UC-NRLF
B 3 ME7 13D
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
Anthropology
IN MEMORY OF
Martha Beck with
THE SUBANU
Studiesof A Sub-Visa YAN Mountain Folk
OF Mindanao
Part I. Ethnographical and Geographical
Sketch of Land and People
By LIEUT.- col. JOHN PARK FINLEY, U. S. A.
Part II. Discussion of the Linguistic Material
By WILLIAM CHURCHILL
Part IIL Vocabularies
WASHINGTON, D. C.
PtraUSHED BY THR CarNEGIE INSTITUTION OP WASHINGTON
1913
PLATE 1
THE SUBANU
Studies OF A Sub-Visa YAN Mountain Folk
OF Mindanao
Part I. Ethnographical and Geographical
Sketch of Land and People
By LIEUT.- col. JOHN PARK FINLEY, U. S. A.
Part II. Discussion of the Linguistic Material
By WILLIAM CHURCHILL
Part III. Vocabularies
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Published by the Carnegie Institution op Washington
1913
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON
PUBUCATION No. 184
Anthropology
Add'l
Gli'T
PRESS OF GIBSON BROTHERS, INC.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
jL,' hrairy
CONTENTS.
Part I. A Brief History of the Subanu.
Page.
Tribal Designation i
The Home Land 4
Population 8
Discovery History 8
Slow Modification of Culture 12
The Industrial Life 15
Construction and Location of Houses 21
Manufactures 23
Characteristics and Habits 26
Religion 32
Burial Customs 38
Marriage and Divorce 39
Part II. Discussion op the Linguistic Material.
Chapter I. Pitfalls of the Vocabulist 45
Chapter II. Subanu Phonetics and Composition Members 55
Chapter III. Subanu-Visayan Filiation 77
Chapter IV. Polynesian and Malayan 99
Part HI.
Subanu-English Vocabulary 1 79
Engli.sh-Subanu Vocabulary 217
Bibliography 230
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Map of the Island of Mindanao Frontispiece
Map of Sub-District of Dapitan, District of Zamboanga 236
t^Et
%
THE SUBANU
Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk
OF Mindanao
Part I.
Ethnographical and Geographical Sketch of
Land and People
By JOHN PARK FINLEY
Lieutenant-Colonel of Infantry, U. S. A., Governor of Tjomboanga
THE SUBANU.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SUBANU.
TRIBAL DESIGNATION.
The term Subanun (Subanon) is of Moro (Sulu) origin and signifies
a man or people of the river or, more exactly, a man or people from up
the river. The Sulu equivalent of the word river is soba; of the phrase
up the river, the equivalent is sumud ha soba. The suffix mm denotes
locality or place of habitation. The suffix noit has a similar significa-
tion in Visayan. The suffixes num and nom possess similar meanings
in the dialects of Ilocano, Lepanto, and Bontoc, and in some of the
Formosan dialects. According to the Spanish nomenclature this term
is written Subano. When these people are interrogated, those living
near the coast call themselves Subanu or Subano ; those living near the
headwaters of the rivers and in the mountains call themselves tan bukid
or tan buid, meaning, respectively, man of the hills or hill-man, or man
of the fields. The word bukid in Visayan means hill or mountain, in
Tagalog it means field or country.
Christie says :
The name Subanun means river dweller, from the word suba river, common
to Philippine dialects, including Sulu and Visaya. This term was applied to
the tribe because its members are met with in going up the river from the coast,
in contradistinction to the Moros and Christians of the Zamboanga Peninsula,
who are coast dwellers. Probably the term was first applied by these people
to themselves.*
The habitat of these people is confined to the interior and moun-
tainous portions of the Zamboanga district of the great island of Min-
danao. In his history of Mindanao and Sulu, published in 1667, Father
Francisco Combes calls the Subanu the "fourth nation of Mindanao"
and refers to them as the inhabitants of the rivers, to which they owe
their name, as the radical suba is the "word used by the nations (tribes)
of Mindanao for river."
The names of tribes, of persons, of titles, of places, and of natural
features in the PhiUppines have been subject to much irregularity and
confusion in their orthographical presentation. This is due to the
absence of an established orthographic system, the neglect of such a
system when properly authorized, ignorance of or indifference to the
*Emerson Brewer Christie: The Subanuns of Sindangan Bay. Manila, 1909:
Bureau of Science, Division of Ethnology; Publications, vol. vi, part i, pp. 121, chart, 29
illustrations.
1
2 TH^ SUBANU.
application of any system, and attempts at individual phonetics. Thus
great diversity appears in official reports, both civil and military, and
in the construction of maps of the islands. An example is given in the
spelling of the Sulu term datu (chief), a Moro designation of rank,
variously written as: datoh, datto, dattu, dato, datoo, dattoh, and datu,
the last being the best form, according to Saleeby's system oftrans-
Hteration, described briefly as follows in his Studies in Moro History,
Law and Religion (Ethnological Survey of the Philippine Islands) :
In translating the tarsila (original manuscripts) such a large number of
words have to be transliterated that it is deemed necessary to adopt a system
of transliteration which can be easily understood by every EngHsh reader and
which is more adequate to express Magindanao sounds than either Spanish
or English. With the exception of ng and sh the characters used in this system
represent simple sounds only. Every radical modification of a certain simple
sound is regarded as a different simple sound and is represented by a separate
and distinct character. Every compound sound is represented by those char-
acters that express its simple constituent sounds. It is an unvarying rule in
this system that every character represents an invariable sound and every
sound has only one invariable character.
We have already observed a considerable variation in the orthog-
raphy of the tribal name of the Subanuns, which in that form has the
sanction of the Philippine Bureau of Science. If the word is spelled
as generally pronounced by the members of the tribe, and applying the
principles of the Saleeby system, it would be written Subanu.*
Concerning this question of orthography and nomenclature, Blu-
mentrit said in 1 890 :
Notwithstanding the rich literature concerning the peoples and languages
of the Philippine Archipelago, there is no book or publication in which are
catalogued the names of the tribes and the languages, and this appears the
more inexcusable since both Spanish and Philippine writers, with few excep-
tions, handle these names very carelessly, so that great confusion must ensue.
The prevailing bad form in the Philippines of transferring the name of one
people or family to another, who possess similarities of any kind with the first,
either in manner or life, or even only in culture grade in the widest sense of the
term, has its counterpart in a second bad fashion of making several peoples
out of one by replacing the folk name with the tribal names. Only with the
greatest pains and thought is it possible to extricate one's self from this laby-
rinth of nomenclature. After thorough search I am convinced that many
names reported to me must be eliminated, since they owe their existence to
mistakes in penmanship or printing, to ridicule, misunderstanding, or to error,
as I have proved in single instances.
*For the reasons stated in the preceding sentence it has seemed preferable to adopt for
this work the designation Subanu and to employ it indeclinably. The derivation proposed
by the several authorities cited in the preceding pages is in violation of the principles of
composition employed in the language. Thus suba is river, -nan is locative; observe in the
vocabulary sinbaan, a church as the place (locative -an) in which worship {sinba) is per-
formed; accordingly, subanun would not mean people of rivers, but a place where rivers are.
Furthermore, in the language, -an is the locative suffix, -nan is restricted to the value of
forming nouns of quality from adjectives. The suffix -n is employed to form collective
plurals, therefore Subanun means only all the Subanu. Following the best modem usage
we shall employ Subanu for singular and plural, as noun and adjective. — W. C.
TRIBAIy DESIGNATION. 3
Dr. Barrows, in his paper on the non-Christian tribes of Mindanao,
published in the Census of the Phihppine Islands, 1903, states:
The word Subanon is derived from the very common Malayan word suba,
meaning river, and the suffix non, meaning people of. It is a good tribal desig-
nation, is in general use, and has been recorded a long while. The Subanons
are the only Pagan people of Mindanao among which I have spent sufficient
time to judge somewhat of the type, the language, and culture. They appear
to be a representative type of the primitive Malayan race widely distributed
through the Malayan archipelago, who have been forced back from the sea in
the interior by the arrival and persecutions of the sea-faring Malays, both
previous and subsequent to the latter's conversion to Mohammedanism.
Mason, in his introduction to Blumentrit's work on the native
tribes and languages of the Philippines, says :
To umavel the mysteries set forth by the foregoing is the opportunity of
the ethnologist. It needs only to look back upon the bloody horrors enacted
in our own history through lack of knowledge concerning the social organi-
zation and prejudices of the Indians, to awaken the liveliest sympathies and
cooperation of the statesmen and philanthropists in the ethnology of the
Phihppines.
Since the above criticisms were published much has been accom-
plished to correct the evils complained of. Labors to this end have
been unremitting by the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Depart-
ment and by the Bureau of Science of the Philippine government at
Manila. Much yet remains to be done, and the field for faithful and
patient research is a large one, offering rich rewards to ethnologists of
the highest abiHty ; private munificence has an unusual opportunity in
promoting this most important survey of primitive people, including
Indonesians, Malayans, and European and Asiatic mestizos.
Blumentrit in "Native Tribes of the Philippines" mentions "the
Subanos (Subanon, river people) as a heathen people of Malay extrac-
tion who occupy the entire peninsula of Sibuguey (west Mindanao)
with the exception of a single strip on the south coast."
On a chart of the Phihppine Islands and China Sea, engraved in
Manila in 1734, from data obtained from Spanish and British naviga-
tors, the native inhabitants of the Zamboanga and Dapitan districts
are referred to as "Subanirs" and "Solocos," and the territory as a
part of the great island of "Majindanao," as it was then written.
Along the western shore of Illana Bay (then called Bongo Bay)
the inhabitants are referred to as "Moors," a translation of the Spanish
designation for the Mohammedan tribes, Moros.
In the record of his voyages (i 774-1 775) Captain Forrest uses the
terms "Haraforas, Sunabos, Kanakan and Oran Manubo" as applied
to the Subanu of Mindanao. He describes them as —
the vassals of the Sultan and of others who possess great estates. Those vas-
sals are sometimes Mahometans, though mostly Haraforas (heathen). The
latter only may be sold with the lands, but can not be sold off the lands.
4 THE SUBANU.
The Haraforas are more opprest than the former. The Mahometan vassals
are bound to accompany their lords on any sudden expedition, but the Hara-
foras, being in a great measure excused from such attendance, pay yearly taxes
which are not expected from the Mahometan vassals. They pay a boiss or
land tax. Those vassals at Magindano (Kutabatu Valley) have what land
they please, and the Mahometans on the seacoast, whether free or Kanakan
(slaves), live mostly by trading with the Haraforas (heathen), while their own
gardens produce them betel nuts, coconuts, and greens.
Forrest evidently used the term "Haraforas" in a generic sense as
pertaining to Pagan peons wherever found. He writes of the "Hara-
foras" of New Guinea as subject to the control of their overlords.
Blair and Robertson comment on this term as follows :
Crawfurd in his Dictionary Ind. Islands explains this name as a corrup-
tion of Alf oras ; it is not a native word at all, nor is it the generic name of any
people whatsoever. It is a word of the Portuguese language, apparently
derived from the Arabic article al and the preposition /ora (without). The
Indian Portuguese applied it to all people beyond their own authority or who
were not subdued by them, and consequently to the wild races of the interior.
It would seem to be equivalent to the "Indios bravos" of the Spaniards, as
applied to the wild and unconquered tribes of America and the Philippines.
THE HOME LAND.
From the published records of the early Spanish discoveries, more
especially from the writings of Father Francisco Combes (1667), in his
History of Mindanao and Sulii, there is good reason to believe that
the Subanu were the aborigines* of western Mindanao, viz : that portion
of the great island lying west of the Isthmus of Tukuran, separating
the bays of Iligan and Illana. It was over this isthmus that the Spanish
General Weyler (governor-general of the Philippines, 1 889-1 891) com-
pleted, in 1890, a military trocha or line of fortified stations, named
after members of the Spanish royal family, as Fort Cristina, Fort Isabel,
and Fort Alfonso. In his plans for the subjugation of Mindanao,
General Weyler constructed this trocha for the purpose of shutting out
the Malanao Moros (Moros of the lake region) from the Subanu
country (western Mindanao) and preventing further destructive raids
upon the peaceful and industrious peasants of these hills. In further-
ance of this project he proposed to the Spanish Cortes the granting of
an appropriation for the construction of a canal across this isthmus,
which he estimated could be accomplished with native labor at mod-
erate expense, by following and improving the course of the Tukuran
River and of the Lintogud stream connecting with Pangil Bay on the
north, a branch of the much larger Iligan Bay.
The military preparations at the Tukuran (south) end of the trocha
consisted of a stone blockhouse at the mouth of the Tukuran River;
*The term is properly used only as relative to later and dominant Malay races. We
shall see that the Subanu are an older stock of the Visayan family, therefore Malays and
comparatively late comers. They have nothing in common with the persistent pygmy race
of autochthons of whom the Aeta stand as type specimens — W. C.
THE HOME LAND. 5
earthworks on the high bluffs above the river on the east side ; a stone
fort on a knoll about loo yards further east; another stone blockhouse
about a quarter of a mile east of the river and on a knoll overlooking
the sea, and guarding the water supply for the post. In connection
with the earthworks on the bluffs the Spaniards constructed quarters,
barracks, storehouses, hospital, and magazines for the use of infantry
and artillery. A good wagon-road was built from Tukuran to Lintogud,
connecting the fortified stations of Cristina, Isabel, and Alfonso. Tele-
graphic communication was established between Tukuran and these
stations, and thence to Misamis, at the head of Pangil Bay. Thus it
will be seen that extensive preparations were made by the Spanish
government to prevent Moro raids across the Tukuran isthmus against
the Subanu of the Zamboanga and Dapitan districts. The government
appreciated the peaceful attitude of the Subanu and their industrious
habits as the native farmers of the hills, and General Weyler displayed
a fine sense of justice and high quaUties as a governor by zealously
engaging with generous plans for the protection of a people who pre-
ferred peace and agricultural development to piracy and war.
In a review of the plans of General Weyler for the subjugation of
the Mindanao Moros and for guarding the interests of the Subanu,
Retana writes in 1896 as follows:
Uno de sus primeros cuidados du^ la construccion del camino militar de
Tucuran a Misamis, para establecer una comunicacion de N. a S., que no la
habia en el interior de la isla, am^n de defender a los subanos, gente pacifica,
de las agresiones de los moros, que solian secuestrarlos para reducirlos a la mas
infamante esclavitud. El trazado de esta trocha, justo es decirlo, era obra
enterior a la posesion de Weyler; pero adolecia de grandisimos defectos, y de
Weyler es la gloria de la rectificacci6n, asi como la construccion, que se di6
poer terminada el 12 de Marzo del '90. Mide la trocha 28 kilometros de larga, y
en ella se establecieron los fuertes de Tucuran 6 Alfonso XIII, Infanta Isabel 6
Lubig, y Lintogut, en el fondo de la bahia de Pangil. Desde este ultimo punto
no fu^ posible continuar el camino a Misamis, a causa de ser el terreno panta-
noso; pero se hace por mar a Balatacan, continuandose el camino a Tangot, y
desde aqui a Misamis. Tambien en estos puntos se pusieron fuertes. Prac-
ticaronse reconocimientos, de orden del General, para ver si era posible abrir un
camino desde Lintogut 6 Lubig hacia la punta de Binuni ; pero huba de desis-
tirse por lo mucho que hubiera costado su construccion. Con todo, una vez
establecida la linea de fuertes de la trocha de Tucuran, habia mucho granado
para ir dominando de una manera ef ectiva la parte mas importante de la isla ;
y despiies de situar destacamentos en los puntos mencionados, piisose otro
en Margo-sa-Tiibig, en la bahia de Dumanquilas, a mas de que dicto disposi-
ciones para tener en frecuente relaci6n por mar los principales puntos que
existen desde Dapitan a Cagayan de Misamis, y restablecer el servicio mari-
timo de guerra en la costa Sur de la isla para impedir expediciones piraticas.
After American occupation Tukuran was garrisoned by United
States troops, and telegraphic connection by cable was established with
Zamboanga and Jolo to the south and west, and with Misamis and
Manila to the north. Troops occupied the old Spanish fort at Misamis
6 THB SUBANU.
and the military trocha was maintained in fairly good condition until
the latter part of 1902, when regular troops were removed and the
whole trocha left to the control of the Masibai Moros, under the leader-
ship of Datu Maminton. The Moros took advantage of this absence
of troops to resume their raids upon the Subanu and made it necessary
to reestablish the garrison at Tukuran in January, 1903, and to cause
the trocha to be patrolled from Tukuran to Misamis.
When the regular troops were again withdrawn they were replaced
by native troops, constabulary at first, succeeded in 1908 by Philippine
scouts, which continue to garrison the trocha.
When the Spanish mihtary occupation of the Tukuran-Lintogud-
Misamis trocha ceased, in 1899, by the withdrawal of the troops of
Spain, in accordance with the terms of the treaty of Paris, the Masibai
Moros fell again into control and resumed their depredations against
the Subanu in the Zamboanga district and against the Filipinos and
Subanu in the Misamis district. These raids involved the destruction
of life and property and the carrying of many people into bondage.
A Moro village was reopened at Tukuran on each side of the river;
and the military buildings, together with a Moro kota (fort) on the
west side of the river, were occupied by Moros until they were forced
to abandon the situation by the appearance of American troops on
October 15, 1900. Telegraphic communication was then established
with the north coast at Misamis in time to connect with the Manila
cable on January i, 1901.
Father Pablo Pastell, writing of the native people of Mindanao,
under date of April 20, 1887, says of the Subanu:
The Subanuns are a tribe that has become degenerate because of the per-
secutions which they have had to endure from the Moros, who collect large
tributes from them. They are husbandmen, but the Moros gain the benefit of
their sweat. They are long-suffering and pacific, for they are not accustomed
to the handling of arms. They are also superstitious and ignorant. Their
docility would render their complete reduction very easy. They occupy
almost all the peninsula of Sibuguey and are contiguous to the Moros of Lanao
and of the bay of Illana. The latter make use of them, for they enslave them
in order to make them work their fields. The military road from Tucuran to
Maranding, on the way to Misamis, will destroy the dominion exercised by the
Illanos Moros and those of Lanao over the Subanos, for it will destroy the
piracy and captivity, because of the impossibility of communication across the
trocha. At the same time it will faciHtate the action of the missionaries in the
reduction of the said heathens.
As one of the primitive tribes of Mindanao, the Subanu quite
naturally covered that portion (panhandle) of the great island lying
west of the isthmus of Tukuran, this territory being of uniform topog-
raphy, the interior capable of intercommunication by trails, the streams
small and at frequent intervals, and the soil and timber well adapted
to rude methods of cultivation. Father Combes says that he found
a few Negritos (Aetas) in the Misamis strip, but Barrows, in his chart
THE HOME LAND.
of the races and tribes, shows that they were confined to Surigao in
extreme northeast Mindanao. If these dwarfs ever inhabited any por-
tion of the Zamboanga and Dapitan districts, every trace has long
ago disappeared. These districts, from an aboriginal viewpoint,
form the Subanu country, which has been held by them exclusively,
especially the mountain areas, from the earliest times.
The Subanu have never left their home country (the panhandle of
Mindanao) except as they have been carried away in involuntary ser-
vitude by Moros and Filipinos. Originally occupying the entire land
area to the coast line, they have been gradually driven back into the
most inaccessible portions of the mountainous interior by the raids and
exploitation of their long-time enemies, the Moros and Filipinos.
There is a legend among the Subanu that their first chief was a
giant by the name of Tabunaway; that he lived and ruled over his
people before the appearance of the Moros and therefore before the
coming of the Spaniards; that his residence was near the place now
called Zamboanga, then known as Nawang; that when the first Moros
(about the year 1380) came, they wanted to exchange their fish for the
fruit of the land and guided their boat up a river into the hills for the
purpose ; the fish were placed on the rocks at the landing-place and the
Moros retired to await the coming of the hill people who, when they
came down the trail and saw the strange fish, tried them for food and
were pleased; so they gave of their own food (rice, sugar-cane, and ubi)
and placed it on the stones from which the fish were taken. Thus
began, several centuries ago, the exchange of products between the hill
people and the coast or sea people. The industrial significance of this
primitive trade relation, as a factor in the political and commercial
development of these natives, was not appreciated by the Spanish.
After American occupation in 1 899 the writer began the study of these
trade relations between the hill people and the coast people, which in
1904 resulted in the development of the Moro Exchange system of
markets, trading stores and tribal ward farms, which by June 30, 191 1,
were turning out a business of 1,000,000 pesos annually. So much for
the controlled productive development of a savage people which pro-
vides for honest living and moral responsibility while industrial uplift is
being promoted.
Localities and association with other people affect the Subanu to
some extent, more especially in dialect, in dress, and in methods of
agriculture. According to locality these people may be designated as
follows :
1. Subanu of Dapitan (Illaya valley).
2. Subanu of the Dipolog valley.
3. Subanu of Bukidnon, Misamis strip.
4. Subanu of Manukan valley.
5. Subanu of Sindangan Bay.
6. Subanu of Panganuran and Coronado.
7. Subanu of Siukun (Sicogon, Siocon).
8. Subanu of Kipit (modem Spanish,
Quipit; old Spanish, by Pigafetta,
Chipit, Chippit, Cippit; by the Ro-
teiro, Capyam, Quype; by Peter
Martyr, Chipico; in Transylvanus,
Gibity; and in Barros, Quepindo).
9. Subanu of Malayal and Patalun,
THE SUBANU.
10. Subanu of Belong valley. i6. Subanu of Dipolo valley.
11. Subanu of Tupilak valley. 17. Subanu of Dinas valley.
12. Subanu of Bakalan valley. 18. Subanu of Lubukan valley.
13. Subanu of Lei-Batu valley. 19. Subanu of Labangan valley.
14. Subanu of Sibugai-Sei valley. 20. Subanu of Mipangi valley.
15. Subanu of Dumankilas Bay.
The above localities of Subanu culture are in juxtaposition to a
variety of other native cultures ; the following gives their designations
and the dialects they use :
1. Dapitanos, Cebuan-Visaya dialect.
2. Boholanos, Boholan-Visaya dialect.
3. Joloanos, Sulu-Moro dialect.
4. Zamboangans, Zamboangueno or Taga-
log-Visaya dialect.
5. Samales, Samal-Sulu-Moro dialect.
6. Magindanaos, Magindanao-Moro dialect.
7. Kalibugans, Kalibugan-Moro dialect.
8. lUanos, Illano-Ranao-Moro dialect closely
allied to Magindanao dialect.
POPULATION.
No accurate census of the Subanu people has ever been taken.
The American census of 1903 conducted by General Sanger, U. S. Army,
under the direction of the Philippine Commission, furnished the fol-
lowing data for a portion of the Subanu country, the panhandle of
Mindanao :
The sub-district of Dapitan 5,995
The Misamis strip 3,418
The Zamboanga settlements I3ii70
Total 22,583
The following estimate for 191 2 is taken from the records of the
office of the governor of the District of Zamboanga:
Municipality of Zamboanga.
Municipality of Dapitan. . . .
Tribal Ward No. 2
Tribal Ward No. 3
Tribal Ward No. 4
Tribal Ward No. 5
Tribal Ward No. 6
Tribal Ward No. 7
Bukidnon-Misamis strip . . . .
362
696
10,895
7,636
9,954
4,447
8,521
2,875
4,778
Total 47.164
In 1897 the Spanish general and governor of Mindanao, Gonzalez
Parado, submitted an official estimate of the tribal population of Min-
danao, in which he classifies 16 different tribes of non- Christians and
places the Subanu population at 70,000. It has been found, however,
that the Spanish records of population were not prepared with sufficient
care to insure accuracy, especially in the making of estimates. The
tendency seemed to be in the direction of exaggeration.
DISCOVERY HISTORY.
The first contact of white men with the Subanu was on the north
coast of Mindanao, near what is now Dapitan, by the Magellan expedi-
tion on its way southward from Cebu about May 6, 1521, and described
by Pigafetta as follows :
DISCOVEJRY HISTORY. 9
After coasting along the island of Panilongon (Panglao, off S. E. coast of
Bohol) where black men like those in Ethiopia live, we then came to a large
island (Mindanao) whose king, in order to make peace with us, drew blood
from his left hand, marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a
token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore with the
king in order to see that island. Two hours after nightfall we reached the
king's house, two leguas from the beginning of the river. The king's name is
Raia Calanao. The harbor is an excellent one and is called Chipit.
By some writers this word "Chipit" is interrupted as "Quipit,"
a Moro rancheria on the northwest coast of the Zamboanga peninsula,
about 45 miles south of Dapitan, but without a harbor, and where ships
can not lie with safety during the southwest monsoon.
In 1656 Father Francisco Colin, in writing of the Subanu of the
Dapitan district, describes them as "the nation of Subanos, which is
the most numerous in the island of Mindanao and well disposed toward
evangelical instruction, as they are heathens and not Mahometans, as
are the Mindanaos."
In Pigafetta's account of the voyages of Magellan, 15 19 to 1522, he
refers to the journey from Jolo along the west coast of the Zamboanga
Peninsula as follows:
Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called
Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located about
ten leguas from the reefs. The people of that island make their dwellings in
boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cauit and
Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the
best cinnamon that grows. Laying our course to the northeast, we sailed to a
large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and
Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco.
The identification of this part of the voyage north and east from
Jolo (written Zolo by Pigafetta) is very much involved when it is com-
pared with existing conditions and nomenclature. The Cauit referred
to may be the rancheria of Kauit located in Kauit Bay on the west
coast of the Zamboanga Peninsula, about 30 miles north of the town
of Zamboanga, the present capital of the Moro Province. There is a
small island in Kauit Bay, about one-fourth mile from the submerged
reefs at the coast line, but this island does not answer to Pigafetta's
description of Butuan. The cave of Kaua Kaua, near the western
extremity of the town of Zamboanga, is the location of a very old settle-
ment of non-Christians, which may have been visited by Pigafetta.
The settlement of Subanin might have been a rancheria of Subanu
located near Kaua Kaua. Off to the southeast of Kaua Kaua, about
two miles, lie the islands of Santa Cruz small and Santa Cruz large.
Farther to the east in Basilan Straits are the islands of Coco, Sibago,
Lanhil, Tiktaban, Bilang Bilang, and Sakol, the latter being the largest
of the group — all at the entrance to Sibugay Bay. If Pigafetta entered
this bay on his way south to Sarangani Bay and the Moluccas (October
152 1), he may have seen and visited the island of Buluan with its
10 THE SUBANU.
Subanu settlements, as well as the much larger island of Olutanga at
the entrance to Dumankilas Bay, also in the possession of the Subanu.
But Pigafetta did not tarry long at these places, as he was anxious to
reach the Moluccas to obtain treasure and food.
After leaving Maingdanao, where they laid hold of the brother of
the king of that place, because he could pilot the ships of the fleet to
the Moluccas, the captains changed their course to the southeast and
arrived at Tidor in the Moluccas on Friday, November 8, 152 1 . None
of the fleet returned to the Philippines. The voyage through the archi-
pelagos of Sulu, Basilan, and Mindanao, governed as it was by the
ever-present desire to reach the Moluccas, afforded little opportunity
to study the islands or their inhabitants. The information is indefinite
and subject to much corruption by the transcriptions of many authors
from the original manuscripts of Pigafetta. Blair and Robertson have
exhibited rare skill and the utmost patience and fidelity in present-
ing an English translation and the original Italian, publishing them
together and rigidly preserving the peculiarities of the original text.
Pigafetta may have met some of the Subanu on the north coast of
Mindanao when the fleet stopped near Dapitan, and again on the south
coast, as the ships passed through Sibugay Bay, but the details will
always remain a matter of conjecture whereby the value of the infor-
mation is obscured.
Professor Hirth, the Chinese scholar, thinks that the first observa-
tions upon the Philippines are to be found in the work of Chao-Jukua,
inspector of foreign shipping at Fu-Kien, between the years of 12 10 and
1240. In this work, the Chu-Fanchi or "Description of outside bar-
barians," he speaks of the islands of Po-ni (Borneo), Ma-i (Mindanao
or Panay), and of the Pi-Sho-ye of Taiv/an (Formosa). This latter
name sounds something like "Bisaya, " the native designation for
Visaya. The book mentions also the San-su or "Three Islands. ' ' Book
325 of the History of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1634) of China, as
abstracted by Groeneveldt, refers to the kings (sultans) of Sulu as
attacking Puni (Borneo) in 1638, and of the King of Sulu, Paduka
(Japanese "lord") Pahala, as dying while on a visit to the Emperor of
China at Te-Chou on the Grand Canal (Shantung Province). The
Emperor then recognized his eldest son, Tumohan, as Sultan of Sulu, in
1 4 1 7 , The brother of King Pahala, who was named Suli, made a visit to
China in 142 1 . From this and other extracts it appears that the Chinese
knew of the Mohammedan settlements at Manila and Tondo prior to
the arrival of the Spaniards, and must have carried on a lucrative trade
with them; otherwise the pirate Li-Ma-Hong would not have made such
a desperate attempt to take Manila so soon after its foundation in 157 1.
Saleeby quotes Captain Forrest (Enghsh navigator, 1 774-1 775) as
authority for the statement that the first Mohammedan priest arrived
in Mindanao (Kutabatu valley) in a. d. 1475. Father Combes in 1645
DISCOVERY HISTORY. H
found the natives (Boholano Filipinos) of southwestern Bohol and of
Panglao Hving on the northwest coast of Mindanao at Dapitan. He
calls them "the noble and brave nation of the Dapitans," and refers
to the village of Dapitan as being small at present, but as having been
"one of the most densely populated in the past, the one most respected
for its power, and in our times the whole, both of these conquests and
of their Christian churches." He states:
In a small number reduced to one single village, there is inclosed a nation
apart from all the others and superior to all those discovered in nobility, valor,
fidelity, and Catholicism. They are descended from the island of Bool (Bohol),
where they anciently occupied the strait made by that island and the island
of Panglao. They occupied both shores and the entire island of Panglao.
[Visited by Pigafetta about May 3, 1521, where he found "black men like those
in Ethiopia hve. "] War exiled the Dapitans from their country, a proof of
their valor and the unforeseen accidents of their misfortunes. Among the
j Subanos their valor is so accredited that a Dapitan has nothing to fear among
j a hundred of them. For if they see him ready for them they do not dare to
j attack him, however thirsty for his blood their hatred makes them. The
I Subanos are all the triumphs of the arms of the Dapitans of which the sound
I and vigorous execution has drawn the former from their mountains and made
j settlements of men from savages scattered among the thickets, who are reduced
I to more civilized life.
' It was on the island of Bohol that the Spanish navigator, Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi, about March 15, 1565, entered into a blood compact
i with Sicatuna, the Filipino chief of that island. He found Moros from
; Borneo trading with the Boholanos and also with the Subanu in northern
' Mindanao. The distance from Bohol to Dapitan is about 60 miles
and easily covered by native saiHng craft. The Boholanos still con-
tinue to trade with the Subanu at points along the west coast of the
Zamboanga peninsula from Dapitan to Sindangan, and along the north
, coast from Langaran to Dapitan. Many of the Boholanos are expert
i fishermen and sailors, and some of these people bring their fleets of
fishing boats into Subanu waters and gather large quantities of certain
kinds of fish known as bagon and culasi, which are cured and packed in
salt in large jars called tinajas.
As the Subanu generally do not own boats and are not accustomed
to the sea, they do not know how to fish, and as they greatly enjoy this
class of food they find it convenient to barter with the Boholanos for
both fresh and cured fish.
The mixture of Visayan words with Moro and Subanu is due to the
migration of the Visayans to the shores of northern Mindanao, begin-
ning about 1600. Pigafetta, with the Magellan expedition in 152 1,
refers to the Moros and Visayans as engaged in trade between Cebu
and Mindanao.
Mackinlay, in his Hand-book and Grammar of the Tagalog Lan-
guage, says that "the Arabic words in Tagalog, which are hardly more
than a dozen in number, evidently came in with the Mohammedan
12 THE SUBANU.
religion, and upon the extinction of that faith around the mouth of the
Pasig at Manila, all but a few words fell into disuse. Mohammedanism
could hardly have become established in the Tagalog region before 1450
to 1500, as it came very slowly from India or Arabia to Java, and thence
by way of Borneo and Sulu to the Bay of Manila and the Pasig valley.
Some Arabic words were adopted by the Spanish and thus brought into
the vocabulary of the Tagalog."
SLOW MODIFICATION OF CULTURE.
Accustomed as they are by nature or forced by necessity to occupy
the isolated interior of the country, Combes observed their cultural
backwardness by referring to the —
natural barbarism of the Subanuns, living, as they do, in high, wild country,
with as little sociability as animals, and having their houses placed a league
apart, wherever one of them may be pleased to make himself a settlement.
They lack civilization as well as human intercourse, for they are so opposed by
nature to intercommunication that they grow old in their rancherias without
being drawn by curiosity from their settlements, or seeing the sea, although
some of them live within sound of its waves ; and if necessity or gain does bring
them in sight of its shores, they are contented with that, without seeking to
attempt fortune through its dangers.
This lack of inquisitiveness by the Subanu as noted by Combes
is not peculiar to them, for the writer has had occasion to observe a
marked indifference on the part of members of other non-Christian
tribes in Mindanao (Kalibugans, Samal Lutangans, lUanuns, and Magin-
danaos) to passing events of a novel nature. The well-known custom
of Americans and Europeans of the rustic and middle classes to view
strange sights with ignorant wonder and prolonged attention is mark-
edly absent from the characteristics of the wild people of Mindanao,
and especially from the Subanu. Even when temporarily visiting the
larger coast towns, the Subanu give strict attention to the business
that brings them there and usually, after its completion, make early
departure for their homes.
As late as August, 191 1, the writer observed Subanu (men of adult
age) visiting the rancheria of Sindangan, on the west coast of the Zam-
boanga peninsula, viewing the sea, for the first time in their existence,
with considerable equanimity. Finally one of the men rushed forward
into the gentle surf and caught up with his two hands a quantity of
the sea water, carrying it to his mouth, for the purpose of drinking to
quench thirst, when he was seen to spit it out and to back away from
the surf. When his companions advanced to learn the cause they
were informed by him that the water was umpet (bitter) and unfit to
drink. There was a general exclamation of surprise and disappoint-
ment that such a vast body of water as Sindangan Bay, evidently clean
and pure, could not be used for drinking and cooking. It was explained
to them that the alleged bitterness was due to the presence of salt held
SLOW MODIFICATION OF CUI.TURE. 13
in solution and in such a way that they could not see it but could taste
it. The explanation was continued further to show the Subanu how
the salt cakes were made by the KaHbugans, at certain of their coast
rancherias, by the artificial evaporation of sea water. For years these
Subanu had been trading vegetables, mountain rice, and corn in exchange
for salt cakes, but had not the slightest idea how the cakes were made
and no curiosity to find the source of supply. The Kalibugans had
learned from the Chinese traders the process of making salt cakes from
sea water. The Subanu are very fond of this salt imasin) to use with
their food and are always ready to make a trade for it.
In spite of continued contact with these alien influences, the
Subanu have preserved their tribal unity, their distinct customs, their
dialect, and their religion. The situation is a remarkable one, consider-
ing their simple patriarchal form of government and lack of warlike
instincts, and probably they could not have withstood the aggressive
control of outside forces but for the fact that as this pressure became
more and more persistent the Subanu moved farther and farther into
the inaccessible interior. Here they found vast areas of rich virgin
soil, wild fruits and vegetables in abundance, together with wild fowl
and swine, and an abundance of fresh-water streams.
The strongest external influence has been that exerted by the
Moros (Mohammedans) , far exceeding the powerful efforts made by the
Catholic Church through its zealous missionaries, backed up by gov-
ernment forces. As a result of the Moro influence, a new tribal name
was long ago given those Subanu who became converts to Moham-
medanism; such converts are KaUbugans (Kalibogans) . The word is
made up of the Visaya radical lihug or lihog, and the Magindanao-Sulu
prefix ka and suffix an. The radical signifies "of mixed blood" or "of
mixed faith" and may be applied to persons and animals; thus, the
offspring of a free person and a slave; of one race with another; of a
wild animal with a domesticated one; of one tribe with another; or a
marriage between persons of different religious beliefs, as a Subanu
with a Moro, or a Spaniard with a native. The particles ka and an are
used to form derivative nouns, and in this construction the name Kali-
bugan signifies a person of mixed Subanu and Moro blood. In marriages
of this combination the Subanu invariably becomes a convert to Islam-
ism; the reverse has never been reported. Once a Mohammedan,
always so, is the historical record of this faith throughout the world.
The Subanu who becomes a Kalibugan is at once freed from the
stigma of being considered an infidel and is established upon a footing
of friendliness and of freedom from many annoyances and burdens
which the Moros have always placed upon the Subanu, including peon-
age and slavery. Having become a Kalibugan, the Subanu usually
abandons the hills and becomes a coast dweller. Therefore the Kali-
bugan villages are found on the coast line of the Subanu country.
14 THE SUBANU.
Christie says (1909) of the Kalibugans:
As a matter of fact, many of the people included under this name are of
pure Subanu blood (converts to Mohammedanism). Personal observation
of many of them has convinced me that in most of them the Subanun strain is
much stronger than the Samal, the Ilanun, or the Magindanan. Indeed the
majority of Kalibugan settlements are of Subanun speech, though close inter-
course vnth Moro groups has led to the adoption of some foreign words; the
economic life is Subanun, the Kalibugan making a li\dng by agriculture of the
Kaingin or forest-clearing type. Many Kalibugans in fact are merely Suban-
uns converted to Mohammedanism and mark the line of contact of Subanun
culture with Islam, just as the ' ' new Christians ' ' mark that with Christianity.
Kalibugan settlements are started usually by the marriage of some
Samal, Ilanun, or Magindanao fisherman or trader with one or more
Subanu girls. This necessitates conversion on their part, and the
family or families, if there are several Moros, serve as the nucleus of a
Mohammedan community. Mohammedanism presents itself to the
Subanu with the prestige of a superior civilization, and first the relatives
of the Subanu wives of Moros and then other neighboring Subanu are
attracted to the Mohammedan religion and culture. For a long time
the customs and beliefs of such a community are mixed (the writer has
seen Pagan religious ceremonies performed in Kalibugan villages), but
the drift is constantly toward complete assimilation by the Moro cul-
ture. In the Kalibugan settlements of to-day we see going on before
our eyes the process which constituted the various Moro tribes of Min-
danao. An account of the origin and growth of the Kahbugan villages
of the peninsula (Subanu country) might correctly be entitled, "How
a Moro tribe is made."
I have often asked the natives, both Christian and non-Christian,
to explain the difference between a Kalibugan and a Subanu. A native
of the latter tribe has generally avoided a reply, conveying an impres-
sion to me that he strongly disapproved of the apostasy of his fellow
tribesman. WHien an explanation came it was usually attended with a
contemptuous expression of countenance or of words. I have observed
instances of this contempt exhibited by Moros, in place of satisfaction
and pleasure that a convert had been gained to Islam. Even among
these savage people a backshder loses caste and seldom regains his
former status among the members of his new organization and faith.
From a respected Subanu the backslider does not become an equally
respected Moro or Mohammedan. He is suspected by the Moros as not
being sincere, and is an outcast from his maternal tribe, the Subanu.
Therefore these people, these apostates, have gathered together
in separate villages where they have gradually acquired the distinctive
name of Kalibugans. The name is sometimes used as a term of
reproach when referring to bad conduct or the commission of a crim-
inal act. Kahbugans generally lead a wretched existence and their
settlements are usually the abode of poverty, distress, and illness.
THE INDUSTRIAI, hWH. 15
The nearest relatives among the Subanu sometimes come to the
relief of their apostate Kalibugans when death is about to claim them,
or some enemy is seeking their undoing, or the strong arm of the law is
reaching out to inflict punishment for misdeeds.
A Kalibugan carries his record with him in his name and in his
affiliations. Among the various Pagan and Moro tribes of the pan-
handle of Mindanao, in the Sulu Archipelago and in the Basilan group,
the Kahbugan is generally a vagabond ; the door of welcome and pros-
perity seems closed to him among all classes of the native people. The
Moros having general supervision over Kalibugan settlements provide
for the maintenance of the Mohammedan hierarchy therein and thus
hold these apostate Subanu in subjection and in obedience to the faith.
Religious appointments are therefore held by Kalibugans, and in
this manner they can be employed to proselytize among the heathen
Subanu.
THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE.
The very name Subanu constitutes the possessor thereof a farmer.*
His life is spent in the fields and forests. His sustenance is drawn from
the earth by primitive agricultural methods. He seeks the isolated
and wildest portions of the interior and relies upon his strength and
native ingenuity to cope with nature and wring from it a means of living
for himself and his family.
The method of cultivation pursued by the Subanu is known as the
kaingin system. It consists of clearing a piece of forest and planting
the land by the use of a sharpened stick to make holes in the ground to
receive the seed. The ground is not plowed, spaded, or harrowed, and
after the second season is usually abandoned for a new clearing. Agri-
cultural development is seriously retarded by want of proper methods,
the lack of efficient labor, and the varying prices of the staple products.
The native planter can contend with low prices and insufficient and
inefficient labor with much better success than can the Americans and
Europeans likewise engaged. The latter have not only more expensive
methods of Hving, but their cost of operating plantations is much
greater. The kaingin method of farming involves a great waste of
labor and materials and must be eventually interdicted by appropriate
laws, rigidly enforced. Under section 25 of Act No. 1 148 of the Philip-
pine Commission :
The cutting, clearing, or destroying of the public forests or the forest
reserves, or any part thereof, for the purpose of making kaingins, without
lawful authority, is hereby prohibited. And whoever, in violation of this pro-
vision, shall cut, clear, or destroy the same, for such purpose, or shall wilfully
or negligently set fire thereto, shall, upon conviction by a court of competent
jurisdiction, be punished by a fine not exceeding a sum equivalent to twice the
regular government charge upon the timber so cut, cleared, or destroyed, and,
*The sole instance of the word in the accompanying vocabulary is somoctoloan noc
subanon, with the definition "peasant." — W. C.
16 THE) SUBANU.
in addition thereto by imprisonment not exceeding thirty days, in the dis-
cretion of the court.
The author has held many meetings with the mountain people,
including both Christians and non-Christians, and has explained to
them the great waste attendant upon the practice of the kaingin
method of agriculture. The cleared land is not cultivated in any sense,
but only planted between the stumps. This method may be briefly
described in its regular order of development as follows :
1 . Ruthless cutting of timber, saving not even desirable trees for shade, j
2. Leaving the timber, good and bad, where it falls until dry enough to burn.
3. Indiscriminate burning of all fallen timber, with no effort to preserve
any portion of it for lumber or for building purposes.
4. No efforts to improve the land by removing stumps, partially burned
timber, or stones.
5. The land thus cleared is planted to rice, corn, camotes, uhi, gabi, tobacco,
vegetables, buyo, and occasionally some fruit like bananas and papayas. Seed
is placed in small holes made with sharpened sticks; tubers, cuttings, and
young plants are transplanted.
6. The soil is moist, covered with rich humus, very fertile and easily
cultivated, but soon dries out by reason of the absence of all shade, although
the ashes and humus afford considerable protection from the burning rays of
the sun and the drying effect of the winds.
7. After planting, the clearing is generally neglected. If the seeds germi-
nate, the plants take care of themselves. The weeds and second tree growth
have an equal chance with the crops.
8. The crops receive attention only to prevent their destruction by
monkeys, rats, mice, wild hogs, wild fowl, deer, and insect pests.
9. Crops are harvested when mature and the surplus, over and above that
required for daily consumption, is stored in large cylindrical baskets, in size
about 5 by 10 feet, open at both ends, the lower end resting on a platform
raised about 4 feet above the ground. These granaries are called lulu tongalang
and consist of several baskets placed side by side and covered over with a grass
or nipa shed. The baskets are usually made from the split stalks of the bagaki
rattan, woven into a large mat of little squares; when of the required dimen-
sions, this is rolled into the cylindrical basket and the two ends fastened
together with strips of bejuco rattan. These baskets are sometimes made
from the inner bark of the bakawan tree or from the dried fronds of the areca
palm.
10. This terminates the first year of the kaingin method of agriculture as
followed by the Subanu. In beginning the second year an effort is made to
burn off the grass, weeds, and second tree growth that have made great head-
way during the progress of the first year's crops. The burning must be done
during the dry period and is generally only partially successful, but the ashes
mulch the soil and preserve the moisture therein.
1 1 . There is no plowing or other form of upturning of the soil. The seeds
are placed in holes made by a sharpened stick, as at the beginning of the first
year, but they do not germinate as successfully as when the land is cleaner
and more moist. The refuse growth of the first year has diminished the
fertility of the soil.
12. It now becomes a question of the survival of the strongest — crops,
weeds, or second tree growth. The same protection as during the first year
must be exercised against monkeys, wild hogs, rats, mice, deer, and insects.
THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE. 17
13. If the crops survive against all obstacles, harvesting follows, but with
greater difficulty than in the first year, owing to the established headway of
the grass, weeds, and second growth. The surplus crops are stored at the
close of the second year of the kaingin cultivation.
14. At the beginning of the third year the old kaingin is abandoned if the
cogon grass shows strong development and the second tree growth has made
vio"orous headway. A new kaingin is now sought, the forest cut down and
burned, and the same process of cultivation and harvesting followed as in the
first and second years.
15. If the old kaingin is cultivated for the third and fourth years the same
method is observed as in the first and second years, but with diminishing suc-
cess, by reason of the lack of proper tillage.
16. The Subanu justifies the kaingin method of agriculture on the basis
of ignorance, poverty, lack of proper implements, and the absence of working
animals. There must also be added the lack of incentive to improve, because
of the exploitation of these hill people by the coast dwellers. Whenever the
former gave signs of prosperity, the latter formed and finally executed schemes
to gain the entire surplus of the hill people. To rid themselves, as far as pos-
sible, from these parasites, the Subanu moved farther inland and sought the
most inaccessible places for their temporary houses.
17. The kaingin farmer can not successfully develop the cogon clearing,
his only implements being the pes (chopping knife), with a blade about 14
inches long and with a round or square head; the hilamon (digging knife),
smaller than the pes; the gwasay (grubbing knife and adze), a sort of axe \vith a
blade about 13 inches long and about 5 inches wide at the cutting edge, and
tapering back to about an inch at the head. This knife is fastened in a handle
corresponding in form and size to that used with the American axe. For har-
vesting rice and digging roots and tubers smaller knives of various shapes
are used.
18. Cogon grass is a rapidly growing plant of tough fiber and sometimes
reaches a height of 10 to 12 feet. When thrown down by the wind and rain
it forms an impenetrable, tangled mass which will yield only to the knife and
fire. When young and about 10 inches high the grass is tender and excellent
for grazing. When 18 inches to 2 feet it may be cut for cattle fodder. When
5 to 8 feet in height the grass is cut for thatching, especially when the nipa
palm can not be obtained.
The kaingin method of farming has deforested many thousands
of acres of the finest timber in the Subanu country and has been very
destructive of such natural resources. The practice still prevails to a
large extent, both in and out of the Subanu territory. The law pro-
hibiting the system is ineffective for want of sufficient forestry inspectors
and lack of funds to employ them. It is evident that this system is
not profitable either to the government or to the hill people, nor is it the
best that can be done by the government for the welfare of these people.
The Public Law Act No. 926, as amended by No. 979 of the PhiHppine
Commission, provides a homestead (free land) of 40 acres for natives
of the islands. The conditions under which this presentation is made
by the government involve many complications and delays connected
with the cadastral survey of the land, in order to secure a reliable title in
the name of the native, who stands in urgent need of a permanent home
and a greater degree of prosperity than he has ever before possessed.
18 THE SUBANU.
Placing the wandering Christians, Moros, and Pagans permanently
upon homesteads by the government will do more to civilize them and
add to their prosperity and that of the government than any other
measure that can be undertaken for the development of these dependent
people. The best method for this work requires most careful study and
due consideration of all of the factors entering into the solution of the
problem — such, for example, are the tribal relations, tribal customs,
religious peculiarities, prescriptive land titles, acquired rights, surrender
of weapons and interdiction of their use, the improvement of trails, the
establishment of government exchanges and trading stores, the opera-
tion of model tribal ward farms, and the harmonizing of all differences
between the hill people and the coast dwellers or shore people.
The dependent peoples of the various Moro and Pagan tribes are
wards of the government and must receive instruction and supervision
carried out by government officials in the most faithful and patient
manner. They must be taught the advantages of a permanent home,
the benefits to be derived from the legal possession of land, its proper
cultivation, the maintenance and education of a family, the making of
an honest living, respect for the rights of others, and obedience to the
law. As these people must be developed along industrial lines, even
before school training is provided for to any considerable extent, it is
imperative that the government devise ways and means for promoting
and maintaining agriculture, trade, and commerce among them, thus
bringing their labor and the products of their labor to the markets of
the world. To this end the writer has great faith in the exchanges,
trading stores, and tribal ward farms organized by him in 1904 and 1906,
while governor of the District of Zamboanga.
The Subanu cultivate principally mountain rice, corn, camote,
and tobacco. Next to rice their main dependence for food is upon the
camote (sweet potato or yam). Two other tubers or esculent roots
are grown for food, known as gabi (gabe) and ubi (ube)* Both are
cultivated like the potato and must be thoroughly boiled in order to
destroy their poisonous constituent before being used for food. The
camote, gabi, and ubi are also made into preserves and sweetmeats;
they are roasted as well as boiled. Gabi and ubi throw up stalks with
large leaves, while the native camote produces a running vine that
*Lack of botanical identification of these vegetables is quite sufficient complication in
itself; the confusion is increased by the doubtful English names of camote. The yam is
properly one of several species of Dioscorea, the sweet potato Batatas edulis; the two articles
of food are in no likelihood of being confused. But in the United States, more particularly
in the South, yam is frequently applied to the sweet potato. I infer that here we are under
the influence of this dialectic usage. The camote, so far as the philological record may
instruct us, is clearly Batatas. The name was transported by the galleons from Acapulco to
Manila, for it is the Aztec camotl ibericized; the possibility that in yet more distant and
far less readily comprehensible transport camotl of Mexico has become kumara of Polynesia
is attractive but wide of the present inquiry. The true Dioscorea yam is here identifiable
as ubi, the Polynesian ufi. The gabi of this text is undoubtedly the Polynesian kape, the
bitter giant taro, Colocasia. — W. C.
run INDUSTRIAIv UFE. 19
covers the ground with a mass of leaves that are sometimes boiled and
used as greens. The Subanu occasionally cultivate a tuber called
camote-cahoy {camoting-cahoy , guccu or cassava) , whose fecula is known
as tapioca. In preparing the root for food it is necessary to grate, wash,
and press it so as to express the juice. The remaining material is the
flour or tapioca, which is white or yellowish-white in color, sweetish in
taste, and somewhat insipid. It is much valued in medicine on account
of its digestibihty and is often used as food for children and sick people.
Camote-cahoy grows above ground as a shrub, having a single stalk 4
to 6 feet in height, with a tuft of succulent leaves at the top.
When the rice crop fails the Subanu make use of buri and luntbia or
lumhay. Both belong to the palm family and grow to trees of large
size, topped with large fan-Hke leaves, all gathered at the apex of the
tree, like the coconut palm. The interior of the entire trunk of these
trees forms a starchy flour which is used for food and is of great nutri-
tive value. The bagsang palm is used in a similar manner, and also the
pagahan and canong palms, each of which supplies a starchy flour or
kind of sago that forms an excellent article of food. The Subanu do
not cultivate any of these sago palms, but search for them in the forests,
especially along the streams, and mark the locahties so that when this
class of food is required the trees can be found and converted into flour.
When cultivated crops entirely fail because of droughts and the
ravages of insect pests, the Subanu must resort to the several varieties
of the sago palm and to certain wild edible roots for food. In some
localities they cultivate an excellent squash, egg-plant, and melon. To
some extent bananas, papayas, pineapples, nangcas, and lanzones are
cultivated for fruit. There are several varieties of bananas in the
Subanu country, some of which are eaten raw, while others must be
cooked to prepare them for food. Pedro Delgado enumerates and
describes 57 varieties of bananas grown in the Phihppine Islands, vary-
ing greatly in form and taste, and all available for food.
Fences are made of split bamboo and small poles about the size of
the thumb. The poles are set upright in the ground and fastened
together at the top and midway by interlacing of tough roots (baging)
or with whole bejuco rattans. The bamboo fences are flimsily made;
sometimes only rattan strands are used with neither posts nor other sup-
ports . The more civilized Subanu employ fence-like hedges of a rapidly
growing tree, set in the ground as stakes as close together as possible ;
these stakes never fail to take root. When 6 to 8 feet high they are
lopped off and interlaced with split rattans.
To a hmited extent the Subanu cultivate coconuts and employ the
nuts for food and for trade. Hemp (abaca) is grown and the fiber used
for rope and for weaving cloth, the surplus being exchanged in the mar-
kets for manufactured articles. From the forests the Subanu gather
gutta-percha, almaciga, bulitic, and beeswax, all used in trade.
20 THE SUBANU.
As might be expected, these people are expert woodsmen and pos-
sess an acute sense of locaHty, which enables them to travel the trackless
forests and thick swamps of the tropical jungles without losing their
way. They are therefore trustworthy and tireless guides and, being
accustomed to living on wild fruit and roots, in emergency can endure
long journeys with the minimum food supply.
To supplement the use of tobacco and for chewing purposes the
Subanu cultivate the areca palm which produces the favorite betel nut,
the pit of which is overlaid with a thick greenish-colored meat that is
split into sections for chewing. The nut is somewhat smaller than the
pecan and retains its green color when mature. In connection with this
nut there is used the buyo leaf, taken from the buyo plant cultivated
like hops and trained upon poles or low-growing trees. The entire
chewing quid is composed of a small leaf of tobacco, a section of betel-
nut, one buyo leaf, and a small quantity of paste made of shell lime and
ginger root mixed sometimes with coconut oil and sometimes with
water. Women generally omit the tobacco, as do the Christian Fili-
pinos. The Moros and Pagans always use the tobacco in this combina-
tion. This root gives the dark-red color to the spittle, lips, and teeth
while chewing, which makes the habit so disgusting to foreigners. When
he can afford it the Subanu purchases, usually from the Chinese trader,
a few pieces (squares about the size of loaf sugar) of gambler (terra
japonica) for mixture with the other parts of the chewing quid. Gam-
bier acts as an astringent, heals mouth sores, reduces the sensitiveness
of filed teeth, and heightens the dark-red color of the spittle. This
remarkable combination for chewing is placed in a betel-nut box, which
may be suspended from the shoulder, carried in a bag or basket at the
side, like a haversack, or in a belt or sash tied about the waist. The
betel-nut quid is considered more useful than food when severe exertion
becomes necessary, and all classes of natives resort to its use. The
habit when once formed is difficult to abandon, and in that respect is
akin to the opium habit, but is not by any means so deleterious and
degrading to the human system.
The Subanu cultivate the areca palm, the buyo plant, tobacco, and
ginger root. The lime is obtained from the burning of sea shells, which
is generally done by KaHbugans and Moros, and therefore must be
obtained from them as a matter of trading. When for any purpose it is
desired to employ Subanu as guides or for other form of labor, their
attitude toward the work and their cheerfulness and efficiency in per-
forming it will be greatly improved and enhanced by supplying them
beforehand with mountain rice and the materials for the betel-nut
chewing quid.
Subanu are very fond of smoking a sort of cigarette made of native
leaf-tobacco and the soft inner husk of the corn. The tobacco is
wrapped within this husk and the whole is so folded as to take the shape
CONSTRUCTION AND I.OCATION OF HOUSES. 21
of a cornucopia; the small end is placed in the mouth when smoking.
In the absence of corn husks, dried banana leaves or the nipa frond are
used as wrappers for cigarette smoking.
When out of native leaf -tobacco, if they can afford the luxury,
Subanu will purchase, from abulante traders, the famous Chinese hun'
tobacco that so deUghts the palate of the non-Christians of the Moro
Province. In order properly to control the importation of this tobacco
in that province and prevent smugghng, the Legislative Council enacted
two laws in March and April, 1906, which provide that "each distrib-
uting agent shall sell the tobacco delivered to him to Moros and Pagans,
in quantities of not to exceed ten pounds, to any individual during a
calendar month for cash, at a price fixed by the District Secretary."
The Subanu are neither boatmen nor fishermen, and whenever it
becomes necessary for them to make journeys by water they seek the
assistance of their Kalibugan relatives who have become coast dwellers,
or of some friendly Moros or Filipinos. These sea trips are very seldom
taken and only resorted to in case of emergency or when travel by land
is impossible. Although vegetarians in their diet, Subanu will eat
fish, fowl, and the meat of the wild hog and deer when their crops have
failed or the supplies stored have run low; in some localities in recent
years they have raised goats and cattle for food, using the latter for
work also.
CONSTRUCTION AND LOCATION OF HOUSES.
With few exceptions the houses of the Subanu are of temporary
construction, due to their wandering habits, to the kaingin farming,
and to raids and exploitation by the shore people. Native materials
are used with no attempt at ornamentation and very little regard for
personal comfort. No matter what the size, the house consists of but
one room which may be temporarily subdivided into apartments by
hanging mats and screens. There are no windows as such. Light is
admitted by the one or more doorways and through numerous openings
in the imperfect walls and roof. The floor is elevated above the ground
from 3 to 30 feet, according to the nature of the soil, the kind of building
material available, the danger from predatory animals, and the near-
ness and character of the shore people. The building is supported upon
numerous poles of varying size, according to the convenience of obtain-
ing the material. Where a more permanent structure is desired, heavy
logs are used for uprights. No matter how many doorways may be
provided, entrance to the house is restricted to one only. This is a
matter of precaution. Sometimes a pole stairway with steps is provided,
but usually only a single pole with notches cut in it, which can be used
conveniently and safely only by a person with bare feet. Boys and
girls run freely up and down these notched poles ; older persons support
themselves by their hands when on the ladders. Men and women
22 THE SUBANU.
alike enter the house from the ladders facing inward ; they come out
backward and descend the notched pole in the same position; but
where the house has a ladder with treads they come out and descend
forward.
The Subanu seldom build their houses in trees, except in the case of
small watch towers used by guards for protecting the crops from wild
animals and birds.
The materials for thatching are the leaves of the nipa palm, the
coconut palm, and cogon grass. For the walls, bagaki rattan is used
when available and in its absence any of the thatch materials are
employed. The floor is always open; that is, composed of strips of
palma brava, split bamboo, or small tangal poles, laid about an inch
apart and bound to the stringers or joists with split bejiico rattan.
The open floor permits of the free circulation of air and of the passing of
all refuse to the ground below. This open floor is of great economic
importance to the Subanu and is generally used by all classes of Moros
and Pagans and by many Filipinos. The ground underneath the house
becomes a refuse heap where the domestic animals of the owner search
for food and find a place of refuge from the sun and rain. When in the
course of time this pile of waste rises near the floor, the Subanu owner
may abandon his house and erect another or, if not already at a consider-
able height, decide to raise the building some 5 feet or more. It never
occurs to this child of the forest and hills that the refuse can be removed
from time to time and destroyed by fire, as an economic and sanitary
project of the first importance. Houses are built near fresh water if
possible, provided isolation and security can be obtained.
The Subanu are a peace-loving people. They love the solitude
and quiet of undisturbed natural surroundings. So long and persist-
ently have they been hunted by the raiding Moros and Filipinos that
they seek seclusion and usually establish their houses where it is most
difficult to gain an approach to them — for example, near the bottom of
a deep gulch or upon the projecting point of some hill or on some moun-
tain peak. From a nearby elevation one may catch a glimpse of the
shack through the swaying foliage and then search for hours to find the
blind trail leading to it.
The safe placing of the home is of prime importance and after
that comes the location of the kaingin farm. They are not often near
together, since fertile land does not always coincide with a favorable
spot for the protection of the house. In the event of a wide distance
between the house and the farm the Subanu usually makes a small
planting about the former; about the more or less permanent home
he may erect small shacks for the storage of harvested crops, although
in most instances some portion of the house is used for that purpose.
If the granary is placed under the house that section is protected from
the receipt of waste material passed through the open floor.
MANUFACTURES. 23
The furnishings of the house are usually of the barest necessities,
especially where the building has been placed in an exposed location and
the occupants may be interrupted by visits from strangers. The cook-
ing may be done on the ground and the food carried into the house for
eating, or the women may employ the small burned-clay stove in the
house and prepare the food on the floor. No chairs or stools are used.
When resting the members of the family squat upon their haunches and
can easily maintain this position for hours. The posture in sitting is
that of a squat on the full soles with the buttocks just clear of the ground
or floor, knees and calves apart and the arms resting on the knees.
When the buttocks rest upon the floor the calves are approximated
to the thighs and the arms are brought forward over the knees. When
the posture is free and there is no rest for the back the body inclines
forward on the knees. This posture is the same for men, women, and
children. In general it is observed that the women maintain a wider
angle between the legs when sitting and more frequently support the
back. The family sleep on the floor, using grass or rattan mats and
pillows made from tree cotton {kapok) .
The women boil rice between banana leaves in an earthenware
vessel, or in an iron pot when it can be obtained. One leaf section is
placed at the bottom and the other is used as a cover. When the water
boils away, more is added until the rice is thoroughly cooked.
MANUFACTURES.
The women excel in the making of pottery and in the weaving of
cloth. Both men and women engage in the construction of mats,
baskets, hats, and screens from grass, bejuco, bamboo, bagaki (reed), and
palma brava. These mats are colored by dyeing and by burning. The
grass mats are colored with native dyes, and those made from heavier
materials of bejuco, bamboo, bagaki, and palma brava are burned. Sev-
eral colors (principally shades of red, yellow, and green) are produced
with dyes, but these colors will fade in the sun and when washed. Both
the coloring and burning are sometimes arranged so as to produce vari-
ous designs and even to represent animals and birds which the people
are accustomed to see. Light materials, such as leaves and cornhusks,
are fastened to the mats in forms to represent the designs, and when dry
are carefully burned off. To deepen the color, more material is laid on
and greater heat produced.
Cloth is made from the fiber of hemp, banana stalks, and the leaves
of the pineapple. Baskets are made from the leaves of the pandan
grass, of the buri palm, and of the nitu.
Pillows are made from kapok (tree cotton) and from the catkins or
fruit of a species of wild hop that grows as a low bush.
Dyes are obtained from the leaves and roots of herbs and from
the bark and leaves of trees. Safflower or alazor produces both red
24 THE SUBANU.
and yellow colors. The bcUanti tree supplies a black coloring matter.
The roots of hancuro afford a red color. The hagolihas tree yields a
dye of yellowish-brown. The sibucao raltar tree furnishes a red coloring
matter and is very abundant in the forests. The bacauan tree, found
in all mangrove swamps, yields a reddish coloring matter.
In most of the Subanu settlements men may be found who are
fairly good wood-carvers and others who are capable of fashioning from
steel, brass, and iron the various implements used in agriculture and
in household work and hunting. The men prepare various forms of
nets or snares from bejuco, bamboo, and hemp fiber for the captm-e of
wild fowl and wild pigs. A bellows is constructed from bamboo and
bejuco for blacksmith work.
Wild Subanu and other pagan tribes make fire by rubbing dry sticks
in either the plow or the drill method. The sticks are well seasoned
and are kept in the shelter of the house until needed; in journeys they
are carried on the person in baskets. The spark of fire developed by
the friction is caught in a nest of dry grass or dry bamboo scrapings.
The fireplace is a sand box within the house, commonly in a small room
which serves as kitchen, but if in the living room it is set in a corner.
The smoke escapes as best it may through the window and door open-
ings and the house is generally much smoked. In boats a small baked
clay stove is used ; this has scalloped sides, is some 1 8 inches long by 6
inches wide and 5 inches deep. Those open at the bottom are set
within a sand box when in use ; those closed with an earthenware bottom
receive the fire without the sand box. In the open conntry, fires when
used outside of the houses are made in a pit in the ground, kindled with
grass and leaves, and brought to heat with dry fagots and limbs ; the
food is roasted above the flame. Sometimes fires are built under the
houses for the purpose of smoking the interior.
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT.
So far as known the Subanu have never congregated into villages,
as do the Moros and Filipinos. Their tribal government is patriarchal
and each chief governs by paternal right, subject to the will of the
people. Such communal chief has the title of t muai and holds it only
while acting as headman of the community. The term timuai {timu-
way or timway) is a Magindanao Moro word meaning chief or leader,
adopted by the Subanu and by some other hill tribes in Mindanao to
designate their headmen. The title was first used by Tabunaway, ruler
of Magindanao (Kutu Watu, Kota Batu, Cotabato) about a. d. 1470.
Tabunaway was succeeded by Sharif Mohamad Kabungsuwan, about
A. D. 1475, from whom all present-day Moros profess their descent.
The Moro title of datu is sometimes taken by Subanu in addition
to the Subanu title of timuai. Both signify chief, but the latter con-
veys greater power in that it combines in one person both civil and
<l
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. 25
religious authority. The title datu conveys only civil authority. The
old Subanu title of panungo signifies "chief of chiefs" and ceases upon
the death of the man upon whom the unusual honor has been conferred
by a council of timuai. No young man can hold the title of panungo,
as it is reserved for men of age, long experience, popularity, and success.
When superseded by another headman the title of timuai becomes
honorary until the late incumbent may again be called to assume the
direction of his community. Once a timuai, the recipient of the honor
is hable at any time during his Hfe to further active service as headman
(especially if he has been faithful in the discharge of pubUc duty), when
not prevented by physical infirmities. In some cases where such head-
men have been notably efficient in leadership and very popular with the
people, the commonalty have insisted upon his remaining in office until
the very moment of his death. Among the Subanu the family is the
governmental unit. The father is the head of the family and its abso-
lute ruler. He holds the power of life and death. An association or
confederation of famiHes forms a community under the leadership of a
timuai. Family rights are supreme and therefore the right of secession
from the community inheres in the head of the family. When a family
becomes dissatisfied with the conduct and control of a headman the
father secedes and places his family under the domination of some other
timuai. This does not always involve a change of residence but more
often only a change of allegiance. Under these conditions the family
becomes sufficient unto itself as an independent governing unit in all
matters except those pertaining to its relation with other families in the
same class. The tribal government of the Subanu has evolved the exec-
utive timuai and clothed that official with the necessary authority to
adjust the relations between the families of a confederation or com-
munity. The size of such a community depends upon the abiHty and
popularity of the timuai in charge. Families go and come and give the
headman due notice of the change. In this respect perfect freedom is
accorded the families.
Recognizing the independence of the families as a fundamental
principle of Subanu social order, these people have thus far resisted all
appeals and efforts by the Spanish and American governments to gather
them into towns. The Subanu dearly cherish the independence and
freedom of the family unit and look with suspicion and even fear upon
the many restrictions that must of necessity be imposed upon people
when they are closely associated in communities. As soon as the young
men take to themselves wives they break away from the old family
home and estabhsh new family units at remote points, where they can
enjoy all the freedom of their peculiar nomadic Hfe.
At various times the Jesuit priests have made strenuous and per-
sistent efforts to estabhsh village life among the Subanu, especially in
the sub-district of Dapitan, but the plan was not successful.
26 THE SUBANU.
CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS.
The Subanu are lighter in color than either the Mores or the Fili-
pinos who surround them. They have high foreheads, but rather flat
noses ; mild countenances, with well-set and expressive eyes. The hair
is long, straight, and jet-black. While these people are not wholly
beardless, usually very little hair appears upon the face. The head is
covered with a heavy mat that is coarse and refractory. When the
men permit the hair to grow long, they fold and tie it in a knot at the
back of the head, as do the women. The latter do not approve of the
men wearing long hair, looking upon it as a mark of weakness. The
women use their turban or head-cloth to hold the hair in place. They
sometimes do up with the hair a braid of hemp or banana fiber dyed of a
color to match the hair. This fiber braid is used as a switch of false
hair to augment the mass where the natural hair is thin and insufficient
from any cause. Sometimes a small tuft of hair grows upon the chin of
the males, and the possessor favors and protects it with much patience
and pride.
The limbs are well rounded, clean, and supple. The whole form is
attractive in youth and in middle age, because of fine muscular develop-
ment, light color, and general freedom from deformities. The young
women are graceful in form, of pleasing countenance, modest and indus-
trious. All native women in the tropics lose their attractive features
early in fife, owing to the climate, the severities of motherhood, and the
burdensome life of the wife. No form of labor is too severe for a Subanu
woman to undertake. The men are fairly industrious as a class and,
besides preparing their kaingins for seeding and following later with the
harvest and storage of crops, they make long journeys on foot in search
of forest products (wax, copal, nuts, and gutta-percha) which they may
exchange for cloth, beads, wire, iron, and steel at the markets or with
passing traders.
The large toe of many males is turned inward to a marked degree,
giving the appearance of abnormally projecting away from the other
toes and beyond them. This peculiar development suggests a prehen-
sory employment of the member. The big toe is used frequently for
holding fiber and bejuco while braiding them into rope and for other
purposes.
Men do not use bows and arrows ; children employ them as toys.
The first clothing of a boy is a loin cloth ; that of a girl a petticoat.
Children go naked until the age of puberty. The facts of sexual life
are not hidden from the children ; they grow up with them as a matter
of course. Marriageable young men and maidens are not segregated
in separate houses, as with some tribes. The family is held intact with
the father as absolute ruler. Girls have little or no recreation, but are
occupied with household duties from a tender age . B oy s play and hunt.
CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS. 27
The Subanu do not tattoo, but they have a name for the practice,
putik or lulik, derived from the Visayans, who are very freely tattooed.
A pecuUar attitude of the males when resting is to lean against
some support and then raise one foot and place it against the knee of
the other leg ; this position is changed from one leg to the other, so as
to rest both feet.
Circumcision, freely practised by the Moros as a religious rite of
Semitic origin, is rare among the Subanu and is not practised at all by
the wildest of these tribesmen. Where circumcision is in use among the
pagan tribes of Mindanao incision is equally in use. Instead of cutting
the preputium transversely this consists of slitting it longitudinally and
allowing the skin to fall away on each side and to heal in that position.
There is no circumcision of women.
When on land the Subanu always retire from view when defecating
and are sedulous to bury the excreta, with the idea that the bodily
refuse is morbific and must be avoided, but with no thought of scato-
mantic possibility or sympathetic magic. In micturition the squatting
posture is the rule and girls and adults screen themselves with the cloth-
ing or retire from view; they wash after the operation. The Moros
observe the same posture, as do all of their religion ; the Christian Fili-
pino men stand.
Cleanliness of body is not a pronounced virtue of the Subanu.
They do not bathe as do the Moros. The latter, as a tenet of their
religion, cleanse the body more frequently than any other of the inhabi-
tants of the southern islands, including the Chinese, Europeans, and
Americans. While much attention is given by the Moros to bathing
the body, and especially to certain portions of it, like the Subanu they
are very neglectful of their clothing, which in many instances is never
washed. The garments are worn without cleansing until they fall to
pieces. In this connection it is necessary to keep in mind that, usually,
the garments used by both Moros and Pagans are few and simple, and
generally the same for both males and females. The children go naked
until about ten years of age. The garments of the adult males and
females consist of trousers, petticoat, jacket, and turban or head-cloth.
The youth of both sexes wear the same article of dress and, as before
stated, the children are generally not provided with clothes. The
women also wear ear ornaments, long strings of colored beads about the
neck, and brass rings on the lower arms and on the legs below the knee.
The ears are pierced when children are young, and the hole enlarged
gradually by wearing a small coil of split bejuco rattan, which tends to
open out and increase the size of the opening until it will receive a circu-
lar piece of wood about an inch in diameter. The opening is now
allowed to collapse and when not used for ornaments is employed to
hold a newly rolled or partly smoked cigarette or cigar, or some small
article of frequent use.
28 THE SUBANU.
The Subanu are fond of bright colors in clothing and jeweby.
The more grotesque the variety and arrangement the better are they
pleased. This fondness for adornment among the women and young
men leads often to the undoing of the family by reason of the fact that
the ornaments (always of brass, copper, and colored glass) are sold to
them by FiHpino, Chinese, and Moro traders at prices outrageously
above the true value. The writer has investigated many such cases
of swindling and fraud and has brought to justice some of the perpe-
trators of such acts. One instance may be cited to show the artlessness
and folly of a Subanu who was persuaded to exchange a full-grown ox
for a brass ring with a colored-glass setting. The animal was worth
not less than 70 pesos and the ring much less than i peso. To save
these hill people from much suffering through the operations of defraud-
ing traders, the writer devised and organized the Moro exchange system
of pubhc markets and trading stores in the early part of 1904, and
opened the first establishment at Zamboanga on September i of that
year. Since then more than thirty such trading stations have been
opened in the District of Zamboanga, where the hill peoplehave gathered
by thousands and ascertained and obtained the highest current market
value, through the government superintendent, for the products of
their labor, and made purchases of necessary manufactured articles at
the lowest current market price.
Various methods are resorted to in counting, such as tying knots
in a strip of split bejuco; arranging objects in a line, such as shells,
small stones, kernels of corn or rice. In some instances the fingers are
used or a combination of the fingers and small objects. For example,
the shells, stones or kernels are arranged in groups of five, corresponding
to the fingers of one hand. These groups are counted up to ten, corre-
sponding to the number of fingers on both hands. In some cases count-
ing is accomplished by cutting notches on a stick and these notches
may be cut in groups of five or arranged consecutively, according to
the fancy of the person thus engaged. Counting by use of objects
arranged in fines and groups may have been acquired from the Chinese
traders who have worked over the islands for centuries.
Upon arriving at the age of puberty many of the men and women
grind and blacken their teeth. This practice is not only very painful,
but greatly detracts from their personal appearance and leads to diges-
tive troubles through want of proper mastication of food. Sometimes
the teeth are ground down to the gums and the stumps fall out and
painful ulcers ensue. The writer has persistently followed a course of
constant opposition to this pernicious habit with rather small but en-
couraging success. The practice is not of religious origin, but appears
to have been resorted to many years ago by reason of the beUef that
pearly-white teeth belonged to animals Hke dogs and cats, of which
the Subanu have many, and that man, as a superior animal, must
CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS. 29
change the color of his teeth if he wished to maintain his supremacy
over the lower animals. The writer has discussed this question with
many Moros and Pagans who follow the practice and has pointed out
to them the fact that the colored races, generally throughout the world,
consider the white man as of a superior race and seek in various ways
to modify the color of their skin by bleaching it and by marriage with
the white races; that in preparation for marriage many Moro and
Pagan women resort to a slow and rather painful process to whiten
the skin, even though only temporary results are attained; that the
white races highly prize white teeth as a sign of cleanliness, good health,
intelHgence, and civiHzation; that therefore the Moros and Pagans
should aspire to follow the habits of the white man regarding his teeth
and avoid much suffering, as well as vastly improve their appearance.
Some success has attended this effort to improve sanitary conditions
among the hill people and the shore people. In some cases the men
have brought their wives and children to the governor to show him the
progress made in the proper preservation of their teeth.
The superstitious nature of the Subanu and Moros is also illus-
trated by their refusal to give their names except through a third party.
The interrogator should always ask an acquaintance, friend, or some
member of the family of the person questioned, for information as to
his name, and the reply must come from such third party without
inquiry of the second party. The reason assigned is that these people
do not wish to be considered like the egotistic crow who cries about and
incessantly calls his name. The natives throughout the PhiHppines,
where crows abound, have named the bird according to their interpreta-
tion of its well-known call, for example: in Subanu, quak; in Visayan,
awak; in Magindano Moro, kuak; in Sulu Moro, wak; in Tagalog, wak;
in Malay, gagak; in Yakan, uwak*
The Subanu practice polygamy, but not as extensively as the
Moros. They have a high regard for the marriage bond and are faith-
ful in the marital relation. Polyandry is occasionally resorted to where
men are too poor to provide the laxa (dowry) required to secure a wife,
and two of them join in the purchase of one woman. The laxa is paid
to the father of the bride. In some Subanu communities the women
are considerably in excess of the men, but even under such circum-
stances and the ignominy of remaining ceHbate, these native women
are opposed to the practice of polyandry. Marriages are performed
by the timuai or chief of a settlement, and he may be rewarded for his
*The custom is of wide extent among primitive people in many widely scattered regions,
and, so far as we have been able to collate the reasons assigned, this objection of the bubanu
is but a pretext. In general the name is so much a part of the spiritual essence of the man
that the man hesitates to give it over to the possible thaumaturgy of a stranger In the
Semitic system and in later developments therefrom the highest observance of religion
involves the avoidance of the ineffable name, the employment of substitutes and in the
highest act of worship the utterance of the name indistinguishable in the din of the temple
instruments of music. — W. C.
30 'J'HK SUBANU.
services if the groom is abk to make a gift. The dowry is generally
paid in the form of cloth, Chinese jars, and brass gongs. The payment
may be made in any article of value agreed upon between the father
of the bride and the groom. Actual money is rarely used for this
purpose, as it is possessed in very limited amount, if at all, by these
people ; those of the far interior never handle money, but gain a few
manufactured articles through the process of bartering raw products
for them, and always thereby sufifer loss in deaHng with the wandering
traders.
The Subanu possess a rich folk-lore which they are not altogether
averse to make known to the stranger, especially if he comes equipped
with the sanction and interposition of the timuai. Their short tales
generally seem vulgar to the Christian and are indulged in as stories
to create a laugh and make the narrator appear as a "good fellow."
Their legends are prolonged and serious accounts of the alleged experi-
ences of imaginary persons, gods, and mythical headmen. The details
of these experiences are given in a natural and easy manner and by
the use of terms and relations that are common to the daily life of the
people. The narration is given usually in an ordinary tone of voice,
but may be recited in a sort of singing tone that produces a weird effect
at night in the forest when the face of the chanter is lighted by the
glare of the torches.
In the course of such narratives mention has been made of the
following characters of pure myth or of dim history, in the present
stage of our knowledge it being quite impossible to reach a definite
determination :
Datu nong Mitom Gawasa nong Medendum, Timuai Dogbuluan Getunan,
Timuai Datu Lumugun, Timuai Datu Magutanga, these being men-
tioned as chiefs in the myths.
Bai Binubung and Bai Punbenua, mythical princesses.
Datu Magujabang Pungobii Megligat Dali Ondao, characterized as the chief
of the land of the setting sun.
Timuai Datu Magbayaja, spoken of as a great balian and one of the most
potent of the diuata.
Timuai Datu Pogowanen, whose residence is in the sky.
Timuai Datu Menelenga, a battle spirit in command of the sea depths.
Timuai Datu Menelengman, also in the sea.
Timuai Datu Gunlu or Munlu or Makaayaga, the chief of the manamat or
evil spirits of the body.
Timuai Datu Magaboligan, chief of the evil spirits of the rivers.
According to the Subanu cult all dreams are under the control of
the spirits who thereby express their will; all the Subanu dream, there-
fore each person is considered to have a sentient soul within his body
and a corresponding spirit somewhere external. Dreams are the com-
munion of soul and spirit, but they are not of private interpretation.
It is the province to the halian to read the visions of the night and to
explain their purport with the assistance of the lines in the palm of
CHARACTEJRISTICS AND HABITS. 31
the hand. The spirits may come upon earth in a form resembling that
of the person who has the counterpart soul.
The Subanu have so long been in subjection to the Mohammedans
and Christians who surround them, and have been compelled to pay-
tribute and obey the commands of such self-appointed rulers, that they
have become timid, unwarlike, and non-progressive. To escape menial
service and tribute they have acquired deceptive and lying traits of
character, so that they are denounced as untrustworthy and as devoid
of the characteristics which tend to develop a strong and prosperous
people. At times, when driven into a corner and brutally imposed
upon, they have resisted their persecutors with ferocity. They can and
will fight when exposed to repeated indignities and to the violation of
their homes ; but many instances could be given to illustrate how they
have been cut to pieces and robbed of everything by marauding bands
of Moros, even while extending the hand of friendship and hospitahty
to their treacherous visitors. This was the penalty for having acquired
some comforts and surplus products, over and above the barest neces-
sities of maintaining life, thus exciting the cupidity of their persistent
enemies. Continuing for several centuries, these methods have devel-
oped an inveterately hostile relation between the hill people and the
shore people.
Following in the wake of the Moros, the Christians have ruthlessly
applied to the hill people a raiding system that has kept the Subanu in
ignorance and poverty, seriously retarding the development of the coun-
try. Naturally, under such blighting influences, the Subanu are cowed,
suspicious, and superstitious. Having withstood every form of adver-
sity and preserved their dialect, religion, customs, and industries, these
people now deserve patient, strong, and continued support. Their bad
habits must be borne with, their virtues commended, and the way of
advancement made easy under protection and supervision. They are
the natural farmers of the country they inhabit, and only their adapta-
bility to the cultivation of the soil, with its inherent richness, has saved
them from extermination by the rapacity of the Mohammedans and
Christians. It is no mean record that they have made the soil support
both the hill people and the shore people for about three centuries.
In contending against the difficulties of their settlement life the
Subanu have gradually adopted an effective quarantine service against
the spread of infectious diseases like smallpox, measles, and cholera.
Upon the appearance of the first case among any of the settlement fami-
Hes the timuai orders the establishment of the signals of quarantine and
these are quickly provided. Fences of poles and split bamboo or bejuco
are erected across the main trails leading to the houses of the settlement.
On these fences are placed, in fixed positions, carved imitations of war
weapons, such as spears, kampilans, harongs, and piras, pointed outward
to warn the approaching stranger or visitor to remain away. It is a
32 THE SXJBANU.
notice that death will be visited upon the person who attempts to enter
the settlement while the scourge of disease prevails. The victims of the
disease are segregated in isolated houses, supplied with food and water,
and then abandoned by friends and relatives when recovery seems
impossible. If death ensues, the bodies may be buried later by the
relatives, and if any of the afflicted recover they are aided to rejoin their
families. Near the signal fences are erected light wooden stands with
offerings of various articles of food to appease the wrath of the gods
and cause them to assist in extirpating the disease. Small sheds are
also sometimes erected near the stands, under which guards may be
stationed to prevent the food from being taken by wild animals, birds,
and mischievous persons. But the guards go to sleep and the food
(cooked rice, boiled eggs, fruit, tobacco, betel-nut, cooked chicken, etc.)
disappears, whereupon the guards report that diuata (god) has accepted
the gifts and will drive away the disease. Superstition and good sense
are strangely but effectively mingled in this scheme of practical and effi-
cacious quarantine, and the Subanu stand alone among all the tribes
and peoples of Mindanao in devising and operating such protective
measures.
