLior ^^ ^^ impossible to fix with any tolerable- 
Jain History, certainty the date of the introduction of the 
Jain faith into the Tamil land. Few records 
exist to enable us to write any consistent account 
of the Jains in the extreme south of India. The 
Rajavalikathe, references to which have been 
made in the foregoing pages and the trustworthi- 
ness of which has been in more than one instance 
illustrated, mentions that Visakhamuni, in the 
course of his wanderings in the Chola and 
the Pandya countries, worshipped in the Jain 
Chaitdlyas and preached to the Jains settled in 
those places. This would show that the Jains 
had already colonised the extreme south even 
before the death of Bhadrabahu, i.e., before 297 
B.C. The matter rests, however, on the solitary 
evidence of Rajavalikathe, and there is no other 
trustworthy record to show that the Jains had 
migrated to these places at this early period. 
Evidence j^ jg common for writers of South Indian 


Mahavamsa, History to derive information, in order to find 
support for their statements, from Mahavamsa^ 
It is well known that Mahavamsa was composed 
by Monk Mahanama, a great literary artist, 
during the reign of Dhantusena, a king of Ceylon 
(461—479 A.D.). Written in Pali verse, it covers 
the period, 543 B.C.— 301 A.D. Its value as 
containing authentic materials for a true history 



has often been doubted. Nevertheless, for our 
purposes, it may be pointed out that during the 
reign of King Pandugabhaya, the fifth in Vijaya's 
line, the capital was transferred to Anuradha- 
pura (about 437 B.C.). The Mahdvamsa gives 
us a detailed description of the various buildings 
in the new city. Among these was a residence 
allotted to a Nigantha devotee named ' Giri.' 
Ii^ the same quarters, many Pasandaka devotees 
dwelt. The king built also a temple ' for the 
Nigantha Kumbandha,' which was called after 
him. Provision was also made in the new 
capital for residence for 500 persons of various 
foreign religions and faiths.^ If this informa- 
tion could be relied upon, it would mean that 
Jainism was introduced in the island of Ceylon, 
so early as the fifth century B.C. It is impos- 
sible to conceive that a purely North Indian 
religion could have gone to the island of Ceylon 
without leaving its mark in the extreme south 
of India, unless like Buddhism it went by sea 

from the nojth. 


Let us next see if epigraphy aids us in fixing Braiimi 
the date of the origin of Jainism in South India, throniy^"^ 
The earliest lithic records in the Tamil country records. ^^^* 
are the famous Brahmi inscriptions discovered 
in the districts of Madura and Eamnad, and 
published a few years ago by the Government 
Epigraphist. These inscriptions written in 
the alphabet of the Asoka Edicts are assigned 

■• p. Arunachalam, Sketches of Ceylon History^ pp. 14 & 15: 
see also Mahdvamsa, p. 49. 


to the end of the third and the beginning of the 
second century B.C. They are found scattered 
in the following places :— 1. MarUgaltalai, 2. 
Anaimalai, 3. Tirupparankunram, 4. Arittapatti, 
5. Kilavalavu, 6. Karungalakkudi, 7. Muttu- 
patti, 8. Siddharmalai, 9. Kongar-Puliyangulam, 
10. Alagarmalai, 11. Sittanna vasal. No one has 
succeeded in deciphering these inscriptions. 
Looking carefully into the characters, one fiiids 
such Tamil words as Pali, Madhurai, Kumattur} 
The identification of a few Tamil words 
written nevertheless in Brahmi characters 
has led scholars to propound the view that 
these characters were perhaps in use in the 
Pandyan country even in that early period, 
and that these may have developed into the 
Tamil Vatteluttu just as they developed into 
the present Tamil, Grant ha, Canarese and 
Telugu characters. We are not just now con- 
cerned with these questions. These records are, 
perhaps, Jain in character, for, not far off 
from the places where these inscriptions are 
found, we have ruins of Jain temples, with 
mutilated statues of Jain Tirthankaras, with 
their respective iconographic symbols such as 
the hooded serpent or the triple umbrella. If 
the date of the inscriptions is the beginning of 
the third century B.C., as has been conceived by 
specialists,^ the inference may perhaps be made 

» The following words can (^^uj), Challehanai (^^c?o»).ffi^2jr). 

also be identified:— Nadu (s/r®,) a Madras Epigraphical Reports 

Ka3dpan(«/raSu6iJr),Kudumbihan 1907, pp. 60-61. 

(@®ti)t5tfW,)Po]aliyan((?ij/r6on-^ Madras Epigraphical Reports 

ujek), Kanyan («/r«fi^dr), Chirya 1^10, pp. 77-78. 


that, even then, Jain sages had commenced their 
work of preaching the Jain doctrine to the 
Tamils. Other than these, there are no 
records that illumine the obscure history of early- 
South Indian Jainism. It is astonishing that, 
for some of the brightest periods of South Indian 
History, neither copper-plate grants nor in- 
scriptions on stone are available. Such inscrip- 
tions as have been published by Government 
epigraphists deal more largely with medieval 
than the early history of South India. For 
further information as regards early South Indian 
Jainism, we are therefore forced to depend 
mainly on the literature of the Tamils. 

The literature of any country is the expression Tamil 
in memorable poetry and prose, of the life and its value, 
character of the people inhabiting it. Tamil 
literature is no exception to this, and the long 
succession of books that make up the Tamil 
literature is a record of the inner life of the people, 
and of the hopes and beliefs of each succeeding 
generati-on. And any student who patiently 
examines it may glean much information for 
the reconstruction of South Indian History. 
An attempt is, therefore, made in the following 
pages to present, in a connected narrative, an 
account of the eTains based on such authentic 
evidence as can be gathered from Tamil 

The vfhole of the Tamil literature may roughly Periods of 
be divided into three periods :— 1. The Sangam literature, 
or the Academic period. 2. The period of Saiva 


Nayanars and Vaislinava Alvars. 3. The 
Modern period. The works published during 
each of these periods throw a flood of light on 
the life and activities of the Jains in the Tamil 
kingdoms. It, therefore, becomes necessary for 
us to examine each period separately. In this 
task we are assisted by the combined labours 
of the great Tamil scholars whose antiquarian 
researches have enabled us to fix some mile- 
stones in Tamil literature. 

Sangam Age : Accordiug to Tamil writers, there were three 

a vexed ... 

question. Saugams or Literary Associations :— the first, the 
intervening, and the last. The date and history 
of these Academies are to-day the subjects of 
keen controversy among scholars entitled to form 
opinions on them. The late Mr. Kanakasabhai 
Pillai and Prof. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar 
have more or less fixed the date of the last 
Sangam as the second century A.D. Convin- 
cing as some of the arguments of these scholars 
are, it is, however, quite possible to hold different 
opinions in the matter of interpretation of some 
of the Sangam poems, from which mainly Prof. 
Krishnaswami Ayyangar, at any rate, has sought 
to establish that the Sangam existed in the 
second century A.D. These points are discussed 
in this work elsewhere and the attention of 
scholars to that portion is respectfully invited. 
It is here tentatively assumed that the II cen- 
tury A.D. is the period of the last Sangam. 




At the same time, it must be mentioned that 
no progress can be made in the reconstruction 
of Early South Indian History, unless the vexed 
question of the Sangam Age is finally solved. 

To Nakkirar\ one of the forty-nine poets of the Fact and 

^ Tradition, 

last Sangam, we owe much of the legendary about the 

. , . T . II' PI 1 *^^o Sangamg. 

mtormation regardmg the history oi the three 
A-sademies. According to him, Tolkappiyar, the 
grammarian, was a member of the first and second 
Academies. The date of this ancient author 
might, therefore, give us a starting point for an 
account of the Jains in the south. It would 
appear, that during the time of the second Sangam, 
a great tidal wave passed over the extremity of 
the peninsula, as a result of which portions of the 
Pandyan country were submerged. Dim tradi- 
tions of this occurrence are known to the third 
Sangam.^ Mention is made of it in Silappadikdram 
also.^ From these two sources, we learn that 
that portion of the Pandyan country which was 
submerged was the land between the two rivers 

■" Iraiyanar Kalaviyal. 

« ** LoeQ^eajT ^nm^^m Loismsc—eo QsL'sfrsiie^eir 

QjLDe^eQeir/S' QiLpOta^mg^ QLD<Sij[rir/Eir u^i^UiUL^u 

eueSuSi^dr evemdSiU <svtri—fr<^^iT^ Q^mssrsvzir,^ 

Kalit-lokai (104). 

Silappadikdram . . . .XI — 18-20. 


Kumari and Pahruli. The traditions, however, 
give us an exaggerated idea of the extent of the 
land that was thus destroyed. Both Adiyar- 
kunallar and Nachchinar-kinivar, the famous 
commentators of Sangam works, evidently be- 
lieved in the traditions and have stated that 
forty-nine countries, to the extent of nearly 1,400 
miles, were lost in this swelling of the sea. This 
seems, however, to be an exaggeration. A mOre 
sober reference to this incident is to be found 
in the commentary of SHapjiadikdram, The 
information here supplied is that the river Pah- 
ruli was quite close to Kumari.^ From this it 
is evident that the tract of land lost as a result 
of this tidal wave was but a strip comprising 
perhaps, forty-nine plots of ground. We are 
further told that the Pandyan king, in order 
to recoup the loss, took forcible possession of 
two small districts, Kundur and Muttur, belong- 
ing to the Chola and Chera kings and that, for 
this reason, he was known as Nilantaru Tiru- 
vir Pandyan. When did this tidal waye pass 
over the country ? If we are able to fix its date, 
we may fix also the age of Tolkappiyar ; for it 
was during the days of the second Academy, 
of which Tolkappiyar was a member, this inci- 
dent happened. 

The probable In Tcunent's HistOTy of Ceylon, mention is 
TSikappiyar. made of three such disasters that effected con- 


siderable change in the geography of the island, 
he first is stated to have occurred in 2387 B.C., 
when the island of Ceylon got itself separated 
from the mainland ; the second in 504 B.C. 
during the reign of Panduvasa which involved 
considerable loss of Ceylonese territory ; the 
last, comparatively a minor one, in 306 B.C., 
during the time of Devanampriya Tissa. Taking, 
this last encroachment of the sea as the one 
alluded to in Iraiyandr Ahapporul, some fix III 
century B.C. roughly as the lower limit for the 
date of Tolkappiyar and contend that the 
evidence of Rdjdvali of Ceylon and that of 
Mahdvamsa tend to confirm this view. It is also 
contended that Tolkappiyar's mention in his 
work, of Hora, for a knowledge of which it 
seems we are indebted to the Greek astronomers 
that accompanied Alexander the Great in the 
course of his Indian raid, would fix the age of 
Tolkappiyar as III century B.C.^ Again the 
mention in the colophon to Tolkappiyam, of the 
Sanskrit grammar of Indra, coupled with the 
fact that Indra's date has been ascertained as 
350 B.C.^ makes it plain according to some that 
350 B.C. is the latest date that can be assigned 
for Tolkappiyar^, the earliest known grammarian 

^ CoJebrooke, Miscellaneous His chief argument rests on the 

Essays, Vol. IT, p. 29. fact that Panambaranai a 

« ,r , „ TT. , « contemporary of Tolkappiyar, 

^Macdonne\l History of Sans- calls him 'uSou^iy> mL^ 

krtt Literature, V* II- . , d .• • • e 

^ UL^es>LDQiuiTm, Padimax is from 

^ In an interesting article in the Prakrit Padima, essentially 

Sen Tamil, the organ of the a Jain word referring to Jain 

Madura Tamil Sangam (Vol. rules of conduct. The foUow- 

XVIII, 1919-20, p. 339), Mr. S. ing extract from the article 

Vyapuri Pillai suggests that referred to above deserves to be 

Tolkappiyar was a Jain by faith, studied by all interested in the 


^nd Saugam author, whose work was an 
authority for all later literary productions.^ 

Kural : 
its date 
and the 
faith of its 

The next work of considerable importance in 
Tamil literature is the famous Kural of Saint 
Tiruvalluvar. Various opinions are held regard- 
ing the date and the religious faith of its author. 
Of him all sorts of wild traditions exist. Most 
of these are more fanciful than real. What ^s 
the date of Kural ? It is common knowledge 
that Kural is quoted in Silai^imdikdram of 

history of religious movements Qfoir^sS LLj6mjr€orr(^LD. 
in South India : — 

?(ffD, u^(^m(^ {S8si)a<oir 

^ii-<s[r 'Sir issr SUITS aogsn s^ldlu^ 
^'Siitrsm s(rFf^@mQr^irs<sfr, ^IB 

sk^^euir, ^eupgji&r Qp^dsik^ 
i§Ssi)S(^Lh ^Soeop^sQ ^(Tir ^p 
eijp^Q^tTQn<3srp ^(ff^^fl^^irird 

{8§oOs<sir ^n:)<sviD^(2jSiiriT^(^ ldlJB 
QpiBiUssr. ^€d(50/D^^eo Slpuirir 

Qp^dsdlB^ iSSsd-SEi^U) eSiSSijUU 

Qupp iSimosTrr^ SL.emiots)LD^^^ir^ 
^•msirir LD[ril.(Slu>f &-(om-es)LDUjfr3^T 
ffiiuir Uiiril.(Bu>, &.<omemu> ^MfreSeir 

ei^L^^^&) Q<su(sm(BLL. ^^iSJesrih 
iQarQQr^rfl^U) LS'S(m<d' SpuQutu 
d5 (^Q^wL^ui ^(soeop^Q^frir u^ 
®®0 ^evQeuiTQ^^^isJsdsfT Qiup 

Qutuir Qug^LD, '' €B^LC)' eresrp 
O^/rei) ^€0&)p^^triT'S(^Lo &.ff}uj 
^rr^eo ^fBppsu(^ Q^iusudirsQi—U) 

ermp {^aia;&iB-77J QLDpQsir&r 

esy^ssTg^LDiu <si]ip<S(9j^ Qa^ireoQeOGsr 
SLD erdsrp^^'osr u-j6mir^^^&) 


voLoQiunm erm^ QpuiSdsu 
Qupp G^.T6v<sirLJL9,uj(0f)ir (om^ear 
a^LDiu^^euirirsu Gkissiu^itj ^^m 
6E(3m ^(S^eop Q[E/S iBmgn @ipiB^ 
^3ij QsuirQMSxSEis^eir lU^^Lf.^^ 
(Suj[reLQji<oSTu^Lo S-i5mi}eO(r(^u>, ' 

^ I wish it to be understood 
that this section merely sum- 
marises the views of others and 
does not represent my own views. 
My attitude is one of extreme 
scepticism in regard to these early 
dates claimed lor Tolkappiyam 
and Kural ; for it is doubtful 
whether Tamil had attained a 
uniform standard so early as 
the beginning of the Christian 
era. (Please see my article 
" Misconceptions about Sangam 
Chronology ", Appendix D.) 

RURAL. 41 

Ilangovadigal ; he was the brother of Senguttu- 
van whose date is said to fall in the second 
<5entury A.D. It is contended by some that the Was Vaiiuvar 

•^ - a Jam ? 

Kural must have been written at least a century 
before Manimekalai and Silappadikdram, that is 
in the beginning of the I century A.D. It is 
astonishing that the author of Kural, who is 
undoubtedly recognised as one of the great 
geniuses of the world, should have remained 
wdthout a name. Almost every religionist has 
claimed the author as belonging to his faith. 
Tamil literary tradition attributes the author- 
ship of Kural to Vaiiuvar ; but there are strong 
reasons for believing that the author was a 
Jain. The late Prof. Seshagiri Sastriar^ held that 
Vaiiuvar was a follower of Arhat. 

Certain references in Kural to Malmmi^aij^'fidenceain 

_ . _ , , -" -•" - favour of the 

yeginan [u^s^inSm^ QiuQi^m) and ^ e7i(junatndn Jain origin. 
^6reh(^<5m^^{rm'j ^Tc held to bc Sufficient 
evidence to prove that the author was a 
Jain. Hindu scholars have pointed out, 
however, that these expressions are equally 
applicable to Vishnu. But one who has read 
or is acquainted in the least, with elain canonical 
scripture will have no hesitation in agreeing 
with Mr. Seshagiri Sastri. The expression Malar- 
misai yeginan, i.e., ' He who walked on lotus ' 
is a very common epithet applied to Lord Arhat. 
According to the Jain scriptures, when the Tir- 
thanhara attains omniscience there gather around 
him a vast crowd of men, animals, birds and 

1 Seshagiri Sastriar, Esmy on Tamil Literature, p. 43. 


other living beings to hear his teachings. Indra 
and many other Devas, according to them, wor- 
ship the Lord, praise Him and honour Him by 
manifesting wonderful phenomena. One such 
w^onder is the formation of a beautiful lotus 
under the feet of the Jina, which moves along 
under his feet as he goes to several countries ta 
preach his doctrine. This is the special signifi- 
cance of the expression Malarmisai yeginm.', 
Then again the reference to Yengimaihan {i.e,y 
he who has eight qualities) has a special signifi- 
cance to the Jain. God, according to Jainism,, 
has the following eight qualities :— 1. Perfect 
faith, 2. Infinite knowledge, 3. Infinite cogni- 
tion, 5. Extreme fineness, 6. Interpenetrability, 
7. Stationariness (quality of being neither 
light nor heavy) and 8. Undisturbable bliss. It 
is, therefore, difficult to join with those who say 
that Valluvar referred to the Hindu Gods and! 
An objection not Specially to the qualities of the Jina. Ano- 
answere . ^^^^ expression that was held to be destructive 
of the theory that the author was a Jain, is what 
is supposed to be contained in the 4th couplet of 
Chapter III in Kural. Dr. Pope, in pointing 
this out, says that a Jain would not believe that 
Valluvar was a follower of his faith, because a 
Jain sage would have neither wife nor the emo- 
tion of anger, nor the power to inflict punish- 
ment. But we know that one of the Tirthan- 
Another karas married and begot children. One other 
favour of the evidence in favour of the Jain origin of Kural 
oTKt^mi^ might be adduced. The commentator of Nlla- 




esi, a Jain work, calls Kural, Emmottu 
OLDir^^), our own Bible. That shows that 
the Jains generally believed that Valluvar was 
a member of their community. The tradition is 
that one Elacharya, a Jain sage, was the author 
of KuraL This Elacharya, some say, was no Was 
other than Sri Kunda Kunda, a great Jain Muni, Kunda 
well versed in Sanskrit and Prakrit, who carried himseif ? 
oA the work of propagating Jainism in the Tamil 
land, in or about the first century A.D. A sage 
of great intellectual attainments, he is supposed 
to have written for the instruction of Sivas- 
kandha, a ruler of Conjeeveram, the Pan- 
chdstikdya, which has been recently edited by 
Prof. Chakravarti, a prominent member of 
the Jaiu community. In the historical portion 
of the introduction to that book, the learned 
Professor identifies the author of the Kiiral 
with Kunda Kunda whose other name was 
Elacharya. From the Pattdvalis edited by 
Hoernle and Klatt, the date of Kunda Kunda 
can b^ ascertained as I century A.D.^ One 
other point may be briefly noticed. If, as Yet another 
has been contended, the author of Kural was a 
low caste Valluvar, what is there in the history 
of ancient social institutions in the Tamil land 
to warrant the belief that a low caste man could 
obtain such a high education not only in the 
vernacular but also in the sacred language of 
Sanskrit, which is essential for producing such a 
work as Kural ; for it must be remembered 

1 Indian Antiquary, Vols. XX and XXI. 


that Kural represents not only what was best 
in South Indian culture but also it has given to 
the Tamils the quintessence of North Indian 
wisdom contained in such works as the Artha- 
sdstra of Kautilya. No one, therefore, who had 
not a sound knowledge of Prakrit and Sanskrit 
literature could have attempted the writing of 
Kural and such a one was Kunda Kunda. If 
this supposition is true, the inference is inevit- 
able that the Jains had penetrated into tEe 
extreme south of India so early as, if not 
earlier than, the I century A.D. and that 
they had actively taken up the work of pro- 
pagating their faith through the medium of the 
vernacular of the country namely Tamil. 

The spread The first two ccuturies of the Christian era 

of Jainism ^ e i • i m -i 

in the early saw, therefore , the appearance m the lamii coun- 
of the ^^ tries of a new religion which, with its simple 
moral code devoid of elaborate exegetics, appeal- 
ed to the Dra vidian and was destined to play 
an important part in the religious history of 
South India. Fostering the vernaculars of the 
country out of opposition to the Brahmins, the 
J ains infused Aryan thought and learning among 
the southern people, which had the effect of 
awakening Dravidian literature to proclaim the 
new message it had received from northern lands.^ 
A consideration of the literary history of India 
led Mr. Frazer^ to write '' It was through the 
fostering care of the Jains that the south seems 

' The Journal of the Royal ^ Frazer, Literary History of 
Asiatic Society, Vol. XXII, p. 249. India, pp. 310 & 311. 




H;o have been inspired with new ideals and liter- 
^Rbture, enriched with new forms and expres- 
sions." A knowledge of the then* Dra vidian 
methods and forms of worship would easily make 
us understand why Jainism had taken root in 
the soil. The Dravidian had developed a civi- 
lization of his own. His religion consisted in 
sacrifices, prophecies, ecstatic dances and demon- 
worship. This was open to the attacks of the 
first batch of Brahmin immigrants from the 
north who settled at Madura and other cities 
and tried to introduce Hindu notions of caste 
and ceremonial but met with much opposition, 
the caste system then being ' inchoate and im- 
perfect.' Nevertheless, the Brahmins succeeded 
in introducing their notions of religion. 
Sacrifices were performed under royal patro- 
nage and horses or cows were sacrificed with 
elaborate ceremonies, the flesh of the victims 
not being disdained by the Brahmins.^ Though 
anxious to spread vedic religion among the 
masses, the Brahmin kept the Vedas a sealed 
book to them. As in the north of India, so in 
the south, the non- Aryan races began to culti- 
vate a contempt for the Brahmins whose worship 
of the elements did not find favour mth the 
masses. It was at this period that the non- 
Brahminic orders, Jainism and Buddhism, en- 
tered the country, and no wonder that these, 
with their less complex forms of worship and 


Kanakasabhai Pillai, Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, 
. 230. 


^The Tamil 
Epics : 

'theii- value 
to Jain 

embodying in their doctrines some of the highest 
and noblest principles of human conduct, found 
favour among the ancient Dravidians who not 
only tolerated them in their midst but even 
accorded them in their religious life a position 
of great honour and trust. 

The period immediately following the age of 
Kural is characterised by the growth of classical 
literature, mainly under the Jain auspices. This 
age is generally called the Augustan age of Tamil 
literature, the period of the predominance of the 
Jains in intellect and learning, though not in 
political power.^ It was during this period 
second century A.D. that the famous Tamil 
epic SilappadiJcdram is supposed to have been 
written. The author of the work was Ilango- 
vadigal, a brother of the Chera prince, Senguttu- 
van, and, perhaps, a member of the Jain Church. 
From this epic and its companion volume, 
ManimeJcalai, can be gleaned a graphic account 
of the state of the Dravidian society at that 
time. It would appear that there was then 
perfect religious toleration, Jainism advancing 
so far as to be embraced by members of the 
royal family. Religious conversion did not, as 
it does now, destroy the bonds of society and 
family. Thus, for example, Ilangovadigal, the 
author of the epic SilappadiJcdram, was a Jain, 
while his brother, Senguttuvan, was a Saivite. 
In short, the fervent manner in which Jain 
beliefs and morals are depicted, the copious 

1 V. A. Smith, Early History 
of India (1914), p. 445; Dr. 

Pope in Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, 1889 Vol, p. 242, 


Teferences to Jain centres of learning, and the 
description of the society in general, leave no 
doubt in the minds of the readers of the epics, 
the impression that the religion of Arhat was 
embraced by large and ever increasing numbers 
of the Dra vidians. 

We shall next examine the position held by The position 
the Jains during this Academic age with the f^ the ^^^ 
help of references to them in Silappadikdram and ^^q^^^^^ 
Mmiimekalai. These epics are specially valuable 
as records of the extent to which the non- 
Brahminical religions, Jainism and Buddhism, 
had spread in South India in the early 
part of the second century A.D. The epics 
give one the impression that these two 
religions were patronised by the Chola as well 
as by the Pandyan kings. The Nigran- 
thas, as the Jains were called, generally lived 
outside the towns " in their own cool cloisters, 
the walls of which were exceedingly high and 
painted red and which were surrounded by 
little ftower-gardens"; their temples were situate 
at places where two or three roads met ; they 
erected their platforms or pulpits from which 
they generally preached their doctrine. Side 
by side with their monasteries, there also existed 
nunneries showing thereby the vast influence 
exercised over the Tamil women by Jain nuns. 
There were Jain monasteries at Kavirippoom- 
pattinam, the capital of the Cholas, and at Urai- 

Iur on the banks of the Cauvery. Madura, 


Kovalan and his wife were on their way to 
Madura, they met a Jain nun who warned them 
to be on their guard against causing pain or 
death to living creatures as, at Madura, it would 
be denounced as a heinous sin by the Nigranthas- 
there. The Nigranthas of this period did not 
appear to have been hated so much as those 
who flourished in the sixth or seventh century 
A.D. The Jains in this period, we further 
learn from the epics, worshipped the resplendent 
image of Arhat who is generally represented 
as sitting underneath the Asoka tree with the 
triple umbrella held over him. That these 
Jains were the Digambaras is clearly seen from 
their description. Judging from the account of 
the society as depicted in Manimekalai, the 
Tamil sovereigns appear to have been generally 
tolerant towards all the foreign faiths in the 
country. Thus, on the occasion of the annual 
festival held in the city of Puhar in honour of 
Indra, the king asked all preachers of virtue 
belonging to all religious sects to ^ ascend the 
public halls of debate and preach their respective 
doctrines to the people. The Jains took every^ 
advantage of the opportunity and large was the 
number of those that embraced this faith. 
Popularity There are certain reasons whv Jainism was sa 

of Jainism : . '' 

its causes, popular m those days. The masses of the 
Dra vidians were remnants of the great Naga 
race that held the sovereignty of the land before 
the Ta^mils conquered it. The Tamils themselves 
borrowed from the Nagas some of their elements 


of worship. Traces of the Tree and Serpent 
Worship so eminently characteristic of the 
Turanian race are also to be seen in Jainism 
that was introduced in the Tamil country. 
Buddhism had no such charm at this period^ as 
the worship of the Buddha had not yet been 
introduced. The worship of a pair of feet is too 
abstract for a people already accustomed to 
\l^orship idols of some of the Aryan and non- 
Aryan deities. To these reasons may be added 
the comparative simplicity of Jain worship and 
the exclusive character of Brahminical rites. 
These tended to make the Nigrantha system 
more popular than either Brahmanism or Bud- 
dhism. The fact that the Jain community had 
a perfect organisation behind it shows that it 
was not only popular but that it had taken deep 
root in the soil. The whole community, we 
learn from the epics, w^as divided into two sec- 
tions, the Srdvakds or laymen and the Munis or 
ascetics. The privilege of entering the monast- 
ery \^ias not denied to women and both men and 
women took vows of celibacy. 

We shall close this part of the subject with a 
quotation from Manimekalai, which illustrates 
the Nigrantha system as was preached to the 
Tamils. Manimekalai, being a Buddhistic work, 
one may not expect an ideal representation of 
the Jain system at the hands of its author 

^ Throughout the epic presenting the Buddha was the 

Manimekalai, no reference is ^nly object of worahip by the 
made to any statue of the - ^ r j 

Buddha. A pair of feet re- Buddhists. 



Chattanar, a staunch Buddhist. But enlight- 
ened Jain opinion is, that excepting Dharmd- 
stikdya, every other point of the Jain system 
is fairly represented. 
Nigrantha " Leaving this confusion of words, she (Mani- 

a^preached Hiekalai) asked the Niganta (Nigranta) to state 
to the Tamils, ^j^^ ^^^ j^-^ q^^^ ^^^ ^j^^^ ^^ was taught in his 

sacred books, and to explain correctly how- 
things exist and are formed or dissolved. He 
said that his God is worshipped by Indras : and 
that the books revealed by him describe the 
following : The wheel of Law, the axle of Law, 
Time, Ether, Soul, Eternal atoms, good deeds, 
bad deeds, the bonds created by those deeds 
and the way to obtain release from those bonds. 
Things by their own nature, or by the nature 
of other objects to which they are attached, 
are temporary or everlasting. Within the short 
period of a Kshana (second), they may pass 
through the three unavoidable stages, appear- 
ance, existence and dissolution. That a 
margosa tree sprouts and grows is eternal : that 
it does not possess that property is temporary. 
Green gram when made into a sweetmeat with 
other ingredients does not lose its nature, but 
loses its form. The wheel of Law (Dharma) per- 
vades everywhere and moves all things in order 
and for ever. In the same way the axle of Law 
retains everything (and prevents dissolution). 
Time may be divided into seconds or extend to 
Eons. Ether expands and gives room for every- 
thing. The soul entering a body will, through 


the five senses, taste, smell, touch, hear and see. 
An atom may become a body or assume other 
forms. To stop the origin of good and evil 
deeds, and to enjoy the effect of past deeds, and 
to cut off all bonds is release (salvation).^ " 

The third and fourth centuries of the Chris- The third 
tian era seem to be a perfect blank in the history centuries 
of the Jains in the Tamil kingdom. What bifnL^^^ 
little information we have been able to gather 
about the Jains in the Sangani period is from 
non-Brahminical sources, the Brahmin as well as 
the other Hindu poets of the Sangam having 
ignored their very existence. Just as the liter- 
a.ture of the north refused to take cognizance 
of the great raid of Alexander, so the Brahmin- 
ical literature of the south had not cared to shed 
any light on the history and activities of the 
Jains. But we can, more or less, follow the 
proba,ble course of the development of Jainism 
in the light of their later history, particularly of 
the seventh and eighth centuries A.D. Second 
centuw A.i). is a great age in Jain history ; not 
merely Kunda Kunda but other Jain scholars 
as well evinced the greatest activity during this 
period in spreading their gospel. The necessary 
impulse and resource for an undertaking of such 
magnitude must have come from Sravana Bel- 
gola. The Gangas who ruled the Gangavadi for 
nearly nine centuries, second to eleventh century 
A.D., had been great patrons of Jainism and 
iBiniust have aided the spread of the faith in the 

^B 1 The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, pp. 215-16. 

m ' > 


Tamil land. In fact, a closer study of Indian 
religious movements, particularly those in the 
Peninsula, would reveal that for nearly four 
centuries, second to the beginning of the seventh 
century, Jainism was the predominant faith. 
We can merely indicate here, in a general way, 
the course of its development. 
Formation To rcvert to our subject, Brahmin literature^ 
Jain Sanga. whcu it condesccuded to take notice of the Jains 
at all, showed considerable animosity to them 
in the fourth and the beginning of the fifth 
century. This resulted in the formation of a 
separate Sangam by the Jains themselves. An 
information of greatest consequence is given in 
a Jain religious work, the Digambara Dharsana} 
The book states that in the year 526 of Vikrama 
Saka, i.e., 470 A.D., a Dravida Sangam was 
formed at the Southern Madura by Vajra Nandi^ 
a disciple of Pujyapada. We further learn 
from the same source that the Sanga was an 
association of Digambara Jains who migrated 
south with a view to spread Jainkm. .Unless 
the reigning kings of Pandyan country patro- 
nised them, the Jains would never have dared 
in those days of cruel punishment to establish 
a Sangam. We see in the formation of this 
Sangam the extension of royal patronage to 
Jainism which excited the jealousy of the lead- 
ers of Brahminism. The conflict was bound to 
come. For the time being it was postponed. The 
Sangam, as we have seen, was formed at the 

^ Journal of the Bombay Branch oj the Boyal Asiatic 
{^fScciety Vol. XVII, p. 74. 



end of the 5th century A.D. and when the 6th 
century opens, the political fortunes of the Tamil 
country undergo a rapid change. It is the period 

f the Kalabhra invasion and occupation of the 

andyan kingdom. 

Who were these Kalabhras ? And what isKaiabbras: 
the relation between them and the Jains were they ? 
of South India ? The Kalabhras are fre- 
quently mentioned in the Pandyan as well 
as the Pallava inscriptions. These speak 
of them as the conquerors of Tamil kings, 
the Cholas, the Cheras and the Pandyas. 
Since they are not mentioned in any inscrip- 
tion outside South India, the presumption is 
strongly in favour of their Dra vidian origin. 
At any rate there is nothing to show that they 
were Aryans. The same Kalabhras are men- 
tioned in the Velvikudi grant, as having con- 
quered the Pandyan country and ruled there 
for a short time, till they were defeated by 
Kadungon who got back the country. In the 
account of" Murti Nayanar in Periyapurdnam, 
we learn that, during the time of the Nayanar, a 
large Carnatic force raided the country, defeated 
the Pandyan king and established its sway in 
the land. We are not aware of any other foreign 
invasion of the Pandyan country. Taking the 
information in the Velvikudi grant and the 
historical matter furnished by Periyapurdnam, 
^e are forced to equate the Kalabhra interreg- 
num of the Velvikudi grant with the Carnatic 
rule of Madura in the period of Murti Nayanar. 


This conclusion is further supported by what 
are known as Sendalai inscriptions published by 
the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Eao in Sen Tamil, 
Volume VI. Sendalai is a village two miles off 
Trichinopoly. The old name of the place is 
Chendraleghai Chaturveda Mangalam. There 
is in that village a great Saiva temple dedicated 
to Meenakshi sundaresvarar. The pillars of one 
of the Mantapams in the temple contain beautif al 
inscriptions. According to Mr. Gopinatha Rao 
these pillars originally belonged to another 
temple dedicated perhaps to a Sylvan deity by 
one of the kings. Coming to the point, the 
pillars contain inscriptions which together give 
us the family genealogy of one Perumpidugu 
Muttaraiyan. It is as follows : — 

Perumpidugu Muttaraiyan I 

alias Kuvavan Maran 

(his son) 

Ilangovati Araiyan 

alias Maran Parameswaran 

(his son) 


Perumpidugu Muttaraiyan II 
alias Suvaran Maran. 

The other names of the last-named king as 
mentioned in the inscriptions are Sri Maran, 
Sri Kalvarakalvan, Sri Satrukesari, Sri Kal- 
bhara]^:alvan, Sri Kalvakalvan ; sometimes he 
is spoken of as Pandaram. The titles Maran 


and Nediimaran clearly show that he was a 
l^fcconqueror of the Pandyas, at any rate, that 
he was a Pandyan king. The three other titles, 
viz., Kalvarakalvan, Kalbharakalvan, and Kalva- 
kalvan indicate their origin. These three mean 
the same thing, i.e., thief of thieves or king of 
thieves, showing thereby that the *Kalabhras' of 
Velvikudi grant were Kallars in their origin. 
K^lvarkalvan might also be read as Kalvara- 
kalvan (<35srr6i;/r<55efrsi/e3r), but in the inscriptions 
it is common to read Kalvarakalvan as Kalava- 
rakalvan (<asrr6i/ir<^syr6i7^). In its Canarese form 
the ' V ' is easily interchangeable with ' b ' and 
we have Kalabharakalvan and from that, the 
Kalabhras of the Velvikudi grant. When they 
conquered the Pandyan country they assumed 
the title of Muttaraiyan. The word might mean 
either ' Lord of Pearls ' (muttu + araiyan) or 
as the ' Lord of Three lands ' (mu + ttaraiyan) 
which latter interpretation corresponds more 
closely with the description given of them in 
the inscriptions as conquerors of Chola, Pandya 
and Chera countries. 

Having thus established the identity of the Kalabhras 
Kalabhras with the Carnatic king of Perit/apurd- jainism. 
nam, we shall next inquire what light this in- 
formation throws on the history of the Jains. 
The same Periyapurdnam account of Murti 
Nayanar tells us that the Kalabhras, the mo- 
ment they came to the country, embraced Jainism 
and influenced by the Jains who were innumer- 
able, began to persecute the Saiva saints and 



disregard the worship of Saiva gods. It looks 
as though the Jains had themselves invited the 
Kalabhras with a view to establish Jainism 
more firmly in the country. The period of the 
Kalabhras and that which succeeds it must, 
therefore, be considered as the period when the 
Jains had reached their zenith. It was during 
this period that the famous Ndladiydr was com- 
posed by the Jains. There are two references^ 
in Ndladiydr to Muttaraiyar indicating that the 
Kalabhras were Jains and patrons of Tamil 
literature. We would fain know more about 
these Muttaraiyar but unfortunately, the book, 
presumably treating about them and mentioned 
in Ydpperumkalaviruti, viz., Tamizhnuitarayar- 
Jcovai, is entirely lost.^ 
Naiadiyar A word about Ndladiydr. It consists of 400 

Jains. quatrains of moral and didactic sayings, each 

one composed, according to tradition, by a Jain 
ascetic. Dr. Pope styles it as the Velldlar Vedam^ 

1 The base feed full of rice and savoury food, 
That men, great lords of the triple lands, 
With generous gladness give ; 
But water won with willing strenuous toil 
By those who know not savoury food by name even. 
Will turn to nectar. Q. 200. 

Poor are the men that give not, 
Even though deemed wealthiest 
Of all that flourish on the teeming ample earth ! 
They who even when they are poor seek not as 
Suppliants wealthy men are, * Lords of the three mighty lands. * 
Pope's Ndladiydr. Q. 296. 

' Where are the descendants purdnam as Vadugakarnataka 
of these Muttaraiyar, the Kala- people. The Muttaraiyar of 
bhras of the Velvikudi grant ? the Melur taluq, Madura di!»trlctj 
In Trichinopoly district we have are known as Ambalakdrans. 
even to-day Muttaraiyar. They They are Kallars by caste. This 
seem to be^ petty chiefs. In the is a very interesting subject for 
Andhra country they are known investigation. It is noteworthy 
as Muttu Rajakkal. This is that in Sangam literature, Pulli, 
quite in keeping with the des- the Chief of Vengadam, is known 
cription of Kala~bhras in Periya- as Kalvarkoman (king of thieves). 


that is, the Bible of the Vellalar or Agriculturists. 
^'' These epigrams^ drawn sometimes from Sans- 
krit sources and often forming the ground of 
ornate Sanskrit verses written in imitation or 
rivalry, have become household words through- 
out all South India." When the two facts, the 
formation of a Digambara Jain Sangam at 
Madura and the large Sanskrit borrowings in 
composing Ndladiydr are examined together 
we are led to conclude that the work must have 
been written after the formation of the Jain 
Sangam and that, exactly at the time when it 
was composed, the rivalry between the two sects 
Jainism and Brahminism was becoming keener 
and keener. Quatrain 243 pretty clearly illus- 
trates the spirit of rivalry between the two sects 
and, as has been already remarked, this period is 
that which immediately succeeded the Kalabhra 

Thus the works published during what we 
have . called the Sangam or Academic period 
♦clearly* indicate the following points in the 
life and history of the Jains in the Tamil 
kingdoms : — 

1. That the Jains had probably not en- 
tered the extreme south of India 
during the days of Tolkappiyar who 
must have flourished before 350 B.C. 
.2. That they must have colonised and 
permanently settled in the extreme 
south of India during and before 
the first centurv A.D. 


3. That what is known as Augustan age 

oi: Tamil literature was also the age 
of the predominance of the Jains. 

4. That after the fifth century A.D, 

Jainism became so very influential 
and powerful as to even become the- 
state-creed of some of the Pandyan. 



This period which begins from the sixth cen- Revival of 
tury A.D. is characterised by a great revival oianddecHne 
Brahminism which shook the heretical sects of 
Buddhism and Jainism to their very founda- 
tions. Buddhism had already lost its hold in 
South India, but the latter w^as, as we have 
seen, at its zenith. The Jains had played their 
role well ; but they had stayed in the Tamil 
country too long. The mild teachings of the 
Jain system had become very rigorous and exact- 
ing in their application to daily life. The ex- 
clusiveness of the Jains and their lack of adapt- 
ability to circumstances soon rendered them 
objects of contempt and ridicule, and it was 
only with the help of state patronage that 
they were able to make their influence felt. 
No longer dfd the Tamilians embrace the Jain 
faith out of open conviction ; force and religious 
persecution were resorted to by over-zealous 
state officials who were always ready to execute 
the commands of bigoted Jain kings. 

The growth and strength of any faith depend 
to a large extent upon the support it receives at 
the hands of the rulers. When they cease to 
patronise it or become converts to rival 
faith, large numbers secede from the movement. 
No wonder, therefore, that the followers of the 

# ^ 



Brahminical religion looked forward eagerly to 
the day, when their religious leaders would be 
able to bring erring monarchs round to the true 
path of Dharma and thus wipe the Nigranthas 
out of the Tamil country. 

The Hymnal With the rise of Saiva temples in South India 
hi Tamil {5th century A.D.) there came into existence 
a kind of Saiva religious literature in Tamil, 
mainly consisting of hymns in praise of the vari- 
ous local shrines. Each hymn is made up of 
ten or eleven stanzas in what is known as Asiri- 
yam metre, a composition peculiar to the early 
hymnologists. These liymns celebrate the mira- 
culous deeds and sports of Siva. The superi- 
ority of Siva over the other Indian Gods is sought 
to be established therein. The importance of 
these hymns and their great superiority over 
the secular literature have been set forth by 
Umapati Siva Charya (1320 A.D.) in the follow- 
ing verse : — '' Lo ! They cannot be consumed by 
fire, will go up the current, vivify even bones, 
take out poison, subdue the elephant, make the 
stone float, and make the crocodile vomit the 
child it devoured." By the time of Raja Raja 
Chola (984-1013 A.D.) the Saiva religious liter- 
ature became so enormous and scattered that 
it was deemed urgently necessary to collect and 
arrange it. This important task was entrusted 
to Nambiandar Nambi (975-1035 A.D.) a 
GuruMal or Audisaiva Brahmin of Tirunaraiyur 
in South Arcot District. He collected and edited 
all the Saiva works into eleven Tirumurais or 


series. Later on, during the reign of Kulottunga 
or Anabaya Chola 1150 A.D., a mass of tradi- 
tion about the Saiva saints was collected from 
all sources and an extensive hagiology entitled 
the Tinitondar Ptirdnam or Periyapiirdnam, 
was written by Sekkizhar, a Vellala poet of the 
Pallava country. This legendary biography of 
Saiva Nayanars consisting of about 4,306 stanzas 
was later on added to the Saiva religious liter- 
ature as the twelfth Tirumurai. It is to these, 
Sekkizhar's Periyapurdnam and the compilation 
of Nambiandar Nambi, that we are indebted 
for an account of the Jains during, what we have 
called, the period of Saiva Nayanars and Vaish- 
nava Alvars. The information that could be 
gleaned from Saiva religious literature is to a 
little extent supplemented by the Vaishnava 
Prabandhams. Elaborate as are the details 
of the lives of Saiva saints, they are yet useless 
for purposes of history, as no dates are assigned 
to any of the Nayanars ; and being based on 
legends, the Periyapurdnam is replete with fanci- 
ful accounts of miraculous incidents which no 
modern student of history would care to accept. 
Hence not a little difficultv is felt in tracing the 
various epochs in the religious history of South 
India. Among the 63 saints an account of 
whose lives is given in Periyapurdnam, the names 
of Appar, Siruttondar and Tirujnanasam- 
bandar are important, as they alone furnish us 
some information about the Jains. Of these 

tee, Sambandar is a verv important figure, as 


it was during his time that Jainism received a 
mortal blow, from the effects of which it never 
Sambandar: Bom of a Brahmin priest at Shiyali in the 
and career. Tanjorc District, Saint Sambanda began to smg 
hymns in praise of Siva, when only three years 
old ! Well versed both in the Vedas and Vedan- 
gas, he had no equal in Tamil learning also. 
Proud of his birth as a Brahmin, he spoke highly 
of his caste and the Vedas. He made extended 
pilgrimages to different Saiva shrines in South 
India, singing hymns in praise of Siva and work- 
ing out miracles by the grace of that deity. His 
one object in life seems to have been the putting 
down of heretical faiths, such as Jainism and 
Buddhism. With huge crowds of devotees and 
worshippers accompanying him, he constantly 
peregrinated the Tamil land creating unbounded 
enthusiasm among the people for the cause of 
Saiva religion. A bitter opponent of Jainism, 
every tenth verse of his soul-stirring songs was 
devoted to anathematize the Jams. We are 
not here concerned with the various details of 
his life, but it is interesting to note the 
manner in which Jainism which took such a 
deep root in the Madura country was driven out 
of it. The ruler of the Pandyan kingdom at 
this time was the famous Ninrasir Nedumaran, 
the conqueror of Nelveli, otherwise known as 
Sundara Pandyan, who, from all accounts we 
know was a staunch Jain. He had for his 
wife Mangayarkarasi, the daughter of the Chola 


king and a devoted worshipper of Siva. The 
Pandyan king's minister who played a great 
part in the religious history of the time was 
Kulachchirai who was also a worshipper of Siva. 
These two contrived to bring Tiruj fianasam- 
bandar to Tiruvalavai (Madura) with a view to 
•convert the king to their own faith and thus 
establish Saivism in the land. The mvitation 
was' readily accepted by the saint to the great 
consternation of the Jain ascetics of Madura. 
The facts and circumstances concerning the 
saint's visit to Madura may be considered 
historical, though the miracles attributed to Sam- 
bandar are obviously legendary. It would appear 
irom the account given in Periyapurdnam that tj^^ straggle 
the Jains attempted to set fire to the building 
occupied by the Saiva saint and his Brahmin 
followers. The plot was discovered and the 
danger averted. The king suddenly fell ill 
and his Jain advisers were asked to cure him. 
They failed in the attempt and the pious c[ueen 
and the* minister begged the king's permission to 
allow Tiruj nanasambandar to treat him. Sam- 
bandar sang a hymn or two and the king soon 
recovered. Elated with success, the clever Sam- 
banda took full advantage of this opportunity 
to prove to the king the utter futility of Jain 
Mantras and the uselessness of the Jain reli- 
gion. The doubting sovereign ordered the Jains 
to accept the challenge thrown by the Brahmin 
saint. Two tests were employed, by mutual 
agreement, to decide the superiority of their 



respective faiths — the ordeals of fire and water^ 
A fire was kindled and into it were thrown the 
sacred books of the Jains and the leaf containing- 
the hymns of Sambanda. The latter instead of 
being burnt shone quite green in the flames, 
while the Jain books were reduced in no 
time to ashes. Blushing with shame, and 
fuming with anger, the Jains hoped for better 
luck in the other test. This time, the books 
were thrown into the river Vaigai, famous 
for its swift current. The leaf containing the 
hymns of the Saiva saint swam against the 
current, while the Jain books drifted along 
with it. This was a great blow to the 
Jains. From this time on, they not only 
lost the confidence of the king but hundreds 
of them were impaled. Such is the legendary 
account of Tirujfianasambandar. Amidst fables 
and mythical accounts there stands the historic 
personality of Tirujfianasambandar who 
brought about the conversion of the king of 
Madura from Jainism to Saivism. * Thia was a 
death blow to Jainism in the south. 

The Age of The date of Tirujfianasambandar and there- 
sambandar. f^^^ ^f Kun Paudya^ is very important, as it 
fixes the age of the downfall of Jainism in South 
India. Mr. Taylor^ assigned 1320 B.C. as the 
date of Kun Pandya, while Dr. CaldwelP con- 
tended that he flourished in 1292 A.D. Thus,. 

He is otherwise known as ^ Nelson, Madura CouTUry^ 

Ninrasir Nedumaran and Sun- P^?^ J"' ^\ ™* P* ^^\ ^ 

^ Caldwell, Comparative Gram* 
dara Pandya. ^^^ ^j Dravidian languages. 



in fixing the date of Kun Pandya, individual 
opinions drift at pleasure from 14th century 
B.C. to 13th century A.D. The late Professor 
Sundaram Pillai^ has maintained that the open- 
ing of the seventh centur}^ A.D. was the latest 
period that could be assigned to Sambandar. 
From the internal evidence furnished by Saiva 
literature, the learned Professor has proved that 
Jnanasambandar should have preceded by a 
few centuries Kandaraditya, one of the authors 
of Tiru-Isaippa, the ninth book of the Saiva 
Bible of the Tamils. This Kandaraditya should 
have flourished about the close of the ninth 
century, as he is known to have preceded by 
several generations Raja Raja Deva, the con- 
structor of the Tanjore temple (984 A.D.). As 
the renowned Sankaracharya (8th century) 
referred to Jnanasambandar as '' the Dravida 
child " it is evident that Sambandar flourished 
before him. From his hymns it is known that 
Sambandar was a great friend of Siruttondar who 
was a generalissimo and fought for the Pallava 
King, Narasimha Varman I, at Vatapi (Badami). 
Happily, the date of the destruction of Vatapi 
by the Pallava king was discovered by the late 
Mr. Venkiah (642 A.D.) and this fixed the age 
of Tirujnanasambandar. For, it nmst be re- 
membered, Tirujnanasambandar, Siruttondar 
and another saint of whom we shall have to 
speak presently, Tirunavukkarasar, popularly 
known as Appar, were all contemporarieSc 

^ Tamilian Antiquary No. 3. Some Milestones in the History of 
Tamil literature. 

„ 5 



And thus they must have flourished m the first 
half of the seventh century A.D. which is the 
period of the decline and downfall of Jainism in 
Southern India. 
Apparand ^^ ^^^^ l^^ty ^^^^^ ^^ Hiudu revival in the 
Jamism. south, there was associated witli Sambandar 
another great saint Tirunavukkarasar, an elder 
contemporary of Sambandar. If Sambandar 
brought about the downfall of Jainism in 
the Pandyan Kingdom, Appar drove the Jains 
out of the Pallava country. Appar ^ was born of 
Vellala parents at Tiruvamur in the South Arcot 
District. He had an elder sister, Tilakavati by 
name. She was betrothed to Kalippakai who, 
however, died in the war between the Pallava 
king, Parameswara Varma, and the Chalukyas 
(660 A.D.). After the death of her husband,, 
she devoted her life to the service of Siva, while 
her brother Appar became a Jain and spent 
his life in the Jain cloisters at Tiruppapuliyur 
under the name of Dharmasena. In his later 
years, as a result of the prayers of his sister, he 
became a convert to the Saiva faith and with 
all the zeal of a new convert, he began to perse- 
cute the Jains in the Pallava country. He is 
also credited with having converted to Saivism 
the Pallava king, Mahendra Varman, son of 
Narasimha Varman I, from Jainism. Most of his 
hymns are of an autobiographical nature and 
from them we learn that he repented his past 
company and association with the Digambara 

1 See note 2, p. 154. 


Jains. His account of the Jains is interesting ; 
but unfortunately, ttie value of the poems is to 
be discounted much, as the vindictive spirit of a 
Eeophite is displayed throughout. According 
to him Jainism was put down in the Tamil 
country by the strenuous preaching of Saint 
Jnanasambandar and Vaishnava x4.postles, Tiru- 
mazhisai and Tirumangai. 

Thus, during the middle half of the seventh The 
and the beginning of the eighth centuries A.D., of Jainism. 
the Jains sustained a series of reverses both 
in the Pallava and the Pandya country. The 
Chola kings did not encouraoje durino; this 
period the Jain religion, as they were devoted 
to the worship of Siva. But it is a mistake to 
suppose that the Jains were rooted out of those 
territories. The 8,000 Jains who were impaled at 
the instance of Tiru jnanasambandar, the arch- 
enemy of Jainism, were all of them leaders and 
not followers. From the Periyapurdnani account 
of the saints, it is evident that both in the Pallava 
and Pr'indya countries they were cruelly perse- 
cuted. The hymns of xlppar are full of 
references to such a religious persecution. 
Making ample allowance for exaggeration, there 
is no reason to doubt the fact. The Jains in the 
sixth and seventh centuries A.D. had vast poli- 
tical influence in the Tamil country, especially 
the Pandyan kingdom. From the time of 
e Kalabhra invasion down to the period of 

Kun Pandya's conversion, the Jains must have 
►ntrolled the policy of that state. They took 
' ■ ■ 



every advantage of the opportunity thus pre- 
sented and rigorously carried on a crusade 
against Vedic religion. This soon brought 
about a reaction. The conversion of Kun 
Pandya, therefore, is not a mere episode in the 
religious history of the Madura kingdom. It is 
nothing less than a political revolution, the 
fruits of which the Brahmin Saint, Tirujiiana- 
sambandar, reaped to the full. Not only hun- 
dreds and thousands of recalcitrant Jains were 
driven out of the country, but many were forced 
by circumstances to embrace Saivism. 
References to Before Considering the part the Vaishnavaite 

the Jains . . 

mTemram. Alvars took in tliis general movement 
against the Jains of the Tamil land, let 
us inquire what light the Temram hymns 
throw on the life and activities of the Jains, 
in the seventh or eisjhth centuries A.D. The 
stronghold of the Jains in the south was 
Madura and the ascetics who guided the move- 
ment generally lived in the eight mountains 
surrounding Madura, such as AnaimaUi, Pasu-^ 
malai and so on.^ They kept themselves seve- 
rely aloof, not caring to mix w^th the society a' 
large. If women happened to meet them in th( 
streets, they rushed in and bolted their doors 
out of shame. ^ They seem to have spokei 

Q^euiTff^ ^Qf)(ip(oS)/D, e^SDirJi^iT^ uemi^^ir u^ulj^ 1911. 
^ *' ^&a<suiu(riu^ ^SoOu/S^^S^u QufTjSlujpp a^ixxsesr s^ir Qs^irioQeo 

Q^, ^. 698, ^uun-^ ^ QT^ean ([F^rr ^ 'QLoLQiueofrtl)* 


Prakrit and other mantrams with a nasal twang.^ 
Ever bent upon denouncing the Vedas and the 
Brahmins^, they went from place to place in the 
hot sun, preaching against the Vedas and carrying 
in their hands an umbrella, a mat and a peacock 
feather.^ These Jain ascetics whom Sambandar 
compares to monkeys* were very fond of theolo- 
gical disputations^ and delighted in vanquishing, 
in debate, leaders of otlier religions. Pulling 
out the hair from their head^, these naked 
ascetics stood unabashed before womenJ They 
did not clean their body before eating.^ These 
cruel monsters who undertook the most brutal 
vows of self-mortification ^ ate very frequently 

Q^. ^. 858, ^rr.^Fili.^ ^eoaumij. * Loire^Qmir^i^ * 2. 

■ Q^, ^. 423, ^uuir, u<sv)ifi-dJtr<smp eui—^sif}^ ^^?isoQu.'eOfru}^ 2. 