The attempt in 1904-05 to induce Subanu to enUst in the PhiHp-
pine Constabulary was abandoned as impracticable, after a trial of a
few months, during which every man induced to enter had deserted.
These people have no desire to become soldiers or policemen, or to seek
employment far from their homes. A hard and bitter life has taught
them to place no confidence in the stranger and very Httle in any form
of government but their own.
RELIGION.
The Subanu are nature worshipers and beUeve that the spirits of
their gods dwell in some of the most striking natural features of the
land ; for example, in an unusually large tree, in a huge rock balanced on a
small base, in a peculiarly shaped mound of earth, in an isolated cave, in
a mountain top difficult of ascent, and the Hke. The gods or spirits are
called diuata. The Subanu or his balian realizes that no man or woman
on the earth can build these trees, the great rocks and the mountains,
and believes they must therefore be the handiwork of the gods and the
abode of their spirits. In the presence of these evidences of the great
power of the gods, the Subanu finds his opportunity for communion
with the diuata. At these places he prays to the spirits for good crops,
freedom from disease, a safe journey, the recovery of a member of his
family from disease or injury, for rain to break a protracted period of
drought, and the like. He likewise argues that no person could make
the sea and that therefore the spirit of one of the diuata must reside
therein, and to that spirit he prays for a safe journey upon it.
The spirits or diuata are believed to possess the power of producing
conception without human agency, and the progeny of such unions
REUGION. 33
become the most efficient balian; they may visit the sky to attend the
great assembUes (bichara) of the diuata, and upon earth they have
power to raise the dead.
Observances of a reHgious character, either informal or with the
assistance of the balian, are frequent in all the affairs of Hfe, the clearing
of a new plantation, the building of a house, the hunting of the wild hog,
the search for wild honey, the snaring of feathered game, the beginning
of a journey by sea or by land, the harvesting of the crops. Such
ceremonies are accompanied by offerings proportionate to the wealth
of the worshiper. In general, all spirits (even such as are popularly
considered benevolent) must be propitiated by food-offerings. These
sacrifices comprise betel-nuts, tobacco and cigarettes and cigars, boiled
eggs, cooked rice, young fowl, the meat of a young pig, and the burning
of incense in the form of the resin of the nibung tree.
Festivals (buklug) are held to propitiate the diuata or to celebrate
some event in which an entire settlement is interested. The principal
features of a buklug are religious ceremonies, feasting, drinking, dancing,
and singing. The religious ceremonies are performed exclusively by
the medicine men and the medicine woman, called balian or belian. The
men rise to greater prominence and power in this profession than the
women. Occasionally some strong-minded woman attains great power
in a settlement. At a buklug the balian conduct their ceremonies
independently of the other people, who never interfere with these
professional duties and go about their feasting, drinking, and dancing
as if their very lives depended upon getting the most out of all these
enjoyments. The balian are entitled to receive fees for their services
at buklugs and are usually paid in cotton cloth, tobacco, rice, or palay.
The functions of a balian may be classified as those of a medium,
direct intercourse with spirits, the conduct of sacrifices, and the healing
of the sick.
Prayers to the spirits or diuata are offered in the posture most
convenient to the occasion, standing, sitting, or kneeling. The prayers
may be chanted in a monotone, delivered by a silent motion of the lips
or indicated by the bowed head.
Adjoining the house of a balian is sometimes placed a small struc-
ture resembling a dove-cote, erected on a pole or stand, in which the
spirits with which the balian is accustomed to commune are believed to
reside temporarily during such communion. In these spirit houses are
placed articles of food for the refreshment of the spirits. Sometimes
spirits are represented by rough wooden images and they may have
attached to them, by wooden pegs or strands of split bejuco, representa-
tions in carved wood of various weapons, such as barong and kampilan.
It is supposed that the spirits may require weapons for self -protection.
Wooden altars (small, rough tables or stands) are erected at various
places, on the banks of streams and occasionally on the sea beach,
34 THE SUBANU.
where communion is held with the spirits or diuata and where they
may receive food.
Every large collection of Subanu usually contains representatives
of their balian or priestly fraternity. These wizards, both men and
women, have mysterious association with the spirits or diuata and are
beheved to possess the power of discerning the cause of all forms of
illness and of applying the proper remedies to effect satisfactory cures.
If restoration to health is not effected through the intervention of a
medicine man or a medicine woman, then the sins of the patient have
been too great for the spirits or diuata to forgive, and the offerings made
by the family and friends of the sufferer have proved too unimportant
to merit more powerful intervention by the balian with the diuata.
Failure to satisfy the demands of the gods as interpreted by the
balian may lead to extreme measures on the part of the relatives and
friends of the patient, especially if the illness can be connected with
some affair of general importance to the Subanu people or to any settle-
ment. Under such conditions greater offerings must be made if pos-
sible and resort may be had to human sacrifices. That such sacrifices
have been made in times past is acknowledged by trustworthy Subanu,
although these people are averse to talking about their religious prac-
tices. To their minds the subject is fraught with many portentous
consequences. By unguarded words they might incur the enmity of
some of the gods and then untold injury would come upon them per-
sonally or upon some of their relatives and friends.
Human sacrifice has been resorted to by the Bagobos (hill people)
of eastern Mindanao and probably by other hill tribes in that great
island. The last recorded case was reported on January 3, 1908, by
the district governor of Davao (southern Mindanao), who states that
the sacrifice was made by Bagobos at the rancheria of Talon near Digos
on December 9, 1907. The following is extracted from the report :
The headman Datu Ansig said that a sacrifice had been held and that
both he and his people were ready to tell all about it, as to the best of their
belief they had committed no crime, but only followed out a religious custom
practiced by themselves and their ancestors from time immemorial. The
Datu and his followers say that the Bagobos have several gods : Bacalad, god of
the spirits; Agpanmole Manobo, god of good, and his wife, the goddess Dewata;
Mandarangan, the god of evil, to whom sacrifice is made in order to appease
his wrath, which is shown by misfortune, years of drought, or of evil befalling
the tribe or its members. Also, it is at times necessary to offer him human
sacrifice so that he will allow the spirits of the deceased to rest. In case a
Bagobo of rank or great influence dies and his widow is unable to secure another
husband, it becomes necessary for her to offer sacrifice to appease the spirit of
her departed husband in order that she may obtain another.
To provide that these sacrifices be not made too frequently, it is custo-
mary for the old men of the town to gather once each year, during the time
when a collection of seven stars, three at right angles to the other four, are
seen m the heavens to the east at seven o'clock in the evening, which is said to
occur once each year, during the first part of December. This collection of
REUGION. 35
stars is called by the Bagabos "Balatic" and is the sign of the sacrifice; that
is, if a sacrifice is to occur it must take place during the period when the' stars
are in this position.
The old men meet and decide if enough misfortune has overtaken the tribe
or village during the period since the last sacrifice to render necessary another
tribute to the god of evil. It is not necessary to offer a sacrifice for each evil,
but when the misfortunes amount to considerable a sacrifice is held to cover
the entire lot.
In this case it appears that two widows, Addy and Obby, went to Datu
Ansig and requested that he arrange a sacrifice to appease the spirits of their
departed husbands, which were bothering them. Ansig called a meeting of
the old men at which were present, besides himself, Bagobos OHng, Pandaya,
and Ansing, and these four decided that, as they had not had a sacrifice since
the great drought (about three years ago), and that since that time many evils
had befallen them, it would be well to offer a sacrifice. These four men sent
out to find a slave for sacrifice, the finder becoming the chief of the sacrifice.
Ongon, a henchman of Datu Ansig, purchased from Bagobo Ido a Bilan
slave boy, named Sacum, about eight years old, and who was deaf and cross-
eyed and had other defects of vision, making him of little or no value as a
laborer. Ido originally received this slave from Duon, a Bilan, as a wedding
present when he married Duon's daughter about a year ago.
Ongon agreed to pay Ido five gongs for the boy and took him to the
house of Ansig, where arrangements were made for the sacrifice by calling on
all who for any reason had need to appease the evil spirits to come and take
part. Three days after the slave was brought to the house of Ansig the people
met at Talon near the river InoH, a short distance from Ansig's house, this
being the regular place of sacrifice.
Leaving the house of Ansig, the boy, Sacum, was seated upon the ground
near the place of sacrifice. He was naked, but no other preparation was made
with regard to his person. Upon a platform or bench of bamboo about two
feet high and a foot or two square was placed a small basket or receptacle made
of the bark of the bonga tree; in this each person present and taking part in
the sacrifice placed a piece of betel-nut ; over this the men placed their head
kerchiefs, and over them the women laid strips of the bark of the palma tree.
Upon this the men laid their bolos, and spears were then stuck in the ground
in a circle around the platform. Next Datu Ansig, as chief of the sacrifice,
made an oration, which was about as follows :
"Oh! Mandarangan, chief of evil spirits and all the other spirits, come to
our feast and accept our sacrifice. Let this sacrifice appease your wrath and
take from us our misfortunes, granting us better times."
After this the boy, Sacum, was brought forward by Ongon, placed against
a small tree about six feet high, his hands tied above his head and his body tied
to the tree with bejuco strips at the waist and knees. Ansig then placed a spear
at the child's right side at a point below the right arm and above the margin of
the ribs. The lance was grasped by the widows, Addy and Obby, who at a
signal from Ansig forced it through the child's body, it coming out at the other
side. It was immediately withdrawn and the body cut in two at the waist by
bolos in the hands of Modesto Barrero and Ola, after which the body was cut
down and chopped into bits by the people present, each of whom was allowed
to take a small portion as a memento of the occasion, the remainder of the body
being biu-ied in a hole prepared for it.
Datu Ansig, a man about sixty years of age, says that in his life he has
attended or oflficiated at fifty human sacrifices, more or less, both among the
Bagobos and the Bilanes; and that human sacrifice is also a practice among
36 THE SUBANU.
the Taeacolos, although he has never been present at one held by that tribe.
The Baeobos sacrifice none but old and decrepit or useless slaves captured
from other tribes, but the Bilanes sacrifice even their own people. Being asked
if it was customary to eat any portion of the body sacrificed, Ansig said it was
not customary, nor did he know of any case where such had occurred.
The last sacrifice before this was held at Talon during the year of the
drought (about 1905), when a Bilan slave, an old man who was paralyzed in
one arm, was sacrificed by Datu Oling, his master. „ , ^ ^
Asked if the sacrifice of an animal would not do as well as that of a human
being, they said no, better to have no sacrifice at all.
They appeared utterly unconscious of having committed any crime, told
their story with frankness, said it was a matter not talked about among their
own people; but that if we wanted to know the facts they would give them to
the authorities. They claimed the offering of human sacrifices by their tribe
to be an old custom, and as far as they knew the only way to appease the wrath
of the evil spirits, but said if ordered to give the custom up they would do so,
even if the Devil got them all.
Near the rancheria of Ley (Lai), in Sibugai Bay, the Subanu of
that region possess a tradition concerning a great chief who frequently
sought relief from physical exhaustion by the sacrifice of one of his
slaves, whose blood and heart he consumed while these parts were still
warm. A mound on a steep bluff overlooking the river at Ley is claimed
to be the sepulcher of the famous and greatly feared Subanu chief.
In the Philippine Journal of Science for 1908 the subject of human
sacrifices in the Philippines is presented with a list of cases reported
by the Spanish missionaries.
The Subanu are very reticent about divulging any detailed infor-
mation as to the occurrence of human sacrifices among their people. In
the absence of a decided negative to a direct inquiry, it may be safely
asserted that such practice was rather common among them before the
American occupation, especially in the secluded mountain areas of the
upper Dapitan and Malindang country.
During the great buklug or religious festivals of the Subanu excite-
ment runs high, and sometimes it is hard for the more conservative head-
men to keep the younger element under control. Unscrupulous and
vicious Moros and Filipinos take advantage of the extreme agitation
attending these festivals, impose upon the credulous balian, debauch
them with visions of exercising extraordinary power over their fellows,
stir up unusual religious fervor through alleged spirit manifestations
from the diuata, and appeal to the passions of the lowest members of
the tribe for sordid gain. Under such circumstances the ignorant and
credulous hill people are willing to desert their homes, abandon their
crops and personal property, and give themselves over to the depraved
control of their self -constituted leaders.
The Jesuits first arrived in the Philippines in June, 1595, with Gov-
ernor Don Antonio de Morga, and in the following year two of these
missionaries entered the island of Mindanao with the ill-fated expedi-
tion under the command of Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa. After his
RELIGION. 37
death in 1596 at the hands of Moros, near the mouth of the Rio Grande
River, in the Goto Bato Valley, the expedition, under its new com-
mander, General Juan Ronquillo, retired to Caldora Bay, 10 miles
west of Zamboanga, and constructed a presidio, which was garrisoned
by 100 Spanish soldiers. Here the Jesuit missionaries, including Father
Juan del Campo, assisted by Brother Gaspar Gomez, began work among
the Subanu and the Lutaos (Samales).
In 1 63 1 St. Francis Xavier began work among the Subanu near
Dapitan. He was preceded in 1626 by Fathers Juan Lopez, Fabricio
Sarsali, and Francisco de Otazo. In the year 1629 the missionary work
in the Subanu country was placed in charge of the Bishop of Cebu,
Fray Don Pedro de Arze. Missions were established by Father Pedro
Gutierrez in 163 1 and 1632 along the west coast of the peninsula, from
Dapitan to Zamboanga. The permanent mission of Dapitan was estab-
hshed in 1 63 1 and Father Gutierrez was made the rector.
The first Catholic priest to minister to the spiritual needs of the
Subanu near Dapitan was Father Pasqual de Acuna in 1607. It is
stated that he preached among these people with great success and bap-
tized 200 of them. Missions were established by Fathers Lopez, Campo,
and Gutierrez at Dipolog, Duhinog, Dicayo, Disakang,Sindangan,Mucas,
Tehnga, Quipit, Siocong, Sibuku, La Caldera, Malandi, Baldasan, and
Bocot, all situated on the coast. Later, Fathers Francisco Combes,
Francisco PaHola, Pedro Tellez, and Adolfo de Pedrosa labored among
the Subanu. Father PaHola was killed by the islanders in 1648 and
Father Campo on January 7, 1650, at the Mission of Siocong (now
written Siukun).
The early missionaries suffered many hardships in trying to con-
vert the Subanu to Christianity. They applied themselves with great
courage and fidelity to the difficult task and succeeded in liberating
slaves, aiding the sick, diminishing barbarous practices, and bringing a
few of the more tractable under the spiritual instruction of the church.
Commendable effort was made to instruct the children in the art of
reading and writing by using the publications of the church. Solemn
services were held for the dead, and the natives were taught to march
in funeral processions and to carry with them candles, rice, and other
offerings, as suffrages by the faithful for the peace and safety of the
souls of the departed.
From 1596 to 191 2 these missionary labors, both Catholic and
Protestant, have penetrated from the coast but a few miles inland.
The vast interior of the Subanu coimtry has remained untouched by
missionary effort. The writer in 1904 and 1905 traveled about 2,000
miles on foot through this country and found at Sianib, about 10 miles
inland on the Dipolog River, a partially constructed building of poles
and grass, which the Subanu informed him had been built at the behest
of the CathoUc priests at Dipolog and Dapitan. These Subanu made
38 THE SUBANU.
early inquiry of the writer as to the attitude of the new government
(American) relative to religious matters, and whether or not they must
forego their native worship and take up some new doctrine. They
were informed that the government of the United States made no
attempt to control a man's conscience and that therefore all people
under the new management were at hberty to hold any religious beUef
they chose to follow; that any and all reHgious observances and doc-
trines were to be permitted where and in what manner their advocates
desired, provided such action did not contravene the law of the land.
This announcement was greeted with smiles, gesticulations of joy, and
much excited conversation among the men and women. The meeting
was held in the incompleted church building, and the Subanu were
advised to finish the structure and that it could be used for reHgious and
secular instruction. But on the occasion of the writer's next visit,
some weeks later, it was found that the building had been destroyed by
fire, whether accidental or not was never fully ascertained. At the
present time CathoHc mission work among the Subanu has practically
ceased.
The American government has accompHshed practically nothing in
the way of extending the pubhc school system to the Subanu. This
has been due in part to lack of pubHc funds and in part to the extreme
isolation of the people. The CathoHc missionaries at Dapitan and
Dipolog, on the west coast of the Subanu country, stiU maintain paro-
chial schools at the rancherias of Toocan, Matam, Barcelona, Langa-
tian, Dohinob, Ilaya, and Polanco, and on the north coast at Sauang,
Libay, and BaHangao. The missionaries on the east coast at Langaran,
Oroquieta, and Misamis maintain parochial schools for the Christian
FiHpinos, but the Subanu children do not attend, largely because it is
impracticable for them to make the long journey from the hihs to the
coast, and, finally, the question of association with a race of heathen
regarded as inferior would introduce serious elements of discord. In
those schools referred to as being established on the north and west
coasts the attendance is restricted to children whose parents are mem-
bers in good standing of the CathoHc church.
All the towns mentioned are within 3 miles of the coast. The
Subanu are hill people, usually residing much further inland and in any
event debarred from the parochial schools because of religious disquaU-
fication, and prevented from entering the government free pubHc schools
because such schools are confined to the largest Christian towns and
are out of reach and still more out of sympathy with Pagan surroundings
and customs.
BURIAL CUSTOMS.
Where death results from ordinary causes the body is usually
buried in a grove of trees which serves as a cemetery for several f amiUes.
During epidemics of smallpox and cholera the bodies are frequently
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. 39
left in the abandoned houses and may be consumed by the hordes of
starveling dogs and cats that always infest Subanu settlements. The
balian, man or woman, is called in to minister to the sick, and entire
reliance is placed upon his judgment in the employment of herbs and
prayers to drive away the evil spirits which are beUeved to produce
the illness. Medicine and religion are so closely allied in daily life that
the herbs used in medication are considered quite ineffective unless
administered by the balian.
If the deceased is a male adult the women of his family engage in
wild lamentations while others prepare the body for burial. The body
may be encased in a wooden receptacle hollowed out from a tree, or
wrapped up in mats securely bound about with strips of bejuco or
bamboo. The graves are marked by carved pieces of wood and deco-
rated by a varied arrangement of stones and shells. Bodies are some-
times placed for burial in natural caves where available, and in the
hollow trunks of large trees. When corpses are interred the pits are
always shallow, for they must be scooped out with knives and the
hands. Therefore the graves are often dug open by wild hogs and
dogs and the bodies devoured. To avoid such unearthing the dead
from isolated families are buried near the house and sometimes under
the house, especially in the case of children. In some cases shelters
are erected over the graves and the spot is inclosed with a fence of split
bamboo or of poles.
During epidemics the dead are sometimes cast into the rivers and
the sea in order to destroy, if possible, the cause of the contagion.
The Subanu do not practise cremation in disposing of the dead. They
have a horror of thus disposing of a body and fear the condemnation
which may follow from the spirits or diuata.
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE.
Subanu women usually marry upon arriving at the age of puberty
(about 13 years), while young men are often restricted beyond the age
of puberty by the necessity of providing for the dowry, which must be
paid to the father of the bride before she can engage in the marriage
ceremony.
The Subanu do not know their ages, as no record of the date of
birth is ever kept and they are unable to read or write. They appre-
ciate the succession of day and night and count a period of days by
tying knots in a string of split bejuco, each knot representing a day of
Hght and a day of darkness. In some instances a separate knot is
made for each.
Marriage among the Subanu is brought about through the efforts
of relatives of the young people, especially the parents. The fathers,
as absolute heads of their families, control the disposition of the brides.
They fix the marriage portion and determine the time of payment,
40 THE SUBANU.
together with the character and value of the articles composing it.
They may consist of rice, palay, cloth, Chinese jars, articles of brass,
weapons, gongs, and domestic animals. Maidens bring a better price
than widows or divorced women.
The father of the bride may condition his acceptance upon a period
of personal service by the young man in the bride's family, the length
of such service to be fixed by the father of the young woman, subject
to modification through conferences between the two famiUes.
A plurality of wives is permissible but not common, mostly for
want of sufficient means for the marriage portion and to pay for the
ceremony and the usual feast provided for relatives and friends. Other
restrictions upon marriage arise from the observances of consanguinity
and affinity. Kinship nearer than first cousins constitutes a bar and
usually this degree of relationship is prohibitive.
Step-relationship is usually a bar to marriage, although marriages
between step-daughters and own sons of the same family are sometimes
permitted. A man may marry more than one daughter from the same
family, and cases are known of his also marrying the mother of the
daughters.
A more extraordinary feature of the Subanu marriage customs is
exhibited where a man marries his mother-in-law who is divorced or
widowed, even while the daughter is Uving as his wife. These exhibi-
tions of variations from the normal customs of the people are controlled
by personal or family considerations, present at the time, and are not
generally followed or approved of.
Violation of the marriage laws is punishable by fines paid to the
iimuai or headman of each Subanu settlement, and these laws are quite
rigidly enforced through pubHc sentiment and good faith.
Neither a pregnant woman nor her husband will go down the house
steps and turn back before reaching the ground. A pregnant woman
must not remove a pot from the fire and then put it on again. Neither
a pregnant woman nor her husband may tie anything about the neck
before the birth of the child. Pregnant women are enjoined by the
balian from covering their breasts during pregnancy. If during preg-
nancy the husband ties or binds up things in the house where his wife
remains, such action may result in fastening the child to the mother
and destroy its Hfe. Some few days before the birth of the child the
father must refrain from all excitement in order not to attract the
attention of evil spirits. Any difficulty attending birth is ascribed to
the intervention of evil spirits. A short time before the birth of the
child the mother is placed in a little house by herself; this house is
called gosina and is temporarily erected for the purpose. After child-
birth the mother submits to a baking process by lying close to a hot
fire, exposing alternately the stomach and the buttocks, until the womb
is said to dry up and there is no more discharge. During the pains of
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. 41
childbirth the midwife presses hard upon the chest and stomach of the
mother, with her hands and sometimes her knees, to prevent the child
escaping from the mouth of the mother. In the event of a very diffi-
cult childbirth a balian is called in to determine what particular spirit
or diuata is angry or annoyed by the approaching birth and how such
spirit may be appeased.
Christie records the note that in punishment of incest the culprit
is set in a wicker cage with his hands tied and thrown into a stream.
This note of an isolated fact is valuable but obscure. We comprehend
it only through recognition of the same manner of punishment for
marriage within the forbidden degrees practised by the Kayan of North
Borneo, also a fluviatile people. The Kayan inflict this death penalty
without spilling blood in order to avoid the necessity of paying the
blood atonement. Our notes lack detail upon this point among the
Subanu, but the occurrence in the vocabulary of hangon in the sense of
blood money shows the custom to be operative here also.
As the father is the absolute ruler of his family, so he may put
away his wife by divorce for good and sufficient cause, in accordance
with the customary law.
The headman sits in judgment upon the application for divorce,
which may be made by either party. Violations of the law and con-
tumacy in respect of the decision of the headman are punished by fine.
Public sentiment is against divorce, especially if there are children.
The usual causes for divorce are sterility, adultery, desertion, and
incompatibiUty of temper. The dowry can not be recovered unless
the woman secures the divorce.
Under the general designation liingan are grouped certain customs
which are the rule of life for widows and widowers. After the death of
husband or wife the surviving partner must wear plain clothing of
white or black, must refrain from all dances and other festivities, avoid
the transaction of all business, and generally keep as far as possible
within the seclusion of the house. An unkempt appearance is the out-
ward and visible sign of grief, at least of mourning, and to attain this
lugubrious appearance the relict must take no baths and wash no
clothes. The period of this mourning is set by the performance of the
two funerary celebrations, the buklug timala and the buklug pulimtu.
THE SUBANU
Studies of a Sub-Visa yan Mountain Folk
OF Mindanao
Part II.
Discussion of the Linguistic Material
By WILLIAM CHURCHILL
Honorary Member of the Polynesian Society, Corresponding Member of the Haavaiian
Historical Society, Member of the American Philological Association, Fe/loiv
of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
CHAPTER I.
PITFALLS OF THE VOCABULIST.
The material upon which has been based this study of the Subanu
speech was collected partly by Colonel Finley himself during the active
and somewhat militant years of his term as governor of Zamboanga and
partly at his order and under his direction by such assistants as he
could spare from the exacting details of his administration. The exten-
sion of the American system to dominions oversea, the adjustment of
American poUty to the at present unassimilable and non-homogeneous
peoples of a distinctly lower culture plane, the inopine and hghtly
assumed administration of an empire through the machinery of a loqua-
cious democracy — all these things at the beginning of but their second
decade are yet so new that our people who stay at home in ease have no
slightest conception of the character and the mass of administrative
details which are laid upon our new proconsulars.
It so happens that I know, because it has been given to me to pass
through the experience. Designated to the administration of one of the
weak kingdoms of the Pacific, primus inter pares in a board of three
consulars, each of whom had the absolute right of veto, sworn to admin-
ister the Berlin General Act, which was fatally defective from the very
beginning, I have known the trials of ruling the kingdom of Samoa. It
has fallen to my lot to face the hostile front of war with no greater show
of force than the American ensign hoisted aboard a 21 -foot rowboat,
where my British and German colleagues could back their authority
with steel cruisers. I know through experience the hours and days of
talk, the tangle of plot and counterplot, the reams of paper covered
with reports never to be comprehended in Washington, time working
into overtime just to keep the peace. I can sympathize with the effort
which it has cost my collaborator, the sacrifice which it has meant to
him of rest and relaxation, to compile this material which he has put
into my hands for study. Better than others, I can count the cost of
such work as this, done under trying military and civil conditions, work
in a field which Ues wholly outside his professional duty. Therefore I,
at least, know that such material must be approached with sympathy
as well as reverence. It is only after full and cordial conference with
him upon the subject that I venture upon the criticism of the material.
I found my collaborator anxious that the data should be discussed
solely upon their own showing and without consideration of the circum-
stances under which they had been collected. When I pointed out to
him that other vocabulists had been confronted with the same unrecog-
nized difficulties, I found him not only willing but enthusiastic that, in
45
46 THIS SUBANU.
connection with the critical discussion of his material, I should write a
further note upon the general theme of the pitfalls which beset the first
vocabuUst when he essays the task of collecting the words of a speech
hitherto unrecorded. So far as I have been able to discover, this is a
chapter of practical psychology which has never been written.
As it must serve as an apology for some of Colonel Finley's work in
the field, so must it serve quite as much for errors into which later
students'of this material, now for the first time presented, will discover
that I have fallen, and with less excuse, since my work has been prose-
cuted with assistance of library f aciUties and in conditions which better
make for effective research.
These data have been presented for my study in three parcels, each
of which has entailed a somewhat different method of examination.
1. The text of Colonel Finley's geographical and ethnographical
account of the Subanu, which forms Part I of this work. In this I have
had to do no more than glean the vocables incidentally occurring in
the narrative and to check them into their proper places in the vocab-
ularies already compiled from the two parcels next to be mentioned.
2. A collection of Subanu words with their EngUsh translations,
written with the pen and covering 27 foolscap foHos. This record is of
the first order, for it is an original record and presents the words just as
they impressed Colonel Finley's ear when he collected them from his
Subanu informants. In several particulars the spelhng differs con-
siderably from that which obtains in the third item and which I have,
for reasons later to be noted, adopted as the preHminary standard.
Where this manuscript dupHcates an entry in the other record I have
harmonized the spelHng; in all other cases, because of the great value
which the original record will have for phonetic study, I have refrained
from altering the speUing. From this source the alphabet acquires the
letter k, which sound in the other source is uniformly represented by C
(qu before e and i) . Similarly this collection of words employs g before
e and i where the other collection, following the usage of written Visa-
yan (in which the Spanish influence of the friars is manifest) , employs
gu. These points will be more fully discussed in the chapter on Subanu
phonetics ; they are mentioned here solely as characterizing this material.
This manuscript is not continuous ; several periods of activity are
indicated.
a. The first 148 entries are words and phrases collected at random,
measures of capacity, names of gods and heroes, a wealth of ethno-
graphic material which has been transferred to appropriate places in
Part I, where it more properly belongs than in the vocabulary.
b. This section is based upon a number of English words arranged
in alphabetical order with Subanu entries, amounting to 380 items; the
strict alphabetization is interrupted after the word egg by the interpola-
tion of 48 items of numeration. This is found to be a standardization
PITFAI.I.S OF THE VOCABULIST. 47
of Christie's vocabulary of the Sindangan river mouth with many
additions.
c. Without mark of division begins a second EngHsh alphabetiza-
tion of common vocables amounting to 206 items. This is based on
Christie's vocabulary of Nueva Reus.
d. In the same abrupt fashion begins yet a third EngHsh alpha-
betization amounting to 88 items.
e. A brief supplement of 1 1 entries without order.
The sum of the items contained in this material is 881 .
3. A collection of Subanu words typed on 28 folios closely spaced.
Each folio has four columns, respectively Subanu, Visayan, Spanish,
and English. This collection also exhibits two efforts.
a. The earUer 8 foHos are words and phrases chosen at random,
301 word items, 47 phrases ranging in relative utihty from "give me a
drink" to the ultimate theology of "good and wicked people will be
well distinguished on the day of judgment."
h. Beginning at the top of the ninth folio the material is alpha-
betized by the Spanish column of equivalents. This alphabetization
goes only as far as the Spanish initial m and but briefly into that
section, for the last entry is under malgastar. In each initial the colla-
tion has been done very lazily. For example, the entries under a cease
at acumular, 65 entries in all. Turning next to b, the compiler has
entered 43 items, under C 44, under d 46, under e 67, under f 39, under g
43, under h 44, under i 86, under j 22, under 1 47, under m 24. The
sum of this section is 570 entries and the sum of the whole collection is
918 items. Including the sum of the manuscript material with that
which has been typed, we have 1,799 items, many of the items contain-
ing four or more Subanu vocables.
It is this third group of Subanu material which makes it pertinent
to give here some detailed attention to the pitfalls which lie in wait for
the unwary and the untrained vocabulist. These pitfalls are many
and well hidden; it is not until a language has become well studied that
its terrain becomes free of such dangers, and even then it is but a small
group of the persons born to any speech who may be trusted to employ
it without risk to themselves and to their hearers. Far worse, then, is
the pUght of the one who, without a safe guide, endeavors to thread the
way of reason through an ill-comprehended speech.
Here we must take under consideration the problem of what trans-
lation really is. Is it sufficient to take this or any sentence, to seek in
the French, the German, the Ural-Altaic dictionary, as you will, the
recorded equivalent of each word in turn ? Have we done all when we
have associated these equivalent vocables in accordance with the syntax
of the language into which we are supposably translating?
Who eats cherries? It will make a large Teutonic difference
whether one translates wer isst or wer frisst.
48 THE SUBA>rU.
Thus we see that there is something more than mere extraction
from a dictionary and the appUcation of rules of grammar. The essence
of translation is the portage from one mind to another of a certain defi-
nite idea ; the form of words is but the least of the agency to be employed.
The schoolboy construes Ccssar venii in Galliam summa diligentia beau-
tifully, as coming to France on top of a diligence, and is sure that he has
rendered unto Caesar as by law required. So long as mere words out-
rank sense we may all do much the same thing; if only the words be
sufficiently sonorous we call it oratory.
With pains, with the skill which comes from use, we may succeed in
expressing our thoughts in aHen speech with certainty, provided we have
the same sort of thought as that which our hearer possesses. It is the
portage of the thought which alone can be called translation. But sup-
pose the hearer has no such thought as ours ; suppose his mind is wholly
incapable of such thought. Suppose he be one of our own rude folk or
one of a folk all rude. In that case what does translation become?
On the path toward the lower culture planes with which we shall be
engaged in these studies I may cite an instance in which defective trans-
lation led to war with its train of death. After years of distress in
Samoa, three great nations undertook to bring the blessings of peace,
and the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, of the United States, and of
Germany met in Berlin. After long deliberation, indeed after many
really generous sacrifices of national ambitions which each nation con-
tributed in the hope of peace, there was formulated a constituent treaty
known as the BerHn General Act. In this document it was provided
that Malietoa Laupepa should be king of Samoa. The plenipotentiaries
understood the word, king, k'nig; there could be no manner of doubt,
even the American member had some recollection of George III, quite
sufiicient to fix and define the idea to his comprehension. Then came
the translation whereby this great document should be made effective
for the waiting Samoans. In this one point the plenipotentiaries had
not compared their faculties ; they had not thought to examine whether
they had the faculty of translation. To put the accepted text into
Samoan words was not difficult ; the English masters of the island tongue
declared that English king is Samoan tupu; the Germans who had equal
facility with that tongue agreed that German konig is Samoan tupu.
Thus, then, it came into Samoan; peace was to rule at the behest of
the great powers of the earth and Malietoa Laupepa was to be Samoa's
tupu. The word had been translated, the thought had failed of portage.
The brown islander under his palms had no memory of Georgius Tertius
to help him to comprehension. At times I was almost moved to salute
that quiet and lovable man Laupepa in the phrase "O king, live for-
ever," for I knew the trouble which had been provided for the succes-
sion. But his own tupu trouble came to harass his days while yet he
sat upon the throne. For the Samoan tupu is he who rules over all
PITFAI.LS OF THE VOCABULIST. 49
Samoa; first must come the right to rule, then follows the title. The
right inheres in the possession of four names of might conferred after
a rather complicated system based on traditional custom which in
another connection I shall have to present at length. Here it suffices
briefly to say that one petty village community has the right to confer —
and to withdraw — the name of Tui-Atua and with it the right to rule the
district of Atua and its family dependencies ; another has the right to
confer the name of Tui-'A'ana, yet others the names of Tamasoali'i and
Natoaitele respectively. In each case the right to withdraw accompa-
nies the right to confer. Who holds all four names is the ruler of all
Samoa, its tupu, for the period of possession of the four names as much
a king as the Samoans can imagine, but always subject to inopportune
subtraction. And because the high plenipotentiaries translated their
king and konig with all the connotation of right divine and constitu-
tional checks into this temporary and amorphous tupu of the South
Sea, Samoa knew no peace; first one and then another of the royal
names was retracted and war followed.
We may find the same sort of thing much nearer home. Popularly
it is supposed that we speak the same language in America and in parts
of Great Britain; when hands are across the sea we try to glow with
after-dinner satisfaction that our mother tongue is our common heri-
tage. But when it comes to the usufruct we are not without evidence
that need exists for true translation. From John S. Farmer's Ameri-
canisms, Old and New I extract this instance :
Jag. A slang term for an umbrella, possibly from the article being so
constantly carried.
He came in very late (after an unsuccessful effort to unlock the front door with his
umbrella) through an unfastened coal hole in the sidewalk. Coming to himself toward
dayUght, he found himself — spring overcoat, silk hat, jag and all — stretched out in the
bath tub. — Albany Journal, 1888.
Yet another and later recorder, J. Redding Ware, in Passing Eng-
lish of the Victorian Era, clearly stands without the interpreter's house:
Yaller dog (American). Yellow is the tint of most dogs in America;
hence it is the most searching term of ordinary contempt.
If there can be such pitfalls in a speech supposedly common, think
what must be awaiting the men who make the first record of newly dis-
covered tongues. One such error has become classic in all the lan-
guages of civilization; its error has almost faded from memory; our
most recent authorities now essay to believe that it was no error at all.
When Captain Cook discovered the coast of Australia at the spot
where now stands a thriving city bearing his name, his naturalist, later
to become the great Sir Joseph Banks of the Royal Society, was at once
attracted by the great marsupials hopping over the landscape. The
conditions were ideal for error. Just that day discovered, the aborigi-
nes knew no English, Banks had not a word of the Australian speech,
50 THE SUBANU.
the means of intercommunication were wholly blocked. Yet still the
marsupials hopped like giant grasshoppers, a sight to attract any
naturahst with the prospect of annexing to the name of the animal nov.
gen. et nov. sp. But first to know the name. One may readily imagine
the naturahst inquiring in some manner of broken EngHsh, for Beach-
la-Mar was not for a generation to be invented, "and now, my dear man,
what may be the name of that most extraordinary animal ?" To which
the answer Ka anguru. And by others confirmed on repeated ques-
tioning, Ka anguru. Thence comes into our languages kangaroo. It
is only long afterward, when men have settled the Australian wild and
some knowledge of the speech is acquired, that it is learned that the
answer was no name at all, but simply "I do not understand."
Very similar to the instance of the kangaroo is an item in the
Subanu material which I have been elaborating. In one of the manu-
scripts which have come to me (3-6) is the entry :
bicho a small grub or insect mananap nong mica daay ngalan.
It is only when the language is worked out that we find even this
scanty vocabulary quite sufficient to show us that the Subanu words
mean only "animal without a name."
Elsewhere in my studies upon the primitive languages of the Pacific
{The Polynesian Wanderings, page 365, and with greater fulness in
Easter Island, page 166), I have remarked upon another pitfall of the
vocabulary. This was the case of the acquisition of the numerals by
means of the finger count. It was shown that (by reason of the fact
that we are in the habit of counting the fingers which we stick up to
view and that several savage races count the fingers which are flexed
upon the palm) it has more than once happened that early collectors of
speech have inverted the order of the first four numerals and have reg-
istered the further note that the savages under their examination were
found unable to count as high as five.
Here, too, belongs the story of the Island of Yesindeed. Three
names of European shipmen are associated with the discovery of Samoa.
The first was Roggeveen, who happened upon the group in 1722 and
conferred upon 'Upolu a name out of the United Netherlands. Second
came Bougainville in 1768 and designated the archipelago the lies des
Navigateurs. In 1 787, La Perouse entered the group from the eastward
and found no difficulty in obtaining the name of Manu'a. When he
reached Tutuila he was misled by the name Maunga, which is titular for
the chief of Pagopago, or else by the same word used as a common noun
to designate a mountain, for he charted the island as Maouna. Stretch-
ing westward across the strait which now parts German from American
Samoa, he named 'Upolu Oyolava, a name which has not entirely dis-
appeared from the charts and which commonly persists on the larger
globes, cartographic material less frequently subject to revision. We
PlTFAI^IvS OF THE VOCABUUST. 51
can readily reconstruct in imagination the question which La Perouse
put to his Samoan informant from whom he derived what he took to be
the name of the island. Less readily can we reconstruct what the
poHte and always suave Samoan thought that the Frenchman was ask-
ing him, but it is quite clear that even though he did not understand
the French the Samoan was filled with sufficient bonhomie to reply
ioe lava. Down it went into the navigator's notebook as the name of
the land. We who understand the Samoan smile at the incident, for
ioe lava means "yes, indeed."
Such considerations as these, and I have but skimmed the surface
of a most interesting chapter of practical philology, should make it
quite clear that it is the part of wisdom to approach the original record
of a newly discovered speech with fear and trembling. Into my hands
have been placed the field notes of discovery ; their immense value must
be recognized, but in their original state they are immense in the sense
in which the Romans used the term, great but lacking order. With an
eye for the pitfalls I have sought to clear the path whereupon others
may safely tread. Many errors have I rectified; that many more still
remain is undoubted.
It is sufficient satisfaction for the present to feel that the beginning
has been made, that a convenient handbook may be offered to those
whose duty may engage them in this field. Thus will the errors be cor-
rected and additions will surely accrue for the improvement of our
knowledge. Best of all, this small vocabulary will serve the end of
social betterment and help to a poor folk who from their own kind have
met with nothing but rapine and toward whom we have assumed a duty
of protection for the present until they may be raised to the point where
they may accept the good we offer them.
It has proved of interest to work out the perturbation factors
which affect the Subanu source designated as 3 in the foregoing account.
From my collaborator I learn that the work was done by two collectors.
The former list (3-a) was collected through a partially tamed Subanu
who had a knowledge of Visayan, a bilingual assistant. With this
information it is possible to follow out his method. Against such
Subanu words as he saw fit to record he set the Visayan equivalent. In
further development by another hand it was possible from the Visayan
vocable to pass to the Spanish and thence eventually to the English.
The collector of the larger part of this material is described by
Colonel Finley as a rather bright Visayan who was employed as a mu-
chacho by one of the Spanish mission priests. He was trilingual; in
addition to his proper Visayan he comprehended the Subanu in one
direction and to a certain extent the Spanish in the other. Here enters
yet another factor, one which has been of great assistance to me in
making determinations whereby I might correct the errors of the original
text. This is the Visayan dictionary of Fray Juan FeHx, a really com-
52 THE SUBANU.
mendable piece of lexicography to have been accomplished by one quite
ignorant of the science of language. The edition which has been placed
at my service by the Librarian of Congress is entitled: "Diccionario
Bisaya-Espafiol (Espaiiol-Bisaya) compuesto por el R. P. Fr. Juan
Felix de la Encarnacion . . . tercera edicion aumentada con mas de
tres mil voces por el R. P. Fr. Jose Sanchez; Manila, 1885." The
Visayan vocabulary contains some 12,000 items.
In my earlier characterization of this section of the material, I
pointed out that the collector had based his work upon a Spanish word-
list which he had followed somewhat irregularly. Upon my first inspec-
tion of the Visayan dictionary I discovered that the muchacho had saved
himself much trouble by following the Spanish- Visayan of Fray Juan
FeUx. This suspicion was fully confirmed when I made the discovery
that his following had been so uninspired that he had followed even the
typographical errors. The only difference noted is that he seems to
have used a dialectic form of the Visayan slightly variant (particularly
in the use of the vowels a and u) from the standard of the dictionary.
This is matter of less moment when we find that the reverend lexi-
cographer is not consistent with himself, that many words in the
Spanish- Visayan vary, not only in vowels but in consonants as well, /H
from the forms recorded in Visayan-Spanish.
The original entries seem to have been written by hand with pen or
pencil, for there appears a constant perturbation factor of imperfectly
legible chirography. This has produced a most irregular treatment of
the composition members; at times they are united with the stems to
which they apply, at other times they stand apart, in the end it is by no
means certain that this type of error has been wholly corrected. In
Uke manner such independent members of the sentence as conjunctions
are found joined with more important vocables ; where the equivalent in
Visayan has not been discovered it has proved impossible to assort these
to their proper places. With considerable experience of the haste and I
the bad pen of unready writers, I find that I have visualized a chir- '
ography for this stage of the notes and have had to exercise my wits in i
detecting error attributable to bad writing. As a single instance from
many I cite the entry "patoel, brother." When the Visayan gives us \
patod we may readily see that we are not dealing with an anomalous
mutation, but that a loosely penned d has been misread el by the
transcriber.
The material reached its second stage when the written notes were j
transcribed upon the typewriter by some clerical assistant. We assume
that he was quite ignorant of Subanu, scantily acquainted with the
Visayan, and imperfectly acquainted with Spanish, as is the wont of the
enHsted man on foreign service. At this stage was added the fourth
column of text ; against the triple entry of Subanu-Visayan-Spanish is
now set the EngUsh equivalent. Here again I have had the fortune to
PITFAI.LS OF THE VOCABULIST. 53
identify the manual in use, Appleton's Spanish dictionary of 1872,
Seoane's Neuman and Barretti by Velazquez. In adjusting this mate-
rial to the growing vocabulary the clerk has followed consistently an
easily identifiable method. In all cases where Seoane renders a Spanish
word by two English words the clerk has used the former. The result
is odd, but easily corrigible when we hold his manual. Of this class of
error I cite the definition of gocsip through Spanish /a/ca by the former
of Seoane's renderings "washboard;" of course the washboard is yet a
distant culture plane above the laundry requirements of these savages,
and apart from this a priori reasoning the Visayan homologue sipsip
enables us to discover, with the assistance of Fray Juan Fehx, that the
object is really a wedge.
In this stage of the text appears yet another perturbation factor,
the errors of the typewriter. Here a revising hand has made with the
pen such corrections as seemed necessary. I instance the definition of
meaon through Visayan mayahon and Spanish enano "dwarfish" by the
typed word Awarfish; here the corrector, recognizing that there was no
such word, has drawn his pen to part the initial A from warfish and has
added the explicative note "fighting fish." It was no more than a slip
of the finger, the a key was hit when reaching for d.
I have corrected all such errors as the use of the method of com-
parative study has shown me. I can not feel sure that I have cleared
the text of all error, that would be too much to expect; but I have per-
formed the task of emendation with the utmost sympathy, for I have
had abundant experience of the diflSculty which attends the student of
a new-found speech.
I
CHAPTER II.
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS.
The alphabetical system employed in this work is neither consistent
nor particularly to be commended. Its variety has indeed arisen in the
variety of the sources from which the vocabulary has been derived and
is conditioned by the various influences which have affected the col-
lectors. It would be far preferable to present the results in some more
acceptable alphabet ; in view of the fact that print has either not at all
as yet, or only very slightly, reached these Pagan tribes of Mindanao, it
would have been well to employ the scientific alphabet. But in these
studies, conducted at a distance, it has been found impracticable to
make any change in the field notes as provided.
We are grateful to Cadmus for the gift of letters, but gratitude
toward a figure dimly seen in the dawn of culture can not blot out the
sense of the unfitness of these things which must come over us in the
attempt to represent new languages by the alphabetic system of our
own. Letters are indeed a great gift ; without them it is hard to con-
ceive of civiHzation making headway. Cadmus wedded Harmony, but
the inheritance comes not from the distaff side, rather the seed of the
dragon's teeth with strife — and spelling. Scant wonder is it that the
marks, whatever they may have been, which Bellerophon bore were
described as a^fxaza Xojpd.
Indeed it is a dismal task to seek to apply the six and twenty signs
of our alphabet to the needs of a foreign speech, to employ but two
dozen (bakers' tale) symbols in representing to the eye a series of
sounds which fall but Uttle short of four score. In this work upon
which we are entering we shall have to recognize that we can have no
more than an approximation. Recorded in the Roman alphabet with
no suggestion of diacritical marks the words in this vocabulary must
be regarded as but sketches, not working plans drawn to scale; the
ivhole topic of pronunciation, directions whereby this material might
DC placed to speech use, must necessarily be omitted.
The influences affecting the collectors of this Subanu material vary
n terms of European speech. All that part of the field notes which is
n Colonel Finley's manuscript is naturally reduced to conformity with
he usage of the EngHsh alphabet, and doubtfully placed sounds are
eproduced by the proximate English sound most familiar upon an
American ear. It is thus that we owe to this influence the employment
)f k in some few vocables where the other collectors employ C, and qu
)efore e and i.
55
56
THB SUBANU.
That somewhat larger part of the vocabulary which rests upon the
efforts, such as they are, of the Subanu informant and the Visayan
muchacho has been brought into conformity with written Visayan.
That speech was reduced to writing by Spanish missionaries ; therefore
in the dictionary of Fray Juan FeHx we find the custom of the Spanish
alphabet.
It is unfortunate that we miss the opportunity to correct the variety
and to present this newly recorded speech in better guise. Yet it is
really less to be regretted, for in the ordering of this wild community it
is Hkely that for a long time to come intercourse with the shy moun-
taineers will most commonly be conducted through Hispanized Visayan
intermediaries.
The following notes upon the phonetics of the Subanu are suppUed
by my collaborator and are presented without change, for their impor-
tance is that they are a record at first hand :
The vowels have generally the Continental
value.
The doublet oo corresponds to Visayan u.
The value of y is always consonantal.
The c is always hard.
The g is always hard.
a has the broad sound as in mar.
The frequent termination aan is a dissyllable.
aay is a syllable and diphthong.
gu is used before e and i to preserve the hard
sound of g as in Spanish.
o is sounded as in move.
gua as in guano.
au as ou in house.
ao as ow in how.
ay has the diphthongal sound of i in pine.
With these notes from the field to guide us and with the assistance
of the vocabulary it is practicable to construct the alphabetic scheme
of Subanu as shown upon the following table :
qu before e and i has the value of k as in
Spanish.
ng has the sound of ng in singer.
fig has the doublet (ngg) sound of ng in finger.
ua has the value of wa in water.
h as in English.
The vowels e and i are difficult to distinguish
in Subanu pronunciation. Sometimes
the same difficulty is experienced with
the vowels o and u. These four vowels
are not always used in the same manner
by the same speaker at different times.
gh and kh are harsh guttiu-al sounds some-
times heard in Subanu speech; the
sounds are not found in English.
y
r, 1
w semivowels
ng
n
m nasals
h
aspiration
sonant —
surd —
s
• sibilant
sonant gh
surd kh
z
~> spirant
sonant g
surd k
d
t
p) ™"t^
palatal
lingual
labial
series
series
series.
I find that this is the 107 th time I have pubHshed the alphabetic
diagram for languages of my study. Out of this frequency of use has
grown famiUarity and fulness of comprehension. I regard the diagram
as far more than a convenience in the presentation of the alphabetic
scheme of any speech; to me it is a language picture by which it is
IJ
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 57
possible to trace the family resemblance of a language and from the
resemblance to recognize its affiUation. We shall now advance to the
interpretation of this picture of the Subanu.
The vowel uncertainty will recur in the last chapter, where we shall
have occasion to discuss its critical value in the solution of the major
problem which we develop in these studies.
The outline of the consonant supply upon this diagram surely has
a deep linguistic signification — one, we feel confident, not beyond our
powers of interpreting. A lineal presentation of the consonant element
of the foregoing tabulation would consist of a square lacking its east
side. The upper and the lower bounding lines would be indicated by
heavier lines as showing that along those lines there is a double supply
of material ; the west boundary would be lighter, yet
distinct and almost complete. Within the area of the r*"^^"^^^""
square would be set a dot to represent that a single
effort has been made to fill up the vacancy. Before
we dismiss the Subanu we shall find that the simplicity
of such a graphic method as this will facilitate the
comparison with other languages and speech famihes
which exhibit diagrams of different construction.
These forms are not without meaning in the history of speech
development; they call for study along that line of examination.
It will be granted that the use of the vowel possibility is a common
possession of the higher orders of animal life ; for convenience we may
regard it as colimital with vertebrate life. By vowel possibility we
designate such arrangement of an air-sack and resonating chamber as
will admit of the formation of sounds which may be noise when pro-
duced without sentient direction and which may become musical tones
when formed by more or less purposeful attention to the method of pro-
duction. The vowels, open-throated sounds, are the product of vibra-
tion within an unstopped column of air. They vary according as one
position or another within the air-column is selected as the point of pro-
duction ; they vary in quality according as these soft- walled resonating
columns differ in texture. But the vowel possibility man has because
he has the acoustic equipment of the air-breathing vertebrate. That
he has it in higher degree and under more perfect control of modulation
we may ascribe to epochal development of the possibility through exer-
cise in purposeful employment, the epochs being marked along the
biologic side, of which the possibilities may readily be seen to be hmit-
less, by evolution into new species and genera.
Whereas the vowel is of the type of vibration in an open air-pipe,
! the consonant is dependent wholly upon the employment of stops and
' closures in the pipe which contains the vibrant column of air, and in
certain of its features it depends upon the added fact that the vibrant
air is Ukewise in motion of progression outward and therefore exerts a
58 THE SUBANU.
certain pressure upon the point of stoppage . Consonant possibility is a
late acquisition in the course of vertebrate history. We are in a posi-
tion to say positively that it is limited to the primates. An effort is
making to estabUsh the possession of at least the beginning of consonant
possibiHty in certain of the apes. Just in passing, entering the note of
recognition that this question is yet sub judice, we may properly say
that the power to make the closures of the vocal organism whence con-
sonants come into speech is the pecuhar possession of the present type
of man. The qualification is forced upon us by the recent discovery of
human remains in England, to which has been given the name Eoan-
ihropos, for if we may rely upon the collation of skull fragments upon
which the genus has been erected we find abundant anatomical reason
to beUeve that this was man who was speechless.
It is an early postulate that speech makes the man. He who has
the form and stature of a man but speaks not, he is an idiot and he
gibbers. He who is but the beginning of a man and can not yet speak,
he is an infant, infans because he can not speak, i^vjzco: since he has no
words, the pr^-ia xUva of Homer come to mind. It is only in the
Semitic system that out of the mouths of babes and suckHngs is strength
estabUshed, and that is the imagery of revelation rather than the keen
sense of primal observation.
This is not merely a postulate of the classical tongues of our own
high race. I find it in the use of an African folk with scarcely more
than an entering foot over the threshold of human culture, as we may
read in EHenberger's History of the Basuto, ancient and modern" at
page XXI.
Bantu is the plural of Muntu, the Kafl&r and Zulu word for a human being.
The equivalent m Sesuto is motho with the letter h to accentuate the intonation.
But the word mtintu or 7notho means more than that: it indicates the power
of speech as well, a speaking being as distinct from monkeys or baboons, who
have something like a human shape but can not speak. A child before it has
learned to speak is ngoana, that is, a httle being; mo, the prefix denoting
being, being changed into ngo for the sake of euphony; and the diminutive
suffix ana. But as soon as the child has learned to speak, the tho, denoting
speech, is placed between prefix and suffix, and the little being becomes
mothoana, a little being which can talk.
Here we have two instances: one is derived from the childish estate
of a culture which has come to high maturity, the other is drawn from
a low culture plane where man is all child ; the two are in accord.
Who speaks, he is man.
Nor is the possession of the consonants evenly divided among man-
kind. There are races which have but a few of the speech consonants
in possession. There are races, and in this category we are numbered,
which have through disuse lost the power of forming certain consonants
which once were in possession. We shall soon have to examine the con-
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 59
sonant scale of the Subanu in order to see where they He in relation to
neighboring speech-families.
Because of the structure of the vocal organs we shall follow a natu-
ral method of study of this consonant diagram if in certain areas we deal
with its horizontal members, in other areas if we direct the attention
more particularly upon its vertical columns. At three distinct points
near the outer end of the vibrant column of air we possess organs
whereby closures may be made and from these closures consonants may
be produced. These are the palate in the rear of the mouth-cavity,
the tongue centrally situated within the cavity, the lips at the front of
the cavity. Furthermore, at each of these closure-points the closure
may be of any degree of completeness, and from this arises variety of
sound there produced.
Our first horizontal member includes the semivowels. These are
practically universal in human speech ; upon a priori grounds we should
expect so to find them; their general presence is confirmatory of the
view that they represent the beginning of the acquisition of consonant
power. All the vowels are formed with open throat ; the true consonants
are made with closures by palate, tongue and Hps. It will be seen by
simple experiment how these semivowels are formed. A light applica-
tion of the fingers to the throat and lips will readily enable any one to
identify the position in which any given sound is made. Thus we are
able to discover that the y semivowel is formed near the palate, the r
and the 1 in slightly different forms near the center of the cavity where
the tongue is dominant, the w near the lips. The same digital exami-
nation will show after what manner they differ from the vowels proxi-
mate to those positions, how 1 and y are not quite the same, a slightly
varies from r and 1, U and w differ. It will be seen that the semivowels
vary from the vowels in one direction, from the consonants in the other,
in this important particular that the vibrant air-column is less open
than in the case of the vowels, less closed than in the case of the conso-
nants. In other words there is a constriction instead of a closure; the
sounding pipe is not closed but it is constricted. Because this effect
is an incomplete exercise of the power of each of these speech organs
these semivowels are set upon our diagram not exactly in the palatal,
lingual, and labial columns, but proximate thereto.
The next horizontal member is a triplet of consonants denominated
the nasals. Here we should pause for a moment in order to avoid con-
fusion with an idea subsisting in our common speech and likely to lead
us astray. Of certain individuals in all our English societies, even of
certain groups of individuals where the blemish in speech is so frequent
that we incline to consider it a dialectic character, we commonly say
that they speak through the nose. We use this expression quia nemo
scit; for the briefest examination of this speech-fault will convince U3
that "speaking through the nose" is really speech with the nasal cavity
60 THE SUBANU.
shut off, it is objectionable to our educated ears simply for the reason
that we miss the supporting tones which have their origin in the upper
air-passage.
The nasal consonants are really formed by dropping the veil of the
palate and thereby opening to the passage of sound vibrations the nasal
cavity with its twin exits. While the passage of the sound is thus
diverted in a high degree (for we must not lose sight of the fact that this
diversion is always present in a minor degree), the distinctive character
of the sound is formed by the adjustment of the three consonant-
producing organs to their pecuUar positions of control. Here, also,
digital examination will readily disclose the positions within the mouth-
cavity out of which arise these three consonants, and the attention
directed to the perception of the vibration of the air-column will soon
discover the course of the vibrations through the upper cavity.
The possession and employment of the three nasals vary widely in
the languages of men. The labial nasal m appears to be everywhere
present in speech. This universality is not difficult to comprehend.
While the consonants producible by the lips may require such precision
in positioning the organs and such a fine sense of synchronization with
the outward impulse of the air as to lie wholly outside the possibilities
of many, if not most, of the more primitive languages, the m position is
the simplest exercise of speech mechanism. Assuming the dropping of
the veil of the palate and the quiescence of the two rearward speech-
organs when the sound vibrations are about to issue, the result depends
upon the position of the upper and nether lip relative to themselves
and therefore to the sound-pipe. So long as the lips are not in contact
with one another, the sound which issues is vocalic, and this holds
equally true whether the lips are wide apart (as in the vociferous shout)
or closely approximated (as in the production of the French vowel u).
But if the hps come together in any one individual for but the briefest
touch, we find that we have passed from vowel to consonant, the m is
produced.
There is abundant reason to regard this consonant as the earUest
acquisition of man and the foundation of human speech as consciously
differentiated from the animal cry wholly vocaUc. It is so light a
difference that we incUne to delude ourselves that some at least of
the animals possess this or the hngual or the palatal nasals. This is
evidenced by our onomatopoetic names for common animal cries, the
bovine "moo," the "neigh" of the horse, the "cock-a-doodle-doo" of the
barnyard fowl, even one sHght step further in consonant development
in the Cockney cry of the burro ' 'hee-haw. ' ' A careful ear will soon dis-
cover that none of these animals shares our consonant possibilities ; the
effect is an error of interpretation in the human ear ; what is really heard
when these familiar animals vocalize is the appulse, the abrupt incep-
tion of the sound. This confusion all the more readily arises since the
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 61
nasals are of the class of consonants denominated sonant — that is to
say, the sound is produced just before the closure is appHed to the
vibrant column.
It will be understood that no consonant is a sound in itself; it is
only a modulant of the sonorous vibrating medium which, without such
modulant, would produce no more than a vocalic sound. The nasals
are therefore terminal of the sound. This is readily seen in what we
know as mumbling, a name in which the use of the labial nasal plainly
appears. With the lips wholly closed we find it possible to hear our-
selves say "um-um," but we find it wholly impossible to produce that
primitive consonant in the closed mouth if we attempt it in the initial
position as "mu-mu."
The lingual nasal n is also a common property of most speech. It
is frequently subject to mutation along the vertical column of the pos-
sibilities of tongue positioning within the buccal cavity ; less frequently
it tends to undergo an exchange with the palatal nasal ; but in the main
we are justified in regarding it as among the more permanent posses-
sions of speech equipment.
The palatal nasal ng is in a marked degree less general and less
permanent. To many languages it is missing ; few of those which pos-
sess it can employ it in the initial position. We may see this in our own
speech. We find a marked difficulty in using it as an initial when we
attempt to acquire facility in languages which employ it at the begin-
ning of words. Even in the final position it is subject to alteration
along two distinct lines. In Oxford English of the present time speakers
who profess their good taste say "comin" and "goin" and the like in
the common present participle termination. Those who employ this
manner of speech write the words, when they wish to indicate their
pronunciation, as "comin"' and "goin' " and would describe the event
as dropping the g. This is an absurd misconception of the mutation
which takes place ; in ng there is no g to drop except in so far as to the
eye we use n and g in juxtaposition to serve as the symbol of a simple
consonant which in the scientific alphabet and in any other reasonable
alphabetic system is represented by a single character. What really
happens is this : the palate, a peculiarly blunt and coarse organ of speech,
being insufficiently under the fine control needed to give its nasal the
true value, the more facile tongue is employed instead and we thus find
n in the place of ng. The second mutation, a pecuUarly vulgar error, is
based upon the same inabiUty to adjust the palate to its true position
for this modulant. After taking the proper position at the beginning
of the sound the palate ghdes into its ultimate position, which is more
easily held. TheTesult is that instead of a clear ng we have a double
sound in which the nasal serves but as preface to the mute, ng termin-
ated by g as a sonant, ng terminated by k as a surd. This is found in
several of the vulgar dialects of England and is beginning to find a place
62 THB SUBANU.
in the careless and uneducated speech of our own recent immigrants . In
a recent circular of instructions issued by the school department of New
York City it was considered proper to advise teachers to observe and
to try to correct such pronunciations as "sing-ging" and "anythingk."
vSo far we have passed under review the heavy outline at the top of
the incomplete square which we observe in the diagram of the Subanu
consonant scheme. Having discussed the individual consonants which
make up that heavy Hne in detail, we may now sum up the underlying
principle. We find that the Subanu have acquired the constrictions at
each of the three consonant-producing positions which are the semi-
vowel bridges over which development passes through practice to the
exertion of the true consonant-forming closures. We further find that
the Subanu have acquired the closures of each of the three speech-
organs in their lightest force.
Now we shall pass to the heavy outline which forms the bottom of
the incomplete square ; we distinguish it as heavy for the reason that
we have a double equipment in all the mutes, the sonant as well as the
surd. When we come to the comparison of the Subanu with certain
other languages with which it has been sought to associate the Malayan
languages, we shall note that many languages lack this double equip-
ment and we shall find therein a critical character.
It is a long leap from the top of the square to its bottom. Yet in
making it we are not carried away by the enticing force of an illustra-
tion, great and misleading though such enticement might prove. It
is just that long leap which is taken in the development of speech facility.
In another connection {Easter Island, page i8) I have discussed this
matter at greater length than here seems necessary. It suffices to note
that next after the easy nasals the speech-power passes to the utmost
attainment of the mutes. This we find to be the case in the Subanu.
It would be idle to attempt to calculate the number of positions
which may be taken by any one of the speech-organs. Undoubtedly
between the limiting positions which establish the nasal and the mute
each organ may assume a great many positions, but we need concern
ourselves with but two or three or four positions at most. These serve
to establish the different classes of consonants which have been found
sufficiently distinct to serve the ends of clearly articulated speech.
They do not exactly correspond in all languages. In any language they
do not exactly correspond for all speakers ; it is that quality which gives
to human speech characters whereby we may, though tone deaf, identify
our friends in the darkest night if they will but speak to us, or by modern
miracle (now become a necessity of life) we may distinguish a familiar
voice over miles of copper wire or when ground out from a wax cylinder
or composition disk, so that even the dogs may sit up and take notice.
In our own English we have adopted four distinctive positions for
the palate and the tongue and three for the lips; in each case two of
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 63
these positions are limiting, two and two and one are intermediate. It
is in regard of these intermediate positions that we estimate the devel-
opment of languages as a matter of evolutionary history and that we
evaluate their orthoepic richness as determining their flexibiUty and
beauty of efficiency as a means of communicating thought.
We have already spoken of the palate as a blunt organ. It is so
seen to be on anatomic examination. Its movements and practical
positions relative to the column of vibrant air are few. It is just such
a coarse speech-organ as would serve the uses of a people to whom nice-
ties of pronunciation remain yet needless. The tongue we see to be far
other. In its speech use it has two forms of activity which operate
singly or in conjunction : by changes in the form of its thicker body it is
able to alter the shape of the central cavity of the mouth ; by the pre-
cision with which its flexible tip may be applied to one point or other
of the containing walls it may produce almost an infinitude of consonant
raodulants ; at one extremity of its applicability it may compose with
certain palatal positions to produce linguo-palatal sounds ; at the other
extremity it may compose with the inner aspect of the lips to produce
Hnguo-labial sounds and in the same region with the teeth and gums
to produce yet other sounds. In the arts the finer tools of precision
are useless in prentice hands; training and skill are required before
they can be economically employed. So with men to whom speech is
yet an early and imperfect acquisition we should expect to find, we do
in fact find, that the prodigious flexibility of the tongue is used in its
least degree.
The hps again are extremely mobile organs. These "leaves of the
mouth," as the Polynesian people denominate them, are capable of a
great variety of closure which may impose upon the issuing vibrations
of sound the last determining modification. The essential character
of the tongue is its great flexibiUty; the essential character of the Hps
is their applicability to great refinements of precision. The positioning
of the lips plays a part so large in our own speech that it has been found
possible to teach the deaf to see speech by reading the lips. It would
be interesting to learn to what extent lip-reading might apply to the
case of the ruder folk v/ho have not yet acquired distinct control of these
organs. In a computation of the frequency of sounds in English and
in Samoan I have shown that in speech involving i ,000 occurrences of
the most frequent vowel sound the English employs the labials 908
times, the Samoan but 378. The labials are the last possession to be
added to man's speech equipment, just as the Hps are the last to come
under control of their fine musculature. We employ but one of the
possible intermediate closures of the lips in its dual phase of V sonant
and f surd ; some other languages make better use of the paired organs ;
many languages there are which have either not attained at all to any
but the Hmiting Hp closures or, if they have found the possibility of
64 THE SUBANU.
intermediate closures, have not yet attained to precision in their use.
The Subanu have not attained them at all. It is for that reason that
the typical square of their consonant scheme is left open on that side.
On the other side, the bounding line of the palatal series is as com-
plete as in English, though in a slightly different sense. Of the two
principal and generally occurring intermediate closures we have per-
mitted disuse to overcome the spirants gh and kh ; the latter we seem to
have rejected early in our speech history and to have selected the sonant
in preference over the surd ; the former yet remains present to the eye
and a torment to our conservative orthography, as in " neighbor, "which
also exhibits the passage from the kh of nachbar to the sonant, yet in
sound it has vanished. The Subanu have attained to the use of the pal-
atal spirant in both its phases ; our palatal sibilants, zh and sh, have not
yet been acquired.
In the lingual series the Subanu has estabUshed the limiting clos-
ures— at the hither end the semivowel in its double phase, the nasal; at
the distal end the mute in its two phases ; in the intermediate space we
employ with beautiful accuracy the spirant and the sibilant, each in its
two phases ; the Subanu has acquired no more than a single one of these
four possible consonants, the surd lingual sibilant S.
There remains now for consideration the aspiration, an activity of
speech so anomalous that in our diagram we set it to one side and on the
margin, because it does not seem possible to associate it with any of the
speech-organs. It is present in Subanu, but its use appears scanty in
this vocabulary material ; it is frequently dropped from situations where
the intimately allied Visayan shows that it might be employed except
for dialectic preference. There is really in this material so little bearing
upon its phonetic place that I have been content to make but a single
entry upon the diagram^. In other studies based upon richer material I
have shown that there is an aspiration proximate to the palate, an aspi-
ration proximate to the tongue, and an aspiration proximate to the lips.
In speech sounds are employed singly or in combination. Thus we
arrive at the need to study the syllable as a secondary unit of the spoken
word. The sounds which may be employed singly are the vowels ; their
number is but small. Each vowel may enter into composition with one
or more consonants in two positions, in either one or both. Conven-
ience in study has led to the classification of these secondary units as
open or closed syllables, according as the vowel sound is final or is closed
by consonant modulation. There is more than convenience in this
classification; languages fall into two primordial classes according as
the syllables are of open or closed type. We then have the following
varieties of syllables, two for each type: open syllables, vowel alone,
consonant-vowel ; closed syllables, vowel-consonant, consonant-vowel-
consonant. The Subanu exhibits all four varieties of syllables; it is
therefore a language of the closed type. To such an extent does the
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEJMB^RS. 65
disposition toward this character hold that we shall soon have occasion
to note the somewhat frequent assumption of a final consonant by stems
which the Subanu have taken on loan from languages of the open type.
Premising that the data upon which we are working lack much in
the matter of extent, and that final accuracy of form is too much to
expect in the conditions in which this Philippine speech finds its intro-
duction to science, we shall find an interest in examining some of the
distinctive characters of these vocables.
First we shall pay attention to the duplication phenomena. A
characteristic of many languages of the primitive type, duplication so
strongly marks the speech of Polynesia that it has been possible to
study out its form varieties and to assign to the varying usage a value
almost syntactical. For the fuller consideration of this mechanism of
word-formation and word-employment I invite attention to my mono-
graph upon "DupHcation Mechanics in Samoan and their Functional
Values" (1908) in "The American Journal of Philology," vol. xxix,
page 33. In the Subanu this mechanism is far less frequent than in
Polynesian speech and its syntactical value less apparent. All the
instances which are found in this vocabulary are here presented, together
with the estimate of their functions in the scanty number of cases where
that is deducible.
As expressive of the diminutive sense, Subanu duplication gives us the
following hatahata,gihasgihas,manocmanoc,sapasapa and sibulansibulan.
To express a plural or general collective, duplication here gives us
leenleen. The cognate sense of plurality of action (verb) which inheres
in reciprocal action, movement back and forth, is found in gocahgocah
and poc-sindilsindil.
The intensive sense, really a protraction of the idea of plurality,
is found in the following: boangboang, cotecote, dayandayan, gonagona,
libaliba, lingalinga, mog-langlaang.
Owing to the paucity of our information, the remaining instances of
duplication must remain unclassed as to the inner nature of their employ-
ment. These are the following: conotconot, cotooto, dubdub, gwakgwak,
gantingganting, gibusibus, limalima, lingulingu, maomao, niugniug,
pondopondo, porongporong, so-ganagana.
The foregoing instances are of the simplest type of duplication ; the
word as a whole is doubled. In the Polynesian languages, where this
formation method reaches its highest development, the frequency of
such simple duplication is so great as to establish a superficial character
of the speech ; in Subanu we have been able to discover, in so much of its
vocabulary as is here contained, certainly a most considerable part, no
more than the foregoing 28 instances, a percentage so small as not to be
worth the arithmetic which it would require to determine it.
In the Polynesian languages, again, a very beautiful and flexible
system has developed in the duplication mechanics to form a specific
66 THE SUBANU.
type to which I have given the designation preduplication. This con-
sists in dupUcating the first syllable of a polysyllable; in the scheme
which I have formulated for convenience in classifying duplications, the
letters b, c, d, and so on, standing for the syllables of the word in order,
preduplication is expressed by the formula bbc, or bbcd. Thus is
created a very pretty system whereby syntactical differences may be
expressed in languages far anterior to the mechanism of inflection.
While preduplication is quite frequent in Polynesian we are able to
discover but five instances in which its occurrence in Subanu is satis-
factorily established and one in which some uncertainty holds. The
five undoubted instances of preduplication occur in words compounded
by the addition of prefixes. Of these, four duplicate an open initial
syllable of the stem, namely sogmog-sosulat, sogmog-dadao, po-gogovitan,
a-lalaat.
In the fifth instance we have the duplication of a closed initial sylla-
ble, poc-agagom. The doubtful instance is the word gagun; deriving this
from the Malay gong, as seems probable, we may class this as predupli-
cative. The chief objection, for vowel variety may here be neglected, is
that gong appears to be a monosyllable and our studies of duplication up
to the present have afforded us no cases in which the duplication has
dealt with anything less than the syllable as a unit, none which seems to
split the syllable. On the other hand, the length of the vowel in gong
suggests a primitive goong, a dissyllable with two short vowels in time
reduced to a monosyllable by crasis, yet retaining sufficient of the past
life of the word to allow the resolution of the long vowel in the employ-
ment of duplication. Likewise, our future studies upon composition
of words by formative members applied interiorly will indicate very
clearly that there is here no disposition to regard the syllable unit as a
thing so fixed as to preclude its separabihty.
Before we proceed to the details of composition in the Subanu words,
we note a case where composition involves the loss of a stem vowel.
The instances are few and curious. The loss of stem vowel is unmis-
takable in pic-nogan from inog, mog-langlaang from laang, quina-anglan
from angol as we establish from its Visayan relative hangol. In lack of
definite information upon the point, I include herewith guiadman from
doma and poalat from laat; it is quite possible that adman and alat
derive from doma and laat through inversion of the former syllables.
While this may seem to us a brutal treatment of the syllable, we shall
find in the comparison of the Subanu with the Visayan, in the next chap-
ter, so many instances explicable only as inverts that we may anticipate
that etymological mechanism in this case. The word pogugha remains;
this composite is pog-ugba; the stem seems (the sense supporting) to be
associable with gapog. It does no violence to the genius of the language
to excise the final g, which is no more than a suffix establishing the noun
character of the attributive vocable, and therefore is properly dismissed
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 67
when the attributive passes into verb sense. Next, inversion of the
former syllable in the resultant gapo gives us agpo; it is very simple and
general phonetics to find the sonant g attracting its neighbor p from
surd to sonant in its own series; therefore agpo becomes agbo, and lack
of vowel fixity is so characteristic of this rude speech that ugba is quite
explicable.
We are next to examine a phonetic usage which is not properly to
be dealt with as a case of consonant mutation, for it affects certain con-
sonants, the two palatal mutes, positionally ; that is to say, only when
they are used as the initial consonant of the vocable. It will be seen in
the vocabulary that many vocables which begin with the syllable ca are
duphcated by forms which lack the c and that to a lesser extent this
double form is true of vocables with ga initial. Even where the double
form does not appear in the Subanu vocabulary, a reference to the
Visayan affiliates will show that the uncertainty exists. There are three
seeming exceptions to this principle of uncertainty as restricted to the
beginning of words, cotooto, gibusibus, and gonauna. It will be seen
that while the loss appears to have taken place in a position inner with
respect of the vocable, it is initial with respect of the stem duplicated.
To a certain extent it has been possible to associate these variant
forms with the several sources of the vocabulary material. Yet after
all that leads nowhere, for there is no uniformity; the source which
affords us the abraded form in one vocable may yield the full form in
another and precisely similar vocable, and each in turn applies or
neglects the initial palatal mute in the case of vocables for which we
have a Visayan or even Spanish original. Thus from the Spanish
caballo the Subanu borrows the transliteration cabayo and parallels it
with an abraded form abayo. It will not be difficult in scanning the
vocabulary under these initials to find a sufficiency of instances to show
that the Subanu abrades the mute initial in words which clearly pos-
sessed it in the source of the loan. On the other hand there are quite as
many instances to show that Subanu, through some principle in its own
phonetics, assumes C or g as initial to words which in the Visayan are
devoid thereof; for instance gama is Visayan amahan. In our later
examination of the exterior relations of both Subanu and Visayan we
shall observe this word in its proper class and shall discover that the g
is really a Subanu assumption upon a stem whicli in its genesis began
with a consonant wholly distinct in series and in the speech-organ em-
ployed. We are warranted in the statement that the Subanu assumed
an initial consonant and that this assumed consonant tends to disappear.
I have had a sense that this matter of the assumed initial palatal
mute represented a senior and a junior stage of the language; that it
was an ancient Subanu character to assume the mute, and that in the
more recent stage it was being dropped in avoidance of dialectic rude-
ness, as intercourse became more free with more advanced Visayan
68 THE SUBANU.
neighbors. Against this provisionally formed impression mihtate two
important facts ; the former is that we have no data, other than infer-
ence wholly from outside, upon which to base a valuation of relative
age in the vocabulary which now for the first time comes to us in a very
disheveled mass, but all essentially modern; the latter is that the his-
toric record, as presented by Colonel Finley in Part I of this volume,
makes it plain that the Subanu shrank, and with the best of good
reason, from intercourse with their more advanced neighbors. This
impression may therefore, and quite properly, be dismissed.
I beHeve that we have here a far more interesting and philologi-
cally important principle at work ; that we are not dealing with a later
and refining process of speech, but with a rude and primitive principle
effecting word formation at a stage when words are things to be created
by evolution of speech power. This apparently anomalous assumption
of initial affects the palatal mute. In terms of speech evolution we see
that this is an activity of the first of the speech-organs to come under
control and that so far as relates to that organ it is the result of the
maximum speech effort; for the variety of C and g is here negligible,
since it amounts to a mere shading of the manner of vibration at the
exit time and place of the sound formed by the particular closure. In
this view I regard the assumed initial as appulse.
I have employed this term in connection with the explanation of
our English onomatopees formed in the effort to create words to denom-
inate descriptively the familiar cries of our domestic companions to
whom true speech has not yet come in facilitation of the small ideas
which they try so hard to communicate to us. Appulse is the initial of
all sound, the beginning of the characteristic vibration from a state of
rest. It does not exist in sound ; it is an interpretation through the ear
and in the auditory centers of the brain of the suddenness of existence of
a sound out of stillness. Here I credit it to the interpretation of a very
rude human speech. Hitherto I have credited it to the interpretation
of the cries of barnyard animals. It is yet more general, for as it does
not qualify sound in itself, but does quaHfy aural interpretation of
sound, we may sense appulse even in mechanically produced vibrations.
In littoral conditions of abode I am well within the range of a steam
siren, say at a distance of four miles. During still winter nights, when
falling snow draws a curtain against the harbor mouth, I can hear the
blast of that instrument whose monotone is more prophylactic than
musically pleasing. Four times in each minute the air is filled with a
wailing sound which is essentially vocalic, yet four times in each minute
my sensorium reads into it an initial consonant, the maximum eftort of
the labials. I hear Pooo-Pooo. Nor am I singular in this; it is not a
matter of the personal equation of the observer; it has gone into our
speech in the onomatopee "puff." Thus the appulse is our misread-
ing of the change from silence to sound ; we go a trifle too far and read a
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 69
consonant in our audition where no consonant exists. To vocalize that
audition we must employ a consonant and thus we take a mere ghost of
speech and materialize it. If we, long culture ages higher in develop-
ment with wit and ability (sometimes put to use) of knowing what we
are talking about, do this in our common speech, think how more potent
this must be with the rude savages remote in their mountains. It is
their nature, as it is the nature of most rude folk in the higher cultures,
to be strong in their speech, and this is most manifest at the beginnings
and endings of words. We shall examine in another connection the
mutation of d, a firm and strong consonant when at the end of the word,
reducible to the weaker lingual effort in medial r when the word receives
a formative suffix. This principle of strength at either end of the word
tends to build up the appulse into a true consonant.
Such examination as at this point we may give to the characteristic
consonant mutations in Subanu is confined to those few instances in
which we find two forms in use. There are but few more than a dozen
cases in which mutation is discoverable within Subanu itself, but these
will prove valuable as establishing an introduction to the larger mass
of phonetic material which will become available when we discuss this
inner speech in its relation to exterior cognate languages and particularly
to its immediate neighbor the Visayan.
At present we register a note of a distinctive phenomenon which
not yet are we prepared to comprehend : every single instance of muta-
tion which we may establish upon purely Subanu material is found in
connection with the tongue, with two exceptions. These two are wholly
anomalous; the former is daromog as a variant of domomog, mutation
from labial nasal to lingual semivowel ; the latter is palad as a variant of
palag, mutation from surd lingual mute to sonant palatal mute. It
will be observed that in each of these instances the mutation is extra
seriem and that there is movement out of class, nasal to semivowel in
one case, surd to sonant in the other. Those who have accompanied
me in my studies of the Polynesian phonetic will have no difficulty in
finding in the mutation of palad to palag an instance, soHtary in Subanu,
of the kappation of t which is so marked a present character of many
languages in the central and eastern region of the Pacific.
The lingual mutations which we have been able to segregate for
study are most frequently from the mute, the maximum speech effort of
the tongue, clear across the whole range of its activity to the minimum
effort in the Hquid semivowel. The surd lingual mute t affords one
instance: in posoloron, from the stem soloi, we find the mutation t-r.
This is the weakening of a consonant strong when final into the liquid
when it ceases to be final upon the addition of a formative suffix.
The same principle is active in the case of the sonant lingual mute
d as a final with mutation to r in the following instances: giiicoran and
poguingcora, from the stem cod; Hnonsoran, from the stem lonsod; pego-
70 THE SUBANU.
iaran, from the stem gatad; and tobora from the stem tobod. I have
already directed attention upon the fact that rude speakers give par-
ticular force to the beginnings and endings of words; this weakening
mutation is in itself confirmatory. In the three following instances we
shall observe the d-r mutation applied to the initial d when it is buried
under a formative prefix: maralag, from stem dalag; corala, from stem
dala; mar ope, from stem dope.
In the sole instance of batasan from stem batad, we find a mutation
that stops midway : instead of upon the semivowel, the weakening mute
rests at the sibilant. We lack data for the determination whether the
variants bold and buis represent the same halfway mutation or whether
this is an example of an S-d mutation not elsewhere discovered.
If this inversion of mutation movement remains in doubt in the
matter of S-d, we may regard it as definitely settled in the case of r-d in
two instances: the variants danao and lanao and dongog and rongog.
The proof is external to Subanu, external in fact to all Indonesian speech,
yet we are justified in advancing it from its proper later place in order
to settle this matter of phonetics. The parent of rongog is certainly
the Polynesian longo (rongo) ; thus it is clear that this is really a case of
r-d mutation. The other word, lanao, is not quite so clear; it appears
associable with two Polynesian words, lano sweet water and lanu a lake,
these two being probably a divaricated stem. If this be indeed the
source of lanao, the r-d mutation, already once established, receives
confirmation. In the Bontoc Igorot we find tjenum, danum, denoni, all
in the sense of potable water. This series, so fortunately preserved,
gives us both lano and lanu derivatives in the signification of sweet
water, and goes far toward establishing the original unity of the divari-
cated vocables.
The uncertainty which I have manifested in the discussion of
lanao rests not only upon the diversity of sense but rather more upon
the lack of acquaintance with the phenomenon of ao employed in
dipthong value as representative of an earlier source vowel. The
collation of the Bontoc Igorot upon vv^hich I engaged after the foregoing
note had been written has given a satisfactory suite of instances in
which this dipthong appears as the mutation product of the vowel 0.
Subanu. Bontoc. i Subanu. Bontoc. j .Subanu. Bontoc.
boligan faolengan
gayo kayao
goloan olaoan ! tao takao
linao alinoao I toon taaowin
This does not exhaust the source of this dipthong. From a we
have balin-gawa-kaaowa, from e goyamet-komaot, from U pusu-baosig.
This discovery applies particularly to the etymology of lanao.
We see here abundant evidence that lano and lanao are homogenetic; we
have an item of confirmation of a possible lann-lanao association.
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 71
Finally, we are to note one more phonetic principle of great interest.
This is the speech necessity of supporting or prefacing the mutes with
the nasal of their own proper series. I have already dwelt at some
length upon my beHef that the nasal, as the easiest and least forceful
exercise of the speech activity of any organ of speech, is the earhest
acquired, and that from the weakest exercise of the speech activity the
man in his acquisition of control of the new power leaps next to the
strongest exercise of that power. This case of the prefaced mutes fits
naturally into such an explanation. The particular organ (palate,
tongue, or lips) to be used is naturally put into its most famihar posi-
tion as a preliminary to the passage toward the more difficult. This
preHminary position encourages a light vocalization which appears just
prior to the enunciation of the more difficult sound, a principle which
is entirely accepted as causative of the differentiation of sonant and
surd. The prefaced palatal mute, ngg or ngk, undoubtedly occurs in
Subanu as in the Visayan, although our vocabulary does not make its
existence clear.
Of the prefaced lingual mute nd and the prefaced labial mutes mp
and mb we note that the occurrence is most marked when the mute
which has been able to hold its own when in the forceful initial position
becomes weakened by the employment of a prefix. Thus, from daay,
daapa, and di we derive by composition gondaay, ondaapa, and 07tdi;
from pia, poti and pulo we derive supported forms gompia, gompoti,
gompulo. Similarly, bagol, baya, and bata provide the prefaced forms
gombagol, sogombaya, and gombata.
We may see a reason underlying all these instances if we look back
to the alphabetic diagram. It will be noticed that the vowel 0— and
it will undoubtedly have been noticed already that each one of the pre-
faced mutes is introduced by this vowel — is set upon the diagram in a
position midway between the region controlled by the tongue in speech
and that regulated by the Hps. When one is sounding 0 the lips and
the forward cavity of the mouth are in position to pass to a lingual or to
a labial consonant with equal ease. But when speech is yet a new art
the speaker must, v/ith more or less of design, pass to the first position
which shall determine Hngual or labial, namely, the nasal position. The
very slightest vocalization of this position will exhibit to our compre-
hension how it comes to pass that each mute is prefaced by the nasal
proper to the organ wherewith it is formed.
In all Subanu there is but one instance of a prefaced mute which
does not represent the weakening of a strong initial, yet that one involves
the same use of O : this is sogmogombal, from stem gobal; yet on better
acquaintance with the language this exception may prove more appar-
ent than real. The general form of the prefix is sogmog, although
sogmo occurs ; the stem appears in our vocabulary as gobal, yet the abra-
sion of initial palatal mutes is so frequent that it may very well be that
72
THE SUBANU.
this composite is sogniog-ohal, and thus the b may be brought so close to
the initial position as to be governed by the general rule.
This system of prefaced mutes is found somewhat widely spread, in
whole or in part, in the tangle of languages which we denominate Mela-
nesian. In Fiji it has become an invariable rule; that speech has no
sonant mutes which can stand alone of their own power; the preface
of the nasal of the series is required and we hear ngg, nd, and mb.
Great variety of form is given to the Subanu vocables by the free
employment of formative members. We lack the data whereupon to
work out the syntactical value of these accessories of speech, but we can
arrange our material to prove the existence of the following types of
word composition: i, prefix alone; 2, suffix alone; 3, infix alone; 4, pre-
fix-suffix; 5, infix-suffix.
I. The following are the prefixes employed in composition without
accessory formative members ; in the cases of those less frequently used
the instances of occurrence are noted; where this reference is not made,
the words are readily found in the vocabulary order under the par-
ticular prefix.
a duplicating the initial syllable, alalaat.
ba basulan, baton.
be belema, belintis.
ca
cu ciitao.
di probably of prepositional value, dialum,
dihaban, dien, dipag, diselum, ditaas. In
the Malay (ij is distinctly a preposition.
do dosop.
em (ma variant) embais, ? empelek.
g (ca, ga variant) gayac.
go godaay, gondaay, gondi, gompia, gompoli,
gonipulo, gopia, gotao.
ig (probably a ga variant, as em of ma),
ma (variant forms me, mi, mo, mu).
maca (variant forms maa, maga).
mail
mi milipay.
mig
mo molomo, moloto.
moc (variant form mog).
mu musop.
negmeg (variant of nogmog).
noc (secondary forms are nocmaca, noc-
pig, nocpog, nocti).
nog (secondary forms are nogma, nogmig).
nong (nog variant).
pa (variant form pe).
paca (variant form paa, as maca of maa).
pac (variant form pag).
pala (variant form palo). palalabian, pa-
laminis, palapa, palobaya.
pic (variant forms pig, ping),
ping (pig variant), pingoclnban, pingon-
dian.
po (pa variant; alternative and secondary
forms poc, poca, pocca, poco, pog,
pogli, poglo).
poglo (secondary po form), socalpoglogo-
mutan.
quina (kina).
sa (variant forms are sac, sag, soc, sog).
so (secondary forms are sopoc, sopoglo).
soc (secondary forms are socmec, socmi,
socmica, socmo, socmoc, socmog,
socpo, socpog, socsocal).
socal (secondary form is socsocal).
sog (soc variant; secondary forms are sog-
maca, sogmag, sogme, sogmi, sog-
mica, sogmig, sogmo, sogmoc,
sogmog, sogpaca, sogpig, sogpo,
sogsocal).
2. The following are the suffixes which are used with no earlier
formative element ; more properly it is a list of the suffixes when used
alone, for we shall find most of them in use in combination with prior
prefix or infix.
-an antosan, balidyaan, batasan, begyaan,
boocan, bootan, donggoan, gaitan,
gaoman, labanan, lintisan, lo-
bungan, pandayan, pintasan, sala-
pian, sinbaan, sindepan, tabian,
togotan.
-en pimolaen.
-han nlihan.
-1 bonoal.
-nen panganen.
-non pomolanon.
-on baloson, gantoson, ntotaon, saboton.
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 73
3. In this list are gathered the infixes in their employment without
other formative elements.
-al- dalomdoni, logalin. -n- laronon.
-eng- bengawan.
-in- hinaal, binutong, linagami, lines
quinaan, sinonan, tinalicala, tin-
ingog, tinongol.
-li- golitao.
-om- domangop, gomolang, somaloy, soma-
ma, somacay, somocol.
-on- tinongol.
-uk- gimukud.
-ul- bulud.
4. In this list are entered the instances in which prefix and suffix
appear simultaneously.
ci-, -n cisabaon.
ga-, -an gabuludan.
ga-, -nen gabilunen, galonaonen, gapet-
nen, gapulonen, gasalag-
nen, gataluknen.
ge-, -an gedungusan.
ge-, -nen gemisnen, getomnen.
go-, -nen gosomnen.
gi-, -nan gipianan.
gui-, -an guibogan, guicoran.
ka-, -nen kagobolnen.
ma-, -on malalison.
ma-, -ot malipotot.
pe-, -an pegotaran, pegoyvimn.
pic-, -an picnogan, pictoonan.
pic-, -nan picpongonnan.
pig-, -an pigbuatan, pigdaoan.
poc-, -on poctoboson.
sogme-, -an sogmebagolan.
sogmi-, -an sogmigagoyan.
5. Here we list the instances in which infix and suffix are simul-
taneously appUed to stems.
-al-, -an dalinduman. I -im-, -an timondoan.
-en-, -an beninalan, benoiran, senombagan. \ -in-, -an linonsoran, liniinbogan, binalan.
We need not now give particular attention to prefixes and suffixes
beyond the mere listing of their occurrence. They appear to be gov-
erned by rules sufficiently famiHar in the science of speech. The infixes,
however, are worth all the study which we can put upon them in this
place, for the use of infixes is not only a distinctive character of Indo-
nesian languages, but is a diagnostic and critical character.
In the material which we have here collated it is clear, upon the
first inspection, that the infix is almost always apphed to the initial
syllable of the word-stem.* But four exceptions are noted and it will
be proper to submit these exceptional uses to examination before
advancing upon the general theme. The instance of log-a/-in offers
no explanation.
We find variant forms of one stem, guimukud and guimud; super-
ficially this appears an infixature, guvm-uk-Vid. The two forms are
*From Dr. Seidenadel's iangwage of the Bontoc Igorot I extract the following memo-
randa upon the structural use of infixature, the references being to the sections of his essay
on the grammar:
68. The part of the body which is wounded, hit, struck, etc., is expressed by the infix
-in- placed into the reduplication of substantives with initial consonants; to those with an
initial vowel in- is prefixed and the initial vowel is doubled.
119. Progressive quahty, or transition of a quality into a higher degree, is expressed
by adding to these verbalized forms the particle um as prefix before an initial vowel; but
as infix if the adjective begins with a consonant. As infix -um- is placed between the initial
consonant and the first vowel,
170. Um- is used exclusively with personal verbs. Um- is prefixed to initial vowels;
if there is an initial consonant -um- enters the root and takes its place between the initial
consonant and the vowel of the first syllable.
231. But -in- is infixed, or placed between the initial consonant and the followmg vowel
of verbs beginning with a consonant.
74
THE SUBANU.
merely variants, we have no other evidence that -uk- is used as an infix ;
it produces no change of meaning, and all our well-established infixes
function in value, though not in position, as inflectional. In view of the
fact that elsewhere we note the tendency of palatal mutes to vanish, it
is quite possible that guimukud is the true form of the vocable, that it
becomes guimuud by loss of the palatal, then by crasis guimud.
In laro-7i-on, as an infixature from laroon, the infix -n- seems
associable with the well-estabHshed infixes -en-, -in-, -on-; further-
more, its presence changes an adjective into a noun, a proper function
of this composition member.
In tin-cw-gol, as an infixature from iingol, we encounter yet
another anomaly. In all the other instances the infix is applied between
consonant and vowel; here it seems to be applied between two con-
sonants. It is more remarkable than it seems. In Subanu ng is not
a compound consonant, it is as individual a consonant as n or m of the
class to which it belongs or as g and k of the series in which it occurs.
Accordingly we are at a loss to comprehend this severing of a consonant
by the insertion of a formative element.
In the regular infixatures the introduced element falls into two
types according as the consonant is Hquid or nasal. We note, but with-
out full comprehension of the significance of the fact, that these are the
weakest of consonant possibihties. The liquid we find as -al- and -li-.
The nasal infix appears most frequently as -in- and -en-. The soli-
tary instance of -eng- in the infixature b-^wg-awan from hawang sug-
gests a leaping interchange of n and ng which is familiar in the general
study of phonetics. A second place is occupied by the labial nasal in
-im- and -om-.
At this point it will be proper to introduce the loan material which
the Subanu has assumed from the Spanish. From this material, scanty
though it be, we shall be able to derive a few principles upon which the
mountaineers deal with speech acquisitions which for various reasons
they may desire to incorporate in their own language. The considera-
tions thus based upon a language with which we are famihar will enable
us to make a better start in the next chapter, where we shall consider
the relation of Subanu with its congener Visayan. The Spanish loans
are set down in the following table :
Subanu.
Spanish.
Subanu.
Spanish,
Subanu.
Spanish.
aao
cacao
camote
camote
paldon
padron
abayo
caballo
capote
capote
pares
par
antocos
anteojos
compinsal
confesar
sarol
azada
apote
capote
daro
arar
sengguil
senor
bandela
bandera
gasol
azul
sondalo
soldado
bino
vino
gobednarol
gobernador
tacho
tacho
bob6
bobo
laguas
enaguas
viste
veste
cabayo
caballo
locao
lugar
1
\
SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 75
The abrasion of an initial mute (aao, ahayo, apote) has ah-eady been
discussed at length; it calls for less attention here since for the second
and third of these instances we have unabraded forms as well. The
assumption of an initial palatal mute is exhibited in gasol.
The Spanish r becomes 1 except in daro, pares.
That hino shows a change of Spanish v to b while viste retains it
unaltered, although this labial spirant is not included in the proper
alphabet, is easily explicable. The Tagalog, with whom the Spaniards
came first into contact, made the mutation to hino; thence, as the
knowledge of vinous and distilled hquors spread in advance of the Span-
ish culture and through purely PhiHppine exchanges, the different lan-
guages encountered in this very intoxicating course adopted the Tagalog
word long before the original Spanish form came within their knowledge.
The interior change whereby confesar becomes compinsal is of pecu-
liar interest and will not be difficult of comprehension if we approach
it simply. In the f the Subanu finds a consonant modulant to which
his lips are not trained, and it must equally be understood that his ear is
undoubtedly as yet dull to its nicety of position and vibration. He does
the best he can; he hits the ultimate labial possibility p, and because he
has been making a particular effort to employ an unfamihar labial he is
easily led to attract the preceding nasal from n of the lingual series to
m of the labial series.
In gohernador and padron he hears the r grasseye, a variant of the
hquid which is beyond his practice. That in gobednarol and paldon he
has reproduced this by d, the ultimate possibiHtyof lingual effort, is yet
one more instance that when for any reason he has to pass beyond the
minimum consonant activity there is nothing to check his effort before
reaching the maximum activity. Yet in each of these words a d which is
easy for him to produce goes back to the Uquid, r and 1 respectively.
This is a secondary result of the particular effort already made which
has produced a mutation d and therefore renders necessary some variant
in the simple d.
In sondalo, from soldado, the mutation from the lingual semivowel
to the nasal of its own series is a passage through the least possible dis-
tance. That it has been made in this case I incline to attribute to the
Subanu tendency when d in an interior position is preceded by 0 to
employ the preface of the nasal of its own series, as we have seen in
gondaay and gondi.
These words sondalo and sarol and gobednarol show an r or 1 deriva-
tive from d, a tendency which we have already seen operative in the
case of a truly Subanu d when in an inner position.
CHAPTER III.
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
Geographically, the Subanu occupy a position within the region
of their Visayan neighbors, unneighborly foes as appears distinctly in
Colonel Finley's sketch of their life. In comparison of culture the
Subanu are on a plane far lower than the Visayans ; yet so large an ele-
ment of Subanu speech is found in the Visayan that we must recognize
that some manner of relationship exists. Of what manner this relation-
ship is, whether the Subanu is an archetypal speech from which the
Visayan has evolved through more active use in better culture condi-
tions, whether the common element in Subanu has been absorbed by
the mountain folk from their keener neighbors, or whether each draws
its descent from a common source — these are problems which naturally
suggest themselves and to which we shall direct attention in this chapter.
The proportion which this common stock of Subanu-Visayan bears
to the vocabulary of the Subanu here assembled is so large that the
theory of absorption is scarcely tenable. Such absorption of more
cultured speech by a lower race becomes possible only when there is
long-continued association in conditions where it is either convenient or
necessary for the lower race to adopt the readiest means of communi-
cation with the superior.
In the general field of language growth through environment we
may readily pick examples of the limiting cases of this absorption pos-
sibility. Where the association of higher and lower is most largely a
matter of the adoption, voluntarily on either side, of a modus vivendi,
and where the questions of civic domination are negligible, we find the
jargon type of speech, the Pidgin, the lingua franca. How scanty such
a trade speech need be and yet serve all the ends of intercommunication,
may be estimated from the jargon of the western Pacific, culturally more
fairly comparable with Mindanao conditions than would be the Pidgin-
EngHsh of the China coast. I have presented the results of such study
in a monograph on the "Beach-la-Mar." Referred to the base of any
one of the rude island tongues which have contributed to this speech
magma, the Beach-la-Mar represents about one per cent of the speech
equipment of the lower folk; relative to the superior English, it is
infinitesimal.
To this type we assign the Pidgin of China, for it has been volun-
tarily assumed under the attraction of trade chances and is not at all
to be regarded as forced upon its users by a conquering people. Here,
too, we place the Chinook of the northwest coast of America. It may
77
78 THE SUBANU.
appear inconsistent that we place the white-red Chinook jargon in a
different class from the white-black Krooboy, but personal experience
has shown me conclusively that the attitude of the white man to the
red and of the red man to the white in the Puget Sound artificial speech
is that of partnership and voluntary contribution to the capital stock.
On the other hand the relation of white and black on the African
beaches is essentially that of master and servant, even if the law pre-
vents the name of slave.
At the other limit of such possibility we have the frequent cases
in which an inferior race stands to the dominant superior in the ser-
vile relation. The history of African slavery gives us a considerable
range of the speech possibilities which result. In the West Indies we
encounter certain jargons which yet await philological examination;
such are the Papimiento of Curasao and the Negro KngHsh of the
Guianas; to these we add the Krooboy of the African west coast as
genetically associable. We are sufficiently acquainted with these and
others of the type to recognize that they form but a small part of the
vernacular, that they are regarded by their users as a foreign language;
in fact the cannibals of the western Pacific refer to the Beach-la-Mar
as "speak EngHsh." On the other hand, in our own land the Africans
have undergone a loss of their widely varying vernaculars ; their con-
tribution to even our lowest speech is practically negligible.
Yet the element common to Visayan and Subanu is all of half of
the latter, a fact in itself which argues that it is not to be associated
with trade jargon or servile speech. On other than linguistic grounds
Colonel Finley 's narrative contraindicates any such possibility of absorp-
tion. He has made it satisfactorily clear that there was no freedom of
intercourse in trade of Visayans with Subanu; that the shy Subanu
withdrew to the mountains and thereby avoided the chance of slavery;
that the sHght mixed element, despite the catholicity of the Moham-
medan faith in absorbing inferior races, forms but a despised element
under equal contempt of the Moro and of the hill tribe.
We might multiply considerations to show that Subanu absorption
of Visayan material is out of the question, but the foregoing will surely
suffice.
What, then, is the source of this very extensive speech community
amounting to 463 items?
Before we can pass intelligently upon the problem here involved, we
shall proceed in the more orderly course by collating the common mate-
rial in the several classes into which it proves associable and thus study
the types of variety in this community.
In the first group, very nearly half the material (226 items), we
shall collect the common element where the two languages differ in this
record only by means of formative elements (which for convenience we
indicate by type differentiation) or in regard of the vowels. It has
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
79
already been noted that in Subanu there is such uncertainty in vowel
employment as to remove that element of speech wholly from a critical
position. The same is true of the Visayan. Therefore we are under
double necessity to disregard vowel mutations in this record, for we
have no certain base upon which to erect a critical structure.
Words common to Subanu and Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
aba
abaa
dalan
dalan
mata
mata
agom
agom
daU
dali
matay
matay
a/olaat
alaot
daoa
daoa
mis
tomis
ambit
ambit
dapig
dapig
wonoog
naog
antoson
antos
daro
daro
moo
moo
ang
ang
dato
dato
mota
mota
asoang
asoang
dila
dila
motood
matood
atop
atop
dilo
dili
name
namo
ba
ba
dogo
dogo
napo
napo
baal
baol
dowangop
dangop
nepes
nipis
baba
baba
donggoan
donggo
ngalan
ngalan
baboy
baboy
dongog
dongog
obos
obos
baga
baga
doso
doso
ogboc
ogboc
balagon
balagon
gasa
gasa
olang
olang
balani
balani
gatas
gatas
osa
osa
balay
balay
gaui
gaoi
paa
paa
balbal
balbal
gobii
gabii
palongan
palongan
balibad
balibad
gobot
gobot
palos
palos
baling
baling
gua
goa
panday
panday
balod
balod
gubat
gobat
panilong
panilong
balon
balon
gulang
golang
pasaylo
pasaylo
bangot
bangot
init
init
pat
opat
basa
basa
inom
inom
patay
patay
basulan
basol
labian
labi
patod
patod
bata
bata
labon
labon
pili
pili
batasan
batasan
laen
lain
pinilian
pinilian
batirol
batirol
lalis
lalis
pintas
pintas
bato
bato
lanao
lanao
pitu
pito
batog
batog
lansang
lansang
pocoloya
^cgcoloya
baton
baton
langan
langan
polos
polos
bilin
bilin
langit
lingit
pono
pono
biling
biling
latin
h'natin
ponoan
ponoan
binocot
binnocot
lauas
laoas
ponooc
naog
bisan
bisan
layo
layo
pongol
pongol
boangboang
boangboang
leeg
Hog
posinao
pasinao
boaya
boaya
leenleen
lainlain
poti
poti
bolit
bolit
libac
libac
potol
potol
bonal
bonal
libang
libang
puasa
poasa
bono
bono
libot
libot
pulo
pola
bonoa
banoa
ligo
ligo
sa
osa
boot
boot
lima
lima
sabay
sabay
botang
botang
limbong
limbong
sabot
sabot
botasan
botasan
linao
linao
sacay
sacay
bulac
bolac
linganay
linganay
saguing
saguing
bulan
bolan
lingin
lingin
sal a
sala
bunga
bonga
lioat
lioat
salapi
salapi
buot
boot
lipay
lipay
sama
sama
butang
botang
lisod
lisod
sambag
sambag
caban
caban
lobung
lobong
samoc
samoc
cahoy
cahoy
lolan
lolan
sapauaw
sapao
calauat
calaoat
lolid
lolid
sayop
sayop
cana
canon
loon
loon
siam
siam
80
THE SUBANU.
Words common to Subanu and Visayan — Continued.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
conot
conot
lopa
lopa
siclat
siclit
cota
cota
lotao
lotao
silong
silong
cotecote
coticoti
loto
loto
sipoon
sipon
daag
daog
loya
loya
sobo
sobo
dacsoc
diwasoc
maligon
maligon
sogo
sogo
dagat
dagat
managat
mananagat
sogpao«
sagpa
dala
dala
mananap
mananap
sowocol
socol
dalaga
dalaga
manoc
manoc
sompoyow
sompay
sontoc
sontoc
tapus
tapos
tolod
tolod
sopang
sopang
teguib
tJgib
tolog
tolog
suba
soba
tian
tian
tonaoan
tonao
sulat
solat
tibooc
tibooc
too
too
sulu
solo
ticas
ticas
toon
toon
taab
taob
tigom
tigom
tuba
toba
taas
taas
tina
tina
tubig
tobig
tabia«
tab!
tjwalicala
talicala
tuman
toman
tagana
tagana
tingala
tingala
tumbaga
tombaga
tago
tago
tingog
tingog
tuyo
toyo
talao
talao
tobang
tabang
uliwo
oli
tampalasan
tampalasan
tobe
tabi
walu
oalo
tampoling
tampaling
tobod
tobod
ya
ya
tao
taoo
togot
togot
yaua
yaoa
tapis
tapis
tolo
tolo
tapolan
tapolan
tolo
tolo
We shall next follow out the examination of such fiUation as may
subsist between the Subanu and the Visayan, progressing from the
vowel area by the naturally developing series of consonant classes. In
this examination I have set the Subanu form in the former position
and have compared the Visayan therewith; it should be made clear
that until the data have been assembled we leave in suspense the ques-
tion as to which language occupies the prior position, for the settle-
ment of this and aUied questions must rest upon our reading of the
collated data.
In the first order we undertake the comparison of the liquids and
begin with r. In the three words, arunaan, gare, and its variant lare, T
is common to the two languages; it will be observed that it lies in an
inner position.
In type r-d the Subanu r represents a Visayan d in the nine
instances it is medial in its occurrence. The irregular fiHation of sora-
isda will find its explanation later under the theme of inversion.
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu. Visayan.
Type r-d.
gare
guicoran
laraban
Type r-I
Type r-w
hadi
lingcodan
ladaoan
poraigon padayigon
porong podong
sayorow sayod
marongot maligotgotow
morala oala
sora isda
taron tadong
torong tadong
Pporang bolad.
SUBANU-VISAYAN FII,IATlON.
81
In the collation of the other Uquid, 1, we shall
certain others which do not appear in the paucity
Type l-I, that is the community of the letter:
find these t)rpes and
of the r material.
balidya
donlag
guUat
logalin
lotang
binal
?dula
guilid
logoc
lua
boclag
gaclop
laang
logong
lugbas
bolaan
galad
lagi
logud
magalin
bolao
goles
lagoy
lolat
maloot
bolig
golitao
lee
lonao
moli6
cogool
golo
lines
lonsod
morala
dala
gonlo
linga
lood
palon
debaloy
gull
logan
loop
pull
sapulu
solog
solot
sool
talinga
tolisan
ulatay
tilihan
When we compare type 1-d with the parallel type r-d we see that,
whereas that appears only medial, this is found initial, medial, and final.
We anticipate the explanation of luma-odma as an invert.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type I-d.
Pguilos
iding
loon
daghan
ponicol
panicad
laat
daot
luma
odma
sicol
sicad
Uwagami
dagami
Type 1-t.
lopong
topong
Type d-1.
Pgood
dool
Type t-I.
lompoc
tapoc
Type l-g(c).
lamo
camo
sindil
indig
Type g-1.
guingcod
lingcod
Type n-l.
niguan
ligoan
Type I vanished.
bila
abian
daan
dalan
Type 1-h.
lare
hari
Type 1-s.
liga
siga
Type nd-dl.
ondao
adlao
ondoc
hadloc
tondo
todlo
Type pl-mp.
sopla
sompa
Atypical
monlogos
mamomogos
litobong
hagbong
libongan
iftobongan
llayan
caoayan
Progressing to the nasal class we collate first the palatal ng. In
the following vocables it is common to the two languages :
anding
gabang
guingcod
lopong
panga
sopingi
bangitao
gangay
libongan
mopong
pongong
tobang
bencong
gatbang
linga
ngisi
porong
torong
bogguiong
gongog
litobong
osisang
sansang
tungdong
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type ng-n.
logong
logon
lotang
lothan
pongow
jpon
posong
togipos6on
Type n-ng.
atandanan
catongdanan
palon
palong
sinbaan
singbahan
bencong
bingcong
sansang
sangsang
taron
tadong
lonsod
longsod
Type ng-t.
bingcon
botcon
laang
lacat
Type ng-d.
porang
bolad
Type ng-g.
marongot
maligotogoton
pongong
pogong
Type ng vanished
atodanan
buta
catongdanan
botang
guicoran
lingcodan
Atypical:
guilos
inng
talinga
dalonggan
tonggab
tongab
impit
hingpit
tondong
tongod
82
THE SUBANU.
The lingual nasal n affords us a far briefer record of variability as
between the two languages, for it is not necessary to repeat in this posi-
tion the n-ng variety since it has already been listed. The list of
vocables in which this nasal is common is here given :
anding
donaan
gonom
guinom
maranaya
ponopoton
arunaan
donot
gonos
guinonosola
masm
poporenion
atandanan
doon
gonto
inog
meaon
poraigon
atodanan
gaan
goyon
laraban
mogonao
puonan
bingcon
gantoson
guicoran
libongan
nano
sindil
bolaan
gasintos
guien
llayan
mguan
tioan
bondyag
gina
guilan
logalin
panas
tocsocan
bone
gonagona
guinaoa
loon
peen
tolisan
daan
gonas
guindog
magalin
ponicol
ulihan
deni
gonlo
guinocsip
There are really so few instances of variation that they may properly
be grouped in a single table ; only the first and second show any relation
one to another.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
donot
lonao
nonot
lodhao
nano
donlag
cano
damlag
niguan
monlogos
ligoan
mamomogos
The labial nasal m is appreciably less in use than the others of this
class. Its community in the two languages is as follows :
arao gamo gomot lamo marongot ocom
dagom gampo gonom linagami meaon pogliquimo
dalinduman gaora guinom luma monlogos timod
garaa gomog itom
In the following series the presence of m in Subanu and absence in
Visayan is not to be treated as phonetic ; it is rather the presence of the
ma prefix of condition:
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
magalin
maimo
maloot
balhin
himo
lolot
1 maranaya
1 matugas
mogonao
hanayhay
tiga
bognao
molio
momoc
morala
balico
homoc
oala
In two instances Subanu maintains an initial m lacking to the Vis-
ayan ; in the latter case we shall have occasion to observe that this is a
stem letter:
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu. Visayan.
In the following group of instances the presence of the m in one or
other of the languages suggests its employment for some not well-com-
prehended reason as a preface to the mute of its proper series :
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
impit
lompoc
Atypical.
hingpit
tapoc
sombag
sopla
donlag
mita
tobag
sompa
damlag
quita
tolisan
mopong
tamisac
tampalasan
topong
pisac
The aspiration is very scantily employed by the Subanu. In the
vocabulary will be found but three instances in which it appears as an
SUBANU-VISAYAN FIUATION.
83
initial, hilamon, huopongon, hatud which is given as a variant of atud.
There are no instances of community of use.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type an-han.
arunaan
arunahan
gma
inahan
sinbaan
singbahan
gama
amahan
meaon
mayahon
ulihan
oalihan
gapo
apohan
Type h initial.
aoid
haoid
inog
hinog
ondoc
hadloc
atud
hatod
hnes
hilis
poqmcot
hocot
guinaoa.
guinhaoa.
waimo
himo
ulatay
holat
impit
hingpit
ocom
hocom
Type g-h initial.
gaclop
haclop
gonas
hon&s
guinonsola
hinolsol
gangay
hangay
gongog
hongog
pogliqyximo
paghxmo
gare
hari
goot
hacot
qmpos
hipos
gonagona
honahona
gosay
hosay
Type h medial.
baa
baha
gaitan
gahit
puonan
pohonan
biag
bihag
gaora
gahom
saa
saha
boi
bohi
lood
lohod
sool
sahol
booc
bohoc
lua
luha
taap
tahap
doon
dahon
peen
baihon
taod
tahod
dua
doha
We next segregate a puzzling group in which the Visayan employs
aspiration where it is not present in Subanu and apparently combines
it with other consonants. Where we have the forms gh, dh, th we
might be tempted to class them as spirants if it were not for the fact that
we have similar combinations with liquids and nasals where that
explanation would be impossible. It seems more reasonable to account
for this aspiration as initial to the syllable following the consonant.
Subanu.
Visayan.
magalin
bangitao
bone
Atypical :
gayo
litobong
balhin
balanghitao
binhi
pagcahobag
cahoy
hagbong
Subanu. Visayan.
deni dinhi
poporenion paanhion
loon daghan
log lihoc
lolat holat
maranaya hanayhay
Subanu. Visayan.
lonao lodhao
lotang loth an
potao pothao
momoc homoc
panas hilanat
tocsocan tohogan
The sibilant S in the two languages is remarkably free from modifi-
cation. The vocables which show community of use are the following:
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
casit
saquit
lines
hilis
sicol
sicad
gantoson
antos
lonsod
longsod
sinbaan
singbahan
gasintos
asintos
lugbas
lapos
soay
asaoa
gasoy
asoy
masin
asin
socog
cosog
gocsip
sipsip
monlogos
mamomogos
soggo
sodoc
goguis
ogis
ocsop
sopsop
sogod
sooc
goles
balas
osisang
cosisang
solog
solod
gonas
honas
pasagdan
pasagad
solot
solod
gonos
onos
posong
tagiposoon
sool
sahol
gosay
hosay
quipos
hipos
sopla
sompa
gosig
osig
saa
saha
sora
isda
gosod
sogot
saac
socna
tamisac
pisac
guinocsip
sinapsap
sacog
sacop
tobos
tapos
guinonsola
hinolsol
sansang
sangsang
tolisan
tampalasan
guisip
isip
sayoron
sayod
84
THE SUBANU.
The most frequent mutation of the sibilant in the greater number
of languages is to the aspiration ; therefore it is noteworthy that we find
but one trace in the Visayan-Subanu, namely tocsocan-tohogan.
The instances in which S is present in one language and absent in
the other number five.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
doque
matugas
Atypical:
guilos
liga,
ngisi
sontoc
tiga
iring
siga
ngipon
puli
sindil
panas
panga
balos
indig
hilinat
sanga
sopingi
sapulu
sombag
aping
nap61o
tobag
The first and most casual inspection of the vocabulary makes mani-
fest mutation variety in the mutes so great and seemingly so intricate
that it will be necessary to subject these ultimate consonants to a more
minute classification in subdivision than the earlier consonants have
called for. Following the natural evolutionary order we shall first con-
sider the palatal mutes and in this pair the surd will first engage our
attention. It will be well to order the instances in accordance with
their position as initial, medial, and final.
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type k (c, qu) initial common.'
caya cana
gwicoran
lingcodan
casit
saquit
cotooto cot6cot6
guingcod
lingcod
Type k initial (Subanu).
cogool olol
poquicot
hocot
quipos
hipos
pogliquimo paghimo
Type k initial (Visayan).
amo camo
atandanan
catongdanan
osisang
cosisang
anding canding
atodanan
catongdanan
Type k initial atypical.
lamo camo
mita
quita
nano
cano
Type k medial common.
bencong bingcong
ocdoc
docdoc
sacog
sacop
bingcon botcon
ocom
hocom
sicol
sicad
gaclop haclop
ponicol
panicad
socog
cosog
gaco aco
Type k-g medial.
tocsocan
tohogan
Type k medial (Subanu).
boclag
bolag
ocsop
sopsop
Type k medial (Visayan).
bolaan bolacan
laang
lacat
molio
balico
bui boquid
lee
lalaqui
tioan
potiocan
goot hacot
loop
locop
Type g final common.
bocbaac baqui
logoc
looc
ondoc
hadloc
booc bohoc
lompoc
tapoc
saac
socna
doque sontoc
momoc
homoc
tamisac
pisac
Type k-g final. atoc
tagna
tauac
taoag
Type k-d. loletoec
toadtoad
(dao
caoat)
Type g initial common.
gaitan gahit
gonto
gonto
guien
guini
gaom gahom
gosod
sogot
guinaoa
guinhaoa
gonlo onglo
Type g-k initial.
gaan caon
gomog
camot
guilat
quilat
gam6 cam6
gomot
camot
guilid
quilid
gayo cahoy
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
85
(Continued from p. 84.)
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type g-h initial.
gaclop haclop
gonagona
honahona
goot
hacot
gangay hangay
gonas
honas
gosay
hosay
gare hari
gongog
hongog
guinonsola
hinolsol
Type g initial (Subanu).
gabo abo
gasoy
asoy
gopao
opao
gaco aco
gatop
atop
gosig
osig
gagda agda
gina
inahdn
goyon
oyon
galad alad
goguis
ogis
guibid
ibid
gama amahan
golitao
olitao
guibog
ibog
gampo ampo
golo
olo
guilan
Ua
gantoson antos
gonom
on6m
guilos
iring
gangay angay
gonos
onos
guinom
inom
gapo apohan
gooay
ooay
guisip
isip
gapog apog
gopa
opa
guito
ido
gasintos asintos
Type g medial common.
dagom tagom
logong
logon
niguan
ligoan
lagoy laguio
matugas
tiga
pasagdan
pasagad
liga siga
mogonao
bognao
poraigon
padayigon
linagami dagami
monlogos
mamomogos
Type g-k medial.
lagi
lalaqui
logud
licod
Type g medial (Subanu).
logalin lain
lugbas
lapos
sogod
sooc
logoc looc
magalin
balhin
Type g medial (Visayan).
loon
daghan
Type g final common.
baga pagcahobag
bondyag
bonyag
inog
hinog
biag bihag
daig
dayig
sombag
tobag
boclag bolag
donlag
damlag
Type g-k final.
dipag
taboc
log
lihoc
Type g final (Subanu).
bolig
bala
Type g-d final.
solog
solod
timod
tigom (timog)
Atypical :
bogguiong bodyong
gocsip
sipsip
guingcod
lingcod
goles balas
goles
balas
litobong
hagbong
gomot domot
guicoran
lingcodan
sacog
sacop
good dool
guindog
tindog
sindil
indig
gabang tabang
guinocsip
sinapsap
soggo
sodoc
gatbang tobang
Of the lingual mutes the surd t displays very slight mutability.
We shall first Ust the common instances arrayed according to position.
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type t common initial.
fltandanan cotongdanan
taron
tadong
tolisan
tampalasan
atoc tagna
tauac
taoay
tom
itom
ctodanan tatongdanan
tee
tai
tondo
todlo
gatbang tobang
timod
tigom
tondong
tongod
loletoec toadtoad
tioan
/>otiocan
tonggab
tongab
wiatugas tiga
tobang
ctobang
torong
tadong
taap tahap
tobos
tapos
tungdong
tongod
taod tahod
tocsocan
tohogan
Type t medial common.
atud hatod
gantoson
antos
lotang
lothan
bangitao balanghitao
gasintos
asintos
marongot
maligotogoton
binutong ibotang
gatop
atop
mita
quita
buta botang
golitao
olitaoo
ponopoton
panapton
cotooto cotocoto
got6
gonto
potao
pothao
Type t final common.
casit saquit
goot
hacot
lolat
holat
gaitan gahit
guilat
quilat
maloot
lolot
gomot camot
impit
hingpit
poquicot
hocot
gomot domot
laat
daot
ulatay
holat
86
THE SUBANU.
Subanu. Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type lingual mutation.
lompoc tapoc
sombag
tobag
solot
solod
lopong topong
guito
ido
talmga
dalonggan
panas hilanat
Type linguo-palatal mutation.
bingcon botcon
gabang
tabang
gumdog
tmdog
laang lacat
gomog
camot
Type linguo-labial mutation.
mopong
topong
In an interesting and probably important contrast the lingual surd
mute d is far less constant, a difference which comparison with the
immediately foregoing tabulation will show to the glance.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type d initial common.
daan
dalan
deni
dinhi
doon
dona
daig
dayig
donlag
damlag
dua
doha
dalinduman
domdom
doon
dahon
ocdoc
docdoc
Type d medial common.
anding
canding
gagda
agda
ondoc
hadloc
atandanan
catongdanan
guindog
tindog
sindil
mdig
atodanan
catongdanan
ondao
adlao
tondo
todlo
Type d final common.
aoid
haoid
guilid
quilid
lood
lohod
atod
hatud
guingcod
lingcod
pasagdaw
pasagad
galad
alad
logud
licod
taod
tahod
guibid
ibid
lonsod
longsod
Type linguo-palata
mutation.
porang
bolad
good
dool
dao
caoat
balidya
baligya
soggo
sodoc
loletoec
toadtoad
bogguiong
bodyong
solog
solod
sogod
sooc
gomot
domot
timod
tigom (timog)
Type lingual mutation.
dula
loa
poraigon
padayigon
lonao
lodhao
guilos
iding
porong
podong
dagom
tagom
laat
daot
sayoron
sayod
dipag
taboc
loon
daghan
sora
isda
donaan
toton
ponicol
panicad
taron
tadong
doque
^ontoc
gare
hadi
torong
tadong
gosod
sogot
laraban
ladaoan
donot
nonot
solot
solod
Atypical.
bondyag
bonyag
dala
oala
tungdong
tongod
bui
boquid
tondong
tongod
Last of all we reach the labial mutes, the strongest expression of
the consonant modulation power of this organ. The surd p is almost
positive, so very scanty are its variants.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type p common.
gaclop
haclop
loop
locop
poporenion
paanhion
gampo
ampo
lopong
topong
poraigon
padayigon
gapo
apohan
mopong
topong
porong
podong
gapog
apog
ocsop
sopsop
posong
tagipos6on
gatop
atop
pasagdan
pasagad
potao
pothao
gocsip
sipsip
palon
palong
puonan
pohonan
gopa
opa
pogliquimo
paghimo
quipos
hipos
gopao
opao
ponicol
panicad
sapulu
napolo
gumocsip
smapsap
ponopoton
panapton
sopmgi
apmg
guisip
isip
pongon
ipon
sopla
sompa
impit
hingpit
pongong
pogong
taap
tahap
lompoc
tapoc
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
87
(Continued from p. 86.)
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Subanu.
Visayan.
Type p-b.
dipag
taboo
porang
bolad
puli
balos
peen
baihon
Atypical.
panas
hilanat
sacog
sacop
tamisac
pisac
panga
sanga
Type b common.
baa
baha
bocbaac
baqui
gabo
abo
baga
pagcahobag
boclag
bolag
gatbang
tobang
balidya
baligya
bogguiong
bodyong
guibid
ibid
bangitao
balanghitao
boi
bohi
guibog
ibog
bencong
bingcong
bolaan
bolacan
libongan
ibobongan
biag
bihag
bolig
bala
litobong
hagbong
bila
abian
bone
biiihi
sinbaan
singbahan
binal
baol
booc
bohoc
sombag
tobag
binutong
ibotang
buta
botang
tobang
atobang
bingcon
botcon
gabang
tabang
tonggab
tongab
Type b-p.
bolao
paolao
lugbas
lapos
tobos
tapos
From our comparison of Subanu and Visayan we shall properly
omit the many instances in the foregoing tabulation where community
of consonants is manifest, for these instances lack critical value. In the
residue of differences we are struck at once by the fact that practically
every difference is double ; that as soon as we have established it as sub-
sisting between Subanu and Visayan we discover its converse existence
as between Visayan and Subanu. This is typically instanced in the
second table on page 8i in the case of the vanished 1: Subanu bila is
Visayan abian; on the other hand we are estopped from the belief that
Visayan drops an 1 present in Subanu, for we find immediately Subanu
daan and Visayan dalan in a case where we have positive knowledge
that the 1 pertains to the stem. This tells a tale. No such interplay
of differences can hold between a parent and a daughter speech, but it
can hold between languages descending from a common parent.
We shall find more to the same point in the examination of what
may readily be designated speech biology. These languages are of the
agglutinative type, a stage in advance of the isolating class, yet still in
the development stages of consonant acquisition. We see that the
greatest fixity of the consonants holds in the mutes, the most forceful
expression of consonant possibility; and within the class of the mutes
we observe that fluctuation is most noted in the sonants, essentially a
less precise result of the positioning of the speech organs than the surds of
the same series. The maximum variety (equally the maximum range of
variation), lies in the region where are formed the semivowels, the nasals,
the aspiration, and the sibilant. These are all sounds produced by
the less forceful exercise of consonant-forming power; therefore, where
the differences in position of the appropriate closures is but slight, it is
natural for men to whom precise speech is not yet an art fully acquired,
or even needed, to fall far short of precision in sound formation.
88 THE SUBANU.
The examination of the variety by reference to the speech-organs
employed points in the same direction. The least variously utiHzed
organ is the hps : only two closures have been taken into speech use, the
minimum and the maximum ; here we find almost no variety in the com-
parison of Subanu and Visayan. The palate, the speech-organ which
first came under control, is the least flexible of the speech-organs and
is cornmonly established in the primitive languages in but two closures,
the minimum and the maximum. Here again, although the variety is
somewhat greater than in the labials, it amounts to little in the sum.
But when we give our attention to the lingual series we are filled
with amazement at the amount and extent of the mutation -variety.
Its mutes are fixed ; that is to say, the speakers of these languages are
able to attain the maximum of the speech effort to which the tongue
lends itself; beyond that maximum it is in essence impossible to go;
therefore the mutes must be a fixed quality. Bariier in this chapter I
have pointed out the character of force in speech : how that initials and
finals are more forcible, and that weaker forms supervene when either
is brought within the interior of the word. Those of us who have had
much intercourse with the inferior races of mankind have recognized in
the declamation of their speech this quality of word force. We employ
it ourselves in speaking to children and foreigners and other unfortu-
nates not fully in possession of their wits ; we aim to speak distinctly in
order to make comprehension sure. The primitive races are all children
together, and we need go no further than the next school-yard at recess
time to appreciate the dynamic force with which children converse
among themselves.
Omitting, then, the Hngual mutes as under the dominance of
another set of influences, we find that in Subanu and Visayan the tongue
is a most uncertain member. It is within the power of these speakers to
put the tongue in all but one of its standard closures, yet the positioning
is so insecure that we have seen in the tabulation (pages 85 and 86)
that any closure may and does slip in to any other closure of the same
organ. More than that, we find that the duty of the tongue is not
infrequently delivered over to the palate to perform, a return from the
imperfectly mastered organ to one whose control is more sure and whose
use is directed by longer familiarity of habit.
Thus far we have considered Subanu and Visayan together, as in
some as yet undetermined relation of fiHation. The phonetic variety
will not lead us directly to the determination of the nature of this fiHa-
tion, for the mutation is by no means in a single direction. We are not
able to assume, for example, that the Visayan is the som-ce speech and
that Subanu diverges therefrom by dialectic variety exhibited in a
certain array of mutation instances ; for in fact we find that for every
mutation in one direction between Visayan and Subanu there is its
converse in the other direction between Subanu and Visayan.
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 89
Yet we are not without data which may be appUed toward the solu-
tion of the problem. The formative elements tell a tale of importance.
In general we observe that the Visayan employs all the composition
members which are in Subanu use. From the dictionary of Fray Juan
Felix we find that the Visayan has in use a considerable number of such
members which the Subanu lacks. This is particularly to be noticed in
the matter of the infixes, those puzzhng yet very convenient marks of a
word- treatment which is just beginning to reach out toward inflectional
value. From this we begin to form the impression that the Subanu
represents an earlier phase of a common speech ; that it has not under-
gone the development which accession of higher culture has induced
among the Visayans.
The geography of the culture site of the Subanu leads us in the
same direction. On the ethnographic chart in Father Algue's "Atlas de
Filipinas" the Visayans are indicated as occupying a somewhat compact
area in the mid PhiHppines. Their settlements are principally found on
Negros, Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor, Leyte, Samar. North of this center the
islands of Panay, Masbate, Tablas, Romblon, and Sibuyan show more
or less extended occupation by this stock. Toward the south they are
found in settlement at spots upon the north coast of Mindanao, on the
east shore of the Bay of Iligan, on its west shore as far as Dapitan, on the
northeast coast from Surigao toLianga, and upon the outlying islands of
Dinagat and Siargao. This plot shows distinctly the movement of the
Visayans in their advance upon the archipelago, for it is indisputable
that they are a Malayan race both linguistically and ethnologically.
From the tip of Borneo two well-marked Hues lie before the coast-
wise seamen of the prahu. The northern Hne leads from the north
shore of Borneo by Balbac, Paragua, and Busuanga direct to Mindoro,
with not a trace of Visayans along the Une. The southern Une of
approach, after leaving the south coast of Borneo, leads by Tawitawi,
Jolo, Basilan, and Zamboanga directly to the abodes of the Subanu and
to the center of Visayan life and settlement spread over the area from
Negros to Samar. The position in which the Subanu lie relative to this
broad avenue of Visayan migration indicates for them an early asso-
ciation with the main body of migrants. Having taken possession of
this region north of Zamboanga, they withdrew to the interior of the
country for the usual protection of weak peoples by evasion. Thus
they lost touch with the greater members of their race; they remained
undeveloped in their inland seclusion and now present an earlier type,
perhaps the earliest type of the race which with greater freedom of
development under better settlement conditions has marched forward
to such progress as now marks the Visayan culture.
By combination of all these considerations we reach the conclusion
that the Subanu are of the Visayan race, that their language represents
an early phase of the Visayan, and that future investigation may bring
90
THE SUBANU.
to light the fact that its vocabulary preserves many vocables which in
the general Visayan are but rarely encountered.
It is wide of the purpose of this work to point out in the vocabulary
the Malay affiliates. We do not need them for proof that the language
is Malayan, and it would do no more than duplicate work already
famihar. The only exception which I have made is in the case of a few
vocables for which I have noted affihations in several languages in the
Celebes waters. These were collated in Dr. Elbert's Sunda Expedi-
tion, while the study of Subanu was in progress, and are therefore quite
new and undoubtedly welcome additions to the stock of Malay com-
parative material.
There remain for our consideration a double-handful of examples of
a mutation which is certainly anomalous, for it does not fall within the
ordinarily established categories of phonetic variability. Absolutely
these examples are few, yet it is clear from their repetition for so many
as are here shown that they represent a speech principle. Therefore
they are worthy of our examination in order that we may discover the
principle which is operative. So far, when it has been necessary to refer
to any of these vocables in passing, I have classed them as inversion;
now we shall see of what nature they really are.
For readier vision, let us first see what would be the result if the
principle were a part of our own speech equipment, since it is much
easier to study it when applied to vocables more familiar than any
which may be drawn from the distant Subanu. From the Latin ruga
we derive the adjective rugose; if this principle were at work in our
linguistics we should have gurose or urgose; from the German beten we
should have tebe or edbe in place of bede as in bederoll. These illustra-
tions in familiar material, so far as they have true appUcabihty to the
matter, will show us that there are two possible forms ; that there is an
interchange of consonants between the second and first syllables ; that
the syllable itself is inverted and its initial consonant is made final. In
our Subanu material we must discover which of these takes place.
Omitting here all consideration of the usual phonetic variation
which may or may not affect the form of the compared vocables, we
present the examples in similar groups:
Subanu
Visayan
casit
saquit
gosod
sogot
socog
cosog
In these the change has affected the initial syllable ; we find the
same number of instances in which it has been appHed to the final syl-
lable.
Subanu
Visayan
timod
tigom
tondong
tongod
tungdong
tongod
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
91
So far as relates to the former group, we might conclude that the
process was an interchange of the initial consonants of the former and
the latter syllables, regarding the initial syllable in each case as open,
that is, consisting of consonant and vowel. In the second group we
should have, in continuation of the theory that the interchange is
between one syllable and another, to regard each syllable as closed and
that the movement applied to final consonants. This is by no means
satisfactory ; it involves a complication which is foreign to language of
so elemental a type.
Our next group of three will afford us a better view of the process.
Subanu
Visayan
gonlo
onglo
luma
odma
sora
isda
Here we have no difficulty in seeing that the syllabification is
gon-lo, lu-ma, so-ra. This makes clear what has happened, the initial
syllable has been inverted without any doubt in luma and sora, lu-ma-ul-
ma-od-ma, so-ra-os-ra-is-da. In the first group of three we find the
same syllable inversion in all three cases ; gos-od-sog-od-sog-ot. In the
second group it holds; ti-mod-ti-dom-ti-gom.
There remain now three apparent anomalies, gonlo, tondong, tung-
dong. Instead of nog-lo we find ong-lo; instead of ton-ngod ton-god;
instead of tung-ngod ton-god. Since all involve the palatal nasal we
may safely conclude that the same principle of inversion of syllables is
operative, but that the result is subjected to perturbation produced by
some attractive quality in the palatal nasal, a closure which we have
estabUshed as among the first of the consonant possibiUties to be
developed.
Our material affords us a group of four vocables, in which at first
sight there appears to exist a different type of inversion, the interchange
of consonants concurrently brought together. They are these :
Subanu
Visayan
ondao
adlao
ondoc
hadloc
sopla
sompa
tondo
todlo
As these have arisen for consideration in the foregoing text I have
indicated a more satisfactory explanation, that when for any reason a
Hquid is assumed by the stem the preface of the series nasal is dropped
by the stem mute; or, that when a stem hquid is dropped the mute is
prefaced by way of compensation. Just which of these two statements
is the proper view must await the determination of the true stem in
these words and that can be accompHshed only by following them
through their various occurrences in Indonesia.
The Bontoc Igorot affords us three instances of inversion which
may properly be adduced for comparison.
Subanu
Bontoc
gosa
ogsa
lipay
paley
niug
inyog
92 TH^ SUBANU.
These are confirmatory of the deductions which have been drawn
from the Subanu material ; in the first and third of these inverts there
can be no doubt whatever that the initial syllable is inverted as a unit,
in the second invert we shall find justification in regarding the inversion
as of the same type.
This theory of inversion as deaUng with syllable units comports
with our broader comprehension of languages so primitive as are these
of agglutination. While the word-stem is frequently dissyllabic we
must regard it as compact of monosyllabic roots. In the languages of
isolation the two roots which enter the stem are capable of independent
existence and most commonly are found free in the same speech. In
agglutination the secondary root has in most cases ceased its free exist-
ence and in the process of such disuse has undergone more or less of
form-change, so that it has become merely a composition member.
The principal root remains susceptible of necessary modification as a
speech unit. I may note the occurrence of this type of inversion,
though infrequent, in the isolating languages of Melanesia.
It was not within my original plans for the scope of this work that
the collation of the Subanu affiliation should extend beyond the im-
mediately circumjacent Visayan. It was easy to recognize that in
the many languages of the Philippines many interesting discoveries
might be made and that more extended study must be fruitful in valu-
able results. After due consideration I determined to rehnquish this
study to those whose concern is more specifically directed to PhiUppine
Unguistics and to those masters of Malay philology who may be ex-
pected to deal with the new material which has been given me to arrange
and to order for their examination. It will be understood that my
particular object has been to sift this Subanu for such data as might be
found to bear upon my own specific study of the early phases of the
Polynesian speech. With that I am quite content.
But it chanced that while these pages were being put into type
my attention was somewhat fortuitously directed to Dr. Seidenadel's
study of the language of the Bontoc Igorot. Immediately I recognized
a marked similarity in parts of the vocabularies of the two races. They
are widely separated; almost the whole length of the archipelago lies
between the Igorot of Bontoc in the northern tip of Luzon and the
Subanu of the southern extremity of Mindanao. Despite the dis-
tance which parts them they have one condition in common: each
is interiorly situated with reference to a Malayan people of more
advanced culture and richer development; the Subanu an inclusion
within the Visayan area, the Bontoc Igorot within the Tagalog region
of predominance.
Despite hnguistic differences, this condition is readily compre-
hensible in our acquaintance with the PhiHppines . The Aetas and others
of the true negritos represent the survivors of a primitive autochtho-
SUB ANU- VISA YAN FILIATION.
93
nous people who were feebly in possession of the islands at the time of
the coming of the first wave of Malay migration. Unfit to make a
successful stand against the better-equipped invaders these almost
pygmy people withdrew to the mountains where they could preserve
in uninterrupted simpHcity their rude life but little advanced above the
plane of social animals. In the same manner the earUest Malayan
settlers were dealt with by later swarms of their own race; before the
better fighters they, too, withdrew from the coasts and found a refuge
in the seclusion of the mountains. This we may readily comprehend
in the case of the Subanu shyly retreating before their Visayan kinsmen.
I think that further study will establish this as fact in the case of the
Bontoc Igorot, that they are in some sense poor and primitive relations
of the Tagals who have established themselves as the dominant race of
the northern area of the Philippines.
At the present time there is marked difference between the Tagals
of the north and the Visayans of the south. This difference is nowhere
more marked than in speech; mutually incomprehensible they would
not be identified as of the same stock save upon philological investi-
gation. This diversity of settlement is an affair of somewhat modern
times ; at least it has been formed in the last wave of migration which
estabHshed the settlement of the Philippines as we now see it. It is
not in the least necessary to postulate the same diversity for the earlier
migration wave out of western Malaysia, it is quite possible that the
first settlers were far more homogeneous. Therefore it need cause us
no surprise should we discover a relation between Subanu and Bontoc
Igorot of the earlier migration which may imply community of origin.
In the collation of Seidenadel's vocabulary of the Bontoc Igorot
I have succeeded in identifying 90 affiliates which may be recognized in
the Subanu with no great difficulty. A very considerable number of
these affiUates He within the element common to Malayan and Poly-
nesian; therefore they add their confirmation to the conclusions which
I base upon the similar element of the Subanu. These affiUates I shall
list in tables based upon the several phonetic elements involved in
order to facilitate our topical consideration of the material.
The hquid 1 is practically common to Subanu and Bontoc Igorot
as shown in this table :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
dalan
djalan
lima
lima
salamin
salming
dila
djila
linao
alinoao
salapi
salapi
galad
alad
lipay
paley
sapulu
polo
golo
olo
lua
lua
sulat
suladak
goloan
olaoan
lusung
luson
sulu
sillu
gulungan
kolong
palad
talad
tolo
tolo
laga
lago
palay
palay
tolod
itoludko
lagi
lalaki
pilak
bilak
tongalang
alang
laneg
lanib
pili
pili
walu
walo
lasag
kalasay
94
THE SUBANU.
The only instances of 1-mutation are these
Subanu. Bontoc.
Subanu. Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
bulan buan
sapulu po'o
lanao tjanaom
ngalan ngatjan
ngalan
gare
ngadan
ali
The loss of 1 is found within the Subanu, as, for instance, the
alternative forms dalan and daan. The interchange of r-1 in gare-ali
is so slight and so famihar as to attract no attention. The mutation
1-d and the slight variant 1-tj is mutation in series, therefore readily
to be comprehended, it is passage from the weaker effort of hngual
closure to the most forceful effort in 1-d or stopping in 1-tj just short
of that limit.
The palatal nasal ng is found for the most part unchanged; the
only instances of variety are ng-n in lusung-luson and the dropping
of the sound in posong-poso. The instances where this consonant
remains unaltered are the following :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
gulungan
ngalan
panga
kolong
ngadan
panga
payung
saguing
sising
payong
saking
singsing
sopingi
tongalang
iping
alang
The lingual nasal n exhibits a minimum of mutation. The stems
in which it appears unchanged in the two languages afford us this table:
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
bulan
cana
goloan
buan.
kanek
olaoan
lanao
laneg
linao
tjanaom
lanib
alinoao
niug
ngalan
pono
niyog
ngadan
punek
gonom
ina
mim
ina
manoc
masin
monok
asin
sigupan
sinbaan
songyopan
simfan
mom
inumek
mmsan
mammgsan
toon
taaowin
The recessive inter-organic mutation from lingual to palatal,
n-ng, is found in the three instances cana-mangan, minsan-mamingsan,
salamin-salming; the progressive mutation ng-n has been noted in
a single instance. The progressive inter-organic mutation from Ungual
to labial, n-m, is found in the single instance of sinbaan-simfan ; this
is readily explicable by attraction to the labial tract in the effort to
produce the surd spirant f in an intermediate lip closure not yet fully in
the habit of the speech. We note such attraction in the Subanu itself.
Quite as we should expect from our acquaintance with languages of
this type, the labial nasal m exhibits no mutation phases in this material;
the occurrences of its community are noted in the following table :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
gama
gonom
inom
lima
ama
inim
inumek
lima
manoc
mata
minsan
monok
mata
mamingsan
salamin
siam
sombag
salming
siam
samfad
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
95
We note two instances which suggest the abrasion of m-initial,
tnasin-asin, matay-idoy. Each will receive more full discussion in
the next chapter ; in the latter case it is clear that we are not concerned
with frontal abrasion, but that the Bontoc stem is a primitive while
the Subanu has arrived at secondary development by the apphcation
of the ma prefix of condition.
The examination of the palatal mutes shows us a considerable
play of mutation of the sonant g. Numerically the largest group
consists of the instances in which an initial g exists in Subanu and is
absent from the Bontoc, as set forth in this table :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
galad
alad
gama
ama
gapid
apik
gapoy
gare
apuy
ali
Subanu.
Bontoc.
gatai
gatop
golo
goloan
gonom
atoy
atep
olo
olaoan
Subanu.
gooay
gugat
gutek
gwasay
wue
uad
utek
wasay
The question of the g-initial is discussed in the study of the Subanu
phonetic and need not be taken up here. The single instance in which
this assumption or dropping of g affects the letter in other than the
initial position is to be seen in gugat-uad. We have four instances
in which the g is common to the two languages : geeg-alogoog, laga-lago,
niug-niyog, gosa-ogsa. The very simple mutation from sonant to
surd, g-k, appears well estabUshed in the following instances :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
baga
balin-gawa
gayo
poko
kaaowa
kayao
goyamet
gulungan
komaot
kolong
lagi
saguing
lalaki
saking
Recessive mutation, that is upward in the series and from forceful
toward weaker expression, occurs twice in the type g-ng: holigan-
faolengan, sigupan-songyopan. We may be justified in the interpre-
tation of lasag-kalasay as a recessive mutation yet further continued
past the nasal as the first of the true consonants and clear over to the
semivowel proximate to the speech organ involved in g; this explana-
tion, which at this point can be no more than tentative, will need addi-
tional data for its determination. We find the more violent mutation
out of series, palatal to Ungual in two instances, gabo-tjapo and sombag-
sumfad; and palatal even to labial in laneg-lanib.
The surd palatal mute k undergoes httle mutation, quite as we
should expect after observing with what frequency the sonant comes
to rest upon it; the community is observed in these instances
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
bocbaac
booc
cana
fakfak
fook
makan
gutek
kanuku
manoc
utek
koko
monok
patik
pilak
fatek
bilak
96
THEJ SUBANU.
In a single case, cana-mangan, we have recessive mutation from
mute to nasal. In three cases we find a k in Bontoc which is absent
in Subanu; basa-fasaek, siyu-siko, tao-iakao.
Passing now to the Unguals we find no more than one instance of a
mutation affecting the sibilant. This occurs in sopingi-4ping, and we
are unable to determine if it is a Subanu assumption or a Bontoc abra-
sion, except in so far as the Visayan aping is indicative. The instances
where s is common are set forth in this table :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
basa
buis
fasaek
fuys
posong
pusu
poso
baosig
sigupan
sinbaan
songyopan
simfan
gwasay
lasag
lusung
masin
wasay
kalasay
luson
asin
sa
saguing
salamin
salapi
isa
saking
salming
salapi
sising
siyu
sombag
sulat
smgsmg
siko
sumfad
suladak
minsan
mamingsan
sawa
asawa
sulu
sillu
gosa
ogsa
siam
siam
!
We find the sonant lingual mute d unaltered in four instances:
di-adi, galad-alad, palad-talad, tolod-itoludko. In three vocables we
encounter the sUght recessive mutation d-t j ; dalan-tjalan, dila-tjila,
and d-dj in dua-djua, as to which we note that each is initial. In
gapid-apik we meet a mutation out of series, from Ungual backward
to palatal; it is suggestive of the kappation of modern Polynesian.
The surd Ungual mute t remains commonly without mutation, as
shown in this table :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
bato
bato
mata
mata
tao
takao
gatai
atoy
pat
ipat
tee
tae
gatop
atep
patik
fatek
tolo
tolo
goyamet
komaot
pito
pito
toon
taaowin
gutek
utek
The mutation from surd to sonant, t-d, occurs in three stems;
gugat-uad, matay-idoy, sulat-suladak.
In the course of these studies based upon extended research in the
phonetics of primitive speech I have sufficiently estabUshed the fact
that when the lips are brought into use m, almost unalterable, is the
weakest type of expression and b-p the most forceful. While m is
fixed, positive, an unchanging modulant, we find in these languages
the greatest play of variety in the consonants which depend for their
formation upon the positioning of the lips.
The sonant labial mute b scarcely exists in the Bontoc; even
that name is uniformly spelled Fontoc by Dr. Seidenadel; it appears in
no more than two vocables, hato-hato and bulan-buan, and for the latter
we find the alternative fuan. In two instances we find mutation from
sonant to surd, b-p; baga-poko, gabo-tjapo. In all other cases the
SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION.
97
sonant mute passes to the surd spirant, b-f, in a class of consonant
which the Subanu lacks.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
baboy
basa
boaya
bocbaac
fafuy
fasaek
fuaya
fakfak
boligan
booc
buis
faolengan
fook
fuys
bulan
sinbaan
sombag
fuan
simfan
sumfad
The mutations of the surd labial mute p are very infrequent.
Two vocables aJBFord us the p-b mutation from surd to sonant; pilak-
bilak, pusu-baosig. In the single instance of patik-fatek the mutation
is yet one step more in recession, from surd mute to surd spirant.
There is but a single case of mutation extra seriem, backward from lips
to tongue, p-t, in palad-talad. The instances where p is common to
the two languages are listed in this table :
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
Subanu.
Bontoc.
gapid
gapoy
gatop
lipay
palay
panga
apik
apuy
atep
paley
palay
panga
pat
payung
pili
pito
pono
ipat
payong
pili
pito
punek
posong
salapi
sapulu
sigupan
sopingi
poso
salapi
polo
songyopan
iping
I have presented this material in the form of the adjustment of
the Bontoc Igorot upon the Subanu base, and for the reason that in this
work the Subanu is the norm from which we measure divergence in
cognate languages. To prevent the chance of error which might
naturally arise in this manner of presentation it will be necessary to
employ a few words in the explanation of the true fact in the case.
It is not to be understood that the Bontoc mutation is any sort of a
divergence from a Subanu standard or the Subanu a variation upon the
Bontoc base, and the cases in which the two languages agree upon the
employment of a common consonant are not at all indicative that we
have estabUshed in such concord a primeval stem of any given vocable.
There is a tertium quid to which each language must be referred inde-
pendently. Mutation variety as between Subanu and Bontoc may be
divergent variation from a primeval type, or one of the languages
may preserve the primal type and the other exhibit mutation there-
from. When Subanu and Bontoc are in accord it may be that they
are also in accord with this third member of the problem; it may be
equally the case that they accord in variation from that third member.
The tertium quid is the stock speech from which Subanu and Bon-
toc have derived this common element amounting to 90 items. It is
a possibility that the Bontoc Igorot and the Subanu are widely sun-
dered remnants of a common migration wave of closely related folk.
This would be difficult to estabUsh in view of the wide diversity of the
98 THE SUBANU.
vocabularies in all but this community of 90 vocables, still more diffi-
cult in view of the essentially different method of grammatical treat-
ment. It is far more reasonable to consider that this community of
vocables is the residuum of the draft made independently by Subanu
and Bontoc, at some remote period of time and in some remote dis-
tributing point of migration, upon the common stock of archetypal
Malayan speech. That the source language of this community was
already in possession of archetypal Polynesian elements is made clear
by the further and most important fact that in this community of 90
vocables preserved at the far north of Luzon and at the far south of
Mindanao, separated by ten degrees of latitude, no less than 55 are
identifiable as in Polynesian possession at the present day. Much
of this Subanu-Bontoc community in the possession of the common
element of Malayan and Polynesian is identifiable with the Proto-
Samoan and not with the Tongafiti migration of the Polynesians into
the Pacific.
What bearing this may have upon the problem of the great equa-
torial archipelago I leave contentedly to the students of Malayan lin-
guistics. Its bearing upon my own theme of Polynesian speech is clear.
In the advance of the first Malayu migrants upon the primal Polyne-
sians settled in the Java seas there was a mixing period during which
the Malayan language was enriched by the assumption of Polynesian
vocables, evidence of which admixture survives in some 250 vocables
which we identify as common to the two language families. Further-
more in this mixing period the interchange of speech material was
almost wholly one-sided, assumption by the Malay from the Poly-
nesian. This is estabhshed by the fact that there is not a single item
in this community for which a Malayan source may be exclusively
proved, and in but one doubtful case (tinae) is there a single suggestion
that a secondary Malayan form is discoverable in the Polynesian.
This mixing period was succeeded by an accession of new Malayan
strength as new hordes poured in upon the archipelago. In this more
violent stage the Polynesian ancestors began their first flight into the
safety of the empty Pacific, the earHest Malays either fled to yet more
remote islands, a movement in which we beUeve the Subanu in one
flight and the Bontoc in another to have participated; or else they
remained at the spots of their first settlement and welcomed their kins-
men, thereby carrying over to the later comers more or less of the new
vocabulary stock which they had acquired and thus securing its very
uneven distribution throughout Malaysia as now within our study.
CHAPTER IV.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
We are now brought to that division of the theme whose particular
interest I freely confess was most largely operative in inducing me to
accept the not inconsiderable task of preparing this Subanu material
for publication. Indeed it is a great pleasure to be intimately asso-
ciated with the introduction to scientific philology of a speech hitherto
unrecorded, to array its vocables and the machinery of their sense-
diflferentiation in such order as to facilitate the work of other students.
It has been a rare delight and I would not seem to suggest anything
which might in any way beUttle the importance of such work. Yet
I recognized in this employment the opportunity to make a fresh ap-
proach upon the problem of the Malayo- Polynesian as a speech family;
upon this base of absolutely new material to recompute the particular
element upon which that family has been erected ; from the Malayan
side, as already I have done from the Polynesian side, to seek to render
the family into its units.
I consider that the unquestioning acceptance of this Malayo-Poly-
nesian family has operated to prevent inquiry into the most promising
source of linguistic knowledge. I believe the Malayo-Polynesian family
to rest upon wholly false grounds. I know there is not, there can not be,
a family of speech which shall include the Malayan with the Polynesian.
Therefore I shall assemble the data which the Subanu and its
kindred Visayan provide and shall let them prove these contentions.
No material could be better for the purpose, for it is acknowledged by
all authorities upon the Indonesian that the Philippine Malay pre-
serves the most pure and uncontaminated type of the speech which
holds throughout the Malay Sea.
In the whole of the vast Malayo-Polynesian domain, extending from
Madagascar to the Sandwich Islands in one direction, and in another to New
Zealand, passing by the Sunda Islands, a common speech reigns, of which the
groups and subgroups not only belong to the same class, but possess the ele-
ments of the same vocabulary.
Thus Andre Lefevre, at the beginning of the fourth chapter of his
"Race and Language," and at the end of the chapter:
The Malay family of languages is one of the simplest and most convenient
of the agglutinative idioms, as it is the most extensive and the most clearly
defined; it constitutes a perfectly independent group, or at least its relationship
to any other has not been discovered.
99
100 TH^ SUBANU.
Upon what authority does the professor of anthropology at Paris
issue these statements so positively and without qualification? Let us
look at similar pronouncements by an even greater master of systematic
philology :
On the islands, however, which lie off the southeastern part of the conti-
nent of Asia, and through most of the groups and isolated islets that dot the
Pacific, north to Formosa, east to Easter Island, south to New Zealand, and
west even to Madagascar on the very border of Africa, are found the scattered
members of a vast and perfectly well-developed family, the Malay-Polynesian.
Thus William D wight Whitney at page 241 of "The Life and
Growth of Language," and he continues:
The Malay-Polynesian languages are more simple in regard to their pho-
netic structure than any others in the world; hardly any of them have more
than ten consonants, many only seven; and they do not allow a syllable to
begin with more than one consonant or to close with a consonant.
In the preceding chapter, when discussing the Subanu syllabifica-
tion, I have convicted Whitney of error in the last item.
Whence did Professor Whitney derive the information which
enabled him to speak in such positive terms about the Malayo-Poly-
nesian family? I yield to none in my reverence for the great authority
of this profound master of the Sanskrit, and in addition I have an affec-
tionate sentiment toward the preceptor who set my feet upon these
ways. But what was the source of his information upon Malayan,
Polynesian, and Malayo-Polynesian?
Lef evre writes as one dealing with facts of common notoriety which
require the citation of no authority. More precisely Whitney refers
to Friedrich Miiller. His opinion is in the same form. I cite from
page 271 of "Reise der osterreichischen Fregatte Novara um die Brde:
linguistischer Theil:"
In einer Zeit, welche jenseits aller Geschichte liegt, zog die helle malayo-
polynesische Race vom Westen her, wahrscheinlich dem siidlichen Theile des
asiatischen Festlandes gegen Osten, und liess sich auf den Kiisten der Inseln
nieder. Am ersten scheinen die Malayen auf den siidlich gelegenen grossern
Inseln, wie Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, aufgetreten zu sein, wo sie sich nieder-
liessen und die dort vorgefundene schwarze Bevolkerung theils vertilgten,
theils sich assimilirten. Von da breiteten sie sich gegen Norden iiber die
Philippinen, Marianen und die anderen angrenzenden Inseln aus, und gingen
selbst nach Formosa, hart an der Kuste Chinas hiniiber. Andererseits setzten
sie auf ihren leichten, hurtigen Prahu's iiber den grossen Ocean, und siedelten
sich auf den unbewohnten zahllosen Koralleninseln an, die in Gruppen hie und
da aus der uniibersehbaren Wasserwiiste hervorragen. Auch die Doppelinsel
Neu-Seeland, die Krone unter den Inseln der Siidsee, wurde von den kiihnen
Wanderern in Besitz genommen, und wie es scheint, nach manchen Kampfen
mit den wilden Raubthieren und Riesenvogeln bevolkert.
Here we are coming closer to information at first hand, for Dr.
Miiller had seen the Polynesians and the Indonesians with such super-
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 101
ficiality of observation as comes to scientific voyagers whose stay at
any one spot is necessarily brief. How superficial his knowledge is
the last sentence exhibits, for it is a fact of zoology that New Zealand
lacked beasts of prey, and it is more than doubtful if the moa persisted
until the period of the Polynesian settlement of the islands ; certainly
there is no warrant for the assumption of the dinornis as a combative
fowl. Despite his personal experiences on the cruise of the Novara,
MuUer derives his authority for the Malayo-Polynesian family from
Franz Bopp.
At last we have gone upstream to the source. The Malayo-
Polynesian family was erected by Bopp, "Ueber die Verwandschaft
der malayisch-polynesischen Sprachen mit den indisch-europaischen,"
published in 1841.
No one may deny Franz Bopp the credit of establishing the science
of comparative philology ; he first brought into order the study of the
interlacing languages of mankind, established the greater groups, and
pointed out the method whereby the study of speech could be made
effective. All the authorities whom we have cited in the introductory
pages of this chapter have been satisfied to rest upon the dicta of their
leader ; to not one has it seemed proper to subject to further examina-
tion the data which he had used. It is the compelling force of a great
name deadening research.
Now it is proper to attempt to resurrect the data which were
available for Bopp in 1841. It is well to bear in mind that he was
fresh from his triumph in elucidating the relationship of the various
Indian, Persian, and European languages which now we commonly
designate the Aryan group . He had established a Semitic family, which
later information has considerably modified. He had given Africa the
Hamitic family in a speech arrangement which is now completely dis-
regarded. Carried away by the zeal of completing his system, of
assorting all the languages of mankind into families, he created this
Malayo-Polynesian family. We have the right to examine the material
upon which he based this classification.
First and foremost in his study was the great work of Wilhelm von
Humboldt on Java, "Ueber die Kawi-Sprache," which was pubHshed
in 1838. I can find no slightest evidence that Bopp went beyond the
material which Humboldt had amassed in this great work. Accord-
ingly the authority for the family which Bopp created must lie in the
work of his predecessor.
Let it be understood that there is here no suggestion that Humboldt
is anything but our best authority upon the Kawi speech in Java. His
study of that ancient language is both brilliant and profound, his discus-
sion in pursuit of his theme when it carries him to the modern Javanese,
both in its Basakrama and its Basangoko types, leaves nothing to be
desired. But when he goes further afield and brings in comparative
102 THE SUBANU.
material we are entitled to estimate the value of that material. I can
do nothing better than to quote from Edward Tregear upon this very
point (Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, page xiii) :
In this very voluminous work Humboldt examines the vocabularies and
grammatical construction of the Oceanic languages and considers that the
Tagal of the Phihppines is the leading dialect. His vocabularies, however,
were of a very imperfect character, and his deductions would have been con-
siderably modified had he possessed the information at present at our service,
his Maori being the Maori of Lee and KendaU (1820) and his Tongan, if
possible, still more defective and illusory.
I have been at pains to discover what Hnguistic information as to
the languages of Polynesia was available to Humboldt and therefore
through him gave Bopp the data for the creation of this family. A
very few word-lists were buried in the narratives of the great explorers ;
even if we assume that Humboldt had access to them all the material
was in very imperfect condition and by no means trustworthy. Tregear
has characterized the "New Zealand Grammar and Dictionary" of
Lee and Kendall. The Tongan vocabulary was that of Mariner's
"Tonga Islands," pubhshed in 181 8 and filled with errors which at the
present day are impossible of resolution. The work of Davies on the
language of Tahiti had been published in 1823, but its present value is
that of a curiosity. In 1837 Chamisso had pubhshed his brief and
inaccurate vocabulary of the Hawaiian, but it does not appear that it
affected Humboldt's work. In these few items we have the sum of the
data, both scanty and untrustworthy, on which rests theMalayo-
Polynesian family of speech.
I arraign this family (experience has proved it a deadening collo-
cation), upon the following grounds:
1. That the evidence upon which it is sought to support it is
incompetent, immaterial, and irrelevant.
2. That a family of languages can not be constituted of members
belonging to radically distinct orders of speech, and that in this case
the Malayan is an agglutinative speech and the Polynesian isolating.
3. That the use of infixes, characteristic of all the Malayan lan-
guages and necessary to their use in speech, is wholly unknown to any
of the Polynesians.
4. That the Polynesian is essentially a language of open type in
its present stage and that a consistent effort has been operative to
excise final consonants in stems where inferentially they existed in a
remote past; that the Malayan languages admit closed syllables and
that in very many instances there has been an assumption of conso-
nants in order to close syllables originally open.
5. That the fixed element of the Polynesian lies in its vowel
structure; that the vowels of the Malayan are most uncertain, and that
the permanent elements are in the consonant skeleton.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 103
From the beginning there has been some opposition to Bopp's
Malayo-Polynesian family. John Crawfurd, a profound student of
the Malay, was the first to raise his voice in opposition and was treated
with a most undeserved contempt for his really great powers ; in For-
nander's words "he was treated as an ethnologic heretic." The only
successful opposition directed upon Bopp dealt with quite another
division of his Malayo-Polynesian theory, that in which he sought to
associate this family with the Sanskrit, a position no longer held by phi-
lologists. The only modern author who has recurred to this position is
Judge Fornander, who sought to estabhsh the relation of the Polynesians
with the Aryan folk ; yet even in so doing Fornander is sedulous to set
himself against his predecessor's association of Malay and Polynesian.
The same stand of opposition is held by authors so widely at variance
upon other points of Polynesian study as Alphonse de Quatrefages,
A. H. Keane, Lesson, and Alfred Russel Wallace. Despite this very
respectable opposition, our systematic philologists cling to Bopp's im-
possible family.
Now what has produced this error? Some cause there must have
been of sufficient strength to prove operative upon Franz Bopp and
Wilhelm von Humboldt to lead them into this position. Of their fol-
lowers we need say nothing now save that they have one and all followed
their leaders, that not one of them has sought the original material in
confirmation of the doctrine which they have blindly accepted.
There is a reason, and on its face and so far as it goes a very good
one. In every Malayan language there is a certain number of words
which either on immediate inspection or after very slight dissection are
found to be in use in many, if not in most, of the languages of Polynesia.
For myself I am willing to go one step more, to acknowledge that the
words common to the Malayan and the Polynesian occur also in several
languages of Melanesia. Probably had Humboldt known of this fact
(in the complete absence of vocabulary material it was hidden from
him) Bopp would have included this third member in his family, just as
in the present time Dr. MacDonald has tried to do in his Oceanic family.
We have followed one another in accepting the results of collation
of this common material. Most of it will be found conveniently acces-
sible in Mr. Tregear's dictionary. Now I have had the opportunity to
collate anew, and on fresh material, a Malayan language of the purest
type and to extract the words in which I can see or detect community
with languages of Polynesia. These words, with all the comparable
material at my disposal, are here set down in order for individual exam-
ination, that we may be fully prepared to enter upon the exhaustive
study of the nature and source of this community. In ordering
this material I have shown, in the caption of each item, the Proto-
Samoan stem and the Subanu form, or in default of the discovery of
of this stem in the Subanu I have estabhshed the comparison upon the
104 THE SUBANU.
Visayan form. In the former group are tabulated the various dialectic
forms in Polynesian with a statement of their provenience ; in the latter
group are the Malayan forms so ordered as most conveniently to
exhibit their alterations from the more simple to the highly complex
type of variety. It has not appeared advisable herein to exhibit the
mutations of Polynesian stems as found in Melanesia; that problem
is quite distinct from that with which we are here engaged. For the
convenience of such as care to examine this theme I have appended,
wherever I have collated this material, a reference to the page of The
Polynesian Wanderings where such data have been discussed. I have,
however, included this third and intervening element in the discussion
of every such vocable as was not included in the scope of the former work.
afi
ahi
ai
I.
afi fire:
Subanu gapoy id.
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna
Uvea, Niue,
ai
Siwa, Brissi.
Aniwa, Sikaiana.
hai
Vaiqueno, Rotti.
Tahiti.Mangareva.Marquesas.Rapa-
hahi
Timor.
nui, Hawaii.
api
Malay, Kolon, Tomohon, Solor,
Rarotonga.
hapi
Battak, Bugis.
Java.
Bima, Ceram.
yap
My sol.
Mima, Matabello.
apoi
Silong, Champa, Formosa, Matu.
Malagasy.
apui
Kayan, Madura, Dayak, Tagalog,
Guam.
Ilocano, Sideia, Bontoc Igorot.
Chamorro.
wha
Bouton.
Guam.
pepi
Macassar.
Gah.
puro
Bolanghitam.
afi
efi
afo
ngafi
quafi
goifi
aif
yaf Ahtiago, Teor.
The last of these forms is highly problematical ; it is here included
for the completion of the record, but it has no suggestion of association
with afi save through the presence of p, which occurs so commonly in
the secondary Malayan stem. The Macassar pepi is in slightly better
case, for we may regard the prosthetic p as due to attraction of the stem
consonant, a precisely similar instance being the prosthetic h in hahi.
Bouton wha, if associable with this stem, is a mutilated fragment.
Three forms, aif, yaf, and yap, exhibit different phases of inversion,
a structural method which we have already discovered in the discus-
sion of the Subanu. The remaining forms fall into accord through
the operation of well-estabUshed laws of mutation. These mutations
are triple in their incidence. The stem consonant f varies in one direc-
tion to h, in the other to p, even undergoes extinction, variations of
frequent occurrence in the phonetics of these languages. Prosthesis
operates through four agents, h, ng", g", k; these, it will be observed,
run the whole scale of palatal consonants. The final vowel undergoes
a modification to what may prove a diphthong, a mutation which we
shall observe again in the study of this material (cf . 4) ; a change such
as this is wholly foreign to the spirit of the Polynesian languages, where
the vowels are of the stoutest constancy, but we note with interest the
occurrence of the converse in Niue, where we encounter several instances
in which ae of the stem, essentially not diphthongal, becomes e. In
POLYNESIAN AND MAIvAYAN. 105
the Malayan cognates i becomes ui and oi, and in the vowel uncer-
tainty of these languages, the two forms are different alphabetically
rather than in reality. It will be seen from an examination of the maps
that this variant occurs almost distinctly in the eastern and older half
of the Malayan province, where also prosthesis occurs.
Subanu gapoy exhibits the maximum of mutation away from the
primal stem, prosthesis in the same sense as in Guam, mutation of the
consonant from spirant to mute, alteration of the final vowel.
2. hangi to blow: Visayan hangin the wind. P. W. 317.
angi Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue,
Uvea, Nukuoro, Maori, Ma-
ngareva, Moriori.
dhangi Viti.
ani Hawaii, Marquesas.
angi Bima.
ange Kisa.
angin Malay.
angina Malagasy.
anging Macassar, Bugis.
Ranging Bali.
hangin Java, Tagalog, Magindano, Bicol.
I am not indisposed to regard the Proto-Samoan stem as hangin,
basing this upon the Samoan form in the objective aspect angina and
the Viti dhangina, as to which Hazlewood notes "an irregular passive."
On this assumption the Malayan hangin, all in the eastern half of the
province except Java, is a constant. We have learned to interpret the
dh of the Viti phonetic as the attempt, an effort which through force
overleaps its aim, to render the aspiration proximate to the lingual
series, this aspiration having become extinct in all other Polynesian,
In this reading of the early stem we look upon hangin as a preservation
of the original in Indonesia, and the Bima and Kisa forms as having
undergone the same modification as is the case in the present phase of
the Polynesian. The other mutations entail no difficulty, mutation
from n to ng in the final consonant in three instances, and of initial
h to k in Bali. This may be an accretion of the palatal mute after
the loss of the aspiration, that is to say hanging may be a secondary
development upon anging; on the other hand I have estabUshed for
the triple aspiration a portative value whereby mutation extra seriem
may be brought about, and this mutation from lingual aspiration to
palatal mute is conceivable as effected by the tendency to revert to
the palatal, further exhibited in the n-ng mutation. The primal type
is best preserved in the eastern or Philippine subprovince.