<?;5. ^. 8t)5, (Q!r.3=LD.^ ^eoiovcriii^ 'Q<3u^(Ssij<siri£l^* 1, 

Q^. ^, 836, (ffJT.d^U)., LDmp<SiEir(Bf ^^QU!rEl(^Q'SU(oSSTLD<mi60^* 

* « LLe^QutrprSiBiE^y [10. 

^ *' QufT^iLifrir iSmrL^iuirQirmp enuQuirinujirs&r «a//7-^(CO)jj2/s»ir 

Qf', ^. 376. f6^!T,g=L£).^ Qu>8s065^(f^'d<sirL-(E!uue(rGS *(SiJir(7FU)eir 
^li* 10. 

<?^. ^. 1138, (s^ir,,g=U),^ ^aSl^f 'un-i^eoeumTf* 10. 
w^m^ " (^<oSsrL—n:s s (es^ ilj tp^sr g^ esiSitiS^sm® ^sSlQp^iLKrir ^unaprnQ^sr 

IH' ^^' ^' ^^2» ^uuiT, ^^^«, **Qev^^neiit" 7. 

IB c?^. ^. 1063, (55/r. ^ii). 

I^B <? err' 

QS. ^, 510, ^r. ^ii)., Q;60LCL//7tD, "QdBITL^u^mL-^'' 10. 


dried ginger and the leaves of marutha tree ' 
(Terminalia Arjuna) and besmeared their body 
with gallnut powder.^ They were well versed in 
black magic ^ and chanted mantras, the efficacy 
of which they ever praised. 

Such is the account of the Jains as preserved 
for us in the immortal hymns of Tirujnana- 
sambandar and Appar. At the same time, it must 
be noted that it is the description by avowed 
enemies. The main object of Sambandar was 
to rouse the prejudices of the people against the 
Jains, and to depict their practices in the black- 
est colour possible. Abuse, as is well known, is 
no argument and as the hymns contain nothing 
but terrible invectives, we are forced to conclude 
that the methods employed by Appar and Sam- 
bandar to defeat the Jains were not only crude 
but also cruel. On the other hand, it must be 
admitted that the Jains took unfair advantage 
of theii* friendship with, and influence over,| 
ruling sovereigns by having recourse to forcible 
conversion. " | 

The part of Thus during the middle half of the seventh 
Aivars. ceutury A.D.. the Jains sustained a series of 

reverses, both in the Pallava and the Pandya 

C^. ^. 660, (SJfr.^zi)., LDQ^SeOj ^^^lEJSQpLD^'* 10. 

Q^. ^. 288, jijuuir^ ^lurr^y "@^z_(SB)i/,'* 5. 


country. But they were not rooted out of those 
territories, for, Tiramangai Alvar, the famous 
Vaishnava saint and the feudal chieftain of a 
small group of villages called iVli Nadu in the 
north-eastern part of the Chola country, and who 
flourished in the earlier half of the eighth century 
A.D., has frequent notices of the Jains. He 
shared with lys predecessor, Tirumazhisaipiran, 
the bitter hatred of the Jains and other heretical 
sects. Another Alvar, Tondaradipodi, a contem- 
porary of Tirumangai, j oined this general move- 
ment against the Jains and his hymns are terrible 
invectives against the Jain faith, as the following 
quotations will show :— 

(^fE(r(oW Qp<S(oST^(i^6u,i^fr^ 6.) 

^QF^eUirLuQiDfTL^ 5-10-5. 

This clearly shows that the Jains lingered long 
in the country and that Tirumangai Alvar, a 
great religious disputant, came in conflict with 
them, in the course of his pilgrimages to the 
eighty-eight Vaishnava temples scattered 
throughout South India. By the time of Nam- 
malvar, perhaps the last of the Vaishnava saints, 
Jainism and Buddhism had nearly died out of 

Lj8soujp LDtrQiSek/D lj^Q^-it® rFLDmsrQLoeoedirui 

^s^ojpd <3sppLDiTm^irsiTeBaiuQii!r QsL-uQuir^trm, ^QFjUifTBso. 7 

QeugauQufiQ <3^Lo<mrLS!<smi—tr dl^uSleo ff=ir£Siuir,s<oir fSldruireo 
QuirpsuuiB [Ucsrs&irQu^u QuireuQ^ QiBtrin^rrQp 


South India, as he makes only a few references 
to the Jains. 

We may now indicate the main conclusions 
arrived at in the course of our discussion. 

1. That the Jains w^ho weilded powerful 
influence in the 5th, 6th and 7th centuries 
•underwent deterioration. 

2. That the rise of Saiva KTayanars and 
their organised efforts to stamp out Jainism, the 
conversion of Kun Pandya by Tirujnanasam- 
bandar and that of the Pallava King by Appar, 
led to the downfall of the Jains in the Tamil 
land about 750 A.D. 

3. That the Jains were subjected to further 
persecution at the hands of Vaishnava Alvars ^ 
till, in the 9th and 10th centuries, they do not 
seem to have enjoyed any prominence in the 


After the Saiva Nayanars and Vaishnava 
Alvars, there came the great Acharyas or theolo- The rise of 

. . Acharyas. 

gical doctors who aided the evolution of Hindu 
religion a great deal. The earliest of these 
Acharyas, Sankaracharya (8th century A.D.), 
turned his attention towards the north, thus 
indicating that the Jains had ceased to be an 
important factor in the religious life of South 
India. The Jains, after their persecution in the 
Pallava and Pandyan kingdoms, migrated in 
large numbers to their favorite religious centre, 
Sravana Belgola, in Mysore. There they sought 
refuge under the Ganga Rajas w^ho patronised 
them. The few that remained in the Tamil land 
led an obscure life devoid of all political influence 
in the country. Nevertheless they retained 
in full their intellectual vitality which had in 
earlier times produced such classical works as 
Kurahand BilappadiMram. Thus during this 
period of Jain decadence, Chintdmani, one of 
the MahrlMvyds, was composed by the Jain 
saint, Tirutakkadevar. The famous Tamil 
grammarian and Jain, Pavanandi, published 
his N annul in the 13th century A.D., the 
patron who supported him being Seeyagangan, 
evidently a Ganga prince. Besides these they 
were also responsible for the publication of 
many books on grammar, lexicon, and astro- 
nomy. A detailed account of the literature 


of the Jains is given elsewhere. A perusal' 
of some of these treatises indicates that the Jains 
generally lived in large numbers in Mylapore^ 
Nedumbai and Tirumalai. In modern times 
the Tamil Jains are found in groups in the follow- 
ing places ; Chittamur and Perumandur near 
Tindivanam, Tirumalai, Tirunarunkondai and 
Tipangudi. The life and times of the last of 
the Acharyas, Madhvacharya, synchronised with 
the Mahomedan conquest of the south, which 
at once arrested all literary, intellectual and 
religious activities and the Jains shared 
with other religious sects persecution and humi- 
liation at the hands of the idol-breakers. Refer- 
ring to the condition of the Jains at the time, 
M. Earth observes, "It was thus able to hold on 
till the period of Mahomedan domination, the 
effect of which was to arrest the propagation of 
Hinduism and which, while it evidently contri- 
buted to the religious, political and social dis- 
memberment of the nation everywhere, showed 
itself conservative of minorities, small associa- 
tions and small churches." 
Scanty The Origin, development and decay of 

the Jains in the extreme south of India 
have thus far been traced with the aid of 
Tamil literature. A detailed account, how- 
ever, of the Jains in the Tamil country, cannot 
be written, as records are scanty. Indeed, there 
is some truth in what Mr. Frazer said, '' So far^ 
history traces the fluctuating fortunes of the 
inilers, who in the early ages held the sovereign^ 


power, south of the Vindhyas. The literature 
of the South like that of the North takes but 
little note of the political history of the time."^ 
What little knowledge we now possess regard- 
ing Jain history is mostly due to the records 
left by antiquarians and travellers who were 
most of them Europeans.^ Moreover, we are 
always obliged, as M. Earth truly observes,^ to 
refer to Brahminical sources for a general 
view of Jain history and they are not likely, con- 
sidering the animosity that existed between the 
two sects, to give a true account of the Jains. 
Hence no little difficulty has been experienced 
in distinguishing various epochs in the develop- 
ment of Jainism. 

It is beyond the scope of this work to describe 
Jain society — the manners and customs of Jains. 
The subject has received adequate attention at 
the hands of Col. Mackenzie and Colebrooke.* 
Nor is it possible to deal at length wdth Jain 
architecture.^ But an attempt is made here 
to examine how far Hindu society has been 
affected by its long contact with Jainism. 

' Frazer, Literary History of the last man who held any such 

India, p. 309. ' title. The Tuluva Jain kings 

2 Buchanan, for example, has and their descendants degener- 

■pvefieTyed in his Travels (2 Vols.) ated gradually into mere culti- 

interesting accounts of the Jains vators of the soil. One of them 

in Malabar. He notes that the became a pensioner of the East 

Tuluva country was once occu- India Company. Travels, Vol. 3, 

pied by Jain chiefs, the Jain Chapter XIV, p. 19. 

family of Byrasudayar being ^ Barth, Religions of India^ 

particularly powerful. This p. 140. 

family underwent disruption at '* Vide Asiatic Researches, Vol. 

the hands of Sivappanayakar of IX, Chapters 4 and 5. See also 

Ikkeri who, after dividing the Beauchamp, Hindu Manners and 

country into petty districts. Customs, pp, ^^i) — 700. 

placed over each of them a Jain '" Fergusson devotes one whole 

Raja. But Tippu Sultan hanged book to Jain Architecture, Ek. V. 


The Jain ^he Jains had been great students and copv- 

to Tamil ists of books.^ They loved literature and art 


for their own sake. The Jain contribution to 
Tamil literature forms the most precious posses- 
sion of the Tamils. The largest portion of the 
Sanskrit derivatives found in the Tamil language 
was introduced by the Jains. They altered the 
Sanskrit words which they borrowed in order to 
bring it in accordance with Tamil euphonic 
rules. ^ One great peculiarity of Jain Tamil 
literature is that in some of the works which 
have become classical, Kural and Ndladiydr for 
example, there is no mention of any particular 
God or religion. Not only Tamil literature but 
Canarese literature also owes a great deal to 
Jains. In fact they were its originators. 
'' Until the middle of the twelfth century it is 
exclusively Jain and Jaina literature continues 
to be prominent for long after. It includes all 
the more ancient and many of the most eminent 
of Oanarese writings."^ Thus Rev. F. Kittel : 
'' They have not only written from sectarian 
motives, but also from a love for science and 
have reproduced several Sanskrit scientific works 
in Canarese."* 
The Doctrine Almusct 01 non-killiug of Kviug beings has been 
the essential principle of Jain moral conduct 
and, as M. Barth observes, " No Hindu sect has 
carried Alwnsa further, that is, respect for absti- 

1 Burnell, South Indian ^ E. P. Rice, The. History of 
Palaeography, p. 88. Cannre^e Literature, (The Heri- 

2 Caldwell, Comparative tage of India Series), p. 12. 
Gramynar of Dravidian languages y ^Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV, 
(III Edition) p. 85. 1875, p. 15. 


nence trom everything that has life. Not only 
do thev abstain absolutely from all kinds of 
flesh, but the more rigid of them drink only 
filtered water, breathe only through a veil and 
go sweeping the ground before them, for fear 
of unconsciously swallowing or crushing any 
invisible animalcule." How far this Jain 
respect for the life of living beings, a respect 
shown in daily practice, has influenced the Vedic 
rites and ceremonies can be seen from the fact 
that animal sacrifices in certain religious func- 
tions were completely stopped^ and images of 
beasts made of flour were substituted for the 
real and veritable ones required in conducting 
Ydgams. Tamil poets have received inspiration 
in this matter from the Jains and passages might 
be cited from Tamil literature to indicate the 
extreme abhorrence with which Dravidians, a 
large section of them at any rate, regarded eating 

Idol worship and temple building; on a grand Temples and 

1 • o. ;i T T 1 1 1 . Institutions. 

scale m boutn India have also to be attributed to 

Jain influence. The essence of Brahminism 

was not idol worship. How came it then that 

the Dravidians built large temples in honour of 

their gods ? The answer is simple. The Jains 

erected statues to their Tirthankaras and other 

spiritual leaders and worshipped them in large 

temples. As this method of worship was highly 

impressive and attractive, it was at once 

|H| imitated. Especially after the advent of Appar 

r and Sambandar, a period of miracles and piety 



was inaugurated and it was at this time that the 
whole country was studded with temples.^ It is 
further curious to note that, in the temples so 
constructed, a niche was given to each of the 
saints who in any way contributed to the revival 
of Saivism. In the great temple at Madura, as 
many as sixty-three Nayanars or Saiva devotees 
have been given a niche, each of them. One 
wonders if the Saivites had not borrowed this 
custom from the Jains who worshipped their 
saints in the way described, long before these 
Nayanars flourished. By far the most important 
of the Jain influences that led either to the 
intellectual or moral uplift of the Dra vidians 
was the establishment throughout South India 
of Matams and Patasdlas to counteract the 
effects of Jain centres of learning and 
propagandism."^ Such Pdtasdlas or theological 
seminaries are now scattered throughout South 

Modern A reference may now be made to the present 

ami ams. ^^^^^ ^£ South Indian Jains. ^ According to the 

Census Report there are nearly 28,000 Jains in 

the Madras Presidency, the districts South 

' Tamiliiin Antiquary, No. 3, masters, or merchants of whom 

p,23. the writer of this essay was one. 

. „ ^ , ^, ^ J . Some of the Sonars from Jeypoor, 

' Fergusson, Book ^ , Indmn ^^^^^^ -^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ are Jains. 

Architecture. r^^^^^ ^^^ ^1^^ j^i^ ^^^^^^-^^ -^ 

' The following note of Mr. Royapuram, the Mount, Pala- 

Sastram Ayyar, translated by veram, Madavaram, Pondicherry 

Bower, ma\^ be read with inter- and Tan j ore. They have a 

est. "There are about 15 f ami- temple at Chittamoor, 30 miles 

lies of Jains in Madras, residing west of Pondicherry, dedicated 

in Muttialpettah and Peddu- to Singapurinada. They have 

naikanpettah. They are School- also a Pagoda at PerrulJ" 


Kanara, North Arcot and South Arcot alone 
containing more than 23,000 Jains. The major- 
ity of these scattered remnants are poor culti- 
vators, ignorant, illiterate and all unconscious 
of the noble history and spacious traditions of 
their fathers. Their brethren in the north who 
represent a survival of early Jainism are 
comparatively better off in life, most of them 
being wealthy traders, merchants and money- 

The vast Jain remains in South India of muti- The Jain 

. -, , remains. 

lated statues, deserted caves and rumed temples 
at once recall to our mind the greatness of the 
religion in days gone by and the theological 
rancour of the Brahmins who wiped it out of all 
active existence. The Jains had been forgotten ; 
their traditions have been ignored ; but, the 
memory of that bitter struggle between Jainism 
and Hinduism, characterised by bloody episodes 
in the south, is constantly kept alive in the series 
of frescoes^ on the wall of the Mantapam of the 
Golden Lily Tank of the famous Minakshi 
Temple at Madura. These paintings illustrate 
the persecution and impaling of the Jains at the 
instance of the arch-enemy of Jainism, Tiru- 
jnanasambandar. As though this were not 
sufficient to humiliate that unfortunate race, the 
whole tragedy is gone through at five of the 
twelve annual festivals at the Madura temple. 
It is, indeed, sad to reflect that, beyond the 

^ Imperial Gazeteer, Bombay Preside,ncy, Vol. I, pp. 17, 18 
and 227. 


lingering legends in secluded spots and the way- 
side statues of her saints and martyrs, Jainism 
in the south has left little to testify to the high 
purposes, the comprehensive proselytizing zeal 
and the political influence which she inspired in. 
her fiery votaries of old. 


In one of the earlier chapters, reference was 
made to the Jain contribution to South Indian 
learning and culture. The subject is so vast 
that an attempt is made now to indicate, only 
in ^ough outlines, the nature of such a contribu- ^ 
tion and its permanent influence. 

It is well known that, among the Dravidian Early 
tribes of South India, the Tamils were the first literature, 
to possess a literature. Unfortunately, most of 
the pre-Sangam works are either lost or not 
known to us. If they are available, we will be 
able to know something about the religion, the 
morals and the civilization of the pre-Sangam 
age in the Tamil land. Some of the earliest of 
Tamil poems, however, give us a clue to under- 
stand the type of culture that must have pre- 
vailed in the country, long before the earliest 
Brahmin settlers under the leadership of sage 
Agastyar came to the Podiyil hill. Poems like 
AhanoMuru and Purandnuru which have been 
recently published show that the earliest tribes 
were a warlike race like the Germanic tribes. 
They loved war and adventurous life. Their 
literature, therefore, is full of references to their 
martial habits. A change in the tone of Tamil 

Iterature is noticed after the advent of the 
Liyans, among whom must be included the 
tuddhists and the Jains. Under the influence 


of the Brahmins who were brought in by kings 
and chiefs for the purpose of ministering to the 
spiritual needs of the people, Tamil poetry 
came to be largely panegyric in nature. But 
the Jains and the Buddhists who entered the 
Tamil land in large and ever-increasing numbers 
disliked the military habits and the hunting 
pursuits of the Tamils, as being contrary to the 
spirit of their religions which proclaimed, abo^^e 
all else, the message of Ahimsa. Their simple 
life, their intense piety, and the zeal with which 
they propagated their faith, soon won for them 
royal patronage and court favour. These they 
were not slow to take advantage of. Well 
versed in Sanskrit and Prakrit literature, they 
imposed their ideals, their expressions and forms 
of life on the literature of the early Tamils. 
This largely accounts for the didactic nature 
of early Sangam literature. Yet, as Mr. M. 
Srinivasa Ayyangar remarks : '' In every depart- 
ment of Tamil literature, we can still perceive 
a slender veil of Dravidian thought running 
through. Its groundwork is purely non- Aryan 
The Augustan and its superstructure necessarily Aryan." This 
literaturer^ period in which Aryan thought and learning 
gained mastery over native sentiments and 
literature, and in which the second and third 
Academies are said to have flourished in the city 
of Madura, is sometimes called the Augustan 
age of Tamil literature. 

It is a matter for fruitful speculation to in- 
quire what would have been the trend of Tamil 


literature but for the advent of the Jains and 
the Buddhists, more particularly of the former. 
In all probability, we would never have had 
those masterpieces of Tamil literature like Kural, 
Silappadikdram, Manimekalai and Chintdmani. 
We would certainly have had brilliant pieces of 
panegyric poetry composed by intelligent Brah- 
min bards. But literature of the kind that 
it' is now the proud boast of the Tamils to 
possess, we could certainly not have had. 

Scholars have divided Tamil literature into Damodaram 


broad periods, accordmg to the nature of ciassificatioa 

. n T • • • 1 ^^ Tamil 

miiuences that were predommant m particular literature, 
periods. It was Damodaram Pillay, the learned 
editor of Tolkdppiyam and other works, that 
first attempted a division of this kind. His 
division is as follows : — 

1. Pre-historic, 

2. Alphabetic. 

3. Gramma tic, 

4. Academic from 10150 B.C.— 150 B.C. 

5. Lethargic 150 B.C.— 50 A.D. 

6. Jain 50 A.D.— 350 A.D. 

17. Puranic 350—1150 A.D. 
8. Monastic 1150—1850 A.D. 
An improvement was made on this division Saryanara- 
l)y the late Mr. Suryanarayana Sastri. HisSfe^tbi^ 


scheme looks quite simple. He has divided 
Tamil literature into the following periods : — 

1. The early 8000 B.C. to 100 A.D. in- 

cluding the age of the Sangams or 
the three Academies. 

2. The Medieval. 

3. (a) The first half : 100—600 A.D. when 

the five major and the five mincer 
epics and other works were written. 
(b) The second half : 600 to 1400 A.D. 
the period when, according to him, 
Tevdram, Tiruvoimozhi, Rdmdyanam, 
Nala Venbd and other works were 

4. The Modern : from 1400 A.D. 

It would take us far away from the purpose 
of this w^ork, if we entered into a critical 
examination of these two schemes of classifica- 
tion. Nevertheless, it may be remarked that 
the above divisions are based on mere legends 
about the existence of the three Academies, each 
extending over several thousands of years, thus 
taking the beginnings of South Indian History 
and of Tamil culture to the glacial period. More 
patriotic than sound, the divisions cannot now 
stand the test of historic criticism. We shall, 
therefore, pass on to the classification of Dr. 

The learned bishop divides Tamil literature 
imo seven cycles, citing some author or work as 
representative of each cycle. 



Dr. CaldwelVs Classification, 

No. Name of Cycle. 


Representative works 
or authors. 


The Jaina cycle or 
the cycle of the 

8th or 9th-12th 
or 13th century. 

Rural, Naladiyar.Chin- 
ta mani, Divakara m 
and Nannul. 


The Ramayana 

13th century 



The Saiva revival 

1 3th and 14th 

Tevdram and Tiru- 


The Vaishnava 


The Vaishnava Pra- 


The cycle of the 
literary revival. 

15th and 16th 


The Anti-Brahmi- 
nical cycle. 

17th century 

Siddhar school came 
into existence dur- 
ing this period. 


The Modem cycle . . 

18th and 19th 

That the above classification is defective in 
many respects needs no mention. Those defects 
have been pointed out in an able manner by the 
late Prof. Sundaram Pillai in his Milestones 
in Tamil Literature, And yet the bishop's 
remarks in regard to the existence of the Sangam 
about the 8th century A.D. need not be dis- 
missed with such contempt, as has been done by 
scholars who have criticised him. There are to 
be found, even to-day, when our knowledge of 


epigraphy has advanced considerably, students 
of ancient history of South India, who think 
that the period of Sangam activity is to be 
sought in the century prior to the time of the 
Tamil Vatteluttu inscriptions which begin in the 
Pandya and the Chera countries in the last quarter 
of the 8th century A.D. Apart from the question 
whether or not many Sangam authors flourished 
in the early centuries of the Christian era, 
evidences are growing to show that what is known 
as Sangam literature was perhaps reduced to 
writing in the 6th and 7th centuries A.D. This 
consideration need not, however, prevent us 
from rejecting the classification of Dr. Caldwell 
as unsound. Other classifications of Tamil 
literature are those by Sir William Hunter and 
juiien Vin- Mr. Julicu Viusou of Paris, both of which are 
fication. howcver vitiated by the conclusion of Dr. Cald- 
well which, in some respects, the two savants 
had accepted. Of these Juiien Vinson's deserves 
mention, as it approaches accuracy in the 
sequence of events mentioned. In one respect 
he has, like Caldwell, grossly erred in 
attributing the rise of Vaishnavites to the 15th 
and 16th centuries. According to the French 
scholar there were — 

(1) a period of essays, pamphlets and short 

poems (6th and 7th centuries) ; 

(2) a period of Jain predominance (8th 

century) ; 


(3) a period of struggle between Saivas and 

Jains (9th century) ; 

(4) a period of Saiva predominance (lOth 

century) ; and 

(5) a period of Vaishnavas (15tli and 

16th centuries). 
As we have already seen, we must look to the 

middle half of the 7th century A.D. for the 
period of struggle between the Saivas and the 
Jains. After that period the Jains were exter- 
minated and their influence was little felt, and 
yet it is exactly in that century Julien 
Vinson would have us suppose that the Jains 
predominated. We have stated the position 
taken up by the various English scholars as 
regards periods of Tamil literature merely to 
show that, so long as we are not able to fix mile- 
stones in the history of literature, no such attempt 
can be considered as either sound or rational. 
Nevertheless, it had become the fashion for 
writers on Tamil history and literature to adopt 
such a plan. The talented author of the Tamil 
Studies, notwithstanding his trenchant and 
accurate criticism of the views of various scholars m. Srinivasa 
in regard to this subject, has himself committed classification. 
the error which he warned others to avoid. 
We shall therefore take up for our consideration 
whether his division of Tamil literature into 
periods is at all sound. He has exhibited his 
arrangement thus : — 






B.C. 600-200 

B.C. 200-150 

A.D. 150-500 

A.D. 500-950 

A.D. 950— 

A.D. 1200— 

A.D. 1450— 

I. Animistie :. .'] 

IL Buddhist .. | 
III. Jaina 

I. Aeademic (Tol 
Kural, etc.) 

II. Classic (Silap- 

IV. Brahmanic . . III. Hymnal (Teva- 
ram, Tiruva- 
chakam, Tiru- 
voimozhi, etc.) 

V. Sectarian 

VI. Reforma- 

VII. Modern 

IV. Translations — 


V. Exegeticai 

by Nacchi-nai- 
kiniyai, Adi- 

VI. Miscellaneous. 

I. Early 
Grammar : 





! piyam, 



III. Modern 

yam and 

According to him, 150—500 A.D. forms a dis- 
tinct period — the Jain period of Tamil literature. 
The representative works ascribed by him to 
this period are Silappadikdram, Manimekalai^ 
PattupdttUy etc. Of these only Silappadikdram 
may be considered as a Jain work. More pro- 
perly, it is a work \ratten by a Jain monk. Can 
therefore the existence of only one Jain work in a 
period covering nearly four centuries be consider- 
ed sufficient enough as to call it the Jain period 
of Tamil literature ? It cannot also be supposed 

KURAL. 89 

that the style and diction of Silappadikdram 
were such as to have influenced the other lite- 
rary productions of the age. Moreover, some 
^f the best books written by the Jains belong to 
9th or 10th century A.D. For these reasons, 
150—500 A.D. cannot be considered as the Jain 
period of Tamil literature. Again 200 B.C.— 
150 A.D. is supposed to be the Buddhistic 
period and the main works cited for this period 
are Tolkdppiyam and Kural. The author of 
Tolkdppiyam is usually supposed to be a 
Brahmin, but very cogent reasons have been 
adduced lately for regarding him a Jain, while 
Kural was certainly composed by a Jain. There 
are no traces of Buddhistic influence in any of 
these works. The best thing, therefore, seems to 
be not to divide Tamil literature into periods 
corresponding to the predominance of religious 

Instead, therefore, of adopting the familiar 
plan of dividing Tamil literature into periods, 
we shall attempt to classify Jain works under 
various groups, such 'as Didactics, Kavyas and 
other treatises. 

1. Didactic Works. 

Among works of this nature composed by the 
Jains, special mention must be made of 
Tirukkural, Ndladiydr and PazJiamozhi Ndnuru, 

I, Kural— We have already noticed thsit Kural : its 

. . importance. 

its author was a Jam. But every rival sect m 
the Tamil country has claimed Kural as its 


own. The Kural is a masterpiece of Tamil 
literature, containing some of the highest and 
purest expressions of human thought. Writing 
of Kural, M. Ariel says: '' That which above 
all is wonderful in the Kurral is the fact that its 
author addresses himself, without regard to 
castes, peoples or beliefs, to the whole commu- 
nity of mankind ; the fact that he formulates 
sovereign morality and absolute reason ; that he 
proclaims in their very essence, in their eternal 
abstractedness, virtue and truth ; that he pre- 
sents, as it were, in one group the highest laws 
of domestic and social life ; that he is equally 
perfect in thought, in language, and in poetry, in 
the austere metaphysical contemplation of the 
great mysteries of the Divine Nature, as in the 
easy and graceful analysis of the tenderest 
emotions of the heart." 

The Kural owes much of its popularity to its 
exquisite poetic form. '' It is an apple of gold 
in a network of silver." It has been trans- 
lated into various European languages. It is cos- 
mopolitan in its teachings and appeals directly 
both to the head and heart of every religionist. 
Even Christians do not neglect Kural. On 
the other hand, they strongly believe that the 
teachings of Valluvar were more or less borrowed 
from Saint Thomas who, according to tradition,, 
obtained his martyrdom at Mylapore. Thus, 
Dr. Pope : — '*■ Mayilapur to us is better known 
as S. Thome. In this neighbourhood a Christian 


community has existed from the earliest times. 
Here are fine old Armenian and Portuguese 
churches ; and a Christian inscription of the 
5th century. Here Pantaenus of Alexandria 
taught ; and we are quite warranted in imagining 
Tiruvalluvar, the thoughtful poet, the eclectic, 
to whom the teaching of the Jains was as fami- 
liar as that of every Hindu sect, who was not 
hindered by any caste prejudices from familiar 
intercourse with foreigners, whose one thought 
was to gather knowledge from every source, 
whose friend, the sea-captain, would bring him 
tidings of every stranger's arrival (coming from 
Ceylon, perhaps, in his own dhoney) : we may 
fairly, I say, picture him pacing along the sea- 
shore with the Christian teachers, and imbibing 
Christian ideas, tinged with the peculiarities of 
the Alexandrian school, and day by day working 
them into his own wonderful Kurral'^ 

2. Ndladiydr. — Ndladiydr, another Jain work, 
is an anthology containing 400 quatrains in 40 
chapters. It stands in the estimation of the 
Tamils, next to Kural. It treats about the 
transitoriness of wealth and other vanities of 
human wishes. It lays special importance on 
the cultivation of virtue and truth and the 
possession of saintly character. There is a tradi- 
tion regarding the composition of Ndladimr, ^'niadiyar : 

® ® ^ ^ its tradition; 

The story goes : Once upon a time, 8,000 Jain 
sages visited the Pandyan kingdom during a 
period of famine in their own native place. 
When the famine ended and when better days 


dawned, these Jains prepared to go back to 
their own country. The Pandyan king was very 
unwilling to lose the company of these learned 
men and refused them permission to return. 
Thereupon, one night, these 8,000 Jains placed 
under their respective s.eats, each one quatrain, 
and gently slipped out of the city. When the 
king heard of this, he got angry and ordered a 
search to be made of their residence. The 8,000 
quatrains were brought to the king. He ordered 
them to be thrown into the river Vaigai. Much to 
the astonishment of the king, 400 of these bits 
swam against the current and came to the bank. 
These were then picked up, collated and published. 

Apart from traditions, there is no doubt that 
some Jains of Madura were the authors of these 
poems containing excellent mxoral sentiments. 
The period of their composition must be referred 
to the time after the founding of the Digambara 
Jain Sangam at Madura (470 A.D.) ; the 
references in the anthology to Muttaraiyar would 
further show that these quatrains were written 
at a time when the Kalabhras were in occupation 
of the Madura country. 
PazhamozU Pazliamozlii Ndnuvu.—l^hQ: author of this 

Ndnuru. , t • i • • ti/t 

work was a Jam kmg ot Munrurai, perhaps a 
feudatory of the Pandyan kings. As every stanza 
has a proverb tacked to it in the end, it is called 
Pazhamozhi (a proverb). These proverbs, now 
little remembered, were current in the days of 
the last Academy at Madura. A careful study 
of these proverbs will enable us to form an idea 


of the ancient Tamil civilisation. As in Kural 
the sentiments expressed are cosmopolitan 
in nature. Some of the topics treated in the 
book are learning, great men, perseverance, 
royalty and household life. 

This book has now been edited in a masterly 
manner by the late Mr. T. Chelvakesavaroya 
Mudaliar of the Pachiappa's College, Madras. 

2. Major Kavyas. 

In Tamil literature there are five major kavyas 
and five minor ones. The major epics are Mam- 
mekalai, SilappadiMram, Valaydpadi, Chintd- 
mani and Kundalahesi. Of these the Jains 
were responsible for tliree. 

Silap'padiMram. — The references to Kounti- suappadi- 

' . - . karam. 

adigal and to innumerable Jam stotras 
clearlv indicate the Jain origin of the 
book. As has already been stated, its author 
wasllangovadigal, a brother of the Chera prince, 
Senguttuvan. *Silappadikdram is a storehouse 
of information on the state of Jains in the Tamil 
land. Being composed at a time when the Jains 
had just established themselves in the various 
centres of learning, the work does not naturally 
contain demmciations of other faiths. The moral 
sought to be inculcated by the epic is, that as 
life, youth and riches are evanescent, men should 
take warning and malce the best use of their life 
in doing good deeds, which alone would be of 
benefit in their after-life. Divided into three 



cantos of 30 Kadais, the work is dedicated to 
the three great capital cities of the Tamil land. 
The story is so well known that it is needless 
to give a summary of it here. 

Valaydpadi is an unpublished Jain work. A 
study of the 50 and odd poems of this epic pub- 
lished a few years ago in Sen Tamil indicate that 
the epic treats of lives of Jain sages. 

vhintamani: Chintdmani . — ^Thc greatest in importance, of 
3 exce ence. ^^^ j^j^ works, is of course Chintdmani. The 

frequent use of the double plural '* kal ' in Chintd- 
mani indicates that its author belongs to the 
period of the x^lvars whose writings are replete 
with such a kind of double plural. Tiruttakka- 
devar, the author of Chintdmani^ is an eminent 
Sanslcritist. His work not only contains what 
was best in Sanskrit literature? but also gives us 
the essence of the Sangam poems. Add to these 
a thorough and intelligent grasp of the chief 
tenets of the Jain faith. It treats of the life of 
a king, Jivakan, from his birth to the attainment 
of bliss. The various incidents connected with 
the life of this hero are «in.tended to preach the 
following morals : — 

1. That a king should not be hasty in his 
action and that he should consult his ministers 
several times before determinmg on final action. 

2. Ruin is the ultimate result of the actions 
of those who keep with women. 

3. Preceptor's orders and his advice should 
be implicitly obeyed. 


4. He who wants to conquer his enemy 
should never utter a word about his designs 
under any circumstance, till the proper time 
^comes for realising his object. 

5. It must be the duty of men to relieve the 
'distress of others. 

6. No one should ill-treat those who had 
never rendered him any injury. 

7. A true friend will prove to be a source of 
great help. 

8. Under all circumstances, whether of joy 
or of sorrow, it is becoming for men not to lose 
their mental equilibrium. 

9. Mercy and tenderness to all animals must 
be the watchword of all men. 

10. Try to rectify the man who is pursuing 
evil ways. 

And, above all, never forget kindness done 
to you. 

It is not easv to determine the original of this 
Tamil epic. It is conjectured that some of the 
Sanskrit treatises like Kshatra Chuddmani, 
and Kattia Chinfdmani might be the basis of 
this work. 

Nothing definite is known of tlie life of the Tiruttakka- 
author Tiruttakkadevar. But a tradition gives tirrTregaSng 
the following account of the circumstance under tiLn'^Crc/jin- 
which the epic was composed. According to '^'^^'^*' 
this, Tiruttakkadevar belongs to the Chola 
country and learned various arts from renowned 
masters. He studied all the Sangam works 


with great care and was equally proiicient in 
Sanskrit. Hearing of the fame of Madura, a 
great centre of Tamil learning, Tiruttakka- 
devar went there and spent most of his time in 
conversing with learned Pundits. One day,, 
the poets of the city made a somewhat disparag- 
ing remark about the puritanic nature of Jain 
compositions and desired to know if Tiruttak- 
kadevar was competent to write on such sub- 
jects as love and luxury. He replied that the 
elains cared only for serious poetry and that their 
religion would not permit of such contemptible 
things as love and luxury being made subjects- 
of literary compositions. The Sangam poets? 
persisting in their remark, Tiruttakkadevar 
proceeded at once to his preceptor and laid the 
full case before him. The preceptor, equally 
anxious to demonstrate the capacity of the 
Jains to undertake literary work of such kind 
and willing to test the ability of his disciple^ 
asked him to compose poems on a jackal that 
was just then passing by. Instantaneously, 
Tiruttakkadevar began reciting ;poems on the 
subject and produced a work known as Nari- 
viruttam of which we shall speak later. The 
preceptor, perfectly satisfied with the elegance, 
style and subject matter of the Nariviruttam^ 
commanded the pupil to compose a bigger work 
on the life of Jivakan and to show it to the 
Sangam poets of Madura. Such is the tradi- 
tional account of the composition of Jlvaka- 


» Be the circumstance of the composition of 
Chintdmani what it may, there is no doubt it 
has been praised as one of the choicest master- 
pieces of Tamil literature. Not only the Jains 
but also scholars belonging to Saiva faith have 
eulogised it in terms that at once speak of the 
immense popularity of the Tamil epic. In order 
to counteract the effect of such a work on popular 
imagination, Sekkizhar had to undertake the 
composition of Periyapurdnam. 

The following stanzas extracted from Sehki- The place of 
z/iar JSayanar jr^^mwam explam the high position Tamil iitera. 
that Chintdmani was occupying during his time. *"^®' 

65SU.95L/9® LC>LD6mQp(fF^LL.Q<S €Oi<35LUirQu/rLLj(oLU 

^lLi^^I—^ ^UU&IB^IT Ui^^Q£>Uj QiXilLjQlLJ6Sr 

^LS35(^d;^3i GSb<SeU(fF)IB^<i <spssi^[9/l)s 

6ll^u9(f^^<3i<S (^L^u9eV6Sl(TpfB ^SrTJJJU.TLUfE^ 


ey(srT6ij^}jiE](^6m L^Ldsmi^iTLLQsi ^qKLL(Ei<9=QiB^nr 
(SijerrLDQi^/E^ UGVUi_ULjfr nrriLi^^sQaLL^s <sijuuj(^iso 

LO^SSiLL<35(^ (LpjJj^QlLJSSr GlJ<SfT<oUesr Q<slJS* 21 

Sekkizhar's Lives of the Saints, inspiring though 
it was, had not superseded Chintdmani in its 
popularity. On the other hand, both in matter 
and diction, tlie Jain epic shone all the brighter, 




by contrast. That it is so is seen from the fact 
that, when in the early part of the eighteenth 
century, Kachiyappa Munivar, the disciple of 
Sivagnana Munivar, wanted to compose poems 
in honour of Saiva saints, he set Chintdmani as 
his model. 

As many, even among Tamil scholars, do not 
appear to know the story of Jivakan, the follow- 
ing concise account is extracted ^: — 
The story of '' Sacchanthan was the king of Emankata- 

Jivakan. i i • i -tt-- • o t 

nadu and married Vijayai. bo enamoured was 
he of the queen that he neglected his govern- 
ment and left his minister, Kattiankaran, in 
charge of it. The latter proved treacherous to 
his master : he formed a plot against his life and 
assasinated him. Vijayai was driven out of the 
realm and the usurper ascende^d the throne. 
Advanced in. pregnancy, the queen gave birth to 
Jivakan in the cemetery amid a wild forest 
and began the life of a devotee. The child was 
taken by a rich merchant who brought him up 
as his own and posted him up in all branches of 
learning. When he had come of age, a gang of 
free-booters attacked the city and plundered it. 
The young hero pursued them and rescued the 
plunder. In appreciation of his valour, Pasu- 
kavalan, a citizen, gave him his daughter, Govind- 
aiyar, in marriage. While enjoying the happiness 
of wedded life, he competed with Tattaiyar in 
a Vina performance, and, proving himself far 
superior to her in the art, gained the hand and 

^ Purnalingam Pillai, History of Tamil Literature. 


heart of the musical lady. Then he was given 
certain scented powders of their own manufac- 
ture by Gunamalai and Suramanjari and was 
asked to judge which was of stronger smell. He 
decided in favour of the former who accepted 
him in marriag-e. After exhibit insj his skill at 
metamorphosis, he tamed a rut elephant of the 
minister. Then he went on a travelling tour 
and met Padumai, a princess of the Pallava 
kingdom, in a park in the agony of a venomous 
snake-bite. At once Jivakan showed his pro- 
ficiency in the healing art and rescued her from 
death. As a mark of gratitude, the rescued lady 
married him. His next feat was doing wonders 
at Kema-mapuram and wedding a Vaisya girl, 
Kemasari. From Takkanadu he proceeded to 
Susanadesam, jand there proved his skill in 
archery and wedded the princess Kanakamalai. 
Then he started on his travels, and reached 
Thandaka-Araniam, where he met his mother 
^nd obtained her blessing. Returning to his 
own city, ht5 fell in love with Vimalai, a mer- 
chant's daughter, and took her for wife. He 
then heard of Suramanjari's dejection and con- 
tempt for man and hastened to cure her melan- 
choly. Wearing a mask he played Gita-nata- 
kam and so pleased her with his performance 
that she surrendered herself to him. They 
became man and wife. The next feat that 
awaited him was hitting at a target and winning 
the youngest daughter, Ilakkanai, of the king 
-of Videham. Now the fame of Jivakan spread 


far and wide and stirred up fears in the mind of 
the usurper. The latter laid plots for his life, 
but the young hero slew him and ascended the 
throne of his ancestors. He then conquered his 
father's dominions and made them acknowledge 
him as sovereign. Having regained his lost 
kingdom, he ruled it wisely and well and married 
Ilakkanai, his maternal uncle's daughter. With 
her and his wives he spent his time most happily 
and had by them a number of sons to whom he 
partitioned his dominions. Then he and his 
devoted female associates renounced the world 
and spent their time in doing charity and per- 
forming austerities. Jivakan attained Moksha." 
Nariviruttam: Before we leave this part of the subiect a 

its composi- . -^ . '' 

tion. word or two might be mentioned regardino- 

Nariviruttam. The circumstancq of its compo- 
sition has already been mentioned. It is a small 
work consisting of 50 stanzas embodying some 
of the noblest tenets of Jainism. The style is 
very charming, appealing both to the youno- 
and old. The story seems to be 'based upon 
Hitopadesa. The author wants to illustrate 
the transitoriness of human wishes and the un- 
stability of wealth and enjoyment. The method 
adopted to illustrate this simple truth is an old 
and familiar one in the Tamil land. Briefly the 
story is this: — Once upon a time, a wild elephant 
was destroying the crops in a field. A brave 
hunter wanted to kill it. Taking his stand 
upon an elevated ground, underneath which 
poisonous cobras lived in their holes, he aimed 



^B at the elephant. The arrow struck the animal 
^H when with fury it rushed upon him and fell 
j^P.dead on the spot. This disturbed the peace 
of the cobras and roused them up. One 
of them came out of the hole and saw 
the hunter standing;-. Raisino; its hood it bit 
him. The hunter immediately died, not how- 
ever before cutting the snake into two. Thus 
the dead bodies of the elephant, the hunter who 
killed it and the snake that killed the hunter 
only to be killed in its turn, were all strewn 
together. A jackal which was observing all 
this from under a neighbouring bush came out 
and in great joy exclaimed, '^What a huge mass 
of food for me ! The elephant's body will last 
for six months, the hunter's will be sufficient for 
seven days, while the remains of the snake will 
be sufficient for the day." Thus saying it ap- 
proached the body of the hunter. Close by, 
there was his bow. The jackal bit the strings 
unawares and the bow straightening with all 
its force struck its body killing it on the spot. 
The moral of the story is obvious. 

3. Minor Kavyas. 

We shall now proceed to an account of the The minor 
minor Kavyas. Among these must be men- ^^^^^' 
tioned Nilakesi, Properly speaking it is in the 
nature of a treatise on logic. It is in manu- 
script form and has not yet been published. The 
heroine Nilakesi is depicted as refuting the argu- 
ments of various other sects prevailing in the 


land, such as Buddha, A jivaka, Sankhya, Vaise- 
shika and finally proving the superiority of 
Jainism. The author of this work is unknown. 
There is a very good commentary of this minor 
epic by a great Jain sage, Samaya Divakara 

Next among the minor works must be men- 
tioned the BriJiathhaihd or PerunJcathai, It is 
a 5th or 6th century work. The author of this 
charming epic is believed to be Konguvel. It 
seems to be a translation of the old Brihathkathd 
written in Paisacha language by a great pundit 
known as Gunadittya. It treats in extenso of 
the life of Udayanakumara, king of Vatsadesa. 
In style and diction it is supposed to transcend 
even Chintdmani. Mahamahopadhyaya Swami- 
nadha Ayyar has undertaken the publication 
of this work and in all probability it is now in 
the press. 

The third minor work of the Jains is Yaso- 
daraJcdvyam. The author was an unknown Jain 
sage. It teaches the following pre.cepts : — 

{a) Under no circumstance the life of living 

things should be taken away. 
(6) Lying and deception are bad. 

(c) Stealing is sinful. 

(d) Adultery is heinous. 

(e) One should be content with just the 

necessaries of life and no more. 

Besides indicating these morals, Yasddara- 
Jcdvyam is an epitome " of useful, polite and 
entertaining information calculated to facilitate 
the improvement of youth and to answer the 


purpose of a text of general ethics to those 
more advanced in life." 

The other two minor epics are NdgaJcumdra- 
Tcdvyam and Chuldmani, We need only mention 
other Jain works. Eladi is a work on didactics 
composed by a Jain. It is a moral poem by 
Kanimethaviyar. Each quatrain is supposed to 
combine, compare and illustrate five or six points 
of practical wisdom. Kalmgattupparaniis the well- 
known poem describing the battle in the Kalinga 
country between the forces of Kulottunga 
Chola and the Northern Kalinga Raja. Selected 
stanzas from Kalingattiiparani are translated 
in the form of verse by the late Mr. Kanakasabhai 
Pillai in the pages of The Indian Antiquary, 
One peculiarity regarding Kalingattuparani ^ is 
that it is perhaps the only work written by the 
Jains on things pertaining to war. Besides 
these there are various stotras composed by the 
Jains such as Tirukkalambagam, Tirunurran- 
dddi which have recently been published. 
The Jains h^d a genius for lexicon work. ChUdd- 
mani Nigandu is a work of this kind. It was 
composed by a Jain, Viramandala Purushar, 
disciple of Gunabhadra Acharyar of Tirunarun- 
kunrai. He belongs to the period of Krishna- 
deva Raya. In grammatical science the Jains 

^ That the author was a Jain is clear from the following stanza 
attributed to him, composed in reply to a question by Apayan : — 

QstriLJLULDi—eufrir (£iLSounius:nia Qsfrusu'SLDQ^iE ^uEJr^L^Qiu, 


had always excelled. Besides Nannul of the 
celebrated Pavanandi, there are other treatises 
such as Nemindtham by Gunavlrapandita, 
Ydpparungalakkdrigai by Amritasagara Muni. 
Snpurdnam in prose and Merumandarapurdnam 
in verse are two other Jain works, expository of 
religion and theology. The above list is by no 
means exhaustive. A large number of Jain works 
treating of various branches of learning unfortu- 
nately lie buried in the archives of Matams, It 
is to be hoped that enlightened South Indian 
Jains will bring them to the light of day and 
thus enable us to realise what great part the 
Jains had played m the literary history of South 


We have seen how the Jains migrated south Formation 
from northern India and how Bhadrabahu sent 
away all the 12,000 Jains under the leadership 
of Visakhamuni to the Chola and the Pandya 
countries. The Jains entered the Carnatic and 
colonised the country on the borders of the 
Western Ghats, as well as the southern portion 
of the Mysore State. By this time, the zeal for 
proselytism grew and the whole Jain Sangam 
wandered over the various parts of the south of 
India and established themselves in North and 
South Arcot districts and in Madura. Among 
these religious 'enthusiasts were great scholars 
who had enriched the literature of the country. 
Some of the most learned among them grouped 
together and formed various Sangas. Each 
Sangam was ^sub-divided into many Ganas, each 
of which was again divided into many Gachchhas, 
We further learn from the inscriptions that, of 
all these Sangams, the Dramila Sanga was the 
most prominent, the Nandigana within it being 
particularly noteworthy.^ 

The whole of South India was strewn jains 


with small groups of learned Jain ascetics the^past* '"^ 
who were slowly but surely spreading their 
morals through the medium of their sacred 

* Epigraphia Carnatica, Shimoga, Vol. II, No. 35. 



literature composed in the various vernaculars^ 
of the country. But it is a mistake to suppose 
that these ascetics were indifferent towards 
secular affairs in general. To a certain extent 
it is true that they did not mingle with the world. 
But we know from the account of Megasthenes 
that, so late as the fourth century B.C., " The 
Sarmanes or the Jain Sarmanes who lived in the 
woods were frequently consulted by the kings 
through their messengers regarding the cause of 
things."^ Jain Gurus have been founders of 
states that for centuries together were tolerant 
towards the Jain faith, but the prohibition of 
blood-shedding so emphatically preached by the 
Jain moral code led to the political debasement 
of the whole Jain race.^ In this part of the^ 
inquiry, an attempt is made to indicate, in rough, 
outlines, the nature of the vast political influence- 
weilded by the Jains in that part of India, re- 
presented in modern geography by the Bombay^ 
Presidency and the Native States of Mysore^ 
and to trace the steps by which that political 
ascendancy was lost. 

Peiiods It will, perhaps, be better if the general reader 

history. remembers the following points regarding tha 
political history of the Deccan : — 

(1) The Gangas exercised their sway over 
the greater part of Mysore from the second 
century A.D. to the eleventh century A.D.^ 
when they were overthrown by the Cholas. The 

M'Crindle, Fragments of ^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Megasthenes. Society, Vol. IX, p. 172. 



olas did not stay in the country for a long 
time ; they were soon expelled by the Hoysalas 
who established a separate dynasty which 
continued to exist for three centuries (from the 
11th to 14th century A.D.). 

(2) The early Chalukyas established their 
sway about the sixth century and after a 
vigorous rule divided themselves into several 
branches (about 615 A.D.), the Eastern 
and the Western Chalukyas. 

(3) The Eastern Chalukyas ruled from 750 
A.D. to the eleventh century A.D., when their 
dominions were annexed by the Cholas. 

(4) The Western Chalukyas succumbed to 
the Rashtrakuta power in about 750 A.D. 

(5) The Rashtrakutas who thus succeeded to 
the power of the Western Chalukyas maintained 
their independence down to 973 A.D., when 
they were defeated by the Western Chalukyas 
who once again established their rule, albeit for 
a short period (973 A.D. —1156 A.D.). 

(6) In 1 156 A.D., the Western Chalukyas fell 
a prey to a new power, the Kalachuris, who 
ruled for 30 years (1156 A.D.— 1186 A.D.). 

(7) The Hoysalas, as already mentioned, 
established their dynasty and their sway 
extended over the whole of Mysore, the modern 
districts of Salem, Coimbatore, Bellary and 


The various periods may, for convenience, be* 
thus indicated : — 

(1,) The period of the Gangas (2nd century 

to 1000 A.D.). 

(2) „ Early Chalukyas 

(500 A.D.— 630 

(3) ,, Eastern Chalukyas 

(630 A.D.— 1000 

(4) 5, Western Chalukyas 

(630 A.D.— 750 

(5) 5, Rashtrakutas (750 

A.D.-973 A.D.). 

(6) „ Revival of Western 

Chalukyas (973 
A.D.-1156 A.D.). 

(7) „ Kalac^Luris (1156 

A.D.-1186 A.D.). 

(8) „ Hoysalas (eleventh 

century to 1326 

•Gangavadi: Accordiug to tradition, Simhanandin, was 

relta ^° the founder of Gangavadi (or the 96,000 country) 

oun ing. 'yyiiich comprised a large extent of territory 

bounded on the north by Marundale, east by 

Tondanad, west by Cochin and Travancore and 



south by Coimbatore and Salem. The Nagar 
and Shimoga inscriptions^ have legends to 
narrate in connection with the establishment of 
the Ganga kingdom. It would appear that 
Simhanandin met at Gangaperur in the Cud- 
dapah district, two young boys Dadiga and 
Madhava, sons of one Padmanabha, of the race 
of Ikshvaku and ruler of the original kingdom 
from which Gangavadi derived its name. Padma- 
nabha was for some reason or other suddenly 
attacked by Mahipala, the ruler of Ujjain. The 
two young princes, therefore, Avere sent away for 
safety to the South of India. On their way they 
met Simhanandin who, moved by pity on hearing 
the story of these Ganga princes, took them under 
his protection, instructed them in all arts and 
finally procured for them a kingdom. Of course, 
it was obtained ty a miracle. Whatever might 
be the truth of the legend, there seems to be no 
doubt that the Ganga kingdom was established 
under Jain auspices. 

This kingdom, according to Lewis Rice, lasted 
for more than seven centuries. The first king 
was Madhava, called Kongani Varma. His 
date has been ascertained from the Nagaman- 
gala inscription and from the Tamil chronicle 
called Kongudesa Rajakhal to fall in the 
second century A.D.^ Herewith is annexed a 
table^ of the Ganga kings of Mysore, compiled 
entirely from the inscriptions and published by 

^ N. R. 35, Sh. 10. 3 Mysore and Coorg from the 

^ Epigraphia Carnatica N. G. /nscri^^tows, p. 49. See Appendix 
110. A., page 155. 


Lewis Rice. Jainism became the state creed 
during the time of Mushkara or Mukhara. His 
predecessors certainly countenanced the Jain 
faith except the third and fourth kings in the 
line of Madhava, who were devotees of the pura- 
nic gods. His successor Avanita was a Jain, the 
learned Vijayakirti being his preceptor. Dur- 
vanita who succeeded Avanita was a disciple of 
the famous Jain grammarian and guru, Ptijya- 
pada. Of the other Ganga Rajas special men- 
tion must be made of Rachamalla Satyavakya, 
the twenty-first in succession, who tried to revive 
the waning influence of the Jains. It was dur- 
ing his reign that the famous Chamundaraya, 
his minister, erected the colossal statue of Goma- 
teswara, which in daring conception and gigantic 
dimension stands unrivalled in India.^ The Chola 
clouds were at this time hanging over the whole 

^ The following tradition about by order of the God, having 

the famous Chamundaraya transformed herself into the like- 

will be read with interest. : — ness of an aged poor woman, 

" Chamundaraya, after appeared, holding in her hand the 
having established the worship five amiitas in a Beliya Gola (or 
of this image, became proud and small silver pot) for washing the 
elated at placing this God by statue, and signified her inten- 
his own authority at so vast an tion to Chamundaraya, who 
expense of money and labour, laughed at the absurdity of this 
Soon after this, when he per- proposal, of accomplishing what 
formed in honour of the God the it had not been in his power to 
oeremonj' of Panchamritasnana effect. Out of curiosity, how- 
for washing the image with five ever, he permitted her to attempt 
liquids — (milk, curds, butter, it ; when, to the grer.t surprise of 
honey and sugar), vast quantities the beholders, she washed the 
of these things were expended image with the liquid brought in 
in many hundred pots ; but, the little silver vase. Ohamun da- 
through the wonderful power of raya, repenting his sinful 
the God, the liquid descended arrogance, performed a second 
not lower than the navel, to check time, with profound respect, 
the pride and vanity of the wor- his ablution, on which they for- 
shipper. Chamundaraya, not merly wasted so much valuable 
knowing the cause, was filled with liquids, and washed completely 
grief that his intention was the body of the image. From 
frustrated of cleaning the image that time this place is named 
completely with this ablution, after the silver vase (or Beliya 
While he was in this situation, Gola) which was held in Padma- 
the celestial nymph Padmavati, vatl's hand.'* 


-of the east of the Peninsula and burst with terrific 
force on the Gangas who, along with the Eastern 
Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas,were swept away by 
king Raj arajadeva I and his successor. Thus fell, 
in the ninth century A.D., an important South 
Indian Jain state, a prey to the militant Cholas. 