3. aku I; Visayan aco I.
a'u Samoa.
au Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Raro-
tonga, Rapanui, Tahiti, Marque-
sas, Mangareva, Hawaii.
aku Sulu, Malay.
akui Kayan.
aho Malagasy.
yahu Kisa.
From a multipHcity of terms employed in Indonesia for the first
personal pronoun, many of them mere forms of courtesy, these have
been selected as clearly belonging to the Polynesian stem. There are
no difficulties of mutation, for k-h is but a halfway post on the Hne
toward the extinction of k in modern Polynesian. The accretion of a
106 THE SUBANU.
final vowel in Kayan is counterbalanced by frontal accretion of the
semivowel of the same type in Kisa.
4. ate the liver; Subanu gatai id. P. W. 320.
ate Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea,
Fotuna, Nuguria, Maori, Tahiti,
Rapanui, Marquesas, Mangareva,
Rarotonga.
ake Hawaii.
yate Viti.
ate Pampangas.
ati Malay, Java, Magindano.
atai Matu.
atay Visayan, Tagalog.
adoy Bontoc Igorot.
hut Ternati.
akin Kisa.
Here we meet with no matters of particular interest so far as
relates to form. The original stem is retained unchanged, for the vowel
difference is negUgible, in two languages of the eastern and two of
the western subprovince. The assumption of an initial aspiration in
Ternati is not unusual, the accretion of final n in Kisa is frequent, the
t-k mutation in the same speech foreshadows the great movement in
that direction which has swept over the Polynesian area with a force
not yet spent. The sense variety in the application of this stem is
most attractive. In the great majority of instances its reference is to
the liver, but it has been applied not only to other inner organs but to
parts of the body exterior to the trunk cavity. Thus we find it with
a modifier used of the spleen in Samoan atepili. Without modifier it
is used of the spleen (Efate), of the gall bladder (Wedau), of the lungs
(Rapanui), of the chest in general (Solomon Islands and perhaps Mota),
of the heart (Java). What is the common factor which will admit of
such diverse appHcabiUty? The heart as known to these amateurs of
the insides of their foes is a hard body, the lungs soft to the touch.
This distinction is so well comprehended that in many of these lan-
guages one word does duty for the heart of man and the stone of fruits.
The name of the lungs is the word which in adjective use means fight,
exactly paralleled by our use of the word lights, an expression by a
still further oddity now most famihar to us in Quilp's adjuration, "Oh,
my lights and liver !" Between these extremes the other organs which
carry this name are variously graded in density. It is quite clear, then,
that density is not the point in this nomenclature. Another common
factor is that of shape : every one of these organs appears to the sight
as nodular, an agglomeration distinct from the softer organs among which
they are exposed to view in the crude processes of anatomy to which
the trunk is subjected by hungry savages. This sense is probably the
germ sense of ate, for we find it in the Samoan atevae and atelima used
of the bunches of muscle in leg and arm respectively when contracted.
5. asu smoke; Visayan aso id. P. W. 286.
asu
Samoa, Nukuoro.
afu
Futuna.
aasu
Rotuma.
Rotuma.
u
Hawaii.
osu
ahu
Tonga, Niue, Uvea.
as-ap
Malay.
ohu
Nuguria.
aso
Tagalog.
au
Maori, Nugiiria, Tahiti
, Mangareva,
ashok
Bontoc Igorot.
Marquesas, Rapanui, Rarotonga.
etu-na
Malagasy.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 107
For such determinant value in the matter of s])eech history as it
may be found to possess, we should give particular note to the Indo-
nesian affiliates. The Visayan not only represents the original stem of
the word, but also is capable of carrying the signification without need
of an auxiUary; in these two particulars, form and strength of defini-
tion, it corresponds with the languages of Nuclear Polynesia. On the
other hand the Malay retains the consonant of the original stem, but
its signification is so weakened that to as (smoke) "vapor" it has been
necessary to adjoin ap (from api, cf. item i) "fire." In the history
of the word, asu from smoke has come to signify any visible vapor
and therefore has to be strengthened to convey the smoke signification
as "fire- vapor;" this course of devolution and auxihation reappears in
the languages of southeastern and generally distal Polynesia, accom-
panied by a weakening of the stem by loss of its central consonant.
We thus find eastern Malaysia in accord with western Polynesia upon
the older form and the strong sense; western Malaysia and eastern
Polynesia upon the weak signification. The collocation is significant.
Eastern Malaysia, particularly the Philippines, preserves the older type
of Malayan speech ; western Polynesia, the region of Nuclear Polynesia
(which, on philological grounds, I have erected into a province), repre-
sents the earlier or Proto-Samoan migration into the Pacific. In distal
Polynesia we find the stronger influence of the latter or Tongafiti migra-
tion, a junior type of the speech; it is not without moment that we
find this in association with the western and later phase of the Malayan.
So far as we are at liberty to interpret this in terms of folk movement,
we read that the first Malayan comers into the Indonesian archipelago
were in contact with the Proto-Samoan ancestors of the Polynesians;
that the later Malayans advanced from the Asiatic continent along
the Malacca highway and dislodged their kinsmen in an easterly direc-
tion in order to make their own settlements in Sumatra and Java, and
that these newcomers were in contact with the ancestors of the Tonga-
fiti Polynesians of the junior migration.
6. alimango a crab; Visayan alimango a crab with large claws.
The word is evidently composite, but in neither language is it pos-
sible to resolve it into comprehensible elements. In my study of the
Samoan it has suggested itself to me that it might be formed of three
elements, a-lima-ngo. Of these a plays a part in word formation which
I recognize dimly, but which I have not yet been able to reduce to full
comprehension; it seems to be a sign by which a descriptive vocable
(adjectival in sense) is set apart into noun use. In the appearance of
the Samoan crustacean which bears this name the claws are prominent,
and in the Visayan definition their size is incorporated within the defi-
nition; therefore the word lima, as hand or arm, might properly be
segregated in the composite. The final element ngo should then be an
108
THE SUBANU.
attributive in adjective sense descriptive of some appearance of the
claws of this crab ; the only meaning which might seem apphcable is
derivable from Mangarevan ngongo "a conical hole," with which we
may associate Hawaiian no "a hole." The Samoan alimango is the
Portunid Lupea ; we are by no means sure to what extent the dotted and
pockmarked appearance of this crab would warrant the designation
"pitted claw" when the marking is carried over the whole carapace,
but we are no more than at the beginning of our understanding of
selectivity of definitive characters as authorizing name-creation by these
beginners of speech.
7. apunga-leveleve spider; Visayan laoalaoa id. P. W. 361.
apunga-leveleve
ka-leveleve
hala-neveneve
buta-lawalawa
ka-velevele
punga-verevere
Samoa.
Tonga, Futuna, Nine.
Nukuoro.
Viti.
Uvea.
Mangareva, Paumotu,
Mangaia.
punga-werewere
pua-verevere
puna-welewele
puna-vevee
lawalawa
kdaowa
Maori.
Tahiti.
Hawaii.
Marquesas.
Malay.
Bontoc Igorot
The primal sense appears to be that of the web, but the passage to
the Webster is not difficult, therefore we find the word indifferently
applied to the spider. Our three Indonesian terminals being found in
agreement upon the form which characterizes Nuclear Polynesia, we
may argue that the concordant inversion which marks the Tongafiti
use is of later development than the exit of the Proto-Samoans from
the Malayan archipelago.
8. alelo tongue;
Subanu dila id.
alelo
Samoa, Futima, Nine,
Fakaofo,
rera
Bima.
Manahiki,
Hawaii.
rilah
Ratahan.
arero
Maori, Tahiti,
Paumotu,
Mangaia,
lila
Sanguir, Bugis.
Rapanui.
lela
Malagasy.
warero Moriori.
lilah
Bouton, Salayer, Menado.
aledo
Sikaiana.
ledah
Malay.
alel
Rotuma.
lidah
Kayan, Basakrama.
aeo
Marquesas.
ilat
Java.
elelo
Tonga, Hawaii
dila
Bolanghitam, Sulu, Tagalog, Ilo-
erero
Mangareva.
cano, Pampangas, Visayan.
lelo
Hawaii.
delah
Baju.
eo
Marquesas.
djila
Bontoc Igorot.
In the Polynesian we have no difficulty in picking out the stem lelo,
nude in Hawaiian and Marquesan, elsewhere prefaced by the formative
a, concerning which I have already made sufficient note in item 6.
The presence of the simple stem in Hawaii and the Marquesan is not of
critical value, inasmuch as each has the augmented stem as well. In
general we note that this augment has been acquired since contact with
the Indonesians ceased. In the Indonesian languages the final vowel
has passed from o to a, a mutation of no moment in the vowel uncer-
tainty of that area. We find, then, the first five items sufficiently
representative of the lelo stem. The remaining forms fall into two
groups according as the initial or the medial Hquid undergoes mutation
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 109
to the mute of its own series. The western group, Malay and Java,
applies the mutation to the inner liquid exactly as in Sikaiana. The
eastern gi'oup, geographically the Philippines and linguistically the
earlier phase of the Malayan, apphes the mutation to the initial liquid.
As to this, I have in the foregoing chapter mentioned the effect of
stress in pronunciation.
9. hala road; Subanu dalan id.
hala
hara
Tonga, Niue.
Nuguria.
saleh
Malay.
sala
Viti, Rotuma.
jalan
Malay, Silong.
ala
Samoa, Futuna, Uvea, Hawaii, Nu-
dalan
Java, Ilocano, Visayan.
kuoro.
djalan
Bontoc Igorot.
ara
Maori, Tahiti, Mangaia, Rapanui,
daan
Visayan.
Mangareva.
alah
Malay.
eara
Paumotu.
aleha
Malagasy.
aa
Marquesas.
In those parts of Nuclear Polynesia less exposed to the influence
of the Tongafiti supersession upon the older community of Proto-
Samoans, we find the effort made to preserve the stem aspirate, and in
Viti its passage to the sibilant. The vowel prefix in Paumotu may
represent the same effort to preserve the stem initial, for the Paumotu
speech is in some interesting particulars of the oldest type of Polynesian.
In the Indonesian affiliates we find most strongly marked the mutation
results from this original aspirate. Viti shows us that it was the aspi-
ration proximate to the Unguals, for the h-S mutation is clearly indica-
tive. So in the Indonesian, all the mutation takes place in the lingual
series, to the sibilant, the spirant, and the mute respectively. The
three Malay forms, jalan, saleh, alah, form a descending series within
that language sufficient to render it unnecessary for us to associate the
alah with the Tongafiti migration, since the Polynesian itself does not
divide in migration streams upon this point.
10. hake up; Visayan saca to go up.
hake Tonga, Niue, Uvea.
dhake Viti.
ake Futuna,Uvea,Aniwa,Marquesas,Ma-
ngareva, Paumotu, Bukabuka.
a'e Samoa.
ae Tahiti, Hawaii.
daki Malay.
From the next preceding item we continue the note upon the
lingual aspiration and the mutation to d. The h-s mutation in Visa-
yan is not in accord with the stronger h-d mutation just seen.
1 1 . f af a to carry on the back ; Subanu baba to carry by land.
fafa Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue. I
vava Viti. i baba Subanu.
The sense in Polynesian is particular after the habit of those lan-
guages; the Subanu sense is more broadly stated, yet that need not
militate against the identification, for the phonetic accord is quite
satisfactory. It will be observed that the word is distinctively Proto-
Samoan.
110
TH^ SUBANU.
337-
winih
Java.
maho-weni Sanguir.
pin
Mysot, Waigiou.
bin
Waigiou.
bini
Malay.
bina
Ceram.
binei
Gah.
benaing
Silong.
babineh
Salibabo.
pipina
Saparua.
pepina
Ceram.
bahini
Madura.
bawine
Bouton.
baini
Salayer
banie
Macassar.
mahina
Liang, Morella, Lariko, Awaiya,
Caimarian, Ceram.
mewina
Teor.
mainai
Batumerah.
mapin
Gani.
umbinei
Cajeli.
ihina
Teluti.
gefineh
Wayapo.
libun
Subanu.
babai
Ilocano.
fafayi
Bontoc Igorot,
vavy
Malagasy.
12. fafine woman; Visayan babaye id. P. W.
fine Tonga, Uvea, Aniwa, Fotuna.
hine Maori, Rapanui.
ahine Nukuoro, Mangareva, Rapanui.
hoina Rotuma (metathetic upon
ohina)
aine Mangareva.
fafine Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna,
Uvea, Sikaiana, Efat6, Moiki.
fafini Liueniua.
fefine Tonga, Nukuoro.
fifine Nine.
vahine Tahiti, Manahiki, Marquesas,
Paumotu.
wahine Maori, Hawaii.
oahine Tongarewa.
vehine Marquesas.
vaine Rarotonga, Tubuai, Bukabuka.
veine Mangareva.
mafine Samoa.
mahine Tahiti.
mohine Paumotu, Mangareva.
tafine Aniwa.
tahine Nuguria.
fineh Massaratty.
fina Sulu.
vina Ahtiago.
Appropriately varium et in a high degree semper mutabile such sense
as may subsist in this vocable struggles forth into the most compHcated
expression. The Polynesian discloses to us a primal stem fine existing
independently and in addition quahfied by the formative elements a, fa,
ma, ta prefixed. Interpreting }im^ as a diffuse attributive carrying the
signification of femininity, we have shown (items 6 and 8) that the use
of a exhibits in afine a specification of noun use. In its proper place in
this series we shall find that the ma prefix is of practically the same
value, that mafine particularizes the person who is characterized by the
possession of the quahty which fine expresses. So with tafi^te, which
does not appreciably differ in signification; we do not regard ta as a
mutation product of ma, against which mihtates the difference in series,
but we do find in it a parallel and independent mechanism for the
expression of this differentiation, in which connection note the paral-
leHsm of Subanu mopong and Visayan topong in the vocabulary. In the
Malay archipelago we find the remnant of the primal stem of more
frequent occurrence than in Polynesia and within that province widely
distributed. The fafine type in Malaysia is so closely interassociated
that we may distinguish it as a Celebes type, therefore central in respect
of the province. The mafine type is similarly interassociated east of
the Celebes form; we may delimit it as a Ceram type. While Subanu
libun is widely apart from all types, we must recognize in its bun some
association with the stem fine. At the end we find a small group very
difficult of inclusion in this fine series; babai of Ilocano and Visayan
babaye are][closely associated, and with them must be joined Malagasy
POIvYNESIAN AND MAI^AYAN. Ill
vavy. In the utter absence of n we may not be positive in associating
these forms with fine; yet it is possible that they may be anomalous
devolution products from the Celebes fafine type, and this possibility
is made more probable by the occurrence oifafdyi in the Igorot. It has
seemed to me that /a oi fafine may be associable with the next ensuing
item, for we find in fa and faka a sense of resemblance in addition to
the more frequent causative employment.
13. fa, faka, formative; Subanu po, poc, poco id. P. W. 270.
faka Futuna, Tonga, Paumotu, Uvea, Ro-
tuma.
fak Rotuma.
vaka Viti.
whaka Maori.
haka Marquesas, Paumotu, Nukuoro,
Tongarewa, Rapanui.
hanga Rapanui, Paumotu.
hoko Moriori.
aka Rarotonga, Mangareva, Bukabuka.
anga Mangareva.
fa' a Samoa.
faa Tonga, Uvea, Tahiti.
haa Tonga, Nukuoro, Tahiti, Marque-
sas, Hawaii.
hoo Hawaii.
pag Tagalog, Bicol, Visayan.
poco Subanu.
pog Subanu.
poc Subanu.
maka Sulu.
mak Sulu.
mag Tagalog, Bicol.
fa Samoa, Uvea, Paumotu.
va Viti.
wha Maori.
ha Tonga,Rapanui,Marquesas, Hawaii.
ho Hawaii.
a Rotuma, Rapanui, Paumotu, Ta-
hiti.
pa Visayan, Bontoc Igorot.
paga Visayan. po Subanu.
Mr. Tregear has frequently called upon me to suggest some expla-
nation for the hoko and ho forms of this most largely utilized of all the
composition members in Polynesian. While I do not incline to regard
the vowel mutability here in the Philippines as of much diagnostic
value, I think that our Subanu will answer his query, which up to this
discovery has wanted a satisfactory reply. It will be noted that the
Subanu is a secluded speech within the area of the Malayan archetype ;
the Moriori is an equally remote and ancient form of the Polynesian ;
and the Hawaiian ho, without this knowledge of its source, I have
already employed in proof of the early settlement of those islands by
Proto-Samoans long before the era of the Tongafiti migrations. Pre-
bendary Codrington writes upon this formative prefix {Melanesian
Languages, page 1 84) :
The causative is almost universally va, alone or with a second syllable
ka, ga. The form va, fa, pa undoubtedly appears to be the original particle, to
which ka, ga, ha has been attached. This may perhaps be the verbal particle
ka, ga, which is used in several languages.
I am by no means convinced of the justice of this determination.
The Polynesian exhibits a complete devolution system faka-fak-f a, and
in the Philippines we now see similar systems, paga-pag-pa and poco-
poc-po. In the biological study of the upbuilding of the Polynesian
I shall give due weight to Codrington 's suggestion, but merely as a
matter of the etymology of the languages in their present phase it is
quite clear that we pass by abrasion from paga to pag, from poco to poc.
112
THE SUBANU.
Whether po is abraded from poc, and equally fa from faka, is a matter
with which we need not here concern ourselves. It remains that we
have the two forms faka and fa in substantially the same sense, but
faka is far the more commonly in use.
14. fale house; Subanu balay id.
fale
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue,
Fakaofo.
bale
Pampangas.
fare
Aniwa. Sikaiana, Manahiki, Tahiti,
ball
Sanguir.
Paumotu.
balay
Visayan, Subanu.
vale
Liueniua, Viti.
bal-ry
Menado (? balay)
hale
Hawaii.
wale
Magindano.
hare
Rapanui, Mangareva, Tongarewa.
bareh
Salibabo.
whare
Maori.
bore
Bolanghitam.
are
Rarotonga.
bahay
Tagalog.
fae
Marquesas.
faoy
Bontoc Igorot.
hae
Marquesas.
It will be observed that all these affiliations are found in the
Celebes and Philippine subprovinces ; in western Indonesia this stem
has gone into disuse under the sweep of the stem ruma, which seems to
have been in Proto-Samoan possession all the way through the Mela-
nesian traverse, but has dropped out, except for its retention in Maori
in a particular sense.
The phonetic variety is here of the simplest type and nothing need
detain us upon this score except to observe the interesting, yet at
present isolated, fact that the most frequent Indonesian type pana is
found intrusively in the Marquesas at the eastern verge of Polynesian
migration. The whole vexing subject of the use of the bow and arrow
in the two island areas is entertainingly and exhaustively discussed by
Captain GeorgFriederici, at page 119 of his recent work " Neu-Guinea."
Butif the phonetic curves are particularly smooth, the case is apparently
different when we come to examine the range of sense. I have not
detailed this in the individual identifications of affiliates; it is quite
enough to mention here that the signification ranges along three items,
to shoot, the bow, the arrow. This affords an excellent opportunity,
I
15. fana to shoot; Subanu pana a bow. !
fana
Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Futuna,
banah Ceram, Ahtiago, Tobo.
Uvea, Paumotu, Tahiti,
pana Madura, Macassar,Sikka, Mang-
Moiki, Tikopia, Aniwa.
garai, Baree, Gorontalo,
fan
Rotuma.
Bunda,To-Bungku, Tobelo,
vana
Viti.
Magindano, Tagalog, Su-
vavana
Sikaiana.
banu, Visayan.
pana
Marquesas.
panah Malay, Karo, Java, Sunda, Bali,
whana
Maori.
Dayak, Salayer, Sumbawa,
Sanguir, Cajeli.Ambon, Ma-
gindano, Baju.
fana
Bima, Tiruray, Kolon.
fana-yana Malagasy.
o-pana Bouton.
faan
Salawati.
tum-panir Alfuro.
fean
Mysot.
papana Sumba.
fan
Waigiou.
am-panah Timor.
fun
Teor.
panat Massaratty.
aan
Mysot.
pala Gorontalo.
bana
Sikka.
p^ppe Bugis.
um-bana
Simbo.
iC
POIvYNESIAN AND MAI^AYAN. 113
all the more because of the absence of phonetic complication in the
series, to direct attention upon the sense-character of the vocables of
these primordial languages. We are far below the categories of the
parts of speech famiUar to us in the languages of richer development.
There are but three parts of primitive speech; the demonstrative,
expressive of individualities of place and time, and out of the place
designation grows the person designation ; the paradeictic, an operative
class expressive of the fact that a relation exists in the sense of two
vocables with which it is employed, the nature of the relation being
as yet undistinguished ; the attributive, the great mass of the vocabu-
lary, the name of an object or an action or a state. It is from the
attributives that selection is to erect into separate categories the noun
and the adjective, the verb and the adverb; at the stage of develop-
ment at which we find these languages of Indonesia and of Polynesia
this function diversity is just beginning to call for discrimination.
The verb and the noun have not yet come into independent being.
The sense of the attributive is diffuse, unconditioned, absolute. In
the case oi fana we shall find no great difficulty in comprehending this
inchoate phase of speech. The diffuse sense is that fana is the name
of an act of archery; it may therefore express any one of the details
which we find it necessary to express in three distinct forms; it does
express sufficiently any one of them, inasmuch as to the minds of the
users of these languages it expresses them all in one unconditioned
statement. Thus it amply expresses the verbal sense which we par-
ticularize by reason of conditions which exist in our own more highly
specialized mentality and which we have drilled our speech to express;
it means "to shoot" without regard of mood or tense or person or
number or any other of the precisions of our speech. Equally it means
that which shoots, "the bow." Equally it means that which is shot,
"the arrow." And when I say equally, I mean simultaneously as well;
fana in itself carries without distinction the three ideas which we find
it necessary to differentiate by "shoot," by "shooter," by "shot,"
differencing these three items by the employment of simple stem, of
stem with inflection, of stem with ablaut. In the stage of intellectual
development to which the Samoans have advanced and the need of
particularity has been reached, these three ideas have been set apart
as follows: "to shoot" /ana; "the bow" 'au-fana or stick-shoot; "the
arrow" n-fana or reed-shoot.
1 6. fanua land; Subanu bonoa field. P. W. 341.
fanua Samoa, Aniwa, Fotuna.
hanua Rotuma.
vanua Viti.
fenua Futuna, Uvea, Sikaiana, Moiki,
Fakaofo, Marquesas, Tahiti.
henua Nuguria, Marquesas, Rapanui,
Paumotu, Manahiki.
whenua Maori, Bukabuka.
enua
fonua
honua
banua
banoa
wanua
benua
Mangareva, Bukabuka.Rarotonga.
Tonga, Nine.
Hawaii.
Malay, Bicol.
Visayan.
Bugis.
Malay, Togean.
114 THE SUBANU.
Here again, as in item 15, with a very simple mutation picture the
variety seems to lie most in the sense. The Polynesian shows a mag-
nificent crescendo series, from the mold at one's feet (Samoa, Aniwa,
Maori, Tonga, Nine, Hawaii) to the land in which one Hves (Samoa,
Aniwa, Fotuna, Futuna, Uvea, Tahiti, Sikaiana, Moiki, Fakaofo, Efate,
Marquesas, Paumotu, Rapanui, Manahiki, Maori, Bukabuka, Raro-
tonga, Tonga, Viti, Rotuma, Nine, Hawaii), upward to the whole world
of many lands (Aniwa, Maori, Mangareva, Tonga). In Indonesia,
equally in the intervening area of Melanesia, the series is diminuendo,
specific, minutely particular; in Polynesia the ultimate sense of a world
is built up inferentially as a series of habitable lands ; in the Subanu, a
Malayan archetypal speech, we have no difficulty in seeing that the
world (alibutan) is only that which may be seen by the utmost straining
of the eyes; it is limited by the last stretch of vision, by the horizon
{libot to go around) ; it is of two flat dimensions, a circle in which the ego
sits proudly at the intersection of all radii, as important as a spider at
the center of his web. To the Subanu the world is a thing of the eye, to
the Polynesian it is a thing of the mind, an intellectual conception rest-
ing upon a grander thought of the greatness of the cosmos. From the
general sense of land the word passes to the smaller conception of place
(Sesake, Mota, Fagani, Nggela, Laur, Lambell) , to village (Sesake, Mota,
Kabadi, Pokau, Galoma, Mekeo, Lambell, Motu, Tubetube, Suau,
Lamassa, Rubi, Saa, Santo, Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, Bicol, Visayan),
down to such a minute particular as house (Malo, Santo, Togean) .
Divesting our minds of the connotations grouped about these
words in our own speech, it is not difficult to comprehend this down-
ward series. His land, his country, to the bare savage is narrowly
restricted. This little stretch of beach from which he may launch his
canoe, this stream upon which he may build his flimsy shelter, this
small clear spot in the jungle upon which he may plant his food and
yet remain within reach of the support of his fellows by the exercise
of nimble legs or the frantic shout — this is all the land of which he
can say that it is his own. All else is forest; there dwell the spirits
which work him evil, there roam the inland tribes more brutal and
more savage than himself, for absurdly there are social degrees even at
this unsocial basement of society. Therefore his connotation of the
word land embraces no more than the tiny acreage upon which he
lives in his peace and his comfort in the protection of his neighbors;
land so exiguous is dignified when we call it village. In certain of these
communities the village becomes the house. I can not find that the
community house develops from any sense of greater convenience in
building or of greater security when built; for the savage, iron-ruled
by his traditions, is Httle actuated by considerations which partake of
the nature of free will. More probably it is a case of the dominance
of the religious tyranny which is ever strongest with the ignorant ; the
POI^YN^SIAN AND MAI^AYAN.
115
omens are taken for the whole community when the first post of the
home is set ; the house is made a community house in order that all the
folk may share the good omen. It is in the region of the long commu-
nity house that we find that the land word has become a house word.
Acting in the opposite direction, we find an instance in which the house
word {ruma, cf. item 14) has passed to the village sense; this is nma of
the Kayans of Borneo, who use the community house and with whom
the only village is the long house.
17. fatu stone; Subanu bate id. P. W. 344.
fatu
Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti,
Fakaofo,
batu
Malay, Kayan, Silong, Macassar,
Niue, Futima, Aniwa,
Fotuna,
Togean, Ceram, Rumbia,Meng-
Sikaiana, Manahiki.
koka, Bouton.
vatu
Viti.
bato
Ilocano, Subanu, Visayan, Bontoc
hatu
Nuguria, Nukuoro.
Igorot.
hathu
Rotuma.
watu
Magindano, Savo, Maronene, Kolon.
whatu
Maori.
wadu
Bima.
haku
Hawaii.
vato
Malagasy.
atu
Mangareva, Mangaia.
fahou
hatu
Satawal.
Ceram.
The two series are concordant in phonetics and in sense. In sev-
eral Polynesian instances where we have a second word for stone and
where fatu has secondary significations (such as the heart and the stone
of fruits) we see that the primal signification is nominal not in respect
of any given object, but in reference to a certain quality possessed by
the objects to which it is applied. The common factor is quite clearly
dual, hardness and such size as to lend itself to hand grip; just as in
English, under the generic "stone," we have similar particulars in
"pebble" and "dornick" and, by an odd variety, the southern United
States dialectic use of "rock" in the same sense.
18. fetu star; Subanu bitun id.
fetu
Samoa, Niue, Fakaofo,
Sikaiana.
bituun Visayan, Sulu, Magin
Manahiki, Marquesas, Tahiti.
bituin Tagalog.
fetuu
Tonga, Futuna, Uvea.
bittuen Ilocano.
fetia
Tahiti.
batuin Pampangas.
fitou
Liueniua.
bituek Silong.
fatou
Aniwa.
biti Tami.
hetu
Rapanui, Paumotu, Marquesas.
bituy Menado.
whetu
Maori.
betol Gani.
heth
Rotuma.
bitang Matu.
hoku
Hawaii.
bintang Malay, Salayer.
etu
Mangareva, Marquesas.
lintang Java.
toen Mysot.
fatui
Sulu.
toin Matabello.
witun
Sanguir.
teen Wahai.
witung
Bugis.
tokun Teor.
bitun
Ibanag, Subanu.
Here we shall have to concern ourselves simply with the mutations
of the stem. In Polynesia we deal with a stem Jetvni ijctii) subject in
general to the mutation variety normal to the several languages of that
family. In Tahiti /f'/Za affords us an example of a mutation which is
116 THE SUBANU.
not phonetic but social ; it is best explained as an adoption from the
Paumotu fetika under the influence of the word-tabu known as te pi;
wholly anomalous in Polynesia (and it must be recalled that the Pau-
motu is filled with intricate problems of speech) we find no afhhate of
fetika except bituek of Silong in Indonesia. The vowel alteration to
fatou in Aniwa is paralleled by fatui of the Sulu. The vowel change to
hoku in Hawaiian occurs again in that speech in to'elau-koolau. So far
as our Polynesian material extends, we have no evidence that the stem
is other than open ; the incidence of the accent upon the ultima, how-
ever, suggests a device of some compensation. But in Indonesia a
final consonant is so common and in general so uniform as to preclude
the interpretation of local accretion. In nineteen forms there are but
three which lack a final consonant, of which Sulu and Menado retain
the second vowel characteristic of the Polynesian, one station at the
threshold of the PhiHppines, the other in the Celebes subprovince. In
ten forms the final consonant is n and in four more it is ng, which we
know to be a most frequent mutation product of n. In the Silong
bituek, with which is associable the Paumotu fetika, the k may be
regarded as an ng mutation once removed. In Gani betol we are at no
loss to consider 1 as a frequent mutation product of n upward in the
lingual series. We find such an agreement upon final n or recognizable
n-products that I am willing to propose fetuu as the original stem of
the word. In the general absence of the labial spirants in the languages
of Indonesia we find two instances in which the initial f is weakened in
borrowing and passes vov^'elward to w in Sanguir and Bugis. In eleven
instances it is strengthened to the ultimate labial possibiHty, the mute
b, and these instances are smoothly distributed over the whole archi-
pelago. The second consonant t remains unaltered except in the soU-
tary instance of Teor tokii, and this t-k mutation, so general in Poly-
nesian, may well have begun to be felt before the exit from Indonesia;
mention of this has been made in item 4. We next direct attention
upon a special group of three forms, making a series by themselves:
bitang is readily to be established in the ^Malayan series; bintang follows
with the preface of the mute by the nasal of its proper series; lintang
shows an anomalous mutation b-1 extra seriem, but the agreement with
bintang in other particulars is suflficient to place it in the group. The
characteristic former vowel e but once appears in Indonesia. The a
which we have found in Aniwa is also in Sulu and Pampangas, both
PhiHppine languages and archetypal. In twelve instances evenly dis-
tributed over the region the vowel is i, and without complicating the
record by citation of examples I note that this is the characteristic
vowel throughout the Melanesian traverse. The characteristic latter
vowel u is well preserved. Last of all we find a group of interrelated
forms in which the stem has abraded its former syllable ; these are found
in the Ceram subprovince.
POIvYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 117
19. fili to choose; Subanu pili id.
fiH Samoa, Tonga, Futi
ma, Niue, Uvea,
piti
Visayan, Subanu
Fotuna.
pilih
Malay.
whiri Maori.
piri
Formosa.
iri Mangaia.
fidi
Malagasy.
ma-pi I i
Bontoc Igorot.
Except for the Maori and Mangaian I should consider this stem as
of the Proto-Samoan stock. There are instances in which we admit
stems of this older migration in the Maori, but Mangaia is commonly-
attributed to the distinctively Tongafiti; however, the stem is absent
from the other Tongafiti Polynesian.
20. fili enemy; Subanu pinilian the wicked.
fili Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Futuna, Uvea. I pinilian Visayan, Subanu.
This is a most interesting case of a purely Proto-Samoan stem dis-
covered in the archetypal Malayan region. In the Visayan we find a
secondary form showing that after the stem had been taken on loan it
had been subjected to the Malayan regime in forming derivatives; it
is easy to discover the stem pili when we set aside, in piin'Alilan, the
infix and accompanying suffix.
21 . fohe paddle; Visayan bogsay id. P. W. 429.
fohe Tonga, Niue.
foe Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea,
Sikaiana.
foi Fotuna.
vodhe Viti.
hoe Maori, Tahiti, Marquesas, Rapanui, bogsay Visayan.
Mangareva, Hawaii, Tonga-
In the absence of a wider Indonesian series this Visayan is included
for reference only, since it is by no means certain that it stems with. fohe.
In that direction points its bo. If next we seek in g a mutation product
of h, we find that it would be objectionable, though not impossible, as a
mutation extra seriem, for the dh of Viti shows the stem h to be aspira-
tion proximate to the lingual series. Assuming this mutation, however,
we are at a loss to account for say. If it were not for g wq should see
the affiUation of bo(g)say With, fohe; the intrusion of the g Hcs at present
beyond our comprehension.
rewa, Nuguria, Nukuoro, Liue-
niua, Nukumanu, Nuguria,
Tauu.
ohe Mangareva.
22. funga fruit; Subanu bunga id. P. W. 29^
funga Samoa.
hunga Nukuoro.
bunga Malay, Subanu.
bonga Visayan.
vuni Malagasy.
This is an interesting Proto-Samoan vocable of narrow limits. In
the other languages of the two oceanic areas this stem seems to have
been lost in fua, which is probably of kin. It is quite clear (The Poly-
nesian Wanderings, 426) that the latter was originally /«a//; recalling
the frequency of syllable inversion, it is quite possible that an original
iya Malay.
sia Sulu, Visayan.
siya Tagalog, Visayan, Bontoc Igorot.
hia Kay an.
ya Pampangas.
118 THE SUBANU.
fuan was transformed to funa and thence in compensation to funga.
As an open stem this would tend to permanence, while fuan must in the
course of Polynesian speech-growth slough off its final consonant.
23. ia he; Visayan sia, siya id.
ia vSamoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea,
Rotuma, Fakaofo, Marquesas,
Rapanui, Tahiti, Mangareva,
Rarotonga, Manahiki, Maori,
Hawaii, Aniwa.
koya Viti.
Here it suffices to note the substantial identity of these forms.
This and the other pronouns will better repay study when grouped for
examination in relation to the theory of evolution from position desig-
nations which I have advanced in a paper on "Root Reducibility in
Polynesian" (27 American Journal of Philology, 369) and which I shall
prosecute more exhaustively in writing the comparative grammar of
this family of isolating languages.
24. ikan fish; Subanu, sera, seda id. P. W. 350.
ika Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna, Niue,
Uvea, Moiki, Nuguria,
Sikaiana, Maori, Marque-
sas, Rapanui, Mangareva,
Tongarewa, Mangaia, Pau-
motu, Rarotonga, Mana-
hiki, Viti.
i'a Samoa, Rotuma.
ia Nukuoro, Tahiti, Hawaii.
ackan
Silong.
ian
Lariko, Wahai, Gani, Saparua,
Ahtiago,Matabello,Ceram.
iyan
Liang, Morella, Nufor.
iani
Batumerah, Awaiya, Caima-
rian.
iano
Ceram.
ein
Mysot.
yano
Teluti.
jikan
Borneo.
nyan
Tidore.
guihan
Chamorro.
nik
Uap.
iwa
Java.
ka
Kar Nicobar.
ga
Central Nicobar.
isda
Sulu, Visayan.
ikan Malay, Massaratty, Teor, Ilo-
cano, Wayapo, Gah, Rum-
bia, Bontoc Igorot.
maran-igan Menado.
itjan Maronene.
ikani Bouton.
ikiani Amblaw.
The concord of the Malayan aflfiUates is so preponderating that we
can entertain no doubt that the stem was originally closed with the
nasal n. That we can not identify this closed ikan from any of the
Polynesian uses of ika is susceptible of a simple explanation. When an
attributive most strongly inclines toward what we know as the noun
use, it is not susceptible of modification by the suffixes used to particu-
larize the employment of the more diffuse attributives ; it is lacking in
the protection to the stem afforded by these additional members, and a
final consonant drops off and leaves no sign. As ordered in this table,
the Indonesian affiliates fall into a readily comprehensible series of
devolution forms . This is true of all but the last form . I have included
isda in the hst in order to complete the record, but it is clearly a dis-
tinct stem. It affihates readily with the Subanu seda by metathesis of
the former syllable, and seda is just as distinctly a mutation of sora.
I regard either isda or seda as primal, but which of these two came first
we can not discover until a further series of the stem is discovered.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 119
25. hiku tail; Visayan icog id.
hiku Tonga, Uvea, Niue, Marquesas. ! siku Malay.
iku Tonga, Futuna, Mangaia, Mangareva,
Rapanui.
i'u Samoa.
si*u Samoa.
hiu Tahiti, Hawaii.
iku Baree.
ikur Malay.
ikun Buru.
eko Kayau.
ukui To-Bungku.
uhi Malagasy.
inom
Visayan.
ma-Inum
Bontoc Igorot
minum
Malay.
minom
Pampaugas.
o-minum
Magindano.
o-minom
Tagalog.
minu-na
Malagasy.
nginum
Java.
The identifications are satisfactory except for the ISIalagasy uhi;
this would involve an inversion of syllables (for which we have no war-
rant) in an Indonesian stem hiu, of which we find no trace. In both
areas we encounter an interlacing of two stems : hiku " the tail, to end, "
and siku "the elbow, any projecting angle." It is not impossible that
these are particulars of one general idea slightly differentiated in
the form.
26. inum to drink; Subanu guinom id. P. W. 376.
inu (m) Samoa, Fakaofo, Tonga, Nuku-
oro, Futuna, Niue, Uvea,
Nuguria, Maori, Tahiti,
Marquesas, Mangareva, Fo-
tuna, Mangaia, Tongarewa,
Rarotonga, Manahiki, Ro-
tuma, Aniwa, Hawaii.
unu (m) Rapanui, Sikaiana, Viti.
ngunu (v) Viti. | ma-nglnum Bontoc Igorot.
ma-ngino Togean.
For some reason, which it is quite impossible to determine in our
present knowledge of these two language families, this stem in each
area has been subjected to violent perturbation. In Polynesia we find
the two types inum and unum, a vowel change somewhat extensive, but
not by any means unfamiliar. In Viti, alongside the Polynesian tmum,
we encounter the form ngunuv. The possibility of an alternative stem
final in V is confirmed by the presence of inuv in Nggela and unuv in
Mota along the Melanesian traverse. The accretion of wg is met with
in Java nginum, Igorot ma-nglnum and Togean ma-ngino. Except for
the last and the Malagasy form the Indonesian exhibits the stem inum.
In the Visayan this appears without ornament, and the Subanu accords
therewith except in the particular of the g frontal accretion which we
have found so characteristically appHed to stems beginning with a vowel.
In five examples, three in the PhiHppines and two in the extreme west
of Indonesia, we find the secondary stem minum, which has not passed
along into Polynesia; yet the Igorot ma-inum suggests that minum is
a composite of inum with verb-formative ma.
27. isu nose; Subanu soong id. P. W. 348.
ihu Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Maori, Tahiti,
Hawaii, Marquesas, Mangareva,
Paumotu, Rapanui, Tongarewa,
Nukuoro.
udhu Viti.
ISU Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, Aniwa,
Manahiki, Nuguria, Fotuna,
Rotuma.
ishu Moiki.
iu Rarotonga.
In my former examination of the intricacies in which this stem is
involved {The Polynesian Wanderings, 348) I was led to the erection of
120 THE SUBANU.
a primal stem su, which is the only common factor entering into the
several vocables there collated. This Subanu soong I regard as con-
firmation of that judgment. From this primal su various determinant
vocables have been formed. With a wider range of Indonesian mate-
rial than was then accessible to me, I may arrange the material from
this family in a provisional series. The key is the mutation of the s,
weakly to the lingual hquid, strongly to its mute. Assuming the sec-
ondary vocable isu, which we find as the most common stem in Poly-
nesian, we now list the mutations.
iru Ambon, Kolon.
irung Java.
idung Malay.
TIeng Bontoc Igorot.
hiru Ambon.
niru Allor, Ceram, Minahassa.
nirun Kei.
ngirung Minahassa.
iri Ambon.
iiu Bima.
The Ambon dialectic forms serve to link together widely variant
types in a continuity which otherwise would not be discoverable. The
recurrence of final ng (n) in so many of these variant forms tends to
establish that final consonant in Subanu soong as pertaining to the
primal stem, on which point refer to the note under item 24. The chief
links in this Indonesian chain are found in Melanesia, and particularly
in the important region of the north shore of Torres Strait. The four
entries at the end of the list are presented to complete the record so far
as it goes ; quite clearly they pertain in some fashion to the series, but
for the present they stand as somewhat anomalous.
28. kapa to flap the wings; Visayan capacapa id. P. W. 295.
kapa Tonga, Futuna, Nine, Uvea, Manga- I kapak Malay
nggilung Minahassa.
ill Ambon.
uru-na Malagasy.
kam-uru Macassar.
urong Daj'ak.
ninura Ambon.
nunu Ternate.
ngunu Halmaheira.
usnut Gani.
reva, Mangaia, Maori, Nuguria.
'apa Samoa.
apa Tahiti.
pa Fotuna, Rotuma.
pacpac Tagalog, Bicol.
pak-sa Kawi.
pak-si Basakrama.
papak Magindano, Baliyon.
kapakapa Magindano, Visayan.
It is quite plain that we are concerned here with two stems, or in
better likelihood a primal stem with determinant accretion. The
primal stem seems to be pak, the derivative kapak. In the general
theory of the evolution of isolating vocables we should look to find the
primal stem in the possession of the earliest phase of the speech. The
evidence here presented is not decisive. The pak stem is found as far
to the west as Java — truly in the ancient speech, since it is credited to
the Kawi, and to the Basakrama, which is frequently conservative of
archaic forms; eastward, in the region of the archetype of Malayan
speech, it is found in the Philippines in Magindano, Tagalog, Bicol,
and in the immediately associable Baliyon of the Borneo Dayaks.
Yet in composition with kau, "a projecting member, " the primal stem
pak appears in Polynesia in these words for "wing" as "flap-limb,"
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
121
pahkau Fotuiia, pakau Maori and Moiiori, pckeluu Marquesas, pehau
Mangareva, peheu Tahiti and Hawaii. Rotuma papau is not exactly
reconcilable, but seems in some way associated. Omitting Fotuna,
these are distinctively Tongafiti languages. On the other hand, the
secondary stem kapak is found generally in Polynesian, in the Malay,
and equally in the Visayan and Magindano. It is accordingly mani-
fest that pak and kapak were synchronous in the Proto-Polynesian
before the two streams were divided at their source, but that the secon-
dary stem was not considered necessary in the ' ' wing ' ' composite by
the ancestors of the Tongafiti. In my earlier study of the word I am
manifestly in error of judgment in regarding kapak as primitive and
pak as derivative by abrasion of the former syllable. It comports far
better with a theory of evolution in the languages of isolation to proceed
from the simpler form to the more complex, from the general and diffuse
to the specific and particular.
29. kape wild tare; Subanu gabe an edible tuber.
kabe Tonga.
kape Futuna, Niue, Mangareva, Rapanui,
Marquesas.
'ape Samoa.
ape Marquesas, Tahiti.
gabe Subanu.
gabi Visayan.
gobe Subanu.
This stem is of peculiar interest as indicative of one of the most
remote outposts in the Pacific of Proto-Samoan migration. In the
Malayan archipelago it occurs in the most primitive region of the lan-
guage family ; in the Pacific it is found only in Nuclear Polynesia, save
for its recurrence in all the languages of the province of Southeastern
Polynesia which I have found it advisable to constitute. In that prov-
ince this stem is one of several pieces of evidence upon which I have
been able to establish the fact of an early settlement by wanderers of
the early migration community.
kau tree; Subanu cahoy, gayo id. P.W.
30.
353-
kau
Futuna, Niue, Fakaofo, Manahiki,
gai
Omba, Arag, Nggela, Bugotu, Gog,
Nuguria, Maori, Rarotonga,
Tangoan Santo.
Tongarewa, Mangareva, Pau-
hai
Vaturanga, New Georgia.
motu, Fotuna, Sikaiana, Nu-
ai
Malekula, Ulawa, Bululaha, Alite,
kuoro, Rapanui, Moiki,Tonga,
Vitu. Graget.
Uvea, Marquesas, Viti.
ta-ngae
Mota.
'au
Samoa.
gei-ga
Maewo.
au
Hawaii, Tahiti.
re-ga
Lakon, Lo.
kao
Aniwa.
ta-nkei
Merlav.
kou
Aniwa.
nge
Volow, Motlav, Norbarbar, Vuras,
kai
Viti.
Mosin, Pak, Sasar, AIo Teqel.
oi
Rotuma.
ge
Malekula.
ke
g«
Umre, Leng.
Tanna.
kasu
Efate.
gr
Nggao.
Efate, Sesake, Epi, Nguna, Anei-
cahoy
Subanu, Visayan.
tyum.
gayo
Subanu.
gau
Marina.
kayu
Malay, Baju.
au
Motu.
kayao
Bon toe Igorot.
kai
Aneityum, Bierian, Malo, Epi,
hazu
Malagasy.
Longa, Lent.
kai
Teor.
gair
Murray Island.
122 THB SUBANU.
Because this stem, if a single stem it be, has been so tangled, I find
it necessary to include the list of Melanesian types. Of these some,
in fact the majority, serve to establish connection between types in
Polynesia and types in Melanesia, which without these intervening
varieties would baffle inquiry. Other Melanesian forms, apparently
wide of the two greater speech-family types, in this array will readily be
discovered to be successive devolution forms in somewhat degrading
borrowing by the uncouth savages. Polynesia affords us the two types
kau and kai, for we may disregard kou as being a product of vowel muta-
tion from kau and oi as similarly related to kai. Melanesia yields us
three types, kasu, kau, and kai. In the second and third it accords with
Polynesia, therefore we find these t3^pes carried back to the very gate-
ways at which Polynesian migration emerged from Indonesia. The
kasu type is easily identified with one of the Indonesian types, hazu and
its derivative cahoy. The kai type is found in Indonesia, in Melanesia
and in Polynesia, therefore we may regard it as original Polynesian
stock brought by the roving fleets as far as Viti in Nuclear Polynesia.
In kayu we can see a probable association with kau, the common Poly-
nesia type ; and gayo is clearly a variant of kayu. The last difficulty is
met in the attempt to connect gayo with cahoy. Inasmuch as the two
are met with concurrently in Subanu, I feel that we are justified in
regarding gayo as derivative from cahoy, the Igorot kayao being an
intermediate link. Thus the series is complete.
31. koe thou; Visayan icao id.
koe Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Rarotonga, Ma-
nahiki, Rapanui, Paumotu, Manga-
reva, Marquesas, Maori, Aniwa,
Sikaiana.
'oe Samoa.
oe Tahiti, Marquesas, Hawaii, Fakaofo.
kau Baliyon.
kaaw Matu.
icao Visayan.
sika Bontoc Igorot.
angkau Malay.
Ceremony in Malayan life (the courtesy of the honorific phrase and
the humility of the speaker) has largely obUterated syntax. In fact
parsing does not become an obsession until distrustful speakers begin
to lose confidence in the expressive character of their speech and put
their reliance in machinery — auxiliary verbs, for instance. This cere-
mony affects equally, but in opposite directions, the pronouns of the
first and second persons ; I is abased, the speaker is but a worm of the
dust, a mere insignificance ; thou is raised to the peak of honor ; lord is
but the beginning of address; from tuan the Malayans pass to giddy
heights of exaltation. Therefore the Hst of Indonesian affiliates of the
second personal pronoun is brief and hard to come at. Yet the con-
nection is made clear by the Visayan, always noting that here in the
Philippines we find the archetypal Malayan. From icao, a secondary
form with the i augment which in time I shall establish as being a per-
sonal index, we may readily trace the simpler kau type. For transition
forms and for the portage of the type into Polynesia we shall need a
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
123
collation of the Melanesian material. Segregated according to the
mutation of the primal consonant k, this falls into a remarkably com-
pact and interesting table with exceedingly few lacunae.
iko in-iko in-ik
a-iko n-ik ik
ko
en-ik
igo in-igo .... n-igo
go
ingo ig-ingo in-ing
j-ingo n-ing
ngo
ni-ingo
.... in-ek
n-ek
ni-ek
ag-ike
ke
in-iko
Maewo, Merlav, Mota,
ni-ingo Sesake.
in-ik
Gog.
in-ing Volow.
en-ik
Vanua Lava.
g-ingo Arag.
n-iko
Maewo.
n-ing Volow.
n-ik
Merlav, Gog, Lakon, Vanua Lava.
ngo Sesake, Omba.
ik
Merlav.
in-ek Motlav.
ko
Epi, Sesake, Maewo, Mota.
ni-ek Norbarbar.
in-igo
Santo.
ng-ike Lo.
n-igo
Santo.
ke Gog, Lakon, Lo.
go
Santo, Arag, Omba, Maewo.
ka Mota.
ig-ing
o Arag.
o Ambrym, Santo.
From this showing we perceive that icao and the putative primal
form cao have been carried into the movement toward Polynesia, for
this is the sole present worth of Melanesia to our studies, and that they
have been subjected to the same mutation, kao has become ko. At
present we may regard this as vowel loss. This mutation is rare in the
attributives, yet not unknown ; in the demonstratives it is more com-
mon. Where so much of the primal stem is preserved we must admit
this mutation by vowel loss as permissible. Thus we are led from icao
to iko, and this we find in Nuclear Polynesia in the strengthened ko iko
of Viti, a language in which we encounter much that is archetypal of
Polynesian. Those students who have examined my estabHshment
{The Polynesian Wanderings, page 147) of two streams of Polynesian
exit from Indonesia, the Viti Stream by way of Torres Strait, the Samoa
Stream by the north coast of New Guinea, will have no difficulty in
recognizing this series as deposited along the sweep of the southern or
Viti Stream. For the northern course, the Samoa Stream, Melanesia
affords us another type of mutation, which may be set forth in the
following tables:
ihoe ioe io o, ho
go, no
igoo Fagani.
goo Fagani.
go Fagani, Nggela, Bugotu, Ngao.
no Savo.
igoe
igoo
goo
igoe Nggela, Bugotu, Ngao.
ihoe Vaturanga.
ioe Ulawa, Wango, Saa.
io Saa.
o Ulawa, Wango.
Here we see a vowel mutation from kao to koe; preferably we have
the two variants from some primal type which we are not yet able to
uncover in Indonesia. The devolution leads us (go) both to the ko type
of Viti and to the koe type of Polynesia in general.
124
THE SUBANU.
32. kumi beard, chin; Subanu gumi beard.
kumi Viti, Maori, Marquesas, Mangareva,
Paumotu.
umi Tahiti, Hawaii.
If it were not for the presence of kumi in Viti, this would seem
assignable to the Tongafiti migration, which is scarcely probable. In
Tonga, Uvea, and Nine occurs the form kumu applied to the chin; it
seems to bear some relation to the foregoing.
33-
kutu louse; Visayan coto id. P. W. 357.
kutu
Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Fotuna, Si-
kaiana, Marquesas, Rarotonga,
Rapanui, Nukuoro, Niue,
Maori, Viti.
ngutu
Paumotu.
*utu
Samoa.
utu
Tahiti, Marquesas.
uku
Hawaii.
kuto
Macassar.
koto
Wayapo, Massaratty, Visayan, Bon-
toc Igorot.
kota
Sula.
kutim
Ahtiago.
o-kutu Bouton.
hut
Teor.
utu
Morella, Matabello.
utu-a
Caimarian.
6tu-k
Tihu.
utu-n
Wahai.
uti, ut
Mysot.
kutu Malay, Java, Salayer, Menado,
Bolanghitam, Sanguir, Gani,
Lariko, Gah, Baju.
Here we have a perfectly smooth series of affiliates, the same frontal
abrasion occurring in each area.
34. kana to eat; Subanu cana, gaan id.
kana (kani) Viti.
P. W. 191.
kana
caon
Subanu.
Visayan.
gaan
ma-kan
mo-konie
mangan
Subanu.
Malay, Bontoc Igorot.
Togean.
Bontoc Igorot.
This is manifestly a Proto-Polynesian stem carried down to Viti by
both streams of Proto-Samoan migration, for we have a full series of its
occurrence in Melanesia. The general Polynesian stem is kai. Yet we
are not justified in assigning this to the Tongafiti migration solely, for we
find it at four stations in Torres Strait, the exit of the Viti stream;
these are Sariba kai, Suau and Mabuiag ai, Dobu e'ai, and they are
dotted among other stations where the kani type obtains. In default
of Indonesian instances of kai, I am still unwilling to accept its produc-
tion from kani by loss of n in its inner protected situation. Still it is
clear that kani and kai existed simultaneously at the period of the first
Polynesian flight out of the Malay seas.
35. lafa ringworm; Visayan labhag id.
lafa Samoa, Tonga, Futuna.
From its restrictively Nuclear Polynesian provenience this vocable
has particular interest as tending to show that the Proto-Samoans who
took part in the flight into Polynesia were the same folk as those who in
some part of the Indian archipelago were in contact with those first
comers of the Malayans who later moved northeastward to the settle-
ment of the Philippines.
POI^YN^SIAN AND MAI.AYAN.
125
36. langi sky
langi Samoa, Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna,
Niue, Uvea, Manahiki, Nuku-
oro, Viti, Rotuma.
rangi Maori, Rarotonga, Mangareva, Ra-
panui, Paumotu, Tongarewa,
Aniwa, Fotuna.
lani Nuguria, Hawaii.
rai Tahiti.
rang Efate
Subanu langit id,
langit
P. w. 359.
Visayan, Subanu, Sulu, Tagalog,
Chamorro, Kayan, Magin-
dano, Malay, Java.
langid Baliyon.
langi Bugi, Champa, Macassar.
lanit-ra Malagasy.
janggie Togean.
ran Uap.
ani, aki Marquesas.
Assuming the closed stem langit, and for this we have Indonesian
evidence of excellent quality and complete extent through the province,
the final consonant had been lost at the time of Polynesian exit from the
Malay Archipelago, for in each stream we find only the open form in the
Melanesian traverse {langi) or the secondary abrasion {lang) to the
closed type.
37. lango a fly; Subanu langau id. P. W. 360.
lango
Samoa, Tonga,
Futuna,
Niue,
lango
Kayan, Sanguir, Pampangas,
Uvea,
Viti.
northeast Celebes.
rango
Fotuna, Maori,
Rarotonga
Pau-
rain go
Menado, Bolanghitam.
motu.
langau
Subanu, Tagalog, Malay.
nango
Nukuoro.
lengeau
Dayak.
lano
Nuguria.
langao
Visayan.
nalo
Hawaii.
langow
Baju, northeast Celebes.
rao
Tahiti.
lalangou
North Borneo.
lang
Rotuma.
langa
Gorontalo, Bunda.
The only matter which need engage our attention here is the muta-
tion of the final vowel. We shall find other instances of the 0-ao
variety, and it will simplify the study to examine them collectively
after the massing of the data has been completed.
38. laka to step; Subanu laang to walk.
laka Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea.
la'a Samoa.
lako Viti.
laang Subanu.
lacang Visayan.
pag-lacat Visayan.
The data are insufficient for the determination of the question sug-
gested by the Subanu-Visayan, whether this is a closed stem and
whether the final consonant is t or ng. We find it in Melanesia in two
widely severed stations on the Viti Stream, Motu and Mota. In Motu
we find raka ' ' to walk. ' ' In Mota we have a tangle of forms : laka ' ' to
kick up the heels as in dancing," lagau "to pass, cross over, of impedi-
ment rather than space," lago "to step."
39. lalo below; Visayan ilalom id. P. W. 213.
lalo Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue,
Uvea, Hawaii, Nuguria.
Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Tonga-
rewa, Bukabuka, Mangareva,
Sikaiana, Aniwa, Fotuna, Nu-
kuoro, Rapanui.
ngango Moiki.
ao Marquesas.
At the time of my earUer study of this vocable I lacked Indonesian
affihates, a lack which is now supplied most satisfactorily. The Visa-
yan i-lalom is clearly a composite representing the modern Samoan use
of i lalo locative and 'i lalo of terminus ad quem. The fact that it has a
126
THE SUBANU.
nasal final may be taken to shed light upon the forms which we have
proposed in Melanesia for affiliation with this stem. In Vaturanga we
find lao, which follows the regime of that speech in dropping an inner 1
and thus halfway approximates the denuded form ao of the Marquesas.
The only other provenience in Melanesia is confined to a group of
hitherto obscure forms found in the tiny Banks Group, and all inter-
related. These are effectively lalangai, lalange, lang. It will be seen
that all these forms have a final nasal. Though it differs in series from
the final m of the Visayan the distant mutation m-ng is well supported
in another word in the same group, malum-melunglung {The Polynesian
Wanderings, page 370).
40. lano a lake; Subanu danao id.
lano Samoa.
ndrano Viti. rano-masina Malagasy.
rano Rapanui. danao Visayan, Subanu.
ano Tonga, Futuna, Uvea. tjanaom Bontoc Igorot.
This word is Proto-Samoan, in Rapanui an interesting article of the
proof of migration to that ultimate islet by the first-comers into the
Pacific. In sense it imphes fresh water. Therefore it does not surprise
us to find that in usage probably Tongafiti it interlaces with the slightly
variant lanu, which signifies sweet water in general and certain of the
particular uses to which it may be put. We find the same in Indonesia,
Java and Kawi rami, Kawi danu, Ilocano danum, all signifying water
in general. Thus we are led to Malay danau of the ocean, the sweet
water has passed to the salt by steps which have left their record.
41. laun a leaf; Subanu doon id. P. W. 397.
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Nu-
lau
ndrau
au
lou
rou
ou
guria, Niue, Hawaii.
Viti, Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Ra-
panui, Paumotu, Mangareva,
Nukuoro, Fotuna, Rotuma.
Viti.
Marquesas.
Tonga.
Mangareva.
Marquesas.
rau Savu.
rou Java.
laun Saparua.
daun Baliyon, Baju, Malay.
dawun Malay.
dahun Sulu.
dahon Visayan.
doon Subanu.
That the final n pertains to the primal stem we have abundant
evidence in Indonesia, confirmation in Melanesia in Moanus, Barriai
and Malekula laun and Malo rauna.
42. le no, not;
Subanu da, di id.
e
Rapanui.
kakore
Mangareva, Rapanui, Paumotu
eaki
Rotuma.
Marquesas.
se
Samoa, Rotuma.
kakoe
Marquesas.
le
Samoa.
koe
Rapanui, Marquesas.
lea'i
Samoa.
kare
Rarotonga, Mangaia.
te
Maori, Mangareva, Rapanui,
aohe
Hawaii.
Marquesas.
aole
Hawaii.
sega,
segai Viti.
aore
Mangaia, Tahiti.
ohe
Hawaii.
aoe
Marquesas, Hawaii.
ole
Hawaii.
kahore
Maori.
ore
Tahiti.
ahore
Maori.
kore
Rapanui, Paumotu, Mangareva,
hore
Maori.
Marquesas.
ko
Rapanui.
oe
Marquesas.
POIvYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 127
It will tend toward the simplification of this nexus, which seems the
more complicated as we extend the view, if we dissect out the negatives
which are found singly or in combination in these Polynesian languages
before we advance upon other alUed tongues. From the variety of the
Samoan le particular and se indefinite negatives, corresponding in the
functional value of the consonantal modulant to the weak demonstra-
tives (article value) le particular and se indefinite, we infer a primal neg-
ative e. This we find in an unmodulated condition in Rapanui, and in
the Rotuma composite eaki corresponding to Samoan Ica'i it again
appears. For the 1 and the S modulants I can discern no value other
than that of indicating precision. In composition with other elements
they recur in the following forms, postponing consideration of the value
of the composition members : ohe, aohe, ole, aole, ore (oe) , aore (aoe) , hore,
ahore {kahore), kore (koe), kakore (kakoe), kare. The same primal nega-
tive receives the consonantal modulant t in certain languages of the
Tongafiti stock, te in Maori, Rapanui, Mangareva, and the Marquesas.
This modulant maybe regarded as the definite modulant, such as in the
same migration group we find in the article te; at the same time we may
find reason to assign to the t in this composition a negative value of its
own. Toward the latter interpretation operates the fact that in the
range of Polynesian te is considered so strongly negative that it requires
no bolstering with other negative particles, which we have just observed
to be so extensive in the case of se and in an even more highly marked
degree of le. The second stage away from the primal negative e shows
the preface of ko to se and to le, thus producing a typical kose which is
inferential from Hawaiian ohe, and kore. In Hawaii and Tahiti, which
lack k, we find this stage in ohe, ole, ore; and in the Marquesas, which
drops the liquid also, we find no more than oe. This preface syllable
is itself a negative, as we may see from Rapanui ko; the composite
is, therefore, a determinant compound in which two stems carrying
inter alia one signification in common are compacted in order to set the
meaning beyond doubt. With kore we shall probably associate the
hore which gives us a series of three members in Maori. I am unable to
discover ho elsewhere in Polynesia in a negation use, and the k-h muta-
tion, while it is phonetically possible, I can not find in Polynesian use.
A variant kare in Rarotonga and Mangaia has pecuHar interest because
we meet the same form far to the westward in Maewo kare, dehortative
"do not." In the discussion of Melanesian negatives I hope to be able
to show that ka in itself carries negative value. In this place we shall
assume this to be fact and shall estimate kare not as a vocalic mutant of
kore, for vocahc mutation is almost unknown in Polynesian, but as a
le compound with the negative preface ka. This same ka gives us the
third stage of the Polynesian negative, kose and kole prefaced by ka,
doubly a determinant compound, "no-no-no," which ought surely to be
beyond all chance of miscomprehension. In this third type we have
from se the Hawaiian aohe rising in the loss of k twice, and from le we
128 THE SUBANU.
have kakore, kakoe, aole, aore, aoe. We have akeady noted that Maori
hore is anomalous; it continues so through its series; kahore is a com-
pound of this third type, but ahore is beyond explanation, since the
Maori is in general tenacious of the k.
We shall now examine the Melanesian negative, a sad tangle at
first view, but I am quite convinced that the following table will sug-
gest the way toward a simple statement.
(a) sa ta ka-re
tate
tat
taho
e he te t-
hete tehe
teo
i si-a ti
di
Here we have the e negative, the a negative which we have already
met in kare and kakore, and in addition an i negative which may be
primal or may be a mutation from e. The languages comprised in this
table are as follows :
sa Marina, Saa, Bugotu.
te Omba, Mota, Lakon, Arag, Deni.
ta Motlav, Volow, Gog, Norbarbar.
tehe Arag.
tate Lo.
teo Ngao.
tat Lo.
t- Motlav.
taho Nggela.
i Alo Teqel.
kare Maewo.
si-a Savo, Vaturanga.
e Pak, Alo Teqel.
ti Sesake, Efate, Merlav.
he Omba.
di Sesake.
hete Omba.
Of the three Polynesian negatives in the first remove from primal
e, namely se, le, te, we find se represented by sa, he and si; te represented
by ta, te, ti, and di; le is found in but the single instance of ka-re. In
the compound forms here presented hete, tehe and tate are clearly deter-
minant compounds of the grateful double negative type ; tat comes from
tate by terminal abrasion. In taho and teo we readily segregate ta and
te; the residual ho and o do not elsewhere appear as negatives, but they
certainly suggest the ho of Maori ho-re and provide a primitive for the
modulated ko of Rapanui and the general secondary type ko-re.
We next encounter a group of composite negatives of the secondary
type which are quite manifestly associable inter se and beyond Mela-
nesia with the lea'i of Samoan. These will be shown in order in the
following table.
ai tagai
gae tigai
bwai
pwai-ke
hai-ke
(a) aga 'iga
taga
tagar
tga
(i) tigi
tig
teji
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
129
The languages comprised in this table are these :
ai Wango.
tagai
Mota.
tagar
Gog.
gae Fagani.
tigai
Maewo.
tga
Motlav.
bwai Wango.
aga
Pak.
tigi
Macwo.
pwai-ke Ulawa.
hai-ke Saa.
'iga
Leon.
tig
Maewo.
taga
Merlav.
teji
Norbarbar.
It will be seen that the preface members of such composites as are
in this list are variants of the te type.
The Subanu da and di are sonant varieties of the ta and ti, of which
we have evidence in Melanesia, and its daay is paralleled by tagai.
Bontoc Igorot yields us adt.
43. like around; Subanu molio curved.
liko
li'o
Futuna, Viti.
balico Visayan.
molio Subanu.
This is the least-used of a group of three consimilars, liko, niko,
and piko, in which we may recognize as operative the effect of conso-
nant modulant prefaces upon a primal stem iko. The liko form is found
at these three stations in Nuclear Polynesia and doubly at this single
Philippine station ; relative to the speech families in which they occur,
Nuclear Polynesia and the Phihppines are recognized as archetypal and
representative of the Proto-Samoan. In Subanu we have no difficulty
in dissecting out the particle of condition ma, and the ba of the Visayan
is a famiUar variant of the same.
longo
rongo
ongo
lono
ono
oko
44. longo to hear; Visayan dongog id.
Samoa, Nukuoro, Futuna, Uvea,
Niue, Fakaofo, Rarotonga.
Viti, Maori, Mangaia, Mangareva,
Paumotu, Rapanui, Aniwa,
Fotuna.
Tonga.
Hawaii, Nuguria.
Marquesas.
Marquesas.
P. W. 398.
langan
Matu.
rungu
Java.
rohona
Malagasy.
rungak
Uap.
hungu
Chatnorro.
dongog
Visayan.
dengek
Bontoc Igorot.
dangar
Malay.
In Polynesia we lack derivative forms which might protect a final
consonant if this had been a closed stem. The final mute palatal in
dongog and rungak I incline to regard as verb-formative suffix in the
eastern Malayan; it is suggested again only in Omba ronghogosi, and
there obscurely, for we have no means of determining if the g is terminal
of the stem or initial to the latter composition member. In examining
the Melanesian material we find suggestions of final m in Vaturanga
and of final V in Vaturanga and Kabadi. In our slovenly American
orthoepy it may not be wholly unnecessary to draw attention to the
fact that the Malay recognize in langar full consonant value for the
final r; this seems to belong to the stem, at least in one stage of its
development, for it recurs in Lambell, King, Duke of York, Baravon,
Raluana, Mukawa, Tavara, Wedau, Awalama, Taupota, Oiun, and
Raqa. It will be seen that these are stations at the two exits from
Indonesia, five at the gateway through the Bismarck Archipelago, seven
130 THE SUBANU.
in Torres Strait, therefore at points of our earliest information of the
Samoa Stream and the Viti Stream respectively.
45. lua hole; Subanu luang id.
lua Samoa, Futuna, Hawaii.
loaka Malagasy.
rua Malay.
luwang Java.
luang Subanu.
luo Niue, Tonga.
rua Rapanui, Paumotu, Mangareva,
Tahiti, Maori, Mangaia.
ua Marquesas.
lue Mota.
From the Indonesian evidence (to which we must add the anomal-
ous Malay luhang and the Bontoc Igorot kaupan) we are justified in
regarding this as a stem closed in ng and the Malagasy is a normal
mutation therefrom.
46. ma conditional prefix; Subanu, Visayan ma id.
This particle is general throughout the three Oceanic areas. It
undergoes the normal vocahc mutations ; it is paralleled by at least two
similar particles (ta and pa) with differences in the consonantal modu-
lant. I am forced to postpone discussion of the variety in use in this
matter to a later period of my researches. In a general way it may be
said that given a signification of an action or a state in a primal diffuse
attributive, when the need arises for particularity the employment of
ma prefaced to the attributive stem conveys the sense that a given
object exists in the condition stated in the stem signification. Such
forms are in essence adjectival in their employment. We may illus-
trate this from the Samoan fola to spread out and mafola appHed to an
object which has been extended and therefore is spread out; we are
forced to employ passive forms, but no such voice sense is yet within
the power of these languages.
47. masakit, makit sick; Visayan saquit id. P. W. 379.
masaki Futuna. mai Rapanui, Tahiti, Hawaii.
mahaki Tonga, Uvea, Niue, Maori.
madhake Viti.
maki Marquesas, Rapanui, Mangaia,
Mangareva, Paumotu, Nu-
guria, Fotuna.
ma'i Samoa.
The strong concord in Indonesia leads me to postulate a final t.
In the masakit forms this is quite clear and finds confirmation in the
Melanesian King miseit. In the Malayan we have in one form for
makit this final and in the other instance it does not appear; testimony
toward the estabUshment upon Melanesian authority of the final t is
derived from Baravon mait. The masakit type is a conditional ; we find
the primitive sakit in Malay, Visayan, and Bontoc Igorot. This is the
elder type; it is Proto-Samoan. For the Tongafiti makit we have been
able to discover no instance of a primitive, but analogy leads us to the
conclusion that this also is a conditional ma-akit. Interpolating a term,
we may infer the descent from sakit through hakit to akit, then prefacing
akit with the conditional ma the concurrent vowels might coalesce
through crasis. It will be observed that now in deaUng with the
masaquit Ilocano.
sakit Malay, Visayan, Bontoc Igorot.
makit Silong.
maki Kisa.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 131
Visayan material I express myself more positively in support of the
position which in my earlier work seemed less clear and that further
support appears in the Igorot.
48. malemos to drown; Visayan lomos id.
lemohaki Tonga.
maremo
Rarotonga.
ndromu Viti.
palemo
Hawaii.
emu Rapanui.
paremo
Tahiti, Maori
malemo Samoa, Futuna.
peremo
Mangareva.
melemo Tonga.
parego
Paumotu.
The final S is found in the Visayan and in normal mutation in the
Tongan lemohaki. We have in Polynesia three forms of the simple
stem, two {lomu, lemo) in Nuclear Polynesia and one {emu) in Rapanui,
as an interesting article of the proof of a settlement upon that remote
island of a Proto-Samoan colony; even so recently as my recension of
the dictionary of that speech this item escaped my attention inasmuch
as I had not then the Visayan evidence. The remaining forms in
Polynesia are conditional with ma and with a variant pa; pa is found
in languages of the Tongafiti settlement, ma is Proto-Samoan, except
that Rarotonga is a Tongafiti community but has the conditional prefix
of the earlier stock. In Paumotu the m-g mutation, a shift across the
utmost nasal range, is not unknown in other instances.
49. mama to chew; Subanu mama id. P. W. 280.
mamah Malay.
mama Subanu.
mangaga Bontoc Igorot.
mama Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Nine, Ra-
panui, Marquesas, Manga-
reva, Hawaii, Viti.
manga Nukuoro.
maanga Uvea.
Except for the mutation in Nukuoro and Uvea this identification is
so complete as to be featureless. We note the almost complete absence
of the stem from the Melanesian traverse, its only appearance being in
Aneityum a-mai. In secondary and derivative forms in Nuclear Poly-
nesia we encounter the form maga, which passes before the superficial
judgment as of the common type of verbal noun formed from stem ma
by the usual suffix -ga, the secondary sense denoting either an act of
chewing or the person who chews. If this were the true explanation
of maga we should find ourselves under the necessity of arguing that
in Nukuoro and Uvea the verbal noun, after it had been created pur-
posely to express a distinction for which the language had felt a need,
sacrificed that distinction and took the place of the primal verb from
which it is derived. This runs contrary to the grammatical course of
the speech. The discovery in the Bontoc Igorot of mangaga estabHshes
the existence in the earhest type of the Polynesian of a verb radical
manga and authorizes us in classifying the Nukuoro and Uvea forms
as Proto-Samoan. Elsewhere in Nuclear Polynesia, in regions to which
the later Tongafiti swarm found readier access and where its domina-
tion was better estabhshed, the abraded stem ma of that phase of the
common tongue came into use in its duplicated form. The particular
132
THE SUBANU.
significance of the Igorot, as in many instances it is the particular
significance of the Subanu itself, is that it is an interior language in
this region in which we find the archetype not only of Malayan speech
but of its early accumulations from the Polynesian ancestors whom it
was dislodging. Accordingly, when we are enabled to pass through the
coastal settlement of the later Malayan swarms in the PhiUppines and
may find in the languages of the eadier migrants who have been driven
back into the mountains word forms identifiable with those which we
find in Nuclear Polynesia, we are just.fied in estabHshing them as of
the eariiest Polynesian type.
manifis thin; Subanu monepes id. P. W. 298.
50.
manifi Samoa, Nukuoro, Tonga, Futuna,
Uvea.
mafinfini Fotuna.
nipis Malay.
manipis Visayan.
monepes Subanu.
manifi Malagasy.
These are all clear identification, all of the conditional type except
that in Malay we have the primitive stem, which reappears at Roro in
Torres Strait in the form nivinivi.
51. malino calm; Subanu linao id.
malino Futuna, Hawaii.
malinoa Uvea.
marine Maori, Rarotonga, Paumotu.
melino Tonga.
merino Mangareva.
milino Niue.
manino Samoa, Tahiti.
menino Marquesas.
Disregarding the simple varieties in the Polynesian course of the
vocable we estabUsh a conditional type with the primitive plainly appa-
rent in the three PhiUppine languages.
52. manu bird, animal; Subanu manoc bird, P. W. 372.
Gani.
Dayak, Bontoc Igorot.
Wahai.
linao
Subanu, Visayan
allnoao
Bontoc Igorot.
malinao
Bicol.
marina
Malagasy.
marne
Formosa.
maino
Motu.
manman
Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, Manga-
reva, Rarotonga, Mangaia,
Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Fo-
tima, Bukabuka, Maori,
Hawaii, Nuguria, Rapanui,
Marquesas, Paumotu, Viti,
Tongarewa.
Rotuma.
manik
monok
malok
manu
manuk
Malay, Sulu.
manug
Chamorro.
manok
Kayan, Magindano, Subanu
Visayan, Matu, Gah, Mata-
bello, Teor, Bontoc Igorot.
manoko
Bolanghitam.
mano
mani
manue
manui
manuo
manuwan Ahtiago.
manuti Wayapo.
Savu, Kisa, Menado, Sanguir,
Sula, Morella, Caimarian,
Baju, Salibabo, Togean,
Bouton.
Saparua, Lariko, Liang, Batu-
merah.
Waigiou Alfuros.
Amblaw, Awaiya.
Cajeli.
Teluti.
The final palatal mute is so widely estabUshed athwart Indonesia
in languages of varying type that we must regard it as proper to the
stem; in Melanesia it reappears at such distant stations as Carteret
Harbor in New Ireland (manuk) and Tanna (manug). In Polynesia
the word has seldom deviated far or completely from the signification
of animals in general; throughout Indonesia it is particularized upon
the bird sense, and in Bontoc Igorot it designates a chicken only. We
note as a resemblance Sanskrit manukh, manush a living creatture.
POIvYNESIAN AND MAI^AYAN.
133
53.
masima
Samoa, Tonga, Niue
Duke of York.
te-mosi Rotuma.
masima salt
Uvea, Viti,
Subanu masin id.
rano-masina
asin
asmg
fau-asina
Malagasy.
Visayan, Subanu,
Igorot.
Sanguir.
Malagasy.
Bonloc
masin Malay, Subanu, Visayan.
This is a remarkably interesting vocable. In the Pacific it occurs
only in Nuclear Polynesia and is therefore properly to be assigned to
the Proto-Samoan migration. Just at the gateway to the Pacific we
find it at the Duke of York, a position sufficient to establish it in the
Samoa Stream. Therefore the note in Pratt's Samoan Dictionary
"from Fiji" is inaccurate. In Polynesia the stem consonant is m.
In Indonesia, however, the stem consonant is n. Regarded as pho-
netic mutation, this variety is well established. Furthermore, our
Indonesian affiUates disclose the existence of the types asin and masin;
in fact they exist concurrently in Subanu and Visayan. We therefore
infer with whole propriety asin to be primal, masin conditional, and
that a crasis ma-asin has taken place is inferential from the vowel
quaUty in Samoan masima. We are now brought so close to another
group of forms signifying salt, specifically salt water, thence the sea,
that we are justified at least in noting their presence. One small Hnk
would establish the chain, namely, the discovery after asin of asi in a
salt sense. As meaning salt water and sea we find this asi in Ulawa,
Wango, Fagani, Saa, AHte, Bululaha, all determining stations in the
Solomon Islands upon the Samoa Stream. As a conditional derivative
of asi, noting that we have already observed the parallelism of ma and
ta, we have tasi in the same sense with tas, tahi, tai in series, which
brings us to the general Polynesian tai of the sea and, in the Tongafiti
languages, of salt as well, on which see The Polynesian Wanderings,
page 418.
54. mata eye, face; Subanu mata eye, mesh, bud. P. W. 380.
mata
maka
mafa, maf Rotuma.
Polynesia ubique (except as fol-
low) in the sense of eye,
face, point, edge, mesh,
source, any small object, to
see.
Hawaii.
mata
matsha
matada
Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, Kayan,
Sulu, Savu, Ilocano, Taga-
log, Pampangas, Baju, Bou-
ton, Sanguir, Liang, Wahai,
Togean, Salayer, Menado,
Bolanghitam, Morella, La-
riko, Saparua, Caimarian,
Malay, Macassar, Awaiya,
Ceram.
Central Nicobar.
Matabello.
matara
OllUUg.
Ahtiago, Alfuros.
matalalin Wahai.
matanina Gah.
matacolo
Teluti.
matava
Batumerah.
match
Baliyon.
matan
Ahtiago.
maten
Dayak. ^
matin
Teor.
mat
Kar Nicobar.
maa
Ceram.
makan
Kisa.
mut
Mysot.
mucha
Tagalog.
muka
Java.
muguing
Ilocano.
mua
Madura.
maso
Malagasy.
The complete concord of the Polynesian is strangely offset by the
variety in Indonesia. There is quite as much variety in Melanesia also,
but in this place it is not necessary to include that material. In the
mate
Macassar.
mati
Malay.
maty
Malagasy.
matay
Magindano, Subanu, Visayan.
patay
Visayan, Java.
maki
Kisa.
matei
Kay an.
134 THE SUBANU.
Malayan section I have aimed to order the material in the progress of
variation, principally with respect of the final syllable or consonant.
The agreement is so overwhelming in favor of mata that we need have
no hesitation in postulating that open stem as primal. The residual
forms, each concurring in but a single speech or at most in but two or
three, will fall into the two classes of suffixed composition members and
closing consonants added in conformity with the regime of the several
dialects.
55. mate to die; Subanu matay id. P. W. 373.
mate Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna, make Hawaii.
Nine, Uvea, Maori, Tahiti,
Rarotonga, Rapanui, Mar-
quesas, Mangareva, Pau-
motu, Manahiki, Bukabuka,
Tongarewa, Nukuoro.
u-mate Nuguria.
ko-mate Aniwa.
kono-mate Fotuna.
Strange to say, this word in all its recorded occurrences must be a
conditional, for that is the only basis upon which we can comprehend
the form patay which exists in Java and is found in Visayan simultane-
ous with matay. We should then postulate a primal ati, recognizing
the considerable predominance in Indonesia of forms in i; this might
then serve to account for the oti of Samoan. In that language mate
and oti are synonyma relative to the fact, but, relative to the subject,
mate is employed of the beast, oti of the man. In my former notes upon
these two words {The Polynesian Languages, pages 274, 374) I was
forced, in the lack of this fuller information, to assign to the courtesy
speech the use of oti as death. It will be far simpler to consider it as
probably a primal, and the discovery of ate or ati in Indonesia will serve
to establish this view beyond perad venture.
Since the writing of this note my collation of the Bontoc Igorot
in Seidenadel's vocabulary has disclosed in the noun signifying death
the primitive id'oy and variants itoy, eddy, odoy. Thus, having reached
a hypothetical primitive by deduction, it is interesting to find that
access to additional data brings confirmation.
56. mati-kuku nail, claw; Subanu kanuku id.
kuku Viti.
mati-kuku Mangareva, Futuna, Maori.
mai-uu
Tahiti, Marquesas, Hawai
mai-kuku Maori, Paumotu, Rapanui, Mar-
kuku
Malay, Savu, Pampangas
quesas.
cuco
Tagalog.
beji-kuku Tonga.
coco
Visayan.
pasi-kuku Uvea.
koko
Bontoc Igorot.
mati-'u'u Samoa.
In Polynesia we encounter the primal stem only in Viti; elsewhere
it is involved with a formative agent, principally mati or mai. This
occurrence of kuku in Viti should serve to set aside Hazlewood's note
that it derives from kuku the name of a small shell; this shell name
extends beyond Viti into Polynesia in its own independent existence.
The primal is well estabUshed in Indonesia, for the vowel mutation is
there negUgible, particularly the interchange of o and u.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
135
ma-tou
Samoa, Marquesas, Tahiti, Ra-
kamai
panui, Mangareva, Raro-
gamai
tonga, Manahiki, Niue, Uvea,
kamam
Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna,
kanam
Maori.
kemam
keimam
1 Viti.
kemem
komom
kama
Aneityum, Gog.
igemear
gama
Lakon.
iame'u
gema
Ambrym.
meat
kami
Maewo.
mai
garni
Fagani, Nggela, Bugotu, Ngao.
ngami
Sesake.
hami
Vaturanga.
namai
iami
Ulawa.
ma
mimi
Epi.
57. matou we (exclusive); Visayan came id.
Araga.
Omba.
Merlav, Mota.
Marina, Norbarbar.
Norbarbar.
Vanua Lava, Motlav, Lo.
Vanua Lava.
1 Volow.
Wango.
Duke of York.
Savo, Mekeo, Pokau, Kabadi,
Motu, Hula, Keapara, Suau,
Sariba.
Waima, Roro.
Sinaugoro, Tubetube, Panaieti.
Without being fully prepared to discuss the Ufe history of this
exclusive pronoun, I have sought to order the material at present avail-
able in such wise that the system in variety may be suggested. In
Polynesia we find in the dual and plural exclusive of the first person the
stem ma in composition with the remnant of the numerals two lua and
three tolu respectively. In Viti with its three numbers above unity we
have for the first person exclusive the suite, dual keirau, trinal keitou,
plural keimami; from this it is clear that kei being common to the suite
may not exercise the precise numeration of the plurahty, although it
may be found to have a general plural sense; that as rau of the dual
suggests an artificial variant of rua two and as ton trinal is known to be
in Polynesian use as an artificial variant of tolu three, therefore kei bears
the exclusion sense of the composite. Thus we come to a comprehen-
sion of the Melanesian series from kamam to komom locaHzed in the
Banks Group. The element mami does not exactly recur in Melanesia,
but Volow ige^meam is almost identical, and the eleven forms with
which the Melanesian list opens are not to be set aside. In Torres
Strait we find a considerable deposit of a mai type, commonly associ-
ated with a variant ai, and therefore we may not definitely ascribe it to
a primal ma. But in the same region we do find ma in three languages.