The Jain religion seems to have enjoyed con- Chalukyas 

and Jainism. 

siderable patronage at the hands oi the early 
Chalukyas. Pulakesin II patronised a certain 
poet, Jain Ravikirti. Vinayaditya, the eighth 
in succession from Jayasimha of the early 
Chalukyas, had for his spiritual adviser 
-Niravadya Pandila.^ We also learn from an 
inscription^ that Vikramaditya II after repairing 
a Jain temple gave a grant in connection with 
it to the great disputant, Vijayapandita. But 
the Chalukyas Avere tolerant towards other 
religions, as is evident from the large number of 
temples built during this period in honour of the 
Puranic Triad— Brahma, Vishnu and Maheswara. 
Nevertheless, Jainism was just then rising to 
predominance* during the time of the Rashtra- 
kutas, as will be mentioned presently. 

That Jainism was largely prevalent among R^.htrakutas 
the Rashtrakutas and that it was the professed ^j^^^^^ 
creed of many kings are evident, as a good many 
extant Digambara works were composed during 
their sway.^ Thus, the Harivamsa of the Digam- 
bara Jains is stated to have been composed by 

' Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, 2 Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIL 
Part 2, p. 191. p. 197. 

' Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 1, Part 2, p. 208. 


Jinasena in the Saka year 705 or 783 A.D.^ 
during the reign of Govinda II. Amoghavarsha I 
was the greatest patron of the Digambara 
Jains and there is no reason to doubt that he 
became a convert to the faith. The authorship 
of Ratnamdlika has been assigned to Amogha- 
varsha, while the introductory portion of a 
Jain mathematical work by Viracharya, called 
Sdrasamgraha Ganita} speaks of Amogha- 
varsha as a follower of the Jina. But the power 
of the Eashtrakutas was rapidly waning and, 
owing to a quick succession of weak rulers, the 
Ganga king, Narasimha, had to interfere,^ and 
at last succeeded in getting the crown to his own 
nephew, Indra IV. The latter, evidently a Jain^ 
died about 974 A.D., taking the Jain vow of 
Sallekhana.^ After Indra, the political power 
passed into the hands of the Western Chalukyas^ 
Jainiam Jainism, during the period of Western Chalukya 

Chaiukyas. rcvival, ccased to be the conquering faith that it 
was once. If the traditions of the country are to 
be believed in, the Jain statues and idols in bastis^ 
were thrown away and the idols of the puranic 
gods were substituted. The rule of the Chaiuk- 
yas was, however, shortlived ; for, they were soon 

"^Bombay Gazetteer ^ Vol. I, "The bitterest satirist of human 

Part 2, pp. 200-201. This work delusions could hardly depict a 

has been edited and translated scene of sterner irony than the 

in a masterly manner by the naked summit o) the bare rock 

late Prof. M. Rangacharya. dotted with emaciated devotees 

both men and women in silent 

2 Mysore and Goorg from the torture awaiting the hour of self. 
Imcriptiona, p. 72. imposed death. The irony is 

3 Sravana Belgola Inscriptions, complete when we remember that 
No. 57. The following reflection avoidance of the destruction of 
of Lewis Rice regarding this Jain life in whatever form is a funda- 
vow will be of great interest, mental doctrine of the sect." 


overthrown by the Kalachuris in 1126 A.D. 
These in their turn had only an ephemeral exist- 
ence (1126 A.D.— 1186 A.D.) ; yet, the short 
period of Kalachuri sway furnishes some points 
of interest to the student of Jain history. We 
find that Vijjala, the greatest Kalachuri prince, 
was a Jain by faith. This period is remarkable 
for the revival of the worship of Siva and for 
the rise of the Lingayat sect which, under the 
leadership of a treacherous minister of Vijjala, 
Basava, persecuted the Jains. 

Whatever the expounders of Basava Purdna 
might say, the fact seems to be beyond doubt 
that this Basava brought about the assassina- 
tion of his own master, the Jain king, Vijjala. 
According to Vijalardja Charita, Basava was 
hunted out of tjie country and in despair he 
threw himself into a well. But, he soon obtained 
martyrdom at the hands of his followers who 
flooded the country with literature written in 
elegant and simple prose, expository of their new 
creed, Lingayatism. Myths and legends gathered 
round the name of Lingayat leaders, which helped 
considerably the extermination of the Jains in 
the Kalachuri Empire. One such legend is 
noted by Sir Ramakrishna Bhandarkar in an 
undated inscription of the time of Mahamanda- 
leswara Kamadeva (1181 A.D. — 1203 A.D.). 
The story runs thus : 

God Siva and Parvati with a host of Saiva Extirpation 

of Jainism in 

saints were enjoying themselves at Kylasa, when the Kalachuri 
Narada came and informed the assembly of the 


\^^ J rising power of the Jains and Buddhists. Siva 

legendary ^ ^ 

account. then commanded Veerabhadra to be born in 
this world in human form, in order to subdue 
them. In obedience to the order, Veerabhadra 
appeared in a dream to one Purushottama Patta 
and informed him that he would soon beget a 
son. The dream was realised. The babe was 
christened Rama and was brought up as a Saiva. 
Owing to his extreme piety and devotion for 
Siva, he was called Ekantada Ramayya. This 
was the man who, according to the legend, was 
responsible for the suppression of Jainism in that 
country. The story is further narrated that, 
while the Saiva devotee, Ramayya, was worship- 
ping, the Jains challenged him to prove the supe- 
riority of his god. He took up the challenge. 
The Jains promised to leave their bastis and the 
country, if Ekantada Ramayya agreed to do a 
miracle. They stipulated that his head must first 
be cut off and that he must get it back with the 
help of Siva. Ramayya agreed. He was be- 
headed ; but, lo ! next morning he appeared 
again before the Jains who, however, refused to 
fulfil their part of the contract. Enraged at 
this, Ekantada Ramayya began to destroy Jain 
places of worship. The matter was reported to 
Vijjala who was wroth at the action of the 
Saivites. But Ramayya undertook to repeat the 
miracle. Vijjala was convinced of the superio- 
rity of Saiva faith and, dismissing the Jains from 
his presence admonished them to remain on 
peaceful terms with the Saivites. 


Such is the interesting legend in connection 
with the extirpation of the Jains in the Kala- 
churi empire. The story best proves that the 
Jains sustained a series of reverses in their 
attempt to revive their faith. 

There seems to be no doubt that the early jamism 
Hoysalas of Mysore had been Jains. They came Hoysaial 
to power on the subversion of the Gangas by the 
Cholas, in 1004 A.D. Gradually expelling the 
Cholas from the country which they had occu- 
pied, the Hoysalas became supreme in the land 
by the 12th century. They retained possession 
of the Belur taluka of the Hasan district. The 
following story is narrated relating to the origin of The origin 
the name Hoysala. One Sala, the supposed proge- name^ 
nitor of the family, was receiving instruction in jt^gfo^* 
the temple of Vasantikadevi from a certain Jain 
Yati. At that time a tiger was about to pounce 
upon the Yati. The latter observing this handed 
his rod to Sala exclaiming *'Hoy ! Sala !" (''Oh 
Sala! strike")*. Immediately the tiger was killed. 
From this we have the name Poysala or Hoysala, 
Little is known of Sala, but, his successor Vina- 
yaditya seems to have been the disciple of San- 
tidevamuni, a Jain ascetic.^ Next in importance 

Kas the Hoysala king, Bittidevabittiga, the 
imousVishnuvardhana(llll A.D. —1141 A.D.) 
ho, it is said, had been converted to Vaishna- 
vism by Eamanujacharya. As to the cause and 
history of his conversion, there exist many 

' Epigraphia Carnatica, S. B I, Vol. II, p. 139. 


legendary accounts.^ Vislinuvardhan's first wife 
was Santaladevi, a lady disciple of the Jain 
sage, Prabachandra. This conversion of the 
king to Vaishnavism was a serious blow to the 
cause of the Jains in South India, for, it should be 
noted, that, at any rate, in ancient times, regal 
religions alone prospered. Cruelly persecuted by 
the Lingayats, hated by the powerful Cholas and 
devoid of the mighty support of the Hoysalas, 
Jainism naturally succumbed, just as any 
faith might have, under such distressing 
circumstances. Nevertheless, attempts were not 
wanting to restore the faith to its original great- 
ness. Thus Gangaraya, the minister of Idng Vish- 
nugopa, and after him Hula, the minister of king 
Narasimha Deva, tried in vain to get back the 
lost influence of the Jains. But the rapid rise 
of Vaishnavism patronised by Hoysala kings, the 
systematic and organised opposition of Ramanuja 
and a number of Saiva leaders and, last but not 
least, the severe attacks of the Lingayats contri- 
buted to the downfall of Jainism in the Mysore 
country. It must not be. supposed that Jainism 
was entirely rooted out of the soil. It was 
simply losing its vitality, being absorbed gradu- 
ally in the rising sects of Vaishnavism and other 
Vedic faiths. A respectable number of persons 
still followed the faith but they no longer ob- 
tained any political influence. The later Rajahs 
of Mysore not only did not persecute the Jains 

* Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX, Chapters 4 and 5 contain 
an extensive collection of such legends. 




t supported them. Even foreign rulers such as 
Hyder Naik granted villages to the Jain temples, 
though, owing to the oppressive nature of the 
Government, the great festivals at Sravana 
Belgola and other places were stopped.^ 

The Hoysala power lasted to 1326 A.D., when Patronage 
the dynasty was overthrown by Mahomedans. the Kingdom 
Out of the disorder and anarchy that arose out nagarr^^' 
of Mahomedan rule, the Hindu kingdom of Vija- 
yanagar arose. Not that Jainism expected a 
great revival under the aegis of Hindu rulers of 
South India who were most of them controlled 
in their state policy by the Brahmins. But 
it is pleasing to note that the kings of Vijaya- 
nagar never persecuted the Jains. On the 
other hand, evidences tend to show that they 
patronised the J^ins in a way. Take, for ex- 
ample, the famous Jain-Vaishnava compact of 
the time of Bukkaraya, 1353 A.D. to 1377 A.D. 
The reconciliation was effected in this way. 
After summoning the leaders of both sects, he 
declared that, "as no difference existed between 
the two sects, they should remain friends. Then, 
taking the hand of the Jains and placing it 
in the hands of the Vaishnavas, he gave 
the injunction that each should pursue his 
religious practices with perfect freedom. The 
Sri Vaishnavas were further ordered to 
get engraved on stone this decree in all 
the temples throughout the kingdom. " As 
long as the Sun and Moon endure, the Vaishnava 

^ Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX, Ch. 4. 


Samaya will continue to protect the Jain Dar- 
sana. The Vaishnavas cannot (be allowed to) 
look upon the Jains as in a single respect differ- 
ent." We cannot say that this order of Bukka- 
raya was implicitly obeyed by the quarrelling 
sectarians. One thing, however, seems to be 
certain. The support given to Jainism gave 
some stimulus to their activities. For, we find 
that the son of a general of Harihara II 
(1307 A.D.— 1404 A.D.), as well as one Prince 
Uga, became converts to the Jain faith.^ 
Another inscription mentions that Devaraya II 
(1419 A.D.— 1446 A.D.) built a stone temple of 
Arhat Parsvanatha in a street of the pan supari 
bazaar, at his residence in Vijayanagar. These 
incidents are sufficient evidence to prove that 
the ruling families of Vijayanagar not only 
patronised but some of them also professed the 
Jain faith. 

' South Indian Inscription, Nos. 152 & 53. 


It will be readily admitted by all scholars ^^nga^^^^ 
that no progress can be made in the attempt to its import- 
resuscitate the ancient history of South India, 
unless the date of the Tamil Sangam can be 
fixed. Realising this, several distinguished 
scholars have been making elaborate re- 
searches to find out the true date of the 
famous Madura Academy. It was the late 
Professor Seshagiri Sastriyar that first contri- 
buted materials for a clearer understanding of 
the various epochs in the long history of Tamil 
literature. A certain * officer of the Ceylon 
Riiles ' wrote a small history of the island of 
Ceylon. In the list of kings which he furnished 
and which he prepared from the Sinhalese 
chronicles, there* were two Gajabahus. One of ^^nc^^lfn^^^^ 
them existed in 113 A.D., while the date assigned 
to the other was about 1127 A.D. For obvious 
reasons, the learned Professor identified the 
Kayavahuof SilappadiJcdrani with the Gajabahu 
of Ceylon, an*d thus was able to fix the age of 
Silappadikdram and hence of Senguttuvan as 
second century A.D. This, however, did not 
mean that the Professor believed that the third 
Sangam existed during the time of Senguttuvan, 
for he seriously doubted the very existence of 
the Academy. The credit of having established 
the identity of Kayavahu with Gajabahu of 
Ceylon belongs to Mr. Seshagiri Sastriyar. 

^ The contents of this chap- been reproduced here with the 

ter originally appeared in the kind permission of the editor 

* Hindu * dated 14th, loth and after some elaboration. 
17th April 1922 and have now 


The next to enter the field was the late Mr. 
V. Kanakasabhai Pillai. Following up the clue 
Ka^ka- "thus presented by Mr. Sastriyar, he not only 
paur maintained, with greater insistence,the Gaj abahu- 

synchronism, but also brought in additional 
evidence to prove that the Sangam must have 
flourished in the second century A.D. As his 
Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago is out of 
print and as the views of many scholars are 
mere elaborations of what he had stated, we need 
offer no apology for quoting him in extenso. 

" The Chilappadikaram also mentions the 
fact that Chengudduva Chera paid a friendly 
visit to the kings of Magadha on the banks of the 
Ganges. It gives the name of the Magadha King 
as Nurruvar Kannar or the ' Hundred Karnas ' 
and this'expression was long a puzzle to me, until 
it struck me that it was a translation of the 
Sanskrit title, ' Satakarnin.' Several kings 
of the Kama or Andhra dynasty bore the 
epithet Satakarnin, and coins and inscrip- 
tions of these kings have been found, in w^hich 
the Pali form of the word ' Satakani ' occurs. 
Sanskrit scholars have however misread the name 
as Satakarnin, instead of Satakarnin. The 
Tamil rendering of the name into ' Hundred 
Karnas' in a contemporary poem leaves no doubt 
of the fact that the name is correctly Satakar- 
nin, made up of the words Sata (hundred) and 
Kama (ears), the epithet evidently meaning a 
king who employed one hundred spies, or had 
one hundred sources of information. The Vayu, 


Vishnu, Matsya and Bhagavata Puranas state 
that the Mauryas ruled the Magadha Empire for 
137 years, and after them the Sungas 112 years, 
and after them the Kanvayanas, 45 years : and 
that after them there were 30 kings of the Andhra 
dynasty who reigned 456 years ; but none of 
the Puranas gives a complete list of the names 
of the Andhra kings. The Matsya, which ap- 
pears to be the oldest of the Puranas, furnishes 
the fullest list, which contains the names of only 
"29 kings and the number of years during w^hich 
each of the kings reigned. In the early history 
of the emperors of Magadha, the only date which 
may be safely relied upon is that of Chandra- 
gupta, the contemporary of Seleucus Nicator, 
who began his reign in B.C. 310, and concluded 
a treaty with him in B.C. 305. The year of 
accession of Chandragupta may be fixed at 
B.C. 312, two years earlier than that of Seleu- 
cus Nicator, and, calculating from that year, the 
reign of the first Satakarnin ought to have ex- 
tended from A.D. 77 to A.D. 133, according to 
the Matsya Purana, as shown below : 

Ten Mauryas for 13t ye-ars, B.C. 312—175. 

Ten Sungas for 112 years, B.C. 175 — 63. 

Eour Kanvayanas for 45 years, B.C. 63 to 18. 

Thirty Andhras of whom the first six are — 

Sisuka for 23 years, B.C. 18— A.D. 5. 

Krishna for 18 years, A.D. 5 — 23. 

Simalakarnin for 18 years, A.D. 23 — 41. 

Purnotsunga for 18 years, A.D. 41—59. 

Sirivaswami for 18 years, A.D. 59—77. 

•Satakarnin for 56 years, A.D. 77—133. 


''The reign of this Satakarnin covers the entire 
period of the reign of Gajabahu, king of Ceylon^ 
which lasted 12 years from A.D. 113 to 125. 
according to the Mahawanso. Satakarnin^ 
Emperor of Magadha, who is alluded to in the 
Chilappadhikaram as the contemporary of Chen- 
gudduva Chera and Gajabahu, is therefore doubt- 
less the first Satakarnin in the list of the Matsya- 
Purana, who reigned from A.D. 77 to 133. 
The synchronism of the Puranas and the Maha- 
wanso is perfect, at least from the reign of 
Chandragupta up to that of the first Satakarnin;^^ 
and this coincidence is a strong proof of the 
general accuracy of the traditional history 
preserved in Puranic accounts and in the 

'' The Mahawanso was composed in the fiftk 
century A.D. and the Dipavanso still earlier ; 
and both these historical works mention Gaja- 
bahu I. It appears that during the reign of 
his father, 'crooked nosed' Tissa,a Chola king 
had invaded Ceylon, and carried away several 
thousands of captives ; and that in retaliation 
Gajabahu invaded the Chola dominions sooit 
after his accession to the throne in A.D. 113. 
The tradition is that the captives were carried 
away to work on the banks of the river Kaviri,. 
which were then under construction. This is 
quite in accordance with later Tamil poems and 
inscriptions which speak of Karikal Chola as 
the king who commenced the construction of 
the high banks along both sides of the bed oi 



the Kaviri. The construction of the Kaviri 
banks which extended along its course to a 
distance of about 100 miles from its mouth, was 
an undertaking of such magnitude that it could 
not have been completed during the reign of 
Karikal. The Chola king, who invaded Ceylon 
in order to procure captives to work at the banks, 
might have been, therefore, Karikal or his imme- 
diate successor. This tradition is further evi- 
dence of the fact that Chengudduva Chera was 
contemporary with Gajabahu I who lived in the 
early part of the second century A.D. Chengud- 
duvan's grandfather Karikal Chola should 
have, therefore, reigned in the latter half of the 
first century A.D. or, in other words, about 
eighteen hmidred years ago. It will appear 
further on, from my account of Tamil literature, 
that the poets of the last Sangha at Madura, 
many of whom allude to the Chera kings, Athan 
and Chengudduvan— should be assigned to the 
same period." 

The third great effort to fix South Indian s. k. Ayyan- 

- . ^,&T in Ancient 

chronology was by .Professor S. Krishnaswami India. 
Ayyangar. Writing many years before the publi- 
cation of his Beginnings of South Indian History, 
he had arrived at the following conclusions : — 

1 . That there was an age of great literary 
activity in Tamil to warrant the existence of a 
body like the traditional Sangam. 

2. That the period of the greatest Sangam 
activity was the age when Senguttuvan Chera 



of Pundit 

was a prominent character in South Indian 

3. That this age of Senguttuvan was the 
second century of the Christian era. 

4. That these conclusions find support in 
what is known of the later history of South India. 

Collecting the various evidences then available, 
he has maintained Kanakasabhai Pillai's theory 
with slight modification in the dates of a few 
kings. This view, however, was not accepted by 
a section of scholars among whom Diwan Baha- 
dur Swamikannu Pillai and Mr. K. V. Subra- 
mania Ayyar deserve special mention. They 
maintain that the date of the Sangam is to be 
sought in the seventh century A.D. 

It is not our object to critically examine here 
the views expressed by the two latter scholars. 
But we shall take up for our serious considera- 
tion the theories of Professor S. Krishna swami 
Ayyangar and Pundit M. Raghava Ayyangar of 
the Tamil Lexicon Office. 

Pundit Raghava Ayyangar, in a \vork which 
he published a few years ago in Tamil, entitled 
Cheran Senguttuvan, has devoted a chapter for 
the examination of the date of the hero. His 
conclusions are important, as they present a view 
of South Indian History not to be easily brushed 
aside. They may be briefly set forth thus : — 
1. That the age of the Sangam must be 
5th century A.D., as Mamulanar refers in Ahayn 
265, to the destruction of Pataliputra by the 
Ganges, which event took place in the period 


itervening the visits of the two Chmese tra- 
jllers, Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsang. 

2. That the Palayan of Mohoor who was 
vanquished by Senguttuvan was the Mohoor 
chieftain, whose territory according to Mamula- 
nar was attacked by the Mauryas in the course 
of their southward march. 

3. That, therefore, the Mauryan invasion 
must have taken place during the time of Sen- 

4. That, since the Mauryan power decayed 
in the second century A.D., the Mauryas referred 
to by the Sangam poets must be the Guptas who 
held imperial sway in the 5th century A.D. and 
whom Mamulanar expressly refers as ' Vamba 
Moriar.' (New Mauryas.) 

The publication of Clieran Senguttuvan ats.K. Ayyan- 
once arrested the attention of scholars. Rao Beginnings of 
Bahadur K. S. Srinivasa PiUai of Tanjore and l^l^J."^*'^^ 
Mr. K. G. Sesha Iyer of Trivandrum have con- 
troverted the Pundit's view^s in the pages of 
Sen Tamil and the Madras Christian College 
magazine respectively. Later on, Professor S. 
Krishnaswami Ayyangar took up the subject for 
re-examination of evidences and rightly concen- 
trated his attention on this important topic. 
His Beginnings of South Indian History 
published a few years ago, was intended, perhaps 
as a final reply to the various theories propound- 
ed, regarding the date of the Sangam. His 
position in that work of his may be summarised 
by a series of statements thus : — 


1 . That the Mauryas carried their invasions 
to the farthest south of India. 

2. That they were in hostile occupation of 
forts in the northern borders of the Tamil land. 

3. That the Aryans were beaten back, 
when the central Mauryan power became feeble, 
and their dislodgment from the south must be 
referred to the period which included that of 
Mamulanar and others of the third Tamil Aca 
demy of Madura. 

In other words, the learned Professor has 
attempted to evolve a series of connected events 
for the Sangam period with the help of contem- 
porary literature, such as Ahandnuru and 
Purdnanuru and the writings of foreign tra- 
vellers, and has thus endeavoured to strengthen 
his old position regarding the age of the third 
Purpose of The purpose of this chapter is merely to 

-*his chapter. ^ ^ ... 

press for the Professor's reconsideration certain 
aspects of the Pundit's theory which further 
can stand the test of true historic criticism. 
It is not our object to maintain 5th century as 
the date of the third Sangam, much less to enun- 
ciate new theories regarding the subject: never- 
theless, the attention of scholars should be drawn 
more prominently to the fact that there are 
great difficulties to be overcome before Professor 
Krishnaswami Ayyangar's views regarding South 
Indian History can be accepted as final. To 
the subject we shall now revert. 



Of the many poets who adorned the Sangam Poema of_ 
-Age, Mamulanar is the only bard who interests their impdrt- 
^students of history by giving them intelligent in- ^^^^' 
formation regarding contemporary works and 
past events. He seems to have travelled widely 
in South India and his poems are full of allusions 
to several ancient kings. They are, therefore, 
very useful as trustworthy materials for the re- 
'Construction of South Indian History. The first 
to use them extensively for the purpose of pure 
history is the learned Pundit, Raghava Ayyangar, 
who has thereby rendered a signal service to the 
-cause of Tamil Historic Research, the value of 
which can never be overestimated. 

Two of the poems of Mamulanar containing Reference 
what is undoubtedly a historic reference are the Mauryas 
following : — 

^essr^np QeunriwQiu UQifiii9QF)fEJ (^(skp^ 

H Q^rrsm'S^iT^ ^Sl(Fl iL](r^(srfJLu (^os^p^^ eusm/D.^^ 

{Aham. 281) 

Q^iTSUT^^fT^S ^ (iF)Lbudsssr u Quir^u9sv 
'•C^ii(Lpto §QS)^s,5> (GjrrssTsrDro GiDira^fT 
ijarrGai^Lp asrr^s^JT aiiiu GLorriPiLifT 

(Aham. 251) 
Mamulanar is not the only poet who has re- ' 
^erred to the Mauryas. Two of his contempo- 



raries make similar references to the coming m 
of the Mauryas. Thus, Parankorranar : — 

[Aham. 69). 
Referring to the same incident, Attiraiyanar 
mentions the following : — 

" eS'eoarQun-QFf Q^(B!Ei(^Qs^i_,i Qsti^^^Q^t GLQfTi'PLLJIT 

[Puvam. 175). 

Putting these poems together, the following 
account of the Mauryan invasion can be con- 
structed:— ''The Mauryas started southwards or 
a great career of invasion, pushing the Vadugar 
and the Kosar in front. The Kosar, ever 
victorious and with their war-drums beatings 
appeared suddenly before the chief of Mohoor, 
who not yielding, the Mauryas themselves had 
to come with a large army. This they did cut- 
ting a path across a mountain that stood in their 
way." The information thus furnished by 
Mamulanar is in substance corroboirated by the 
other two poets, Parankorranar and Attiraiyanar. 

The first point requiring consideration is 
whether the incidents referred to took place in 
the time of our poets, or whether the poems, 
merely give us an account of events that took 
place centuries before. According to Professor 
S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, the various refer- 
ences to the Mauryas in Mamulanar, as well as 
the reference to their cutting their way through 
the rock, are to a great southward invasion of 


the Mauryas. He further thinks that this con- 
quest of the South by the Mauryas took place 
during the time of Bindusara. He imagines that 
the term ' Mohoor' in the text refers to some 
chieftain of Mohoor and not necessarily to 
' Palayan Maran.'^ '' All the passages of 
Mamulanar", finally he says, '' referring to 
these incidents refer to them as past occurrences 
and not as contemporary events." Mr. S. K. 
Ayyangar has however adduced no satisfactory 
argument to show why the passage should neces- 
sarily refer to the incidents that took place in the 
time of Bindusara. From the text it is clear that 
''Qs^^;s^ (^rrmoDp^^ is the only expression that 
can possibly express remoteness, but it need not 
necessarily indicate such high antiquity as is 
claimed for by tJje Professor. After all, the word 
(^rrmjv merely means ' at that time.' It is 
difficult to conceive if the poets, even supposing 
the incidents were contemporaneous, could have 
described them in any other language. 

It is a well-fenown fact that Seran Senguttuvan i^ientification 

of Palayan 

won a great victory .over the chief of Mohoor.^ with the 
This Mohoor was known as Palayan.^ This cMeftaL of 
Palayan was a great warrior who was very much ^^^"^^"*'* 
feared by the neighbouring kings. We have 
next to see if this Palayan was the same as the 
Mohoor chief referred to by Mamulanar, and 

1 Dr. Krishnaswami has un- Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, 

wittingly adopted the wrong pp. 47 and 50. 

reading "^of Kanakasabhai Pillai. 2 Patirruppattu, 44 and 49. 

The text merely reads as' umnp a n ^- .. ,- -. 

. „ , '^^ ,, "^ ' PaUrruppattu 5 and 

ojm and not as u9^Lpu<ssr Slappadikdram, 27th Canto, II. 

ijifrn^(s^^^ — Vide The Tamils 124 and 12G. 



whom the learned Professor considers to belong 
to the Mauryan period. In this matter o£ identi- 
fication, we have to look for information in the 
poems composed not by one Sangam poet but 
by others as well. The following references in 
Sangam literature are specially to be noted in 
this connection. 

(Kurunthogai. 15) 
Here the poet, Perungadungo, says that the 
Kosar true to their plighted word appeared at 
the place of assembly suddenly, with war-drums 
beating and conch resounding. This place of 
assembly was underneath the shade of an old 
and ancient banyan tree with magnificent 

Another poet Mamulanar says : — 

Q^LDQXi'Bssr Qssi^^^ i^fTokssip QiDn-a^iT 
u^ujfT GS)LDu96ST. {Ahain. 251) 

Here the poet describes ' the place of assembly ' 
practically in the same words but gives us the 
additional information that the truthful Kosar 
came for purposes of war particularly against 

Who this Mohoor chief was is clearly 
explained by another Sangam poet, a contem- 
porary of Mamulanar, viz., Mangudi Marudanar. 



*^ usv^LpiLissT QibfT^ji^n ^suiusLb meniBi^ 

— Mathuraikanchi. 
Thus further light is let in and we are told Theoiy 

® of Podiyil 

that the name of the Mohoor chief who was battle 
attacked by the Kosar was Palayan, in whose 
^ assembly place ' the Kosar appeared. Taking 
all these passages together and remembering that 
the poets who composed these verses were con- 
temporaries, only one conclusion is possible, viz., 
that all these refer to only one and the same 
individual, Palayan, who was defeated, as 
has already been stated, by Senguttuvan. The 
sameness of the language and the similarity of 
the ideas as regards the Kosar and the place of 
assembly strongly tend to confirm our view. 

In this connecifcion it mustbe pointed out that 
the word '' Qu(r^ii9w' occurring in the poems 
of Mamulanar and others have been interpreted 
to mean ''Podiyil hill" both* by Professor 
S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar and Kanakasa- 
bhai Pillai. '^ Q^tsut (lp^itgo^sj ^(r^LDu^mu 
QuiT^u9^ ' simply m^eans the Podiyil under- 
neath the ancient and old banyan tree with 
its mighty branches. It is evident that this 
description of ' Podiyil ' does not contain any 
attribute of a mountain. The poets would have 
undoubtedly chosen different epithets, if they had 
really intended to describe such a mountain as 
the Podiyil hill. But, as we have already seen, 
what they wanted to describe was 'the place 
of assembly, ' where chiefs jand ryots met 


frequently for purposes of common deli- 
beration. In ancient India, nay, even in 
comparatively modern times, such places of 
assembly existed and they were invariably 
underneath the tall and shady banyan tree 
with its branches spread far and wide. It is 
such a place that is described by the poets. In 
Tamil, moreover, ' Podiyil ' is always used to 
denote the vacant site underneath a tree. Hence 
the interpretation that the Mauryas with their 
advance guard, Kosar, came as far as the 
Podiyil hill in the Tinnevelly district, seems 
to be untenable. 
Identity It must be plain to those who have been 

of Palayan 

withMohoor following US SO far that the Mohoor chieftain 
and the who Came in conflict with the Kosar was Pala- 

nefty^fthe' yau, the Contemporary of Senguttuvan. It is, 
theTnddents therefore, more natural to suppose that Mamu- 
estabhshed. j^jQ^r saug about a contemporary Mohoor chief 
than to imagine, on insufficient grounds, that he 
referred to a chief of Mohoor who perhaps flour- 
ished in dim ages past. While there existed 
during his life-time a Pajayan of Mohoor, of 
whose exploits other contemporary poets such 
as Paranar make laudable mention, why should 
Mamulanar alone go out of the way and bring in 
for purposes of illustration another Mohoor 
chieftain who, according to our learned Professor, 
Krishnaswami Ayyangar, was a contemporary of 
Chandragupta Maurya, the grandfather of Asoka. 
If Mamulanar had really meant a different 
Mohoor chief, he could be expected to employ 


different epithets in describing him but — ^that is 
the most astonishing thing — the description given 
by all the poets as regards the Kosar and the 
* Podiyil ' is exactly similar. 

Having established the contemporaneity of The * Red 

^ T 1 -n/r • • J. Chera* cannot 

benguttuvan and the Maury an mvasion oi be a contem- 
the south, the next question is who these chanTrrgupta 
Mauryas are. If Senguttuvan, ergo the Sangam ^-^^^y^- 
poets, flourished in the second century A.D., 
as has been conceived by some, what was the 
position of the Mauryas then ? This period 
according to the best interpretation of North 
Indian history is the period of the rise of the 
Andhras and the Andhrabhrityas. It is im- 
possible, therefore, to conceive of a Mauryan 
invasion of the distant south at this time of 
Mauryan decay .^ Consequently, the ' Mauryas ' 
under reference must be some other imperial 
race that undertook a great South Indian in- 
vasion later on in history. Before discussing 
who these were, let us dispose of one objection 
that might -be brought forward. It may be 
pointed out that even supposing that the South 
Indian invasion took place during the time of 
Senguttuvan, the latter might yet be a con- 
temporary of Chandragupta Maurya. To sup- 
pose so would be to upset the entire chronology 
of South India. The Sangam literature is full 
of references to the spread of Jainism and Bud- 
dhism during the Senguttuvan era. The conse- 
quential inference is that at that time Buddhism 
was rampant in South India and Ceylon. But 


we know from history that it was Asoka that 
was responsible for the spread of Buddhism in 
the extreme south of India. If Senguttuvan 
was, therefore, a contemporary of Chandragupta 
Maurya who was a prominent Jain of the times, 
how can we account for the spread of Buddhism 
at this remote period ? Yet another point. 
In Manimekalai, canto 28, 11. 123-131, there is 
a reference to an ancestor of Kovalan, who flour- 
ished nine generations previously having built a 
Buddhistic Chaitalaya at Vanchi (Karur)/ If, 
therefore, Senguttuvan was a contemporary of 
Chandragupta Maurya, how is it possible for a 
Buddhistic temple to have existed in the south, 
so early as 560 B.C. (290 plus 270) ? Evidently 
it is absurd to make Senguttuvan a con- 
temporary of Chandragupta Maurya. 
* VaiTiba Who wcrc thcsc ' Maury as ', then, who invaded 

its meaning. South India during the time of Senguttuvan ? 
Before answering this question, let us consider 
the various interpretations in regard to the ex- 
pression ' Vamba Moriar.' It has been pointed 
out that the word ' Vambu ' (euLDi^) is used 
by Tolkappiyar in the sense of ' unstable ' 
(S^uSlske^LD). Some, therefore, have taken 
' Vamba Moriar ' to mean ' the unstable or 
nomadic Maury as ', evidently referring to the 
Mauryas who settled in the Konkan. It is 
argued that the passages of Mamulanar have 

^ That ' Vanchi ' is Kariir has Christian College is of the same 

been incontrovertibly established view, as can be seen from 

by Vidvan R. Raghava Ayyangar his article on * Vanchi ' in the 

in his Vanchi Mahdnahar. Mr. * Hindu ' dated 30th August 

R. Rangachari, m.a., l.t., of the 1922. 


reference to these Mauryas who must have 
flourished in the second century A.D. But im- 
portant considerations militate against this view. 

In the first place we know absolutely nothing Were the 
about the movement and the early history of Moriar'the 
these Mauryas of the Konkan. Thus V. A. Smith^: the^iS^an? 
'' Petty Maurya dynasties, apparently connected 
in some unknown way with the imperial line, 
which ruled in the Konkan, between the Western 
Ghats and the sea and some other parts of 
Western India, during the sixth, seventh and 
eighth centuries, are frequently mentioned in 
Inscriptions." These inscriptions are very late 
in origin. The Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II 
(7th century A.D.) speaks of these Mauryas 
of the Konkan in a manner not very creditable 
either to their military valour or their 
power of resistance. They are further men- 
tioned in the inscriptions along with other small 
tribes, such as the Nalas, and the Kadambas. 
And yet a close study of Mamulanar's poems 
would indicate that the ' Vamba Moriar ' were an 
imperial raco who undertook a great South 
Indian invasion. 'eBemQuTQF^ Q.^(biiEj(^G^(_u9iLj(o/Dir 
QLDfT/fj'jjir,* This description of ' Vamba Moriar ' is 
not in keeping at all with all that we know of 
the Mauryas of the Konkan.*^ 

We are, therefore, not warranted in construing 
Vamba Moriar ' ^ to mean ' unstable Mauryas ' 

"• V. A. Smith, Early History ' The right meaning of the 

oj India, II Edition, p. 183. word ' Vamba ' is therefore 

2 For an account of the ' new '. Many examples might 

Mauryas of the Konkan, see The be quoted from classical poems 

Bombay Gazetteer^ Vol.1, Part II, to support this interpretation as 

p. 282. hereunder: — 



Were they 
then the 
forces of 
gupta ? 

and tken constructing, on imaginary grounds, a 
history and tradition for a people who had an 
obscure and a floating sort of existence for 
several centuries. 

Perhaps the ' Vamba Moriar ' of Mamulanar 
were no other than the forces commanded by 
Samudragupta who is called by the late V. A. 
Smith ' the Indian Napoleon. '^ The difficulty 
of identifying the Mauryas of Mamulanar with 
the forces of Samudragupta is no doubt very 

But the following points are urged in favour 
of such an identification. Historians are not 

(1) evillLj L/^gJOtD 

(2) „ - „ 

(3) „ - „ 

(4) „ —H^^ 

(5) (SULhuLDir,S'S&rr — i^^Qiurr 

(6) eviluuuir^es)^- — l^^iliul 

(7) euuiuetjesyir — Lj^ajsiiS'Sij" 


(8) evihueoir — Lj^m ^eoir (^LDeoir) 

1 V. A. Smith, Early History 
of India, Third Edition, p. 283. 

A few critics have pointed 
out that the orthodox estimate 
of Samudragupta's military 
achievements is grossly exagger- 
ated and that the opinion of the 
French scholar, Dr. Jouveau 
Dubreuil's in regard to Samudra- 
gupta's invasion is much nearer 
the truth. We may remark that 
Dubreuil's is not the last word on 
the subject and even supposing 
it to be so, it does not materially 
affect our Une of argument. 
Dubreuil does not say there has 
been no invasion of South India 
by Samudragupta. All that he 
says is that the Gupta emperor 
after defeating Vishnu Gopa 
returned home by the way he 

(1) Silap: Canto 14, 1. 175. 

(2) Aham. i Stanza 15. 

(3) Puram : „ 3. 

(4) Jivakachintdmani : poem 


(5) Silap. Canto 5, 1. iii. 
- (6) '„ „ 16,1.63 

(7) Purapporul. Venbamalai, 

Ch. 12, Stanza 12. 

(8) Paripadal, Stanza 10, 1. 20. 
(9) Pazhamozhi 220. 

came. It may be that small 
expeditions might have been sent 
by him to effect an entry into the 
Tamilakam. Perhaps it is these 
forces that came in conflict with 
Falayan of Mohoor. At the 
same time, we may note that 
these minor incidents of warfare 
need find no place" in the Pillar 
inscription, which is mainly con- 
cerned with major operations. 
What was undoubtedly a petty 
incident in the career of the 
conquering Guptas necessarily 
loomed large before the eyes of 
the Tamils whose land was about 
to be invaded, and hence the fre- 
quent mention of this incident 
by the Tamil bards who are 
either contemporary or nearly 
contemporary with the incidents 
narrated in their poems. 



:able to tell us anything about the origin of the Miimuianar 

^ T All! •! J" '1 • 1 J. liiiiiself con- 

Gupta dynasty. All that is known oi it is that f„sed. 

the founder of the dynasty was a petty local 

Zemindar at Pataliputra, who contracted a lucky 

marriage, with the Lichchhavi princess, Kuma- 

radevi, and thence rose to power and fortune. It 

is noteworthy that he assumed the same name 

as the grand-father of AsokaMaurya, the founder 

of Mauryan greatness, Chandragupta Maurya. 

What could be more natural for the people of the 

'distant south than to connect the new Imperial 

power with the ancient Mauryas ? Our point 

is that there has been a confusion in the mind of 

IMamulanar himself in regard to Gupta ancestry. 

That such a confusion prevailed among the kings 

and princes of North India is evident from the 

remark of Dr. Fleet in his account of Gutta 

princes. Thus Dr. Fleet :— 

'' The traditions embodied in the Gutta re- 
■€ords involve some confusion. The mention of 
Pataliputra shows distinctly that the Guttas 
supposed thejuselves to be descended ultimately 
from the great Maurya king, Chandragupta of 
Pataliputra, the graild-father of Asoka." 

And again : — 

'' It is plain, in fact, that the Gutta princes of 
Guttal claimed descent in reality from the early 
Gupta kings, of whose dominions, at any rate 
from the time of Kumaragupta I. onwards, 
Malwa did form a part,and not from the Mauryas. 
From their use of the names Chandragupta and 
Vikramaditya, they seem to have really had some 


definite knowledge of the Early Guptas. But 
they mixed it up with matters which were pro* 
bably more familiar to them. They evidently^ 
identified the Early Gupta king Chandragupta I,,,. 
or his grandson of the same name, with the far 
more well known Maurya king, Chandragupta."^ 
Thus it is plain that there was a strong traditioa 
in the tenth century A.D. that the Guttas,^ and 
therefore the Guptas, were connected in some 
manner with the ancient Maury as. A similar 
tradition must have existed in a stronger form 
during the time of Senguttuvan and the Sangam 
poets. Hence, probably to distinguish ' the 
later Mauryas' from the ancient ones, Mamula- 
nar calls the Guptas, ' Vamba Moriar ', i.e., new 
Mauryar, as opposed to the old Mauryar. 
An objection It has been pointed out that the Guptas them- 
selves never thought that they were descended 
from the Mauryas. It is true that the Gupta re- 
cords do not mention anything about their rela- 
tionship with the Mauryas. It may also be a fact 
that the Guptas were not related to "the Mauryas- 
at all. It is enough for our purposes to note the 
existence of a tradition connecting theGuptas and 
the Mauryas, ill-founded though it be. Moreover 
in Asia, rulers of independent states always took 
pride in claiming descent from some ancient 
powerful sovereign, as that lent considerable 
prestige to their rulers. Thus Baber claimed 
descent from the great Timur and Chengizkhan. 

^Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, ' ^^J^y^l''^. ^^. ^"i, ^I^t- u^I 
^ ' word G'Mfto IS a well estabJished 

Part II, pp. 579 and 580. corruption of Gupta^ 



Similarly it is in no way preposterous to suppose 
that the Guptas might have claimed in those 
days ancestry with the Mauryas. The fact that 
Samudragupta was the first imperial sovereign 
to inscribe his edicts underneath those of the 
Monk-Emperor Asoka in the famous Allahabad 
pillar, lends colour to our view of the whole 
question. Our want of knowledge as regards 
Gupta ancestry may not prevent us from accept- 
ing the commonsense view of the point in dis- 
pute. It may be that Mamulanar himself 
gives us a bit of the history of the origin of the 
dynasty by calling the Guptas as the new Maur- 
yas. If even in these days of scientific criticism 
and elaborate Indian Research, w^e are not able 
to know anything about the origin of the 
Guptas, why should we reject as unsound the 
view that Mamulanar failing to distinguish 
clearly the Mauryas from the Guptas and relying 
on some such tradition as that of the Guptas of 
the 10th century A.D., wrote of the Guptas as 
new Mauryas ,? 

We do not know enough details of Samudra- More light 

. 1 * ot 1 T T 11 required 

gupta s great march to Sovith India to enable us in regard to 
to find corroboration of such incidents as are u'sma^c^h. 
narrated by the Sangam poets in connection 
with the invasion, to wit, the coming in of the 
advance parties headed by Kosar and Vadugar. 
As more materials are found to fill up the various 
gaps in the life of one of the greatest of India's 
sovereigns, Samudragupta, we will be able to 
realise more and more that the various points 


of historical interest mentioned by Mamulanar 
do actually refer to the invasion of South India 
by the Gupta monarch. 

It has already been stated that the southern- 
most point reached by the invading force was 
not Podiyil hill, as has been wrongly determined, 
but it has to be sought somewhere on the border 
of the Tamil land, from which entry into the 
heart of Tamilakam would be easy and con- 
venient. It should either be Palghat or Mohoor 
in South Arcot district. Not far from Mohoor 
there is the famous Attur Pass through which 
Hyder Ali and his forces marched to reach South 
s. K. Ayyan. The sccoud of Prof cssor S. Krishnaswami 

gar's conclu- . . , . 

sions based Ayyaugar's conclusions regardmg the mterpreta- 
renderings tiou of Saugam pocms ucxt descrvcs our atten- 
tion. According to him the Mauryas were in 
hostile occupation of forts in the northern border 
of the Tamil land extending from Pulikat^ to 
Goa, and that these Aryans were beaten back 
by the Tamil chiefs at a period wheii the Mauryan 
power became feeble. There seems to be no 

1 Referring to Pulikat, the The correct text is that given by 

learned Professor says, " The Pandit Narayanaswami Ayyar. 

Tamils marked out the limit of mp, Qps<si\^^n' 73. It should be 

Tamil land at Pulikat, which is ^ueo'letipsL-Uf. !Bes((^iL (Buiuir\ 

the Anglo-Indian corruption of ^KatW Uil.L^)is here used in 

Palaverkkadu (old forest of Vel , , ^ „^„c.o\f 'oT„^« ^r iToi^of ,.Wroo 
, X rriu- • £ J 4. • the sense oi a race or Jvsnatriyas. 
trees). This is referred to m rp. „„ • c.-/^^ ^i,o,.^. • 
Ancient Tamil Uterature as Thus m 5t?a^, we have • u;E,^«r/r 
Verkkadu, without the adjective '^'^'^"' ueoQ^psi^L^oja , and also 
for ' old ' standing before the * <slLu^ sEJsm in Aham. Accord- 
name." Page 83. The Beginnings ing to Kanakasabhai Pillai the 
of South Indian History. Here Kattiyar were the people who 
theProfessor has adopted without gave the name of Kattiwar to 
examination, the wrong text of Guzarat. (Page 10. The Tamils 
Pandit Rangaswami Ayyangar. Eighteen Hundred Years Ago.) 

A RESUME. 141 

authority in Sangam literature for arriving at 
such a conclusion. The verses relied upon by 
him merely mention that the Mauryas came 
southwards. There is nothing to indicate that 
they stayed in the land in occupation of forts 
for any very length of time. Again all references 
in the Sangam poems to the defeat of Vada 
Ariyar or Northern Ariyar by Neduncheliyan, 
among others, indicate, perhaps, the attempt of 
the Tamil chiefs to prevent the Gupta forces from 
entering the Tamil country. The fact that 
Samudragupta did not care to penetrate into the 
Tamil land is a point in illustration. From the 
preceding discussion it is clear that the date of 
the Sangam cannot be the second century A.D. 

An attempt has been made to show that the a Resume. 
great Mauryan ir^vasion of the south took place 
in the time of Senguttuvan. The Mauryas 
referred to w^ere not the forces of Chandragupta 
Maury a who could not have been a contempo- 
rary of Senguttuvan. We are, therefore* forced 
to conclude that the invasion referred to by 
Mamulanar was the one undertaken by Samudra- 
gupta, and that the Sate of the last Sangam 
is to be sought for at the end of the fourth or 
the beginning of the fifth century A.D. 

We shall now proceed to consider another Another 
kind of criticism regarding the later origin of 
the third Sangam. It has been very often 
remarked that the Sangam should have existed 
centuries before the rise of the Pallava power 
on the ground that the Sangapa literature did 



not contain any reference to the Pallavas or 
their activities. Let us consider the soundness 
of this argument. 
The origin -j^j^^ origin of Pallavas is even to-day consi- 

of Pallavas. ^ ^ -^ 

dered a mystery. It is one of the many unsolved 
problems of Indian history. The rise and pro- 
gress of the Pallavas seem to be as astonishing as 
the various theories propounded regarding their 
origin. Certain facts, however, in their history 
are matters of common knowledge. In the 
seventh or the middle half of the seventh century 
A.D., they were predominant in South India 
and the various Tamil kingdoms were more or 
less subject to them. At the end of the fourth 
and the beginning of the fifth century A.D., 
their rule remained obscure : perhaps it was not 
widely known. The question now is when they 
assumed the name of Pallava. By what other 
name were they originally known ? Were they 
foreign or indigenous to India ? Unless these 
questions are satisfactorily answered, there can 
be no force in the argument that because Sangam 
literature makes no reference to them, the 
Sangam itself must have flourished long before 
their rale commenced. The Allahabad pillar 
inscription of Samudragupta merely speaks of 
Vishnu Gopa as the ruler of Kaiichi. The name 
Pallava does not occur there. From this it is 
evident that in the fourth century A.D. the 
name Pallava was little used by them. Let us 
next see whether what is known as the Sangam^ 
literature yields us any clue as to the origin of 


the Pallavas, and whether references are made to 
them therein. 

In Sangam literature the rulers of Kafichi are Pal lavas 
spoken of as ' Tirayan and Tondaiman.' They Sangam 
.:are further said to have come from the sea. Men- 
tion is made in Ahandnuru that the Tirayar 
were Lords of Vengadam. According to Nachchi- 
narkkiniyar, these Tirayar were connected 
further with the Naga princes. Again, in the 
age of Senguttuvan, the ruler of Kanchi was the 
brother of a king who ruled at Kavirippoom- 
pattinam. But he is not known as Tirayan. 
These would show that Kanchi was ruled from 
time to time by kings belonging to the various 
races. Some called themselves ' Tirayar ', 
others perhaps were mere fiefs of the Chola kings. 
Kanchi, being near the border of the Tamil land, 
must have been the bone of contention between 
kings who belonged to different races. Vishnu 
Gopa. therefore, who was ruling at Kaiichi at the 
time of Samudragupta's invasion, not being a 
Chola fief, must, therefore, be a Tirayan. 

One important information is furnished by The Tirayar 
Dubreuil in his Antiquities of Pallavas. Accord- Paiiavas. 
ing to him the Pallava rulers of Kanchi 
had, as emblem on their coins, a ship with two 
masts. This explains their connection with the 
sea. The same author says that they were 
•connected with the Naga princes and there is 
every reason to believe that they came from the 
sea. Cannot therefore the Tirayar be identified 
with the Pallavas ? 



Absence of 
the word 
in Sangam 

The Tondaimandala Pattayam gives an 
account of the various branches of Tirayar^ 
This has been noted by Kankasabhai Pillai, in 
his book ''Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago.^^ 
As one of the main branches of Tirayar, we have 
Pallava Tirayar, showing thereby the connection 
of Pallavar with Tirayar. It is therefore natural 
to suppose that the Pallavar were known to- 
early Sangam literature by their group name of 
Tirayar; but, as their power and influence in- 
creased in the land, their branch name ' Pallava. 
Tirayar ' assumed greater importance. Hence 
the absence of the word ' Pallavar ' in the 
4th and 5th century literature, and the 
greater frequency with which tliis name 
' Pallavar ' occurs in later works, such as. 
Nandihkalamhakajn, One oth^r fact may be 
mentioned. The commentator of Tolkdppiyamy 
Nachinark-kiniyar, quotes the following stanza 
by way of illustrating the 54th sutram of_ 
PoruladiJcdram Ahattinai I -yak 

LDGoi ^^fL/SUcS QubtTLbLj Qib^sbrU 

Reference to "We haVC here the words Q^sn-ems^l—Uuevsveijesr 
Chalukyas in , i t i c -^^ i i • i 

Divakaram, a It IS an acknowledged tact that JN aclichmark 
^ ^ ^ ' kiniyar always quotes from Sangam literatu 
alone and the above stanza has the imprint o: 


an old poem. For these reasons, it may be said, 
that Sangam literature has not omitted refer- 
ences to Pallavas who, in their earlier career, 
were known as Tirayar. 

As one reads the Sangam w^orks, one finds who are the 

-. Velir? 

evidences that tend more and more to support 
the probability that the Sangam existed perhaps 
after the 4th or 5th century A.D. We shall 
examine one or two points. Throughout the 
Sangam literature, we have frequent references 
to a tribe called Velir. Who are these Velir ? 
Pundit Raghaya Ayyangar in his book Velir 
Varaldru has stated that these Velir came 
from Belgaum and other places in the Bombay 
Presidency, and that they were the Chalukyas of 
Indian History. The literature of the Sangam 
period also makes mention of them. That the 
Velir were Chalukyas is known from the follow- 
ing passage in Divdkaram \*— 

What is the date of Diyakarar ? The Divakarar: 
patron of Diyakarar was Ambarkilan Aru- ^'' '^^*^* 
vandai. Kalladanar, the well-known Sangam 
poet, sang in praise of this Aruyandai. At 
the end of one of the chapters, Diyakarar 
says that his patron was also praised by 
Auyayar, the famous court poetess of 
Adihaman Elini. From this it is evident that 
Diyakarar, Kalladar, Auvayar and Adihaman 
Elini are contemporaries. That they belonged 

10 . 


to the S<»ngam age will be readily admitted b^ 
all scholars. Thus Divakarar, a Sangam poet, 
makes mention in his work of the Chalukyas 
of whom the earliest record is to be found only 
in the end of the 5th century A.D. It follows, 
therefore, that the poets of the third Academy 
must have flourished somewhere about that time. 
This view is further strengthened by the fact 
that the legendary account of the Velir, as given 
by Kapilar, a Sangam poet, is exactly the same 
as that traditionally attributed to the Chalukyas. 
It, therefore, seems highly improbable that 
Sangam should have flourished in the second 
century A.D. 
TheGurjara Manimekolai, one of the Sangam epics, has 
the following : — 

**(5<F<Fir4P (^i^<5Si<s^ (^uiiflesiuj ldIt ^ 

—18th Canto, 11. 145 and 152. 

These are interpreted by Mahamahopadhyaya 
T. Swaminatha Ayyar to mean " The small 
temple built in Gurjara style of architecture." 
Here is, therefore, a clear reference to the Gur- 
jaras. The late Mr. V. A. Smith^ has pointed 
out that this reference to the Gurjaras 'mMani- 
mekalai is a great stumbling block for accepting 
the orthodox view regarding '' The Sangam 
Age." No one has attempted to satisfactorily 
prove that the Gurjaras existed in the second 

^ See V. A. Smith's Introduction to S. Kriahnaswami Ayyangar'a 
Ancient India. 



century A.D. and that they originated a style 
of architecture popular enough to be imitated in 
the extreme south of India. On the other hand, 
it is well known that the Gurjaras are not heard 
of in Indian History, before the middle of the 
fifth century A.D.^ 

In the course of the examination of the date 
of Senguttuvan, Pundit Raghava Ayyangar has 
shown actual reference to the probable age of 
Nakkirar in a work reduced to writing in the 
eighth or the middle half of the eighth century. 
That point deserves mention here. 

It is admitted by all that Nakkirar, Senguttu- Date of 

, ^, ' . Nakkirar. 

van and Chattanar were all contemporaries, at 
any rate, that they lived in the Sangam age. This 
Nakkirar is the author of a commentary on 
Iraiyanar Kalaviyal. This commentary, instead 
of being written then, was merely handed down 
orally from preceptor to student, for nearly ten 
generations. This information is furnished by the 
author who actually wrote down the commentary. 
The age of tte latter is determined by his fre- 
quent mention of such titles as Arikesari,Paran- 
gusan and Nedumaran assumed by a Pandyan 

' Thus Professor Macdonell page 186) that " the Gurjaras 
'Journal of the Rotjal Asiatic are of the same stock as the 
Society, 1919 Vol, page 531) : — Sakas and came into India with 
** The date C. 200 A. C. assigned them, and on the break up of 
to the Silappadikdram seems to the Mauryan empire they began 
be valueless, because in the to rule Gujarat, Kathiawar and 
companion romance mention is Malwa where they had already 
made of the Gurjaras, who do settled." He further thinks that 
•not seem to have entered India the expression Kuccarak-kutikai 
before C. 450 A.C." (@6^.5^ir«ff@if «Bn«) means a rock- 
Commenting on this Mr. K. G. cut shrine. This view, it is to be 
Sesha Ayyar of Trivandrum feared, has not found general 
writes (T^e Quarterly Journal of acceptance, 
the Mythic Society, Vol. X, No. 2, 


king who is also spoken of as the victor of Nelveli 
and Sangamangai. From the Velvikudi grants we 
can know that this Pandyan king was no other 
than the father of Jatila Varman Parantakan 
who flourished in 770 A.D. It follows, therefore, 
that the compiler of the commentary must have 
existed before the 8th century A.D. Counting 
ten generations from him on the average of 30 
years for each generation that preceded this- 
king, the date of Nakkirar falls in the 5th century 
A.D. (770 A.D. minus 10 X 30) v/hich also may 
be the date of the Sangam. 
Velvikudi This vicw is stiU further confirmed, if we care- 


fully consider the circumstance under which the 
donee of the Velvikudi grant got back his village. 
We may briefly set them forth thus. One Nar- 
korran complained to Jatila Varman Parantakan 
that the village which was given to one of his 
ancestors by Mutukudumi Peruvaludi was taken 
possession of by the Kalabhras during their 
invasion of Madura and that, since then, it had 
remained as Government property. After satis- 
fying that the proofs furnished by Narkorran 
were authentic, the king granted the village back 
to him. Now the question is, is it possible to 
conceive that the donee of the Velvikudi grant 
could have furnished proofs of his title to the 
village if the date of Mutukudumi Peruvaludi, 
that is, of the original grantor were to fall 
centuries before the birth of Christ. Evi- 
dently the interval between Mutulcudumi Peru- 
valudi and the Kalabhra interregnum could not 


have been long. At best we can conceive that 
twelve generations liad enjoyed the property 
from Mutukudumi. From Kadungon to the 
donor of the Velvikudi grant, we have five or six 
generations of rulers. The remaining five or six 
generations of kings must therefore have flour- 
ished between the time of Mutukudumi and the 
Kalabhra interregnum and they were probably 
the Sangam kings. Counting back from Paran- 
takan (8tJi century A.D.) to Kadungon in the 
usual way, w^e have nearly 200 years : in other 
words, Kadungon was restored somewhere in 
the 6th century A.D. Counting from Kadun- 
gon back to Mutukudumi, leaving, as has been 
pointed out, four or six generations of rulers, we 
arrive at the conclusion that the kings mentioned 
in Sangam must have flourished in 
the 5th or 4th centurv A.D. 

Students of Ancient Indian History are aware Buddhism in 

Java and 

of the close cultural contact between Peninsular Sumatra. 
India and the Eastern Archipelago in general, 
and Sumatra and Java in particular. The two 
latter are known in Tamil classical literature by 
the general name of Savakam, which is the San- 
skrit Javadvipa, the Subadin of Ptolemy. Of this, 
writes Kanakasabhai Pillai: " Chavaka or Chai- 
vakadvipa is the island of Sumatra. The king 
of Chavaka appears to have ruled over also Java 
and the small islands adjacent to Sumatra." 
Apparently Dr. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar 
agrees with this identification (see p. 24, Mythic 
Society Journal, Vol. XII, No. ly This Savakam 


was visited by the famous Chinese pilgrim ^ 
Fa-hien, and he has left an impression of what 
he saw there. He found there '^ various forms^ 
of error and Brahminism flourishing." He 
also observes that much to his regret the "Bud- 
dhists in the locality were not worth speaking 
of." The famous Yupa inscriptions of King 
Mulavarman, ascribed by Dr. Vogel to the middle 
of the 4th century A.D., and which refer to the 
settlement of the Brahmins and their perform- 
ance of Ydgas in the true orthodox fashion, 
also tend to support the observation of the 
Chinese Doctor in regard to the predominance 
of Brahminism in those regions. The main 
point to be observed, however, is that Buddhism 
was comparatively a negligible factor in the 
religious life of the communities in Savakam in 
the time of Fa-hien. 
Observations A quite different condition of things existed 
in the last quarter of the 7th century A.D., when 
another Chinese traveller, I-tsing, visited the 
island. A great theologian and collector of ma- 
nuscripts, this I-tsing was as precise and minute 
in his information as Fa-hien himself. Accord- 
ing to him Savakam was essentially Buddhistic. 
*' The change from just the beginnings of Bud- 
dhistic influence," says Dr. Krishnaswami 
Ayyangar, '' in the age of Fa-hien to the domi- 
nance of Buddhism during I-tsing's stay in the 
island gives us clearly to understand that the 
intervening centuries, fifth, sixth and seventh 
centuries of the Christian era, constitute the 

of I-tsing. 



period of Buddhistic outspread in this region.'* 
{Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XII, No. 1, 
page 38.) This description of the religious life in 
Savakam by I-tsing tallies with that given in 
Manimekalaiy Cantos 24 and 25. We may 
briefly set forth the story. 

It is well known that. Manimekalai was impli- f/^^f^*:?^^. 

^ Manimekalai. 

cated in the murder of Udaya Kumaran who 
passionately loved her. The Chola King, Killi- 
valavan , ordered her imprisonment and she was 
subsequently released. Immediately after this, 
disgusted with her stay in the Chola country, she 
proceeded to Savakam whose king, Punnya 
Eaja, was considered as an avatar of Buddha and 
to whom Manimekalai desired to impart the 
secret of his former birth. The accounts of her 
m^eeting in that island a great Buddhistic sage, 
Dharma Savaka, the ' Preacher of the Law to the 
King,' and the subsequent interviews she had 
with Punnya Raja leave, no doubt, the impres- 
sion that the whole island was swayed by the 
teachings of Buddhism. The personages men- 
tioned in the two cantos may be mythical. 
One might even find in the whole account an 
echo of some of the Buddhistic Jdtaha Stories. 
But there is absolutely no doubt that the whole 
story is based upon a substratum of facts and that 
is that Savakam in the time of Chattanar, the 
author of Manimekalai, was essentially Buddhis- 
tic. It is important to remember what has been 
stated before, that Fa-hien was disappointed to 
note the predominance of Brahminism in those 



Yefc another 


of internal 


islands and the insignificant position wliich 
Buddhism occupied in the life of the ^people. 
The conclusion, therefore, is obvious that Mani- 
mekalai was composed at a period when Buddh- 
ism was making rapid strides in Savakam and 
the neighbouring islands. This formative period, 
even according to Dr. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, 
is to be sought for in the time intervening the 
visits of Fa-hien and I-tsing and that is between 
the 5th and 7th centuries of the Christian era. 
If the date of Manimekalai is to be sought in 
the 2nd century A.D., how can we account for 
the spread and predominance of Buddhism 
in Sumatra and Java in the time of Chattanar ? 
For, it should be noted, that even during the time 
of Fa-hien, Buddhism in that island was not 
worth speaking of. 

Another piece of internal evidence may be 
pointed out here, which shows clearly that, what- 
ever might be the date of the Sangam, Mani- 
mekalai belongs to the sixth or seventh century 
A.D. In canto 12 of this work, Aravanavadi- 
gal thus speaks of the condition of Buddhism 
in South India then. '' ^The Dharma has lan- 
guished in this world, and forms of error are 
increasing. Yet I do not despair. I continue 
to preach the Law which few care to understand 
in the hope that the Dharma might be estab- 
Ushed to a little extent."^ Thus the grey-haired 
monk laments the decline of Buddhism in the 

* This is not a literal translation. Only the idea is sought 
to be conveyed here 



Tamil land. We know that Buddhism was 
flourishing in South India during the time of 
Fa-hien's visit (4th century A.D.). Since then, 
the decay of that religion was rapid and when 
Hiuen Tsang visited Kanchi (640 A.D.), he 
heard that in Malakuta (Pandyan country) 
Buddhism was almost extinct, the ancient 
monasteries being mostly in ruins. This is the 
period that is probably referred to in Mani- 
mekalai. Under the circumstance we are not 
wrong in concluding that Manimehdlai was 
•composed after the time of Fa-hien. 

We have thus tried to make it clear that there conclusion, 
are serious difficulties to be overcome before 
we can affirm that the date of the Sangam is 
the 2nd century A.D. The final statement of 
Dr. S. Krishnaswami Avyano-ar in his The 
Beginnings of South Indian History, " And 
now that the necessary preliminary investigation 
has been carried to the 'degree of fulness to carry 
conviction, more work will be done to extract 
from the material all that may usefully be taken 
for the building up of the history of this part 
of the country and of fhat comparatively remote 
period," seems therefore to be premature. No 
doubt more work requires to be done, as he says, 
not so much for the purpose of building up a 
history on the foundation which scholars like 
him believe they have well and truly laid, as for 
laying the foundation itself. 

' The Beginnings of South Indian Histortj, p. 362. 


Note 1. — The following note of Jacobi seems to be conclusive of the theory that 
Jainism was not an offshoot of Buddhism ; — 

•* Notwithstanding the radical difference in their philosophical notions, Jainism 
and Buddhism, being originally both orders of monks outside the pale of Brahmanism, 
present some resemblance in outward appearance, so that even Indian writers' 
occasionally, have confounded them. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at that 
some European scholars who became acquainted with Jainism through inadequate 
samples of Jain literature easily persuaded themselves that it was an offshoot of 
Buddhism. But it has since been proved beyond doubt that their theory is wrong;, 
and that Jainism is at least as old as Buddhism." 

Hastijigs, Cyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics^ p. 465. 

Note 2. — The Jains give an altogether different version of Appar's life thus :— 
'* Appar was a Jain ascetic in,his youth, a staunch Saiva in his middle age, and a. 
repented follower of Jainism in his old age. On account of his reconversion to 
Jainism he was murdered by his Saivite followers lest he should undo what all he^ 
had done to glorify Saivism. His secret murder was concealed by popularising 
mysterious storj'^ that he was devoured by a tiger which was only a manifestation 
of Siva." Certain Tamil hymns in praise of Jina or Arhat are attributed to 
Appar and are most popularly sung by the Jains even to-day. The hymns resemblt 
the Tevdram in many ways. Perhaps they were sung by Appar during the lattei 
period of his life. 












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' Indian Antiquary '- 
Vol. Page 
II. 353 



. . Statue of Karkala. 


14, 134, 354 

. . Papers on the Jains. 



. . Sravana Belgola. 


193, 258 

. . Lassen's Account of the Jains... 


265, 322 

. . Jaina Inscriptions of Belgola. 
. . On the Oswal Jains. 



. . Legend of Bhadrabahu. 



. . Digambaras. 



.. Jainism. 



. . Tirthankaras. 



. . Historic Eecords of Jainism, 



. . Date of Mahavira. 


191, 276, 


. . Papers on Jainas. 


233, 292 

. . Palidhwaja. 

. . A Jaina-Vaishnava Compact. 


279, 339 

. . Sacred List of Jains. 


181, 369 




. . Upakesa Gachchha. 



. . Sacred List of Jains. 




. . Pattavalis of Sarasvati Gach- 
chha of Digambara Jains. 


18, 170, 


. . Sacred List of Jains. 

i XXI. 


. . Bhadrabahu, Chandragupta & 
Sravana Belgola. 

■ XXI. 


. . Three further Pattavalis of 
Digambara Jains. 


14, 106, 
210, 293, 
and 369 


. . Sacred List of the Jains. 



"* Indian Antiquary ' 

Vol. Page. 

XXIII. 352 

XXIV. 33, 65 
XXIV. 275 

XXV. 147 

XXV. 316 

XXVI. 196 

XXVI. 57 

XXVII. 358 

XXVII. 49 

XXX. 239, 288 

XXXI. 477 

XXXII. 49 

XXXIII. 330 

XXXIII. 330 

XXXIII. 196 

XXII. 240 

XXXV. 96 

XXXV. 268 

XXXIX. 257 

X:XXIX. 288 
XL. 46 


Bulletin of the Eeligions. 

Katha Kosa. 
Some Modern Jain Sects. 
Modern Jain Antipathy to 

Jaina account of the end of 

Vagheles of Gurjara. 

Bulletin on the Religions of 

Biihler on the Jainas. 

Legend on the Jaina Stupa at 

The Satrunjaya Mahatmyam- 

hi story of Jains. 

Sukrita Samkritam of Ari- 

Digambara Jain iconography. 



Indian Sect of the Jains. 

Gadja Chudamani of Vadibha 

Kshatra Chudamani of 
Vadibha Simha. 

Champu- Jivandharu by Haris- 

The Kalpasutra — Disciplinary 
rules for Jains. 

Jaina Yasovijaya Grantha 

Mallishena Mahapurana. 



Indian Antiquary'- 






125, 153 


XLII. 307 


118, 125, 167 


Jaina iconography. 

Origin and decline of Bud-^ 
dhism and Jainism in 
S. India. 

Kumarapala and Arnoraja. 


Jains' version of the story of 

Origin and decline of Buddhism 
and Jainism. 

The date of Mahavira. 

A Magazine of Jaina Litera- 

* Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society 

Vol. 1917— 
» 122 
' The New East' I— 

Vol. 1-4 

Date of Mahavira. 

. . The spiritual heritage of the 

1-4 .. Illogical Zen. 

* Indian Philosophical Eeview' I— 

Vol. 1 . . Under- currents of Jainism. 

* Calcutta Eeview'— 

Vol. CCLXCV. Jan. 1919 .. Jain Antiquties of S. India. 

* Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.'— 

Vol. XV. 3 . . Influence of five heritical 

teachers on Buddhism and 

Travancore Archaeological Series— 

Vol. II. Part II . . Jainism and Buddha Vestiges 

in Travancore. 


Conflicting Theories. 
Mr. R. Swaminatha Ayyar, b.a., writes^ : — 
'' I have read with great interest the three Several 
lucid articles contributed to the ' Hindu ' by theories 
Professor M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar, m.a., 
of Vizianagram, in which while summarising 
the views of other scholars he makes valuable 
contributions of his own to the discussion. 
There are several conflicting theories on the 
subject and it is to be regretted that notwith- 
standing several decades of critical discussion 
there are still to be found, even among English- 
educated Indians, persons who still cling to 
theories based on mere legend about the exist- 
ence of three Tamil Sangams each extending 
over several thousands of years which will take 
the beginnings of South Indian History and of 
Tamil culture to the last glacial period. The 
number belonging to this school is, however, 
rapidly diminishing. ' 

" Outside this school the only concession that Antiquity of 
is made to the antiquity of Tamil Literary cul- LuS-ary 
ture is that prior to the time of the Tamil ^^^^"'^• 
Vatteluttu inscriptions which begin in the 
Pandya and the Chera country in the last 
quarter of the 8th century A.D., there was a 
period of great literary activity in Tamil which 

^ Reprinted with kind permission from the "Hindu" dated 6th 
:May 1922. 


has in later times come to be traditionally^ 
known as the Sangam {^^ikisth) age. The worfe 

Sangam . ^ 

Works. composed by the poets of this period have 

come down to us arranged in eight collections, 
or anthologies known as (1) ^^!B!r^iir^, (2) 
(E/bfiSl^sm^ (3) <seQ^Q^rrsiDS, (4) (^£)ii Q^(rGSi<s^ 

(5) ^iEJ(^J^.MJ^, (6) UfPlUfTt^eV, (7) U^/DJUUU^^, 

(8) LjpfEfT^^jpj, The poems comprised in each 
anthology are short nuconnected pieces dealing 
with various situations that may arise in the 
course of love, in married life, in war and in 
other affairs of life. There are, besides, Q^irso 
<sfrLn9ujLD the grammar, of old Tamil, sup- 
posed to have been written by an author be- 
longing to the second Sangam and ^gs^/diju^t 
^suQurr(rf)(3fr^ a short work on erotics, said 
to have been composed by God Parama Siva 
himself ; these two undoubtedly belong to the 
same archaic period as the Sangam antho- 
logies. To this list must be added two epic 
poems QsdLJu^<sir[rtl> and mssvflQ LL<sd30 ^ and a col- 
lection of ten long poems known asu^^uu/nKS ; 
all of these are believed to have been composed 
by Sangam poets. 

'' The late Professor Seshagiri Sastri of the 
Presidency College appears to have been the 
first scholar to furnish materials for a rational 
discussion of the question of the age of the- 
Synchronism. Sangam works. He drew attention to a state- 
ment in the last chapter of Silappadhikdram 
that king 'S<±j6iit(^ of Ceylon was present in 

gar s view. 


the Court of the Chera King Senguttuvan at 
the time of inauguration of temple ceremonies 
for the goddess «5563OT6w^ and identifying <®i^si;/r(^ 
with the earlier Gajabahu of Ceylon history, 
he was able to fix tlie age of Senguttuvan and 
of the incidents related in Silappadikdram 
(not necessarily of the composition of the work 
in its present shape) as the 2nd century A.D. 
This Gajabahu-synchronism was adopted by 
the late Kanakasabhai Pillai as the basis of 
his work ' The Tamils Eighteen Hundred 
Years Ago' and it forms the sheet anchor of 
Dr. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar's theories elabo- s. k. Ayyan- 
rated in ' The Beginnings of South Indian 
History.' In this book the learned Doctor 
places the Sangam poets in and about 
the time of the reign of the Chera King 
Senguttuvan, and after making a de- 
tailed examination of all references made 
by the Sangam poets to contemporary and 
past events he arrives at the following conclu- 
sions : — 

(1) That . there was a great invasion of 
Southern India by the Mauryas who penetrated 
as far south as the Qlut^uSJso mountain. 

(2) That the invaders were in hostile occu- 
pation of forts on the northern borders of the 
Tamil land. 

(3) That the Aryans were beaten back when 
the central Mauryan power became weak and 
that their dislodgment from the south must be 
referred to the period of Mamulanar and other 
poets of the Sangam age. 



Internal <c Various eminent scholars have, however, 

evidence . - . 

showing a pointed out irom time to time that there is 

later date. • i i • i • i i i / 

internal evidence in several works supposed to 
have been composed by prominent poets of the 
Sangam age which shows clearly that these 
compositions belong to a much later age than 
the second century A.D., and it is becoming 
more and more evident every day that the 
Sangam age should be put forward to the 5th 
or the 6th century A.D. It may be remarked 
in passing that the former of these is the 
estimate arrived at by Pundit M. Raghava 
Ayyangar of the Tamil Lexicon office and 
that the latter is the estimate arrived at by 
Mr. K. V. Subramania Ayyar of the Archaeo- 
logical Department, 

'' One of the foremost poets of the Sangam 
age was Sittalai Chattanar (p^i^^^'d^ <s^n-^^(^T) 
who is believed to have composed Lnss^lm^'^ 
referred to above, one of the five classical 
poems {u(^<5F^trsuijuiJb) in Tamil. 

(i) This work contains a reference to (^^^^n^ 
(^^63Dd5— ' a small temple built in the Gurjg.ra 
style '—and it has been pointed out that if this 
is a reference to Gurjaras the work could not 
be much earlier -than the 6th century A.D. 
as the Gurjaras are not heard of in Indian 
History before the middle of the 5th cen- 
tury A.D. 

(ii) In another place the month of Vaisakha 
is referred to in the work as @0^ ^onQeusSSo 
GTifls^ir ^L-u^s^, thus containing a clear refer- 
ence to the second of the twelve Easis by its 
Sanskrit name. Various scholars have pointed 


that the division of the year into solar months 
and the naming of these months by the corre- 
sponding Rasis did not begin in Northern India 
till after the 5th century and that the adoption 
of this system in Southern India in the Tamil 
country 'must certainly have been later than its 
adoption in the north. 

(iii) Professor Ramaswami Ayyangar now Prof. Rama- 
brino-s forward a third piece ot evidence m tne yangar-s evi- 
picture given in the work of the prevalence of ^^:' '''^'''''' 
Buddhism in the Island of Java. He points 
out that when Fahian visited the island about 
400 A.D. he found ' various forms of error 
and Brahminism flourishing ' in the island '^ 
and that ' the Buddhists in the locality were 
not worth speaking of; while in the last quarter 
of the seventh century when the Chinese pil- 
grim I-tsing visit®d the island it was essentially 
Buddhistic. This latter description tallies with 
the picture one forms of the island from what 
is stated in cantos 24 and 25 of Mmiimekalai. 
It is not an isolated word or phrase that is 
brought forward here but integral portions of 
the work. This new piece of evidence seems to 
be conclusive and we may now take it as proved 
that whatever may be the date of other works 
comprised in Sangam list, LnsvyfiQiD^^ clearly 
belongs to the 6fch or the 7th century A.D. The 
work is not of much literary merit and was 
probably put together by a mcmkish poetaster — 
a native apparently of Cholamandalam. 

'' One important argument greatly relied on References to 
by Dr. Krishnaswami Ayyangar and other ^^^^^''^^' 
believers in the Gajabahu-synchronism is the 


entire absence or reference to Pallavas in the 
Sangam works. They point out that the 
Pallava kings of Kanchi were an important 
political factor in South Indian History from 
the 5th century onwards and that the absence 
of any reference to them in the Sangam works 
clearly indicates that these works belong to 
an earlier period. To this Professor Eamaswami 
Ayyangar replies that the Pallavas were known 
by their group name of ' Tirayars ' in the 
Sangam works and that this name meant 
' seafarers ' or ' seamen.' DrayaJi and darya 
mean the ' sea ' in Persian, and tirayar is appa- 
f rently a Persian-derived name meaning * sea- 
men.' This fact is in entire consonance with 
the theory of Professor G. J. Dubreuil that 
the Pallavas are of Persian origin and with 
the fact noted by him that tlje emblem of the 
Pallavas was a ship with two masts. 
Podiyii *' There are several other points in which 

* ^^^^' Professor Eamaswami Ayyangar has thrown 
light on what has till now remained obscure : 
I will mention only one of them here. He 
has clearly proved that the word Quir^u9<so in 

Q^iresrnp^ireo^^Q^ih u^ssmljQufr^u9&) does not 

refer to the Qun-^iBso mountain as supposed 
by some but merely a meeting place in shade 
of a banyan tree ; this takes away the basis of 
the theory that the Mauryas penetrated as far 
south as the Quir^iu9eo hill." 





[This was contributed by me to the Vizianagram 
Maharaja's College Magazine, 1922 July 
number, and with hind permission is now 

It is a great pity that in spite of several ^^gam 
years of critical discussion, the date of the when were 

. they written? 

famous Tamil Sangam should still remam What was 
undetermined. On this account^ the history employed ? 
of the Peninsularr India up to the 9th century 
A.D. continues to be a tangled tale of brilliant 
guesses. The assertion of certain scholars, that 
they have incontrovertibly determined the age 
of the famous Madura Academy, is at best a 
pardonable boast. Under the title '' The San- 
gam Age," the present writer has recently 
contributed to the '*' Hindu " three articles 
wherein the conflicting theories in connection 
with this vexed question had. been examined 
in detail. The object of this note is to press 
as further evidence of the later origin of the 
Sangam two facts not mentioned before. 

The illustrious author of ' The Tamils : Eiqh- Sangam 

Age yet 

teen Hundred years ago ' has mentioned tliat in undetermined. 


what is known as the Sangam Age more than 
25,000 lines of verse have been written by 
poets who flourished between the years 50 
A.D. and 150 A.D. It is further assumed 
that many thousands more are lost owing, 
perhaps, to the ravages of insects. The first 
question that a scientific student of History 
will- propose is when were they written and 
what was the script employed. For one thing 
it is certain that the poets of the Madura 
Academy could not have employed the modern 
Tamil character, which, as is well known, is the 
Grantha-Tamil introduced into the Pandyan 
Country by the Cholas at a period when their 
power was rapidly reviving after the fall of 
the Pallavas, i.e., 9th and 10th centuries 
A.D. When later on the Cholas effected the 
conquest of the Pandya territory, the Grantha- 
Tamil which was essentially the Chola script 
was not only widely used but it gradually began 
to supplant the Pandyan character known to 
Palseographists as Vatteluttu. ^^riting many 
years before the discovery of the caverns and 
the Brahmi inscriptions of South India, Burnell 
thought that the Vatteluttu and the South 
Asokan character were totally distinct importa- 
tions and postulated a Semitic original in 
both the cases. The late Mr. T. A. Gopinath 
Rao in criticising the views of both Burnell 
and Biihler, has not only pointed out several 
points of similarity between Vatteluttu on the 
one hand and the other alphabets of South 


India but has successfuUv establislied the fact 
that Vatteluttu is derived from the Brahmi 
variety of the Asokan alphabet. We can there- 
fore take it as proved that the most ancient 
Pandyan script Vatteluttu was derived from 
the Brahmi inscriptions of the Madura, Ramnad 
and Tinnevelly districts. Epigraphists are 
inclined to assign the end of the 3rd or the 
beginning of the 2nd century B.C. for the date 
of the Brahmi inscriptions. This furnishes us 
with the lower limit for the period of any The period 
Tamil literary activity. The upper limit may literary 
be said to be furnished by the Vatteluttu Hmits."^ 
inscription of the Pandyan king Jatilavarman 
Parantakan (last quarter of the 8th century 
A.D.), the earliest known record yet discovered 
written in Vatteluttu. In between these two 
limits must be* sought the period of literary 
activit}^ known as the Sangam Age. According 
to the orthodox school of Tamil scholars the 
sage Agastya was responsible for the evolution 
of the Tamjl language and one of his twelve 
disciples Tolkappiyar wrote the famous treatise 
on grammar, Tolkappiyam. This grammarian 
is also believed to have been a member of the 
first and second Academies each of which 
existed for hundreds of years. Then was 
founded the last or the third Academy in which 
time more than 25,000 lines had been composed. 
Divested of legend and myth we can reduce 
the traditional account to its proper limits 
thus. Long before Tolkappiyar there was a 



Absence of 
prior to 
8th century. 

period of literary activity, for there can be no 
grammar without literature. If it is true that 
Vatteluttu was the earliest Pandyan script and 
that, as has been remarked, it was derived from 
the Brahmi inscriptions, we must allow at least 
three centuries for the development of a litera- 
ture sufficiently wide to need a grammar. This 
would bring the date of Tolkappiyar to the end 
of the 2nd century A.D. Allowing two more 
centuries for the first two Academies we may 
safely arrive at the conclusion that in all pro- 
bability the third Academy was founded in the 
5th or 6th century A.D., a period sufficiently 
near the epoch for which epigraphic records 
are available, when Vatteluttu was perfected 
and from which we have a cootinuous literary 

It is well known that between the Brahmi 
inscription of the South and the Vattelattu 
inscription of the 8th century A.D. referred 
to above there is absolutely no inscription 
written in any character or any coin legend to 
enable us to fix with some certainty the chro- 
nology of the Pandyan kings. Scholars who 
in season and out of season sing the glories of 
the Sangam Age, its vast literature and spa- 
cious traditions have not cared to inquire 
why for a period of more than a thousand 
years there has absolutely been no inscrip- 
tion. A few who thought about the subject 
argue that notwithstanding the very early 
literary activity, the Tamils did not know or 


xjultivate the habit of inscribing on stones 
and issuing copper-plate grants. Tliis is too 
large an inference to be swallowed without 
critical examination. The early Tamils are 
said to be an intelligent and civilized race 
with a great deal of assimilating power. Not 
iar off from their land the Pallavas were 
issuing copper-plate grants and in their own 
•home they had the Brahml inscriptions. And 
they could have easily imitated the example 
of their contemporaries. The fact that they 
did not do so is due to want of a proper 
developed language of a uniform standard and 
not to their inability to understand the 
usefulness and value of inscription. 

It might be argued that even supposing that Tamil 
the Sangam works were reduced to writing in activity : 
the period not far remote from the time of date.^° ^ 
JTatilavarman Parantakan the San^^am scholars 
might still have handed down orally the innu- 
merable verses. The Vedas, the Upanishads 
Bnd the epics^ one might say, were thus handed 
.down from generation to generation by oral 
repetition. It is tru(5 that so far as religious 
poetry is concerned such a method might have 
been zealously adhered to. But most of the 
'Sangam poems treat of love and war and are 
mostly panegyric in character and there is not 
-much of religion in them. It is therefore hard 
to believe that the Sangam works intact would 
have been handed down to posterity in the 
^manner of the Vedas. The conclusion of the 



whole matter is that such an intense literary 
activity as the one that has been ascribed to^ 
the legendary Sangam is to be sought for in 
the time approximating the century for which 
we have the earliest known Vatteluttu records. 
A striking There is a striking piece of internal evidence 

piece of • 71^ • 7 . 

internal in ManiMekalai which would open the eyes of 
those who hng to their bosom their pet theory 
of the early origin of the Sangam which how- 
ever rests on the slender basis of the Gajabahu- 
synchronism. Canto XII of Manimekalai con- 
tains an account of an interview between 
Manimekalai and a Buddhist Abbot of Kavirip- 
poompattinam. In the course of a long sermon 
the grey-headed old monk Aravanavadigal 
says/' X . . . Buddha-Dharma is losing its 
hold in the mind of the people and as a result 
forms of error are increasing in the country.. 
Yet do I not despair. I still continue to 
preach the law which few care to understand." 
Evidently the Abbot laments the rapid decay 
of Buddhism in the Tamil country. It is a 
well-known fact that Buddhism which was 
flourishing during the days of Fahien was in 
process of decay when Hieun-Tsang visited 
Conjee varam (7th century A.D.). According 
to his testimony, in Malakuta or Malakota, the 
name by which the Pandya country was called 
by him, Buddhism was almost extinct, the 
ancient monasteries being mostly in ruins. 
*' The inhabitants were reputed to care very 
little for learning and to be wholly immersed 



in commercial pursuits." Thus it requires no 
great ingenuity or verbal demonstration to 
show that Aravanavadigal's reference is to the 
period of Hieun-Tsang or better still to the 
century that immediately preceded the Doctor's 


Arunachalam, P. 

' Sketches of Ceylon History.' 


* Religions of India.' 


' Life of Hiuen Tsang.' 


' Hindu Manners and Customs.' 


Sir Raniakrishna . . 

Report on the Search for Sanskrit 



' Travels.' 


' The Indian Sect of the Jainas.' 

' Bodhayana Sutras.' 

Burnell, A. C, Dr. . . 

' South Indian Paleography.' 

Caldwell, Bishop 

' Introduction to the Comparative 

Grammar of Dravidian Langu- 


Chakravarti, Prof. . . 

' Panchastikaya.' 


' Miscellaneous Essays.' 


' Ancient Geography.' 

Dubreuil Jouveau, Dr. 

' Antiquities of Pallavas.' 


' Epigraphia Indica.' 


' Indian Architecture.' 


Madras Census Report, 190L 


' Literary History of India.' 


' Encyclopaedia of Religion and 

Hunter, Sir William W 



' Non- Aryan Languages of India.' 

' Imperial Gazetteer, Bombay 

' Indian Antiquary.' 
' Acharanga Sutras.' 
' Kalpa Sutras.' 



Kanakasabhai Pillai, V. 

•' Jaina Gazette', Madras. 

Journals of the Royal Asiatic 
Society and its branches. 

' The Tamils Eighteen Hundred 
Years Ago.' 

Kern, Prof. 

, , 

' History of Buddhism.' 

Krishna swa mi Ay] 


gar, S., Dr. 

• • 

' Tlie Beginnings of South Indian- 

' Ancient India.' 

MacDonnell, Prof. 

• • 

' History of Sanskrit Literature.' 


, , 

' Fragments of Megasthenes.' 


' Madras Christian College Maga- 


. . 

'Madras Epigraphical Reports.' 

Max Muller 


' Hibbert Lectures.' 

' Sacred Books of the East.' 

Nelson, J. H. 

. , 

' Madura Country.' 


• • 

' Kural' 

. • * • 


' Quarterly Journal of the Mythic 

Rice, E. P., Mr. 

• • 

' History of Canarese Literature ' 


(Heritage of India Series). 

Rice, Lewis, Mr. 

, , 

* Mysore and Coorg from t he- 



' Epigraphia Carnatica.' 

5eshagiri Sastriar, Prof. 

' Essay on Tamil Literature.' 

?mith, V. A. 

• • 

' Early History of India.' 
' South Indian Inscriptions.' 

5rinivasa Ayyangar 


' Tamil Studies.' 


' Tamilian Antiquary.' 


• . 

' History of Ceylon.' 



' History of India.' 


, , 

' Mahayamsa.' 


(References to pages,) 

Acharanga Sutras, 4, 6 f.n. 2, 9 f.n. 1. 

Acharyas, 73. 

Adihaman Elini, 145. 

Adivarkkunallar, 38, 88. 

Ahafmnuru, 81, 124, 126, 127, 135 f.n. 3, 

140 f.n. 1, 143. 
Ahimsa, 6, 76, 82. 
Aihoie Inscription, 135. 
Ajivaka, 7, 102. 
Ajivaka Brahmins, 16. 
Akalanka, 31. 
Akshashravaka, 19. 
Alagarmalai, 34. 
Alexandria, 91. 
Alexandrian School, 91. 
AliNadu, 71. 
Allahabad, 14. 

Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 142, 
Alvars, Vaishnavite, 36, 61, 68, 70, 72. 
Ambalakarans, 56 f.n. 2. » 
Ambarkilan Aruvandai, 145. 
Amoghavarsha I, 112. 
Amritasagara Muni, 104. 
Anabaya Chola, 61. 
Anaimalai, 34, 68. 
Ancient Geography, by Cunningham, 

30 f.n. 4. 
Ancient India, by S. K. Avyangar, 123, 

146 f.n. 1. . " 

Andhrabhritvas, 133. 

Andhras, 133. 

Anga, 14. • 

Antiquities of Pallavas, by J. Dubreuil, 

Anuradhapura, 33. 

Aparajita, 17. 

Apayan, 103 f.n. 1. 

Appar, 61, 66, 70, 77, 154 n. 2. (See also 

Apta Mimamsa, 30. 

Aravanavadigal, 152. 

Ardhaphalakas, 25. 

Arhat, 41, 47. 

Ariel, M., 90. 

Arikesari, 147. 

Arishtanemi, 13. 

Arittapatti, 34. 

Arthasdstra, 44. 

A — could. 

Arunachalam, P., 33 f.n. 1. 

Asramas, 7. 

Asiatic Researches, 75 f.n. 4, 116 f.n. l, 

Asoka, 16, 22, 132, 134, 137, 139. 
Asokan Edict, 15, 15 f. n. 3, 16, 33. 
Athan, 123. 
Attiraiyanar, 128. 
Attur pass, 140. 

Augustan Age of Tamil Literature, 58. 
Auvayar, 145. 


Baber, 138. 

Baghavan Lai Indraji, Dr., 16. 

Balakapinchha, 29. 

Balathkara, 28. 

Barth, M., 8, 9, 11, 74, 75, 75 f.n. 3, 76. 

Basava, 113. 

Basava Purana, 113. 

Beal, 16. 

Beauchamp, 75 f. n. 4. 

Beginnings of South Indian History, by 

S. K. Ayyangar, 123, 125, 140 f.n. 1, 

Belgaum, 145. 
Bellary, 107. 
Beliir Taluka, 115. 
Bhadrabahu, 18, 19, 20, 24, 23, 25, 26, 

32, 105. 
Bhagavatha Purana, 121. 
Bhandarkar, Sir Ramakrishna, 30, 113. 
Bihar, 14, 26. 
Bindusara, 129. 
Bispanthi, 27. 
Bittidevabittiga, 115. 
Bodhdyana Sutra, by Buhler, 8. 
Bombay Gazetteer, 30 f.n. 7, 111,111 f.ns. 

1 and 3, 112 f.n. 1, 135, 138 f.n. 1. 
Bower, 78 f.n. 3. 
Brahma, 111. 
Brahmi Inscriptions, 33. 
Brihatkatha, 102. 
Buchanan, 75 f. n. 2. 
Buddha, 4, 5, 10, 14. 
Buddhism, 4,5, 16, 17, 71, 133, 134^. 

149, 150, 152, 153. 



B — contd. 

Buddhists, 22, 81, 82, 83. 
Buhler, 3, 5, 8, 10, 15 f.n. 3. 
Bukkaraya, 117, 118. 
Burgess, 3. 
Burnell, 3, 76 f.u. 1. 
Byrasudayar, 75 f.n. 2. 

Caldwell, Dr., 64, 76 f.n. 2. 

Chakravarti, Prof., 43. 

Chalukyas, 66, 107, 108, 111, 144, 145, 

146, Western and Eastern, 112. 
Chamundaraya, 110 f. n. 1. 
Chandragiri hill, 21, 23, 24. 
Chandragupta Maurya, 19, 20, 23, 23 

f. n. 2, 24, 26, 29, 121, 122, 132, 134, 

137, 138, 141. 
Chandraleghai Chaturveda Mangalam, 

Chattanar, 41, 50, 147, 152. 
Chelvakesav^aroya Mudaliar, T., IVIr., 93. 
Chengizkhan, 138. 

Chintamani, 73, 85, 93, 95, 102, 135 f.n. 3. 
Chittamur, 74. 
Chuddmani Nigandu^ 103. 
Chuldmani, 103. 
Coimbatore, 107, 109. 
Colebrooke, 3, 10, 39 f.n. 1. 
Cunningham, 30 f.n. 4. 

Damodaram Pillay, 83. 

Dasapurvis, 17. 

Dera Chandra, 20 f. n. 1. 

Devanampriya Tissa, 39. 

Devananda, 29. 

Devaraya II, 118. 

Deva Sanga, 28. 

Dhantusena, 32. 

Dharma Savaka, 151. 

Dharmasena, 66. 

Dharmastikaya, 50. 

Dharwar, 107. 

Dhundias, 27. 

Digambaras, 9, 14, 15 f.n. 1, 24, 27, 28, 

Digambara Dharsana, 52. 
Digambara Jain Sangam, 57, 92. 
Digambara Works, Hi. 
DipawansOy 122. 
Divdkaram, 85, 144, 145. 
Divakarar, 145, 146. 
Dominicans, 6. 
Dramila Sanga, 105. 
Dubreuil, Jouveau, Dr., 136 f.n. 1, 143. 

Ekantada Ramayya, his miracle, 114. 
Elacharyar, the Author of Kural, 43, 44! 
Emankatanadu, 98. 
Encydopcedia of Religion and Ethics^ 

by Hastings, 14 f.n. 2, 25, 25 f.n. I^ 

28 f.n. 1, 154 note 1. 
Epigraphia Carnatica, 3, 109 f.n. 2, 

105, 115. 
Epigraphia Indica, 23 f.n. 1. 
Epitome of Indian Jainism, by Nabar 

and Ghosh, P., 24 f.n. 1. 

Fa-hien, 125, 150, 151, 152, 153. 
Fergusson, 75 f. n. 5, 78 f. n. 1. 
Fleet, Dr., 21, 23, 138 f. n. 2, 137. 
Fragments of MegastTieneSi by M'Crindle. 

106 f.n. 1. 
Franciscans, 6. 
Frazer, 44, 44 f.n. 2, 74, 75 f.n. 1. 

Gajabahu, 119, 120, 122. 

Gajabahu-Synchronism, 119. 

Ganga kings of Mysore, 109. See Table 

Gangaperur, 109. 
Ganga Rajas, 73. 
Gangaraya, 116. 
Gangas, 51, 106, 108. 
Gangavadi, 31, 51, 108. 
Gautama, a disciple of Mahavira, 17,> 
Giri, a nigantha devotee, 33. 
Goa, 140. 

Gomateswara, statue of, 110. 
Gopinatha Rao, T. A., Mr., 54. 
Gosala, 7. 
Govardhana, 18. 
Govindall, 112. 
Griddhrapinchha, 29. 
Gujarat, 140 f.n. 1, 147 f.n. U 
Gumanpanthi, 28. 
Gunabhadra Acharyar, 103. 
Gunadittya, 102. 
Gunamalai, 99. 
Gunavirapanditha, 104. 
Gupta dynasty, 137. 
Gupta kings, 137. 
Guptas, 136, 138. 
Gupti-gupta, 22. 
Gurjaras, 146, 147, 147 f.n. 1. 
Gurjara style of Architecture, 146.> 
Gutta (word), 138 f.n. 2. 
Guttal, 137. 
Gutta princes, 137. 
Gutta traditions, 137. 




J — contd. 

Harihara II, 118. 

Harivamsa^ 111. 

Hastings, 14 f. n. 2, 25, 28 f.ii. 1. 

Hibbert Lecture.s, by MaxmuUer, 7, 8. 

Himasltala, 31. 

Hindu Manners and Customs ^ by Beau- 

champ, 75 f.n. 4. 
History of Buddhism, by Piof . Kern, 9. 
History of Ceylon, by Tennent, 38. 
History of Canarese Literature, by E. P. 

Rice, 76 f.n. 3. 
History of Sanskrit Literature, by Mac- 

donell, 39 f.n. 2. 
History of Tamil Literature, by Purna- 

lingam PiJlai, 98 f.n. 
Hitopa-Jesa, 100. 
Hiuen Tsang, 15, 16, 125. 
Hoemle, 3, 5, 6, 7, 17 f.n. 1, 25, 29, 43. 
Hoysalas, 107, 108, 115. 
Hula, the Minister of King Narasimha 

Deva, 116. 
Hunter, Sir William, 86. 
Hyder Ali, 117, 140. 


Ikkeri, 75 f.n. 2. 

Ilangovadigal, 41, 93. 

Ilangovati Araiyan, 54. 

Imperial Gazatteer, Bombay Presidency, 

79 f.n. 1, 111 f.ns. 1 and 3. 
Indian Antiquary, 11,22,23 f.n. 1, 24, 

43, 76f.n. 3, 103, lllf.n. 2. 
Indian Sect of the Jainas, by Biihler, 

10 f.n. 2, 15 f.n. 3. 
Indra, 39. 
IndralV, 112. 
raiyanar. Author of Kalaviyal, 147. 
T-tsing, 150, 151, 152. 

Jacobi, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 11, 24, 25. 

Jacobi, His Intruduction to Jaina 

Sutras, 5. His Introduction to Kalpa 

Sutras, 11. His criticism of M. Earth's 

views, 8, 9. 
Jainism or the Early Faith of AsoJca, by 

Thomas, 9, 22. 
Jamali, MahavTra's son-in-law, 24. 
Jambusvami, the pupil of Sudharman, 17. 
Jataka Stories, 21, 151. 
Jatila Varman Parantakan, 148. 
Java, 149, 152. 
Javadvlpa, 149. 
Jayasimmha, 111. 
Jeypoor, 78 f.n. 3. 
Jina, 14, 42, 112. 
Jina S^na, 112. 

Jinendra Vydkarana, 31. 

Jivakachintamani, account of its compo- 
sition, 96, 97. See also Chintamani. 

JTvakan, story of, 94, 98, 100. 

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
Roy aT Asiatic Society, 29, 52 f.n. 1. 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 9, 
10, 21 f.n 1, 22, 44 f.n. 1, 52 f.n. 1, 
147 f.n. 1. 


Kachiappa Munivar, 98. 

Kachiappar's Skantham, 88, 

Kadambas, 135. 

Kadungon, 53, 149. 

Kalabhra interregnum, 57, 148 

Kalabhras, 53, 55, 56, 92, 148. 

Kalaohuris, 107, 108, 113, 

Kalinga, 16. 

Kalingattupparani, 103. 

Kalip2)akai, QQ. 

Kalit-tokai, 37 f.n. 2. 

Kalladam, 88. 

Kalladanar, 145. 

Kalvarkoman, 56 f.n. 2. 

Kamban, 85. 

Kamha Ramayana, 88. 

Kanakamalai, 99. 

Kanakasabhai Pillai, V, 36, 45 f.n. 1, 120. 

129 f.n. 1, 131, 140 f.n. 1, 144, 149. 
Kanchi, 30, 142, 143, 153. 
Kandaraditya, 65. 
Kanimethaviyar, 103. 
Kanvayanas, 121. 
Kapilar, 146. 
Karikal Chola, 122, 123. 
Kamataka, 26, 30. 
Karungalakkudi, 34. 
Karur, 134, 134 f.n. 1. 
Katavapra, 20. 
Kattia Chintamani, 95. 
Kathiawar, 140 f.n. 1, 147 f.n- 1. 
Kattiankaran, 98. 
Kausambi, 14. 
Kautilya, 44. 

Kavirippoompattinam, 47, 143. 
Kemasari, 99. 
Kema-mapuram, 99. 
Kern, Prof., 9. 
Kevalin, 14. 
Kevalis, 17, 28. 
Kharavela Inscription, 16. 
Killivalavan, 34, 151. 
Kittel, F., Rev., 76. 
Klatt, 43. 
Kolhapur, 30. 
Kongani Varma, 107. 
Kongar-Puliangulam, 34. 

13 * 



K — cordd. 


Kongudesa Bajdkkal, 109. 

Konkan, 134. 

Kosar, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 139. 

Kotiya, 28. 

Kovalan, 134. 

Kountiadigal, 93. 

Krishna, 121. 

Krishnadeva Raya, 103. 

Krishnaswami Ayyangar, S., Dr. 36, 

123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129 f.n. 1, 

130, 131, 132, 146, 146 f.n. 1, 149, 150, 

Kshatra Ghuddmani, 95. 
Kulottunga Chola, 61, 103. 
Kumaradevi, 137. 
Kumaragupta I, 137. 
Kumari, 38. 
Kundaggama, 13, 
Kunda Kunda, 43, 44, 51. 
KundalaJcesi, 93. 
Kundur, 38. 

Kun Pandya, 64, 65, 67, 68, 72. 
Rural, its date, 40, 41, 42, 44, 73, 76, 83 

85, 87, 91, 93. 
Kuvavan Maran, 54. 
Kylasa, 113. 

Lassen, 5, 6. 10. 
Leumann, Dr., 24. 
Lingayats, 113. 
Lichchhavi princess, 137. 
Literary History of India, by Frazer, 44 
f.n. 2, 44 f.n. 75. 


Macdonell, Prof., 39 f.n. 2, 147 f.n. 1. 

Mackenzie, 3, 75. 

Madhava, 109,110. 

Madhvacharya, 74. 

Madras Christian College Magazine, 125. 

Madras Epigraphical Reports, 34 f.n. 2. 

Madura, 47, 52, 54, 57, 63, 78, 79, 82, 

92, 96, 105, 123. 
Madura Academy, 119. 
Madura Country, by Nelson, 64 f.n. 2. 
Madura Tamil Sangam, 39 f.n. 3. 
Magadha, 14, 15, 16, 26, 121, 122. 
Mahakavyas, 73. 

Mahamandaleswara Kamadeva, 113. 
Mahamma, 32. 

MaMvamsa, 15 f.n. 2, 32, 33, 39, 122. 
Mahavira, 4, 5, 7, 12, 13, 16, 17, 24, 25, 

26, 27. 
Maheswara, 111, ^ 

Malakuta, 153. 

Malwa, 147 f.n. 1. 

Mamulanar, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 132. 

134, 137, 138, 139. 
Mangayarkarasi, 62. 
Mangudi Marudanar, 130. 
Manimekalai, Epic, 41, 34, 47, 50, 83, 

88, 93, 134, 146, 151, 152, 153. 
Manimekalai, heroine, 151. 
Maran Parameswaran, 54. 
Marugaltalai, 34. 
Marundale, 108. 
Mathura, 16. 
Mathura Inscription, 16. 
Mathuraikanchi, 131. 
Matsya Pur ana, 121, 122. 
Mauryas, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 137, 

139, 141. 
Mauryas of the Konkan, 135. 
Maxmuller, 7, 8. 
M'Crindle, 106. 
Meenakshisundareswarar, 54. 
Megasthenes, 21, 22, 106. 
Meleyur, 20 f.n. 1. 
Memoirs, by Hiuen Tsang, 15. 
Merumandarapurdnam, 104. 
Milestones in Tamil Literature, 85. 
Minakshi Temple, 79. 
Mukhara, 110. 
Mulavarman, l^^oO. 
Murti Nayanar, 53, 54. 
Mushkara, 110. 
Muttialpetah, 78 f.n. 3. 
Muttaraiyar, 56, 56 f.n. 2, 92. 
Muttupatti, 34. 
Muttur, 38. 

Mutukudumi Peruvaludi, 148. 
Mylapore, 74, 90. 
Mysore a/td Coorg from the Inscriptions 

by Lewis Rice, 109 f.n. 3, 112 f.n. 2. 


Nachchinarkiniyar, 38, 88, 143, 144. 

Ndgakumcirakdvyam, 103. 

Nagamangala Inscription, 109. 

Naga princes, 143. 

Nagar and Shimoga Inscription, 109 

Nahar and Ghosh, 27. 

Nakkirar, 37, 147, 148. 

iV^aZadt>ar, 57, 76, 89, 91. 

Nalanda, the great monastery at, 15 

Nalavenbd, 84. 

Nalas, 135. 

Nambiandar Nambi, 60, 61. 

Nammalvar, 71. 

Nandigama, 105. 

Nandikalambaham, 144. 

Nandimitra, 17, 




N — contd. 

Nandi Sanga, 28. 
Nannul, 73, 88, 104. 
Narada, 113. 

[Narasimha, the Ganga king, 112. 
iNarasimha Deva, 116. 
I Narasimha Varman I, 65, 66. 
I Narayanasami Ayyar, Pundit, 140 f . n. 1 
iNariviruitam, 96, 100, 
Narkorran, 148. 
Nataputta, 13. 
Nayanars, 78. 
Nedumaran (title), 147. 
Nedumbai, 74. 
NeduncheHyan, 141. 
Nelson, 64 f.n. 2. 
Nelveli, 62, 148. 
Nigantha Kumbandha, 33. 
Nigrantha, 10, 15, 16, 47, 60. 
Nilakesi, 101. 
Nilakesi (heroine), 60, 101. 
Nilantaru Tiruvir Pandyan, 38. 
Ninrasir Nedumaran, 62, 64 f. n. 1. 
Niravadya Pandita, 111. 
Nirvana, 11, 14, 29. 
Nurruvar Kannar, 120. 

Oldenberg, 11. 

Pahruli, 38. 

Palavaiam, 78 f.n. 3. 

Palayan, 125, 129, 131, 132, 136 f. n. 1, 

Palghat, 140. 

Pallava Inscriptions, 53. 

Pallava power, 141. • 

Pallavas, 142, 144, 145. 

Panambaranar, 39 f.n. 3. 

Panchuslikdya, 43. , 

Pandaram, 54. 

Pandugabhaya, 33. 

Panduvasa, 39. 

Panini, 39. 

Pantsenus, 91. 

Parameswara Varma, 66. 

Parangusan, 147. 

Parankorranar, 128. 

Parantakan, 149. 

Paripddal, 135 f.n. 3. 

Parisista Parvan, 14 f.n. 2. 

Parsvanath, 12, 13, 14, 25, 118. 

Parsvanath hill, 14. 

Parvati, 113. 

fPasukavalan, 98. 

iPasumalai, 68. 

Pataliputra, 20, 26, 30, 124, 137. 


Pathak, K. B., Mr., 29 f.n. 2. 
Padumai, 99. 

Pattirrupattu, 129, f.ns. 2 & 3. 
Pattupattu, 88. 
Pava, 11, 14. 
Pavanandi, 73, 104. 
Pazhamozhindnuru, 89, 92. 
Peddunaikenpettah, 78 f. n. 3. 
Periyapurdnam, 53, 55, 56 f.n. 2, 61, 63, 

67, 97. 
Perrul, 78 f.n. 3. 
Perumpidugu Muttaraiyan, 54, 
Perungadungo, 130. 
Perunkathai, 102. 
Podiyil battle, 131. 
Podiyil hill, 81, 131, 140. 
Pondieherry, 78 f.n. 3. 
Pope, Dr., 42, 56, 90. 
Poruladikaram Ahattinai-Iyal, 144. 
Poysala, 115. 
Ptolemy, 149. 
Pujera, 27. 

Pujyapada, 31, 52, 110. 
Pulakesin II, 135. 
Pulikat, 140, 140 f.n. 1. 
Punnata, 28. 
Punnya Raja, 151. 
Purandnuru, 81, 126, 135 f.n. 3. 
Purapporul Venbamalai, 135 f.n. 3. 
Purnalingam Pillai, 98 f. n. 1. 
Purushottama Patta, 114. 
Pushtaka, 28. 

Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society 
147 f.n. 1, 149, 151. 


Rachamalla Satyavakya, 110. 

llaghava Ayyangar, Pundit M., 124, 127, 

145, 147. 
Raghava Ayyangar, Vidwan R, 134 

f.n. 1. 
Rajagriha, 14. 
Raja Raja Chola, 60. 
Raja Raja Deva I, 65, 111. 
Rajavalikathe, 20 f.n. 1, 23, 30, 32, 39. 
Ramanuja, 115, 117. 
Rdmdyanam, 84. 

Rangacharya, M., Prof., 112 f.n. 1. 
Rangasami Ayyangar, Pundit, 140 

f.n. 1. 
Rashtrakutas, 107, 108, 111. 
Ratnamdlika, 112. 
Rf^vikirti, 111. 
Religions of India, by Barth, 76 f.n. 3. 




Report on the Search of the Sanskrit MSS. 

by Dr. Bhandarkar, 30. 
Rice, E. P., Mr., 76 f. n. 3. 
Rice, Lewis, Mr., 3, 22, 109, 112 f.n. 3. 
Royapuram, 78 f.n. 3. 

Sacred Books of the East, by MaxmuUer, 

Saint Thomas, 90. 
Saiva Nayanars, 35, 61, 72, 73. 
Sakas, 147 f ,n. 1. 
Sala, 115. 
Salem, 109. 

Sallekhana, Jain Vow of, 112. 
Samaiyapanthi, 28. 
Samantabhadra, 29, 30. 
Samaya Divakara Munivar, 102. 
Sambandar, 65, 70, 77. S e e a 1 s o 

Tirugiiana Sambandar. 
Sammatiya, Buddhistic School of, 10. 
Samudragupta, 136, 139, 141, 142. 
Sangamangai, 148. 
Sangam Period, 35. 
Sankaracharya, 73. 
Santaladevi, 116. 
Santidevamupi, 115. 
Sdrasamgraha Ganita, 112. 
Sarasvati, 28. 
Sarmanes, 106. 
Sastram Ayyar, 78 f. n. 2. 
Satakarnin, 122. 
Savakam, 149. 
Seeyagangan, 73. 
Sekkizhar, 61, 97. 
Sekkizhdr Ndyandr Purdnam, 97. 
Seleucus Nicator, 121. 
Sendalai Inscriptions, 54. 
Senguttuvan, 41, 46, 93, 119, 123, 124, 

125, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 138, 141, 

143, 147. 
Sen Tamil, 39 f. n. 3, 54, 94, 125. 
Sena Sanga, 28. 
Sermanas, 22. 
Sesha Iyer, K. G., Mr., of Trivandrum 

125, 147 f.n. 1. 
Seshagiri Sastriyar, Prof., 119, His Essay 

on Tamil Literature, 41 f.n. 1. 
Shiyali, 62. 
Siddharmalai, 34. 
Siddhar School, 85. 
Siddharta, 13. 
Silappadikdram, 37, 37 f. n. 2,38, 40, 46, 

47,73, 83, 88, 89, 93, 119, 122, 129 f. n. 