I am as yet unable to resolve the Visayan cama (Bontoc Igorot tjakami) ;
taken as a whole we find it represented in Melanesia in kama, gama,
gema, most Hkely in kamai and gamai, which should serve to link the
Savo and Torres Strait mai into place, and perhaps in the Banks Group
series.
58. mull the stern; Visayan olin id.
(This will be discussed under the item uli.)
59. namu mosquito; Visayan namoc id. P. W. 386.
namu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue,
Uvea, Rarotonga, Mangareva,
Nuguria, Sikaiana, Nukuoro,
Mangaia, Paumotu, Maori,
Marquesas, Tahiti, Viti.
lamo Fotuna.
•amu Tahiti.
■om Rotuma.
namok Malay, Bugi, Visayan.
njamok Dayak.
njamo Macassar.
hamok Kayan.
yamuc Pampangas.
muka Malagasy.
lamu Macassar.
136
THE SUBANU.
As set forth in my former note, we sense a primal mok, although in
no speech yet found does it appear unsupported. Additional to the
closed Indonesian forms here listed, I note similars from Melanesia;
Marina namugi, Lakon namug, Galavi and Boniki namokiri, Tangoan
Santo moke, Malo mohe, Tanna kumug, Taupota himokini, Wedau imo-
kini. The Dayak and Macassar forms have a parallel in Moanus njam.
6o. nifo tooth; Subanu ngisi id. P
. W. 302.
1 nifo
Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Futuna,
25 livon
Siassi.
Uvea, Fakaofo, Fotuna,
26 liwo
Arag, Graget.
Moiki.
27 lewo
Motlav.
2 niho
Nukuoro, Aniwa, Maori,
Tahiti,
28 liwoi
Mota, Maewo.
Hawaii, Marquesas,
Rapa-
29 liwun
Rook.
nui, Mangareva, Paumotu,
30 luvo
Admiralty.
Manahiki.
31 luon
Bilibili.
3 nitcho Sikaiana.
32 lung
Jabim.
4 nio
Mangaia, Rarotonga.
ii riho
Wango.
5 ngiho
Nuguria.
34 ribo
35 hise
36 ike
Malekula.
Motu.
Doura.
6 nifan
Onin.
7 niho
Ulawa. Saa. Bululaha, Buka.
37 igeo
Uni.
8 nihena Roro.
38 oke
Galavi, Boniki.
9 niwo
Awalama.
39 ivo
Taupota, Wedau
10 niuwo
Tavara.
11 niou
lai.
40 nifoa
Matabello.
12 nyo
Lifu.
41 nify
Malagasy.
13 nibo
Mukawa.
42 nifin
Chamorro.
14 nise
Kabadi.
43 nihi
Manatolo, Sula.
15 nisan
Nokon.
44 nihan
Kisa.
16 nike
Pokau.
45 nichi
Bouton.
17 ni'e
Mekeo.
46 nissy
East Vaiqueno.
18 ni
Panaieti.
47 nissin
West Brissi.
19 nini
Tubetube, Misitna.
48 nipun
Magindano.
20 nungi
Tagula.
49 knipan Kayan.
21 ngise
Pala.
50 ngisi
Subanu.
22 lifo
Fagani.
51 ngipin
Tagalog.
23 liho
Buka, Ugi, Bougainville.
52 ngipon Visayan.
24 livo
Alite, Vaturanga, Nggela
, Bieri-
an, Epi, Wuvulu, Aua, Pa-
luan, Leut, Nakanai
The available data from the three Oceanic areas have been here
arrayed upon the basis of the changes which are found to have taken
place in the initial consonant. In Polynesia and Indonesia these are
very slight, n-ng in 5, 50, 51, and 52. This is a mutation from Ungual
backward to palatal, of great frequency in the nasals of these languages.
The kn of Kayan (49) is anomalous. With the excessive variety of the
initial in the Melanesian areas we need not engage, for it does not
enHghten us upon any problems of the Malayan and the Polynesian at
this point. In Hke manner we note the persistence of the former vowel i
and therefore need not consider Melanesia.
The second consonant f exhibits great variety and presents prob-
lems. We find the f in i , all Proto-Samoan Languages and confined to
Nuclear Polynesia, including two of the languages of the Western Verge
and omitting three. In Melanesia this f occurs but in two languages
(6, 22), in Indonesia but three times (41 the extreme western ofif shoot
of the Malayan, 40 and 42 extreme eastern offshoots). Labial mutants
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 137
do not appear in Polynesia. Indonesia shows but one such mutant,
f-p, spirant to mute and both surd, in 48, 49, 51, and 52. In Melanesia
this mutation is found in 13 and 34; but there are other labial mutants,
f-v, surd spirant to sonant spirant, in 24, 25, 30, and 39 ; f-w, spirant to
semivowel proximate to the labial tract, in 9, 10, 26, 27, 28, and 29; to
extinction along this channel in ii, 12, and 31.
In our next group of mutations we find the result in the aspirate.
At this point I must renew attention upon the fact that speech has
three aspirates, one proximate to each of the three tracts of speech
organs. It is a breathing always, almost formless, not dependent upon
palate, tongue or lips for its production, therefore not to be set in pala-
tal, lingual or labial series but in close juxtaposition thereto. We find
mutation to an aspiration near the labial, f-h, in Polynesia 2, all Tonga-
fiti languages except Nukuoro, a secondary Samoan, and Aniwa, best
regarded as secondary to some undetermined language of Nuclear Poly-
nesia; in 5, one of the islands of the Western Verge, I hope to show that
this aspiration is not labial. Through this channel we find the extinc-
tion of the second consonant in 4, both Tongafiti languages. Now let
us examine 3, the nitcho of Sikaiana, an island of the Western Verge,
and compare with it nichi of Bouton in the Celebes subprovince of
Malaysia. This tch is a lingual, therefore not to be considered a muta-
tion product from f labial, for such mutation extra seriem is not to be
considered when another explanation is possible. In Subanu ngisi we
have another lingual, and it is at least interesting that the initial conso-
nant ng also occurs in Nuguria (5), a near neighbor of Sikaiana. It is
true that nitcho-ngiho differ in the final vowel from ngisi, but that
amounts to little since in 41 and 42 we have nijy and nifin, undoubted
congeners of nijo. We are justified in the conclusion that there were
two primal stems niJo{i) and ngisi(o); the fact that we have one in
Malagasy and Chamorro, the other in Subanu, shows that they were at
least of equal currency in the earliest period. The forms with s are
found in 46 and 47 in Indonesia, in 14, 15, 21 , and 35 in Melanesia, and in
Polynesia are absent. The mutation s-tch is well estabhshed in the
labial series; we find it here in 45, and that should be sufficient to set
nitcho of Sikaiana as an S-derivative. The most common mutation of
the sibilant is the weakening to the juxtaposed aspiration, S-h. Begin-
ning in the Indonesian region, where we have first found the ngisi stem,
we identify s-h mutants in 43 and 44, which are in the neighborhood of
the Subanu, therefore archetypal in this region. In Melanesia we shall
find the geography of the s and the h forms instructive. We find ngise
in Pala, nise in Kabadi and nisan in Nokon, all in the gateway through
the Bismarck Archipelago where the Samoa Stream made exit into the
Pacific. Next we find niho (7) in Ulawa, Saa, Bululaha, Buka, all just
It the portal in the Solomon Islands, and liho (23) in Buka, Ugi and
Bougainville, and riho at Wango, in the same chain of islands along the
138
THE SUBANU.
course of the Samoa Stream. Next in our two stations of the Polyne-
sian Verge, not far to windward offshore of the Solomons, we find in
Sikaiana nitcho an indisputable S-mutant, and by proximity we deem
Nuguria ngiho (with its patent initial resemblance to the Subanu) an
S-h mutant. Against this plain reading of the record we are to set the
occurrence of S forms in hise (35) at Motu and a secondary nihena (8)
at Roro, both in the Torres Strait, which is on other grounds well
estabUshed as the gateway of the Viti Stream. These two instances need
cause no serious hindrance to the acceptation of this interpretation.
The second vowel falls into two groups, O and its derivatives, i and
its derivatives. For o we have a complete accord throughout Polynesia ;
in Melanesia in 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33,
34, and 39, and the u- variant in 29, and a less common a- variant in 6 and
15; in Indonesia we find O in 40 and 52, the u- variant in 48, the a-
variant in 44 and 49. Of the i group we find no trace in Polynesia; in
Melanesia we have it in its e-variant in 8, 14, 16, 17, 21,35,36, and 38;
in Indonesia we find i in 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 50, and 51.
Last of all we examine the data for traces of a final consonant. In
Polynesia with its open type we find no suggestion of an anterior closed
stem. In Indonesia a final n is exhibited in 42, 44, 47,48,49,51, and 52.
We find the same n in Melanesia in 6, 8, 15, 25, 29, 31, and 32. There
can be little doubt that one or both of the primal stems was closed with
this consonant.
61. niu coconut; Subanu niugao coconut grove. P. W. 390.
Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna
Niue, Uvea, Viti, Rotuma, Fo
tuna, Nukuoro, Nuguria, Moiki;
Maori, Rarotonga, Manahiki
Tongarewa, Hawaii, Paumotu
Mangareva, Rapanui, Marque
sas.
Mangaia.
Kowamerara, Tatau, Barriai, Na-
matote, Saa, Lobo, Sesake, Epi,
Arag, Ulawa, Wango, Fagani,
Bululaha, Vaturanga, Nggela,
Bugotu, Motu, Kabadi, Pokau,
Doura, Sinaugoro, Keapara,
Hula, Galoma, Mugula, Suau,
Sariba, Tubetube, Panaieti,
Nada, Dobu, Port Moresby,
Mannam, Moanus, Lifu, Solo-
mon Islands.
Karufa.
Misima.
Areimoa.
Buka.
Alite.
niura Mukawa.
neura Awalama, Taupota.
Kwagila.
Kubiri, Kiviri.
Nengone, Nifilole.
niyu
nihu
niwi
neu
liu
diura
rura
nu
nuia Kiriwina.
luia Kiriwina.
ni New Caledonia.
niu
nju
nyu
inyug
nihu
nior
niula
nier
nivver
niwel
niwi
nimel
nimil
nikwel
niweli
liweli
nuelo
luen
nu
nui
nuim
nua
nur
niyog
niugao
Bima, Uap.
Dayak.
Salibabo.
Bontoc Igorot.
Malagasy.
Malay.
Gah.
Liang.
Ceram.
Ceram.
Cajeli, Wayapo, Massaratty, Am-
blaw.
Ceram.
Lariko.
Ceram.
Batumerah, Caimarian.
Awaiya.
Teluti.
Wahai.
Java.
Sulu.
Ahtiago.
Tobo.
Malay.
Bicol, Bontoc Igorot.
Subanu.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 139
The most frequent of these forms is the ;«'w of all three Oceanic
areas and its immediate derivatives. A nu type is found in Mangaia
alone of Polynesia, in Nengone and Nifilole of Melanesia, and in Java
of Indonesia. In each of the latter the derivatives of mt may readily be
recognized. In ni, ascribed to New Caledonia, where a multiplicity of
languages exists, we may have no more than a variant of the Nengone
nu, U-i being well recognized among the vocalic mutations. From niu
to nu we find a feasible series of transition forms in Torres Strait, niura
to diura to rura, save that at the last we find no explanation for the loss
of i any more than we can comprehend the same loss as between niu and
nu in their simple form.
Reverting to the ni type, for which I have already suggested the
possibility of vocalic mutation, it is worthy of closer examination. If
ni were primal and carried such sense as to the logical powers of these
primitive folk suggested a genus, then it might be possible to regard niu
as composite of ni and u, the latter being too formless for us now to
venture to interpret. In Mangareva we have an interesting pair of
coconut words; ni-u is used of the young palm, ni-kau when it has
grown up. But we are able to identify kau; it is the general term for
tree (cf . item 30) ; therefore nikau is clearly the ni-tree ; by analogy niu
should be the ni-aliquid, an indefiniteness which we can not yet resolve.
Disregarding a terminal consonant or even additional syllable, we find
for this second member of the word, u, hu, yu, o, yo, e, we, wi. Of these
the ;y-forms are susceptible of ready explanation : nyu amounts to no
more than variety of transliteration of niu; in niyog the y represents the
glide of the vowel from the palatal position of i to the labial position of
0. Conversely the aspiration in nihu represents the purposeful inter-
ruption of such glide. When we pass through o to e, a mutation series
which is well estabHshed, we find a group of forms in Ceram which
exhibit marked changes. For niwel we have abundant support in
several languages. From niwel to nimel is supported by Lariko in
Amboyna; since the semivowel W is close to the lips and m is the labial
nasal the mutation lies within the same series. But we are left without
any accounting for the intrusive palatal mute in nikwel. At present
the resolution of this tangle eludes us.
62. pe, po interrogative particles; Subanu ba id.
pe Samoa, Futuna, Hawaii
be Tonga.
pee Uvea.
po Samoa, Futuna, Niue.
be Efate.
ba Subanu, Visayan.
This particle is in wider Polynesian use, but with a variation in
sense. As interrogative it is restricted to Nuclear Polynesia and the
Proto-Samoan ; in the Tongafiti languages it is but a disjunctive particle.
The Efate is an interesting link between the Philippines and Nuclear
Polynesia.
140 THE SUBANU.
63. pepelo a lie; Subanu balos id.
These may properly be associated for the present, although affil-
iates are nowhere to be found. The Proto-Samoan stem we find to be
pelong in Samoan pelongia of the objective aspect ; therefore we may not
make the identification with halos positive in the absence of transition
forms, but it warrants consideration.
64. pili lizard; Visayan tabili a large newt.
pili Samoa, Futuna. I bill Tonga.
We find this stem narrowly restricted to Nuclear Polynesia. The
Visayan is evidently a composite upon the same stem. In alimango
(item 6) we have a still more noteworthy instance of the community of
animal names between these widely sundered regions.
65. po night, calendar day; Subanu labong yesterday, lalabong after-
noon, P. W. 330.
po Samoa, Fakaofo, Niue, Uvea, Fo-
tuna, Tahiti, Manahiki, Futuna,
Maori, Hawaii, Mangaia, Mar-
quesas, Mangareva, Rapanui,
Nukuoro, Paumotu, Nuguria,
Sikaiana.
pongis Samoa.
pongi Samoa, Nukuoro.
ko-po Aniwa.
pope Bukabuka.
bo Tonga, Nuguria, Sikaiana.
boni Rotuma.
mbongi Viti.
bungi Java, Salayer.
bo-etta Macassar,
po-garagara Teor.
caha-pon Visayan.
bang! Macassar.
bengi Minahassa.
wengi Minahassa.
We have no difficulty in tracing successive stages of this vocable
from po to pong to pongi to pongis. These are all found in Polynesia,
in Indonesia we lack pongis. In this fullest form the stem has the
appearance of a composite ; we are not able to resolve it accurately, yet
there is some reason to regard po as primal in the sense of dark.
66. punga coral; Visayan apog lime.
punga
Samoa, Futuna, Niue, Rapanui,
pua
Tahiti, Paumotu
Mangareva, Maori.
bunga
Tonga.
puna
Hawaii, Marquesas.
vunga
Viti.
puka
Marquesas.
The form variety is easily disposed of. We recognize in these
southern Philippine languages the employment of a (ca) prefixed in the
sense of a noun determinant ; the mutation from nasal to mute in the
palatal series is exhibited in one of the Marquesan forms. The sense
may readily be brought into harmony; these peoples had long since
known the art of obtaining lime by burning the coral; in Hawaii,
Rapanui, and Niue the same word does duty for the raw material and
for the product.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
67. pupula to shine; Subanu bulan moon, month. P. W. 329.
141
pupula
Niue.
huia
Doura.
vula
Viti.
hua
Motu.
hula
Rotuma.
uran
pulan
Karufa, Utanata.
pura
Angadi, Mimika.
Chamorro.
pul
Umre, Leut.
pula
Uap.
bura
Lakahia.
bulan
Malay, Ilocano, Subanu
bulo
Uni.
bolan
Visayan.
bol
Leng.
bulang
Tringanu.
mbul
Moanus.
bula
Kaili.
buia
Umi.
buran
Ceram.
bue
Keapara, Galoma.
burang
Solor.
furan
Lobo, Mairassis.
bulam
Molucca.
fule
Graget.
fulan
Aru.
vula
Nggela, Belaga, Marina, Arag,
fula
Rotti.
Mota, Vaturanga
Bugotu,
furan
Lobo.
Pokau.
funan
Timor.
vule
Omba.
fuya
Togean.
vuia
Pokau.
fuan
Bontoc Igorot.
vul
Merlav, Gog, Lakon.
wulan
Gilolo, Solor.
wula
Maewo.
wura
Bima.
wuran
Namatote.
huran
Ceram.
wol
Vuras, Mosin, Motlav,
Volow.
ulan
Magindano.
wui
Rubi.
ulang
Kisa.
hura
Wango.
ulano
Ceram.
The primal sense is that of shining, more particulariy of a white
Hght, a sense which predominates in the Polynesian of each migration.
In the Pacific at present the moon word is masina, a conditional of sina
white. That pulan is the earlier word is exhibited by the completeness
of its series out of the Malay seas through Melanesia and into Nuclear
Polynesia.
68. pusi to puff; Subanu bol to fire a gun.
pusi Futuna.
puhi Niue, Maori, Hawaii, Marquesas, busi Efate.
Mangareva, Rapanui, Pau- vus Mota.
motu.
pupuhi Uvea, Tahiti. ambus Malay.
pupui Rarotonga. bohi Visayan.
bubuhi Tonga. boi Subanu.
The Subanu signification is a particular and, of course, a modern
one. The general sense of blowing and puffing runs through all these
affiliates and occurs in Polynesian of each migration ; the identifications
in Efate and Mota show that it accompanied the Proto-Samoans in
their earUer wandering down through the Melanesian chains.
69. sala to err; Subanu sala id.
Samoa, Futuna.
Tonga, Niue, Uvea.
sala
hala
dhala Viti
hara Rapanui, Marquesas, Tahiti, Maori
ara Mangareva, Rarotonga.
sala Tagalog, Subanu, Visayan.
salah Malay.
hala Malagasy, Kayan, Java, Kisa.
Students of comparative morahty may find a certain interest in the
evidence borne by this word that the conviction of sin was not intro-
duced by the missionaries. Even primitive savages have recognized
that to wander and to go astray from such standards as they had was a
wandering of the soul, a sin. The use of the word in the Maori is clear
142 THE SUBANU.
evidence that it was possible, though thriUingly dangerous, to sin against
the tabu. In the Indonesian affihates noted under hala the moral sense
has advanced yet one stage beyond the actual fact of sin ; these words
mean, in order, "hated, detested," "guilty," "base, mean," "wrong."
From the mere fact of delinquency the connotation has begun to par-
ticularize the estimate in which the delinquent is held by the right-
living majority of his community.
70. selu a comb; Visayan solod id. P. W. 218.
selu Samoa, Futuna, Nukuoro.
seru Nukuoro, Fotuna, Viti.
helu Tonga, Uvea.
hetu Niue.
saru Mannam (New Guinea).
sisir Malay.
solod Visayan.
In Nuclear Polynesian and the islands of the Verge this is found
particularized as a noun; the general verb sense of scratching is met
with in Polynesia in both migration streams.
71. sulu to enter; Subanu solot id. P. W. 405.
dhuru Viti.
sulu Samoa, Futuna, Nukuoro.
suru Fotuna, Nukuoro.
hulu Tonga, Niue.
huru Rapanui.
uru Rapanui, Tahiti, Mangareva.
uu Marquesas.
julok Malaj'.
juluka Malagasy.
solot Subanu.
solod Visayan.
In the former note on this vocable I pointed out the fact that in
Polynesian we find traces of the stem as closed in f , m and n. We now
find it in Indonesia as closed in k and in t. Probably these forms are
homogenetic, but we have not yet sufficient data whereupon to base a
determination of the primal stem.
72. sulu a torch; Subanu sulu id. P. W. 247.
sulu Samoa, Futuna.
hulu Tonga, Niue.
huru Maori.
sulu Subanu.
suluh Malay, Java.
solo Visayan.
si 1-1 u Bontoc Igorot.
Additional to the torch sense, which is found in Indonesia and in
Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Baki, and Motu, we have the abstract meaning of
shine, which is found concurrently with the torch sense in Samoa, Tonga,
and Niue, and exclusive thereof in Futuna and Maori.
73. susu the breast; Visayan soso the breast, to suck. P. W. 410.
susu
Samoa, Futuna.
susan Matu.
huhu
Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Nuguria.
sus Waigiou.
sudhu
Viti.
usok Kayan.
dughan Visayan.
susu
Malay, Java, Bugis, Pampangas,
tusun Siassi.
Macassar, Chamorro, Kai.
thuth Uap.
suso
Tagalog.
tutu Gorontalo, Bunda.
soso
Visayan, Bontoc Igorot.
I have not here sought to distinguish the three senses carried by
this word, the breast, the milk, and to suck, for that has already been
discussed at length at the place cited in the note.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
143
74. susunu to burn; Visayan sonog to set afire. P. W. 407.
sunu Samoa, Futuna, Viti.
hunu Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Maori.
sunu To Bungku, To Mori,
sonog Visayan.
ishunok Bontoc Igorot.
Other problems of interesting variants upon this stem have been
examined in The Polynesian Wanderings, loc. cit. In this particular
form we find a close filiation between the Philippines and Nuclear Poly-
nesia with its Proto-Samoan peopling.
75. tae excrement; Subanu tee id. P. W. 414.
tae Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Moriori.
te Niue.
tee Tonga.
nda Viti.
nde Viti.
tae Visayan, Magindano, Bontoc Igorot.
tai Malay, Macassar, Klemantan.
tay Malagasy.
tee Subanu.
In continuation of the former note upon the use of this obscene
word as a proper name I find an interesting case reported by Hose and
McDougall from the Klemantans of Borneo. Children remain un-
named during their infancy in order that they may escape the notice of
evil spirits, and when at last a name has been given they are long
addressed by tai in order that these spirits may incHne to leave them
alone.
76. tali rope; Subanu tali id. P. W. 414.
tali Nukuoro.
ndali Viti.
tali Malay, Subanu, Chamorro.
tadi Malagasy.
tai Uap.
We have increased the former note by no new items from Polynesia,
but the three Indonesian additions are not without significance, for
the Subanu, the Chamorro, and the Uap represent an extreme easterly
sweep of migration and are therefore to be regarded as archetypal.
77. talinga ear; Subanu talinga id. P. W. 415.
talinga
Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Uvea,
tainga
Sulu, Tagalog.
Nukuoro.
tadiny
Malagasy.
kau-talina Sikaiana.
kaling
Kolon.
ndalinga
Viti.
karin
Teor.
taninga
Nukuoro.
tali
Uap.
tanginga
Moiki.
toll
Macassar.
telinga
Tonga, Niue.
telinga
Malay, Sula, Baju
taringa
Maori, Rarotonga, Paumotu,
telingan
Wayapo.
Rapanui, Manahiki, Aniwa,
telina
Morella.
Fotuna.
telinawa
Batumerah.
tarina
Nuguria.
telila
Cajeli.
teringa
Mangareva.
teninare
Wahai.
tiringa
Moriori.
tengeh
Silong.
karinga
Liueniua.
tarina
Ceram.
faliang
Rotuma.
terina
Liang, Lariko.
aina
Marquesas.
terinamo
Awaiya.
terinam
Caimarian.
talinga
Malay, Bouton, Dayak, Visayan,
terena
Saparua.
Subanu.
16-jilingo
Marshall Islands.
talingan
Java, Basakrama.
tjuling
Bugis.
talingo
Menankabau.
linga
North Borneo.
talinhe
Satawal.
lingah
Matu.
talenga
Ulea.
linganani
Massaratty.
talanga
Chamorro.
dalonggan Visayan.
talina
Ceram.
144
THE SUBANU.
In the Indonesian series of affiliates we note mutation in two direc-
tions which are contradictory of one another so far as they may be
expected to yield the primal stem of this manifestly composite vocable.
Superficially talinga has the appearance of a verbal noun formed by the
suffix nga proper to that sense applied to a stem tali, of which we have
no knowledge beyond this hypothesis. In Uap and Macassar we find
simple forms tali and toli, which seem to bear upon this point. On the
other hand we find a group of three forms in which linga is the theme, a
suggestion that this is the primal stem rather than tali. No decision
upon this point is yet possible. Of the alternative Visayan form
dalonggan Fray Juan Felix notes the derivation from dongog to hear.
This is a somewhat violent infixature in Visayan ; it would never have
suggested itself if this lexicographer had had a glimpse at the exte-
rior history of the word.
78. talc to pray; Subanu talo to speak. P. W. 236.
tatalo Samoa, Futuna, Tonga.
taro Rapanui, Tahiti, Nukuoro, Viti.
tatao
kaio
Marquesas.
Hawaii.
The Proto-Samoan stem is discovered to be taros, which we should
expect to find preserved in the Subanu ; perhaps the accent upon the
ultima is compensatory for the loss of the final consonant. The sense
association involves difficulties. In all the Polynesian the signification
is that of asking the higher powers for a boon, some good for him who
asks or evil upon his neighbor. In Viti the sense of "prevent " is asso-
ciable only as the answer to prayer, for there is strongly marked a desire
for prophylaxis in most orisons. That the word in Subanu, if indeed
the affiliation be tenable, has come to mean no more than to speak,
requires a more spiritual comprehension of the theology of the savage
than we are able to supply.
79. tama father; Subanu gama id. P. W. 272.
tama
Samoa, Fakaofo.
a'mam
Cajeli.
tama
Aniwa, Viti.
amai
Ahtiago.
tamai
Tonga, Uvea.
amaeolo
Teluti.
tamana
Futuna, Sikaiana, Fotuna, Nu-
amao
Amblaw.
guria, Nukuoro.
amana
Bouton.
iama
yaman
ATptinHo
tamd
Gilbert Islands.
i.VXCllCl.U.U.
Sanguir.
tama
Klemantan.
jaman
Tobo.
ama
Sasak.
kiamat
Bolanghitam
ama
Bima.
mama
Gah.
ama
Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, Kolon,
mam
Mysot.
Salayer, Liang, Lariko, Teor,
nama
Wayapo.
Saparua, Awaiya, Caimarian,
nSama
Massaratty.
Wahai.
gama
Subanu.
a'ma
Morella.
In the father sense tama is wholly Proto-Samoan. In the later
migration tama is a composition member of such words as tamaloa man
and tamaiti child. The latter is instructive. As iti means little the com-
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
145
posite signifies "little tama." So with tamafafine, this means "woman
tama." It is highly improbable that any simple minds could think
of calling a child, Httle father; it is inconceivable that a girl could be
spoken of as a female father with its clear contradiction in terms. In
the later migration, therefore, tama means no more than human being.
In the rude society of the earUer migration it is quite possible that society
was recognized as consisting of human beings and women ; therefore the
word would acquire largely a male connotation; then particularly the
head of the family unit; thence, in view of his function, father.
There is one great problem in the study of the form of the vocable.
Subanu gama is readily seen to be the common Indonesian ama with its
own characteristic noun-formative prefix. All Polynesia has the tama
form, practically all Indonesia has ama; in Melanesia the two are about
equal in occurrence and they are found indifferently in neighboring
communities. I regard tama as primal, principally for the reason that
I have found it in the Klemantan of North Borneo. In many details
these pagan tribes of the great island show much in common with the
Subanu and they are recognized as preserving many of the words of an
archetypal Malayan.
80. tatou we (inclusive) ; Visayan quita id,
da Viti.
ta-tou Samoa, Futuna, Uvea, Maori,
Rarotonga, Mangareva, Ta-
hiti, Paumotu, Rapanui.
aipeki-ta-tou Aniwa.
tau-tolu Tonga, Niue.
da-tou Viti.
ka-kou Hawaii.
ta
gi-ta
ngi-ta
hi-ta
i-ta
ge-t
da
Arag, Pokau, Awalama, Taupota,
Wedau, Galavi, Mukawa,
Kwagila, Kubiri, Raqa.
Arag, Marina, Bugotu, Ngao,
Barriai.
Aneityum.
Vaturanga.
Epi.
Lakon, Vanua Lava.
Omba, Maewo, Motu, Suau, Sa-
riba, Kiriwina, Dobu, Nada.
gi-da
Maewo.
ni-da
Sesake.
da-ga
Lo.
gi-de
Omba.
i-de
Nifilole.
di
Murua.
d
Meriav.
ge-d
Motlav.
gi-d
Meriav, Gog, Volow.
d-at
Duke of York.
ka
Waima, Roro, Kabadi.
'a
Mekeo.
ra
Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, Ga-
loma, Rubi, Panaieti.
la
Sinaugoro, Tubetube.
ta-lau
Matu.
qui-ta
Visayan.
This pronoun is properly to be correlated with the exclusive matou
of item 57. In studying out the migration tracks it will be found
interesting to compare the geography of the gita type here with the
kama type of the former. It will be seen that Polynesia has had the
primal ma and ta and has developed them along a system proper to
that family; but in Melanesia it has been closely followed by a stream
of migration from some center possessed of the gita and kama personal
pronouns, a stream which fed the Visayas northward and Melanesia
southward, and in the latter direction the occurrence of this form at
Barriai shows the course north of New Guinea in contrast with the
146
THE SUBANU.
simple forms of Torres Strait. The two primals ma and ta afford an
excellent example of the coefficient value of consonantal modulants.
8i. Ufa pearl shell ; Visayan tipay mother-of-pearl.
tifa
Samoa, Futuna, Niue, Sikaiana.
dhiva
Viti.
jifa
Tonga.
Una
82. tina mother; Su
Samoa.
banu gu
ina, ina id.
tina
Viti.
tinan
Klemantan.
tinana
Futuna, Sikaiana.
tinano
Rumbia.
tinga
Futuna.
tiwano
Maronene.
jina
Tonga.
ina
Sasak.
kina
Liueniua.
ina
Subanu, Bontoc Igorot, Teor, Tihu
Kolon, Bima, Amblaw, Liang
Lariko, Saparua, Caimarian,
tina
Graget.
tina
Marina, Vaturanga, Nggela, New
Awaiya, Wahai.
Georgia, Rubi, Tagula.
inai
Klemantan, Ahtiago.
tinang
Leut.
inahan
Visayan.
tinong
Umre.
guina
Subanu.
tsitsina
-nggu Vitu.
inana
Bouton.
tnagn
Barriai.
inany
Menado, Dorey.
zina
Uni.
inungi
Sanguir.
sina
Pokau, Doura, Motu, Sinaugoro,
inano
Mengkoka.
Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, Nada,
inanu
Muna.
Dobu, Mukawa.
inamo
Cajeli.
hina
Panaieti, Tavara, Awalama.
inao
Morella, Batumerah.
hinana
Roro.
inau
Teluti.
inna
Mekeo.
neina
Wayapo, Massaratty.
ina
Wango, Fagani, Hula, Keapara,
aina
Tobo.
Galoma, Misima, Kiriwina,
nina
Gah, Matabello.
Murua, Oiun.
nin
Mysot.
As in the case of tamd (item 79) the Klemantan preserves for us in
Indonesia the initial t. Although some of the details are obscure, the
general range of the variants is not difficult to follow. This vocable
also is Proto-Samoan.
83. tinae intestines; Subanu tinee id.
tinae Samoa, Futuna, Mangareva. | tinai Mota.
In Polynesia this rare word is found but at three points. Its
occurrence at Mota, central in respect of the Melanesian area, suggests
that when more complete vocabularies come within our reach we may
be able to trace it elsewhere in that intermediary region. I can not
refrain from a note that tinae of the Polynesian suggests an infix in
this solitary instance, one which we can not parallel in that extended
family. This is a mere suggestion. If it were accepted it would be the
sole evidence that the Malayans have exerted any influence upon the
Polynesian. The infixature will appear as t:in: ae and refers in form
and in sense to tae, item 75.
84. tongo mangrove; Visayan tongog id.
tongo Samoa, Tonga. | ndongo Viti.
85. tui chief; Subanu tuan master. P. W. 225.
tui Samoa, Tonga. Futuna, Niue,
Samoa, Tonga,
Uvea, Viti.
tuan Subanu, Kayan, Malay.
tuhan Malay.
tuwan Malay.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
147
In Nuclear Polynesian this word scarcely exists independently, but
is extremely frequent in combination with some place name or other
designation determining the sphere of governing activity. Thus we
have Tui Levuka, the chief of Levuka on the island of Ovalau in Fiji ;
in Tonga we find the priest-king Tui Tonga and the civil king Tui
Kanokupolu, in which the designation is not of a known place, although
it smacks of 'Upolu in Samoa. I recall but a single instance where Tui
is used absolutely; it occurs in the Samoan legend of Timuatea, a
peopUng myth.
Ona igoa ai lea 'o le tama matua ia Tuima-
nu'a, 'a e igoa le teine ia Le Malumanu'a,
'a 'ua leigoa !e teine itiiti. Ona alu ane
lea 'o le fai mea e 'ai, 'o Alamisi, 'ua alu 'ia
Le Malumanu'a. Ona fanau ai lea 'o Tui,
toe fanau 'o Tui, toe fanau 'o Tui. A fai
'o le alo o Tui ai e tali 'atoa le selau o lenei
vao Tui. Ona 'avea ai lea e Tuisamau ma
ona uso o le a o e tufa le vao Tui.
The eldest son they named King-of-lManu'a,
and the maiden was named vShade-of-
Manu'a, but nameless was the little maid.
Then came along he who made the things
to eat, Alamisi ; he went to the vShade of-
Manu'a. Then King was born, again
King was born, again King was bom.
When the birth of Kings was accomplished
belike there was pretty near a hundred in
this grove of Kings. They were carried
away by King-fast-fixed and his brethren
who were to go to allot this grove of Kings.
The context shows that this employment of Tui absolute is regarded
as merely anticipatory, for the voyage goes on to set these kings in
Tonga and Fiji and other lands of Nuclear Polynesia. The designation
is never used vocatively in address in the absolute form but is replaced
by ali'i; in this it is paralleled by the English use of earl and my lord.
86. tui to sew; Visayan tahi id.
tui Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, |
Viti, Maori, Mangareva, Pau- j tahi Tagalog, Visayan.
motu, Tahiti, Marquesas. jahit Malay.
kui Hawaii. |
The identification is not so close as most of those in this series and
I am by no means confident of its vaHdity ; the change of the former
vowel is rather more extensive than is common and the presence of the
aspiration in the Indonesian is difficult to account for. I include it in
this series more through generosity than from conviction.
87. tulu to drip; Subanu tolo, tolu id. P. W. 425.
tulu
turu
kulu
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue.
Viti, Nukuoro, Fotuna, Maori, Ra-
panui, Tahiti, Mangareva.
Hawaii.
tolo
tolu
jurus
Subanu, Visayan.
Subanu.
Malay.
88. tumu to be full; Subanu toman id.
tumu Samoa. I jumu Malay.
toman Subanu
The word is excessively rare in Polynesian, Samoa alone retains
but the identification is satisfactory.
148
THE SUBANU.
uha rain; Visayan olan id. P. W. 322.
uha
ua
udha
uas
oha
usan
uan
huya
ulah
ulan
olan
hulan
ulane
ulani
hulani
ulano
ulanu
Tonga, Niue.
Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Uvea,
Fotuna, Nuguria, Maori, Ta-
hiti, Hawaii, Rarotonga, Mar-
quesas, Mangareva, Rapanui,
Manahiki, Tikopia.
Vit.
Rotuma.
Bolanghitam.
Kayan.
Gah.
Sula.
Amblaw.
Gani, Wahai, Salu, Timor, Tobo,
Ambon, Ceram, Makian.
Visayan.
Liang, Morella.
Awaiya. Ambon.
Cajeli, Caimarian.
Batumerah.
Minahassa.
Bual.
ura Ende.
hura Galela.
uran Tidore, Pampangas, Solor, Sikka,
Minahassa, Ambon, Ceram.
huran Baju.
haran Lariko.
uran a Ceram.
hurani Teor.
orana Malagasy.
urano Ambon.
urang Bugis.
urong Salibabo.
udjan Togean, Minahassa.
utchan Chamorro.
otjan Bontoc Igorot.
hujan Malay, Sandol.
uda Kaili, Minahassa.
udan Rotti, Minahassa, Bontoc Igorot.
hudan Java.
udama Matabello.
ut Mille.
nu Uap.
Only in a few spots does Indonesia preserve the primal stem of this
word, in Menado of north Celebes and in Ceram, and with the minimum
of mutation in the tongue of the Kayans in North Borneo, a region of
the early settlement of the Malayan races. Beyond these few points
we have a long line of mutants which become simple of comprehension
when we observe that the range is up and down the lingual column.
90.
ufi yam; Subanu ubi an edible tuber. P. W. 316.
ufi Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea,
Aniwa, Sikaiana, Fotuna.
ubi
Malay, Malagasy, Subanu
uvi Viti.
uvi
Kayan.
uwhi Maori.
uwi
Java, Kisa, Kolon, Bima.
uhi Nukuoro, Maori, Moiki, Tahiti,
obi
Visayan, Tagalog.
Hawaii, Mangareva, Rapanui,
ove
Kayan.
Paumotu, Marquesas.
ovy
Malagasy.
ui Mangaia, Rarotonga.
In the Indian archipelago the sense lacks specific character; it is
the yam where that plant occurs ; elsewhere it is the sweet potato ; in
other cases it is defined as an edible tuber in general. But there can
be no doubt about the identity of the word.
91. uila lightning; Subanu guilat id. P. W. 345.
uhila
uila
uia
liva
Tonga, Niue, Uvea.
Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Sikaiana,
Nuguria, Rarotonga, Hawaii.
Tahiti, Mangaia, Maori, Nukuoro,
Rapanui, Manahiki, Moriori.
Marquesas.
Viti.
uila
kuilat
quilat
kuirlat
guilat
Kisa.
Pani.
Visayan.
Tagalog.
Subanu.
chalirit Java.
kila Tidore.
kilat Malay.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
149
92. uli to steer; Visayan olin id.
uli Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Viti.
The stem appears to interlace with mult the stern, in which case
we shall regard the m of the latter as possessing coefficient value.
93. ulu the head; Subanu golo id.
ulu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue,
Viti, Manahiki, Fakaofo.
uru Maori, Tahiti, Mangaia, Paumotu,
Aniwa.
ulu Nggela, Bugotu.
ulu Salayer, Awaiya, Caimarian, Kissa,
Chamorro.
ulun Wayapo.
olo Visayan, Bontoc Igorot.
golo
olun
olum
ulo
ulura
ulure
Subanu.
Massaratty.
Cajeli.
Magindano, Tagalog.
Batumerah.
Wahai.
ulukatim Ahtiago.
ulin Teor.
yulin Tobo.
uru Lariko, Saparua.
uruka Liang, Morella.
The g of Subanu golo is the noun-formative prefix characteristic of
that speech.
94. uta to pay; Visayan otang debt. P. W. 249.
uta Niue.
utu Maori, Marquesas, Paumotu.
utua Tahiti.
uku Hawaii.
utang Malay, Tagalog.
otang Visayan, Bontoc Igorot.
There is a vowel difference between the Tongafiti and the Proto-
Samoan, the latter being in better accord with our few identifications
from Indonesia.
95. uti penis; Visayan otin id. P. W. 431.
uti
Viti.
usu
Lalinau.
ule
Samoa, Tonga
Niue, Hawaii.
usina
Kabadi.
ure
Maori, Rapanui, Tahiti,
Manga-
us
Pala.
reva, Paumotu.
u
Bongu.
Marquesas.
oe
uti
Rotti, Timor, Ambon
Gorontalo, Bunda.
uti
Efate, Barriai,
Emsau.
utid
Siassi.
wuti
Gorontalo, Bunda.
oti
Ninigo.
otin
Visayan, Tagalog.
otin
Saran.
oti
Bontoc Igorot.
witin
Siassi.
utien
Tuburuasa.
gudin
kutira
Tami.
butu
Lombok.
Kilengge.
wota
Savu, Sumba.
uting
Lihir.
us
Karas.
ut
Lemusmus.
ul
Lamotrek.
usi
Motu.
Ceram.
We have here a tangle of forms, uti, ule, use, which we may by no
means confidently reduce to a common stem; of these, uti occurs but
once, yet significantly, in Polynesia; it occupies a moiety of Melanesia,
and is the dominant form in Indonesia. The second Melanesian form
use is not detected in Polynesia at all and occurs but once in our Malayan
record. The Tongafiti ule is totally absent from Melanesia and Indo-
nesia, but recurs slightly beyond the Malay Archipelago in Lamotrek.
150
THE SUBANU.
96. vaka boat; Visayan bangca id.
vaka
vaga
waka
Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Faka-
ofo, Rapanui, Paumotu, Manga-
reva, Marquesas, Mangaia, Raro-
tonga, Manahiki, Tauu, Nuguria,
Sikaiana, Nukumanu, Aniwa.
Nuguria.
Sikaiana, Maori.
wangga Viti.
wanga Aniwa.
vak
va'a
vaa
waa
va
ak
vaka
vako
vago
vanga
vak
vuak
vuok
buak
waka
waga
oaga
wage
Nukumanu.
Samoa, Anuda.
Tahiti, Marquesas.
Hawaii.
Liueniua.
Rotuma.
Suau, Vaturanga, Ngela, Savo,
Bugotu, Ngao, New Georgia.
Vokau.
Vokau, Vrinagol.
Alite.
Amge.
Malol.
Sissano.
Ser.
Tobadi, Ingrau, Entsau, Suau,
Galavi, Boniki, Mukawa.
Barriai, Kobe, Kilengge, Jawna,
Jeubi, Bo, Bisapu, Palabong,
Mugula, Sariba, Tubetube,
Panaieti, Tagula, Nada, Dobu,
Kiriwina, Taupota, Wedau,
Galavi.
Kabakaul.
Ingros, Nakudukuda, Kalil.
oangga
wanga
w5ga
wogo
wang
wak
warn
wa
ua
wai
faka
haka
hak
aka
age
anggo
anga
ak
To.
Epi, Arag.
Pire, Namarodu, Matantuduk.
Labur.
Lambon, Mimias.
Graget.
Tavara, Awalama, Taupota.
Menukwari, Mokmer, Pom, Ansus,
Wuvulu, Oleai, Wedau, Raqa,
Kiviri, Oiun.
Feis.
Sorong, Menukwari, Mokmer.
Fagani.
Ulawa, Wango, Saa, Bululaha.
Abutumete.
Maewo, Mota, Duke of York, Molot.
Molot.
Kait.
Omba.
Merlav, Gog, Lakon, Sasar, Vuras,
Mosin, Norbarbar.
Aweleng.
Lo.
Pak, Alo Teqel, Motlav.
Volow.
nak
eka
ok
ong
waga Wayapo, Massaratty.
waha Tobo.
waa Cajeli, Amblaw.
haka Liang, Morella, Batumerah.
banca Tagalog.
bangca Visayan, Pampangas.
fangka Bontoc Igorot.
bunka Bouton.
wangkang Malay, Macassar.
wog Gani.
wangga Nakanai, Vitu, Kambangerim.
The great wealth of intermediary forms derived from Melanesia,
in great measure from the industrious efforts of Mr. Ray and Captain
Friederici in the New Guinea region, completes the chain of mutation
through the three oceanic areas and leaves little to be said.
97. vae leg; Subanu pa id.
vae Samoa, Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna,
Uvea, Niue, Rapanui, Manga-
reva, Paumotu, Tahiti, Mar-
quesas, Rarotonga, Tonga-
rewa, Manahiki, Aniwa.
Tonga.
Niue.
Hawaii, Maori, Sikaiana.
vee
ve
wae
yava
Viti.
Mekeo.
Roro, Pokau, Doura,Kabadi,Motu,
Suau, Panaieti, Dobu, Tavara,
Awalama, Taupota, Wedau.
Kiviri, Oiun.
hage-gunapa Hula, Keapara.
ape Roro.
afe Mekeo.
ahe Kobe.
kae Galavi, Boniki, Mukawa, Sariba.
bai
kaikaie
Tubetube.
kaike
Kiriwina.
nae
Bugotu.
ne
Graget.
ai
Barriai, Kilengge
aiyi
Misima.
we
Makian.
wain
Ceram.
ae
Alfuro.
ai
Ambon.
eei
Aru.
aien
Ceram.
eik
Rotti.
ike
Ceram.
akain
Jabim.
agen
Siassi.
paa
Kolon, Visayan.
pa
Subanu.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 151
These forms in Melanesia and Indonesia are so obscure that it will
require more abundant data before they may be studied with a sense of
security. I should not be surprised if it were necessary to segregate
several stems here interlaced. Our present task is to extricate from
this material whatever evidence may estabhsh the fihation of theSubanu
pa and the Polynesian word for foot or leg. The Nine ve may be con-
sidered as a direct mutant of vae through Tongan vee with crasis, an
interpretation supported by direct but scanty evidence in that speech.
On the other hand we encounter a we in Melanesia and again in Indo-
nesia; therefore this may be regarded as an ancient stem. The Viti
yava may not be regarded as a derivative from vae; in The Polynesian
Wanderings at page 319, I have given exhaustive study to the y-initial
of Viti; the presence of an alternative avae in Tahiti points to the
existence of an early ava which has become yava in Viti and in the
eastern island has become colored by the greater prevalence of vae; for
a primal ava we have Melanesian affihates in ape and afe. In the same
area we pass readily to hai, which may be comprehended as the primal
va colored by the neighboring frequency of ae. Having abundant
reason to regard Viti in Polynesia and Subanu-Visayan in Indonesia as
preserving archetypal forms of speech, we need have no hesitation in
estabhshing a primal va, with which pa readily affiliates.
98. pasa to speak; Visayan basa to read aloud. P. W. 191.
pasa Nukuoro.
paha Mangareva.
visau Fotuna.
vosa Viti.
vasa Sesake.
bosa Nggela.
baha Tavara, Awalama.
basa Malay, Tagalog, Visayan.
I At intervals I have deemed it better to interrupt the foregoing
alphabetic series in order that I might discuss in conjunction a group of
ten similar vocables. In all that has gone before I have been by no
means chary of directing our attention upon the psychological factors
which function these linguistic problems. This group of ten vocables,
lying in the Polynesian content of Melanesia as well as of Indonesia, must
in the highest degree involve the psychology of the arithmetic of the
savage, the mathematics of fingers and toes of the bare man. The
physical association of the mathematics and the mathematician is a
matter of observation and record :
In counting any objects that can not be held in the hand or placed in a
row the Kayan (and most of the other peoples) bends down one finger for each
object told off or enumerated, beginning with the little finger of the right hand,
passing at six to that of the left hand, and then to the big toe of the right foot,
and lastly to that of the left foot. (Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes
of Borneo, vol. 2, page 210.)
There we have the basis of all such arithmetic as we are to study
in this work, fingers, one hand, two hands, the whole man — quinary,
decimal, and vigesimal numeration. Through a black mass of igno-
152 THE SUBANU.
ranee, savage men whose minds had not yet devised a name for the
result when to one they added another, cuts in precise knowledge the
migration of the keen Polynesian race with its equipment of a perfect
decimal system. We can readily comprehend how their gift of numbers
was welcomed by the lowly folk whom they met upon their course to
the new Pacific home. But how it has come to pass that the Malayan
folk, a race of at least equal culture attainments, adopted the numerals
of the fleeing Polynesians so completely is for the present a mystery
beyond our powers of solution. Between decimal Polynesia and deci-
mal Indonesia we shall find a great variety of adoption by the rude folk
of the intervening Melanesia. We shall find some communities which
had advanced in numeration to the possession of names for one and
two and three, to which a few had added four ; five seems to have come
as a distinctly new concept to the most of them, for the number of these
languages is enormous in which we find five to be represented by the
Polynesian word for hand, lima. With this acquisition two-thirds of
them were content, the remainder third adopted the Polynesian desig
nation of ten, and of these last ambitious folk only a few more than half
assumed the names of the intervening digits.
In our examination of this Melanesian arithmetic we shall find
it convenient to follow the classification presented by Prebendary
Codrington {The Melanesian Languages, page 235) and continued by
Sidney H. Ray {Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits,
vol. Ill, page 470).
The lowest system is the quinary. In Uni and Eromanga we find
it with Polynesian names for all five digits ; in Aneityum with Polyne-
sian I, 2, 5 ; in Tanna with all five digits Polynesian and 10 represented
by 5+5- Epi, Paama, and Sesake have all five Polynesian digits,
lo = 2 X5 ; the intervening digits are represented by i, 2, 3, 4, not addi-
tive to 5 as later we shall frequently find them, but with a prefix, la in
Sesake, 0 in Epi and Paama. Efate assumes the Polynesian digits
2,3,4, 5; 10=2X5; the intervening digits are the first four additive to
5,6=5+1.
The next group comprises the imperfect decimals, systems which
count one hand to 5, count that hand plus the fingers of the second hand
to 9, and possess a designation for 10. The detailed information of this
class may be epitomized as follows. Unless otherwise noted 6 desig-
nates the type of all the digits 6 to 9.
Amge. Polynesian 4, 5. 6=1 and suffix.
Deni. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4. 6=1 and suffix.
Nifilole. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4. 6=1 and prefix.
Savo. Polynesian i, 2, 4. 6=1 and prefix.
Lakon, Pak, Malekula. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 1 and prefix.
IvO, Norbarbar, Volow, Motlav, Mota, Mosin, Vuras, Gog, Merlav, Maewo, Ambrym, Vitu,
Marina. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6=1 and prefix.
Marina. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6=1 and suffix, 7 = 1 and prefix.
Nakanai. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 20. 6=1 and prefix.
Barriai, Kalil. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6 = 5-|-i.
Kilengge. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 10. 6=1.
I
i
1
POlvYlSmSIAN AND MALAYAN. 153
Murua. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6=1.
Rubi, Sinaugoro. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1.
Longa. Polynesian 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1.
Abutumete, Aweleng. Polynesian 4,5,10. 6 = 5 + 1.
Kobe. Polynesian i, 2, 3. Incomplete list.
Graget. Polynesian 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10=5X2.
Panaieti (below 10). Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10 = 2X1.
(counting tens). Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, but in strange disorder, 6 siwa (9),
7 on (6), 8 pit (7), 9 ata (10).
Misima (below 10). Polynesian 3, 4, 5. 6=5 + 1. 10 = 2X1.
(counting tens). Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, but in disorder, 5 suwa (9), 6 nima
(5), 8 won (6).
Doura. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. io = ?2Xi.
Mekeo. Polynesian i, 2, 4, 5. 6=5 + 1. io = ?2Xi.
Nada, Kiriwina. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 not given.
Leng. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 6, 10. 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i.
Mouk. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i.
Umre. Polynesian 2, 3, 4, 10. 6, minus 4; 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i.
Leut. Polynesian 2, 3. 6, minus 4; 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i.
Motu, Kabadi, Galoma, Keakalo, Pokau. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 2X3; 7 = 2X3 + 1;
8 = 2X4; 9 = 2X4 + 1-
Roro, Waima. Polynesian i, 2, 4, 5. 6 = 2 X3; 7 = 2 X3 + 1 ; 8 = 2 X4; 9 = 2 X4 + 1.
Hula, Keapara. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 2 X3; 7 =8 — i ; 8 =2 X4; 9 = 10 — i.
The next group is composed of the languages which employ the
decimal system. Most of them have adopted the Polynesian names in
full; these are Nggela, Fagani, Wango, Saa, Arag, Ulawa, Omba, Laur,
Lambell, King, Lamassa, Likkilikki, Mafoor. A small group, two
languages in the Louisiades and two in the Solomons, employ nine Poly-
nesian digits, but have words for 10 of their own; these are Brierly
Island and Tagula, Bugotu and Nggao. Vaturanga uses all the Poly-
nesian digits but 5, and New Georgia has 2, 5, 6, 9, 10.
The vigesimal group comprises the following languages:
Awalama, Tavara, Mukawa. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1; 10 = 5X2.
Nengone. Polynesian i, 2. 6 = 5 + 1. 10 = 2 Xsome thing not 5.
Raqa, Kiviri, Oiun. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1.
Dobu. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6 = 5 + 1.
Suau. Polynesian I, 4. 6 = 5 + 1.
Sariba. Polynesian i, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10 = 5X2.
Tubetube. Polynesian i, 4, 10. 6 = 5 + 1.
Kubiri. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5.
Mugula. Polynesian i, 4.
Boniki, Galavi. Polynesian i, 2, 5. 4 = 2 X2; 6 = 5 + 1 ; 9 = 5+2 X2; 10 = 5X2.
Taupota. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 4, 6, 9, 10 as Boniki.
Wedau. Polynesian 1,2,3. 4, 6, 9, 10 as Boniki.
Kwagila. Polynesian 2 . 4 = 2X2.
Lifu. Polynesian I, 2, 5. 6 = 1+5; 10 = 2X5.
With this presentation of the varieties of notation, we may next
pass to the study of the primal forms and mutation forms of each of the
ten Polynesian digits as presented in the three island areas.
1. taha
2. tasi
3. tahi
99. tasi one; bt
Tonga, Nine.
Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo,
Aniwa, Moiki.
Tongarewa, Uvea, Rapanui,
Mangareva, Marque-
sas, Tahiti, Manahiki,
Maori, Sikaiana.
iban
4-
5-
6.
7-
8.
9-
u sa, isi
tai
kasi
kahi
ta
ndua
a
lid.
Rarotonga.
Liueniua.
Hawaii.
Rotuma.
Viti.
Pak 6, Savo 6
*In many instances where the name of six is compacted of five and one it has been
possible to find a designation for one simpler than is in use for that digit standing by itself.
154
THE SUBANU.
10. a-ngaomo
11. a-buna
Mekeo.
Galoma, Keakalo.
65. tasa
66. tata
Nakanai.
Mohr.
12. e-bweuna
Dobu.
67. te
Gog 6, Vuras 6, Mosin 6,
13. emoti
Tavara, Awalama.Taupota.
Motlav 6, Volow 6,
14. ere
15. esega
16. ha
Barriai.
Tami.
Suau.
Waima.
68. tea
69. tega
Marina, Maewo 6, Mota 6.
Panaieti, Misima.
17. ha-momo
18. hibeti
Waima, Roro.
70. tes
Jamna, Kubamba.
Moar.
71. tesa
Efate, Sesake.
19- hu
20. ja
21. jea
22. jia
23. joser
24. ka
25. ka-una
26. ka-ona
Ambrym.
72. tewa
Maewo.
Deni.
73- teya
Mugula.
Norbarbar 6.
74. thi
Aneityum.
Lo.
Dasener.
75. tia Merlav 6.
76. paihe-tia Brierly Island.
Lifu, Pokau, Kabadi, Hula.
77. tika
Pala.
Uni.
a. tik
Lamassa.
Doura.
b. ti
Likkilikki.
27. kahe
Ngao.
78. toa
Buka.
28 kai
Malekula.
79. towa
Norbarbar.
a. takai
Lambell, King.
80. towal
Mosin.
h. tekai
Kalil, Laur.
81. tsitsi
Vitu.
29. kaigeda
Tubetube.
82. tukse
Tarfia.
30. kaita
31. kaita-moi
32. kasi
33. katsiu
Kubiri 6, Kiviri 6.
83. tuwa
Lakon, Arag.
Ti Kubiri, Kiviri.
84. tuwal
Gog.
Lifu.
85. tuwale
Merlav, Mota, Omba.
Vitu.
86. tuwel
Vuras.
34. kesa
Vaturanga.
87. twa
Volow.
35. kesana
Mukawa.
88. twag
Motlav.
36. kesega
Sariba.
89. wal
Pak.
37. kis
Masimasi.
90. wosio
Waropin.
38. ko-puna
39. meke
40. ngi
Hula.
New Georgia.
91. esa
Saparua, Ahtiago, Menado.
Nifilole 6.
92. hasa
Tihu, Mahuan.
41. o-buna
Keapara.
93. hia
Sulu.
42. ra
Nakukur, Mioko.
94. isa
Lariko, Subanu, Bontoc
43. rega
Tagula.
Igorot.
44. riti
Tanna.
a. lai isa
Awaiya.
45- sa
Nengone, Onin.
h. isa iray Malagasy.
46. sago
Boniki.
95 isai
Caimarian.
47. sago-kava
Galavi.
96. itja
Bima.
48. sai
Eromanga, Mafoor.
97- ja
Punan.
49. sakai
Nggela.
98. ji
Kay an.
50. samosi
Namatote, Lobo.
99. kusa
Sanguir.
51. se-bona
Sinaugoro.
100. lepso
Gani.
52. sikai
Sesake, Malekula.
loi. nehe
Iliwaki.
53. sikei
Bugotu.
102. nosiuno
Massaratty.
54. simoksi
Karufa.
103. osa
Visayan, Kolon.
55- siri
Wandammen.
104. osso
Dorey.
56. ta
Ulawa, Saa, Motu, Rubi.
105. sa
Java, Liang, Morella, Mata-
57. ta-mona
Motu.
bello, Baju, Subanu.
58. tagai
Fagani.
106. saangu
Bouton.
59. tagogi
Wedau.
107. sabi
Amblaw.
60. tai
Epi, Paama, Wango.
108. sali
Wahai.
61. tai-mona
Raqa.
109. san
Teluti, Tobo.
62. tai-monomon Oiun.
no. satu
Malay.
63 (tana)
III. sedri
Salayer.
a. a-tan-ok Nada.
112. sembaow Salibabo.
h. koi-tan
Murua.
113. silei
Cajeli.
c. e-tega
Panaieti.
114. so
Gah.
d. mai-sena Panaieti, Misima.
115. soboto
Bolanghitam.
e. ke-sana
Mukawa.
116. umsiun
Wayapo.
64. tara
Kobe.
117. wasa
Batumerah.
This we find to be the most complicated of all these numerals ; even
upon such dissection into the elements as we may perform we shall still
find a score of stems which in one speech or in another may be regarded
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 155
as primal. Yet we may establish two major groups of usage in all this
intricacy. In languages purely Polynesian we shall find the system of
determinant compounds in order to establish precision of the numerical
statement of unity ; in languages where the Polynesian has been taken
up more or less completely with the adoption of a system of arithmetic
thitherto unknown, we shall find most frequently simple stems and less
commonly composites of the Polynesian system. In yet other lan-
guages, those in which some slight system of counting existed yet had
not arrived at the stage of an arithmetic, we shall find the Polynesian
stem affixed as a precise member to the vernacular word which had been
in some manner of use.
The class of determinant compounds is one which I found it neces-
sary to establish for the designation of one very important factor in
the usage of these languages of isolation, that factor which by filHng the
speech with dissyllables of precision renders it inadvisable to use the
older designation of this as the monos5dlabic type of speech.*
Simultaneously there operates a yet more rudimentary principle.
In composition we are dealing with syllables established in some sort of
signification. With the syllables as roots we pursue our dissection yet
further to the seeds of speech ; we examine their variety through the co-
efficient value of their consonant modulants.f I shall not here prose-
cute in full these two interacting forces, for three particularly pertinent
examples will serve to establish the method and thereafter there will be
no difficulty in following it onward through the matter here assembled.
The first seven items of the foregoing tabulation cover the word
for one in all Polynesian languages, and it is apparent on inspection that
we have to do with three elements, ta absolute in Rotuma, prefixed to a
stem sa in Tonga and Nine, to a stem si in the remainder of Polynesia.
Furthermore we find that sa and si have one element in common, the
consonantal modulant prefixed ; its coefficient value is the same in the
two cases ; therefore such distinction as may be found to exist inheres
in the varying element, the vowel. Our minute studies of these lan-
guages show us that the basic value of these vowel demonstratives is
that of relation in regard of the speaker, of the thinking mind finding
speech expression — a relation which in its simplest terms is that of posi-
tion. I shall not here repeat the evidence upon which this is based;
it is readily accessible in the paper last cited ; the conclusion is that a
comes from the mouth to supplement the speech of the pointing finger
for the purpose of indicating something remote, i something nearer.
As yet the category of number has not come into being; therefore a and
i refer to the many or the one aUke. But as the need is felt for dis-
tinction between the one and the more than one a consonant is applied.
How the selection of the consonant modulant is made is not wholly
*" Principles of Samoan Word Composition," 14 Journal Polynesian Society, 40.
f'Root Reducibility in Polynesian," 27 American Journal of Philology, 369-
156 THE SUBANU.
beyond our comprehension. In these studies I have dwelt at some
length upon the two Hmits of speech expression for each of the buccal
organs, the employment of the least speech effort and of the maximum.
At the minimum for the tongue lies S (h) ; at the maximum t. Consider
now the case of the beginning speaker into whose intellectuahty has
come some faintly appreciated need of specifying his diffuse a yonder
and particularizing that it is one object. He employs the minimum
speech effort in the central lingual area and produces thereby sa; its
sense is still general in particularity ' ' a yonder. ' ' In hke manner, when
he wishes to distinguish which of several to each of which "a yonder"
might apply, the effort of mind is followed by effort of speech; he
employs the maximum, ta is particular and unmistakable " this yonder."
In like manner we find 1 with the same pair of coefficients producing the
same result, si "a here," ti "this here." The four forms are not merely
theoretical and diagrammatic ; they occur somewhere in the Polynesian
languages in exactly these senses and are readily discoverable. We
thus see how our three elements of Polynesian words for one arise.
Now we pass to the compaction of these established elements. I
have said that a and i stand to the speaker in some relation of position.
At the beginning of such speech it is sufficient to express a concept as
away from the speaker, more as a, less as i. This remoteness may be
in place, it may equally be in time, and in time it may be equally
time before or past, time to come or future; we shall find the need
arising for particularity in this item also and by the like method of
consonantal modulants. But at a certain stage of the speech develop-
ment sa with si in one group and ta in another were applicable in many
senses just beginning to particularize in use. Then, as further need of
precision arose, there developed the device of determinant composition.
For the argument let us assume that ta has four significations including
"this yonder," sa has other four including "a yonder." By employing
in conjunction the two stems of several meanings we obtain a vocable in
which the two stems agree upon the common significations ; ta plus sa
can mean only "this yonder," for it has the force of double insistence.
Thus we obtain taha in the sense of unity. In like manner we may
trace the growth of tasi.
As between the two forms we note in Polynesia that taha is found
in Tonga and Nine ; it occurs more or less through Melanesia ; its ele-
ment sa is the most common in Indonesia. We may safely attribute
this form to the Proto-Samoan migration, tasi to the Tongafiti swarm;
yet the evidence of ja in the Punan and ji in the Kayan, both archetypal
languages in north Borneo, warrants the beHef that the elemental sa
and si may have existed concurrently at the earliest period.
We shall now present the type forms of the word for unity in the
three oceanic areas, listing in the three columns the occurrences of each
type form as used absolutely, as prefix, as suffix.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
sa.
157
sa45. 105. sa-go 46, 47
ke-sa 34
ra 42
la-i 94a
ta-ra 64
sa-kai 49
ta-sa 65
ha 16
ha-momo 17
ta-ha I
sa-mosi 50
te-sa 71
ha-sa 92
sa-angu 106
e-sa 91
a 9
a-ngaomo 10
te-a 68
sa-bi 107
ha-sa 92
a-buna n
ti-a 75. 76
sa-li 108
ku-sa 99
i-sa 94
o-sa 103
a-tan-ok 63a
to-a 78
hi-a 93
je-a 21
sai 48
i-sai 95
ii.
ta.
ji-a 22
ta7, 56
ta-ha 1
kai-ta 30
ta-ra 64
ta-si 2
kai-ta-mora 3 1
ta-sa 65
ta-hi 3
ta-ta 66
ta-i 4, 60
ja 20, 97
i-tja 96
ta-mona 57
tai 4, 60
tai-mona 61
ta-gai 59
tai-monomon 62
ta-gogi 58
iii.
ka.
ka24
;
ka-una 25
ka-ona 26
ka-he 27
ka-si 5. 32
ka-tsiu 33
ka-hi 6
se-bona 5 1
se-dri 1 1 1
se-mbaow 112
ne-he loi
ti-ka 77
ka-he 5 1
ne-he 101
iv.
V.
kai 28
se.
lai 94a
te.
kai-geda 29
kai-ta 30
kai-tainom 31
e-bweuna 12
e-raoti 13
e-re 14
e-sega 15
e-tega 63 c
e-sa 91
ta-gai 58
sa-kai 49
si-kai 52
si-kei 53
e-re 14
si-lei 113
te67
i
1
te-a 68
je-a 21
te-sa 70
ke-sa 34
ke-sana 35
rae-ke 39
vi.
vii.
ke.
si.
te-wa 72
tes 70
ke-sega 36
kis37
si-ri 55
ta-si 2
i-sa 94
sa-i 48
si-lei 113
ka-si 5, 32
wo-sio 90
um-siun i
6
i-sai 95
i-tja 96
ta-i 4,60,61,62
kai 28, 29, 30,
31. 49. 52.
53.58
no-siuno 102
ko-i 63b
hi-a 93
ta-hi 3
ma-i 63d
hi-beti 18
ka-hi 6
viii.
li.
la-i 94
ngi 40
ri-ti 44
ti-a 75, 76
sa-li 108
sa-bi 107
ri-ti 44
ix.
ti.
thi74
si-ri 55
se-dri in
ti-ka 77
hibe-ti 18
tsi 81
tsi-u 33
tu-kse 82
ji98
ji-a23
158
THE SUBANU.
X. SO.
so 114
so-boto 115
o-buna 41
os-so 104
lep-so 100
o-sa 103
wo-sio 90
xi. to.
to-a 78
to-wa 79
to-wale 80
sobo-to 115
jo-ser 23
xii. ko.
ko-puna 38
sa-go 46, 47 I
xiii. tu.
koi-tan 63b
ta-gogi 59
tu-kse 82
tu-wa 83
tu-wal 84
tu-wale 85
sa-tu no
xiv.
hu 19
ku.
tu-wel 86
ndu-a 8
ku-sa 99
XV. wa.
wa-sa 117
te-wa 72
tu-wal 84
wal 89
to-wa 79
tu-wel 86
tu-wa 83
tu-wale 85
t-wa 87
t-wag 88
ndu-a
to-wal 80
xvi. 1
3ona.
sc-bona 5 1
a-buna 11
e-bweuna 12
ko-puna 38
ta-mona 57
tai-mona 61
tai-monomon 62
a-ngaomo 10
ka-ona 25
ka-una 20
ha-momo 17
kaita-niom3i
xvii. misc
ellaneous.
ke-sana 35
mai-sena 63d
san 109
a-tan-ok 63a
koi-tan 63 b
e-sega 15
ke-sega 36
sago 46, 47
rega 43
tega 69
e-tega 63e
kai-geda 29
mai-sena 63 d
me-ke 39
sa-mosi 50
si-moksi 54
e-moti 13
sa-angu 106
ta-gogi 59
iray 94
joser 23
sago-kava 47
no-siuno 102
sembaow 112
ya73
One form in the Polynesian area remains unexplained, Viti ndua.
It is not wholly easy to arrive at a decision upon this point. Under-
l3dng its Polynesian element of later settlement, Viti contains a large
element of speech affihated somewhat indefinitely in hither Melanesia.
If we assume this ndua to belong to the Melanesian element we find it
immediately associable with the tuwa-towa forms found in the Banks
Group and adjacent northern New Hebrides. Yet in islands of the
same region we encounter a tuwale form and in the present lack of infor-
mation on these tongues we may not venture upon dissection. On the
other hand the thirteenth item of the preceding tabulation will show
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 159
that, though rare, tu does exist in Melanesia and in Indonesia in the
sense of one ; therefore it might be possible to regard ndu-a as a deter-
minant compound after the Polynesian fashion.
loo. rua two; Subanu dua id.
lua
Tahiti, Rarotonga, Viti, Rotuma,
Maori, Mangareva, Rapanui,
Tongarewa, Aniwa, Sikaiana.
Samoa, Fakaofo, Uvea, Hawaii,
Manahiki, Liueniua.
Tonga, Niue, Marquesas.
Moriori.
do Save.
dui Mafoor.
dua Sesake.
duru Eromanga.
ewuru Lambell.
huo Leng.
aqa-iu Nada.
qe-yu Murua.
lu Paama 7, Kumamba.
pa-lu Nggao.
lua Epi, Paama, Lifu 17, Kowamerara,
Koko, Nakanai, Kilengge, Po-
kau, Doura, Sinaugoro, Hula,
Keapara, Galoma, Keakalo.
lue Lifu, Mouk.
luaga Tavara.
mondu Wandammen.
nuwa Onin.
ngua Mekeo.
rewe Nengone.
reu Tagula.
ro Aneityum, Ambrj^m 7, Vuras,
Mosin 7, Motlav, Volow, Nor-
barbar, Save.
a-rho Tarfia.
ro-waba Oiun.
roa Nokon.
ru Efate, Tanna, Eromanga, Am-
brym, Gog, Lakon, Pak, Moar,
Jamna, Masimasi, Mosin, No-
kon.
a-ru King.
e-ru Lamassa.
i-ru Likkilikki.
nru Efate.
rua Barriai, Kalil, Kobe, Vitu, Marina,
Maewo, Merlav, Mota, Lo,
Arag, Ulawa, Saa, Wango, Fa-
gani, Nggela, Nguna, Bugotu,
ruabi
ruaga
ruam
ruamo
New Georgia, Waima, Roro,
Kabadi, Motu, Panaieti, Mi-
sima, Galavi, Boniki, Dobu.
Raqa.
Awalama, Taupota, Wedau,
Galavi.
Kwagila, Kiviri.
Mukawa.
rue Omba, Laur.
rue-iti Karufa, Namatote.
rue-ti Lobo.
ruka Vaturanga.
rumo Umre.
ru6 Longa.
wo-ruo Waropin.
ruru Mohr.
rusi Tandia, Kubiri.
su-ru Dorey, Dasener.
ua Malekula.
i-ua Kiriwina.
wo Brierly Island.
wuaa Rubi.
dia
doha
drua
dua
dudua
duoh
ga-hu
lo-tu
lu
Bolanghitam.
Visayan.
Mahuan.
Malay, Sirang, Sumbawa, Matu,
Sanguir, Salibabo, Lariko,
Kayan, Punan, Pampangas,
Ilocano, Baju, Subanu, Bon-
toc Igorot.
Menado.
Dusun.
Sulu.
Gah.
Mysot.
lua
luua
roa
rua
lep-lu Gani.
Cajeli, Amblaw, Morella, Batume-
rah, Caimarian, Teluti, Tobo,
Ahtiago, Wahai, Mame, Tihu,
Iliwaki.
Awaiya
Malagasy.
Salayer, Wayapo, Massaratty, Li-
ang, Saparua. Matabello, Teor,
Lampong. Timor, Aru.
Bouton.
ruano
Nothing in this Hst need detain us; the affihation is clear and each
mutation is supported in at least two of the oceanic regions . The general
stage of the name for two is a composite, in the majority of cases a com-
paction of readily comprehensible mutants of ru and of a, in all other
cases of rw-mutants with some other element. In the composites we
see that ru carries in itself the sense of two; we find it persisting in
absolute use in Indonesia, frequently in Melanesia, in Polynesia in
Moriori, which may be estabHshed as a primal phase of the Polynesian
in the Pacific.
160
THE SUBANU.
[Oi. tolu three; Subanu tolo id.
tolu
toru
thol
tou
kolu
folu
tolu
Samoa, Niue, Futuna, Tonga,
Uvea, Fakaofo, Viti.
Tahiti, Rarotonga, Manahiki, Ma-
ngareva, Rapanui, Maori, Ani-
wa, Sikaiana.
Rotuma.
Marquesas.
Hawaii, Liueniua.
Rotuma.
Efate, Epi, Paama, Omba, Arag,
Nggela, Vaturanga, Nguna,
Nggao, Bugotu, Nokon, Na-
kanai, Vitu, Leng, Kiriwina.
Sesake.
Longa.
Kowamerara, Koko, Dasener,Wan-
dammen, Namatote.
Karufa.
Lakahia.
Mukawa, Kubiri, Kiviri.
tonu-ga Tavara, Awalama, Taupota,
Wedau.
Marina 8, Masimasi, Moar.
Ulawa, Saa.
Wango, Fagani.
Pak.
Marina, Maewo, Merlav, Gog,
Vuras, Mosin, Mota, Norbar-
bar, Barriai, Kalil, King, La-
massa, Kilengge, Graget.
i-tol Lamassa, Kobe.
tor Tarfia.
tola Nokon, Nada.
tolo Paama 8.
oro Mohr.
woro Waropin.
toni Raqa.
ton Murua, Panaieti.
toi Motu, Sinaugoro, Rubi, Dobu.
dolu
e-tlu
toru
tohru
torua
tonu
tou
*olu
•oru
•ol
tol
koi
roi
oi
e-talo
tai
tau
taur
tel
sil
kior
tulu-mo
tuwru
turu-si
tul
tun
sul
Uni, Pokau, Doura, Kabadi,
Hula.
Malekula.
Keapara, Galoma, Keakalo.
Mouk.
Norbarbar.
Jamna.
Kumamba.
Lakon, Motlav, Volow.
Eromanga.
Mafoor.
Umre.
Lobo.
Tandia.
Nok6n, Laur, Likkilikki.
Misima, Oiun.
Ambryra.
tolu
Mame, Matabello.
a-tlu Pampangas.
toru Saparua.
tol Mysot.
tolo Subanu, Visayan, Timor,
Wahai, Bontoc Igorot.
ta-tlo Tagalog.
toro Bolanghitam, Lariko.
to Sulu.
talu Java, Saru.
te-talu Salibabo.
talau Matu.
klau Champa.
tauro Formosa.
telu Tihu, IHwdki, Mahuan.
telua Batumerah.
Gab,
telo
tero
tulu
Punan, Kayan, Dusun, Malagasy,
Salayer, Bouro, Caimarian,
Morella.
Liang.
Lampong, Magindano.
In this ordering of the data we find such a smooth series of muta-
tion that we have no difficulty in including so remote a variant as the
toi series of Torres Strait. To what extent these aliens have debased
the Polynesian currency in their borrowing is strangely shown in the
Motu lakatoi, Polynesian vaka boat and tolu three ; yet in the ceremonial
voyages across the Gulf of Papua, in the annual barter of pots for sago,
they lash three hulls abeam and navigation confirms the obscure phi-
lology. In Malaysia the more primitive languages employ tolo and telo,
but the pure Polynesian type of tolu appears in a sufficient list of lan-
guages to establish its persistence in this area.
I am now prepared to offer a genetic hypothesis in explanation of
this tolu three. In the rigid order of logical development of any such
argument this should follow and depend upon such a dissection of the
inner content of lua two as I have been able to demonstrate in the case
of tasi one. Up to the present, that clear comprehension of the primal
signification of lua has eluded my study. Yet I have the less hesitation
in presenting this analysis of tolu at the present time extra ordinem
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 161
because I feel encouraged to hope that from the result of these consider-
ations we may be able at some later period to return to the considera-
tion of the basic lua with more success and thereby interpolate its
rational explanation.
In these studies of the arithmetic of primitive man we have marked
two well-defined stages. The Polynesian has attained to the decimal
system, he has firmly grasped the whole initial requirement of the
science of mathematics, he has the material equipment for all those
speciaHzed operations of number which are to be acquired from the
decimal base by the gradual growth of knowledge stimulated by the
advancing needs of life. The only obstacle which withholds from the
savage Polynesian the facility of the table of logarithms is that the need
has not yet appeared in his life-condition to stimulate his mind to higher
mathematical activity than the operations of addition and subtraction.
In the introduction to this study of the numerals I have pointed
out the considerable number of races of savage men within the oceanic
district of my province who have not yet attained to the facility of the
decimal system, whose numeration is quinary, whose finger count is
limited to the digits of a single hand. In the dissection of the quinary
system we are brought face to face with a yet more primitive concept
of number and notation. Because it is primitive, because it is a work-
ing of the dawning intelligence struggling with the comprehension of
dimly perceived needs of life, where effort to comprehend involves some
effort to reproduce and to confirm by speech such comprehension, we
shall not look to find this early numeration restricted by the boundaries
of any one family of speech. The vocables employed in such expression
may vary widely between family and family ; the principle remains con-
stant. We are engaged at first with psychology rather than linguistics.
Long culture-ages anterior to the development of the decimal base
which v/e possess in its completely acquired form in our Polynesian
speech the quinary system is found as a halting stage of progress toward
a system of notation. The highest development of the quinary system
rests in the possession of names for the units from one to five. This is
exhibited in the language of Aneityum where the numerals are : i,e thi;
2, e ro; 3, e seij; 4, e manouun; 5, ikman; and no words exist for num-
ber beyond ikmayi, which 1 have shown to be a derivative from the
common lima as hand and five.
A stage yet more primitive is represented by a system which we
may continue to call quinary because it is in possession of a word which
expresses at its minimum connotation the sum of the digits of one hand.
It differs from the perfect quinary as illustrated in Aneityum in the
fact that instead oi possessing four names for specific number below
five it has but tv/o. We thus have an imperfect quinary of three terms.
We may go yet lower in the scale and find a numerical system of but
two terms. The imperfect quinary of three terms becomes effectively
162 THE SUBANU.
quinary by composition, the linguistic equivalent of the arithmetic of
simple addition. There are several phases of such addition-composi-
tion but here it will suffice to illustrate along the phase of the type 1,2,
2 4- 1, 2-1-2, 5. This I recall from the Austrahan aboriginals of the
NorthwestBend of the Murray River; i,nitshe; 2,barcoola; :i,barcoola-
nitshe; 4, barcoola-barcoola; 5, yentimarra.
A stage lower than this is presented by the numeration which has
not yet set five apart as a discrete concept even without precision.
This is illustrated among others by the Miriam {apud Ray) of Torres
Straits. It has but two numerals, netat 1 , nets 2. Higher numbers are
but sums in addition of these two primitives, neis-netat 2 -hi =3. w^^^-
neis 24-2=4, neis-neis-netat 2-I-2-I-1 =5. neis-neis-neis 2 + 2-|-2 = 6,
Without prosecuting further this research these examples will serve
my purpose satisfactorily in showing that we need feel no surprise if in
the Polynesian decimals we may be able to detect a composite of similar
type. At the beginning of the sense of number we find the recognition
of the distinction between the one and the more than one ; the division is
cut along the cleavage between unity and pluraHty. The next dichot-
omy must be equally simple ; it will apply to the plurality. The mind
becoming more observant of detail will distinguish between few and
many, the small plurality and the greater, or, as I have heard it defined
in the Beach -la-Mar, "small-plenty" and "big-plenty." The least of
these must be one and one ; if it were less it would be merged in the
name already estabHshed for unity ; there we find a name assigned to
this one and one, a name and a signification of two. The maximum
plurality varies with different peoples and diverse culture attainments,
but even we retain our diffuse "big-plenty." With piety probably
quite as obscure as the mathematics, we obey the solemn formula and
rise and join in singing "oh for a thousand tongues to sing" and mean
no more than this maximum diffuse pluraHty. In like manner we
speak of a myriad stars which dot the firmament without any sense of
restriction to 10,000. The Austrahan of the Murray fixes his "big-
plenty" at yentimarra, which is higher than barcoola-barcoola 2 4-2 by
one unit or many. His scale of number, therefore, consists of i, 2,
2 -hi, 2 4-2, and infinitude, which begins at the very finger-tips.
With this possibility in our minds let us return to the examination
of the Polynesian tolu 3. In the discussion of tasi i I have explained
at no little length the development of the sense of unity and the manner
in which its designation has been made more and more precise by the
method of determinant composition. In the tabulation which sums the
result of that inquiry I have set aside the employment of a t-component,
ta in 22 names of unity, te in 6 names, ti in 11 names, to in 5 and tu
in 8; in sum the t-component appears in 52 out of the 117 names for
unity which I have assembled.
In dealing with hia 2 I have advanced the opinion that this also
POLYNESIAN AND MAI^AYAN.
163
may be regarded as a composite. The list of forms assembled will
exhibit the stem lu as meaning 2 in each of the three island groups of
language.
Accordingly I am wilHng to advance this further opinion, that tolu
is a composite of stem to and stem lu, in effect 1+2 = 3. At least we
have estabUshed stem to in the sense of i and stem lu in the sense of 2
and we have shown that in primitive counting the name for 3 is in
certain instances positively identified as the sum of i and 2. To have
attained to the knowledge that i and 2 make 3 is a great stride in
mathematics.
102. fa four; Subanu pat, upat id.
fa
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue,
Uvea, Fakaofo, Marquesas,
Manahiki, Aniwa, Sikaiana,
Liueniua.
va
Viti.
ha
Hawaii, Mangareva, Tahiti, Ra-
panui.
hak
Rotuma.
wha
Maori.
a
Rarotonga.
fat
Onin, Namatote, Lobo, Lakahia.
fatta
Nokon.
fati
Nggao.
hat
Nok6n, Kalil, Laur.
i-hat
Lambell.
hati
Paama.
bat
Kiviri.
bata
Mukawa, Kubiri.
bate
Efate.
bati
Raqa.
pat
Panaieti, Misima.
pati
Sesake.
tati
Marina.
vat
Eromanga, Maewo, Merlav, Gog,
Vuras, Mota, Lo.
vata
Vitu.
vati
Marina, Nggela, Vaturanga,
Bugotu, Kowamerara, Koko.
vatz
Malekula.
veat
Volow.
vet
Mosin, Motlav, Norbarbar.
veti
Sesake 9.
wati
Le Maire, Rubi.
oatti
Mannam.
at
Lamassa, Likkilikki.
lu-at
King.
ate
Wandammen.
attes
Tandia.
atti
Dasener.
hasi Mugula, Suau, Sariba.
?eso-pari Tubetube.
?wohe-pali Tavara.