3, 135 f. n. 3, 140 f. n. 1, 147 f. n. 1. 

S — contd, 

Simha Sanga, 28. 

Simha Sena, 20. 

Simhanandin, 31, 108, 109. 

Singapurinada, 78 f. n. 3. 

Sirutrondar, 61, 65. 

Sisuka, 121. 

Sittannavasal, 34. 

Siva, 113, 114. 

Sivappanayakar, 75 f. n. 2. 

Sivaskandha, 43. 

Sketches of Ceylon History, 33 f.n. 1. 

Smith, V. A., Dr., 23, 23 f.n. 2, 46, 135 

135 f.n. 1, 146. 
Somasarma, 19. 

South Indian Inscription, 118 f.n. 1. 
South Indian Palaeography^ by Burnell, 

76 f.n. 1. 
Sravana Belgola, 23, 51, 73, 117. 
Sravana Belgola Inscription, 19, 22, 23, 

29, 29 f.n. 3, 30, 112 f.n. 3. 
Sravasti, 14. 
Sri Kalbharakalvan, 54. 
Sri Maran, 54. 

Srinivasa Ayyangar, M., 82, 87. 
Srinivasa Pillai K. S., Rao Bahadur, of 

Tanjore, 125. 
Sripuranam, 104. 
Sri Satrukesari, 54. 
Sruta Kevalls,,17. 
Stevenson, 10. 
Stulabhadra, 18, 26. 
Subramani Ayyar, K. V., Mr., 124. 
Sudharman, a disciple of Mahavira, 17 '^ 

f.n. 1. 
Sumatra, 149, 152. 
Sundara Pandya, 64 f.n. 1. 
Sundaram Pillai, Prof., 65. 
Suraraanjari, 99. • 
Suryanarayana Sastri, Mr., 83. 
Susanadesam, 99. 
Su varan Maran, 54. 
Svetambaras, 9, 24, 29, 13 f.n., 14 f.n. 2, 

15 f.n. 1, 27. 
Swamikannu Pillai, Diwan Bahadur, 

L. D., 124. 
Swaminatha Iyer, V., Mahamahopadh • 

yaya, 102, 146. 
Syadvada, 29. 

Tamilakam, 136 f. n. 1, 140. \ 

Tamilian Antiquary , 65, 78 f.n. 1. • 

Tamil Studies, 87. !1 
Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, 45 j 

f.n. 1., 51 f.n. 1., 120, 129 f.n. 1, 140 d 

f.n. 1, 144. 1 
Tamizh Muttaraiyarkovai, 56. 



Tattvarthddhigdma Siltra, 28. 

Taylor, 64. 

Tennent, 38. 

Terapanthis, 27. 

Takkanadu, 99. 

Tevaram, 68, 84, 85, 88. 

Thomas, 9, 10, 22. 

Tilakavati, 66. 

Timur, 138. 

Tipangudi, 74. 

Tippu Sultan, 75 f.n. 2. 

Tirayar, 143, 144, 145. 

Tirthankaras, 11, 12, 29, 34, 42, 77. 

Tirujnanasambandhar, 61, 62, 63, 64, 

65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 79. 
TirukJcalambagam, 103. 
Tirumalai, 74. 
Tirumangai Alvar, 67, 71. 
Tirumazhisaipiran, 67, 71. 
Tirunaraiyur, 60. 
Tirunarunkunrai, 75, 103. 
Tirunavukkarasar, 65. 
7 irunurrandadi, 103. 
Tiruppapuliyur, 66. 
Tirupparankunram, 34. 
Tiruttakkadevar, 73, 95. 
Tirutondar Puranam, 61. 
Tiruvdchakam, 85, 88. 
Tiruvalavai, 63. 
Tiruvalluvar, 40, 91. See also Vallu- 

Tiruvamur, 66. 
Tiruvoimozhi, 84, 88. 
Tissa, 122. 

Tolkdppiyam, 83, 88, 89, 144. 
Tolkappiyar, 37, 38, 39, 39 f.n. 3, 57, 

Tondaradipodi, 71. 
Tondaiman, 143. • 
Totapanthi, 28. 

Travels, by Buchanan, 75 f.n. 2, 
Trichinopoly, 54. , 

Trisala, 29. 

Tuluva Country, 75 f.n. 2. 
Tuluva Jain kings, 75 f.n. 2. 
Turner, 15. 

Udaya Kumaran, 151. 
Udayanakumara, 102. 
Uga, 118. 

Ujjain, famine in, 20. 
Umapati Siva Charya, 60. 
Umasvami, 28, 29. 
Uraiyur, 47. 

Vada Ariyar, 14L 

Vadugar, 128, 139. 

Vaigai, 64, 92. 

Vaiseahika, 102. 

Vaishnava PrabandhamSy 61. 

Vajra Nandi, 52. 

Valaydpadi, 93, 94. 

Valluvar, 42, 43, 90. 

Vamba Moriar, 125, 134, 136, 136, 138. 

Vanchi, 134, 134 f. n. 1. 

Vaniyaggama, 13. 

Vasantikadevi, 115. 

Vatapi (Badami), 65. 

Vatsadesa, 102. 

Vatteluttu, 34, 86. 

Veda, branches of learning of, 19. 

Vedangas, 62. 

Vedas, 45, 62. 

Veerabhadra, 114. 

Velir, 146. 

Velir Varalaru, 145. 

Vellalas, 57. 

Velldlar Vedam, 56. 

Vclvikudi grant, 53, 55, 148. 

Vengadam, 56 f. n. 2, 143. 

Venkiah, 65. 

Videha 14. 

Videham, 99. 

Vijalardja Charita, 113. 

Vijayai, 98. 

Vijaya Pandita, 111. 

Vijayanagar, kingdom of, 117. 

Vijjala, 113, 114. 

Vikramaditya, 137. 

Vimalai, 99. 

Vinayaditya, 111, 115. 

Vindhyas, 75. 

Virac'harya, 112. 

Viramandala Purushar, 103. 

Vira Soliyam, 88. 

Visakhamuni, 20, 32. 

Visali, 1 . . 

Vishnu, 17, 111. 

Vishnugopa, 116, 136 f.n. 1, 142, 143. 

Vishnu Purana, 121. 

Vishnu Vardhana, 115, 116. 

Vogel, Dr. 160. 

Vyapuri Pillai, S., Mr., 6, 39 f.n. 3. 


Weber, 3, 5, 10, 11. 
Wilson, 3, 10, 14, 17. 

Yapparungalakkdrigai, 104. 
Yapparunkalavirutti, 66. 
Y asodarakdvyam, 102. 
Yatindra Kunda, 29. 
Yiipa Inscriptions, 150. 





Chief Lecturer in English, Maharaja' s College, 


Sometime Beader in Dravidian Philology to the 
University of Madras. 


This monograph on '' Andhra-Karnata 
Jainism " which fornLs the second part of the 
present volume of " Studies in South Indian 
Jainism" is the result of a vacation study 
undertaken in the summer recess of 1921 at the 
instance of the Trustee of the Vizianagram Eaj 
and the Principal of the Maharajah's College. 

It seeks to trace the influence of Jainism in 
the Andhra and Karnata districts of the Madras 
Presidency. The traces of this influence are 
very largely obscured by the latterday Eenais- 
sance of Puranic Hinduism and afford an 
opportunity for extended exploration. This is 
the first attempt, so far as I know, to give any 
systematic account of them and none can be 
more conscious than myself of the want of more 
adequate inform^ion on the subject. In these 
circumstances, these studies cannot claim more 
value than can be given to the barest outlines 
of a subject which, for cultural reasons, 
demands more than a passing interest. 

These studies serve to throw some light — 
however faint it may .be — on the history of the 
Andhra Country from the Fall of the Sata- 
vahanas to the Rise of the Chalukyas. The 
views elaborated are my own, first formulated 
while working as a Reader in Dravidian Philo- 
logy in the University of Madras (1914 — 1917) ; 
and I believe, the materials on which they are 
based are presented now for the first time in an 
ordered sequence. 

JSouth Indian History is yet a subject for 
research, and must continue to be so for at 
least a decade more. Andhra History is a com- 
paratively more untrodden field. No opinions 
on these subjects can therefore be stated with 
an air of finality. I shall consider this labour 
of love amply rewarded if these essays provoke 
thought and constructive criticism. The period 
of history here treated requires elucidation from 
many points of view. I have endeavoured to 
suggest one line of elucidation. 

My special thanks are due to the Telugu 
Librarian of the Oriental MSS. Library, Madras, 
for his invariable courtesy in facilitating my 
references and to M.R.Ey. M. Eamakrishnakavi 
Garu, M.A., for a loan of his rare Kannada 
works in print and MS. bearing intimately on 
the subjects of my investiga'cion. The Index 
to this part is prepared by my colleague 
Mr. V. Visvanatha Sarma, Pandit, Maharajah's 
College and Mr. J. Venkataratnam of the fourth 
year University class. 

I feel it my duty to state that these studies 
would not at all have been possible but for the 
noble enthusiasm and generous sjmipathy of the 
Trustee of the Vizianagram Raj and the Principal 
of the Maharajah's College for researches in the 
Indian Cultural Tradition. 

Maharajah's College,! 

Vizianagram, \ B. Seshagiri Rao. 
July 1922. ] 






I. The Evidence of Tradition 


II. Epigraphia Jainica 


[II. Jainism in Andhra-Karnata 

Literary Tradition 


• • •• •• • » •• 




(Local Records in the Madras Museum,) 

The fascination of the subject (a) Antiquity, (6) 
Disguise, (c) Represents struggle and achievement of a 
spiritual nature — Jaina and Upanishadic methods of 
spiritual culture — The Nandyala tradition showing Jain- 
ism in relation to worldly realism, the progress of arts 
and sciences — Jaina fantasticism and neighbouring 
Vaidica Dharma— Kurimari and Pasapula tradition — 
Jaina village organisation (a) Pallis, (h) Bastis — Jaina 
bastis — Disguised Jaina foundations : Pedagadela, Tadi- 
nagarapupadu — ^Jaina liberalism in relation to Vaidica 
Dharma — Warrangal, Ramathirtham, Siddhavattam, 
Tenali — The beginnings of the decline of Jaina influence 
in the Andhra desa — Raja Raja Narendra of Rajah* 
mundry and his ancestors — The leaders of the Revival 
in the Andhra desa : The Kotas of Amaravati, The 
Parichchcdi-Piisapatis of Bezwada and the Kakatiyas of 
Warrangal — The progress of revivalist antagonism to Jain- 
ism even in border districts of Andhra-Karnata desa 
like Warrangal — The kindlior treatment of Jainism in the 
Karnata desa proper — The problem suggested — ^Materials 
for an answer. 

Jainism in the Andhra-Karnata desa is a Antiquity, 
fascinating subject of investigation. It has a 
fascination all its own. Chronologically, it 
helps to fill in the gap between the Fall of 
Satavahana power in the Deccan and the Rise of 
the Chalukyas, the Gangas, and the Parichchedi- 
Pusapatis of East Deccan definitely committed 


to the revival of Vaidica Dharma. Its memo- 
rials come from well within the period oJ 
Buddhist influence under Asoka. Perhaps they 
are even earlier. Whether latterday Buddhism 
shaded off into Jainism, or whether both Bud- 
dhism and Jainism were parallel and contem- 
porary protests against Sacrificial Hinduism, 
originating in the Upanishadic reflections of the 
Rationalistic period of Hindu thought oi 
whether Jainism was an original primitive Indiar 
faith, of the North Indian forest homes and 
tribes, modified, deepened and intellectualised 
largely by association with, and on the analog} 
of, the Aryan philosophical, ethical and socio- 
logical speculation and organisation, — these are 
matters of controversy amongst famous Indo- 
logists. The view, however, g^-dopted as the basu 
of the present studies is that Jainism in the 
Andhra desa, at least, was probably pre-Mau- 
ryan,that its influence, humanising and cultural, 
was working in these lands before the Asokar 
version of the gospel of Buddha reached then: 
and that the prevalence of its characteristic 
doctrine of Ahimsa prepared the Andhras and 
Kalingas in a way for the favourable recep- 
tion of the Buddhist doctrine promulgated by 
the Asokan Edicts and propagandists. Herein 
may be found an explanation of the peculiai 
note of sadness characteristic of the Asokar 
Edict dealing with the conquest of Kalinga and 
Asoka's sudden conversion to Buddhism and 
the definite a(ioption by him of a policy ol 


peace in preference to one of war and aggres- 
sion. Recent interpretations of the Kharavela 
inscription of Kalinga lend support to this view. 
The Bhadrabahu inscriptions of Sravana Bel- 
gola are even earlier than the Kharavela in- 
scriptions, for the Karnata country. This 
Bhadrabahu tradition is the starting point of 
a revival of Jaina activity in South India. 

" In Literature, the Brihatkathakosa, a work 
by Harishena, dated 931, says that Bhadra- 
bahu, the last of the Srutakevalis, had the king 
Chandragupta as his disciple. A similar ac- 
count is contained in the Bhadrabahu charita by 
Ratnanandi of about 1450 ; as is repeated in 
the Rajavalikatha by Devachandra which is a 
modern compilation of about 1800." The 
points worthy of note in this summary of the 
Bhadrabahu tradition in the Karnata coimtry 
are first, that the inscriptions know only of a 
Chandragupta-mt^m, the disciple of Bhadra- 
bahu, and secondly, that the Jaina literary 
tradition from the 10th century onwards knows 
of a king Chandragupta who was perhaps this 
disciple whom the inscriptions celebrate. 
Modern historical scholarship has sought to 
identify this Chandragupta, king and muni, 
with Chandragupta Maurya, the patron of 
Kautilya, the accredited author of the Artha- 
sastra. The Kharavela tradition makes the 
Nandas of Magadha the followers of the Jaina 
faith, for, it speaks of a Nanda Raja who led a 
conquering expedition into Kalinga and cnrried 


off (?) an image of Adi-Jina. (A passage in the 
Udayagiri inscription of Kharavela seems to 
suggest that Kharavela *' made the king of 
Magadha bow down at the feet of the highest 
brought away by Nanda Raja." ? (C/. ■^^^ozr> 

Jarl Carpenter, Ph.D., Upsala, says, 
'' The agra-Jina may be Mahavira or Rishabha, 
but so much seems clear, that a Nanda king 
had taken away an idol of Jin«a during a raid i 
into Kalinga, possibly about sixty years after 
the death of Mahavira." It is not clear 
whether ^'Anltasa'' in the text can be rendered 
as '' carried away " or " brought "; if the 
latter rendering be accepted, it would make 
Nanda Raja himself a ruler of Kalinga, per- 
haps a predecessor of Kharavela. A Nanda 
Raja, no doubt seems to have ruled in Kalinga^ 
for there are, for instance, villages in the 
populous parts of Ganjam, named after a 
Nanda Raja.^ Of such names may be men- 
tioned :— Nandagam (Berhampore Taluq), Nan- 
darajapurani (Ichhapur Taluq). 

This does not, however, affect adversely the 
argument of the antiquity of Kalinga Jainism. 
On the other hand, it takes us further a step 
back of the times of Kharavela and makes it 
definitely pre-Mauryan. 

While the Chandragupta of the BhadrAbahu 
tradition is acknowledged to have been a Brah- 
manist before his conversion by JBhadrabahu, 
an additional motive for his revolt against 

' A version (Telugu) of Marhan- the descendants of a Nanda 
deyapuranam makes the four famous Raja of Kalinga. 
Kshatriya elans of the Andhra desa 



the Nandas in combination with Kautilya is 
.aflorded by the evidence of the Kharavela in- 
scription noticed above as to the Jaina patronage 
of those kings. On Kautilya himself, the Jaina 
doctrine of made absolutely no impres- 
sion. The point is proved by the fact that in 
the SunadhyaJcsha, a number of animals are 
■exempted from slaughter (especially in the 
Abhayavanas) but meat diet was not tabooed. 
For otherwise, Kautilya would not give rules 
regarding the sale of meat. 

Aside from the fascination of this^^g^®- 
antiquit}' of Andhra-Karnata Jainism, there 
is the added charm of its disguise. To the 
student of Indian Antiquities nothing comes 
beaming with so much inspiration as the dis- 
guise that covers jn tradition many a monu- 
ment of this immemorial past, rich with its 
message that man lives not for power and pelf 
alone, that in fact his high destiny lies more in 
the conquests of the spirit and its dominance 
•over what is merely " of the earth, earthy." It 
is a message of struggle, of travail, of sacrifice, 
of devoted consecration, ' and concentration, of 
high and noble achievement for the freedom 
of the body and the soul. 

The momentoes of this struggle and 
achievement, of this power of the spirit and its 
decay are obscured in the annals of the Andhra 
mandala, so completely obscured even in its 
literature, that, but for the records of the tradi- 
tion collected by the late Col. Mackenzie and 


C. P. Brown, all knowledge of them would 
have been lost to the modern world. These 
studies cannot therefore begin better than with 
salutations to those great souls that laboured 
in their own generation so earnestly that the 
world may think kindly and reverently of these 
whilom scenes of the conflicts of civilisations 
and systems of spiritual culture. 

The principal object or pradhdna pu- 
rushdrtha in life of a Jaina is meditation and 
jaina vs. Self -purification for the attainment of arha.t- 
cuitures. hood ; indeed, it cannot be distinguished, 
except in the externalities of method, from the 
Upanishadic and Smarta ideal of life for a Brah- 
mana desirous of the attainment of moksha, 
freedom, viz,, Swddhydya and BrahmacJiarya, i.e., 
study and self-control by concentration. In the 
later Jaina inscriptions which fall within the 
period of the present investigation, Jaina munis 
are often described as yama-niyama-swddhydya' 
dhydna-dhdrana-moundnushtdna- japa-samddhi- 
sila-guna-sampanyiar (<3^s^ ^cssbs^ ^jj^^rgcs^ -qr-g^ 

•qT'^ra iSt-tt^^^^ 23^ l6s5cr^ le; 7<)C^ <o'S3;^^6') and the 

followers of the Vaidica Dharma in similar 
terms as yama-niyama- swddhydya - dhydna- 
dhdrana-maundnushtdna - pardyana -japa - slla- 
sampannar (c«bo5b ioc«D55b i^^-^gcsi) ip^g-^ zp-^ra ^j^i^^ 

It is said in the Jaina Agamas that Maha- 
vira was the first to insist on celibacy for the 
Jaina munis in addition to traditional digant" 
baratwa, i.e., nudity. A programme of life 


inspired by such high and diflS.cult disciplines 
of yoga required for its successful cultivation a 
certain obscurity and considerable quiet. This 
determined the clioice of the Jaina munis to 
carry wherever they went what Tagore would 
describe as '' the message of the forest" chara- 
teristic of the freest period of Indian intellec- 
tual achievement. No wonder, then, that, in 
South India, the Jainas were in many cases the 
humanisers of forest glades and charming 
riversides, either long neglected by human life 
or quite untouched by it. That they had an 
eye for such picturesque spots in nature is obvi- 
ous from the place— Katavapra— selected by 
Bhadrabahu, the Rejuvinator of the South 
Indian Jainism, for his niryanam. The Sravana 
Belgola description detailing the event, per- 
haps the earliest hiscription of Karnata Jainas, 
has the following description of the Katavapra 
Hill :- 

Translation (Lewis Eice) :— 

" When they had reached a mountain with 
lofty peaks, whose name was Katavapra, —an 
ornament to the earth, the ground around 
which wa.h variegated with the brilliant hues of 
the clusters of gay flowers fallen from the 
beautiful trees ; the rocks on which were as 


dark as the great rainclouds filled with water ; 
abounding with wild boars, panthers, tigers, 
bears, hyenas, serpents and deer ; filled with 
caves, caverns, large ravines and forests." 

jainism and The dwellers of such mountain regions, 

worldly . . & ? 

realism. generally inaccessible to man or beast, how- 
ever, became the fellers of the forest and the 
controllers of river-courses. These Jaina 
colonists coming down into South India in 
large groups, sometimes of 500 each, selected 
for their residence beautiful river banks and 
deep forest recesses redolent of the fragrance 
of creeper and flower and rich with the beauties 
of variegated landscape, so that they might im- 
bibe their balm and assimilate themselves to the 
creative forces of nature as a first step to 
their gradual assimilation to the Arhats. Some 
such idea is discernible through the convention- 
alised description of the aspect of Kuntala 
desa, a famous resort of Jaina ascetics, occur- 
ring in an early Kannada inscription of S.S. 
1130 from one of the present Andhra-Karnata 
districts. The Brahmanda Purana mentions the 
Nirgranihas am^ong the^ early South Indian 
settlers known to the writers of Aryavarta. 
The forest recesses of the Andhra desa revealed 
to the illuminating gaze of these scholarly immi- 
grants either virgin lands untouched by the feet 
of the unhallowed or ruins of former human 
habitation, — the traces of the achievement and 
decay of an earlier generation of Indian popu- 
lation. They no doubt dealt with these regions 


in the spirit of pioneers breaking new ground 
and planning ont new foundations. Nandyala 
otherwise called Dommara Nandyala on the 
banks of the river Pinakini is one such colony. 
It lay in the neighbourhood of Hindu habita- 
tions, of people following Vaidica Dharma. The 
Jaina munis arrived there, cleared the jungle, 
marked out a plot of elevated ground for their 
palli, established their deity on it and settled 
down to their daily routine of study, meditation 
and sadhana. They seem to have tilled the soil 
{a point in which they assimilated themselves 
more to the followers of the Vaidica Dharma) 
and followed their ideals of life unmolested by 
their neighbours. Yet, it was definitely recorded 
in the tradition of Nandyala that their faith was 
peculiar, as also their manners and general 
method of life.' It is worthy of remark 
that these followers of the digambara tradition 
in Nandyala covered themselves with leaves 
(which corresponded to NdracMralu of the early 
Hindu settlers in the South Indian asramas). 
This peace and quiet, this undisturbed concen- 
tration on the realisation of ideals, this atmo- 
sphere of pure study led to great intellectual 
power and achievement. The Jaina munis 
became masters of the arts and sciences, great 

tholars in medicine and magic, "conning" sear- 
lers of the heavens, the makers of logic, philo- 
phy and literature. Such achievement charac- 
terises one of the early acharyas of the Jaina 
tradition, viz,, Kundakunda .who, according 


to tradition, lived and meditated in Kona- 
kundala in the Bellary District in the present 
Andhra-Karnata country. Yet, scholarship so 
highly technical, self-centred and self-reflective^ 
so much apart from the main currents of life 
round about, so insular and intensive, bred a 
certain type of arrogance which latterly came 
into violent collision with the propagandistic 
zeal of the followers of Sankara, Ramanuja 
and Basava^ and in the intellectual jousts that 
followed, the Jainas fell sorry and forlorn vic- 
tims to what appears like self -sought destruc- 
tion. Nandyala fell into ruins like many an 
other such Jaina foundation and became for once 
nothing but a mound of high gromid indicative 
of desolation and significantly known to later 
generations as Jaina pddu. Many of the oddities 
of life and manners of the Jainas, some of which 
are noticed in the Nandyala Kaij)hiyat, are 
derivable directly from the doctrine of Ahimsa 
alleged to be characteristic of the Jaina and 
Bouddha protestant faiths. This^ doctrine is 
clearly stated in a work called Ratna-Karancla 
by Samantabhadraswami,.one of the celebrated 
Acharyas of the Jaina pontifical heirarchy. 

Jain fan- The Jaina munis had a clean shave to prevent 

the growth of lice and the possibility of their 
having to kill them. They swept the path with 
peacock feathers (barhipincham) wherever they 
walked, lest they should tread unaware^ on the 
tiniest insect. They became digambaras lest 

■* See Basava Purana (Telugu), Chapter 6. 



^^Bthe cloth they may wear should, by contact 
^■with their bodies, injure any microcosms that 
^^lay alight on them. They did not eat after 
nightfall lest light should attract and kill the 
wandering insects of the air. Such life and 
manners no doubt appeared fantastic to the 
followers of Vaidica Dharma surrounding them, 
but they were tolerated by them as just a fan- 
tastic extravagance of precepts to which they 
themselves professed allegiance. For, as a writer 
in the American Oriental Society's Journal 
points out '' that this non-injury rule was Bud- 
dhistic is contrary to evidence. Even the oldest 
Brahmanical law, which is at least as vener- 
able as any Buddhist Literature, includes the 
general moral rule of doing as one would be 
done by in the matter of injuring, killing and 
eating one's brotjier-animal .... Except for sacri- 
fice, to kill no sentient thing and to eat no 
meat were absolutely priestly laws .... The 
later Brahmanic law, like that of the Jainas, 
was very particular in regard to these points." 
And yet, notwithstanding all this rigour, even 
fantastic rigour, of their Ahimsa dharma, such 
was the reaction of 'the surrounding Vaidica 
Dharma on their faith and life that these Jaina 
munis gradually assimilated their faith and 
practices to those of their neighbours and did 
not even scruple to offer bloody sacrifices for 
the satisfaction of their deities on the occasion 
of the foundation of their villages. 

A very interesting account of such a 
sacrifice by Jainas is given in the Kaiphiyat of 


Jaina a village called Jammalamadugu in the present 

Andhra-Karnata country. The tradition is also 
borne witness to by an early Kannada inscrip- 
tion assigned by C. P. Brown to A.D. 1029 or 
1089. The inscription states that a general of 
Sreeman Mahamandalesvara Trailokyamalla 
Deva called Chandra Dandanayaka and his wife 
fell heroically fighting in a battle occasioned by 
a boundary-dispute between two villages called 
Kurimari and Pasapula. There is a Virkal 
describing this heroism in the former village 
fixed in the temple of Tallakantisvan by whose 
favour king Trailokyamalla had a son Bhima 
Deva and henceforward become devoted to her. 
Just as the inscription brings out the heroism 
of Indian manhood and womanhood trained 
imder the hardy discipline of Jainism and its 
contempt for life in the service of Dharma or 
righteousness, so does the story of the founda- 
tion of the Jaina deity in Kurimari betray the 
influence, in Andhra-Karnata Jainism, of the 
enveloping aspects of the more ancient Vaidica 
Dharma and even of the much earlier sacrificing 
faiths of the primitive forest tribes. A body of 
Jaina immigrants reached the heart of the forest 
near Jammalamadugu and discovered traces of 
luman habitation there. They fixed a good 
day for the founding of a new village on that 
ancient site and first established their SaM, on 
it, called Daitamma and wanted to offer a goat 
sacrifice. They went in search of a goat and 
finding near by a golla tending his sheep and 



goats, offered him anything he might ask as 
the price of a goat or veta. He wanted to- 
impress upon the munis the supreme lesson of 
sacrifice, viz,, that it is made at the birth of a 
new creation and that the sacrificed reincarnates 
in it and so agreed to give them a goat for a 
sacrifice on condition that they in turn agreed ta 
call the village after the sacrificed animal. The 
munis consented, made the sacrifice and called 
the place Kurimari (goat sacrifice). The village 
flourished day by day. It became a great basti. 
Like this Daitamma, Tallahantlsvari was another 
deity latterly established at Kurimari, By the 
time of Trailokyamalla Deva, this deity had to- 
be re-discovered and her temple renovated. 
During the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra, the 
place came to be called Ddnaviila-pddu^ (the 
ruined habitat of the danavas or devils) pro^ 
bably by the followers of the Vaidica Dharma in 
their revivalist contempt for the Jainas or as a 
reminiscence of the tradition of Daitamma (the 
daityadanaya goddess) the earliest Jaina deity 
ever established in that place. 

The Jainas were not content to live an Jaina Social 
obscure and out-of-the-way kind of life in pallis. ^^^^^ *°"* 
They developed hastis, A palli seems to be the 
Jaina unit of social and administrative organisa- 
tion. A basti seems to correspond to a city or 
township formed out of a group of neighbouring 
villages. Vanipenta is an instance of such a 

^ For a description of the see Madras Archceological Beport, 
Jaina ruins of Danavulapad, 1903-04. 


basti or township. It was originally a forest 
side cleared by the Jainas for a habitation. 
It latterly became a big hasti under a Jaina 
king called Mallaraja with some villages 

as its component parts. This happened during 
a Jaina interregnum between the Chola and 
Kakatiya suzereignties. The Reddis after whom 
the villages are named must have been powerful 
Jaina chiefs in the vicinity of Vanipenta. 

Similar in status was Kondmjwpolem, a 
Jaina hasti in the Retur paragana of Vinukonda 
Sarkar in the Andhra mandala. When it passed 
latterly into the hands of the Brahmanical 
revivalists, it was destroyed by them as a 
mark of the victory, under Mukkanti, of the 
Brahmans from Benares, over the Jaina gurus, 
in philosophical disputation. 

To the isanya of Chunduru there used to 
be a similar Jaina foundation called Peddin- 
timma, Jainism decayed there even before the 
rise of the Oddi, the Reddi and the Kakatiya 
Rajas to sovereign power. The villagers of 
Chunduru used the high level mound which 
represented it as their granary and the place 
came subsequently to be known as Pedagddela 

Similar again was Tadinagarapupadu C^^ 
^x^-^-^d^) to the west of the village now known 
as Kolluru in the Mrutyunjayanagar Taluq of 
Chintapalli Sarkar. In the early years of the 
Salivahana Saka, according to tradition, several 


Jama Eajas ruled here among whom the KoUuru 
Kaiphivat mentions Jayasimha, Malla Deva, 
Somideva, Permadi Deva, Singi Deva and the 
Vengi king Vishnuvardhana, That a place is 
called basti at a more advanced stage of social 
development than palli is evidenced by the 
Kanaparru Kaiphiyat. The village Kanaparru 
was originally a Hindu foundation. Subse- 
quently the Jainas came and occupied it. They 
developed the village, built several homesteads 
and jinalayas and " made the village into a 
basti." The word basti is also used in the 
Kaiphiyats in the sense of a Jaina shrine. It is 
derived from Sanskrit Vasati=a dwelling place 
{Cf, ni'2;65a^am= house-site). Popular fancy 
treats it as a Hindustani word but it can be 
traced in Jaina ^inscriptions quite earlier than 
the Muhammadan advent. 

Such very early Jaina foundations of the 
Andhra-Karnata desa are so subtlely disguised 
very often by the theological zeal and ingenuity 
of the lattertlay Hindu revivalists, that, while Disguised 
the fact illustrates the absorbing catholicity of ^^^^^' 
the latter, it confuses all traces of historic 
continuity. For the glimmerings of such conti- 
nuity almost the only source of material authori- 
tative is the collection of Kaiphiyats in the 
■Mackenzie manuscripts of the Oriental Library 
bf the Madras Museum. It remains, for the 
Bouth Indian epigraph ist and archaeologist, a 
sacred duty to follow up the suggestions offered 
by these glimmerings of ancient tradition and 


unearth the actual traces of Rajavalis and 
civilisations in the Andhra-Karnata desa for 
the period between the decay of the Satava- 
hanas and the rise of the Chaluhyas. Much of 
this period is too readily supposed to be 
covered by the rule of the Pallavas, the tradi- 
tion of whom is not as clear in the Andhra- 
Karnata records and literature as in those of 
the Dravida country. 

Mutual Instances of the liberalism of the Jainas 

tolerance. ^^^ ^j^^ foUowcrs of the Vaidica Dharma 
towards each other deserve particularly to be 
placed on record, for, they account largely for 
the great figure that Jainism could make even 
amidst adverse forces. The accounts of the 
foundation of Warrangal, so intimately associ- 
ated with the Andhra dynasty of the Kakatiyas, 
record that Madhavavarma, the founder of 
this dynasty, acquired the means of sovereign 
power by worshipping a goddess located in an 
underground temple near about the present 
site of Warrangal. Tradition as recorded in the 
Warrangal Kaiphiyat says that there was a 
hill called Hanumadgiri to the isanya of 
Hidimbasrama in North Dandaka, the seat of 
devas and rishis. This was discovered by a 
person called Ehdmharandtha (the muni with a 
single cloth). He founded near it a village 
called Hanumadgiri (Anumakonda) and estab- 
lished several deities in itSiddhesvara in the 
middle, Devi Padmdkshi in the west, Garga 
sakti in the north, Gopdlamurti in the south and 


BJiadra Kali in tlie east. The Siddhesvara and 
PadmdhsJd may indeed be the later Saivite 
variants of the original Jaina deities of SiddJia 
and Padmdvati. The rest of the deities may 
either be mistaken appropriations to an earlier 
time of a later day tradition of Hindu revival, 
or, if they really belong to the Jaina period, 
they may be illustrative of the catholicity of 
latterday Jainism in its assimilations to con- 
temporary Hinduism. Anumakonda long conti- 
nued, in literary tradition, to be a seat of 
Avaidica faiths. To such a period of Jaina 
catholicity would belong, for instance, the 
Rama temple of Ramathirtham near Viziana- 
gram in the Vizagapatam District. The fact is 
mentioned in the following excerpt from a 
Jaina inscription from the Vizagapatam Dis- 
trict : — 

That the Jaina kings who ruled the part of 
the country near Warrangal before the rise of 
the Kakatiya power practised such catholicity 
is shown by the Siddhavattam Kaijphiyat which 
distinctly says that they founded the temples 
of Siva and Kesava in the east of that village. 
During the days of the Chola sovereignty, a 
Brahmana Agraharam of 360 homesteads was 
founded on the banks of the Piiiakini within a 


radius of 5 kros from the village of Siddliavat- 

tarn. To tlie east of that Agraharam, on a 

narrow strip of high level ground, the Jaina 

kings founded, subsequently, a Bhairavalaya. 

A similar instance of Jaina liberalism also 

occurs in the tradition of Tenali, a village in 

the Andhra mandala proper. The Jaina Rajas 

that ruled there were so devoted to the god 

Ramalingaswami of that place that they got 

their own devotee figures sculptured on the 

walls of that Saivite shrine. Such liberalism on 

both sides enabled Jainism to command a large 

following and influence in the Andhra-Karnata 

mandala down to the time of the Eastern Cha- 

lukya king Eaja Eaja Narendra of Eajah- 

mundry and Mukkanti Prataparudra Ganapati 

Deva of Warrangal. 

The Warrangal Kaiphiyat mentions a great 

Jaina patriarch called Vrishabhanadha Tirtha of 

the time of Eaja Eaja Narendra of Eajah- 

muLndry as having been very powerful about 

Warrangal. Why such a great religious teacher 

had left Eajahmundry, the capital of the Vengi 

Kingdom, for the border district of Warrangal 

in the Andhra-Karnata desa is clear enough. 

Eaja Eaja Narendra was perhaps the first of 

the Chalukyas of the Andhra country to begin 

definitely a seriously intellectual, and at the 

same time popular, campaign against Jainism or 

more properly, in favour of pauranic Hinduism. 

Hindu The beginning of the decline of the Jaina 

aggression, jj^g^^j^^j^ [j^ ^j^p Andhra desa may be referred 


to the time pf this Raja Raja Narendra 
who ascended the throne at Rajahmimdry in 
the year 1022 A.D. About the year 1053 A.D. 
he induced the Telugu rendering of Vyasa's 
Mahabharatam by his courtier Nannayabhatta, 
as perhaps a rival to the Pampa Bharata or 
Vikramarjuna Vijaya known to him in the 
Kannada language and setting forth ancient 
stor}^ and legend from a distinctly Jaina 
point of view. A critical and comparative 
examination of the Jaina and the Telugu 
Bharatas does not fall within the range of 
the present investigation. Suffice it to say 
that later poets who attempted to appraise 
Nannaya's work regarded as " trashy worthless 
material," all the literature that preceded it in 
Telugu and delighted the hearts of the Andhras. 
This description may well indicate the attitude 
^of the Pauranic Revivalists to Jaina literature 
even in the Telugu districts proper. Just a 
single verse may be quoted as an illustration of 
this type of 'appraisement of an old poet's 
work as a contribution to the progress of 
culture : — 

We SAy, the beginnings of the decline, J'ain a decline, 
advisedly, for a few years before A.D. 1022, 
during the time of Raja Raja's father Vima- 
iaditya (Mummadi Bhima), his* guru visited • 


Ramathirtham, near Vizianagram, then a great 
centre of Jaina culture. This fact is recorded 
thus in a Kannada inscription at Rama- 
thirtham (that the language of the inscription 
is Kannada shows that that language was 
well understood in Ramathirtham, a place dis- 
tinctly Andhra in foundation and tradition) :— 

iS^JJs- Tr»W^2?e^&0 o^T^Q'Sro^^2^^ .... 3. r^ 

Tr'55br'r3s5bo2D^^e5S" li 
a to 

The ancestors of the Vimaladitya, Mum- 
madi Bhima, of the above excerpt, were them- 
selves patrons of Jainism which perhaps was 
the original faith of the early members of the 
Chalukya family in West Deccan. The facts- 
relevant to this point are thus summed up by 
the Epigraphist with the Government of 
Madras :—{Cf, M. Ep, Rej). 1917-18). 

" Vishnuvardhana III of the Eastern 
Chalukya dynasty made a grant in S. 684 
which registers evidently the renewal of an 
earlier grant of the village Musinikunda in 
Tonka N [a]ta-v[a]di-vishaya to the [Jaina] 
teacher Kalibhadracharya. The queen of the 
King Kubjavishnuvardhana I influenced the 
grant of a village to a Jaina Basti at Bijavada 
Amma II has made grants to Jaina tempi 
and patronised the grant of a Jaina Sravaki 

a J 



by lending his title to a charitable Jaina 
feeding house called Sarvalokasraya— Jina- 
bhavana endowed by her." 

Among the Andhra dynasties that played other 
a great part in the revival of Vaidica Dharma by Revivalists, 
definitely ranging themselves heroically against 
Jainism and such other Avaidica faiths power- 
ful in the Andhra country must be mentioned 
the Kotas of Dhanya-Kataka, the Parichchedi- 
Pusapatis of Bezwada and the Kakatiya 
Ganapatis of Warrangal. These are all South 
Indian Rajaput clans. Tradition records their 
advent together to South India from their 
North Indian homes. Some Bardic verses bear- 
ing on this point may here be illustrated : — 

^Jl^go-SfKi^Sbii ^^07b-'O?Cs5M?< Tr»55D"^f §0^^*55 "^^"Soooa I 

S^ D 

-sy^-TY'o-cO^o^lS-^^ ■;r«»;5;3booooB~^fio-7r'o-£>9xr«-s5'^^58§'s5» | 

This extract from a Sisamalika composed 
by a member of the Pusapati family who calls 


himself Rajamartanda Sri Racliiraj, son of 
Tammiraj, gives an account of the origin of the 
Pusapati family among the Andhra Rajaputs. 
According to this version Jayaditva of Kosala 
came on a conquering expedition to the south 
of India. Along with him came his redoubted 
general Devavarma. Jayaditya conquered several 
lands and planted pillars of victory in various 
places and perhaps died in the return journey. 
His general Devavarma of the Trilinga com- 
mand succeeded him in the Andhra country, 
defeated Vallabha in the severe contest at 
Addur and became overlord. His son Buddha- 
varma was a saintly prince and he had two sons 
Buddhavarlna and Devavarma, of whom the 
former became celebrated. His valiant son 
was Madhava varma who, like his great grand- 
father, obtained the Saptasr^ti mantra along 
with its angas from Ramadesika and attained 
status and wealth by the favour of Kanaka- 
durga. He appeased Durga with the blood of 
Chauhattamalla Baladhipa and killed Maliya- 
singa in open warfare and became celebrated 
owing to Durga's favour in S.S. 548 (A.D. 626). 
He built a city on the site of Pusapadu and 
henceforward his line of princes^ like Amairaj 
became the leaders of the South Indian Ksha- 
triya clans and were traditionally known as the 

' According to Vishnubhakti the present Malika, must be 

Sudhakaram, Amal Raj was the Rachi I, son of Tammiraj, given 

first to call himself a Piisapati in the " genealogy " of that 

and the Rachiraj, author of work." 


tThe following verses (bliat) refer with some 
Lthusiasm to these successes of the Pusapati 
milyfrom Madhavavarma downwards which 
secured for them the leadership of the South 
Indian Rajaput clans : — 

eo eo Q— eo^^ ^ -J 

•t5o2oS:)i§'s^ooo^^o§'25ej^-t$oiS$ 1 

^?<e5'g';^aoc5b^-cr'-t5^J^qS?)Qo5b^ II 
(From the MSS. of the late G. V. Apparao Pantulu.) 

These verses, the text of which is greatly 
corrupted by centuries of oral tradition in the 
mouths of family bards, testify in a general 
way to the incidents referred to in the above 
excerpt (A a Malika composed by one of the 
members of the Pusapati family, who by the 
way, calls himself i^^i^-^fr-^^ -^oh^ ^^^_d^ (the 


master of fine poetry and music). They refer 
also darkly to conflicts with the followers of 
a different faith. 

The Kotas of Dhanyakataka were, like the 
Pusapatis of Bezwada and Pusapadu, the fol- 
lowers of a Saiva faith. These describe them- 
selves in their inscriptions as follows : — 

oSejeS [1^1^25] . . . I?5^;6fee5l\ra^^^^jj5-'s5^s6e2;^ 

The Amaresvara of Dhanyakataka referred 
to in this description as the family deity of the 
Kotas must originally have been a Buddhist or 
Jaina deity during the Satavahana period when 
Dhanyakataka was the primary capital of the 
Andhra Empire. By the time, of the Kotas this 
deity must have been metamorphosed into a 
Saivite one. The Kotas of Dhanyakataka, the 
descendants of whom are still found among the 
Andhra Kshatriyas, had a special hirudagadya 
of their own still recited on ceremonial occasions. 
The following extracts from it bear out the 
description of the dynasty quoted above from 
an inscription : — 

CO O D cjj 

?<«^o^ I iT^^o^^-g^o I ■^0(Sc«D-o-»ciSSo5b?<l ^>-^o«cX5S/N^(j^ 
"oSSil^ I ... "O^ze'"!)^ «X'^-c5^ KoScOdk) I wofc>D"^i5o "^K 


f>e5b ?co!f5'^'o^^§:)(^l "sSs^K^e^ ?Co^'f5So2^i 5:5ow 

Among the Andhra Rajapiits, there is a 
family called Jampmii's of Dhananjaya gotra 
who claim to be of the Kota line. 

The reference in this prasasti to the contests 
of the Kotas with the Mallas, the Cholas and 
the Pandyas must belong to the time Avhen, as 
followers of the Kosala king they came to South 
India under the leadership of Devavarma. There 
are dark suggestions in Dravida Literature of 
a' Mauryan expedition into the Deccan assisted 
by the Kosars and Vadagus. The Vadagus or 
the Andhras refer/ed to in these suggestions may 
possibly be the five clans of South Indian Raja- 
puts thus alleged to have followed the fortunes 
of Devavarma '' of the Trilinga command " 
{l^^oKTr>^h ^©^^^5-^). The Kotas in this extract 
describe themselves as '* the weapon by which 
the Buddha root is ^ug up " (zf gg'og §6^-0), 
an expression very significant of the campaign 
they carried on against Avaidica faiths. 

The Parichchedi-Pusapatis claim to have built 
Bezwada and resuscitated the worship of Durga 
therein at a time when the Chalulcyas were 
founding* Jaina shrines there. They professed to 
carry on their figlit for Vaidica Dharma with 
the means of sovereignty secured by the worship 


of that ancient deity. The emergence of 
Madhavavarma into sovereign power by the 
worship of Diirga at Bezwada has already been 
illustrated. That this family who described 
themselves as an invincible race (^^^cxsb§6o) were 
Saivas is also apparent from the following 
birudavali occurring in one of their inscriptions 
dated S.S. 1188 :— 

e!!e;rr»cx$b^§'^-^ ^S'woS'af^^ Ko^^76o2ScsSb «^^|)s5b ^9zDe> 

This description agrees mth the follow- 
ing birudavali of the Pusapati family from 
SreeJcrishnavijayam referred to in *' Vizia- 
nagram Treaty " edited by the late illustrious 
Sree Sree Sree Sir Pusupati x^nandagajapati 
Eaz Maharaj, g.c.i.e., of Vizianagram :— 


r'O-^g'^S??^, •SSn.-s^CTT'o^^, s^vA^^(iiT'&. -S^i-SKaJ 

§'^r3-U-KJ53a<^e52:)2fo?C, t)l^l)'er-^er'^250:Hr»(aS)5bJ5 ^-;6^ 
j^OEpSi-CPsJe^ nT*^Sg-a^«gi^*5-;^^^3^5'g .... oio 

One thing is more than clear from these 
titles of the Pusapati family, viz., that the 
Pusapatis have all along claimed to belong to the 
Pariehchedi-Pusajjdti clan of Andhra Eajaputs. 
That these Parichchedi-Pusapatis professed ta 
protect the Vaidica Varnasrama Dharma down 
to the time of Sree Krishnadevaraya, of the 
other Vizianagrarn, on the ba&s of the 
Timgabhadra river is evidenced by the fol- 
lowing excerpt from an inscription dated in 
S.S. 1453 :- 

The more intolerant persecution of the Persecutionf 
Jainas by the Kakatiyas is very frequently 
described in the local records. 

One ?^tory goes tliat a Kakati king of War- 
rangal acquired a pair of charmed sandals with 
the help of which he used to visit • Benares 


every morning without the queen and the 
people and return to his capital unnoticed when 
his morning ablutions were over. Once the 
queen happened to notice that the King was 
missing. She sent for her Jaina gurus who 
were proficient in Jyoutisham and asked them 
about his whereabouts. The Jaina gurus told 
the queen the truth of the matter. On the 
King's return she confronted him with the 
story of his " escapade " and only requested 
him to take her also to Benares for her own 
morning ablutions. The King came to know 
that the queen had the truth of the matter 
calculated by the Jainas and consented reluct- 
antly to grant her wish. Later on, when once 
the King was in Benares with the queen, she 
happened to be in her " period " and the King 
found great difficulty in coming back to his capi- 
tal. Henceforward the sandals lost their charm, 
the King felt mortified and took vengeance on 
the Jainas by persecuting them. 

The worsting of the Jainas by Ganapati 
Deva of Warrangal when they were defeated 
in disputation with Tilrkana (the minister of 
Manumasiddhi of Nellore), the author of the 
Telugii Mahabharatam, is more famous and the 
following extract from a manuscript poem in 
the Oriental Manuscripts Library of the Madras 
Museum has a clear reference to it :— 
-^ * * *^ 

Q— eo o 


The Jainas are, no doubt confusedly, refer- 
red to as the Buddhas, for, a Jaina foundation 
by one Ekambaranatha is referred to in the 
traditions of Anumakonda. 

Jainism had kindlier treatment in theKamata^ 
Karnata country just about this time when ^^^^^" 
adverse forces were heading against it in the 
Andhra country proper and even in the border 
districts, like Warrangal, of the Andjira-Karnata 
country. This may just be indicated from the 
traditions of the Karnata country proper. In a 
grant dated in S.S. 1044, a Saivite king of Bana- 
vasi honours a Jaina foundation at Arapaku 
(«5'^n'5G) in the Panugallu Taluq. The following 
excerpt from the biruddvali of that king makes 
his devotion to Saivism quite apparent : 

^^ s^^oijr'^lj-ir'^OTO^o i^oo_^S>D'^ II e^eTN^ 25^(5^^^^ S3 II 

^^c^^'^^^OT^^oi a5^^la ^XTT'^^e^o oer'^eJ^^^ 
•t5e^e5o^23o I 2iKd>^&W^^w^^^-^^ ti^^k^^o i l5^o5b^a§0(^ 


^o-TVS'o II ... . 

And yet, even in the Karnata country, 
donors to Jaina shrines had to make special 
appeals to the liberality and generosity of the 
followers of the Vaidica tradition when it so 
happened that they had to grant Brahmana 
Agraharams to Jaina munis or the shrines at 
which they worshipped. Thus it was not 
the political influence and patronage that the 
.Jaina munis commanded that secured their 
porperties to them but the generosity of the 
followers of the Vaidica tradition and the respect 
they had for genuine scholarship and character 
among the Jainas. In support of this view 
may be cited an inscription dated in A.D. 898 
of the time of the Chalukya king Trailokyamalla 
Deva in which the donor makes a special 
appeal to the Brahmanas of a village that he 
was granting to a Jaina foundation. He ad- 
dresses them thus:— "c«bjjb^d&55b-^^z;rgc«b-qj'g;^^5' 

^^oii" and appeals to them to see that the 
enjoyment of the grant of their village to the 
Jaina scholar mentioned is maintained undis- 
turbed. This scl\olar is described as " -^z^^x^-^o^ 


ib^po?^ •;^s5T«?)of\'er'D-°-qrgo"er*a -^oSSj^^jg^^-o-^-ST'J^^CS"." 

Thus the great feature that had won 
wide tolerance for the Jaina munis and Jaina 
foundations in the Andhra-Karnata desa even 
during the bitterest periods of Hindu revivalist 
zeal was that that faith helped towards the 
formation of good and great character helpful 
to the progress of culture and humanity. The 
leading exponents of that faith continued to 
live such lives of hardy discipline and spiritual 
culture even during the days of discouragement, 
disfavour and antagonism from tlie patrons 
of religion and culture. A Jaina muni is thus 
described in an inscription dated in S.S. 1130 :— 

Hence the latterday persecutions of Jainism, 
like the persecutions of the Christians by Marcus 
Aurelius, are an extraordinary phenomenon 
deserving explanation on some hypothesis 
other than the merely revivalistic zeal of the 
followers of the Vaidica, which is for this 
period, the Paziranica, DJiarma. But such 
persecutions paved the way for social reverses 
very oftej; recorded in the traditions of the 
Andhra-Karnata villages leading ultimately 
to the all but complete obscuration of all traces 
of Jainism in the Andhra-Karnata country. 


What credence do these traditions deserve, 
rich as they are in suggestiveness ? Thi& 
question must be faced as one turns from the 
curious pursuit of these glimmering lights of 
South Indian antiquity. Sufficient cumulative 
evidence has been let in from other sources not 
wholly traditional to enable one to arrive at a 
decision. It must however be acknowledged 
that a possible answer is offered by the recent 
progress made by South Indian Epigraphical 
Research. A similar answer, not perhaps so 
complete, yet equally authoritative and sugges- 
tive, is found in the progress of research in South 
Indian Archaeology and Literature. 


The following £tccount of Jaina Dharraa is from a kaiphiyat from; 
the Chingleput District {vide J.A.S.B. Vol. 7, p. 108) :— 

(a) Yati Dharma (1) Ardhyavam to folloAv the right way and teach 
it to others, (2) Mardhava to behave with reverence to superiors 
and carefully to instruct disciples, (3) Sdtyam invariably to speak 
the truth, (4) Sasiyan mentally to renounce hatred, affection or 
passion and evil desire and outwardly to act with purity, (5) Tyagam 
to renounce all bad conduct, (6) Kshama to bear patiently like the 
earth in time of trouble, (7) Tajpasu outward and inward self -mortifi- 
cation, (8) Brahmacliaryan to relinquish all sexual attachment in word 
and thought, (9) Aginchanam to renounce the darkness of error and 
follow the light of truth, (10) Samayam duly to celebrate all specied 
periods, festivals or the like. ,. 

(6) The Sravana Dharma (1) Tarisinigen one who relinquished 
certain unclean kind<3 of food; (2) Vritiken one who eats not at night, 
is faithful to his teacher, to his famjly and to his religion ; he is self- 
restrained and keeps silence and zealously renounces the use of all 
pleasant vegetables ; (3) Samathiken one who with foregoing qualifi- 
cations, renders homage to the Divine being three times a day, 
morning, noon and evening : (4) Proshopavasen one who fasts on cer- 
tain days so appointed to be observed; (5) Sachitan-Vrithen one who 
with the foregoing dispositions renounces certain kinds of food ; (6) 
Rattirihhaktan one who observes mortification (?) during the day 
only ; (7) Brahmacharya one always occupied in the contemplation 
of God ; (8) Anarampan one who quits cultivation and all other 
secular occupations ; (9) Aparigrapam one who renounces all kinds 
of earthly gain ; (10) Amemati-pinda-Vriten one whr' forbears to 
eat even that which he has prepared ; (11) Utishtu-pinda-Vriten 
one who relinquishes dress, except for mere decency. He carried 
a pot and lives in the wilderness. 

(c) The Purva Karma and Apara Karma. Birth Samskaras and 
Death Samskaras (obs^equies). 



Progress in the discovery of Andhra-Karnata Jaina 

epigraphs — Bearing of the progress of epigraphy on 

the mat'^'xials of the last chapter — Places at which Jaina 

epigraphs have been found — Main indication — Difference 

between the Andhra and the Andhra-Karnata epigraphs 

— More numerous in the Andhra-Karnata than in the 

Andhra districts— Scope for further enquiries— Regions 

in the Andhra desa awaiting exploration — Difference 

between the Hindu Revival in the Andhra and the 

Andhra-Karnata districts in its bearing on the fortunes 

of Jainism— Tabulation (classified) of Andhra-Karnata 

Jaina epigraphs and a few points of further interest 

brought out — Jainism and its antiquity in the Andhra- 

Kalinga country. 


Epigraphic Eesearcli in the South Indian 
Presidency is still in a state of continuous 
progress. Yet, so far as it has succeeded in 
interpreting the memorial epigraphs of the past, 
it has proved* in a considerable measure the 
validity of the traditions of the Local Eecords 
relied upon as the chiei materials for the fore- 
going survey, in outline, of the meaning and 
message of the social tradition of the Jainas 
in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas. The 
District Manuals and Gazetteers largely trusted 
to the guidance of these local traditions in the 
conduct of further enquiries and their lighfc 
never proved illusory. In and about the centres 


of Jainism mentioned in these records, the 
officers of the Epigraphist department have 
discovered traces of Jaina epigraphs taking us 
back to the times when Jainism ph^yed a pre- 
dominant and significant part in South India. 
Find spots Thcsc epigraphs still await publication. At 
Antiq^ties. Peuukouda, Tadpatri, Kottasivaram, Patasi- 
varam, Amarapuram, Tammadahalli, Agali and 
Kotipi in the Anantapur District ; at Nanda- 
perur, Chippigiri, Kogali, Sogi, Bagali, Vijaya- 
nagar, Rayadurg in the Bellary District ; at 
Danavulapadu in Cuddapah District ; at Amara- 
vati in the Guntur District ; at Masulipatam, 
Kalachumbarru in the Krishna District ; at 
Srisailam in Kurnool District ; in the Madras 
Central Museum ; at Kanupartipadu, in the 
Nellore District ; at Vallimalai in the North 
Arcot District ; at Basrur, Kotesvara, Mulki, 
Mudabidire, Venur, Karkala, Kadaba, in the 
South Kanara District ; at Bhogapuram, Lak- 
kumavarapukota and Ramathirtham in the 
Vizagapatam District, have been discovered 
Jaina epigraphs. 

These, for one thing, indicate the large 
vogue that Jainism once had in the Andhra and 
Karnata mandalas. The epigraph from Sri- 
sailam is interesting in that it shows the kind 
of persecution to which Jainism in these lands 
had finally to succumb. The epigraph in ques- 
tion is indeed a Saiva one. It records in 
Sanskrit, " on the right and left pillars of the 
eastern porch of the Mukhamantapa of the 

nation or 


Mallikharjuna temple, in S. 1433, Prajotpatti, 
Magha, ba. di. 14, Monday, a lengthy account 
of the gifts made to the temple of Sreesailam 
by a certain chief Linga, the son of Santa, who 
was evidently a Virasaiva, one of his pious acts 
being the beheading of the Svetambara Jainas. " 
This record is important in two ways. It shows 
how the Saivite opposition gathering force in 
the Andhra desa against Jainism about the first 
quarter of the eleventh century A.D. deve- 
loped into an exterminating persecution by the 
first quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. and 
how the Svetdmharas also are represented in 
South Indian Jainism as a class deserving the 
expurgatory attention of the Saiva fanatics. 

In this respect the records from the Andhra- 
Karnata districts tell a different tale justifying 
the remark made in the former chapter about 
the kindlier treatment of Jainism in the Andhra- 
Karnata, and Karnata districts proper. A few 
grants to Jaina^ foundations by non- Jainas about 
the year S. 1433 and following deserve notice 
in this context. 

The smaller Venkataramana temple at 
Chippigiri in the Bellary District records a 
grant in S. 1528 to a Jaina foundation by Sri 
Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagar. 

At KuLtugodu in the same district, a record 
of the time of Virapratapa Sadasivadevaraya 
Maharaya of Vijayanagar, on the south wall of 
a ruined temple, mentions in S. 1467, Visvavasu, 


a gift of land to a Jaina temple by Eama- 
rajaiya, elder brother of Aliya-Lingarajaiva and 
grandson of Eamaraja Odeya, for the merit of 
his father Mallaraja Odeya. The important fact 
to be noticed is that these Jaina grants are 
allowed to he recorded in non-Jaina shrines. 

Similarly, in the Karnata desa, in the S. 
Kanara district, at Kotesvara, in the local pagoda 
of Kotesvara there is a record dated in S. 1468, 
Prabhava, in the reign of Sadasivaraya, stating 
that Echappa Udayar gave 50 gadyanams of 
land to that deity. Echappa was the same as 
the Jaina chief of Garisappa who married a 
daughter ^of the last Karkal king. If Kotesvara 
is a Jaina deity, there is nothing very remark- 
able in thi^ grant. But it solves a very 
interesting problem regardi];ig the foundation of 
Chicacole (Srikakulam) in the Ganjam District 
with its temple of Kotesvara, viz., its early 
Jaina associations. Otherwise, a grant by a 
Jaina to a Saiva shrine in the Karnata country ^ 
about the time when Vira-Saiv^ persecution of 
Jainism was rampant in the Andhra desa throws 
a flood of light on the great religious toleration of 
the Karnatas, to which Jainism owed its con- 
tinued life and prosperity on the West Coast of j 
the South Indian Presidency. 
Distribution. This circumstance accounts for the fact that 

among the discovered epigraphs ^ relating to 
Jainism, the more numerous ones occur in the 
Andhra-Karnata and Karnata mandalas. Still, 
it must be observed that further research is 


bound to be fruitful in discoveries in the history 
of Jainism in the Andhra mandala which fill 
the large gap between the fall of the Sata- 
vahana power and the beginning of the decline 

of the Jaina influence about the 11th century 


A.D. A few considerations based on the dis- 
coveries already made are urged here below as 
indicating such a hope of further Archaeological 

The Tadpatri inscription from the Anan- Openings for 


tapur District dated in S. 1120 (1130 ?) expired, exploration. 
Kalayukta, is suggested by Dr. Hultzsch to 
indicate the presence of a Jaina shrine in 
that place. The inscription itself ,■ refers to 
^' Chandranatha-Parusvanatha-devara Anadi- 
yasthana," i.e., to an ancient shrine of 
Chandranatha Parsvanatha. This shrine is yet 
to he discovered. 

The Bagali inscription from the Bellary 
District refers to the gifts of the Western 
Chalukya King Tribhuvanamalla to a Brahma 
Jinalaya there^* This is yet to he identified. 

The Amaravati inscription of Chula-Aira 
and of the nun Nanda Nanda speaks of the 
gifts of a pillar. The Jaina shrine to which 
this gift is supposed to have been made remains 
yet to be unearthed, 

A copper-plate grant of Amma II Vijaya- 
ditya (945-70) of the Eastern Chalul^ya dynasty 
records gifts to two Jaina temples which have 



not yet been discovered} Perhaps their traces 
are completely lost on account of the steady 
persecution of the Jainas and powerful propa- 
ganda against them started in the district Ijy 
the Kotas of Dhanyakataka and the Parich- 
chedi-Pusapatis of Bezwada. 

The Kalachumbarru grant of the same king^ 
Amma II, refers to grants to a Sarvalokasraya 
Jina Bhavana in that village. This temple is 
yet to he found out. 

The Kanupartipadu inscription from the 
Nellore District refers to the '' pallichchandum *' 
of a Jinalaya named after Karikalachoda, the 
traces of which are yet to he recognised. 

The Bhogapuram inscription from the 
Vizagapatam District refers to a Jina founda- 
tion of that place called Raja Raja Jinalaya, 
the location of which remains^to he marked out. 

The inscription in the Anjaneyaswami 
temple in Nandi-peruru in the Bellary District 
registers gifts for the worship of Jina. The 
Jaina shrine to which this inscribed slab from 
the Anjaneya temple must have belonged is yet 
to be identified. 
Unbroken Nor is this all. There are yet regions in the 

Andhra and Karnata mandalas, supposed to 
contain Jaina relics, which still await explora- 
tion by scholars official or otherwise interested 
in Indian Antiquities. Some of these deserve 
mention for the additional evidence ^hey offer 

^ Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao, near the Bezwada Railway Sta- 
M.A., says that the traces of a tion. It may turn out to be Jaina 
temple axe newly discovered or Bauddha. (4th June 1922.) 


as to the early vogue of Jainism in the Andhra 
and Karnata lands. 

. Jaina relics are said to be found in 
Ariyavattam in Cocanada taluq, Neduluru, 
Atreyapuram in the Amalapuram taluq, Kazu- 
luru, Yendamuru, Sila in Cocanada taluq, 
Pittapuram and Jalluru in the Pittapuram 
[ division, in Tatipaka in Nagaram taluq and 
Draksharamarn in the Ramachendrapuram taluq 
of the Godavari District. 

At Jayati in the Vizagapatam District, a 
small village eight miles north-west of Gaja- 
patinagaram, there are two odd little deserted 
Jaina shrines. ^ 

At Nandapuram, in the Pottangi taluq, of 
the present Agency division, about three miles 
along the track to, Sembliguda is a very ancient 
and curious Jaina relic, viz,^ a small shrine in 
which are three stone images of nude individuals 
sitting cross-legged which appear to belong to 
Jaina times. This takes us very far back into 
times of the Nanda Rajas when Jainism was a 
dominant faith in the Kalinga country. In 
fact, as regards much of Epigraphical and 
Archaeological exploration, the Kalinga districts 
are still a largely unbroken field. 

^^ The village of Ariyavattam in Cocanada 

^Taluq in the Godavari District is also called 

'* Jaina Badu " and contains several large but 

rude images of figures sitting cross-legged in the 

traditional attitude of contemplation. Images 


of a like kind are worshipped in the streets of 
Pittapuram by Hindus under the name of 
Sanyasi Devulu (ascetic gods). Pittapuram = 
Skt. Pishtapuri Skt.=Pristapuri is so called 
after the Jaina goddess Pristapuri Devi, The 
Jalluru Kaiphiyat shows how it once was a 
flourishing Jaina city. Many large rivetted 
wells in the Nagaram^ and Amalapurani taluqs 
are still known as '' Jaina Wells." 

Ratnagiri and Kambaduru in the Anantapur 
District, Lachmesvara, Nayakallu and Yacha- 
varam in Kurnool District, Kurugodu, Pedda 
Tumbalam and Chinna Tumbalam in Bellary 
District also contain traces of Jainism not yet 
adequately explored. 

Another interesting fact brought out by 
these epigraphs is that in the Anclhra-Karnata 
districts in which the Hindu Revival was so 
powerfully organised by Sayana-Madhava, the 
real founder of the city of Vijayanagar, Jainism 
fared better under the Vijayanagara Kings 
than at the hands of the Revivalists in the 
Andhra districts proper. The point is inter- 
esting in that it shows that the influence of 
a Hindu Revival strictly based on the Vaidica 
and Upanishadic tradition is bound to be more 
catholic and tolerant of differences of religious 
opinion than religious sects starting from a 
narrower point of view. In support of these 
observations may be noticed a few grants of 
the early Vijayanagar Kings to professedly 
Jain foundations. 


A Sanskrit record of Devaraya II, dated 
1348, Prabhava, at Vijayanagar, mentions 
the building of a Chaityaiaya to Parsvanatha 
in the Pansupari street. 

At Mudabidire, on the north wall of the 
Oaddigimantapa in the Hosa basti, right of 
entrance, there is a record of the Vijayanagara 
King Vira-Devaraya IV in S. 1351, Saumya, 
which refers to the building of a basadi. 

On a slab set up in the Gurugala basadi 
of the same place, there is another epigraph 
of the Vijayanagara King Vira-Bukkaraya II 
(1399—1406), son of Harihararaya II (1377— 
1402), in S. 1329, Vyaya, which mentions a gift 
of land. 

At Basrur, a record of Devaraya II (1422— 
49) in S. 1353 reL-^tes the gift of one Kolaga of 
paddy on every bullock load coming from other 
places to Basrur, for the benefit of Jain basadi 
by the Chettis of Basrur. 

A classified tabulation of these Jaina Epigraphs 
epigraphs will easily display other points of^ 
interest bearing on the progress and decay of 
Jainism in the Andhra and Karnata districts. 
The epigraphs are therefore classed here below 
as (1) Memorial, (2) Architectural, (3) Votive, 
4) Iconographic, (5) Votive and Commenda- 
tory, (6) Commendatory. 


A.— Memorial. 
Anantapur District, 

Penu- (k) On a slab placed by the side of 

konda the well in the Parsvanatha temple. 

Records that it is the tomb stone of 

Nagaya, the lay disciple of Jina- 

bhushana Bhattaraka Deva. 

Amara- (k) On a stone in the village. The 

puram Nisidi (tomb) of Sambisetti, son 

Berisetti Sarvari, Asvija, Su. di. 15^ 



(k) On a stone lying in the tank to 
the south of the same temple. This 
is the tomb (Nisidi) of Bommisetti- 
yara Bachaiya, a lay disciple of Pra- 
bhachandra Bhattaraka of Ingales- 
vara, who belonged to the Mula 
Sangha, etc. 

(k) On a second stone in the same 
place. This is the tomb of Bhava- 
sena Traividya Chakravarti who was 
a terror to disputants and belonged 
to Mula Sangha and Senagana. 

(k) On a third stone in the same place. 
This is the tomb of Virupaya and 
Maraya, the lay disciples of Balendu 
Maladhari Deva of the Mula Sangha^ 

(k) On a fourth slab in the same 
place. This is the Nisidi of Potoja 
and Sayabi-Maraya, father and son. 


(k) On a fifth stone. This is the 
Nisidi of Kommasetti, a lay disciple 
of Prabhachandra Deva. 

'amada- On a stone lying on a platform in the 
halli courtyard of the Anjaneyaswami 
temple. This is the Nisidi of Chan- 
draka Bhattaraka, pupil of Charu- 
kirti Bhattaralca of the Mula Sangha, 

Agali (k) On a stone lying in the courtyard 
of a Jaina basadi in the village. 
This is the Nisidi of Krishnisetti, son 
of Bettisetti, a lay disciple of Deva- 
chandra Deva of Mula Sangha and 
the Desiyagana. 

Kotipi (k) On a boulder in a field below the 
tank btod in the same village. Bears 
the sentence '' Hail ! the speech of 
the blessed Mandachari has proved 
true." On another part of the stone 

I are three lines of writing not quite 

legible. The first line seems to con- 
tain the name Charurasi Bhanditar 
for Charurasi Panditar, the title of a 
particular order of Jain monks. 
Bellary District. 
aya- (k) On a pedestal of the Easasiddha 
IB ^^^^S' * i^^ages in the same village. Record* 
K in Pramadi, Magha, Su. di. 1, Monday, 

I^K that a Nisidi was constructed on this 



day. In eight different sections of 
the stone are given the names of 
eight persons whom perhaps the 
images represent. Some of these 
were Chandrabhuti of Mtila Sangha, 
Chandrendya, Badayya and Tim- 
manna of Apaniya (Yapaniya) 

Cucldapah District. 

.Dana- (k) On a slab set up in the Jain 

vula- temple recently discovered. Records 

padu. the Nisidi of a merchant of Penu- 

gonda whose preceptor was the Jain 

teacher Kanakakirti Deva. 

(k) On a third pillar set up in the 
same place. Records the Nisidi of a 
Jain teacher. 

South Kanara District, 

Muda- (k) On a broken slab in front of the 

bidire. Nayi basti. Records the, death of a 

Jain teacher named Chandrakirti 

and the building of the mantapa 

{i.e., Nayi basti) in his memory. 

(k) On stones built into the Jain 
tombs in the same village. 

VizagajMtam District. 

Lakka- (Hindia Nagari) On the pedestal of a 

"varapu- mutilated Jaina image preserved in 

kota. the Virabhadra temple in the same 


village. A damaged record. Refers 
the image of Bliattaraka Jina 
Chandra of Mula Sangha. 

B.— Architectural. 

Anantapur District. 

Tad- (k) In the north-west corner of the 
patri. Prakara of the Ramesvaraswami 
temple, first stone. A Jain record 
of Udayaditya, son of Somideva and- 
Kanchaladevi in S.1130 expired, Ka- 
laynkti. The donor resided at Tati- 
para, Tadpatri. 

Kotta- (k) On a pillar in the same place, 

siva- Registers that this basadi was built 

ram. by Devanandi Acharya, pupil of 

Pushpanandi Maladhari Deva of 

Kanurgana, Kondakundanvaya . 

Amara- (k) On a pedestal lying in the court- 
puram. yard of the same temple; This is 
the basadi caused to be made by a 
pupil of Balendu Maladhari Deva, 
a disciple of Tribhuvanakirti-Ravula 
of Ingalesvara, belonging to Mula- 
Sangha, Desiyagana, Kondakimdan- 
vaya and Pustakagachcha. 

North Arcot District. 

Vallima- Rock inscription in a Jain cave on 
lai. the hill. A record of the Ganga 

King Rachamalla I, the son of 


Ranavikrama, grandson of Sree- 
pnrusha (726—733) Rajamalla, was 
the excavator of the cave. 

(k) (In grantha) On a rock. Records 
the founding of a Jaina shrine by 
the Ganga King Rajamalla. 

Bellary District. 

Kogali. (k) On a slab in the Jain basti. 
Mentions Durvinita as the builder 
of the basadi. 

"Vijaya- (Skt,) On a lamp pillar in front of 
nagar. the Gangisetti temple. A record of 
Harihara II, son of Bukka I, S. 1307, 
Krodhana, Phalguna, Krishnapaksha 
dvitiya, Friday (February 16, A.D. 
1386), sajdng that Iruga, the son of 
Dandanayaka Chaicha, one of Hari- 
hara's Ministers, caused a Chaitya- 
laya of Kundu Jinanatha to be built 
at Vijayanagara which belonged to 
Kuntala Vishaya in the Karnata 
country. The donor is the author 
of Nanartha Ratnamala. A Jain 
teacher Simhanandi and his apostolic 
pedigree are given in the inscription. 

(Skt.) A record of Devaraya JI, dated 
S. 1348, Prabhava. Records the 
building of a Chaityalaya to Parsva- 
natha, in the Pansupari street. 






Guntur District. 
(Pkt.) On a stone gift of a pillar by 
Chula-Aira, the pupil of the greater 
elder Ayira-Bhuta-Rakhita who lives 
at Rayasela and by the nun Nanda 
Nanda, the pupil of Arhat Ayira- 
South Kanara District. 

(k) On the north wall of the Gaddi- 
bidire. gimantapa in the Hosa basadi, right 
of entrance. A record of the Vijaya« 
nagar King Vii'a-Devaraya II in 
S. 1351, Saumya. Refers to Perumal 
Deva-Dandanayaka and to Devaraja 
Odeya of Nagamangala who was 
ruling the Mangalura-Rajya, and to 
the building of a basti. 

(k) On the same wall. A record of 
the Vijayanagara King Praudha 
Devaraya II in S. 1373 Prajotpatti. 
Mentions Ganapanna Odeya and 
refers to the building of a Mukhaman- 
tapa of the basti called Bhairadevi 
Mantapa. * 

(k) In the same place, left of the 
entrance. A record of the Vijaya- 
nagara King Devaraya II in S. 1351 
Saumya. Mentions the building of 
the basti. 

(k) In the same place, left of entrance. 
Records a list of merchants who 
built the second story of the basti^ 


(k) Do. names of the mercliants who 
built the second story of the basti. 

(k) On a pillar in the Gaddigimantapa 
of the Guriigala basti. A record of 
S. 1460 mentioning the building of 
the mantapa. 

Venur (k) On the Nandi pillar in front of 
the Mahalingesvara temple. Re- 
cords that a merchant set up the 
Manasthambha, a big monolythic 
column set up in front of the bastis. 
From the fact that almost all of 
them are known as Settara hastis it 
is inferred that the Jain merchants 
constructed them. 

(k) On a pillar in the verandah in 
front of the Ammanavara basti at 
Hirigangadi near the same village, 
left of entrance. Records. in S. 1397, 
Manmatha, the building of the 
Mukhamantapa in front of the Tir- 
thankara basti by several merchants. 
The teacher Lalitakirti Bhattaraka 
Deva Maladhari is mentioned. 
Nellore District. 

Kanuparti- (Tam). In field No. 383 to the east ol 
padu. the village. Records that in the 
thirty- seventh year of the reign of the 
Emperor Raja Raja Deva^ one Pra- 
maladevi had the steps leading to the 
shrine (Pallichchandum) of the Jaina 



temple (called after) Karikalachoda 
built on behalf of Matisao^ara Deva. 

Vizagapafmn District. 

Bhoga- (Telugu and Sanskrit) On a slab lying 

puram. in tlie middle of the village. Records in 
S. 1109, eleventh, year of the Eastern 
Ganga King Anantavarma Deva, that 
the merchant Kannamanayaka con- 
structed the Jaina temple called Raja 
Raja Jinalaya at Bhogapura. 

C— Votive. 

AnantapuT District, 

Kottasi- (k) On a pillar of a dilapidated 
varam. mantapa at the entrance into the 
village. Alpadevi, the queen of 
Irungola' and a lay disciple the f o 
Kanurgana of Kondakundanvaya, 
protected this Jaina charity while it 
was in a ruined condition. 

Amara- (k) On a pillar set up in the courtyard 
puram. of a Jain temple in the same place 
of the time 'of Mahamandalesvara 
Tribhuvanamalla Nissankapratapa 
Oh akra varti Virade va Navamurari 
Irungondadeva Chola, Maharajah of 
the Chola race ruling at the capital 
town of Nidungallu. S. 1200 Isvara, 
- Ashadha, Su. di. Panchami, Monday. 
Registers that Mallisetti, son of San- 
gayana Bonmiisetti and Melavve and 


the favourite lay disciple of Balendu 
Maladhari Deva who was the senior 
pupil of Tribhuvana Chakravarti 
Ravula of Ingalesvar of Mula Sangha, 
Desiyagana, Kondakundanvaya and 
Pustakagachcha, gave at Tammadi- 
halli the 2,000 areca trees which 
belonged to his share to Hasanna- 
Parsvadeva of the Basadi of Tail- 
anger e known as Brahma Jinalaya. 
The priest of this temple was 
Challapille, a Jaina-Brahmana of 
Bhuvalokanathanallur of Bhuvalo- 
iskanatha Vishaya, a sub-division of 
Ponnamaravatisime, north of Dak- 
shina Mathura in the Southern 
Pandya country. 

BeUary District, 
Chip- (k) In the smaller Venkataramana 
pigiri. Temple. 

(3) Dated in S. 1528. Records a grant 
by King Krishnadevaraya of Vijaya- 

(k) On a slab set up in the Bhogcsvara 

(4) In archaic characters. Records 
gifts of 50 Mattar of land for a 
flower garden. Date lost. Men- 
tions Vijayaditya Satyasraya Sree 
Prithvivallabha Mabara j ah also 
Bhavadharma Bhattaraka Nera 


Kuru- (k) On the south wall of the ruined 
godu. (5) temple. Dated in the reign of the 
Vijayanagara King Virapratapa 
Sadasivaraya Maharaja. Records in 
S. 1467, Visvavasu, gift of land 
(4 vokkals) to the Jaina temple by 
Ramarajaiya, elder brother of Alia- 
Lingarajaiya Odeya, for the benefit 
of his father Mallaraja Odeya. 

Kogali (k) On the base of a pillar in the 

(6) Rangamantapa of the Jaina basti. 

Records gift of money by different 

persons for the daily bathing of the 

images in the temple. * 

(k) On another slab set up in the 
IK C^) same place. The Western Chalukya 

I^B King Trailokyamalla (Somesvara I, 

^m 1042-68) records in S. 977, Man- 

JH^ ' niatha, a gift by the Jaina teacher 


Sogi. (k) Qn a fragment, lying before 
Virappa's house. 

(8) The Hoj^sala King Vishnu vardhana 
Vira Bhallala seems to record in 
Kartika Su. di. 5, Thursday, a gift 
of land to a Jaina institution. 

JBagali. (k) On the fourteenth slab set upon 

(9) the south side of the Kallesvara 
temple. The Western Chalukya King 
Tribhuvanamalla records in Chalukya 
Vikrama year 39, Ja.ya, gifts to the 


Kalidevaswami temple, the big tank, 
and the Brahma Jinalaya. 

South Kanara District, 

(k) A. C. P. Records a grant of a land 

(10) by a prince named Kanniyabhupala 

for the purpose of maintaining the 

worship in a Jaina temple, S. 1513. 

Basrur. (k) A record of Devaraya II (1422-49) 

(11) in S. 1353 relating to a gift of one 

Kolaga of paddy on every ballock 

load coming from other places to 

Basrur for the benefit of Jaina 

' Basti by the Chettis of Basrur. 

Kotes- (k) In the local pagoda of Kotesvara. 
vara. (12) Records that Echappa Udayar gave 
in S. 1468, Prabhava, in the reign of 
Sadasivaraya, 50 gadyanami of land 
to that deity. (Echappa was the 
same as the Jaina chief of Gairappa 
who married a daughter of the last 
Karkal King.) 

Muda- (k) On the north w^all of the Gaddigi- 
bidire.(13) mantapa in the Hosa basti, right of 
entrance. Records in the reign of 
the Vijayanagara King Virupaksa 
in S. 1394, Khara, a gift of land in 
the time of Vittarasa. 

(k) On a slab leaning against the south 

(14) wall of the inner enclosure of the 

Hosa basti. Records in S. 1493, 


Prajotpatti, a gift of land, and men- 
tions the Clianta family which had 
its seat at Mudabidire. 
(k) On a slab set up in the Gurugala 

(15) basti at the same village. An 
epigraph of the Vijayanagara King 
Vira Bukkaraya II (1397-1406), son 
of Harihararaya II (1377-1402), in 
S. 1329 in Vyaya. Mentions Bach- 
appa Odeya and gift of land. 

(k) In a field one mile south-east of 

(16) the travellers' bunglow. Records 
in the reign of the Vijayanagara 
King Vira Harihara II,, in S. 1312 
Sukla, a gift of land to the Guru- 
gala basti at Bidire. Mentions Man- 
garasa Odeya of Mangalura Rajya. 

(k) On a slab set up close to the east 

(17) wall of the Tirthankarabasi within 
the Santisvara basti at the same 
village. Records in S. 1544, Durmati, 
tKe gift of land to the basti by 
Ramanatharasa, while Mathuraka- 
devi was ruling over the Punjali- 
keya Rajya. 

'arkala. On a slab set up close to the west 
(Skt. & K) wall of the Chaturmukha basti. Re- 

(18) cords in S. 1508, Vyaya, the building 
• of the basti and gift of land and 

money by Immadi Bhairarasa 
Odeya of Pattipombuchcha. 


(k) On a slab set up in the north - 

(19) east corner of the same basti. Re- 
cords in S. 1501, Pramadi, gift of 
money by Sravakas for the study 
of the Sastras, Lalitakirti is to be 
the Viclidrakarta (supervisor) of the 

(k) On another slab set up in the 

(20) sam.e place. A record dated in S. 
1379, Isvara, mentioning Abhinava 
Pandya Deva Odeya of Pattipom- 
buchcha who belonged to the family 
of Jinadatta and the gift of paddy 
by merchant. Lalitakirti is said to 

' have belonged to Kondakundanvaya 
and the Kalogragana— probably a 
local branch of desigana. 
(k) On a slab set up close to the Guru- 

(21) gala basti near the same village. A 
record dated in S. 1256, Bhava, a 
gift of land to the Santinatha basti 
which w^as built in that year. 

Kadaba. A. C. P. grant of the Rashtrakuta 

(22) King Prabhutavarsha (Govinda III) 
made at the request of Ganga chief 
Chagiraja to a Jaina sage Arakirti, 
disciple of Vijayakirti (who was a 
disciple of Kaliyacharya), for having 
removed the evil influence of Saturn 
from tlie Chagiraja's sifter's son 
Vimaladitya. Issued from Mayura- 


Krishna DistricL 

(Skt.) (23) A. C. P. grant of Amma II 
(945-70) or Vijayaditya. Records a 
gift by the king to two Jaina temples 
at Vijayavatika (Bezwada). He is 
said to have had for his enemy 
Rajamartanda and Mallapa (pro- 
bably Yuddhamalla II). 

(Skt.) (24) A. C. P. grant of Amma II, called 
also Vijayaditya VI. It is undated 
and records the grant of the village 
Kalachumbarru in the Attilinadu 
province to a Jaina teacher named 
^^ Arhanandin of the Valaharigana 

H| and Addakalingachcha for repairing 

^H the dialing hall of a Jaina temple 

^B' Sarvalokasraya Jina Bhavana. The 

^H . grant was made at the instance of 

^^ Chamakamba of the Pattavardhani 

lineage, a pupil of Arhanandin. 
Bhogapurani * Vizagapatam District. 
(Skt. & Tel.) On a slab lying in the middle of 
(25) the village. Records in S. 1109, 
eleventh year of the Eastern Ganga 
King Anantavarma Deva, that the 
merchant Kannamanayaka con- 
structed the Jaina temple called 
Raja Raja Jinalaya at Bhogapura 
and gave two puttis of land to that 
temple with the consent of Desi- 



(Tel.) (26) On a third slab lying in the same 
village. A partly damaged record of 
the Eastern Ganga King Ananta- 
varma Deva (1076-1146) dated 
S. 1027, thirty-first year. Records 
gift of land measured by Lokanik- 
kasetti, who seems to have pur- 
chased it from Desi-Rattadhu. 

Madras A.C. P. grant of Eastern Chalulvya 

(Museum) Vishnuvardhana III, S. 684. Regis- 

(Skt.) ters evidently the renewal of a 

(27) grant of the village of Musini- 
konda in Tonlca-Natavadi Vishaya 
to the Jaina teacher Kalibhadra- 

,,charya. Ayyana or Ayyana-Maha- 
devi, Queen of Kubj a vishnu- 
vardhana, was the Ajfiapati of the 
grant and the charter was marked 
with the seal of Kubj a vishnu- 


North Arcot District. 
Vallimalai The record of a Bana King. Records 
(k) the setting up of the image of 
(Grantha) Devasena, the pupil of Bhavanandin 

(28) and the spiritual preceptor of the 
king. f; 

(29) (k) On the same rock. Setting up of 
the image by the Jaina preceptor 

Bellary District. ' 
Kogali (k) On the pedestal of a smaller Jaina 
(30) image in the Jaina basti. Registers 


1^^ in Paridhavi, Chaitra, Su. di. Chaur- . 

^H dasi, Sunday, the construction of the 

^^ image by a certain Obeyamasetti, a 

lay pupil of Anantaviryadeva. 

Hayadurg On a pedestal of a Jaina image 
(k) (Skt.) kept in the Taluq Office. A damaged 

(31) record of the Vijayanagara King 
Harihara I, dated S. 1277, Man- 
matha, Margasira, Purnima. Re- 
cords that a Jaina merchant named 
Bhogaraja consecrated the image of 
Santinatha Jinesvara. The mer- 
chant is stated to have been a pupil 
of Maghanandi-Vratin^ the disciple 
of Amarakirti-Acharya of Konda- 

Ikundanvaya, Sarasvatigachcha, Ba- 
latkaragana, Mula Sangha. 

South Kanara District. 

Yenur • On the right side of the colossal 
(Skt.) statue of Gummata on the hill. 

(32) Records in S. 1525, Sobhakrit, the 
setting up of the image of Bhuja- 
bali by Timmaraja of the family of 
Chamunda at the instance of Charu- 
kiiti, the family teacher. 

(k) On a slab set up in the south-east 
corner of the mantapa in front of 
the Santisvara basti. Records in 
S. 1459, Hemalambin, the consec- 
ration of the 24 Tirthankaras in the • 


Karkala On tlie right side of the colossaF 
(Skt.) statue of Gumrnata at the same 

(33) village. Records in S.1353, Virodhi- 
krit, the setting up of the image of 
Bahubalin by Vira Pandya, the son 
of Bhairava of the hmar race, at the 
instance of the teacher Lalitakirti 
of Panasoka and of the Desigaria 
who was also evidently the guru of 
the Karkala chiefs. 

(k) On the left side of the same statue^. 

(34) Records in verse tlie same fact but 
gives the name of the image as Gum- 

Madras ^On the base of a Jaina image. Re- 

(Museuni) cords that King Salva Deva, a, 

(k) great lover of Sahitya, got an image 

(35) of Santi-Jina made according to rule^ 
and set it up. 

Vizagapatam District. 
Ramathir- On the pedestal of a broken Jaina. 
tham image on the Gurubhaktakonda. 
(Tel.) hill. Seems to state that the image 
(36) was set up - by Prammisetti of 
Chanudavolu in the Ongeru Marga. 
E.— Votive and Commendatory. 
South Kanara District, 
Mudabidire On the north wall of the Guddigi- 
(k) rnantapa in the Hosa basti, right 
of entrance. A record of the 
Vijayanagara King Vira Devaraya 
IT, in S. 1351, Saumva. Refers io 



Perunial Deva Dandanayaka and to 
Devaraja Odeya of Nagamangala 
who v;as ruling the Mangaliir Rajya. 
(kj On a slab built into the wall of 
the Kshetrapala shrine in the Hosa 
basti. An inscription of the Vijaya- 
nagara King Virupaksharaya II 
(1465-86) in S. 1398, Durmukhi. 
Mentions Singappa Dandanayaka 
and Vittarasa Odeya. 
Venur . . (k) On a slab set up to the right of 
the entrance of the mantapa in 
front of the Santisvara basti. A 
record dated in S. 1411, Saumya, 
mentioning a chief oi Punjalinga- 
(k) On a slab set lip close to the west 
wall of the Gurugala basti near the 
same village. The inscription opens 
wdth a long list of birudas of Loka- 
natha Devarasa (son of Bommi- 
devarasa and Siddhaladevi). 
F.— Commendatory. 
Vizagapatam District. 

Ramathir- On the back wall of the Durga- 
tham (k) pancha. A much damaged record of 

I the Eastern Chalukya King Sarva- 

lokasraya Vishnu vardhan Maharajah 
Eajamartanda Mummadi Bhima. 
• South Kanara District, 

ulki . . (k) On the south face of the Manas- 
thamba in front of the Jaina basti. 


Records 5 verses arranged in 
twenty-five squares and praising the 

Mudabidire On the east, north and west faces 
(k) of a pillar in the Bhairavi mantapa. 
A record in praise of Mahamandal- 
esvara Salvamalla. 

(k) On another pillar in the same 
mantapa. Records 5 verses in praise 
of Tirthankaras arranged in 25 

(k) On a slab built into the wall of 
the Kshetrapala slirine in the Hosa 
basti. An inscription of the Vijaya- 
nagara King Virupaksharaya II 
(1465-88 A.D.) in S. 1398, Dur- 
mukhi. Mentions^ Singappa Dan- 
danayaka and Vittarasa Odeya. 

Details From thcsc epigraphs we learn some 

about Jaina , . 

acharyas. dctails about the great ascetics and acharyas 

who spread the gospel of Jainism in the 

Andhra-Karnata desa. They were not only 

' the leaders of lay and ascetic disciples, but of 

royal dynasties of warrior clans that held the 

destinies of the peoples of these lands in their 

hands. Since some glimpses of the lines on 

which they influenced the administration of 

these lands by tlieir waiTior pupils are presently 

to be described in the sequel the details regard- 

c ing them as given in the epigraphs noticed 

above mav be remembered :— 







^ S 

O Oi 



03 r^ 






cS s:^ 


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• • • 









c3 o3 03 

^ ^ O, r^ 




73 3 3 

3 3 §^ 3 



s ^s 

^^^ . ^ 




















•• • cS 

• • • • 





o3 "^ 


^ 2 








E^ • 




03 .^ 




> c3 cS 

• • • c3 1-^ 

• • • cS -?^ c3 





a Trai 
i Bhatti 




rti Devi 


:a Jinac 

ndi Mai 














pq mo 




i-H (M 

CO '^ »o 

O l> QO Ci O ^ <M 


i-H i-H i-H 














vaya, Saras- 





















r— t 






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^ (-; 


















• • 




•1— ( • 




>^ . 









ii— ( 





T^ 'rH" 









































II— 1 







C3 rj 
o3 ^ 











lO CO 





F— 1 

(M CO 




1— 1 T-K 






C^ (M 





^ This Jaina period of Andhra-Karnata Kaiinga 

^ . Jiiinism. 

istory and culture started under the auspices 
f the North Indian Immigrant Members of 
cetic and Warrior Clans, begins, as indicated 
by these epigraphs well within or even earlier 
than the Buddhist period. The Kharavela 
inscription of Kaiinga is the earliest of such 
knowTi Jaina epigraphs. The date of this 
inscription is yet in doubt. Nevertheless, its 
Jaina character, and the antiquity of the 
references therein to Andhra-Jainism are beyond 
all doubt. This interpretation of the Kharavela 
inscription gives very high antiquity to Jainism 
in the Kaiinga desa which is sometimes conter- 
minous but always contiguous witli the Andhra 
mandala. Thus, what may be called ''The Jaina 
Period " of x^ndhra History and Culture starts 
quite early in history and well within or even 
earlier than the Buddhist (or Satavahana) period. 
Jaina religious life on its ceremonial side and 
Jaina mythology on its imaginative side are so 
much like Puranic Brahmanism, that Jaina 
influence working through the Buddhist period 
formed an easy and imperceptible transition to 
Brahmanism, at any rate in the Andhra country. 
The " Amaravati Marbles " dating back to the 
atavahana period, closely studied towards the 
latter part of the last century, contain 
among them, as noticed by Dr. Burgess in 
1888, (a) " the upper part of a round topped 


^ In this section I have mostly published in the Jaina Gazette 
ireproduced ray articles already of Madras. 


slab, with liead and halo of an image. It has- 
curly hair and might possibly be Buddhist .... 
but there seems a probability that this is the 
head of a Jaina image" and (6) '' The right 
portion of a slab with the left half of the panel' 
is perhaps Jaina." In 1892 Mr. Rea, the Super- 
intendent of Archaeological Survey, Madras, dis- 
covered, in the Krishna District, a fine Jaina 
image at Gudivada and a very curious Jaina 
column sculptured with four images at Bezwada, 
both places noted in the Telugu country for 
their importance in the Buddhist period. 

The Telugu people use the formula " On> 
Namah Sivaya Siddham Namah " at the begin- 
ning of their varna mala ; the latter part of the 
formula is distinctly Buddhist. While, their 
neighbours, the Oriyas of Kalinga, so far as I 
know, use the formula '' Siddhir Astu." This- 
formula, I find, closes a Jaina grant. 

The history of the Kalinga provinces of 
the Telugu country which is yet an unbroken 
field,^ shows traces of the political influence o£ 
Jainism, dating from the times of Kharavela, 
the Chetiya King. '' The Kols and Khonds of 
Kalinga have a traditional notion that they 
displaced an earlier people vaguely called Jainas 

^ Of the Andhra scholars Narayana Rao, m.a., oi 

engaged for sometime in clear- Rajahmundry (all old boys of 

ing it up may be mentioned the the Maharajah's College) — I hope 

late Mr, G. V. Apparao Pantulu to edit for the College<a Sanskrit 

of Vizianagram, Rao Saheb champu work called **Gang(t- 

^^ G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu of vamsanuchariiam ' dealing with. 

Parlakimedi, G. V. Ramdas Kalinga History. 
Pantulu of Jeypur, Ch. 


and Bhuyas." Bhtija and Jaina villages, judg- 
ing by names, are frequent in the Kalinga 
Maliyas. The '' Jainas," I take it, are the 
Kadambas who seem to have had considerable 
political influence in the part of the country now- 
inhabited by Kols and Khonds, as well as in parts 
from which they had been ousted during historic 
times. ^ Certain 'place-names in the Ganjam Dis- 
trict bear traces of this Kadamba occupation. 
" Brihat Paralur " is the name of a Kadamba 
village from an early Kadamba grant of the 
Bombay Presidency. In Telugu it may stand 
as '' Pedda Parlapuram " which is an equiva- 
lent of Oriya '' Bodo (Parla)-Khimedi " the 
seat of a Zamindari in the Ganjam District. 
A " Paralur '•' is mentioned in another Kadamba 
grant by a Revisarma of Maudgalya gotra and 
archaeologists have'identifiedit with the modern 
Harlapur five miles to the North of Addur in 
Dharwar District. Harlapur by the interchange 
of P and H very common between Old and 
Modern Canarese becomes Parlapur or Parlapuri, 
the capital of the Parlakimedi Zamindari, 
and the seat of an akUcient line of kings of 
the Ganga dynasty. Tekkali, another place in 
the Ganjam District, corresponds to an early 
Kadamba town known as Tekal.^ (These must 
have been Kadamba cities before they came 
under the Gangas.) 

These* Kadambas, a line of Brahma -Ksha- 
tris, were Jains, and their capital was Palasika 

^ These are called Rudraputras ^ I owe this suggestion to Rao 

in Kalinga Inscriptions. Saheb G. V, Ramamurti Pantulu. 



the modern Halsi. To this Palasika corresponds 
Palasa in the Ganjam District, which must once 
have been a flourishing capital of the Kadamba 
line of Kalinga whom perhaps the Gangas of 
Kaliuganagara succeeded as Trikalingadhipatis. 
But we have the modern city of Banavasi or 
Vaijayanti as residence of one of the Kadamba 
kings called Mrigesa. Corresponding to this 
Banavasi or Vaijayanti, we have in Kalinga, a 
Jayantipura ; and a Jayanti family of Telugu 
Brahmans. Either this Jayantipura of Kalinga 
was the capital of a collateral line of Kadambas 
who adopted Saivism or Vaishnavism or it was 
made capital in succession to Palasa when the 
Jaina Kadambas adopted Puranic Brahmanism 
as their state religion. A family of Kadambas, 
however, tracing their descent from Mayura- 
varma state that they acquired sovereignty 
through the favour of Jayanti-Madhukesvara 
(Banavasi being otherwise called Jayantipura). 
There is a temple of Madhukesvara in Banavasi 
and Madhulinga occurs as the name of a Brah- 
man priest thereof. The village called Mukha- 
lingam in the Ganjam District owned by the 
Zamindar of Parlakimedi is called Jayantipura 
in the Sthalapurana relating to it. Rao Sahib 
G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu Garu, b.a., my 
revered teacher, identified this village many years 
back as the Kalinganagara mentioned by the 
Eastern Ganga Kings of Kalinga in their copper- 
plate grants and stone inscriptions. This place 
contains a temple dedicated to Madhukesvara. 
But Madhukesvara was never the family deitv 


of the Gangas who were unswerving worshippers • 
of Gokarnesvara of Mahendra. Clearly there- 
fore this Madhukesvara and this Jayantipura 
were established by the Kadamba line whom 
the Gangas must have displaced. Madhulinga in 
its modified form as " Moholingo " occurs as a 
personal name even to this day among the 
Oriya people of that part of the country. 

A family of Telugu Brahmans called the 
Jayantis have long been settled in Sreekurmam, 
a village near Chicacole in the Ganjam District. 
They must originally have hailed from Jayanti- 
pura (Mukhalingam) when it was a Kadamba 
capital. » 

By the .time of the late Rao Bahadur Kadamba 
V. Venkaiya, Epigraphist with the Government ^^^°^^ 
of India, the chrcinology of the Kadambas was 
not settled. I do not see that it has made any 
considerable advance towards a settlement even 
to-day. Venkaiya however refers to a Ka- 
damba grant of Jayavarma which Dr. Hultzsch 
thought to belong to the Second Century A.D. 
Some fresh evidence is available to strengthen 
this suggestion. In the Annual Report on 
Archaeology for 1914-15 just to hand some 
inscriptions belonging to the Satavahana 
period are given (pp. 120-121) in which the 
name Bariti appears. Now, the Kadambas 
were the .earliest South Indian Ruling dynasty 
to style themselves '' Manavyasa gotra, Hariti- « 
putra." Hariti is a Buddhist goddess and 
Hariti, a Buddhist personal nam« from Buddhist 


votive offerings. The adoption of Haritiputra 
by the Kadambas as a family title indicates the 
way in which later Buddhism shaded off into 
Jainism. The people who availed themselves 
and made capital out of such cultural fusion 
must originally have belonged to the later 
period of Satavahana decline, i.e., to the early 
Centuries of the Christian Era. From about 
this period comes the grant of Kadamba Jaya- 
varma. A little later, we hear of a Vishnu- 
kundi-Kadamba-Satakarni from Mysore Inscrip- 
tions (vide Carmichael Professorship Lectures 
on Indian History by Prof. Bandharkar). 

If on the. basis of such data we can start with 
the hypothesis of an early Jaina Kadamba 
immigration into South India in the early cen- 
turies of the Christian era, I thinly there is clear 
enough evidence to indicate the route of their 
immigration along the East Coast through 
Kosala and Kalinga. 

Taylor's Catalogue of Oriental MSS. (Vol. Ill, 
p. 60) contains references to a Kannada work 
speaking about a line of Kadamba kings who 
ruled in Magadha. If from Magadha, they 
wished to migrate to South India, they had to 
pass through Kosala and Kalinga. Such would 
be the most natural route for a migration. On 
pp. 704-5 in the same volume, there are refer- 
ences to a Marathi work containing accounts 
of a later Kadamba King Mayuravarma (of 
Southern Karnata branch) from which the only 
valid inference . that can be drawn is that he 



was an immigrant from North India, with a 
strong partiality for North Indian culture and 
those that cultivated it. Thus a migration 
from North India and along Magadha, Kosala, 
Kalinga and the East Coast line, of a North 
Indian family of Kadambas, is preserved in 
literature as an immemorial tradition. 

If these early Kadambas were Jainas, as I 
suspect they are, they must leave behind in 
the several places they touched and colo- 
nised, some clear and definite traces of their 
occupation of such places. The ' Satrunjaya 
MaJidtmya ' is a,n important Jaina work. It is 
not later than the Eighth Century A.D, It may 
be conceded that it is a fairly reliable collec- 
tion of Jairia traditions current among the 
Jainas about the period of its composition. 
Among the sacred liills of the Jainas mentioned 
in it occurs a hill called Kadambagiri. The 
Kadamba line of Brahma-Kshatris who adopted 
the Kadamba as a totem must have been 
Jainas to whom Kadambagiri was particularly 
sacred. The Chalukyas, following perhaps the 
tradition of the Kadambas, say, in their 
grants, that their ancestors secured royal power 
by the worship of the family deities on Chalu- 
kyagixi {vide Nandamapudi grant E. Chalukya 
Raja Raja Narendra). This tradition of the 
Chalukyas, who adopted the Kadamba style of 
Manavyasa gotra, Haritiputra, is evidence of 
the sacredness of ' Kadambagiri ' to the early • 
Kadambas, and incidentally, of their being 


Jainas. I venture to regard the appearance of 
Kadambagiri or Kadambasingi or their varients 
among place-names as a sure indication of 
those places having been originally so described 
bv a Kadamba line of kings or their admiring 
officials or subjects. They indicate Kadamba 
colonization near about and a type of civili- 
sation nourished by them. 

Evidence of such place-names is fairly well 
establishable for the agency tracts of Ganjam 
and Vizagapatam the newly constituted 
' Agency-Division ' in the North-East Coast of 
the Madras Presidency. 
Kadamba The Parlakimcdi Agency of the Ganjam 

indicative of District has places called Kadamasingi (Kadam- 
ainacu ure. j^gj^g^^ingi) and MuniSingi suggesting a sacred 
hill (sacred to Jaina) and a colony of Jaina 
munis near about it. The pld.ce-names are signi- 
ficant and suggestive of religious culture. At a 
later date, it was in this taluq, that the 
Kadambas built their capital Vaijayantipura in 
the plains. Similarly, in the Aska taluq of the 
Ganjam District there is a village called Jaya- 
Singi, possibly named after Jayavarma, the 
early Kadamba king of 2nd century A.D.(?) or a 
Kosala " Jayaditya " preserved in the tradi- 
tions of the present-day Andhra-Kshatriyas. 

In the Bissamcuttack [Visvambhara (deva) 

Kataka] Agency of the Vizagapatam District 

there are two villages called Kadamhaguda and 

^ KaJcadamba, " Guda " is the same word as^ 

" Gudem ", possibly derived from the Dravidian 


root Kud=to gather together. Hence Guda = 
collection. It may mean a collection of Kadamba 
trees or Kadamba people. The existence of this 
place along with Munisingi (Munisringa)points 
to Jaina colonies of Kshatriyas and ascetics, as 
in the case of Parlakimedi Agency. It is also 
interesting to notice as a piece of cumulative 
evidence, the existence in this division, of 
place-names ending in bhatta, probably formed 
after the names of scholars who had consider- 
able fame and influence. As instances may be 
noted Katchangibhatta, Kuddubhatta, Kumbi- 
bhatta, LaJcJmbhafta, Pedabhattuguda, Ranibhatta, 
Sukulabhatta. Who these Bhattas were (they 
must have been famous scholars, pi^ssibly Jains) 
and what part they played in the cultural life 
of the period remains to be unveiled by patient 
research and exploration in these forest glades 
oblivious of '' the madding crowd." Jayapura, 
Jayanagaram in the Jeypur Agency must have 
derived their names from sovereigns of the 
Kadamba line called Jayavarma ; Jayantigiri 
reminds one of the Vaijayanti of later Kadambas 
linking up the later^ line with the earlier one. 
Kadamaguda occurs eight times as a place-name 
in the Jeypur Agency. I regard this as an 
indication of a long occupation of these tracts 
by a Kadamba line of kings. Place-names in 
bhatta are also frequent in this division. For 
instance* Amalabhatta, Bannabhattigida, Bhatti- 
guda, Daliibhatta, Mavulibhatta. Other places 
are sometimes named in this division, after 


Rani, Ravutu, Pradhani, Vahanapati, Pujari, 
which shows the nature of civic life brought 
into these parts by the Kadamba immigrants. 

In the Koraput Agency of the Vizagapatam 
District, Kadamba guda occurs twice as a place- 
name, while, there is but one village name in 
Ibhatta, viz., Vuskabhatta. 

In the Malkanagiri Agency, Kadambaguda 
and its varients occur thrice and Jayantigiri 
occurs once. Amalabhatta, Kosarabhatta occur 
as place-names. Village names in Sanydsi, Pu- 
jari, Patra, Pragada, Pradhani, Mantri, NayaJca, 
Dalapati, Dandusena occur and they indicate a 
high state of political organisation after the 
manner of Rautilya and other early authorities 
on Arthasastra. This familiar arid significant 
place-name Kadambaguda also occurs in the 
Navarangapur Agency. Quite a large enough 
number of place-names in bhatta also occur, e.g., 
Amalabhatta, Bhattikota, Daibhatta, Kodubhatta, 
Mohabhatta, Movulibhatta, Posakabhatta, Pulo- 
bhatta, Sindibhatta, Sorsubhatta. Place-names 
in Turangi, Raja, Rani, Nayaka, Pradhani, 
Mantri, Adhikari, Pujari, Pandita indicate the 
arts and institutions of civic life. 

The Eaigada Agency of the Vizagapatam 
District has a village called Kadambariguda, 
named perhaps after a chieftain who conquered 
the Kadamba sovereign of these parts and 
adopted it as his style like the title Sakari 
adopted by the Andhra king who destroyed the 
Saka ascendencv. 



These agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizaga- 
patam of the ancient Kalinga kingdom are 
to-day regarded by the generality of people as 
the haunts of the wolf, the bear and the tiger 
and of men equally barbarous and ferocious. 
Little do we regard, in our ignorance, how they 
were once teeming with organised communities of 
highly civilised men and women, well established 
principalities, flourishing towns, -psmdit parishads, 
ascetic viharas, moving armies and civil and 
military officers of all grades and ranks. In the 
building up of this early civilisation in these 
battle-grounds for the colonisation of northern 
and southern peoples, the Jaina Kadambas of 
the early centuries of the Christian era must have 
had a no mea'n share. 

The inscription published by J. F. Fleet (in 
the Journal of the 'Bombay Branch of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, No. XXVII) probably 
speaks of a Western Deccan branch of this line of 
Jaina Kadambas. He says '' they belong to 
some epoch when the great kings of the south, 
the Chalukyas, were not in possession of such 
power as they attained to in later times. The 

Chalukya dynasty in earlier 

times." Palasika was their capital in the Western 
Deccan, and it is not extravagant to suppose that 
Palasa in the Ganjam District was founded by 
a branch of this line of Jaina Kadambas. A 
more difficult question to solve is which founda- 
tion is the earlier, — the Kalinga one or the 
Western Deccau one. 

^??r^,^^^^^^ The Andhras of the Talevaha river (referred 

ofKalmgd,. ^ ^ 

to ill the Jataka stories of the sixth centurv 
B.C.), the contemporaries of Kharavela, must 
likewise have been Jainas, as also the Nagas in 
alliance with them and the Sendraka-Naga,s in 
alliance with the Kadambas. Very little is 
known about these Andhras of the Talevaha 
river, except that their South Indian colony is as 
old as the Aitereya Brahmana ; that they were 
immigrants into the lands inhabited by the 
Kalingas and the Telingas (howsoever the latter 
may have during historic times been fused into 
them) is clearly shown by villages named after 
them existing side by side with those named 
after the Telingas, the Kalingas, the Munds and 
the Sabaras. Whether they belonged to the 
Satavahana clan or not is difficult to determine. 
But there seems to be little doubt that along 
with the Kadambas they contributed to the pro- 
gress of arts and culture. Biihler is of opinion 
that it was the Kadamba script that latterly 
developed into the Telugu-Canarese or Andhra- 
Karnata variety of South Indian Alphabets. 
This opinion lends colour, to the suggestion that 
the Andhras and Kadambas together contri- 
buted to the earliest growth of the fine arts and 
culture in the Andhra and Karnata Provinces. 
The evidence of place-names from the Kalinga 
part of the Telugu country may here be 
pertinently summarised :- 
<^ Andhavaram (Andhravaram) beside Odde- 

padu in Chicacole taluq, Ondhrokota in Gumsur 


taluq, Ondhorigam (Andhragrama) in Balli- 
guda Agency, Ondhari-gumma or Andhra- 
gumma in the Parlakimedi Agency, Ondhrasingi 
in Ramagiri Agency, Ondaribondo in Surada 
Agency, Ondirigudo beside Oddunaju in Udaya- 
giri Agency (naju in Khond=country),— all 
these are from the Ganjam District. The 
occurrence of the larger number of these names 
in the agency tracts is the more important part 
of this evidence. In the Vizagapatam District, 
Ondhorulimma in Bissamcuttack Agency, 
Andhrododdi in Golgonda Agency. Ondroguda 
in Gunupur Agency, Andromunda in Jeypur 
Agency, Andhraguda in Navarangapur Agency, 
—all again from the agency tracts,' indicate the 
find spots of 'the Andhra colonies of East Deccan 
in the prehistoric times spoken of In the Bud- 
dhist Jatakas, F^om these traces it is possible 
to infer that a branch, possibly, the Dhanya- 
kataka branch, of " the Andhra-Satavahanas of 
History " were immigrants into the Krishna 
District throjagh the Kalinga and the N.E. Coast 
of the Madras Presidency. Their capital Dhanya- 
kataka must have been founded after their 
earlier capital Dhannupuro in the Jeypur 
Agency of the Vizagapatam District. There is 
also an Amaravati in the Sompeta taluq of the 
Ganjam District. The Kalingas call the Andhras 
* Westerners ' c^^^^-^o^). In Khara vela's 
time these Andhras were to the West of • 
Kalinga (plains). 


The early years of the fourth century A.D. 
saw the break-up of the Satavahana power and 
empire. Did it involve a break-up of civilisa- 
tion and culture ? Did it involve the throwing 
of the empire of the Satavahanas in the Deccan 
into a chaos of warring forces which destroyed 
all elements of culture in the land ? 
Continuity of One rcsult of this break-up which must 

Andnra ^ 

Culture. have occurred about the year 302 A.D.— for 
there is a coin of a Satavahana king bearing 
that date, — was to give a chance to some of the 
local dynasties to come into power and use it for 
the protection of culture and the maintenance 
of its continuity under new auspices. Of such 
dynasties that emerged into power and esta- 
blished local sovereignties and spheres of in- 
fluence may be mentioned the Abhiras or 
Kalachuris or Haihayas, the Rashtraktitas 
and the Kadambas on the ruins of whose power 
the Chalukyas claim to have built up their 
empire in the Deccan. That the particular 
dynasty by subduing whom the Chalukyas came 
to sovereign power were the Kadambas is 
manifest from the style of " Manavyasa gotra 
Haritiputra, etc.," which they have adopted from 
their Kadamba predecessors, for, so far as can 
be gathered from inscriptions, the Kadambas 
were the earliest South Indian dynasty to adopt 
this style. 