?wahe-pari Awalama.
las Nada.
vas Lakon, Murua.
vasi Arag, Sinaugoro, Kiriwina.
vesi Omba.
hani Doura, Motu.
bani Waima, Roro.
pane
Barriai, Kilengge.
pangi
Mekeo.
peng
Abutumete, Aweleng, Amge.
vani
Uni, Pokau, Kabadi.
fen
Oiun.
pal
Graget.
vari
Epi.
vir
Ambrym.
bai
Galoma, Keakalo.
fai
Fagani.
hai
Ulawa, Saa, Wango.
vai
Hula, Keapara.
fa
Tanna.
fau
Jamna, Moar, Kumamba.
fauk
Tarfia.
fiak
Mafoor.
fo
Masimasi.
va
Savo 9.
i-va
Nakanai.
ve
Pak, Nifilole 9-
wo-ako
Waropin.
a-mo
Umre.
a-o
Mohr.
e-a
Mouk.
pat
Kayan, Subanu.
a-pat
Dusun, Sulu, Saru, Tagalog,
Pampangas, Bontoc Igorot.
hi-pat Formosa.
i-pat
Bontoc Igorot.
o-pat
Visayan.
u-pat
Subanu.
e-fatra
Malagasy.
hat
Iliwdki.
haat
Timor.
hata
Morella.
at
Mahuan.
pak
Champa.
tak
Tihu.
fa
Mame.
faa
Amblaw.
fai
Teluti.
faat
Gab.
pa
Menado, Wayapo.
pah
Lampong.
ko-pa
Sanguir.
ha
Cajeli.
a-ha
Lariko.
i-ha
Galela.
haa
Saparua.
aa
Caimarian.
164
THE SUBANU.
It is quite evident that in its primal stage this was a closed s
and the weight of evidence indicates fat. Ordered upon the mutai
variety of this final consonant the foregoing data show a series in
main simple. The only point where the mutation in series se
perhaps violent is in the series from hani to vani in Melanesia, yet e
here the difficulty passes when we observe that the mutation is of
type which I have already so minutely elaborated, the passage from
maximum to the minimum of the possibility of speech effort of a gi
buccal organ. Having established this series the series bai to
through loss of inner n follows as a natural subsidiary. The only fo
which fail to fit snugly into this devolution series are the Tarfia /(
Marina tati, and the Tihu tak, the last perhaps associable with Mar
lima five; Subanu lima id. P. W. 363.
lima
nima
ngima
liam
liman
lima
103.
Samoa, Futuna, Niue, Nukuoro,
Nuguria, Sikaiana, Hawaii,
Viti.
Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Rapa-
nui, Moriori, Aniwa, Fotuna,
Mangareva.
Tonga, Uvea.
Moiki.
Rotuma.
teve-lima
tava-lima
Pala.
Epi, Sesake, Arag, Makura, Male,
Santo,Nggela,Bugotu,Nggao,
New Georgia, Lambell, Mo-
anus, Kiriwina, Nada, Ta-
gula, Brierly Island, Bierian,
Wulua, Mannam, Nakanai,
Vitu, Mouk, Graget, Kobe,
Koko, Barriai, Kowamerara,
Le Maire.
Lo.
Gog.
tave-limwe Mota.
lime
limi
limo
Una
lim
Hem
te-lim
teve-lim
teve-liem
tava-limw
teve-Iimw
'eve-limw
teve-lem
tivi-lem
'eve-lem
tava-lemw
lum
e-lme
luem
rima
rimi
rimbi
rlmo
Likki-
Paama, Omba, Malanta,
likki.
Yela.
Epi.
Tangoan Santo, Iklarina.
Duke of York, Laur, Kalil,
Lamassa, Ambrym, Nokon,
Eromanga, Kumamba.
Aweleng, Amge.
King.
Maewo.
Norbarbar.
Merlav.
Mosin.
Leon.
Vuras, Motlav, Volow.
Lakon.
Sasar, Pak.
Retan.
Marina, Weasisi, Naviliag.
Longa.
Abutumete.
Malekula, Wango, Fagani.
Karufa, Lobo.
Dasener.
Waropin, Mohr.
rem
rum
j(i)man
jim
jimo
nima
mm
ima
Eromanga, Pangkumu, T
Jamna, Masimasi, Moai
kahia, Wandammen, N
tote, Mafoor.
Eromanga.
Kwamera.
Aneityum.
Jamna.
Baki.
Kubiri, Panaieti, Misima, ^N
wa, Taupota, Galavi, Oi
nima-gesau Graget.
Kiviri, Murua, Tavara.
Waima, Roro, Mekeo, Uni, P
Doura, Kabadi, Motu
inara, Mailu, Eoniki, S
goro, Hula,Keapara,Ga
Keakalo, Rubi, Mailu.
ma Galavi.
lima Alalay, Java, Cajeli, Ivlorell;
tumerah, Teor, Magin
Champa, Sulu, Suml
Visayan, Tihu, Pamps
Tagalog, Kayan, Su
Mahuan, Mame, Sa
Sanguir, Wayapo, IV
ratty, Amblaw, Av
Biraa, Kolon, Cairn
Baju, Teluti, Ahtiago,
toe Igorot.
de-lima Salibabo.
limah Lampong.
limoh Dusun, Saru.
limo Togean.
liman Kisa.
limanu Bouton.
lema Timor.
e-lma Iliwaki.
lemo Basakrama.
lim Sirang, Gah, Mysot.
lep-lim Gani.
rima Menado, Liang, Bolangl:
Lariko, Saparua, Mata
rim Jobi, Dorey.
nima Wahai.
dimy Malagasy.
ma Dayak.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
165
In The Polynesian Wanderings, he. cit., I have discussed at length
the question of precedence in the signification of this stem, whether the
five derives from the five fingers of the hand or the hand derives from
the five of its digitation. The very considerable additions of material
in the present tabulation add nothing, subtract nothing from the argu-
ment there advanced. After renewing consideration of the subject I
yet inchne toward the opinion that the numerical sense is primordial
and the hand secondary.
104. one six; Subanu gonom id.
ono
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna
, Niue,
onu
Kolon.
Uvea, Fakaofo,
Viti,
Manga-
on
Panaieti.
reva, Rapanui,
Marquesas,
anam
Malay.
Tahiti, Hawaii
Rarotonga,
unam
Salayer.
Manahiki, Maori,
Aniwa,
nam
Kay an, Baju.
Sikaiana.
enem
Bontoc Igorot.
on
Rotuma.
nanam
namano
Java.
Bouton.
ono
Omba, Arag, Ulawa,
Saa.
Wango,
nain
Mahuan.
Fagani, Nggela
Vaturanga,
nem
Teor.
Bugotu, New Georgia.
e-nem
Iliw^ki.
ona
Tagula.
nen
Tihu.
onem
Mafoor.
nome
Awaiya, Caimarian.
ano
Kowamerara.
lomi
Wahai.
eno
Le Maire.
num
Menado. Tobo.
fa-mno
Nggao.
ka-num Sanguir.
monom
King.
gane
Sulu.
wono
Leng, Mouk, Lambell.
ne
Cajeli.
wona
Brierly Island.
noo
Lariko.
uone
Likkilikki.
nooh
Saparua.
won
Laur, Lamassa, Nokon.
noh
Amblaw.
noi
Ahtiago.
gonom
Subanu.
an-nuh
Salibabo.
onom
Visayan, Dusun.
nena
Liang, Morella, Batumerah
onomo
Bolanghitam.
e-nina
Malagasy.
onam
Matabello.
ini
Bima.
onem
Dorey.
lep-wonan Gani.
onum
Mysot.
wonen
Gah.
It will be seen at a glance that the tabulation for 6 varies widely
from that for 5 ; the difference numerically stated is that we have suc-
ceeded in establishing lima in 197 languages of these three oceanic areas
and ono in but 80, the decrease being wholly in Melanesia. The reason
for this decrease lies wholly outside the realm of philology ; it is not at
all a question of phonetic variety. It inheres in the art of counting, it
is a limitation of arithmetic, it is the picture of human minds yet unde-
veloped. Our first five numerals are true digits, fingers of one hand.
At this point arithmetic may begin, in Polynesia it has begun, in Indo-
nesia it has come perhaps a Httle more slowly but it has arrived. In
Melanesia there are scores of people who have not attained to the sense
of mathematics and the system of the decimals, having counted one
hand they start and count the other hand, a new operation and a dis-
continuous one . Six is not in the sweep of the arithmetical series, it is
one on the other hand; the meaning of some of these designations of six
is selected at random, "hand and one," "hand-other one," "hand on-
its-top one," a system which leads us eventually to the comphcated
166
TH^ SUBANU.
statement of ninety-nine as (Tavara apud Ray) oloto wohepali hi hilage
po nima luaga hi tutu po aitutu po wohepali" men four they die and hands
two they finish and foot it finishes and four."
I have written of Indonesia in the foregoing paragraph that the
decimal arithmetic has come a Httle more slowly. Perhaps it would be
better to say that it has come a Httle less surely, for the reckoning has
some sort of story to tell us; lima appears in but 17 variants in 55
languages of the Malay Archipelago, ono in 32 forms in 40 languages,
forms which diverge so widely from the primal onom that I can account
for them by no law of the phonetic of these languages at present known
to me and which I should not venture to include in this Hst if it were
not that I find them occurring with other number words which are
undoubtedly Polynesian. I do not profess to understand what under-
lies this variety in the upper decimals of Indonesia; but this fact is
clear: these languages have been conservative of the form of the digits
of the first hand; of the fingers on the other hand they have been
reckless in mutilation.
105. fitu seven; Subanu pitu id.
fitu
vitu
whitu
hitu
itu
fiku
hiku
hith
ahito
fitu
fita
fik
fiak
vitu
vitsu
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea,
Fakaofo, Marquesas, Aniwa,
Sikaiana.
Viti.
Maori.
Tahiti, Manahiki, Rapanui, Mar-
quesas.
Raro tonga.
Liueniua.
Hawaii.
Rotuma.
Paumotu.
Nggao.
Le Maire.
Mafoor.
Dorey.
Arag, Nggela, Vaturanga, Bugotu.
Kowamerara.
hiss Likkilikki.
i-hise Lambell.
iss Lamassa.
wijtsou Le Maire.
bitu
bi'u
piru
pi'u
pit
pik
hi'u
hit
it
Omba.
Wango.
Tagula.
Fagani.
Misima.
Brierly Island.
Ulawa, Saa.
Nokon, Suralil.
Laur.
fitu Teluti, Matabello.
fiti Gah.
fito Malagasy.
fit Tobo, Teor, Mysot.
lep-fit Gani.
pitu Subanu, Kolon, Java, Menado, Bo-
langhitam, Salibabo, Amblaw.
pitu-ano Bouton.
ga-pitu Sulu.
ka-pitu Sanguir.
pidu Bima.
pi to Visayan, Wayapo, Massaratty,
Bontoc Igorot.
pety Basakrama.
witu Awaiya.
hitu Tihu, Iliwaki, Saparua.
hito Cajeli.
en-hit Ahtiago.
itu Mahuan, Liang, Morella, Lariko,
Caimarian, Wahai.
itu-a Batumerah.
tusu Kayan.
tujuh Malay.
tujoh Salayer, Baju.
turoh Dusun.
mau-it King.
For seven the Indonesian runs truer to the Polynesian type than
for six. The only doubtful point lies in the tusu group ; this may be
explained as tu of the primal stem with terminal accretion ; against this
explanation militates the fact that nowhere in the three oceanic areas
does tu appear as carrying the seven sense; it is more reasonable to
regard this as the intrusion of an aUen stem bearing this partial resem-
blance. This seems the more likely interpretation, since tusu is accom-
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN.
167
panied by alien words for eight and nine after Polynesian designation
of the numerals inclusive of six, as here set forth.
Seven.
Eight.
Nine.
tusu
tujoh
tujuh ....
tujoh ....
turoh ....
saya
karna ....
salapan.. .
dolapan . .
(walu) . . .
pitan.
kasa.
sambilan.
sambilan.
(siam).
Salayer
Malay
1 06. valu eight; Subanu walu id.
valu
varu
Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea,
Niue, Fakaofo, Rarotonga.
Tahiti, Manahiki, Mangareva,
Rapanui, Aniwa.
a-varu Paumotu.
vau Marquesas, Tahiti.
vol Rotuma.
walu Viti, Hawaii.
waru Maori, Sikaiana.
walu
Ulawa, Saa.
welu
Omba, Arag.
wala
Le Maire.
uale
Likkilikki.
wal
Nokon, Laur.
ual
Lamassa.
i-wal
Lambell.
te-wal King.
falu
Nggao.
alu
Nggela, Vaturanga, Bugotu
waru
Wango, Fagam.
war
Mafoor.
wan
Brierly Island.
wa
Tagula.
107. hiva nine;
hiva Tonga, Niue, Uvea.
dhiva Viti.
siwo Sikaiana.
Slav Rotuma.
iva Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, Rapanui,
Marquesas, Tahiti, Rarotonga,
Manahiki, Aniwa.
iwa Hawaii, Maori.
siwa Le Maire, Ulawa, Wango, Fagani.
si we Saa.
siwo Omba, Arag, Brierly Island.
sia New Georgia.
siu Suralil, Laur, Likkilikki, Vaturanga.
ciu Tagula.
siw Mafoor.
tsiu Nokon, Kowamerara.
siuk Lambell.
sewok Lamassa.
hiua Nggela.
hia Bugotu, Nggao.
Hsu King.
siwa Cajeli, Amblaw, Morella, Batumerah,
Lariko, Saparua, Awaiya, Cai-
marian, Teluti, Tobo, Ahtiago
Amboyna, Ceram.
valo
Basakrama, Malagasy.
velu-ano Bouton.
walu
Subanu, Dusun, Sanguir, Amblaw.
walu-
-'a Batumerah, Awaiya, Caima-
rian.
walru
Menado.
walo
Cajeli, Bontoc Igorot.
oalo
Visayan.
wal
Tobo, Teor, Mysot.
lep-wal Gani.
waru
Bima, Salibabo, Liang, Morella
Lariko, Saparua.
waro
Bolanghitam.
wagu
Teluti.
wolu
Java.
en-wol
Ahtiago.
alu
Kolon, Gah, Wahai.
allu
Matabello.
hau
?Iliw^ki.
i-hau
Tihu.
ban
?Iliwaki.
kao
Mahuan.
Subanu siam id.
siwah Lampong.
siwer Teor.
sia Mahuan, Liang, Gah, Wahai, Mata-
bello.
e sia Iliw^ki.
i-sia Tihu.
gata-sia Sulu.
e-shia Wayapo.
chia Massaratty.
siam Subanu, Visayan, Dusun, Pampan-
gas, Bontoc Igorot.
siyam Tagalog, Bontoc Igorot.
sio Menado, Bolanghitam, Tidore, Ga-
lela.
sio-anu Bouton.
ka-siow Sanguir.
sioh Salibabo.
siaou Magindano.
sieuw Dorey.
lep-siu Gani.
sivy Malagasy.
pitan Kayan.
si Mysot.
iva Mame.
168
ngafulu Samoa.
ngahuru Tongarewa, Maori.
lau-ngahulu Manahiki.
ngaulu
Rarotonga.
angafulu
Futuna.
anaulu
Hawaii.
onohuu
Marquesas.
sanghul
Rotuma.
sangavulu
Viti.
hangahuru
Rapanui.
hongofulu
Tonga, Niue, Uvea.
ahuru
Tahiti.
tangafuru
Aniwa.
tingahuru Maori.
tirongouru Mangarcva.
sefulu
Samoa, Fakaofo.
sangavuru
Kowamerara, Koko
zangavulu
Vitu.
sangafula
Le Maire.
sangapulo
Le Maire.
sangahul
Barriai.
sanghaul
Kalil.
sangaul
Kilengge, Umre.
sanghul
Suralil, Laur.
sanguli
Lamassa.
sangul
Nokon.
sungul
Aweleng.
e-sungul
Abutumete.
sanaulu
Tubetube.
sanhulu
King.
'HE SUBANU.
4
u ten; Subanu sapulu id.
sanau
Dobu.
samfur
Mafoor.
sauli
Likkilikki.
singino
King.
songo
Leng.
nanau
sanpulo
Mailu.
Magindano.
sangpuo
Tagalog.
hangpu
Sulu.
hampulu
Kolon.
sapulu
Subanu, Basakrama.
sapuluh
Malay.
sapuloh
Bouton, Salayer, Baju.
sanulu
Iliwaki.
senulu
Tihu, Mahuan.
polo
Wayapo, Massaratty, Bontoc.
Igorot.
napolo
Visayan.
folo
Malagasy.
pulu
Kayan, Lampong, Sirang.
apulu
Pampangas.
plu
Champa.
mpuru
Bima.
buro
Amblaw.
pulo
Kayan, Matu.
pulah
Java.
kapuroh
Sanguir.
mapuroh
Salibabo.
mapulroh Menado.
mopuru
Bolanghitam.
In Polynesia and in Indonesia we find a primal stem fulu with two
prefaces, sanga and se respectively; in Indonesia we find a frequent
occurrence of the primal stem absolute and this in the languages which
our other evidence shows us to be primordial. In Melanesia the devo-
lution forms are all derived from the sangafidn composite. The tale of
the forms for ten is not without interest, 59 forms in 73 languages.
When we compare this with the record for lima, we are led to the con-
clusion that the concept which establishes the decimal system is of the
most modern phase of these languages at the hour when the first Poly-
nesians were expelled from Indonesia.
Since the collation of the material and the establishment of the
numeration of the foregoing synopsis of the Polynesian content in the
conjoint Subanu and Visayan I have seen reason to include two items
whch escaped my attention. These will be found in brief synopsis in
the dictionary under the words hui and tian. The sum, therefore, must
be increased by two and stands at no items.
In this list there is little to call for explanation on the score of
phonetics. The consonant mutations are all readily comprehensible
and of standard type. We have already had occasion to note that the
vowel mutability is great; it represents a Malayan speech principle
quite opposed to the stern fixity of vowel elements which holds through-
out the Polynesian. We need not examine particulars except in one
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 169
small and quite important group. A few final vowels exhibit a muta-
tion to diphthongs which is wholly anomalous when referred to the
Polynesian phonetic. All the examples which present this diphthongal
mutation are exhibited in the following list :
a-ay
tifa
tipay
i-oy
ati
gapoy
e^ai
ate
gatai
o-ao
lano
danao
e-ay
fale
balay
malino
linao
fohe
bogsay
o-au
lango
langau
mate
matay
u-hoy
kau
cahoy
I can see an explanation of this movement which seems valid so far
as it goes. It will serve excellently to account for the foregoing in-
stances ; the objection will lie in the fact that it offers no explanation of
the many instances in which the final vowel undergoes no such mutation.
The Polynesian languages are under an inexorable movement toward
open syllables. In every one, the words invariably end at their present
stage in a vowel. But as we work backward along the track of their
migration we find convincing proof that this compulsion is modern ; it
has become effective only since their arrival in their new Pacific homes.
In my late studies of Rapanui I have been able to establish as fact that
the migration which eventually settled upon Easter Island left Nuclear
Polynesia at a period when the Proto-Samoan still retained in use its
final consonants. In Polynesian loan material held by Melanesian lan-
guages we find not only final consonants, but we find distinct evidence
that stems ending in a vowel were abraded to establish a preferred form
with a final consonant and that this in turn has been abraded when the
speech fashion turned toward the open syllable; and thus we have
exposed as final a vowel originally medial in the primal stem. On the
other hand the Malayan languages have an equal desire for closed stems ;
we encounter many vocables whose primal open stem is now closed
by the addition of a consonant in deference to this movement. As I
take it, these ten words of the open stem were held by their Malayan
borrowers as (for some reason to us incomprehensible) exempt from
their own inclination to add some final consonant. Therefore the minds
of the speakers were under stress to avoid the easy final consonant, to
accentuate the fact that the final sound was a vowel, accordingly to
reproduce this mental stress by making the final vowel more vocalic
than it was intended to be. Why this motive has left no trace in other
stems of open type we may not now attempt to explain.
Thus we are naturally directed to the general treatment of the
Polynesian content by the several groups of Malayans which possess it
to a greater or less degree. We have just seen examples of assiduity in
its pronunciation, evidence that the material was at least subconsciously
felt to be alien. In the same way we find that the Polynesian content
is held uncontrolled by the ordinary rules of Malayan grammar ; it is
almost wholly free from the incidence of the customary Malayan infix-
ature. In the foregoing synopsis (item 83) I have pointed out the
170 THE SUBANU.
possibility of the use of the infix in the word tinae, but this is unique
and therefore doubtful. The more closely we study the Malayan use of
the Polynesian content, by so much the more do we convince ourselves
that it is essentially a foreign element— adopted, but very scantily
adapted. I can find but one instance in which :Malayan infixature has
been applied to a Polynesian loan, fili item 20.
Since the mutation is found most irregular in the treatment of the
vowels, which in Polynesian are the elements which carry the meaning
despite consonant variety, I may cite an instance in our own Enghsh
which will illustrate this point. In France the contre-danse may be
appHed with reason to so formal a dance as the stately minuet. A
polished court brought contre-danse into England in order to add dig-
nity to its festivities and to have possession of a name which should
prevent the dances of Whitehall from confusion with the Morris dancers
on the green before the wayside tavern. After adoption followed adap-
tation ; through an inexorable rule of EngHsh phonetics the alien contre-
danse underwent vowel mutation and became country-dance. In its
new form it was misunderstood and applied to the very dances which
it was designed to place in a more humble state. Now it is very freely
employed of the folk dances lately restored somewhat artificially to use.
Last stage of all, the true meaning of contra having quite vanished, it has
become bam dance. From a Louis Treize treading the gavotte whose
lilt is yet not wholly forgotten, the word has passed to Hodge heehng
and toeing the dust from a puncheon floor between the racks of hay.
Where we see the Malayans preserving the Polynesian content as
a foreign acquisition we see on the other hand the Polynesians quite
uncontaminated by any Malayan influence, the only possible exception
being tinae, which I present more as a result of curious research than
with conviction.
The purpose of this chapter — indeed, so far as I am concerned, the
end and object of this whole book — is to pass under critical review the
validity of the so-called Malayo-Polynesian family of speech. We now
have come through much minute investigation to the point at which we
may deal with this problem.
We shall flnd assistance in arithmetic. In former books in which
I have dealt with this subject I was content to accept the list of words
common to Malayan and Polynesian compiled by predecessors in this
inquiry and copied by one from another. Thus I was led into the state-
ment that the mass of material satisfactorily thus estabUshed amounted
to somewhere about twelve dozen stems. Now I have made a fresh
computation for myself upon one Malayan base and am prepared to
amend the former figures. In Subanu-Visayan the amoimt of the Poly-
nesian content is 1 10 stems. This is a figure upon which I am willing
to stand as the result of careful study. It represents the extent to which
some Polynesian has community|with one Malayan, namely the Subanu-
Visayan.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 171
It will be seen that this figure is not exhaustive. The full record
should state the figure of the extent to which some Polynesian has
community with some Malayan. I can answer for practically all Poly-
nesian. To answer for all Malayan would entail the collation of all the
languages of the archipelago, a task which would inordinately delay
other work which I must prosecute. To the figure thus established in
my own studies I now add the figures which are derived from the studies
of other workers but which I have not wholly verified.
In The Polynesian Wanderings the work was conducted upon the
base of the speech of Efate in the New Hebrides. Referring to the
serial number of the items in Appendix I of that volume, I now present
the following table of Malayan identifications which are extra- Visayan :
9 lo 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 47 78
79 128 169 171 174 177 178 179 180 181 183 184 213 215 218
221 222 223 225 226 227 228 230 231 233 235 237 238 241 243
248 249 252 255 256 257 258 260 261 265 266 268 269 270 272
273 275 276 279 281 282 286 287 288 289 291 293 296 297 299
302 304 305 306 307 311 313 316 320 322 326 328 329 331 333
337 341 342 345 346 349 352 353 354 355 357 358 360 362 364
The 105 additions to the Polynesian content in this list rest most
immediately upon Tregear's "Maori Comparative Dictionary" and
Turner's "Samoa."
I next add from Mr. Tregear's dictionary these 42 items, referring
to the Maori words. These are the residuum after extracting all
instances contained in this tabulation and in the synopsis of the Visayan
in this chapter. Of this residue in Tregear, the 42 are all that I am
wilUng to accept, for Mr. Tregear, while equally opposed to the Malayo-
Polynesian family, goes in his identifications a little beyond what I
regard as just in philologic method.
anewa hamuti kata mai miro patu tango
anini hana koekoea mana miti poto tara
anuhe haunga ko mo manga ngita puke tia
api horo kopu marie pae puna tuna
atarau kaho korokoro matau paka rama tupu
ato kapo kui mimi papa rimu wawara
The sum of these three groups is 257 ; that is the tale of words upon
which, really upon far less than which, Bopp erected his family of the
Malayo-Polynesian languages. The research which has compiled these
Hsts is so great, the study has been so minute on the part of my pains-
taking predecessors, that it is not to be supposed that further study,
such as I have conducted de novo upon the Visayan, will add appreciably
to this figure. I do not intend to perform the operation under the rule
of three, not puzzled but inexpressibly weary of this Malayo-Polynesian
bar which has long blocked the path of philologic research into the begin-
nings of human speech; but any one who cares may compute the ratio
of no Polynesian words to the 12,000 stems entered in the Visayan
dictionary of Fray Juan Felix. Then, if he will, he may reckon the
172 THE SUBANU.
ratio of 257 words to the corpus of Malayan speech in some scores and
more of languages. I do not now recall an enumeration of the number
of words which we have assumed from the American Indian. Squaw
and papoose, wigwam and tepee, wampumpeag and quahaug from
which it was cut — I am sure that I could find 250 words taken by vio-
lence or wheedling from our wards and included in the tongue we speak.
But not on that account (should I ever be tempted to become a philo-
logic systematist) do I intend to propose the erection of a speech family
of the Anglo-Algonkian for New England or Anglo-Iroquoian for New
York, although I sometimes fancy that such a family, did it really exist,
would tend toward the better preservation of the purity of the diction
now local to Manhattan. This is not absurd, or else Bopp's Malayo-
Polynesian family founded on equal numbers is absurd ; which, in truth,
I believe it to be.
I shall not here enter at length upon the consideration of the source
of this Polynesian content of the Malayan ; I shall not here explain how
it is possible that the Malayan contains Polynesian and the Polynesian
contains no Malayan. Amending the figure from 150 to 257, I have
presented this argument in full in The Polynesian Waitderings. In its
barest outUne I shall restate it.
The Polynesian peoples before the Christian era occupied more or
less completely the islands of the Malay Archipelago and were probably
as now in the Pacific, coast-dwellers. About that epoch the Malayan
peoples descended upon the island region from the coast lands of the
Asiatic continent with a superior civilization, probably in the possession
of the art of working metals. Before the better-equipped warriors the
Polynesians fled eastward, ever being dislodged from more eastern
islands of the archipelago as the Malayans bore upon their rearguard.
Eventually the Polynesians were forced out of the archipelago by way
of the waters respectively north of New Guinea and south* thereof and
in the free Pacific were beyond the reach of their oppressors. From the
reading of the material contained in this volume I add to my former
consideration another explanation of the Polynesian content.
In the west of Malaysia — say in Sumatra, since the present ethno-
logic position of Mentawei off the western coast of that island is most
significant — the first stragglers of the Malayan swarm, too few to be
dangerous, necessarily on their good behavior, would be adopted into
the Proto-Polynesian communities and undergo naturalization in speech
and habit. Later, upon the coming of the irresistible body of the
invaders, this body of naturaUzed Polynesian Malays would be the first
to feel the attack and would scatter wherever their fleets could carry
them, yet as soon as peace was made they would prove readily assimil-
able with their parent Malayan stock. This provides a sufi&cient expla-
nation why we find the most archetypal Malay at points so sundered as
*See note at end of chapter, p. 173.
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 173
the Malagasy of Madagascar, the Punans, Klemantans, and Kayans
of North Borneo, the several tribes of the Philippines, and why, in
conjunction with the most archaic Malay, we find equally the purest
preservation of the Polynesian.
In thus sundering the Polynesian from the Malayan, in estabhshing
the fact that they represent two families of speech of different grades of
development and not a single one, we shall work no harm to the science
of language. On the contrary the result should be most highly bene-
ficial, for it is always a relief to be rid of superstition and obsession in
any relation of life. Set free from its impossible association with the
agglutinative Malayan, the isolating Polynesian will stand forth as the
fit road along which investigation may trace its steps to a genesis of the
speech of man. The ultimate attainment of research into the modern
languages of the analytic type is to establish their groundwork in the
inflected tongues. The last point which the student of the languages
of inflection may attain is to connect them with yet earUer agglutinative
speech. So, too, with the student of agglutination, his analysis carries
him back to the yet simpler speech of isolation.
In like manner, in Hke measure, the investigator who begins on
this bottom level, makes his start in a family of isolating language —
what may he hope to reach ? Early in his course he will reach mono-
syllabism, a term frequently but erroneously applied to isolating speech.
After the monosyllable what is there? There is the vowel, and this is
in the speech of man because he is an animal and the unmixed vowel
is the whole speech of the beast. There is the consonant modulant
whereby man is learning to adapt animal speech to needs which the
beast can not feel. It is there that speech begins. Only set the Poly-
nesian speech free from the hindrance and the misleading of the
Malayan association, and the students of speech may press bravely
on to the discovery of the beginning of man speech.
I regard myself as singularly fortunate, I consider it a great factor in
the awakening of interest in the themes to which these studies of the Pacific
and Indian seas may lead, that there is an interlacing of the work of Captain
Friederici with my own. In this work I have made grateful use of his material
as enriching the phonetic studies presented in this chapter. Later in the serial
course of these studies I shall be under a great debt to him for clearing the
way in his briUiant research into the grammar of Melanesian speech. In
my volume The Polynesian Wanderings I was led to propose a second migra-
tion track of Polynesian migrants through Torres Straits. Just before this
chapter leaves my hand I am fortunately in receipt of his comment upon the
Viti Stream which I have proposed. It is published at page i6 of his third
volume, Untersuchungen iiber eine melanesische Wanderstrasse (1913).
"Nachdem somit in grossen Ztigen die ethnologischen und linguistischen Verhaltnisse
der vier Volkergruppen uberschaut worden sind, die durch die folgende Untersuchung
miteinander verbunden werden sollen, bleibt mir noch iibrig, kurz den Stand der AulTas-
sungen zu skizzieren, der zur Zeit des Erscheinens von Teil II dieser VeroffenUichung, also
im Marz 1912, von den Ethnologen und Linguisten in dieser Frage eingenommen wurde.
174 THEJ SUBANU.
"Nachdem man noch vor kaiini 50 Jahren jede melanesische Wanderung fiir hochst
unwahrscheinlich erklaren zu miissen geglaubt hatte, traten nach einem nicht unbretracht-
lichen Anwachsen unserer Kenntnisse iiber Ost-Neu-Guinea im Jahre 1889 zwei Ansichten
zugleich in die Offentlichkeit, von denen eine jede den richtigen Wanderweg der hier sitzen-
den Melanesier gefunden zu haben glaubte. Die eine stammte von E. J. Hamy, die andere
von Basil Thomson.
"Die von Thomson ist schnell erledigt. Wahrend die Motu und verwandten Stamme
selbst angeben dass sie von Osten kommend eingewandert sind, sagt Thomson dass sie von
Westen gekommen seien, also durch die Torres-Strasse. Ich wiirde diese durch nichts
gestiitzte nackte Angabe nicht welter angefiihrt haben, wenn nicht William Chiu-chill kiirz-
lich in einer umfangreichen Arbeit den Beweis erbracht zu haben glaubt, dass tatsachlich
ein von Westen kommender Wanderzug durch die Torres-Strasse gegangen sei und auf
diesem Wege die Neu-Hebriden erreicht habe. Churchill glaubt mit Hilfe sprachlicher
Untersuchungen zwei M. P.-Wanderstrassen aus Indonesien nach der Siidsee festgesteUt
zu haben, von denen die eine soeben genannt wurde, wahrend die andere nordlich um Neu-
Guinea, nordlich von Neu-Pommern durch den St. Georgs-Kanal nach den Salomonen ging.
Die Dampier- und Vitiaz-Strassen werden von ihm ignoriert. Es ist hier nicht der Ort
auf die Methode und Durchfiihrung der Arbeit von Churchill einzugehen; ich kann auch
nicht versuchen, den Beweis zu liefern, dass diese von ihm gewonnenen Ergebnisse nach
meiner Ansicht nicht richtig sind. Wenn ich jedoch nachweise, dass die Westlichen Papuo-
Melanesier von Britisch-Neu-Guinea durch die Vitiaz- und Dampier-Strasse gefahren sind,
imd dann von Osten kommend ihre neue Heimat an der Siidkiiste von Neu-Guinea erreicht
haben, dann beweise ich zugleich, dass diese Melanesier wenigstens nicht von Westen diu-ch
die Torres-Strasse gekommen sind, und ich beweise, dass es neben der Torres-Strasse imd
dem St. Georgs-Kanal noch ein drittes hochstwichtiges Einfallstor in die Siidsee gibt, namlich
die Meeresstrassen zwischen Neu-Guinea und Neu-Pommern.
Unter Heranziehung des damals ja nur sparlich fliessenden ethnologisch-anthropo-
logischen Materials, aber unter sachgemasser Ausnutzung desselben, weist Hamy in einer
sehr geschickten Abhandlung eine melanesische Wanderstrasse nach, die entlang der Nord-
kiiste von Neu-Guinea durch die Dampier-Strasse bis in den Louisiaden-Archipel zu verfol-
gen ist. Schon allein die Vernachlassigung dieser vortrefflichen Arbeit oder des in ihr
steckenden Materials, das er ja auch selbst hatte sammeln konnen, erscheint als ein Fehler
in Churchills Methode. Es ist iibrigens nicht allein Churchill dem diese verdienstvoUe
Arbeit entgangen zu sein scheint.
I am peculiarly grateful to Captain Friederici for his graceful note that
I am not the only student of the South Sea who has neglected to make the
acquaintance of Hamy's work. A circumstance may be mentioned in palli-
ation of my failure to see the migration possibility of Vitiaz and Dampier,
At the time when I was first familiarizing myself with the channels of com-
munication through Melanesia at a period considerably anterior to my friend's
acquaintance with the now well-policed waters of the Bismarck Archipelago,
this waterway between Neu-Pommern and New Guinea was a most forbidding
spot. Access to its northern portal was difficult, to its southern portal equally
hazardous, the strait itself was all but unknown and its reputation was of the
worst. As a navigator I formed a distinct impression of the imavailability of
the passage ; this impression has persisted into my later studies, this confession
resting more on the sympathetic than on the scientific order of thought.
I am very glad that Captain Friederici establishes this passage as the
third of the Polynesian highways. I am thereby better able to adjust in the
general scheme of travel the Polynesian content of Bonguand kindred languages
of German New Guinea, including therewith the interesting case of Mannam
Island.
Yet I do not consider that my theory of a Torres Strait fairway for Polyne-
sian migration is thereby contravened, nor does Captain Friederici make that
claim, for he speaks of the Dampier- Vitiaz as "noch ein drittes hochstwichtiges
Einfallstor in die Siidsee." I am glad to see that in writing for the Bulletin
of the American Geographical Society of Friederici's second volume I pointed
out that his record of the Barriai speech was suflficient to establish this strait
as an open highway to the Polynesian fleet.
J
POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 175
Whatever the decision may be at which we may arrive in advancing
knowledge as to the peophng of the Uttoral of British New Guinea, I do not
think that it will be necessary to regard Torres Strait as closed to Polynesian
migration. That view is held by Sidney Ray and expressed in his study of
the vocabulary material contained in Wollaston's "Pygmies and Papuans."
Yet from the coasts of that region, far to the west of the Gulf of Papua, and
for which no one would suggest a settlement from the east, I am finding sources
of the same Polynesian content in speech. Torres Strait lay invitingly open
before the fleeing Polynesians; we can see no reason why they should not
follow that course. I contend that we do find linguistic monuments of their
passage.
THE SUBANU
Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk
OF Mindanao
Part III.
Subanu-English Vocabulary
English-Subanu Vocabulary
A Partial Bibliography
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
a thou, (ga, iga, ya, nia, niya.)
dali a manece, go thou up hurriedly.
toma a lognio song neen, why blamest
thou him?
V ca, second personal singular pronoun,
nominative, always postpositive.
a- a composition prefix (Visayan ca-).
c. used singly :
abagol alisod atalao
abolo alongas atoc
abotang
h. in conjunction with suffix -an or -on;
abilingan alobungan atandanan
alanganan aloonan atapusan
alibutan amatayon atodanan
alipayan
aao cacao. (Spanish cacao.)
aaoan cacao orchard.
aba alas.
aba, abagol mo cogool, alas, what great
pain!
V abaa, interjection of grief or wonder.
abagol Cf. bagol.
abayo {cabayo) horse. (Spanish caballo.)
abilingan Cf. biling.
abolo Cf. bolo,
abotang Cf. botang.
agen I.
agom to enjoy.
pocagagom enjoyment.
V agom, to enjoy.
aguanta Cf. nocpigaguanta.
alaan adverbial modifier used with bisan to
convey the sense that the word with
which it is employed is used in a
sense absolute, see the same usage
of somala alandon.
pegotaran sog bisan alaan, headpiece,
caption.
alaik
alaik punanen, alaik sabab, why, rea-
son, cause.
alalaat mercy. Cf. laat.
V alaot, interjection of pain. ~-
alandon adverbial modifier in the sense of
alaan, used with somala and less fre-
quently with bisan, generally post-
positive, but sometimes precedes the
word or phrase which it modifies.
pocaoid somala alandon, to attach, to
seize.
di poggolat sog bisan alandon, to elimi-
nate.
somala alandon nong molingin, glo-
bular.
bisan alandon sogbobaan, to put into
a basket.
alanganan Cf. langan.
alibutan Cf. libot.
alipayan Cf. lipay.
alisod Cf. lisod.
alobungan Cf. lobung.
alongas Cf. longas.
aloonan Cf. loon,
amaaron Cf. aron.
amatayon Cf. matay.
amatene Cf. matay.
ambit to share.
pogambit to impart.
V ambit, to share, to hold in common, to
communicate.
ami we (exclusive).
Kolon: hami. Bima: nami.
amo you. (gamo, lamo, yamo.)
V camo, second personal pronoun pliu-al.
-an suffix, see a-, ca-.
anahau a tree whose long leaves are used in
religious dances.
anding goat.
V canding, id.
antocos spectacles. (Spanish anteojos).
Iberian barbarism has treated the semi-
vowel j after a manner which richly illus-
trates the possibilities of phonetic degra-
dation. In present Castilian, which is one
of the few languages of Europe which car-
ries the aspirate proximate to each of the
three speech organs, the j has an h value.
In Latin America and in California of our
own continental area an elder phase of the
Castilian, or a distinct Iberian dialect, has
prevailed, and we hear for j the compound
of palatal surd mute with the preface of
the palatal nasal, ngk; thus vulgo in Cali-
fornia Los Angeles has become Angkeles,
and San Jose, stopping a little short of the
bottom of the palatal column, is Sangk-
hose. Here, in dominions oversea which
we have acquired from the errant Spaniard
we meet once again this mutation clear
across the palatal tract; the point arising
in languages of less complex structure will
be found discussed at some length at page
20 of Easter Island.
antosan to bear, to endure, (gantoson.)
sogmolomo antosan, bearable, light.
V antos, to bear, to suffer.
ang an article.
V ang, nominative article of appellative
nouns.
angay to take, (gangay.)
pogangay nog rongog, slander, defama-
tion.
sogmogangay nog dongog, slanderer.
aoid to grasp.
pocaoid somala alandon, to attach, to
seize.
V haoid, to detain, to seize, to hold.
179
180
THE SUBANU.
apote {capote) coat. (Spanish capote.)
apote doon igbongcon noc ponopoton
nong moreipol gobonong mogonao,
greatcoat.
apujungal a forest spirit with the head of a
man on the body of a pig; it must
be propitiated by boar hunters.
aromanan a relative.
arugo oath.
aron like, similar.
tnoni aron noc taliaman, a spear.
maaron like, the same, identical.
mananap maaron nog osa, gazelle.
maaron nog leen noc pomotangon, iden-
tical.
hosi maaron noc talloma, javelin.
gondi maaron, disagreement.
di maaron, dissimilar.
pocomaaron, identity.
amaaron gosaca, identically.
nong maaron, imitation.
sogondaay tundongon noc pacanaoron,
delusive.
momaaron
mananap momaaron no guicos, civet
cat.
arunaan rich, wealthy, renowned.
V arunahan, rich.
asoang enchanter.
V asoang, wizard, ghost.
atalao Cf. talao.
atandanan (a : tondong : an, cf. atoda-
nan, tondong).
poctonian noc atandanan, to satisfy.
V catongdanan, that which is due.
atapusan Cf. tapus.
atoc (a : toe) to guess.
V tagna, to conjecture, to prognosticate,
to prophesy, to guess a riddle, to
solve a problem.
atodanan (a : tondong : an, cf. atanda-
nan, tondong).
V catongdanan, obligation, to owe; ton-
god, to belong, to pertain to.
atop roof. Cf. gatop.
poctolo nongog atop, to rain.
V atop, roof, thatch. Kayan : ato, thatch.
Bugis: atok, id. Samoa: ato, id.
atud (hatud) to carry.
pocoatud, carriage, transport.
sogmogatod, carrier, conductor.
V hatod, to carry, to bear.
au I.
ayac appetite, liking for food,
gayac affectionately.
gayac so gombagol, lovingly.
mayac to love.
molonto mayac, inclined to love, of a
loving disposition.
ang mayac, lover.
nogayac lovingly.
sognigasoy sonnem nogayac, a lover.
ba interrogative particle.
maligos ba tugaling, is he worse.
V ba, note of interrogation.
baa flood.
haa noc tubig, overflow of rivers, spate,
freshet.
V baha, flood, freshet.
baag loin cloth.
baal to make. Cf. balon, binaal.
pogbaal, to form, to shape.
socpogbaal, efficiency.
gaom socpogbaal, faculty of mind,
efficiency.
sogmigbaal nog balay, builder, archi-
tect.
socsocalhaalan, executable, susceptible
of being made.
bonoa noc pogbaalan, workshop.
baal to work in the fields, to till the soil,
Cf. balan, binal, beninalan.
moghaal lamo noc sulal, did you work
in the orchard?
moomogbaal, laborer.
nogmigbaal sog lopa, day laborer,
farmer.
sogmigbaal, laborer.
pogbaal somala alandon, to till the
soil.
sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang,
idler, vagabond, loafer.
V baol, to till the soil.
baalbaal Cf. balbal.
baangan to find, to meet, to encounter.
baat poghaat, to chain.
V pagbaat, id.
baba the edge of a knife.
baba the mouth.
tundong sa cabayo nga sangol sog baba,
bit.
V baba, mouth. Matu: baba, id. Kayan:
ba, id.
baba to carry by land.
This may be a scrivener's error for bala
to carry a load (Visayan bala in that sense) ;
at the same time it is equally possible that
it is Polynesian fafa to carry on the back.
baba down, under.
dien ha baba, from the bottom.
baboy pig.
baboy talon, wild boar.
baboy talon boloog, wild sow.
bool noc paa nog baboy, slice of pork.
laneg baboy, lard.
giiniid baboy, pork.
V baboy, pig. Bontoc Igorot: Jdfuy,
boar.
bacalan
libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina-
mog bata, a barren female.
bacoao heel.
badi a nervous spell.
badya the Visayan plow, a bent stick drawn
by carabao, not used by the Subanu.
baga lung.
V baga, id.
baga arrogant.
pocobaga, arrogantly, loftily, in a dis-
pleasing manner, offensive.
V pagcahobag, arrogant.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
181
baga live coals.
baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy, igni-
tion, combustion, burning.
pagbaga noc potao, to weld iron.
V baga, live coals.
baga the shoulder.
Bontoc Igorot: poko, id.
bagas Cf. begas.
bagas mais, meal, flour.
bagol large, great.
abagol
boligan nong nga abagol, a large wild
bee.
aba, abagol mo cogool, alas, what great
pain!
gom bagol
gayac so gonibagol, lovingly.
gontbagol noc palongan noc pogogasan
somala alandon, trough.
gotao gombagol noc sopingi, fleshy.
gotao noc socogan gopia gombagol nog-
lana, a person of great strength.
pogogovitan somala nog gare so gomba-
gol noc lonsod, language, idiom.
macabagol
macabagol noc tian, potbelly.
noctibagol
soc lupa noctibagol gutnale, glebe.
nogombagol
golo nogombagol, lintel.
milipay yo nogombagol, I am very glad.
liga nogombagol, blaze, fire light.
teguib nogombagol, a large chisel.
calaatan nogombagol, injustice.
domomog nogombagol, thick heavy lips.
sogmebagolan
sogmebagolan nog damomog, thick
lipped.
bahagi to part.
bahal
dangal bahal, a tree growing in the
center of the sea.
bahin part.
bai lady, princess (Moro).
bais (embais) beautiful, good conduct.
bakes a girdle.
bakes panit, a leather belt.
bal
bal nogondi socal so catorongan, injust-
ice.
pombaal, to bring false witness, per-
jury.
ponbaal, calumny.
balagon a vine.
balagon nog bolaan, a creeping vine.
V balagon, every kind of climbing vine
or plant which employs tendrils for
its support.
balan Cf. baal.
lopa nogompia balan, arable.
balan i
bato balani, lodestone.
V batong balani, id.
balat west wind.
balay house, building.
balay noc poctonaoan noc potao nog
melamogampa nog lupa, ironworks.
balay — continued.
lopa mogondapa balay gorocan bo po-
wo/onoM, uncultivated, uninhabited.
sogmigbaal nog balay, builder, archi-
tect.
gosog nog balay, head of household or
family.
gampu nog balay, settlement of four or
five houses, hamlet, village.
V balay, house, abode of man or beast.
balbal (baalbaal) enchanter.
V balbal, witch, wizard, ghost.
bale ah, alas.
balian (babalian,walian)men and women
who perform ceremonies in honor
of the gods; spirits of the gods.
bata balian, child spirits.
ball bad excuse.
V balibad, to excuse, to free of blame.
balidya to sell.
nocpogbalidya, factor, trader, mer-
chant.
V baligya, to sell, to trade by land or sea.
Bima: beli, to sell.
balidyaan
bonua nocpogbalidyaan nonogong ma-
noc, cockpit, place of betting on
fowls.
balilid to lie down, to recline.
baling a cloth girdle or belt.
baling somala alandon jabas matas bo
moloctin, bandage.
V baling, net of coarse texture.
balingawa spider.
Bontoc Igorot: kdaowa, id.
balingdagat shore, strand, seacoast. Cf.
dagat.
baled a wave.
pocdanlag nog balod, dashing of the
sea, surf.
V balod, waves of the sea or river.
baloganan
gabo pagbaloganan, fireplace, hearth.
balon Cf. baal.
malomo balon, feasible.
socsocalbalon, feasible.
sogsocalbalon, workable.
pocolomo balon somala alandon, ability.
balon provisions, food, ration.
V balon, provisions.
bales lie, untruth, fallacy.
pogdonot sogpoctoon nog balos soc poc-
cano, to be heathen.
tontoltontol balos nog mibatog sog lon-
sod, rumor, little tale, gossip.
pocbalos, to tell lies.
baleson impostor, cheat.
balu
balu nog lee, a widower.
balu nog lihun, a widow.
bata nog balu libun, a widow's son.
Kayan: balu, widow.
bandela banner. (Spanish bandera.)
sogmogoit nog iancfe/a, standard bearer.
bandi a jar.
bandian
lee nog bandian, a wealthy man.
182
THB SUBANU.
banig to soften.
banta enemy.
bantug fame.
bang
gat bang, to face.
bangitao alligator, crocodile.
V balanghitao, id.
bangot beard.
poggatad poctolin nog bangot, to get a
beard.
V bongot, facial hair.
bangon fine, blood money (Sulu).
barong fighting knife.
basa to read.
basa 6 sulat, to read.
maya nia ce pagbasa, read thou quietly.
V basa, to read. Bontoc Igorot : fasdek, id.
basa (bosa) to respect.
sogantol nog basa, irreverent.
pocgondaay basanon, irreverence.
pocbasa to respect.
basac mud.
socmoglerme nog basac, plasterer.
basacan mud.
basting a bell.
basu a cup.
basulan repentance. Cf. inunsulan, gui-
nonsola.
V basol, to repent.
bata child, offspring, son, daughter.
bata noc poraigon gopia bo longaran-
don, a spoiled child.
mitondong nog bata, juvenile.
libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina-
mog bata, a barren female.
panday negmegbata, midwife.
bata balian, child spirit.
bata ilu, orphan.
bata lagi, a small male child.
bata tubig, a creek, small stream.
bata bulan, new moon, the first eighth
of the moon.
gektu bata bulan, the second eighth of
the moon.
batabata a baby.
V bata, child.
batad a custom. Cf. batasan, botasan.
batang a log.
batang soong, bridge of the nose.
batangan
batangan laget, tobacco box.
batasan (batad) all the customs of a people.
socalan igbutasan, to abolish.
V batasan, custom, law, disposition.
batasan (bata) mischievousness.
bate brother-in-law.
batirol chocolate pot.
V batirol, id.
batit young of animals.
batit utung, young monkey.
batiti a large bat.
bato (batu) stone.
bato balani, loadstone.
nga binaal bato, to work stone.
V bat6, stone of every sort. Bontoc Igo-
rot: bato, id.
batog to call.
mibatog
tontoltontol balos nogmibatog sog lonsod,
rumor, gossip.
V batog, to accost, to call birds.
baton to educate. Cf. toonan.
V baton, id.
bawang a place.
bawang ec daan, doorway.
gampu nog bawang, village, hamlet.
baya manner.
baya gopia, gallantly.
baya no gotao, human.
palo baya, humbly.
sogombaya
sogombaya nog moloonnog magleinlein,
a relative.
bayad fright.
begas (begus, bagus), husked rice. Cf.
bagas.
begelal important men in a village.
begyaan cultivated field.
bekna first.
belagel shoulder-blade.
belema to-morrow. Cf. lema, luma.
belen loom.
belilu
gagun sinam belilu, sound of a gong
which summons the midwife to her
function.
belintis shinbone, tibia. Cf. lintisan.
bencong adze.
V bingcong, id.
beninalan (b : en : inal : an) cultivated field.
Cf. binal.
locao sog beninalan, cottage.
benoiran (b : en : oir: an) hill. Cf. bod.
atapusan sog benoiran, hilltop, summit.
bengawan (b : eng : awan) a place. Cf.
bawang, bunguan.
bengawan nog gobal, a place where
smoke may escape from a house, a
chimney.
biag servant, slave.
biag nog mitom, a black slave.
V bihag, a slave.
bibig lips.
bichara great conferences of the gods and
balian in the sky, or of chiefs on
earth.
bigibigi seed.
bila friend.
V abian, id. Kolon, Bima: bela, id.
bilibili deer, sheep, goat.
bilin inheritance.
socmicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi
socalpogboclagan, patrimony.
V bilin, inheritance, patrimony.
biling difficult.
abilingan (a : biling : an) difficulty.
sogondaay abilingan somala alandon,
easy.
nog abilingan nog micaolang, to facili-
tate.
V biling, difficulty, mistrust.
bilu blue. (? English.)
gabilunen (ga : bilu : nen) blueness.
SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY.
183
binaal (b : in : aal) to make. Cf. baal.
nga binaal bato, to work stone.
binabalay a large table or altar. Cf. balay.
binal field of rice paddy. Cf. baal, beni-
nalan.
V bad, a rice field.
binalan a field just cleared for cultivation.
binaya footprint.
bino wine. (Spanish vino.)
binagel sugar.
binocot monk, nun.
gosog sag binocot, abbess.
V binnocot, hermit, monk, friar.
binutong (b : in : utong).
soyon noc sulut binutong, emblem.
V ibotang, on one side and the other.
bingcon arm.
V bocton, botcon, id.
bingguil
nocmacabingguil sa gompia nog huot
poctobe, detractor.
biring domestic cat.
bisan adverbial modifier used with a/aan and
alandon, though, notwithstanding.
V bisan, though, notwithstanding.
bitegel necklace.
bitun a star.
genit bitun, a meteor, shooting star.
V bitoon, star.
bityala lawsuit.
biyanan the bit of a bridle.
bo (bu) or, and.
boangboang (buangbuang) imbecile, fool-
ish.
gotao nog boangboang, enchanted.
V boangboang, foolish, crazy.
boaya alligator, crocodile.
V boaya, id. Bontoc Igorot: fudya, id.
(loan word).
bobaan a small basket.
bobaan nog molipotot, a large round
basket.
bisan alandon sogbobaan, to put into a
basket.
bobo a fool. (Spanish bobo.)
bobonayan
bobonayan noc tondo, the space be-
tween the knuckles.
bocbaac a little green frog.
V baqui, a frog. Bontoc Igorot: fakfak, id.
boclag to separate.
boclag ondi somogot, defection.
pocboclag dispersion.
pocboclag soc gotao nga soay, divorce,
boclagon
socniicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi
socalpogboclagon, heritage, patri-
mony.
V bolag, to separate in general.
bocposon a little whelp, pup.
bocsoc nail, spike.
boctasan to hiccup.
pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc-
tasan, to pant, to palpitate.
bod a hillock or mound of earth. Cf. bulud,
benoiran.
bogay (bugay) to supply; a gift.
bogayan gaco noc tubig, give me water.
malibogayan giver.
pagbogay somala alandon, to form, to
shape.
socsocalbogayan nog ken, alienable.
bogguiong a trumpet.
V bodyong, id.
bogotondo knuckle. Cf. tondo.
bogogu ankle. Kolon: bungu, id. Bima:
bunggu, id.
bogondaay Cf. daay.
bogutao a boy at puberty.
boi to fire a cannon.
V bohi, id.
bold wages. Cf. buis.
gotao sogboid, day laborer.
Bontoc Igorot: ifu-bowis-an, taxes.
boktol rump.
bolaan
balagon nog bolaan, a creeping vine.
V bolacan, a climbing vine.
bolao red.
poctina noc bolao, to dye red.
V paolao, red.
bolibod crown of the head.
bolic poison.
bolig to carry by land.
V bala, id.
boligan a large fly.
boligan nong nga abagol, a large wild.
bee.
boligan macalintoc, a small wild bee.
Bontoc Igorot: faolengan, bumblebee.
bolit to varnish.
V bolit, id.
(bollo) pogbollo to tire oneself.
bolo ferocious, brave, courageous.
bolo tugaling, ferocity.
abolo
pocgangay noc capinlas abolo socog,
to enervate, to debilitate.
baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy, igni-
tion, burning.
pocabolo tugaling, inhumanly.
cabolo
cabolo so posong, courage.
macabolo brave, courageous.
(bolobod) sogmogbolobod revolving.
bolong to heal.
pomolanon pia nog bolong, gahum.
sogondaay bolong, irremediably.
pocbolong to cure.
bolong to abandon.
boloog a breeding sow.
baboy talon boloog, sow of wild swine.
boloy , , ,
galad nog llayan lanas socpogboloy noc
sura soc tubigan, a cane enclosure
for catching fish.
bombol fur, hair, feathers (not used of
human hair).
poctiibo sog bombol nog manocmanoc,
to become fledged.
bonal to smite, to strike, to beat.
pogbonal noc penoto, cutlass stroke.
V bonal, to beat.
184
THE SUBANU.
bondyag to baptize.
V bonyag, id.
bone germ, sprout, bud.
V binhi, id.
bono to kill.
malibonoay sog nga gombata nong
mieca, child-slayer.
sogmigbono, infanticide.
V bono, to assassinate, to slay.
bono (bunu) enemy, against.
bonoa place, land.
bonoa nog napo, field.
bonoa noc pogbaalan, workshop.
bonoa noc tubigan, puddle, marsh,
swamp.
nila bonua noc tiiian, beehive.
bonua nocolonan nocpoc tobora, a
spring.
hontia noc pogbalidyyan nongong ma-
noc, cockpit.
bonua nocpoc picnogan nog bonga,
place for ripening.
pogdolan nog biinua, to obscure the
land.
V banoa, banua, place.
bonoal town.
bontal full, replete.
bontol to beat.
pagbontol soc poloaponiopoion, to beat
cloth.
bonug to hear.
bong
labong yesterday.
lalabong afternoon.
V cahapon, yesterday.
bonga Cf. bunga.
bongcon
apote doon igbongcon noc ponopoton
nong moreipol gobonong mogonao,
greatcoat.
booc hair of the head.
gotao nong motaas nog booc, hairy.
caloonan nog booc, false hair.
boocan false hair, hairy.
V bohoc, hair of the head. Bontoc Igo-
rot: jook, id.
boocon to divide.
sogondi maimo guilaso boocon, indivis-
ible.
boogon
gaan noc potocon boogon noc tonob so-
mala ala^idon nong mobogbog, cakes.
bool
bool noc paa nog baboy, rasher, slice of
pork.
boot to judge. Cf. bout, buot.
malaat nog boot, hatred, displeasure.
colang sog boot, imbecile.
pocboot to govern.
magboot governor.
pogboot to command.
sogmogboot commander.
sopagboot nogogolingon, imperiously.
bootan judicious, ripe in judgment,
mature.
V boot, to judge; bootan, prudent, judi-
cious.
bores pregnant.
bosa Cf. basa.
bosacan to fall into a pit.
bosi spear.
bosi maaron noctalloma, a javelin.
bosi doon ec somagan, a lance.
bota a building.
botang condition.
abotang (a : botang) ease.
malaat no abotang, ill at ease.
V pagcabotang, manner of being.
botasan habit. Cf. batad, batasan.
sogmalaat nog botasan, rogue, swind-
ler.
mibotasan to accustom.
V pagbotasan, to accustom.
botis foot.
botomicaon boy. Cf. bata.
bout to desire, to like. Cf. boot, buot.
boutolon
pogosig noquito nocpogboutolon, howl-
ing of a dog.
bu (bo) and, or.
bual (bwal) a spring of water.
buanan fireplace, hearth.
buangbuang Cf. boangboang.
buat to emanate.
buat soc poglibon no gotao, venereal
disease.
pigbuatan soniala alandon, germ,
sprout, bud.
bugay Cf. bogay.
bui mountain, forest.
V boquid, mountain. Bicol: buquid, id:
Magindano: puked, id. Malay:
bukit, id. Cf. Samoa: pu'e.
buis (buhis) tribute, tax paid to chiefs.
Cf. boid.
pocstiquit noc paldon sogmigbuis, to
enroll in a census.
gantang buhisan, a basket measure of
rice.
Bontoc Igorot : fuys, taxes.
bukar a small table or altar.
bukid land, field, soil, farm, country (Taga-
log).
bukid na sinasaka, land under tilth.
buklug
a. A festival propitiatory of the gods or m
general celebration of some memo-
rable event.
buklug puluntu, festival for the aged
dead or for those long dead.
buklug pimala, festival for the young
dead or for those recently dead.
buklug timala, festival for the infant
dead or those dead but lately.
b. a dancing platform.
buksai war-cry.
buktin a sucking pig.
bulac flower.
V bolac, flower.
bulan moon, month.
bata bulan, new moon, first eighth of
the moon.
gektu bata bulan, second eighth.
gektu gulang bulan, fifth eighth.
SUBANU-EJNGI<ISH VOCABULARY.
185
bulan — continued.
minsan liu gulang bulan, sixth eighth.
manamat bulan, evil spirits which
cause the moon to disappear.
gelektu langit bulan, good spirits which
bring back the moon and keep its
face clear.
V bulan, bolan, moon, month. Bontoc
Igorot :/«an, buan, moon, month.
bulatuk a spirit bird that determines the
best site for a house; if the bird
perches on the beams of a new
house the site must be abandoned.
bulawan (buluan) gold.
bulinga egg.
bulud hill. Cf. bod. (b : ul : ud).
buludbulud hillock.
gabuludan (ga : bulud : an) hilly region.
bunu Cf. bono.
bunua Cf. bonoa.
bunga (bonga)
a. fruit.
bonua nocpoc picnogan nog bonga,
I place for ripening fruit.
h. areca palm nut used in betel chewing.
c. kidney.
V bonga, fruit.
bunguan gateway. Cf. bengawan.
buot (bout, boot) will.
paubos nog buot, discouragement.
colang sog boot, imbecile.
penonogonan sogogolingong nog buot,
abnegation.
culang nog buot, silly.
V boot, will.
buta to enroll.
pogbuta noc pegotaran noc suquit, to
enroll in a census.
V botang, to place, to deposit.
butaal wild boar.
butang to place, to put.
j 1 - pocbutang guison, to put into a basket.
I V botang, to place, to deposit.
buun a jar valued at 12^ piculs of rice.
buyo the leaf used in betel chewing.
buyun swollen neck, goitre.
ca- a composition prefix (Visayan ca-).
Cf. a-.
c. used singly:
cabolo calongas casamoc
calingin capintas
b. in conjunction with suffix -an or -on :
cabilinan camatayon casayoran
calaatan capolosan catorongan
caloonan
caban box, chest.
poquipos somala alandon soglogua noc
caban, to pack into a trunk.
V caban, chest, box, trunk.
cabayo (abayo) horse. {Spanish caballo.)
tundong sa cabayo nga sangol sog baba,
bit.
cabilinan Cf. bilin.
cabolo Cf. bolo.
(cabolong) poccabolong drunken.
cahoy tree.
camote cahoy, cassava.
V cahoy, tree.
calaatan Cf. laat.
(calauat) paccalauat to confess and take
communion.
V calaoat, to receive in general, specifi-
cally to take communion.
calingin Cf. lingin.
caliuanag Cf. liu.
caliiianag no calingin, warped.
calontinay a large fly.
calongas Cf. longas.
caloonan Cf. loon,
camatayon Cf. matay.
camote sweet potato. (Spanish camote,
Aztec camotl, Quichua kumar.)
camote cahoy, cassava.
cana to eat. Cf. gaan.
mi naan cayia, hast thou dined?
V canon, daily food. Bontoc Igorot:
kdnek, mdkan, mdngan, to eat.
capintas Cf. pintas.
capolosan Cf. polos,
capote (apote) cloak. (Spanish capote.)
poclabon sa capote, to cloak.
carongo arrival, coming.
casamoc Cf. samoc.
casayoran Cf. sayor.
casit to pass.
pocgondaay casit, impassable, impassa-
bility.
Vsaquit, to pass.
casoon
casoon guiadman, ability.
catorongan Cf. torong.
catubo Cf. tobo.
caya this, that.
ulimo caya, return that to.
V cana, this, that.
cisabaon Cf. sabao.
coendoc Cf. ondoc.
cogool pain.
aba, abagol mo cogool, alas, what great
pain.
V olol, pain.
colang (culang) to lack, to want.
colang sog boot, imbecile.
gongog culang nog buot, silly.
compinsal to confess. (Spanish confesar.)
pocompinsal, to make one's confession.
Vcompisal, id.
cone-no-gondao to-day.
conotconot to tuck.
ming conotconot da ig viste, to purse up
the gown.
V conot, to double, to fold.
congol to dwell.
picongolan habitation, dwelling, lodg-
ing.
pocongolan to inhabit.
song mopia pocongolan, habitable.
sogondaay pocongolan, uninhabited.
pocongolan nog nila noc tioan, queen-
bee cell.
186
THE SUBANU.
corala Cf. dala.
pagcorala deficit.
V pagcaoala, id.
cota (cotu) wall.
cota nog lombos lupa, a wall between
fields.
V cota, id.
cotat to swing, to move from side to side,
cotecote to weary, to molest.
V coticoti, to weary with unimportant
details.
cotooto the stomach.
V cotocoto, id.
culang Cf. colang.
cutao (cu : tao) iron. Cf. potao, tonaoan.
da no, not.
sogonda, not.
sogonda inog, unseasonable.
da
ming conotconot da tg viste, to purse up
the gown.
daag to gain, to win.
V daog, to win in battle.
daan road, path. Cf. dalan.
casayoran nog daan, itinerary.
baivang ec daan, doorway.
V dalan, road.
daan old.
lotang nog daan, ancient piece of ar-
tillery.
ponopoton nog daan, old ragged
clothes.
V daan, any old thing.
daap not yet. (Visayan pa, yet.)
ondaapa
golang guisip nogondaapa mobiaray,
unliquidated.
lopa mogondaapa balay gorocan bo
pomolonan, uncultivated.
ondaapa mooay, unliquidated.
daay no, none.
mananap nong mica daay ngalan,
animal which has no name.
daayron there is not. Cf. taron, I do
not know.
gondaay no, not.
gondaay soboton, idiocy.
gondaay gaom, idiocy.
bogondaay
gotao bogondaay gaom, idiot.
nogondaay
gotao nogondaay sabuton, idiot.
nogondaay masin, unsalted.
lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondo-
pondo, a plain.
pocgondaay
pocgondaay basanon, irreverence.
pocogondaay
pocogondaay sonan, ignorance.
pocogondaay gaom, ignorance.
sogondaay
sogondaay dason malaat pigondian,
unlawful.
sogondaay motagam, unskilled.
sogondaay tundongon noc pacanaoron,
delusive.
daay — continued.
sogondaay abilingan somala alandon,
easy.
sogondaay atapusan pingoc toban, un-
limited.
sogondaay pares, unequal.
sogondaay ig donia, unequal.
sogondaay gondoc bo atalao, intrepidity.
sogondaay sinonan, unskilfully.
sogondaay miiagam, unskilfully.
sogondaay pocongolan, uninhabited.
sogondaay bolong bo sopla, irremedi-
ably.
sogondaay pocpasaylo, irremissibly.
moggondaay
sog sondalo moggondaay abayo, in-
fantry.
sopoggondaay
sopoggondaay dason, illicitly.
dacsoc compact, solid, massive.
dacsoc soc sogod, to stow cargo.
V dinasoc, sohd.
dagat sea.
diuata dagat, a good spirit of the sea
but harmful if not properly pla-
cated.
piisu dagat, the navel or center of the
sea.
baling dagat, shore.
V dagat, sea.
dagel much.
madagel many.
magdagel very much indeed.
daghan to sell.
dagom indigo plant.
V tagom, id.
daig praise.
pogdaig to praise.
V dayig, id.
dala to carry.
V dala, to bear, to carry.
dala defection. Cf. corala.
V pagcaoala, id.
dalag yellow.
poti dalag, the dawn.
madalag (maralag) yellow.
dalaga girl, unmarried woman, maiden.
V dalaga, id.
dalan road, path. Cf. daan.
soc tondong nog dalan, itinerary.
V dalan, road. Bontoclgorot: djdlan, id.
dali quick, prompt.
dali a manece, go thou up promptly.
dali amo din amo manubua, ^ come
quickly for the hunt, ye spirits.
V dali, id.
dalinduman (d : al : indum : an) to re»
member.
V domdom, id.
dalomdom (d : al : omdom) memory.
pogdalomdom to imagine.
V panondoman, memory.
daluan hen.
daluaji libuyu, wild hen.
damdam grass mat.
damomog Cf. domomog.
danaan Cf. donaan.
SUBANU-ENGWSH VOCABULARY.
187
danao Cf. lanao.
danlag Cf. domanlag.
pocdanlag nog balod. dashing of the sea,
surf.
danol old ragged clothes. Cf. daan.
dangal
dangal bahal, a tree growing in the
center of the sea {pusu dagat).
dao to defraud, a thief, pickpocket.
mogdao a thief.
tnogdao motoo tugaling, a clever thief.
pigdaoan theft.
pogdao to steal.
sogmogdadao a thief.
sognietondong sogmogdadao, thievish.
V caoat, to defraud.
daoa a maize-like grain.
V daoa, id.
dapig faction.
V dapig, ally, partisan.
daro a plow, to plow. (? Spanish arar,
arado.)
soc lupa noc tibagol gtiinale ho semicoat
nog daro, glebe.
V daro, id.
daromog Cf. domomog.
dason lawful.
sopoggondaay dason, illicitly.
sogondaay dason malaat pigondian,
unlawful.
date rich, renowned.
V date, chief, rich.
datong
pagdatong arrival, coming.
datu (date) a chief.
datu tondo, second finger.
dawat dark water, ink.
dayandayan to embellish, to adorn.
V dayandayan, an ornament of any sort.
debaloy
polog sa goto debaloy bo debaloy, to nod
the head.
V sa luyo ug sa luyo (loyo), to one side
and the other.
deec
pogdeec to climb.
delengan a hearth or earthenware stove
used by the newly delivered mother
in order to " dry up the womb ;" the
patient lies for several days with
her back to the fire sufficiently close
to scorch the skin. The same prac-
tice has been noted among the
Kayan of Borneo.
deliai any moment of time.
deni (dini) here, hither. Cf. dien.
V dinhi, here.
deoata Cf. diuata.
depa a fathom.
di no, not.
di poggolat sog bisan alandon, to elimi-
nate.
di a moglingalinga soc simbaan, be not
disorderly in church.
di maliag song naan nong mogulang,
my parents do not wish it.
di — continued.
di motahap, intrepid.
di gusay, never.
di maaron, dissimilar.
disomama, dissimilar.
ondi no, not.
boclag ondi somogot, defection.
gondi
gondi gangay, disagreement.
gondi maaron, dissimilar.
gondi maglaro, impassable.
nogondi
bal nogondi socal so catorongan, injus-
tice.
socmicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi
socalpogbaclogan, inheritance.
pigondian
sogondaay dason malaat pigondian,
unlawfid.
pingondian dissent.
pocondi
pocondi maimo soc sala, impeccability.
pocgondi
pocgondi soc pinongi, denial.
sogondi
sogondi maglaro, impassable.
sogondi magalin, imperturbable.
sogondi maimo gantoson, insupport-
able.
sogondi maimo guilason boocon bo
suayon, indivisible.
sogondi maimo noc sala, impeccable.
sogondi maimo noc pasaylon, impar-
donable.
sogondi maimo nong morala, inde-
structible.
sogondi maimo pomagon, inflexible.
sogondi maimo posocliyan, immutable.
sogondi maimo uraman, immutable.
sogondi moctoo, inflexible.
sogondi mogbatic, impassable.
sogondi mayac moghaal moglanglaang,
idler, vagabond.
sogondi motaron, unlawful.
sogondi socalpasaylon, irremissible.
sogondi somoon, unskilled.
Bontoc Igorot: adi, no, not.
dialum within, inside, under.
dialum noc lubig, under the water.
Kolon, Bima: di, to, in, at.
dibabau on, upon.
dibahau palad, the back of the hand.
dibabau noc palapa, the instep.
dien there. Cf. deni.
dien iposay, there, behold I
dien ha baba, from the bottom.
dig
manunsuma dig nila, to eat wax.
dila tongue.
V dila, id. Bima: rem, id. Bontoc Igo-
rot: djtla, id.
dilo no, not.
dilo mopong, dissimilar.
Vdili, no.
din hunt.
dali amo din amo manubua, come
quickly for the hunt, ye spirits.
188
THE SUBANU.
dinamog
libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina-
mog bata, a barren female.
dinampak a jar valued at lo piculs of rice.
dine to be.
dini Cf. deni.
dinoksulan a large fire, a conflagration.
dipag across.
pagdipag soc suba so guset, to cross
rivers on floats.
V taboc, the other side, across the sea or
river.
dipuksaya a female spirit living midway
between heaven and earth, some-
times materializes as the birds tibo-
gok or guinagan.
diselum early morning. Cf. selem.
ditaas Cf. taas.
diuata (deoata, diwatta) god.
mangampon sog diuata, thank god.
soc mitondong nog deoata, idolatrous.
pocdiuata to pray.
poccadiuata divinity. (See dagat, Ian-
git, mamanua, matuhud, minubu,
mitubu, mogolot, sindupan.)
V dios, the true god; dioata, a false god,
idol.
In the Philippines, in whose tangle of
languages the word is of wide and general
distribution, it has been suggested that
diuata derives from Sanskrit deva. Not
only have we to bear in mind the fact that
eastward migration is contrary to the great
westward sweep of the Aryan folk, but
also that in Indonesia we can trace the
comparatively modern Indian influence
(circa 300 B.C.) only as far as Java. It
seems simpler to derive diuata from Chris-
tian effort through the Spanish dios. The
source remaining the same, it is far easier
for the Aryan folk to carry the word from
dyaus to Zeus and deus and by means of
dios in the westward sweep of the world
than to struggle against the current these
few eastward miles. The distinction made
by the Visayan is wholly artificial, and a
tenuous divarication.
doctoc to buffet.
dogo blood.
sogdogo flux, hemorrhage.
V dogo, blood.
doguian
gayo nog doguian, acacia.
dolan a cloud.
pogdolan to overcloud.
pogdolan nog bunua, to obscure the
land, to overshadow.
doma equal.
sogondaay ig doma, unequal.
domanlag
socdomanlag, one who makes impor-
tunate demands.
domangop (d : om : angop) to receive, to
grant asylum.
V dangop, id.
domomog (damomog, daromog) the lips.
songag domomog nogombagol bo marei-
pol, thick lips.
sogmebagolan nog damomog, thick
lipped.
donaan (danaan) palate, throat.
V toton, totonlan, id. |
donaoan puddle. Cf. lanao.
donding a mud or brick wall.
donini
paca momis donini, how sweet this is.
don lag the day after to-morrow.
Vdamlag, id.
donot to follow.
pogdonot sog poctoon nog balos soc poc-
cano, to be heathen.
V nonot, to follow one physically or
morally.
donggoan anchorage.
donggoan tugbungan, port, anchoring
ground.
V donggo, to anchor; donggoanan, an-
chorage.
dongog reputation. Cf. rongog.
sogmalaat bo mogangay nog dongog,
defamer.
V dongog, to hear, fame, reputation.
doon leaf.
doon gahon socpoctibooc no gatas.
galium.
V dahon, leaf.
doon to have, to be.
V dona, id.
dope (dupe) rain, shower, to rain. ;
dope nog guinanat, fine rain, mist. I
tubig nog dope, rainwater. '
pogdope shower, rain.
toon no pogdope marope, rainy.
pocodope shower, rain.
doque to thrust.
V sontoc, to thrust with a pointed weapon,
doro to suckle.
pagdoro nonga gombata, lactation.
sogmogdoro suckling.
doso to impel.
V doso, to stir, to push.
dosop Cf. sop.
dua two.
dua liu, the seventh eighth of the
moon.
duapulu twenty.
V doha, two. Bontoc Igorot: djua, id.
dubdub breast. Cf. gogdob, gedeb.
dubdub libun, breast of a woman.
dugnayan
dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiai-
guindog, gallantry, elegance.
dula saliva.
pocdula to spit.
V loa, saliva, phlegm.
dulud knee.
dulungan hen.
dunukun a cloth sieve.
dungus mountain.
gedungusan (ge : dungus : an) moun-
tain chain, range.
dupe Cf. dope.
SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY.
189
ec
bosi doon ec somagan, a lance.
nana ec pogulimo, when wilt thou go?
sapauan ec potao somala alandon, to gar-
nish with iron points.
bonua nocolonan nocpoc tohora ec ho poc-
tuan noc tiibig, a spring.
poctalo nogompia pinili ec talonong tnolomo
noc paglangay, fluent.
ecsipan nipple.
edob Cf. gogdob, gedeb.
embais (bais) beautiful.
empetek short.
tapis empetek, a short skirt, kilt.
gaan to eat, a meal, food of any sort. Cf.
cana, menaticaan, quinaan.
pagandam nog gaan, supplies, provi-
sions.
gaan noc potocon boogon noc tonob so-
mala alandon 7iong mobogbog, cakes.
V caon, to eat.
gabang to assist, to defend, to help.
sogicabang defense.
sogicagabang defensive.
mangangabang lawyer.
V tabang, to help, assist.
gabasan to cut.
gabe a tuber, edible when cooked; the taro
{Colocasia antiquorutn, Schott).
V gabi, a comestible root cultivated in
gardens.
gabiganen smallness.
gabilunen Cf. bilu.
gabit to speak.
pigagabit talk.
gabo ashes
gabo pagbaloganan, fireplace, hearth.
V abo, fireplace. Bontoc Igorot: tjapo,
ashes.
gabo event.
gabo name, our event.
soc tondong gabo nog mogonao, per-
taining to winter.
gabu gray color in the sky.
gabuludan Cf. bulud.
gaclop poultice.
V haclop, id.
gaco to me.
bugayan gaco noc tubig, give me water.
ganpo mo gaco, pray thou for me.
V aco, I.
gacsop
pocoocsop gacsop, imbibition.
gagao to snatch.
V pagagao, id.
gagda to impel.
V agda, to exhort, to inspirit.
gagen (gegen) windpipe, thorax.
gagimut root of a grass used as a medicine
in childbirth; it is boiled and the
decoction given to the patient just
after delivery.
gagoy soot.
sogmigagoyan sooty.
gagun gong. (Malay gong.)
gagun sinam belilu, sounds of the gong
which summon the midwife.
gahon
pomolanon doon gahon socpoctibooc no
gatas, galium.
gaitan to open a trail, path.
V gahit, gahad, pathway about a plan-
tation.
gakpis young.
gakpis malapati, a young tame pigeon.
galabao carabao (Tagalog), water buffalo.
galad fence.
galad nog llayan lanas socpogboloy noc
sura soc tubigan, a cane enclosure
for catching fish.
V alad, a fence, corral. Bontoc Igorot:
dlad, id.
galiyan a small canoe.
galonaonen Cf. lonao.
galuas a jar valued at i^ piculs of rice.
galubalu thumb.
galubalu gocsud, great toe.
galunawan a jar valued at 6 piculs of rice.
gama father.
gama nog gapo, great grandfather.
V amahan, father. Bontoc Igorot : dma, id.
gami we (exclusive).
gamo (amo) you.
guindog gamo, stand ye up.
V camo, you.
gampo to pray.
gampo mo gaco, pray thou for me.
mangampon
mangampon sog diuata, give thanks to
god.
V ampo, to pray.
gampu village. (Malay kampong.)
gampu nog balay, hamlet, village,
settlement of 4 or 5 houses.
gampu nog bawang, id.
gandang drum.
ganit skin (when removed from the animal).
Cf. panit.
gansur khaki color; kagansunen.
gantang a basket holding 2 quarts. (Ma-
lay.)
gantang pamukuan, a basket measure
of rice.
gantang buhisan, id.
gantingganting earring.
gantiu slack trousers in Chinese fashion.
gantoson to endure. Cf. antosan.
sogondi maimo gantoson, insupport-
able.
V antes, antosan, to bear, to suffer.
gangas forehead, brow.
gangay to accede, to agree. Cf. angay.
gondi gangay, disagreement.
gangay noc sabot, to accede, to agree.
lompoc gongaya, to unite.
pogangay to facilitate.
V angay, fit, just, right, agreeable.
gangay
gangay soc patal, to put balls on bulls'
horns.
pocgangay noc capintas abolo socog, to
enervate, debilitate.
V pagpahangay, to put balls on.
gangol wound, ulcer, sore.
pogangol to wound.
190
THE SUBANU.
eaom mind, knowledge, power.
gaom socpogbaal, cleverness, efficiency.
gaom noc motondong sogonauna, science
of ideas.
sogdoon ig gaom nog poglioat, genera-
tive.
pocogondaay gaom, ignorance.
gondaay gaom, idiocy.
gotao gondaay gaom, idiot.
gaoman power.
V gahom, power, strength.
gapal ship.
gapal layag, sailing vessel.
gapal gapoy, steamship.
gapetnen Cf. pet.
gapid twins.
Bontoclgorot: dpik, id.
gapo a parent's parent.
gaps nog lee, grandfather.
gapo nog libon, grandmother.
gama nog gapo, great-grandfather.
V apohan, grandfather, grandmother.
Kolon:ow^M, grandfather. Bima:
ompti, id.
gapog lime.
poglomi no gapog somala alandon, to
whitewash.
V apog, lime. Kolon: Mpu, lime, chalk.
Bima: afu, id.
gapoy fire.
baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy, igni-
tion, burning.
sogmogota nog gapoy, vomiting fire.
Bontoc Igorot: dpuy, fire.
gapud a stick.
gapulonen Cf. pulo.
gare a chief.
pogogovitan somala nog gare so gomba-
golnoc lonsod, idiom, language.
poggare to command.
V hadi, hari, king, to rule. Bontoc Igo-
rot: dli, king. Ilocano: dri, id.
gasa weak.
magasa to become weak.
V gasa, weak, thin.
gasa a cigarette.
gasa saguing, a cigarette rolled in
banana leaf.
gasalagnen Cf. salag.
gasi fermented rice beer.
minoma sog gasi, to drink rice beer.
pangasi rice beer.
gasintos collar.
V asintos, id.
gasol blue. (Spanish azul.)
gasoy to define.
V asoy, to explain, to define.
gatad to emanate. Cf. pegotaran.
poggatad poctolin nog bangot, to get a
beard.
sogmegatad initiative.
gatai the liver.
V atay, id. Bontoc Igorot: dtoy, id.
gataluknen Cf. taluk,
gatas milk.
tondong no gatas, milky.
pomolanon doon gahon socpoctibooc no
gatas, galium.
gatas — continued.
V gatas, id.
gatbang to face. Cf. tobang.
V pagatobang, id.
gatop (atop) roof.
poctolo nongogatop, to rain.
V atop, roof of leaves, thatch. Bontoc
Igorot: dtep, id.
gaui custom, habit.
V gaoi, custom, habit, quality.
gauid to govern.
magagauid governor.
gaus wealth.
magaus wealthy, rich.
gawal jacket.
gawas tight trousers in Sulu fashion.
gay a maternal uncle.
gayac Cf. ayac.
gayam dog.
gayo tree, wood, timber.
gayo nong motaas, beam, a large balk
of timber.
gayo nog doguian, acacia.
aloonan nog gayoonan, raft, wooden
float.
V cahoy, tree. Bontoc Igorot: kdyao, id.
gedeb chest. Cf. edob, gogdob, dubdub.
geding (kuting) cat.
gedungusan Cf. dungus.
geeg throat.
Bontoc Igorot: alogoog, id.
geg knife, general term,
gegbad
gegbad soong, interior of the'nose.
gegen Cf. gagen.
gektu
gektu bata bulan, second eighth^of the
moon.
gektu gulang bulan, fifth eighth^of the
moon.
gektu gondao, noonday.
geleg throat.
gelektu
gelektu langit bulan, good spirits which
bring the moon back_and;^keep its
face clear.
gelet following.
gelu pestle.
gemai boiled rice.
gemet finger. Cf. goyamet.
gemisnen Cf. mis.
genbet a thick coarse cloth used as armor.
Cf. kinopatan.
genenkan to run.
genit
genit bitun, shooting star, meteor.
geniya this.
genlit a small jar.
getomnen Cf. torn,
geyen he, she.
gibas areca nut slicedlfor betel chewing.
gibasgibas a mouse.
gibusibus breastbone.
giget bowstring.
gigus house cat.
giham mat (screwpine leaves).
gikud (gigud) tail.
gilay eyebrow.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
191
gilek armpit. Cf. guilid.
gilugu sister, brother.
gimukud Cf. guimud.
gina (ina, guina) mother, aunt.
V inahan, mother.
gineng half.
gineng gohii, midnight,
ginenga half.
ginenga minek gondao, afternoon.
gini this.
ginit (init) heat.
ginotau pupil of the eye.
ginubungan womb,
ginulai firewood.
gipianan Cf. pia.
gita (ita) we (inclusive).
gitit a young chicken.
giyud a small fish-net for one or two men.
goangai
goangai gocsod, small toe.
gobal smoke.
bengawan nog gobal, a place where
smoke may escape from a house,
chimney.
pocagobal much smoke.
sogmogombal smoky.
gobe sweet potato.
gobe mananap, sweet potato.
V gabi, an edible root much cultivated.
gobednarol governor. (Spanish gober-
nador.)
gobii night; calendar day, since time is
usually reckoned by nights.
gondao bo gobii, a day and a night, one
calendar day.
gineng gobii, midnight.
polupungobii evening.
V gabii, night.
goboc to run.
gobol gray. Cf. gobal.
mogobol gray hair.
kagobolnen (ka : gobol : nen) a gray-
haired person.
gobonong
apote doon ig bongcon noc ponopoton
nong moreipol gobonong mogonao,
greatcoat.
gobot factious, disorderly.
V gobot, to disorder, to entangle.
gocabgocab to fan.
goclac blaze, firelight.
gocsip a small wedge.
V sipsip, id.
gocsud the foot. Cf. pocsod.
galubalu gocsud, great toe.
goangai gocsud, little toe.
goyamet gocsud, a toe.
godaay (gondaay) Cf. daay.
godlod to hide.
gogba
gogba nog lupa, to survey boundaries.
gogbag to disjoin, to partition.
gogdan notched log used as steps to a house,
ladder.
gogdob (edob) chest, breast.
gogdob lee, breast of a man.
goglon deglutition, swallowing.
goguis white.
V ogis, id.
goit (quit) to carry.
pocogoit carriage, transport.
sogmogoit carrier, conductor.
sogmogoit nog bandela, standard
bearer.
socnaquit carried.
socsinipit socnaquit, carried in the
arms.
naquit
sogmocsogao nong naquit, weeper.
gola
gola maimo, to be able to contain.
golang
golang guisip nogondaapa mobiaray,
unliquidated.
golas sweat.
goiat
di poggolat sog bisan alandon, to elimi-
nate.
goles sand.
V balas, id.
golitao (go : li : tao) bachelor, unmarried
man.
V olitaoo, bachelor, less properly widower.
golo head.
golo nogombagol, lintel.
polog sa golo debaloy bo debaloy, nod
of the head.
goloan pillow.
V olo, head, top. Bontoc Igorot: olo,
head ; olaoan, pillow.
gomalin to admit to the house.
gombagol Cf. bagol.
gombata (go : mbata) children.
gomog (gomoc, gomot) hand.
soc pongol so gomoc, leprous (when the
hand is mutilated).
V camot, hand. Kayan: kama, id.
gomolang Cf. gulang.
gomot hatred, displeasure, to detest.
socalpoglogomutan, abominable.
V domot, hate.
gompia Cf. pla.
gompoti Cf. poti.
gompulo Cf. pulo.
gonagona idea, thought.
so gonagona, ideally.
pogonagona, to conceive an idea, to
think.
pagonagona somala alandon, to judge.
tontol nocpigonagona moc nga gotao,
fable.
poclabon sacquionaona, to dissemble.
gumauna, to remember.
pocolaen sa gunagona coendoc, amaze-
ment.
gunaguna, imagination.
sogmogunaguna, imaginative.
sogsocalgunagunaon, imaginable.
gonaguna, thought.
gaom noc motondong so gonaguna,
science of ideas.
pagonaguna, imagine.
V honahona, thought, reasoning power.
192
THE SUBANU.
gonas low tide.
poglogonas rising tide.
V honSs, low tide.
gonda gland.
gondaay Cf. daay.
gondao Cf. ondao,
gondemaqui
gondetnaqui nongog, enchanted.
gondi Cf. di.
gondoc Cf. ondoc.
gonlo enchanter, wizard.
V onglo, wizard, witch.
gonom six.
gonompulu sixty.
V onom, six. Bontoc Igorot: imw, enim,
. id-
gonopo cousin.
gonos (gounos) blow as wind.
gonos nong marisa, bad weather, gale,
tempest, storm.
Vonos, gale.
gonto to hiccup.
V pagonto, id.
gonu
poctobo soc gonu soc mga lee, to have a
beard just growing.
gongaya to unite.
gongean deficit.
gongog fool, enchanted.
gongog culang nog buot, silly.
inongogongog, foolish in act or speech.
V hongog, fool.
gooay rattan.
Vooay, id. Bontoc Igorot: wiie, id.
good near.
pogood, accessible.
V dool, to draw near.
goot Cf. goit.
pogoot to carry in a cart.
V hacot, id.
gopa bagasse.
V opa, id.
gopao to grow bald.
V opao, bald.
gopia Cf. pia.
gopia very, a superlative.
motaas gopia, elevated.
menaticaan no came inoctod gopia,
minced meat.
hata noc poraigon gopia, spoiled child.
gotao noc socogan gopia, a person of
great strength.
goroc to sow seed.
lopa mogondaapa balay gorocan, un-
cultivated.
gosaca very.
amaaron gosaca, identically.
gosay order.
sogindagosay imperturbable.
paggosay to judge.
pagusay counting.
V hosay, to set in order, to solve riddles.
gosig to bark.
sopoggosig no quito, barking.
socmoggosig maloong, barker.
pogosig no quito noc pogboutolon,
howling of a dog.
V osig, to bark.
gosinS a temporary house used in childbirth.
gosod to obey.
socsomocol so nga gosod, dissenter.
V sogot, to obey.
gosog chief.
gosog sog hinocot, abbess.
gosog nog lonoon, a chief.
gosog nog balay, head of the house-
hold.
gosomnen Cf. som.
gotao (gutao) (go : tao) person, man.
buat so poglibon no gotao, lues venerea.
pocboclag soc gotao nga soay, divorce.
picponnongan nonga gotao, a crowd.
mitondong no gotao, human.
poglogotaoan
poglogotaoan pisala noc paroquia,
parishioner.
gounos Cf. gonos.
govitan
pogogovitan
pogogovitan somala nog gare so gomba-
gol noc lonsod, language.
pogovitan
pogovitan nog latin, identical, the
same.
goyamet finger. Cf. gemet.
goyamet gocsod, a toe.
Bontoc Igorot : komaot, id.
goyan to accede, to agree, to pay deference.
pegoyonan (pe : goyon : an) accord,
resolution.
V oyon, id.
gua outward.
sa gua, outwardly, externally.
V goa, far; sa goa, externally.
guak (quak) the crow. Cf. gwakgwak.
gubat war.
V gobat, to make war.
guda horse.
gugat vein, artery, blood vessel.
Bontoc Igorot: uad, vein, artery.
guging rump.
gui- verb-formative prefix.
V gi, gui, a particle which forms passive
verbs in the present or preterit.
guiadman Cf. doma.
casoon guiadman, ability.
guibid iguana.
V ibid, id.
guibog appetite.
guibogan fguibog : an) dainties.
V ibog, id.
guicoran (gui : cod : an) chair. Cf. guing-
cod.
V lingcodan, bench, chair.
guien he, she.
mipanas guien, he has fever.
tauago mo guien, call thou him.
posoloron mo guien, tell him to come
in.
V guini, he, she.
guilan they.
posobaton mo guilan, make them
answer.
lompoc nga gotao nog minalsa guilan
somocol noc ponuan, faction.
V sila, nila, iia, they.
SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY.
193
guilas share.
pocguilas to distribute.
sogondi maimo guilason, indivisible.
guilat to lighten.
V quilat, lightning.
guilid flank, side.
pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc-
tasan, to palpitate, to pant.
V quilid, id.
gulling to imitate.
sopoconongguiling, imitation.
sogmonongguiling imitator.
pocponongguiling
pocponongguiling noc pomotangon nog
megleenleen pocomotood, to identify.
socsocalpononggulingan, imitable.
guilos cat.
mananap momaaron no quilos, civet.
V iring, iding, id.
guimood
laroon nog guimood, ulcer, wound,
sore.
guimud (gimukud) that soul which lives
under the crown of the head and
never dies.
guinagan a bird in which the female spirit
dipuksaya sometimes materializes.
guinago
pocponong sotnala alandon guinago, to
form, to fashion.
guinale
soc lupa noctibogol guinale, glebe.
guinanat
dope nog guinanat, fine rain, mist.
guinaoa
a. the breath.
b. that soul which lives in the breath and
dies with the body.
pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc-
tasan, to pant, palpitate.
V guinhaoa, breath.
guindog to stand.
guindog gamo, stand ye up.
poguindog to step on.
V tindog, to stand, to be erect.
guinocsip adzing.
V sinapsap, chips, splinters; sapsap, to
work wood with adzes. Bontoc
Igorot : sapsap, shavings, chips.
guinogdoban hysterical.
guinolal
sog tinangonan noc sa lamin guinolal
antocos, spectacles.
guinom to drink. Cf. gunimom, poinom.
V inom, id.
guinonsola to repent. Cf. inunsulan,
basulan.
guinonsola soc posong, repent with all
your heart.
V hinoisol, id.
guingcod to be seated, to sit.
poguingcora sit you down.
V lingcod, id.
guionaona Cf. gonagona.
guipos (ipos) to look.
guiscuelaan (g : escuela : an) school.
(Spanish escuela.)
guiscuelaan noc poctoonan, school.
guisip to count.
golang guisip nogondaapa mobiaray,
unliquidated.
paguisip counting.
V isip, to reckon, to number.
guisoc
megolos guisoc, to fly into a rage.
guison to put into.
pocbutang guison, to put into a basket.
guison bisan alandon sog bobaan, to
put into a basket.
pogguison soc bariles, to put into
barrels.
guit Cf. goit.
guito (ito) dog.
bata ito, puppy.
pagosig no guito nocpogboutolon, howl-
ing of a dog.
sopoggosig no guito, barking.
V ido, dog.
gulai chief of the diuata langit.
gulang (golang) old.
gektu gulang bulan, the fifth eighth of
the moon.
niinsan liu gulang bulan, the sixth
eighth.
magulang old, aged.
mogulang parent, elder.
gomolang (g : om : olang).
gotao no gomolang, old man.
gomolanggolang, of ripe age and under-
standing, mature.
V golang, elder brother, any person past
middle age.
gulen a large jar.
gulingan Cf. gulling,
gulipun (ulipun) slave.
gulu teacher.
gululu an herb medicine administered in
childbirth.
gulungan cage.
Bontoc Igorot: kolong, cage, chicken
basket.
gumanoc egg.
sumada na gumanoc, to eat the egg.
gumang hermit crab.
gumauna Cf. gonagona.
gumi hair on lip and chin, beard.
gum pan bait.
gumut a heavy article of clothmg like a
blanket.
gunagona Cf. gonagona.
gunaguna Cf. gonagona.
gunimon drink. Cf. guinom, poinom.
gunsulaki a jar valued at 32^ piculs of rice.
gunsulee a jar valued at 150 piculs of rice.
gunud meat.
gunud galabau, beef.
gunud baboy, pork.
guroc to plant.
gusa Cf. osa.
gusay always.
di gusay, never.
guset a raft.
pagdipag sac suba soguset, to cross
rivers on floats.
gusuk a rib.
gutao Cf. gotao.
194
THE SUBANU.
gutek the thinking power, thought, reason,
brain.
Bontoc Igorot: iltek, brain.
gutung (utung) monkey.
guyo to urinate.
gwakgwak flying spirits of evil (manamat)
human in size, feed on men. Cf.
guak.
gwasay a grubbing mattock; blade 13 inches
long, 5 inches wide at the cutting
edge and tapering back to about
an inch, helve very similar to the
American axe; axe.
Bontoc Igorot: wdsay, axe, adze.
hatud Cf. atud.
hilamon a digging knife, smaller than the
pes.
huopongon
songa gotao aron huopongon, to form.
ica
V ica, ig, a particle of future passive
verbs.
icagabang Cf. gabang.
ictubig Cf. tubig.
'2 ...
ming conotconot da tg viste, to purse up
the gown.
iga thou.
igbongcon Cf. bongcon.
igbutasan Cf. batasan.
igdoma Cf. doma.
iggaom Cf. gaom.
iglanas Cf. lanas.
Iglua Cf. lua.
iguen to impel.
iin he, she.
ilan they.
ilig
sogpacailig leaning, inclination to one
side.
ilu
hata ilu neg libon, orphan girl.
impit exactly.
V hingpit, exactly, perfectly.
imud
imud soong, septum of the nose.
ina (gina) mother, aunt.
JBontoc Igorot: ma, mother.
inangkag dried.
inangkag seda, dried fish.
inda no, not.
soginda gosay, imperturbable.
indamanta let us try.
init (ginit) to heat.
ininit heat, warm.
panas minit, to be feverish.
minit togaling, very warm, hot.
pacpinit to warm.
V init, mainit, minit, id.
Inobangan to defend. Cf. gabang.
inoctod
menalicaan no came inoctod gopia,
minced meat.
Inog ripe, mature.
sogonda inog, unseasonable.
inog — continued.
pacainog ripeness, maturity.
picnogan
bonua nocpoc picnogan nog bonga, a
place for ripening.
sogmecpeinog that which ripens.
V hinog, ripe.
(inom) poinom to drink. Cf. guinom,
minoma.
pocpoinom nong milo, to give poison.
V inom, to drink. Bontoc Igorot: Inumek,
mainum, manglnum, id.
inongogongog Cf. gongog.
inu spinning room.
inunsulan (guinonsola) to repent. Cf.
basulan.
ipos (guipos) to look.
mita ipos, to see at a distance.
dien iposay, there, behold.
isa one.
ita (gita) we (inclusive).
ito Cf. guito.
jabas
baling somala alandon jabas matas bo
moloctin, bandage.
ka- prefixed to cardinal numerals forms
ordinals.
Malay: ka, id.
kagobolnen Cf. gobol.
kaingin forest land cleared and burned over
for plantations.
Mindoro: caingy, id.
kakud a jar valued at 12 J piculs of rice.
kalamonte the golden scepter used by the
guardian spirits of property.
kalau the hombill. _
kaliguan a jar valued at 125 piculs of rice.
kanuku finger nail.
Bontoc Igorot: koko, nail.
kinopatan cloth. Cf. genbet, ponopo-
ton.
kisanggulang the fighting knife of a giant.
kogon a grass of rapid growth, 6-8 feet high.
koingai little finger.
kulagu hair of the body.
kulambu mosquito bar. (Sulu.)
kulis the lines of the palm.
kulintangan a musical instrument of nine
small gongs on a wooden frame.
kumpau a fathom.
kumpau matagas, a measure of value
of gongs, jars, brasses and durable
goods, twice the value of malinnt.
kumpau maliniU, a measure of value
of cloth and perishable goods.
kundungan a jar valued at 7^ piculs of rice.
kutapi a musical instrument resembling a
guitar with hemp strings.
kuting (geding) cat. (Sulu.)
laang to walk.
moglanglaang
sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang,
idler, vagabond.
V lacat, to walk.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
195
laat bad.
calaatan (ca : laat : an) wrong.
calaalan nogomhagol, injustice.
malaat bad, ugly, iniquitous.
malaat nog boot, hatred, displeasure.
malaat nog palag, misfortune.
malaat no abotang, ill at ease.
malaat tugaling, evil-doer, corrupt.
nogmalaat fallacy.
moglaat prejudicial.
poalat wickedness.
poglaat to damage.
nog metagam nog /)og/aa^,mischievous-
ness.
sogmaglaat nog dongog, slanderer.
sogpacalaat tugaling, iniquitously.
V daot, bad.
iabanan to aid, to assist, to help.
V laban, to intercede for another, to
acquit of blame.
iabian
mga gotao socalpalalabian, rabble.
j palalabe to abuse.
I V labi, superior, more than, pride.
labo
pocolabo to fall.
labon to cover.
poclabon to garnish with iron points.
poclabon sac guionaona, to dissemble.
poclabon sa capote, to cloak.
V labon, to cover over.
labong yesterday.
labong ec labong, day before yesterday.
labuyu Cf. libuyu.
ladawan image, picture.
laen different.
pocolaen sa gtinagona, amazement.
V lain, distinct, different.
laga price.
pacponoog sog laga, to cheapen.
pacpalaga somala ala7idon, to estimate.
Bontoc IgoroV. Idgo, price (from the pur-
chaser's point of view).
laget a chewing mixture of tobacco, areca
nut and betel leaf.
batangan laget, tobacco box.
lagi husband, male. Cf. lee.
bata lagi, a small male child.
sapi lagi, ox.
V lalaqui, male, man. Kayan: laki, el-
derly man. Tagalog: lalaqui, male.
Bontoc Igorot: laldki, id. Malay:
lakilaki, man. Java: laki, man.
Macassar : laki, manly ; kalaki, man.
I ages
malagos lean, thin. (malangas,
Christie.)
naa malagos tugaling, yes, he is worse.
lagoy to scatter.
poclagoy dispersion.
V pagcalaguio, dispersion.
laguas petticoat. (Spanish enaguas.)
lainpai small plate, saucer.
lagagunum a war chief of several settle-
ments.
lakas a cigarette.
lakas mats, cigarette wrapped in com
(maize) husk.
laknit a small bat.
lalabong afternoon. Cf. bong,
lalag Cf. dalag.
lalas hot.
malalas hot, peppery, pungent.
lalis to wrangle, to fight, to be obstinate.
malali yamo mocsasa, be you quiet.
malalison factious, quarrelsome.
V lalis, to contradict, to argue, to plead,
to fight.
lamin
sog tinangan noc sa lamin guinolal
antocos, spectacles.
lamnen all, everything. Cf. lonan.
lamo you.
magbaal lamo noc sulal, did you work
in the orchard?
Vcamo, id.
lamot to play. Cf. megleymet.
lana
gotao noc socogan gopia gombagol nog
lana, a person of great strength.
lanao (danao) lake, marsh.
miglanao ic tubig, lake.
V lanao, danao, lake, marsh. Bontoc
Igorot: tjdnaom, water.
lanas
dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiai-
guindog, elegance, gallantry.
galad nog llayan lanas socpocbolog noc
sura soc tubigan, a cane inclosure
for catching fish.
I an ay an a young sow.
landasan a sketch. Cf. laraban.
laneg lard.
laneg baboy, lard of the wild hog.
Bontoc Igorot: lanib, lard.
lankep embroidery.
lansang nail, spike.
V lansang, id.
lansuk candle.
lantaka cannon.
lanut hemp, fiber, jute.
langaan door.
langag throat.
langag a bird which builds a sand mound to
cover her very large reddish egg.
langan to delay.
alanganan (a : langan : an) to delay.
V langanlangan, to interrupt, to stop
work, to delay.
langau a fly.
V langao, every species of fly.
langay
poctalo nogompia pinili ec talonong
molotno noc paglangay, fluent.
langit sky.
diuata langit, good spirits of the sky
who drink only spring water.
gelektu langit bulan, good spirits of
the moon.
V langit, sky.
laraban (? laraoan) Cf. landasan.
laraban nga ologan somala alandon,
emblem.
V ladaoan, image, picture.
lare king. Cf. gare.
V hari, id.
196
THE SUBANU.
laroon sickness.
laroon nog guimood, ulcer, wound,
sore.
laroon migalin, syphilis. _
laronon (laro : n : on) sick.
maligat nogpog laronon, he is very
sick.
lasag a shield. . . ^ , .
Ilocano: kaldsag, id. Bontoc Igorot:
kaldsay, id.
latin the same. .
pogovitan nog latin, identical, the same.
V linatin, identical.
lauas body.
V laoas, id.
layag a sail. •, tvt i
Tagalog, Pampangas ; layag, id. Malay :
layar, id. Cf. Samoa, la.
layo distant.
malayo far.
V layo, at a great distance.
lee man. .
lee nog tapolan, rogue, swmdler.
babi nog lee, widower.
tiuan nog lee, drone.
gaps nog lee, grandfather.
V lalaqui, male, man. Malay laki, male,
man, married man.
leeg (leg) neck, throat, front of the neck,
(gleeg, Christie.)
V liog, neck, throat.
leen Cf. laen.
socsocalbugay nog leen, alienable.
maaron nog leen noc pomotangon,
identical.
leenleen men, people.
V lainlain, id.
leg Cf. leeg.
legdey jacket.
leinlein Cf. leen.
sogomhaya nog moloon nog magleinlein,
a relative.
V calainan, difference.
lelenaan bottle.
lelenguan joint.
leletek hollow under the knee. Cf. taktuai.
lema to-morrow. Cf. luma, belema.
lepet meal, ground grain.
lerme (? lomi) to spread.
socmoglerme nog hasac, plasterer.
leyag Cf. Hag.
liag happy.
maliag to wish, to like.
di maliag song naan nong mogulang,
my parents do not wish it.
Malay: nya, joy. Formosa: mc, id.
llbac fault-finding.
poglibac slander, calumny.
V Hbac, to criticise, to detract.
libaliba to astonish.
poclibaliba, id.
libang to embarrass.
V libang, id.
libang to hush children.
V libang, id.
libon Cf. libun.
1 ibon compact, solid, massive.
libongan peaked house-ridge.
V ibobongan, ridgepole; bobong, thatch.
libot around.
poglibot so nga linonsoran, to measure
around.
alibutan (a : libut : an) the world.
malipotot (maliputut) round.
V libot, to encircle, to surround, to go
around.
libun (libon, libong) woman.
libon noc poloponan, pregnant.
bata nog balu libun, a widow's son.
balu nog libon, widow.
ponopotan sapis soc nga libon perealon
sogduma noc tapis, skirt.
buat socpog libon no gotao, lues venerea.
libong noc tobon nog dinamog bata,
barren woman.
libut Cf. libot.
libuyu (labuyu) wild.
limansud libuyu, wild cock.
daluan libuyu, wild hen.
liga flame.
liga nogombagol, blaze, firelight.
V siga, a flame, to blow a fire.
ligo to bathe.
poligo id.
V ligo, id.
liingan the acts which are prohibited to
widowers and widows.
liluk tattooing.
lima five.
limapulu fifty.
V Bontoc Igorot, lima, five.
limalima a jar valued at 5 piculs of rice.
limansud domestic rooster.
limansud libuyu, wild cock.
limayas a smooth spear head.
limbong to defraud. Cf. lingbon, linun-
bogan.
sogniicalimbong delusive.
molimbong impostor.
V limbong, to rob, to defraud, to cheat,
to trick.
limukun a bird of evil omen; when seen or
heard it postpones work.
linagami (1 : in : agami) wild spinach.
V dagami, straw, stubble.
linao fair weather.
V linao, id. Sulu: malano, id. Bontoc
Igorot: alinoao, shade.
lines (1 : in : es) to dissolve.
poglines sog quinaan, digestion.
poglines somala alandon sog tobig sog
vino, to dissolve.
V hilis, to digest, to dissolve.
linok bay, gulf.
linonsoran Cf. lonsod.
lintisan the leg below the knee, shin. Cf.
belintis.
lintisan sising, a ring for the shin.
lintoc
boligan macalintoc, a small wild bee.
linug earthquake.
linunbogan (1 : in : unbog : an). Cf. lim-
bong.
soglinunbogan sogpiglologosogan, de-
luded.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
197
lingalinga to distract.
di a moglingalinga soc simbaan, be not
inattentive in church.
V lingaolingao, to distract, to divert
attention.
linganay bell.
V linganay, id.
lingbon fallacy. Cf. limbong.
linggit arm ring.
lingin rounded, bent, globular, spherical.
calingin (ca : lingin) to twist.
caliuanag no calingin, warped.
somala alandon nong molingin, glob-
ular.
V lingin, rounded, twisted.
lingulingu a jar valued at 12^ piculs of rice.
lioat to procreate.
sogmoglioat generating.
sogdoon ig gaom nog poglioat, genera-
tive.
V lioat, to have descendants, to descend
from.
lipay to be happy.
alipayan (a : lipay : an) joy, happiness.
malipay (ma : lipay) happy.
long na malipay, why are ye merry?
milipay enjoyment, to comfort.
milipayyo nogombagol, I am very glad.
V lipay, to be happy, contented, to re-
joice, to comfort. Bontoc Igorot:
paley-atjek, to make glad.
lipu arrow.
lipu pana, id.
lisan a metal scraper.
lisod difficult.
alisod (a : lisod) misfortune.
V lisod, calisod, difficulty, misforttme,
inconvenience.
litobong a blow, stroke.
V hagbong, id.
liu Cf. caliuanag.
tninsan liu, third eighth of the moon.
minsan liu gulang bulan, sixth eighth
of the moon.
dua liu. seventh eighth.
Hut left.
bingcon dig Hut, left arm.
llayan canes.
Vcaoayan, id.
load a cocoanut shell used to stir boiling
rice.
lobung to bury.
alobungan (a : lobung : an) a grave.
poclubung to bury.
V lobong, to bury.
lobungan supper, evening meal. Cf . bong.
locao (lucao) (? Spanish lugar.)
locao sag beninalan, cottage.
pacpanilong sag locao, to withdraw
into barracks.
locpog to pound, to bruise.
pocalocpog pounding.
locud Cf. logud.
log
pocolog to move.
pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc-
tasan, to pant.
log — continued.
polog sa golo debaloy bo debaloy, nod of
the head.
V lihoc, to be uneasy, ill at ease.
logalin (log : al : in)
paglogalin to alter.
V lain, different; paglain, to alter.
logmo to blame.
toma a logmo song neen, why blamest
thou him?
logoc bay, gulf.
V looc, id.
logong to thunder.
V logon, id.
logua
poquipos somala alandon soglogua noc
caban, to pack into a trunk.
logud (locud) back.
V licod, id.
lolan load (of ship, cart, beast of burden).
poclolan somala alandon, to ship cargo.
V lolan, load.
lolat to hope.
V holat, id.
loletoec a bird.
V toad toad, a bird which continually
nods its head.
lolid to fall into a pit, cripple.
V lolid, cripple.
lologosogan deluded.
lombo fat.
malombo (ma : lombo) fat.
poclombo to grow plump.
lombos to divide, to separate.
cota nog lombos lupa, a wall between
fields.
lomi to varnish. Cf. lerme.
poglomi somala alandon, varnishing.
poglomi no gapog somala alandon, to
whitewash.
lomo able, easy.
molomo easy.
molomo mayac, inclined to love.
poctalo nogompia pinili ec talonong
molomo noc paglangay, fluent.
pocolomo facility, easiness.
pocolomo balon somala alandon, ability.
sogmolomo easy.
sogmolomo antosan, light, bearable.
sogmolomo moc sogao, weeper.
lomo to educate.
lompoc to gather, to accumulate, to unite.
V tapoc, id.
lonan all, every. Cf. lamnen.
lonao green.
malonao (ma : lonao) id.
galonaonen (ga : lonao : nen) green
things.
V lodhao, green (color).
lonoon
gosog nog lonoon, a chief.
lonsod (lunsud) village, region, country.
tontoltontol balos nog mibatog sog lon-
sod, rumor, gossip.
Pogogovitan somala nog gare sogom-
bagol noc lonsod, idiom, language.
linonsoran (1 : in : onsod : an).
198
THE SUBANU.
lonsod — continued.
poglibot so mga linonsoran, to measure
around.
V longsod, \-illage, town, any place of
human residence.
longarandon
bata noc poraigon gopia ho longaran-
don. spoiled child.
longas pretty.
alongas to embellish.
malongas (malungas) beautiful, good,
paalongas kindness.
looc lungs.
lood
poclood to kneel.
\' lohod, id.
loon much, many.
pocoloon, id.
pocoloon noc sabao, succulence, juici- j
ness.
Vdaghan, much, many,
loon to place.
aloonan nog gayoonan, raft, wooden
float.
caloonan a bunch of flowers or fruit on
one stalk.
caloonan nog booc, false hair.
caloonan somala alandon noc tinongol,
spun fiber.
socpocoloon mepono, a filler.
\' loon, to place, to set some things on
others.
loonan a crowd,
loop to fill.
V locop, id.
loot a knife used by women.
lopa ^^lupa"* earth, land, soil.
nogmigbaal sog lopa, a day laborer.
lopa nogompia balan, arable.
lopa nong tiapo nogondaay magpondo-
pondo, a plain.
lopa mogondaapa halay gorocan bo
pomolonan, uncultivated.
cota nog lotnpos lupa, a wall between
fields.
soc lupa noctibogol guinale, glebe.
lupa nong morotnos, a marsh.
gogba nog lupa, to establish bounda-
ries.
\' lopa. earth, world.
lopong exact, just.
somoglopong equalizer.
sopoceglopong identically.
\' topong. equal, alike.
lopugu tired.
loroon to pass.
pocgondaay loroon, impassable.
lotang to fire a cannon.
lotang nog daan, an ancient piece of
artillery-.
\' lothan, any firearm, discharge of fire-
arms.
lotao to float.
somala alandon nogmiglotao, floating.
\' lotao, id.
loto to cook, to stew.
moloto decoction.
V loto, id.
loya ginger.
V loyaloya, an herb resembling ginger,
good fodder for carabao.
lua a tear.
ig lua, shedding tears, weeping.
V luha, id. Bontoc Igorot: /j«i, id.
luang hole.
luang talinga, the orifice of the ear.
luay married.
lubing wild cat.
lucao Cf. locao.
lucao nonguinca, hole in a wall.
ludan a hut, shanty.
lugbas to pierce.
soquit nong milugbas, a hole bored
from side to side.
V lapos, to pierce.
lulu granar%-.
lulu tongalang, cylindrical baskets of
rattan, 5 x lo feet long, used for the
storage of crops.
luma to-morrow. Cf. lema, belema.
\' ogma, odma, id.
lumbia sago.
lunai a resin which is biuTied to attract wild
bees that they may guide the
hunters to the nest.
lunsud Cf. lonsod.
lupa Cf. lopa.
lupag poison used to kill an enemy.
lusung mortar for hulling rice.
Bontoc Igorot: luson, id.
ma- formative prefix.
V ma-, prefix which forms adjectives from
abstracts, forms verbs neuter and
intransitive.
maa (naa) yes.
V 00, id.
maal elevated.
maasasala Cf. sala.
maca- vmaa-") formative prefix.
\' maca-, prefix which forms future verbs;
also with the doubling of the first
two letters forms nouns of agent
or adjectives of possibility.
macabagol Cf. bagol.
macabolo Cf. bolo.
macalintoc Cf. lintoc.
madagel Cf. dagel.
madaFag Cf. dalag.
maen the whole areca nut, not sliced for
chewing.
maga- Cf. maca-.
magagauid Cf. gauid.
magalin to disturb.
sogondi magalin, impertiu'bable.
\' balhin. to move from one place to
another.
magasa Cf. gasa.
magatus one hundred.
Tihu: dtus. Iliwaki: itus. Mahuan:
r&iu.
magatus bo sepulu, no.
magaus Cf. gaus,
magbaal Cf. baal.
magboot Cf. boot.
magdagel Cf. dagel.
SUBANU-BNGLISH VOCABULARY.
199
mageleabed the upper arm.
magimpang a pair (of hands, feet, ears).
maglaro passable.
sogondi maglaro, impassable.
tnagleinlein Cf. leinlein.
magpondopondo Cf. pondopondo
magulaung Cf. gulang.
maimo able, (ma : imo.)
gala maimo, able to contain.
sogondi maimo guilason boocon,
%-isible.
pocon-di maimo soc sala, sinlessness,
impeccability.
\' hino, to make, to be able.
mainit Cf. init.
malaat Cf. laat.
malagos Cf. lagos.
malalas Cf. lalas.
malali Cf. !alis.
malalison Cf. lalis.
malapati a tame pigeon.
gakpis malapati, young tame pigeon.
malat Cf. laat.
malayo Cf. layo.
maliag Cf. lia'g.
malibogayon Cf. bogay.
malibonoay Cf. bono,
maligai spirit house.
maligat ver\-.
maligat nogpog laronon,he is very sick.
maligon compact, solid, massive.
V maligon, id.
maligos
maligos ba tugaling, is he worse?
malilang gunpowder.
malimatay, Cf. matay.
malinao lemon. Cf. lonao.
malinut Cf. kumpau.
maliolaon Cf. clang,
maliondocon Cf. ondoc.
malipay Cf. lipay.
maliputut Cf. libot.
malisogon Cf. sogao.
malobay weak, feeble.
malogou difficult.
malombo Cf. lombo.
malomo excrement of a child.
malomo Cf. lomo.
malonao Cf. lonao.
malonca idler.
malongas Cf. longas.
maloong
sogmoggosig maloong, barker.
maloot generously.
\' lolot, generous, freehanded.
malungas Cf. longas.
mama to chew.
mama sog mamaen, to chew betel.
mamaen betel prepared for chewing.
mamanua
diuata mamanua, good spirits which
live in great trees and drink rice
beer.
mamis Cf. mis.
mamatud a daylight ceremony with a
lighted torch to awaken the soul of
the dead.
managat fisherman. Cf. polomongwit.
V mananagat, id.
manak paternal uncle.
manamat evil spirits which devour the souls
of the human joints and cause a
man to take to his bed; they may
even take away his breath-soul;
three classes are known as munluh,
sarut and gwakgwak.
manamat bulan, evil spirits of the
moon which cause it to disappear.
manamu
manamu sog manuk, to eat the
chicken.
mananap
gobe mananap, sweet potato.
mananap maaron nog osa, gazelle.
mananap momaron no giiilos, civet.
V mananap, any kind of animal.
manatud wild pigeon.
manaul a fish-catching bird.
mandawan full moon.
mando to make.
sogmimando manufacturer.
manece to go up.
dali a manece, go thou up quickly.
manisan third finger. Cf. palamanis.
manoc ^manuk) fowl.
manoc nog pogone, cackler.
pogone nong mga manoc, to crow.
tondongsongang manoc, gallinaceous.
bonua nocpog balidyaan nongong ma-
noc, cockpit.
V manoc, fowl. Bontoc Igorot: monok,
chicken.
manocmanoc small fowl with open eye.
poctubo sog bombol nog manocmanoc,
to become fledged.
manon
sogmocsamoc sa manon no gotao, mo-
lester.
manubu spirits which control htuiting;
they are described as creatures
with reddish or yellowish eyes,
black complexion and woolly hair.
Christie appositely suggests that
thus is preser\-ed a dim memory of
the former Negrito autochthons, on
which compare the jnanahune {The
Polynesian Wanderings, page 22).
dali amo din amo manubua, come
quickly for the hunt, ye spirits.
manunsuma to eat.
mangampon Cf. gampo.
mangangabang Cf. gabang.
mangud green, unripe.
manguidaap glaucous.
maomao
song mogmaomao somala alandon, fal-
sifier.
mapalam mango, (manpalam, Christie.)
mapia Cf. pia.
mapiaiguindog Cf. pia, guindog.
dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiai-
guindog, elegance, gallantry.
maralag Cf. dalag.
maranaya (moronaya) slope, declivity.
V hanayhay, id.
200
TH^ SUBANU.
marisa
gonos nong marisa, bad weather.
marongot irritated.
V maligotgoton, irritated, annoyed.
marope Cf. dope.
masalag Cf. salag.
masalagtau a deputy chief (wa^c/ag, great;
tao, man).
masin salt.
V asin, id. Bontoc Igorot: asin, id.
mata the eje. ^ ^ _
V mata, id. Bontoc Igorot: nidta, id.
matagas Cf. kumpau.
matalao Cf. talao.
matamot modesty.
matansa an herb medicine used in child-
birth ; the leaf is crushed and rubbed
on the patient's abdomen during
labor.
matas Cf. taas.
matay to die
amatayon (a : matay : on) death.
amatene death.
camatayon (ca : matay : on) death.
pocamatay (poca : matay) death.
malimatay (mali : matay) ceremony
of causing the souls of the dead to
ascend into the sky.
V matay, patay, death; camatayon,
fatal disease; pagcamatay. to die.
Bontoc Igorot: Idoy, edoy, odoy,
death ; mapadoy,killed;mamaddyak,
I am dying.
matia lard of the wild hog.
matogos (matugos) attentive, diligent.
matubud
diuata matuhtid, good spirits of the
mountains which drink only coco-
nut water.
matugas hard.
V tiga, hard, tough.
maya inactivity.
maya nia ce paghasa, read thou
quietly.
mayaba long.
mayac worthy.
sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang,
idler, vagabond.
mayac Cf . ayac,
meaon dwarf.
soc tolipaon meaon, dwarfish.
V mayahon, id.
mebang left.
bingcon dig mebang, left arm.
medelem deep.
meebog poor, needy.
megleenleen Cf. leenleen.
megleymet to romp, to play. Cf. lamot.
megolos
megolos guisoc, to fly into a rage.
melamogampa
balay noc poctonaoan noc potao nog
melamogampa nog lupa, iron works.
melanau Cf. lonao.
melenin smooth.
menaticaan Cf. gaan.
menaticaan no came inoctod gopia,
minced meat.
meneg to sew.
mesequin
mga gotao nog mesequin, rabble.
metagan Cf. tagam.
mga plural article.
mi- composition prefix.
V mi-, formative particle of present and
future active verbs.
mibotasan Cf. botasan.
mica demonstrative pronoun.
micaolang Cf. olang.
micia small.
migalin
laroon migalin, lues venerea.
migbobolong drunkenness.
miglanao Cf. lanao.
milipay Cf. lipay.
milo poison.
pocpoinom nong milo, to give poison.
pocmilo to poison fish.
milugbas Cf. lugbas.
mimug ripe.
mina first.
minalsa
lonpoc nga gotao nog minalsa guilan
somocol noc ponuan, faction.
minanukan a jar valued at 2^ piculs of rice.
minatung Cf. tong.
lay minatung, who has come in?
V mianhi, to come hither.
minek
ginenga minek gondao. afternoon.
minit Cf. init.
minolo na he is gone.
minoma to drink.
mitioma sog gasi, to drink rice beer.
minsan once.
Bontoc Igorot: mammgsan, id.
minsan liu third eighth of the moon.
minsan liu gulang bulan, sixth eighth.
mintobo Cf. tobo.
minubu
diuata minubu, good spirits of the
mountains which drink only coco-
nut water.
ming
ming conotconot da ig viste, to purse
up the gown.
mingopos Cf. obos.
mipono Cf. pono.
mipupus the dark of the moon.
mirapai a blow given with the snout of a
beast.
miremi to come.
nano a miremi, when camest thou in?
mis sweet, palatable.
mamis (momis) (ma : mis) sweet.
pacamomis (paca : momis).
pacamomis donini, how sweet this is.
gemisnen (ge : mis : nen) sweetness.
V tamis, sweet, agreeable to the taste.
misauta often.
miskinan poor.
mita ipos to see at a distance.
V quita, to see, to look.
mitagam Cf. tagam.
mitom Cf. tom.
mitondong Cf. tondong.
SUBANU-ENGI.ISH VOCABULARY.
201
mitubu
diuata mitubu, good spirits of the
mountains which drink only coco-
nut water.
mo postpositive pronoun of the second
person singular.
V mo, genitive second singular.
mobabaan to bewitch.
mobiaray
golang guisip nogondaapa mobiaray,
unliquidated.
mobogbog
gaan noc potocon noc tonob somala
alandon nong mobogbog, cakes.
moc
tontol noc pigonaona moc nga gotao,
fable.
moc sugooa tundong songuca noc sala,
weep for your sins.
mocsasa Cf. sasa.
moctoo to bend.
sogondi moctoo, inflexible.
moctuman Cf. tuman.
mogbaal Cf. baal.
mogbatic to pass.
sogondi mogbatic, impassable.
mogdao Cf. dao.
moglaat Cf. laat.
moglanglaang Cf. laang.
moglingalinga Cf. lingalinga.
mogmaomao Cf. maomao.
mogobol Cf. gobol.
mogolot
diuata mogolot, good spirits whose
i home is in the sea, yet vengeful
j when neglected.
mogonao (mo : gonao) cold.
soc tondong gabo nog mogonao, per-
taining to winter.
V bognao, tognao, cold.
mogulang Cf. gulang.
molimbong Cf. limbong.
molingin Cf. lingin.
molio (mo : lio) crooked, curved.
pes nog molio, a sickle.
V balico, crooked, twisted.
molipotot Cf. lipot.
molo (muru) face, cheek.
molobay indolent.
gotao nog molobay, lazy.
moloctin narrow.
baling somala alandon jabas matas bo
moloctin, a bandage.
molomo Cf. lomo.
moloon
sogombaya nog moloon nog magleinlein
a relative.
moloto Cf. loto.
momaron Cf. aron.
momis Cf. mis.
momoc to soften,
i momoc posol, id.
V homoc, to soften, to mellow, to miti-
' gate.
mondoc Cf. ondoc.
moneec to go up.
monepes Cf. nepes.
morn spear.
moni aron noc taliaman, a spear.
monlogos iniquitous.
V mamomogos, id.
monoog to descend. Cf. ponoog.
monoog ya, come thou down.
V naog, noog, manaug, to descend.
moo to labor.
moo mog baal, laborer.
V moo, to toil for hire.
mooay
golang guisip ondaapa mooay, not
liquidated.
mopayat Cf. payat.
mopia Cf. pia.
mopong like, similar.
dili mopong, unlike, dissimilar.
V topong, equal, like.
morala to destroy. Cf. corala.
sogondi maimo nong morala, inde-
structible.
V oala, to destroy, to ruin.
morein
morein iposay, there, behold!
moreipol thick.
ponopoton nong moreipol, coarse cloth.
songag damomog nogombagol bo morei-
pol, thick lips.
mori to come, to go.
mori niya, come thou here.
morito ya soc convento, go to the con-
vent.
moromos Cf. romos,
moronaya Cf. maranaya.
mosocog Cf. socog.
mosom Cf. som.
mota eye humor, lippitude.
motaon (mota : on) blear-eyed.
pocpongimotacan tearduct.
V mota, lippitude; motaon, blear-eyed.
motaas Cf. taas.
motagam Cf. tagam.
motahap Cf. taap.
motalao Cf. talao.
motaon Cf. mota.
motaron Cf. taron.
motas Cf. taas.
motobang Cf. tobang.
motondong Cf. tondong.
motoo wise, understanding.
mogdao motoo tugaling, a clever thief.
motood (motuod) true.
pacpangirongo nong motuod, to abjure.
pocomotood (poco : motood) truth.
pocponongguiling noc pomotangon nog
megleenleen pocomotood, to identify.
V matood, true.
munlu gigantic evil spirits (manamat) of
the forest.
muru Cf. molo.
musalabungkas a large neckerchief or
shawl worn about the shoulders.
musing dead coals.
musop Cf. sop.
mutuon Cf. toon.
na he, she.
V (Haraya) na, he.
202
THE SUBANU.
naa (maa) yes, there, take it.
naan
di maliag song naan nong mogulang,
my parents do not wish it.
mi naan cana, hast thou dined?
nada chastity.
name our.
V namo, id.
nanaan unhappy.
nandao Cf. ondao.
nano when.
nana ec pogulimo, when wilt thou go?
nano a miremi, when earnest thou in?
V (Hiligayna) cano, sano, id.
napo arable soil.
bonoa nog napo, field.
lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondo-
pondo, a plain.
pacanapo tugaling, evenness, prairie.
V napo, sandy soil, river flats.
naquilit to imagine.
sogmogunauna sognaquilit, imagina-
tive.
naquit Cf. goit.
nati the young of animals.
neen thy.
song neen, to thee.
negmegbata Cf. bata.
nenau now.
nenau gondao, to-day.
nepes thin.
monepes (mo : nepes) thinness.
V nipis, manipis, pagcanipis, thin,
niathou. (niya.)
maya nia ce pagbasa, read thou
quietly.
mori niya, come thou here.
nigasoy
sognigasoy sonnem nogayac, lover.
niguan bee.
V ligoan, id.
nila wax.
nila honua noc tiuan, beehive.
pocongolan nog nila noc tioan, queen
cell.
manunsuma dig nila, to eat beeswax.
niug coconut fruit.
tubig niugniug, water of the coconut.
niugao coconut grove.
Bontoc Igorot: inyug, nlyog, coconut.
niya Cf. nia.
niyo you.
sofig niyo, to you.
sabot tamo uglonan niyo, answer all of
you.
no
caliuanag no calingin, warped.
buat socpog libon no gotao, lues venerea,
noc
bugayan gaco noc tubig, give me water.
magbaal lamo noc sulal, did you work
in the orchard?
nocmacabingguil Cf. bingguil.
nocolonan Cf. olonan.
nocpigaguanta
piran nocpigaguanta somala noc tibaan,
ignominy.
nocpogbalidya Cf. balidya.
nocpogboutolon Cf. boutolon.
nocputuonan Cf. putuonan.
noctapis Cf. tapis,
noctibagoi Cf. bagol.
nog a particle.
V nga, a particle which joins nouns and
adjectives or the several parts of a
sentence, and has the value of a rela-
tive.
nogale
sogsomacay nogale togotan nocponoan,
stowaway.
nogayac Cf. ayac.
noglana Cf. lana.
nogmalat Cf. laat.
nogmibatog Cf. batog.
nogmigbaalCf. baal.
nogmiglotao Cf. lotao.
nogogolingon Cf. ogolingon.
nogombagol Cf. bagol.
nogomolang Cf. gulang.
nogompia Cf. pia.
nogondaay Cf. daay.
nogondi Cf. di.
nogonnos
pocaolog nogonnos, flux, tide.
noguintolo Cf. tolo.
nolom
nolom sog lopa, fur seal.
nong a particle equivalent to^nog.
nongmoromos Cf. romos.
nongmotong
somala alandon nongmotong, bristly.
nongog
gondeemaqui nongog, enchanted.
nongong
bonua nocpog balidyaan nongong ma-
noc, cockpit.
nongguiling Cf. guiling.
nonguinca
lucao nonguinca, a hole in a" wall.
nooc down.
monoog (mo : nooc) come'down.
ponooc (po : nooc) go down.
noquito pertaining to.
noquito noc tiuan, pertaining to bees.
numungini now, at this time.
numunggitu now.
V ngalan, a name. Bontoc Igorot: nga-
dan, ngatjan, id.
ngisi a tooth.
V ngipon, id.
obos low.
pagobos to fall.
pahubus humility.
paubus nog buot, discouragement.
mingopos to decrease.
V obos, to bow, to prostrate.
ocdoc to pound, to bruise.
pogocdoc pounding.
V docdoc, to beat, to bray.
ocom to judge.
pogocom to judge.
sogmogocom a judge.
V hocom, judge, magistrate.
SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY.
203
ocsop to drink. Cf. gacsop.
sogmacaocsop imbiber.
pocoocsop imbibition.
V sopsop, to drink, to suck.
octuban to complete, to finish. Cf. tobos.
sogondaay alapusan pingoctoban, un-
limited.
ogasan
gomhagol noc palongan noc pogogasan
somala alandon, trough.
ogboc to nail.
V ogboc, to thrust into.
ogolingon
sopagboot nogogolingon, imperiously.
oglod to hoard.
ola
pogola noc salapi, to waste, misspend.
maliolaon dilapidator.
oiang to destroy.
micaolang
nog abilingan nog micaolang, to facili-
tate.
socmicaolang obstructor.
V olang, impediment; macaolang, in-
convenient, hindrance.
ologan
laraban nga ologan somala alandon,
emblem.
olonan
bonua noc olonan nocpoc tobora, a
spring.
olungoban burial cave.
ombos later on.
ondaapa Cf. daap.
ondao day.
soc mopayat soc sala ondao, ephemeral.
nandao now.
gondao sun, day, daytime.
gondao noc pocponudya, day of judg-
ment.
co7ie no gondao, to-day.
nenau gondao, to-day.
ginenga minek gondao, afternoon.
salan go7idao, day after to-morrow.
gektu gondao, noonday.
sumibang gondao, sunrise.
sindep gondao, sunset.
V adlao, sun, day. Kolon: ando, id.
Tagalog: arau, id. Baliyon, Baju:
lau, id.
ondl Cf. di.
ondoc fear.
coendoc amazement.
gondoc fear.
sogondaay gondoc, intrepidity.
mondoc fear.
sogondi mondoc, fearless.
maliondocon (mali i ondoc : on) cow-
ardly.
ticas maliondocon, pickpocket.
V hadloc, fear.
one to crow.
pogone to crow.
manoc noc pogone, cackler.
pogone nong mga manoc, to crow.
onsa what, what thing.
ontod to ascend.
pogontod to climb.
ontoran to complete, to finish.
ooao
pogooao to become rancid or oily.
orol deglutition.
osa (gusa) deer; a Chinese pottery jar, so
called from its ornament.
mananap maaron nog osa, gazelle.
V osa, deer. Bontoc Igorot: o£sa. id.
osisang vinegar.
V cosisang, id.
paa (pa) leg.
bool noc paa nog baboy, slice of pork.
puunpaa (puun : paa) leg above the
knee, thigh.
1 V paa, foot, leg, paw. Kolon: paa, thigh.
paalongas Cf. longas.
pacainog Cf. inog,
pacamomis Cf. mis.
! pacanaoron Cf. aron.
pacano (poccano) heathen. (Spanish pa-
gano).
pogdonot sogpoc toon nog balos soc pa-
cano, heathen.
pacapayat Cf. payat.
I pacasicol Cf. sicol.
pacasococ Cf. sococ.
■. paccalauat Cf. calauat.
I pacpalaga Cf. laga.
j pacpanilong Cf. panilong.
! pacpinit Cf. init.
pacponoog Cf. noog.
pacpoyo Cf. poyo.
padang a tall grass of rapid growth. Cf.
kogon.
padangan (padang : an) a grass field,
meadow.
pagandam
pagandam pamotangon, to supply.
pagandom 7wg gaan, supplies.
pagas quickly.
pagbaga Cf. baga.
pagbaloganan Cf. baloganan.
pagbasa Cf. basa.
pagbontol Cf. bontol.
pagcorala Cf. corala.
pagdatong Cf. datong.
pagdipag Cf. dipag.
pagdoro Cf. doro.
paghat (pahat) ladder, steps.
paglangay Cf. langay.
paglogalin Cf. logalin.
pagobos Cf. obos.
pagonagona Cf. gonagona.
pagoquion spiritless, dejected.
pagsontoc Cf. sontoc.
pagtingil Cf. tingil.
paguisip Cf. guisip.
pagusay Cf. gosay.
pahat Cf. paghat.
pahubus Cf. obos.
pakanen stem, branch. Cf. panga.
palad (palag) fortune, luck, happines3.
malaal nog palag, misfortune.
204
THE SUBANU.
palad (palag) palm of the hand.
dibaban palad, back of the hand.
Bontoc Igorot: talad, palm.
palaksan a bowl.
palalablan Cf. labian.
palamanls index finger. Cf. manisan.
palapa (pala : paa) sole of the foot.
dibaban noc palapa, instep.
palay unhusked rice.
Bontoc Igorot: palay, id.
paldon master. (Spanish padron.)
pocsuquit noc paldon sogmigbnis, to
enroll in a census.
palina a fragrant resin burned as incense in
religious ceremonies.
palobaya (palo : baya) humbly.
palon to extinguish.
pocpalon, id.
V palong, id.
palongan trough.
V palongan, id.
palos skein, hank.
V palos, id.
pamotangon
pagandam pamotangon, to supply.
pamuku tax, tribute paid to chiefs. Cf.
buis.
gantang pannikiian, a basket measure
of rice.
pan a the bow.
lipu pana, arrow.
V pana, arrow, to shoot an arrow.
panas fever.
panas minit, to be feverish.
mipanas guien, he has fever.
V hilanat, fever.
panday carpenter.
panday potao, blacksmith.
panday negmegbata, midwife.
V panday, to work at one's trade.
pandayan (panday : an) ironworks, forge.
pandiawal a bitter vine.
panilong (ponilong) to admit to the house,
to grant asylum.
pacpanilong sog locao, to withdraw
into barracks.
V panilong, to admit to the house.
panimolang depressed.
pocpanimolang, to become low-
spirited.
panit skin (when on the animal). Cf. ganit.
bakes panit, a leather belt.
pulo panit, a red or brown skin.
pansal a wedge.
panungo a chief superior to a timuai.
panga a branch. Cf. pakanen.
tongdug panga, a half-grown monkey.
panganen (panga : nen) a branch.
V sanga, id. Bontoc Igorot: panga, id.
pangangdan the light.
pangasi Cf. gasi.
panggu turban, handkerchief, (pang-vu,
Christie.)
pangirongo
pocpangirongo nong motuod, to abjure.
panglamugan a dye.
pares equal. (Spanish par.)
sogondaay pares, unequal.
pasagdan to abandon.
V pasagad, id.
pasawit a large fishnet.
pasaylo pardon. Cf. poylo.
sogondaay pocpasaylo, irremissibly.
sogondi maimo noc pasaylon, unpar-
donable.
V pasaylo, to pardon.
pasek a post. Cf. pasoc.
pasobong false hair; hemp fiber or grass tied
in a woman's hair for adornment.
pasoc to nail.
pasub the measure of a large jar of rice beer.
pat (upat) four.
patpulu forty.
V opat, four. Bontoc Igorot : ipat, apat, id.
patal
gangay soc patal, to put balls on.
patay (matay) to die.
pocpatay to die.
pocpatay bisan toyiogbata nong mica,
infanticide.
pogpatayon (pog : patay : on) death.
V patay, anything dead. Kolon : pahdtt,
to kill. Bima: hade, id.
patik tattooing.
Bontoc Igorot : fatek, tattoo.
patod brother.
V patod, id.
patubuun a domestic animal.
paubos Cf. obos.
pay at to delay, late.
mopayat late.
pacapayat delay.
socmopayat soc sala ondao, ephemeral.
payung umbrella.
Bontoc Igorot, Ilocano: pdyong, id.
pedes sunshine.
peed to slander.
pocpeed slander, defamation.
sogpopeed defamer, slanderer.
peen
pocpeen to alter.
V baihon, physiognomy, appearance; to
alter.
pegotaran origin, beginning, germ, sprout,
bud. (pe : gatad : an.)
pegotaran soniala alandon, initiative.
pogbuta noc pegotaran noc suquit, to
enroll in a census.
pegoyonan Cf. goyon.
peinan to distinguish.
socalpeinan distinguishable.
penongonan
penongonan sogogolingong nog buol,
abnegation.
penoto (penoti, penuti) knife, cutlass.
penote nogombagol, machete.
pogbonal noc penoto, cutlass stroke.
pensa
poquison soc pensa somala alandon, to
store.
perealon under, beneath.
ponopotan sapis soc nga libon perealon
sog duma noc lapis, petticoat.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
205
pes chopping knife, 14-inch blade, head
round or square.
pes tiog molio, sickle.
pet bitter.
umpet bitter.
gapetnen (ga : pet : nen) bitterness.
pia good.
gipianan (gi : pia : nan) benefit.
gompia (gopia) (go : pia) good conduct.
mapia (mopia) (ma : pia) good.
song mopia pocongolan, habitable.
nogompia well.
suguiton nia nogompia soc sulat, write
well thj' page.
sagompia
HOC macabingguil sagompia nog buot
poctobe, detractor.
sopogopia ignominiously.
picnogan Cf. inog.
picongolan Cf. ongolan.
picpongonnan Cf. pongon.
pictoonan Cf. toon,
pigagabit Cf. gabit.
pigbuatan Cf. buat.
pigdaoan Cf. dao.
pigonagona Cf. gonagona.
pigondian Cf. di.
pila ant.
pilac to launch a ship.
pilak a fighting companion, ordinary soldier.
pilak silver money (Sulu).
Bontoc Igorot: bilak, money.
pilaten eyelid.
pileka eyelash.
pili to elect, to choose.
V pili, to elect, to choose, to select. Bon-
toc Igorot: pillek, mapUi, id.
piiong impeded, cripple. Cf. pitong.
pimala
bnUug pimala, a festival for the young
dead or those recently dead; for-
merly men were sacrificed but now
a cock suffices.
pimoctong Cf. tong.
pimola borage, wild spinach, creeping vine.
Cf. pomolanon.
pimolaen a garden.
pimonan
gotao pimonan, merchant, factor.
pinili (pinuli) good.
poctalo nogompia pinili, fluent in
speech.
pinilian to abdicate; wicked people.
socpinilian wicked.
V pinilian, the wicked.
pinit Cf. init.
pinobalan a working knife used also in
fighting. Cf. baal.
pinongi
pocgondi soc pinongi, denial.
pinoquit
socpinoquit leprous,
pintas brave, fierce.
pintasan ferocious.
capintas (apintas) brave.
pocgangay noc capintas abolo socog, to
enervate, to debilitate.
V pintas, id.
pinugulan the wrist.
pinuli (pinili) good.
socpinuli, id.
pinuti Cf. penoto.
pinggan a plate for food. (? gaan.)
pingoctoban Cf. octuban.
pingondian Cf. di.
piran shame.
nog piran, ignominiously.
piran nocpigaguantasomala noclibaan,
ignominj'.
pisala
poglogotaoayi pisala noc paroquia, pa-
rishioner.
pisaligan
pisaligan noc comerciank, factor, mer-
chant.
pitangan fish basket.
pitong to cripple. Cf. piiong.
pitu seven.
pitupulu seventy.
V pito, seven. Bontoc Igorot: pilo, id.
po hortatory prefi.x.
V pa, prefixed to verbs gives them the
signification to seek, to demand, to
procure the action of the root.
poalat Cf. laat.
pobianan
ttigaya noc pobiana}i noc tubig, water
conduit.
poc- verb formative prefix.
V pag, paga, id.
pocabolo Cf. bolo.
pocagagom Cf. agom.
pocagobal Cf. gobal.
pocalocpog Cf. locpog.
pocamatay Cf. matay.
pocaoid Cf. acid,
pocaolog
pocaolog nogonnos, flux, tide.
pocbalos Cf. balos.
pocbasa Cf. basa.
pocbiyan to pass.
pocboclag Cf. boclag.
pocbolong Cf. belong,
pocboot Cf. boot,
pocca formative prefix.
V pagca-, prefix formative of abstract
nouns, verbal nouns and infinitives
passive.
poccabolong Cf. cabolong.
poccadiuata Cf. diuata.
poccasala Cf. sala.
pocdanlag Cf. danlag.
pocdiuata Cf. diuata.
pocdula Cf. dula.
pocgangay Cf. gangay.
pocgondaay Cf. daay.
pocgondi Cf. di.
pocguilas Cf. guilas.
poclabon Cf. labon.
poclagoy Cf. lagoy.
poclibaliba Cf. libaliba.
poclolan Cf. lolan.
poclombo Cf. lombo.
poclood Cf. lood.
poclubung Cf. lobung.
pocmilo Cf. milo.
206
THE SUBANU.
poco formative prefix.
V pagca, a particle wherewith are formed
abstract nouns, verbal nouns and
infinitives passive.
pocobaga Cf. baga.
pocodope Cf. dope,
pocogodaay Cf. daay.
pocogoit Cf. goit.
pocogondaay Cf. daay.
pocolabo Cf. labo.
pocolaen Cf. laen.
pocolog Cf. log.
pocologya Cf. pocoloya.
pocolomo Cf. lomo.
pocoloon Cf. loon,
pocoloya (pocologya) weak, infirm.
V pagcaloya, id.
pocomotood Cf. motood.
pocondi Cf. di.
pocongolan Cf. congol.
pocoocsop Cf. ocsop.
pocoromos Cf. romos.
pocpalon Cf. palon.
pocpanimolang Cf. panimolang.
pocpangirongo Cf. pangirongo.
pocpasaylo Cf. pasaylo.
pocpatay Cf. patay.
pocpeed Cf. peed.
pocpeen Cf. peen.
pocpoc a stroke with a cutlass, a slash.
pocpoli Cf. poll.
pocponicol Cf. ponicol.
pocpono Cf. pono.
pocponongguiling Cf. gulling.
pocponudya Cf. ponudya.
pocpongimotacan Cf. mota.
pocpongompig Cf. pongompig.
pocposinao Cf. posinao.
pocposoon Cf. posoon.
pocpoylo Cf. poylo.
pocpuasa Cf. puasa.
pocpuli Cf. pull.
pocquilas Cf. guilas.
pocquipos Cf. quipos.
pocsaloy Cf. saloy.
pocsambag Cf. sambag.
pocsicay Cf. sicay.
pocsindilsindil Cf. sindil.
pocsobblag Cf. sobblag.
pocsobo Cf. sobo.
pocsocay Cf. sacay.
pocsod foot. Cf. gocsud.
pocsoganan Cf. sogao.
pocsogo Cf. sogo.
pocsolog Cf. solog.
pocsopang Cf. sopang.
pocsopoc Cf. sopoc.
poctaab Cf. taab.
poctago Cf. tago.
poctalo Cf. talo.
poctare Cf. tare.
poctina Cf. tina.
poctobang Cf. tobang.
poctoboson Cf. tobos.
poctolin Cf. tolin.
poctolo Cf. tolo.
poctoman Cf. tuman.
poctontal Cf. tontal.
poctontol Cf. tontol.
poctontong Cf. tontong.
poctuan Cf. tuan.
poctuba Cf. tuba,
poctubo Cf. tobo.
pogambit Cf. ambit,
pogangay Cf. angay.
pogangol Cf. gangol.
pogbaal Cf. baal.
pogbaat Cf. baat.
pogboclagon Cf. boclagon.
pogbogay Cf. bogay.
pogbollo Cf. bollo.
pogbonal Cf. bonal.
pogboot Cf. boot,
pogbuta Cf. buta.
pogdaig Cf. daig.
pogdalomdom Cf. dalomdom.
pogdao Cf. dao.
pogdeec Cf. deec.
pogdolan Cf. dolan.
pogdonot Cf. donot.
pogdope Cf. dope,
poggare Cf. gare.
poggatad Cf. gatad.
poggolat Cf. golat.
pogguison Cf. guison.
poglaat Cf. laat.
poglibac Cf. libac.
poglibot Cf. libot.
poglines Cf. lines,
poglioat Cf. lioat.
pogliquimo to form, to shape.
V paghimo, to form, to make, to fashion.
poglogomutan Cf. gomot.
poglogonas Cf. gonas.
poglogotaoan Cf. gotao.
poglomi Cf. lomi.
pogocdoc Cf. ocdoc.
pogocom Cf. ocom.
pogogasan Cf. ogasan.
pogogovitan Cf. govitan.
pogola Cf. ola.
pogonagona Cf. gonagona.
pogone Cf. one.
pogontod Cf. on tod.
pogooao Cf. ooao.
pogood Cf. good,
pogoot Cf. goot.
pogosig Cf. gosig.
pogovitan Cf. govitan.
pogpatayon Cf. patay.
pogsocasoca Cf. soca.
pogtolog Cf. tolog.
pogugba to whitewash. Cf. gapog, lime.
poguindog Cf. guindog.
poguingcora Cf. guingcod.
poguit Cf. goit.
pogulatay Cf. ulatay.
pogulimo Cf. ulimo.
poinom Cf. inom.
poll to revoke.
pocogondaay pocpoli, irrevocability.
poligo Cf. ligo.
poloaponopoton clothing. Cf. ponopo-
ton.
paghontol soc poloaponopoton, to beat
clothes,
SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY.
207
polog Cf. log.
polomongwit fisherman. Cf. managat.
poloponan
libon noc poloponan, pregnant.
polos gain, profit.
capolosan (ca : polos : an) gain.
V polos, id.
polupungobii evening. Cf. gobii.
pomagon flexible.
sogondi maimo pomagon, inflexible.
pombaal Cf. bal.
pomoctong Cf. tong.
pomolanon a plant. Cf. pimolaen.
pomolanon pia nog bolong, galium.
pomolanon doon gahon soc poctibooc
no gotas, galium.
lopa mogondaapa balay pomolonan,
uncultivated.
pomotangon the same.
maaron nog ken noc pomotangon,
identical.
pocponongguiling noc pomotangon nog
megleenleen pocomotood, to identify.
ponbaal Cf. bal.
(pondopondo) magpondopondo.
lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondo-
pondo, a plain.
ponicol Cf. sicol.
pocponicol to set the feet firmly for an
effort.
Vpanicad, id.
ponilong Cf. panilong.
ponno to complete, to finish. Cf. pono.
V pono, to fill, to augment, to complete.
pono (punu) to fill.
mipono
mipono noc sayop, evil doer.
socpocoloon mipono, filler.
songmipono full.
pocpono noc tubig somala alandon, to
fill with water.
V pono, to fill, to be full of, to be skilled
in. Bima: feaw/>owM, to fill. Bon-
toc Igorot: piinek, id.
pono close, solid, massive.
ponoan (ponuan) governor. Cf. poon.
sogsomacay nogale togotan noc ponoan,
stowaway.
lompoc nga gotao nog minalsa guilan
somocol noc poniian, faction.
V ponoan, governor, lord.
ponolud the farewell or final ceremony of a
buklug.
ponongangan father-in-law, mother-in-law.
ponongguian model.
V panigingnan, model, type, sample;
ingon, like.
ponooc (ponoog) to go down, to come
down. Cf. monoog.
pacponoog sog laga, to cheapen.
V naog, id.
ponopoton clothing.
ponopototi nog daan, old and ragged
clothes.
ponopoton nong moreipol, coarse cloth.
poloaponopoton (poloa : ponopoton)
clothing.
V panapton, clothes.
ponuan Cf. ponoan.
ponudya to judge.
gondao noc pocponudya, judgment day.
pongol to mutilate.
socpongol so gomoc, leprous.
V pongol, to mutilate.
pongompig Cf. goinpulo.
pocpongompig, to dye red.
pongon to unite, to gather, to accumulate.
picpongonnan no nga gotao, a crowd.
socmicpong07i noc cabilinan nogondi
socalpocboclagofi, patrimony.
V ipon, to join, to unite, to dwell.
pongong to hold.
pocpongong to attach, to seize.
pocpongong sotnala alandon giiinago
bo songa gotao aron huo pongon, to
form, to draw up troops.
macapongong obstructor.
V pogong, to hold, to catch, to seize.
poon leader. Cf. ponoan.
poon sog mololison, leader of rebels.
poon sog lunsud, chief.
popia cap, hat.
poporenion
poporenion mo sog asa-real, tell him to
come to the palace.
V paanhion, to bid come here.
poquicot to chain.
V hocot, to make a net.
poquison
poqmson soc pensa somala alandon, to
store.
poquit detractor.
pord hunger.
poraigon (poraygon) flattering.
bata noc poraigon go pia, spoiled child.
V padayigon, a vain and presumptuous
person.
porang to cure meat with salt and smoke.
V bolad, to dry in the sun.
porongporong a crown.
V podong, a garland, crown, turl)an.
porot old and ragged clothes.
posinao varnish.
pocposinao varnishing.
V pasinao, id.
posobaton Cf. sabot,
posocliyan to change.
sogondi maimo posocliyan, immutable.
posol
momoc posol, to soften.
posoloron Cf. solot.
posong heart.
guinonosola soc posong, repent with all
your heart.
cabolo so posong, courage.
V tagiposoon, heart.
V tagiposoon, heart. Bontoc Igorot:
poso, id.
posongu a religious ceremony at the end of
the year and the beginning of the
new year. In these ceremonies
good luck and success are detcT-
mined by the phases of the moon,
the grouping of the stars, the throw-
ing of a rope and its resultant con-
tour when it lies upon the ground,
208
THE SUBANU.
posongii — continued.
the twirling of a rattan and the
position at which it comes to rest.
(posoon) pocposoon to ascertain.
posui chick.
potao iron. Cf. cutao, tonaoan.
panda y potao, blacksmith.
pagbaga noc potao, to weld iron.
sapauan ec potao somala alandon, to
garnish with iron points.
V pothao, iron.
poti (pole, puti) white.
poti dalag, the dawn.
gompote (go[m] : poti) white.
pocpoti (poc : poti) to whiten, to
bleach.
V poti, white.
potocon
gaan noc potocon, cakes.
potol to cut, to divide.
V potol, id.
poylo Cf. pasaylo.
pocpoylo to pardon.
V saylo, id.
poj'O from side to side.
pacpoyo to swing, to move from side to
side.
poyoan (puyuwan) a small bed.
puasa to fast.
pocpuasa fasting.
V poasa, fast.
pugan a tree with a large banana-like leaf.
pulas fire-making by friction of wood.
puli
puli musop, again.
pocpuli to repay.
V balos, again.
pulo red.
pido panit, red or brown skin.
gompulo (go[m] : pulo) red.
gopulonen (go : pulo : nen) redness of
the sky.
V pola, red.
puluntu ceremony of raising the souls of
the dead.
puluntu nog malimatay, the ceremony
of causing the souls of the dead to
ascend into the sky.
buklug puluntu, a funeral ceremony
for the aged dead or for those long
dead.
pulut boiled rice offered on the altars of the
gods.
pumutul lemon,
punanen
alaik punanen, why, the reason.
puntian Cf. tian.
puonan
socpuonan to waste, to misspend.
V pohonan, business capital, interest.
pusilau rain, a light shower.
pusu navel.
pusu dagat, the navel or center of the
sea.
tian noc pusu, calf of pusu we find an
In this use of tian noc the leg.
interesting, yet not exactly ehicidatorv,
pusu — continued.
parallel in Efate, where the calf of the leg
is dominated as here by terms proper to
the abdomen. In his work Oceanic La-n
guages. Dr. Macdonald (s.v. ate) points
out that uateau natore, literally kidneys of
the shin, designates the calf, and that the
same use is extended to atevae in Samoan,
the liver of the leg or calf, and to aterima
in Tahiti, the liver of the arm or thick part
of the arm. Upon this matter I have
made such note as the data suggested ( The
Polynesian Wanderings, page 321). It is
proper to mention that the arrival of this
new material may open the subject for
further discussion; certainly this instance
of the description of leg anatomy in ab-
dominal terms is very interesting. We
should observe that in tian noc pusu both
nouns pertain to the belly ; there is nothing
to suggest the leg, as is the case in Efate,
Samoa, and Tahiti.
Bontoc Igorot: haosig, navel.
puti Cf. poti.
putok grain.
putuonan Cf. toon.
mutuon na noc putuonan, did you
study the lesson?
puunpaa the leg above the knee, the thigh.
Cf. paa.
puyuwan (poyoan) cradle, hammock.
quak (guak) the crow. (Visayan, awak;
Magindano, kuak; Sulu, wak; Taga-
log, wak; Malay, gagak; Yakan,
u-wak.)
quilas (guilas) to share.
pocquilas to impart.
quina- formative prefix.
V quina- a composition member of pre-
terit verbs.
quinaan (g[qu] : in : aan) food.
poglines sog quinaan, digestion.
quinaanglan (quina : ang[o]l : an) to need,
to lack.
V quinahanglan, id.; hangol, poor,
needy.
quipos to pack.
pocquipos to barrel, to store.
pocquipos somala alandon sog loqua
noc caban, to pack into a trunk.
V hipos, to hoard, to store up.
romos wet.
moromos (mo : romos) wet.
lupa nong moromos, a marsh.
pocoromos (poco : romos) moisture.
rongog (ronug, dongog) to hear.
pogangay nog rongog, defamation,
slander.
sa an article.
V sa, nominative article with proper
nouns.
sa one.
V osa, id. Bontoc Igorot; ha. id.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABUI.ARY.
209
saa a sprout, shoot.
songoc saa mintoho noc salalis, a bunch
of flowers or fruit on a single stalk.
V saha, shoot, sprout.
saac to ask, to question, to inquire.
V socna, to inquire, to ask.
saayan Cf. sacay.
sabab because, reason, cause. (Arabic.)
alaik sabab, why, the reason.
sabao juice.
pocoloon noc sabao, succulence, juici-
ness.
sogdoon cisabaon, juicy.
sabay to dance.
V sabay, id.
sabilino onion.
sabot (sabut, sobot) to understand, to
comprehend, to agree.
gangay noc sabot, to accede, to agree.
sabot tamo uglotian niyo, answer all of
you.
saboton
gondaay saboton, idiocy.
gotao nogoyidaay saboton, idiot.
posobaton mo guilan, make them
answer.
V sabot, to understand, to comprehend,
to agree,
sac Cf. soc, sog, sag.
sacay (socay) boat, ship, vessel.
pocsacay embarking, shipping.
pocosacay id.
saayan vessel, boat.
somacay (s : om : acay)
sog somacay nogale togotan noc ponoan,
stowaway.
V sacay, boat, ship, to embark, to sail.
sacguionaona Cf. gonagona.
sacog parishioner.
V sacop, id.
sag Cf. sac, soc, sog.
pacpanilong sag locao, to withdraw
into barracks.
sagatad impostor.
sagompia Cf. pia.
saguing banana.
gasa saguing, a cigarette wrapped in
banana leaf.
V sagu i n g, id . Bontoc Igorot : sdking, id .
saguit (suguit) to write.
suguiton nia nogompia soc sulat, write
well thy page.
sala sin, evil doer.
songuca noc sala, thy sins.
pocondi maimo soc sala, impeccability.
sogondi maimo noc sala, impeccable.
maasasala sinner.
poccasala to sin.
V sala, sin, fault, error.
sala (sa, isa) one.
socmopayat soc sala ondao, ephemeral.
salabuk one.
salabuk tondo, first finger.
salag (salang) a nest.
salag great.
masalag (ma : salag) large.
tubig masalag, a river.
salag — continued.
gasalagnen (ga : salag : nen) great-
ness, magnitude, a person great in
mind or power.
salalis
songoc saa mintobo noc salalis, a bunch
of flowers or fruit on a single stalk.
salamin looking-glass.
Bontoc Igorot: sUming, id.
salan
salan gondao, day after to-morrow.
salapang fish spear (Sulu).
salapi money, coin, silver.
timod noc salapi, to hoard.
pogola noc salapi, to waste, to mis-
spend, to squander.
salapian (salapi : an) rich, renowned.
lee nog salapian, wealthy man.
V salapi, money. Bontoc Igorot: salapi,
half peso.
salau earth, ground.
saleg floor.
salidingan bunches of long strips of anahau
leaves carried when dancing around
the altar.
saliling a deputy chief.
salomaya a tree under whose shade spirits
rest and sleep when they come to
earth.
saloy to buy.
pocsaloy merchant, factor, to sell.
somaloy (sunialui) (s : om : aloy) to
buy.
salumnenka to rob, to steal.
salwal trousers (Sulu).
sama similar, like, equal.
sama gotao, fellow creature.
sopocsama identical.
pocsama identity.
somogsama to equalize.
somama (s : om : ama) similar.
di somama, dissimilar.
V sama, equal, like, similar. Kolon:
sama, with. Bima: sama, id.
sambag to exhort.
pocsambag to instruct.
senombagan (s : en : ombag : an) to
instruct.
V sambag, to counsel, to exhort, to in-
struct.
samoc to weary, to vex, to molest.
casamoc to embarrass.
sogmocsamoc sa manon no gotao, mo-
lester.
V samoc, to discommode, to distress, to
vex, to molest.
sanduk wooden spoon.
sansang blunt, dull.
V sangsang, id.
sangay to adorn, to embellish.
sangol , . ^
tundong sa cabayo nga sangol sog baba,
bit.
sangyawa breeches reaching to the knee,
saoan perhaps.
sapasapa brook, rivulet. Cf. suba.
210
THE SUBANU.
sapauan to garnish.
sapauan ec potao somala alandon, to
garnish with iron points.
V sapao, to put one thing upon another.
sapi a cow.
sapiai a mat of split bamboo.
sapingi Cf. sopingi.
sapis
ponopoton sapis soc nga libon perealon
sog diima noc tapis, petticoat.
sapulu ten.
sapulu bo sala, eleven.
magatus bo sapulu, no.
V napolo, ten. Bontoc Igorot : polo, po'o,
sinpo'o, id.
sarol a hoe. (Spanish azada.)
sarut pygmy evil spirits (manamat) of the
forest.
sasa
malali yamo mocsasa, be you quiet.
sasac suffocating heat.
sawa wife. Cf. soay.
Kayan, hawa, id. Cf. The Polynesian
Wanderings, page 306.
sawan cup.
sayop evil, deceit.
ntipono noc sayop, evil doer.
soc sayop, uncertainty, mistake.
V sayop, lies, deceit.
sayoran to define, to explain.
casayoran (ca : sayor:an).
casayoran nog daan, itinerary.
V sayod, to explain, to define.
sebat hunting spear with detachable head.
seda fish. Cf. sora.
inangkag seda, dried fish.
seel heel.
seilad sickle.
selang (solang) chin.
selem Cf. diselum, siselem, suansolom.
sell pepper plant and fruit.
semicoat
soc lupa noctibogol guinale bo semicoat
nog daro, glebe.
senombagan Cf. sambag.
sengguil senor.
siam nine.
siampulu ninety.
V siam, nine. Bontoc Igorot: slam, id.
sibulan a jar.
sibulansibulan a small jar.
sicay to sprinkle.
pocsicay noc tubig, to sprinkle water.
siclat storeroom.
V siclit, to store things in a secret place.
sicol, pacasicol to set the feet firm for an
effort. Cf. ponicol.
V sicad, id.
sigeban (siguban) water jar, bamboo water
tube.
sigitan a bamboo musical instrument re-
sembling a guitar with strings of
split bamboo raised over bamboo
bridges.
siguban Cf. sigeban.
sigupan pipe, cigarette.
Bontoc Igorot: songyopan, pipe stem.
silong underneath.
socsilong below, to go down.
V silong, under, below.
silup pipestem.
sinam
gagun sinam belilu, sounds of a gong
which summon a midwife.
sinantan a jar valued at one and one-half
piculs of rice or three fathoms of
cloth.
sinapang gun, musket (Sulu).
sinasaka
bukid na sinasaka, land under culti-
vation.
sinbaaji (simbaan) church.
di a moglingalinga soc sinbaan, be not
disorderly in church.
V singba, to perform an act of worship;
singbahan, church. Bontoc Igo-
rot: simfan, church (loan word).
sindep
sindep gondao, sunset.
sindepan the west.
sindil to argue.
pocsindilsindil dissertation.
V indig, to argue, to dispute.
sindupan a good spirit of the sea, but venge-
ful if neglected.
sinipit
socsinipit socnaqnit, carried in the
arms.
sinonan Cf. sonan.
sipa a ball.
sipoon a cold.
V sipon, to have a cold.
siselem morning after sunrise. Cf. dise-
lum.
sising finger ring.
lintisan sising, a ring for the leg below
the knee.
Bontoc Igorot: slngsing, id. (loan word).
sitguag to disseminate.
siyu (siu) elbow.
Bontoc Igorot: slko, id.
siyuan shuttle.
so an article. Cf. sa.
soay wife. Cf. sawa.
pocboclag so gotao nga soay, to divorce.
V asaoa, wife. Bontoc Igorot: asawa
(ay lalaki, ayfafayi), husband, wife.
sobblag yellow.
pocsobblag to become yellow.
sobo (subo) to boil.
pocsobo ebullition.
socmocsubo boiling.
V sobo, to extinguish fire with water.
soboton Cf. sabot.
soc preposition.
soca Cf. sogao.
socal (socsocal) prefix indicating the possi-
bility of the action of the stem.
socalan
socalan igbutasan, to abolish.
socalpoglogomutan Cf. gomot.
socaltogot Cf. togot.
;Socay Cf. sacay.
■socmectuman Cf. tuman.
SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
211
socmicaolang Cf. olang.
socmitondong Cf. tondong.
socmocsubo Cf. sobo.
socmoggosig Cf. gosig.
socmopayat Cf. payat.
socnaquit Cf. goit.
sococ Cf. sogao.
socog strong, strength.
gondaay socog, feeble.
pocgangay noc capintas abolo socog, to
enervate, debilitate.
gotao noc socogan gopia, a person of
great strength.
mosocog a tall robust person.
V cosog, strength.
socorolaag illuminative.
socpogbaal Cf. baal.
socpogboloy Cf. boloy.
socpongol Cf. pongol.
socpuonan Cf. puonan.
socsilong Cf. silong.
socsinipit Cf. sinipit.
socsocalbaalan Cf. baal.
socsocalbalon Cf. balon.
socsocalbugay Cf. bugay.
socsocalpononggulingan, Cf. gulingan.
socsomagang Cf. somagang.
socsomocol Cf. somocol.
socsool Cf. sool.
soctinalicala Cf. tinalicala.
soctolipaon Cf. tolipaon.
soctontol Cf. tontol.
sog a preposition. Cf. soc.
soganagana by and by.
soganan Cf. sogao.
sogantol
sogantol nog hasa, irreverent.
sogao (sugooa) wailing at funerals.
sogmolomo moc sogao, weeper.
moc sugooa tundong songuca noc sola,
weep for your sins.
pocsogao to shed tears.
pocsogao pogsocasoca, crying, weeping.
pocasogao act of weeping.
sogmocsogao nong naqiiit, weepers.
malisogon weeper.
socsocalpocsoganon lamentable
pacasococ act of weeping.
sogbobaan Cf. bobaan.
sogboid Cf. boid.
sogboot Cf. boot,
sogdogo Cf. dogo.
sogdoon Cf. doon.
sogduma Cf. doma.
soggo to hiccup.
V sodoc, id.
sogicabang Cf. icagabang.
sogindagosay Cf. gosay.
soglinunbogan Cf. linunbogan.
sogmacaocsop Cf. ocsop.
sogmaglaat Cf. laat.
sogmebagolan Cf. bagol.
sogmecpeinog Cf. inog.
sogmegatad Cf. gatad.
sogmetondong Cf. tondong.
sogmicalimbong Cf. limbong.
sogmigagoyan Cf. gagoy.
sogmigbaal Cf. baal.
sogmigbono Cf. bono,
sogmigbuis Cf. buis.
sogmimando Cf. mando.
sogmitoiac Cf. toiac.
sogmocsamoc Cf. samoc.
sogmocsogo Cf. sogo.
sogmogangay Cf. angay.
sogmogbolobod Cf. bolobod.
sogmogboot Cf. boot,
sogmogdadao Cf dao.
sogmogdoro Cf doro.
sogmoglioat Cf. lioat.
sogmogocom Cf. ocom.
sogmogoit Cf. goit.
sogmogombal Cf. gobal.
sogmogota
sogmogota nog gapoy, vomiting fire.
sogmogsosulat Cf. sulat.
sogmogtabo Cf. tabo.
sogmogunaguna Cf. gonagona.
sogmololison Cf. nioiolison.
sogmonongguiling Cf. guiling.
sogmoquit Cf. goit.
sognaquilit Cf. naquiiit.
sognigasoy Cf. nigasoy,
sogo (sugo) to order, to define, a command-
ment.
pocsogo to command.
sogmocsogo commander.