The problem, therefore, arises,—' are the 

*- Chalukyas a North Indian race or warrior clan 

who immigrated to the Deccan and profited 


by the break-up of the Satavahana power and 
the conflicts of local dynasties in power and in- 
fluence, or are they, like the Rashtraktitas, a 
Deccani clan who emerged into power after the 
downfall of the Satavahanas ? ' The former 
hypothesis leads to that of the naturalness of 
the bias of the family towards a North Indian 
culture, and equally to that of a natural tendency 
to patronise attempts to engraft it on a South 
Indian one ; the other hypothesis leads to that 
of a natural tendency of the family to the 
strengthening or modification of South Indian 
culture in an atmosphere of North Indian 

The evidence from inscriptions and liter- 
ature is not 'uniform as regards the origin of 
the Chalukyas. The earlier inscriptions do not 
give the family a puranic genealogy, although 
they contain elements out of which a puranic 
genealogy was worked out for the family about 
the eleventh century A.D. It has been noticed 
how the style oi ' Manavyasa gotra Haritiputra ' 
was adopted from the Kadambas. Yet these 
sources of information seem to contain darkly a 
family tradition that the Chalukyas originally 
hailed from Ayodhya. Pampa's ViJcramarju- 
navijaya, Nannaya's Mahdbhdrata, Bilhana's 
Vikramankadevacharita and Peddiraja's Kavya- 
lankara, among other works composed under 
the patronage of the later Chalukyas, regard the 
Chalukya family as immigrants from the North. 
They also affiliate them to the lunar race of 


Rajputs. In this respect these works bear out 
the evidence of the inscriptions. But this view of 
the inscriptions and literary works requires to 
be controlled by some important considerations. 

The Rajaputs of North India who do not 
belong to the recognised vedic or puranic 
dynasties and gotras generally describe them- 
selves as belonging to the gotra of Manu or 
Manavyas. There is a tradition among the 
Andhra or Deccani Kshatriyas to this day 
that North Indian Rajaput clans belonging 
to five specific gotras (Vasistha, Dhananjaya, 
Koundinya, Bharadwaja, Kasyapa) originally 
immigrated, to the south ; but the Mdnavyasa 
gotris are not mentioned among them. There 
are no Manavyasa gotris among Kshatriyas in 
the Andhra desa of to-day. One Chedi inscrip- 
tion, however, refers the Chalukyas to the 
Bharadwaja gotra, but the Chalukyas of historic 
times must have, somehow, forgotten this 
earlier tradition (see sequel). 

Secondly, those Deccani Rajaput clans that 
claim to have immigrated^ from Ayodhya describe 
themselves as belonging to the solar and not 
the lunar race ^ ; and there is no evidence of a 
lunar dynasty having, ever before fifth century 
A.D., ruled in Ayodhya. Thus the description 
of the Chalukyas as belonging to the lunar race 
seems to be inconsistent with the idea of their 

^ A North Indian clan of Krishna District in very early 
Rajaputs of the Ikshvdku race times (Insns. Madras Pcy.)- 
«eems to have settled in the 


imigration from Ayodhya. Possibly this 
Ayodliya tradition must have been appropri- 
ated by the Chalukyas from the Satavahanas, 
as the Manavyasa gotra tradition was adopted 
from the Kadambas. 

Thirdly, the name Chulika, Chalukya or 
Chalukya is suggested to be a Sanscritised form 
of some South Indian vernacular name. 

Fourthly, it remains to be seen whether 
there is any present- day Rajaput family in the 
North which traces descent from the Chalukyas 
as there are families tracing their descent from 
the Satavahanas. 

These considerations, among others, throw 
a strong suspicion against the hypothesis of a 
North Indian origin for the Chalukya family. 
The literary movcifnent that the dynasty patro- 
nised from time to time seems to strengthen 
this bias. ' Culturally, therefore, the significance 
of the Chalukyas seems to be in their use of 
their political sovereignty for the strengthening 
of South Indian culture with North Indian 
elements and the re-sjiaping of North Indian 
culture in the light and after the methods of 
South Indian culture. Thus under the Chalukyas, 
South Indian culture came to its own, while 
under the previous imperial dynasty of the 
Satavahanas, North Indian culture absorbed into 
it the elements of South Indian culture. The 
transition from the Satavahana type of cultural 
fusion to one with a South Indian basis and in a 
South Indian atmosphere was' effected by the 


movement of culture whicli the Kadambas and 
the Rashtrakutas used their political power to 
patronise and extend. Thus, through the rise 
and fall of the warrior clans in power and 
influence, the continuity of culture and civilisa- 
tion goes on undisturbed along the lines of 
cultural afiiliation and fusion. 

The formula which expresses Satavahana 
culture best is " Siddham namah " ; the formula 
that expresses Chalukya culture best is '' Om 
namah Sivaya Siddham Namah " or " Om 
namo NdrdyandyaJ^ Saivism and Narayanism 
are said to be particularly of South Indian 
origin, while Buddhism represented by ''Siddham 
Namah " is Mauryan and North Indian. 

A word, in passing, about the Kadamba, the 
early Kalachuria and Rashtrakuta services to 
the progress of scholarship may be necessary to 
facilitate later the appreciation of the Chalukya 
contribution to the development of South 
Indian culture. 


The Cultural Transition from the Satava- 
hana TO THE Chalukya Period. 

It has been urged above that the Chalukyas 
consolidated their political power by a process of 
social and cultural fusion and the appeal to a 
new literary interest in which the local languages 
of their dominions came in for a larger recogni- 
tion and patronage. This process of political 
consolidation they seem to have inherited 



from the local dynasties which were powerful 
in the Deccan immediately before them. This 
point will become clear by a consideration of 
the family histories of the Kalachuris, the 
Rashtrakutas and the Kadambas. 

The Kalachuris belong to the Chedi country Kaiachuri 

^ Culture, 

in the Central Provinces. They are supposed to 
be a race of Abhiras. Cunningham gives A.D. 
249 as the starting point of the Chedi era in 
which the Kalachuris date their grants. They 
emerge into history about the time of Mangalesa 
Chalukya, for, from his grants we learn that they 
must have been a powerful dynasty in his time. 
Some of their grants show that in early times 
they must have patronised Buddhisln and Jain- 
ism. During, times later than that of Manga- 
lesa, we find the same sovereign, now being 
described as Saiva «.nd again as Vaishnava. That 
shows a catholicity of faith on their part, an 
attempt at cultural fusion as a bulwark of 
political power. Their grants in later times 
show a marked literary development in Sanskrit 
poetic style under the influence of South Indian 
culture. Very few references can be found in 
North Indian Sanskrit Kavyas proper (either 
monumental or literary) to preliminary lists of 
" ishtadevata stutis." This tradition the poetic 
bards of the Kaiachuri courts must have 
developed as a sort of reflection of the religious 
catholicity and cultural fusion which the d3niasty 
was trying to adopt. In South Indian Karnata « 
Literature this tendency becomes marked dui'ing 


Chalukya times and there are glimpses of it in 
the Telugu Mahdhhdrata of Nannaya and the 
Kumar a Sambhava of Nanna Choda who seems 
to have followed the Kannada tradition, and 
the Dasahumdra Cliarita of Ketana who seems 
to have followed the Andhra-Chalukyan tradition 
of Nannaya. 

The Satavahanas, before the Kalachuris, 
must have attempted a social fusion with 
dynasties whom they conquered or who were 
becoming powerful in their time. This they 
must have done to safeguard their political 
power. Evidence of this is found in Vishnukundi- 
Kadamba-Satakarni who must have been a 
prince born ' of the Satakarni and Kadamba 
union. Similar relations the Satavahanas are 
said to have contracted with the Pallavas and 
the Nagas. This earlier tradition of social 
fusion for the consolidation of political power 
must have been followed by the Kalachuris, for 
their grants indicate such marital relations with 
the powerful dynasties of the time. A few 
instances may be noticed in passing. The 
Bilhari inscription of th^ Haihalya-Kalachuris 
of Chedi is one of their earliest inscriptions 
which gives the names of Kokalla, Mugdhatunga, 
Ke3ruravarsha, etc. Tunga or Varsha occur 
familiarly in the personal names of the 
Rashtrakutas. Whether the latter adopted them 
from their relations, the Kalachuris, or whether 
the Kalachuris adopted them from the Rashtra- 
kutas, is difiBcult to determine, but it must be 




from social relationship by marriage that such a 
tradition regarding personal names could deve- 
lop. During the time of Keyuravarsha, the Kala- 
churis are said in this inscription to have 
contracted marriages with the Chalukyas, the 
descendants of Bharadwaja.^ The Chalukya 
queen of the Kalachuriya chief Keyuravarsha 
was an ardent devotee of Siva. Of the 
marriages between Rashtrakutas and Kalachuris 
in historic times, Cunningham gives the follow- 
ing references : — 

(1) In one Rashtrakuta inscription 
Krishna Raja is said to have 
married Mahadevi, the daughter 
of K. Kokalla, Raja 6i Chedi. 

In another R. K. inscription King 
Jagatrudra, son of Krishna, is 
stated to have married the two 
daughters of Sankaragana, Raja 
of Chedi and son of Kokalla I. 

In a third Rashtrakuta inscription 
Indra Raja is said to have married 
Divijamba, the great-grand- 
daughter, of Kokalla I. 

Amoghavarsha, the Rashtrakuta 
Raja who was himself the 
great-grandson of Kokalla I, 
through his mother Govindamba, 
married the princess Kandakadevi, 

' Are the Chalukyas, then, a 
branch of the Pallavas who 
Affiliate themselves to the 
Bharadwaja gotra ? Could they 

have concealed this identity 
owing to clannist conflicts p 
Such things do occur even' 
to-day in Hindu society. 


daughter of a Chedi King called 

From these references it would appear that the 
Kalachuris and Rashtrakutas in their inter- 
marriages follow the Andhra principle (enunciated 
by Apastamba) of marrying maternal uncles^ 
daughters. At any rate it is a principle of 
South Indian social tradition by which they 
are governed. From the last evidence of 
Amoghavarsha Rashtrakuta it appears as if 
the varsha personal name is adopted by the 
Rashtrakutas from their Kalachuri grand- 
fathers on the maternal side. 

These Kalachuris call themselves Trika- 
lingadhipatis. They thus connect themselves 
with a branch of Andhra history., Kharavela 
of Kalinga is said to be a Chetiya, i.e., a 
Chediya. Their influence in*. Kalinga remains 
still open to research. The Kadambas are 
another South Indian power whom theOhalukyas 
had to subdue before they could get into power 
in the Deccan. The Kadamba plates of Goa 
give a good deal of valuable information as 
regards their contribution to South Indian 
Kadamba The Kadambas must, from the reference to 

Vishnukundi-Kadamba-Satakarni, be referred 
to the last years of the Satavahana rule in the 
Deccan. The Talgund inscription referring to 
a Satakarni or the Satakarnis may also be used 
to fix this point. However, it is suggested that 
there were two or three synchronously reigning 



branches of this family in the Deccan, e,g,, the 
Kadambas of Banavasi and the Kadambas of 
Goa. The significance of the early Kadambas 
whom the Chalukyas overpowered lies in their 
association with the later Satavahanas and their 
patronage of Jaina culture. Although these 
Kadambas describe them^selves as " Manavyasa 
gotra Haritiputras and Swami Mahasena 
Padanudhya yis ", yet their leanings lay 
definitely towards Jainism. Their poets were 
Jains ; their ministers were Jains ; some of their 
personal names were Jaina ; the donees of their 
grants were Jain -the type of literature as 
evidenced by the Goa copper-plates was of 
the Jaina Kavya kind. This they handed down 
to the Chalukyas. Thus, their conquerors 
became captives in turn to the scholarship and 
culture which the Kadambas promoted. Among 
the Goa Kadambas occur personal names in 
Kesi ; such words are familiar among the 
Chalukyas. Possibly there is some relationship 
between the Chalukyas who rose to power in 
W. Deccan and the Kadambas of Goa as there 
is traced between the ,Kalachuris and Rashtra- 
kutas. Any way the Chalukya inscriptions 
make it clear that they adopted the Kadamba 
style of family insignia. 

It has already been pointed out how the Jaina 
Jaina Acharyas secured grants from kings for ^ ^^^x^' 
their foundations through the respect they 
inspired in them for their character and learning. * 
Pujyapadaswami was one of such early Acharyas, 


like Kundakunda, who, in the 5th century A.D.^ 
spread the Gospel of Jainism throughout the 
Andhra and Karnata mandalas. Jaina literary 
tradition has preserved a story about him that 
he toured through the Andhra desa for literary 
disputations and roya) patronage/ In a work 
called Pujyapdda-chanta the various kinds of 
arts and sciences that he mastered are enumer- 
ated. The list stands thus :— Prajnapti ((j^|._S), 
Kamarupini ("s-^cSbXr-g^?^), Agnisthambhini («)?\^ 
_^o^^), Udasthambhini (e^e5j5o^S))^Visvapravesini 
(s)^^(j5^§^), Aprathishtathagamini(^(^sg?e^-A-S)o.^ ), 
Akasagamini (^sr-^-r^^^)^ Urvatini (^tj-^^S))^ 
Vasil^arini (s^lssci), Avesini («-^§^), Sthapini 
(|^l)S)), Pramohini ((ts-^j-fj-^), Prahirini ((j^Sp'S^)^ 
Samkramini (i^o^so^), Avarthini {^^Jp), 
Prarodani {i^d^&^), Prahavani ((j3;j^^ri), Prabha- 
vasa {i^^^^i^), Pratapini {[^wl^^)^ Vikshepani 
(s)"^^\^), Sambhari (^o^e)^ Chandali. (^3-otj-!)), 
Matari {^^b), Gauri (7^0), Bhattangi (^ea-o?\)^ 
Mudgi (^a), Kamkasamkuli (§"o§'iio§oe)), Kum- 
chanidi (§oo=cj-^a), Viradalavegi (sV^5^^?^), Kar- 
nalatki (^go^^), Laghukari {^^^Q), Vegavati 
(-£k^Q), Setavetali {'t^'^ir^), Sarvavidyabhedini 
(•r5^^g:)zr°g^8S)), Yuddhavirya (dSx><^h-^^), Bandha- 
velachini (^ooj^-^e;^-©^), Praharnavarni (i^^^^s- 
^c^e-). These are mostly names to us, men of 
the modern generation in India, their tradition 
being hopelessly buried in the mantra and yoga 

^ Rice's Karnataka-Kavicharitre, 


LStras. But when they were practised by 
kcharyas like Pfijapadaswarai, they had a * 
Leaning and a potency which humbled the most 
arrogant of early Hindu rulers. This is the 
>roper place to sum up the leading facts 
Regarding the patronage of the Jaina acharyas Patronage 
and colleges by South Indian rulers. The earliest Scholars. 
of such South Indian sovereigns was Kharavela 
Kalinga. He does homage in the Jaina form, 
i.e., ^^>To wjf o'eT'i^o, ^^yr' }6^^T^Tr^o. In the 12th 
year of his reign he constructed a statue of 
^]X2i^, i.e., Adisvara or Vrishabha. He honoured 
the Jainas of Kalinga («j5 oi^^^n-zr^-^o t^Sott' 
■^o •^^■RT'T^o). Of the Kadambas of Banavasi, 
Kakusthavarma (Halsi) allowed ^ his general 
Srutakiriti 'to donate land to the Jainas. 
Mrigesavarma, son of Santivarma and grandson 
of Kakusthavarma, gave land grants to Jainas 
at Vaijayanti. In these grants several Jaina 
acharyas like Damakirti, Jayakirti, Bandhusena 
and Kumaradatta are mentioned. Harivarma, 
son of Ravivarma, son of Mrigesavarma, donated 
at Halsi a village to Chandrakshanta of the 
college of Virasenach|.rya. 

The Gangas of South India, a collateral 
branch of the Gangas of Kalinga, acknowledge 
that they established their kingdom in the South 
through the help of the Jaina Acharya, 
Simhan^ndi of Nandigana. 

Madhava II (Madhavavarma Ganga) made 
a donation to Viradevacharya in favour of a 


Digambara temple. Avanitakonganivarma in 
the first year of his reign made a donation to 
his preceptor Vijayakirti in A.D. 466 and also 
to Vandananandi of Desigana. This grant 
mentions other acharyas of Desigana, Konda- 
kmidanvaya, like Gunachandra, Abhayanandi, 
Silabhadra, Jnananandi and Gunanandi. 
Sreepurusha in A.D. 776 gave a donation to 
Govapaiya in favour of the temple of Sripura 
and mentions the Acharyas Vimalachandra, 
Kirtinandi, Kumaranandi, Chandranandi. 

Of the Chalukyas the ancestors of the 
Eastern Chalukya line of Raja Raja Narendra 
of Rajahmundry, 

Pulakesi I in S.S. 411 made a donation in 
favour of a temple constructed by his feudatory 
Samiyarya and mentions Siddhanandi, Jinanandi 
and Nagadeva. 

Kirtivarma I gave a donation to Prabha- 
chandra, disciple of Vinayanandi of Paraluru. 

Vinayaditya S. 608 gave a donation to 
Devagana of Mula Sangha. 

Vijayaditya 651 gave a grant to a temple 
at Puligire which mentions Udayadevapandita, 
disciple of Pujyapada of Alaktapura. 

It must be observed that the Chetiyakula 
mentioned in the Kharavela grants, the earliest, 
perhaps, of South Indian Jainism, is a branch of 
the Jainas which has not spread itself in South 
India. It perhaps represents one of the Jaina 
Sakhas of North Indian origin which flourished 




A. Uddehikiyagana. 

B. Vegavatikagana 
€. Varanagana 

before the great schism in the time of Bhadra- 
bahu and Chandragupta. Possibly this branch * - 
belonged to Chedi Kingdom. These Sakhas 
may be noted in passing, especially because 
no trace of them is yet discoverable in South 
India : — 

(a) Parihasakakula- 
Purnapatrika Sakha. 

(b) Nagabhutikiyakula. 

.(a) Hatikiyakula-Vajra- 
nagari Sakha. 

(b) Aiyabhishtakula- 
Samkasika Sakha. 

(c) (ChetikiyA) kula-Hari- 
tamalakari Sakha. 

(d) Petivamikakula. 

(e) Nadikakula. 
.{a) Sthaniyakula-Vajri 


(b) Brahmadasikakula- 

Uchchanagari Sakha. 

(c) Prasnavahanakakula- 

Madhyama Sakha. 

(d) Vatsaviyakula. 

(e) Vidyadhari Sakha. 

One may be curious to know what kind of Jaina Polity, 
influence it was that these acharyas of the 
various ganas and Sakhas exercised over their 
disciples* who were rulers of provinces. Some 
light is thrown on this point by a Jaina work ^ 
in the Madras Oriental MSS. Library called 

D. Kotikagana 


Nltivakyamritam. Hindu authorities on Polity 
have always urged that the primary duty 
of the king is the securing of the happiness 
of the people. They go a step further. They 
say that the king should protect his people, with 
the same care with which a pregnant woman 
protects her child even at the sacrifice of her 
own special tastes, Cf, Vaisampayana Nlti : — 

^ ^ — 6 

Jaina PoHty. NitivdkyamriUt, the Jaina work on Polity, 

goes still further and makes the king a servant 
of the state. Its theory evidently is that the 
king is for the state and not the state for the 
king. Hence it begins with a salutation to the 
state as follows : — 

Atha Dharmartha Kama phalaya rdjyam 

(^^ ^7r°^^ -5^o5b ^^er^dSo Tr=2iQo ^sSbs.) 

From the following colophon of this work 
it is clear that it was composed by the Jaina 
Acharya Somadevasuri who wielded large in- 
fluence at a royal court in South India : — 

« S}©l6§'e;U'i£-§' ^^'-C^T^^ii -dboMo^S'ra-^g, ^^ScS^ 


This work has 30 chapters : — 1. Dharma- 
samuddesah (^^^^-j^^'g^g), 2. Arthasamuddesah 
(eg-;^^"|^8), 3. Kamasamuddesah (-s"^5^-^55i>og^2)^ 

4. Arishadvargasamuddesah (^esS^s^^^-^^^^s), 

5. Vidyasamuddesah (s-35-g-^^x"|^'8), 6. Anvik- 
shisamuddesah (efe^l\-;6^^?''8), 7. Trayisamud- 
desah {^oxn>-^^^^i)^ 8. A^artasamuddesah 
(-53--D^-^j5^"^^§), 9. Dandasamuddesah (cto2^-i6^"^f s), 
lO.Mantrasamuddesah (sSDo^e^ro^^D-g^g), ll.Purohita- 
samuddesah (^6*^fr-^i6^^?'8), 12. Senapatisamud- 
desah (-^-j^^^-^^I^s), 13. Duta-Sa.-. (^s^ef--^), 14. 
Chara-Sa. (^^er-j^), 15. Vichara-Sa. (^^^ef-ii), 16. 
Vyasana-Sa. (^§-iC^j^-i6), 17. Svanii-Sa. {^^^?y^-ii)^ 
18. Amatya-Sa. *(^55j'e^§-i6), 19. Janapada-Sa. 
(K^-^25-is), 20. Durga-Sa. (^g-i^), 21. Kosa-Sa. 
(§^^--^), 22. Bala-Sa. (zDe;--j6), 23.Mitra-Sa. (s^3^e^-i6> 
24. Rajarakshita-Sa. (■o^a^lx.e^--^), 25. Divasanush- 
tana-Sa. (ai^-js<;5b-|?^--;^), 26. Sadachara-Sa. (•^zit' 
^^^-•iS), 27. Vivada-Sa. (^^•sy-^^-is), 29. Shadgunya- 
Sa. (;S.^r3§-iS), 30. Viva:ha-Sa. (?)t:v-^-:5). 

From this enumeration of its contents, it 
will be clear that it is an exhaustive work on 
polity after the manner of the Arthasastras of 
Kautilya or Sukra. The training that the Jaina 
gurus prescribe for their royal pupils and the 
Dandamti which they taught them are points 
of interest to a modern reader, for it is from 


them that the value of their influence over 
their pupils can be safely judged. 

The following is a summary of such views : 
(a) ''' He is an intelligent prince whose mind 
is disciplined by education. Long-standing 
happiness does not fall to a person who, like 
the lion, always rests his claim for respect 
solely on his prowess. He that is not cultivated 
by the sastras, becomes, like an unarmed hero, 
a target for all, his capabilities notwithstanding. 
In the realisation of what transcends the naked 
eye, the sastra is like a third eye. A person in 
possession of sight is as good as a blind man if 
he has not made himself acquainted with the 
sastras (sciences). It is better for a kingdom 
to be in anarchy rather than to be under an 
ignorant and pig-headed person, A king's son, 
though high born, like an unpolished diamond 
does not deserve leadership or sovereignty, if 

uncultivated The qualities that 

make a prince intelligent and capable are 
discipleship, hearing, comprehension, memory, 
criticism, imagination, inference and the 
appreciation of the nature and tendency of 

'' A king who does not cultivate the 
company of the highly educated is sure to be 
ruined like the uncontrolled elephant let loose. 
Though he is not well learned, he acquires a 
good deal of knowledge by the association with 
( learned persons of character. Pupils generally 
follow the character of their gurus. Hence he 


that may be guru to a prince should be ' well- 
born ', ' well charactered/ ' well-learned'". 

^' (b) Danda is, like medicine, the agency 
that cures the distempers of the state. The 
objective of Dandaniti is the securing of the 
welfare of the people. It is never to be used for 
the acquisition of wealth. The king should not 
be on the look out for faults in his people, like 
the quack doctor who makes a living by the 
exploitation of diseases in his neighbours. If 
Danda is misused under the inspiration of 
ignorance or a lust for wealth or revenge 
it alienates the subjects. The whole state 
(bounded by the sea) is the family of the king. 
His wives are just the means of j^erpetuating- 

his race One man does not slave 

for another except for wealth. Among all 
kinds of wealth, ediication is the chiefest, for it 
can never be stolen. Since its quality is to 
spread itself, it can easily be secured by a king 
though in the possession of a lowly person. 
He to whom such learning becomes propitious 
possesses insight into everything in the world. 
Those persons only can be called well learned 
(and capable), who can teach others what they 
know (and inspire them with their own enthusi- 



A conspectus of Andhra-Karnata Jaina Literature in 
manuscript — Some notable Jain works — Tendency of 
Jain versions of Hindu Puranic and Itihasa material — 
Karnata Jaina literary contribution to Andhra culture — 
Jaina Karnata influence in the earliest extant work in 
Andhra Literature — Jaina Karnata literary types also 
extant in Andhra Literature — The makers of Jaina Andhra- 
Karnata Literature — A Jain Achdrya Birudavali : Islamic 
patronage of Jain scholarship. 

Here below is a conspectus ^f the Jaina 
contribution to literature and knowledge as 
represented by the Sanski^it and Kannada 
Manuscripts of the Oriental Library in the 
Madras Museum : — 

S.— Sanskrit. K.— Kannada. 

A. Jaina Agama : — 


1. Jina Devata Puja Vidhana. 

2. Jina Samhita. 

3. Jinendralaya Vishaya. 


1. Ananta Katha. < 

2. Abhisheka Sandhi, 

3. Karma Nirjhara. 


4. Karmaparashtamiya Nompi. 

5. Chandradarsana Nompi, 

6. Tirthesapuja Sandhi. 

7. Navanidhi Khandarada Nompi. 

8. Nagakumara Pancliamiy a iVom^i. 

9. Nagapanchami. 

10. Palana Sandhi, 

11. Bhavyananda Nompi, 

12. Migaya Nompi. 

13. Savajyotiya Katha. 

14. Siddhana Nompi, 

B. Jama Purana, 

K. 1. Anjana charitra. 

2. Kamanakatha. 

3. 'Gurudatta charitravu. 

4. Jinakatha. 

5. Jinao^ttarayana charitra. 

6. Jinavachanamrita Saradhi. 
*7. Jivadhara charitra. 

8. Trishashti lakshanapurana. 

9 . ^ Dharmamritapurana . 

10. Nagakumarana charitra. 

11. Padmavatiya charitra. 

12. Prabhanjana charitra. 

13. Pushpadantapurana. 

14. Pujapadacharitra. 

15. Bharatesvara charitra. 

16. Varaganripa charitra. 

17. Vardhamanabhattaraka Purana. 

18. Sanatkumaranakatha. 

19. Bijalaraya charitra. 


C. Jaina Mata and Siddhanta, 










Jaina Gayatrimantra. 


Jaina Pujalioma. 






Dravyasamgraha siitra vritti. 


Panchaparameshti prameya- 



Parikshaniukha laguvritti. 





Saptabhangi tarangirii. 



Jaina varnasrama. 






Rayanasarasutra vritti . 







Samyaktvakaumudi . 

C. Jaina Kavya. 








4. Dharmasarmabhyudaya. 

5. Neminirvana Kavya. 

6. Samadhisataka. 

7. Sinduraprakara Subhashitakosa 


K. 1. Aparajitesvarasataka. 

2. Jagannadhavijaya. 

3. Jainakadamba. 

4. Jainabirudavali. 

5. Sringaralilavati. 

6. Nemichandra charitra. 

D. Jaina Rhetoric and Grammar. 
S. Jainendravyakarana. 

K. I. Kavirajamarga. 

2. Chamdombudhi. 

3. Rasaratnakara. 

E. Jaina Logic ^ 

1 . Prameyakamthika. 

2. Prameyaratnamala. 

3. Nyayamanidipika. 

F. Jaina Ethics and Politics, 
S. Nitivakyamrita. 

K. 1. ChinmayaiChintamani. 

2. Jinamunitanayasataka. 

3. Trailokyarakshamanisataka. 

4. Ratnakaradhisvarasataka. 

5. Haradaniti. 

G. Geography. 

!• Lokasvariipa. 

2. Trilokasataka. 




types in 




H. AritJiemelic, 
K. 1. Ganitasutra. 

2. Jaina Ganitasutragalu. 

I. Music. 

K. Ratnakarajaagala Padajati. 

This is, though considerable, yet, a speck in 
the ocean of Jaina literature. The list is given 
here just to indicate the variety and standard 
of Jaina literature, mostly in the Vernacular. 
How close a relation it bears to Sanskrit culture 
may be quite clear from even a glance at these 
lists or the names of their authors. Jaina 
Karnata literature stands for the attempt of the 
South Indian genius to reinterpret and express 
after its own fashion some of the leading 
themes and ideas of North Indian culture. In 
this attempt it has evolved for once, some 
new types of literature, c.g,, the Champu, Sandhi 
Nompi and Katha (Yakshagana). The Champu 
and Yakshagana types are common to Kannada 
and Telugu literatures. In fact they must 
originally have come into vogue in Telugu 
literature through the influence of Kannada. 
The Champu had developed in Kannada a, 
curious fusion of Sanskrit and Vernacular which 
is known as Manipravala style, and its respect- 
ability and patronage in the Vengi mandala of 
the Andhra desa {vide Pampa's Adi Purana) a 
century before Nannaya, must have largely 
influenced the formation of the Telugu literary 
dialect which Nannaya had used as the vehicle 
of the Telugu Mahdbhdrata. The Yakshagana 



iype of Kannada literature is interesting as 
representing the Andhra-Karnata variety of the 

>ra vidian drama. Vijaya Kumarana hatha is 
in example of such a type. It is an ancient 

^ork. The manuscript in the Oriental MSS. 
Library, Madras (No. 18-417), is copied by 
Padmaraja Pandita of Mysore. It is in desi 
metres, prose and song as in Telugu Yakshagana 

It begins as follows : — 

l)er»gDer*-j6 ^ w^o^b^^ 11 

Of the Sataka type with the same last 
line or part of line repeated in each verse and 
called Makuta, a type which has had a very 
respectable vogue in Telugu devotional, and 
ethical and satirical literature, there is an 
early Kannada example in Jinamunitanaija 
JSataka, Of similar type and tendency are the 
elugu Satakas that go by the names of 
Vema and Sumati, The following is an 
excerpt from it : — 


The existence of this type acquires value 
for Tehigu Literary History when it is observed 
that Nannaya in the Telugu Mahdbhdrata seems 
to work out its method into his Champu Bhdrata 
as suggested by the following verses : — Adi- 
parva, First Asvasa, 104-107 (verses). 

{N,B. — The Sataka method is herein used 
for panegyric.) 

jaina Kar- In the wake of the Chalukya conquest of 

STfluences the Veugi Kingdom and consequent on the 
shaped early establishment of the E. Chalukya dynasty in 
iTterfture. Vcugi, thcrc must have taken place a 
considerable migration of a Canarese-Maharatta 
population of the ' governing ' and ' co-opera- 
tive ' type, the members of which must have 
brought with them into the Andhra Kingdom^ 
their traditional love of Karnata literature and 
possibly, of Jaina culture. It is, at any rate, a 
significant fact that two of '' the three gems '^ 
of Karnata poetry, viz., Pampa and Ponna, were 
pandit poets of the Vengi mandala, and that both 
of them flourished before, Nannayabhatta the 
earliest known poet of the Andhra mandala. 
The celebrity which these authors attained in 
their time and the fact of their having belonged 
to " the governing and co-operative class" in the 
country is further of interest as indicating one 
of the important influences under which the 
« literary movement was developing in the Vengi 
mandala before Nannaya's time. 


Nannaya, himself, was the fellow pupil of a 

. great Karnata poet and scholar, viz., Narayana- 

bhatta and it is not extravagant to suppose 

that he himself was acquainted with Karnata 


Though Nannaya professes to follow Vyasa's 
Sanskrit Bhdratam, his method may be called 
the Champu method, but it is not the Champu 
method of, say, Bhoja Champu. 

Rice, in his introduction to Bhattakalanka's 
Sahdanusasanam says '' the leading charac- 
teristic of the earlier Jaina works (Karnata) is 
that they are Champu Kavyas or poems in a 
variety of composite metres, interspersed with 
paragraphs in prose." This description applies 
to Pampa's* Vikramdrjuna Vijaya, otherwise 
known as Pampa Bhdrata, and an analysis of 
that portion of tt which corresponds to the 
three parvas of Nannaya 's Telugu Bhdratam 
shows that the author used most frequently (is 
it in deference to the Nripatunga [vide Kaviraja 
Marga] school of Karnata Rhetoricians) the 
Kanda, Campaka, UtpaJa, Mattebha types of 
verse, and his prose pieces outnumber his verses. 
Out of 772 verses in all, distributed over 
about 7| chapters, we find 372 Kandams, 190 
Campakams, 101 Mattebhams, and 70Utpalams. 
This type of Champu prabandham with a pre- 
dominance of prose and Kandam, and, with 
Campakams, Utpalams, Mattebhams from the 
Sanskrit Chandas, must have become the pre- 
dominant Kavya type before the time of 


Nannaya in the Vengi Kingdom, and in adopt- 
ing it as a vehicle of literary expression^ 
Nannaya was perhaps attempting to combat the 
Jainas of the Andhra mandala with one of their 
own weapons. In Pampa Bhdrata, done in the 
Kannada before his time and celebrated in 
the Vengi country, Nannaya and Narayana- 
bhatta, had before them a Jaina presentation 
of the Bhdrata story in the Champu method. 
In presenting their Brahmanic representa-tion of 
the same story, and anticipating even a greater 
celebrity for it, they seem to have chosen wisely 
in accepting the very kavya method by which 
the Jainas made their ideas popular. An 
elaboration, tin some detail, of the Kannada 
influence on the Telugu literary c dialect of 
Nannaya may be in point in this context. 

Traces of Canarese mfluence in Nannaya^ s 
Telugu Literary Dialect, 

One of the most fascinating problems of 
Dra vidian philology is '' the rise of the literary 
dialects " in the various cultivated Dra vidian 
languages. No doubt, the relative antiquity of 
Tamil or Karnata can in a way be established^ 
as has been attempted to be done, by the 
discovery of words from these languages in 
foreign records the antiquity of which has been 
fairly settled. But such discovery relates 
mostly to the spoken variety of these languages, 
unless it be that such words can be shown to 


have become literary by the time at which they 
were imported into or to have been quoted from 
literary works in which they can now be 
identified or the authenticity of which can now be 
established beyond doubt. A few such Telugu 
or Andhra-Karnata (for they are common to both 
these languages) words have been identified by 
me in Gatfia Sapta Sati, a collection of verses 
in an old Maharashtri dialect, the compilation of 
which is attributed to Hala, a pj*ince who 
belongs to the line of Satavahana (Andhra) 
kings who ruled over a vast empire (in second 
century B.C.) including the later Andhra and 
Karnata kingdoms. At about the same time, the 
Andhras (among whom I include the Karnatas 
also, for the latter were not distmguished as 
such) had developed special forms of dress and 
ornamentation which marked them out from 
other communities of South India and began to 
distinguish members of other South Indian 
communities, at least the Tamils, as Dravidas. 
Evidence of these facts has been traced by me 
on the sculptures and in the inscriptions on the 
Amaravati and Jaggayapeta Stupas. As is 
evident from a comp«.rison of word -forms from 
these inscriptions and Gatha Sapta Sati with 
forms of Tadbhava words in Acca Telugu 
Nighantus, the Telugu and Karnata peoples were 
in the early centuries of the Christian era under 
the in^uence of Prakrit and Pali Literature. 
Small wonder, then, that similar forms of 
Tadbhavas had filtered down into the latep 


literary dialects of both these languages. Here 
below is a specimen table of such words. 

Kaviraja-Maraa IPampa-Bharata 

Adi Purana 

Nannaya's Bharata 

K..R..M. P. B. 




I. 7, 9, 13 .. 

34, 45, 49, 136. 

Konti II. 2; 

Goniti I. V. 21,23, 61,72, 132. 

III. 7p. 

VI. 19, 128, III. Ill, 3, 10, I. 
VIII. 54, 222. 


Jauvanal. 17. 

Jauvana II. 


• • • . 

Javvana I. 75, 

Javvana III. 

Javvanambu III. III. 184, 1. I. 

II. 39p. 


38; HI. 95,96, 190, 192, 195, 

Dharuni-tala 139 


Dharini IV. 

Dharuni I. 1-89. 11-58. 128, 


130,136.223. IV. 25. V. 85. 
113. VI. 67. VII. 34. 128, 
VIII. 63. II. 1. 41, 84. 99, 196, 
207, 271,275. 11. 12. 182, 249. 
III. 1. 155. 11. 47.171, 270. 

Nikkuva I. 41, 



Nikkuvambu I. III. 72 ; VI. III. 

115, 116. III. 

1, 229. (218. I. VII. 28.3. II. 1. 



VI. 2p, 2p . . 

Rakka^al, VI. 199, 135, 200,203. 
206, 211, 212, 260, 264, 270. 
273, 275, 287, 289, 295, 303, 
304. " 
III. I. 106, 107, 116. 

V, 25, 26, 69, 70, 

I. 55, II. 9, 19, 

VIII. 39, VI. 

Mogambul. 11,220, V. 18, 11. 1. 

73, 74, 77. 

39p, 49, 53p, 


4. 11,198. 

III. 58p, IV. 

n 1. V. 224, 111. 111.58. 

.53p, VII. 8, 





. • .^ 

III. 8, IV. 43p, 

iVII. 109 ..iSantasamu 1. VIII. 181, 226, 

78, 92p, VI. 

1 VIII. 16, 11. I. 152; II. 119, 



•>. M. 

L 50 ; Kam- 
bliam III. 

Kambamu 11. I. 11. 79. 

• ■• •-!. 

Kanneya I. 

.... .... 

67, 77, III. 


67 ; IV. 16. 

V. 25. 


Kanne IV. 16p, 
40, 55. 


Kanniya 1. 1. 46, VII. 208. 

1. 99 .^ 

Desa IV, 49. 

V. 26, V. 8, 1. II. 25 ; VI. 281 ; VII. 

' 18, VJ. 2Ip; 

172, 304. 

VIII. 26p, 


VIII. 69. 

M .». 

Gujju III. SOp. 

V22; VI. 21p. 



V, 17p. 


^m The paucity of scholars interested m aca- 
jj^pdemic studies as such is so great, and, the enthu- 
:siasm for seeking out the historical origins of 
things so rare in South India that as yet it has 
not been possible to discover any literature earlier 
than the 8th century in Kannada, or earlier than 
the 11th century in Andhra (Telugu), Nanne 
Coda, the author of a Kavyam called '' Kumdra- 
sambhavam ", on a plan other than that of 
Kalidasa, says definitely ^' that the cultivation 
of Telugu poetry was first encouraged by the 
Chalukyas from Satyasraya in the Andhra 
country." Though J cannot agree with the 
learned editor of this work in claiming it to be 
earlier than Nannaya's Mahabharata (for 
reasons a tiill statement of which had best be 
Teserved for the present), I take it, that the 
reference to Satyasraya quoted above is to Pula- 
kesi II whose conquest of the Andhra country, 
among others, is celebrated in the Aihole In- 
•scription of Raviklrti, a Jaina poet who claims to 
have equalled the fame of Bharavi and Kalidasa.-^ 
This inscription is dated S. S. 55Q (described 
as the year 3735 since the Bharta War), i.e., 
•23rd eTuly A.D. 613. * Raja Raja Narendra, the 
patron of the Telugu Mahabliaratam of Nannaya- 
bhatta, traces his descent from the brother of 
this Pulakesi II, called Vishama Siddhi or Kubja- 
vislinuvardhana who was left as the sovereign 
of the »ewly conquered Andhra kingdom and 
founded tl^e Eastern Chalukya line of Vengi. ^ 
This Raja Raja Narendra was crowned King ia 

^ This reading however is doubtful. 


S. S. 944, i.e:, A.D. 1022, and reigned till about 
' 1062 or 1063 A.D. Thus, from the first quarter 
of the 7th century A.D. to the third quarter of 
the 11th century for about four centuries the 
Telugu country was under the benevolent sway 
of the Chakikyas, a line of rulers whom Fleet 
very appropriately calls a Canarese dynasty^ 
According to both Andhra and Karnata accounts, 
these rulers were great patrons of literature^ 
The kind of poetry cultivated under their patron- 
age was of the courtly type and character, as 
evidence of which may be mentioned Andhra 
and Karnata Kavyas and Inscriptions (Pane- 
gyric poetry). It has been said above that 
back of 8th century A.D. in Karnata and of 11th 
century A.D. in Andhra (Telugu), no Kavyas 
in these languages have yet been discovered,, 
although there are references in, Kavyas referable- 
to these centuries and subsequent thereto, to 
the existence of literary tradition contempora- 
neous with or earlier than such works. But a 
few inscriptions back of 8th century A.D. in 
Kannada or Sanskrit and Kannada, 'and of 11th 
century A.D. in Telugu or Sanskrit and Telugu^ 
have been discovered and support the claims of 
the scholars of that day in Andhra and Karnata 
countries to Ubhaya Bhasha Panditya (profici- 
ency in both the languages). In the cultivation 
of panegyrical poetry by scJiolarly officers at 
court, we find the first paralleUsm between earlff 
^Karnata and early Andhra literary efforts^ 
a parallelism ivhich has been, surely, at work im 



Wfashiomng the literary dialects of both these 
I . languages on same or similar inodels. Such 
influence of Canarese taste in literary matters 
has, I think, been only accelerated by the con- 
quest of the Vengi kingdom by the Chalukyas, 
for about 5th century A.D., a Jaina scholar and 
grammarian, Pujyapada, is said to have visited 
the Andhra mandala, evidently on a tour for 
patronage. This presupposes high cultivation 
of Kannada in the Andhra mandala at the date 
and also a regard for eJainism. It is not there- 
fore extravagant to suppose that about that 
period, Jainism had favour in the Andhra and 
Karnata mandalas and Jaina Kainata literature 
was known in the Andhra mandala# From the 
century following, for four centuries together, 
the Andhra mandala came under the influence 
of a Canarese dwiasty of kings with their 
courtly retinue of Canarese officials, scholars,. 
poets and generals but they found themselves at 
the head of a movement of Brahmanic revival 
jwvhich fought successfully against Jainism 
'"and Buddhi'sm in the 'J'elugu country with 
their own weapons. — the establishment of 
seats of learning, the securing of royal 
patronage for the places of worship, the reinter- 
pretation of old puranic materials derived from 
earlier Sanskrit literature, the development of 
literary types in the vernaculars. To such 
a movement of Brahmanic revival, with all the 
fully developed literary resources of early Jaina 
Karnata literature at its service, I find reasons 


to attribute the rendering of Mahdbhdratam in 
Telugii or Andhram by Nannaya Bhatta under 
the patronage of the Eastern Chalukya Raja 
Raja Narendra of Rajahmundry. 

Of specimens of Kannada and Telugu earlier 
than Kannada Kaviraja Marga or Andhra 
Mahabharata, I give below a summary of select 
references available in epigraphical publica- 
tions : — 

Traces of the Canarese 
Language in Inscriptions 
earlier than S. 736. 

Traces of Telugu 

Inscriptions earlier 

than S. 944, 

W, Gangas. — 

S. 169.— Sanskrit and S. 890.— Sannamuru 
Canarese Tanjore Plates of grant of Bana Agga- 
Arivarma (Ind. Ant. VIII). paraju (Nellore Ins.) 

S. 188.— Sanskrit and Anadanakaram 
Canarese Plates of Hari- Plates (Sanskrit 
varma (Ep. Car. III). and Telugu) of 

Eastern Chalukyas 
Maharaia Vishnu- 
S. 261. — Kalchavi (Kalivishnu 

Sanskrit and Canarese vardhana) 

Jaina Insn. of Kambha- (Ind. Ant. Vol. 
rasa (Ind. Ant. XVIII). XVIII). 

S. 588. — Sanskrit and Ranastipudi Plates 
Canarese Plates of Avi- of the eighth year 
nita (Coorg Insns. No. 1). ofVimaladitya Vish- 

nuvarddhana S. 933. 
(Ep. In. VI). 


Traces of the Canarcse Language in Inscriptions 
earlier than S. 736. 

. Chakikyas. — 

About S. 520 Badami and Canarese rock 
LS. of Mangalesa (Iiid. Ant. V). 

S. 621. — Badami Sanskrit and Canarese 
IS. of the reign of Vijayaditya Satyasraya. 

S. 631. — Aihole Canarese Ins. of the 3rd 

month of the 8th year of the reign of W. 

Chalukya Maharajadhiraja Vijayaditya Satya- 

narayan (Ind. Ant. VIII, XIX). 

About S. 651— Badami (Manapata) Canarese 

Ins. of Vinapoti, the heart's darling of Maha- 
rajadhiraja Vijayaditya (Ind. Ant. X). 

S. 651 H. — Pathadakal Canarese Ins. of Vija- 
yaditya (and his son) Vikramaditya II. 

S. 654-676.— 

(1) Aihole Canarese Ins. of the reign of 
Vikarmaditya II (Ind. -Ant. VIII). 

(2) Conjeevaram Canarese Ins. of Vikra- 
maditya II (Ep. Ind. III). 

(3) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. of Lokama- 
Ldevi, queen of Vikramaditya II (Ind. Ant. X). 

(4) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. mentioning 
le same lady (Ind. Ant. X). 


(5) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. mentioning 
the same lady. 

(5) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. mentioning 
the same Lady (Ind. Ant. X). 

(6) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. mentioning 
the same lady (Ind. Ant. X). 

HdshtraJcutas. — 

S. 687. — Hatti Matlur Canarese memorial 
tablet — of the reign of Akalavarsha (Krishna I) 
(Ep. Ind. VI). 

S. 796. — Canarese Plates of Rashtrakuta 
Govindaraja III Prabhutavarsha (Ind. Ant. XI). 

Anything like a thorough discussion of the 
features of phonology, grammar and syntax of 
these inscriptions in either of the languages in 
comparison with those of either Kaviraja Marga 
or Mahabharatam, however interesting and 
important for the historical study of the Karnata 
and Andhra literary dialects, falls outside the 
scope of the present studies. What is urged by 
this table of parallelisms is just the fact of 
panegyrical poetry having been cultivated on 
similar lines in both the Karnata and Andhra 
countries, particularly under Chalukya patronage. 
A further feature which is important from the 
point of view of the make-up of the literary 
dialects of Karnata and Andhra, brought out 
by these inscriptions is the gradual develop- 
ment of a highly sonorous literary style by the 


intimate association of Sanskrit and the verna- 
cular languages, leading to an importation of 
Sanskrit words into vernacular compositions and 
the fashioning of the syntax according to the 
models of Sanskrit prose celebrated during those 
times for euphony and grandeur. 

While literary styles have thus been Kamata 
fashioned in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas, kaiinga! ^ 
a similar process of development was going on 
in the Kaiinga mandala, the other great strong 
hold of the Telugu peoples. The Kingdom of 
Kaiinga is probably more ancient than any of the 
Andhra or Karnata kingdoms. At a time when 
the latter were yet undifferentiated parts of the 
Andhra Empire of the Satavahanas. the Kaiinga 
kingdom was so celebrated that it attracted 
an expedition from Asoka which proved a turn- 
ing point in his spiritual history. Even ])y the 
time of Asoka's conquest, Kaiinga was a seat 
of learning and under his immediate succes- 
sors, it became in a larger measure the seat, 
particularly^, of Buddhist learning. But the 
history of Kaiinga, social, political and cultu- 
ral is yet so much o4 an unbroken field (notwith- 
standing the few Kaiinga grants yet published), 
that nothing can be stated with an air of 
finality in matters affecting the chronology of 
its kings. But until the political history of 
that Ancient kingdom is attempted in some 
satisfactory measure, its cultural history in 
relation to the history of the Telugu literar^f 
tiialect cannot be undertaken with anv measure 


, of confidence. But yet, I shall urge in this- 
chapter just the tendency of some facts con- 
nected with its interesting dynasty of rulers 
called by epigraphists, '' the Eastern Gangas 
of Kalinga ", to indicate the possibility of 
the Kalinga kingdom also having been under 
the influence of a Canarese dynasty at about 
the same time that the neighbouring Vengi 
kingdom (with its capital at Rajahmundry) 
was enjoying the benefits of the benevolent 
rule of the Eastern Chalukyas. 

The Kallurgudda stone Insn. (sh. 4 Ep. Car.} 
S.S. 112-A.D. 1190 desciihes Gmiganvayavatara- 
nam and the following is a summary of it (Ep^ 
Car. Vol. VII, Part (1). Inin. p. 14) :—" In. 
Ayodyapura was born the head- jewel of the 
Ikshvaku race, Harischandra (according to sb. 
10, the son of Dhananjaya, Catpturer of Kanya- 
kubja and Gandhari Devi) who ruled in 
peace for a long time. His son was Bha- 
rata, whose wife was Vijaya Maha Devi. 
When the longing of pregnancy arose in 
her, she went to bathe in the Ganges and 
recovered her brightness. Jn due time she bore 
a son, who from the above circumstance was 
named Ganga Datta. He in turn had a 
Bharata, whose son was again Ganga Datta, 
whose son w^as Harischandra. His son was 
another Bharata, whose son was also Ganga 
Datta. "While the Ganga line was thus continu- 
ing, there arose in it a king named Vishnugupta 
who gained an Empire and ruled from 



Ahichchatrapura, where he performed the 
Aindradhvajapuja and Devendra being pleased 
thereat gave him airavata (his elephant, regent 
elephant of the east). To Vishnugupta and his 
wife Prithvimati were born the sons Bhagadatta 
and Sridatta. To the former (Bhagadatta) 
the father gave Kalinga which he ruled in peace 
as Kalinga Ganga.''^ Thus the Kalinga and 
Maisur Gangas seem to have been connected in 
a common progenitor Vishnugopa of Ahich- 
chatra'pura, thus : — 

Vishnugopa of Ahichchatrapura 
= Prithvimati. 

r ' T 

Bhagadatta Sridatta 

(Eastern Ganga) (Westerrf Ganga) 

But this Bhagadatta otherwise known as 
Kalinga Ganga has not been identified in Kal- 
inga history. In •fact in the published informa- 
tion about the relation of the Eastern Gangas of 
Kalinga ' with the Western Gangas of Ganga- 
vadi, I have met as yet no where with an 
attempt to make anything out of this tradition. 
The Gangas 'of Kalinga known from inscriptions 
make no reference to Ahichhatrapura. But 
there is a place cslled^Chatrapur in the Ganjam 
District which is the headquarters of the Gan- 
jam Collectorate. This was possibly the place 
founded in the Kalinga country by this Bhaga- 
datta as his capital, a sort of analogy to the 
Ahichchatrapura which was the capital in Gan- 
ga vadi o^ his father's empire. There are widely 

^ Can this person be the Ganjam-Vizagapatam District * 
Eaja KaHnga Ganga of the Inscriptions ? 



distributed inscriptions of a king called Raja 
Kalinga Ganga in the Kalinga kingdom, but 
whether he was this Bhagadatta remains to be 
established. Anyhow I see dimly an interesting 
background of Southern Ganga emigrant enter- 
prise buried under the modern Chatiapur in the 
Ganjam District which is well worth earnest 

From the published grants of the Gangas 
of Kalinganagara, it would appear that the 
ancestors of these rulers were emigrants from 
the south. Anantavarma Chodaganga's grant 
of S. S. 1040 states that " Kamarnava I gave 
over his territory Ganga vadi to his paternal 
uncle and wjth his brothers set out to conquer 
the earth and came to the mountain Mahendra. 
Having there worshipped the god Gokarnasvami, 
through his favour he obtained the excellent 
crest of a bull, and then, decorated with all the 
insignia of universal sovereignty, having des- 
cended from the summit of the mountain Ma- 
hendra and being accompanied, like Yudhistira 
by his four brothers, Kamarnava conquered 
king Baladitya, who had grown sick of war, and 
took possession of the Kalinga Countries." 

In the Vizagapatam grant of Anantavarma 
Choda Ganga S. S. 1118 mention is made of a 
prince Kolahala who, it is said, built the city of 
Kolahala in the great Ganga vadi Vishaya. This 
Kolahala must be the city Kuvalala (Kolar) the 
capital of the Ninety-six Thousand Gangavadi 
kingdom which Simhanandi helped Daddiga 
to found. From the inscription, quoted above, 


describing the Ganganvayavataranam, we learn 
that when the Gangavadi kingdom was finally 
established with the help of Simhanandi, there 
arose in the dynasty a prince named Madhava, 
the son of Dadiga. " His son was Harivarma 
whose son was Vishnugopa who associated with 
ialsehood (or a false creed) and the ornaments 
given by Indra accordingly disappeared. His son 
was Prithviganga who favoured the true faith." 
This Vishnugopa who is thus said to have 
associated with a false creed is thus descended 
from his name-sake, the progenitor of the 
Eastern and Western Gangas. 


f ' ^T 

Bhag^datta. Sridatta. 

(Kalinga Ganga) | 

P]j;iyabandhuvarma in whose 
time Ahichhatrapura 
became Vijayapura, 











Harivarma 266 A.D. 

Vishnugopa 302 A.D. (who associated 
[ a false creed). 

Prithiviganga (who favoured the true * 


The adoption of a false creed by Vishnu- 
gopa and tlie support of the true faith by 
his son seem to refer to Jaina vs. Brah- 
manic conflicts ; for the early Gangas were 
Jainas. From SK 176 {Ep. Car. VII) we learn 
that Madhava's fame was very widespread on 
account of his renewal of Brahmanic endowment 
long since destroyed. Here we have evidences 
of the fact that Brahmanism was asserting 
itself in the Gang avadi country a bout 4th century 
A.D. against Jainism with whose help the 
kingdom was founded.^ Matters have not been 
satisfactorily cleared up as one would wish 
them to be by this brief excursus into 
the prehistoric antiquities of the Eastern 
Gangas of Xalinga, but I hope enough has 
been said to indicate a southern origin of 
the civilisation and culture which the Gan- 
gas had brought with them into the 
Kalinga kingdom. Like their compeers the 
Chalukyas of Badami and Vengi, these rulers 
were patrons of poets and scholars and under 
their patronage and influence panegyrical 
poetry and most probably Kavya poetry were 
cultivated in the Kalinga mandala in Sanskrit 
and Andhram. Of the latter type no traces 
have as yet been discovered. These literary 
developments in Kalinga ran on almost similar 
lines to that in Vengi about the time when the 
Mahdbhdrata had just been rendered into 
Telugu. Of panegyrical writing from the 

^ It would thus seem that started by Kalinga Ganga about 
there were two distinct Ganga 162 A.dI! and the later one by 
lines in Kalinga, the earlier one Kamamava. 