V sogo, to command, to order, to define.
sogod cargo, lading.
dacsoc soc sogod, to stow cargo.
V sooc, id.
sogodaay Cf. daay.
sogogolingong
penongonan sogogolingon nog biiot,
abnegation.
sogombaya Cf. baya.
sogonda Cf. da.
sogondaay Cf. daay.
sogondi Cf. di.
sogpacaillg Cf. ilig.
sogpacalaat Cf. laat.
sogpaon a slap.
V sagpa, id.
sogpiglologosan Cf. lologosogan.
sogpopeed Cf. peed,
sogsocalbaion Cf. balon.
sogsocalgunagunaon Cf. gonagona.
sogtinangonan Cf. tinangonan.
soguset Cf. guset.
solang Cf. selang.
solo Cf. sulu.
solog to pack.
pocsolog to pack into a trunk.
V solod, to enter, to go into.
solom Cf. diselum, siselem, suansolom.
solot to enter.
posoloron mo gnien, bid him come in.
V solod, to enter.
som sour.
mosom (mo : som) sour.
gosomnen (go : som : nen) niiything;
sour.
somacay Cf. .sacay.
212
THE SUBANU.
somagan a weapon.
bosi doon ec somagan, a spear.
somagang to block, to obstruct.
socsomagang obstructor.
somala adverbial modifier. Cf. alandon.
somama Cf. sama.
sombag to answer.
V tobag, id. Bontoc Igorot: sumfad, the
answer.
somocol factious.
socsomocol so nga gosod, dissenter.
V socol, to dispute, to argue.
somoctoloan
somoctoloan noc suhanon, peasant.
sonioglopong Cf. lopong.
somogot
boclag ondi somogot, defection.
somolondon seldom.
somoon skilful.
sogondi somoon, unskilled.
sompoyan to complete, to finish.
V sompay, id.
sonan to know.
pocogondaay sonan, ignorance.
sinonan (s : in : onan)
sogondaay sinonan, unskilfully.
sondalo soldier. (Spanish soldado.)
sog sondalo moggondaay abavo, infan-
try.
sonnem
sognigasoy sonnem nogayac lover.
sonsol to burn.
sontoc to strike, to slash.
pagsontoc stroke of a cutlass.
V sontoc, to stab, to lance,
song a particle.
song neen, to thee.
song niyo, to you.
son gag
songag domomog nogombagol, thick
lips.
songibu thousand.
songuca thy.
sool down.
socsool fallen.
V sahol, to cheapen.
soong no.se.
balang soong, bridge of the nose.
imud soong, septum of the nose.
gegbad sootig. interior of the nose.
soong point of the knife.
soot dance.
sop
dosop also.
puli mjisop, again.
sopagboot Cf. boot,
sopang fat, fleshy.
pocsopang to grow plump.
V sopang, fat.
sopingi (sapingi) the cheek.
V aping, id. Bontoc Igorot: Iping, cheek
near the temples.
sopla remedy.
sogondaay sopla, irremediably.
V sompa, to give medicine, to take pre-
cautions.
sopoc anger.
pocsopoc to fly into a rage.
sopoceglopong Cf. lopong.
sopoconongguiling Cf. gulling,
sopocsama Cf. sama.
sopogloguinaoa Cf. guinaoa.
sopogopia Cf. pia.
soquit
soquit nong miliigbas, a hole bored
from side to side,
sora (sura) fish.
poctuba soc sora, to poison fish.
V isda, fish.
sosombagay quantity given and received.
soyon
soyon noc sulut binutong, emblem.
suansolom in the morning.
suayon
sogondi maimo guilason suayon, in-
divisible.
suba river. Cf. sapasapa.
pagdipag sac suba so guset, to cross
rivers on floats.
V sobd, river, to go by stream.
subanon
somoctoloan noc subanon, peasant.
subo Cf. sobo.
subungan knife haft.
sucle to barter.
sugo Cf. sogo.
sugooa Cf. sogao.
suguiton Cf. saguit.
sulal orchard.
magbaal lamo noc sulal, did you work
in the orchard?
sulat (sulut) to write.
suguiton nia nogompia soc sulat, write
well thy page.
soyon noc sulut binutong, emblem.
sogmogsosulat writer, clerk.
V solat, to write. Bontoc Igorot, Ilocano:
sulddak, id.
sulidat spoon of wood or metal.
suling bamboo flute.
sulu (solo) light, sunrise, torch.
V solo, a torch. Bontoc Igorot: sillu, id.
sulut Cf. sulat.
sumalui Cf. saloy, somaloy.
sumibang
sumibang gondao, sunrise.
sumuda to eat.
sumuda na gumanoc, to eat the egg.
Sunday a bamboo comb.
Sunday gaan, a fork.
supla to blunt, to dull.
supoc to tire oneself.
suquit
pocsuquit noc paldon sogmigbuis, to
enroll in a census.
pogbuia noc pegotaran noc suquit, cen-
sus.
sura Cf. sora.
sunk (suk) jacket, shirt.
j taab rising tide.
' poctaab id.
1 V taob, id.
SUB AN U- ENGI. ISH VOCABULARY.
213
taap to suspect.
di motahap, intrepid.
V tShap, to suspect.
taas up.
ditaas up, over.
matas tall.
motaas
gayo nong motaas, any large timber.
gotao nong motaas, a tall robust person .
motaas gopia, tall, elevated.
gotao nong motaas nog booc, hairy.
V taas, up, above.
taassondao midday, noon.
taba to be fat.
tabal sermon.
tabian talker.
V tabi, to speak much.
tabing the hip.
tabo to revolve.
sogmogtabo revolving.
taboc to consent.
tacho stewpan. (Spanish tacho.)
tadjau a jar valued at 5 piculs of rice.
tagam habit, custom; to accustom.
mitagam (metagam, motagam) ha-
bitually.
sogondaay mitagam, unskilled.
nog metagam nog poglaat, mischiev-
ousness.
tagana to elect.
V tagana, id.
tagek juice.
taginop a dream.
tago to store.
poctago, id.
V tago, to guard, to store, to hide.
taktuai the knee. Cf. leletek.
talabi a drum used in religious ceremonies.
talam a brass serving platter. (Malay.)
talao fear.
atalao timid, coward.
sogondaay atalao, intrepidity.
matalao (motalao) cowardly.
ondi matalao, intrepid.
V talao, fear.
talawan spear.
tali a rope.
tali noguintolo, 3-stranded esparto
rope.
taliaman a weapon.
moni aro7i noc taliaman, a weapon.
talinga the ear; handles of a jar or jug.
luang talinga, the hole in the ear.
V dalonggan, the ear.
talip the bladder.
talloma Cf. taliaman.
bosi maaron noc talloma, javelin.
talo language.
poctalo to speak.
talon wild.
baboy talon, wild boar.
taluk purple.
gataluknen (ga : taluk : nen) a large
mass of purple.
talun betel box.
tarn a where.
tama sogmogsosidat, where is the
clerk?
tambugu button. Cf. tumbaga.
tambun stack of straw. (Malay.)
tamiang a spirit bird which determines the
best site for a house.
taming a round shield.
tamisac mud. Cf. basacan.
V pisac, id.
tamo
sabot tamo uglonan niyo, answer all of
you.
tampalasan naughty.
V tampalasan, to be a rogue, immoral.
tampoling to buffet, to slap.
V tam paling, to slap with the back of
the hand.
tanud thread.
tao Cf. cutao, potao, tonaoan.
tao Cf. gotao, golitao.
V taoo, person. Bontoc Igorot.takao, id.
taod to respect.
V tahod, to honor.
tapi altar.
tapis skirt.
tapis empetek, a short skirt, kilt.
moglong tapis, apron worn by women.
V tapis, an outer garment of women.
tapolan lazy, idler, vagabond.
lee nog tapolan, rogue, swindler.
V tapolan, id.
tapus to end.
atapusan (a : tapus : an) end.
sogondaay atapusan, unlimited.
atapusan sog benoiran, hilltop.
V tapes, to finish, to conclude; catapo-
san, end.
tare
poctare to put balls on.
taron good, right.
motaron (mo : taron) just, lawful.
songondi motaron, unlawful.
V tadong, good, right, just.
taron I do not know.
tatung tin.
tauac to call, to summon.
tauago mo giiien, call thou him.
V taoag, to call.
tay who.
tay minatiing, who has come in?
tee needle.
tee excrement of a child.
V tai, excrement in general, particularly
human. Bontoc Igorot: tae, id.
teguib chisel.
Vtigib, id.
telinting backbone.
telipusud brother.
teneb wild honey.
tenite to salt and smoke meat.
tenga half.
tenggab bamboo flute (longer than suling).
tian (tiyan, puntian) belly.
macabagol noc tian, pot belly.
tian noc pusu, calf of the leg.
V tian, belly. Kolon: tiya, id. Visayan:
tian, belly. Magindano, Ilocano.
Tagalog, Sanguir, Ahtiago: tian, id.
Pampangas: atia?i, id. Wayapo;
tihen, id. Morella: tiaka, id. Ba-
214
THE SUBANU.
tian — continued.
tumerah; tiava, id. Wahai: tiare,
id. Caimarian: liamo, id. Lariko,
Avvaiya : tia, id. Menado : iijan, id.
Wayapo: tihen, id. vSaparua: teho,
id. Marina, Nggao, New Georgia,
Treasury Island: tia, id. Maori,
Tahiti, Marquesas, Mangareva:
tia, id.
tibaan
piran nocpigaguanta somala noc ti-
baan, ignominy.
tiboa stomach.
tibogok a bird in which the female spirit
dipuksaya sometimes materializes.
tibooc wholly, entirely.
V tibooc, id.
ticas to defraud.
ticas maliondocon, pickpocket.
V ticas, to rob meanly.
tigom to gather, to accumulate.
V tigom, id.
tigomoamo flattering.
tigul a cigarette wrapped in nipa leaf.
timala
bilking timala, a festival for the infant
dead or those recently dead.
timba good, well.
timod to unite.
timod noc salapi, to hoard.
V tigom, to unite.
timondoan Cf. tondo.
timpa betel box.
timpas wry-mouthed.
timuai a chief.
Una to dye.
poctina noc bolao, to dye red.
V tina, to dye.
tinabagen a grooved spear head.
tinaguilo stepchild.
tinalagan a heavy short spear with short
blade.
tinalicala (t : in : alicala).
soctinalicala to chain.
V talicala, a chain.
tinangonan
sogtinangonan noc sa lamin guinolal
antocos, spectacles.
tinayan a bridge.
tinee intestines, bowel.
tinhug (tiungo) nape, back of the neck.
tinina to weave.
tiningog Cf. tingog.
tinongol Cf. tingol.
tinugsog a young pig just weaned.
tingala to marvel.
poctingala to astonish.
V tingala, id.
tingil to bear.
pagtingil to carry.
tingilan spinning wheel. Cf. tingol.
tingog talk.
tiningog id.
V tingog, voice, to talk, to salute, to bray.
tingol to spin.
sogmogtingol spinner.
bonua noc poctingolan, spinning room.
ti n gol — continued
tinongol (tin : on : gol).
coloonan somala alandon noc iinoyigol,
spun fiber.
tioan (tiuan) a bee.
nila bonua noc tiuan, beehive.
tiuan nog lee, drone.
noquito noc tiuan, pertaining to bees.
pocongolan nog nila noc tioan, queen
cell.
V potiocan, bee.
tiroo unhappy.
titai a bridge.
tiuan Cf. tioan.
tiungo Cf. tinhug.
tiyan Cf. tian.
toay glaucous.
tobang fresh.
motobang unsalted.
V tabang, unsalted, insipid.
tobang to look. Cf. gatbang.
poctobang to face.
V atobang, to become visible, to look at.
tobe Cf. tabian.
nocmacabingguil sa gompia nog buot
poctobe, detractor.
V tabi, to speak much, loquacious.
tobig Cf. tubig.
tobo (tubo) to sprout.
catubo (ca : tobo) life.
poctobo germination.
poctobo soc gonu soc mga lee, to have a
beard just showing.
poctubo sog hombol nog manocmanoc,
to get feathers.
m in tobo
songoc saa mintobo noc salalis, a bunch
of flowers on one stalk.
tominobo to germinate.
Visayan, Matu: tubu, to grow. Kayan:
tubo. id. Malay : tumbuh, id. Mala-
gasy: tomboh, id. Samoan: tupu, id.
tobod a spring.
tondong noc tobod, spring, fountain.
bonua nocolonan nocpoc tobora, spring.
V tobod, to spring from, to gush.
tobon
libong ho bacalan noc tobon nog dina-
mog bata, a barren female.
toboro Cf. tobod.
tobos (tubus) complete, perfect, to finish.
Cf. tapus.
poctobosan achievable.
V tapos, to complete.
toclop to nail.
tocsocan a case for buttons and thread.
V tohogan, id.
togaling Cf. tugaling.
togaya Cf. tugaya.
togot to permit.
socaltogot susceptible of exemption.
togotan
sogsomacay nogale togotan noc ponoan,
stowaway .
V togot, to grant permission.
togubung rat.
SUBANU -ENGLISH VOCABULARY.
215
toiac leaning.
sogmitoiac inclination to one side.
tolin gain.
poctolin to acquire.
poggatad poctolin nog bangot, to get a
beard.
tolipaon
soctolipaon nieaon, dwarfish.
toHsan rascal.
tolisan tugaling, rogue.
V tampalasan, rogue, rascal.
tolo three.
tali noguintolo, 3-stranded rope.
tolopulu thirty.
V tolo, three. Bontoc Igorot: tola, id.
tolo (tolu) to drop, to drip.
poctolo nongogatop, to rain.
V tolo, a drop of any liquid.
tolod to impel, to push.
V tolod, id. Bontoc Igorot: itoludko, id.
tolog sleep.
pogtolog to go to sleep.
V tolog, id.
tolong to burn.
torn dark.
mitom black.
biag nog mitom, a black slave.
getomnen (ge : torn : nen) blackness
of night.
V itom, maitom, black.
toma why?
toma a logmo song neen, why blamest
thou him?
toman Cf. tuman.
tomanan to improve.
tominobo Cf. tobo.
tonaoan (t : on : ao : an)
balay noc poctonaoan noc potao, iron-
works.
V tonao, to smelt metals.
tondo to educate.
timondoan (t : im : ondo : an) dis-
ciple.
V todio, to instruct, to teach.
tondo finger.
salahuk tondo, first finger.
datu tondo, second finger.
bobonayan noc tondo, space between
the knuckles.
bogotondo knuckle.
V todlo, torlo, finger, toe.
tondong (tundong) to pertain.
tondong noc tubig, pertaining to a
river.
tondong noc tobod, a spring, fountain.
tondong song ang manoc, gallinaceous.
soctondong gabo nog mogonao, wintry.
soctondong nog dalan, itinerary.
mitondong (metondong)
mitondong no gotao, human.
mitondong nog bata, childish, juvenile.
socmitondong nog diuata, idolatrous.
sogmetondong sogmogdadao, thievish.
gaom noc motondong so gonauna,
science of ideas.
V tongod, to pertain.
tonob
gaan noc polocon boogon noc tonob so-
mala alandon nong mobogbog, cakes.
tonogbata Cf. bata.
pocpatay bisan tonogbata nong mica,
infanticide.
tontal to marry.
poctontal marriage.
tontol conversation
tontol noc pigonaona moc nga gotao,
fable.
tontoltontol balos nog mibatog sog Ion-
sod, rumor, gossip.
poctontol to converse.
soctontol detractor.
tontong to burn.
poctontong id.
tong why?
tong na malipay, why are ye merry?
tong harm.
pimoctong to molest.
pomoctong hostile.
tongalang basket.
lulu tongalang, a large basket for crop
storage.
Bontoc Igorot: alang, granary.
tongdong to face.
tongdug
tongdug panga, a half-grown monkey.
tongos to wrap up.
tonggab to drink.
V tongab, id.
too to believe.
V too, id.
toon (tuun) year, time, a two-crop season,
crop and harvest.
toon no pogdope, rainy, showery.
Bontoc Igorot: taaowin, year.
toon to teach.
mutuon na noc putuonan, did you
study the lesson?
pictoonan (pic : toon : an) disciple.
guiscuelaan noc poctoonan, school.
V toon, to teach.
toos signal.
topoc to unite.
torong just.
catorongan (ca : torong : an) justice.
bal nogondi socal so catorongan, in-
justice.
V tadong, catadongan, justice.
tuan master, sir.
poctuan noc tubig, spring.
tuba a shrub.
poctuba soc sora, to poison fish.
V toba, a shrub whose fruit is used to
poison fish.
tubig (tobig) water.
pocpunu noc tubig, to fill with water.
soc tobig, rising tide.
tugaya noc pobianan noc tubig, water
conduit.
tondongnoc tubig, pertaining to a river.
poctuan noc tubig, a spring.
poglines somala alandon sog tubig, to
dissolve.
pocsicay noc tubig^to sprinkle water.
216
THE SUBANU.
tubig — continued.
baa noc tubig, overflow of rivers.
tubig nog dupe, rainwater.
miglanao ic tubig, lake.
poctubig to fill with water.
bonoa noc tubigan, puddle.
V tobig, water in general.
tubo Cf. tobo.
tubus Cf. tobos.
tugaling (togaling) very, a sign of the su-
perlative.
malat tugaling, evil doer.
maligos ba tugaling, is he worse.
malagos tugaling, he is worse.
bolo tugaling, ferocity.
tolisan tugaling, rogue.
pocabolo tugaling, inhumanly.
sogpacalaat tugaling, iniquitously.
pacanapo tugaling, evenness.
minit togaling, very warm.
tugaya (togaya) a gutter, spout; to make a
canal.
tugaya noc pobianan noc tubig, water
conduit.
tugbungan
donggoan tugbungan, anchorage.
tugol to strengthen.
tulaan bone.
tulag to disjoin.
tulakh Adam's apple.
tuman (toman) to obey, to comply.
toman, a filler.
moctuman amo poc, put yourselves in
a row.
poctoman noc atandanan, to satisfy, to
comply with what is due.
socmectuman, full.
V toinan, to comply; complete, perfect.
tumbaga copper. Cf. tambugu.
V tombaga, id.
tundaan a small boat.
tundong Cf. tondong.
tungdong reason, motive.
V tongod, id.
tungkaling a bell to frighten birds away
from crops.
turung hat, cap.
tutusan a cigarette wrapped in paper.
tuyo intention.
V toyo, id.
tuyo to weary, to molest, to vex.
V toyo, to inconvenience, to annoy.
ubi a tuber edible when cooked.
V obi, id.
uglonan Cf. lonan.
ulatay wait.
pogulatay mo, wait.
V holat, to wait.
ulihan pulpit.
V oali, to preach; oalihan, pulpit.
ulimo
ulimo caya, return that to.
nano ec pogulimo, when wilt thou go?
V oli, to restore.
ulipun Cf. gulipun.
umpet Cf. pet.
upat four.
uraman to change.
sogondi maimo uraman, immutable.
utung (gutung) monkey.
viste clothing. (Spanish veste.)
walu eight.
walupulu eighty.
V oalo, eight. Bontoc Igorot : walo, id.
ya thou.
morito ya soc convento, go thou to the
convent.
monoog ya, come thou down.
V ya, id.
yamo you.
yaua (yawa) devil.
V yaoa, id. Tagolog : yaua, id.
yaung a cup.
yen he.
ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABULARY.
abandon
bolong. pasagdan.
argue
sindil.
abbess
gosog nog binocot.
arm
bingcon
abdicate
pinilian.
upper arm
mageleabed.
ability
pocolomo balon somala alan-
armlet
linggit.
don.
armor
genbet.
abjure
pacpangirongo nong mo-
armpit
gilek.
tood.
around
libot.
able
maimo, molomo, socal-, soc-
arrival
carongo, pagdatong.
socal-.
arrogant
baga.
abnegation
penongonan sogogolingong
arrogantly
pocobaga.
nog buot.
arrow
lipu.
abolish
socalan igbutasan.
artery
gugat.
abominable
socal poglogomutan .
ascertain
pocposoon.
abuse
palalabe.
ashes
gabo.
acacia
gayo nog doguian.
ask
saac.
accede
gangay, goyon.
assist
labanan, gabang.
accessible
pogood.
astonish
libaliba, poctingala.
accord
pegoyonan.
asylum
panilong, domangop.
accumulate
pongon, tigom, lompoc.
attach
matogos.
accustom
mibotasan, tagam.
attentive
pocaoid, pocpongong.
achievable
poctobosan.
aunt
gina, ina.
acquire
poctolin.
axe
gwasay.
admit
panilong.
to the house gomalin.
baby
batabata.
adorn
dayandayan, sangay.
bachelor
golitao.
adze
bencong.
back
locud, logud.
adzing
guinocsip.
backbone
telinting.
affectionatel>
' gayac.
bad
laat, malaat.
afternoon
lalabong, ginenga minek
weather
gonos nong marisa.
gondao.
bagasse
gopa.
again
pull musop.
bait
gumpan.
against
bon6.
bald
gopao.
aged
magulang.
ball
sipa.
agree
gangay, sabot, goyon.
banana
saguing.
ah
bale.
bandage
baling.
aid
labanan.
banner
bandela.
alas
aba, bale.
baptize
bondyag.
alienable
socsocalbogayan nog leen.
bark
gosig.
all
lonan, laninen.
barker
socmoggosig maloong.
alligator
bangitao, boaya.
barking
sopoggosig.
altar
binabalay, bukar, tapi.
barracks
locao.
alter
paglogalin, pocpeen.
barrel
pocqnipos.
also
dosop.
barren
tobon nog dinamog bata.
always
gusay.
barter
sucle.
amazement
pocolaen sa gunagona, coen-
basket
bobaan, gantang, gantanj
doc.
buhisan, lulu tongalang.
anchorage
donggoan tugbungan.
fishbasket
pitangan.
and
bo, bu.
bat
laknit, batiti.
anger
sopoc.
bathe
ligo.
animal
mananap.
battle
lelenaan.
ankle
bogogu.
bay
linok, logoc.
answer
sabot, posobaton, sombag.
be
dine, doon.
ant
pila.
beam
gayo nong motaas.
appetite
ayac, guibog.
bear
antosan, gantoson.
appoint
ngalan.
bearable
sogmolomo antosan.
apron
moglong tapis.
beard
gumi, gonu, bangot.
arable
lopa nogompia balan, napo.
beat
pagbontol, bonal.
architect
sogmigbaal nog balay.
beautiful
bais, erabais, malongas.
areca nut
gibas, maen.
because
sabab.
217
218
THE SUBANU.
becloud
bed
bee
beehive
beer
beginning
behold
believe
bell
belt
belly
below
bend
beneath
benefit
betel box
chewing
bewitch
bird
bit
bitter
bitterness
black
blacksmith
bladder
blame
blanket
blaze
bleach
blear-eyed
block
blood
blood money
blood vessel
blow n
blow V
blue
blueness
blunt
boar
wild boar
boat
body
boiling
bone
bottle
bow
bowels
bowl
bowstring
box
betel box
tobacco box
boy
brace the feet
brain
branch
brave
breast
breastbone
breath
breeches
bridge
of the nose
bristly
pogdolan.
poyoan.
niguan, tioan, boligan.
nila bonoa noc tiuan.
gasi, pangasi.
pegotaran.
dien iposay.
too.
basting, linganay, tuiigka-
ling.
bakes panit, baling,
tian, puntian.
socsilong.
moctoo.
perealon.
calongas, gipianan.
talun, timpa.
bunga, buyo, laget, mam-
aen, gibas, maen.
mobabaan.
manoc.
sangol sog baba, biyauan.
pet, umpet.
gapetnen.
mitom, getomnen.
panday potao.
talip.
logmo.
gumut.
goclac, liga.
pocpoti.
motaon.
somagang.
dogo.
bangon.
gugat.
litobong.
gonos.
bilu, gasol.
gabUunen.
sansang, supla.
baboy.
baboy talon, butaal.
sacay, tundaan.
lauas.
socmocsubo.
tulaan.
lelenaan.
pana.
tinee.
palaksan.
giget.
caban.
talun, timpa.
batangan laget.
boto-micaon, bogutao.
pocponicol, sicol.
gutek.
panga, pakanen.
bolo, macabolo, pintas.
gogdob, edob, dubdub.
gibusibus.
guinaoa.
sangyawa.
tinayan, titai.
batang soong.
nongmotong.
brook
sapasapa.
brother
patod, telipusud, gilugu.
brother-in-
law bate.
brow
gangas.
bruise
locpog, ocdoc.
bud
bone, buat, pegotaran.
buffet
doctoc, tampoling.
builder
sogmigbaal nog balay.
building
balay, bota.
bunch
caloonan.
burn
sonsol, tolong, tontong.
burning
baga tondong noc abolo no
bury
gapoy.
lobung, poclubung, olungo-
ban.
button
tambugu.
buy
saloy.
by-and-by
soganagana.
cacao
aao, aaoan.
cackle
pogone.
cage
gulungan.
cake
boogon.
calf
tian noc pusu.
call
tauac, batog.
calumny
ponbaal, poglibac.
canal
tugaya.
candle
lansuk.
cane
Uayan.
cannon
lotang nog daan. lantaka.
to fire
boi.
canoe
galiyan.
cap
popia, tuning.
carabao
galabao.
cargo
sogod.
carpenter
panday.
carriage
pocoatud, pocogoit.
carrier
sogmogoit, sogmogatod.
carry
goit, poquit, socnaquit,atud.
baba, dala, tingil, bolig.
cart
pogoot.
cassava
camote cahoy.
cat
guilos, geding, kuting, hir-
ing, gigus.
wildcat
lubing.
cause
alaik punanen, alaik sabab.
census
pocsuquit noc paldon sog-
migbuis.
chain
pogbaat, poquicot, tinali-
cala.
chair
guicoran.
change
posocliyan, uraman.
chastity
nada.
cheapen
pacponoog sog laga.
cheat
baloson.
cheek
sapingi, sopingi, raolo.
chest
gogdob, edob, dubdub; ge-
deb; caban.
chew
mama.
chick
posui.
chicken
gitit.
chief
gosog, gosog nog lonoon,
timuai, panungo, gare,
datu, begelal, poon, sali-
ling, masalagtau, lajagu-
num.
child
bata.
EJNGLISH-SUBANU VOCABUI.ARY.
219
childbirth
gululu, matansa, gosina.
counting
paguisip, pagusay.
chimney
bengawan nog gobal.
country
bukid, lonsod.
chin
selang.
courage
cabolo so posong.
chisel
teguib.
courageous
bolo, macabolo.
chocolate pot batirol.
cousin
gonopo.
choose
pili.
cover
labon.
church
sinbaan.
cow
sapi.
cigarette
gasa, lakas, sigupan, tigul,
coward
atalao.
tutusan.
cowardly
motalao.
clerk
sogmogsosulat.
cradle
puyuwan.
clever
motoo.
creeper
bolagan nog bolaan.
climb
pogdeec, pogontod.
cripple
lolid, pitong.
cloak
capote; poclabon.
crocodile
bangitao, boaya.
close
pono.
crooked
molio.
cloth
genbet, kinopatan.
cross
pagdipag.
clothing
ponopoton, poloapomopo-
crow
quak, guak; pogone.
ton, viste; baag, gantiu.
crowd
picpongonnan nonga gotao,
gav^ral, gawes, gumut.
loonan.
legdey, musalabungkas,
crown
bolibod ; porongporong.
porot, salwal, sangyawa,
crying
pocsogao.
suuk, tapis, apote.
cup
basu, sawan, yaung.
cloud
dolan.
cure
pocbolong; porang, tenite.
coals
baga.
curved
molio.
dead coals
musing.
custom
batad, batasan, gaui, tagam.
coarse
moreipol.
cut
gabasan, potol.
coat
apote.
cutlass
penoto.
cock
limansud.
cockpit
bonua nocpogbalidyaan no-
dainties
guibogan.
ngog manoc.
damage
poglaat.
coconut
niug.
dance
soot, sabay; anahau, sali-
grove
niugao.
dingan.
milk
tubig nong niug.
daughter
bata.
shell
load.
dawn
diselum, poti dalag.
coin
salapi.
day
gondao, gobii.
cold
mogonao; sipoon.
day after to-morrow salan gondao.
collar
gasintos.
daytime
gondao.
comb
Sunday.
death
amatayon, pocamatay, pog-
come
minatung, mori.
patayon.
come down
monoog.
debilitate
pocgangay noc capintas
comfort
senombagan, milipay.
abolo socog.
coming
carongo, pagdatong.
deceit
sayop.
command
pogboot, pocsogo, poggare.
declivity
maranaya.
commander
socmocsogo.
decoction
moloto.
commanding
sogmogboot.
deep
medelem.
commandment sogo.
deer
bilibili, osa.
communion
paccalauat.
defamation
pogangay nog rongog, poc-
compact
dacsoc, libon, maligon.
peed.
complete
ontoran, octuban, ponno,
defamer
sogmaglaat bo mogangay
sompoyan, tobos.
nog dongog.
comprehend
sabot.
defection
boclag ondi somogot, dala.
comply
tuman.
defend
gabang, inobangan.
conduct, good pia, gompia.
defense
sogicabang.
conductor
sogmogatod, sogmogoit.
defensive
sogicagabang.
conduit
tugaya.
deference
goyon.
confess
paccalauat, compinsal.
deficit
gongean, pagcorala.
conflagration
dinoksulan.
define
gasoy, sayoron, sogo.
congratulate
tugaling sac sala gotao ton-
defraud
dao, ticas, limbong.
dong sa gompia noc palad
deglutition
goglon, orol.
sama gotao.
dejected
pagoquion.
consent
taboc.
delay
alanganan, payat.
contain
gola.
deluded
soglinunbogan sogpiglologo-
conversation
tontol.
sogan.
cook
loto.
delusive
sogondaay tundongan'-'noc
copper
tumbaga.
pacanaoron, sogmicalim-
corrupt
malat tugaling.
bong.
cottage
locao sog beninalan.
depressed
pocpanimolang.
count
guisip.
desire
bout.
220
the; subanu.
destroy
morala.
easy
malomo, molomo, sogon-
detest
goraot.
daay abilingan.
detractor
nocmacabingguil sa gompia
eat
cana, gaan, sumuda, ma-
nog buot poctobe, poquit
namu, manunsuma.
soctontol.
ebullition
pocsobo.
devil
yaua.
educate
baton, lomo, tondo.
die
matay, patay.
efficiency
socpogbaal.
different
laen.
egg
bulinga, gumanoc.
difficult
biling, malogou.
eight
walu.
difficulty
abilingan, lisod.
eighty
walupulu.
digestion
poglines sog quinaan.
elbow
siyu.
dilapidator
maliolaon.
elder
mogulang.
diligent
matogos.
elect
pili, tagana.
dine
cana.
elegance
dugnayan ig lanas no gotao
disagreement
gondi gangay.gondi maaron.
mapiaiguindog.
discouragement paubos nog buot.
elevated
maal, motaas gopia.
disciple
pictoonan, timondoan.
eleven
sapulu bo sala.
disjoin
gogbag, tulag.
eliminate
di poggolat sog bisan alan-
disorderly
gobot.
don.
dispersion
pocboclag, poclagoy.
emanate
buat, gatad.
displeasing
pocobaga.
embarrass
libang, casamoc.
displeasure
malaat nog boot, gomot.
embark
pocosacay.
dissemble
poclabon sac guionaona.
embellish
alongas, dayandayan, san-
disseminate
sitguag.
gay.
dissent
pingondian.
emblem
laraban nga ologan somala
dissenter
socsomocal so nga gosod.
alandon, soyon noc sulut
dissertation
pocsindilsindil.
binutong.
dissimilar
di maaron, dilo mopong.
embroidery
lankep.
dissolve
lines.
enchanted
gondeemaqui nongog, gonlo
distinguish
peinan.
gotao nog boangboang.
distinguishable socalpeinan.
enchanter
asoang, balbal.
distract
lingalinga.
encounter
baangan.
distribute
pocguilas.
end
atapusan; tapus.
disturb
magalin.
endure
antosan, gantoson.
divide
boocon, potol, lombos.
enemy
banta, bono.
divinity
poccadiuata.
enervate
pocgangay noc capintas
divorce
pocboclag soc gotao nga
abolo socog.
soay.
enjoy
agom.
dog
guito, ito, gayam.
enjoyment
pocagagom, milipay.
door
langaan.
enroll
pocsuquit noc paldon, pog-
doorway
bawang ec daan.
buta.
down
baba, sool, nooc.
enter
solot.
come down
monoog.
entirely
tibooc.
go down
ponooc, socsilong.
ephemeral
socmopayat soc sala ondao.
dream
taginop.
equal
pares, sama.
drink
inom, guinom, gunimon,
equalizer
somoglopong, somogsama.
minoma, ocsop, tonggab.
estimate
pacpalaga somala alandon.
drip
tolo.
evening
polupungobii.
drone
tiuan nog lee.
evenness
pacanapo tugaling.
drop
tolo.
event
gabo.
drum
gandang, talabi.
every
lonan.
drunken
poccabolong.
everything
lamnen.
drunkenness
migbobolong.
evil
sayop.
dry
inangkag.
evildoer
mipono noc sayop, sala,
dull
sansang, supla.
malat tugaling.
duty
atodanan.
exact
lopong.
dwarf
meaon.
exactly
impit.
dwell
congol.
excrement
tee, malomo.
dwelling
picongolan.
excuse
balibad.
dye
panglamugan, pongompig.
executable
socsocalbaalan.
tina.
exhort
sambag.
explain
sayoron.
ear
talinga.
external
sa gua.
earring
gantingganting.
extinguish
pocpalon.
earth
lopa, salau.
eye
mata.
earthquake
linug.
humor
mota.
ease
abotang.
pupil
ginotao.
ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABULARY.
221
eyebrow
eyelash
eyelid
fable
face
facilitate
faction
factious
factor
factory
faculty
fair weather
fall
fallacy
false witness
falsifier
fame
fan
far
farm
farmer
fast
fasting
fat
father
father-in-law
fathom
three fathoms sinantan.
fault finding libac.
gilay.
pileka.
pilaten.
tontol.
mole; gatbang, poctobang,
tongdong.
nog abilingan nog micao-
lang, pogangay.
dapig.
gobot, somocol, malalison.
gotao pimonan, pisaligan,
pocsaloy, nocpogbalidya.
beta.
gaom socpogbaal.
linao.
labo, pagobos, socosol, bosa-
can, lolid.
bales, lingbon, nogmalat.
pombaal.
songmogmaomao somala
alandon.
bantug.
gocabgocab.
malayo.
bukid.
nogmigbaal sog lopa.
puasa.
pocpuasa.
malorabo, sopang, taba.
gama.
ponongangan.
kumpau, depa.
fear
feasible
feast
feather
feeble
fellow
fence
ferocious
ferocity
festival
fever
feverish
field
ondoc, gondoc, talao.
malomo balon, socsocalba-
lon.
buklug.
bombol.
malobay.
galad.
bole, pintas.
bole tugaling.
buklug.
panas.
panas minit.
bukid, bonoa nog napo.
cleared for tilth binalan.
cultivated begyaan.
paddy field
fierce
fight
fifty
fill
filler
find
fine
finger
index finger
second
third
little
fingernail
finish
binal.
pintas.
lalis.
limapulu.
pono, loop,
socpocoloon mepono.
baangan.
bangon.
tondo, gemet, goyamet.
salabuk tondo, palamanis.
datu tondo.
manisan.
koingai.
kanuku.
octoban, tobos. ponno, som-
poyan.
fire n
fire V
firelight
fire making
fireplace
firewood
first
fish
fishbasket
fisherman
fish fence
fishnet
five
flame
flank
flattering
fledged
fleshy
flexible
float n
float V
flood
floor
flour
flower
fluent
flute
flux
fly
follow
following
food
fool
foolish
foot
sole
instep
to brace
footprint
forehead
forest
forge
fork
form
fortune
forty
fountain
four
fowl
fresh
freshet
friend
fright
frog
fruit
full
funeral
fur
gapoy, dinoksulan.
boi, lotang.
liga, goclac.
pulas.
gabo pagbaloganan, buanan
ginulai.
mina, bekna.
sora, esda, suda.
pitangan.
managat, polomongwit.
galad nog llayan lanas soc-
pogboloy noc sura noc
tubigan.
giyud, pasawit.
lima,
liga.
guilid.
poraigon, tigomoamo.
poctubo sog bombol nog
manocmanoc.
gotao gombagol noc sopingi
sopang.
pomagon.
aloonan nog gayoonan.
lotao.
baa.
saleg.
bagas mais.
bulac.
poctolo.
suling, tenggab.
sogdogo.
langau, boligan, calontinay.
pogdonot.
gelet.
gaan, balon.
colang sog boot, gongog,
bobo.
boangboang.
gocsud, pocsud, botis.
palapa.
dibaban noc palapa.
sicol, pocponicol.
binaya.
gangas.
bui.
pandayan.
Sunday gaan.
pogbaal, pogbogay, pogli-
quimo, pocpongong.
palad.
patpulu, upatpulu.
tobod.
pat, upat.
manoc.
tobang.
baa noc tubig.
bila.
bayad.
bocbaac.
bunga.
socmectuman, songmipono,
bontal.
buklug pimala, timala, po-
nolud, puluntu, sogao.
bombol.
222
THE SUBANU.
gain n polos, tolin.
gain V daag.
gale gonos nong marisa.
gallantly baya gopia.
gallantry dugnayan ig lanas no gotao
mapiaiguindog.
garden pimolaen.
garnish sapauan.
gateway bunguan.
gather lompoc, pongon, tigom.
generating sogmoglioat.
generative sogdoon ig gaom nog pogli-
oat.
generously maloot.
germ bone, buat, pegotaran.
germinate tominobo.
germination poctobo.
gift bogay.
ginger loya.
girdle baling, bakes.
girl dalaga.
giver malibogayon, mayac.
glad milipay.
gland gonda.
glaucous toay, manguidaap.
glebe soc lupa noctibogol guinale,
semicoat nog daro.
globular lingin.
go minolo, morito.
go down socsilong.
go up monoog.
goat anding, bilibili.
god diuata; bichara.
goitre buyun.
gold bulawan.
gong kulintangan; gagun.
good pia, bais, malongas, pinuli,
taron.
gossip tontoltontol balos.
govern gauid, pocboot.
governor magagauid, magboot, po-
noan, gobednarol.
grain putok.
granary lulu tongalang.
grandfather gapo nog lee.
grandmother gapo nog libon.
grasp aoid.
grass padang, kogon.
grave alobungan.
gray gabu, gobol.
gray hair mogobol, kagobolnen.
great salag, gasalagnen, bagol.
great-grandfather gama nog gapo.
greatly tugaling.
greatness gasalagnen.
green lunau, galunaunen, molu-
nau; mangud.
ground salau.
guess atoc.
guitar sigitan, kutapi.
gulf linok, logoc.
gun sinapang.
gunpowder malilang.
gutter tugaya.
habit
habitable
tagam, gaui, botasan.
song mopia pocongolan.
habitation picongolan.
habitually mitagam.
haft subungan.
hair booc, bombol, kulagu.
false hair caloonan nog booc, boo-
can, pasobong.
hairy gotao nong motaas nog booc,
boocan.
half gineng, ginenga, tenga.
hamlet gampu nog balay, gampu
nog bawang.
hammock puyuwan.
hand gomog.
palm palad.
back dibabau palad.
lines of palm kulis.
left dig mebang.
right dig liut.
handkerchief panggu.
hank palos.
happiness alipayan, palad.
happy lipay, liag.
hard matugas.
harm tong.
hat popia, turung.
hatred malaat nog boot, gomot.
have doon.
he guien, geyen, iin, yen.
head golo.
nod polog sa golo debaloy bo
debaloy.
heal bolong.
hear rongog, bonug.
heart posong.
hearth buanan.gabopagbaloganan.
heat init, sasac.
heathen pacano.
heel seel, bacoao.
help gabang, labanan.
hemorrhage sogdogo.
hemp lanut.
hen dulungan.
wild hen daluan libuyu.
here deni.
heritage socmicpongon.
hermit crab gumang.
hiccup soggo, gonto, boctasan.
hide V godlod.
hill bulud.
hillock buludbulud, bod.
hilltop atapusan sog^enoiran.
hip tabing.
hither deni.
hoard timod noc salapi, oglod
hoe sarol.
hold pongong.
hole luang, soquit.
honey teneb.
hope lolat.
hornbill kalau.
horse abayo, guda.
hostile pomoctong.
hot malalas, init.
house balay.
birth house gosina.
spirit house maligai.
to admit to panilong.
ENGUSH-SUBANU VOCABULARY.
223
howling
human
humbly
humility
hundred
hunger
hunt
hunting spirits manubu.
husband lagi.
hush libang.
hut ludan.
hysterical guinogdoban.
pogosig no quito'nocpogbou
tolon.
mitondong no gotao, baya
no gotao.
palobaya.
pahubus.
magatus.
pora.
din.
I
agen, au, gaco.
L idea
ideally
■ identical
gonagona.
so gonagona.
maaron nog leen noc pomo-
tangon, latin, sopocama.
identically
sopoceglopong.
identify
pocponongguiling, pocomo-
tood.
identity
poco maaron, pocsama.
idiocy
gondaay gaom.
idiot
gotao gondaay gaom, gon-
daay saboton.
idiom
pogogovitan.
idler
sogondi mayac mogbaal
moglanglaang, malonca.
tapolan.
idolatrous
soc mitondong nog diuata.
ignition
baga tondong noc abolo no
gapoy.
[ ignominy
nocpigaguanta, piran.
ignominiously sopogopia.
ignorance
pocogondaay gaom, poco-
gondaay sonan.
iguana
guibid.
ill at ease
malaat no abotang.
illicitly
sopogondaay dason.
illuminative
socorolang.
image
ladawan.
imaginable
sogsocalgunagunaon.
j imagination
gunaguna.
imaginative
sogmogunaguna.
i imagine
pagonaguna, pogdalomdom
imbecile
boangboang, colang sog
boot.
imbiber
sogmacaocsop.
imbibition
pocoocsop gacsop.
imitable
socsocalpononggulingan.
imitate
guiling.
imitation
sopoconongguiling, nong
maaron.
imitater
sogmonongguiling.
immutable
sogondi maimo posocliyan.
sogondi maimo uraman.
impart
pogambit, pocquilas.
impassability pocgondaay loroon, pocgon-
daay casit.
im passable
sogondi mogbatic, sogondi
maglaro.
impeccable
sogondi maimo noc sala.
impeded
pilong.
impel
doso, gagda, tolod, iguen .
imperiously
sopagboot nogogolingon.
imperturbable
impostor
importunate
improve
inactivity
inattentive
incense
inclination
indestructible
indigo
indivisible
indolent
infanticide
infantry
inflexible
inheritance
inhumanly
iniquitous
iniquitously
initiative
injustice
ink
inquire
inside
instep
instruct
insupportable
intention
intestines
intrepid
intrepidity
iron
ironworks
irremediably
irremissibly
irreverence
irreverent
irrevocability
irritated
jacket
jar
javelin
joint
joy
judge
judgment
judicious
juice
juiciness
sogondi magalin, soginda-
gosay.
baloson, molimbong, saga-
tad.
socdomanlag.
tomanan.
maya.
moglingalinga.
palina.
sogmitoiac, sogpacailig.
sogondi maimo nong morala.
dagom.
sogondi maimo guilaso boo-
coon.
molobay.
sogmigbono.
sog sondalo moggondaay
abayo.
sogondi maimo pomagon.
bilin.
pocabolo tugaling.
malaat, monlogos.
sogpacalaat tugaling.
pegotaran, sogmegatad.
bal nogondi socal so cato-
rongan, calaatan nogom-
bagol.
dawat.
saac.
dialum.
dababau noc palapa.
pocsambag.
sogondi maimo gantoson.
tuyo.
tinee.
ondi matalao, di motahap.
sogondaay atalao, sogon-
daay gondoc.
potao, cutao.
balay noc poctonaoan noc
potao, pandayan.
sogondaay bolong, sogon-
daay sopla.
sogondaay pocpasaylo.
pocgondaay basanon.
sogantol nog basa.
pogondaay pocpoli.
marongot.
gawal, sunk, legdey.
bandi, genlit, gulen, lingu-
lingu, buun, kakud, kali-
guan, kundungan, galu-
nawan, dinampak, gun-
sulee, gunsulaki, lima-
lima, galuas, minanukan,
sinantan, sigeban, sigu-
ban, sibulan, tadjau.
noctalloma.
lelenguan.
alipayan.
paggosay, ponudya, boot,,
ocom, pagonagona.
day gondao noc pocponudya.
bootan.
tagek.
pocoloon noc sabao.
224
THE SUBANU.
juicy
sogdoon cisabaon.
lippitude
mota.
just
lopong, motaron.
liver
gatai.
jute
lanut.
load
lolan.
juvenile
mitondong nog bata.
loafer
sogondi mayac mogbaal
moglanglaang.
kidney
bunga.
lodestone
bato balani.
kill
bono.
lodging
picongolan.
kilt
tapis empetek.
loftily
pocobaga.
kindness
paalongas.
log
batang.
king
lare.
loincloth
baag.
knee
dulud, taktuai.
long
mayaba.
hollow
leletek.
look
guipos, ipos, tobang.
kneel
lood.
looking glass
salamin.
knife
geg, hilamon, kisanggulang,
loom
belen.
loot, penoto, pes, pino-
love
mayac.
balan, pinuti, barong.
lover
sognigasoy sonnem nogayac.
edge
baba.
loving
malomo mayac.
point
soong.
lovingly
gayacsogombagol, nogayac.
haft
subungan.
low
obos.
know
sonan.
low tide
gonas.
I do not know taron.
luck
pal ad.
knowledge
gaom.
lung
baga, looc.
knuckle
bogotondo.
machete
penoto nogombagol.
laborer
moomogbaal, sogmigbaal.
magnitude
gasalagnen.
gotao sogboid.
maiden
dalaga.
lack
colang, quinaanglan.
maize
mais, daoa.
lactation
pagdoro nonga gombata.
make
baal, mando.
ladder
paghat, pahat, gogdan.
male
laki.
lading
sogod.
man
gotao, lee.
lady
bai.
mango
mapalam.
lake
danao, lanao.
manner
baya.
lamentable
socsocalpocsoganan.
manufacturer sogmimando.
land
bonoa, bukid, lopa.
many
loon, madagel.
language
talo, pogogovitan.
marriage
poctontal.
lard
matia, laneg.
married
luay.
large
bagol, masalag.
marry
tontal.
larynx
tulakh.
marsh
bonoa nog tubigan, lopa
late
payat, ombos.
nongmoromos, lanao.mig-
launch
pilac.
lanao ic tubig.
lawful
dason, motaron.
marvel
tingala.
lawsuit
bityala.
massive
libon, dacsoc, pono, maligon.
lawyer
mangangabang.
mat
sapiai.
lazy
molobay, tapolan.
grass
damdam.
leader
poon.
cycas
giham.
leaf
doon.
mattock
gwasay.
lean a
malagos.
mature
bootan, gomolanggolang ;
lean v
toiac.
inog.
leaning
sogpacailig.
meadow
padangan.
left
dig mebang.
meal
gaan ; lepet, bagas mais.
leg
paa, lintisan.
measure
poglilDot so mga linonsoran.
lemon
malinao, pumutul.
measures
leprous
socpongol so gomoc, soc-
liquid
pasub.
pinoquit.
dry
gantang.
lien
balos.
linear
kumpau, depa, sinantan.
to tell lies
pocabalos.
meat
gunud.
liet'
balilid.
to dry
inoctod.
life
catubo.
to cure
porang, tenite.
light a
sogmolomo antosan.
medicines
gagimut, gululu, matansa.
light n
solo, pangangdan.
meet
baangan.
lightning
guilat.
memory
dalomdom.
like a
sama, aron, mopong.
merchant
gotao pimonan, pisaligan,
likev
bout. Hag.
pocsaloy, nocpogbalidya.
liking
ayac.
mercy
alalaat.
lime
gapog.
merry
lipay, malipay.
lintel
golo nogombagol.
meteor
genit bitun.
lip
domomog, bibig.
midday
taassondao.
ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABULARY.
225
midnight
gineng gobii.
nipple
ecsipan.
midwife
panday negmegbata; belilu,
no
da, di, daay.
gagun.
nod
polog.
milk
gatas.
noon
gektu gondao, taassondao.
milky
tondong no gatas.
nose
soong.
minced meat
menaticaan no came inoctod
bridge
batang soong.
gopia.
septum
imud soong.
mind
gaom.
interior
gegbad soong.
mirror
salamin.
not
da, di, daay.
mischievousness nog metagam nog pog-
not yet
daap.
laat, batasan.
now
nandao, nenau, numungini
misfortune
malaat nog palag, alisod.
numungitu.
misspend
socpuonan, ola, pogola noc
salapi.
nun
binocot.
mist
dope nog guinanat.
oath
arugo.
mistake
socsayop.
obey
tuman, gosod.
model
ponongguian.
obscure
pogdolan.
modesty
matamot.
obstinate
lalis.
moisture
pocoromos.
obstruct
somagang.
molest
cotecote, pimoctong, samoc,
obstructer
macapongong, socmicao-
lang.
pocobaga.
moment
tuyo.
deliai.
offensive
money
salapi, pilak.
offspring
bata.
monk
binocot.
often
misauta.
monkey
gutung, utung, tongdug
oily
pogooao.
panga.
old
daan, gomolang, magulang
month
bulan.
on
dibabau.
moon
bulan.
once
minsan.
new
bata bulan.
one
sa, isa, sala, salabuk.
full
mandawan.
onion
sabilino.
dark
mipupus.
or
bo, bu.
morning
siselem, suansolom, diselum.
orchard
sulal.
mortar (rice)
lusung.
order n
gosay.
mosquito bar
kulambu.
order v
sogo.
mother
gina, ina.
origin
pegotaran.
mother-in-
aw ponongangan.
orphan
laata ilu.
motive
tungdong.
our
name.
mound
bod.
outward
sa gua.
mountain
dungus, gedungusan, bui.
over
ditaas.
mouse
gibasgibas.
overflow
baa.
mouth
baba.
overshadow
pogdolan.
much
dagel, loon.
mud
basac, tamisac.
pack
solog, soglogua, quipos.
musket
sinapang.
paddy field
binal.
mutilate
pongol.
pain
cogool.
pair
magimpang.
nail
bocsoc, ogboc, lansang, pa-
palatable
mis.
soc, toclop.
palate
danaan.
fingernail
kanuku.
palm
palad.
name
ngalan.
lines in the palm kulis.
nape
tinhug, tiungo.
palpitate
poolog nog guilid sopoglo-
narrow
moloctin.
guinaoa boctasan.
naughty
tampalasan.
pant
pocolog.
navel
pusu.
pardon
poylo, pasaylo.
near
good.
parent
mogulang.
neck
leeg, tinhug.
parishioner
poglogotaoan pisala noc pa-
necklace
bitegel.
roquia, sacog.
need
quinaanglan.
part
bahagi, bahin.
needle
tee.
partition
gogbag.
needy
meebog.
pass
pocbiyan, casit, loroon.
nervousness
badi.
passable
maglaro.
nest
salag.
path
daan, dalan, gaitan.
net
giyud, pasawit.
patrimony
bilin, socmicpongon.
never
di gusay.
peasant
socmoctoloan noc subanun.
night
gobii.
people
leenleen.
nine
siam.
pepper
seli.
ninety
siampulu.
peppery
malalas.
226
THE SUBANU.
perfect
tobos.
quick
dali.
perhaps
saoan.
quickly
pagas.
perjury
pombaal.
quiet
malali yamo mocsasa.
permit
togot.
quietly
maya.
person
gotao.
pertain
tondong.
rabble
mga gotao socalpalalabian,
pertaining to
noquito.
mga gotao nog mesequin.
pestle
gelu.
raft
aloonan nog gayoonan, gu-
petticoat
lagiias, tapis.
set.
pickpocket
dao.
rage
megolos guisoc, pocsopoc.
picture
ladawan.
rags
danol, ponopoton nog daan,
pierce
lugbas.
porot.
pig
baboy, buktin, tinuksuk.
rain n
dope, pusilau.
pigeon
malapati, manatud.
rain v
poctolo nongo gatop.
pillow
goloan.
rainwater
tubig nog dope.
pipe
sigupan.
rainy
toon nog dogdope, marope.
pipestem
silup.
rancid
pogooao.
pit, to fall into lolid, bosacan.
range
gedungusan.
place
bonoa, bawang, butang.
rascal
tolisan.
plain
lopa nong napo nogondaay
rasher
bool noc paa nog baboy.
magpondopondo.
rat
togubung.
plant n
pomolonan.
ration
balon.
plant V
guroc.
rattan
gooay.
plasterer
sogmoglerme nog basac.
read
basa.
plate
lainpai, pinggan.
reason
alaik punanen, alaik sabab,
platter
talam.
gutek, tungdong.
play
lamot, megleymet.
rebel
sogmololison.
plow
badya, daro.
receive
domangop.
plump
lombo, pocsopang.
recline
balilid.
point (knife)
soong.
red
pulo, bolao, pongompig.
poison n
lupag, mile, bolic.
redness
gapulonen.
poison V
pocpoinom, poctuba.
region
lonsod.
poor
meebog, miskinan.
relative
sogombaya nog moloon nog
pork
bool noc paa nog baloy,
magleinlein, aromananan.
gunud baboy.
remedy
sopla.
post
pasek.
remember
gumauna, dalinduman.
potbelly
macabagol noc tian.
renowned
arunaan, salapian, dato.
poultice
gaclop.
repay
pocpuli.
pound
locpog, ocdoc.
repent
inunsalan, guinonosola.
pounding
pogocdoc.
repentance
basulan.
power
gaom.
replete
bontal.
powerful
gasalagnen.
reputation
dongog.
prairie
pacanapo tugaling.
resin
lunai, palina.
praise
pogdaig.
resolution
pegoyonan.
pray
gampo, pocdiuata.
respect
basa, taod.
pregnant
boros, poloponan.
revoke
poll.
prejudicial
moglaat.
revolve
tabo.
pretty
longas.
revolving
sogmogbolobod.
price
laga.
rib
gusuk.
priest
balian.
rice
princess
bai.
unhusked
balay.
procreate
lioat.
husked
begas.
profit
polos.
boiled
gemai, pulut.
prompt
dali.
beer
gasi, pangasi.
provision
balon.
ricefield
binal.
puddle
bonoa noc tubigan, donaoan
rich
arunaan, dato, salapian,
pulpit
ulihan.
magaus.
pungent
malalas.
ridgepole
libongan.
pup
bocposon.
right
dig Hut; taron.
pupil (eye)
ginotau.
ring (arm)
linggit.
purple
taluk.
(finger)
sising.
purse
conotconot.
(shin)
lintisan sising.
push
tolod.
ripe
mimug, inog; bootan.
put
guison, butang.
ripeness
pacainog.
quarrelsome
malalison.
rising tide
river
poglogonas.
suba, tubig.
question
saac.
rivulet
sapasapa.
ENGUSH-SUBANU VOCABULARY.
227
road
daan, dalan.
side
guilid.
rob
salumnenka.
to one side
sogpacailig.
rogue
sogmalaat nog botasan, to-
from side to side cotat, poyo, debaloy.
lisan, lee nog tapolan.
sieve
dunukun.
romp
megleymet.
signal
toos.
roof
gatop.
silly
gongog, culang nog boot.
rooster
limansud.
silver
salapi, pilak.
rope
tali.
similar
aron, mopong, sama.
round
maliputut, lingin.
sin
sala.
rumor
tontoltontol.
sinner
maasasala.
rump
boktol, guging.
sister
gilugu.
run
genenkan, goboc.
sit
guingcod.
six
gonom.
saffron
lalag.
sixty
skein
gonompulu.
palos.
sago
lumbia.
layag.
dula.
masin.
maaron, latin.
goles.
poctoman noc atandanan.
sketch
landasan.
sail
saliva
salt
same
sand
satisfy
skilful
skin
skirt
sky
slander
sinonan, somoon.
ganit, panit.
tapis,
langit.
pogangay nog rongog, pog-
liboc.
saucer
scatter
school
lainpai.
lagoy.
guiscuelaan.
slanderer
slap
slash
sogmogangay nog dongog.
tampoling, sogpaon.
sontoc, pocpoc.
science
gaom.
slave
gulipun, ulipun, biag.
scraper
lisan.
sleep
tolog.
sea
dagat.
slender
peed.
seacoast
balingdagat.
slope
maranaya.
see
mita ipos.
small
micia.
seed
bigibigi, goroc.
smallness
gabiganen.
seize
pocpongong, pocaoid.
smite
bonal.
seldom
somolondon.
smoke
gobal.
sell
balidya, daghan, pocsaloy.
smoky
sogmogombal.
senor
sengguil.
smooth
melenin.
separate
boclag, lombos.
snatch
gagao.
septum
imud.
snout
mirapal.
sermon
tabal.
soften
momoc posol, banig.
servant
biag.
soil
baal, pogbaal, napo, bukid.
settlement
gampu.
lopa.
seven
pitu.
soldier
pilak, sondalo.
seventy
pitupulu.
sole
palapa.
sew
meneg.
solid
libon, maligon, dacsoc, pono
shanty
ludan.
son
bata.
shape
pogliquimo, pogbaal.
soot
gagoy.
share
guilas, ambit.
sooty
sogmigagoyan.
shawl
musalabungkas.
sore
laroon nog guimood, gangol
she
guien, geyen, iin.
soul
guimud, guinaoa; puluntu.
sheep
bilibili.
sour
mosom. gosomnen.
shield
lasag, taming.
sow n
baboy talon boIoog,Ianayan
shin
lintisan.
sow V
goroc.
shinbone
belintis.
spate
baa noc tubig.
ship
gapal, sacay.
spear
bosi, moni, noctalloma, sa-
shipping
pocosacay.
lapang, sebat, talawan
shirt
sunk.
tinalagan.
shoot
saa.
spearhead
limayas, tinabagen.
shooting star genit bitun.
speak
gabit.
shore
balingdagat.
spectacles
antocos.
short
empetek.
spherical
lingin.
shoulder
baga.
spider
balingawa.
shoulderblade belagel.
spike
bocsoc, lansang.
shower
dope, pusilau.
spin
tingol.
shuttle
si yuan.
spinach
linagami.
sick
laronon.
spinner
sogmogtingol.
sickle
pes nog molio, seilad.
spinning room inu.
sickness
laroon.
spinning wheel tingilan.
228
THE SUBANU.
spirit apujungal, balian, bulatuk,
dipuksaya, diuata, ge-
lektu, guinagan, gulai,
gwakgwak, kalamonte,
mamanua, manamat, ma-
nubu, matubud, minubu,
mitubu, mogolot, munlu,
salomaya,sarut,sindupan,
tamiang, tibogok.
spirit house maligai.
spiritless pagoquion.
spit pocdula.
spoiled child poraigon.
spoon sanduk, sulidat.
spout tugaya.
spread lerme.
spring bual, tobod, tobora, poc-
tuan.
sprinkle pocsicay.
sprout pegotaran, saa, tobo, bone,
buat.
spun tinongol.
squander pogola noc salapi.
stack tambun.
stand guindog.
standard bearer sogmogoit nog bandela.
star bitun.
steal salumnenka, pogdao.
steamship gapal gapoy.
stem pakanem.
step poguindog.
stepchild tinaguilo.
steps paghat, pahat, gogdan.
stew loto.
stewpan tacho.
stick gapud.
stomach cotooto, tiboa.
stone bate.
store tago, poquison, pocquipos.
storeroom siclat.
storm gonos nong marisa.
stove delengan.
stow dacsoc.
stowaway sogsomacay.
strand balingdagat.
strength socoa.
strengthen tugol.
strike bonal, sontoc.
stroke pogbonal, pagsontoc, poc-
poc, litobong.
strong socog.
succulence pocoloon noc sabao.
sucking pig buktin.
suckle doro.
sugar binagel.
summit atapusan sog benoiran.
summon tauac.
sun gondao.
sunrise sumibang gondao, sulu.
sunset sindep gondao.
sunshine pedes.
supper lobungan.
supply bogay.
su ppl ies pogandam nog gaan, pogan-
dam nog pomotangon.
surf pocdanlag nog balod.
survey gogba.
suspect taap.
swallowing goglon.
swamp bonoa noc tubigan.
sweat golas, mamis.
sweetness gemisnen.
sweet potato gobe, camote.
swelling buyun.
swindler lee nog tapolan, sogmalaat
nog botasan.
swing pacpoyo, cotat.
syphilis laroon migalin.
LctUIC
tail
uiiiciuiiiiiy, uuK-ai.
gikud.
take
angay.
tale
tontoltontol.
talk
pigagabit, tingog.
talker
tabian.
tall
mataas.
tattooing
liluk, patik.
tax
pamuku, buis.
teach
toon.
teacher
gulu.
tear
lua.
to shed tears sogao.
tear duct
pocpongimotacan.
tempest
gonos nong marisa.
ten
sapulu.
thank
mangampon.
the
ang.
theft
pigdaoan.
there
dien iposay.
they
guilan, ilan.
thick
moreipol.
thief
dao, mogdao.
thievish
sogmetondong sogmogda-
dao.
thigh
puunpaa.
thin
malagos, nepes.
think
pogonagona.
thinness
monepes.
thirty
tolopulu.
this
geniya, gini.
thorax
gagen.
thou
a, ga, iga, ya, neen, nia,niya
thought
gonagona, gutek.
thousand
songibu.
thread
tanud.
three
tolo.
throat
geeg, geleg, leeg, langag
donaan.
thrust
doque.
thumb
galubalu.
thunder
logong.
tibia
belintis.
tide
pocaolog nogonnos.
low
gonas.
rising
poglogonas, soctobig, poc-
taab.
baal, pogbaal.
till
timber
gayo.
time
toon.
timid
atalao.
tin
tatungo.
tire
supoc, pogbollo.
tired
lopugu.
tobacco box
batangan laget.
ENGUSH-SUBANU VOCABULARY.
229
to-day
toe
small
great
to-morrow
day after to
tongue
tooth
torch
town
trader
transport
tree
tribute
trough
trousers
true
trumpet
trunk
try
tuck
turban
twice
twins
twist
two
cone no gondao, nenau, gon-
dao.
goyamet gocsud.
goangai gocsud.
galubalu gocsud.
lema, belema, luma.
-morrow donlag, salan gon-
dao.
dUa.
ngisi.
sulu.
bonoal.
nocpogbalidya.
pocogoit, pocoatud.
gayo.
pamuku, buis.
ogasan, palongan.
gawes, gantiu, salwal.
motood.
bogguiong.
caban.
indamanta.
conotconot.
panggu.
kadua.
gapid.
calingin.
dua.
ulcer
umbrella
uncertainty
uncle
uncultivated
under
underneath
understand
unhappy
uninhabited
unite
unlawful
unlike
unlimited
unmarried
unripe
unsalted
unseasonable
unskilled
unskilfully
untruth
up
to go up
upon
urinate
laroon nog guimood, gangol.
payung.
socsayop.
manak, gaya.
lopa mogondaapa balay go-
racan bo pomolonan.
baba, dialum, perealon.
silong.
sabot.
understanding motoo.
unequal sogondaay ig doma, sogon-
daay pares,
nanaan, tiroo.
lopa mogondaapa balay go-
racan, sogondaay pocon-
golan.
lompoc, gongaya, pongon,
timod, topoc.
sogondaay dason, sogondi
motaron.
dilo mopong.
sogondaay atapusan pingoc-
toban.
golitao, dalaga.
unpardonable sogondi maimo noc pasay-
lon.
mangud.
nogondaay masin, moto-
bang.
sogondi inog.
sogondaay mitagam, so-
gondi somoon.
sogondaay sinonan.
balos.
ditaas.
moneec.
dibaban.
guyo.
vagabond sogondi mayac mogbaal
. . moglanglaang, tapolan.
varnish lomi, bolit, posinao.
vein gugat.
venereal disease buot socpog libon no
gotao.
gopia, gosaca, tugaling, ma-
ligat.
sacay.
samoc, tuyo.
gampu nog balay, gampu
nog bawang, lonsod.
bolagan nog bolaan.
osisang.
very
vessel
vex
village
vine
vinegar
wailing
wait
walk
wall
want
war
war cry
warped
waste
water
wave
wax
we
weak
wealth
wealthy
weary
weather
weave
wedge
weep
weeper
weeping
weld
well
west
west wind
wet
whelp
when
where
white
whiten
whitewash
wholly
why
wicked
wickedness
widow
widower
wife
wild
boar
will
win
wind
to blow
west
windpipe
wine
sogao.
pogulatay.
laang.
cota, donding.
colang.
gubat.
buksai.
caliuanag no calingin.
ola, socpuonan.
tubig.
balod.
nila.
gita, ita, gami, ami.
gasa, malobay.
gaus.
arunaan, lee nog bandian
magaus.
cotecote, samoc, tuyo.
gonos nong marisa, linao.
tinina.
gocsip, pansal.
pocsogao.
socmocsogao, malisogon.
iglua.
pagbaga noc potao.
timba.
sindepan.
balat.
romos.
bocposon.
nano.
tama.
goguis, poti.
pocpoti.
poglomi no gapog, pogugba.
tibooc.
alaik punanen, alaik sabab,
toma, long,
pinilian.
poalat.
balu nog libun; liingan.
balu nog lee; liingan.
soay, sawa.
libuyu, talon.
butaal.
buot.
daag.
gonos.
balat.
gagen.
bino.
230
THE SUBANU.
wise
motoo.
wrap
tongos.
wish
Hag.
wrist
pinugulan.
within
dialum.
write
saquit.
wizard
gonlo.
writer
sogmogsosulat.
woman
libvin.
writing
sulat.
womb
ginubungan.
wry
timpas.
wood
gayo.
work
baal.
yam
ubi.
workable
socsocalbalon.
year
toon.
workshop
bonoa noc pogbaalan.
yellow
maralag, dalag, pocsobblag
world
alibutan.
yes
maa, naa.
worse
maligos tugaling.
yesterday
labong.
worthy
mayac.
you
amo, game, lamo, yamo
wound
laroon nog guimood, gangol.
niyo.
wrangle
lalis.
young
batit, gakpis, nati.
LIST OF MODERN BOOKS OF REFERENCE FOR EXAMINATION AND READING ON
THE SUBJECT OF AMERICAN OCCUPATION OF THE PHILIPPINES.
1. Our Conquests in the Pacific, by Oscar K. Davis (American), 1898, i vol.
2. The Story of the Philippines, by Amos K. Fiske (American), 1898, i vol.
3. The Expedition to the Philippines, by Frank D. Millett (American), 1899, i vol.
4. The PhiHppines and Round About, by Maj. G. J. Younghusband (English), 1899, ivol.
5. The Inhabitants of the PhiHppines, by Frederick H. Sawyer (English), 1900, i vol.
6. The Report of the Schurman Commission on the Philippines (American), 1900, 3 vols.
7. Annual Reports of the Philippine Commission, 1900 to 1912, 47 vols.
8. Bamboo Tales, by Lieut. Ira L. Reeves, U. S. Army (American), 1900, i vol.
9. Aguinaldo and His Captor, by Murat Halstead (American), 1901, i vol.
ID. The PhiHppine Islands and Their People, by Dean C. Worcester (American), ist edition
1898, 2d edition 1901, i vol. each.
11. Pronouncing Gazetteer and Geographical Dictionary of the Philippine Islands, by
Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, 1902, i vol.
12. The Katipunan or The Rise and Fall of the Filipino Commune, by Francis St. Clair
(American), 1902, i vol.
13. Oriental America and Its Problems, by Theodore W. Noyes (American), 1903, i vol.
14. The U. S. Census Reports of the Philippine Islands, 1903, 4 vols.
15. Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, by Najeeb M. Saleeby (Armenian-Ameri-
can), 1904, I vol.
16. The Gems of the East, by Henry Savage Landor (English), 1904, 2 vols.
17. The New Era in the Philippines, by Arthur Judson Brown, D. D. (American), 1904, i vol.
18. The Philippines and the Far East, by Homer C. Stuntz (German-American), 1904, i vol.
19. The Negritos of Zambales, by William Allen Reed (American), 1904, i vol.
20. The Bontoc Igorot, by Prof. Albert E. Jenks (American), 1905, i vol.
21. The Naboloi Dialects, by Otto Scheerer (German-American), 1905, i vol.
22. The Bataks of Palawan, by Lieut. Edward Y. Miller, U. S. Army (American), 1905, i vol.
23. The Philippine Experiences of an American Teacher, by William B. Freer (American),
1906.
' 24. Under Spanish and American Rules, by C. H. Forbes-Lindsay (Enghsh), 1906, i vol.
25. The Philippine Islands, by John Foreman, F. G. R. S. (English), ist edition 1890, 2d
edition 1899, 3d edition 1906.
26. The Philippine Islands from 1493 to 1898, by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander
Robertson (Americans), 1906, 55 vols.
, Hand-book of the Philippine Islands, by Hamilton M. Wright (American), 1907, i vol.
28. History of the Sulu Archipelago, by Najeeb M. Saleeby (Armenian-American), 1908,
1 vol.
29. The Batan Dialect, by Otto Scheerer (German- American), 1908, i vol.
130. The Subanuns of Sindangan Bay, by Emerson B. Christie (American), 1909, i vol.
31. The West in the East, by Price Collier (American), 191 1, i vol.
32. My Impressions of the Philippines, by Miss M. E. Fee (American), 1910, i vol.
133. American Occupation of the Philippines, by James H. Blount (American), 1912, i vol.
[34. Sanskrit-English Dictionary, by Theodore Benfey, London, i vol., 1866.
Malay-English and English-Malay Dictionary, by Sir Frank A. Swettenham, London,
2 vols., 8th edition, 1909.
^36. Malay Grammar, by W. G. SheUabear, Singapore, i vol., 1899.
1 37. Handbook and Grammar of the Tagalog Language, by Lieut. W. E. W. MacKmlay,
U. S. Army, Washington, i vol., 1905.
[38. English-Sulu-Malay Vocabulary, by Andson Cowie, London, i vol., 1893-
[39. Malay-English and English-Malay Dictionary, by William Marsden, London, i vol.,
1812.
[40. Colonial Administration, The Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department, Washmgton,
I vol., 1903. 231
232 BIBLIOGRAPHY.
41 EI Sanscrito en la Lengua Tagalog, by T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Paris, 1 vol., Paris, 1887.
42 English-Arabic and Arabic-English Dictionary, by F. Steingass, London, i vol., 1882.
43 Colonial Administration, by Prof. Paul S. Reinsch, New York, i vol., 1905.
44 Worid Politics, by Prof. Paul S. Reinsch, New York, i vol., 1903.
45. The Magindanao Moro Dialect, by R. S. Porter, Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Army, Wash-
ington, I vol., 1903-
46. The Magindanao Moro Dialect, by Capt. C. C. Smith, U. S. Army, Washington, i vol.,
1907.
47. Tagalog-English and English-Tagalog Dictionary, by Charies Nigg, Manila, i vol., 1904.
48. The Native Tribes of the Philippines, by Prof. Ferdinand Blumentrit, Berlin, i vol., 1890.
49. The Peopling of the Philippines, by Rudolph Virchow, Beriin, i vol., 1897.
50. Proceedings of the Smithsonian Institution, 1898 to 1910, Washington, 13 vols.
51. Annual Reports of the American Army in the Philippines, Reports of the War Depart-
ment, Washington, 1898 to 191 2, 21 vols.
52. Modem Egypt, by the Earl of Cromer, New York, 2 vols., 1908.
53. The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China and China, by J. Thomson, New York, i vol., 1875.
54. The Island of Formosa, Past and Present, by J. R. Davidson, London, i vol., 1903.
55. Diccionario Espaiiol-Bagobo, by M. Gisbert, Manila, i vol., 1892.
56. Diccionario Tiruray-Espanol, by G. Bennasar, Manila, i vol., 1892.
57. Biblioteca Filipina, Washington, 1903.
58. Civil Government under Military Occupation, by Magoon, Bureau of Insular Affairs,
War Department, Washington, 1908, i vol.
59. The First Grammar of the Language Spoken by the Bontoc Igorot with a Vocabulary
and Texts, Mythology, Folklore, Historical Episodes, Songs; by Dr. Carl Wilhelm
Seidenadel, Chicago, 1909-
INDEX.
PAGE.
a, noun-formative 107
primordial demonstrative 155
absorption of alien speech 77
Acuna, Father Pasqual de, mission
pioneer 37
a'e 109
Aeta autochthons 4,92
in Misamis 6
restricted to Surigao 7
afi 104
agi 105
agriculture 15
ala 1 09
alelo 108
alimago 107
alphabet 55
altar 33
ao-final 70
'apa 120
'ape 121
appulse 68
apugaleveleve 108
arithmetic 151
arrow 112
Arze, Bishop Don Pedro de, Subanu
mission 37
aspiration 64, 83, 105, 109
asu 106
ate 106
attributive, part of speech 113
o'm 105
'au 121
autochthons 4
6-mutation 87, 96
balian 32
banana 19
Bantu 58
Barrows 3
barter 7, 11,28
basket 16
bath 27
Beach-la-Mar 77
beard 26
bellows 24
betel chewing 20
big-plenty 162
blood atonement 41
blood-brotherhood 9. 11
Blumentrit, Ferdinand 2
Bohol II
Bontoc Igorot 92
Bopp, Franz loi
bow 26, 112
burial 32, 38
burnt designs 23
PAGB.
camote o
Campo, Father Juan del.. .. ......] ,7
cannibalism ::^
carving 24
cave burial JZ
celibacy 29
Chao Jukua ' . ' ' jq
characteristics [] 26
chief
childbirth ;;;;;; j,
Chinook jargon -,
Christianity [\ ,5
Christie, Emerson Brewer j
Chu-Fanchi j q
cigarette 20
circumcision 27
cleanliness 27
closed syllable 64
closure organs en
cloth 23
clothing 26
cock-a-doodle-doo 60
Colin, Father Francisco 9
color 26
Combes, Father Francisco i. 4. 37
community 25
community-house 115
composition 55, 66
consonant formation 57
consonantal modulants 127, 155
constriction, vocal organs 59
cooking 23
counting 28
country-dance 170
crane posture 27
Crawfurd, John 4, 103
crop storage 16
cry, animal 60
ctjture, laggard 12
customs 26
d-mutation 69, 86, 96
Dampier Strait 174
Dapitan n
datu 24
decimal numeration 152
defecation 27
demonstrative, part of speech 113
design 23
determinant compound 127, 155
digging stick 15
diphthong, final 169
discovery 8
disease 31
diuata 32
divorce 41
233
234
IND^X.
PAGE.
dowry 29
dream 30
duplication phenomena 65
dye 23
ear ornament 27
ear piercing 27
excreta 27
/-mutation 104, 1 16, 136
fa 163
fa'a I"
fafa 109
fafine 1 10
fale "2
family 25
fana "2
fanua "3
farming i5
fatu "5
Felix de la Encamacion, Father Juan 52
fence ^9
festival 33
fetii "5
Figueroa. Captain Rodriguez de . . . . 36
figure-four posture 27
fill "7
fine "o
finger-count 50
fire-making 24
fireplace 24
fitu 166
foe "7
folk-lore 30
food crops 18
forest destruction 16
formative members 72
Forrest, Captain Thomas 3
Friederici, Captain Georg 112, 173
fuga 1 1 7
funeral 38
g-dropping 61
g- mutation 84, 95
g-prefix 67
gafulu 168
garbage 22
giant 7
gods 32
Gomez, Father Caspar 37
gong 66
government 24
grave 39
guides 20
Gutierrez, Father Pedro 37
/?-mutation i37
habits 26
hair 26
Harafora 3
hee-haw 60
Hirth, Friedrich 10
homestead law 17
house 21
human sacrifice 34
Humboldt, Wilhelm von loi
PAGE.
i, primordial demonstrative 155
ia 118
i'a 118
image 33
implements 17
incest 40, 41
incision 27
Indian vocables in English 172
inhumation 39
inu 119
infix 73, 102, 146
inversion 66, 90, 104
isu 119
i'u 119
iva 167
jag 49
jargon speech 77
Jesuit missions 36
^-mutation 84, 95
^-prefix 67
kaingin 15
Kalibugans 13
kana 124
kangaroo 50
kappation 69, 116
Kipit 7
Krooboy jargon 78
kumi 124
Moss 87
/-mutation 81, 93
la'a 125
labials 63
ladder 21
lafa 124
lagi 125
lago 125
lalo 125
lano 126
lau 126
le 126
leai 128
Lefevre, Andre 99
Legaspi, Miguel Lopez 11
legends 30
lima 164
Unguals 64
lingual mutation 69
linguo-labial mutation 63, 86
linguo-palatal mutation 63, 86
Wo 129
lips, voice character 63
lip-reading 63
loan material 74
logo 129
Lopez, Father Juan 37
lua 130
lua 159
m-formation 60
m-mutation 82, 94
ma conditional formative no, 130
maga 131
Magellan, Ferdinand 8
INDEX.
235
PAOS.
ma'i 130
Malay invasion 93. 98, 107, 172
3\Ialayo-Polynesian speech family. . .99, 170
nialemo 131
mama 131
manifi 132
manino 132
manu 132
marriage 29, 39
Masibai Moros 6
masima I33
mat 23
niata I33
mate I34
mathematics 151
mati'u'u i34
matou 135
medicine 34. 39
metal workers 24
micturition 27
migration lines 89
Mohammedanism 10
moo 60
Morga, Governor Don Antonio 36
Moros 7.13
Moro Exchange 7.28
mourning 41
muli 135
Miiller, Friedrich 100
mute, prefaced 71
myriad, diffuse plurality 162
myth 30
n-mutation 61, 82, 94
name secrecy 29
7iamu 135
nasals 59
Nawang 7
necklace 27
negative 126
neigh 60
Negritos 9-
Negro-English jargon 78
net 24
ng-mutation 61, 81, 94
nifo 136
viu 138
nose, speaking through 59
numeration 151
'oe 122
offerings 32
OHO 165
onomatopoeia 60
open syllable 64
orthography unsystematized i
Otazo, Father Francisco 37
oti 134
Oyolava 50
/j-mutation 86, 97
palatals, Subanu 64
palate, voice character 63
Paliola, Father Francisco 37
panungo 25
Papiraiento jargon 78
PAOB.
paradeictic, part of speech 113
Parado, General Gonzalez jj
parts of speech j j ^
ptisa ,5',
Pastell, Father Pablo c
Pe 139
Pedrosa, Father Adolf o 37
pepelo 140
phonetics 55
physique 2O
Pidgin jargon 77
Pigafetta, Francesco Antonio 8
pile-house 21
pili 140
pillow 23
po 139
po 1 40
polyandry 29
polygamy 29
Polynesian, early inhabitants of Ma-
laysia 172
Polynesian Wanderings 173
pottery 23
prayer 33
preduplication 66
prefaced mutes 71
pregnancy customs 40
prefix 72
priest, see balian.
priest-chief 24
prosthesis 104
pu'e {bid) 1 84
puga 1 40
pupula '4'
pusi 1 4 '
quarantine 3 1
quinary numeration 152, 161
r-mutation 80
r-d-mutation 70
religion. . 32
Retana 5
ring 27
Ronquillo, General Juan 37
^-mutation 83, 96, 137
5-ii-niutation "o
sola N '
sago '9
Salceby, Najeeb M 2
salt »3
Samoan kingship 48
vSarsali, Father Fabricio 37
schools -^^
sea '^
sedentarv posture 23
sefulu "^'^
selu '42
semivowels .'>9
Sharif Mohamad Kabungsuwan .... 24
shoot "^
shrine -^-^
Sicatuna ' '
si-u '"'
slavery •^' <^- 7
236
INDKX.
PAOS.
small-plenty 162
snare 24
sonant 61
Spanish loan words 74
spirit 32
splay-foot 26
stair 21
stove 24
strength in speech 69, 88
Subanu census 8
origin of name i
primordial Visayan type 89
residence i
tribal subdivisions 7
Subanu-Bontoc afl&liation 97
Subanu-Visayan common speech ele-
ment 78
filiation 77
Polynesian content . 1 70
subjection 31
suffix 72
sulu 142
susu 142
susunu 143
syllables 64
/-mutation 69, 85, 96
ta conditional formative no
Tabunaway 7. 24
tae 143
tali 143
taliga 143
tama i44
tapioca 19
tasi 153
tatalo 144
tatou 145
tattoo 27
Tellez, Father Pedro 37
thatch 22
thousand, diffuse plurality 162
tia {tian) 213
Ufa 146
timuai 24
Timuatea 147
tind 1 46
tinae 1 46
tobacco 20
toe 26
togo 146
tolu 160
tongue, voice character 63
tools 17
tooth filing 28
trade-speech 77
translation principles
transUteration, Saleeby system .
tree burial
tree-houses
Tregear, Edward
tribal ward farms
trocha Tukuran-Lintogud
tui
tui. .
Tukuran-Lintogud trocha .....
tulu
tumu
tupu
ufi..
uila .
ule. .
uli. .
ulu.
uta.
uti..
'utu .
PAxm.
47
2
39
22
102
18
4
146
147
4
147
147
48
148
148
148
149
149
149
149
149
124
va a 150
vae 150
valu 167
vegetarian diet 21
village life 24, 25
Visayan dictionary .
in Mindanao
settlement area ....
Subanu relationship .
Vitiaz Strait
vocabulary pitfalls
sources
vowel loss
production
vowel-diphthong mutation . .
weaving 23
Weyler, General Valeriano 4
Whitney, William Dwight 100
world, ideas of 114
woman balian 33
laborer 26
woodcraft 20
word force 69, 88
tabu 116
Xavier, St. Francis.
yaller dog
Yesindeed Island .
37
Zamboanga .
7 DAY USE
RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED
'ANTHROPOLOGY LIBRARY
This publication is due on the LAST DATE
stamped below.
NOV 9 '62-7
JftV f)'63-7 —
JUiJ 1 8 1963
FEB 11 '64 -7
MAV 1 1 »fift
— "IHI A X t)U
MAY I S '6i5
IIIKI O 9 IQft'*
JUn <io •>^^^-
__
General Library
RB 17-60ot-8,'61 University of California
(C1641sl0)4188 Berkeley
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11