Vengi and Kalinga kingdoms, I add brief Literary 
excerpts hereunder : — and styles of 

Kalinga and 

(1) From Madras Museum Plates of Andhra. 

Vajrahasta III (East Ganga) 
sa II prascyotanmada gandha lubdha 

madlnipa vyalidha ganda(ng) 

arthibhyassamadat sahasramatulas 

sasaya (stya) ginam agrani(h) 
sa(h) (srima)n aniyankabhimanr 

patir ganganvayottamsakah 
•Pancattrim satamabdakan sama- 

bhunak prthvim (stu) tab parthi- 


Malini II tadanu tadanujanma citta- 

gunanidhiranavadyo gunddama- 
khyo mahisah, 
. (sa)kalamidamaraksattrini varsani 
valayamalaghu tej onir j itaraticakrah. 
• GiTi II Atha vajrahastanrpate- 
ragrasutadatulaguni janagranyah, 

Kamarnavat Jcavindrapragiyamdnd- 
vaddta subbakirteh, 

malini, viyadrtunidhi samkbyam 

yati sakabda sangbe 
dinakrit vrsabbastbe robinibbe 
* sulagne, 

dhanusica sita pakse suryavare* 


yaji sakaladharittri raksitum yobhi- 
N,B. — The reference in these verses to a 
poet praising the king is important, coming 
from a court panegyrist of a later date. 

(2) From the prasasti of rahasika 
Sankara Deva, the son of Amatya Devachendra. 
(East Ganga grant of the 128th year of Indra- 
varma) Svasti vijayavato Kalinga nagara 
vasakat mahendracalamala sikhara pratisthi- 
tasya Caracara guroh Sakala bhuvana nirma- 
naika Sutradharasya bhagavato gokarnasvami- 
nascaranakamala yugala pranamad vigalita 
Kali Kalanko gangamalakula tilakah Svasi- 
dhara parisp^ndaadhigata sakala Kalingadhira- 
jyah pravitata caturudadhi salila taranga 
mekhalavani talamalasya aneka samara sam- 
ghatta vijaya janita jaya sabda pratapopanata 
samsta samanta cudamani prabha manjari 
punja ranjita carano mata pitr padanudhyatah 
Sriman Maharajendra Varma 

(3) From Dirghasi Insn. of Vanapati 

S. S. 997. 
Si 11 Sri Sakunendulu bhusatipai 

saila namdabjabhava samkhya 

nonda vengi 
desambu gimidiya gosala gidrisingi 

desambu yodda mari desaman- 

janina bhupaluran aninocce cala- 

martti gandandai negadina 



bhusura vamsundu vasavanibha 
bhogi janapati saujanya gunayu- 
dirghasi bhagavati devi devalaya 
mun amumdatamgadu ghanata- 
mandapam ettimce bhandana 
vij ayundu gandagopalunda- 

khanda varti 
diviya vetten addevikin avvalam 

damamanovallabhi vanajanetri 
.diviya vettem badmavati yununa 
ksonina sasulugalayam takunu 
gagana bhumi camdra Bharakaroda- 
* kasikhi. 

marutatmamurtti mabisliainathana 
yistapifttti phalamul ellakalambunu 
meccu todam damakun iccu cumda 
N.B. — It is wortky of note that the build 
of this verse, especially of the system of yatis 
in the major jart, is exactly identical with that 
of the sisam in Nannaya's Mahdbhdratam, a fact 
which indicates that Telugu prosody must 
have been evolving on similar lines in the 
Andhra and Kalinga kingdoms about that time. 
B. From a grant of Eastern Chalukya Amma 
II. Poet Potanabhatta sakalaripunrpati makuta- 
tataghatita manigana madhukara nikarapari- 
cumbita carana sarasiruha yugalo yugahcabna,- 
padakamalavilasad dvirephay amano (manonna- 
tanatoddhata samasta loka samsta bhuvanasra- 


yah srivijayaditya maharajadhirajah, parama 
samasta bhuvanasrayah Srivijayaditya maharaja 
rajadliirajah parama mahesvara parama bha- 
ttarakah parama brahmanayah velanamdu 
visaya nivasino rastrakuta pramukhan kutum- 
binah samahuyettham. 

(6) From Korumilli grant of Raja Raja 
Narendra : Poet Chettanabhatta. 

Sa II Yasya prajvalitapratapadahanam Sod- 
hum na saktyabhayat 
gatva kananamambudhinca tarasavidve- 

sino vihvalah 
davaurvagnipadena tatraca punas tenaiva 

Sripadamara padapasya mahatim chayam 

Sa 11, Rajnamarcita varcasas samudi- 

taiyajnairvidhau tasighato 
yapionama sutastatah krtadhiyo jagne 

krtajnah kriti 
vijnatakhila vedasastra samayah prajnah 

sada podita 
jnatirjnana nidhirgurujna sadrso nityna- 

tayam bhuvi 
Va Sa sarva lokasraya sri vishnu vardhana 
Maharajadhi Raja Raj aparames vara parama 
bhattaraka parpama brahmanyah matapitr 
padanudhyatah tyaga simhasanasinah camdi- 
kaprasada parilabdha samrajya cihnah gud- 
davadi visaya nivasino rashtra kutapramukhan 
Kutumbinasarvan samahuya mamtri purohita 



D. From Sannamuru grant of Aggaparaju 
(Bana) Nellore Ins. 1, 38, svasti sakala jaga- 
trayabhivandita surasuradhisa paramesvara 
pratiharikrita mahabalikulodbhava krsnad 
€hjavirajita paisacika patahaghosana vrsabha- 
lamchana ftandigiri natha parigipura parames- 
vara banal ganda balikularjuna gadusandya 
, . . . srimat aggaparaju samvatsara 890 yagu 
nendi vaisakha punnami sukra varambu pedda 
raj y ana 

yu konduka rajyaana cetam 

goni iccina bhumi .... 

The excerpts quoted above have all been taken 
irom inscriptions which are either earlier than 
or contemporary with Nannayal^hatta. They 
have been* given here chiefly to add point to 
the observation that panegyrical poetry culti- 
vated in the Afidhra and Kalinga mandalas 
about the .time when Nannaya composed the 
Telugu Bharatam had similarities of structure, 
diction and poetic methods. But a comparison 
of them with certain features of Nannaya's 
poetry in the Mahabharata may be further made 
to indicate how tjie diction, methods and 
structure of the Kavya of those times was 
influenced by the panegyrical poetry of the 
time and in turn influenced it. 

First in the matter of metres — 

((p) I have adduced examples of sardula- 
vikridita, malini and sisam in the above 


In the Kannada Bharata of Pampa com- 
posed at least a century earlier than Nan- 
naya's Telugu Mahdbhdrata, I have counted 
among 772 verses distributed over 8 chapters^ 
(dealing with the portion of the Bharata story 
corresponding to the three Parvas of Nannaya's- 
Telugu Bhdratam) only 1. malini and 2. sardula" 
viJcriditams. This shows that these types o£ 
verse were not as much favoured as other 
types by this author. 

In the Telugu Mahabharata of Nannaya I 
have counted 7 malinis 8i,nd 18 ('^'^^^^^^6} 
sardulams. The details of distribution are as 
follows : — 


I. ii, 31, 96 ; v. 127 ; vi. 309 ; viii. 196^ 

II. ii. 75. 

Sardulams. — 

I. i. 69, 78, 111 ; ii. 12, 153, 227 ; iii. 
11, 21 ; iv. 8 ; v. 106, 189, 257 ; vi. 9, 29 ; viL 
197, 216. viii. 

III. i, ii, iii. 157, 222 ; iv— 

(b) Sisam is one of .the most popular metres^ 
of Nannaya suited particularly to descnptive 
narration, for which it has been used in the 
excerpt from the Dirghasi inscription quoted 


above. It will therefore be of interest to examine 
closely the details of distribution of this metre 
in Nannaya's Bhdratam, Though this metre is^ 
described in Nagavarma's Canarese prosody,, 
we find few traces of it in the works of Pampa 
and Nripatunga that I have been able to 
examine. In 269-271 Nagavarma gives the 
scheme for Sisa Padya. 

In Nannaya's MahdbMratmn as its analysis 
will show, the Sisa Padya of this type pre- 
dominates. The Sisa Padya from the Dirghasi 
inscription* is also of this type. 

(c) Prasam in the Vrittams— 

Telugu Laksanikas claim th& introduc- 
tion of Prasam in the Sanskrit Vrittam as an- 
improvement they have made on Sanskrit pro- 
sody. Indeed, it is a variety of alliteration which 
is regarded by Sanskrit rhetoricians as a special 
feature of South Indian compositions. Indeed, 
Telugu prosody has become so far fixed to-da3r 
owing to centuries of this tradition that a 
modern Telugu poet and pandit is horrified to 
see Prasa used in purely Sanskrit Vrittams like 
Sardula Vikriditam as merely a variable orna- 
ment in a modern composition. This tradition 
has become fixed well within the life -time of 
the second great poet of the Telugu Mahdbhd- 
rata, viz., Tikkana Somayaji. In the 9th chap- 
ter of KavyalanJcara cudamani, of Vinnakota 
Peddana, which is devoted to a description of 
Telugu grammar (a chapter lately published), a 


work whicli like Ketana's Andkrahlidsha BJiu- 
sanam forms the earliest grammatical con- 
tribution of Telugu language, the author 
bemoans the disrespect of certain Sanskritists 
of the day to Telugu works and incidentally 
mentions Yati and Prasa which Telugu 
verses possess as improvements over the 
Sanskrit system of prosody. 

The verse bears quotation : — j 

M. 11. Vilasadbhava rasadyalamkrtulace 1 
vipparu girvanabha 
shala kabbambulakanna mamci 
tanamul samdhinchu camdam- 
> Valiyum brasamulamtak aggala- 

mulai vartillu Satkavyamul 
Telugeman jevi betta lemi yudupan 
degalgune mamdilan 
Thus at that early date vali and 'prasa 
must have become fixed even in purely Sanskrit 
naetres as Sardvlam and Matfebham, the type 
to which the verse just quoted belongs. But 
the Sardulam with jna as the second syllable 
in three out of four Padams, from the epi- 
graphic excerpts quoted above, which was the 
composition of the Poet Chettanabhatta, a 
contemporary of Nannaya, serves to show how 
the prasa system has been creeping into South 
Indian Sanskrit versification. The jna allitera- 
tion in the verse is a fairly good type of the 
South Indian method of alliteration discussed in 
XitteFs Introducton to Nagavarma's prosody. 



{d) Next in the matter of prose— 
A fairly good specimen of panegyrical 
prose may be quoted from Nannaya's Maha- 
bharatam, the opening chapter. The passage 

runs thus : — 

"Akhila jaladhi vela valayavalayitavasu- 
mati vanita vibhusanamb aina vegi desambu- 
naku nayaka ratnambunum boniraja mahendra 
purambun amdu inahendra mahimato,-barama- 
nandambuna nubhavincucu Sakalabhuvana 
lakshmi vilasa nivasambaina ramya harmya 
talambuna mantri purohita senapati danda- 
nayaka dauvarika mahapradhanananta samanta 
vilasini parivrtund ai yapara sabdasastra 
paragul aina vaiyakaranulunu bfiarata rama- 
yanadyaneka purana pravinulaina pauraniku- 
lunu mrdu madhura raeabhava bhasura navar- 
tha vacana racana visaradulaina mahakavul 
unun vividha tarka vigahita samasta sastra 
sagaragariyah pratibhulaina tarkikul unun adiga 
agalgu vidvajjanam bulu parivesthinici koluva 
vidyavilasa .gosthi sukhopa visthund ai yista 
katha vinodambulan undi. I," Bh. I. 1-8. 

Just a rapid reading of this passage brings 
out to the ear the markedly alliterative and 
sonorous nature of word juxtaposition so much 
noticeable in the prose excerpts from the in- 
scriptions quoted above. The other feature 
is the massage of long adjectival compounds 
and descriptive phrases towards the latter 
part which describes Raja Raja's court as in the 


prose paragraph quoted from the Korumilli 
grant composed by Chettanabhatta. 

(e) Next as regards diction— 

We have noticed in the epigraphic excerpts 
how panegyrical poetry even where it is Telugu , 
delights in using a large element of Tatsama 
words to be in keeping with directly Sanskrit 
portions to which Telugu prose compositions 
have been attached. The other important 
feature is an anxiety to secure sonorousness by 
using literary forms (often archaic) of popular 
words. The same tricks of style are noticeable 
also in the diction of Nannaya and of his Karnata 
predecessor Pampa. In fact the latter poet 
delighted in ,similating the music of his style to 
that of the ocean. This influence accounts 
largely for the very high proportion of Tatsama 
element in Nannaya's composition. He must 
have modelled it on the style and diction of 
Tampa's Adi Purana, the style of which was 
more celebrated in his day than that of Pampa 
Bhdrata, I just take one passage of panegyrical 
prose which seems to have been the result in the 
Telugu Inscriptions and Kavyas of the pane- 
gyrical poetry of Pampa and other earlier 
Kannada writers. 

The passage runs thus : — 

" Upanata samasta samanta cudamani 
prabha manjari punja ranjita carano " — ^E. G. 
grant of Indravarma. *" 

Compare with this the following from the 
E. Ch. grant of Amma II : — " Sakala ripu nrpati 


makuta tata ghatita manigana madhukara 

^nikara paricumbita carana sarasiruha yugalo." 

Compare with these the following passages 

from the distinctly panegyrical verses from 

Nannaya's Mahabharata : — 

(1) Nanavani natha kiritatativilasadrat- 

nasamghatitapadakamala IIJ. ii.i. 

(2) vinamad 
rajanyakiritamanivirajita padam 

bhoja — I. vi. 1. 

(3) pranamadakhiladhatri p a 1 a k a 1 ola 

cuda I kirana sri manigana mandi- 
tamghri naremdragrani I. vi. 309. 

(4) paranrpamanimakutaghatita pada 

vibudha nuta III. 1. 39. 

(5) namannrpa kiritacumbi carana 
H dvaya III. ii. 355. 

Here below ai^ references to similar phrases 
from Pampa a Canarese poet of great renown, 
a century or two earlier than Nannaya : — 
(1) avanipativrata mani^ 

makuta kiranad- ^ Pampa Bharata 

I.yotita padam. J I. 16. 
(2) akhila kamapala"] 
mauli mgLni kira- | Pampa Bharata 
napalita nakha }- I. 18. 
mayukha ramjita 
)^ caranam. 

Apart from these references, others may be Nannaya and 
quoted from Pampa's works which seem to have ^^"^p^- 
suggested to Nannaya the diction of his pane- 
gyrical verses in the Mahdbhdratam. The 
similarity of phrasing is so striking that one 


cannot but infer Nannaya's acquaintance with 
the works of Pampa in their Kannada original. 
I shall edit here a few passages from Nannaya's 
panegyrical compositions in the Mahabharata 
with reference to their Kannada parallelisms : — 

(a) Vangmaya dhuramdharudun I. 24. 

Pampa's Adi Purana VIII, p. 61, has refer- 
ence to ' vangmaya.' An ancient division of the 
arts and sciences is given in this passage in which 
this word occurs. Three divisions of ' vangmaya' 
which I take it to be ' Literary art ' are 
mentioned (1) Padavidya, (2) Chamdo vichit, 
(3) Alamkara. 

(6) Vilasini parivrtundai I. 1-8. 

Pampa ? has in court *' vilasa-vilasin 
janam " A. Pu. II. 4. 

(c) Danditahita, vira. I. iii. 228. 
Pampa has ' danditaratimandalam ' Apu. 

II. 14. 

(d) Among the court officials at the court 
of Raja Raja Narendra Nannaya mentions — 

Mantri purohita senapati dandanayaka 

Mahapradhanananta samanta S. I. 1-8. 

Pampa in a similar passage in Adi Purana 
mentions — ; 

'' ati pracanda mandalika mahasamanta 
mantri Pradhana." 

Purohitara '-II. 2. 

(e) '' Paramandalambula dharani patulan 
adimi Kappambula mudamuto gomcunu" I. i, 7. 


Pampa alluding to a similar fhing in Adi 
Pur ana has reference in II. 24 to ' Paramanda- * 
likar ' and ' Kappam.' 

(/) Describing the gifts presented to 
Yudhistira at the Rajasuya by various 
princes, Nannaya says : — 

'' Mada 'matanga turanga kancana 
lasan manihya ganikya sampadal olim goni 

tecci yicci mudam oppam gancisevincir , 

"II. i. 18. 

I have identified this phrase ' manikya 
ganikya ' in Pampa's Adi Purana XVI. 8. 

(g) Nannaya describes Raja Raja as 
* Manumdrga ' I. iii. I. 

Pampa uses a similar appelJation in Adi 
Purana VH, 12 ' Manumdrga,' * 
^ Such similarities of phrasing (both in the a theory of 
panegyrical part of poetry and in the evoiutLn of 
Kavyas proper or sasana kavyas and pra- i^erary"^" 
sastis) between early Karnata and early Telugu ^^^^®^<^- 
works suggest not only that they were an expres- 
sion of Karnata type of literary culture prevalent 
in the Andhra and Kalinga countries, but indicate 
the possibility of their having developed largely 
under Karnata influence in the Andhra country 
most certainly and in the Kalinga most pro- 
bably, a type of Kavya diction which has left to 
this day a permanent influence on the growth 
of the Telugu literary dialect. This is my 
indication of the line of study of the early history 
of the Telugu literary dialect as represented 
by Nannaya. Prof. Hopkins has by a 




comparison of the Sanskrit Mahdbhdrata ^ and 
Rdmdyana proved beyond doubt the existence 
of Ejpic methods and diction well established 
during the formative period of classical Sans- 
krit to which fact can be traced the striking 
similarities between the epic methods and dic- 
tion of the two Sanskrit epics. By a similar 
comparison of Pampa's works with Nannaya's 
Mahabharatam it is I think possible to establish, 
beyond a doubt, the existence, in the Andhra 
mandala, for a century or two before Nannaya, 
of Epic methods and diction approved alike by 
patrons and poets. 


Other Jaina Works. 

Jaina treat- Dhavma Parikslia is an attempt to recon- 

Ur Va°idFc°or sidcr the sacrcd themes of Vaidika literature 
Themes! from the point of view of Jainism. The author 
calls himself vritta vilasa (one who takes delight 
in verses). The work is divided into asvasas. 
It describes a city called Vaija-yantipura (the 
capital of the Kadambas). r As. i, 50 describes 
the city as follows : — 

' See Prof. Hopkins, Great Epic of India. 




mong others, the work treats of 

The stories of Ramayana and Mahabharata 
•are more particularly handled as Kavyas in 
Pampa Bharata and Pampa Ramayana. The 
value of the attempt, therein, of rehandling 
classical material consists in the manifest motive 
of treating them mostly as Kshat%iya heroic tales 
enlivened by Jaina devotion. TheTieroic element 
predominates the religious and cultural aspects. 

A word ma/ be said in conclusion about The makera 
the makers of all this varied literature. They ^^ttl?^ '^^^' 
are, first the acharyas of the various mathas 
established in South India and their disciples 
and their disciples' disciples, and secondly, the 
officers of warrior chieftains who established 
kingdoms with the Jielp of these acharyas and 
used their influence for the protection and 
spread of Jaina Dharma, The Chalukyas and 
ashtrakutas must be mentioned as the foremost 
dynasties in Andhra Karnata desas under whom 

Iiaina architecture and literature acquired wide 
eputation and excellence. Jaina literature in 
urn is full of the praises of these sovereigns^ 
Panegyrical chronicles, after the Jaina fashion. 


form the introductions to both Andhra and 
Karnata Kavyas of the courtly type thus 
differentiating them from their Dravida analo- 
gues. A work called Jaina Birudavali records 
the praises of these makers of Jaina litera- 
ture, especially of the xicharyas, and tells us 
how by their character, attainments and scho- 
larship they commanded the respect of even 
Islamic Muhammadan Sovereigns like Allauddin and 
ofV^^sm. Auranga Phadusha (Aurangazeb? ). The ^fol- 
lowing praise of such Jaina Acharyas may well 
form the peroration of these studies in Andhra- 
Karnata Jainism : — 

Jaina Biruda- '^^^j^i6t>^^'!:i7ScsS:i^^V>^o (©::r^^©55b§6^e5^^*oe^ 

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2i^o^^r>ir€-o-c^i^o I 5'5^^ .... §6o^§uo^|)e) i^^^ 
i-s5-t5o^^o5o-v5?feo 6<r°,o "O i TiS^^ir>l^hs^\^ 'S5o05$'feoS'o-cr»o 


•^^OoiT^o I lOgS'^oSi^^S^^TT'O I .J «e^«$l_8sJ>3S)s5bA'er' 
TsT-o I •s5a-.-S3'o^oa55o^^fe?^^ar'Ify^o I 2_c5^5'0'r3aa3 

5oe;Oe;-5^7T^o I -^i5bo*g^-:5cn'-cr°s5orS(<^2;5^SiT'^o§^ ^cr»^o^^ 

-:r»ao5b l|^^o^2)T'«l 8"^-sr>-JT'0 I •sr«aXo5^^0bo5l o5b;j-6i_a^ 
'tsT'TT'O I ^5'7r'^'^^z^2o2^2r';6osSa5'nT'Ool_8"^^3r»7T*o I «© 
T^o6^^<i% i^Soi^-^sSbxa-JT'O I ^865boi^-sr*a?\9s5|«!5oTF°icr»o I 
^5's5boie^-ar»Si^^cCo^S^y~^ 5'-5r»<T*o i ^;6^/X'o5boie^-s5-»a-^o;^«$ 
2_^'^c55cn-Kr'o I -s-'o^,«o5bo(^^P'a§*^^oJ^5orr'ej"^^-sr'o i "^ 

5T*oi 55owc35T»^o5bo|^-sr'a^^^c^-^0(j3^^^oi s5b^^^o3»(0 "0| 
55b;r6,'So?r°7r»oi sSb;;S«^*3'f^J5J)«c55T'-Kr»o l 55bsT<^T«^s5be;S:)Kc5^ 



\ir~S^ (Allauddin Sultan) j1^;5§,J^s5o^5?^?6 ^as:)T5-g 

■u-zr-^Ty-^ w^c'oxiT'a"^^ (Auranga (-Zeb) Padisha) 

t „_£ _; - Q — 




Ahimsa, 5, 11. 
Andhra dj'iiasties, 21. 
Andhra Empire, 24. 
Andhra Kshatriyas, 24. 
Andhra Rajaputs, 21, 25. 
Anti'juity of Kalinga Jainisni, 4. 
Bardic verses, 21. 
Bloody sacrifices, 11. 
Brahmanical law, 11. 
Brahmanical revivalists, 14. 
Buddhist doctrine, 2. 
Buddhist infl\,ience, 2. 
Buddhist Literfiture, 11. 
Ohaliikyas, etc, (Rise of), 1. 
Fall of Satavahana power, 1. 
Family bards, 23. 
Jaina Agamas, 6. 

Jaina catholicity (liberalism), 17, 18. 
Jaina colonists, 8. 
Jaina culture, 20. 
Jaina interregnum, 14. 
Jaina literary tradition, 3. 
Jaina period, 17. 
Jaina Rajas, 15. 
Jaina sacrifice*, 11. 
Jaina tradition, 9. 
Kalinga Jainism (Antiquity), 4. 
Kharavela tradition, 3. 
Message of the forests, 7* 
Pauranica Dharma, 31. 
Persecutions, 31. 
Records of tra'dition, 5. 
Revivalists (Hindu), 15. 
Revivalists, Pauranic, 19. 
Sacrificial Hinduism, 2. 
Saiva faith, 24. 
Trilinga c(»mmand, 21. 
Vaidica Dharmft, 2, 6, 9, 11, 13, 16, 21, 
25, 27. 


A third eye, 92. 
Agency Division, 70. 
Andhra colonies, 75. 
Andhra Kshatriyas, 70. 
Andhra principle, 84. 
Arch«oloo^ical exploration, 39. 
Brahma-Kshatris, 65, 69. 
Break-up of Satavahana power, 76, 77. 
Centres of Jainism, 34. 
Chronology of the Kadambas, 67. 
Dandaniti*, 91, 93. 
Epigraphic Resea/rch, 33. 
Epigraphs (Jaina), 41. 
Family tradition, 77. 
Hindu Revival, 40. 

CHAPTER II— conid, 

Jaina-Brahmana, 50. 

Jaina influence, 37. 

Jaina Kadambas, 73. 

Jaina literary tradition, 86. 

Jaina period, 63. 

Jaina Sakhas, 89. 

Jainas (Svvetambara), 35. 

Kadamba colonisation, 70. 

Kadambas (Jaina), 73. 

Kadamba script, 74. 

Kadamba style, 69, 85. 

Literature (South Indian Karnata), 81. 

Local traditions, 33. 

Oriyas of Kalinga, 64. 

Parishads, 73. 

Persecution (Jaina), 34, 36. 

Puranic Brahmanism, 66. 

Saka ascendency, 72. 

Satavahana decline, 68. 

South Indian culture, 79, 80. 

Warrior clans, 60. 


An^hra-Karnata words, 103. 

Brahmanic representation, 102. 

Brahmanic revival, 107. 

Canarese dynasty, 106, 112. 

Canarese taste, 107. 

Dravidian philology, 102. 

False creed, 115. 

Historical study of literary dialects, 110. 

History of Kalinga, 111. 

Jaina Karnata literature, 98, 107. 

Jaina literature, 131. 

Karnata influence, 129. 

Karnata poetry, 100. 

Karnata Rhetoricians, 101. 

Kavya poetry, 116. 

Kshatriya heroic tales, 131. 

Manipravala style, 98. 

Panegyrical compositions, 128. 

Panegyrical poetry, 121. 

Panegyrical prose, 125, 126. 

Panegyrical verses, 127. 

Peroration, 132. 

Prakrit and Pali Literature, 103. 

Prasa system, 1 24. 

Sanskrit and Kannada MSS., 94. 

South Indian compositions, 123. 

Tadbhava words, 103. 

Telugu literary dialect, 129, 111, 102. 

Telugu Literature, 98. 

Telugu prosody, 119. -» 

Tricks of style, 126. 

Yati and Prasa, 124. 



A — contd. 

Abhayanandi, S%. 

Abhinava Pandya Dcva Odeya, 54. 

Abhiras, 76, 81. 

Acca-Telugu Nighantus, 103. 

Addakalingaoheha, 55. 

Addur, 22, 65. 

Adi Purana, 126, 128, 129. 

Adl^vara, 87. 

Aggaparoju, 121. 

Ahichcliatrapura, 113. 

Aindradhvajapuja, 113. 

Alaktapuia, 88. 

Alia-Ligarajaiya Odeva, 51. 

Allauddia, 132.* 

Alpadevi, 49. 

Amalabhatta, 71, 72. 

Amalapurara, 39. 

Amalraj, 22. 

Amaraklrti-Acharya, 57. 

Amarapuram, 34, 42. 

Amaravati, 37, 75, 103. 

Amatya De vachendra, 118. 

American Oriental Society's Journal, 11. 

Amraa IT, 20, 55, 119, 12(v 

Amma II (Vijayaditya), 37, 38. 

Ammanavara, 48. 

Amoghavar^ha, 83, 84. 

Anariiyasthana, 37. 

Anandagajapati Raz Maharaj, 26. 

Anantapnr, 34, 37, 40, 42. 

Anantavarma Choda Ganga, 114. 

Anantavarma Deva, 49, 55, 56. 

Anantaviryadeva*, 57. 

Andhavaram, 74. 

Andhra, 2, 8, 16, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24, 35, 

36, 86, 98, 100, 107, 121, 1?9. 
Andhra and Kalinga, 129. 
Andhrahhasha Bhusanani, 124. 
Andhraguda, 75. 
Andhra-Kamata, 1, 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18, 

29, 31, 33-36, 38-41, 60, 86, 103, 111, 

Andhra-Karnata Jainism, 5, 132. 
Andhra mandala, 5, 14, 18, 37, 63. 
Andhras, 2, 19, 25. 
Andhrodo^di, 75. 
Andhromunda, 75. 
Anjaneyaswami, 38, 43. 
Anumakonda, 16, 17, 29. 
Araklrti, 54. 
Arapaku, 29. 

Arhanandin, 55. 
Arhata, 8. 
Ariyavattam, 39. 
Arts and sciences, 86. 
Aryavarta, 8. 
Aska, 70. 
Asoka, 2, 111. 
Atreyapuram, 39. 
Attilinadu, 55. 
Auranga Phadusha, 132. 
Avanitakonganivarina, 88. 
Aj'ira-Bhuta-Rakhita, 47. 
Avira-Biidha-Rakhita, 47. 
Ayodhya, 77, 78, 79, 112. 
Ayyana-Mahadevi, 56. 


Bachappa Odeya, 53. 

Badrgmi, 116. 

Bada^ya, 44. 

Bagali, 34, 37. 

Bahubalin, 58. 

Baladitya, 114. 

Balendii Maladhari Deva, 42, 45, 50. 

Bana, 56. 

Banavasi, 29, 66, 85. 

Bandhuaena, 87. 

Bannabhattiguda, 71. 

Ba3a\ a, 10. 

Basrur. 34, 41, 52. 

Bellary, 10, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40. 

Benares, 14, 27. 

Berisetti Sarvari, 42. 

Bettisetti, 43. 

Bezwada, 21, 24, 25, 26, 38, 64. 

Bhadrabahu, 89, (Inscription) 3, 4, 7. 

Bhadra Kali, 17. 

Bhagadatta, 113. 

Bhairadevi mantapa, 47. 

Bhairarasa Odoya, 53. 

Bhairava, 58. 

Bhairavalaya, 18. 

Bhairavi mantapa, 60. 

Bhandarkar, Prof., 68. 

Bharadwaja, 83. 

Bharatam {See Mahabharata). 

Bhatta, 71. 

Bhattakalanka, 101. 

Bhattaraka Jaina Chandra, 45. 

Bhattiguda, 71. 

Bhattikota, 72. 



B — contd. . c 

Bhavadharnia, 50. 

Bhavanandin, 5Q. 

Bhavasena Trividya Chakravarti, 42. 

Bhima Deva, 12. 

Bhogapuram, 34, 38, 49. 

Bhogaraja, 57. 

Bhogesv^ara, 50. 

Bhujabali, 57. 

Bbuvalokanathanallur, 50. 

Bhuvalokanatha Vishaya, 50- 

BTjavada, 20. 

Bilhana, 77. 

Bissamcuttack, 70. 

Bndo-Khimedi, 65. 

Bommidevarasa, 59. 

Bommisettiyara Bachaiya, 42. 

Bramha Jinalaya, 50, 52. 

Brahmanda Purana, 8. 

Brihatkathal<6sa, 3. 

Brown, C. P., 6, 12. 

Buddha, 25, 29. 

Buddbavarma, 22. 

Buddbism, 80, 81, 107. 

Buddbist learning, 111. 

Biibler, Mr., 74. ^ 

Bukka I, 46. ^ 

Burgess, Dr., 63. ( 

Canarese language, 108. 

Chagiraja, 54. 

Cbaityalaya, 41, 46. 

Challapalle, 50. 

Cbalukva, 1, 16, 18, 20, 25, 30, 76, 77, 

78, 79, 83, 85, 106, 107, 116, 131. 
Cbalukyagiri, 69. 
Chalukya Vikrama, 51. 
Cbamakamba, 55. 
Cbamunda, 57. 
Cbandrabhuti, 44. 
Cbandra Dandanayaka, 12. 
Cbandragupta, 3, 4, 89. 
Cbandragupta-muni, 3. 
Chandraka Bbattaraka, 43. 
Chandrakirti, 44. 
Ohandraksbanta, 87. 
Cbandranandi, 88. 

Cbandrendj^a, 44. 
Cbanudavobi, 58. 
Cbarukirti, 57. " 
Charuklrti Bbattaraka, 13. 

C— ccnitd. 

Obarurasi Bbanditar, 43. 
Chatrapur, 113, 114. 
Chaubattamalla, 22. 
Cbedi Kingdom, 89. 
Cbettanabhatta, 120, 124. 
Chicacole, 36. 
Cbinna Tumbalam, 40. 
Cbintapalli Sirkar, 14. 
Cliippigiri, 34, 35. 
Chola, 14, 17. 25. 
Cbristians, 31. 
Cbula-Aira, 37, 47. 
Cbulika, 79. 
Cbunduru, 14. 
Cocanada, 39. 
Cuddapah, 34. 
Cunningham, 81, 83. 

Daddiga, 115. 

Daibbatta, 72. 

Daitamma, 12, 13. 

Dakshina Mathura, 50. 

Dabibbatta, 71. 

Damakirti, 87. 

Danavula-padu, 13, 34. 

Danda, 93. 

Dandaka, 16. 

Dandanavaka Cbaicha, 46. 

Dandaniti, 91, 93. 

Deccan, 1, 20, 25, 85. 

Desigana, 42, 43, 45, 50, 54, 58, 88. 

Desi-Rattadhu, 55, 56. 

Devaehandra, 3, 43. 

Deva Dandanayaka, 47. 

Devagana, 88. 

Devanandi Acharya, 45. 

Devaraja Odeva, 47, 59w 

Devaraya IT, 41, 40, 47, 52. 

Devasena, 56. 

Devavarma, 22, 25. 

Devendra, il3. 

Dhananjaya, 112. 

Dhannupuro, 75. 

Dbanyakataka, 21, 24, 38, 75. 

Dharma Pariksba, 130. 

Digambara, 88. 

Dirghasi, 122. 

Divijamba, 83. 

Dommara Nandyala, 9. 

Draksharamam, 39. 

Dravida country, 16. *'' 

Dravida Literature, 2 5. 

Durga, 22, 25, 26. 

Durgapancha, 59. 

Durvinita, 46. 




Eastern Chalukj\a dynasty, 37. 
•Eohappa Udayar, 36, 52. 
Ekambaranatiia, 16, 29. 

Fleet, J. R, 73, 106. 

Immadi Bhairarasa Odeya, i.3. 
Indian Antiquities, 5. 
Tndra, 115. 
Indrakirti, 51. 
Jndravarma, 118. 
Tngalesvara, 42, 45, 50. 
Iruga, 40.' 
Irungola, 40. 

Gacfdigimantapa, 41, 47, 48, 52, 58. 

Cairappa, 52. 

Gajapatinagaram, 39. 

Ganapanna Odeya, 47. 

Ganapathi Deva, 2S. 

Gandhari Devi. 112. • 

Gangas, 1,'67, 87, 113, 116. 

Ganga Datta, 112. 

Gangavadi, 113, 114, 115, 116. 

Ganjam, 36. 

Garga, 18. » 

Gariseppa, 36. 

Gatha Sapta Sati, 103. 

Goa, 85. 

Gokamasvami, 114. 

Gokarnesvara, 67. 

Gopalamurti, 16. 

Govapaij'a, 88. * 

Govindamba, 83. 

Gudivada, M. 

Gummata-Jinapati, 58. 

Gunachandra, 88. * 

Gunanandi, 88. 

Guntur, 34. 

Gurubhaktak'onda, 58. 

G urn gala, 48. 

Gurugala basadi, 41. 


Haihayas, 76. , 

Hala, 103. 

Ilalsi, 66. 

Hanumakonda (See Anumakonda). 

Harihara I, 57. ♦ 

Haiihararaya IT, 41, 46, 53. 

Harischandra, 112. 

Hariti, 67. 

Haritipiitra, 67, 68, 69, 76, 77. 

Haiivarroa, 87, 115. 

Harlapur, 65. 

Hasanna Parsvadeva, 50. 

Hidimbasrama, 16. 

Hindustani, 15. 

Hirigangadi*, 48. 

Hopkins, Prof., 130. 

Hosa basadi, 47. 

Hosa basti, 41 

Hultzscli, Dr., 37, 67. 

Jagadrudra, 83. 

Jaggavyapeta, 103. 

Jaina,' 3, 5—20, 24, 25, 27—30, 33,. 

34, 36-40, 43—46, 48, 49, 51, 63,. 

64, 69, 70, 85, 88, 100, 102, 116, 131. 
Jaina Agamas, 6. , 

Jaina basadi, 43. 
Jaina Birudavali, 132. 
Jainadatta, 54. 
Jaina Kadambas, 73. 
Jaina Literature, 94 — 98; Tyjies ot, 98. 
Jaina munis, 6, 7, 9, 10, ll^ .30, 31, 35, 

Jaina Padu, 39. 
Jaina SravakI, 20. 
Jainism, 1, 2, 12, 16—18, 20, 21, 29, 

31, il— 37, 39, 40, 41, 60, 63, 68, 81, 

85, 86, 88, 107, 116, 130. 
Jalluru, 39. 
Jalluru Kaiphiyat, 40. 
Jamnialamadugu, 12. 
Jarl Carpenter, 4. 
Jayaditya, 22, 70. 
Jayakirti, 87. 
Jayonagaram, 71. 
Jayantigiri, 71, 72. 
Jayanti-Madhukesvara, 66. 
Jayantlpura, 66. 
Jayapura, 71. 
Jayasimha, 15. 
Jaya-Singi, 70. 
Jayati, 39. 
Jeypur, 71. 
Jinabhushana, 42. 
Jnanfinandi, 88. 
Jyoutishara. 28. 

Kadaniasingi, 70. 
Kadamaguda, 71. 
Kadaraba, 34, 71, 76, 79, 80, 81, So, 87,. 

Kadambagiri, 69, 70. 
Kadambaguda, 72. 
Kadamba Jayavarma, 68. 
Kadambariguda, 72. •^ 
Kadambasin-'i, 70. 



K — contd. 

K — contd. 

Kakatiya, 14, 16, 17. 

Kakatiya Ganapatis, 21. 

Kakusthavarma, 87. 

Kalachumbarru, 34, 38, 55. 

Kalachuris, 76, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84. 

Kalihhadracharya, 20, 56. 

Kalidasa, 105. 

Kalidevaswami, 52. 

Kalinga, 2, 3, 4. 39, 63, 64, 66, 74, 87, 111, 

112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119, 121. 
Kalinga Ganga, 114. 
Kalinga Jainism, 4. 
Kalinga Maliyas, 65. 
Kalinganagara, 114. 
Kallesvara, 51. 
Kalluigudda, 112. 
Kalogragana, 54. 
Kamarnava, 114. 
Kambaduru, 40. 
Kanakadurga, 22. 
Kanakakirti Deva, 44. 
Kanaparru, 15. 
Kanaparru Kaipliiyat, 15. 
Karichaladevi, 45. 
Kandakadevi, 83. , 

Kannada, 8, 12, 19, 20, 68, 103, 106, 

107, 126, 128. 
Kannada Bharata, 122. 
Kannamanayaka, 49, 55. 
Kanniyabhupala, 52. 
Kanurgana, 45, 49. 
Karikalac'liodn, 38, 49. 
Kaikal, 34, 36. 

Karnata, 3, 29, 30, 36, 46, 126. 
Karnata Jainas, 7. 
Katavapra, 7. 
Katchangibhatta, 71. 
Kautilya,^ 3, 5, 72. 
Kavyalankara cudaraani, 123. 
Kesava, 17. 
Kotana, 82, 124. 
Keyuravaisha, 82, S3. 
Kharavela, 64, 74, 75, 84, 87, 88. 
Kharavela inscription, 3, », 5, 3. 
Klrtinandi, 88. 
Kirtivaniia J, 88. 
Kittel, Mr., 124. 
Kodubbatt?., 72. 
Kogali, 34. 
Kokalla, 82, 83. 
Kolaga, 41, 52. 
Kolahala, 114. 
Kolluru, 14. 
Kolliiru Kaiphiyat., 15. 
Kommasetti, 43. 
Konakundaia, io. 
Kondakimdanvays, 45, 49, 50, 54, 57. 88. 

Kondrajupalem, 14. 

Koraput, 72. 

K5sala, 22. 

Kosala and Kalinga, 68. 

Kosars, 25. 

Kotas, 24, 25. 

Kotesvara, 34, 36, 52. 

Kotipi, 34. 

Kottasivaram, 34. 

Krishna, 34. 

Krishnadevaraya, 27, 35, 50. 

Krishna Raja, 83. 

Krishnisetti, 43. 

Ksbetrapala, 59, 60. 

Kubjavishnuvardhana, 20, 56, 105. 

K.uddubhatta, 71. 

Kuliyacharya, 54. 

Kumaradatta, 87. 

Kumaranandi, 88. 

Kumarasambhavam, lOt. 

Kumbibhatta, 71. 

Knndu Jainanatha, 46. 

Kiindakunda, 9, 86. 

Kuntala desa, 8, 46. 

Kuriniari, 12, 13. 

Kurnool, 34, 40. 

Kurugoda, 35, 40. 

Kuvalala, 114. 

Laclimesvara, 40. 
Lalitakirti, 54, 58. 
Lalitakirti Bhattaraka 

dhari, 48. 
Lakkabhatta, 71. 
Lakkiimavarapukota, . 34. 
Lokanatha Devarasa, 59. 
Lokanikkasetti, 56. 

Deva Mala- 

Mackenzie, Col., 5. 
Mackenzie manuscripts, 15. 
Madhava, 115, 116. 
Madhavall, 87. 
Madhavavarm a, 16, 22, 23, 26. 
Madhulinga, 66, 67. ^ 

Madlmrakadevi, 53. 
Madras, 34. 
Magadha, 3, 4, 68, 69. 
Maslia, 35. 


. 141 

M — contd 


Wachanandi-^'rafcin, o7. 

MaV.abharata, 19, 28, 100, lOo, 110, 112, 

IIG, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125, 127, 

130, 131. 
Mahadevi, 83. 
Mahalingesvara, 48. 
^Iahamandalesva^a. 49. 
Malulnmndalesvara iSalvamalla, 80. TrailokyaEsalla 

Deva, 12, 13. 
Mahavira, 4, G. 
Mahendra, 67, HI. 
Maliyasinga, 22. 
Malkanagiri, 72. 
Malla De-va. 15. 
Mallapa, 55. 
Mallaraja, 14. 
Mallaraja Odeva, 51. 
MaJlas, 25. 
Malliliharjuna, 35. 
Mallisetti, 49. 
Manasthamba, 48, 59. 
Mandachari, 43. 
Mangalesa, 81. 
Mangalura, 47, 53. 
Mangarasa Odeya^ 53. 
Manu, 78. 
Manumarga, 129. 
Manumasiddhi, 28. 
Maraya, 42. 
Marcus Aurelius, 31. 
Masulipatam, 34. 
Matisagara Deva,» 49. 
Mauryan, 2, 4, 25. 
Mavulibhatta, 71, 72. 
May ura khan di, 54. 
Mayiiravarma, 68. 
Mohabhatta, 72. 
Mrigesa, 66. • 

Mrigesavarma, 87. 
Mrutyunjayanagar Taluq, 14. 
Mudabidire, 34. 

Mugdhatunsa, 82. * 

Mukhalingam, 66, 67. 
Mukhamantapa, 34, 47, 48. 
Mukkanti, 14. 

Mula Sangha, 42—45, 50, 57, 88. 
Mulki, 34. 

Mummadi BIiTma, 20. 
Munvds, 74. 
Munisingi, 70, 71. 
Museum, Madras, 94. 
Musinikonda, 20, 56. 
Mysore, 99. 
Mysore Gangas, 113. 
Mysore Inscription, 68. 

Nagadeva, 88. * 

Nagamangala, 47, 59. 

Nagarani, 39, 40. 

Nagas, 74, 82. 

Nagavarnia, 123, 124. 

Nagaya, 42. 

Nanartha Ratnamala, 46. 

Nanda, 4. 

Nandagam, 4. 

Nanda Nanda, 37. 

Nandampudi, 69. 

Nandaperur, 34, 38. 

Nanda])urani, 39. 

Nanda Raja, 3, 4, 39. 

Nandarajapuram, 4. 

Nan das, 3, 5. ^ 

Nandi, 48, 87. 

Nandyala, 9. 

Nandyala Kaiphiyat. 10. 

Nanna Choda, 82^ ^ 

Nannaj^abhatta, 19, 77, SZ, 98, 100, 102, 

105, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 

128, 129, 130. 
Narayanabhatta, 101, 102. 
Navarangapur, 72. 
Navakallu, 40. 
Nayi listi, 44. 
Neduluru, 39., 28, 34, 38. 
Nirgratithas, 8. 
Nisidi, 42. 
Nitivakyamrita, 90. 
North Arcot, 34. 
Nripatunga, 123. 

Obeyamaselti, 57. 
Oddepadu, 94. 
Oddi, 14. 
Oddunaju, 75. 
Ondaribondo, 75. 
Ondharigumma, 75. 
OndhoruHnima, 75. 
Ondhrokota, 74. 
Ondhromunda, 75. 
Ondhrorigam, 75. 
Ondirigudo, 75. 
Ondrasingi, 75. 
Ongeru Alarga, 58. 

Oriental Library of the Madras MuseuiOj 
15, 28, 94. 

Padmakshi, 16. 
Padmaraja Pandita, 99.*^ 





Palasa, 80. 

PalasiKa, 65, 66, 73. 

Pallavas, 16, 82. 

Pampa, 77, 100, 101, 122, 123, 126, 127, 

128, 129, 131. 
Pampa Bharata, 19. 
Panasoka, 58. 
Pandya, 25, 50. 
Pansupaii, 46. 
Paimgallu Taluq, 29. 
Paralurii, 88. 
Parichchedi Pusapatis, 1, 21, 25, 27, 

Parlakimedi, 65, 70, 71. 
Parlapiiram, 65. 
Parswanatha, 41, 42. 
Pasapula, 12. 
Patasivaram, 34. 
Pattavaidhani, 56. 
Pattipomhuebcha, 53, 54. 
Pedabhattuguda, 71. 
Pedaiiadela, 14. 
Peddana, 123. 
Pedda Tuinbalam, 40. 
Peddintirama, 14. 

Peddiraja, 77. r, 

Penugonda, 44. 
Penukonda, 34, 42. 
Permadi Peva, 15. 
Perumal Deva Dandanayaka, 59. • 
Pinakini, 9, 17. 
Pittapurani, 39, 40. 
Ponnamaravati.' inie, 50. 
Posakabhatta, 72. 
Potoja, 42. 
Pottanabho.tta, 110. 
Pottangi, 39. 

Prabhachandra Bhattaialca, 42. 
Prabhachandra Deva, 43, 88. 
Prabhutavarsha, 54. 
Pramala Devi, 48. 
Prammisetti, 58. 
Prataparudra, Kakatiya, 13. 
Praudlia Devaraya II, 47. 
Prithviganga, 115. 
Prithvlmati, 113. 
Pujyapada, 88, 107. 
Pujvapadaswami, 85, 87. 
Pulakesi I, 88. 
Pulakesi II, 105. 
Puligire, 88. 
Pulobhatta, 72. 
Punjalikeya Rajya, 53. 
Punjalingaraja, 59. 
Pusapadu, 22. 24. 
Pusapati, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27. 
Puahpanandi Maladhari Deva, 45. 
Pustakagachcha, 45, 50. 

80, 81, 82, S3 

Rachamalla, 45. 

Raigada, 72. 

Rajahinundry, 18, 19, 112. 

Rajaraalla, 46. 

Rajamartanda, 55. 

Rajamartanda Sri Rachiraj, 22. 

Raja Raja Deva, 48. 

Raja Raja Jinalaya, 38, 49, 55. 

Raja Raja Narendra, 18, 19, 69, 88, lOi 

Rajavalikatha, 3. 
RajavalLs, 16. 
Ramachandrapiiram, 39. 
Ramadesika, 22. 
Ramalingaswami, 18. 
Ramamiirti, G. V., Mr., 66. 
Ramanadharasa, 53. 
Ramannja, 10. 
Raniaraja Odeya, 36. 
Raniarajaiya, 57. 
Ramathirtham, 17, 20, 3l. 
Ramayana, 130, 131. 
Rameswara.swami Temple, 45. 
Ranavikrama, 46. 
Rangamantapa, 51. 
Ranibhatta, 71. 
Rashtrakutas, 54, 76, 

84, 131. 
Ratnagiri, 40. 
Ratna-Karanda, 10. 
Ratnanandi, Sc 
Raviklrti, 105. 
Ravivarma, 87.- 
Rayadiirg, 34. 
Ravasela, 47. 
Reddi, 14. 
Rctar paragaiia, 14. 
Rishabha, 4. 

Sabaras, 74. 
Sadasivaraj'a, 36, 52. 
Saiva, 17, 24, 26, .34, 35, 36. 
Saivisni, 29, 66. 
Salivahana Saka, 1 4. 
Salva Deva, 58. 
Pamantabhadraswaini, 10. 
Sambisetti, 42. 
Samiyarya, 88. 
Sangayana Bonimisetti, 49. 
Sankara, 10. 
Sankara Deva, 118, 
Sankaragana, 83. 
Sannamuru, 121. 
Santa, 35. 



S — contd. 

Santi-Jina, 58, 
Saiitinatha Jinesvara, 57. 
antivarma, 87. 
anyasi Devulu, 40. 
aptasati, 22. 
arasvatigachcha, 57. 

rvalo^asraya, 38, 55, 59. 
arvalokasraya .Tinabhavaaa, 21. 

tavahanas, 16, 24, 37, 74, 70, 77, 79, 

80, 82, 85, 103, HI. 
atrunjaya Mahatmya, 69. 
8ntysaraya, 105. 
Sayabi-Maraya, 42. 

yanad-Mahava, 40. 

mbliguda, 39. • 
Send !')hatta, 72. 

end 1 ika-N'agas, 74. 
Settara, 48. " 
Siddhaladevi. 59. 
Siddhavattam, 18. 
Siddhavattani l^aiphiyat, 17. 
>Siddhesvara, 16. ' 
Sila, .39. 
Bilabhadra, 88. 
Simliauandi, 46, 87, 115. 
Sin3;appa Dandanayaka, 59, 60. 

a, 83. 
- ^i, 34. *• 

Somadevasuri, 90. 
Somideva, 15, 45. 
Sorsubhatta, 72. 
South India, 105. • 

South Indian Archaeology and Literature, 

.South Indiaif Epigraphical Research, 32. 
South Indian Kshatriya clans, 22. 
South Indian Rajaput clans, 21, 23, 25. 
Soutli Kanara, 34, 36. 
-Sravana Beigola, 3, 7. 
Sreekrishna Vijay^m, 26. 
Sreckurmam, 67. 
^reepurusha, 46, 88. 
Sreesailam, 34;, 35. 
Sridatta, 113. • 

Sripura, 88. 
Sruta Kevahs, 3. 
^rutaklrti, 87. 
Stha'apuraua, 66. 
^ukra, 91. 
Snkulabhatta, 71. 
■Sunadhyaksha, 5. 
•Swami 3.1ahaaena, 85. 

Tadinagarampadu, 14. 
Tadpatri, 34, 37, 45. 


Tagore, Mr., 7. • 

Tallingiri, 50. 

Talevaha, 74. 

Tallakantisvari, 12, 13. 

Tammadahalli, 34, 50. 

Tamniiraj, 22. 

Tatipaka, 39 

Tatipara, 45. 

Taylor, 68. 

Tekal, 65. 

Tekkali, 65. 

Telingas, 74. 

Telugu, 19. 

Telugu Language (Traces of), 108- 

Tenali, 18. 
Tikkana, 28, 123. 
Timmanna, 44. 
Timmaraja, 57. 
Tirthankara, 60. 
Tirthankarabasi, 53. 
Tonka, 20. 
Tonka Natavadi, 56. 
Trailokj'-amalla Deva, 30, 51. 
Trailokyamalla Somes vara, 51. 
Tribhuvana Chakravarti Ravula, 50. 
TribhiV^anaklrti-Ravula. 45. 
Tribhuvanamalla, 37. 
TrikaJingadhipatis, 66. 
Trihnga,^22, 25. 


LMayadevapandita, 88. 
Udayaditya, 45. 
Udayigiri inscription, 4. 
ITpsala, 4. 

Vaidica Dharma, 2, 6, 9, U, 12, 13, 10, 
21, 25 ; Avaidina faith, 17, 25. 

Vaijayanti, 66, 70, 71, 87. 

Vaijayanitpura, 130. 

Vaishnavism, 66. 

Valaharigana, 55. 

Vallabha, 22. 

Vallimalai, 34. 

Vandananandi, 88. 

Vanipenta, 13, 14. 

VeoRi, 15, 116, 117. 

Vengi mandala, 98, lOG? 102, 105, 107, 




V — contd. 

V — contd. 

Venkaiya, V., Mr., 67. 

VeDkatararaana Temple, 35, 50. 

Venur, 34. 

Vijayaditya, 50, 55. 

Vijayaditya VI, 55. 

Vijayaklrti, 54. 

Vijaya Kumarana katha, 99. 

Vijaya Malm Devi, 112. 

Vijaj^avafcika, 55. 

Vikramarjutia Vijaya, 19. 

Vimalaclia^ndra, 88. 

Vimaladitya, 19, 54. 

Vinayaditya, 88. 

Vinayanandi, 88. 

Vinukonda Sirkar, ] 4. 

Virabhadra temple, 44. 

Vira Bukkaraya IT, 41, 53. 

Vlradevacharya, 87. 

Vira Devaraya II, 58. 

Vira De'/araya IV, 41. 

Virapandya, 58. 

Virapratapa Sadasivadevaraya Maha- 

laya, 35. 
Virapratapa Sadasivaraya Maharaja, 51. 
Virasaiva, 35, 36. 

Virasenacharya, 87. / 

Virkal, 12. 
Viriipaksha, 52. 
V'irfipaksharaya II, 59, 60. 
Virupaya, 42. 

Vishnugopa, 113, 115, (Genealogy) Ui 
Vishnugupta, 112, 113. 
Vishmikundi-Kadamba-Satakarni, 68, 8; 

Vishnuvardhana, 15, 51. 
Vishnu vardhana III, 20, 56. 
Visvavasu, 35. 
Vittarasa, 52. • 

Vittarasa 0(]eva, 59, 60. 
Vizagapatam,'l7, 34, 38, 39, 114. 
Vizianagram, 17, 20, 26, 27, 35, 40, 4J 

46, 47, 50, 51, 60. 
Vizianagram Tre&tj, 26. 
Vuskabhatta, 72. 


Warrangal, 16, 17, 27, 28, 29; 
Warrangal KaipJiiyat, 16. 

Yachavaram, 40. 
Yapaniya, 44. 
Yendamuru, 39. 
Yudhistira, 114, 129. 



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